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6  o 

'^j!  A    SELECT    LIBRARY 

NICENE  AND  POST-NICENE  FATHERS 

OP 

THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH. 

TRANSLATED    INTO    ENCiLISH    WITH    PROLEGOMENA    AND    EXPLANATORY    NOTES 

UNDER    THE    EDITORIAL    SUPERVISION    OF 

PHILIP   SCHAFF,  D.D.,  LL.D.,         and         HENRY  WAGE,  D.D., 

Professor  of   Church  History  in  the  Union   Theological  Principal  of  King's  College^ 

Seminary,  New    York.  London, 

IN  CONNECTION   WITH  A  NUMBER    OF  PATRISTIC  SCHOLARS   OF  EUROPE 

AND   AMERICA. 


VOLUME    III. 

THEODORET,   JEROME,    GENNADIUS,    RUFINUS: 
HISTORICAL    WRITINGS,    ETC. 


^Essgs^ 


NEW    YORK: 
THE    CHRISTIAN    LITERATURE    COMPANY, 

OXFORD      AND      LONDON: 
PARKER   &   COMPANY. 

1892.  ; 


Copyright,  1892,  by 
THE   CHRISTIAN    LITERATURE   COMPANY. 


CONTENTS   OF   VOLUME    III. 


PAGE 

PREFACE  BY  THE  GENERAL  EDITOR v 

THEODORET: 

With  Prolegomena  and  Notes  by  the  Rev.  Blomfield  Jackson,  M.A.  — 

Preface viii 

Chronological  Tables xi 

Prolegomena i 

Pedigree y2 

The  Ecclesiastical  History 33 

The  Dialogues i6o 

The  Letters 250 

JEROME   AND   GENNADIUS : 

Translated  with  Introduction  and  Notes  by  Ernest  Cushing  Richardson,  Ph.D.  — 

Introd jCTioN  353 

Jerome  —  Lives  of  Illustrious  Men 359 

Gennadius  —  Lives  of  Illustrious  Men * 3^5 

RUFINUS  AND  JEROME: 

Translated   with   Prolegomena  and  Notes   by  the   Hon.  and  Rev.  Canon  W.  H. 
Fremantle,  M.A.  — 

Prolegomena 4^5 

Preface    to    the    Commentary   on   the   Benedictions    of    the   Twelve 

Patriarchs 417 

Preface   to    the    Commentary    on    the    Benedictions    of    the    Twelve 

Patriarchs.     Book  II 419 

Preface  to  the  Apology  of  Pamphilus 420 

Treatise  on  the  Adulteration  of  the  works  of  Origen 421 

Preface  to  the  Translation  of  Origen's  T\epl*Apxo>v  B.  I  &  II 427 

Preface  to  the  Translation  of  Origen's  liepl^kpxf^v  B.  Ill  &  IV 429 

Apology  of  Rufinus  addressed  to  Anastasius  Bp.  of  Rome 430 

Letters    of    Anastasius    to   John    Bishop    of    Jerusalem    concerning 

Rufinus 432 

Rufinus'  Apology  against  Jerome  B.  I 434 

Rufinus'  Apology  against  Jerome  B.  II 460 

Jerome's  Apology  in  answer  to  Rufinus  B.  I 482 

Jerome's  Apology  in  answer  to  Rufinus  B.  II 501 

Jerome's  Apology  in  answer  to  Rufinus  B.  Ill 513 

Rufinus  on  the  Creed 541 

Rufinus'  Preface  to  his  Translation  of  the  Recognitions  of  Clement.  .  563 

Rufinus'  Preface  to  his  Translation  of  the  Sayings  of  Xystus 564 

(iii) 


ly  CONTENTS. 

^1  — ' — "  — — ^  — 

PAGE 

RUFINUS   AND  JEROME.— Continued. 

RuFiNus'    Preface    to    his    Translation   of    the    Church    History    of 

EusEBius  5"5 

RuFiNus'  Preface  to  his  Translation  of  Origen  on  Pss.  36,  37,  3    566 

RuFiNUs'   Preface   to   his  Translation   of   Origen  on  the   Ep.  to  the 

Romans 5^6 

Rufinus'  Peroration  appended  to  Origen  on  the  Ep.  to  the  Romans..       567 
Rufinus'  Preface  to  his  Translation  of  Origen  on  Numbers 568 


PREFACE. 


This  volume  contains  the  following  works : 

I.  Theodoret  :  Church  History,  Dialogues,  and  Letters.  Translated,  with  ample  Pro- 
legomena and  explanatory  notes,  by  the  Rev.  Blomfield  Jackson,  M.A.,  Rector  of  St. 
Bartholomew's,  Cripplegate,  London. 

II.  Jerome  and  Gennadius  :  Lives  of  Lllustrious  Men.  Translated,  with  introduction 
and  notes,  by  Ernest  Gushing  Richardson,  Ph.D.,  Librarian  of  Princeton  Gollege. 

III.  RuFiNUS :  Apology  against  Jerome^  and  Jerome:  Apology  in  reply  to  Rufinus  ; 
RuFiNUS  :  Commentary  on  the  Apostles'  Creed,  and  Prefaces  to  his  translations  of  the  Glem- 
entine  Recognitions,  the  Sayings  of  Xystus,  Eusebius's  Ghurch  History,  and  several  of  Origen's 
works ;  translated,  with  notes,  and  an  introduction  on  the  Life  and  Works  of  Rufinus  by  the 
Hon.  and  Rev.  Wm.  Henry  Fremantle,   M.A.,  Ganon  of  Canterbury. 

The  English  reader  has  now,  in  the  first  three  volumes  of  this  Library,  a  complete  collec- 
tion of  the  historical  writings  of  the  Fathers,  whose  permanent  value,  as  sources,  is  universally 
acknowledged.     Several  of  them  have  never  before  appeared  in  English. 

The  unavoidable  delay  in  the  publication  of  the  third  volume  has  been  very  annoying  to 
the  general  editors  and  publishers,  but  the  subscribers  will  be  amply  compensated  by  the 
addition  of  the  writings  of  Rufinus,  which  were  not  promised  in  the  prospectus. 

It  is  encouraging  that  this  difficult  and  costly  enterprise  is  beginning  to  be  duly  appreciated 
by  competent  judges  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  It  is  especially  gratifying  to  read  from  a 
thorough  patristic  scholar  of  the  Anglican  Ghurch  such  a  hearty  commendation  of  the  first 
volume  (the  work  of  two  young  American  divines),  as  appeared  in  "The  Ghurch  Quarterly 
Review"  for  April,  1892.  We  share  in  his  hope  (p.  125)  that  the  labors  of  Dr.  McGiffert  and 
Dr.  Richardson  will  stimulate  a  new  and  critical  edition  of  all  the  historical  works  of  Eusebius, 
after  the  model  set  by  Bishop  Lightfoot  in  his  Apostolic  Fathers,  and  that  one  of  the  English 
University  Presses  will  consider  it  an  honor  to  undertake  the  expense  of  publication. 

PHILIP  SGHAFF. 
New  York,  July  12,   1892. 


(V) 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

PROLEGOMENA. 

Chronological  Tables          ..........  xi 

Life  and  Writings        ...........  i 

Cyril's     "Twelve     Chapters"     or     Anathemas     with     Theodoret's 

Counter-Statements          .........  25 

Pedigrees        .............  32 

The  Ecclesiastical  History       .         .         o         .         .         .         .         o         .         .  33 

The  Dialogues 160 

The  Letters         .............  250 


(ix) 


CHRONOLOGICAL    TABLES. 


XI 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLES    TO    ACCOMPANY    THE    HISTORY    AND 

LIFE    OF    THEODORET. 


323- 
324- 


325- 


326. 

327- 

328. 

329- 

330- 
331- 

333- 
335- 


336 


337 

338 

340 


342 

343 
343- 

345 
345 


Defeat  and  relegation  ot'LiciniuSc 

Execution  of  Licinius.  Macarius,  bishop  of  Jeru- 
salem, Silvester  of  "Rome,  and  Alexander  of 
Alexandria. 

Colluthus  condemned  at  Alexandria. 

20th  year  of  Constantine  I.  COUNCIL  OF 
NIC^A  (May  20  — Aug.  25). 

Birth  of  Gallus  (Caesar). 

Birth   of  Gregory   of  Nazianzus. 

Eustathius  of  Beroea  elected  bishop  of  Antioch. 

Constantine  writes  a  letter  ordering  the  building 
and  reparation  of  churches. 

Also  a  letter  to  Macarius,  bisho^  of  Jerusalem, 
about  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre. 

Alexander,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  died  in  January 
(perhaps  April) ,  and  Athanasius  succeeds,  prob- 
ably on  June  8th.     The  Festal  Index  gives  328. 

?  Consecration  of  Frumentius  to  the  Abyssinian 
bishopric. 

Arian  Council  of  Antioch,  and  deposition  of  Eus- 
tathius :  but  the  date  is  much  controverted. 
Possibly  330  or  331. 

Incident  of  Ischyras  and  Macarius. 

Birth  of  Basil  of  Caesarea,  '*  the  Great." 

Byzantium  dedicated  as  Constantinople,  May  nth. 

Birth  of  Julian. 

Perhaps  the  deposition  of  Eustathius. 

Constantine's  letter  to  Sapor  II. 

Division  of  the  empire  between  Constantine, 
Constantius,  and  Constans,  sons,  and  Dalma- 
tius  and  Hannibalianus,  nephews,  of  the  em- 
peror. 

Dedication  of  the  Great  Church  at  Jerusalem. 

Anthony  summoned  to  Alexandria. 

Councils  of  Tyre  and  Jerusalem;  first  exile  of 
Athanasius. 

Athanasius  at  Treves. 

Death  of  Arius. 

Death  {?  Clinton  gives  340)  of  Alexander  of  Con- 
stantinople. 

Death  of  Constantine  I.  Whitsunday. 

Athanasius'  restoration  recommended  by  Con- 
stantine II. 

Constantine  II.  defeated  and  slain  near  Aquileia. 

Constantius  at  war  with  Persia. 

Death  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  the  historian. 

Paul  and  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia  rivals  at  Con- 
stantinople. 

Athanasius  withdraws  to  Rome. 

Gregory  at  Alexandria. 

Arian  Synod  of  the  Dedication  of  the  Great  Church 
at  Antioch,  commonly  dated  341. 

Constantius  orders  expulsion  of  Paul  from  Con- 
stantinople. 

Persecution  in  Persia. 
-4  or  347.    (See  note  on  p.  67.)     Council  of  Sardica. 

Athanasius  received  at  Milan  by  Constans. 

Murder  of  Gregory. 
or  346.  Deposition  of  Stephen  of  Antioch. 

Return  of  Athanasius,  October  21. 


Thtod.  i.  I ;     Soc.  i.  4;   Soz.  i.  8;    Eus.   x.  9. 

Theod.  i.  2  -,    Soc.  i.  9;   Soz.  i.  2. 
Theod.  t.  J. 

Theod.  i.  6;  Soc.  i.  8;  Soz.  i.  17. 
Theod.  Hi.  i. 

Theod.  t.  J  ;  Soz.  i.  2. 

Theod.  t.  14. 

Theod.  t.  16;  Soc.  i.  9. 

Theod.  t.  2^ ;   Soc.  i.  15;   Soz.  ii.  17. 
Theod.  i.  22  ;  Soc.  i.  19;   Soz.  ii.   24. 


Theod.  i.  20  ;  Soc.  i.  24 ;   Soz.  ii.  19. 
Theod.  ii.  6;  Soc.  i.   27. 

cf.   Theod.  i.  18 ;    Soc.  i.   16;   Soz.  i.  3, 


Theod  i.  24. 


Theod.  i.  2g  ;  Soc.  i.  28;   Soz.  ii.  26. 
Theod.  iv.  24. 

Theod.  i.  28-2^;  Soc.  i.  28;   Soz.  ii.  25. 
Theod.  i.  2g ;  Soc.  i.  35;   Soz.  li.  28. 
Theod.  i,  /j;  Soc.  i.  38;   Soz.  ii.  29. 

Theod.  I.  jg. 

Theod.  i.  jo  ;  Soc.  i.  39;   Soz.  ii.  34. 

Theod.  ii.  i ;  Soc.  ii.  3;   .Soz.  lii.  2. 
Theod.  ii.  j;  Soc.  ii.  5;   Soz.  lii.  2. 


Theod.  i.  ig ;  Soc.  ii.  7;   Soz.  iii.  4. 

Theod.  ii.  3  ;  Soc.  ii.  11  ;   Soz.  iii.  6. 

Theod.  it.  3 ;   Soc.  ii.  10;   Soz.  iii.  5. 

Theod.  ii.  4;  Soc.  ii.  7;    Soz.  iii.  4. 

Theod   ii.  6 ;  Soc.  ii.  14;   Soz.  iii.  11. 

Theod.  ii.  g. 

Theod.  ii.  8 ;  Soc.  ii.  26;  Soz.  iii.  20. 

Theod.  ii.  3  ;  Soc.  ii.  33;   Soz.  iii.  70. 


Xll 


THEODORET. 


347- 
349- 


o. 


D.^ 


3:) 


352. 


355- 
356. 

357- 

358. 
359- 


300. 
361. 
362. 

3^3- 

364- 
366. 

367- 


370- 
372. 
373- 

374- 

375- 

378. 
379- 

381. 

383. 
386. 

387. 
388. 

390- 


392. 

393- 

394- 
395- 

398. 

4CX). 
401. 

403- 
404. 

407. 
408. 
410. 


Birth  of  John  Clirvsostoin. 

Council  at  Jerusalem  (Mansi.  ii.  171  u.),  under 
bp.  Maximus,  in  favour  of  Athanasius.  ist  Coun- 
cil of  Sirmium. 

Revolt  of  Magnentius. 

Constans  killed  February  27. 

Constantius,  sole  emperor,  defeats  Magnentius  at 
Mursa. 

2nd  Council  of  Sirmium. 

Liberius  succeeds  Julius  in  the  See  of  Rome 

Paul  of  Constantinople  strangled. 

Suicide  of  Magnentius. 

Council  of  Milan. 

Intrusion  of  George  at  Alexandria. 

Deposition  of  Cjril  of  Jerusalem  by  Acacius. 

3rd  Council  of  Sirmium. 

Return  of  Liberius. 

Synod  of  the  Isaurian  Seleucia. 

Birth  of  Gratianus. 

Council  of  Ariminum. 

Synod  of  Nica. 

3rd  Council  of  Constantinople.     (Semi  Arian.) 

Nov.  3  Death  of  Constantius.  ) 

Accession  of  Julian.  / 

Murder  of  George  of  Alexandria. 

Athanasius  returns  Feb.  22,  but  goes  into  4th 
exile  in  October. 

Julian's  baffled  attempt  to  rebuild  the  Temple. 

Julian's  Persian  expedition  and  death,  June  26. 

Accession  of  Jovian,  June  27. 

Death  of  Jovian. 

Accession  of  Valentinian.     Valens  Augustus. 

Liberius,  bp.  of  Rome,  dies  and  is  succeeded  by 
Damasus. 

Gratianus,  son  of  Valentinian,  declared  Augustus, 
aet.  s.  8. 

5th  exile  of  Athanasius. 

Basil  becomes  bishop  of  Csesarea. 

Gregory  of  Nazianzus  becomes  bishop  of  Sasima. 

Death  of  Athanasius,  May  2. 

Death  of  Ephraim  Syrus,  June  19. 

Auxentius  of  Milan  dies. 

Ambrose  archbishop  of  Milan. 

Gratian  emperor  of  the  West. 

Death  of  Valens. 

Theodosius  named  Augustus^  Jan.  19. 

Gregory  of  Nazianzus  at  Constantinople. 

Council  of  Constantinople. 

Death  of  Gratian.     Rebellion  of  Maximus. 

Birth  of  Theodoret,  according  to  the  less  probable 
date  of  Garnerius. 

Sedition  at  Antioch. 

Defeat  and  death  of  Maximus. 

Death  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem. 

Destruction  of  the  Serapeum. 

Massacre  at  Thessalonica. 
■  Death  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus. 

Death  of  Valentinian  IL  Eugenius  set  up  as 
Emperor. 

Birth  of  Theodoret,  according  to  the  more 
probable  date  of  Tillemont. 

Theodosius  defeats  Eugenius. 

Death  of  Theodosius.  Accession  of  Honorius  and 
Arcadius. 

John  Chrysostom  becomes  bishop  of  Constanti- 
nople. 

Revolt  of  Gainas. 

Roman  legions  withdrawn  from  Britain. 

Synod  of  "the  Oak." 

Death  of  the  empress  Eudoxia. 

Chrysostom  ordered  to  quit  Constantinople. 

Death  of  Chrysostom. 

Death  of  Arcadius.     Accession  of  Theodosius  II. 

Sack  of  Rome  by  Alaric. 


Theod.  ti.  12 ;   Soc.  ii.  25. 

Theod.  ii.  g  ;  Soc.  ii.  25;   Soz.  iv.  i. 


Theod.  ii.  12. 

Theod.  ii.  4;  Soc.  ii.  26;   Soz.  iv.  2. 

Theod.  ii.  J2 ;  Soc.  ii.  36;   Soz.  iv.  9. 
Theod.  ii.  10  ;  Soc.  ii.  14;   Soz.  iv.  30. 
Theod.  ii.  22;  Soc.  ii.  42;   Soz.  iv.  25. 

Theod.  ii.  14;  Soc.  ii.  42;   Soz.  iv.  15. 
Theod.  ii.  22 ;   Soc.  ii.  39;   Soz.  iv.  22. 

Theod.  ii.  ij ;  Soc.  ii.  37;   Soz.  iv.  17. 
Theod.  ii.  16. 


Theod.  Hi.  i ;  Soc.  ii.  47;   Soz.  v.  i. 


Theod.  Hi.  ^  ;  Soc.  iii.  4;   Soz.  vi.6. 
Theod.  iii.  75;  Soc.  iii.  70;   Soz.  v.  22. 
Theod.  iii.  20 ;  Soc.  iii.  17;   Soz.  vi.  i. 

Theod.  iv.4;  Soc.  iii.  26;    Soz.  vi.  3. 


Theod.  ii.  ly  •  Soc.  iv.  29;   Soz.  vi.  23. 

Theod.  V.  i . 

Theod.  iv.  16 ;  Soc.  iv.  26;  Soz.  vi.  16. 
Theod.  V.  7;  Soc.  iv.  26;   Soz.  vi.  17. 
Theod.  iv.  17 ;  Soc.  iv.  20;   Soz.  vi.  19. 
Theod.  iv.  26 1  Soz.  iii.  16. 
Theod.  iv.j;  Soc.  iv.  30;   Soz.  i.  24. 
Theod.  iv.  6. 

Theod.  V.  i ;  Soc.  iv.  31  ;   Soz.  vi.  36. 
Theod.  iv.  32 ;  Soc.  iv.  37;   Soz.  vi.  40. 
Theod.  V.  j  ;  Soc.  v.  2  ;  Soz.  vii.  2. 
Theod.  V.  8  ;  Soc.  v.  6;   Soz.  vii.  7. 
Theod.  V.  8  ;  Soc.  v.  8;  Soz.  vii.  7. 
Theod.  V.  12  ;  Soc.  v.  11;   Soz.  vii.    13. 

Theod.  V.  ig  ;  Soc.  v.  15;    Soz.  vii.   23. 


Theod.  V.22;   Soc.  v.  16;   Soz.  vii.  15. 
Theod.  V.  ij. 


Theod.  V.  24. 

Theod.  V.  24;  Soc  v.  25;    Soz.  vii.  24. 

Theod.  V.  2^  ;   Soc.  v.  26;   Soz.  vii.   25. 

Theod.  V.  27 ;  Soc.  vi.  2;   Soz.  viii.  2. 
cf.  Theod.  v.  jj  ;  Soc.  vi.  6;   Soz.  viii.  4. 

Theod.  v.s-i;  Soc.  vi.  15;   Soz.  viii.  19. 

Theod.  V.J4  ;  Soc.  vi.  18;   Soz.  viii.  24. 
Theod.  V.  J4. 
Theod.  V.  j6. 


CHRONOLOGICAL    TABLES. 


Xlll 


412.     Cyril  becomes  patriarch  of  Alexandria. 
415.     Murder  of  Hypatia  at  Alexandria. 

Theodoret  loses  his  parents  and  retires  to  Nicerte. 
418.     Council  of  Carthage. 
423.     Death  of  Honorius. 

Theodoret  becomes  bishop  of  Cyrus. 
425.     Accession  of  Valentinian  III. 

428.  Nestorius  becomes  bishop  of  Constantinople. 
Vandals  in  Africa. 

429.  Death  of  Theodotus,  patriarch  of  Antioch,  fixed  bj 

Theodoretus  as  the  term  of  his  History, 

430.  Letters  of  Celestine  of  Rome  and  Cyril  of  Alex- 

andria to  John  of  Antioch  on  the  Western  con- 
demnation of  Nestorius. 
Death  of  St.  Augustine. 

431.  Council  of  Ephesus.     (3rd  general.) 

432.  Council    of    Orientals    at    Bercea.     (St.    Patrick's 

mission.) 

433.  Peace  between  Cyril  and  the  Orientals. 

434  (c)'   Friendly  correspondence  between  Theod.    and 
Cyril. 

438.     Translation  of  the    relics  of  Chrysostom  to  Con- 
stantinople. 
Cyril    denounces    Diodorus     and     Theodore     of 
Mopsuestia  :  renewal  of  hostilities   with   Theo- 
doret. 

440.     Accession  of  Isdigerdes  II.,  the  last  event  referred 
to  in  the  Ecc.  History. 

444.     Death  of  Cyril  of  Alexandria. 
Accession  of  Dioscorus. 

446  (c).  Composition  of  the  "Dialogues." 

448.  Dioscorus  deposes  Irenseus  of  Tyre. 

449.  (March  30.)     Edict   confining   Theodoret    within 

the  limits  of  his  diocese. 
(Aug.)  Assembly    of  the  "  Latrocinium  "  at  Eph- 
esus. 

450.  (July  29.)     Death  of  Theodosius  II. 
Accession  of  Pulcheria  and  Marcian. 

451.  Council  of  Chalcedon.     (4th  general.) 
453.     Death  of  Theodoret,  according  to  Tillemont. 

458.     Probable  date  of  the  death,  according  to  Garnenms. 


Theod.  V.  jj. 

Theod.  Epp.  CXI  I/,  CXIX. 


Theod.  Epp.  XXIX-XXXVI. 
Theod.  V.  jg. 


Theod.  Ep.  LXXXIII. 
Theod.  V.  j6;    Soc.  vii.  45. 


Theod.  V.  j8. 

Theod.  Ep.  CLXXX. 


PROLEGOMENA. 


THE  LIFE  AND  WRITINGS  OF  THE  BLESSED  THEODORETUS, 

BISHOP  OF  CYRUS. 


I.  —  Parentage,   Birth,  and  Education. 

At  Antioch  at  the  close  of  the  fourth  century  there  were  living  a  husband  and  wife, 
opulent  and  happy  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  good  things  of  this  life,  one  thing  only 
excepted.  They  were  childless.  Married  at  seventeen,  the  young  bride  lived  for  several 
years  in  the  enjoyment  of  such  pleasures  as  wealth  and  society  could  give.  At  the  age  of 
twenty-three  she  was  attacked  by  a  painful  disease  in  one  of  her  eyes,  for  which  neither 
the  books  of  older  authorities  nor  later  physiological  discoveries  could  suggest  a  remedy. 
One  of  her  domestic  servants,  compassionating  her  distress,  informed  her  that  the  wife  of 
Pergamius,  at  that  time  in  authority  in  the  East,  had  been  healed  of  a  similar  ailment  by 
Petrus,  a  famous  Galatian  solitary  who  was  then  living  in  the  upper  story  of  a  tomb  in  the 
neighbourhood,  to  which  access  could  only  be  obtained  by  climbing  a  ladder.  The  afflicted 
lady,  says  the  story  which  her  son  himself  repeats,^  hastened  to  climb  to  the  recluse's 
latticed  cell,  arrayed  in  all  her  customary  elaborate  costume,  with  earrings,  necklaces,  and 
the  rest  of  her  ornaments  of  gold,  her  silk  robe  blazing  with  embroidery,  her  face  smeared 
with  red  and  white  cosmetics,  and  her  eyebrows  and  eyelids  artificially  darkened.  "  Tell 
me,"  said  the  hermit,  on  beholding  his  brilliant  visitor,  ''  tell  me,  my  child,  if  some  skilful 
painter  were  to  paint  a  portrait  according  to  his  art's  strict  rules  and  offer  it  for  exhibition, 
and  then  up  were  to  come  some  dauber  dashing  off  his  pictures  on  the  spur  of  the  moment, 
who  should  find  fault  with  the  artistic  picture,  lengthen  the  lines  of  brows  and  lids,  make 
the  face  whiter  and  heighten  the  red  of  the  cheeks,  what  would  you  say?  Do  you  not  think 
the  original  painter  would  be  hurt  at  this  insult  to  his  art  and  these  needless  additions  of 
an  unskilled  hand."  These  arguments,  we  learn,  led  eventually  to  the  improvement  of  the 
young  Antiochene  gentlewoman  both  in  piety  and  good  taste  and  her  eye  is  said  to  have 
been  restored  to  health  by  the  imposition  of  the  sign  of  the  cross.  Not  impossibly  the 
discontinuance  of  the  use  of  cosmetics  may  have  helped,  if  not  caused,  the  cure. 

Six  years  longer  the  husband  and  wife  lived  together  a  more  religious  life,  but  still 
unblessed  with  children.  Among  the  ascetic  solitaries  whom  the  disappointed  husband 
begged  to  aid  him  in  his  prayers  was  one  Macedonius,  distinguished,  from  the  simplicity 
of  his  diet,  as  "  the  barley  eater."  In  answer  to  his  prayers,  it  was  believed,  a  son  was  at 
last  granted  to  the  pious  pair.^  The  condition  of  the  boon  being  that  the  boy  should  be 
devoted  to  the  divine  service,  he  was  appropriately  named  at  his  birth  "  Theodoretus,"  or 
"  Given  by  God."  ^  Of  the  exact  date  of  this  birth,  productive  of  such  important 
consequences  to  the  history  and  literature  of  the  Church,  no  precise  knowledge  is 
attainable.  The  less  probable  year  is  386  as  given  by  Garnerius,^  the  more  probable 
and    now    generally  accepted  year  393  follows  the  computation  of  Tillemont.^ 


1  Relig.  Hist.  1188  et  seq.  2  Rdig.  Hist,  1214. 

3  The  Hebrew  equivalents  of  this  very  general    designation    are  Nathaniel   and  Matthew.     Modern   English   custom    has 
travelled  back  to  the  Greek  for  its  Theodore,  Theodora,  but  Dieudonne  and  Diodati  are  familiar  in  French  and  Italian. 

*  Garnier  the  French  Jesuit  Father,  was  born  in  Paris  in  161 2,  and  died  in  16S1.      His   '«  Auctarium    Theodoreti   Episcopi 
Cyrensis,"  with  dissertations,  was  published  in  1684. 

s  According  to  this   reckoning  Theodoret  would  be  fifty-six  at  the  time  of  the  letter  to  Leo,  written  449,  in  which  he 
speaks  of  his  old  age,  and  about  thirty  at  his  consecration  as  bishop  in  423. 

\V.  Moller  in  Herzog's  Encyclopedia  of  Prot.  Theol.  (Ed.  1SS5.  '^v.  402)  gives  390. 

(0 


THEODORET. 


While  yet  in  his  swaddling  bands  the  little  Theodoret  began  to  receive  training 
appropriate  to  his  high  career,'  and,  as  he  himself  tells  us,  with  the  pardonable  exaggeration  of 
enthusiasm,  was  no  sooner  weaned  than  he  began  to  learn  the  apostolic  teaching.  Among 
his  earliest  impressions  were  the  lessons  and  exhortations  of  Peter  of  Galatia,  to  whom  his 
mother  owed  so  much,  and  of  Macedonius  "  the  barley  eater,"  who  had  helped  to  save  the 
Antiochenes  in  the  troubles  that  arose  about  the  statues.^  Of  the  latter^  Theodoret  quotes 
the  earnest  charges  to  a  holy  life,  and  in  his  modesty  expresses  his  sorrow  that  he  had  not 
profited  better  by  the  solitary's  solemn  entreaties.  If  however  Macedonius  was  indeed  quite 
ignoi'ant  of  the  Scriptures,'*  it  may  have  been  well  for  the  boy's  education  to  have  been  not 
wholly  in  his  hands.  It  is  not  impossible  that  he  may  have  had  a  childish  recollection  of 
Chrysostom,  who  left  Antioch  in  398.  To  Peter  he  used  to  pay  a  weekly  visit,  and  records^ 
how  the  holy  man  would  take  him  on  his  knees  and  feed  him  with  bread  and  raisins.  A 
treasure  long  preserved  in  the  household  of  Theodoret's  parents  was  half  Peter's  girdle,  woven 
of  coarse  linen,  which  the  old  man  had  one  day  wound  round  the  loins  of  the  boy. 
Frequently  proved  an  unfailing  remedy  in  various  cases  of  family  ailment,  its  very  reputa- 
tion led  to  its  loss,  for  all  the  neighbours  used  to  borrow  it  to  cure  their  own  complaints, 
and  at  last  an  unkind  or  careless  friend  omitted  to  return  it.^ 

When  a  stripling  Theodoret  was  blessed  by  the  right  hand  of  Aphraates  the  monk,  of 
whom  he  relates  an  anecdote  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History,"  and  wdien  his  beard  was  just 
beginning  to  grow  was  also  blessed  by  the  ascetic  Zeno.^  At  this  period  he  was 
already  a  lector^  and  was  therefore  probably  past  the  age  of  eighteen.  By  this  time  his 
general  education  would  be  regarded  as  more  or  less  complete,  and  to  these  earlier  years 
may  be  traced  the  acquaintance  which  he  shows  with  the  writings  of  Homer,  Thucydides, 
Plato,  Euripides,  and  other  Greek  classics.  Lighter  literature,  too,  will  not  have  been 
excluded  from  his  reading,  if  we  accept  the  genuineness  of  the  famous  letter  on  the  death 
of  Cyril,'*'  and  may  infer  that  the  dialogues  of  Lucian  are  more  likely  to  have  amused  the 
leisure  hours  of  a  lad  at  school  and  college  than  have  intruded  on  the  genuine  piety  and 
marvellous  industry  of  the  Bishop  of  Cyrus. 

Theodoret  was  familiar  with  Greek,  Syriac,  and  Hebrew,  but  is  said  to  have  been  unac- 
quainted with  Latin.''  Such  I  presume  to  be  an  inference  from  a  passage  in  one  of  his 
works'^  in  which  he  tells  us  "  The  Romans  indeed  had  poets,  orators,  and  historians,  and 
we  are  informed  by  those  who  are  skilled  in  both  languages  that  their  reasonings  are 
closer  than  the  Greeks'  and  their  sentences  more  concise.  In  saying  this  I  have  not  the 
least  intention  of  disparaging  the  Greek  language  which  is  in  a  sense  mine,'^  or  of  making 
an  ungrateful  return  to  it  for  my  education,  but  I  speak  that  I  may  to  some  extent  close  the 
lips  and  lower  the  brows  of  those  who  make  too  big  a  boasting  about  it,  and  may  teach 
them  not  to  ridicule  a  language  which  is  illuminated  by  the  truth."  But  it  is  not  clear 
from  these  words  that  Theodoret  had  no  acquaintance  wdth  Latin.  His  admiration  for 
orthodox  Western  theology  as  well  as  his  natural  literary  and  social  curiosity  would  lead 
him  to  learn  it.  In  the  Ecclesiastical  History  (iii.  16)  there  is  a  possible  reference  to 
Horace. 

Theodoret's  chief  instructor  in  Theology  was  the  great  light  of  the  school  of  Antioch, 
Theodorus,  known  from  the  name  of  the  see  to  which  he  was  appointed  in  392,  "  Mop- 
suestia,"  or  "  the  hearth  of  Mopsus,"  in  Cilicia  Secunda.      He  also  refers  to  his  obligations 

lEp.  LXXXI.        2  Ecc.  Hist.  V.  10.  p.  146.        s  Relig.  Hist.  1215.  *  cf.  Ecc.  Hist.  p.  146.         5  Relig.  Hist.  118S. 

c  The  confidence  of  Theodoret  in  the  wonder  working-  powers  of  half  Peter's  girdle  may  be  taken  as  a  crucial  instance  of 
what  detractors  of  the  individual  and  of  the  age  would  call  his  foolish  credulity.  But  an  unsound  process  of  reasoning  from 
post  hoc  X.O  propter  hoc  is  not  confined  to  any  particular  period,  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  scientists  of  the  thirty-fourth 
century  may  smile  benevolently  at  some  of  the  cherished  remedies  of  the  nineteenth. 

7Cf.  p.  127.  8  Relig.  Hist.  1203.  "  Vide  n.  p.  34. 

10  Vide  p.  346.  To  what  is  said  there  may  be  added  the  following  remarks  from  Dr.  Salmon's  "  Infallibility  of  the  Church,''' 
p.  303,  n.  «'  The  letter  from  which  these  passages  are  taken  was  read  as  Theodoret's  at  the  fifth  General  Council  (fifth  Session) 
and  there  accepted  as  his.  But  on  questions  of  this  kind  Councils  are  not  infallible;  and  the  letter  contains  a  note  of  spuri- 
ousness  in  purporting  to  be  addressed  to  John,  bishop  of  Antioch,  who  died  before  Cyril.  I  own  that  the  suggestion  that  for 
'John'  we  ought  to  read  '  Domnus '  does  not  suffice  to  remove  suspicion  from  my  mind.  But  it  is  solely  for  the  reason 
just  stated  that  I  feel  no  confidence  in  accepting  the  letter  as  Theodoret's.  Newman's  opinion  that  it  is  incredible  Theodoret 
could  have  written  so  «  atrocious  '  a  letter  is  one  which  it  is  amazing  should  be  held  by  any  one  familiar  with  the  controversial 
amenities  of  the  time.  Our  modern  urbanity  is  willing  to  bury  party  animosities  in  the  grave;  but  in  the  fifth  century  Swift's 
translation  would  be  thought  the  only  proper  one  of  the  maxim*  De  mortuis  nil.  nisi  bomim,'  'when  scoundrels  die  let  all  be- 
moan them.'  Certainly  the  man  who  half  a  dozen  years  after  Chrysostom's  death  spoke  of  him  as  Judas  Iscariot  had  no  right 
to  expect  to  be  politely  treated  after  his  own  death  by  one  whom  he  had  relentlessly  persecuted." 

Glubokowski,  whose  great  work  on  Theodoret  now  in  progress  is  unfortunately  a  sealed  volume  to  the  majority  of 
readers  on  account  of  its  being  written  in  the  author's  native  Russian,  is  of  opinion  that  the  letter  is  spurious.  See  also 
Schrbckh  Kircheges.  xviii.  370.  I  am  myself  unable  to  see  the  force  of  the /«^^r«a/ evidence  of  spuriousness.  It  may  have  been 
half  playful,  and  never  meant  for  publication. 

11  Cf.  Can.  Venables  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  go6.  12  Grcecarum  affectionum  curatio  S43. 
13  To  a  Syrian  it  would  not  be  literally  the  mother  tongue,  but  was  possibly  acquired  in  infancy. 


PROLEGOMENA. 


to  Diodorus  of  Tarsus.^  Accepting  393  as  the  date  of  his  birth  and  392  as  that  of  Theodore's 
appointment  to  his  see,  it  would  seem  that  the  younger  theologian  must  have  been  rather  a 
reader  than  a  hearer  as  well  of  Theodore  as  of  Diodore.  But  Theodore  expounded  Script- 
ure in  many  churches  of  the  East.^  The  friendship  of  Theodoret  for  Nestorius  may  have 
begun  when  the  latter  was  a  monk  in  the  convent  of  St.  Euprepius  at  the  gates  of  Antioch, 
It  is  recorded  ^  that  on  one  occasion  Theodore  gave  offence  while  preaching  at  Antioch  by 
refusing  to  give  to  the  blessed  Virgin  the  title  Qeo-oKog.  He  afterwards  retracted  this  refusal 
for  the  sake  of  peace.  The  original  objection  and  subsequent  consent  have  a  curious  sig- 
nificance in  view  of  the  subsequent  careers  of  his  two  famous  pupils.  Of  the  school  of 
Antioch  as  distinguished  from  that  of  Alexandria  it  may  be  said  broadly  that  while  the 
latter  shewed  a  tendency  to  syntheticism  and  to  unity  of  conception,  the  former,  under  the 
influence  of  the  Aristotelian  philosophy,  favoured  analytic  processes.  '^  And  while  the 
general  bent  of  the  school  of  thinkers  among  whom  Theodoret  was  brought  up  inclined  to 
a  recognition  of  a  distinction  between  the  two  natures  in  the  Person  of  Christ,  there  was 
much  in  the  special  teaching  of  its  great  living  authority  which  was  not  unlikely  to  lead  to 
such  division  of  the  Person  as  was  afterwards  attributed  to  Nestorius.  "  Such  were  the  in- 
fluences under  which  Theodoret  grew  up. 

On  the  death  of  his  parents  he  at  once  distributed  all  the  property  that  he  inherited 
from  them,  and  embraced  a  life  of  poverty,^  retiring,  at  about  the  age  of  three  and  twenty, 
to  Nicerte,  a  village  three  miles  from  Apamea,  and  seventy-five  from  Antioch,  in  the 
monastery  of  which  he  passed  seven  calm  and  happy  years,  occasionally  visiting  neighbour- 
ing monasteries  and  perhaps  during  this  period  paying  the  visit  to  Jerusalem  which  left  an 
indelible  impression  on  his  memory.  "  With  my  own  eyes,"  he  writes,^  "I  have  seen  that 
desolation.  The  prediction  rang  in  my  ears  when  I  saw  the  fulfilment  before  my  eyes  and 
I  lauded  and  worshipped  the  truth."  Of  the  peace  of  Theodoret's  earlier  manhood  Dr. 
Newman  ®  says  in  a  sentence  less  open  to  criticism  than  another  which  shall  be  quoted  fur- 
ther on,  "There  he  laid  deep  within  him  that  foundation  of  faith  and  devotion,  and  ob- 
tained that  vivid  apprehension  of  the  world  unseen  and  future  which  lasted  him  as  a  secret 
spring  of  spiritual  strength  all  through  the  conflict  and  sufferings  of  the  years  that  fol- 
lowed." 

II. — Episcopate  at  Cyrus. 

Cyrus  or  Cyrrhus  was  a  town  of  the  district  of  Syria  called  after  it  Cyrestica.  The 
capital  of  Cyrestica  was  Gindarus,  which  Strabo  describes®  as  being  in  his  time  a  natural 
nest  of  robbers.  Cyrus  lies  on  a  branch  of  the  river  (Enoparas,  now  Aphreen,  and  the  site 
is  still  known  as  Koros.  A  tradition  has  long  obtained  that  it  received  the  name  of  Cyrus 
from  the  Jews  in  honour  of  their  great  benefactor,  but  this  is  more  than  doubtful. 
The  form  Cyrus  may  have  arisen  from  a  confusion  with  a  Cyrus  in  Susiana.^°  The 
Cyrestica  is  a  fertile  plain  lying  between  the  spurs  of  the  Alma  Dagh  and  the  Euphrates, 
irrigated  by  three  streams  and  blessed  with  a  rich  soil.  The  diocese,  which  was  subject 
to  the  Metropolitan  of  Hierapolis,  contained  some  sixteen  hundred  square  miles  ^^  and  eight 
hundred  distinct  parishes  each  with  its  church. ^^  But  Cyrus  itself  was  a  wretched  little 
place  '^  scantily  inhabited.  Before  it  was  beautified  by  the  munificence  of  Theodoret  it 
contained  no  buildings  of  any  dignity  or  grace.  The  people  of  the  town  as  well  as  of  the 
diocese  seem  to  have  been  poor  in  orthodoxy  as  well  as  in  pocket,  and  the  rich  soil  of  the 
district  grew  a  plentiful  crop  of  the  tares  of  Arianism,  Marcionism,  Eunomianism  and 
Judaism.^" 

Such  was  the  diocese  to  which  Theodoret,  in  spite  of  his  honest  nolo  episcopari^^  was 
consecrated  at  about  the  age  of  thirty,  A. D.  423.  Of  the  circumstances  of  this  consecration 
we  have  no  evidence.  Garnerius  conjectures  that  he  must  have  been  ordained  deacon 
by  Alexander  who  succeeded  Porphyrins  at  Antioch.  He  was  probably  appointed,  if  not 
consecrated,  to  succeed  Isidorus  at  Cyrus,  by  Theodotus  the  successor  of  Alexander  on  the 
patriarchal  throne  of  Antioch.  In  this  diocese  certainly  for  five  and  twenty  years,  per- 
haps for  five  and  thirty,  with  occasional  intervals  he  worked  night  and  day  with 
unflagging  patience  and  perseverance  for  the  good  of  the  people  committed  to  his 
care,  and  in   the  cause  of  his  Master  and  of  the  truth.     The   ecclesiastic  of  these  early 

1  Ep.  xvl.  2  John  of  Antioch  Fac.  ii.  2. 

8  Cyril.  Alex.  Ep.  LXIX.  7  Grxc,  Affect.  Cur.  logq.  n  Ep.  XI.II.  ^s  Ep.  LXXXI. 

4  Glubokowskl  p.  63.  8  Historical  Sketches  iii.  319.  12  Ep.  CXIII. 

5  e.g.  Theodorus,  Mig-ne  776.  »  Strabo  xvi.  c.  751.  "  gp.  CXXXVIII. 

6  Ep.  CXIII.  ^0  Glubokowskip.  31.    Tillemont  v.  217.         i*  Epp.  LXXXI,  CXIII. 


THEODORET. 


times  is  sometimes  imagined  to  have  been  a  morose  and  ungenial  ascetic,  wasting 
his  energies  in  unprofitable  hair-splitting,  and  taking  little  or  no  interest  in  the 
every  day  needs  of  his  contemporaries.  In  marked  contrast  with  this  imaginary 
bishop  stands  out  the  kindly  figure  of  the  real  bishop  of  Cyrus,  as  the  modest  statements 
and  hints  supplied  by  his  own  letters  enable  us  to  recall  him. 

As  an  administrator  and  man  of  business  he  was  munificent  and  efficient.  Stripped, 
as  we  have  already  learnt,  of  his  family  property  by  his  own  act  and  will,  he  must  have 
been  dependent  in  his  diocese  on  the  revenues  of  his  see.  From  these,  which  cannot  have 
been  small,  he  was  able  to  spend  large  sums  on  public  works.  Cyrus  was  adorned  with 
porticoes,  with  two  great  bridges,  with  baths,  and  with  an  aqueduct,  all  at  Theodoret's  ex- 
pense.^ On  assuming  the  administration  of  his  diocese  he  took  measures,  he  tells  us,  ^  to 
secure  for  Cyrus  "  the  necessary  arts,"  and  from  these  three  words  we  need  not  hesitate 
to  infer  that  architects,  engineers,  masons,  sculptors,  and  carpenters,  would  be  attracted 
''  from  all  quarters  "  to  the  bishop's  important  works.  And  for  this  increased  population 
it  is  interesting  to  note  that  Theodoret  provided  competent  practitioners  in  medicine  and 
surgery,  in  which  it  would  seem  he  was  not  himself  unskilled.^  His  keen  interest  in  the 
temporal  needs  of  his  people  is  shewn  by  the  efforts  he  made  to  obtain  relief  for  them  from 
the  cruel  pressure  of  exorbitant  taxation.'*  So  unendurable  was  the  tale  of  imposts  under 
which  they  groaned  that  in  many  cases  they  were  deserting  their  farms  and  the  country,  and 
he  earnestly  appeals  to  the  empress  Pulcheria  and  to  his  friend  Anatolius  to  help  them.^ 
The  tender  sympathy  felt  by  him  for  all  those  afiiicted  in  body  and  estate,  as  v/ell  as  in 
mind,  is  shewn  in  his  letters  on  behalf  of  Celestinianus,  or  Celestiacus,  a  gentleman  of 
position  at  Carthage,  who  had  suffered  cruelly  during  the  attack  of  the  Vandals,^  and  in 
the  admirable  and  touching  letters  of  consolation  addressed  to  survivors  on  the  deaths 
of  relatives.  That  these  should  have  been  religiously  preserved  need  excite  no  surprise.^ 
Of  the  terms  on  which  he  lived  with  his  neighbours  we  can  form  some  idea  from  the  jus- 
tifiable boast  contained  in  his  letter  to  Nomus.  In  the  quarter  of  a  century  of  his  episco- 
pate, he  writes,  he  never  appeared  in  court  either  as  prosecutor  or  defendant ;  his  clergy 
followed  his  admirable  example;  he  never  took  an  obol  or  a  garment  from  any  one;  not 
one  of  his  household  ever  received  so  much  as  a  loaf  or  an  egg  ;  he  could  not  bear  to  think 
that  he  had  any  property  beyond  his  few  poor  clothes.^  Yet  he  was  always  ready  to  give 
where  he  would  not  receive,  and  in  addition  to  all  the  diocesan  and  literary  work  which 
he  conscientiously  performed,  he  spent  more  time  than  he  could  well  afiford  in  all  sorts  of 
extra  diocesan  business  which  his  position  thrust  in  his  way. 

As  a  shepherd  of  souls  he  was  unceasing  in  his  efforts  to  win  heathen,  heretics  and 
Jews  to  the  true  faith.  His  diocese,  when  he  assumed  its  government,  was  a  very  hot- 
bed of  heresy.^  Nevertheless  in  the  famous  letter  to  Leo  ^°  he  could  boast  that 
not  a  tare  was  left  to  spoil  the  crop.  His  fame  as  a  preacher  was  great  and  wide,, 
and  makes  us  the  more  regret  that  of  the  discourses  which  in  turn  roused,  cheered,  and 
blamed,  so  little  should  survive.  The  eloquence,  so  to  say,  of  his  extant  w^ritings,  gives 
indications  of  the  force  of  spoken  utterances  not  less  marked  by  learning  and  literary  skilL 
Two  of  his  letters  give  vivid  pictures  of  the  enthusiasm  of  oriental  auditories  in  Antioch, 
once  so  populous  and  so  keen  in  theological  interest,  where  now,  amid  a  people 
numbering  only  about  a  fiftieth  part  of  their  predecessors  of  the  fifth  century,  there  is  not 
a  single  church.  We  see  the  patriarch  John  in  a  frenzy  of  gladness  at  Theodoret's  ser- 
mons, clapping  his  hands  and  springing  again  and  again  from  his  chair  ;  "  we  see  the  heads 
of  the  congregation  receiving  the  bishop  of  Cyrus  with  frantic  delight  as  he  came  down 
from  the  pulpit,  flinging  their  arms  round  him,  kissing  now  his  head,  now  his  breast,  now 
his  hands,  now  his  knees,  and  hear  them  exclaiming,  "  This  is  the  Voice  of  the  Apostle  !  "  ^^ 
But  Theodoret  had  to  encounter  sometimes  the  fury  of  opposition.  Again  and  again  in 
his  campaign  against  heretics  and  unbelievers  he  was  stoned,  wounded,  and  brought  nigh 
unto  death. '^  "  He  from  whom  no  secrets  are  hid  knows  all  the  bruises  my  body  has 
received,  aimed  at  me  by  ill-named  heretics,  and  what  fights  I  have  fought  in  most  of  the 
cities  of  the  East  against  Jews,  heretics,  and  heathen."  ''* 


1  Epp.  LXXIX.  LXXXI.  2  Ep.  CXV.  s  Epp.  CXIV,  CXV,  and  Dial.  p.  217  cf.  also  de  Prov.  51S  et  seqq. 

*  Epp.  XLII,  XLIII,  XLV.  <-,  Epp.  XLIII.  and  XLV.  6  Epp.  XXIX.-XXXVl. 

7  cf.  Epp.  yil.  VIII.  XIV.  XV.  XVII.  XVIII.  LXV.  LXIX.  8  Ep.  LXXXI. 

»  "  In  a  diocese  such  as  his,  lyini<  as  it  were  in  a  corner  of  the  world,  not  reached  by  the  public  posts,  isolated  by  the 
great  river  to  the  east  and  the  n)ountain  chains  to  the  west,  peopled  by  half-leavened  heathen,  Christianity  assumed  inanv 
strange  forms,  sometimes  hardly  recognisable  caricatures  of  the  truth."     Canon  Venables.     Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  906. 

i^Epp.  CXIIl.  "Ep.  LXXXIII.  i2Ep.  CXEVII.  is  Epp.  LXXXI  and  CXIII.  1*  Ep.  CXIII. 


PROLEGOMENA. 


III.  —  Relations  with  Nestorius  and  to  Nestorianism. 

Nestorius,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  was  bound  by  ties  of  close  friendship  both  to 
Theodoret  and  to  John,  patriarch  of  Antioch.     In  August,  430,  the  western  bishops,  under 
the  presidency  of  the  Pope  Celestine,  assembled  in  council  at  Rome,  condemned  Nestorius, 
and  threatened  him  with  excommunication.     Shortly  afterwards  a  council  of  Orientals  at 
Alexandria,  summoned  by  Cyril,  endorsed  this  condemnation  and  despatched  it  to  Constan- 
tinople.    Then  John  received  from  Celestine  and  Cyril  letters  announcing  their  common 
action.     When  the  couriers  conveying  these  communications  reached  Antioch  they  found 
John  surrounded  by  Theodoret  and  other  bishops  who  were  assembled  possibly  for  the  ordi- 
nation of  Macarius,  the  new  bishop  of  Laodicea.    John  took  counsel  with  his  brother  bishops, 
and  a  letter  was  despatched  in  their  common  name  to  Nestorius,  exhorting  him   to  accept 
the  term  QeoTOKor,  round  which  the  whole  war  waged  ;   pointing  out  the  sense  in  which  it 
could  not  but  he  accepted  by  every  loyal  Christian,  and  imploring  him  not  to  embroil 
Christendom  for  a  word.     This  letter  has  been  generally  attributed  to  Theodoret.     But 
while  the  conciliatory  sage  of  Cyrus  was  endeavouring  to  formulate  an  Eirenicon,  the  ardent 
Egyptian  made  peace  almost  impossible  by  the  publication  of  his  famous  anathematisms. 
John  and  his  friends  were  distressed  at  the  apparent  unorthodoxy  of  Cyril's  condemnation 
of  Nestorius,  and  asked  Theodoret  to  refute  Cyril.'     The  strong  language  employed   in 
Letter  CL.  conveys  an  idea  of  the  heat  of  the  enthusiasm  with  which  Theodoret  entered  on 
the  task,  and  his  profound  conviction  that  Cyril,  in  blind  zeal  against  imaginary  error  on 
the  part  of  Nestorius,  was  himself  falling  headlong  into  the  ApoUinarian  pit.     An  eager 
war  of  words  now  waged  over  Nestorius  between  Cyril  and  Theodoret,  each  denounc- 
ing the  other  for   supposed  heresy  on  the   subject  of  the    incarnation  ;   and,   with   deep 
respect  for  the  learning  and   motives  of  Theodoret,  we  may  probably  find  a   solution  of 
much  that  he  said  and  did  in  the  fact  that  he   misunderstood  Nestorius  as  completely  as 
he  did  Cyril. ^     Oyril,  nursed  in  the  synthetic  principles  of  the  Alexandrian  school,  could 
see  only  the  unity  of  the  two  natures  in  the  one  Person.     To  him,  to  distinguish,  as  the  ana- 
lysis of  Theodoret  distinguished,  between  God  the  Word  and  Christ  the  Man,  was  to  come 
perilously  near  a  recognition  of  two  Christs,  keeping  up  as   it  were  a  mutual  dialogue  of 
speech  and  action.     But  Cyril's  unqualified  assertion  that  there  is  one  Christ,  and  that  Christ 
is  God,  really  gave  no  ground  for  the  accusation  that  to  him  the  manhood  was  an  unreality. 
Yet  he  and  Theodoret  were  substantially  at  one.     Theodoret's  failure  to  apprehend  Cyril's 
drift  was  no  doubt  due  less  to  any  want  of  intelligence  on  the  part  of  the  Syrian  than 
to  the  overbearing  bitterness  of  the  fierce  Egvptian. 

On  the  other  hand  Theodoret's  loyal  love  for  Nestorius  led  him  to  give  his  friend 
credit  for  meaning  what  he  himself  meant.  While  he  was  driven  to  contemplate  the 
doctrines  of  Cyril  in  their  most  dangerous  exaggeration,  he  shrank  from  seeing  how  the 
Nestorian  counter  statement  might  be  dangerously  exaggerated.  Theodoret,  as  Dr.  Bright 
remarks,^  "  uses  a  good  deal  of  language  which  is  prima  facie  Nestorian;  his  objections 
are  pervaded  by  an  ignoratio  elenchi^  and  his  language  is  repeatedly  illogical  and 
inconsistent ;  but  he  and  Cyril  were  essentially  nearer  to  each  other  in  belief  than  at  the 
time  they  would  have  admitted,  for  Theodoret  virtually  owns  the  personal  oneness  and 
explains  the  phrase  'God  assumed  man'  by  'He  assumed  manhood.'"  Cyril  "  in  his 
letter  to  Euoptius  earnestly  disclaims  both  forms  of  Apollinarianism  —  the  notion  of  a 
mindless  manhood  in  Christ  and  the  notion  of  a  body  formed  out  of  Godhead.  In  his 
reply   (on  Art  iv.)   he  admits  the  language  appropriate  to  each  nature." 

Probably  both  the  Egyptian  and  the  Syrian  would  have  found  no  difficulty  in 
subscribing  the  language  of  our  own  judicious  divine;  "a  kind  of  mutual  commutation 
there  is  whereby  those  concrete  names,  God  and  Man^  when  we  speak  of  Christ,  do  take 
interchangeably  one  another's  room,  so  that  for  truth  of  speech  it  skilleth  not  whether  we 
say  that  the  Son  of  God  hath  created  the  world  and  the  Son  of  Man  by  his  death  hath 
saved  it  or  else  that  the  Son  of  Man  did  create,  and  the  Son  of  God  died  to  save  the 
world.  Howbeit,  as  oft  as  we  attribute  to  God  what  the  manhood  of  Christ  claimeth,  or 
to  man  what  his  Deity  hath  right  unto,  we  understand  by  the  name  of  God  and  the  name 
of  Man  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  nature,  but  the  whole  person  of  Christ,  in  whom  both 
natures  are.  When  the  Apostle  saith  of  the  Jews  that  they  crucified  the  Lord  of  Glory, 
and  when  the  Son  of  Man  being  on  earth  affirmeth  that  the  Son   of  Man  was  in  heaven  at 

1  Vide  the  Anathematisms  and  Theodoret's  refutation  in  tlie  Prolei»-omena. 

2  cf.  Glubokowski  p.  9S.  3  Diet.  Cinist  Biog.  i.  767. 


THEODORET. 


the  same  instant,  there  is  in  these  two  speeches  that  mutual  circulation  before  mentioned. 
In  the  one  there  is  attributed  to  God  or  the  Lord  of  Glory  death,  whereof  divine  nature 
is  not  capable ;  in  the  other  ubiquity  unto  man,  which  human  nature  admitteth  not. 
Therefore  by  the  Lord  of  Glory  we  must  needs  understand  the  whole  person  of  Christ,, 
who  being  Lord  of  Glory,  was  indeed  crucified,  but  not  in  that  nature  for  which  he  is 
termed  the  Lord  of  Glory.  In  like  manner  by  the  Son  of  Man  the  whole  person  of  Christ 
must  necessarily  be  meant,  who  being  man  upon  earth,  filled  heaven  with  his  glorious 
presence,  but  not  according  to  that  nature  for  whicii  the  title  of  Man  is  given  him. 
Without  this  caution  the  Fathers  whose  belief  was  divine  and  their  meaning  most  sound, 
shall  seem  in  their  writing  one  to  deny  what  another  constantly  doth  afHrm.  Theodoret 
disputeth  w^ith  great  earnestness  that  God  cannot  be  said  to  suffer.  But  he  thereby 
meaneth.  Christ's  divine  nature  against  ApoUinarius,  which  held  even  Deity  itself 
passible.  Cyril  on  the  other  side  against  Nestorius  as  much  contendeth  that  whosoever 
will  deny  very  God  to  have  suffered  death  doth  forsake  the  faith.  Which  notwithstanding 
to  hold  were  heresy,  if  the  name  of  God  in  this  assertion  did  not  import  as  it  doth  the 
person  of  Christ,  who  being  verily  God  suffered  death,  but  in  the  flesh,  and  not  in  that 
substance  for  which  the  name  of  God  is  given  him."  ' 

As  to  the  part  played  by  Theodoret  throughout  the  w^hole  controversy  we  may 
c®nclude  that  though  he  had  to  own  himself  beaten  intellectually,  yet  the  honours  of  the 
moral  victory  remain  with  him  rather  than  with  his  illustrious  opponent.  Not  for  the 
last  time  in  the  history  of  the  Church  a  great  duel  of  dialectic  issued  in  a  conclusion 
wdierein  of  the  champion  who  was  driven  to  say,  "  I  was  wrong,"  the  congregation  of 
the  faithful  has  yet  perforce  felt  that  he  was  right. 

The  end  is  well  known.  Theodosius  summoned  the  bishops  to  Ephesus  at  the 
Pe-ntecost  of  431.  There  arrived  Cyril  with  fifty  supporters  early  in  June;  there  arrived 
Theodoret  with  his  Metropolitan  Alexander  of  Hierapolis,  in  advance  of  the  rest  of  the 
Orientals.  The  Cyrillians  were  vainly  entreated  to  wait  for  John  of  Antioch  and  his  party, 
and  opened  the  Council  without  them.  When  they  arrived  they  would  not  join  the 
Council,  and  set  up  their  own  ''  Conciliabulum  "  apart.  Under  the  hot  Levantine  sun  of 
July  and  August  the  two  parties  denounced  one  another  on  the  one  side  for  not  accepting 
the  condemnation  of  Nestorius,  which  the  Cyrillians  had  passed  in  the  beginning  of  their 
proceedings,  on  the  other  for  the  informality  and  injustice  of  the  condemnation.  Then 
deputies  from  the  Orientals,  of  w^hom  Theodoret  was  one,  hurried  to  Constantinople,  but 
were  allowed  to  proceed  no  further  than  Chalcedon.  The  letters  w^ritten  by  Theodoret 
at  this  time  to  his  friends  among  the  bishops  and  at  the  court,  and  his  petitions  to  the 
Emperor,^  leave  a  vivid  impression  of  the  zeal,  vigour  and  industry  of  the  writer,  as  well 
as  of  the  extraordinary  literary  readiness  which  could  pour  out  letter  after  letter,  memorial 
after  memorial,  amid  all  the  excitement  of  controversy,  the  Aveariness  of  travel,  the 
sojourning  in  strange  and  uncomfortable  quarters,  and  the  tension  of  anxiety  as  to  an 
uncertain  future. 

Though  Nestorius  was  deposed  his  friends  protested  that  they  w^ould  continue  true  to 
him,  and  Theodoret  was  one  of  the  synod  held  at  Tarsus,  and  of  another  at  Antioch,  in 
which  the  protest  against  Cyril's  action  was  renewed.  But  the  oriental  bishops  were  now 
themselves  undergoing  a  process  of  scission,^  ^^^^'^  <^f  Antioch  and  Acacius  of  Beroea 
heading  the  peacemakers  who  were  anxious  to  come  to  terms  with  Cyril,  while  Alexander 
of  Hierapolis  led  the  irreconcilables.  Intellectually  Theodoret  shrank  from  concession, 
but  his  moral  instincts  were  all  in  favour  of  peace.  He  himself  drew  up  a  declaration  of 
faith  which  was  presented  by  Paul  of  Emesa  to  Cyril,  which  Cyril  accepted.  But  still  true 
to  his  friend,  Theodoret  refused  to  accept  the  deposition  of  Nestorius  and  his  individual 
condemnation,  and  it  was  not  till  several  years  had  elapsed  that,  moved  less  by  the  threat  of 
exile  and  forfeiture,  as  the  imperial  penalty  for  refusing  to  accept  the  position,  than  by  the  en- 
treaties of  his  beloved  flock  and  of  his  favourite  ascetic  solitaries  that  he  w^ould  not  leave  them,. 
Theodoret  found  means  of  attaching  a  meaning  to  the  current  anathemas  on  Nestorianism, 
not,  as  he  said,  on  Nestorius,  which  allowed  him  to  submit.  He  even  entered  into  friendly 
correspondence  with  Cyril."  But  the  truce  was  hollow.  Cyril  was  indignant  to  find  that 
Theodoret  still  maintained  his  old  opinions.  At  last  the  protracted  quarrel  was  ended  by 
Cyril's  death  in  June,  444. 

On  the   famous   letter  over  which  so   many  battles   of  criticism   have  been   fought  we 

1  Hooker.  Ecc.  Pol.  v.  liii.  4.  2  Epp.,  clvii.,  clviii.,  clxvii.,  clxviii.,  clxix.,  clxx. 

3  Hefele.  Hist.  Consc.  iii.  127.     Can.  Venables.  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  910.  *  Ep.  Ixxxiii. 


PROLEGOMENA. 


have  already  spoken.  If  it  was  really  written  by  Theodoret,  to  which  opinion  my  own 
view  inclines,'  there  is  no  reason  why  we  should  damn  it  as  ''a  coarse  and  ferocious  invec- 
tive." If  genuine,  it  was  clearly  a  piece  of  grim  pleasantry  dashed  off  in  a  moment  of 
excitement  to  a  personal  friend,  and  never  intended  for  the  publicity  which  has  drawn  such 
severe  blame  upon  its  writer. 

But  though  the  death  of  Cyril  might  appear  to  bring  relief  to  the  Church  and  Empire 
as  well  as  to  his  individual  opponents,  it  was  by  no  means  a  ground  of  unmixed  gratifica- 
tion to  Theodoret.^  Dioscorus,  who  succeeded  to  the  Patriarchate  of  Alexandria,  however 
Theodoret  in  the  language  of  conventional  courtesy  may  speak  of  the  new  bishop's  humble 
mindedness,^  inherited  none  of  the  good  qualities  of  Cyril  and  most  of  his  faults.  Theod- 
oret, naturally  viewed  with  suspicion  and  dislike  as  the  friend  and  supporter  of  Nestorius, 
gave  additional  ground  for  ill-will  and  hostility  by  action  which  brought  him  into  individ- 
ual conflict  with  Dioscorus.  He  accepted  the  synodical  letters  issued  at  Constantinople  at 
the  time  of  Proclus,  and  so  seemed  to  lower  the  dignity  of  the  apostolic  sees  of  Antioch 
and  Alexandria ;  "*  he  also  warmly  resented  the  tyrannical  treatment  of  his  friend  Irenasus, 
bishop  of  Tyre."  Irenagus  had  indeed  in  the  earlier  days,  of  his  banishment  to  Petra  after 
his  first  condemnation  in  435  attacked  Theodoret  for  not  being  thoroughly  Nestorian,  but 
Theodoret  was  able  to  claim  Irenseus  as  not  objecting  to  the  crucial  term  Qsotokoc,'^  reasonably 
understood,  and  accepted  him  as  unquestionably  orthodox.  When  therefore  Dioscorus,  the 
Archimandrite  Eutyches,  and  his  godson  the  eunuch  Chrysaphius  attacked  Domnus  for 
consecrating  Irenaeus  to  the  Metropolitan  see  of  Tyre,  Theodoret  indignantly  protested  and 
counselled  Domnus  as  to  how  he  had  best  reply. ^  But  Dioscorus  and  his  party  had  now  the 
ear,  and  guided  the  fingers,  of  the  imperial  weakling  at  Constantinople,  and  the  deposition 
of  Irenasus  (Feb.  17,  448)  "vvas  followed  after  a  year's  successful  intrigues  by  the  autograph 
edict  of  Theodosius  confining  Theodoret  within  the  limits  of  his  own  diocese  as  a  vexatious 
and  turbulent  busybody. 

IV.  —  Under  the  Ban  of  Theodosius  and  of  the  Latrocinium. 

Theodoret  was  at  Antioch  when  Count  Rufus  brought  him  the  edict.  His  friends 
would  have  detained  him,  but  he  hurried  away.*^  On  reaching  Cyrus  he  wrote  to  his 
friend  Anatolius  warmly  protesting  against  the  cruel  and  unjust  action  taken  against  him, 
and  informing  the  patrician  that  Euphronius,  a  military  officer,  had  travelled  hard  on  the 
track  of  Rufus  to  ask  for  a  v^^ritten  acknowledgment  of  the  receipt  of  the  edict  of  relega- 
tion.^ The  letters  written  at  this  crisis  by  the  indignant  pen  of  the  maligned  scholar  and 
saint  '°  have  a  peculiar  value,  at  once  biographical,  literary,  and  theological.  To  Euse- 
bius  bishop  of  Ancyra  he  sends  an  important  catalogue  of  his  works.  To  Dioscorus,  the 
chief  of  the  cabal  against  him,  he  sends  a  summary  of  his  views  on  the  incarnation  and  the 
nature  of  our  Lord,  couched  in  such  terms  as  might  perhaps  in  earlier  days  have  shortened 
his  great  controversy  with  Cyril.  But  the  opponents  of  Theodoret  were  not  in  a  mood 
to  be  moved  by  any  formulation  of  the  terms  of  his  faith.  Dioscorus  received  the  letter 
with  insult,  and  publicly  joined  in  the  shout  of  anathema  which  he  permitted  to  be 
raised  against  his  hated  brother."  The  condemnation  of  Eutyches  by  Flavian's  Constan- 
tinopolian  Synod  had  roused  the  Eutychian  party  to  leave  no  stone  unturned  to  secure  its 
reversal  and  crush  it  and  all  who  upheld  it.  Of  the  latter  Theodoret  was  the  most  prominent, 
the  ablest  and  perhaps  the  holiest.  Hence  he  was  the  natural  representative  and  personi- 
fication of  the  doctrines  that  Dioscorus  sought  to  decry  and  degrade.'^  The  sixth  Coimcil 
of  Ephesus  of  evil  fame  met  in  the  Church  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin  on  August  8,  449. 
Eutyches  was  acquitted.  Flavian  was  condemned.  Ibas  of  Edessa,  Domnus  of  Antioch, 
and  Theodoret  of  C3'rus  were  deprived  of  their  sees.  The  disgraceful  scenes  of  violence 
which  marked  every  stage  of  this  shameful  ecclesiastical  gathering  have  been  described 
again  and  again  with  the  vivid  detail  '^  rendered  possible  by  the  exactitude  of  contemporary 


1  Glubokowski  p.  163  thinks  it  spurious.  2  Glubokowski,  p.  163. 

3  Ep.  I.X.  c  Ep.  ex.  '■>  Ep.  LXXIX. 

4  Ep.  LXXXVI.  7  Ep.  ex.  1"  Epp.  LXXIX.  LXXX.  LXXXI.  LXXXH.  LXXXIII. 

5  Epp.  III.  XII.  XVI.  XXXV.         8  Epp.  LXXIX  and  LXXX.         "  E:p.  LXXXVI. 

12  "  Theodoret's  condemnation  was  the  chief  object  aimed  at  in  summoning"  the  Latrocinium.  He  was  "the  bugbear 
of  the  whole  Eutychian  party  and  consequently  condemned  in  advance."  eanon  Venables,  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  913  and 
Martin  Brigandage  a  Ephese  p.  192. 

13  See  specially  Gibbon  ehap.  xlvii.  Milman  Hist.  Lat.  Christ.  Book  II.  Chap.  iv.  Stanley,  Christian  Institutions, 
Chap.  xvi.  4  and  Canon  Bright  Art.  Dioscorus  in  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  General  Councils,  it  may  be  remarked,  have  been  depreci- 
ated and  ridiculed  by  historians  of  two  kinds  ;  the  anti-Christian,  such  as  Gibbon,  who  have  been  glad  of  the  opportiinitv  of 
bringing  discredit  on  the  Church;  and  the  Roman,  such  as  Cardinal  Newman,  who  are  aware  that  the  authority  of  Councils  is 
not  always  reconcileable  with  the  asserted  authority  of  tlie  Bishop  of  their  favourite  see.  ('•  Even  those  councils  whicii  were 
oecumenical  have  nothing  to  boast  of  in  regard  to  the  Fathers,  taken  indiviJuallv,  which  compose   them.     They  appear  as   the 


THEODORET. 


narrative,  but,  inasmuch  as  Theodoret  was  condemned  in  his  absence  we  are  concerned 
here  less  with  the  manner  in  which  his  condemnation  was  brought  about  than  with  the 
steps  he  took  to  protest  against  and  to  reverse  it. 

To  the  prisoner  of  Cyrus  courier  after  courier  would  bring  intelligence  of  the  riots 
and  tricks  of  the  council.  At  last  came  news  of  the  crowning  wrong.  On  the  indictment 
of  an  Antiochene  presbyter  named  Pelagius,  Theodoret  was  condemned  as  an  enemy  of 
God,  a  disseminator  of  poison,  a  false  teacher  deserving  to  be  burnt.  In  support  of  the 
accusation  was  quoted  the  careful  theological  statement  addressed  by  Theod^^ret  to  the 
monks  in  the  Euphratensis  and  the  Osrboene  which  appears  as  Letter  CLI.,  as  well  as 
citations  from  his  works  at  large.  Dioscorus  described  the  absent  defendant  as  a  blasphe- 
mous enemy  of  God  and  the  Emperor  whose  life  had  been  spent  in  damning  souls.  The- 
odoret was  sentenced  not  merely  to  deposition  from  his  see  but  to  degradation  from  the 
priesthood  and  to  excommunication,  and  his  books  were  ordered  to  be  burnt.'  So  the  great 
council  ended  with  the  deposition  of  Flavian  of  Constantinople,  Eusebius  of  Doryl^eum, 
Daniel  of  Carrae,  Irenaeus  of  Tyre,  Aquilinus  of  Biblus,  and  Domnus  of  Antioch  as  well  as 
of  Theodoret.^  Eutyches  the  heretic  Archimandrite  was  restored  and  the  brutal  Dioscorus 
seemed  master  of  Christendom.  One  word  of  manly  Latin  had  broken  in  on  the  supple 
suffrages  of  the  servile  orientals,  the  '-^  Contradicitur''  of  Hilarius  the  representative  of  the 
Church  of  Rome. 

To  that  church,  and  to  its  illustrious  bishop,  Theodoret  naturally  turned  in  his  hour  of 
need.  He  implored  his  friend  Anatolius  to  get  him  permission  to  plead  his  own  cause  in 
person  in  the  West,  or  if  not  to  let  him  retire  to  his  old  home  at  Nicerte.^  The  latter  alter- 
native was  conceded.  In  this  retreat  he  received  many  proofs  of  the  affectionate  regard  of 
his  friends  and  offers  of  more  practical  help  than  his  modest  necessities  demanded/ 
Thence  products  of  his  facile  pen  travelled  far  and  wide.  The  whole  series  of  letters  writ- 
ten at  this  period  gives  touching  testimony  to  the  gentle  and  forgiving  spirit  of  the  sorely 
tried  bishop.  There  is  nothing  of  the  bitterness  and  fierce  anger  which  appear  sometimes 
in  the  earlier  controversy  with  Cyril.  He  is  refined,  not  soured,  by  adversity,  and,  though 
he  never  approached  nearer  to  canonization  than  the  acquisition  of  the  inferior  title  of 
Blessed,  he  appears  in  these  dark  days  as  no  unworthy  specimen  of  the  suffering  saint. ^ 
The  chief  interest  of  these  letters  is  in  truth  moral  spiritual  and  theological.  This,  however, 
has  been  obscured  by  the  ecclesiastical  interest  which  has  been  given  them  by  the  unwar- 
ranted attempt  to  represent  Theodoret's  letter  to  Leo  as  an  "  appeal  "  to  the  see  of  Rome 
in  the  later  and  technical  sense  of  the  word.  Whether  St.  Hilary  of  Aries  ever  did  or  did 
not  give  the  lie  to  his  short  life  of  strenuous  protest  agamst  the  growing  aggrandizement  of 
the  see  of  Rome,  there  is  no  doubt  that  before  his  death  at  the  age  of  41  in  449  his  suffragans 
had  been  released  by  Leo  from  allegiance  to  a  Metropolitan  disobedient  to  the  Roman 
chair,  and  that  Valentinian  had  issued  an  edict  confirming  Leo's  claims  and  making  ihe 

antagonist  host  in  a  battle,  not  as  the  shepherds  of  their  people."  Hist.  Sketches,  p.  335.)  And  it  must  be  conceded  that  bo 
far  as  outward  circumstances  went  the  Latrocinium  was  as  good  a  council  as  any  other.  As  is  pointed  out  by  Dean  Milman, 
"  It  is  difficult  to  discover  in  what  respect,  either  in  the  legality  of  its  convocation  or  the  number  and  dignity  of  the  assembled 
prelates,  consists  its  inferiority  to  more  received  and  honoured  councils.  Two  imperial  commissioners  attended  to  maintain 
order  in  the  council  and  peace  in  the  city  Dioscorus  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria  by  the  Imperial  command  assumed  the 
presidency.  The  Bishops  who  formed  the  Synod  of  Constantinople  were  excluded  as  parties  in  the  transaction,  but  Flavianus 
took  his  place  with  the  Metropolitans  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem  and  no  less  than  three  hundred  and  sixty  bishops  and  ecclesi- 
astics. Three  ecclesiastics,  Julian  a  bishop,  Renatus  a  presbyter,  and  Hilarius  a  deacon  were  to  represent  the  bishop  of  Rome. 
The  Abbot  Barsumas  (this  was  an  innovation)  took  his  seat  in  the  Council  as  a  kind  of  representative  of  the  monks."  Mil- 
man,  Lat.  Christ.  Book  II.  Chap.  iv.  The  fact  is  that  the  great  Councils  of  the  Early  Church  are  like  the  great  men  of  the 
Early  Church.  Some  have  authority  and  some  have  not.  But  their  authority  does  not  depend  upon  formal  circumstances  or 
outward  position.  They  have  authority  because  the  inspired  common  sense  of  the  Church  has  seen  and  valued  the  truth  and 
wisdom  of  their  utterances.  Athanasius,  Arius,  Cyril,  and  Nestorius,  were  all  great  churchmen.  Athanasius  and  Cyril 
stand  out  against  the  background  of  centuries  as  champions  of  the  faith.  Arius  and  Nestorius  are  counted  as  heretics. 
Character  does  not  outweigh  doctrine.  Nestorius  is  unsound  in  the  faith  though  he  was  an  amiable  and  virtuous  man;  Cyril 
is  an  authority  of  orthodoxy  though  his  personal  qualities  were  not  saintly.  Of  all  the  councils  that  according  to  Ammianus 
Marcellinus  hamstrung  the  postal  resources  of  the  Empire,  take  Nicaea,  Tyre,  and  the  two  Ephesian  councils  of  4^  and  449. 
Nicsa  and  the  earlier  Ephesian  are  accepted  by  the  Church  Catholic.  Tyre  and  the  later  Ephesian,  though  both  were  sum 
moned  at  the  will  of  princes  and  attended  by  a  large  concourse  of  bishops,  are  rejected.  W'hy?  The  earlier  Ephesian  in  tire 
disorder  and  violence  of  its  proceedings  was  as  disgraceful  as  the  Tyrian  and  the  later  Ephesian.  The  councils  of  Nicaaa  and 
of  Ephesus,  called  the  first  and  the  third  oecumenical  councils,  are  vindicated  by  the  assent  of  the  wisest  of  the  Church.  Tiie 
dictum  securus  jzidicat  orbis  terrarum  here  holds  good,  and  is  seen  to  be  identical  with  the  ultimate  foundation  of  the  great 
Aristotelian  definition  '•  defined  by  reason,  and  as  the  wise  man  would  define."  And  such  is  also  the  practical  outcome  of  the 
statement  of  Article  XXI.  of  the  Church  of  England. 

cf.  the  striking  passage  of  Augustine  (Cont.  Maximin.  Arian.  ii.  14).  "  Sed  nunc  nee  ego  Niccenum,  nee  hi  debes 
Ariminense,tanquam  praejudicatHrus,proferre  consilium.  Nee  ego  htijus  auctoritate,  nee  tu  illius  detitieris.  Seripturarum 
auctoritatihus,non  quoruvique propriis,  sed  utrisque  cominunibus  testibus,  res  cum  re,  causa  cum  causa,  ratio  cutn  ratione 
concertet:'  On  the  first  four  accepted  cecumenicai  councils  Dr.  Salmon  ( Injallibility  of  the  Church,  p.  287)  remarks,  "  Gregory 
the  Grea';  says  that  he  venerates  these  four  as  the  four  Gospels,  and  describes  them  as  the  foursquare  stones  on  which  the 
structure  of  faith  rests.  Yet  the  hard  struggle  each  of  these  councils  had  to  make  and  the  number  of  years  which  the  struggle 
lasted  before  its  decrees  obtained  general  acceptance,  show  that  they  obtain  their  authority  because  of  the  truth  which  they 
declared  and  it  was  not  because  of  their  authority  that  the  decrees  were  recognised  as  true." 

1  Canon  X'enables  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.     Actes  du  Brigandage,  pp.  19:5,  19c.  2  Evagrius  i.  10. 

8  Ep.  CXIX.  4  Ep.  CXXIII.  5  Epp.  CXIII.  to  CXXXIII.  and  CLXXXI. 


PROLEGOMENA.  9 


authority  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  supreme  in  the  West/  It  would  be  useful  to  maintainers 
of  the  Roman  supremacy  if  they  could  adduce  instances  of  any  assertion  or  acceptance  of 
similar  authority  in  the  East.  So  it  has  been  said  that  Theodoret  appealed  to  the  Pope.^ 
In  a  sense  this  is  of  course  perfectly  true.  Theodoret  did  appeal  to  the  Pope.  But  the 
whole  superstructure  of  papal  supremacy,  so  far  as  Theodoret  is  concerned,  is  really 
based  upon  a  poor  paronomasia.  The  bishop  of  Cyrus  "  appealed"  to  the  bishop  of  Rome 
as  any  bishop  believing  himself  to  lie  under  an  unjust  sentence  might  appeal  to  any  other 
bishop,  and  as  Theodoret  did  appeal  to  other  bishops.  It  is  quite  true  that  the  church  of  Rome 
had  many  claims  to  honour  and  regard,  as  Theodoret  himself  felicitously  and  opportunely 
points  out,  and  that  the  present  occupant  of  its  throne  was  a  man  of  unblemished  orthodoxy 
and  of  commanding  personal  dignity.  But  to  recognise  these  facts  is  a  long  way  from  ad- 
mitting that  this  yery  dignified  see  had  either  de facto  or  de  jure  any  coerciye  jurisdiction 
over  the  Metropolitans  of  Alexandria  or  of  Hierapolis,  to  the  latter  of  whom  Cyrus  was 
subordinate.  Theodoret  himself  quotes  the  crucial  passage  in  St.  Matthew's  gospel  ^  ap- 
parently without  any  idea  that  the  "  Petra "  means  all  the  successors  of  the  '' Petrus." '' 
What  Theodoret  asked  from  Leo  was  not  the  sentence  of  a  superior  but  the  sympathy  and 
support  of  an  influential  brother.  What  made  it  so  peculiarly  important  that  he  should  gain 
the  ear  and  the  approval  of  Leo  was  that  Rome  had  been  wholly  unconcerned  in  the  intrigue 
which  condemned  him.  He  could  have  had  no  more  idea  of  papal  authority  in  the  later 
ultramontane  sense  than  he  could  of  the  decrees  of  the  Vatican  Council.  Bound  as  he  was 
to  do  his  utmost  to  vindicate  not  so  much  his  own  position  and  doctrinal  soundness,  as  the 
truth  now  trampled  on  by  the  combined  factions  of  Alexandria  and  the  court,  he  naturally 
turned  to  Leo  as  alike  the  most  respected  and  most  independent  bishop  of  his  age.^ 

Leo,  however,  could  do  little  or  nothing  to  help  him.  Theodosius,  completely  under 
the  influence  of  Chrysaphius  and  Dioscorus,  w^as  quite  satisfied  as  to  the  proper  constitution 
and  equity  of  the  Latrocinium. 

V.  —  Theodoret  and  Chalcedon. 

Now,  not  for  the  last  time  in  history,  an  important  part  was  played  by  a  horse. 
In  July,  450,  Theodosius,  while  hunting  in  the  neighbourhood  of  his  capital,  was  throw^n 
from  the  saddle  into  a  stream,  hurt  his  spine,  and  a  few^  days  afterwards  died.^  With  him 
died  the  cause  of  Eutyches  and  of  Chrysaphius.  The  eunuch  w^as  promptly  executed,  and 
at  last  a  Council  was  conceded  to  reconsider  and  rectify  the  crimes  and  blunders  of  the 
Latrocinium.^  But  the  Empress  and  her  venerable  husband  did  not  wait  for  the  Council 
to  undo  some  of  the  wrong  done  to  Theodoret,  and  the  large  place  he  filled  in  the  eyes  and 
estimation  of  the  oriental  world  is  shewn  by  the  interest  shewn  at  Constantinople  in  his 
behalf.^  The  decree  of  relegation  appears  to  have  been  rescinded,  and  he  was  free  to 
present  himself  at  the  synod.     On  the  first  assembling  of  the  five  hundred  bishops,^  under  the 

1  Cf.  Milman  Lat.  Christ.  Book  ii.  Chap,  iv ;  Const.  Valentin,  iii  Aug.  apud  S.  Leon.  op.  epist.  xi. 

2Garnerius,  the  Jesuit,  in  his  dissertation  on  the  life  of  Theodoret  writes  :  "  When  Theodoret  got  news  of  his  deposition 
he  determined  to  send  envoys  to  the  apostolic  see,  that  is  to  the  head  of  all  the  churches  in  the  world,  to  plead  his  cause  before 
the  righteous  judgment  seat  of  St.  Leo,"  and  in  his  summary  of  his  own  chapter  he  says  "  Theodoret  appeals  to  the  apostolic 
see." 

3  Matt.  xvi.  18.  *  Ep.  CXLVI. 

5cf.  Glubokowski.  pp.  237,  239.  Du  Pin.  iv.  S3.  Cardinal  Newman,  in  his  very  bright  and  sympathetic  sketch  of 
Theodoret,  (Hist.  Sketches  ii.  30S  ed.  1891)  writes  the  following  remarkable  sentence.  "This,  at  least,  he  has  in  common 
with  St.  Chrysostom  that  both  of  them  were  deprived  of  their  episcopal  rank  by  a  council,  both  appealed  to  the  holy  see,  and 
by  the  holy  see  both  were  cleared  and  restored  to  their  ecclesiastical  dignities."  It  would  be  difficult  in  the  compass  of  so 
short  a  sentence  to  combine  more  statements  so  completely  misleading.  To  say  that  Chrysostom  and  Theodoret  both  ap- 
pealed to  the  •'  holy  see"  is  as  much  an  anachronism  as  to  say  that  they  appealed  to  the  Court  of  the  Vatican  or  to  the  Dome 
of  St.  Peter's.  _  In  their  day  there  was  no  holy  see,  that  is  to  say,  Ko.r  e$ox-r'iv.  All  sees  were  holy  sees,  just  as  all  bishops  were 
styled  your  holiness.  Rome,  it  is  true,  was  the  only  apostolical  see  in  the  West,  but  it  was  not  the  only  apostolical  see,  and 
whatever  official  precedence  it  could  claim  over  Antioch,  Jerusalem,  and  Alexandria,  was  due  to  its  being  the  see  of  the  old 
imperial  capital,  a  precedence  expressly  ordered  at  Chalcedon  to  be  shared  with  the  new  Rome  on  the  Bosphorus.  As  to  the 
"appeal,"  we  have  seen  what  it  meant  in  the  case  of  Theodoret.  It  meant  the  same  in  the  case  of  Chrysostom.  Cut  to  the 
quick  at  the  cruel_  and  brutal  treatment  of  his  friends  after  his  banishment  from  Constantinople  in  the  summer  of  404  he 
pleaded  his  cause  in  letters  sent  as  well  tn  Venerius  of  Milan  and  Chromatins  of  Aquileia  as  to  Innocent  of  Rome.  Innocent 
very  properly  espoused  his  cause,  declared  his  deposition  void,  and  did  his  best  to  move  Honorius  to  move  Arcadius  to  con- 
voke a  council.  The  cruel  story  of  the  long  martyrdom  of  bitter  exile  and  the  death  in  the  lonely  chapel  at  Comana  is  a  terri- 
ble satire  on  the  restoration  to  ecclesiastical  dignities.  The  unwary  reader  of  "  the  historical  sketch  "  might  imagine  the  famous 
John  of  the  mouth  of  gold  brought  back  in  triumph  to  Constantinople  by  the  authority  of  the  pope  in  404  as  he  had  been  by  the 
enthusiasm  of  his  flock  in  403,  and  Arcadius  and  Eudoxia  cowering  before  the  power  of  Holy  Church  like  Henry  IV.  at 
Canossa  in  1077.  The  true  picture  of  the  three  years  of  agony  which  preceded  the  old  man's  passage  to  the  better  world  in 
407  is  a  painful  contrast  to  contemplate  (Pallad.  Dial.  1-3.  Theodoret  V.  34.  Sozomen  viii.  26,  27,  28.)  Of  Theodoret's 
restoration  to  *'  ecclesiastical  dignity,"  and  Leo's  part  in  it,  we  shall  see  further  on. 

Ccf.  the  deaths  of  William  I.  and  William  III.  of  England. 

''Though  Marcian's  independence  of  western  dictation  was  shewn  in  the  summoning  of  the  bishops  not  to  a  place  in  Italv, 
as  Leo  had  hoped  and  urged,  but  to  Chalcedon,  the  beautiful  Asiatic  suburb  of  Constantinople. 

8  Epp.  CXXXLX,  CXL. 

^Accounts  of  the  numbers  vary.     Marcellinus  says  630.     There  were  more  than  400  signatures. 


10  THEODORET. 


presidency  of  the  imperial  Commissioners,'  the  minutes  of  the  Latrocinium  were  read ; 
the  presence  of  Dioscorus  was  protested  against  by  the  Roman  representation  as  having  dared 
to  hold  a  synod  unauthorized  by  Rome ;  and  the  claim  of  Theodoret  to  sit  and  vote,  al- 
lowed both  by  the  imperial  Commissioners  and  by  the  westerns,  since  Leo  ^  had  accepted 
him  as  an  orthodox  bishop,  was  vehemently  resisted  by  the  Eutychians.  He  entered,  but 
at  first  did  not  vote,  and  his  enemies  at  last  succeeded  in  wringing  from  him  a  personal 
anathema  not  only  of  Nestorianism,  but  of  Nestorius.  The  scenes  reported  in  detail  are 
too  characteristic  alike  of  the  earlier  Councils  and  of  Theodoret  to  be  omitted. 

"  The  illustrious  Presidents  and  the  honorable  Assessors  ordered  that  the  most  religious 
bishop  Theodoret  should  enter,  that  he  might  be  a  partaker  of  the  Council,  because  the  holy 
Archbishop    Leo    had  restored    the  bishopric    to  him ;   and    the   most    sacred    and  pious 
Emp'^oTor  determined  that  he  was  to  be  present  at  the  Holy  Council.     And  on  the  entrance 
of  the  most  religious  Theodoret,  the  most  religious  bishops  of  Egypt,  Illyricum  and  Pales- 
tine called  out :  '  Have  mercy  upon  us  !     The  faith  is  destroyed.    The  Canons  cast  him  out. 
Cast  out  the  teacher  of  Nestorius.'     The  most  religious  bishops  of  the  East  and  those  of 
Pontus,  Asia,  and  Thrace  shouted  out :    '  We  had  to  sign  a  blank  paper  ;  we  were  scourged, 
and  so  we  signed.     Cast  out  the  Manichieans  ;   cast  out  the    enemies  of  Flavian  ;   cast  out 
the  enemies    of  the    faith.'      Dioscorus,    the  most  religious    bishop    of  Alexandria  said : 
'  Why   is    Cyril  being  cast    out,    who    is    anathematized    by  Theodoret  ? '       The    Eastern 
and  Pontic  and  Asian  and  Thracian  most  religious  bishops  shouted  out :  '  Cast  out  Dioscorus 
the  murderer.     Who  does    not  know  the    deeds  of  Dioscorus?'      The  Egyptian  and  the 
Illyrian    and  the  Palestinian   most  religious   bishops    shouted    out :      '■  Long    years  to  the 
Empress  ! '      The  Eastern  and  the  most  religious  bishops  with  them  shouted  out :    '  Cast  out 
the  murderers  ! '     The  Egyptians    and  the  most  religious  bishops   with  them  shouted  out : 
'  The  Empress  has  cast  out  Nestorius.      Long  years  to  the  orthodox  Empress  !    The  Coun- 
cil will  not  receive  Theodoret.'     Theodoret,  the   most    religious  bishop,  came  up  into    the 
midst  and  said:    '  I  have  offered  petitions  to  the   most  godlike,  most  religious  and  Christ- 
loving  masters  of  the  world,  and  I  have  related  the  disasters  which  have  befallen  me,  and  I 
claim  that  they  shall  be  read.'     The  most  illustrious  Presidents  and  the  most  honourable 
Assessors  said  :    '  Theodoret,  the   most  religious  bishop,  having  received  his  jDroper  place 
from    the    holy    Archbishop    of  the    renowaied    Rome,    now    occupies    the    place    of   an 
accuser.       Wherefore,   that  there   be  no   confusion  in   our  proceedings,   allow   the   things 
which  have    had  a  beginning  to  be  finished.       No  prejudice  will  accrue  to  anyone  from 
the  appearance  of  the  most  religious  Theodoret.      Every  argument  for  you  and  for  him,, 
if    you     desire    to     make     one    on    one     side    or    the    other    is    of     course     reserved.' 
And    after    Theodoret,    the     most     religious     bishop,    had     sat     down     in     the     midst, 
the     Eastern,     and     the     most     religious     bishops     who     were      with     them,      shouted 
out:     'He    is    worthy!     He      is    worthy!'        The    Egyptians    and    the     most     religious 
bishops    who  were  with    them    shouted    out :     '  Do   not  call    him    a    bishop !     He  is  not 
a  bishop  !     Cast    out  the  fighter    against  God  !     Cast  out  the  Jew  ! '      The  Easterns  and 
the  most   religious    bishops   who  were   with    them    shouted    out :    '  The  orthodox  for  the 
Council  !     Cast  out  the  rebels  !     Cast  out  the  murderers  ! '     The  Egyptians  and  the   most 
religious    bishops    who  were  with  them  shouted  out  :■' Cast  out  the  fighter  against  God! 
Cast    out    the    insulter    of  Christ !     Long    years    to    the  Empress !     Long    years    to    the 
Emperor  !     Long  years    to  the  orthodox  Emperor  !     Theodoret  has  anathematized  Cyril.' 
The    Easterns    and    the  most  religious    bishops    who  were  v/ith  them  shouted  out :    '  Cast 
out  the   murderer    Dioscorus  !  '     The  Egyptians  and  the  most  religious  bishops  with  them 
shouted  out :  '  Long  years  to  the  Assessors  !    He  has  not  the  right  of  speech.   He  is  expelled 
from  the   whole  Synod  !'      Basil,  the  most    religious  bishop    of  Trajanopolis,  in  the  prov- 
ince   of  Rhodope,    rose    up  and    said  :     '  Theodoret    has  been    condemned    by  us.'      The 
^gypti^^s  and  the  most  religious  bishops    with  them    shouted  out :      '  Theodoret    has  ac- 
cused Cyril.     We  cast  out  Cyril  if  we  receive  Theodoret.    The  Canons  cast  out  Theodoret. 
God  has  turned  away  from  him.'  The  most  illustrious  Presidents  and  the   most  honourable 
Assessors  said  :   '  The  vulgar  cries  are  not  worthy  of  bishops,  nor  will  they  assist  either 
side.      Suffer,  therefore,  the  reading  of  all  the  documents.'     The  Egyptians   and  the  most 


1  Perhaps  of  the  Emperor  himself,  (Breviar.  Hist.  Eutych.)  The  representatives  of  the  imperial  government  sat  in  the 
centre  of  the  Cancelli;  on  their  right  were  Dioscorus,  Juvenal  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  Palestinian  bishops ;  on  their  left  Pascha- 
smus  of  Lilybaeum,  (Marsala)  Lucentius  of  Asculum(Ascoli)  with  Boniface,  a  Roman  presbyter,  the  three  representatives  of 
Leo,  Anatolius  of  Constantinople,  Maximus  of  Antioch,  and  the  orientals.  Paschasinus  signed  ns  "  synocio />f^si'dens,"  hut 
he  did  not  either  locally  or  effectively  preside. 

^  The  acts  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  refer  to  Theodoret  having-  been  righted  bv  the  bishop  of  *' the  illustrious  city  of 
Rome;  "    "  the  archbishop  of  the  senior  city  of  Rome."     The  primacy  is  that  of  the  ancient  capital. 


PROLEGOMENA.  ii 


religious  bisliops  with  them  shouted  out :  '  Cast  out  one  man,  and  we  will  all  hear. 
We  shout  out  in  the  cause  of  Religion.  We  say  these  things  for  the  sake  of  the  orthodox 
Faith.'  The  most  illustrious  Presidents  and  the  honourable  Assessors  said :  '  Rather 
acquiesce,  in  God's  name,  that  the  hearing  of  the  documents  should  take  place,  and  concede 
that  all  shall  be  read  in  proper  order.*  And  at  last  they  were  silent,  and  Constantine, 
the  most  holy  Secretary  and  Magistrate  of  the  Divine  Synod,  read  these  documents."  ^ 

One  more  sad  incident  must  be  given  —  the  demand  made  at  the  eighth  session  that 
Theodoret  should  pronounce  a  curse  on  his  ancient  friend.  ''The  most  reverend  bishops 
all  stood  before  the  rails  of  the  most  holy  altar,  and  shouted  "  Theodoret  must  now 
anathematize  Nestorius."  Theodoret,  the  most  reverend  bishop,  passed  into  the  midst, 
and  said:  "I  have  made  my  petition  to  the  most  divine  and  religious  Emperor, 
and  I  have  laid  documents  before  the  most  reverend  bishops  occrpymg 
the  place  of  the  most  sacred  Archbishop  Leo  ;  and  if  you  think  fit,  they 
shall  be  read  to  you,  and  you  will  know  what  I  think.'  The  most 
reverend  bishops  shouted  '  We  want  nothing  to  be  read  —  onlya  nathematize  Nestori- 
us.' Theodoret,  the  most  reverend  bishop,  said :  '  I  was  brought  up  by  the  ortho- 
dox, I  was  taught  by  the  orthodox,  I  have  preached  orthodoxy,  and  not  only 
Nestorius  and  Eutyches,  but  any  man  who  thinks  not  rightly,  I  avoid  and  count  him  an 
alien.'  The  most  reverend  bishops  shouted  out :  '  Speak  plainly  ;  anathema  to 
Nestorius  and  his  doctrine — anathema  to  Nestorius  and  to  those  wlio  defend  hiin.' 
Theodoret,  the  most  reverend  bishop  said :  '  Of  a  truth  I  say  nothing  except  so  far 
as  I  know  it  to  be  pleasing  to  God.  First  I  will  con\ince  you  that  I  am  here,  not  because 
I  care  for  my  city,  not  because  I  covet  rank.  Because  I  have  been  falsely  accused,  I 
come  to  satisfy  you  that  I  am  orthodox,  and  that  I  anathematize  Nestorius  and  Eutyches, 
and  every  one  who  says  that  there  are  two  Sons.'  Whilst  he  was  speaking,  the  most 
reverend  bishops  shouted  out :  '  Speak  plainly  ;  anathematize  Nestorius  and  those  who 
think  with  him.'  Theodoret,  the  most  reverend  bishop,  said :  '  Unless  1  set  forth  at 
length  my  faith  I  cannot  speak.  I  believe ' —  And  whilst  he  spoke  the  most  re\erend 
bishops  shouted  :  '  He  is  a  heretic  !  He  is  a  Nestorian  !  Away  with  the  heretic  I  An- 
athema to  Nestorius  and  to  any  one  who  does  not  confess  that  the  Holy  Virgin  Mary  is 
the  Parent  of  God,  and  who  divides  the  only  begotten  Son  '.  to  two  Sons.'  llieodoret, 
the  most  reverend  bishop,  said,  '  Anathema  to  Nestorius  and  to  whoever  denies  that  the 
Holy  Virgin  Mary  is  the  Parent  of  God,  and  who  divides  the  only  begotten  Son  into 
two  Sons.  I  have  subscribed  the  definition  of  faith,  and  the  epistle  of  the  most  holy 
Archbishop  Leo.' 


'  r>    2 


VL — Retirement  after  Chalcedon,  and  Death. 

Some  doubt  hangs  over  the  question  whether  after  his  vindication  at  Chalcedon 
Theodoret  resumed  his  labours  at  Cyrus,  or  occupied  himself  with  literary  work  in  the 
congenial  seclusion  of  Nicerte.  Garnerius  makes  it  about  the  time  of  his  quitting  Chal- 
cedon that  Sporacius  charged  him  with  the  duty  of  writing  on  the  Heresies,^  and  if  so  his 
five  books  on  this  subject  would  seem  to  have  constituted  the  first  fruit  of  his  comparative* 
leisure.  Sporacius  "  he  styles  his  ''  Christ-loving  Son,"  and  no  doubt  owed  something  to 
the  aid  of  the  influential  "Comes  domesticorum,"  who  was  present  at  Chalcedon,  when 
the  question  of  his  admission  to  the  Council  was  being  agitated.  To  this  period  has  also 
been  referred  his  commentary  on  the  Octateuch.''  On  Dr.  Newman's  statement  that 
Theodoret  made  over  the  charge  of  his  diocese  to  Hypatius  (one  of  his  chorepiscopi,  who 
had  been  entrusted  with  his  appeal  to  Pope  Leo)  and  retired  into  his  monastery,  and 
there  regaining  the  peace  which  he  had  enjoyed  in  youth,  passed  from  the  peace  of  the 
Church  to  the  peace  of  eternity,  Canon  Venables  ^  remarks  that  there  is  no  authority 
for  so  pleasing  a  picture,  and  that  Tillemont '  contradicts  it  altogether.  Garnerius  quotes 
his  congratulation  to  Sabinianus  **  on  leaving  Perrhaas  suggestive  of  what  conduct  he  might 
have  preferred. 

It  is  at  least  certain  that  during  this  period  he  received  a  long  and  sympathetic  letter  from 

1  Labbe,  iv.,  102,  103. 

»Labbe  iv.  621.     Bertram  (Theod.  Ep.  Cyr.  doctrina  christologica,  1883)  thinks  Theodoret  changed  his  views;  Moller 
Herzog  XV.  s.v.)  that  he  retained  them,  though  necessarily  modified  in  expression  by  stress  of  circumstances. 
3  Pr«f.  Hceret   Fab.  *Ep.  XCVII. 

^'  Photius  Cod.  204.     The  Octateuch  comprises  the  first  eight  books  of  the  Old  Testament. 
«  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  916.  'xv.,  311.  8  Ep.  CXXVI. 


12  THEODORET. 


Leo,  from  which  it  is  clear  that  the  Roman  bishop  reposed  great  confidence  in  him.'  It 
is  characteristic  of  one  in  whom  the  mere  man  was  merged  in  the  theologian  and  ecclesiastic 
that,  as  of  the  year  of  his  birth,  so  of  the  year  of  his  death,  we  have  no  specific  informa- 
tion, and  are  compelled  to  form  our  conclusions  on  evidence  which  though  valuable,  is  not 
overwhelming.  Theodorus  Lector,  the  composer  of  the  Historia  Tripartita,  in  the  6th 
century,  states  ^  that  Theodoret  prepared  a  sepulchral  urn  for  the  burial  of  the  famous  as- 
cetic Jacobus  ;  that  he  predeceased  Jacobus  ;  but  that  Jacobus  was  buried  in  it.^  Evagrius  * 
mentions  Jacobus  Syrus  as  still  living  when  the  Emperor  Leo  sent  his  Circular  Letter  to 
the  bishops  in  458,  though  then  he  must  have  been  in  extreme  old  age.  And  Gennadius, 
who  lived  not  long  after  Theodoret,  says  that  he  died  in  the  reign  of  Leo.  The  evidence  is 
not  strong.  Theodoret  may  have  died  some  years  before  Jacob.  But  Gennadius  probably 
knew.  On  the  whole  we  may  conclude  that  there  is  some  probability  that  Theodoret  sur- 
vived till  458  ;  none  that  he  lived  longer.  Like  Lucius  Gary,  Viscount  Falkland,  to  whom, 
in  his  isolation.  Dean  Stanley^  compares  him,  Theodoret  must  have  expired  with  the  cry 
of"  Peace,  Peace,"  in  his  heart,  it  not  on  his  lips.  Garnerius  is  careful  to  prove  that  he 
died  in  ''  the  peace  of  the  Church,'*  and  appeals  in  support  of  this  contention  to  the 
laudatory  testimony  of  Popes  Vigilius,  Pelagius  L,  Pelagius  IL,  and  Gregory  the  Great. 
The  peace  of  the  Church,  in  the  narrower  sense,  has  not  always  been  accorded  to  holy  men 
and  women  who  have  assuredly  departed  this  life  in  the  faith  and  fear  of  their  Lord.  In 
its  truer  and  holier  connotation  it  coincides  with  a  state  in  which  we  trust  we  may  contem- 
plate the  godly  old  man  of  Cyrus,  forgetting  the  storms  that  had  beaten  now  and 
again  on  the  life  he  was  leaving  behind  him,  and  stepping  quietly  into  the  calm  of  the 
windless  haven  of  souls,  — the  Peace  not  of  man,  but  of  God. 

VII. — The  Condemnation  of  ''the  Three  Chapters." 

A  sketch  of  the  life  of  Theodoret  might  well  be  supposed  to  terminate  with  his  death. 
But  it  can  hardly  be  regarded  as  complete  without  a  brief  supplementary  notice  of  the 
posthumous  controversy  which  has  contributed  to  his  fame  in  ecclesiastical  history.  The 
Council  of  Chalcedon  was  designed  to  give  rest  to  the  Church,  and  to  undo  a  great  wrong, 
and  catholic  common  sense  has  since  vindicated  its  decisions.  But  it  was  not  to  be  sup- 
posed that  the  opinions  and  passions  which  had  achieved  a  combined  triumph  at  Ephesus 
in  449  would  die  away  and  disappear  in  consequence  of  the  imperial  and  synodical  action 
of  451.  The  face  of  the  world  was  changing.  The  vandal  Genseric  captured  and  pil- 
laged Rome.  The  Teutonic  races  were  pushing  to  a  foremost  place,  and  accepting  first  of 
all  an  Arian  Christianity.  Clovis  represented  orthodoxy  almost  alone.  Theodoric,  the 
Arian  Ostrogoth,  mastered  Italy.  Then  the  turning  tide  saw  Rome  once  again  a  city  of 
sole  empire,  but  not  the  chief  city.  The  victories  of  Belisarius  made  of  Rome  a  suburb 
of  Constantinople,  and  empire  and  theology  swayed  and  were  swayed  by  the  policy  of 
Justinian  and  the  palace  plots  of  Theodora.  All  through  monophysitism  had  had  its 
friends  and  defenders.  Metropolitans,  monks,  and  mobs  had  anathematized  one  another 
for  nearly  a  century.  At  Alexandria  Dioscorus  had  won  almost  a  local  canonization,  and 
the  patriarch  Timotheus,  nicknamed  ''  the  Cat,"  had  left  a  strong  monophysite  party,  con- 
solidated under  Peter  the  Stutterer  as  the  ''  acephali/'  **  At  Antioch  Peter  the  Fuller  had 
anathematized  all  who  refused  to  accept  the  Shibboleth  he  appended  to  the  Trisagion, 
*'  who  wast  crucified  on  our  account."  Leo,  Marcian's  successor  on  the  Eastern  throne, 
had  followed  Marcian's  theology,  and  Zeno,  Leo ;  but  the  usurper  Basiliscus  had  seen  ele- 
ments of  strength  in  a  bold  bid  for  monophysite  support.  Zeno,  on  the  fall  of  Basiliscus, 
had  attempted  to  atone  the  disunited  sections  of  Christendom  by  the  henoticon,  or  edict  of 
unity,  but  the  henoticon  had  been  for  years  a  watchword  of  division.  Anastasius  had 
favoured  the  Eutychians.  And  in  his  reign  Theodoret  had  been  twice  condemned,  at  the 
synods  of  Constantinople  and  Sidon,  in  499  and  512.  ' 

Justin  I.,  the  unlettered  barbarian,  supported  the  Chalcedonians,  but  in  544  Belisarius 

1  Leo.  Ep.  cxx„  and  Mig-ne  Theod.  iv.  1 193.  Chagrined  at  the  decision  of  the  Council  that  Constantinople  was  to  enjoy 
lionora.-y  precedence  next  after  old  Rome  and  practical  equality  and  independence,  in  that  the  metropolitans  of  Pontus,  Asia, 
and  Ihrace  were  to  be  ordained  by  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  Leo  manages  to  write  to  Theodoret, />rtr  parenthese,  of  the 
Roman  bee  as  one  "  quant  caterts  omjtuan  Dominus  statuit  prcesidere.'*  If  in  "  siatuit  "  Leo  had  meant  to  refer  to  a  Divine 
Providence  overruling  history,  and  in  "/^^^/c/^/-^"  to  the  fact  that  Rome  was  for  many  years  the  capital  of  the  world,  his 
remark  would  have  been  open  to  little  objection.     But  he  meant  something-  quite  different. 

2  Collect.  Book  i.     Ed.  Mignep.  566. 

T  u  ^  'I'^ere  seems  no  authority  for  the  statement  of  Garnerius  (Hist.  Theod.  xiii)  repeated  in  Smith's  Diet.  Chris.  Biog.  that 
Jacobus  and  Theodoret  shared  it.  4  jg  Scrip   Ecc   So 

6  CArist,a?i  Institutions.    Chap.  xvi.  «  •AK6(/)aAot  =  headless,*  i.e.,  without  bishop. 

'  \  icto.  ■    1  .irr>n    ;md  Mansi,  viii.  371.     Mansi,  viii.  197-200. 


PROLEGOMENA.  13 


had  made  the  Eutychian  Vigilius  bishop  of  Rome.  When  Justinian  aspired  to  become  a 
second  Constantine,  and  give  theological  as  well  as  civil  law  to  the  world,  it  was  proposed 
to  condemn  in  a  fifth  oecumenical  council  certain  so-called  Nestorian  writings,  on  the  plea 
that  such  a  condemnation  miglit  reconcile  the  opponents  of  Chalcedon.  The  writings  in 
question  w^ere  the  Letter  of  Ibas  of  Edessa  to  Maris,  praising  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  ; 
the  works  of  Theodore  himself,  and  the  writings  of  Theodoret  against  Cyril.  These 
three  literary  monuments  were  known  as  '' the  Three  Chapters."  ^  Of  the  controversy 
of  the  Three  Chapters  it  has  been  said  that  it  "  filled  more  volumes  than  it  was  worth 
lines."  *  The  Council  satisfied  nobody.  Pope  Vigilius,  detained  at  Constantinople  and 
Marmora  with  something  of  the  same  violence  with  which  Napoleon  L  detamed  Pius  VL 
at  Valence,  declined  to  preside  over  a  gathering  so  exclusively  oriental.  The  West  was  out- 
raged by  the  constitution  of  the  synod,  irrespective  of  its  decisions.  The  Monophysites 
were  disappointed  that  the  credit  of  Chalcedon  should  be  even  nominally  saved  by  the  nice 
distinction  which  damned  the  writings,  but  professed  complete  agreement  with  the  council 
which  had  refused  to  damn  the  writers.  The  orthodox  wanted  no  slur  cast  upon  Chalce- 
don, and,  however  fenced,  the  condemnation  of  the  Three  Chapters  indubitably  involved 
such  a  slur.  Practically,  the  decrees  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  councils  are  mutually  incon- 
sistent, and  it  is  impossible  to  accept  both.  Theodoret  was  reinstated  at  Chalcedon  in 
spite  of  what  he  had  written,  and  what  he  had  written  was  anathematized  at  Constanti- 
nople in  spite  of  his  reinstatement. 

The  xiii  Canon  of  the  fifth  Council  runs  as  follows,  "if  any  one  defends  the  impious 
writings  of  Theodoret  which  he  published  against  the  true  faith,  against  the  firct  holy 
synod  of  Ephesus  and  against  the  holy  Cyril  and  his  twelve  chapters;  and  all  that  he 
wrote  in  defence  of  the  impiousTheodorus  and  Nestorius,  and  others  who  held  the  same 
opinions  as  the  aforesaid  Theodorus  and  Nestorius,  defending  them  and  their  impiety,  and 
accordingly  calling  impious  the  doctors  of  the  church  who  confess  the  union  according  to 
hypostasis  of  God  the  Word  in  the  flesh ;  and  does  not  anathematize  these  writings  and 
those  who  have  held  or  do  hold  similar  opinions,  above  all  those  who  have  written  against 
the  true  faith  and  the  holy  Cyril  and  his  twelve  chapters,  and  have  remained  to  the  clay  of 
their  death  in  such  impiety;   let  him  be  anathema." 

In  this  condemnation  the  works  certainly  included  are  Theodoret's  "  Objections  to 
Cyril's  Chapters,"  some  of  his  letters,  and,  among  his  lost  works,  the  "  Pentalogium," 
namely  five  books  on  the  Incarnation  written  against  Cyril  and  his  supporters  at  Ephesus, 
of  which  fragments  are  preserved,  and  two  allocutions  against  Cyril  delivered  at  Chalcedon 
in  431,  of  which  portions  exist  in  the  acts  of  the  fifth  Council,  and  do  not  exhibit  The- 
odoret at  his  best. 

The  Council  has  at  least  preserved  to  us  an  interesting  little  record  of  the  survival  at  Cyrus 
of  the  memory  of  her  great  bishop,  for  it  appears  that  at  the  seventh  collation,  held  at  the 
end  of  May,  notice  was  taken  of  an  enquiry  ordered  by  Justinian  respecting  a  statue  or  por- 
trait of  Theodoret  which  was  said  to  have  been  carried  In  procession  into  his  cathedral  town, 
by  Andronlcus  a  presbyter  and  George  a  deacon.'  A  more  Important  tribute  to  his  memory 
is  the  fact  that,  though  it  officially  anathematized  writings  some  of  which,  composed  in 
the  thick  of  the  fight,  and  soiled  with  its  indecorous  dust,  Theodoret  himself  may  well  have 
regretted  and  condemned,  the  Council  advisedly  abstained  from  directly  condemning  a 
bishop  whose  character  and  person  were  protected  by  the  notorious  iniquity  of  the  robber 
council  that  had  deposed  him,  the  friendship  of  the  illustrious  Leo,  and  the  solemn  vindi- 
cation of  the  church  in  Synod  at  Chalcedon,  as  well  as  by  his  own  confession  of  the  faith, 
his  repudiation  of  the  errors  of  Nestorius,  and  the  stainless  beauty  and  pious  close  of  his 
long  life. 

No  better  reconciliation  between  Chalcedon  and  Constantinople  can  be  proffered  than 
that  which  Garnerlus  quotes  from  the  letter  said  to  have  been  written  by  Gregory  the 
Great,  though  sent  In  the  name  of  Pelaglus  II,  to  the  Illyrians  on  the  fifth  council,  "It  is 
the  part  of  unwarrantable  rashness  to  defend  those  writings  of  Theodoret  which  It  Is  noto- 


1  Dean  Milman  (Lat.  Christ,  iv,  4),  following  in  the  ^vake  of  Gibbon,  remarks  that  "the  church  was  not  now  disturbed 
by  the  sublime,  if  inexplicable,  dogmas  concerning  the  nature  of  God,  the  Persons  of  the  Trinity,  or  the  union  of  the  divme 
and  human  nature  of  Christ,  concerning  the  revelations  of  Scripture,  or  even  the  opinions  of  the  ancient  fathers.  The  ortho- 
doxy or  lieterodoxy  of  certain  writings  by  bishops,  but  recently  dead,  became  the  subject  of  imperial  edicts,  of  a  fifth  so-called 
(Ecumenic  Council,  held  at  Constantinople,  and  a  religious  war  between  the  East  and  the  West,"  but  it  was  on  their  explana- 
tion of  sul^lime  if  iiiexplicahle  dogmas  that  the  orthodoxy  or  heterodoxy  of  these  bishops  depended,  and  so  far  as  the  subject 
matter  of  dispute  is  concerned,  the  i)osition  lu  553  was  not  very  different  from  that  of  451.  In  both  cases  the  church  was  moved 
at  once  by  honest  crnviclion  and  partisan  passion;  the  state  was  influenced  partly  by  a  healthy  desire  to  promote  peace  tliroug'.- 
out  the  eminre,  partly  by  the  ineauer  ;imbitioD  of  posing  as  theological  arbitrator. 

2  Gibbon,  chap,  xlvii.  Schall   Jlist.  Christ,  in,  770. 


3  4  THEODORET. 


Tious  that  Theodoret  himself  condemned  in  his  subsequent  profession  of  the  right  faith. 
So  long  as  we  at  once  accept  himself  and  repudiate  the  erroneous  writings  which  have  long 
remained  unknown  we  do  not  depart  in  any  way  from  the  decision  of  the  sacred  synod, 
because  so  long  as  we  only  reject  his  heretical  writings, we,  with  the  synod,  attack  Nestorius, 
and  with  the  SN'nod  express  our  veneration  for  Theodoret  in  his  right  confession.  His 
other  writings  we  not  only  accept,  but  use  against  our  foes."  ^ 

VIII. — The  Works  of  Theodoret. 

Of  authorities  for  the  Vv^orks  of  Theodoret  we  may  first  cite  himself.  In  four  of  his 
letters  he  mentions  his  own  writings;  viz.  :  in  Ixxxii,  to  Eusebius  of  Ancyra;  in  cxiii,  to 
Leo  of  Rome;  in  cxvi,  to  the  Presbyter  Renatus  ;  and  in  cxlv,  to  the  monks  at  Constanti- 
nople. Of  these  the  first  was  written  in  445  and  the  last  three  in  449  and  a  reference  to 
them  will  show  the  works  mentioned.  It  is  to  be  noticed^  that  no  allusion  is  made  to  the 
refutation  of  the  tw^elve  chapters ;  to  the  defence  of  Diodorus  of  Tarsus  and  Theodorus  of 
Mopsuestia,  nor  to  the  Dialogues,  though  all  are  held  to  have  been  written  before  the 
Latrocinium.  It  may  have  been,  as  Garnerius  conjectures,  that  Theodoret  did  not  judge 
it  politic  at  this  time  to  call  attention  to  these  particular  works,  but  the  assumption  is  not 
based  on  strong  grounds,  and  Theodoret  never  appears  as  one  unw^illing  to  avow  his  convic- 
tions, which  indeed,  were  perfectly  well  known. 

Gennadius,  presbyter  of  Marseilles,  who  died  in  496,  writes  "  Theodoretus,  bishop  of 
Cyrus,  is  said  to  have  written  many  works :  those,  however,  which  have  come  to  my 
knowledge  are  the  following;  of  the  Incarnation  of  the  Lord,  against  the  presbyter 
Eutyches,  and  Dioscorus,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  who  deny  that  there  was  in  Christ  human 
flesh,  —  powerful  vs^ritings  wherein  he  proves,  as  w^ell  by  argument  as  by  scriptural  evi- 
dence, that  Christ  had  very  flesh  of  the  substance  of  His  mother,  which  He  took  from 
the  Virgin,  and  very  Godhead,  which  by  eternal  generation  He  received,  in  being  gener- 
ated, froin  God  the  father  begetting  Him.  There  exist  also  his  books  of  Ecclesiastical 
History,  which  he  wrote  in  imitation  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  beginning  from  the  end  of 
the  books  of  Eusebius  down  to  his  own  time,  viz.  :  from  the  tw^entieth  year  of  Constan- 
tine  down  to  the  reign  of  Leo  I,  in  vs^hose  reign  he  died."  '* 

Photius,  in  the  ninth  century,  says  that  he  has  read  the  Ecclesiastical  History ;  twenty- 
seven  books  against  Heresies,  among  which  he  reckons  the  "  Eranistes ;  "  five  books 
"  Haereticarum  Fabularum ;  "  five  in  praise  of  Chrysostom  ;  with  Cominentaries  on 
Daniel,  the  Octateuch,  Kings,  Chronicles,  and  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets. 

Nicephorus  Callistus  Xanthopulus  in  the  fourteenth  century.  Hist.  Ecc.  xiv.  54,  writes: 
*'  Theodoretus,  Syrian  by  birth,  was  a  follower  of  the  great  Chrysostom,  whom  he  set 
before  him  as  a  model  of  style.  His  own  was  flowing  and  copious,  eloquent  and  easy, 
and  not  destitute  of  Attic  grace."  He  mentions  expositions  of  difiicult  passages  of  the  Old 
Testament;  Commentaries  on  the  Prophets  and  the  Psalms;  the  "  de  Providentia ;  "  a 
volume  "On  the  Apostles;"  the  Confutation  of  heresies,  called  "the  battle  between 
truth  and  falsehood  ;  "  the  refutation  of  Cyril's  "  Twelve  Chapters  ;  "  the  Ecclesiastical 
History;  the  "  Philotheus,"  a  History  of  the  Lovers  of  God;  three  books  on  the  divine 
doctrines,  and  five  hundred  ( ?)  letters. 

The  following  is  the  catalogue  of  extant  works  as  given  by  Sirmondus  and  followed 
by  Garnerius. 

(i.)  Exegetical.  Qiiestions  on  the  Octateuch,  the  Books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles  ; 
the  Interpretation  of  the  Psalms,  Canticles,  the  Four  Greater,  and  the  Twelve  Lesser 
Prophets  ;  an  exposition  of  all  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  including  the  Hebrews. 

(ii.)      Historical.     The  Ecclesiastical  History,  and  the   "Philotheus,"   or  Religious 
History. 

(iii.)  Controversial.  The  Eranistes,  or  Dialogues,  and  the  Haereticarum  Fabu- 
larum Compendium. 

(iv.)  Theological.  The  Graecarum  Affectionum  Curatio,  the  Discourse  on  Charity, 
and  the  De  Providentia. 

(v.)     Epistolary.     The  Letters. 

(vi.)  To  these  may  be  added  the  Refutation  of  the  Twelve  Chapters,  and  the  follow- 
ing given  in  the  Auctarium  of  Garnerius. 

1  Labbe.  Act.  Cone.  Const,  v.  Coll.  vii.      2  Pelag.  Papae,  736  ed.  Migne.         »  Cf.  Garnerius  in  Migne's  Theodoret  V.  255. 
4  The  last  record  in  the  History  appears  to  be  of  A.D.  440,  cf.  p.  159.     Eusebius   ends,  and  Theodoret  begins,  with  the 
defeat  of  Licinius  in  323.     Constantine  began  to  reign  in  306. 


PROLEGOMENA.  15 


(1.)      Prolegomena  and  extracts  from  Commentaries  on  the  Psalms. 

(2.)      Part  of  a  Commentary  on  St.  Luke. 

(3.)      Sermon  on  the  Nativity  of  St.  John  the  Baptist. 

(4.)     Portions  of  Sermons  on  St.  Chrysostom. 

(5.)      Homily  preached  at  Chalcedon  in  431. 

(6.)  Fragments  of  the  Pentalogium,  extracted  from  Marius  Mercator,'  who  at- 
tributed the  work  to  the  instigation  of  the  devil. 

Lost  works.  ^ 

(i.)      The  Pentalogium,  of  which  fragments  are  preserved  in  the  Auctarium. 

(2.)      Opus  mysticum,  sive  mysteriorum  fidei  expositiones,  lib.  xii. 

(3.)  Works  "  de  theologia  et  Incarnatione/'  identified  by  Garnier  with  three  Dia- 
logues against  the  Macedonians,  and  two  against  the  Apollinarians,  erroneously  attributed 
to  Athanasius. 

(4.)      Adversus  Marcionem. 

(5.)     Adversus  Judaeos  {?  the  Commentary  on  Daniel). 

(6.)      Responsiones  ad  quaesitus  magorum  Persarum. 

(7.)     Five  sermons  on  St.  Chrysostom. 

(8.)      Two  allocutions  spoken  at  Chalcedon  against  Cyril  in  431. 

(9.)      Sermon  preached  at  Antioch  on  the  death  of  Cyril. 
(10.)     Works  on  Sabellius  and  the   Trinity,  of  which   portions   are  given    by  Baluz. 


Misc.  iv. 


IX.  —  Contents  and  Character  of  the  Extant  Works. 


(a)  The  character  of  the  Commentary  on  the  Octateuch  and  the  Books  of  Kings 
and  Chronicles  is  indicated  by  the  Title  ''elg  rd  'diropa  rfiq  delag  Tpa<p^g  Kar'  ^ EKkoyrjv ,'^  or  "  On  se- 
lected difficulties  in  Holy  Scripture."  These  questions  are  treated,  with  occasional  de- 
flexions into  allegory,  from  the  historico-exegetical  point  of  view  of  the  Syrian  School,* 
of  which  Diodorus  of  Tarsus  and  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  were  distinguished  representa- 
tives. On  Diodorus  Socrates  "*  remarks,  "he  composed  many  works,  relying  on  the 
bare  letter  of  Scripture,  and  avoiding  their  speculative  aspect."  This  might  be  said 
of  Diodorus'  great  pupil  too.  Nevertheless,  though  generally  following  a  line  of  in- 
terpretation in  broad  contrast  with  that  of  Origen,  Theodoret  quotes  Origen  as  well  as 
Diodore  and  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  as  authorities.  Of  the  182  "  questions  "  on  Genesis 
and  Exodus  the  following  may  be  taken  as  specimens. 

Qiiestion  viii.  "  What  spirit  moved  upon  the  waters.^"  Theodoret's  conclusion  is 
that  the  wind  is  indicated. 

Qiiestion  X.  "  Why  did  the  author  add,  '  And  God  saw  that  it  was  good'?"  To 
persuade  the  thankless  not  to  find  fault  with  what  the  divine  judgment  pronounces  good. 

Question  xix.  "  To  whom  did  God  say  '  let  us  make  man  in  our  image  and  like- 
ness'?"     The  reply,  carefully  elaborated,  is  that  here  is  an  indication  of  the  Trinity. 

Question  xx.      "  What  is  meant  by  '  image  '  ?  " 

Here  long  extracts  from  Diodorus,  Theodorus,  and  Origen  are  given. 

Question  xxiv.  "  Why  did  God  plant  paradise,  when  He  intended  straightway  to 
drive  out  Adam  thence?" 

God  condemns  none  of  foreknowledge.  And  besides.  He  wished  to  shew  the  saints  the 
Kingdom  prepared  for  them  from  the  foundation  of  the  world.'' 

Question  xl.  "What  is  the  meaning  of  the  statement  '  The  man  is  become  as  one  of 
us  '  ?  "  Theodoret  thinks  this  is  said  ironically.  God  had  forbidden  Adam  to  take  of  the 
fruit  of  the  tree  of  life,  not  because  he  grudged  man  immortal  life,  but  to  check  the  course 
of  sin.     So  death  is  a  means  of  cure,  not  a  punishment. 

Question  xlvii.     "  Whom  did  Moses  call  sons  of  God?"     A  long  argument  replies,, 
the  sons  of  Seth. 

Question  Ixxxi  suggests  an  ingenious  excuse  for  Jacob.  "  Did  not  Jacob  lie  when  he 
said,  I  am  Esau  thy  firstborn?"  He  had  bought  the  precedence  of  primogeniture,  and 
therefore  spoke  the  truth  when  he  called  himself  firstborn. 

1  A  writer,  supposed  to  be  a  layman,  whose  works  were  discovered  in  two  MSS.  at  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century^ 
One  is  in  the  Vatican,  the  other  was  found  in  the  Cathedral  Library  of  Beauvais.     Marius  wrote  fully  on  the  Nestorian   Con 
troversy,  and  with  acrimony  against  Theodoret. 

2  As  catalogued  by  Canon  Venables  from  Cave  (Hist.  Lit.  i .  405  ff.)  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  91S. 

3  cf.  Gieseler  i.  20Q,  who  refers  to  Miinter  in  Staiidlins  Archiv.  fiir  Kirchengesch.  i.  i.  13. 
*  vi.,  3.  0  Matt.  XXV.  34. 


1 6  THEODORET. 


Exodus.  "  Question  xil.  What  is  the  meaning  of  the  phrase  '  I  will  harden  Pha- 
raoh's heart'?"     This  is  answered  at  great  length. 

The  information  given  in  these  notes,  as  we  might  call  them,  is  theological,  exegetic, 
and  explanatory  of  peculiar  terms,  and  is  often  of  interest  and  value.  On  the  fourteen 
Books  of  Qiiestions  and  Answers  Canon  Venables,^  quoting  Ceillier,  remarks  that  the 
whole  form  a  literary  and  historical  commentary  of  great  service  for  the  right  comprehen- 
sion of  the  text,  characterized  by  honesty  and  common  sense,  and  seldom  straining  or 
evading  the  meaning  to  avoid  dangerous  conclusions. 

(b)  On  the  Psalms  and  the  rest  of  the  Books  of  the  Old  Testament  the  Commen- 
tary is  no  longer  in  the  catechetical  form,  but  is  styled  Interpretation."' 

The  Psalmist,  Theodoret  observes,^  in  many  places  predicts  the  passion  and  resurrec- 
tion of  our  Lord,  and  to  attentive  readers  causes  real  delight  by  the  variety  of  his  prophe- 
sying. In  view  of  some  recent  discussions  concerning  the  authorship  of  certain  Psalms  it 
is  interesting  to  find  the  enthusiast  for  orthodoxy  in  the  5th  century  writing  "  It  has  been 
contended  by  some  critics  that  the  Psalms  are  not  all  the  work  of  David,  but  are  to  be  as- 
cribed in  some  cases  to  other  writers.  Accordingly,  from  the  titles,  some  have  been  attrib- 
uted to  Idithum,  some  to  Etham,  some  to  the  sons  of  Core,  some  to  Asaph,  by  men  who 
have  learned  from  the  Chronicles  that  these  writers  were  prophets/  On  this  point  I  make 
no  positive  statement.  What  difference  indeed  does  it  make  to  me  whether  all  the  Psalms 
are  David's,  or  some  were  the  composition  of  others,  when  it  is  clear  that  all  were  written 
by  the  active  operation  of  the  Holy  Spirit.?" 

The  importance  of  the  commentary  on  the  Psalms  may  be  estimated  by  the  fact  that  it 
is  longer  than  all  the  catechetical  commentary  on  the  preceding  Books  combined. 

The  interpretation  on  the  Canticles  follows  spiritual,  as  distinguished  from  literal,  lines. 
The  lover  is  Jesus  Christ ; — the  bride,  the  Church.  From  the  prologue  it  appears  that 
Theodoret  held  all  the  Old  Testament  to  have  been  re-written,  under  divine  inspiration,  by 
Ezra.     This  is  regarded  as  the  earliest  of  the  exegetical  works. 

The  original  commentary  on  Isaiah  has  been  lost.  The  only  existing  portions  are 
passages  collected  from  the  Greek  catenas  by  Sirmond  and  edited  in  his  edition,  but  the 
opinion  has  been  entertained  *  that  these  passages  should  be  referred  to  Theodore  of  Mop- 
suestia  who  also  commented  on  Isaiah,  and  who  is  sometimes  confused  with  Theod- 
oret by  the  compilers  of  the  Greek  catenae. 

The  commentary  on  Jeremiah  includes  Baruch  and  the   Lamentations.^ 

(c)  The  epistles  of  St.  Paul,  among  which  Theodoret  reckons  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews,  are  the  only  portions  of  the  New  Testament  on  which  w^e  possess  our  author's 
commentaries.  On  them  the  late  Bishop  Lightfoot  writes,  "•  Theodoret's  commentaries  on 
St.  Paul  are  superior  to  his  other  exegetical  writings,  and  have  been  assigned  the  palm 
over  all  patristic  expositions  of  Scripture.  See  Schrockh  xviii.  p.  398.  sqq.,  Simon,  p.  314 
sqq.  Rosenmliller  iv.  p.  93  sqq.,  and  the  monograph  of  Richter,  de  Theodoreto  Epist. 
Paulin.  interprete  (Lips.  1823.)  For  appreciation,  terseness  of  expression  and  good 
sense,  they  are  perhaps  unsurpassed,  and,  if  the  absence  of  faults  were  a  just  standard  of 
merit,  they  would  deserve  the  first  place  ;  but  they  have  little  claim  to  originality,  and  he 
who  has  read  Chrysostom  and  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  will  find  scarcely  anything  in 
Theodoret  which  he  has  not  seen  before.  It  is  right  to  add  however  that  Theodoret 
modestly  disclaims  any  such  merit.  In  his  preface  he  apologises  for  attempting  to 
interpref  St.  Paul  after  two  such  men  who  are  '  luminaries  of  the  world  : '  and  he  professes 
nothing  more  than  to  gather  his  stores  '  from  the  blessed  fathers.'  In  these  expressions 
he  alludes  doubtless  to  Chrysostom  and  Theodore."  ' 

As  a  specimen  of  the  mode  of  treatment  of  a  crucial  passage,  of  interest  in  view  of  the 
writer's  relations  to  the  Nestorian  and  Eutychian  controversies,  the  notes  on  I.  Cor.  xv.  27, 
28  may  be  quoted.  "  This  is  a  passage  which  Arians  and  Eunomians  have  been  wont  to 
be  constantly  adducing  with  the  notion  that  they  are  thereby  belittling  the  dignity  of 
the  only-begotten.  They  ought  to  have  perceived  that  the  divine  apostle  has  written 
nothing  in  this  passage  about  the  Godhead  of  the  only-begotten.  He  is  exhorting  us  to 
believe  in  the  resurrection  of  the  flesh,  and  endeavours  to  prove  the  resurrection  of  the 
flesh  by  the  resurrection  of  the  Lord.  It  is  obvious  that  like  is  conformed  to  like.  On 
this  account  he  calls  Him  '  the  first  fruits  of  them  that  have  fallen  asleep,'  and  styles  Him 

1  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  qi6,  ,  2  kpixTtveia.  3  in  Ps.  Ed.  Migne  604,  605. 

*  cf.  I.  Chron.  vi.  44.,  xv.  17,  19,  and  Art.  Jeduthun  in  Diet.  Bib. 

fi  Garnerius.  Theod.  Ed.  Migne  i,  274.  ^  cf.  note  on  page  327.     7  Lightfoot.     Epist.  Gal.  ed.  1S66,  p.  226. 


PROLEGOMENA.  l^ 

'  Man,'  and  by  comparison  with  Adam  proves  that  by  Him  the  general  resurrection 
will  come  to  pass,  with  the  object  of  persuading  objectors,  by  shewing  the  resurrection 
of  one  of  like  nature,  to  believe  tliat  all  mankind  will  share  His  resurrection.  It  must 
therefore  be  recognised  that  the  natures  of  the  Lord  are  two  :  and  that  divine  Scripture  names 
Him  sometimes  from  the  human,  and  sometimes  from  the  divine.  If  it  speaks  of  God, 
it  does  not  deny  the  manhood:  if  it  mentions  man  it  at  the  same  time  confesses  the 
Godhead.  It  is  impossible  always  to  speak  of  Him  in  terms  of  sublimity,  on  account  of 
the  nature  which  He  received  from  us,  for  if  even  when  lowly  terms  are  employed  some 
men  deny  the  assumption  of  the  flesh,  clearly  still  more  would  have  been  found  infected 
with  this  unsoundness,  had  no  lowly  terms  been  used.  What  then  is  the  meaning  of 
'then  is  subiected'?  This  expression  is  applicable  to  sovereigns  exercising  sovereignty 
now,  for  if  He  then  is  subjected  He  is  not  yet  subjected.  So  they  are  all  in  error 
who  blaspheme  and  try  to  make  subject  Him  who  has  not  yet  submitted  to  the  limits 
of  subjection.  We  must  wait,  and  learn  the  mode  of  the  subjection.  But  we  have  gone 
through  long  discussions  on  these  points  in  our  contests  with  them.  It  is  enough  now  to 
indicate  briefly  the  Apostle's  aim.  He  is  writing  to  the  Corinthians  who  have  only  just 
been  set  free  from  the  fables  of  heathendom.  Their  fables  are  full  of  violence  and 
iniquity.  Not  to  name  others,  and  pollute  my  lips,  they  worship  parricide  gods,  and  say 
that  sons  revolted  against  their  fathers,  drove  them  from  their  realm,  and  seized  their 
sovereignty.  So  after  saying  great  things  of  Christ,  in  that  He  shall  destroy  all  rule  and 
authority  and  power,  and  shall  put  an  end  to  death,  and  hath  subdued  all  things  under 
his  feet;  lest  starting  from  those  fables  of  theirs  they  should  expect  Him  to  treat  His 
father  like  the  Daemons  whom  they  adore ;  after  mentioning,  as  was  necessary,  the 
subjugation  of  all  things  the  apostle  adds  '  The  Son  Himself  shall  be  subject  to  Him  that 
did  put  all  things  under  Him.'  For  not  only  shall  He  not  subject  the  Father  to 
Himself,  but  shall  Himself  accept  the  subjection  becoming  to  a  son.  So  the  divine 
apostle,  suspecting  the  mischief  arising  from  the  pagan  mythology,  uses  expressions  of 
lowliness  because  such  terms  are  helpful.  But  let  objectors  tell  us  the  form  of  that 
subjection.  If  they  are  willing  to  consider  the  truth.  He  shewed  obedience  when  He 
was  made  m*n,  and  wrought  out  our  salvation.  How  then  shall  He  then  be  subjected, 
and  how  shall  He  then  deliver  the  kingdom  to  God  the  Father?  If  the  case  be  viewed  in 
this  way,  it  will  appear  that  God  the  Father  does  not  hold  the  kingdom  now.  So  full 
of  absurdity  are  their  arguments.  But  He  makes  what  is  ours  His  own,  since  we  are 
called  His  body,  and  He  is  called  our  Head.  '  He  took  our  iniquities  and  bore  our 
diseases.'^  So  He  says  in  the  Psalm  'my  God,  my  God,  look  upon  me,  why  hast 
Thou  forsaken  me.  The  words  of  my  transgressions  are  far  from  my  health.'  ^ 
And  yet  He  did  no  sin,  neither  was  guile  found  in  His  mouth.  But  a  mouth 
is  made  of  our  nature,  in  that  He  was  made  the  first  fruits  of  the  nature.  So  He 
appropriates  our  frequent  disobedience  and  the  then  subjection,  and,  when  we  are 
subjected  after  our  delivery  from  corruption  He  is  said  to  be  subjected.  What  follows 
leads  us  on  to  this  sense.  For  after  the  words  '  then  shall  the  son  be  subject  to  Him  that 
did  put  all  things  under  Him,'  the  Apostle  adds  '  that  God  may  be  all  in  all.'  He  is 
everywhere  now  in  accordance  with  His  essence,  for  His  nature  is  uncircumscribed,  as  says 
the  divine  apostle,  '  in  Him  we  live  and  move  and  have  our  being.'  ^  But,  as  regards  His 
good  pleasure.  He  is  not  in  all,  for  '  the  Lord  taketh  pleasure  in  them  that  fear  Him,  in 
those  that  hope  in  his  mercy.'  ^  But  in  these  He  is  not  wholly.  For  no  one  is  pure  of 
uncleanness,"  and  In  thy  sight  shall  no  man  living  be  justified^  and  '  If  thou  Lord  shouldst 
mark  iniquities  O  Lord  who  shall  stand?'  Therefore  the  Lord  taketh  pleasure  wherein 
they  do  right  and  taketh  not  pleasure  wherein  they  err.  But  in  the  life  to  come  where  corrup- 
tion ceases  and  immortality  is  given  passions  have  no  place  ;  and  after  these  have  been  quite 
driven  out  no  kind  of  sin  is  committed  for  the  future.  Thus  hereafter  God  shall  be  all  in 
all,  when  all  have  been  released  from  sin  and  turned  to  Him  and  are  incapable  of  any  incli^ 
nation  to  the  worse.  And  what  in  this  place  the  divine  Apostle  has  said  of  God  in  another 
passage  he  has  laid  down  of  Ch4'ist.  His  words  are  these.  '  Where  there  is  neither  Jew 
nor  Greek,  circumcision  nor  uncircumcision,  barbarian,  Scythian  .  .  .  but  Christ  is, 
all  and  in  all.'  '  He  would  not  have  applied  to  the  Son  what  is  attributable  to  the  Father 
had  he  not  of  divine  grace  learnt  that  He  is  of  equal  honour  with  Him."  ^ 

On  the  meaning  of  the  passage  about  them  that  are  baptized  for  the  dead  it  is  curious  to 


1  Is.  liii.  4.  8  Acts  xvii.  2S.  ^  7CoIoss.iii.il. 

*  Ps.  xxii.  I.  *  Ps.  cxlvii.  II.  «  Psalm  cxliii.  2.  «  Theodor.  Ed.  Migne  iii.  271.  Seqq. 


i8  THEODORET. 


find  only  one  interpretation  curtly  proffered  in  apparent  unconsciousness  oi"  any  other  being 
known  or  possible.  Theodoret's  words  are  ''  He,  says  the  apostle,  who  is  baptized  is 
buried  with  the  Lord,  that  as  he  has  been  sharer  in  the  death  so  he  may  be  sharer  in 
the  resurrection.  But  if  the  body  is  dead  and  does  not  rise  why  then  is  he  baptized?" 
The  dead  for  which  a  man  is  baptized  seems  to  be  regarded  as  his  own  dead  body  i.e., 
dead  in  trespasses  and  sin  and  subject  to  corruption.  ' 

(d)  Of  the  historical  works,  (i)  the  Ecclesiastical  History  needs  less  description,  in  that 
a  translation  in  extenso  is  given  in  the  text.  Its  style  and  spirit  speak  for  themselves. 
Photius^  w^ell  describes  it  as  "  clear,  lofty,  and  concise." 

Gibbon,**  referring  to  the  three  ecclesiastical  historians  of  this  period  speaks  of 
"  Socrates,  the  more  curious  Sozomen,  and  the  learned  Theodoret."  Of  learning,  in- 
dustry, and  veracity  the  proofs  are  patent  in  the  book  itself.  The  chief  fault  of  the  work 
is  its  want  of  chronological  arrangement.^  A  minor  shortcoming  is  what  may  be  called  a 
lack  of  perspective ;  a  fulness  of  detail  is  sometimes  conceded  to  mere  episode  and  pa- 
renthesis, while  characters  and  events  of  high  and  crucial  importance  would  scarcely  be 
known  to  be  so,  were  we  dependent  for  our  estimation  of  them  on  Theodoret  alone.  Va- 
Icsius  inclines  to  the  opinion  that  his  opening  words  about  supplying  things  omitted  ^  re- 
fer to  Socrates  and  Sozomen,  and  compares  him  in  his  composition  of  a  history  after  those 
writers  (there  is  just  a  possibility  that  he  might  have  completed  the  parallel  by  referring  to 
a  third  predecessor —  Rufinus)  to  St.  John  filling  up  the  gaps  left  by  the  synoptists.^  But 
this  view  is  open  to  question.  Theodoret  names  no  previous  writers  but  Eusebius.  A 
special  importance  attaches  to  his  account  of  such  Events  and  persons  as  his  local  knowl- 
edge enables  him  to  give  with  completeness  of  detail,  as  for  instance,  all  that  relates  to 
Antioch  and  its  bishops.  Garnerius  is  of  opinion  that  the  work  might  with  propriety  be 
entitled  A  History  of  the  Arian  Heresy  ;  all  other  matter  introduced  he  views  as  merely 
episodic'  He  also  quotes  the  letter*  of  Gregory  the  great  in  which  the  Roman  bishop 
states  that  "  the  apostolic  see  refuses  to  receive  the  History  of  '  Sozomenus '  (sic)  inas- 
much as  it  abounds  with  lies,  and  praises  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia,  maintaining  that  he  was 
up  to  the  day  of  his  death,  a  great  Doctor."  "Sozomen"  is  supposed  to  be  a  slip  of  the 
pen,  or  of  the  memory,  for  "  Theodoret."  But,  if  this  be  so,  "  multa  mentirar  "  is  an  un- 
fair description  of  the  errors  of  the  historian.  Fallible  he  was,  and  exhibits  failure  in 
accuracy,  especially  in  chronology,  but  his  truthfulness  of  aim  is  plain. ^ 

(ii)  The  Religious  History,  several  times  referred  to  in  the  Ecclesiastical  History, 
and  therefore  an  earlier  composition,  contains  the  lives  of  thirty- three  famous  ascetics,  of 
w^hom  three  were  women.  The  "•  curious  intellectual  problem"  '^  of  the  readiness  with  which 
Theodoret,  a  disciple  of  the  "  prosaic  and  critical  "  school  of  Antioch,  accepts  and  repeats 
marvellous  tales  of  the  miracles  of  his  contemporary  hermits,  has  been  invested  with  fresh 
interest  in  our  own  time  by  the  apparent  sympathy  and  similar  belief  of  Dr.  Newman, 
who  asks  "  What  made  him  drink  in  with  such  relish  w^hat  we  reject  with  such  disgust.'' 
Was  it  that,  at  least,  some  miracles  were  brought  home  so  absolutely  to  his  sensible 
experience  that  he  had  no  reason  for  doubting  the  others  which  came  to  him  second-hand.'* 
This  certainly  will  explain  what  to  most  of  us  is  sure  to  seem  the  stupid  credulity  of  so 
well-read,  so  intellectual  an  author."  *'  Cardinal  Newman  evidently  implies  that  the 
evidence  was  irresistible,  even  to  a  keen  and  trained  intelligence.  Probably  in  many  cases 
the  explanation  is  to  be  found,  as  has  been  already  suggested  in  the  remarks  on  Theodoret's 
birth,  in  the  ready  acceptance  of  the  current  views  of  the  age  and  place  as  to  cause  and 
effect.       Theodoret   believed    in   the   marvels  of  his   monks.      Matthew   Hale   believed    in 

'  Here  Theodoret  agrees  in  the  main  with  Chrysostom  and  Theophylact,  vide  RefF.  in  Alford  ad  loc. 

2  "  Unquestionably  the  rieht  view  of  this  controverted  passage  is  that  of  the  Greek  Fathers,  Chrysostom,  Theophylact, 
Theodoret,  and  others.  In  reading  their  comments  it  is  quite  clear  that  they  found  no  more  difficulty  in  St.  Paul's  elliptical 
use  of  the  Greek  vnep  than  we  do  in  Shakespere's  use  of  the  English  •  for.'  They  did  not  hesitate  in  their  homilies  to  expound 
that  the  phrase  '  for  the  dead  '  meant  '  with  an  interest  in  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,'  or  that  *  for  '  by  itself  meant  even  so 
much  as  '  in  expectation  of  the  resurrection.'     Speaker's  Commentary,  iii.  373. 

s  Chap.  xxi.  n. 

4  Ceillier  (x.  42)  repeats  the  charge  of  distinct  errors  in  chronology  in  (a)  the  statement  that  Arius  died  in  325  instead  of 
in  336;  (b)  the  extension  of  the  exile  of  Athanasius  by  four  months ;  (c)  the  election  of  Ambrose  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign 
of  Valentinian,  instead  often  years  later;  (d)  the  troubles  at  Antioch  placed  after  instead  of  before  those  at  Thessalonica; 
(e)  the  siege  of  Nisibis  in  350  confounded  with  that  of  359.  As  to  (a)  the  truth  is  that  Theodoret  is  guilty  rather  of  vagueness 
than  of  a  misstatement.  (Vide  1.  capp.  xiii,  xiv.)  ^he  objection  to  (b)  the  two  years  and  four  months  exile  of  Athanasius  is 
due  to  Valerius  (obs.  Ecc.  i).  Canon  Bright  (Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  i.  1S7)  agrees  with  Theodoret  (cf.  Newman  Hist.  Tracts  xii 
and  Hefele,  Conciliengesch.  i.467.)  In  (c)  Theodoret  is  vague,  in  (d)  wrong.  According  to  Valerius  Volagesus,  and  not 
Jacobus,  was  bishop  of  Nisibis  in  350.  ^  rrj?  e/c/cATja-iaa-Ti^rj?  to-Toptai  ra  napaKeinofieva. 

6  Valesii  annotationes  —  Theod  :  Migne  III.  1522.  Valesius  is  the  I.atinized  form  of  Henri  de  Valois,  French  historio- 
grapher royal,  who  edited  Ammianus  Marcellinus  and  the  Greek  Ecclesiastical  historians.     He  died  in  1692. 

7  Theod.  Ed.  Migne.  V.  282.  »  Ep.  XXXIV. 

*  •'  Baronius  obviously  approves  of  Gregory's  remark  about  Theodoret's  lies,  that  is  his  errors  in  the  order  of  events, 
and  out  of  Book  iv.  produces  no  less  than  fifteen  blunders,  to  say  nothing  of  those  in  iii  and  v."     Garner,  loc.  cit.  aSo,  281. 
10  Canon  Venables  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  918.  ^^Historical  Sketches  iii.  314. 


PROLEGOMENA.  19 


witchcraft.  Neither,  that  is,  was  some  centuries  removed  from  his  own  age.  Neither 
need  be  accused  of  stupid  credulity.  The  enthusiasm  which  led  him  to  reckon  on  finding 
the  noble  army  of  martyrs  a  very  present  help  in  time  of  trouble  because  he  had  a  little 
bottle  of  their  oil,  probably  that  burned  at  their  graves,  slung  over  his  bed  ;  and  his 
assurance  that  the  old  cloak  of  Jacobus,  folded  for  his  pillow,  was  a  more  than  adamantine 
bulwark  against  the  wiles  of  the  devil,  indicate  no  more  than  an  exaggerated  reliance  on 
the  power  of  material  memorials  to  affect  the  imagination.'  And  it  is  curious  to  remark 
that  with  all  this  acceptance  of  the  cures  effected  by  ascetics,  Theodoret  made  a 
provision  of  medical  skill  for  his  flock  at  Cyrus. "^ 

(e)  The  works  reckoned  as  theological,  as  distinct  from  the  controversial,  are  three  : 
(i)  The  twelve  discourses  entitled  'ZXkrjvLKCjv  OfrpaTrevrLK^  TcaBrjiidruv,  or  "  Grcecarufn  affectionufn 
curatio^  seu  evang'elzcce  veritatis  ex  gentilium  philospohia  cognitio.''  They  contain  an 
elaborate  apology  for  Christian  philosophy,  with  a  refutation  of  the  attacks  of  paganism 
against  the  doctrines  of  the  gospel,  and  may  have  been  designed,  as  Garnerius  conjec- 
tures, to  serve  as  an  antidote  against  whatever  might  still  survive  of  the  influence  of 
Julian  and  his  writings.  Here  we  see  at  once  our  author's  "  genius  and  erudition " 
(Mosheim).  In  these  orations  he  exhibits  a  wide  acquaintance  with  Greek  literature, 
and  we  find  cited,  or  referred  to,  among  other  writers,  Homer,  Hesiod,  Alcman, 
Theognis,  Xenophanes,  Pindar,  •  Heraclitus,  Zeno,  Parmenides,  Empedocles,  Euripides, 
Herodotus,  Xenophon,  Plato,  Aristotle,  Demosthenes,  Diodorus  Siculus,  Plutarch,  and 
Porphyry.  Homer  and  Plato  are  largely  quoted.  Basnage,^  indeed,  contested  their 
genuineness,  but  without  weakening  their  position  among  Theodoret's  accepted  works. 
They  have  seemed  to  some  to  encourage  undue  honour  to  and  invocation  of  saints  and 
martyrs'*  but  their  author  seems  to  anticipate  later  exaggeration  of  their  reverence  by  the 
distinction,  ''  We  ascribe  Godhead  to  nothing  visible.  Them  that  have  been  distinguished 
in  virtue  we  honour  as  excellent  men,  but  we  worship  none  but  the  God  and  Father  of 
all.  His  Word,  and  the  Holy  Spirit."^  (ii).  The  Discourses  against  paganism  were 
followed  by  ten  on  Divine  Providence,  a  work  justly  eulogized^  as  exhibiting  Theodoret's 
literary  power  in  its  highest  form.  Of  it  Garnerius,  who  is  by  no  means  disposed 
to  bestow  indiscriminate  laudation  on  the  writer,  remarks  that  nothing  was  ever  pub- 
lished on  this  subject  more  eloquent  or  more  admirable,  either  by  Theodoret,  or  by 
any  other. ^  The  discourses  may  not  improbably  have  been  delivered  in  public  at 
Antioch,  and  have  been  the  occasion  of  the  enthusiastic  admiration  described  as  shewn 
by  the  patriarch  John.'  In  them  he  presses  the  argument  of  the  divine  guidance  of  the 
world  from  the  constitution  of  the  visible  creation,  and  specially  of  the  body  of  man. 
The  preacher  draws  many  illustrations  from  the  animal  world  and  shews  himself  to  be 
an  intelligent  observer.  The  pursuit  of  righteousness  is  proved  not  to  be  vain,  even  though 
the  achieved  result  is  not  seen  until  the  resurrection,  and  it  is  argued  that  from  the  begin- 
ning God  has  not  cared  for  one  chosen  race  alone  but  for  all  mankind.  The  crowning 
evidence  of  divine  providence  is  in  the  incarnation.  "  I  have  taught  you"  —  so  the  great  ora- 
tions conclude  —  "the  universal  providence  of  God.  You  behold  His  unfathomable  loving 
kindness  ;  —  His  boundless  mercy;  cease  then  to  strive  against  Him  that  made  you  ;  learn 
to  do  honour  to  your  benefactor,  and  requite  his  mighty  benefits  with  grateful  utterance. 
Offer  to  God  the  sacrifice  of  praise  ;  defile  not  your  tongue  with  blasphemy,  but  make  it 
the  instrument  of  worship  for  which  it  was  designed.  Such  divine  dispensations  as  are 
plain,  reverence;  about  such  as  are  hidden  make  no  ado,  but  wait  for  knowledge  in  the 
time  to  come.  When  we  shall  put  off  the  senses,  then  we  shall  win  perfect  knowledge. 
Imitate  not  Adam  who  dared  to  pluck  the  forbidden  fruit ;  lay  not  hold  of  hidden  things, 
but  leave  the  knowledge  of  them  to  their  own  fit  season.  Obey  the  words  of  the  wise 
man  —  say  not  What  is  this?  For  what  purpose  is  this!  'For  all  things  were  made  for 
good.*  ^  Gathering  then  from  every  source  occasion  for  praise,  and  mingling  one  melody, 
ofl^er  it  with  me  to  the  Creator,  the  giver  of  good,  and  Christ  the  Saviour,  our  very  God. 
To  them  be  glory  and  v>^orship  and  honour  for  endless  age  on  age.     Amen." 

(iii)  The  Discourse  on  Divine  Love.  This  love,  says  Theodoret,  is  the  source  of  the 
boly  life  of  the  ascetics.  For  his  own  part  he  would  not  accept  the  kingdom  of  heaven 
without  it,  or  with   it,  were   such  a  thing  possible,  shrink   from  the  pains  of  heil.      It  was 

1  Theod.  Ed.  Migne.  iii.  1244.  Schrockh.  xviii.  362.  2  Ep.  CXV. 

3  Histoire  dt.  P^glise.  II.  1225.  Jacques  de  Beauval  Basnage  f  i72;>. 

4  Schrockh  Kirchengesch,,  Vol.  xviii.  410.  ^  Grace.  Cur.  Aff.  Ed.  Migne  754. 


20  THEODORET. 


really  love,  he  says,  which  led  to  Peter^s  denial ;  he  need  not  have  denied  if  he  could  have 
borne  to  keep  aloof,  but  love  goaded  him  to  be  near  his  Lord. 

(f.)    The  controversial  works  are 

(i.)  The  "  Eranistes,"  or  Dialogues,  of  which  the  translation  is  included  in  the 
text.  They  contain  a  complete  refutation  of  the  Eutychian  position,  and  the  quotations 
in  them  are  in  several  cases  valuable  as  giving  portions  of  the  writing  of  Fathers  not  else- 
where preserved.  They  are  supposed  to  have  been  written  shortly  after  the  death  of  Cyril 
in  444,  and  are  intended  at  once  to  vindicate  Theodoret's  own  orthodoxy,  and  to  expose 
the  errors  of  the  party  protected  by  Dioscorus. 

(ii.)  The  Hsereticarum  Fabularum  Compendium,  yAlperiKf/g  KaKo/uv^Mg  ettitoiut/)  was  com- 
posed at  the  request  of  Sporacius,  one  of  the  representatives  of  Marcian  at  Chalcedon,  and 
is,  as  its  title  indicates,  an  account  of  past  or  present  heresies.  It  is  divided  into  five 
Books,  which  treat  of  the  following  heretics. 

I.  Simon  Magus,  Menander,  Saturnilus,^  Basilides,  Isidorus,  Carpocrates,  Eplphanes^ 
Prodicus,  Valentinus,  Secundus,  Marcus  the  Wizard,  the  Ascodruti,^  the  Colorbasii,  the 
Barbelioti,^  the  Ophites,  the  Cainites,  the  Antitacti,  the  Perati,  Monoimus,  Hermogenes,. 
Tatianus,  Severus,  Bardesanes,  Harmoniu  Florinus,  Cerdo,  Marcion,  Apelles,  Potitus, 
Prepo,  and  Manes. 

II.  The  Ebionites,  the  Nazarenes,  Cerinthus,  Artemon,  Theodotus,  the  Melchise- 
deciani,  the  Elkesites,  Paul  of  Samosata,  Sabellius,  Marcellus,  Photinus. 

III.  The  Nicolaitans,  the  Montanists,  Noetus  of  Smyrna,  the  Tessarescaedecatites 
(i.e.  Quartodecimani)  Novatus,  Nepos. 

IV.  Arius,  Eudoxius,  Eunomius,  Aetius,  the  Psathyriani,  the  Macedoniani,  the  Do- 
natists,  the  Meletians,  AppoUinarius,  the  Audiani,  the  Messaliani,  Nestorius,  Eutyches. 

V.  The  last  book  is  an  "•  Epitome  of  the  Divine  Decrees." 

This  catalogue,  it  has  been  remarked,  does  not  include  Origenism  and  Pelagianism.* 
But  though  Theodoret  did  not  sympathize  with  Origen's  school  of  scriptural  interpreta-^ 
tion,  there  was  no  reason  why  he  should  damn  him  as  unsound  in  the  faith.  And  the 
controversy  between  Jerome  and  Rufinus  as  to  Origen  was  a  distinctively  western  con- 
troversy. So  was  Pelagianism  a  western  heresy,  with  which  Theodoret  was  not  brought 
into  immediate  contact. 

The  fourth  book  is  obviously  the  most  important,  as  treating  of  heresies  of  which  the 
writer  would  have  contemporary  knowledge.  And  special  interest  has  attached  to  the 
chapter  on  Nestorius,  who  is  condemned  not  merely  for  erroneous  opinion  on  the  incarna- 
tion and  person  of  Christ,  but  as  a  timeserver  and  pretender,  seeking  rather  to  be  thought,, 
than  to  be,  a  Christian.  Garnerius  indeed  doubts  the  genuineness  of  the  chapter,  and 
Schulze,  in  defending  it,  points  out  the  similarity  of  its  line  of  argument  to  that  employed  in 
the  treatise  "  against  Nestorius,"  which  is  very  generally  regarded  as  spurious.  It  may 
have  been  added  after  Chalcedon,  when  the  writer  had  been  forced  into  the  denunciation  of 
his  old  friend.  But  the  expressions  used  alike  of  the  incarnation  and  of  Nestorius  seem 
somewhat  in  contrast  with  other  writings  of  Theodoret.  Schrockh  °  inclines  to  the  view  in 
which  Ceillier  concurs,  that  this  damning  account  of  Nestorius  was  really  written  by  his 
old  champion,  and  accounts  for  the  harshness  of  condemnation  by  the  influence  of  the 
clamours  of  Chalcedon  and  the  induration  which  old  age  sometimes  brings  on  tender 
spirits.      It  can  only  be  said  that  if  this  is  Theodoret,  it  is  Theodoret  at  his  worst. 

The  heads  of  the  Epitome  of  Divine  Decrees  are  the  following  twenty- nine:  Of  the 
Father;  of  the  Son;  of  the  Holy  Ghost ;  of  Creation  ;  of  Matter;  ofy^ons;  of  Angels;  of 
Daemons  ;  of  Man;  of  Providence  ;  of  the  Incarnation  of  the  Saviour;  that  the  Lord  took  a 
body;  that  He  took  a  soul  as  well  as  His  body;  that  the  human  nature  which  He  took  was 
perfect ;  that  He  raised  the  nature  which  He  took  ;  that  He  is  good  and  just ;  that  He  gave 
the  Old  and  the  New  Testament ;  of  Baptism  ;  of  Resurrection  ;  of  Judgment ;  of  Promises  ; 
of  the  Second  Advent  ('ETrKpdveia)  of  the  Saviour;  of  Antichrist ;  of  Virginity;  of  Marriage; 
of  Second  Marriage ;  of  Fornication  ;  of  Repentance ;  of  Abstinence. 

The  short  chapter  on  the  Incarnation  has  a  special  value  in  view  of  the  author's  con- 
nection with  the  Nestorian  Controversy.  "It  is  worth  while,"  he  writes  in  it,  "to  ex- 
hibit what  we  hold  concerning  the  Incarnation,  for  this  exposition  proclaims  more  clearly 


1  SaTopceiAos  or  SaropviAos  in   Hippolytus,  Epiphanius,  and  Theodoret;    but  "XaTopulvo^   (Saturninus)  in  Irenasus    and 
Eusebius, 

2  A  Galatian  sect.    Jerome  has  "  Ascodrobi,"  Epiphanius   (Haer.  416)  identifies  •'  Tascodrugitae,"  with  Cataphrygians  or 
Montanists,  and  says  they  were  so  called  from  the  habit  of  putting-  their  finger  to  their  nose  when  praying. 

3  In  Epiphanius  (i.  85,  B)  Barbelitae.     Barbelo  was  a  mythologic  personage;  —  The  sect  gnostic. 
*  Ceillier  x.  84.  °  xviii.  416. 


PROLEGOMENA.  21 


the  providence  of  the  God  of  all.  In  his  forged  fables  Valentinus  maintained  a  distinction 
between  the  only-begotten  and  the  Word,  and  further  betvv^een  the  Christ  within  the  pleroma 
and  Jesus,  and  also  the  Christ  who  is  without.  He  said  that  Jesus  became  man,  by 
putting  on  the  Christ  that  is  without,  and  assuming  a  body  of  the  substance  of  the  soul ;  and 
that  He  made  a  passage  only  through  the  Virgin,  having  assumed  nothing  of  the  nature 
of  man.  Basilides  in  like  manner  distinguished  between  the  only-begotten,  the  Word  and 
the  Wisdom.  Cerdon,  on  the  other  hand,  Marcion,  and  Manes,  said  that  the  Christ  ap- 
peared as  man,  though  he  had  nothing  human.  Cerinthus  maintained  that  Jesus  was 
generated  of  Joseph  and  Mary  after  the  common  manner  of  men,  but  that  the  Christ  came 
down  from  on  high  on  Jesus.  The  Ebionites,  the  Theodotians,  the  Artemonians,  and 
Photinians  said  that  the  Christ  was  bare  man  born  of  the  Virgin.  Arius  and  Eunomius 
taught  that  He  assumed  a  body,  but  that  the  Godhead  discharged  the  function  of  the  soul. 
Apollinarius  held  that  the  body  of  the  Saviour  had  a  soul,^  but  had  not  the  reasonable 
soul ;  for,  according  to  his  views,  intelligence  was  superfluous,  God  the  Word  being 
present.  I  have  stated  the  opinions  taught  by  the  majority  of  heresies  with  the  wish  of  making 
plain  the  truth  taught  by  the  church.  Now  the  church  makes  no  distinction  between 
(^Tov  avTov  bvouaCec)  the  Son,  the  only  begotten,  God  the  Word,  the  Lord  the  Saviour,  and  Jesus 
Christ.  '  Son,'  '  only  begotten,'  '  God  the  Word,'  and  '  Lord,'  He  was  called  before  the 
Incarnation;  and  is  so  called  also  after  the  Incarnation;  but  after  the  Incarnation  the  same 
(Lord)  w^as  called  Jesus  Christ,  deriving  the  titles  from  the  facts.  'Jesus'  is  interpreted 
to  mean  the  Saviour,  whereof  Gabriel  is  witness  in  his  words  to  the  Virgin  '  Thou 
shalt  call  His  name  Jesus,  for  He  shall  save  His  people  from  their  sins.'  ^  But  He  was 
styled  'Christ'  on  account  of  the  unction  of  the  Spirit.  So  the  Psalmist  David  says 
^  Therefore  God,  thy  God,  hath  anointed  thee  with  the  oil  of  gladness  above  thy 
fellows.'^  And  through  the  Prophet  Isaiah  the  Lord  Himself  says  'The  spirit  of  the 
Lord  is  upon  me,  because  the  Lord  hath  anointed  me.'  *  Thus  the  Lord  Himself  taught 
us  to  understand  the  prophecy,  for  when  He  had  come  into  the  synagogue,  and  opened  the 
book  of  the  Prophets,  He  read  the  passage  quoted,  and  said  to  those  present  '  This  day 
is  the  Scripture  fulfilled  in  your  ears.'  ^  The  great  Peter,  too,  preached  in  terms  harmoni- 
ous with  the  prophets,  for  in  his  explanation  of  the  mystery  to  Cornelius  he  said  '  That 
word  ye  know  which  was  published  throughout  all  Judaea,  and  began  from  Galilee  after 
the  Baptism  which  John  preached  ;  how  God  anointed  Jesus  Christ  with  the  Holy  Ghost 
and  with  power.'  ^  Hence  it  is  clear  that  He  is  called  Christ  on  account  of  the  unction 
of  the  spirit.  But  he  was  anointed  not  as  God,  but  as  man.  And  as  in  His  human 
nature  He  was  anointed,  after  the  Incarnation  He  was  called  also  '  Christ.'  But  yet  there 
is  no  distinction  between  God  the  Word  and  the  Christ,  for  God  the  Word  incarnate  was 
named  Christ  Jesus.  And  He  was  incarnate  that  He  might  renew  the  nature  corrupted 
by  sin.  The  reason  of  His  taking  all  the  nature  which  had  sinned  was  that  He  might 
heal  all.  For  He  did  not  take  the  nature  of  the  body  using  it  as  a  veil  of  His  Godhead, 
according  to  the  wild  teaching  of  Arius  and  Eunomius  ;  for  it  had  been  easy  for  Him  even 
without  a  body  to  be  made  visible  as  He  was  seen  of  old  by  Abraham,  Jacob  and  the  rest 
of  the  saints.  But  he  wished  the  very  nature  that  had  been  worsted  to  beat  down  the 
enemy  and  win  the  victory.  For  this  reason  Lie  took  both  a  body  and  a  reasonable  soul. 
For  Holy  Scripture  does  not  divide  man  in  a  threefold  division,  but  states  that  this  living 
l)eing  consists  of  a  body  and  a  soul.'  For  God  after  forming  the  body  out  of  the  dust 
breathed  into  it  the  soul  and  shewed  it  to  be  two  natures  not  three.  And  the  same  Lord 
in  the  Gospels  says,  '  Fear  not  them  which  kill  the  body  but  are  not  able  to  kill  the  soul,'  ^ 
and  many  similar  passages  may  be  found  in  divine  Scripture.  And  that  He  did  not  assume 
man's  nature  in  its  perfection,  contriving  it  as  a  veil  for  His  Godhead,  according  to  the 
heretics'  fables,  but^  achieving  victory  by  means  of  the  first  fruits  for  the  whole  race,  is 
truly  witnessed  and  accurately  taught  by  the  divine  apostle,  for  in  His  Epistle  to  the  Ro- 
mans, when  unveiling  the  mystery  of  the  Incarnation,  he  writes  '  Wherefore  as  by  one  man 
sin  entered  into  the  world,  and  death  by  sin ;  and  so  death  passed  upon  all  men,  for  that 
all  have  sinned  :  for  until  the  law  sin  was  in  the  world  :  but  sin  is  not  imputed  when  there 
is  no  law.  Nevertheless  death  reigned  from  Adam  to  Moses,  even  over  them  who  had 
not  sinned  after  the  similitude  of  Adam's  transgression,  who  is  the  figure  of  Him  that  is 
to  come.'  ^ 


1  eixxl/yxov.  *  Is,  Ixi.  i.  T  c(.  note  on  pp.  132  and  194. 

2  Matt.  i.  21.  6  Luke  iv.  21.  »  Matt.  x.  2S. 

9  Ps.  xlv.  7.  6  Acts  X.  37,  38.  9  Rom.  v. 12,  13,  14. 


22  THEODORET. 


(iii.)      The     refutations    of    the    Twelve    Chapters    of    Cyril     are    translated    in    the 
Prolegomena.^ 

In  the  Epistle  of  Cyril  to  Celestinus  and  the  Comrnonitorium  datum  Posidonio  ^  Cyril 
shows  what  sense  he  wishes  to  fix  on  the  utterances  of  Nestorius.  ''  The  faith,  or  rather  the 
'  cacodoxy' of  Nestorius,  has  this  force;  he  says  that  God  the  Word,  prescient  that  he 
who  was  to  be  born  of  the  Holy  Virgin  would  be  holy  and  great,  therefore  chose  him  and 
arranged  that  he  should  be  generated  of  the  Virgin  without  a  husband  and  conferred  on 
him  the  privilege  of  being  called  by  His  own  names,  and  raised  him  so  that  even  though 
after  the  incarnation  he  is  called  the  only  begotten  Word  of  God,  he  is  said  to  have  been 
made  man  because  He  was  always  with  him  as  with  a  holy  man  born  of  the  Virgin.  And 
as  He  was  with  the  prophets  so,  says  Nestorius,  was  He  by  a  greater  conjunction  {(jwdipeia). 
On  this  account  Nestorius  always  shrinks  from  using  the  word  union  (huaig)  and  speaks  of 
'  conjunction,'  as  of  some  one  without,  and,  as  He  says  to  Joshua  '  as  I  was  with  Moses 
so  will  I  be  with  thee.'  ^  But,  to  conceal  his  impiety,  Nestorius  savs  that  He  was  with  him 
from  the  womb.  Wherefore  he  does  not  say  that  Christ  was  very  God,  but  that  Christ 
was  so  called  of  God's  good  pleasure;  and,  if  he  was  called  Lord,  so  again  Nestorius 
understands  him  to  be  Lord  because  the  divine  Word  conceded  him  the  boon  of  being  so 
named.  Nor  does  he  say  as  we  do  that  the  Son  of  God  died  and  rose  again  on  our  behalf. 
The  man  died  and  the  man  rose,  and  this  has  nothing  to  do  with  God  the  Word.  And  in  the 
mysteries  what  lies  (i.e.  on  the  Holy  Table)  (to  77  poKF.ljuevov)  is  a  man's  body;  but  we  be- 
lieve that  it  is  flesh  of  the  Word,  having  power  to  quicken  because  it  is  mada  flesh  and 
blood  of  the  Word  that  quickeneth   all  things." 

Nestorius  was  not  unnaturally  indignant  at  this  misrepresentation  of  his  words,. 
and  complains  of  Cyril  for  leaving  out  important  clauses  and  introducing  additions 
of  his  own."*  Cyril  succeeded  in  pressing  upon  Celestinus  the  idea  that  Nestorius, 
who  had  vigorously  opposed  the  Pelagians,  was  really  in  sympathy  with  them^ 
and  so  secured  the  condemnation  of  his  opponent  at  Rome  and  at  Alexandria,  an  1 
published  his  twelve  anathemas  to  complete  his  own  vindication.  These  werj 
answered  by  Theodoret  on  behalf  of  the  eastern  church  in  431.  In  433  formal  peace 
was  made,  so  far  as  the  theological,  as  apart  from  the  personal,  dispute  was  concerned,  by 
the  acceptance  by  both  John  of  Antioch  and  Cyril  of  the  formula,  slightly  modified,  which 
Theodoret  himself  had  drawn  up  at  Ephesus  two  years  before.^  It  is  as  follows  :  "We 
confess  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  the  only  begotten,  to  be  perfect  God  and 
perfect  man,  of  a  reasonable  soul  and  body,  begotten  before  the  ages  of  the 
Father,  as  touching  His  godhead,  and  in  the  last  days  on  account  of  us  and  our  salvation 
(born)  of  the  Virgin  Mary  as  touching  His  manhood ;  that  He  is  of  one  sub- 
stance with  the  Father  as  touching  His  godhead,  of  one  substance  with  us  as  touching  His 
manhood;  for  there  is  made  an  union  of  two  natures;  wherefore  we  confess  one  Christ, 
one  Son,  one  Lord.  According  to  this  meaning  of  the  unconfounded  union  w^e  confess  the 
holy  Virgin  to  be  'Oeoroicog,'  on  account  of  God  the  Word  being  made  flesh  and  becoming 
man,  and  of  this  conception  uniting  to  Himself  the  temple  taken  of  her.  We  acknowledge 
that  theologians  use  the  words  of  evangelists  and  apostles  about  the  Lord  some  in  common, 
as  of  one  person,  and  some  distinctively,  as  of  two  natures,  and  deliver  the  divine  as  touch- 
ing the  Godhead  of  the  Christ,  and  the  lowly  as  touching  His  manhood."  ^ 

This  is  substantially  what  Theodoret  savs  again  and  again.  This  satisfied  CyriL 
This  would  probably  have  been  accepted  by  Nestorus  too.'  What  then  was  it,  apart 
from  the  odium  theologicum,  which  kept  Nestorius  and  Cyril  apart?  Below  the  apparent 
special  pleading  and  word-jugglery  on  the  surface  of  the  controversy  lay  the  principle 
that  in  the  Christ  God  and  man  were  one;  the  essence  of  the  atonement  or  reconciliation 
lying  in  the  complete  union  of  the  human  and  the  divine  in  the  one  Person;  the  "I"  in 
the  ""I  am"  of  the  Temple  and  the  "I  thirst"  of  the  Cross  being  really  the  same. 
"  God  and  man  is  one  Christ."  The  position  which  the  Cyrillians  viewed  with  alarm 
was  a  reduction  of  this  unity  to  a  mere  partnership  or  alliance  ;  —  God  dwelling  in  Jesus 
of  Nazareth  as  He  dwells  in  all  good  men,  only  to  a  greater  degree;  — the  eternal  Word 
being  in  close  contact  with  the  son  of  Mary  (awcKpeuL) .  So,  whatever  may  have  been 
the  unhappy  faction-fights  with  which  the  main  issue  was  confused,  there  was  in  truth  a 
great  crisis,  a  great  question  for  decision  ;    was  Jesus  of  Nazareth  an  unique  personality, 

1  Page  26.  2  Mansi.  T.  IV.  1012  Seqq.  Migne  Pat,  LXXVII.  85. 

3  Jos.  i.  5.  4  Gieseler  Vol.  I.  p.  231.  ■'•  Gieseler  i.  235.  "  Synod,  c.  17.     Mansi  V.  p.  773. 

'  In  Walch's  Hist.  Ketz.  V.  778,  there  is  a  good  summary  of  N'estorius'  views  :  he  thinks  the  dispute  a  mere  logomachy^ 
So  also  Luther,  and  after  him  Basnage,  Dupin,  Jablonski.     Vide  reft",  in  Gieseler  i.  236. 


PROLEGOMENA.  23 


or  only  one  more  in  the  goodly  fellowship  of  prophets?  Was  He  God,  or  was  He  not? 
There  can  be  little  doubt  as  to  the  answer  Nestorius  would  have  given.  There  can  be 
none  as  to  that  of  Theodoret.  But  on  the  part  of  Cyril  there  was  the  quite  mistaken  con- 
viction that  Theodoret  was  practically  contending  for  two  Christs.  On  the  other  hand 
Theodoret  erroneously  identified  Cyril  with  the  confusion  of  the  substance  and  practical 
patripassianism  which  he  scathes  in  the  '•  Eranistes,"  and  which  the  common  sense  of 
Christendom  has  condemned  in  Eutyches. 

(g)  To  Nicephorus  Callistus  in  the  15th  century  five  hundred  of  Theodoret's  letters 
were  known/  and  he  is  eloquent  in  their  praise.  Now,  the  collection,  including  several  by 
other  writers,  comprises  only  one  hundred  and  eighty  one.  The  value  of  their  contributions 
to  the  history  of  the  times  as  well  as  of  their  writer  will  be  evident  on  their  study.  The 
order  in  which  they  are  published  is  preserved  in  the  translation  for  the  sake  of  reference. 
A  chronological  order  would  have  obvious  advantages,  but  this  in  many  cases  could  only 
be  conjectural.  Where  the  indications  of  time  are  fairly  plain  the  probable  date  is 
suggested  in  a  note.  The  letters  are  divided  into  (a)  dogmatic,  (b)  consolatory,  (c) 
festal,  (d)  commendatory,  (e)  congratulatory,  (f)  commenting  on  passing  events.  Of 
them  Schulze  writes  "Nihil  eo  in  genere  scribendi  perfectius ;  nam  quae  sunt  epistolarum 
virtutes,  brevitas,  perspicuitas,  elegantia,  urbanitas,  modestia,  observantia  decori,  et  ingen- 
iosa  prudensque  ac  erudita  simplicitas,  in  epistolis  Theodoreti  admirabiliter  ita  elucent  ut 
scribentibus  exempla  esse  possint."  "  They  not  only"  says  Schrockh,^  "vindicate  the 
admiration  of  Nicephorus,  but  are  specially  attractive  on  account  of  their  exhibition  of  the 
writer's  simplicity,  modesty,  and  love  of  peace." 

From  the  study  of  these  letters  "  we  rise,"  writes  Canon  Vena))les,^  "  with  a  heightened 
estimate  of  Theodoret  himself,  his  intellectual  power,  his  theological  precision,  his  warm- 
hearted affection  for  his  friends,  and  the  Christian  virtues  with  which,  notwithstanding 
some  weaknesses  and  an  occasional  bitterness  for  which,  however  distressing,  his  persecu- 
tions offered  some  palliation,  his  character  was  adorned." 

The  reputation  of  Theodoret  in  the  Church  is  a  growing  reputation,  and  the 
practical  canonization  which  he  has  won  in  the  heart  of  Christendom  is  a  testimony 
to  the  power  and  worth  of  character  and  conduct.  Though  never  officially  dignified 
by  a  higher  ecclesiastical  title  than  "  Beatus"  he  is  yet  to  Marcellinus  "  Episcopus  sanctus 
Cyri  "  "  and  to  Photius  ^  "  divinus  vir."  His  earnest,  sometimes  bitter,  conflict  with  the 
great  intellect  and  strong  will  of  Cyril,  and  apparent  discomfiture  in  the  war  which  raged, 
often  with  dire  confusion,  up  and  down  the  long  lines  of  definition,  have  not  succeeded  in 
robbing  him  of  one  of  the  highest  places  among  the  Fathers  of  whom  the  Church  is 
proudest.  He  exhibits,  each  in  a  lofty  and  conspicuous  form,  all  the  qualities  which  mark 
a  great  and  good  churchman.  His  theological  writings  would  have  won  high  fame  in  a 
recluse.  His  administration  of  his  diocese,  as  we  learn  it  from  his  modest  letters,  would 
have  gained  him  the  character  of  an  excellent  bishop,  even  had  he  been  no  scholar.  His 
temper  in  controversy,  though  occasionally  breaking  out  into  the  fiery  heat  of  the  oriental, 
is  for  the  most  part  in  happy  contrast  with  that  of  his  opponents.  His  devotion  to  his 
duty  is  undeniable,  and  his  industry  astonishing.  It  is  impossible  not  to  feel  as  we  read 
his  writings  that  he  is  no  self-seeker  arguing  for  victory.  He  believes  that  the  fate  of  the 
Church  rests  on  the  fidelity  of  Christians  to  the  Nicene  Confession,  and  in  his  champion- 
ship of  this  creed,  and  his  opposition  to  all  that  seems  to  him  to  threaten  its  adulteration 
or  defeat,  he  knows  no  awe  of  prince  or  court.  Owning  but  one  Lord,  he  is  true  through 
evil  and  good  report  to  Him,  and  his  figure  stands  out  large,  bright,  and  gracious  across 
the  centuries,  against  a  background  of  intrigue  and  controversy  sometimes  very  dark,  as 
of  a  patient  and  faithful  soldier  and  servant  of  Christ.^  If  his  shortcomings  were  those  of 
his  own  age,  —  and  in  an  age  of  virulent  strife  and  of  denial  of  all  mercy  to  opponents 
his  memory  rises  as  a  comparative  monument  of  moderation,  —  his  graces  were  the  graces 
of  all  the  ages. ^  Were  it  customary,  or  even  possible,  in  our  own  church  and  time  to 
maintain  the  ancient  custom  of  reciting  before  the  Holy  Table  the  names  approved  as 
of  good  men  and  true  in  the  past  history  of  the  Holy  Society,  in  the  long  catalogue  of  the 
faithful  departed  for  whom  worshippers  bless  the  name  of  their  common  Lord,  a  place 
must  indubitably  be  kept  for  Theodoretus,  bishoji  of  Cyrus. 

1  Ecc.  Hist.  xiv.  54.  2  xviii.  427.  3  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  918. 

*  Marc.  466.     Ceiller  x,  25.  5  Cod.  xxiv.,  p.  527. 

<<  La  vie  sainte  et  edijiante  que  Theodoret  mena  des  sa  premiere  jeiuiesse  ;  les  travaux  apostoliqties  dont  il  hottora  son 
episcopal:  son  zele  pour  la  conversion  des  ennemis  de  Veglise ;  les  persecutions  qu''il  sotiffrait  pour  lenojn  dejtsus  Christ  ;  soti 
ai.our pour  la  solitu('fe,po!ir  la  Y>auvrete  et  pour  les  pauvres  :  Vesprit  de  charite  qu^ il  a  fait  paraitre  dans  toutes  les  occa- 
sions;  la  genereuse  liberie  dans  la  confession  de  la  vcrite  ;  sa  projonde  humilile  qui  parail  dans  tous  ses  ecrits  ;  le  sneers  dont 
Dieu  henil  ses  soins  el  ses  mouvements  pour  le  saint  des  homntes,  Vont  rendu  venerable  dans  Pcglise.  Les  anciens  Font  quali- 
■fie  saint,  et  apelle  un  hoinme  divin  ;  mais  la  qual'le  qu'i/s  lui  donnent  ordinaire.nent  c'est  celle  de  bienheureux."  Ceillier 
X.  25.  ti  cf.  Schrockh  xviii.  356. 


24  THEODORET. 


MANUSCRIPTS  AND  EDITIONS  OF  SEPARATE  WORKS. 


The  editions  of  the  Ecclesiastical  History  are  the  most  numerous,  though  of  several 
others  there  are  many.     Of  the  collected  works  the  following  are  the  principal. 

(i)        Editio  princeps,  of  Paulus  Manutius,  Latin  Version  only.     Rome  1556. 

(ii)      J.   Birckman,  fol.  2  voll.  Latin  only  Cologne  1573. 

(iii)     J.  Sirmond,  4  voll.  fol.  Greek  and  Latin,  Paris  1642. 

To  this  the  Auctarium  of  J.  Garnier,  with  his  dissertations  was  added  in  1684. 

(iv)  John  Lewis  Schulze,  Greek  and  Latin,  based  upon  the  preceding,  in  5  voll. 
Halle,  1774. 

(v)       Migne's  edition  of  the  foregoing.     Paris  i860. 

(The  last-named  is  the  Edition  used  for  the  translation  in  this  work.) 

The  MSS.  authority  for  the  works  of  Theodoret  is  strong.  The  afore-named  editions 
are  based  on  MS.  in  the  libraries  of  Augsburg,  Florence,  Rome  and  Naples. 

To  works  on  Theodoret  mentioned  in  the  notes  may  be  added :  — 

S.  Kiipper,  Ausgew,  Schriften  des  sel.  Theodoret  aus  dem  Urtext  iibers. 

E.  Binder,  Etudes  sur  Theodoret.     Geneva,  1844. 

Specht,  Theodor  von  Mopsuestia,  und  Theodoret  von  Cyrus.     Munich,  1871. 


THE    ANATHEMAS    OF    CYRIL.  25 


THE  ANATHEMAS  OF  CYRIL  IN  OPPOSITION  TO   NESTORIUS. 


(Mansi  T.  IV.  p.  1067-1082,  Migne  Cat.  76,  col.  391.      The  anathemas  of  Nestorius  against  Cyril  are  to  be 

found  in  Hardouin  i.   1297.) 

I.  If  any  one  refuses  to  confess  that  the  Emmanuel  is  in  truth  God,  and  therefore  that 
the  holy  Virgin  is  Mother  of  God  (^eord/cof),  for  she  gave  birth  after  a  fleshly  manner  to  the 
Word  of  God  made  flesh  ;  let  him  be  anathema. 

II.  If  any  one  refuses  to  confess  that  the  Word  of  God  the  Father  is  united  in  hypos- 
tasis to  flesh,  and  is  one  Christ  with  His  own  flesh,  the  same  being  at  once  both  God  and 
man,  let  him  be  anathema. 

III.  If  any  one  in  the  case  of  the  one  Christ  divides  the  hypostases  after  the  union, 
conjoining  them  by  the  conjunction  alone  which  is  according  to  dignity,  independence,  or 
prerogative,  and  not  rather  by  the  concurrence  which  is  according  to  natural  union,  let 
him  be  anathema. 

IV.  If  any  one  divides  between  two  persons  or  hypostases  the  expressions  used  in  the 
writings  of  evangelists  and  apostles,  whether  spoken  by  the  saints  of  Christ  or  by  Him 
about  Himself,  and  applies  the  one  as  to  a  man  considered  properly  apart  from  the  Word 
of  God,  and  the  others  as  appropriate  to  the  divine  and  the  Word  ot  God  the  Father  alone, 
let  him  be  anathema. 

V.  If  any  one  dares  to  maintain  that  the  Christ  is  man  bearing  God,  and  not  rather 
that  He  is  God  in  truth,  and  one  Son,  and  by  nature,  according  as  the  Word  was  made  flesh, 
and  shared  blood  and  flesh  in  like  manner  with  ourselves,  let  him  be  anathema. 

VL  If  any  one  dares  to  maintain  that  the  Word  of  God  the  Father  was  God  or  Lord 
of  the  Christ,  and  does  not  rather  confess  that  the  same  was  at  once  both  God  and  man, 
the  Word  being  made  flesh  according  to  the  Scriptures,  let  him  be  anathema. 

VII.  If  any  one  says  that  Jesus  was  energized  as  man  by  God  the  Word,  and  tnat 
He  was  invested  with  the  glory  of  the  only  begotten  as  being  another  beside  Him,  let  him 
be  anathema. 

VIII.  If  any  one  dares  to  maintain  that  the  ascended  man  ought  to  be  worshipped  to- 
gether with  the  divine  Word,  and  be  glorified  with  Him,  and  with  Him  be  called  God  as 
one  with  another  (in  that  the  continual  use  of  the  preposition  ''  with  "  in  composition  makes 
this  sense  compulsory),  and  does  not  rather  in  one  act  of  worship  honour  the  Emmanuel 
and  praise  Him  in  one  doxology,  in  that  He  is  the  Word  made  flesh,  let  him  be  anathema. 

IX.  If  any  one  says  that  the  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  glorified  by  the  Spirit,  using 
the  power  that  works  through  Him  as  a  foreign  power,  and  receiving  from  Him  the  ability 
to  operate  against  unclean  spirits,  and  to  complete  His  miracles  among  men ;  and  does  not 
rather  say  that  the  Spirit  is  His  own,  whereby  also  He  wrought  His  miracles,  let  him  be 
anathema. 

X.  Holy  Scripture  states  that  Christ  is  High  Priest  and  Apostle  of  our  confession,^  and 
offered  Himself  on  our  behalf  for  a  sweet-smelling  savour  to  God  and  our  Father/  If, 
then,  any  one  says  that  He,  the  Word  of  God,  was  not  made  our  High  Priest  and  Apostle 
when  He  was  made  flesh  and  man  after  our  manner;  but  as  being  another,  other  than  Him- 
self, properly  man  made  of  a  woman ;  or  if  any  one  says  that  He  ofl^ered  the  offering  on 
His  own  behalf,  and  not  rather  on  our  behalf  alone  ;  for  He  that  knew  no  sin  would  not 
have  needed  an  oftering,  let  him  be  anathema. 

XI.  If  any  one  confesses  not  that  the  Lord's  flesh  is  giver  of  life,^  and  proper  to  the 
Word  of  God  Himself,  but  (states)  that  it  is  of  another  than  Him,  united  indeed  to  Him. in 
dignity,  yet  as  only  possessing  a  divine  indwelling;  and  not  rather,  as  we  said,  giver  ot 
life,  because  it  is  proper  to  the  Word  of  Him  who  hath  might  to  engender  all  things  alive, 
let  him  be  anathema. 

XII.  If  any  one  confesses  not  that  the  Word  of  God  suffered  in  flesh,  and  was  cruci- 
fied in  flesh,. and  tasted  death  in  flesh,  and  was  made  firstborn  of  the  dead,  in  so  far  as  He 
is  life  and  giver  of  life,  as  God;   let  him  be  anathema.  ^^^ 

1  Heb.  iii.  i,  R.  V.  '  cf.  Eph.  v.  2.  3  ^woTrocof.    cf.  ro  Kvpiou  to  ^laonoiov  of  the  Creed  of  Constantinople. 


26  THEODORET. 


COUNTER-STATEMENTS   OF  THEODORET. 


(0pp.  Ed.  Schulze.  V.  i.  seq.  Migne,  Lat.  76.  col.  391.) 

Against  /.  —  But  all  we  who  follow  the  words  of  the  evangelists  state  that  God  the 
Word  was  not  made  flesh  by  nature,  nor  yet  was  changed  into  flesh ;  for  the  Divine  is  im- 
mutable and  invariable.  Wherefore  also  the  prophet  David  says,  "  Thou  art  the  same,  and 
thy  years  shall  not  fail."  ^  And  this  the  ^reat  Paul,  the  herald  of  the  truth,  in  his  Epistle  to 
the  Hebrews,  states  to  have  been  spoken  of  the  Son.^  And  in  another  place  God  says 
through  the  Prophet,  ''  I  am  the  Lord:  I  change  not."^  If  then  the  Divine  is  immutable 
and  invariable,  it  is  incapable  of  change  or  alteration.  And  if  the  immutable  cannot  be 
changed,  then  God  the  Word  was  not  made  flesh  by  mutation,  but  took  flesh  and  tabernacled 
in  us,  according  to  the  word  of  the  evangelist.  This  the  divine  Paul  expresses  clearly  in  his 
Epistle  to  the  Philippians  in  the  words,  "  Let  this  mind  be  in  you  which  was  also  in  Christ 
Jesus :  who,  being  in  the  form  of  God,  thought  it  not  robbery  to  be  equal  with  God  :  but 
made  Himself  of  no  reputation  and  took  upon  Him  the  form  of  a  servant."  "*  Now  it  is  plain 
from  these  words  that  the  form  of  God  was  not  changed  into  the  form  of  a  servant,  but, 
remaining  what  it  was,  took  the  form  of  the  servant.  So  God  the  Word  was  not  made  flesh, 
but  assumed  living  and  reasonable  flesh.  He  Himself  is  not  naturally  conceived  of  the  Vir- 
gin, fashioned,  formed,  and  deriving  beginning  of  existence  from  her  ;  He  who  is  before  the 
ages,  God,  and  with  God,  being  with  the  Father  and  with  the  Father  both  known  and  wor- 
shipped ;  but  He  fashioned  for  Himself  a  temple  in  the  Virgin's  womb,  and  was  with  that 
which  was  formed  and  begotten.  Wherefore  also  we  style  that  holy  Virgin  deoroKog,  not 
because  she  gave  birth  in  natural  manner  to  God,  but  to  man  united  to  the  God  that  had 
fashioned  Him.  Moreover  if  He  that  was  fashioned  in  the  Virgin's  womb  was  not  man  but 
God  the  Word  Who  is  before  the  ages,  then  God  the  Word  is  a  creature  of  the  Holy 
Ghost.  For  that  which  was  conceived  in  her,  says  Gabriel,  is  of  the  Holy  Ghost. ^  But  if 
the  only  begotten  Word  of  God  is  uncreate  and  of  one  substance  and  co-eternal  with  the 
Father  it  is  no  longer  a  formation  or  creation  of  the  Spirit.  And  if  the  Holy  Ghost  did  not 
fashion  God  tlie  VVord  in  the  Virgin's  womb,  it  follows  that  we  understand  the  form  of  the 
servant  to  have  been  fashioned,  formed,  conceived,  and  generated.  But  since  the  form  was 
not  stripped  of  the  form  of  God,  but  was  a  Temple  containing  God  the  W^ord  dwelling  in  it, 
according  to  the  words  of  Paul  •'  For  it  pleased  the  Father  that  in  him  should  all  fulness 
dwell"  ''bodily,"®  we  call  the  Virgin  not  mother  of  man  (avOpu-oTOKog)  but  mother  of 
God  (dsoTOKog)^  applving  the  former  title  to  the  fashioning  and  conception,  but  the  latter  to 
the  union.  For  this  cause  the  child  who  was  born  is  called  Emmanuel,  neither  God  sepa- 
rated from  liuman  nature  nor  man  stripped  of  Godhead.  For  Emmanuel  is  interpreted  to 
mean  "  God  with  us",  according  to  the  words  of  the  Gospels  ;  and  the  expression  "  God 
with  us"  at  once  manifests  Him  Who  for  our  sakes  was  assumed  out  of  us,  and  proclaims 
God  the  Word  Who  assumed.  Therefore  the  child  is  called  Emmanuel  on  account  of  God 
Who  assumed,  and  the  Virgin  Oeotokoc  on  account  of  the  union  of  the  form  of  God  with 
the  conceived  form  of  a  servant.  For  God  the  Word  was  not  changed  into  flesh,  but  the 
form  of  God  took  the  form  of  a  servant. 

Against  II. — We,  in  obedience  to  the  divine  teaching  of  the  apostles,  confess  one 
Christ ;  and,  on  account  of  the  union,  we  name  the  same  both  God  and  man.  But  we  are 
wholly  ignorant  of  the  union  according  to  hypostasis  '  as  being  strange  and  foreign  to  the 
divine  Scriptures  and  the  Fathers  who  have  interpreted  them.  And  if  the  author  of  these 
statements  means  by  the  union  according  to  hypostasis  that  there  was  a  mixture  of  flesh 
and  Godhead,  we  shall  oppose  his  statement  with  all  our  might,  and  shall  confute  his  blas- 
phemy, for  the  mixture  is  of  necessity  followed  by  confusion  ;  and  the  admission  of  confusion 
destroys  the  individuality  of  each  nature.  Things  that  are  undergoing  mixture  do  not  re- 
main what  they  were,  and  to  assert  this  in  the  case  of  God  the   Word  and   of  the  seed  of 

iPs.  ci.2S.  8Mal.iii.6.  6  Matt.    .  23.  » cf.  n.  p.  72. 

2  Heb.  i.  12.  ■*  Piiil.  ii.  s,  6,7.  6  Coloss.  i.  19,  and  ii.  g. 


COUNTER-STATEMENTS     OF    THEODORET.  27 


David  would  be  most  absurd.  We  must  obey  the  Lord  when  He  exhibits  the  two  natures 
and  says  to  the  Jews,  "  Destroy  this  temple  and  in  three  days  I  will  raise  it  up."  ^  But  if 
there  had  been  mixture  then  God  had  not  remained  God,  neither  was  the  temple  recog- 
nised as  a  temple  ;  then  the  temple  was  God  and  God  was  temple.  This  is  involved  in 
the  theory  of  the  mixture.  And  it  was  quite  superfluous  for  the  Lord  to  say  to  the  Jews, 
"  Destroy  this  temple  and  In  three  days  I  will  raise  it  up."  He  ought  to  have  said' 
Destroy  me  and  in  three  days  I  shall  be  raised,  if  there  had  really  been  any  mixture  and 
confusion.  As  it  is,  He  exhibits  the  temple  undergoing  destruction  and  God  raising  it  up. 
Therefore  the  union  according  to  hypostasis,  which  in  my  opinion  they  put  before  us  in- 
stead of  mixture,  is  superfluous.  It  is  quite  sufficient  to  mention  the  union,  which  both 
exhibits  the  properties  of  the  natures  and  teaches  us  to  worship  the  one  Christ. 

Against  III,  — The  sense  of  the  terms  used  is  misty  and  obscure.     Who  needs  to  be 
told  that  there  is  no  difference  between  conjunction  and  concurrence  ?     The  concurrence  is 
a  concurrence  of  the  separated  parts  ;  and  the  conjunction  is  a  conjunction  of  the   distin- 
guished parts.     The  very  clever  authoi  of  the  phrases  has  laid  down   things  that  agree  as 
though  they  disagreed.     It  is  wrong,  he  says,  to  conjoin  the  hypostases  by  conjunction  ;  they 
ought  to  be  conjoined  by  concurrence,  and  that  a   natural  concurrence.  '  Possibly  he  states 
this  not  knowing  what  he  says ;   if  he  knows,  he  blasphemes.     Nature   has  a  compulsory 
force  and  is  involuntar3' ;   as  for  instance,  if  I  say  we  are    naturally  liungry,  we  do  not  feel 
hunger  of  free-will  but  of  necessity;  and  assuredly  paupers  would  have  left  off  begging   if 
the  power  of  ceasing  to  be  hungry  had  lain  in  their  own  will ;  we  are  naturally  thirsty  ;  we 
naturally  sleep ;  we  naturally  breathe  ;  and  all  these  actions,  I  repeat,  belong  to  the  cateo-orv 
of  the  involuntary,  and  he  who  is  no  longer  capable  of  them  necessarily  ceases  to  exist.     If 
then  the  concurrence  in  union  of  the  form  of  God  and   the  form   of  a  servant  was  natural 
then  God  the  Word  was  united  to  the  form  of  the  servant  under  the  compulsion  of  neces- 
sity, and  not  because  He  put  in  force  His  loving  kindness,  and   the  Lawgiver  of  the  Uni- 
verse will  be  found  to   be  a  follower  of  the   laws  of  necessity.     Not  thus  have  we  been 
taught  by  the  blessed  Paul  ;  on  the  contrary,  we  have  been  taught  that  He  took  the  form  of 
a  servant  and  '•  emptied  Himself;"^  and  the  expression  ''emptied  Himself"  indicates  the 
voluntary  act.     If  then  He  was  united   by  purpose   and  will   to  the   nature   assumed  from 
us,  the  addition  of  the  term  natural  is  superfluous.      It  suflices  to  confess  the  union,  and  an 
union  is  understood  of  things  distinguished,  for  if  there  were  no  division  an  union   could 
never  be  apprehended.     The  apprehension  then  of  the  union   implies  previous  apprehen- 
sion of  the  division.     How  then  can  he  say  that  the  hypostases  or  natures  ouglit  not  to  be 
divided.^     He  knows  all  the  while  that  the  hypostasis  of  God  the  Word  was  perfect  before 
the  ages ;  and  that  the  form  of  the  servant  which  was  assumed  by  It  was  perfect ;  and  this 
is  the  reason  why  he  said  hypostases  and  not  hypostasis.     If  therefore  either  nature  is  per- 
fect, and  both  came  together,  it  is  obvious  that  after  the  form  of  God  had  taken  the  form  of 
a  servant,  piety  compels  us  to  confess  one  son  and  Christ ;  while  to  speak  of  the  united  h\  pos- 
tasesor  natures  as  two,  so  far  from  being  absurd,  follows  the  necessity  of  the  case.     For  if 
in  the  case  of  the  one  man  we  divide  the  natures,  and  call  the  mortal  nature  bodv  but  the 
immortal  nature  soul,  and  both  man,    much  more  consonant  is  it   with  right  reason  to  re- 
cognise the  properties  alike  of  the  God  who  took  and  of  the  man  who  was  taken.     We  find 
the  blessed  Paul  dividing  the  one  man  into  two  v^'here  he  says  in  one  passage,   "  Though 
our  outward  man  perish  yet  the  inward  man  is  renewed,"  ^  and  in  another  '^  For  I   delight 
in  the  law  of  God  after  the  inward  man."  ^  And  again  "  that  Christ  may  dwell  in  the  inner 
man."^  Now  if  the  apostle  divides  the  natural  conjunction  of  the  synchronous  natures,  with 
what  reason  can  the  man  who  describes  the   mixture   to   us  by  means  of  other  terms  indite 
us  as  impious  when  we  divide  the  properties  of  the  natures  of  the  everlasting  God  and  of 
the  man  assumed  at  the  end  of  days. -^ 

Against  IV.  —  These  statements,  too,  are  akin  to  the  preceding.  On  the  assumption 
that  there  has  been  a  mixture,  he  means  that  there  is  a  distinction  of  terms  as  used  both  in 
the  holy  Gospels  and  in  the  apostolic  writings.  And  he  uses  this  language  while  glorify- 
ing himself  that  he  is  at  war  at  once  with  Arius  and  Eunomlus  and  the  rest  of  the 
heresiarchs.  Let  then  this  exact  professor  of  theology  tells  us  how  he  would  confute  the 
blasphemy  of  the  heretics,  while  applying  to  God  the  Word  what  is  uttered  humbly  and 
appropriately  by  the  form  of  the  servant.  They  indeed  while  thus  doing  lay  down  that 
the  Son  of  God  is  inferior,  a  creature,  made,  and  a  servant.     To  whom  then  are  we,  hold- 

5  John  ii.  19.  8  II.  Cor.  iv.  i6.  5  Ephes.  jii.  17.    Greek  as  in  A.V.  "  in  your  hearts,'* 

'  Phil.  u.  7.  4  Rom.  vii.  22. 


28  THEODORET. 


ing  as  we  do  the  opposite  opinion  to  theirs,  and  confessing  tlie  Son  to  be  of  one  substance 
and  co-eternal  with  God  the  Father,  Creator  of  the  Universe,  Maker,  Beautifier,  Ruler,  and 
Governor,  AU-vvise,  Almighty,  or  rather  Himself,  Power,  Life  and  Wisdom,  to  refer  the 
words  '^My  God,  my  God  why  hast  thou  forsaken  me;  "  ^  or  "  Father  if  it  be  possible  let 
this  cup  pass  from  me  ;  "  ^  or  "  Father  save  me  from  this  hour  ;  "  ^  or  "  That  hour  no  man 
knoweth,  not  even  the  Son  of  Man  ;  "  *  and  all  the  other  passages  spoken  and  written  in 
lowliness  by  Him  and  by  the  holy  apostles  about  Him  ?  To  whom  shall  we  apply  the 
weariness  and  the  sleep  ?  To  w^iom  the  ignorance  and  the  fear?  Who  was  it  who  stood 
in  need  of  angelic  succour  ?  If  these  belong  to  God  the  Word,  how  was  wisdom  ignorant? 
How  could  it  be  called  wisdom  when  afiected  by  the  sense  of  ignorance?  How  could  He 
speak  the  truth  in  saying  that  He  had  all  that  the  Father  hath,^  when  not  having  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  Father  ?  For  He  says,  "  The  Father  alone  knoweth  that  day."  ^  How  could  He 
be  the  unchanged  image  of  Him  that  begat  Him  if  He  has  not  all  that  the  Begetter  hath? 
If  then  He  speaks  the  truth  when  saying  that  He  is  ignorant,  any  one  might  suppose  this  of 
Him.  But  if  He  knoweth  the  day,  but  says  that  He  is  ignorant  with  the  wish  to  hide  it, 
you  see  in  what  a  blasphemy  the  conclusion  issues.  For  the  truth  lies  and  could  not 
properly  be  called  truth  if  it  has  any  quality  opposed  to  truth.  But  if  the  truth  does  not  lie, 
neither  is  God  the  Word  ignorant  of  the  day  which  He  Himself  made,  and  which  He  Him- 
self fixed,  wherein  He  purposes  to  judge  the  world,  but  has  the  knowledge  of  the  Father  as 
being  unchanged  image.  Not  then  to  God  the  Word  does  the  ignorance  belong,  but  to  the 
form  of  the  servant  who  at  that  time  knew  as  much  as  the  indwelling  Godhead  revealed. 
The  same  position  may  be  maintained  about  other  similar  cases.  How  for  instance  could 
it  be  reasonable  for  God  the  Word  to  say  to  the  Father,  "Father  if  it  be  possible  let  this 
cup  pass  from  me,  nevertheless  not  as  I  will  but  as  Thou  wilt"  ?'  The  absurdities  which 
necessarily  thence  follow  are  not  a  few.  First  it  follows  that  the  Father  and  the  Son  are 
not  of  the  same  mind,  and  that  the  Father  wishes  one  thing  and  the  Son  another,  for  He 
said,  "  Nevertheless  not  as  I  will  but  as  Thou  wilt."  Secondly  we  shall  have  to  contemplate 
great  ignorance  in  the  Son,  for  He  will  be  found  ignorant  whether  the  cup  can  or  cannot 
pass  from  Him  ;  but  to  say  this  of  God  the  Word  is  utter  impiety  and  blasphemy.  For 
exactly  did  He  know  the  end  of  the  mystery  of  the  oeconomy  W^ho  for  this  very  reason 
came  among  us.  Who  of  His  own  accord  took  our  nature.  Who  emptied  Himself.  For 
this  cause  too  He  foretold  to  the  Holy  Apostles,  "Behold  w^e  go  up  to  Jerusalem;  and 
the  Son  of  Man  shall  be  betrayed  .  .  .  into  the  hands  of  the  Gentiles  to  mock  and  to 
scourge  and  to  crucify  Him,  and  the  third  day  He  shall  rise  again."  **  How  then  can  Ht 
Who  foretold  these  things,  and,  when  Peter  deprecated  their  coming  to  pass,  rebuked  him, 
Himself  deprecate  their  coming  to  pass,  when  He  clearly  knows  all  that  is  to  be?  Is  it  not 
absurd  that  Abraham  many  generations  ago  should  have  seen  His  day  and  have  been  glad,^ 
and  that  Isaiah  in  like  manner,  and  Jeremiah,  and  Daniel,  and  Zechariah,  and  all  the  fellow- 
ship of  the  prophets,  should  have  foretold  His  saving  passion,  and  He  Himself  be  ignorant, 
and  beg  release  from  and  deprecate  it,  though  it  was  destined  to  come  to  pass  for  the  salvation 
of  the  world  ?  Therefore  these  words  are  not  the  words  of  God  the  Word,  but  of  the  form 
of  the  servant,  afraid  of  death  because  death  was  not  yet  destroyed. ^^  Surely  God  the  Word 
permitted  the  utterance  of  these  expressions  allowing  room  for  fear,  that  the  nature  of 
Him  that  had  to  be  born  may  be  plain,  and  to  prevent  our  supposing  the  Son  of  Abra- 
ham and  David  to  be  an  unreality  or  appearance.  The  crew  of  the  impious  heretics 
has  given  birth  to  this  blasphemy  through  entertaining  these  sentiments.  We  shall  there- 
fore apply  what  is  divinely  spoken  and  acted  to  God  the  Word  ;  on  the  other  hand  what  is 
said  and  done  in  humility  we  shall  connect  with  the  form  of  a  servant,  lest  we  be  tamted 
with  the  blasphemy  of  Arius  and  Eunomius 

Against  V\  — We  assert  that  God  the  Word  shared  like  ourselves  in  flesh  and  blood, 
and  in  immortal  soul,  on  account  of  the  union  relating  to  them  ;  but  that  God  the  Word  was 
made  flesh  by  any  change  we  not  only  refuse  to  say,  but  accuse  of  impiety  those  who  do, 
and  it  may  be  seen  that  this  is  contrary  to  the  very  terms  laid  down.      For  if  the  Word  was 

1  Matt,  xxvii,  48.  2  ^fatt.  xxvi.  39.  3  John  xii.  27. 

*  Matt.  xxiv.  36  and  Mk.  xiii.  22,    There  is  no  manuscript  authority  for  the  varialion  Son  "  of  Man." 

•'■'John  XVI.  15.  •»  Matt.  xxiv.  36.  '•  Matt.  xxvi.  39.  "^  Matt.  xx.  iS,  19.  »  John  viii.  26. 

1''  P'or  the  view  that  the  cup  deprecated  by  the  Saviour  was  death  there  is  no  direct  Scriptural  authority,  and  to  adopt  the 
«xeu:esis  of  Theodoret  and  of  many  others  would  be  to  place  the  divine  humanity  of  the  Messiah  on  a  hiwer  level  than  that  not 
merely  of  many  a  martyr  and  patriot  but  of  many  men  unconscious  of  martyr's  or  patriot's  hiijh  calling,  who  have  nevertheless 
faced  death  and  pain  with  calm  and  cheerful  fortitude.  The  bitterness  of  the  cup  whicli  tlie  Saviour  prayed  might  if  possi-ble 
pass  from  Him  seems  rather  to  have  lain  m  the  culmination  of  the  sin  of  the  race  and  nation  with  which  His  love  for  m-'i  had 
identified  Him;  the  greed,  the  treachery,  the  meanness,  the  cruelty,  the  disloyalty,  shewn  by  the  Sons  of  Israel  to  tlie  b^u  ot 
David,  by  the  son-s  of  men  to  the  Son  of  Man. 


COUNTER-STATEMENTS    OF    THEODORET.  29 


changed  into  flesh  He  did  not  share  with  us  in  flesh  and  blood  :  but  If  He  sliared  in  flesh 
and  blood  He  shared  as  being  another  besides  them  :  and  if  the  flesh  is  anything  other  be- 
sides Him,  then  He  was  not  changed  into  flesh.  While  therefore  we  use  the  term  sharing^ 
we  worship  both  Him  that  took  and  that  which  was  taken  as  one  Son.  But  we  reckon  the 
distinction  of  the  natures.  We  do  not  object  to  the  term  man  bearing  God,  as  employed  by 
many  of  the  holy  Fathers,  one  of  whom  is  the  great  Basil,  who  uses  this  term  in  his  argu- 
ment to  Amphilochius  about  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  in  his  interpretation  of  the  fifty-ninth 
psalm.  But  w^e  call  Him  man  bearing  God,  not  because  He  received  some  particular  divine 
grace,  but  as  possessing  all  the  Godhead  of  the  Son  united.  For  thus  says  the  blessed  Paul 
in  his  interpretation,  "  Beware  lest  any  man  spoil  you  through  philosophy  and  vain  deceit, 
after  the  tradition  of  men,  after  the  rudiments  of  the  world,  and  not  after  Christ.  For  in 
Him  dwelleth  all  the  fulness  of  the  Godhead  bodily."  ^ 

Against  VI. — The  blessed  Paul  calls  that  which  was  assumed  by  God  the  Word 
"  form  of  a  servant,"  ^  but  since  the  assumption  was  prior  to  the  union,  and  the  blessed  Paul 
was  discoursing  about  the  assumption  when  he  called  the  nature  which  was  assumed  "  form 
of  a  servant,"  after  the  making  of  the  union  the  name  of  *'  servitude  "  has  no  longer  place. 
For  seeing  that  the  Apostle  when  writing  to  them  that  believed  in  Him  said,  "  So  thou 
art  not  a  servant  but  a  son  "  '^  and  the  Lord  said  to  His  disciples,  "  Henceforth  I  will  not 
call  you  servants  but  friends  ;"  ^  much  more  the  first  fruits  of  our  nature,  through  whom 
even  we  were  guerdoned  with  the  boon  of  adoption,  would  be  released  from  the  title  of 
servant.  We  therefore  confess  even  "  the  form  of  the  servant"  to  be  God  on  account  of 
the  form  of  God  united  to  it;  and  we  bow  to  the  authority  of  the  prophet  when  he  calls 
the  babe  also  Emmanuel,  and  the  child  which  was  born,  ''  Angel  of  great  counsel,  won- 
derful Counsellor,  mighty  God,  powerful.  Prince  of  peace,  and  Father  of  the  age  to  come."  ^ 
Yet  the  same  prophet,  even  after  the  union,  when  proclaiming  the  nature  of  that  which  was 
assumed,  calls  him  who  is  of  the  seed  of  Abraham  ''  servant  "  in  the  words  *'  Thou  art  my 
servant  O  Israel  and  in  thee  will  I  be  glorified  ; "  '  and  again,  "  Thus  says  the  Lord  that 
formed  me  from  the  womb  to  be  his  servant ; "  ^  and  a  little  further  on,  "  Lo  I  have  given 
thee  for  a  covenant  of  the  people,  for  a  light  to  the  Gentiles,  that  thou  mayest  be  my  sal- 
vation unto  the  end  of  the  earth."  ^  But  what  was  formed  from  the  womb  was  not  God 
the  Word  but  the  form  of  the  servant.  For  God  the  Word  was  not  made  flesh  by  being 
changed,  but  He  assmned  flesh  with  a  rational  soul. 

Against  VII.  —  If  the  nature  of  man  is  mortal,  and  God  the  Word  is  life  and  giver  of 
life,  and  raised  up  the  temple  which  had  been  destroyed  by  t'le  Jews,  and  carried  it  into 
heaven,  how  is  not  the  form  of  the  servant  glorified  through  the  form  of  God?  For  if 
being  originally  and  by  nature  mortal  it  was  made  immortal  through  its  union  with  God 
the  Word,  it  therefore  received  what  it  had  not ;  and  after  receiving  what  it  had  not,  and 
being  glorified,  it  is  glorified  by  Him  who  gave.  Wherefore  also  the  Apostle  exclaims, 
"  According  to  the  working  of  His  mighty  power  which  he  wrought  in  Christ  when  He 
raised  Him  from  the  dead."-^^ 

Against  VIII.  —  As  I  have  often  said,  the  doxology  which  we  offer  to  the  Lord  Christ 
is  one,  and  we  confess  the  same  to  be  at  once  God  and  man,  as  the  method  of  the  union 
has  taught  us  ;  but  we  shall  not  shrink  from  speaking  of  the  properties  of  the  natures.  For 
God  the  Word  did  not  undergo  change  into  flesh,  nor  yet  again  did  the  man  lose  what  he 
was  and  undergo  transmutation  into  the  nature  of  God.  Therefore  we  worship  the  Lord 
Christ,  while  we  maintain  the  properties  of  either  nature. 

Against  IX.  —  Here  he  has  plainly  had  the  hardihood  to  anathematize  not  only  those 
who  at  the  present  time  hold  pious  opinions,  but  also  those  who  were  in  former  days 
heralds  of  truth  ;  aye  even  the  writers  of  the  divine  gospels,  the  band  of  the  holy  Apostles, 
and,  in  addition  to  these,  Gabriel  the  archangel.  For  he  indeed  it  was  who  first,  even 
before  the  conception,  announced  the  birth  of  the  Christ  according  to  the  flesh  ;  saying  in 
reply  to  Mary  wdien  she  nsked,  "  How  shall  this  be,  seeing  I  know  not  a  man?"  "The 
Holy  Ghost  shall  come  upon  thee  and  the  power  of  the  Highest  shall  overshadow  thee  ; 
therefore  also  that  holy  thing  that  shall  be  born  of  thee  shall  be  called  the  Son  of  God."  ^^ 
And  to  Joseph  he  said,  "  Fear  not  to  take  unto  thee  Mary  thy  wife,  for  that  which  is  con- 
ceived in  her  is  of  the  Holy  Ghost."  ^^  And  the  Evangelist  says,  "When  as  his  mother 
Mary  was  espoused  to  Joseph     .      .      .      she  was  found  with  child  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  "^ 

1  Koii/wvia,  in  the  sense  of  participation.  2  Coloss.  ii.  8.  9.  s  Phil.  ii.  7.  *  Gal.  iv.  7. 

*  John  XV.  75.  ^  Isaiiih  vii.  14  and  ix.  6.  Ixx.  Alex.  '  Isaiah  xlix.  3.  ^  Isaiah  xlix.  5. 

*  Isaia:h  xiix.  6  "  covenant  of  the  people  "  being-  imported  from  Ixii.  6.  ^^  £phes.  i,  19,  20.  *^  Luke  1.  34,  35. 
"Matt.  i.  20.                            isMatt.  i.iS. 


30  THEODORET. 


And  the  Lord  Himself  when  He  had  come  into  the  synagogue  of  the  Jews  and  had  taken 
the  prophet  Isaiah,  after  reading  the  passage  in  which  he  says,  "  The  spirit  of  the  Lord  is 
upon  me  because  He  hath  anointed  me  "  and  so  on,  added,  "  This  day  is  this  scripture  ful- 
filled in  your  ears."^  And  the  blessed  Peter  in  his  sermon  to  the  Jews  said,  ^' God 
anointed  Jesus  of  Nazareth  with  the  Holy  Ghost."  ^  And  Isaiah  many  ages  before  had  pre- 
dicted, ''  There  shall  come  forth  a  rod  out  of  the  stem  of  Jesse,  and  a  branch  shall  grow 
out  of  his  roots  ;  and  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  shall  rest  upon  him,  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and 
understanding,  the  spirit  of  counsel  and  might,  the  spirit  of  knowledge  and  of  the  fear  of 
the  Lord  ;  "  ^  and  again,  "  Behold  my  servant  whom  I  uphold,  my  beloved  in  whom  my  soul 
delighteth.  I  will  put  my  spirit  upon  him  :  he  shall  bring  forth  judgment  to  the  Gentiles."* 
This  testimony  the  Evangelist  too  has  inserted  in  his  own  writings.  And  the  Lord  Him- 
self in  the  Gospels  says  to  the  Jews,  "  If  I  with  the  spirit  of  God  cast  out  devils,  no  doubt 
the  kingdom  of  God  is  come  upon  you."  "  And  John  says,  "  He  that  sent  me  to  baptize  with 
water,  the  same  said  unto  me,  Upon  whom  thou  shalt  see  the  Spirit  descending  and  re- 
maining on  Him,  the  same  is  He  which  baptizeth  with  the  Holy  Ghost."  ^  So  this  exact 
examiner  of  the  divine  decrees  has  not  only  anathematized  prophets,  apostles,  and  even  the 
archangel  Gabriel,  but  has  suffered  his  blasphemy  to  reach  even  the  Saviour  of  the  world 
Himself.  For  we  have  shewn  that  the  Lord  Himself  after  reading  the  passage  ''  The 
spirit  of  the  Lord  is  upon  me  because  He  hath  anointed  me,"  said  to  the  Jews,  "  This  day 
is  this  scripture  fulfilled  in  your  ears."  And  to  those  who  said  that  He  was  casting  out 
devils  by  Beelzebub  He  replied  that  He  was  casting  them  out  by  the  Spirit  of  God.  But 
we  maintain  that  it  was  not  God  the  Word,  of  one  substance  and  co-eternal  with  the 
Father,  that  was  formed  by  the  Holy  Ghost  and  anointed,  but  the  human  nature  which 
w^as  assumed  by  Him  at  the  end  of  days.  We  shall  confess  that  the  Spirit  of  the  Son 
was  His  own  if  he  spoke  of  it  as  of  the  same  nature  and  proceeding  from  the  Father,  and 
shall  accept  the  expression  as  consistent  with  true  piety.  But  if  he  speaks  of  the  Spirit  as 
being  of  the  Son,  or  as  having  its  origin  through  the  Son  we  shall  reject  this  statement  as 
blasphemous  and  impious.  For  we  believe  the  Lord  when  He  says,  ''  The  spirit  which 
proceedeth  from  the  Father  ;  "  '  and  likewise  the  very  divine  Paul  saying,  *'  We  have  re- 
ceived not  the  spirit  of  the  world,  but  the  spirit  which  is  of  God."  ® 

Against  X.  —  The  unchangeable  nature   was  not  changed  into  nature  of  flesh,  but 
assumed  human  nature  and  set  it  over  the  common  high  priests,  as  the  blessed  Paul  teaches 
in  the  words,    "  For  every  high  priest  taken  from  among  men  is  ordained  for  men  in  things 
pertaining  to  God,  that   he    may  offer  both  gifts  and   sacrifices  for   sins :   who   can  have 
compassion  on  the  ignorant  and  on  them  that  are  out  of  the  way  ;  for  that  he  himself  also 
is  encompassed  with  infirmity.     And  by  reason  hereof  he  ought,  as  for  the  people  so  also 
for  himself."  ®     And  a  little  further  on  interpreting  this  he  says,  "  As  was  Aaron  so  also  was 
the  Christ."  ^°     Then  pointing  out  the  infirmity  of  the  assumed  nature  he  says,  "  Who  in  the 
days  of  His  flesh,  when  He  had  offered  up  prayers  and  supplication  with  strong  crying  and 
tears  unto  Him  that  was  able  to  save  Him  from  death,  and  was  heard  for  His  godly  fear, 
though  He  was  a  son  yet  learned  obedience  by  the  things  that  He  suffered :  and  having  been 
made  perfect  He  became  unto  all  that  obey  Him  the  author  of  eternal  salvation;  named  of 
God  a  high  priest  of  the  order  of  Melchisedec."  ^     Who  then  Is  He  who  was  perfected  by 
toils  of  virtue  and  who  was  not  perfect  by  nature.^     Who  is  He  who  learnt  obedience  by 
experience,  and  before  his  experience  was  ignorant  of  it?     Who  is  it  that  lived  with  godly 
fear  and  offered  supplication  with  strong  crying  and  tears,  not  able  to  save  Himself  but  appeal- 
ing to  Him  that  is  able  to  save  Him  and  asking  for  release  from  death  ?   Not  God  the  Word, 
the   impassible,    the   immortal,  the  incorporeal,  whose  memory  is  joy  and  release  from 
tears,  ''For  he  has  wiped  away  tears  from  off' all  faces,"  ^-  and  again  the  prophet  says, 
*'  I  remembered  God  and  was  glad,"^^  Who  crowneth  them  that  live  in  godly  fear,  "  Who 
knoweth  all  things  before  they  be,"  ^^  ''Who  hath  all  things  that  the  Father  hath  ;  "  ^  Who 
is  the  unchangeable  image  of  the  Father,"  ^^  "  Who  sheweth  the  Father  in  himself."  ^^     It  is 
on  the  contrary  that  which  was  assumed  by  Him  of  the  seed  of  David,  mortal,  passible, 
and  afraid  of  death ;   although  this  itself  afterwards  destroyed  the  power  of  death  through 
union  with  the  God  who  had  assumed  it;^^  which  walked  through  all  righteousness  and 
said  to  John,   "  Suffer  it  to  be  so   now  for  thus  it  becometh  us  to  fulfil  all  righteousness."  ^* 

^  Luke  iv.  17,  21.  «  John  i.  33.  11  Hebrews  v.  7,  10.  ^^  Col.  i.  15. 

s  Acts  X.  38.  ■?  John  X.  5,  26.  12  Jsaiah  xxv.  8.  i^johnxiv.  7. 

8  Isaiah  xi.  1,2.  8  i  Cor.  ii.  12.  13  psalms  77,  3,  jxx.  i8Heb.ii.14. 

*  Isaiah  xlii.  i.  ^  Hebrews  v.  1-3.  1*  Hist,  Susann ;  42.  i*  Matt.  iii.  15. 

6  Matt,  xii.28.  ^°  Hebrews  v.  4  and  5.  "John  xvi.  15. 


COUNTER-STATEMENTS    OF    THEODORET.  31 


This  took  the  name  of  the  priesthood  of  Melchisedec,  for  it  put  on  infirmity  of  nature;  — 
not  the  Ahiiighty  God  the  Word.  Wherefore  also,  a  Httle  before,  the  blessed  Paul  said, 
*'  We  have  not  a  high  priest  which  cannot  be  touched  with  the  feeling  of  onr  infirmities,  but 
was  in  all  points  tempted  hke  as  we  are  yet  without  sin."  '  It  was  the  nature  taken  from 
us  for  our  sakes  which  experienced  our  feelings  without  sin,  not  He  that  on  account  of  our 
salvation  assumed  it.  And  in  the  beginning  of  this  part  of  his  subject  he  teaches  us  in 
the  words  "  Consider  the  apostle  and  high  priest  of  our  profession,  Jesus,  who  was  faithful 
to  Him  that  appointed  Him  as  also  Moses  was  faithful  in  all  His  house."  ^  But  no  one 
holding  the  right  faith  would  call  the  unmade  the  uncreate,  God  the  Word  coeternal  with 
the  Father,  a  creature  ;  but  on  the  contrary.  Him  of  David's  seed  Who  being  free  from  all  sin 
was  made  our  high  priest  and  victim,  after  Himself  offering  Himself  on  our  behalf  to  God 
having  in  Himself  the  Word,  God  of  God,  united  to  Himself  and  inseparably  conjoined. 

Against  XI,  —  In  my  opinion  he  appears  to  give  heed  to  the  truth,  in  order  that,  by 
concealing  his  unsound  views  by  it,  he  may  not  be  detected  in  asserting  the  same  dogmas  as 
the  heretics.  But  nothing  is  stronger  than  truth,  which  by  its  own  rays  uncovers  the  dark- 
ness of  falsehood.  By  the  aid  of  its  illumination  we  shall  make  his  heterodox  belief  plain. 
In  the  first  place  he  has  nowhere  made  mention  of  intelligent  flesh,  nor  confessed  that  the 
assumed  man  was  perfect,  but  every  where  in  accordance  with  the  teaching  of  Apollinarius 
bespeaks  of  flesh.  Secondly,  after  introducing  the  conception  of  the  mixture  under  other 
terms,  he  brings  it  into  his  arguments  ;  for  there  he  clearly  states  the  flesh  of  the  Lord  to 
be  soulless.  For,  he  says,  if  any  one  states  that  the  flesh  of  the  Lord  is  not  proper  flesh  of 
the  very  Word  who  is  of  God  the  Father,  but  that  it  is  of  another  beside  Him,  let  hrni  be 
anattiema.  Hence  it  is  plain  that  he  does  not  confess  God  the  Word  to  have  assumed  a 
soul,  but  only  flesh,  and  that  He  Himself  stands  to  the  flesh  in  place  of  soul.  We  on  the 
contrary  assert  that  the  flesh  of  the  Lord  having  in  it  life  ^  was  life-giving  and  reasonable, 
on  account  of  the  life-giving  Godhead  united  to  it.  And  he  himself  unwillingly  confesses 
the  difl^erence  between  the  two  natures,  speaking  of  flesh,  and  "  God  the  Word  "  and  call- 
ing it  ''  His  own  flesh."  Therefore  God  the  Word  was  not  changed  into  nature  of  flesh, 
but  has  His  own  flesh,  the  assumed  nature,  and  has  made  it  life-giving  by  the  union. 

Against  XII.  —  Passion  is  proper  to  the  passible  ;  the  impassible  is  above  passions. 
It  was  then  the  form  of  the  servant  that  sufl^ered,  the  form  of  God  of  course  dwellino-  with 
it,  and  permitting  it  to  suffer  on  account  of  the  salvation  brought  forth  of  the  sufierings, 
and  making  the  suflferings  its  own  on  account  of  the  union.  Therefore  it  was  not  the 
Christ '^  who  suffered,  but  the  man  assumed  of  us  by  God.  Wherefore  also  the  blessed 
Isaiah  exclaims  in  his  prophecy,  ''  A  man  of  sorrows  and  acquainted  with  grief."  ^  And 
the  Lord  Christ  Himself  said  to  the  Jews,  ''  Why  seek  ye  to  kill  me,  a  man  that  hath  told 
you  the  truth  ?  "  ^  But  what  is  threatened  with  death  is  not  the  very  life,  but  he  that  hath 
a  mortal  nature.  And  giving  this  lesson  in  another  place  the  Lord  said  to  the  Jews, 
*'  Destroy  this  temple,  and  in  three  days  I  will  raise  it  up."  '  Therefore  what  was  de- 
stroyed was  the  (temple  descended)  from  David,  and,  after  its  destruction,  it  was  raised 
up  by  the  only  begotten  Word  of  God,  impassibly  begotten  of  the  Father  before  the  ages. 

1  Heb.  iv.  15.  2  Heb.  ili.  1-2,  ^' iu->\ivy^Qv. 

4  For  "  the  Christ"  we  might  expect  here  *'the  Word,"  for  that  the  Christ  suffered  is  the  plain  statement  of  Scripture 
d.  Pet.  ii.  21).  But  Theodoret  uses  the  name  Christ  of  the  eternal  word,  e.g-.  de  Providentia  x.  661.  '•  When  you  hear 
Christ  mentioned,  understand  the  on^y.  begotten  Son  the  Word,  begotten  of  His  Father  before  the  ages,  clad  in  human  nature." 

^Is.liii.  3.  6  John  vii.  19.  d.  viii,  40.  ^johnii.  9. 


:y'W- 


32 


PEDIGREE. 


DYNASTY    OF    CONSTANTINE 


Crispus.  Claudius.  Quintillus. 

IGothius.  procd.  Imp.  2^o» 

Imp.  268. 

Eutropius  =  Claudia.  Galeria  Valeria  Eutropia  =  *  Maximianus  Herculius.* 

Imp.  with  Diocletian,  286. 

Helena  (i)=CbNSTANTius  I.=  (ii)  Theodora  Flavia. 
Imp.jo^. 


Minervina  (i)  =  Constantine  I.=(ii)  *F 
*  Crispus.* 


austa.* 


Maxentius 
assumed  Empire  306. 


Constantia  =  Licinius.     *Constantine.*     *Dalmatius.*        *Constantius*  = 
I                                                    Hannibalianus.  Basiliua. 

*Licinius.*  , U 


♦Dalmatius  Caesar* 


I  r 

*A  Son.*  Gallus. 


Constantine  II.  Constantius  II.  Constans.  Flavia  Maxima=  Constantia=  *H an n  i bal ianus.*  Helena= Julian. 
Imp.  jj/.  Imp.  jj/.  Imp,  ^jy.  Gratian.  Imp.  361, 

♦Put  to  death. 


DYNASTIES   OF  VALENTINIAN  AND  THEODOSIUS. 


(i)  Severa  =  Valentinianus  I.  =     (ii)    Justina. 

Imp.  364.  I 


Valens. 
Imp.  364. 


Gratianus,     Valentinianus  II.      Justa.  Grata.  Galla  (ii)  =  Theodosius    I.  =»  (i)  Flaccilla. 

Imp'37S'  Imp.  375^  I        Imp.or.^yg,     . 


Constantius   III.    (ii)  =  Galla    Placidia  =    Arcadius  =  Eudoxia. 


Imp.  421. 


(i)  Ataulphus.     Imp.  or.  j^j*. 


Honorius. 
Imp.  occ.sgs. 


Eudocia  =  Theodosius  II.  Flaccilla.  Arcadia.   Pulcheria  = 
Imp.  408,  Imp.  414. 

Marcianus. 

Valentinianus  III.  =  Eudoxia.  ^^^'  "^So- 

Imp.  42^, 


THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF 

THEODORET. 


BOOK   I. 


PROLOGUE. 

Design  of  the  History, 

When  artists  paint  on  panels  and  on  walls 
the  events  of  ancient  history,  they  alike  delight 
the  eye,  and  keep  bright  for  many  a  year  the 
memory  of  the  past.  Historians  substitute 
books  for  panels,  bright  description  for  pig- 
ments, and  thus  render  the  memory  of  past 
events  both  stronger  and  more  permanent,  for 
the  painter's  art  is  ruined  by  time.  For  this 
reason  I  too  shall  attempt  to  record  in  writing 
events  in  ecclesiastical  history  hitherto  omitted, 
deeming  it  indeed  not  right  to  look  on  without 
an  effort  while  oblivion  robs  ^  noble  deeds  and 
useful  stories  of  their  due  fame.  For  this  cause 
too  I  have  been  frequently  urged  by  friends  to 
undertake  this  work.  But  when  I  compare  my 
own  powers  with  the  magnitude  of  the  under- 
taking, I  shrink  from  attempting  it.  Trusting, 
however,  in  the  bounty  of  the  Giver  of  all 
good,  I  enter  upon  a  task  beyond  my  own 
strength. 

Eusebius  of  Palestine  ^  has  written  a  history 
of  the  Church  from  the  time  of  the  holy  Apostles 
to  the  reign  of  Constantine,  the  prince  beloved 
of  God.  I  shall  begin  my  history  from  the 
period  at  which  his  terminates  3. 

CHAPTER    I. 

Origin  of  the  Arian  Heresy. 

After  the  overthrow  of  the  wicked  and 
impious   tyrants,    Maxentius,  Maximinus,  and 


1  CTuAao),     Cf.  2  Cor.  xi.  8.  -        „  «<    r 

2  Ci.  Basil  de  Spir.  Sanct.,  29.  "o  TraAaitrTivo?  means  of 
Caesaiea,'  his  see,  to  distinguish  him  from  his  namesake,  Bishop 
of  Nicomedia.  ... 

3  The  last  event  mentioned  by  Eusebius  is  the  defeat  of  Licmius, 
who  was  put  to  death  a.d.  324. 

VOL.  III. 


Licinius,  the  surge  which  those  destroyers,  like 
hurricanes,  had  roused  was  hushed  to  sleep  ; 
the  whirlwinds  were  checked,  and  the  Church 
henceforward  began  to  enjoy  a  settled  calm. 
This  was  established  for  her  by  Constantine, 
a  prince  deserving  of  all  praise,  whose  calling, 
like  that  of  the  divine  Apostle,  was  not  of 
men,  nor  by  man,  but  from  heaven.  He  en- 
acted laws  prohibiting  sacrifices  to  idols,  and 
commanding  churches  ^  to  be  erected.  He 
appointed  Christians  to  be  governors  of  the 
provinces,  ordering  honour  to  be  shown  to  the 
priests,  and  threatening  with  death  those 
w^ho  dared  to  insult  them.  By  some  the 
churches  which  had  been  destroyed  were  re- 
built ;  others  erected  new  ones  still  more 
spacious  and  magnificent.  Hence^  for  us,  all 
was  joy  and  gladness,  while  our  enemies  were 
overwhelmed  with  gloom  and  despair.  The 
temples  of  the  idols  were  closed  ;  but  frequent 
assemblies  were  held,  and  festivals  celebrated, 
in  the  churches.  But  the  devil,  full  of  all 
envy  and  wickedness,  the  destroyer  of  man- 
kind, unable  to  bear  the  sight  of  the  Church 
sailing  on  with  favourable  winds,  stirred  up 
plans  of  evil  counsel,  eager  to  sink  the  vessel 
steered  by  the  Creator  and  Lord  of  the  Uni- 
verse. When  he  began  to  perceive  that  the 
error  of  the  Greeks  had  been  made  manifest, 
that  the  various  tricks  of  the  demons  had 
been  detected,  and  that  the  greater  number 
of  men  worshipped  the  Creator,  instead  of 
adoring,  as  heretofore,  the  creature,  he  did 
not  dare  to  declare  open  war  against  our  God 
and  Saviour;  but  having  found  some  who, 
though  dignified  with  the  name  of  Christians, 


I  kKK\-t\(Tia..  The  use  of  the  word  in  i  Cor.^  xi.  18  indicate  a 
transition  stage  between  "  Assembly  "  and  "  Building.  The 
brethren  met  "  in  assembly  :  "  soon  they  met  in  a  church.  Cf.  Aug. 
Ep.  190,  5.  19:  ''ut  nomine  ecclesice,  id  est  populi  qui  continetur, 
signijicemus  locum  qui  continct."  Chrysost.  Horn.  xxix.  in  Acta  : 
01.  Trpo-yoj'Oi  Tois  CK/cATjo-ias  (ii(co66/xT)o-ai/. 


D 


34 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[I   I. 


were  yet  slaves  to  ambition  and  vainglory,  he 
made  them  fit  instruments  for  the  execution 
of  his  designs,  and  by  their  means  drew  others 
back  into  their  old  error,  not  indeed  by  the 
former  method  of  setting  up  the  worship  of  the 
creature,  but  by  bringing  it  about  that  the 
Creator  and  Maker  of  all  should  be  reduced  to 
a  level  with  the  creature.  I  shall  now  proceed 
to  relate  where  and  by  what  means  he  sowed 
these  tares. 
'  Alexandria    is    an   immense   and   populous 

city,  charged  with  the  leadership  not  only  of 
Egypt,  but  also  of  the  adjacent  countries,  the 
Thebaid  and  Libya.  After  Peter^,  the  victorious 
■champion  of  the  faith,  had,  during  the  sway  of 
the  aforesaid  impious  tyrants,  obtained  the 
crown  of  martyrdom,  the  Church  in  Alexandria 
was  ruled  for  a  short  time  by  Achillas  3.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Alexander  '♦,  who  proved  him- 
self a  noble  defender  of  the  doctrines  of  the 
.gospel.  At  that  time,  Arius,  who  had  been 
enrolled  in  the  list  of  the  presbytery,  and 
entrusted  with  the  exposition  of  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures, fell  a  prey  to  the  assaults  of  jealousy,  when 
he  saw  that  the  helm  of  the  high  priesihood 
was  committed  to  Alexander.  Stung  by  this 
passion,  he  sought  opportunities  for  dispute  and 
contention ;  and,  although  he  perceived  that 
Alexander's  irreproachable  conduct  forbade  his 
bringing  any  charges  against  him,  envy  would 
not  allow  him  to  rest.  In  him  the  enemy  of 
the  truth  found  an  instrument  whereby  to 
stir  and  agitate  the  angry  waters  of  the 
Church,  and  persuaded  him  to  oppose  the 
apostolical  doctrine  of  Alexander.  While  the 
Patriarch,  in  obedience  to  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
taught  that  the  Son  is  of  equal  dignity  with 
the  Father,  and  of  the  same  substance  with 
God  who  begat  Flim,  Arius,  in  direct  opposi- 
tion to  the  truth,  affirmed  that  the  Son  of  God 
is  merely  a  creature  or  created  being,  adding 
the  famous  dictum,  "  There  once  was  a  time 
when  He  was  not  5 ; "  with  other  opinions  which 
may  be  learned  from  his  own  writings.  He 
taught  these  false  doctrines  perseveringly,  not 
only  in  the  church,  but  also  in  general  meet- 
ings and  assemblies  ;  and  he  even  went  from 
house  to  house,  endeavouring  to  make  men 
the  slaves  of  his  error.  Alexander,  who  was 
strongly  attached  to  the  doctrines  of  the 
Apostles,  at  first  tried  by  exhortations  and 
counsels  to  convince  him  of  his  error ;  but 
when  he  saw  him  playing  the  madman  ^  and 
making  public  declaration  of  his  impiety,  he 
deposed  him  from  the  order  of  the  presbytery, 


2  Succeeded  Theonas  as  Archbishop   of  Alexandria,  a.d.  300. 
Beheaded  by  order  of  Maximinus,  a.d.  311.     Euseb.  vii.  32. 

3  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  A.D.  311 — 312.     Promoted  Arius  to  the 
priesthood.     Soz.  i.  15.  4  Patriarch,  a.d.  312—326. 

5  ^v  TTore  ore  ovk  ^v.  6  /copu/Sai'Tiwi'Ta. 


for  he  heard  the  law  of  God  loudly  declaring, 
''  I/f/iy  right  eye  offend  thee,phick  it  out,  and  cast 
it  from  theeT,''^ 


CHAPTER  IL 

List  of  the  principal  Bishops. 

Of  the  church  of  Rome  at  this  period 
Silvester^  held  the  reins.  His  predecessor  in 
the  see  was  Miltiades  ^,  the  successor  of  that 
Marcellinus3  who  had  so  nobly  distinguished 
himself  during  the  persecution. 

In  Antioch,  after  the  death  of  Tyrannus^, 
when  peace  began  to  be  restored  to  the 
churches.  Vitalise  received  the  chief  authority, 
and  restored  the  church  in  the  "  Palaea  ^  "  which 
had  been  destroyed  by  the  tyrants.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Philogonius  7,  who  completed  all 
that  was  wanting  in  the  work  of  restoration  : 
he  had,  during  the  time  of  Licinius,  signalised 
himself  by  his  zeal  for  religion. 

After  the  administration  of  Hermon^,  the 
government  of  the  church  in  Jerusalem  was 
committed  to  Macarius  9,  a  man  whose  character 
was  equal  to  his  name,  and  whose  mind  was 
adorned  by  every  kind  of  virtue. 

At  this  same  period  also,  Alexander,  illus- 
trious for  his  apostolical  gifts,  governed  the 
church  of  Constantinople  ^°. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Alexander,  bishop  of 
Alexandria,  perceiving  that  Arius,  enslaved 
by  the  lust  of  power,  was  assembling  those  who 
had  been  taken  captive  by  his  blasphemous  doc- 
trines, and  was  holding  private  meetings,  com- 
municated an  account  of  his  heresy  by  letter  to 
the  rulers  of  the  principal  churches.  That  the 
authenticity  of  my  history  may  not  be  suspected, 
I  shall  now  insert  in  my  narrative  the  letter 
which  he  wrote  to  his  namesake,  containing,  as 
it  does,  a  clear  account  of  all  the  facts  I  have 
mentioned.  I  shall  also  subjoin  the  letter  of 
Arius,  together  with  the  other  letters  which  are 
necessary  to  the  completeness  of  this  narra- 
tive, that  they  may  at  once  testify  to  the  truth 
of  my  work,  and  make  the  course  of  events 
more  clear. 

The  following  letter  was  written  by  Alexander 
of  Alexandria,  to  the  bishop  of  the  same  name 
as  himself 


7  ka.v  .  .   .  <TKo.vtaXi^-Q,    St.  Matt.   v.    29   and    xviii,  9 ;    et  .  . 
(TKavSaAt^ei,  cf.  Mark  ix.  43. 

1  Bp.  of  Rome,  from  Jan.  31,  a.u.  314,  to  Dec.  31,  a.d.  335. 

2  Otherwise  Melchiades.    July  2,  a.d.  310,  to  Jan.  lo,  a.d.  314. 

3  Jan.  30,  a.d.  296,  to  Oct.  25,  a.d.  304.     Accused  of  apostasy, 
under  Diocletian. 

4  Bishop  of  Antioch  during  the  persecution  of  Diocletian,  Koff 
%v  fiKfi.a(Tev  7]  Tttiv  inKkriailav  TTokiopKLa.     Eus.  H.£.  vii.  32. 

5  21st  Bp.  of  Antioch,  a.d.  312 — a.d.  318. 

6  The  ancient  part  of  the  city  of  Antioch. 

7  A.D.  319 — 323.  8  a.d.  302 — 311. 

9  Macarius  =  Blessed,    a.d.  311— '334.     Vide  Chapters  iv.  and 
xvii.  *o  Circa  ?  A.D.  313  or  317 — 340. 


I.  3.] 


OF  THEODORET. 


35 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  Epistle  of  Alexander^  B  is  Jiop  of  Alexandria^ 
to  Alexaftder,  Bishop  of  Co7istantinople. 

"  To  his  most  revered  and  likeminded 
brother  Alexander,  Alexander  sendeth  greeting 
in  the  Lord. 

"  Impelled  by  avarice  and  ambition,  evil- 
minded  persons  have  ever  plotted  against  the 
wellbeing  of  the  most  important  dioceses. 
Under  various  pretexts,  they  attack  the  religion 
of  the  Church  ;  and,  being  maddened  by  the 
devil,  who  works  in  them,  they  start  aside  from 
all  piety  according  to  their  own  pleasure,  and 
trample  under  foot  the  fear  of  the  judgment  of 
God.  Suffering  as  I  do  from  them  myself,  I 
deem  it  necessary  to  inform  your  piety,  that  you 
may  be  on  your  guard  against  them,  lest  they  or 
any  of  their  party  should  presume  to  enter  your 
diocese  (for  these  cheats  are  skilful  in  de- 
ception), or  should  circulate  false  and  specious 
letters,  calculated  to  delude  one  who  has  devoted 
himself  to  the  simple  and  undefiled  faith. 

"  Arius  and  Achillas  have  lately  formed 
a  conspiracy,  and,  emulating  the  ambition  of 
Colluthus,  have  gone  far  beyond  him  \  He 
indeed  sought  to  find  a  pretext  for  his  own 
pernicious  line  of  action  in  the  charges  he 
brought  against  them.  But  they,  beholding  his 
making  a  trade  of  Christ  for  lucre  ^,  refused  to 
remain  any  longer  in  subjection  to  the  Church  ; 
but  built  for  themselves  caves,  like  robbers, 
and  now  constantly  assemble  in  them,  and 
day  and  night  ply  slanders  there  against 
Christ  and  against  us.  They  revile  every  godly 
apostolical  doctrine,  and  in  Jewish  fashion 
have  organized  a  gang  to  fight  against  Christ, 
denying  His  divinity,  and  declaring  Him  to  be 
on  a  level  with  other  men.  They  pick  out  every 
passage  which  refers  to  the  dispensation  of 
salvation,  and  to  His  humiliation  for  our  sake ; 
they  endeavour  to  collect  from  them  their  own 
impious  assertion,  while  they  evade  all  those 
which  declare  His  eternal  divinity,  and  the 
unceasing  3  glory  which  He  possesses  with 
the  Father.  They  maintain  the  ungodly 
doctrine  entertained  by  the  Greeks  and  the 
Jews  concerning  Jesus  Christ ;  and  thus,  by 
every  means  in  their  power,  hunt  for  their 
applause.     Everything  which  outsiders  ridicule 


'■  Alexander's  words  seem  to  imply  that  Colluthus  began  his 
schismatical  proceedings  in  assuming  to  exercise  episcopal  func- 
tions before  the  separation  of  Arius  from  the  Church,  and  that 
one  cause  of  his  wrong  action  was  impatience  at  the  mild  course  at 
first  adopted  by  Alexander  towards  Arius.  The  Council  of  Alex- 
andria held  in  a.d.  324  under  Hosius,  decided  that  he  was  only 
a  Presbyter. 

2  xptcTTe/u-TTopta.  The  word  XP'<^'''*/'*^<'P''5  i^  applied  in  the 
"Didache  "  to  lazy  consumers  of  alms.  Cf.  Ps.  Ignat.  ad  Trail.  : 
ov  xpio-Ttavol  dAAd  xpio'Te/iATropoi,  Ps.  Ignat.  ad  Mag.  ix.,  and  Bp. 
Lightfoot's  note. 

3  Readings  vary  between  aAe/cro?  =  indescribable,  and  oAtj/ctos 
=  ceaseless.     Cf.  'AArj/crw,  the  Fury. 


in  us  they  officiously  practise.  They  daily  ex- 
cite persecutions  and  seditions  against  us. 
On  the  one  hand  they  bring  accusations 
against  us  before  the  courts,  suborning  as 
witnesses  certain  unprincipled  women  whom 
they  have  seduced  into  error.  On  the  other 
they  dishonour  Christianity  by  permitting 
their  young  women  to  ramble  about  the 
streets.  Nay,  they  have  had  the  audacity  to 
rend  the  seamless  garment  of  Christ,  which  the 
soldiers  dared  not  divide. 

"  When  these  actions,  in  keeping  with  their 
course  of  life,  and  the  impious  enterprise 
which  had  been  long  concealed,  became 
tardily  known  to  us,  we  unanimously  ejected 
them  from  the  Church  which  worships  the 
divinity  of  Christ.  They  then  ran  hither 
and  thither  to  form  cabals  against  us,  even 
addressing  themselves  to  our  fellow-ministers 
who  were  of  one  mind  with  us,  under  the  pre- 
tence of  seeking  peace  and  unity  with  them, 
but  in  truth  endeavouring  by  means  of  fair 
words,  to  sweep  some  among  them  away  into 
their  own  disease.  They  ask  them  to  write 
a  wordy  letter,  and  then  read  the  contents  to 
those  whom  they  have  deceived,  in  order  that 
they  may  not  retract,  but  be  confirmed  in  their 
impiety,  by  finding  that  bishops  agree  with  and 
support  their  views.  They  make  no  acknow- 
ledgment of  the  evil  doctrines  and  practices 
for  which  they  have  been  expelled  by  us,  but 
they  either  impart  them  without  comment,  or 
carry  on  the  deception  by  fallacies  and 
forgeries.  Thus  concealing  their  destructive 
doctrine  by  persuasive  and  meanly  truckling 
language,  they  catch  the  unwary,  and  lose 
no  opportunity  of  calumniating  our  religion. 
Hence  it  arises  that  several  have  been  led  to 
sign  their  letter,  and  to  receive  them  into  com- 
munion, a  proceeding  on  the  part  of  our  fellow- 
ministers  which  I  consider  highly  reprehensible; 
for  they  thus  not  only  disobey  the  apostolical 
rule,  but  even  help  to  inflame  their  diabolical 
action  against  Christ.  It  is  on  this  account, 
beloved  brethren,  that  without  delay  I  have 
stirred  myself  up  to  inform  you  of  the  unbelief 
of  certain  persons  who  say  that  "  There  was  a 
time  when  the  Son  of  God  was  not^;"  and 
"  He  who  previously  had  no  existence  subse- 
quently came  into  existence  ;  and  when  at  some 
time  He  came  into  existence  He  became  such  as 
every  other  man  is."  God,  they  say,  created 
all  things  out  of  that  which  was  non-existent, 
and  they  include  in  the  number  of  creatures, 
both  rational  and  irrational,  even  the  Son  of 
God.  Consistently  with  this  doctrine  they, 
as   a   necessary  consequence,  affirm  that  He 


4  *Hv  7roT€  ore  ovk  y]v  6  vio^  tov  Oeov.  KoX  Teyovev  varepoi'  6 
irporepov  /u,tj  vTrapxwv  toioi)tos  yevd/xevo?  ore  Kai  irore  •ye'yoi'ej'  olos 
Kol  wis  necliVKev  df^pwTros. 


D   2 


36 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[1-3, 


is  by  nature  liable  to  change,  and  capable 
both  of  virtue  and  of  vice,  and  thus,  by 
their  hypothesis  of  his  having  been  created 
out  of  that  which  was  non-existent,  they 
overthrow  the  testimony  of  the  Divine  Scrip- 
tures, which  declare  the  immutability  of  the 
Word  and  the  Divinity  of  the  Wisdom  of 
the  Word,  which  Word  and  Wisdom  is  Christ. 
*We  are  also  able,'  say  these  accursed  wretches, 
*  to  become  Hke  Him,  the  sons  of  God  ;  for  it  is 
written, — /  have  flourished  and  brought  up 
children  5.'  When  the  continuation  of  this  text 
is  brought  before  them,  which  is,  'and  they 
have  rebelled  against  Me',  and  it  is  objected 
that  these  words  are  inconsistent  with  the 
Saviour's  nature,  which  is  immutable,  they 
throw  aside  all  reverence,  and  affirm  that  God 
foreknew  and  foresaw  that  His  Son  would  not 
rebel  against  Him,  and  that  He  therefore  chose 
Him  in*  preference  to  all  others.  They  like- 
wise assert  that  He  was  not  chosen  because 
He  had  by  nature  any  thing  superior  to  the 
other  sons  of  God  ;  for  no  man,  say  they,  is 
son  of  God  by  nature,  nor  has  any  peculiar 
relation  to  Him.  He  was  chosen,  they  allege, 
because,  though  mutable  by  nature.  His  pains- 
taking character  suffered  no  deterioration.  As 
though,  forsooth,  even  if  a  Paul  and  a  Peter 
made  like  endeavours,  their  sonship  would  in 
no  respects  differ  from  His. 

"To  establish  this  insane  doctrine  they  in- 
sult the  Scriptures,  and  bring  forward  what 
is  said  in  the  Psalms  of  Christ,  '  Thou  hast 
loved  righteousness  and  hated  iniquity,  there- 
fore thy  God  hath  anointed  thee  with  t/ie  oil 
of  gladness  above  thy  fellows^,'  Now  that 
the  Son  of  God  was  not  created  out  of  the 
non-existent  7,  and  that  there  never  was  a 
time  in  which  He  was  not,  is  expressly  taught 
by  John  the  Evangelist,  who  speaks  of  Him 
as  '  t/u  only  begotten  Son  which  is  in  the 
bosom  of  the  Father^.'  This  divine  teacher 
desired  to  show  that  the  Father  and  the  Son 
are  inseparable ;  and,  therefore,  he  said,  '  that 
the  Son  is  in  the  bosom  of  the  Father.' 
Moreover,  the  same  John  affirms  that  the 
Word  of  God  is  not  classed  among  things 
created  out  of  the  non-existent,  for,  he  says  that 
'  all  things  were  made  by  Him  9,'  and  he  also 
declares  His  individual  personality  ^^  in  the  fol 
lowing  words  :  *  In  the  beginning  was  the  Word, 
and  t/ie  Word  was  with  God,  atid  the  Word 
was  God.  .  .  .All  thi?igs  were  made  by  Him, 
and  without  Him  was  not  any  thing  made  that 
was  made  ".'    If,  then,  all  things  were  made  by 


5  Isai.  i.  2.    vtov«  eyevvticra  koX  vi^faxra,  as  in  Sept.    Vulg.,  filios 
enutrivi  et  exaltavi.    Revd.,  marg.,  "  made  great  and  exalted," 

6  Ps.  xlv.  7,  as  in  Sept.,  except  that  aSiKtow  is  substituted  for 
avo\i.ia.v.  7  Ovre  e^  ou/c  ovtcdi/  yeyeVTjTai. 

8    John  i.  i8.  9  John  i.  3,  »o  \jT:6<na.(jiv. 

"  John  i.  I,  3. 


Him,  how  is  it  that  He  who  thus  bestowed 
existence  on  all,  could  at  any  period  have 
had  no  existence  himself?  The  Word,  the 
creating  power,  can  in  no  way  be  defined  as- 
of  the  same  nature  as  the  things  created,  if 
indeed  He  was  in  the  beginning,  and  all  things 
were  made  by  Him,  and  were  called  by  Him 
out  of  the  non-existent  into  being.  '  That  which 
is'^^'  must  be  of  an  opposite  nature  to,  and  es- 
sentially different  from,  things  created  out  of  the 
non-existent.  This  shows,  likewise,  that  there 
is  no  separation  between  the  Father  and  the 
Son,  and  that  the  idea  of  separation  cannot 
even  be  conceived  by  the  mind ;  while  the 
fact  that  the  world  was  created  out  of  the  non- 
existent involves  a  later  and  fresh  genesis  of 
its  essential  nature  ^3^  all  things  having  been 
endowed  with  such  an  origin  of  existence  by 
the  Father  through  the  Son.  John,  the  most 
pious  apostle,  perceiving  that  the  word  '  was ' 
applied  to  the  Word  of  God  ^4  was  far  beyond 
and  above  the  intelligence  of  created  beings^ 
did  not  presume  to  speak  of  His  generation 
or  creation,  nor  yet  dared  to  name  the  Maker 
and  the  creature  in  equivalent  syllables.  Not 
that  the  Son  of  God  is  unbegotten,  for  the 
Father  alone  is  unbegotten ;  but  that  the  in- 
effable personaHty  of  the   only-begotten  God 


12  TO  ov,  the  self-existent  of  philosophy. 

^3  The  history  of  the  word  vn-oo-rao-is  is  of  crucial  value  in  the  study 
of  the  Arian  controversy.  Its  various  usages  may  be  classified  as 
(i)  Classical  ;  i\\) Scriptural ;  ['iii)  Ecclesiastical.  The  correlative 
substantive  of  the  verb  v0io-n]^(,,  I  make  to  stand  under,  [fronx 
vno  =sub.  under,  and  io-ttj/u-i,  Jsta]  ;  it  means  primarily «  standing 
under.  Hence,  materially,  it  means  in  ( i)  Classical  Greek,  sedi- 
ment, prop,  foimdation  :  substances  as  opposed  to  their  reflexions,, 
substantial  nature,  as  of  timber  [Theoph.  C.  P.  5-  i6.  4J.  So 
naturally  grew  the  signification  of  ground  of  hope,  actual  existence; 
and,  in  the  later  philosophy,  it  had  come  to  be  employed  instead  of 
ovcria  for  the  noetic  substratum  "underlying;"  the  phsenomena. 
(ii)  Scriptural.  In  the  N.T.  it  is  found  five  times,  twice  in  2  Cor. 
and  thrice  in  Heb.  (a)  2  Cor.  ix,  4,  and  (i3)xi.  17.  "Confidence" 
of  boasting,  (y)  Heb.  i.  3,  6  x*P<'^''~'?P  ''^^  vjro<TTd(reui<;,  A.V.  the 
express  image  of  His  "person."  R.V.,  the  very  image  of  His 
"  substance.  '  (6)  Heb.  iii.  14,  "Confidence."  (e)  Heb.  xi.  i,  A.V. 
"  substance  "  of  things  hoped  for.  R.  V.  Assurance  of  things  hoped 
for.  (iii)  Ecclesiastical.  The  earlier  ecclesiastical  use,  like  the 
later  philosophical,  identified  it  with  ovai-a,  and  so  the  Nicene  Con- 
fession anathematized  those  who  maintained  the  Son  to  be  of  a 
different  substance  or  essence  from  the  Father  (wTrocrTacrew?  rj 
oucrias).  In  the  version  of  Hilary  of  Poictiers  (de  Synodis,  §  84  ; 
Op.  ii.  510)  ovaia  is  translated  by  "  substantia,"  the  etymological 
equivalent  of  u7r6<TTaa-ts,  except  in  the  phrase  quoted,  when  "  sub- 
stantia aut  essentia "  represents  ovcria  by  its  own  etymological 
equivalent  "  essentia."  Thus  in  a.d.  325  to  have  contended  for 
Tpeis  uTTocTTacrets  would  have  been  heretical.  But  as  the  subtilty 
of  controversy  required  greater  nicety  of  phrase,  it  was  laid  down 
(Basil  the  Great,  Ep.  38J  that  while  ovaia  is  an  univeisal  denoting 
that  which  is  common  to  the  individuals  of  a  species,  vTroaraai? 
makes  an  individual  that  which  it  is,  and  constitutes  personal  exist- 
ence. Hence  /xia  uTroo-Taais  became  Sabellian,  and  rpets  oxxriat, 
Arian,  while  rp*!?  vtrooraacts  was  orthodox,  cf.  Theod.  Dial.  i.  7. 
Eranistes  loq.  "  Is  there  any  distinction  between  ovaCa  and 
i»7r6a"Tacris  ?  " 

Orthodoxus.  "  In  extra-Christian  philosophy  there  is  not ;  for 
ovtria  signifies  to  6v,  that  which  is,  and  uTrdoTaais  that  which  sub- 
sists. But  according  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Fathers  there  is  the 
same  difference  between  ovcria  and  uTrocrTowriv  as  between  the  com- 
mon and  the  particular  ;  the  race,  and  the  species  or  individual."  .  . 
"  The  Divine  ou<ri'a  (substance)  means  the  Holy  Trinity  ;  but  the 
VTrdtrraais  indicates  any  TrpoawTrov  (person)  as  of  the  Father,  the 
Son,  or  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  For  we  who  follow  the  definitions  of 
the  Fathers  assert  vn-ocrTaeris,  irpdcrwTro*'  and  tSiorrj?  (substantial 
nature,  person,  or  individuality)  to  mean  the  same  thing."  Vide 
also  Newman's /J r;a»j  0/ the  Fourth  Century,  Appendix,  Note  iv.. 
fourth  Edition. 

'4  "  In  the  beginning  was  the  word."    John  i.  i. 


I.  3-] 


OF  THEODORET. 


37 


is  beyond  the  keenest  conception  of  the  evan- 
gelists and  perhaps  even  of  angels.  There- 
fore, I  do  not  think  men  ought  to  be  con- 
sidered pious  who  presume  to  investigate  this 
subject,  in  disobedience  to  the  injunction, 
*  Seek  not  what  is  too  difficult  for  thee,  neither 
■enquire  into  what  is  too  high  for  thee  ^5.'  For 
if  the  knowledge  of  many  other  things  in- 
comparably inferior  is  beyond  the  capacity 
-of  the  human  mind,  and  cannot  therefore  be 
attained,  as  has  been  said  by  Paul,  ''Eye 
Jiath  not  seen,  nor  ear  heard,  neither  have 
entered  into  the  heart  of  man,  the  things  which 
God  hath  prepared  for  them  that  love  Him  ^^y  and 
as  God  also  said  to  Abraham,  that  the  stars 
could  not  be  numbered  by  him  ^7  ^  and  it  is 
likewise  said,  *  Who  shall  number  the  grains  of 
sand  by  the  sea-shore,  or  the  drops  ofraiti  ^^  ? '  how 
then  can  any  one  but  a  madman  presume  to 
enquire  into  the  nature  of  the  Word  of  God  ? 
It  is  said  by  the  Spirit  of  prophecy,  *  JVho 
shall  declare  His  generation  ^9  /  '  And,  therefore, 
•our  Saviour  in  His  kindness  to  those  men  who 
were  the  pillars  of  the  whole  world,  desiring  to 
relieve  them  of  the  burden  of  striving  after  this 
knowledge,  told  them  that  it  was  beyond  their 
natural  comprehension,  and  that  the  Father 
alone  could  discern  this  most  divine  mystery ; 
'  No  man^  said  He,  ^  knoweth  the  Son  but  the 
Father,  and  no  man  knoweth  the  Father  save 
ihe  Son^.'  It  was,  I  think,  concerning  this 
same  subject  that  the  Father  said,  ^  My  secret 
is  for  Me  and  for  Mine  2^' 

"  But  the  insane  folly  of  imagining  that  the 
Son  of  God  came  into  being  out  of  that  which 
had  no  being,  and  that  His  sending  forth  took 
place  in  time,  is  plain  from  the  words  *  which 
had  no  being,'  although  the  foolish  are  incap- 
able of  perceiving  the  folly  of  their  own  utter- 
ances. For  the  phrase  '  He  was  not'  must  either 
have  reference  to  time,  or  to  some  mterval 
in  the  ages.  If  then  it  be  true  that  all  things 
were  made  by  Him,  it  is  evident  that  every  age, 
time,  all  intervals  of  time,  and  that  '  when '  in 
which  '  was  not  *  has  its  place,  were  made  by 
Him.  And  is  it  not  absurd  to  say  that  there 
was  a  time  when  He  who  created  all  time, 
and  ages,  and  seasons,  with  which  the  '  was 
not '  is  confused,  was  not  ?  For  it  would  be  the 
height  of  ignorance,  and  contrary  indeed  to  all 
reason,  to  affirm  that  the  cause  of  any  created 
thing  can  be  posterior  to  that  caused  by  it. 
The  interval  during  which  they  say  the  Son 
was  still  unbegotten  of  the  Father  was,  ac- 
cording to  their  opinion,  prior  to  the  wisdom 
>of  God,  by   whom   all   things   were   created. 

^5  Ecclus.  iii.  21.  *6  I  Cor.  ii.  9. 

17  Gen.  XV.  5.  ^8  Ecclus.  i.  2. 

19  Isai.  liii.  8.  20  Matt.  xi.  27. 

21  Is.  xxiv.  16:    "My  leanness,  my  leanness,  woe  unto  me." 
-A.\'.      ''  Sccrctmn  meinn  ntihi."     Vulg. 


They  thus  contradict  the  Scripture  which  de- 
clares Him  to  be  '  the  firstborn  of  every  crea- 
ture"^.^  In  consonance  with  this  doctrine,  Paul 
with  his  usual  mighty  voice  cries  concerning 
Him  ;  '  ivhom  He  hath  appointed  heir  of  all 
things,  by  whom  also  He  made  the  worlds '^'^.^ 
'  For  by  Him  were  all  things  created  that  are  in 
heaven,  and  that  are  in  earth,  visible  and  in- 
visible, whether  they  be  thrones,  or  dominions^  or 
principalities,  or  powers  :  all  things  were  created 
by  Him  and  for  Hi?n :  and  He  is  before  all 
things^^'  Since  the  hypothesis  implied  in  the 
phrase  *  out  of  the  non-existent '  is  manifestly 
impious,  it  follows  that  the  Father  is  always 
Father.  And  He  is  Father  from  the  continual 
presence  of  the  Son,  on  account  of  whom  He 
is  called  ""s  Father.  And  the  Son  being  ever 
present  with  Him,  the  Father  is  ever  perfect, 
wanting  in  no  good  thing,  for  He  did  not  beget 
His  only  Son  in  time,  or  in  any  interval  of 
time,  nor  out  of  that  which  had  no  previous 
existence. 

"  Is  it  not  then  impious  to  say  that  there 
was  a  time  when  the  wisdom  of  God  was  not? 
Who  saith,  '  /  was  by  Him  as  one  brought  up 
with  Him  :  I  ivas  daily  His  delight  ^^  .? '  Or  that 
once  the  power  of  God  was  not,  or  His  Word, 
or  anything  else  by  which  the  Son  is  known, 
or  the  Father  designated,  defective  ?  To  assert 
that  the  brightness  of  the  Father's  glory  '  once 
did  not  exist,'  destroys  also  the  original  light  of 
which  it  is  the  brightness ^7;  and  if  there  ever  was 
a  time  in  which  the  image  of  God  was  not,  it  is 
plain  that  He  Whose  image  He  is,  is  not  always  : 
nay,  by  the  non-existence  of  the  express  image 
of  God's  Person,  He  also  is  taken  away  of  whom 
this  is  ever  the  express  image.  Hence  it  may 
be  seen,  that  the  Sonship  of  our  Saviour  has  not 
even  anything  in  common  with  the  sonship  of 
men.  For  just  as  it  has  been  shown  that  the 
nature  of  His  existence  cannot  be  expressed  by 
language,  and  infinitely  surpasses  in  excellence 
all  things  to  which  He  has  given  being,  so  His 
Sonship,  naturally  partaking  in  His  paternal 
Divinity,  is  unspeakably  different  from  the  son- 
ship  of  those  who,  by  His  appointment,  have 
been  adopted  as  sons.  He  is  by  nature  im- 
mutable, perfect,  and  all-sufficient,  whereas 
men  are  liable  to  change,  and  need  His  help. 
What  further  advance  can  be   made  by  the 


22  Col.  i.  15. 

23  Heb.  i.  2.  Vide  Alford.  proleg.  to  Ep.  to  Heb.,  "  Nowhere 
except  in  the  Alexandrian  Church  does  there  seem  to  have  existed 
any  idea  that  the  Epistle  was  6t.  Paul's."  "At  Alexandria  the 
conventional  habit  oi  quoting  the  Epistle  as  St.  Paul's  gradually 
prevailed  over  critical  suspicion  and  early  tradition." 

24  Col.  i.  16,  17, 

25  xP^JMaTt^"^  =  (i)  to  have  dealings  with  ;  (ii)  to  deal  with 
an  oracle  or  divine  power ;  (iii)  to  get  a  name  for  dealing,  and  so 
to  be  called.     Cf.  Matt.  ii.  12  ;  Acts  xi.  26. 

26  Prov.  viii.  30. 

27  Heb.  i.  3.  iiv  anavyaa-fiartji  Ad^rj?  kox  xapoxrrjp  i-qs  vTroo-ia* 
(Tews  avTou. 


38 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[I.  3- 


wisdom  of  God  ^^  ?  What  can  the  Very  Truth,  or 
God  the  Word,  add  to  itself?  How  can  the 
Life  or  the  True  Light  in  any  way  be  bettered  ? 
And  is  it  not  still  more  contrary  to  nature  to 
suppose  that  wisdom  can  be  susceptible  of 
folly  ?  that  the  power  of  God  can  be  united 
with  weakness  ?  that  reason  itself  can  be  dim- 
med by  unreasonableness,  or  that  darkness  can 
be  mixed  with  the  true  light  ?  Does  not  the 
Apostle  say,  *  W/iai  communion  hath  light  with 
darkness  ?  and  what  concord  hath  Christ  7vith 
Belial  ^'^  ?'  and  Solomon,  that  '  the  way  of  a  ser- 
pent upon  a  rock  3° '  was  '  too  wonderful '  for 
the  human  mind  to  comprehend,  which  '  rock,' 
according  to  St.  Paul,  is  Christ  3^  Men  and 
angels,  however,  who  are  His  creatures,  have 
received  His  blessing,  enabhng  them  to  exer- 
cise themselves  in  virtue  and  in  obedience 
to  His  commands,  that  thus  they  may  avoid 
sin.  And  it  is  on  this  account  that  our  Lord, 
being  by  nature  the  Son  of  the  Father,  is 
worshipped  by  all ;  and  they  who  have  put  off 
the  spirit  of  bondage,  and  by  brave  deeds  and 
advance  in  virtue  have  received  the  spirit  of 
adoption  through  the  kindness  of  Him  Who  is 
the  Son  of  God  by  nature,  by  adoption  also 
become  sons. 

*'  His  true,  peculiar,  natural,  and  special 
Sonship  was  declared  by  Paul,  who,  speaking 
of  God,  says,  that  '  He  spared  not  Jlis  ow7i 
Son,  but  delivered  Him  up  for  us  3^,'  who  are  not 
by  nature  His  sons.  It  was  to  distinguish 
Him  from  those  who  are  not  '  His  own^'  that  he 
called  Him  '  His  own  son.''  It  is  also  written  in 
the  Gospel,  '  This  is  My  beloved  So?i  in  who7n  I 
am  well  pleased  ^'^\'  and  in  the  Psalms  the  Saviour 
says,  '  2he  Lord  said  unto  Me,  Thou  art  My 
Son^^.''  By  proclaiming  natural  sonship  He 
shows  that  there  are  no  other  natural  sons 
besides  Himself. 

"  And  do  not  these  words,  I  begot  thee  *  from 
the  womb  before  the  morning  35^'  plainly  show 
the  natural  sonship  of  the  paternal  birth  36  of 
One  whose  lot  it  is,  not  from  diligence  of 
conduct,  or  exercise  in  moral  progress,  but  by 
individuality  of  nature  ?  Hence  it  ensues  that 
the  filiation  of  the  only-begotten  Son  of  the 
Father  is  incapable  of  fall ;  while  the  adoption 
of  reasonable  beings  who  are  not  His  sons  by 
nature,  but  merely  on  account  of  fitness  of 
character,  and  by  the  bounty  of  God,  may 
fall  away,  as  it  is  written  in  the  word,  '  The 
sons  of  God  saw  the  daughters  of  men,  and 
took   them   as   wives,    and    so    forth  37.      And 

28  Contrast  the  advance  of  the  manhood.  Luke  ii.  52,  "Trpou- 
KOTTTe,"  the  word  used  in  the  text, 

29  2  Cor.  vi.  14,  15.  30  Prov.  xxx.  19.  3^  i  Cor.  x.  4. 
32  Rom.  viii.  32.                33  Matt.  iii.  17.  34  Ps.  ii,  7. 

35  Ps.  ex.  3.      Sept.  €K  yacTTpb?  vrpb  'Ea)cr<|)6pou  i.^ivvt\cya.  ere. 

36  The  readings  vary  between  yej/KJjcreuj?,  yej/eVews,  and  /noteu- 
CTfws  (cf.  Plat.  Theaet.  150  B;,  which  is  adopted  by  Valesius. 

37  Gen.  vi,  2. 


God,  Speaking  by  Isaiah,  said,  '  /  have  nour- 
ished and  broitght  up  children,  and  they  have 
rebelled  against  Me  3^. ' 

^*  I  have  many  things  to  say,  beloved,  but 
because  I  fear  that  I  shall  cause  weariness  by 
further  admonishing  teachers  who  are  of  one 
mind  with  myself,  I  pass  them  by.  You,  having 
been  taught  of  God,  are  not  ignorant  that  the 
teaching  at  variance  with  the  religion  of  the 
Church  which  has  just  arisen,  is  the  same  as 
that  propagated  by  Ebion  39  and  Artemas  4°,. 
and  rivals  that  of  Paul  of  Samosata,  bishop- 
of  Antioch,  who  was  excommunicated  by  a 
council  of  all  the  bishops,  Lucianus  4^,  his  suc- 
cessor, withdrew  himself  from  communion 
with  these  bishops  during  a  period  of  many 
years. 

"  And  now  amongst  us  there  have  sprung  up,, 
'  out  of  the  non-existent '  men  who  have  greedily 
sucked  down  the  dregs  of  this  impiety,  offsets 
of  the  same  stock  :  I  mean  Arius  and  Achillas,, 
and  all  their  gang  of  rogues.  Three  bishops  ^^ 
of  Syria,  appointed  no  one  knows  how,  by 
consenting  to  them,  fire  them  to  more  fatal 
heat,  I  refer  their  sentence  to  your  decision. 
Retaining  in  their  memory  all  that  they  can 
collect  concerning  the  suffering,  humiliation,, 
emptying  of  Himself  ^^3^  and  so-called  poverty, 
and  everything  of  which  the  Saviour  for  our 
sake  accepted  the  acquired  name,  they  bring 
forward  those  passages  to  disprove  His  eternal 
existence  and  divinity,  while  they  forget  all 
those  which  declare  His  glory  and  nobility  and 
abiding  with  the  Father ;  as  for  instance,  '  / 
and  My  Father  are  one^^'  In  these  words  the 
Lord  does  not  proclaim  Himself  to  be  the 
Father,  neither  does  He  represent  two  natures- 
as  one;  but  that  the  essence  of  the  Son  of  the 
Father  preserves  accurately  the  likeness  of  the 
Father,  His  nature  taking  off  the  impress  of 
likeness  to  Him  in  all  things,  being  the  exact 
image  of  the  Father  and  the  express  stamp  of 
the  prototype.  When,  therefore,  Philip,  de- 
sirous of  seeing  the  Father,  said  to  Him,  "Lord,, 
show  us  the  Father^  the  Lord  with  abundant 
plainness  said  to  him,  '  He  that  hath  seen  Me 
hath  seen  the  Father  ^^^  as  though  the  Father 

38  Isa,  L  2, 

39  The  imaginary  name  for  the  founder  of  Ebionism,  first  started. 

by  TertuUian.    ^TDM  =  poor. 

40  Artemas,  or  Artemon,  a  philosophizing  denier  of  Christ's- 
divinity,  excommunicated  by  Pope  Zephyrinus  (a.d.  202 — 21). 

41  Lucianus,  the  presbyter  of  Antioch,  who  became  the  head 
of  the  theological  school  of  that  city  in  which  the  leaders  of  the 
Arian  heresy  were  trained,  after  the  deposition  of  Paulus  refused. 
to  hold  communion  with  his  three  successors  in  the  patriarchate, 
Domnus,  Timaeus,  and  Cyril.  During  the  episcopate  ot  the  last 
named  he  once  more  entered  into  communion  with  the  church 
of  Antioch.  On  the  importance  of  Lucianus  as  lounder  ol  the 
Arians,  Vide  Newman's  Arians  of  the  Fourth  Century,  Chap.  !► 
Sec,  i.  and  cf.  the  letter  of  Arius  post.  Chap.  iv. 

42  Eusebius  of  Csesarea,  Theodotus  of  Laodicea,  and  Paulinus  oC 
Tyre.     See  Arius'  letter  to  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia,  ch.  iv. 

43  Kci'too'ts,  cf.  Phil.  ii.  7. 

44  John  X,  30.  45  John  xiv,  9. 


I.  3.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


39 


were  beheld  in  the  spotless  and  living  mirror 
of  His  nnage.  The  same  idea  is  conveyed  in 
the  Psalms,  where  the  saints  say,  '  In  Thy  light 
we  shall  see  light  ^^J  It  is  on  this  account  that 
'  he  who  honoureth  the  Son,  hononreth  the 
Father  "^^.^  And  rightly,  for  every  impious  word 
which  men  dare  to  utter  against  the  Son  is 
spoken  also  against  the  Father. 

"  After  this  no  one  can  wonder  at  the  false 
calumnies  which  I  am  about  to  detail,  my  be- 
loved brethren,  propagated  by  them  against 
me,  and  against  our  most  religious  people. 
They  not  only  set  their  battle  in  array  against 
the  divinity  of  Christ,  but  ungratefully  insult 
us.  They  think  it  beneath  them  to  be 
compared  with  any  of  those  of  old  time,  nor 
do  they  endure  to  be  put  on  a  par  with  the 
teachers  we  have  been  conversant  with  from 
childhood.  They  will  not  admit  that  any 
of  our  fellow-ministers  anywhere  possess  even 
mediocrity  of  intelligence.  They  say  that  they 
themselves  alone  are  the  wise  and  the  poor, 
and  discoverers  of  doctrines,  and  to  them  alone 
have  been  revealed  those  tiiiths  which,  say 
they,  have  never  entered  the  mind  of  any  other 
individuals  under  the  sun.  O  what  wicked  ar- 
rogance !  O  what  excessive  folly  !  What  false 
boasting,  joined  with  madness  and  Satanic 
pride,  has  hardened  their  impious  hearts ! 
They  are  not  ashamed  to  oppose  the  godly 
clearness  of  the  ancient  scriptures,  nor  yet 
does  the  unanimous  piety  of  all  our  fellow- 
ministers  concerning  Christ  blunt  their  au- 
dacity. Even  devils  will  not  sufter  impiety 
like  this ;  for  even  they  refrain  from  speaking 
blasphemy  against  the  Son  of  God. 

"  These  then  are  the  questions  I  have  to  raise, 
according  to  the  ability  I  possess,  with  those 
who  from  their  rude  resources  throw  dust  on 
the  Christ,  and  try  to  slander  our  reverence 
for  Him.  These  inventors  of  silly  tales  assert 
that  we,  who  reject  their  impious  and  unscrip- 
tural  blasphemy  concerning  the  creation  of 
Christ  from  the  non-existent,  teach  that  there 
are  two  unbegotten  Beings.  For  these  ill- 
instructed  men  contend  that  one  of  these  alter- 
natives must  hold ;  either  He  must  be  believed 
to  have  come  out  of  the  non-existent,  or 
there  are  two  unbegotten  Beings.  In  their 
ignorance  and  want  of  practice  in  theology 
they  do  not  realize  how  vast  must  be  the  distance 
between  the  Father  who  is  uncreate,  and  the 
creatures,  whether  rational  or  irrational,  which 
He  created  out  of  the  non-existent ;  and  that 
the  only-begotten  nature  of  Him  Who  is  the 
Word  of  God,  by  Whom  the  Father  created  the 
universe  out  of  the  non-existent,  standing,  as 
it  were,  in  the  middle  between  the  two,  was 


46  Ps.  xxxvi.  9. 


47  John  V.  23. 


begotten  of  the  self-existent  Father,  as  the 
Lord  Himself  testified  when  He  said,  ^  Every 
otie  that  loveth  the  Father,  loveth  also  the  Son 
that  is  begotten  of  Hijn^^.^ 

"  We  believe,  as  is  taught  by  the  apostolical 
Church,  in  an  only  unbegotten  Father,  Who  of 
His  being  hath  no  cause,  immutable  and 
invariable,  and  Who  subsists  always  in  one 
state  of  being,  admitting  neither  of  progres- 
sion nor  of  diminution;  Who  gave  the  law, 
and  the  prophets,  and  the  gospel  ;  of  patriarchs 
and  apostles,  and  of  all  saints,  Lord  :  and  in 
one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  only-begotten  Son 
of  God,  begotten  not  out  of  that  which  is  not, 
but  of  the  Father,  Who  is ;  yet  not  after  the 
manner  of  material  bodies,  by  severance  or 
emanation,  as  Sabellius  ^9  and  Valentinus  5° 
taught;  but  in  an  inexpressible  and  inexplic- 
able manner,  according  to  the  saying  which 
we  quoted  above,  *  Who  shall  declare  His 
generation  5^  1 '  since  no  mortal  intellect  can 
comprehend  the  nature  of  His  Person,  as 
the  Father  Himself  cannot  be  comprehended, 
because  the  nature  of  reasonable  beings  is 
unable  to  grasp  the  manner  in  which  He  was 
begotten  of  the  Father  52. 

"  But  those  who  are  led  by  the  Spirit  of  truth 
have  no  need  to  learn  these  things  of  me,  for 
the  words  long  since  spoken  by  the  Saviour 
yet  sound  in  our  ears,  '  No  one  knoweth  who  the 
Father  is  but  the  Son,  a?id  no  ofie  knoivetJi  tvho 
the  Son  is  but  the  Father  53.'  We  have  learnt  that 
the  Son  is  immutable  and  unchangeable,  all-suffi- 
cient and  perfect,  like  the  Father,  lacking  only 
His  "unbegotten."  He  is  the  exact  and  pre- 
cisely similar  image  of  His  Father.  For  it  is  clear 
that  the  image  fully  contains  everything  by  which 
the  greater  likeness  exists,  as  the  Lord  taught  us 
when  He  said,  '  My  Father  is  greater  tha?i  /54.' 
And  in  accordance  with  this  we  believe  that 
the  Son  always  existed  of  the  Father ;  for  he  is 
the  brightness  of  His  glory,  and  the  express  image 
of  His  Father's  Person  ^^.^  But  let  no  one  be 
led  by  the  word  *  always '  to  imagine  that  the 
Son  is  unbegotten,  as  is  thought  by  some 
who  have  their  intellects  blinded  :  for  to  say 
that  He  was,  that  He  has  always  been,  and 
that  before  all  ages,  is  not  to  say  that  He  is 
unbegotten. 

"  The  mind  of  man  could  not  possibly  invent 
a  term  expressive  of  what  is  meant  by  being 
unbegotten.  I  believe  that  you  are  of  this 
opinion  ;  and,  indeed,  I  feel  confident  in  your 
orthodox  view  that  none  of  these  terms  in  any 
way  signify  the  unbegotten.     For  all  the  terms 

48  I  John  V.  I. 

49  Condemned  A.D.  261  by  Council  held  at  Alexandria. 

50  Taught    in    Rome    in    a.d.    140,   and    died    in    Cyprus  in 

A.D.  160. 

5*  Isa.  liii.  8.  52  y\  narpi-icr}  OeoyovCa.  S3  Matt.  xi.  27  : 

observe  the  slight  variation.  54  John  xiv.  28.  55  Heb.  i.  3. 


40 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[1-3. 


appear  to  signify  merely  the  extension  of  time, 
and  are  not  adequate  to  express  the  divinity 
and,  as  it  were,  the  primaeval  being  of  the  only- 
begotten  Son.  They  were  used  by  the  holy 
men  who  earnestly  endeavoured  to  clear  up  the 
mystery,  and  who  asked  pardon  from  those 
who  heard  them,  with  a  reasonable  excuse  for 
their  failure,  by  saying  '  as  far  as  our  com- 
prehension has  reached.'  But  if  those  who 
allege  that  what  was  ^  kno7vn  in  parf  has  been 
*  done  away  5^'  for  them,  expect  from  human  lips 
anything  beyond  human  powers,  it  is  plain  that 
the  terms  '  was,'  and  *  ever,'  and  *  before  all  ages,' 
fall  far  short  of  this  expectation.  But  whatever 
they  may  mean,  it  is  not  the  same  as  '  the  unbe- 
gotten.'  Therefore  His  own  individual  dignity 
must  be  reserved  to  the  Father  as  theUnbegotten 
One,  no  one  being  called  the  cause  of  His  exist- 
ence :  to  the  Son  likewise  must  be  given  the 
honour  which  befits  Him,  there  being  to  Him 
a  generation  from  the  Father  which  has  no  begin- 
ning ;  we  must  render  Him  worship,  as  we  have 
already  said,  only  piously  and  religiously  ascrib- 
ing to  Him  the  '  was '  and  the  '  ever,'  and  the 
'  before  all  ages  ; '  not  however  rejecting  His  di- 
vinity, but  ascribing  to  Him  a  perfect  likeness 
in  all  things  to  His  Father,  while  at  the  same 
time  we  ascribe  to  the  Father  alone  His  own 
proper  glory  of  '  the  unbegotten,'  even  as  the 
Saviour  Himself  says,  '  My  Father  is  greatei- 
than  /57.' 

'*And  in  addition  to  this  pious  behef  re- 
specting the  Father  and  the  Son,  we  confess, 
as  the  Sacred  Scriptures  teach  us,  one  Holy 
Ghost,  who  moved  the  saints  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, and  the  olivine  teachers  of  that  which 
is  called  the  New.  We  believe  in  one  only 
Catholic  Church,  the  apostolical,  which  cannot 
be  destroyed  even  though  all  the  world  were 
to  take  counsel  to  fight  against  it,  and  which 
gains  the  victory  over  all  the  impious  attacks 
of  the  heterodox ;  for  we  are  emboldened  by 
the  words  of  its  Master,  ^  Be  of  good  cheer ^ 
I  have  overcome  the  world ^'^.'  After  this,  we 
receive  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  from 
the  dead,  of  which  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord  be- 
came the  first-fruits  ;  Who  bore  a  Body,  in 
truth,  not  in  semblance,  derived  from  Mary 
the  mother  of  God  59 ;  in  the  fulness  of  time 
sojourning  among  the  race,  for  the  remis- 
sion of  sins  :  who  was  crucified  and  died,  yet 
for  all  this  suffered  no  diminution  of  His 
Godhead.  He  rose  from  the  dead,  was  taken 
into  heaven,  and  sat  down  at  the  right  hand  of 
the  Majesty  on  high. 

"  In  this  epistle  I  have  only  mentioned  these 
things   in   part,   deeming   it,  as    I   have    said, 


56  I  Cor.  xiii.  10. 
5^^  John  xvi.  33. 


57  John  xiv.  aS 
59  cK  TTj?  ©eoTOKou  Mapias. 


wearisome  to  dwell  minutely  on  each  article, 
since  they  are  well  known  to  your  pious 
diligence.  These  things  we  teach,  these 
things  we  preach ;  these  are  the  dogmas  of 
the  apostolic  Church,  for  which  we  are  ready 
to  die,  caring  little  for  those  who  would  force 
us  to  forswear  them ;  for  we  will  never  re- 
linquish our  hope  in  them,  though  they  should 
try  to  compel  us  by  tortures. 

^'^Arius  and  Achillas,  together  with  their  fel- 
low foes,  have  been  expelled  from  the  Church, 
because  they  have  become  aliens  from  our 
pious  doctrine  :  according  to  the  blessed  Paul, 
who  said,  ^  If  any  of  you  preach  any  other  gospel 
than  that  which  you  have  received^  let  hi?n  be  ac- 
cursed, even  though  he  should  prete?id  to  be  an 
angel  from  heaven  ^,  and  '  But  if  any  man  teach 
otherwise y  and  consent  not  to  wholesoine  words,  even 
the  words  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  to  the 
doctrine  which  is  according  to  godliness,  he  is  proud, 
kno7ving  no  thing  ^^,^  diud  so  forth.  Since,  then, 
they  have  been  condemned  by  the  brotherhood, 
let  none  of  you  receive  them,  nor  attend  to 
what  they  say  or  write.  They  are  deceivers, 
and  propagate  lies,  and  they  never  adhere  to 
the  truth.  They  go  about  to  different  cities 
with  no  other  intent  than  to  deliver  letters 
under  the  pretext  of  friendship  and  in  the  name 
of  peace,  and  by  hypocrisy  and  flattery  to 
obtain  other  letters  in  return,  in  order  to 
deceive  a  few  ^  silly  wojnen  who  are  laden 
with  sins^^.^  I  beseech  you,  beloved  brethren, 
to  avoid  those  who  have  thus  dared  to  act 
against  Christ,  who  have  publicly  held  up  the 
Christian  religion  to  ridicule,  and  have  eagerly 
sought  to  make  a  display  before  judicial  tri- 
bunals, who  have  endeavoured  to  excite  a  per- 
secution against  us  at  a  period  of  the  most 
entire  peace,  and  who  have  enervated  the  un- 
speakable mystery  of  the  generation  of  Christ. 
Unite  unanimously  in  opposition  to  them,  as 
some  of  our  fellow-ministers  have  already  done, 
who,  being  filled  with  indignation,  wrote  to  me 
against  them,  and  signed  our  formulary  ^3. 

"  I  have  sent  you  these  letters  by  my  son 
Apion,  the  deacon ;  being  those  of  (the  min- 
isters in)  all  Egypt  and  the  Thebaid,  also  of 
those  of  Libya,  and  the  Pentapolis,  of  Syria, 
Lycia,  Pamphylia,  Asia,  Cappadocia,  and  in 
the  other  adjoining  countries.  Whose  ex- 
ample you  likewise,  I  trust,  will  follow.  Many 
kindly  attempts  have  been  made  by  me  to 
gain  back  those  who  have  been  led  astray, 
but  no  remedy  has  proved  more  efiicacious 
in  restoring  the  laity  who  have  been  deceived 
by  them  and  leading  them  to  repentance,  than 


60  Gal.  i.  9.  61  I  Tim.  vi.  3,  4.  62  2  Tim.  iii.  6. 

63  To/xos.     (i)  a  cut  or  slice ;   (ii)  a  portion  of  a  roll,  volume, 
"  tome." 


I.  4-] 


OF   THEODORET. 


41 


the  manifestation  of  the  union  of  our  fellow- 
ministers.  Salute  one  another,  with  the  bro- 
therhood that  is  with  you.  1  pray  that  you 
may  be  strong  in  the  Lord,  my  beloved,  and 
that  I  may  receive  the  fruit  of  your  love  to 
Christ. 

"  The  following  are  the  name  of  those  who 
have  been  anathematized  as  heretics  :  among 
the  presbyters,  Anus ;  among  the  deacons, 
Achillas,  Euzoius,  Aithales,  Lucius,  Sarmates, 
Julius,  Menas,  another  Arius,  and  Helladius." 

Alexander  wrote  in  the  same  strain  to  Philo- 
gonius  ^'^,  bishop  of  Antioch,  to  Eustathius  ^^, 
who  then  ruled  the  church  of  the  Beroeans,  and 
to  all  those  who  defended  the  doctrines  of  the 
Apostles.  But  Arius  could  not  endure  to  keep 
quiet,  but  wrote  to  all  those  whom  he  believed 
to  agree  with  him  in  opinion.  His  letter  to 
Eusebius,  bishop  of  Nicomedia,  is  a  clear 
proof  that  the  divine  Alexander  wrote  nothing 
that  was  false  concerning  him.  I  shall  here 
insert  his  letter,  in  order  that  the  names  of  those 
who  were  implicated  in  his  impiety  may  be- 
come generally  known. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

T/ie  Letter  of  Anus  to  Eusebius,  Bishop 
of  AHcomedia, 

"  To  his  very  dear  lord,  the  man  of  God,  the 
faithful  and  orthodox  Eusebius,  Arius,  un- 
justly persecuted  by  Alexander  the  Pope',  on 
account  of  that  all-conquering  truth  of  which 
you  also  are  a  champion,  sendeth  greeting 
in  the  Lord. 

"  Ammonius,  my  father,  being  about  to  de- 
part for  Nicomedia,  I  considered  myself  bound 
to  salute  you  by  him,  and  withal  to  inform 
that  natural  affection  which  you  bear  towards 
the  brethren  for  the  sake  of  God  and  His 
Christ,  that  the  bishop  greatly  w^astes  and 
persecutes  us,  and  leaves  no  stone  unturned  ^ 
against  us.  He  has  driven  us  out  of  the 
city  as  atheists,  because  we  do  not  concur  in 
what  he  publicly  preaches,  namely,  God  always, 
the  Son  always;  as  the  Father  so  the  Son ;  the 
Son  co-exists  unbegotten  with  God ;  He  is 
everlasting;  neither  by  thought  nor  by  any 
interval  does  God  precede  the  Son ;  always 
God,  always  Son ;  he  is  begotten  of  the  unbe- 
gotten ;  the  Son  is  of  God  Himself.     Eusebius, 


64  Vide  supra. 

65  Bp.  first  of  Bercea  in  Syria  and  then  of  Antioch,  c.  324 — 331. 
Beroea,  the  Helbon  of  Ezekiel  (xxvii.  18)  is  now  Aleppo  or  Haleb. 

1  On  the  name  "  Pope,"  vide  Diet.  Christ.  Ant.,  s.v.  ist,  it  was 
applied  to  the  teachers  of  converts,  2ndly,  to  Bishops  and  Abbots, 
and  was,  srdly,  confined  to  the  Patriarchs  of  Alexandria,  Antioch, 
Jerusalem,  Constantinople,  and  to  the  Bp.  of  Rome  ;  4thly,  it  was 
claimed  by  the  Bp.  of  Rome  exclusively. 

2  ndvTa  KdKwv  KLvel.  Cf.  Luc.  Scyth.  ii.  The  common  proverb 
was  iravra  e^teVac  KaKiav,  to  let  out  every  reef.  Ar.  Eq.  756  Eur. 
Med.  278,  &c. 


your  brother  bishop  of  Caesarea,  Theodotus, 
Paulinus,  Athanasius,  Gregorius,  Aetius,  and  all 
the  bishops  of  the  East,  have  been  condemned 
because  they  say  that  God  had  an  existence 
prior  to  that  of  His  Son ;  except  Philogonius, 
Hellanicus,  and  Macarius,  who  are  unlearned 
men,  and  who  have  embraced  heretical  opi- 
nions. Some  of  them  say  that  the  Son  is  an 
eructation,  others  that  He  is  a  production, 
others  that  He  is  also  unbegotten.  These 
are  impieties  to  which  we  cannot  listen, 
even  though  the  heretics  threaten  us  with 
a  thousand  deaths.  But  we  say  and  believe, 
and  have  taught,  and  do  teach,  that  the  Son 
is  not  unbegotten,  nor  in  any  way  part  of  the 
unbegotten ;  and  that  He  does  not  derive  His 
subsistence  from  any  matter;  but  that  by  His 
own  will  and  counsel  He  has  subsisted  before 
time,  and  before  ages,  as  perfect  God,  only 
begotten  and  unchangeable,  and  that  before  He 
was  begotten,  or  created,  or  purposed,  or  esta- 
blished. He  was  not.  For  He  was  not  unbe- 
gotten. We  are  persecuted,  because  we  say  that 
the  Son  has  a  beginning,  but  that  God  is  without 
beginning.  This  is  the  cause  of  our  persecu- 
tion, and  likewise,  because  we  say  that  He  is  of 
the  non-existent  3.  And  this  we  say,  because 
He  is  neither  part  of  God,  nor  of  any  es- 
sential being  4.  For  this  are  we  persecuted ; 
the  rest  you  know.  I  bid  thee  farewell  in 
the  Lord,  remembering  our  afflictions,  my 
fellow-Lucianist 5,  and  true  Eusebius^." 

Of  those  whose  names  are  mentioned  in  this 
letter,  Eusebius  was  bishop  of  Csesarea  7,  Theo- 


3  e^  ovK  ovTwv  ecTTtp. 

4  e^  vTTOKiLfxevov  Tii^?.  Aristotle,  Metaph.  vi.  3,  i,  defines 
TO  VTTOKei^kevov  as  that  Ka6'  ov  to.  aAAa  Ae'-yeTcu.  .  .  .  fiaXiCTTa  Se 
SoKei.  eti'ttt  ovaia  to  U7ro/cet;aei/o»'  npwTOy. 

5  Arius  and  Eusebius  had  been  fellow  disciples  of  Lucianus  the 
Priest  of  Antioch  martyred  under  Maximinus  in  a.d.  311  or  312. 
Vide  note  011  payc  38. 

6  Arius  plays  on  the  name  Eusebius,  evtrejSTjs,  pious. 

7  From  the  phrase,  "  6  a5eA<^6s  <tov  b  ev  Kaiaapeia,"  it  has  been 
inferred  by  some  that  the  two  Eusebii  were  actually  brothers. 
Eusebius  of  Nicomedia,  in  the  letter  of  Chapter  V.,  calls  the 
Palestinian  SeanoTr]<; ;  but  this  alone  would  not  be  iaial  to  the 
brotherhood,  for  Seneca  (£j>.  Mor.  104),  calls  his  brother  Gallic 
dominui.  The  phrase  of  Arius  is  not  worth  much  against  the 
silence  of  every  one  else.  Vid.  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  Article,  Eu- 
sebius. 

Theodotus,  bishop  of  Laodicea,  in  Syria,  (not  the  Phrygian 
Laodicea  of  the  Apocalypse),  was  a  Physician  of  the  body  as  well 
as  of  the  soul  {Euseb.  H.E.  vii.  32). 

Paulinus,  bishop  first  of  Tyre,  and  then  of  Antioch  for  six 
months,  died  in  a.d.  329.  {Philost.  H.E.  iii.  15,  cf.  Bishop  Light- 
foot  in  Diet.  Christian  Biog.  Article,  Eusebius  of  Ca;sarea). 

Athanasius,  bishop  of  Anazarbus,  an  important  town  of  Cilicia 
Campestris,  is  accused  of  dangerous  Arianism  by  his  great  name- 
sake.    {Atha?i.  de  Synod.,  584). 

Gregorius  succeeded  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia  at  B«rytus  (Bey- 
rout),  on  the  translation  of  the  latter  to  Nicomedia. 

Aetius,  Bishop  of  Lydda,  (the  Lydda  of  the  Acts,  on  the  plain 
of  Sharon,  now  Ludd,  the  city  of  El-Khudr,  who  is  identified  with 
St.  George),  died  soon  after  the  Arian  Synod  of  Antioch,  a.d.  330 
{Fhilost.  H.E.  iii.  12),  and  is  to  be  distinguished  from  the  arch- 
Arian  Aetius,  Julian's  friend,  who  survived  till  a.d.  367  {Fhil. 
H.E.  ix.  6). 

Philogonius  was  raised  to  the  episcopate  per  saltum,  like  St. 
Ambrose  {Chrysost.  Orat.  ji,  tom.  v.  p.  507),  he  preceded  the 
Arian  Paulinus. 

Hellanicus  was  present  at  Nicaea,  but  was  driven  from  the  See  of 
Tripolis,  in  Phoenicia,  by  the  Arians  (/i />^«.  //ist.  Ar.  ad  Mem.  §  5). 


42 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[1.4. 


dotus  of  Laodicea,  Paulinus  of  Tyre,  Atha- 
nasius  of  Anazarbus,  Gregorius  of  Berytus,  and 
Aetius  of  Lydda.  Lydda  is  now  called  Dios- 
polis.  Arius  prided  himself  on  having  these 
men  of  one  mind  with  himself  He  names 
as  his  adversaries,  Philogonius,  bishop  of  An- 
tioch,  Hellanicus,  of  Tripolis,  and  Macarius, 
of  Jerusalem.  He  spread  calumnies  against 
them  because  they  said  that  the  Son  is  eternal, 
existing  before  all  ages,  of  equal  honour  and 
of  the  same  substance  with  the  Father. 

When  Eusebius  received  the  epistle,  he  too 
vomited  forth  his  own  impiety,  and  wrote  to 
Paulinus,  chiefs  of  the  Tyrians,  in  the  follow- 
ing words. 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  Letter  of  Eusebius,  Bishop  of  Nicomedta^ 
to  Paulinus,  Bishop  of  Tyre. 

"To  my  lord  Paulinus,  Eusebius  sendeth 
greeting  in  the  Lord. 

"  The  zeal  of  my  lord  Eusebius  in  the 
cause  of  the  truth,  and  likewise  your  silence 
concerning  it,  have  not  failed  to  reach  our  ears. 
Accordingly,  if,  on  the  one  hand,  we  rejoiced 
on  account  of  the  zeal  of  my  lord  Eusebius ; 
on  the  other  we  are  grieved  at  you,  because 
even  the  silence  of  such  a  man  appears  like 
a  defeat  of  our  cause.  Hence,  as  it  behoves 
not  a  wise  man  to  be  of  a  different  opinion 
from  others,  and  to  be  silent  concerning  the 
truth,  stir  up,  I  exhort  you,  within  yourself 
the  spirit  of  wisdom  to  write,  and  at  length 
begin  what  may  be  profitable  to  yourself  and 
to  others,  specially  if  you  consent  to  write 
in  accordance  with  Scripture,  and  tread  in 
the  tracks  of  its  words  and  will. 

"  We  have  never  heard  that  there  are  two  un- 
begotten  beings,  nor  that  one  has  been  divided 
into  two,  nor  have  we  learned  or  believed  that 
it  has  ever  undergone  any  change  of  a  corporeal 
nature  ;  but  we  affirm  that  the  unbegotten  is  one, 
and  one  also  that  which  exists  in  truth  by  Him, 
yet  was  not  made  out  of  His  substance,  and 
does  not  at  all  participate  in  the  nature  or 
substance  of  the  unbegotten,  entirely  distinct 
in  nature  and  in  power,, and  made  after  perfect 
likeness  both  of  character  and  power  to  the 
maker.  We  believe  that  the  mode  of  His 
beginning  not  only  cannot  be  expressed  by 
words  but  even  in  thought,  and  is  incompre- 
hensible not  only  to  man,  but  also  to  all  bemgs 
superior  to  man.  These  opinions  we  advance, 
not  as  having  derived  them  from  our  own  ima- 


Macarius  is  praised  by  Athanasius  {OraL  I.  adv.  Arian.  p.  291). 
On  a  possible  "passage  of  arms"  between  him  and  Eusebius  of 
Ca;sarea  at  Nica;a,  vide  Stanley,  Eastern  Church,  Lect.  V,  Cf. 
/•ost,  cap.  xvii. 


gination,  but  as  having  deduced  them  from 
Scripture,  whence  we  learn  that  the  Son  was 
created,  established,  and  begotten  in  the  same 
substance  and  in  the  same  immutable  and 
inexpressible  nature  as  the  Maker;  and  so 
the  Lord  says,  '  God  created  me  in  the  begin- 
ning of  His  way  ;  I  was  set  up  frojn  everlasting ; 
before  the  hills  was  I  brought  forth  ^' 

"  If  He  had  been  from  Him  or  of  Him,  as  a 
portion  of  Him,  or  by  an  emanation  of  His  sub- 
stance, it  could  not  be  said  that  He  was  created 
or  established ;  and  of  this  you,  my  lord,  are 
certainly  not  ignorant.  For  that  which  is  of 
the  unbegotten  could  not  be  said  to  have  been 
created  or  founded,  either  by  Him  or  by 
another,  since  it  is  unbegotten  from  the  begin- 
ning. But  if  the  fact  of  His  being  called 
the  begotten  gives  any  ground  for  the  belief 
that,  having  come  into  being  of  the  Father's 
substance,  He  also  has  from  the  Father  likeness 
of  nature,  we  reply  that  it  is  not  of  Him  alone 
that  the  Scriptures  have  spoken  as  begotten, 
but  that  they  also  thus  speak  of  those  who 
are  entirely  dissimilar  to  Him  by  nature.  For 
of  men  it  is  said,  *  /  have  begotten  and  brought 
up  S071S,  and  they  have  rebelled  against  me"^;^ 
and  in  another  place,  '  Thou  hast  forsaken  God 
who  begat  thee^;^  and  again  it  is  said,  ^Wha 
begat  the  drops  of  dew  ^  V  This  expression  does 
not  imply  that  the  dew  partakes  of  the  nature 
of  God,  but  simply  that  all  things  were  formed 
according  to  His  will.  There  is,  indeed,  nothing 
which  is  of  His  substance,  yet  every  thing 
which  exists  has  been  called  into  being  by  His 
will.  He  is  God ;  and  all  things  were  made 
in  His  likeness,  and  in  the  future  likeness  of 
His  Word,  being  created  of  His  free  will. 
All  things  were  made  by  His  means  by  God. 
All  things  are  of  God. 

"  When  you  have  received  my  letter,  and 
have  revised  it  according  to  the  knowledge 
and  grace  given  you  by  God,  I  beg  you  will 
write  as  soon  as  possible  to  my  lord  Alexander. 
I  feel  confident  that  if  you  would  write  to  him, 
you  would  succeed  in  bringing  him  over  to  your 
opinion.  Salute  all  the  brethren  in  the  Lord. 
May  you,  my  lord,  be  preserved  by  the  grace 
of  God,  and  be  led  to  pray  for  us." 


It  is  thus  that  they  wrote  to  each  other, 
in  order  to  furnish  one  another  with  weapons 
against  the  truth  5.  And  so  when  the  blas- 
phemous doctrine  had  been  disseminated  in  the 
churches  of  Egypt  and  of  the  East,  disputes  and 
contentions  arose  in  every  city,  and  in  every 
village,  concerning  theological  dogmas.  The 
common  people  looked  on,  and  became  judges 


»  Prov.  viii,  22 — 26  Sept.  2  Isa.  i   2. 

3  Deut.  xxxii.  18.  4  Job  xxxviii.  s8. 

5  Arius  first  published  his  heresy,  a.d.  319. 


I.  6.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


43 


of  what  was  said  on  either  side,  and  some 
applauded  one  party,  and  some  the  other. 
These  were,  indeed,  scenes  fit  for  the  tragic 
stage,  over  which  tears  might  have  been  shed. 
For  it  w^as  not,  as  in  bygone  days,  when  the 
church  was  attacked  by  strangers  and  by  ene- 
mies, but  now  natives  of  the  same  country, 
who  dwelt  under  one  roof,  and  sat  down  at 
one  table,  fought  against  each  other  not  with 
spears,  but  with  their  tongues.  And  what  was 
still  more  sad,  tliey  who  thus  took  up  arms 
against  one  anotlier  were  members  of  one 
another,  and  belonged  to  one  body. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

General  Council  of  Niccea. 

The  emperor,  who  possessed  the  most  pro- 
found wisdom,  having  heard  of  these  things, 
endeavoured,  as  a  first  step,  to  stop  up  their 
fountain-head.  He  therefore  despatched  a 
messenger  renowned  for  his  ready  wit  to 
Alexandria  with  letters,  in  the  endeavour  to 
extinguish  the  dispute,  and  expecting  to  re- 
concile the  disputants.  But  his  hopes  having 
been  frustrated,  he  proceeded  to  summon  the 
celebrated  council  of  Nicaea^;  and  pledged  his 
word  that  the  bishops  and  their  officials  should 
be  furnished  with  asses,  mules,  and  horses  for 
their  journey  at  the  public  expense.  When 
all  those  who  were  capable  of  enduring  the 
fatigue  of  the  journey  had  arrived  at  Nicsea, 
J  he  went  thither  himself,  with  both  the  wish  of 
seeing  the  multitude  of  bishops,  and  the 
yearning  desire  of  maintaining  unanimity 
amongst  them.  He  at  once  arranged  that  all 
their  w^ants  should  be  liberally  supplied.  Three 
hundred  and  eighteen  bishops  were  assembled. 
The  bishop  of  Rome  ^,  on  account  of  his  very 
advanced  age,  was  absent,  but  he  sent  two 
presbyters  3  to  the  council,  with  authority  to 
agree  to  what  was  done. 

At  this  period  many  individualswere  richly  en- 
dowed with  apostolical  gifts  ;  and  many,  like  the 
holy  apostle,  bore  in  their  bodies  the  marks  of 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ^.  James,  bishop  of  An- 
tioch,  a  city  of  Mygdonia,  which  is  called  Nisibis 
by  the  Syrians  and  Assyrians,  raised  the  dead 
and  restored  them  to  life,  and  performed  many 
other  wonders  which  it  would  be  superfluous 
to  mention  again  in  detail  in  this  history,  as 
I  have  already  given  an  account  of  them  in  my 
work,  entitled"  Philotheus 5."     Paul,  bishop  of 


Originally  named  Antigonea,  after  its  founder ;   then  Nicaea 
after  the  C^ueen  of  Lysimachus  ;  now  Isnik. 

2  Sylvester.  3  Vitus  and  Vincentius. 

4  Cf.  Gal.  vi.  17.  The  "stigmata"  here  meant  are  the  marks 
of  persecution. 

5  i.e.  The  4>iA60eo?  icrropta,  or  "  Eeligioits  History,"  a  work 
containing  the  lives  of  celebrated  ascetics,  composed  before  the 
Ecclesiastical  History.  For  Dr.  Newman's  explanation  01  its 
apparent  credulity,  \ide  Hist.  S/ce(c/ies,  iii.  314,  and  compare  his 


Neo-C?esarea,  a  fortress  situated  on  the  banks 
of  the  Euphrates,  had  suffered  from  the  frantic 
rage  of  Licinius.  He  had  been  deprived  of 
the  use  of  both  hands  by  the  application  of  a 
red-hot  iron,  by  which  the  nerves  which  give 
motion  to  the  muscles  had  been  contracted 
and  rendered  dead.  Some  had  had  the  right 
eye  dug  out,  others  had  lost  the  right  arm. 
Among  these  was  Paphnutius  of  Egypt.  In 
short,  the  Council  looked  like  an  assembled 
army  of  martyrs.  Yet  this  holy  and  celebrated 
gathering  was  not  entirely  free  from  the  ele- 
ment of  opposition ;  for  there  were  some, 
though  so  few  as  easily  to  be  reckoned,  of  fair 
surface,  like  dangerous  shallows,  who  really, 
though  not  openly,  supported  the  blasphemy 
of  Arius. 

When  they  were  all  assembled  ^,  the  emperor 
ordered  a  great  hall  to  be  prepared  for  their  ac- 
commodation in  the  palace,  in  which  a  sufficient 
number  of  benches  and  seats  were  placed ; 
and  having  thus  arranged  that  they  should 
be  treated  with  becoming  dignity,  he  desired 
the  bishops  to  enter  in,  and  discuss  the  sub- 
jects proposed.  The  emperor,  with  a  few 
attendants,  was  the  last  to  enter  the  room ; 
remarkable  for  his  lofty  stature,  and  worthy  of 
admiration  for  personal  beauty,  and  for  the  still 
more  marvellous  modesty  which  dwelt  on  his 
countenance.  A  low  stool  was  placed  for  him 
in  the  middle  of  the  assembly,  upon  which, 
however,  he  did  not  seat  himself  until  he  had 
asked  the  permission  of  the  bishops.  Then 
all  the  sacred  assembly  sat  down  around  him. 
Then  forthwith  rose  first  the  great  Eustathius, 
bishop  of  Antioch,  who,  upon  the  translation 
of  Philogonius,  already  referred  to,  to  a  better 
life,  had  been  compelled  reluctantly  to  become 
his  successor  by  the  unanimous  suff'rages  of 
the  bishops,  priests,  and  of  the  Christ- 
loving  laity.  He  crowned  the  emperor's  head 
with  the  flowers  of  panegyric,  and  commended 
the  diligent  attention  he  had  manifested  in  the 
regulation  of  ecclesiastical  affairs. 

The  excellent  emperor  next  exhorted  the 
Bishops  to  unanimity  and  concord  ;  he  recalled 
to  their  remembrance  the  cruelty  of  the  late 
tyrants,  and  reminded  them  of  the  honourable 
peace  which  God  had,  in  his  reign  and  by  his 
means,  accorded  them.  He  pointed  out  how 
dreadful  it  was,  aye,  very  dreadful,  that  at 
the  very  time  when  their  enemies  were  de- 
stroyed, and  when  no  one  dared  to  oppose 
them,  they  should  fall  upon  one  another, 
and  make  their  amused  adversaries  laugh, 
especially  as  they  were  debating  about  holy 


Apologia  pro  Vita  stta,  on  his  own  acceptance  of  the  marvellous, 
Appendix,  p.  57. 

6  On  the  circumstances  and  scene  ot  the  opening  of  the  Council 
consult  Stanley's  Eastern  Church,  Lecture  IV. 


44 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[1.6. 


things,  concerning  which  they  had  the  written 
teaching  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  **  For  the  gos- 
pels "  (continued  he),  "  the  apostolical  writ- 
ings, and  the  oracles  of  the  ancient  pro- 
phets, clearly  teach  us  what  we  ought  to  believe 
concerning  the  divine  nature.  Let,  then,  all 
contentious  disputation  be  discarded  ;  and  let 
us  seek  in  the  divinely-inspired  word  the  solu- 
tion of  the  questions  at  issue,"  These  and 
similar  exhortations  he,  like  an  affectionate  son, 
addressed  to  the  bishops  as  to  fathers,  labour- 
ing to  bring  about  their  unanimity  in  the  apo- 
stolical doctrines.  Most  members  of  the  synod, 
won  over  by  his  arguments,  established  con- 
cord among  themselves,  and  embraced  sound 
doctrine.  There  were,  however,  a  few,  of  whom 
mention  has  been  already  made,  who  opposed 
these  doctrines,  and  sided  with  Arius ;  and 
amongst  them  were  Menophantus,  bishop  of 
Ephesus,  Patrophilus,  bishop  of  Scythopolis, 
Theognis,  bishop  of  Nicaea,  and  Narcissus, 
bishop  of  Neronias,  which  is  a  town  of  the 
second  Cilicia,  and  is  now  called  Irenopolis; 
also  Theonas,  bishop  of  Marmarica,  and  Se- 
cundus,  bishop  of  Ptolemais  in  Egypt  7.  They 
drew  up  a  formulary  of  their  faith,  and  pre- 
sented it  to  the  council  As  soon  as  it  was 
read  it  was  torn  to  pieces,  and  was  declared  to 
be  spurious  and  false.  So  great  was  the  uproar 
raised  against  them,  and  so  many  were  the 
reproaches  cast  on  them  for  having  betrayed 
religion,  that  they  all,  with  the  exception  of 
Secundus  and  Theonas,  stood  up  and  took  the 
lead  in  publicly  renouncing  Arius.  This  im- 
pious man,  having  thus  been  expelled  from  the 
Church,  a  confession  of  faith  which  is  received 
to  this  day  was  drawn  up  by  unanimous  con- 
sent ;  and,  as  soon  as  it  was  signed,  the  council 
was  dissolved. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Confutation  of  Arianism  deduced  from  the 
Writings  of  Eustathius  and  Aihanasius, 

The   above-named    bishops,    however,    did 
not  consent   to    it   in    sincerity,   but    only  in 


7  Menophantus  was  one  of  the  disciples  of  Lucianus  {Philos. 
H.E.  ii.  14).  He  accepted  the  Nicene  decision,  but  was  excom- 
municated by  the  Sardican  Fathers.     Cf.  Book  II.  Chap.  6. 

Patrophilus,  bishop  of  Scythopolis,  the  Bethshan  of  Scripture, 
was  an  ardent  and  persistent  Arian.  Theodoret  mentions  his  share 
in  the  deposition  of  Eustathius  (1.  20).  Theognis  was  sentenced  to 
banishment  on  account  of  the  Arian  sympathies  he  displayed  at 
Nicaea,  but  escaped  by  a  feigned  acceptance. 

Narcissus  of  Irenopolis,  a  town  of  Cilicia  Secunda,  took  an  active 
part  in  the  Arian  movement :  Athaiiasius  says  that  he  was  thrice 
degraded  by  different  synods,  and  is  the  worst  of  the  Eusebians 
(^Ath.  Ap.  defuga,  sec.  28). 

Marmarica  is  not  a  town,  but  a  district.  It  lay  west  of  Egypt, 
about  the  modern  Barca. 

There  were  two  cities  in  Egypt  named  Ptolemais,  one  in  Upper 
Egypt  below  Abydos  ;  one  a  port  of  the  Red  Sea. 

After  the  time  of  Constantine,  Cilicia  was  divided  into  three 
districts  ;  Cilicia  Prima,  with  Tarsus  for  chief  town  ;  Secunda, 
with  Anazarbus  ;  Tertia,  with  Seleuceia. 


appearance.  This  was  afterwards  shewn  by 
their  plotting  against  those  who  were  fore- 
most in  zeal  for  religion,  as  well  as  by  what 
these  latter  have  written  about  them.  For 
instance,  Eustathius,  the  famous  bishop  of 
Antioch,  who  has  been  already  mentioned, 
when  explaining  the  text  in  the  Proverbs, 
*  The  Lord  created  me  in  the  beginning  of  His 
way,  before  His  works  of  old ^,'  wrote  against 
them,  and  refuted  their  blasphemy. 

2 "  I  WILL  now  proceed  to  relate  how  these 
different  events  occurred.  A  general  council 
was  summoned  at  Nicaea,  and  about  two 
hundred  and  seventy  bishops  were  convened. 
There  were,  however,  so  many  assembled  that 
I  cannot  state  their  exact  number,  neither, 
indeed,  have  I  taken  any  great  trouble  to 
ascertain  this  point.  When  they  began  to  in- 
quire into  the  nature  of  the  faith,  the  formulary 
of  Eusebius  was  brought  forward,  which  con- 
tained undisguised  evidence  of  his  blasphemy. 
The  reading  of  it  before  all  occasioned  great  grief 
to  the  audience,  on  account  of  its  departure 
from  the  faith,  while  it  inflicted  irremediable 
shame  on  the  writer.  After  the  Eusebian 
gang  had  been  clearly  convicted,  and  the  im- 
pious writing  had  been  torn  up  in  the  sight  of 
all,  some  amongst  them  by  concert,  under  the 
pretence  of  preserving  peace,  imposed  silence 
on  all  the  ablest  speakers.  The  Ariomaniacs, 
fearing  lest  they  should  be  ejected  from  the 
Church  by  so  numerous  a  council  of  bishops, 
sprang  forward  to  anathematize  and  condemn 
the  doctrines  condemned,  and  unanimously 
signed  the  confession  of  faith.  Thus  having 
retained  possession  of  their  episcopal  seats 
through  the  most  shameful  deception,  although 
they  ought  rather  to  have  been  degraded,  they 
continue,  sometimes  secretly,  and  sometimes 
openly,  to  patronize  the  condemned  doctrines, 
plotting  against  the  truth  by  various  argu- 
ments. Wholly  bent  upon  establishing  these 
plantations  of  tares,  they  shrink  from  the 
scrutiny  of  the  intelligent,  avoid  the  observant, 
and  attack  the  preachers  of  godliness.  But 
we  do  not  believe  that  these  atheists  can  ever 
thus  overcome  the  Deity.  For  though  they 
^  gird  themselves  '  they  '  shall  be  broken  in  pieces,' 
according  to  the  solemn  prophecy  of  Isaiah  3/' 

These  are  the  words  of  the  great  Eustathius. 
Athanasius,  his  fellow  combatant,  the  cham- 
pion of  the  truth,  who  succeeded  the  celebrated 
Alexander  in  the  episcopate,  added  the  follow- 
ing, in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Africans. 

"  The    bishops   convened  in    council    being 


*  Prov.  viii.  22,  Ixx.    Kvpiof  cKTicre  /xe  a.pxi\v  oSwi/  avrov  els  epya 

auTou. 

2  At  this  point,  according  to  Valesius,  a  quotation  from  the 
homily  ot  Eustathius  on  the  above  text  fiom  Proverbs  viii.  22, 
begins.     On  Eustathius,  see  notes  on  Chapters  III.  and  XX. 

3  Is.  viii.  9,  Ixx.    kav  fa^p  ts6.Kiv  icrxvtrriTe  irdkiv  r)TTr]&rj<Te<r6e. 


I.  7.] 


OF  THEODORE!. 


45 


desirous  of  refuting  the  impious  assertions 
invented  by  the  Arians,  that  the  Son  was 
created  out  of  that  which  was  non-existent  4, 
that  He  is  a  creature  and  created  being  s,  that 
there  was  a  period  in  which  He  was  not^, 
and  that  He  is  mutable  by  nature,  and  being  all 
agreed  in  propounding  the  following  declara- 
tions, which  are  in  accordance  with  the  holy 
Scriptures ;  namely,  that  the  Son  is  by  nature 
only-begotten  of  God,  Word,  Power,  and  sole 
Wisdom  of  the  Father ;  that  He  is,  as  John 
said,  'the  true  God 7,'  and,  as  Paul  has  writ- 
ten, '  the  brightness  of  the  glory,  and  the 
express  image  of  the  person  of  the  Father  ^,' 
the  followers  of  Eusebius,  drawn  aside  by  their 
own  vile  doctrine,  then  began  to  say  one  to 
another,  Let  us  agree,  for  we  are  also  of  God ; 
'  There  is  but  one  God,  by  whom  are  all 
things  9 ; '  *  Old  things  are  passed  away  ;  behold, 
all  things  are  become  new,  and  all  things  are  of 
God'^^.''  They  also  dwelt  particularly  upon 
what  is  contained  in  'The  Shepherd":'  'Be- 
lieve above  all  that  there  is  one  God,  who 
created  and  fashioned  all  things,  and  making 
them  to  be  out  of  that  which  is  not.' 

"But  the  bishops  saw  through  their  evil  design 
and  impious  artifice,  and  gave  a  clearer  elucida- 
tion of  the  words  '  of  God,'  and  wrote,  that  the 
Son  is  of  the  substance  of  God  ;  in  order  that 
while  the  creatures,  which  do  not  in  any  way 
derive  their  existence  of  or  from  themselves, 
are  said  to  be  of  God,  the  Son  alone  is  said 
to  be  of  the  substance  of  the  Father ;  this 
being  peculiar  to  the  only-begotten  Son,  the 
true  Word  of  the  Father.  This  is  the  reason 
why  the  bishops  wrote,  that  He  is  of  the  sub- 
stance of  the  Father. 

"  But  when  the  Arians,  who  seemed  few 
in  number,  were  again  interrogated  by  the 
Bishops  as  to  whether  they  admitted  '  that 
the  Son  is  not  a  creature,  but  Power,  and 
sole  Wisdom,  and  eternal  unchangeable"  Im- 
age of  the  Father;  and  that  He  is  very 
God,'  the  Eusebians  were  noticed  making 
signs  to  one  another  to  shew  that  these  de- 
clarations were  equally  applicable  to  us.  For 
it  is  said,  that  we  are  '  the  image  and  glory 
of  God^^  ; '  and  ^for  always  we  ivho  live  ^'^ : ' 
there  are,  also,  they  said,  many  powers ;  for  it 
is  written  — '  All  the  power  of  God  went  out 
of  the  land  of  Egypt ^^'     The    canker-worm 


4  '£^  ovK  ovTiav.  5  KriiXfia.  xal  voCrifia, 

6  IToTC  ore  ov/t  rjV.  7  i  Joh.v.  20. 

8  Heb.  i.  3.     Cf.  p.  37,  note  xxvii. 

9  I  Cor.  viii.  6.  »o  2  Cor.  v.  17,  18. 
"  Herm.  Pastor.  Vis.  v.  Hand.  i. 

12  aTrapaAXoxTO?,  cf.  James  i.  17,  Hop'  w  ovic  ei/t  iropoAXay^. 

^3  I  Cor.  xi.  7. 

^4  2  Cor.  iv.  II.  del  yap  "fffjitl^  ot  ^mvt6?.  The  act  of  St.  Paul 
qualifies  not  "ot  ^coj/Tes "  but  the  napaSiSofjieOa  which  follows, 
"  For  we  who  live  are  ever  being  delivered  to  death." 

15  Exod.  xii.  41,  "The  Hosts  of  the  Lord,"  A.V.  e^TJA.0e  Traaa 
71  £vva/A(s  Kvptov,  Sept. 


and  the  locust  are  said  to  be  '  a  great  po7ver  ^^.' 
And  elsewhere  it  is  written,  '  The  God  of 
po7vers  is  with  us,  the  God  of  Jacob  is  our 
helper  ^T."*  To  which  may  be  added  that  we 
are  God's  own  not  simply,  but  because  the  Son 
called  us  *"  brethreti^'^.''  The  declaration  that 
Christ  is  '  the  true  God '  does  not  distress 
us,  for,  having  come  into  being,  He  is  true. 

"  Such  was  the  corrupt  opinion  of  the  Arians  ; 
but  on  this  the  bishops,  having  detected  their 
deceitfulness  in  this  matter,  collected  from 
Scripture  those  passages  which  say  of  Christ 
that  He  is  the  glory,  the  fountain,  the  stream, 
and  the  express  image  of  the  person  ;  and 
they  quoted  the  following  words :  '  In  thy 
light  we  shall  see  light  ^9 ; '  and  likewise,  */  and 
the  Father  are  one'^^J  They  then,  with  still 
greater  clearness,  briefly  declared  that  the 
Son  is  of  one  substance  with  the  Father; 
for  this,  indeed,  is  the  signification  of  the 
passages  which  have  been  quoted.  The  com- 
plaint of  the  Arians,  that  these  precise  words 
are  not  to  be  found  in  Scripture,  is  proved 
groundless  by  their  own  practice,  for  their  own 
impious  assertions  are  not  taken  from  Scrip- 
ture ;  for  it  is  not  written  that  the  Son  is  of  the 
non-existent,  and  that  there  was  a  time  when 
He  was  not:  and  yet  they  complain  of  having 
been  condemned  by  expressions  which,  though 
not  actually  in  Scripture,  are  in  accordance 
with  true  religion.  They  themselves,  on  the 
other  hand,  as  though  they  had  found  their 
words  on  a  dunghill,  uttered  things  verily 
of  earth.  The  bishops,  on  the  contrary,  did 
not  find  their  expressions  for  themselves ;  but, 
received  their  testimony  from  the  fathers, 
and  wrote  accordingly.  Indeed,  there  were 
bishops  of  old  time,  nearly  one  hundred  and 
thirty  years  ago,  both  of  the  great  city  of  Rome 
and  of  our  own  city  ^%  who  condemned  those 
who  asserted  that  the  Son  is  a  creature,  and  that 
He  is  not  of  one  substance  with  the  Father. 
Eusebius,  the  bishop  of  Csesarea,  was  ac- 
quainted with  these  facts;  he,  at  one  time, 
favoured  the  Arian  heresy,  but  he  afterwards 
signed  the  confession  of  faith  of  the  Council  of 
Nicaea.  He  wrote  to  the  people  of  his  diocese, 
maintaining  that  the  word  '  consubstantial"  was 
'  used  by  illustrious  bishops  and  learned  writers 
as  a  term  for  expressing  the  divinity  of  the 
Father  and  of  the  Son  2^' " 

So  these  men  concealed  their  unsoundness 
through  fear  of  the  majority,  and  gave  their 


»6  Joel  ii.  25,  "  My  great  army,"  A.V. 

17  "  The  Lord  of  hosts  is  with  us,  the  God  of  Jacob  is  our 
refuge,"  Ps.  xlvi.  7. 

i»  Heb.  ii.  11.  »9  Ps.  xxxvi.  9.  =0  Joh.  x.  30. 

21  Alexandria.  The  allusion,  according  to  Valesius,  is  to 
Dionvsius,  Bishop  of  Rome,  259—269,  and  to  Dionysius,  Bishop 
of  Alexandria.  The  Letter  cf  Athanasius  to  the  Africans  was 
written,  according  to  Baronius,  in  369.  So  Tpiwi/  may  suit  the 
chronology  better  than  rpiaKovTa. 

22  Ath.  Ep.  ad  Afros  5  and  6. 


46 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[1.7. 


assent  to  the  decisions  of  the  council,  thus 
drawing  upon  themselves  the  condemnation 
of  the  prophet,  for  the  God  of  all  cries  unto 
them,  "  'ihis  people  honour  Me  with  their  lips^ 
but  in  their  hea?'ts  they  are  far  from  J/^^s." 
Theonas  and  Secundus,  however,  did  not  hke 
to  take  this  course,  and  were  excommunicated 
by  common  consent  as  men  who  esteemed  the 
Arian  blasphemy  above  evangelical  doctrine. 
The  bishops  then  returned  to  the  council,  and 
drew  up  twenty  laws  to  regulate  the  discipline 
of  the  Church. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

Facts  relating  to  Meletius  the  Egyptian^  from 
whom  originated  the  Meletian  schism^  which 
remains  to  this  day. — Sy nodical  Epistle  re- 
specting him. 

After  Meletius^  had  been  ordained  bishop, 
which  was  not  long  before  the  Arian  contro- 
versy, he  was  convicted  of  certain  crimes  by 
the  most  holy  Peter,  bishop  of  Alexandria, 
who  also  received  the  crown  of  martyrdom. 
After  being  deposed  by  Peter  he  did  not 
acquiesce  in  his  deposition,  but  filled  the 
Thebaid  and  the  adjacent  part  of  Egypt  with 
tumult  and  disturbance,  and  rebelled  against 
the  primacy  of  Alexandria.  A  letter  was  written 
by  the  council  to  the  Church  of  Alexandria, 
stating  what  had  been  decreed  against  his 
revolutionary  practices.     It  was  as  follows  : — 

Synodical  Epistle. 

"To  the  Church  of  Alexandria  which,  by 
the  grace  of  God,  is  great  and  holy,  and  to 
the  beloved  brethren  in  Egypt,  Libya,  and 
Pentapolis,  the  bishops  who  have  been  con- 
vened to  the  great  and  holy  council  of  Nicaea, 
send  greeting  in  the  Lord. 

"  The  great  and  holy  council  of  Nicsea  having 
been  convened  by  the  grace  of  God,  and  by 
the  most  religious  emperor,  Constantine,  who 
summoned  us  from  different  provinces  and 
cities,  we  judge  it  requisite  that  a  letter  be 
sent  from  the  whole  Holy  Synod  to  inform 
you  also  what  questions  have  been  mooted  and 
debated,  and  what  has  been  decreed  and 
established. 

*'  In  the  first  place,  the  impious  doctrines 
of  Arius  were  investigated  before  our  most 
religious  emperor  Constantine ;  and  his  im- 
piety was  unanimously  anathematized,  as 
well  as  the  blasphemous  language  and  views 


23  Isai.  xxix.  13. 

^  Meletius  (MeAenos),  Bishop  of  Lycopolis,  in  Upj>er  Egypt, 
was  accused  of  apostasy.  During  the  Patriarch  Peter's  with- 
drawal under  persecution  he  intruded  into  the  see  of  Alexandria. 
He  was  deposed  in  306. 


which  he  had  propounded,  alleging  that  the 
Son  of  God  was  out  of  what  was  not,  that 
before  He  was  begotten  He  was  not,  that 
there  was  a  period  in  which  He  was  not, 
and  that  He  can,  according  to  His  own  free- 
will, be  capable  either  of  virtue  or  of  vice. 
The  holy  council  anathematized  all  these  as- 
sertions, and  even  refused  so  much  as  to 
listen  to  such  impious  and  foolish  opinions, 
and  such  blasphemous  expressions.  The  final 
decision  concerning  him  you  already  know,  or 
will  soon  hear  ;  but  we  will  not  mention  it  now, 
lest  we  should  appear  to  trample  upon  a  man 
who  has  already  received  the  recompense  due 
to  his  sins.  Such  influence  has  his  impiety 
obtained  as  to  involve  Theonas,  bishop  of 
Marmarica,  and  Secundus,  bishop  of  Ptolemais, 
in  his  ruin,  and  they  have  shared  his  punish- 
ment. 

"But  after  Egypt  had,  by  the  grace  of  God, 
been  delivered  from  these  false  and  blas- 
phemous opinions,  and  from  persons  who  dared 
to  raise  discord  and  division  among  a  hitherto 
peaceable  people,  there  yet  remained  the  ques- 
tion of  the  temerity  of  Meletius,  and  of  those 
ordained  by  him.  We  now  inform  you,  be- 
loved brethren,  of  the  decrees  of  the  council 
on  this  subject.  It  was  decided  by  the  holy 
council,  that  Meletius  should  be  treated  with 
clemency,  though,  strictly  speaking,  he  was  not 
worthy  of  even  the  least  concession.  He  was 
permitted  to  remain  in  his  own  city,  but  was 
divested  of  all  power,  whether  of  nomination 
or  of  ordination,  neither  w^as  he  to  shew  him- 
self in  any  province  or  city  for  these  purposes  : 
but  only  to  retain  the  bare  name  of  his  office. 
Those  who  had  received  ordination  at  his  hands 
were  to  submit  to  a  more  religious  re-ordina- 
tion ;  and  were  to  be  admitted  to  communion 
on  the  terms  of  retaining  their  ministry,  but 
of  ranking  in  every  diocese  and  church  below 
those  who  had  been  ordained  before  them  by 
Alexander,  our  much-honoured  fellow-minister 
Thus  they  would  have  no  power  of  choosing  or 
nominating  others  to  the  ministry,  according  to 
their  pleasure,  or  indeed  of  doing  anything  with- 
outthe  consent ofthe  bishops  ofthe  Catholic  and 
Apostolic  Church,  who  are  under  Alexander. 
But  they  who,  by  the  grace  of  God,  and  in 
answer  to  your  prayers,  have  been  detected 
in  no  schism,  and  have  continued  spotless 
in  the  Catholic  and  Apostolic  Church,  are  to 
have  the  power  of  electing,  and  of  nominating 
men  worthy  of  the  clerical  office,  and  are 
permitted  to  do  whatsoever  is  in  accordance 
with  law  and  the  authority  of  the  Church.  If 
it  should  happen,  that  any  of  those  now  holding 
an  office  in  the  Church  should  die,  then  let 
those  recently  admitted  be  advanced  to  the 
honours  of  the  deceased,  provided  only  that 


1.9.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


47 


they  appear  worthy,  and  that  the  people  choose 
them,  and  that  the  election  be  confirmed  and 
ratified  by  the  catholic  bishop  of  Alexandria. 
The  same  privilege  has  been  conceded  to  all 
the  others.  With  respect  to  Meletius,  however, 
an  exception  has  been  made,  both  on  account 
of  his  former  insubordination,  and  of  the  rash- 
ness and  impetuosity  of  his  disposition  ;  for  if 
the  least  authority  were  accorded  to  him,  he 
might  abuse  it  by  again  exciting  confusion. 
These  are  the  chief  points  which  relate  to 
Egypt,  and  to  the  holy  Church  of  Alexandria. 
Whatever  other  canons  were  made,  or  dogmas 
decreed,  you  will  hear  of  them  from  Alexander, 
our  most-honoured  fellow-minister  and  brother, 
who  will  give  you  still  more  accurate  informa- 
tion, because  he  himself  directed,  as  well  as 
participated  in,  every  thing  that  took  place. 

"We  also  give  you  the  good  news  that,  accord- 
ing to  your  prayers,  the  celebration  of  the  most 
holy  paschal  feast  was  unanimously  rectified,  so 
that  our  brethren  of  the  East,  who  did  not  pre- 
viously keep  the  festival  at  the  same  time  as  those 
of  Rome,  and  as  yourselves,  and,  indeed,  all  have 
done  from  the  beginning,  will  henceforth  cele- 
brate it  with  you.  Rejoice,  then,  in  the  success 
of  our  undertakings,  and  in  the  general  peace 
and  concord,  and  in  the  extirpation  of  every 
heresy,  and  receive  with  still  greater  honour 
and  more  fervent  love,  Alexander,  our  fellow- 
minister  and  your  bishop,  who  imparted  joy  to 
us  by  his  presence,  and  who,  at  a  very  ad- 
vanced age,  has  undergone  so  much  fatigue  for 
the  purpose  of  restoring  peace  among  you. 
Pray  for  us  all,  that  what  has  been  rightly 
decreed  may  remain  steadfast,  through  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  being  done,  as  we  trust, 
according  to  the  good  pleasure  of  God  and  the 
Father  in  the  Holy  Ghost,  to  whom  be  glory 
for  ever  and  ever.     Amen." 

Notwithstanding  the  endeavours  of  that 
divine  assembly  of  bishops  to  apply  this 
medicine  to  the  Meletian  disease,  vestiges  of 
his  infatuation  remain  even  to  this  day  ;  for 
there  are  in  some  districts  bodies  of  monks 
who  refuse  to  follow  sound  doctrnie,  and  ob- 
serve certain  vain  points  of  discipline,  agreeing 
with  the  infatuated  views  of  the  Jews  and  the 
Samaritans. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Epistle  of  the  Emperor  Constantine^  con- 
cer7ii7ig  the  matters  transacted  at  the  Council^ 
addressed  to  those  Bishops  who  were  not 
present. 

The  great  emperor  also  wrote  an  account 
of  the  transactions  of  the  council  to  those 
bishops   who   were    unable    to   attend.      And 


I  consider  it  worth  while  to  insert  this  epistle 
in  my  work,  as  it  clearly  evidences  the  piety 
of  the  writer. 

**  CoNSTANTiNus  AUGUSTUS  to  the  Churches. 

**  Viewing  the  common  public  prosperity  en- 
joyed at  this  moment,  as  the  result  of  the  great 
power  of  divine  grace,  I  am  desirous  above  all 
things  that  the  blessed  members  of  the  Catholic 
Church  should  be  preserved  in  one  faith,  in 
sincere  love,  and  in  one  form  of  religion, 
towards  Almighty  God.  But,  since  no  firmer 
or  more  effective  measure  could  be  adopted  to 
secure  this  end,  than  that  of  submitting  every- 
thing relating  to  our  most  holy  religion  to  the 
examination  of  all,  or  most  of  all,  the  bishops, 
I  convened  as  many  of  them  as  possible,  and 
took  my  seat  among  them  as  one  of  yourselves  ; 
for  I  would  not  deny  that  truth  which  is  the 
source  of  my  greatest  joy,  namely,  that  I  am  your 
fellow-servant.  Every  point  obtained  its  due 
investigation,  until  the  doctrine  pleasing  to  the 
all-seeing  God,  and  conducive  to  unity,  was 
made  clear,  so  that  no  room  should  remain  for 
division  or  controversy  concerning  the  faith. 

"  The  commemoration  of  the  most  sacred 
paschal  feast  being  Lhen  debated,  it  was  unani- 
mously decided,  that  it  would  be  well  that  it 
should  be  everywhere  celebrated  upon  the  same 
day.  What  can  be  more  fair,  or  more  seemly, 
than  that  that  festival  by  which  we  have  received 
the  hope  of  immortality  should  be  carefully 
celebrated  by  all,  on  plain  grounds,  with  the 
same  order  and  exactitude  ?  It  was,  in  the  first 
place,  declared  improper  to  follow  the  custom 
of  the  Jews  in  the  celebration  of  this  lioly 
festival,  because,  their  hands  having  been 
stained  with  crime,  the  minds  of  these 
wretched  men  are  necessarily  blinued.  By  re- 
jecting their  custom,  we  establish  and  hand 
down  to  succeeding  ages  one  which  is  more 
reasonable,  and  which  has  been  observed  ever 
since  the  day  of  our  Lord's  sufferings.  Let  us, 
then,  have  nothing  in  common  with  the  Jews, 
who  are  our  adversaries.  For  we  have  received 
from  our  Saviour  another  way.  A  better  and 
more  lawful  line  of  conduct  is  inculcated  by  our 
holy  religion.  Let  us  with  one  accord  walk 
therein,  my  much-honoured  brethren,  studiously 
avoiding  all  contact  with  that  evil  way.  They 
boast  that  without  their  instructions  we  should 
be  unable  to  commemorate  the  festival  pro- 
perly. This  is  the  highest  pitch  of  absurdity. 
For  how  can  they  entertain  right  views  on  any 
point  who,  after  having  compassed  the  death 
of  the  Lord,  being  out  of  their  minds,  are  guided 
not  by  sound  reason,  but  by  an  unrestrained 
passion,  wherever  their  innate  madness  carries 
them.  Hence  it  loUows  that  they  have  so  far 
lost  sight  of  truth,  wandering  as  far  as  possible 


48 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[I-  9. 


from  the  correct  revisal,  that  they  celebrate  a 
second  Passover  in  the  same  year.  What 
motive  can  we  have  for  following  those  who 
are  thus  confessedly  unsound  and  in  dire 
error?  For  we  could  never  tolerate  celebra- 
ting the  Passover  twice  in  one  year.  But, 
even  if  all  these  facts  did  not  exist,  your  own 
sagacity  would  prompt  you  to  watch  with  dili- 
gence and  with  prayer,  lest  your  pure  minds 
should  appear  to  share  in  the  customs  of  a 
people  so  utterly  depraved.  It  must  also  be 
borne  in  mind,  that  upon  so  important  a  point 
as  the  celebration  of  a  feast  of  such  sanctity, 
discord  is  wrong.  One  day  has  our  Saviour 
set  apart  for  a  commemoration  of  our  deliver- 
ance, namely,  of  His  most  holy  Passion.  One 
hath  He  wished  His  Catholic  Church  to  be, 
whereof  the  members,  though  dispersed  through- 
out the  most  various  parts  of  the  world,  are 
yet  nourished  by  one  spirit,  that  is,  by  the 
divine  will.  Let  your  pious  sagacity  reflect 
how  evil  and  improper  it  is,  that  days  de- 
voted by  some  to  fasting,  should  be  spent 
by  others  in  convivial  feasting ;  and  that  after 
the  paschal  feast,  some  are  rejoicing  in  fes- 
tivals and  relaxations,  while  others  give  them- 
selves up  to  the  appointed  fasts.  That  this 
impropriety  should  be  rectified,  and  that  all 
these  diversities  of  commemoration  should  be 
resolved  into  one  form,  is  the  will  of  divine 
Providence,  as  I  am  convinced  you  will  all 
perceive.  Therefore,  this  irregularity  must  be 
corrected,  in  order  that  we  may  no  more  have 
any  thing  in  common  with  those  parricides  and 
the  murderers  of  our  Lord.  An  orderly  and 
excellent  form  of  commemoration  is  observed 
in  all  the  churches  of  the  western,  of  the 
southern,  and  of  the  northern  parts  of  the 
world,  and  by  some  of  the  eastern  ;  this  form 
being  universally  commended,  I  engaged  that 
you  would  be  ready  to  adopt  it  likewise,  and 
thus  gladly  accept  the  rule  unanimously  adopted 
in  the  city  of  Rome,  throughout  Italy,  in  all 
Africa,  in  Egypt,  the  Spains,  the  Gauls,  the 
Britains,  Libya,  Greece,  in  the  dioceses  of 
Asia,  and  of  Pontus,  and  in  Cilicia,  taking  into 
your  consideration  not  only  that  the  churches 
of  the  places  above-mentioned  are  greater  in 
point  of  number,  but  also  that  it  is  most 
pious  that  all  should  unanimously  agree  in 
that  course  which  accurate  reasoning  seems 
to  demand,  and  which  has  no  single  point  in 
common  with  the  perjury  of  the  Jews. 

"  Briefly  to  summarize  the  whole  of  the  pre- 
ceding, the  judgment  of  all  is,  that  the  holy  Pas- 
chal feast  should  be  held  on  one  and  the  same 
day  ;  for,  in  so  holy  a  matter,  it  is  not  becoming 
that  any  difference  of  custom  should  exist,  and 
it  is  better  to  follow  the  opinion  which  has  not 
the  least  association  with  error  and  sin.     This 


being  the  case,  receive  with  gladness  the  heavenly 
gift  and  the  plainly  divine  command  ;  for  all  that 
is  transacted  in  the  holy  councils  of  the  bishops 
is  to  be  referred  to  the  Divine  will.  Therefore, 
when  you  have  made  known  to  all  our  beloved 
brethren  the  subject  of  this  epistle,  regard 
yourselves  bound  to  accept  what  has  gone 
before,  and  to  arrange  for  the  regular  observance 
of  this  holy  day,  so  that  when,  according  to  my 
long-cherished  desire,  I  shall  see  you  face  to 
face,  I  may  be  able  to  celebrate  with  you  this 
holy  festival  upon  one  and  the  same  day ;  and 
may  rejoice  with  you  all  in  witnessing  the 
cruelty  of  the  devil  destroyed  by  our  efforts, 
through  Divine  grace,  while  our  faith  and  peace 
and  concord  flourish  throughout  the  world. 
May  God  preserve  you,  beloved  brethren.*' 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  daily  wants  of  the  Church  supplied  by  the 
Emperor,  and  an  account  of  his  other  virtues. 

Thus  did  the  emperor  write  to  the  absent. 
To  those  who  attended  the  council,  three  hun- 
dred and  eighteen  in  number,  he  manifested  great 
kindness, addressing  them  with  much  gentleness, 
and  presenting  them  with  gifts.  He  ordered  nu- 
merous couches  to  be  prepared  for  their  accom- 
modation and  entertained  them  all  at  one 
banquet.  Those  who  were  most  worthy  he 
received  at  his  own  table,  distributing  the 
rest  at  the  others.  Observing  that  some 
among  them  had  had  the  right  eye  torn 
out,  and  learning  that  this  mutilation  had 
been  undergone  for  the  sake  of  religion,  he 
placed  his  lips  upon  the  wounds,  believing  that 
he  would  extract  a  blessing  from  the  kiss. 
After  the  conclusion  of  the  feast,  he  again 
presented  other  gifts  to  them.  He  then  wrote 
to  the  governors  of  the  provinces,  directing 
that  provision-money  should  be  given  in  every 
city  to  virgins  and  widows,  and  to  those  who 
were  consecrated  to  the  divine  service ;  and  he 
measured  the  amount  of  their  annual  allowance 
more  by  the  impulse  of  his  own  generosity 
than  by  their  need.  The  third  part  of  the 
sum  is  distributed  to  this  day.  Julian  im- 
piously withheld  the  whole.  His  successor  ^ 
conferred  the  sum  which  is  now  dispensed, 
the  famine  which  then  prevailed  having  les- 
sened the  resources  of  the  state.  If  the  pen- 
sions were  formerly  triple  in  amount  to  what 
they  are  at  present,  the  generosity  of  the  em- 
peror can  by  this  fact  be  easily  seen. 

I  do  not  account  it  right  to  pass  over  the 
following  circumstance  in  silence.  Some  quar- 
relsome individuals  wrote  accusations  against 

I  Jovian. 


I.  II.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


49 


certain  bishops,  and  presented  the^r  indict- 
ments to  the  emperor.  This  occurring  before 
the  establishment  of  concord,  he  received  the 
lists,  formed  them  into  a  packet  which  he  sealed 
with  his  ring,  and  ordered  them  to  be  kept 
safely.  After  the  reconciliation  had  been 
effected,  he  brought  out  these  writings,  and 
burnt  them  in  their  presence,  at  the  same  time 
declaring  upon  oath  that  he  had  not  read  a 
word  of  til  em.  He  said  that  the  crimes  of 
priests  ought  not  to  be  made  known  to  the 
multitude,  lest  they  should  become  an  occasion 
of  offence,  and  lead  them  to  sin  without  fear. 
It  is  reported  also  that  he  added  that  if  he 
were  to  detect  a  bishop  in  the  very  act  of  com- 
mitting adultery,  he  would  throw  his  imperial 
robe  over  the  unlawful  deed,  lest  any  should 
witness  the  scene,  and  be  thereby  injured. 
Thus  did  he  admonish  all  the  priests,  as  well 
as  confer  honours  upon  them,  and  then  ex- 
horted them  to  return  each  to  his  own  flock. 

CHAPTER  XI. 

I  shall  here  insert  the  letter  respecting  the 
faith,  written  by  Eusebius,  bishop  of  Caesarea, 
as  it  describes  the  effrontery  of  the  Arians, 
who  not  only  despise  our  fathers,  but  reject 
their  own  :  it  contains  a  convincing  proof 
of  their  madness.  They  certainly  honour 
Eusebius,  because  he  adopted  their  sentiments, 
but  yet  they  openly  contradict  his  writings. 
He  wrote  this  epistle  to  some  of  the  Arians, 
who  were  accusing  him,  it  seems,  of  treacher}^ 
The  letter  itself  explains  the  writer's  object. 

Epistle  of  Eusebius^  Bishop  of  CcEsarea,  which 
he  wrote  from  Niccea  ivhen  the  great  Coicncil 
was  assembled. 

"  You  will  have  probably  learnt  from  other 
sources  wl>at  was  decided  respecting  the  faith 
of  the  church  at  the  general  council  of  Nicaea, 
for  the  fame  of  great  transactions  generally 
outruns  the  accurate  account  of  them  :  but  lest 
rumours  not  in  strict  accordance  with  the  truth 
should  reach  you,  I  think  it  necessary  to  send 
to  you,  first,  the  formulary  of  faith  originally 
proposed  by  us,  and,  next,  the  second,  pub- 
lished with  additions  made  to  our  terms.  The 
following  is  our  formulary,  which  was  read 
in  the  presence  of  our  most  pious  emperor, 
and  declared  to  be  couched  in  right  and  proper 
language. 

The  Faith  put  forth  by  us, 

"*As  in  our  first  catecheticar  instruction, 
and  at  the  time  of  our  baptism,  we  received 
from   the   bishops    who   were    before   us   and 

VOL.   III.  F 


as  we  have  learnt  from  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
and,  alike  as  presbyters,  and  as  bishops,  were 
wont  to  believe  and  teach  ;  so  we  now  believe 
and  thus  declare  our  faith.  It  is  as  fol- 
lows :  — 

" '  We  believe  in  one  God,  Father  Al- 
mighty, the  Maker  of  all  things,  visible  and 
invisible ;  and  in  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the 
Word  of  God,  God  of  God,  Light  of  Light, 
Life  of  Life,  Only-begotten  Son,  First-born 
of  every  creature,  begotten  of  the  Father  be- 
fore all  worlds ;  by  Whom  all  things  were 
made ;  Who  for  our  salvation  was  incarnate, 
and  lived  among  men  ^  He  suffered  and 
rose  again  the  third  day,  and  ascended  to  the 
Father ;  and  He  will  come  again  in  glory  to 
judge  the  quick  and  the  dead.  We  also  be- 
lieve in  one  Holy  Ghost. 

" '  We  believe  in  the  being  and  continual 
existence  of  each  of  these ;  that  the  Father  is 
in  truth  the  Father ;  the  Son  in  truth  the  Son ; 
the  Holy  Ghost  in  truth  the  Holy  Ghost ;  as 
our  Lord,  when  sending  out  His  disciples  to 
preach  the  Gospel,  said,  '  Go  forth  and  teach 
all  nations^  baptizing  them  into  the  name  of 
the  Father^  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost^.^  We  positively  affirm  that  we  hold  this 
faith,  that  we  have  always  held  it,  and  that  we 
adhere  to  it  even  unto  death,  condemning 
all  ungodly  heresy.  We  testify,  as  before  God 
the  Almighty  and  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that 
we  have  thought  thus  from  the  heart,  and  from 
the  soul,  ever  since  we  have  known  ourselves; 
and  we  have  the  means  of  showing,  and,  in- 
deed, of  convincing  you,  that  we  have  always 
during  the  past  thus  believed  and  preached.' 

"  When  this  formulary  had  been  set  forth  by  us, 
there  was  no  room  to  gainsay  it ;  but  our  beloved 
emperor  himself  was  the  first  to  testify  that  it 
was  most  orthodox,  and  that  he  coincided  in 
opinion  with  it ;  and  he  exhorted  the  others  to 
sign  it,  and  to  receive  all  the  doctrine  it  con- 
tained, with  the  single  addition  of  the  one 
word — '  consubstantial.'  He  explained  that  this 
term  implied  no  bodily  condition  or  change  3, 
for  that  the  Son  did  not  derive  His  existence 
from  the  Father  either  by  means  of  division 
or  of  abscission,  since  an  immaterial,  intellectual, 
and  incorporeal  nature  could  not  be  subject 
to  any  bodily  condition  or  change  3.  These 
things  must  be  understood  as  bearing  a  divine 
and  mysterious  signification.  Thus  reasoned 
our  wisest  and  most  religious  emperor.  The 
addition  of  the  word  consubstantial  has  given 
occasion  for  the  composition  of  the  following 
formulary : — 


1  •'TToAiTevo-a/iici'Oi'.''     Cf.   Phil.   i.   27,  and  in.    20,   and  Acts 
xxiii.  I. 

2  Matt,  xxviii.  19.  3  tto^,  irados. 


so 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[I.  II, 


T/!e  Creed  published  by  the  Council. 
"  *  We  believe  in  one  God,  Father  Almighty, 
Maker  of  all  things  visible  and  invisible.  And 
in  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  be- 
gotten of  the  Father;  only-begotten,  that  is, 
of  the  substance  of  the  Father,  God  of  God, 
Light  of  Light,  Very  God  of  very  God, 
begotten  not  made,  being  of  one  substance 
with  the  Father:  by  Whom  all  things  were 
made  both  in  heaven  and  on  earth :  Who  for 
lis  men,  and  for  our  salvation,  came  down  from 
heaven,  and  was  incarnate,  and  was  made 
man  ;  He  suffered,  and  rose  again  the  third 
day;  He  ascended  into  heaven,  and  is  coming 
to  judge  both  quick  and  dead.  And  we 
believe  in  the  Holy  Ghost.  The  holy  Catholic 
and  Apostolic  Church  anathematizes  all  who 
sav  that  there  was  a  time  when  the  Son  of  God 
was  not ;  that  before  He  was  begotten  He 
was  not ;  that  He  was  made  out  of  the  non- 
existent ;  or  that  He  is  of  a  different  essence 
and  of  a  different  substance  ^  from  the  Father; 
and   that   He   is   susceptible   of  variation   or 

change.' 

"  When  they  had  set  forth  this  formulary,  we 
did  not  leave  without  examination  that  passage 
in  which  it  is  said  that  the  Son  is  of  the 
substance  of  the  Father,  and  consubstantial 
with  the  Father.  Questions  and  arguments 
thence  arose,  and  the  meaning  of  the  terms 
was  exactly  tested.  Accordingly  they  were 
led  to  confess  that  the  word  consubstantial 
signifies  that  the  Son  is  of  the  Father,  but 
not  as  being  a  part  of  the  Father.  We 
deemed  it  right  to  receive  this  opinion ; 
for  that  is  sound  doctrine  which  teaches 
that  the  Son  is  of  the  Father,  but  not 
part  of  His  substance.  From  the  love  of 
peace,  and  lest  we  should  fall  from  the  true 
belief,  we  also  accept  this  view,  neither  do  we 
reject  the  term  'consubstantial'  For  the  same 
reason  we  admitted  the  expression,  'begotten, 
but  not  made ;'  for  they  alleged  that  the 
word  '  made '  applies  generally  to  all  things 
which  were  created  by  the  Son,  to  which  the 
Son  is  in  no  respect  similar;  and  that  con- 
sequently He  is  not  a  created  thing,  like 
the  things  made  by  Him,  but  is  of  a  sub- 
stance superior  to  all  created  objects.  The 
Holy  Scriptures  teach  Him  to  be  begotten 
of  the  Father,  by  a  mode  of  generation  which 
is  incomprehensible  and  inexplicable  to  all 
created   beings.      So   also   the   term  *  of  one 

4  vn-o(rTa(rews  and  ovala.%. 


substance  with  the  Father,'  when  investigated, 
was  accepted  not  in  accordance  with  bodily 
relations  or  similarity  to  mortal  beings.  For 
it  was  also  shown  that  it  does  not  either  imply 
division  of  substance,  nor  abscission,  nor 
any  modification  or  change  or  diminution  in 
the  power  of  the  Father,  all  of  which  are  alien 
from  the  nature  of  the  unbegotten  Father. 
It  was  concluded  that  the  expression  '  being 
of  one  substance  with  the  Father^'  implies  that 
the  Son  of  God  does  not  resemble,  in  any 
one  respect,  the  creatures  which  He  has  made  ; 
but  that  to  the  Father  alone,  who  begat  Him,  He 
is  in  all  points  perfectly  like  :  for  He  is  of  the 
essence  and  of  the  substance  ^  of  none  save  of 
the  Father.  This  interpretation  having  been 
given  of  the  doctrine,  it  appeared  right  to  us 
to  assent  to  it,  especially  as  we  were  aware 
that  of  the  ancients  some  learned  and  cele- 
brated bishops  and  writers  have  used  the  term 
'  consubstantial '  with  respect  to  the  divinity 
of  the  Father  and  of  the  Son. 

"  These  are  the  circumstances  which  I  had 
to  communicate  respecting  the  published  formu- 
lary of  the  faith.  To  it  we  all  agreed,  not  with- 
out investigation,  but,  after  having  subjected 
the  views  submitted  to  us  to  thorough  ex- 
amination in  the  presence  of  our  most  beloved 
emperor,  for  the  above  reasons  we  all  ac- 
quiesced in  it.  We  also  allowed  that  the 
anathema  appended  by  them  to  their  formulary 
of  faith  should  be  accepted,  because  it  pro- 
hibits the  use  of  words  which  are  not  scrip- 
tural ;  through  which  almost  all  the  disorder 
and  troubles  of  the  Church  have  arisen.  And 
since  no  passage  of  the  inspired  Scripture 
uses  the  terms  '  out  of  the  non-existent,'  or 
that  '  there  was  a  time  when  He  was  not,' 
nor  indeed  any  of  the  other  phrases  of  the 
same  class,  it  did  not  appear  reasonable  to 
assert  or  to  teach  such  things.  In  this  opinion, 
therefore,  we  judged  it  right  to  agree ,  since, 
indeed,  we  had  never,  at  any  former  period, 
been  accustomed  to  use  such  terms  5.  More- 
over, the  condemnation  of  the  assertion  that 
before  He  was  begotten  He  was  not,  did  not 
appear  to  involve  any  incongruity,  because  all 
assent  to  the  fact  that  He  was  the  Son  of  God 
before  He  was  begotten  according  to  the  flesh. 
And  here  our  emperor,  most  beloved  by  God, 


.  S  Xhe  genuineness  of  the  following  sentence  is  doubted.  It  is 
not  found  in  Socrates  or  in  Epiphanius.  But  it  is  not  unreasonably 
held  by  Vulesius  that  Socrates,  who  seems  to  have  undertaken  to 
clear  the  character  of  Eusebuis  of  all  heretical  taint,  purposely 
suppressed  tiie  passage  as  inconsistent  with  orthodoxy.  Soc.  i.  8. 
Dr.  Newman  writeb  of  this  paisage,  "It  is  remarkable  as  shewing 
his  (Ccnstantine's)  utier  ignorance  of  doctrines  which  were  never 
intended  for  discussion  among  the  unbaptizt-d  heathen,  or  the 
secularized  Christian,  that,  in  spile  of  bold  avowal  of  the  orthodox 
faith  in  detail  "  (i.e.  in  his  letter  to  Aruis),  "yet  shortly  after  he 
explained  to  Eusebius  one  ot  the  Nicene  declarations  in  a  sense 
which  even  Arius  would  scarcely  have  allowed,  expressed  as  it  is 
almost  after  the  manner  of  Paulus.     "  Ariaiis,"  3rd  ed.,  p.  256. 


1. 13.] 


OF  THEODORET. 


5t 


began  to  reason  concerning  His  divine  origin, 
and  His  existence  before  all  ages.  He  was 
virtually  in  the  Father  without  generation  ^, 
even  before  He  was  actually  begotten,-  the 
Father  having  always  been  the  Father,  just  as 
He  has  always  been  a  King  and  a  Saviour, 
and,  virtually,  all  things,  and  has  never  known 
any  change  of  being  or  action. 

"  We  have  thought  it  requisite,  beloved 
brethren,  to  transmit  you  an  account  of  these 
circumstances,  in  order  to  show  you  what  ex- 
amination and  investigation  we  bestowed  on 
all  the  questions  which  we  had  to  decide;  and 
also  to  prove  how  at  one  time  we  resisted  firmly, 
even  to  the  last  hour,  when  doctrines  im- 
properly expressed  offended  us,  and,  at  another 
time,  we,  without  contention,  accepted  the 
articles  which  contained  nothing  objectionable, 
when  after  a  thorough  and  candid  investi- 
gation of  their  signification,  they  appeared 
perfectly  comformable  with  what  had  been 
confessed  by  us  in  the  formulary  of  faith  which 
we  had  published." 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Confutaimi  of  the  blasphemies  of  the  Arians  of 
our  thne,  from  the  writings  of  Eusebius^  Bishop 
of  Ccesai'ea. 

EusEBius  clearly  testifies  that  the  aforesaid 
term  "  consubstantial "  is  not  a  new  one,  nor 
the  invention  of  the  fathers  assembled  at  the 
council  ;  but  that,  from  the  very  first  ^  it  has 
been  handed  down  from  father  to  son.  He 
states  that  all  those  then  assembled  unanimously 
received  the  creed  then  published ;  and  he 
again  bears  testimony  to  the  same  fact  in 
another  work,  in  which  he  highly  extols  the 
conduct  of  the  great  Constantine.  He  writes 
as  follows  2  :  — 

"  The  emperor  having  delivered  this  discourse 
in  Latin,  it  was  translated  into  Greek  by  an 
interpreter,  and  then  he  gave  liberty  of  speech 
to  the  leaders  of  the  council.  Some  at  once 
began  to  bring  forward  complaints  against 
their  neighbours,  while  others  had  recourse  to 
recriminations  and  reproaches.  Each  party 
had  much  to  urge,  and  at  the  beginning  the 
debate  waxed  very  violent.  The  emperor 
patiently  and  attentively  listened  to  all  that  was 
advanced,  and  gave  full  attention  to  what  was 
urged  by  each  party  in  turn.  He  calmly  en- 
deavoured to  reconcile  the  conflicting  parties  ; 
addressing  them  mildly  in  Greek,  of  which 
language  he  was  not  ignorant,  in  a  sweet  and 
gentle  manner.     Some  he  convinced  by  argu- 

6  Here  it  has  been  proposed  to  read  for  ayevi/ijrw;,  without 
generation,  which  does  not  admit  of  an  orthodox  interpretation, 
aeiyefc^Tws,  i.e.  by  eternal  generation. 

1  at/w0c-i/.     Ci.  St.  Luke  i.  3.     Plat.  Phil.  44  D.  &c. 

^  Euseb.  Vit,  Constajit.  lib.  iii.  c.  13. 


ment,  others  he  put  to  the  blush ;  he  com- 
mended those  who  had  spoken  well,  and  ex- 
cited all  to  unanimity;  until,  at  length,  he 
reduced  them  all  to  oneness  of  mind  and 
opinion  on  all  the  disputed  points,  so  that  they 
all  agreed  to  hold  the  same  faith,  and  to  cele- 
brate the  festival  of  Salvation  upon  the  same 
day.  What  had  been  decided  was  committed 
to  writing,  and  was  signed  by  all  the  bishops." 

Soon  after  the  author  thus  continues  the 
narrative  : — 

"  When  matters  had  been  thus  arranged,  the 
emperor  gave  them  permission  to  return  to 
their  own  dioceses.  They  returned  with  great 
joy,  and  have  ever  since  continued  to  be  of 
the  one  opinion,  agreed  upon  in. the  presence 
of  the  emperor,  and,  though  once  widely 
separated,  now  united  together,  as  it  were,  in 
one  body.  Constantine,  rejoicing  in  the  success 
of  his  efforts,  made  known  these  happy  results 
by  letter  to  those  who  were  at  a  distance.  He 
ordered  large  sums  of  money  to  be  liberally 
distributed  both  among  the  inhabitants  of  the 
country  and  of  the  cities,  in  order  that  the 
twentieth  anniversary  of  his  reign  might  be 
celebrated  with  public  festivities." 

Although  the  Arians  impiously  gainsay  the 
statements  of  the  other  fathers,  yet  they  ought 
to  believe  what  has  been  written  by  this  father, 
whom  they  have  been  accustomed  to  admire. 
They  ought,  therefore,  to  receive  his  testimony 
to  the  unanimity  with  which  the  confession  of 
faith  was  signed  by  all-  But,  since  they  im- 
pugn the  opinions  of  their  own  leaders,  they 
ought  to  become  acquainted  with  the  most 
foul  and  terrible  manner  of  the  death  of  Arius 
and  with  all  their  powers  to  flee  from  the 
impious  doctrine  of  which  he  was  the  parent. 
As  it  is  likely  that  the  mode  of  his  death  is  not 
known  by  all,  I  shall  here  relate  it. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Extract  from  the  Letter  of  Athanasius  on  the 
Death  of  Arius  ^ 

After  Arius  had  remained  a  long  time  in 
Alexandria,  he  endeavoured  riotously  to  ob- 
trude hinlself  again  into  the  assemblies  of  the 
Church,  professing  to  renounce  his  impiety, 
and  promising  to  receive  the  confession  of  faith 
drawn  up  by  the  fathers.  But  not  succeeding 
in  obtaining  the  confidence  of  the  divine 
Alexander,  nor  of  Athanasius,  who  followed  ^ 
Alexander   afike   in   the   patriarchate   and  in 


*  The  letter  was  written  to  Serapion,  Bishop  of  Thmuis,  nw, 
Tmi  el  Emdid,  in  Egypt.  St.  Anthony  left  one  of  his  shecpskiw 
to  Serapion,  the  other  to  Athanasius.     Cf.  Jer.  de  Vir.  illust.  99. 

2  Athanasius,  chosen  alike  by  the  designation  of  the  dying  Alex 
ander,  by  popular  acclamation,  and  by  the  election  of  the  Bishops 
of  the  Province,  was,  in  spite  of  his  reluctance  and  retirement, 
consecrated,  a.d.  326. 


£  2 


52 


THE  ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[I.  13- 


piety,  he,  helped  and  encouraged  by  Eusebius, 
bishop  of  Nicomedia,  betook  himself  to  Con- 
stantinople. The  intrigues  upon  which  he  then 
entered,  and  their  punishment  by  the  righteous 
Judge  are  all  best  narrated  by  the  excellent 
Athanasius,  in  his  letter  to  Apion  3.  I  shall 
therefore  now  insert  this  passage  in  my  work. 
Pie  writes  : — 

"  I  was  not  at  Constantinople  when  he  died  ; 
but  Macarius,  the  presbyter,  was  there,  and  from 
him  I  learnt  all  the  circumstances.  The  em- 
peror Constantine  was  induced  by  Eusebius  and 
his  party  to  send  for  Arius.  Upon  his  arrival, 
the  emperor  asked  him  whether  he  held  the 
faith  of  the  Catholic  church.  Arius  then  swore 
that  his  faith  was  orthodox,  and  presented 
a  written  summary  of  his  belief;  concealing, 
nowever,  the  reasons  of  his  ejection  from  the 
Church  by  the  bishop  Alexander,  and  making 
a  dishonest  use  of  the  language  of  Holy 
Scripture.  When,  therefore,  he  had  declared 
upon  oath  that  he  did  not  hold  the  errors  for 
which  he  had  been  expelled  from  the  Church 
by  Alexander,  Constantine  dismissed  him,  say- 
ing, '  If  thy  faith  is  orthodox,  thou  hast  well 
sworn  ;  but  if  thy  faith  is  impious  and  yet 
thou  hast  sworn,  let  God  from  heaven  judge 
thee/  When  he  quitted  the  emperor,  the  parti- 
zans  of  Eusebius,  with  their  usual  violence, 
desired  to  conduct  him  into  the  church  ;  but 
Alexander,  of  blessed  memory,  bishop  of  Con- 
stantinople, refused  his  permission,  alleging 
that  the  inventor  of  the  heresy  ought  not  to  be 
admitted  into  communion.  Then  at  last  the 
partizans  of  Eusebius  pronounced  the  threat: 
*  As,  against  your  will,  we  succeeded  in  prevail 
ing  on  the  emperor  to  send  for  Arius,  so  now, 
even  if  you  forbid  it,  shall  Arius  join  in  com- 
munion-^  with  us  in  this  church  to-morrow.'  It 
was  on  Saturday  that  they  said  this.  The  bishop 
Alexander,  deeply  grieved  at  what  he  had 
heard,  went  into  the  church  and  poured  forth 
his  lamentations,  raising  his  hands  in  supplica- 
tion to  God,  and  throwing  himself  on  his 
face  on  the  pavement  in  the  sanctuary s,  prayed. 
Macarius  went  in  with  him,  prayed  with  him, 
and  heard  his  prayers.  He  asked  one  of  two 
things.  *  If  Arius,'  said  he,  *  is  to  be  joined  to 
the  Church  to-morrow,  let  me  Thy  servant 
depart,  and  do  not  destroy  the  pious  with  the 
impious.     If  Thou  wilt  spare  Thy  Church,  and 


3  The  name  does  not  vary  in  the  MSS.  of  Theodoretus,  but 
Schulze  would  alter  it  to  Serapion  on  the  authority  of  the  MSS.  of 
Athanasius. 

4  o-ura\07j<T€Tai.  The  word  avva^t^,  originally  equivalent  to 
cuj'a'ywyij,  and  little  used  before  the  Christian  era,  means  some- 
times the  gathering  of  the  congregation,  sometimes  the  Holy 
Communion.  Vide  Suicer  s.v.  Here  the  meaning  is  determined 
by  parallel  authority.    (Cf.  Soc.  I.  38.) 

5  Ifpardov.  The  sacrarium  or  chancel,  called  also  to  ayiov. 
Cf.  Book  V.  cap.  17,  where  Ambrosius  rebukes  Theodosius  for 
entering  within  the  rails. 


I  know  that  Thou  dost  spare  her,  look  upon  the 
words  of  the  followers  of  Eusebius,  and  give  not 
over  Thy  heritage  to  destruction  and  to  shame. 
Remove  Arius,  lest  if  he  come  into  the  Church, 
heresy  seem  to  come  in  with  him,  and  impiety  be 
hereafter  deemed  piety.'  Having  thus  prayed, 
the  bishop  left  the  church  deeply  anxious,  and 
then  a  horrible  and  extraordinary  catastrophe 
ensued.  The  followers  of  Eusebius  had 
launched  out  into  threats,  while  the  bishop 
had  recourse  to  prayer.  Arius,  emboldened 
by  the  protection  of  his  party,  delivered  many 
trifling  and  foolish  speeches,  when  he  was 
suddenly  compelled  by  a  call  of  nature  ta 
retire,  and  immediately,  as  it  is  written, 
^falling  headlong^  he  hurst  asundei'  in  the  niidst^^ 
and  gave  up  the  ghost,  being  deprived  at 
once  both  of  communion  and  of  life.  This, 
then,  was  the  end  of  Arius  7.  The  followers  of 
Eusebius  were  covered  with  shame,  and  buried 
him  whose  belief  they  shared.  The  blessed 
Alexander  completed  the  celebration,  rejoicing 
with  the  Cnurch  in  piety  and  orthodoxy,  pray- 
ing with  all  the  brethren  and  greatly  glorify- 
ing God.  This  was  not  because  he  rejoiced  at 
the  death  of  Arius — God  forbid  ;  for  '  //  is 
appointed  unto  all  vie7i  once  to  die^ ;^  but  be- 
cause the  event  plainly  transcended  any  human 
condemnation.  For  the  Lord  Himself  passing 
judgment  upon  the  menaces  of  the  followers 
of  Eusebius,  and  the  prayer  of  Alexander, 
condemned  the  Arian  heresy,  and  shewed  that 
it  was  unworthy  of  being  received  into  the 
communion  of  the  Church  ;  thus  manifesting 
to  all  that,  even  if  it  received  the  countenance 
and  support  of  the  emperor,  and  of  all  men, 
yet  by  truth  itself  it  stood  condemned." 

These  were  the  first  fruits,  reaped  by  Arius, 
of  those  pernicious  seeds  which  he  had  himself 
sown,  and  formed  the  prelude  to  the  punish- 
ments that  awaited  him  hereafter.  His  impiety 
was  condemned  by  his  punishment. 

I  shall  now  turn  my  narrative  to  the  piety 
of  the  emperor.  He  addressed  a  letter  to  all 
the  subjects  of  the  Roman  empire,  exhorting 
them  to  renounce  their  former  errors,  and  to 
embrace  the  doctrines  of  our  Saviour,  and 
trying  to  guide  them  to  this  truth.  He  stirred 
up  the  bishops  in  every  city  to  build  churches, 
and  encouraged  them  not  only  by  his  letter, 
but  also  by  presenting  them  with  large  sums  of 
money,  and  defraying  all  the  expenses  of  build- 
ing. This  his  own  letter  sets  forth,  which  was 
after  this  manner  : — 


6  Acts  i.  18. 

7  We  are  not  necessarily  impaled  on  Gibbon's  dilemma  of  poison 
or  miracle.  There  are  curious  instances  of  sudden  death  under 
similar  circumstances,  e.g.  that  of  George  Valla  of  Piacenza,  at 
Venice,  circa  1500.     Vide  Bayle's  Diet.  s.v. 

8  Heb.  ix.  27. 


1. 15.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


S3 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Letter  written  by  the  Emperor  Cotistantine  re- 
specting the  building  of  Churches  ^ 

'*  CoNSTANTiNus  AUGUSTUS,  the  great  and 
the  victorious,  to  Eusebius. 

"  I  am  well  aware,  and  am  thoroughly  con- 
vinced, my  beloved  brother,  that  as  the  ser- 
vants of  our  Saviour  Christ  have  been  suffering 
up  to  the  present  time  from  nefarious  machina- 
tions and  tyrannical  persecutions,  the  fabrics  of 
all  the  churches  must  have  either  fallen  into 
utter  ruin  from  neglect,  or,  through  apprehen- 
sion of  the  impending  iniquity,  have  been 
reduced  below  their  proper  (.iignity.  But  now 
that  freedom  is  restored,  and  that  dragon  2, 
through  the  providence  of  God,  and  by  our 
instrumentality,  thrust  out  from  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Empire,  I  think  that  the  divine 
power  has  become  known  to  all,  and  that 
those  who  hitherto,  from  fear  or  from  in- 
credulity or  from  depravity,  have  lived  in  error, 
will  now,  upon  becoming  acc[uainted  with 
Him  who  truly  is,  be  led  into  the  true 
and  correct  manner  of  life.  Exert  yourself, 
therefore,  diligently  in  the  reparation  of  the 
■churches  under  your  own  jurisdiction,  and  ad- 
monish the  principal  bishops,  priests,  and 
-deacons  of  other  places  to  engage  zealously  in 
the  same  work;  in  order  that  all  the  churciies 
which  slill  exist  may  be  repaired  or  enlarged, 
and  that  new  ones  may  be  built  wherever 
they  are  required.  You,  and  others  through 
your  intervention,  can  apply  to  magistrates  3 
and  to  provincial  governments  4,  for  all 
that  may  be  necessary  for  thiy  purpose ; 
for  they  have  received  written  injunctions  to 
render  zealous  obedience  to  whatever  your 
holiness  may  command.  May  God  preserve 
you,  beloved  brother." 


Thus  the  emperor  wrote  to  the  bishops 
in  each  province  respecting  the  building  of 
churches.  Erom  his  letter  to  Eusebius  of 
Palestine,  it  is  easily  learnt  what  measures 
he  adopted  to  obtain  copies  of  the  Holy 
Eible  5. 

«  This  letter,  according  to  Du  Pin,  was  written  A.D.  324  or  325. 

2  Killier  Maxentins  or  Licinius. 

3  -^yt/jioi/fvui,  used  in  Luke  ii.  2,  of  Quirinus,  and  iii.  i,  of 
Pontius  FiLite,  but  Theodorelus  employs  it  and  its  correlatives 
-of  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authorities. 

4  t7rapxtK>?  ra^'ts  ;  tirapxia.  occurs  Acts  xxiii.  34,  of  Cilicia,  and 
in  XXV,  I,  of  Judaea,  the  piuviuce  of  the  Procurator  Festus,  but  in 
the  tinieof  Con>tantnie  the  f  n-apxot  were  civil  praefects,  without  any 
military  command,  governing  four  great  en-apxtai,  viz.  (i)  Ihrace, 
Egypt,  and  the  East,  (ii)  Jilyricum,  Macedonia,  and  Greece, 
(iii;  Italy  and  Africa,  and  (iv)  Gaul,  Spain,  and  Britain.  (Zos. 
ii.  33.)  On  the  accurate  use  of  titles  in  the  N.T.  vide  Bp.  Lighi- 
foot  in  Appendix  to  Essays  on  Supernatural  Religion. 

5  7a  upi  /S><j3.\ta,  or,  "  the  holy  books  :  "  The  Books,  par  excel- 
ience,  were  about  this  time  becoming  The  Book,  whence  Biblia 
5acra  as  a  singular. 


CHAPTER   XV. 

The  Epistle  of  Constaniine  concerning  the  pre- 
paration of  copies  of  the  holy  Scriptures. 

"  CoNSTANTiNUS  AUGUSTUS,  the  great  and 
the  victorious,  to  Eusebius. 

"  In  the  city  ^  which  bears  our  name,  a  great 
number  of  persons  have,  through  the  providen- 
tial care  of  God  the  Saviour,  united  themselves 
to  the  holy  Church.  As  all  things  there  are  in 
a  state  of  rapid  improvement,  we  deemed  it  mo.^t 
important  that  an  additional  number  of  churches 
should  be  built.  Adopc  joyfully  the  mode  of 
procedure  determined  upon  by  us,  which  we 
have  thought  expedient  to  make  known  to 
your  prudence,  namely,  that  you  should  get 
written,  on  fine  parchment,  fifty  volumes  % 
easily  legible  and  handy  for  use ;  these  you 
must  have  transcribed  by  skilled  calligraphers, 
accurately  acquainted  with  their  art.  I  mean, 
of  course,  copies  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  which, 
as  you  know,  it  is  most  necessary  that  the  con- 
gregation of  the  Church  should  both  have 
and  use.  A  letter  has  been  sent  from  our 
clemency  to  the  catholicus  ^  of  the  diocese,  in 
order  that  he  may  be  careful  that  everything 
necessary  for  the  undertaking  is  supplied.  The 
duty  devolving  upon  you  is  to  take  measures  to 
ensure  the  completion  of  these  manuscripts 
within  a  short  space  of  time.  When  they  are 
finished,  you  are  authorised  by  this  letter  to 
order  two  public  carriages  for  the  purpose  of 
transmitting  them  to  us  ;  and  thus  the  fair 
manuscripts  will  be  easily  submitted  to  our 
inspection.  Appoint  one  of  the  deacons  of 
your  church  to  take  charge  of  this  part  of  the 
business ;  when  he  comes  to  us,  he  shall  re- 
ceive proofs  of  our  benevolence.  May  God 
preserve  you,  beloved  brother." 

What  has  been  already  said  is  enough  to 
shew,  nay  to  clearly  prove,  how  great  zeal  the 
emperor  manifested  on  the  matters  of  religion, 
i  will,  however,  add  his  noble  acts  with  regard 
to  the  Sepulchre  of  our  Saviour.  Eor  having 
learnt  that  the  idolaters,  in  their  frantic  rage, 
had  heaped  earth  over  the  Lord's  tomb,  eager 
thus  to  destroy  all  remembrance  of  liis  Salva- 
tion, and  had  built  over  it  a  temple  to  the 
goddess  of  unbridled  lust,  in  mockery  of  the 
Virgin's  birth,  the  emperor  ordered  the  foul 
shrine  to  be  demolished,  and  the  soil  polluted 
with  abominable  sacrifices  to  be  carried  away 


1  Constantinople  was  dedicated  a.d.  330  on  the  site  of  the 
ancient  Byzantium.  ,         ,  , 

2  o-wMfliTta.  The  Codex  Sinaiticus  has  been  thought  to  be  one 
of  these.  ^^  .         ,  , 

3  i.e.  the  "Comes  fisci,  or  officer  managmg  the  revenues  ot 
the  Province.  Dioecesis  is  used  in  civil  sense  by  Cicero,  Ep.  Fam. 
-,  8,  4,  and  Ammianus  (17,  7,  6),  mentions  the  compliment  paid  uy 
Constantius  II.  to  his  empress  Eusebia,  by  naming  a  "•Diocese" 
of  the  Empire  after  her. 


54 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[I.  15. 


and  thrown  out  far  from  the  city,  and  a  new 
temple  of  great  size  and  beauty  to  be  erected 
on  the  site.  All  this  is  clearly  set  forth  in  the 
letter  which  he  wrote  to  the  president  *  of  the 
church  of  Jerusalem,  Macarius,  whom  we 
have  already  mentioned  as  a  member  of  the 
great  Nicene  Council,  and  united  with  his 
brethren  in  withstanding  the  blasphemies  of 
Arius.     The  following  is  the  letter. 

CHAPTER   XVL 

Letter  from  the  jZmperor  to  Macarius,  Bishop  of 
Jerusalem^  coticerning  the  building  of  the  Holy 
Church. 

"  CoNSTANTiNus,    the    victorlous    and    the 
great,  to  Macarius. 

"  The  grace  of  our  Saviour  is  so  wonderful, 
that  no  words  are  adequate  to  express  the  pre- 
sent marvel.  The  fact  that  the  monument  of 
His  most  holy  sufferings  should  have  remained 
concealed  beneath  the  earth,  during  so  long 
a  course  of  years,  until  the  time  when,  on 
the  death  of  the  common  enemy  of  all,  it 
was  destined  to  shine  forth  on  His  liberated 
servants,  surpasses  every  other  subject  of 
admiration.  If  all  the  wise  men  through- 
out the  world  were  collected  into  one  place, 
and  were  to  endeavour  to  express  themselves 
worthily  of  it,  they  could  not  approach  within 
an  infinite  distance  of  it ;  for  this  miracle  is 
as  much  beyond  all  human  power  of  belief, 
as  heavenly  things  by  their  nature  are  mightier 
than  human.  Hence  it  is  my  first  and  only 
object  that,  as  by  new  miracles  the  faith  in 
the  truth  is  daily  confirmed,  so  the  minds  of 
us  all  may  be  more  earnestly  devoted  to  the 
holy  law,  wisely,  zealously,  and  with  one 
'  accord.  As  my  design  is,  I  think,  now 
generally  known,  I  desire  that  you,  above  all, 
should  be  assured  that  my  most  intense  anxiety 
is  to  decorate  with  beautiful  edifices  that 
consecrated  spot,  which  by  God's  command 
I  have  relieved  from  the  burden  of  the  foul 
idol  which  encumbered  it.  For  from  the  begin- 
ning He  declared  it  holy,  and  has  rendered  it 
still  more  holy  from  the  time  that  He  brought 
to  light  the  proof  and  memorial  of  the  sufier- 
ings  of  our  Lord. 

I  trust,  then,  to  your  sagacity  to  take  every 
necessary  rare,  not  only  that  the  basilica  itself 
surpass  all  others  ;  but  that  all  its  arrangements 
be  such  that  this  building  may  be  incomparably 
superior  to  the  most  beautiful  structures  in  every 
city  throughout  the  world.  We  have  entrusted 
our   friend    Dracilianus^,   who   discharges   the 


4  TrpoeSpos.  Cf.  Thuc.  iii.  25.  The  TrpvTaveis  in  office  in  the 
Athenian  eKK^va-ia  were  so  called.  In  our  author  a  common  syno- 
nym for  Bishop.     TTfjotopi.a  ^=  sedes  =  see. 

*  Vide  note  4  on  chap.  xiv. 


functions  of  the  most  illustrious  praefect  of 
the  province,  with  the  superintendence  of  the 
work  of  the  erection  and  decoration  of  the 
walls.  He  has  received  our  orders  to  engage 
workmen  and  artisans,  and  to  provide  all 
that  you  may  deem  requisite  for  the  building. 
Let  us  know,  by  letter,  when  you  have  in- 
spected the  work,  what  columns  or  marbles 
you  consider  would  be  most  ornamental, 
in  order  that  whatever  yoti  may  inform  us 
is  necessary  for  the  work  may  be  conveyed 
thitlier  from  all  quarters  of  the  world.  For 
that  which  is  of  all  places  the  most  wonderful, 
ought  to  be  decorated  in  accordance  with  its 
dignity.  I  wish  to  learn  from  you  whether 
you  think  that  the  vaulted  roof  of  the  basilica 
ought  to  be  panelled^,  or  to  be  adorned  in  some 
other  way ;  for  if  it  is  to  be  panelled  it  may 
also  be  gilt.  Your  holiness  must  signify  to  the 
aforesaid  officers,  as  soon  as  possible,  what 
workmen  and  artificers,  and  what  sums  of 
money,  are  requisite;  and  let  me  know 
promptly  not  only  about  the  marbles  and 
columns,  but  also  about  the  panelled  ceiling, 
if  you  decide  that  this  will  be  the  most 
beautiful  mode  of  construction.  May  God 
preserve  you,  beloved  brothers." 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

Helena'^ y  Mother  of  the  Emperor  Constantine. — 
Her  zeal  in  the  Erection  of  the  Holy  Church. 

The  bearer  of  these  letters  was  no  less  illus- 
trious a  personage  than  the  mother  of  the 
emperor,  even  she  who  was  glorious  in  her 
offspring,  whose  piety  was  celebrated  by  all ;. 
she  who  brought  forth  that  great  luminary  and 
nurtured  him  in  piety.  She  did  not  shrink 
from  the  fatigue  of  the  journey  on  account  of 
her  extreme  old  age,  but  undertook  it  a  little 
before  her  death,  which  occurred  in  her 
eightieth  year  ^ 


2  KanavapCa,  fr,  Lat.  lacunar,  (lacuna  lacus  Jlak)  =  fretted 
ceiling.     Cf.  Her.  Od.  II.  xviii.  2. 

3  On  tlie  tiaditional  site  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  the  build- 
ings on  it,  vide  Stanley's  "Sinai  and  Palestine,"  pp.  457  and 
seqq.,  and  Canon  Bright  in  Diet.  Christ.  Ant.,  article  "  Holy 
Sepulchre." 

t  Flavia  Julia  Helena,  the  first  wife  of  Constantius  Chlorus,. 
born  of  obscure  parents  in  Bithynia,  tA.D.  328.  "  Stabulariam. 
banc  primo  fuisse  adserunt,  sic  cognitam  Constantio  seniori." 
(Ambr.  de  obitu  Theod.  §  42,  p.  295)  The  story  of  her  being  the 
daughter  of  a  British  Prince,  and  born  at  York  or  Colchester,  is 
part  of  the  belief  current  since  William  of  Malmesbury  concerning 
Constantine's  British  Origin,  which  is  probably  due  to  two  passages 
of  uncertain  interpretation  in  thePanegyrici :  (a)  Max.  et  Const,  iv., 
"  liberavit  lile  (Constantius)  Britannias  servltute,  tu  etiam  nobiles». 
illic  oriendo,  fecisti."  (b)  Eum.  Pan.  Const,  ix.,  "O  fortunata  et 
nunc  omnibus  beatior  terris  Britannia,  qua;  Constantinum  Cajsarem. 
prima  vidisti."  But  is  this  said  ot  birth  or  accession?  Cf.  Gibbon, 
chap.  xiv. 

2  Crispus  and  Fausta  were  put  to  death  in  326.  "If  it  was 
not  in  order  to  seek  expiation  tor  her  son's  crimes,  and  consolation 
for  her  own  sorrows,  that  Helen  made  her  lamous  journey  to  the 
Holy  Land,  it  was  immediately  consequent  upon  them."  Stanley, 
Eastern  Church,  p.  211. 


I.  1 8.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


^5 


When  the  empress  beheld  the  place 
where  the  Saviour  suffered,  she  immediately 
ordered  the  idolatrous  temple,  whicli  had  been 
there  erected  3,  to  be  destroyed,  and  the  very 
earth  on  which  it  stood  to  be  removed. 
When  the  tomb,  which  had  been  so  long 
concealed,  was  discovered,  three  crosses  were 
seen  buried  near  the  Lord's  sepulchre.  All 
held  it  as  certain  that  one  of  these  crosses 
was  that  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  that  the 
other  two  were  those  of  the  thieves  who  were 
crucified  with  Him.  Yet  they  could  not  discern 
to  which  of  the  three  the  Body  of  the  Lord  had 
been  brought  nigh,  and  which  had  received  the 
outpouring  of  His  precious  Blood.  But  the  wise 
and  holy  Macarius,  the  president  of  the  city, 
resolved  this  question  in  the  following  manner. 
He  caused  a  lady  of  rank,  who  had  been  long 
suffering  from  disease,  to  be  touched  by  each 
of  the  crosses,  with  earnest  prayer,  and  thus 
discerned  the  virtue  residing  in  that  of  the 
Saviour.  For  the  instant  this  cross  was 
brought  near  the  lady,  it  expelled  the  sore 
disease,  and  made  her  whole. 

The  mother  of  the  emperor,  on  learning  the 
accomplishment  of  her  desire,  gave  orders  that 
a  portion  of  the  nails  should  be  inserted  in  the 
royal  helmet,  in  order  that  the  head  of  her 
son  might  be  preserved  from  the  darts  of  his 
enemies'^.  The  other  portion  of  the  nails  she 
ordered  to  be  formed  into  the  bridle  of  his 
horse,  not  only  to  ensure  the  safety  of  the  em- 
peror, but  also  to  fulfil  an  ancient  prophecy;  for 
long  before  Zechariah,  tlie  pro])het,  had  pre- 
dicted that  "  There  sJiall  be  upon  the  bridles  of  the 
horses  Holiness  unto  the  Lord  Almighty  s." 

She  had  part  of  the  cross  of  our  Saviour 
conveyed  to  the  palace  ^  The  rest  was  enclosed 
in  a  covering  of  silver,  and  committed  to  the 
care  of  the  bishop  of  the  city,  whom  she  ex- 
horted to  preserve  it  carefully,  in  order  that  it 
might  be  transmitted  uninjured  to  posterity  7. 
She  then  sent  everywhere  for  workmen  and 
for  materials,  and  caused  tlie  most  spacious 
and  most  magnificent  churches  to  be  erected. 

3  i.e.  of  Venus,  said  to  have  been  erected  by  Hadrian  to  pollute 
a  spot  hallowed  by  Christians, 

4  The  tradition  which  identifies  the  nail  in  Constantine's  helmet 
with  the  iron  band  in  the  iamous  crown  of  Queen  Theodohnda  at 
Monza  dates  from  the  sixteenth  century. 

5  Zech.  xiv.  20.    ecrrat  to  cttI  tov  x(xKivQV  ToO  "iTrarou  'Ayioi'  tw 

Kvpio)   7(p  TTOl'TOKpaTOpi.    IxX. 

6  This  portion  Socrates  says(i.  17)  was  enclosed  by  Constantine 
in  a  statue  placed  on  a  column  of  porphyry  in  his  forum  at  Con- 
stantinople. 

7  Carried  away  from  Jerusalem  by  Chosroes  II.  in  614,  it  was 
recovered,  says  the  legend,  by  Heraclius  in  628.  The  feast  of  the 
"  Exaltation  of  the  Cross  "  on  Sept.  14th,  combines  the  Commemo- 
ration of  the  Vision  01  Constantine,  the  exaltation  of  the  relic 
at  Jerusalem,  and  its  triumphal  entry  after  its  exile  under  Chosroes. 
In  later  years  it  was,  as  is  well  known,  supposed  to  have  a  miracu- 
lous power  of  self-multiplication,  and  such  names  as  St.  Cross 
at  Winchester,  Santa  Croce  at  Florence,  and  Vera  Cruz  in 
Mexico  illustrate  its  cultus.  Paulinus  of  Nola,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  fifth  century,  sending  a  piece  to  Sulpicius  Severus,  says  that 
though  bits  were  frequently  taken  from  it,  it  grew  no  smaller 
(Ep.  xxxi.). 


It  is  unnecessary  to  describe  their  beauty  and 
grandeur;  for  all  the  pious,  if  I  may  so  speak, 
hasten  thither  and  behold  the  magnificence  of 
the  buildings^. 

This  celebrated  and  admirable  empress  per 
formed  another  action  wordiy  of  being  remem- 
bered. She  assembled  all  the  women  who  ha  J 
vowed  perpetual  virginity,  and  placing  them  on 
couches,  she  herself  fulfilled  the  duties  of  a 
handmaid,  serving  them  with  food  and  hand- 
ing them  cups  and  pouring  out  wine,  and 
bringing  a  basin  and  pitcher,  and  pouring  out 
water  to  wash  their  hands. 

After  performing  these  and  other  laudable 
actions,  the  empress  returned  to  her  son,  and 
not  long  after,  she  joyfully  entered  upon  the 
other  and  a  better  life,  after  having  given  her 
son  much  pious  advice  and  her  fervent  parting 
blessing.  After  her  death,  those  honours  were 
rendered  to  her  memory  which  her  stedfast  and 
zealous  service  to  God  deserved  9. 

CHAPTER    XVIIL 

The  unlawful  Translation  of  Eusebius^  Bishop 
of  Nico media. 

The  Arian  party  did  not  desist  from  their 
evil  machinations.  They  had  only  signed  the 
confession  of  faith  for  the  purpose  of  disguising 
themselves  in  sheeps'-skins,  while  they  were 
acting  the  part  of  wolves.  The  holy  Alexander, 
of  Byzantium,  for  the  city  was  not  yet  called 
Constantinople,  who  by  his  prayer  had  pierced 
Arius  to  the  heart,  had,  at  the  period  to  which 
we  are  referring,  been  translated  to  a  better 
life.  Eusebius,  the  propagator  of  impiety,  little 
regarding  the  definition  which,  only  a  short 
time  previously,  he  with  the  other  bishops  had 
agreed  upon,  without  delay  quitted  Nicomedia 
and  seized  upon  the  see  of  Constantinople,  in 
direct  violation  of  that  canon  ^  which  prohibits 
bishops  and  presbyters  from  being  translated 
from  one  city  to  another.  But  that  those  who 
carry  their  infatuation  so  far  as  to  deny  the 
thvinity  of  the  only-begotten  Son  of  God, 
should  likewise  violate  the  other  laws,  cannot 
excite  surprise.     Nor  was  this  the  first  occasion 

8  May  3rd  has  been  kept  since  the  end  of  the  eighth  century  in 
honour  of  the  "  Invention  of  the  Cross,"  and  the  Commemoration 
of  the  ancient  "  ElUnmas"  was  retained  in  the  reformed  Anglican 
Calendar. 

9  Tillemont  puts  her  death  in  328.  Eusebius  (V.  Const,  iii.  47), 
says  she  was  carried  cttl  tJ)!/  ^acrcAevou<ra»/  ttoAii/,  by  which  he 
generally  means  Rome,  but  Socrates  (i.  17)  writes,  ei?  iy]v  ^acn\ev- 
ovcrau  peav  Pw/arjt',  i.e.  Constantinople.  There  is  a  chapel  in  her 
honour  in  the  church  of  the  Ara  Cocli  at  Rome,  but  her  traditional 
burial-place  is  a  mile  and  a  halt  beyond  the  Porta  Maggiure,  on  the 
Via  Labicana,  and  thence  came  ilie  porphyry  sarcophagus  called 
St.  Helena's,  which  was  placed  by  Pius  VI.  in  the  Hall  of  the  Greek 
Cross  in  the  Vatican. 

I  i.e.  Apost.  Can.  xiv.,  which  forbids  translation  without  au 
"euXoyo?  airia,  or  prospect  of  more  spiritual  gain  in  saving  souls  ; 
and  guards  the  application  of  the  rule  by  the  proviso  that  neither 
the  bishop  himself,  nor  the  Tropoi/cia  desiring  him,  but  many  bishops, 
shall  decide  the  point."     Diet.  Christ.  Ant.  i.  226. 


56 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[I.  i8.. 


that  he  made  this  innovation  ;  for,  having  been 
originally  entrusted  with  the  see  of  Berytus,  he 
leapt  from  thence  to  Nicomedia.  Whence  he 
was  expelled  by  the  synod,  on  account  of  his 
manifest  impiety,  as  was  likewise  Theognis, 
bishop  of  Nicaea.  This  is  related  a  second 
time  in  the  letters  of  the  emperor  Constantine ; 
and  I  shall  here  insert  the  close  of  the  letter 
which  he  wrote  to  the  Nicomedians. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Epistle  of  the  Emperor  Constafttine  against 
Eusebiiis  and  Theognis^  addressed  to  the 
Nicomedians. 

"Who  has  taught  these  doctrines  to  the 
innocent  multitude  ?  It  is  manifestly  Eusebius, 
the  co-operator  in  the  cruelty  of  the  tyrants. 
For  that  he  was  the  creature  ^  of  the  tyrant  has 
been  clearly  shown ;  and,  indeed,  is  proved  by 
the  slaughter  of  the  bishops,  and  by  the  fact 
that  these  victims  were  true  bishops.  The 
relentless  persecution  of  the  Christians  pro- 
claims this  fact  aloud. 

*'  I  shall  not  here  say  anything  of  the 
insults  directed  against  me,  by  which  the 
conspiracies  of  the  opposite  faction  were 
mainly  carried  out.  But  he  went  so  far  as  to 
send  spies  to  watch  me,  and  scarcely  refrained 
from  raising  troops  in  aid  of  the  tyrant.  Let 
not  any  one  imagine  that  I  allege  what  I  am 
not  prepared  to  prove.  I  am  in  possession  of 
clear  evidence ;  for  I  have  caused  the  bishops 
and  presbyters  belonging  to  his  following  to  be 
seized.  But  I  pass  over  all  these  facts.  I  only 
mention  them  for  the  purpose  of  making  these 
persons  ashamed  of  their  conduct,  and  not  from 
any  feeling  of  resentment. 

"  There  is  one  thing  I  fear,  one  thing  which 
causes  me  anxiety,  and  that  is  to  see  you 
charged  as  accomplices  ;  for  you  are  influenced 
by  the  doctrines  of  Eusebius,  and  have  thus 
been  led  away  from  the  truth.  But  your  cure 
will  be  speedy,  if,  after  obtaining  a  bishop 
who  holds  pure  and  faithful  doctrines,  you 
will  but  look  unto  God.  This  depends  upou 
you  alone ;  and  you  would,  no  doubt,  have 
thus  acted  long  ago,  had  not  the  aforesaid 
Eusebius  come  here,  strongly  supported  by 
those  then  in  power,  and  overturned  all  disci- 
pline. 


before  all  else  of  proving  and  dispelling  the 
mischief  which  originated  from  the  infatuation 
of  Arius   of  Alexandria,   and   was   straightway 
strengthened    by    the    absurd    and   pernicious 
machinations   of  Eusebius.     But,  beloved  and 
much-honoured  brethren,  you  know   not  how 
earnestly    and     how     disgracefully     Eusebius, 
although    convicted  by  the    testimony    of  his 
own  conscience,  persevered  in  the  support  of 
the  false  doctrines  which  had  been  universally 
condemned.      He    secretly    sent    persons     to 
me    to   petition    on    his    behalf,    and   person- 
ally intreated  my  assistance  in  preventing  his 
being  ejected  from  his  bishopric,  although  his 
crimes  had  been  fully  detected.      God,   who, 
I  trust,  will  continue  His  goodness  towards  you 
and  towards  me,  is  witness  to  the  truth  of  what 
I   say.     I   was   then  myself  deluded  and  de- 
ceived by  Eusebius,  as  you  shall  well  know.    In 
everything  he  acted  according  to  his  own  desire, 
his  mind  being  full  of  every  kind  of  secret  evil. 
"  Omitting  the  relation  of  the  rest  of  his  mis- 
deeds, it  is  well  that  you  should  be  informed  of 
the  crime  which  he  lately  perpetrated  in  concert 
with   Theognis,    the    accomplice   of  his   folly. 
I  had  sent  orders  for  the  apprehension  of  certam 
individuals  in  Alexandria  who  had  deserted  our 
faith,and  by  whose  means  the  firebrand  of  dissen- 
sion was  kindled.     But  these  good  gentlemen, 
forsooth,  bishops,  whom,  by  the  clemency  of  the 
council,  I  had  reserved  for  penitence,  not  only 
received  them  under  their  protection,  but  also 
participated  in  their  evil  deeds.     Hence  I  came 
to  the  determination  to  punish  these  ungrateful 
men,  by  apprehending  and  banishing  them  to 
some  far-distant  region. 

*'  It  is  now  your  duty  to  look  unto  God  with 
that  same  faitli  which  it  is  clear  that  you 
have  ever  held,  and  in  which  it  is  fitting 
you  should  abide.  So  let  us  liave  cause  of 
rejoicing  in  the  appointment  of  pure,  ortho- 
dox, and  beneficent  bishops.  If  any  one  should 
make  mention  of  those  destroyers,  or  presume 
to  speak  in  their  praise,  let  him  know  that  his 
audacity  will  be  repressed  by  the  authority 
which  has  been  committed  to  me  as  the  servant 
of  God.  May  God  preserve  you,  beloved 
brethren  ! " 

The  ab^ve-mentioned  bishops  were  then  de- 
posed and  banished.  Amphion  ^  was  entrusted 
with  the  church  of  Nicomedia,  and  Chrestus^ 


"  As  it  is  necessary  to  say  something  more  with  that  of  Nicaea.     But  the  exiled  bishops. 


about  Eusebius,your  patience  will  remember  that 
a  council  was  held  in  the  city  of  Nicaea,  at  which, 
in  obedience  to  my  conscience,  I  was  present, 
being  actuatetl  by  no  other  motive  than  the 
desire  of  producing  unanimity  among  all,  and 


^  np6(T4>v^,  originally  a  protected  "runaway,"  then  protege  or 
client. 


employing  their  customary  artifices,  abused  the 
benevolence    of    the    emperor,    renewed    the 


2  Athanasius,  Dis/  pri)>ia  Cont.  Ar.,  mentions  an  Amphion, 
orthodox  bishop  of  Epiphania  in  Cilicia  Secunda.  That  he  is  tlie 
same  as  the  Amphion  of  the  text  is  asserted  by  Baronius  and 
doubted  by  Tilleniont.     Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  s.v. 

3  In  328,  Chrescus  and  Amphion  retix-ed  on  the  recantation 
of  Theognis  and  Eusebius,  whose  /Sc^SAioi'  n-eravoia^,  or  act  of 
retractation,  is  given  in  Soc.  i.  xiv. 


I:  21.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


57 


previous   contests,  and   regained   their  former 
power. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

The   artful  Machinations  of  Eusebius  and  his 
followers  against  the  Holy  Eiistathius^  Bishop 
of  Aniioch. 

Eusebius,  as  I  have  already  stated,  seized 
the  diocese  of  Constantinople  by  force.     And 
thus  having  acquired  great  power  in  that  city, 
frequently  visiting  and  holding  familiar  inter- 
course with  the  emperor,  he  gained  confidence 
and  formed  plots  against  those  who  were  fore- 
most in  the -support  of  the  truth.     He  at  first 
feigned  a  desire  of  going  to  Jerusalem,  to  see 
the  celebrated  edifices  there  erected :  and  the 
emperor,  who  was  deceived  by  his  flattery,  al- 
lowed him  to  set  out  with  the  utmost  honour, 
providing  him  with  carriages,  and  the  rest  of 
his  equipage  and    retinue.     Theognis,   bishop 
of  Nicsea,  who,  as  we  have  before   said,  was 
his  accomplice   in    his  evil  designs,   travelled 
with   him.     When    they   arrived    at   Antioch, 
they  put  on  the  mask  of  friendship,  and  were 
received    with    the    utmost    deference.      Eu- 
stathius,   the    great    champion    of    the    faith, 
treated  them  with  fraternal  kindness.      When 
they  arrived  at  the  holy  places,  they  had  an  inter- 
view with  those  who  were  of  the  same  opinions 
as    themselves,    namely,    Eusebius,    bishop    of 
Csesarea,   Patrophilus,   bishop    of  Scythopolis, 
Aetius,    bishop    of   Lydda,  'Pheodotus,  bishop 
of  Laodicea,  and  others  who  had  imbibed  the 
Arian  sentiments;  they  made  known  the  plot 
they  had  hatched  to  them,  and  went  with  them 
to  Antioch.    The  pretext  for  their  journey  was, 
that  due  honour  might  be  rendered  to  Eusebius  ; 
but  their  real  motive  was  their  war  against  re- 
ligion.    They  bribed  a  low  woman,  who  made 
a  traffic  of  her  beauty,  to  sell  them  her  tongue, 
and  then  repaired  to  the  council,  and  when  all 
the  spectators  had  been  ordered  to  retire,  they 
introduced   the   wretched   woman.      She   held 
a  babe  in  her  arms,  of  which  she  loudly  and 
impudently  affirmed  that   Eustathius   was   the 
father.    Eustathius,  conscious  of  his  innocence, 
asked  her  whether  she  could  bring  forward  any 
witness  to  prove  what  she  had  advanced.     She 
replied  that  she  could  not :    yet  these  equitable 
judges  admitted  her  to  oath,  although  it  is  said 
in  the  law,  that  "  at  the  month  of  tivo  or  three 
witnesses    shall    the    matter    be    established'^ ;^^ 
and  the  apostle  says,  "  against  an  elder  receive 
not    any    accusation    but    before    two    or    three 
witnesses'^ .'^      But  they  despised   these  divine 
laws,  and  admitted  the  accusation  against  this 
great  man  without  any  witnesses.     When  the 


^  Deut.  xix.  15. 


2  I  Tim.  V.  19. 


woman  had  again  declared  upon  oath  that 
Eustathius  was  the  father  of  the  babe,  these 
truth -loving  judges  condemned  him  as  an 
adulterer.  When  the  other  bishops,  who  up- 
held the  apostolical  doctrines,  being  ignorant  of 
all  these  intrigues,  openly  opposed  the  sentence, 
and  advised  Eustathius  not  to  submit  to  it,  the 
originators  of  the  plot  promptly  repaired  to  the 
emperor,  and  endeavoured  to  persuade  him  that 
the  accusation  was  true,  and  the  sentence  of 
deposition  just ;  and  they  succeeded  in  obtaining 
the  banishment  of  this  champion  of  piety  and 
chastity,  as  an  adulterer  and  a  tyrant.  He  was 
conducted  across  Thrace  to  a  city  of  Illyricum3. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Bishops  of  Hei'etical  opiniofis  ordained  in  Antioch 
after  the  Banishment  of  St.  Eustathius  ^ 

EuLALius  was  first  consecrated  in  place  of 
Eustathius.  But  Eulalius  surviving  his  eleva- 
tion only  a  short  period,  it  was  intended 
that  Eusebius  of  Palestine  should  be  trans- 
lated to  this  bishopric.  Eusebius,  however, 
refused  the  appointment,  and  the  emperor  for- 
bade its  being  conferred  on  him.  Next  Euphro- 
nius  was  put  forward,  who  also  dying,  after  a  lapse 
of  only  one  year  and  a  few  months,  the  see  was 
conferred  on  Flaccillus  2.  AH  these  bishops  se- 
cretly clung  to  the  Arian  heresy.  Hence  it  was 
that  most  of  those  individuals,  whether  of  the 
clergy  or  of  the  laity,  who  valued  the  true 
religion,  left  the  churches  and  formed  assemblies 
among  themselves.  They  were  called  Eusta- 
thians,  since  it  was  after  the  banishment  of 
Eustathius  that  they  began  to  hold  their  meet- 
ings. The  wretched  woman  above-mentioned 
was  soon  after  attacked  by  a  severe  and  pro- 
tracted illness,  and  then  avowed  the  im- 
posture in  which  she  had  been  engaged,  and 
made  known  the  whole  plot,  not  only  to  two  or 
three,  but  to  a  very  large  number  of  priests. 
She  confessed  that  she  had  been  bribed  to  bring 
this  false  and  impudent  charge,  but  yet  that  her 

3  Jerome  says  Trajanopolis,  but  Eustathius  die*  at  Philippi, 
circa  337.  Athanasius,  who  calls  Eustathius  "a  confessor  and 
sound  HI  the  faith  "  (Hist.  Ar.  J  4),  says  the  false  charge  wliich  had 
most  weight  with  Constantine  was  that  the  bishop  of  Antioch  had 
slandered  the  Empress  Helena.  Sozomen  (II.  19)  records  the 
patience  with  which  Eustathius  suffered,  and  sums  up  his  character 
as  that  of  "a  good  and  true  man,  specially  remarkable  for  eloquence, 
to  which  his  extant  writings  testify,  admirable  as  they  are  alike  for 
the  dignity  ot  their  style  of  ancient  cast,  the  sound  wisdom  of  their 
sentiments,  the  beauty  of  their  language,  and  grace  of  expression." 
The  sole  survivor  of  his  works  is  an  attack  on  Origen's  inter- 
pretation of  Scripture. 

1  Socrates,  H  E.  i.  24,  says  that  on  the  deposition  of  Eustathius 
"e</)e^irjs  eTTc  cttj  oktw  Aeyerai  tov  kv  'AfTtoxe'a  Qpovov  ttjs  e/c*cArj- 
crtas  <rxoAao-at  h\\ik  fie  ,  .  .  x^'poTOi/eiTai  Eiii^poi'ios."  Cf-  Soz.  H.E. 
ii.  19.  There  is  much  confusion  about  this  succession  of  bishops. 
Jerome  (Chron.  ii.  p.  92)  gives  the  names  of  the  Arian  bishops 
thrust  in  succession  into  the  place  01  Eustathius,  as  Eulalius, 
Eusebius,  Eufronius,  Placillus.  "Perhaps  Eulalius  was  put 
forward  for  the  vacant  see,  like  Eusebius,  but  never  actually  ap- 
pointed."    Bp.  Lightioot,  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  ii.  315. 

2  This  name  is  variously  given  as  Placillus  (Jerome),  Placitus 
(Soz.),  Flacillus  (Ath.  and  Eiis.),  and  in  difterent  versions  of 
Theodoret  are  found  ^AaxiTos,  nXoxei'Tios,  and  <t>aAKto;. 


58 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[I.  21. 


oath  was  not  altogether  false,  as  a  certain 
Eustathius,  a  coppersmith,  was  the  father  of  the 
babe.  Such  were  some  of  the  crimes  perpetrated 
in  Antioch  by  this  most  excellent  faction. 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Conversion  of  the  I?idians'^. 
At  this  period,  the  light  of  the  knowledge  of 
God  was  for  the  first  time  shed  upon  India. 
The  courage  and  the  piety  of  the  emperor  had 
become  celebrated  throughout  the  world  ;  and 
the  barbarians,  having  learnt  by  experience  to 
choose  peace  rather  than  war,  were  able  to  enjoy 
intercourse  with  one  another  without  fear.  Many 
persons,  therefore,  set  out  on  long  journeys  ; 
some  for  the  desire  of  making  discoveries, 
others  from  a  spirit  of  commercial  enterprise. 
About  this  period  a  native  of  Tyre  ^,  acquainted 
with  Greek  philosophy,  desiring  to  penetrate 
into  the  interior  of  India,  set  off  for  this  pur- 
pose with  his  two  young  nephews.  When  he 
had  accomplished  the  object  of  his  wishes,  he 
embarked  for  his  own  country.  The  ship  being 
compelled  to  put  in  to  land  in  order  to  obtain 
a  fresh  supply  of  water,  the  barbarians  fell  upon 
her,  drowned  some  of  the  crew,  and  took  the 
others  prisoners.  The  uncle  was  among  the 
number  of  those  who  were  killed,  and  the  lads 
were  conducted  to  the  king.  The  name  of  the 
one  was  ^desius,  and  of  the  other  Frumentius. 
The  king  of  the  country,  in  course  of  time,  per- 
ceiving their  intelligence,  promoted  them  to  the 
superintendence  of  his  household.  If  any  one 
should  doubt  the  truth  of  this  account,  let  him 
recal  to  mind  the  history  of  Joseph  in  the  king- 
dom of  P^gypt,  and  also  the  history  of  Daniel, 
and  of  the  three  champions  of  the  truth,  who, 
from  being  captives,  became  princes  of  Babylon. 
The  king  died ;  but  these  young  men  re- 
mained with  his  son,  and  were  advancer^  '  o  still 
greater  power.  As  they  had  been  brought  up 
in  the  true  religion,  they  exhorted  the  mer- 
chants who  visited  the  country  to  assemble, 
according  to  the  custom  of  Romans  3,  to  take 
part  in  the  divine  liturgy.  After  a  consider- 
able time*  they  solicited  the  king  to  reward 
their  services  by  permitting  them  to  return  to 
their  own  country.  They  obtained  his  per- 
mission, and  safely  reached  Roman  territory, 
-^desius    directed   his   course   towards   Tyre, 

1  Ilepi  T175  "Iv8mv  TrC(rT€<a^.  The  term  "  India"  is  used  vaguely, 
partly  from  the  old  belief  that  Asia  and  Africa  joined  somewhere 
south  of  the  Indian  Ocean.     Here  the  Indians  are  Abyssinians. 

2  The  version  adopted  by  Rufinus,  the  earliest  extant  authority 
for  this  story,  is  followed,  in  the  main,  by  Socrates,  Sozomen,  and 
Theodoret.     The  Tyrian  traveller  is  named  Meropius. 

3  The  words  of  Sozomen  (ii.  24)  corresponding  with  the  passage 
in  which  Rufinus  (i.  9)  speaks  of  meeting  "romano  ritii  oralionis 
caussa,  '  are  fj  pw/aaiois  e^os  e/CKAjjcrta^ttc,  i.e.  to  assemble  to 
worship  after  the  manner  of  civilized  citizens  of  the  Empire,  and 
not  like  savages.  The  expression  has  nothing  to  do  with  the 
customs  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  in  the  later  sense  of  the  word,  as 
has  somef.imes  been  represented.     Cf.  Soc.  I.  19,  rds  \pi(rTiavt»cds 


but  Frumentius,  whose  religious  zeal  was 
greater  than  the  natural  feeling  of  affection 
for  his  relatives,  proceeded  to  Alexandria,  and 
informed  the  bishop  of  that  city  that  the 
Indians  were  deeply  anxious  to  obtain  spiritual 
light.  Athanasius  then  held  the  rudder  of  that 
church  ;  he  heard  the  story,  and  then  "  Who," 
said  he,  "  better  than  you  yourself  can  scatter 
the  mists  of  ignorance,  and  introduce  among 
this  people  the  light  of  Divine  preaching?'* 
After  having  said  this,  he  conferred  upon  him 
the  episcopal  dignity,  and  sent  him  to  the 
spiritual  culture  of  that  nation.  The  newly- 
ordained  bishop  left  this  country,  caring  nothing 
for  the  mighty  ocean,  and  returned  to  the  un- 
tilled  ground  of  his  work.  There,  having  the 
grace  of  God  to  labour  with  him,  he  cheer- 
fully and  successfully  played  the  husbandman, 
catching  those  who  sought  to  gainsay  his 
words  by  works  of  apostolic  wonder,  and 
thus,  by  these  marvels,  confirming  his  teaching, 
he  continued  each  day  to  take  many  souls 
alive  ^. 

CHAPTER  XXIIL 

Conversion  of  the  Iberians'^. 

Frumentius  thus  led  the  Indians  to  the 
knowledge  of  God.  Iberia,  about  the  same 
time,  was  guided  into  the  way  of  truth  by 
a  captive  woman  2.  She  continued  instant  in 
prayer,  allowing  herself  no  softer  bed  than 
a  sack  spread  upon  the  ground,  and  ac- 
counted fasting  her  highest  luxury.  This 
austerity  was  rewarded  by  gifts  similar  to  those 
of  the  Apostles.  The  barbarians,  who  were 
ignorant  of  medicine,  were  accustomed,  when 
attacked  by  disease,  to  go  to  one  another's 
houses,  in  order  to  ask  those  who  had  suffered 
in  a  similar  way,  and  had  got  well,  by  what 
means  they  had  been  cured.  In  accordance 
with  this  custom,  a  mother  '  who  had  a 
sick  child,  repaired  to  this  admirable  woman, 
to  enquire  if  she  knew  of  any  cure  for  the 
disease.     The  latter  took  the  child,  placed  it 


4  "The  king,  if  we  identify  the  narrative  with  the  Ethiopian 
version  of  the  story,  must  have  been  the  father  of  the  Abreha 
and  Atzbeha  of  the  Ethiopian  annals  "  '■  Frumentius  received 
the  title  ol  Abbana,  or  Abba  Salama  "  (cf.  Absalom),  "  the  Father 
of  Peace."  "Tlie  bishopric  of  Auxume  "  (Axum,  about  loo  miles 
S.  W.  of  Massowah)  "  assumed  a  metropolitan  character."  i  Diet, 
of  Christ.  Biog.,  Ait.  Ethiopian  Church).  Constantiiis  afterwards 
wrote  to  the  Ethiopian  Prince  to  ask  him  to  replace  P'rumentius 
by  Theophilui>,  an  Arian,  but  without  success  (Ath.  Ap.  ad 
Const.  31). 

^  This  story,  like  the  preceding,  is  copied  or  varied  by  Sozo- 
men, Socrates,  and  our  author,  from  the  version  found  also  in 
Rufinus.  Iberia,  the  modern  Georgia,  was  conquered  by  Pompey^ 
and  ceded  by  Jovian. 

2  The  Evangelizer  of  Georgia  is  honoured  on  Dec.  15th  (Gueria 
Pet.  Bolland,  xiv.  306)  as  "  Saintc  Chretienne,"  and  it  is  doubtful 
whether  the  name  Nina,  in  which  she  appears  in  the  Armeno- 
gregorian  Calendar  for  June  11  (Nealc,  Eastern  Church,  ii.  799), 
may  not  be  a  title.  "Nina"  is  probably  a  name  of  rank,  and 
perhaps  is  connected  with  our  nun  (Neale,  i.  61).  Moses  of  Chorene 
(ii,  83)  gives  the  name  "Nunia."  Rufinus  (i.  10)  states  that  he 
gives  the  story  as  he  heard  it  trom  King  Bacurius  at  Jerusalem. 
On  the  various  legends  of  St.  Nina  and  her  work,  vide 
S.  C.  Malan,  Hist,  of  Georgian  Church   pp.  17— 33- 


1. 24.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


=^9 


upon  her  bed,  and  prayed  to  the  Creator  of 
the  world  to  be  propitious  to  it,  and  cure  the 
disease.  He  heard  her  prayer,  and  marie 
it  whole.  This  extraordinary  woman  hence 
obtained  great  celebrity  ;  and  the  queen,  who 
was  suffering  from  a  severe  disease,  hearing 
of  her  by  report,  sent  for  her.  The  captive 
held  herself  in  very  low  estimation,  and 
would  not  accept  the  invitation  of  the  queen. 
But  the  queen,  forced  by  Ker  sore  need, 
and  careless  of  her  royal  dignity,  herself  ran 
to  the  captive.  The  latter  made  the  queen 
lie  down  upon  her  mean  bed,  and  once  again 
applied  to  her  disease  the  efficacious  remedy 
of  prayer.  The  queen  was  healed,  and  offered 
as  rewards  for  her  cure,  gold,  silver,  tunics, 
and  mantles,  and  such  gifts  as  she  thought 
worthy  of  possession,  and  such  as  royal  muni- 
ficence should  bestow.  The  holy  woman  told 
her  that  she  did  not  want  any  of  these,  but 
that  she  would  deem  her  greatest  reward  to 
be  the  queen's  knowledge  of  true  religion. 
She  then,  as  far  as  in  her  lay,  explained  the 
Divine  doctrines,  and  exhorted  her  to  erect  a 
church  in  honour  of  Christ  who  had  made  her 
whole.  .The  queen  then  returned  to  the  palace, 
and  excited  the  admiration  of  her  consort,  by 
the  suddenness  of  her  cure  ;  she  then  made 
known  to  him  the  power  of  that  God  whom 
the  captive  adored,  and  besought  him  to  ac- 
knowledge the  one  only  God,  and  to  erect 
a  church  to  Him,  and  to  lead  all  the  nation  to 
j  worship  Him.  The  king  was  greatly  delighted 
with  the  miracle  which  had  been  performed 
upon  the  queen,  but  he  would  not  consent  to 
erect  a  church.  A  short  time  after  he  went 
out  hunting,  and  the  loving  Lord  made  a  prey  of 
him  as  He  did  of  Paul ;  for  a  sudden  darkness 
enveloped  him  and  forbade  him  to  move  from 
the  spot;  while  those  who  were  hunting  with 
him  enjoyed  the  customary  sunlight,  and  he 
alone  was  bound  with  the  fetters  of  blindness. 
In  his  perplexity  he  found  a  way  of  escape,  for 
calling  to  mind  his  former  unbelief,  he  implored 
the  help  of  the  God  of  the  captive  woman,  and 
immediately  the  darkness  was  dispelled.  He 
then  went  to  the  marvellous  captive,  and  asked 
her  to  shew  him  how  a  church  ought  to  be 
built.  He  who  once  filled  Bezaieel  with 
architectural  skill,  graciously  enabled  this 
woman  to  devise  the  plan  of  a  church.  The 
woman  set  about  the  plan,  and  men  began 
to  dig  and  build.  When  the  edifice  was 
completed,  the  roof  put  on,  and  every  thing 
supplied  except  the  priests,  this  admirable 
woman  found  means  to  obtain  these  also. 
For  she  persuaded  the  king  to  send  an 
embassy  to  the  Roman  emperor  asking  for 
teachers  of  religion.  The  king  accordingly 
despatched  an  embassy  for  the  purpose.     The 


emperor  Constantine,  who  was  warmly  attached 
to  the  cause  of  religion,  when  informed  of  the 
purport  of  the  embassy,  gladly  welcomed  the 
ambassadors,  and  selected  a  bishop  endowed 
with  great  faith,  wisdom,  and  virtue,  and  pre- 
senting him  with  many  gifts,  sent  him  to  the 
Iberians,  that  he  might  make  known  to  them 
the  true  God.  Not  content  with  having  granted 
the  requests  of  the  Iberians,  he  of  Jiis  own 
accord  undertook  the  protection  of  the 
Christians  in  Persia ;  for,  learning  that  they 
were  persecuted  by  the  heathens,  and  that  their 
king  himself,  a  slave  to  error,  was  contriving 
various  cunning  plots  for  their  destruction,  he 
wrote  to  him,  entreating  him  to  embrace  the 
Christian  religion  himself,  as  well  as  to  honour 
its  professors.  His  own  letter  will  render  his 
earnestness  in  the  cause  the  plainer. 

CPIAPTER  XXIV. 

Letter  written  by  the  Emperor  Constantine  to 
Sapot  ^,  the  Kt/ig  of  Persia,  respecting  I  lie 
Cnrisiians. 

"In  protecting  the  holy  taith  I  enjoy  the 
light  of  truth,  and  by  following  the  light  of 
truth  I  attain  to  fuller  knowlege  of  the  faith. 
Therefore,  as  facts  prove,  I  recognize  that  most 
holy  worship  as  teaching  the  knowledge  of 
the  most  holy  God.  This  service  I  profess. 
With  the  Power  of  this  God  for  my  ally, 
beginning  at  the  furthest  boundaries  of  the 
ocean,  I  have,  one  after  another,  quickened 
every  part  of  the  world  with  hope.  Now 
all  the  peoples  once  enslaved  by  many  tyrants, 
worn  by  their  daily  miseries,  and  almost  ex- 
tinct, have  been  kmdled  to  fresh  life  by  re- 
ceiving the  protection  of  the  State. 

"  The  God  I  reverence  is  He  whose  emblem 
my  dedicated  troops  bear  on  their  shoulders, 
marching  whithersoever  the  cause  of  justice 
leads  them,  and  rewarding  me  by  their  splendid 
victories.  I  confess  that  I  reverence  this  God 
with  eternal  remembrance.  Him,  who  dwelleth 
in  the  highest  heavens,  I  contemplate  with  pure 
and  unpolluted  mind.  On  Him  I  call  on 
bended  knees,  shunning  all  abominable  blood, 
all  unseemly  and  illomened  odours,  all  fire 
01  incantation  ^,  and  all  pollution  by  which  un- 
lawful and  shameful  error  has  destroyed  whole 
nations  and  hurled  them  down  to  hell. 

"  God  does  not  permit  those  gifts  which,  in 
His  beneficent  Providence,  Pie  has  bestowed 


1  Sapor  II.  (Shapur)  Postumus,  the  son  of  Horinisdas  II., 
was  one  of  the  greatest  ot  the  Sassanidae.  He  reigned  from 
A.u.  310  to  381,  and  fought  with  success  against  Consiaiitius  II. 
and  juHan,  "augendi  regni  cupiditate  supra  homines  flagrans." 
Amm.  Marc,  xviii.  4.  ,   t^-    •  /^    j         .       ^- 

2  The  reading  01  Basil,  Gr.  and  Lat.,  and  Pini  Codex,  e7rw5i7 
tor  ytoifirj,  is  approved  by  Schulze,  and  may  indicate  a  side-hit  at 
the  Magian  fire-worship.  But  the  adjectival  form  «n-a)5rj?  (or 
€7rcoS6s  is  doubtful. 


6o 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[I.  24. 


upon  men  for  the  supply  of  their  wants  to  be 
perverted  according  to  every  man's  desire. 
He  only  requires  of  men  a  pure  mind  and 
a  spotless  soul,  and  by  these  He  weighs  their 
deeds  of  virtue  and  piety.  He  is  pleased  with 
gentleness3  and  modesty;  He  loves  the  meek 4, 
and  hates  those  who  excite  contentions;  He 
loves  faith,  chastises  unbelief;  He  breaks  all 
power  of  boasting  s,  and  punishes  the  insolence 
of  the  proud  ^.  Men  exalted  with  pride  He 
utterly  overthrows,  and  rewards  the  humble  7 
and  the  patient  ^  according  to  their  deserts. 
Of  a  just  sovereignty  He  maketh  much, 
strengthens  it  by  His  aid,  and  guards  the 
counsels  of  Princes  with  the  blessing  of  peace. 
"  I  know  that  I  am  not  in  error,  my  brother, 
when  I  confess  that  this  God  is  the  Ruler 
and  the  Father  of  all  men,  a  truth  which 
many  who  preceded  me  upon  the  imperial 
throne  were  so  deluded  by  error  as  to  attempt 
to  deny.  But  their  end  was  so  dreadful  tliat 
they  have  become  a  fearful  warnmg  to  all 
mankind,  to  deter  others  from  similar  iniquity  9. 
Of  these  I  count  that  man  one  whom  the 
wrath  of  God,  like  a  thunderbolt,  drove  hence 
into  your  country,  and  who  made  notorious 
the  memorial  of  his  shame  which  exists  in 
your  own  land  '°.  Indeed  it  appears  to  have 
been  well  ordered  that  the  age  in  which 
we  live  should  be  distinguished  by  the  open 
and  manifest  punishments  inflicted  on  such 
persons.  I  myself  have  witnessed  the  end 
of  those  who  have  persecuted  the  people 
of  God  by  unlawful  edicts.  Hence  it  is  that 
I  more  especially  thank  God  for  having  now, 
by  His  special  Providence,  restoreil  peace  to 
those  who  observe  His  law,  in  which  they 
exalt  and  rejoice. 


3  Cr.  2  Cqr.  X.  L  4  Cf.  JNIatt.  xi.  29.  5  Cf.  Jas.  iv.  16. 

6  Ci.  Luke  i.  51.         7  Ct.  Luke  i.  52.         8  Cf.  2Tim,  ii.  24. 

9  The  imperial  writer  may  have  had  in  his  mind  Tiberius, 
whose  miserable  old  age  was  probably  ended  by  murder  ;  Caius, 
Slabbed  by  his  own  guard  ;  Claudius,  poisoned  by  his  wife  ;  Neio, 
driven  to  shameful  suicide  ;  Vitellius,  beaten  to  death  by  a  brutal 
mob  ;  Domitian,  assassinated  by  his  wile  and  freedmen  ;  Commodus, 
murdered  by  his  courtiers,  and  Pertinax  by  his  guards  ;  Caracalla, 
murdered  ;  Heliogabalus,  murdered  ;  Alexander  Severus,  Maxi- 
minus,  Gordianus,  nuirdered  ;  Decius,  killed  in  war;  Gallus, 
--Emilianus,  Gallienus,  all  murdered  ;  Aurtlianus,  Probus,  Carus, 
murdered.  On  the  otber  hand  Trajan,  Marcus  Aurelius,  and 
Diocletian,  who  persecuted  the  Church  with  less  or  more  severity, 
died  peaceful  deaths. 

10  Valerianus,  proclaimed  Emperor  in  Rhoetia,  A.D.  254,  was 
defeated  in  his  campaign  against  the  Persians,  and  treated  with 
indignity  alive  and  dead.  After  being  made  to  crouch  as  a  foot- 
stool for  his  conqueror  to  tread  on  when  mounting  on  horseback, 
he  was  flayed  alive,  a.d.  260,  and  his  tanned  skin  nailed  in  a 
Persian  temple  as  a  "memorial  of  his  shame."  Cf.  Const.  Orat. 
xxiv.  Gibbon's  catholic  scepticism  includes  the  humiliation  of 
Valerianus.  "  The  laJe,"  he  says,  "is  moral  and  pathetic,  but  the 
truth  of  It  may  very  tairly  be  called  in  question."  (Decline  and 
Fall,  Chap.  X.).  lint  the  passage  in  the  text,  in  which  the  al- 
lusion has  not  always  been  perceived,  and  the  parallel  refeience 
in  the  Emperor's  oration,  indicate  the  belief  ol  a  time  litlle  more 
than  half  a  century  after  the  event.  Lactantius  (de  Moite  Per- 
secutorum  V.),  was  probably  about  ten  years  old  when  Valerianus 
was  defeated,  and,  if  so,  gives  the  testimony  ot  a  contemporary. 
Orosius  (vii.  22)  and  Agatliias  (iv.  p.  133)  would  only  copy  earlier 
writers,  but  the  latter  states  that  for  the  fact  01  Sapor's  thus 
treatins:  Valerianus  there  is  "abundant  historical  testimony." 
Cf.  Tiilemoat,  Kist.  Einp.  iii.  pp.  314,  315. 


"I  am  led  to  expect  future  happiness  and 
security  whenever  God  in  His  goodness  unites 
all  men  in  the  exercise  of  the  one  pure 
and  true  religion.  You  may  therefore  well 
understand  how  exceedingly  I  rejoice  to  hear 
that  the  finest  provinces  of  Persia  are  adorned 
abundantly  with  men  of  this  class ;  I  mean 
Christians ;  for  it  is  of  them  I  am  speaking. 
All  then  is  well  with  you  and  with  them,  for 
you  will  have  ihe  Lord  of  all  merciful  and 
beneficent  to  you.  Since  then  you  are  so 
mighty  and  so  pious,  I  commend  the  Chris- 
tians to  your  care,  and  leave  them  in  your 
protection.  Treat  them,  I  beseech  you,  with 
the  affection  that  befits  your  goodness.  Your 
fidelity  in  this  respect  will  confer  on  yourself 
and  on  us  inexpressible  benefits." 

This  excellent  emperor  felt  so  much  solici- 
tude for  all  who  had  embraced  the  true  re- 
ligion, that  he  not  only  watched  over  those 
who  were  his  own  subjects,  but  also  over 
the  subjects  of  other  sovereigns.  For  this 
reason  he  was  blessed  with  the  special  protec- 
tion of  God,  so  that  although  he  held  the  reins 
of  the  whole  of  Europe  and  of  Africa,  and  the 
greater  part  of  Asia,  his  subjects  were  all  well 
disposed  to  his  rule,  and  obedient  to  his 
government.  Foreign  nations  submitted  to  his 
sway,  some  by  voluntary  submission,  others 
overcome  in  war.  Trophies  were  every ^vhere 
erected,  and  the  emperor  was  styled  Victo- 
rious. 

The  praises  of  Constantine  have,  however, 
been  proclaimed  by  many  other  writers.  We 
must  resume  the  thread  of  our  history.  This 
emperor,  who  deserves  the  highest  fame, 
devoted  his  whole  mind  to  matters  worthy  of 
the  apostles,  while  men  who  had  been  ad- 
mitted to  the  sacerdotal  dignity  not  only 
neglected  to  edify  the  church,  but  endeavoured 
to  uproot  it  from  the  very  foundations.  They 
invented  all  manner  of  false  accusations  against 
those  who  governed  the  church  in  accordance 
with  the  doctrines  tauglit  by  the  apostles,  and 
did  their  best  to  depose  and  banish  them. 
Their  envy  was  not  satisfied  by  the  infamous 
falsehood  which  they  had  invented  against 
Eustathius,  but  they  had  recourse  to  every 
artifice  to  effect  the  overthrow  of  another  great 
bulwark  of  religion.  These  tragic  occurrences 
I  shall  now  relate  as  concisely  as  possible. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

An  account  of  the  plot  formed  agciinst  ihe  Holy 
Atha?iasius. 

Alexander,  that  admirable  bishop,  who  had 
successfully  withstood  the  blasphemies  of  Arius, 
died  five  months  alter  the  council  of  Nicsea, 


I.  27.-\ 


OF   THEODORET. 


6i 


and  was  succeeded  in  the  episcopate  of  the 
church  of  Alexandria  by  Athanasius.  Trained 
from  his  youth  in  sacred  studies,  Athanasius 
had  attracted  general  admiration  in  each  eccle- 
siastical office  that  he  filled.  He  had,  at  the 
general  council,  so  defended  the  doctrines  of 
the  apostles,  that  while  he  won  the  approbation 
of  all  the  champions  of  the  truth,  its  opponents 
learned  to  look  on  their  antagonist  as  a  per- 
sonal foe  and  public  enemy.  He  had  attended 
the  council  as  one  of  the  retinue  of  Alexander, 
then  a  very  young  man,  although  he  was  the 
principal  deacon  ^ 

When  those  who  had  denied  the  only-begotten 
Son  of  God  heard  that  the  helm  of  the  Church 
of  Alexandria  had  been  entrusted  to  his  hands, 
knowing  as  they  did  by  experience  his  zeal  for 
the  truth,  they  thought  that  his  rule  would  prove 
the  destruction  of  their  authority.  They,  there- 
fore, resorted  to  the  following  machinations 
against  him.  In  order  to  avert  suspicion,  they 
bribed  some  of  the  adherents  of  Meletius,  who, 
although  deposed  by  the  council  of  Nicaea,  had 
persevered  in  exciting  commotions  in  the  The- 
baid  and  in  the  adjacent  part  of  Egypt,  and 
persuaded  them  to  go  to  the  emperor,  and  to 
accuse  Athanasius  of  levying  a  tax  upon  Egypt^, 
and  giving  the  gold  collected  to  a  certain 
man  who  was  preparing  to  usurp  the  imperial 
power  3.  The  emperor  being  deceived  by  this 
story,  Athanasius  was  brought  to  Constantinople. 
Upon  his  arrival  he  proved  that  the  accusation 
was  false,  and  had  the  charge  given  him  by  God 
restored  to  him.  This  is  shown  by  a  letter 
from  the  emperor  to  the  Church  of  Alexandria, 
of  which  I  shall  transcribe  only  the  concluding 
paragraph. 


A  Portion  of  the  Letter  frojn  the  Emperor  Con- 

siantine  to  the  Alexa7idrians. 

"Believe  me,  my  brethren,  the  wicked  men 
were  unable  to  effect  anything  against  your 
bishop.  They  surely  could  have  had  no  other 
design  than  to  waste  our  time,  and  to  leave 
themselves  no  place  for  repentance  in  this  life. 
Do  you,  therefore,  help  yourselves,  and  love 
that  which  wins  your  love  ^ ;  and  exert  all  your 
power  in  the  expulsion  of  those  who  wish  to 
destroy  your  concord.  Look  unto  God,  and 
love  one  another.  I  joyfully  welcomed  Atha- 
nasius your  bishop ;  and  I  have  conversed  with 


^  "tov  xopov  Twv  titxKovtav  rfyovfi€voi."  The  youth  of  Atha- 
nasius indicates  a  variety  in  the  qualifications  for  the  archi- 
diaconale,  for  he  can  hardly  have  been  the  senior  deacon.  Cf. 
Diet.  Christian  Ant.,  Art.  "'Archdeacon.' 

2  In  order  to  provide  VTixapta  or  variegated  vestments.  Ath. 
Apol.  cont.  Ar.  V.  \  60.  The  possibility  of  such  charges  indicates 
the  importance  of  the  Patriarchate. 

3  Philumenus.     Ath.  Ap.  cont.  Ar.  V.  \  60. 

4  TO  <f)L\Tpov  TO  ujueVepov.  Athanasius  (Apol.  cont.  Ar.  V.  5  62) 
quotes  the  phrase  as  rifxeTepov,  "our  love." 


him  as  with  one  whom  I  know  to  be  a  man  of 
God."      - 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Another  plot  against  Athanasius. 

The  calumniators  of  Athanasius,  however,  did 
not  desist  from  their  attempts.  On  the  contrary, 
they  devised  so  bold  a  fiction  against  him,  that 
it  surpassed  every  invention  of  the  ancient 
writers  of  the  tragic  or  comic  stage.  They 
again  bribed  individuals  of  the  same  party, 
and  brought  them  before  the  emperor,  vocifer- 
ously accusing  that  champion  of  virtue  of  many 
abominable  crimes.  The  leaders  of  the  party 
were  Eusebius,  Theognis,  and  Theodorus, 
bishop  of  Perinthus,  a  city  now  called  Heraclea^ 
After  having  accused  Athanasius  of  crimes 
which  they  described  as  too  shocking  to  be 
tolerated,  or  even  listened  to,  they  persuaded 
the  emperor  to  convene  a  council  at  Csesarea 
in  Palestine,  where  Athanasius  had  many 
enemies,  and  to  command  that  his  cause  should 
be  there  tried.  The  emperor,  utterly  ignorant 
of  the  plot  that  had  been  devised,  was  per- 
suaded by  them  to  give  the  required  order. 

But  the  holy  Athanasius,  well  aware  of  the 
malevolence  of  those  who  were  to  try  him, 
refused  to  appear  at  the  council.  This  served 
as  a  pretext  to  those  who  opposed  the  truth 
to  criminate  him  still  further ;  and  they 
accused  him  before  the  emperor  of  contumacy 
and  arrogance.  Nor  were  their  hopes  alto- 
gether frustrated ;  for  the  emperor,  although 
exceedingly  forbearing,  became  exasperated  by 
their  representations,  and  wrote  to  him  in  an 
angry  manner,  commanding  him  to  repair  to 
Tyre.  Here  the  council  was  ordered  to  assemble, 
from  the  suspicion,  as  I  think,  that  Athanasius 
had  an  apprehension  of  Csesarea  on  account  of 
its  bishop.  The  emperor  wrote  also  to  the 
council  in  a  style  consistent  with  his  devoted 
piety.     His  letter  is  as  follows. 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Epistle  of  the  Emperor  Constantine  to  the 
Council  of  Tyre  ^ 

"  CoNSTANTiNus  AUGUSTUS  to  the  holy  coun- 
cil assembled  in  Tyre. 

"  In  the  general  prosperity  which  distin- 
guishes the  present  time,  it  seems  right  that  the 
Catholic  Church   should    likewise  be   exempt 

»  Perinthus,  on  the  Propontis,  also  known  as  Heraclea,  and 
now  Erekli,  was  once  a  flourishing  town.  Theodorus  was  deposed 
at  Sardica.  On  his  genuine  writings,  vide  Jer.  de  Vir.  III.  c.  90, 
and  on  a  Commentary  on  the  Psalter,  published  in  1643,  and 
attributed  to  him,  vide  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  934. 

I  The  Council  of  Tyre  met  a.d.  335,  on  the  date,  vide  Bp. 
Lightfoot  in  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iii.  316,  note.  "The  scenes  at  tiie 
Council  of  Tyre  form  the  most  picturesque  and  the  most  shameiul 
chapter  in  the  Arian  controversy."     Id. 


62 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[I.  27. 


from  trouble,  and  that  the  servants  of  Christ 
should  be  freed  from  every  rejiroach. 

"  But  certain  individuals  instigated  by  the 
mad  desire  of  contention,  not  to  say  leading 
a  life  unworthy  of  their  profession,  are  en- 
deavouring to  throw  all  into  disorder.  This 
appears  to  me  to  be  the  greatest  of  all  possible 
calamities.  I  beseech  you,  therefore,  in  post 
haste,  as  the  phrase  goes,  to  assemble  together, 
without  any  delay,  in  formal  synod  ;  so  that  you 
may  support  those  who  require  your  assistance, 
heal  the  brethren  who  are  in  danger,  restore 
unanimity  to  the  divided  members,  and  rectify 
the  disorders  of  the  Church  while  time  permits  ; 
and  thus  restore  to  those  great  provinces  the 
harmony  which,  alas !  the  arrogance  of  a  few 
men  has  destroyed.  I  believe  every  one 
would  admit  that  you  could  not  perform  any- 
thing so  pleasing  in  the  sight  of  God,  so  sur- 
passing all  my  prayers  as  well  as  your  own,  or 
so  conducive  to  your  own  reputation,  as  to 
restore  peace. 

"  Do  not  ye  therefore  delay,  but  when  you 
have  come  together  with  all  that  sincerity 
and  fideHty  which  our  Saviour  demands  of  all 
His  servants,  almost  in  words  that  we  can  hear, 
endeavour  with  redoubled  eagerness  to  put 
a  fitting  end  to  these  dissensions. 

"  Nothing  shall  be  omitted  on  my  part  to  fur- 
ther the  interests  of  our  religion.  I  have  done  all 
that  you  recommended  in  your  letters.  I  have 
sent  to  those  bishops  whom  you  specified,  direct- 
ing them  to  repair  to  the  council  for  the  pur- 
pose of  deliberating  with  you  upon  ecclesiastical 
matters.  I  have  also  sent  Dionysius  ^,  a  man  of 
consular  rank,  to  counsel  those  who  are  to  sit 
in  synod  with  you,  and  to  be  himself  an  eye  wit- 
ness of  your  proceedings,  and  particularly  of  the 
order  and  regularity  that  is  maintained.  If  any 
one  should  dare  on  the  present  occasion  also  to 
disobey  our  coaimand,  and  refuse  to  come  to 
the  council,  which,  however,  I  do  not  anticipate, 
an  officer  will  be  despatched  immediately  to 
send  him  into  banishment  by  imperial  order, 
that  he  may  learn  not  to  oppose  the  decrees 
enacted  by  the  emperor  for  the  support  of  truth. 

'*  All  that  now  devolves  upon  your  holinesses 
is  to  decide  with  unanimous  judgment,  without 
partiality  or  prejudice,  in  accordance  with  the 
ecclesiastical  and  apostolical  rule,  and  to  devise 
suitable  remedies  for  the  ofi"ences  which  may 
have  resulted  from  error;  in  order  that  the 
Church  may  be  freed  from  all  reproach,  that  my 
anxiety  may  be  diminished,  that  peace  may  be 
restored  to  those  now  at  variance,  and  that  your 
renown  may  be  increased.  May  God  preserve 
you,  beloved  brethren." 


2  Athanasius  (Apol.  cont  Ar.  VI.  572)  describes  him  as  acting 
with  gross  partiaUty. 


The  bishops  accordingly  repaired  to  the 
council  of  Tyre.  Amongst  them  were  those 
who  were  accused  of  holding  heterodox  doc- 
trines ;  of  whom  Asclepas,  bishop  of  Gaza,  was 
one.  The  admirable  Athanasius  also  attended. 
I  shall  first  dwell  on  the  tragedy  of  the  accusa- 
tion, and  shall  then  relate  the  proceedings  of 
this  celebrated  tribunal. 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

The  Council  of  Tyre. 

Arsenius  was  a  bishop  of  the  Meletian  fac- 
tion. The  men  of  his  party  put  him  in  a  place  of 
concealment,  and  charged  him  to  remain  there 
as  long  as  possible.  They  then  cut  off  the  right 
hand  of  a  corpse,  embalmed  it,  placed  it  in 
a  wooden  case,  and  carried  it  about  everywhere, 
declaring  that  it  was  the  hand  of  Arsenius,  who 
had  been  murdered  by  Athanasius.  But  the 
all-seeing  eye  did  not  permit  Arsenius  to 
remain  long  in  concealment.  He  was  first 
seen  alive  in  Egypt ;  then  in  the  Thebaid ; 
afterwards  he  was  led  by  Divine  Providence  to 
Tyre,  where  the  hand  of  tragic  fame  was 
brought  before  the  council.  The  friends  of 
Athanasius  hunted  him  up,  and  brought  him 
to  an  inn,  where  they  compelled  him  to  lie  hid 
for  a  time.  Early  in  the  morning  the  great 
Athanasius  came  to  the  council. 

First  of  all  a  woman  of  lewd  life  was  brought 
in,  who  deposed  in  a  loud  and  impudent  manner 
that  she  had  vowed  perpetual  virginity,  but  that 
Athanasius,  who  had  lodged  in  her  house,  had 
violated  her  chastity.  After  she  had  made  her 
charge,  the  accused  came  forward,  and  with 
him  a  presbyter  worthy  of  all  praise,  by  name 
Timotheus.  The  court  ordered  Athanasius  to 
reply  to  the  indictment ;  but  he  was  silent,  as 
if  he  had  not  been  Athanasius.  Timotheus, 
however,  addressed  her  thus :  "  Have  I,  O 
woman,  ever  conversed  with  you,  or  have  I 
entered  your  house?"  She  replied  with  still 
greater  effrontery,  screaming  aloud  in  her  dis- 
pute with  Timotheus,  and,  pointing  at  him  with 
her  finger,  exclaimed,  "  It  was  you  who  robbed 
me  of  my  virginity ;  it  was  you  who  stripped 
me  of  my  chastity;"  adding  other  indelicate 
expressions  which  are  used  by  shameless  women. 
The  devisers  of  this  calumny  were  put  to 
shame,  and  all  the  bishops  who  were  privy  to 
it,  blushed. 

The  woman  was  now  being  led  out  of  the 
Court,  but  the  great  Athanasius  protested 
that  instead  of  sending  her  away  they  ought 
to  examine  her,  and  learn  the  name  of  the 
hatcher  of  the  plot.  Hereupon  his  accusers 
yelled  and  shouted  that  he  had  perpetrated 
other  viler  crimes,  of  which  it  was  utterly 
impossible  that  he  could  by  any  art  or  ingenuity 


I.  30.] 


OF  THEODORET. 


63 


be  cleared  ;  and  that  eyes,  not  ears,  would 
decide  on  the  evidence.  Having  said  this, 
they  exhibited  the  famous  box  and  exposed 
the  embalmed  hand  to  view.  At  this  sight 
all  the  spectators  uttered  a  loud  cry.  Some 
believed  the  accusation  to  be  true ;  the 
others  had  no  doubt  of  the  falsehood,  and 
thought  that  Arsenius  was  lurking  somewhere 
or  other  in  concealment.  When  at  length,  after 
some  difficulty,  a  little  silence  was  obtained,  the 
accused  asked  his  judges  whether  any  of  them 
knew  Arsenius.  Several  of  them  replying  that 
they  knew  him  well,  Athanasius  gave  orders 
that  he  should  be  brought  before  them.  Then 
he  again  asked  them,  "  Is  this  the  right 
Arsenius  ?  Is  this  the  man  I  murdered  ?  Is 
this  the  man  those  people  mutilated  after 
his  murder  by  cutting  off  his  right  hand  ? " 
When  they  had  confessed  that  it  was  the  same 
individual,  Athanasius  pulled  off  his  cloak,  and 
exhibited  two  hands,  both  the  right  and  the 
left,  and  said,  "  Let  no  one  seek  for  a  third 
hand,  for  man  has  received  two  hands  from  the 
Creator  and  no  more." 

Even  after  this  plain  proof  the  calumniators 
and  the  judges  who  were  privy  to  the  crime, 
instead  of  hiding  themselves,  or  praying  that 
the  earth  might  open  and  swallow  them  up, 
raised  an  uproar  and  commotion  in  the  assem- 
bly, and  declared  that  Athanasius  was  a  sorcerer, 
and  that  he  had  by  his  m*ical  incantations 
bewitched  the  eyes  of  men.  The  very  men 
who  a  moment  before  had  accused  him  of 
murder  now  strove  to  tear  him  in  pieces  and  to 
murder  him.  But  those  whom  the  emperor  had 
entrusted  with  the  preservation  of  order  saved 
the  life  of  Athanasius  by  dragging  him  away, 
and  hurrying  him  on  board  a  ship  ^ 

When  he  appeared  before  the  emperor,  he 
described  all  the  dramatic  plot  which  had  been 
got  up  to  ruin  him.  The  calumniators  sent  bi- 
shops attached  to  their  faction  into  Mareotis, 
viz.,  Theognis,  bishop  of  Nicaea,  Theodorus, 
bishop  of  Perinthus,  Maris,  bishop  of  Chal- 
cedon,  Narcissus  of  Cilicia^,  with  others  of  the 
same  sentiments.  Mareotis  is  a  district  near 
Alexandria,  and  derives  its  name  from  the  lake 
Maria  3.  Here  they  invented  other  falsehoods, 
and,  forging  the  reports  of  the  trial,  mixed  up  the 
charges  which  had  been  shown  to  be  false  with 
fresh  accusations,  as  if  they  had  been  true,  and 
despatched  them  to  the  emperor. 


*■  Here  comes  in  the  famous  scene  of  the  sudden  apparition 
of  Athanasius  belore  Constantine,  "The  Emperor  is  entering 
Constantinople  in  state.  A  small  figure  darts  across  his  path  in 
the  middle  of  the  square,  and  stops  his  horse.  The  Emperor, 
thunderstruck,  tries  to  pass  on  ;  he  cannot  guess  who  the  petitioner 
can  be.  It  is  Atlianasius,  who  comes  to  insist  on  justice,  when 
tiiought  to  be  leagues  away  at  the  Council  of  Tyre."  Stanley, 
Eastern  Church,  Lect.  VII. 

2  Bishop  of  Neronias,  or  Irenopolis.     Cf  p.  44,  note. 

3  Marea  or  Maria,  a  town  and  lake  of  Lower  Egypt,  giving  its 
name  to  the  district :  now  lake  Marrout. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Consecration  of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem. — 
Banishme^it  of  St.  Athanasius. 

All  the  bishops  who  were  present  at  the 
council  of  Tyre,  with  all  others  from  every 
quarter,  were  commanded  by  the  emperor  to 
proceed  to  ^lia'  to  consecrate  the  churches 
which  he  had  there  erected.  The  emperor 
despatched  also  a  number  of  officials  of  the 
most  kindly  disposition,  remarkable  for  piety 
and  fidelity,  whom  he  ordered  to  furnish 
abundant  supplies  of  provisions,  not  only  to 
the  bishops  and  their  followers,  but  to  the 
vast  multitudes  who  flocked  from  all  parts 
to  Jerusalem.  The  holy  altar  was  decorated 
with  imperial  hangings  and  with  golden  vessels 
set  with  gems.  When  the  splendid  festival  was 
concluded,  each  bishop  returned  to  his  own 
diocese.  The  emperor  was  highly  gratified 
when  informed  of  the  splendour  and  mag- 
nificence of  the  function,  and  blessed  the 
Author  of  all  good  for  having  thus  granted 
his  petition. 

Athanasius  having  complained  of  his  unjust 
condemnation,  the  emperor  commanded  the 
bishops  against  whom  this  complaint  was 
directed  to  present  themselves  at  court.  Upon 
their  arrival,  they  desisted  from  urging  any 
of  their  former  calumnies,  because  they  knew 
how  clearly  they  could  be  refuted;  but  they 
made  it  appear  that  Athanasius  had  threatened 
to  prevent  the  exportation  of  corn.  The 
emperor  believed  what  they  said,  and  banished 
him  to  a  city  of  Gaul  called  Treves  ^  This 
occurred  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  the  emperor's 
reign  3. 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

Will  of  the  blessed  Emperor  Constantine. 

A  YEAR  and  a  few  months  afterwards* 
the  emperor  was  taken  ill  at  Nicomedia,  a  city 
of  Bithynia,  and,  knowing  the  uncertainty  of 
human  life,  he  received  the  holy  rite  of  baptism  2, 
which  he  had  intended  to  have  deferred  until 
he  could  be  baptized  in  the  river  Jordan. 

He  left  as  heirs  of  the  imperial  throne  his 
three  sons,  Constantine,  Constantius,  and  Con- 
stans  3,  the  youngest. 

He  ordered  that  the  great  Athanasius  should 


1  .^lia  Capitolina,  the  name  given  to  Jerusalem  on  its  restoration 
by  (^lius)  Hadrianus. 

2  Augusta  Treverorum,  Treveri,  Trier,  or  Treves,  on  the 
Moselle,  was  now  the  official  Capital  of  Gaul. 

3  i.e.  A.D.  336. 

1  A.D.  337. 

2  At  the  hand  of  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia. 

3  Vide  Pedigree,  in  the  Prolegomena.  Constantine  II.  received 
Gaul,  Britain,  Spain,  and  a  part  of  Africa :  Constantius  the  East, 
and  Constans  lilyricum,  Italy,  and  the  rest  of  Africa.  In  340  Con- 
stans  defeated  his  brother,  who  was  slain  near  Aquileia,  and  becama 
master  of  the  West. 


64 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY   OF   THEODORET.       [I.  30. 


return  to  Alexandria,  and  expressed  this  de- 
cision in  the  presence  of  Eusebius,  who  did 
all  he  could  to  dissuade  him. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Apology  for    Consianfme. 

It  ought  not  to  excite  astonishment  that 
Constantine  was  so  far  deceived  as  to  send 
so  many  great  men  into  exile  ;  for  he  believed 
the  assertions  of  bishops  of  high  fame  and 
reputation,  who  skilfully  concealed  their  malice. 
Those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  Sacred 
Scriptures  know  tliat  the  holy  David,  although 
he  was  a  prophet,  was  deceived  ;  and  that  too 
not  by  a  priest,  but  by  one  who  was  a  menial, 
a  slave,  and  a  rascal.  I  mean  Ziba,  who 
deluded  the  king  by  lies  against  Mephibosheth, 
and  thus  obtained  his  land  \  It  is  not  to  con- 
demn the  prophet  that  I  thus  speak  ;  but  that 
I  may  defend  the  emperor,  by  showing  the 
weakness  of  human  nature,  and  to  teach  that 
credit  should  not  be  given  only  to  those  who 
advance  accusations,  even  though  they  may 
appear  worthy  of  credit ;  but  that  the  other 
party  ought  also  to  be  heard,  and  that  one  ear 
should  be  left  open  to  the  accused. 


I  Our  Author  is  of  the  same  opinion  as  Sir  George  Grove, 
as  against  Pro.essor  Blunt,  on  the  character  of  Mephibosheth. 
Diet.  Bib.  ii.  326. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

The  end  of  the  Holy  Emperor  Constantine, 

The  emperor  was  now  translated  from  his 
earthly  dominions  to  a  better  kingdom  ^ 

The  body  of  the  emperor  was  enclosed  in 
a  golden  coffin,  and  was  carried  to  Constan- 
tinople by  the  governors  of  the  provinces, 
the  military  commanders,  and  the  other  officers 
of  state,  preceded  and  followed  by  the  whole 
army,  all  bitterly  deploring  their  loss;  for  Con- 
stantine had  been  as  an  affectionate  father 
to  them  all.  The  body  of  the  emperor  was 
allowed  to  remain  in  the  palace  until  the 
arrival  of  his  sons,  and  high  honours  were 
rendered  to  it.  But  these  details  require  no 
description  here,  as  a  full  account  has  been 
given  by  other  writers.  From  their  works, 
which  are  easy  of  access,  may  be  learnt  how 
greatly  the  Ruler  of  all  honours  His  faithful 
servants.  If  any  one  should  be  tempted  to 
unbelief,  let  him  look  at  what  occurs  now  near 
the  tomb  and  the  statue  of  Constantine ",  and 
then  he  must  admit  the  truth  of  what  God 
has  said  in  the  Scriptures,  "  T/iein  that  Iiononr 
Me  I  will  honour^  and  they  that  despise  Me 
shall  be  lightly  esteemed'^.^'' 


^  Whitsunday,  a.d.  337. 

2  Valesius  explains  this  alhision  by  quoting  the  Arian  Philos- 
torgius  (ii.  17),  who  sayljlhat  "the  statue  of  Constantine,  standing 
on  its  porphyry  column,  was  honoured  with  sacrifices,  iUumina- 
tions,  and  incense."  The  accusation  of  idolatrous  worship  may  be 
disregarded.     Cf.  Chron.  Alex.  665,  667.  3  i  Sara.  ii.  30. 


IND  OF  THE  FIRST   BOOK 


BOOK   II. 


CHAPTER    I. 

Retiirji  of  St.  Athanasius, 

The  divine  Athanasius  returned  to  Alex- 
andria, after  having  remained  two  years  and 
four  montlis  at  Treves  ^  Constantine,  the 
eldest  son  of  Constantine  the  Great,  whose 
imperial  sway  extended  over  Western  Gaul, 
wrote  tlie  following  letter  to  the  church  of 
Alexandria. 

Epistle  of  the  Emperor  Constantine^  the  son  of 
Constanti7ie  the  Great,  to  the  Alexandrians. 

"  CoNSTANTiNus  C^SAR  to  the  people  of 
the  Catholic  Church  of  Alexandria. 

"  I  think  that  it  cannot  have  escaped  your 
pious  intelligence  that  Athanasius,  the  inter- 
preter of  the  venerated  law,  was  opportunely 
sent  into  Gaul,  in  order  that,  so  long  as  the 
savagery  of  these  bloodthirsty  opponents  was 
threatening  peril  to  his  sacred  head,  he  might 
be  saved  from  suffering  irremediable  wrongs. 
To  avoid  this  imminent  peril,  he  was  snatched 
from  the  jaws  of  his  foes,  to  remain  in  a  city 
under  my  jurisdiction,  where  he  might  be 
abundantly  supplied  with  every  necessary. 
Yet  the  greatness  of  his  virtue,  relying  on 
the  grace  of  God,  led  him  to  despise  all 
the  calamities  of  adverse  fortune.  Constantine, 
my  lord  and  my  father,  of  blessed  memory, 
intended  to  have  reinstated  him  in  his  former 
bishopric,  and  to  have  restored  him  to  your 
piety ;  but  as  the  emperor  was  arrested  by  the 
hand  of  death  before  his  desires  were  accom- 
plished, I,  being  his  heir,  have  deemed  it  fit- 
ting to  carry  into  execution  the  purpose  of 
this  sovereign  of  divine  memory.  You  will 
learn  from  your  bishop  himself,  when  you  see 
him,  with  how  much  respect  I  have  treated 

I  From  Feb.  336  to  June  338.  The  "Porta  Nigra"  and 
the  ruins  of  the  Baths  still  shew  relics  of  the  splendour  of  the 
imperial  city.  The  exile  was  generously  treated.  Maximinus, 
the  bishop  of  Treves,  was  orthodox  and  friendly.  (Ath.  ad  Episc. 
yEgypt.  \  8.)  On  the  conclusion  of  the  term  of  his  relegation  to 
Treves  Constantine  II.  took  him  in  the  imperial  suite  to  Vimina- 
cium,  a  town  on  the  Danube,  not  far  from  the  modern  Passarovitz. 
Here  the  three  emperors  met.  Athanasius  continued  his  journey 
to  Alexandria  via  Constantinople  and  the  Cappadocian  Caesarea. 
(Alh.  Hist.  Ar.\^  and  Apol.  ad  Const.  \  5.) 

VOL.  III.  I 


him.  Nor  indeed  is  it  surprising  that  he 
should  have  been  thus  treated  by  me.  I  was 
moved  to  this  line  of  conduct  by  his  own  great 
virtue,  and  the  thought  of  your  affectionate 
longing  for  his  return.  May  Divine  Providence 
watch  over  you,  beloved  brethren  !  " 

Furnished  with  this  letter,  St.  Athanasius 
returned  ^  from  exile,  and  was  most  gladly  wel- 
comed both  by  the  rich  and  by  the  poor,  by 
the  inhabitants  of  cities,  and  by  those  of  the 
provinces.  The  followers  of  the  madness  of 
Arius  were  the  only  persons  who  felt  any 
vexation  at  his  return.  Eusebius,  Theognis, 
and  those  of  their  faction  resorted  to  their 
former  machinations,  and  endeavoured  to  pre- 
judice the  ears  of  the  young  emperor  against 
him. 

I  shall  now  proceed  to  relate  in  what  man- 
ner Constantius  swerved  from  the  doctrines 
of  the  Apostles. 

CHAPTER  II. 

Declension  of  the  Emperor  Constantius 
from  the  true  Faith. 

CoNSTANTiA,  the  widow  of  Licinius,  was  the 
half-sister  of  Constantine  ^  She  was  intimately 
acquainted  with  a  certain  priest  who  had  im- 
bibed the  doctrines  of  Arius.  He  did  not  openly 
acknowledge  his  unsoundness  ;  but,  in  the  fre- 
quent conversations  which  he  had  with  her, 
he  did  not  refrain  from  declaring  that  Arius 
had  been  unjustly  calumniated.  After  the 
death  of  her  impious  husband,  the  renowned 
Constantine  did  everything  in  his  power  to 
solace  her,  and  strove  to  prevent  her  from 
experiencing  the  saddest  trials  of  widowhood. 
He  attended  her  also  in  her  last  illness  2,  and 
rendered  her  every  proper  attention.  She 
then  presented  the  priest  whom  I  mentioned 
to  the  emperor,  and  entreated  him  to  receive 


2  In  Nov.  338.  H'.s  clergy  thought  it  the  happiest  day  of  their 
lives.     Ath.  Ap.  Coni.  Ar.  \  7. 

1  Vide  Pedigree.  Phllostorgius  (ii.  t6)  said  the  will  was  given 
to  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia.  Valesius  (on  Soc.  i.  25)  thinks  that 
if  the  story  had  been  true  Athanasius  would  have  recorded  it, 
with  the  name  of  the  Presbyter. 

2  A.D.  327 — 328. 


66 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[II.  2. 


him  under  his  protection.  Constantine  acceded 
to  her  request,  and  soon  after  fulfilled  his 
promise.  But  though  the  priest  was  permitted 
the  utmost  freedom  of  speech,  and  was  most 
honourably  treated,  he  did  not  venture  to  re- 
veal his  corrupt  principles,  for  he  observed  the 
firmness  with  which  the  emperor  adhered  to 
the  truth.  When  Constantine  was  on  the 
point  of  being  translated  to  an  eternal  king- 
dom, he  drew  up  a  will,  in  which  he  directed 
that  his  temporal  dominions  should  be  divided 
among  his  sons.  None  of  them  was  with 
him  when  he  was  dying,  so  he  entrusted  the 
.Avill  to  this  priest  alone,  and  desired  him  to 
give  it  to  Constantius,  who,  being  at  a  shorter 
distance  from  the  spot  than  his  brothers,  was 
expected  to  arrive  the  first.  These  directions 
the  priest  executed,  and  thus  by  putting  the 
will  into  his  hands,  became  known  to  Con- 
stantius, who  accepted  him  as  an  intimate 
friend,  and  commanded  him  to  visit  him  fre- 
quently. Perceiving  the  weakness  of  Con- 
stantius, whose  mind  was  like  reeds  driven 
to  and  fro  by  the  wind,  he  became  embold- 
ened to  declare  war  against  the  doctrines  of 
the  gospel.  He  loudly  deplored  the  stormy 
state  of  the  churches,  and  asserted  it  to  be  due 
to  those  who  had  introduced  the  unscriptural 
word  " consubstantial"  into  the  confession  of 
faith,  and  that  all  the  disputes  among  the 
clergy  and  the  laity  had  been  occasioned  by 
it.  He  calumniated  Athanasius  and  all  who 
coincided  in  his  opinions,  and  formed  de- 
signs for  their  destruction,  being  used  as 
their  fellow  worker  by  Eusebius  3,  Theognis,  and 
Theodorus,  bishop  of  Perinthus. 

The  last-named,  whose  see  is  generally  known 
by  the  name  of  Heraclea,  was  a  man  of  great 
erudition,  and  had  written  an  exposition  of 
the  Holy  Scriptures  4. 

These  bishops  resided  near  the  emperor, 
and  frequently  visited  him ;  they  assured  him 
that  the  return  of  Athanasius  from  banishment 
had  occasioned  many  evils,  and  had  excited 
a  tempest  which  had  shaken  not  only  Egypt, 
but  also  Palestine,  Phoenicia,  and  the  adjacent 
countries  s, 

CHAPTER   III. 

Second  Exile  of  St.  Athanasius. — Ordination 

and  Death  of  Gregorius. 
With  these  and  similar  arguments,  the  bi- 
shops assailed  the  weak-minded  emperor,  and 
persuaded  him  to   expel  Athanasius  from  his 


3  Of  Nicomedia,  now  tranferred  to  the  see  of  Constantinople. 

4  Vide  note  on  p.  6i. 

5  The  ground  of  objection  to  the  return  was  (i)  that  Athanasius 
had  been  condemned  by  a  Council— that  of  Tyre,  and  (i;)  thiat  he 
was  restored  by  the  authority  of  the  state  alone.  The  first  inten- 
tion was  to  get  tiie  Arian  Pistus  advanced  to  the  patriarchate. 


church.  But  Athanasius  obtained  timely  inti- 
mation of  their  design,  and  departed  to  tlie 
west  ^  The  friends  of  Eusebius  had  sent 
false  accusations  against  him  to  Julius,  who 
was  then  bishop  of  Rome  2.  In  obedience  to 
the  laws  of  the  church,  Julius  summoned  the 
accusers  and  the  accused  to  Rome,  that  the 
cause  might  be  tried  3.  Athanasius,  accordingly, 
set  out  for  Rome,  but  the  calumniators  refused 
to  go  because  they  saw  that  their  falsehood 
would  easily  be  detected  1  But  perceiving  that 
the  flock  of  Athanasius  was  left  v/ithout  a 
pastor,  they  appointed  over  it  a  wolf  instead 
of  a  shepherd.  Gregorius,  for  this  was  his  name, 
surpassed  the  wild  beasts  in  his  deeds  of 
cruelty  towards  the  flock  :  but  at  the  expira- 
tion of  six  years  he  was  destroyed  by  the 
sheep  themselves.  Athanasius  went  to  Con- 
stans  (Constantine,  the  eldest  brother,  having 
fallen  in  battle),  and  complained  of  the  plots 
laid  against  him  by  the  Arian s,  and  of  their 
opposition  to  the  apostolical  faith  s.  He 
reminded  him  of  his  father,  and  how  he 
attended  in  person  the  great  and  famous 
council  which  he  had  summoned ;  how  he 
was  present  at  its  debates,  took  part  in 
framing  its  decrees,  and  confirmed  them 
by  law.  The  emperor  was  moved  to  emu- 
lation by  his  father's  zeal,  and  promptly 
wrote  to  his  brother,  exhorting  him  to  pre- 
serve inviolate  the  religion  of  their  father, 
which  they  had  inherited;  "for,"  he  urged, 
"  by  piety  he  made  his  empire  great,  destroyed 
the  tyrants  of  Rome,  and  subjugated  the  foreie'n 
nations  on  every  side."  Constantius  was  led 
by  this  letter  to  summon  the  bishops  from 
the  east  and  from  the  west  to  Sardica^,  a  city 
of  Illyricum,  and  the  metropolis  of  Dacia,  that 
they  might  deliberate  on  the  means  of  removing 


1  Easter,  a.d.  340.  The  condemnation  was  confirmed  at  the 
Council  of  Antioch,  A. D.  341. 

2  They  were  met  by  a  deputation  of  Athanasians,  bringing 
the  encyclical  of  the  Egyptian  Bishops  in  favour  of  the  accused. 
Apol.  Cont.  Ar.\T,. 

3  On  the  bearing  of  these  communications  witli  Rome  on  the 
question  of  Papal  jurisdiction,  vide  Salmon,  Infallibility  of  the 
Church,  p.  405.  Cf.  Wladimir  Guettee,  Histoire  de  VEglise,  III. 
p.  112. 

4  The  innocence  of  Athanasius  was  vindicated  at  the  Council 
held  at  Rome  in  Nov.  a.d.  341. 

5  For  the  violent  resentment  of  the  Alexandrian  Church  at 
the  obtrusion  of  Gregorius,  an  Ultra-Arian,  and  apparently  an 
illustration  of  the  old  proverb  of  the  three  bad  Kappas,  "  KaTrn-a- 
So/ce9,  Kprjres,  KiAi/ces,  rpta  Kanna  KaKiaTa,"  for  he  was  a  Cap- 
padocian — vide  Ath.  Encyc.  3,  4,  Hist.  Ar.  10.  The  sequence 
of  events  is  not  without  difficulty,  and  our  author  gives  here  little 
help.  Athanasius  was  in  Alexandria  in  the  spring  of  340,  when 
Gregorius  made  his  entry,  and  started  for  Rome  at  or  about  Easter. 
Constantine  II.  was  defeated  and  slain  by  the  troops  of  his  brother 
Constans,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Aquileia,  and  his  corpse  found 
in  the  river  Alsa,  in  April,  340.  Athanasius  remained  at  Rome  till 
the  summer  of  343,  when  he  was  summoned  to  Milan  by  Constans 
(^Ap.  ad  Const.  3,  4). 

Results  of  his  visit  to  Rome  were  the  adherence  of  Latin  Chris- 
tianity to  the  orthodox  opinion  (Cf.  Milman,  Hist,  of  Lat. 
Christianity ,  vol.  i.  p.  78),  and  the  introduction  of  Monachism  into 
the  West.     Vide  Robertson's  Ch.  Hist.  ii.  6. 

6  Now  Sophia,  in  Bulgaria.  The  centre  of  Mcesia  was  called 
Dacia  Cis-Danubiana,  when  the  tract  conquered  by  Trajan  was 
abandoned. 


II.  6.] 


OF  THEODORET. 


07 


the  other  troubles  of  the  church,  which  were 
many  and  pressing. 

CHAPTER  IV. 
Paidiis^  Bishop  of  Constantinople. 

Paulus  ^,  bishop  of  Constantinople,  who 
faithfully  maintained  orthodox  doctrines,  was 
accused  by  the  unsound  Arians  of  exciting  sedi- 
tions, and  of  such  other  crimes  as  they  usually 
laid  to  the  charge  of  all  those  who  preached 
true  piety.  The  people,  who  feared  the 
machinations  of  his  enemies,  would  not  permit 
him  to  go  to  Sardica.  The  Arians,  taking 
advantage  of  the  weakness  of  the  emperor, 
procured  from  him  an  edict  of  banishment 
against  Paulus,  who  was,  accordingly,  sent  to 
Cucusus,  a  little  town  formerly  included  in 
Cappadocia,  but  now  in  Lesser  Armenia.  But 
these  disturbers  of  the  public  peace  were  not 
satisfied  with  having  driven  the  admirable 
Paulus  into  a  desert.  They  sent  the  agents  of 
their  cruelty  to  despatch  him  by  a  violent 
death.  St.  Athanasius  testifies  to  this  fact  in 
the  defence  which  he  wrote  of  his  own  flight. 
He  uses  the  following  words  ^:  **  They  pur- 
sued Paulus,  bishop  of  Constantinople,  and 
having  seized  him  at  Cucusus,  a  city  of  Cappa- 
■docia,  they  had  him  strangled,  using  as  their 
executioner  Philippus  the  prefect,  who  was  the 
protector  of  their  heresy,  and  the  active  agent 
of  their  most  atrocious  projects  3." 

Such  were  the  murders  to  which  the  blas- 
phemy of  Arius  gave  rise.  Their  mad  rage 
against  the  Only-begotten  was  matched  by 
cruel  deeds  against  His  servants. 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Heresy  of  Macedonius. 

The  Arians,  having  eff"ected  the  death  of 
Paulus,  or  rather  having  despatched  him  to  the 
kingdom  of  heaven,  promoted  Macedonius  ^  in 
his  place,  who,  they  imagined,  held  the  same 
sentiments,  and  belonged  to  the  same  faction 
as  themselves,  because  he,  like  them,  blas- 
phemed the  Holy  Ghost.  But,  shortly  after, 
they  deposed  him  also,  because  he  refused  to 
call  Him  a  creature  Whom  the  Holy  Scriptures 


affirm  to  be  the  Son  of  God.  After  his  separ- 
ation from  them,  he  became  the  leader  of 
a  sect  of  his  own.  He  taught  that  the  Son 
of  God  is  not  of  the  same  substance  as  the 
Father,  but  that  He  is  like  Him  in  every 
particular.  He  also  openly  affirmed  that  the 
Holy  Ghost  is  a  creature.  These  circum- 
stances occurred  not  long  afterwards  as  we 
have  narrated  them. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Council  held  at  Sardica. 

Two  hundred  and  fifty  bishops  assembled  at 
Sardica',  as  is  proved  by  ancient  records.  The 
great  Atha^jasius,  Asclepas,  bishop  of  Gaza, 
already  mentioned  2,  and  Marcellus3,  bishop 
of  Ancyra,  the  metropolis  of  Galatia,  who  also 
held  this  bishopric  at  the  time  of  the  council  of 
Nicaea,  all  repaired  thither.  The  calumniators, 
and  the  chiefs  of  the  Arian  faction,  who  had 
previously  judged  the  cause  of  Athanasius, 
also  attended.  But  when  they  found  that 
the  members  of  the  synod  were  staunch  in 
their  adherence  to  sound  doctrine,  they  would 
not  even  enter  the  council,  although  they  had 
been  summoned  to  it,  but  fled  away,  both 
accusers  and  judges.  AH  these  circumstances 
are  far  more  clearly  explained  in  a  letter  drawn 
up  by  the  council ;  and  I  shall  therefore  now 
insert  it 

Sy  nodical  Letter  from  the  Bishops  assa7ibled  at 
Sardica^  addressed  to  the  other  Bishops. 

"  The  holy  council  assembled  at  Sardica, 
from  Rome,  Spain,  Gaul,  Italy,  Campania, 
Calabria,  Africa,  Sardinia,  Pannonia,  Moesia, 
Dacia,  Dardania,  Lesser  Dacia,  Macedonia, 
Thessaly,  Achaia,  Epirus,  Thrace,  Rhodope, 
Asia,  Caria,  Bithynia,  the  Hellespont,  Phrygia, 
Pisidia,  Cappadocia,  Pontus,  the  lesser  Phry- 
gia, Cilicia,  Pamphylia,  Lydia,  the  Cyclades, 
Egypt,  the  Thebaid,  Libya,  Galatia,  Palestine 
and  Arabia,  to  the  bishops  throughout  the  world, 
our  fellow-ministers  in  the  catholic  and  apostolic 
Church,  and  our  beloved  brethren  in  the  Lord. 
Peace  be  unto  you. 

"  The  madness  of  the  Arians  has  often  led 
them  to  the  perpetration  of  violent  atrociti.es 


«  A  native  of  Thessalonica ;  he  had  been  secretary  to  his  pre 

•decessor  Alexander. 

2  Ath.  de  fug.  \  3.    Cf.  Hist.  Ar.  ad Mon.  7. 

3  Flavins  Philippus,  praetorian  prsefect  of  the  East,  is  described 
by  Socrates  (II.  16),  as  Sevrepos  /oiera  ^a<riAea.  Paulus  was 
removed  from  Constantinople  in'  342,  and  not  slain  till  350.  Phi- 
lippus died  in  disappointment  and  misery.  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv. 
356. 

I  On  the  vicissitudes  of  the  see  of  Constantinople,  after  the 
<leath  of  Alexander,  in  a.d.  336,  vide  Soc.  ii.  6  and  Soz.  iii.  3. 
Paulus  was  murdered  in  350  or  351,  and  the  "shortly  after"  of  the 
text  means  nine  years,  Macedonius  being  replaced  by  Eudoxius 
of  Antioch,  in  360.  On  how  far  the  heresy  of  the  ''Pneumato- 
machi,"  called  Macedonianism,  was  really  due  to  the  teaching 
of  Macedonius,  vide  Robertson's  Chitrch  Hist.  II.  iv.  for  reff. 


1  The  Council  met  in  343,  according  to  Hefele;  344,  accord- 
ing to  Mansi,  on  the  authority  of  the  Festal  Letters  of  Athanasius. 
Summoned  by  both  Emperors,  it  was  presided  over  by  Hosius. 
The  accounts  of  the  numbers  present  vary.  Some  authorities 
adhere  to  the  traditional  date,  347.     Soc.  ii.  20  ;  Soz.  iii.  11. 

2  Vide  I.  xxvii. 

3  Perhaps  present  at  the  Synod  of  Ancyra  (Angora),  in  a.d. 
315.  Died,  A.D.  374.  Marcellus  played  the  man  at  Nicsea,  and 
was  accused  by  the  Arians  of  Sabellianism,  and  deposed.^  He  was 
distrusted  as  a  trimmer,  but  could  boast  "se  communione  Julii 
et  Athanasii,  Romanse  et  Alexandrinse  urbis  pontificum,  esse  muni- 
tum"  {Jer.  de  vir.  ill.  c.  86).  Cardinal  Newman  thinks  Athanasius 
attacked  him  in  the  IVth  Oration  against  the  Arians.  Vide  Diet. 
Christ.  Biog.  iii.  808. 


F  2 


68 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[II.  6. 


against  the  servants  of  God  who  keep  the  true 
faith  ;  they  introduce  false  doctrines  themselves, 
and  persecute  those  who  uphold  orthodox  prin- 
ciples. So  violent  were  their  attacks  on  the 
faith,  that  they  reached  the  ears  of  our  most 
pious  emperors.  Through  the  co-operation  of 
the  grace  of  God,  the  emperors  have  summoned 
us  from  different  provinces  and  cities  to  the  holy 
council  which  they  have  appointed  to  be  held  in 
the  city  of  Sardica,  in  order  that  all  dissensions 
may  be  terminated,  all  evil  doctrines  expelled, 
and  the  religion  of  Christ  alone  maintained 
amongst  all  people.  Some  bishops  from  the 
east  have  attended  the  council  at  the  solicitation 
of  our  most  religious  emperors,  principally  on 
account  of  the  reports  circulated  against  our  be- 
loved brethren  and  fellow-ministers,  Athanasius, 
bishop  of  Alexandria,  Marcellus,  bishop  of 
Ancyra  in  Galatia,  and  Asclepas,  bishop  of 
Gaza.  Perhaps  the  calumnies  of  the  Arians 
have  already  reached  you,  and  they  have  en- 
deavoured thus  to  forestall  the  council,  and 
make  you  believe  their  groundless  accusations 
of  the  innocent,  and  prevent  any  suspicion 
being  raised  of  the  depraved  heresy  which  they 
uphold.  But  they  have  not  long  been  permitted 
so  to  act.  The  Lord  is  the  Protector  of  the 
churches ;  for  them  and  for  us  all  He  suffered 
death,  and  opened  for  us  the  way  to  heaven. 

"The  adherents  of  Eusebius  Maris,  Theo- 
dorus,  Theognis,  Ursacius,  Valens,  Menophan- 
tus,  and  Stephanus,  had  already  written  to 
Julius,  the  bishop  of  Rome,  and  our  fellow- 
minister,  against  our  aforesaid  fellow-ministers, 
Athanasius,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  Marcellus, 
bishop  of  Ancyra  in  Galatia,  and  Asclepas, 
bishop  of  Gaza.  Some  bishops  of  the  op- 
posite party  wrote  also  to  Julius,  testifying 
to  the  innocence  of  Athanasius,  and  proving 
that  all  that  had  been  asserted  by  the  followers 
of  Eusebius  was  nothing  more  than  lies  and 
slander.  The  refusal  of  the  Arians  to  obey  the 
summons  of  our  beloved  brother  and  fellow- 
ruler,  Julius,  and  also  the  letter  written  by  that 
bishop,  clearly  prove  the  falseness  of  their  accu- 
sation. For,  had  they  believed  that  what  they 
had  done  and  represented  against  our  fellow- 
minister  admitted  of  justification,  they  would 
have  gone  to  Rome.  But  their  mode  of  proce- 
dure in  this  great  and  holy  council  is  a  mani- 
fest proof  of  their  fraud.  Upon  their  arrival 
at  Sardica,  they  perceived  that  our  brethren, 
Athanasius,  Marcellus,  Asclepas,  and  others, 
were  there  also;  they  were  therefore  afraid  to 
come  to  the  test,  although  they  had  been  sum- 
moned, not  once  or  twice  only,  but  repeatedly. 
There  were  they  waited  for  by  the  assembled 
bishops,  particularly  by  the  venerable  Hosius, 
one  worthy  of  all  honour  and  respect,  on 
account  of  his  advanced  age,  his  adherence 


to  the  faith,  and  his  labours  for  the  church. 
All  urged  them  to  join  the  assembly  and  avail 
themselves  of  the  opportunity  of  proving,  in 
the  presence  of  their  fellow-ministers,  the 
truth  of  the  charges  they  had  brought  against 
them  in  their  absence,  both  by  word  and 
by  letter.  But  they  refused  to  obey  the 
summons,  as  we  have  already  stated,  and  so 
by  their  excesses  proved  the  falsity  of  their 
statements,  and  all  but  proclaimed  aloud  the 
plot  and  schemes  they  had  formed.  Men 
confident  of  the  truth  of  their  assertions  are 
always  ready  to  stand  to  them  openly.  But 
as  these  accusers  would  not  appear  to  sub- 
stantiate what  they  had  advanced,  any  future 
allegations  which  they  may  by  their  usual 
artifices  bring  against  our  fellow-ministers,  will 
only  be  regarded  as  proceeding  from  a  desire 
of  slandering  them  in  their  absence,  without 
the  courage  to  confront  them  openly. 

*'  They  fled,  beloved  brethren,  not  only  be- 
cause their  charges  were  slander,  but  also  be- 
cause they  saw  men  arrive  with  serious  and  mani- 
fold accusations  against  themselves.  Chains 
and  fetters  were  produced.  Some  were  present 
whom  they  had  exiled  :  others  came  forward 
as  representatives  of  those  still  kept  in  exile. 
There  stood  relations  and  friends  of  men  whom 
they  had  put  to  death.  Most  serious  of  all, 
bishops  also  appeared,  one  of  whom  4  exhibited 
the  irons  and  the  chains  with  which  they  had 
laden  him.  Others  testified  that  death  followed 
their  false  charges.  For  their  infatuation  had 
led  them  so  far  as  even  to  attempt  the 
life  of  a  bishop ;  and  he  would  have  been 
killed  had  he  not  escaped  from  their  hands. 
Theodulus  5,  our  fellow-minister,  of  blessed  me- 
mory, passed  hence  with  their  calumny  on  his 
name  ;  for,  through  it,  he  had  been  condemned 
to  death.  Some  showed  the  wounds  which 
had  been  inflicted  on  them  by  the  sword  ; 
others  deposed  that  they  had  been  exposed 
to  the  miseries  of  famine. 

*'  All  these  depositions  were  made,  not  by  a 
few  obscure  individuals,  but  by  whole  churches  ;, 
the  presbyters  of  these  churches  giving  evi- 
dence that  the  persecutors  had  armed  the 
military  against  them  with  swords,  and  the 
common  people  with  clubs ;  had  employed 
judicial  threats,  and  produced  spurious  docu- 
ments. The  letters  written  by  Theognis,. 
for  the  purpose  of  prejudicing  the  emperor 
against  our  fellow-ministers,  Athanasius,  Mar- 
cellus, and  Asclepas,  were  read  and  attested 
by  those  who  had  formerly  been  the  deacons 


4  Probably  Lucius,  Bishop  of  Hadrianople,  who  had  been 
deposed  by  the  Arians,  and  appealed  to  Julius,  who  wished  to- 
right  him.  Still  kept  out  by  the  Arians,  he  appealed  to  the 
Council  of  Sardica,  and,  in  accordance  with  its  decree,  Constantius- 
ordered  his  restoration  (Soc.  ii.  26).     Cf.  Chap.  XII. 

5  Bishop  of  Trajanopolis  (Ath.  Hist.  Ar.  19). 


II.  6.1 


OF   THEODORET. 


69 


of  Theognis.  It  was  also  proved  that  they 
had  stripped  virgins  naked,  had  burnt  churches, 
and  imprisoned  our  fellow-ministers,  and  all 
because  of  the  infamous  heresy  .of  the  Ario- 
maniacs.  For  thus  all  who  refused  to  make 
common  cause  with  them  were  treated. 

"  The  consciousness  of  having  committed  all 
these  crimes  placed  them  in  great  straits. 
Ashamed  of  their  deeds,  which  could  no  longer 
be  concealed,  they  repaired  to  Sardica,  think- 
ing that  their  boldness  in  venturing  thither 
would  remove  all  suspicion  of  their  guilt.  But 
when  they  perceived  the  presence  of  those 
whom  they  had  falsely  accused,  and  of  those  who 
had  suffered  from  their  cruelty ;  and  that  like- 
wise several  had  come  with  irrefragable  accu- 
sations against  them,  they  would  not  enter  the 
council.  Our  fellow-ministers,  on  the  other 
hand,  Athanasius,  Marcellus,  and  Asclepas, 
took  every  means  to  induce  them  to  attend,  by 
tears,  by  urgency,  by  challenge,  promising  not 
only  to  prove  the  falsity  of  their  accusations,  but 
also  to  show  how  deeply  they  had  injured  their 
own  churches.  But  they  were  so  overwhelmed 
by  the  consciousness  of  their  own  evil  deeds, 
that  they  took  to  flight,  and  by  this  flight 
clearly  proved  the  falsity  of  their  accusations, 
as  well  as  their  own  guilt. 

"  But  though  their  calumny  and  perfidy,  which 
had  indeed  been  apparent  from  the  beginning, 
were  now  clearly  perceived,  yet  we  determined 
to  examine  the  circumstances  of  the  case 
according  to  the  laws  of  truth,  lest  they  should, 
from  their  very  flight,  derive  pretexts  for  re- 
newed acts  of  deceitfulness. 

"  Upon  carrying  this  resolution  into  effect, 
we  proved  by  their  actions  that  they  were  false 
accusers,  and  that  they  had  formed  plots 
against  our  fellow-ministers.  Arsenius,  whom 
they  declared  had  been  put  to  death  by  Atha- 
nasius, is  still  alive,  and  takes  his  place  among 
the  living.  This  fact  alone  is  sufficient  to 
show  that  their  other  allegations  are  false. 

"Although  they  spread  a  report  everywhere 
that  a  chalice  had  been  broken  by  Macarius, 
one  of  the  presbyters  of  Athanasius,  yet  those 
who  came  trom  Alexandria,  from  Mareotis,  and 
from  other  places,  testified  that  this  was  not 
the  fact;  and  the  bishops  in  Egypt  wrote  to 
Julius,  our  fellow-mmister,  declaring  that  there 
was  not  the  least  suspicion  that  such  a  deed 
had  been  done.  The  judicial  facts  which  the 
Arians  assert  they  possess  against  Macarius 
have  been  all  drawn  up  by  one  party ;  and 
in  these  documents  the  depositions  of  pagans 
and  of  catechumens  were  included.  One  of 
these  catechumens,  when  interrogated,  replied 
that  he  was  in  the  church  on  the  entry  of 
Macarius.  Another  deposed  that  Ischyras, 
wnom   they  had   talked  about  so   much,  was 


then  lying  ill  in  his  cell.  Hence  it  appears 
that  the  mysteries  could  not  have  been  cele- 
brated at  that  time,  as  the  catechumens  were 
present,  and  as  Ischyras  was  absent ;  for  he  was 
at  that  very  time  confined  by  illness.  Ischyras, 
that  wicked  man  who  had  falsely  affirmed  that 
Athanasius  had  burnt  some  of  the  sacred  books, 
and  had  been  convicted  of  the  crime,  now 
confessed  that  he  was  ill  in  bed  when  Macarius 
arrived ;  hence  the  falsehood  of  his  accusation 
was  clearly  demonstrated.  His  calumny  was, 
however,  rewarded  by  his  party ;  they  gave 
him  the  title  of  a  bishop,  although  he  was  not 
yet  even  a  presbyter,  i  or  two  presbyters  came 
to  the  synod,  who  some  time  back  had  been 
attached  to  Meletius,  and  were  afterwards  re- 
ceived back  by  the  blessed  Alexander,  bishop 
of  Alexandria,  and  are  now  with  Athanasius, 
protesting  that  he  had  never  been  ordained 
a  presbyter,  and  that  Meletius  had  never  had 
any  church,  or  employed  any  minister  in 
Mareotis.  Yet,  although  he  had  never  been 
ordained  a  presbyter,  they  promote  him  to 
a  bishopric,  in  order  that  his  title  may  impose 
upon  those  who  hear  his  false  accusations  ^. 

"  The  writings  of  our  fellow-minister,  Mar- 
cellus, were  also  read,  and  plainly  evinced  the 
duplicity  of  the  adherents  of  Eusebius;  for 
what  Marcellus  had  simply  suggested  as  a 
point  of  inquiry,  they  accused  him  of  professing 
as  a  point  of  faith.  The  statements  which  he 
had  made,  both  before  and  after  the  inquiry, 
were  read,  and  his  faith  was  proved  to  be 
orthodox.  He  did  not  affirm,  as  they  repre- 
sented, that  the  beginning  of  the  Word  of  God 
was  dated  from  His  conception  by  the  holy 
Mary,  or  that  His  kingdom  would  have  an 
end.  On  the  contrary,  he  wrote  that  His  king- 
dom had  had  no  beginning,  and  would  have  no 
end.  Asclepas,  our  fellow-minister,  produced 
the  reports  drawn  up  at  Antioch  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  accusers,  and  of  Eusebius,  bishop 
of  Caesarea,  and  proved  his  innocence  by  the 
sentence  of  the  bishops  who  had  presided  as 
judges. 

"  It  was  not  then  without  cause,  beloved 
brethren,  that,  although  so  frequently  sum- 
moned, they  would  not  attend  the  council; 
it  was  not  without  cause  that  they  took  to 
flight.  The  reproaches  of  conscience  con- 
strained them  to  make  their  escape,  and  thus, 
at  the  same  time,  to  demonstrate  the  ground- 
lessness of  their  calumnies,  and  the  truth  of 
those  accusations  which  were   advanced   and 


6  The  strange  story  of  Ischyras  is  gathered  from  notices  in  the 
Apol.  c.  Arian.  Without  ordination,  he  started  a  small  con- 
venticle of  some  half-dozen  people,  and  the  Alexandrian  Synod 
ot  324  condemned  his  pretensions.  The  incident  of  the  text  may 
be  assigned  to  329.  He  alterwards  faced  both  ways,  to  Athanasius 
and  the  Eusebians,  and  was  recognised  by  them  as  a  bishot. 
Diet.  Christ,  l^iog.  iii.  S02. 


70 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[II.  6. 


proved  against  them.  Besides  all  the  other 
grounds  of  complaint,  it  may  be  added  that  all 
those  who  had  been  accused  of  holding  the 
Arian  heresy,  and  had  been  ejected  in  conse- 
quence, were  not  only  received,  but  advanced 
to  the  highest  dignities  by  them.  They  raised 
deacons  to  the  presbyterate,  and  thence  to  the 
episcopate ;  and  in  all  this  they  were  actuated 
by  no  other  motive  than  the  desire  of  propa- 
gating and  diffusing  their  heresy,  and  of  cor- 
rupting the  true  faith. 

*'  Next  to  Eusebius,  the  following  are  their 
principal  leaders ;  Theodorus,  bishop  of  Hera- 
clea,  Narcissus,  bishop  of  Neronias  in  Cilicia, 
Stephanus, bishop  of  Antioch,  Georgius 7,  bishop 
of  Laodicea,  Acacius^,  bishop  of  Csesarea  in 
Palestine,  Menophantus,  bishop  of  Ephesus 
in  Asia,  Ursacius,  bishop  of  Singidunura  9  in 
Moesia,  and  Valens,  bishop  of  Mursa  ^°  in  Pan- 
nonia.  These  bishops  forbade  those  who  came 
with  them  from  the  east  to  attend  the  holy 
council,  or  to  unite  with  the  Church  of  God. 
On  their  road  to  Sardica  they  held  private  as- 
semblies at  different  places,  and  formed  a  com 
pact  cemented  by  threats,  that,  when  they 
arrived  in  Sardica,  they  would  not  join  the  holy 
council,  nor  assist  at  its  deliberations ;  arrang- 
ing that,  as  soon  as  they  had  arrived  they 
should  present  themselves  for  form's  sake,  and 
forthwith  betake  themselves  to  flight.  These 
facts  were  made  known  to  us  by  our  fellow- 
ministers,  Macarius  of  Palestine",  and  Asterius 
of  Arabia  ^%  who  came  with  them  to  Sardica, 
but  refused  to  share  their  unorthodoxy.  These 
bishops  complained  before  the  holy  council  of 
the  violent  treatment  they  had  received  from 
them,  and  of  the  want  of  right  principles 
evinced  in  all  their  transactions.  They  added 
that  there  were  many  amongst  them  who  still 
held  orthodox  opinions,  but  that  these  were 
prevented  from  going  to  the  council ;  and 
that  sometimes  threats,  sometimes  promises, 
were  resorted  to,  in  order  to  retain  them  in 
that  party.  For  this  reason  they  were  com- 
pelled to  reside  together  in  one  house ;  and 
never  allowed,  even  for  the  shortest  space  of 
time,  to  be  alone. 

''It  is  not  right  to  pass  over  in  silence  and 
without   rebuke  the  calumnies,  the  imprison- 

7  Georgius  succeeded  the  Arian  Theodotus,  of  whom  mention 
has  already  been  made  (p.  42),  in  the  see  of  the  Syrian  Laodicea 
(Latakiaj.  Athanasius  [de/ug.  §  26J,  speaks  of  his  "dissolute  life, 
condemned  even  by  his  own  friends." 

2  Known  as  6  /x.of6<^0aA/ixos,  "The  one-eyed."  He  succeeded 
the  Historian  Eusebius  in  the  see  of  Cajsarea  in  340,  and  the 
Nicomedian  Eusebius  as  a  leader  of  the  Arian  Court  party  in  342. 

9  Now  Belgrade. 

1°  Now  Esseg  on  the  Drave.  Here  Constantius  defeated  Mag- 
nentius,  a.d.  351. 

II  Bishop  of  Petra  in  Palestine.  {Tomus  ad  Antioch.  10.) 
There  is  some  contusion  in  the  names  of  the  sees,  and  a  doubt 
whether  there  were  really  two  Petras.  Cf.  Reland,  Palestine^ 
p.  298,  Le  Quien,  East.  Christ,  iii.  665,  666. 

"  Bishop  of  Petra  in  Arabia,  (Ath.  Hist.  Ar.  18,  Apol.  cont. 
Ar,  48). 


ments,  the  murders,  the  stripes,  the  forged 
letters,  the  indignities,  the  stripping  naked  of 
virgins,  the  banishments,  the  destruction  of 
churches,  the  acts  of  incendiarism,  the  trans- 
lation of  bishops  from  small  towns  to  large 
dioceses,  and  above  all,  the  ill-starred  Arian 
heresy,  raised  by  their  means  against  the  true 
faith.  For  these  causes,  therefore,  we  declare 
the  innocence  and  purity  of  our  beloved  brethren 
and  fellow-ministers,  Athanasius,  bishop  of 
Alexandria,  Marcellus,  bishop  of  Ancyra  in 
Galatia,  and  Asclepas,  bishop  of  Gaza,  and  of 
all  the  other  servants  of  God  who  are  with 
them;  and  we  have  written  to  each  of  their 
dioceses,  in  order  that  the  people  of  each 
church  may  be  made  acquainted  with  the 
innocence  of  their  respective  bishops,  and  that 
they  may  recognise  them  alone  and  wait  for 
their  return.  Men  who  have  come  down  on 
their  churches  like  wolves  ^^^  such  as  Gregorius 
in  Alexandria,  Basilius  in  Ancyra,  and  Quintia- 
nus^4  in  Gaza,  we  charge  them  not  even  to  call 
bishops,  nor  yet  Christians,  nor  to  have  any 
communion  with  them,  nor  to  receive  any 
letters  from  them,  nor  to  write  to  them. 

"  Theodorus,  bishop  of  Heraclea  in  Europe, 
Narcissus,  bishop  of  Neronias  in  Cilicia,  Aca- 
cius,  bishop  of  Csesarea  in  Palestine,  Stephanus, 
bishop  of  Antioch,  Ursacius,  bishop  of  Singi- 
dunum  in  Moesia,  Valens,  bishop  of  Mursa  in 
Pannonia,  Menophantus,  bishop  of  Ephesus, 
and  Georgius,  bishop  of  Laodicea  (for  though 
fear  kept  him  from  leaving  the  East,  he  has 
been  deposed  by  the  blessed  Alexander,  bishop 
of  Alexandria,  and  has  imbibed  the  infatuation 
of  the  Arians),  have  on  account  of  their  various 
crimes  been  cast  forth  from  their  bishoprics 
by  the  unanimous  decision  of  the  holy  council. 
We  have  decreed  that  they  are  not  only  not 
to  be  regarded  as  bishops,  but  to  be  refused 
communion  with  us.  For  those  who  separate 
the  Son  from  the  substance  and  divinity  of  the 
Father,  and  alienate  the  Word  from  the  Father, 
ought  to  be  separated  from  the  Catholic 
Church,  and  alienated  from  all  who  bear  the 
name  of  Christians.  Let  them  then  be  anathema 
to  you,  and  to  all  the  faithful,  because  they  have 
corrupted  the  word  of  truth.  For  the  apostle's 
precept  enjoins,  if  any  one  should  bring  to  you 
another  gospel  than  that  which  ye  have  re- 
ceived, let  htm  be  accursed  ^5.  Command  that  no 
one  hold  communion  with  them ;  for  light  can 
have  no  fellowship  with  darkness.  Keep  far 
off  from  them  ;  for  what  concord  has  Christ 
with  Belial  ?  Be  careful,  beloved  brethren,  that 
you  neither  write  to   them   nor  receive  their 


13  Cf.  Acts  XX.  29, 

14  Thrust  on  the  see  of  Gaza  by  the  Arians  on  the  depositioB 
of  Asclepas  (Soz.  iii.  8,  12). 

15  Gal.  i.  8. 


II.  6.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


71 


letters.  Endeavour,  beloved  brethren  and 
fellow-ministers,  as  though  present  with  us  in 
spirit  at  the  council,  to  give  your  hearty  con- 
sent to  what  is  enacted,  and  affix  to  it  your 
written  signature,  for  the  sake  of  preserving 
unanimity  of  opinion  among  all  our  fellow- 
ministers  throughout  the  world  ^^. 

"  We  declare  those  men  excommunicate  from 
the  Catholic  Church  who  say  that  Christ  is 
God,  but  not  the  true  God  ;  that  He  is  the  Son, 
but  not  the  true  Son  ;  and  that  He  is  both 
begotten  and  made  ;  for  such  persons  acknow- 
ledge that  they  understand  by  the  term  *  be- 
gotten,' that  which  has  been  made;  and  be- 
cause, although  the  Son  of  God  existed  before 
all  ages,  ihey  attribute  to  Him,  who  exists  not 
in  time  but  before  all  time,  a  beginning  and 
an  end  '7. 

"  Valens  and  Ursacius  have,  like  two  vipers 
brought  forth  by  an  asp,  proceeded  from  the 
Arian  heresy.  P'or  they  boastingly  declare 
themselves  to  be  undoubted  Christians,  and  yet 
affirm  that  the  Word  and  the  Holy  Ghost  were 
both  crucified  and  slain,  and  that  they  died 
and  rose  again;  and  they  pertinaciously  main- 
tain, like  the  heretics,  that  the  Father,  the  Son, 
and  the  Holy  Ghost  are  of  diverse  and  distinct 
essences  '^.  We  have  been  taught,  and  we  hold 
the  catholic  and  apostolic  tradition  and  faith 
and  confession  which  teach,  that  the  Father,  the 
Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost  have  one  essence, 
which  is  termed  substance  '9  by  the  heretics.  If 
it  is  asked,  '  What  is  the  essence  of  the  Son  ?^ 
we  confess,  that  it  is  that  which  is  acknowledged 
to  be  that  of  the  Father  alone ;  for  the  Father 
has  never  been,  nor  could  ever  be,  without  the 
Son,  nor  the  Son  without  the  Father.  It  is 
most  absurd  to  affirm  that  the  Father  ever 
existed  without  the  Son,  for  that  this  could  never 
be  so  has  been  testified  by  the  Son  Himself,  who 
said,  '/  am  in  the  Father,  a?id  the  Father  in 
Me  2° ;'  and  '  /  and  My  Father  are  o?ie  ^^.^  None 
of  us  denies  tliat  He  was  begotten ;  but  we  say 
that  He  was  begotten  before  all  things,  whether 
visible  or  invisible ;  and  that  He  is  the  Creator 
of  archangels  and  angels,  and  of  the  world,  and 
of  the  human  race.  It  is  written,  '  Wisdom 
which  is  the  worker  oj  all  thifigs  taught  me  ^^^ 
and  again,  '  Ail  things  were  made  by  Him  =^3.' 

"  He  could  not  have  existed  always  if  He  had 


16  Here,  according  to  the  Version  of  Athanasius  {Ap.  cont.  Ar.  49), 
the  Synodical  Epistle  ends.  An  argument  against  the  genuineness 
of  the  addition  is  the  introduction  ot  a  new  tormula  of  taith,  while 
from  the  letter  of  Athanasius  "ex  synodo  Alexandrina  ad  legates 
apostolicae  sedis,"  it  is  plain  that  nothing  was  added  to  the  Nicene 
Creed.     (Labbe  iii.  84.) 

17  This  passage  is  very  corrupt:  the  translation  follows  the  Greek 
of  Valesius,  yevi'vjTos  kcriiv  '6.\i.a.  koL  yevqTos-  It  is  not  certain  that 
the  distinction  between  ayewrjTos  "  unbegotten,"  and  d-yeV>}70s, 
"uncreate,"  was  in  use  quite  so  early  as  344.  If  the  passage  is 
spurious  and  of  later  date,  the  distinction  might  be  more  naturally 
found. 

18  u;ro<7Tao-ets.  ^9  ovaCa.  2°  John  xiv.  10.  _ 

2*  John  X.  30.  22  Wisdom  vii.  22.  ^3  John  i.  3. 


had  a  beginning,  for  the  everlasting  Word  has 
no  beginning,  and  God  will  never  have  an 
end.  We  do  not  say  that  the  Father  is  Son,  nor 
that  the  Son  is  Father ;  but  that  the  Father  is 
Father,  and  the  Son  of  the  Father  Son.  We 
confess  that  the  Son  is  Power  of  the  Father. 
We  confess  that  the  Word  is  Word  of  God  the 
Father,  and  that  beside  Him  there  is  no  other. 
We  believe  the  Word  to  be  the  true  God,  and 
Wisdom  and  Power.  We  affirm  that  He  is 
truly  the  Son,  yet  not  in  the  way  in  which 
others  are  said  to  be  sons  :  for  they  are  either 
gods  by  reason  of  their  regeneradon,  or  are 
called  sons  of  God  on  account  of  their  merit, 
and  not  on  account  of  their  being  of  one 
essence  ^*,  as  is  the  case  with  the  Father  and 
the  Son.  We  confess  an  Only-begotten  and 
a  Firstborn ;  but  that  the  Word  is  only- 
begotten,  who  ever  was  and  is  in  the  Father. 
We  use  the  word  firstborn  with  respect  to 
His  human  nature.  But  He  is  superior  (to 
man)  in  the  new  creation  ^5  (of  the  Resur- 
rection), inasmuch  as  He  is  the  Firstborn 
from  the  dead. 

"  We  confess  that  God  is ;  we  confess 
the  divinity  of  the  Father  and  of  the  Son 
to  be  one.  No  one  denies  that  the  Father 
is  greater  than  the  Son :  not  on  axcount 
of  another  essence  ^4,  nor  yet  on  account 
of  their  difference,  but  simply  from  the  very 
name  of  the  Father  being  greater  than  that 
of  the  Son.  The  words  uttered  by  our  Lord, 
'/  and  My  Father  are  one'^^^  are  by  those 
men  explained  as  referring  to  the  concord 
and  harmony  which  prevail  between  the  Father 
and  the  Son ;  but  this  is  a  blasphemous  and 
perverse  interpretation.  We,  as  Catholics, 
unanimously  condemned  this  foolish  and  lament- 
able opinion  :  for  just  as  mortal  men  on  a 
difference  having  arisen  between  them  quarrel 
and  afterwards  are  reconciled,  so  do  such 
interpreters  say  that  disputes  and  dissension 
are  liable  to  arise  between  God  the  Father 
Almighty  and  His  Son  ;  a  supposition  which 
is  altogether  absurd  and  untenable.  But  we 
believe  and  maintain  that  those  holy  words, 
'/  and  My  Father  are  one^  point  out  the  one- 
ness of  essence  ^^  which  is  one  and  the  same 
in  the  Father  and  in  the  Son. 

"We  also  believe  that  the  Son  reigns  with 
the  Father,  that  His  reign  has  neither  beginning 
nor  end,  and  that  it  is  not  bounded  by  time, 
nor  can  ever  cease  :  for  that  which  always  exists 
never  begins  to  be,  and  can  never  cease, 

"  We  believe  in  and  we  receive  the  Holy 


24  v7r6trTa<7ts.  , 

25  This  translation  follows  the  reading  of  the  Allatian  Codcy, 
adopted  by  Valesius,  t%  Kaivjj  /cTiVei.  If  we  read  Koivjjfor  Kaivrj, 
we  must  render  "  excels  or  differs  in  relation  to  the  common 
creation  "  which  He  shares  with  man. 

26  John  X.  30. 


12 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[II.  6. 


Ghost   the   Comforter,  whom    the  Lord  both 
promised  and  sent.     We  believe  in  It  as  sent. 

"  It  was  not  the  Holy  Ghost  who  suffered, 
but  the  manhood  with  which  He  clothed  Him- 
self; which  He  took  from  the  Virgin  Mary, 
which  being  man  was  capable  of  suffering;  for 
man  is  mortal,  whereas  God  is  immortal.  We 
believe  that  on  the  third  day  He  rose,  the  man 
in  God,  not  God  in  the  man;  and  that  He 
brought  as  a  gift  to  His  Father  the  man- 
hood which  He  had  delivered  from  sin  and 
corruption. 

*' We  believe  that,  at  a  meet  and  fixed  time, 
He  Himself  will  judge  all  men  and  all  their 
deeds. 

*'  So  great  is  the  ignorance  and  mental  dark- 
ness of  those  whom  we  have  mentioned,  that 
they  are  unable  to  see  the  light  of  truth.  They 
cannot  comprehend  the  meaning  of  the  words  : 
'  thai  they  may  be  one  in  lis  ^7.'  It  is  obvious 
why  the  word  '  ofie''  was  used  ;  it  was  because 
the  apostles  received  the  Holy  Spirit  of  God, 
and  yet  there  were  none  amongst  them  who 
were  the  Spirit,  neither  was  there  any  one  of 
them  who  was  Word,  Wisdom,  Power,  or 
Only-begotten.  ^  As  Thou,'  He  said,  'and 
I  are  one,  that  they  may  be  o?ie  in  us.'  These 
holy  words,  '  that  they  i?iay  be  one  in  us  I  are 
strictly  accurate  :  for  the  Lord  did  not  say, 
*  one  in  the  same  way  that  I  and  the  Father 
are  one,'  but  He  said, '  that  the  disciples,  being 
knit  together  and  united,  may  be  one  in  faith 
and  in  confession,  and  so  in  the  grace  and  piety 
of  God  the  Father,  and  by  the  indulgence  and 
love  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  may  be  able  to 
become  one.'" 

From  this  letter  may  be  learnt  the  duplicity 
of  the  calumniators,  and  the  injustice  of  the 
former  judges,  as  well  as  the  soundness  of  the 
decrees.  These  holy  fathers  have  taught  us 
not  only  truths  respecting  the  Divine  nature, 
but  also  the  doctrine  of  the  Incarnation  ^s. 


27  John  xvii.  21. 

28  oLKovofiia.  In  classical  Greek  oUovofiCa  is  simply  the  manage- 
nient  (a)  of  a  household,  ()3)  of  the  state.  In  the  M.T.  we  have 
it  in  Luke  xvi.  for  "stewardship,"  and  in  five  other  places; 
(ij  I  Cor.  ix.  17,  A.V.  "dispensation,"  R.V.  "stewardship;" 
(ii)Eph.  i.  10  A.V.  and  R.V.  "dispensation;"  (iii)  Eph.  iii,  2, 
A.V,  and  R.V.  "dispensation;"  (iv)  Col.  i.  25,  A.V.  and  R.V. 
"  dispensation  ;  "  (v)  i  Tim.  i.  4,  where  A.V.  adopts  the  inferior 
reading  oIkoSoijltjv,  and  R.V.  renders  the  oi/coi/o^iiai/  of  SAFGKLP 
by  "dispensation."  Suicer  gives  as  the  meanings  of  the  word 
(i)  ministerium  evangelii,  (ii)  providenlia  et  nunien  quo  Dei  sapi- 
entia  omnia  moderatur,  (iii)  ipsa  Christi  naturae  humanae  assuiiip- 
tio,  (iv)  totius  redemptionis  mysterium  et  passionis  Christi  Sacra- 
mentum.  Theodoret  himself  (Ed.  Migne  iv.  93)  says  ttjj/  evav- 
0pwnr)(rLv  Se  toO  &eov  Aoyov  Ka\ovf^ev  otKOvo/jiiav,  and  quaintly 
distinguishes  (Cant.  Cant.  p.  83)  17  a-fxvpva  koI  6  Ati3ai'09  TovTecmv 
■if  OeoXoyta  re  /cat  olKOfoixCa.  On  a  phrase  of  St.  Ignatius  (Eph. 
xviii.),  "6  XPto'To?  €Kvo<f>op-q6Tq  vnb  Mapi'as  Kar  OLKOi/ofxiav,"  Bp. 
Lightfoot  {Apostolic  Fathers,  II.  p.  75  note)  writes:  "The  word 
oiKovop-la.  came  to  be  applied  more  especially  to  the  Incarnation 
because  this  was  par  excellence  the  system  or  plan  which  God 
had  ordained  for  the  government  of  His  household  and  the  dis- 
pensation of  His  stores.  Hence  in  the  province  of  theology, 
oiKOvo\kia.  was  distinguished  by  the  Fathers  from  fleoAo-yi'a  proper, 
the  former  being  the  teaching  which  was  concerned  with  the  Incar- 


Constans  was  much  concerned  on  hear- 
ing of  the  easy  temper  of  his  brother,  and 
was  highly  incensed  against  those  who  had 
contrived  this  plot  andartfully  taken  advantage 
of  it.  He  chose  two  of  the  bishops  who  had 
attended  the  council  of  Sardica,  and  sent  them 
with  letters  to  his  brother ;  he  also  despatched 
Salianus,  a  military  commander  who  was  cele- 
brated for  his  piety  and  integrity,  on  the  same 
embassy.  The  letters  which  he  forwarded 
by  them,  and  which  were  worthy  of  himself, 
contained  not  only  entreaties  and  counsels, 
but  also  menaces.  In  the  first  place,  he 
charged  his  brother  to  attend  to  all  that  the 
bishops  might  say,  and  to  take  cognizance 
of  the  crimes  of  Stephanus  and  of  his  accom- 
plices. He  also  required  him  to  restore 
Athanasius  to  his  flock ;  the  calumny  of  the 
accusers  and  the  injustice  and  ill-will  of  his 
former  judges  having  become  evident.  He 
added,  that  if  he  would  not  accede  to  his 
request,  and  perform  this  act  of  justice,  he 
would  himself  go  to  Alexandria,  restore  Atha- 
nasius to  his  flock  which  earnestly  longed 
for  him,  and  expel  all  opponents. 

Constantius  was  at  Antioch  when  he  received 
this  letter;  and  he  agreed  to  carry  out  all  that 
his  brother  commanded. 

CHAPTER   VII. 

Account  of  the  Bishops  EupJiratas  and  Vincen- 
tius,  and  of  the  plot  formed  in  Ariiioch  against 
them. 

The  wonted  opponents  of  the  truth  were 
so  much  displeased  at  these  proceedings,  that 
they  planned  a  notoriously  execrable  and  im- 
pious crime. 

The  two  bishops  resided  near  the  foot  of 
the  mountain,  while  the  military  commander 
had  settled  in  a  lodging  in  another  quarter. 

At  this  period  Stephanus  held  the  rudder  of 
the  church  of  Antioch,  and  had  well  nigh 
sunk  the  ship,  for  he  employed  several  tools 
in  his  despotic  doings,  and  by  their  aid  in- 
volved all  who  maintained  orthodox  doctrines 
in  manifold  calamities.  The  leader  of  these 
instruments  was  a  young  man  of  a  rash  and 
reckless  character,  who  led  a  very  infamous 
life.  He  not  only  dragged  away  men  from 
the  market-place,  and  treated  them  with  blows 
and    insult,    but   had   the   audacity   to    enter 


nation  and  its  consequences,  and  the  latter  the  teaching  which 
related  to  the  Eternal  and  Divine  nature  of  Christ.  The  first  step 
towards  this  special  appropriation  of  oiKovo/otia  to  the  Incarnation 
is  found  in  St.  Paul ;  eg.  Ephes.  i.  10,  eis  ot/iovo/xiav  roi)  TrArjpoi- 
/xttTO?  TViv  Kaipiov.  ...  In  this  passage  of  Ignatius  it  is  moreover 
connected  with  the  '  reserve '  of  God  (xix.  ev  ■qavx^'}  ^^ov  enp6.)^6i]). 
Thus  '  economy  '  has  already  reached  its  first  stage  on  the  way  to 
the  sense  of  'dissimulation,'  which  was  afterwards  connected  wit 
it,  and  which  led  to  disastrous  consequences  in  the  theology  and 
practice  of  a  later  age."    Cf.  Newman's  .(4  ?-/a«j,  chap.  i.  sec  3. 


II.  90 


OF   THEODORET. 


73 


private  houses,  whence  he  carried  off  men 
and  women  of  irreproachable  character.  But, 
not  to  be  too  prolix  in  relating  his  crimes,  I  will 
merely  narrate  his  daring  conduct  towards  the 
bishops ;  for  this  alone  is  sufficient  to  give 
an  idea  of  the  unlawful  deeds  of  violence  which 
he  perpetrated  against  the  citizens.  He  went 
to  one  of  the  lowest  women  of  the  town,  and 
told  her  that  some  strangers  had  just  arrived, 
who  desired  to  pass  the  night  with  her.  He 
took  fifteen  of  his  band,  placed  them  in  hiding 
among  the  stone  walls  at  the  bottom  of  the 
hill,  and  then  went  for  the  prostitute.  After 
giving  the  preconcerted  signal,  and  learning 
that  the  folk  privy  to  the  plot  were  on  the 
spot,  he  went  to  the  gate  of  the  courtyard 
belonging  to  the  inn  where  the  bishops  were 
lodging.  The  doors  were  opened  by  one  of 
the  household  servants,  who  had  been  bribed 
by  him.  He  then  conducted  the  woman  into 
the  house,  pointed  out  to  her  the  door  of  the 
room  where  one  of  the  bishops  slept,  and 
desired  her  to  enter.  Then  he  went  out  to 
call  his  accomplices.  The  door  which  he  had 
pointed  out  happened  to  be  that  of  Euphratas, 
the  elder  bishop,  whose  room  was  the  outer 
of  the  two.  Vincentius,  the  other  bishop, 
occupied  the  inner  room.  When  the  woman 
entered  the  room  of  Euphratas,  he  heard  the 
sound  of  her  footsteps,  and,  as  it  was  then 
dark,  asked  who  was  there.  She  spoke,  and 
Euphratas  was  full  of  alarm,  for  he  thought 
that  it  was  a  devil  imitating  the  voice  of  a 
woman,  and  he  called  upon  Christ  the  Saviour 
for  aid.  Onager,  for  this  was  the  name  of 
the  leader  of  this  wicked  band  (a  name  ^ 
peculiarly  appropriate  to  him,  as  he  not  only 
used  his  hands  but  also  his  feet  as  weapons 
against  the  pious),  had  in  the  meantime  re- 
turned with  his  lawless  crew,  denouncing  as 
criminals  those  who  were  expecting  to  be 
judges  of  crime  themselves.  At  the  noise 
which  was  made  all  the  servants  came  running 
in,  and  up  got  Vincentius.  I'hey  closed  the 
gate  of  the  courtyard,  and  captured  seven  of 
the  gang ;  but  Onager  and  the  rest  made  off. 
The  woman  was  committed  to  custody  with 
those  who  had  been  seized.  At  the  break  of 
day  the  bishops  awoke  the  officer  who  had 
come  with  them,  and  they  all  three  proceeded 
together  to  the  palace,  to  complain  of  the 
audacious  acts  of  Stephanus,  whose  evil  deeds, 
they  said,  \tere  too  evident  to  need  either  trial 
or  torture  to  prove  them.  The  general  loudly 
demanded  of  the  emperor  that  the  audacious 
act  should  not  be  dealt  with  synodically,  but 
by  ordinary  legal  process,  and  oftered  to  give 
up  the  clergy  attached  to  the   bishops  to  be 


*  "Oi'aypos  =  wild  ass 


first  examined,  and  declared  that  the  agents  of 
Stephanus  must  undergo  the  torture  too.  To  this 
Stephanus  insolently  objected,  alleging  that  the 
clergy  ought  not  to  be  scourged.  The  emperor 
and  the  principal  authorities  then  decided  that 
it  would  be  better  to  judge  the  cause  in  the 
palace.  The  woman  was  first  of  all  questioned, 
and  was  asked  by  whom  she  was  conducted 
to  the  inn  where  the  bishops  were  lodging. 
She  replied,  that  a  young  man  came  to  her, 
and  told  her  that  some  strangers  had  arrived 
who  were  desirous  of  her  company  ;  that  in  the 
evening  he  conducted  her  to  the  inn  ;  that  he 
went  to  look  for  his  band,  and  when  he  had 
found  it,  brought  her  in  through  the  door  of 
the  court,  and  desired  her  to  go  into  the 
chamber  adjoining  the  vestibule.  She  added, 
that  the  bishop  asked  who  was  there ;  that  he 
was  alarmed  ;  and  that  he  began  to  pray  ;  and 
that  then  others  ran  to  the  spot. 


CHAPTER   VHI. 

Stephanus  deposed. 

After  the  judges  had  heard  these  replies, 
they  ordered  the  youngest  of  those  who  had 
been  arrested  to  be  brought  before  them. 
Before  he  was  subjected  to  the  examination  by 
scourging,  he  confessed  the  whole  plot,  and 
stated  that  it  was  planned  and  carried  into 
execution  by  Onager.  On  this  latter  being 
brought  in  he  affirmed  that  he  had  only  acted 
according  to  the  commands  of  Stephanus.  The 
guilt  of  Stephanus  being  thus  demonstrated,  the 
bishops  then  present  were  charged  to  depose 
him,  and  expel  him  from  the  Church.  By  his 
expulsion  the  Church  was  not,  however,  wholly 
freed  from  the  plague  of  Arianism.  Leontius, 
who  succeeded  him  in  his  presidency,  was 
a  Phrygian  of  so  subtle  and  artful  a  disposi- 
tion, that  he  might  be  said  to  resemble  the 
sunken  rocks  of  the  sea  ^  We  shall  presently 
narrate  more  concerning  him  ^. 

CHAPTER   IX. 

The  second  return  of  Saint  Athanasius, 

The  emperor  Constanuus,  having  become 
acquainted  with  the  plots  formed  against  the 
bishops,  wrote  to  the  great  Athanasius  once, 
and  twice,  aye   and  thrice,  exhorting  him  to 


Tcis  v(j)a.\ovs  TreVpas  TUiu  </»avepa)i'  a/riAdSwj'. 

Aiitli.  Pal.  xi.  390. 
2  Leontius,  Bishop  of  Antioch  from  a.d.  348  to  357,  was  one  of 
the  School  ot  Lucianus.  (Philost.  iii.  15),  cf.  pp-S^  and  41,  notes. 
Athanasius  says  hard  things  of  him  ide/vg.  \  26),  but  Dr.  Sahnon 
{Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  s.v.)  is  ol  opinion  that  "we  may  charitably 
think  that  the  gentleness  and  love  ot  peace  which  all  attest  \vere 
not  mere  hypocrisy,  and  may  impute  his  toleration  of  heretics  to 
no  worse  cause  than  insufficient  appreciation  of  the  unpoUa.:  . 
of  the  issues  involved."     Vide  infra,  chap.  xi.\. 


74 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[II.  9. 


return  from  the  West '.  I  shall  here  insert  the 
second  letter,  because  it  is  the  shortest  of  the 
three. 


Augustus 


the    Conqueror    to 


Constantius 
Athanasius. 

"  Although  I  have  already  apprised  you  by 
previous  letters,  that  you  can,  without  fear  of 
molestation,  return  to  our  court,  in  order  that 
you  may,  according  to  my  ardent  desire,  be 
reinstated  in  your  own  bishopric,  yet  I  now 
again  despatch  another  letter  to  your  gravity  to 
exhort  you  to  take  immediately,  without  fear 
or  suspicion,  a  public  vehicle  and  return  to  us, 
in  order  that  you  may  receive  all  that  you 
desire." 

When  Athanasius  returned,  Constantius  re- 
ceived him  with  kindness,  and  bade  him  go 
back  to  the  Church  of  Alexandria  ^    But  there 
were  some  attached  to  the  court,  infected  with 
the   errors  of  Arianism,  who  maintained    that 
Athanasius  ought  to  cede  one  church  to  those 
who  were  unwilling  to  hold  communion  with 
him.     On  this  being  mentioned  to  the  emperor, 
and    by   the    emperor   to   Athanasius,    he   re- 
marked, that  the  imperial  command  appeared 
to  be  just;   but  that  he  also  wished  to  make 
a  request.     The  emperor  readily  promising  to 
grant  him  whatever  he  might  ask,  he  said  that 
those  in  Antioch3  who  objected  to  hold  com- 
munion with  the  party  now  in  possession  of  the 
churches  wanted  temples  to  pray  in,  and  that 
it  was  only  fair  that  one  House  of  God  also  be 
assigned  to  them.     This  request  was  deemed 
just  and  reasonable  by  the  emperor;   but  the 
leaders  of  the  Arian  faction  resisted  its  being 
carried  into  execution,  maintaining  that  neither 
party  ought  to  have  the  churches  assigned  to 
them.      Constantius  on  this  was  struck   with 
high  admiration  for  Athanasius,  and  sent  him 
back  to  Alexandria!     Gregorius  was  dead,  hav- 
ing met  his  end  at  the  hands  of  the  Alexandrians 
themselves  5.     The  people  kept  high  holiday  in 
honour  of  their  pastor ;    feasting  marked  their 
joy  at  seeing  him  again,  and  praise  was  given 
to   God^.     Not  long  after  Constans  departed 
this  life  7. 


»  Athanasius  had  gone  from  Sardica  to  Naissus  (in  upper 
Dacia),  and  thence  to  Aquileia,  where  he  was  received  by  Con- 
stans.    Ap.  ad  Const.  5  4.  ^  3-  ,  .   ,. 

2  Athanasius  went  from  Aquileia  to  Rome,  where  he  saw  Juhus 
again,  thence  to  Treves  to  the  Court  of  Constans,  and  back  to  the 
East  to  A^itioch,  where  the  conversation  about  the  "  one  church" 
took  place.     Soc  ii.  23  ;  Soz.  ill.  20. 

3  i.e.  the  friends  of  Eustathius. 

4  The  more  significant  from  the  fact  that  Constantius  affected 
a  more  than  human  impassibiHty.  Cf.  the  graphic  account  of  his 
entry  into  Rome  "  veiut  coUo  munito  rectam  aciem  luminum 
tendens,  nee  dextra  vultuni  nee  Iseva  flectebat,  tanquam  figmentum 
hominis:  non  cum  rota  concuteret  nutans  nee  spuens  aut  os  aut 
nasum  tergens  vel  fricans  manumve  agitans  visus  est  unquam.' 
Amm.  Marc.  xvi.  10.  5  About  Feb.  a.d.  345. 

6  Oct.  A.D.  346.  Fest.  Ind.  The  return  is  described  by  Gregory 
of  Nazianzus  (Orat.  21J.  Authorities,  however,  differ  as  to  which 
return  he  paints. 

7  i.e.  was  murdered  by  the  troops  of  the  usurper  Magnenlius 


CHAPTER   X. 

Third  exile  and  flight  of  Athanasius, 

Those  who  had  obtained  entire  ascendency 
over  the  mind  of  Constantius,  and  influenced 
him  as  they  pleased,  reminded  him  that  Atha- 
nasius had  been  the  cause  of  the  differences 
between  his  brother  and  himself,  which  had 
nearly  led  to  the  rupture  of  the  bonds  of 
nature,  and  the  kindling  of  a  civil  war.  Con- 
stantius was  induced  by  these  representations 
not  only  to  banish,  but  also  to  condemn  the 
holy  Athanasius  to  death  ;  and  he  accordingly 
despatched  Sebastianus^,  a  military  commander, 
with  a  very  large  body  of  soldiery  to  slay  him, 
as  if  he  had  been  a  criminal.  How  the  one 
led  the  attack  and  the  other  escaped  will  be 
best  told  in  the  words  of  him  who  so  suf- 
fered and  was  so  wonderfully  saved. 

Thus  Athanasius  writes  in  his  Apology  for  his 
Flight: — *'Let  the  circumstances  of  my  retreat 
be    investigated,    and    the    testimony   of   the 
opposite  faction  be  collected  ;   for  Arians  ac- 
companied the  soldiers,  as  well  for  the  pur- 
pose   of   spurring    them    on,    as    of   pointing 
me  out  to  those  who  did   not  know  me.     If 
they  are   not  touched  with   sympathy  at  the 
tale    I    tell,  at   least   let   them   listen   in   the 
silence    of  shame.     It   was   night,   and   some 
of  the  people  were  keeping  vigil,  for  a  com- 
munion ^  was   expected.     A  body  of  soldiers 
suddenly  advanced   upon  them,  consisting  of 
a  generals  and  five  thousand  armed  men  with 
naked  swords,  bows  and  arrows,  and  clubs,  as 
I  have  already  stated.     The  general  surrounded 
the   church,  posting  his  men   in   close    order, 
that   those   within   might   be   prevented    from 
going  out.     I  deemed  that  I  ought  not  in  such 
a  time  of  confusion  to  leave  the  people,  but 
that  I  ought  rather  to  be  the  first  to  meet  the 
danger;    so    I  sat   down   on   my   throne  and 
desired  the  deacon  to  read  a  psalm,  and  the 
people  to  respond, '  For  His  mercy  endureth  for 
ever.'    Then  I  bade  them  all  return  to  their  own 
houses.     But  now  the  general  with  the  soldiery 
forced  his  way  into  the  church,  and  surrounded 
the  sanctuary  in  order  to  arrest  me.    The  clergy 
and  the  laity  who  had  remained  clamorously 
besought  me  to  withdraw.    This  I  firmly  refused 
to  do  until  all  the  others  had  retreated.     I  rose, 
had   a   prayer   offered,    and    directed   all    the 
people  to  retire.     '  It  is  better,'  said  I,  '  for  me 
to  meet  the  danger  alone,  than  for  any  of  you 


at  Illiberis  (re-named  Helena  by  Constantine,  and  now  Elne> 
in  Roussillon),  a.d.  350.  .,,,*,  •       u-        if 

I  Probably  ^>Wa««J,  who  is  described  by  Athanasius  himselt 
as  sent  to  get  him  removed  from  Alexandria,  but  as  denying  that 
he  had  the  written  authority  of  Constantius.  This  was  in  Jan. 
A.D.  356.  2  <Tvva.ii<i.     Cf.  p.  52  note. 

3  Syrianus.    Ath.  Ap.  ad  Const.  §  25. 


II.    TI.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


7S 


to  be  hurt.'  When  the  greater  number  of  the 
people  had  left  the  church,  and  just  as  the  rest 
were  following,  the  monks  and  some  of  the 
clergy  who  had  remained  came  up  and  drew 
me  out.  And  so,  may  the  truth  be  my  witness, 
the  Lord  leading  and  protecting  me,  we  passed 
through  the  midst  of  the  soldiers,  some  of 
whom  were  stationed  around  the  sanctuary, 
and  others  marching  about  the  church.  Thus 
I  went  out  unperceived,  and  fervently  thanked 
God  that  I  had  not  abandoned  the  people,  but 
that  after  they  had  been  sent  away  in  safety, 
I  had  been  enabled  to  escape  from  the  hands 
of  those  who  sought  my  life  4." 


CHAPTER   XI. 

The  evil  and  daring  deeds  done  by  Georgius  ^  /// 
Alexajidria. 

Athanasius  having  thus  escaped  the  blood- 
stained hands  of  his  adversaries,  Georgius, 
who  was  truly  another  wolf,  was  entrusted 
with  authority  over  the  flock.  He  treated  the 
sheep  with  more  cruelty  than  wolf,  or  bear, 
or  leopard  could  have  shewn.  He  compelled 
young  women  who  had  vowed  perpetual  vir- 
ginity, not  only  to  disown  the  communion  of 
Athanasius,  but  also  to  anathematize  the  faith 
of  the  fathers.  The  agent  in  his  cruelty  was 
Sebastianus,  an  officer  in  command  of  troops. 
He  ordered  a  fire  to  be  kindled  in  the  centre 
i  of  the  city,  and  placed  the  virgins,  who  were 
stripped  naked,  close  to  it,  commanding  them 
to  deny  the  faith.  Although  they  formed 
a  most  sorrowful  and  pitiable  spectacle  for 
believers  as  well  as  for  unbelievers,  they  con- 
sidered that  all  these  dishonours  conferred  the 
highest  honour  on  them;  and  they  joyfully 
received  the  blows  inflicted  on  them  on  account 
of  their  faith.  All  these  facts  shall  be  more 
clearly  narrated  by  their  own  pastor. 

"  About  Lent,  Georgius  returned  from  Cap- 
padocia,  and  added  to  the  evils  which  he 
had  been  taught  by  our  enemies.  After  the 
Easter  week  virgins  were  cast  into  prison, 
bishops  were  bound  and  dragged  away  by  the 
soldiers,  the  homes  of  widows  and  of  orphans 
were  pillaged,  robbery  and  violence  went  on 
from  house  to  house,  and  the  Christians  during 


4  Ath.  Ap.  defug.  \  24. 

^  Georgius,  a  fraudulent  contractor  of  Constantinople  (Ath. 
Hist.Ar.  75),  made  Arian  Bishop  ot  Alexandria  on  the  expulsion 
of  Athanasius,  in  a.d.  356,  was  born  in  a  uiUcr's  shop  at  Epipliania 
in  Cilicia.  (Amm.  Marc.  xxii.  11,  3.)  He  was  known  as  "the 
Cappadocian,"and  further  illustrates  the  old  saying  of  "  KaTTTrdfioKts 
Kpj]T€s  KtAtxes,  Tpia.  Kamta.  KaKicrra,"  and  the  kindred  epigram 
KamrridoK.rjv  ttot'  ix'.dva  kcuct)  duLKey  oAAd  /cat  avrri 
tcdrGai/e  yevaafjuevrj  ai/aaros  io/3oAou. 

The  crimes  ot  the  brutal  "Antipope"  (Prof.  Bright  in  Diet, 
Christ.  Biog.)  are  many,  but  he  was  a  book-collector.  (Jul.  Ep. 
ix.  36,  ct.  Gibbon  i.  Chap.  23.)  Gibbon  says  "  the  infamous  George 
of  Cappadocia  has  been  transformed  into  the  renowned  St.  George 
of  England  ;"  an  identity  sutliciently  disproved. 


the  darkness  of  night  were  seized  and  torn 
away  from  their  dwellings.  Seals  were  fixed 
on  many  houses.  The  brothers  of  the  clergy 
were  in  peril  for  their  brothers'  sake.  These 
cruelties  were  very  atrocious,  but  still  more  so 
were  those  which  were  subsequently  perpe- 
trated. In  the  week  following  the  holy  festival 
of  Pentecost,  the  people  who  were  keeping 
a  fast  came  out  to  the  cemetery  ^  to  pray, 
because  they  all  renounced  any  communion 
with  Georgius.  This  vilest  of  men  was  informed 
of  this  circumstance,  and  he  incited  Sebastianus 
the  military  commander,  a  Manichean3,to  attack 
the  people  ;  and,  accordingly,  on  the  Lord's  day 
itself  he  rushed  upon  them  with  a  large  body  of 
armed  soldiers  wielding  naked  swords,  and  bows, 
and  arrows.  He  found  but  few  Christians  in 
the  act  of  praying,  for  most  of  them  had  retired 
on  account  of  the  lateness  of  the  hour.  Then 
he  did  such  deeds  as  might  be  expected  from 
one  who  had  lent  his  ears  to  such  teachers. 
He  ordered  a  large  fire  to  be  lighted,  and  the 
virgins  to  be  brought  close  to  it,  and  then  tried 
to  compel  them  to  declare  themselves  of  the 
Arian  creed.  When  he  perceived  that  they 
were  conquering,  and  giving  no  heed  to  the 
fire,  he  ordered  them  to  be  stripped  naked,  and 
to  be  beaten  until  their  faces  for  a  long  while 
were  scarcely  recognisable.  He  then  seized 
forty  men,  and  inflicted  on  them  a  new  kind  of 
torture.  He  ordered  them  to  be  scourged  with 
branches  of  palm-trees,  retaining  their  thorns ; 
and  by  these  their  flesh  was  so  lacerated  that 
some  because  of  the  thorns  fixed  fast  in  them 
had  again  and  again  to  put  themselves  under 
the  surgeon's  hand ;  others  were  not  able  to 
bear  the  agony  and  died.  All  who  survived, 
and  also  the  virgins,  were  then  banished  to 
the  Greater  Oasis.  They  even  refused  to  give 
up  the  bodies  of  the  dead  to  their  kinsfolk 
for  burial,  but  flung  them  away  unburied,  and 
hid  them  just  as  they  pleased,  in  order  that 
it  might  appear  that  they  had  nothing  to  do 
with  these  cruel  transactions,  and  were  ignorant 
of  them.  But  they  were  deceived  in  this 
foolish  expectation :  for  the  friends  of  the 
slain,  while  they  rejoiced  at  the  faithtulness 
of  the  deceased,  deeply  lamented  the  loss  of 
the  corpses,  and  spread  abroad  a  full  account 
of  the  cruelty  that  had  been  perpetrated. 

"The  following  bishops  were  banished  from 
Egypt  and  from  Libya  : — Ammonius,  Muius, 
Cams,  Philo,  Hermes,  Plenius,  Psinosiris, 
Nilammon,  Agapius,  Anagamphus,  Marcus, 
Dracontius,  Adelphius,  another  Ammonius, 
another  Marcus,  and  Athenodorus ;  and  also 

2  Kot/ui.T)T)}pioi',  or  sleeping-place.  Cf.  Chrysost.  ed.  Migne.  ii. 
394. 

3  The  earliest  account  of  the  system  of  Manes  or  Mani  is  to  be 
lound  in  Euseb.  H.E.  vii.  31.  From  cne  ctk;  <■'  i- •  -  •  ^-ntuiy 
it  made  rapid  progress. 


76 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[II.  II. 


the  presbyters  Hierax  and  Dioscorust  These 
were  all  driven  into  exile  in  so  cruel  a  manner 
that  many  died  on  the  road,  and  others  at  the 
place  of  their  banishment.  The  persecutors 
caused  the  death  5  of  more  than  thirty  bishops. 
For,  like  Ahab,  their  mind  was  set  on  rooting 
out  the  truth,  had  it  been  possible  ^." 

Athanasius  also,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the 
virgins  7  who  were  treated  with  so  much  bar- 
barity, uses  the  following  words :  "  Let  none 
of  you  be  grieved  although  these  impious 
heretics  grudge  you  burial  and  prevent  your 
corpses  being  carried  forth.  The  impiety  of 
the  Arians  has  reached  such  a  height,  that 
they  block  up  the  gates,  and  sit  like  so  many 
demons  around  the  tombs,  in  order  to  hinder 
the  dead  from  being  interred." 

These  and  many  other  similar  atrocities 
were  perpetrated  by  Georgius  in  Alexandria. 

The  holy  Athanasius  was  well  aware  that 
there  was  no  spot  which  could  be  considered 
a  place  of  safety  for  him  ;  for  the  emperor  had 
promised  a  very  large  reward  to  whoever 
should  bring  him  alive,  or  his  head  as  a  proof 
of  his  death. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Council  of  Milan, 

After  the  death  of  Constans,  Magnentius 
assumed  the  chief  authority  over  the  Western 
empire  ;  and,  to  repress  his  usurpation,  Con- 
stantius  repaired  to  Europe.  But  this  war, 
severe  as  it  was,  did  not  put  an  end  to  the 
war  against  the  Church.  Constantius,  who 
had  embraced  Arian  tenets  and  readily  yielded 
to  the  influence  of  others,  was  persuaded  to 
convoke  a  council  at  Milan  %  a  city  of  Italy, 
and  first  to  compel  all  the  assembled  bishops 
to  sign  the  deposition  enacted  by  the  in- 
iquitous judges  at  Tyre ;  and  then,  since 
Athanasius  had  been  expelled  from  the 
Church,  to  draw  up  another  confession  of 
faith.     The  bishops  assembled  in  council  on 

4  One  Ammonius  had  been  consecrated  by  Alexander,  and  was 
bishop  of  Pacnemunis  (Ath.  ad  Drac.  210,  and  Hist.  Ar.  \  72). 
Another  was  apparently  consecrated  by  Athanasius  {Hist.  Ar.'i  72). 
An  Ammonius  was  banished  to  the  Upper  Oasis  (id.j.  Caius  was 
the  orthodox  bishop  of  Thmuis.  Philo  was  banished  to  Babylon 
{^Hist.  Ar.  {72,  cf.  Jer.  Vita  Hilarioiiis  y>).  Muius,  Psinosiris, 
Nilammon,  Plenius,  Marcus  the  sees  of  these  two  Marci  were 
Zygra  and  Philse;,  and  Athenouorus,  were  relegated  to  the  parts 
about  the  Libyan  Amnion,  nme  days'  journey  from  Alexandria, 
only  that  ihey  might  perish  on  the  road.  One  did  die.  {Hist  Ar. 
■4  72.)  Adelpliius  was  bishop  of  Onuphis  in  the  Delta,  and  was 
sent  to  the  Thebaid  {'Jo/ti.  cut  A?tt.  615.;  Dracontius,  to  whom 
Athanasius  addressed  a  letter,  went  to  the  deserts  about  Clysma 
(25  m.  s.w.  of  Suez),  and  Hierax  and  Dioscorus  to  Syene  (Assouan 
l^Hist.  Ar.,l  72),  whither  'I'rajan  had  banished  Juvenal. 

5  Some  authorities  lead  more  mildly,  "drove  into  exile." 

6  A/>.  de  fug.  \  7-     Cf.  Hist.  Ar.\  72. 

7  "  Haec  Athanasii  Epistola  hodie  quod  sciam  non  extat." 
Valesius. 

I  Athanasius  was  condemned  at  Aries  (353)  as  well  as  at  Milan 
in  355.  At  tile  latter  place  Constantius  affected  more  than  his 
father's  infallibility,  and  exclaimed,  "  What  I  will,  be  that  a  Canon." 
Ath.  Hist.  Ar.  %  33. 


the  receipt  of  the  imperial  letter,  but  they 
were  far  from  acting  according  to  its  directions. 
On  the  contrary,  they  told  the  emperor  to  his 
face  that  what  he  had  commanded  was  unjust 
and  impious.  For  this  act  of  courage  they 
were  expelled  from  the  Church,  and  relegated 
to  the  furthest  boundaries  of  the  empire. 

The  admirable  Athanasius  thus  mentions 
this  circumstance  in  his  Apology  ^ : — "  Who," 
he  writes,  *'  can  narrate  such  atrocities  as  they 
have  perpetrated  ?  A  short  time  ago  when 
the  Churches  were  in  the  enjoyment  of  peace, 
and  when  the  people  were  assembled  for 
prayer,  Liberius  3,  bishop  of  Rome,  Paulinus, 
bishop  of  the  metropolis  of  GauH,  Dionysius, 
bishop  of  the  metropolis  of  Italy  s,  Luciferus, 
bishop  of  the  metropolis  of  the  Isles  of 
Sardinia  ^,  and  Eusebius,  bishop  of  one  of  the 
cities  of  Italy  7,  who  were  all  exemplary  bishops 
and  preachers  of  the  truth,  were  seized  and 
driven  into  exile,  for  no  other  cause  than 
because  they  could  not  assent  to  the  Arian 
heresy,  nor  sign  the  false  accusation  which 
had  been  framed  against  us.  It  is  unnecessary 
that  I  should  speak  of  the  great  Hosius,  that 
aged  ^  and  faithful  confessor  of  the  faith,  for 
every  one  knows  that  he  also  was  sent  into 
banishment.  Of  all  the  bishops  he  is  the 
most  illustrious.  What  council  can  be  men- 
tioned in  which  he  did  not  preside,  and  con- 
vince all  present  by  the  power  of  his  reason- 
ing ?  What  Church  does  not  still  retain  the 
glorious  memorials  of  his  protection  ?  Did 
any  one  ever  go  to  him  sorrowing,  and  not 
leave  him  rejoicing  ?  Who  ever  asked  his  aid, 
and  did  not  obtain  all  that  he  desired  ?  Yet 
they  had  the  boldness  to  attack  this  great  man, 
simply  because,  from  his  knowledge  of  the 
impiety  of  their  calumnies,  he  refused  to  affix 
his  signature  to  their  artful  accusations  against 
us." 

From  the  above  narrative  will  be  seen  the 
violence  of  the  Arians  against  these  holy  men. 
Athanasius  also  gives  in  the  same  book  an 
account  of  the  numerous  plots  formed  by  the 


2  Apol.  de  fug.  \  4  and  ?  S-      .       . 

3  For  the  persecution  and  vacillation  of  Liberius,  "one  of  the 
few  Popes  that  can  be  charged  with  heresy  "  (Principal  Barmby  in 
Diet-  Christ.  Biog,  s.v.),  see  also  Ath.  Hist.  Ar.  \  35  et  seqq. 

4  Treves.  Dionysius  was  the  successor  of  St.  iVlaximinus  and 
a  firm  champion  of  orthodoxy.     Cf.  Sulp.  Sev.  II.  52. 

5  Milan.     Paulinus  was  banished  to  Cappadocia. 

6  Calaris  (Cagliari).  Luciferus,  a  vehement  defender  of  Atha- 
nasius, was  banished  to  Eleutheropolis  in  Palestine.  Mr.  LI. 
Davies  {Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  s.v.),  thinks  the  traditional  story  of 
the  imprisonment  of  Lucilerus  at  Milan,  to  prevent  his  out.spoken 
advocacy  ot  Athanasius,  shews  internal  evidence  of  probability. 

7  Eusebius,  bishop  ot  Vercellse  (Vercelli),  was  a  staunch  Atha- 
nasian.  He  was  banished  to  Scythopolis,  where  the  bishop  Patro-- 
philus  (cf.  Book  I.  chapter  VI.  and  XX.),  a  leading  Arian,  was,  he 
says,  his  "jailer."    (Vide  his  letters.) 

s  The  epithet  tvyrjpoTaTos  felicitously  describes  the  honoured 
old  age  of  the  bishop  of  Cordova — he  was  now  a  hundred  years  old 
{Hist.  Ar.  \  43) — before  his  pitiable  lapse.  He  was  sent  to  Sir- 
mium  (Mitrovitz). 


II.  13.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


77 


chiefs  of  the  Arian  faction  against  many- 
others  : — "  Did  any  one,"  said  he,  *'  whom 
they  persecuted  and  got  into  their  power  ever 
escape  from  them  without  suffering  what  in- 
juries they  pleased  to  inflict?  Was  any  one 
who  was  an  object  of  their  search  found  by 
them  whom  they  did  not  subject  to  the  most 
agonizing  death,  or  else  to  the  mutilation  of 
all  his  limbs  ?  The  sentences  inflicted  by  the 
judges  are  all  attributable  to  these  heretics; 
for  the  judges  are  but  the  agents  of  their  will, 
and  of  their  malice.  Where  is  there  a  place 
which  contains  no  memorial  of  their  atrocities  ? 
If  any  one  ever  differed  from  them  in  opinion, 
did  they  not,  like  Jezebel,  falsely  accuse  and 
oppress  him  ?  Where  is  there  a  church  which 
has  not  been  plunged  in  sorrow  by  their  plots 
against  its  bishop?  Antioch  has  to  mourn 
the  loss  of  Eustathius,  the  faithful  and  the 
orthodox  9.  Balaneae  weeps  for  Euphration  ^°  ; 
Paltus "  and  Antaradus  ^^  for  Cymatius  and 
Carterius.  Adrianople  has  been  called  to  de- 
plore the  loss  of  the  well-beloved  Eutropius  ^3^ 
and  of  Lucius  his  successor,  who  was  re- 
peatedly loaded  with  chains,  and  expired 
beneath  their  weight  ^4.  Ancyra,  Beroea,  and 
Gaza  had  to  mourn  the  absence  of  Marccllus  ^5^ 
Cyrus  ^^  and  Asclepas  ^7^  who,  after  having  suf- 
fered much  ill-treatment  from  this  deceitful  sect, 
were  driven  into  exile.  Messengers  were  sent 
in  quest  of  Theodulus  ^^  and  Olympius'?^  bi- 
shops of  Thrace,  as  well  as  of  me  and  of  the 
presbyters  of  my  diocese  ;  and  had  they  found 
us,  we  should  no  doubt  have  been  put  to 
death.  But  at  the  very  time  that  they  were 
planning  our  destruction  we  effected  our  es- 
cape, although  they  had  sent  letters  to  Donatus, 
the  proconsul,  against  Olympius,  and  to  Phila- 
grius  2°,  against  me." 

Such  were  the  audacious  acts  of  this  impious 
faction  against  the  most  holy  Christians.  Hosius 


9  Cf.  Book  I.  Chap.  20. 

10  Euphration  is  mentioned  also  in  Hist.  Ar.  §  3.  Balaneae 
is  now  Banias  on  the  coast  of  Syria. 

"  Now  Boldo,  a  little  to  the  N.  of  Banias. 

12  In  Phoenicia,  now  Tortosa. 

«3  "A  good  and  excellent  man,"  Ath.  Hist.  Ar.  §  5. 

14  Vide  p.  68,  note. 

15  On  the  question  of  the  orthodoxy  of  Marcellus  of  Ancyra 
(Angora),  vide  the  conflicting  opinions  of  Bp  Lightfoot  {Diet. 
Christ.  Bio^.  ii.  342),  and  Mr.  Ffoulkes  (id.  iii.  810).  Ath.  {Apol. 
contra  Ar.  1547)  says  of  the  Council  of  Sardica,  "'i'hebook  of  onr 
brother  Marcellus  was  also  read,  by  which  the  Irauds  of  the  Euse- 
bians  were  plainly  discovered  .  .  .  his  faith  was  found  to  be  cor- 
rect," cf.  p.  67,  note. 

16  The  successor  of  Eustathius  at  Beroea,  cf.  p.  41,  note  65. 
Socrates  says  the  statement  that  Cyrus  accused  Eustathius  of 
Sabellianism  is  an  Arian  calumny  (Soc.  i.  24  ;  ii.  9). 

17  Asclepas  or  .^Esculapius  was  at  Tyre  (p.  62),  and  was  de- 
posed on  the  charge  of  overturning  an  altar,  ws  Qv<Tia.<TTr\(>iov 
ttvaTpei/zas  (S02,  iii.  8).  ^8  Vide  p.  68. 

19  Bishop  of  i^nos  in  Thrace,  now  Enos.  {Hist.  Ar.  5  19.) 
Here  was  shown  the  tomb  of  Polydorus.  Plin.  4,  11,  i8.  Virgil 
(.^n.  iii.  18)  makes  .^neas  call  it  yEneadae,  but  see  Conington's 
note. 

20  Philagrius  was  prasfect  of  Egypt  a.d.  335 — 340.  Ath. 
{Ep.  Encyc.)  calls  him  "a  persecutor  of  the  Church  and  her 
virgins,  an  apostate  ot  bad  character." 


was  the  bishop  of  Cordova,  and  was  the  most 
highly  distinguished  of  all  those  who  assembled 
at  the  council  of  Nicaea ;  he  also  obtained  the 
first  place  among  those  convened  at  Sardica. 

I  now  desire  to  insert  in  my  history  an 
account  of  the  admirable  arguments  addressed 
by  the  far-famed  Liberius,  in  defence  of  the 
truth,  to  the  emperor  Constantius.  They  are 
recorded  by  some  of  the  pious  men  of  that 
period  in  order  to  stimulate  others  to  the 
exercise  of  similar  zeal  in  divine  things. 
Liberius  had  succeeded  Julius,  the  successor 
of  Silvester,  in  the  government  of  the  church 
of  Rome. 


CHAPTER  XIIL 

Conference  hehveen  Liberius^  Pope" of  Rome,  and 
the  Ewperor  Constantius  \ 

Constantius. — "  We  hav^e  judged  it  right, 
as  you  are  a  Christian  and  the  bishop  of  our 
city,  to  send  for  you  in  order  to  admonish  you 
to  abjure  all  connexion  with  the  folly  of  the 
impious  Athanasius.  For  when  he  was  sepa- 
rated from  the  communion  of  the  Church 
by  the  synod  the  whole  world  approved  of 
the  decision." 

Liberius. — "  O  Emperor,  ecclesiastical  sen- 
tences ought  to  be  enacted  with  strictest 
justice  :  therefore,  if  it  be  pleasing  to  your 
piety,  order  the  court  to  be  assembled,  and  if 
it  be  seen  that  Athanasius  deserves  co^idemna- 
tion,  then  let  sentence  be  passed  upon  him 
according  to  ecclesiastical  forms.  For  it  is 
not  possible  for  us  to  condemn  a  man  unheard 
and  untried." 

Constantius. — "The  whole  world  has  con- 
demned his  impiety;  but  he,  as  he  has  done 
from  the  first,  laughs  at  the  danger." 

Liberius. — "  Those  who  signed  the  con- 
demnation were  not  eye-witnesses  of  anything 
that  occurred  ;  but  were  actuated  by  the  desire 
of  glory,  and  by  the  fear  of  disgrace  at  thy 
hands." 

The  Emperor. — "  What  do  you  mean  by 
glory  and  fear  and  disgrace  ?  " 

Liberius. — "  Those  wdio  love  not  the  glory 
of  God,  but  who  attach  greater  value  to  thy 
gifts,  have  condemned  a  man  whom  they  have 
neither  seen  nor  judged ;  this  is  very  contrary 
to  the  principles  of  Christians." 

The  Emperor.- — "  Athanasius  was  tried  in 
person  at  the  council  of  Tyre,  and  all  the 
bishops  of  the  world  at  that  synod  condemned 
him." 


I  The  interview  took  place  at  Milan,  after  the  Eunuch  Euse- 
bius.  Chamberlain  of  Constantius,  had  in  vain  tried  to  win  over  the 
bishop  at  Rome,  and  had  exasperated  him  by  making  an  improper 
offering  at  the  shrine  of  St.  Peter.    {Hist.  Ar.  \  86.) 


78 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[II.  13. 


LiBERius. — "  No  judgment  has  ever  been 
passed  on  him  in  his  presence.  Those 
who  there  assembled  condemned  him  after  he 
had  retired." 

EusEBius  THE  EuNUCH  ^  fooHshly  inter- 
posed.— "  It  was  demonstrated  at  the  council 
of  Nicaea  that  he  held  opinions  entirely  at 
variance  with  the  catholic  faith." 

LiEERius. — "Of  all  those  who  sailed  to 
Mareotis,  and  who  were  sent  for  the  pur- 
pose of  drawing  up  memorials  against  the 
accused,  five  only  delivered  the  sentence 
against  him.  Of  the  five  who  were  thus  sent, 
two  are  now  dead,  namely,  Theognis  and 
Theodorus.  The  three  others,  Maris,  Valens, 
and  Ursacius,  are  still  living.  Sentence  was 
passed  at  Sardica  against  all  those  who  were 
sent  for  this  purpose  to  Mareotis.  They  pre- 
sented a  petition  to  the  council  soliciting 
pardon  for  having  drawn  up  at  Mareotis  me- 
morials against  Athanasius,  consisting  of  false 
accusations  and  depositions  of  only  one  party. 
Their  petition  is  still  in  our  hands.  Whose 
cause  are  we  to  espouse,  O  Emperor?  With 
whom  are  we  to  agree  and  hold  communion  ? 
With  those  who  first  condemned  Athanasius, 
and  then  solicited  pardon  for  having  con- 
demned him,  or  with  those  who  have  con- 
demned these  latter?" 

Epictetus3  the  Bishop. — "O  Emperor,  it 
is  not  on  behalf  of  the  faith,  nor  in  defence 
of  ecclesiastical  judgments  that  Liberius  is 
pleading ;  but  merely  in  order  that  he  may 
boast  before  the  Roman  senators  of  having 
conquered  the  emperor  in  argument." 

The  Emperor  {a ddressifig Liberius). — "What 
portion  do  you  constitute  of  the  universe,  that 
you  alone  by  yourself  take  part  with  an  im- 
pious man,  and  are  destroying  the  peace  of 
the  empire  and  of  the  whole  world  ?" 

Liberius. — "  My  standing  alone  does  not 
make  the  truth  a  whit  the  weaker.  According 
to  the  ancient  story,  there  are  found  but  three 
men  resisting  a  decree." 

EusEBius  THE  EuNUCH. — "  You  make  our 
emperor  a  Nebuchadnezzar." 

Liberius. — "  By  no  means.  But  you  rashly 
condemn  a  man  without  any  trial.  What  I 
desire  is,  in  the  first  place,  that  a  general  confes- 
sion of  faith  be  signed,  confirming  that  drawn 
up  at  the  council  of  Nicaea.  And  secondly,  that 
all  our  brethren  be  recalled  from  exile,  and 


2  I  adopt  the  suggestion  of  Valesius,  that  ctAoyw?  refers  not 
to  the  condemnation,  but  to  the  fooHsh  remark  of  the  imperial 
chamberlain.  Another  expedient  lor  clearing  Eusebius  of  the 
absurdity  01  saying  that  Athanasius  was  condemned  at  Nicaa, 
where  he  triumphed,  has  been  to  read  Tyre  for  Niccea. 

3  Bishop  of  Centumcellae  (Civita  Vecchia)  ;  "  a  bold  young 
fellow,  ready  for  any  mischief."  A  protege  of  the  Cappadocian 
Georgius,  he  was  an  Arian  oi  the  worst  type,  and  had  effected  the 
substitution  of  Felix  for  Liberius  in  the  Roman  see  by  irregular 
and  scandalous  means.    [Axh..  Hist.  Ar.  \  75.) 


reinstated  in  their  own  bishoprics.  If,  when 
all  this  has  been  carried  into  execution,  it  can 
be  shown  that  the  doctrines  of  all  those  who 
now  fill  the  churches  with  trouble  are  conform- 
able to  the  apostolic  faith,  then  we  will  all 
assemble  at  Alexandria  to  meet  the  accused, 
the  accusers,  and  their  defender,  and  after 
having  examined  the  cause,  we  will  pass  judg- 
ment upon  it." 

Epictetus  the  Bishop. — "  There  will  not 
be  sufficient  post-carriages  to  convey  so  many 
bishops." 

Liberius.  —  "Ecclesiastical  aff"airs  can  be 
tran sacted  without  post-carriages.  The  churches 
are  able  to  provide  means  for  the  conveyance 
of  their  respective  bishops  to  the  sea  coast  l" 

The  Emperor. — "  The  sentence  which  has 
once  been  passed  ought  not  to  be  revoked 
The  decision  of  the  greater  number  of  bishops 
ought  to  prevail.     You  alone  retain  friendship 
towards  that  impious  man." 

Libe;rius. — "O  Emperor,  it  is  a  thing 
hitherto  unheard  of,  that  a  judge  should  ac- 
cuse the  absent  of  impiety,  as  if  he  were  his 
personal  enemy." 

The  Emperor. — "  All  without  exception 
have  been  injured  by  him,  but  none  so 
deeply  as  I  have  been.  Not  content  with 
the  death  of  my  eldest  brothers,  he  never 
ceased  to  excite  Constans,  of  blessed  memory, 
to  enmity  against  me ;  but  I,  with  much  mod- 
eration, put  up  alike  with  the  vehemence  of 
both  the  instigator  and  his  victim.  Not  one 
of  the  victories  which  I  have  gained,  not  even 
excepting  those  over  Magnentius  and  Silva- 
nus,  equals  the  ejection  of  this  vile  man  from 
the  government  of  the  Church.'' 

Liberius. — "Do  not  vindicate  your  own 
hatred  and  revenge,  O  Emperor,  by  the  in- 
strumentality of  bishops ;  for  their  hands 
ought  only  to  be  raised  for  purposes  of  bles- 
sing and  of  sanctification.  If  it  be  consonant 
with  your  will,  command  the  bishops  to  return 
to  their  own  residences ;  and  if  it  appear  that 
they  are  of  one  mind  with  him  who  to-day 
maintains  the  true  doctrines  of  the  confession 
of  faith  signed  at  Nicaea,  then  let  them  come 
together  and  see  to  the  peace  of  the  world,  in 
order  that  an  innocent  man  may  not  serve  as 
a  mark  for  reproach." 


4  A  passage  of  Ammianus  Marcellinus  (xxi.  16)  on  the  "cursus 
publicus "  has  been  made  famous  by  Gibbon.  "The  Christian 
religion,  which  in  itself  is  plain  and  simple,  Constantius  con- 
founded by  the  dotage  of  superstition.  Instead  of  reconciling  the 
parties  by  the  weight  of  his  authority,  he  cherished  and  propagated, 
by  verbal  disputes,  the  differences  which  his  vain  curiosity  had  ex- 
cited. The  highways  were  covered  with  troops  of  bishops  gallop- 
ing Irom  every  side  to  the  assemblies  which  they  call  synods; 
and  while  they  laboured  to  reduce  the  whole  sect  to  their  own 
particular  opinions,  the  public  establishment  of  the  posts  was  almost 
ruined  by  their  hasty  and  repeated  journeys."     Gibbon,  chap.  xx. 

5  Constantme  II.  had  befriended  Athanasius,  but  the  patriarch 
was  neither  directly  nor  indirectly  responsible  for  his  attack  on 
Constans  and  his  death. 


II.  15.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


79 


The  Emperor. — "One  question  only  re- 
quires to  be  made.  J  wish  you  to  enter  into 
communion  with  the  churches,  and  to  send  you 
back  to  Rome.  Consent  therefore  to  peace, 
and  sign  your  assent,  and  then  you  shall  re- 
turn to  Rome." 

LiBERius. — "  I  have  already  taken  leave  of 
the  brethren  who  are  in  that  city.  The  de- 
crees of  the  Church  are  of  greater  importance 
than  a  residence  in  Rome." 

The  Emperor. — "  You  have  three  days  to 
consider  whether  you  will  sign  the  document 
and  return  to  Rome ;  if  not,  you  must  choose 
the  place  of  your  banishment." 

LiBERius. — "  Neither  three  days  nor  three 
months  can  change  my  sentiments.  Send  me 
wherever  you  please." 

After  the  lapse  of  two  days  the  emperor 
sent  for  Liberius,  and  finding  his  opinions  un- 
changed, he  commanded  him  to  be  banished 
to  Beroea,  a  city  of  Thrace.  Upon  the  de- 
parture of  Liberius,  the  emperor  sent  him  five 
hundred  pieces  of  gold  to  defray  his  expenses. 
Liberius  said  to  the  messenger  who  brought 
them,  "  Go,  and  give  them  back  to  the  em- 
peror ;  he  has  need  of  them  to  pay  his  troops." 
The  empress  ^  also  sent  him  a  sum  of  the  same 
amount ;  he  said,  *'  Take  it  to  the  emperor, 
for  he  may  want  it  to  pay  his  troops  ;  but  if 
not,  let  it  be  given  to  Auxentius  and  Epictetus, 
for  they  stand  in  need  of  it."  Eusebius  the 
eunuch  brought  him  other  sums  of  money,  and 
he  thus  addressed  him  :  "  You  have  turned 
all  the  churches  of  the  world  into  a  desert, 
and  do  you  bring  alms  to  me,  as  to  a  criminal  ? 
Begone,  and  become  first  a  Christian  7."  He 
was  sent  into  exile  three  days  afterwards,  with- 
out having  accepted  anything  that  was  offered 
him. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Concerning  the  Banishment  and  Return  of  the 
Holy  Liberius. 

This  victorious  champion  of  the  truth  was 
sent  into  Thrace,  according  to  the  imperial 
order.  Two  years  after  this  event  Constantius 
went  to  Rome.  The  ladies  of  rank  urged  their 
husbands  to  petition  the  emperor  for  the  re- 
storation of  the  shepherd  to  his  flock  :  they 
added,  that  if  this  were  not  granted,  they  would 
desert  them,  and  go  themselves  after  their 
great  pastor.  Their  husbands  replied,  that 
they  were  afraid  of  incurring  the  resentment  of 
the  emperor.     "If  we  were  to  ask  him,"  they 


6  Eusebia.  Constantius  II.  was  thrice  married  ;  (i)  a.d.  336 
(Eus.  Vit.  Const,  iv.  49),  to  his  cousin  Constantia,  sister  of  Julian 
(vid.  Pedigree  in  proleg.) ;  (ii)  a.u.  352,  to  Aurelia  Eusebia,  an 
Arian  "of  exceptional  beauty  of  body  and  mind"  (Aram.  Marc, 
xxi.  6',  and  (iii)  a.d.  360  or  361,  to  Faustina. 

7  Liberius  does  not  reckon  the  Arian  eunuch  as  a  Christian. 


continued,  "  being  men,  he  would  deem  it  an 
unpardonable  offence ;  but  if  you  were  your- 
selves to  present  the  petition,  he  would  at  any 
rate  spare  you,  and  would  either  accede  to 
your  request,  or  else  dismiss  you  without  in- 
jury." These  noble  ladies  adopted  this  sug- 
gestion, and  presented  themselves  before  the  em- 
peror in  all  their  customary  splendour  of  array, 
that  so  the  sovereign,  judging  their  rank  from 
their  dress,  might  count  them  worthy  of  being 
treated  with  courtesy  and  kindness.  Thus  en- 
tering the  presence,  tliey  besought  him  to  take 
pity  on  the  condition  of  so  large  a  city,  de 
prived  of  its  shepherd,  and  made  an  easy  prey 
to  the  attacks  of  wolves.  The  emperor  re- 
plied, that  the  flock  possessed  a  shepherd 
capable  of  tending  it,  and  that  no  other  was 
needed  in  the  city.  For  after  the  banishment 
of  the  great  Liberius,  one  of  his  deacons, 
named  Felix,  had  been  appointed  bishop.  He 
preserved  inviolate  the  doctrines  set  forth  in 
the  Nicene  confession  of  faith,  yet  he  held 
communion  with  those  who  had  corrupted  that 
faith.  For  this  reason  none  of  the  citizens  of 
Rome  would  enter  the  House  of  Prayer  while 
he  was  in  it.  The  ladies  mentioned  these  facts 
to  the  emperor.  Their  persuasions  were  suc- 
cessful ;  and  he  commanded  that  the  great 
Liberius  should  be  recalled  from  exile,  and 
that  the  two  bishops  should  conjointly  rule  the 
Church.  The  edict  of  the  emperor  was  read  in 
the  circus,  and  the  multitude  shouted  that  the 
imperial  ordinance  was  just ;  that  the  specta- 
tors were  divided  into  two  factions,  each  de- 
riving its  name  from  its  own  colours  %  and  that 
each  faction  would  now  have  its  own  bishop. 
After  having  thus  ridiculed  the  edict  of  the 
emperor,  they  all  exclaimed  with  one  voice, 
"  One  God,  one  Christ,  one  bishop."  I  have 
deemed  it  right  to  set  down  their  precise 
words.  Some  time  after  this  Christian  people 
had  uttered  these  pious  and  righteous  accla- 
mations, the  holy  Liberius  returned,  and  Fefix 
retired  to  another  city. 

I  have,  for  the  sake  of  preserving  order, 
appended  this  narrative  to  what  relates  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  bishops  at  Milan.  I  shall 
now  return  to  the  relation  of  events  in  their 
due  course. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Coimcil  of  Ariminum'^. 

When  all  who  defended  the  faith  had 
been     removed,     those     who     moulded     the 


I  There  were  originally  four  factions  in  the  Circus  ;  blue,  green, 
white,  and  red.  Domitian  added  two  more,  golden  and  purple. 
But  the  blue  and  the  green  absorbed  the  rest,  and  divided  the 
multitude  at  the  games.     Cf.  Juv.  XI.  197. 

"  Totam  hodie  Romam  circus  capit,  et  fragor  aurem 
Percutit,  eventum  viridis  quo  colligo  panni." 
Cf.  Amm.  Marc.  xiv.  6,  and  Plin.  Ep.  ix.  6. 
X  A.D.  359. 


8o 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[II.  15. 


mind  of  the  emperor  according  to  their  own 
will,  flattering  themselves  that  the  faith  which 
they  opposed  might  be  easily  subverted,  and 
Arianism  established  in  its  stead,  persuaded 
Constantius  to  convene  the  Bishops  of  both  East 
and  West  at  Ariminum^,  in  order  to  remove  from 
the  Creed  the  terms  which  had  been  devised  by 
the  Fathers  to  counteract  the  corrupt  craft  of 
Arius, —  "  substance  3,"  and  '*  of  one  substance  4. " 
For  they  would  have  it  that  these  terms  had 
caused  dissension  between  church  and  church. 
On  their  assembling  in  synod  the  partizans  of 
the  Arian  faction  strove  to  trick  the  majority 
of  the  bishops,  especially  those  of  cities  of 
the  Western  Empire,  who  were  men  of  simple 
and  unsophisticated  ways.  The  body  of  the 
Church,  they  argued  again  and  again,  must 
not  be  torn  asunder  for  the  sake  of  two  terms 
which  are  not  to  be  found  in  the  Bible ;  and, 
while  they  confessed  the  propriety  of  describing 
the  Son  as  in  all  things  '^ like''  the  Father, 
pressed  the  omission  of  the  word  ^^ substance'' 
as  unscriptural.  The  motives,  however,  of 
the  propounders  of  these  views  were  seen 
through  by  the  Council,  and  they  were  con- 
sequently repudiated.  The  orthodox  bishops 
declared  their  mind  to  the  emperor  in  a 
letter;  for,  said  they,  we  are  sons  and  heirs 
of  the  Fathers  of  the  Council  of  Nicaea,  and 
if  we  were  to  have  the  hardihood  to  take  away 
anything  from  what  was  by  them  subscribed, 
or  to  add  anything  to  what  they  so  excellently 
settled,  we  should  declare  ourselves  no  true 
sons,  but  accusers  of  them  that  begat  us. 
But  the  exact  terms  of  their  confession  of 
faith  will  be  more  accurately  given  in  the 
words  of  their  letter  to  Constantius. 


Letter  s  ivntten  to  the  Emperor  Constaiitius  by 
the  Sy?tod  assembled  at  Ariminiim. 

"  Summoned,  we  beHeve,  at  the  bidding  of 
God,  and  in  obedience  to  your  piety,  we 
bishops  of  the  Western  Church  assembled  in 
synod  at  Ariminum  in  order  that  the  faith  of 


2  The  eastern  bishops  were  summoned  to  Seleucia,  in  Cilicia  ; 
the  western  to  Ariminum,  (Rimini).  "A  previous  Conference  was 
held  at  Sirmium,  in  order  to  determine  on  the  creed  to  be  presented 
to  the  bipartite  Council.  .  .  .  The  Eusebians  struggled  for  the 
adoption  of  the  Acacian  Nomceon,  which  the  Emperor  had  already 
both  received  and  abandoned,  and  they  actually  effected  the  adop- 
tion of  the  '  ^ike  in  all  things  according  to  the  Scriptures,'  a 
phrase  in  which  the  semi-Arians,  indeed,  included  their  ''like  in 
substance'  or  Homoeusion,  but  which  did  not  necessarily  refer 
to  substance  or  nature  at  all.  Under  these  circumstances  the  two 
Councils  met  in  the  autumn  of  a.d.  359,  under  the  nominal 
superintendence  of  the  semi-Arians  ;  but,  on  the  Eusebian  side, 
the  sharp-witted  Acacius  undertaking  to  deal  with  the  disputatious 
Greeks,  the  overbearing  and  cruel  Valens  with  the  plainer  Latins." 
(Newman,  Arians,  iv.  \  ^.)  At  Seleucia  there  were  150  bishops; 
at  Ariminum  400. 

3  ovcria.  4  o/u.oovaioi'. 

5  This  letter  exists  in  Ath.  de  Syn.  Arim.  et  Seleu.,  See.  ii.  39, 
Soz.  iv.  10,  and  the  Latin  of  Hilarius  (Fr.  viii.),  which  frequently 
differs  considerably  from  the  Greek. 


the  Church  Catholic  might  be  set  forth,  and 
its     opponents     exposed.       After    long     con- 
sideration  we   have   found   it   to   be    plainly 
best  for  us  to  hold  fast  and  guard,   and   by 
guarding  keep   safe   unto   the   end,   the  faith 
established     from     the     first,     preached     by 
Prophets,     and     Evangelists,    and    Apostles, 
through    our   Lord   Jesus   Christ,   warden    of 
thy  empire,  and   champion    of  thy  salvation. 
For  it  is  plainly  absurd  and  unlawful  to  make 
any  change  in  the  doctrines  rightly  and  justly 
defined,   and  in  matters   examined  at  Nicaea 
with    the    cognisance    of    the    right   glorious 
Constantine,  thy  Father  and  Emperor,  whereof 
the   teaching   and   spirit   was    published    and 
preached  that  mankind  might  hear  and  under- 
stand.    This  faith  was  destined  to  be  the  one 
rival  and  destroyer  of  the  Arian  heresy,  and 
by  it  not  only  the  Arian  itself,  but  likewise  all 
other  heresies  were  undone.     To  this  faith  to 
add  aught  is  verily  perilous ;  from  it  to  subtract 
aught  is  to  run  great  risk.     If  it  have  either 
addition  or  loss,  our  foes  will  feel  free  to  act  as 
they  please.    Accordingly  Ursacius  and  Valens, 
declared   adherents  and  friends  of  the  Arian 
dogma,  were  pronounced    separate   from    our 
communion.     To  keep  their  place  in  it,  they 
asked    to    be   granted   a   locus  penitentice  and 
pardon   for  all  the  points  wherein   they  had 
owned  themselves  in  error;  as  is  testified  by 
the  documents  written  by  themselves,  by  means 
of  which  they  obtained  favour  and  forgiveness. 
These  events  were  going  on  at  the  very  time 
when  the    synod  was  meeting  at  Milan,   the 
presbyters  of  the  church  of  Rome  being  also 
present.     It  was  known  that  Constantine,  who, 
though  dead,  is  worthy  of  remembrance,  had, 
with   all   exactitude   and   care,    set   forth   the 
creed  drawn  up  :  and  now  that,  after  receiving 
Baptism,  he  was  dead,  and  had  passed  away 
to  the  peace  which  he  deserved.    We  judged 
it  absurd  for  us  after  him  to  indulge  in  any 
innovation,  and  throw  a  slur  on  all  the  holy 
confessors  and  martyrs  who  had  devised  and 
formulated  this  doctrine,  in  that  their  minds 
have  ever  remained  bound  by  the  old  bond 
of  the  Church.     Their  faith  God  has  handed 
down    even   to   the   times   of  thy  own   reign, 
through    our    Lord   Jesus   Christ,   by   Whose 
grace  such  empire   is    thine   that  thou   rulest 
over  all  the  world.     Yet  again  those  pitiable 
and  wretched  men,  with  lawless  daring,  have 
proclaimed  themselves  preachers  of  their  un- 
holy  opinion,   and   are    taking   in    hand    the 
overthrow  of  all  the  force  of  the  truth.     For 
when  at  thy  command  the  synod  assembled, 
then   they  laid  bare   their   own   disingenuous 
desires.     For   they  set   about   trying   through 
villany   and    confusion    to    make    innovation. 
They  got  hold  of  certain  of  their  own  follow- 


IL  15.] 


OF  THEODORET. 


81 


insf, — one  Germaniiis^   and  Aiixentius7,   and 


)m 


Caius^,  promoters  of  heresy  and  discord,  whose 
doctrine,  though  but  one,  transcends  a  very 
host  of  blasphemies.  When,  however,  they 
became  aware  that  we  were  not  of  their  way 
of  thinking,  nor  in  sympathy  with  their  vicious 
projects,  they  made  their  way  into  our  meeting 
as  though  to  make  some  other  proposal,  but 
a  very  short  time  was  enough  to  convict  them 
of  their  real  intentions.  Therefore  in  order 
to  save  the  management  of  the  Church  from 
falling  from  time  to  time  into  the  same  diffi- 
culties, and  to  prevent  them  from  being 
confounded  in  whirlpools  of  disturbance  and 
disorder,  it  has  seemed  the  safe  course  to 
keep  what  has  been  defined  aforetime  fixed 
and  unchanged,  and  to  separate  the  above- 
named  from  our  communion.  Wherefore  we 
have  sent  envoys  to  your  clemency  to  signify 
and  explain  the  mind  of  the  synod  as  ex- 
pressed in  this  letter.  These  envoys  before 
all  things  we  have  charged  to  guard  the  truth 
in  accordance  with  the  old  and  right  defini- 
tions. They  are  to  inform  your  holiness,  not 
as  did  Ursacius  and  Valens,  that  there  will 
be  peace  if  the  truth  be  upset ;  for  how  can 
the  destroyers  of  peace  be  agents  of  peace  ? 
but  rather  that  these  changes  will  bring  strife 
and  disturbance,  as  well  on  the  rest  of  the 
cities,  as  on  the  Roman  church.  Wherefore 
we  beseech  your  clemency  to  receive  our 
envoys  with  kindly  ears  and  gentle  mien,  and 
not  to  suffer  any  new  thing  to  flout  the  dead. 
Suffer  us  to  abide  in  the  definition  and  settle- 
ment of  our  Fathers,  whom  we  would  un- 
hesitatingly declare  to  have  done  all  they  did 
with  intelligence  and  wisdom,  and  with  the 
Holy  Ghost.  The  innovation  now  sought  to 
be  introduced  is  filling  the  faithful  with  un- 
behef,  and  unbelievers  with  credulity  9. 

"  We  beg  you  to  order  bishops  in  distant 
parts,  who  are  afflicted  alike  by  advanced  age 
and  poverty,  to  be  provided  with  facilities  for 
travelling  home,  that  the  churches  be  not  left 
long  deprived  of  their  bishops. 

"  And  yet  again  this  one  thing  we  supplicate, 
that  nothing  be  taken  from  or  added  to  the 


6  Germanns  (Ath.  andSoz.),  Germinius  (according  to  Hilarius), 
bishop  of  Cyzicus,  was  translated  to  Sirmiuni,  ad.  356.  The  creed 
composed  by  Marcus  of  Arethusa  with  the  aid  of  Germinius, 
Valens  and  others,  is  known  as  "the  dated  creed,"  from  tlic 
minuteness,  satirized  by  Athanasius,  with  which  it  specifies  the 
day  (May  22,  a.d.  xi.  Kal.  Jun.),  iu  the  consulate  of  Eusebius 
and  Hypatius  (Ath.  de  Syn.  {8). 

7  Auxentius,  the  elder,  bishop  of  Milan,  succeeded  Dionysius 
in  355,  and  occupied  the  see  till  his  death  in  374,  when  Ambrose 
was  chosen  to  fill  his  place.  Auxentius,  the  yoimger,  known  also 
as  Mercurinus,  was  afterwards  set  up  by  the  Arian  Court  party 
as  a  rival  bishop  to  Ambrose.  A  third  Auxentius,  a  supporter 
of  the  heretic  Jovinianus,  is  mentioned  in  the  Epistle  of  Siricius. 
Vide  reft,  in  Baronius  and  Tillemont.  An  Auxentius,  Arian  bishop 
of  Mopsuestia,  is  mentioned  by  Philostorgius,  v.  i.  2. 

8  A  I'annonian  bishop.     Ath.  ad  Epict. 

9  The  word  in  the  text  is  w/xoTrjTa,  which  is  supposed  to  have 
stood  tor  crndeiitatem,  a  clerical  error  for  credulitatem  in  the 
Latin  original. 

VOL.  III. 


established  doctrines,  but  that  all  remain  un- 
broken, as  they  have  been  ])reserved  by  your 
father's  piety,  and  to  our  own  day.  Let  us 
toil  no  longer  nor  be  kept  away  from  our  own 
dioceses,  but  let  the  bishops  with  their  own 
people  spend  their  days  in  peace,  in  prayer,  and 
in  worship,  offering  supplication  for  thy  empire, 
and  health,  and  peace,  which  God  shall  grant 
thee  for  ever  and  ever.  Our  envoys,  who 
will  also  instruct  your  holiness  out  of  the 
sacred  Scriptures,  convey  the  signatures  and 
salutations  of  the  bishops." 

The  letter  was  written,  and  the  envoys  sent, 
but  the  high  officers  of  the  Imperial  Court, 
though  they  took  the  despatch  and  delivered 
it  to  their  master,  refused  to  introduce  the 
envoys,  on  the  ground  that  the  sovereign  was 
occupied  with  state  affairs.  They  took  this 
course  in  the  hope  that  the  bishops,  an- 
noyed at  delay,  and  eager  to  return  to  the 
cities  entrusted  to  their  care,  would  at  length 
be  compelled  themselves  to  break  up  and 
disperse  the  bulwark  erected  against  heresy. 
But  their  ingenuity  was  frustrated,  for  the 
noble  champions  of  the  Faith  despatched  a 
second  letter  to  the  emperor,  exhorting  him  to 
admit  the  envoys  to  audience  and  dissolve  the 
synod.     This  letter  I  subjoin. 

The  Second  Letter  of  the  Synod  to  Cojistantius. 

**  To  Constantius  the  Victorious,  the  pious 
emperor,  the  bishops  assembled  at  Ariminum 
send  greeting. 

"  Most  illustrious  lord  and  autocrat,  we  have 
received  the  letter  of  your  clemency,  informing 
us  that,  in  consequence  of  occupations  of 
state,  you  have  hitherto  been  unable  to  see 
our  envoys.  You  bid  us  await  their  return, 
that  your  piety  may  come  to  a  decision  on 
the  object  we  have  in  view,  and  on  the  de- 
crees of  our  predecessors.  But  we  venture 
in  this  letter  to  repeat  to  your  clemency  the 
point  which  we  urged  before,  for  we  have  in 
no  way  withdrawn  from  our  position.  We  en- 
treat you  to  receive  with  benign  countenance 
the  letter  of  our  humility,  wherein  now  we 
make  answer  to  your  piety,  and  the  points 
which  we  have  ordered  to  be  submitted  to 
your  benignity  by  our  envoys.  Your  clemency 
is  no  less  aware  than  we  are  ourselves  how 
serious  and  unfitting  a  state  of  things  it  is, 
that  in  the  time  of  your  most  happy  reign  so 
many  churches  should  seem  to  be  without 
bishops.  Wherefore  once  again,  most  glorious 
autocrat,  we  beseech  you  that,  if  it  be  pleasing 
to  your  humanity,  you  will  command  us  to 
return  to  our  churches  before  the  rigour  of 
winter,  that  we  may  be  able,  with  our  people, 
as  we  have  done  and  ever  do,  to  offer  most 
earnest  prayers  for  the  health  and  wealth  of 


8? 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[11.  15. 


your  empire  to  Almighty  God,  and  to  Christ 
His  Son,  our  Lord  and  Saviour." 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Concerniiig  the  Synod  held  at  Nica  ^  in  Thrace^ 
and  the  Confessw7i  of  Faith  drawn  up  there. 

After  this  letter  they^  irritated  the  em- 
peror, and  got  the  majority  of  the  bishops, 
against  their  will,  to  a  certain  town  of  Thrace, 
of  the  name  of  Nica.  Some  simple  men  they 
deluded,  and  others  they  terrified,  into  carry- 
ing out  their  old  contrivance  for  injuring  the 
true  religion,  by  erasing  the  words  "  Sub- 
stance "  and  **  of  one  Substance "  from  the 
Creed^  and  inserting  instead  of  them  the 
word  "like."  I  insert  their  formula  in 
this  history,  not  as  being  couched  in  proper 
terms,  but  because  it  convicts  the  faction  of 
Arius,  for  it  is  not  even  accepted  by  the  dis- 
affected of  the  present  time.  Now,  instead  of 
*'  the  like  "  they  preach  "  the  unHke  3." 

Unsound  Creed  put  forth  at  Nica  in  Thrace. 

*'  We  beheve  in  one  only  true  God,  Father 
Almighty,  of  Whom  are  all  things.  And  in 
the  only-begotten  Son  of  God,  Who  before  all 
ages  and  before  every  beginning  was  begotten 
of  God,  through  Whom  all  things  were  made, 
both  visible  and  invisible :  alone  begotten, 
only-begotten  of  the  Father  alone,  God  of 
God :  like  the  Father  that  begat  Him,  accord- 
ing to  the  Scriptures,  Whose  generation  no 
one  knoweth  except  only  the  Father  that  begat 
Him.  This  Only-begotten  Son  of  God,  sent 
by  His  Father,  we  know  to  have  come  down 
from  heaven,  as  it  is  written,  for  the  destruction 
of  sin  and  death ;  begotten  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
and  the  Virgin  Mary,  as  it  is  written,  according 
to  the  flesh.  Who  companied  with  His  dis- 
ciples, and  when  the  dispensation  was  fulfilled, 
according  to  the  Father's  will,  was  crucified, 
dead,  and  buried,  and  descended  to  the  world 
below,  at  Whom  Hell  himself  trembled.     On 


«  At  or  near  the  modern  Hafsa,  not  far  to  the  S.  of  Adrianople. 

*  i.e.  the  Arians. 

3  "  The  Eusebians,  little  pleased  with  the  growing  dogmatism 
of  members  of  their  own  body,  fell  upon  the  expedient  of  confining 
their  confession  to  Scripture  terms  ;  which,  when  separated  from 
their  context,  were  of  course  inadequate  to  concentrate  and  as- 
certain the  true  doctrine.  Hence  the  formula  of  the  Hoinceoii, 
which  was  introduced  by  Acacius  with  the  express  purpose  of 
deceiving  or  baffling  the  semi-Arian  members  ot  his  party.  This 
measure  was  the  more  necessary  for  Eusebian  interests,  inasmuch 
as  a  new  variety  of  the  heresy  arose  in  the  East  at  the  same  time, 
advocated  by  Aetius  and  Eunomius  ;  who,  by  professing  boldly  the 
pure  Arian  text,  alarmed  Constantius,  and  tiirew  him  back  upon 
Basil,  and  the  other  semi-Arians.  This  new  doctrine,  called 
Anomoean,  because  it  maintained  that  the  nsia  or  substance  of 
the  Son  was  unlike  (av6/xoio5)  the  Divine  usia,  was  actually  adopted 
by  one  portion  of  the  Eusebians,  Valens,  and  his  rude  occidentals  ; 
whose  language  and  temper,  not  admitting  the  refinements  of 
Grecian  genius,  led  them  to  rush  from  orthodoxy  into  the  most 
hard  and  undisguised  impiety*  And  thus  the  parties  stand  at  the 
date  now  before  us  'a.d.  356 — 361)  ;  Constantius  being  alternately 
swayed  by  Basil,  Acacius,  and  Valens,  that  is  by  the  Homousian, 
the  Homcean,  and  the  Anomoean,  the  semi-Arian,  the  Scripturalist, 
and  the  Arian  pure"  (Newman,  Arians,  iv.  \  4). 


the  third  day  He  rose  from  the  ^ead  and 
companied  with  His  disciples  forty  aays.  He 
was  taken  up  into  Heaven,  and  sitteth  on  the 
right  hand  of  His  Father,  and  is  coming  at  the 
last  day  of  the  Resurrection,  in  His  Father's 
Glory,  to  render  to  every  one  according  to  his 
works.  And  we  believe  in  the  Holy  Ghost, 
which  the  Only-begotten  Son  of  God,  Jesus 
Christ,  both  God  and  Lord,  promised  to  send 
to  man,  the  Comforter,  as  it  is  written,  the 
Spirit  of  Truth.  This  Spirit  He  Himself  sent 
after  He  had  ascended  into  Heaven  and  sat 
at  the  right  hand  of  the  Father,  from  thence 
to  come  to  judge  both  quick  and  dead.  But 
the  word  '  the  Substance,'  which  was  too 
simply  inserted  by  the  Fathers,  and,  not  being 
understood  by  the  people,  was  a  cause  of 
scandal  through  its  not  being  found  in  the 
Scriptures,  it  hath  seemed  good  to  us  to  re- 
move, and  that  for  the  future  no  mention 
whatever  be  permitted  of  *  Substance,'  on 
account  of  the  sacred  Scriptures  nowhere 
making  any  mention  of  the  '  Substance '  of 
the  Father  and  the  Son.  Nor  must  one  '  es- 
sence 4 '  be  named  in  relation  to  the  person  s 
of  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost.  And  we  call 
the  Son  like  the  Father,  as  the  Holy  Scriptures 
call  Him  and  teach  ;  but  all  the  heresies,  both 
those  already  condemned,  and  any,  if  such 
there  be,  which  have  risen  against  the  docu- 
ment thus  put  forth,  let  them  be  Anathema." 

This  Creed  was  subscribed  by  the  bishops, 
some  being  frightened  and  some  cajoled,  but 
those  who  refused  to  give  in  their  adhesion 
were  banished  to  the  most  remote  regions  of 
the  world. 

CHAPTER  XVH. 

Sy nodical  Act  of  Dafnasus,  Bishop  of  Ro?ne,  and 
of  the  Western  Bishops,  about  the  Council  at 
Ariminum. 

The  condemnation  of  this  formula  by  all 
the  champions  of  the  truth,  and  specially 
those  of  the  West,  is  shewn  by  the  letter 
which  they  wrote  to  the  Illyrians  ^  First  of 
the  signatories  was  Damasus,  who  obtained 
the  presidency  of  the  church  of  Rome  after 
Liberius,  and  was  adorned  with  many  virtues 2. 

4  VTrocTTao't.s.  5  TTp6<TU>irov. 

1  The  letter  is  given  in  Soz.  vi.  23.  The  Latin  text  (Coll.  Rom. 
ed.  Holsten.  p.  163)  differs  materially  from  the  Greek. 

2  These  were  displayed  after  his  establishment  in  his  see. 
He  was  the  nominee  of  the  Arian  party,  and  bloody  scenes  marked 
the  struggle  with  his  rival  Ur.sinus.  "Damasus  et  Ursinus, 
supra  humanum  modum  ad  rapiendam  episcopatus  sedem  ardentes, 
scissis  studiis  asperrime  conflictabantur,  adusque  mortis  vuinerum- 
que  discrimina  progressis.  .  .  .  Constat  in  basilica  ubi  ritus  chris- 
tiani  conventiculum  uno  die  centum  triginta  septem  reperta  cada- 
vera  peremptorum."  Amm.  Marc,  xxvii.  3,  13.  "  But  we  can  say 
that  he  used  his  success  well,  and  that  the  chair  of  St.  Peter  was 
never  more  respected  nor  more  vigorous  than  during  his  bishopric." 
Mr.  Moberly  in  Dt'ci.  Christ.  Biog.  i.  782.  Jerome  calls  him 
(Ep.  Hier.  xlviii.  230)  "  an  illustrious  man,  virgin  doctor  of  the  virgin 
church." 

But  not  his  least  claim  to  our  regard  is  that  in  the  Catacombs 


II.  i8.J 


OF  THEODORET. 


83 


With  him  signed  ninety  bishops  of  Italy  and 
Galatia3,  now  called  Gaul,  who  met  together 
at  Rome.  I  would  have  inserted  their  names 
but  that  I  thought  it  superfluous. 


''The  bishops  assembled  at  Rome  in  sacred 
synod,  Damasus  and  Valerianus  ♦  and  the  rest, 
to  their  beloved  brethren  the  bishops  of  lUyria, 
send  greeting  in  God. 

**  We  believe  that  we,  priests  of  God,  by  whom 
it  is  right  for  the  rest  to  be  instructed,  are 
holding  and  teaching  our  people  the  Holy 
Creed  which  was  founded  on  the  teaching  of 
the  Apostles,  and  in  no  way  departs  from  the 
definitions  of  the  Fathers.  But  through  a 
report  of  the  brethren  in  Gaul  and  Venetia  we 
have  learnt  that  certain  men  are  fallen  into 
heresy. 

"  It  is  the  duty  of  the  bishops  not  only  to 
take  precautions  against  this  mischief,  but  also 
to  make  a  stand  against  whatever  divergent 
teaching  has  arisen,  either  from  incomplete 
instruction,  or  the  simplicity  of  readers  of  un- 
sound commentators.  They  should  be  minded 
not  to  slide  into  slippery  paths,  but  rather 
whensoever  divergent  counsels  are  carried  to 
their  ears,  to  hold  fast  the  doctrine  of  our 
fathers.  It  has,  therefore,  been  decided  that 
Auxentius  of  Milan  is  in  this  matter  specially 
condemned.  So  it  is  right  that  all  the  teachers 
of  the  law  in  the  Roman  Empire  should  be 
well  instructed  in  the  law,  and  not  befoul  the 
faith  with  divergent  doctrines. 

"When  first  the  wickedness  of  the  heretics 
began  to  flourish,  and  when,  as  now,  the  blas- 
phemy of  the  Arians  was  crawling  to  the 
front,  our  fathers,  three  hundred  and  eighteen 
bishops,  the  holiest  prelates  in  the  Roman 
Empire,  deliberated  at  Nicaea.  The  wall  which 
they  set  up  against  the  weapons  of  the  devil, 
and  the  antidote  wherewith  they  repelled  his 
deadly  poisons,  was  their  confession  that  the 
Father  and  the  Son  are  of  one  substance,  one 
godhead,  one  virtue,  one  power,  one  likeness  s, 
and  that  the  Holy  Ghost  is  of  the  same  es- 


it  was  his  "  labour  of  love  to  rediscover  the  tombs  which  had  been 
blocked  up  for  concealment  under  Diocletian,  to  remove  the  earth, 
widen  the  passages,  adorn  the  sepulchral  chambers  with  marble,  and 
support  the  friable  tufa  walls  with  arches  of  brick  and  stone." 
"  Roma  Sotterranea,"  Northcote  and  Brownlow,  p.  97. 

3  TaXdrai  =  Ke'Aroi,  the  older  name,  which  exists  in  Herodotus 
II.  33  and  IV.  49.  Pausanias(I.  iii.  5)  says6«//e  5e  ttotc  auroiis  Ka\el<T- 
daiFaAaTa?  e|'€viK>j(re,  KeArofyap  /cara  re  <7</)as  to  apxalov  Kal  irapa 
Tois  aA-Aois  Civoixa^ovTo.  Galatia  occurs  on  the  Monumentum  Ancy- 
ranum.  Bp.  Lightfoot  (Galat.  p.  3)  says  the  first  instance  of  Gallia 
(Galli)  which  he  has  found  in  any  Greek  writer  is  in  Epictetus  II. 
20,  17. 

4  In  Sozomen,  Valerius,  Bishop  of  Aquileia.  "  But  little  is 
known  of  his  life,  but  under  his  rule  there  grew  up  at  Aquileia  the 
society  of  remarkable  persons  of  whom  Hieronymus  became  the 
most  famous."     Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  1102. 

5  xapaKTTjp*  contrast  the  statement  in  Heb.  i.  3,  that  the  Son  is 
the  x'^?^^'^''\?  of  the  person  of  the  Father.  xapoK-n/jp  in  the  letter 
of  Damasus  approaches  more  nearly  our  use  of  "character" 
as  meaning  distinctive  qualities,  cf.  Plato  Phaed.  26  B. 


sence  ^  and  substance.  Whoever  did  not  thus 
think  was  judged  separate  from  our  commu- 
nion. Their  deliberation  was  worthy  of  all 
respect,  and  their  definition  sound.  But  cer- 
tain men  have  intended  by  other  later  dis- 
cussions to  corrupt  and  befoul  it.  Yet,  at  the 
very  outset,  error  was  so  far  set  right  by  the 
bishops  on  whom,  the  attempt  was  made  at 
Ariminum  to  compel  them  to  manipulate  or  in- 
novate on  the  faith,  that  they  confessed  them- 
selves seduced  by  opposite  arguments,  or 
owned  that  they  had  not  perceived  any  con- 
tradiction to  the  opinion  of  the  Fathers  de- 
livered at  Nicaea.  No  prejudice  could  arise 
from  the  number  of  bishops  gathered  at  Ari- 
minum, since  it  is  well  known  that  neither  the 
bishop  of  the  Romans,  whose  opinion  ought 
before  all  others  to  have  been  waited  for,  nor 
Vincentius,  whose  stainless  episcopate  had 
lasted  so  many  years,  nor  the  rest,  gave  in 
their  adhesion  to  such  doctrines.  And  this  is 
the  more  significant,  since,  as  has  been  already 
said,  the  very  men  who  seemed  to  be  tricked 
into  surrender,  themselves,  in  their  wiser  mo- 
ments, testified  their  disapproval. 

**  Your  sincerity  then  perceives  that  thisone 
faith,  which  was  founded  at  Nicaea  on  the 
authority  of  the  Apostles,  ought  to  be  kept 
secure  for  ever.  You  perceive  that  with  us, 
the  bishops  of  the  East,  who  confess  themselves 
Catholic,  and  the  western  bishops,  together 
glory  in  it.  We  believe  that  before  long  those 
who  think  otherwise  ought  without  delay  to  be 
put  out  from  our  communion,  and  deprived  of 
the  name  of  bishop,  that  their  flocks  may  be 
freed  from  error  and  breathe  freely.  For  they 
cannot  be  expected  to  correct  the  errors  of 
their  people  when  they  themselves  are  the 
victims  of  error.  May  the  opinion  of  your 
reverence  be  in  harmony  with  that  of  all  the 
priests  of  God.  We  believe  you  to  be  fixed 
and  firm  in  it,  and  thus  ought  we  rightly  to 
believe  with  you.  May  your  charity  make  us 
glad  by  your  reply.  • 

**  Beloved  brethren,  farewell." 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

T/ie  Letter  of  Athanasms,  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria^ concerning  the  same  Council. 

The  great  Athanasius  also,  in  his  letter  to 
the  Africans,  writes  thus  about  the  council 
at  Ariminum.  "Under  these  circumstances 
who  will  tolerate  any  mention  of  the  council 
of  Ariminum  or  any  other  beside  the  Nicene  ? 
Who  would  not  express  detestation  of  the 
setting  aside  of  the  words  of  the  Fathers,  and 
the   preference   for  those   introduced   at  Ari- 


VTrocTatrt?. 


G  2 


84 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[II.   19. 


minum  by  violence  and  party  strife?  Who 
would  wish  to  be  associated  with  these  men 
—  fellows  who  do  not,  forsooth,  accept  their 
own  words?  In  their  own  ten  or  a  dozen 
synods  the}'  have  laid  down,  as  has  been  nar- 
rated already,  now  one  thing  now  another  ; 
and  at  the  present  time  these  synods,  one  after 
another,  they  are  themselves  openly  denounc- 
ing. They  are  now  suffering  the  fate  under- 
gone of  old  by  the  traitors  of  the  Jews.  For 
as  is  written  in  the  Book  of  the  Prophet 
Jeremiah  ''''  they  have  forsaken  me  the  foun- 
tain of  living  waters  and  hewed  them  out 
cisterns^  broken  cisterns  that  can  hold  7io 
water ^^^^  so  these  men,  in  their  opposition  to 
the  CEcumenical  synod,  have  hewed  for  them- 
selves many  synods  which  have  all  proved 
vain  and  like  ''''buds  that  yield  no  meal^^'  ^  let 
us  not  therefore  admit  those  who  cite  the 
council  of  Ariminum  or  any  other  but  that  of 
Nicasa,  for  indeed  the  very  citers  of  Ariminum 
do  not  seem  to  know  what  was  done  there  ;  if 
they  had  they  would  have  held  their  tongues. 
For  you,  beloved,  have  learnt  from  your  own 
representatives  at  that  Council,  and  are  con- 
sequently very  well  aware,  that  Ursacius, 
Valens,  Eudoxius,  and  Auxentius,  and  with 
them  Demophilus  were  asked  to  anathematize 
the  Arian  heresy,  and  made  excuse,  choosing 
rather  to  be  its  champions,  and  so  were  all  de- 
posed for  making  propositions  contrary  to  the 
Nicene  decrees.  The  bishops,  on  the  con- 
trary, who  were  the  true  servants  of  the  Lord, 
and  of  the  right  faith,  —  about  two  hundred 
in  number,  —  declared  their  adherence  to  the 
Nicene  Council  alone,  and  their  refusal  to 
entertain  the  thought  of  either  subtraction 
from,  or  addition  to,  its  decrees.  This  con- 
clusion they  have  communicated  to  Constan- 
tius,  by  whose  order  the  council  assembled. 

On  the  other  hand  the  bishops  who  were 
deposed  at  Ariminum  have  been  received  by 
Constantius,  and  have  succeeded  in  getting 
the  two  hundred  who  sentenced  them  grossly 
insulted,  and  threatened  with  not  being 
allowed  to  return  to  their  dioceses,  and  with 
having  to  undergo  rigorous  treatment  in 
Thrace,  and  that  in  the  winter,  in  order  to 
force  them  to  accept  the  innovators'  measures. 

If,  then,  we  hear  any  one  appealing  to  Ari- 
minum, show  us,  let  us  rejoin,  first  the  sen- 
tence of  deposition,  and  then  the  document 
drawn  up  by  the  bishops,  in  which  they  de- 
clare that  they  do  not  seek  to  go  beyond  the 
terms  drawn  up  by  the  Nicene  Fathers,  nor 
appeal  to  any  other  council  than  that  of  Nicsea. 
In  reality,  these  are  just  the  facts  they  con- 


1  Jer.  ii.  13. 

2  Hosea  viii,  7,     Thetext  "  Bpayfiara  fir)  e^ovra  Icrx^v  "  recalls 
the  septuagint  Spdyfxa  ovk  e;)(OV  tcrxuv. 


ceal,  while  they  put  prominently  forward  the 
forced  confession  of  Thrace.  They  do  but 
shew  themselves  friends  of  the  Arian  heresy, 
and  strangers  to  the  sound  faith.  Only  let 
any  one  be  willing  to  put  side  by  side  that 
great  synod,  and  those  others  to  which  these 
men  appeal,  and  he  will  perceive,  on  the  one 
side,  true  religion,  on  the  other,  folly  and  dis- 
order. The  fathers  of  Nicaea  met  together 
not  after  being  deposed,  but  after  confessing 
that  the  Son  was  of  the  Substance  of  the 
Father.  These  men  were  deposed  once,  a 
second  time,  and  again  a  third  time  at  Ari- 
minum, and  then  dared  to  lay  down  that  it  is 
wrong  to  attribute  Substance  or  Essence  to 
God.  So  strange  and  so  many  were  the 
tricks  and  machinations  concocted  by  the  mad 
gang  of  Arius  in  the  West  against  the  dogmas 
of  the  Truth. 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

Concerning  the  cunning  of  Leontius,  Bishop 
of  Antioch,  and  the  boldness  of  Flavianus 
and  Diodorus. 

At  Antioch  Placidus  was  succeeded  by 
Stephanus,  who  was  expelled  from  the 
Church.  Leontius  then  accepted  the  Pri- 
macy, but  in  violation  of  the  decrees  of  the 
Nicene  Council,  for  he  had  mutilated  him- 
self, and  was  an  eunuch.  The  cause  of  his 
rash  deed  is  thus  narrated  by  the  blessed 
Athanasius.  Leontius,  it  seems,  was  the 
victim  of  slanderous  statements  on  account  of 
a  certain  young  woman  of  the  name  of 
Eustolia.^  Finding  himself  prevented  from 
dwelling  with  her  he  mutilated  himself  for 
her  sake,  in  order  that  he  might  feel  free  to 
live  with  her.  But  he  did  not  clear  himself 
of  suspicion,  and  all  the  more  for  this  reason 
was  deposed  from  the  presbyterate.  So 
much  Athanasius  has  written  about  the  rest 
of  his  earlier  life.  I  shall  now  give  a  sum- 
mary exposure  of  his  evil  conduct.  Now 
though  he  shared  the  Arian  error,  he  always 
endeavoured  to  conceal  his  unsoundness.  He 
observed  that  the  clergy  and  the  rest  of  the 
people  were  divided  into  two  parts,  the  one, 
in  giving  glory  to  the  Son,  using  the  conjunc- 
tion ''  and,"  the  other  using  the  preposition 
"  through  "  of  the  Son,  and  applying  ''  in  '* 
to  the  Holy  Ghost.  He  himself  offered  all 
the   doxology  in  silence,  and  all  that  those 


1  Ath.  Ap.  de  fug.  §  2b  and  Hist.  Ar.  §  28.  The  question  of 
(Tvvti.aa.KTa.i.  was  one  of  the  great  scandals  and  difficulties  of  the 
early  Church.  Some  suppose  that  the  case  of  Leontius  was  the 
cause  of  the  first  Canon  of  the  Nicene  Council  Trepl  juiv  To^fjLwvTwv 
eavTOu?  eKTefivcLV. 

Theodoretus  (iv.  12)  relates  an  instanceof  what  was  consid- 
ered conjugal  chastity,  and  the  mischiefs  referred  to  in  the  text 
arose  from  the  rash  attempt  to  imitate  such  continence.  Vide 
Suicer  tn  voc. 


II.   19.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


85 


<;tanding  near  him  could  hear  was  the  '*  For 
ever  and  ever."  And  had  not  the  exceeding 
wickedness  of  his  sotd  been  betrayed  by  otlier 
means,  it  might  have  been  said  that  he 
adopted  this  contrivance  from  a  wish  to  pro- 
mote concord  among  the  people.  But  when 
he  had  wrought  much  mischief  to  the  cham- 
pions of  the  truth,  and  continued  to  give 
every  support  to  the  promoters  of  impiety, 
he  was  convicted  of  concealing  his  own 
unsoundness.  He  was  influenced  both  by 
his  fear  of  the  people,  and  by  the  grievous 
threats  which  Constantius  had  uttered  against 
any  who  had  dared  to  say  that  the  Son  was 
unlike  the  Father.  His  real  sentiments  were 
however  proved  by  his  conduct.  Fol- 
lowers of  the  Apostolic  doctrines  never  re- 
ceived from  him  either  ordination  or  indeed 
the  least  encouragement.  Men,  on  the 
other  hand,  who  sided  with  the  Arian  super- 
stition, were  both  allowed  perfect  liberty  in 
expressing  their  opinions,  and  were  from 
time  to  time  admitted  to  priestly  ofiice.  At 
this  juncture  Aetius,  the  master  of  Eunomius, 
who  promoted  the  Arian  error  by  his  spec- 
ulations, was  admitted  to  the  diaconate. 
Flavianus  and  Diodorus,  however,  who  had 
embraced  an  ascetic  career,  and  were  open 
champions  of  the  Apostolic  decrees,  publicly 
protested  against  the  attacks  of  Leontius 
ao^ainst  true  reliction.  That  a  man  nurtured 
in  iniquity  and  scheming  to  win  notoriety  by 
ungodliness  should  be  counted  worthy  of  the 
diaconate,  was,  they  urged,  a  disgrace  to  the 
Church.  They  further  threatened  that  they 
would  withdraw  from  his  communion,  travel 
to  the  western  empire,  and  publish  his  plots 
to  the  world.  Leontius  was  now  alarmed, 
and  suspended  Aetius  from  his  sacred  office, 
but  continued  to  show  him  marked  favour. 

That    excellent    pair   Flavianus    and  Dio- 
dorus,^    though     not    yet    admitted    to  the 


1  Flavianus  was  a  noble  native  of  Antioch,  and  was  after- 
■vvards  (3S1-404)  bishop  of  that  see.  Diodorus  in  later  times 
(c.  379)  became  bishop  of  Tarsus,  '*  one  of  the  most  deservedly 
venerated  names  in  the  Eastern  church  for  learning-,  sanctity, 
courage  in  withstanding  heresy,  and  zeal  in  the  defence  of  the 
truth.  Diodorus  has  a  still  greater  clnim  on  the  grateful 
remembrances  of  the  whole  church,  as,  if  not  the  founder,  the 
chief  promoter  of  the  rational  school  of  scriptural  interpreta- 
tion, of  which  his  disciples,  Chrysostom  and  Theodorus  of 
Mopsuestia,  and  Theodoret,  were  such  distinguished  represen- 
tatives." Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  1.836.  On  the  renewed  champion- 
ship of  the  Anti^ichene  church  by  Flavianus  and  Diodorus 
under  the  persecution  of  Valens  vide  iv.22. 

Socrates  (vi.  S),  describing  the  rivalry  of  the  Homoousians 
and  Arians  in  sin<^ing  partizan  hymns  antiphonally  in  the 
streets  of  Antioch  in  the  davs  of  Arcadius,  traces  the  mode  of 
chanting  to  the  great  Ignatius,  who  once  in  a  Vision  heard 
angels  so  praising  God. 

But,  remarks  Bp.  Lightfoot  (Apostolic  Fathers  Pt.  2.  I. 
p.  31.)  "  Antiphonal  singing  did  not  need  to  be  suggested  by 
a  heavenly  Vision.  It  existed  nlreadv  among  the  heathen  in 
the  arrangements  of  the  Greek  Chorus.  It  was  practised  with 
much  elaboration  of  detail  in  the  Psalmody  of  the  Jews,  as 
appears  from  the  account  which  is  given  of  the  Eiryptian 
Therapeutes.  Its  introduction  into  the  Christian  Church 
thc-efore  was  a  matter  of  course  almost  from  the  beginning: 
and  wlien  we  read  in  Pliny  (Ep.  x.  97)  that  the  Christians  of 


priesthood  and  still  ranked  with  the  laity, 
worked  night  and  day  to  stimulate  men's  zeal 
for  truth.  They  were  the  first  to  divide 
choirs  into  two  parts,  and  to  teach  them  to 
sing  the  psalms  of  David  antiphonally. 
Introduced  first  at  Antioch,  the  practice 
spread  in  all  directions,  and  penetrated  to 
the  ends  of  the  earth.  Its  originators  now 
collected  the  lovers  of  the  Divine  word  and 
work  into  the  Churches  of  the  Martyrs,  and 
with  them  spent  the  night  in  singing  psalms 
to  God. 

When  Leontius  perceived  this,  he  did  not 
think  it  safe  to  try  to  prevent  them,  for  he 
saw  that  the  people  were  exceedingly  well- 
disposed  towards  these  excellent  men.  How- 
ever, putting  a  colour  of  courtesy  on  his 
speech,  he  requested  that  they  would  per- 
form this  act  of  worship  in  the  churches. 
They  were  perfectly  well  aware  of  his  evil 
intent.  Nevertheless  they  set  about  obeying 
his  behest  and  readily  summoned  their  choir  ^ 
to  the  Church,  exhorting  them  to  sing  praises 
to  the  good  Lord.  Nothing,  however,  could 
induce  Leontius  to  correct  his  wickedness, 
but  he  put  on  the  mask  of  equity,^  and  con- 
cealed the  iniquity  of  Stephanusand  Placidus. 
Men  who  had  accepted  the  corruption  of  the 
faith  of  priests  and  deacons,  although  they 
had  embraced  a  life  of  vile  irregularity,  he 
added  to  the  roll ;  while  others  adorned  with 
every  kind  of  virtue  and  firm  adherents  of 
apostolic  doctrines,  he  left  unrecognised. 
Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  among  the  clergy 
were  numbered  a  majority  of  men  tainted 
with  heresy,  while  the  mass  of  the  laity  were 
champions  of  the  Faith,  and  even  professional 
teachers  lacked  courage  to  lay  bare  their 
blasphemy.  In  truth  the  deeds  of  impiety 
and  iniquity  done  by  Placidus,  Stephanus,  and 
Leontius,  in  Antioch  are  so  many  as  to  want 
a  special  history  of  their  own,  and  so  terrible 


Bithyniasang  hymns  to  Christ  as  to  a  god,  *  alternately  '(secum 
invicem)  we  may  reasonably  infer  that  the  practice  of  antipho- 
nal singing  prevailed  far  beyond  the  limits  of  the  church  of 
Antioch,  even  in  the  time  of  Ignatius  himself." 

Augustine  (Conf.  ix.  7)  states  that  the  fashion  of  singing 
"secundum  morem  orientalium  partium  "  Avas  introduced  into 
the  Church  of  Milan  at  the  time  of  the  persecution  of  Ambrose 
by  Justina,  "  ne  populus  met- roris  tcedio  contabesceret,"  and 
thence  spread   all  over  the  globe. 

Platina  attributes  the  introduction  of  antiphons  at  Rome  to 
Pope  Damasus. 

Hooker  (ii.  166)  quotes  the  older  authority  of  "  the  Prophet 
Esay,"  in  the  vision  where  the  seraphim  cried  to  one  another  in 
what  Bp.  Mant  calls  *'  the  alternate  hymn." 

1  I  prefer  the  reading  of  Basil  Gr.  and  Steph.  i.  epyara?  to 
the  epao-Tcx?  of  Steph.  2  and  Pin. 

2  eTTteiKeta?.  "  The  mere  existence  of  such  n  word  as  eTrieiAceta 
is  itself  a  signal  evidence  of  the  high  develoj)ment  of  ethics 
among  the  Greeks.  It  expresses  exactly  that  moderation 
which  recognizes  the  impossibility,  cleaving  to  formal  law,  of 
anticipating  or  providing  for  all  cases  that  will  emerge,  and 
present  themselves  to  it  for  decision  ...  It  is  thus  more 
truly  just  than  strict  justice  will  have  been ;  being  Si/caioi'  »cai 
^cAtcoj/ TH/09  SiKiaiou,  as  Aristotle  expresses  it.  Eth.  Nic.  V. 
10.6."  Archbp.  Trench's  synonyms  of  the  N.T.  p.  151.  The 
"clemency"  on  which  Tertullus  reckons  in  Felix  is  eTrieixeia; 
and  in  II.  Cor.  x.  St.  Paul  beseeches  by  the  '♦  gentleness  "  or 
C77tgi/ccta  of  Christ. 


86 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[II.  20-22, 


as  to  be  worthy  of  the  lament  of  David  ;  for 
of  them  too  it  must  be  said  "For  lo  thy 
enemies  make  a  murmuring  and  they  that 
hate  thee  lift  up  their  head.  They  have 
imagined  craftily  against  the  people  and 
taken  counsel  against  thy  secret  ones.  They 
have  said  come  and  let  us  root  them  out 
that  they  be  no  more  a  people :  and  that 
the  name  of  Israel  may  be  no  more  in  re- 
membrance." ^ 

Let  us  now^  continue    the    course    of  our 
narrative. 

CHAPTER   XX. 

Concerning   the   innovations  of  Eudoxius,    of 
Germaniciay  and  the   zeal  of  Basilius '  of 
Ancyra,  and  of   Eustathius'^    of   Sebasteia 
against  him. 

Germanicia  is  a  city  on  the  coasts  of  Ci- 
licia,  Syria,  and  Cappadocia,  and  belongs  to 
the  province  called  Euphratisia.  Eudoxius, 
the  head  of  its  church,  directly  he  heard  of 
the  death  of  Leontius,  betook  himself  to 
Antioch  and  clutched  the  see,  w^here  he  rav- 
aged the  vineyard  of  the  Lord  like  a  wild 
boar.  He  did  not  even  attempt  to  hide  his 
evil  ways,  like  Leontius,  but  raged  in  direct 
attack  upon  the  apostolic  decrees,  and  in- 
volved in  various  troubles  all  who  had  the 
hardihood  to  gainsay  him.  Now  at  this 
time  Basilius  had  succeeded  Marcellus,  and 
held  the  helm  of  the  church  of  Ancyra,  the 
capital  of  Galatia,  and  Sebastia,  the  chief 
city  of  Armenia,  was  under  the  guidance  of 
Eustathius.  No  sooner  had  these  bishops 
heard  of  the  iniquity  and  madness  of  Eudox- 
ius, than  they  wrote  to  inform  the  Em- 
peror Constantius  of  his  audacity.  Con- 
stantius  was  now  still  tarrying  in  the  west. 


iPs.  83.— 2-3-4. 

2  Eudoxius,  eighth  bishop  of  Constantinople,  and  formerly 
of  Germanicia  (Fep/u.ai't/ceia,  now  Marash,  or  Banicia),was  one 
of  the  most  violent  of  the  Arians.  He  was  originally  refused 
ordination  by  St.  Eustathius,  but  on  the  deposition  of  that 
bishop  in  331  the  Eusebians  pushed  him  forward.  After  ruling 
at  Germanicia  for  some  seventeen  years  he  intruded  himself  on 
the  see  of  Antioch. 

Under  the  patronage  of  the  Acacians  he  became  patriarch 
of  Constantinople  in  360,  and  died  in  370. 

3  Basilius,  a  learned  physician,  a  Semiarian  of  Ancyra,  was 
made  bishop  of  that  see  on  the  deposition  of  Marcellus,  in  336, 
and  excommunicated  at  Sardica  in  347.  In  350  he  was  rein- 
stated at  the  command  of  Constantius.  He  was  again  exiled 
under  Acacian  influence,  failed  to  get  restitution  from  Jovian, 
and  probably  died  in  exile.  (Soc.  ii,  20,  26,  iv,  24.)  Vide  also 
Theod.  ii,  23.  His  works  are  lost.  Athanasius  praises  him 
as  among  those  who  were  (de  Synod.  603  ed.  Migne)  "  not  far 
from  accepting  the  Homousion." 

4  Eustathius  was  bishop  of  Sebasteia  or  Sebaste  (Siwas)  on 
the  Halys,  from  357  to  3S0. 

Basil,  Ep.  244,  §  9.  says  that  he  was  a  heretic  "  black  who 
could  not  turn  white"  ;  but  he  exhibited  many  shades  of  theo- 
logical colour,  preserving  through  all  vicissitudes  a  high  per- 
sonal character,  and  a  something  "  more  than  human."  Basil 
Ep.  212,  §  2.  Ordained  by  Eulalius,  he  was  degraded  because 
he  insisted  on  wearing  very  unclerical  costume.  (Soc.  ii,  43.) 
The  question  of  the  identity  of  this  Eustathius  with  the  Eusta- 
thius condemned  at  the  Council  of  Ancyra  is  discussed  m  the 
Diet.  Christ.  Ant.  i,  709. 


and,  after  the  death  of  the  tyrants,  was  en- 
deavouring to  heal  the  harm  they  had 
caused.  Both  bishops  were  well  known  to 
the  Emperor  and  had  great  influence  with 
him  on  account  of  the  high  character  they 
bore. 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

Of  the  Second  Council  of  Niccea. 

On  receipt  of  these  despatches  Constantius 
wrote  to  the  Antiochenes  denying  that  he 
had  committed  the  see  of  Antioch  to  Eudox- 
ius, as  Eudoxius  had  publicly  announced. 
He  ordered  that  Eudoxius  be  banished,  and 
be  punished  for  the  course  he  had  taken  at 
the  Bithynian  Nicsea,  where  he  had  ordered 
the  synod  to  assemble.  Eudoxius  himself 
had  persuaded  tlie  officers  entrusted  with 
authority  in  the  imperial  household  to  fix 
Nicasa  for  the  Council.  But  the  Supreme 
Ruler  and  Governor,  who  knows  the  future 
like  the  past,  stopped  the  assembly  by  a 
mighty  earthquake,  whereby  the  greater  part 
of  the  city  was  overthrown,  and  most  of  the 
inhabitants  destroyed.  On  learning  this  the 
assembled  bishops  were  seized  with  panic, 
and  returned  to  their  own  churches.  But  I 
regard  this  as  a  contrivance  of  the  divine 
wisdom,  for  in  that  city  the  doctrine  of  the 
faith  of  the  apostles  had  been  defined  by  the 
holy  Fathers.  In  that  same  city  the  bishops 
who  were  assembling  on  this  later  occasion 
were  intending  to  lay  down  the  contrary. 
The  sameness  of  name  would  have  been 
sure  to  furnish  a  means  of  deception  to  the 
Arian  crew,  and  trick  unsophisticated  souls. 
They  meant  to  call  the  council  "  the  Nicene," 
and  identify  it  with  the  famous  council  of 
old.  But  He  who  has  care  for  the  churches 
disbanded  the  synod. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Of  the  Council  held  at  Seleucia  in  Isauria, 

Abater  a  time,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  ac- 
cusers of  Eudoxius,  Constantius  ordered  the 
synod  to  be  held  at  Seleucia.  This  town  of 
Isauria  lies  on  the  seashore  and  is  the  chief 
town  of  the  district.  Hither  the  bishops  of 
the  East,  and  with  them  those  of  Pontus  in 
Asia,  were  ordered  to  assemble.^ 


1 "  Now  that  the  Semiarians  were  forced  to  treat  with  their 
late  victims  on  equal  terms,  they  agreed  to  hold  a  general 
Council.  Both  parties  might  hope  for  success.  HtheHomoean 
influence  was  strong  at  Court,  the  Semiarians  were  strong 
in  the  East,  and  could  count  on  some  help  from  the  Western 
Nicenes.  But  the  Court  was  resolved  to  secure  a  decision  to 
its  own  mind.  As  a  Council  of  the  whole  Empire  might  have 
been  too  independent,  it  was  divided.     The  Westerns  were  to 


II.    23.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


87 


The  see  of  Coesarea,  the  capital  of  Pales- 
tine, was  now  held  by  Acacius,  who  had 
succeeded  Eusebius.  He  had  been  con- 
demned by  the  council  of  Snrdica,  but  had 
expressed  contempt  for  so  large  an  assembly 
of  bishops,  and  had  refused  to  accept  their 
adverse  decision.  At  Jerusalem  Macarius, 
whom  I  have  often  mentioned,  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Maximus,  a  man  conspicuous  in 
his  struggles  on  behalf  of  religion,  for  he  had 
been  deprived  of  his  right  eye  and  maimed 
in  his  right  arm.^ 

On  his  translation  to  the  life  which  knows 
no  old  age,  Cyrillus,  an  earnest  champion  of 
the  apostolic  decrees,^  was  dignified  with  the 
Episcopal  office.  These  men  in  their  conten- 
tions with  one  another  for  the  first  place 
brousfht  orreat  calamities  on  the  state. 
Acacius  seized  some  small  occasion,  deposed 
Cyrillus,  and  drove  him  from  Jerusalem. 
But  Cyrillus  passed  by  i\ntioch,  which  he 
had  found  without  a  pastor,  and  came  to 
Tarsus,  where  he  dwelt  w^ith  the  excellent 
vSilvanus,  then  bishop  of  that  see.  No 
sooner  did  Acacius  become  aware  of  this 
than  he  wrote  to  Silvanus  and  informed  him 
of  the  deposition  of  Cyrillus.  Silvanus 
however,  both  out  of  regard  for  Cyrillus,  and 
not  without  suspicion  of  his  people,  who 
greatly  enjoyed  the  stranger's  teaching,  re- 
fuse J  to  prohibit  him  from  taking  a  part  in 
the  ministrations  of  the  church.  When 
however  they  had  arrived  at  Seleucia,  Cy- 
rillus joined  with  the  party  of  Basilius  and 
Eustathius  and  Silvanus  and  the  rest  in  the 


meet  at  Ariminum  in  Italy,  the  Easterns  at  Seleucia  in  Isauria." 
*'  It  was  a  fairly  central  spot,  and  easy  of  access  from  Egypt 
and  Syria  by  sea,  but  otherwise  most  unsuitable.  It  was  a 
mere  fortress,  lying-  in  a  rugged  country,  where  the  spurs  of 
Mount  Taurus  reach  the  sea.  Around  it  %vere  the  ever-restless 
marauders  of  Isauria."  "  The  choice  of  such  a  place  is  as 
significant  as  if  a  Pan-Anglican  synod  were  called  to  meet  at 
the  central  and  convenient  port  of  Souakim." 

Gwatkin  "  The  Arian  Controversy."     pp.  93-96. 

The  Council  met  here  A.D.  359. 

1  He  appears  to  have  been  less  conspicuous  for  consistencyin 
the  Arian  Controversy.  At  Tyre  he  is  described  by  Sozomen 
and  Socrates  as  assenting  to  "the  deposition  of  Athanasius, 
but  Rufinus  (H.  E.  i.  17)  tells  the  dramatic  story  of  the  success 
ful  interposition  of  the  aged  and  mutilated  Paphnutius  of  the 
Tiiebaid,  who  took  his  vacillating  brother  by  the  hand,  and 
led  him  to  the  little  knot  of  Athanasians.  Sozomen  (iv.  203) 
represents  him  as  deposed  by  Acacius  for  too  zealous  ortho- 
doxy, and  replaced  by  Cyril,  then  a  Semiarian.  Jerome  agrees 
with  Theodoret,  and  makes  Cyril  succeed  on  the  death  of 
Maximus  in  350  or  351.     (Chron.  ami.  349.) 

-  Sozomen  and  Socrates  are  less  favourable  to  his  orthodoxy. 
In  his  favour  see  the  synodical  letter  written  by  the  bishops 
assembled  at  Constantinople  after  the  Council  in  3S1,  and 
addressed  to  Pnpe  Damasus,  which  is  given  in  the  Vth  book 
of  our  author,  Chapter  9.  He  was  engaged  in  a  petty  con- 
troversy with  Acacius  on  the  precedence  ofthe  sees  ofCsesarea 
and  ^lia  (Jerusalem),  and  in  357  deposed.  On  appeal  to  the 
Council  of  Seleucia  he  was  reinstated,  but  again  deposed  by 
Constantius,  partly  on  the  pretended  charge  of  dealing  im- 
properly with  a  robe  tjiven  by  Constantine  to  Macarius,  which 
Theodoret  records  later  (Chap,  xiii.)  Restored  byjulian  he  was 
left  in  peace  under  Jovian  and  Valentinian,  exiled  by  Valens, 
and  restored  by  Theodosius.  He  died  in  3S6,  and  left 
Catechetical  lectures,  a  Homily,  and  an  Epistle,  of  which  the 
authenticity  has  been  successfully  defended,  and  which  vindi- 
cate rather  his  orthodoxy  than  his  ability,  -cf.  Canon  Vcnables. 
Diet.  Ch.  Biog.  s.  v. 


council.  But  when  Acacius  joined  the 
assembled  bishops,  who  numbered  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty,  he  refused  to  be  associated  in 
their  counsels  before  Cyrillus,  as  one  stripped 
of  his  bishopric,  had  been  put  out  from 
among  them.  There  were  some  who,  eager 
for  peace,  besought  Cyrillus  to  withdraw, 
with  a  pledge  that  after  the  decision  of  the 
decrees  they  would  enquire  into  his  case. 
He  would  not  give  way,  and  Acacius  left 
them  and  went  out.  Then  meeting  Eudoxius 
he  removed  his  alarm,  and  encouraged  him 
with  a  promise  that  he  would  stand  his 
friend  and  supporter.  Thus  he  hindered  him 
from  taking  part  in  the  council,  and  set  out 
with  him  for  Constantinople. 


CHAPTER   XXHI. 

0/  what  befell  the   orthodox  bishops  at 
Co  nsta  n  tin  ople . 

Constantius,  on  his  return  from  the  West, 
passed  some  time  at  Constantinople.  There 
Acacius  urged  many  accusations  against  the 
assembled  bishops  in  presence  of  the  em- 
peror, called  them  a  set  of  vile  characters 
convoked  for  the  ruin  and  destruction  of  the 
churches,  and  so  fired  the  imperial  wrath. 
And  not  least  was  Constantius  moved  by 
what  was  alleged  against  Cyrillus,  "  for," 
said  Acacius,  "•  the  holy  robe,  which  the 
illustrious  Constantine  the  emperor,  in  his 
desire  to  honour  the  church  of  Jerusalem, 
gave  to  Macarius,  the  bishop  of  that  city,  to 
be  worn  when  he  performed  the  rite  of 
divine  baptism,  all  fashioned  with  golden 
threads  as  it  was,  has  been  sold  by  Cyrillus. 
It  has  been  bought,"  he  continued,  "  by  a 
certain  stage  dancer;  dancing  about  w^hen 
he  was  wearing  it,  he  fell  down  and  perished 
With  a  man  like  this  Cyrillus,"  he  went  on, 
"  they  set  themselves  up  to  judge  and 
decide  for  the  rest  of  the  vs^orld."  The 
influential  party  at  the  court  made  this  an 
occasion  for  persuading  the  emperor  not  to 
summon  the  whole  synod,  for  they  were 
alarmed  at  the  concord  of  the  majority,  but 
only  ten  leading  men.  Of  these  were  Eus- 
tathius of  Armenia,  Basilius  of  Galatia, 
Silvanus  of  Tarsus,  and  Eleusius  of  Cvzicus.^ 

^  i'.^.,  Eustathius  of  Sebasteia,  and  Basilius  of  Ancyra  (vide 
note  on  p.  86).  Silvanus  of  Tarsus  was  one  of  the  Semiarians 
of  high  character.  For  his  kindly  entertainment  of  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  vide  page  S7.     Tillemont  phaces  his  death  in  363. 

Eleusius  of  Cyzicus  was  also  a  Semiarian  ofthe  better  type 
(cf.  Hil.  de  Syn.  p.  133).  The  evil  genius  of  his  life  was 
Macedorius  of  Constantinople,  bv  whose  influence  he  was 
made  bishop  of  Cyzicus  in  356.  Here  with  equal  zeal  he  de- 
stroyed pagan  temples  and  a  Novatian  church,  and  this  was 
remembered  against  him  when  he  attempted  to  return  to  his 
see  on  the  accession  of  Julian  At  Nicomedia  in  366  he  was 
moved  by  the  threats  of  Valens  to  declare  himself  an  Arian, 
and  then  in  remorse  resigned  his  see,  but  his  flock  refused  to 
let  him  go,     Socr.  iv.  6. 


88 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[II. 


On  their  arrival   tliey  urged   the  emperor 
that  Eudoxius  should  be   convicted   of  blas- 
phemy and  law^lessness.     Constantius,  how- 
ever, schooled  by  the  opposite  party,  replied 
that    a    decision    must    first  be  come  to    on 
matters  concerning  the  faith,  and  that  after- 
wards   the    case    of    Eudoxius    should    be 
enquired    into.        Basilius,    relying    on    his 
former   intimacy,  ventured   boldly  to  object 
to  the  emperor    that  he  was    attacking   the 
apostolic  decrees  ;  but  Constantius  took  this 
ill,    and    told    Basilius    to  hold    his   tongue, 
''  for  to  you,"  said  he,  "  the  disturbance  of 
the  churches  is  due."     When  Basilius  was 
silenced,     Eustathius    intervened    and    said, 
''  since,  sir,  you  wish  a  decision  to  be   come 
to  on  what  concerns  the  faith,  consider  the 
blasphemies  rashly  uttered  against  the  Only 
Begotten  by  Eudoxius,"  and  as  he  spoke  he 
produced    the    exposition    of  faith  wherein, 
besides    many  other    impieties,  were    found 
the    following    expressions:     "Things    that 
are  spoken  of  in  unlike  terms  are  unlike  in 
substance  :  "   "  There  is  one  God  the  Father 
of  whom  are  all  things,  and  one  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  through  whom  are  all  things."     Now 
the   term    "  of  whom "    is    unlike    the   term 
"  through  whom  ;  "  so  the  Son  is  unlike  God 
the    Father.     Constantius    ordered    this    ex- 
position   of  the    faith  to  be    read,  and  was 
displeased  with  the  blasphemy  which  it  in- 
volved.    He  therefore  asked  Eudoxius  if  he 
had  drawn  it  up.     Eudoxius  instantly  repu- 
diated the  authorship,  and  said  that  it  was 
written    by  Aetius.      Now   Aetius   was    he 
whom  Leontius,  in  dread  of  the  accusations 
of  Flavianus  and  Diodorus,  had  formerly  de- 
graded from  the  diaconate.    He  had  also  been 
the  supporter  of  Georgius,  the  treacherous 
foe  of  the  Alexandrians,  alike  in  his  impious 
words  and  his  unholy  deeds.     At  the  present 
time  he  was  associated  with  Eunomius  and 
Eudoxius ;  for,   on   the    death    of   Leontius, 
when  Eudoxius    had    laid  violent   hands  on 
the  episcopal  throne   of  the   church   at  An- 
tioch,  he  returned   from    Egypt  with   Euno- 
mius, and,  as  he    found  Eudoxius   to  be  of 
the  same  way  of  thinking  as  himself,  a  syb- 
arite in  luxury  as  well   as  a  heretic   in  faith, 
he  chose  Antioch  as  the  most  congenial  place 
of  abode,  and  both   he  and  Eunomius  were 
fast    fixtures    at   the    couches    of    Eudoxius. 
His  highest  ambition  was   to  be  a  successful 
parasite,  and    he   spent    his   whole    time    in 
going  to  gorge  himself  at  one  man's  table  or 
another's.       The  emperor  had  been  told  all 
this,  and  now  ordered  Aetius  to  be  brought 
before    him.     On    his   appearance   Constan- 
tius showed  him  the   document  in    question 
and   proceeded   to    enquire    if    he  was   the 


author  of  its  language.  Aetius,  totally  ig- 
norant of  what  had  taken  place,  and  unaware 
of  the  drift  of  the  enquiry,  expected  that  he 
should  win  praise  by  confession,  and  owned 
that  he  was  the  author  of  the  phrases  in 
question.  Then  the  emperor  perceived  the 
greatness  of  his  iniquity,  and  forthwith  con- 
demned him  to  exile  and  to  be  deported  to  a 
place  in  Phrygia.  So  Aetius  reaped  disgrace 
as  the  fruit  of  blasphemy,  and  was  cast  out 
of  the  palace.  Eustathius  then  alleged  that 
Eudoxius  too  held  the  same  views,  for 
that  Aetius  had  shared  his  roof  and  bistable, 
and  had  drawn  up  this  blasphemous  formula 
in  submission  to  his  judgement.  In  proof  of 
his  contention  that  Eudoxius  was  concerned 
in  drawing  up  the  document  he  uiged  the 
fact  that  no  one  had  attributed  it  to  Aetius 
except  Eudoxius  himself.  To  this  the 
emperor  enjoined  that  judges  must  not 
decide  on  conjecture,  but  are  bound  to  make 
exact  examination  of  the  facts.  Eustathius 
assented,  and  urged  that  Eudoxius  should 
give  proof  of  his  dissent  from  the  sentiments 
attributed  to  him  by  anathematizing  the  com- 
position of  Aetius.  This  suggestion  the 
emperor  very  readily  accepted,  and  gave 
his  orders  accordingly  ;  but  Eudoxius  drew 
back,  and  employed  many  shifts  to  evade 
compliance.  But  when  the  emperor  waxed 
wroth  and  threatened  to  send  him  off  to 
share  the  exile  of  Aetius,  on  the  ground 
that  he  was  a  partner  in  the  blasphemy  so 
punished,  he  repudiated  his  own  doctrine, 
though  both  then  and  afterwards  he  per- 
sistently maintained  it.  However,  he  in  liis 
turn  protested  against  the  Eustathians  that  it 
was  their  duty  to  condemn  the  word 
"  Homousion  "  as  unscriptural. 

Silvanus  on  the  contrary  pointed  out  that 
it  was  their  duty  to  reject  and  expel  from 
their  holy  assemblies  the  phrases  "  out  of 
the  non-existent^^  and  ^''  creatztre''^  and 
"  of  another  substaiice^^''  these  terms  being 
also  unscriptural  and  found  in  the  writings 
of  neither  prophets  nor  apostles.  Constan- 
tius decided  that  this  was  right,  and  bade 
the  Arians  pronounce  the  condemnation. 
At  first  they  persisted  in  refusing;  but  in  the 
end,  when  they  saw  the  emperor's  wrath, 
they  consented,  though  much  against  the 
grain,  to  condemn  the  terms  Silvanus  had 
put  before  them.  But  all  the  more  earnestly 
they  insisted  on  their  demand  for  the  con- 
demnation of  the  '''' Hoiiioiision.''''  But  then 
with  unanswerable  logic  Silvanus  put  both 
before  the  Arians  and  the  emperor  the 
truth  that  if  God  the  Word  is  not  of  the  non- 
Existent,  He  is  not  a  Creature,  and  is  not  of 
another  Substance,     He  is  then  of  one  Sub- 


II.    24.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


89 


stance  with  God  Who  begat  Him,  as  God  of 
God  and  Light  of  Light,  and  lias  the  same 
nature  as  the  Begetter.  This  contention  he 
urged  with  power  and  with  truth,  but  not 
one  of  his  hearers  was  convinced.  The 
party  of  Acacius  and  Eudoxius  raised  a 
mighty  uproar;  the  emperor  was  angered, 
and  threatened  expulsion  from  their  churches. 
Thereupon  Eleusius  and  Silvanus  and  the 
rest  said  that  while  authority  to  punish  lay 
with  the  emperor,  it  was  their  province  to 
decide  on  points  of  piety  or  impiety,  and 
*'we  will  not,"  they  protested,  "betray  the 
doctrine  of  the  Fathers." 

Constantius  ought  to  have  admired  both 
their  wisdom  and  their  courage,  and  their 
bold  defence  of  the  apostolic  decrees,  but  he 
exiled  them  from  their  churches,  and  ordered 
others  to  be  appointed  in  their  place.  There- 
upon Eudoxius  laid  violent  hands  on  the 
Church  of  Constantinople  ;  and  on  the  ex- 
pulsion of  Eleusius  from  Cyzicus,  Eunomius 
was  appointed  in  his  place. 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 

Synodical  Epistle  written  against  Aetius. 

After  these  transactions  the  emperor 
ordered  Aetius  to  be  condemned  by  a  formal 
Letter,  and,  in  obedience  to  the  command, 
his  companions  in  iniquity  condemned  their 
own  associate.  Accordingly  they  wrote  to 
Georgius,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  the  letter 
about  him  to  which  I  shall  give  a  place  in 
my  history,  in  order  to  expose  their  wicked- 
ness, for  they  treated  their  friends  and  their 
foes  precisely  in  the  same  way. 

Copy  of  the  Letter  written  by  the  whole 
council  to  Georgius  against  Aetius  his 
deacon,  on  account  of  his  iniquitous  blas- 
phemy. 

To  the  right  honourable  Lord  Georgius, 
Bishop  of  Alexandria,  the  holy  Synod  in 
Constantinople  assembled.  Greeting. 
\\\  consequence  of  the  condemnation  of 
Aetius  by  the  Synod,  on  account  of  his  un- 
lawful and  most  offensive  writings,  he  has 
been  dealt  with  by  the  bishops  in  accordance 
with  the  canons  of  the  church.  He  has 
been  degraded  from  the  diaconate  and  ex- 
pelled from  the  Church,  and  our  admonitions 
have  gone  forth  that  none  are  to  read  his  un- 
lawful epistles,  but  that  on  account  of  their 
improfitable  and  worthless  character  they 
are  to  be  cast  aside.  We  have  further  ap- 
pended an  anathema  on  him,  if  he  abides  in 
his  opinion,  and  on  his  supporters. 


It  would  naturally  have  followed  that  all 
the  bishops  met  together  hi  the  Synod 
should  have  felt  detestation  of,  and  approved 
the  sentence  delivered  against,  a  man  who 
is  the  author  of  offences,  disturbances  and 
schisms,  of  agitation  over  all  the  world,  and 
of  rising  of  church  against  church.  But  in 
spite  of  our  prayers,  and  against  all  our  ex- 
pectation, Seras,  Stephanus,  Heliodorus  and 
Theophilus  and  their  party  ^  have  not  voted 
with  us,  and  have  not  even  consented  to  sub- 
scribe the  sentence  delivered  against  him, 
although  Seras  charged  the  aforenamed 
Aetius  with  another  instance  of  insane  arro- 
gance, alleging  that  he,  with  still  bolder  im- 
pudence, had  sprung  forward  to  declare  that 
what  God  had  concealed  from  the  Apostles 
had  been  now  revealed  to  him.  Even  after 
these  wild  and  boastful  words,  reported  by 
Seras  about  Aetius,  the  aforenamed  bishops 
were  not  put  out  of  countenance,  nor  could 
they  be  induced  to  vote  with  us  on  his  con- 
demnation. We  however  with  much  lonsf 
suffering  bore  with  them  ^  for  a  great  length 
of  time,  now  indignant,  now  beseeching, 
now  importuning  them  to  join  with  us  and 
make  the  decision  of  the  Synod  unanimous  ; 
and  we  persevered  long  in  the  hope  that  they 
might  hear  and  agree  and  give  in.  But  when 
in  spite  of  all  this  patience  we  could  not 
shame  them  into  acceptance  of  our  dec- 
larations against  the  aforesaid  offender,  we 
counted  the  rule  of  the  church  more  precious 
than  the  friendship  of  men,  and  pronounced 
against  them  a  decree  of  excommunication, 
allowing  them  a  period  of  six  months  for 
conversion,  repentance,  and  the  expression 
of  a  desire  for  union  and  harmony  with  the 
synod.  If  within  the  given  time  they 
should  turn  and  accept  agreement  with  their 
brethren  and  assent  to  the  decrees  about 
Aetius,  we  decided  that  they  should  be 
received  into  the  church,  to  the  recovery  of 
their  own  autliority  in  synods,  and  our  af- 
fection. If  however  they  obstinately  per- 
sisted, and  preferred  human  friendshi]^  to  the 


1  Seras,  or  Serras,  had  been  an  Arian  leader  in  Libya.  In 
356  Serras,  tog^ether  with  Secundus,  deposed  bishop  of  Ptolc 
mais,  proposed  to  consecrate  Aetius  ;  he  refused  on  the  ground 
that  they  were  tainted  with  Orthodoxy.  Phil.  iii.  19,  In  359  he 
subscribed  the  decrees  of  Seleucia  as  bishop  of  Para^tonium 
(Al  Bareton  \V.  of  Alexandria)  (Epiph.  H.x'r.  Ixxiii.  20).  Now 
he  is  deposed  (360)  by  the  Constantinopolitan  Synod.  Vide 
Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  s.  v. 

Stephanus,  a  Libyan  bishop  ordained  by  Secundus  of  Ptole- 
mais,  and  concerned \vith  him  in  the  murder  of  the  Presbytcr 
Secundus,  as  described  by  Athan.  in  Hist.  Ar.  §  65  cf.  Ath. 
de  Syn.  §  12. 

Heliodorus  was  Arian  bishop  of  Apollonia  or  Sozysa 
(Shahfah)  in  Libya  Prima,    cf.  LeQiiien  Or.  Ch.  ii.  617. 

Theophilus,  ])reviously  bishop  of  Eleutheropolis  in  Pales- 
tine, was  translated,  against  his  vow  of  fidelity  to  that  see, 
(Soz.  iv.  34)  to  Castabaia  in  Cilicia.  On  the  place  Vide  Bp. 
Lightfoot.  Ap.  F"athers  Pt.  ii.  Vol.  m.  136. 

2  uv\xi:ipiy\vixQy\^tv  is  the  suggestion  of  Valesius  for 
(rvia7repie(//Tj0i(r0i7|u,ei',  a  word  of  no  authority. 


90 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[11.  25, 


canons  of  the  church  and  our  affection,  then 
we  judged  them  deposed  from  the  rank  of  the 
bishops.  If  they  suffer  degradation  it  is 
necessary  to  appoint  other  bishops  in  their 
place,  that  the  lawful  church  may  be  duly 
ordered  and  at  unity  with  herself,  while  all 
the  bishops  of  every  nation  by  uttering  the 
same  doctrine  with  one  mind  and  one  coun- 
sel preserve  the  bond  of  love. 

To  acquaint  you  with  the  decree  of  the 
Synod  we  have  sent  these  present  to  your 
reverence,  and  pray  that  you  may  abide  by 
them,  and  by  the  grace  of  Christ  rule,  the 
churches  under  you  aright  and  in  peace. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Of  the  causes  which  separated  the  Eunomians 
from  the  Arians. 

EuNOMius  in  his  writings  praises  Aetius, 
styles  him  a  man  of  God,  and  honours  him 
with  many  compliments.  Yet  he  was  at 
that  time  closely  associated  with  the  party 
by  whom  Aetius  had  been  repudiated,  and 
to  them  he  owed  his  election  to  his  bishopric. 

Now  the  followers  of  Eudoxius  and  Aca- 
cius,  who  had  assented  to  the  decrees  put  forth 
at  Nice  in  Thrace,  already  mentioned  in  this 
history,  appointed  other  bishops  in  the 
churches  of  the  adherents  of  Basilius  and 
Eleusius  in  their  stead.  On  other  points  I 
think  it  superfluous  to  write  in  detail.  I  pur- 
pose only  to  relate  what  concerns  Eunomius. 

For  when  Eunomius  had  seized  on  the  see 
of  Cyzicus  in  the  lifetime  of  Eleusius,  Eu- 
doxius urged  him  to  hide  his  opinions  and 
not  make  them  known  to  the  party  who  were 
seeking  a  pretext  to  persecute  him.  Eudox- 
ius w^as  moved  to  offer  this  advice  both 
by  his  knowledge  that  the  diocese  was  sound 
in  the  faith  and  his  experience  of  the  anger 
manifested  by  Constantius  against  the  party 
who  asserted  the  only  begotten  Son  of  God 
to  be  a  created  being.  "  Let  us"  said  he  to 
Eunomius  ''  bide  our  time  ;  when  it  comes 
we  will  preach  what  now  we  are  keeping 
dark ;  educate  the  ignorant ;  and  win  over 
or  compel  or  punish  our  opponents."  Euno- 
mius, yielding  to  these  suggestions,  pro- 
pounded his  impious  doctrine  under  the 
shadow  of  obscurity.  Those  of  his  hearers 
who  had  been  nurtured  on  the  divine  oracles 
saw  clearly  that  his  utterances  concealed 
under  their  surface  a  foul  fester  of  error.^ 

But   however  distressed    they   were    they 


'  On  the  picturesque  word  uttovAo?  cf.  Hipp  :  xxi,  32;  Plat." 
Gorgr.  51S  E.  and  the  well-known  passage  in  the  CEd  :  Tyran- 
nus  (130)  where  CEdipus  speaks  of  the  promise  of  his  youth 
as   "  a  fair  outside  all  fraught  with  ills  below." 


considered  it  less  the  part  of  prudence  than 
of  rashness  to  make  any  open  protest,  so  they 
assumed  a  mask  of  heretical  heterodoxy, 
and  paid  a  visit  to  the  bishop  at  his  private 
residence  with  the  earnest  request  that  he 
would  have  regard  to  the  distress  of  men 
borne  hither  and  thither  by  different  doc- 
trines, and  would  plainly  expound  the  truth. 
Eunomius  thus  emboldened  declared  the 
sentiments  which  he  secretly  held.  The 
deputation  then  went  on  to  remark  that  it 
was  unfair  and  indeed  quite  wrong  for  the 
whole  of  his  diocese  to  be  prevented  from 
having  their  share  of  the  truth.  By  these 
and  similar  arguments  he  was  induced  to  lay 
bare  his  blasphemy  in  the  public  assemblies 
of  the  church.  Then  his  opponents  hurried 
with  angry  fervour  to  Constantinople  ;  first 
they  indicted  him  before  Eudoxius,  and  when 
Eudoxius  refused  to  see  them,  sought  an  au- 
dience of  the  emperor  and  made  lamenta- 
tion over  the  ruin  their  bishop  was  wreaking 
among  them.  "  The  sermons  of  Eunomius," 
they  said,  ''  are  more  impious  than  the 
blasphemies  of  Arius."  The  wrath  of  Con- 
stantius was  roused,  and  he  commanded  Eu- 
doxius to  send  for  Eunomius,  and,  on  his 
conviction,  to  strip  him  of  his  bishopric, 
Eudoxius,  of  course,  though  again  and  again 
importuned  by  the  accusers,  continued  to 
delay  taking  action.  Then  once  more  they 
approached  the  emperor  with  vociferous  com- 
plaints that  Eudoxius  had  not  obeyed  the 
imperial  commands  in  any  single  particular, 
and  was  perfectly  indifferent  to  the  delivery 
of  an  important  city  to  the  blasphemies  of 
Eunomius.  Then  said  Constantius  to  Eu- 
doxius, if  you  do  not  fetch  Eunomius  and  try 
him,  and  on  conviction  of  the  charges 
brought  against  him,  punish  him,  I  shall 
exile  you.  This  threat  frightened  Eudoxius, 
so  he  wrote  to  Eunomius  to  escape  from 
Cyzicus,  and  told  him  he  had  only  himself 
to  blame  because  he  had  not  followed  the 
hints  given  him.  Eunomius  accordingly 
withdrew  in  alarm,  but  he  could  not  endure 
the  disgrace,  and  endeavoured  to  fix  the  guilt 
of  his  betrayal  on  Eudoxius,  maintaining  that 
both  he  and  Aetius  had  been  cruelly  treated. 
And  from  that  time  he  set  up  a  sect  of  his 
own  for  all  the  men  who  were  of  his  way  of 
thinking  and  condemned  his  betrayal,  sepa- 
rated from  Eudoxiu^  and  joined  with  Euno- 
mius, whose  name  they  bear  up  to  this  day. 
So  Eunomius  became  the  founder  of  a  heresy, 
and  added  to  the  blasphemy  of  Arius  by  his 
own  peculiar  guilt.  He  set  up  a  sect  of  his 
own  because  he  was  a  slave  to  his  ambition, 
as  the  facts  distinctly  prove.  For  when 
Aetius  was  condemned  and  exiled,  Eunomius 


II.    26.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


91 


refused  to  accompany  him,  though  he  called 
him  his  master  and  a  man  of  God,  but  re- 
mained closely  associated  with  Eudoxius. 

But  when  his  turn  came  he  paid  the  pen- 
alty of  his  iniquity ;  he  did  not  submit  to 
the  vote  of  the  synod,  but  began  to  ordain 
bishops  and  presbyters,  though  himself  de- 
prived of  his  episcopal  rank.  These  then 
were  the  deeds  done  at  Constantinople. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Of  the  siege  of  the  city  of  Nisibis^  and  the 
apostolic  conversation  of  Bishop  Jacobus. 

On  war  being  waged  against  the  Romans 
by  Sapor  King  of  Persia,  Constantius  mus- 
tered his  forces  and  marched  to  Antioch. 
But  the  enemy  were  driven  forth,  not  by  the 
Roman  army,  but  by  Him  whom  the  pious 
in  the  Roman  host  worshipped  as  their  God. 
How  the  victory  was  won  I  shall  now  pro- 
ceed to  relate. 

Nisibis,  sometimes  called  Antiochia  Myg- 
donia,  lies  on  the  confines  of  the  realms  of 
Persia  and  of  Rome.  In  Nisibis  Jacobus 
whom  I  named  just  now  was  at  once  bishop, 
guardian,^  and  commander  in  chief.  He  was 
a  man  who  shone  with  the  grace  of  a  truly 
apostolic  character.  His  extraordinary  and 
memorable  miracles,  which  I  have  fully  re- 
lated in  my  religious  history,  I  think  it 
superfluous  and  irrelevant  to  enumerate 
again.^ 

^  Now  Nisibin,  an  important  city  of  Mesopotamia  on  the 
Mygdonius  (Hulai).  Its  name  was  changed  under  the  Mace- 
donian dynasty  to  Antiochia  Mygdonica.  Frequently  taken 
and  retaken  it  was  ultimately  ceded  by  Jovian  to  Sapor  A.D. 

363- 

2  *'  TToAiouxo?"  IS  an  epithet  of  the  protecting-  deity  of  acity, 
as  of  Athens  "  IlaAAa?  iroAioCxo? ;  "  Ar.  Eq.  5S1 . 

3  Born  in  the  city  of  which  he  was  afterwards  bishop,  Jacobus 
early  acquired  fame  by  his  ascetic  austerity.  While  on  a 
journey  into  Persia  with  the  object  at  once  of  confirming  his 
own  faith  and  that  of  the  Christian  sufferers  under  the  perse- 
cution of  Sapor  II,  he  was  supposed  to  work  wonders,  of 
which  the  follo^ving,  relatea  by  Theodoretus,  is  a  specimen. 
Once  upon  a  time  he  saw  a  Persian  Judge  delivering  an  unjust 
sentence.  Now  a  huge  stone  happening  to  be  lying  close  by, 
he  ordered  it  to  be  crushed  and  broken  into  pieces,  and  so 
proved  the  injustice  of  the  sentence.  The  stone  was  instantly 
divided  into  innumerable  fragments,  the  spectators  were  panic- 
stricken,  and  the  judge  in  terror  revoked  his  sentence  and  de- 
livered a  righteous  judgment.  On  the  see  of  his  native  city 
falling  vacant  Jacobus  was  made  bishop.  The  *'  Religious 
History"  describes  him  as  signalling  his  episcopate  by  the 
miracle  attributed  by  Gregory  of  Nyssa  to  Gregory  the 
W(mder- Worker,  and  by  Sozomen  (vii.  27)  to  Epiphanius. 
As  in  the  "  Nuremberg  Chronicle,"  the  same  woodcut  serves 
for  Thaies,  Nehemiah,  and  Dante,  so  a  popular  miracle  was 
indiscriminately  assigned  to  saint  after  saint.  "  Once  upon  a 
time  he  came  to  a  certain  village,  —  the  spot  I  cannot  name, — 
and  up  come  some  beggars  putting  down  one  of  their  number 
before  him  as  though  dead,  and  begging  him  to  supply  some 
necessaries  for  the  funeral.  Jacobus  granted  their  petition, 
and  on  behalf  of  the  apparently  dead  man  began  to  pray  to 
God  to  forj^ive  him  the  sins  of^his  lifetime  and  grant  him  a 
place  in  the  company  of  the  just.  Even  while  he  was  speak- 
ing, away  flew  the  soul  of  the  man  who  had  up  to  this  moment 
shammed  death,  and  coverings  were  provided  for  the  corpse. 
The  holy  man  proceeded  on  his  journey,  and  the  inventors  of 
this  play  told  their  recumbent  companion  to  get  up.    But  now 


One  however  I  will  record  because  of  the 
subject  before  us.  The  city  which  Jacobus 
ruled  was  now  in  possession  of  the  Romans, 
and  besieged  by  the  Persian  Army.  The 
blockade  was  prolonged  for  seventy  days. 
"  Helepoles  "  ^  and  many  other  engines  were 
advanced  to  the  walls.  The  town  was  begirt 
with  a  palisade  and  entrenchment,  but  still 
held  out.  The  river  Mygdonius  flowing 
through  the  middle  of  the  town,  at  last  the 
Persians  dammed  its  stream  a  considerable 
distance  up,  and  increased  the  height  of  its 
bank  on  both  sides  so  as  to  shut  the  waters  in. 
When  they  saw  that  a  great  mass  of  water 
was  collected  and  already  beginning  to  over- 
flow the  dam,  they  suddenly  launched  it  like 
an  engine  against  the  wall.  The  impact  was 
tremendous ;  the  bulwarks  could  not  sus- 
tain it,  but  gave  way  and  fell  down.  Just 
the  same  fate  befell  the  other  side  of  the 
circuit,  through  which  the  Mygdonius  made 
its  exit ;  it  could  not  withstand  the  shock, 
and  was  carried  away.  No  sooner  did 
Sapor  see  this  than  he  expected  to  capture 
the  rest  of  the  city,  and  for  all  that  day  he 
rested  for  the  mud  to  dry  and  the  river  to 
become  passable.  Next  day  he  attacked 
in  full  force,  and  looked  to  enter  the  city 
through  the  breaches  that  had  been  made. 
But  he  found  the  wall  built  up  on  both  sides, 
and  all  his  labour  vain.  For  that  holy  man, 
through  prayer,  filled  with  valour  both  the 
troops  and  the  rest  of  the  townsfolk,  and 
both  built  the  walls,  withstood  the  engines, 
and  beat  off  the  advancing  foe.  And  all 
this  he  did  without  approaching  the  walls, 
but  bv  beseechinor  the  Lord  of  all  within  the 
church.        Sapor,    moreover,   was    not    only 


they  saw  that  he  did  not  hear,  that  the  pretence  had  become  a 
reality,  and  that  what  a  moment  ago  was  a  live  man's" mask 
was  now  a  dead  man's  face.  So  they  overtake  the  great  Ja- 
cobus, bow  down  before  Jiim,  roll  at  his  feet  and  declare  that 
they  would  not  have  played  their  impudent  trick  but  for  their 
poverty,  and  implored  liim  to  forgive  them  and  restore  the  dead 
man's  soul.  So  Jacobus  in  imitation  of  the  philanthropy  of 
the  Lord  granted  their  prayer,  exhibited  his  wonder  working 
power,  and  through  his  prayer  restored  the  life  which  his 
power  had  taken  away." 

AtNicajaTheodoret  describes  Jacobus  as  a  "  champion  "  of 
the  orthodox  "phalanx."  (Relig.  Hist.  1114.)  At  the  state 
dinner  given  by  Constantine  to  the  Nicene  Fathers,  "  James  of 
Nisibis  (so  ran  the  Eastern  tale — Biblioth.  Pat.  civ.)  saw 
angels  standing  round  the  Emperor,  and  underneath  his  pur- 
ple robe  discovered  a  sackcloth  garment.  Constantine,  in  re- 
turn, saw  angels  ministering  to  James,  placed  his  scat  above 
the  other  bishops,  and  said.  'There  are  tiiree  pillars  of  the 
world,  Antony  in  Egypt,  Nicolas  of  Myra,  James  in  As- 
Syria.'  "     Stanley.  Eastern  Clnirch,  Lect.  V. 

1  Ammianus  Marcellinus  23.  4.  10.  thus  describes  the 
**  'EAeTToAt?  ;uT7;^af)i."  "  An  enormous  testudo  is  strengthened 
by  long  planks  and  fitted  with  iron  bolts.  This  is  covered 
with  hides  and  fresh  wicker-work.  Its  upper  parts  are 
smeared  with  mud  as  a  protection  against  fire  and  mis- 
siles. To  its  front  are  fastened  three-pronued  spear  points 
made  exceedingly  sharp,  and  steadied  by  iron  weights,  like 
the  thunderbolts  of  painters  and  potters.  Thus  whenever  it 
was  directed  against  anything  these  stings  were  shot  out  to 
destroy.  The  huge  mass  was  moved  on  wheels  and  ropes 
from  within  by  a  considerable  body  of  troops,  and  advanced 
with  a  mighty  impulse  against  the  \veaker  part  of  a  town 
wall.  Then  unless  the  defenders  prevailed  against  it  the 
walls  were  beaten  in  and  a  wide  breach  made." 


92 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[IL  27. 


astounded  at  the  speed  of  the  building  of 
the  walls  but  awed  by  another  spectacle. 
For  he  saw  standing  on  the  battlements 
one  of  kingly  mien  and  all  ablaze  with 
purple  robe  and  crown.  He  supposed  that 
tiiis  was  the  Roman  emperor,  and  threat- 
ened his  attendants  with  deatli  for  not  hav- 
ing announced  the  imperial  presence ;  but 
on  their  stoutly  maintaining  that  their  report 
had  been  a  true  one  and  that  Constantius 
was  at  Antioch,  he  perceived  the  meaning 
of  the  vision  and  exclaimed  ''  their  God  is 
fighting  for  the  Romans."  Then  the 
wretched  man  in  a  rage  flung  a  javelin  into 
the  air,  though  he  knew  that  he  could  not 
hit  a  bodiless  being,  but  unable  to  curb  his 
passion.  Therefore  the  excellent  Ephraim 
(he  is  the  best  writer  among  the  Syrians) 
besought  the  divine  Jacobus  to  mount  the 
wall  to  see  the  barbarians  and  to  let  fly  at 
them  the  darts  of  his  curse.  So  the  divine 
man  consented  and  climbed  up  into  a  tower  ; 
but  when  he  saw  the  innumerable  host, 
he  discharged  no  other  curse  than  to  ask 
that  mosquitoes  and  gnats  might  be  sent 
forth  upon  them,  so  that  by  means  of  these 
tiny  animals  they  might  learn  the  might  of 
the  Protector  of  the  Romans.  On  his  prayer 
followed  clouds  of  mosquitoes  and  gnats ; 
they  filled  the  hollow  trunks  of  the  elephants, 
and  the  ears  and  nostrils  of  horses  and  other 
animals.  Finding  the  attack  of  these  little 
creatures  past  endurance  they  broke  their 
bridles,  unseated  their  riders  and  threw  the 
ranks  into  confusion.  The  Persians  aban- 
doned their  camp  and  fled  head-long.  So  the 
wretched  prince  learned  by  a  slight  and 
kindly  chastisement  the  power  of  the  God 
who  protects  the  pious,  and  marched  his 
army  home  again,  reaping  for  all  the  harvest 
of  the  siege  not  triumph  but  disgrace. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Of  the  Council  of  Antioch  and  what  was  done 
there  against  the  holy  Meletius. 

At  this  time,^  Constantius  was  residing 
at  Antioch.  The  Persian  war  was  over ; 
there  had  been  a  time  of  peace,  and  he  once 
again  gathered  bishops  together  with  the  ob- 
ject of  making  them  all  deny  both  the  formula 
"  of  one  substance  "  and  also  the  formula  "  of 
different  substance."  On  the  death  of  Leon- 
tius,  Eudoxius  had  seized  the  see  of  Antioch, 

1  A.D.  361. 


but  on  his  expulsion  and  illegal  estab- 
lishment, after  many  synods,  at  Constanti- 
nople, the  church  of  Antioch  had  been  left 
without  a  shepherd.  Accordingly  the  assem- 
bled bishops,  gathered  in  considerable  num- 
bers from  every  quarter,  asserted  that  their 
primary  obligation  was  to  provide  a  pastor 
for  the  flock  and  that  then  with  him  they 
would  deliberate  on  matters  of  faith.  It  fell 
out  opportunely  that  the  divine  Meletius 
who  was  ruling  a  certain  city  of  Armenia  ^ 
had  been  grieved  with  the  insubordination  of 
the  people  under  his  rule  and  was  now  living 
without  occupation  elsewhere.  The  Arian 
faction  imagined  that  Meletius  was  of  the 
same  way  of  thinking  as  themselves,  and  an 
upholder  of  their  doctrines.  They  therefore 
petitioned  Constantius  to  commit  to  his 
hands  the  reins  of  the  Antiochene  church. 
Indeed  in  the  hope  of  establishing  their  im- 
piety there  was  no  law  that  they  did  not 
fearlessly  transgress ;  illegality  was  be- 
coming the  very  foundation  of  their  blas- 
phemy ;  nor  was  this  an  isolated  specimen  of 
their  irregular  proceedings.  On  the  other 
hand  the  maintainers  of  apostolic  doctrine, 
who  were  perfectly  well  aware  of  the  sound- 
ness of  the  great  Meletius,  and  had  clear 
knowledge  of  his  stainless  character  and 
wealth  of  virtue,  came  to  a  common  vote, 
and  took  measures  to  have  their  resolution 
written  out  and  subscribed  by  all  without 
delay.  This  document  both  parties  as  a 
bond  of  compromise  entrusted  to  the  safe 
keeping  of  a  bishop  who  was  a  noble  cham- 
pion of  the  truth,  Eusebius  of  Samosata. 
And  when  the  great  Meletius  had  received 
the  imperial  summons  and  arrived,  forth  to 
meet  him  came  all  the  higher  ranks  of  the 
priesthood,  forth  came  all  the  other  orders  of 
the  church,  and  the  whole  population  of  the 
city.  There,  too,  were  Jews  and  Gentiles 
all  eager  to  see  the  great  Meletius.  Now 
the  emperor  had  charged  both  Meletius  and 
the  rest  who  were  able  to  speak  to  expound 
to  the  multitude  the  text  ''The  Lord  formed 
me  in  the  beginning  of  his  way,  before  his 
works  of  old"  (Prov.  viii.  22.  Ixx),  and  he 
ordered  skilled  writers  to  take  down  on  the 
spot  what  each  man  said,  with  the  idea  that  m 
this  manner  their  instruction  would  be  more 
exact.  First  of  all  Georgius  of  Laodicea 
gave  vent  to  his  foul  heresy.  After  him 
Acacius  ^  of  C^esarea  propounded  a  doctrine 


1  According  to  Sozomen,  Sebaste;  but  Socrates  (II. 44)  makes 
him  bishop  of  the  Syrian  Bera-a  Gregory  of  Nyssa  (Orat;  In 
Fun  Mag  :  Meletii)  puts  on  record  "tlie  sweet  calm  look,  the 
radiant  smile,  the  kind  hand  seconding  the  kind  voice  " 

2  On  Acacius  ot  Cnesarea  vide  note  on  page  70.  At  the 
Synod  of  Seleucia  in  359  he  started  the  party  of  the  Homoeans, 
and  was  deposed.     In  the  reign    of  Jovian  they  inclined  to 


II.    28. J 


OF   THEODORET. 


93 


of  compromise  far  removed  indeed  from  the 
blasphemy  of  the  enemy,  but  not  preserving 
the  apostolic  doctrine  pure  and  undefiled. 
Then  up  rose  the  great  Meletius  and  exhib- 
ited the  unbending  line  of  the  canon  of  the 
faith,  for  using  the  truth  as  a  carpenter  does 
his  rule  he  avoided  excess  and  defect.  Then 
the  multitude  broke  into  loud  applause  and 
besought  him  to  give  them  a  short  summary 
of  his  teaching.  Accordingly  after  showing 
three  fingers,  he  w^ithdrew  two,  left  one, 
and  uttered  the  memorable  sentence,  ''  In 
thought  they  are  three  but  we  speak  as  to 


one 


'>  1 


Ag^ainst  this  teaching  the  men  who  had 
the  plague  of  Arius  in  their  hearts  whetted 
their  tongues,  and  started  an  ingenious  slan- 
der, declaring  that  the  divine  Meletius  was  a 
Sabellian.  Thus  they  persuaded  the  fickle 
sovereign  who,  like  the  well  known  Euripus,^ 
easily  shifted  his  current  now  this  way  and 
now  that,  and  induced  him  to  relegate 
Meletius  to  his  own  home. 

Euzoius,  an  open  defender  of  Arian 
tenets,  was  promptly  promoted  to  his  place  ; 
the  very  man  whom,  then  a  deacon,  the  great 
Alexander  had  degraded  at  the  same  time 
as  Arius.  Now  the  part  of  the  people  who 
remained  sound  separated  from  the  unsound, 
and  assembled  in  the  apostolic  church  which 
is  situated  in  the  part  of  the  city  called  the 
Palsea.^ 

For  thirty  years  indeed  after  the  attack 
made  upon  the  illustrious  Eustathius  they 
had  p^one  on  endurino-  the  abomination  of 
Arianism,  in  the  expectation  of  some  favour- 
able change.  But  when  they  saw  impiety 
on  the  increase,  and  men  faithful  to  the 
apostolic  doctrines  both  openly  attacked  and 
menaced  by  secret  conspiracy,  the  divine 
Meletius  in  exile,  and  Euzoius  the  champion 
of  heresy  established  as  bishop  in  his  place, 
they  remembered  the  words  spoken  to  Lot, 
''  Escape  for  tliy  life  "  ;  ■*  and  further  the  law 
of  the  gospel  which  plainly  ordains  "  if 
thy  right  eye   offend  thee   pluck   it  out    and 


Orthodoxy;  in  that  of  Valens  to  Arianism  (cf.  Soc.  iv.  2). 
Acacius  was  a  benefactor  to  the  Public  Library  of  Ciesarea 
(Hieron.  Ep.  adMarcellam  (141).  Baronius places  his  death  in 

366- 

1  Tpta  TO.  voovju.e'va.wsei'l  5e  SiaAeyojue^a  "  Tria  sunt  quae  intel- 
liguntur,  sed  tanquam  unum  alloquimur."  The  narrative  of 
Sozomen  (iv.  28)  enables  us  to  supply  what  Theodoret  infe- 
iicitously  omits.  It  was  when  an  Arian  archdeacon  rudely  put 
his  hand  over  the  bishop's  mouth  that  Meletius  indicated  the 
orthodox  doctrine  by  his  fingers.  When  the  archdeacon  at 
his  wits'  end  uncovered  the  mouth  and  seized  the  hand  of  the 
confessor,  "  with  a  loud  voice  he  the  more  clearly  proclaimed 
his  doctrine." 

2  The  Euripus,  the  narrow  channel  between  Euboeaand  the 
mainland,  changes  its  current  during  eleven  days  in  each 
month,  eleven  to  fourteen  times  a  day.  cf.  Arist.  Eth.  N.  ix.  6. 3. 
"/nfTappei  iixTnep  EOptTTO?." 

3  cf.  p.  34. 

*  Gen.  xix.  17. 


cast  it  from  thee."  ^  The  Lord  laid  down 
the  same  law  about  both  hand  and  foot,  and 
added,  "It  is  profitable  for  thee  that  one  of 
thy  members  should  perish  and  not  that  thy 
whole  body  should  be  cast  into  hell." 

Thus    came     about   the    division    of    the 
Church. 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 
About  Eusebius,  Bishop  of  Sainosata, 

The  admirable  Eusebius  mentioned  above, 
who  was  entrusted  with  the  common  resolu- 
tion, when  he  beheld  the  violation  of  the 
covenant,  returned  to  his  own  see.  Then 
certain  men  who  were  uneasy  about  the 
written  document,  persuaded  Constantius  to 
dispatch  a  messenger  to  recover  it.  Ac- 
cordingly the  emperor  sent  one  of  the  offi- 
cers who  ride  post  with  relays  of  horses,  and 
bring  communications  with  great  speed. 
On  his  arrival  he  reported  the  imperial 
message,  but,  "  I  cannot,"  said  the  admir- 
able Eusebius,  ''  surrender  the  deed  de- 
jDosited  with  me  till  I  am  directed  so  to  do 
by  the  whole  assembly  who  gave  it  me." 
This  reply  was  reported  to  the  emperor. 
Boiling  with  rage  he  sent  to  Eusebius  again 
and  ordered  him  to  give  it  up,  with  the  fur- 
ther message  that  he  had  ordered  his  right 
hand  to  be  cut  off  if  he  refused.  But  he 
only  wrote  this  to  terrify  the  bishop,  for 
the  courier  who  conveyed  the  dispatch  had 
orders  not  to  carry  out  the  threat.  But  when 
the  divine  Eusebius  opened  the  letter  and 
saw  the  punishment  which  the  emperor  had 
threatened,  he  stretched  out  his  right  hand  and 
his  left,  bidding  the  man  cut  off  both.  ''  The 
decree,"  said  he,  "  which  is  a  clear  proof 
of  Arian  wickedness,  I  will  not  give  up." 

When  Constantius  had  been  informed  of 
this  courageous  resolution  he  was  struck 
with  astonishment,  and  did  not  cease  to  ad- 
mire it ;  for  even  foes  are  constrained  by  the 
greatness  of  bold  deeds  to  admire  their 
adversaries'  success. 

At  this  time  Constantius  learned  that 
Julian,  whom  he  had  declared  Caesar  of 
Europe,  was  aiming  at  sovereignty,  and 
mustering  an  army  against  his  master. 
Therefore  he  set  out  from  Syria,  and  died  in 
Cilicia.-      Nor  had  he  the  helper  whom  his 


1  Matt.  v.  29. 

2  Constantius  died  at  Mopsucrene,  on  the  Cydnus,  according 
to  Socrates  and  the  Chron.  Alex.,  on  Nov.  5,361.  Socrates 
(ii.  47)  ascribes  his  illness  to  chagrin  at  the  successes  of 
Julian,  and  says  that  he  died  in  the  46th  year  of  his  age  and 
39th  of  his  reign,  having  for  thirteen  years  been  associated  iu 
the  empire  with  his  Father.  Ammianus  (xxi.  15,  2)  writes, 
•'  Venit  Tarsum,  ubi  leviore  fubri  contattus,  ratusque  itincrario 


94 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[in.  I. 


Father  had  left  him  ;  for  he  had  not  kept 
intact     the     inheritance      of     his      Father's 

motu  iminiiiutae  valetudinis  excuti  posse  discriinen,  petiit  per 
vias  difficiles  Mopsucrenas,  Ciliciae  ultimam  hinc  pergenti- 
bus  stationem,  sub  Tauri  montis  radicibus  positam  :  egredique 
sequuto  die  conatus,  invalenti  morbi  gravitate  detentus  est: 
paulatimque  urente  calore  nimio  venas,  ut  ne  tangi  quidem 
corpus  eius  posset  in  niodum  foculi  lervens,  cum  usus  defic- 
eret  niedelarum,  ultimum  spirans  dettebat  exitium;  nientisque 
sen§u  turn  etiam  integro,  successoreni  suae  potestatis 
statuisse  dicitur  Julianum.  Deinde  anhelitu  iam  pulsatus 
letali  conticuit  diuque  cum  anima  colluctatus  iam  discessura, 
abiit  e  vita  III.  Non.  Octobrium,  (i.e.  Oct.  5  — a  different 
date  from  that  given  by  others)  imperii  vitaeque  anno  quadra- 
gesimo  et  mensibus  paucis."     His  Father  having  died  in  337, 


piety,  and  so  bitterly  bewailed  his  change  of 
faith. 

Constantius  really  reigned  24  years  alone,  and  if  we  include 
the  13  years  which  Socrates  reckons  in  the  lifetime  of  Con. 
stantine,  \ye  only  reach  37.  He  was  born  on  Aug.  6,  317,  and 
was  therefore  a  little  over  44  at  his  death. 

"  Constantius  was  essentially  a  little  man,  in  whom  his 
father's  vices  took  a  meaner  form."  "  The  peculiar  repul- 
siveness  of  Constantius  is  not  due  to  any  flagrant  personal 
vice,  but  to  the  combination  of  cold-blooded  treachery  with 
the  utter  want  of  any  inner  nobleness  of  character.  Yet  he 
was  a  pious  emperor,  too,  in  his  way.  He  loved  the  ecclesi- 
astical game,  and  was  easily  won  over  to  the  Eusebian  side." 

Gwatkin.    **  The  Arian  Controversy."    p.  63. 


BOOK  III. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Of  the  reign  of  JuUamis ;  how  from  a  child  he 
was  drought  up  in  piety  and  lapsed  into 
impiety  ;  and  in  what  manner ,  though  at  first 
he  kept  his  impiety  secret,  he  afterwards  laid 
it  bai-e, 

Constantius,  as  has  been  narrated,  de- 
parted this  life  groaning  and  grieving  that  he 
had  been  turned  away  from  the  faith  of  his 
father.  Julian  heard  the  news  of  his  end 
as  he  was  crossing  from  Europe  into  Asia, 
and  assumed  the  sovereignty  with  delight  at 
having  now  no  rival. 

In  his  earlier  days,  while  yet  a  lad,  Julian 
had,  as  well  as  Gallus^  his  brother,  imbibed 
pure  and  pious  teaching. 

In  his  youth  and  earlier  manhood  he  con- 
tinued to  take  in  the  same  doctrine.  Con- 
stantius, dreading  lest  his  kinsfolk  should 
aspire  to  imperial  power,  slew  them  ;  ^  and 
Julian,  through  fear  of  his  cousin,  was  en- 
rolled in  the  order  of  Readers,^  and  used  to  read 
aloud  the  sacred  books  to  the  people  in  the 
assemblies  of  the  church. 


^  On  the  murder  of  the  Princes  ot  the  blood  Gallus  was  first 
sent  alone  to  Tralles  or  Ephesus,  (Soc.  iii.  i,)  and  afterwards 
spent  some  time  with  his  brother  Julian  in  Cappadocia  in  re- 
tirement, but  with  a  suitable  establishment.  On  their  rela- 
tionship  to  Constantius  vide  Pedigree  in  the  prolegomena. 

2  The  massacre  "  involved  the  two  uncles  of  Constantius, 
seven  of  his  cousins,  of  whom  Dalmatius  and  Hannibalianus 
were  the  most  illustrious,  the  patrician  Optatus,  who  had  mar- 
ried a  sister  of  the  late  Empei'or,  and  the  prajfect  Abcavius." 
*'  If  it  were  necessary  to  aggravate  the  horrors  of  this  bloody 
scene  we  might  add  that  Constantius  himself  had  espoused  the 
daughter  of  his  uncle  Julius,  and  that  he  had  bestowed  his  sis- 
ter in  marriage  on  his  cousin  Hannibalianus."  *♦  Of  so  numer- 
ous  a  family  (jallus  and  Julian  alone,  the  two  youngest  children 
of  Julius  Constantius,  were  saved  from  the  hands  of  the  assas- 
sins, till  their  rage,  satiated  with  slaughter,  had  in  some 
measure  subsided."  Gibbon,  Chap,  xviii.  Theodoretus  fol- 
lows the  opinion  of  Athanasius  and  Julian  in  ascribing  the 
main  guilt  to  Constantius,  but,  as  Gibbon  points  out,  Eutropius 
and  the  Victors  "use  the  very  qualifying  expressions  ;"  "sinente 
potius  quam  jubente;"  "  incertum  quo  suasore;"  and  *' vl 
militum."  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  (Or.  iv.  21)  ascribes  the  pre- 
servation of  both  Julian  and  his  brother  Gallus  to  the  clemency 
and  protection  of  Constantius. 

3TertulIian  (De  Praesc.41)  is  the  earliest  authority  for  the  of- 
fice of  Anairnostes,  Lector,  or  Reader,  as  a  distinct  order  in  the 
Church.     Henceforward  it  appears  as  one  of  the  minor  orders, 


He  also  built  a  martyr's  shrine ;  but  the 
martyrs,  when  they  beheld  his  apostasy,  re- 
fused to  accept  the  offering ;  for  in  conse- 
quence of  the  foundations  being,  like  their 
founder's  mind,  unstable,  the  edifice  fell 
down^  before  it  was  consecrated.  Such 
were  the  boyhood  and  youth  of  Julian.  At 
the  period,  however,  when  Constantius  was 
setting  out  for  the  West,  drawn  thither  by 
the  war  against  Magnentius,  he  made  Gallus, 
who  was  gifted  with  piety  which  he  retained 
to  the  end,^  Caesar  of  the  East.  Now  Julian 
flung  away  the  apprehensions  which  had 
previously  stood  him  in  good  stead,  and, 
moved  by  unrighteous  confidence,  set  his 
heart  on  seizing  the  sceptre  of  empire.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  his  way  through  Greece,  he 
sought  out  seers  and  soothsayers,  with  a  de- 
sire of  learning  if  he  should  get  what  his 
soul  longed  for.  He  met  with  a  man  who 
promised  to  predict  these  things,  conducted 
him  into  one  of  the  idol  temples,  introduced 
him  within  the  shrine,  and  called  upon  the 
demons  of  deceit.  On  their  appearing  in 
their  wonted  aspect  terror  compelled  Julian 
to  make  the  sign  of  the  cross  upon  his  brow. 
They  no  sooner  saw  the  sign  of  the  Lord's 
victory  than    they  were    reminded   of  their 


and  is  frequently  referred  to  by  Cyprian  (Epp.  29.38, etc.).  By 
one  of  Justinian's  novels  it  was  directed  that  no  one  should  be 
ordained  Reader  before  the  age  of  eighteen,  but  previously 
young  boys  were  admitted  to  the  office,  at  the  instance  of  their 
parents,  as  introductory  to  the  higher  functions  of  the  sacred 
ministry.     Diet.  Christ.  Ant.  i.  80. 

1  Sozomen  (v.  2)  tells  us  that  when  the  princes  were  build- 
ing a  chapel  for  the  martyr  Mamas,  the  work  of  Gallus  stood, 
but  that  of  Julian  tumbled  down.  A  more  famous  instance  of 
the  care  of  Gallus  for  the  christian  dead  is  the  story  of  the 
translation  of  the  remains  of  the  martyr  Babylas  from  Anti- 
och  to  Daphne,  referred  to  by  our  author  (iii.  6)  as  well  as  by 
Sozomen  v.  19,  and  by  Rufinus  x.  35.  cf.  Bishop  Lightfoot, 
Ap.  Fathers  11.  i.  42. 

2  Gallus  was  made  Caesar  by  the  childless  Constantius  in  350, 
in  about  his  25th  year.  "Fuit"  says  Am.  Marcellinus 
(xiv.  11,28)  "forma  conspicuus  bona,  decente  filo  corporis, 
membrorumque  recta  compage,  flavo  capillo  et  molli,  barba 
licet  recens  emergente  lanugine  tenera."  His  government  at 
Antioch  was  not  successful,  and  at  the  instigation  of  the  Eu- 
nuch Eusebius  he  was  executed  in  354  at  Pola,  a  town  already 
infamous  for  the  murdei  of  Crispus. 


III.    2.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


95 


own  rout,  and  forthwith  fled  away.  On  the 
magician  becoming  acquainted  with  the 
cause  of  their  flight  he  blamed  him  ;  but 
Julian  confessed  his  terror,  and  said  that  he 
wondered  at  the  powxr  of  the  cross,  for  that 
the  demons  could  not  endure  to  see  its  sign 
and  ran  away.  '^  Think  not  anything  of  the 
sort,  good  sir;"  said  the  magician,  "they 
were  not  afraid  as  you  make  out,  but  they 
went  away  because  they  abominated  what 
you  did."  So  he  tricked  the  wretched  man, 
initiated  him  in  the  mysteries,  and  filled  him 
with  their  abominations. 

So  lust  of  empire  stripped  the  wretch  of 
all  true  religion.  Nevertheless  after  attain- 
ing the  supreme  power  he  concealed  his 
impiety  for  a  considerable  time  ;  for  he  was 
specially  apprehensive  about  the  troops  who 
had  been  instructed  in  the  principles  of  true 
religion,  first  by  the  illustrious  Constantine, 
who  freed  them  from  their  former  error  and 
trained  them  in  the  ways  of  truth,  and  after- 
wards by  his  sons,  who  confirmed  the 
instruction  given  by  their  father.  For  if 
Constantius,  led  astray  by  those  under 
whose  influence  he  lived,  did  not  admit  the 
term  Suoovaiov,  at  all  events  he  sincerely  ac- 
cepted the  meaning  underlying  it,  for  God 
the  Word  he  styled  true  Son,  begotten  of 
his  Father  before  the  ages,  and  those  who 
dared  to  call  Him  a  creature  he  openly 
renounced,  absolutely  prohibiting  the  wor- 
ship of  idols. 

I  will  relate  also  another  of  his  noble 
deeds,  as  satisfactory  proof  of  his  zeal  for 
divme  things.  In  his  campaign  against 
Magnentius  he  once  mustered  the  whole  of 
his  army,  and  counselled  them  to  take  part 
all  together  in  the  divine  m3^steries,  "  for," 
said  he,  '*  the  end  of  life  is  always  uncertain, 
and  that  not  least  in  war,  when  innumerable 
missiles  are  hurled  from  either  side,  and 
swords  and  battle  axes  and  other  weapons 
are  assailing  men,  whereby  a  violent  death 
is  brought  about.  Wherefore  it  behoves 
each  man  to  wear  that  precious  robe  which 
most  of  all  we  need  in  yonder  life  hereafter  : 
if  there  be  one  here  who  would  not  now  put 
on  this  garb  let  him  depart  hence  and  go 
home.  I  shall  not  brook  to  fight  with  men 
in  my  army  who  have  no  part  nor  lot  in  our 
holy  rites."  ^ 

CHAPTER    II. 

Of  tJie  return  of  the  bisJiops    and  the  conse- 
cration of  Paulinus, 

Julian  had  clear  information  on  these 
points,  and  did  not  make  known  the  impiety 

'  d/AV>}T0l9. 


of  his  soul.  With  the  object  of  attracting  all 
the  bishops  to  acquiescence  in  his  rule  he 
ordered  even  those  who  had  been  expelled 
from  their  churches  by  Constantius,  and 
who  were  sojourning  on  the  furthest  confines 
of  the  empire,  to  return  to  their  own  churches. 
Accordingly,  on  the  promulgation  of  this  edict, 
back  to  Antioch  came  the  divine  Meletius, 
and  to  Alexandria  the  far  famed  Athana- 
sius.^ 

But  Eusebius,^  and  Hilarius  ^  oif  Italy  and 
Lucifer^  who  presided  over  the  flock  in  the 
island  of  Sardinia,  were  living  in  the  Thebaid 
on  the  frontier  of  Egypt,  whither  they  had 
been  relegated  by  Constantius.  They  now 
met  with  the  rest  whose  views  were  the 
same  and  affirmed  that  the  churches  ought 
to  be  brought  into  harmony.  For  they  not 
only  suffered  from  the  assaults  of  their 
opponents,  but  were  at  variance  with  one 
another.  In  Antioch  the  sound  body  of  the 
church  had  been  split  in  two  ;  at  one  and 
the  same  time  they  who  from  the  beginning, 
for  the  sake  of  the  right  worthy  Eustathius, 
had  separated  from  the  rest,  were  assembling 
by  themselves  ;  and  they  who  with  the  ad- 
mirable Meletius  had  held  aloof  from  the 
Arian  faction  were  performing  divine  ser- 
vice in  what  is  called  the  Palaea.  Both 
parties  used  one  confession  of  faith,  for  both 
parties  were  champions  of  the  doctrine  laid 
down  at  Nic^ea.  All  that  separated  them 
was  their  mutual  quarrel,  and  their  regard 
for  their  respective  leaders ;  and  even  the 
death  of  one  of  these  did  not  put  a  stop  to 
the  strife.  Eustathius  died  before  the  elec- 
tion of  Meletius,  and  the  orthodox  party, 
after  the  exile  of  Meletius  and  the  election 
ofEuzoius,  separated  from  the  communion 
of  the  impious,  and  assembled  by  themselves  ; 
with  these,  the  party  called  Eustathians 
could  not  be  induced  to  unite.  To  effect  an 
union    between    them     the    Eusebians    and 


iThe  accession  of  Julian  was  made  known  in  Alexandria  at 
the  end  of  Nov.  361,  and  the  Pagans  at  once  rose  against 
George,  imprisoned  him,  and  at  last  on  Dec.  24,  brutally  beat 
and  kicked  him  to  death.  The  Arians  appointed  a  successor  — 
Lucius,  but  on  Feb.  22  Athanasius  once  more  appeared  among 
his  faithful  flock,  and  lost  no  time  in  getting  a  Council  for  the 
settlement  of  several  moot  points  of  discipline  and  doctrine, 
which  Theodoret  proceeds  to  enumerate. 

2/.^.  of  Vercellae.  Vide  p.  76.  From  Scythopolis  he  had 
been  removed  to  Cappadocia,  and  thence  to  the  Thebaid, 
whence  he  wrote  a  letter,  still  extant,  to  Gregory,  bp.  of  Elvira 
in  Spain. 

3  Valesius  supposes  Hilary  of  Poictiers  to  be  mentioned 
here,  though  he  recognises  the  difficulty  of  the  "  6  e/c  rrj? 
'IraAia?,"  and  would  alter  the  text  to  meet  it.  Possibly  this  is 
the  Hilary  who  is  said  to  have  been  bishop  of  Pavia  from  35S  to 
376,  and  may  be  the  '*  Sanctus  Hilarius"  of  Aug.  Coiii.  diias 
JE^i'st.  Pelag  iv.  4.  7.  cf.  article  Ambrosiaster  in  Diet.  Christ. 
Biog, 

■*  cf .  p.  76,  note.  Ivucifer,  bishop  of  Cagliari,  had  first  bcei' 
relegated  in  355  to  Eleutheropolis,  (a  town  of  the  3d  C,  iu 
Palestine,  about  20  m.  west  of  Jerusalem)  whence  he  wrote  the 
controversial  pamphlets  still  extant.  He  vigorously  abused 
Constantius,  to  whom  he  paid  the  compliment  of  sending 
a  copy  of  his  work.  The  emperor  appears  to  have  retorted  by 
having'  him  removed  to  the  Thebaid,  whence  he  returned  in  361 . 


96 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[III.  3. 


Luciferians  sought  to  discover  a  means. 
Accordingly  Eusebiiis  besought  Lucifer  to 
repair  to  Alexandria  and  take  counsel  on  the 
matter  with  the  great  Athanasius,  intending 
himself  to  undertake  the  labour  of  bringing 
about  a  reconciliation. 

Lucifer  however  did  not  go  to  Alexandria, 
but  repaired  to  Antioch.  There  he  urged 
many  arguments  in  behalf  of  concord  on 
both  parties.  The  Eustathians,  led  by 
Paulinus,  a  presbyter,  persisted  in  opposi- 
tion. On  seeing  this  Lucifer  took  the  im- 
proper course  of  consecrating  Paulinus  as 
their  bishop. 

This  action  on  the  part  of  Lucifer  pro- 
longed the  feud,  which  lasted  for  eighty-five 
years,  until  the  episcopate  of  the  most  praise- 
worthy Alexander.^ 

No  sooner  was  the  helm  of  the  church  at 
Antioch  put  into  his  hands  than  he  tried 
every  expedient,  and  brought  to  bear  great 
zeal  and  energy  for  the  promotion  of  con- 
cord, and  thus  joined  the  severed  limb  to  the 
rest  of  the  bodv  of  the  church.  At  the  time 
in  question  however  Lucifer  made  the 
quarrel  worse  and  spent  a  considerable  time 
in  Antioch,  and  Eusebius  when  he  arrived 
on  the  spot  and  learnt  that  bad  doctoring 
had  made  the  malady  very  hard  to  heal, 
sailed  away  to  the  West. 

When  Lucifer  returned  to  Sardinia  he 
made  certain  additions  to  the  dogmas  of  the 
church  and  those  who  accepted  them  were 
named  after  him,  and  for  a  considerable 
time  were  called  Luciferians.  But  in  time 
the  flame  of  this  dogma  too  went  out  and  it 
was  consigned  to  oblivion.^  Such  were  the 
events  that  followed  on  the  return  of  the 
bishops. 

CHAPTER    IIL 

Of  the  number  and  character  of  the  deeds 
done  by  Pagans  against  the  Christians  when 
they  got  the  power  from  Julian. 

When  Julian  had  made  his  impiety 
openly  known  the  cities  were  filled  with 
dissensions.  Men  enthralled  by  the  deceits 
of    idolatry    took    heart,    opened    the    idols' 


icf.  p.  41.  Eustathius  died  about  337,  at  Philippi,  —  prob- 
ably about  six  years  after  his  deposition.  Alexander,  an 
ascetic  (cf.  post,  V.  Ch.  35)  did  not  become  bishop  of  Antioch 
till  413. 

2  The  raison  d'etre  of  the  Luciferians  as  a  distinct  party  was 
their  unwiilinuness  to  accept  communion  with  men  who  had 
ever  lapsed  into  Arianism.  Jerome  gives  371  as  the  date  of 
Lucifer's  death.  "To  what  extent  he  was  an  actual  schismatic 
remains    obscure."     St.    Ambrose     remarks     that    "  he     had 


But  there  is  no  mention  of  any  separation  other  than  Lucifer^s 
own  repulsion  of  so  many  ecclesiastics;  and  Jerome  in  his 
dialog-ue  aijainst  the  LuciTeriins  (%  20)  calls  him  ''  beaiusand 
bonus  pastor.'*    J.  LI.  Davies  in  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  s.  v. 


shrines,  and  began  to  perform  those  foul 
rites  which  ought  to  have  died  out  from  the 
memory  of  man.  Once  more  they  kindled 
the  fire  on  the  altars,  befouled  the  ground 
with  victims'  gore,  and  defiled  the  air  with 
the  smoke  of  their  burnt  sacrifices.  Mad- 
dened by  the  demons  they  served  they  ran 
in  corybantic  ^  frenzy  round  about  the 
streets,  attacked  the  saints  with  low  stage 
jests,  and  with  all  the  outrage  and  ribaldry 
of  their  impure  processions. 

On  the  other  hand  the  partizans  ^  of  piety 
could  not  brook  their  blasphemies,  returned 
insult  for  insult,  and  tried  to  confute  the  error 
which  their  opponents  honoured.  Li  their 
turn  the  workers  of  iniquity  took  it  ill ;  the 
liberty  allowed  them  by  the  sovereign  was 
an  encouragement  to  audacity  and  they  dealt 
deadly  blows  among  the  Christians. 

It  was  indeed  the  duty  of  the  emperor  to 
consult  for  the  peace  of  his  subjects,  but  he 
in  the  depth  of  his  iniquity  himself  maddened 
his  peoples  with  mutual  rage.  The  deeds 
dared  by  the  brutal  against  the  peaceable  he 
overlooked  and  entrusted  civil  and  military 
oflices  of  importance  to  savage  and  impious 
men,  who  though  they  hesitated  publicly  to 
force  the  lovers  of  true  piety  to  oftbr  sacrifice 
treated  them  nevertheless  with  all  kinds  of 
indignity.  All  the  honours  moreover  con- 
ferred on  the  sacred  ministry  by  the  great 
Constantine  Julian  took  away. 

To  tell  all  the  deeds  dared  by  the  slaves  of 
idolatrous  deceit  at  that  time  would  require 
a  history  of  these  crimes  alone,  but  out  of 
the  vast  number  of  them  I  shall  select  a  few 
instancesc  At  Askalon  and  at  Gaza,  cities 
of  Palestine,  men  of  priestly  rank  and  women 
who  had  lived  all  their  lives  in  virginity 
were  disembowelled,  filled  "with  barley,  and 
given  for  food  to  swine.  At  Sebaste,  which 
belongs  to  the  same  people,  the  coffin  of 
John  the  Baptist  was  opened,  his  bones  burnt, 
and  the  ashes  scattered  abroad.^ 


1  Corybantes,  the  name  of  the  priests  of  Cybele,  whose  re. 
lig-ious  service  consisted  in  noisy  music  and  wild,  armed 
dances,  is  a  word  of  uncertain  origin.  The  chief  seat  of  their 
rites  was  Pessinus  in  Galatia. 

2  ©lao-wrat.  lit.  The  "  club-fellows,"  or  '•  members  of  a  re- 
ligious brotherhood." 

3  Sebaste  was  a  name  given  to  Samaria  by  Herod  the  Great 
in  honour  of  Auafustus.  cf.  Rufinus  H.  E.  xi.  2S  and  Theo- 
phanes,  Chronographia  i.  117.  Theodoretus  claims  to  have 
obtained  some  of  the  relics  of  the  Baptist  for  his  own  church 
at  Cyrus  (Relig.  Hist.  1245).  ^"  ^^^  development  of  the 
tradition  of  the  relics,  cf.  Diet.  Christ.  Ant.  i.  SS3.  A 
magnificent  church  was  built  by  Theodosius  (Soz.  vii.  21  and 
24)  in  a  suburb  of  Constantinople,  to  enshrine  a  head  dis- 
covered by  some  unsound  monks.  The  church  is  said  by 
Sozomen  (vii.  24)  to  be  •'  at  the  seventh  milestone,"  on  the 
road  out  of  Constantinople,  and  the  place  to  be  called  Hebdo- 
mon  or  "  seventh."  I  am  indebted  to  the  Rev.  H.  F.  Tozer  for 
the  suggestion  that  Hehdomon  was  a  promontory  on  the 
Proponds,  to  the  west  of  the  extreme  part  of  the  city,  where 
the  Cyclobion  was,  and  where  the  Seven  Towers  now  are;  and 
that  the  Seven  Towers  being-  about  six  Roman  miles  from  the 
Seraglio  Point,  which  is  the  apex  of  the  triangle  formed  by 


III.  4. 


5-] 


OF    THEODORET. 


97 


Who  too  could  tell  without  a  tear  the 
vile  deed  done  in  Phoenicia?  At  Heliopolis^ 
by  Lebanon  there  lived  a  certain  deacon  of 
the  name  of  Cyrillus.  In  the  reign  of  Con- 
stantine,  fired  by  divine  zeal,  he  had  broken 
in  pieces  many  of  the  idols  there  worshipped. 
Now  men  of  infamous  name,  bearing  this 
deed  in  mind,  not  only  slew  him,  but  cut 
open  his  belly  and  devoured  his  liver.  Their 
crime  was  not,  however,  hidden  from  the 
all-seeing  eye,  and  they  suffered  the  just 
reward  of  their  deeds  ;  for  all  who  had  taken 
part  in  this  abominable  wickedness  lost  their 
teeth,  which  all  fell  out  at  once,  and  lost, 
too,  their  tongues,  which  rotted  away  and 
dropped  from  them  :  they  were  moreover 
deprived  of  sight,  and  by  their  sufferings 
proclaimed  the  power  of  holiness. 

At  the  neighbouring  city  of  Emesa^they 
dedicated  to  Dionysus,  the  woman-formed, 
the  newly  erected  church,  and  set  up  in  it  his 
ridiculous  androgynous  image.  At  Dorys- 
tolum,^  a  famous  city  of  Thrace,,  tlie. victo- 
rious athlete  ^milianus  was  'thrown  upon 
a  flaming  pyre,  by  Capitolinus,,.  governor 
of  all  Thrace.  To  relate  the  tragic  fate  of 
Marcus,  however,  bishop  of  Arethusa,"*  with 
true  dramatic  dignity,  would  require  the 
eloquence  of  an  y^schylus  or  a  Sophocles. 
In  the  days  of  Constantius  he  had  de- 
stroyed a  certain  idol-shrine  and  built  a 
church  in  its  place ;  and  no  sooner  did 
the  Arethusians  learn  the  mind  of  Julian 
than  they  made  an  open  display  of  their 
hostility.  At  first,  according  to  the  pre- 
cept of  the  Gospel,"'  Marcus  endeavoured 
to  make  his  escape ;  but  when  he  became 
aware  that  some  of  his  own  people  were 
apprehended  in  his  stead,  he  returned  and 
gave  himself  up  to  the  men  of  blood.  After 
they  had  seized  him  they  neither  pitied  his 
old  age  nor  reverenced  his  deep  regard  for 
virtue  ;  but,  conspicuous  as  he  was  for  the 
beauty  alike  of  his  teaching  and  of  his  life, 
first  of  all  they  stripped  and  smote  him, 
laying  strokes  on  every  limb,  then  they 
flung  him  into  filthy  sewers,  and,  when  they 
had  dragged  him  out  again,  delivered  him 
to  a  crowd   of  lads  whom   they  charged   to 


the  citv,  the  phrase  at  the  seventh  milestone  is  thus  ac- 
counted for.  Bones  alleged  to  be  parts  of  the  scull  are  still 
shewn  at  Amiens,  The  same  emperor  built  a  church  for  the 
body  on  the  site  of  tlie  Serapeum  at  Alexandria. 

1  Heliopolis,  the  modern  Baalbec,  the  "City  of  the  Sun,"  was 
built  at  the  west  foot  of  Anti-Libanus,  near  the  sources  of  the 
Orontes. 

2  On  tlie  Orontes;  now  Horns.  Here  Aureh'an  defeated 
Zenobia  in  273. 

3  Durostorum,  now  Silistria,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Dan- 
ube. 

*  Valesius  (note  on  Soz.  v.  10)  would  distinguish  this  Mar- 
cus of  Arethusa  from  the  Arian  Marcus  of  Arethusa,  author 
of  the  creed  of  Sirmium  (Soc.  H.  E".  ii.  30),  apparently  on 
insufficient  ijrounds  (Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  s.  v.).  Arethusa  was 
a  town  not  far  from  the  source  of  the  Orontes. 

5  Matt.  X.  23. 


prick  him  without  mercy  with  their  pens. ^ 
After  this  they  put  him  into  a  basket, 
smeared  him  with  pickle^  an^  honey,  and 
hung  him  up  in  the  open  air  in  tlie  height 
of  summer,  inviting  wasps  and  bees  to  a 
feast.  Their  object  in  doing  this  was  to  . 
compel  him  either  to  restore  the  shrine*  - 
which  he  had  destroy eicl,  .or  to  defray  the  % 
expense  of  its  erection.  Marcus,  however, 
endured  all  these  grievous  sufferings  and 
affirmed  that  he  would  consent  tQ  none  of 
their  demands«  His  enemies,  with  the  idea 
that  he  coulcu,  not  afford  the  money  from 
poverty,  remitte^i  half  their  demand,  and  bade 
him  pay.ttie  rest ;  but  Marcus  hung  pa  high, 
^pricked  with  pens',"  and. devoured  by  wasps 
and  bees,  yet  not  only  shewed  no  signs 
ofpal^,  but  derided  his  impious  tormentors 
with  the  repeated  taunt,  ''You  are  ground- 
lings and  of  the  earth  ;  I,  ^ubhme  and  ex-  . 
alted."  At  last  they  begged  for  only  a  small 
portion  of  the  money;  but,  said  he,  ''it  is 
as  impious  to  give  an  obole  ^as  to  give 
all."  ^  So  discomfited  they  let  him  go,  and 
could  not  refrain  from  admiring  his  con- 
stancy, for  his  words  had^  taught  them  a  new 
lesson  of  holiness.''. 

■      CHAPTER    IV. 

0/  the  laws  made  by  'Julian  against  the 
Christians, 

Countless  other  deeds  were  dared  at  that 
time  by  land  and  by  sea,  all  over  the  world, 
by  the  wicked  against  the  just,  for  now  with- 
out disguise  the  enemy  of  God  began  to  lay 
down  laws  against  true  religion.  First  of  all 
he  prohibited  the  sons  of  the  Galileans,  for 
so  he  tried  to  name  the  worshippers  of  the 
Saviour,  from  taking  part  in  the  study  of 
poetry,  rhetoric,  and  philosophy,  for  said  he, 
in  the  words  of  the  proverb  "  we  are   shot 


>»  3 


with  shafts  feathered  from  our  own  wing, 
for  from  our  own  books  they  take  arms   and 
wage  war  against  us. 

After  this  he  made  another  edict  ordering 
the  Galileans  to  be  expelled  from  the  army. 


CHAPTER   V. 

Of  the  fourth  exile  and  flight  of  the  holy 
Athanasius. 

At  this  time  Athanasius,  that  victorious 
athlete  of  the  truth,  underwent  another  peril, 

1  The  sharp  iron  stilus  was  capable  of  inflicting  severe 
wounds.  Caesar,  when  attacked  by  his  murderers,  "  caught 
Casca's  arm  and  ran  it  through  with  his  pen."     Suetonius. 

2  y6.(iov,  garum,  was  a  fish-pickle,  cf.  the  barbarous  punish- 
ment of  the  <rK:a(f)eucTis,  inflicted  among  others  on  Mithridates, 
who  wounded  Cyrus  at  Cunaxa.     (Plut.  Artaxerxes.) 

3  cf.  Aristophanes  (Aves  SoS)  "  raS'  oi^x  i"^'  a-KKinv  aWd  tois 
aiirCju  TTTcpot?." 


98 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[III.  6,  7 


for  the  devils  could  not  brook  the  ^Dower  of 
his  tongue  and  prayers,  and  so  armed  their 
ministers  to  revile  him.  Many  voices  did 
they  utter  beseeching  the  champion  of  wick- 
edness to  exile  Athanasius,  and  adding  yet 
this  further,  that  if  Athanasius  remained, 
not  a  heathen  would  remain,  for  that  he 
would  get  them  all  over  to  his  side.  Moved 
by  these  supplications*  Julian  condemned 
Athanasius  not  merely  to  exile, ^  but  to  death. 
His  people  shuddered,  but  it  is  related  that 
he  foretold  the  rapid  dispersal  of  the  storm, 
for  said  he  "It  is  a  cloud  which  soon  van- 
ishes away."  He  however  withdrew  as 
soon  as  he  learnt  the  arrival  of  the  bearers 
of  the  imperial  message,  and  finding  a  boat 
on  the  bank  of  the  river,  started  for  the 
Thebaid.  The  officer  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed for  his  execution  became  acquainted 
with  his  flight,  and  strove  to  pursue  him  at 
hot  haste  ;  one  of  his  friends,  however,  got 
ahead,  and  told  him  that  the  officer  was  com- 
ing on  apace.  Then  some  of  his  companions 
besought  him  to  take  refuge  in  the  desert, 
but  he  ordered  the  steersman  to  turn  the 
boat's  head  to  Alexandria.  So  they  rowed 
to  meet  the  pursuer,  and  on  came  the  bearer 
of  the  sentence  of  execution,  and,  said  he, 
"  How  far  oft'  is  Athanasius?  "  "  Not  far," 
said  Athanasius,^  and  so  got  rid  of  his  foe, 
while  he  himself  returned  to  Alexandria 
and  there  remained  in  concealment  for  the 
remainder  of  Julian's  reign. ^ 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Of  Apollo  and  Daphne^  and  of  the  holy 
Baby  las. 

Julian,  wishing  to  make  a  campaign 
against  the  Persians,  dispatched  the  trustiest 
of  his  officers  to  all  the  oracles  throughout 
the  Roman  Empire,  while  he  himself  went 
as  a  suppliant  to  implore  the  Pythian  oracle 
of  Daphne  to  make  known  to  him  the  future. 
The  oracle  responded  that  the  corpses  lying 
hard  by  were  becoming  an  obstacle  to  divi- 
nation ;  that  they  must  first  be  removed  to 
another  spot ;  and  that  then  he  would  utter 
his  prophecy,  for,  said  he,  "  I  could  say 
nothing,  if  the  grove  be  not  purified."     Now 

^  The  crowning-  outrage  which  moved  Julian  to  put  out  the 
edict  of  exile  ^vas  the  baptism  hy  the  bishop  of  some  pagan 
ladies.  The  letter  of  Julian  (Ep.  p.  1S7)  fixed  Dec.  ist,  362, 
as  the  limit  of  Athanasius'  permission  to  stay  in  Egypt,  but  it 
was  on  Oct.  23d  (Fest.  Ind.)  that  the  order  was  communicated 
to  him. 

2  The  story  may  be  compared  with  that  of  Napoleon  on  the 
return  from  Elba  in  Feb.  1S15,  when  on  being  hailed  by  some 
passing-  craft  with  an  enquiry  as  to  the  emperor's  health,  he  is 
said  to  have  himself  taken  the  speaking  trumpet  and  replied 
"Qiiite  well." 

3  He  concealed  himself  at  Choeren,  ( ?  El  Careon)  near  Alex- 
andria, and  went  thence  to  Memphis,  whence  he  ^vrote  his 
Festal  Letter  for  363.    Julian  died  June  26,  363. 


at  that  time  there  were  lying  there  the  relics 
of  the  victorious  martyr  Babylas  ^  and  the 
lads  who  had  gloriously  siiftbred  with  him, 
and  the  lying  prophet  was  plainly  stopped 
from  uttering  his  wonted  lies  by  the  holy  in- 
fluence of  Babylas.  Julian  was  aware  of 
this,  for  his  ancient  piety  had  taught  him  the 
power  of  victorious  martyrs,  and  so  he  re- 
moved no  other  body  from  the  spot,  but  only 
ordered  the  worshippers  of  Christ  to  trans- 
late the  relics  of  the  victorious  martyrs. 
They  marched  with  joy  to  the  grove,-  put 
the  coffin  on  a  car  and  went  before  it  lead  ins- 
a  vast  concourse  of  people,  singing  the  psalms 
of  David,  while  at  every  pause  they  shouted 
"  Shame  be  to  all  them  that  worship  molten 
images."^  For  they  understood  the  transla- 
tion of  the  martyr  to  mean  defeat  for  the 
demon. 

CHAPTER   VII. 

Of  Theodorus  the  Confessor. 

Julian  could  not  endure  the  shame 
brought  upon  him  by  these  doings,  and  on  the 
following  day  ordered  the  leaders  of  the 
choral  procession  to  be  arrested.  Sallustius 
was  prefect  at  this  time  and  a  servant  of 
iniquity,  but  he  nevertheless  was  anxious  to 
persuade  the  sovereign  not  to  allow  the 
Christians  who  were  eager  for  glory  to  at- 
tain the  object  of  their  desires.  When  how- 
ever he  saw  that  the  emperor  was  impotent 
to  master  his  rage,  he  arrested  a  young  man 
adorned  with  the  graces  of  a  holy  enthu- 
siasm while  walking  in  the  Forum,  hung 
him  up  before  the  world  on  the  stocks,  lacer- 
ated his  back  with  scourges,  and  scored  his 
sides  with  claw-like  instruments  of  torture. 
And  this  he  did  all  day  from  dawn  till  the 
day  was  done  ;  and  then  put  chains  of  iron 
on  him  and  ordered  him  to  be  kept  in 
ward.  Next  morning  he  informed  Julian  of 
what  had  been  done,  and  reported  the  young 
man's  constancy  and  added  that  the  event 
was  for  themselves  a  defeat  and  for  the 
Christians  a  triumph.  Persuaded  of  the 
truth  of  this,  God's  enemy  suffered  no  more 


1  Babylas,  bishop  of  Antioch  from  23S  to  251,  ^vas  martyred 
in  the  Decian  persecution  either  by  death  in  prison  (Euseb.  H. 
E.  vi.  39  fxeTo.  Tr)f  6/xoAoyiai/  iu  Secrjatorrjptoi  ixeTa\\a.^ai'TO<;)  or  by 
violence.  (Chrys.  des,  B.  c.  gentes)  "  Babylas  had  won  for 
himself  a  name  by  his  heroic  courage  as  bishop  of  Antioch. 
It  was  related  of  him  that  on  one  occasion  when  the  emperor 
Philip,  who  was  a  Christian,  had  presented  himself  one 
Easter  Eve  at  the  time  of  prayer,  he  had  boldly  refused  ad- 
mission to  the  sovereign,  till  he  had  gone  through  the  proper 
discipline  of  a  penitent  for  some  offence  committed.  (Eus. 
n.  E.  vi,  34.)  Reacted  like  a  good  shepherd,  says  Chrysos- 
tom,  who  drives  away  the  scabby  sheep,  lest  it  should  infect 
the  flock."     Bp.  Lightfoot,  Ap.  Fathers  II.  i.  p.  40-46. 

2  "  The  Daphnean  Sanctuary  was  four  or  five  miles  distant 
from  the  city."  *'  Rufinus  says  six,  but  this  appears  to  be  an 
exaggeration."     Bp.  Lightfoot  1.  c. 

3PS.96.  7. 


III.  8,  9.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


99 


to  be  so  treated  and  ordered  Theodorus^  to 
be  let  out  of  prison,  for  so  was  named  this 
young  and  glorious  combatant  in  truth's  bat- 
tle. On  being  asked  if  he  had  had  any 
sense  of  pain  on  undergoing  those  most 
bitter  and  most  savage  tortures  he  replied 
that  at  the  first  indeed  he  had  felt  some  little 
pain,  but  that  then  had  appeared  to  him  one 
who  continually  wiped  the  sweat  from  his 
face  with  a  cool  and  soft  kerchief  and  bade 
him  be  of  good  courage.  "  Wherefore," 
•said  he,  '•  when  the  executioners  gave  over 
I  was  not  pleased  but  vexed,  for  now  there 
went  away  with  them  he  who  brought  me 
refreshment  of  soul."  But  the  demon  of 
lying  divination  at  once  increased  the 
martyr's  glory  and  exposed  his  own  false- 
hood ;  for  a  thunderbolt  sent  down  from 
heaven  burnt  the  whole  shrine  ^  and  turned 
the  very  statue  of  the  Pythian  into  fine  dust,  for 
it  was  made  of  wood  and  gilded  on  the  sur- 
face. Julianus  the  uncle  of  Julian,  prefect 
of  the  East,  learnt  this  by  night,  and  riding 
at  full  speed  came  to  Daphne,  eager  to  bring 
succour  to  the  deity  whom  he  worshipped  ; 
but  when  he  saw  the  so-called  god  turned 
into  powder  he  scourged  the  officers  in 
charge  of  the  temple,^  for  he  conjectured  that 
the  conflagration  was  due  to  some  Christian. 
But  they,  maltreated  as  they  were,  could  not 
endure  to  utter  a  lie,  and  persisted  in  saying 
that  the  fire  had  started  not  from  below  but 
from  above.  Moreover  some  of  the  neigh- 
bouring rustics  came  forward  and  asserted 
that  they  had  seen  the  thunderbolt  come 
rushing  down  from  heaven. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Of  the  confiscation  of  the  sacred  treasures  and 
taking  away  of  the  allowances. "^ 

Even  when  the    wicked  had  become  ac- 
quainted with    these    events    they  set  them- 


1  "  Gibbon  seems  to  confuse  this  young  man  Theodorus\vith 
Theodoretus  the  presbyter  and  martyr  who  was  put  to  death 
about  this  time  at  Antioch  by  the  Count  Julianus,  the  uncle  of 
the  emperor,  (Soz.  v.  S.,  Ruinart's  Act.  Mart.  Sine.  p.  605  sq.) 
for  he  speaks  in  his  text  of  *  a  presbyter  of  the  name  of  Theo- 
■dorct,'  and  in  his  notes  of  '  the  passion  of  S.  Theodore  in  the 
Acta  Sincera  of  Ruinart,'  "  Bp.  Liehtfoot.  p.  43. 

2  "  Gibbon  says,  '  During-  the  nieht  which  terminated  this 
indiscreet  procession,  the  temple  of  Daphne  was  in  flames,' 
and  later  writers  have  blindly  followed  him.  He  does  not 
give  any  authority,  but  obviously  he  is  copying  Tillemont  H. 
E.  iii.  p.  407  '  en  mesme  temps  que  Ton  portant  dans  la  ville  la 
chasse  du  Saint  Martyr,  c'est  a  dire  la  nuit  suivante.'  The 
only  passage  which  Tillemont  quotes  is  Ammianus,  (xxii.  13) 
'  eodem  tempore  die  xi.  Kal.  Nov.,' which  does  not  bear  him 
out.  On  the  contrary  the  historians  generally  (cf.  Soz.  v.  20, 
Theod.  iii.  7)  place  the  persecutions  which  followed  on  the 
processions,  and  which  must  have  occupied  some  time,  before 
the  burning  of  the  temple."     Bp.  Lightfoot. 

3  i/ewKopou?.  I'ew/copo?  is  the  word  rendered  "  worshipper  "  in 
Acts  xix,  35  by  A.  V.  The  R.  V.  has  correctly  "  temple- 
keeper,"  the  old  derivation  from  /copew  =  sweep,  being  no 
doubt  less  probable  than  the  reference  of  the  latter  part  of  the 
word  to  a  root  ^/kOR^^v/ KOL,  found  in  colo,  euro. 

*T)7?  jiav  o-cT7]pe(nwi' d(/)a(.pe(rew?.     This  deprivation  is  not  fur- 


selves  in  array  against  the  God  of  all ;  and 
the  prince  ordered  the  holy  vessels  to  be 
handed  over  to  the  imperial  treasury.  Of 
the  great  church  which  Constantine  had 
built  he  nailed  up  the  doors  and  declared  it 
closed  to  the  worshippers  wont  to  assemble 
there.  At  this  time  it  was  in  possession  of 
the  Arians.  In  company  with  Julianus  the 
prefect  of  the  E^st,  Felix  the  imperial 
treasurer,  and  Elpidius.  who  had  charge 
of  the  emperor's  private  purse  and  property, 
an  officer  whom  it  is  the  Roman  custom 
to  call  "Comes  privatarum,"  ^  made  their 
way  into  the  sacred  edifice.  Both  Felix 
and  Elpidius,  it  is  said,  were  Christians, 
but  to  please  the  impious  emperor  aposta- 
tised from  the  true  religion.  Julianus  com- 
mitted an  act  of  gross  indecency  on  the 
Holy  Table  ^  and,  when  Euzoius  endeavoured 
to  prevent  him,  gave  him  a  blow  on  the  face, 
and  told  him,  so  the  story  goes,  that  it  is  the 
fate  of  the  fortunes  of  Christians  to  have  no 
protection  from  the  gods.  But  Felix,  as  he 
gazed  upon  the  magnificence  of  the  sacred 
vessels,  furnished  with  splendour  by  the  mu- 
nificence of  Constantine  and  Constantius, 
"Behold,"  said  he,  "with  what  vessels 
Mary's  son  is  served."  But  it  was  not  long 
before  they  paid  the  penalty  of  these  deeds 
of  mad  and  impious  daring. 

CHAPTER   IX. 

Of  what  befell  Julianus,  the  Emperor's  Uncle , 
and  Felix, 

Julianus  forthwith  fell  sick  of  a  painful 
disease ;  his  entrails  rotted  away,  and  he 
was  no  longer  able  to  discharge  his  excre- 
ments through  the  normal  organs  of  excre- 
tion,^ but  his  polluted  mouth,  at  the  instant 
of  his  blasphemy,  became  the  organ  for 
their  emission. 

His  wife,  it  is  said,  was  a  woman  of  con- 
spicuous faith,  and  thus  addressed  her 
spouse:  "  Husband,  you  ought  to  bless  our 
Saviour  Christ  for  shewing  you  through 
your  castigation    his  jDeculiar  power.      For 

ther  referred  to  in  the  text.  Philostorgius  (vii.  4)  says  "  He 
distributed  the  allowance  of  the  churches  among  the  ministers 
of  the  daemons,"  cf.  Soz.  v.  5.  The  restitution  is  recorded  in 
Theod.  iv.  4,  The  o-iTo/u.erpioi'  of  St.  Luke  xii.  42.  (cf.  ti\v 
Tpo4>-qv  in  Matt.  xxiv.  45)  is  analogous  to  the  a-inqpea-ta  of  the 
text.  Vide  Suicer  s.  v. 

1  By  the  constitution  of  Constantine  the  two  great  ministers 
of  finance  w^ere  (i)  the  Cotnes  sacrarufn  / a r^iii'onum,  treasurer 
and  paymaster  of  the  public  staff  of  the  ;^ni)ire;  (ii)  Comes 
ret  privates,  \vho  managed  the  privy  purse  and  kept  the  liber 
heneficionum,  an  account  of  privileges  granted  by  the  emperor, 
cf.  Diet.  Christ.  Ant.  i.  p.  634. 

2  TpaTre^a  is  the  word  commonly  emplo3'ed  by  the  Greek 
Fathers  and  in  Greek  Liturgies  to  designate' the  Lord's  Table. 
©uo-iacTTJjpioi'  is  used  by  Eusebius  H.  E.  x.4,  for  the  Altar  of  the 
Church  of  Tyre,  but  the  eailler  0jcrt..(TT»,'pto.'  of  Ignatius 
(Philad.  iv.)  does  not  appear  t;)„n;ean  the  Lord's  Table,  cf. 
Bp.  Lightfoot  Ap.  Fathers,  pt.'l'l^'ii.  p.'25S. 

3  dffOKpKTlS. 


lOO 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[III.     lO,   II. 


vou  would  never  have  known  who  it  is  who 
is  being  attacked  by  you  if  with  his  wonted 
long  suffering  he  had  refrained  from  visiting 
you  with  these  heaven-sent  plagues."  Then 
by  these  words  and  the  heavy  w^eight  of  his 
woes  the  wretched  man  perceived  the  cause 
of  his  disease,  and  besought  the  emperor 
to  restore  the  church  to  those  who  had  been 
deprived  of  it.  He  could  not  however  gain 
his  petition,  and  so  ended  his  days. 

Felix  too  was  himself  suddenly  struck  down 
by  a  heaven-sent  scourge,  and  kept  vomiting 
blood  from  his  mouth,  all  day  and  all  night, 
for  all  the  vessels  of  his  body  poured  their 
convergent  streams  to  this  one  organ  ;  so 
when  all  his  blood  was  shed  he  died,  and 
was  delivered  to  eternal  death. 

Such  were  the  penalties  inflicted  on  these 
men  for  their  wickedness. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Of  the  Son  of  the  Priest. 

A  YOUNG  man  who  was  a  priest's  son,  and 
brought  up  in  impiety,  about  this  time  went 
over  to  the  true  religion.  For  a  lady  re- 
markable for  her  devotion  and  admitted  to 
the  order  of  deaconesses  ^  was  an  intimate 
friend  of  his  mother.  When  he  came  to 
visit  her  with  his  mother,  while  yet  a  tiny 
lad,  she  used  to  welcome  him  with  affection 
and  urge  him  to  the  true  religion.  On  the 
death  of  his  mother  the  young  man  used  to 
visit  her  and  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  her 
wonted  teaching.  Deeply  impressed  by  her 
counsels,  he  enquired  of  his  teacher  by  what 
means  he  might  both  escape  the  superstition 
of  his  father  and  have  part  and  lot  in  the 
truth  which  she  preached.  She  replied  that 
he  must  flee  from  his  father,  and  honour 
rather  the  Creator  both  of  his  father  and 
himself;  that  he  must  seek  some  other  city 
wherein  he  might  lie  hid  and  escape  the  vio- 
lence of  the  impious  emperor ;  and  she 
promised  to  manage  this  for  him.  Then, 
said  the  young  man,  "  henceforward  I  shall 
come  and  commit  my  soul  to  you."  Not 
many  days  afterwards  Julian  came  to  Daphne 
to  celebrate  a  public  feast.  With  him  came 
the  young  man's  father,  both  as  a  priest,  and 
as  accustomed  to  attend  the  emperor ;  and 
with  their  father  came  the  young  man  and 
his  brother,  being  appointed  to  the  service 
of  the  temple  and  charged  with  the  duty  of 
ceremonially  sprinkling  the  imperial  viands. 
It  is  the  custom  for  the    festival    of  Daphne 

1  The  earliest  authorities  forthe  order  are  St.  Paul,  Rom. 
xvi. I,  and  probably  >I.  Tinj.  lii..  ii;  and  Pliny  in  his  letter  to 
Trajan,  if  ancilla  =  h\.a.Kovo<i. 


to  last  for  seven  days.      On  the   first  day  the 
young  man  stood  by  the  emperor's    couch, 
and  according  to    the    prescribed    usage    as- 
persed the  meats,   and    thoroughly    polluted 
them.    Then  at  full  speed  he  ran  to  Antioch,^ 
and  making  his  way  to  that    admirable  lady, 
"  I  am  come,"  said  he,    "  to  you  ;  and  I  have 
kept  my  promise.     Do  you  look  to  the  sal- 
vation of  each  and  fulfil  your  pledge."      At 
once  she  arose  and  conducted  the  young  man 
to  Meletius  the  man  of  God,  who  ordered  him 
to  remain  for  awhile  upstairs  in  the  inn.    His 
father  after  wandering  about  all  over  Daphne 
in  search  of  the  boy,   then   returned    to    the 
city  and  explored  the  streets  and  lanes,  turn- 
ing his  eyes  in  all  directions  and   longing    to 
light  upon  his  lad.     At  length  he  arrived    at 
the  place  where  the  divine  Meletius   had    his 
hostelry  ;   and   looking   up    he    saw    his    son 
peeping    through    the   lattice.      He    ran    up,, 
drew  him  along,  got  him  down,  and   carried 
him  ofl' home.      Then  he   first  laid    on    him 
many  stripes,  then  applied   hot    spits    to    his 
feet  and  hands  and  back,  then    shut    him    up 
in  his  bedroom,  bolted  the  door  on    the    out- 
side, and  returned  to  Daphne.     So  I  myself 
have  heard  the  man   himself   narrate    in    his 
old  age,  and  he  added    further    that    he   was 
inspired  and  filled  with  Divine    Grace,    and 
broke   in   pieces    all   his  father's    idols,   and 
made  mockery  of  their  helplessness.     After- 
wards when  he  bethought    him    of  what    he 
had  done  he  feared   his    father's    return    and 
besought  his  Master  Christ  to  nod    approval 
of  his  deeds,^  break  the  bolts,  and  open  the 
doors.    "  For  it  is  for  thy  sake,"  said  he,  "  that 
I  have  thus  suffered  and  thus  acted."     "  Even 
as  I  thus  spoke,"  he  told  me,  "'  out  fell    the 
bolts  and  open  flew  the  doors,  and  back  I  ran 
to  my  instructress.      She  dressed   me   up  in 
women's  garments  and  took  me  with  her  in  her 
covered  carriage  back  to  the  divine  Meletius. 
He   handed   me  over  to  the  bishop  of  Jeru- 
salem,   at    that  time   Cyril,   and   we  started 
by  night  for  Palestine."     After  the  death  of 
Julian   this    3^oung  man  led   his   father  also 
into    the  way  of   truth.      Tliis    act    he    told 
me  with  the  rest.     So  in  this  fashion  these 
men  were  guided  to  the  knowledge  of  God 
and  were  made  partakers  of  Salvation. 


CHAPTER   XI. 

Of  the  Holy  Martyrs  Juventinus  and 
Afaxi  minus. 

Now  Julian,  with  less  restraint,  or  shall  I 
say,  less  shame,  began  to  arm  himself  against 


^  Vide  note  on  page  98. 


III.     12.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


lOI 


true  religion,  wearing  indeed  a  mask  of 
moderation,  but  all  the  while  preparing  gins 
and  traps  which  caught  all  who  were 
deceived  by  them  in  the  destruction  of 
iniquity.  He  began  by  polluting  with  foul 
sacrifices  the  wells  in  the  city  and  in  Daphne, 
that  every  man  who  used  the  fountain 
might  be  partaker  of  abomination.  Then  he 
thoroughly  polluted  the  things  exposed  in 
the  Forum,  for  bread  and  meat  and  fruit 
and  vegetables  and  every  kind  of  food  were 
aspersed.  When  those  who  were  called  by 
the  Saviour's  name  saw  what  was  done, 
they  groaned  and  bewailed  and  expressed 
their  abomination ;  nevertheless  they  par- 
took, for  they  remembered  the  apostolic 
law,  "  Everything  that  is  sold  in  the  sham- 
bles eat,  asking  no  question  for  conscience 
sake."  ^  Two  officers  in  the  army,  who  were 
shield  bearers  in  the  imperial  suite,  at  a 
certain  banquet  lamented  in  somewhat  warm 
language  the  abomination  of  what  was  being 
done,  and  employed  the  admirable  language 
of  the  glorious  youths  at  Babylon,  ''  Thou 
hast  given  us  over  to  an  impious  Prince, 
an  apostate  beyond  all  the  nations  on  the 
-earth."  ^  One  of  the  guests  gave  infor- 
mation of  this,  and  the  emperor  arrested 
these  right  worthy  men  and  endeavoured 
to  ascertain  by  questioning  them  what 
was  the  language  they  had  used.  They 
accepted  the  imperial  enquiry  as  an  oppor- 
tunity for  open  speech,  and  with  noble  enthu- 
siasm replied  "  Sir  we  were  brought  up  in 
true  religion  ;  we  were  obedient  to  most 
excellent  laws,  the  laws  of  Constantine  and 
of  his  sons  ;  now  we  see  the  world  full  of 
pollution,  meats  and  drinks  alike  defiled 
with  abominable  sacrifices,  and  we  lament. 
We  bewail  these  things  at  home,  and  now 
before  thy  face  we  express  our  grief,  for  this 
is  the  one  thing  in  thy  reign  which  we  take 
ill."  No  sooner  did  he  whom  sympathetic 
courtiers  called  most  mild  and  most  philo- 
sophic hear  these  words  than  he  took  off  his 
mask  of  moderation,  and  exposed  the  coun- 
tenance of  impiety.  He  ordered  cruel  and 
painful  scourgings  to  be  inflicted  on  them 
and  deprived  them  of  their  lives  ;  or  shall  we 
not  rather  say  freed  them  from  that  sorrowful 
time  and  gave  them  crowns  of  victory.^  He 
pretended  indeed  that  punishment  was  in- 
flicted upon  them  not  for  the  true  religion 
for  sake  of  which  they  were  really  slain,  but 
because  of  their  insolence,   for    he   2:ave  out 


1  I.  Cor.  X.  25. 

2  Song-  of  the  Three  Children,  v.  S,  quoted  not  quite  ex- 
actly from  the  Septuagint,  which  runs  TrapeSwxa?  jjm*?  •  •  • 
/BacriAet  a6iKa>  /cat  nowrjpoTaTix)  napd  nacrav  T~r)v  yrjv.  The  text  is, 
7rap45(i)Ka<;  rjjuA?  /SacrtAet  napay6fj.u>  anocrTa.Tr]  napd  ndvTa  to.  eOvrj 
TO.  ovTa  int  T>j?  V*?*' 


that  he  had  punished  them  for  insulting  the 
emperor,  and  ordered  this  report  to  be  pub- 
lished abroad,  thus  grudging  to  these  cham- 
pions of  the  truth  the  name  and  honour  or 
martyrs.  The  name  of  one  was  Juventinus  ; 
of  the  other  Maximinus.  The  city  ot 
Antioch  honoured  them  as  defenders  of  true 
religion,  and  deposited  them  in  a  magnificent 
tomb,  and  up  to  this  day  they  are  honoured 
by  a  yearly  festival.^ 

Other  men  in  public  office  and  of  distinc- 
tion used  similar  boldness  of  speech,  and  won 
like  crowns  of  martyrdom. 


CHAPTER   XH. 

0/  Valentinianus  the  great  Emperor. 

Valentinianus,^  who  shortly  afterwards 
became  emperor,  was  at  that  time  a  Trib- 
une and  commanded  the  Hastati  quartered 
in  the  palace.  He  made  no  secret  of  his 
zeal  for  the  true  religion.  On  one  occasion 
when  the  infatuated  emperor  was  going 
in  solemn  procession  into  the  sacred  enclo- 
sure of  the  Temple  of  Fortune,  on  either 
side  of  the  gates  stood  the  temple  servants 
purifying,  as  they  supposed,  all  who  were 
coming  in,  with  their  sprinkling  whisks. 
As  Valentinianus  walked  before  the  em- 
peror, he  noticed  that  a  drop  had  fallen  on 
his  own  cloak  and  gave  the  attendant  a  blow 
with  his  fist,  "for,"  said  he,  "I  am  not 
purified  but  defiled."  For  this  deed  he  won 
two  empires.  On  seeing  w4iat  had  hap- 
pened Julian  the  accursed  sent  him  to  a 
fortress  in  the  desert,  and  ordered  him  there 
to  remain,  but  after  the  lapse  of  a  year  and 
a  few  months  he  received  the  empire  as  a 
reward  of  his  confession  of  the  faith,  for  not 
only  in  the  life  that  is  to  come  does  the  just 
Judge  honour  them  that  care  for  holy  things, 
but  sometimes  even  here  below  He  bestows 
recompense  for  good  deeds,  confirming  the 
hope  of  guerdons  yet  to  be  received  by 
what  he  gives  in  abundance  now. 

But  the  tyrant  devised  another  contrivance 
against  the  truth,  for  when  according  to 
ancient  custom  he  had  taken  his  seat  upon 
the  imperial  throne  to  distribute  gold  among 
the  ranks  of  his  soldiery,  contrary  to  cus- 
tom he  had  an  altar  full  of  hot  coals  in- 
troduced, and  incense  put  upon  a  table,  ant! 
ordered  each  man  who   was   to  receive   the 


'  cf.  St.  Chrysostom's  homily  in  their  honour.  The 
Basilian  inenoiogy  mentions  Juventinus  under  Oct.  9. 

2  Valentinianus,  a  native  of  Cibalis  (on  the  Save;  in  Panno- 
nia  (Bosnia)  was  elected  Feb.  26,  364,  and  reigned  till  Nov. 
^7>  375-  Though  a  Christian,  he  was  tolerant  of  paganism, 
or  the  peasant's  religion,  as  in  his  reign  heathenism  began  to 
be  named  (Codex  Theod.  xvi.  ii.  iS).  The  '*  shortly  after  " 
of  the  text  means  some  two  j'ears. 


I02 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[in.  13,  14. 


gold  first  to  throw  incense  on  the  altar,  and 
then  to  take  the  gold  from  his  own  right 
hand.  The  majority  were  wholly  unaware 
of  the  trap  thus  laid  ;  but  those  who  were 
forewarned  feigned  illness  and  so  escaped 
this  cruel  snare.  Others  in  their  eagerness 
for  the  money  made  light  of  their  salvation, 
while  another  group  abandoned  their  faith 
through  cowardice. 

CHAPTER   XIII. 

Of  other   confessors. 

After  this  fatal  distribution  of  money 
some  of  the  recipients  were  feasting  together 
at  an  entertainment.  One  of  them  who  had 
taken  the  cup  in  his  hand  did  not  drink 
before   making  on    it   the  sign  of  salvation.^ 

One  of  the  guests  found  fault  with  him  for 
this,  and  said  that  it  was  quite  inconsistent 
with  what  had  just  taken  place.  ''What," 
said  he,  ''  have  I  done  that  is  inconsistent?" 
Whereupon  he  was  reminded  of  the  altar 
and  the  incense,  and  of  his  denial  of  the 
faith  ;  for  these  things  are  all  contrary  to  the 
Christian  profession.  When  they  heard  this 
the  o-reater  number  of  the  feasters  moaned 
and  bewailed  themselves,  and  tore  out 
handfuls  of  hair  from  their  heads.  They 
rose  from  the  banquet,  and  ran  through  the 
Forum  exclaiming  that  they  were  Christians, 
that  they  had  been  tricked  by  the  emperor's 
contrivances,  that  they  retracted  their  apos- 
tasy, and  were  ready  to  try  to  undo  the 
defeat  which  had  befallen  them  unwittingly. 
With  these  exclamations  they  ran  to  the 
palace  loudly  inveighing  against  the  wiles 
of  the  tyrant,  and  imploring  that  they 
might  be  committed  to  the  flames  in  order 
that,  as  they  had  been  befouled  by  fire,  by 
fire  they  might  be  made  clean.  All  these 
utterances  drove  the  villain  out  of  his  senses, 
and  on  the  impulse  of  the  moment  he 
ordered  them  to  be  beheaded  ;  but  as  they 
were  being  conducted  without  the  city  the 
mass  of  the  people  started  to  follow  them, 
wondering  at  their  fortitude  and  glorying  in 
their  boldness  for  the  truth.  When  they 
had  reached  the  spot  where  it  was  usual  to 
execute  criminals,  the  eldest  of  them 
besought  the  executioner  that  he  would  first 
cut  off  the  head  of  the  youngest,  that  he 
might  not  be  unmanned  by  beholding  the 
slaughter  of  the  rest.  No  sooner  had  he 
knelt  down  upon  the   ground   and  the  heads- 

1  "  The  original  mode  of  making  the  sign  of  the  Cross  was 
with  the  thumb  of  the  right  hand,  generally  on  the  forehead 
only,  or  on  other  objects,  once  or  thrice.  (Chrysost.  Horn, 
ad  pop.  Art.  xl.)  •  Thrice  he  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  on 
the  chalice  with  his  finger.'  (Sophron.  in  Prat.  Spirit.)"  Diet. 
Christ.  Ant.  s.  v. 


man  bared  his  sword,  than  up  ran  a  man 
announcing  a  reprieve,  and  while  yet  afar 
off  shouting  out  to  stop  the  execution.  Then 
the  youngest  soldier  was  distressed  at  his 
release  from  death.  "Ah,"  said  he,  '' Ro- 
manus  "  (his  name  was  Romanus)  "  was  not 
worthy  of  being  called  Christ's  martyr." 
What  influenced  the  vile  trickster  in  stopping 
the  execution  was  his  envy  :  he  grudged  the 
champions  of  the  faith  their  glory.  Their 
sentence  was  commuted  to  relegation  beyond 
the  city  walls  and  to  the  remotest  regions  of 
the  empire. 

CHAPTER   XIV. 

Of  Artemius  the  Duke.  ^  Of  Publia  the  Deacpn- 
ess  and  her  divine  boldjiess. 

Artemius^  commanded  the  troops  in  Egypt. 
He  had  obtained  this  command  in  the  time 
of  Constantine,  and  had  destroyed  most  of 
the  idols.  For  this  reason  Julian  not  only 
confiscated  his  property  but  ordered  his  de- 
capitation. 

These  and  like  these  were  the  deeds  of  the 
man  whom  the  impious  describe  as  the 
mildest  and  least  passionate  of  men. 

I  will  now  include  in  my  history  the  noble 
story  of  a  right  excellent  woman,  for  even 
women,  armed  with  divine  zeal,  despised 
the  mad  fury  of  Julian. 

In  those  days  there  was  a  woman  named 
Publia,  of  high  reputation,  and  illustrious  for 
deeds  of  virtue.  For  a  short  time  she  wore  the 
yoke  of  marriage,  and  had  offered  its  most 
goodly  fruit  to  God,  for  from  this  fair  soil 
sprang  John,  who  for  a  long  time  was  chief 
presbyter  at  Antioch,  and  was  often  elected 
to  the  apostolic  see,  but  from  time  to  time  de- 
clined the  dignity.  She  maintained  a  com- 
pany of  virgins  vowed  to  virginity  for  life, 
and  spent  her  time  in  praising  God  who  had 
made  and  saved  her.  One  day  tlie  emperor 
was  passing  by,  and  as  they  esteemed  the 
Destroyer  an  object  of  contempt  and  deris- 
ion, they  struck  up  all  the  louder  music, 
chiefly  chanting  those  psalms  which  mock 
the  helplessness  of  idols,  and  saying  in  the 
words  of  David  "  The  idols  of  the  nations  are 
of  silver  and  gold,  the  work  of  men's  hands,"  "* 
and  after  describing  their  insensibility, 
they  added  ''  like  them  be  they  that  make 
them    and    all    those    that    trust    in  them."* 


1  By  the  Constitution  of  Constantine  the  supreme  military 
command  was  given  to  a  "  Magister  equitum  "  and  a  "  Mag- 
ister  peditum."  Under  them  were  a  number  of  "Duces" 
and  "  Comites,"  Dukes  and  Counts,  with  territorial  titles. 

2Aramianus  Marcellinus  (XXII.  11)  says,  ''Artemius  ex 
duce  Aegypti,  Aiexandrinis  urgentibus,  atrocium  criminum. 
mole,  supplicio  capital!  multatus  est." 

3  Psalm  cxv.  4. 

*  Psalni  cxv.  S. 


III.  15.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


103 


Julian  heard  them,  and  was  very  angr}-,  and 
told  them  to  hold  their  peace  while  he  was 
passing  by.  She  did  not  however  pay  the 
least  attention  to  his  orders,  but  put  still 
greater  energy  into  their  chaunt,  and  when 
the  emperor  passed  by  again  told  them  to 
strike  up  "  Let  God  arise  and  let  his  ene- 
mies be  scattered."  ^  On  this  Julian  in 
wrath  ordered  the  choir  mistress  to  be 
brought  before  him  ;  and,  though  he  saw 
that  respect  was  due  to  her  old  age,  he 
neither  compassionated  her  gray  hairs,  nor 
respected  her  high  character,  but  told  some 
of  his  escort  to  box  both  her  ears,  and  by 
their  violence  to  make  her  cheeks  red.  She 
however  took  the  outrage  for  honour,  and 
returned  home,  where,  as  was  her  wont,  she 
kept  up  her  attack  upon  him  with  her  spirit- 
ual songs,"  just  as  the  composer  and 
teacher  of  the  song  laid  the  wicked  spirit 
that  vexed  Saul. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Of  the  Jews ;  of  their  attempt  at  buildings 
and  of  the  heaven-sent  plagues  that  befel 
them, 

Julian,  who  had  made  his  soul  a  home 
of  destroying  demons,  went  his  corybantic 
way,  ever  raging  against  true  religion.  He 
accordingly  now  armed  the  Jews  too  against 
the  believers  in  Christ.  He  began  by  en- 
quiring of  some  whom  he  got  together  why, 
though  their  law  imposed  on  them  the  duty 
of  sacrifices,  they  offered  none.  On  their 
reply  that  their  worship  was  limited  to  one 
particular  spot,  this  enemy  of  God  immedi- 
ately gave  directions  for  the  re-erection 
of  the  destroyed  temple,^  supposing 
in  his  vanity  that  he  could  falsify  the 
prediction  of  the  Lord,  of  which,  in 
reality,  he  exhibited  the  truth.'*  The  Jews 
heard  his  words  w^ith  delight  and  made 
known  his  orders  to  their  countrymen 
throughout  the  world.  They  came  with 
haste  from  all  directions,  contributing  alike 
money  and  enthusiasm  for  the  work ;  and 
the  emperor  made  all  the  provisions  he 
could,  less  from  the  pride  of  munificence 
than  from  hostility  to  the  truth.  He  de- 
spatched also  as  governor  a  fit  man  to  carry 


1  Psalm  Ixvii.  i. 

2Cf.  Eph.  V.19. 

3  Bp.  Wordsworth  (Diet.  Chris.  Biog.  iii,  500)  is  in  fa- 
vour of  the  letter  (Ep.  24,  Ed.  Didot  350)  in  which  Julian 
desires  the  prayers  of  the  Creator  and  professes  a  wish  to 
rebuild  and  inhabit  Jerusalem  with  them  after  his  return  from 
the  Persian  war  and  there  i^ive  glory  to  the  Supreme  Being. 
It  is  addressed  to  his  "brother  Julus,  the  very  venerable 
patriarch." 

*  This  is  the  motive  ascribed  by  the  Arian  Philostorgius 
(vii.  9). 


out  his  impious  orders.  It  is  said  that  they 
made  mattocks,  shovels,  and  baskets  of  silver. 
When  they  had  begun  to  dig  and  to  carry 
out  the  earth  a  vast  multitude  of  them  went 
on  with  the  work  all  day,  but  by  night  the 
earth  which  had  been  carried  away  shifted 
back  from  the  ravine  of  its  own  accord. 
They  destroyed  moreover  the  remains  of  the 
former  construction,  with  the  intention  of 
building  everything  up  afresh ;  but  when 
they  had  got  together  thousands  of  bushels 
of  chalk  and  lime,  of  a  sudden  a  violent 
gale  blew,  and  storms,  tempests  and  whirl- 
winds scattered  everything  far  and  wide. 
They  still  went  on  in  their  madness,  nor 
were  they  brought  to  their  senses  by  the  di- 
vine longsuftering.  Then  first  came  a  great 
earthquake,  fit  to  strike  terror  into  the  hearts 
of  men  quite  ignorant  of  God's  dealings ; 
and,  when  still  they  were  not  awed,  fire  run- 
nins:  from  the  excavated  foundations  burnt 
up  most  of  the  diggers,  and  put  the  rest  to 
flight.  Moreover  when  a  large  number  of 
men  were  sleeping  at  night  in  an  adjacent 
building  it  suddenly  fell  down,  roof  and  all, 
and  crushed  the  wdiole  of  them.  On  that 
night  and  also  on  the  following  night  the 
sisn  of  the  cross  of  salvation  was  seen 
brightly  shining  in  the  sky,  and  the  very 
garments  of  the  Jews  were  filled  with  crosses, 
not  bright  but  black. ^  When  God's  enemies 
saw  these  things,  in  terror  at  the  heaven- 
sent plagues  they  fled,  and  made  their  way 
home,  confessing  the  Godhead  of  Him  who 
had  been  crucified  by  their  fathers.  Julian 
heard  of  these  events,  for  they  were  re- 
peated by  every  one.  But  like  Pharaoh  he 
hardened  his  heart. ^ 


i"The  curious  statement  that  crosses  were  imprinted  on 
the  bodies  and  clothes  of  persons  present,  is  illustrated  in  the 
original  edition  of  Newman's  Essay  (clxxxii.)"  (i.e.  on  eccle- 
siastical miracles)  "by  some  parallelinstances  quoted  by  War- 
burton  from  Casaubon  and  from  Boyle.  Such  crosses,  or 
cross-like  impressions,  are  said  to  have  followed  not  only  a 
thunderstorm,  but  also  an  eruption  of  \'esuvius  •  these  crosses 
were  seen  on  linen  garments,  as  shirt  sleeves,  women's 
aprons,  that  had  lain  open  to  the  air,  and  upon  the  exposed 
parts  of  sheets."  "  Chrysostom  (Ed.  Montfaucon,  vol.  v. 
271,  etc.)  mentions  'crosses  imprinted  upon  garments,'  as  a 
sign  that  had  occurred  in  his  gencraiion,  close  to  the  men- 
tion of  the  Temple  of  Apollo  that  was  overthrown  by  a 
thunderbolt,  and  separated  from  the  wonders  in  Palestine  that 
he  mentions  subsequently."  Dr.  E.  A.  Abbott.  Philomythtis, 
1S9. 

2  This  event  "  came  like  the  vision  of  Constantine,  at  a  criti- 
cal epoch  in  the  world's  history.  It  was,  as  the  heathen  poet  has 
it,  a  '  dignus  vindice  nodus.'  All  who  were  present  or  heard 
of  the  event  at  the  time,  thought,  we  may  be  sure,  that  it  was 
a  sign  from  God.  As  a  miracle  then  it  ranges  beside  those 
biblical  miracles  in  which,  at  some  critical  moment,  the  forces 
of  nature  are  seen  to  work  strikingly  for  God's  people  or 
against  their  enemies.  In  the  O.  T.  we  have  for  example,  the 
instances  of  the  plagues  of  Egypt,,  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea 
and  the  drowning  of  Pharaoh's'  host,  the  crossing  of  the  Jor- 
dan, the  prolongation  of  sunlight  "  (.'darkness.  Vide"  Amis- 
understood  miracle"  by  the  Rev.  A.  Smythe  Palmer)  "the  de- 
struction of  Sennacherib's  army;  in  the  N.  T.  the  stilling  of 
the  ."^torm,  and  the  earthquake  and  the  darkness  at  the  cruci- 
fixion." Bp.  Wordsworth.  Diet.  Ch.  Biog.  h.  513.  To  bilili- 
cal  instances  may  be  added  the  defeat  of  Sisera  and  the  fall  of 
Aphek.  But,  too,  for  "  the  forces  of  nature,"  when  the  Ar- 
mada was  scattered,  or  when  the  siege  of  Leyden  was    raised 


104 


TPIE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[III.    i6,  17. 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

Of  the  expedition  against  the  Persians. 

No  sooner  had  the  Persians  heard  of  the 
death  of  Constantius,  than  they  took  heart, 
proclaimed  war,  and  marched  over  the  fron- 
tier of  the  Roman  empire.  Julian  therefore 
determined  to  muster  his  forces,  though  they 
were  a  host  without  a  God  to  guard  them. 
First  he  sent  to  Delphi,  to  Delos  and  to 
Dodona,  and  to  the  other  oracles  ^  and  en- 
quired of  the  seers  if  he  should  march. 
They  bade  him  march  and  promised  him 
victory.  One  of  these  oracles  I  subjoin  in 
proof  of  their  falsehood.  It  was  as  follows. 
"  Now  we  gods  all  started  to  get  trophies  of 
victory  by  the  river  beast  and  of  them  I 
Ares,  bold  raiser  of  the  din  of  war,  will  be 
leader."^  Let  them  that  style  the  Pythian  a 
God  wise  in  word  and  prince  of  the  muses 
ridicule  the  absurdity  of  the  utterance.  I  who 
have  found  out  its  falsehood  will  rather  pity 
him  who  was  cheated  by  it.  The  oracle 
called  the  Tigris  "  beast  "  because  the  river 
and  the  animal  bear  the  same  name.  Rising 
in  the  mountains  of  Armenia,  and  flowing 
through  Assyria  it  discharges  itself  into  the 
Persian  gulf.  Beguiled  by  these  oracles  the 
unhappy  man  indulged  in  dreams  of  victory, 
and  after  fighting  with  the  Persians  had 
visions  of  a  campaign  against  the  Galileans, 


the     course     of  modern    history   would    have    been   changed. 
Cressy  may  also  be  cited. 

On  the  evidence  for  this  event  as  contrasted  with  the  so- 
called  ecclesiastical  miracles,  accepted  and  defended  by 
the  late  Cardinal  Newman,  vide  Dr.  E.  A.  Abbott's  Philomy- 
thus  pp.  I  and  5  et  seq.  "There  is  better  evidence  for  this 
than  for  any  of  the  preceding  miracles."  "The  real  solid 
testimony  is  that  of  Ammianus  Marcellinus  (xxiii.i).  An 
impartial  historian,  who  served  under  Julian  in  the  Persian 
campaign,  and  who,  twenty  years  afterwards,  recorded  the 
interruption  of  the  building  of  the  Temple  by  terrible  balls  of 
tire."  "  If  Ammianus  had  lived  nearer  the  time  of  the  alleged 
incident,  or  had  added  a  statement  of  the  evidence  on  which 
he  based  his  stories,  the  details  might  have  been  defended.  As 
it  is,  the  circumstances,  while  favouring  belief  in  his  veracity, 
do  not  justify  us  in  accepting  anything  more  than  the  fact  that 
the  rebuildmg  of  the  Temple  was  generally  believed  to  have 
been  stopped  by  some  supernatural  fiery  manifestation." 
"  The  rebuilding  was  probably  stopped  by  a  violent  thunder- 
storm or  thunderstorms." 

1  This  is  probably  the  last  occasion  on  which  the  moribund 
oracles  were  consulted  by  anv  one  of  importance.  Of  Delphi, 
the  "navel  of  the  earth'"  (Strabo  ix.  505)  in  Phocis,  Cicero 
had  written  some  four  centuries  earlier  "  Cur  isto  modo  jam 
oracula  Delphi  non  eduntur,  non  modo  nostra  ajtate,  sed  jam 
diu,  ut  nilul  possit  esse  contemptius :  "  Div.  ii.  57.  Plu- 
tarch, who  died  about  A.D.  120,  wrote  already  "de  defectu 
oraculorum." 

The  oracle  of  Apollo  at  Delos  was  consulted  only  in  the 
summer  months,  as  in  the  winter  the  god  was  suj^posed  to  be 
at  Patara :  so  Virgil  (iv.  143)  writes 

"  Qiialis  ubi  hibernam  Lyciam  Xanthique  fluenta 
Deserit,  ac  Delum  maternam  invisit  Apollo." 

Dodona  in  Epirus  was  the  most  ancient  of  the  oracular 
shrines,  where  the  suppliant  went 

" 'o(f)pa  OeOLO 

€K  5pu6?  injjiKOfxoio  Ato?  ^ov\'r]i'  enaKOvcraL." 

Od.  xiv.  327. 
"  The  oracles  "  were  potentially"  dumb,""  Apollo  .  .  .  with 
hollow  shriek  the  steep  of  Delphos  leaving,"  as  Milton  sings, 
at  the  Nativity,  but  it  was  not  till  the  reign  of  Theodosius  that 
they  were  finally  silenced. 

2  vvv  TravTe?  ojp/u.rj^rjju.ei'  Oeol  n'fcrj?  rpoTrata  KOixicacrdai  napa  Oyjpl 
irOTajnai  Twv  6'  iyia  rj-yejUOfevcrw  0ovpo<;  no\efx6K\oyo<s'Apr]<;. 


for  so  he  called  the  Christians,  thinking  thus 
to  bring  discredit  on  them.  But,  man  of 
education  as  he  was,  he  ought  to  have  be- 
thought him  that  no  mischief  is  done  to 
reputation  by  change  of  name,  for  even  had 
Socrates  been  called  Critias  and  Pythagoras 
Phalaris  they  would  have  incurred  no  dis- 
grace from  the  change  of  name  —  nor  yet 
would  Nireus  if  he  had  been  named  Ther- 
sites  ^  have  lost  the  comeliness  with  which 
nature  had  gifted  him.  Julian  had  learned 
about  these  things,  but  laid  none  of  them  to 
heart,  and  supposed  that  he  could  wrong  us 
by  using  an  inappropriate  title.  He  be- 
lieved the  lies  of  the  oracles  and  threatened 
to  set  up  in  our  churches  the  statue  of  the 
goddess  of  lust. 

CHAPTER    XVII. 

0/  the  boldness  of  speech  of  the    deciwion    of 
Beroea} 

« 

After  starting  with  these  threats  he  was 
put  down  by  one  single  Beroean.  Illustrious 
as  this  man  was  from  the  fact  of  his  holding 
the  chief  place  among  the  magistrates,  he 
was  made  yet  more  illustrious  by  his  zeal. 
On  seeing  his  son  falling  into  the  prevailing 
paganism,  he  drove  him  from  his  home  and 
publicly  renounced  him.  The  youth  made 
his  way  to  the  emperor  in  the  near  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  city  and  informed  him  both 
of  his  own  views  and  of  his  father's  sentence. 
The  emperor  bade  him  make  his  mind  easy 
and  promised  to  reconcile  his  father  to  him. 
When  he  reached  Beroea,  he  invited  the  men 
of  office  and  of  high  position  to  a  banquet. 
Among  them  was  the  young  suppliant's 
father,  and  both  father  and  son  were  ordered 
to  take  their  places  on  the  imperial  couch. 
In  the  middle    of   the  entertainment    Julian 


1  These  four  illustrations,  occurring  in  a  single  sentence, 
indicate  a  certain  breadth  of  reading  on  the  part  of  the  writer, 
and  bear  out  his  character  for  learning,  (cf.  Gibbon  and 
Jortin,  remarks  on  Eccl.  Hist.  ii.  113.)  Socrates,  the  best  of 
the  philosophers,  is  set  against  Critias,  one  of  the  worst  of  the 
politicians  of  Hellas;  Pythagoras,  the  Sainian  sage  of  Magna 
Graicia,  against  Phalaris,  the  Sicilian  tyrant  who 
"tauro  violenti  membra  Perilli 
Torruit;  "  (Ovid.  A.  A,  1.  653) 

but  did  not  write  the  Epistles  once  ascribed  to  him.  Theo- 
doretus  probably  remembej-ed  his  Homer  when  he  cited  Ther- 
sites  as  the  ugliest  man  of  the  old  world;  — 

"  He  was  squint-eyed,  and  lame  of  either  foot; 
So  crook-back'd  that  he  had  no   breast;    sharp-headed,  where 

did  shoot 
Here  and  there  spersed,  thin  mossy  hair." 

II.  ii.  219,  Chapman's  Trans. 
And  the  juxtaposition  of  Pythagoras  and  N'lreus  suggests 
that  it  may  possibly  have  been  Horace  who  suggested  Nireus 
as  the  type  of  beauty  ;  — 

"  Nee  te  Pythagorae  fallant  arcana  renati, 
Formaque  vincas  Nirea,"  (Hor.  Epod.  xv.) 

though  Nireus  appears  as  /coiAAtcrTo?  a.vr)p  in  the  same  book  of 
the  Iliad  as  that  in  which  Thersites  is  derided,  and  Theodoret 
is  said  to  have  known  no  Eatin. 

2  Valesius  points  out  that  TroAireuecr^ai  means  to  hold  the  rank 
of  Curiales  or  Decuriones.  The  Beroea  mentioned  is  pre- 
sumably the  Syrian  Bercea  now  Haleb  or  Aleppo. 


III.    i8,  19.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


105 


said  to  the  father,  "  It  does  not  seem  to  me 
to  be  right  to  force  a  mind  otherwise  in- 
clined and  having  no  wish  to  shift  its 
allegiance.  Your  son  does  not  wish  to 
follow  your  doctrines.  Do  not  force  him. 
Even  I,  though  I  am  easily  able  to  compel 
you,  do  not  try  to  force  you  to  follow  mine." 
Then  the  father,  moved  by  his  faith  in  divine 
truth  to  sharpen  the  debate,  exclaimed 
*'  Sir,"  said  he  '*  are  you  speaking  of  this 
wretch  whom  God  hates  ^  and  who  has  pre- 
ferred lies  to  truth  ?  " 

Once  more  Julian  put  on  the  mask  of 
mildness  and  said  ''  Cease  fellow  from 
reviling,"  and  then,  turning  his  face  to  the 
youth,  "I,"  said  he,  "will  have  care  for 
you,  since  I  have  not  been  able  to  persuade 
your  father  to  do  so."  I  mention  this  cir- 
cumstance with  a  distinct  wish  to  point  out 
not  only  this  worthy  man's  admirable  bold- 
ness, but  that  very  many  persons  despised 
Julian's  sway. 

CHAPTER    XVIII. 

Of  the  prediction  of  the  pedagogue. 

Another  instance  is  that  of  an  excellent 
man  at  Antioch,  entrusted  with  the  charge 
of  young  lads,  who  was  better  educated  than 
is  usually  the  case  with  pedagogues,^  and 
v^as  the  intimate  friend  of  the  chief  teacher 
of  that  period,  Libanius  the  far-famed  soph- 
ist. 

Now  Libanius  ^  was  a  heathen  expecting 
victory  and  bearing  in  mind  the  threats  of 
Julian,  so  one  day,  in  ridicule  of  our  belief, 
he  said  to  the  pedagogue,  "What  is  the  car- 
penter's son  about  now?"  Filled  with 
divine  grace,  he  foretold  what  was  shortly  to 
come  to  pass.  "  Sophist,"  said  he,  "  the 
Creator  of  all  things,  whom  you  in  derision 
call  carpenter's  son,  is  making  a  coffin."  "* 


iThe  word  thus  translated  is  either  active  or  passive  accord- 
ing to  its  accentuation,  ©eo^icrrj?  =  hated  by  God;  ©eo/aio-Tj?  = 
hating  God. 

2  The  word  seems  liere  used  in  its  strictly  Athenian  sense 
of  a  slave  who  took  charge  of  boys  on  their  way  between 
school  and  home  (Vide  Lycias  910.  2  and  Plat.  Rep.  373.  C.) 
rather  than  in  the  more  general  sense  of  teacher,  fn  Xen. 
Lac.  3.  I.  it  is  coupled  with  6i6acr/caAo? :  here  it  is  contrasted 
with  it. 

3"  One  of  the  most  noteworthy  and  characteristic  figures  of 
•expiring  heathenism."  J.  R.  Mozley,  Diet,  Christ.  Biog.  s.  v. 
Born  in  Antioch  A.D.  314,  he  died  about  the  close  of  the 
century.  He  was  a  voluminous  author,  and  wrote  among 
other  things  a  "  vain,  prolix,  but  curious  narrative  of  his  own 
life."  Gibbon.  The  most  complete  account  of  him  will  be 
found  in  E.  R.  Siever's  Das  Leben  des  Libanius. 

''The  form  in  the  text  (yAioo-o-o/couov)  is  rejected  by  Attic 
purists,  but  is  used  twice  by  St.  John,  as  well  as  in  the 
Septuagint.  In  IL  Chron.  xxiv.  8  (cf.  IL  Kings  xii.  9)  it 
means  a  chest.  In  St.  John's  Gospel  xii.  6  and  xiii.  29  it 
is  "the  bag,"  properly  (xi.  3)  "box,"  which  Judas  carried. 
In  the  Palatine  anthology  Nicanor  the  coffin  maker  makes 
these  *'  glossokoma  "  or  coffins.  Derivatively  the  word 
means  *'  tongue-cases,"  i.e.  cases  to  keep  the  tongues  or 
reeds  of  musical  instruments.  An  instance  of  similar 
transfer  of  meaning  is  our  word  "  coffin ; "  derivatively 
a  wicker  basket;  —  at  one  time  any  case  or  cover,  and  in 


After  a  few  days  the  death  of  the  wretch 
was  announced.  He  was  carried  out  lying 
in  his  coffin.  The  vaunt  of  his  threats  was 
proved  vain,  and  God  was  glorified.^ 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Of  the  Prophecy  of  St.  Julianus  the  monk, 

A  MAN  who  in  the  body  imitated  the  lives 
of  the  bodiless,  namely  Julianus,  surnamed  in 
Syrian  Sabbas,  whose  life  I  have  written  in 
my  "  Religious  History,"  continued  all  the 
more  zealously  to  offer  his  prayers  to  the 
God  of  all,  when  he  heard  of  the  impious 
tyrant's  threats.  On  the  very  day  on  which 
Julian  was  slain,  he  heard  of  the  event  while 
at  his  prayers,  although  the  Monastery 
was  distant  more  than  twenty  stages  from 
the  army.  It  is  related  that  while  he  was 
invoking  the  Lord  with  loud  cries  and  sup- 
plicating his  merciful  Master,  he  suddenly 
checked  his  tears,  broke  into  an  ecstasy  of 
delight,  while  his  countenance  was  lighted 
up  and  thus  signified  the  joy  that  possessed 
his  soul.  When  his  friends  beheld  this 
change  they  begged  him  to  tell  them  the 
reason  of  his  gladness.  "The  wild  boar," 
said  he,  "  the  enemy  of  the  vineyard  of  the 
Lord,  has  paid  the  penalty  of  the  wrongs  he 
has  done  to  Him  ;  he  lies  dead.  His  mischief 
is  done."  The  whole  company  no  sooner 
heard  these  words  than  they  leaped  with  joy 
and  struck  up  the  song  of  thanksgiving  to 
God,  and  from  those  that  brought  tidings  of 
the  emperor's  death  they  learnt  that  it  was 
the  very  day  and  hour  when  the  accursed 
man  was  slain  that  the  aged  Saint  knew  it 
and  announced  it." 

Shakespeare  (Titus  Andronicus  Act  V.  2,  1S9)  pie  crust. 
Perhaps  '*  casket,"  which  now  still  holds  many  things,  ma} 
one  day  only  hold  a  corpse. 

1  In  times  and  circumstances  totally  different,  it  may  seem 
that  Julian's  courtesy  and  moderation  contrast  favourably  with 
the  fierce  zeal  of  the  Christians.  A  modern  illustration  of  the 
temper  of  the  Church  in  Julian's  reign  may  be  found  in  the 
following  account  given  of  his  dragoman  by  the  late  author 
of  "Eothen."  "Religion  and  the  literature  of  the  Church 
which  he  served  had  made  him  a  man,  and  a  brave  man  too. 
The  lives  of  his  honored  Saints  \vere  full  of  heroic  actions 
provoking  imitation,  and  since  faith  in  a  creed  invoi\es  faith 
in  its  ultimate  triumph,  Dthemetri  was  bold  from  a  sense  of 
true  strength;  his  education  too,  though  not  very  general  in  its 
character,  had  been  carried  quite  far  enough  to  justify  him  in 
pluming  himself  upon  a  very  decided  advantage  over  the  great 
bulk  of  the  Mahometan  population,  including  the  men  in  au- 
thority. With  all  this  consciousness  of  religious  and  intellect- 
ual superiority,  Dthemetri  had  lived  for  the  most  part  in 
countries  lying  under  Mussulman  governments,  and  had  wit- 
nessed (perhaps  too  had  suffered  from)  their  revolting  cruel- 
ties; the  result  was  that  he  abhorred  and  despised  the 
Mussulman  faith  and  all  who  clung  to  it.  And  this  hate  was 
not  of  the  dull,  dry,  and  inactive  sort;  Dthemetri  w;is  in  his 
way  a  true  crusader,  and  whenever  there  appeared  a  fair  open- 
ing in  the  defence  of  Islam,  he  was  ready  and  eager  to  make 
the  assault.  Such  feelings,  backed  by  a  consciousness  of  under- 
standing the  people  witli  whom  he  had  to  do,  made  Dthemetri 
not  only  firm  and  resolute  in  his  constant  interviews  with  men 
in  authority,  but  sometimes  also  verv  violent  and  very  insult- 
ing."    Kinglake's  "  Eothen,"  5th  Ed.,  p.  270. 

2  The  emperor  Julian  was  wounded  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Syjnbria  or  Hucumbra  on  the  Tigris  on  the  morning  of  June 


io6 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[III.    20-22. 


CHAPTER   XX. 

Of  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Julian  in  Persia. 

Julian's  folly  was  yet  more  clearly  mani- 
fested by  his  death.  He  crossed  the  river 
that  separates  the  Roman  Empire  from  the 
Persian,^  brought  over  his  army,  and  then 
forthvs^ith  burnt  his  boats,  so  making  his 
men  fight  not  in  willing  but  in  forced  obedi- 
ence.^ The  best  generals  are  wont  to  fill  their 
troops  with  enthusiasm,  and,  if  they  see 
them  growing  discouraged,  to  cheer  them 
and  raise  their  hopes;  but  Julian  by  burning 
the  bridge  of  retreat  cut  ofi"  all  good  hope. 
A  further  proof  of  his  incompetence  was  his 
failure  to  fulfil  the  duty  of  foraging  in  all 
directions  and  providing  his  troops  with 
supplies.  Julian  had  neither  ordered  sup- 
plies to  be  brought  from  Rome,  nor  did  he 
make  any  bountiful  provision  by  ravaging 
the  enemy's  country.  He  left  the  inhabited 
world  behind  him,  and  persisted  in  march- 
ing through  the  wilderness.  His  soldiers 
had  not  enough  to  eat  and  drink  ;  they  were 
without  guides  ;  they  were  marching  astray 
in  a  desert  land.  Thus  they  saw  the  folly 
of  their  most  wise  emperor.  In  the  midst 
of  their  murmuring  and  grumbling  they 
suddenly  found  him  who  had  struggled  in 
mad  rage  against  his  Maker  wounded  to 
death.  Ares  who  raises  the  war-din  had 
never  come  to  help  him  as  he  promised  ; 
Loxias  had  given  lying  divination  ;  he  who 
glads  him  in  the  thunderbolts  had  hurled 
no  bolt  on  the  man  who  dealt  the  fatal  blow  ; 
the  boasting  of  his  threats  was  dashed  to 
the  ground.  The  name  of  the  man  who 
dealt  that  righteous  stroke  no  one  knows  to 
this  day.  Some  say  that  he  was  wounded 
by  an  invisible  being,  others  by  one  of  the 
Nomads  who  were  called  Ishmaelites;  others 
by  a  trooper  who  could  not  endure  the  pains 
of  famine  in  the  wilderness.  But  whether 
it  were  man  or  angel  who  plied  the  steel, 
without  doubt  the  doer  of  the  deed  was  the 
minister  of  the  will  of  God.  It  is  related 
that  when  Julian  had  received  the  wound, 
he  filled   his   hand  with  blood,  flung   it  into 


26th,  363,  and  died  at  midnight.  On  the  somewhat  similar 
stories  of  Apollonius  of  Tyana  mounting-  a  lofty  rock  in  Asia 
Elinor  and  shouting  to  the  crowd  about  him  'well  done,  Steph- 
anus  ;  excellent,  Stephanus  ;  smite  the  blood-stained  wretch; 
thou  hast  struck,  thou  hast  wounded,  thou  hast  slain,'  at  the 
very  moment  when  Domitian  was  being  murdered  at  Rome 
(Dion  Cass,  67.  iS) ;  and  of  Irenajus  at  Rome  hearing  a  voice  as 
of  a  trumpet  at  the  exact  hour  when  Polycarp  suffered  at  Smyrna 
proclaiming  'Polycarp  has  been  martyred'  ( Vid.  Ep.  Smyrn.). 
Bp.  Lightfoot  (Apostolic  Fathers  i .  455)  writes  "  The  analogies 
of  authenticated  recordsof  apparitions  seen  and  voices  heard  at 
a  distance  at  the  moment  of  death  have  been  too  frequent  in  all 
ages  to  allow  us  to  dismiss  the  story  at  once  as  a  pure  fiction." 
Such  narratives  at  all  events  testify  to  a  wide-spread  belief. 

1  There  seems  to  be  an  allusion  to  Caesar's   passage  of  the 
Rubicon  in  49  B.C. 

2  His  fleet,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  vessels,  was  burned 
at  Abuzatha,  where  he  halted  five  days  (Zos  3.  26). 


the  air  and  cried,  "  Thou  hast  won,  O  Gali- 
lean." Thus  he  gave  utterance  at  once  to  a 
confession  of  the  victory  and  to  a  blasphemy. 
So  infatuated  was  he.^ 


CHAPTER  XXL 

Of  the  sorcery  at  Carj^ce  which  was  detected 
after  his  death.     After  he  was  slain  the  jug- 
glery of  his  sorcery  luas  detected.    For  Carrce 
is  a  city  which  still  i-etains  the  relics  of  his 
false  religiofi. 

Julian  had  left  Edessa  on  his  left  because 
it  was  adorned  with  the  grace  of  true  relig- 
ion, and  while  in  his  vain  folly  he  was 
journeying  through  Carrie,  he  came  to  the 
temple  honoured  by  the  impious  and  after 
going  through  certain  rites  with  his.  com- 
panions in  defilement,  he  locked  and  sealed 
the  doors,  and  stationed  sentinels  with  orders 
to  see  that  none  came  in  till  his  return. 
When  news  came  of  his  death,  and  the 
reign  of  iniquity  was  succeeded  by  one  of 
piety,  the  shrine  was  opened,  and  within 
was  found  a  proof  of  the  late  emperor's  man- 
liness, wisdom,  and  piety."  For  there  was 
seen  a  woman  hung  up  on  high  by  the  hairs 
of  her  head,  and  with  her  hands  out- 
stretched. The  villain  had  cut  open  her 
belly,  and  so  I  suppose  learnt  from  her 
liver  his  victory  over  the  Persians.^ 

This    was  the  abomination  discovered   at 
Carrae. 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Of  the  heads  discovered  in  the  palace  at  Anti- 
och  and  the  public  7'ejoicings  there* 

It  is  said  that  at  Antioch  a  number  of 
chests  were  discovered  at  the  palace  filled 
with  human  heads,  and  also  many  wells  full 
of  corpses.  Such  is  the  teaching  of  the  evil 
deities. 


1  The  exclamation  was  differently  reported.  Sozomen  vi. 
2.  says  that  some  thought  he  lifted  his  hand  to  chide  the  sun 
for  failing  to  help  him.  It  has  been  observed  that  the  sound 
of  vep-t/cTj/ca?  TaAtAaie  and  )77raTi7Ka?  17X16  would  not  be  so  dissimi- 
lar in  Greek  as  in  English.  Ammianus  Marcellinus  (xxv.  3. 
g.)  says  that  he  lost  all  hope  of  recovery  when  he  heard  that 
the  place  where  he  lay  was  called  Phrygia,  for  in  Phrygia  he 
had  been  told  that  he  would  die.  So  it  befell  with  Cambyses 
at  Ecbatana  (Her.  iii.  64),  Alexander  King  of  Epirus  at  the 
Acheron  (Livy  via.  24)  and  Henry  IV  in  the  Jerusalem  Cham- 
ber, when  he  asked  "Doth  any  name  particular  belong  unto 
this  lodging  where  I  first  did  swoon?"  and  on  hearing  that 
the  chamber  was  called  Jerusalem,  remembered  the  old  pre- 
diction that  in  Jerusalem  he  must  die,  and  died. 

2  The  reading  evae^eiov  for  a.<ji^^io.v  seems  to  keep  up  the 
irony. 

3  r/Traroo-KOTria,  or"  inspection  of  the  liver,"  was  a  recog- 
nized form  of  divination,  cf.  the  Sept.  of  Ez.  xxi.21.  "  »cal 
eTrepwTTJCTai  kv  rot?  yAutttoi?,  »cal  r)7raTO?KOTr)7crac7'0at  "  and  Cic. 
de  div.  ii.  13.  *'  Caput  jecoris  ex  omni  parte  diligentissime 
considerant;  si  vero  id  non  est  inventum,  nihil  putant  accidere 
potuisse  tristius,"  Vide  also  yEsch.  Pr.  V.  503,  and  Paley's 
note. 


IV.   I.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


107 


When  Antioch  heard  of  Julian's  death  she 
gave  herself  up  to  rejoicing  and  festivity  ; 
and  not  only  was  exultant  joy  exhibited  in 
the  churches,  and  in  the  shrines  of  martyrs, 
but  even  in  the  theatres  the  victory  of  the 
cross  was  proclaimed  and  Julian's  vaticina- 
tion held  up  to  ridicule.  And  here  I  will 
record  the  admirable  utterance  of  the  men  at 
Antioch,  that  it  may  be  preserved  in  the 
memory  of  generations  yet  to  come,  for  with 
one  voice  the  shout  was  raised,  ''  Maximus, 
thou  fool,  where  are  thy  oracles?  for  God 
has  conquered  and  his  Christ."  This  was 
said  because  there  lived  at  that  time  a  man  of 
the  name  of  Maximus,  a  pretender  to  philoso- 
phy, but  really  a  worker  of  magic,  and 
boasting  himself  to  be  able  to  foretell  the 
future.  But  the  Antiochenes,  who  had  re- 
ceived their  divine  teaching  from  the  glori- 
ous yokefellows  Peter  and  Paul,  and  were 
full  of  warm  affection  for  the  Master  and 
Saviour  of  all,  persisted  in  execrating  Julian 
to  the  end.  Their  sentiments  were  perfect- 
ly well  known  to  the  object  of  them,  and  so 
he  wrote  a  book  against  them  and  called  it 
''Misopogon."^ 

1  "  The  residence  of  Julian  at  Antioch  was  a  disappointment 
to  himself,  and  disagreeable  to  almost  all  the  innabitants." 
"  He  had  anticipated  much  more  devotion  on  the  part  of  the 
pagans,  and  much  less  force  and  resistance  on  that  of  the 
Christians  than  he  discovered  in  reality.  He  was  disgusted 
at  finding  that  both  parties  regretted  the  previous  reign. 
•  Neither  the  Chi  nor  the  Kappa'  (that  is  neither  Christ  nor 
Constantius)  •  did  our  city  any  harm'  became  a  common  saying 


This  rejoicing  at  the   death  of  the  tyrant 
shall  conclude  this  book  of  my  history,  for  it 
were  to  my  mind  indecent  to  connect  with  a 
righteous   reign  the  impious   sovereignty  of 
Julian. 


(Misopogon  p.  357).  To  the  lieathens  themselves  the  enthu- 
siastic form  of  religion  to  which  Julian  was  devoted  was  littie 
more  than  an  unpleasant  and  somewhat  vulgar  anachro- 
nism. His  cynic  asceticism  and  dislike  of  the  theatre  and 
the  circus  was  unpopular  in  a  city  particularly  addicted  to 
public  spectacles.  His  superstition  was  equally  unpala- 
table. The  short,  untidy,  long  bearded  man,  marching 
pompously  in  procession  on  the  tips  of  his  toes,  and 
swaying  his  shoulders  from  side  to  side,  surrounded  by 
a  crowd  of  abandoned  characters,  such  as  formed  the 
regular  attendants  upon  many  heathen  festivals,  ap- 
peared seriously  to  compromise  the  dignity  of  the  empire. 
(Ammianus  xxii.  14.  3.     His  words  •stipatus  muliercuiis'  etc. 

§0  far  to  justify  Gregory's  Srjixoa-La  rai?  Troprat?  TTpovniPi  in 
'rat.  V.  22.  p.  161,  and  Chrysostom's  more  highly  coloured 
description  of  the  same  sort  of  scene,  for  the  accuracy  of  which 
he  appeals  to  an  eye  witness  still  living,  de  S.  ISabyla  in 
ytilianum  §  14.  p.  667.  The  blood  of  countless  victims  flowed 
everywhere,  but,  to  all  appearance,  served  merely  to  gorge  his 
foreign*  soldiery,  especially  the  semi-barbarous  Gauls,  and 
the  streets  of  Antioch  were  disturbed  hy  their  revels  and  by 
drunken  parties  carrying  one  another  home  to  their  barracks. 
(Amm.  xxii.  12.6.)'  "  More  secret  rumours  were  spread  of 
horrid  nocturnal  sacrifices,  and  ot  tlie  pursuits  of  those  arts 
of  necromancy  from  which  the  naluial  lieathen  conscience 
shrank  only  less  than  the  Christians."  "  He  discharged  his 
spleen  upon  the  general  body  of  the  citizens  of  Antioch  by 
writing  one  of  the  most  remarkable  satires  that  has  ever 
been  published  which  he  entitled  the  Misotoffon.  ♦  He  had 
been  insulted,'  says  Gibbon,  *  by  satire  and  linels,  in  his  turn 
he  composed  under  the  title  of  The  Enemy  of  the  Beard,  an 
ironical  confession  of  his  own  faults,  and  a  severe  satire  on 
the  licentious  and  effeminate  manners  of  Antioch.  The  impe- 
rial reply  was  publicly  exposed  before  the  gates  of  the  palace, 
and  the  Misopogon  still  remains  a  singular  monument  of  the 
resentment,  the  wit,  the  inhumanity,  and  the  indiscretion  of 
Julian.  Gibbon,  Chap,  xxiv.'  It  is  of  course  Julian's  own 
philosophic  beard  that  gives  the  title  to  the  pamphlet."  "  This 
pamphlet  was  written  in  the  seventh  month  of  his  sojourn  at 
Antioch,  probably  the  latter  half  of  January."  (i,  c.  364. )  Bp. 
J.  Wordsworth  in  Diet.  Ch.  Biog.  iii.  507.,  509. 


BOOK  IV. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Of  the  reign  and  piety  of Jovianus. 

After  Julian  was  slain  the  generals  and 
prefects  met  in  council  and  deliberated  who 
ought  to  succeed  to  the  imperial  power  and 
effect  both  the  salvation  of  the  army  in  the 
campaign,  and  the  recovery  of  the  fortunes 
of  Rome,  now,  by  the  rashness  of  the  de- 
ceased Emperor,  placed,  to  use  the  common 
saying,  on  the  razor  edge  of  peril. ^  But 
while  the  chiefs  were  in  deliberation  the 
troops  met  together  and  demanded  Jovianus 
for  emperor,  though  he  was  neither  a  gen- 
eral nor  in  the  next  highest  rank ;  a  man 
however  remarkably  distinguished,  and  for 
many  reasons  well  known.  His  stature 
was  great ;  his  soul  lofty.  In  war,  and  in 
grave  struggles  it  was  his  wont  to  be  first. 

^  The  common  proverbial  saying,  from  Homer  downwards  ; 
€n-t  |vpoG  lo-Tarac  a.K\i.r\<i  <iktQfiQ<i  rje  j3tu»l'ac.  U.  10.  173. 


Against  impiety  he  delivered  himself  cour- 
ageously with  no  fear  of  the  tyrant's  power, 
but  with  a  zeal  that  ranked  him  among  the 
martyrs  of  Christ.  So  the  generals  accepted 
the  unanimous  vote  of  the  soldiers  as  a  divine 
election.  The  brave  man  was  led  forward 
and  placed  upon  a  raised  platform  hastily 
constructed.  The  host  saluted  him  with  the 
imperial  titles,  calling  him  Augustus  and 
Caesar.  With  his  usual  bluntness,  and  fear- 
less alike  in  the  presence  of  the  commanding 
officers  and  in  view  of  the  recent  apostasy 
of  the  troops,  Jovianus  admirably  said  ''  I  am 
a  Christian.  I  cannot  g^overn  men  like  these. 
I  cannot  command  Julian's  army  trained  as 
it  is  in  vicious  discipline.  Men  like  these, 
stripped  of  the  covering  of  the  providence 
of  God,  will  fall  an  easy  and  ridiculous  prey 
to  the  foe."  On  hearing  this  the  troops 
shouted  with  one  voice,  ^'  Hesitate  nor,  O 
emperor  ;  think  it  not  a  vile  thing  to  com- 
mand us.     You  shall  reign  over  Christians 


io8 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[IV.    2,  3. 


nurtured  in  the  training  of  truth  ;  our  vet- 
erans were  taught  in  the  school  of  Constan- 
tine  himself;  younger  men  among  us  were 
taught  by  Constantius.  This  dead  man's 
empire  lasted  but  a  few  years,  all  too  few  to 
stamp  its  brand  even  on  those  whom  it 
deceived."  ^ 

CHAPTER    II. 

Of  the  return  of  Athanasius. 

Delighted  with  these  words  the  emperor 
undertook  for  the  future  to  take  counsel  for 
the  safety  of  the  state,  and  how  to  bring 
home  the  army  without  loss  from  the  cam- 
paign. He  was  in  no  need  of  much  delib- 
eration, but  at  once  reaped  the  fruit  sprung 
from  the  seeds  of  true  religion,  for  the  God 
of  all  gave  proof  of  His  own  providence,  and 
caused  all  difficulty  to  disappear.  No 
sooner  had  the  Persian  sovereign  been  made 
acquainted  with  Jovian's  accession  than  he 
sent  envoys  to  treat  for  peace  ;  nay  more, 
he  despatched  provisions  for  the  troops  and 
gave  directions  for  the  establishment  of  a 
market  for  them  in  the  desert.  A  truce  was 
concluded  for  thirty  years,  and  the  army 
brought  home  in  safety  from  the  war.^  The 
first  edict  of  the  emperor  on  setting  foot 
upon  his  own  territory  was  one  recalling 
the  bishops  from  their  exile,  and  announc- 
ino-  the  restoration  of  the  churches  to  the 
conofresrations  who  had  held  inviolate  the 
confession  of  Nicaea.  He  further  sent  a 
despatch  to  Athanasius,  the  famous  cham- 
pion of  these  doctrines,  beseeching  that  a 
letter  might  be  written  to  him  containing 
exact  teaching  on  matters  of  religion. 
Athanasius  summoned  the  most  learned 
bishops  to  meet  him,  and  wrote  back  ex- 
horting the  emperor  to  hold  fast  the  faith 
delivered  at  Nicaea,  as  being  in  harmony 
with  apostolic  teaching.  Anxious  to  benefit 
all  who  may  meet  with  it  I  here  subjoin  the 
letter.-^ 


'  Jovianus,  Soa  of  Count  Varronianus  of  Sing-idunum  (Bel- 
g^rade),  was  born  in  330  or  331  and  reigned  from  June  363  to 
Febru  iry  364.  His  hasty  acceptance  by  a  part  of  the  army 
may  have  been  due  to  the  mistake  of  the  sound  of '*  Jovianus 
AuiTustus "  for  that  of  "Julianus  Augustus"  and  a  belief 
that  Julian  survived.  "Gentilitate  enim  propeperciti  nominis, 
quod  una  littera  discernebat,  Julianum  recreatum  arbitrati 
sunt  deduci  magnis   tavoribus,  ut  solebat."  Amm.  xxv.  v.  6. 

"Jovian  was  a  brilliant  colonel  of  the  guards.  In  all  the 
army  there  was  not  a  goodlier  person  than  he.  Julian's  purple 
was  too  small  for  his  giijantic  limbs.  But  that  stately  form  was 
animated  by  a  spirit  of  cowardly  selfishness.  Jovian  was  also 
a  decided  Christian,"  but  "  even  the  heathen  soldiers  con- 
demned his  low  amours  and  vulgar  tippling."  Gwatkin, 
*' Arian  Controversy,"  119. 

-  The  terms  were  in  fact  humiliating,  "  pacem  cum  Sapore 
neces-ariam  quidem  sed  ignobilem  fecit;  multatus  finibus,  ac 
n  'nnulhi  imperii  Romani  parte  tradita :  quod  ante  eum  annis 
miile  centum  et  duobus  de  viginti  fere  ex  quo  Romanum  im- 
nerium  conditum  erat,  nunquam  accidit."     Eul.  brev  x.  17. 

•'"Gibbon  (Chip,  xxv  sneers  at  Athanasius  for  assuring 
Jovian  '  that  his  orthodox  faith  would  be  rewarded  with  a  long 
and  peaceful  reign,'  and  remarks  that  after  his  death  this  charge 


CHAPTER    HI. 

Synodical  letter  to  the  Emperor  Jovian  concern- 
ing the  Faith. 

To  Jovianus  Augustus  most  devout,  most 
humane,  victorious,  Athanasius,  and  the  rest 
of  the  bishops  assembled,  in  the  name  of  all 
the  bishops  from  Egypt  to  Thebaid  and 
Libya.  The  intelligent  preference  and  pur- 
suit of  holy  things  is  becoming  to  a  prince 
beloved  of  God.  Thus  may  you  keep  your 
heart  in  truth  in  God's  hand  and  reiorn  for 
many  years  in  peace. ^  Since  your  piety  has 
recently  expressed  a  wish  to  learn  from  us 
the  faith  of  the  Catholic  Church,  we  have 
given  thanks  to  the  Lord  and  have  determined 
before  all  to  remind  your  reverence  of  the 
faith  confessed  by  the  fathers  at  Nicaea.  This 
faith  some  have  set  at  nought,  and  have  de- 
vised many  and  various  attacks  on  us,  be- 
cause of  our  refusal  to  submit  to  the  Arian 
heresy.  They  have  become  founders  of 
heresy  and  schism  in  the  Catholic  Church, 
The  true  and  pious  faith  in  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  has  been  made  plain  to  all  as  it  is 
known  and  read  from  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
In  this  faith  the  martyred  saints  were  per- 
fected, and  now  departed  are  with  the  Lord. 
This  faith  was  destined  everywhere  to  stand 
unharmed,  had  not  the  wickedness  of  certain 
heretics  dared  to  attempt  its  falsification  ;  for 
Arius  and  his  party  endeavoured  to  corrupt 
it  and  to  bring  in  impiety  for  its  destruction, 
alleging  the  Son  of  God  to  be  of  the  non- 
existent, a  creature,  a  Being  made,  and 
susceptible  of  change.  By  these  means  they 
deceived  many,  so  that  even  men  who 
seemed  to  be  somewhat,^  were  led  away  by 
them.  Then  our  holy  Fathers  took  the  ini- 
tiative, met,  as  we  said,  at  Nicsa,  anathe- 
matized the  Arian  heresy,  and  subscribed  the 
faith  of  the  Catholic  Church  so  as  to  cause 
the  putting  out  of  the  flames  of  heres}^  by 
proclamation  of  the  truth  throughout  the 
world.  Thus  this  faith  throughout  the  whole 
church  was  known  and  preached.  But  since 
some  men  who  wished  to    start    the    Arian 

was  omitted  from  some  MSS.,  referring  to  \^alesius  on  the 
passage  of  Theodoret,  and  Jortin's  Remarks,  iv.  p.  3S.  But 
the  expression  is  not  that  of  a  prophet  who  stakes  his  credit 
on  the  truth  of  his  prediction,  but  little  more  than  a  pious 
reflection,  of  the  nature  of  a  wish."  Bp.  J.  Wordsworth,  Diet. 
Christ.  Biog.  iii.  463.  n.  Jortin  says  "the  good  bishop's 
/u.ai'Tt/crj  failed  him  sadly;  and  the  emperor  reigned  only  one 
year,  and  died  in  the  flower  of  his  age"  The  note  of  \'alesius 
will  be  found  below. 

1  Scarcely  a  prophecy,  even  if  we  read  efets,  "  you  shall 
keep;  "  a  bare  wish  if  we  read  e\oi?,  "  may  you  keej)."  Vide 
preceding  note.  In  Athanasius  we  find  e|ei?.  Valesius  says 
"  The  latter  part  of  this  sentence  is  wanting  in  the  common 
editions  of  Athanasius,  and  Baronius  supposes  it  to  have  been 
added  by  some  Arian,  with  the  object  of  ridiculing  Athanasius 
as  a  false  prophet.  Asa  fact  the  reign  of  Jovian  was  short. 
But  I  see  nothing  low,  spurious  or  factitious.  Athanasius  is 
not  in  fault  because  Jovian  did  not  live  as  long  as  he  had 
wished." 

2  Gal.  vi.  3. 


IV.  4.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


109 


heresy  afresh  have  Iiad  the  hardihood  to  set 
at  naught  the  faith  confessed  by  the  Fathers 
at  Nicaea,  and  others  are  pretending  to  accept 
it,  while  in  reaHty  they  deny  it,  distorting 
the  meaning  of  the  ofiouvaiov  and  thus  blas- 
pheming the  Holy  Ghost,  by  alleging  it  to 
be  a  creature  and  a  Being  made  through  the 
Son's  means,  we,  perforce  beholding  the 
harm  accruing  from  blasphemy  of  this  kind 
to  the  people,  have  hastened  to  offer  to  your 
piety  the  faith  confessed  at  Nicaea,  that  your 
reverence  may  know  with  what  exactitude 
it  is  drawn  up,  and  how  great  is  the  error  of 
them  whose  teaching  contradicts  it.  Know, 
O  holiest  Augustus,  that  this  foith  is  the 
faith  preached  from  everlasting,  this  is  the 
faith  that  the  Fathers  assembled  at  Nicaea 
confessed.  With  this  faith  all  the  churches 
throughout  the  world  are  in  agreement,  in 
Spain,  in  Britain,^  in  Gaul,  in  all  Italy  and 
Campania,  in  Dalmatia  and  Mysia,  in  Mace- 
donia, in  all  Hellas,  in  all  the  churches 
throughout  Africa,  Sardinia.  Cyprus,  Crete, 
Pamphylia  and  Isauria,  and  Lycia,  those  of 
all  Egypt  and  Libya,  of  Pontus,  Cappadocia 
and  the  neighbouring  districts  and  all  the 
churches  of  the  East  except  a  few  who  have 
embraced  Arianism.  Of  all  those  above 
mentioned  we  know  the  sentiments  after 
trial  made.  We  have  letters  and  we  know, 
most  pious  Augustus,  that  though  some  few 
gainsay  this  faith  they  cannot  prejudice^  the 
decision  of  the  whole  inhabited  world. 

After  being  long  under  the  injurious  in- 
fluence of  the  Arian  heresy  they  are  the  more 
contentiously  withstanding  true  religion. 
For  the  information  of  your  piety,  though 
indeed  you  are  already  acquainted  with  it, 
we  have  taken  pains  to  subjoin  the  faith 
confessed  at  Nicasa  by  the  three  hundred  and 
eighteen  bishops.     It  is  as  follows. 

We  believe  in  one  God,  Father  Almighty, 
maker  of  all  things  visible  and  invisible ; 
and  in  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of 
God,«begotten  of  the  Father,  that  is  of  the 
substance  of  the  Father,  God  of  God,  Light 
of  Light,  very  God  of  very  God  :  begotten 
not  made,  being  of  one  substance  with  the 
Father,  by  whom  all  things  were  made  both 
in  Heaven  and  in  earth.  Who  for  us  men 
and  for  our  salvation  came  down  from 
Heaven,  was  incarnate  and  was  made  man. 


1  Christianity  thus  appears  more  or  less  constituted  in  Britain 
more  than  200  years  before  the  mission  of  Augustine.  But  by 
about  208  the  fame  of  British  Christianity  had  reached  Tertuf- 
lian  in  Africa.  The  date,  that  of  the  first  mention  of  the 
Church  m  Britain,  indicates  a  probable  connexion  of  its  foun- 
dation with  the  dispersion  of  the  victims  of  the  persecution 
of  the  Rhone  cities.  The  phrase  of  Tertullian,  '*  places  be- 
yond the  reach  of  the  Romans,  but  subdued  to  Christ,"  points 
to  a  rapid  spread  into  the  remoter  parts  of  the  island.  Vide 
Rev.  C.  Hole's  "  Early  Missions,"  S.  P.  C.  K. 

2  npoKpiixa  noiilv. 


He  suffered  and  rose  again  the  third  day. 
He  ascended  into  Heaven,  and  is  coming  to 
judge  both  quick  and  dead.  And  we  be- 
lieve in  the  Holy  Ghost;  the  Holy  Catholic 
and  Apostolic  Church  anathematizes  those 
who  say  there  was  a  time  when  the  Son  of 
God  was  not ;  that  before  He  was  begotten 
He  was  not ;  that  He  was  made  out  of  the 
non-existent,  or  that  He  is  of  a  difierent 
essence  or  different  substance,  or  a  creature  or 
subject  to  variation  or  change.  In  this  faith, 
most  religious  Augustus,  all  must  needs 
abide  as  divine  and  apostolic,  nor  must  any 
strive  to  change  it  by  persuasive  reasoning 
and  word  battles,  as  from  the  beginning  did 
the  Arian  maniacs  in  their  contention  that 
the  Son  of  God  is  of  the  non  existent,  and 
that  there  was  a  time  when  He  was  not,  that 
He  is  created  and  made  and  subject  to  varia- 
tion. Wherefore,  as  we  stated,  the  council 
of  Nicaea  anathematized  this  heresy  and  con- 
fessed the  faith  of  the  truth.  For  they  have 
not  simply  said  that  the  Son  is  like  the  Father, 
that  he  may  be  believed  not  to  be  simply 
like  God  but  very  God  of  God.  And 
they  promulgated  the  term  "  Homoiision '* 
because  it  is  peculiar  to  a  real  and  true  son 
of  a  true  and  natural  father.  Yet  they  did 
not  separate  the  Holy  Spirit  from  the  Father 
and  the  Son,  but  rather  glorified  It  together 
with  the  Father  and  the  Son  in  the  one 
faith  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  because  the  God- 
head of  the  Holy  Trinity  ^  is  one. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

0/    the     restoration     of    alIowa?ices    to    the 
churches;   and  of  the  Empe7'or''s    death. 

When  the  emperor  had  received  this 
letter,  his  former  knowledge  of  and  disposi- 
tion to  divine  things  was  confirmed,  and  he 
issued  a  second  edict  wdierein  he  ordered  the 
amount  of  corn  which  the  great  Constantine 
had  appropriated  to  the  churches  to  be  re- 
stored.^ For  Julian,  as  was  to  be  expected 
of  one  who  had  gone  to  war  with  our  Lord 
and  Saviour,  had  stopped  even  this  mainten- 

1  '*  Tpi'as  is  either  the  number  Three,  or  a  triplet  of  similar 
objects,  as  in  the  phrase  /cao-iyvrJTwi'  rpcoi?  (Rost  u.  Palm's 
Lexicon,  s.  v.)  In  this  sense  it  is  applied  by  Clement  of 
Alexandria  (Strom.  IV.  vii.  55)  to  the  Triad  of  Christian 
graces.  Faith,  Hope,  and  Charity.  As  Gregory  of  Xazianzus 
says  (Orat.  xiii.  p.  24)  Tptas  ou  Trpay/uiaTioi'  avicrinv  aTrapt^^Tjcri?, 
aAA"  to-wv  KoX  6/aoTip.cov  cruAArj»//is.  The  first  instance  of  its 
application  to  the  Three  Persons  in  the  one  God  is  in  The- 
ophilus  of  Antioch  (Ad  Autol.  ii.  15)  "  [t.  c.  1S5]  "  Similarly 
the  word  Trinitas,  in  its  proper  force,  means  either  the  num- 
ber Three  or  a  triad.  It  is  first  applied  to  the  mystery  of  the 
Three  in  One  by  Tertullian,  who  says  that  the  Church  ♦  proprie 
et  spiritualiter'ipse  est  spiritus,  in  quo  est  Trinitas  unius 
divinitatis.  Pater,  et  Filius,  et  Spiritus  Sanctus,'  De  Pudi- 
citaai."  [t  c.  240]  Archd.  Cheetham.  Diet.  Christ.  Biog. 
S.  V. 

2  cf.  III.  S  page  99. 


no 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[IV.  5,  6. 


ance,  and  since  the  famine  which  visited  the 
empire  in  consequence  of  Julian's  iniquity 
prevented  the  collection  of  the  contribution 
of  Constantine's  enactment,  Jovian  ordered 
a  third  part  to  be  supplied  for  the  present, 
and  promised  that  on  the  cessation  of  the 
famine  he  would  give  the  whole. 

After  distinguishing  the  beginning  of  his 
reign  by  edicts  of  this  kind,  Jovian  set  out 
from  Antioch  for  the  Bosphorus ;  but  at 
Dadastanae,  a  village  lying  on  the  confines 
of  Bithynia  and  Galatia,  he  died.^  He  set 
out  on  his  journey  from  this  world  with  the 
grandest  and  fairest  support  and  stay,  but  all 
who  had  experienced  the  clemency  of  his 
sway  were  left  behind  in  pain.  So,  me- 
thinks,  the  Supreme  Ruler,  to  convict  us  of 
our  iniquity,  both  shews  us  good  things  and 
again  deprives  us  of  them  ;  so  by  the  former 
means  He  teaches  us  how  easily  He  can  give 
us  what  He  will ;  by  the  latter  He  convicts 
us  of  our  unworthiness  of  it,  and  points  us 
to  the  better  life. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Of  the    7'eign    of    Valentinianus y  and  how   he 
associated  Valens  his  brother  with  him. 

When  the  troops  had  become  acquainted 
with  the  emperor's  sudden  death,  they  wept 
for  the  departed  prince  as  for  a  father,  and 
made  Valentinian  emperor  in  his  room.  It 
was  he  who  smote  the  officer  of  the  temple - 
and  was  sent  to  the  castle.  He  was  distin- 
guished not  only  for  his  courage,  but  also  for 
prudence,  temperance,  justice,  and  great 
stature.  He  was  of  so  kingly  and  magnan- 
imous a  character  that,  on  an  attempt  being 
made  by  the  army  to  appoint  a  colleague  to 
share  his  throne,  he  uttered  the  well-known 
words  which  are  universally  repeated,  *' Be- 
fore I  was  emperor,  soldiers,  it  was  yours 
to  give  me  the  reins  of  empire  :  now  that  I 
have  taken  them,  it  is  mine,  not  yours,  to 
take  counsel  for  the  state."  The  troops  were 
struck  with  admiration  at  what  he  said,  and 
contentedly  followed  the  guidance  of  his  au- 
thority. Valentinian,  however,  sent  for  his 
brother  from  Pannonia,  and  shared  the   em- 

1  At  an  obscure  place  called  Dadastanae,  halfway  between 
Ancyra  and  Nicjea,  after  a  hearty  supper  he  went  to  bed  in  a 
room  newly  built.  The  plaster  was  still  damp,  and  a  brazier  of 
charcoal  was  brought  in  to  warm  the  air.  In  the  morning  he 
was  found  dead  in  his  bed.  (Amm.  xxv.  lo.  12.  13.)  This  was 
in  P'ebruary  or  March,  364. 

2  Vide  page  101.  "Valentinian  belongs  to  the  better 
class  of  Emperors.  He  was  a  soldier  like  Jovian,  and  held 
the  same  rank  at  his  election.  He  was  a  decided  Christian 
hkc  Jovian,  and,  like  him,  free  from  the  stain  of  persecution. 
Jovian's  rough  good  humour  was  replaced  in  Valentinian  by 
a  violent  ancTsometimes  cruel  temper,  but  he  had  a  sense  of 
duty,  and  was  free  from  Jovian's  vices."  Gwatkin,  Arian  Cont. 
121. 


pire  with  him.  Would  that  he  had  never 
done  so  !  To  Valens,^  who  had  not  yet  ac- 
cepted unsound  doctrines,  was  committed  the 
charge  of  Asia  and  of  Egypt,  while  Valen- 
tinian allotted  Europe  to  himself.  He  jour- 
neyed to  the  Western  provinces,  and  begin- 
ning with  a  proclamation  of  true  religion, 
instructed  them  in  all  righteousness.  When 
the  Arian  Auxentius,  bishop  of  Milan,  who 
was  condemned  in  several  councils,  departed 
this  life,-  the  emperor  summoned  the  bishops 
and  addressed  them  as  follows :  ''Nurtured 
as  you  have  been  in  holy  writ,  you  know  full 
well  what  should  be  the  character  of  one 
dignified  by  the  episcopate,  and  how  he 
should  rule  his  subjects  aright,  not  only  with 
his  lip,  but  with  his  life  ;  exhibit  himself  as 
an  example  of  every  kind  of  virtue,  and 
make  his  conversation  a  witness  of  his  teach- 
ing. Seat  now  upon  your  archiepiscopal 
throne  a  man  of  such  character  that  we  who 
rule  the  realm  may  honestly  bow  our  heads 
before  him  and  welcomeh  is  reproofs,  —  for, 
in  that  we  are  men,  it  needs  must  be  that  we 
sometimes  stumble,  — as  a  physician's  heal- 
ing treatment." 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Of  the  election    of  Ainbrosiiis^  the  Bishop  of 
Milan. 

Thus  spoke  the  emperor,  and  then  the 
council  begged  him,  being  a  wise  and  devout 
prince,  to  make  the  choice.  He  then  re- 
plied, "  The  responsibility  is  too  great  for 
us.  You  who  have  been  dignified  with 
divine  grace,  and  have  received  illumination 
from  above,  will  make  a  better  choice."  So 
they  left  the  imperial  presence  and  began  to 
deliberate  apart.  In  the  meanwhile  the 
people  of  Milan  were  torn  by  factions,  some 
eager  that  one,  some  that  another,  should  be 
promoted.  They  who  had  been  infected 
with  the  unsoundness  of  Auxentius  were  for 
choosing  men  of  like  opinions,  while  they  of 
the  orthodox  party  were  in  their  turn  anx- 
ious to  have  a  bishop  of  like  sentiments  with 
themselves.  When  Ambrosius,  who  held 
the    chief   civil    magistracy  ^  of   the   district, 

1  "  Valens  was  timid,  suspicious,  and  slow,  yet  not  ungentle 
in  private  life.  He  was  as  uncultivated  as  his  brother,  but  not 
inferior  to  him  in  scrupulous  care  for  his  subjects.  He  pre 
ferred  remitting  taxation  to  fighting  at  the  head  of  the  le- 
gions. In  both  wars  he  is  entitled  to  head  the  series  of  finan- 
cial rather  than  unwarlike  sovereigns  whose  cautious  policy 
brought  the  Eastern  Empire  safely  through  the  great  barbarian 
invasions  of  the  fifth  century."     Gwatkin,  p.  121. 

2  Vide  note  on  page  Si . 

3  By  the  constitution  of  Constantine,  beneath  the  governors 
of  the  twelve  dioceses  of  the  Empire  were  the  provincial  gov- 
ernors of  116  provinces,  rectores,  correctores,  pr^esides,  and 
consulares.  Ambrosius  had  been  appointed  by  Probus  Con- 
sularis  of  Liguria  and  Emilia.  Probus,  in  giving  him  the 
appointment,  was  believed  to  have  "  prophesied,"  and  said 
"  Vade;  age  non  ut  judex,  sed  ut  episcopus."    Paulinus  S. 


IV.  7-] 


OF   THEODORET. 


Ill 


was  apprised  of  the  contention,  being  afraid 
lest  some  seditious  violence  should  be  at- 
tempted he  hurried  to  the  church  ;  at  once 
there  was  a  lull  in  the  strife.  The  people 
cried  with  one  voice  "Make  Ambrose  our 
pastor,"  —  although  up  to  this  time  he  was 
still  ^  unbaptized.  News  of  what  was  being 
done  was  brought  to  the  emperor,  and  he  at 
once  ordered  the  admirable  man  to  be  bap- 
tized and  ordained,  for  he  knew  that  his 
judgment  was  straight  and  true  as  the  rule 
of  the  carpenter  and  his  sentence  more  exact 
than  the  beam  of  the  balance.  Moreover 
he  concluded  from  the  agreement  come  to  by 
men  of  opposite  sentiments  that  the  selection 
was  divine.  Ambrose  then  received  the 
divine  gift  of  holy  baptism,  and  the  grace  of 
the  archiepiscopal  office.  The  most  excel- 
lent emperor  was  present  on  the  occasion, 
and  is  said  to  have  offered  the  following 
hymn  of  praise  to  his  Lord  and  Saviour. 
*'  We  thank  thee.  Almighty  Lord  and  Sa- 
viour; I  have  committed  to  this  man's  keep- 
ing men's  bodies ;  Thou  hast  entrusted  to 
him  their  souls,  and  hast  shown  my  choice 
to  be  righteous." 

Not  many  days  after  the  divine  Ambro- 
sius  addressed  the  emperor  with  the  utmost 
freedom,  and  found  fault  with  certain  pro- 
ceedings of  the  magistrates  as  improper. 
Valentinian  remarked  that  this  freedom  was 
no  novelty  to  him,  and  that,  well  acquainted 
with  it  as  he  was,  he  had  not  merely  offered 
no  opposition  to,  but  had  gladly  concurred 
in,  the  appointment  to  the  bishopric.  "  Go 
on,"  continued  the  emperor,  "  as  God's  law 
bids  you,  healing  the  errors  of  our  souls." 

Such  were  the  deeds  and  words  of  Valen- 
tinian at  Milan. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Letters  of  the  Emperors  Valentinianus  and 
Vale7iSy  wj'itten  to  the  diocese  ^  of  Asia  about 
the  Homoilsio7i,  on  hearing  that  some  men 
in  Asia  and  in  Phrygia  were  in  dispute 
about  the  divine  decree. 

Valentinian  ordered  a  council  to  be  held  in 
Illyricum  ^  and  sent  to  the  disputants  the 
decrees  ratified  by  the  bishops  there  assem- 
bled. They  had  decided  to  hold  fast  the 
creed  put  forth  at  Nicaea  and  the  emperor 
himself    wrote    to     them,     associating      his 

^  aioiv>)TO?. 

2  The  twelve  dioceses  of  the  Empire,  as  constituted  under 
Diocletian,  were  (i)  Oxiens ;  (2)  Pontica;  (3)  Asiana; 
(4)  Thracia ;  (5)  Mcesia;  (6)  Pannonia;  (7)  IBritanniae;  (S) 
Galliae ;  (9)  Viennensis;  (10)  Italiciana;  (11)  Hispaniae; 
(12)  Africa. 

3  Under  Constantine  lUyricuin  Occidentale  included  Dal- 
matia,  Pannonia,  Noricum,  and  Savia;  Illyricum  Orientale, 
Dacia,  Motsia,  Macedonia  and  Thrace. 


brother   with   him    in    the   dispatch,    urging 
that  the  decrees  be  kept. 

The  edict  clearly  proclaims  the  piety  of 
the  emperor  and  similarly  exhibits  the 
soundness  of  Valens  in  divine  doctrines  at 
that  time.     I   shall  therefore  give  it   in  full. 

The  mighty  emperors,  ever  august,  au- 
gustly  victorious,  Valentinianus,  Valens,  and 
Gratianus,^  to  the  bishops  of  Asia,  Phrygia, 
Carophrygia  Pacatiana,-  greeting  in  the 
Lord. 

A  great  council  having  met  in  Illyricum,^ 
after  much  discussion  concerning  the  word 
of  salvation,  the  thrice  blessed  bishops  have 
declared  that  the  Trinity  of  Father,  Son,  and 
Holy  Ghost  is  of  one  substance.'* 

This  Trinity  they  worship,  in  nowise  re- 
mitting the  service  which  has  duly  fallen  to 
their  lot,  the  worship  of  the  great  King. 
It  is  our  imperial  will  that  this  Trinity  be 
preached,  so  that  none  may  say  "  We  accept 
the  religion  of  the  sovereign  who  rules  this 
world  without  regard  to  Him  who  has  given 
us  the  message  of  salvation,"  for,  as  says  the 
gospel  of  our  God  which  contains  this  judg- 
ment, "  we  should  render  to  Caesar  the 
things  that  are  Caesar's  and  to  God  the 
things  that  are  God's."  ^ 

What  say  you,  ye  bishops,  ye  champions 
of  the  Word  of  salvation.?  If  these  be 
your  professions,  thus  then  continue  to  love 
one  another,  and  cease  to  abuse  the  imperial 
dignity.  No  longer  persecute  those  who 
diligently  serve  God,  by  whose  prayers  both 
wars  cease  upon  the  earth,  and  the  assaults 
of  apostate  angels  are  repelled.  Tliese 
striving  through  supplication  to  repel  all 
harmful  demons  both  know  how  to  pay 
tribute  as  the  law  enjoins,  and  do  not  gain- 
say the  power  of  their  sovereign,  but  with 
pure  minds  both  keep  the  commandment  of 
the  heavenly  King,  and  are  subject  to  our 
laws.  But  ye  have  been  shewn  to  be  dis- 
obedient. We  have  tried  every  expedient 
but   you    have   given    yourselves    up.°     We 


1  Eldest  son  of  Valentinian  I.  Born  A.D.  359.  Named 
Augustus  367.  Succeeded  his  father  375;  his  inicle  Valens 
37S.  Murdered  383.  The  synod  was  convoked  in  the  year  of 
Valentinian's  death. 

2  Phrygia  Pacatiana  was  the  name  given  in  the  fourth  cen- 
tury to  the  province  extending  from  Bithynia  to  Pamphyha. 
*'  Cum  in  veterum  libris  non  nisi  dua;  Phrygian  occurrant, 
Pacatiana  et  salutaris,  mavuit  \'alesius  h.  1.  scnbcre,  /capta? 
(/)pu7ta?  TTa/caTtai/^?.  Sed  consentientibus  in  vulgata  lectione 
omnibus  libris  mallem  servare  Kapo(/)puyta?  Tra/canai'jj?,  quam 
Pacatianam  Kapo<})pvyiav  dictam  esse  putavenm  quod  Cariaj 
proxime  adhasresceret."     Schulze. 

3  The  date  of  this  Council  is  disputed.  "  Pagi  contending 
for  373,  others  for  375,  Cave  for  367."     Diet.  Ch.  Ant.  i.  S13. 

*  ofxooiicnoi'. 

''Matt.  22.  xxi. 

<»  i^jLietf  e\pr)cra.fie9a  t<Z  d\(})a  tto?  tov  to  v/aei?  6e  eavTOv^ 
aneStixaTe. 

The  passage  is  obscure  and  perhaps  corrupt.  Schulze's  note 
is  *'  Nisi  mendosus  sit  locus,  quod  quidem  suspicabatur  Cam- 
erarius,  sensus  talis  esse  videtur:  '^  Nos  qjiidevi  primis  iisi 
snmits  ad  extrema,^  h.e.  omnia  adhibuimus  et  tentavimus  ad 
pacem  restituendam  et  cohibcndas  vexationes,  '  vos  vero  int- 


I  12 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[IV.  7. 


however  wish  to  be  pure  from  you,  as 
Pilate  at  the  trial  of  Christ  when  He  lived 
among  us,  was  unwilling  to  kill  Him, 
and  when  they  begged  for  His  death, 
turned  to  the  East,^  asked  water  for  his 
hands  and  washed  his  hands,  saying  I  am  in- 
nocent of  the  blood  of  this  righteous  man.^ 

Thus  our  majesty  has  invariably  charged 
that  those  who  are  working  in  the  field  ot 
Christ  are  not  to  be  persecuted,  oppressed,  or 
ill  treated ;  nor  the  stewards  of  the  great 
King  driven  into  exile ;  lest  to-day  under  our 
Sovereign  you  may  seem  to  flourish  and 
abound,  and  then  together  with  your  evil 
counsellor  trample  on  his  covenant,^  as  in  the 
case  of  the  blood  of  Zacharias,"*  but  he  and 
his  were  destroyed  by  our  Heavenly  King 
Jesus  Christ  after  (at)  His  coming,  being  de- 
livered to  death's  judgment,  they  and  the 
deadly  fiend  who  abetted  them.  We  have 
given  these  orders  to  Amegetius,  to  Ceronius, 
to  Damasus,  to  Lampon  and  to  Brentisius 
by  word  of  mouth,  and  we  have  sent  the 
actual  decrees  to  you  also  in  order  that  you 
may  know  what  was  enacted  in  the  honour- 
able synod. 

To  this  letter  we  subjoin  the  decrees  of 
the  synod,  which  are  briefly  as  follows. 

In  accordance  with  the  great  and  orthodox 
synod  we  confess  that  the  Son  is  of  one  sub- 


potenticB  ohseaiii  estisJ'  Alias  interpretationes  collegit  suam. 
que  addidit  Valesius."  The  note  of  Valesius  is  as  follows  : 
hie  locus  valde  obscurus  est.  Et  Epiphanius  quidem  scho- 
lasticus  ita  eum  vertit:  et  nos  quidem  subjicimur  ei  qui  primus 
est  et  novissimus  :  vos  autem  vobismet  arrogatis.  Qu.-e  inter- 
pretatio,  meo  quidem  iudicio,  ferri  non  potest.  Camerarius 
vero  sic  interpretatur  •  nos  quidem  ordlne  a  primo  ad  ultimum 
processimus  tractatione  nostra:  ipsi  vero  vosmet  ipsos 
abalienastis.  At  Christophersonus  ita  vertit:  nos  patientia 
semper  a  principio  usque  ad  finem  usi  sumus:  vos  contra 
animi  vestri  impotentia)  obsecuti  estis  .  .  .  mihi  videtur 
verbum  xp^^o'^ai  hoc  loco  idem  significari  quod  communicare 
et  commercium  habere.  Cujus  modi  est  illud  in  Evangelio: 
non  colituntur  Judiei  Sainaritanis.     (Johon  IV.  q.) 

1  The  turning  to  the  East  is  not  .nentioned  in  the  Gospel  of 
St.  Matthew  or  in  the  Apocryphal  Acts  of  Pilate;  and  the  Im- 
perial Decree  seems  hereto  import  a  Christian  practice  into  the 
pagan  Procurator  s  tribunal.  Orientation  was  sometimes  ob- 
served in  Pagan  temples  and  the  altar  placed  at  the  east  end  ; 
perhaps  in  connexion  with  the  ancient  worship  of  the  sun.  cf. 
^sch.  Ag.  502;  Paus.  V.  2\.  i;  Cic.  Cat.  iii.  §43.  In.  Virg. 
yEn.  viii.  6S  ^neas  turns  to  the  East  when  he  prays  to  the 
Tiber,  cf.  Liv  1.  iS.  But  pr;iying  towards  the  East  is  specially 
a  primitive  Christian  cu'^mn.  among  the  earliest  authorities 
being  TertuUian  (Apol.  XVI.)  and  Clemens  Al.  (Stromat. 
VII. 7). 

2  Matthew  xxvii.  24. 

3  "  Locus  densis,"  says  Valesius,  '•  tenebris  obvolutus  "... 
The  note  of  Schulze  is  "  primum  6  7rapa/cc/cA7jju.e»/os  videtur 
malus  genius  esse  (^^opt/xaio?  ho.iix.tav  postea  dicitur)  qui  exci- 
taverat  (TrapeKaAecre)  episcopos  ad  dissentientes  vexandos  plane 
ut  crudeles  Judaei  excitaverant  Pilatum  ut  Christum  interime- 
rent;sicenim  in  superioribus  Valentinianus  dixerat.  Porro 
Valent.  non  modo  ad  historiam  Zachariae  a  Judsis  in  templo 
interfecti  alludit,  sed,  si  quid  video,  etiam  ad  verba  ea  quibus 
utitur  Paulus,  Heb.  X.  29  TOf  uioi'  toG  ©eoO  /caTaTrareiv  /cat  to 
at/u.a  TJj?  5ta9)7Kr)?  Ko\.vov  r}yri<Tacr9ai,  quare  placet  conjectura  Va- 
lesii  naTelv  "  (the  reading  adopted  in  the  translation  above), 
"  TO.  Trj?  8ia9riKri<;  avTov  to?  iiTL  tov  Za;^aptou  toO  aifxaros,  ut  tota 
sententia  sit :  ne  hodie  sub  nostra  imperio  incrementa  capiatis 
et  cum  eo  qui  vos  incitat  conculcetis  sangumem  feeder  is  ^  fere 
lit    Zacharice  tempore  f  ictum  est  a  Judasis." 

*  It  is  to  be  observed  tiiat  the  imperial  letter  does  not  add 
the  probably  interpolated  words  "  son  of  Barachias  "  which  are 
a  difficulty  m  Matt.  xxui.  35,  and  do  not  appear  in  the  Codex 
Sinaiticus. 


stance  with  the  Father.  And  we  do  not  so 
understand  the  term  '  of  one  substance '  as 
some  formerly  interpreted  it  who  signed  their 
names  with  feigned  adhesion  ;  nor  as  some 
who  now-a-days  call  the  drafters  of  the  old 
creed  Fathers,  but  make  the  meaning  of  the 
word  of  no  effect,  following  the  authors  of  the 
statement  that  '' of  one  substance"  means 
''  like,"  with  the  understanding  that  since  the 
Son  is  comparable  to  no  one  of  the  creatures 
made  by  Him,  He  is  like  to  the  Father  alone. 
For  those  who  thus  think  irreverently  define 
the  Son  ''as  a  special  creation  of  the  Father," 
but  we,  with  the  present  synods,  both  at 
Rome  and  in  Gaul,  hold  that  there  is  one  and 
the  same  substance  of  Father,  Son,  and  Holy 
Ghost,  in  three  persons,  that  is  in  three  per- 
fect essences.^  And  we  confess,  according  to 
the  exposition  of  Nica^a,  that  the  Son  of  God 
being  of  one  substance,  was  made  flesh  of 
the  Holy  Virgin  Mary,  and  hath  tabernacled 
among  men,  and  fulfilled  all  the  economy  ^ 
for  our  sakes  in  birth,  in  passion,  iii  resurrec- 
tion, and  in  ascension  into  Heaven  ;  and  that 
He  shall  come  again  to  render  to  us  according 
to  each  man's  manner  of  life,  in  the  day  of 
judgment,  being  seen  in  the  flesh,  and  show- 
ing forth  His  divine  power,  being  God  bear- 
ing flesh,  and  not  man  bearing  Godhead. 

Them  that  think  otherwise  we  damn,  as 
we  do  also  them  that  do  not  honestly  damn 
him  that  said  that  before  the  Son  was  begotten 
He  was  not,  but  wrote  that  even  before  He 
was  actually  begotten  He  was  potentially  in 
the  Father.  For  this  is  true  in  the  case  of 
all  creatures,  who  are  not  for  ever  with  God 
in  the  sense   in  which  the   Son  is  ever  with 


'  Here  for  the  first  time  in  our  author  we  meet  with  the  word 
Hypostasis  10  denote  each  distinct  person.  Compare  note  on 
page  36.  *'  Origen  had  already  described  Father,  Son  and  Holy 
Spirit  as  three  i^TTOCTTaaei?  or  Beings,  in  opposition  to  the  Mon- 
archians,  who  saw  in  them  only  three  modes  of  manifestation 
of  one  and  the  same  Being.  And  as  Sabellius  had  used  the 
words  rpta  irpoacoiTa  for  these  modes  of  manifestation,  this  form 
of  expression  naturally  fell  into  disfavour  with  the  Catholics. 
But  when  Arius  insisted  on  (virtually)  three  different  hypos- 
tases in  the  Holy  Trinity,  Catholics  began  to  avoid  applying 
the  word  hypostases  to  the  Persons  of  the  Godhead.  To  this 
was  added  a  difficulty  arising  from  the  fact,  that  the  Eastern 
Church  used  Greek  as  the  official  language  of  its  theology, 
while  the  Western  Church  used  Latin,  a  language  at  that  time 
much  less  well  provided  with  abstract  theological  terms.  Dis- 
putes were  caused,  says  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  (Orat.  xxi.p. 
395),  5id  (TTevoTYfTa  tyj^  napa  toi?  'IraAot?  yAwTTij?  Kal  bi'OfJLaTUJV 
neviav.  (Compare  Seneca  Epist.  58.)  The  Latins  used  essen- 
tia and  substantia  as  equivalent  to  the  Greek  ovaia  and  viroara- 
cn<;,  but  interchanged  them,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  translation 
of  the  Nicene  Creed  with  little  scruple,  regarding  them  as  syn- 
onyms. They  used  both  expressions  to  describe  the  Divine 
Nature  common  to  the  Three.  It  followed  that  they  looked 
upon  the  expression  "Three  Hypostases"  as  implying  a  division 
of  the  substance  of  the  Deity,  and  therefore  as  Arian.  They 
preferred  to  speak  of  "  tres  Persona;."  Athanasius  also  spoke 
of  rpta  irpocrwira,  and  thus  the  words  ;rp6<7w7ra  and  Persona;  be- 
came current  among  the  Nicene  party.  But  about  the  year 
360,  the  Neo-Nicene  party,  or  Meletians,  as  they  are  sometimes 
called,  became  scrupulous  about  the  use  of  such  an  expression 
as  Tpia  Trpoo-toTra,  which  seemed  to  them  to  savour  of  Sabellian- 
ism.  Thus  a  difference  arose  between  the  old  Athanasian 
party  and  the  Meletians."  Archd.  Cheetham  in  Diet.  Christ. 
Biog.  Art.  "  Trinity." 

2  Compare  note  on  page  72. 


IV.  8.] 


OF    THEODORET. 


113 


the  Father,  being  begotten  by  eternal  genera- 
tion. 

Such  was  the  short  summary  of  the 
emperor.  I  will  now  subjoin  the  actual  dis- 
patch of  the  synod. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

Synodical  Epistle  of  the   Synod  in   Illyricicm 
concerning  the  Faith. 

"  The  bisliops  of  Illyricum  to  the  churches 
of  God,  and  bishops  of  the  dioceses  of  Asia,  of 
Phrygia,  and  Carophrygia  Pacatiana,  greet- 
ing in  the  Lord. 

"  After  meeting  together  and  making  long 
enquiry  concerning  the  Word  of  salvation, 
we  have  set  forth  that  the  Trinity  of 
Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost  is  of  one 
substance.  And  it  seemed  fitting  to  pen  a 
letter  to  you,  not  that  we  write  what  con- 
cerns the  worship  of  the  Trinity  in  vain 
disputiition,  but  in  humility  deemed  worthy 
of  the  duty. 

'•  This  letter  we  have  sent  by  our  beloved 
brother  and  fellow  labourer  Elpidius  the 
presbyter.  For  not  in  the  letters  of  our 
hands,  but  in  the  books  of  our  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ,  is  it  written  '  I  am  of  Paul  and  I  of 
A  polios  and  I  of  Cephas  and  I  of  Christ. 
Was  Paul  crucified  for  you.^  Or  were  ye 
baptized    in    the    name    of  Paul.^'^ 

"  It  seemed  indeed  fitting  to  our  humility 
not  to  pen  any  letter  to  you,  on  account  of  the 
great  terror  which  your  preaching  causes  to 
all  the  region  under  your  jurisdiction,  sepa- 
rating as  you  do  the  Holy  Spirit  from  the 
Father  and  Son.  We  were  therefore  con- 
strained to  send  to  you  our  lord  and  fellow 
labourer  Elpidius  to  ascertain  if  your  preach- 
ing is  really  of  this  character  and  to  carry 
this  dispatch  from  the  imperial  government 
of  Rome. 

"  Let  them  who  do  not  regard  the  Trinity 
as  one  substance  be  anathema,  and  if  any 
man  be  detected  in  communion  with  them 
let  him  be  anathema. 

''  But  for  them  that  preach  that  the  Trinity 
is  of  one  substance  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven 
is  prepared. 

"  We  exhort  you  therefore  brethren  to  teach 
no  other  doctrine,  nor  even  hold  any  other 
and  vain  belief,  but  that  always  and  every- 
where, preaching  the  Trinity  to  be  of  one 
substance,  ye  may  be  able  to  inherit  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven. 

''  While  writing   on    this   point   we   have 


^  I,  Cor,  1.  12. 


also  been  reminded  to  pen  this  letter  to 
you  about  the  present  or  future  appointment 
of  our  fellow  ministers  as  bishops,  if  there 
be  any  sound  men  among  the  bishops  who 
have  already  discharged  a  public  office ;  ^ 
and,  if  not,  from  the  order  of  presbyters:  in 
like  manner  of  the  appointment  of  pies- 
byters  and  deacons  out  of  the  actual  priestly  ^ 
order  that  they  may  be  in  every  way  blame- 
less, and  not  from  the  ranks  of  the  senate 
and  army. 

"'  We  have  been  unwilling  to  pen  you  a 
letter  at  length,  because  of  the  mission  of 
one  representative  of  all,  our  lord  and  fellow 
labourer  Elpidius,  to  make  diligent  enquiry 
about  your  preaching,  if  it  really  is  such  as 
we  have  heard  from  our  lord  and  fellow 
labourer  Eustathius. 

"  In  conclusion,  if  at  any  time  you  have 
been  in  error,  put  oft^  the  old  man  and  put 
on  the  new.  The  same  brother  and  fellow 
labourer  Elpidius  will  instruct  you  how  to 
preach  the  true  faith  that  the  Holy  Trinity, 
of  one  substance  with  God  the  Father,  to- 
gether with  the  Son  arid  Holy  Ghost,  is  hal- 
lowed, glorified,  and  made  manifest,  Father 
in  Son,  Sen  in  Father,  with  the  Holy  Ghost 
for  ever  and  ever.  For  since  this  has  been 
made  manifest,  we  shall  manifestly  be  able 
to  confess  the  Holy  Trinity  to  be  of  one 
substance  according  to  the  faith  set  forth 
formerly  at  Nicaea  which  the  Fathers  con- 
firmed. So  long  as  this  faith  is  preached  we 
shall  be  able  to  avoid  the  snares  of  the  deadly 
devil.  When  he  is  destroyed  we  shall  be 
able  to  do  homage  to  one  another  in  letters 
of  peace  while  we  live  in  peace. 

"  We  have  therefore  written  to  you  in 
order  that  ye  may  know  the  deposition  of 
the  Ariomaniacs,  who  do  not  confess  that 
the  Son  is  of  the  substance  of  the  Father  nor 
the  Holy  Ghost.  We  subjoin  their  names, 
—  Polychronius,  Telemachus,  Faustus,  As- 
clepiades,  Amantius,  Cleopater. 

''  This  we  thus  write  to  the  glory  of 
Father  and  Son  and  Holy  Ghost  for  ever 
and  ever,  amen.  We  pray  the  Father  and 
the  Son  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  with  the 
Holy  Ghost  that  you  may  fare  well  for  many 
vears." 


iThe  original  is  here  obscure,  and  has  been  altered  an  din- 
terpreted  in  various  ways. 

2€|avToD  ToO  iepaTKoO  Ta-y/uoTO?.  It  is  noticeable  th;it  tlie 
word  UpariKov  is  used  here  of  the  clerical  order  jd:enerally,  in- 
elusive  of  lower  ranks,  such  as  the  readers,  singers,  door- 
keepers and  orphans  enumerated  in  the  Apostolic  Constitutions 
from  whom  deacons  and  presbyters  were  to  be  appointed.  F"or 
illustrations  ot  the  phrases  iepaTtxr;  rd^i?  and  ifpart-Kov  rdyna 
vide  Diet.  Christ.  Ant.  ii.  1470.  The  exclusively  sacrificial 
sense  sometimes  given  to  Ifpeix;  and  sacerdos,  with  their  cor. 
relatives,  is  modified  by  the  fact  that  denvativelv  both  only 
mean  "  the  man  concerned  with  the  siicrcd."  (.■fpo9  =  vigor- 
ous, divine.  ^fsT;  sacer  =  inviolate,  holy,  ,^/SAK,  fasten; 
of  the  latter  the  suffix  adds  the  idea  oi giver. 


114 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[IV.  9,  10. 


CHAPTER     IX. 

Of  the  heresy  of  the  Aiidiani. 

The  illustrious  emperor  thus  took  heed  of 
the  apostolic  decrees,  but  Audasus,  a  Syrian 
alike  in  race  and  in  speech,  appeared  at  that 
time  as  an  inventor  of  new  decrees.  He  had 
long  ago  begun  to  incubate  iniquities  and 
now  appeared  in  his  true  character.  At 
first  he  understood  in  an  absurd  sense  the 
passage  "Let  us  make  man  in  our  image, 
iifter  our  likeness."  ^  From  want  of  appre- 
hension of  the  meaning  of  the  divine  Scripture 
Jie  understood  the  Divine  Being  to  have  a 
human  form,  and  conjectured  it  to  be  envel- 
oped in  bodily  parts ;  for  Holy  Scripture 
frequently  describes  the  divine  operations 
under  the  names  of  human  parts,  since  by 
these  means  the  providence  of  God  is  made 
more  easily  intelligible  to  minds  incapable  of 
perceiving  any  immaterial  ideas.  To  this 
impiety  Audaeus  added  others  of  a  similar 
kind.  By  an  eclectic  process  he  adopted 
some  of  the  doctrines  of  Manes-  and  denied 
that  the  God  of  the  universe  is  creator  of 
either  fire  or  darkness.  But  these  and  all 
similar  errors  are  concealed  by  the  adherents 
of  his  faction. 

They  allege  that  they  are  separated  from 
the  assemblies  of  the  Church.  But  since 
some  of  them  exact  a  cursed  usury,  and 
some  live  unlawfully  with  women  with- 
out the  bond  of  wedlock,  while  those  who 
are  innocent  of  these  practices  live  in  free 
fellowship  with  the  guilty,  they  hide  the 
blasphemy  of  their  doctrines  by  accounting 
as  they  do  for  their  living  by  themselves. 
The  plea  is  however  an  impudent  one,  and 
the  natural  result  of  Pharisaic  teaching, 
for  the  Pharisees  accused  the  Physician  of 
souls  and  bodies  in  their  question  to  the  holy 
Apostles  "  How  is  it  that  your  Master 
eateth  with  publicans  and  sinners  .^"^  and, 
through  the  prophet,  God  of  such  men  says 
"  Which  sav,  '  come  not  near  me  for  I  am 
pure '  this  is  smoke  of  my  wrath."  '*  But 
this  is  not  a  time  to  refute  their  unreasonable 
error.  I  therefore  pass  on  to  the  remainder  of 
my  narrative." 


1  Gen.  I.  26. 

2  Vide  note  on  page  75. 

3  Mark  ii.  16.     Observe  verbal  inaccuracy  of  quotation. 

4  Is  .  65.  5.  The  Greek  of  the  text  is  ot  Aeyoirg?  ica^apd?  ei/oti, 
\).-f\  fiov  aiTTOV  ovTO<;  Kanub<;  toO  Ovfj-ov  fxov.  In  tlie  Sept.  the 
passage  stand  ot  Xeyoyres  noppio  aw'  e/i,ou,  hxtj  eyyicrr);  /xot  otl 
KaOapoi;  et/ixt,  etc.    The  O.  T.  is  quoted  as  loosely  as  the  New. 

"  Anthropomorphism,  or  the  attribution  to  God  of  a  human 
form  is  the  frequent  result  of  an  unintelligent  anthropopath- 
ism,  which  ascribes  to  God  human  feelings.  Paganism  did 
not  rise  higher  than  the  material  view.  Judaism,  sometimes 
apparently  anthropomorphic,  taught  a  Spiritual  God.  Ter- 
tullian  uses  expressions  which  exposed  him  to  the  charge  of 
anthropomorphism,  and  the  Pseudo  Clementines  (xvii.  2)  go 
farther.  The  Audajus  of  the  text  appears  to  be  the  first 
founder  of  anything  like  an  anthropomorphic  sect. 


CHAPTER    X. 

Of  the  heresy  of  the  Messaliani. 

At  this  time  also  arose  the  heresy  of 
the  Messaliani.  Those  who  translate  their 
name  into  Greek  call  them  Euchitce.^ 

Thev  have  also  another  desio-nation  which 
arose  naturally  from  their  mode  of  liction. 
From  their  coming  under  the  influence  of  a 
certain  demon,  which  thev  supposed  to  be 
the  advent  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  they  are  called 
enthusiasts.^ 

Men  who  have  become  infected  with  this 
plague  to  its  full  extent  shu!i  •manual 
labour  as  iniquitous  ;  and,  giving  themselves 
over  to  sloth,  call  the  imaginations  of 
their  dreams  prophesyings.  Of  this  heresy 
Dadoes,  Sabbas,  Adelphius,  Hermas,  and 
Simeones  were  leaders,  and  others  besides, 
who  did  not  hold  aloof  from  the  communion 
of  the  Church,  alleging  that  neither  good  nor 
harm  came  of  the  divine  food  of  which 
Christ  our  Master  said  "  Whoso  eateth  my 
flesh  and  drinketh  my  blood  shall  live  for 
ever."  ^ 

In  their  endeavour  to  hide  their  un- 
soundness they  shamelessly  deny  it  even 
after  conviction,  and  abjure  men  whose 
opinions  are  in  harmony  with  their  own 
secret  sentiments. 

Under  these  circumstances  Letoius,  who 
was  at  the  head  of  the  church  of  Melitine,'* 
a  man  full  of  divine  zeal,  saw  that  many 
monasteries,  or,  shall  I  rather  say,  brigands" 
caves,  had  drunk  deep  of  this  disease.  He 
therefore  burnt  them,  and  drove  out  the 
wolves  from   the  flock. 

In  like  manner  the  illustrious  Amphi- 
lochius  ^  to  whom  was  committed  the  charge 
of  the  metropolis  of  the  Lycaonians  and 
who  ruled  all  the  people,  no  sooner  learnt 
that  this  pestilence  had  invaded  his  diocese 
than  he  made  it  depart  from  his  borders  and 
freed  from  its  infection  the  flocks  he  fed. 

Flavianus,^  also,  the  far  famed  high-priest 
of  the  Antiochenes,  on  learning  that  these 
men  were  living  at  Edessa  and  attacking 
with   tiieir   peculiar   poison   all  with   whom 


^The  Syriac  name  whence  comes  *' Messaliani  "  or  "  Mas- 

saliani  "  means  praying  people  /p^VlO)    ^    ^?7i' Dan.  vi.  i 

\  I        T   :  T  : 

Epiphanius  rendered  the  name  evxo,u.ei/ot,  but  they  were  soon 
generally  known  in  Greek  as  ^v\r\Tixi.  or  ev^irai. 

2  The  form  ei/(^ovcriacrTr)?  is  ecclesiastical,  and  late  Greek,  but 
the  verb  efftouCTia^en'  occurs  at  least  as  early  as  yEschvlus. 
(Fr.  64  a.) 

y  Compare  John  vi.  54  and  51  ;  the  citation  as  before  is  in- 
exact. 

■*  Melitine  (Malatia).  metropolis  of  lesser  Armenia ;  the 
scene  of  the  defeat  of  Chosroes  Nushirvan  by  the  Romans 
A.D.  577. 

5  Archbishop  of  Iconium,  the  friend  of  Basil  and  first  cousin 
of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  B.  probably  about  344.  He  is  not 
mentioned  after  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century. 

G  cf.  ii.  19,  and  iv.  22.  He  was  not  consecrated  bishop 
until  3S1. 


IV.     II,    12.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


II 


they  came    in    contact,   sent    a    company   of 
monks,   brought  them  to  Antioch,  and  in  the 
following  manner  convicted  them  in  their  de- 
nial of  their  heresy.    Their  accusers,  he  said, 
were  calumniating  them,  and  the  witnesses 
giving  false  evidence  ;   and  Adelphius,  who 
was  a  very  old  man,  he  accosted  with  expres- 
sions of  kindnesis,  and  ordered  to  take  a  seat 
^t  his  side.     Then  he  said  ''  We,  O  venerable 
sir,  who  have  lived  to  an  advanced  age,  have 
more  accurate  knowledge  of  human  nature, 
and  of  the  tricks  of  the  demons  who  oppose 
us,  and  have  learnt  by  experience  the  char- 
acter of  the  gift  of  grace.     But  these  younger 
men  have  no  clear  knowledge  of  these  mat- 
ters, and  cannot  brook   to  listen  to  spiritual 
teaching.      Wherefore  tell  me  in  what  sense 
you  say  that  the  opposing  spirit  retreats,  and 
the  grace  of  the  Holy  Ghost   supervenes." 
The  old  man  was  won  over  by  these  words 
and  gave  vent  to  all  his  secret  venom,  for  he 
said  tnat  no  benefit  accrues  to  the  recipients 
of  Holy    Baptism,   and    that    it    is    only   by 
earnest  prayer  that  the  in-dwelling  demon  is 
driven  out,  for  that  every  one  born   into  the 
world  derives  from  his  first  father  slavery  to 
the  demons  just  as  he  does  his  nature  ;    but 
that  when  these  are  driven  away,  then  comes 
the   Holy  Ghost  giving  sensible  and  visible 
signs   of  His  presence,  at  once   freeing   the 
body  from  the  impulse  of  the  passions  and 
wholly  ridding  the  soul  of  its   inclination  to 
the  worse  ;   with  the  result  that  there  is  no 
more  need  for  fasting  that  restrains  the  body, 
nor  of  teaching  or  training  that  bridles  it  and 
instructs  it  how  to  walk  aright.     And   not 
only   is   the  recipient   of  this  gift   liberated 
from   the  wanton   motions   of  the  body,  but 
also  clearly  foresees  things  to  come,  and  with 
the  eyes  beholds  the  Holy  Trinity. 

In  this  wise  the  divine  Flavianus  dug  into 
the  foul  fountain-head  and  succeeded  in  lay- 
ing bare  its  streams.  Then  he  thus  addressed 
the  wretched  old  man.  "•  O  thou  that  hast 
grown  old  in  evil  days,  thy  own  mouth  con- 
victs thee,  not  I,  and  thou  art  testified  against 
by  thy  own  lips."  After  their  unsoundness 
had  been  thus  exposed  the;^  were  expelled 
from  Syria,  and  withdrew  to  Pamphylia, 
which  they  filled  with  their  pestilential  doc- 
trine. 

CHAPTER    XI. 

In  what  manner  Valens  fell  into  heresy, 

I  WILL  now  pursue  the  course  of  my  nar- 
rative, and  will  describe  the  beginning  of 
the  tempest  which  stirred  up  many  and  great 
bilious  to  buffet  the  Church.  Valens,  when 
he   first    received  the  imperial  dignity,  was 


distinguished  by  his  fidelity  to  apostolic  doc- 
trine. But  when  the  Goths  had  crossed  the 
Danube  and  were  ravaging  Thrace,  he  de- 
termined to  assemble  an  army  and  march 
against  them  ;  and  accordingly  resolved  not 
to  take  the  field  without  the  garb  of  divine 
grace,  but  first  to  protect  himself  with  the 
panoply  of  Holy  Baptism.^  In  forming 
this  resolution  he  acted  at  once  well  and 
wisely,  but  his  subsequent  conduct  betrays 
very  great  feebleness  of  character,  resulting 
in  the  abandonment  of  the  truth.  His  fate 
was  the  same  as  that  of  our  first  father, 
Adam  ;  for  he  too,  won  over  by  the  argu- 
ments of  his  wife,  lost  his  free  estate  and 
became  not  merely  a  captive  but  an  obedient 
listener  to  woman's  wily  words.  His  wife^ 
had  already  been  entrapped  in  the  Arian 
snare,  and  now  she  caught  her  husband,  and 
persuaded  him  to  fall  along  with  her  into 
the  pit  of  blasphemy.  Their  leader  and 
initiator  was  Eudoxius,  who  still  held  the 
tiller  of  Constantinople,  with  the  result  that 
the  ship  was  not  steered  onwards  but  sunk  ^ 
to  the  bottom. 

CHAPTER   XII. 

How  Valens  exiled  the  virtuous  bishops. 

At  the  very  time  of  the  baptism  of  Valens 
Eudoxius  bound  the  unhappy  man  by  an 
oath  to  abide  in  the  impiety  of  his  doctrine, 
and  to  expel  from  every  see  the  holders  of 
contrary  opinions.  Thus  Valens  abandoned 
the  apostolic  teaching,  and  went  over  to  the 
opposite  faction  ;  nor  was  it  long  before  he 
fulfilled  the  rest  of  his  oath  ;  for  from  Anti- 
och he  expelled  the  great  Meletius,  from  Sa- 
mosata  the  divine  Eusebius,  and  deprived 
Laodicea  of  her  admirable  shepherd  Pela- 
gius/  Pelagius  had  taken  on  him  the  yoke 
of  wedlock  when  a  very  young  man,  and  in 
the  very  bridal  chamber,  on  the  first  day  of 
his  nuptials,  he  persuaded  his  bride  to  prefer 
chastity  to  conjugal  intercourse,  and  taught 
her  to  accept  fraternal  affection  in  the  place 
of  marriage  union.  Thus  he  gave  all  honour 
to  temperance,  and  possessed  also  within 
himself  the  sister  virtues  moving  in  tune 
with  her,  and  for  these  reasons  he  was  unan- 
imously chosen  for  the  bishopric.  Neverthe- 
less not  even  the  bright  beams  of  his  life  and 
conversation  awed  the  enemy  of  the  truth. 
Him,  too.  Valens  relegated  to  Arabia,  the 
divine  Aleletius   to   Armenia,  and  Eusebius, 

1  Valens  was  baptized  in  36S.  2  Albia  Dominica. 

3  The  use  of  the  word  baptized  for  submerg'ed  is  significant. 
Polyb.  I  :  51 .  6  uses  it  of  sinking-  a  ship.  It  first  appears  with 
the  technical  sense  cti baptized  in  the  Evangelists. 

*  Present  at  Antioch  in  363;  banished  to  Arabia  in  367, 
Present  at  Constantinople  in  3S1. 


Ii6 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[IV.   13. 


that  unflagging  labourer  in  apostolic  work, 
to  Thrace.  Unflagging  he  was  indeed,  for 
when  apprised  that  many  churches  were  now 
deprived  of  their  shepherds,  he  travelled  about 
Syria,  Phoenicia  and  Palestine,  wearing  the 
gfarb  of  war  and  covering:  his  head  with  a 
tiara,  ordaining  presbyters  and  deacons  and 
filling  up  the  other  ranks  of  the  Church  ;  and 
if  haply  he  lighted  on  bishops  with  like  senti- 
ments with  his  own,  he  appointed  them  to 
empty  churches. 

CHAPTER   XIII. 

Of  Eusebius,  bishop  of  Samosatay  and  others. 

Of  the  courage  and  prudence  shewn  by 
Eusebius  after  he  had  received  the  imperial 
edict  which  commanded  him  to  depart  into 
Thrace,  I  think  all  who  have  been  hitherto 
io^norant  should  hear.^ 

The  bearer  of  this  edict  reached  his  desti- 
nation in  the  evening,  and  was  exhorted  by 
Eusebius  to  keep  silent  and  conceal  the 
cause  of  his  coming.  "  For,"  said  the 
bishop,  "the  multitude  has  been  nurtured  in 
divine  zeal,  and  should  they  learn  why  you 
have  come  they  will  drown  you,  and  I  shall 
be  held  responsible  for  your  death."  After 
thus  speaking  and  performing  evening  ser- 
vice, as  he  was  wont,  the  old  man  started  out 
alone  on  foot,  at  nightfall.  He  confided  his 
intentions  to  one  of  his  household  servants 
who  followed  him  carrying  nothing  but  a 
cushion  and  a  book.  When  he  had  reached 
the  bank  of  the  river  (for  the  Euphrates 
runs  along  the  very  walls  of  the  town)  he 
embarked  in  a  boat  and  told  the  oarsmen  to 
row  to  Zeugma.-  When  it  w^as  day  the 
bishop  had  reached  Zeugma,  and  Samosata 
was  full  of  weeping  and  wailing,  for  the 
above  mentioned  domestic  reported  the 
orders  given  him  to  the  friends  of  Eusebius, 
and  told  them  whom  he  wished  to  travel 
with  him,  and  what  books  they  were  to  con- 
vey. Then  all  the  congregation  bewailed 
the  removal  of  their  shepherd,  and  the  stream 
of  the  river  was  crowded  with  voyagers. 

When  they  came  where  he  was,  and  saw 
their  beloved  pastor,  with  lamentations  and 
groanings  they  shed  floods  of  tears,  and  tried 
to  persuade  him  to  remain,  and  not  abandon 
the  sheep  to  the  wolves.  But  all  was  of  no 
avail,  and  he  read  them  the  apostolic  law 
which  clearly  bids  us  be   subjects  to  magis- 

1  Samosata,  the  capital  of  Commaa^ene  on  the  Euphrates,  is 
of  interest  as  the  birthphice  of  Lucian  (c.  120)  as  well  as  the 
see  of  this  Eusebius,  the  valued  friend  of  Basil  and  of  Gregory 
of  Nazianzus.     We  shall  find  him  mentioned  ajjain  v.  4. 

2  Zeugma  was  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  nearly 
opposite  the  ancient  Apamea  and  Seleucia  and  the  modern 
Biredjik.  The  name  is  derived  from  the  "  Zeugma  "  or  Bridge 
of  Boats  built  here  by  Alexander.    Strabo  xvi.  2.  3. 


trates  and  authorities.^  When  they  had 
heard  him  some  brought  him  gold,  some- 
silver,  some  clothes,  and  others  servants,  as. 
though  he  were  starting  for  some  strange  and 
distant  land.  The  bishop  refused  to  take 
anything  but  some  slight  gifts  from  his  more 
intimate  friends,  and  then  gave  the  whole 
company  his  instruction  and  his  prayers,  and 
exhorted  them  to  stand  up  boldly  for  the 
apostolic  decrees. 

Then  he  set  out  for  the  Danube,  while  his. 
friends  returned  to  their  own  town,  and  en- 
couraged one  another  as  they  waited  for  the 
assaults  of  the  wolves. 

In  the  belief  that  I  should  be  wronging- 
them  were  the  warmth  and  sincerity  of  their 
faith  to  lack  commemoration  in  my  history  I 
shall  now  proceed  to  describe  it. 

The    Arian    faction,    after    depriving   the 
flock   of  their   right  excellent  shepherd,  set 
up  another  bishop  in  his  place  ;  but   not  an 
inhabitant   of  the   city,  were  he  herding  in 
indigence   or  blazing  in  wealth,    not  a  ser- 
vant, not  a  handicraftsman,   not  a  hind,   not 
a   gardener,  nor   man  nor  woman,  whether 
young  or  old,  came,  as  had  been  their  wont, 
to  gatherings   in   church.     The  new  bishop 
lived  all  alone;  not  a  soul  looked  at  him,  or 
exchanged  a  word  with   him.     Yet  the  re- 
port   is    that    he    behaved    with    courteous 
moderation,  of  which  the  following  instance 
is   a   proof.     On   one    occasion    he    had    ex- 
pressed a  wish  to  bathe,  so  his  servants  shut 
the  doors  of  the  bath,  and  kept  out  all  who 
wished    to    come    in.       When    he    saw   the 
crowd  before  the  doors  he  ordered  them  to 
be  thrown  open,  and  directed  that  every  one 
should    freely   use  the    bath.     He    exhibited 
the  same  conduct  in  the  halls  within  ;  for  on 
observing     certain     men     standing    by    him 
while    he  bathed  he  begged   them   to   share 
the  hot  water  with  him.     They  stood  silent. 
Thinking    their    hesitation    was    due    to    a 
respect  for  him,  he  quickly  arose  and  made 
his   way   out,   but   these    persons   had   really 
been    of  opinion    that    even  the   water    was 
affected  with  the  pollution  of  his  heresy,  and 
so    sent    it   all   dQwn   the   sinks,    while    they 
ordered  a    fresh  supply  to  be  provided  for 
themselves.     On  being  informed  of  this  the 
intruder    departed    from    the    city,    for    he 
judged  that  it  was  insensate  and  absurd  on 
his  part  to  continue  to  reside  in  a  city  which 
detested  him,  and  treated  him  as  a  common 
foe.      On  the  departure  of  Eunomius  (for  this 
was    his   name)  from    Samosata,  Lucius,  an 
unmistakable  wolf,  and  enemy  of  the  sheep, 
was  appointed  in  his  place.     But  the  sheep. 


1  Titus,  iii.  i. 


IV.   14.  I5-] 


OF  THEODORET. 


117 


all  shepherd  less  as  they  were,  shepherded 
themselves,  and  persistently  preserved  the 
apostolic  doctrine  in  all  its  purity.  How 
the  new  intruder  was  detested  the  following 
relation  will  set  forth. 

Some  lads  were  playing  ball  in  the  mar- 
ket place  and  enjoying  the  game,  when 
Lucius  was  passing  by.  It  chanced  that 
the  ball  was  dropped  and  passed  between 
the  feet  of  the  ass.  The  boys  raised  an 
outcry  because  they  thought  that  their  ball 
was  polluted.  On  perceiving  this  Lucius 
told  one  of  his  suite  to  stop  and  learn  what 
was  going  on.  The  boys  lit  a  fire  and 
tossed  the  ball  through  the  flames  with  the 
idea  that  by  so  doing  they  purified  it.  I 
know  indeed  that  this  was  but  a  boyish  act, 
and  a  survival  of  the  ancient  ways ;  but  it 
is  none  the  less  sufficient  to  prove  in  what 
hatred  the  town  held  the  Arian  faction. 

Lucius  however  was  no  follower  of  the 
mildness  of  Eunomius,  but  persuaded  the 
authorities  to  exile  many  others  of  the  cler- 
gy, and  despatched  the  most  distin- 
guished champions  of  the  divine  dogmas 
to  the  furthest  confines  of  the  Roman  Em- 
pire ;  Evolcius,  a  deacon,  to  Oasis,  to  an 
abandoned  village  ;  Antiochus,  who  had  the 
honour  of  being  related  to  the  great  Eusebius, 
for  he  was  his  brother's  son,  and  further 
■distinguished  by  his  own  honourable  char- 
acter, and  of  priestly  rank,  to  a  distant  part 
of  Armenia.  How  boldly  this  Antiochus 
contended  for  the  divine  decrees  will  be 
seen  from  the  following  facts.  When  the 
divine  Eusebius  after  his  many  conflicts, 
whereof  each  was  a  victory,  had  died  a  mar- 
tyr's death,  the  wonted  synod  of  the  people 
was  held,  and  among  others  came  Jovinus 
then  bishop  of  Perrha  ^  who  for  some  little 
time  had  held  a  communion  with  the 
Arians.  Antiochus  was  unanimously  chosen 
as  successor  to  his  uncle.  When  brought 
before  the  holy  table  and  bidden  there  to 
bend  the  knee,  he  turned  round  and  saw 
that  Jovinus  had  put  his  right  hand  on  his 
head.  Plucking  the  hand  away  he  bade 
him  be  gone  from  among  the  consecrators, 
saying  that  he  could  not  endure  a  right  hand 
which  had  received  mysteries  blasphemously 
celebrated. 

These  events  happened  somewhat  later. 
At  the  time  I  am  speaking  of  he  was  re- 
moved to  the  interior  of  Armenia. 

The  divine  Eusebius  was  living  by  the 
Danube    where    the    Goths    were    ravaging 


1  Jovinus  was  a  friend  of  Basil  (Ep.  iiS)  as  well  as  of 
Eusebius  of  Samosata. 

Perrha,  a  town  of  Euphratensis,  is  more  likely  to  have  been 
his  see  than  the  Pergu  of  the  commoner  reading. 


Thrace  and  besieging  cities,  as  is  described 
in  his  own  works. 

CHAPTER    XIV. 

Of  the   holy  Barses^    and  of   the  exile   of  the 
bishop  of  Edessa   and  his  companions. 

Barses,  whose  fame  is  now  great  not  only 
in  his  own  city  of  Edessa,  and  in  neighbouring 
towns,  but  in  Phoenicia,  in  Egypt,  and  in  the 
Thebaid,  through  all  which  regions  he  had 
travelled  with  a  high  reputation  won  by  his 
great  virtue,  had  been  relegated  by  Valens 
to  the  island  of  Aradus,^  hut  when  the 
emperor  learnt  that  innumerable  multitudes 
streamed  thither,  because  Barses  was  full  of 
apostolic  grace,  and  drove  out  sicknesses 
with  a  word,  he  sent  him  to  Oxyrynchus  -  in 
Egypt ;  but  there  too  his  fame  drew  all  men 
to  him,  and  the  old  man,  worthy  of  heaven, 
was  led  off' to  a  remote  castle  near  the  coun- 
try of  the  barbarians  of  that  district,  by  name 
Pheno.  It  is  said  that  in  Aradus  his  bed 
has  been  preserved  to  this  day,  where  it  is 
held  in  very  great  honour,  for  many  sick 
persons  lie  down  upon  it  and  by  means  of 
their  faith  recover. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Of  the  persecution  which  took  place  at  Edessa, 
and  of  Eulogius  andProtogenes,  presbyters  of 
Edessa. 

Now  a  second  time  Valens,  after  depriv- 
ing the  flock  of  their  shepherd,  had  set  over 
them  in  his  stead  a  wolf.  The  whole  popu- 
lation had  abandoned  the  city,  and  were 
assembled  in  front  of  the  town,  when  he 
arrived  at  Edessa.  He  had  given  orders 
to  the  prefect,  Modestus  by  name,  to  as- 
semble the  troops  under  his  orders  who 
were  accustomed  to  exact  the  tribute,  to 
take  all  who  were  present  of  the  armed 
force,  and  by  inflicting  blows  w^ith  sticks 
and  clubs,  and  using  if  need  be  their  other 
weapons  of  war.  to  disperse  the  gathering 
multitude.  Early  in  the  morning,  while  the 
prefect  was  executing  this  order,  on  his  way 
through  the  Forum  he  saw  a  woman  holding 
an  infant  in  her  arms,  and  hurrying  along  at 
great  speed.  She  had  made  light  of  the 
troops,  and  forced  her  way  through  their 
ranks :  for  a  soul  fired  with  divine  zeal 
knows  no  fear  of  man,  and  looks  on  terrors 
of  this  kind  as  ridiculous  sport.     When  the 


1  An  island  off  the  coast  of  Phoenicia;  nowRuad.  The  town 
on  the  opposite  mainland  was  Antaradus. 

2  Oxyrynchus  on  the  Xile.at  or  near  the  modern  Behnese  (r*) 
was  so  called  because  the  inhabitants  worshipped  the  •'  sharp- 
snout,"  or  pike.     Strabo  xvii.  i.  40. 


ii8 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[IV. 


prefect  saw  her,  and  understood  what  had 
happened,  he  ordered  her  to  be  brought 
before  hhii,  and  enquired  whither  she  w^as 
going.  "I  have  heard,"  said  she,  "that 
assaults  are  being  planned  against  the  ser- 
vants of  the  Lord  ;  I  want  to  join  my  friends 
in  the  faith  that  I  may  share  with  them  the 
slaughter  inflicted  by  you."  "•  But  the  baby," 
said  the  prefect,  '*  what  in  the  world  are 
you  carrying  that  for?"  "That  it  may 
share  with  me,"  said  she,  "the  death  I  long 
for." 

When  the  prefect  had  heard  this  from  the 
woman  and  through  her  means  discovered 
the  zeal  which  animated  all  the  people, 
he  made  it  known  to  the  emperor,  and 
pointed  out  the  uselessness  of  the  intended 
massacre.  "  We  shall  only  reap,"  said  he, 
"a  harvest  of  discredit  from  the  deed,  and 
shall  fail  to  quench  these  people's  spirit." 
He  then  would  not  allow  the  multitude  to 
undergo  the  tortures  which  they  had  ex- 
pected, and  commanded  their  leaders,  the 
priests,  I  mean,  and  deacons,  to  be  brought 
before  him,  and  offered  them  a  choice  of 
two  alternatives,  either  to  induce  the  flock 
to  communicate  with  the  wolf,  or  be  ban- 
ished from  the  town  to  some  remote  region. 
Then  he  summoned  the  mass  of  the  people 
before  him,  and  in  gentle  terms  endeavoured 
to  persuade  them  to  submit  to  the  imperial 
decrees,  urging  that  it  was  mere  madness  for 
a  handful  of  men  who  might  soon  be  counted 
to  withstand  the  sovereign  of  so  vast  an 
empire.  The  crowd  stood  speechless.  Then 
the  prefect  turned  to  their  leader  Eulogius, 
an  excellent  man,  and  said,  "  Why  do  you 
make  no  answer  to  what  you  have  heard  me 
say?"  "I  did  not  think,"  said  Eulogius, 
"that  I  must  answer,  when  I  had  been 
asked  no  question."  "  But,"  said  the  pre- 
fect, "  I  have  used  many  arguments  to  urge 
you  to  a  course  advantageous  to  yourselves." 
Eulogius  rejoined  that  these  pleas  had 
been  urged  on  all  the  multitude  and  that  he 
thought  it  absurd  for  him  to  push  himself 
forward  and  reply;  "but,"  he  went  on, 
"  should  you  ask  me  my  individual  opinion 
I  will  give  it  you."  "Well,"  said  the 
prefect,  ''  communicate  with  the  emperor. 
With  pleasant  irony  Eulogius  continued, 
"  Has  he  then  received  the  priesthood  as 
well  as  the  empire?"  The  prefect  then 
perceiving  that  he  was  not  speaking  seri- 
ously took  it  ill,  and  after  heaping  reproaches 
on  the  old  man,  added,  "  I  did  not  say  so, 
you  fool ;  I  exhorted  you  to  communicate 
with  those  with  whom  the  Emperor  commu- 
nicates." To  this  the  old  man  replied  that 
they  had  a  shepherd  and  obeyed  his   direc- 


tions, and  so  eighty  of  them  were  arrested, 
and  exiled  to  Thrace.  On  their  way  thither 
they  were  everywhere  received  with  the 
greatest  possible  distinction,  cities  and  vil- 
lages coming  out  to  meet  them  and  honour- 
ing them  as  victorious  athletes.  But  envy 
armed  their  antagonists  to  report  to  the 
emperor  that  what  had  been  reckoned  dis- 
grace had  really  brought  great  honour  on 
these  men  ;  thereupon  Valens  ordered  that 
they  were  to  be  separated  into  pairs  and 
sent  in  different  directions,  some  to  Thrace, 
some  to  the  furthest  regions  of  Arabia,  and 
others  to  the  towns  of  the  Thebaid  ;  and  the 
saying  was  that  those  whom  nature  had 
joined  together  savage  men  had  put  asunder,, 
and  divided  brother  from  brother.  Eulo- 
gius their  leader  with  Protogenes  the  next  in 
rank,  were  relegated  to  Antinone.^ 

Even  of  these  men  I  will  not  suffer  the 
virtue  to  fall  into  oblivion.  They  found  that 
the  bishop  of  the  city  was  of  like  mind  with 
themselves,  and  so  took  part  in  the  gather- 
ings of  the  Church  ;  but  when  they  saw  very 
small  congregations,  and  on  enquiry  learnt 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  were  pagans, 
they  were  grieved,  as  was  natural,  and  de- 
plored their  unbelief.  But  they  did  not  think 
it  enough  to  grieve,  but  to  the  best  of  their 
ability  devoted  themselves  to  making  these 
men  whole.  The  divine  Eulogius,  shut  up  in 
a  little  chamber,  spent  day  and  night  in  put- 
ting up  petitions  to  the  God  of  the  universe ;, 
and  the  admirable  Protogenes,  who  had  re- 
ceived a  good  education  ^  and  was  practised 
in  rapid  writing,  pitched  on  a  suitable  spot 
which  he  made  into  a  boys'  school,  and,  set- 
ting up  for  a  schoolmaster,  he  instructed  his 
pupils  not  only  in  the  art  of  swift  penman- 
ship, but  also  in  the  divine  oracles.  He 
taught  them  the  psalms  of  David  and  gave 
them  to  learn  the  most  important  articles  of 
the  apostolic  doctrine.  One  of  the  lads  fell 
sick,  and  Protogenes  went  to  his  home,  took 
the  sufferer  by  the  hand  and  drove  away  the 
malady  by  prayer.  When  the  parents  of  the 
other  boys  heard  this  they  brought  him  to 
their  houses  and  entreated  him  to  succour 
the  sick  ;  but  he  refused  to  ask  God  for  the 
expulsion  of  the  malady  before  the  sick  had 
received  the  gift  of  baptism  ;  urged  by  their 
longing  for  the  children's  health,  the  parents 
readily  acceded,  and  won  at  last  salvation 
both  for  body  and  soul.  In  every  instance 
where  he  persuaded  any  one  in  health  to  re- 
ceive the  divine  grace,  he  led  him  off^  to 
Eulogius,  and  knocking  at  the  door  besought 
him  to  open,  and  put  the  seal  of  the  Lord  on 

1  Antinoopolis,  now  Enseneh  on  the  ri^ht  bank  ot  the  Nile- 

2  The  manuscripts  here  vary  considerably. 


IV.   i6.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


119 


the  prey.  When  Eulogius  was  annoyed  at 
the  interruption  of  his  prayer,  Protogenes 
used  to  say  that  it  was  much  more  essential 
to  rescue  the  wanderers.  In  this  he  was 
an  object  of  admiration  to  all  who  beheld 
his  deeds,  doing  such  wondrous  works,  im- 
parting to  so  many  the  light  of  divine  know- 
ledge and  all  the  while  yielding  the  first 
place  to  another,  and  bringing  his  prizes  to 
Eulogius.  They  rightly  conjectured  that  the 
virtue  of  Eulogius  was  by  far  the  greater 
and  higher. 

On  the  quieting  of  the  tempest  and  resto- 
ration of  complete  calm,  they  were  ordered 
to  return  home,  and  were  escorted  by  all 
the  people,  wailing  and  weeping,  and  spe- 
cially by  the  bishop  of  the  church,  who  was 
now  deprived  of  their  husbandry.  When  they 
reached  home,  the  great  Barses  had  been  re- 
moved to  the  life  that  knows  no  pain,  and 
the  divine  Eulogius  was  entrusted  with  the 
rudder  of  the  church  which  he  had  piloted  ;  ^ 
and  to  the  excellent  Protogenes  was  assigned 
the  husbandry  of  Charne,-  a  barren  spot 
full  of  the  thorns  of  heathendom  and  need- 
ing" abundant  labour.  But  these  events 
happened  after  peace  was  restored  to  the 
churches. 

CHAPTER     XVI. 

Of  the  holy  Basiiius,  Bishop  of  Ccesarea, 
and  the  measures  taken  against  him  by 
Valens  and  the  perfect  Modes tus, 

Valens,  one  might  almost  say,  deprived 
every  church  of  its  shepherd,  and  set  out  for 
the  Cappadocian  Caesarea/  at  that  time  the 
see  of  the  great  Basil,  a  light  of  the  world. 
Now  he  had  sent  the  prefect  before  him  with 
orders  either  to  persuade  Basil  to  embrace 
the  communion  of  Eudoxius,  or,  in  the 
event  of  his  refusal,  to  punish  him  by  exile. 
Previously  acquainted  as  he  was  with  the 
bishop's  high  reputation,  he  was  at  first  un- 
willing to  attack  him,  for  he  was  apprehen- 
sive lest  the  bishop,  by  boldly  meeting  and 
withstanding  his  assault,  should  furnish  an 
example  of  bravery  to  the  rest.  This  artful 
stratagem    was    as    ineffective   as   a    spider's 


1  Eulogius  was  at  Rome  in  369,  at  Antioch  in  379,  and  Con- 
stantinople in  3S1. 

2Charr?e,  now  Harran,  in  Mesopotamia,  on  the  point  of  di- 
vergence of  the  main  caravan  routes,  is  the  Haran  to  which 
Terah  travelled  from  Orfah.  It  was  afterwards  made  famous 
by  the  defeat  of  the  Romans  in  B.C.  53,  when 

"  miserando  funere  Crassus, 
"Assyrias  Latio  maculavit  sanguine  Carras." 

Lucan.  i.  104. 

3  Caesarea  Ad  Argceum  (now  Kasaria)  at  the  foot  of  Mount 
Argaeus,  was  made  a  Roman  province  by  Tiberius  A. D.  iS. 
The  progress  of  Valens  had  hitherto  been  successful,  and  the 
Catholic  cause  was  endangered.  Bithynia  had  been  coerced, 
and  the  mobile  Galatians  had  given  in.  "The  fate  of  Cappa- 
docia  depended  on  Basil."     cf.  Diet.  Ch.  Biog.  i.  2S9. 


web.  For  the  stories  told  of  old  were  quite 
enough  for  the  rest  of  the  episcopate,  and 
they  kept  the  wall  of  the  faith  unmoved  like 
bastions  in  the  circle  of  its  walls. 

The  prefect,  however,  on  his  arrival  at 
Caesarea,  sent  for  the  great  Basil.  He 
treated  him  with  respect,  and,  addressing 
him  with  moderate  and  courteous  language, 
urged  him  to  yield  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
time,  and  not  to  forsake  so  many  churches 
on  account  of  a  petty  nicety  of  doctrine.  He 
moreover  promised  him  the  friendship  of  the 
emperor,  and  pointed  out  that  through  it  he 
might  be  the  means  of  conferring  great  ad- 
vantages upon  many.  "  This  sort  of  talk," 
said  the  divine  man,  "  is  fitted  for  little  boys, 
for  they  and  their  like  easily  swallow  such 
inducements.  But  they  who  are  nurtured 
by  divine  words  will  not  suftbr  so  much  as  a 
syllable  of  the  divine  creeds  to  be  let  go,  and 
for  their  sake  are  ready,  should  need  require, 
to  embrace  every  kind  of  death.  The  em- 
peror's friendship  I  hold  to  be  of  great  value 
if  conjoined  with  true  religion  ;  otherwise  I 
doom  it  for  a  deadly  thing." 

Then  the  prefect  was  moved  to  wrath,  and 
declared  that  Basil  was  out  of  his  senses. 
"  But,"  said  the  divine  man,  ''this  madness 
I  pray  be  ever  mine."  The  bishop  was 
then  ordered  to  retire,  to  deliberate  on  tiie 
course  to  be  pursued,  and  on  the  morrow  to 
declare  to  what  conclusion  he  had  come. 
Intimidation  was  moreover  joined  with 
argument.  The  reply  of  the  illustrious 
bishop  is  related  to  have  been  •'  I  for  my 
part  shall  come  to  you  tomorrow  the  same 
man  that  I  am  today  ;  do  not  yourself  change, 
but  carry  out  your  threats."  After  these 
discussions  the  prefect  met  the  emperor  and 
reported  the  conversation,  pointing  out  the 
bishop's  virtue,  and  the  undaunted  manlmess 
of  his  character.  The  emperor  said  nothing 
and  passed  in.  In  his  palace  he  saw  that 
plagues  from  heaven  had  fallen,  for  his  son  ^ 
lay  sick  at  the  very  gates  of  death  and  his 
wife  ^  was  beset  by  many  ailments.  Then 
he  recognised  the  cause  of  these  sorrows,  and 
entreated  the  divine  man,  whom  he  had 
threatened  with  chastisement,  to  come  to  his 
house.  His  officers  performed  the  imperial 
behests  and  then  the  great  Basil  came  to  the 
palace. 

After  seeing  the  emperor's  son  on  the 
point  of  death,  he  promised  him  restoration 
to  life  if  lie  should  receive  holy  baptism  at 
the  hands  of  the  pious,  and  with  this  pledge 
went  his  way.  But  the  emperor,  like  the 
foolish    Herod,    remembered    his    oath,    and 


1  Galates.     cf.  Soc.  iv.  26. 

2  Dominica,     cf.  Soc.  iv.  26. 


120 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[IV.   17,  18. 


ordered  some  of  the  Arian  faction  who  were 
present  to  baptize  the  boy,  who  immediately 
died.  Tiien  Valens  repented  ;  he  saw  how 
fraught  with  danger  the  keeping  of  his  oatli 
had  been,  and  came  to  the  divine  temple  and 
received  the  teaching  of  the  great  Basil,  and 
offered  the  customary  gifts  at  the  altar.  The 
bishop  moreover  ordered  him  to  come 
within  the  divine  curtains  where  he  sat  and 
talked  much  with  him  about  the  divine  de- 
crees and  in  turn  listened  to  him. 

Now  there  was  present  a  certain  man  of 
the  name  of  Demosthenes,^  superintendent  of 
the  imperial  kitchen,  who  in  rudely  chiding 
the  man  who  instructed  the  world  was  guilty 
of  a  solecism  of  speech.  Basil  smiled  and 
said  ''  we  see  here  an  illiterate  Demosthenes  ;  " 
and  on  Demosthenes  losing  his  temper  and 
uttering  threats,  he  continued  "  your  business 
is  to  attend  to  the  seasoning  of  soups  ;  you 
cannot  understand  theology  because  your 
ears  are  stopped  up."  So  he  said,  and  the 
emperor  was  so  delighted  that  he  gave  him 
some  fine  lands  which  he  had  there  for  the 
poor  under  his  care,  for  they  being  in  griev- 
ous bodily  affliction  were  specially  in  need 
of  care  and  cure. 

In  this  manner  then  the  great  Basil 
avoided  the  emperor's  first  attack,  but  when 
he  came  a  second  time  his  better  judgement 
was  obstructed  by  counsellors  who  deceived 
him  ;  he  forgot  what  had  happened  on  the 
former  occasion  and  ordered  Basil  to  go 
over  to  the  hostile  faction,  and,  failing  to 
persuade  him,  commanded  the  decree  of  exile 
to  be  enforced.  But  when  he  tried  to  affix  his 
signature  to  it  he  could  not  even  form  one 
tittle  of  a  word,^  for  the  pen  broke,  and  when 
the  same  thing  happened  to  the  second  and 
to  the  third  pen,  and  he  still  strove  to  sign 
thatwicked  edict,  his  hand  shook  ;  he  quaked, 
his  soul  was  filled  with  fright ;  he  tore  the 
paper  with  both  his  hands,  and  so  proof  was 
given  by  the  Ruler  of  the  world  that  it  was 
He  Himself  who  had  permitted  these  suffer- 
ings to  be  undergone  by  the  rest,  but  had 
made  Basil  stronger  than  the  snares  laid 
against  him,  and,  by  all  the  incidents  of 
Basil's  case,  had  declared  His  own  almighty 
power,    while     on    the   other   hand   He   had 

1  If  this  Demosthenes  "  is  the  same  person  with  the  Demos- 
thenes who  four  years  later  held  the  office  of  vicar  of  Pontus 
we  have  in  him  one  of  the  many  examples  presented  by  the 
historvofthe  Eastern  empire  ot  the  manner  in  which  base 
arts  raised  the  meanest  persons  to  the  highest  dignities."  Diet. 
Chris.  Biog.  s.  v.  But  the  chief  cook  may  have  been  a  hio-h 
functionary  like  the  chief  baker  at  the  court  of  the  Pharaohs 
or  the  Lord  High  Steward  at  that  of  St.  James's.  Of  the  eleva- 
tion of  a  menial  to  power  many  parallels  may  be  found.  De- 
mosthenes of  Pontus  afterwards  became  a  partisan  of  the  Semi- 
arians  and  accused  Basil's  brother,  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  of  dis- 
honesty.    Basil.  Epist.  264,  3S5,  405. 

2  cTTotxeioi'  is  a  simple  sound  of  the  voice  as  distinguished 
from  ypOLfjifxa,  a  letter. 


proclaimed  abroad  the  courage  of  good  men. 
Thus  Valens  was  disappointed  in  his  attack. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

0/  the  death  of  the  great  Athanasius  and  the 
election  of  Pet7'us. 

At  Alexandria,  Athanasius  the  victorious, 
after  all  his  struggles,  each  rewarded  with  a 
crown,  received  release  from  his  labours  and 
passed  away  to  the  life  which  knows  no  toil. 
Then  Peter,  a  right  excellent  man,  received 
the  see.  His  blessed  predecessor  had  first 
selected  him,  and  every  suffrage  alike  of  the 
clergy  and  of  men  of  rank  and  office  con- 
curred, and  all  the  people  strove  to  show 
their  delight  by  their  acclamations.  He  had 
shared  the  heavy  labours  of  Athanasius  ;  at 
home  and  abroad  iie  had  been  ever  at  his 
side,  and  with  him  had  undergone  manifold 
perils.  Wherefore  the  bishops  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood hastened  to  meet ;  and  those  who 
dwelt  in  schools  of  ascetic  discipline  left 
them  and  joined  the  company,  and  all  joined 
in  begging  that  Peter  might  be  chosen  to  suc- 
ceed to  the  patriarchal  chair  of  Athanasius.^ 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

On  the  overthrow  of  Petrus  and  the  introduc- 
tion of  Lucius  the  Arian. 

No  sooner  had  they  seated  him  on  the 
episcopal  throne  than  the  governor  of  the 
province  assembled  a  mob  of  Gi'eeks  and 
Jews,  surrounded  the  walls  of  the  church," 
and  bade  Peter  come  forth,  threatening  him 
with  exile  if  he  refused.  He  thus  acted  on 
the  plea  that  he  was  fulfilling  the  emperor's 
good  pleasure  by  bringing  those  of  opposite 
sentiments  into  trouble,  but  the  truth  was  that 
he  was  carried  away  by  his  impious  passion. 
For  he  was  addicted  to  the  service  of  the 
idols,  and  looked  upon  the  storms  which  be- 
set the  Church  as  a  season  of  brilliant  fes- 
tivity. The  admirable  Peter,  however,  when 
he  beheld  the  unforeseen  conflict,  secretly 
withdrew,  and  embarked  in  a  vessel  bound 
for  Rome. 

After  a  few  days  Euzoius  came  from  An- 
tioch  with  Lucius,  and  handed  over  the 
churches  to  him.     This  was  he  of  whose  im- 


1  "  The  discussions  about  the  year  of  his  death  may  be  con- 
sidered as  practically  closed ;  the  Festal  Index,  althbugji  its 
chronology  is  sometimes  faulty,  confirming  the  date  of  373, 
given  in  the  Mafteian  fragment.  The  exact  day,  we  may  be- 
lieve, was  Thursday,  May  2,  on  which  day  of  the  month  Ath- 
anasius is  venerated  in  the  Western  Church.  He  had  sat  on 
the  Alexandrian  throne  forty-six  complete  years.  He  died 
tranquilly  in  his  own  house.'"'  Canon  Bright  in  Diet.  Christ. 
Biog.  S.  V.  .      ,    A   u 

2  The  church  Theonas,  where  Syrianus  nearly  seized  Atha- 
nasius in  356. 


IV.    19.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


121 


piety  and  lawlessness  Samosata  had  already 
had  experience.  But  the  people  nurtured  in 
the  teaching  of  Athanasius,  when  they  now 
saw  how  different  was  the  spiritual  food 
offered  them,  held  aloof  from  the  assemblies 
of  the  Church. 

Lucius,  who  employed  idolators  as  his  at- 
tendants, went  on  scourging  some,  imprison- 
ing others  ;  some  he  drove  to  take  to  flight, 
others'  homes  he  rifled  in  rude  and  cruel 
fashion.  But  all  this  is  better  set  forth  in  the 
letter  of  the  admirable  Peter.  After  recount- 
ing an  instance  of  the  impious  conduct  of 
Lucius  I  shall  insert  the  letter  in  this  work. 

Certain  men  in  Egypt,  of  angelic  life  and 
conversation,  fled  from  the  disquiet  of  the 
state  and  chose  to  live  in  solitude  in  the  wil- 
derness. There  they  made  the  sandy  and 
barren  soil  bear  fruit ;  for  a  fruit  right  sweet 
and  fair  to  God  was  the  virtue  by  whose  law 
they  lived.  Among  many  who  took  the  lead 
in  this  mode  of  life  was  the  far-famed  Anto- 
nius,  most  excellent  master  in  the  school  of 
mortification,  who  made  the  desert  a  training 
place  of  virtue  for  his  hermits.  He  after  all 
his  great  and  glorious  labours  had  reached 
the  haven  where  the  winds  of  trouble  blow  no 
more,  and  then  his  followers  w^ere  persecuted 
by  the  wretched  and  unhappy  Lucius.  All 
the  leaders  of  those  divine  companies,  the 
famous  Macarius,  his  namesake,  Isidorus, 
and  the  rest  ^  were  dragged  out  of  their  caves 
and  des'patched  to  a  certain  island  inhabited 
by  impious  men,  and  never  blessed  with  any 
teacher  of  piety.  When  the  ship  drew  near 
to  the  shore  of  the  island  the  demon  rever- 
enced by  its  inhabitants  departed  from  the 
image  which  had  been  his  time-old  home, 
and  filled  with  frenzy  the  daughter  of  the 
priest.  She  was  driven  in  her  inspired  fury 
to  the  shore  where  the  rowers  were  bringing 
the  ship  to  land.  Making  the  tongue  of  the 
girl  his  instrument,  the  demon  shouted  out 
through  her  the  words  uttered  at  Philippi 
by  the  woman  possessed  with  the  spirit  of 
Python,-  and  was  heard  by  all, both  men  and 


1  There  are  traces  of  some  confusion  about  the  saints  and 
solitaries  of  this  name  at  this  period.  '*  There  were  two  her- 
mits or  monks  of  this  name  both  of  the  4th  c,  both  living  in 
Egypt,  whose  character  and  deeds  are  almost  indisting-uish- 
able."  "  One  of  them  is  said  to  have  been  the  disciple  of 
Anthony,  and  the  master  of  Evagrius."  "The  name  of  Ma- 
carius, like  a  double  star,  shines  as  a  central  light  in  the 
monkish  history,  and  is  enshrined  alike  in  the  Roman  martyr- 
■ologies,  and  in  the  legends  of  the  Greek  church.  Macarius  is 
a  favourite  saint  in  Russia."  (Canon  Fremantle,  Diet.  Christ. 
Biog.  iii.  774.)  cf.  Soc.  iv.  23.  In  iv.  24  Soc.  describes  both 
the  Macarii  as  banished  to  the  island  "which  had  not  a  single 
Christian  inhabitant."     Sozomen  (vi.20)  has  the  same  story. 

There  was  an  Isidorus,  bishop  of  Cyrus  in  37S,  mentioned  by 
Theodoretus  in  his  Religious  History  (1143),  and  an  Isidorus, 
bishop  of  Athribis  in  Egypt,  cf.  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  s.  v.  But 
the  Isidorus  of  the  text  appears  to  have  been  a  monk. 

-  Acts  xvi.  16,  where  the  reading  Trt'cO/ixa  nvdoiva  recommended 
on  the  overwhelming  authority  of  {<ABCD  is  adopted  by  the 
R.  v.,  and  rendered  in  the  margin  *' a  spirit,  a  python."  In 
the  text  it  is  to  irv^v^xa.  toO  ttuSwi/os. 


women,  saying,  "  Alas  for  your  power,  ye 
servants  of  the  Christ ;  everywhere  we  have 
been  driven  forth  by  you  from  town  and 
hamlet,  from  hill  and  height,  from  wastes 
where  no  men  dwell ;  in  yon  islet  we  had 
hoped  to  live  out  of  the  reach  of  your  shafts, 
but  our  hope  was  vain  ;  hither  you  have  been 
sent  by  your  persecutors,  not  to  be  harmed 
by  them,  but  to  drive  us  out.  We  are  quit- 
ting the  island,  for  we  are  being  wounded  by 
the  piercing  rays  of  your  virtue."  With 
these  words,  and  words  like  these,  they 
dashed  the  damsel  to  the  ground,  and  them- 
selves all  fled  together.  But  that  divine  com- 
pany prayed  over  the  girl  and  raised  her  up, 
and  delivered  her  to  her  father  made  whole 
and  in  her  right  mind. 

The  spectators  of  the  miracle  flung  them- 
selves at  the  feet  of  the  new  comers  and  im- 
plored to  be  allowed  to  participate  in  the 
means  of  salvation.  They  destroyed  the 
idol's  grove,  and,  illuminated  by  the  bright 
rays  of  instruction,  received  the  grace  of 
holy  baptism.  On  these  events  becoming 
known  in  Alexandria  all  the  people  met  to- 
gether, reviling  Lucius,  and  saying  that 
wrath  from  God  would  fall  upon  them,  were 
not  that  divine  company  of  saints  to  be  set 
free.  Then  Lucius,  apprehensive  of  a  tu- 
mult in  the  city,  sufiered  the  holy  hermits  to 
go  back  to  their  dens.  Let  this  suflice  to 
give  a  specimen  of  his  impious  iniquity. 
The  sinful  deeds  he  dared  to  do  will  be  more 
clearly  set  forth  by  the  letter  of  the  admirable 
Peter.  I  hesitate  to  insert  it  at  full  length, 
and  so  will  only  quote  some  extracts  from  it. 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

Narrative  of  events  at  Alexandj'ia  in  the  time 
of  Ltccius  the  Arian,  taken  fi'om  a  letter  of 
Petj'iLs^  Bishop  of  Alexandria, 

Palladius  governor  of  the  province,  by 
sect  a  heathen,^  and  one  who  habitually 
prostrated  himself  before  the  idols,  had  fre- 
quently entertained  the  thought  of  waging 
war  against  Christ.  After  collecting  the 
forces  already  enumerated  he  set  out  against 
the  Church,  as  though  he  were  pressing  for- 
ward to  the  subjugation  of  a  foreign  foe. 
Then,  as  is  well  known,  the  most  shocking 
deeds  were  done,  and  at  the  bare  thought  of 
telling  the  story,  its  recollection  fills  me  with 
anguish.     I  have  shed  floods  of  tears,  and  I 


*  e^n/cd?,  '*  foreigner  '*  a  "  gentile."  Another  common  term 
for '*  heathen  "  in  ecclesiastical  Greek  is 'EAAt;-,  but  neit'u>i- 
"  Gentile  "  nor  "  Greek"  expresses  the  required  sense  so  well  as 
"Heathen,"  which,  like  the  cognate  "Pagan,"  simply  denotes 
a  countryman  and  villager,  and  marks  the  age  when  Christian- 
ity was  found  to  be  mainly  in  towns. 


122 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[IV.   19. 


should  have  long  remained  thus  bitterly 
affected  had  I  not  assuaged  my  grief  by 
divine  meditation.  The  crowds  intruded 
into  the  church  called  Theonas  ^  and  there 
instead  of  holy  words  were  uttered  the 
praises  of  idols  ;  there  where  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures had  been  read  might  be  heard  unseemly 
clapping  of  hands  with  unmanly  and  inde- 
cent utterances  ;  there  outrages  were  offered 
to  the  Virgins  of  Christ  which  the  tongue 
refuses  to  utter,  for  "it  is  a  shame  even  to 
speak  of  them. "^  On  only  hearing  of  these 
wrongs  one  of  the  well  disposed  stopped 
his  ears  and  prayed  that  he  might  rather 
become  deaf  than  have  to  listen  to  their 
foul  languao^e.  Would  that  thev  had  been 
content  to  sin  in  word  alone,  and  had  not 
surpassed  the  wickedness  of  word  by  deed, 
for  insult,  however  bad  it  be,  can  be  borne  by 
them  in  whom  dwells  Christ's  wisdom  and 
His  holy  lessons.  But  tliese  same  villains, 
vessels  of  wrath  fitted  for  destruction,^ 
screwed  up  their  noses  and  poured  out,  if  I 
may  so  say,  as  from  a  well-head,  foul  noises 
through  their  nostrils,  and  rent  the  raiment 
from  Christ's  hoi}'  virgins,  whose  conversa- 
tion gave  an  exact  likeness  of  saints  ;  they 
dragged  them  in  triumph,  naked  as  when 
they  were  born,  through  all  the  town  ;  they 
made  indecent  sport  of  them  at  their  pleas- 
ure ;  their  deeds  were  barbarous  and  cruel. 
Did  any  one  in  pity  interfere  and  urge  to 
mercy  he  was  dismissed  with  wounds.  Ah  ! 
woe  is  me.  Many  a  virgin  underwent 
brutal  violation  ;  many  a  maid  beaten  on  the 
head  with  clubs  lay  dumb,  and  even  their 
bodies  were  not  allowed  to  be  given  up  for 
burial,  and  their  grief-stricken  parents  can- 
not find  their  corpses  to  this  day.  But  why 
recount  woes  which  seem  small  when  com- 
pared with  greater.^  VViiy  linger  over  these 
and  not  hurry  on  to  events  more  urgent? 
When  you  hear  them  I  know  that  you  will 
wonder  and  will  stand  with  us  long  dumb, 
amazed  at  the  kindness  of  the  Lord  in  not 
bringing  all  things  utterly  to  an  end.  At  the 
very  altar  the  impious  perpetrated  what,  as 
it  is  written,*  neither  happened  nor  was 
heard  of  in  the  days  of  our  fathers. 

A  boy  who  had  forsworn  his  sex  and 
would  pass  for  a  girl,  with  eyes,  as  it  is 
written,  smeared  with  antimony,''  and  face 
reddened  with  rouge  like  their  idols,  in  wo- 
man's dress,  was  set  up  to  dance  and  wave 
his  hands  about  and  whirl  round  as  thousfh 


1  Vide  note  on  page  120. 

2  Eph.  V.  xii. 

3  Romans  ix.  22. 
*  Joel  i.  2. 

■''  1  adojjt   the   reading  a-Ti^rj  for  (TTt/m/uii.     cf.    Ez.   xxiii.  40 
(Sept.).     ecrn'^t^oi'  Toi)s  6f/)SaAjoi6us  crou. 


he  had  been  at  the  front  of  some  disreputa- 
ble stage,  on  the  holy  altar  itself  where  we 
call  on  the  coming  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  while 
the  by-standers  laughed  aloud  and  rudelv 
raised  unseemly  shouts.  But  as  this  seemed 
to  them  really  rather  decorous  than  im- 
proper, they  went  on  to  proceedings  which 
they  reckoned  in  accordance  with  their  in- 
decency ;  they  picked  out  a  man  who  was 
very  famous  for  utter  baseness,  made  him 
strip  off  at  once  all  his  clothes  and  all  his 
shame,  and  set  him  up  as  naked  as  he  was 
born  on  the  throne  of  the  church,  and  dubbed 
him  a  vile  advocate  against  Christ.  Then 
for  divine  words  he  uttered  shameless  wick- 
edness, for  awful  doctrines  wanton  lewdness, 
for  piety  impiety,  for  continence  fornication, 
adultery,  foul  lust,  theft ;  teaching  that  glut- 
ton)^ and  drunkenness  as  well  as  all  the  rest 
were  good  for  man's  life.^  In  this  state  of 
things  when  even  I  had  withdrawn  from  the 
church^ — for  how  could  I  remain  where 
troops  w^ere  coming  in— -where  a  mob  was 
bribed  to  violence — where  all  were  striving  for 
gain  —  where  mobs  of  heathen  were  making 
mighty  promises? — forth,  forsooth,  is  sent 
a  successor  in  my  place.  It  was  one  named 
Lucius,  who  had  bought  the  bishopric  as  he 
might  some  dignity  of  this  world,  eager  to 
maintain  the  bad  character  and  conduct  of  a 
wolf.^  No  synod  of  orthodox  bishops  had 
chosen  him  ;  **  no  vote  of  genuine  clergy ;  no 
laity  had  demanded  him  ;  as  the  laws  of  the 
church  enjoin. 

Lucius  could  not  make  his  entrance  into 
the  city  without  parade,  and  so  he  was  ap- 
propriately escorted  not  by  bishops,  not  by 
presbyters,  not  by  deacons,  not  by  multi- 
tudes of  the  laity  ;  no  monks  preceded  him 
chanting  psalms  from  the  Scriptures ;  but 
there  was  Euzoius,  once  a  deacon  of  our 
city  of  Alexandria,  and  long  since  degraded 
along  with  Arius  in  the  great  and  holy 
synod  of  Nicaea,  and  more  recently  raised  to 
rule  and  ravage  the  see  of  Antioch,  and 
there,  too,  was  Magnus  the  treasurer,"  notori- 
ous for  every  kind  of  impiety,  leading  a  vast 
body  of  troops.  In  the  reign  of  Julian  this 
Magnus  had  burnt  the    church    at   Berytus,'^ 

1  cf.  Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  xxv.  12.  p.  464  Ed.  Migne. 

2  cf.  Soc.  21. 

3  Observe  the  pun. 

*  On  the  subject  of  episcopal  election,  vide  Diet.  Christ. 
Biog.  iy.  335. 

■''  6  Tu)u  KOfxT/jTaTvcrKtii'  Sk  KaoyiTLoviop  KOfj-iji;.  Valesius  says, "the- 
sauri principis,qui  vulgn  sacric  largitiones  dicebantur,  alii  erant 
per  singulas  diotceses  quibus  proeerant  comites.  Alii  erant  m 
cnmitatu  una  cum  principe,  qui  coniitatenses  largiiionus  dice- 
bantur.    His  praeerat  comes  largitionum  comitatensium." 

(^  Beyrout,  between  the  ancient  Byblus  and  Sldon.  Near 
here  St.  Georjre  killed  the  dragon,  according  to  ihe  legend. 
Our  patron  saint's  dragon  does  not  seem  to  have  been,  as  may 
possibly  have  been  the  case  m  some  similar  stories,  a  surviv- 
ing Saurian,  but  smijilv  a  materialization  of  some  picture  of 
George  vanquishing  the  old  dragon,  the  Devil. 


IV.   19.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


123 


the  famous  city  of  Phoenicia  ;  and,  in  the 
reign  of  Jovian  of  blessed  memory,  after 
barely  escaping  decapitation  by  numerous 
appeals  to  the  imperial  compassion,  had 
been  compelled  to  build  it  up  again  at  his 
own  expense. 

Now  I  invoke  your  zeal  to  rise  in  our 
vindication.  From  what  I  write  you  ought 
to  be  able  to  calculate  the  character  and 
extent  of  the  wrons^s  committed  ajrainst  the 
Church  of  God  by  the  starting  up  of  this 
Lucius  to  oppose  us.  Often  rejected  by 
your  piety  and  by  the  orthodox  bishops  01 
every  region,  he  seized  on  a  city  which  had 
just  and  righteous  cause  to  regard  and  treat 
him  as  a  foe.  For  he  does  not  merely  say 
like  the  blasphemous  fool  in  the  psalms 
''  Christ  is  not  true  God."  ^  But,  corrupt 
himself,  he  corrupted  others,  rejoicing  in 
the  blasphemies  uttered  continually  against 
the  Saviour  by  them  who  worshipped  the 
creature  instead  of  the  Creator.  The 
scoundrel's  opinions  being  quite  on  a  par 
with  those  of  a  heathen,  why  should  he  not 
venture  to  worship  a  new-made  God,  for 
these  were  the  phrases  with  which  he  was 
publicly  greeted  "Welcome,  bishop,  be- 
cause thou  deniest  the  Son.  Serapis  loves 
thee  and  has  brought  thee  to  us."  So  they 
named  their  native  idol.  Then  without  an 
interval  of  delay  the  afore-named  Magnus, 
inseparable  associate  in  the  villainy  of  Lu- 
cius, cruel  body-guard,  savage  lieutenant, 
collected  together  all  the  multitudes  com- 
mitted to  his  care,  and  arrested  presbyters 
and  deacons  to  the  number  of  nineteen,  some 
of  whom  were  eighty  years  of  age,  on  the 
charge  of  being  concerned  in  some  foul 
violation  of  Roman  law.  He  constituted  a 
public  tribunal,  and,  in  ignorance  of  the 
laws  of  Christians  in  defence  of  virtue,  en- 
deavoured to  compel  them  to  give  up  the 
faith  of  their  fathers  which  had  been  handed 
down  from  the  apostles  through  the  fathers 
to  us.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  maintain 
that  this  would  be  gratifying  to  the  most 
merciful  and  clement  Valens  Augustus. 
"  Wretched  man"  he  shouted  "  accept,  ac- 
cept the  doctrine  of  the  Arians  ;  God  will 
pardon  you  even  though  you  worship  with 
a  true  worship,  if  you  do  this  not  of  your 
own  accord  but  because  you  are  compelled. 
There  is  always  a  defence  for  irresponsible 
compulsion,  while  free  action  is  responsible 
and  much  followed  by  accusation.  Consider 
well  these  arguments  ;  come  willingly  ;  away 
with  all  delay;  subscribe  the  doctrine  of 
Arius    preached    now    by    Lucius,"    (so    he 

^  Ps.  xiv.  I.  The  Sept.  reads  EIttci'  a<i>pu)v  eu  KapSia  avrov  ovk 
€<rTt  0e6?,  which  admits  of  the  translation  '*  He  is  not  God." 


introduced  him  by  name)  "being  well  as- 
sured that  if  you  obey  you  will  have  wealth 
and  honour  from  your  prince,  while  if  you 
refuse  you  will  be  punished  by  chains,  rack, 
torture,  scourge  and  cruel  torments  ;  you  will 
be  deprived  of  your  property  and  posses- 
sions ;  you  will  be  driven  into  exile  and  con- 
demned to  dwell  in  savage  regions." 

Thus  this  noble  character  mixed  intimi- 
dation with  deceit  and  so  endeavoured  to 
persuade  and  compel  the  people  to  aposta- 
tise from  true  religion.  They  however 
knew  full  well  how  true  it  is  that  the  pain 
of  treachery  to  right  religion  is  sharper  than 
any  torment ;  they  refused  to  lower  their 
virtue  and  noble  spirit  to  his  trickery  and 
threats,  and  were  thus  constrained  to  answer 
him.  "  Cease,  cease  trying  to  frighten  us 
with  these  words,  utter  no  more  vain  words. 
We  worship  no  God  of  late  arrival  or  of 
new  invention.  Foam  at  us  if  you  will 
in  the  vain  tempest  of  your  fury  and  dash 
yourselves  against  us  like  a  furious  wind. 
We  abide  by  the  doctrines  of  true  religion 
even  unto  deatli  ;  we  have  never  regarded 
God  as  impotent,  or  as  unwise,  or  untrue, 
as  at  one  time  a  Father  and  at  another  not 
a  Father,  as  this  impious  Arian  teaches, 
making  the  Son  a  being  of  time  and  transi- 
tory. For  if,  as  the  Ariomaniacs  say,  the 
Son  is  a  creature,  not  being  naturally  of  one 
substance  with  the  Father,  the  Father  too 
will  be  reduced  to  non-existence  by  the  non- 
existence of  the  Son,  not  being  as  they 
assert  at  one  period  a  Father.  But  if  He  is 
ever  a  Father,  his  offspring  being  truly  of 
Him,  and  not  by  derivation,  for  God  is  im- 
passible, how  is  not  he  mad  and  foolish  who 
says  of  the  Son  through  whom  all  things 
came  by  grace  into  existence,  "there  was 
a  time  when  he  was  not." 

These  men  have  truly  become  fatherless 
by  falling  away  from  our  fathers  throughout 
the  world  who  assembled  at  Nictea,  and 
anathematized  the  false  doctrine  of  Arius, 
now  defended  by  this  later  champion.  They 
laid  down  that  the  Son  w^as  not  as  you  are 
now  compelling  us  to  say,  of  a  different 
substance  from  the  Father,  but  of  one  and 
the  same.  This  their  pious  intelh'gence 
clearly  perceived,  and  so  from  an  adequate 
collation  of  divine  terms  they  owned  Him 
to  be  consubstantial. 

Advancing  these  and  other  similar  argu- 
ments, they  were  imprisoned  for  many  days 
in  the  hope  that  they  might  be  induced  to 
fall  awav  from  their  right  mind,  but  the 
ratiier,  like  the  noblest  of  the  atliletes  in  a 
Stadiimi,  thev  crushed  all  fear,  and  from 
time  to  time  as  it  were   anointino^  themselves 


124 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[IV.   19. 


with  the  thought  of  the  bold  deeds  done  by 
their  fathers,  through  the  help  of  holy 
thoughts  maintained  a  nobler  constancy  in 
piety,  and  treated  the  rack  as  a  training 
place  for  virtue.  While  they  were  thus 
struofoflins,  and  had  become,  as  writes  the 
blessed  Paul,  a  spectacle  to  angels  and  to 
men,^  the  whole  city  ran  up  to  gaze  at 
Christ's  athletes,  vanquishing  by  stout  en- 
<lurance  the  scourges  of  the  judge  who  was 
torturing  them,  winning  by  patience  trophies 
against  impiety,  and  exhibiting  triumphs 
against  Arians.  So  their  savage  enemy 
thought  that  by  threats  and  torments  he 
could  subdue  and  deliver  them  to  the 
enemies  of  Christ.  Thus  therefore  the  sav- 
age and  inhuman  tyrant  evilly  entreated 
them  by  inflicting  on  them  the  tortures  that 
his  cruel  ingenuity  devised,  while  all  the 
people  stood  wailing  and  shewing  their 
sorrow  in  various  ways.  Then  he  once  more 
mustered  his  troops,  who  were  disciplined 
in  disorder,  and  summoned  the  martyrs  to 
trial,  or  as  it  might  rather  be  called,  to  a 
foregone  condemnation,  by  the  seaport, 
while  after  their  fashion  hired  cries  were 
raised  against  them  by  the  idolaters  and 
the  Jews.  On  then*  refusal  to  yield  to  the 
manifest  heresy  of  the  Ariomaniacs  they 
were  sentenced,  while  all  the  people  stood 
in  tears  before  the  tribunal,  to  be  deported 
from  Alexandria  to  the  Phoenician  Heliopo- 
lis,'  a  place  where  none  of  the  inhabitants, 
w^ho  are  all  given  over  to  idols,  can  endure 
so  much  as  to  hear  the  name  of  Christ. 

After  giving  them  the  order  to  embark, 
Magnus  stationed  himself  at  the  port,  for 
he  had  delivered  his  sentence  against  them 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  public  baths. 
He  shovved  them  his  sword  unsheathed, 
thinking  that  he  could  thus  strike  terror  into 
men  who  had  again  and  again  smitten  hos- 
tile demons  to  the  ground  with  their  two- 
edged  blade.  So  he  bade  them  put  out  to 
sea,  though  they  had  got  no  provisions  on 
board,  and  were  starting  without  one  single 
comfort  for  their  exile.  Strange  and  almost 
incredible  to  relate,  the  sea  was  all  afoam  ; 
grieved,  I  think,  and  unwilling,  if  I  may  so 
say,  to  receive  the  good  men  upon  its  sur- 
face, and  so  have  part  or  lot  in  an  unright- 
eous sentence.  Now  even  to  the  ignorant 
was  made  manifest  the  savage  purpose  of 
the  judge  and  it  may  truly  be  said  "  at  this 
the  heavens  stood  astonished."^ 


^  I.  Cor.  iv.  9. 

-  In  Cale  Syria,  near  the  sources  of  the  Orontes,  where  the 
ruins  of  the  temple  of  the  sun  built  by  Antoninus  Pius  are 
known  by  the  modern  equivalent  of  the  oljcler  title  —  Baal- 
Bek.  "  the  city  of  the  sun." 

■'' Jer.  ii.  12.  A  \.  "Be  astonished,  O  ye  heavens." 
But  in  Sept.  as  in  text  i^earr}  o  ovpapb<;  inl  tovtw. 


The  whole  city  groaned,  and  is  lament- 
ing to  this  day.  Some  men  beating  on 
their  breast  with  one  hand  after  another 
raised  a  mighty  noise ;  others  lifted  up  at 
once  their  hands  and  eyes  to  heaven  in  testi- 
mony of  the  wrong  inflicted  on  them,  and  so 
saying  in  all  but  words,  "  Hear,  O  heavens, 
and  give  ear,  O  earth,"  ^  what  unlawful 
deeds  are  being  done.  Now  all  was  weeping 
and  wailing;  singing  and  sighing  sounded 
through  all  the  town,  and  from  every  eye 
flowed  a  river  of  tears  which  threatened  to 
overwhelm  the  very  sea  with  its  tide.  There 
was  the  aforesaid  Magnus  on  the  port  order- 
ing the  rowers  to  hoist  the  sails,  and  up  went 
a  mingled  cry  of  maids  and  matrons,  old 
men  and  young,  all  sobbing  and  lamenting 
together,  and  the  noise  of  the  multitude 
overwhelmed  the  roar  raised  by  the  waves 
on  the  foaming  sea.  So  the  martvrs  sailed 
ofl'for  Heliopolis,  where  every  man  is  given 
over  to  superstition,-  where  flourish  the 
devil's  ways  of  pleasure,  and  where  the  sit- 
uation of  the  cit}',  surrounded  on  all  sides  by 
mountains  that  approach  the  sky,  is  fitted  for 
the  terrifying  lairs  of  wild  beasts.  All  the 
friends  they  left  behind  now  alike  in  public 
in  the  middle  of  the  town  and  each  in  private 
apart  groaned  and  uttered  words  of  grief, 
and  were  even  forbidden  to  weep,  at  the 
order  of  Palladius,  j^refect  of  the  city,  who 
happened  himself  to  be  a  man  quite  given 
over  to  superstition.  Many  of  the  mourners 
were  first  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison, 
and  then  scourged,  torn  with  carding  combs, 
tortured,  and,  champions  as  they  were  of 
the  church  in  their  holy  enthusiasm,  wei'e 
despatched  to  the  mines  of  Phennesus  ^  and 
Proconnesus.'* 

Most  of  them  were  monks,  devoted  to  a 
life  of  ascetic  solitude,  and  were  about 
twent3^-three  in  number.  Not  long  after- 
wards the  deacon  w4io  had  been  sent  by  our 
beloved  Damasus,  bishop  of  Rome,  to  bring 
us  letters  of  consolation  and  communion, 
was  led  publicly  through  the  town  by 
executioners,  with  his  hands  tied  behind  his 
back  like  some  notorious  criminal.  After 
sharing  the  tortures  inflicted  on  murderers, 
he  was  terribly  scourged  with  stones  and 
bits  of  lead  about  his  very  neck.^  He  went 
on  board  ship  to  sail,  like  the  rest,  with  the 


1  Isaiah  1.2. 

2  Here  the  obvious  sense  of  SeicriSat/i.oi'cJi'  matches  the  "su- 
perstitious" of  A.  V.  in  Acts  17.  22. 

8  Valesius  identifies  Phennesus  with  Phynon  in  Arabia 
Petrxa,  now  Tafileh. 

*The  island  of  Marmara  in  the  sea  of  that  name. 

5  The  Roman  "  Flagellum  "  was  a  frightful  instrument  of 
torture,  and  is  distinguished  from  the  "  scutica,"  or  whip,  and 
"  virga,"  or  r-od.  It  was  knotted  with  bones  and  bits  of  metal, 
and  sometimes  ended  in  a  hook.  Horace  (Sat.  1.  iii.  119) 
calls  it  "  horribile." 


IV.    20.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


125 


mark  of  the  sacred  cross  upon  his  brow  ;  with 
none  to  aid  and  none  to  tempt  him  he  was 
despatched  to  the  copper  mines  of  Phen- 
nesus.  During  the  tortures  inflicted  by  the 
magistrate  on  the  tender  bodies  of  little 
boys,  some  have  been  left  lying  on  the 
spot  deprived  of  holy  rites  of  burial,  though 
parents  and  brothers  and  kinsfolk,  and  in- 
deed the  whole  city,  begged  that  this  one  con- 
solation might  be  given  them.  But  alas  for 
the  inhumanity  of  the  judge,  if  indeed  he 
can  be  called  judge  who  only  condemns ! 
They  who  had  contended  nobly  for  the  true 
religion  were  assigned  a  worse  fate  felian  a 
murderer's,  their  bodies  lying,  as  they  did, 
unburied.  The  glorious  champions  were 
thrown  to  be  devoured  by  beasts  and  birds 
of  prey.^  Those  who  were  anxious  for  con- 
science' sake  to  express  sympathy  with  the 
parents  were  punished  by  decapitation,  as 
though  they  had  broken  some  law.  What 
Roman  law,  nay  what  foreign  sentiment, 
ever  inflicted  punishment  for  the  expression 
of  sympathy  with  parents.^  What  instance 
is  there  of  the  perpetration  of  so  illegal  a 
deed  by  any  one  of  the  ancients.'*  The  male 
children  of  the  Hebrews  were  indeed  once 
ordered  to  be  slain  by  Pharaoh,  but  his  edict 
was  suggested  by  envy  and  by  fear.  How 
far  greater  the  inhumanity  of  our  day  than 
of  his.  How  preferable,  if  there  be  a  choice 
in  unrighteousness,  their  wrongs  to  ours. 
How  much  better ;  if  what  is  illegal  can  be 
called  good  or  bad,  though  in  truth  iniquity 
is  always  iniquity. 

I  am  writing  what  is  incredible,  inhuman, 
awful,  savage,  barbarous,  pitiless,  cruel. 
But  in  all  this  the  votaries  of  the  Arian 
madness  pranced,  as  it  were,  with  proud 
exultation,  while  the  whole  city  was  lament- 
ing;  for,  as  it  is  written  in  Exodus,  '*  there 
was  not  a  house  in  which  there  was  not  one 
dead."  2 

The  men  whose  appetite  for  iniquity  was 
never  satisfied  planned  new  agitation.  Ever 
wreaking  their  evil  will  in  evil  deeds,  they 
darted  the  peculiar  venom  of  their  iniquity 
at  the  bishops  of  the  province,  using  the 
aforesaid  treasurer  Magnus  as  the  instrument 
of  their  unrighteousness. 

Some  they  delivered  to  the  Senate,  some 
they  trapped  at  their  good  pleasure,  leaving 
no  stone  unturned  in  their  anxiety  to  hunt  in 


^ct.   Soph.  Ant.  30,   Where    the  corpse  of  Polvneikes    is 
described  as  left 


"  unwept  unsepulchred 


A  prize  full  rich  for  birds."     (Plumptre.) 
Christian  sentiment  is  still  affected  by  the  horror  felt  by  the 
Greeks  at  deprivation  of  the  rites  of  burial  which  finds  striking 
expression  in  the  dispute  between  Teucer  and  Menelaos  about 
the  burinl  of  Ajax. 
2  Ex.  xii.  30. 


all  from  every  quarter  to  impiety,  going 
about  in  all  directions,  and  like  the  devil,  the 
proper  father  of  heresy,  they  sought  wiiom 
they  might  devour.^ 

In  all,  after  many  fruitless  efforts,  they 
drove  into  exile  to  Dio-C^esarea,^  a  city  in- 
habited by  Jews,  murderers  of  the  Lord, 
eleven  of  the  bishops  of  Egypt,  all  of  them 
men  who  from  childhood  to  old  as"e  had 
lived  an  ascetic  life  in  the  desert,  had  sub- 
dued their  inclinations  to  pleasure  by  reason 
and  by  discipline,  had  fearlessly  preached 
the  true  faith  of  piety,  had  imbibed  the 
pious  doctrines,  had  again  and  again  won 
victory  against  demons,  were  ever  putting 
the  adversary  out  of  countenance  by  their 
virtue,  and  publicly  posting  the  Arian  heresy 
b}^  wisest  argument.  Yet  like  Hell,'^  not 
satisfied  with  the  death  of  their  brethren, 
fools  and  madmen  as  they  were,  eager  to  win 
a  reputation  by  their  evil  deeds,  they  tried  to 
leave  memorials  in  all  the  world  of  their 
own  cruelty.  For  lo  now  they  roused  the 
imperial  attention  against  certain  clerics  of 
the  catholic  church  who  were  living  at  An- 
tioch,  together  with  some  excellent  monks 
who  came  forward  to  testify  against  their  evil 
deeds.  They  got  these  men  banished  to 
Neocassarea "  in  Pontus,  w^here  they  were 
soon  deprived  of  life  in  consequence  of  the 
sterility  of  the  country.  Such  tragedies 
were  enacted  at  this  period,  fit  indeed  to  be 
consigned  to  silence  and  oblivion,  but  given  a 
place  in  history  for  the  condemnation  of  the 
men  who  wag  their  tongues  against  the  Only 
begotten,  and  infected  as  they  were  with  the 
raving  madness  of  blasphemy,  strive  not 
only  to  aim  their  shafts  at  the  Master  of  the 
universe,  but  further  waged  a  truceless  war 
against  His  faithful  servants. 

CHAPTER   XX. 

0/  Mam'a,^   Queen  of  the  Saracens^  and  the 
ordination^  of  Moses  the  monk. 

At  this  time  '  the  Ishmaelites  were  devas- 
tating the  country  in  the  neighbourhood  of 


1  I.  Peter  V.  8. 

2  Now  Sefurieh,  anciently  Sepphoris;  an  unimportant  place 
till  erected  by  Herod  Antipas  into  the  capital  of  Galilee. 

3  Proverbs  xxvii.  20. 

*  Now  Niksar,  on  the  river  Lykus,  the  scene  of  two  councils ; 
(i.)  a.d.  315,  when  the  first  canon  ordered  every  priest  to  forfeit 
his  orders  on  marriage  (Mansi  ii.  539)  (ii.)  a.d.  350,  when 
Eustathius  of  Sebaste  was  condemned  (Mansi,  iii.  291). 

6  cf.  Soz.  vi.  38,  and  Soc.  iv.  36. 

6  The  word  used  is  x'^'-P<>-^ov'-o->  of  which  it  is  well  to  trace  the 
varying  usages.  These  are  given  by  the  late  Rev.  E,  Hatch 
(Diet.  Christ.  Ant.  ii.  1501)  as  follows.  "This  word  is  used 
(a)  in  the  N.  T.  Acts  xiv,  24,  xfipoToj/jjo-ai/Te?  5e  avToi?  kot' 
kKKkr\<ji.av  irpeajSuTepou?  :  II.  Cor.  viii.  19  (of  Titus)  xetporoi'rj^ei? 
vn-b  rtMV  iKK\r)<Tiu}v ;  (b)  in  sub-apostolic  Greek,  Ignat.  ad 
Philad.  c.  10;  (c)  in  the  Clementines,  Clement.  Ep.  ad  Jacob. 
c.  2;  (d)  in  the  Apostolical  Constitution;  (e)  in  the  Canon 
Law;  (f)  in  the  Civil  Law.     Its  meaning  was  originally  "to 

i.  e.  about  375, 


126 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[IV.    21,  22. 


the  Roman  frontier.  They  were  led  by 
Mavia,  a  princess  who  regarded  not  the  sex 
which  nature  liad  given  her,  and  displayed 
the  spirit  and  courage  of  a  man.  After 
many  engagements  she  made  a  truce,  and, 
on  receiving  the  light  of  divine  knowledge, 
begged  that  to  the  dignit}^  of  high  priest  of 
her  tribe  might  be  advanced  one,  Moses  by 
name,  who  dwelt  on  the  confines  of  Egypt 
and  Palestine.  This  request  Valens  granted, 
and  ordered  the  holy  man  to  be  conveyed  to 
Alessandria,  and  there,  as  the  most  con- 
venient place  in  the  neighbourhood,  to  receive 
episcopal  grace.  When  he  had  arrived  and 
saw  Lucius  endeavouring  to  lay  hands  on 
him  —  ''  God  forbid"  said  he  *'  that  I  should 
be  ordained  by  thine  hand :  the  grace  of 
the  Spirit  visits  us  not  at  thy  calling." 
"Whence,"  said  Lucius,  "are  you  led  to 
conjecture  this.^"  He  rejoined  "I  am  not 
speaking  of  conjecture  but  of  clear  know- 
ledge ;  for  thou  fightest  against  the  apostolic 
decrees,  and  speakest  words  against  them, 
and  for  thy  blasphemous  utterances  thy  law- 
less deeds  are  a  match.  For  what  impious 
man  has  not  on  thy  account  mocked  the 
meetings  of  the  Church.^  What  excellent 
man  has  not  been  exiled?  What  barbarous 
savagery  is  not  thrown  into  the  shade  by 
thy  daily  deeds.'*  "  So  the  brave  man  said, 
and  the  murderer  heard  him  and  desired 
to  slay  him,  but  was  afraid  of  kindling 
once  asrain  the  war  which  had  come  to  an 
end.  Wherefore  he  ordered  other  bishops 
to  be  produced  whom  Moses  had  requested. 
After  receiving  the  episcopal  grace  of  the 
right  worthy  faith  Moses  returned  to  the 
people  who  had  asked  for  him,  and  by  his 
apostolic  teaching  and  miracles  led  them  in 
the  way  that  leads  to  truth. ^ 

elect,"  but  it  came  afterwards  to  mean  even  in  classical  Greeki 
simply  "  to  appoint  to  ofiice,"  without  itself  indicating-  the 
particular  mode  of  appointment  (cf.  Schomann  de  Comitiis,  p. 
122) .  That  the  latter  was  its  ordinary  meaning  in  Hellenistic 
Greek,  and  consequently  in  the  first  ages  of  church  history,  is 
•clear  from  a  large  number  of  instances;  e.  g.  in  Josephus  vi. 
13,  9,  it  IS  used  of  the  appointment  of  David  as  King  by  God; 
id.  xiii,  23,  of  the  appointment  of  Jonathan  as  High  Priest  by 
Alexander;  in  Philo  li,  76  it  is  used  of  the  appointment  of 
Joseph  as  governor  by  Pharaoh;  in  Lucian,  de  morte  Pere- 
grini  c.  41  of  the  appointment  of  ambassadors.  "  In  Sozomen 
vii,  24  of  the  appointment  of  Arcadlus  as  Augustus  by  Theo- 
dosius."  "  In  later  times  a  new  connotation  appears  of  which 
there  is  no  early  trace;  it  \vas  used  of  the  stretching  out  of  the 
bishop's  hands  in  the  rite  of  imposition  of  hands."  The  writer 
of  the  above  seems  hardly  to  do  justice  to  its  early  use  for  or- 
dination as  well  as  for  appointment.  In  the  Pseudo-Ig.  ad. 
Her.  c  iii,  it  is  said  of  bishops  eKeii'ot  xeiporoi'oOcri,  x^tpo^f'oi'O't 
and  Bp.  Lightfoot  comments  "  while  x^'-po^^'^'-"-  '^  used  of 
laying  on  of  hands,  e.  g.  in  confirmation,  x^i-poTovLa  is  said  of 
ordination,  e.  g.  Ap.  Const,  viii.  27.  '  €niaKoiTO<;  vno  rpiwv  r] 
8uo  eTTto-KOTrwi/  x^'^P°^°''«'-o^^'^''  Referring  originally  to  the 
election  of  the  Clergy  yj^iftojovlo.  came  afterwards  to  be  applied 
commonly,  as  here,  to  their  ordination.^^  Theodoretus  uses 
the  word  in  both  senses,  and  sometimes  either  will  fit  in  with 
th'j  context. 

1  Sozomen  (vi.  3S)  describes  Lucius  as  remonstrating  in 
moderate  language.  "  Do  not  judge  of  me  before  you  know 
whnt  my  creed  is."  Socrates  (iv.  36)  makes  Moses  charge 
I>ucius  with  condemning  the  orthodox  to  exile,  beasts,  and 
burning.    On  Socrates  Valesius  annotates  '*  Hanc  narrationem 


These  then  were  the  deeds  done  by  Lucius 
in  Alexandria  under  the  dispensation  of  the 
providence  of  God. 

CHAPTER    XXI. 

At  Constantinople  the  Arians  filled  a  boat 
with  pious  presbyters  and  drove  her  without 
ballast  out  to  sea,  putting  some  of  their  own 
men  on  another  craft  with  orders  to  set  the 
presbyters'  boat  on  fire.  So,  fighting  at  the 
same  time  against  both  sea  and  flames,  at 
last  they  were  delivered  to  the  deep,  and 
won  the  martyrs'  crown. 

At  Antioch  Valens  spent  a  considerable 
time,  and  gave  complete  license  to  all  who, 
under  cover  of  the  Christian  name,  pagans, 
Jews  and  the  rest,  preached  doctrines  contrary 
to  those  of  the  gospel.  The  slaves  of  this 
error  even  went  so  far  as  to  perform  pagan 
rites,  and  thus  the  deceitful  fire  which,  after 
Julian,  had  been  quenched  by  Jovian,  was 
now  rekindled  by  permission  of  Valens.  The 
rites  of  Jews,  of  Dionysus,  and  of  Demeter 
were  now  no  longer  performed  in  a  corner, 
as  they  would  be  in  a  pious  reign,  but  by 
revellers  running  wild  in  the  forum.  Valens 
was  a  foe  to  none  but  them  that  held  the 
apostolic  doctrine.  First  he  drove  them 
from  their  churches,  the  illustrious  Jovian 
having  given  them  also  the  new  built  church. 
And  when  they  assembled  close  up  to  the 
mountain  clifi'  to  honour  their  Master  in 
hymns,  and  enjoy  the  word  of  God,  putting 
up  with  all  the  assaults  of  the  weather,  now 
of  rain,  now  of  snow  and  cold,  and  now  of 
violent  heat,  they  were  not  even  suffered  this 
poor  protection,  and  troops  were  sent  to 
scatter  them  far  and  wide. 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

How  Flavianus   and  Diodorus     gathered  the 
church  of  the  orthodox  in  Antioch. 

Now  Flavianus  and  Diodorus,  like  break- 
waters, broke  the  force  of  the  advancing 
waves.  Meletius  their  shepherd  had  been 
constrained  to  sojourn  far  away.  But  these 
looked  after  the  flock,  opposing  their  own 
courage  and  cunning  to  the  wolves,  and 
bestowing  due  care  upon  the  sheep.  Now 
that  they  were  driven  away  from  under  the 
clifl^they  fed  their  flocks  by  the  banks  of  the 
neighbouring  river.  They  could  not  brook, 
like   the  captives   at  Babylon,  to  hang  their 

de  episcopo  Saracenis  dato  et  de  pace  cum  lisdem  facta, 
desumpsit  quidem  Socrates,  ex  Rufini  lib.  ii.  6."  Lucius  was 
ejected  from  Alexandria  when  the  reign  of  Valens  ended  with 
his  death  in37S.  Theodoretus  appears  to  confound  this  Lucius 
with  an  Arian  Lucius  who  usurped  the  see  of  Samosata.  Vide 
chap,  xviii, 

iCf.  ante,  ii.  19.  page  85. 


IV.  23.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


127 


harps  upon  the  willows/  but  they  continued 
to  hymn  their  maker  and  benefactor  in  all 
places  of  his  dominion.-  But  not  even  in 
this  spot  was  the  meeting  of  the  pious  pas- 
tors of  them  that  blessed  the  Lord  suffered 
by  the  foe  to  be  assembled.  So  again  this 
pair  of  excellent  shepherds  gathered  their 
sheep  in  the  soldiers'  training  ground  and 
there  tried  to  show  them  their  spiritual  food 
in  secret.  Diodorus,  in  his  wisdom  and 
courage,  like  a  clear  and  mighty  river, 
watered  his  own  and  drowned  the  blasphe- 
mies of  his  opponents,  thinking  nothing  of 
the  splendour  of  his  birth,  and  gladly  under- 
going the  sufferings  of  the  faith. 

The  excellent  Flavianus,  who  was  also  of 
the  highest  rank,  thought  piety  the  only 
nobility,'^  and,  like  some  trainer  for  the 
games,  anointed  the  great  Diodorus  *  as 
though  he  had  been  an  athlete  for  five  con- 
tests.^ 

At  that  time  he  did  not  himself  preach  at 
the  services  of  the  church,  but  furnished  an 
abundant  supply  of  arguments  and  scriptural 
thoughts  to  preachers,  who  were  thus  able 
to  aim  their  shafts  at  the  blasphemy  of 
Arius,  while  he  as  it  were  handed  them 
the  arrows  of  his  intelligence  from  a  quiver. 
Discoursing  alike  at  home  and  abroad  he 
easily  rent  asunder  the  heretics'  nets  and 
showed  their  defences  to  be  mere  spiders' 
webs.  He  was  aided  in  these  contests  by 
that  Aphraates  whose  life  I  have  written  in 
my  Religious  History,^  and  who,  preferring 
the  welfare  of  the  sheep  to  his  own  rest, 
abandoned  his  cell  of  discipline  and  retire- 
ment, and  undertook  the  hard  toil  of  a 
shepherd.  Having  written  on  these  matters 
in  another  work  I  deem  it  now  superfluous 
to  recount  the  wealth  of  virtue  which  he 
amassed,  but  one  specimen  of  his  good 
deeds  I  will  proceed  now  to  relate,  as  spe- 
cially appropriate  to  this  history. 

CHAPTER   XXni. 

0/  tlie  holy  monk  ApJwaates. 

On  the  north  of  the  river  Orontes  lies' the 
palace.  On  the  South  a  vast  two  storied 
portico  is  built  on  the  city  wall  with  lofty 


1  Psalm  cxxxvii. 

-  Psalm  ciii.  22. 

3  cf.  '*  Virtus  sola  nobilitas." 

*  Diodorus  was  now  a  presbyter,  Chrysost.  (Laus  Diodori 
§  4.  torn.  iii.  p.  749")  describes  how  the  whole  city  assembled 
and  were  fed  by  his  tongue  flowing  with  milk  and  honey, 
themselves  meanwhile  supplying  his  necessities  with  their 
gifts.  Valens  retorted  with  redoubled  violence,  and  antici- 
pated the  "  noyades  "  of  Carrier  at  Lyons,  cf.  Socrates  iv.  17 
and  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  ii.  529. 

5  The  five  contests  of  the  complete  athlete  are  summed  up 
in  the  line 

aA(u.a,  Troood/cetTjf,  SiVkov,  aKOvra,  ■n6.\r\v. 

^  Relig.  Hist.  viii. 


towers  on  either  side.     Between  the  palace 
and    the    river    lies    a    public    way    open    to 
passengers  from  the  town,   through  the  gate 
in  this  quarter,  and  leading  to  the  country  in 
the  suburbs.     The  godly  Aphraates  Vv^as  once 
passing  along  this   thoroughfare   on  his  way 
to  the  soldiers'  training  ground,  in  order  to 
perform  the  duty  of  serving  his  flock.     The 
emperor     happened     to    be    looking    down 
from   a   gallery  in   the  palace,  and  saw  him 
going    by    wearing    a     cloak    of   undressed 
goat's  skin,^  and  walking  rapidly,  though  "of 
advanced  age.     On  its  being  remarked  that 
this    was   Aphraates   to  whom  all  the  town 
was   then   attached,    the    emperor    cried   out 
"  Where  are  you  going  .^    Tell  us."    Readily 
and    cleverly    he    answered     "  To    pray    for 
your   empire."       ''You   had   better   stop    at 
home  "  said   the  emperor  "  and    pray  alone 
like    a    monk."       "Yes,"    said    the    divine 
man,     ''  so  I  was    bound     to     do    and    so 
I    always    did     till    now,    as    long    as      the 
Saviour's    sheep    were    at   peace ;    but    now 
that    they    are    grievously    disturbed    and  in 
great     peril    of  being   caught    by    beasts,    I 
needs    must  leave  no  means  untried  to  save 
the  nurslings.     For  tell  me,  sir,  had  I  been 
a  girl    sitting  in   my  chamber,  and  looking 
after  the    house,    and    had    seen    a    flash    of 
flame  fall    and    my    father's    house    on    fire, 
what  ought  I   to  do?     Tell   me;  sit  within 
and  never  mind  the  house  being  on  fire,  and 
wait  for  the  flame  to  approach?    or  bid  my 
bower  good  bye  and  run  up  and  dowm  and 
get  water  and  try  to  quench  the  flame?     Of 
course  you  will  say  the  latter,  for  so  a  quick 
and    spirited    girl   would    do.     And    that   is 
what  I  am  doing    now,  sir.     You   have  set 
fire   to  our  Father's  house  and  w^e  are  run- 
ning about  in  the  endeavour  to  put  it  out." 
So  said  Aphraates,  and  the  emperor  threat- 
ened   him   and   said   no   more.     One  of  the 
grooms   of  the    imperial    bedchamber,  who 
threatened    the   godly   man   somewhat  more 
violently,  met  with  the  following  fate.     He 
was  entrusted  with   the  charge   of  the  bath, 
and   immediately*  after  this  conversation  he 
came  down  to  get  it  ready  for  the  emperor. 
On  entering   he   lost  his  wits,   stepped   into 
the  boiling  water  before  it  was  mixed  with 
the  cold,  and  so  met  his  end.     The  emperor 
sat   waiting   for    him    to    announce  that   the 
bath  was  ready  for  him  to  enter,  and  after  a 
considerable  time  had  gone  by  he  sent  other 
officers    to   report    the    cause    of  the    delay. 
After  they  had  gone  in  and  looked  all  about 
the  room    they   discovered   the  chamberlain 


lThe^vord  Sisura  was  used  for  a  common  upper  garment, 
but  according  to  the  grammarian  Tzetzes  (Schol.  Ad.  Lye. 
634)  its  accurate  meaning  is  the  one  given  in  the  text. 


128 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[IV.  24,  2 


slain  by  the  heat,  and  lying  dead  in  the 
boiling  water.  On  this  becoming  known  to 
the  emperor  they  perceived  the  force  of  the 
prayers  of  Aphraates.  Nevertheless  they 
did  not  depart  from  the  impious  doctrines 
but  hardened  their  heart  like  Pharaoh,  and 
the  infatuated  emperor,  though  made  aware 
of  the  miracle  of  the  holy  man,  persisted  in 
his  mad  rage  against  piety. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Of  the  holy  monk  Julianus. 

At  this  time  too  the  celebrated  Julianus, 
whom  I  have  already  mentioned,  was  forced 
to  leave  the  desert  and  come  to  Antioch,  for 
when  the  foster  children  of  lies,  the  facile 
framers  of  calumny,  I  mean  of  course  the 
Arians,  were  maintaining  that  this  great 
man  was  of  their  faction,  those  lights  of  the 
truth  Flavianus,  Diodorus,  and  Aphraates  sent 
Acacius,^  an  athlete  of  virtue  who  afterwards 
very  wisely  ruled  the  church  at  Beroea,  to 
the  famous  Julianus^  with  the  entreaty  that 
he  would  take  pity  on  so  many  thousands  of 
men,  and  at  the  same  time  convict  the  enemy 
of  lies  and  confirm  the  proclamation  of  the 
truth.  The  miracles  worked  by  Julianus 
on  his  way  to  and  from  Antioch  and  in  that 
vast  city  itself  are  described  in  my  Religious 
History,  which  is  easily  accessible  to  all  who 
wish  to  become  acquainted  with  them.  But 
I  am  sure  that  no  one  who  has  enquired  into 
human  nature  will  doubt  that  he  attracted  ail 
the  population  of  the  city  to  our  assembly,  for 
the  extraordinary  is  generally  sure  to  draw  all 
men  after  it.  The  fact  of  his  having  wrought 
great  marvels  is  attested  even  by  the  enemies 
of  the  truth. 

Before  this  time  in  the  reign  of  Constan- 
|.  tins  the  great  Antonius  ^  had  acted  in  the 
same  way  in  Alexandria,  for  he  abandoned 
the  desert  and  went  up  and  down  that  city, 
telling  all  men  that  Athanasius  was  the 
preacher  of  the  true   doctrine   and   that  the 


1  A  monk  of  Gindarus  near  Antioch  (Theod.  Vit.  Pat.  ii.)  af- 
terward envoy  from  the  Syrian  churches  to  Rome,  and  Bishop 
of  Berota,  (Aleppo)  A.D.  378.  He  was  at  Constantinople  in 
3S1,  (cf.  V.  8.)  and  is  famous  for  his  opposition  to  Chrysos- 
tom. 

■^  [ulianus  Sabas  (i.  e.  Abba)  an  ascetic  solitary  of  Osrhoene, 
the  district  south  of  the  modern  Harran.  He  is  the  second  of 
the  saints  of  Theodoret's  '•  Religious  History,"  where  we  read 
that  he  lived  on  millet  bread,  which  he  ate  once  a  week,  and 
performed  various  miracles,  which  are  recorded  by  Theodoret 
on  the  authority  of  Acacius. 

y  Antonius,  St.  Anthony,  the  illustrious  and  illiterate  as- 
cetic, friend  and  correspondent  of  Constantino  (Soc.  i.  13),  the 
centre  of  many  wild  legends,  was  born  in  250  A.D.  in  upper 
Egypt.  Athanasius  calls  him  the  •' founder  of  Asceticism." 
In  335  he  revisited  Alexandria  to  oppose  the  Arians,  as  nar- 
rated in  the  text.  He  died  in  his  cell  in  355,  bequeathing  his 
•'  liair  shirt,  his  two  woollen  tunics,  and  his  bed,  among 
Amathas  and  Macarius  who  watched  his  last  hours,  Serapion, 
and  Athanasius." 

Vide  Atli.  Vit.  S.  Ant. 


Arian  faction  were  enemies  of  the  truth.  So 
those  godly  men  knew  how  to  adapt  them- 
selves to  each  particular  opportunity,  when 
to  remain  inactive,  and  at  rest,  and  when  to 
leave  the  deserts  for  towns. 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

Of  what  other   monks   wei-e  distinguished  at 
this  period. 

There  were  also  other  men  at  this  period 
who  emitted  the  bright  rays  of  the  philoso- 
phy of  solitary  life.  In  the  Chalcidian  ^  des- 
ert Avitus,  Marcianus  ^  and  Abraames,"  and 
more  besides  whom  I  cannot  easily  enumer- 
ate, strove  in  their  bodies  of  sense  to  live  a 
life  superior  to  sense.  In  the  district  of 
Apamea,^  Agapetus,^  vSimeon,*^  Paulus  and 
others  reaped  the  fruits  of  the  highest  wis- 
dom. 

In  the  district  of  the  Zeugmatenses'  were 
Publius^  and  Paulus.  In  the  Cvrestian* 
the  famous  Acepsemas  had  been  sliut 
up  in  a  cell  for  sixty  years  without  being 
either  seen  or  spoken  to.  The  admirable 
Zeumatius,  though  bereft  of  sight,  used  to  go 
about  confirming  the  sheep,  and  fighting 
with  the  wolves  ;  so  they  burnt  his  cell,  but 
the  right  faithful  general  Trajanus  got  an- 
other built  for  him,  and  paid  him  besides 
other  attentions.  In  the  neighbourhood  of 
Antioch,  Marianus,^^  Eusebius,^^  Ammia- 
nus,^"  Palladius,^^  Simeon,^*  Abraames,'^  and 
others,  preserved  the  divine  image  unim- 
paired ;  but  of  all  these  the  lives  have  been 
recorded  by  us.  But  the  mountain  which  is 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  great  city  was 
decked  like  a  meadow,  for  in  it  shone  Petrus, 
the  Galatian,    his    namesake    the    Egyptian, 

1  i.e.  the  district  round  Chalcis  in  Syria,  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  Macedonian  Chalcidice. 

-  Native  of  Theodoret's  see  of  Cyrus.  He  built  himself  a 
cell  like  the  "  Little  Ease  "  of  the  Tower  of  London,  and 
promoted  orthodoxy  by  the  influence  of  his  austerities,  t  c. 
385.     cf.   TiUemont,  viii,  4S3. 

3  A.  went  on  missionary  journeys  disguised  as  a  pedlar,  and 
eventually  unwillingly  became  bishop  of  Carrae.  Theod. 
Relig.  Hist.  3. 

*  Presumably  Apamea  ad  Orontem.     (Famiah.) 

5  Bishop  of  Apamea,  a  comrade  and  disciple  of  Marcianus. 
(Relig.  Hist,  iii.) 

6  Also  a  disciple  of  Marcian.  For  fifty  years  he  maintained 
a  school  of  ascetic  philosophy,  cf.  Chrysost.  Ep.  55.  and  Til- 
lemont.  ix.  304.  Apparently  not  the  same  as  Simeones  Priscus 
of  Relig.  Hist.  vi. 

7  i.e.  near  Zeugma,  on  the  Euphrates,  opposite  Apamea. 

8  vide  Relig.  Hist.  v. 

'J  i.e.  rountt  Theodoret's  see  of  Cyrus. 

10  Uncle  of  Eusebius,  a  •'  faithful  servant  of  God."  Relig. 
Hist.  iv. 

*  1'  Relig.  Hist.  iv.  Abbot  of  Mt.  Coryphe,  nephew  of  Mari- 
anus.  He  chained  his  neck  to  his  girdle  that  he  might  be 
compelled  to  violate  the  prerogative  of  his  manhood  (cf.  Ovid. 
Met  i.  85)  and  keep  his  eyes  on  the  ground. 

J2  Vide  Relig.  Hist.  iv.     He  had  a  monastery  near  Antioch. 

13  Relig.  Hist.  vii. 

1^  cf.  the  Symeones  Priscus  of  Relig.  Hist.  vi. 

15  The  disciple  ot  Ephrem  Syrus.  Vide  Soz.  iii.  16,  and 
Eph.  Syr.  Act.    S.  Abraam. 


IV.   26-28.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


129 


Romanus  Severus,  ^  Zeno, "  Moses,'  and 
Malchus,^  and  many  others  of  whom  the 
world  is  ignorant,  but  who  are  known  to 
God. 

CHAPTER   XXVI. 

Of  Didy?nus    of    Alexandria    and    Ephraim 
the  Syiian. 

At  that  period  at  Edessa  flourished  the 
admirable  Ephraim,  and  at  Alexandria 
Didymus,^  both  writers  against  the  doc- 
trines that  are  af  variance  with  the  truth. 
Ephraim,  employing  the  Syrian  language, 
shed  beams  of  spiritual  grace.  Totally  un- 
tainted as  he  was  by  heathen  education '" 
he  was  able  to  expose  the  niceties  of 
heathen  error,  and  lay  bare  the  weakness 
of  all  heretical  artifices.  Harmonius^  the 
son  of  Bardesanes^  had  once  composed  cer- 
tain songs  and  by  mixing  sweetness  of 
melody  with  his  impiety  beguiled  the 
hearers,  and  led  them  to  their  destruction. 
Ephraim  adopted  the  music  of  the  songs, 
but  set  them  to  piety,  and  so  gave  the 
hearers  at  once  great  delight  and  a  healing 
medicine.  These  songs  are  still  used  to  en- 
liven the  festivals  of  our  victorious  martyrs. 

Didymus,  however,  who  from  a  child  had 
been  deprived  of  the  sense  of  sight,  had 
been  educated  m  poetry,  rhetoric,  arith- 
metic, geometry,  astronomy,  the  logic  of 
Aristotle,  and  the  eloquence  of  Plato.  In- 
struction in  all  these  subjects  he  received  by 
the  sense  of  hearing  alone,  —  not  indeed  as 
conveying  the  truth,  but  as  likely  to  be 
weapons  for  the  truth  against  falsehood.  Of 
holy  scriptures  he  learnt  not  only  the  sound 
but  the  sense.  So  among  livers  of  ascetic 
lives  and  students  of  virtue,  these  men  at 
that  time  were  conspicuous. 

CHAPTER   XXVII. 

Of  what  bishops  7uere  at  this  time  distinguished 
in  Asia  and  Pontus. 

Among  the  bishops  were  the  two  Gregorii, 

1  Born  at  Rhosus.     His  life  is  given  in  Relig.  Hist.  xi. 

2  Relig.  Hi^^t.  xii.  He  lived  "  without  bed,  lamp,  fire, 
pitcher,  pot,  box,  or  book,  or  anything." 

3  Met  in  his  old  age  by  Jerome,  to  whom  he  told  the  story 
of  his  life.  Born  at  Edessa,  he  ended  his  days  at  Maronia, 
near  Antioch,     Vide  Jer.  vita  Malchi. 

*  Flourished  c.  309-399.  Blind  from  the  age  of  four,  he  edu- 
cated himself  with  marvellous  patience,  and  was  placed  by 
Athanasius  at  the  head  of  the  catechetical  school  of  Alex- 
andria. Jerome  called  him  his  teacher  and  seer  and  translated 
his  Treatise  on  the  Holj  Spirit.    Jer.  de  Vir.  Illust.  109. 

^"Traifieta?  'EAArjrKrj;."  His  ignorance  of  languages 
weakens  the  force  of  his  dialectic  and  illustrations.  Vid.  Diet. 
Christ.  Biog.  s.  v. 

<»  Harmonius  wrote  about  the  end  of  the  2nd  century,  both  in 
Greek  and  in  Syriac.  cf.  Theod.  H.neret.  Fabul.  Compend.  i. 
22,  where  he  is  said  to  have  learned  Greek  at  Athens. 

"^  Bardesanes,  or  Bar  Daisan,  the  great  Syrian  gnostic,  was 
born  in  155.     cf.  the  prologue  to  the  "  Dialogues." 


the  one  of  Nazianzus  ^  and  the  other  of 
Nyssa,-  the  latter  the  brother  and  the  former 
the  friend  and  fellow  worker  of  the  great 
Basilius.  These  were  foremost  champions 
of  piety  in  Cappadocia ;  and  in  front  rank 
with  them  was  Peter,  born  of  the  same 
parents  with  Basilius  and  Gregorius,  who 
though  not  having  received  like  them  a  for- 
eign education,  like  them  lived  a  life  of  bril- 
liant distinction. 

In  Pisidia  Optimus,^  in  Lycaonia  Amphi- 
lochius,"*  fought  in  the  front  rank  on  behalf 
of  their  fathers'  faith,  and  repelled  the  ene- 
mies' assaults. 

In  the  West  Damasus,^  Bishop  of  Rome, 
and  Ambrosius,  entrusted  with  the  govern- 
ment of  Milan,  smote  those  who  attacked 
them  from  afar.  In  conjunction  with  these, 
bishops  forced  to  dwell  in  remote  regions, 
confirmed  their  friends  and  undid  their  foes 
by  writings  —  thus  pilots  able  to  cope  with 
the  greatness  of  the  storm  were  granted  by 
the  governor  of  the  universe.  Against  the 
violence  of  the  foe  He  set  in  battle  array  the 
virtue  of  His  captains,  and  provided  means 
meet  to  ward  oft'  the  troubles  of  these  difti- 
cult  times,  and  not  only  were  the  churches 
granted  this  kind  of  protection  by  their  lov- 
ing Lord,  but  deemed  worthy  of  yet  another 
kind  of  guidance. 

CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

Of  the  letter  written  by  Valens  to  the  great  Val- 
entinianus  about  the  war^  aiid  how  he  re- 
plied. 

The  Lord  roused  the  Goths  to  war,  and 
drew  on  to  the  Bosphorus  him  who  knew 
only  how  to  hght  against  the  pious.  Then 
for  the  first  time  the  vain  man  became  aware 
of  his  own  weakness,  and  sent  to  his  brother 
to  ask  for  troops.  But  Valentinian  replied 
that  it  were  impious  to  help  one  fighting 
against  God,  and  right  rather  to  check  his 
rashness.  By  this  the  unhappy  man  was 
filled  with  yet  greater  infatuation,  yet  he  did 
not    withdraw    from    his    rash    undertaking. 


1  Gregorius  of  Nazianzus  (in  Cappadocia,  on  the  Halys) 
was  so  called  not  as  bishop  of  Nazianzus.  He  was  bishop 
successively  of  Sasima,  "a  detestable  little  village,"  —  (Carm. 
xi.  439-446)  —  and  of  Constantinople,  and  was  called  "  Nazi- 
anzenus"  because  his  father  and  namesake  was  bishop  of 
that  see.  On  his  acting  as  bishop  at  Nazianzus  after  his  with- 
drawal from  Constantinople,  vide  note  on  page  136. 

'  A  younger  brother  of  Basil,  bishop  of  Caesarea,  born  about 
335;  he  was  bishop  of  Nyssa,  an  obscure  town  of  Cappadocia, 
from  372  to  395.  Their  parents  were  Basil,  an  advocate^  and 
Emmelia.  Petrus,  the  youngest  of  ten  children,  was  bishop 
of  Sebaste. 

3  Bishop  of  Antioch  in  Pisidia;  was  present  at  Constanti- 
nople  in  3S1.  He  was  a  witness  to  the  will  of  Gregory  of 
Nazianzus. 

*  Vide  note  on  p.   114. 

5  Vide  note  on  p.  S2. 


no 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[IV.  29-32, 


and    persisted    in    ranging    liimself    against 
the  truth. ^ 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Of  the  piety  of  Count  Tej-ejitms, 

Terentius,  an  excellent  general,  distin- 
guished for  his  piety,  had  set  up  trophies  of 
victory  and  returned  from  Armenia.  On 
being  ordered  by  Valens  to  choose  a  boon, 
he  mentioned  one  which  it  was  becoming  in 
a  man  nurtured  in  piety  to  choose,  for  he 
asked  not  gold  nor  yet  silver,  not  land,  not 
dignity,  not  a  house,  but  that  one  church 
might  be  granted  to  them  that  were  risking 
their  all  for  the  Apostolic  doctrine.  Valens 
received  the  petition,  but  on  becoming  ac- 
quainted with  its  contents  he  tore  it  up  in  a 
rage,  and  bade  Terentius  beg  some  other 
boon.  The  count,  however,  picked  up  the 
pieces  of  his  petition,  and  said,  '•'  I  have  my 
reward,  sir,  and  I  will  not  ask  another.  The 
Judge  of  all  things  is  Judge  of  my  inten- 
tion." 

CHAPTER   XXX. 

Of  the  bold  utterance  of  Ti-ajanus  the  general. 

After  Valens  had  crossed  the  Bosphorus 
and  come  into  Thrace  he  first  spent  a  consid- 
erable time  at  Constantinople,  in  alarm  as  to 
the  issue  of  the  war.  He  had  sent  Trajanus 
in  command  of  troops  against  the  barbarians. 
When  the  general  came  back  beaten,  the 
emperor  reviled  him  sadly,  and  charged  him 
with  infirmity  and  cowardice.  Boldly,  as 
became  a  brave  man,  Trajanus  replied  :  "I 
have  not  been  beaten,  sir,  it  is  thou  who 
hast  abandoned  the  victory  by  fighting 
against  God  and  transferring  His  support  to 
the  barbarians.  Attacked  by  thee  He  is 
taking  then*  side,  for  victory  is  on  God's  side 
and  comes  to  them  whom  God  leads.  Dost 
thou  not  know,"  he  went  on,  ''whom  thou 
hast  expelled  from  their  churches  and  to 
whose  government  these  churches  have  been 
delivered  by  thee .?  "  Arintheus  and  Victor,^ 
generals  like  Trajanus,  confirmed  the  truth 
of  what  he  said,  and  implored  the  emperor 
not  to  be  angered  by  reproaches  which  were 
founded  upon  fact." 


1  On  this  Valesius  remarks  that  Valentinian  was  already 
dead  (t37S)  when  the  Goths  crossed  the  Danube  and  ravaged 
Thrace  (376).  Theodnretus  should  have  written  "  Gratianus  " 
for  "  Valentinianus,"  and  *' nephew"  for  "brother." 

2  Magister  equitum.     Amm.xxxi.  7. 

3  Gibbon  (chap,  xxvi)  records  the  conduct  of  the  war  by 
"Trajan  and  Profuturus,  two  generals  who  indulged  themselves 
in  a  very  false  and  favourable  opinion  of  their  own  abilities." 
♦'  Anhelantes  altius.  sed  imbellcs."     Amm. 

The  battle  alluded  to  is  presumably  the  doubtful  one  of 
Salices.  Ammianus  does  not,  as  Gibbon  supposes,  imply  that 
he  had  himself  visited  this  particular  battlefield,  but  speaks 
generally  of  carrion  birds  as  "  adsuetae  illo  tempore  cada- 
veribus  pasci,  ut  ittdicant  nunc  usque  albentes  ossibus  campi,^^ 
Amm.  xxxi.  7.  16. 


CHAPTER   XXXI. 

Of  Isaac  ^  the  monk  of  Constantinople  and  Bre- 
tanio  the  Scythian  Bishop. 

It  is  related  that  Isaac,  who  lived  as  a 
solitary  at  Constantinople,  when  he  saw 
Valens  marching  out  with  his  troops,  cried 
aloud,  "Whither  goest  thou,  O  emperor.^ 
To  fight  against  God,  instead  of  having  Him 
as  thy  ally.'*  'Tis  God  himself  who  has 
roused  the  barbarians  against  thee,  because 
thou  hast  stirred  many  tongues  to  blasphemy 
against  Him  and  hast  driven  His  worship- 
pers from  their  sacred  abodes.  Cease  then 
thy  campaigning  and  stop  the  war.  Give 
back  to  the  flocks  their  excellent  shepherds 
and  thou  shalt  win  victory  without  trouble, 
but  if  thou  fightest  without  so  doing  thou 
shalt  learn  by  experience  how  hard  it  is  to 
kick  against  the  pricks.^  Thou  shalt  never 
come  back  and  shalt  destroy  thy  army." 
Then  in  a  passion  the  emperor  rejoined, 
"I  shall  come  back;  and  I  will  kill  thee, 
and  so  exact  punishment  for  thy  lying 
prophecy."  But  Isaac  undismayed  by  the 
threat  exclaimed,  ''  If  what  I  say  be  proved 
false,  kill  me." 

Bretanio,  a  man  distinguished  by  various 
virtues,  and  entrusted  with  the  episcopal 
government  of  all  the  cities  of  Scythia,  fired 
his  soul  with  enthusiasm,  and  protested 
against  the  corruption  of  doctrines,  and  the 
emperor's  lawless  attacks  upon  the  sajnts, 
crying  in  the  words  of  the  godly  David,  "  I 
spoke  of  thy  testimonies  also  before  Kings  and 
was  not  ashamed."^ 


CHAPTER   XXXII. 

Of  the  expedition  of  Valens  against  tlie   Goths 
and  how  he  paid  the  penalty  of  his  impiety, 

Valens,  however,  spurned  these  excellent 
counsellors,  and  sent  out  his  troops  to  join 
battle  while  he  himself  sat  waiting  in  a 
hamlet  for  the  victory.  His  troops  could 
not  stand  against  the  barbarians'  charge, 
turned  tail  and  were  slain  one  after  another 
as  they  fled,  the  Romans  fleeing  at  full 
speed  and  the  barbarians  chasing  them  with 
all  their  might.  When  Valens  heard  of  the 
defeat  he  strove  to  conceal  himself  in  the 
village  where  he  lay,  but  when  the  barba- 
rians came  up  they  set  the  place  on  fire  and 
together   with  it  burnt  the  enemy  of  piety. 

1  Possibly  the  Isaac  who  opposed  Chrysostom.    Soz.  viii.  9. 

2  Acts  ix.  5. 

3  Psalm  cxix.  46.  The  text  quotes  the  Sept.  (.Kakow  iv  tols 
jiiapTuptoi5  crou  evavTiov  jSacriAewv  Kai  ovk.  rjax'^'^otJ.rji'. 


IV.   33-] 


OF   THEODORET. 


131 


Thus   in    this    present  life    Valens   paid   the 
penalty  of  his  errors.^ 

CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

How  tlie   Goths  became  tainted  by  the   Arian 

eiTor. 

To  those  ignorant  of  the  circumstances  it 
may  be  worth  while  to  explain  how  the 
Goths  got  the  Arian  plague.  After  they 
had  crossed  the  Danube,  and  made  peace 
with  Valens,  the  infamous  Eudoxius,  who 
was  on  the  spot,  suggested  to  the  emperor 
to  persuade  the  Goths  to  accept  communion 
with  him.  They  had  indeed  long  since 
received  the  rays  of  divine  knowledge  and 
had  been  nurtured  in  the  apostolic  doctrines, 
"but  now,"  said  Eudoxius,  "  community  of 
opinion  will  make  the  peace  all  the  firmer." 
Valens  approved  of  this  counsel  and  pro- 
posed to  the  Gothic  chieftains  an  agreement 
in  doctrine,  but  they  replied  that  they  would 
not  consent  to  forsake  the  teachinsf  of  their 


1  "  On  the  9th  August,  37S,  a'day  long  and  fatally  memorable 
in  the  annals  of  the  empire,  the  legions  of  Valens  moved 
forth  from  their  entrenched  camp  under  the  walls  of  Hadrian- 
ople,  and  after  a  march  of  eight  miles  under  the  hot  sun  of 
August  came  in  sight  of  the  barbarian  vanguard,  behind 
Avliich  stretched  the  circling  line  of  the  waggons  that  guarded 
the  Gothic  host.  The  soldiers  of  the  empire,  hot,  thirsty, 
^vearied  out  with  hours  of  waiting  under  the  blaze  of  an 
August  sun,  and  only  half  understanding  that  the  negotiations 
were  ended  and  the  battle  begun,  fought  at  a  terrible  disad- 
vantage  but  fought  not  ill.  The  infantry  on  the  left  wing- 
seem  even  to  have  pushed  back  their  enemies  and  penetrated 
to  the  Gothic  waggons.  But  they  were  for  some  reason  not 
covered  as  usual  by  a  force  of  cavalry  and  they  were  jammed 
into  a  too  narrow  space  of  ground  whei'e  they  could  not  use 
their  spears  with  effect,  yet  presented  a  terribly  easy  mark  to 
the  Gothic  arrows.  They  fell  in  dense  masses  as  they  had 
stood.  Then  the  ^vhole  weight  of  the  enemy's  attack  was 
directed  against  the  centre  and  right.  When  the  evening 
began  to  close  in,  the  utterly  routed  Roman  soldiers  were 
rushing  in  disorderly  flight  from  the  fatal  field.  The  night, 
dark  and  moonless,  may  have  protected  some,  but  more  met 
their  death  rushing  blindly  over  a  rugged  and  unknown 
■country. 

"  Meanwhile  "Valens  had  sought  shelter  with  a  little  knot  of 
soldiers  (the  two  regiments  of  "  Lancearii  and  Mattiarii"), 
Avho  still  remained  unmoved  amidst  the  surging  sea  of  ruin. 
AVhen  their  ranks  too  were  broken,  and  when  some  of  his 
bravest  officers  had  fallen  around  him,  he  joined  the  common 
soldiers  in  their  he^adlong  flight.  Struck  by  a  Gothic  arrow 
he  fell  to  tlie  ground,  but  was  carried  off  by  some  of  the 
eunuchs  and  life-guardsmen  who  still  accompanied  him,  to  a 
peasant's  cottage  hard  by.  The  Goths,  ignorant  of  his  rank, 
t5ut  eager  to  strip  the  gaily-clothed  guardsmen,  surrounded 
the  cottage  and  attempted  in  vain  to  burst  in  the  doors.  Then 
mounting  to  the  roof  they  tried  to  smoke  out  the  imprisoned 
inmates,  but  succeeding  beyond  their  desires,  set  fire  to  the 
cottage,  and  emperor,  eunuchs,  and  life-guardsmen  perished 
in  the  flames.  Only  one  of  the  body-guard  escaped,  who 
climbed  out  through  one  of  the  blazing  windows  and  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  barbarians.  He  told  them  Avhen  it  was  too 
late  wiiat  a  prize  they  had  missed  in  their  cruel  eagerness, 
nothing  less  than  the  emperor  of  Rome. 

Ecclesiastical  historians  for  generations  delighted  to  point 
the  moral  of  the  story  of  Valens,  that  he  \vho  had  seduced  the 
whole  Gothic  nation  into  the  heresy  of  Arius,  and  thus  caused 
them  to  suffer  the  punishment  of  everlasting  fire,  was  himself 
by  those  very  Goths  burned  alive  on  the  terrible  9th  of  August. 
Thomas  Hodgkin  —  "  The  Dynasty  of  Theodosius,"  page  97. 


fathers.  At  the  period  in  question  their 
Bishop  Ulphilas  was  implicitly  obeyed  by 
them  and  they  received  his  words  as  laws 
which  none  might  break.  Partly  by  the 
fascination  of  his  eloquence  and  partly  by 
the  bribes  with  which  he  baited  his  pro- 
posals Eudoxius  succeeded  in  inducing  him 
to  persuade  the  barbarians  to  embrace  com- 
munion with  the  emperor,  so  Ulphilas  won 
them  over  on  the  plea  that  the  quarrel 
between  the  different  parties  was  really  one 
of  personal  rivalry  and  involved  no  difference 
in  doctrine.  The  result  is  that  up  to  this 
day  the  Goths  assert  that  the  Father  is 
greater  than  the  Son,  but  they  refuse  to 
describe  the  Son  as  a  creature,  although  they 
are  in  communion  with  those  who  do  so. 
Yet  they  cannot  be  said  to  have  altogether 
abandoned  their  Father's  teaching,  since 
Ulphilas  in  his  efforts  to  persuade  them  to 
join  m  communion  with  Eudoxius  and 
Valens  denied  that  there  was  any  difference 
in  doctrine  and  that  the  difference  had  arisen 
from  mere  empty  strife.^ 


1  Christianity  is  first  found  among  the  Goths  and  some 
German  tribes  on  the  Rhine  about  A.D,  300,  the  Visigoths 
taking  the  lead,  and  being  followed  by  the  Ostrogoths.  They 
were  converted  under  Arian  influences,  and  simply  accepted  an 
Arian  creed.  So  Salvian  writes  of  them  with  singular  charity, 
in  a  passage  partly  quoted  by  Milman  (Lat.  Christ.  I.  p. 
349.)  "  Hasretici  sunt  sed  non  scientes.  Denique  apud  nos 
sunt  haeretici,  apud  se  noa  sunt.  Nam  in  tantum  se 
catholicosesse  judicant  ut  nos  ipsos  titulo  hasreticai  appella- 
tionis  infament.  Qiiod  ergo  illi  nobis  sunt,  hoc  nos  illis. 
Nos  eos  injuriam  divinae  generationis  facere  certi  sumus 
quod  minorem  patre  filium  dicant.  Illi  nos  injuriosos  patri 
existimant,  quia  aequales  esse  credamus.  Veritas  apud 
nos  est.  Sed  illi  apud  se  esse  proesumunt.  Honor  Dei 
apud  nos  est,  sed  illi  hoc  arbitrantur  honorem  divinitatis 
esse  quod  credunt.  Inofliciosi  sunt;  sed  illis  hoc  est 
summum  religionis  officium.  Impii  sunt;  sed  hoc  putant 
veram  esse  pietatem.  Errant  ergo,  sed  bono  animo 
errant,  non  odio,  sed  affectu  Dei,  honorare  se  dominum 
atque  amare  credentes."  (Salvianus  de  Gub.  Dei  V.  p.  87.) 
The  spirit  of  this  good  Presbyter  of  Marseilles  of  the  5th 
century  might  well  have  been  more  often  followed  in  Christian 
controversy. 

"  Of  the  early  Arian  missionaries  the  Arian  Records,  if  they 
ever  existed,  have  almost  entirely  perished.  The  church  was 
either  ignorant  of  or  disdained  to  preserve  their  memory. 
Ulphilas  alone,"  —  himself  a  semi-Arian,  and  accepter  of  the 
creed  of  Ariminum, — "  the  apostle  of  the  Goths,  has,  as  it  were, 
forced  his  way  into  the  Catholic  records,  in  which,  as  in  the 
fragments  of  his  great  work,  his  translation  of  the  Scriptures 
into  the  Moeso-Gothic  language,  this  admirable  man  has  de- 
scended to  posterity."  "  While  in  these  two  great  divisions,  the 
Ostrogoths  and  Visigoths,  the  nation  gathering  its  descend- 
ants from  all  quarters,  spread  their  more  or  less  rapid  con- 
quests over  Gaul,  Italy,  and  Spain  Ulphilas  formed  a 
peaceful  and  populous  colony  of  shepherds  and  herdsmen  on 
the  pastures  below  Mt.  Hajmus.  He  became  the  primate  of 
a  simple  Christian  nation.  For  them  he  formed  an  alphabet  of 
twenty-four  letters,  and  completed  all  but  the  fierce  books 
of  Kings  " — which  he  omitted,  as  likely  10  whet  his  wild  folks' 
warlike  passions,  —  "  his  translation  of  the  Scriptures."  Mil- 
man  Lat.  Christ.  III.  Chap.  ii. 

The  fragments  of  the  Avork  of  Ulphilas  no\v  extant  are  (i) 
Codex  Argenteus,  at  Upsala.  (2)  Codex  Carolinus.  (3) 
Ambrosian  fragments  published  by  Mai.  cf.  Philost.  ii.  5, 
Soc.  ii.  41  and  iv.  33. 

On  Eudoxius,  who  baptized  Valens,  and  was  "  the  worst  of 
the  Arians,"  cf.  note  on  page  S6. 


I  ^2 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[V.   1-3 


BOOK  V. 


CHAPTER    I. 

Of  the  piety  of  the  emperor  Gratianus, 

How  the  Lord  God  is  long  suffering 
towards  those  who  rage  against  him,  and 
chastises  those  who  abuse  his  patience,  is 
phiinly  taught  by  the  acts  and  by  the  fate  of 
Valens.  For  the  loving  Lord  uses  mercy 
and  justice  hke  weights  and  scales ;  when- 
ever he  sees  any  one  by  the  greatness  of  his 
errors  over-stepping  the  bounds  of  loving 
kindness,  by  just  punishment  He  hinders  him 
from  being  carried  to  further  extremes. 

Now  Gratianus,  the  son  of  Valentinianus, 
and  nephew  of  Valens,  acquired  the  whole 
Roman  Empire.  He  had  already  assumed 
the  sceptre  of  Europe  on  the  death  of  his 
father,  in  whose  life-time  he  had  shared  the 
throne.  On  the  death  of  Valens  without 
issue  he  acquired  in  addition  Asia,  and  the 
portions  of  Libya. ^ 

CHAPTER    II. 

Of  the  return  of  the  bishops. 

The  emperor  at  once  gave  plain  indica- 
tions of  his  adherence  to  true  religion,  and 
offered  the  first  fruits  of  his  kingdom  to  the 
Lord  of  all,  by  publishing  an  edict  com- 
manding the  exiled  shepherds  to  return, 
and  to  be  restored  to  their  flocks,  and  order- 
ing the  sacred  buildings  to  be  delivered  to 
congregations  adopting  communion  with 
Damasus." 

This  Damasus,  the  successor  of  Liberius 
in  the  see  of  Rome,  was  a  man  of  most 
praiseworthy  life  and  by  his  own  choice 
alike  in  word  and  deed  a  champion  of 
Apostolic  doctrines.  To  put  his  edict  in 
force  Gratianus  sent  Sapor  the  general, 
a  very  famous  character  at  that  time,  with 
orders  to  expel  the  preachers  of  the  blasplie- 
mies  of  Arius  like  wild  beasts  from  the 
sacred  folds,  and  to  efiect  the  restoration  of 
the  excellent  shepherds  to  God's  flocks. 

In  every  instance  this  was  eflected  without 
dispute  except  in  Antioch,  the  Eastern  capi- 
tal, where  a  quarrel  was  kindled  which  I 
shall  proceed  to  describe. 

'  Gratian  was  proclaimed  Augustus  by  Valentinian  in  367. 
(Soc.  IV.  II.  Soz.  vi.  10.)  He  came  to  the  throne  on  the  death 
of  Vnlentinian  at  Bregetio,  Nov.  17,375.  He  associated  his 
brother  Valentinian  \\.  with  him,  and  succeeded  his  uncle 
Valens  Aug.  9,  37S.  On  Jan.  19,  379  he  nominated  Theodosius 
Augustus. 

2Cf.  note  on  page  82. 


CHAPTER    III. 

Of  the  dissension  caused  by  Paulinus ;  of  the 
innovation  by  Apollinariiis  of  Laodicea,  and 
of  the  philosophy  of  Meletius, 

It  has  been  already  related  how  the  de- 
fenders of  the  apostolic  doctrines  were 
divided  into  two  parties  ;  how  immediately 
after  the  conspiracy  formed  against  the  great 
Eustathius,  one  section,  in  abhorrence  of 
the  Arian  abonrination,  assembled  together 
by  themselves  with  Paulinus  for  their  bishop, 
while,  after  the  ordination  of  Euzoius,  the 
other  party  separated  themselves  from  the 
impious  with  the  excellent  Meletius,  under- 
went the  perils  previously  described,  and 
were  guided  by  the  wise  instructions  which 
Meletius  gave  them.  Besides  these  Apollin- 
arius  of  Laodicea  constituted  himself  leader 
of  a  third  party,  and  though  he  assumed  a 
mask  of  piety,  and  appeared  to  defend  apos- 
tolic doctrines,  he  was  soon  seen  to  be  an 
open  foe.  About  the  divine  nature  he  used 
unsound  arguments,  and  originated  the  idea 
of  certain  degrees  of  dignities.  He  also  had 
the  hardihood  to  render  the  mystery  of  the  in- 
carnation^ imperfect  and  affirmed  that  the  rea- 
sonable soul,  which  is  entrusted  with  the 
guidance  of  the  body,  was  deprived  of  the 
salvation  effected.  For  according  to  his  ar- 
gument God  the  Word  did  not  assume  this 
soul,  and  so  neither  granted  it  His  healing 
gift,  nor  gave  it  a  portion  of  His  dignity. 
Thus  the  eartlily  body  is  represented  as  wor- 
shipped by  invisible  powers,  while  the  soul 
which  is  made  in  the  image  of  God  has  re- 
mained below  invested  witii  the  dishonour  of 
sin.^  Many  more  errors  did  he  utter  in  his 
stumbling  and  blinded  intelligence.  At  one 
time  even  he  was  ready  to  confess  that  of  the 
Holy  Virgin  the  ffesh  had  been  talcen,  at  an- 
other time  he  represented  it  to  have  come 
down  from  heaven  with  God  the  Word,  and 
yet  again  that  He  had  been  made  ffesh  and 
took  nothing  from  us.  Oilier  vain  tales  and 
trifles  which  I  have  thought  it  superfluous  ta 
repeat  he  mixed  up  with  God's  gospel  prom- 
ises. By  arguments  of  this  nature  he  not 
only  filled  his   own   friends   with   dangerous 


1  TO  T^?  oiKOi'o/u.ias  pLucTT/jpiof.     Vide  note  on  page  72. 

2  Adopting  Platonic  and  Pauline  psychology  giving  body, 
soul  and  spirit  (cf.  I.  Thess.  v  23,  and  Gal.  v.  17)  Apolli- 
narius  attributed  to  Christ  a  human  body  and  a  human  soul  or 
anima  animans  shared  by  man  with  brutes,  but  not  the  reason- 
able soul,  spirit  or  anima  rationalis.  In  place  of  this  he  put 
the  Divine  Logos.  The  Word,  he  said,  was  made  Flesh  not 
Spirit,  God  was  manifest  in  the  Flesh  not  Spirit. 


V.  4  ] 


OF   THEODORET. 


133 


doctrine  but  even  imparted  it  to  some  among 
ourselves.  As  time  went  on,  when  they  saw 
their  own  insignificance,  and  beheld  the 
splendour  of  the  Church,  all  except  a  few 
were  gathered  into  the  Church's  communion. 
But  they  did  not  quite  put  away  their  former 
unsoundness,  and  with  it  infected  many  of 
the  sound.  This  was  the  origin  of  the 
growth  in  the  Church  of  the  doctrine  of  the 
one  nature  of  the  Flesh  and  of  the  Godhead, 
of  the  ascription  to  the  Godhead  of  the 
Passion  of  the  only  begotten,  and  of  other 
points  which  have  bred  differences  among 
the  laity  and  their  priests.  But  these  belong 
to  a  later  date.  At  the  time  of  which  I  am 
speaking,  when  Sapor  the  General  had 
arrived  and  had  exhibited  the  imperial  edict, 
Paulinus  affirmed  that  he  sided  with  Dama- 
sus,  and  Apollinarius,  concealing  his  un- 
soundness, did  the  same.  The  divine  Mele- 
tius,  on  the  other  hand,  made  no  sign,  and 
put  up  with  their  dispute.  Flavianus,  of 
high  fame  for  his  wisdom,  who  was  at  that 
time  still  in  the  ranks  of  the  presbyterate,  at 
first  said  to  Paulinus  in  the  hearing  of  the 
officer  "  If,  my  dear  friend,  you  accept 
communion  with  Damasus,  point  out  to  us 
clearly  how  the  doctrines  agree,  for  he 
though  he  owns  one  substance  of  the  Trinity 
openly  preaches  three  essences.^  You  on  the 
contrary  deny  the  Trinity  of  the  essences. 
Shew  us  then  how  these  doctrines  are  in  har- 
mony, and  receive  the  charge  of  the  churches, 
as  the  edict  enjoins."  After  so  silencing 
Paulinus  by  his  arguments  he  turned  to 
Apollinarius  and  said,  "  I  am  astonished,  my 
friend,  to  find  you  waging  such  violent  war 
against  the  truth,  when  all  the  while  you 
know  quite  clearly  how  the  admirable  Da- 
masus maintains  our  nature  to  have  been 
taken  in  its  perfection  by  God  the  Word  ; 
but  you  persist  in  saying  the  contrary,  for 
you  deprive  our  intelligence  of  its  salvation. 
If  these  our  charges  against  you  be  false, 
deny  now  the  novelty  that  you  have  origi- 
nated ;  embrace  the  teaching  of  Damasus,  and 
receive  the  charge  of  the  holy  shrines." 

Thus  Flavianus  in  his  great  wisdom 
stopped  their  bold  speech  with  his  true 
reasoning. 

Meletius,  who  ot  all  m.en  was  most  meek, 
thus  kindly  and  gently  addressed  Paulinus. 
*'  The  Lord  of  the  sheep  has  put  the  care  of 
these  sheep  in  my  hands  ;  you  have  received 
the  charge  of  the  rest:  our  little  ones  are  in 
communion  with  one  another  in  the  true 
religion.  Therefore,  my  dear  friend,  let  us 
join  our  flocks  ;   let  us  have  done  with  our 

^  rpei?  VTrocrTacret?. 


dispute  about  the  leading  of  them,  and, 
feeding  the  sheep  together,  let  us  tend  them 
in  common.  If  the  chief  seat  is  the  cause 
of  strife,  that  strife  I  will  endeavour  to  put 
away.  On  the  chief  seat  I  will  put  the 
Holy  Gospel ;  let  us  take  our  seats  on  each 
side  of  it ;  should  I  be  the  first  to  pass  away, 
you,  my  friend,  will  hold  the  leadership  of 
the  flock  alone.  vShould  this  be  your  lot 
before  it  is  mine,  I  in  my  turn,  so  far  as  I 
am  able,  will  take  care  of  the  sheep."  So 
gently  and  kindly  spoke  the  divine  Meletius. 
Paulinus  did  not  consent.  The  officer 
passed  judgment  on  what  had  been  said  and 
gave  the  churches  to  the  great  Meletius. 
Paulinus  still  continued  at  the  head  of  the 
sheep  who  had  originally  seceded. 


CHAPTER     IV. 

Of  Eusebius  ^  bishop  of  Samosata. 

Apollinarius  after  thus  failing  to  get  the 
government  of  the  churches,  continued,  for 
the  future,  openly  to  preach  his  new  fangled 
doctrine,  and  constituted  himself  leader  of 
the  heresy.  He  resided  for  the  most  part  at 
Laodicea ;  but  at  Antioch  he  had  already 
ordained  Vitalius,  a  man  of  excellent  charac- 
ter, brought  up  in  the  apostolic  doctrines, 
but  afterwards  tainted  with  the  heresy.  Dio- 
dorus,  whom  I  have  already  mentioned,^ 
who  in  the  great  storm  had  saved  the  ship 
of  the  church  from  sinking,  had  been  ap- 
pointed by  the  divine  Meletius,  bishop  of 
Tarsus,  and  had  received  the  charge  of  the 
Cilicians.  The  see  of  Apamea^  Meletius 
entrusted  to  John,  a  man  of  illustrious  birth, 
more  distinguished  for  his  own  high  qualities 
than  for  those  of  his  forefathers,  for  he  w^as 
conspicuous  alike  for  the  beauty  of  his  teach- 
ing and  of  his  life.  In  the  time  of  the  tem- 
pest he  piloted  the  assembly  of  his  fellows 
in  the  faith  supported  by  the  worthy  Stepha- 
nus.  The  latter  was  however  translated  by 
the  divine  Meletius  to  carry  on  another  con- 
test, for  on  the  arrival  of  intelligence  that 
Germanicia  had  been  contaminated  by  the 
Eudoxian  pest  he  was  sent  thither  as  a  phy- 
sician to  ward  off  the  disease,  thoroushlv 
trained  as  he  had  been  in  a  complete  heathen 
education  as  well  as  nurtured  in  the  Divine 
doctrines.  He  did  not  disappoint  the  ex- 
pectations formed  of  him,  for  by  the  power 


^  cf.  page  93. 

2  Vide  pages  85  and  126. 

3  Ad  Orontem,  now  Famiah.  This  John  was  prefect  at  Con- 
stantinople in  3S1.  A  better  known  John  of  Apamea  is  an 
ascetic  of  the  5th  c,  fragments  of  whose  works  are  among  the 
Syriac  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum. 


134 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[V.   5. 


of   his    spiritual    instruction    he    turned    the 
wolves  into  sheep. ^ 

On  the  return  of  the  great  Eusebius  frona 
exile  he  ordained  Acacius  whose  fame  is 
great  at  Beroea,^  and  at  Hierapolis  Theodo- 
tus,^  whose  ascetic  life  is  to  this  day  in  all 
men's  mouths,  Eusebius  ^  was  moreover  ap- 
pointed to  the  see  of  Chalcis,  and  Isidorus  '" 
to  our  own  city  of  Cyrus  ;  both  admirable 
men,  conspicuous  for  their  divine  zeal. 

Meletius  is  also  reported  to  have  ordained 
to  the  pastorate  of  Edessa,  where  the  godly 
Barses  had  already  departed  this  life,  Eulo- 
gius,*^  the  well  known  champion  of  apostolic 
doctrines,  who  had  been  sent  to  Antinone 
with  Protogenes.  Eulogius  gave  Protogenes,^ 
his  companion  in  hard  service,  the  charge  of 
Carrae,  a  healing  physician  for  a  sick  cit}'. 

Lastly  the  divine  Eusebius  ordained  Maris, 
Bishop  of  Doiiche,'  a  little  city  at  that  time 
infected  with  the  Arian  plague.  With  the 
intention  of  enthroning  this  Maris,  a  right 
worthy  man,  illustrious  for  various  virtues, 
in  the  episcopal  chair,  the  great  Eusebius 
came  to  Doliche.  As  he  was  entering  into 
the  town  a  woman  thoroughly  infected  with 
the  Arian  plague  let  fall  a  tile  from  the  roof, 
which  crushed  in  his  head  and  so  wounded 
him  that  not  long  after  he  departed  to  the 
better  life.  As  he  lay  a-dying  he  charged 
the  bystanders  not  to  exact  the  slightest 
penalty  from  the  woman  who  had  done  the 
deed,  and  bound  them  under  oaths  to  obey 
hrni.  Thus  he  imitated  his  own  Lord,  who 
of  them  that  crucified  Him  said  "Father 
forgive  them  for  they  know  not  what  they 
do."  ^ 

Thus,  too,  he  followed  the  example  of 
Stephanus,  his  fellow  slave,  who,  after  the 
stones  had  stormed  upon  him,  cried  aloud, 
"Lord  lay  not  this  sin  to  their  charge."^ 
So  died  the  great  Eusebius  after  many  and 
various  struggles.      He  had  escaped  the  bar- 


1  This  seems  to  be  all  that  is  known  of  Stephanus  of  Ger- 
manicia  (now  Marash  or  Banicia  in  Syria)  mentioned  also  as 
the  see  of  Eudoxius.     cf.  Book  II.  p.  86. 

2  Acacius  of  Beroea  (Aleppo)  was  later  an  opponent  of 
Chrysostom  and  of  Cyril,  but  in  his  old  age  reconciled  John  of 
Antioch  with   Cyril,  and  died  at  the  age  of  more  than  loo  m 

436. 

3  Theodotus  is  mentioned  also  in  the  Relig.  Hist.  c.  iii.  as 
paying  an  Easter  visit  to  the  hermit  Marcian.  Hierapolis,  or 
Bambyce,  is  now  Bumbouch  in  the  Pachalic  of  Aleppo. 

*  Similarly  mentioned  in  Relig.  Hist.  c.  iii.  Chalcis  is  in 
Coele  Syria. 

5  Also  one  of  Marcian's  Easter  party.  As  well  as  these 
bishops  there  were  present  some  men  of  high  rank  and  position, 
who  were  earnest  Christians.  When  all  were  seated,  Marcian 
was  asked  to  address  them.  "  But  he  fetched  a  deep  sigh  and 
said  ♦  the  God  of  all  day  by  day  utters  his  voice  by  means  of 
the  visible  world,  and  in  the  divine  scriptures  discourses  with 
us,  urgin<jr  on  us  our  duties,  telling  us  what  is  befitting,  terri- 
fying us  bv  threats.  Avinning  us  by  promises,  and  ail  the  while 
we  get  nogood.  Marcian  Turns  away  this  good  like  the  rest 
of  his  kind,  and  does  not  care  to  enjoy  its  blessing.  What 
could  be  the  use  of  his  lifting  up  his  voice?'"  Relig.  Hist, 
iii.  3.  ^ 

cVide  Book  iv.  15.  p.  118.        7  Doliche  is  in  Commagene. 

8 Luke  xxili.  34.  "Acts  vii.  59. 


barians  in  Thrace,  but  he  did  not  escape  the 
violence  of  impious  heretics,  and  by  their 
means  won  the  martyr's  crown. -^ 

These  events  happened  after  the  return  of 
the  bishops,  and  now  Gratian  learnt  that 
Thrace  was  being  laid  waste  by  the  barbari- 
ans who  had  burnt  Valens,  so  he  left  Italy 
and  proceeded  to  Pannonia. 

CHAPTER   V. 

0/  the  campaign  of  Theodosius, 

Now  at  this  time  Theodosius,  on  account 
alike  of  the  splendour  of  his  ancestry,^  and 
of  his  own  courage,  was  a  man  of  high 
repute.  For  this  reason  being  from  time 
to  time  stricken  by  the  envy  of  his  rivals, 
he  was  living  in  Spain,  where  he  had  been 
born  and  brought  up.^  ^^  The  emperor, 
being  at  a  loss  what  measures  to  take,  now 
that  the  barbarians,  puffed  up  by  their  vic- 
tory, both  were  and  seemed  well  nigh  invin-^ 
cible,  formed  the  idea  that  away  out  of  his 
difficulties  would  be  found  in  the  appoint- 
ment of  Theodosius  to  the  supreme  com- 
mand. He  therefore  lost  no  time  in  sending 
for  him  from  Spain,  appointing  ^  him  com- 
mander in  chief  and  despatching  him  at  the 
head  of  the  assembled  forces. 

Defended  by  his  faith  Theodosius  marched 
confidently  forth.  On  entering  Thrace, 
and  beholding  the  barbarians  advanc- 
ing to  meet  him,  he  drew  up  his  troops  in 
order  of  battle.  The  two  lines  met,  and  the 
enemy  could  not  stand  the  attack  and  broke. 
A  rout  ensued,  the  foe  taking  to  flight  and 
the  conquerors  pursuing  at  full  speed. 
There  was  a  great  slaughter  of  the  barba- 
rians, for  they  were  slain  not  only  by 
Romans  but  even  by  one  another.  After 
the  greater  number  of  them  had  thus  fallen, 
and  a  few  of  those  who  had  been  able  to  es- 
cape pursuit  had  crossed  the  Danube,  the 
great  captain  dispersed  the  troops  which  he 
commanded  among  the  neighbouring  towns, 
and  forthwith  rode  at  speed  to  this  emperor 
Gratianus,  himself  the  messenger  of  his  own 
triumph.  Even  to  the  emperor  himself, 
astounded  at  the  event,  the  tidings  he  car- 
ried seemed  incredible,    while   others  stung 


^The  Martyrdom  of  Eusebius  is  commemorated  in  the  East- 
ern Churches  on  June  22;  in  the  Roman  Kalendar  on  June  21.. 

We  compare  the  fate  of  Abimelech  at  Thebez  (Judges  ix.. 
S3,  and  II.  Sam.  xi.  21)  and  Pyrrhus,  King  of  Epirus,  at  Argos,. 
B.C. 272.  '*  Inter  confertissimos  violentissime  dnnicans,  saxo 
de  muris  ictus  occiditur."  Justin,  xxv.  5.  The  story  is  given 
at  greater  length  by  Plutarch.     Vit:  Pyrrh  : 

2  His  father,  a  distinguished  general  in  Britain  and  else- 
w^here,  wras  treacherously  slain  in  376,  probably  because  an 
oracle  warned  Valens  of  a  successor  with  a  name  beginning 
*'  ©EGA."     cf.  Soc.  iv.  19.  Soz.  vi.  35.   Ammian.  xxix.  i .  29. 

3  At  his  paternal  estate  at  Cauca  m  Spain;  to  the  east  of  the 
Vacca;i  in  Tarraconensis. 

*  X<i.\.f>ojovri<jo.%.    Vide  note  on  page  125. 


V.  6-8.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


135 


with  envy  gave  out  that  he  had  run  away  and 
lost  his  army.  His  only  reply  was  to  ask 
his  "^ainsavers  to  send  and  ascertain  the 
number  of  the  barbarian  dead,  ''  For,"  said 
he,  "  even  from  their  spoils  it  is  easy  to  learn 
their  number."  At  these  words  the  em- 
peror gave  way  and  sent  officers  to  investi- 
gate and  report  on  the  battle.^ 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Of  the  reign  of  Theodosius  and  of  his  di^eam. 

The  great  general  remained,  and  then 
saw  a  wonderful  vision  clearly  shewn  him 
by  the  very  God  of  the  universe  himself. 
In  it  he  seemed  to  see  the  divine  Meletius, 
chief  of  the  church  of  the  Antiochenes, 
investing  him  with  an  imperial  robe,  and 
covering  his  head  with  an  imperial  crown. 
The  morninof  after  the  nig"ht  in  which  he 
had  seen  the  vision  he  told  it  to  one  of  his 
intimate  friends,  who  pointed  out  that  the 
dream  was  plain  and  had  nothing  obscure  or 
ambiguous  about  it. 

A  few  days  at  most  had  gone  by  when  the 
commissioners  sent  to  investigate  the*  battle 
returned  and  reported  that  vast  multitudes 
of  the  barbarians  had  been  shot  down. 

Then  the  emperor  was  convinced  that  he 
had  done  right  well  in  selecting  Theodosius 
for  the  command,  and  appointed  him  em- 
peror and  gave  him  the  sovereignty  of  the 
share  of  Valens. 

Upon  this  Gratian  departed  for  Italy  and 
despatched  Theodosius  to  the  countries  com- 
mitted to  his  charge.  No  sooner  had 
Theodosius  assumed  the  imperial  dignity 
than  before  everything  else  he  gave  heed  to 
the  harmonv  of  the  churches,  and  ordered  the 
bishops  of  his  own  realm  to  repair  with 
haste  to  Constantinople.  That  division  of 
the  empire  was  now  the  only  region  in- 
fected with  the  Arian  plague,  for  the  west 
had  escaped  the  taint.     This  was  due  to  the 


1  Theodoret's  is  the  sole  authority  for  this  connexion  of  the 
association  of  Theodosius  in  the  Empire  with  a  victory, 
and  his  alleged  facts  do  not  fit  in  with  others  which  are  better 
supported.  Gratian,  a  vigorous  and  sensible  lad  of  nineteen, 
seems  to  have  felt  that  the  burden  was  too  big  for  his  shoul- 
ders, and  to  have  looked  out  for  a  suitable  colleague.  For  the 
choice  which  he  made,  or  was  advised  to  make,  he  had  good 
ground  in  the  reputation  already  won  by  Theodosius  in 
Britain  and  in  the  campaign  of  373  against  the  Sarmatians  and 
Qjuidi,  and  the  elevation  of  the  young  general  (born  in  346,  he 
was  thirty-two  when  Gratian  declared  him  Augustus  at  Sir- 
mium,  Jan.  19,  379)  was  speedily  vindicated.  Theodoret,  with 
his  contempt  for  exact  chronology,  may  have  exaggerated  one 
of  the  engagements  of  the  guerrilla  warfare  wasjed  by  the  new 
emperor  after  his  accession,  when  he  carefully  avoided  the 
error  of  Valens  in  risking  all  on  a  pitched  battle.  By  the  end  of 
379  he  had  driven  the  barbarians  over  the  Balkan  range.  Dr. 
Stokes  (Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  960)  points  out  that  between 
Aug.  9,  37S,  and  Jan.  19,  379,  there  was  not  time  for  news  to 
travel  from  Hadrianople  to  Mitrovitz,  where  Gratian  was, 
for  couriers  to  fetch  Theodosius  thither  from  remoter  Spain, 
for  Theodosius  then  in  the  winter  months  to  organize  and 
carry  out  a  campaign. 


fact  that  Constantine  the  eldest  of  Constan- 
tine's  sons,  and  Constans  the  youngest,  had 
preserved  their  father's  faith  in  its  integrity, 
and  that  Valentinian,  emperor  of  the  West, 
had  also  kept  the  true  religion  undefiled. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Of  f anions  leaders  of  the  Arian  faction. 

The  Eastern  section  of  the  empire  had 
received  the  infection  from  many  quarters. 
Arius,  a  presbyter  of  Alexandria  in  Egypt, 
there  begat  the  blasphemy.  Eusebius,  Patro- 
philus,  andAetius  of  Palestine,  Paulinus  and 
Gregorius  of  Phoenicia,  Theodotus  of  Lao- 
dicea  and  his  successor  Georgius,  and  after 
him  Athanasius  and  Narcissus  of  Cilicia, 
had  nurtured  the  seeds  so  foully  sown. 
Eusebius  and  Theognis  of  Bithynia  ;  Men- 
ophantus  of  Ephesus  ;  Theodorus  of  Perin- 
thus  and  Maris  of  Chalcedon,  and  some 
others  of  Thrace  famous  only  for  their  vices, 
had  for  a  long  time  gone  on  watering  and 
tending  the  crop  of  tares.  These  bad 
husbandmen  were  aided  by  the  indifference 
of  Constantius  and  the  malignity  of  Valens. 

For  these  reasons  only  the  bishops  of  his 
own  empire  were  summoned  by  the  emperor 
to  meet  at  Constantinople.  They  arrived, 
being  in  all  one  hundred  and  fifty  in  number, 
and  Theodosius  forbade  any  one  to  tell  him 
which  was  the  great  Meletius,  for  he  wished 
the  bishop  to  be  recognized  by  his  dream. 
The  whole  companyofthe  bishops  entered  the 
imperial  palace,  and  then  without  any  notice 
of  all  the  rest,  Theodosius  ran  up  to  the 
great  Meletius,  and,  like  a  boy  who  loves  his 
father,  stood  for  a  long  space  gazing  on  him 
with  filial  joy,  then  flung  his  arms  around 
him,  and  covered  eyes  and  lips  and  breast  and 
head  and  the  hand  that  had  given  him  the 
crown,  with  kisses.  Then  he  told  him  of 
his  dream.  All  the  rest  of  the  bishops  were 
then  courteously  welcomed,  and  all  were 
bidden  to  deliberate  as  became  fathers  on 
the  subjects  laid  before  them. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

The    council  assembled  at    Consta7itinople, 

At  this  time  the  recent  feeder  of  the  flock 
at  Nazianzus^    was    livinof    at    Constantino- 

^  "  Cave  credas  episcopum  Nazianzi  his  verbis  designari," 
says  Valesius  ;  —  because  before  3S1  the  great  Gregory  of  Xazi- 
anzus  had  at  the  most  first  helped  his  father  in  looking  after  the 
church  at  Nazianzus,  and  on  his  father's  death  taken  tempo- 
rary and  apparently  informal  cliarge  of  the  see.  But  in  the 
latter  part  of  his  note  Valesius  suggests  that  tA  TeAeuraia  may 
refer  to  the  episcopate  of  Gregory  at  Nazianzus  in  his  last 
days,  after  his  abdication  of  the  see  of  Constantinople, — 
"  Atque  hie  sensus  maijis  placet,  magis  enim  convenire  vide- 
tur  verbis  Theodoreti;  "   *'  Recent  feeder,"  then,  or   "  he  who 


136 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[V.  8. 


pie, ^continually  withstanding  the  blasphemies 
of  the  Arians,  watering  the  holy  people  with 
the  teaching  of  the  Gospel,  catching  wan- 
derers outside  the  flock  and  removing  them 
from  poisonous  pasture.  So  that  flock  once 
small  he  made  a  great  one.  When  the  di- 
vine Meletius  saw  him,  knowing  as  he  did 
full  well  the  object  which  the  makers  of  the 
canon  "  had  before  them  when,  with  the 
view  of  preventing  the  possibility  of  am- 
bitious efforts,  they  forbade  the  translation 
of  bishops,  he  confirmed  Gregory  in  the 
episcopate  of  Constantinople.^  Shortly  af- 
terwards the  divine  Meletius  passed  away  to 
the  life  that  knows  no  pain,  crowned  by  the 
praises  of  the  funeral  eloquence  of  all  the 
great  orators. 

Timotheus,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  who 
had  followed  Peter,  the  successor  of  Atha- 
nasius  in  the  patriarchate,  ordained  in  place 
of  the  admirable  Gregorius,  Maximus  —  a 
cynic  who  had  but  recently  suffered  his 
cynic's  hair  to  be  shorn,  and  had  been  car- 
ried away  by  the  flimsy  rhetoric  of  Apolli- 
narius.  But  this  absurdity  was  beyond  the 
endurance  of  the  assembled  bishops  —  ad- 
mirable men,  and  full  of  divine  zeal  and 
wisdom,  such  as  Helladius,  successor  of  the 
great  Basil,  Gregorius  and  Peter,  brothers  of 
Basil,  and  Amphilochius  from  Lycaonia,  Op- 
timus  from  Pisidia,  Diodorus  from  Cilicia.'* 


most  recently  fed,"  will  mean  '•  he  who  after  the  events  at  Con- 
stantinople which  I  am  about  to  relate,  acted  as  bishop  of  Na- 
zianzus."  Gregory  left  Constantinople  in  June  3S1,  repaired 
to  Nazianzus,  and  after  finding' a  suitable  man  to  occupy  the 
see,  retired  to  Arianzus,  but  was  pressed  to  return  and  take  a 
leading  post  in  order  to  check  ApoUinarian  heretics.  His 
healtk  broke  down,  and  he  wished  to  retire.  He  would  have 
voted  in  tlie  election  of  his  successor,  but  his  opponents  ob- 
jected on  the  ground  that  he  either  was  bishop  of  Nazianzus, 
or  not;  if  he  was,  there  was  no  vacancy;  if  he  was  not,  he 
had  no  vote.  Eulalius  ^vas  chosen  in  3S3,  and  Gregory  spent 
six  weary  years  in  wanderings  and  troubles,  and  at  last  found 
rest  in  3S9. 

1  It  was  probably  in  379  that  Gregory  first  went  to  Constanti- 
nople and  preached  in  a  private  house  which  ^vas  to  him  a 
"  Shiloh,  \vhere  the  ark  rested,  an  Anastasia,  a  place  of  resur- 
rection "  (Orat.42.6).  Hence  the  name  '*  Anastasia  "  given 
to  the  famous  church  built  on  the  site  of  the  too  strait  house. 

2  i.e.  the  xvth  of  Nicaja,  forbidding  any  bishop,  presbyter 
or  deacon,  to  pass  from  one  city  to  another.  Gregory  him- 
self  classes  it  among  "  No/aov?  ndXat  TeOi'rjKOTa^  "  (Carm. 
iSio-ii). 

3  Gregory  had  been  practically  acting  as  bishop,  when  an 
intriguing  jiarty  led  by  Peter  of  Alexandria  tried  to  force 
Maximus,  a  cynic  professor,  who  was  one  of  Gregory's  ad- 
miring hearers,  on  the  Constantinopolitan  Church.  '*  At  this 
time,"  i.e.  probably  in  the  middle  of  3S0,  and  certainly  before 
Nov.  24,  when  Theodosius  entered  the  capital,  "A  priest 
from  Thascohad  come  to  Constantinople  with  a  large  sum  of 
money  to  buy  Proconnesian  marble  for  a  church.  He  too  wns 
beguiled  by  the  specious  hope  held  out  to  him.  Maximus  and 
his  party  thus  gained  the  power  of  purchasing  the  service  of 
a  mob,  which  was  as  forward  to  attack  Gregory  as  it  had  been 
to  praise  him.  It  was  night,  and  the  bishop  was  ill  in  bed, 
when  Maximus  with  his  followers  went  to  the  church  to  be 
consecrated  by  five  suffragans  who  had  been  sent  from  Alex- 
andria for  the  purpose.  Day  began  to  dawn  while  they  were 
still  preparing  for  the  consecration.  They  had  but  half  fin- 
ished the  tonsure  of  the  cynic  philosopher,  who  wore  the  fio\v- 
ing  hair  common  to  his  sect,  when  a  mob,  excited  by  the  sud- 
den news,  rushed  in  upon  them,  and  drove  them  from  the 
church.  They  retired  to  a  flute  player's  shop  to  complete  their 
work,  and  Maximus,  compelled  to  flee  from  Constantinople, 
went  to  Thessalonica  with  the  hope  of  gaining  over  Theodosius 
himself."     Archdeacon  Watkins.  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  li.  752. 

*  Helladius,  successor  of  Basil  at  the  Cappadocian  Czesarea, 


The  council  was  also  attended  by  Pelagius 
of  Laodicaea,^  Eulogius  of  Edessa,-  Acacius,"^ 
our  own  Isidorus,^  Cyril  of  Jerusalem, 
Gelasius  of  Caesarea  in  Palestine,''  who  was 
renowned  alike  for  lore  and  life  and  many 
other  athletes  of  virtue. 

All  these  then  whom   I   have  named  sepa- 
rated   themselves    from    the    Egyptians    and 
celebrated    divine    service    with    the    great 
Gregory.     But   he  himself  implored    them, 
assembled  as  they  were  to  promote  harmony, 
to  subordinate   all   question  of  wrong   to   an 
individual   to  the    promotion    of    agreement 
with  one  another.     "  For,"  said  he,  "  I  shall 
be  released  from  many  cares  and  once   more 
lead  the  quiet  life  I  hold  so  dear  ;  while  you, 
after  your   long    and    painful    warfare,    will 
obtain  the  longed  for  peace.     What  can  be 
more    absurd    than    for    men  who   have  just 
escaped   the   weapons    of  their    enemies    to 
waste   their  own   strength    in  wounding  one 
another  ;  by  so  doing  we  shall  be  a  laughing 
stock  to  our    opponents.     Find    then    some 
worthy  man   of  sense,   able  to  sustain  heavy 
responsibilities  and  discharge  them  well,  and 
make    him    bishop."     The  excellent  pastors 
moved  by  these  counsels  appointed  as  bishop 
of  that  mighty  city  a  man  of  noble  birth  and 
distinguished  for  every  kind  of  virtue  as  well 
as  for  the  splendour  of  his  ancestry,  by  name 
Nectarius.       Maximus,     as    having    partici- 
pated  in  the   insanity  of  ApoUinarius,    they 
stripped  of  his  episcopal  rank  and  rejected. 
They    next    enacted    canons   concerning  the 
good    government  of  the   church,   and  pub- 
lished a  confirmation  of  the   faith  set  forth  at 
Nicaea.     Then    thev    returned    each    to    his 
own    country.       Next    summer    the    greater 
number  of  them  assembled  again  in  the  same 
city,  summoned  once  more  by  the   needs  of 
the   church,    and    received   a   synodical  letter 
from  the  bishops  of  the  west  inviting  them  to 
come    to    Rome,  where  a  great    synod  was 
being  assembled.     They  begged  however  to 
be  excused  from  travelling   thus   far  abroad; 
their  doing  so,  they  said,  would   be    useless. 
They  wrote  however  both   to  point  out   the 
storm  which  had  risen  against  the  churches, 
and    to   hint   at   the  carelessness  with  which 
the  western   bishops   had   treated    it.      They 
also  included  in  their  letter  a  summary  of  the 
apostolic   doctrine,  but  the  boldness  and  wis- 
dom of  their  expressions  w^ill  be  more  clearly 
shown  by  the  letter  Itself. 

was  orthodox,  but  on  important  occasions  clashed  unhappily 
with  each  of  the  two  great  Gregories  of  Nyssa  and  Nazianzus. 
On  Gregorius  of  Nyssa  and  Petrus  his  brother,  vide  page 
129.  Amphilochius,  vide  note  on  page  1 14.  Optimus,  vide  note 
on  page  129.     Diodorus,  vide  note  on  pages  85,  126  and  133. 

1  cif.  note  on  Chap.  iv.  12,  page  115. 

2  cf.  note  on  iv.  15,  page  119. 

3  Of  Beroea,  vide  page  12S.      *  i.e.  of  Cyrus,  cf.  p.  134. 
5  For  fragments  of  his  writings  vide  Dial.  i.  and  iii. 


V.  .9.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


137 


CHAPTER    IX. 

Synodical  lette7^  from  the  council  at 
Constantinople. 

''  To  the  right  honourable  lords  our  right 
reverend  brethren  and  colleagues  Damasus, 
Ambrosius,  Britton,  Valerianus,  Ascholius, 
Anemius,  Basilius  and  the  rest  of  the  holy 
bishops  assembled  in  the  great  city  of  Rome, 
the  holy  synod  of  the  orthodox  bishops 
assembled  at  the  greatcity  of  Constantinople, 
sends  greeting  in  the  Lord. 

"  To  recount  all  the  sufferings  inflicted  on 
us  by  the  power  of  the  Arians,  and  to  attempt 
to  give  information  to  your  reverences,  as 
though  you  were  not  already  well  acquainted 
with  them,  might  seem  superfluous.  For  we 
do  not  suppose  your  piety  to  hold  what  is  be- 
falling us  as  of  such  secondary  importance  as 
that  you  stand  in  any  need  of  information  on 
matters  which  cannot  but  evoke  your  sympa- 
thy. Nor  indeed  were  the  storms  which  beset 
us  such  as  to  escape  notice  from  their  insignifi- 
cance. Our  persecutions  are  but  of  yesterday. 
The  sound  of  them  still  rings  in  the  ears  alike 
of  those  who  suffered  them  and  of  those  whose 
love  made  the  sufferers'  pain  their  own.  It 
was  but  a  day  or  two  ago,  if  I  may  so  say, 
that  some  released  from  chains  in  foreign 
lands  returned  to  their  own  churches  through 
manifold  afflictions ;  of  others  who  had  died 
in  exile  the  relics  w^ere  brought  home  ;  others 
again,  even  after  their  return  from  exile, 
found  the  passion  of  the  heretics  still  at 
boiling  heat,  and,  slain  by  them  with  stones  as 
was  the  blessed  Stephen,  met  with  a  sadder 
fate  in  their  own  than  in  a  stranger's  land. 
Others,  worn  away  with  various  cruelties, 
still  bear  in  their  bodies  the  scars  of  their 
wounds  and  the  marks  of  Christ.^ 

"  Who  could  tell  the  tale  of  fines,  of  disfran- 
chisements, of  individual  confiscations,  of 
intrigues,  of  outrages,  of  prisons?  In  truth 
all  kinds  of  tribulation  were  wrought  out 
beyond  number  in  us,  perhaps  because  we 
were  paying  the  penalty  of  sins,  perhaps 
because  the  merciful  God  was  trying  us  by 
means  of  the  multitude  of  our  sufferings. 
For  these  all  thanks  to  God,  who  by  means 
of  such  afflictions  trained  his  servants  and, 
according  to  the  multitude  of  his  mercies, 
brought  us  again  to  refreshment.  We  indeed 
needed  long  leisure,  time,  and  toil  to  restore 
the  church  once  more,  that  so,  like  physi- 
cians healing  the  body  after  long  sickness 
and  expelling  its  disease  by  gradual  treat- 
ment, we  might  bring  her  back  to  her  ancient 
health    of   true   religion.      It  is  true  that  on 

^  Gal.  vi.  17. 


the  whole  we  seem  to  have  been  delivered 
from  the  violence  of  our  persecutions  and  to 
be  just  now  recovering  the  churches  which 
have  for  a  long  time  been  the  prey  of  the 
heretics.  But  wolves  are  troublesome  to  us 
who,  though  they  have  been  driven  from  the 
byre,  yet  harry  the  flocks  up  and  down  the 
glades,  daring  to  hold  rival  assemblies,  stirring 
seditions  among  the  people,  and  shrinking 
from  nothing  which  can  do  damage  to  the 
churches. 

'^  So,  as  we  have  already  said,  we  needs 
must    labour    all    the    longer.     Since    how- 
ever you   showed  your  brotherly  love  to  us 
by  inviting  us  (as  though  we  were  your  own 
members)  by  the  letters  of  our  most  religious 
emperor  to  the  synod  which  you  are  gather- 
ing by   divine  permission   at   Rome,  to  the 
end    that    since    we    alone    were    then    con- 
demned to  suffer  persecution,  you  should  not 
now,  when  our  emperors  are  at  one  with  us 
as  to  true  religion,  reign   apart  from  us,  but 
that  we,  to  use  the  apostle's  phrase,^  should 
reign    with     you,     our     prayer    was,    if    it 
were  possible,   all   in  company  to  leave  our 
churches,  and  rather  gratify  our  longing  to 
see  you  than  consult  their  needs.     For  who 
will  give  us  wings  as  of  a  dove,  and  w5  will 
ffy  and  be  at  rest?"     But  this  course  seemed 
likely  to  leave  the  churches  who  were  just 
recovering  quite  undefended,  and  the  under- 
taking was  to  most  of  us  impossible,  for,  in 
accordance    with  the  letters  sent  a   year  ago 
from    your     holiness     after    the     synod     at 
Aquileia  to  the  most  pious  emperor  Theo- 
dosius,  we  had  journeyed  to  Constantinople, 
equipped  only  for  travelling  so  far  as  Con- 
stantinople, and  bringing  the  .consent  of  the 
bishops  remaining  in  the  provinces  for  this 
synod  alone.     We  had  been  in  no  expecta- 
tion of  any  longer  journey  nor  had  heard  a 
word    about    it    before  our    arrival    at    Con- 
stantinople.     In  addition  to  all  this,  and  on 
account  of  the  narrow  limits  of  the  appointed 
time  which  allowed  of  no  preparation  for  a 
longer  journey,  nor  of  communicating  with 
the  bishops  of  our  communion  in   the  prov- 
inces and  of  obtaining  their  consent,  the  jour- 
ney to  Rome  was  for  the  majority  impossible. 
We    have  therefore    adopted    the    next    best 
course  open  to  us  under  the  circumstances, 
both    for   the    better   administration    of    the 
church,  and  for  manifesting  our  love  towards 
vou,  bv  stronorlv  ur^insf  our  most  venerated, 
and  honoured  colleagues  and  brother  bishops 
Cyriacus,   Eusebius  and  Priscianus,   to  con- 
sent to  travel  to  you. 

"  Through   them  we  wish  to  make  it  plain 


II.  Cor.  iv.  8. 


2  Ps.  Iv.  6. 


138 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[V.  9- 


that  our  disposition  is  all  for  peace  with 
unity  for  its  sole  object,  and  that  we  are  full 
of  zeal  for  the  right  faith.  For  we,  whether 
we  suftered  persecutions,  or  afflictions,  or 
the  threats  of  emperors,  or  the  cruelties 
of  princes  or  any  other  trial  at  the  hands  of 
heretics,  have  undergone  all  for  the  sake  of 
the  evangelic  ftiith,  ratified  by  the  three 
hundred  and  eighteen  f^ithers  at  Nicaea  in 
Bithynia.  This  is  the  faith  which  ought  to 
be  sufficient  for  you,  for  us,  for  all  who 
wrest  not  the  word  of  the  true  faith  ;  for 
it  is  the  ancient  faith  ;  it  is  the  faith  of  our 
baptism  ;  it  is  the  faith  that  teaches  us  to 
believe  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  of  the 
Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

"According  to  this  faith  there  is  one  God- 
head, Power  and  Substance  of  the  Father 
and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost ;  the 
dignity  being  equal,  and  the  majesty  being 
equal  in  three  perfect  essences  ^  and  three 
perfect  persons.^  Thus  there  is  neither  room 
for  the  heresy  of  Sabellius  by  the  confusion 
of  the  essences  or  destruction  of  the  indi- 
vidualities ;  thus  the  blasphemy  of  the  Eu- 
nomians,  of  the  Arians,  and  of  the  Pneu- 
matomiichi  is  nullified,  which  divides  the 
substance,  the  nature  and  the  godhead  and 
superinduces  on  the  uncreated  consubstantial 
and  co-eternal  trinity  a  nature  posterior, 
created  and  of  a  different  substance.  VVe 
moreover  preserve  unperverted  the  doctrine 
of  the  incarnation  of  the  Lord,  holding  the 
tradition  that  the  dispensation  of  the  flesh  is 
neither  soulless  nor  mindless  nor  imperfect ; 
and  knowing  full  well  that  God's  Word  was 
perfect  before  the  ages,  and  became  perfect 
man  in  the  last  days  for  our  salvation. 

"  Let  this  suffice  for  a  summary  of  the  doc- 
trine which  is  fearlessly  and  frankly  preached 
by  us,  and  concerning  which  you  will  be  able 
to  be  still  further  satisfied  if  you  will  deign  to 
read  the  report  of  the  synod  of  Antioch,  and 
also  that  issued  last  year  by  the  oecumenical 
council  held  at  Constantinople,  in  which  we 
have  set  forth  our  confession  of  the  faith  at 
greater  length,  and  have  appended  an  anathe- 
ma against  the  heresies  which  innovators  have 
recently  inscribed. 

"  Now  as  to  the  particular  administration 
of  individual  churches,  an  ancient  custom,  as 
you  know,  has  obtained,  confirmed  by  the 
enactment  of  the  holy  fathers  at  Nicaea,  that, 
in  every  province,  the  bishops  of  the  province, 
and,  with  their  consent,  the  neighbouring 
bishops  with  them,  should  perform  ordina- 
tions as  expediency  may  require.  In  con- 
forming with  these  customs   note   that  other 

'  L'7TO<7Taa"€0"i. 
2  7rpoaw7TOi5. 


churches  have  been  administered  by  us  and 
the  priests  of  the  most  famous  churches  pub- 
licly appointed.  Accordingly  over  the  new 
made  (if  the  expression  be  allowable)  church 
at  Constantinople,  which,  as  though  from  a 
lion's  mouth,  we  have  lately  snatched  by 
God's  mercy  from  the  blasphemy  of  the 
heretics,  we  have  ordained  bishop  the  right 
reverend  and  most  religious  Nectarius,  in 
the  presence  of  the  oecumenical  council, 
with  common  consent,  before  the  most  reliof- 
lous  emperor  Theodosius,  and  with  the 
assent  of  all  the  clergy  and  of  the  whole 
city.  And  over  the  most  ancient  and  truly 
apostolic  church  in  Syria,  where  first  the 
noble  name  of  Christians  ^  was  given  them, 
the  bishops  of  the  province  and  of  the  east- 
ern diocese  ^  have  met  together  and  canoni- 
cally  ordained  bishop  the  right  reverend 
and  most  religious  Flavianus,  with  the  con- 
sent of  all  the  church,  who  as  though  with  one 
voice  joined  in  expressing  their  respect  for 
him.  This  rightful  ordination  also  received 
the  sanction  of  the  general  council.  Of  the 
church  at  Jerusalem,  mother  of  all  the 
churches,  wq  make  known  that  the  right 
reverend  and  most  religious  Cyril  is  bishop, 
who  was  some  time  ago  canonically  ordained 
by  the  bishops  of  the  province,  and  has  in 
several  places  fought  a  good  fight  against 
the  Arians.  We  beseech  your  reverence  to 
rejoice  at  what  has  thus  been  rightly  and 
canonically  settled  by  us,  by  the  intervention 
of  spiritual  love  and  by  the  influence  of  the 
fear  of  the  Lord,  compelling  the  feelings  of 
men,  and  making  the  edification  of  churches 
of  more  importance  than  individual  grace  or 
favour.  Thus  since  among  us  there  is 
agreement  in  the  faith  and  Christian  charity 
has  been  established,  we  shall  cease  to  use 
the  phrase  condemned  by  the  apostles,  '  I 
am  of  Paul  and  I  of  Apollos  and  I  of 
Cephas,'  ^  and  all  appearing  as  Christ's,  who 
in  us  is  not  divided,  by  God's  grace  we  will 
keep  the  body  of  the  church  unrent,  and 
will  boldly  stand  at  the  judgment  seat  of 
the  Lord." 

These  things  they  wrote  against  the  mad- 
ness of  Arius,  Aetius,  and  Eunomius  ;  and 
moreover  against  Sabellius,  Photinus,  Mar- 
cellus,  Paul  of  Samosata,  and  Macedonius. 
Similarly  they  openly  condemned  the  inno- 
vation of  Apollinarius  in  the  phrase,  "And 
we  preserve  the  doctrine  of  the  incarnation 
of  the  Lord,  holding  the  tradition  that  the 
dispensation  of  the  flesh  is  neither  soulless, 
nor  mindless,  nor  imperfect." 


^  Acts  xi.  26. 

"  Vide  note  on  p.  53. 

3  I.  Cor.  i.  12. 


V.   10,  II.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


139 


CHAPTER   X. 

Synodical  letter  of  Damasus  bishop  of  Rome 
against  Apollinarius  and  Timoiheus, 

When  the  most  praiseworthy  Damasus 
had  heard  of  the  rise  of  this  heresy,  he  pro- 
claimed the  condemnation  not  only  of  Apol- 
linarius  but  also  of  Timotheus  his  follower. 
The  letter  in  which  he  made  this  known  to 
the  bishops  of  the  Eastern  empire  I  have 
thought  it  well  to  insert  in  my  history. 

Letter  of  Damasus  bishop  of  Rome. 

"Most  honourable  sons:  Inasmuch  as 
your  love  renders  to  the  apostolic  see  the 
reverence  which  is  its  due,  accept  the  same 
in  no  niggard  measure  for  yourselves.^  For 
even  though  in  the  holy  church  in  which  the 
holy  apostle  sat,  and  taught  us  how  it  be- 
comes us  to  manage  the  rudder  which  has 
been  committed  to  us,  we  nevertheless  con- 
fess ourselves  to  be  unworthy  of  the  honour, 
we  yet  on  this  very  account  strive  by  every 
means  within  our  power  if  haply  we  may  be 
able  to  achieve  the  glory  of  that  blessedness. 
Know  then  that  we  have  condemned  Timo- 
theus, the  unhallowed,  the  disciple  of  Apol- 
linariusthe  heretic,  together  with  his  impious 
doctrine,  and  are  confident  that  for  the  future 
his  remains  will  have  no  weight  whatever. 
But  if  that  old  serpent,  though  smitten  once 
and  again,  still  revives  to  his  own  destruc- 
tion, who  though  he  exists  without  the  church 
never  ceases  from  the  attempt  by  his  deadly 
venom  to  overthrow  certain  unfaithful  men, 
do  you  avoid  it  as  you  would  a  pest,  mind- 
ful ever  of  the  apostolic  faith  — that,  I  mean, 
which  was  set  out  in  writing  by  the  Fathers 
at  Nicsea  ;  do  you  remain  on  steady  ground, 
firm  and  unmoved  in  the  faith,  and  hence- 
forward sufier  neither  your  clergy  nor  laity 
to  listen  to  vain  words  and  futile  questions, 
for  we  have  already  given  a  form,  that  he 
who  professes  himself  a  Christian  may  keep 
it,  the  form  delivered  by  the  Apostles,  as 
says  St.  Paul,  '  if  any  one  preach  to  you 
another  gospel  than  that  you  have  received 
let  him  be  Anathema.'  ^  For  Christ  the  Son 
of  God,  our  Lord,  gave  by  his  own  passion 
abundant  salvation  to  the  race  of  men,  that 
he  might  free  from  all  sin  the  whole  man  in- 
volved in  sin.  If  any  one  speaks  of  Christ 
as  having  had  less  of  manhood  or  of  Godhead, 
he  is  full  of  devils'  spirits,  and  proclaims 
himself  a  child  of  hell. 

1  This  rendering  seems  the  sense  of  the  somewhat  awkward 
Greek  of  the  text,  and  obviates  the  necessity  of  adopting-  Vale- 
sius'  conjecture  that  the  "  nobis  "  of  the  original  Latin  had 
been  altered  by  a  clerical  error  into  "  vobis."  If  we  read 
nobis,  we  may  translate  "  you  shew  it  in  no  niggard  measure 
to  ourselves." 

2  Gal.  i.  S. 


''  Why  then  do  you  again  ask  me  for  the 
condemnation  of  Timotheus.'^  Here,  by  the 
judgment  of  the  apostolic  see,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  Peter,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  he  w^as 
condemned,  together  with  his  teacher, 
ApoUinarius,  who  will  also  in  the  day  of 
judgment  undergo  due  j^unishment  and 
torment.  But  if  he  succeeds  in  persuading 
some  less  stable  men,  as  though  having 
some  hope,  after  by  his  confession  changing 
the  true  hope  which  is  in  Christ,  with  him 
shall  likewise  perish  whoever  of  set  purpose 
withstands  the  order  of  the  Church.  May 
God  keep  you  sound,  most  honoured  sons." 

The  bishops  assembled  in  great  Rome 
also  wrote  other  things  against  other  heresies 
which  I  have  thought  it  necessary  to  insert 
in  my  history. 

CHAPTER   XI. 

A  confession  of  the  Catholic  faith  which  Pope 
Damasus  ^sent  to  Bishop  Paulinus  in  Mace- 
donia when  he  was  at  Thessalonica, 

After  the  Council  of  Nicsea  there  sprung 
up  this  error.  Certain  men  ventured  with 
profane  mouths  to  say  that  the  Holy  Spirit 
is  made  through  the  Son.  We  therefore 
anathematize  those  who  do  not  with  all 
freedom  preach  that  the  Holy  Spirit  is  of 
one  and  the  same  substance  and  power 
with  the  Father  and  the  Son.  In  like 
manner  we  anathematize  them  that  follow 
the  error  of  Sabellius  and  say  that  the 
Father  and  the  Son  are  the  same.  We 
anathematize  Arius  and  Eunomius  who 
with  equal  impiety,  though  with  differences 
of  phrase,  maintain  the  Son  and  the  Holy 
Spirit  to  be  a  creature.  We  anathematize  the 
Macedonians  who,  produced  from  the  root  of 
Arius,  have  changed  the  name  but  not  the 
impiety.  We  anathematize  Photinus  who, 
renewing  the  heresy  of  Ebion,  confessed 
that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  onlv  of 
Mary."     We  anathematize  them  that  main- 


*As  to  who  this  Paulinus  was,  and  when  this  confession 
was  sent  to  him,  there  has  been  some  confusion.  Theodorel 
has  been  supposed  to  write  "  bishop  of  Thessalonica,"  and 
then  has  been  found  fault  with  by  Baronius  for  describing  the 
Paulinus  the  Eustathian  bishop  of  Antioch  as  of  Thessalonica 
in  order  to  conceal  the  fact  of  Damasus  and  the  Antiochene 
Paulinus  being  in  communion.  But  the  patronage  ot  this 
Paulinus  by  Damasus  was  notorious,  and  if  Theodoret  wanted 
to  ignore  it,  he  need  not  have  inserted  this  document  at  all. 
But,  as  Valesius  points  out,  all  that  Theodoret  says  is  that 
Damasus  sent  it  to  bishop  Paulinus,  when  he  was  at  Thessa- 
lonica, and  calls  attention  to  the  recognition  ot  this  by 
Baronius  (ann.  37S.  44).  The  letter  is  in  the  Ilolsteinian  Col- 
lection, with  the  heading  "  Dilectissimo  fratri  Paulino 
Damasus."  Paulinus  was  probably  at  Thessalonica  on  his 
way  from  Rome  in  3S2. 

-  Photinus,  the  disciple  of  Marcellus  of  Ancyra,  was  con- 
demned at  the  synod  of  Sirmium  in  349.  Diet.  Christ.  Ant. 
(*'  Sirmium,  Councils  of.")  Sulpicius  Severus  writes  (11.  52) 
'•  Photinus  vero  novam  h.xresim  jam  ante  ]>rotulerat,  a  Sabellio 
quidem  in  unione  dissentiens,  sed  initium  Christi  ex  Maria 
praedicabat." 


140 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[V. 


II 


tain  that  there  are  two  sons  —  one  before 
the  ages  and  another  after  the  assumption 
of  the  flesh  from  Mary.  We  anathematize 
also  all  who  maintain  that  the  Word  of 
God  moved  in  human  flesh  instead  of  a  rea- 
sonable soul.  For  this  Word  of  God  Hifn- 
self  was  not  in  His  own  body  instead  of  a 
reasonable  and  intellectual  soul,  but  assumed 
and  saved  our  soul,  both  reasonable  and  in- 
tellectual, without  sin.^  W^e  anathematize 
also  them  that  say  that  the  Word  of  God 
is  separated  from  the  Father  by  extension 
and  contraction,  and  blasphemously  affirm 
that  He  is  without  essential  being  or  is  des- 
tined to  die. 

Them  that  have  gone  from  churches  to 
other  churches  we  so  far  hold  alien  from 
our  communion  till  they  shall  have  re- 
turned to  those  cities  in  which  they  were 
first  ordained. 

If  any  one,  when  another  has  gone  from 
place  to  place,  has  been  ordained  in  his  stead, 
let  him  who  abandoned  his  own  city  be  held 
deprived  of  his  episcopal  rank  until  such 
time  as  his  successor  shall  rest  in  the 
Lord. 

If  any  one  denies  that  the  Father  is  eternal 
and  the  Son  eternal  and  the  Holy  Ghost  eter- 
nal, let  him  be  anathema. 

If  any  one  denies  that  the  Son  was  be- 
gotten of  the  Father,  that  is  of  His  divine 
substance,  let  him  be  anathema. 

If  any  one  denies  that  the  Son  of  God  is 
very  God,  omnipotent  and  omniscient,  and 
equal  to  the  Father,  let  him  be  anathema. 

If  any  one  says  that  the  Son  of  God,  living 
in  the  flesh  when  he  was  on  the  earth,  was 
not  in  heaven  and  with  the  Father,  let  him 
be  anathema.^ 

If  any  one  says  that  in  the  Passion  of  the 
Cross  tlie  Son  of  God  sustained  its  pain  by 
Godhead,  and  not  by  reasonable  soul  and 
flesh  which  He  had  assumed  in  the  form  of 
a  servant,^  as  saith  the  Holy  Scripture,  let 
him  be  anathema. 

If  any  one  denies  that  the  Word  of  God 
suffered  in  the  flesh  and  tasted  death  in  the 
flesh,  and  was  the  first-born  of  the  dead,'' 
as  the  Son  is  life  and  giver  of  life,  let  him  be 
anathema. 

If  any  one  deny  that  He  sits  on  the  right 
hand  of  the  Father  in  the  flesh  v^hich  He  as- 
sumed, and  in  which  He  shall  come  to  judge 
quick  and  dead,  let  him  be  anathema. 

If  any  one  deny  that  the  Holy  Spirit  is 
truly  and  absolutely  of  the  Father,  and  that 


1  Vide  note  on  Apollinarius,  p.  132. 

2  John  iii.  i  3, 

3  "Phi!.  11-  7. 

*  Coioss.  i.  iS.    Rev.  i.  5. 


the  Son  is  of  the  divine  substance  and  very 
God  of  God,^  let  him  be  anathema. 

If  any  one  deny  that  the  Holy  Spirit  is 
omnipotent,  omniscient,  and  omnipresent,  as 
also  the  vSon  of  the  Father,  let  him  be  anath- 
ema. 

If  any  one  say  that  the  Holy  Spirit  is  a 
created  being  or  was  made  through  the  Son, 
let  him  be  anathema. 

If  any  one  den}^  that  the  Father  made  all 
things  visible  and  invisible,  through  the  Son 
who  was  made  Flesh,  and  the  Holy  Spirit, 
let  him  be  anathema. 

If  any  one  deny  one  Godhead  and  power, 
one  sovereignty  and  glory,  one  lordship,  one 
kingdom,  will  and  truth  of  the  Father  and 
of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  let  him 
be  anathema. 

If  any  one  deny  three  very  persons  of  the 
Father  and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
living  for  ever,  containing  all  things  visible 
and  invisible,  omnipotent,  judging  all  things, 
giving  life  to  all  things,  creating  all  things 
and  preserving  all  things,^  let  him  be  an- 
athema. 

If  any  one  denies  that  the  Holy  Ghost 
is  to  be  worshipped  by  all  creation,  as  the 
Son,  and  as  the  Father,  let  him  be  anathema. 

If  any  one  shall  think  aright  about  the 
Father  and  the  Son  but  does  not  hold  aright 
about  the  Holy  Ghost,  anathema,  because  he 
is  a  heretic,  for  all  the  heretics  who  do  not 
think  aright  about  God  the  Son  and  about 
the  Holy  Ghost  are  convicted  of  being  in- 
volved in  the  unbelief  of  the  Jews  and  the 
heathen  ;  and  if  any  one  shall  divide  God- 
head, saying  that  the  Father  is  God  apart 
and  the  Son  God,  and  the  Holy  Ghost  God, 
and  should  persist  that  they  are  called  Gods 
and  not  God,  on  account  of  the  one  Godhead 
and  sovereignty  which  we  believe  and  know 
there  to  be  of  the  Father  and  of  the  Son 
and  of  the  Holy  Ghost  —  one  God  in  three 
essences,^  —  or  withdrawing  the  Son  and  the 
Holy  Ghost  so  as  to  suggest  that  the  Father 
alone  is  called  God  and  believed  in  as  one 
God,  let  him  be  anathema. 

For  the  name  of  gods  has  been  bestowed 
by  God  upon  angels  and  all  saints,  but  of  the 
Father  and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  on  account  of  their  one  and  equal 
Godhead,  not  the  names  of  "  gods  "  but  the 
name  of  "  our  God  "  is  predicated  and  pro- 
claimed, that  we  mav  believe  that  we  are 
baptized  in  Father  and  Son  and  Holy  Ghost 
and    not    in    the     names    of   archangels     or 

1  Valesius  supposes  the  Greek  translator  to  have  read  Deum 
verbtcm  for  Deum  venivi,  which  is  found  in  Col.  Rom.,  and 
which  I  have  followed. 

2  Latin,  "  Omnia  quae  sunt  salvanda  saivantes." 

3  ©to;'  eVa  iv  TpLcnu  vno(XTa<7ecri.u .  The  iasc  lliree  words  are 
wanting  in  the  Latin  version. 


V.   12-14.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


141 


angels,  like  the  heretics  or  the  Jews  or 
foolish   heathen. 

This  is  the  salvation  of  the  Christians, 
that  believing  in  the  Trinity,  that  is  in  the 
Father  and  the  Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  and 
being  baptized  into  the  same  one  Godhead 
and  power  and  divinity  and  substance,  in 
Him  we  may  trust. 

These  events  happened  during  the  life  of 
Gratianus. 

CHAPTER    XII. 

Of  the  death  of  Gratianus  and  the  sovereignty 
of  Maximus, 

Gratianus  in  the  midst  of  his  successes 
in  war  and  wise  and  prudent  government 
ended  his  life  by  conspiracy.^  He  left  no 
sons  to  inherit  the  empire,  and  a  brother  of 
the  same  name  as  their  father,  Valentinianus,^ 
who  was  quite  a  youth.  So  Maximus,^  in 
contempt  of  the  youth  of  Valentinianus,  seized 
the  throne  of  the  West. 

CHAPTER    XIII. 

Of  Justina,    the   wife    of    Valentiniamis ^    and 
of  her  plot  against  Ambrosius. 

At  this  time  Justina,"*  wife  of  Valentini- 
anus the  gi'eat,  and  mother  of  the  young 
prince,  made  known  to  her  son  the  seeds  of 
the  Arian  teaching  which  she  had  long  ago 
received.  Well  knowing  the  warmth  of  her 
consort's  faith  she  had  endeavoured  to  conceal 
her  sentiments  during  the  whole  of  his  life, 
but  perceiving  that  her  son's  character  was 
gentle  and  docile,  she  took  courage  to  bring 
her  deceitful  doctrine  forward.  The  lad 
supposed  his  mother's  counsels  to  be  wise 
and  beneficial,  for  nature  so  disposed  the 
bait  that  he  could  not  see  the  deadly  hook 
below.  He  first  communicated  on  the  sub- 
ject with  Ambrosius,  under  the  impression 
that,  if  he  could  persuade  the  bishop,  he 
would  be  able  without   difliculty    to    prevail 


1  Gratianus  made  himsetf  unpopular  (i)  by  his  excessive  ad- 
iction  to  sport,  playing  the  Comniodusin  the  "Vivaria,"  when 
not  even  a  Marcus  Aurelius  could  have  answered  all  the  calls 
of  tlie  Empire.  (Amm.  xxxi.  x.  19)  and  (ii)  by  affecting  the 
society  and  customs  of  barbarians  (Aur.  Vict,  xlvii.  6).  The 
troops  in  Britain  rose  against  him,  gathered  aid  in  the  Low 
Countries,  and  defeated  him  near  Paris.  He  fled  to  Lyons, 
where  he  was  treacherously  assassinated  Aug.  25,  383.  He 
was  only  twenty-four.     (Soc.v.  11.) 

2  Valentinianus  IL,  son  of  Valentinianus  I.  and  Justina 
was  born  c.  371. 

3  Magnus  Maximus  reigned  from  3S3  to  3S8.  Like  Theodo- 
sius,  he  was  a  Spaniard. 

*  Justina,  left  widow  by  Magnentius  in  3^3,  was  married  to 
Valentinian  I.  (we  may  dismiss  the  story  of  Socrates  (iv.  31) 
that  he  legalized  bigamy  in  order  to  marry  her  in  the  lifetime 
of  Severa)  probably  in  36S.  Her  first  conflict  with  Ambrose 
was  probably  in3So  at  Sirmium.  On  the  murder  of  Gratian  in 
3S3  Maximus  for  four  years  left  the  young  Valentinian  in  pos- 
session of  Italy,  in  deference  to  the  pleading  of  Ambrose.  It 
Avas  during  this  period,  at  Easter,  3S5,  that  Justina  ungratefully 
attacked  the  bishop  and  demanded  a  church  for  Arian  wor- 
ship. 


over  the  rest.  Ambrosius,  however,  strove 
to  remind  him  of  his  father's  piety,  and  ex- 
horted him  to  keep  inviolate  the  heritage 
which  he  had  received.  He  explained  to 
him  also  how  one  doctrine  difiered  from  the 
other,  how  the  one  is  in  agreement  with  the 
teaching  of  the  Lord  and  with  the  teaching 
of  his  apostles,  while  the  other  is  totally  op- 
posed to  it  and  at  war  with  the  code  of  the 
laws  of  the  spirit. 

The  young  man,  as  young  men  will, 
spurred  on  moreover  by  a  mother  herself 
the  victim  of  deceit,  not  only  did  not  assent 
to  the  arguments  adduced,  but  lost  his  tem- 
per, and,  in  a  passion,  was  for  surrounding 
the  approaches  to  the  church  with  companies 
of  legionaries  and  targeteers.  When,  how- 
ever, he  learnt  that  this  illustrious  champion 
was  not  in  the  least  alarmed  at  his  proceed- 
ings, for  Ambrosius  treated  them  all  like  the 
ghosts  and  hobgoblins  with  which  some 
men  try  to  frighten  babies,  he  was  exceed- 
ingly angry  and  publicly  ordered  him  to  de- 
part from  the  church.  "  I  shall  not,"  said 
Ambrosius,  "do  so  willingly.  I  will  not 
yield  the  sheepfold  to  the  wolves  nor  betray 
God's  temple  to  blasphemers.  If  you  wish 
to  slay  me  drive  your  sword  or  your  spear 
into  me  here  within.  I  shall  welcome  such 
a  death."! 

CHAPTER   XIV. 

Of  the   infonnation  given    by   Maximus    the 
tyrant  to    Valentinianus, 

After  a  considerable  time  Maximus^ 
was  informed  of  the  attacks  which  were  being 
made  upon  the  loud-voiced  herald  of  the 
truth,  and  he  sent  dispatches  to  Valentini- 
anus charging  liim  to  put  a  stop  to  his  war 
against  true  religion  and  exhorting  him  not 
to  abandon  his  father's  faith.  In  the  event 
of  his  advice  being  disregarded  he  further 
threatened  war,  and  confirmed  what  he 
wrote  by  what  he  did,^  for  he  mustered  his 
forces  and  marched  for  Milan  where  Valen- 
tinianus was  then  residing.  When  the  latter 
heard    of  his  approach   he   fled   into   Illyri- 

1  This  contest  is  described  by  Ambrose  himself  in  letters  to 
Valentinian  and  to  his  sister  Marcellina,  Epp.  xx.  xxi,  and 
in  the  "  Sermo  de  basilicis  tradendis."  On  the  apparent  error 
of  Gibbon  in  confusing  the  "  vela  "  which  were  hung  outside  a 
building  to  mark  it  as  claimed  for  the  imperial  property,  with 
the  state  hangings  of  the  emperor's  seat  inside,  vide  Diet. 
Christ.  Biog.  1.  95. 

2  After  Easter,  3S7. 

3  The  motives  here  stated  seem  to  have  had  little  to  do  with 
the  march  of  Maximus  over  the  Alps.  Indeed  so  far  from 
enthusiasm  for  Ambrose  and  the  Ambrosian  view  of  the  faith 
being  conspicuous  in  the  invader,  he  had  received  the  bishop 
at  Treves  as  envoy  from  Valentinian,  had  refused  to  be 
diverted  from  his  purpose,  and  had  moreover  taken  offence  at 
the  objection  of  Ambrose  to  communicate  with  the  bishops 
who  had  been  concerned  in  the  rirst  capital  punishment  of  a 
heretic  —  i.e.  Priscillian. 


142 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[V.   15,  16. 


cuni.^  He  had  learnt  by  experience  what 
good  he  had  got  by  following  his  mother's 
advice. 

CHAPTER   XV. 

Of  the  Letter  written  by  the  Emperor  Theo- 
dosius  concer7iing  the  same. 

When  the  illustrious  emperor  Theodo- 
sius  had  heard  of  the  emperor's  doings  and 
what  the  tyrant  Maximus  had  written  to  him, 
he  wrote  to  the  fugitive  youth  to  this  effect : 
You  must  not  be  astonished  if  to  you  has 
come  panic  and  to  your  enemy  victory  ;  for 
you  have  been  fighting  against  piety,  and 
he  on  its  side.  You  abandoned  it,  and  are 
running  away  naked.  He  in  its  panoply  is 
getting  the  mastery  of  you  stripped  bare  of 
it,  for  He  who  hath  given  us  the  law  of  true 
reliofiou  is  ever  on  its  side. 

So  wrote  Theodosius  when  he  was  yet 
afar  off,  but  when  he  had  heard  of  Valen- 
tinian's  flight,  and  had  come  to  his  aid,  and 
saw  him  an  exile,  taking  refuge  in  his  own 
empire,  his  first  thought  was  to  give  suc- 
cour to  his  soul,  drive  out  the  intruding 
pestilence  of  impiety,  and  win  him  back  to 
the  true  relio^ion  of  his  fathers.  Then 
he  bade  him  be  of  good  cheer  and  marched 
against  the  tyrant.  He  gave  the  lad  his 
empire  again  without  loss  of  blood  and 
slew  Maximus.  For  he  felt  that  he  should 
be  guilty  of  wrong  and  should  violate  the 
terms  of  his  treaty  with  Gratianus  were  he 
not  to  take  vengeance  on  those  who  had 
caused  his  ally's  death. ^ 

CHAPTER  XVL 

Of  Amphilochitis^  bishop  of  Iconium. 

On  the  emperor's  return  the  admirable 
Amphilochius,  whom  I  have  often  mentioned, 
came  to  beg  that  the  Arian  congregations 
might  be  expelled  from  the  cities.  The  em- 
peror thought  the  petition  too  severe,  and 
refused  it.  The  very  wise  Amphilochius  at 
the  moment  was  silent,  for  he  had  hit  upon 
a  memorable  device.     The  next  time  he  en- 


1  Valentinifin  and  his  mother  fled  to  Thessalonica. 

2  Zosimus  (iv.  44)  represents  Theodosius,  now  for  two  years 
widowed,  as  won  over  to  the  cause  of  Valentinian  by  the 
loveliness  of  the  young  princess  Galla,  whom  he  married. 

"  He  was  some  time  in  preparing  for  the  campaign,  but, 
when  it  was  opened,  he  conducted  it  Avith  vigour  and  decision. 
His  troops  passed  up  the  Save  Valley,  defeated  those  of  Maxi- 
mus in  two  engagements,  entered  JEmona  (Laybach)  in  tri- 
umph, and  soon  stood  before  the  walls  of  Aquileia,  behind 
which  Maximus  was  sheltering  himself.  .  .  .  The  soldiers  of 
Theodosius  poured  into  the  city,  of  which  the  gates  had  been 
opened  to  them  by  the  mutineers,  and  dragged  off  the 
usurper,  barefooted,  with  tied  hands,  in  slave's  attire,  to  the 
tribunal  of  Theodosius  and  his  young  brother  in  law  at  the 
third  milestone  from  the  city.  After  Theodosius  had  in  a  short 
harangue  reproaciied  him  with  the  evil  deeds  which  he  had 
wrought  against  the  Roman  Commonwealth,  he  handed  him 
over  to  the  executioner."  Hodgkin,  *'  Dynasty  of  Theodo- 
sius," p.  127. 


tered  the  Palace  and  beheld  standing  at  the 
emperor's  side  his  son  Arcadius,  who  had 
lately  been  appointed  emperor,  he  saluted 
Theodosius  as  was  his  wont,  but  did  no 
honour  to  Arcadius.  The  emperor,  thinking, 
that  this  neglect  was  due  to  forgetfulness, 
commanded  Amphilochius  to  approach  and 
to  salute  his  son.  "  Sir,"  said  he,  ''  the 
honour  which  I  have  paid  jou  is  enough." 
Theodosius  was  indignant  at  the  discourtesy, 
and  said,  "  Dishonour  done  to  my  son  is  a 
rudeness  to  myself."  Then,  and  not  till  then, 
the  very  wise  Amphilochius  disclosed  the 
object  of  his  conduct,  and  said  with  a  loud 
voice,  ''  You  see,  sir,  that  you  do  not  brook 
dishonour  done  your  son,  and  are  bitterly 
angry  with  those  who  are  rude  to  him.  Be- 
lieve then  that  the  God  of  all  the  world 
abominates  them  that  blaspheme  the  Only 
begotten  Son,  and  hates  them  as  ungrateful 
to  their  Saviour  and  Benefactor." 

Then  the  emperor  understood  the  bishop's 
drift,  and  admired  both  what  he  had  done 
and  what  he  had  said.  Without  further  de- 
lay he  put  out  an  edict  forbidding  the  congre- 
gations of  heretics.^ 

But  to  escape  all  the  snares  of  the  common 
enemy  of  mankind  is  no  easy  task.  Often  it 
happens  that  one  who  has  kept  clear  of  las- 
civious passion  is  fixed  fast  in  the  toils  of 
avarice  ;  and  if  he  prove  superior  to  greed 
there  on  the  other  side  is  the  pitfall  of  envy, 
and  even  if  he  leap  safe  over  this  he  will  find 
a  net  of  passion  waiting  for  him  on  the  other 
side.  Other  innumerable  stumbling  blocks 
the  enemy  sets  in  men's  paths,  trying  to  catch 
them  to  their  ruin.^ 

Then  he  has  at  his  disposal  the  bodily 
passions  to  help  the  wiles  which  he  lays 
against  the  soul.  The  mind  alone,  if  it 
keep  awake,  gets  the  better  of  him,  frus- 
trating the  assault  of  his  devices  by  its  incli- 
nation to  what  is  Divine.  Now,  since  this 
admirable  emperor  had  his  share  of  human 
nature,^  and  was  not  free  from  its  emotions, 
his  righteous  anger  passed  the  bounds  of 
moderation,  and  caused  the  perpetration  of 
a  savage  and  lawless  deed.  I  must  tell  this 
storv  for  the  sake  of  those  into  whose  hands 
it  will  fall ;  it  does  not,  indeed,  only  involve 
blame  of  the  admirable  emperor,  but  so  re- 
dounds to  his  credit  as  to  deserve  to  be  re- 
membered. 

1  Arcadius  was  declared  Augustus  early  in  3S3  (Clinton  Fast. 
Rome,  I.  p.  504).  Theodosius  issued  his  edict  against  the 
heretics  in  September  of  same  year.  Sozomen  (7.  6)  tells  the 
story  of  an  anonymous  old  man,  priest  of  an  obscure  city, 
simple  and  unworldly;  "this,"  remarks  Bishop  I.ightfoot 
(Die.  Christ.  Biog.  i.  106),  "is  as  unlike  Amphilochius  as  it  can 
possibly  be." 

2  "a7p?va)i'."    cf.  Mark  xii.  13. 

3  "  Irasci  sane  rebus  indignis,  sed  flecti  cito."  Aur.  Vict, 
xiviii. 


V.   1 7.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


143 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

Of  the  massacre  nf  Thessa/o?iica;  the  boldness 
of  Bishop  AmbrosiuSy  and  the  piety  of  the 
Emperor, 

Thessalonica  is  a  large  and  very  popu- 
lous city,  belonging  to  Macedonia,  but  the 
capital  of  Thessaly  and  Achaia,  as  well  as 
of  many  other  provinces  which  are  gov- 
erned by  the  prefect  of  Illyricum.  Here  arose 
a  great  sedition,  and  several  of  the  magis- 
trates were  stoned  and  violently  treated.^ 

The  emperor  was  fired  with  anger  when 
he  heard  the  news,  and  unable  to  endure 
the  rush  of  his  passion,  did  not  even  check 
its  onset  by  the  curb  of  reason,  but  allowed 
Ills  raofe  to  be  the  minister  of  his  vengeance. 
When  the  imperial  passion  had  received  its 
authority,  as  though  itself  an  independent 
prince,  it  broke  the  bonds  and  yoke  of  reason, 
unsheathed  swords  of  injustice  right  and  left 
without  distinction,  and  slew  innocent  and 
guilty  together.  No  trial  preceded  the  sen- 
tence. No  condemnation  was  passed  on  the 
perpetrators  of  the  crimes.  Multitudes  were 
mowed  down  like  ears  of  corn  in  har- 
vest-tide. It  is  said  that  seven  thousand  per- 
ished. 

News  of  this  lamentable  calamity  reached 
Ambrosius.  The  emperor  on  his  arrival  at 
Milan  wished  according  to  custom  to  enter 
the  church.  Ambrosius  met  him  outside 
the  outer  porch  and  forbade  him  to  step  over 
the  sacred  threshold.  ''You  seem,  sir,  not 
to  know,"  said  he,  "  the  magnitude  of  the 
bloody  deed  that  has  been  done.  Your  rage 
has  subsided,  but  your  reason  has  not 
yet  recognised  the  character  of  the  deed. 
Peradventure  your  Imperial  power  prevents 
your  recognising  the  sin,  and  power  stands 
in  the  light  of  reason.  We  must  however 
know  how  our  nature  passes  away  and 
is  subject  to  death  ;  we  must  know  the  an- 
cestral dust  from  which  we  sprang,  and  to 
which  we  are  swiftly  returning.  We  must 
not  because  we  are  dazzled  by  the  sheen  of 
the  purple  fail  to  see  the  weakness  of  the  body 
that  it  robes.  You  are  a  sovereign.  Sir,  of 
men  of  like  nature  with  your  own,  and  who 
are  in  truth  your  fellow  slaves  ;  for  there  is 
one  Lord  and  Sovereign  of  mankind,  Creator 
of  the  Universe.  With  what  eyes  then  will 
you  look  on  the  temple  of  our  common 
Lord  —  with  what  feet  will  you  tread  that 
holy    threshold,    how  will  you  stretch  forth 


^  «<  Botheric,  the  Gothic  general,  shut  up  in  prison  a  certain 
scoundrel  of  a  charioteer  who  had  vilely  insulted  him.  At  the 
next  races  the  mob  of  Thessalonica  tumultuousiy  demanded 
the  charioteer's  liberation  and  when  Botheric  refused  rose  in 
insurrection  and  slew  both  him  and  several  magistrates  of  the 
City."    Hodgkin  121.    This  was  in  390. 


your  hands  still  dripping  with  the  blood  of 
unjust  slaughter.^  How  in  such  hands  will 
you  receive  the  all  holy  Body  of  the  Lord } 
How  will  you  who  in  your  rage  unrighteously 
poured  forth  so  much  blood  lift  to  your 
lips  the  precious  Blood  }  Begone.  Attempt 
not  to  add  another  crime  to  that  which  you 
have  committed.  Submit  to  the  restriction 
to  which  the  God  the  Lord  of  all  agrees  that 
you  be  sentenced.  He  will  be  your  physi- 
cian. He  will  give  you  health."^ 

Educated  as  he  had  been  in  the  sacred 
oracles,  Theodosius  knew  clearly  what  be- 
longed to  priests  and  what  to  emperors. 
He  therefore  bowed  to  the  rebuke  of 
Ambrose,  and  retired  sighing  and  weeping 
to  the  palace.  After  a  considerable  time, 
when  eight  months  had  passed  away,  the 
festival  of  our  Saviour's  birth  came  round 
and  the  emperor  sat  in  his  palace  shedding 
a  storm  of  tears. 

Now  Rufinus,  at  that  time  controller  of 
the  household,^  and,  from  his  familiarity 
with  his  imperial  master,  able  to  use  great 
freedom  of  speech,  approached  and  asked 
him  why  he  wept.  With  a  bitter  groan 
and  yet  more  abundant  weeping  "  You  are 
trifling,  Rufinus,"  said  the  emperor,  "  be- 
cause you  do  not  feel  my  troubles.  I  am 
groaning  and  lamenting  at  the  thought  of 
my  own  calamity ;  for  menials  and  for 
beggars  the  way  into  the  church  lies  open  ; 
they  can  go  in  without  fear,  and  put  up 
their  petitions  to  their  own  Lord.  I  dare 
not  set  my  foot  there,  and  besides  this  for  me 
the  door  of  heaven  is  shut,  for  I  remember 
the  voice  of  the  Lord  which  plainly  says, 
'  Whatsoever  ye  bind  on  earth  shall  have 
been  bound  in   heaven.'  "  ^ 

Rufinus  replied  '^  With  your  permission 
I  will  hasten  to  the  bishop,  and  by  my  en- 
treaties induce  him  to  remit  your  penalty." 
"  He  will  not  yield  "  said  the  emperor.  "  I 
know  the  justice  of  the  sentence  passed  by 
Ambrose,  nor  will  he  ever  be  moved  bv 
respect  for  my  imperial  power  to  transgress 
the  law  of  God." 

Rufinus  urged  his  suit  again  and  again, 
promising  to  win  over  Ambrosius;  and  at 
last  the  emperor  commanded  him  to  go 
with  all  despatch.     Then,  the  victim  of  false 


1  A  well-known  picture  of  Vandyke  in  the  National  Gallery, 
a  copy  Avith  some  variations  of  a  larger  picture  at  Vienna  by 
Rubens,  represents  the  famous  scene  of  the  excommunication 
of  Theodosius. 

2"  niayiCTTpo?,"  i.e.  "  magister  officiorum." 

3  Matt,  xviii.  iS.  In  its  primary  sense  the  binding  and 
loosing  of  the  Gospels  is  of  course  the  binding  and  loobing  ot 
the  great  Jewish  schools,  i.e.  prohibition  and  permission. 
The  moral  and  spiritual  binding  and  loosing  of  the  scribe, 
to  whom  a  key  was  given  as  a  symbol  of  his  authority  to 
open  the  treasures  of  divine  lore,  has  already  in  the  time  of 
Theodoret  become  the  dooming  or  acquitting  of  a  Janitor 
commanding  the  gate  of  a  more  material  heaven. 


144 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[V.   17. 


hopes,  Theodosius,  in  reliance  on  the  prom- 
ises of  Rufinus,  followed  in  person,  himself. 
No  sooner  did  the  divine  Ambrose  perceive 
Rufinus  than  he  exclaimed,  ^'  Rufinus,  your 
impudence  matches  a  dog's,  for  you  were 
the  adviser  of  this  terrible  slaughter;  you 
have  wiped  shame  from  your  brow,  and 
guilty  as  you  are  of  this  mad  outrage  on  the 
image  of  God  you  stand  here  fearless,  with- 
out a  blush."  Then  Rufinus  began  to  beg 
and  pray,  and  announced  the  speedy  approach 
of  the  emperor.  Fired  with  divine  zeal 
the  holy  Ambrosius  exclaimed  ''  Rufinus, 
I  tell  you  beforehand  ;  I  shall  prevent  him 
from  crossing  the  sacred  threshold.  If  he  is 
for  changing  his  sovereign  power  into  that 
of  a  tyrant  I  too  will  gladly  submit  to  a 
violent  death."  On  this  Rufinus  sent  a 
messenger  to  inform  the  emperor  in  what 
mind  the  archbishop  was,  and  exhorted  him 
to  remain  within  the  palace.  Theodosius 
had  already  reached  the  middle  of  the  forum 
when  he  received  the  message.  "  I  will 
go,"  said  he,  "  and  accept  the  disgrace  I 
deserve."  He  advanced  to  the  sacred  pre- 
cincts but  did  not  enter  the  holy  building. 
The  archbishop  was  seated  in  the  house  of 
salutation^  and  there  the  emperor  approached 
him  and  besought  that  his  bonds  might  be 
loosed. 

"  Your  coming  "  said  Ambrose  "  is  the 
coming  of  a  tyrant.  You  are  raging  against 
God ;  you  are  trampling  on  his  laws." 
"No,"  said  Theodosius,  "I  do  not  attack 
laws  laid  down.  I  do  not  seek  wrongfully  to 
cross  the  sacred  threshold  ;  but  I  ask  you  to 
loose  my  bond,  to  take  into  account  the 
mercy  of  our  common  Lord,  and  not  to  shut 
against  me  a  door  which  our  master  has 
opened  for  all  them  that  repent.  "  The 
archbishop  replied  "  What  repentance  have 
vou  shown  since  your  tremendous  crime? 
You  have  inflicted  wounds  right  hard  to 
heal ;  what  salve  have  you  applied  ? " 
"Yours"  said  the  emperor  "is  the  duty 
alike  of  pointing  out  and  of  mixing  the  salve. 
It  is  for  me  to  receive  what  is  given  me." 
Then  said  the  divine  Ambrosius  "  You  let 
your  passion  minister  justice,  your  passion 
not  your  reason  gives  judgment.  Put  forth 
therefore  an  edict  which  shall  make  the  sen- 
tence of  your  passion  null  and  void  ;  let  the 
sentences  which  have  been  published  inflict- 
ing death  or  confiscation  be  suspended  for 
thirty  days  awaiting  the  judgment  of  reason. 
When  the   days  shall  have  elapsed  let  them 

'  Valesius  says  that  this  "  house  of  salutation"  according 
to  Scahf^er  was  the  episcopal  hospitium  or  guest  quarters.  His 
own  opinion  however  is  that  it  was  the  audience  chamber  or 
chapter-house  of  the  church  where  the  bisliop  with  his  presby- 
ters  received  the  faithful  who  came  to  his  church. 


that  wrote  the  sentences  exhibit  their  orders, 
and  then,  and  not  till  then,  when  passion  has 
calmed  down,  reason  acting  as  sole  judge 
shall  examine  the  sentences  and  will  see 
whether  they  be  right  or  wrong.  If  it  find 
them  wrong  it  will  cancel  the  deeds ;  if  they 
be  righteous  it  will  confirm  them,  and  the 
interval  of  time  will  inflict  no  wrong  on  them 
that  have  been  rightly  condemned." 

■  This  suggestion  the  emperor  accepted  and 
thought  it  admirable.  He  ordered  the  edict 
to  be  put  out  forthwith  and  gave  it  the 
authority  of  his  sign  manual.  On  this  the 
divine  Ambrosius   loosed  the  bond. 

Now  the  very  faithful  emperor  came 
boldly  within  the  holy  temple  but  did  not 
pray  to  his  Lord  standing,  or  even  on  his 
knees,  but  lying  prone  upon  the  ground  he 
uttered  David's  cry  "  My  soul  cleaveth  imto 
the  dust,  quicken  thou  me  according  to  tliy 
word."  1 

He  plucked  out  his  hair ;  he  smote  his 
head  ;  he  besprinkled  the  groimd  with  drops 
of  tears  and  prayed  for  pardon.  When  the 
time  came  for  him  to  bring  his  oblations  to 
the  holy  table,  weeping  all  the  while  he 
stood  up  and  approached  the    sanctuary." 

After  making  his  offering,  as  he  was  wont, 
he  remained  within  at  the  rail,  but  once 
more  the  great  Ambrosius  kept  not  silence 
and  taught  him  the  distinction  of  places. 
First  he  asked  him  if  he  wanted  anything; 
and  when  the  emperor  said  that  he  was 
waiting  for  participation  in  the  divine  mys- 
teries, Ambrose  sent  w^ord  to  him  by  the 
chief  deacon  and  said,  "  The  inner  place, 
sir,  is  open  only  to  priests  ;  to  all  the  rest  it 
is  inaccessible ;  go  out  and  stand  where 
others  stand  ;  purple  can  make  emperors,  but 
not  priests."  This  instruction  too  the  faithful 
emperor  most  gladly  received,  and  inti- 
mated in  reply  that  it  was  not  from  any 
audacity  that  he  had  remained  within  the 
rails,  but  because  he  had  understood  that 
this  was  the  custom  at  Constantinople.  "  I 
owe  thanks,"  he  added,  "  for  being  cured 
too  of  this  error." 

So  both  the  archbishop  and  the  emperor 
showed  a  mighty  shining  light  of  virtue. 
Both  to  me  are  admirable  ;  the  former  for 
his  brave  words,   the  latter  for  his   docility  ; 


1  Ps.  cxix.  25. 

2  Twv  ayaKTopiJjy .  Ai'aKTopop  in  classical  Greek  =  temple  or 
shrine,  e.  g.  Eur.  And.  43  "  ©enSo?  avaKTopoi'."  Archd. 
Cheetham  (Diet.  Christ.  Ant.  i.  79),  quoting  I>obeck,  says 
"also  the  innermost  recess  of  a  temple."  Eusebius  (Orat. 
ix)  uses  it  of  the  great  church  buiit  by  Constantine  at 
Antioch.  Theodoretus  in  the  text  applies  it  to  "  the  innermost 
recess,"  for  Theodosius  was  already  within  the  Church.  The 
sacrarium  was  in  Greek  commonly  to  oiytoi',  or  to  lepareiov. 
The  31st  canon  of  the  first  Council  of  Braga  ordains  "  iiigredi 
sacrarium  ad  communicandum  non  hceat  laxcis  nisi  lantum 
clericis." 


V,   i8,  19.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


145 


the  archbishop  for  the  warmth  of  his  zeal, 
and  the  prince  for  the  purity  of  his  faith. 

On  his  return  to  Constantinople  Theodosius 
kept  within  the  bounds  of  piety  which  he 
had  learnt  from  the  great  archbishop.  For 
when  the  occasion  of  a  feast  brought  him 
once  again  into  the  divine  temple,  after 
bringing  his  gifts  to  the  holy  table  he 
straightway  went  out.  The  bishop  at  that 
time  was  Nectarius,  and  on  his  asking  the 
emperor  what  could  possibly  be  the  reason 
of  his  not  remaining  within,  Theodosius 
answered  with  a  sigh  "  I  have  learnt  after 
great  difficulty  the  differences  between  an 
emperor  and  a  priest.  It  is  not  easy  to  find  a 
man  capable  of  teaching  me  the  truth.  Am- 
brosius  alone  deserves  the  title  of  bishop." 

So  great  is  the  gain  of  conviction  when 
brought  home  by  a  man  of  bright  and  shin- 
ing goodness. 

CHAPTER   XVIII. 

Of  the  Empress  Placilla} 

Yet  other  opportunities  of  improvement 
lay  within  the  emperor's  reach,  for  his  wife 
used  constantly  to  put  him  in  mind  of  the 
divine  laws  in  which  she  had  first  carefully 
educated  herself.  In  no  way  exalted  by  her 
imperial  rank  she  was  rather  fired  by  it  with 
greater  longing  for  divine  things.  The  great- 
ness of  the  good  gift  given  her  made  her  love 
for  Him  who  gave  it  all  the  greater,  so  she 
bestowed  every  kind  of  attention  on  the 
maimed  and  the  mutilated,  declining  all  aid 
from  her  household  and  her  guards,  herself 
visiting  the  houses  where  the  sufferers  lodged, 
and  providing  every  one  with  what  he 
required.  She  also  went  about  the  guest 
chambers  of  the  churches  and  ministered  to 
tlie  wants  of  the  sick,  herself  handling  pots 
and  pans,  and  tasting  broth,  now  bringing 
in  a  dish  and  breakins:  bread  and  offering- 
morsels,  and  washing  out  a  cup  and  going 
through  all  the  other  duties  which  are  sup- 
posed to  be  proper  to  servants  and  maids. 
To  them  who  strove  to  restrain  her  from 
doing  these  things  with  her  own  hands  she 
would  say,  "  It  befits  a  sovereign  to  distribute 
gold ;  I,  for  the  sovereign  power  that  has 
been  given  me,  am  giving  my  own  service  to 
the  Giver."  To  her  husband,  too,  she  was 
ever  wont  to   say,    "  Husband,   you     ought 

1  Valesius  remarks  on  this  "  Vera  gut'dem  sunt  qucB  de 
Flaccillce  Augustc?  virtutibus  hie  refert  Theodoretns.  Sed 
nihil  pertinent  ad  liunc  locum  ;  nam  Flaccilla  diu  ante  cladem 
Thessalonicensitim  ex  hac  luce  migraverat,  et  post  ejus  obitutn 
Theodosius  Gallam  uxorem  duxernt.*^ 

^lia  Flaccilla  Augusta,  Empress  and  Saint,  is  Plakilla  in 
the  Greek  historians,  Placidia  in  Philostoreius.     She  died  at 
Sc^tumis  in  Thrace,  Sept.  14,385.    The  outbreak  at  Thessa- 
onica  occurred  in  390. 


always  to  bethink  you  what  you  were  once 
and  what  you  have  become  now  ;  by  keeping 
this  constantly  in  mind  you  will  never  grow 
ungrateful  to  your  benefactor,  but  will  guide 
in  accordance  with  law  the  empire  bestowed 
upon  you,  and  thus  you  will  worship  Him 
who  gave  it."  By  ever  using  language  of 
this  kind,  she  with  fair  and  wholesome  care, 
as  it  were,  watered  the  seeds  of  virtue  planted 
in  her  husband's  heart. 

She  died  before  her  husband,  and  not  long 
after  the  time  of  her  death  events  occurred 
which  showed  how  well  her  husband  loved 
her. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Of  the  sedition  of  Antioch} 

In  consequence  of  his  continual  wars  the 
emperor  was  compelled  to  impose  heavy 
taxes  on  the  cities  of  the  empire.^ 

The  city  of  Antioch  refused  to  put  up 
with  the  new  tax,  and  when  the  people  saw 
the  victims  of  its  exaction  subjected  to  tor- 
ture and  indignity,  then,  in  addition  to  the 
usual  deeds  which  a  mob  is  wont  to  do  when 
it  is  seizing  an  opportunity  for  disorder,  they 
pulled  dow^n  the  bronze  statue  of  the  illus- 
trious Placilla,  for  so  was  the  empress 
named,  and  dragged  it  over  a  great  part  of 
the  town.^  On  being  informed  of  these 
events  the  emperor,  as  was  to  be  expected ,  was 
indignant.  He  then  deprived  the  city  of  her 
privileges,  and  gave  her  dignity  to  her 
neighbour,  with  the  idea  that  thus  he  could 
inflict  on  her  the  greatest  indignity,  for  Anti- 
och from  the  earliest  times  had  had  a  rival  in 
Laodicea.'^  He  further  threatened  to  burn  and 
destroy  the  town  and  reduce  it  to  the  rank 
of  a  village.  The  magistrates  however  had 
arrested  some  men  in  the  very  act,  and  had 
put  them  to  death  before  the  tragedy  came 
to  the  emperor's  ears.  All  these  orders  had 
been  given  by  the  Emperor,  but  had  not 
been  carried  out  because  of  the  restriction 
imposed  by  the  edict  which  had  been  made 
by  the  advice  of  the  great  Ambrosius.^  On 
the     arrival      of     the      commissioners     who 

1  Flaccilla  died,  as  has  been  said,  in  Sept.  3S5.  The  revolt  at 
Thessalonica  was  in  390,  and  the  disturbances  at  Antioch  in 
3S7.  The  chapters  of  Theodoret  do  not  follow  chronological 
order. 

2  More  probably  the  money  was  wanted  to  defray  the  ex- 
penses of  magnificent  fetes  in  honour  of  the  young  Arcadius, 
including  a  liberal  donation  to  the  army.  On  the  whole  inci- 
dent see  Chrysostom's  famous  Homilies  on  the  Statt(es, 

3  The  mob  looted  the  baths,  smashed  the  hanging  lamps, 
attacked  the  pr.xtorium,  insulted  the  imperial  portrait,  and 
tore  do\vn  the  bronze  statues  of  Theodosius  and  his  deceased 
wife  from  their  pedestals,  and  dragged  them  through  the 
streets.  A  "whiff"  of  arrows  fronT  the  guard  calmed  the 
oriental  Paris  of  the  4th  century. 

*  i.e.  the  Laodicea  on  the  Syrian  coast,  so  called  after  the 
mother  of  Seleucus  Nicator,  and  now  Latakia. 

•'•  Theodoret  apparently  refers  to  the  advice  given  by  Am- 
brosius  after  the  massacre  of  Thessalonica,  which,  as  we  have 
6aid,  took  place  three  years  after  \.\\c  insurrection  at  Antioch. 


146 


THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY 


[V.  20,  21. 


brouglit  the  emperor's  threats,  Elebichus, 
then  a  niihtary  commander,  and  Caesarius 
prefect  of  the  palace,  styled  by  the  Romans 
magister  officiorum^  the  whole  popula- 
tion shuddered  in  consternation.  But  the 
athletes  of  virtue,^  dwelling  at  the  foot  of 
the  hill,  of  whom  at  that  time  there  were 
many  of  the  best,  made  many  supplica- 
tions and  entreaties  to  the  imperial  officers. 
The  most  holy  Macedonius,  who  was  quite 
unversed  in  the  things  of  this  life,  and  alto- 
gether ignorant  of  the  sacred  oracles,  living 
on  the  tops  of  the  mountains,  and  night  and 
day  offering  up  pure  prayers  to  the  Saviour 
of  all,  was  not  in  the  least  dismayed  at  the 
imperial  violence,  nor  at  all  affected  by  the 
power  of  the  commissioners.  As  they  rode 
into  the  middle  of  the  town  he  caught  hold 
of  one  of  them  by  the  cloak  and  bade  both  of 
them  dismount.  At  the  sight  of  a  little  old 
man,  clad  in  common  rags,  they  were  at  first 
indignant,  but  some  of  those  who  were  con- 
ducting them  informed  them  of  the  high 
character  of  Macedonius,  and  then  they 
sprang  from  their  horses,  caught  hold  of  his 
knees,  and  asked  his  pardon.  The  old  man, 
urged  on  by  divine  wisdom,  spoke  to  them 
in  the  following  terms  :  "  Say,  dear  sirs,  to 
the  emperor ;  you  are  not  only  an  emperor, 
you  are  also  a  man.  Bethink  you,  there- 
fore, not  only  of  your  sovereignty,  but  also 
of  your  nature.  You  are  a  man,  and  you 
reign  over  your  fellow  men.  Now  the 
nature  of  man  is  formed  after  the  image  and 
likeness  of  God.  Do  not,  therefore,  thus 
savagely  and  cruelly  order  the  massacre  of 
God's  image,  for  by  punishing  His  image 
you  will  anger  the  Maker.  Think  how  you 
are  acting  thus  in  your  wrath  for  the  sake  of 
a  brazen  image.  Now  all  who  are  endued 
with  reason  know  how  far  a  lifeless  image 
is  inferior  to  one  alive  and  gifted  with  soul 
and  sense.  Take  into  account,  too,  that  for 
one  image  of  bronze  we  can  easily  make 
many  more.  Even  you  yourself  cannot  make 
one  sino^le  hair  of  the  slain." 

After  the  good  men  had  heard  these  words 
they  reported  them  to  the  emperor,  and 
quenched  the  flame  of  his  rage.  Instead  of 
his  threats  he  wrote  a  defence,  and  explained 
the  cause  of  his  anger.  ''  It  was  not  right," 
said  he,  ''  because  I  was  in  error,  that  in- 
dignity should  be  inflicted  after  her  death  on 
a  woman  so  worthy  of  the  highest  praise. 
They  that  were  aggrieved  ought  to  have 
armed  their  anger  against  me."  The  em- 
peror further  added  that  he  was  grieved  and 
distressed  when  he  heard  that  some  had  been 


^  i.e.  master  of  the  household. 
*  i.e.  the  ascetic  monks. 


executed  by  the  magistrates.  In  relating 
these  events  I  have  had  a  twofold  object.  I 
did  not  think  it  right  to  leave  in  oblivion  the 
boldness  of  the  illustrious  monk,  and  I  wished 
to  point  out  the  advantage  of  the  edict  whicli 
was  put  out  by  the  advice  of  the  great 
Ambrosius.^ 

CHAPTER   XX. 

Of  the  destruction  of  the  temples  all  over  the 
Empij-e. 

Now  the  right  faithful  emperor  diverted 
his  energies  to  resisting  paganism,  and 
published  edicts  in  which  he  ordered  the 
shrines  of  the  idols  to  be  destroyed.  Con- 
stantine  the  Great,  most  worthy  of  all  eulogy, 
was  indeed  the  first  to  grace  his  empire  with 
true  religion  ;  and  when  he  saw  the  w^orld 
still  given  over  to  foolishness  he  issued  a 
general  prohibition  against  the  offering  of 
sacrifices  to  the  idols.  He  had  not,  how- 
ever, destroyed  the  temples,  though  he 
ordered  them  to  be  kept  shut.  His  sons 
followed  in  their  father's  footsteps.  Julian 
restored  the  false  faith  and  rekindled  the 
flame  of  the  ancient  fraud.  On  the  accession 
of  Jovian  he  once  more  placed  an  interdict 
on  the  worship  of  idols,  and  Valentinian  the 
Great  governed  Europe  with  like  laws. 
Valens,  however,  allowed  every  one  else  to 
worship  any  way  they  would  and  to  lionour 
their  various  objects  of  adoration.  Against 
the  champions  of  the  Apostolic  decrees  alone 
he  persisted  in  waging  war.  Accordingly 
during  the  whole  period  of  his  reign  the  altar 
fire  was  lit,  libations  and  sacrifices  were 
olRered  to  idols,  public  feasts  were  celebrated 
in  the  forum,  and  votaries  initiated  in  the 
orgies  of  Dionysus  ran  about  in  goat-skins, 
mangling  hounds  in  Bacchic  frenzy,  and 
generally  behaving  in  such  a  way  as  to  show 
the  iniquity  of  their  master.  When  the 
right  faithful  Theodosius  found  all  these 
evils  he  pulled  them  up  by  the  roots,  and 
consigned  them  to  oblivion.^ 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

Of  Marcellus,  bishop  of  Apamea,  ajid  the  idols^ 
temples  destroyed  by  him. 

The  first  of  the  bishops  to  put  the  edict 
in  force  and    destroy  the  shrines  in  the  city 

1  of.  note  on  page  145. 

Valesius  remarks  ^^  Longe  hie  Jallittir  Theodoreius  qjiasi 
seditio  Aiitiochena  post  Thessalonicensem  cladem  coiitigerit.'''' 

2  "  Extat  oratio  Libanii  ad  imperatorem  Theodosiuin  pro 
templis  in  qua  docet  guomodo  se  gesserint  imperatores 
Christiani  erga  paganos.  Et  Constantinnm  qiiidem  Magnum 
ait  duntaxat  spoliasse  templa,  Constantium  vero  ejus  Jilium 
prohibuisse  Sacrtficia  :  ejusqiie  legem  a  secutis  imperatoribus 
et  ah  ipsomet  Theodosio  esse  observatam  ;  reliqua  vera 
permissa  Juisse  paganis,  id  est  turijicationem  et  puhlicas 
epulas."    Valesius. 


V.    22.] 


OF  THEODORET. 


14; 


committed  to  his  care  was  Marcellus,  trust- 
ing: rather  in  God  than  in  the  hands  of  a 
multitude.  The  occurrence  is  remarkable, 
and  I  shall  proceed  to  narrate  it.  On  the 
death  of  John,  bishop  of  Apamea,  whom  I 
have  already  mentioned,  the  divine  Mar- 
cellus, fervent  in  spirit,^  according  to  the 
iipostolic    law,  was   appointed   in  his  stead. 

Now  there  had  arrived  at  Apamea  the  pre- 
fect of  the  East^  with  two  tribunes  and  their 
troops.  Fear  of  the  troops  kept  the  people 
quiet.  i\.n  attempt  was  made  to  destroy  the 
vast  and  magnificent  shrine  of  Jupiter,  but 
the  building  was  so  firm  and  solid  that  to 
break  up  its  closely  compacted  stones  seemed 
beyond  the  power  of  man  ;  for  they  were 
huge  and  well  and  truly  laid,  and  moreover 
clamped  fast  with  iron  and  lead.^ 

When  the  divine  Marcellus  saw  that  the 
prefect  was  afraid  to  begin  the  attack,  he 
sent  him  on  to  the  rest  of  the  towns,  while  he 
himself  prayed  to  God  to  aid  him  in  the 
work  of  destruction.  Next  morning  there 
came  uninvited  to  the  bishop  a  man  who  was 
no  builder,  or  mason,  or  artificer  of  any 
kind,  but  onlv  a  labourer  who  carried  stones 
and  timber  on  his  back.  "  Give  me,"  said 
he,  "two  workmen's  pay;  and  I  promise 
you  I  will  easily  destroy  the  temple."  The 
holy  bishop  did  as  he  was  asked,  and  the 
following  was  the  fellow's  contrivance. 
Round  the  four  sides  of  the  temple  went  a 
portico  united  to  it,  and  on  which  its  upper 
story  rested.*  The  columns  were  of  great 
bulk,  commensurate  with  the  temple,  each 
being  sixteen  cubits  in  circumference.  The 
quality  of  the  stone  was  exceptionally  hard, 
and  offering  great  resistance  to  the  masons' 
tools.  In  each  of  these  the  man  made  an 
opening  all  round,  propping  up  the  super- 
structure with  olive  timber  before  he  went  on 
to  another.  After  he  had  hollowed  out  three 
•of  the  columns,  he  set  fire  to  the  timbers. 
But  a  black  demon  appeared  and  would  not 
suffer  the  wood  to  be  consumed,  as  it  naturally 
w^ould  be,  by  the  fire,  and  stayed  the  force  of 
the  flame.  After  the  attempt  had  been  made 
several  times,  and  the  plan  was  proved 
ineffectual,  news  of  the  failure  was  brought 
to  the  bishop,  who  was  taking  his    noontide 


1  Romans  xfi.  11. 

2  Valesius  points  out  that  this  was  Cynegius,  prefect  of  the 
East,  who  was  sent  by  Theodosius  to  effect  the  closing  of  the 
idols' temples,     cf  Zos  ;  iv. 

■'  (cat  aiSrjpu)  nai  fj.o\i08w  npocr&i&eiJiei'ot.  We  are  reminded  of 
tlic  huge  cramps  which  must  at  one  time  have  bound  the  stones 
of  thf  Colosseum,  —  the  ruins  being  pitted  all  over  by  the 
h^le^  made  by  the  middle-agc  pillagers  who  tore  them  away. 

''  I  do  not  understand  the  description  of  this  temple  and  its 
destruction  precisely  as  Gibbon  does.  "  Slopvttwu  "  does  not 
■seem  to  mean  "  undermining  the  foundations";  St.  Matthew 
and  St.  Luke  use  it  of  the  thieves  who  "dig  through"  or 
*'  break  in."     The  word  =  dig  through,  and  so  into. 


sleep.  Marcellus  forthwith  hurried  to  the 
church,  ordered  water  to  be  poured  into  a 
pail,  and  placed  the  water  upon  the  divine 
altar.  Then,  bending  his  head  to  the  ground, 
he  besought  the  loving  Lord  in  no  way  to 
give  in  to  the  usurped  power  of  the  demon, 
but  to  la}'  bare  its  weakness  and  exhibit  His 
own  strength,  lest  unbelievers  should  hence- 
forth find  excuse  for  greater  wrong.  With 
these  and  other  like  words  he  made  the  si^rn 
of  the  cross  over  the  water,  and  ordered 
Equitius,  one  of  his  deacons,  who  was 
armed  with  faith  and  enthusiasm,  to  take 
the  water  and  sprinkle  it  in  faith,  and  then 
apply  the  flame.  His  orders  were  obeyed, 
and  the  demon,  unable  to  endure  the  approach 
of  the  water,  fled.  Then  the  fire,  affected 
by  its  foe  the  water  as  though  it  had  been 
oil,  caught  the  wood,  and  consumed  it  in  an 
instant.  When  their  support  had  vanished 
the  columns  themselves  fell  down,  and 
dragged  other  twelve  with  them.  The 
side  of  the  temple  which  was  connected 
with  the  columns  was  dragged  down  by  the 
violence  of  their  fall,  and  carried  away  with 
them.  The  crash,  which  was  tremendous, 
was  heard  throughout  the  town,  and  all  ran 
to  see  the  sight.  No  sooner  did  the  multi- 
tude hear  of  the  flight  of  the  hostile  demon 
than  they  broke  out  into  a  hymn  of  praise  to 
God. 

Other  shrines  were  destroyed  in  like 
manner  by  this  holy  bishop.  Though  I  have 
many  other  most  admirable  doings  of  this 
holy  man  to  relate,  —  for  he  wrote  letters  to 
the  victorious  martyrs,  and  received  replies 
from  them,  and  himself  won  the  martyr's 
crown, — for  the  present  I  hesitate  to  nar- 
rate them,  lest  by  over  prolixity  I  weary  the 
patience  of  those  into  whose  hands  my 
history  may  fall. 

I  will  therefore  now  pass  to  another  sub- 
ject. 

CHAFTER    XXII. 

0/  Theophilus^  bishop  of  Alexandria  ^  and  what 
happened  at  the  demolition  of  the  idols  in  that 
city. 

The  illustrious  Athanasius  was  succeeded 
by  the  admirable  Petrus,  Petiois  by  Timo- 
theus,  and  Timotheus  by  Theophilus,  a  man 
of  sound  wisdom  and  of  a  lofty  courage.^ 
By  him  Alexandria  was  set  free  from  the 
error  of  idolatry  ;  for,  not  content  with  razing 
the  idols'  temples  to  the  ground,  he  exposed 
the  tricks  of  the  priests  to  the  victims  of 
their    wiles.     For     they      had     constructed 

1  "  The  perpetual  enemy  of  peace  and  virtue."  Gibbon. 
High  office  deteriorated  his  character,  cf.  Newman.  Hist. 
Sketches  iii. 


148 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[V.  23, 


statues  of  bronze  and  wood  hollow  within, 
and  fastened  the  backs  of  them  to  the  temple 
walls,  leaving  in  these  walls  certain  invisi- 
ble openings.  Then  coming  up  from  their 
secret  chambers  they  got  inside  the  statues, 
and  through  them  gave  any  order  they 
liked  and  the  hearers,  tricked  and  cheated, 
obeyed.^  These  tricks  the  wise  Theophilus 
exposed  to  the  people. 

Moreover  he  wxnt  up  into  the  temple  of 
Serapis,  which  has  been  described  by  some  as 
excelling  in  size  and  beauty  all  the  temples  in 
the  world.-  There  he  saw  a  huge  image  of 
which  the  bulk  struck  beholders  with  terror, 
increased  by  a  lying  report  which  got  abroad 
that  if  any  one  approached  it,  there  would  be 
a  great  earthquake,  and  that  all  the  people 
would  be  destroyed.  The  bishop  looked  on 
all  these  tales  as  the  mere  drivelling  of  tipsy 
old  women,  and  in  utter  derision  of  the  lifeless 
monster's  enormous  size,  he  told  a  man  who 
had  an  axe  to  give  Serapis  a  good  blow  with 
it.^  No  sooner  had  the  man  struck,  than  all 
the  folk  cried  out,  for  they  were  afraid  of  the 
threatened  catastrophe.  Serapis  however, 
who  had  received  the  blow,  felt  no  pain, 
inasmuch  as  he  was  made  of  wood,  and  ut- 
tered never  a  word,  since  he  was  a  lifeless 
block.  His  head  was  cut  oft*,  and  forthwith 
out  ran  multitudes  of  mice,  for  the  Egyptian 
god  was  a  dwelling  place  for  mice.  Serapis 
was  broken  into  small  pieces  of  which  some 
were  committed  to  the  flames,  but  his  head 
was  carried  through  all  the  town  in  sight  of 
his  worshippers,  who  mocked  the  weakness 
of  him  to  whom  they  had  bowed  the  knee. 

Thus  all  over  the  world  the  shrines  of  the 
idols  were  destroyed.'* 

1  In  the  museum  at  Naples  is  shewn  part  of  a  statue  of 
Diana,  found  near  the  Forum  at  Pompeii.  In  the  back  nf 
the  head  is  a  hole  by  means  of  a  tube  in  connexion  with 
which,  —  the  image  standing  against  a  wall,  —  the  priests  were 
supposed  to  deliver  the  oracles  of  the  Hunti-ess-Maid. 

It  is  curious  to  note  that  just  at  this  period  when  the  Pagan 
idols  were  destroyed,  faint  traces  of  image  worship  begin  to 
appear  in  the  Church.  In  :inothertwo  centuries  and  a  half  it  was 
becoming  common,  and  in  this  particular  point,  Christianity 
relapsed  into  paganism.     Littledale  Plain  Reasons,  p.  47. 

2  "  A  great  number  of  plates  of  different  metals,  artificially 
joined  together,  composed  the  majestic  figure  of  the  deity, 
who  touched  on  either  side  the  walls  of  the  sanctuary. 
Serapis  was  distinguished  from  Jupiter  by  the  basket  or 
bushel  which  was  placed  on  his  head,  and  bv  the  emblematic 
monster  which  he  held  in  his  right  hand  ;  the  head  and  body 
of  a  serpent  branching  into  three  tails,  wliich  were  again  ter- 
minated by  the  triple  heads  of  a  dog,  a  lion,  and  a  wolf." 
Gibbon,  on  the  authority  of  Macrobius  Sat.  i.  20. 

3  Gibbon  quotes  the  story  of  Augustus  in  Plin.  Nat.  Hist, 
xxxiii.  24.  *'  Is  it  true,"  said  the  emperor  to  a  veteran 
at  whose  home  he  supped,  "  that  the  man  who  gave  the  first 
blow  to  the  golden  statue  of  Anaitis  was  instantly  deprived 
of  his  eyes  and  of  his  life?  "  "  I  was  that  man,"  replied  the 
clear  sighted  veteran,  "  and  you  now  sup  on  one  of  the  legs  of 
the  goddess."  cf.  the  account  in  Bede  of  the  destruction 
by  the  priest  Coify  of  the  great  image  of  the  Saxon  god  at 
Goodmanham   in    Yorkshire. 

♦  "  Some  twenty  years  before  the  Roman  armies  with- 
drew from  Britain  the  triumph  of  Christianity  was  completed. 
Then  a  question  occurs  whether  archaeology  casts  any 
light  on  the  discomfiture  of  Roman  paganism  in  Britain.  In 
proof  of  the  affirmative  a  curious  fact  has  been  adduced,  that 
the  statues  of  pagan  divinities  discovered  in  Britain  are   ai- 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

Of  Flavianus  bishop  of  Antioch  and  of  the 
sedition  7vhich  arose  in  the  western  Church 
on  account  of  Paulinus, 

At  Antioch  the  great  Meletius  had  been 
succeeded  by  Flavianus  who,  together  with 
Diodorus,  had  undergone  great  struggles  for 
the  salvation  of  the  sheep.  Paulinus  had 
indeed  desired  to  receive  the  bishopric,  but 
he  was  withstood  by  the  clergy  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  not  right  that  Meletius 
at  his  death  should  be  succeeded  by  one 
who  did  not  share  his  opinions,  and  that 
to  the  care  of  the  flock  ought  to  be  advanced 
he  who  was  conspicuous  for  many  toils, 
and  had  run  the  risk  of  many  perils  for  the 
sheeps'  sake.  Thus  a  lasting  hostility  arose 
among  the  Romans  and  the  Egyptians 
against  the  East,  and  the  ill  feeling  was  not 
even  destroyed  on  the  death  of  Paulinus. 
After  him  when  Evagrius  had  occupied  his 
see,  hostility  was  still  shewn  to  the  great 
Flavianus,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the 
promotion  of  Evagrius  was  a  violation  of  the 
law  of  the  Church,  for  he  had  been  promoted 
by  Paulinus  alone  in  disregard  of  many 
canons.  For  a  dying  bishop  is  not  per- 
mitted to  ordain  another  to  take  his  place,, 
and  all  the  bishops  of  a  province  are  ordered 
to  be  convened ;  again  no  ordination  of  a 
bishop  is  permitted  to  take  place  without  three 
bishops.  Nevertheless  they  refused  to  take 
cognizance  of  any  of  these  laws,  embraced 
the  communion  of  Evagrius,  and  filled  the 
ears  of  the  emperor  with  complaints  against 
Flavianus,  so  that,  being  frequently  im- 
portuned, he  summoned  him  to  Constan- 
tinople, and  ordered  him  to  repair  to  Rome. 

Flavianus,  however,  urged  in  reply  that 
it  was  now  winter,  and  promised  to  obey  the 
command  in  spring.  He  then  returned 
home.  But  when  the  bishops  of  Rome, 
not  only  the  admirable  Damasus,  but  also 
Siricius  his  successor  and  Anastasius  the 
successor  of  Siricius,  importuned  the  em- 
peror more  vehemently  and  represented 
that,  while  he  put  down  the  rivals  against 
his  own  authority,  he  suffered  bold  rebels 
against  the  laws  of  Christ  to  maintain  their 
usurped  authority,  then  he  sent  for  him 
again  and  tried  to  force  him  to  undertake 
the  journey  to    Rome.     On    this  Flavianus 

ways  or  mostly  broken.  At  Binchester,  for  instance,  the 
Roman  Vinovium,  not  far  from  Durham,  there  was  found 
among  the  remains  of  an  important  Roman  building  a  stone 
statue  of  the  goddess  Flora,  with  its  legs  broken,  lying  face 
downward  across  a  drain  as  a  support  to  the  masonry  above. 
It  would  certainly  not  be  wise  to  press  archaeological  facts  toO' 
far;  but  the  broken  gods  in  Britain  curiously  tally  with  the 
edicts  of  Theodosius  and  the  shattered  Serapis  at  Alexandria."" 
Hole  Early  Missions ^  p.  24. 


\ 


V.  24.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


149 


in  his  great  wisdom  spoke  very  boldly,  and 
said,  ''  If,  sir,  there  are  some  who  accuse 
me  of  being  unsound  in  the  faith,  or  of  life 
^nd  conversation  unworthy  of  the  priest- 
hood, I  will  accept  my  accusers  themselves 
for  judges,  and  will  submit  to  whatever 
sentence  they  may  give.  But  if  they  are 
contending  about  see  and  primacy  I  will  not 
■contest  the  point ;  I  will  not  oppose  those 
who  wish  to  take  them  ;  I  will  give  way  and 
resign  my  bishopric.  So,  sir,  give  the  epis- 
copal throne  of  Antioch  to  whom  you  will." 

The  emperor  admired  his  manliness  and 
wisdom,  and  l^ade  him  go  home  again,  and 
tend  the  church  committed  to  his  care. 

After  a  considerable  time  had  elapsed  the 
emperor  arrived  at  Rome,  and  once  more 
encountered  the  charges  advanced  by  the 
bishops  on  the  ground  that  he  was  making 
no  attempt  to  put  down  the  tyranny  of 
riavianus.  The  emperor  ordered  them  to 
set  forth  the  nature  of  the  tyranny,  saying 
that  he  himself  was  Flavianus  and  had  be- 
come his  protector.  The  bishops  rejoined 
that  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  dispute 
with  the  emperor.  He  then  exhorted  them 
in  future  to  join  the  churches  in  concord, 
put  an  end  to  the  quarrel,  and  quench  the 
iires  of  an  useless  controversy.  Paulinus,  he 
pointed  out,  had  long  since  departed 
this  life ;  Evagrius  had  been  irregularl}^ 
promoted ;  the  eastern  churches  accepted 
Flavianus  as  their  bishop.  Not  only  the 
■east  but  all  Asia,  Pontus,  and  Thrace  were 
imited  in  communion  with  him,  and  all 
Illyricum  recognised  his  authority  over  the 
oriental  bishops.  In  submission  to  these 
counsels  the  western  bishops  promised  to 
bring  their  hostility  to  a  close  and  to  receive 
the  envoys  who  should  be  sent  them. 

When  Flavianus  had  been  informed  of 
this  decision  he  despatched  to  Rome  certain 
worthy  bishops  with  presbyters  and  deacons 
of  Antioch,  giving  the  chief  authority  among 
them  to  Acacius  bishop  of  Berosa,  who  was 
famous  tliroughout  the  world.  On  the 
arrival  of  Acacius  and  his  party  at  Rome 
they  put  an  end  to  the  protracted  quarrel, 
and  after  a  war  of  seventeen  years  ^  gave 
peace  to  the  churches.  When  the  Egyptians 
■were  informed  of  the  reconciliation  they  too 
gave  up  their  opposition,  and  gladly  ac- 
cepted the  agreement  which  was  made. 

At  that  time  Anastasius  had  been  suc- 
ceeded in  the  primacy  of  the  Roman  Church 
by  Innocent,  a  man  of  prudence  and  ready 
wit.  Theophilus.  whom  I  have  previously 
mentioned,  held  the  see  of  Alexandria.^ 

'  i.e.  from  3S1,  when  Fliviunus  was  appointed  to  the  see  of 
-Antioch,  to  3q8,  the  date  of  the  mission  of  Acacius. 
2  vide  Chap.  xxix.     lie  succeeded  in  July,  3S5. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Of  the  tyranny  of  Eugenius  and  the  victory 
won  through  faith  by  the  eitiperor  Theodosius, 

In  this  manner  the  peace  of  the  churches 
was  secured  by  the  most  religious  emperor. 
Before  the  establishment  of  peace  he  had 
heard  of  the  death  of  Valentinianus  and  of 
the  usurpation  of  Eugenius  and  had  marched 
for  Europe.^ 

At  this  time  there  lived  in  Egypt  ^  a  man 
of  the  name  of  John,  who  had  embraced  the 
ascetic  life.  Being  full  of  spiritual  grace,  he 
foretold  many  future  events  to  persons  who 
from  time  to  time  came  to  consult  him.  To 
him  the  Christ-loving  emperor  sent,  in  liis 
anxiety  to  know  whether  he  ought  to  make 
war  against  the  tyrants.  In  the  case  of  the 
former  war  he  foretold  a  bloodless  victory. 
In  that  of  the  second  he  predicted  that  the 
emperor  would  only  win  after  a  great 
slaughter.  With  this  expectation  the  em- 
peror set  out,  and,  while  drawing  up  his 
forces,  shot  down  many  of  his  opponents, 
but  lost  many  of  his  barbarian  allies.^ 

When  his  generals  represented  that  the 
forces  on  their  side  were  few  and  recom- 
mended him  to  allow  some  pause  in  the 
campaign,  so  as  to  muster  an  army  at  the 
beginning  of  spring  and  out-number  the 
enemy,  Theodosius  refused  to  listen  to  their 
advice.  ''  For  it  is  wrong,"  said  he,  "  to 
charge  the  Cross  of  Salvation  with  such 
infirmity,  for  it  is  the  cross  which  leads  our 
troops,  and  attribute  such  power  to  the 
image  of  Hercules  which  is  at  the  head  of 
the  forces  of  our  foe."  Thus  in  right  faith 
he  spoke,  though  the  men  left  him  were  few 
in  number  and  much  discouraged.  Then 
when  he  had  found  a  little  oratory,  on  the 
top  of  the  hill  where  his  camp  was  pitched, 
he  spent  the  whole  night  in  prayer  to  the 
God  of  all. 

About  cock-crow  sleep  overcame  him,  and 
as  he  lay  upon  the  ground  he  thought  he  saw 

1  Valentinian  II.  was  strangled  while  bathing  in  the  Rhone 
at  Vienne,  May  15,  392.  Philost.  xi.  i.  cf.  Soc.v.25;  Soz.  vu.  22. 

Arbogastes,  his  P>ankish  Master  of  the  Horse,  who  had 
instiijated  his  murder,  set  up  the  pagan  professor  Eugenius  to 
succeed  Iiini.  Tlieodosius  did  not  march  to  meet  the  murderer 
of  liis  youuii  brother-in-law  till  June,  394,  and  meanwhile  his 
Empress  Galla  died,  leaving  a  little  daughter,  Galla  Placidia. 

2  i.e.  at  Lycopolis,  tlie  modern  Slut,  in  the  Thebaid.  The 
envoy  was  the  Eunuch  Eutropius.     Soz.  vii.  22.     Claud,  i.  312. 

3  "  Theodosius  marched  north-westwards,  as  before,  up  the 
valley  of  the  Save,  and  to  the  city  of  ^Emona."  (Laybach.) 
"  Not  tliere  did  he  meet  his  foes,  but  at  a  place  about  thirty 
miles  off,  half-way  between  ^mona  and  Aquileia,  wiiere  the 
Julian  Alps  are  crossed,  and  where  a  little  stream  called  the 
Frigldus,  (now  the  Wipbach,  or  Vipao)  bursts  suddenly  from 
a  limestone  hill.  Here  the  battle  was  joined  between  Eugenius 
and  his  Prankish  patron  and  Theodosius  with  his  20,000 
Gothic  foederati  and  the  rest  of  the  army  of  the  East.  Gainas, 
Saul,  Bacurius,  Alaric,  were  the  chief  leaders  of  the  Teutonic 
troops.  The  first  day  of  battle  fell  heavily  on  the  foederati  of 
Theodosius,  half  of' whom  were  left  dead  upon  the  held." 
Hodgkin  Dynasty  of  Theodosius,  p.  131.  This  was  Sept. 
S.  394- 


ISO 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[V.  24. 


two  men  in  white  raiment  riding  upon  white 
horses,  who  bade  him  be  of  good  cheer,  drive 
away  his  fear,  and  at  dawn  arm  and  marshal 
his  men  for  battle.  "For,"  said  they,  "we 
have  been  sent  to  fight  for  you,"  and  one 
said,  "  I  am  John  the  evangelist,"  and  the 
other,  "  I  am  Philip  the  apostle." 

After  he  had  seen  this  vision  the  emperor 
ceased  not  his  supplication,  but  pursued  it 
with  still  greater  eagerness.  The  vision  was 
also  seen  by  a  soldier  in  the  ranks  who  re- 
ported it  to  his  centurion.  The  centurion 
brought  him  to  the  tribune,  and  the  tribune 
to  the  general.  The  general  supposed  that 
he  was  relating  something  new,  and  reported 
the  story  to  the  emperor.  Then  said  Theo- 
dosius,  "Not  for  my  sake  has  this  vision 
been  seen  by  this  man,  for  I  have  put  my 
trust  in  them  that  promised  me  the  victory. 
But  that  none  may  have  supposed  me  to  have 
invented  this  vision,  because  of  my  eagerness 
for  the  battle,  the  protector  of  my  empire  has 
given  the  information  to  this  man  too,  that 
he  may  bear  witness  to  the  truth  of  v^^hat  I 
say  when  I  tell  you  that  first  to  me  did  our 
Lord  vouchsafe  this  vision.  Let  us  then 
fling:  aside  our  fear.  Let  us  follow  our  front 
rank  and  our  generals.  Let  none  w^eigh  the 
chance  of  victory  by  the  number  of  the  men 
engaged,  but  let  every  man  bethink  him  of 
the  power  of  the  leaders." 

He  spoke  in  similar  terms  to  his  men, 
and  after  thus  inspiring  all  his  host  with  high 
hope,  led  them  down  from  the  crest  of  the 
hill.  The  tyrant  saw  the  army  coming  to 
attack  him  from  a  distance,  and  then  armed 
his  forces  and  drew  them  up  for  battle.  He 
himself  remained  on  some  elevated  ground, 
and  said  that  the  emperor  was  desirous  of 
death,  and  was  coming  into  battle  because 
he  wished  to  be  released  from  this  present 
life :  so  he  ordered  his  generals  to  bring  him 
alive  and  in  chains.  When  the  forces  were 
drawn  up  in  battle  array  those  of  the  enemy 
appeared  by  far  the  more  numerous,  and  the 
tale  of  the  emperor's  troops  might  be  easily 
told.  But  when  both  sides  had  begun  to  dis- 
charge their  weapons  the  front  rank  proved 
their  promises  true.  A  violent  wind  blew 
right  in  the  faces  of  the  foe,  and  diverted 
their  arrows  and  javelins  and  spears,  so  that 
no  missile  was  of  any  use  to  them,  and 
neither  trooper  nor  archer  nor  spearman  was 
able  to  inflict  any  damage  upon  the  empe- 
ror's army.  Vast  clouds  of  dust,  too,  were 
carried  into  their  faces,  compelling  them  to 
shut  their  eyes  and  protect  them  from  attack. 


The  imperial  forces  on  the  other  hand  did 
not  receive  the  slightest  injury  from  the 
storm,  and  vigorously  attacked  and  slew  the 
foe.  The  vanquished  then  recognised  the  di- 
vine help  given  to  their  conquerors,  flung 
away  their  arms,  and  begged  the  emperor 
for  quarter.  Theodosius  then  yielded  to 
their  entreaty  and  had  compassion  on  them,, 
and  ordered  them  to  bring  the  tyrant  imme- 
diately before  him.  Eugenius  was  ignorant 
of  how  the  day  had  gone,  and  when  he  saw^ 
his  men  running  up  the  hillock  where  he  sat, 
all  out  of  breath,  and  shewing  then*  eagerness 
by  their  panting,  he  took  them  for  messengers- 
of  victory,  and  asked  if  they  had  brought  The- 
odosius in  chains,  as  he  had  ordered.  "  No,"" 
said  they,  "we  are  not  bringing  him  to  you,, 
but  we  are  come  to  carry  you  off'  to  him,  for 
so  the  great  Ruler  has  ordained."  Even  as. 
they  spoke  they  lifted  him  from  his  chariot,, 
put  chains  upon  him,  and  carried  him  off* 
thus  fettered,  and  led  away  the  vain  boaster 
of  a  short  hour  ago,  now  a  prisoner  of  war. 

The  emperor  reminded  him  of  the  wrongs, 
he  had  done  Valentinianus,  of  his  usurped  au- 
thority, and  of  the  wars  which  he  had  waged 
against  the  rightful  emperor.  He  ridiculed 
also  the  figure  of  Hercules  and  the  foolish 
confidence  it  had  inspired  and  at  last  pro- 
nounced the  sentence  of  right  and  lawful 
punishment. 

Such  was  Theodosius  in  peace  and  in  war,, 
ever  asking  and  never  refused  the  help  of 
God.i 

1  Here  was  a  crucial  contest  between  paganism  and  Chris 
tianity,  which  might  seem  a  **  nodiis  di'gnns  vindice  Deo." 
On  the  part  played  by  storms  in  history  vide  note  on  page  103. 
Claudian,  a  pagan,  was  content  to  acknowledge  the  finger  of 
providence  in  the  rout  of  Eugenius,  and,  apostrophizing 
Honorius,  exclaims 

"  Te  propter  gelidis  Aquilo  de  monte  procellis 
Obruit  adversas  acies,  revoliitaque  tela 
Vertit  t7t  aiictores,  et  turbine  repulit  hnstas. 
O  Hunium  dilecte  Deo,  cut  fundit  oh  antris 


yEolus  armatas  hyemes;  cui  milltat  cether 
Et  co7iiurati  ventiint  ad  classica  vetiti.'* 


vii.  93. 


Augustine  says  he  heard  of  the  '■'■  revoluta  tela"  from  a 
soldier  engaged  in  the  battle.  The  appearance  of  St.  John 
and  St.  Philip  finds  a  pagan  parallel  in  that  of  the  "  great 
twin  brethren  "  at  Lake  Regillus. 

•'  So  like  they  were,  no  mortal 
Might  one  from  other  know. 
White  as  snow  their  armour  was, 
Their  steeds  were  white  as  snow." 

According  to  Spanish  story  St.  James  the  Great  fought  on  a 
milk-white  charger,  waving  a  white  flag,  at  the  battle  of 
Clavijo,  in  939.  cf.  Mrs.  Jameson  Sacred  and  Legendary  Art, 
i.  234. 

Sozomen  (vii.  24)  relates  how  at  the  very  hour  of  the  hght, 
at  the  church  which  Theodosius  had  built  near  Constantinople 
to  enshrine  the  head  of  John  tlie  Baptist  Ccf.  note  on  p.  96;,  a 
demoniac  insulted  the  saint,  taunting  him  with  having  had  his 
head  cut  off,  and  said  "  you  conquer  me  and  ensnare  mj 
army."  On  this  Jortin  remarks '■  eitlier  the  devil  and  Sozo- 
men, or  else  Theodoret,  seem  to  have  made  a  mistake,  for  the 
two  first  ascribe  the  victory  to  John  the  Baptist  and  the  third, 
to  John  the  Evangelist."     Remarks  ii.  165, 


V.  25-27-] 


OF   THEODORET. 


lU 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

Of  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Theodosius} 

After  this  victory  Theodosius  fell  sick 
and  divided  his  empire  between  his  sons, 
assigning  to  the  elder  the  sovereignty  which 
he  had  wielded  himself  and  to  the  younger 
the  throne  of  Europe.^ 

He  charged  both  to  hold  fast  to  the  true 
religion,  '^  for  by  its  means,"  said  he,  ''  peace 
is  preserved,  war  is  stopped,  foes  are 
routed,  trophies  are  set  up  and  victory  is 
proclaimed."  After  giving  this  charge  to 
his  sons  he  died,  leaving  behind  him  imper- 
ishable fame. 

His   successors  in    the 
inheritors  of  his  piety. 


empire   were 


also 


CHAPTER   XXVI. 

Of  Honorius  the  empei'or  and  Telemachus  the 

monk, 

Honorius,  who  inherited  the  empire  of 
Europe,  put  a  stop  to  the  gladiatorial  com- 
bats which  had  long  been  held  at  Rome. 
The  occasion  of  his  doing  so  arose  from  the 
following  circumstance.  A  certain  man  of 
the  name  of  Telemachus  had  embraced  the 
ascetic  life.  He  had  set  out  from  the  East 
and  for  this  reason  had  repaired  to  Rome. 
There,  when  the  abominable  spectacle  was 
being  exhibited,  he  went  himself  into  the 
stadium,  and,  stepping  down  into  the  arena, 
endeavoured  to  stop  the  men  who  were 
wielding  their  weapons  against  one  another. 
The  spectators  of  the  slaughter  were  indig- 
nant, and  inspired  by  the  mad  fury  of  the 
demon  who  delights  in  those  bloody  deeds, 
stoned  the  peacemaker  to  death. 

When  the  admirable  einperor  was  in- 
formed of  this  he  numbered  Telemachus  in 
the  army  of  victorious  martyrs,  and  put  an 
end  to  that  impious  spectacle. 


1  Theodosius  died  of  dropsy  at  Milan,  Jan.  17,395.  "The 
character  of  Theodosius  is  one  of  the  most  perplexing  in 
history.  The  church  historians  have  hardly  a  Avord  of  blame  for 
him  except  in  the  matter  of  the  massacre  of  Thessaionica,  and 
that  seems  to  be  almost  atoned  for  in  their  eyes  by  its  perpe- 
trator's  penitent  submission  to  ecclesiastical  censure.  On  the 
other  hand  the  heathen  historians,  represented  by  Zosimus, 
condemn  in  the  most  unmeasured  terms  his  insolence,  his  love 
of  pleasure,  his  pride,  and  liint  at  the  scandalous  immorality  of 
his  life."  "  It  is  the  fashion  to  call  him  the  Great,  and  we 
may  admit  tliat  he  has  as  good  a  right  to  that  title  as  Lewis 
XlV.,  a  monarch  whom  in  some  respects  he  pretty  closely  re- 
sembles. But  it  seems  to  me  that  it  would  be  safer  to  withhold 
this  title  from  both  sovereigns,  and  to  call  them  not  the  Great, 
but  the  Magnificent."     Hodgkin,  Dynasty  of  Theodosius.  133. 

The  great  champion  of  orthodoxy,  he  was  no  violent  per- 
secutor, and  received  at  his  death  irom  a  grateful  paganism 
the  official  lionours  of  apotheosis. 

2  Arcadius  was  now  eighteen,  and  Honorius  eleven.  Arca- 
dhis  reigrned  at  C(mstantinople,  the  puppet  of  Rufinus,  the 
Eunuch  Eutropius,  and  his  Empress,  Eudoxia. 

Honorius  was  established  at  Milan,  till  the  approach  of 
Alaric  drove  him  tc  Ravenna.     (402.) 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

Of  the  piety  of  the  emperor  Arcadius  and  the 
ordination  of  John   Chrysostom. 

On  the  death  at  Constantinople  of  Nec- 
tarius,  bishop  of  that  see,  Arcadius,  who 
had  succeeded  to  the  Eastern  empire,  sum- 
moned John,  the  great  luminary  of  the 
world.  He  had  heard  that  he  was  numbered 
in  the  ranks  of  the  presbyterate,  and  now 
issued  orders  to  the  assembled  bishops  to 
confer  on  him  divine  grace,  and  appoint  him 
shepherd  of  that  mighty  city.^ 

This  fact  is  alone  sufficient  to  show  the 
emperor's  care  for  divine  things.  At  the 
same  time  the  see  of  Antioch  was  held  by 
Flavianus,  and  that  of  Laodicea  by  Elpidius, 
who  had  formerly  been  the  comrade  of 
the  great  Meletius,  and  had  received  the 
impress  of  his  life  and  conversation  more 
plainly  than  wax  takes  the  impression  of  a 
seal  ring.^ 

He  succeeded  the  great  Pelagius  ;  ^  and 
the  divine  Marcellus  *  was  followed  by  the 
illustrious  Agapetus  ^  whom  I  have  already 
described  as  conspicuous  for  high  ascetic 
virtue.  ,In  the  time  of  the  tempest  of  heresy, 
of  Seleucia  ad  Taurum,  Maximus,^  the  com- 
panion of  the  great  John,  was  bishop,  and 
of  Mopsuestia  Theodorus,'  both  illustrious 
teachers.  Conspicuous,  too,  in  wisdom  and 
character  was  the  holy  Acacius,^  bishop  of 
Beroea. 

Leontius,^  a    shining  example    of    many 
virtues,  tended  the  flock  of  the  Galatians. 


1  Nectarius  died  in  Sept.  397,  and  John  Chrysostom  was 
appointed  in  Feb.  39S.     cf.  Soc.  vi.  2  and  Soz.  viii.  2. 

"The  only  diflficulty  lay  with  Chrysostom  himself  and  the 
people  of  Antioch.  The  double  danger  of  a  decided  '  7tolo 
episcopari''  on  Chrysostom's  part,  and  of  a  public  commotion 
when  the  Antiocheans  heard  of  the  intention  of  robbing  them 
of  their  favourite  preacher  was  overcome  by  stratagem. 
Asterius,  the  Comes  Orientis,  in  accordance  with  instruc- 
tions received  from  Eutropius,  induced  Chrysostom  to 
accompany  him  to  a  martyr's  chaptl  outside  the  city  walls. 
There  he  was  apprehended  bv  the  ofTicers  of  the  government, 
and  conveyed  to  Papae,  the  first  post  station  on  the  road  to 
Constantinople.  His  remonstrances  were  unheeded;  his 
enquiries  met  with  obstinate  silence.  Placed  in  a  public  chariot, 
and  hurried  on  under  a  military  escort  from  stage  to  stage,  the 
Soo  miles  traversed  with  the  utmc^st  dispatch,  thie  future  bi>hop 
reached  his  imperial  see  a  closely  guarded  prisoner.  However 
unwelcome  the  dignity  thrust  on  him  was,  Chrysostom,  know- 
ing that  resistance  was  useless,  felt  it  more  dignified  to  submit 
without  further  strui^o-le." 


'•  Chrysostom  was  consecrated  February  26th  A.D.  39S,  in  the 
presence  of  a  vast  multitude  assembled  not  only  to  witness  the 
ceremonv  but  also  to  listen  to  the  inaugural  sermon  of  one  of 
whose  eloquence  they  had  heard  so  much.  This  *  sertno  e/iiliron- 
istiais'  is  lost."     Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  s.  v.  "  Chrysostom." 

-  Elpidius,  possibly  a  kind  of  domestic  chaplain  {(Tv(TKy)vo<;) 
to  Meletius,  was  afterwards  a  warm  friend  and  advocate  of 
Chrysostom.  In  406  he  was  deposed  and  imprisoned  for  three 
years,  and  not  restored  till  414. 

3  Vide  note  on  p.  iic. 

*  Marcellus  was  bishop  of  Apamea. 

'•>  Succeeded  his  brother  Marcellus  in  39S. 
and  Relig.  Hist.  3. 

c  Soc.  vi.  3;  Soz.  viii,  2.         ^  Vide  p.  159. 

^Of  Ancyracf.  Soz.  vi,  iS;  and  viii,  30. 


cf.  note  on  p.  128 
8  Vide  p.  12S. 


152 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[V.  28-32, 


CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

Of  JoliTi's   boldness  for    God. 

When  the  great  John  had  received  the 
tiller  of  the  Church,  he  boldly  convicted 
certain  wrong  doers,  made  seasonable  exhor- 
tations to  the  emperor  and  empress,  and 
admonished  the  clergy  to  live  according  to 
the  laws  laid  down.  Transgressors  against 
these  laws  he  forbade  to  approach  the 
churches,  urging  that  they  who  shewed  no 
desire  to  live  the  life  of  true  priests  ought 
not  to  enjoy  priestly  honour.  He  acted  with 
this  care  for  the  church  not  only  in  Constan- 
tinople, but  throughout  the  whole  of  Thrace, 
which  is  divided  into  six  provinces,  and  like- 
wise of  Asia,  which  is  governed  by  eleven 
governors.  Pontica  too,  which  has  a  like 
number  of  rulers  with  Asia,  was  happily 
brought  by  him  under  the  same  discipline.^ 

CHAPTER    XXIX. 

Of  the   idol    temples     which     were  destroyed 
by  John   in   Phcenicia. 

On  receiving  information  that  Phoenicia 
was  still  suffering  from  the  madness  of  the 
demons'  rites,  John  got  together  certain 
monks  who  were  fired  with  divine  zeal, 
armed  them  with  imperial  edicts  and 
despatched  them  against  the  idols'  shrines. 
The  money  which  was  required  to  pay  the 
craftsmen  and  their  assistants  who  were  en- 
gaged in  the  work  of  destruction  was  not 
taken  by  John  from  imperial  resources,  but 
he  persuaded  certain  wealthy  and  faithful 
women  to  make  liberal  contributions,  point- 
ing out  to  them  how  great  would  be  the 
blessing  their  generosity  would  win. 

Thus  the  remaining  shrines  of  the  demons 
were  utterly  destroyed.^ 

CHAPTER    XXX. 

Of  the   church    of  the    Goths. 

It  was  perceived  by  John  that  the 
Scythians  were  involved  in  the  Arian  net ; 
he  therefore  devised  counter  contrivances 
and   discovered    a    means    of  winning    them 


1  Valesius  points  out  that  those  comnientators  have  been  in 
error  who  have  supposed  Theodoretus  to  be  referring  here  to 
ecclesiastical  divisions  and  officers. 

Chrysostoin  is  here  distinctly  described  as  asserting  and 
exercising  a  jurisdiction  over  the  civil  "  dicEceses  "  of  Pontica, 
Asia,  and  Thrace.  But  the  quasi  patriarchate  was  at  this  time 
only  honorary.  Only  so  late  as  at  the  recent  council  at  Constan- 
tinople (3S1)  had  its  bishop,  previously  under  the  metropolitan 
of  Perinthus,  been  declared  to  rank  next  after  the  bishop  of 
Rome,  the  metropolitans  of  Alexandria  and  Antioch  standing 
next,  but  it  was  not  till  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  that  the 
I'  diccceses  "  of  Pontus,  Asia,  and  Thrace  were  formally  sub- 
jected  to   the   see  of  Constantinople. 

2  The  imperial  edict  for  the  destruction  of  the  Phoenician 
Temples  was  obtained  in  399. 


over.  Aj^pointing  presbyters  and  deacons 
and  readers  of  the  divine  oracles  who  spoke 
the  Scythian  tongue,  he  assigned  a  church 
to  them,^  and  by  their  means  won  many 
from  their  error.  He  used  frequently  him- 
self to  visit  it  and  preach  there,  using  an 
interpreter  who  was  skilled  in  both  lan- 
guages, and  he  got  other  good  speakers  to 
do  the  same.  This  was  his  constant  practice 
in  the  city,  and  many  of  those  who  had 
been  deceived  he  rescued  by  pointing  out  to 
them  the  truth  of  the  apostolic  preaching. 

CHAPTER    XXXI. 

Of  his   care  for   the  Scythians   and  his  zeal 
against  the  Marcionists. 

On  learning  that  some  of  the  Nomads  en- 
camped along  the  Danube  were  thirsty  for 
salvation,  but  had  none  to  bring  them  the 
stream,  John  sought  out  men  who  were  filled 
with  a  love  of  labour  like  that  which  had 
distinguished  the  apostles,  and  gave  them 
charge  of  the  work.  I  have  myself  seen  a 
letter  written  by  him  to  Leontius,  bishop  of 
Ancyra,  in  which  he  described  the  conver- 
sion of  the  Scythians,  and  begged  that  fit 
men  for  their  instruction  might  be  sent. 

On  hearing  that  in  our  district"  some  men 
were  infected  with  the  plague  of  Marcion  he 
wrote  to  the  then  bishop  charging  him  to 
drive  out  the  plague,  and  proffering  him  the  » 
aid  of  the  imperial  edicts.  I  have  said 
enough  to  show  how,  to  use  the  words  of  the 
divine  apostle,  he  carried  in  his  heart  "  the 
care  of  all  the  churches."  ^ 

His  boldness  may  also  be  learnt  from  other 
sources. 

CHAPTER    XXXII. 

Of  the  demand  made  by  Gainas  and  of  John 
Ch  rysosto  m '  s  reply . 

One  Gainas,  a  Scythian,  but  still  more 
barbarous  in  character,  and  of  cruel  and  vio- 
lent disposition,  was  at  that  time  a  military 
commander.  He  had  under  him  many  of 
his  own  fellow-countrymen,  and  with  them 
commanded  the  Roman  cavalry  and  infantry. 
He  was  an  object  of  terror  not  only  to  all 
the  rest  but  even  to  the  emperor  himself, 
who  suspected  him  of  aiming  at  usurpation. 

He  was  a  participator  in  the  Arian  pest, 
and  requested  the  emperor  to  grant  liim  the 
use  of  one  of  the  churches.  Arcadius  re- 
plied that  he  would  see  to  it  and  have  it  done. 
He  then  sent  for  the  divine  John,  told  him 


1  The  Church  of  St.  Paul.    Hom.  xii.  pp.  512-526. 

2  i.e.  at  Cvrus. 

3  II.  Cor.'xi.  2S. 


V.  33>  34.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


153 


of  the  request  that  had  been  made,  reminded 
him  of  the  power  of  Gainas,  hinted  at  the 
usurpation  which  was  being  aimed  at,  and 
besouijht  him  to  bridle  the  angler  of  the  bar- 
barian  by  this  concession.^  ''  But,"  said  that 
noble  man,  "  attempt,  sir,  no  such  promise, 
nor  order  what  is  holy  to  be  given  to  the 
dogs.^  I  will  never  suffer  the  worshippers 
and  praisers  of  the  Divine  Word  to  be  ex- 
pelled and  their  church  to  be  given  to  them 
that  blaspheme  Him.  Have  no  fear,  sir,  of 
that  barbarian  ;  call  us  both,  me  and  him,  be- 
fore you  ;  listen  in  silence  to  what  is  said, 
and  I  will  both  curb  his  tongue  and  persuade 
him  not  to  ask  what  it  is  wrong  to  grant." 

The  emperor  was  delighted  with  what 
Chrysostom  said,  and  on  the  next  day  sum- 
moned both  the  bishop  and  the  general  be- 
fore him.  Gainas  began  to  request  the  ful- 
filment of  the  promise,  but  the  great  John 
said  in  reply  that  the  emperor,  who  pro- 
fessed the  true  religion,  had  no  right  to  ven- 
ture on  any  act  against  it.  Gainas  rejoined 
that  he  also  must  have  a  place  to  pray  in. 
*'  Why,"  said  the  great  John,  •'  every  church 
is  open  to  you,  and  nobody  prevents  you 
from  praying  there  when  you  are  so  dis- 
posed." ''  But  I,"  said  Gainas,  *'  belong  to 
another  sect,  and  I  ask  to  have  one  church 
vs^ith  them,  and  surely  I  who  undergo  so 
many  toils  in  war  for  Romans  may  fairly 
make  such  a  request."  "  But,"  said  the 
bishop,  *'you  have  greater  rewards  for  your 
labours,  you  are  a  general ;  you  are  vested 
in  the  consular  robe,  and  you  must  consider 
what  you  were  formerly  and  what  you  are 
now  —  your  indigence  in  the  past  and  your 
present  prosperity ;  what  kind  of  raiment 
you  wore  before  you  crossed  the  Ister,  and 
what  you  are  robed  in  now.  Consider,  I 
say,  the  littleness  of  your  labours  and  the 
greatness  of  your  rewards,  and  be  not  un- 
thankful to  them  who  have  shewn  you  hon- 
our." With  these  words  the  teacher  of  the 
world  silenced  Gainas,  and  compelled  him  to 
stand  dumb.  In  process  of  time,  however, 
he  made  known  the  rebellion  which  he  had 
long  had  at  heart,  gathered  his  forces  in 
Thrace,  and  went  out  ravaging  and  plunder- 
ing in  very  many  directions.  At  news  of 
this  there  arose  an  universal  panic  among 
both  princes  and  subjects,  and  no  one  was 
found  willing  to  march  against  him  ;  no  one 
thought  it  safe  to  approach  him  with  an  am- 
bassage,  for  every  one  suspected  his  barba- 
rous character. 

^  The  three  great  officials,  Aurelianus,  Satuminus,  and  the 
Co%ni  John  had  already  surrendered  themselves  to  the  arrogant 
Goth,  and  their  lives  had  only  been  spared  at  the  entreaty  of 
Chrvsostom. 

2'Mati.  vii.6. 


CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

Of  the  ambassage  of  Chrysostom   to    Gainas. 

Then  when  every  one  else  was  passed 
over  because  of  the  universal  panic,  this 
great  chief  was  persuaded  to  undertake  the. 
ambassage.  He  took  no  heed  of  the  dis- 
pute which  has  been  related,  nor  of  the  ill 
feeling  which  it  had  engendered,  and  readily 
set  out  for  Thrace.  No  sooner  did  Gainas 
hear  of  the  arrival  of  the  envoy  than  he 
bethought  him  of  the  bold  utterance  which 
he  had  made  on  behalf  of  true  religion.  He 
came  eagerly  from  a  great  distance  to  meet 
him,  placed  his  right  hand  upon  his  eyes, 
and  brought  his  children  to  his  saintly  knees. 
So  is  it  the  nature  of  goodness  to  put  even 
those  who  are  most  opposed  to  it  to  the 
blush  and  vanquish  them.  But  envy  could 
not  endure  the  bright  rays  of  his  philosophy. 
It  put  in  practice  its  wonted  wiles  and 
deprived  of  his  eloquence  and  his  wisdom 
the  imperial  city  —  aye  indeed  the  whole 
world. ^ 

CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

Of  the  events  which  happened  on  account  of 
Chrysosto?n, 

At  this  part  of  my  history  I  know  not 
what  sentiments  to  entertain  ;  wishful  as  I 
am  to  relate  the  wrong  inflicted  on  Chrysos- 
tom, I  yet  regard  in  other  respects  the  high 
character  of  those  who  wronged  him.  I 
shall  therefore  do  my  best  to  conceal  even 
their  names.^  These  persons  had  different 
reasons  for  their  hostility,  and  were  unwilling 
to  contemplate  his  brilliant  virtue.  They 
found  certain  wretches  who  accused  him, 
and,  perceiving  the  openness  of  the  calumny, 
held  a  meeting  at  a  distance  from  the  city 
and  pronounced  their  sentence.^ 

The  emperor,  who  had  confidence  in  the 
clergy,  ordered  him  to  be  banished.  So 
Chrysostom,  without  having  heard  the  charges 
brought  against  him,  or  brought  forward  his 

1  It  is  not  clear  where  the  mission  of  Chr^'sostom  to  Gainas 
should  be  placed.  Gainas  attacked  the  capital  by  sea  and  by 
land,  but  his  Goths  were  massacred  in  their  own  church,  and 
he  was  repulsed.  He  was  finally  defeated  and  slain  in 
Jan.  401. 

2  The  foes  of  Chrysostom  were 

(i)  The  empress  Eudoxia,  jealous  of  his  power; 

(ii)  The  great  ladit  s  on  whose  toilettes  of  artifice  and 
extravagant  licentiousness  he  had  poured  his  scorn;  among 
them  being  Marsa,  Castricia,  and  Eugraphia; 

(iii)  The  baser  clergy  whom  his  simplicity  of  life  shamed, 
notably  Acacius  of  Hercea,  whose  hostility  is  traced  by 
Palladius  to  the  meagre  hospitality  of  the  archiepiscopal 
palace  at  Constantinople,  when  the  hungry  guest  exclaimed 
"  eyu)  auToi  aprvto  \vTpai>"  —  "I'll  pepper  a  pot  for  him!" 
(Pall.  49.)  and  Theophilus  of  Alexandria,  who  had  never  for- 
given  his  elevation  to  the  see,  and  Gerontius  of  Nicomedia 
whom  he  had  deposed. 

3  i.e.  at  the  suburb  of  Chalcedon  known  as  "  the  Oak."  The 
charges  included  his  calling  the  Empress  Jezebel,  and  eating 
a  lozenge  after  the  Holy  Communion.     Pallad.  66. 


154 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[V.  35- 


defence,  was  forced  as  though  convicted  on 
the  accusations  advanced  against  him  to  quit 
Constantinople,^  and  departed  to  Hieron  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Euxine,  for  so  the  naval 
station  is  named. 

In  the  night  there  was  a  great  earthquake 
and  the  empress^  was  struck  with  terror. 
Envoys  were  accordingly  sent  at  daybreak 
to  the  banished  bishop  beseeching  him  to 
return  without  delay  to  Constantinople,  and 
avert  the  peril  from  the  town.  After  these 
another  party  was  sent  and  yet  again  others 
after  them  and  the  Bosphorus  was  crowded 
with  the  couriers.  When  the  faithful 
people  learned  what  was  going  on  they 
covered  the  mouth  of  the  Propontis  with 
their  boats,  and  the  whole  population  lighted 
up  waxen  torches  and  came  forth  to  meet 
him.  For  the  time  indeed  his  banded  foes 
were  scattered.^ 

But  after  the  interval  of  a  few  months 
they  endeavoured  to  enact  punishment,  not 
for  the  forged  indictment,  but  for  his  taking 
part  in  divine  service  after  his  deposition. 
The  bishop  represented  that  he  had  not 
pleaded,  that  he  had  not  heard  the  indict- 
ment, that  he  had  made  no  defence,  that  he 
had  been  condemned  in  his  absence,  that 
he  had  been  exiled  by  the  emperor,  and  by 
the  emperor  again  recalled.  Then  another 
Synod  met,  and  his  opponents  did  not  ask 
for  a  trial,  but  persuaded  the  emperor  that 
the  sentence  was  lawful  and  right.  Chrys- 
ostom  was  then  not  merely  banished,  but 
relegated  to  a  petty  and  lonely  town  in  Ar- 
menia of  the  name  of  Cucusus.  Even  from 
thence  he  was  removed  and  deported  to 
Pityus,  a  place  at  the  extremity  of  the  Euxine 
and  on  the  marches  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
in  the  near  neighbourhood  of  the  wildest 
savages.  But  the  loving  Lord  did  not  suffer 
the  victorious  athlete  to  be  carried  off'  to 
this  islet,  for  when  he  had  reached  Comana 
he  was  removed  to  the  life  that  knows  nor 
age   nor   pain.'* 

1  For  three  days  the  people  withstood  his  removal.  At  last 
he  slipped  out  by  a  postern,  and,  when  a  nod  would  have  roused 
rebellion,  submitted  to  exile.  But  he  was  only  deported  a 
very  little  way. 

2  Eudoxia  was  the  daughter  of  Banto,  a  Prankish  general. 
Philostorgius  (xi.  6),  says  that  she  "  ou  Kara  rr^v  tov  avSpo^ 
6(,€K€iT0  I'txiOetav,  dW  eviqv  avTrj  toC  ^ap/3apiKoO  i^pdcrou?  ovk 
bXiyov." 

3 The  proceedings  of  "the  Oak"  were  declared  null  and 
void,  and  the  bishop  was  formally  reinstated.     403. 

*  Theodoret  omits  the  second  offence  to  Eudoxia  —  his  in- 
vectives on  the  dedication  of  her  silver  statue  in  front  of  St. 
Sophia  in  Sept.  403.  fSoc.  vi.  18.  Soz.  viii.  20.)  "  Once 
again  Herodias  runs  ^vild;  once  again  she  dances;  once  again 
she  is  in  a  hurry  to  get  the  head  of  John  on  a  charger."  Or 
does  the  description  of  Herodias,  ana  not  Salome,  as  dancing, 
indicate  that  the  calumnious  sentence  was  not  really  uttered 
by  Chrysostom,  but  said  to  have  been  uttered  by  informers 
whose  knowledge  of  the  Gospels  was  incomplete? 

The  discourse  "  t'ti  decollationem  Baptistce  ^oanftis  "  is  in 
Miene  Vol.  viii.  4S5,  but  it  is  generally  rejected  as  spurious. 

The  circumstances  of  the  deposition  will  be  found  in 
Palladius,  and  in  Chrysostom's  Ep.  ad  Innocent.    The  edict 


The  body  that  had  struggled  so  bravely 
was  buried  by  the  side  of  the  coffin  of  the 
martyred  Basiliscus,  for  so  the  martyr  had 
ordained  in  a  dream. 

I  think  it  needless  to  prolong  my  narrative 
by  relating  how  many  bishops  were  ex- 
pelled from  the  church  on  Chrysostom's 
account,  and  sent  to  live  in  the  ends  of  the 
earth,  or  how  many  ascetic  philosophers 
were  involved  in  the  same  calamities,  and  all 
the  more  because  I  think  it  needful  to  cur- 
tail these  hideous  details,  and  to  throw  a  veil 
over  the  ill  deeds  of  men  of  the  same  faith 
as  our  own.  Punishment  however  did  fall 
on  most  of  the  guilty,  and  their  sufferings 
were  a  means  of  good  to  the  rest.  This 
great  wrong  w^as  regarded  with  special  detes- 
tation by  the  bishops  of  Europe,  who  sepa- 
rated themselves  from  communion  with  the 
guilty  parties.  In  this  action  they  were 
joined  by  all  the  bishops  of  Illyria.  In  the 
East  most  of  the  cities  shrank  from  j^articipa- 
tion  in  the  wrong,  but  did  not  make  a  rent 
in   the   body    of  the    church. 

On  the  death  of  the  great  teacher  of  the 
world,  the  bishops  of  the  West  refused  to 
embrace  the  communion  of  the  bishops  of 
Egypt,  of  the  East,  of  the  Bosphorus,  and  in 
Thrace,  until  the  name  of  that  holy  man 
had  been  inserted  among  those  of  deceased 
bishops.  Arsacius  his  immediate  successor 
they  declined  to  acknowledge,  but  Atticus  the 
successor  of  Arsacius,  after  he  had  frequently 
solicited  the  boon  of  peace,  was  after  a  tim6 
received  when  he  had  inserted  the  name  in 
the  roll.^ 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 

0/  Alexander,  bishop  of  Antioch, 

At  this  tim.e  the  see  of  Alexandria,  was 
held  by  Cyril,  ^  brother's  son  to  Theophilus 
whom  he  succeeded  ;  at  the  same  time  Jeru- 

was  issued  June  5,  404.  Cucusus  (cf.  p.  ii.  4)  is  on  the  borders 
of  Cilicia  and  Armenia  Minor.  Gibbon  says  the  three  years 
spent  here  were  the  "  most  glorious  of  his  life,"  so  great  was 
the  influence  he  wielded. 

In  the  wintei  of  405  he  was  driven  with  other  fugitives  from 
Cucusus  through  fear  of  1  saurian  banditti,  and  fled  some  60 
miles  to  Arabissus.  Early  in  406  he  returned.  Eudoxia  was 
dead  (f  Oct.  4.  404)  but  other  enemies  were  impatient  at  the 
old  man's  resistance  to  h:irdship.  An  Edict  was  procured 
transferring  the  exile  to  Pityus,  in  the  N.E.  corner  of  the 
Black  Sea  (now  Soukoum  in  Transcaucasia)  but  Chrysostom's 
strength  was  unequal  to  the  cruel  hardships  of  the  journev. 
Some  five  miles  from  Comana  in  Pontus  (Tokat),  clothed  in 
white  robes,  he  expired  in  the  chapel  of  the  martyred  bishop 
Basiiiskus,  Sept.  14.  .}07.     Basiliskus  was  martyred  in  312. 

1  Atticus  (Bp.  of  Constantinople  405-426)  was  forced  by 
fear  alike  of  the  mob  and  ihe  Emperor  to  consent  to  the  resti- 
tution. His  letters  to  Peter  and  yEdesius,  deacon  of  Cyril  of 
Alexandria,  ind  Cyril's  reply,  (Niceph.  xiv,  26-27)  are  inter- 
esting. Cyril  '*  would  as  soon  put  the  name  of  Judas  on  the 
rolls  as  that  of  Chrysostom."     Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  i.  209. 

2  Cyril  occupied  the  Episcopal  throne  of  Alexandria  from 
412  to  444.  Theodoretus  could  not  be  expected  to  allude  to  the 
withdrawal  of  the  Roman  legions  from  Britain  in  401,  oi^the 
release  of  Britoins  from  their  allegiance  by  Honorius  in  410. 
The  sack  of  Rome  by  the  Goths  in  the  latter  year  might  have 
however  claimed  a  passing  notice. 


V.  36.] 


OF  THEODORET. 


155 


salem  was  occupied  by  John  ^  in  succession 
to  Cyril  whom  we  have  formerly  mentioned. 
The  Antiochenes  were  under  the  care  of 
Alexander  ^  whose  life  and  conversation 
were  of  a  piece  with  his  episcopate.  Before 
his  consecration  he  passed  his  time  in  ascetic 
training  and  in  hard  bodily  exercise.  He 
was  known  as  a  noble  champion,  teaching  by 
word  and  confirming  the  w^ord  by  deed. 
His  predecessor  was  Porphyrins  who  guided 
that  church  after  Flavianus,  and  left  behind 
him  many  memorials  of  his  loving  character.^ 
He  was  also  distinguished  by  intellectual 
power.  The  holy  Alexander  was  specially 
rich  in  self  discipline  and  philosophy  ;  his 
life  Was  one  of  poverty  and  self  denial ;  his 
eloquence  was  copious  and  his  other  gifts 
were  innumerable  ;  by  his  advice  and  exhor- 
tation, the  following  of  the  great  Eustathius 
which  Paulinus,  and  after  him  Evagrius,  had 
not  permitted  to  be  restored,  was  united  to 
the  rest  of  the  body,  and  a  festival  was  cele- 
brated the  like  of  which  none  had  ever  seen 
before.  The  bishop  gathered  all  the  faith- 
ful together,  both  clergy  and  laity,  and 
marched  with  them  to  the  assembly.  The 
procession  was  accompanied  by  musicians  ; 
one  hymn  was  sung  by  all  in  harmony,  and 
thus  he  and  his  company  went  in  procession 
from  the  western  postern  to  the  great  church, 
filling  the  whole  forum  with  people,  and 
constituting  a  stream  of  thinking  living 
beings  like  the  Orontes  in  its  course. 

When  this  was  seen  by  the  Jews,  by  the 
victims  of  the  Arian  plague,  and  by  the 
insignificant  remnant  of  Pagans,  they  set  up 
a  groaning  and  wailing,  and  were  distressed 
at  seeing  the  rest  of  the  rivers  discharging 
their  waters  into  the  Church.  By  Alexander 
the  name  of  the  great  John  was  first  in- 
scribed in  the  records'*  of  the  Church. 

CHAPTER   XXXVI. 

Of  the  1-einoval  of  the  reuiains  of  John  and 
of  the  faith  of  Theodosius  and  his  sisters. 

At  a  later  time  the  actual  remains  of  the 
great  doctor  were  conveyed  to   the    imperial 


1  Of  the  five  Johns  more  or  less  well  known  as  bishop  of 
Jerusalem  this  was  the  second — from  3S6  to  417.  He  is  chietiy 
known  to  us  from  the  severe  criticisms  of  Jerome. 

2  Bp.  from  413  to  421. 

2  Palladius  (Dial.  14.3  et  Seqq.)  describes  Porphyrins  as  a 
monster  of  frivolity,  iniquity,  and  bitterness.  It  is  interesting 
to  hear  botli  sides. 

*  Theodoret  here  uses  the  word  Sctttuxov.  Other  words  in 
use  ^vere  cepal,  Se'Aroi  and  (caraAo-yot.  The  names  engraved  on 
these  tablets  were  recited  during  the  celebration  of  the  Holy 
Eucharist,  e.  ij.  at  Carthage  in  41 1  we  find  it  said  of  C?ecilia- 
nus  :  "  In  ecclesin  Mtmus  in  qua  episcopatum  gessit  et  diem 
ohiit.  Ejus  nomen  ad  altare  recitamus  ejus  memorice  com 
municamtis  tanquam  memorice fratris.^'  'Diet.  Christ.  Ant.  i. 
561.  Labbe  ii.  1490.)  Names  were  sometimes  erased  from  un- 
worthy motives.  A  survival  of  the  use  olttains  in  the  English 
Church  in  the  Prayer  for  the  Church  Militant,  and  more  specifi. 
cally  in  the  recitation  of  names  in  the  Bidding  Prayer. 


city,  and  once  again  the  faithful  crowd  turn- 
ing the  sea  as  it  were  into  land  by  their  close 
packed  boats,  covered  the  mouth  of  the 
Bosphorus  towards  the  Propontis  with  their 
torches.  The  precious  possession  was 
brought  into  Constantinople  by  the  present 
emperor,^  who  received  the  name  of  his 
grandfather  and  preserved  his  piety  inide- 
filed.  After  first  gazing  upon  the  bier  he 
laid  his  head  against  it,  and  prayed  for  his 
parents  and  for  pardon  on  them  who 
had  ignorantly  sinned,  for  his  parents  had 
long  ago  been  dead,  leaving  him  an  orphan 
in  extreme  youth,  but  the  God  of  his  fathers 
and  of  his  forefathers  permitted  him  not  to 
suffer  trial  from  his  orphanhood,  but  pro- 
vided for  his  nurture  in  piety,  protected  his 
empire  from  the  assaults  of  sedition,  and 
bridled  rebellious  hearts.  Ever  mindful  of 
these  blessings  he  honours  his  benefactor 
with  hymns  of  praise.  Associated  with  him 
in  this  divine  worship  are  his  sisters,^  who 
have  m'aintained  virginity  throughout  their 
lives,  thinking  the  study  of  the  divine 
oracles  ^  the  greatest  delight,  and  reckoning 
that  riches  beyond  robbers'  reach  are  to  be 
found  in  ministering  to  the  poor.  The 
emperor  himself  was  adorned  by  many 
graces,  and  not  least  by  his  kindness  and 
clemency,  an  unruffled  calm  of  soul  and 
a  faith  as  undefiled  as  it  is  notorious.  Of 
this  I  w^ill  give  an  undeniable  proof. 

A  certain  ascetic  somewhat  rough  of 
temper  came  to  the  emperor  with  a  petition. 
He  came  several  times  without  attainingf  his 
object,  and  at  last  excommunicated  the 
emperor  and  left  him  under  his  ban.  The 
faithful  emperor  returned  to  his  palace,  and 
as  it  was  the  time    for  the  banquet,  and  his 

1  Theodosius  II.  succeeded  his  father  May  i,  40S,  at  the  age 
of  eight.  The  translation  of  the  remains  of  Chrysostom  took 
place  at  the  beginning  of  43S.  Theodosius  died  in  450,  and. 
the  phrase  *'  6  vvv  ^aat\evu>v"  thus  limits  the  composition  of 
the  History.  As  however  Theodoret  does  not  continue  his 
list  of  bishops  of  Rome  after  Cnelestinus,  who  died  in  440,  we 
may  conclude  that  the  History  was  written  in43S-439.  But  the 
mention  of  Isdigirdes  II.  in  Chap,  xxxviii.  carries  us  some- 
what further.  Possibly  the  portions  of  the  work  were  jotted 
down  from  time  to  time. 

2  Theodosius  II.  had  four  sisters,  Flaccilla,  Pulcheria, 
Arcadia,  and  Marina.  Pulcheria  was  practically  enipress- 
reo-nant  for  a  considerable  period.  She  was  only  two  years 
older  than  her  brother,  but  was  declared  Augusta  and  empress 
July  14,  414,  at  the  age  of  15 'j.  On  his  death  in  450  she  mar- 
ried Marcianus  a  general.  Besides  the  relics  of  Chrysostom 
she  translated  in  446  those  of  the  martyrs  ot  Sebaste.  Soz. 
ix.  2. 

3  •'  Tft  0eia  Ao-yia."  This  is  the  common  phrase  in  our 
author  for  the  Holy  Scriptures.  According  to  ihe  interpreta- 
tion given  by  Schleiermacher  and  like  theologians  to  the  title  of 
the  work  of  Papias,  "  Ao-ytwi' Ki/pia*cu)v  t'^fj-yivaei?  "  and  to  the 
passao^e  of  Eusebius  (Ecc.  Hist.  iii.  39)  in  which  Papias  is 
quoted  as  saying  that  Matthew  "  ^EjSpa'^t  6taAeKTa>  ra  Aoyia 
crvveypoixf/aTo,"  Pulcheria  and  her  sisters  did  not  study  the 
Scriptures,  but  only  "  the  divine  discourses,"  to  the  exclusion 
of  anythiniar  that  %vas  not  a  discourse,  ct.  Salmon  Introduction 
to  the  JV.  T.  4th  Ed.  pp.  95,  06,  and  Bp.  Lightfoot's  Essays  in 
reply  to  the  anonymous  author  of  "  Supernatural  Religion." 
cf.Rom.  iii.  21,  Heb.  v.  12,  I.  Pet.  iv.  11,  and  Clem,  ad  Cor. 
lili.  "  P'or  beloved  you  know,  aye,  and  we^I  know,  the  sacred 
Scriptures,  and  have  pored  over  t/te  oracles  of  God.'^ 


156 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[V.  37. 


guests  were  assembled,  he  said  that  he  could 
not  partake  of  the  entertainment  before  the 
interdict  was  taken  off.  On  this  account  he 
sent  the  most  intimate  of  his  suite  to  the 
bishop,  beseeching  him  to  order  the  imposer 
of  the  interdict  to  remove  it.  The  bishop 
replied  that  an  interdict  ought  not  to  be 
accepted  from  every  one,  and  pronounced  it 
not  binding,  but  the  emperor  refused  to 
accept  this  remission  until  the  imposer  of  it 
had  after  much  difficulty  been  discovered, 
and  had  restored  the  communion  withdrawn. 
So  obedient  was  he  to  divine  laws. 

In  accordance  with  the  same  principles  he 
ordered  a  complete  destruction  of  the  remains 
of  the  idolatrous  shrines,  that  our  posterity 
might  be  saved  from  the  sight  of  even  a  trace 
of  the  ancient  error,  this  being  the  motive 
which  he  expressed  in  the  edict  published  on 
the  subject.  Of  this  good  seed  sown  he  is 
ever  reaping  the  fruits,  for  he  has  the  Lord 
of  all  on  his  side.  So  when  Rhoilas,^  Prince 
of  the  Scythian  Nomads,  had  crossed  the 
Danube  with  a  vast  host  and  was  ravaging 
and  plundering  Thrace,  and  was  threatening 
to  besiege  the  imperial  city,  and  summarily 
seize  it  and  deliver  it  to  destruction,  God 
smote  him  from  on  high  with  thunderbolt 
and  storm,  burning  up  the  invader  and 
destroying  all  his  host.  A  similar  provi- 
dence was  shewn,  too,  in  the  Persian  war. 
The  Persians  received  information  that  the 
Romans  were  occupied  elsewhere,  and  so  in 
violation  of  the  treaty  of  Peace,  marched 
against  their  neighbours,  who  found  none  to 
aid  them  under  the  attack,  because,  in  reli- 
ance on  the  Peace,  the  emperor  had  de- 
spatched his  generals  and  his  men  to  other 
wars.  Then  the  further  march  of  the 
Persians  was  stayed  by  a  very  violent  storm 
of  rain  and  hail ;  their  horses  refused  to 
advance ;  in  twenty  days  they  had  not 
succeeded  in  advancing  as  many  furlongs. 
Meanwhile  the  generals  returned  and  mus- 
tered their  troops. 

In  the  former  war,  too,  these  same  Per- 
sians, when  besieging  the  emperor's  epony- 
mous city,-  were  providentially  rendered 
ridiculous.  For  after  Vararanes  ^  had  beset 
the  aforesaid  city  for  more  than  thirty  days 
with  all  his  forces,  and  had  brought  up  many 


'  Supposed  to  be  identified  with  Rogj^as,  Rugilas,  or  Roas,  a 
prince  said  by  Priscus  in  his  Hist.  Goth,  to  have  preceded 
Attila  in  the  sovereignty  of  the  Iluns.     cf.  Soc.  vii,  4^ 

-  i.e.  RhcEsina,  or  Theodosiopolis  in  Osrhoena,  now  Erze- 
roum. 

■'*  \'araranes  V.  son  of  Isdigirdes  I.  per.seculed  Christians 
in  the  beginning  of  the  5th  c.     cf.  Soc.  vii.  1S.20. 
Sapor  III.     3S5-3QO 


Vararanc^«  IV. 
39(v;^90. 


Isdiirirdes  I.  399-420. 
Vararanes  \'.  420-440. 
Isdigircles  II.  440-457. 


helepoles,  and  employed  innumerable  en- 
gines, and  built  up  lofty  towers  outside  the 
wall,  resistance  was  offered,  and  the  assault  of 
the  attacking  engines  repelled,  by  the  bishop 
Eunomius  alone.  Our  men  had  refused  to 
fight  against  the  foe,  and  were  shrinking 
from  bringing  aid  to  the  besieged,  when  the 
bishop,  by  opposing  himself  to  them,  pre- 
served the  city  from  being  taken.  When 
one  of  the  barbarian  chieftains  ventured  on 
his  wonted  blasphemy,  and  with  words  like 
those  of  Rabshakeh  and  Sennacherib,  madly 
threatened  to  burn  the  temple  of  God,  the 
holy  bishop  could  not  endure  his  furious 
wrath,  but  himself  commanded  a  balista,^ 
which  went  by  the  name  of  the  Apostle 
Thomas,  to  be  set  up  upon  the  battlements, 
and  a  mighty  stone  to  be  adjusted  to  it. 
Then,  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  who  had 
been  blasphemed,  he  gave  the  word  to  let 
go,  —  down  crashed  the  stone  on  that  impious 
chief  and  hit  him  on  his  wicked  mouth,  and 
crushed  in  his  face,  and  broke  his  head  in 
pieces,  and  sprinkled  his  brains  upon  the 
ground.  When  the  commander  of  the 
army  who  had  hoped  to  take  the  city 
saw  what  was  done,  he  confessed  himself 
beaten  and  withdrew,  and  in  his  alarm 
made   peace. 

Thus  the  universal  sovereign  protects  the 
faithful  emperor,  for  he  clearly  acknowledges 
whose  slave  he  is,  and  performs  fitting  ser- 
vice to  his  Master.^ 

CHAPTER  XXXVIL 

Of  Theodotus  bishop  of  Antioch. 

Theodosius  restored  the  relics  of  the 
great  luminary  of  the  world  to  the  city 
which  deeply  regretted  his  loss.  These 
events  however  happened  later. ^ 

Innocent   the    excellent   bishop    of   Rome 

*  It  is  interesting  to  find  in  the  fifth  century  an  instance  of  the 
sacred  nomenclature  with  which  we  have  familiar  instances  in 
the  "  San  Josef"  and  the  "  Salvador  del  mundo  "  of  Cape  St. 
Vincent,  and  the  "  Santa  Anna  "  and  "  Santissima  Trinidad  " 
ofTrafaigar.  (Southey,  Z//^  <?/7V.?/5o«,  Chap  iv.  and  ix.)  On 
the  north  side  of  Sebastopol  there  was  an  earthwork  called 
"  The  Twelve  Apostles."  (Kinglake,  C7'imea,  Vol.  iv.  11.48.) 
St.  Thomas  was  the  supposed  founder  of  the  church  of  Edessa. 

2  This  might  have  been  written  before  the  weaker  elements 
in  the  character  of  Theodosius  II.  produced  their  most  dis- 
astrous results.  But  he  was  not  a  satisfactory  sovereign,  nor 
a  desirable  champion  of  Christendom.  In  some  respects  like 
our  Edward  the  Confessor  and  Henry  VI.  he  had,  in  the  words 
of  Leo,  "  the  heart  of  a  priest  as  well  as  of  an  emperor."  "  He 
had  fifteen  prime  ministers  in  twentv-five  years,  the  last  of 
whom,  the  Eunuch  Chrysaphius,  retained  his  power  for  the 
longest  period.  A. D.  443-450.  During  that  time  the  empire 
was  rapidlv  hurrying  to  destruction.  The  Vandals  in  Africa 
and  the  Huns  under  Attila  in  Europe  were  ravaging  some  of 
his  fairest  provinces  while  the  emperor  was  attending  to  palace 
intrigues.  .  .  •  Chrysaphius  made  him  favourable  to 
Eutyches,  and  thus  largely  contributed  to  the  establishment 
of  the  monophysite  heresy."  Dr.  Stokes  in  Diet.  Christ.  Biog. 
iv.  966. 

3  This  paragraph  belongs  more  appropriately  to  the  pre- 
ceding chapter.  The  relics  of  Chrysostom  were  translated 
in  43S. 


V.  38.] 


OF   THEODORET. 


157 


was  succeeded  by  Bonifiicius,  Bonifacius  by 
Zosimus  and  Zosimus  by  Cuelestinus.^ 

At  Jerusalem  after  the  admirable  John 
the  charge  of  the  church  was  committed  to 
Praylius,  a  man  worthy  of  his  name.^ 

At  Antioch  after  the  divine  Alexander 
Theodotus,  the  pearl  of  purity,  succeeded  to 
the  supremacy  of  the  church,  a  man  of  con- 
spicuous meekness  and  of  exact  regularity  of 
life.  By  him  the  sect  of  Apollinarius  was 
admitted  to  fellowship  with  the  rest  of  the 
sheep  on  the  earnest  request  of  its  members 
to  be  united  with  the  flock.  Many  of  them 
however  continued  marked  by  their  former 
unsoundness.^ 

CHAPTER    XXXVIII. 

Of  the  persecutions  in  Persia  and  of  them  that 
were  martyred  there. 

At  this  time  Isdigirdes,"*  King  of  the 
Persians,  began  to  wage  war  against  the 
churches  and  the  circumstances  which  caused 
him  so  to  do  were  as  follows.  A  certain 
bishop,  Abdas  by  name,"  adorned  with  many 
virtues,  was  stirred  with  undue  zeal  and 
destroyed  a  Pyreum,  Pyreum  being  the 
name  given  by  the  Persians  to  the  temples 
of  the  fire  which  they  regarded  as  their 
God.« 

On  being  informed  of  this  by  the  Magi 
Isdigirdes  sent  for  Abdas  and  first  in  moder- 
ate language  complained  of  what  had  taken 
place  and  ordered  him  to  rebuild  the  Pyreum. 

This  the  bishop,  in  reply,  positively  re- 
fused to  do,  and  thereupon  the  king 
threatened  to  destroy  all  the  churches,  and 
in  the  end  carried  out  all  his  threats,  for  first 
he  gave  orders  for  the  execution  of  that  holy 
man  and  then  commanded  the  destruction  of 
the  churches.  Now  I  am  of  opinion  that  to 
destroy  the  Pyreum  was  wrong  and  inex- 
pedient, for  not  even  the  divine  Apostle, 
when  he  came  to  Athens  and  saw  the  city 

1  The  accepted  order  is  Innocent  I.  402-417;  Zosimus  417- 
41 S;  Boniface  I.  ^iS-422;  Cjelestinus  422-432. 

The  decision  of  Honorius  in  favour  of  Bonifacius  as  against 
Eulalius,  both  elected  by  their  respective  supporters  on  the 
death  of  Zosimus  in  41S,  marks  an  important  point  in  the 
interference  of  temporal  princes  in  the  appointments  of 
bishops   of  Rome.      cf.  Robertson,  i.  49S. 

2  ripau?  :=  meek,  gentle. 

3  Apollinarians  survived  the  condemnation  of  Apollinarius 
at  Constantinople  in  3S1. 

The  unsoundness,  i.  e.  the  denial  of  the  rational  soul,  and  so 
of  the  perfect  manhood  of  the  Saviour,  is  discussed  in  Dial.  I. 

*  Vezdegerd  I.  son  of  Sapor  III.     Vide  note  on  p.  156. 

•'■'Abdas  was  bishop  of  Susa.  In  Soc.  vii.  8  he  is  "bishop  of 
Persia." 

•^  The  second  of  the  six  supreme  councillors  of  Ahuramazda 
in  the  scheme  of  Zarathustra  Spitama  (Zoroaster)  is  Ardebe- 
hesht,  light  or  lightness  of  any  kind  and  representing  the 
omnipresence  of  the  good  power.  Hence  sun,  moon  and  stars 
are  symbols  of  deity  and  the  believer  is  enjoined  to  face  fire  or 
light  in  his  worship.  Temples  and  altars  must  be  fed  with 
holy  fire.  In  their  reverence  for  fire  orthodox  Parsees 
abstained  from  smoking,  hut  alike  of  old  and  today  they  would 
deny  the  charge  of  worshipping  fire  in  any  other  sense  than  as 
an  honoured  symbol. 


wholly  given  to  idolatry,  destroyed  any  one 
of  the  altars  which  the  Athenians  honoured, 
but  convicted  them  of  their  ignorance  by  his 
arguments,  and  made  manifest  the  truth. 
But  the  refusal  to  rebuild  the  fallen  temple, 
and  the  determination  to  choose  death  rather 
than  so  do,  I  greatly  praise  and  honour,  and 
count  to  be  a  deed  worthy  of  the  martjr's 
crown ;  for  building  a  shrine  in  honour  of 
the  fire  seems  to  me  to  be  equivalent  to 
adoring  it. 

From  this  beginning  arose  a  tempest  which 
stirred  fierce  and  cruel  waves  against  the 
nurslings  of  the  true  faith,  and  when  thirty 
years  had  gone  by  the  agitation  still  remained 
kept  up  by  the  Magi,  as  the  sea  is  kept  in 
commotion  by  the  blasts  of  furious  winds. 
Magi  is  the  name  given  by  the  Persians  to 
the  worshippers  of  the  sun  and  moon  '  but 
I  have  exposed  their  fabulous  system  in 
another  treatise  and  have  adduced  solutions 
of  their  difficulties. 

On  the  death  of  Isdigirdes,  Vararanes^ 
his  son,  inherited  at  once  the  kingdom  and 
the  war  against  the  faith,  and  dying  in  his 
turn  left  them  both  together  to  his  son.^  To 
relate  the  various  kinds  of  tortures  and  cruel- 
ties inflicted  o\\  the  saints  is  no  easy  task. 
In  some  cases  the  hands  were  flayed,  in 
others  the  back  ;  of  others  they  stripped  the 
heads  of  skin  from  brow  to  beard  ,•  others 
were  enveloped  in  split  reeds  with  the  cut 
part  turned  inwards  and  w^ere  surrounded 
with  tight  bandages  from  head  to  foot ;  then 
each  of  the  reeds  was  dragged  out  by  force, 
and,  tearing  away  the  adjacent  portions 
of  the  skin,  caused  severe  agony ;  pits 
were  dug  and  carefully  greased  in  which 
quantities  of  mice  were  put ;  then  they  let 
down  the  martyrs,  bound  hand  and  foot,  so  as 
not  to  be  able  to  protect  themselves  from  the 
animals,  to  be  food  for  the  mice,  and  the 
the  mice,  under  stress  of  hunger,  little  by 
little  devoured  the  flesh  of  the  victims,  caus- 
ing them  long  and  terrible  suffering.  By 
others  sufferings  were  endined  even  more 
terrible  than  these,  invented  by  the  enemy  of 
humanity  and  the  opponent  of  the  truth,  but 
the  courage  of  the  martyrs  was  unbroken, 
and  they  hastened  unbidden  in  their  eager- 
ness to  win  that  death  which  ushers  men 
into  indestructible  life. 


1  The  word  in  the  original  is  aroixeia  ,*  on  this  Valcsius 
annotates  *'  This  does  not  mean  the  four  elements,  for  the  Per- 
sian Magi  did  not  worship  the  four  elements  but  only  fire  and 
the  sun  and  moon."  In  illustration  of  this  use  of  the  word  he 
quotes  ChrjTsostom.     Hom.  58  in  Matth. 

6  "ydp  haxikijiv  €771  5ia/3oArj  tov  (rTOi;^etou  koX  tiriTideraL  ro'q 
a.\ovcrL,  Kal  avirjaii'  avroU^  KarSi  Tov?  Tr]<;  a€\riyri<;  6p6ju.ov?;  and 
St.  Jerome  Ep.  ad  Hedyb.  4  where  he  speaks  of  the  days  of  the 
week  as  being  described  by  the  heathen  '*  Idoloruni  et  elemeii' 
torum  ttominibus.'" 

2  1.  e,  Isdigirdes  H.  440-457. 


158 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY 


[V.  38. 


Of  these  I  will  cite  one  or  two  to  serve  as 
examples  of  the  courage  of  the  rest.  Among 
the  noblest  of  the  Persians  was  one  called 
Hormisdas,  by  race  an  Achagmenid^  and  the 
son  of  a  Prefect.  On  receiving  information 
that  he  was  a  Christian  the  king  summoned 
him  and  ordered  hi  in  to  abjure  God  his 
Saviour.  He  replied  that  the  royal  orders 
were  neither  right  nor  reasonable,  "  for  he," 
so  he  went  on,  *^  who  is  taught  to  find  no 
difhcultv  in  spurning  and  denying  the  God 
of  all,  will  haply  the  more  easily  despise  a 
king  who  is  a  man  of  mortal  nature ;  and  if, 
sir,  he  who  denies  thy  sovereignty  is  deserv- 
ino-  of  the  severest  punishment,  how  much 
more  terrible  a  chastisement  is  not  due  to 
him  who  denies  the  Creator  of  the  world.?" 
The  kins:  ou2:ht  to  have  admired  the  wisdom 
of  what  was  said,  but,  instead  of  this,  he 
stripped  the  noble  athlete  of  his  wealth  and 
rank,  and  ordered  him  to  go  clad  in  nothing 
save  a  loin  cloth,  and  drive  the  camels  of  the 
army.  After  some  days  had  gone  by,  as  he 
looked  out  of  his  chamber,  he  saw  the  ex- 
cellent man  scorched  by  the  rays  of  the  sun, 
and  covered  with  dust,  and  he  bethought 
him  of  his  father's  illustrious  rank,  and 
sent  for  him,  and  told  him  to  put  on  a  tunic 
of  linen.  Then  thinking  the  toil  he  had 
suffered,  and  the  kindness  shewn  him,  had 
softened  his  heart,  *'  Now  at  least,"  said  he, 
*'give  over  your  opposition,  and  deny  the 
carpenter's  son."  Full  of  holy  zeal  Hor- 
misdas tore  the  tunic  and  flung  it  away 
saying,  "If  you  think  that  this  will  make 
one  give  up  the  true  faith,  keep  your  present 
with  your  false  belief."  When  the  king  saw 
how  bold  he  was  he  drove  him  naked  from 
the  palace. 

One  Suenes,  who  owned  a  thousand  slaves, 
resisted  the  King,  and  refused  to  deny  his 
master.  The  King  therefore  asked  him 
which  of  his  slaves  was  the  vilest,  and  to  this 
slave  handed  over  the  ownership  of  all  the 
rest,  and  gave  him  Suenes  to  be  his  slave. 
He  also  gave  him  in  marriage  Suenes  '  wife, 
supposing  that  thus  he  could  bend  the  will 
of  the  champion  of  the  truth.  But  he  was 
disappointed,  for  he  had  built  his  house  upon 
the  rock.^ 

The  king  also  seized  and  imprisoned  a 
deacon  of  the  name  of  Benjamin.  After 
two  years  there  came  an  envoy  from  Rome, 
to  treat  of  other  matters,  who,  when  he  was 
informed  of  this  imprisonment,  petitioned 
the  king  to  release  the  deacon.  The  king 
ordered  Benjamin  to  promise  that  he  would 

*  Ach.-cmenes  was  the  name  of  the  Grandfather  of  Cambyses, 
father  of  Cyrus,  and  also  of  a  son  of  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes. 
Hence  the  Achaemenidse  were  the  noblest  stock  of  Persia. 

2  Matt.  vii.  24. 


not  attempt  to  teach  the  Christian  religion 
to  any  of  the  Magi,  and  the  envoy  exhorted 
Benjamin  to  obey,  but  Benjamin,  after  he 
heard  what  the  envoy  had  to  say,  replied, 
"It  is  impossible  for  me  not  to  impart  the 
light  which  I  have  received  ;  for  how  great 
a  penalty  is  due.for  the  hiding  of  our  talent 
is  taught  in  the  history  of  the  holy  gospels."  ^ 
Up  to  this  time  the  King  had  not  been 
informed  of  this  refusal  and  ordered  him 
to  be  set  free.  Benjamin  continued  as 
he  was  wont  seeking  to  catch  them  that 
were  held  down  by  the  darkness  of  igno- 
rance, and  bringing  them  to  the  li^ht  of 
knowledge.  After  a  year  information  of  his 
conduct  was  given  to  the  king,  and  he  was 
summoned  and  ordered  to  deny  Him  whom 
he  worshipped.  He  then  asked  the  king 
"  What  pimishment  should  be  assigned  to 
one  who  should  desert  his  allegiance  and 
prefer  another.?"  "Death  and  torture," 
said  the  king.  "How  then"  continued  the 
wise  deacon  "  should  he  be  treated  who 
abandons  his  Maker  and  Creator,  makes  a 
God  of  one  of  his  fellow  slaves,  and  offers 
to  him  the  honour  due  to  his  Lord.?"  Then 
the  king  was  moved  with  wrath,  and  had 
twenty  reeds  pointed,  and  driven  into  the 
nails  of  his  hands  and  feet.  When  he  saw 
that  Benjamin  took  this  torture  for  child's 
play,  he  pointed  another  reed  and  drove  it 
into  his  privy  part  and  by  working  it  up  and 
down  caused  unspeakable  agony.  After  this 
torture  the  impious  and  savage  tyrant 
ordered  him  to  be  impaled  upon  a  stout 
knotted  staffs,  and  so  the  noble  sufferer  gave 
up  the  ghost. 

Innumerable  other  similar  deeds  of  vio- 
lence were  committed  by  these  impious  men, 
but  we  must  not  be  astonished  that  the  Lord 
of  all  endures  their  savagery  and  impiety, 
for  indeed  before  the  reign  of  Constantine 
the  Great  all  the  Roman  emperors  wreaked 
their  wrath  on  the  friends  of  the  truth,  and 
Diocletian,  on  the  day  of  the  Saviour's  pas- 
sion, destroyed  the  churches  throughout  the 
Roman  Empire,  but  after  nine  years  had 
gone  by  they  rose  again  in  bloom  and 
beauty  many  times  larger  and  more  splendid 
than  before,  and  he  and  his  iniquity 
perished.^ 

These  wars  and  the  victory  of  the  church 
had  been  predicted  by  the  Lord,  and  the 
event  teaches  us  that  war  brings  us  more 
blessing  than  peace.     Peace  makes  us  deli- 


1  Matt.  XXV.  25. 

2  The  edict  of  Diocletian  against  the  Christians  was  issued 
on  the  feast  of  the  Terminalia,  Feb.  23,  303.  Good  Fridny, 
here  ^  tou  o-wrrjpiov  ndOov^  r]fMepa,  ^vas  commonly  known  as 
rjixepa  tov  crravpov,  Tracr^a  cTTovotoTiuoi',  and  naoaiTKevr}. 

Tertullian  speaks  of  its  early  observance  as  a  general  fast, 
and  Eusebius  confirms  his  testimony. 


V.  39-] 


OF   THEODORET. 


159 


cate,  easy  and  cowardly.  War  whets  our 
courage  and  makes  us  despise  this  present 
world  as  passing  away.  But  these  are  ob- 
servations which  we  have  often  made  in 
other  writings. 

CHAPTER   XXXIX. 

Of  TheodoruSy  bishop  of  Mopsuestia. 

When  the  divine  Theodorus  was  ruling 
the  church  of  Antioch,  Theodorus,  bishop 
of  Mopsuestia,  a  doctor  of  the  whole  church 
and  successful  combatant  against  every  he- 
retical phalanx,  ended  this  life.  He  had  en- 
joyed the  teaching  of  the  great  Diodorus, 
and  was  the  friend  and  fellow-worker  of  the 
holy  John,  for  they  both  together  benefited 
by  the  spiritual. draughts  given  by  Diodorus. 
Six-and-thirty  years  he  had  spent  in  his 
bishopric,  fighting  against  the  forces  of 
Arius  and  Eunomius,  struggling  against  the 
piratical  band  of  ApoUinarius,  and  finding 
the  best  pasture  for  God's  sheep. ^  His 
brother  Polychronius  ^  was  the  excellent 
bishop  of  Apamea,  a  man  gifted  with  great 
eloquence  and  of  illustrious  character. 

I  shall  now  make  an  end  of  mv  historv, 
and  shall  entreat  those  who  meet  with  it  to 
requite  my  labour  with  their  prayers.  The 
narrative  now  embraces  a  period  of  105  years, 
beginning  from  the  Arian  madness  and  end- 
ing with  the  death  of  the  admirable  Theo- 
dorus and  Theodotus.^  I  will  give  a  list  of 
the  bishops  of  great  cities  after  the  persecu- 
tion. 

List  of  the  bishops  ,  of  great  cities. 

Of  Rome  :  — 

Miltiades        .     .        [Melchlades.  311-314] 

Silvester [3H-335] 

Julius  .     [337-352.  Mark  Jan.  to  Oct.,  336] 

Liberius [352-366] 

Damasus [366-384] 

Siricius [3S4-39S] 

Anastasius [398-401] 

Innocentius [402-417] 

Bonifacius ^[418-432] 

Zosimus [417-418] 

Caelestinus [422-432] 


•  Theodorus  was  born  at  Antioch  in  350,  consecrated  bishop 
of  Mopsuestia  in  392,  and  died  in  42S  in  Cilicia. 

2  The  evidence  is  in  favour  of  distinguishing  this  Polychro 
nius  from  the  monk  described  in  the  Religious  History. 

'^  "  The  date  of  the  death  of  Theodotus  is  fixed  for  A.D.  429 
by  a  passage  of  Thcodoret's  letter  to  Dioscorus,  where,  when 
speaking  of  his  having  taught  for  six  years  under  him  at 
Antioch,  he  refers  to  his  blessed  and  lioly  memory,  combined 
with  one  in  his  history,  stating  that  the  death  of  Theodore  of 
Mopsuestia  took  place  in  the  episcopate  of  Theodotus."  Diet. 
Christ.  Biog.  iv.  9S3. 

The  last  event  referred  to  by  Theodoretus  seems  to  be  the 
accession  of  Isdigirdes  II.  in  440.     Vide  pp.  155,  156. 

*of.  note  on  p.  156. 


Of  Antioch  :  — 

Vitalius           ^ [312-318] 

Philogonius    [-Orthodox  .     .     ,  [318-323] 

Eustathius     J ^[325-328] 

Eulalius        ^ ^[328-330] 

Euphronius  | ^[330~332] 

Placidus         I   A    •               ...  r'^^2-'24.2l 

o,      1               VArians.  p^^     ^^^cA 

btephanus     f                       ...  [342-348J 

Leontius              [34^-357] 

Eudoxius      J [357*359] 

Meletius       \       ....      [360  (died)  381  j 

Flavianus      | [381-404] 

Porphyrins    )^  Orthodox.   .     .     .  [404-413] 

Alexander     |       [413-419] 

Theodotus    J [419-429] 

Paulinus  HI.  \  j.     ,  ^.  .               .  [362-388] 

17         •               \  Eustathians.  r   oc*         A 

Evagruis          j                               .  [385-       ] 

Of  Alexandria  :  — 

Peter [301-312] 

Achillas [312-313] 

Alexander [3^3~'326] 

Athanasius [326-341] 

Gregory  (Arian) [341-347] 

Athanasius [347-3  S6] 

George  (heretic) [35^-362] 

Athanasius [3^3-373] 

Peter  (disciple  of  Athanasius)  .  [373-373] 

Lucius  (Arian)        .....  [373-377] 

Peter [377-37S] 

Timothy [37S-385] 

Theophilus [385-41 2] 

Cyril [412-444] 

Of  Jerusalem  :  — 

Macarius [324-336] 

Maximus [33^-35^] 

Cyril [350-388] 

John [388-416] 

Praylius [416-425] 

Juvenalius [425-45S] 

Of  Constantinople :  — 

Alexander      .......  [326-340] 

Eusebius  of  Nicomedia  (Arian)  [340-342] 

Paul  the  Confessor       ....  [342-342] 

Macedonius   the    enemy  of  the 

Holy  Ghost      ....         .  [342-360] 

The  impious  Eudoxius     .     .     .  [360-370] 
Demophilus  of  Beroea  in  Thrace 

(heretic) [37o-       ] 

Gregory  of  Nazianzus       .     .      .  ^[380-381] 

Nectarius [3^1-398] 

John  Chrysostom [39S-404] 

Arsacius [404-406] 

Atticus [406-426] 

Sissinnius [426-428] 


'  Paulinus  I.  intervenes,  321-325. 

2  Paulinus  II.,  32S-329,  intervenes. 

3  On  the  difficulty  of  the  Paulini,  cf.  Diet,  of  Christ.    Biog. 
iv.  232  and  ii.  322. 

*  Evagrius  intervenes  370. 


DIALOGUES. 


THE    "ERANISTES"^     OR    "  POLYMORPHUS "  ^    OF    THE    BLESSED 
THEODORETUS,    BISHOP    OF    CYRUS. 


PROLOGUE. 

Some  men,  distinguished  neither  by 
family  nor  education,  and  without  any  of 
the  honourable  notoriety  that  comes  of  an 
upright  life,  are  ambitious  of  achieving  fame 
by  wicked  ways.  Of  these  w^as  the  famous 
Alexander,  the  coppersmith,^  a  man  of  no 
sort  of  distinction  at  all,  —  no  nobility  of 
birth,  no  eloquence  of  speech,  who  never  led 
a  political  party  nor  an  army  in  the  field  ; 
who  never  played  the  man  in  fight,  but  plied 
from  day  to  day  his  ignominious  craft,  and 
won  fame  for  nothing  but  his  mad  violence 
against  Saint  Paul. 

Shimei,"*  again,  an  obscure  person  of  ser- 
vile rank,  has  become  very  renowned  for 
his  audacious  attack  on  the  holy  David. 

It  is  said  too  that  the  originator  of  the 
Manichaean  heresy  was  a  mere  whipping- 
block  of  a  slave,  and,  from  love  of  notoriety, 
composed  his  execrable  and  superstitious 
writings. 

The  same  line  of  conduct  is  pursued  by 
many  now,  who  after  turning  their  backs  on 
the  honourable  glory  of  virtue  on  account  of 
the  toil  to  be  undergone  ere  it  be  won,  pur- 
chase to  themselves  the  notoriety  that  comes 
of  shame  and  disgrace.  For  through  eager- 
ness to  pose  as  champions  of  new  doctrines 
they  pick  up  and  get  together  the  impiety 
of  many  heresies,  and  compile  this  heresy  of 
death. 


1  epapoi —  a  meal  to  which  every  one  contributes  a  share; 
a  club  feast,  or  picnic,  and  epafio-rrj?  is  in  classical  Greek  a 
contributor  to  such  a  feast.  But  epavi^oi  =  (a)  "  contribute," 
and  (/3)  "beg  for  contributions."  So  e'pacicrTJjs  is  by  some 
Tendered  "beggar."  The  idea  of  Theodoretus  seems  rather 
tliat  his  worse  character  is  a  picker  up  of  various  scraps  of 
heresy  from  different  quarter;!,  and  this  explanation  of  the 
name  is  borne  out  by  his  use  of  the  cognate  verb  eoavi^oaai.  in 
reference  tf)  the  selection  by  Auda;us  of  some  of  the  doctrines 
ot  Manes  in  Hist.  iv.  9. 

-  Polymorphus  =  Multiform. 

3  II.  Tim.  iv.  14.  "»  II.  Kings  xvi.  5. 


Now  I  will  endeavour  briefly  to  dispute 
with  them,  with  the  double  object  of  curing 
them,  if  I  can,  of  their  unsoundness,  and  of 
giving  a  word  of  warning  to  the  whole. 

I  call  my  work  "  Eranistes,  or  Polymor- 
phus," for,  after  getting  together  from  many 
unhappy  sources  their  baleful  doctrines,  they 
produce  their  patchwork  and  incongruous 
conceit.  For  to  call  our  Lord  Christ  God 
only  is  the  way  of  Simon,  of  Cerdo,  of 
Marcion,!  and  of  others  who  share  this 
abominable  opinion. 

The  acknowledgment  of  His  birth  from  a 
Virgin,  but  coupled  with  the  assertion  that 
this  birth  was  merely  a  process  of  transition, 
and  that  God  the  Word  took  nothing  of  the 
Virgin's  nature,  is  stolen  from  Valentinus  and 
Bardesanes  and  the  adherents  of  their  fables.^ 

To  call  the  godhead  and  the  manhood  of 
the  Lord  Christ  one  nature  is  the  error  filched 
from  the  follies  of  Apollinarius.^ 

Again  the  attribution  of  capacity  of  sufl?er- 
ing  to  the  divinity  of  the  Christ  is  a  theft 
from  the  blasphemy  of  Arius  and  Eunomius. 
Thus  the  main  principle  of  their  teaching  is 
like  beggars'  gabardines  —  a  cento  of  ill- 
matched  rags. 

So  I  call  this  work  Eranistes  or  Poly- 
morphus. I  shall  write  it  in  the  form  of  a 
dialogue  with  questions  and  answers,    pro- 

1  Cerdo,  the  gnostic  teacher  of  the  middle  of  the  2nd  c,  and 
placed  by  Theodoretus  (Hair.  Fab.  i.  24)  in  the  reign  of 
Antoninus,  A.D.  13S-161,  is  described  by  the  Ps.  TertuUian  as 
denying  that  Christ  came  in  the  substance  of  the  flesh,  but  in 
appearance  only.  According  to  Marcion  the  greater  follower 
of  Cerdo,  Christ  was  not  born  at  all,  but  came  down  from 
heaven  to  Capernaum  A.D.  29,  his  body  being  an  appearance 
and  his  death  an  illusion.  Simon  Magus,  the  "  father  of  all 
heretics"  of  Irena;us  (adv.  Ha^r.  pr.  in  lib.  iii.)  is  apparently 
quoted  rather  as  the  supposed  originator  of  Gnosticism,  than 
from  any  definite  knowledge  of  his  tenets. 

2Valentmus  (taught  at  Rome  c.  140)  the  arch-gnostic  is 
identified  with  the  doctrine  of  emanation.  Bardesanes  (Bar 
Daisan),  who  lived  some  thirty  years  later  at  Edessa,  was  a 
great  leader  of  the  Syrian  school  of  oriental  dualism.  For 
mention  of  his  son   Hannonius  vide  Hist.  p.  129. 

3  Condemned  at  Consta  itiaople  in  3S1. 


DIALOGUES. 


i6i 


positions,  solutions,  and  antitheses,  and  all 
else  that  a  dialogue  ought  to  have.  I  shall 
not  insert  the  names  of  the  questioners  and 
respondents  in  the  body  of  the  dialogue  as 
did  the  wise  Greeks  of  old,  but  I  shall  write 
them  at  the  side  at  the  beginning  of  the  para- 
graphs. They,  indeed,  put  their  writings  in 
the  hands  of  readers  highly  and  variously 
educated,  and  to  whom  literature  was  life. 
I,  on  the  contrary,  wish  the  reading  of 
what  I  write,  and  the  discovery  of  what- 
ever good  it  may  give,  to  be  an  easy 
task,  even  to  the  illiterate.  This  I  think 
will  be  facilitated  if  the  characters  of  the 
interlocutors  are  plainly  shown  by  their 
names  in  the  margin,  so  the  disputant  who 
argues  on  behalf  of  the  apostolical  decrees  is 
called  '^  Orthodoxos,"  and  his  opponent 
"  Eranistes."  A  man  who  is  fed  by  the 
charity  of  many  we  commonly  call  "  Beg- 
gar ;  "  a  man  who  knows  how  to  get  money 
together  we  call  a  "  Chrematistes."  So  we 
have  given  our  disputant  this  name  from  his 
character  and  pursuits. 

I  beg  that  all  those  into  whose  hands 
my  book  may  fall  will  lay  aside  all  precon- 
ceived opinion  and  put  the  truth  to  tlie  test. 
For  clearness'  sake  I  will  divide  my  book  into 
three  dialogues.  The  first  will  contain  the 
contention  that  the  Godhead  of  the  only-be- 
gotten Son  is  immutable.  The  second  will 
by  God's  help  show  that  the  union  of  the 
Godhead  and  the  manhood  of  the  Lord 
Christ  is  without  confusion.  The  third  will 
contend  for  the  impassibility  of  the  divinity 
of  our  saviour.  After  these  three  disputa- 
tions we  will  subjoin  several  others  as  it  were 
to  complete  them,  giving  formal  proof  under 
each  head,  and  making  it  perfectly  plain  that 
the  apostles'  doctrine  is  preserved  by  us. 

DIALOGUE    I. 

THE    IMMUTABLE. 

Orthodoxos  and  Ei'anistes, 

Orth. — Better  were  it  for  us  to  agree 
and  abide  by  the  apostolic  doctrine  in  its  pu- 
rity. But  since,  I  know  not  how,  you  have 
broken  the  harmony,  and  are  now  offering 
us  new  doctrines,  let  us,  if  you  please,  with 
no  kind  of  quarrel,  investigate  the  truth. 

Eran.  —  We  need  no  investigation,  for  we 
exactly  hold  the  truth. 

Orth,  —  This  is  what  every  heretic  sup- 
poses. Aye,  even  Jews  and  Pagans  reckon 
that  they  are  defending  the  doctrines  of  the 
truth  ;  and  so  also  do  not  only  the  followers 
of  Plato  and  Pythagoras,  but  Epicureans  too, 


an-d  they  that  arc  wholly  without  God  or  be- 
lief. It  becomes  us,  however,  not  to  be  the 
slaves  of  a  priori  assumption,  but  to  search 
for  the  knowledge  of  the  truth. 

Eran. — I  admit  the  force  of  what  you 
say  and  am  ready  to  act  on  your  suggestion, 

Orth.  —  Since  then  you  have  made  no 
difficulty  in  yielding  to  this  my  preliminary 
exhortation,  I  ask  you  in  the  next  place  not 
to  suffer  the  investigation  of  the  truth  to  de- 
pend on  the  reasonings  of  men,  but  to  track 
the  footprints  of  the  apostles  and  prophets, 
and  saints  who  followed  them.  For  so  way- 
farers w^hen  they  wander  from  the  high-road 
are  wont  to  consider  well  the  pathways,  if 
haply  thev  shew  any  prints  of  men  or  horses 
or  asses  or  mules  going  this  way  or  that,  and 
when  they  find  any  such  they  trace  the  tracks 
as  dogs  do  and  leave  them  not  till  once  more 
they  are  in  the  right  road. 

Eran.  —  So  let  us  do.  Lead  on  yourself, 
as  you  began  the  discussion. 

Orth.  —  Let  us,  therefore,  first  make  care- 
ful and  thorough  investigation  into  the  divine 
names,  —  I  mean  substances,  and  essences, 
and  persons,  and  proprieties,  and  let  us  learn 
and  define  how^  thev  differ  the  one  from  the 
other.  Then  let  us  thus  handle  afterwards 
what  follows. 

Era?2. — You  give  us  a  very  admirable 
and  proper  introduction  to  our  argument. 
When  these  points  are  clear,  our  discussion 
will  go  forward  without  let  or  obstacle. 

Orth.  —  Since  we  have  decided  then  that 
this  must  be  our  course  of  procedure,  tell  me, 
my  friend,  do  we  acknowledge  one  substance 
of  God,  alike  of  Father  and  of  the  only  be- 
gotten Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  as  we 
have  been  taught  by  Holy  Scripture,  both 
Old  and  New,  and  by  the  Fathers  in  Coun- 
cil in  Nicaja,  or  do  we  follow  the  blasphemy 
of  Arius? 

Eran.  — We  confess  one  substance  of  the 
Holy  Trinity. 

Orth.  — And  do  we  reckon  hypostasis  to 
signify  anything  else  than  substance,  or  do 
we  take  it  for  another  name  of  substance? 

Eran.  —  Is  there  any  difference  between 
substance  and  hypostasis?^ 

Orth.  —  In  extra  Christian  philosophy 
there  is  not,  for  ovata  signifies  -o  oi;,  that  which 
is,  and  v-xoa-aaiq  that  wdiich  subsists.  But  ac- 
cording to  the  doctrine  of  the  Fathers  there 
is  the  same  difference  between  ovala  and 
vrcoGTaaiq  as  between  the  common  and  the  par- 
ticular, and  the  species  and  the  individual. 

Eran. — Tell  me  more  clearly  what  is 
meant  by  race  or  kind,  and  species  and 
individual. 

iCf.  note  p.  36,  History. 


l62 


THEODORET. 


Orth.  —  Wc  speak  of  race  or  kind  with 
regard  to  the  animal,  for  it  means  many 
thino:s  at  once.  It  indicates  both  the  rational 
and  the  irrational ;  and  again  there  are  many 
species  of  irrational,  creatures  that  fly,  creat- 
ures that  are  amphibious,  creatures  that  go 
on  foot,  and  creatures  that  swim.  And  of 
these  species  each  is  marked  by  many  sub- 
divisions ;  of  creatures  that  go  on  foot  there 
is  the  lion,  the  leopard,  the  bull,  and  countless 
others.  So,  too,  of  flying  creatures  and  the 
rest  there  are  many  species  ;  yet  all  of  them, 
though  the  species  are  the  aforesaid,  belong 
to  one  and  the  same  animal  race.  Similarly 
the  name  man  is  the  common  name  of  man- 
kind ;  for  it  means  the  Roman,  the  Athenian, 
the  Persian,  the  Sauromatian,^  the  Egyptian, 
and,  in  a  word,  all  who  are  human,  but  the 
name  Paulus  or  Petrus  does  not  signify  what 
is  common  to  the  kind  but  some  particular 
man  ;  for  no  one  on  hearing  of  Paul  turns  in 
thought  to  Adam  or  Abraham  or  Jacob,  but 
thinks  of  him  alone  whose  name  he  has 
heard.  But  if  he  hears  the  word  man  sim- 
ply, he  does  not  fix  his  mind  on  the  individ- 
ual, but  bethinks  him  of  the  Indian,  the 
Scythian,  and  the  Massagete,  and  of  all  the 
race  of  men  together,  and  we  learn  this  not 
only  from  nature,  but  also  from  Holy  Script- 
ure, for  God  said,  we  read,  "  I  will  destroy 
man  from  the  face  of  the  earth," ^  and  this 
he  spake  of  countless  multitudes,  and  when 
more  than  two  thousand  and  two  hundred 
years  had  gone  by  after  Adam,  he  brought 
universal  destruction  on  men  through  the 
flood,  and  so  the  blessed  David  says  :  "  Man 
that  is  in  honour  and  understandeth  not,"  ^ 
accusing  not  one  here  nor  one  there,  but  all 
men  in  common.  A  thousand  similar  ex- 
amples might  be  found,  but  we  must  not  be 
tedious. 

Eran.  —  The  difierence  between  the  com- 
mon and  the  proper  is  shewed  clearly.  Now 
let  us  return  to  discussion  about  ohoia  and 
VTCoaraGLi. 

Oi'th.  —  As  then  the  name  man  is  com- 
mon to  human  nature,  so  we  understand  the 
divine  substance  to  indicate  the  Holy  Trinity  ; 
but  the  hypostasis  denotes  any  person,  as  the 
Father,  the  Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost;  for, 
following  the  definitions  of  the  Holy  Fathers, 
we  say  that  hypostasis  and  individuality 
mean  the  same  thing. 

Eran.  —  We  agree  that  this  is  so. 

Orth. — Whatever  then  is  predicated  of 
the  divine  nature  is  common  both  to  the 
Father,  to  the  Son,  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost, 


1  ••  Sauromatas  jetties  Scytharum  Grceci  vacant,  quos  Sar. 
matas  Romant."     Pliny  iii. 

2  Gen.  vi.  7.  3  Ps.  xlix.  20. 


as  for  instance  "  Gocl,"  ''  Lord,"  "  Creator," 
''Almighty,"  and  so  forth. 

Era?i.  —  Without  question  these  words 
are  common  to  the  Trinity. 

Orth.  —  But  all  that  naturally  denotes  the 
hypostasis  ceases  to  be  common  to  the  Holy 
Trinity,  and  denotes  the  hypostasis  to  which 
it  is  proper,  as,  for  instance,  the  names 
"  Father,"  ''  Unbegotten,"  are  j^eculiar  to 
the  Father ;  w^hile  again  the  names  "Son," 
''  Only  Begotten,"  ''  God  the  Word,"  do  not 
denote  the  Father,  nor  yet  the  Holy  Ghost, 
but  the  Son,  and  the  words  "  Holy  Ghost," 
"Paraclete,"  naturally  denote  the  h3'postasis 
of  the  Spirit. 

Eran.  —  But  does  not  Holy  Scripture 
call  both  the  Father  and  the  Son  "  Spirit  '' } 

Orth.  —  Yes,  it  calls  both  the  Father  and 
the  Son  "  Spirit,"  signifying  by  this  term 
the  incorporeal  illimitable  character  of  tire 
divine  nature.  The  Holy  Scripture  only 
calls  the  hypostasis  of  the  Spirit  "  Holy 
Ghost." 

Eran.  —  This  is  indisputable. 

Orth.  —  Since  then  we  assert  that  some 
terms  are  common  to  the  Holy  Trinity,  and 
some  peculiar  to  each  hypostasis,  do  we 
assert  the  term  "  immutable  "  to  be  common 
to  the  substance  or  peculiar  to  any  h3^pos- 
tasis.^ 

Eran.  — The  term  "  immutable"  is  com- 
mon to  the  Trinity,  for  it  is  impossible  for 
part  of  the  substance  to  be  mutable  and  part 
immutable. 

Orth.  —  You  have  well  said,  for  as  the 
term  mortal  is  common  to  mankind,  so  are 
"  immutable  "  and  "  invariable  "  to  the  Holy 
Trinity.  So  the  only-begotten  Son  is  immu- 
table, as  are  both  the  Father  that  begat  Him 
and  the  Holy  Ghost. 

Eran.  —  Immutable. 

Orth.  —  How  then  do  you  advance  the 
statement  in  the  gospel  "  the  word  became 
flesh,"  *  and  predicate  mutation  of  the  immu- 
table nature.-* 

Eran. — We  assert  Him  to  have  been 
made  flesh  not  by  mutation,  but  as  He  Him- 
self knows. 

Orth.  —  If  He  is  not  said  to  have  become 
flesh  by  taking  flesh,  one  of  two  things  must 
be  asserted,  either  that  he  underwent  the 
mutation  into  flesh,  or  was  only  so  seen  in 
appearance,  and  in  reality  was  God  with- 
out flesh. 

Eran.  —  This  is  the  doctrine  of  the  dis- 
ciples of  Valentinus,  Marcion,  and  of  the 
Manichees.  but  we  have  been  taught  without 
dispute  that  the  divine  Word  was  made  flesh. 

ijohn  i.  14. 


DIALOGUES. 


1^3 


Orth.  —  But  in  what  sense  do  you  mean 
•*'  was  made  flesh  "  ?  ''  Took  flesh,"  or  ''  was 
changed  into  flesh  "  ? 

Eran.  —  As  we  have  heard  the  evangelist 
say,  ''  the  word  was  made  flesh." 

Orth.  —  In  what  sense  do  you  understand 
"  was  made  "? 

Eran.  —  He  who  underwent  mutation  into 
flesh  was  made  flesh,  and,  as  I  said  just  now, 
as  He  knows.  But  we  know  that  with  Him 
all  things  are  possible,^  for  He  changed  the 
water  of  the  Nile  into  blood,  and  day  into 
night,  and  made  the  sea  dry  land,  and  filled 
the  dry  wilderness  with  water,  and  we  hear 
the  prophet  saying  ''Whatsoever  the  Lord 
pleased  that  did  He  in  heaven,  and  in  earth, 
in  the  seas  and  all  deep  places."  ^ 

Orth.  —  The  creature  is  transformed  by  the 
Creator  as  He  will,  for  it  is  mutable  and  obevs 
the  nod  of  Him  that  fashioned  it.  But  His 
nature  is  immutable  and  invariable,  where- 
fore of  the  creature  the  prophet  saith  "  He 
that  maketh  and  transformeth  all  things."^ 
But  of  the  divine  Word  the  great  David  says 
''  Thou  art  the  same  and  thy  years  shall  not 
fail."  *  And  again  the  same  God  says  of 
Himself  "  For  I  am  the  Lord  and  I  change 
not."  ' 

Eran.  —  What  is  hidden  ought  not  to  "be 
enquired  into." 

Orth.  — Nor  yet  what  is  plain  to  be  alto- 
gether ignored. 

Eran.  —  I  am  not  aware  of  the  manner  of 
the  incarnation.  I  have  heard  that  the  Word 
was  made  flesh. 

Orth.  —  If  He  was  made  flesh  by  mutation 
He  did  not  remain  what  He  was  before,  and 
this  is  easily  intelligible  from  several  analo- 
gies. Sand,  for  instance,  when  it  is  subjected 
to  heat,  first  becomes  fluid,  then  is  changed 
and  congealed  into  glass,  and  at  the  time  of 
the  change  alters  its  name,  for  it  is  no  longer 
•called  sand  but  glass. 

Eran.  —  So  It  is. 

Orth.  — And  while  we  call  the  fruit  of  the 
vine  grape,  when  once  we  have  pressed  it,  we 
speak  of  it  no  longer  as  grape,  but  as  wine. 

Eran.  —  Certainly. 

Orth. — And  the  wine  itself,  after  it  has 
undergone  a  change,  it  is  our  custom  to.  name 
no  longer  wine,  but  vinegar. 

Eran.  — True. 

Orth.  —  And  similarly  stone  when  burnt 
and  in  solution  is  no  longer  called  stone,  but 
lime.       And    innumerable   other   similar  in- 


1  Matt.  xix.  26.  2ps,cxxxv.  6. 

3  The  reference  in  Schulze's  edition  is  to  Jeremiah  x.  16,  but 
here  the  Septuagint  o  TvAacra?  rd  ndvTa  does  not  hear  out  the 
point.  The  quotation  is  no  doubt  of  Amos  v.  S,  where  the 
LXX  is  6  noi'oi'  noLVTa  /cat  (jLeTacrnevd^uiv . 

*  Ps.  iii.  27.  5  Mai.  iii.  6. 


stances  might  be  found  where  mutation  in- 
volves a  chancre  of  name. 

Eran.  —  Agreed. 

Orth.  —  If  therefore  you  assert  that  the 
Divine  Word  underwent  the  change  m  the 
flesh,  why  do  you  call  Hnn  God  and  not 
flesh  .-^  for  change  of  name  fits  ui  with  the 
alteration  of  nature.  For  if  where  the  thino^s 
which  undergo  change  have  some  relation  to 
their  former  condition  (for  there  is  a  certain 
approximation  of  vinegar  to  wine  and  of  wine 
to  the  fruit  of  the  vine,  and  of  glass  to  sand) 
they  receive  another  name  after  their  alter- 
ation, how,  where  the  difference  between 
them  is  infinite  and  as  wide  as  that 
which  divides  a  gnat  from  the  whole  visible 
and  invisible  creation  (for  so  wide,  nay 
much  wider,  is  the  difl^erence  between  the 
nature  of  flesh  and  of  Godhead)  is  it  possi- 
ble for  the  same  name  to  obtain  after  the 
change } 

Eran.  —  I  have  said  more  than  once  that 
He  was  made  flesh  not  by  mutation,  but  con- 
tinuing still  to  be  what  He  was.  He  was 
made  what  He  was  not. 

Orth.  —  But  unless  this  word  "  was  made" 
becomes  quite  clear  it  suggests  mutation  and 
alteration,  for  unless  He  was  made  flesh  by 
taking  flesh  He  was  made  flesh  by  undergo- 
ing mutation. 

Eran.  —  But  the  word  ''  take  "  is  your 
own  invention.  The  Evangelist  says  the 
Word  was  made  flesh. ^ 

Orth. — You  seem  either  to  be  ignorant 
of  the  sacred  Scripture,  or  to  do  it  wrong 
knowingly.  Now  if  you  are  ignorant,  I  will 
teach  you  ;  if  you  are  doing  wrong,  I  will 
convict  you.  Answer  then  ;  do  you  acknow- 
ledge the  teaching  of  the  divine  Paul  to  be  of 
the  Spirit.^ 

Eran.  — Certainly. 

Orth.  —  And  do  you  allow  that  the  same 
Spirit  wrought  through  both  Evangelists  and 
Apostles  .^ 

Eran.  — Yes,  for  so  have  I  learnt  from  the 
Apostolic  Scripture  "  There  are  diversities 
of  gifts  but  the  same  spirit,"'**  and  again 
"  All  these  things  worketh  that  one  and  the 
selfsame  spirit,  dividing  to  every  man  sev- 
erally as  He  will,""^  and  agam  "Having  the 
same  Spirit  of  the  Faith."  "* 

Orth.  —  Your  introduction  of  the  apostolic 
testimony  is  in  season.  If  we  assert  that  the 
instruction  alike  of  the  evangelists  and  of 
the  apostles  is  of  the  same  spirit,  listen  how 
the  apostle  interprets  the  words  of  the  Gos- 
pel, for  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  he 
savs,     "■  Verilv    he     took    not    on    him    the 


1  John  i.  14. 

2  I.  Cor.  xii.  4. 


3  I.  Cor,  xii.  II. 
*  11.  Cor.  IV.  13. 


1 64 


THEODORET. 


nature  of  angels,  but  lie  took  on  him  the 
seed  of  Abraham."^  Now  tell  me  what  you 
mean  by  the  seed  of  Abraham.  \V^as  not 
that  whkh  was  naturally  proper  to  Abraham 
proper  also  to  the  seed  of  Abraham  ? 

Eran, — No;  not    without  exception,  for 
Christ  did  no  sin. 

Orth. — Sin  is  not  of  nature,  but  of  cor- 
rupt will.^     On  this  very  account,  therefore, 
I    did    not    say    indefinitely    what  Abraham 
had,  but  what  he  had    according    to    nature, 
that    is    to    say,   body    and  reasonable  soul. 
Now  tell  me  plainly  :  will  you  acknowledge 
that  the  seed  of  Abraham  was  endowed  with 
body  and    reasonable    soul  ?     If  not,  in    this 
point  you  agree   with   the    ravings  of  Apol- 
linarius.     But  I  will  compel  you  to  confess 
this    by    other    means.     Tell  me  now ;   had 
the  Jews  a  body  and  a  reasonable  soul.? 
Eran.  —  Of  course  they  had. 
Orth.  —  So    when  we  hear  the    prophet 
saying,   "  But  thou,  Israel,    art  my  servant, 
Jacob    whom    I    have   chosen,  the    seed    of 
Abraham  my  friend,"  ^  are  we  to  understand 
the  Jews  to  be  bodies  only.?     Are  we  not  to 
understand    them    to    be  men    consisting   of 
bodies  and  souls.? 
Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  —  And  the  seed  of  Abraham  not 
without  soul  nor  yet  intelligence,  but  with 
everything  which  characterizes  the  seed  of 
Abraham.? 

Eran. — He  who  so  says  puts  forward  two 
sons. 

Orth.  —  But  he  who  says  that  the  Divine 
Word  is  changed  into  the  flesh  does  not  even 
acknowledge  one  Son,  for  mere  flesh  by 
itself  is  not  a  son  ;  but  we  confess  one  Son 
who  took  upon  Him  the  seed  of  Abraham, 
according  to  the  divine  apostle,  and 
wrought  the  salvation  of  mankind.  But  if 
you  do  not  accept  the  apostolic  preaching, 
say  so  openly. 

Eran.  —  But  we  maintain  that  the  utter- 
ances of  the  apostles  are  inconsistent,  for 
there  appears  to  be  a  certain  inconsistency 
between  "  the  Word  was  made  flesh"  and 
*'  took  upon  Him  the  seed  of  Abraham." 

Orth.  —  \t  is  because  you  lack  intelligence, 
or  because  you  are  arguing  for  arguing's 
sake,  that  the  consistent  seems  inconsistent. 
It  does  not  so  appear  to  men  who  use  sound 
reasoning ;  for  the  divine  apostle  teaches 
that  the  Divine  Word  was  made  Flesh,  not 
by  mutation,  but  by  taking  on  Him  the  seed 


1  Heb.  ii.  16. 

2  cf.  Article  ix.  of  the  English  Church.  Sin  is  not  a  part 
of  Iran's  nature,  but  the  fault  or  corruption  of  it.  If  in  one 
sense  the  fallen  Adam  is  the  natural  man,  in  a  hijjher  sense 
Christ,  the  Son  of  man,  is  the  natural  man;  i.e.  in  Him  the 
manhood  is  seen  incorrupt,     cf.  p.  1S3  and  note. 

3  Isaiah  xli.  8. 


of  Abraham.  At  tlie  same  time,  too,  he 
recalls  the  promise  given  to  Abraham.  Or 
do  you  not  remember  the  promises  given  to 
the  Patriarch  by  the  God  of  the  Universe.? 

Eran.  — What  promises.? 

Orth.  — When  He  brought  him  out  of  his 
father's  house,  and  ordered  him  to  come  into 
Palestine,  did  He  not  say  to  him  "  I  will 
bless  them  that  bless  thee,  and  curse  him 
that  curseth  thee,  and  in  thy  seed  ^  shiiil  all 
families  of  the  earth  be  blessed  "  .? 

Eran.  —  I  remember  these  promises. 

Orth. — Remember,  too,  the  covenants 
made  by  God  with  Isaac  and  Jacob,  for  He 
gave  them,  too,  the  same  promises,  confirm- 
ing the  former  by  the  second  and  the  third. 

Eran.  —  I  remember  them  too. 

Orth.  — It  is  in  relation  to  these  covenants 
that  the  divine  apostle  writes  in  his  Epistle 
to  the  Galatians  '*  Now  to  Abraham  and  his 
seed  were  the  promises  made."  He  saith 
not  "  seeds  "  as  of  many,  but  as  of  one  .  .  , 
which  is  Christ,"  very  plainly  showing 
that  the  manhood  of  Christ  sprang  from  the 
seed  of  Abraham,  and  fulfilled  the  promise 
made  to  Abraham. 

Eran.  —  So  the  apostle  says. 

Orth.  —  Enough  has  been  said  to  remove 
all  the  controversy  raised  on  this  point.  But 
I  will  nevertheless  remind  you  of  another 
prediction.  The  blessing  given  to  the  Patri- 
arch Jacob  and  to  his  father  and  his  grand 
father  was  given  by  him  to  his  son  Judah 
alone.  He  said  "  A  Prince  shall  not  fail 
Judah,  nor  a  leader  from  his  loins,  until  he 
shall  have  come  to  whom  it  is  in  store,  and 
he  is  the  expectation  of  the  Gentiles."  ^  Or 
do  you  not  accept  this  prediction  as  spoken 
of  the  Saviour  Christ.? 

Eran. — Jews  give  erroneous  interpreta- 
tions of  prophecies  of  this  kind,  but  I  am  a 
Christian  ;  I  trust  in  the  Divine  word  ;  and 
I  receive  the  prophecies  without  doubt. 

Orth.  —  Since  then  you  confess  that  you 
believe  the  prophecies  and  acknowledge  the 
predictions  have  been  divinely  uttered  about 
our  Saviour,  consider  what  follows  as  to  the 
intention  of  the  words  of  the  apostle,  for 
while  pointing  out  that  the  promises  made  to 
the  patriarchs  have  reached  their  fulfilment, 
he  uttered   those    remarkable   words  ">*  He 

1  Gen.  xii.  3.  The  Ixx.  has  ev€v\oyy]^rfaovTa.L  iv  <rot.  In  Acts 
iii.  25,  it  is  T(p  (TirepixaTi  <tov  :  in  Gal.  iii.  8,  eu  aoi. 

2  Gal.  iii.  16.  There  is  here  an  omission  of  the  four  words 
"  Ka'i  Toj  anepixaTi  crou."  Of  the  difficulty  of  the  passage  a  full 
discussion  will  be  found  in  Bishop  Lightfoot's  "  Ga/aiians  "  — 
page  141. 

3  Gen.  xlix.  10.  Here  the  text  follows  the  Alexandrme 
Septuagint  substituting  kux;  af  eXOrj  o  aTro/cetrat  for  ea>?  ay  e^Brt 
tA  airo«6t/ut€»'a  avrw. 

The  Vulgate  runs  •'  Nan  aiiferetur  sceptfum  de  luda,  cf^  dux 
de femore  eius,  dottec  vent'at  qui  mittendus  ext   et  ipse  erit  ex- 
pect alio  gen  titim,^^ 
*  Hebrews  ii.  16. 


DIALOGUES. 


i6; 


took  not  on  Him  the  nature  of  angels,"  all 
but  saying  the  promise  is  true ;  the  Lord 
has  fulfilled  His  pledges  ;  the  fount  of  bless- 
ing is  open  to  the  gentiles  ;  God  had  taken 
on  Him  the  seed  of  Abraham  ;  through  it 
He  brings  about  the  promised  salvation ; 
through  it  He  confirms  the  promise  of  the 
gentiles. 

Eran.  —  The  words  of  the  Prophet  fit  in 
admirably  with  those  of  the  apostle. 

Orth.  —  So  again  the  divine  apostle, 
reminding  us  of  the  blessing  of  Judah,  and 
pointing  out  how  it  received  its  fulfilment, 
exclaims^  ''For  it  is  evident  that  our  Lord 
sprang  out  of  Judah."  So  too  the  Prophet^ 
Micah  and  the  evangelist  ^  Matthew.  For 
the  former  spoke  his  prediction,  and  the  latter 
connects  the  prophecy  with  his  narrative. 
What  is  extraordinary  is  that  he  says  that 
the  open  enemies  of  the  truth  plainly  told 
Herod  that  the  Christ  is  born  in  Bethlehem, 
for  it  is  written,  he  says,  ''  And  thou  Bethle- 
hem in  the  land  of  Judah  art  not  the  least 
among  the  Princes  of  Judah  for  out  of  thee 
shall  come  a  Governor  who  shall  rule 
my  people  Israel."  *  Now  let  us  subjoin 
what  the  Jews  in  their  malignity  omitted  and 
so  made  the  witness  imperfect.  For  the 
prophet,  after  saying  "  Out  of  thee  shall  he 
coine  forth  unto  me  that  is  to  be  Ruler  in 
Israel  "  adds  ''  Whose  goings  forth  have  been 
of  old,  from  everlasting."  ^ 

Eran.  —  You  have  done  well  in  adducing 
the  whole  evidence  of  the  Prophet,  for  he 
points  out  that  He  who  was  born  in  Bethle- 
hem was  God. 

Orth.  —  Not  God  only  but  also  Man  ;  Man 
as  sprung  from  Judah  after  the  flesh  and 
born  in  Bethlehem  ;  and  God  as  existing  be- 
fore the  ages.  For  the  words  "  Out  of  thee 
shall  he  come  forth  imto  me  that  is  to  be 
Ruler,"  shew  his  birth  after  the  flesh 
which  has  taken  place  in  the  last  days  ;  while 
the  words  ''Whose  goings  forth  have  been 
of  old,  from  everlasting"  plainly  proclaim 
His  existence  before  the  ages.  In  like  man- 
ner also  the  divine  apostle  in  his  Epistle  to 
the  Romans  bewailinof  the  changfe  to  the 
worse  of  the  ancient  felicity  of  the  Jews, 
and  calling  to  mind  their  divine  promises 
and  legislation,  goes  on  to  say  "  Whose  are 
the  fathers,  and  of  whom  concerning  the 
flesh  Christ  came,  who  is  over  all  God 
blessed  for  ever  Amen,"®  and  in  this  same 
passage  he  exhibits  Him  both  as  Creator  of 
all  things  and  Lord  and  Ruler  as  God  and 
as  sprung  from  the  Jews  as  man. 


^  Hebrews  vii.  14. 

-  Micah  V.  2. 

8  .Matthew  li,  5,  6.' 


*  Matthew  ii.  6. 

5  Micah  V.  2. 

6  Romans  ix.  5. 


Eran.  —  Well ;  you  have  explained  these 
passages,  what  should  you  say  to  the  pro- 
phecy of  Jeremiah  .'^  For  this  proclaims  him 
to  be  God  only. 

Orth.  —  Of  what  prophecy  do  you  speak.-* 

Eran.  —  "  This  is  our  God  and  there 
shall  none  other  be  accounted  of  in  compari- 
son to  him  —  he  hath  found  out  all  the  way 
of  knowledge,  and  hath  given  it  unto  Jacob 
his  servant  and  to  Israel  his  beloved.  Af- 
terward did  he  shew  himself  upon  earth  and 
conversed  with  men."  ^ 

In  these  words  the  Prophet  speaks  neither 
of  the  flesh,  nor  of  manhood,  nor  of  man, 
but  of  God   alone. 

Orth.  —  What  then  is  the  good  of  reason- 
ing.^ Do  we  say  that  the  Divine  nature  is 
invisible.^  or  do  we  dissent  from  the  Apostle 
when  he  says^  "  Immortal,  invisible,  the 
only  God." 

Eran.  —  Indubitablv  the  Divine  nature  is 
invisible. 

Orth.  —  How  then  was  it  possible  for  the 
invisible  nature  to  be  seen  without  a  body.^ 
Or  do  you  not  remember  those  words  of  the 
apostle  in  which  he  distinctly  teaches  the 
invisibility  of  the  divine  nature.?  He  says 
"  Whom  no  man  hath  seen  nor  can  see."  ^ 
If  therefore  the  Divine  Nature  is  invisible 
to  men,  and  I  will  add  too  to  Angels,  tell  me 
how  he  who  cannot  be  seen  or  beheld  was 
seen  upon  earth.? 

Eran.  —  The  Prophet  says'*  he  was  seen 
on  the  earth. 

Orth.  —  And  the  apostle  says"  "Immor- 
tal, invisible,  the  only  God  "  and  *^"Whom 
no  man  hath  seen  and  can  see." 

Eran.  —  What  then?  is  the  Prophet 
lying.? 

Or//^. —God  forbid.  Both  utterances  are 
the  words  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

Eran. — Let  us  inquire  then  how  the  in- 
visible was  seen. 

Orth.  — Do  not,  I  beg  you,  bring  in  human 
reason.      I  shall  yield  to  scripture  alone. 

Eran. —  You  shall  receive  no  argument 
unconfirmed  by  Holy  Scripture,  and  if  you 
bring  me  any  solution  of  the  question  deduced 
from  Holy  Scripture  I  will  receive  it,  and 
will  in  no  wise  gainsay  it. 

Orth.  - — You  know  how  a  moment  ago  we 

1  Baruch,  iii,  35,  37. 

"The  ascription  of  the  prophecy  of  Baruch  to  Jeremiah 
may  be  exphiined  by  the  fact  that  in  the  Ixx  Baruch  was 
phiced  eitlier  before  or  after  Lamentations,  and  was  regarded 
in  the  early  church  as  an  appendix  to,  and  of  equal  author- 
ity  with,  Jeremiah.  It  is  so  quoted  by  Irenaeus,  Clemens 
Alexaiidrinus^^  and  Tertullian." 

Augustine  de  Civ.  xviii,  33.  quotes  Baruch  Hi,  16.  with  the 
remark  "  Hoc  testimonium  quidem  non  Hieremice  sed  Scribce 
eius  attribiiunt  qui  vocabatur  Baruch,  sed  Hieremice  xelebra- 
tius  /labetur.*' 

2  1,  Tim.  i.  17.  *  Baruch  iii,  3S.  «  I.  Tim.  vi.  16. 

3  I.  Tim.  vi,  16.         "  I,  Tim.  i.  17. 


1 66 


THEODORET. 


made  the  word  of  the  evangelist  clear  by 
means  of  the  testimony  of  the  apostle  ;  and 
that  the  divine  apostle  showed  us  how  the 
Word  became  Flesh,  saying  plainly  *'for 
verily  He  took  not  on  Him  the  nature  of 
angels  but  He  took  on  Him  the  seed  of  Abra- 
ham." ^  The  same  teacher  will  teach  us  how 
the  divine  Word  was  seen  upon  the  earth  and 
dwelt  among  men. 

Eran. — I  submit  to  the  words  both  of 
apostles  and  of  prophets.  Shew  me  then  in 
accordance  with  your  promise  the  interpre- 
tation of  the  prophecy. 

Orth,  —  The  divine  apostle,  writing  to 
Timothy,  also  says  "without  controversy 
great  is  the  mystery  of  godliness.  God  was 
manifest  in  the  flesh,  justified  in  the  spirit, 
seen  of  angels,  preached  unto  the  Gentiles, 
believed  on  in  the  world,  received  up  into 
glory." 2 

It  is  therefore  plain  that  the  divine  nature 
is  invisible,  but  the  flesh  visible,  and  that 
through  the  visible  the  invisible  was  seen,  by 
its  means  working  wonders  and  unveiling  its 
own  power,  for  with  the  hand  He  fashioned 
the  sense  of  seeing  and  healed  him  that  was 
blind  from  birth.  Again  He  gave  the  power  of 
hearing  to  the  deaf,  and  loosed  the  fettered 
tongue,  using  his  fingers  for  a  tool  and 
applying  his  spittle  like  some  healing  medi- 
cine. So  again  when  He  walked,  upon 
the  sea  He  displayed  the  almighty  power 
of  the  Godhead.  Fitly,  therefore,  did  the 
apostle  say  "  God  was  manifest  in  the  flesh." 
For  through  it  appeared  the  invisible  nature 
beheld  by  its  means  by  the  angel  hosts,  for 
*'  He  was  seen,'"    he  says,  ''  of  angels." 

The  nature  then  of  bodiless  beings  has 
shared  with  us  the  enjoyment  of  this  boon. 

Eran,'  — Then  did  not  the  angels  see  God 
before  the  manifestation  of  the  Saviour? 

Orth.  —  The  apostle  says  that  He  ''was 
made  manifest  in  the  flesh  and  seen  of 
angels." 

Bran,  —  But  the  Lord  said,  *'  Take  heed 
that  ye  despise  not  one  of  these  little  ones, 
for  1  say  unto  you  that  their  angels  do  always 
behold  the  face  of  my  Father  which  is  in 
heaven."  -^ 


1  Heb,  ii.  i6. 

2  1.  Tim.  iii.  i6.  Theodoretus  shews  no  knowledge  of  the 
reading  oc  for  ®c  in  this  famous  passage  accepted  by  our 
revisers  with  the  marginal  comment  '*  The  word  God  in  place 
of  He  who  rests  on  no  sufficient  ancient  evidence."  Mncedo- 
nius  II,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  is  said  to  have  been 
accused  by  his  enemy  the  Emperor  Anastasius  of  falsifying 
this  particular  |T|assage.  But  if  Theodoretus,  who  died  c.  45S, 
really  wrote  ®c  copies  of  the  Epistles  containing  this  read- 
ing  must  have  existed  some  half  century  before  the  dispute 
between  Macedonius  and  Anastasius.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  also 
uses  the  passage  as  does  Theodoretus;  Greg.  Nyss.  cont. 
Eun.  iv.  I.  The  accepted  opinion  now  regards  theCodexof 
Alexandrianus  as  reading  6s. 

3  Matt,  xviii.  10.  Observe  the  omission  of  the  words  •*  In 
heaven,"  which  A.  V.  inserts  with  X  B  D,  etc. 


Orth.  —  But  the  Lord  said  again,  '•  Not 
that  any  man  hath  seen  the  Father  save  he 
which  is  of  God,  he  hath  seen  tlie  Father."  ' 
Wherefore  the  evangelist  plainly  exclauns,. 
"  No  man  hath  seen  God  at  any  time,"  -  and 
confirms  the  word  of  the  Lord,  for  he  says, 
"  The  only  begotten  Son  which  is  in  the 
bosom  of  the  Father  He  hath  declared  Him,'* 
and  the  great  Moses,  when  he  desired  to  see 
the  invisible  nature,  heard  the  Lord  God 
saving,  ''  There  shall  no  man  see  me  and 
live."=^ 

Era7z,  —  How  then  are  we  to  under- 
stand the  words,  "  Their  angels  do  always 
behold  the  face  of  my  Father  which  is  in 
heaven  "  } 

Orth.  —  Just  as  we  commonly  understand 
what  is  said  about  men  who  have  been  sup- 
posed to  see  God. 

Eran.  —  Pray  make    this    plainer,    for    I 
do    not    understand.       Can  God  be  seen    of 
men  also? 

Orth.  — Certainly  not. 

Eran.  —  Yet  we  hear  the  divine  scripture 
saying  God  appeared  unto  Abraham  at  the 
oak  of  Mamre  ;  ■*  and  Isaiah  says  ''  I  saw  the 
Lord  sitting  upon  a  throne  high  and  lifted 
up,"  ^  and  the  same  thing  is  said  by  Micah,. 
by  Daniel  and  Ezekiel.  And  of  the  law- 
giver Moses  it  is  related  that  **  The  Lord 
spake  to  Moses  face  to  face  as  a  man  speaketli 
unto  his  friend,"  ^  and  the  God  of  the  universe 
Himself  said,  *' With  him  will  I  speak 
mouth  to  mouth,  even  apparently  and  not  in 
dark  speeches."  '  What  then  shall  we  say  ; 
did  they  behold  the  divine  nature? 

Orth.  —  By  no  means,  for  God  Himself 
said,  "  There  shall  no  man  see  me  and  live."" 

Eran.  —  Then  they  who  say  that  they 
have  seen  God  are   liars? 

Orth.  —  God  forbid  —  they  saw  what  it 
was  possible  for  them  to  see. 

Eran. — Then  the  loving  Lord  accommo- 
dates his  revelation  to  the  capacity  of  them 
that  see  Him? 

Orth.  —  Yes;  and  this  He  has  shewn 
through  the  Prophet,  **  for  I,"  He  says, 
*'  have  multiplied  visions  and  by  the  hands  of 
the  Prophets  was  made  like."  ** 

He  does  not  say  *' was  seen"  but  '■^  was 
made  like."  And  making  like  does  not  shew 
the  very  nature  of  the  thing  seen.  For  even 
the  image  of  the  emperor  does  not  exhibit 
the  emperor's  nature,  though  it  distinctly 
preserves  his  features. 

Eran.  —  This    is    obscure   and    not  suffi- 


1  John  vi.  46. 

2  John  i.    18. 

3  Exodus  xxxiii.  ?o. 
••  Genesis  xviii.  i.     Sept. 

8  Hosea  xii.  10.     Sept.     A.  V.  has  "  used  similitude; 


"  Isaiah  vi.  i. 

•^  Exodus  xxxiii.  11. 

^  Numbers  xii.  S. 


DIALOGUES. 


167 


ciently  plain.  Was  not  tlien  the  substance 
of  God  seen  by  them  who  beheld  those  reve- 
lations? 

Orth.  —  No;  for  who  is  mad  enough  to 
dare  to  say  so  ? 

Eran.  —  But  yet  it  is  said  that  they  saw. 

Orth. — Yes;  it  is  said;  but  we  both  in 
the  exercise  of  reverent  reason,  and  in  reli- 
ance on  the  Divine  utterances,  which  exclaim 
distinctly,  "  No  man  hath  seen  God  at  any 
time,"  affirm  that  they  did  not  see  the  Divine 
Nature,  but  certain  visions  adapted  to  their 
capacity. 

Eran.  —  So  we  say. 

Orth.  —  So  also  then  let  us  understand  of 
the  angels  when  we  hear  that  they  daily  see 
the  face  of  your  Father.^  For  what  they  see 
is  not  the  divine  substance  which  cannot  be 
circumscribed,  comprehended,  or  appre- 
hended, which  embraces  the  universe,  but 
some  glory  made  commensurate  with  their 
natiu'e. 

Eran.  —  This  is  acknowledged. 

Orth. — After  the  incarnation,  however. 
He  was  seen  also  of  angels,  as  the  divine 
apostle  says,  not  however  by  similitude  of 
glory,  but  using  the  true  and  living  covering 
of  the  flesh  as  a  kind  of  screen.  "  God,"  he 
says,  "  was  made  manifest  in  the  flesh,  justi- 
fied in  the  Spirit,  seen  of  angels."^ 

Eran.  —  I  accept  this  as  Scripture,  but  I 
am  not  prepared  to  accept  the  novelties  of 
phrase. 

Orth. — What  novelties  of  phrase  have 
we  introduced? 

Eran.  —  That  of  the  ''screen."  What 
Scripture  calls  the  flesh  of  the  Lord  a  screen? 

Orth.  — -You  do  not  seem  to  be  a  very  dili- 
gent reader  of  your  Bible ;  if  you  had  been 
you  would  not  have  found  fault  with  what 
we  have  said  as  in  a  figure.  For  first  of  all 
the  fact  that  the  divine  apostle  says  that  the 
invisible  nature  was  made  manifest  through 
the  flesh  allows  us  to  understand  the  flesh  as 
a  screen  of  the  Godhead.  Secondly,  the 
divine  apostle  in  his  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
distinctly  uses  the  phrase,  for  he  says, 
*^  Having  therefore,  brethren,  boldness  to 
enter  into  the  Holiest  by  the  blood  of  Jesus 
by  a  new  and  living  way,  which  he  hath  con- 
secrated for  us,  through  the  veil,  that  is  to  say 
his  flesh  ;  and  having  an  High  Priest  over 
the  House  of  God.  Coming  with  truth 
drawing  near  with  a  true  heart  in  fulness  of 
faith."  3 

Eran.  — Your  demonstration  is  unanswer- 
able, for  it  is  based  on  apostolic  authority. 


■•  Matfhew  xviij.  ib.  -  I,  Tim.  iii.  j6. 

3  Hebrews  x.   10-22.     In  iii.   607.   ed.   Mig^ne   this    passage 
is  quoted  by  T.  eoioret  as  in  A.  V» 


Orth.  —  Do  not  then  charge  us  with  inno- 
vation. We  will  adduce  for  you  yet  another 
prophetic  authority,  distinctly  calling  the 
Lord's  flesh  a  robe  and  mantle. 

Eran.  —  Should  it  not  appear  obscure 
and  ambiguous  we  will  say  nothing  against 
it,  and  be  thankful  for  it. 

Orth. — I  will  make  you  yourself  testify 
to  the  truth  of  the  promise.  You  know  how 
the  Patriarch  Jacob,  when  he  was  address- 
ing Judah,  limited  the  sovereignty  of  Judah 
by  the  birth  of  the  Lord.^  ''  A  prince  shall 
not  fail  Judah,  nor  a  leader  from  his  loins 
until  he  shall  have  come  to  whom  it  is  in 
store  and  he  is  the  expectation  of  the 
Gentiles."  You  have  already  confessed 
that  this  prophecy  was  uttered  about  the 
saviour. 

Eran,  —  I  have. 

Orth.  —  Remember  then  what  follows  ; 
for  he  says  ""  And  unto  him  shall  the  gather- 
ing of  the  people  be  .  .  .  he  shall  wash 
his  robe  in  wine  and  his  mantle  in  the 
blood  of  the  grape."  ^ 

Era?2.  —  The  Patriarch  spoke  of  gar- 
ments,   not   of  a    body. 

Orth.  —  Tell  me,  then,  when  or  where 
he  washed  his  cloak  in  the  blood  of  the 
grape  ? 

Eran. — Nay;  tell  me  you  when  he 
reddened   his  body   in   it? 

Orth.  —  Answer  I  beseech  you  more 
reverently.^  Perhaps  some  of  the  uninitiated 
are  within  hearing. 

Eran.  —  I  will  both  hear  and  answer  in 
mystic  language. 

Orth. — You  know  that  the  Lord  called 
himself  a  vine? 

Eran.  — Yes  I  know  that  he  said  "  I  am 
the  true  vine."  * 

Orth.  — Now  what  is  the  fruit  of  a  vine 
called  after  it  is  pressed? 

Eran.  —  It  is  called  wine. 

Orth.  —  When  the  soldiers  wounded  the 
Saviour's  side  with  the  spear,  what  did  the 
evangelist  say  was  poured  out  from  it? 

Eran.  — Blood  and  water."* 

Orth. — Well,  then;  he  called  the 
Saviour's  blood  blood  of  the  grape,  for  If 
the  Lord  is  called  a  vine,  and  the  fruit  of 
the  vine  wine,  and  from  the  Lord's  side 
streams  of  blood  and  water  flowed  down- 
wards over  the  rest  of  his  body,  fitly  and 
appropriately  the  Patriarch  foretells  "  He 
shall  wash  his  robe  in  wine  and  his  mantle 
in  blood  of  the  grape."  For  as  we  after  the 
consecration  call  the  mystic  fruit  of  the  vine 


1  Gen.  xlix.  10.     Compare  note  on  p.  6. 

2  Gen.  xlix.  1 1.  *Jolinxv.  i. 

3  juiuo-TK.oTepoj'.  "John  xix.  34. 


1 68 


THEODORET. 


the  Lord's  blood,  so  he  called  the  blood  of 
the  true  vine  blood  of  the  grape. 

Eran. — The  point  before  us  has  been 
set  forth  in  language  at  once  mystical  and 
clear. 

Orth,  —  Although  what  has  been  said  is 
enough  for  your  faith,  I  will,  for  confirmation 
of  the  faith,  give  you  yet  another  proof. 

Eratt.  — ■  I  shall  be  grateful  to  you  for  so 
doing,  for  you  will  increase  the  favour  done 
me. 

Orth. — You  know  how  God  called  His 
ou'n  body  biead  ? 

Eran.  —  Yes. 

Orth.  —  And  how  in  another  place  he 
called  His  flesh  corn? 

Eran.  —  Yes,  I  know.  For  I  have  heard 
Him  saying  "  The  hour  is  come  that  the 
Son  of  man  should  be  glorified,"^  and  "  Ex- 
cept a  corn  of  wheat  fall  into  the  ground 
and  die,  it  abideth  alone ;  but  if  it  die  it 
brino:eth  forth  much  fruit."  ^ 

Orth.  —  Yes  ;  and  in  the  giving  of  the 
mysteries  He  called  the  bread,  body,  and 
what  had  been   mixed,  blood. 

Ei'an.  —  He  so  did. 

Orth.  —  Yet  naturally  the  body  would 
properly  be  called  body,  and  the  blood, 
blood. 

Eran.  —  Agreed. 

Orth,  —  But  our  Saviour  changed  the 
names,  and  to  His  body  gave  the  name  of 
the  symbol  and  to  the  symbol  that  of  his 
body.  So,  after  calling  himself  a  vine,  he 
spoke  of  the  symbol  as  blood. 

Eran.  —  True.  But  I  am  desirous  of 
knowing  the  reason  of  the  change  of  names. 

Orth. — To  them  that  are  initiated  in  di- 
vine things  the  intention  is  plain.  For  he 
wished  the  partakers  in  the  divine  mysteries 
not  to  give  heed  to  the  nature  of  the  visible 
objects,  but,  by  means  of  the  variation  of  the 
names,  to  believe  the  change  wrought  of 
grace.  For  He,  we  know,  who  spoke  of  his 
natural  body  as  corn  and  bread,  and,  again, 
called  Himself  a  vine,  dignified  the  visible 
symbols  by  the  appellation  of  the  body  and 
blood,  not  because  He  had  changed  their  na- 
ture, but  because  to  their  nature  He  had  added 
grace."' 

Eraji. — The  mysteries  are  spoken  of  in 
mystic  language,  and  there  is  a  clear  declara- 
tion of  tliat  which  is  not  known  to  all. 

Orth. — Since  then   it    is  a^jfreed    that  the 


1  John  xii.  23. 


2  John  xii.  24. 


3This  passage  and  a  parallel  passage  from  Dial.  II.  were 
quoted  with  force  in  tiie  discussions  of  the  English  Refonna- 
tion.  Bp.  Ridley  on  t'le  foresjoing  writes  {A  Brief  Declara- 
tion of  the  Lord's  Siif^per,  Parker  Soc.  Ed.  p.  35.)  "  What 
can  be  more  plainly  said  than  this  that  this  old  writer  saith? 
That  althouyh  the  Sacraments  bear  the  name  of  the  body  and 
blood  of  Christ,  yet  is  not  their  nature  changed,  but  abideth 
still.     And  where"  IS  tiieu  the  i'apists'  transubstantiation.'*  " 


body  of  the  Lord  is  called  by  the  patriarcli 
"•  robe"  and  "  mantle  "  ^  and  we  have  reached 
the  discussion  of  the  divine  mysteries,  tell  me 
truly,  of  what  do  you  understand  the  Holy 
Food  to  be  a  symbol  and  type.^  Of  the  god- 
head of  the  Lord  Christ,  or  of  His  body  and 
His  blood  .^ 

Eran.  —  Plainly  of  those  things  of  which 
they  received  the  names. 

Orth.  —  You  mean  of  the  body  and  of  the 
blood } 

Eran,  —  I  do. 

Orth. — You  have  spoken  as  a  lover  of 
truth  should  speak,  for  when  the  Lord  had 
taken  the  symbol.  He  did  not  say  "  this  is 
my  godhead,"  but  "this  is  my  body ; "  and 
again  "this  is  my  blood "  ^  and  in  another 
place  "  the  bread  that  I  will  give  is  my  flesh 
which  I  will  give  for  tiie  life  of  the  world."  ^ 

Eran. — These  words  are  true,  for  they 
are  the  divine  oracles. 

Orth. — If  then  they  are  true,  I  suppose 
the  Lord  had  a  body. 

Eran.  —  No;  for  I  maintain  him  to  be 
bodiless. 

OrtJi.  —  But  you  confess  that  He  had  a 
body } 

Eran.  —  I  say  that  the  Word  was  made 
flesh,  for  so  I  have  been  taught. 

Orth. — It  seems,  as  the  proverb  has  it, 
as  if  we  are  drawing  water  in  a  pail  with  a 
hole  in  it.^  For  after  all  our  demonstrations 
and  solutions  of  difliculties,  you  are  bring- 
ing the  same  arguments  round  again. 

Eraji.  —  I  am  not  giving  you  my  argu- 
ments, but  those  of  the  gospels. 

Orth. — And  have  I  not  given  you  the 
interpretation  of  the  words  of  the  gospels 
from  those  of  prophets  and  apostles.^ 

Eran.  —  Tliey  do  not  serve  to  clear  up  the 
point  at  is§ue. 

Orth. —  And  yet  we  shewed  how,  being 
invisible.  He  was  made  manifest  through 
flesh,  and  the  relationship  of  this  very  flesh 
we  have  been  taught  by  the  sacred  Writers  — 
"  He  took  on  Him  the  seed  of  Abraham."  ' 
And  the  Lord  God  said  to  the  patriarch,  "  in 
thy  seed  shall  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  be 
blessed,"  ^  and  the  apostle,  "  It  is  evident 
our  Lord  sprang  out  of  Judah."  '  We  ad- 
duced further  several  similar  testimonies; 
but,  since  you  are  desirous  of  hearing  yet 
others,  listen  to  the  apostle  when  he  says, 
"For  every  high  priest  taken  from  among 
men  is  ordained  that  he  may  ofler  both  gifts 
and  sacrifices,  wherefore  it  is  of  necessity  that 
this  man  have  somewhat  also  to  ofler."  *" 


1  Gen.  xlix.  2.  2  Matt.  xxvi.  2S.  3  John  vi.  51. 

*  Aristotle  (CEc  :  1.6.  i .)  uses  the  proverb  as  we  say  in  Eng- 
lish "  to  dra^v  water  in  a  sieve."  •''  Heb.  iil  16. 

GGen.ii.iS.  "  Heb.  vii.  14.  .»  Heb.  v.  i .  viii.  3. 


DIALOGUES. 


169 


Era7t. — Point  out,  then,  how  He  offered 
after  taking  a  body. 

Orth.  — The  divine  apostle  himself  clearly 
teaches  in  the  very  passage,  for  after  a  few 
words  he  says  :  "  Wherefore,  wdien  He  Com- 
eth into  the  world.  He  saith,  sacrifice  and 
offering  thou  wouldst  not,  but  a  body  hast 
thou  prepared  me."  ^  He  does  not  say  *'  into 
a  body  hast  thou  changed,"  but  "  a  body 
hast  tliou  prepared,"  and  he  shows  plainly 
that  the  formation  of  the  body  was  wrought 
by  the  Spirit  in  accordance  with  the  utter- 
ance of  the  gospel,  ''  Fear  not  to  take  unto 
thee  Mary  thy  wife ;  for  that  which  is 
generated  in  her  is  of  the  Holy  Ghost."  ^ 

Eran.  —  The  virgin  then  gave  birth  only 
to  a  body  } 

Orth.  —  It  appears  that  you  do  not  even 
understand  the  composition  of  words, 
much  less  their  meaning,  for  he  is  teaching 
Joseph  the  manner,  not  of  the  generation, 
but  of  the  conception.  For  he  does  not  say 
that  which  is  generated  of  her,  i.  e.  made, 
or  formed,  is  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  Joseph, 
ignorant  of  the  mystery,  was  suspicious 
of  adultery;  he  was  therefore  plainly  taught 
the  formation  by  the  Spirit.  It  is  this  which 
He  signified  through  the  prophet  when  He 
said  *'  A  body  hast  thou  prepared  me"  *  for 
the  divine  Apostle  being  full  of  the  Spirit 
interpreted  the  prediction.  If  then  the  ofier- 
ing  of  gifts  is  the  special  function  of  priests 
and  Christ  in  His  humanity  was  called  priest 
and  offered  no  other  sacrifice  save  *  His  own 
body,  then  the  Lord  Christ  iiad  a  body. 

Eran.  —  This  ev^en  I  have  repeatedly  af- 
firmed, and  I  do  not  say  that  the  divineWord 
appeared  without  a  body.  What  I  main- 
tain is  not  that  He  took  a  body  but  that  He 
was  made  flesh. 

Orth.  —  So  far  as  I  see  our  contest  lies 
with  the  supporters  of  Valentinus,   of   Mar- 

iHeb.x.5. 

2  Matt.  i.  30.  The  rendering-  of  yevi-rj^eV  by  "  conceived  "  in 
the  A.  V.  somewhat  obscures  the  argument  of  Theodoret. 
The  R.  V.  has  "  begotten"   in  the  margin. 

3  Ps.  xl.  7.     Septuagint.     The  difficulty  how  to    account  for 

the    rendering  of  iSh^IS   DOIX  i- e.   "My    ear    hast    thou 
■  T       —   .'t 

dug-"  by  "  crw/aa /caTTjprto-w  "  is  an  old  one.  Did  H0EAHCA- 
COTIAAEKATHPTICn  get  altered  by  mistake  into  H0EAHCA- 
CCfiMAAEKATHPTlCn?  "  How  the  word  o-ii^ua  came  into  the 
Ixx  we  cannot  say;  but  being  there  it  is  now  sanctioned  for  us 
by  the  citation  here;  not  as  the,  or  even  a  proper  rendering  of 
the  Hebrew,  but  as  a  prophetic  utterance."     Alford  ad  loc. 

*  I  have  no  hesitation  in  translating  aAAa  here  by  "  save," 
in  spite  of  the  purist  prejudice  which  has  led  even  the  revisers 
of  iSSi  to  retain  something  of  the  awkward  periphrasis  by 
which  the  meaning  of  Matt.  XX.  23  and  Mark  x.  40.  is  con- 
fused in  A.  v.,  and  an  Arian  sense  given  to  our  Lord's  dec- 
laration, "  To  sit  on  my  right  hand  and  my  left  is  not  mine 
to  give  save  to  them  for  whom  it  is  prepared."  i.  e.  It  is  His 
to  give,  but  not  to  give  arbitrarily  or  of  caprice.  Liddell  and 
Scott,  Ed.  1SS3,  recognise  and  illustrate  this  use  of  aAAa 
(Vide  s.  v.  I.  3.)  which  in  classical  Greek  is  vindicated  by 
such  a  passage  as  Sopli.  O.  T.  1331.  eiraitre  5'  avroxeip  v\.v 
ovTL(i  aAA'  e-yoi,  and  in  X,  T.  Greek,  as  well  as  by  the  crucial  pas- 
sage in  question,  in  Mark  ix.  S.  ovkc'ti  ovhiva.  etSof  aAAd  tov 
\r\fTo\)v  jULovoi',  "  They  no  longer  saw  any  one  save  Jesus  only." 


cion,  and  of  Manes  ;  but  even  they  never 
had  the  hardihood  to  say  that  the  immutable 
nature  underwent  mutation  into  flesh. 

Eran.  —  Reviling  is  unchristian. 

Orth. — We  do  not  revile,  but  we  are 
fighting  for  truth,  and  we  are  vexed  at  your 
arguing  about  the  indisputable  as  though  it 
could  be  disputed.  However,  I  will  endeav- 
our to  put  an  end  to  your  ungracious  conten- 
tion. Answer  now  ;  do  you  remember  the 
promises  wiiich  God  made  to  David. ^ 

Eran,  —  Which  } 

Orth.  — Those  which  the  prophet  inserted 
in  the  SSth  Psalm. 

Eran.  —  I  know  that  many  promises  were 
made  to  David.  Which  are  you  enquiring 
about  now? 

Orth.  —  Those  which  refer  to  the  Lord 
Christ. 

Eran.  —  Recall  the  utterances  yourself, 
for  you  promised  to  adduce  your  proofs. 

Orth. — Listen  now  how  the  prophet 
praises  God  at  the  very  beginning  of  the 
Psalm.  He  saw  with  his  prophetic  eyes  the 
future  iniquity  of  his  people,  and  the  cap- 
tivity that  was  in  consequence  foredoomed  ; 
yet  he  praised  his  own  Lord  for  unfailing 
promises.  ''I  will  sing,"  he  says,  ''of  the 
mercies  of  the  Lord  forever,  with  my  mouth 
will  I  make  known  Thy  faithfulness  to  all 
generations,  for  thou  hast  said,  Mercy  shall 
be  built  up  for  ever,  Thy  faithfulness  shalt 
Thou  establish  in  the  very  heavens."^ 

Through  all  this  the  prophet  teaches  that 
the  promise  was  made  by  God  on  account  of 
lovingkindness,  and  that  the  pi^omise  is 
faithful.  Then  he  goes  on  to  say  what  He 
promised,  and  to  whom,  introducing  God 
Himself  as  the  speaker.  ("  I  have  made  a 
covenant  with  my  chosen."  ^)  It  is  the  Patri- 
archs that  He  called  chosen  ;  then  He  goes 
on  ''  I  have  sworn  unto  David  my  servant,"  ^ 
and  He  states  concerning  what  He  swore, 
''  Thy  seed  will  I  establish  for  ever,  and  build 
up  thy  throne  to  all  generations.""* 

Now  whom  do  you  suppose  to  be  called 
the  seed  of  David  } 

Eran. — The  promise  was  made  about 
Solomon. 

Orth.  —  Then  he  made  his  covenant  with 
the  Patriarchs  about  Solomon,  for  before 
what  was  said  about  David  he  mentioned  the 
promises  made  to  the  Patriarchs  ''  I  have 
made  a  covenant  with  my  chosen,"  and  He 
promised  the  Patriarchs  that  in  their  seed  He 
would  bless  all  nations.  Kindly  point  out 
how  the  nations  w^ere  blessed  through  Solo- 
mon. 


1  Ps.  Ixxxix.  I.  2. 

2  Ps.  Ixxxix.  3. 


*  Ps.  Ixxxix.  3. 

*  Ps.  Ixxxix.  4. 


I  JO 


THEODORET. 


Eran.  — Then  God  fulfilled  this  promise, 
not  by  means  of  Solomon,  but  of  our  Sa- 
viour. 

Orth.  —  So  then  our  Lord  Christ  gave  the 
fulfilment  to  the  promises  made  to  David. 

Eran.  —  I  hold  that  these  promises  were 
made  by  God,  either  about  Solomon,  or  about 
Zerubbabel. 

Orth, — Just  now  you  used  the  argu- 
ments of  Marcion  and  Valentinus  and  of 
Manes.  Now  you  have  gone  over  to  the 
directly  opposite  faction,  and  are  advocating 
the  impudence  of  the  Jews.  This  is  just  like 
all  those  who  turn  out  of  a  straight  road  ; 
they  err  and  stray  first  one  way  and  then 
another,  wandering  in  a  wilderness. 

Eran.  —  Revilers  are  excluded  by  the 
Apostle  from  the  kingdom.^ 

Orth,  —  Yes,  if  their  revilings  are  vain. 
Sometimes  the  divine  Apostle  himself  oppor- 
tunely uses  this  mode  of  speech.  He  calls 
the  Galatians  "foolish,"^  and  of  others  he 
says  '*  men  of  corrupt  minds,  reprobate  con- 
cerning the  faith,"  ^  and  again  of  another  set, 
'*  Whose  God  is  their  belly,  whose  glory  is 
in  their  shame,"  "  and  so  forth. 

Eran,  —  What  occasion  did  I  give  you  for 
reviling? 

Orth. — Do  you  really  not  think  that  the 
willing  advocacy  of  the  declared  enemies  of 
the  truth  furnishes  the  pious  with  very 
reasonable  ground  of  indignation? 

Era7t.  —  And  what  enemies  of  the  truth 
have  I  patronized? 

Orth.  —  Now,  Jews. 

Eran.  —  How  so? 

Orth.  — Jews  connect  prophecies  of  this 
kind  with  Solomon  and  Zerubbabel,  in  order 
to  exhibit  the  groundlessness  of  the  Chris- 
tian position;  but  the  mere  words  are  quite 
enough  to  convict  them  of  their  iniquity,  for 
it  is  written  "  I  will  establish  my  throne 
for  ever." "  Now  not  only  Solomon  and 
Zerubbabel,  to  whom  such  prophecies  are 
applied  by  the  Jews,  have  lived  out  their 
appointed  time,  and  reached  the  end  of  life, 
but  the  whole  race  of  David  has  become 
extinct ;  for  who  ever  heard  of  any  one  at  the 
present  day  descended  from  the  root  of 
David? 

Eran.  —  But  are  not,  then,  those  who  are 
called  Patriarchs  of  the  Jews  of  the  family 
of  David? 

Orth.  — Certainly  not. 

Eran.  — Whence,  then,  are  they  sprung? 

Orth.  — From  the  foreigner  Herod,  who, 
on  his  father's  side,   was  an  Ascalonite,   and 


1 1-  Cor.  VI,  lo. 
2  Gal.  iii.  i. 


^  Ps.  Ixxxix.  4 


3  2.  Tim.  iii.  8. 
*  Phil.  iii.  19. 


on  his  mother's  an  Idumnean  ; '  but  they,  too, 
have  all  disappeared,  and  many  years  have 
gone  by  since  their  sovereignty  came  to  an 
end.  But  our  Lord  God  promised  not  only 
to  maintain  the  seed  of  David  for  ever,  but 
to  establish  his  kingdom  undestroyed ;  for 
He  said,  ''  I  will  build  up  my  throne  to  all 
generations." 

But  we  see  that  his  race  is  gone,  and  his- 
kingdom  come  to  an  end.  \Tet  though  we 
see  this,  we  know  that  the  God  of  the  Uni- 
verse is  true. 

Eran,  —  That  God  is  true  is  plain. 

Orth.  —  If,  then,  God  is  true,  as  in  truth 
He  is,  and  promised  David  that  He  would 
establish  His  race  for  ever, and  keep  his  king- 
dom through  all  time,  and  if  neither  race  nor 
kingdom  are  to  be  seen,  for  both  have  come 
to  an  end,  how  can  we  convince  our  oppo- 
nents that  God  IS  true  ? 

Eran.  —  I  suppose,  then,  the  prophecy 
really  points  to  the  Lord  Christ. 

Orth.  —  If,  then,  you  confess  this,  let  us 
investigate  together  a  passage  in  the  middle 
of  the  Psalm  ;  we  shall  then  more  clearly 
see  what  the  prophecy  means. 

Eran,  —  Lead  on  ;  I  will  religiously  fol- 
low in  your  footsteps. 

Orth.  —  After  making  many  promises- 
about  this  seed  that  it  should  be  Lord  both 
by  sea  and  land  ^  and  higher  than  the  kings 
of  the  earth  and  be  called  the  first  begotten 
of  God,*^  and  should  boldly  call  God,  Father* 
God  also  added  this,  "  My  mercy  will  I  keep 
for  him  for  evermore  and  mv  covenant  shall 
stand  fast  with  him.  His  seed  also  will  I 
make  to  endure  for  ever  and  his  throne  as 
the  days  of  heaven."  " 

Eran, — The  promise  goes  beyond  the 
bounds  of  human  nature,  for  both  the  life 
and  the  honour  are  indestructible  and  eternal. 
But  men  endure  but  for  a  season ;  their 
nature  is  short  lived  and  their  kingdom  even 
during  its  lifetime  undergoes  many  and  vari- 
ous vicissitudes,  so  that  truly  the  greatness 
of  the  prophecy  befits  none  but  the  Saviour 
Christ. 

Orth,  —  Go  on  then  to  what  follows  and 
your  opinion  upon  this  point  will  be  in  every 
way  confirmed,  for  again  saith  the  God  of 
the   universe,   *'  Once  have   I   sworn  by   my 

1  Antipater  or  Antipas,  a    =    Cypres,  an  Idumaean. 
wealthy  Idumajan.  | 

Herod  the  Great  ^  Mariamne,  Princess  of 
I  the  Maccabees. 


Alexander. 


Aristobulus. 


Herod  Agrippa  I.       Herod  K.  of       Herodias. 

Herod  Agrippa  H.     Bernice.     Driisilla. 
2Ps.  Ixxxix.  25.  "  Ps.  Ixxxix.  27.  *  P^.  Ixxxix.  3-1. 

•''  Ps.  Ixxxix.  2.^,  29. 


DIALOGUES. 


i/r 


holiness,  if  I  lie  unto  David,  his  seed  shall 
endure  for  ever  and  his  throne  as  the  sun  be- 
fore me.  It  shall  be  established  for  ever  as 
the  moon."  ' 

Then,  pointing  out  the  truth  of  the  prom- 
ise He  adds,  ''And  the  witness  is  faithful  in 
heaven." 

Eran.  — We  must  believe  without  doubt 
in  the  promises  given  by  the  faithful  witness, 
for,  if  we  are  wont  to  believe  men  who  have 
promised  to  speak  the  truth  even  if  they  do 
not  confirm  their  words  with  an  oath,  who 
can  be  so  mad  as  to  disbelieve  the  Creator  of 
the  Universe,  when  He  adds  an  oath  to  his 
words  .^  For  He  who  forbids  others  to  swear 
confirmed  the  immutability  of  his  counsel  by 
an  oath,-  "  that  by  two  imnmtable  things  in 
which  it  was  impossible  for  God  to  lie  we 
might  have  a  strong  consolation  who  have 
fled  for  refuge  to  lay  hold  upon  the  hope  set 
before  us."  ^ 

Orth.  —  If  then  the  promise  is  irrefraga- 
ble, and  among  the  Jews  there  is  now 
neither  family  nor  kingdom  of  the  prophet 
David  to  be  seen,  let  us  believe  that  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  is  plainly  called  seed  of  David 
in  His  humanity,  for  of  Him  the  life  and  the 
kingdom  are  both  alike  eternal. 

Eran, — We  have  no  doubt;  and  this  I 
own  to  be  the  truth. 

Orth. — These  proofs  then  are  sufficient 
to  show  clearly  the  manhood  which  our  Lord 
and  Saviour  took  of  David's  seed.  But  to 
remove  all  possibility  of  doubt  by  the  wit- 
ness of  the  majority,  let  us  hear  how  God 
makes  mention  of  the  promises  given  to 
David  through  the  voice  of  the  prophet 
Isaiah.  ••'  I  will  make,"  he  says,  ''  an  ever- 
lasting covenant  with  you,"  and,  signifying 
the  law-giver,  he  adds,  ''  even  the  sure  mer- 
cies of  David."  * 

Since  He  made  this  promise  to  David,  and 
spoke  through  Esaias,  He  will  assuredly 
bring  the  promise  to  pass.  And  what  fol- 
lows after  the  prophecy  is  in  harmonj'  with 
what  I  say,  for  he  saith  ''  Behold  I  have  given 
him  for  a  witness  to  the  people,  a  leader  and 
commander  to  the  people.  Behold  nations 
that  know  thee  not  shall  call  upon  thee,  and 
peoples  that  understand  thee  not  shall  run 
unto  thee."  ^  Now  this  fits  in  v^ith  none  that 
are  sprung  from  David,  for  who  of  David's 
descendants,  as  Esaias  says,  was  made  a  ruler 
of  nations?  And  what  nations  in  their 
prayers  ever  called  on  David's  descendants 
as  God  ? 

Eran,  —  About  what  is  perfectly  clear  it 


^  Ps.  Ixxxix.  35.  36.  37. 
»  Heb.  vi.  17. 


3  Heb.  vi.  iS. 
*  Is.  Iv.  3. 


f'  Is.  Iv.  4.  5.  Ixx. 


is  unbecoming  to  dispute,  and  this  plamly  re- 
fers to  the  Lord  Christ. 

Orth,  —  Then  let  us  pass  on  to  another 
prophetic  testimony  and  let  us  hear  the  same 
prophet  saying  '••  There  shall  come  forth  a 
rod  out  of  the  stem  of  Jesse  and  a  branch 
shall  grow  out  of  his  roots."  ^ 

Eran,  —  I  think  this  prophecy  was  de- 
livered about  Zerubbabel. 

Orth.  —  If  you  hear  what  follows,  you 
will  not  remain  in  your  opinion.  The  Jews 
have  never  so  understood  this  prediction,  for 
the  prophet  goes  on,  ''and  the  Spirit  of  the 
Lorcl  shall  rest  upon  him,  the  spirit  of  wis- 
dom and  understanding,  the  spirit  of  counsel 
and  might,  the  spirit  of  knowledge  and  the 
fear  of  the  Lord."  ~  This  would  never  be  at- 
tributed by  any  one  to  a  mere  man,  for  even 
to  the  very  holy  the  gifts  of  the  Spirit  are 
given  by  division,  as  the  divine  apostle  wit- 
nesses when  he  says,  "To  one  is  given  by 
the  Spirit  the  w^ord  of  wisdom,  to  another  the 
word  of  knowledge  by  the  same  Spirit,"^ 
and  so  on.  The  prophet  describes  Him  who 
sprang  from  the  root  of  Jesse  as  possessing 
all  the  powers  of  the  spirit. 

Eran.  —  To  gainsay  this  were  sheer  folly. 

Orth, — Now  hear  what  follows.  You 
will  see  some  things  that  transcend  human 
nature,  he  goes  on.  *'  He  shall  not  judge 
after  the  sight  of  His  eyes,  neither  reprove 
after  the  hearing  of  His  ears,  but  with  right- 
eousness shall  He  judge  the  poor,  and  re- 
prove with  equity  the  mighty  "  of  the  earth, 
and  He  shall  smite  the  earth  with  the  word 
of  His  mouth,  and  with  the  breath  of  His 
lips  shall  he  slay  the  wicked."'  Now  of 
these  predictions  some  are  human  and  some 
divine.  Justice,  truth,  equity,  and  rectitude 
in  giving  judgment  exhibit  virtue  in  human 
nature. 

Eran. — We  have  so  far  clearly  learned 
tliat  the  prophet  predicts  the  coming  of  our 
Saviour  Christ. 

Orth,  —  The  sequel  will  shew  you  yet 
more  plainly  the  truth  of  the  interpretation. 
For  he  goes  on,  "  The  wolf  shall  dwell  with 
the  lamb,"  ®  and  so  on,  whereby  he  teaches 
at  once  the  distinction  of  modes  of  life  and  the 
harmony  of  faith  ;  and  experience  furnishes- 
a  proof  of  the  prediction,  for  they  that  abound 
in  wealth,  they  that  live  in  poverty,  servants 
and  masters,  rulers  and  ruled,  soldiers  and 
citizens  and  they  that  wield  the  sceptre  of 
the  world  are  received  in  one  font,  are  all 
taught  one  doctrine,  are  all   admitted    to  one 


1  Isaiah  xi.  1.  -  Isaiah  xi.    2.  ^  I.  Cor.  xii.  S. 

4  A.  V.  "  reprove  with  equity  for  the  meek  of  the  earth;  " 
Sept.     fXfy^eL  Tous  Tanfiyov<;  rij?  7^5. 

^'  Isaiah  xi.  4.  ^  Is.  xi.  6. 


172 


THEODORET. 


mystic  table,  and  each  of  the  believers  enjoys 
an  equal  share. 

Eran.  —  It  is  thus  shewn  that  God  is 
spoken   of. 

Orth. — Not  only  God  but  man.  So  at 
the  very  beginning  of  this  prediction  he  says 
that  a  rod  shall  grow  out  of  the  root  of  Jesse. 
Then  at  the  conclusion  of  the  prediction  he 
takes  up  once  more  the  strain  with  which  he 
began,  for  he  says  "  There  shall  be  a  root  of 
Jesse  which  shall  stand  for  an  ensign  of  the 
people,  to  it  shall  the  Gentiles  seek  and  his 
rest  shall  be  glorious."  ^  Now  Jesse  was  the 
father  of  David,  and  the  promise  with  an  oath 
was  made  to  David.  The  prophet  would 
not  have  spoken  of  the  Lord  Christ  as  a  rod 
growing  out  of  Jesse  if  he  had  only  known 
Him  as  God.  The  prediction  also  foretold 
the  change  of  the  world,  for  ''the  earth" 
he  says  "  shall  be  full  of  the  knowledge  of 
the  Lord  as  the  waters  cover  the  sea."  " 

Eran.  —  I  have  heard  the  prophetic  utter- 
ances. But  I  was  anxious  to  know  clearly 
if  the  divine  company  of  the  apostles  also 
says  that  the  Lord  Christ  sprang  from  the 
seed  of  David  according  to  the  flesh. 

Orth. — You  have  asked  for  information 
which  so  far  from  being  hard  is  exceedingly 
easy  to  give  you.  Only  listen  to  the  first  of 
the  apostles  exclaiming  "  David  being  a 
prophet  and  knowing  that  God  had  sworn  an 
oath  to  him  that  of  the  fruit  of  his  loins,  ac- 
cording to  the  flesh.  He  would  raise  up 
Christ  to  sit  upon  His  throne ;  he  seeing 
this  before  spake  of  the  resurrection  of 
Christ,  that  His  soul  was  not  left  in  hell 
neither   His  flesh  did  see  corruption."^ 

Hence  you  may  perceive  that  of  the-  seed 
of  David  according  to  the  flesh  sprang  the 
Lord  Christ,  and  had  not  flesh  only  but  also 
a  soul. 

Eran. — What  other  apostle  preached 
this?, 

Orth. — The  great  Peter  alone  was  suffi- 
cient to  testify  to  the  truth,  for  the  Lord  after 
receiving  the  confession  of  the  truth  given  by 
Peter  alone  confirmed  it  by  a  mem.orable 
approval.  But  since  you  are  anxious  to  hear 
others  proclaiming  this  same  thing,  hear 
Paul  and  Barnabas  preaching  in  Antioch  in 
Pisidia  ;  for  they,  when  they  had  made  men- 
tion of  David,  continued  "Of  this  man's 
seed  hath  God  according  to  his  promise 
raised  unto  Israel  a  Saviour,  Jesus,"  ^  and  so 
on.  And  in  a  letter  to  Timothy  the  divine 
Paul  says  "  Remember,  that  Jesus  Christ  of 
the  seed  of  David  was  raised  from  the  dead 
according    to    my   gospel."  ^     And,     when 


'  Isaiah  xi.  lo. 
*  Isaiah  xi.  9. 


3  Acts  ii.  30-31. 
*  Acts  xiii.  23. 


5  2Tim;ii.  S. 


writing  to  the  Romans,  at  the  very  outset  he 
calls  attention  to  the  Davidic  kin,  for  he  says 
"  Paul  a  servant  of  Jesus  Christ,  called  to  be 
an  apostle,  separated  unto  the  gospel  of  God 
which  He  had  promised  before  by  his  prophets 
in  the  holy  scriptures  concerning  His  Son 
which  was  made  of  the  seed  of  David  ac- 
cording to  the  flesh,"  ^  and  so  on. 

Eran. — Your  proofs  are  numerous  and 
convincing  ;  but  tell  me  why  you  have  omitted 
what  follows.? 

Orth.  —  Because  it  is  not  about  the  God- 
head, but  about  the  manhood,  that  you  are 
in  difficulties.  Had  you  been  in  doui3t  about 
the  Godhead,  I  would  have  given  you  proof 
of  it.  It  is  enough  to  say  "  according  to  the 
Flesh"  to  declare  the  Godhead  which  is  not 
expressed  in  terms.  When  speaking  of  a  re- 
lationship of  man  in  general  1  do  not  say  the 
son  of  such  an  one  "  according  to  the  flesh," 
but  simply  "son,"  so  the  divine  Evange- 
list writing  his  genealogy  savs  "  Abraham 
begat  Isaac  "  ^  and  does  not  add  according  to 
tlie  flesh,  for  Isaac  was  merely  man,  and  he 
mentions  the  rest  in  like  manner,  for  they 
were  men  and  had  no  qualities  transcending 
their  nature.  But  when  the  heralds  of  the 
truth  are  discoursing  of  our  Lord  Christ,  and 
are  pointing  out  to  the  ignorant  His  lower 
relation,  they  add  the  words  "  according  to 
the  flesh,"  thus  indicating  His  Godhead  and 
teachingf  that  the  Lord  Christ  was  not  onlv 
man  but  also  Eternal  God. 

Eran,  —  You  have  adduced  many  proofs 
from  the  apostles  and  prophets,  but  I  follow 
the  words  of  the  Evangelist  "  The  Word 
was  made  Flesh. "^ 

Orth.  —  I  also  follow  this  divine  teaching, 
but  I  understand  it  in  a  pious  sense,  as  mean- 
ing that  He  was  made  Flesh  by  taking  flesh 
and  a  reasonable  soul.  But  if  the  divine 
Word  took  nothing  of  our  nature,  then  the 
covenants  made  with  the  patriarchs  by  the 
God  of  all  with  oaths  wiere  not  true,  and  the 
blessing  of  Judah  was  vain,  and  the  promise 
to  David  was  false,  and  the  Virgin  was  su- 
perfluous, because  she  did  not  contribute 
anything  of  our  nature  to  the  Incarnate  God. 
Then  the  predictions  of  the  prophets  have  no 
fulfilment.  Then  vain  is  our  preaching,  vain 
our  faith  and  vain  the  hope  of  the  resurrec- 
tion" for  the  Apostle,  it  appears,  lies  when  he 
says  "  and  hath  raised  us  up  together  and  made 
us  sit  together  in  heavenly  places  in  Christ 
Jesus."  ^     For  if  the  Lord  Christ  had  nothing 


DIALOGUES. 


U3 


of  our  nature  then  He  is  falsely  described  as 
our  first  fruits,  and  His  bodily  nature  has  not 
risen  from  the  dead  and  has  not  taken  the 
seat  in  Heaven  on  the  right  hand  ;  and  if  He 
has  obtained  none  of  these  things,  how  hath 
God  raised  ws  up  together  and  made  us  sit 
together  with  Christ,  when  we  in  no  wise 
belong  to  Him  in  Nature?  But  it  is  impious 
to  say  this,  for  the  divine  apostle,  though  the 
general  resurrection  has  not  yet  taken  place, 
thouofh  the  kinofdom  of  heaven  has  not  vet 
been  bestowed  upon  the  faithful,  exclaims, 
'^  He  hath  raised  us  up  together  and  made  us 
sit  together  in  heavenly  places  in  Christ 
Jesus,"  in  order  to  teach  that  since  the  resur- 
rection of  our  first  fruits,  and  His  sitting  on 
the  right  hand  has  come  to  pass,  we  too  in 
general  shall  attain  the  resurrection,  and  that 
all  they  who  share  in  His  nature  and  have 
adopted  His  faith,  share  too  in  the  first  fruits 
of  His  glory. 

Eran.  —  We  have  gone  through  many  and 
sound  arguments,  but  I  was  anxious  to  know 
the  force  of  the  Gospel  saying. 

Orth.  — You  stand  in  need  of  no  interpre- 
tation from  without.  The  evangelist  him- 
self interprets  himself.  For  after  saying 
'^  the  Word  was  made  flesh,"  he  goes  on 
*'  and  dwelt  among  us."^  That  is  to  say  by 
dwelling  in  us,  and  using  the  flesh  taken 
from  us  as  a  kind  of  temple.  He  is  said  to 
have  been  made  flesh,  and,  teaching  that  He 
remained  unchanged,  the  evangelist  adds 
'*  and  we  beheld  His  glory  —  the  glory  as  of 
the  only  begotten  of  the  Father,  full  of  grace 
and  truth."  ^  For  though  clad  with  flesh  He 
exhibited  His  Father's  nobility,  shot  forth  the 
beams  of  the  Godhead,  and  emitted  the  ra- 
diance of  the  power  of  the  Lord,  revealing 
by  His  works  of  wonder  His  hidden  nature. 
A  similar  illustration  is  afforded  by  the  words 
of  the  divine  apostle  to  the  Philippians : 
"  Let  this  mind  be  in  you  which  was  also  in 
Christ  Jesus,  who  being  in  the  form  of  God 
thought  it  not  robbery  to  be  equal  with  God, 
but  made  Himself  of  no  reputation  and  took 
upon  Him  the  form  of  a  servant  and  was 
made  in  the  likeness  of  men,  and  being 
found  in  fashion  as  a  man  he  humbled  Him- 
self and  became  obedient  unto  death  even  the 
death  of  the  cross."  ^ 

Look  at  the  relation  of  the  utterances. 
The  evangelist  says  "  the  Word  was  made 
flesh  and  dwelt  among  us,"  the  apostle, 
"  took  upon  him  the  form  of  a  servant ;  "  the 
evangelist  "  We  beheld  His  glory,  the  glory 
as  of  the  only  begotten  of  the  Father  "  —  the 
apostle,   "  who  being   in    the    form    of  God 


1  John  i.  14. 


2  John  i.  14. 


s  Phil.  ii.5.S. 


thought  it  not  robbery  to  be  equal  with 
God."  To  put  the  matter  briefly,  both  teach 
that  being  God  and  son  of  God,  and  clad 
with  His  Father's  glory,  and  having  the  same 
nature  and  power  with  Him  that  begat  Him, 
He  that  was  in  the  beginning  and  was  with 
God,  and  was  God,  and  was  Creator  of  the 
world,  took  upon  Him  the  form  of  a  servant, 
and  it  seemed  that  this  was  all  which  was 
seen  ;  but  it  was  God  clad  in  human  nature, 
and  w^orking  out  the  salvation  of  men.  This 
is  what  was  meant  by  ''  The  word  was  made 
flesh  "  and  "  was  made  in  the  likeness  of  men 
and  being  found  in  fashion  as  a  man." 
This  is  all  that  was  looked  at  by  the  Jews, 
and  therefore  thev  said  to  him  '^  For  a  ofood 
work  we  stone  Thee  not  but  for  blasphemy 
and  because  that  Thou  being  a  man  makest 
Thyself  God,"  ^  and  again  "  This  man  is  not 
of  God  because  He  keepeth  not  the  Sabbath 
Day."^ 

Eraii.  —  The  Jews  were  blind  on  account 
of  their  unbelief,  and  therefore  used  these 
words. 

Orth.  —  If  you  find  even  the  apostles  be- 
fore the  resurrection  thus  saying,  will  you  re- 
ceive the  interpretation?  I  hear  them  in  the 
boat,  after  the  mighty  miracle  of  the  calm, 
saying  *'  wdiat  manner  of  man  is  this,  that 
even  the  winds  and  the  sea  obey  Him  ?  "  ^ 

Eran.  —  This  is  made  plain.  But  now 
tell  me  this;  —  the  divine  apostle  says  that 
He  "  was  made  in  the  likeness  of  man." 

Orth. — What  was  taken  of  him  was  not 
man's  likeness,  but  man's  nature.  For  "  form 
of  a  servant"  is  imderstood  just  as  "the 
form  of  God  "  is  undei'stood  to  mean  God's 
nature.  He  took  this,  and  so  was  made  in 
the  likeness  of  man,  and  was  found  in  fashion 
as  a  man.  For,  being  God,  He  seemed  to 
be  man,  on  account  of  the  nature  wdiich  He 
took.  The  evangelist,  however,  speaks  of 
His  being  made  in  the  likeness  of  man  as 
His  being  made  flesh.  But  that  you  may 
know  that  they  who  deny  the  flesh  of  the 
Saviour  are  of  the  opposite  spirit,  hear  the 
great  John  in  his  Catholic  Epistle  saying 
'-''  Every  spirit  that  confesses  that  Jesus  Christ 
is  come  in  the  flesh  is  of  God,  and  every 
spirit  that  confesses  not  that  Jesus  Christ  is 
come  in  the  flesh  is  not  -of  God,  and  this  is 
that  spirit  of  Anti-Christ."  ' 

Eran. — You  have  given  a  plausible  in- 
terpretation, but  I  was  anxious  to  know  how 
the  old  teachers  of  the  Church  have  under- 
stood the  passage  "the  word  was  made 
flesh." 

Orth.  — You  ought  to  have  been  persuaded 


1  John  X.  33. 

2  Jolin  ix.  16. 


Matt.  viii.  27. 
I.J    hn  iv.  2,  3. 


174 


THEODORET. 


by  the  apostolic  and  prophetic  proofs  ;  but 
since  you  require  further  the  interpretations 
of  the  holy  Fathers  I  will  also  furnish  you, 
God  helping  me,  this  medicine. 

Eraft.  —  Do  not  bring  me  men  of  obscure 
position  or  doubtful  doctrine.  I  shall  not 
receive  the  interpretation  of  such  as  these. 

Orth.  —  Does  the  far  famed  Athanasius, 
brightest  light  of  the  church  of  Alexandria, 
seem  to  you  to  be  worthy  of  credit? 

Bran. — Certainly,  for  he  ratified  his 
teaching  by  the  suffering  he  underwent  for 
the  Truth's  sake. 

Ortk.  —  Hear  then  how  he  wrote  to  Epic- 
tetus.^  "  The  expression  of  John  '  the  Word 
was  made  flesh '  has  this  interpretation,  so 
far  as  can  be  discovered  from  the  similar  j^as- 
sage  which  we  find  in  St.  Paul  '  Christ  was 
made  a  curse  for  us.'  ^  It  is  not  because  He 
was  made  a  curse  but  because  He  received  the 
curse  on  our  behalf  that  He  is  said  to  have 
been  made  a  curse,  and  so  it  is  not  because 
He  was  turned  into  flesh,  but  because  He 
took  flesh  on  our  behalf,  that  He  is  said  to 
have  been  made  flesh."  So  far  the  divine 
Athanasius.  Gregory,  too,  whose  glory 
among  all  men  is  great,  who  formerly  ruled 
the  Imperial  city  at  the  mouth  of  the  Bos- 
phorus  and  afterwards  dwelt  at  Nazianzus, 
thus  wrote  to  Cledonius  against  the  specious 
fallacies  of  Apollinarius. 

Bran.  —  He  was  an  illustrious  man  and  a 
foremost  fighter  in  the  cause  of  piety. 

Orth.  —  Hear  him  then.  He  says^  "  the 
expression  '  He  was  made  Flesh  '  seems  to  be 
parallel  to  His  being  said  to  have  been  made 
sin  and  a  curse,"  not  because  the  Lord  was 
transmuted  into  these, — for  how  could  He? 
—  but  because  He  accepted  these  when  He 
took  on  Him  our  iniquities  and  bore  our  in- 
firmities." ^ 

Bran.  —  The  two  interpretations  agree. 

Orth,  —  We  have  shown  you  the  pastors 
of  the  south  and  north  in  harmony ;  now 
then  let  us  introduce  too  the  illustrious  teach- 
ers of  the  west,  who  have  written  their  in- 
terpretation, if  with  another  tongue,  yet  with 
one  and  the  same  mind. 

Bran.  —  I  am  told  that  Ambrosius,  who 
adorned  the  episcopal  throne  at  Milan,  fought 
in  the  first  ranks  against  all  heresy,  and 
wrote  works  of  great  beauty  and  in  agree- 
ment with  the  teaching  of  the  apostles. 

Orth. — I  will  give  you  his  interpretation. 
Ambrosius  says  in  his  work  concerning  the 
faith  "It  is  w^ritten  that  the  Word  was  made 
flesh.     I  do   not   deny  that  it  is  written,  but 


1  Ed.  Ben.  I.  2,  207.  Ml.Cor.  v.  21. 

2  Gnl.  iii.  1.^.  •■•  Isaiah  liii.  4. 
8  1  Ep.  ad  Cled.  i.  Ed.  Paris,  p.  744. 


Gal.  iii.  13. 


look  at  the  terms  used ;  for  there  follows 
'  and  dwelt  among  us,'  that  is  to  say  dwelt 
in  human  flesh.  You  are  therefore  aston- 
ished at  the  terms  in  which  it  is  written  that 
the  Word  was  made  flesh,  on  the  assumption 
of  flesh,  by  the  divine  Word,  wl^en  also  con- 
cerning sin  which  He  had  not,  it  is  said  that 
He  was  made  sin,  that  is  to  say  not  that  He 
was  made  the  nature  and  operation  of  sin, 
but  that  he  might  crucify  our  sin  in  the  flesh  ; 
let  them  then  give  over  asserting  that  the 
nature  of  the  Word  has  undergone  change 
and  alteration,  for  He  who  took  is  one  and 
that  w^iich  was  taken  other."  ^ 

It  is  now  fitting  that  you  should  hear  the 
teachers  of  the  east,  this  being  the  only 
quarter  of  the  world  which  we  have  hitherto 
left  unnoticed,  though  they  indeed  might 
well  have  first  witnessed  to  the  truth,  for  to 
them  was  first  imparted  the  teaching  of  the 
apostles.  But  since  you  have  sharpened 
your  tongues  against  the  first-born  sons  of 
piety  by  whetting  them  on  the  hone  of  false- 
hood, we  have  reserved  for  them  the  last 
place,  that  after  first  hearing  the  rest,  you 
might  lay  witness  by  the  side  of  witness,  and 
so  at  once  admire  their  harmony,  and  cease 
from  your  own  interminable  talk.  Listen 
then  to  Flavianus  who  for  a  long  time  right 
wisely  moved  the  tiller  of  the  church  of  An- 
tioch,  and  made  tlie  churches  which  he 
guided  ride  safe  over  the  Arian  storm,  by 
expounding  to  them  the  word  of  the  gospel. 
"  The  Word  was  made  flesh  and  dwelt  among 
us  ;  He  is  not  turned  into  flesh,  nor  yet  did 
he  cease  from  being  God,  for  this  he  was 
from  all  eternity  and  became  flesh  in  the  dis- 
pensation of  the  incarnation  2  after  himself 
building  his  own  temple,  and  taking  up  his 
abode  in  the  passible  creature."  And  if  you 
desire  to  hear  the  ancients  of  Palestine,  lend 
your  ears  to  the  admirable  Gelasius,  who 
did  diligent  husbandry  in  the  church  of 
Cassarea.  Now  these  are  his  words  in  his 
homily  on  the  festival  of  the  Lord's  epiphany.^ 

1  de  Incar.  Dom.  Sac.  vi.  II.  Ed.  Ben.  p.  716.  The  Latin  of 
Ambrose,  which  is  not  exactly  rendered  by  Theodoret,  is  as 
follows:  —  *'>S"/<:  scriptum    est,  inquiunt,   quia    Verbtim    caro 

factum  est  {loan  /,  14).  Scriptum  est,  non  nego:  sed  cojisid- 
era  quid  sequatur;  sequitur  enim  :  Et  habitavit  in  nobis,  hoc 
est,  illud  Verbum  quod  carnem  suscepit,  hoc  habitavit  in  nobis, 
hoc  est,  in  carue  habitavit  humana. 

*^  Miraris  ergo  quia  scriptum  est:  Verbum  caro  factum  est, 
cum  caro  assumpta  sit  a  Dei  Verbo:  quando  de  peccato  quod 
non  habuit,  scriptum  est  quia  peccatum  f actus  est,  hoc  est,  non 
7iatura  operationeque.  peccati,  utpote  in  similitudinem  carnis 
peccati f actus:  sed  ut  peccatum  nostrum  in  sua  came  crjicifi- 
geret,  susceptionem  pro  jiobis  itijirmitatum  ob7ioxii  jam  cor- 
poris peccati  carnahs  assumpsit. 

Desinant  ergo  dicere  nattcram  Verbi  in  corporis  naturam 
esse  mutatam;  ne pari  i7iierpretatione  videatur  natura  Verbi 
in  contagium  mutata  peccati  Aliud  est  enim  quod  assumpsit ^ 
et  aliud  quod  assumptum  est." 

2  Compare  note  on  pag^e  72. 

3"  In  the  Eastern  church  till  nearly  the  end  of  the  fourth 
century  we  find,  as  has  been  said,  the  divine  celebration  of 
Christ's  nativity  and  baptism  on  January  6th.  The  date  of  the 
severance  of  the  two  can  be  approximately  fixed,  for  Chrysos- 


DIALOGUES. 


T75 


*'  Learn  the  truth  from  the  words  of  John 
the  Fisherman,  '  And  the  word  was  made 
flesh/  not  having  himself  undergone  change, 
but  having  taken  up  his  abode  with  us.  The 
dweUing  is  one  thing;  the  Word  is  anotiier  ; 
the  temple  is  one  thing,  and  God  who  dwells 
in  it,  another." 

Eran.  —  I  am  much  struck  by  the  agree- 
ment. 

OrtJi.  — Now  do  you  not  suppose  that  the 
rule  of  the  apostolic  faith  was  kept  by  John, 
who  first  nobl}^  watered  the  field  of  the 
church  of  the  Antiochenes,  and  then  was  a 
wise  husbandman  of  that  of  the  imperial 
city? 

Eran.  -^  I  hold  this  teacher  to  be  in  all 
respects  an  admirable  one. 

Orth.  — Well,  this  most  excellent  man  has 
interpreted  this  passage  of  the  Gospel.  He 
writes/  ''  When  you  hear  that  the  Word  was 
made  flesh,  be  not  startled  or  cast  down,  for 
the  substance  did  not  deteriorate  into  flesh  — 
an  idea  of  the  uttermost  impiety  —  but  con- 
tinuing to  be  just  what  it  is,  so  took  the  form 
of  a  servant.  For  just  as  when  the  apostle 
says  '  Christ  hath  redeemed  us  from  the 
curse  of  the  law,  being  made  a  curse*  for 
us,' "  he  does  not  say  that  the  substance  of 
Christ  departed  from  His  own  glory,  and 
took  the  substance  of  a  curse,  a  position 
which  not  even  devils  would  imagine,  nor 
the  utterly  senseless,  and  the  naturally  idiotic 
—  so  remarkable  being  the  connection  be- 
tween impiety  and  insanity.  But  what  he 
does  assert  is  that  after  receiving  the  curse 
due  to  us,  He  does  not  suffer  us  to  be  cursed 
for  the  future.  It  is  in  this  sense  that  He 
is  stated  to  have  been  made  flesh,  not  be- 
cause he  had  changed  the  substance  into 
flesh,  but  because  he  had  assumed  the  flesh, 
the  substance  remaining  all  the  while  un- 
impaired."^ 

You  may  like  to  hear  also  Severianus, 
Bishop  of  Gabala.^  If  so,  I  will  adduce  his 
testimony  and  do  you  lend  your  ears. 

''  The  text  '  the  Word  was  made  flesh  ' 
does  not    indicate  a  deterioration    of  nature 


torn  refers  to  it  as  a  matter  of  merely  a  few  years'  standing,  in 
a  sermon  probably  delivered  on  the  Christmas  day  of  3S6  A.D. 
How  far  back  we  are  to  refer  the  origin  of  this  two-fold  festi- 
val it  is  not  easy  to  determine,  the  earliest  inention  of  any 
kind  being  the  alhision  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  to  the 
annual  commemoration  of  Christ's  baptism  by  the  Basilid- 
ians  (Stromata,  lib.  i.  c.  21).  At  any  rate  bv  the  latter  part  of 
the  fourth  century  the  Epiphany  had  become  one  of  the  most 
important  and  venerable  festivals  in  the  Eastern  church." 
Diet.  Christ.  Ant.  i.  617. 

1  Chrys.Ed.Sav.  II.p.  S98. 

2  Gal.  iii.  13, 

3  The  modern  reader  will  not  omit  to  note  the  bearing  of 
these  patristic  interpretations  of  the  scriptural  statements  that 
the  ^vord  was  "  made  "  flesh  and  that  Christ  was  "  made  "  a 
curse  on  later  controversies  concerning  Transubstantiation. 

*  On  the  northern  seaboard  of  Syria.  Severianus  ^vas  at 
one  time  Chrysostom's  commissary  and  afterwards  his  deter- 
mined opponent. 


but  the  assumption  of  our  nature.  Suppose 
vou  take  the  word  ^  was  made '  to  indicate 
a  change  ;  then  when  you  hear  Paul  saying 
'  Christ  hath  redeemed  us  from  the  curse  of 
the  law,  being  made  a  curse  for  us,'  do  you 
understand  him  to  mean  a  change  into  the 
nature  of  a  curse.''  Just  as  being  made  a 
curse  had  no  other  meaning  thim  that  He 
took  our  curse  upon  Himself,  so  the  words 
was  made  flesh  and  dwelt  among  us  mean 
nothing  other  than  the  assumption  of  flesh." 

Eran. — I  admire  the  exact  agreement^ 
of  these  men.  For  they  are  as  unanimous 
in  giving  the  same  interpretations  of  evan- 
gelical writings  as  if  they  had  met  in  the 
same  place  and  written  down  their  opinion 
together. 

Orth.  —  Mountains  and  seas  separate  them 
very  far  from  one  another,  yet  distance  does 
not  damage  their  harmony,  for  they  were  all 
inspired  by  the  same  gift  of  the  spirit.  I 
would  also  have  offered  you  the  interpreta- 
tions of  the  victorious  champions  of  piety 
Diodorus  and  Theodorus,  had  I  not  seen 
that  you  were  ill  disposed  towards  them,  and 
had  inherited  the  hostility  of  ApoUinarius  ; 
you  would  have  seen  that  they  have  expressed 
similar  experiences,  drawing  water  from  the 
divine  Fount,  and  becoming  themselves  too, 
streams  of  the  spirit.  But  1  will  pass  them 
by,  for  you  have  declared  a  truceless  war 
against  them.  I  will,  however,  shew  you 
the  famous  teacher  of  the  Church,  and  his 
mind  about  the  divine  incarnation,  that  you 
may  know  what  opinion  he  held  concerning 
the  assumed  nature.  You  have  no  doubt 
heard  of  the  illustrious  Ignatius,  who  re- 
ceived episcopal  grace  by  the  hand  of  the 
great  Peter, ^  and  after  ruling  the  church  of 
Antioch,  wore  the  crown  of  martyrdom. 
You  have  heard  too  of  Irenaeus,  who  enjoyed 
the  teaching  of  Polycarp,  and  became  a  light 
of  the  western  Gauls;  —  of  Hippolytus  and 
Methodius,  bishops  and  martyrs,  and  the 
rest,  whose  names  I  will  append  to  their 
expressions  of  opinion. 

Eran.  —  I  am  exceedingly  desirous  of 
hearing  their  testimony  too. 

Orth.  —  Hear  them  now  bringing  forward 
the  apostolic  teaching.  Testimony  of  Saint 
Ignatitis^  bishop  of  Antioch.,  and  martyr, 

Ero?n  the  letter  to  the  Smyrnceans  (L)  :  — 

"  Having  a  full  conviction  with  respect  to 
our  Lord  as  being  truly  descended  from  David 

1  The  value  of  Chrysostom  and  Severianus  as  independent 
witnesses  is  somewhat  weakened  by  the  fact,  pointed  out  by 
Schulze,  that  among  the  writings  of  the  former  some  are 
attributed  to  the  latter. 


Christ.  Biog 


176 


THEODORET. 


according  to  the  flesh,  son  of  God  according 
to  Godhead^  and  power,  born  really  of  a 
virgin,  baptized  by  John  that  all  righteous- 
ness might  be  fulfilled'-  by  Him,  really  in 
the  time  of  Pontius  Pilate  and  of  Herod 
the  tetrarch  crucified  for  our  sake  in  the 
fiesh."^ 

Of  the  same  in  the  same  epistle :  — 

'*  For  what  advantageth  it  me  if  a  man 
praises  me  but  blasphemes  my  Lord,  in  not 
confessing  him  to  be  a  bearer  of  flesh?  but 
he  who  does  not  make  this  confession  really 
denies  Him  and  is  himself  bearer  of  a 
corpse.'"* 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  epistle :  — 

"For  if  these  things  were  done  by  our 
Lord  in  appearance  only,  then  it  is  in  appear- 
ance onl}"  that  I  am  a  prisoner  in  chains  ;  and 
why  have  I  delivered  myself  to  death,  to 
fire,  to  sword,  to  the  beasts?  But  he  who 
is  near  to  the  sword  is  near  to  God.^  Only 
in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  that  I  may 
share  liis  suflerings  I  endure  all  things 
while  He,  Perfect  Man  whom  some  in  their 
ignorance  deuy,  gives  me  strength."  ^ 

From  the  same  in  the  letter  to  the  Ephe- 
sians  :  — 

''  For  our  God  Jesus  Christ  was  born  in 
Mary's  womb  by  dispensation  of  God  of  the 
seed  of  David  '  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost  who 
was  born  and  was  baptized  that  our  mortality 
might  be  purified."^ 

From  the  same  epistle  :  — 

"  If  ye  all  individually  come  together  by 
grace  name  by  name  in  one  faith,  and  in  one 
Jesus  Christ  according  to  the  flesh  of  David's 
race  Son  of  God  and  Son  of  man.^ 

Oy  the  sa?ne  from  the  saine  epistle :  — 

''  There  is  one  Physician  of  flesh  and  of 
spirit  generate  and  ingenerate,  God  in  man, 
true  life  in  death,  Son  of  Mary  and  of  God, 
first  passible  and  then  impassible,  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord."  ^« 

Lastly  of  the  same  in   his    epistle  to  the 
Trallians  :  — 

''  Be  ye  made  deaf  therefore  when  any 
man  speaks  to  you  apart  from  Jesus   Christ, 


'  Bp.  Lightfoot  {Ap.  Fathers  ft.  II.  ii.  2qo.)  adopts  the 
readinj^  Kard.  iJeArj/jia  Kai  bvvaixiv  for  /card  OeoTijra,  and  notes 
"  Thcodoret  strangely  substitutes  i^eoTrjra  for  ■deXrifxa.  This 
reading  .  .  .  maybe  dueto  .  .  .  ignorance  of  the  abso- 
lute use  of  t?eAi7ju,3i.  The  Armenian  translator  likewise  has 
substituted  another  word." 

2  Matt.  ill.  15. 

2  la.  ad  Smyrn.  I. 

<  There  is  a  play  here  on  the  trapxoc^opo?,  ve/cpocfxipo?,  and, 
possibly,  0e«iff)6po9.  Vide  Pearson  and  I^ightfoot  adloc.  (Ignat. 
ad  Smyrn.  V.) 

''  "  A  saying  to  this  effect  is  attributed  to  Our  Lord  by 
Didymus  on  Ps  :  Ixxxviii  S.  It  is  mentioned  also  by  Origen 
Hom.XX.     In  Jetem -.  Sec.  III."     Bp.  Ughtfoot  1.  c. 

''  lynat.  ad  Smyrn.  IV. 

'  Coinj^are  note  on  p;ige  72. 

"  Bp.  Liu'htfont  adopts  the  reading  of  Cod.  Med.  **that  by 
his  passion  he  miL>ht  cleanse  tiie  water."     Ig.  ad  Eph.  XVIII. 

'•'Ig.  ad  PLph.  XX. 

"Ignat.  ad  Eph.  VII. 


who  was  of  David's  race  and  of  Mary,  v- ho 
was  really  born  and  really  ate  and  drank 
and  was  persecuted  in  the  time  of  Pontius 
Pilate,  was  crucified  and  died,  while  beings 
on  earth  and  beings  in  heaven  and  beings 
under  the  earth  were   looking  on."^ 

Testimony  of  Jrenceus  bishop  of  Lyons ^ 
from  his  third  book  Against  the  heresies :  — 
"  Why  then  did  they  add  the  w^ords  '  In 
the  city  of  David, ^  save  to  proclaim  the 
good  news  that  the  promise  made  by  God  to 
David,  that  of  the  Iruit  of  his  loins  shoidd 
come  an  everlasting  king,  was  fulfilled ; 
a  promise  which  indeed  the  Creator  of  the 
world  had   made."  " 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  book  :  - — 
"  And  when  he  says  '  Hear  ye  now,  Oh 
House  of  David'"  he  means  that  the  ever- 
lasting King  whom  God  promised  to  David 
that  he  would  raise  up  from  his  body  is  He 
who  was  born  of  David's  Virgin." 

Of  the  saine  fro?n  the  same  book :  — 
"  If  then  the  first  Adam  had  had  a  human 
father  and  had  been  begotten  of  seed,  it 
would  have  been  reasonable  to  say  that  the 
second  Adam  had  been  begotten  of  Joseph. 
But  if  the  former  was  taken  from  earth,  and 
his  creator  was  God,  it  was  necessary  also 
that  He  who  renews  in  himself  the  man 
created  by  God  should  have  the  same 
likeness  of  generation  with  that  former. 
Why  then  did  not  God  again  take  dust? 
Why  did  he  on  the  other  hand  ordain  that 
the  formation  should  be  made  of  Mary? 
That  there  might  be  no  other  creation  ;  that 
that  which  was  being  saved  might  be  no 
other  thing;  but  that  the  former  might  him- 
self be  renewed  without  loss  of  the  likeness. 
For  then  do  they  too  fall  away  who  allege 
that  He  took  nothing  from  the  Virgin,  that 
they  may  repudiate  the  inheritance  of  the 
flesh  and  cast  oft^  the  likeness."  " 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  book :  — 
'*  Since  his  going  down  into  Mary  is  use- 
less;  for  why  went  He  down  into  her  if  He 
was  designed  to  take  nothing  from  her? 
And  further,  if  He  had  taken  nothing  from 
Mary  He  would  not  have  accepted  the  food 
taken  from  earth  whereby  is  nourished  the 
body  taken  from  earth,  nor  would  He  like 
Moses  and  Elias,  after  fasting  forty  days, 
have  hungered,  on  account  of  His  body  de- 
manding its  own  food,  nor  yet  would  John 
his  disciple  wdien  writing  about  him  have 
said  —  '  Jesus  being  wearied  from  his  jour- 
ney sat,'^  nor  would  David  have  uttered  the 
prediction    about   him    'And   they   added   to 


t  Ig.  ad  Trail,  ix. 

2  Luke  li.  4. 

3  Ps.  cxxxii.  II. 


■*  Is.  vii.  13. 
■■■'Cont.  Haer.  iii.  31. 
''John  iv.  6. 


DIALOGUES. 


177 


the  pain  of  my  wounds,'^  nor  would  He 
have  wept  over  Lazarus,^  nor  would  He  have 
sweated  drops  of  blood, ^  nor  would  He 
have  said,  '  my  soul  is  exceedingly  sorrow- 
ful,' *  nor  yet  when  He  was  pierced  would 
blood  and  water  have  issued  from  His  side." 
For  all  these  things  are  proofs  of  the  flesh 
taken  from  earth,  which  He  had  renewed  in 
Himself  in  the  salvation  of  his  own  crea- 
ture." ^ 

Of  the  same  fro77i  the  same  book  :  — 
"  For  as  by  the  disobedience  of  the  one 
man  vs^ho  was  first  formed  from  rude  earth 
the  many  were  made  sinners  '  and  lost  their 
life,  so  also  was  it  fitting  that  through 
obedience  of  one  man,  the  firstborn  of  a 
virgin,  many  should  be  made  righteous  and 
receive  their  salvation.  "  ^ 

Of  the  safne  from  the  sa7ne  work  :  — 
"  '  I  have  said  ye  are  gods  and  all  of  you 
children  of  the  Most  High  but  ye  shall  die 
like  man.'  ^  This  He  says  to  them  that  did 
not  accept  the  gift  of  adoption,  but  dishonour 
the  incarnation  of  the  pure  generation  of  the 
word  of  God,  deprive  man  of  his  ascent  to 
God,  and  are  ungrateful  to  the  Word  of  God 
who  for  their  sakes  was  made  flesh.  For 
this  cause  was  the  word  made  man  that  man 
receiving  the  word  and  accepting  the  adop- 
tion should  be  made  God's  son."^*^ 
Of  the  same  from  the  same  book  :  — 
"  Since  then  on  account  of  the  fore- 
ordained dispensation"  the  spirit  came 
down,  and  the  only  begotten  Son  of  God, 
who  also  is  Word  of  the  Father,  when  the 
fulness  of  time  was  come,  was  made  flesh 
in  man  and  our  Lard  Jesus  Christ  —  being 
one  and  the  same  —  fulfilled  all  the  human 
dispensation  as  the  Lord  himself  testifies, 
and  the  apostles  confess,  all  the  teachings 
of  men  who  invented  the  ogdoads  and 
tetrads  and  similitudes  are  proved  plainly 
false."  ^2 

Testiinony  of  the  Holy  Hippolytus^  Bishop 


1  Ps.  Ixix.  26.  A.  V.  They  talk  to  the  grief  of  those  whom 
thou  hast  wounded.  Ixx.  R.  V.  They  tell  of  the  sorrow  of  those 
whom  thou  hast  wounded. 

2  John  xi.  35.  7  Rom.  v.  19. 

3  I.uke  xxii.  44.  «  Cont.  Haer.  iii.  20. 

4  Mat.  xxvi.  28.  9  Ps,  Ixxxii.  67. 

^'  John  xix.  34.  '0  Cont.  Haer.  in.  21. 

<>  Cont.  Hajr.  iii.  32.  n  Vide  note  on  page  72. 

12  Adv.  Hier.  iii.  26.  The  allusion  is  to  the  gnostics  and 
mainly  to  Valentinus  and  his  school  who  imagined  seven 
heavens,  and  a  supercelestial  space  termed  '*  Ogdoad."  "  The 
doctrine  of  an  Ogdoad  of  the  commencement  of  finite  exist- 
ence having  been  established  by  Valentinus,  those  of  his  foi- 
lowers  who  had  been  imbued  with  the  Pythagorean  philosophy 
introduced  a  modification.  In  that  philosophy  the  tetrad  was 
regarded  with  peculiar  veneration,  and  held  to  be  the  founda- 
tion of  the  sensible  world."  Cf.  Hippolytus  Ref.  vi.  23,  p.  179 
"  We  read  there  (Iren.  i.  xi.}  of  Secundus  as  a  Valentinian 
who  divided  the  Ogdoad  into  a  right  hand  and  a  left  hand 
tetrad,  and  in  the  case  of  Marcus  who  largely  uses  Pyth- 
agorean speculations  about  numbers  the  tetrad  holds  the 
highest  place  in  the  system."  Dr.  Salmon,  Diet.  Christ.  Biog. 
iv.  72.  Irenaeus  wrote  a  work,  no  longer  extant,  "  on  the  Og- 
doad."    Euseb.  H.  E.  v.  20. 


of   God  might  be 


a72d  Martyr^  fro77t  his  discourse  07i^    ''  The 
Lord  Is  my  shepherd  "  .*  — 

"And  an  ark  of  incorruptible  wood  was 
the  Saviour  Himself,  for  the  incorruptibil'ity 
and  indestructibility  of  His  Tabernacle 
signified  its  producing  no  corruption  of  sin. 
For  the  sinner  who  confesses  his  sin  says 
'  My  wounds  stink  and  are  corrupt  because 
of  my  foolishness.' "  But  the  Lord  was 
without  sin,  made  in  His  human  nature  of 
incorruptible  wood,  that  is  to  say,  of  the 
Virgin  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  overlaid  within 
and  without,  as  it  were,  by  purest  gold  of 
the  word  of  God." 

Of  the  sa77te  fro77i  his  discourse  on  El- 
kaiiah  a7id  Hannah  :  — 

"  Bring  me  then,  O  Samuel,  the  Heifer 
drawn  to  Bethlehem,  that  you  may  shew  the 
King  begotten  of  David,  and  anointed  King 
and  Priest  by  the  Father." 

Frof7t  the  sa77ie  discourse  :  — 

''  Tell  me,  O  Blessed  Mary,  what  it  was 
that  was  conceived  by  thee  in  the  womb  ; 
what  it  was  that  was  borne  by  thee  in  a 
Virgin's  womb.  It  was  the  Word  of  God, 
firstborn  from  Heaven,  on  thee  descending, 
and  man  firstborn  being  formed  in  a  womb, 
that  the  first  born  Word 
shewn   united  to  a  firstborn  man." 

Fro7n  the  sa777e  discourse  :  — 

"  The  second,  which  was  through  the 
prophets  as  through  Samuel,  he  revokes, 
and  turns  his  people  from  the  slavery  of 
strangers.  The  third,  in  which  He  took  the 
manhood  of  the  Virgin  and  was  present  in 
the  flesh  ;  who,  when  He  saw  the  city  wept 
over  it." 

Of  the  sa77ze  fro77z  his  discourse  on  the 
begln7il7tg  of  Isaiah  '."^  — 

'•'  He  likens  the  world  to  Egypt ;  its  idola- 
try, to  images  ;  its  removal  and  destruction  to 
an  earthquake.  The  Word  he  calls  the 
'  Lord  '  and  by  a  '  swift  cloud '  he  means 
the  right  pure  tabernacle  enthroned  on  which 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  entered  into  life  to 
undo  the  fall." 

Testl77207iy  of  the  Holy  Methodlus^'^  bishop 
aTtd  martyr^  from  his  discourse  07i  the 
martyrs  :  — 

"  So  wonderful  and  precious  is  martyr- 
dom that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  Himself, 
the  Son  of  God,  testified  in  its  honour  that 
He  thought  it  not  robbery  to  be  equal  with 
God,  that  He  might  crown  with  this  grace 
the  Manhood  into  whom  He  had  come 
down." 

Testl77io7iy  of  the  holy  Eustathlus^  bishop 

1  Ps.  xxiii.  I.         2  Ps.  xxxviii.  5.         3  Vide  Isaiah  xix.  i. 

*  Bishop  first  of  Olympus  and  then  of  Patara  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  4th  c.  This  is  the  only  fragment  preserved  by 
Theodoret. 


178 


THEODORET. 


of  Antioch^  confessor.  Fro  in  his  interpre- 
tation of  the  xvith  Psalm  :  — 

'''  The  soul  of  Jesus  experienced  both. 
For  it  was  in  the  place  of  the  souls  of  men 
and  being  made  without  the  flesh,  lives  and 
survives.  So  it  is  reasonable  and  of  the  same 
substance  as  the  souls  of  men,  just  as  the 
flesh  is  of  the  same  substance  as  the  flesh  of 
men,  coming  forth  from  Mary." 

Of  the  saine  from  his  work  about  the 
soul :  — 

"  On  looking  at  the  education  of  the  child, 
or  at  the  increase  of  his  stature,  or  at  the 
extension  of  time,  or  at  the  growth  of  the 
body,  what  would  they  say?  But,  to  omit 
the  miracles  wrought  upon  earth,  let  them 
behold  the  raisings  of  the  dead  to  life,  the 
signs  of  the  Passion,  the  marks  of  the 
scourges,  the  bruises  and  the  blows,  the 
wounded  side,  the  prints  of  the  nails, 
the  shedding  of  the  blood,  the  evidences 
of  the  death,  and  in  a  word  the  actual  resur- 
rection of  the  very  body." 

From  the  same  work  :  — 

"  Indeed  if  any  one  looks  to  the  gener- 
ation of  the  body,  he  would  clearly  discover 
that  after  being  born  at  Bethlehem  He  was 
wrapped  in  swaddling  clothes,  and  was 
brought  up  for  some  tune  in  Egypt,  because 
of  the  evil  counsel  of  the  cruel  Herod,  and 
grew  to  man's  estate  at  Nazareth." 

From  the  same  work  :  — 

''  For  the  tabernacle  of  the  Word  and  of 
God  is  not  the  same,  wherebv  the  blessed 
Stephen  beheld  the  divhie  glory."  ^ 

Of  the  same  from  his  sermon  on  "  the 
Lord  created  rae  in  the  beginning  of  His 

"  If  the  Word  received  a  beginning  of 
His  generation  from  the  time  when  pass- 
ing through  His  mother's  womb  He  wore 
the  human  frame,  it  is  clear  that  He  was 
made  of  a  woman  ;  but  if  He  was  from  the 
first  Word  and  God  with  the  Father,  and 
if  we  assert  that  the  universe  was  made  by 
Him,  then  He  who  is  and  is  the  cause  of  all 
created  things  was  not  made  of  a  woman, 
but  is  by  nature  God,  self  existent,  infinite, 
incomprehensible ;  and  of  a  woman  was 
made  man,  formed  in  the  Virgin's  womb  by 
the  Holy  Ghost." 

From  the  same  work  :  — 

"  For  a  temple  absolutely  holy  and  unde- 
filed  is  the  tabernacle  of  the  word  according 
to  the  flesh,  wherein  God  visibly  made  his 
habitation  and  dwelt,  and  we  assert  this  not 
of  conjecture,  for  He  who  is  by  nature  the 
Son  of  this  God  when  predicting  the  destruc- 


1  Acts  vii.  57. 


2  Prov.  viii.  22.      Sejit. 


tion  and  resurrection  of  the  temple  distinctly 
instructs  us  by  His  teaching  when  He  says  to 
the  murderous  Jews,  '  Destroy  this  temple 
and  in  three  days  I  will  raise  it  up.'  "  ^ 

From  the  same  work  :  — 

"  Wlien  then  the  Word  built  a  temple  and 
carried  the  manhood,  companying  in  a  body 
with  men.  He  invisibly  displayed  various 
miracles,  and  sent  forth  the  apostles  as  her- 
alds of  His  everlasting  kingdom." 

Of  the  sa??2e  from  his  intrepretation  of 
Psalm  xcii :  — 

"It  is  plain  then  if  'He  that  anointeth  * 
means  God  whose  throne  He  calls  '  ever- 
lasting,' the  anointer  is  plainly  by  nature 
God,  begotten  of  God.  But  the  anointed 
took  an  acquired  virtue,  being  adorned  with 
a  chosen  temple  of  the  Godhead  dwelling 
in  it." 

Phe  testi?no?iy  of  the  holy  Athanaslus^ 
Bishop  of  Alexandria  and  Confessor,  From 
the  defence  of  Dionysius  Bishop  of  Alex- 
aitdria  :  — 

"  '  I  am  the  vine,  ye  are  the  branches  My 
Father  is  the  husbandman.'  ^  For  we  accord- 
ing to  the  body  are  of  kin  to  the  Lord,  and 
for  this  reason  He  himself  said  ^  I  will  de- 
clare thy  name  unto  my  brethren,'  ^  And 
just  as  the  branches  are  of  one  substance 
with  the  vine,  and  of  it,  so  too  we,  since  we 
have  bodies  akin  to  the  body  of  the  Lord, 
receive  them  of  His  fulness,  and  have  it  as  a 
root  for  our  resurrection  and  salvation.  And 
the  Father  is  called  a  husbandman,  for  He 
Himself  through  the  Word  tilled  the  vine 
which  is  the  Lord's  body." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  treatise  :  — 

"'  The  Lord  was  called  a  vine  on  account 
of  His  bodily  relationship  to  the  branches 
which  are  ourselves." 

Of  the  same  frotn  his  greater  oration  con- 
cerning the  faith  :  — 

"  The  scripture  '  in  the  beginning  was  the 
Word  '  '*  clearl}^  indicates  the  Godhead.  The 
passage  '  the  Word  was  made  flesh  ' "  shews 
the  human  nature  of  the  Lord." 

From  the  same  discourse:  — 

"•  '  He  shall  wash  His  garments  in  wine'^ 
that  is  His  body,  which  is  the  vestment  of 
the  Godhead  in  His  own  blood." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  discourse  :  — 

•'  The  Word  '  was"  is  referred  to  His  divin- 
ity, the  words  '  was  made  flesh  '  ^  to  His  body, 
the  Word  was  made  flesh  not  by  being 
reduced  to  flesh,  but  by  bearing  flesh,  just  as 
any  one  might  say  such  an  one  became  or 
was  made  an  old  man,  though  not  so  born 


1  John  ii.  19. 

2  "John  XV.  5  and  i. 

3  Ps.  xii.  22. 
*  John  i.  I. 


s  John  i.  14. 
^  Gen.  xlix.  1 1. 
^  Jolin  i.  I. 
8  John  i.  14. 


Ixx. 


DIALOGUES. 


179 


from  the  beginniiif^,  or  the  soldier  became  a 
veteran,  not  being  previously  such  as  he  be- 
came. John  says,  '  I  became,'  or  '  was  in 
the  island  of  Patmos  on  the  Lord's  day.'  ^  Not 
that  he  was  made  or  born  there,  but  he  says 
'  I  became  or  was  in  Patmos  '  instead  of  say- 
ing '  I  arrived  ; '  so  the  Word  '  arrived  '  at 
flesh,  as  it  is  said  '  the  Word  was  made  flesh.' 
Hear  the  words  '  I  became  like  a  broken  ves- 
sel,' -  and  '  I  became  like  a  man  that  hath  no 
strength,  free  among  the  dead.'  "^ 

Of  the  same  from  his  letter  to  Epicte- 
tus :  — - 

''Whoever  heard  such  things?  Who 
taught  them  ?  Who  learnt  them  ?  'Out  of 
Zion  shall  go  forth  the  law  and  the  Word  of 
the  Lord  from  Jerusalem.'  ■*  But  whence  did 
these  things  come  forth  ?  What  hell  vomited 
them  out.^  To  say  that  the  body  taken  of 
Mary  was  of  the  same  substance  as  the  God- 
head of  the  Word,  or  that  the  Word  was 
changed  into  flesh  and  bones  and  hairs  and 
a  whole  body  ;  whoever  heard  in  a  church 
or  at  all  among  Christians  that  God  bore  a 
body  by  adoption  and  not  by  birth?  "  * 

Of  the  same  front  the  same  Epistle :  — 

"But  who,  hearing  that  the  Word  made 
for  Himself  a  passible  body,  not  of  Mary, 
but  of  His  own  substance,  would  call  the 
sayer  of  these  things  a  Christian  ?  Who 
has  invented  so  unfounded  an  impiety,  as 
even  to  think  and  to  say  that  they  who  aflirm 
the  Lord's  body  to  be  of  Mary,  conceive  no 
longer  of  a  Trinity,  but  of  a  auaternity  in 
the  godhead.'^  As  though  they  that  are  of 
this  opinion  described  the  flesh  which  the 
Saviour  clothed  himself  with  of  Mary  as  of 
the  substance  of  the  Trinitv. 

''  Whence  further  have  some  men  vomited 
forth  an  impiety  as  bad  as  the  foregoing,  and 
alleged  that  the  body  is  not  of  later  time  than 
the  godhead  of  the  Word,  but  has  always 
been  co-eternal  with  it,  since  it  is  formed  of 
the  substance  of  wisdom." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  letter :  — 

"•  So  the  body  taken  of  Mary  was  human 
according  to  the  scriptures,  and  real  in  that 
it  was  the  same  as  our  own.  For  Mary  was 
our  sister,  since  we  are  all  of  Adam,  a  fact 
which  no  one  could  doubt  who  remembers 
the  words  of  Luke."  ^ 

Testimony  of  the  holy  Basils  bishop  of 
C(Esarea :  — 

From  the  interpretation  of  Psahn  LX. 

"  All  strangers  have  stooped  and  been  put 
under  the  yoke  of  Christ,  wherefore  also  '  over 

1  Rev.  1.  9.  3  Ps.  Ixxxviii.  4.  5. 

2  Ps.  XXI.  12.  *  Isaiah  ii.  13. 

"'•  The  antithesis  is  between  the  Greek  words  t9^eo-ts  and 
<f)ii<ris.  cf.  "  Kpti'OTeAT;!'  llirSapou,  ^iakx.  6e  <I>iAo^ei'OU."  Corp. 
Ins.  (add.)  2480.  d.  c  Luke  iii.  38. 


Edom  '  does  he  '  cast  out '  his  '  shoe.' '  Now^ 
the  shoe  of  the  Godhead  is  the  flesh  which 
bore  God  whereby  he  came  among  men." 

Of  the  same  from  his  writings  about  the 
Holy  Ghost  to  Amphilochius :  — 

"•  He  uses  the  phrase  '  of  whom  '  instead 
of  '  through  whom  ; '  as  when  Paul  says 
'  made  of  a  woman.'  -  He  clearly  made 
this  distinction  for  us  in  another  place  where 
he  says  that  the  being  made  of  the  man  is 
proper  to  a  woman,  but  to  a  man  the  being 
made  by  the  woman,  in  the  words  '  For  as 
the  woman  is  of  the  man  so  is  the  man  by 
the  woman.'  ^  But  with  the  object  at  once 
of  pointing  out  the  different  use  of  these  ex- 
pressions, and  of  correcting  obiter  an  error 
of  certain  men  who  supposed  the  body  of  the 
Lord  to  be  spiritual,  that  he  may  shew  how 
the  God-bearing  flesh  was  composed  of 
human  matter,  he  gives  prominence  to  the 
more  emphatic  expression,  for  the  expression 
'by  a  woman  '  was  in  danger  of  suggesting 
that  the  sense  of  the  word  generation  was 
merely  in  passing  through,  while  the  phrase 
'  of  the  woman  '  makes  the  common  nature 
of  the  child  and  of  the  mother  plain 
enough." 

Testimony  of  the  holy  Gregory  bishop 
of  Nazia7tus,  From  the  form,er  exposition 
to  Cledonius :  — 

"  If  any  one  says  that  the  flesh  came  down 
from  heaven,  and  not  from  this  earth,  and 
from  us,  let  him  be  Anathema.  For  the 
words  'The  second  man  is  from  heaven,"* 
and  '  as  is  the  heavenly  such  are  they  also 
that  are  heavenly ' "  and  '  no  man  hath  as- 
cended up  to  heaven  but  the  son  of  man  that 
came  down  from  heaven,'  ^  and  any  other 
similar  passage,  must  be  understood  to  be 
spoken  on  account  of  the  union  with  man, 
as  also  the  statement  that  '  all  thino^s  were 
made  by  Christ,'  ^  and  that  '  Christ  dwells 
in  our  hearts,'  ^  must  be  understood  not  ac- 
cording to  the  sensible,  but  according  to  the 
intellectual  conception  of  the  Godhead,  the 
terms  being  commingled  together  just  as  are 
the  natures." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 

"  Let  us  see  from  their  own  words  what 
reason  they  give  for  the  being  made  man, 
that  is  for  the  incarnation.  If  indeed  it  was 
that  God  otherwise  not  contained  in  space, 
might  be  contained  in  space  and,  as  it 
were  under  a  veil,  might  converse  with  men 
in  the  flesh,  then  their  mask  and  their 
stage  play  are  exquisite  :  not  to  say  that  it 
was  possible  for  Him  otherwise  to  converse 


1  Ps.  lx.8. 

2  Gal.  iv.  4. 

8  I.  Cor.  xi.  12. 
4  I.  Cor.  XV.  47, 


6  I.  Cor.  XV.  48. 
6  John  iii.  13. 
■^  John  i.  3. 
8  "Ephes.iii.  17. 


i8o 


THEODORET. 


with  us,  as  of  yore,  in  a  burning  bush  and  in 
human  form,  but  if  that  He  might  undo  the 
damnation  of  sin  by  taking  like  to  like  ^  then 
just  as  He  required  flesh  on  account  of  the 
condemned  flesh,  and  a  soul  on  account  of 
the  soul,  so  too  he  required  a  mind  on  ac- 
count of  the  mind,  which  in  Adam  not 
only  fell  but, — to  employ  a  term  which 
physicians  are  accustomed  to  use  about  dis- 
eases—  was  affected  with  original  malady.^ 
For  that  which  did  not  keep  the  command- 
ment was  what  had  received  the  command- 
ment ;  and  that  which  dared  transgression 
was  what  had  not  kept  the  commandment ; 
and  that  which  specially  needed  salvation 
was  what  had  transgressed,  and  that  which 
was  assumed  was  what  needed  salvation  ;  so 
the  mind  was  assumed.  Now  this  point  has 
been  demonstrated,  whether  they  will  or  no, 
by  proofs  which  are  so  to  say  mathematical 
and  necessary.  But  you  are  doing  just  as 
though,  if  a  man  were  to  have  a  diseased 
eye  and  a  limping  foot  you  were  to  cure  the 
foot  but  leave  the  eye  uncured ;  or,  if  a 
painter  had  painted  a  picture  badly,  were  to 
alter  the  picture,  but  leave  the  painter  alone, 
as  though  he  were  doing  his  work  well. 
But  if  they  are  so  constrained  by  these  argu- 
ments as  to  take  refuge  in  the  statement  that 
it  is  possible  for  God  to  save  man,  even 
without  a  mind,  why  then  clearly  He  might 
have  done  so  even  without  flesh,  by  the  mere 
expression  of  His  will,  just  as  He  works  and 
has  worked  in  the  universe  without  a  body. 
Away  then  with  the  flesh  as  well  as  with 
the  mind  !  Let  there  be  no  inconsistency  in 
your  absurdity." 

Testimony  of  the  Holy  Gregory,,  bishop  of 
Nyssa.     From  his  sermon  on  Abraham  :  — 

*'  So  the  Word  came  down  not  naked,  but 
after  having  been  made  flesh,  not  in  the  form 
of  God,  but  in  the  form  of  a  servant.^  This 
then  is  He  who  said  that  He  could  do  noth- 
ing of  Himself.'*  For  the  not  being  able  is 
the  part  of  powerlessness.  For  as  darkness 
is  opposed  to  light,  and  death  to  life,  so 
is  weakness  to  power.  But  yet  Christ  is 
Power  of  God.  Power  is  wholly  incon- 
sistent with  not  being  able.  For  if  power 
were  powerless  what  is  powerful  ?  When 
then  the  Word  declares  that  He  can  do 
nothing  it  is  plain  that  He  does  not  attribute 
his  powerlessness  to  the  Godhead  of  the 
Only-begotten,  but  connects  his  not  being 
able  with   the  powerlessness  of  our  nature. 


1  The  original  for  ap7ra<ra?,  "  seizing^  "  has  ayi.a<Ta<;  i.  e,  hal- 
lowing. 

2  Tne  word  used  is  irpwroiraOelv,  a  late  and  rare  one.  Galen 
uses  the  correlative  TrpcoTOTra^eia  to  express  a  condition  distin- 
guished from  o-u/oi, Trade  la. 

2  Phil.  ii.  7.  *  John  V.  19. 


The  flesh   is  weak,   as    it   is    written,   '  The 
spirit  is  willing,  but  the  flesh  is  weak.'  "  ^ 

Of  the  same  from  his  Book  ''•on  the  Per- 
fection of  Life  "  ;  — 

"Again  the  true  lawgiver,  of  whom  Moses 
was  a  type,  hewed  for  Himself  out  of  our 
earth  the  slabs  of  nature.  No  wedlock  fash- 
ione'd  for  Him  the  flesh  that  was  to  receive 
the  godhead,  but  He  Himself  is  made  the 
hewer  of  His  own  flesh,  graven  as  it  is  by 
the  finger  of  God.  For  the  Holy  Ghost  came 
upon  the  Virgin,  and  the  power  of  the  High- 
est overshadowed  her.^  And  wdien  this  had 
come  to  pass,  nature  once  again  took  its  inde- 
structible character,  being  made  immortal  by 
the  marks  of  the  divine  finger." 

Of  the  same  from  his  Book  agai7tst 
Eunomius :  — 

"'W^e  assert  therefore  that  when  He  said 
above  that  wisdom  built  for  herself  a  house, ^ 
he  intimates  by  the  phrase  the  formation  of 
the  flesh  of  the  Lord,  for  the  very  wisdom 
made  its  home  in  no  strange  dwelling,  but 
built  itself  its  dwelling  of  the  Virgin's 
body." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  treatise  :  — 

"The  Word  was  before  the  ages,  but 
the  flesh  was  made  in  the  last  times,  and  no 
one  would  say  on  the  contrary  either  that 
the  flesh  was  before  the  ages,  or  the  Word 
made  in  the  last  times." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  treatise  :  — 

"The  expression  'created  me '  "*  is  not  to 
be  understood  of  the  divine  and  the  unde- 
filed,  but,  as  has  been  said,  of  our  created 
nature,  according  to  the  dispensation  of  the 
incarnation."  ^ 

Cf  the  same  from  the  first  discourse  on 
the  Beatitudes :  — 

"  '  Who  being  in  the  form  of  God,  thought 
it  not  robbery  to  be  equal  with  God,  but 
emptied  himself,  and  took  the  form  of  a  ser- 
vant.' ^  What  poorer,  in  respect  of  God, 
than  the  form  of  a  servant.^  What  more 
lowly,  in  respect  of  the  King  of  all,  than 
approach  to  fellowship  in  our  poor  nature.^ 
The  King  of  Kings  and  Lord  of  Lords ' 
voluntarily  dons  the  form  of  servitude." 

Testimony  of  the  Holy  Flavianus^  bishop 
of  Antioch.  From  his  sermon  on  yohn  the 
Baptist :  — 

"  Do  not  think  of  connexion  in  any  physi- 
cal sense,  nor  entertain  the  idea  of  conjugal 
intercourse.  For  thy  Creator  is  creating  His 
own  bodily  temple  now  being  born  of  thee." 

Of  the  same  from  his  book  on  "  The 
Spirit  of  the  Lord  is  upon  me^^  :  — 

1  Matt.  xxvi.  41.         5  otKoi'Oju.ta.     cf.  note  on  p.  72. 

2  Luke  1.35.  «  Phil.  ii.  6.  7. 

3  Prov.ix.  I.  "'  Deut.  x.  17;  Rev.  xvii.  14.  and  xix.  16. 
*  Prov.  viii.  22;  Ixx.  *' cKTicrt." 


DIALOGUES. 


i8i 


''Hear  Him  saying,  'The  Spirit  is  upon 
me  because  He  hath  anointed  me.'  ^  You 
do  not  know,  He  says,  what  you  read,  for 
I,  the  anointed  with  the  Spirit,  am  come 
to  you.  Now  what  is  akin  to  us,  and  not 
the  invisible  nature,  is  anointed  with  the 
Spirit."  2 

Testlmo7iy  of  Amphilockius^  bishop  of 
Ico7iiuni»  Fro7n  his  Discourse  on  "  My 
leather  is  greater  than  1 1''''^  — 

"  Distinguisli  me  now  the  natures,  the 
Divine  and  the  human.  For  man  was  not 
made  from  God  by  falling  away,  nor  was 
God  made  of  man  by  advancement.  I  am 
speaking  of  God  and  man.  When,  how- 
ever, you  attribute  the  passions  to  the  flesh 
and  the  miracles  to  God,  you  of  necessity 
and  involuntarily  assign  the  lowly  titles  to 
the  man  born  of  Mary,  and  the  exalted  and 
divine  to  the  Word  Who  in  the  beginning 
was  God.  Wherefore  in  some  cases  I  utter 
exalted  words,  in  others  lowly,  to  the  end 
that  by  means  of  the  lofty  I  may  shew  the 
nature  of  the  indwelling  Word,  and  by  the 
lowly,  own  the  weakness  of  the  lowly  flesh. 
Whence  sometimes  I  call  myself  equal  to 
the  Father  and  sometimes  greater  than  the 
Father,  not  contradicting  myself,  but  shew- 
ing that  I  am  God  and  man,  for  God  is  of 
the  lofty,  man  of  the  lowly  ;  but  if  you  wish 
to  know  how  my  Father  is  greater  than  I,  I 
spoke  of  the  flesh  and  not  of  the  person  of 
the  Godhead.'* 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  on  "  The 
Son  can  do  nothing  of  Himself :  "  ''  — 

''  How  was  Adam  disobedient  in  Heaven, 
and  how  of  heavenly  body  was  he  formed 
first-formed  beside  the  first  formation?  But 
it  was  the  Adam  of  the  earth  who  was 
formed  at  the  beginning;  the  Adam  of  the 
earth  disobeyed  ;  the  Adam  of  the  earth  was 
assumed.  Wherefore  also  the  Adam  of  the 
earth  was  saved  that  thus  the  reason  of  the 
incarnation  ^  may  be  proved  necessary  and 
true."^ 

Testimony  of  the  Holy  John  Bishop  of 
Constantinople.  From  the  speech  which  he 
unade  when  the  Gothic  envoy  had  spoken 
l>efore  him  :  — 

"  See  from  the  beginning  what  He 
does.  He  clothes  Himself  in  our  nature, 
powerless  and  vanquished,  that  by  its 
means  He  may  fight  and  struggle  and  from 
the  beginning  He  uproots  the  nature  of 
I'ebellion." 

1  Is.  Ixi.  I. 

-  Of  these  two  works  no   fragments  exist   but  these   two 
preserved  by  Theodoretus, 
3  John  xiv,  2S. 

*  John  V.  19. 

^  Oi.Kovou.ia.    cf.  note  on  p.  72. 

*  cf.  I.  Cor.  XV.  47. 


Of  the  same  fro?n  his  discourse  on  '  The 
Festival  of  the  Nativity  :  — 

"For  is  it  not  of  the  very  last  stupidity  for 
them  to  bring  down  their  own  gods  into 
stones  and  cheap  wooden  images,  shutting 
them  up  as  it  were  in  a  kind  of  prison,  and 
to  fancy  that  there  is  nothing  disgraceful  in 
what  they  either  say  or  do,  and  then  to  find 
fiiult  with  us  for  saying  that  God  made  a 
living  temple  for  Himself  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
by  means  of  which  he  brought  succour  to  the 
world  .^  For  if  it  is  disgraceful  for  God  to 
dwell  in  a  human  body,  then  in  proportion 
as  the  stone  and  the  wood  are  more  worth- 
less than  man  is  it  much  more  disgraceful  for 
him  to  dwell  in  stone  and  wood.  But  per- 
haps mankind  seems  to  them  to  be  of  less 
value  than  these  senseless  objects.  They 
bring  down  the  substance  of  God  into  stones 
and  into  dogs  ;  -  but  many  heretics  into  fouler 
things  than  these.  But  we  could  never  en- 
dure even  to  hear  of  these  things.^  But 
what  we  say  is  that  of  a  virgin's  womb  the 
Christ  took  pure  flesh,  holy  and  without 
spot,  and  made  impervious  to  all  sin,  and 
restored  the  body''  that  was  His  own." 

A  little  further  on  :  "  And  we  assert  that 
when  the  divine  Word  had  fashioned  for 
Himself  a  holy  temple  by  its  means  he 
brought  the  heavenly  state  into  our  life." 

Of  the  same  from  the  oration:  That  the 
lowly  words  and  deeds  of  Christ  were  not 
spoken  and  done  through  lack  of  power^ 
but  through  distinctions  of  dispensation. 

"  What  then  are  the  causes  of  many 
humble  things  having  been  said  about  Him 
both  by  Himself  and  by  His  apostles?  The 
first  and  greatest  cause  is  the  fact  of  His 
having  clothed  Himself  with  flesh,  and 
wishing  all  his  contemporaries  and  all  who 
have  lived  since,  to  believe  that  He  was  not 
a  shadow,  nor  what  was  seen  merely  a  form, 
but  reality  of  nature.  For  if  when  He  Him- 
self and  His  apostles  had  spoken  about  Him 
so  often  in  humble  and  in  human  sense,  the 
devil  yet  had  power  to  persuade  some 
wretched  and  miserable  men  to  deny  the  rea- 
son of  the  incarnation,  and  dare  to  say  that 
He  did  not  take  flesh  and  so  to  destroy  all 
the  ground  of  His  love  for  man,  how  many 
would  not  have  fallen  into  this  abyss  if  He 
had  never  said  anything  of  the  kind.^" 

I  have  now  produced  for  you  a  few  out  of 
many  authorities  of  the  heralds  of  the  truth, 


1  Migne  II.  356. 

2  e.g.  Anubis,  the  barker  Anubis  —  cf.  Virg.  ^n.  viii. 
69S,  and  the  common  oath  "  by  the  dog,"  unless  indeed  the 
common  adjuration  of  Socrates  v'f\  rof  Kvva  may  have  been 
only  a  vernacular  substitute  for  vy\  rbv  dtd,  like  the  vulgar 
"  law  "  for  "  Lord."    The  Benedictine  Ed.  adds  •«  cats." 

'  cf.  Ephes.  v.  12. 

*  <TK€vo<:.  cf.  2  Cor.  iv.  7.  i  Thess.  iv.  4.  i  Peter  iii.  7. 
Cicero.  Tusc.  i.  22  calls  the  body  "  vas  animi." 


l82 


THEODORET. 


not  to  stun  you  with  too  many.  They  are 
quite  enough  to  show  the  bent  of  the  mind 
of  the  excellent  writers.  It  is  now  for  you 
to  say  what  force  their  writings  seem  to  have. 

Eran. — ^They  have  all  spoken  in  har- 
mony with  one  another,  and  the  workers  in 
the  vineyard  of  the  West  agree  with  them 
whose  husbandry  is  done  in  the  region  of 
the  rising  sun.  Yet  I  perceived  a  consider- 
able difference  in  their  sayings. 

Orth,  —  They  are  successors  of  the  divine 
apostles  ;  some  even  of  those  apostles  were 
privileged  to  hear  the  holy  voice  and  see  the 
goodly  sight.  The  majority  of  them  too 
were  adorned  with  the  crown  of  martyrdom. 
Does  it  seem  right  for  you  to  wag  the  tongue 
of  blasphemy  against  them  ? 

Eran,  —  I  shrink  from  doing  this  ;  at  the 
same  time  I  do  not  approve  of  their  great 
divergence. 

Orth. — But  now  I  will  bring  you  an 
unexpected  remedy.  I  will  adduce  one  of 
your  own  beautiful  heresy  —  your  teacher 
Apollinarius/  and  I  will  shew  you  that  he 
understood  the  text  ''  The  Word  was  made 
flesh  "  just  as  the  holy  Fathers  did.  Hear 
now  what  he  wrote  about  it  in  his  ''  Sum- 
mary." 

The  testimony  of  Apollinarius  from  his 
*'  Summary  "  ;  — 

"If  no  one  is  turned  into  that  which  he 
assumes,  and  Christ  assumed  flesh,  then  He 
was  not  turned  into  flesh." 

And  immediately  afterward  he  contin- 
ues :  — 

"  For  also  He  gave  himself  to  us  in  rela- 
tionship by  means  of  the  body  to  save  us. 
Now  that  which  saves  is  far  more  excellent 
than  that  which  is  being  saved.  Far  more 
excellent  then  than  we  are,  is  He  in  the 
assumption  of  a  body !  But  He  would  not 
have  been  more  excellent  had  He  been 
turned   into   flesh." 

A  little  further  on  he  says  :  — 

"The  simple  is  one,  but  the  complex  can- 
not be  one  ;  he  then  that  alleges  that  He  was 
made  flesh  affirms  the  mutation  of  the  one 
Word.  But  if  the  complex  is  also  one,  as 
man,  then  he  who  on  account  of  the  union 
with  the  flesh  says  the  Word  was  made  flesh 
means  the  one  in  complexity." 

And  again  a  little  further  on  he  says  — 
"To  be  made  flesh  is  to  be  made  empty, ^ 
but  the  being  made  empty  declares  not 
man,  but  the  Son  of  man,  who  '  emptied 
Himself  not  by  undergoing  change,  but  by 
investiture." 

There  ;  you   see  the  teacher  of  your  own 


icf. 


p.  132. 


capKiixrc?  KtVtocri?.     cf.   Phil.  ii.  7. 


doctrines  has  introduced  the  word  *  investi-^ 
ture '  and  indeed  in  his  little  work  upon 
the  faith  he  says — "We  then  believe  that 
he  was  made  flesh,  while  His  Godhead  re- 
mained unchanged  for  the  renewal  of  the 
manhood.  For  in  the  holy  power  of  God 
there  has  been  neither  alteration  nor  change 
of  place,  nor  inclusion  "  —  and  then  shortly 
again  —  "We  worship  God  who  took  flesh 
of  the  blessed  virgin,  and  on  this  account  in 
the  flesh  is  man,  but  in  the  spirit  God." 
And  in  another  exposition  he  says  — 
"We  confess  the  Son  of  God  to  have  been 
made  the  Son  of  man,  not  nominally  but 
verily,  on  taking  flesh  of  the  Virgin  Mary. "" 

Eran.  —  I  did  not  suppose  that  Apolli- 
narius held  these  sentiments.  I  had  other 
ideas  about  him. 

Orth. — Well;  now  you  have  learnt  that 
not  only  the  prophets  and  apostles,  and  they 
who  after  them  were  ordained  teachers  of 
the  world,  but  even  Apollinarius,  the  writer 
of  heretical  babbling,  confesses  the  divine 
Word  to  be  immutable,  states  that  He  was. 
not  turned  into  flesh  but  assumed  flesh,  and 
this  over  and  over  again,  as  you  have  heard.. 
Do  not  then  struggle  to  throw  your  master's 
blasphemy  into  the  shade  by  your  own. 
For,  says  the  Lord  "  the  disciple  is  not 
above  his  master."  ^ 

Eran.  —  Yes,  I  confess  that  the  divine 
Word  of  God  is  immutable  and  took  flesh. 
It  were  the  uttermost  foolishness  to  with- 
stand authorities  so  many  and  so  great. 

Orth. — Do  you  wish  to  have  a  solution 
of  the  rest  of  the  difficulties.^ 

Eran, — Let  us  put  off*  their  investiga- 
tion until  to-morrow. 

Orth. — Very  well;  our  synod  is  dis- 
missed. Let  us  depart,  and  bear  in  mind 
what  we  have  agreed  upon. 


DIALOGUE   II. 

THE     UNCONFOUNDED. 

E ranis tes  and  Orthodoxus. 

Eran.  —  I  am  come  as  I  j^romised.  'Tis 
yours  to  adopt  one  of  two  alternatives,  and 
either  furnish  a  solution  of  my  difficulties, 
or  assent  to  what  I  and  my  friends  lay 
down. 

Orth, — I  accept  your  challenge,  for  I 
think  it  right  and  fair.  But  we  must  first 
recall  to  mind  at  what  point  we  left  off'  our 
discourse  yesterday,  and  what  was  the  con- 
clusion of  our  argument. 


1  Matt.  X,  24. 


DIALOGUES. 


183 


Eran.  —  I  will  remind  you  of  the  end. 
I  remember  our  agreeing  that  the  divine 
Word  remained  immutable,  and  took  flesh, 
and  was  not  himself  changed  into  flesh. 

Orth.  — You  seem  to  be  content  with  the 
points  agreed  on,  for  you  have  faithfully 
called  them  to  mind. 

Eran. — Yes,  and  I  have  already  said 
that  the  man  that  withstands  teachers  so 
many  and  so  great  is  indubitably  out  of  his 
mind.  I  was  moreover  put  to  not  a  little 
shame  to  find  that  Apollinarius  used  the 
same  terms  as  the  ortliodox,  although  in  his 
books  about  the  incarnation  his  drift  has 
distinctly  been  in  another  direction. 

Orth. — Then  we  affirm  that  the  Divine 
Word  took  flesh  ? 

Eran,  —  VVe  do. 

Orth.  —  And  what  do  we  mean  by  the 
flesli?  A  body  only,  as  is  the  view  of  Arius 
and  Eunomius,  or  body  and  soul? 

Eran.  —  Body  and  soul. 

Orth. —  What  kind  of  soul?  The  reason- 
able soul,  or  that  which  is  by  some  termed 
tXiQ  phytic,  vegetable,^  that  is,  vital?  for  the 
fable-mongeri ng  quackery  of  the  ApoUi- 
narians  compels  us  to  ask  unseemly  ques- 
tions. 

Eran.  —  Does  then  Apollinarius  make  a 
distinction  of  souls?  ^ 

Orth.  —  He  says  that  man  is  composed  of 
three  parts,  of  a  body,  a  vital  soul,  and  further 
of  a  reasonable  soul,  which  he  terms  mind. 
Holy  Scripture  on  the  contrary  knows  only 
one,  not  two  souls ;  and  this  is  plainly 
taught  us  by  the  formation  of  the  first  man. 
For  it  is  written  God  took  dust  from  the 
earth  and  "  formed  man,"  and  "  breathed 
into  his  nostrils  the  breath  of  life,  and  man 
became  a  living  soul."  ^  And  in  the  gospels 
the  Lord  said  to  the  holy  disciples  '"  Fear 
not  them  which  kill  the  body,  but  are  not 
able  to  kill  the  soul  ;  but  rather  fear  him 
which  is  able  to  destroy  both  soul  and  body 
in  hell."  ' 

And  the  very  divine  Moses  when  he  told 
the  tale  of  them  that  came  down  into  Egypt 
and  stated  with  whom  each  tribal  chief  had 
come  in,  added,  "  All  the  souls  that  came 
out  of  Egypt  were  seventy-five,"  "  reckoning 
one  soul  for  each  immigrant.  And  the 
divine  apostle  at  Troas,  when  all  supposed 

1  (^KTtKo?,  of  or  belonging  to  ^vtov,  or  plant;  but  though 
^vTov  is  opposed  to  fa>o»',  it  is  also  used  of  any  creature,  and 
here  seems  to  mean  no  more  than  the  soul  of  physical  life,  and 
nothing  beyond. 

2  cf.  p.  132. 

3  Gen.  ii.  7. 

*  Matt.  X.  2S.     of.  l.uke  xii.  4.  5. 

"  Gen.  xlvi.  20.  Ixx.  In  the  Hebrew  the  number  is  but 
seventy,  including  Jacob  himself.  St.  Stephen,  as  was  natural 
in  a  Hellcnized  Jew  follows  the  Ixx.  (Acts  vii.  14.)  For  the 
number  75  there  were  doubtless  important  traditional  author- 
ities known  to  the  Ixx. 


Eutychus  to    be   dead,    said     "  Trouble    not 
yourselves  for  his  soul   is  in  him."^ 

Eran.  —  It  is  shewn  clearly  that  each 
man  has  one  soul. 

Orth.  —  But  Apollinarius  says  two  ;  and 
that  the  Divine  Word  took  the  unreason- 
able, and  that  instead  of  the  reasonable,  he 
was  made  in  the  flesh.  It  was  on  this  ac- 
count that  I  asked  what  kind  of  soul  vou 
assert  to  have  been   assumed  with  the  body. 

Era?!.  —  I  say  the  reasonable.  For  I 
follow  the    Divine  Scripture. 

Orth,  — We  agree  then  that  the  "form 
of  a  servant"  assumed  by  the  Divine  Word 
was  complete. 

Eran.  - —  Yes  ;  complete. 

Orth,  — And  rightly  ;  for  since  the  whole 
first  man  became  subject  to  sin,  and  lost  the 
impression  of  the  Divine  Image, ^  and  the 
race  followed,  it  results  that  the  Creator, 
with  the  intention  of  renewing  the  blurred 
image,  assumed  the  nature  in  its  entirety, 
and  stamped  an  imprint  far  better  than  the 
first. 

Eran.  —  True.  But  now  I  beg  you  in 
the  first  place  that  the  meaning  of  the  terms 
employed  may  be  made  quite  clear,  that  thus 
our  discussion  may  advance  without  hin- 
drance, and  no  investigation  of  doubtful  points 
intervene  to  interrupt  our  conversation. 

Orth.  —  What  you  say  is  admirable. 
Ask  now  concerning  whatever  point  you 
like. 

Eran. — What  must  we  call  Jesus  the 
Christ?     Man? 

Orth.  —  By  neither  name  alone,  but  by 
both.  For  the  Divine  Man  after  being  made 
man  was  named  Jesus  Christ.  "  For,"  it  is 
written,  "  Thou  shalt  call  His  name  Jesus  for 
he  shall  save  His  people  from  their  sins,"^ 
and  unto  you  is  born  this  day  in  the  city  of 
David  Christ  the  Lord."  Now  these  are 
angels*  voices.  But  before  the  Incarnation 
he  was  named  God,  son  of  God,  only  be- 
gotten. Lord,  Divine  Word,  and  Creator. 
For  it  is  written  "In  the  beginning  was  the 
Word,  and  the  word  was  with  God,  and  the 
word  was  God,""  and  "  all  things  were  made 
bv  Him,"*  and  "  He  was    lifei"  '  and  "He 


1  Arts  XX.  10. 

2  This  "lost"  must  be  qualified.  The  Scriptural  doc- 
trine is  that  the  "  image  of  God  "  though  defaced  and  marred, 
is  not  lost  or  destroyed.  After  the  flood  the  *'  image  of  God  " 
is  still  quoted  as  against  murder  Gen.  ix.  6.  St.  James  urges 
it  as  a  reason  against  cursing  (iv.  9).  cf.  I.  Cor.  xi.  7.  So  the 
IXth  Article  declares  original  sin  to  be,  not  the  nature,  which 
is  good,  but  the  **  fault  and  corruption  of  the  nature  of  every 
man  ;  "  in  short  the  *'  image  of  God,"  like  the  gifts  of  God,  as 
David  in  Browning's  "Saul"  has  it,  *' a  man  may  waste, 
desecrate,  never  quite  lose."     cf.  p.  164  and  ftote. 

3  Matt.  i.  21. 

<  Luke  ii.  11.  Ti'»tT€Tai  is  substituted  for  fTf\ftr),  in  addition  to 
the  omission  of  "  a  Saviour  which  is."  In  this  verse  the  MSS. 
do  not  vary. 

"John  i.  I.  cjohni.3.  ^  John  i.  4. 


1 84 


THEODORET. 


was  the  true  light  which  lighteth  every  man 
that  Cometh  into  tlie  world."  There  are 
also  other  similar  passages,  declaring  the 
divine  nature.  But  after  the  Incarnation 
He  was  named  Jesus  and  Christ. 

Eran.  —  Therefore  the  Lord  Jesus  is  God 
only. 

Oi'th.  —  You  hear  that  the  divine  Word 
was  made  man,  and  do  you  call  him  God 
only  ? 

Ei'aii.  —  Since  He  became  man  without 
being  changed,  but  remained  just  what  He 
was  before,  we  must  call  Him  just  what  He 
was. 

Orth,  —  The  divine  Word  was  and  is 
and  will  be  immutable.  But  when  He  had 
taken  man's  nature  He  became  man.  It 
behoves  us  therefore  to  confess  both  natures, 
both  that  which  took,  and  that  which  was 
taken. 

Erait. — We  must  name  Him  by  the 
nobler. 

Orth  — Man,  —  I  mean  man  the  animal, 
—  is  he  a  simple  or  a  composite  being? 

Ei'an.  — Composite. 

Orth.  —  Composed  of  what  component 
parts  } 

ErQ,n.  —  Of  a  body  and  a  soul. 

Orth,  — And  of  these  natures  whether  is 
nobler  } 

Eran.  —  Clearly  the  soul,  for  it  is  reason- 
able and  immortal,  and  has  been  entrusted 
with  the  sovereignty  of  the  animal.  But  the 
body  is  mortal  and  perishable,  and  without 
the  soul  is  unreasonable,  and  a  corpse. 

Orth.  — Then  the  divine  Scripture  ought 
to  have  called  the  animal  after  its  more 
excellent    part. 

Eran.  —  It  does  so  call  it,  for  it  calls 
them  that  came  out  of  Egypt  souls.  For 
with  seventy-five  souls,  it  says,  Israel  came 
down  into  Egypt. 

Orth.  —  But  does  the  divine  Scripture 
never  call  any  one  after  the  body.^ 

Eran. — It  calls  them  that  are  the  slaves 
of  flesh,  flesh.  For  "  God,"  it  is  written, 
''  said  my  spirit  shall  not  always  remain  in 
these  men,  for  they  are  flesh."  ^ 

Orth.  —  But  without  blame  no  one  is 
called  flesh? 

Eran.  —  I  do  not  remember. 

Orth. — Then  I  will  remind  you,  and 
point  out  to  you  that  even  the  very  saints 
are  called  "  flesh."  Answer  now.  What 
would  you  call  the  apostles?  Spiritual,  or 
fleshly  ? 

Era7t.  —  Spiritual ;  —  and  leaders  and 
teachers  of  the  spiritual. 

Orth.  —  Hear    now  the    holy  Paul  when 

*Gen.  vi.  3.  Ixx.  and  Marg.  in  R.  V. 


he  says  "  But  when  it  pleased  God  who 
separated  me  from  my  mother's  womb,  and 
called  me  by  his  grace,  to  reveal  his  son  in 
me  that  I  might  preach  him  among  the 
heathen,  immediately  I  conferred  not  with 
flesh  and  blood  neither  went  I  up  to  them 
that  were  apostles  before  me."  '  Does  he 
so  style  the  apostles  because  he  blames 
them  ? 

Erart.  —  Certainly  not. 

Orth.  —  Is  it  not  that  he  names  them  after 
their  visible  nature,  and  comparing  the 
calling  which  is  of  men  with  that  which  is 
of  heaven? 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  —  Then  hear  too  the  psalmist 
David  —  "  Unto  thee  shall  all  flesh  come."^ 
Hear  too,  the  prophet  Isaiah  foretelling 
"  All  flesh  shall  see  the  salvation  of  our 
God. "2 

Eran. — It  is  made  perfectly  plain  that 
Holy  Scripture  names  human  nature  from 
the  flesh  without  the  least  blame. 

Orth.  —  I  will  proceed  to  give  you  the 
yet  further  proof. 

Eran.  — What  further? 

Orth.  —  The  fact  that  sometimes  when 
giving  blame  the  divine  Scripture  uses  only 
the  name  of  soul. 

Eran.  ■ — And  where  will  you  find  this  in 
holy  Scripture? 

Orth.  —  Hear  the  Lord  God  speaking 
through  the  prophet  Ezekiel  "  The  soul  that 
sinneth  it  shall  die."^  Moreover  through  the 
great  Moses  He  saith  "  If  a  soul  sin  —  "^ 
And  again  "  It  shall  come  to  pass  that  every 
soul  that  will  not  hear  that  prophet  shall  be 
cut  oflV  ^  And  many  other  passages  of  the 
same  kind  may  be  found. 

Eran.  —  This  is  plainly  proved. 

Orth.  —  In  cases,  then,  where  there  is  a 
certain  natural  union,  and  a  combination  of 
created  things,  and  of  beings  connected  by 
service  and  by  time,  it  is  not  the  custom  of 
holy  Scripture  to  use  a  name  for  this  being 
derived  only  from  the  nobler  nature ;  it 
names  it  indiscriminately  both  by  the  meaner 
and  by  the  nobler.  If  so,  how  can  you  find 
fault  with  us  for  calling  Christ  the  Lord, 
man,  after  confessing  Him  to  be  God,  when 
many  things  combine  to  compel  us  to  do  so? 

Eran.  —  What  is  there  to  compel  us  to 
call  the  Saviour  Christ,  ''  man  "? 

Orth. — The  diverse  and  mutually  incon- 
sistent opinions  of  the  heretics. 

Eran.  —  What  opinions,  and  contrary  to 
what  ? 


3IS.X1. 


5  Lev.  V.  1, 


»  Gal.  i.  15-17. 
2  Ps.  Ixv.  2.  *  Ez.  xvlii.  4  and  20. 

«  The  reference  seems  to  be  a  loose  combination  of  Numbers 
ix.  13.  with  Deut.  xviii.  19. 


DIALOGUES. 


185 


Ortk.—Th^t  of  Arius  to  that  of  Sabel- 
lius.  The  one  divides  the  substances :  the 
other  confounds  the  hypostases.  Arius  intro- 
duces three  substances,  and  SabelHus  makes 
one  hypostasis  instead  of  three. ^  Tell  me 
now,  how  ought  we  to  heal  both  maladies  ? 
Must  we  apply  the  same  drug  for  both  ail- 
ments, or  for    each    the    proper   one.'* 

Eran,  —  For  each  the  proper  one. 

Ortk.  — We  shall  therefore  endeavour  to 
persuade  Arius  to  acknowledge  the  sub- 
stance of  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  we  shall 
adduce  proofs  of  this  position  from  Holy 
Scripture. 

Eran.  — Yes  :  this  ought  to  be  done. 

Ortk.  —  But  in  arguing  with  Sabelliuswe 
shall  adopt  the  opposite  course.  Concerning 
the  substance  we  shall  advance  no  argument, 
for  even  he  acknowledges  but  one. 

Eran,  —  Plainly. 

Orth,  —  But  we  shall  do  our  best  to  cure 
the  unsound  part  of  his  doctrine. 

Eran. — We  say  that  where  he  halts 
is  about  the  hypostases. 

Orth. — Since  then  he  asserts  there  to  be 
one  hypostasis  of  the  Trinity,  we  shall  point 
out  to  him  that  the  divine  Scripture  pro- 
claims three  hypostases. 

Eran.  —  This  is  the  course  to  take.  But 
^ve  have  wandered  from  the  subject. 

Orth. — Not  at  all.  We  are  collecting 
pvoofs  of  it,  as  you  will  learn  in  a  moment. 
But  tell  me,  do  you  understand  that  all  the 
heresies  which  derive  their  name  from 
Christ,  acknowledge  both  the  Godhead  of 
Christ  and  His  manhood? 

Eran.  — By  no  means. 

Orth.  — Do  not  some  acknowledge  the 
godhead  alone,  and  some  the  manhood 
alone? 

Eran.  —  Yes. 

Orth. — And  some  but  a  part  of  the 
manhood.^ 

Eran.  —  I  think  so.  But  it  will  be  well 
for  us  to  lay  down  the  names  of  the  holders 
of  these  different  opinions,  that  the  point 
under  discussion  may  be  made  plainer. 

Orth.  —  I  will  tell  you  the  names.  Simon, 
Menander,  Marcion,  Valentinus,  Basilides, 
Bardesanes,  Cerdo,  and  Manes,  openly 
denied  the  humanity  of  Christ.  On  the 
other  hand  Artemon,  Theodotus,  Sabellius, 
Paul  of  Samosata,  Marcellus,  and  Photinus, 
fell  into  the  diametrically  opposite  blas- 
phemy ;  for  they  preach  Christ  to  be  man  only, 
and  deny  the  Godhead  which  existed  before 
the  ages.  Arius  and  Eunomius  make  the 
Godhead  of  the  only  begotten  a  created  God- 

1  Vide  note  on  pa^^e  36. 


head,  and  maintain  that  He  assumed  only  a 
body.  Apollinarius  confesses  that  the  as- 
sumed body  was  a  living  ^  body,  but  in  his 
work  deprives  the  reasonable  soul  alike  of 
its  honour  and  of  its  salvation.  This  is  the 
contrariety  of  these  corrupt  opinions.  But 
do  you,  with  all  due  love  of  truth,  tell  us, 
must  we  institute  a  discussion  with  these 
men,  or  shall  we  let  them  go  dashed  down 
headlong  and  howling  to  their  doom? 

Eran.  —  It  is  inhuman  to  neglect  the  sick. 

Orth. — Very  well;  then  we  must  com- 
passionate them,  and  do  our  best  to  heal 
them. 

Eran.  — By  all  means. 

Orth. — If  then  you  had  scientifically 
learned  how  to  cure  the  bodv,  and  round 
you  stood  many  men  asking  you  to  cure 
them,  and  shewing  you  their  various  ailments, 
such  as  arise  from  running  at  the  eyes,  injury 
to  the  ears,  tooth-ache,  contraction  of  the 
joints,  palsy,  bile,  or  phlegm,  what  would 
you  have  done  ?  Tell  me ;  would  you  have 
applied  the  same  treatment  to  all,  or  to  each 
that  which  was  appropriate? 

Eran.  —  I  should  certainly  have  given 
to  each  the  appropriate  remedy. 

Orth.  —  So  by  applying  cold  treatment  to 
the  hot,  and  heating  the  cold,  and  loosing 
the  strained,  and  giving  tension  to  the  loose, 
and  drying  the  moist,  and  moistening  the 
dry,  you  would  have  driven  out  the  diseases 
and  restored  the  health  which  they  had  ex- 
pelled. 

Eran. — This  is  the  treatment  prescribed 
by  medical  science,  for  contraries,  it  is  said, 
are  the  remedies  of  contraries. 

Orth. — If  you  were  a  gardener,  would 
you  give  the  same  treatment  to  all  plants? 
or  their  own  to  the  mulberry  and  the  fig,  and 
so  to  the  pear,  to  the  apple,  and  to  the  vine 
what  is  fitting  to  each,  and  in  a  word  to  each 
plant  its  own  proper  culture  ? 

Eran.  —  It  is  obvious  that  each  plant  re- 
quires its  own  treatment. 

Orth.  —  And  if  you  undertook  to  be  a 
ship  builder,  and  saw  that  the  mast  wanted 
repair,  would  you  try  to  mend  it  in  the  same 
way  as  you  would  the  tiller?  or  would  you 
give  it  the  proper  treatment  of  a  mast? 

Eran.  —  There  is  no  question  about  these 
things:  everything  demands  its  own  treat- 
ment, be  it  plant  or  limb  or  gear  or  tackle. 

Orth.  —  Then  is  it  not  monstrous  to  apply 
to  the  body  and  to  things  without  life  to  each 
its  own  appropriate  treatment,  and  not  to 
keep  this  rule  of  treatment  in  the  case  of 
the  soul? 

1  i\X.^V\QV, 


i86 


THEODORET. 


Eran.  —  Most  unjust;  nay,  rather  stupid 
than  unrighteous.  They  who  adopt  any 
other  method  are  quite  unskilled  in  the  heal- 
ing art. 

Orth,  —  Then  in  disputing  against  each 
heresy  we  shall  use  the  appropriate  remedy? 

Era7i.  —  By  all  means. 

Orth,  —  And  it  is  fitting  treatment  to  add 
what  is  wanting  and  to  remove  what  is 
superfluous  ? 

Eran.  —  Yes. 

Orth. — In  endeavouring  then  to  cure 
Photinus  and  Marcellus  and  their  adherents, 
in  order  to  carry  out  the  rule  of  treatment, 
what  should  we  add  ? 

Eran.  —  The  acknowledgment  of  the 
Godhead  of  Christ,  for  it  is  this  that  they 
lack. 

Orth.  —  But  about  the  manhood  we  will 
say  nothing  to  them,  for  they  acknowledge 
the  Lord  Christ  to  be  man. 

Eran. — You   are  right. 

Orth.  — And  in  arguing  with  Arius  and 
Eunomius  about  the  mcarnation  of  the  only 
begotten,  what  should  we  persuade  them  to 
add  to  their  own  confession  ? 

Eran.  —  The  assumption  of  the  soul ;  for 
they  say  that  the  divine  Word  took  only  a 
body. 

Orth-  —  And  what  does  Apollinarius  lack 
to  make  his  teachmg  accurate  about  the 
incarnation  ? 

Eran.  —  Not  to  separate  the  mind  from 
the  soul,  but  to  confess  that,  with  the  body, 
was  assumed  a  reasonable  soul. 

Orth,  —  Then  shall  we  dispute  with  him 
on  this  point? 

Eran.  —  Certainly. 

Orth.  —  But  under  this  head  what  did  we 
assert  to  be  confessed,  and  what  altogether 
denied,  by  Marcion,  Valentinus,  Manes  and 
their  adherents? 

Eran.  —  That  they  admitted  their  belief 
in  the  Godhead  of  Christ,  but  do  not  accept 
the  doctrine  of  His  manhood. 

Orth.  —  We  shall  therefore  do  our  best  to 
persuade  them  to  accept  also  the  doctrine 
of  the  manhood,  and  not  to  call  the  divine 
incarnation  ^  a  mere  appearance. 

Eran.  —  It  will  be  well  so  to  do. 

Orth.  —  We  will  therefore  tell  them  that 
it  is  right  to  style  the  Christ  not  only  God, 
but  also  man. 

Eran,  —  By  all  means. 

Orth.  — And  how  is  it  possible  for  us  to 
induce  others  to  style  the  Christ  '  man  '  while 
we  excuse  ourselves  from  doing  so?  They 
will  not  yield  to  our   persuasion,  but  on  the 


'  oi<ofOfxiai'.    cf.  p.  72,  note. 


contrary  will    convict    us    of    agreeing   with 
them. 

Eran.  —  And  how  can  we,  confessing  as 
we  do  that  the  divine  Word  took  flesh  and  a 
reasonable  soul,  agree  with  them  ? 

Orth.  — If  we  confess  the  fact,  why  then 
shun  the  word  ? 

Eran.  —  It  is  right  to  name  the  Christ 
from  His  nobler  qualities. 

Orth. —  Keep  this  rule  then.  Do  not 
speak  of  Him  as  crucified,  nor  yet  as  risen 
from  the  dead,  and  so  on. 

Eran.  —  But  these  are  the  names  of  the 
sufferings  of  salvation.  Denial  of  the  suffer- 
ings implies  denial  of  the  salvation. 

Orth.  —  And  the  name  Man  is  the  name 
of  a  nature.  Not  to  pronounce  the  name  is 
to  deny  the  nature  :  denial  of  the  nature  is 
denial  of  the  sufferings,  and  denial  of  the 
sufferings  does  away  with  the  salvation. 

Eran.  —  I  hold  it  profitable  to  acknowl- 
edge the  assumed  nature ;  but  to  style  the 
Saviour  of  the  world  man  is  to  belittle  the 
glory  of  the  Lord. 

Orth,  — Do  you  then  deem  yourself  wiser 
than  Peter  and  Paul  ;  aye,  and  than  the 
Saviour  Himself?  For  the  Lord  said  to  the 
Jews  "  Why  do  ye  seek  to  kill  me,  a  man 
that  hath  told  you  the  truth,  which  I  heard 
of  my  Father?  "  ^  And  He  frequently  called 
Himself  Son  of  Man. 

And  the  meritorious  Peter,  in  his  sermon 
to  the  Jewish  people,  says, —  ''Ye  men 
of  Israel,  hear  these  words,  Jesus  of  Naz- 
areth, a  man  approved  of  God  among  you."  ^ 
And  the  blessed  Paul,  when  bringing  the 
message  of  salvation  to  the  chiefs  of  the 
Areopagus,  among  many  other  things  said 
this, — 

"  And  the  times  of  this  ignorance  God 
winked  at;  but  now  commandeth  all  men 
everywhere  to  repent :  Because  he  hath  ap- 
pointed a  day  in  the  which  he  will  judge  the 
world  in  righteousness  by  that  man  whom 
he  hath  ordained,  whereof  he  hath  given 
assurance  unto  all  men,  in  that  he  hath  raised 
him  from  the  dead."^  He  then  who  excuses 
himself  from  using  the  name  appointed  and 
preached  by  the  Lord  and  his  Apostles 
deems  himself  wiser  than  even  these  great 
instructors,  aye,  even  than  the  very  well- 
spring  of  the  wisest. 

Eran. — They  gave  this  instruction  to 
the  unbelievers.  Now  the  greater  part  of 
the  world  ^  has  professed  the  faith. 

Orth.  —  But  we  have  still  among  us  Jews 


1  John  viii.  4c.     Note  the  looseness  of  citation. 

2  Acts  ii.  22.  3  Acts  xvii.  30,  31 . 

*  Tj  oiKovixei't}  means  of  course  the  Empire  and  tlie  adjacent 
countries,  the  "  orbis  veteribus  notusJ" 


DIALOGUES. 


187 


and  pagans  and  of  heretics  systems  innumer- 
able, and  to  each  of  these  we  must  give  fit 
and  appropriate  teaching.  But,  supposing 
we  were  all  of  one  mind,  tell  me  now,  what 
harm  is  there  in  calling  the  Christ  both  God 
and  man?  Do. we  not  behold  in  Him  perfect 
Godhead,  and  manhood  likewise  lacking  in 
nothing? 

Eran.  —  This  we  have  owned  again  and 
again. 

Orth.  —  Why  then  deny  what  we  have 
again  and  again  owned? 

Eran.  —  I  hold  it  unnecessary  to  call  the 
Christ  '  man,'  —  especially  when  believer  is 
conversing  with  believer. 

Orth.  —  Do  you  consider  the  divine 
Apostle  a  believer? 

Eran,  —  Yes  :  a  teacher  of  all  believers. 

Orth. —  And  do  you  deem  Timothy 
worthy  of  being  so  styled  ? 

Eran.  —  Yes  :  both  as  a  disciple  of  the 
Apostle,  and  as  a  teacher  of  the  rest. 

Orth.  —  Very  well :  then  hear  the  teacher 
of  teachers  writing  to  his  very  perfect  dis- 
ciple. '^  There  is  one  God,  and  one  medi- 
ator between  God  and  man,  the  man  Christ 
Jesus,  who  gave  himself  a  ransom  for  all."  ^ 
Do  stop  your  idle  pratmg,  and  laying  down 
the  law  about  divine  names.  Moreover  in 
this  passage  that  very  name  '  mediator '  stands 
indicative  both  of  Godhead  and  of  manhood. 
He  is  called  a  mediator  because  He  does  not 
exist  as  God  alone  ;  for  how,  if  He  had  had 
nothing  of  our  nature  could  He  have  medi- 
ated between  us  and  God?  But  since  as 
God  He  is  joined  with  God  as  having  the 
same  substance,  and  as  man  with  us,  be- 
cause from  us  He  took  the  form  of  a  servant, 
He  is  properly  termed  a  mediator,  uniting  in 
Himself  distinct  qualities  by  the  unity  of 
natures  of  Godhead,  I  mean,  and  of  man- 
hood.^ 

Eran.  —  But  was  not  Moses  called  a 
mediator,  though  only  a  man  ?  ^ 

Orth.  —  He  was  a  type  of  the  reality : 
but  the  type  has  not  all  the  qualities  of  the 
reality.  Wherefore  though  Moses  was  not 
by  nature  God,  yet,  to  fulfil  the  type,  he  was 
called  a  god.  For  He  says  ''  See,  I  have 
made  thee  a  god  to  Pharaoh."  *  And  then 
directly  afterwards  he  assigns  him  also  a 
Prophet  as  though  to  God,  for  **  Aaron  thy 
brother,"  He  says,  *'  shall  be  thy  Prophet."  ^ 
But  the  reality  is  by  nature  God,  and  by 
nature  man. 

Eran.  —  But    who    would    call    one    not 

1  I.  Tim.  ii.  5,  6. 

*cf.  Job  ix.  33.  "daysman  betwixt  us  that  might  lay  his 
hand  upon  us  both." 

3  Gal.  iii.  19.     cf.  Deut.  v.  5. 

*  Exodus  vii.  i.  •''  Kx.  vii.  i. 


having    the    distinct    characteristics    of    the 
archetype,  a  type  ? 

Orth.  —  The  imperial  images,  it  seems^ 
you  do  not  call  iijiages  of  the  emperor 

Eran,  — Yes,  1  do. 

Orth. —  Yet  they  have  not  all  the  charac- 
teristics which  their  archetype  has.  For  in  the 
first  place  they  have  neither  life  nor  reason  ; 
secondly  they  have  no  inner  organs,  heart,  I 
mean,  and  belly  and  liver  and  the  adjacent 
parts.  Further  they  present  the  appearance 
of  the  organs  of  sense,  but  perform  none  of 
their  functions,  for  they  neither  hear,  nor 
speak,  nor  see ;  they  cannot  write  -,  they  can- 
not walk,  nor  perform  any  other  human 
action ;  and  yet  they  are  called  imperial 
statues.  In  this  sense  Moses  was  a  medi- 
ator and  Christ  was  a  mediator ;  but  tlie 
former  as  an  image  and  type  and  the  latter 
as  reality.  But  that  I  may  make  this  pomt 
clearer  to  you  from  yet  another  authority, 
call  to  mind  the  words  used  of  Melchisedec 
in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews. 

Eran.  —  What  words? 

Orth.  —  Those  in  which  the  divine 
Apostle  comparing  the  Levitical  priesthood 
with  that  of  the  Christ  likens  Melchisedec 
in  other  respects  to  the  Lord  Christ,  and  says 
that  the  Lord  had  the  priesthood  after  the 
order  of  Melchisedec/ 

Eran.  —  I  think  the  words  of  the  divine 
Apostle  are  as  follows  ;  —  "  For  this  Melchis- 
edec, king  of  Salem,  priest  of  the  most 
high  God  who  met  Abraham  returning  from 
the  slaughter  of  the  kings,  and  blessed  him  ; 
to  whom  also  Abraham  gave  a  tenth  part  of 
all ;  first  being  by  interpretation  king  of 
righteousness,  and  after  that  also  king  of 
Salem,  which  is  king  of  peace ;  without 
father,  without  mother,  without  descent, 
having  neither  beginning  of  days,  nor  end  of 
life  ;  but  made  like  unto  the  son  of  God  ; 
abideth  a  priest  continually."  ^  I  presume 
you  spoke  of  this  passage. 

Orth. — Yes,  I  spoke  of  this;  and  I  must 
praise  you  for  not  mutilating  it,  but  for 
quoting  the  whole.  Tell  me  now,  does  each 
one  of  these  points  fit  Melcliisedec  in  nature 
and  reality? 

Eran. — Who  has  the  audacity  to  deny  a 
fitness  where  the  divine  apostle  has  asserted 
it? 

Orth,  —  Then  you  say  that  all  this  fits 
Melchisedec  by  nature? 

Eran,  — Yes. 

Orth. — Do  you  say  that  he  was  a  man, 
or  assumed  some  other  nature? 

Eran. — A  man. 


Hebrews  vi.  20. 


*  Hebrews  vii.  i,  2,  3. 


i88 


THEODORET. 


Orth,  —  Begotten  or  unbegotten? 

Eran. — You  are  asking  very  absurd 
questions. 

Orth.  — The  fault  lies  with  you  for  openly 
opposing  the  truth.     Answer  then. 

Eran. — There  is  one  only  unbegotten, 
who  is  God  and  Father. 

Orth.  —  Then  we  assert  that  Melchisedec 
was  begotten  ? 

Eran.  —  Yes. 

Orth. —  But  the  passage  about  him  teaches 
the  opposite.  Remember  the  words  which 
you  quoted  a  moment  ago,  "  Without  father, 
without  mother,  without  descent,  having 
neither  beginning  of  days  nor  end  of  life." 
How  then  do  the  words  "Without  father 
and  without  mother  "  fit  him  ;  and  how  the 
statement  that  he  neither  received  beginning 
of  existence  nor  end,  since  all  this  transcends 
humanity  ? 

Eran.  — These  things  do  in  fact  overstep 
the  limits  of  human  nature. 

Orth.  — Then  shall  we  say  that  the  Apostle 
told  lies? 

Eran.  — God  forbid. 

Orth.  —  How  then  is  it  possible  both  to 
testify  to  the  truth  of  the  Apostle,  and  apply 
the  supernatural  to  Melchisedec.^ 

Eran.  —  The  passage  is  a  very  difficult 
one,   and  requires  much  explanation. 

Orth.  —  For  any  one  willing  to  consider 
it  with  attention  it  will  not  be  hard  to  attain 
perception  of  the  meaning  of  the  words. 
After  saynig  "  without  father,  without 
mother,  without  descent,  having  neither 
beginning  of  days  nor  end  of  life,"  the 
divine  Apostle  adds  "  made  like  unto  the 
Son  of  God,  abideth  a  priest  continually."  ^ 
Here  he  plainly  teaches  us  that  the  Lord  Christ 
is  archetype  of  Melchisedec  in  things  con- 
cerning the  human  nature.  And  he  speaks 
of  Melchisedec  as  "  made  like  unto  the  Son 
of  God."  Now  let  us  examine  the  point  in 
this  manner  ;  —  do  you  say  that  the  Lord  had 
a  father  according  to  the  flesh? 

Erait.  — Certainly  not. 

Orth.— Why} 

Eran.  —  He  was  born  of  the  holy  Virgin 
alone. 

Orth. — He  is  therefore  properly  styled 
^'without  father"? 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  —  Do  you  say  that  according  to  the 
divine  Nature  He  had  a  mother?^ 

Eran. — Certainly  not. 

Orth.  —  For  He  was  begotten  of  the  Father 
alone  before  the  ages? 


1  Heb.  vii.  3. 

2  The  bearing  of  this  on  Theodoret's  relation  to  Nestorianism 
will  be  observed. 


Era?i.  —  Agreed. 

Orth. — And  yet,  as  the  generation  He 
has  of  the  Father  is  ineffable.  He  is  spoken 
of  as  "  without  descent."  "  Who  "  says  the 
prophet  "shall  declare  His  generation?  "  ^ 

Eran,  —  You  are  right. 

Orth. — Thus  it  becomes  Him  to  have 
neither  beginning  of  days  nor  end  of  life  ;  for 
He  is  without  beginning,  indestructible,  and, 
in  a  word,  eternal,  and  coeternal  with  the 
Father. 

Eran. — This  is  my  view  too.  But  we 
must  now  consider  how  this  fits  the  admirable 
Melchisedec. 

Orth. — As  an  image  and  type.  The 
image,  as  we  have  just  observed,  has  not  all 
the  properties  of  the  archetype.  Thus  to  the 
Saviour  these  qualities  are  proper  both  by 
nature  and  in  reality  ;  but  the  story  of  the 
origin  of  the  race  has  attributed  them  to 
Melchisedec.  For  after  telling  us  of  the 
father  of  the  patriarch  Abraham,  and  of  the 
father  and  mother  of  Isaac,  and  in  like  man- 
ner of  Jacob  and  of  his  sons,  and  exhibiting 
the  pedigree  of  our  first  forefathers,  of  Mel- 
chisedec it  records  neither  the  father  nor  the 
mother,  nor  does  it  teach  that  he  traced 
his  descent  from  any  one  of  Noah's  sons,  to 
the  end  that  he  may  be  a  type  of  Him  who 
is  in  reality  without  father,  and  without 
mother.  And  this  is  what  tlie  divine  Apos- 
tle would  have  us  understand,  for  in  this 
very  passage  he  says  further,  "  But  he  whose 
descent  is  not  counted  from  them  received 
tithes  of  Abraham,  and  blessed  him  that  had 
the  promises." " 

Eran. —  Then,  since  Holy  Scripture  has 
not  mentioned  his  parents,  can  he  be  called 
without  father  and  without  mother? 

Orth.  —  If  he  had  really  been  without 
father  and  without  mother,  he  would  not 
have  been  an  image,  but  a  reality.  But  since 
these  are  his  qualities  not  by  nature,  but  ac- 
cording to  the  dispensation  of  the  Divine 
Scripture,  he  exhibits  the  type  of  the  reality. 

Eran.  —  The  type  must  have  the  charac- 
ter of  the  archetype. 

Orth.  — Is  man  called  an  image  of  God  ? 

Eran.  — Man  is  not  an  image  of  God,  but 
was  made  in  the  image  of  God." 

Orth.  —  Listen  then  to  the  Apostle.  He 
says  :  "  For  a  man  indeed  ought  not  to  cover 
his  head,  forasmuch  as  he  is  the  image  and 
glory  of  God."  ^ 

Eran.  —  Granted,  then,  that  he  is  an 
image  of  God. 

Orth.  — According  to  your  argument  then 
he   must    needs   have    plainly  preserved    the 


1  Is.  liii.8. 
-  Heb.  vii.  6. 


8  Gen.  i.  27. 
*  I.  Cor.  xi.  7. 


DIALOGUES. 


189 


characters  of  the  archetype,  and  have  been 
uncreate,  uncompounded,  and  infinite.  He 
ought  in  like  manner  to  have  been  able  to 
create  out  of  the  non  existent,  he  ought  to 
have  fashioned  all  things  by  his  word  and 
without  labour,  in  addition  to  this  to  have 
been  free  from  sickness,  sorrow,  anger,  and 
sin,  to  have  been  immortal  and  incorruptible 
and  to  possess  all  the  qualities  of  the  arche- 
type. 

Eran.  —  Man  is  not  an  image  of  God  m 
every  respect. 

Orth.  —  Though  truly  an  image  in  the 
qualities  in  which  you  would  grant  him  to 
be  so,  you  will  find  that  he  is  separated  by  a 
wide  interval  from  the  reality. 

Eran,  —  Agreed. 

Orth.  —  Consider  now  too  this  point.  The 
divine  Apostle  calls  the  Son  the  image  of  the 
Father;  for  he  says  "  Who  is  the  image  of 
the  invisible  God?  "  ^ 

Eran.  —  What  then  ;  has  not  the  Son  all 
the  qualities  of  the  Father.'* 

Orth.  —  He  is  not  Father.  He  is  not  un- 
caused.    He  is  not  unbegotten, 

Eran.  —  If  He  were  He  would  not  be  Son. 

Orth.  —  Then  does  not  what  I  said  hold 
good  ;  the  image  has  not  all  the  qualities  of 
the  archetype.'' 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  —  Thus  too  the  divine  Apostle  said 
that  Melchisedec  is  made  like  unto  the  Son 
ofGod.2 

Eran.  —  Suppose  we  grant  that  he  is 
without  Father  and  without  Mother  and 
without  descent,  as  you  have  said.  But  how 
are  we  to  understand  his  having  neither 
beginning  of  days  nor  end  of  life.'' 

Orth.  —  The  holy  Moses  when  writing 
the  ancient  genealogy  tells  us  how  Adam 
being  so  many  years  old  begat  Seth,**  and 
when  he  had  lived  so  many  years  he  ended 
his  life."*  So  too  he  writes  of  Seth,  of  Enoch, 
and  of  the  rest,  but  of  Melchisedec  he  men- 
tions neither  beginning  of  existence  nor  end 
of  life.  Thus  as  far  as  the  story  goes  he  has 
neither  beginning  of  days  nor  end  of  life,  but 
in  truth  and  reality  the  only  begotten  Son  of 
God  never  began  to  exist  and  shall  never 
have  an  end. 

Eran. — Agreed. 

Orth. — Then,  so  far  as  what  belongs  to 
God  and  is  really  divine  is  concerned,  Mel- 
chisedec is  a  type  of  the  Lord  Christ ;  but  as 
far  as  the  priesthood  is  concerned,  which 
belongs  rather  to  man  than  to  God,  the  Lord 
Christ  was  made  a  priest  after  the  order  of 
Melchisedec.^^     For  Melchisedec  was  a  high 


^  Coloss.  1.  15. 
*  Hebrews  vii.  3. 


3  Gen.  iv.  25. 
*  Gen.  V.  5. 


6  Heb.  vi.  20. 


priest  ot  the  people,  and  the  Lord  Christ 
for  all  men  has  made  the  riglit  holy  offering 
of  salvation. 

Eran.  —  We  have  spent  many  words  on 
this  matter. 

Orth. — Yet  more  were  needed,  as  you 
know,  for  you  said  the  point  was  a  difficult 
one. 

Eran.  — Let  us  return  to  the  question  be- 
fore us. 

Orth.  — What  was  the  question? 

Eran. —  On  my  remarking  that  Christ 
must  not  be  called  man,  but  only  God,  you 
yourself  besides  many  other  testimonies  ad- 
duced also  the  well  known  words  of  the 
Apostle  which  he  has  used  in  his  epistle  to 
Timothy  —  ''  One  God,  one  mediator  be- 
tween God  and  men,  the  man,  Christ  Jesus, 
who  gave  himself  a  ransom  for  all  to  be  tes- 
tified in  due  time."  ^ 

Orth.  —  I  remember  from  what  point  we 
diverged  into  this  digression.  It  was  when 
I  had  said  that  the  name  of  mediator  exhibits 
the  two  natures  of  the  Saviour,  and  you  said 
that  Moses  was  called  a  mediator  though  he 
was  only  a  man  and  not  God  and  man.  I 
was  therefore  under  the  necessity  of  following 
up  these  points  to  show  that  the  type  has  not 
all  the  qualities  of  the  archetype.  Tell  me, 
then,  whether  you  allow  that  the  Saviour 
ought  also  to  be  called  man. 

Eran.  —  I  call  Him  God,  for  He  is  God's 
Son. 

Orth.  — If  you  call  him  God,  because  you 
have  learnt  that  he  is  God's  Son,  call  him 
also  man,  for  he  often  called  Himself  "  Son 
of  Man." 

Eran.  —  The  name  man  does  not  apply 
to  Him  in  the  same  way  as  the  name  God. 

Orth.  —  As  not  really  belonging  to  Him 
or  for  some  other  reason .? 

Eran.  —  God  is  his  name  by  nature  ;  man 
is  the  designation  of  the  Incarnation. ^ 

Orth.  — But  are  we  to  look  on  the  Incar- 
nation as  real,  or  as  something  imaginary  and 
false } 

Eran.  —  As  real. 

Orth.  —  If  then  the  grace  of  the  Incarna- 
tion is  real,  and  what  we  call  Incarnation 
is  the  divine  Word's  being  made  man,  then 
the  name  man  is  real  ;  for  after  taking  man's 
nature  He  is  called  man. 

Erait.  —  Before  His  passion  He  was 
styled  man,  but  afterward  He  was  no  longer 
so  styled. 

Orth.  —  But  it  was  after  the  Passion  and 
the  Resurrection  that  the  divine  Apostle  wrote 
the  Epistle  to  Timothy  wherein  he  speaks  of 


'  Tim.  li.  5,  6. 


2  o\K.ovQ\xia.     Vide  p.  72  n. 


190 


THEODORET. 


the  Saviour  Christ  as  man,'  and  writing  after 
the  Passion  and  the  Resurrection  to  the 
Corinthians  he  exclaims  ''  For  since  by 
man  came  death,  by  man  came  also  the 
resurrection  of  the  dead."  '  And  in  order 
to  make  his  meaning  clear  he  adds,  "  For 
as  in  Adam  all  die,  even  so  in  Christ  shall 
all  be  made  alive."  ^  And  after  the  Passion 
and  the  Resurrection  the  divine  Peter,  in 
his  address  to  the  Jews,  called  Him  man." 
And  after  His  being  taken  up  into  heaven, 
Stephen  the  victorious,  amid  the  storm  of 
stones,  said  to  the  Jews,  "  Behold,  I  see  the 
heavens  opened,  and  the  Son  of  man  stand- 
ing on  the  right  hand  of  God."  ■"  Are  we  to 
suppose  ourselves  wiser  than  the  illustrious 
heralds  of  the  truth  ? 

Eran.  —  I  do  not  suppose  myself  wiser 
than  the  holy  doctors,  but  I  fail  to  find  the 
use  of  the  name. 

Orth.  —  How  then  could  you  persuade 
them  that  deny  the  incarnation  of  the  Lord, 
Marcionists,  I  mean,  and  Manichees,  and  all 
the  rest  who  are  thus  unsound,  to  accept  the 
teaching  of  the  truth,  unless  you  adduce 
these  and  similar  proofs  with  the  object  of 
shewing  that  the  Lord  Christ  is  not  God  only 
but  also  man  ? 

E}'aii.  —  Perhaps  it  is  necessary  to  adduce 
them. 

Orth.  —  Why  not  then  teach  the  faithful 
the  reality  of  the  doctrine?  Are  you  forget- 
ful of  the  apostolic  precept  enjoining  us  to 
be  ''  ready  to  give  an  answer."  ^  Now  let  us 
look  at  the  matter  in  this  light.  Does  the 
best  general  engage  the  enemy,  attack  with 
arrows  and  javelins,  and  endeavour  to  break 
their  column  all  alone,  or  does  he  also  arm 
his  men,  and  marshal  them,  and  rouse  their 
hearts  to  play  the  man  ? 

Eran.  —  He  ought  rather  to  do  this  latter. 

Orth. — Yes;  for  it  is  not  the  part  of  a 
general  to  expose  his  own  life,  and  take  his 
place  in  the  ranks,  and  let  his  men  go  fast 
asleep,  but  rather  to  keep  them  awake  for 
their  work  at  their  post. 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  —  This  is  what  the  divine  Paul 
did,  for  in  writing  to  them  who  had  made 
profession  of  their  faith  he  said,  "  Take  unto 
you  the  whole  armour  of  God  that  ye  be  able 
to  stand  against  the  wiles  of  the  Devil.'  And 
again,  "  Stand  therefore  with  your  loins  girt 
about  with  truth," "  and  so  on.  Bear  in 
mind  too  what  we  have  already  said,  that  a 
physician  supplies  what  nature  lacks.     Does 

'  )  Tim   ii.  5.  4  Acts  ii.  22. 

'  Cor.  XV.  21.  6  Acts  vii.  <6 

'  I  Cor.  XV.  22.  6  I  Peter  iii.  15. 

^  Eph.  vi.  II  and  13,  and  observe  looseness  of  quotation. 

*  Eph.  vi.  14. 


he  find  the  cold  redundant.^  He  supplies  the 
hot,  and  so  on  with  the  rest ;  and  this  is  what 
the  Lord  does. 

Eran.  — And  where  will  you  show  that 
the  Lord  has  done  this.^ 

Orth.  —  In  the  holy  gospels. 

Eran.  —  Show  me  then  and  fulfil  your 
promise. 

Orth.  —  What  did  the  Jews  consider  our 
Saviour  Christ,^ 

Eran.  —  A  man. 

Orth. — And  that  He  was  also  God  they 
were  wholly  ignorant. 

Eran.  — Yes. 

Orth.  —  Was  it  not  then  necessary  for  the 
ignorant  to  learn  } 

Eran.  —  Agreed. 

Orth.  —  Listen  to  Him  then  saying  to 
them  :  "  Many  good  works  have  I  shewed 
you  from  m}'^  Father ;  for  which  of  these 
works  do  ye  stone  me }  "  ^  And  when  they 
replied:  ''For  a  good  work  we  stone  thee 
not,  but  for  blasphemy,  and  because  that 
thou  being  a  man  makest  thyself  God,"  ^ 
He  added  "  It  is  written  in  your  law  I  said 
ye  are  gods.  If  he  called  them  gods  unto 
whom  the  word  of  God  came  and  the  script- 
ure cannot  be  broken,  say  ye  of  Him  whom 
the  Father  hath  sanctified  and  sent  into  the 
world  thou  blasphemest,  because  I  said  I 
am  the  Son  of  God.^  If  I  do  not  the  works 
of  my  father  believe  me  not  .  .  .  that  I 
am  in  the  Father  and  the  Father  is  in  me."  ^ 

Eran.  —  In  the  passages  you  have  just 
read  you  have  shewn  that  the  Lord  shewed 
Himself  to  the  Jews  to  be  God  and  not  man. 

Orth.  — Yes,  for  they  did  not  need  to 
learn  what  they  knew ;  that  He  was  a  man 
they  knew,  but  they  did  not  know  that  He 
was  from  the  beginning  God.  He  adopted 
this  same  course  in  the  case  of  the  Pharisees  ; 
for  when  He  saw  them  accosting  Him  as  a 
mere  man  He  asked  them  "  What  think  ye 
of  Christ.^  Whose  son  is  He  .^  "  ^  And  when 
they  said  "  Of  David  "  He  went  on  "  How 
then  doth  David  calling  him  Lord  say  '  The 
Lord  said  unto  my  Lord  sit  thou  on  my 
right  hand.'  "  ^  Then  He  goes  on  to  argue, 
"  If  then  He  is  His  Lord  how  is  He  His 
Son.?" 

Eran.  —  You  have  brought  testimony 
against  yourself,  for  the  Lord  plainly  taught 
the  Pharisees  to  call  Him  not  "Son  of  David," 
but  "  Lord  of  David."  Wherefore  He  is 
distinctly  shown  wishing  to  be  called  God 
and  not  man. 

Orth.  —  I  am  afraid  you  have  not  attended 

1  John  X.  32.  2  John  X    33. 

3  John  X.  34,  35,  },6,  37,  38.  Observe  the  variation  in  34,  and 
the  omission  in  38. 

*  Matt.  xxii.  42.  5  Matt.  xxn.  43  and  44. 


DIALOGUES. 


191 


to  the  divine  teaching.  He  did  not  repudi- 
ate the  name  of  ''Son  of  David,"  but  He 
added  that  He  ought  also  to  be  believed  to 
be  Lord  of  David.  This  He  clearly  shews 
in  the  words  ''  If  He  is  his  Lord  how  is  He 
then  his  Son?"  He  did  not  say  "  if  He  is 
Lord  He  is  not  Son,"  but  "  how^  is  He  his 
Son?"  instead  of  saying  in  one  respect  He  is 
Lord  and  in  another  Son.  These  passages 
both  distinctly  show  the  Godhead  and  the 
manhood. 

Eran.  —  There  is  no  need  of  argument. 
The  Lord  distinctly  teaches  that  He  does  not 
wish  to  be  called  Son  of  David. 

Orth.  —  Then  He  ought  to  have  told  the 
blind  men  and  the  woman  of  Canaan  and 
the  multitude  not  to  call  Him  Son  of  David, 
and  yet  the  blind  men  cried  out  "  Thou  Son 
of  David  have  mercy  on  us."  ^  And  the 
woman  of  Canaan  "Have  mercy  on  me  O  Son 
of  David  ;  my  daughter  is  grievously  vexed 
with  a  Devil."  ^  And  the  multitude  :  ''  Ho- 
sanna  to  the  Son  of  David  !  Blessed  is  He 
that  Cometh  in  the  name  of  the  Lord."  ^ 
And  not  only  did  He  not  take  it  ill,  but  even 
praised  their  faith ;  for  the  blind  He  freed 
from  their  long  weary  night  and  granted 
them  the  power  of  sight ;  the  maddened  and 
distraught  daughter  of  the  woman  of  Canaan 
He  healed  and  drove  out  the  wicked  demon  ; 
and  when  the  chief  priests  and  Pharisees 
were  offended  at  them  that  shouted  "Hosanna 
to  the  Son  of  David "  He  did  not  merely 
not  prevent  them  from  shouting,  but  even 
sanctioned  their  acclamation,  for,  said  He, 
"  I  tell  you  that  if  these  should  hold  their 
peace  the  stones  would  immediately  cry 
out.'"* 

Eran.  —  He  put  up  with  this  style  of  ad- 
dress before  the  resurrection  in  condescension 
to  the  weakness  of  them  that  had  not  yet 
properly  believed.  But  after  the  resurrec- 
tion these  names  are  needless. 

Orth-  —  Where  shall  we  rank  the  blessed 
Paul?  among  the  perfect  or  the  imperfect? 

Eran.  —  It  is  wrong  to  joke  about  serious 
things. 

Orth.  —  It  is  wrong  to  make  light  of  the 
reading  of  the  divine  oracles. 

Eran.  —  And  who  is  such  a  wretch  as  to 
despise  his  own  salvation? 

Orth.  —  Answer  my  question,  and  then 
you  will  learn  your  ignorance. 

Eran.  —  What  question  ? 

Orth.  —  Where  are  we  to  rank  the  divine 
Apostle  ? 

Eran.  —  Plainly  among  the  most  perfect, 
and  one  of  the  perfect  teachers. 


1  Matt.  XX.  31. 

2  Matt.  XV.  23. 


3  Matt.  xxi.  9. 
*  Luke  xix.  40. 


Orth.  —  And  when  did  he  begin  his  teach- 


ing? 


Eran.  — After  the  ascension  of  the  Sav- 
iour, the  coming  of  the  Spirit,  and  the  ston- 
ing of  the  victorious  Stephen. 

Orth.  — Paul,  at  the  very  end  of  his  life, 
when  writing  his  last  letter  to  his  disciple 
Timothy,  and  in  giving  him,  as  it  were,  his 
paternal  inheritance  by  will,  added  "Re- 
member that  Jesus  Christ  of  the  seed  of 
David  was  raised  from  the  dead  accordino" 
to  my  gospel."  ^  Then  he  went  on  to  men- 
tion his  sufferings  on  behalf  of  the  gospel, 
and  thus  showed  its  truth  saying,  "  Wherein 
I  suffer  trouble  as  an  evil  doer  even  unto 
bonds."  ' 

It  were  easy  for  me  to  adduce  many 
similar  testimonies,  but  I  have  judged  it 
needless  to  do  so. 

Eran.  —  You  promised  to  prove  that  the 
Lord  supplied  the  lacking  instruction  to 
them  that  needed,  and  you  have  shown  that 
He  discoursed  about  His  own  Godhead  to 
the  Pharisees,  and  to  the  rest  of  the  Jews. 
But  that  He  gave  also  His  instruction  about 
the  flesh  you  have  not  shewn. 

Orth.  —  It  would  have  been  quite  super- 
fluous to  have  discoursed  about  the  flesh 
which  was  before  their  eyes,  for  He  was 
plainly  seen  eating  and  drinking  and  toiling 
and  sleeping.  Furthermore,  to  omit  the 
many  and  various  events  before  the  passion, 
after  His  resurrection  He  proved  to  His  dis- 
believing disciples  not  His  Godhead  but  His 
manhood;  for  He  said,  "Behold  my  hands 
and  my  feet  that  it  is  I  myself.  Handle  me 
and  see  for  a  spirit  hath  not  flesh  and  bones 
as  ye  see  me  have."  " 

Now  I  have  fulfilled  my  promise,  for  we 
have  proved  the  giving  of  instruction  about 
the  Godhead  to  them  that  were  ignorant 
of  the  Godhead,  and  about  the  resurrection 
of  the  flesh  to  them  that  denied  this  latter. 
Cease  therefore  from  contending,  and  con- 
fess the  two  natures  of  the  Saviour. 

Eran.  —  There  were  two  before  the 
union,  but,  after  combining,  they  made  one 
nature. 

Orth.  —  When  do  you  say  that  the  union 
was  effected  ? 

Eran.  —  I  say  at  the  exact  moment  of 
the  conception. 

Orth.  — And  do  you  deny  that  the  divine 
Word  existed  before  the  conception  ? 

Eran.  —  I  say  that  He  was  before  the 
ages. 

Orth. — And  that  the  flesh  was  co-exist- 
ent with  Him  ? 


'  II.Tim.ii.S. 
2  II.  Tim.  ii.  9. 


Luke  xxiv.  30. 


192 


THEODORET. 


Erait.  —  By  no  means. 

Orth. — But  was  formed,  after  the  salu- 
tation of  the  angel,  of  the  Holy  Ghost? 

JBran.  —  So  I  say. 

Orth.  —  Therefore  before  the  union  there 
were  not  two  natures  but  only  one.  For  if 
the  Godhead  pre-existed,  but  the  manhood 
was  not  co-existent,  being  formed  after  the 
angelic  salutation,  and  the  union  being  co- 
incident with  the  formation,  then  before  the 
union  tliere  was  one  nature,  that  wdiich  ex- 
ists always  and  existed  before  the  ages. 
Now  let  us  again  consider  this  point.  Do 
you  understand  the  making  of  flesh  or  be- 
coming man  to  be  anything  other  than  the 
union? 

Era7t.  —  No. 

Orth.  —  For  when  He  took  flesh  He  was 
made  flesh. 

Eran.  —  Plainly. 

Orth.  —  And  the  union  coincides  with 
the  taking  flesh. 

Eran.  —  So  I  say. 

Orth.  —  So  before  the  making  man  there 
was  one  nature.  For  if  both  union  and 
making  man  are  identical,  and  He  was 
made  man  by  taking  man's  nature,  and  the 
form  of  God  took  the  form  of  a  servant,  then 
before  the  union  the  divine  nature  was  one. 

Eran,  —  And  how  are  the  union  and  the 
making  man  identical? 

Orth.  —  A  moment  ago  you  confessed 
that  there  js  no  distinction  between  these 
terms. 

Eran.  —  You  led  me  astray  by  your  argu- 
ments. 

Orth.  — Then,  if  you  like,  let  us  go  over 
the  same  ground  again. 

Eran.  —  We  had  better  so  do. 

Orth.  —  Is  there  a  distinction  between  the 
incarnation  and  the  union,  according  to  the 
nature  of  the  transaction? 

Eran.  —  Certainly  ;  a  very  great  distinc- 
tion. 

Orth.  —  Explain  fully  the  character  of 
this  distinction. 

Eran.  —  Even  the  sense  of  the  terms 
shows  the  distinction,  for  the  word  "  incar- 
nation "  shows  the  taking  of  the  flesh,  while 
the  word  "  union  "  indicates  the  combina- 
tion of  distinct  things. 

Orth.  —  Do  you  represent  the  incarnation 
to  be  anterior  to  the  union? 

Eran.  —  By  no  means. 

Orth.  —  You  say  that  the  union  took 
place  in  the  conception? 

Eran.  —  I  do. 

Orth.  —  Therefore  if  not  even  the  least 
moment  of  time  intervened  between  the 
taking  of  flesh  and   the   union,   and  the   as- 


sumed nature  did  not  precede  the  assump- 
tion and  the  union,  then  incarnation  and 
union  signify  one  and  the  same  thing,  and  so 
before  the  union  and  incarnation  there  was 
one  nature,  while  after  the  incarnation  we 
speak  properly  of  two,  of  that  which  took 
and  of  that  which  was  taken. 

Eran.  —  I  say  that  Christ  was  of  two 
natures,  but  I  deny  two  natures. 

Orth.  —  Explain  to  us  then  in  what  sense 
you  understand  the  expression  "  of  two 
natures;"  like  gilded  silver?  like  the  com- 
position of  electron?^  like  the  solder  made 
of  lead  and  tin? 

Eran.  — I  deny  that  the  union  is  like  any 
of  these ;  it  is  ineffable,  and  passes  all  under- 
standing. 

Orth.  —  I  too  confess  that  the  manner  of  the 
union  cannot  be  comprehended.  But  I  have 
at  all  events  been  instructed  by  the  divine 
Scripture  that  each  nature  remains  unim- 
paired after  the  union. 

Eran.  —  And  where  is  this  taught  in  the 
divine  Scripture? 

Orth.  — It  is  all  full  of  this  teaching. 

Eran.  —  Give  proof  of  what  you  assert. 

Orth.  —  Do  you  not  acknowledge  the  prop- 
erties of  each  nature? 

Eran.  —  No :  not,  that  is,  after  the 
union. 

Orth.  —  Let  us  then  learn  this  very  point 
from  the  divine  Scripture. 

Eran.  —  I  am  ready  to  obey  the  divine 
Scripture. 

Orth.  —  When,  then,  you  hear  the  divine 
John  exclaiming  ''In  the  beginning  was  the 
word,  and  the  word  was  with  God,  and  the 
word  was  God  "  ^  and  "  By  Him  all  things 
were  made  "  ^  and  the  rest  of  the  parallel 
passages,  do  you  affirm  that  the  flesh,  or  the 
divine  Word,  begotten  before  the  ages  of 
the  Father,  was  in  the  beginning  with  God, 
and  was  by  nature  God,  and  made  all 
things  ? 

Eran.  —  I  say  that  these  things  belong  to 
God  the  Word.  But  I  do  not  separate  Him 
from  the  flesh  made  one  with  Him. 

Orth. — Neither  do  we  separate  the  flesh 
from  God  the  Word,  nor  do  we  make  the 
union  a  confusion. 

Eran.  —  I  recognise  one  nature  after  the 
union. 

Orth. — When  did  the  Evangelists  write 
the  gospel?  Was  it  before  the  union,  or  a 
very  long  time  after  the  union? 


1  The  metallic  compound  called  electron  is  described  by 
Strabo  p.  146  as  the  mixed  residuum,  or  scouring,  (»ca0apfxa) 
left  after  the  first  smelting  of  gold  ore.  Pliny  (H.N.  xxxiii.  23) 
describes  it  as  containing  1  part  silver  to  4  gold.  cf.  Soph. 
Antig.  103S,  and  Herod,  i.  50. 

*  John  i.  I.  s  John  i.  3. 


DIALOGUES. 


193 


Eran.  —  Plainly  after  the  union,  the  na- 
tivity, the  miracles,  the  passion,  the  resur- 
rection, the  taking  up  into  heaven,  and  the 
coming  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

OrtJi.  —  Hear  then  John  saying  "  In  the 
beginning  was  the  word,  and  the  word  was 
with  God,  and  the  word  was  God.  He  was 
in  the  beginning  with  God.  All  things  were 
made  by  Him,  and  without  Him  was  not 
anything  made  "  ^  and  so  on.  Hear  too  Mat- 
thew, '*  The  book  of  the  generation  of  Jesus 
Christ,  Son  of  David,  — Son   of  Abraham," 

—  and  so  on.^  Luke  too  traced  His  geneal- 
ogy to  Abraham  and  David. ^  Now  make  the 
former  and  the  latter  quotation  fit  one  nature. 
You  will  find  it  impossible,  for  existence  in 
the  beginning,  and  descent   from   Abraham, 

—  the  making  of  all  things,  and  derivation 
from  a  created  forefather,  are  inconsistent. 

Eran,  —  By  thus  arguing  you  divide  the 
only  begotten  son  into  two  Persons. 

Orth. — One  Son  of  God  I  both  know 
and  adore,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ ;  but  I 
have  been  taught  the  difference  between  His 
Godhead  and  his  manhood.  You,  how- 
ever, who  say  that  there  is  only  one  nature 
after  the  union,  do  you  make  this  agree  with 
the  introductions  of  the  Evangelists. 

Eran.  — You  appear  to  assume  the  pro- 
position to  be  hard,  nay  impossible.  Be  it, 
I  beg,  short  and  easy ;  —  only  solve  our 
question. 

Orth.  — Both  qualities  are  proper  to  the 
Lord  Christ,  — existence  from  the  beginning, 
and  generation,  according  to  the  flesh,  from 
Abraham  and  David. 

Eran. — You  laid  down  the  law  that 
after  the  union  it  is  not  right  to  speak  of 
one  nature.  Take  heed  lest  in 
the  flesh  you  transgress  your  own  law. 

Orth. — Even  without  mentioning  the 
flesh  it  is  quite  easy  to  explain  the  point  in 
question,  for  I  am  applying  both  to  the 
Saviour  Christ. 

Eran.  —  I  too  assert  that  both  these  qual- 
ities belong  to  the  Lord  Christ. 

Orth.  —  Yes  ;  but  you  do  so  in  contem- 
plation of  two  natures  in  Him,  and  applying 
to  each  its  own  properties.  But  if  the 
Christ  is  one  nature,  how  is  it  possible  to 
attribute  to  it  properties  which  are  incon- 
sistent with  one  another.^  For  to  have 
derived  origin  from  Abraham  and  David, 
and  still  more  to  have  been  born  many 
generations  after  David,  is  inconsistent  with 
existence  in  the  beginning.  Again  to  have 
sprung  from  created  beings  is  inconsistent 
with  being  Creator  of  all  things  ;  to  have  had 
human   fathers  with  existence  derived  from 


mentionmg 


*  John  I.  1-3. 


2  Matt  J.  I. 


3  Luke  iii.   23. 


God.     In  short  the  new  is  inconsistent  with 
the  eternal. 

Let  us  also  look  at  the  matter  in  this  way. 
Do  we  say  that  the  divine  Word  is  Creator 
of  the  Universe } 

Eran.  —  So  we  have  learnt  to  believe 
from  the  divine  Scriptures. 

Orth.  —  And  how  many  days  after  the 
creation  of  heaven  and  earth  are  we  told 
that  Adam  was  formed.^ 

Eran.  — On  the  sixth  day. 

Orth. — And  from  Adam  to  Abraham 
how  many  generations  went  by.^ 

Eran.  —  I  think  twenty. 

Orth. — And  from  Abraham  to  Christ 
our  Saviour  how  many  generations  are 
reckoned  by  the  Evangelist  Matthew. 

Eran.  —  Forty- 1  wo.  ^ 

Orth.  —  If  then  the  Lord  Christ  is  one 
nature  how  can  He  be  Creator  of  all  things 
visible  and  invisible  and,  at  the  same  time, 
after  so  many  generations,  have  been  formed 
by  the  Holy  Ghost  in  a  virgin's  womb? 
And  how  could  He  be  at  one  and  the  same 
time  Creator  of  Adam  and  Son  of  Adam's 
descendants? 

Erajt.  —  I  have  already  said  that  both 
these  properties  are  appropriate  to  Him  as 
God  made  flesh,  for  I  recognise  one  nature 
made  flesh  of  the  Word. 

Orth.  —  Nor  yet,  my  good  sir,  do  we  say 
that  two  natures  of  the  divine  Word  were 
made  flesh,  for  we  know  that  the  nature  of 
the  divine  Word  is  one,  but  we  have  been 
taught  that  the  flesh  of  which  He  availed 
Himself  when  He  was  incarnate  is  of  an- 
other nature,  and  here  I  think  that  you  too 
agree  with  me.  Tell  me  now ;  after  what 
manner  do  you  say  that  the  making  flesh 
took  place? 

Eran.  —  I  know  not  the  manner,  but  I 
believe  that  He  was  made  flesh. 

Orth.  —  You  make  a  pretext  of  your 
ignorance  unfairly,  and  after  the  fashion  of 
the  Pharisees.  For  they  when  they  beheld 
the  force  of  the  Lord's  enquiry,  and  suspect- 
ing that  they  were  on  the  point  of  conviction, 
uttered  their  reply  ''  We  do  not  know."  -  But 
I  proclaim  quite  openly  that  the  divine 
incarnation  is  without  change.  For  if  by 
anv  variation  or  chansfe  He  was  made  flesh, 
tlien  after  the  change  all  that  is  divine  in 
His  names  and  in  His  deeds  is  quite  in- 
appropriate to  Him. 

Eran.  —  We  have  agreed  again  and 
again  that  God  the  Word  is  immutable. 

Orth.  —  He  was  made  flesh  by  taking 
flesh. 


1  Matt.  i.  17. 

3  Matt.  xxi.  27.     A.  V.  "  We  cannot  tell." 


194 


THEODORET. 


Eran.  —  Yes. 

Orth.  —  The  nature  of  God  the  Word 
made  flesh  is  different  from  that  of  the  flesh, 
by  assumption  of  which  the  nature  of  the 
divine  Word  was  made  flesh  and  became 
man. 

Eran.  — Agreed. 

Orth.  —  Was  He  then  changed  into  flesh  ? 

Eran,  —  Certainly  not. 

Orth.  —  If  then  He  was  made  flesh,  not 
by  mutation,  but  by  taking  flesh,  and  both 
the  former  and  the  latter  qualities  are  appro- 
priate to  Him  as  to  God  made  flesh,  as  you 
said  a  moment  ago,  then  the  natures  were 
not  confounded,  but  remained  unimpaired. 
And  as  long  as  we  hold  thus  we  shall  perceive 
too  the  harmony  of  the  Evangelists,  for  while 
the  one  proclaims  the  divine  attributes  of  the 
one  only  begotten  —  the  Lord  Christ — the 
other  sets  forth  His  human  qualities.  So  too 
Christ  our  Lord  Himself  teaches  us,  at  one 
time  calling  Himself  Son  of  God  and  at 
another  Son  of  man  :  at  one  time  He  gives 
honour  to  His  Mother  as  to  her  that  gave 
Him  birth  ;^  at  another  He  rebukes  her  as 
her  Lord.^  At  one  time  He  finds  no  fault 
with  them  that  style  Him  Son  of  David  ;  at 
another  He  teaches  the  ignorant  that  He  is 
not  only  David's  Son  but  also  David's  Lord.^ 
He  calls  Nazareth  and  Capernaum  His  coun- 
try,* and  again  He  exclaims  '^  Before  Abra- 
ham was  I  am."  '  You  will  find  the  divine 
Scripture  full  of  similar  passages,  and  they 
all  point  not  to  one  nature  but  to  two. 

Era?z.  —  He  who  contemplates  two 
natures  in  the  Christ  divides  the  one  only 
begotten  into  two  sons. 

Orth. — Yes;  and  he  who  says  Paul  is 
made  up  of  soul  and  body  makes  two  Pauls 
out  of  one. 

Eran.  —  The  analogy  does  not  hold  good. 

Orth.  — I  know  it  does  not,®  for  here  the 
union  is  a  natural  union  of  parts  that  are 
coaeval,  created,  and  fellow  slaves,  but  in 
the  case  of  the  Lord  Christ  all  is  of  good 
will,  of  love  to  man,  and  of  grace.  Here 
too,  though  the  union  is  natural,  the  proper 
qualities  of  the  natures  remain  unimpaired. 

Eran.  — If  the  proper  qualities  of  the 
natures  remain  distinct,  how  does  the  soul 
together  with  the  body  crave  for  food  } 

Orth.  —  The  soul  does  not  crave  for  food. 
How  could  it  when  it  is  immortal.^  But 
the  body,  which  derives  its  vital  force  from 
the  soul,  feels  its  need,  and  desires  to  receive 
what  is  lacking.  So  after  toil  it  longi  for 
rest,  after  waking  for  sleep,  and  so  with  the 


1  Luke  ii.  51, 

2  John  li.  4. 


8  Matt.  xxii.  42. 
*  Mark  vi.  i. 


5  John  viii.  58. 

"This,  it  will  be  remembered  is  the  analogy  employed  in 
the  '•  ^uicunque  vult.'* 


rest  of  its  desires.  So  forthwith  after  its 
dissolution,  since  it  has  no  longer  its  vital 
energy,  it  does  not  even  crave  for  what  is 
lacking,  and,  ceasing  to  receive  it,  it  under- 
goes corruption. 

Eran. — You  see  that  to  thirst  and  to 
hunger  and  similar  appetites  belong  to  the 
soul. 

Orth.  —  Did  these  belong  to  the  soul 
it  would  suffer  hunger  and  thirst,  and  the 
similar  wants,  even  after  its  release  from  the 
body. 

Eran.  —  What  then  do  you  say  to  be 
proper  to  the  soul }  ^ 

Orth.  — The  reasonable,  the  absolute,  the 
immortal,  the  invisible. 

Eran.  — And  what  of  the  body.'' 

Orth. — The  complex,  the  visible,  the 
mortal. 

Eran.  —  And  we  say  that  man  is  com- 
posed of  these  .^ 

Orth.  —  X^^. 

Eran.  — Then  we  define^  man  as  a  mor- 
tal reasonable  being. 

Orth.  —  Agreed. 

Eran.  — And  we  give  names  to  him  from 
both  these  attributes. 

Orth.  — Yes. 

Eran.  —  As  then  in  this  case  we  make  no 
distinction,  but  call  the  same  man  both 
reasonable  and  mortal,  so  also  should  we  do 
in  the  case  of  the  Christ,  and  apply  to  Him 
both  the  divine  and  the  human. 

Orth.  —  This  is  our  argument,  although 
you  do  not  accurately  express  it.  For  look 
you.  When  we  are  pursuing  the  argument 
about  the  human  soul,  do  we  only  mention 
what  is  appropriate  to  its  energy  and  nature.^ 

Eran.  — This  only. 

Orth.  — And  when  our  discussion  is 
about  the  body,  do  we  not  only  recall  what  is 
appropriate  to  it.^ 

Eran. — Qiiite  so. 

Orth.  —  But,  when  our  discourse  touches 
the  whole  being,  then  we  have  no  difficulty 
in  adducing  both    sets  of    qualities,   for    the 


1  All  through  the  argument  there  seems  to  be  some  confu- 
sion between  tne  two  senses  of  Ai^X'')  ^^  denoting  the  immortal 
and  the  animal  part  of  man,  and  so  between  the  ^vx'^<ov  and 
the  nvivy.a.TiKov.  According  to  the  Pauline  psychology,  (cf.  in 
I.  Cor.  15)  the  immortal  and  invisible  could  not  be  said  to  be 
proper  to  the  cra)/aa  ^vxt-nou^  This  "  natural  body"  is  a  body 
of  death  (Rom.  vil.  24)  and  requires  to  be  redeemed  (Rom.  viii. 
23)  and  changed  into  the  •'  house  which  is  from  heaven."  (II. 
Cor.  V.  2.)  Something  of  the  same  confusion  attaches  to  the 
common  use  of  the  word  "  soul "  to  which  we  find  the  lan^ 
guwge  of  Holy  Scripture  frequently  accommodated.  On  the 
popular  language  of  the  dichotomy  and  the  more  exact  trichot- 
omy of  I.  Thess.  V.  23  a  note  of  Bp.  Ellicott  on  that  passage 
may  well  be  consulted. 

2  "  ^tooi'  XoyLKov  ^vriTOf."  The  definition  may  be  compared 
with  those  of — 

Plato.  — ^tjjoy  arrTepoff  Siirovv,  nkaTvuivuxov  o  jxovov 
Twi'  OfToiv  eTTLtTTiqixriq  TYji  KaTd  \6yovi 
SeKTiKov  i(TTL.     Deff. 

Aristotle.  —  koKitikov  ^uiof.    Pol.  I.  ii.  9. 


DIALOGUES. 


195 


properties  both  of  the  body  and  of  the  sotd 
iire  applicable  to  man. 

E7'an,  — Unquestionably. 

Orth.  —  Well ;  just  in  this  way  should  we 
speak  of  the  Christ,  and,  when  arguing 
about  His  natures,  give  to  each  its  own, 
and  recognise  some  as  belonging  to  the  God- 
head, and  some  as  to  the  manhood.  But 
when  we  are  discussing  the  Person  we  must 
then  make  what  is  proper  to  the  natures 
common,  and  apply  both  sets  of  qualities  to 
the  vSaviour,  and  call  the  same  Being  both 
God  and  Man,  both  Son  of  God  and  Son  of 
Man  —  both  David's  Son  and  David's  Lord, 
both  Seed  of  Abraham  and  Creator  of  Abra- 
ham, and  so  on. 

Erait.  — That  the  person  of  the  Christ  is 
one,  and  that  both  the  divine  and  the  human 
are  attributable  to  Him,  you  have  quite 
rightly  said,  and  I  accept  this  definition  of 
the  Faith  ;  but  your  real  position,  that  in  dis- 
cussing the  natures  we  must  give  to  each  its 
own  properties,  seems  to  me  to  dissolve  the 
union.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  I  object  to 
accept  these  and  similar  arguments. 

Orth,  —  Yet  when  we  were  enquiring 
about  soul  and  body  you  thought  the  distinc- 
tion of  these  terms  admirable,  and  forthwith 
gave  it  your  approbation.  Why  then  do  you 
refuse  to  receive  the  same  rule  in  the  case  of 
the  Godhead  and  manhood  of  the  Lord 
Christ.^  Do  vou  go  so  far  as  to  object  to 
comparing  the  Godhead  and  the  manhood  of 
the  Christ  to  soul  and  body.''  So,  while  you 
grant  an  unconfounded  union  to  soul  and 
body,  do  you  venture  to  say  that  the  God- 
head and  manhood  of  the  Christ  have  under- 
gone commixture  and  confusion.'' 

Eran. — I  hold  the  Godhead  of  the 
Christ  aye,  and  His  flesh  too,  to  be  infinitely 
higher  in  honour  than  soul  and  body ;  but 
after  the  union  I  do  assert  one  nature. 

Orth.  —  But  now  is  it  not  impious  and 
shocking,  while  maintaining  that  a  soul 
united  to  a  body  is  in  no  way  subject  to  con- 
fusion, to  deny  to  the  Godhead  of  the  Lord 
of  ihe  universe  the  power  to  maintain  its 
own  nature  unconfounded  or  to  keep  within 
its  proper  bounds  the  humanity  which  He 
assumed.''  Is  it  not,  I  say,  impious  to  mix 
the  distinct,  and  to  commingle  the  separate .'' 
The  idea  of  one  nature  gives  ground  for  sus- 
picion of  this  confusion. 

Eran.  —  I  am  equally  anxious  to  avoid  the 
term  confusion,  but  I  shrink  from  asserting 
two  natures  lest  I  fall   into  a  dualism  of  sons. 

Orth.  — I  am  equally  anxious  to  escape 
either  horn  of  the  dilemma,  both  tlie  impious 
confusion  and  the  impious  distinction  ;  for  to 
me  it  is  alike  an  unhallowed  thought  to  split 


the  one  Son  in  two  and  to  gainsay  the  dual- 
ity of  the  natures.  But  now  in  truth's  name 
tell  me.  Were  one  of  the  faction  of  Arius  or 
Eunomius  to  endeavour,  while  disputing 
with  you,  to  belittle  the  Son,  and  to  describe 
Him  as  less  than  and  inferior  to  the  Father, 
by  the  help  of  all  their  familiar  arguments 
and  citations  from  the  divine  Scripture  of 
the  text  "Father,  if  it  be  possible,  let  this 
cup  pass  from  me  "  ^  and  that  other,  "  Now 
is  my  soul  troubled "  ^  and  other  like  pas- 
sages, how  would  you  dispose  of  his  ob- 
jections .f'  How  could  you  sliow  that 
the  Son  is  in  no  way  diminished  in  dignity 
by  these  expressions  and  is  not  of  another 
substance,  but  begotten  of  the  substance  of 
the  Father.? 

Eran.  —  I  should  say  that  the  divine 
Scripture  uses  some  terms  according  to  the 
theology  and  some  according  to  the  (Econ- 
omy, and  that  it  is  wrong  to  apply  what  be- 
longs to  the  oeconom.y  to  what  belongs  to  the 
theology.^ 

Orth,  —  But  your  opponent  w^ould  retort 
that  even  in  the  Old  Testament  the  divine 
Scripture  says  many  things  oeconomically,  as 
for  instance,  *'  Adam  heard  the  voice  of  the 
Lord  God  walking,'"*  and  ''  I  will  go  down 
now  and  see  whether  they  have  done  alto- 
gether according  to  the  cry  of  it  which  has 
come  to  me;  and  if  not  I  will  know,"^  and 
again,"  Now  I  know  that  thou  fearest  God  "  ® 
and  the  like. 

Eran.  —  I  might  answer  to  this  that  there 
is  a  great  distinction  between  the  oeconomies. 
In  the  Old  Testament  there  is  an  oeconomy 
of  words  ;  in  the  New  Testament  of  deeds. 

Orth.  —  Then  your  opponent  would  ask 
of  what  deeds  .-* 

E?'an.  —  He  shall  straightway  hear  of  the 
deeds  of  the  making  flesh.  For  the  Son  of 
God  on  being  made  man  both  in  word  and 
deed  at  one  time  exhibits  the  flesh,  at  an- 
other the  Godhead  :  as  of  course,  in  the  pas- 
sage quoted.  He  shews  the  weakness  of  the 
flesh  and  of  the  soul,  the  sense  namely  of  fear. 

Orth.  —  But  if  he  were  to  go  on  to  say, 
"  But  he  did  not  take  a  soul  but  only  a  body  ; 
for  the  Godhead  instead  of  a  soul  being- 
united  to  the  body  performed  all  the  func- 
tions of  the  soul,"  with  what  arguments  could 
you  meet  his  objections.'' 

Eran.  —  I  could  bring  proofs  from  the 
divine  Scripture  sliewing  how  God  the  Word 
took  not  only  flesh  but  also  soul. 

Orth.  — And  what  proofs  of  this  shall  we 
find  in  Scripture .'' 


*  Matt.  xxvi.  39. 

'John  xii.  27. 

3  Consult  note  on  page  72. 


4  Gen.  iii.  S. 
s  Gen.  xviii.  21. 
6  Gen.  xxii.   12. 


196 


THEODORET. 


Eran. — Have  you  not  heard  the  Lord 
saying  "  I  have  power  to  lay  it  dow^n,  and  I 
have  power  to  take  it  again.  ...  I  lay 
it  down  of  mj'self  that  I  might  take  it  again."  ^ 
And  again,  "Now  is  my  soul  troubled."^ 
And  again,  "  My  soul  is  exceeding  sorrowful 
even  unto  death,"  ^  and  again  David's  words 
as  interpreted  by  Peter  '^  His  soul  was  not 
left  in  hell  neither  did  His  flesh  see  corrup- 
tion." *  These  and  similar  passages  clearly 
point  out  that  God  the  Word  assumed  not 
only  a  body  but  also  a  soul. 

Orth.  ■• —  You  have  quoted  this  testimony 
most  appositely  and  properly,  but  your  op- 
ponent might  reply  that  even  before  the  in- 
carnation God  said  to  the  Jews,  "  Fasting 
and  holy  day  and  feasts  my  soul  hateth."  ^ 
Then  he  might  go  on  to  argue  that  as  in  the 
Old  Testament  He  mentioned  a  soul,  though 
He  had  not  a  soul,  so  He  does  in   the  New. 

Eran.  —  But  he  shall  be  told  again  how 
the  divine  Scripture,  when  speaking  of  God, 
mentions  even  parts  of  the  body  as  ''  In- 
cline thnie  ear  and  hear"  ^  and  "  Open  thine 
eyes  and  see  "  '  and  "  The  mouth  of  the  Lord 
hath  spoken  it"  ^  and  ''Thy  hands  have 
made  me  and  fashioned  me  "  ^  and  countless 
other  passages. 

If  then  after  the  incarnation  we  are  for- 
bidden to  understand  soul  to  mean  soul,  it 
is  equally  forbidden  to  hold  body  to  mean 
body.  Thus  the  great  mystery  of  the  oeco- 
nomy  will  be  found  to  be  mere  imagination  ; 
and  we  shall  in  no  way  differ  from  Marcion, 
Valentinus  and  Manes,  the  inventors  of  all 
these  fiofments. 

Orth.  —  But  if  a  follower  of  ApoUinarius 
were  suddenly  to  intervene  in  our  discussion 
and  were  to  ask  "  Most  excellent  Sir;  what 
kind  of  soul  do  you  say  that  Christ  as- 
sumed?" what  would  you  answer.^ 

Eran.  —  I  should  first  of  all  say  that  I 
know  only  one  soul  of  man;  then  I  should 
answer,  "  But  if  you  reckon  two  souls,  the 
one  reasonable  and  the  other  without  reason, 
I  say  that  the  soul  assumed  was  the  reason- 
able. Yours  it  seems  is  the  unreasonable, 
inasmuch  as  you  think  that  our  salvation 
was  incomplete." 

Orth. — But  suppose  he  were  to  ask  for 
proof  of  what  you  say  "^ 

Eran.  —  I  could  very  easily  give  it.  I 
shall  quote  the  oracles  of  the  Evangelists 
"  The  Child  Jesus  grew  and  waxed  strong 
in  spirit  and  the  grace  of  God  was  upon 
him"^®  and  again  "Jesus  increased  in  wis- 


*John  X.  iS,  17. 

*John  xii.  27. 

3  Matt.  xxvi.  38. 

*  Psalm  xvi.  10  and  Acts  ii. 

5  Isaiah  i.  13,  14.  Sept. 


31- 


•5  Daniel  ix.  18. 
->  Ibid. 

8  Isaiah  Iviii.  14. 
^  Ps.  cxix.  73, 
1^  Luke  ii.  40.  . 


dom  and  in  stature  and  in  favour  with  God 
and  men."^  I  should  say  that  these  have 
nothing  to  do  with  Godhead  for  the  body 
increased  in  stature,  and  in  wisdom  the 
soul  —  not  that  which  is  without  reason,  but 
the  reasonable.  God  the  Word  then  took 
on  Him  a  reasonable  soul. 

Orth.  —  Good  Sir,  you  have  bravely 
broken  through  the  three  fold  phalanx  of 
your  foes  ;  but  that  union,  and  the  famous 
commixture  and  confusion,  not  in  two  ways 
only  but  in  three,  you  have  scattered  and 
undone  ;  and  not  only  have  you  pointed  out 
the  distinction  between  Godhead  and  man- 
hood, but  you  have  in  two  ways  distinguished 
the  manhood  by  pointing  out  that  the  soul 
is  one  thing  and  the  body  another,  so  that 
no  longer  two,  according  to  our  argument, 
but  three  natures  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ 
may  be  understood. 

Eran.  —  Yes ;  for  did  not  you  say  that 
there  is  another  substance  of  the  soul  besides 
the  nature  of  the  body.^ 

Orth.  —  Yes. 

Eran.  —  How  then    does     the    argument* 
seem  absurd  to  you.^ 

Orth.  —  Because  while  you  object  to  two, 
you  have  admitted  three  natures. 

Eran.  — The  contest  with  our  antagonists 
compels  us  to  this,  for  how  could  any  one  in 
any  other  way  argue  against  those  who  deny 
the  assumption  of  the  flesh,  or  of  the  soul, 
or  of  the  mind,  but  by  adducing  proofs  on 
these  points  from  the  divine  Scripture }  And 
how  could  any  one  confute  them  v^4io  in 
their  madness  strive  to  belittle  the  Godhead 
of  the  only  Begotten  but  by  pointing  out  that 
the  divine  Scripture  speaks  sometimes  theo- 
logically and  sometimes  oeconomically. 

Orth.  —  What  you  now  say  is  true.  It  is 
what  I,  nay  vs^hat  all  say,  who  keep  whole 
the  apostolic  rule.  You  yourself  have  be- 
come a  supporter  of  our  doctrines. 

Eran.  — How  do  I  support  yours,  while  I 
refuse  to  acknowledge  two  sons.^ 

Orth.  — When  did  you  ever  hear  of  our 
affirming  two  sons? 

Eran.  —  He  who  asserts  two  natures  as- 
serts two  sons. 

Orth.  —  Then  you  assert  three  sons,  for 
you  have  spoken  of  three  natures. 

Eran.  —  In  no  other  way  was  it  possible 
to  meet  the  argument  of  my  opponents. 

Orth.  —  Hear  this  same  thing  from  us  too  ; 
for  both  you  and  I  confront  the  same  antag- 
onists. 

Eran.  —  But  I  do  not  assert  two  natures 
after  the  union. 

Orth.  —  And    yet  after  many  generations 

^Luke  li.  52. 


DIALOGUES. 


197 


of  the  union  a  moment  ago  you  used  the 
same  words.  Explain  to  us  however  in  what 
sense  you  assert  one  nature  after  the  union. 
Do  you  mean  one  nature  derived  from  both 
or  that  one  nature  remains  after  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  other  .^ 

Eran,  — I  maintain  that  the  Godhead  re- 
mains and  that  the  manhood  was  swallowed 
up  by  it.^ 

Orth,  —  Fables  of  the  Gentiles,  all  this, 
and  follies  of  the  Manichees.  I  am  ashamed 
so  much  as  to  mention  such  things.  The 
Greeks  had  their  gods'  swallowings^  and  the 
Manichees  wrote  of  the  daughter  of  light. 
But  we  reject  such  teaching  as  being  as 
absurd  as  it  is  impious,  for  how  could  a 
nature  absolute  and  uncompounded,  compre- 
hending the  universe,  unapproachable  and 
infinite,  have  absorbed  the  nature  which  it 
assumed  ? 

Eran.  —  Like  the  sea  receiving  a  drop  of 
iioney,  for  straightway  the  drop,  as  it  min- 
gles with  the  ocean's  water,  disappears. 

Orth,  —  The  sea  and  the  drop  are  differ- 
•ent  in  quantity,  though  alike  in  <{uality  ;  the 
one  is  greatest,  the  other  is  least ;  the  one  is 
sweet  and  the  other  is  bitter ;  but  in  all  other 
respects  you  will  find  a  very  close  relation- 
ship. The  nature  of  both  is  moist,  liquid, 
and  fluid.  Both  are  created.  Both  are  life- 
less yet  each  alike  is  called  a  body.  There 
is  nothing  then  absurd  in  these  cognate 
natures  undergoing  commixture,  and  in  the 
one  being  made  to  disappear  by  the  other. 
In  the  case  before  us  on  the  contrary  the  dif- 
ference is  infinite,  and  so  great  that  no  figure 
of  the  reality  can  be  found.  I  will  however 
endeavour  to  point  out  to  you  several  instances 
of  substances  which  are  mixed  without  being 
-confounded,  and  remain  unimpaired. 

Era7i. — Who  in  the  world  ever  heard 
of  an  unmixed  mixture? 

Orth.  —  I  shall  endeavour  to  make  you 
admit  this. 

Eran.  —  Should  what  you  are  about  to 
advance  prove  true  we  will  not  oppose  the 
truth. 

Orth.  —  Answer  then,  dissenting  or  as- 
senting as  the  argument  may  seem  good  to 
yoLi. 

Eran.  —  I  will  answer. 

Orth.  —  Does  the  light  at  its  rising  seem 
to  you  to  fill  all  the  atmosphere  except 
where  men  shut  up  in  caverns  might  remain 
bereft  of  it.'' 

Eran.  —  Yes. 

1  K<xTa-iro%r\va.i  i.e.,  was  absorbed  and  made  to  disappear. 
Contrast  the  adsumptione  Hiimanitatis  in  Deutn  (or"  in  Deo* 
as  the  older  MSS.  read)  of  the  Athanasian  Creed. 

2  The  allusion  is  to  the  fable  of  Saturn  devouring  his  chii- 
clren  at  their  birth. 


Orth.  — 

you   to  be 

phere  } 

Eran,  — 

Orth.  — 


And  does 
diffused 


all   the  light  seem   to 
all  the  atmos- 


th  rough 


I  am  with  you  so  far. 
And  is  not  the  mixture  difliised 
through  all  that  is  subject  to  it.^ 

Eran.  —  Certainly, 

Orth.  —  But,  now,  this  illuminated  atmos- 
phere, do  we  not  see  it  as  light  and  call  it 
light } 

Eran,  —  Quite  so. 

Orth,  — And  yet  when  the  light  is  present 
we  sometimes  are  aware  of  moisture  and 
aridity  ;  frequently  of  heat  and  cold. 

Era7t.  —  Yes. 

Orth.  —  And  after  the  departure  of  the 
light  the  atmosphere  afterwards  remains 
alone  by  itself. 

Eran,  — True. 

Orth.  —  Consider  this  example  too. 
When  iron  is  brought  in  contact  with  fire 
it  is  fired. 

Eran.  —  Certainly. 

Orth,  —  And  the  fire  is  diffused  through  its 
whole  substance.^ 

Eran,  —  Well } 

Orth.  —  How,  then,  does  not  the  com- 
plete union,  and  the  mixture  universally 
diffused,  change  the  iron's  nature.'' 

Eran. — But  it  changes  it  altogether. 
It  is  now  reckoned  no  longer  as  iron,  but  as 
fire,  and  indeed  it  has  the  active  properties 
of  fire. 

Orth,  —  But  does  not  the  smith  call  it 
iron,  and  put  it  on  the  anvil  and  smite  it  with 
his  hammer.? 

Eran,  —  Unquestionably. 

Orth,  —  Then  the  nature  of  the  iron  was 
not  damaged  by  contact  with  the  fire.  If 
then,  in  natural  bodies,  instances  may  be 
found  of  an  unconfounded  mixture,  it  is 
sheer  folly  in  the  case  of  the  nature  which 
knows  neither  corruption  nor  change  to  en- 
tertain the  idea  of  confusion  and  destruction 
of  the  assumed  nature,  and  all  the  more  so 
when  this  nature  was  assumed  to  bring  bless- 
ing on  the  race. 

Eran.  —  What  I  assert  is  not  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  assumed  nature,  but  its  change 
into  the  substance  of  Godhead. 

Orth.  —  Then  the  human  race  is  no 
longer  limited  as  heretofore.? 

Eran.  — No. 

Orth. — When  did  it  undergo  this 
change } 

Era7i,  —  After  the  complete  union. 

Orth. ' —  And  what  date  do  you  assign  to 
this .? 

Eran,  — I  have  said  again  and  again,  that 
of  the  conception. 


19^ 


THEODORET. 


Orth.  —  Yet  after  the  conception  He  was 
an  unborn  babe  in  the  womb  ;  after  His  birth, 
He  was  a  babe  ^  and  was  called  a  babe,  and 
was  worshipped  by  shepherds,  and  in  like 
manner  became  a  boy,  and  was  so  called  by 
the  angel. ^  Do  you  acknowledge  all  this? 
or  do  you  think  I  am  inventing  fables? 

Eran,  —  This  is  taught  in  the  history  of 
the  divine  gospels,  and  cannot  be  gainsaid. 

Orth.  —  Now  let  us  investigate  what  fol- 
lows. We  acknowledge,  do  we  not,  that  the 
Lord  was  circumcised? 

Era7i.  — Yes. 

Orth. — Of  what  was  there  a  circum- 
cision?    Of  flesh  or  Godhead? 

Eran.  —  Of  the  flesh. 

Orth.  —  Of  what  was  then  the  growth 
and  increase  in  wisdom  and  stature? 

Eran.  — This,  of  course,  is  not  applicable 
to  Godhead. 

Orth.  — Nor  hunger  and  thirst? 

Eran.  —  No. 

Orth. — Nor  walking  about,  and  being 
weary,  and  falling  asleep? 

Eran,  —  No. 

Orth. — If  then  the  union  took  place  at 
the  conception,  and  all  these  things  came  to 
pass  after  the  conception  and  the  birth,  then, 
after  the  union,  the  manhood  did  not  lose  its 
own  nature. 

Eran.  —  I  have  not  stated  my  meaning 
exactly.  It  was  after  the  resurrection  from 
the  dead  that  the  flesh  underwent  the  change 
into  Godhead. 

Orth.  —  Then,  after  the  resurrection, 
nothing  of  all  that  indicates  its  nature  re- 
mained in  it? 

Eran.  —  If  it  remained,  the  divine  change 
did  not  take  place. 

Orth.  —  How  then  was  it  that  He  shewed 
His  hands  and  His  feet  to  the  disciples  who 
disbelieved? 

Eran. — Just  as  He  came  in  when  the 
doors  were  shut. 

Orth.  —  But  He  came  in  when  the  doors 
were  shut  just  as  He  came  out  from  the 
womb,  though  the  virgin's  bolts  and  bars 
were  undrawn,  and  just  as  He  walked  upon 
the  sea.  Then  according  to  your  argument 
not  even  yet  had  the  change  of  nature  taken 
place  ? 

Eran.  —  The  Lord  shewed  His  hands  to 
the  Apostles  in  the  same  way  as  He  wrestled 
with  Jacob. 

Orth.  —  No ;  the  Lord  does  not  allow  us 
to  understand  it  in  this  sense.  The  disciples 
thought  they  saw  a  spirit,  but  the  Lord  dis- 
pelled this  idea,  and   shewed  the   nature  of 


the  flesh,  for  He  said  '-Why  are  ye  troubled.^ 
and  why  do  thoughts  arise  in  your  hearts.^ 
Behold  my  hands  and  my  feet,  that  it  is  I 
myself:  handle  me,  and  see;  for  a  spirit 
hath  not  flesh  and  bones,  as  ye  see  me 
have."  ^  And  observe  the  exactness  of  the 
language.  He  does  not  say  *'  is  not  flesh 
and  bones,"  but  "  has  not  flesh  and  bones,'*" 
in  order  to  point  out  that  the  nature  of  the 
possessor  and  the  nature  of  that  which  is 
possessed  are  distinct  and  separate.  Just  in 
the  same  way  that  which  took  and  that: 
which  was  taken  are  separate  and  distinct, 
and  the  Christ  is  beheld  made  one  of  both.. 
Thus  the  part  possessing  is  entirely  different 
from  the  part  possessed,  and  yet  does  not 
divide  into  two  persons  Him  who  is  an  ob- 
ject of  thought  in  them.  The  Lord,  indeed, 
while  the  disciples  were  still  in  doubt,  asked 
for  food  and  took  and  ate  it,  not  consuming 
the  food  only  in  appearance,  nor  satisfying" 
to  the  need  of  the  body. 

Eran.  —  But  one  of  these  alternatives, 
must  be  accepted  ;  either  He  partook  because 
He  needed,  or  else,  needing  not,  He  seemed 
to  eat,  and  did  not  really  partake  of  food. 

Orth.  —  His  body  now  become  immortal 
required  no  food.  Of  them  that  rise  the 
Lord  says:  *' they  neither  marry  nor  are 
given  in  marriage  but  are  as  Angels."-  The 
apostles  however  bear  witness  that  He  partook 
of  the  food,  for  the  blessed  Luke  in  the  pref- 
ace to  the  Acts  says  *'  being  assembled 
together  with  the  apostles  the  Lord  com- 
manded them  that  they  should  not  depart 
from  Jerusalem  "^  and  the  very  divine  Peter 
says  more  distinctly:  "Who  did  eat  and 
drink  with  Him  after  He  rose  from  the 
dead.'"*  For  since  eating  is  proper  to  them, 
that  live  this  present  life,  of  necessity  the 
Lord  by  means  of  eating  and  drinking  proved 
the  resurrection  of  the  flesh  to  them  that  did 
not  acknowledge  it  to  be  real.  This  same 
course  He  pursued  in  the  case  of  Lazarus, 
and  of  Jairus'  daughter.  For  when  He  had 
raised  up  the  latter  He  ordered  that  some- 
thing should  be  given  her  to  eat  ^  and  He 
made  Lazarus  sit  with  Him  at  the  table  ^  and 
so  shewed  the  reality  of  the  rising  again. 

Era7t.  —  If  we  grant  that  the  Lord  really 
ate,  let  us  grant  that  after  the  resurrection  all 
men  partake  of  food. 

Orth.  —  What  was  done  by  the  Saviour 
through  a  certain  oeconomy  is  not  a  rule  and 
law  of  nature.  This  follows  from  the  fact 
that  He  did  other  things  by  oeconomy  which 
shall  by  no  means  be  the  lot  of  them  that  live 
again. 


*  J^uke  ii.  I  a  and  16. 


*  Matt.  ii.  13. 


1  Luke  xxiv.  38,  39. 
'  Mark  xii.  25. 


3  Acts  i.  4. 
*  Acts  X.  41. 


"  Mark  v.  43. 
6  John  xii.  21, 


DIALOGUES. 


199 


Eran.  —  What  do  you  mean  ? 

Orth.  — Will  not  the  bodies  of  them  that 
rise  become  incorruptible  and  immortal? 

Eran.  — So  the  divine  Paul  has  taught  us. 
''It  is  sown"  he  says  "  in  corruption;  it  is 
raised  in  incorruption  ;  it  is  sown  in  dishon- 
our ;  it  is  raised  in  glory  ;  it  is  sown  in  weak- 
ness ;  it  is  raised  in  power  ;  it  is  sown  a  natural 
body  ;   it  is  raised  a  spiritual  body."  ^ 

Orth. — But  the  Lord,  who  raises  the 
bodies  of  all  men,  unmaimed  and  unmarred 
(for  lameness  of  limb  and  blindness  of  eye 
are  unknown  among  them  that  are  risen), ^ 
left  in  His  own  body  the  prints  of  the  nails, 
and  the  wound  in  His  side,  whereof  are  wit- 
nesses both  the  Lord  H^imself  and  the  hand 
of  Thomas. 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  —  If  then  after  the  resurrection  the 
Lord  both  partook  of  food,  and  shewed  His 
hands  and  His  feet  to  His  disciples,  and  in 
them  the  prints  of  the  nails,  and  His  side  with 
the  mark  of  the  wound  in  it,  and  said  to 
them,  "  Handle  me  and  see  for  a  spirit  hath 
not  flesh  and  bones  as  ye  see  me  have  "  ^  it 
follows  that  after  His  resurrection  the  nature 
of  His  body  was  preserved  and  was  not 
changed  into  another  substance. 

Eran. — Then  after  the  resurrection  it  is 
mortal  and  subject  to  suffering? 

Orth.  — By  no  means  ;  it  is  incorruptible, 
impassible,  and  immortal. 

Eran.  —  If  it  is  incorruptible,  impassible, 
and  immortal,  it  has  been  changed  into 
another  nature. 

Orth. — Therefore  the  bodies  of  all  men 
will  be  changed  into  another  substance,  for  all 
will  be  incorruptible  and  immortal.  Or  have 
you  not  heard  the  words  of  the  Apostle,  "  For 
this  corruptible  must  put  on  incorruption,  and 
this  mortal  must  put  on  immortality"?'* 

Eran.  —  I  have  heard. 

Orth.  — Therefore  the  nature  remains,  but 
its  corruption  is  changed  into  incorruption, 
and  its  mortal  into  immortality.  But  let  us 
look  at  the  matter  in  this  way  ;  we  call  a 
body  that  is  sick  and  a  body  that  is  whole,  in 
the  same  way,  a  body. 

Eran.  —  Unquestionably. 

Orth.  — Wherefore? 

Eran. — Since  both  partake  of  the  same 
substance. 

Orth. — Yet  we  see  in  them  a  very  great 
difference,  for  the  one  is  whole,  perfect,  and 
unhurt;  the  other  has  either  lost  an  eye,  or 


1  I.  Cor.  XV,  42,  4^,  44. 

2  Contrast  Plato  Gorgias  §  169  naTcayoTa  re  ei  tou  ^v  ixeXt}  jj 
SieiTTpaixfJieva  ^wj'tos  /cat  TeOweutro^  ravTa  €i/6i)Aa,  and  Virgil  ^n. 
vi.  494. 

'*  Atque  hie  Priatniden  laniatum  corpore  ioto 
Deiphohiim  vidit  lacertim  crtideliter  ora.'* 
•  Luke  xxiv.  39.  *  I.  Cor.  xv.  53. 


has   a  broken  leg,  or   has  undergone  some 
other  suffering. 

Eran.  —  But  to  the  same  nature  belong 
both  health  and  sickness. 

Orth.  —So  the  body  is  called  substance; 
disease  and  health  are  called  accident. 

Eran.  ■ —  Of  course.  For  these  things  are 
accidents  of  the  body,  and  again  cease  to  be 
so. 

Orth.  —  In  the  same  way  corruption  and 
death  must  be  called  accidents,  and  not  sub- 
stances, for  they  too  are  accidents  and  cease 
to  be  so. 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  —  So  the  body  of  the  Lord  rose 
incorruptible,  impassible,  and  immortal,  and 
is  worshipped  by  the  powers  of  heaven,  and  is 
yet  a  body  having  its  former  limitation. 

Eran. — In  these  points  you  seem  to  say 
sooth,  but  after  its  assumption  into  heaven  I 
do  not  think  that  you  will  deny  that  it  was 
changed  into  the  nature  of  Godhead. 

Orth,  —  I  would  not  so  say  persuaded  only 
by  human  arguments,  for  I  am  not  so  rash 
as  to  say  anything  concerning  which  divine 
Scripture  is  silent.  But  I  have  heard  the 
divine  Paul  exclaiming  "God  hath  appointed 
a  day  in  the  which  He  will  judge  the  world 
in  righteousness  by  that  man  whom  He  hath 
ordained  whereof  He  hath  given  assurance 
unto  all  men  in  that  He  hath  raised  Him 
from  the  dead,"^  and  I  have  learnt  from  the 
holy  Angels  that  He  will  come  in  like  manner 
as  the  disciples  saw  Him  going  into  heaven.^ 
Now  they  saw  His  nature  not  unlimited. 
For  I  have  heard  the  words  of  the  Lord, 
"Ye  shall  see  the  Son  of  Man  coming  in  the 
clouds  of  heaven,"  ^  and  I  acknowledge  that 
what  is  seen  of  men  is  limited,  for  the  unlim- 
ited nature  is  invisible.  Furthermore  to 
sit  upon  a  throne  of  glory  and  to  set  the 
lambs  upon  the  right  and  the  kids  upon  the 
left*  indicates  limitation. 

Eran.  —  Then  He  w  as  not  unlimited  even 
before  the  incarnation,  for  the  prophet  saw 
Him  surrounded  by  the  Seraphim." 

Orth.  —  The  prophet  did  not  see  the  sub- 
stance of  God,  but  a  certain  appearance  ac- 
commodated to  his  capacity.  After  the  resur- 
rection, however,  all  the  world  will  see  the 
very  visible  nature  of  the  judge. 

Eran.  —  You  promised  that  you  would 
adduce  no  argument  without  evidence,  but 
you  are  introducing  arguments  adapted  to  us. 

Orth.  —  I  have  learnt  these  things  from 
the  divine  Scripture.  I  have  heard  the 
words  of  the  prophet  Zechariah  "They 
shall  look  on    Him  whom    they    pierced. 


M  6 


*  Acts  xvii.  31. 
'  Acts  i.  II. 


5  Matt.  xxvi.  64. 
*  Matt.  XXV.  31-33. 


"  Isaiah  vi.  3, 
'  Zech.  xii.  10. 


2  GO 


THEODORET. 


and  how  shall  the  event  follow  the  prophecy 
unless  the  crucifiers  recognise  the  nature 
which  they  crucified?  And  I  have  heard 
the  cry  of  the  victorious  martyr  Stephen, 
*'  Behold  I  see  the  heavens  opened  and  the 
Son  of  Man  standing  on  the  right  hand  of 
God,"^  and  he  saw  the  visible,  not  the  invis- 
ible nature. 

Eran.  —  These  things  are  thus  written, 
but  I  do  not  think  that  you  will  be  able  to 
show  that  the  body,  after  the  ascension 
into  heaven,  is  called  body  by  the  inspired 
writers. 

Orth.  — What  has  been  already  said  indi- 
cates the  body  perfectly  plainly ;  for  what  is 
seen  is  a  body  ;  but  I  will  nevertheless  point 
out  to  you  that  even  after  the  assumption  the 
body  of  the  Lord  is  called  a  body.  Hear 
the  teaching  of  the  Apostle,  ''For  our  con- 
versation is  in  Heaven  from  whence  also  w^e 
look  for  the  Saviour,  the  Lord  Jesus,  w^ho 
shall  change  our  vile  body  that  it  may  be 
fashioned  like  unto  liis  glorious  body."  -  It 
was  not  changed  into  another  nature,  but 
remained  a  body,  full  however  of  divine 
glory,  and  sending  forth  beams  of  light. 
The  bodies  of  the  saints  shall  be  fashioned 
like  unto  it.  But  if  it  was  changed  into 
another  nature,  their  bodies  will  be  like- 
wise changed,  for  they  shall  be  fashioned 
like  unto  it.  But  if  the  bodies  of  the  saints 
preserve  the  character  of  their  nature,  then 
also  the  body  of  the  Lord  in  like  manner 
keeps  its  own  nature   unchanged. 

Eran.  —  Then  will  the  bodies  of  the 
saints  be  equal  with  the  body  of  the  Lord  ? 

Orth.  —  \\\  its  incorruption  and  its  im- 
mortality they  too  will  share.  Moreover  in 
its  glory  they  will  participate,  as  says  the 
Apostle,  "  If  so  be  that  we  suffer  with  Him, 
that  we  may  be  also  glorified  together."  ^  It 
is  in  quantity  that  the  vast  difference  may  be 
found,  a  difference  as  great  as  between  sun 
and  stars,  or  rather  between  master  and 
slaves,  and  that  which  gives  and  that  which 
receives  light.  Yet  has  He  given  a  share  of 
His  own  name  to  His  servants  and  as  He 
is  Light,  calls  His  saints  light,  for  ''Ye," 
He  says,  "  are  the  Light  of  the  world,"  "*  and 
being  named  servants  and  being  named 
"Sun  of  Righteousness"^  He  says  of  his 
servants  "  Then  shall  the  risfhteous  shine 
forth  as  the  Sun."  "^  It  is  therefore  according 
to  quality,  not  according  to  quantity,  that  the 
bodies  of  the  saints  shall  be  fashioned  like 
unto  the  body  of  the  Lord.  Now  I  have 
shewn    you     plainly    what   you    bade    me. 


^  Acts  vii.  56. 
'  Phil.  iii.  20,  21. 
s  Rom.  viii.  17. 
*  Matt.  V.  14. 


Observe  omission  of  *•  Christ." 

5  Malachi  iv.  2. 

6  Matt.  xiii.  43. 


Further,   if  you    please,  let   us    look    at    the 
matter  in  yet  another  way. 

Eran. — One  ought  "to  stir  every 
stone,"  as  the  proverb  says,^  to  get  at  the 
truth  ;  above  all  when  it  is  a  question  of  di- 
vine doctrines. 

Orth. — Tell  me  now;  the  mystic  sym- 
bols which  are  offered  to  God  by  them  who 
perform  priestly  rites,  of  what  are  they  sym- 
bols } 

Eran.  —  Of  the  body  and  blood  of  the 
Lord. 

Orth.  —  Of  the  real  body  or  not? 

Eran.  —  The  real. 

Orth.  —  Good.  For  there  must  be  the 
archetype  of  the  image.  So  painters  imi- 
tate nature  and  paint  the  images  of  visible 
objects. 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  — If,  then,  the  divine  mysteries  are 
antitypes  of  the  real  body,^  therefore  even 
now  the  body  of  the  Lord  is  a  body,  not 
changed  into  nature  of  Godhead,  but  filled 
with  divine  glory. 

Eran.  —  You  have  opportunely  intro- 
duced the  subject  of  the  divine  mysteries  for 
from  it  I  shall  be  able  to  shov^  you  the 
change  of  the  Lord's  body  into  another 
nature.     Answer  now  to  my  questions. 

Orth.  —  I  will  answer. 

Eran.  —  What  do  you  call  the  gift  which 
is  offered  before  the  priestly  invocation  ? 

Orth. — It  were  wrong  to  say  openly; 
perhaps  some  uninitiated  aie  present. 

Eran. —  Let  your  answer  be  put  enigmat- 
ically. 

Orth. — Food  of  grain  of  such  a  sort. 

Era7i. — And  how  name  we  tlie  other 
symbol? 

Orth.  —  This  name  too  is  common,  signi- 
fying species  of  drink. 

Eran.  —  And  after  the  consecration  how 
do  you  name  these? 

Orth.  —  Christ's  body  and  Christ's  blood. 

Eran. — And  do  you  believe  that  you 
partake  of  Christ's  body  and  blood? 

6>rM.— I  do. 

Eran. — As,  then,  the  symbols  of  the 
Lord's  body  and  blood  are  one  thing  before 
the  priestly  invocation,  and  after  the  invoca- 
tion are  changed  and  become  another  thing  ; 
so  the  Lord's  body  after  the  assumption  is 
changed  into  the  divine  substance. 

Orth.  —  You  are  caught  in  the  net  you 
have  woven  yourself.  For  even  after  the 
consecration  the  mystic  symbols  are   not  de- 

^  Probably  the  Atdo?  in  the  stone  on  the  Draug-ht  Board.  So 
7ta.vTa  Kivdv  \i0ov  is  to  make  every  effort  in  the  game. 

2  Tov  orTw?  <ru>/u.aTtt)?  avrirvna.  evri  tOl  8ela  (ivtTTrfpia.  The 
view  of  Orthodoxus,  it  will  be  seen,  is  not  that  of  the  Roman 
confession,    cf.  note  on  p.  206. 


DIALOGUES. 


201 


prived  of  their  own  nature  ;  they  remahi  in 
their  former  substance  figure  and  form  ;  they 
are  visible  and  tangible  as  they  were  before. 
But  they  are  regarded  as  what  they  are  be- 
come, and  believed  so  to  be,  and  are  wor- 
shipped ^  as  being  what  they  are  believed  to 
be.  Compare  then  the  image  with  the  arche- 
type, and  you  will  see  the  likeness,  for  the 
type  must  be  like  the  reality.  For  that 
body  preserves  its  former  form,  figure,  and 
limitation  and  in  a  word  the  substance  of  the 
body  ;  but  after  the  resurrection  it  has  be- 
come immortal  and  superior  to  corruption  ; 
it  has  become  worthy  of  a  seat  on  the  right 
hand  ;  it  is  adored  by  every  creature  as  being 
called  the  natural  body  of  the  Lord. 

Eran.  —  Yes ;  and  the  mystic  symbol 
changes  its  former  appellation  ;  it  is  no  longer 
called  by  the  name  it  went  by  before,  but  is 
styled  body.  So  must  the  reality  be  called 
God,  and  not  body. 

Orth.  —  You  seem  to  me  to  be  ignorant  — 
for  He  is  called  not  only  body  but  even  bread 
of  life.  So  the  Lord  Himself  used  this 
name '  and  that  very  body  we  call  divine 
body,  and  giver  of  life,  and  of  the  Master  and 
of  the  Lord,  teaching  that  it  is  not  common 
to  every  man  but  belongs  to  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  Who  is  God  and  Man.  "  For  Jesus 
Christ"  is  "the  same  yesterday,  to-day,  and 
forever."  ^ 

Eran.  — You  have  said  a  great  deal  about 
this,  but  I  follow  the  saints  who  have  shone 
of  old  in  the  Church  ;  show  me  then,  if  you 
can,  these  in  their  writings  dividing  the 
natures  after  the  union. 

Orth,  — I  will  read  you  their  works,  and 
I  am  sure  you  will  be  astonished  at  the 
countless  mentions  of  the  distinction  which 
in  their  struggle  against  impious  heretics 
they  have  inserted  in  their  writings.  Hear 
now  those  whose  testimony  I  have  already 
adduced  speaking  openly  and  distinctly  on 
these  points. 

Testimony  of  the  holy  Ignatius^  bishop  of 
Antioch^  and  martyr :  — 

From  the  Epistle  to  the  Smyrnaeans  '.^  "I 
acknowledge  and  believe  Him  after  His 
resurrection  to  be  existent  in  the  flesh  :  and 
when  He  came  to  hem  that  were  with  Peter 
He  said  to  them  '  Take  ;  handle  me  and  see, 
for  lam  not  a  bodiless  daemon.'  ^  And  straight- 
way they  took  hold  of  him  and  believed." 

1  TrpoaAcui'etTai.  3  Heb.  xiii.  8. 

2Johnvi.  51.  *  Ad  Smyr.  III. 

5  The  quotation  is  not  from  the  canonical  gospels.  Eusebius 
(iii.  36)  says  he  does  not  know  from  what  source  it  comes,  Jerome 
states  it  to  be  derived  from  the  g-ospel  lately  translated  by  him, 
the  g^ospel  according  to  the  Hebrews  (Vir.  III.  2)  Origen 
ascribes  the  words  to  the  "  Doctriiia  Petri V  (de  Princ.  Praef. 
S)  Bp.  Lightfoot,  by  whom  the  matter  is  fullv  discussed,  (Ap. 
Fath.  pt.  II.  Vol.  ii.  p.  295)  thinks  that  either  Jerome,  mori 
suo,  was  forgetful,  or  had  a  different  recension  of  the  gospel 


Of  the  same  from  the  same  epistle  :  — 

"  And  c'jfter  His  Resurrection  He  ate  with 
them,  and  drank  with  them,  as  being  of  the 
flesh,  although  He  was  spiritually  one  with 
the  Father." 

Testimony  of  Irenceus,^  the  ancient  bishop 
of  Lyons :  — 

From  the  third  Book  of  his  work  "  Against 
Heresies."      (Chap.  XX.) 

"As  we  have  said  before.  He  united  man 
to  God.  For  had  not  a  man  vanquished 
man's  adversary,  the  enemy  would  not  have 
been  vanquished  aright;  and  again,  had  not 
God  granted  the  boon  of  salvation  we  should 
not  have  possessed  it  in  security.  And  had 
not  man  been  united  to  God,  he  could  not 
have  shared  in  the  incorruption.  For  it 
behoved  the  mediator  of  God  and  men,  by 
means  of  His  close  kinship  to  either,  to  bring 
them  both  into  friendship  and  unanimity,  and 
to  set  man  close  to  God  and  to  make  God 
known  to  men." 

Of  the  same  from  the  third  book  of  the 
same  treatise  (Chapter  XVni)  :  — 

'•  So  again  in  his  Epistle  he  says  'Whoso- 
ever believeth  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ  is  born 
of  God,' ^  recognising  one  and  the  same  Jesus 
Christ  to  whom  the  gates  of  heaven  were 
opened,  on  account  of  His  assumption  in  the 
flesh.  Who  in  the  same  flesh  in  which  He 
also  suffered  shall  come  revealing  the  glory 
of  the  Father." 

Of  the  same  from  the  fourth  book  (Chap- 
ter VII)  :  — 

"As  Isaiah  saith  'He  shall  cause  them 
that  come  of  Jacob  to  take  root.  Israel  shall 
blossom  and  bud  and  fill  the  face  of  the  world 
with  fruit.'  ^  So  his  fruit  being  scattered 
through  the  whole  world,  they  who  erst 
brought  forth  good  fruit  (for  of  them  was 
produced  the  Christ  in  the  fl^sh  and  the  apos- 
tles) were  abandoned  and  removed.  And 
now  they  are  no  longer  fit  for  bringing  forth 
fruit." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  book  (Chapter 
LIX)  :  — 

"And  he  judges  also  them  of  Ebion.^ 
How  can  they  be  saved  unless  it  was  God 
who  wrought  their  salvation  on  earth,  or  how 
shall  man  come  to  God  unless  God  came  to 
man.'*" 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  book  (Chapter 
LXIV)  :  — 

to  the  Hebrews  from  that  used  by  Origen  and  Eu<=ebius. 
Ignatius  may  be  quoting  a  verbal  tradition.  Bp.  J.ightfoot 
further  points  out  that  Origen  (I.e.)  supposes  the  iiuthor  of 
the  Doctrina  Petri  to  use  this  epithet  ao--.j  t  <rov  ni  t  in  its  philo- 
sophical sense  (=  incorporeal)  but  as  meaning  composed  of 
some  subtle  substance  and  without  a  gross  body  like  man. 
Further  Origen  (c.  Cels.  V.  5)  warns  us  t'nut  to  Christians  the 
word  daemon  has  a  special  connotation,  in  refi-rence  to  the 
powers  that  deceive  and  distract  men. 

1  I.John  V.I.       *  Isaiah  xxvii.  6.       3  Vide  note  on  page  38 


202 


THEODORET. 


*'  The}^  who  preach  that  Emmanuel  was  of 
the  Virgin  set  forth  the  union  of  God  the 
Word  with  His  creature." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  treatise  (Book 

V.  Chap.  I.)  :  — 

"  Now  these  things  came  to  pass  not  in 
seeming  but  in  essential  truth,  for  if  He  ap- 
peared to  be  man  though  He  was  not  man 
then  the  Spirit  of  God  did  not  continue  to  be 
what  in  truth  It  is  ;  for  the  Spirit  is  invisible  ; 
nor  was  there  any  truth  in  Him,  for  He  was 
not  what  He  appeared  to  be.  And  we  have 
said  before  that  Abraham  and  the  rest  of  the 
prophets  beheld  Him  in  prophecy  prophesy- 
ing what  was  destined  to  come  to  pass  in  act- 
ual sight.  If  then  now  too  He  appeared  to 
be  of  such  a  character,  though  in  reality  He 
was  not  what  He  appeared,  then  a  kind  of 
prophetic  vision  would  have  been  given  to 
men,  and  we  must  still  look  for  yet  another 
advent  in  which  He  will  really  be  what  He 
is  now  seen  to  be  in  prophecy.  Now  we 
have  demonstrated  that  there  is  no  difference 
between  the  statements  that  He  only  appeared 
in  seeming  and  that  He  took  nothing  from 
Mary,  for  He  did  not  really  even  possess  flesh 
and  blood  whereby  He  redeemed  us,  unless 
He  renewed  in  Himself  the  old  creation  of 
Adam.  The  sect  of  Valentinus  are  therefore 
vain  in  teaching  thus  that  they  may  cast  out 
the  life  of  the  flesh." 

Testunony  of  the  holy  Hippolytus^  bishop 
and  martyr^  from  his  work  on  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  tale7its  :  ^  — 

''Any  one  might  say  that  these  and  those 
who  uphold  otherwise  are  neighbours,  erring 
as  they  do  in  the  same  manner,  for  even  they 
either  confess  that  the  Christ  appeared  in  life 
as  mere  man,  denying  the  talent  of  His  God- 
head, or  else  acknowledging  Him  as  God, 
on  the  other  hand  they  deny  the  man,  repre- 
senting that  He  deluded  the  sight  of  them 
that  beheld  Him  by  unreal  appearances ; 
and  that  He  wore  manhood  not  as  a  Man 
but  was  rather  a  mere  imaginary  semblance, 
as  Marcion  and  Valentinus  and  the  Gnostics 
teach,  wrenching  away  the  Word  from  the 
flesh,  and  rejecting  the  one  talent,  the  incar- 
nation." 

Of  the  same  from  his  letter  to  a  certain 
Qiieen  :  ^  — 

"He  calls  Him  'the  first  fruits  of  them 
that  sleep,*  as  being  '  the  first  born  from  the 
dead,'  ^  and  He,  after  His  resurrection,  wish- 
mg  to  show  that  that  which  was  risen  was 
the  same  as  that  which  had  undergone  death. 


Ill 


1  The  only  fragment  of  this  work. 

2  Several  fragments  of  this  letter  will  be  found  in  Dialogue 

*  Coloss.  i.  i8. 


when  the  disciples  were  doubting,  called 
Thomas  to  Him,  and  said,  '  Come  hither 
handle  me  and  see  for  a  spirit  hath  not  flesh 
and  blood  as  ye  see  me  have.'  "  ^ 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  on  Elka- 
nah  and  Hannah  ;  — 

"Wherefore  three  seasons  of  the  year 
typified  the  Saviour  Himself  that  He  might 
fulfil  the  mysteries  predicted  about  Him. 
In  the  Passover,  that  He  might  shew  Him- 
self as  the  sheep  doomed  to  be  sacrificed  and 
shew  a  true  Passover  as  says  the  Apostle, 
'  Christ,  God,^  our  Passover  was  sacrificed 
for  us.'  At  Pentecost  that  He  might  an- 
nounce  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ascending- 
Himself  first  into  heaven  and  oflering  to 
God  man  as  a  gift." 

Of  the  same  from  his  work  on  the  great 
Psalm  :  ^  — 

"  He  who  drew  from  the  nethermost  hell 
man  first  formed  of  the  earth  when  lost  and 
held  fast  in  bonds  of  death  ;  He  who  came 
down  from  above  and  lifted  up  him  that  was 
down  ;  He  who  became  Evangelist  of  the 
dead,  ransomer  of  souls  and  resurrection  of 
them  that  were  entombed  ;  this  was  He 
who  became  succourer  of  vanquished  man 
in  Himself,  like  man  firstborn  Word  ;  visit-^ 
ing  the  first  formed  Adam  in  the  Virgin  ; 
the  spiritual  seeking  the  earthy  in  the  womb  ; 
the  ever-living  him  who  by  disobedience 
died  ;  the  heavenly  calling  the  earthly  to 
the  world  above,  the  highborn  meaning  ta 
make  the  slave  free  by  His  owm  obedi- 
ence ;  He  who  turned  to  adamant  man 
crumbled  into  dust  and  made  serpents' 
meat ;  He  who  made  man  hanging  on  a  tree 
of  wood  Lord  over  him  who  had  conquered 
Him  and  so  by  a  tree  of  wood  is  proved 
victorious." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  book  :  — 

"  They  who  do  not  now  recognise  the 
Son  of  God  in  the  flesh  will  one  day  recog- 
nise Him  when  He  comes  as  judge  in  glory, 
though  now  in  an  inglorious  body  suflbrmg 
wrong." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  book  :  — 

"  Moreover  the  apostles  when  they  had 
come  to  the  sepulchre  on  the  third  day  did 
not  find  the  body  of  Jesus,  just  as  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  went  up  on  the  mountain,  and 
could  not  find  the  tomb  of  Moses." 

Of  the  same  from  his  interpretation  of 
Psalm  II.  :  — 

"  When  He  had  come  into  the  world  He 


1  Vide  John  xx.  27  and  Luke  xxiv.  39.  The  quotation  con- 
fuses the  words  of  the  resurrection  day  and  of  the  week  after. 

2  I.  Cor.  v,7.     The  addition  of  6  ©eo?  has  no  authority. 

3  Probably  the  cxixth  Ps.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  work 
forms  part  of  a  Commentary  on  the  Pss.  or  is  quoted  from  a 
homily  on  this  special  Psalm. 


DIALOGUES. 


203 


was  manifested  as  God  and  Man.  His  man- 
hood is  easy  of  perception  because  He  is 
ahiingered  and  aweary,  in  toil  He  is  athirst, 
in  fear  He  flees, ^  in  prayer  He  grieves  ;  He 
falls  asleep  upon  a  pillow,  He  prays  that  the 
cup  of  suffering  may  pass  from  Him,  being 
in  an  agony  He  sweats.  He  is  strengthened 
by  an  angel,  betrayed  by  Judas,  dishonoured 
by  Caiaphas,  set  at  nought  by  Herod,  scourged 
by  Pilate,  mocked  by  soldiers,  nailed  to  a 
cross  by  Jews,  He  commends  His  spirit  to 
the  Father  with  a  cry,  He  leans  His  head  as 
He  breathes  His  last.  He  is  pierced  in  the 
side  with  a  spear  and  rolled  in  fine  linen,  is 
laid  in  a  tomb,  and  on  the  third  day  He  is 
raised  by  the  Father.  No  less  plainly  may 
His  divinity  be  seen  when  He  is  worshipped 
by  angels,  gazed  on  by  shepherds,  waited 
for  by  Simeon,  testified  to  by  Anna,  sought 
out  by  Magi,  pointed  out  by  a  Star,  at  the 
wedding  feast  makes  water  wine,  rebukes 
the  sea  astir  by  force  of  winds,  and  on  the 
same  sea  walks,  makes  a  man  blind  from 
birth  see,  raises  Lazarus  who  had  been  four 
days  dead,  works  many  and  various  wonders, 
remits  sins  and  gives  power  to  His  disciples." 

Of  the  same  from  his  work  on  Psalm 
XXIV.  :  — 

''  He  comes  to  the  heavenly  gates,  angels 
travel  with  Him  and  the  gates  of  the  heavens 
are  shut.  For  He  hath  not  yet  ascended 
into  heaven.  Now  first  to  the  heavenly 
powers  flesh  appears  ascending.  The  Word 
then  goes  forth  to  the  powers  from  the 
angels  that  speed  before  the  Lord  and 
Saviour,  '  Lift  the  Gates  ye  princes  and  be 
ye  lift  up  ye  everlasting  doors  and  the  King 
of  orlorv  shall  come  in.'  "^ 

Testhnony  of  the  holy  Eustathius^  bishop 
of  Antioch  and  confessor. 

From  his  work  on  The  Titles  of  the 
Psalms :  — 

"  He  predicted  that  He  would  sit  upon  a 
holy  throne,  shewing  that  He  has  been  set 
forth  on  the  same  throne  as  the  divine  Spirit 
on  account  of  the  God  that  dwells  in  Him 
continually." 

Of  the  same  from  his  work  upon  the 
Soul :  — 

*'  Before  His  passion  in  each  case  He  pre- 
dicted His  bodily  death,  saying  that  He 
would  be  betrayed  to  the  father  of  the  High 
Priest,  and  announcing  the  trophy  of  the 
Cross.  And  after  the  passion,  when  He  had 
risen  on  the  third  day  from  the  dead.  His 
disciples  being  in  doubt  as   to  His   resurrec- 


1  The  word  <^ev'Yctv  is  not  used  of  the  Saviour  in  the  Gospel. 
Joseph  was  bidden  <^c{/'y€  ei?  hXyv-itTov.  When  our  Lord  was 
Drought  to  the  cliff  overhanging-  Nazareth  SitA^wi/  6td  \i.i<jov 
avTwi/  eiropeiicTo. 

2  Ps.  xxiv.     Sept. 


tion.  He  appeared  to  them  in  His  very  body 
and  confessed  that  He  had  complete  flesh  and 
bones,  submitting  to  their  sight  His  wounded 
side  and  shewing  them  the  prints  of  the 
nails." 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  on  '^  The 
Lord  formed  me  in  the  beginning  of  His. 
ways  "  :  ^  — 

"  Paul  did  not  say  '  conformed  to  the  Son* 
of  God '  but  '  conformed  to  the  image  of 
His  Son  '  ^  in  order  to  point  out  a  distinctions 
between  the  Son  and  His  image,  for  the  Sony 
wearing  the  divine  tokens  of  His  Father's 
Excellence,  is  an  image  of  His  Father;  for 
since  like  are  generated  of  like,  oflspring 
appear  as  very  images  of  their  parents,  but: 
the  manhood  which  He  wore  is  an  image  of 
the  Son,  as  images  even  of  diflerent: 
colours  are  painted  on  wax,^  some  being 
wrought  by  hand  and  some  by  nature  and 
likeness.  Moreover  the  very  law  of  trtith 
announces  this,  for  the  bodiless  spirit  of 
wisdom  is  not  conformed  to  bodily  men,, 
but  the  express  image "  made  man  by  the 
spirit  bearing  the  same  number  of  mem- 
bers with  all  the  rest,  and  clad  in  similar 
form." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
*'  That  he  speaks  of  the  body  as  conformed 
to  those  of  men  he  teaches  more  clearly  in 
his  Epistle  to  the  Philippians,  '  our  conversa- 
tion '  he  says  '  is  in  Heaven  from  whence  also 
we  look  for  the  Saviour,  the  Lord  Jesus- 
Christ,  who  shall  change  our  vile  body  that 
it  may  be  fashioned  like  unto  His  glorious 
body.'  *  And  if  by  changing  the  form  of 
the  vile  body  of  men  He  fashions  it  like  unta 
His  own  body,  then  the  false  teaching  of  our 
opponents  is  shewn  to  be  in  every  way 
worthless." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  ;  — 
^'  But  as  being  born  of  the  Virgin  He  is 
said  to  have  been  made  man  of  the  woman, ^ 
so  He  is  described  as  being  made  under  the 
law  because  of  His  sometimes  walking  by 
the  precepts  of  the  law,  as  for  instance 
when  His  parents  zealously  urged  His  circum- 
cision, when  He  was  a  child  eight  days  old, 
as  relates  the  evangelist  Luke,  afterwards 
'  they  brought  Him  to  present  Him  to  the 
Lord,'  *  bringing  the  offerings  of  purification  * 
'  to  offer  a  sacrifice  according  to  that  which 
is  said  in  the  law  of  the  Lord  a  pair  of 
turtle  doves  or  two  young  pigeons.'  '  As 
then  the  gifts  of  purification  were  oftered  on 

1  Proverbs  viii.  22.    Sept.  *  Romans  viii.  29. 

3  The  original  here  is  corrupt. 

<  XaptiKT-qfi  cf.  Heb.  i.  3.  I  have  used  the  equivalent  given' 
in  A.  V.  for  the  Greek  word  of  the  text  meaninj^  literally 
stamp  or  impression,  as  on  coin  or  seal,  and  so  exact  represen- 
tation. 

5  Phil.  iii.  20,  2T.  6  Gal.  iv.  4.  ^  Luke  ii.  22,  24. 


2D4 


THEODORET. 


His  behalf  according  to  the  law,  and  He 
underwent  circumcision  on  the  eighth  day, 
the  Apostle  very  properly  writes  that  He  was 
thus  brought  under  the  law.  Not  indeed 
that  the  Word  was  subject  to  the  law,  (as 
our  calumnious  opponents  suppose)  being 
Himself  the  law,  nor  did  God,  who  by  one 
breath  can  cleanse  and  hallow  all  things, 
need  sacrifices  of  purification.  But  He  took 
from  the  Virgin  the  members  of  a  man  and 
became  subject  to  the  law  and  was  purified 
according  to  the  rite  of  the  firstborn,  not  be- 
cause He  submitted  to  this  treatment  from 
any  need  on  His  part  of  such  observ^ance,  but 
in  order  that  He  might  redeem  from  the 
slavery  of  the  law  them  that  were  sold  to  the 
doom  of  the  curse." 

Testimony  of  the  holy  Athanaslus^  bishop 
of  Alexandria . 

From  his  Second  Discourse  against  here- 
sies :  ^  — 

"  We  should  not  have  been  redeemed 
from  sin  and  the  curse  had  not  the  flesh 
which  the  Word  wore  been  by  nature  that 
of  man,  for  we  should  have  had  nothing 
in  common  with  that  which  was  not  our 
own ;  just  so  man  would  not  have  been 
made  God,  had  not  the  Word  which  was 
made  flesh  been  by  nature  of  the  Father 
and  verily  and  properly  His.  And  the  com- 
bination is  of  this  character  that  to  the  natural 
God  may  be  joined  the  natural  man,  and 
so  his  salvation  and  deification  he  secure. 
Therefore  let  them  that  deny  Him  to  be 
naturally  of  the  Father,  and  own  Son  of  His 
substance,  deny  too  that  He  took  very  flesh 
of  man  from  the  Virgin  Mary." 

Of  the  same  from  his  Epistle  to  Epicte- 
tus  :  — 

"If  on  account  of  the  Saviour's  Body 
being,  and  being  described  in  the  Scriptures 
as  being,  derived  from  Mary,  and  a  human 
Body,  they  fancy  that  a  quaternity  is  substi- 
tuted for  a  Trinity,  as  though  some  addi- 
tion were  made  by  the  body,  they  are  quite 
wrong ;  they  put  the  creature  on  a  par  with 
the  Creator,  and  suppose  that  the  Godhead 
is  capable  of  being  added  to.  They  fail  to 
■see  that  the  Word  was  not  made  flesh  on 
account  of  any  addition  to  Godhead,  but 
that  the  flesh  may  rise.  Not  for  the  aggran- 
disement of  the  Word  did  He  come  forth 
from  Mary,  but  that  the  human  race  may  be 
redeemed.  How  can  they  think  that'  the 
body  ransomed  and  quickened  by  the  Word 
can  add  anything  in  the  way  of  Godhead  to 
the  Word  that  quickened  it?" 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  Epistle  :  — 


"  Let  them  be  told  that  if  the  Word  had 
been  a  creature,  the  creature  would  not  have 
assumed  a  body  to  quicken  it.  For  what 
help  can  creatures  get  from  a  creature  stand- 
ing itself  in  need  of  salvation?  But  the 
Word,  Himself  Creator,  was  made  maker  of 
created  things,  and  therefore  in  the  fulness 
of  the  ages  He  attached  the  creature  to 
Himself,  that  once  more  as  a  Creator  He 
might  renew  it,  and  might  be  able  to  create 
it  afresh." 

From  the  longer  Discourse  ''  De  Fide  "  :  — 

"  This  also  we  add  concerning  the  words 
'  Sit  thou  on  my  right  hand,'^  that  they  are 
said  of  the  Lord's  body.  For  if  '  the  Lord 
saith,  do  not  I  fill  heaven  and  earth,' ^  as  says 
Jeremiah,  and  God  contains  all  things,  and 
is  contained  of  none,  on  what  kind  of  throne 
does  He  sit?  It  is  therefore  the  body  to 
which  He  says  '  Sit  thou  on  my  right  hand,* 
of  which  too  the  devil  with  his  wicked 
powers  was  foe,  and  Jews  and  Gentiles 
too.  Through  this  body  too  He  was  made 
and  was  called  High  Priest  and  Apostle 
through  the  mystery  whereof  He  gave  to 
us,  saying  'This  is  my  Body  for  you'^ 
and  '  my  Blood  of  the  New  Testament' 
(not  of  the  Old),  shed  for  you."*  Now  God- 
head hath  neither  body  nor  blood  ;  but  the 
manhood  which  He  bore  of  Mary  was  the 
cause  of  them,  of  whom  the  Apostles  said 
'  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  a  man  approved  of  God 
among  you.'  "  ^ 

Of  the  same  from  his  book  against  the 
Arians  :  — 

"  And  when  he  says  '  Wherefore  God 
hath  also  highly  exalted  Him  and  given 
Him  a  name  which  is  above  every  name '  ^ 
he  speaks  of  the  temple  of  the  body,  not  of 
the  Godhead,  for  the  Most  High  is  not 
exalted,  but  the  flesh  of  the  Most  High  is 
exalted,  and  to  the  flesh  of  the  Most  High 
He  gave  a  name  which  is  above  every  name. 
Nor  did  the  Word  of  God  receive  the  desig- 
nation of  God  as  a  favour,  but  His  flesh  was 
held  divine  as  well  as  Himself." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 

''And  when  he  says  'the  H0I3'  Ghost  was 
not  yet  because  that  Jesus  was  not  yet  glori- 
fied,' '  he  says  that  His  flesh  was  not  yet 
glorified,  for  the  Lord  of  glory  is  not 
glorified,  but  the  flesh  itself  receives  glory 
of  the  glory  of  the  Lord  as  it  mounts  with 
Him  into  Heaven ;  whence  he  says  the 
spirit  of  adoption  was  not  yet  among  men, 
because  the  first  fruits  taken  from  men  had 
not   yet   ascended    into    heaven.     Wherever 


Oratio  Secunda  contra  Arianos.     Ben.  Ed.  I.  i-  538,  I 


1  Ps.  ex.  I.  5  Acts  ii.  22. 

2  Jerein.  xxiii.  24.  sphil.ii.g. 

3  I.  Cor.  xi.  24.  '  John  vii.  39, 
*  Matt.  xxvi.  28;  Mark  xiv.  24^ 


DIALOGUES. 


205 


then  the  Scripture  says  that  the  Son  received, 
and  was  glorified,  it  speaks  because  of  His 
manhood,  not  His  Godhead." 

Ot"  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
"  So  that  He  is  very  God  both  before  His 
being  made  man  and  after  His  being  made 
mediator  of  God  and  men,  Jesus  Christ 
united  to  the  Father  in  spirit,  and  to  us  in 
flesh,  who  mediated  between  God  and  men, 
and  who  is  not  only  man  but  also  God." 

Testiinony  of  the  Holy  Ambrosius^  bishop 
of  Milan. 

In  his  Exposition  of  the  Faith  :  — 
''  We  confess  that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
the  Only  Begotten  Son  of  God,  was  begotten 
before  all  ages,  without  beginning,  of  the 
Father,  and  that  in  these  last  days  the  same 
was  made  flesh  of  the  holy  Virgin  Mary, 
assumed  the  manhood,  in  its  perfection,  of  a 
reasonable  soul  and  body,  of  one  substance 
with  the  Father  as  touching  His  Godhead 
and  of  one  substance  with  us  as  touching 
His  manhood.  For  union  of  two  perfect 
natures  hath  been  after  an  ineffable  manner. 
Wherefore  we  acknowledge  one  Christ,  one 
Son,  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ ;  knowing  that 
beins:  coeternal  with  His  own  Father  as 
touching  His  Godhead,  by  virtue  of  which 
also  He  is  creator  of  all.  He  deigned,  after 
the  assent  of  the  Holy  Virgin,  when  she 
said  to  the  angel  '  Behold  the  handmaid  of 
the  Lord,  be  it  unto  me  according  to  thy 
word '^  to  build  after  an  ineffable  fashion  a 
temple  out  of  her  for  Himself,  and  to  unite 
this  temple  to  Himself  by  her  conception, 
not  taking  and  uniting  with  Himself  a  body  co- 
eternal  with  His  own  substance,  and  brought 
from  heaven,  but  of  the  matter  of  our  sub- 
stance, that  is  of  the  Virgin.  God  the  Word 
was  not  turned  into  flesh  ;  His  appearance 
was  not  unreal ;  keeping  ever  His  own 
substance  immutably  and  invariably  He 
took  the  first  fruits  of  our  nature,  and  united 
them  to  Himself.  God  the  Word  did  not 
take  His  beginning  from  the  Virgin,  but 
being  coeternal  with  His  own  Father  He  of 
infinite  kindness  deigned  to  unite  to  Himself 
the  first  fruits  of  our  nature,  undergoing  no 
mixture  but  in  either  substance  appearing 
one  and  the  same,  as  it  is  written  '  Destroy 
this  temple  and  in  three  days  I  will  raise  it 
up.'^  For  the  divine  Christ,  as  touching  my 
substance  which  he  took  is  destroyed,  and 
the  same  Christ  raises  the  destroyed  temple 
as  touching  the  divine  substance  in  which 
also  He  is  Creator  of  all  things.  Never  at 
any  time  after  the  Union  which  He  deigned 
to  make  with  Himself  from  the  moment  of 


»  Luke  i.  38. 


'John  ii.  19. 


the  conception  did  He  depart  from  His  own 
temple,  nor  indeed  through  His  ineffable 
love  for  mankind  could  depart. 

'*  The  same  Christ  is  both  passible  and  im- 
passible ;  as  touching  His  manhood  passible 
and  as  touching  His  Godhead  impassible. 
'  Behold  behold  me,  it  is  I,  I  have  undergone 
no  change  '  —  and  when  God  the  Word  had 
raised  His  own  temple  and  in  it  had  wrought 
out  the  resurrection  and  renewal  of  our  nat- 
ure. He  shewed  this  nature  to  His  disciples 
and  said  '  Handle  me  and  see  for  a  spirit  hath 
not  flesh  and  bones  as  ye  see  me,'  not  '  be  * 
but  'have.'^  So  He  says,  referring  to  both 
the  possessor  and  the  possessed  in  order  that 
you  may  perceive  that  what  had  taken  place 
was  not  mixture,  not  change,  not  variation, 
but  union.  On  this  account  too  He  shewed 
the  prints  of  the  nails  and  the  wound  of  the 
spear  and  ate  before  His  disciples  to  convmce 
them  by  every  means  that  the  resurrection  of 
our  nature  had  been  renewed  in  Him  ;  and 
further  because  in  accordance  with  the  blessed 
substance  of  His  Godhead  unchanged,  impas- 
sible, immortal.  He  lived  in  need  of  nought, 
He  by  concession  permitted  all  that  can  be 
felt  to  be  brought  to  His  own  temple,  and  by 
His  own  power  raised  it  up,  and  by  means  of 
His  own  temple  made  perfect  the  renewal  of 
our  nature. 

''  Them  therefore  that  assert  that  the  Christ 
was  mere  man,  that  God  the  Word  was  pas- 
sible, or  changed  into  flesh,  or  that  the  body 
which  He  had  was  consubstantial,  or  that 
He  brought  it  from  Heaven,  or  that  it  was 
an  unreality ;  or  assert  that  God  the  Word 
being  mortal  needed  to  receive  His  resurrec- 
tion from  the  Father,  or  that  the  body  which 
He  assumed  was  without  a  soul,  or  manhood 
without  a  mind,  or  that  the  two  natures  of 
the  Christ  became  one  nature  by  confusion 
and  commixture  ;  them  that  deny  that  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  two  natures  uncon- 
founded,  but  one  person,  as  He  is  one  Christ 
and  one  Son,  all  these  the  catholic  and  apos- 
tolic Church  condemns." 

Of  the  same  :  ^  — 

''  If  then  the  flesh  of  all  was  in  Christ  or 
hath  been  in  Christ  subject  to  wrongs,  how 
can  it  be  held  to  be  of  one  essence  with  the 
Godhead.?  For  if  the  Word  and  the  flesh 
which  derives  its  nature  from  earth  are  of 
one  essence,  then  the  Word  and  the  soul 
which  He  took  in  its  perfection  are  of  one 
essence,  for  the  Word  is  of  one  nature  with 
God  both  according  to  the  Word  of  the 
Father,  and  the  confession  of  the  Son  Him- 
self in  the  words,  '  I  and  my  Father  are  one.'  ^ 


^  Luke  xxiv.  39. 

2  De  incarnat.  sacram.  Chap.  6. 


3  John  X.  30. 


2o6 


THEODORET. 


Thus  the  Father  must  be  held  to  be  of  the 
same  substance  with  the  body.  Why  any 
longer  are  ye  wroth  with  the  Arians,  who 
say  that  the  Son  is  a  creature  of  God,  while 
you  assert  yourselves  that  the  Father  is  of  one 
substance  w^ith  His  creatures?" 

Of  the  same  from  his  letter  to  the  Emperor 
^r-i\tianus  :  ^  — 

*J  Let  us  preserve  a  distinction  betw^een 
Godhead  and  flesh.  One  Son  of  God  speaks 
in  both,  since  in  Him  both  natures  exist. 
The  same  Christ  speaks,  yet  not  always  in 
the  same  but  sometimes  in  a  different  man- 
jiier.  Observe  how  at  one  time  He  expresses 
divine  glory  and  at  another  human  feeling. 
As  God  He  utters  the  things  of  God,  since  He 
is  the  Word  ;  as  man  He  speaks  with  humil- 
ity because  He  converses  in  my  essence." 

On  the  same  from  the  same  book  :  ^  — 

M  As  to  the  passage  where  we  read  that  the 
Lord  of  glory  was  crucified,^  let  us  not  sup- 
pose that  He  was  crucified  in  His  own  glory. 
But  since  He  is  both  God  and  man,  as  touch- 
ing His  Godhead  God,  and  as  touching  the 
assumption  of  the  flesh,  a  man,  Jesus  Christ, 
the  Lord  of  Glor}^,  is  said  to  have  been  cruci- 
fied. For  He  partakes  of  either  nature  —  that 
is  the  human  and  the  divine.  In  the  nature 
pf  manhood  He  underwent  the  passion  in 
prder  that  He  who  suffered  mio-ht  be  said  to 
be  without  distinction  both  Lord 
and  Son  of  Man.  As  it  is  written 
,came  down  from  Heaven.'  "  " 

Similarly  of  the  same  :  ^  — 

^'  Let  then  vain  questions  about  words  be 
silent,  as  it  is  written,  the  kingdom  of  God  is 
not  in  '  enticing  words  '  but  in  '  demonstra- 
tion of  the  spirit.'  ^  For  there  is  one  Son  of 
(jrod  w^ho  speaks  in  both  ways,  since  both 
natures  exist  in  Him  ;  but  although  He  Him- 
self  speaks  He  does  not  speak  always  in  the 
same  way  ;  for  you  see  in  Him  at  one  time 
pod's  glory,  at  another  time  man's  feeling. 
As  God  He  utters  divine  things,  being  the 
Word ;  as  man  He  utters  human  things, 
^ince  in  this  nature  He  spoke." 

Of  the  same  from  his  work  on  the  Incar- 
nation of  the  Lord  against  the  ApoUinari- 
ans : ' — 

"  But  while  we  are  confuting  these,  another 
set  spring  up  who  assert  the  body  of  the 
Christ  and  His  godhead  to  be  of  one  nature. 
What  hell  hath  vomited  forth  so  terrible  a 
blasphemy?  Really  Arians  are  more  tolera- 
ble, whose  infidelity,  on  account  of  these  men, 
is  strengthened,  so  that  with  greater  opposi- 
tion they  deny  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost 


of   Glory 
'  He  that 


1  De  Fide  ii.  Chap.  o. 

2  Chap.  7. 

3  I.  Cor.  ii.8. 
*  John  iii.  13. 


5  Id.  Chap.  9. 
GI.  Cor.  ii.4. 
^  De  Incarn.  Sac.  6. 


to  be  of  one  substance,  for  they  did  at  least 
endeavour  to  maintain  the  Godhead  of  the 
Lord  and  His  flesh  to  be  of  one  nature." 
Of  the  same  (from  the  same  chapter)  :  — 
"  He  has  frequently  told  me  that  he  main- 
tains the  exposition  of  the  Nicene  Council, 
but  in  that  examination  our  Fathers  laid 
down  that  the  Word  of  God,  not  the  flesh,  was 
of  one  substance  with  the  Father,  and  they 
confessed  that  the  Word  came  from  the  sub- 
stance of  the  Father  but  that  the  flesh  is  of 
the  Virgin.  Why  then  do  they  hold  out  to 
us  the  name  of  the  Nicene  Council,  while  in 
reality  they  are  introducing  innovations  of 
which  our  forefathers  never  entertained  the 
thought?" 

Of  the  same  against  Apollinarius  :  ^  — 
''  Refuse  thou  to  allow  that  the  body  is  by 
nature  on  a  par  with  the  Godhead.  Even 
though  thou  believe  the  body  of  the  Christ  to 
be  real  and  bring  it  to  the  altar  for  trans- 
formation,^ and  fail  to  distinguish  the  nature 
of  the  body  and  of  the  Godhead  we  shall  say 
to  thee,  '  If  thou  ofler  rightly  and  fail  to 
distinguish  rightly,  thou  sinnest ;  hold  thy 
peace.'  ^  Distinguish  what  belongs  nat- 
urally to  us,  and  what  is  peculiar  to  the 
Word.  For  I  had  not  what  was  naturally 
His,  and  He  had  not  what  was  naturally 
mine,  but  He  took  what  was  naturally  mine 
in  order  to  make  us  partakers  of  what  was 
His.  And  He  received  this  not  for  con- 
fusion but  for  completion." 

Of  the  same,  a  little  further  on  :  '* — 
"  Let  them  who  say  that  the  nature  of  the 
Word  has  been  changed  into  nature  of  the  body 
say  so  no  more,  lest  by  the  same  interpreta- 
tion the  nature  of  the  Word  seem  to  have 
been  changed  into  the  corruption  of  sin.  For 
there  is  a  distinction  between  wdiat  took,  and 
what  was  taken.  Power  came  over  the 
Virgin,  as  in  the  words  of  the  angel  to  her, 
'  The  power  of  the  highest  shall  overshadow 
thee.'  "^  But  what  was  born  was  of  the  body 
of  the  Virgin,  and  on  this  account  the  de- 


1  De  incarn.  sacram.  Chap.  4. 

2  "  Operas  transjiguranduni  altartbusJ'^  The  Benedictine 
Editors,  by  a  curious  anachronism,  see  here  a  reference  to 
transubstantiation.  But  ju-eTaTroiTjo-is,  the  word  translated 
"transformation"  implies  no  more  than  the  being-  made  to 
undergo  a  change,  which  may  be  a  change  in  dignity  without 
involving  a  change  of  substance,  cf.  pp.  200  and  201,  where 
Orthodoxus  distinctly  asserts  that  the  substance  remains  un 
chang-ed.  Transubstantiation,  definitely  declared  an  article  of 
faith  in  1215,  seems  to  have  been  first  taught  early  in  the  9th  c. 
Vide  Bp.  Ilarold  Browne  on  Art.  xxviii. 

3  Gen.  iv.  7.     Sept.  4  id.  Chap.  6. 

"  Luke  I.  35.  The  Latin  of  the  Benedictine  edition  of  Am- 
brose is  :  — 

Desinant  ergo  dicere  nattiram  Verbi  in  Corporis  jiaturam 
esse  viutatam  ;  ne  pari  interpretatione  videatiir  natura  Verbi 
in  contagium  mtitata  peccati.  Aliudest  enim  quod  assumpsit y 
et  aliiid  quod  assumptum  est.  Virtus  venit  in  Virginem,  sicut 
et  Angelus  ad  earn  dixit  "  quia  Virtus  Altissimi  obumbrabit 
te."  Sed  nattint  est  corpus  ex  Virgine  ;  et  ideo  coelestis  qui. 
dem  descensio,  sed  humana  conceptio  est.  Non  ergo  eadem 
cartiis potuit  esse  divinitatisque  natura. 


DIALOGUES. 


207 


ftcent  was  divine  but  the  conception  human. 
Therefore  the  nature  of  the  flesh  and  of  the 
godhead   could   not  be  the  same/' ^ 

Tlie^  testimony  of  St.  Easily  Bishop  of 
Cccsarea. 

From  his  homily  on  Thanksgiving  :  — 

"  Wherefore  when  He  wept  over  His 
friend  He  shewed  His  participation  in  human 
nature  and  set  us  free  from  two  extremes, 
suffering  us  neither  to  grow  over  soft  in  suf- 
fering nor  to  be  insensible  to  pain.  As  then 
the  Lord  suffered  hunger  after  solid  food  had 
been  digested,  and  thirst  when  the  moisture 
in  His  body  was  exhausted  ;  and  was  aweary 
when  His  nerves  and  sinews  were  strained  by 
His  journeying,  it  was  not  that  His  divinity 
was  weighed  down  with  toil,  but  that  His 
body  showed  the  wonted  symptoms  of  its 
nature.  Thus  too  when  He  allowed  Himself 
to  weep  He  permitted  the  flesh  to  take  its 
natural  course." 

From  the  same  against  Eunomius  :  — 

*'  I  say  that  being  in  the  form  of  God  has 
the  same  force  as  being  in  God's  substance, 
for  as  to  have  taken  the  form  of  a  servant 
shews  our  Lord  to  have  been  of  the  substance 
of  the  manhood,  so  the  statement  that  He 
was  in  the  form  of  God  attributes  to  Him  the 
peculiar  qualities  of  the  divine  substance."  ^ 

The  testimony  of  the  holy  Gregoi'ius., 
bishop  of  Nazlanzus, 

From  his  discourse  De  nova  dominica  :  ^  — 

"  Believe  that  He  will  come  again  at  His 
glorious  advent  judging  quick  and  dead,"*  no 
longer  flesh  but  not  without  a  body." 

*'  In  order  that  He  may  be  seen  by  them 
that  pierced  Him  ""  and  remain  God  without 
grossness." 

Of  the  same  from  his  Epistle  to  Cledo- 
nius  :  — 

""  God  and  man  are  two  natures,  as  soul 
and  body  are  two  ;  but  there  are  not  two 
sons,  nor  yet  are  there  here  two  men  al- 
though Paul  thus  speaks  of  the  outward  man 
and  the  inward  man.^  In  a  word  the 
-sources  of  the  Saviour's  being  are  of  two 
•kinds,  since  the  visible  is  distinct  from  the 
-invisible  and  the  timeless  from  that  which  is 


1  In  the  Greek  text  the  last  sentence  is  unintelligible  and 
apparently  corrupt.  The  translation  follows  the  Latin  text 
frotn  ^vhich  the  version  in  the  citation  of  Theodoret  varies  in 
important  particulars.     The  Greek  text  of  the  quotation  runs  :  — 

Wa.v(ja(jQ<ji<j(xv  Toivov  oi.  Aeyoi'Tes  ws  17  tou  Aoyou  ^v(ji<i  et? 
«rap«6s  /u,eTaj3e^ArjTat  ^xxriv  iva  /oltj  66^77  jaeTajSArj^eicra  ko-tH.  r^v 
avTTQV  ipfj.Tqveiai'  yeyevrjcrOai  Koi  t]  toO  Aoyou  (fivcri';  rots  tou 
yajjutdlTa?  naOri/jLacrL  crvu.<{)Oopo<;.  "Erepov  ydo  ecm  to  irpoarXa^bv 
Kol  €T€p6v  ecTTL  TO  TTpoa\r](f)dev.  Avvafit.<;  ri\9ev  int.  Trjf  napOevov, 
ws  6  ayyeAo?  jrpbs  avrriv  Keyec  oTt  Auva/at?  v\lii<TTOv  iniaKcdcreL  croi : 
dA\'  €/c  -ToO  (Toi/otaTO?  r}V  t^5  TlapOefov  to  Te^deV-  Kal  5td  toOto 
©eia  fiev  y)  /caTa/Sacri?  r)  6e  cruAArji/zi?  6.v9puini.vq'  oxjk  avTrj  ovv 
TjSvvaTO  Tov  Te  (Ttl)fxaTO<;  nveiifxa  kol  Trj<;  iJeoTTjTO?  4>v(Tl<;. 

2  Cf.  Phil.  ii.  6. 

3  The  passage  quoted  is  not  in  the  43rd  discourse  de   nova 
.  dominica  but  in  the  40th  on  Holy  Baptism. 

4  Acts  i.  f  I.  5  Zechariah  xii.  10.  6  n.  Cor.  iv.  16. 


of  time,  but  He  is    not  two   beings.     God 
forbid." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  Exposition  to 
Cledonius  :  — 

"  If  any  one  says  that  the  flesh  ha§  now 
been  laid  aside,  and  that  the  Godhead  is  bare 
of  body,  and  that  it  is  not  and  will  not  come 
with  that  which  was  assumed,  let  him  be  de- 
prived of  the  vision  of  the  glory  of  the  ad- 
vent !  For  where  is  the  body  now,  save 
with  Him  that  assumed  it.^  For  it  assuredly 
has  not  been,  as  the  Manichees  fable,  swal- 
lowed up  by  the  Son,  that  it  may  be  honoured 
through  dishonour  ;  it  has  not  been  poured 
out  and  dissolved  in  the  air  like  a  voice  and 
stream  of  perfume  or  flash  of  unsubstantial 
lightning.  And  where  is  the  capacity  of 
being  handled  after  the  resurrection,  wherein 
one  day  it  shall  be  seen  by  them  that 
pierced  Him.^  For  Godhead  of  itself  is  in- 
visible." 

Of  the  same  from  the  second  discourse 
about  the  Son  :  — 

"  As  the  Word  He  was  neither  obedient 
nor  disobedient,  for  these  qualities  belong  to 
them  that  are  in  subjection  and  to  inferiors  ; 
the  former  of  the  more  tractable  and  the 
latter  of  them  that  deserve  condemnation. 
But  in  the  form  of  a  servant  He  accommo- 
dates Himself  to  his  fellowservants  and  puts 
on  a  form  that  was  not  His  own,  bearing  in 
Himself  all  of  me  with  all  that  is  mine,  that 
in  Himself  He  may  waste  and  destroy  the 
baser  parts  as  wax  is  wasted  by  fire  or  the 
mist  of  the  earth  by  the  sun." 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  on  the 
Theophany : — 

"  Since  He  came  forth  from  the  Virgin 
with  the  assumption  of  two  things  mutually 
opposed  to  one  another,  flesh  and  spirit, 
whereof  the  one  was  taken  into  God  and  the 
other  exhibited  the  grace  of  the  Godhead." 

Of  the  same  a  little  further  on  :  — 

"•  He  was  sent,  but  as  Man.  For  His 
nature  was  twofold,  for  without  doubt  He 
thenceforth  was  aweary  and  hungered  and 
thirsted  and  suffered  agony  and  shed  tears 
after  the  custom  of  a  human  body." 

Of  the  same  from  his  second  discourse 
about  the  Son  :  — 

''  He  would  be  called  God  not  of  the 
Word,  but  of  the  visible  creation,  for  how 
could  He  be  God  of  Him  that  is  absolutely 
God?  Just  so  He  is  called  Father,  not  of 
the  visible  creation,  but  of  the  Word.  For 
He  was  of  two-fold  nature.  Wherefore  the 
one  belongs  absolutely  to  both,  but  the 
other  not  absolutely.^     For  He  is  absolutely 

1  Here  the  text  is  corrupt. 


208 


THEODORET. 


our  God,  but  not  absolutely  our  Father. 
And  it  is  this  conjunction  of  names  which 
gives  rise  to  the  error  of  heretics.  A  proof 
of  this  lies  in  the  fact  that  when  natures  are 
distinguished  in  thought,  there  is  a  distinc- 
tion in  names.  Listen  to  the  words  of  Paul. 
'  The  God  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  The 
Father  of  Glory,' ^  —  of  Christ  He  is  God, 
of  glory  Father,  and  if  both  are  one  this  is 
so  not  by  nature  but  by  conjunction.  What 
can  be  plainer  than  this?  Fifthly  let  it  be 
said  that  He  receives  life,  authority,  inheri- 
tance of  nations,  power  over  all  flesh,  glory, 
disciples  or  what  you  will ;  all  these  belong 
to  the  manhood." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
*'  '  For  there  is  one  God  and  one  Mediator 
between  God  and  men  the  man  Christ 
Jesus.' ^  As  man  He  still  pleads  for  my 
salvation,  because  He  keeps  with  Him  the 
body  which  He  took,  till  he  made  me  God 
by  the  power  of  the  incarnation  —  though 
He  be  no  longer  known  according  to  the 
flesh  that  is  by  aflections  of  the  flesh  and 
though  He  be  without  sin." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
''Is  it  not  plain  to  all  that  as  God  He 
knows,  and  is  ignorant.  He  says,  as  man.?  If, 
that  is,  an}^  one  distinguish  the  apparent  from 
that  which  is  an  object  of  intellectual  per- 
ception. For  what  gives  rise  to  this  opinion 
is  the  fact  that  the  appellation  of  the  Son  is 
absolute  without  relation,  it  not  being  added 
of  whom  He  is  the  Son  ;  so  to  give  the  most 
pious  sense  to  this  ignorance  we  hold  it 
to  belong  to  the  human,  and  not  to  the 
divine." 

Testimony  of  the  Holy  Gregorius^  bishop 
of  Nyssa. 

From  his  catechetical  discourse  :  — 
''  And  who  says  this  that  the  infinity  of  the 
Godhead  is  comprehended  by  the  limitation 
of  the  flesh,  as  by  some  vessel?  " 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
'•  But  if  man's  soul  by  necessity  of  its  nature 
commingled  with  the  body,  is  everywhere 
in  authority,  what  need  is  there  of  asserting 
that  the  Godhead  is  limited  by  the  nature  of 
the  flesh  ?  " 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
"  What  hinders  us  then,  while  recognis- 
ing a  certain  unity  and  approximation  of  a 
divine  nature  in  relation  to  the  human,  from 
retaining  the  divine  intelligence  even  in  this 
approximation,  believing  that  the  divine 
even  when  it  exists  in  men  is  beyond  all 
limitation?  " 

Of     the    same    from     his    work    against 
Eunomius  :  — 


'  Ephes.  i    17. 


2  I.  Tim.  ii,  5. 


'•  The  Son  of  Mary  converses  with  broth- 
ers, but  the  only  begotten  has  no  brothers, 
for  how  could  the  name  of  only  begotten  be 
preserved  among  brotheis?  And  the  same 
Christ  that  said  'God  is  a  spirit'^  says  to 
His  disciples  '  Handle  me,'-  to  shew  that  the 
human  nature  only  can  be  handled  and  that 
the  divine  is  intangible  ;  and  He  that  said  '  I 
go '^  indicates  removal  from  place  to  place, 
while  He  that  comprehends  all  things  and 
'  by  Whom,'  as  says  the  Apostle,  '  all  things 
were  created  and  by  Whom  all  things 
consist,' "  had  among  all  existing  things 
nothing  without  and  beyond  Himself  which 
can  stand  to  Him  in  the  relation  of  motion 
or  removal." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 

''  '  Being  by  the  right  hand  of  God  ex- 
alted.'''  Who  then  was  exalted?  The 
lowly  or  the  most  high  ?  And  what  is  the 
lowly  if  it  be  not  the  human?  And  what  is 
the  most  high  save  the  divine?  But  God 
being  most  high  needs  no  exaltation,  and  so 
the  Apostle  says  that  the  human  is  exalted, 
exalted  that  is  in  being  '  made  both  Lord  and 
Christ.'®  Therefore  the  Apostle  does  not 
mean  by  this  term  '  He  made  '  the  everlasting 
existence  of  the  Lord,  but  the  change  of  the 
lowly  to  the  exalted  which  took  place  on  the 
right  hand  of  God.  By  this  word  he  de- 
clares the  mystery  of  piety,  for  when  he  says 
'  by  the  right  hand  of  God  exalted '  he 
plainly  reveals  the  ineflable  oeconomy  of  the 
mystery  that  the  right  hand  of  God  which 
created  all  things,  which  is  the  Lord  by 
whom  all  things  were  made  and  without 
whom  nothing  consists  of  things  that  were 
made,'  through  the  union  lifted  up  to  Its  own 
exaltation  the  manhood  united  to  It." 

Testimony  of  St.  Ainphilochius^  bishop  of 
Iconium. 

From  his  discourse  on  "  My  Father  is 
greater  than  I  "  :  ^  — 

"Henceforth  distinguish  the  natures; 
that  of  God  and  that  of  man.  For  He  was 
not  made  man  by  falling  away  from  God, 
nor  God  by  increase  and  advance  from 
man." 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  on  "  the 
Son  can  do  nothing  of  Himself"  :  ^ — 

''  For  after  the  resurrection  the  Lord  shews 
both  —  both  that  the  body  is  not  of  this 
nature,  and  that  the  body  rises,  for  remem- 
ber the  history.  After  the  passion  and  the 
resurrection  the  disciples  were  gathered 
together,  and  when  the  doors  were  shut  the 
Lord  stood  in  the  midst   of  them.     Never  at 


'John  iv.  24. 

2  Luke  xxiv.  39. 

3  John  xiv.  2S. 


*  Coloss.  L  ^6,  i'j. 
">  Acts  ii.  33. 
*■'  Acts  ii,  36. 


7  Cf.  John  i.  2. 
**  John  xiv.  28. 
''John  V.  iQ. 


DIALOGUES. 


209 


any  time  before  the  passion  did  He  do  this. 
Could  not  then  the  Christ  hav^e  done  this 
even  long  before  ?  For  all  things  are  pos- 
sible to  God.^  But  before  the  passion  He 
did  not  do  so  lest  you  should  suppose  the 
incarnation  an  unreality  or  appearance,  and 
think  of  the  flesh  of  the  Christ  as  spiritual, 
or  that  it  came  down  from  heaven  and  is  of 
another  substance  than  our  flesh.  Some 
have  invented  all  these  theories  with  the 
idea  that  thereby  they  reverence  the  Lord, 
forgetful  that  through  their  thanksgiving 
they  blaspheme  themselves,  and  accuse  the 
truth  of  a  lie  :  for  I  say  nothing  of  the  lie 
beino^  altoo-ether  absurd.  For  if  He  took 
another  body  how  does  that  aflect  mine, 
which  stands  in  need  of  salvation.^  If  He 
brought  down  flesh  from  heaven,  how  does 
this  affect  my  flesh  which  was  derived  from 
earth  ? " 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
"  Wherefore  not  before  the  passion,  but  after 
the  passion,  the  Lord  stood  in  the  midst  of  the 
disciples  when  the  doors  were  shut,  that 
thou  mayest  know  that  thy  natural  body  after 
being  sown  is  '  raised  a  spiritual  body,'^  and 
that  thou  mayest  not  suppose  the  body  that  is 
raised  to  be  a  diflerentbody.  When  Thomas 
after  the  resurrection  doubted,  He  shews  him 
the  prints  of  the  nails,  He  shews  him  the 
marks  of  the  spears.  But  had  He  not  power 
to  heal  Himself  after  the  resurrection  too, 
when  even  before  the  resurrection  He  had 
healed  all  men?  But  by  shewing  the  prints 
of  the  nails  He  shews  that  it  is  this  very 
body  ;  by  coming  in  when  the  doors  were 
shut  He  shews  that  it  has  not  the  same  quali- 
ties ;  the  same  body  to  fulfil  the  work  of  the 
incarnation  by  raising  that  which  had  become 
a  corpse,  but  a  changed  body  that  it  fall  not 
again  under  corruption  nor  be  subject  again 
to  death." 

Testhnony   of    the    blessed    Theophilus^ 
bishop  of  Alexandria. 

From  his  work  against  Origen  :  — 
"Our  likeness  which  He  assumed  is  not 
changed  into  the  nature  of  Godhead  nor  is 
His  Godhead  turned  into  our  likeness.  For 
He  remains  what  He  w^as  from,  the  begin- 
ning God,  and  He  so  remains  preserving  our 
subsistence  in  Himself." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  treatise  :  — 
'^  But  you  persist  continually  in  your  blas- 
phemies attacking  the  Son  of  God,  and  using 
these  words  '  as  the  Son  and  the  Father  are 
one,  so  also  are  the  soul  which  the  Son  took 
and  the  Son  Himself  one.'  You  are  ignorant 
that   the    Son  and    the    Father    are    one    on 


account  of  their  one  substance  and  the  same 
Godhead ;  but  the  soul  and  the  Son  are  each 
of  a  different  substance  and  different  nature. 
For  if  the  soul  of  the  Son  and  the  Son  Him- 
self are  one  in  the  same  sense  in  which  the 
Father  and  the  Son  are  one,  then  the  Father 
and  the  Soul  will  be  one  and  the  soul  of  the 
Son  shall  one  day  say  '  He  that  hath  seen 
Me  hath  seen  the  Father;  '  ^  but  this  is  not 
so  ;  God  forbid.  For  the  Son  and  the  Father 
are  one  because  there  is  no  distinction  be- 
tween their  qualities,  but  the  soul  and  the 
Son  are  distinguished  alike  in  nature  and  sub- 
stance, in  that  the  soul  which  is  naturally  of 
one  substance  w^ith  us  was  made  by  Him. 
For  if  the  soul  and  the  Son  are  one  in  the 
same  manner  in  which  the  Father  and  the 
Son  are  one,  as  Origen  would  have  it,  then 
the  soul  equally  with  the  Son  will  be  '  the 
brightness  of  God's  glory  and  express  im- 
age of  His  person.'  ^  But  this  is  impossible  ; 
impossible  that  the  Son  and  the  soul  should 
be  one  as  He  and  the  Father  are  one.  And 
what  will  Origen  do  when  again  he  attacks 
himself?  For  he  writes,  never  could  the 
soul  distressed  and  '  exceeding  sorrowful  '  ^ 
be  the  'firstborn  of  every  creature."*  For 
God  the  Word,  as  being  stronger  than  the 
soul,  the  Son  Himself,  says  '  I  have  power 
to  la}-  it  down  and  I  have  power  to  take  it 
again.'  ^  If  then  the  Son  is  stronger  than  His 
own  soul,  as  is  agreed,  how  can  His  soul  be 
equal  to  God  and  in  the  form  of  God?  For 
we  say  that  '  He  emptied  Himself  and  took 
upon  Him  the  form  of  a  servant.'  ^  In  the 
extravagance  of  his  impieties  Origen  sur- 
passes all  other  heretics,  as  we  have  shewn, 
for  if  the  Word  exists  in  the  form  of  God 
and  is  equal  to  God  and  if  he  supposes  thus 
daring  to  write  the  soul  of  the  Saviour  to  be 
in  the  form  of  God  and  equal  with  God,  how 
can  the  equal  be  greater,  when  the  inferior 
in  nature  testifies  to  the  superiority  of  what 
is  beyond  it?  " 

Testimony  of  the  Holy  John  Chrysostom^ 
bishop  of  Constantinople. 

From  the  Discourse  held  in  the  Great 
Church  :  — 

"Thy  Lord  exalted  man  to  heaven, 
and  thou  wilt  not  even  give  him  a  share  of 
the  agora.  But  why  do  I  say  'to  heaven'? 
He  seated  man  on  a  kingly  throne.  Thou 
expellest  him  from  the  city." 

Of  the  same,  on  the  beginning  of  Ps. 
.xlii.  :  — 

"  Up  to  this  day  Paul  does  not  cease  to  say 
'  We  are  ambassadors  for  Christ  as  though 
God  did  beseech  you  by  us  ;  we  pray  you  in 


»  Matt,  xix  26.    Mark  x.  27. 


2  I.  Cor.  XV. 


1  John  xiv.  p. 

2  Hebrews  1.  3. 


3  Matt.  xxvi.  3S. 
*  Coloss.  i.  15. 


s John  X.  18 
6  Phil.  ii.  7. 


210 


THEODORET. 


Christ's  stead,  be  ye  reconciled  to  God.'  ^ 
Nor  did  He  stand  here,  but  taking  the  first 
fruits  of  thy  nature  He  sat  down  '  above  all 
principality  and  power  and  might,  and  every 
name  that  is  named  not  only  in  this  world 
but  in  the  world  to  come.'^  What  could  be 
equal  to  this  honour?  The  first  fruits  of 
our  race  which  has  so  much  offended  and  is 
so  dishonoured  sits  so  high  and  enjoys 
honour  so  vast." 

Of  the  same  about  the  division  of 
tongues  :  — 

'•For  bethink  thee  what  it  is  to  see  our 
nature  riding  on  the  Cherubim  and  all  the 
power  of  heaven  mustered  round  about  it. 
Consider  too  Paul's  wisdom  and  how  many 
terms  he  searches  for  that  he  may  set  forth 
the  love  of  Christ  to  men,  for  he  does  not 
say  simply  the  grace,  nor  yet  simply  the 
riches,  but  the  '  exceeding  great  riches  of  His 
grace  in  His  kindness.'"^ 

Of  the  same  from  his  Dogmatic  Oration, 
on  the  theme  that  the  word  spoken  and 
deeds  done  in  humility  by  Christ  were  not  so 
spoken  and  done  on  account  of  infirmity, 
but  on  account  of  differences  of  dispen- 
sation :  — 

"  And  after  His  resurrection,  when  He 
saw  His  disciple  disbelieving.  He  did  not 
shrink  from  shewing  him  both  wound  and 
print  of  nails,  and  letting  him  lay  his  hand 
upon  the  scars,  and  said  '  Examine  and  see, 
for  a  spirit  hath  not  flesh  and  bones.''*  The 
reason  of  His  not  assuming  the  manhood  of 
full  age  from  the  beginning,  and  of  His 
deigning  to  be  conceived,  to  be  born,  to  be 
suckled,  and  to  live  so  long  upon  the  earth, 
was  that  by  the  long  period  of  the  time  and 
all  the  other  circumstances.  He  might  give  a 
warranty  for  this  very  thing." 

Of  the  same  against  those  who  assert  that 
demons  rule  human  affairs  :  — 

"  Nothing  was  more  worthless  than  man 
and  than  man  nothing  has  become  more 
precious.  He  was  the  last  part  of  the 
reasonable  creation,  but  the  feet  have  been 
made  the  head,  and  through  the  firstfruits 
have  been  borne  up  to  the  kingly  throne. 
Just  as  some  man  noble  and  bountiful,  on 
seeing  a  wretch  escaped  from  shipwreck 
who  has  saved  nothing  but  his  bare  body 
from  the  waves,  welcomes  him  with  open 
hands,  clothes  him  in  a  radiant  robe,  and 
exalts  him  to  the  highest  honour,  so  too 
hath  God  done  towards  our  nature.  Man 
had  lost  all  that  he  had,  his  freedom,  his 
intercourse  with  God,  his  abode  in  Paradise, 


335- 


1  II.  Cor.  V.  20.  2Ephes.i.  21.  3  Ephes.  ii.  7. 

*  Cf.  Luke  xxiv.  39.  and  John  xx.  27.  and  cf.  note  on  page 


his  painless  life,  whence  he  came  forth  like  a 
man  all  naked  from  a  wreck,  but  God 
received  him  and  straightway  clothed  him, 
and,  taking  him  by  the  hand,  led  him 
onward  step  by  step  and  brought  him  up  to 
heaven." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 

"■  But  God  made  the  gain  greater  than  the 
loss,  and  exalted  our  nature  to  the  royal 
throne.  So  Paul  exclaims  'And  have 
raised  us  up  together  and  made  us  sit  to- 
gether in  heavenly  places'  ^  at  His  right 
hand." 

Of  the  same  from  his  Ilird  oration  against 
the  Jews :  — 

''  He  opened  the  heavens;  of  foes  he  made 
friends ;  He  introduced  them  into  heaven ; 
He  seated  our  nature  on  the  right  hand  of  the 
throne ;  He  gave  us  countless  other  good 
things." 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  on  the  As- 
cension :  — 

"  To  this  distance  and  height  did  He  ex- 
alt our  nature.  Look  where  low  it  lay, 
and  where  it  mounted  up.  Lower  it  was 
impossible  to  descend  than  where  man  de- 
scended ;  higher  it  was  impossible  to  rise  than 
where  He  exalted  him." 

Of  the  same  from  his  interpretation  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  :  — 

"  According  to  His  good  pleasure,  which 
He  had  proposed  in  himself,  that  is  which 
He  earnestly  desired,  He  was  as  it  were  in 
labour  to  tell  us  the  mystery.  And  what  is 
this  mystery?  That  He  wishes  to  seat  man 
on  high  ;  as  in  truth  came  to  pass." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  interpre- 
tation :  — 

"  God  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  speaks  of 
this  and  not  of  God  the  Word." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  interpreta- 
tion :  — 

"'And  when  we  were  dead  in  sins  He 
quickened  us  together  in  Christ ;  '  ^  again 
Christ  stands  in  the  midst,  and  the  work  is 
wonderful.  If  the  first  fruits  live  we  live 
also.  He  quickened  both  Him  and  us. 
Seest  thou  that  all  these  things  are  spoken 
according  to  the  flesh?" 

Of  the  same  from  the  gospel  according  to 
St.  John  :  — 

"  Why  does  he  add  '  and  dwelt  among 
us '  ?  ^  It  is  as  though  he  said :  Imagine 
nothing  absurd  from  the  phrase  '  was  made.' 
For  I  have  not  mentioned  any  change  in  that 
unchangeable  nature,  but  of  tabernacling* 
and  of  inhabiting.  Now  that  which  taber- 
nacles  is   not  identical  with  the  tabernacle, 


1  Ephes.  ii.  6. 

2  Ephes.  ii.  5. 


3  John  1.  14,  ^(TKrjvuxTev. 


DIALOGUES. 


21  I 


but  one  thing  tabernacles  in  another  ;  other- 
wise there  would  be  no  tabernacling.  Noth- 
ing inhabits  itself.  I  spoke  of  a  distinction 
of  substance.  For  by  the  union  and  the 
conjunction  God  the  VVord  and  the  flesh  are 
one  without  confusion  or  destruction  of  the 
substances,  but  by  ineffable  and  indescrib- 
able union." 

Of  the  safne  from  the  gospel  according  to 
St.  Matthew  :  — 

•■•  Just  as  one  standing  in  the  space  between 
two  that  are  separated  from  one  another, 
stretches  out  both  his  hands  and  joins  them, 
so  too  did  He,  joining  the  old  and  the  new, 
the  divine  nature  and  the  human,  His  own 
with  ourso" 

Of  the  same  from  the  Ascension  of  Christ :  — 
"  For  so  when  two  champions  stand  ready 
for  the  fight,  some  other  intervening  between 
them,  at  once  stops  the  struggle,  and  puts  an 
end  to  their  111  will,  so  too  did  Christ.  As 
God  He  was  wroth,  but  we  made  light  of  His 
wrath,  and  turned  away  our  faces  from  our 
loving  Lord.  Then  Christ  flung  Himself  in 
the  midst,  and  restored  both  natures  to 
mutual  love,  and  Himself  took  on  Him  the 
weight  of  the  punishment  laid  by  the  Father 
on  us." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work :  — 
"  Lo  He  brought  the  first  fruits  of  our 
nature  to  the  Father  and  the  Father  Himself 
approved  the  gift,  alike  on  account  of  the 
high  dignity  of  Him  that  bought;  it  and  of 
the  faultlessness  of  the  offering.  He  received 
it  in  His  own  hands,  He  made  a  chair 
of  His  own  throne ;  nay  more  He  seated 
it  on  His  own  right  hand,  let  us  then 
recognise  who  it  was  to  who  m  it  was  said 
'  Sit  thou  on  my  right  hand  '^  and  what  was 
that  nature  to  which  God  said  '  Dust  thou 
art  and  to  dust  thou  shalt  return.'  "  ^ 
Of  the  same  a  little  further  on  :  — 
''  What  arguments  to  use,  what  words  to 
utter  1  cannot  tell ;  the  nature  which  was 
rotten,  worthless,  declared  lowest  of  all, 
vanquished  everything  and  overcame  the 
world.  To-day  it  hath  been  thought  worthy 
to  be  made  higher  than  all,  to-day  it  hath 
received  what  from  old  time  angels  have 
desired  ;  to-day  it  is  possible  for  archangels 
to  be  made  spectators  of  what  has  been  for 
ages  longed  for,  and  they  contemplate  our 
nature,  shining  on  the  throne  of  the  King 
in  the  glory  of  His  immortality." 

Testimony  of  St.  Plavianus^  bishop  of 
Jintioch. 

From  the  Gospel  according  to  St.  Luke  :  — 
"  In  all  of  us  the  Lord  writes   the   express 


^  Psalm  ex.  I. 


2  Gen.  iii.  19. 


image  of  His  holiness,  and  in  various  ways 
shows  our  nature  the  way  of  salvation. 
Many  and  clear  proofs  does  He  give  us  both 
of  His  bodily  advent  and  of  His  Godhead 
working  by  a  body's  means.  For  He  wished 
to  give  us  assurance  of  both  His  natures." 

Of  the  same  on  the  Theophany  :  — 

"  '•  Who  can  express  the  noble  acts  of  the 
Lord,  or  shew  forth  all  His  praise  .^'^  who 
could  express  in  words  the  greatness  of  His 
goodness  toward  us.^  Human  nature  is 
joined  to  Godhead,  while  both  natures  re- 
main independent." 

Testimony  of  Cyril^  bishop  of  ferusalem. 

From  his  fourth  catechetical  oration  con- 
cqrning  the  ten  dogmas. 

Of  the  birth  from  a  virgin  :  — 

"  Believe  thou  that  this  only  begotten  Son 
of  God,  on  account  of  our  sins,  came  down 
from  heaven  to  earth,  having  taken  on  Him 
this  manhood  of  like  passions  with  us,  and 
being  born  of  holy  Virgin  and  of  Holy  Ghost. 
This  incarnation  was  effected,  not  in  seeming 
and  unreality,  but  in  reality.  He  did  not 
only  pass  through  the  Virgin,  as  through  a 
channel,  but  was  verily  made  flesh  of  her. 
Like  us  He  really  ate,  and  of  the  Virgin  was 
really  suckled.  For  if  the  incarnation  was  an 
unreality,  then  our  salvation  is  a  delusion. 
The  Christ  was  twofold — the  visible  man, 
the  invisible  God.  He  ate  as  man,  verily 
like  ourselves,  for  the  flesh  that  He  wore 
was  of  like  passions  with  us  ;  He  fed  the  five 
thousand  with  five  loaves^  as  God.  As  man 
He  really  died.  As  God  He  raised  the  dead 
on  the  fourth  day.^  As  man  He  slept  in  the 
boat.    As  God  He  walked  upon  the  waters."'* 

Testi7nony  of  Antiochus^  bishop  of  Ptole- 
mais  :  "  — 

"  Do  not  confound  the  natures  and  you  will 
have  a  lively  apprehension  of  the  incarnation." 

Testimony  of  the  holy  Tlilarius^  bishop 
a7td  confessor^  in  his  ninth  book,  "  de  Fide"  : 

1  Ps.  cvi.  2. 

2  Matt.  xiv.  15,  etc.,  Mark  vi.  35,  etc.,  Luke  ix.  9,  etc.,  John 
vi.  5,  etc. 

ajohn  xi.  43.  *  Matt.  vii.  24;  John  vi.  19. 

f*  This  and  another  fragment  in  the  Catena  on  St.  John  xix. 
443,  is  all  that  survives  of  the  works  of  Antiochus  of  Ptolemais, 
an  eloquent  opponent  of  Chrysostom  at  Constantinople,  and 
like  him,  said  to  have  a  "  mouth  of  gold." 

'•  Hilary  of  Poictiers,  f  A.D.  36S.  The  treatise  quoted  is 
known  as  "  de  Trinitate^^''  and  *'  contra  Arianos"  as  well  as 
"c/^  Fide"  The  Greek  of  Theodoret  differs  considerably 
from  the  Latin.  Of  the  first  extract  the  original  is  nescit 
plane  vilam  suam  nescit  qui  Christum  Jesum  lit  verum  Deum 
ita  et  verum  hominem  ignorat.  Et  ejusdem  periculi  res  e^t, 
Christutn  Jesum  I'el  Spiritum  Deum,  vel  car7iem  nostri  co^' 
ports  denegare.  Omnis  ergo  qui  confitebitur  me  coram  homi- 
jitbus,  confitebor  et  ego  eum  coram  patre  meo  qui  est  in  coelis. 
^ui  autem  negaverit  me  coram  hominibus,  negabo  et  ego  eum 
coram  patre  meo,  qui  est  in  coelis.  Haec  Verbum  caro  factum 
loqnebiitur,  et  homo  Jesus  Christus  dominus  majestatis  doce- 
bat;  Mediator  ipse  in  se  ad  salutem  Ecclesiae  constitutus  et 
illo  ipso  inter  Deiitn  et  homines  mediator is^  sacramento  utrtim- 
que  untis  existeus,  dum  ipse  ex  unitis  in  idipsum  naturts 
naturae  utriusque  res  eadem  est ;  ita  tamen,  ut  neutro  careret  in 
utroque,  ne  forte  Deus  esse  homo  nascendo  desineret,  et  homo 
rursus  Deus  manendo  non  esset.     Haec  itaque  hunianae  beati- 


212 


THEODORET. 


"  He  who  knoweth  not  Jesus  the  Christ 
as  very  God  and  as  very  man,  knoweth  not 
in  reality  his  own  life,  for  we  incur  the  same 
peril  if  we  deny  Christ  Jesus  or  God  the 
spirit,  or  the  flesh  of  our  own  body.  '  Who- 
soever therefore  shall  confess  me  before  men 
him  will  I  confess  also  before  my  Father 
which  is  in  Heaven,  but  whosoever  shall 
deny  me  before  men  him  will  I  also  deny 
before  my  Father  which  is  in  Heaven.'  ^ 
These  things  spoke  the  Word  made  flesh  ; 
these  things  the  man  Christ  Jesus,  Lord  of 
Glory,  taught,  being  made  Mediator  for  the 
salvation  of  the  Church  in  the  very  mystery 
whereby  He  mediated  between  God  and  men. 
Both  being  made  one  out  of  the  natures  united 
for  this  very  purpose,  He  was  one  and  the 
same  through  either  nature,  but  so  that  in 
both  He  fell  short  in  neither,  lest  haply  by 
being  born  as  man  He  should  cease  to  be 
God,  or  by  remaining  God  should  not  be 
man.  Therefore  this  is  the  blessedness  of  the 
true  faith  among  men  to  preach  both  God 
and  man,  to  confess  both  word  and  flesh,  to 
recognise  that  God  was  also  man,  and  not 
to  be  ignorant  that  the  flesh  is  also  Word." 
Of  the  same  from  the  same  book  :  ^  — 
"  So  the  only  begotten  God  being  born 
man  of  a  Virgin  and  in  the  fulness  of  the 
time,  being  Himself  ordained  to  work  out 
the  advance   of  man   to  God,  observed   this 


tudinis fides  vera  est,  Deum  et  hominem  praedicare,  Verbum 
etcarjiem.  confiterir  neqiie  Deum  nescire  quod  homo  sit,  neque 
carnem  ignorare  quod  Verbum  sit. 

1  Matt.  X.  32,  3^. 

"^  Natus  igitiir  unigenitus  Deus  ex  Virgine  homo,  et  secun- 
dum plenitudinem  tcwporum  in  semetipso  provecturiis  in 
Deum  hominem  hunc  per  omiiia  evangelici  sermonis  modum 
tenuity  ut  se  €lium  Dei  credi  doceret,  et  hominis filium  prae- 
dicari  admoneret:  locutus  it  gererts  homo  universa  quae  Dei 
sunt,  loquens  deinde  et  gerens  Deus  universa  quae  hominis 
snnt;  ita  tanien,  ut  ipso  illo  utriusqjte  generis  sermone  num- 
quam  nisi  cum  significatione  et  hominis  locutus  et  Dei  sit; 
uno  tamen  Deo  patre  semper  ostenso,  et  se  in  natura  unius  Dei 
per  7iativitatis  veritalem  professo:  nee  tamen  se  Deo  patri  non 
etfilii  honore  et  hominis  conditione  suhdente:  cum  et  nativitas 
omnis  se  referat  ad  auctorem,  et  caro  se  universa  secundum 
Deum  profiteatur  infirmam.  Hiiic  itaque  fallendi  simplices 
atque  ignorantes  haereticis  occasio  est,  ut  quae  ab  eo  secun- 
dum hominem  dicta  sunt,  dicta  esse  secundum  naturae  divinae 
infirmitatem  mentiantur  :  et  quia  unus  atque  idem  est  loquens 
omnia  quae  loquitur  de  se  ipso  omnia  eum  locutum  esse  con- 
tendant. 

Nee  sane  negamus,  totum  ilium  qui  ejus  manet,  naturae 
suae  esse  sermonem.  Sed  si  Jesus  Christ  us  et  homo  et  Deus 
est  ;  et  tiequecum  homo,  turn  primum  Deus  ;  neque  cum  homo, 
turn  non  etiam  et  Deus;  neque  post  hominem  in  Deo  non  totus 
homo  totjis  Deus  ;  unum  atque  idem  necesse  est  dictorum  ejus 
sacramentum  esse,  quod  generis.  Et  cum  in  eo  secundum 
tempus  discernis  hominem  a  Deo,  Dei  tamen  atque  homittis 
discerne  sermonem.  Et  cum  Deum  atque  hominem  in  tempore 
confiteberis,  Dei  atque  hominis  in  tempore  dicta  dijudica. 
Cum  vero  ex  homine  et  Deo  rursus  totius  hominis,  totius 
etiam  Dei  tempus  intelligis,  si  quid  illud  ad  demonstra- 
tionem  ejus  temports  dictum  est,  tempori  coaptato  quae  dicta 
sujit:  ut  cum  aliud  sit  ante  hominem  Deus,  aliud  sit  homo  et 
Deus,  aliud  sit  post  hominem  et  Deutn  totus  homo  totus  Deus  ; 
non  confundas  temporibus;  et generibus  dispensationis  sacra- 
mentum, cum  pro  qualitate generum  ac  ttaturarum,  alium  ei  in 
Sacramento  hominis  necesse  est  sermonem  fuisse  non  nato, 
alium  adhuc  morituro,  alium  jam  aeterno.  Nostri  igitur 
causa  haec  omnia  Jesus  Christus  manens  et  corporis  nostri 
homo  natus  sectcnatim  constietudinem  :iatura>  nostrce  locutus 
est,  non  tamen  omittens  naturee  suae  esse  quod  Deus  est.  Nam 
tametsi  in  partu  ac  pas<^ione  ac  morte  naturee  nostrce  rem 
peregit,  res  tamen  ipsas  omnes  virtnte  naturee  suce  gessit. 


order  of  things,  through  all  the  words  of  the 
gospels,  that  He  might  teach  belief  in  Him- 
self, as  Son  of  God,  and  keep  us  in  mind  to 
preach  Him  as  Son  of  Man.  As  being  man 
He  always  spoke  and  acted  as  is  proper  to 
man,  but  in  such  a  manner  as  never  to  speak 
in  this  same  mode  of  speech  as  touching  both 
save  with  the  intention  of  signifying  both 
God  and  Man.  But  hence  the  heretics 
derive  a  pretext  for  catching  in  their  traps 
simple  and  ignorant  men  :  what  was  spoken 
by  our  Lord  in  accordance  with  His  man- 
hood they  falsely  assert  to  have  been  uttered 
in  the  weakness  of  His  divine  nature,  and 
since  one  and  the  same  person  spake  ail  the 
words  He  used  they  urged  that  all  He  uttered 
He  uttered  about  Himself.  Now  even  we 
do  not  deny  that  all  His  extant  words  are 
of  His  own  nature.  But  granted  that  the 
one  Christ  is  man  and  God  ;  granted  that 
when  man  He  was  not  then  first  God ; 
granted  that  when  man  He  was  then  also 
God,  granted  that  after  the  assumption  of 
the  manhood  in  the  Lord,  the  Word  was 
man  and  the  Word  was  God,  it  follows  of 
necessity  that  there  is  one  and  the  same 
mystery  of  His  words  as  there  is  of  His  gen- 
eration. Whenever  in  Him,  as  occasion  may 
require,  you  distinguish  the  manhood  from 
the  Godhead,  then  also  endeavour  to  separate 
the  words  of  God  from  the  words  of  man. 
And  whenever  you  confess  God  and  man,, 
then  discern  the  words  of  God  and  man. 
And  when  the  words  are  spoken  of  God  and 
man,  and  again  of  man  wholly  and  wholly  of 
God,  consider  carefully  the  occasion.  If  any- 
thing was  spoken  to  signify  what  was  appro- 
priate to  a  particular  occasion,  apply  the 
words  to  the  occasion.  A  distinction  must 
be  observed  between  God  before  the  man- 
hood, man  and  God,  man  wholly  and  God 
wholly  after  the  union  of  the  manhood  and 
Godhead.  Take  heed  therefore  not  to  con- 
fuse the  mystery  of  the  incarnation  in  the 
words  and  acts.  For  it  must  needs  be  that 
according  to  the  quality  of  the  kinds  of 
natures  a  distinction  lies  in  the  manner  of 
speech,  before  the  manhood  was  born,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  mystery  when  it  was  still 
approaching  death,  and  again  when  it  was 
everlasting.  '  For  if  in  His  birth  and  in  His 
passion  and  in  His  deatli  He  acted  in  ac- 
cordance with  our  nature  He  nevertheless 
eflected  all  this  by  the  power  of  His  own 
nature.'  " 

Of  the  same  In  the  same  book  ;  — 

"  Do  you  then  see  that  thus  God  and  man 

are  confessed,  so  that  death  is  predicated  of 

man,  and    the    resurrection    of  the  'flesli,  of 

God;  for  consider  the  nature  of  God  and  the 


DIALOGUES. 


213 


power  of  the  resurrection,  and  recognise  in 
the  death  the  oeconomy  as  touching  man. 
And  since  both  death  and  resurrection  have 
been  brought  about  in  their  own  natures, 
bear  in  mind,  I  beg  you,  the  one  Christ 
Jesus,  who  was  of  both.  I  have  shortly 
demonstrated  these  points  to  you  to  the  end 
that  we  may  remember  both  natures  to  have 
been  in  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  '  for  being  in 
the  form  of  God  He  took  the  form  of  a 
servant.'  "  ^ 

Testimony  of  the  very  holy  bishop  Augus- 
tlnus. 

From  his  letter  to  Volusianus.    Epistle  III : 

''  But  now  He  appeared  as  Mediator  be- 
tween God  and  man,  so  as  in  the  unity  of 
His  person  to  conjoin  both  natures,  by  com- 
bining the  wonted  with  the  unwonted,  and 
the  unwonted  with  the  wonted.'* 

Of  the  same  from  his  exposition  of  the 
Gospel  according  to  John  :  ^ — 

''Whattlien,  O  heretic.^'  Since  Christ  is 
also  man,  He  speaks  as  man  ;  and  dost  thou 
slander  God?  He  in  Himself  lifts  man's 
nature  on  high,  and  thou  hast  the  hardihood 
to  cheapen  His  divine  nature." 

Of  the  same  from  his  book  on  the  Expo- 
sition of  the  Faith  :  — 

"  It  is  ours  to  believe,  but  His  to  know,  and 
so  let  God  the  Word  Himself,  after  receiving 
all  that  is  proper  to  man,  be  man,  and  let 
man  after  His  assumption  and  reception 
of  all  that  is  God,  be  no  other  than  God. 
It  must  not  be  supposed  because  He  is 
said  to  have  been  incarnate  and  mixed, 
that  therefore  His  substance  was  dimi- 
nished. God  knows  tiiat  He  mixes  Him- 
self without  the  natural  corruption,  and 
He  is  mixed  in  reality.  He  knows  also  that 
He  so  received  in  Himself  as  that  no  ad- 
dition of  increment  accrues  to  Himself,  as 
also  He  knows  He  infused  His  whole  self 
so  as  to  incur  no  diminution.  Let  us  not 
then,  in  accordance  with  our  weak  intelli- 
gence, and  forming  conjectures  on  the  teach- 
ing of  experience  and  the  senses,  suppose 
that  God  and  man  are  mixed  after  the  man- 
ner of  things  created  and  equal  mixed  to- 
gether, and  that  from  such  a  confusion  as 
this  of  the  Word  and  of  the  flesh  a  body  as 
it  were  was  made.  God  forbid  that  this 
should  be  our  belief,  lest  we  should  suppose 
that  after  the    manner  of  thinofs  which   are 

were 
For  a  men- 
tion of  this  kind  implies  destruction  of  both 
parts  ;  but  Christ  Himself,  containing  but 
not  contained,  who  examines  us  but  is  Him- 

1  Phil.  11,  7.  2  Tract  78. 

3  cf.  p.  36.     Here  urroo-Tacrt?  =  person. 


things  which 
confounded      together      two      natures 
brought   into   one    hypostasis.^ 


self  beyond  examination,  making  full  but  not 
made  full,  everywhere  at  one  and  the  same 
time  being  Himself  whole  and  pervading  the 
universe,  through  His  pouring  out  His  own 
power,  as  being  moved  with  mercy,  was 
mingled  with  the  nature  of  man,  though  the 
nature  of  man  was  not  mingfled  with  the 
divine." 

Testimony  of  Severlanus^  bishop  of  Ga- 
bala} 

From  "  the  Nativity  of  Christ  "  :  — 

''  O  mystery  truly  heavenly  and  yet  an  earth 
—  mystery  seen  and  not  apparent  for  so  was 
the  Christ  after  His  birth  ;  heavenly  and  yet 
on  earth  ;  holding  and  not  held ;  seen  and 
invisible  ;  of  Heaven  as  touching  the  nature 
of  the  Godhead,  on  earth  as  touching  the 
nature  of  the  manhood  ;  seen  in  the  flesh,  in- 
visible in  the  spirit ;  held  as  to  the  body  not 
to  be  holden  as  to  the  Word." 

Testimony  of  Atticus^  bishop  of  Constan- 
tinople. 

From  his  letter  to  Eupsychius  :  — 

''  How  then  did  it  behove  the  Most  Wise 
to  act.^  By  mediation  of  the  flesh  assumed, 
and  by  union  of  God  the  Word  with  man 
born  of  Mary,  He  is  made  of  either  nature, 
so  that  the  Christ  made  one  of  both,  as  con- 
stituted in  Godhead,  abides  in  the  proper  dig- 
nity of  His  impassible  nature,  but  in  flesh, 
being  brought  near  to  death,  at  one  and  the 
same  time  shews  the  kindred  nature  of  the 
flesh  how  through  death  to  despise  death, 
and  by  His  death  confirms  the  righteousness 
of  the  new  covenant." 

Testimony  of  Cyril.,  bishop  of  Alexandria. 

From  his  letter  to  Nestorius  :  ^  — 

"  The  natures  which  have  been  brought 
together  in  the  true  unity  are  distinct,  and  of 
both  there  is  one  God  and  Son,  but  the  dif- 
ference of  the  natures  has  not  been  removed 
in  consequence  of  the  union." 

Of  the  same  from  his  letter  against  the 
Orientals  :  "*  — 

"  There  is  an  union  of  two  natures,  where- 
fore we  acknowledge  one  Christ,  one  Son, 
one  Lord.  In  accordance  with  this  percep- 
tion of  the  unconfounded  union  we  acknowl- 
edge the  Holy  Virgin  as   Mother  of  God  ^ 

iSeverianus,  like  Antiochus  of  Ptolemais,  was  moved  to 
leave  his  remote  diocese  (Gabala  is  now  Gibili,  not  far  south  of 
Latakia)  to  try  his  fortunes  as  a  popular  preacher  at  Constanti- 
nople :  There  he  met  with  success,  and  was  kindly  treated  by 
Chrysostom,  but  he  turned  against  his  friend,  and  was  a  prime 
assent  in  the  plots  aja:ainst  him.  The  date  of  his  death  is  un- 
known. 

2Cf.  p.  154,  note.  Atticus  was  a  determined  opponent  of 
heresv  as  well  as  of  Chrysostom. 

3  Ep.  iv.  Ed.  Aub.  V.'  ii.  23.  <  id.  vi.  157. 

^The  word  in  the  text  is  the  famous  i^eoro/cos,  the  watch, 
word  of  the  Nestorian  controversy.  It  may  be  doubtful 
whether  either  the  English  *'  Mother  of  God  '*  or  the  Latin 
*•  Deipara  "  exactly  represents  the  idea  intended  to  be  ex- 
pressed by  the  subtler  Greek.  Even  Nestorius  did  not  object 
to  the  ©eoTOKo?  when  rightly  understood.    The  explanation  of 


214 


THEODORET. 


because  the  Word  of  God  was  made  flesh 
and  was  made  man,  and  from  the  very  con- 
ception united  to  Himself  the  temper  taken 
from  her."  ^ 

Of  the  same  :  — 

'*  There  is  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  even  if 
the  difference  be  recognised  of  the  natures 
of  which  we  assert  the  ineffable  union  to 
have  been  made." 

Of  the  same  :  — 

"  Therefore,  as  I  said,  while  praising  the 
manner  of  the  incarnation,  we  see  that  two 
natures  came  together  in  inseparable  union 
without  confusion  and  without  division,^  for 
the  flesh  is  flesh  and  no  kind  of  Godhead,  al- 
though it  was  made  flesh  of  God  ;  in  like 
manner  the  Word  is  God,  and  not  flesh,  al- 
though He  made  the  flesh  His  own  according 
to  the  oeconomy." 

Of  the  same  from  his  interpretation  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  :  — 

'*  For  although  the  natures  which  came 
together  in  unity  are  regarded  as  different  and 
unequal  with  one  another,  I  mean  of  flesh 
and  of  God,  nevertheless  the  Son,  Who  was 
made  of  both,  is  one." 

Of  the  same  from  his  interpretation  of  the 
same  Epistle  :  — 

''  Yet  though  the  only  begotten  Word  of 
God  is  said  to  be  united  in  hypostasis  to 
flesh,  we  deny  there  was  any  confusion  of  the 
natures  with  one  another,  and  declare  each  to 
remain  what  it  is." 

Of  the  same  from  his  commentaries  :  — 

''  The  Father's  Word,  born  of  the  Virgin, 

the  symbolum  drawn  up  by  Theodoret  himself  at  Ephesus  for 
presentation  to  the  Emperor  is  "'Eva  xpio-roi/,  eVa  vl'ov,  eva 
Kvptoi'  o/xoAoyou/xei'-  KarA  ravrrjif  t^?  aavyxvTov  ivuiaeia^  ivvoLav 
6iJ.o\oyoviJiev  rriv  ayiav,  ■napOevov  tJeoTOKOV,  6ia  to  toi'  Oeou  \6yov 
aapKwBrivai  icai  ifavOpuinYiaat  kol  i^  auT^?  T»j?  truA.Arj»|/ea>s  ei^uxrat 
eauTcu  Tov  e|  aurij?  \ri(f)0evTa  vaov."  The  great  point  sought  to  be 
asserted  was,  the  union  of  the  two  Natures.  Gregory  of  Nazi- 
anzus  (li.  7^^8)   says  'Et  rts  ov  OeoTOKOV  rriv  Mapiav  w7roAa/tJt^a^'el 

XWpiS  eOTt  T>J?   ©eOTTJTO?. 

1  Here  Cyril  adopts  the  terms  of  the  document  given  in  the 
preceding  note. 

^  aa-vyx^Tix)^  Kal  aSiaiperto?.  These  adverbs  recall  the  famous 
words  of  Hooker.     Ecc.  Pol.  v.  54.  10. 

'•  There  are  but  four  things  which  concur  to  make  complete 
the  whole  state  of  our  fvOrd  Jesus  Christ :  his  Deitv,  his  man- 
hood, the  conjunction  of  both,  and  the  distinction  of  the  one  from 
the  other  being  joined  in  one.  Four  principal  'heresies  there 
are  which  have  in  those  things  \vithstood  the  truth :  Arians,  by 
bending  themselves  against  the  Deity  of  Christ;  Apollinarians, 
by  maiming  and  misinterpreting  that  which  belongeth  to  his 
human  nature;  Nestorians,  by  rending  Christ  asunder,  and 
dividing  him  into  two  persons;  the  followers  of  Eutyches,  by 
confounding  in  his  person  those  natures  which  they  should 
distinguish.  Against  these  there  have  been  four  most  famous 
ancient  general  councils  •  the  council  of  Nice  to  define  against 
Arians;  against  Apollinarians  the  Council  of  Constantinople; 
the  councilof  Ephesus  against  Nestorians;  against  Eutychi- 
ans  the  Chalcedon  Council.  In  four  words,  aArj^w?,  TeXe'to?, 
a6(,a(,pe'T(o?,  a<ruyxvTto?,  truly,  perfectly,  indivisibly,  distinctly; 
the  first  appliea  to  his  being  God,  and  the  second  to  his  being 
Man,  the  third  to  his  being  of  both  One,  and  the  fourth  to  his 
continuing  in  that  one  Both  :  we  may  fully  by  way  of  Abridge- 
ment comprise  whatsoever  antiquity  hath  at  large  handled 
either  in  declaration  of  Christian  belief,  or  in  refutation  of  the 
foresaid  heresies.  Within  the  compass  of  which  four  heads,  I 
may  truly  affirm,  that  all  heresies  which  touch  but  the  person 
of  Jesus  Christ,  whether  they  have  risen  in  these  later  days,  or 
in  any  age  heretofore,  may  be  with  great  facility  brought  to 
confine  themselves." 


is  named  man,  though  being  by  nature  God 
as  partaking  of  flesh  and  blood  like  us  ^  for 
thus  He  was  seen  by  men  upon  earth,  with- 
out getting  rid  of  His  own  nature,  but  assum- 
ing our  Manhood  perfect  according  to  its 
own  reason." 

Of  the  same  concerning  the  Incarnation 
(Schol.  c.  13)  :  — 

""  Then  before  the  incarnation  there  is  one 
Very  God,  and  in  manhood  He  remains 
what  He  was  and  is  and  will  be  ;  the  one 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  then  must  not  be  separated 
into  man  apart  and  into  God  apart,  but  re- 
cognising the  difference  of  the  natures  and 
preserving  tliem  unconfounded  with  one 
another,  we  assert  that  there  is  one  and  the 
same  Christ  Jesus." 

Of  the  same  after  other  commentaries  :  — 

"There  is  plain  perception  of  one  thing- 
dwelling  in  another,  namely  the  divine  nature 
in  manhood,  without  undergoing  commixture 
or  any  confusion,  or  any  change  into  what  it 
was  not.  For  what  is  said  to  dwell  in  another 
does  not  become  the  same  as  that  in  which 
it  dwells,  but  is  rather  regarded  as  one  thing 
in  another.  But  in  the  nature  of  the  Word 
and  of  the  manhood  the  difference  points  out 
to  us  a  difference  of  natures  alone,  for  of  both 
is  perceived  one  Christ.  Therefore  he  says 
that  the  Word  ^  Tabernacled  among  us,'^ 
carefully  observing  the  freedom  from  confus- 
ion, for  he  recognises  one  only  begotten  Son 
who  was  made  flesh  and  became  man." 

Now,  my  dear  sir,  you  have  heard  the 
great  lights  of  the  world  ;  you  have  seen  the 
beams  of  their  teaching,  and  you  have  re- 
ceived exact  instruction  how,  not  only  after 
the  nativity,  but  after  the  passion  which 
wrought  salvation,  and  the  resurrection,  and 
the  ascension,  they  have  shewn  the  union  of 
the  Godhead  and  of  the  manhood  to  be 
without  confusion. 

Eran.  —  I  did  not  suppose  that  they  dis- 
tinguished the  natures  after  the  union,  but  I 
have  found  an  infinite  amount  of  distinction. 

Orth.  —  It  is  mad  and  rash  against  those 
noble  champions  of  the  faith  so  much  as  ta 
wag  your  tongue.  But  I  will  adduce  for 
you  the  words  of  Apollinarius,  in  order  that 
you  may  know  that  he  too  asserts  the  union 
to  be  without  confusion.  Now  hear  his- 
words. 

Testimony  of  Apollinarius, 

From  his  summary  :  — 

''  There    is  an  union  between  what  is  of 
God  and  what  is  of  the  body.       On  the  one 
side  is  the  adorable  Creator  Who  is  wisdom 
and    power   eternal  ;  these  are  of  the  God- 


1  Hebrews  ii.  14. 


2  John  i.  14. 


DIALOGUES. 


21 


head.  On  the  other  hand  is  the  Son  of 
Mary,  born  at  the  last  time,  worshipping 
God,  advancing  in  wisdom,  strengthened  in 
power  ;  these  are  of  the  body.  The  suffer- 
ing on  behalf  of  sin  and  the  curse  came  and 
will  not  pass  away  nor  yet  be  changed  into 
the  incorporeal.'* 

And  again  a  little  further  on  ;  — 
'^  Men  are  consubstantial  with  the  un- 
reasoning animals  as  far  as  tlie  unreasoning 
body  is  concerned  ;  they  are  of  another  sab- 
stance  in  so  far  forth  as  they  are  reasonable. 
Just  so  God  who  is  consubstantial  with  men 
according  to  the  flesh  is  of  another  substance 
in  so  far  forth  as  He  is  Word  and  Man." 
And  in  another  place  he  says  :  — 
*'  Of  things  which  are  mingled  together 
the  qualities  are  mixed  and  not  destroyed. 
Thus  it  comes  to  pass  that  some  are  sepa- 
rate from  the  mixed  parts  as  wine  from 
water,  nor  yet  is  there  mingling  with  a  body, 
nor  vet  as  of  bodies  with  bodies,  but  the 
mingling  preserves  also  the  unmixed,  so  that, 
as  each  occasion  may  require,  the  energy  of 
the  Godhead  either  acts  independently  or  in 
conjunction,  as  was  the  case  when  the  Lord 
fasted,  for  the  Godhead  being  in  conjunction 
in  proportion  to  its  being  above  need,  hun- 
ger was  hindered,  but  when  it  no  longer 
opposed  to  the  craving  its  superiority  to  need, 
then  hunger  arose,  to  the  imdoing  of  the 
devil.  But  if  the  mixture  of  the  bodies  suf- 
fered no  change,  how  much  more  that  of  the 
Godhead.?" 

And  in  another  place  he  says:  — 
''  If  the  mixture  with  iron  which  makes 
the  iron  itself  fire  does  not  change  its  nature, 
so  too  the  union  of  God  with  the  body  im- 
plies no  change  of  the  body,  even  though 
the  body  extend  its  divine  energies  to  what 
is  within  its  reach." 

To  this  he  immediately  adds  :  — 
'^  If  a  man  has  both  soul  and  body,  and 
these  remain  in  unity,  much  more  does  the 
Christ,  who  has   Godhead    and   body,  keep 
both  secure  and  unconfounded.'* 
And  again  a  little  further  on  :  — 
*'For   human    nature    is    partaker   of  the 
divine  energy,  as  far  as  it  is  capable,  but  it 
is  as  distinct  as  the  least  from  the  greatest. 
Man  is  a  servant  of  God,  but  God  is  not  ser- 
vant of  man,  nor  even  of  Himself.     Man  is  a 
creature  of  God,  but  God  is  not  a  creature 
of  man,  nor  even  of  Himself." 
And  agjain  :  — 

*'  If  any  one  takes  in  reference  to  Godhead 
and  not  in  reference  to  flesh  the  passage  the 
*  Son  doeth  what  He  seeth  the  Father  do,'  ^ 
wherein  He  Who  was  made  flesh  is  distinct 

»  John  V.  19. 


from  the  Father  Who  was  not  made  flesh, 
divides  two  divine  energies.  But  there  is  no 
division.  So  He  does  not  speak  in  reference 
to  Godhead." 

Again  he  says  :  — 

''As  man  is  not  an  unreasoning  being, 
on  account  of  the  contact  of  the  reasoning 
and  the  unreasoning,  just  so  the  Saviour  is 
not  a  creature  on  account  of  the  contact  of  the 
creature  with  God  uncreate." 

To  this  he  also  adds  :  — 

''The  invisible  which  is  united  to  a  visible 
body  and  thereby  is  beheld,  remains  mvis- 
ible,  and  it  remains  without  composition 
because  it  is  not  circumscribed  with  the  body, 
and  the  body,  remaining  in  its  own  measure, 
accepts  the  union  with  God  in  accordance 
with  its  being  quickened,  nor  is  it  that  which 
is  quickened  which  quickens." 

And  a  little  further  on  he  says:  — 

"  If  the  mixture  with  soul  and  body, 
although  from  the  beginning  they  coalesce, 
does  not  make  the  soul  visible  on  account 
of  the  body,  nor  change  it  into  the  other 
properties  of  the  body,  so  as  to  allow  of  its 
being  cut  or  lessened,  how  much  rather  God, 
who  is  not  of  the  same  nature  as  the  body, 
is  united  to  the  body  without  undergoing 
change,  if  the  body  of  man  remains  in  its 
own  nature,  and  this  when  it  is  animated  by 
a  soul,  then  in  the  case  of  Christ  the  com- 
mingling does  not  so  change  the  body  as  that 
it  is  not  a  body." 

And  further  on  he  says  again  :  — 

"  He  who  confesses  that  soul  and  body  are 
constituted  one  by  the  Scripture,  is  incon- 
sistent with  himself  when  he  asserts  that  this 
union  of  the  Word  with  the  body  is  a  change, 
such  change  being  not  even  beheld  in  the 
case  of  a  soul." 

Listen  to  him  again  exclaiming  clearly  :  — 

"If  they  are  impious  who  deny  that  the  flesh 
of  the  Lord  abides,  much  more  are  they  who 
refuse  wholly  to  accept  His  incarnation." 

And  in  his  little  book  about  the  Incarnation 
he  has  written  :  — 

"  The  words  '  Sit  thou  on  my  right  hand  '  ^ 
He  speaks  as  to  man,  for  they  are  not  spoken 
to  Him  that  sits  ever  on  the  throne  of  glory, 
as  God  the  Word  after  His  ascension  from 
earth,  but  they  are  said  to  Him  who  hath 
now  been  exalted  to  the  heavenly  glory  as 
man,  as  the  Apostles  say  'for  David  is  not 
ascended  into  the  heavens,  but  he  saith  him- 
self the  Lord  said  unto  my  Lord  sit  thou 
on  my  right  hand.*^  The  order  is  human, 
giving  a  beginning  to  the  sitting;  but  it  is 
a  divine  dignity  to  sit  together  with  God 
'  to  whom  thousand  thousands  minister  and 


1  Ps.  ex.  I. 


»  Acts  li.  34. 


2l6 


THEODORET. 


before  whom  ten  thousand  times  ten  thousand 
stand.' "1 

And  again  a  little  further  on  :  — 

''  He  does  not  put  His  enemies  under  Him 
as  God  but  as  man,  but  so  that  the  God  who 
is  seen  and  man  are  the  same.  Paul  too 
teaches  us  that  the  words  '  until  I  make 
thy  foes  thy  footstool '  ^  are  spoken  to  men, 
descril^ing  the  success  as  His  own  of  course 
in  accordance  with  His  divinity  'According 
to  the  working  whereb}/  He  is  able  even  to 
subdue  all  things  unto  Himself.'^  Behold 
Godhead  and  manhood  existing  inseparably 
in  one  Person." 

And  again  :  — 

"  '  Glorify  me  with  thine  own  self  with  the 
glory  which  I  had  with  thee  before  the  world 
was.  '  '*  The  word  '  glorify  '  He  uses  as 
man,  but  His  having  this  glory  before  the 
ages  He  reveals  as  God." 

And  again  :  — 

"  But  let  us  not  be  humiliated  as  thinking 
the  worship  of  the  vSon  of  God  humiliation, 
even  in  His  human  likeness,  but  as  thou2fh 
honouring  some  king  appearing  in  poor  rai- 
ment with  his  royal  glory,  and  above  all 
seeing  that  the  very  garb  in  which  He  is 
clad  is  glorified,  as  became  the  body  of  God 
and  of  the  world's  Saviour  which  is  seed 
of  eternal  life,  instrument  of  divine  deeds, 
destroyer  of  all  wickedness,  slayer  of  death, 
and  prince  of  resurrection  ;  for  though  it  had 
its  nature  from  man  it  derived  its  life  from 
God,  and  its  power  and  divine  virtue  from 
heaven." 

And  again  :  — 

"  Whence  we  worship  the  body  as  the 
Word ;  we  partake  of  the  body  as  of  the 
spirit." 

Now  it  has  been  plainly  shewn  you  that 
the  author  who  was  first  to  introduce  the 
mixture  of  the  natures  openly  uses  the  argu- 
ment of  a  distinction  between  them  :  thus  he 
has  called  the  body  garb,  creature  and  in- 
strument; he  even  went  so  far  as  to  call  it 
slave,  which  none  of  us  has  ever  ventured 
to  do.  He  also  says  that  it  was  deemed 
worthy  of  the  seat  on  the  right  hand,  and 
uses  many  other  expressions  which  are  re- 
jected by  your  vain  heresy. 

Eran,  —  But  why  then  did  he  who  was 
the  first  to  introduce  the  mixture  insert  so 
great  a  distinction  in  his  arguments? 

Orth.  —  The  power  of  truth  forces  even 
them  that  vehemently  fight  against  her  to 
agree  with  what  she  says,  but,  if  you  will, 
let  us  now  begin  a  discussion  about  the  im- 
passibility of  the  Lord. 


1  Dan.  vii.  lo. 
»  Acts  ii.  35. 


3  Phil,  iii.  21. 
*  John  xvii.  5. 


Ei'a^i. — You  know  that  musicians  are 
accustomed  to  give  their  strings  rest,  and 
they  slacken  them  by  turning  the  pegs ;  if 
then  things  altogether  void  of  reason  and 
soul  stand  in  need  of  some  recreation,  we 
who  partake  of  both  shall  do  nothing  absurd 
if  we  mete  out  our  labour  in  proportion  to 
our  power.  Let  us  then  put  it  off  till  to- 
morrow. 

Orth,  —  The  divine  David  charges  us  to 
give  heed  to  the  divine  oracles  by  night  and 
by  day  ;  but  let  it  be  as  you  say,  and  let  us 
keep  the  investigation  of  the  remainder  of 
our  subject  till  to-morrow. 


DIALOGUE    HL 

THE    IMPASSIBLE. 

Orthodoxies  and  Eranistes, 

Orth.  —  In  our  former  discussions  we 
have  proved  that  God  the  Word  is  im- 
mutable, and  became  incarnate  not  by  being 
changed  into  flesh,  but  by  taking  perfect 
human  nature.  The  divine  Scripture,  and 
the  teachers  of  the  churches  and  luminaries 
of  the  world  have  clearly  taught  us  that, 
after  the  union.  He  remained  as  He  was, 
unmixed,  impassible,  unchanged,  uncircum- 
scribed ;  and  that  He  preserved  unimpaired 
the  nature  wiiich  He  had  taken.  For  the 
future  then  the  subject  before  us  is  that  of 
His  passion,  and  it  will  be  a  very  profitable 
one,  for  thence  have  been  brought  to  us  the 
waters  of  salvation. 

Eran.  —  I  am  also  of  opinion  that  this 
discourse  will  be  beneficial.  I  shall  not 
however  consent  to  our  former  method,  but 
I  propose  myself  to  ask  questions. 

Orth. — And  I  will  answer,  without 
making  any  objection  to  the  change  of 
method.  He  who  has  truth  on  his  side,  not 
only  when  he  questions  but  also  when  he  is 
questioned,  is  supported  by  the  might  of  the 
truth.     Ask  then  what  you  will. 

Eran. — Who,   according   to  your  view, 
suffered  the  passion  ? 

Orth.  —  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

Eran.  —  Then  a  man  gave  us  our  sal- 
vation. 

Orth. — No;  for  have  we  confessed  that 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  only  man  } 

Eran.  —  Now  define  what  you  believe 
Christ  to  be. 

Orth.  —  Incarnate  Son  of  the  living  God. 

Eran.  — And  is  the  Son  of  God  God? 

Orth.  —  God,  having  the  same  substance 
as  the  God  Who  begat  Him. 


DIALOGUES. 


217 


Eran. — Then  God  underwent  the  pas- 
sion. 

Orth,  —  If  He  was  nailed  to  the  cross 
without  a  body,  apply  the  passion  to  the 
Godhead ;  but  if  he  was  made  man  by 
taking  flesh,  why  then  do  you  exempt  the 
passible  from  the  passion  and  subject  the 
impassible  to  it? 

Eran, — But  the  reason  why  He  took 
flesh  was  that  the  impassible  might  undergo 
the  passion  by  means  of  the  passible. 

Orth. — You  say  impassible  and  apply 
passion  to  Him. 

Eran.  — I  said  that  He  took  flesh  to  suffer. 

Orth. — If  He  had  had  a  nature  capable 
of  the  Passion  He  would  have,  suffered  with- 
out flesh  ;  so  the  flesh  becomes  superfluous. 

Eran.  —  The  divine  nature  is  immortal, 
and  the  nature  of  the  flesh  mortal,  so  the 
immortal  was  united  with  the  mortal,  that 
throug^h  it  He  miofht  taste  of  death. 

Orth.  —  That  which  is  by  nature  immor- 
tal does  not  undergo  death,  even  when  con- 
joined with  the  mortal  ;  this  is  easy  to  see. 

Eran.  —  Prove  it;  and  remove  the  diffi- 
culty. 

Orth.  —  Do  you  assert  that  the  human 
soul  was  immortal,  or  mortal? 

Eran.  —  Immortal. 

Orth.  —  And  is  the  body  mortal  or  im- 
mortal ? 

Eran.  — Indubitably  mortal. 

Orth.  — And  do  we  say  that  man  consists 
of  these  natures  ? 

Eran.  —  Yes. 

Orth.  —  So  the  immortal  is  conjoined 
with  the  mortal  ? 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  —  But  when  the  connexion  or  union 
is  at  an  end,  the  mortal  submits  to  the  law  of 
death,  while  the  soul  remains  immortal, 
though  sin  has  introduced  death,  or  do  you 
not  hold  death  to  be  a  penalty  ? 

Eran. — So  divine  Scripture  teaches. 
For  we  learn  that  when  God  forbade  Adam 
to  partake  of  the  tree  of  knowledge  He  added 
"  on  the  day  that  ye  eat  thereof  ye  shall 
surely  die."^ 

Orth.  —  Then  death  is  the  punishment  of 
them  that  have  sinned? 

Eran.  — Agreed. 

Orth.  —  Why  then,  when  soul  and  body 
have  both  sinned  together,  does  the  body 
alone  undergo  the  punishment  of  death? 

Eran.  —  It  was  the  body  that  cast  its  evil 
eye  upon  the  tree,  and  stretched  forth  its 
hands,  and  plucked  the  forbidden  fruit.  It 
was  the  mouth  that  bit  it  with  the  teeth,  and 

y  Gen.  ii,  17. 


ground  it  small,  and  then  the  gullet  com- 
mitted it  to  the  belly,  and  the  belly  digested 
it,  and  delivered  it  to  the  liver ;  and  the  liver 
turned  what  it  had  received  into  blood  and 
passed  it  on  to  the  hollow  vein^  and  the  vein 
to  the  adjacent  parts  and  they  through  the 
rest,  and  so  the  theft  of  the  forbidden  food 
pervaded  the  whole  body.  Very  properly 
then  the  body  alone  underwent  the  punish- 
ment of  sin. 

Orth, — You  have  given  us  a  physiological 
disquisition  on  the  nature  of  food,  on  all  the 
parts  that  it  goes  through  and  on  the  modifica- 
tions to  which  it  is  subject  before  it  is  assimi- 
lated with  the  body.  But  there  is  one  point 
that  you  have  refused  to  observe,  and  that  is 
that  the  body  goes  through  none  of  these  pro- 
cesses which  you  have  mentioned  without  the 
soul.  When  bereft  of  the  soul  which  is  its 
yoke  mate  the  body  lies  breathless,  voiceless, 
motionless ;  the  eye  sees  neither  wrong  nor 
aright ;  no  sound  of  voices  reaches  the  ears, 
the  hands  cannot  stir ;  the  feet  cannot  walk  ; 
the  body  is  like  an  instrument  without  music. 
How  then  can  you  say  that  only  the  body 
sinned  when  the  body  without  the  soul  can- 
not even  take  a  breath  ? 

Eran.  —  The  body  does  indeed  receive 
life  from  the  soul,  and  it  furnishes  the  soul 
with  the  penal  possession  of  sin. 

Orth.  — How,  and  in  what  manner? 

Eran.  —  Through  the  eyes  it  makes  it  see 
amiss;  through  the  ears  it  makes  it  hear  un- 
profitable sounds  ;  and  through  the  tongue 
utter  injurious  words,  and  through  all  the 
other  parts  act  ill. 

Orth.  —  Then  I  suppose  we  may  say 
Blessed  are  the  deaf;  blessed  are  they  that 
have  lost  their  sight  and  have  been  deprived 
of  their  other  faculties,  for  the  souls  of  men 
so  incapacitated  have  neither  part  nor  lot 
in  the  wickedness  of  the  body.  And  why, 
O  most  sagacious  sir,  have  you  men- 
tioned those  functions  of  the  body  which 
are  culpable,  and  said  nothing  about  the 
laudable?  It  is  possible  to  look  with  eyes 
of  love  and  of  kindliness ;  it  is  possible  to 
wipe  away  a  tear  of  compunction,  to  hear 
oracles  of  God,  to  bend  the  ear  to  the  poor, 
to  praise  the  Creator  with  the  tongue,  to  give 
good  lessons  to  our  neighbour,  to  move  the 
hand  in  mercy,  and  in  a  word  to  use  the  parts 
of  the  body  for  complete  acquisition  of  good- 
ness. 

Eran.  — This  is  all  true. 

Orth.  —  Therefore    the    observance     and 


1  The  vena  cava,  by  which  the  blood  returns  to  the  heart. 
The  physiology  of  Eranistes  would  be  held  in  the  main  "  ortho- 
dox "  even  now,  and  shews  that  Theodoret  was  well  abreast  of 
the  science  accepted  before  the  discovery  of  the  circulation  of 
the  blood. 


2l8 


THEODORET. 


transgression  of  law  is  common  to  both  soul 
and  body. 

Eran.  —  Yes. 

Orth.  —  It  seems  to  me  that  the  soul 
takes  the  leading  part  in  both,  since  it  uses 
reasoning  before  the  bod}'  acts. 

Eran.  —  In  what  sense  do  you  say  this? 

Orth.  —  First  of  all  the  mind  makes,  as 
it  were,  a  sketch  of  virtue  or  of  vice,  and 
then  gives  to  one  or  the  other  form  with  ap- 
propriate material  and  colour,  using  for  its 
ins-truments  the  parts  of  the  body. 

Eran.  —  So  it  seems. 

Orth,  —  If  then  the  soul  sins  with  the 
body  ;  nay  rather  takes  the  lead  in  the  sin,  for 
to  it  is  entrusted  the  bridling  and  direction 
of  the  animal  part,  why,  as  it  shares  the  sin, 
does  it  not  also  share  the  punishment? 

Eran.  —  But  how  were  it  possible  for  the 
immortal  soul  to  share  death? 

Orth.  —  Yet  it  were  just  that  after  sharing 
the  transgression,  it  should  share  the  chas- 
tisement. 

Eran.  —  Yes,  just. 

Orth.  —  But  it  did  not  do  so. 

Eran.  —  Certainly  not. 

Orth.  —  At  least  in  the  life  to  come  it  will 
be  sent  with  the  body  to  Gehenna. 

Eran.  —  So  He  said  *'  Fear  not  them 
which  kill  the  body,  but  are  not  able  to  kill 
the  soul ;  but  rather  fear  him  which  is  able 
to  destroy  both  soul  and  body  in  hell."  ^ 

Orth. — Therefore  in  this  life  it  escapes 
death,  as  being  immortal;  in  the  life  to 
come,  it  will  be  punished,  not  by  under- 
going death,  but  by  suffering  chastisement  in 
life. 

Eran.  —  That  is  what  the  divine  Scripture 
says. 

Orth.  —  It  is  then  impossible  for  the  im- 
mortal nature  to  undergo  death. 

Eran.  —  So  it  appears. 

Orth.  —  How  then  do  you  say,  God  the 
Word  tasted  death  ?  For  if  that  which  was 
created  immortal  is  seen  to  be  incapable  of 
becoming  mortal,  how  is  it  possible  for  him 
that  is  without  creation  and  eternally  immor- 
tal. Creator  of  mortal  and  immortal  natures 
alike,  to  partake  of  death  ? 

Eran.  — We  too  know  that  His  nature  is 
immortal,  but  we  say  that  He  shared  death  in 
the  flesh. 

Orth.  —  But  we  have  plainly  shewn  that 
it  is  in  no  wise  possible  for  that  which  is  by 
nature  immortal  to  share  death,  for  even  the 
soul  created  together  with,  and  conjoined 
with,  the  body  and  sharing  in  its  sin,  does  not 
share  death  with  it,  on  account  of  the  immor- 

1  Matt.  X.  28. 


tality  of  its  nature  alone.  But  let  us  look  at 
this  same  position  from  another  point  of 
view. 

Eran.  —  There  is  every  reason  why  we 
should  leave  no  means  untried  to  arrive  at 
the  truth. 

Orth.  —  Let  us  then  examine  the  matter 
thus.  Do  we  assert  that  of  virtue  and  vice 
some  are  teachers  and  some  are  followers? 

Eran.  — Yes. 

Orth.  —  And  do  we  say  that  the  teacher 
of  virtue  deserves  greater  recompense? 

Eran.  —  Certainly. 

Orth.  — 'And  similarly  the  teacher  of  vice 
deserves  twofold  and  threefold  punish- 
ment? 

Erajz.  —  True. 

Orth. — And  what  part  shall  we  assign 
to  the  devil,  that  of  teacher  or  disciple? 

Eran.  —  Teacher  of  teachers,  for  he  him- 
self is  father  and  teacher  of  all  iniquity. 

Orth.  —  And  who  of  men  became  his  first 
disciples? 

Eran.  — Adam  and  Eve. 

Orth. — And  who  received  the  sentence 
of  death  ? 

Era7t.  — Adam  and  all  his  race. 

Orth.  — Then  the  disciples  were  punished 
for  the  bad  lessons  they  had  learnt,  but  the 
teacher,  whom  we  have  just  declared  to  de- 
serve two-fold  and  three-fold  chastisement, 
got  off' the  punishment? 

Eran.  —  Apparently. 

Orth. — And  though  this  so  came  about 
we  both  acknowledge  and  declare  that  the 
Judge  is  just. 

Eran.  — Certainl3^ 

Orth.  —  But,  being  just,  why  did  He  not 
exact  an  account  from  him  of  his  evil  teach- 


ing? 


Eran.  —  He  prepared  for  him  the  un- 
quenchable flame  of  Gehenna,  for.  He  says, 
*'  Depart  from  me  ye  cursed  into  everlasting 
fire  prepared  for  the  devil  and  his  angels."  ^ 
And  the  reason  why  he  did  not  here  share 
death  with  his  disciples  is  because  he  has  an 
immortal  nature. 

Orth. — Then  even  the  greatest  trans- 
gressors cannot  incur  death  if  they  have  an 
immortal  nature. 

Eran.  —  Agreed. 

Orth.  —  If  then  even  the  very  inventor  and 
teacher  of  iniquity  did  not  incur  death  on 
account  of  the  immortality  of  his  nature,  do 
you  not  shudder  at  the  thought  of  saying 
that  the  fount  of  immortality  and  righteous- 
ness shared  death? 

Era7i.  —  Had  we  said  that  he  underwent 

'  Matt.  XXV.  41. 


DIALOGUES. 


219 


the  passion  involuntarily,  there  would  have 
been  some  just  ground  for  the  accusation 
which  you  bring  against  us.  But  if  the 
passion  which  is  preached  by  us  was  spon- 
taneous and  the  death  voluntary,  it  becomes 
you,  instead  of  accusing  us,  to  praise  the  im- 
mensity of  His  love  to  man.  For  He  suffered 
because  He  willed  to  suffer,  and  shared  death 
because  He  wished  it. 

Orth.  —  You  seem  to  me  to  be  quite 
ignorant  of  the  divine  nature,  for  the  Lord 
God  wishes-  nothing  inconsistent  with  His 
nature,  and  is  able  to  do  all  that  He  wishes, 
and  what  He  wishes  is  appropriate  and 
agreeable  to  His  own  nature. 

£^ra?t.  —  We  have  learnt  that  all  things 
are  possible  with  God.^ 

Orth.  — ■  In  expressing  yourself  thus  indefi- 
nitely you  include  even  what  belongs  to  the 
Devil,  for  to  say  absolutely  all  things  is  to 
name  together  not  only  good,  but  its  oppo- 
site. 

Eran,  —  But  did  not  the  noble  Job  speak 
absolutely  when  he  said  "  I  know  that  thou 
canst  do  all  things  and  with  thee  njthing  is 
impossible"  ?  ^ 

Orth.  —  If  you  read  what  the  just  man 
said  before,  you  will  see  the  meaning  of  the 
one  passage  from  the  other,  for  he  says 
'*  Remember,  I  beseech  thee,  that  thou  hast 
made  me  as  the  clay  and  wilt  thou  bring  me 
into  dust  again?  Hast  thou  not  poured  me 
out  as  milk  and  curdled  me  like  cheese? 
Thou  hast  clothed  me  with  skin  and  flesh 
and  hast  fenced  me  with  bones  and  sinews, 
thou  hast  granted  me  life  and  favour."^ 

And  then  he  adds  :  — 

*'  Having  this  in  myself  I  know  that  thou 
canst  do  all  things  and  that  with  thee  noth- 
ing is  impossible."  *  Is  it  not  therefore  all 
that  belongs  to  these  things  that  he  alleges 
to  belong  to  the  incorruptible  nature,  to  the 
God  of  the  universe? 

Eran. — Nothing  is  impossible  to  Al- 
mighty God. 

Orth.  —  Then  according  to  your  defini- 
tion sin  is  possible  to  Almighty  God? 

Eran.  —  By  no  means. 

Orth,  —  Wherefore  ? 

Eran,  —  Because  He  does  not  wish  it. 

Orth.  — Wherefore  does  He  not  wish  it? 

Eran,  —  Because  sin  is  foreign  to  His 
nature. 

Orth.  —  Then  there  are  many  things 
which  He  cannot  do,  for  there  are  many 
kinds  of  transgression. 

Eran.  —  Nothing  of  this  kind  can  be 
wished  or  done  by  God. 


1  Matt.  xix.  26;  Mark  x.  27. 

2  Job  X.  1^^.  Ixx. 


3  Job  X.  Q-12. 
*  Job  X.  13.  Ixx. 


Orth.  —  Nor  can  those  things  which  are 
contrary  to  the  divine  nature. 

Eran,  —  What  are  they? 

Orth.  —  As,  for  instance,  we  have  learnt 
that  God  is  intelligent  and  true  Light. 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  — And  we  could  not  call  Him  dark- 
ness or  say  that  He  wished  to  become,  or 
could  become,  darkness. 

Eran.  — By  no  means. 

Orth,  —  Again,  the  Divine  Scripture  calls 
His  nature  invisible. 

Eran,  —  It  does. 

Orth,  —  And  we  could  never  say  that  It 
is  capable  of  being  made  visible. 

Eran.  —  No,  surely. 

Orth.  — Nor  comprehensible. 

Eran,  —  No  ;  for  He  is  not  so. 

Orth.  —  No  ;  for  He  is  incom.prehensible^ 
and  altogether  unapproachable. 

Eran,  — You  are  right. 

Orth,  —  And  He  that  is  could  never 
become  non-existent. 

Eran,  —  Away  with  the  thought ! 

Orth,  — Nor  yet  could  the  Father  become 
Son. 

Eran,  —  Impossible. 

Orth.  —  Nor  yet  could  the  unbegottea 
become  begotten. 

Eran,  —  How  could  He. 

Orth,  —  And  the  Father  could  never 
become  Son? 

Eran.  —  By  no  means. 

Orth.  —  Nor  could  the  Holy  Ghost  ever 
become  Son  or  Father. 

Eran.  —  All  this  is  impossible. 

Orth. — And  we  shall  find  many  other 
things  of  the  same  kind,  which  are  similarly 
impossible,  for  the  Eternal  will  not  become 
of  time,  nor  the  Uncreate  created  and 
made,  nor    the    infinite  finite,  and  the  like. 

Eran.  —  None  of  these  is  possible. 

Orth.  —  So  we  have  found  many  things 
which  are  impossible  to  Almighty  God. 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  — But  not  to  be  able  in  any  of  these 
respects  is  proof  not  of  weakness,  but  of  in- 
finite power,  and  to  be  able  would  certainly 
be  proof  not  of  power  but  of  impotence. 

Eran.  —  How  do  you  say  this? 

Orth.  —  Because  each  one  of  these  pro- 
claims the  unchangeable  and  invariable  char- 
acter of  God.  For  the  impossibility  of  good 
becoming  evil  signifies  the  immensity  of  the 
goodness ;  and  that  He  that  is  just  should 
never  become  unjust,  nor  He  that  is  true  a 
liar,  exhibits  the  stability  and  the  strength 
that  there  is  in  truth  and  righteousness. 
Thus  the  true  light  could  never  become  dark- 
ness :   He  that   is  could  never  become    non- 


220 


THEODORET. 


existent,  for  the  existence  is  perpetual  and 
the  Hght  is  naturally  inv^ariable.  And  so, 
after  examining  all  other  examples,  you  will 
find  that  the  not  being  able  is  declaratory  of 
the  highest  power.  That  things  of  this  kind 
are  impossible  in  the  case  of  God,  the  divine 
Apostle  also  both  perceived  and  laid  down, 
for  in  his  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  ^  he  says, 
*'  that  by  two  immutable  things,  in  which  it 
was  impossible  for  God  to  lie  we  might  have 
a  strong  consolation."  ^  He  shews  that  this 
incapacity  is  not  weakness,  but  very  power, 
for  he  asserts  Him  to  be  so  true  that  it  is  im- 
possible for  there  to  be  even  a  lie  in  Him. 
So  the  power  of  truth  is  signified  through  its 
want  of  power.  And  writing  to  the  blessed 
Timothy,  the  Apostle  adds -'It  is' a  faithful 
saying,  for  if  we  be  dead  with  Him  we  shall 
also  live  with  Him,  if  we  suffer  we  shall  also 
reign  with  Him  ;  if  we  deny  Him  He  will 
also  deny  us,  if  we  believe  not  yet  He  abideth 
faithful,  He  cannot  deny  Himself."^  Again 
then  the  phrase  "He  cannot"  is  indicative 
of  infinite  power,  for  even  though  all  men 
deny  Him  He  says  God  is  Himself,  and  can- 
not exist  otherwise  than  in  His  own  nature, 
for  His  beins  is  indestructible.  This  is 
what  is  meant  by  the  words  "  He  cannot 
deny  Himself."  Therefoi'e  the  impossibility 
of  change  for  the  worse  proves  infinity  of 
power. 

Eran.  —  This  is  quite  true  and  in  har- 
mony with  the  divine  words. 

Orth.  —  Granted  then  that  with  God  many 
things  are  impossible,  —  everything,  that  is, 
which  is  repugnant  to  the  divine  nature,  — 
how  comes  it  that  while  you  omit  all  the  other 
qualities  which  belong  to  the  divine  nature, 
goodness^  righteousness,  truth,  invisibility, 
incomprehensibility,  infinity,  and  eternity, 
and  the  rest  of  the  attributes  which  we  assert 
to  be  proper  to  God,  you  maintain  that  His 
immortality  and  impassibility  alone  are  sub- 
ject to  change,  and  in  them  concede  the  pos- 
sibility of  variation  and  give  to  God  a  capac- 
ity indicative  of  weakness? 

Eran.  —  We  have  learnt  this  from  the 
divine  vScripture.  The  divine  John  exclaims 
"  God  so  loved  the  world  that  He  gave  His 
only  begotten  Son,"  "•  and  the  divine  Paul, 
"  For  if  when  we  were  enemies  we  were 
reconciled  to  God  by  the  death  of  His  Son, 
much  more  being  reconciled  we  shall  be 
saved  by  His  life."  ^ 

Orth.  —  Of  course  all  this  is  true,  for  these 

iC.  f.  note  on  Page  ,^7.   From  the  middle  of  the  Ilird  cen- 
tury onward  we  find   acceptation   of  the   Pauline  authorship 
Amon^  writers   who  quote  the  Ep.  as  St.   Paul's  are  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem,  the  two  Gregories,  Basil,  and  Chrysostom,  as  well 
as  Theodnret. 

2Heb.  vi.  18.  *  John  iii.  16. 

'II.  I.  Tim.  ii.  11-13.  ^  Romans  v.  lo. 


are  divine  oracles,^  but  remember  what  we 
have  often  confessed. 

Eran.  —  What.^ 

Orth.  — We  have  confessed  that  God  the 
Word  the  Son  of  God  did  not  appear  without 
a  body,  but  assumed  perfect  human  nature. 

Eran.  — Yes  ;  this  we  have  confessed. 

Orth.  —  And  He  was  called  Son  of  Man 
because  He  took  a  body  and  human  soul. 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  —  Therefore  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
is  verily  our  God ;  for  of  these  two  natures 
the  one  was  His  from  everlasting  and  the 
other  He  assumed. 

Eran.  —  Indubitably. 

Orth.  —  While,  then,  as  man  He  under- 
went the  passion,  as  God  He  remained  in- 
capable of  suffering. 

Eran.  —  How  then  does  the  divine  Script- 
ure say  that  the  Son  of  God  suffered.^ 

Orth. — Because  the  body  which  suffered 
was  His  body.  But  let  us  look  at  the  mat- 
ter thus  ;  when  we  hear  the  divine  Scripture 
saying  "And  it  came  to  pass  when  Isaac 
was  old  his  eyes  were  dim  so  that  he  could 
not  see,"^  whither  is  our  mind  carried  and 
on  what  does  it  rest,  on  Isaac's  soul  or  on 
his  body } 

Eran.  —  Of  course  on  his  body. 

Orth. — Do  we  then  conjecture  that  his 
soul  also  shared  in  the  affection  of  blind- 
ness } 

Eran.  —  Certainly  not. 

07'th.  — We  assert  that  only  his  body  was 
deprived  of  the  sense  of  sight.? 

Eran.  —  Yes. 

Orth.  —  And  again  when  we  hear  Amaziah 
saying  to  the  prophet  Amos,  "  Oh  thou  seer 
go  ffee  away  into  the  land  of  Judah,"^  and 
Saul  enquiring  :  "  Tell  me  I  pray  thee  where 
the  seer's  house  is,"  "^  we  understand  nothing 
bodily. 

Ei'an.  —  Certainly  not. 

Orth. — And  yet  the  words  used  are  sig- 
nificant of  the  health  of  the  organ  of  sight. 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  — Yet  w^e  know  that  the  power 
of  the  Spirit  when  given  to  purer  souls 
inspires  prophetic  grace  and  causes  them  to 
see  even  hidden  things,  and,  in  consequence 
of  tlieir  thus  seeing,  they  are  called  seers  and 
beholders. 

Eran.  —  What  you  say  is  true. 

Orth.  — And  let  us  consider  this  too. 

Eran.  —What.? 

Orth. — When  we  hear  the  story  of  the 
divine  evangelists  narrating  how  they  brought 
to  God  a  man  sick  of  the  palsy,  laid  upon  a 


1  cf.  note  on  page  155. 

2  Gen.  xxvii.  i. 


3  Amos  vii.  12. 

4  I.  Sam.  ix.  iS. 


DIALOGUES. 


221 


he  was  for 
infirmity  of 
disciples    to 


these  things 


bed,  do  we  say  tliat  this  was  paralysis  of  the 
parts  of  the  soul  or  of  the  body  ? 

Efan.  —  Plainly  of  the  body. 

Orth. — And  when  while  reading  the  Epis- 
tle to  the  Hebrews  we  light  upon  the  passage 
where  the  Apostle  says  "Wherefore  lift  up 
the  hands  which  hang  down  and  the  feeble 
knees  and  make  straight  paths  for  your  feet 
lest  that  which  is  lame  be  turned  out  of  the 
way,  but  let  it  rather  be  healed,"  ^  do  we  say 
that  the  divine  Apostle  said  these  things 
about  the  parts  of  the  body? 

Eran.  —  No. 

Ort/i.  —  Shall  we  say  that 
removing  the  feebleness  and 
the  soul  and  stimulating  the 
manliness? 

Eran.  —  Obviously. 

Orth. — But  we  do  not  find 
distinguished  in  the  divine  Scripture,  for  in 
describing  the  blindness  of  Isaac  he  made  no 
reference  to  the  body,  but  spoke  of  Isaac  as 
absolutely  blind,  nor  in  describing  the  proph- 
ets as  seers  and  beholders  did  he  say  that 
their  souls  saw  and  beheld  what  was  hidden, 
but  mentioned  the  persons  themselves. 

Eran.  — Yes  ;  this  is  so. 

Orth^  — And  he  did  not  point  out  that  the 
body  of  the  paralytic  was  palsied,  but  called 
the  man  a  paralytic. 

Eran,  — True. 

Orth,  — And  even  the  divine  Apostle  made 
no  special  mention  of  the  souls,  though  it 
was  these  that  he  purposed  to  strengthen  and 
to  rouse. 

Eran,  —  No  ;  he  did  not. 

Orth.  —  But  when  we  examine  the  meaning 
of  the  words,  we  understand  which  belongs 
to  the  soul  and  which  to  the  body. 

Eran,  —  And  very  naturally ;  for  God 
made  us  reasonable  beings. 

Orth.  —  Then  let  us  make  use  of  this  rea- 
soning faculty  in  the  case  of  our  Maker  and 
Saviour,  and  let  us  recognise  what  belongs  to 
His  Godhead  and  what  to  His  manhood. 

Eran,  — But  by  doing  this  we  shall  destroy 
the  supreme  union. 

Orth.  — In  the  case  of  Isaac,  of  the  proph- 
ets, of  the  man  sick  of  the  palsy,  and  of  the 
rest,  we  did  so  without  destroying  the  natural 
union  of  the  soul  and  of  the  body  ;  we  did 
not  even  separate  the  souls  from  their  proper 
bodies,  but  by  reason  alone  distinguished 
what  belonged  to  the  soul  and  what  to  the 
body.  Is  it  not  then  monstrous  that  while 
we  take  this  course  in  the  case  of  souls  and 
bodies,  we  should  refuse  to  do  so  in  the  case 
of  our  Saviour,  and  confound  natures  which 
differ  not  in  the  same  proportion  as  soul  from 

illeb.xii.  12.  13. 


body,  but  in  as  vast  a  degree  as  the  temporal 
from  the  eternal  and  the  Creator  from  the 
created  ? 

Eran. — The  divine  Scripture  says  that  the 
Son  of  God  underwent  the  passion. 

Orth,  — We  deny  that  it  was  suffered  by 
any  other,  but  none  the  less,  taught  by  the 
divine  Scripture,  we  know  that  the  nature  of 
the  Godhead  is  impassible.  We  are  told  of 
impassibility  and  of  passion,  of  manhood  and 
of  Godhead,  and  we  therefore  attribute  the 
passion  to  the  passible  body,  and  confess  that 
no  passion  was  undergone  by  the  nature  that 
was  impassible. 

Eran,  —  Then  a  body  won  our  salvation 
for  us. 

Orth,  — Yes  ;  but  not  a  mere  man's  body, 
but  that  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  only 
begotten  Son  of  God.  If  you  regard  this 
body  as  insignificant  and  of  small  account, 
how  can  you  hold  its  type  to  be  an  object  of 
worship  and  a  means  of  salvation  ?  and  how 
can  the  archetype  be  contemptible  and  insig- 
nificant of  that  of  which  the  type  is  adorable 
and  honourable  ? 

Eran.  —  I  do  not  look  on  the  body  as  of 
small  account,  but  I  object  to  dividing  it  from 
the  Godhead. 

Orth. — We,  my  good  sir,  do  not  divide 
the  union  but  we  regard  the  peculiar  proper- 
ties of  the  natures,  and  I  am  sure  that  in  a 
moment  you  will  take  the  same  view. 

Eran,  —  You  talk  like  a  prophet. 

Orth, — No;  not  like  a  prophet,  but  as 
knowing  the  power  of  truth.  But  now  an- 
swer me  this.  When  you  hear  the  Lord  say- 
ing "  I  and  my  Father  are  one,"  and  "  He 
that  hath  seen  me  hath  seen  the  Father,"  ^ 
do  you  say  that  this  refers  to  the  flesh  or  to 
the  Godhead  ? 

Eran,  —  How  can  the  flesh  and  the  Father 
possibly  be  of  one  substance  ? 

Oi'th, — Then  these  passages  indicate  the 
Godhead  ? 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  — And  so  with  the  text,  "  In  the 
beginning  was  the  Word  and  the  Word  was 
God,"^  and  the  like. 

Eran.  —  Agreed. 

Orth. — Again  when  the  divine  Scripture 
says,  "  Jesus  therefore  being  wearied  with 
his  journey  sat  thus  on  the  well,"  "*  of  what 
is  the  weariness  to  be  understood,  of  the 
Godhead  or  of  the  body? 

Eran.  — I  cannot  bear  to  divide  what  is 
united. 

Oj'th.  —  Then  it  seems  you  attribute  the 
weariness  to  the  divine  nature  ? 


^  John  X.  30. 
8  John  xiv.  9. 


3  John  i.  T. 
*  John  iv.  6. 


222 


THEODORET. 


Eran.  —  I  think  so. 

Oi'th. — But  then  you  directly  contradict 
the  exclamation  of  the  prophet  "  He  fainteth 
not  neither  is  weary  ;  there  is  no  searching 
of  His  understanding.  He  giveth  power  to 
the  faint  and  to  them  that  have  no  might  he 
increaseth  strength."  ^  And  a  little  further 
on  ''But  they  that  wait  upon  the  Lord  shall 
renew  their  strength,  they  shall  mount  up 
with  wings  as  eagles,  they  shall  run  and  not 
be  ^veary  and  they  shall  walk  and  not  faint.''  ^ 
Now  how  can  He  who  bestows  upon  others 
the  boon  of  freedom  from  weariness  and  want, 
possibly  be  himself  subject  to  hunger  and 
thirst  ? 

Ef-an.  —  I  have  said  over  and  over  again 
that  God  is  impassible,  and  free  from  all 
want,  but  after  the  incarnation  He  became 
capable  of  suffering. 

Ortk,  —  But  did  He  do  this  by  admitting 
the  sufferings  in  His  Godhead,  or  by  per- 
mitting the  passible  nature  to  undergo  its 
natural  sufferings  and  by  suffering  proclaim 
that  what  was  seen  was  no  unreality,  but 
w^as  really  assumed  of  human  nature  ?  But 
now  let  us  look  at  the  matter  thus  :  we  say 
that  the  divine  nature  was  uncircumscribed. 

Eran.  — Aye. 

Orth,  — And  uncircumscribed  nature  is  cir- 
cumscribed by  none. 

Eraii,  —  Of  course  not. 

Ot'th.  — It  therefore  needs  no  transition  for 
it  is  everywhere. 

Eran,  —  True. 

Orth. — And  that  which  needs  no  tran- 
sition needs  not  to  travel. 

Eran,  —  That  is  clear. 

07'th.  —  And  that  which  does  not  travel 
does  not  grow  weary. 

Eran.  — No. 

Orth.  —  It  follows  then  that  the  divine 
nature,  which  is  uncircumscribed,  and  needs 
not  to  travel,  was  not  weary. 

Eran.  —  But  the  divine  Scripture  says 
that  Jesus  was  weary,  and  Jesus  is  God ; 
"  And  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  by  whom  are 
all  things."  ^ 

Orth. — But  the  exact  expression  of  the 
divine  Scripture  is  that  Jesus  "was  wearied" 
not  ''  is  wearied."^  We  must  consider  how 
one  and  the  other  can  be  applied  to  the  same 
person. 

Eran.  — Well ;  try  to  point  this  out,  for  3-011 


1  Isaiah  xl.  2S,  29.     cf.  Sept. 

2  Isaiah  xl.  31 .  ^1.  Cor.  viii.  6. 

*  The  text  of  John  iv.  6  is  Ke/coTriaKws  cKa^e^ero,  i.e.,  after 
being-  weary  sate  down .  kottiwc  e/ca^e^ero  would  = '  'while  being 
weary  sate  down."  The  force  of  the  passage  seems  to  be 
that  Scripture  states  our  I^ord  to  have  been  %vearied  once, — 
not  to  be  wearied  now;  though  of  course  in  classical  Greek  Ae'yei 
(historice)  avrov  K'Mnav  might  mean  "  said  that  he  was  in  a 
state  of  weariness." 


are  always  for  forcing  on  us  the  distinction 
of  terms. 

Oj'th.  —  I  think  that  even  a  barbarian  might 
easily  make  this  distinction.  The  union  of 
unlike  natures  being  conceded,  the  person  of 
Christ  on  account  of  the  union  receives  both  ; 
to  each  nature  its  own  properties  are  attrib- 
uted ;  to  the  inicircumscribed  immunity 
from  weariness,  to  that  which  is  capable  of 
transition  and  travel  weariness.  For  travel- 
ling is  the  function  of  the  feet ;  of  the  muscles 
to  be  strained  by  over  exercise. 

Eran.  —  There  is  no  controversy  about 
these  being  bodily  affections. 

Orth.  — W^ell  then  ;  the  prediction  which  I 
made,  and  you  scoffed  at,  has  come  true  ;  for 
look  ;  you  have  shewn  us  what  belongs  to 
manhood,  and  what  belongs  to  Godhead. 

Eran.  -^  But  I  have  not  divided  one  son 
into  two. 

Orth.  —  Nor  do  we,  my  friend  ;  but  giving 
heed  to  the  difference  of  the  natures,  we  con- 
sider what  befits  godhead,  and  what  is  proper 
to  a  body. 

Eran.  —  This  distinction  is  not  the  teach- 
ing of  the  divine  Scripture ;  it  says  that  the 
Son  of  God  died.  So  the  Apostle  ;  —  "  For 
if  when  we  were  enemies  we  were  recon- 
ciled to  God  by  the  death  of  His  Son."^ 
And  he  says  that  the  Lord  was  raised  from 
the  dead  for  "God"  he  says  "raised  the 
Lord  from  the  dead."^ 

Orth.  —  And  when  the  divine  Scripture 
says  "  And  devout  men  carried  Stephen  to 
his  burial  and  made  great  lamentation  over 
him"^  would  any  one  say  that  his  soul  was 
committed  to  the  grave  as  well  as  his  body? 

Eran.  —  Of  course  not. 

Orth.  — And  when  you  hear  the  Patriarch 
Jacob  saying  "  Bury  me  with  my  Fathers"* 
do  you  suppose  this  refers  to  the  body  or  to 
the  soul.^ 

Eran.  —  To  the  body  ;  without  question. 

Orth.  — Now  read  what  follows. 

Eran. —  "  There  they  buried  Abraham  and 
Sarah  his  wife.  There  they  buried  Isaac  and 
Rebekah  his  wife  and  there  I  buried  Leah."" 

Orth.  —  Now,  in  the  passages  which  you 
have  just  read,  the  divine  Scripture  makes 
no  mention  of  the  body,  but  as  far  as  the 
words  used  go,  signifies  soul  as  well  as  body. 
We  however  make  the  proper  distinction  and 
say  that  the  souls  of  the  patriarchs  were  im- 
mortal, and  that  only  their  bodies  were  buried 
in  the  double  cave.^ 

1  Rom.  V.  10.  3  Acts  viii.  2.  ^  Gen.  xlix.  31. 

2  Acts  xiii.  30.  *  Gen.  xlix.  29. 

6««The  Machpelah,"  always  in  Hebrew  with  the  article 
n ISDtSn  =  "  the  double  (cave')." 

T  ••  : 

It  is  interesting  to  contrast  the  heathen  idea,  that  the  shadow 
goes  to  Hades  while  the  self  is  identified  with  the  body,  with 


DIALOGUES. 


223 


Eran.  —  True. 

Orth,  —  And  when  we  read  in  the  Acts 
how  Herod  slew  James  the  brother  of  John 
with  a  sword/  we  are  not  likely  to  hold  that 
his  sold  died. 

Eran,  —  No  ;  how  could  we  ?  We  remem- 
ber the  Lord's  warning  "  Fear  not  them 
which  kill  the  body  but  are  not  able  to  kill 
the  soul."  - 

Orth.  —  But  does  it  not  seem  to  you  im- 
pious and  monstrous  in  tlie  case  of  mere  men 
to  avoid  the  invariable  connexion  of  soul  and 
body,  and  in  the  case  of  scriptural  references 
to  death  and  burial,  to  distinguish  in  thought 
the  soul  from  the  body  and  connect  them 
only  with  the  body,  while  in  trust  in  the 
teaching  of  the  Lord  you  hold  the.  soul  to  be 
immortal,  and  then  when  you  hear  of  the 
passion  of  the  Son  of  God  to  follow  quite  a 
different  course  t  Are  you  justified  in  making 
no  mention  of  the  body  to  which  the  passion 
belongs,  and  in  representing  the  divine  nature 
which  is  impassible,  immutable  and  immor- 
tal as  mortal  and  passible.?  While  all  the 
while  you  know  that  if  the  nature  of  God 
the  Word  is  capable  of  suffering,  the  assump- 
tion of  the  body  was  superfluous. 

Eran.  —  We  have  learnt  from  the  Divine 
Scriptures  that  the  Son  of  God  suffered. 

Orth. —  But  the  divine  apostle  interprets  the 
Passion,  and  shews  what  nature  suffered. 

Eran. — Show  me  this  at  once  and  clear 
the  matter  up. 

Orth. — Are  you  not  acquainted  with  the 
passage  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  in 
which  the  divine  PauP  says  ^' For  which 
cause  He  is  not  ashamed  to  call  them  breth- 
ren saying  '  I  will  declare  thy  name  unto 
my  brethren,  in  the  midst  of  the  Church 
\w\\\  I  sing  praise  unto  Thee.'  And  again, 
*  Behold  I  and  the  children  which  God  hath 
given  me.'  "  ^ 

Erati. — Yes,  I  know  this,  but  this  does 
not  give  us  what  you  promised. 

Orth. — Yes:  even  these  suggest  what  I 
promised  to  shew.  The  word  brotherhood 
signifies  kinship,  and  the  kinship  is  due  to  the 
assumption  of  the  nature,  and  the  assumption 
openly  proclaims  the  impassibility  of  the 
Godhead.  But  to  understand  this  the  more 
plainly  read. what  follows. 

Eran.  —  ''  Forasmuch  then  as  the  children 
are  partakers  of  flesh  and  blood.  He  also 
Himself  likewise  took  part  of  the  same  that 
through  death  He  might  destroy  him  that  hath 


the  Christian  belief,  that  the  self  lives  while  the  body  is  buried 
e.g.  Homer  (II.  i.  4)  says  that  while  the  famous  "wrath" 
sent  many  heroes'  souls  to  Hades,  it  made  ^^  them  "  a  prey  to 
dogs  and  birds,     cf.  xxiii.72.     "  \\ivxaL  etSwAa  /ca/Aoi^Twi'," 

1  Acts  xii.  2.  3  Vide  note  on  Pages  37  and  220. 

2  Matt,  X.  2S.  *  Heb.  ii.  11,  12,  13. 


the  power  of  death  .  .  .  and  deliver  them 
who  through  fear  of  death  were  all  their  life 
subject  to  bondage."  ^ 

07'th.  —  This,  I  think,  needs  no  explana- 
tion ;  it  teaches  clearly  the  mystery  of  the 
cEConomv. 

Era7i,  —  I  see  nothing  here  of  what  you 
promised  to  prove. 

Oith. — Yet  the  divine  Apostle  teaches 
plainly  that  the  Creator,  pitying  this  nature 
not  only  seized  cruelly  by  death,  but  through- 
out all  life  made  death's  slave,  effected  the 
resurrection  through  a  body  for  our  bodies, 
and,  by  means  of  a  mortal  body,  undid  the 
dominion  of  death  ;  for  since  His  own  nature 
was  immortal  He  righteously  wished  to  stay 
the  sovereignty  of  death  by  taking  the  first 
fruits  of  them  that  were  subject  to  death,  and 
while  He  kept  these  firstfruits  (i.e.  the 
body)  blameless  and  free  from  sin,  on  the  one 
hand  He  gave  death  license  to  la}^  hands  on 
it  and  so  satisfy  its  insatiability,  while  on  the 
other,  for  the  sake  of  the  wrong  done  to  this 
body,  he  put  a  stop  to  the  unrighteous  sov- 
ereignty usurped  over  all  the  rest  o^  men. 
These  firstfruits  unrighteously  engidfed  He 
raised  again  and  will  make  the  race  to  follow 
them. 

Set  this  explanation  side  by  side  with  the 
words  of  the  iYpostle,  and  you  will  understand 
the  impassibility  of  the  Godhead. 

Ei'an.  —  In  what  has  been  read  there  is  no 
proof  of  the  divine  impassibility. 

07'th.  —  Nay  :  docs  not  the  statement  of  the 
divine  Apostle,  that  the  reason  of  His  making 
the  children  partakers  of  the  ffesh  and  blood 
was  that  through  death  He  might  destroy 
him  that  hath  the  power  of  death,  distinctly 
signifv  the  impassibility  of  the  Godhead, 
and  the  passibility  of  the  flesh,  and  that 
because  the  divine  nature  could  not  suffer  He 
assumed  the, nature  that  could  and  through  it 
destroyed  the  power  of  the  devil  ? 

Ei^an.  —  How  did  He  destroy  the  power 
of  the  devil  and  the  dominion  of  death  through 
the  flesh.? 

Oi'th.  — What  arms  did  the  devil  use  at 
the  beginning  when  he  enslaved  the  nature 
of  men  ? 

Eran.  — The  means  by  which  he  took  cap- 
tive him  who  had  been  constituted  citizen 
of  Paradise,  was  sin. 

Orth. — And  what  punishment  did  God 
assit^n  for  the  transsfression  of  the  comma.nd- 
ment? 

Eran.  — Death. 

Orth.  —  Then  sin  is  the  mother  of  death, 
and  the  devil  its  father. 

1  Heb.  ii.  14,  15. 


224 


THEODORET. 


Eran.  —  True. 

Oj'th. — War  then  was  waged  against 
human  nature  by  sin.  Sin  seduced  them  that 
obeyed  it  to  slavery,  brought  them  to  its  vile 
father,  and  delivered  them  to  its  very  bitter 
ortspiing. 

Eran.  — That  is  plain. 

Orth. —  So  with  reason  the  Creator,  with  the 
intention  of  destroying  either  power,  assumed 
the  nature  against  which  war  was  being 
waged,  and,  by  keeping  it  clear  of  all  sin, 
both  set  it  free  from  the  sovereignty  of  the 
devil,  and,  by  its  means,  destroyed  the  devil's 
dominion.  For  since  death  is  the  punish- 
ment of  sinners,  and  death  unrighteously  and 
against  the  divine  law  seized  the  sinless  body 
of  the  Lord,  He  first  raised  up  that  which 
was  unlawfully  detained,  and  then  prom- 
ised release  to  them  that  were  with  justice 
imprisoned, 

Eran.  — But  how  do  you  think  it  just  that 
the  resurrection  of  Him  who  was  unlaw- 
fully detained  should  be  shared  by  the  bodies 
which  had  been  righteously  delivered  to 
death  ? . 

Orth.  —  And  how  do  you  think  it  just  that, 
when  it  was  Adam  who  transgressed  the 
commandment,  his  race  should  follow  their 
forefather  ? 

Eran. — Although  the  race  had  not  par- 
ticipated in  the  famous  transgression,  yet 
it  committed  other  sins,  and  for  this  cause 
incurred  death. 

Orth.  —  Yet  not  sinners  only  but  just  men, 
patriarchs,  prophets,  apostles,  and  men  who 
have  shone  bright  in  many  kinds  of  virtue, 
have  come  into  death's  meshes. 

Eran. — Yes;  for  how  could  a  familv 
sprung  of  mortal  parents  remain  immortal? 
Adam  after  the  transgression  and  the  di- 
vine sentence,  and  after  coming  under  the 
power  of  death,  knew  his  wife,  and  was 
called  father ;  having  himself  become  mor- 
tal he  was  made  father  of  mortals  ;  reason- 
ably then  all  who  have  received  mortal  nature 
follow  their  forefather. 

Orth. — You  have  shewn  very  well  the 
reason  of  our  being  partakers  of  death. 
The  same  however  must  be  granted  about 
the  resurrection,  for  the  remedy  must  be  meet 
for  the  disease.  When  the  head  of  the  race 
was  doomed,  all  the  race  was  doomed  with 
him,  and  so  when  the  Saviour  destroyed  the 
curse,  human  nature  won  freedom  ;  and  just 
as  they  that  shared  Adam's  nature  followed 
him  in  his  going  down  into  Hades,  so  all  the 
nature  of  men  will  share  in  newness  of  life 
with  the  Lord  Christ  in  His  resurrection. 

Eran.  —  The  decrees  of  the  Church  must 
be  given  not  only  declaratorily  but  demon- 


stratively.    Tell  me  then  how  these  doctrines 
are  taught  in  the  divine  Scripture. 

Orth.  —  Listen  to  the  Apostle  writing  to 
the  Romans,  and  through  them  teaching  all 
mankind  :  "  For  if  through  the  offence  of  one 
many  be  dead,  much  more  the  grace  of  God, 
and  the  gift  by  grace,  which  is  by  one  man, 
Jesus  Christ,  hath  abounded  unto  many.  And 
not  as  it  was  by  one  that  sinned,  so  is  the  gift ; 
for  the  judgment  was  by  one  to  condemna- 
tion, but  the  free  gift  is  of  many  offences 
unto  justification.  For  if  by  one  man's  oflence 
death  reigned  by  one  ;  much  more  they  which 
receive  abundance  of  grace  and  of  the  gift 
of  righteousness  shall  reign  in  life  by  one, 
Jesus  Christ'*^  and  again:  "Therefore  as 
by  the  offence  of  one  judgment  came  upon 
all  men  to  condemnation ;  even  so  bv  the 
righteousness  of  one  the  free  gift  came  upon 
all  men  unto  justification  of  life.  For  as  by 
one  man'«  disobedience  many  were  made 
sinners  so  by  the  obedience  of  one  shall  many 
be  made  righteous."  ^  And  when  introduc- 
ing to  the  Corinthians  his  argument  about 
the  resurrection  he  shortly  reveals  to  them  the 
mystery  of  the  oeconomy,  and  sa}s:  "But 
now  is  Christ  risen  from  the  dead  and  become 
the  first  fruits  of  them  which  slept.  For 
since  by  man  came  death  by  man  came  also 
the  resurrection  of  the  dead.  For  as  in 
Adam  all  die,  even  so  in  Christ  shall  all 
be  made  alive."  ^  So  I  have  brought  you 
proofs  from  the  divine  oracles.  Now  look  at 
what  belongs  to  Adam  compared  with  what 
belongs  to  Christ,  the  disease  with  the  rem- 
edy, the  wound  with  the  salve,  the  sin  with 
the  wealth  of  righteousness,  the  ban  with  the 
blessing,  the  doom  with  the  delivery,  the 
transgression  with  the  observance,  the  death 
with  the  life,  hell  with  the  kingdom,  Adam 
with  Christ,  the  man  with  the  Man.  And 
yet  the  Lord  Christ  is  not  only  man  but  eter- 
nal God,  but  the  divine  Apostle  names  Him 
from  the  nature  which  He  assumed,  because 
it  is  in  this  nature  that  he  compares  Him 
with  Adam.  The  justification,  the  struggle, 
the  victory,  the  death,  the  resurrection,  are 
all  of  this  human  nature  ;  it  is  this  nature 
which  we  share  with  Him  ;  in  this  nature  they 
who  have  exercised  themselves  beforehand 
in  the  citizenship  of  the  kingdom  shall  reign 
with  Him.  Of  this  nature  I  spoke,  not  divid- 
ing the  Godhead,  but  referring  to  what  is 
proper  to  the  manhood. 

Eran.  — You  have  gone  through  long  dis- 
cussions on  this  point,  and  have  strengthened 
vour  argument  by  scriptural  testimony,  but  if 
the  passion  was  really  of  the  flesh,  how  is  it 


iRom.  V.  15,  16,  17. 
2  Rom.  V.  iS,  19. 


5  I.  Cor.  XV.  20,  21,  22. 


DIALOGUES. 


22 


that  when  he  praises  the  divine  love  to  men,  the 
Apostle  exclaims,  "  He  that  spared  not  His 
ow^n  Son  but  delivered  Him  up  for  us  all,"  ^ 
what  son  does  he  say  was  delivered  up? 

Oi'th. — Watch  well  your  words.  There 
is  one  Son  of  God,  wherefore  He  is  called 
only  begotten. 

Eran.  —  If  then  there  is  one  Son  of  God, 
the  divine  Apostle  called  him  own  Son. 

Oi'th.  —  True. 

Eran.  —  Then  he  says  that  He  was  de- 
livered up. 

Orth.  —  Yes,  but  not  without  a  body,  as 
we  have  agreed  again  and  again. 

Eran,  —  It  has  been  agreed  again  and 
again  that  He  took  body  and  soul, 

Orth,  —  Therefore  the  Apostle  spoke  of 
what  relates  to  the  body. 

Eraji,  —  The  divine  Apostle  says  dis- 
tinctly ''  Who  spared  not  his  own  Son." 

Orth. — When  then  you  hear  God  saying 
to  Abraham  "Because  thou  hast  not  with- 
held thy  son  thy  only  son,"^  do  you  allege 
that  Isaac  was  slain  } 

Eran.  —  Of  course  not. 

Orth, — And  yet  God  said  "Thou  hast 
not  withheld,"  and  the  God  of  all  is  true. 

Eran,  —  The  expression  "thou  hast  not 
withheld  "  refers  to  the  readiness  of  Abraham, 
for  he  was  ready  to  sacrifice  the  lad,  but 
God  prevented  it. 

Orth,  —  Well ;  in  the  story  of  Abraham 
you  were  not  content  with  the  letter,  but 
unfolded  it  and  made  the  meaning  clear. 
In  precisely  the  same  manner  examine  the 
meaning  of  the  words  of  the  Apostle.  You 
will  then  see  that  it  was  by  no  means  the 
divine  nature  which  was  not  withheld,  but 
the  flesh  nailed  to  the  Cross.  And  it>  is 
easy  to  perceive  the  truth  even  in  the  type. 
Do  you  regard  Abraham's  sacrifice  as  a 
type  of  the  oblation  oflered  on  behalf  of  the 
world  ? 

Erafi.  —  Not  at  all,  nor  yet  can  I  make 
words  spoken  rhetorically  in  the  churches 
a  rule  of  faith. 

Orth,  — You  ought  by  all  means  to  follow 
teachers  of  the  Church,  but,  since  you  im- 
properly oppose  yourself  to  these,  hear  the 
Saviour  Himself  when  addressing  the  Jews  ; 
"  Your  Father  Abraham  rejoiced  to  see  my 
day  and  he  saw  it  and  was  glad."  ^  Note 
that  the  Lord  calls  His  passion  "  a  day." 

Eran,  —  I  accept  the  Lord's  testimony 
and  do  not  doubt  the  type. 

Orth.  —  Now  compare  the  type  with  the 
reality  and  you  will  see  the  impassibility  of 
the  Godhead  even  in  the  type.      Both  in  the 


1  Rom.  xiii.  32. 

2  Gen.  xxii.  16. 


s  John  viii.  56. 


former  and  in  the  latter  there  is  a  Father  ; 
both  in  the  former  and  the  latter  a  well  be- 
loved Son,  each  bearino:  the  material  for  the 
sacrifice.  The  one  bore  the  wood,  the  other 
the  cross  upon  his  shoulders.  It  is  said  that 
the  top  of  the  hill  was  dignified  by  the  sacri- 
fice of  both.  There  is  a  correspondence 
moreover  between  the  number  of  days  and 
nights  and  the  resurrection  which  followed, 
for  after  Isaac  had  been  slain  by  his  father's 
willing  heart,  on  the  third  day  after  the 
bountiful  God  had  ordered  the  deed  to  be 
done,  he  rose  to  new  life  at  the  voice  of  Him 
who  loves  mankind. 1  A  lamb  was  seen 
caught  in  a  thicket,  furnishing  an  image  of 
the  cross,  and  slain  instead  of  the  lad.  Now 
if  this  is  a  type  of  the  reality,  and  in  the  type 
the  only  begotten  Son  did  not  undergo  sacri- 
fice, but  a  lamb  was  substituted  and  laid  upon 
the  altar  and  completed  the  mystery  of  the 
oblation,  why  then  in  the  reality  do  you  hesi- 
tate to  assign  the  passion  to  the  flesh,  and  to 
proclaim  the  impassibility  of  the  Godhead.^ 

Eran,  —  In  your  observations  upon  this 
type  you  represent  Isaac  as  living  again  at 
the  divine  command.  There  is  nothing 
therefore  unseemly  if,  fitting  the  reality  to 
the  type,  we  declare  that  God  the  Word 
suffered  and  came  to  life  ag-ain. 

Orth.  —  I  have  said  again  and  again  that 
it  is  quite  impossible  for  the  type  to  match 
the  archetypal  reality  in  every  respect,  and 
this  may  also  be  easily  understood  in  the 
present  instance.  Isaac  and  the  lamb,  as 
touching  the  difference  of  their  natures, 
suit  the  image,  but  as  touching  the  separation 
of  their  divided  persons^  they  do  so  no  longer. 
We  preach  so  close  an  union  of  Godhead 
and  of  manhood  as  to  understand  one  person  ^ 
undivided,  and  to  acknowledge  the  same  to 
be  both  God  and  man,  visible  and  invisible, 
circumscribed  and  uncircumscribed,  and  we 
apply  to  one  of  the  persons  all  the  attributes 
which  are  indicative  alike  of  Godhead  and  of 
manhood.  Now  since  the  lamb,  an  unreason- 
ing being,  and  not  gifted  with  the  divine 
image, '*  could  not  possibly  prefigure  the  res- 
toration to  life,  the  two  divide  between  them 
the  type  of  the  mystery  of  the  oeconomy,  and 
while  one  furnishes  the  image  of  death,  the 
other  supplies  that  of  the  resurrection.  We 
find  precisely  the  same  thing  in  the  Mosaic 
sacrifices,    for    in    them    too  may  be  seen   a 

1  The  sacrifice  of  Isaac  so  far  as  his  father's  part  in  it  is 
concerned  is  reg^arded  as  having  actually  taken  place  at  the 
moment  of  his  felt  willingness  to  obey.  In  the  interval  of  the 
journey  to  Mount  Moriah  Isaac  is  dead  to  his  father. 


UTTOO'TaO'l?. 


-rrpodOiiTOV, 


*  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Theodoret  thus  apparently  regards 
the  divine  image  as  consisting  in  the  intelligence  or  Ao-yo?. 
And  in  the  implication  that  Isaac  had  the  divine  image  he  ex- 
presses the  Scriptural  view  that  this  was  marred,  not  lost,  by 
the  fall. 


226 


THEODORET. 


type    outlined  in  anticipation   of  the   passion 
of  salvation. 

Ei-an.  —  What  Mosaic  sacrifice  foreshad- 
ows the  reality? 

Orth.  —  All  the  Old  Testament,  so  to  say, 
is  a  type  of  the  New.  It  is  for  this  reason 
that  the  divine  Apostle  plainly  says  —  "  the 
Law  having  a  shadow  of  good  things  to 
come  "  1  and  again  ''  now  all  these  things  hap- 
pened unto  them  for  ensamples."  ~  The  image 
of  the  archetype  is  very  distirjctly  exhibited  by 
the  lamb  slain  in  Egypt,  and  by  the  red  heifer 
burned  without  the  camp,  and  moreover  re- 
ferred to  by  the  Apostle  in  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews,  where  he  writes  "  Wherefore 
Jesus  also  that  he  might  sanctify  the  people 
with  his  own  blood,  suffered  without  the 
gate."  3 

But  of  this  no  more  for  the  present.  I 
will  however  mention  the  sacrifice  in  which 
two  goats  were  offered,  the  one  being  slain, 
and  the  other  let  go.^  In  these  two  goats 
there  is  an  antic ipative  image  of  the  two 
natures  of  the  Saviour  ;  —  in  the  one  let  go, 
of  the  impassible  Godhead,  in  the  one  slain, 
of  the  passible  manhood. 

Eran,  — Do  you  not  think  it  irreverent  to 
liken  the  Lord  to  goats? 

Oi'th. — Which  do  you  think  is  a  fitter 
object  of  avoidance  and  hate,  a  serpent  or  a 
goat  ? 

Eran. —  A  serpent  is  plainly  hateful,  for 
it  injures  those  wdio  come  within  its  reach, 
and  often  hurts  people  who  do  it  no  harm. 
A  goat  on  the  other  hand  comes,  according 
to  the  Law,  in  the  list  of  animals  that  are 
clean  and  may  be  eaten. 

Orth. — Now  hear  the  Lord  likening  the 
passion  of  salvation  to  the  brazen  serpent. 
He  says  :  "  As  Moses  lifted  up  the  serpent 
in  the  wilderness  even  so  must  the  Son  of 
man  be  lifted  up  :  that  whosoever  believeth 
in  Him  should  not  perish,  but  have  eternal 
life.  "  "  If  a  brazen  serpent  was  a  type  of 
the  crucified  Saviour,  of  what  impropriety 
are  we  guilty  in  comparing  the  passion  of 
salvation  with  the  sacrifice  of  the  goats? 

Eran. — Because  John  called  the  Lord 
"  a  lamb,"  ^  and  Isaiah  called  Him  "  lamb" 
and  "  sheep."  ' 

Orth.  —  But  the  blessed  Paul  calls  Him 
"  sin  "  ^  and  "  curse."  ^  As  curse  therefore 
He  satisfies  the  type  of  the  accursed  serpent ; 
as  sin  He  explains  the  figure  of  the  sacrifice 
of  the  goats,  for  on  behalf  of  sin,  in  the  Law,  a 
goat,  and  not  a  lamb,  was  offered.  So  the  Lord 
in  the  Gospels  likened  the  just  to  lambs,  but 


^Heb.  X.  T.  *  Lev,  xvi.  ^  Is.  liii.  7, 

2  I  Cor.  X.  II.  8  John  Hi.  14,  15.         8  \\^  Cor.  v.  21. 

3  Heb.  xiii.  12.  «  John  i.  29,  36.  '' Gal.  iii.  13. 


sinners  to  kids ;  ^  and  since  He  was  ordained 
to  undergo  the  passion  not  only  on  behalf  of 
just  men,  but  also  of  sinners.  He  appropri- 
ately foreshadows  His  own  offering  through 
lambs  and  goats. 

Eran.  —  But  the  type  of  the  two  goats 
leads  us  to  think  of  two  persons. 

Orth. — The  passibility  of  the  manhood 
and  the  impassibility  of  the  Godhead  could 
not  possibly  be  prefigured  both  at  once  by 
one  goat.  The  one  which  was  slain  could 
not  have  shewn  the  living  nature.  So  two 
were  taken  in  order  to  explain  the  two 
natures.  The  same  lesson  may  well  be 
learnt  from  another  sacrifice. 

Eran.  — From  which? 

Orth. — From  that  in  which  the  lawgiver 
bids  two  pure  birds  be  offered — one  to  be 
slain,  and  the  other,  after  having  been  dipped 
in  the  blood  of  the  slain,  to  be  let  go.  Here 
also  we  see  a  type  of  the  Godhead  and  of  the 
manhood  —  of  the  manhood  slain  and  of  the 
godhead  appropriating  the  passion. 

Eran.  —  You  have  given  us  many  types, 
but  I  object  to  enigmas. 

Orth.  — Yet  the  divine  Apostle  says  that 
the  narratives  are  types. ^  Hagar  is  called  a 
type  of  the  old  covenant ;  Sarah  is  likened 
to  the  heavenly  Jerusalem ;  Ishmael  is  a 
type  of  Israel,  and  Isaac  of  the  new  people. 
So  you  must  accuse  the  loud  trumpet  of  the 
Spirit  for  giving  its  enigmas  for  us  all. 

Eran.  —  Though  you  urge  any  number 
of  arguments,  you  will  never  induce  me  to 
divide  the  passion.  I  have  heard  the  voice  of 
the  angel  saying  to  Mary  and  her  companions, 
"  Come,  see  the  place  where  the  Lord  lay."  "^ 

Orth.  —  This  is  quite  in  accordance  with 
our  common  customs;  we  speak  of  the  part 
by  the  name  which  belongs  to  all  the  parts. 
When  we  go  into  the  churches  where  are 
buried  the  holy  apostles  or  prophets  or 
martyrs,  we  ask  from  time  to  time,  "  Who 
is  it  who  lies  in  the  shrine?"  and  those  who 
are  able  to  give  us  information  say  in  reply, 
Thomas,  it  may  be,  the  Apostle, "*  or  John 
the  Baptist,^  or  Stephen  the  protomartyr,^  or 
any  other  of  the  saints,  mentioning  them  by 
name,  though  perhaps  only  a  few  scanty 
relics  of  them  lie  here.  But  no  one  who 
hears  these  names  which  are  common  to 
both  body  and  soul  will  imagine  that  the 
souls  also  are  shut  up  in  the  chests  ;  every- 
body knows  that  the  chests  contain  only  the 
bodies  or  even  small  portions  of  the  bodies. 


1  Matt.  XXV.  32.       2  Gal.  iv.  24  et  seqq.      3  Matt,  xxviii.  6. 

4  St.  Thomas   was   buried   at   Edessa.     Soc.  iv.    iS,  Chrys. 
Horn,  in  Heb.  26. 

5  Vide  p.  96. 

c  St.  Stephen's  remains  were  said  to  have  been   found   at 
Jerusalem,  and  widely  dispersed,   cf.  Diet.  Christ.  Ant.  11.  1929. 


DIALOGUES. 


227 


The  holy  angel  spoke  in  precisely  the  same 
manner  when  he  described  the  body  by  the 
name  of  the  person. 

Eran.  — But  how  can  you  prove  that  the 
angel  spoke  to  the  women  about  the  Lord's 
body  ? 

Orth.  —  In  the  first  place,  the  tomb  itself 
suffices  to  settle  the  question,  for  to  a  tomb 
is  committed  neither  soul  nor  Godhead 
whose  nature  is  uncircumscribed ;  tombs 
are  made  for  bodies.  Furthermore  this  is 
plainly  taught  by  the  divine  Scripture,  for 
so  the  holy  Matthew  narrates  the  event, 
*'  When  the  even  was  come  there  came  a 
rich  man  of  Arimathaea  named  Joseph  who 
also  himself  was  Jesus'  disciple :  he  went 
to  Pilate  and  begged  the  body  of  Jesus. 
Then  Pilate  commanded  the  body  to  be 
delivered,  and  when  Joseph  had  taken  the 
body,  he  wrapped  it  in  a  clean  linen  cloth, 
and  laid  it  in  his  own  new  tomb,  which  he 
had  hewn  out  in  the  rock  :  and  he  rolled  a 
great  stone  to  the  door  of  the  sepulchre  and 
departed."  ^  See  how  often  he  mentions 
the  body  in  order  to  stop  the  mouths  of  them 
who  blaspheme  the  Godhead.  The  same 
course  is  pursued  by  the  thrice  blessed  Mark, 
whose  narrative  I  will  also  quote.  "  And 
now  when  the  even  was  come,  because  it  was 
the  preparation,  that  is,  the  day  before  the 
Sabbath,  Joseph  of  Arimathaea,  an  honour- 
able counsellor,  which  also  waited  for  the 
kingdom  of  God,  came,  and  went  in  boldly 
unto  Pilate,  and  craved  the  body  of  Jesus. 
And  Pilate  marvelled  if  He  were  already 
dead  ;  and  calling  unto  him  the  centurion,  he 
asked  him  whether  He  had  been  any  while 
dead.  And  when  he  knew  it  of  the  cen- 
turion, he  gave  the  body  to  Joseph,  and  he 
brought  fine  linen,  and  took  him  down,  and 
wrapped  Him  in  the  linen,  and  laid  Him  in  a 
sepulchre,"  ^  and  so  on.  Observe  with  ad- 
miration, the  harmony  of  terms,  and  how 
consistently  and  continuously  the  word  body 
is  introduced.  The  illustrious  Luke,  too, 
relates  just  in  the  same  way  how  Joseph 
begged  the  body  and  after  he  had  received 
it  treated  it  with  due  rites. ^  By  the  divine 
John  we  are  told  yet  morco  "  Joseph  of 
Arimathsea  being  a  disciple  of  Jesus,  but 
secretly  for  fear  of  the  Jews,  besought  Pilate 
that  he  might  take  away  the  body  of  Jesus  ; 
and  Pilate  gave  him  leave.  He  came  there- 
fore and  took  the  body  of  Jesus.  And  there 
came  also  Nicodemus,  which  at  the  first 
came  to  Jesus  by  night,  and  brought  a 
mixture  of  myrrh  and  aloes  about  a  hundred 
pound  weight.     Then  took  they  the  body  of 


^  Matt,  xxvii.  57-60. 
2  Mark  xv.  42-46. 


8  Luke  xxiii.  50  et  Seqq. 


Jesus  and  wound  it  in  linen  clothes  with  the 
spices,  as  the  manner  of  the  Jews  is  to  bury. 
Now  in  the  place  where  He  was  crucified 
there  was  a  garden  ;  and  in  the  garden  a  new 
sepulchre,  wherein  was  never  man  yet  laid. 
There  laid  they  Jesus  therefore  because  of  the' 
Jews'  preparation  day,  for  the  sepulchre  was 
nigh  at  hand."  ^  Observe  how  often  mention 
is  made  of  the  body  ;  how  the  Evangelist 
shows  that  it  was  the  body  which  was  nailed 
to  the  cross,  the  body  begged  by  Joseph  of 
Pilate,  the  body  taken  down  from  the  tree, 
the  body  wrapped  in  linen  clothes  with  the 
myrrh  and  aloes,  and  then  the  name  of  the 
person  given  to  it ;  and  Jesus  said  to  have 
been  laid  in  a  tomb.  Thus  the  angel  said, 
''  Come  see  the  place  where  the  Lord  lay,"  ^ 
naming  the  part  by  the  name  of  the  whole  ; 
and  we  constantly  do  just  the  same.  In  this 
place,  we  say,  such  an  one  was  buried  ;  not 
the  body  of  such  an  one.  Every  one  in  his 
senses  knows  that  we  are  speaking  of  the 
body,  and  such  a  mode  of  speech  is  custom- 
ary in  divine  Scripture.  Aaron,  wc  read, 
died  and  they  buried  him  on  Mount  Hor.^ 
Samuel  died  and  they  buried  him  at  Ramali,"* 
and  there  are  many  similar  instances.  The 
same  use  is  followed  by  the  divine  Apostle 
when  speaking  of  the  death  of  the  Lord. 
"  I  delivered  unto  you  first  of  all,"  he  writes, 
"  that  which  I  also  received  how  that  Christ 
died  for  our  sins  according  to  the  Scriptures  ; 
and  that  He  was  buried,  and  that  He  rose 
again  the  third  day  according  to  the  Script- 
ures," ^  and  so  on. 

Eran.  —  In  the  passages  we  have  just  now 
read  the  Apostle  does  not  mention  a  body, 
but  Christ  the  Saviour  of  us  all.  You  have 
brought  evidence  against  your  own  side,  and 
wounded  yourself  with  your  own  weapon. 

Orth.  —  You  seem  to  have  very  quickly 
forgotten  the  long  discourse  in  which  I 
proved  to  you  over  and  over  again  that  the 
body  is  spoken  of  by  the  name  of  the  person. 
This  is  what  is  now  done  by  the  divine 
Apostle,  and  it  can  easily  be  proved  from  this 
very  passage.  Now  let  us  look  at  it.  Why 
did  the  divine  writer  write  thus  to  the  Corin- 
thians.'* 

Eran.  —  They  had  been  deceived  by  some 
into  believing  that  there  is  no  resurrection. 
When  the  teacher  of  the  world  learnt  this  he 
furnished  them  with  his  arguments  about  the 
resurrection  of  the  bodies. 

Orth. — Why  then  does  he  introduce  the 
resurrection  of  the  Lord,  when  he  wishes  to 
prove  the  resurrection  of  the  bodies.^ 


1  John  xix.  38-42. 

2  Matt,  xxviii.  6. 
8  Deut.  x.6. 


*  I.  Sam.  xxv.  i. 

*  I.  Cor.  XV.  3,  4. 


228 


THEODORET. 


Eran.  — As  sufficient  to  prove  the  resur- 
rection of  us  all. 

Orth.  —  In  what  is  His  death  like  the 
death  of  the  rest,  that  by  His  resurrection 
may  be  proved  the  resurrection  of  all? 

Eran. — The  reason  of  the  incarnation, 
suffering,  and  death  of  the  only  begotten  Son 
of  God,  was  that  He  might  destroy  death. 
Thus,  after  rising,  by  His  own  resurrection 
He  preaches  the  resurrection  of  all. 

Orth. — But  who,  hearing  of  a  resurrec- 
tion of  God,  would  ever  believe  that  the 
resurrection  of  all  men  would  be  exactly 
like  it?  The  difference  of  the  natures  does 
not  allow  of  our  believing  in  the  argument 
of  the  resurrection.  He  is  God  and  they  are 
men,  and  the  difference  between  God  and 
men  is  incalculable.  They  are  mortal,  and 
subject  to  death,  like  to  the  grass  and  to  the 
flower.      He  is  almighty. 

Eran. — But  after  His  incarnation  God 
the  Word  had  a  body,  and  through  this  He 
proved  His  likeness  to  men. 

Orth.  —  Yes ;  and  for  this  reason  the 
suffering  and  the  death  and  the  resurrection 
are  all  of  the  body,  and  in  proof  of  this  the 
divine  Apostle  in  another  place  promises  re- 
newal of  life  to  all,  and  to  them  that  believe 
in  the  resurrection  of  their  Saviour,  yet  look 
upon  the  general  resurrection  of  all  as  a 
fable,  he  exclaims,  "  Now  if  Christ  be 
preached  that  He  rose  from  the  dead,  how 
say  some  among  you  that  there  is  no  resur- 
rection of  the  dead?  But  if  there  is  no 
resurrection  of  the  dead,  then  is  Christ  not 
risen,  and  if  Christ  be  not  risen 
your  faith  is  vain,  you  are  yet  in  your  sins."  ^ 
And  from  the  past  he  confirms  the  future, 
and  from  what  is  disbelieved  he  disproves 
what  is  believed,  for  he  says.  If  the  one 
seems  impossible  to  you,  then  the  other  will 
be  false  ;  if  the  one  seems  real  and  true,  then 
let  the  other  in  like  manner  seem  true,  for 
here  too  a  resurrection  of  the  body  is 
preached,  and  this  body  is  called  the  first 
fruits  of  those.  The  resurrection  of  this 
bod}''  after  many  arguments  he  affirms  di- 
rectly, '^  But  now  is  Christ  risen  from  the 
dead  and  become  the  firstfruits  of  them  that 
slept,  for  since  by  man  came  death,  by  man 
came  also  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  for 
as  in  Adam  all  die,  even  so  in  Christ  shall 
all  be  made  alive,"  ^  and  he  does  not  only 
confirm  the  argument  of  the  resurrection,  but 
also  reveals  the  mystery  of  the  oeconomy. 
He  calls  Christ  man  that  he  may  prove  the 
remedy  to  be  appropriate  to  the  disease. 

Eran.  —  Then  the  Christ  is  only  a  man. 


'  I.  Cor.  XV.  12,  13,  17. 


2  I.  Cor.  XV.  21,  23. 


Orth.  —  God  forbid.  On  the  contrar}-, 
we  have  again  and  again  confessed  that  He 
is  not  only  man  but  eternal  God.  But  He 
suffered  as  man,  not  as  God.  And  this  the 
divine  Apostle  clearly  teaches  us  when  he 
says  "  For  since  by  man  came  death,  by 
man  came  also  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead."  ^  And  in  his  letter  to  the  Thessa- 
lonians,  he  strengthens  his  argument  con- 
cerning the  general  resurrection  by  that  of 
our  Saviour  in  the  passage  "  For  if  we  be- 
lieve that  Jesus  died  and  rose  again,  even 
them  also  which  sleep  in  Jesus  will  God 
bring  with  him."  ^ 

Eran.  —  The  Apostle  proves  the  general 
resurrection  by  means  of  the  Lord's  resur- 
rection, and  it  is  clear  that  in  this  case  also 
what  died  and  rose  was  a  body.  For  he 
would  never  have  attempted  to  prove  the 
general  resurrection  by  its  means  unless 
there  had  been  some  relation  between  the 
substance  of  the  one  and  the  other.  I  shall 
never  consent  to  apply  the  passion  to  the 
human  nature  alone.  It  seems  agreeable  to 
my  view  to  say  that  God  the  Word  died  in 
the  flesh. 

Orth. — We  have  frequently  shewn  that 
what  is  naturally  immortal  can  in  no  way 
die.  If  then  He  died  He  was  not  immortal  ; 
and  what  perils  lie  in  the  blasphemy  of  the 
words. 

Eran. — He  is  by  nature  immortal,  but 
He  became  man  and  suffered. 

Orth.  — Therefore  He  underwent  change, 
for  how  otherwise  could  He  being  immortal 
submit  to  death  ?  But  we  have  agreed  that 
the  substance  of  the  Trinity  is  immutable. 
Having  therefore  a  nature  superior  to 
change.  He  by   no   means  shared  death. 

Eran.  —  The  divine  Peter  says  "Christ 
hath  suffered  for  us  in  the  flesh."  -^ 

Orth. — This  agrees  w^ith  what  we  have 
said,  for  we  have  learnt  the  rule  of  dogmas 
from  the  divine  Scripture. 

Eran.  —  How  then  can  you  deny  that 
God  the  Word  suffered  in  the  flesh? 

Orth. — Because  we  have  not  found  this 
expression  in  the  divine  Scripture. 

Eran. — But  I  have  just  quoted  you  the 
utterance  of  the  great   Peter. 

Orth.  — You  seem  to  ignore  the  distinction 
of  the  terms. 

Eran.  —  What  terms?  Do  you  not  re- 
gard the  Lord  Christ  as  God  the  Word? 

Orth.  —  The  term  Christ  in  the  case  of 
our  Lord  and  Saviour  signifies  the  incarnate 
Word,  the  Immanuel,  God  with  us,"  both 
God    and    man,     but    the    term     "God    the 


1  I.  Cor.  XV.  21. 

2  I.  Thess.  iv.  14. 


s  I.  Peter  iv.i. 
4  Matt.  i.  23. 


DIALOGUES. 


229 


Word  "  so  said  signifies  the  simple  nature, 
before  the  world,  superior  to  time,  and  incor- 
poreal. Wherefore  the  Holy  Ghost  that 
spake  through  the  holy  Apostles  nowhere  at- 
tributes passion  or  death  to  this  name. 

Eran.  —  If  the  passion  is  attributed  to 
the  Christ,  and  God  the  Word  after  being 
made  man  was  called  Christ,  I  hold  that  he 
who  states  God  the  Word  to  have  suffered 
in  the  flesh  is  in  no  way  unreasonable. 

Orth. — -Hazardous  and  rash  in  the  ex- 
treme is  such  an  attempt.  But  let  us  look 
at  the  question  in  this  way.  Does  the  divine 
Scripture  state  God  the  Word  to  be  of  God 
and  of  the  Father.? 

Eran.  — True. 

Orth. — And  it  describes  the  Holy  Ghost 
as  being  in  like  manner  of  God.? 

Eran.  —  Agreed. 

Of^th.  —But  it  calls  God  the  Word  only 
begotten  Son. 

Eran.  — It  does. 

Orth.  —  It  nowhere  so  names  the  Holy 
Ghost. 

Eran.  —  No. 

Orth.  — Yet  the  Holy  Ghost  also  has  Its 
subsistence  of  the  Father  and  God. 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  —  We  grant  then  that  both  the  Son 
and  the  Holy  Ghost  are  both  of  God  the 
Father ;  but  w^ould  you  dare  to  call  the  Holy 
Ghost' Son.? 

Eran.  —  Certainly  not. 

Or//2.— Why.? 

Eran.  —  Because  I  do  not  find  this  term 
in  the  divine  Scripture. 

Orth.  — Or  begotten.? 

Eran,  —  No. 

Orth .  —  W  h  e  r e  fo  r e  ? 

Eran.  —  Because  I  no  more  learn  this  in 
the  divine  Scripture. 

Orth.  —  But  what  name  can  properly  be 
given  to  that  which  is  neither  begotten  nor 
created .? 

Eran.  —  We  style  it  uncreated  and  un- 
iDegotten. 

Orth.  —  And  we  say  that  the  Holy  Ghost 
is  neither  created  nor  begotten. 

Eran.  —  By  no  means. 

Orth.  — Would  you  then  dare  to  call  the 
Holy  Ghost  unbegotten .? 

Eran.  —  No. 

Orth.  —  But  why  refuse  to  call  that  which 
is  naturally  uncreate,  but  not  begotten,  un- 
begotten .? 

Eran.  —  Because  I  have  not  learnt  so 
from  the  divine  Scripture,  and  I  am  greatly 
afraid  of  saying  or  using  language  which 
Scripture  does  not  use. 

Orth.  — Then,  my  good  sir,  I  maintain  the 


same  caution  in  the  case  of  the  passion  of 
salvation  ;  do  you  too  avoid  all  the  divine 
names  which  Scripture  has  avoided  in  the 
case  of  the  passion,  and  do  not  attribute  the 
passion  to  them. 

Eran. —  What  names.? 

Orth. — The  passion  is  never  connected 
with  the  name  '*  God." 

Eran.  —  But  even  I  do  not  afllirm  that  God 
the  Word  suffered  apart  from  a  body,  but 
say  that  He  suffered  In  flesh. 

Orth,  —  You  affirm  then  a  mode  of  pas- 
sion, not  impassibility.  No  one  would  ever 
say  this  even  in  the  case  of  a  human  body.  For 
who  not  altogether  out  of  his  senses  would 
say  that  the  soul  of  Paul  died  in  flesh .?  This 
could  never  be  said  even  In  the  case  of  a 
great  villain  ;  for  the  souls  even  of  the  wicked 
are  immortal.  We  say  that  such  or  such  a 
murderer  has  been  slain,  but  no  one  would 
ever  say  that  his  soul  had  been  killed  In  the 
flesh.  But  If  we  describe  the  souls  of  mur- 
derers and  violators  of  sepulchres  as  free 
from  death,  far  more  right  Is  It  to  ac- 
knowledge as  immortal  the  soul  of  our 
Saviour,  In  that  it  never  tasted  sin.  If  the 
souls  of  them  who  have  most  greatly  erred 
have  escaped  death  on  account  of  their 
nature,  how  could  that  soul,  whose  nature 
was  Immortal  and  who  never  received  the 
least  taint  of  sin,  have  taken  death's  hook.? 

Eran.  —  It  is  quite  useless  for  you  to  give 
me  all  these  long  arguments.  We  are 
agreed  that  the  soul  of  the  Saviour  is  im- 
mortal. 

Orth.  —  But  of  what  punishment  are  3^ou 
not  deserving,  you  who  say  that  the  soul, 
which  Is  by  nature  created,  is  Immortal,  and 
are  for  making  the  divine  substance  mortal 
for  the  Word  ;  you  who  deny  that  the  soul 
of  the  Saviour  tasted  death  in  the  flesh,  and 
dare  to  maintain  that  God  the  Word,  Creator 
of  all  things,  underwent  the  passion? 

Eran.  —  We  say  that  He  underwent  the 
passion  Impasslbly. 

Orth, — And  what  man  in  his  senses 
would  ever  put  up  with  such  ridiculous 
riddles?  Who  ever  heard  of  an  impassible 
passion,  or  of  an  immortal  mortality.?  The 
Impassible  has  never  undergone  passion,  and 
what  has  undergone  passion  could  not 
possibly  be  Impassible.  But  we  hear  the 
exclamation  of  the  divine  Paul :  "  Who 
only  hath  Immortality  dwelling  In  the  light 
which  no  man  can  approach  unto."  ^ 

Eran,  —  Why  then  do  we  say  that  the 
invisible  powers  too  and  the  souls  of  men, 
aye  and  the  very  devils,  are  Immortal.? 


II.  Tim.  vi.  i6. 


230 


THEODORET. 


Orth.  —  We  do  say  so ;  that  God  is  ab- 
solutely immortal.  He  is  immortal  not  by 
partaking  of  substance,  but  in  substance ; 
He  does  not  possess  an  immortality  which 
He  has  received  of  another.  It  is  He  Him- 
self who  has  bestowed  their  immortality  on 
the  angels  and  on  them  that  thou  hast  just 
now  mentioned.  How,  moreover,  when  the 
divine  Paul  styles  Him  immortal  and  says 
that  He  only  hath  immortality,  can  you 
attribute  to  Him  the  passion  of  death  ? 

Eran.  —  We  say  that  He  tasted  death 
after  the  incarnation. 

Orth.  —  But  over  and  over  again  we  have 
confessed  Him  immutable.  If  being  pre- 
viously immortal  He  afterwards  underwent 
death  through  the  flesh,  a  change  having 
preceded  His  undergoing  death  ;  if  His  life 
left  Him  for  three  days  and  three  nights,  how 
do  such  statements  fall  short  of  the  most 
extreme  impiety?  For  I  think  that  not 
even  they  that  are  struggling  against  impiety 
can  venture  to  let  such  words  fall  from  their 
lips  without  peril. 

Eran.  —  Cease  from  charging  us  with 
impiety.  Even  we  say  that  not  the  divine 
nature  suffered  but  the  human  ;  but  we  do 
say  that  the  divine  shared  with  the  body  in 
suffering. 

Orth. — What  can  you  mean  by  sharing 
in  suffering?  Do  you  mean  that  when  the 
nails  were  driven  into  the  body  the  divine 
nature  felt  the  sense  of  pain? 

Eran.  —  I  do. 

Orth.  —  Both  now  and  in  our  former  in- 
vestigations we  have  shewn  that  the  soul 
does  not  share  all  the  faculties  of  the  body  ; 
but  that  the  body  while  it  receives  vital  force 
has  the  sense  of  suffering  through  the  soul. 
And  even  supposing  us  to  grant  that  the 
soul  shares  in  pain  with  the  body  we  shall 
none  the  less  find  the  divine  nature  to  be 
impassible,  for  it  was  not  united  to  the  body 
instead  of  a  soul.  Or  do  you  not  acknowl- 
edge that  He  assumed  a  soul? 

Eran.  —  I  have  often  acknowledged  it. 

Orth.  — And  that  He  assumed  a  reason- 
able vSoul? 

Eran.  — Yes. 

Orth.  —  If  then  together  with  the  body 
He  assumed  the  soul,  and  we  grant  that  the 
soul  shared  in  suffering  with  the  body,  then 
the  soul,  not  the  Godhead,  shared  the  passion 
with  the  body  ;  it  shared  the  passion,  receiv- 
ing pangs  by  means  of  the  body.  But  pos- 
sibly somebody  might  agree  to  the  soul 
sharing  suffering  with  the  body,  but  might 
deny  its  sharing  death,  because  of  its  having 
an  immortal  nature.  On  this  account  the 
Lord  said  *'  Fear  not  them    which   kill   the 


body  but  are  not  able  to  kill  the  soul."  ^  If 
then  we  deny  that  the  soul  of  the  Saviour 
shared  death  with  the  body,  how  could  any 
one  accept  the  blasphemy  you  and  your 
friends  presumptuously  promulgate  when 
you  dare  to  say  that  the  divine  nature  partici- 
pated in  death?  This  is  the  more  inex- 
cusable when  the  Lord  points  out  at  one 
time  that  the  body^  was  being  offered,  at 
another  that  the  soul  was  being  troubled. ^ 

Eran.  —  And  where  doth  the  Lord  shew 
that  the  body  was  being  offered  ?  Or  are 
you  going  to  bring  me  once  more  that  well 
worn  passage  "  Destroy  this  temple  and  in. 
three  days  I  will  raise  it  up"?'*  Or  with 
your  conceited  self-sufficiency  are  you  going 
to  quote  me  the  words  of  the  Evangelist? 
"  But  He  spake  of  the  temple  of  his  body. 
When  therefore  He  was  risen  from  the  dead 
His  disciples  remembered  that  He  had  said 
this  unto  them  and  they  believed  the 
Scripture  and  the  words  which  He  had 
said."  ' 

Orth.  —  If  you  have  such  a  detestation  of 
the  divine  words  which  preach  the  mystery 
of  the  incarnation,  why,  like  Marcion  and 
Valentinus  and  Manes,  do  you  not  destroy 
texts  of  this  kind  ?  For  this  is  what  they 
have  done.  But  if  this  seems  to  you  rash 
and  impious,  do  not  turn  the  Lord's  words 
into  ridicule,  but  rather  follow  the  Apostles 
in  their  belief  after  the  resurrection  that  the 
Godhead  raised  again  the  temple  which  the 
Jews  had  destroyed. 

Eran. — If  you  have  any  good  evidence 
to  adduce,  give  over  gibing  and  fulfil  your 
promise. 

Orth.  —  Remember  specially  those  v*'ords 
of  the  gospels  in  which  the  Lord  made  a 
comparison  between  manna  and  the  true 
bread. 

Ei^ajt.  —  I  remember. 

Orth, —  In  that  passage  after  speaking 
at  some  length  about  the  bread  of  life, 
he  added,  "  The  bread  that  I  will  give  is 
my  flesh  which  I  will  give  for  the  life  of  the 
world."  ^  In  these  words  may  be  under- 
stood alike  the  bounty  of  the  Godhead  and 
the  boon  of  the  flesh. 

Ei'an.  —  One  quotation  is  not  enough  to 
settle  the  question. 

Orth.  —  The  Ethiopian  eunuch  had  not 
read  much  of  the  Bible,  but  when  he  had 
found  one  witness  from  the  prophets  he  was 
guided  by  it  to  salvation.  But  not  all 
Apostles  and  prophets  and  all  the  preachers 
of  the  truth  who   have   lived   since    then   are 


1  Matt.  X.  2S. 

2  Heb.x.  lo. 

3  John  xii.  27. 


*  John  ii.  19. 
5  John  ii.  21.  22. 
c  John  vi.  21. 


DIALOGUES. 


231 


enough 


to  convince  you.  Nevertheless  I 
will  bring  you  some  further  testimony  about 
the  Lord's  body.  You  cannot  but  know 
that  passage  in  the  Gospel  history  where, 
after  eating  the  passover  with  His  disciples, 
cur  Lord  pointed  to  the  death  of  the  typical 
lamb  and  taught  what  body  corresponded 
with  that  shadow.^ 

Eraii,  —  Yes  I  know  it. 

Orth.  —  Remember  then  what  it  was 
which  our  Lord  took  and  broke,  and  what 
Hj  called  it  when  He  had  taken  it. 

Ei'an,  —  I  will  answer  in  mystic  language 
for  the  sake  of  the  uninitiated.  After  taking 
and  breaking  it  and  giving  it  to  His  disciples 
He  said,  "  This  is  my  body  which  was  given 
for  you"^  or  according  to  the  apostle 
^^  broken"^  and  again,  "This  is  my  blood 
of  the  New  Testament  which  is  shed  for 
many."  4 

Oi'th. — Then  when  exhibiting  the  type 
of  the  passion  He  did  not  mention  the  God- 
head ? 

Eran.  —  No. 

Orth,  —  But  He  did  mention  the  body  and 
blood. 

Eran.  —  Yes. 

Orth. — And  the  boJy  was  nailed  to  the 
Cross  ? 

Eran.  —  Even  so. 

Orth.  —  Come,  then  ;  look  at  this.  When 
after  the  resurrection  the  doors  were  shut 
and  the  Lord  came  to  the  holy  disciples  and 
beheld  them  affrighted,  what  means  did  He 
use  to  destroy  their  fear  and  instead  of  fear 
to  infuse  faith  ? 

Eran.  —  He  said  to  them  "Behold  my 
hands  and  my  feet  that  it  is  I  myself;  handle 
me  and  see  ;  for  a  spirit  hath  not  flesh  and 
bones  as  ye  see  me  have."  ^ 

Orth.  —  So  when  they  disbelieved  He 
shewed  them  the  body? 

Eran.  —  He  did. 

Orth.  — Therefore  the  body  rose.'^ 

Eran.  —  Clearly. 

Orth.  —  And    I    suppose 
what  had  died? 

Eran.  —  Even  so. 

Orth.  —  And  what  had  died  was  what 
was  nailed  to  the  cross? 

Eran.  —  Of  necessity. 

0?^th.  —  Then  according  to  your  own  ar- 
gument the  body  suffered? 

Eran.  — Your  series  of  arguments  forces 
us  to  this  conclusion. 

0?^th.  —  Consider   this    too.     Now  I    will 


what   rose   was 


■1  Matt.  xvii.  26.    Mark  xiv.  22.  Luke  xxii.  19. 1.  Cor.  xi.24. 
2  Luke  xxii.  19.  3  I.  Cor.  xi.  24. 

*  Matt.  xxvi.  28  and  Mark  xiv.  24. 

*  Luke  xxiv.  39. 


be  questioner,  and  do  you  answer  as  becomes 
a  lover  of  the  truth. 

Eran. — I  will  answer. 

07'th.  —  When  the  Holy  Ghost  came 
down  upon  the  Apostles,  and  that  wonderful 
sight  and  sound  collected  thousands  to  the 
house,  what  did  the  chief  of  the  apostles  in 
the  speech  he  then  made  say  concerning  the 
Lord's  resurrection? 

Eran.  —  He  quoted  the  divine  David,  and 
said  that  he  had  received  j^romises  from  God 
that  the  Lord  Christ  should  be  born  of  the 
fruit  of  his  loins  and  that  in  trust  in  these 
promises  he  prophetically  foresaw  His  resur- 
rection, and  plainly  said  that  His  soul  was 
not  left  in  Hades  and  that  His  flesh  did  not 
see  corruption.  1 

Orth.  —  His  resurrection  therefore  is  of 
these. 

Eran.  —  How  can  any  one  in  his  senses 
say  that  there  is  a  resurrection  of  the  soul 
which  never  died? 

Orth.  —  How  comes  it  that  you  who  attrib- 
ute the  passion,  the  death  and  the  resurrec- 
tion to  the  immutable  and  uncircumscribed 
Godhead  have  suddenly  appeared  before  us  in 
your  right  mind  and  now  object  to  connect- 
ing the  word  resurrection  with  the  soul  ? 

Eran.  —  Because  the  word  resurrection  is 
applicable  to  what  has  fallen. 

Orth.  —  But  the  body  does  not  obtain  re- 
surrection apart  from  a  soul,  but  being  re- 
newed by  the  divine  will,  and  conjoined  with 
its  yokefellow,  it  receives  life.  Was  it  not 
thus  that  the  Lord  raised   Lazarus  ? 

Eran.  —  It  is  plain  that  not  the  body  alone 
rises. 

Orth.  —  This  is  more  distinctly  taught  by 
the  divine  Ezekiel,^  for  he  points  out  how  the 
Lord  commanded  the  bones  to  come  together, 
and  how  all  of  them  were  duly  fitted  together, 
and  how  He  made  sinews  and  veins  and  ar- 
teries grow  with  all  the  flesh  pertaining  to 
them  and  the  skin  that  clothes  them  all,  and 
then  ordered  the  souls  to  come  back  to  their 
own  bodies. 

Eran.  —  This  is  true. 

Orth.  —  But  the  Lord's  body  did  not  un- 
dergo this  corruption,  but  remained  unim- 
paired, and  on  the  third  day  recovered  its 
own  soul. 

Era?i.  —  Agreed. 

Orth.  —  Then  the  death  was  of  what  had 
suffered  ? 

Eran.  — Without  question. 

Orth. — And  when  the  great  Peter  men- 
tioned the  resurrection,  and  the  divine  David 
too,  they  said  that  His  soul  was   not  left  in 

1  Acts  ii.  29  et  seqq.  and  Ps.  xvi.  10. 

2  Ez.  xxxvii.  7  ct  seqq. 


232 


THEODORET. 


Hell,  but  that  His  body  did  not  undergo  cor- 
ruption ? 

Eran,  —  They  did. 

Oi'th. — Then  it  was  not  the  Godhead 
which  underwent  death,  but  the  body  by  sev- 
erance from  the  soul  ? 

Era7i.  —  I  cannot  brook  these  absurdities. 

Orth.  —  But  you  are  fighting  against  your 
own  arguments  ;  it  is  your  own  words  which 
you  are  calling  absiu'd. 

E7'an. — You  slander  me;  not  one  of 
these  words  is  mine. 

Orth.  —  Suppose  anyone  to  ask  what  is 
the  animal  which  is  at  once  reasonable  and 
mortal,  and  suppose  some  one  else  to  answer, 
—  man  ;  which  of  the  two  would  you  call 
interpreter  of  the  saying?  The  questioner 
or  the  answerer  ? 

Eran.  —  The  answerer. 

Orth.  —  Then  I  was  quite  right  in  calling 
the  arguments  yours?  For  you,  I  ween,  in 
your  answers,  by  rejecting  some  points  and 
accepting  others,  confirmed  them. 

Eran. — Then  I  will  not  answer  any 
longer  ;  do  you  answer. 

Orth.  —  I  will  answer. 

Eran.  —  What  do  you  say  to  those  words 
of  the  Apostle  ''  Had  they  known  it  they 
would  not  have  crucified  the  Lord  of 
glory  "?  ^  in  this  passage  he  mentions  neither 
bodv  nor  soul. 

Orth.  —  Therefore  you  must  not  put  the 
words  "  in  the  flesh"  in  it,  — for  this  is  your 
ingenious  invention  for  decrying  the  Godhead 
of  the  Word  —  but  must  attribute  the  passion 
to  the  bare  Godhead  of  the  Word. 

Eran.  —  No;  no.  He  suffered  in  the 
flesh,  but  His  incorporeal  nature  was  not 
capable  of  suffering  by  itself. 

Orth. — Ah!  but  nothing  must  be  added 
to  the  Apostle's  words. 

Eran.  —  When  we  know  the  Apostle's 
meaning  there  is  nothing  absurd  in  adding 
what  is  left  out. 

Orth.  —  But  to  add  anything  to  the  divine 
words  is  wild  and  rash.  To  explain  what 
is  written  and  reveal  the  hidden  meaning  is 
holy  and  pious. 

Eran.  —  Quite  right. 

Orth.  —  We  two  then  shall  do  nothing 
unreasonable  and  unholy  in  examining  the 
mind  of  the  Scriptures. 

Eran.  —  No. 

Orth.  —  Let  us  then  look  together  into 
what  seems  to  be  hidden. 

Eran.  — By  all  means. 
Orth.  —  Did  the  great  Paul  call  the  divine 
James  the  Lord's  brother  ?  ^ 


1  I.  Cor.  ii.  8. 


-  Gal.  i.  19. 


Eran.  —  He  did. 

Orth.  —  But  in  what  sense  are  we  to  re- 
gard him  as  brother?  By  relationship  of 
His  godhead  or  of  His  manhood? 

Eran.  —  I  will  not  consent  to  divide  the 
united  natures. 

Orth.  — But  you  have  often  divided  them 
in  our  previous  investigations,  and  you  shall 
do  the  same  thing  now.  Tell  me  ;  do  you  say 
that  God  the  Word  was  only  begotten  Son  ? 

Eran.  —  I  do. 

Orth.  —  And  only  begotten  means  only 
Son. 

Eran.  —  Certainly. 

Oi'th. — And  the  only  begotten  cannot 
have  a  brother? 

Eran.  —  Of  course  not,  for  if  He  had  had 
a  brother  He  would  not  be  called  the  only 
begotten. 

Orth.  — Then  they  were  wrong  in  calling 
James  the  brother  of  the  Lord.  For  the 
Lord  was  only  begotten,  and  the  only  begot- 
ten cannot  have  a  brother. 

Eran. — No,  but  the  Lord  is  not  incor- 
poreal and  the  proclaimers  of  the  truth  are 
referring  only  to  what  touches  the  godhead. 

Orth.  —  How  then  would  you  prove  the 
word  of  the  apostle  true  ? 

Eran.  — By  saying  that  James  was  of  kin 
with  the  Lord  according  to  the  flesh. 

Orth.  —  See  how  you  have  brought  in 
again  that  division  which  you  object  to. 

Ef^an.  —  It  was  not  possible  to  explain 
the  kinship  in  any  other  way. 

0?'th.  —  Then  do  not  find  fault  with  those 
who  cannot  explain  similar  difficulties  in  any 
other  way. 

Eran.  —  Now  you  are  getting  the  argu- 
ment oft"  the  track  because  you  want  to  shirk 
the  question. 

Orth.  —  Not  at  all,  my  friend.  That  will 
be  settled  too  by  the  points  we  have  investi- 
gated. Now  look ;  when  you  were  re- 
minded of  James  the  brother  of  the  Lord, 
you  said  that  the  relationship  referred  not  to 
the  Godhead  but  to  the  flesh. 

Eran.  - —  I  did. 

Orth. — Well,  now  that  3^ou  are  told  of 
the  passion  of  the  cross,  refer  this  too  to  the 
flesh. 

Eran.  — The  Apostle  called  the  crucified 
"  Lord  of  Glory,"  ^  and  the  same  Apostle 
called  the  Lord  "brother  of  James." 

Orth. — And  it  is  the  same  Lord  in  both 
cases.  If  then  you  are  right  in  referring  the 
relationship  to  the  flesh  you  must  also  refer 
the  passion  to  the  flesh,  for  it  is  perfectly 
ridiculous  to  regard  the  relationship  without 

II.  Cor.  U.S. 


DIALOGUES. 


233 


distinction  and  to  refer  the  passion  to  Christ 
without  distinction. 

Eran.  —  I  follow  the  Apostle  who  calls 
the  crucified  "  Lord  of  glory." 

Orth.  —  I  follow  too,  and  believe  that  He 
was  ''Lord  of  glory."  For  the  body  which 
was  nailed  to  the  wood  was  not  that  of  any 
common  man  but  of  the  Lord  of  glory.  But 
we  must  acknowledge  that  the  union  makes 
the  names  common.  Once  more :  do  you 
say  that  the  flesh  of  the  Lord  came  down 
from   heaven? 

Eran.  —  Of  course  not. 

Oi'th.  —  But  was  formed  In  the  Virgin's 
womb  ? 

Eran.  —  Yes. 

Orth. — How,  then,  does  the  Lord  say 
*'  If  ye  shall  see  the  Son  of  man  ascend  up 
where  He  was  before,"  ^  and  again  "  No  man 
hath  ascended  up  to  heaven  but  He  that 
came  down  from  heaven,  even  the  Son  of 
man  which  is  in  heaven?  "  ^ 

Eran.  —  He  is  speaking  not  of  the  flesh, 
but  of  the  Godhead. 

Of'th. — Yes;  but  the  Godhead  is  of  the 
God  and  Father.  How  then  does  He  call 
him  Son  of  man? 

Eran.  —  The  peculiar  properties  of  the 
natures  are  shared  by  the  person,  for  on  ac- 
count of  the  union  the  same  being  is  both 
Son  of  man  and  Son  of  God,  everlasting 
and  of  time,  Son  of  David  and  Lord  of 
David,  and  so  on   with  the  rest. 

Orth. — Very  right.  But  it  is  also  im- 
portant to  recognise  the  fact  that  no  confu- 
sion of  natures  results  from  both  having  one 
name.  Wherefore  we  are  endeavouring  to 
distinguish  how  the  same  being  is  Son  of 
God  and  also  Son  of  man,  and  how  He  is 
"  the  same  yesterday,  to-day,  and  for 
ever,"  "^  and  by  the  reverent  distinction  of 
terms  we  find  that  the  contradictions  are  in 
agreement. 

Eran,  — You  are  right. 

Orth.  — You  say  that  the  divine  nature 
came  down  from  heaven  and  that  in  conse- 
quence of  the  union  it  was  called  the  Son  of 
man.  Thus  it  behoves  us  to  say  that  the 
flesh  was  nailed  to  the  tree,  but  to  hold  that 
the  divine  nature  even  on  the  cross  and  in 
the  tomb  was  inseparable  from  this  flesh, 
though  from  it  it  derived  no  sense  of  sufier- 
ing,  since  the  divine  nature  is  naturally  in- 
capable of  undergoing  both  suftering  and 
death  and  its  substance  is  immortal  and  im- 
passible. It  is  ill  this  sense  that  the  crucified 
IS  styled  Lord  of  Glory,  by  attribution  of  the 
title  of  the  impassible  nature  to  the  passible, 


since,  as  we  know,  a    body  is  described  as 
belonging  to  this  latter. 

Now  let  us  examine  the  matter  thus.  The 
words  of  the  divine  Apostle  are  ''  Had  they 
known  it  they  would  not  have  crucified  the 
Lord  of  Glory."  1  They  crucified  the  nature 
which  they  knew,  not  that  of  which  they  were 
wholly  ignorant :  had  they  known  that  of 
which  they  were  ignorant  they  would  not 
have  crucified  that  which  they  knew  :  they 
crucified  the  human  because  they  were  igno- 
rant of  the  divine.  Have  you  forgotten  their 
own  words.  ''  For  a  good  work  we  stone 
thee  not  but  for  blasphemy,  and  because  that 
thou,  being  a  man,  makest  thyself  God."  ^ 
These  words  are  a  plain  proof  that  they 
recognised  the  nature  they  saw,  while  of 
the  invisible  they  were  wholly  ignorant :  had 
they  known  that  nature  they  would  not  have 
crucified  the  Lord  of  glory. 

Eran.  —  That  is  very  probable,  but  the 
exposition  of  the  faith  laid  down  by  the 
Fathers  in  council  at  Nicsea  says  that 
the  only  begotten  Himself,  very  God,  of  one 
substance  with  the  Father,  suflered  and  was 
crucified. 

Orth.  — You  seem  to  forget  what  we  have 
agreed  on  again  and  again. 

Eran.  —  What  do  you  mean? 

Of'th.  —  I  mean  that  after  the  union  the 
holy  Scripture  applies  to  one  person  terms 
both  of  exaltation  and  of  humiliation.  But 
possibly  you  are  also  ignorant  that  the  illus- 
trious Fathers  first  mentioned  His  taking 
flesh  and  being  made  man,  and  then  after- 
wards added  that  He  suffered  and  was  cruci- 
fied, and  thus  spoke  of  the  passion  after  they 
had  set  forth  the  nature  capable  of  passion. 

Eran.  —  The  Fathers  said  that  the  Son  of 
God,  Light  of  Light,  of  the  substance  of  the 
Father,  suflfered  and  was  crucified. 

Orth. — I  have  observed  more  than  once 
that  both  the  Divine  and  the  human  are 
ascribed  to  the  one  Person.  It  is  in  accord- 
ance with  this  position  that  the  thrice  blessed 
Fathers,  after  teaching  how  w^e  should  believe 
in  the  Father,  and  then  passing  on  to  the 
person  of  the  Son,  did  not  immediately  add 
"  and  in  the  Son  of  God,"  although  it  would 
have  very  naturally  followed  that  after  de- 
fining what  touches  God  the  Father  they 
should  straightway  have  introduced  the 
name  of  Son.  But  their  object  was  to  give 
us  at  one  and  the  same  time  instruction  on 
the  theology  and  on  the  oeconomy,^  lest  there 
should  be  supposed  to  be  any  distinction 
between  the  Person  of  the  Godhead  and  the 
Person  of  the   Manhood.     On    this    account 


'  John  ri.  63. 


'John  iii.  13. 


3  Heb.  xiii.  S. 


U.Cor.  ii.8 
2  John  X.33. 


3  Vide  note  on  page  72. 


234 


TPIEODORET. 


they  added  to  their  statement  concerning  the 
Father  that  we  must  believe  also  in  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God.  Now  after 
the  incarnation  God  the  Word  is  called 
Christ,  for  this  name  includes  alike  all  that 
is  proper  to  the  Godhead  and  to  the  man- 
hood. We  recognise  nevertheless  that  some 
properties  belong  to  the  one  nature  and 
some  to  the  other,  and  this  may  at  once  be 
understood  from  the  actual  terms  of  the 
Creed.  For  tell  me  :  to  what  do  you  apply 
the  phrase  *'  of  the  substance  of  the  Father"  ? 
to  the  Godhead,  or  to  the  nature  that  was 
fashioned  of  the  seed  of  David? 

Era7i.  —  To  the  Godhead,  as  is  plain. 

Orth. — And  the  clause  "Very  God  of 
very  God  "  ;  to  which  do  you  hold  this  be- 
longs, to  the  Godhead  or  to  the  manhood.'* 

Erati.  — To  the  Godhead. 

Orth. — Therefore  neither  the  flesh  nor 
the  soul  is  of  one  substance  with  the  Father, 
for  they  are  created,  but  the  Godhead  which 
formed  all  things. 

Eran.  —  True. 

Orth.  —  Very  well,  then.  And  when  we 
are  told  of  passion  and  of  the  cross  we  must 
recognise  the  nature  which  submitted  to  the 
passion ;  we  must  avoid  attributing  it  to  the 
impassible,  and  must  attribute  it  to  that 
nature  which  was  assumed  for  the  distinct 
purpose  of  suffering.  The  acknowledgment 
on  the  part  of  the  most  excellent  Fathers  that 
the  divine  nature  was  impassible  ;  and  their 
attribution  of  the  passion  to  the  flesh  is 
proved  by  the  conclusion  of  the  creed,  which 
runs  "  But  they  who  state  there  was  a  time 
when  He  was  not,  and  before  He  was  begot- 
ten He  was  not,  and  He  was  made  out  of  the 
non-existent,  or  who  allege  that  the  Son  of 
God  was  of  another  essence  or  substance 
mutable  or  variable,  these  the  holy  catholic 
and  apostolic  Church  anathematizes."  See 
then  what  penalties  are  denounced  against 
them  that  attribute  the  passion  to  the  divine 
nature.^ 

Eran. — They  are  speaking  in  this  place 
of  mutation  and  variation. 

Orth.  —  But  what  is  the  passion  but  muta- 
tion and  variation  ?  For  if,  being  impassible 
before  His  incarnation.  He  suffered  after  His 
incarnation.  He  assuredlv  suffered  by  under- 
going mutation  ;  and  if  being  immortal  before 
He  became  man.  He  tasted  death,  as  you  say, 
after  being  made  man.  He  underwent  a  com- 
plete alteration  by  being  made  mortal  after 
being  immortal.  But  expressions  of  this  kind, 
and  their  authors  with  them,  have  all  been 
expelled  by  the  illustrious  Fathers  from   the 

^  See  the  Creed  as  published  by  the  Council,    p.  50. 


bounds  of  the  Church,  and  cut  off  like  rotten 
limbs  from  the  sound  body.  We  therefore 
exhort  you  to  fear  the  punishment  and  abhor 
the  blasphemy. 

Now  I  will  show  you  that  in  their  own 
writings  the  holy  Fathers  have  held  the  opin- 
ions we  have  expressed.  Of  the  witnesses  I 
shall  bring  forward  some  took  part  in  that 
great  Council ;  some  flourished  in  the  Church 
after  their  time  ;  some  illuminated  the  world 
long  before.  But  their  harmony  is  broken 
neither  by  difference  of  periods  nor  by  diver- 
sity of  language  ;  like  the  harp  their  strings 
are  several  and  separate  but  like  the  harp  they 
make  one  harmonious  music. 

Eran.  —  I  was  anxious  for  and  shall  be 
delighted  at  such  citations.  Instruction  of 
this  kind  cannot  be  gainsaid,  and  is  most 
useful. 

Orth.  —  Now  ;  open  your  ears  and  receive 
the  streams  that  flow  from  the  spiritual 
springs. 

Testimofiy  of  the  holy  Ignatius.,  bishop  of 
Antioch^  and  martyr. 

From  his  Epistle  to  the  Smyrnaeans  :  — 

''  They  do  not  admit  Eucharists  and  obla- 
tions, because  they  do  not  confess  the  Eucha- 
rist to  be  flesh  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ 
which  suffered  for  our  sins  and  which  of  His 
goodness  the  Father  raised."  ^ 

Testimony  of  Jrenceus^  bishop  of  Lyons. 

From  his  third  book  against  heresies  (Chap» 
XX.)  :  — 

"It  is  clear  then  that  Paul  knew  no  other 
Christ  save  Him  that  suffered  and  was 
buried  and  rose  and  was  born,  whom  he  calls 
man,  for  after  saying,  '  If  Christ  be  preached 
that  He  rose  from  the  dead,'^  he  adds,  giving 
the  reason  of  His  incarnation,  '  For  since  by 
man  came  death  by  man  came  also  the  re- 
surrection of  the  dead,'-^  and  on  all  occasions 
in  reference  to  the  passion,  the  manhood  and 
the  dissolution  of  the  Lord,  he  uses  the  name 
of  Christ  as  in  the  text,  '  Destroy  not  him 
with  thy  meat  for  whom  Christ  died,'  '^  and 
again,  '  But  now  in  Christ  ye  who  sometimes 
were  far  off  are  made  nigh  in  the  blood  of 
Christ,' "  and  again,  '  Christ  hath  redeemed 
us   from  the  curse  of  the  law,  being  made  a 

1  The  quotation  is  not  quite  exact,  " 'EuxaptfTia?  koI  7rpo<r- 
<f)Of>a<;  ovK  anoSexoi>TaL  "  being  substituted  for  €v;^apto-Tta?  koI 
npocrevxv^  anexovrai.  Bp.  Lightfoot  (Ap.  Fath.  II.  ii.  307) 
notes,  "  the  argument  is  much  the  same  as  Tertullian's  against 
the  Docetism  of  Marcion  (adv.  Marc.  iv.  40),  'Acceptutu 
pattern  ei  distribtitiim  discipiilis  corpus  suiim  ilium  fecit. 
Hoc  est  corpus  meum  dicendo^  id  est  fi^ura  mei  corporis. 
Figiira  autem  non  /uisset,  nisi  veritatis  esset  corpus,  ceterum 
vacua  res  quod  est  phantasma,  figuram  capere  non  posset.'* 
The  Eucharist  implies  the  reality  of  Christ's  flesh.  To  those 
who  deny  this  reality  it  has  no  meaning  at  all ;  to  them  Christ's 
words  of  institution  are  false;  it  is  in  no  sense  the  flesh, 
of  Christ."     Cf.  Iren.  iv.  iS,  5. 

2  I.  Cor.  XV.  12.  3  I.  Cor.  XV.  21. 
*  Rom.  xiv.  15. 

c  Ephes.  ii.  13.     Observe  slight  diff"erences. 


DIALOGUES. 


235 


curse  for    us :   for    it   is  written,    Cursed    is 
every  one  that  hangeth  on  a  tree.'"  ^ 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work.  (Chap- 
ter xxi.)  :  — 

*'For  as  He  was  Man  that  He  might  be 
tempted,  so  was  He  Word  that  He  might 
be  glorified.  In  His  temptation,  His  cruci- 
fixion and  His  dying,  the  Word  was  in- 
operative ;  but  in  His  victory.  His  patience. 
His  goodness.  His  resurrection  and  His  as- 
sumption it  was  co-operative  with  the  man- 
hood." 

Of  the  same  from  the  fifth  book  of  the 
same  work :  — 

^'  When  with  His  own  blood  the  Lord  had 
ransomed  us,  and  given  His  soul  on  behalf 
of  our  souls,  and  His  flesh  instead  of  our 
flesh." 

The  testifnony  of  the  holy  Hippolytus^ 
bishop  and  martyr. 

From  his  letter  to  a  certain  Queen  :  — 

"  So  he  calls  Him  '  The  firstfruits  of  them 
that  slept,'  ^  and  '  The  first  born  of  the 
dead.'  "^  When  He  had  risen  and  was  wish- 
ful to  show  that  what  had  risen  was  the 
same  body  which  died,  when  the  Apostles 
doubted.  He  called  to  Him  Thomas  and 
said  '  Handle  me  and  see  ;  for  a  spirit  hath 
not  flesh  and  bones  as  ye  see  me  have.'  "  ^ 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  letter  :  — 

''By  calling  Him  firstfruits  He  bore  wit- 
ness to  what  we  have  said,  that  the  Saviour, 
after  taking  the  flesh  of  the  same  material, 
raised  it,  making  it  firstfruits  of  the  flesh  of 
the  just,  in  order  that  all  we  that  believe 
might  have  expectation  of  our  resurrection 
through  trust  in  Him  that  is  risen." 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  on  the  two 
thieves : — 

"  The  body  of  the  Lord  gave  both  to  the 
world, —  the  holy  blood  and  the  sacred  water." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  discourse  :  — 

"  And  the  body  being,  humanly  speaking, 
a  corpse,  has  in  itself  great  power  of  life,  for 
there  flowed  from  it  what  does  not  flow  from 
dead  bodies  —  blood  and  water,  —  that  we 
might  know  w4iat  vital  force  lies  in  the  in- 
dwelling power  in  the  body,  so  that  it  is  a 
corpse  evidently  unlike  others,  and  is  able  to 
pour  forth  for  us  causes  of  life."  ^ 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  discourse:  — 

"  Not  a  bone  of  the  holy  Lamb  is  broken. 
The    type    shews    that    the    passion    cannot 

'  Gal.  iii.  13  and  Deut.  xxi.  23. 

2  1.  Cor.  XV.  20.  sColoss.  i.  18. 

*  cf.  Luke  xxiv.  39.  And  for  the  application  of  these  words 
to  St.  Thomas  cf.  page  210. 

5  The  effusion  of  water  and  blood  is  now  well  known  to  have 
been  a  natural  consequence  of  the  "broken  heart."  On  the  rup- 
ture of  the  heart  the  blood  fills  the  pericardium,  and  then  coagu- 
lates. The  wound  of  the  lance  gave  p  issaufe  to  the  collected 
blood  and  serum,  cf.  Dr.  Stroud's  "■Physical  Cause  of  the 
Death  of  Christ,''^  first  published  in  1S47. 


touch  the  power,  for  the  bones  are  the  power 
of  the  body." 

Testimony  of  the  holy  Eustathius^  bishop 
of  Antioch^  and  confessor. 

From  his  book  on  the  soul :  — 

'^  Their  impious  calumny  can  be  refuted  in 
a  few  words ;  they  may  be  right,  unless  He 
voluntarily  gave  up  His  own  body  to  the 
destruction  of  death  for  the  sake  of  the  salva- 
tion of  men.  First  of  all  they  attribute  to 
Him  extraordinary  infirmity  in  not  being 
able  to  repel  His  enemies'  assault." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  book  :  — 

"  Why  do  they,  in  the  concoction  of  their 
earth-born  deceits,  make  much  of  proving 
that  the  Christ  assumed  a  body  without  a 
soul.?  In  order  that  if  they  could  seduce  any 
to  lay  down  that  this  is  the  case,  then,  by  at- 
tributing to  the  divine  Spirit  variations  of 
affection,  they  might  easily  persuade  them 
that  the  mutable  is  not  begotten  of  the  im- 
mutable nature." 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  on  "  the 
Lord  created  me  in  the  beginning  of  His 
ways  "  :  1  — 

'*  The  man  Who  died  rose  on  the  third  day, 
and,  when  Mary  was  eager  to  lay  hold  of  His 
holy  limbs,  He  objected,  and  cried  '  Touch  me 
not. 2  For  I  am  not  yet  ascended  to  my  Father  ; 
but  go  to  my  brethren  and  say  unto  them,  I 
ascend  unto  my  Father  and  your  Father  and  to 
my  God  and  your  God.'  ^  Now  the  words  '  I 
am  not  yet  ascended  to  my  Father,'  were  not 
spoken  by  the  Word  and  God,  who  came  down 
from  heaven,  and  was  in  the  bosom  of  the 
Father,  nor  by  the  Wisdom  which  contains  all 
created  things,  but  were  uttered  by  the  man 
who  was  compacted  of  various  limbs,  who  had 
risen  from  the  dead,  who  had  not  yet  after  His 
death  gone  back  to  the  Father,  and  was  re- 
serving for  Himself  the  first  fruits  of  His 
progress." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 

"  As  he  writes  he  expressly  describes  the 
man  who  was  crucified  as  Lord  of  Glory,  de- 
claring Him  to  be  Lord  and  Christ,  just  as  the 
Apostles  with  one  voice  when  speaking  to 
Israel  in  the  flesh  say  '  Therefore  let  all  the 
house  of  Israel  know  assuredly  that  God  hath 
made  that  same  Jesus,  Whom  ye  have  cruci- 
fied, both  Lord  and  Christ.'  ^  He  so  made 
Jesus  Christ  who  suffered.  He  did  not  so 
make  the  Wisdom  nor  yet  the  Word  who  has 
the  might  of  dominion  from  the  beginning,  but 
Him  who  was  lifted  up  on  high  and  stretched 
out  His  hands  upon  the  Cross." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 


^  Prov.  viii.  22.  Ixx. 

2  i.e.  literally,  try  not  to  lay  hold  of  me. 

sjohn  XX.  17.  *  Acts  ii.  ^S. 


236 


THEODORET. 


''  For  if  He  is  incorporeal  and  not  subject 
to  manual  contact,  nor  apprehended  by  eyes 
of  flesh,  He  undergoes  no  wound,  He  is   not 
nailed  by  nails.  He  has  no  part  in  death,  He 
is  not  hidden  in  the  ground.  He  is  not  shut 
in  a  grave,  He  does  not  rise  from  a  tomb." 
Of  the  same  from  the  same  book  :  — 
"  '  No  man  taketh  it  from  me.     ...     I 
have  power  to  lay  it  down  and  I  have  power 
to  take  it  again.'  i     If  as    God    He  had  the 
double  power.  He  yet  yielded  to  them  who 
were  striving  of  evil   counsel    to   destroy  the 
temple,  but  by  His  resurrection  He  restored  it 
in  greater  splendour.     It  is  proved  by  incon- 
trovertible evidence  that  He  of  Himself  rose 
and  renewed  His  own   house,  and   the   great 
work  of  the  Son  is    to    be    ascribed    to    the 
divine  Father ;  for  the   Son    does   not  work 
without  the  Father,  as  is  declared  in  the    un- 
impeachable   utterances    of  the    holy   Scrip- 
tures.      Wherefore  at    one    time    the    divine 
Parent    is    described    as    having    raised    the 
Christ  from  the  dead,  at  another  time  the  Son 
promises   to  raise  His  own  temple.     If  then 
from  what  has  previously  been  laid  down  the 
divine  spirit    of  the  Christ    is  proved  to  be 
impassible,  in  vain  do  the  accursed  assail  the 
apostolic  definitions.     If  Paul  says   that  the 
Lord  of  Glory  was  crucified,  clearly  referring 
to  the  manhood,  we  must  not  on  this  account 
refer  su tiering  to   the  divine.     Why  then  do 
they  put  these  two  things  together,  saying  that 
the  Christ  was  crucified  from  infirmity?" 
Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
"  But  had  it  been  becoming  to  attribute  to 
Him   any   kind   of  infirmity,  any   one  might 
have  said  that  it  was  natural   to   attach  these 
qualities  to  the  manhood,  though  not  to  the 
fulness  of  the  Godhead,  or  to  the  dignity  of 
the   highest  wisdom,  or  to  Him  who  accord- 
ing to  Paul  is  described  as  God  over  all."  ^ 
Of  the  same  from  the  same  book  :  — 
"  This  then  is  the  manner  of  the  infirmity 
according  to  which  He  is  described  by  Paul 
as  coming  to  death,  for  the  man  lives  by  God's 
power   when  plainly  associated   with    God's 
spirit,  since   from  the   preceding    statements 
He  who  is  believed  to  be  in  Him  is  proved  to 
be  also  the  power  of  the  Most  High." 
Of  the  same  from  the  same  :  — 
"As  by  entering  the  Virgin's  womb  He  did 
not  lessen  His  power,  so  neither  by  the  fast- 
ening of  His  body  to  the  wood  of  the  cross  is 
His  spirit  defiled.     For  when  the   body  was 
crucified  on  high  the  divine  Spirit  of  wisdom 
dwelt     even     within     the     body,     trod     in 
heavenly  places,  filled   all   the  earth,  reigned 
over  the  depths,  visited  and  judged   the  soul 


1  John  X.  iS. 


2  Rom.  ix.  S. 


of  every  man,  and  continued  to  do  all  that 
God  continually  does,  for  the  wisdom  that  is 
on  high  is  not  prisoned  and  contained  within 
bodily  matter,  just  as  moist  and  dry  material 
are  contained  within  their  vessels  and  are 
contained  by  but  do  not  contain  them.  But 
this  wisdom,  being  a  divine  and  ineffable 
power,  embraces  and  confirms  alike  all  that 
is  within  and  all  that  is  without  the  temple, 
and  thence  proceeding  beyond  comprehends 
and  sways  at  once  all  matter." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 

"  But  if  the  sun  being  a  visible  body,  appre- 
hended by  the  senses,  endures  everywhere 
such  adverse  influences  without  changing  its 
order,  or  feeling  any  blow,  be  it  small  or 
great ;  can  we  suppose  the  incorporeal  W^is- 
dom  to  be  defiled  and  to  change  its  nature 
because  its  temple  is  nailed  to  the  cross  or 
destroyed  or  wounded  or  corrupted?  The 
temple  suflers,  but  the  substance  abides 
without  spot,  and  preserves  its  entire  dignity 
without  defilement." 

Of  the  same  from  his  work  on  the  titles  of 
the  Psalms  of  Degrees  :  — 

"  The  Father  who  is  perfect,  infinite,  in- 
comprehensible, and  is  incapable  alike  of 
adornment  or  disfigurement,  receives  no  ac- 
quired glory;  nor  yet  does  His  Word,  who 
is  God  begotten  of  Him,  through  whom  are 
angels  and  heaven  and  earth's  boundless 
bulk  and  all  the  form  and  matter  of  created 
things  ;  but  the  man  Christ  raised  from  the 
dead  is  exalted  and  glorified  to  the  open  dis- 
comfiture of  His  foes." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 

"  They  however  who  have  lifted  up  hatred 
against  Him,  though  they  be  fenced  round 
with  the  forces  of  His  foes,  are  scattered 
abroad,  while  the  God  and  W^ord  gloriously 
raised  His  own  temple." 

Of  the  same  from  his  interpretation  of  the 
93nd  Psalm  :  — 

"Moreover  the  prophet  Isaiah  following 
the  tracks  of  His  sufferings,  among  other 
utterances  exclaims  with  a  mighty  voice  'And 
we  saw  Him  and  He  had  no  form  nor  beauty. 
His  form  was  dishonoured  and  rejected 
among  the  sons  of  men,'  ^  thus  distinctly 
showing  that  the  marks  of  indignity  and  the 
sufferings  must  be  applied  to  the  human  but 
not  to  the  divine.  And  immediately  after- 
wards he  adds  '  Being  a  man  imder  stroke, 
and  able  to  bear  infirmity.' ^  He  it  Is  who 
after  suffering  outrage  was  seen  to  have  no 
form  or  comeliness,  then  again  was  changed 
and  clothed  with  beauty,  for  the  God  dwell- 
ing in  Him  was  not  led  like  a  lamb  to  death 


1  Isaiah  liii.  2,  3.  Sept. 


*  Isaiah  liii.  3.  Sent. 


DIALOGUES. 


237 


and  slaughtered  like  a  sheep,  for  His  nature 
is   invisible." 

Testij7iony  of  the  Holy  Athanasius.,  bishop 
of  Alexandria^  and  confessor. 
From  his  letter  to  Epictetus  :  — 
*'  Whoever  reached  such  a  pitch  of  impiety 
as  to  think  and  sav  that  the  Godhead  itself 
of  one  substance  with  the  Father  was  cir- 
cumcised, and  from  perfect  became  imper- 
fect; and  to  deny  that  what  was  crucified 
on  the  tree  was  the  body,  asserting  it  on  the 
contrary  to  be  the  very  creative  substance  of 
wisdom  ?  " 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  treatise  :  — 
"  The  Word  associated  with  Himself  and 
brought  upon  Himself  what  the  humanity 
of  the  Word  suffered,  that  we  might  be  able 
to  share  in  the  Godhead  of  the  Word.  And 
marvellous  it  was  that  the  sufferer  and  He 
who  did  not  suffer  were  the  same  ;  sufferer  in 
that  His  own  body  suffered  and  He  was  in  it 
while  suffering,  but  not  suffering  because  the 
Word,  being  by  nature  God,  was  impassible. 
And  He  Himself  the  incorporeal  was  in  the 
passible  body,  and  the  body  contained  in 
itself  the  impassible  Word,  destroying  the 
infirmities  of  His  body." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  letter  :  — 
"  For  being  God  and  Lord  of  Glory,  He 
was  in  the  body  ingloriously  crucified  ;  but  the 
body  suffered  when  smitten  on  the  tree,  and 
water  and  blood  flowed  from  its  side ;  but 
being  temple  of  the  Word,  it  was  full  of  the 
Godhead.  Wherefore  when  the  sun  saw  its 
Creator  suffering  in  His  outraged  body,  it 
drew  in  its  rays,  and  darkened  the  earth. 
And  that  very  body  with  a  mortal  nature 
rose  superior  to  its  own  nature,  on  account 
of  the  Word  within  it,  and  is  no  longer 
touched  by  its  natural  corruption,  but  clothed 
with  the  superhuman  Word,  became  incor- 
ruptible." 

Of  the  same  from  his  greater  discourse  on 
the  Faith  :  — 

"Was  what  rose  from  the  dead,  man  or 
God?  Peter,  the  Apostle,  who  knows  better 
than  we,  interprets  and  says,  '  and  when 
they  had  fulfilled  all  that  was  written  of  Him 
they  took  Him  down  from  the  tree  and  laid 
Him  in  a  sepulchre,  but  God  raised  Him 
from  the  dead.'  ^  Now  the  dead  body  of 
Jesus  which  was  taken  down  from  the  tree, 
which  had  been  laid  in  a  sepulchre,  and 
entombed  by  Joseph  of  Arimathrea,  is  the 
very  body  which  the  Word  raised,  saying, 
^  Destroy  this  temple,  and  in  three  days  I 
will  raise  it    up.'  ^      It  is  He  who  quickens 


1  The  quotation  seems  to  be  a  confusion  bet\veen  Acts  ii.  24, 
and  Acts  xiii.  29.     Sic  in  Athan.  Ed.  Migne.  II.  1030. 
*  John  iii.  19. 


all  the  dead,  and  quickened  the  man  Christ 
Jesus,  born  of  Mary,  whom  He  assumed. 
For  if  while  on  the  cross  ^  He  raised  corpses 
of  the  saints  that  had  previously  undergone 
dissolution,  much  more  can  God  the  everliv- 
ing  Word  raise  the  body,  which  He  wore, 
as  says  Paul,  '  For  the  word  of  God  is 
quick  and  powerful.'  "  ^ 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
"  Life  then  does  not  die,  but  quickens  the 
dead ;  for  as  the  light  is  not  injured  in  a 
dark  place,  so  life  cannot  suffer  when  it  has 
visited  a  mortal  nature,  for  the  Godhead  oi 
the  Word  is  immutable  and  invariable  as  the 
Lord  says  in  the  prophecy  about  Himself 
'  I  am  the  Lord  I  change  not.' "  ^ 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
"  Living  He  cannot  die  but  on  the  contrary 
quickens   the  dead.     He   is  therefore,  by  the 
Godhead  derived  from  the  Father,  a  fount  of 
light ;  but  He  that  died,  or  rather  rose  from 
the  dead,  our  intercessor,  who  was  born  of 
the  Virgin  Mary,  whom  the  Godhead  of  the 
Word  assumed  for  our  sake,  is  man." 
Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
"  It  came  to  pass  that  Lazarus  fell  sick  and 
died  ;  but  the   divine  Man  did  not  fall   sick 
nor  against  His  own  will  did  He  die,  but  of 
His  own  accord  came  to  the  dispensation  of 
death,  being  strengthened  by  God  the  Word 
who  dwelt  within  Him,  and  who  said  '  No 
man  taketh  it  from  me  but  I  lay  it  down  of 
myself.     I   have  power  to   lay   it  down  and 
I  have  power  to  take  it  again."*     The  God- 
head then  which    lays  down   and  takes  the 
life  of  man  which  He  wore  is  of  the  Son,  for 
in  its   completeness   He  assumed    the    man- 
hood, in  order  that   in   its   completeness   He 
might  quicken  it,  and,  with  it,  the  dead." 

Of  the    same  from    his    discourse   against 
the  Arians  :  — 

"  When  therefore  the  blessed  Paul  says  the 
Father  '  raised  '  the  Son  '  from  the  dead  '  ^ 
John  tells  us  that  Jesus  said  '  Destrov  this 
temple  and  in  three  da3's  I  will  raise  it  up 
but  He  spake '  of  His  own 
'body.'^  So  it  is  clear  to  them  that  take 
heed  that  at  the  raising  of  the  body  the  Son 
is  said  by  Paul  to  have  been  raised  from  the 
dead,  for  he  refers  what  concerns  the  body 
to  the  Son's  person,  and  just  so  when  he 
says  'the  Father  gave  life  to  the  Son  '  ^  it 
must  be  understood  that  the  life  was  given  to 
the  Flesh.  For  if  He  Himself  is  life  how 
can  the  life  receive  life.^  " 


1  But  "  after  his  resurrection  "  appears  to  qualify  the  state- 
ment *'  arose  "   as  well  as  "  appeared  "  in  Matt,  xxviii.  53. 

2  Hebrews  iv.  12.  ^  Acts  xiii.  30. 

3  Malachi  iii.  6.  ^  John  ii.  19  and  21. 
*John  X.  iS.  Tjohn  v.  26. 


238 


THEODORET. 


Of  the  same  from  his  work  on  the  Incar- 
nation :  — 

'"  For  when  the  Word  was  conscious  that  in 
no    other    way    could    the   ruin    of   men    be 
undone  save  by  death  to  the  uttermost,   and 
it    was    impossible    that    the    Word    who    is 
immortal    and    Son    of    the    Father    should 
die,  to  effect    His  end   He  assumes   a  body 
capable    of    death,     that     this    body,     being 
united  to  the  Word,  who  is  over  all,  might,  in 
the  stead  of  all,  become  subject  to  death,  and 
because  of  the    indwelling   Word    might  re- 
main incorruptible,  and  so  by  the   grace   of 
the    resurrection    corruption    for    the    future 
might  lose  its  power  over  men.      Thus  offer- 
ing to  death,   as  a  sacrifice  and  victim  free 
from  every  spot,    the    body  which    He    had 
assumed,  by  His  corresponding   offering  He 
straightway    destroyed    death's    power    over 
all   His  kind  ;  for  being   the   Word  of  God, 
above    and    beyond    all     men,     He     rightly 
offered  and  paid  His  own  temple  and  bodily 
instrument,  as  a  ransom  for  all   souls  due  to 
death.     And     thus    by    means    of    the    like 
(body)    being   associated   with    all    men,   the 
incorruptible  Son  of  God  rightly  clothed  all 
men  with  incorruption   by  the  promise  of  the 
resurrection,    for   the  corruption   inherent  in 
death  no  longer  has  any  place  with  men,  for 
the  sake  of  the  Word  who  dwelt  in   them  by 
the  means  of  the  one  body." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
"  Wherefore,  after  His  divine  manifesta- 
tions  in  His  works,  now  also  on  behalf  of  all 
He  offered  sacrifice,  yielding  to  death  His 
own  temple  instead  of  all,  that  He  might 
make  all  men  irresponsible  and  free  from 
the  ancient  transgression,  and,  exhibiting  His 
own  body  as  incorruptible  firstfruits  of  the 
resurrection  of  mankind,  might  shew  Him- 
self stronger  than  death.  For  the  body,  as 
having  a  common  substance  —  for  it  was  a 
human  body,  although  by  a  new  miracle  its 
constitution  was  of  the  Virgin  alone  —  being 
mortal,  died  after  the  example  of  its  like  ; 
but  by  the  descent  of  the  Word  into  it  no 
longer  suffered  corruption,  according  to  its 
own  nature,  but,  on  account  of  God  the  Word 
who  dwelt  within  it,  was  delivered  from 
corruption." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
"  Whence,  as  I  have  said,  since  it  was  not 
possible  for  the  Word  being  immortal  to  die. 
He  took  upon  Himself  a  body  capable  of 
death,  in  order  that  He  might  offer  this  same 
body  for  all,  and  He  Himself  in  His  suffer- 
ing on  behalf  of  all  through  His  descent  into 
this  body  might  '  destroy  Him  that  hath  the 
power  of  death.'  "  ' 

'  Heb.  ii.  14. 


Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  ^  — 

""  For  the  body  in  its  passion,  as  is  the 
nature  of  bodies,  died,  but  it  had  the  prom- 
ise of  incorruption  through  the  Word  that 
dwelt  within  it.  For  when  the  body  died 
the  Word  was  not  injured ;  but  He  was 
Himself  impassible,  incorruptible,  and  im- 
mortal, as  being  God's  Word,  and  being  as- 
sociated with  the  body  He  kept  from  it  the 
natural  corruption  of  bodies,  as  says  the 
Spirit  to  Him  *  thou  wilt  not  suffer  thy  Holy 
One  to  see  corruption.'  "  2 

7^/ie  testimony  of  the  holy  Damasus^ 
bishop  of  Rome  :  ^  — 

"  If  any  one  say  that,  in  the  passion  of  the 
Cross,  God  the  Son  of  God  suffered  pain,  and 
not  the  ffesh  with  the  soul,  which  the  form 
of  the  servant  put  on  and  assumed,  as  the 
Scripture  saith.  Let  him  be  anathema." 

Testimony  of  the  holy  Autbrosius^  bishop 
of  Milan. 

From  his  book  on  the  Catholic  faith  :  — 

"There  are  some  men  who  have  reached 
such  a  pitch  of  impiety  as  to  think  that  the 
Godhead  of  the  Lord  was  circumcised,  and 
from  perfect  was  made  imperfect ;  and  that 
the  divine  substance.  Creator  of  all  things, 
and  not  the  flesh,  was  on  the  tree." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 

''  The  flesh  suffered  ;  but  the  Godhead  is 
free  from  death.  He  yielded  His  body  to 
suffer  according  to  the  law  of  human  nature. 
For  how  can  God  die,  when  the  soul  cannot 
die?  '  Fear  not,'  He  says,  '  them  w^iich  kill 
the  body  but  are  not  able  to  kill  the  soul.'  "* 
If  then  the  soul  cannot  be  slain  how  can  the 
Godhead  be  made  subject  to  death  ?  " 

Testimony  of  the  holy  Basilius^  bishop  of 
CcEsai'ea  :  — 

"It  is  perfectly  well  known  to  every  one 
w^ho  has  the  least  acquaintance  with  the  mean- 
ing of  the  words  of  the  Apostle  that  he  is  not 
delivering  to  us  a  mode  of  theology  but  is 
explaining  the  reasons  of  the  oeconomy,^  for 
he  says  '  God  hath  made  that  same  Jesus 
whom  ye  have  crucified  both  Lord  and 
Christ.'  ^  Thus  he  is  plainly  directing  his 
arofument  to  His  human  and  visible  nature." 

Testimony  of  the  holy  Gregorius.,  bishop 
of  Nazianzus. 

From  his  letter  to  the  blessed  Nectarius, 
bishop  of  Constantinople  :  — 

"  The  saddest  thinof  in  what  has  befallen  the 
churches  is  the  boldness  of  the  utterances  of 
Apollinarius  and  his  party.  I  cannot  under- 
stand how  your  Holiness  has  allowed  them  to 


1  This  passag'e  is  not  found  in  the  discourse  on  the  Incar- 
nation, but  a  similar  passage  occurs  in  the  third  oration  against 
the  Arians.     Ed.  Ben.  p.  606.  *  Matt.  x.  28. 

2  Ps.  xvi.  10.  ^  cf.  note  on  p.  72. 

3  Epist.  iii.  Ad   Paulinum.  "  Acts  ii.  36. 


DIALOGUES. 


239 


arrogate  to  themselves  the  power  of  assem- 
bling on  the  same  terms  with  us." 

And  a  little  further  on  :  — 

"  I  will  no  longer  call  this  serious  ;  it  is  in- 
deed saddest  of  all  that  the  only  begotten 
God  Himself,  Judge  of  all  who  exist,  the 
Prince  of  Life,  the  Destroyer  of  Death,  is 
made  by  him  mortal  and  alleged  to  re- 
ceive suffering  in  His  own  Godhead.  He 
represents  the  Godhead  to  have  shared  with 
the  body  in  the  dissolution  of  that  three  days' 
death  of  the  body,  and  so  after  the  death  to 
have  been  again  raised  by  the  Father." 

Of  the  same  from  his  former  exposition  to 
Cledonius  :  — 

"  It  is  the  contention  of  the  Arians  that  the 
manhood  was  without  a  soul,  that  they  may 
refer  the  passion  to  the  Godhead  and  repre- 
sent the  same  power  as  both  moving  the  body 
and  suffering." 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  about  the 
Son  :  — 

"  It  remained  for  us  to  treat  of  what  was 
commanded  Him  and  of  His  keeping  the 
commandments  and  doing  all  things  pleasing 
to  Him  ;  and  further  of  His  perfection,  ex- 
altation, and  learning  obedience  by  all  that 
He  suffered,  1  His  priesthood.  His  offering. 
His  betrayal,  His  entreaty  to  Him  that  hath 
power  to  save  Him  from  death.  His  agony. 
His  bloody  sweat.  His  prayer  and  similar 
manifestations,  were  it  not  clear  to  all  that 
all  these  expressions  in  connexion  with  His 
Passion  in  no  way  signify  the  nature  which 
was  immutable  and  above  suffering." 

Of  the  same  from  his  Easter  Discourse 
(Or.  ii.)  :- 

"  '  Who  is  this  that  cometh  from  Edom?'  ^ 
and  from  the  earth,  and  how  can  the  gar- 
ments of  the  bloodless  and  bodiless  be  red 
as  of  one  that  treadeth  in  the  wine-fat? 
Urge  in  reply  the  beauty  of  the  garment  of 
the  body  which  suffered  and  was  made  beau- 
tiful in  suffering,  and  was  made  splendid  by 
the  Godhead,  than  wdiich  nothing  is  lovelier 
nor  more  fair." 

Testi?nony  of  Gregory^  bishop  of  Nyssa. 

From  his  catechetical  oration  :  — 

"  And  this  is  the  mystery  of  the  dispensa- 
tion of  God  concerning  the  manhood  and  of 
the  resurrection  from  the  dead,  not  to  prevent 
the  soul  from  being  separated  from  the  body 
by  death  according  to  the  necessary  law  of 
human  nature,  and  to  bring  them  together 
again  through  the  resurrection." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 

"  The  flesh  which  received  the  Godhead, 
and  which  through  the  resurrection  was  ex- 


1  cf.  Heb.  V.  S. 


2  Isaiah  Ixiii.  i. 


alted  with  the  Godhead,  is  not  formed  of 
another  material,  but  of  ours  ;  so,  just  as'  in 
the  case  of  our  own  body,  the  operation  of 
one  of  the  senses  moves  to  general  sensa- 
tion the  whole  man  united  to  that  part,  in 
like  manner  just  as  though  all  nature  were 
one  single  animal,  the  resurrection  of  the 
part  pervades  the  whole,  being  conveyed 
from  the  part  to  the  whole  by  what  is  con- 
tinuous and  united  in  nature.  What  then 
do  we  find  extraordinary  in  the  mystery 
that  the  upright  stoops  to  the  fallen  to  raise 
up  him  that  lies  low.^  " 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 

"It  would  be  natural  also  in  this  part  not 
to  heed  the  one  and  neglect  the  other  ;  but 
in  the  immortal  to  behold  the  human,  and 
to  be  curiously  exact  about  the  diviner 
quality  in  the  manhood." 

Of  the  same  from  his  work  against  Eu- 
nomius  :  — 

'^'Tis  not  the  human  nature  which  raises 
Lazarus  to  life.  'Tis  not  the  impassible 
power  which  sheds  tears  over  the  dead. 
The  tear  belongs  to  the  man  ;  the  life  comes 
from  the  very  life.  The  thousands  are  not 
fed  by  human  poverty ;  omnipotence  does 
not  hasten  to  the  fig  tree.  Who  was  weary 
in  the  way,  and  who  by  His  word  sustains 
all  the  world  without  being  weary.?  What 
is  the  brightness  of  His  glory,  what  was 
pierced  by  the  nails.?  What  form  is  smitten 
in  the  passion,  what  is  glorified  for  ever- 
lasting.? The  answer  is  plain  and  needs  no 
interpretation." 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  treatise  :  — 

''  He  blames  them  that  refer  the  passion  to 
the  human  nature.  He  wishes  himself 
wholly  to  subject  the  Godhead  itself  to  the 
passion,  for  the  proposition  being  twofold 
and  doubtful,  whether  the  divinity  or  the 
humanity  was  concerned  in  the  passion,  the 
denial  of  the  one  becomes  the  positive  con- 
demnation of  the  other.  While  therefore 
they  blame  them  who  see  the  passion  in  the 
humanity,  they  will  bestow  unqualified 
praise  on  them  that  maintain  the  Divinity  of 
the  Son  of  God  to  be  passible.  But  the 
point  established  by  these  means  becomes  a 
confirmation  of  their  own  absurdity  of  doc- 
trine ;  for  if,  as  they  allege,  the  Godhead  of 
the  Son  suffers  while  that  of  the  Father  in 
accordance  with  its  substance  is  conserved 
in  complete  impassibility,  it  follows  that  the 
impassible  nature  is  at  variance  with  the 
nature  which  sustains  suffering." 

The  testimony  of  the  holy  Ainphilochius^ 
bishop  of  I  CO  n  ill  m. 

From  his  discourse  on  the  text  "  Verily, 
verily  I  say  unto  you,   he   that   heareth   my 


240 


THEODORET. 


word  and  believeth  on  Him  that  sent  me 
hath  everlasting  Hfe  "  :  ^  — 

''Whose  then  are  the  sufferings?  Of  the 
flesh.  Therefore  if  you  give  to  the  flesh  the 
suffering,  give  it  also  the  lowly  words ;  and 
ascribe  the  exalted  words  to  Him  to  Whom 
you  assign  the  miracles.  For  the  God  when 
He  is  in  the  act  of  working  wonders  natu- 
rally speaks  in  high  and  lofty  language 
worthy  of  His  works  and  the  man  when  He 
is  suffering  fitly  utters  lowly  words  corre- 
sponding with  His  sufierings." 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  on  ''  My 
Father  is  greater  than  I  "  :  ^  — 

"  But  when  you  give  the  sufferings  to  the 
flesh  and  the  miracles  to  God,  you  must  of 
necessity,  though  unwillingly,  give  the  lowly 
words  to  the  man  born  of  Mary,  and  the 
high  and  lofty  words  becoming  God,  to  the 
Word  who  existed  in  the  beginning.  The 
reason  why  I  utter  sometimes  lofty  words 
and  sometimes  lowly  is  that  by  the  lofty  I 
may  show  the  nobility  of  the  indwelling 
Word,  and  by  the  lowly  make  known  the 
infirmity  of  the  lowly  flesh.  So  at  one  time 
I  call  myself  equal  to  the  Father  and  at 
another  I  call  the  Father  greater ;  and  in 
this  I  am  not  inconsistent  with  myself,  but  I 
shew  that  I  am  God  and  man  ;  God  by  the 
lofty  and  man  by  the  lowly.  And  if  you 
wish  to  know  in  what  sense  my  Father  is 
greater  than  I,  I  spoke  in  the  flesh  and  not 
in  the  person  of  the  Godhead." 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  on  "  If  it 
be  possible  let  this  cup  pass  from  me  "  : -^  — 

"Ascribe  not  then  the  sufferings  of  the  flesh 
to  the  impassible  God,  for  I,  O  heretic,  am 
God,  and  man  ;  God,  as  the  miracles  prove  ; 
man  as  is  shewn  by  the  sufferings.  Since  then 
I  am  God  and  man,  tell  me,  who  was  it  who 
suffered?  If  God  suffered,  you  have  spoken 
blasphemy  ;  but  if  the  flesh  suffered,  why  do 
you  not  attribute  the  passion  to  Him  to  whom 
you  ascribe  the  dread?  For  while  one  is  suf- 
fering another  feels  no  dread  ;  while  man  is 
being  crucified  God  is   not  troubled." 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  against  the 
Arians  :  — 

"  And  not  to  prolong  what  I  am  saying,  I 
will  shortly  ask  you,  O  heretic,  did  He  who 
was  begotten  of  God  before  the  ages  suffer, 
or  Jesus  who  was  born  of  David  in  the  last 
days?  If  the  Godhead  suffered,  thou  hast 
spoken  blasphemy ;  if,  as  the  truth  is,  the 
manhood  suffered,  for  what  reason  do  you 
hesitate  to  attribute  the  passion  to  man  ?  " 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  concerning 
the  Son  :  — 


1  John  V.  24 
2John  xiv. 


28. 


3  Matt.  xxvi.  39. 


''  Peter  said,  '  God  hath  made  this  Jesus 
both  Lord  and  Christ '  ^  and  said  too,  '  this 
Jesus  whom  ye  crucified  God  hath  raised  up.'  ^ 
Now  it  was  the  manhood,  not  the  God- 
head, which  became  a  corpse,  and  He  who 
raised  it  was  the  Word,  the  power  of  God, 
who  said  in  the  Gospel,  '  Destroy  this  tem- 
ple and  in  three  days  I  will  raise  it  up.'^  So 
when  it  is  said  that  God  hath  made  Him  wlio 
became  a  corpse  and  rose  from  the  dead  both 
Lord  and  Christ,  what  is  meant  is  the  flesh, 
and  not  the  Godhead  of  the  Son." 

Of  the  same  from  his  discourse  on  "The 
Son  can  do  nothing  of  Himself"  :  "*  — 

"  For  He  had  not  such  a  nature  as  that  His 
life  could  be  held  by  corruption,  since  His 
Godhead  was  not  forcibly  reduced  to  suffering. 
For  how  could  it?  But  the  manhood  was  re- 
newed in  incorruption.  So  he  says  '  For 
this  mortal  must  put  on  immortality  and  this 
corruptible  must  put  on  incorruption.'  "^  You 
observe  the  accuracy  ;  he  points  distinctly  to 
'this  mortal'  that  you  may  not  entertain 
the  idea  of  the  resurrection  of  any  other 
flesh." 

Testimony  of  the  holy  Flavianus^  bishop 
of  Antloch. 

On  Easter  Day  :  — 

"  W h erefore  also  the  cross  i s  boldly  preached 
by  us,  and  the  Lord's  death  confessed  among 
us,  though  in  nothing  did  the  Godhead  sufier, 
for  the  divine  is  impassible,  but  the  dispen- 
sation was  fulfilled  by  the  body." 

Of  the  same  on  Judas  the  traitor  :  — 

"  When  therefore  you  hear  of  the  Lord 
being  betrayed,  do  not  degrade  the  divine 
dignity  to  insignificance,  nor  attribute  to 
divine  power  the  sufferings  of  the  body. 
For  the  divine  is  impassible  and  invariable. 
For  if  through  His  love  to  mankind  He  took 
on  Him  the  form  of  a  servant.  He  under- 
went no  change  in  nature.  But  being  what 
He  ever  was,  he  yielded  the  divine  ^  body  to 
experience  death." 

Testimony  of  Theophllus^  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria. 

From  his  Heortastic  Volume  :  — 

"Of  unreasoning  beings  the  souls  are  not 
taken  and  replaced  ;  they  share  in  the  cor- 
ruption of  the  bodies,  and  are  dissolved  into 
dust.  But  after  the  Saviour  at  the  time  of 
the  cross  had  taken  the  soul  from  His  own 
body.  He  restored  it  to  the  body  again  when 
He  rose  from  the  dead.  To  assure  us  of 
this  He  uttered  the  words  of  the  psalmist, 
the  predictive  exclamation,  '  Thou  wilt    not 


1  Acts  ii.  36.  3  John  11.  19. 

2  Acts  ii.  24.    The  citation  is  loose.         ^  John  v.  19. 

^  I.  Cor.  XV,  53.     Observe  the   inaccuracy  of  the  quotation. 
fi  The  Latin  translator,  as  though  observing  the  apparent  im- 
propriety of  the  epithet,  here  renders  fleiovby  "  sanciissimum.'* 


DIALOGUES. 


241 


leave  my  soul  in  Hell  nor  suffer  thine  Holy 
One  to  see  corruption.'  "  ' 

Testli7iony  of  the  blessed  Gelasius^  bishop 
of  Ccesarea  in  Palestine  :  — 

"  He  was  bound,  He  was  wounded,  He  was 
crucified,  He  was  handled,  He  was  marked 
with  scars,  He  received  a  lance's  wound,  and 
all  these  indignities  were  undergone  by  the 
body  born  of  Mary,  while  that  which  was 
begotten  from  the  Father  before  the  ages 
none  was  able  to  harm,  for  the  Word  had  no 
such  nature.  For  how  can  any  one  con- 
strain Godhead?  How  wound  it?  How 
make  red  with  blood  the  incorporeal  nature  ? 
How  surround  it  with  grave  bands?  Grant 
now  what  you  cannot  contravene  and,  con- 
strained by  invincible  reason,  honour  God- 
head." 

Testimony  of  the  holy  John^  bishop  of 
Constantinople. 

From  his  discourse  on  the  words  "  My 
Father  worketh  hitherto  and  I  work  "  :  ^  — 

"  '  What  sign  she  west  Thou  unto  us  see- 
ing that  Thou  doest  these  things  ? '  ^  What 
then  does  He  reply  Himself?  '  Destroy  this 
temple,'  He  says,  '  and  in  three  days  I  will 
raise  it  up,'  *  speaking  of  His  own  body, 
but  they  did  not  understand  Him." 

And  a  little  further  on  :  — 

'^  Why  does  not  the  evangelist  pass  this  by  ? 
Why  did  he  add  the  correction,  '  But  He 
spake  of  the  temple  of  his  body  '  ?  ^  for  He 
did  not  say  destroy  this  '  body,'  but  '  temple' 
that  He  might  shew  the  indwelling  God. 
Destroy  this  temple  which  is  far  more  excel- 
lent than  that  of  the  Jews.  The  Jewish 
temple  contained  the  Law  ;  this  temple  con- 
tains the  Lawgiver  ;  the  former  the  letter  that 
killeth  ;  the  latter  the  spirit  that  giveth  life."^ 

Of  the  same  from  the  discourse  "  That 
what  was  spoken  and  done  in  humility  was 
not  so  done  and  spoken  on  account  of  in- 
firmity of  power  but  different  dispensa- 
tions "  :  — 

"  How  then  does  He  say  '  If  it  be  possi- 
ble'?  ^  He  is  pointing  out  to  us  the  in- 
firmity of  the  human  nature,  which  did  not 
choose  to  be  torn  away  from  this  present 
life,  but  stepped  back  and  shrank  on  account 
of  the  love  implanted  in  it  by  God  in  the 
beginning  for  the  present  life.  If  then 
when  the  Lord  Himself  so  often  spoke  in 
such  terms,  some  have  dared  to  say  that  He 
did  not  take  flesh,  what  would  they  have 
said  if  none  of  these  words  had  been  spoken 
by  Him?" 

Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 


1  Ps.  xvi.  10. 

2  John  V.  17. 

3  John  ii.  iS. 


4  John  ii.  19. 
6  John  ii.  21. 


c  cf.  II.  Cor.  iii.6. 
^  Matt.  xxvi.  39. 


"Observe  how  they  spoke  of  Ilis  former 
age.  Ask  the  heretic  the  question  Does  God 
dread  ?  Does  He  draw  back  ?  Does  He 
shrink?  Does  He  sorrow?  and  if  he  says 
yes,  stand  oft'  from  him  for  the  future,  rank 
him  down  below  with  the  devil,  aye  lower 
even  than  the  devil,  for  even  the  devil  will 
not  dare  to  say  this.  But,  should  he  say 
that  each  of  these  things  is  unworthy  of  God, 
reply  —  neither  does  God  pray  ;  for  apart 
from  these  it  will  be  yet  another  absurdity 
should  the  words  be  the  words  of  God,  for 
the  words  indicate  not  only  an  agony,  but 
also  two  wills  ;  one  of  the  Son  and  another 
of  the  Father,  opposed  to  one  another.  For 
the  words  '  Not  as  I  will,  but  as  Thou 
wilt,'  are  the  words  of  one  indicating  this." 
Of  the  same  from  the  same  work  :  — 
"For  if  this  be  spoken  of  the  Godhead 
there  arises  a  certain  contradiction,  and  many 
absurdities  are  thereby  produced.  If  on  the 
contrary  it  be  spoken  of  the  flesh,  the  expres- 
sions are  reasonable,  and  no  fault  can  be 
found  with  them.  For  the  unwillingness  of 
the  flesh  to  die  incurs  no  condemnation  ;  such 
is  the  nature  of  the  flesh  and  He  exhibits  all 
the  properties  of  the  flesh  except  sin,  and 
indeed  in  full  abundance,  so  as  to  stop  the 
mouths  of  the  heretics.  When  therefore  He 
says  '  If  it  be  possible  let  this  cup  pass  from 
me '  and  '  not  as  I  will  but  as  Thou  wilt,' 
He  only  shews  that  He  is  really  clothed  with 
the  flesh  which  fears  death,  for  it  is  the 
nature  of  the  flesh  to  fear  death,  to  draw 
back  and  to  suffer  agony.  Now  He  leaves  it 
abandoned  and  stripped  of  its  own  activity, 
that  by  shewing  its  weakness  He  may  con- 
vince us  also  of  its  nature.  Sometimes  how- 
ever He  conceals  it,  because  He  was  not 
mere  man." 

Testimony  of  Severianus^  bishop  of 
Gab  a  la. 

From  his  discourse  on  the  seals  :  — 
"  The  Jews  withstand  the  apparent,  igno- 
rant of  the  non-apparent ;  they  crucify  the 
flesh  ;  they  do  not  destroy  the  Godhead.  For  if 
my  words  are  not  destroyed  together  with  the 
letter  which  is  the  clothing  of  speech,  how 
could  God  the  Word,  the  fount  of  life,  die  to- 
gether v\^ith  the  flesh  ?  The  passion  belongs 
to  the  bod}',  but  impassibility  to  the  dignity." 

See  then  how  they  whose  husbandry  is 
in  the  East  and  in  the  West,  as  well  as  in 
the  South  and  in  the  North,  have  all  been 
shewn  by  us  to  condemn  your  vain  heresy, 
and  all  openly  to  proclaim  the  impassibility 
of  the  divine  Nature.  See  how  both  tongues,  I 
mean  both  Greek  and  Latin,  make  one  har- 
monious confession  about  the  things  of  God. 


242 


THEODORET. 


Eraii.  —  I  am  myself  astonished  at  their 
harmony,  but  I  observe  a  considerable  differ- 
ence in  the  terms  thev  use. 

Orth.  —  Do  not  be  angry.  The  very  force 
of  their  figrht  ag-ainst  their  adversaries  is  the 
cause  of  their  seeming  immoderate.  The 
same  thing  is  to  be  observed  in  the  case  of 
planters ;  wiien  they  see  a  plant  bent  one 
way  or  another,  they  are  not  satisfied  with 
bringing  it  to  a  straight  line,  but  bend  it  still 
further  in  the  opposite  direction,  that  by  its 
being  bent  still  further  from  the  straight  it 
may  attain  its  upright  stature.  But  that  you 
may  know  that  the  very  promoters  and  sup- 
porters of  this  manifold  heresy  strive  to  sur- 
pass even  the  heretics  of  old  by  the  greatness 
of  their  blasphemies,  listen  once  more  to  the 
writings  of  Apollinarius  which  proclaim  the 
impassibility  of  the  divine  nature,  and  confess 
the  passion  to  be  of  the  body. 

Testi7no7ty  of  Apollinarius* 
<     From  his  summary:  — 

*'  John  spoke  of  the  temple  which  was 
destroyed,  namely  the  body  of  Him  that 
raised  it,  and  the  body  is  entirely  united  to 
Him  and  He  is  not  another  among  them. 
And  if  the  body  of  the  Lord  was  one  with 
the  Lord,  the  properties  of  the  body  were 
constituted  His  properties  on  account  of  the 
body." 

And  again  :  — 

"And  the  truth  is  that  His  conjunction 
with  the  body  does  not  take  place  by  circum- 
scription of  the  Word,  so  that  He  has  no- 
thing beyond  His  incorporation.  Wherefore 
even  in  death  immortality  abides  with  Him  ; 
for  if  He  transcends  this  composition,  so 
does  He  also  the  dissolution.  Now  death  is 
dissolution.  But  He  was  not  comprehended 
in  the  composition  ;  had  He  been  so,  the  uni- 
verse would  have  been  made  void  ;  nor  in  the 
dissolution  did  He,  like  the  soul,  suffer  the 
deprivation  which  succeeds  dissolution." 

And  again  :  — 

''  As  the  Saviour  says  that  the  dead  bodies 
go  forth  from  their  tombs,  though  their  souls 
do  not  go  forth  thence,  just  so  He  says  that 
He  Himself  will  rise  from  the  dead,  although 
it  is  only  His  body  that  rises." 

In  another  similar  work  he  writes  :  — 

"  Of  man  is  the  rising  from  the  dead  ;  of 
God  is  the  raising.  Now  Christ  both  rose  and 
raised,  for  He  was  God  and  man.  Had  the 
Christ  been  only  man  He  would  not  have 
quickened  the  dead,  and  if  He  had  been  only 
God,  He  would  not  on  His  own  account 
apart  from  tiie  Father  have  quickened  any 
of  the  dead.  But  Christ  did  both  ;  the 
same  being  is  both  God  and  man.  If  the 
Christ    had   been    only  man    He  w^ould    not 


have  saved  the  world  ;  if  He  had  been  only 
God  He  would  not  have  saved  it  through 
suffering,  but  Christ  did  both,  so  He  is  God 
and  man.  If  the  Christ  had  been  only  man 
or  if  only  God  He  could  not  have  been  a 
Mediator  between  men  and  God." 

And  a  little  further  on  :  — 

•■'Now  flesh  is  an  instrument  of  life  fitted 
to  the  capacity  for  suffering  in  accordance 
with  the  divine  will.  Words  are  not  proper 
to  the  Flesh,  nor  are  deeds.  Being  made 
subject  to  the  capacity  for  suffering,  as  is 
natural  to  the  flesh,  it  prevails  over  the  suffer- 
ing because  it  is  the  flesh  of  God." 

And  again  a  little  further  on  :  — 

"The  Son  took  flesh  of  the  Virgin  and 
travelled  to  the  world.  This  flesh  He  filled 
with  the  Holy  Ghost  to  the  sanctification  of 
us  all.  So  He  delivered  death  to  death  and 
destroyed  death  through  the  resurrection  to 
the  raising  of  us  all." 

From  his  tract  concerning  the  faith  :  — 

"  Since  the  passions  are  concerned  with  the 
flesh  His  power  possessed  its  own  impas- 
sibility, so  to  refer  the  passion  to  the  power 
is  an  impious  error." 

And  in  his  tract  about  the  incarnation  he 
further  writes  :  — 

"  Here  then  He  shews  that  it  was  the  same 
man  who  rose  from  the  dead  and  God  who 
reigns  overall  creation." 

You  see  now  that  one  of  the  professors  of 
vain  heresv  plainly  preaches  the  impassibility 
of  the  Godhead,  calls  the  body  a  temple,  and 
persists  in  maintaining  that  this  body  was 
raised  by  God  the  Word. 

Eran,  —  I  have  heard  and  I  am  astonished  ; 
and  I  am  really  ashamed  that  our  doctrines 
should  appear  less  tenable  than  the  innovation 
of  Apollinarius. 

Orth. — But  I  will  bring  you  a  witness 
from  yet  another  heretical  herd  distinctly 
preaching  the  impassibility  of  the  Godhead 
of  the  only  begotten. 

Eran. — Whom  do  you  mean? 

Orth.  —You  have  probably  heard  of 
Eusebius  the  Phoenician,  who  was  bishop  of 
Emesa  by  Lebanon. ^ 

Eran.  —  I  have  met  with  some  of  his 
writings,  and  found  him  to  be  a  supporter 
of  the  doctrines  of  Arius. 

Orth.  — Yes  ;  he  did  belong  to  that  sect, 
but  in  his  endeavour  to  prove  that  the  Father 
was  greater  than  the  only  begotten  he  declares 
the  Godhead  of  the  depreciated  Son  to  be  im- 

1  Eusebius,  bishop  of  Emesa  (now  Hems,  where  Heliogaba- 
lus  received  the  purple,  and  Aurelian  defeated  Zenobia)  c. 
341-359  is  called  by  Jerome  "  Signifer  Ariavce  factionis.'' 
Chron.  sub  ann.  x  Const;intii.  Theodoret  also  mentions  writ- 
ings  of  his  against  Apelles  (Ilivr.  fab.  i.  25.) 


DIALOGUES. 


243 


passible    and   for  this  opinion  he  contended 
with  long  and    extraordinary  perseverance. 

Eran.  —  I  should  be  very  much  obliged 
if  you  would  quote  his  words  too. 

Orth.  —  To  comply  with  your  wish  I 
will  adduce  somewhat  longer  evidence.  Now 
listen  to  what  he  says,  and  fancy  that  the 
man  himself  is  addressingr  us. 

Testiinoiiy  of  Eusebius  of  Einesa  :  — 

''  Wherefore  does  he  fear  death?  Lest  he 
suffer  anything  from  death?  For  what  was 
death  to  Him  ?  Was  it  not  the  severance  of 
the  power  from  the  flesh?  Did  the  power 
receive  a  nail  that  it  should  fear?  If  our 
soul  suffers  not  the  body's  infirmities  when 
united  with  it,  but  the  eye  grows  blind  and  yet 
the  mind  retains  its  force  ;  and  a  foot  is  cut 
•off  and  yet  the  reasoning  power  does  not 
halt — and  this  nature  evidences,  and  the  Lord 
sets  His  seal  on,  in  the  words  '  Fear  not 
them  which  kill  the  bodv  but  are  not  able  to 
kill  the  soul '  (and  if  they  cannot  kill  the  soul, 
it  is  not  because  they  do  not  wish,  but 
because  they  are  not  able,  though  they  would 
like  to  make  the  soul  share  the  suffering  of 
the  body  yoked  with  it)  — shall  He  who 
created  the  soul  and  formed  the  body  suffer 
^s  the  body  suffers,  although  He  does  take 
upon  Himself  the  body's  sufferings?  But 
Christ  suffered  for  us,  and  we  lie  not. 
'  And  the  bread  that  I  will  give  is  my 
flesh.'  1     This  He  gave  for  us. 

"  That  which  can  be  mastered  was  mas- 
tered ;  that  which  can  be  crucified  was  cru- 
cified, but  He  that  had  power  alike  to  dwell 
in  it  and  to  leave  it  said  '  Father  into  thy 
hands  I  commend  my  Spirit,'^  not  into  the 
hands  of  them  who  were  trying  to  hasten 
His  death.  I  am  not  fond  of  controversy  ;  I 
rather  avoid  it ;  with  all  gentleness  I  wish  to 
enquire  into  the  points  at  issue  between  us 
as  between  brothers.  Do  not  I  say  truly 
that  the  power  could  not  be  subject  to  the 
sufferings  of  the  flesh  ?  I  say  nothing ;  let 
him  who  will  say  what  the  power  suffered. 
Did  it  fail?  See  the  danger.  Was  it  ex- 
tinct? See  the  blasphemy.  Did  it  no  longer 
exist?  This  is  the  death  of  power.  Tell 
me  what  can  so  master  it  that  it  suffered  and 
I  withdraw.  But,  if  you  cannot  tell  me. 
why  do  you  object  to  my  not  telling  you  ? 
What  you  cannot  tell  me,  that  it  did  not 
receive.  Drive  a  nail  into  a  soul  and  I  will 
admit  that  it  can  be  driven  into  power.  But 
it  was  in  sympathy.  Tell  me  what  you 
mean  by  '  in  sympathy.'  As  a  nail  went 
into  the  flesh,  so  pain  into  the  power.  Let 
us    understand    '  was    in    sympathy '  in    this 


1  John  vi.  51. 


2  Luke  xxiii,  46. 


sense.  Then  pain  was  felt  by  the  power 
which  was  not  smitten.  For  pain  always 
follows  on  sufiering.  But  if  a  body  often 
despises  pain  while  the  mind  is  sound,  on 
account  of  the  vigour  of  its  thought,  then  in 
this  case  let  some  one  explain  impartially 
what  suffered  and  what  sufiered  with  or  was 
in  sympathy.  What  then?  Did  not  Christ 
die  for  us?  How  did  He  die?  'Father, 
into  thy  hands  I  commend  my  Spirit.'  ^  The 
Spirit  departed  ;  the  body  remained ;  the 
body  remained  without  breath.  Did  He  not, 
die  then?  He  died  for  us.  The  Shepherd 
offered  the  sheep,  the  Priest  offered  the  sac- 
rifice. He  gave  Himself  for  us.  '  He  that 
spared  not  His  own  Son  but  delivered  Him 
up  for  us  all.' ^  I  do  not  reject  the  words, 
but  I  want  the  meaning  of  the  words.  The 
Lord  says  that  the  bread  of  God  came  down 
from  Heaven,^  and  though  I  cannot  ex- 
press it  more  clearly  on  account  of  the 
mysteries,  He  says  in  explanation  '  It  is  my. 
flesh.'  Did  the  flesh  of  the  Son  come 
down  from  heaven  ?  No.  How  then  does 
He  say,  and  that  in  explanation,  the  bread  of 
God  lives  and  came  down  from  Heaven  ? 
He  refers  the  properties  of  the  power  to  the 
flesh,  because  the  power  which  assumed  the 
flesh  came  down  from  heaven.  Change  the 
terms  then  ;  He  refers  to  the  power  what 
the  flesh  suflers.  How  did  Christ  sufler 
for  us?  He  was  spat  upon,  He  w^as  smitten 
on  the  cheek,  they  put  a  crown  about  His 
brow.  His  hands  and  feet  were  pierced. 
All  these  sufferings  were  of  the  body,  but 
they  are  referred  to  Him  that  dwelt  therein. 
Throw  a  stone  at  the  Emperor's  statue. 
What  is  the  cry  ?  '  You  have  insulted  the 
Emperor.'  Tear  the  Emperor's  robe.  What 
is  the  cry?  'You  have  rebelled  against  the 
Emperor.'  Crucify  Christ's  body.  What 
is  the  cry?  'Christ  died  for  us.'  But 
what  need  of  me  and  thee  ?  Let  us  go  to 
the  Evangelists.  How  have  you  received 
from  the  Lord  how  the  Lord  died?  They 
read  '  Father  into  thy  hands  I  commend  my 
Spirit."*  The  Spirit  on  high,  the  body  on 
the  Cross  for  us.  So  far  as  His  body  is 
attributed  to  Himself  He  offered  the  sheep." 
Of  the  §ame  from  the  same  book  :  — 
"  He  came  to  save  our  nature  ;  not  to  de- 
stroy His  own.  If  I  consent  to  say  that  a 
camel  flies,  you  directly  count  it  strange, 
because  it  does  not  fit  in  with  its  nature ; 
and  you  are  quite  right.  And  if  I  say  that 
men  live  in  the  sea  you  will  not  accept  it; 
vou  are  quite  right.  It  is  contrary  to  nature. 
As  then  if  I  say  strange    things  about  these 


1  Luke  xxiii.  46. 
8  Romans  viii.  32. 


3  John  vi.  51. 

*  Luke  xxiii.  46. 


244 


THEODORET. 


natures  you  count  it  strange  ;  if  I  say  that 
the  Power  which  was  before  the  ages,  by 
nature  incorporeal,  in  dignity  impassible, 
which  exists  with  the  Father  ancl  by  the 
Father's  side,  on  His  right  hand  and  in  glory, 
if  I  say  that  this  incorporeal  nature  suffers, 
will  you  not  stop  your  ears?  If  you  will  not 
stop  your  ears  when  you  hear  this,  I  shall 
stop  my  heart.  Can  we  do  anything  to  an 
angel?  Smite  him  with  a  sword?  Or  cut 
him  in  pieces?  Why  do  I  say  to  an  angel? 
Can  we  to  a  soul  ?  Does  a  soul  receive 
a*nail?  A  soul  is  neither  cut  nor  burnt. 
Do  you  ask  why?  Because  it  was  so  cre- 
ated. Are  His  works  impassible  and  He 
Himself  passible?  I  do  not  reject  the  oecon- 
omy  ;  on  the  contrary,  I  welcome  the  ill-treat- 
ment. Christ  died  for  us  and  was  crucified. 
So  it  is  written;  so  the  nature  admitted.  I 
do  not  blot  out  the  words  nor  do  I  blaspheme 
the  nature.  But  this  is  not  true.  Very 
well,  then  let  something  truer  be  said.  The 
teacher  is  a  benefactor,  never  harsh,  never 
an  enemy,  unless  the  pupil  be  headstrong. 
Have  you  anything  good  to  say  ?  My  ears 
are  gratefully  open.  Does  any  one  want  to 
quarrel?  Let  him  quarrel  at  his  leisure. 
Could  the  Jews  crucify  the  Son  of  God  and 
make  the  power  itself  a  dead  body  ?  Can 
the  living  die?  The  death  of  this  power  is 
its  failure.  Even  wdien  we  die,  our  body  is 
left.  But  if  we  make  that  power  a  dead 
body  we  reduce  it  to  non-existence.  I  am 
afraid  you  cannot  hear.  If  the  body  die, 
the  soul  is  separated  from  it  and  remains  ; 
but  if  the  soul  die,  since  it  has  no  body,  it 
altogether  ceases  to  exist.  A  soul  by  dying 
altogether  ceases  to  be.  For  the  death  of  the 
immortals  is  a  contradiction  of  their  existence. 
Consider  the  alternative  ;  for  I  do  not  dare 
even  to  mention  it.  We  say  these  things  as 
we  understand  them,  but  if  anyone  is  conten- 
tious, we  lay  down  no  law.  But  I  know  one 
thing,  that  every  man  must  reap  the  fruit  of 
his  opinions.  Each  man  comes  to  God  and 
brings  before  Him  what  he  has  said  and 
thought  about  Him.  Do  not  suppose  that 
God  reads  books,  or  is  troubled  by  having  to 
recollect  wdiat  you  said  or  who  heard  you  : 
all  is  made  manifest,     The  judge  is  on  the 


throne.  Paulus  ^  is  brought  before  Him. 
'  Thou  saidst  I  was  a  man  ;  thou  hast  no 
life  with  Me.  Thou  knewest  not  Me ;  I 
know  not  thee.'  Up  comes  another.  '  Thou 
saidst  I  was  one  of  the  things  that  are  cre- 
ated.^ Thou  knewest  not  My  dignity ;  I 
know"  not  thee.'  Up  comes  another.  '  Thou 
saidst  that  I  did  not  assume  a  body.  Thou 
madest  light  of  My  grace.  Thou  shalt  not 
share  My  immortality.'  Up  comes  another. 
'  Thou  saidst  that  I  was  not  born  of  a  Vir- 
gin to  save  the  body  of  the  Virgin  ;  thou 
shalt  not  be  saved.'  Each  one  reaps  the 
fruit  of  his  opinions  about   the  faith." 

You  see  the  other  sect  of  your  teachers,  in 
which  you  supposed  that  you  had  learnt  the 
suffering  of  the  Godhead  of  the  only  Be- 
gotten, abhors  this  blasphemy,  preaches 
the  impassibility  of  the  Godhead,  and  quits 
the  ranks  of  them  who  dare  to  attribute  the 
passion  to  it. 

Eran.  — Yes  ;  I  am  astonished  at  the  con- 
flict, and  I  admire  the  man's  sense  and 
opinions. 

Orth. — Then,  my  good  Sir,  imitate  the 
bees.  As  you  flit  in  mental  flight  about  the 
meads  of  the  divine  Scripture,  among  the  fair 
flowers  of  these  illustrious  Fathers,  build 
us  in  your  heart  the  honey-comb  of  the  faith. 
If  haply  you  find  anywhere  herbage  bitter 
and  not  fit  to  eat,  like  these  fellows  Apolli- 
narius  and  Eusebius,  but  still  not  quite  with- 
out something  that  may  be  meet  for  making 
honey,  it  is  reasonable  that  you  should  sip 
the  sweet  and  leave  the  poisonous  behind, 
like  bees  who  lighting  often  on  baneful 
bushes  leave  all  the  deadly  bane  behind  and 
gather  all  the  good.  We  give  you  this 
advice,  dear  friend,  in  brotherly  kindness. 
Receive  it  and  you  will  do  well.  And  if  you 
hearken  not  we  will  say  to  you  in  the  word 
of  the  apostle  "We  are  pure."  "^  We  have 
spoken,  as  the  prophet  says,  what  we  have 
been  commanded. 

1  i.e.  Paul  of  Samosata. 

2  Twi'  hvTuiv  in  the  original;  lit:  of  the  things  that  are, 
which  might  have  an  orthodox  interpretation,  tho'  strictly- 
speaking  there  is  no  such  thing  as  "  to  oi',"  there  is  only 
"  6  luv,"  i.e.  God.  But  Schulze  is  no  doubt  right  in  explain- 
ing Twv  oi/Twv  here  to  refer  to  created  things. 

3  Acts  XX.  26. 


DEMONSTRATIONS    BY    SYLLOGISMS. 

THAT    GOD    THE    WORD    IS    IMMUTABLE. 


1.  We  have  confessed  one  substance  of 
the  Father,  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  and  have  agreed  that  it  is  immutable. 
If  then  there  is  one  substance  of  the  Trinity, 
and  it  is  immutable,  then  the  only  begotten 
Son,  who  is  one  person  of  the  Trinity,  is  im- 
mutable. And,  if  He  is  immutable,  He  was 
not  made  flesh  by  mutation,  but  is  said  to 
have  been  made  flesh  after  taking  flesh. 

2.  If  God  the  Word  was  made  flesh  by 
undergoing  mutation  into  flesh,  then  He  is 
not  immutable.  For  no  one  in  his  senses 
would  call  that  which  undergoes  alteration 
immutable.  And  if  He  is  mutable  He  is  not 
of  one  substance  with  Him  that  begat  Him. 
How  indeed  is  it  possible  for  one  part  of 
an  uncompounded  substance  to  be  mut- 
able and  the  other  immutable?  If  we  grant 
this  we  shall  fall  headlong  into  the  blasphemy 
of  Arius  and  Eunomius,  who  assert  that  the 
Son  is  of  another  substance. 

3.  If  the  Lord  is  consubstantial  with  the 
Father,  and  the  Son  was  made  flesh  by 
undergoing  change  into  flesh,  then  the  sub- 
stance is  at  once  mutable  and  immutable, 
which  blasphemy  if  any  one  has  the  hardi- 
hood to  maintain,  he  will  no  doubt  make  it 
worse  by  his  blasphemy  against  the  Father, 
for  inasmuch  as  the  Father  shares  the  same 
substance,  he  will  assuredly  call  Him  mut- 
able. 

4.  It  is  written  in  the  divine  Scriptures 
that  God  the  Word  took  flesh,  and  also  a 
soul.  And  the  most  divine  Evangelist  says 
the  Word  was  made  flesh.  1  We  must  there- 
fore perforce  do  one  of  two  things  :  either  we 
must  admit  the  mutation  of  the  Word  into 
flesh,  and  reject  all  divine  Scripture,  both  Old 
and  New,  as  teaching  lies,  or  in  obedience  to 
the  divine  Scripture,  we  must  confess  the 
assumption  of  the  flesh,  banishing  mutation 
from  our  thoughts,  and  piously  regarding  the 
word  of  the  Evangelist.  This  latter  we  must 
do  inasmuch  as  we  confess  the  nature  of  God 
the  Word  to  be  immutable,  and  have  count- 
less testimonies  to  the  assumption  of  tlie 
flesh. 

!^.  That  which  inhabits  a  tabernacle  is 
distinct  from  the  tabernacle  which  is  inhab- 
ited.^ The  Evangelist  calls  the  flesh  a  taber- 
nacle, and  savs    that  God  the  Word   taber- 


■•  John  i.  14. 


2  (TKyjvovv  and  (TKrjvovfjievov, 


nacled  therein.  "The  Word,"  he  says, 
"was  made  flesh  and  dwelt  amongus."  '  Now 
if  He  was  made  flesh  by  mutation.  He  did 
not  dwell  in  flesh»  But  we  have  been 
taught  that  He  dwelt  in  flesh  ;  for  the  same 
Evangelist  in  another  place  calls  His  body  a 
temple.^  We  must  therefore  believe  the 
Evangelist's  explanation  and  interpretation 
of  what  to  some  seemed  ambiguous. 

6.  If  when  the  Evangelist  wrote  "  the 
Woi'd  was  made  flesh  "  he  had  added  no- 
thing which  could  remove  the  ambiguity,  per- 
haps the  controversy  about  the  passage  might 
have  had  some  reasonable  excuse,  fiiom  the 
obscurity  of  the  terms  used.  But  since  he 
immediately  went  on  to  say  "  and  dwelt  in 
us,"  the  combatants  contend  to  no  purpose. 
The  former  clause  is  explained  by  the  latter. 

7.  The  immutability  of  God  the  Word  is 
plainly  proclaimed  by  the  most  wise  Evan- 
gelist, for  after  saying  "  the  Word  was  made 
flesh  and  dwelt  among  us,"  he  immediately 
adds,  "  And  we  beheld  His  glory,  the  glory 
as  of  the  only-begotten  of  the  Father,  full 
of  grace  and  truth."  ^  But  if,  according  to 
the  foolish,  He  had  undergone  mutation  into 
flesh,  He  would  not  have  remained  what 
He  was,  but  if  even  when  enveloped  in  the 
flesh  He  emitted  the  rays  of  His  Father's 
nobility,  it  follows  that  the  nature  which  He 
has  is  immutable,  and  it  shines  even  in  the 
body  and  sends  abroad  the  brightness  of  the 
nature  which  is  unseen.  For  that  light  noth- 
ing can  dim.  "  For  the  light  shineth  in  the 
darkness,  and  the  darkness  comprehendeth 
it  not,"  *  as  saith  the  very  divine  John. 

8.  The  illustrious  Evangelist  was  desirous 
of  explaining  the  glory  of  the  only-begotten, 
but  was  unable  to  carry  out  his  purpose.  He 
therefore  shews  it  by  His  fellowship  with  the 
Father.  For  he  savs  He  is  of  that  nature  ; 
just  as  though  any  one  to  persons  beholding 
Joseph  sunk  in  a  slavery  inconsistent  with 
his  rank,  and  unaware  of  the  splendour  of  his 
descent,  were  to  point  out  that  Jacob  was  his 
father,  and  his  forefather  Abraham.  So  in 
this  sense  the  Evangelist  said  that  when  He 
dwelt  among  us  He  did  not  dim  the  glory  of 
His  nature,  "For  we  beheld  His  glory,  the 

1  John  i.  14.  The  argument  rather  requires  the  rendering 
"  dwelt  t'n  us,"  which  is  that  of  the  Rheims  Version.  "In 
nobis  qui  caro  sumus."     Bengel.     But  see  Alford  in  loc. 

2  John  ii.  19.  3  John  i.  14.  *  John  i.  5. 


246 


THEODORET. 


glory  as  of  the  only-begotten  of  the  Father." 
So  if  even  when  He  was  made  flesh  it  was 
plain  who  He  was,  then  He  remained  who 
he  was,  and  did  not  undergo  the  mutation 
into  flesh. 

9.  We  have  confessed  that  God  the  Word 
took  not  a  body  only  but  also  a  soul.  Why 
then  did  the  divine  Evangelist  omit  in  this 
place  mention  of  the  soul  and  mention  the 
flesh  alone?  Is  it  not  plain  that  he  exhibited 
the  visible  nature  and  by  its  means  signified 
the  nature  united  to  it?  For  the  mention  of 
the  soul  is  understood  of  course  in  that  of  the 
flesh.  For  when  we  hear  the  prophet  saying 
''  Let  all  flesh  bless  His  holy  name,"  ^  we 
do  not  understand  the  prophet  to  be  exhorting 
bodies  of  flesh  without  souls,  but  believe  the 
whole  to  be  summoned  to  give  praise  in  the 
summoning  of  a  part. 

10.  The  words  "  the  Word  was  made 
flesh  "  are  plainly  indicative  not  of  mutation, 
but  of  His  unspeakable  loving-kindness.  For 
after  the  illustrious  Evangelist  had  said  "  in 
the  beginning  was  the  Word,  and  the  Word 
was  with  God  and  the  Word  was  God,"  and 
had  declared  Him  to  be  Creator  of  the  visible 
and  invisible,  and  had  called  Him  life  and 
true  light,  adding  other  similar  expressions, 
and  had  spoken  concerning  the  Godhead  in 
such  terms  as  human  reason  can  take  in  and 
the  language  at  its  command  can  express,  he 
went  on  "  And  the  Word  was  made  flesh," 
as  though  smitten  with  amazement  and  as- 
tounded at  the  boundless  loving-kindness. 
His  existence  is  eternal ;  He  is  God ;  He 
made  all  things ;  He  is  source  of  eternal  life 
and  of  true  light ;  and  on  account  of  the 
salvation  of  men  He  put  about  Him  the 
tabernacle  of  flesh.  And  He  was  supposed 
to  be  only  that  which  He  appeared.  So  for 
this  reason  he  did  not  even  mention  a  soul 
but  only  the  perishable  and  mortal  flesh.  Ot 
the  soul  as  being  immortal  he  said  nothing 
in  order  to  exhibit  the  boundlessness  of  the 
kindness. 

11.  The  divine  Apostle  calls ^  the  Lord 
Christ  seed  of  Abraham,  But  if  this  is  true, 
as  true  it  is,  then  God  the  Word  was  not 
changed  into  flesh,  but  took  on  Him  the  seed 
of  Abraham,  according  to  the  teaching  of  the 
Apostle  himself. 

12.  God  swore  to  David  that  of  the  fruit 
of  his  loins,  according  to  the  flesh,  He 
would  raise  up  the  Christ,  as  the  prophet  ^ 
said  and  as  the  great  Peter  interpreted."*  But 
if  God  the  Word  was  called  Christ  after 
mutation  into  flesh,  we  shall  nowhere  find 
the   truth   in   the  oaths.     Yet  we  have  been 


i  Ps.  cxlv.  21. 
*  Hebrews  ii.  16. 


3  Psalm  cxxxii,  n, 
*  Acts  ii.  30. 


taught  that  God  cannot  lie ;  nay  rather  is 
Himself  the  truth.  Therefore  God  the 
Word  did  not  undergo  change  into  flesh,, 
but  in  accordance  with  the  promise,  took 
firstfruits  of  David's  seed. 

PROOFS    THAT    THE    UNION    WAS 
WITHOUT   CONFUSION. 

1.  Those  who  believe  that  after  the  union 
there  was  one  nature  both  of  Godhead  and 
of  manhood,  destroy  by  this  reasoning  the 
peculiarities  of  the  natures  ;  and  their  de- 
struction involves  denial  of  either  nature. 
For.  the  confusion  of  the  united  natures  pre- 
vents us  from  recognising  either  that  flesh  is 
flesh  or  that  God  is  God.  But  if  even  after 
the  union  the  difierence  of  the  united  natures- 
is  clear,  it  follows  that  there  is  no  confusion 
and  that  the  union  is  without  confusion. 
And  if  this  is  confessed  then  the  Master 
Christ  is  not  one  nature,  but  one  Son  shew- 
ing either  nature  unimpaired. 

2.  We  too  assert  the  union,  and  ourselves 
confess  that  it  took  place  at  the  conception  ;  if 
then  by  the  union  the  natures  were  mixed 
and  confounded,  how  was  the  flesh  after  the 
birth  not  seen  to  possess  any  new  quality,  but 
exhibited  the  human  character,  preserved  the 
dimensions  of  the  babe,  was  wrapped  in 
swaddling  clothes,  and  sucked  a  mother's 
breast?  And  if  all  this  did  not  come  to  pass 
in  mere  phantasy  and  seeming,  then  they 
admit  of  neither  phantasy  nor  seeming ;, 
then  what  was  seen  was  truly  a  body.  And 
if  this  be  granted  then  the  natures  were  not 
confounded  by  the  union,  but  each  remained 
unimpaired. 

3.  The  authors  of  this  patchwork  and 
incongruous  heresy  at  one  time  assert  that 
God  the  Word  was  made  flesh,  and  at  another 
declare  that  the  flesh  vmderwent  a  change 
into  nature  of  Godhead.  Either  statement 
is  futile  and  vain  and  full  of  falsehood,  for  if 
God  the  Word,  as  they  argue,  was  made 
flesh,  why  then  do  they  call  Him  God,  and 
this  alone,  and  refuse  to  name  Him  man  as 
well,  and  find  great  fault  with  us  who  in  addi- 
tion to  confessing  Him  as  God  also  call  Him 
man?  But  if  the  flesh  was  changed  into  the 
nature  of  Godhead,  wherefore  do  they  substi- 
tute the  antitypes  of  the  body  ?  For  the  type 
is  superfluous  when  the  reality  is  destroyed. 

4.  An  incorporeal  nature  is  not  corporeally 
circumcised,  but  the  word  corporeally  is  added 
on  account  of  the  spiritual  circumcision  of  the 
heart ;  so  then  the  circumcision  is  of  a  body ; 
but  the  Master  Christ  is  circumcised  after  the 
union.  And  if  this  is  granted  then  the 
argument  of  the  confusion  is  confuted. 


DEMONSTRATIONS    BY    SYLLOGISMS. 


247 


5.  We  have  learnt  that  the  Saviour  Christ 
hungered  and  thirsted,  and  we  have  believed 
that  this  was  so  really  and  not  in  seeming,  but 
such  conditions  belong  not  to  a  bodiless 
nature  but  to  a  body.  The  Master  Christ 
then  had  a  body  which  before  the  resurrec- 
tion was  affected  according  to  its  nature. 
And  to  this  the  divine  Apostle  bears  testimony 
when  he  says  ''  For  we  have  not  an  High 
Priest  which  cannot  be  touched  with  the 
feeling  of  our  infirmities  but  was  in  all 
points  tempted  like  as  we  are  yet  without 
sin."  1  For  the  sin  is  not  of  the  nature  but 
of  the  evil  will.^ 

6.  Of  the  divine  nature  the  prophet 
David  says,  '^  Behold  He  that  keepeth 
Israel  shall  neither  slumber  nor  sleep."  ^  But 
the  narrative  of  the  Evangelist  describes  the 
Master  Christ  as  sleeping  in  the  boat.  Now 
not  sleeping  and  being  asleep  are  two  con- 
trary ideas,  so  the  prophet  contradicts  the 
Gospels  if,  as  they  argue,  the  Master  Christ 
was  God  alone.  There  is  no  contradiction, 
for  both  prophecies  and  gospels  flow  from 
one  and  the  same  spirit.  The  Master  Christ 
therefore  had  a  body,  akin  to  all  other  bodies, 
affected  by  the  need  of  sleep.  So  the  argu- 
ment for  the  confusion  is  proved  a  fable. 

7.  'Of  the  divine  nature  the  prophet 
Isaiah  said,  "He  shall  neither  be  hungry  nor 


weary 


and    so    on.       But    the  Evanofelist 


says  "Jesus  being  wearv  with  his  journey 
sat  thus  on  the  well ;  "  "  and  "  shall  not  be 
weary"  is  contrary  to  "being  weary." 
Therefore  the  prophecy  is  contrary  to  the 
narrative  of  the  gospels.  But  they  are  not 
contrary,  for  both  are  of  one  God.  Not 
being  weary  is  of  the  uncircumscribed 
nature  which  fills  all  things.  But  moving 
from  place  to  place  is  of  the  circumscribed 
nature  ;  and  when  that  which  moves  is  con- 
strained to  travel  it  is  subject  to  the  weariness 
of  the  wayfarer.  Therefore  what  walked 
and  was  weary  was  a  body,  for  the  union  did 
not  confound  the  natures. 

8.  To  the  divine  Paul  when  shut  up  in 
prison  the  Master  Christ  said  "Be  not  afraid 
Paul"  ^  and  so  on.  But  the  same  Christ, 
who  drove  away  Paul's  fear.  Himself  so 
feared,  as  testifies  the  blessed  Luke  that 
He  sweated  from  all  His  body  drops  of 
blood,  and  with  them  sprinkled  all  the 
ground  about  His  body,  and  was  strength- 
ened by  angelic  succour,'  and  these  state- 
ments   are    opposed    to     one    another,     for 

1  Hebrews  iv.  15.     2  cf.  note  on  page  164.    ^  Psalm  cxxi.  4. 

*  Isaiah  xl.  2S.  Ixx.  •''John  iv.6. 

6  When  Paul  \vas  brought  into  the  castle  the  Lord  stood  by 
him  and  said,  "Be  of  good  cheer  Paul"  (Acts  xxiii.  11.) 
"Fear  not  Paul  "  was  said  when  he  was  being  exceedingly 
tossed  in  the  tempest  (Acts  xxvii.  24). 

■  Luke  xxii.  44. 


how  can  fearing  be  other  than  contrary  to 
driving  away  fear  ?  Yet  they  are  not  con- 
trary. For  the  same  Christ  is  by  nature  God 
and  man  ;  as  God  He  strengthens  them  that 
need  consolation  ;  as  man  He  receives  consol- 
ation through  an  angel.  And  although  the 
Godhead  and  the  Spirit  were  present  as  an 
anointing,  the  body  and  the  soul  were  not 
then  supported  either  by  the  Godhead  united 
to  them  or  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  but  this  ser- 
vice was  entrusted  to  an  angel  in  order  to  ex- 
hibit the  infirmity  both  of  the  soul  and  of 
the  body  and  that  through  the  infirmity  might 
be  seen  the  natures  of  the  infirm.  Now  these 
things  plainly  happened  by  the  permission  of 
the  divine  nature,  that,  among  them  that  were 
to  live  in  future  times,  believers  in  the  as- 
sumption of  the  soul  and  of  the  body  might  be 
vindicated  by  these  demonstrations,  and  their 
opponents  by  plain  proof  convicted.  If  then 
the  union  was  effected  by  the  conception,  and, 
as  they  argue,  made  both  natures  one,  how 
could  the  properties  of  the  natures  continue 
imimpaired,  the  soul  agonize,  and  the  body 
sweat  so  as  to  sweat  bloody  drops  from  excess 
of  fear?  But  if  the  one  is  natural  to  the  body 
and  the  other  to  the  soul,  then  the  union  did 
not  effect  one  nature  of  flesh  and  Godhead, 
but  one'Son  appeared  shewing  forth  in  Him- 
self both  the  human  and  the  divine. 

9.  Should  they  say  that  after  the  re- 
surrection the  body  underwent  mutation 
into  Godhead  they  may  properly  be 
answered  thus.  Even  after  the  resurrec- 
tion the  body  was  seen  circumscribed  with 
hands  and  feet  and  all  the  body's  parts ; 
it  was  tangible  and  visible  ;  it  had  wounds 
and  scars,  as  it  had  before  the  resurrec- 
tion. One  then  of  two  alternatives  must 
be  maintained.  Either  these  parts  must  be 
attributed  to  the  divine  nature,  if  the  body 
when  changed  into  the  divine  nature  had 
these  parts  ;  or  on  the  other  hand  it  must  be 
confessed  that  the  body  remained  within  the 
bounds  of  its  own  nature.  Now  the  divine 
nature  is  simple  and  incomposite,  but  the  body 
is  composite  and  divided  into  many  parts  ; 
therefore  it  was  not  changed  into  the  nature 
of  Godhead,  but  even  after  the  resurrection 
though  immortal,  incorruptible  and  full  of 
divine  glory,  it  remains  a  body  with  its  own 
circumscription. 

10.  To  the  unbelieving  apostles  the  Lord 
after  His  resurrection  shewed  His  hands, 
His  feet,  and  the  prints  of  the  nails;  then 
further  to  teach  them  that  what  tliey  saw 
was  not  a  vision  He  added  "  a  spirit  hath 
not   flesh   and  bones  as   ye  see   me   have."  ^ 


1  Luke  xxiv.  39. 


248 


THEODORET. 


Therefore  the  body  was  not  changed  into 
spirit  it  was  flesh  and  bones  and  hands  and 
feet.  Consequently  even  after  the  resur- 
rection the  body  remained  a  body. 

11.  The  divine  nature  is  invisible,  but 
the  thrice  blessed  Stephen  said  that  he  saw 
the  Lord,^  so  even  after  the  resurrection  the 
Lord's  body  is  a  body,  and  it  was  seen  by 
the  victorious  Stephen,  since  the  divine 
nature  cannot  be  seen. 

12.  If  all  mankind  shall  see  the  Son  of 
man  coming  on  the  clouds  of  heaven,  ac- 
cording to  the  Lord's  own  words,^  and  He 
said  to  Moses  "No  man  shall  see  me  and 
live,"  ^  and  both  are  true,  then  He  will  come 
with  the  body  with  which  He  ascended  into 
heaven.  For  that  body  is  visible,  and  of 
this  the  angel  spoke  to  the  Apostles  "  This 
same  Jesus  which  is  taken  up  from  you  into 
Heaven  shall  so  come  in  like  manner  as  ye 
have  seen  Him  go  into  Heaven."  ^  If  this 
is  true,  as  true  it  is,  then  there  is  not  one 
nature  of  flesh  and  Godhead,  but  the  union 
is  without  confusion. 


PROOF  THAT  THE  DIVINITY  OF  THE 
SAVIOUR   IS   IMPASSIBi^E. 

1.  Alike  by  the  divine  Scripture  and  by 
the  holy  Fathers  assembled  at  Nic^ea  we  have 
been  taught  to  confess  that  the  Son  is  of  one 
substance  with  God  the  Father.  The  im- 
passibility of  the  Father  is  also  taught  by  the 
nature  and  proclaimed  by  the  divine  Script- 
ure. We  shall  then  further  confess  the  Son 
to  be  impassible,  for  this  definition  is  en- 
forced by  the  identity  of  substance.  When- 
ever then  we  hear  the  divine  Scripture 
proclaiming  the  cross  and  the  death  of  the 
Master  Christ  we  attribute  the  passion  to  the 
flesh,  for  in  no  wise  is  the  Godhead,  being  by 
nature  impassible,  capable  of  suffering. 

2.  "  All  things  that  the  Father  hath  are 
mine"  ^  says  the  Master  Christ,  and  one  out 
of  all  is  impassibility.  If  therefore  as  God 
He  is  impassible,  He  suffered  as  man. 
For  the  divine  nature  does  not  undergo 
suffering. 

3.  The  Lord  said  "  the  bread  which  I 
will  give  is  my  flesh  which  I  will  give  for 
the  life  of  the  world,"  ^  and  again  "  I  am  the 
good  shepherd  and  know  my  sheep  and  am 
known  of  mine  .  .  .  and  I  lay  down 
my  life  for  the  sheep."  ^  So  body  and  soul 
are  both  given  by  the  good  shepherd  for  the 
sheep  who  have  soul  and  body. 


1  Acts  vii.  55.  *  Acts  i.  II.  "John  vi.  51, 

2  Matt.  xxvi.  64.  •'' John  xvi.  15.        '  John  x.  14.  15. 
5  Exodus  xxxiii.  20. 


4.  The  nature  of  men  is  compounded  of 
body  and  soul.  But  it  sinned  and  stood  in 
need  of  a  sacrifice  free  from  every  spot.  So 
the  Creator  took  a  body  and  a  soul,  and 
keeping  them  clean  from  the  stains  of  sin 
for  men's  bodies  gave  His  body  and  for  their 
souls  His  soul.  If  this  is  true,  and  true  it  is, 
for  these  are  words  of  truth  itself,  then  wild 
and  blasphemous  are  they  who  ascribe  pas- 
sion to  the  divine  nature. 

5.  The  blessed  Paul  called  the  Christ 
''  the  first  born  of  the  dead  ; "  i  and  I  suppose 
the  first  born  has  the  same  nature  as  they  of 
whom  He  is  called  first  born.  As  man  then 
He  is  first  born  of  the  dead,  for  He  first 
destroyed  the  pangs  of  death  and  gave  to  all 
the  sweet  hope  of  another  life.  As  He  rose 
so  He  suffered.  As  man  then  He  suffered 
but  as  awful  God  He  remained  impassible. 

6.  The  divine  Apostle  calls  our  Saviour 
Christ  "the  firstfruits  of  them  that  slept," ^ 
but  the  firstfruits  are  related  to  the  whole 
whereof  they  are  firstfruits.  He  is  not  there- 
fore called  firstfruits  as  God,  for  what 
relationship  is  there  between  Godhead  and 
manhood.^  The  former  is  an  immortal 
nature,  the  latter  mortal.  Such  is  the  nature 
of  them  that  sleep,  of  whom  Christ  is  called 
firstfruits.  To  this  nature  belong  death  and 
resurrection,  and  in  its  resurrection  we  have 
a  proof  of  the  general  resurrection. 

7.  When  the  Master  Christ  wished  to  per- 
suade the  doubting  Apostles  that  He  had 
destroyed  death  and  risen.  He  shewed  them 
parts  of  His  body.  His  side.  His  hands.  His 
feet  and  the  marks  of  the  passion  preserved 
therein.  This  body  then  rose,  and  this,  I 
ween,  was  shown  to  the  disbelievers.  What 
rose  is  what  was  buried,  and  what  was  buried 
is  what  had  died,  and  what  had  died  is  of 
course  what  was  nailed  to  the  cross.  So 
the  divine  nature  united  to  the  body  re- 
mained impassible. 

8.  They  who  describe  the  flesh  of  the 
Lord  as  giver  of  life  make  life  itself  mortal 
by  their  words.  They  ought  to  have  seen 
that  it  was  giver  of  life  through  the  life 
united  to  it.  But  if  according  to  their 
argument  the  life  is  mortal,  how  could  the 
flesh  being  itself  by  nature  mortal,  and  made 
life-giving  through  the  life,  remain  life- 
giving.? 

9.  God  the  Word  is  by  nature  immortal, 
and  the  flesh  by  nature  mortal,  but  after  the 
passion  by  union  with  the  Word  the  flesh  it- 
self became  immortal.  How  then  is  it  not 
absurd  to  say  that  the  giver  of  such  im- 
mortalitv  shared  death.? 


1  Coloss.  i.  18. 


2  I.  Cor.  XV.  20. 


DEMONSTRATIONS    BY    SYLLOGISMS. 


249 


10.  They  who  maintain  that  God  the 
Word  suffered  in  the  flesh  should  be  asked 
the  meaning  of  what  they  say,  and  should 
they  have  the  hardihood  to  reply  that  when 
the  body  was  pierced  with  nails  the  divine 
nature  was  sensible  of  pain,  let  them  learn 
that  the  divine  nature  did  not  fill  the  part  of 
a  soul.  God  the  Word  had  assumed  a  soul 
with  the  body.  Should  they  reject  this 
argument  as  blasphemous,  and  should  they 
assert  that  the  flesh  suffered  by  nature,  and 
that  God  the  Word  made  the  passion  His 
own  as  of  His  own  flesh,  let  them  not  pro- 
pound puzzling  and  murky  phrases,  but  let 
them  clearly  propound  the  meaning  of  the  ill 
sounding  phrase.  They  will  have  all  those 
who  wish  to  follow  the  divine  Scripture  as 
their  supporters  in  this  interpretation. 

11.  The  divine  Peter  in  his  Catholic 
Epistle  says  that  Christ  suffered  in  the  flesh. ^ 
But  he  who  hears  that  Christ  suflered  does 
not  understand  God  the  Word  incorporeal, 
but  incarnate.  The  name  of  Christ  indi- 
cates both  natures;  but  the  word  "flesh" 
connected  with  the  passion  signifies  not  that 
both,  but  that  one  of  the  two,  suffered.  For 
he  that  hears  that  Christ  suffered  in  the 
flesh  thinks  of  Him  as  impassible  in  that 
He  was  God,  and  attributes  the  passion 
to  the  flesh  alone.  For  just  as  when  we 
hear  him  saying  that  God  had  sworn  to 
David  of  the  fruit  of  his  loins  according  ,to 
the  flesh  to  raise  up  the  Christ,  we  do  not 
say  that  God  the  Word  derived  His  origin 
from  David,  but  that  the  flesh  which  God 
the  Word  took  was  akin  to  David,  so  must 
he  who  hears  that  Christ  suffered  in  the 
flesh,  recognise  that  the  passion  belongs  to 
the  flesh,  and  confess  the  impassibility  of  the 
Godhead. 

12.  When  on  the  cross  the  Lord  Christ 
said,  "  Father  into  Thy  hands  I  commend 
my  spirit,"  ~  this  spirit  is  said  by  the  Arians 
and  the  Eunomians  to  be  the  Godhead  of  the 
only-begotten,  for  they  hold  that  the  body 
which  He  took  was  without  a  soul,  but  the 
heralds  of  the  truth  say  that  the  soul  was  so 
called  and  they  base  their  opinion  on  the 
following  passages.  The  right  wise  Evan- 
gelist immediately  adds  "  And  having  said 
thus  He  gave  up  the  ghost."  ^  So  says  Luke, 
and  the  blessed  Mark  similarly  adds  ''  He 
gave  up  the  ghost."  ^  The  divine  Matthew 
writes,  ''yielded  up  the  Ghost,"  "  and  the  di- 


1  I.  Pet.  i.  I.  3  Luke  xxiii.  46. 

2  Luke  xxiii.  46.    *  Mark  xv.  39. 


6  Matt,  x.xvii.  50. 


vine  John,  ''  gave  up  the  Ghost."  ^  All  speak 
according  to  the  usage  of  men,  for  we  are 
accustomed  to  use  alj  these  expressions  about 
those  who  die  ;  none  of  them  conveys  any 
meaning  of  Godhead,  but  they  all  signify  the 
soul,  and  if  any  one  were  to  receive  the 
Arian  sense  of  the  passage  none  the  less  even 
thus  will  it  shew  the  immortalitv  of  the 
divine  nature.  For  Christ  commended  it  to 
the  Father.  He  did  not  yield  it  to  death.  If 
then  they  that  deny  the  assumption  of  the 
soul,  and  maintain  God  the  Word  to  be  a 
creature,  and  assert  that  He  was  in  the  body 
in  place  of  a  soul,  deny  that  He  was  delivered 
to  death,  how  can  they  obtain  pardon  who 
while  they  confess  one  substance  of  the 
Trinity,  and  leave  the  soul  in  its  own  immor- 
tality, impudently  dare  to  say  that  God  the 
Word  of  one  substance  with  the  Father 
tasted  death  ? 

13.  If  Christ  is  both  God  and  man,  as 
the  divine  Scripture  teaches,  and  the  illus- 
trious Fathers  persistently  preached,  then 
He  suffered  as  man,  but  as  God  remained 
impassible. 

14.  If  they  acknowledge  the  assumption 
of  the  flesh,  and  declare  it  to  be  passible 
before  the  resurrection,  and  preach  that  the 
nature  of  the  Godhaad  is  impassible,  why, 
leaving  the  passible  nature,  do  they  attribute 
the  passion  to  the  impassible.^ 

15.  If  our  Lord  and  Saviour  nailed  the 
handwriting  to  the  cross,  as  says  the  divine 
Apostle,^  He  then  nailed  the  body,  for  on  his 
body  every  man  like  letters  marks  the  prints 
of  his  sins,  wherefore  on  behalf  of  sinners 
He  gave  up  the  body  that  was  free  from  all 
sin. 

16.  When  we  say  that  the  body  or  the 
flesh  or  the  manhood  suflered,  we  do  not  se- 
parate the  divine  nature,  for  as  it  was  united 
to  one  hungering,  thirsting,  aweary,  even 
asleep,  and  undergoing  the  passion,  itself 
afl^ected  by  none  of  these  but  permitting  the 
human  nature  to  be  aflected  in  its  own  way, 
so  it  was  conjoined  to  it  even  when  crucified, 
and  permitted  the  completion  of  the  passion, 
that  by  the  passion  it  might  destroy  death  ; 
not  indeed  receiving  pain  from  the  passion, 
but  making  the  passion  its  own,  as  of  its  own 
temple,  and  of  the  flesh  united  to  it,  on 
account  of  which  flesh  also  the  faithful  are 
called  members  of  Christ,  and  He  Himself 
is  stvled  the  head  of  them  that  believed. 


I  John  xix.  30. 


Col.  ii.  14. 


LETTERS  .  OF   THE    BLESSED    THEODORET, 

BISHOP    OF    CYRUS. 


/.     To  a?i  unkfiowji  correspondent. 

In  the  words  of  the  prophet  we  find  the  wise* 
hearer  mentioned  with  the  excellent  coun- 
cillor. ^  I,  however,  send  the  book  I  have 
written  on  the  divine  Apostle,  not  as  much  to 
a  wnse  hearer  as  to  a  just  and  clever  judge. 
When  goldsmiths  wish  to  find  out  if  their 
gold  is  refined  and  unalloyed,  they  apply  it 
to  the  touchstone ;  and  just  so  I  sent  my 
book  to  your  reverence,  for  I  wish  to  know 
whether  it  is  what  it  should  be,  or  needs 
some  fining  down.  You  have  read  it  and 
returned  it,  but  have  said  nothing  to  me  on 
this  point.  Your  silence  leads  me  to  con- 
jecture that  the  judge  has  given  sentence  of 
condemnation,  but  is  unwilling  to  hurt  my 
feelings  by  telling  me  so.  Pray  dismiss  any 
such  idea,  and  do  not  hesitate  to  tell  me 
your  opinion  about  the  book. 

//.      To  the  same. 

When  m.en  love  warmly,  I  doubt  whether 
in  the  case  of  the  children  of  those  whom 
they  love,  they  can  be  impartial  judges. 
Justice  is  carried  away  by  affection.  Fathers 
fancy  that  their  ugly  boys  are  beautiful,  and 
sons  do  not  see  the  uncomeliness  of  their 
fathers.  Brother  looks  at  brother  in  the 
light  of  affection  rather  than  of  nature.  It 
is  thus  that  I  am  afraid  vour  holiness  has 
judged  what  I  have  written,  and  that  the 
sentence  has  been  delivered  by  warmth  of 
feeling.  For  truly  the  power  of  love  is  very 
great,  and  not  seldom  it  keeps  out  of  sight 
considerable  errors  in  our  friends.  It  is  be- 
cause you  have  so  much  of  it,  my  dear 
friend,  that  you  have  wreathed  what  I  have 
written  with  your  kindly  praises.  All  I  can 
do  is  to  ask  your  piety  to  beseech  the  good 
Lord  to  ratify  your  eulogy,  and  make  the 
man  you  have  praised  something  like  the 
picture  painted  in  the  words  of  his  admirers. 

///.      To  Bishop  Irenceus.^ 

Comparisons  of  this  kind  are  forbidden 
by  the  divine  Apostle.  In  his  Epistle  to  the 
Romans    he    writes    "  Therefore   judge    no- 


^  Isaiah  iii.  3,  Sept. 

2  Irenseus,  Count  of  the  Empire  and  afterwards  bishop  of 
Tyre,  was  a  friend  and  frequent  correspondent  of  Theodoret. 
He  was  deposed  at  the  Latrocinium  in  449.  cf.  Epp.  XII, 
XVI,   XXXV. 


thing  before  the  time  until  the  Lord  come  who 
both  will  bring  to  light  the  hidden  things  of 
darkness  and  will  make  manifest  the  counsels 
of  the  heart :  and  then  shall  every  man  have 
praise  of  God."  ^  And  he  is  quite  right;  for 
we  can  see  only  outward  deeds,  but  the  God 
of  all  knows  also  the  intention  of  the  doers, 
and  when  He  delivers  his  sentence  judges  not 
so  much  the  work  as  the  will.  So  He  will 
crown  the  divine  Apostle  who  became  to  the 
Jews  as  a  Jew,  to  them  that  were  under  the 
law  as  under  the  law,  and  to  them  that  were 
without  law  as  without  law,^  for  his  object 
in  thus  assuming  an  actor's  mask  was  that 
he  might  do  good  to  mankind.  His  was  no 
time-server's  career.  The  gain  he  got  was 
loss,  but  he  secured  the  good  of  them  whom 
he  taught.  As  I  said,  then,  the  divine  Paul 
bids  us  wait  for  the  judgment  of  God, 
But  we  are  venturing  on  high  themes ;  we 
are  handling  a  theology  passing  understand- 
ing and  words  ;  not,  like  the  unholy  heretics, 
seeking  blasphemous  positions,  but  endeav- 
ouring to  confute  their  impiety,  and  as  far  as 
in  us  lies  to  give  praise  to  the  Creator  ;  we 
shall  therefore  do  nothing  unreasonable  in 
attempting  to  reply  to  your  enquiry. 

You  have  suggested  the  case  of  an  im- 
pious judge  giving  to  two  athletes  of  piety 
the  alternative  of  sacrificing  to  demons,  or 
flinging  themselves  into  the  sea.  You  de- 
scribe the  one  as  choosing  the  latter  and 
plunging  without  hesitation  into  the  deep, 
while  the  other,  refusing  both,  shews  quite 
as  much  abhorrence  of  the  worship  of  idols 
as  his  companion,  but  declines  to  commit 
himself  to  the  waves,  and  waits  for  this  fate 
to  be  violently  forced  upon  him.  You  have 
suggested  these  circumstances,  and  you  ask 
which  of  these  two  took  the  better  course. 
I  think  that  you  will  agree  with  me  that  the 
latter  was  the  more  praiseworthy.  No  one 
ought  to  withdraw  himself  from  life  un- 
bidden, but  should  await  either  a  natural  or 
a  violent  death.  Our  Lord  gave  us  this 
lesson  when  He  bade  those  that  are  perse- 
cuted in  one  city  flee  to  another  and  again 
commanded  them  to  quit  even  this  and  de- 
part to  another.-^  In  obedience  to  this  teach- 
ing the  divine  Apostle   escaped   the  violence 


1  I.  Cor.  iv.  5. 


2  I.  Cor.  ix.  20,  21. 


s  Matt.  X.  23. 


LETTERS. 


251 


of  the  governor  of  the  city,  and  had  no  hesi- 
tation   in    speaking    of    the    manner  of    his 
flight,  but  spoke  of  the  basket,  the  wall,  and 
the  window,  and  boasted  and  glorified  in  the 
act.i     For  what  looks  discreditable   is  made 
honourable  by  the  divine  command.     In  the 
same  manner  the  Apostle  called   himself  at 
one  time  a  Pharisee  ^  and  at  another  a  Ro- 
man,^ not  because    he  was  afraid  of  death, 
but   acting   quite    fairly    in    fight/     In    the 
same    way    when  he  had    learnt    the    Jews* 
plot  against  him  he  appealed  to   Caesar  °  and 
sent  his  sister's  son  to  the  chief  captain  to 
report  the  designs   hatched   against  him,  not 
because  he  clung  to  this  present  life,  but  in 
obedience  to  the  divine  law.     For   assuredly 
our  Lord  does  not  wish  us  to  throw  ourselves 
into  obvious  peril ;  and  this   is  taught   us  by 
deed  as  well  as  by  word,  for  more  than  once 
He   avoided  the  murderous  violence  of  the 
Jews.     And    the   great    Peter,    first   of    the 
Apostles,    when    he    was     loosed    from    his 
chains  and   had  escaped  from  the  hands  of 
Herod,    came  to  the  house    of    John,  who 
was    surnamed    Mark,    and    after    removing 
the  anxiety  of  his  friends  by   his  visit  and 
bidding     them     maintain      silence,     betook 
himself  to  another  house  in  the    endeavour 
to  conceal    himself  more    efiectually  by  the 
removal.^     And  we  shall  find  just   the  same 
kind  of  wisdom  in   the    old  Testament,  for 
the  famous  Moses,  after  playing  the  man  in 
his  struggle  with   the   Egyptian  and  finding 
out    the    next    day    that    the    homicide    had 
become   known,  ran  away,  travelled  a  long 
journey,  and  arrived  at  the  land  of  Midian.' 
In  like  manner  the  great  Elias  when  he   had 
learnt  Jezebel's  threats  did  not  give   himself 
up  to  them  which   wished   to  kill   him,  but 
left    the    world    and  hurried  to    the  desert.** 
And  if  it  is  right   and  agreeable  to  God   to 
escape  the  violence  of  our  enemies,  surely  it 
is  much  more   right  to   refuse   to   obey  them 
when  they  order  a  man   to  become   his  own 
murderer^     Our  Lord  did  not  give  in  to   the 
devil    when    he    bade    Him    throw    Himself 
down,^    and    when    he    had    armed    against 
Him  the  hands  of  the  Jews  by  means  of  the 
scourge  and  the  thorns  and  the  nails,  and  the 
creature  was  urging  Him  to  bring  wholesale 
destruction    on   His    wicked    foes,  the    Lord 
Himself  forbade,  because  He  knew  that  His 

1  Tbe  word  in  the  text  for  basket  is  trap-yai/r?,  a  basket  of 
twisted  work  (J'^l!/)  commonly  rope — the  word  used  by  St. 
Paul  himself  in  II.  Cor.  xi.  33.  In  Acts  ix.  25  St.  Luke  writes 
ev  (TTTvpiSi,  cTTrupt?  (?  aireipu))  being  the  large  rope  basket  of 
Matt.  XV.  37,  and  distinguished  from  the  (c6</)u'09  of  Matt.  xiv. 
20  and  or  Juvenal  III.  14,  "  jfudceis  quorum  cophinus 
foenumque  sji^ellex,''''  and  VI.  542. 

2  Acts  xxiii.  6.  3  Acts  xxii.  25. 

*  ^^ Dolus  an  virtus  quis  in  hoste  requirat?  "  Virg  ^^n.  ii.  390. 
•''•  Acts  XXV.  II.  '•  Acts  xii.  12,  etc.         "  Exod.  ii,  il  etc. 

8  I.  Kings  xix.  i  etc.  "  Matt.  iv.  6. 


Passion  was  bringing  salvation  to  the  world, 
and  it  was  for  this  reason  that  just  before  His 
Passion  He  said  to  His  Apostles  "  Pray  that 
ye  enter  not  into  temptation,"  ^  and  taught 
us  to  pray  "  Lead  us  not  into  temptation."^ 
Now  let  us  shift  our  ground  a  little,  and  we 
shall  see  our  way  more  clearly.  Let  us  elimi- 
nate the  sea  from  the  argument,  and  suppose 
the  judge  to  have  given  each  of  the  martyrs  a 
sword,  and  ordered  the  one  who  refused  to 
sacrifice  to  cut  oft'  his  own  head  ;  who  in  his 
senses  would  have  endured  to  redden  his 
hand  with  his  own  blood,  become  his  own 
headsman,  lift  his  hand  against  himself,  in 
obedience  to  the  judge's  order.? 

Clearly  your  second  martyr  deserves  the 
higher  praise.  The  former  indeed  deserves 
credit  for  his  zeal,  but  the  latter  is  adorned 
by  right  judgment  as  well. 

I  have  answered  you  according  to  the 
measure  of  the  wisdom  given  me  ;  He  who 
knows  thoughts  as  well  as  acts,  will  shew 
which  of  the  two  was  right  in  the  day  of  His 
appearing. 

IV.     Festal 

The  Creator  of  our  souls  and  bodies  has 
given  His  bounty  to  both,  and  at  one  and  the 
same  time  has  overwhelmed  us  with  good 
things  that  both  heart  and  senses  can  feel. 
At  the  time  of  the  sacred  feast  He  has  given 
us  the  rain  we  so  much  longed  for,  that  our 
celebration  might  be  clear  of  sadness.  We 
have  praised  our  bountiful  Lord,  and  now  as 
we  are  wont  write  a  festal  letter  and  address 
your  piety  with  the  request  that  you  will  aid 
us  with  your  prayers. 

V.     Festal, 

The  God  who  made  us  gives  us  care  and 
sorrow  after  our  sin.  But  He  has  furnished 
us  with  divine  occasions  of  consolation  by 
appointing  divine  feasts.  The  thoughts 
they  suggest  both  remind  us  of  God's  gifts 
to  us,  and  promise  complete  freedom  from 
all  our  troubles.  Enjoying  these  good  things 
and  filled  with  cheerfulness,  we  address  your 
magnificence,  and,  according  to  the  custom 
of  the  festival,  pay  friendship's  debt. 

VL     Festal. 

Our  loving  Lord  has  allowed  us,  with  the 
zeal  of  folks  who  love  the  Christ,  to  celebrate 
the  divine  feast  of  salvation  and  enjoy  the 
fruit  of  the  spiritual  blessing  that  flows  from 
it.  Since  we  know  the  disposition  of  your 
Piety  toward  us,   we  write  to  tell  you  this. 


1  Matt.  xxvi.  41. 


2  Luke  xi.  4. 


252 


THEODORET. 


For  they  who  have  friendly  thoughts  to 
others  are  always  pleased  to  hear  cheering 
intelligence  of  them. 

VI I .     To   Theonilla. 

Had  I  heard  of  the  death  of  your  dignity's 
most  honourable  husband  I  should  have 
written  long  ago,  and  now  my  object  in 
writing  is  not  to  lull  your  great  sorrow 
to  sleep  by  consolatory  words.  They  are 
unnecessary.  They  who  have  learnt  the 
wisdom  of  philosophers  and  consider  what 
this  life  is,  find  reason  strong  enough  to 
meet  and  break  griefs  rising  surge.  And 
even  while  you  are  remembering  your  long 
companionship,  reason  recognises  the  divine 
decrees,  and  to  meet  the  forces  of  the  tears 
of  sorrow  marshals  at  once  the  course  of 
nature,  the  law  of  God,  and  the  hope 
of  the  resurrection.  Knowing  this  as  I  do, 
there  is  no  necessity  to  use  many  words.  I 
only  beseech  you  to  avail  yourself  of  good 
sense  in  the  hour  of  need.  Think  of  the 
death  of  him  who  is  gone  as  no  more  than 
a  long  journey,  and  wait  for  the  promise 
of  our  God  and  Saviour.  For  He  who 
promised  the  resurrection  cannot  lie,  and  is 
the  fount  of  truth. 

VIII.      To  Eitgraphia. 

It  is  needless  for  me  to  bring  once  more  to 
bear  upon  your  grief  the  spells  of  the  spirit. 
The  mere  mention  of  the  sufferings  that 
wrought  our  salvation  is  enough  to  quench 
distress,  even  at  its  worst.  Those  sufferings 
were  all  undergone  for  humanity.  Our  Lord 
did  not  destroy  death  to  make  one  body  vic- 
torious over  death,  but  through  that  one  body 
to  effect  our  common  resurrection,  and  make 
our  hope  of  it  a  sure  and  certain  hope.  And 
if  even  while  our  holy  celebrations  are  bring- 
ing you  manifold  refreshment  of  soul,  you 
cannot  overcome  your  sense  of  sorrow,  let 
me  beg  you,  my  honoured  friend,  to  read  the 
very  words  of  the  marriage  contract  which 
follow  on  the  mention  of  the  dowry,  and  to 
see  how  the  wedding  is  preceded  by  the  re- 
minder of  death.  Knowing  as  we  do  that 
men  are  mortal,  and  bethinking  us  of  the 
peace  of  survivors,  it  is  customary  to  lay 
down  what  are  called  conditions,  and  for  no 
hesitation  to  be  shewn  at  the  mention  of 
death  before  the  joining  together  in  marriage. 
These  are  the  plain  words  "  If  the  husband 
should  die  first  it  is  agreed  that  so  and  so  be 
done  ;  if  this  lot  should  first  fall  to  the  wife, 
so  and  so."  We  knew  all  this  before  the  wed- 
ding ;  we  are  waiting  for  it  so  to    say  every 


day.  Wh}'  then  take  it  amiss?  The  union 
must  needs  be  broken  either  by  the  death  of 
the  husband  or  the  departure  of  the  wife. 
Such  is  the  course  of  life.  You  know,  my 
excellent  friend,  alike  God's  will  and  human 
nature ;  dispel  then  your  despondency  and 
wait  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  common  hope 
of  the  just. 

« 
IX.     To  an  anonymous  correspondent. 

Your  piety  is  annoyed  and  distressed  at 
the  sentence  passed  on  me  unjustly  and 
without  a  trial.  I  am  comforted  that  you 
are  so  feeling.  Had  I  been  justly  condemned 
I  should  have  been  sorry  at  having  given  my 
judges  reasonable  grounds  for  what  they 
have  done,  but,  as  it  is,  my  conscience  is 
quite  clear,  and  I  feel  joyful  and  exultant  and 
look  forward  to  the  remission  of  other  sins 
on  account  of  this  injustice.  Naboth  lives  in 
men's  memories  only  because  he  suffered 
that  unjust  death.  Only  pray  that  we  be  not 
abandoned  of  God  and  let  the  enemy  con- 
tinue to  do  his  worst.  God's  good  will  is 
enough  to  make  me  very  cheerful  and  if  He 
is  on  my  side  I  despise  all  my  troubles  as 
trifles.  1 

X.      To   the    learned  Elias. 

Legislators  have  made  laws  in  aid  of  the 
oppressed,  and  advocates  have  practised  the 
orator's  arts  to  help  them  that  stand  in  need 
of  fair  defence.  You,  my  friend,  have  stud- 
ied eloquence  and  the  law.  Now  put  your 
art  in  practice,  and  by  it  put  down  the  op- 
pressors, help  them  that  are  put  down  by 
them,  and  defend  them  with  the  law  as  with 
a  shield.  Let  no  guilty  client  enjoy  the  bene- 
fit of  your  advocacy,  even  though  he  be  your 
friend. 

Now  one  of  these  guilty  inen  is  that  villain 
Abraham.  After  being  settled  for  a  consid- 
erable time  on  an  estate  belonging  to  the 
church,  he  then  took  several  partners  in  his 
rascality,  and  has  had  no  hesitation  in  own- 
ing his  proceedings.  I  have  sent  him  to  you 
with  an  account  of  his  doings,  the  parties  he 
has  wronged,  and  the  reverend  sub-deacon 
Gerontius.  1  do  not  want  you  to  deliver 
the  guilty  man  to  the  authorities,  ])ut  in  the 
hope  that  when  his  victims  have  told  you  all 
they  have  had  to  put  up  with,  and  have 
made  you,  my  learned  friend,  feel  sympathy 
for  their  case,  you  may  be  induced  to  com- 
pel the  wicked  fellow  to  restore  what  he 
has    stolen. 

1  Probably  the  condemnation  referred  k>  is  the  imperial 
Edict  of  March  449  relega-ting  Theodoret  to  the  limits  of  his 
own  diocese,     cf.  Epp.  79.  So, 


LETTERS. 


253 


XL      To  Flavianus    bishop  of  Cotistaniuiople, 

The  Creator  and  Guide  of  the  Universe 
has  made  you  a  kuninary  of  the  world,  and 
changed  the  deep-  rrioonless  night  into  clear 
noon.  Just  as  by  the  haven's  side,  the  beacon 
light  shews  sailors  in  the  night  time  the  har- 
bour mouth,  so  shines  the  bright  ray  of  your 
holiness  to  give  great  comfort  to  all  that  are 
attacked  for  true  religion's  sake,  and  shews 
them  the  safe  port  of  the  Apostles'  faith.  They 
that  know  it  already  are  filled  with  comfort, 
and  they  that  knew  it  not  are  saved  from  be- 
ing dashed  upon  the  rocks.  I  indeed  am 
especially  bound  to  praise  the  giver  of  all 
good,  because  I  have  found  a  noble  champion 
who  drives  away  fear  of  men  by  the  power 
of  the  fear  of  God,  fights  heartily  in  the 
front  rank  for  the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel, 
and  gladly  bears  the  brunt  of  the  apostolic 
war.  So  to-day  every  tongue  is  moved  in 
eulogy  of  your  holiness,  for  it  is  not  only 
the  nurslings  of  true  religion  who  admire 
the  purity  of  your  faith,  but  the  praises  of 
your  courage  are  sung  even  by  the  enemies 
of  the  truth.  Falsehood  vanishes  at  truth's 
lightning  flash. 

I  write  thus  knowing  that  the  very  rever- 
end and  pious  Hypatius  the  reader,  both 
readily  obeys  the  bidding  of  your  holiness, 
and  constantly,  my  Lord,  mentions  your 
laudable  deeds.  I  salute  you  as  holy  and 
right  dear  to  God.  I  exhort  you  to  support 
us  with  your  prayers  'that  we  may  lead  the 
rest  of  our  lives  according  to  God's  laws. 

XII.      To  the  bishop  IrencBus} 

Job,  that  famous  tower  of  adamant  and 
noble  champion  of  goodness,  was  not  shaken 
even  by  blows  of  continuous  troubles  of 
every  sort  and  kind,  but  stood  impregnable 
and  firm.  At  the  end  however  of  all  his  trials 
the  righteous  Law-giver  explained  the  reason 
of  them  in  the  words,  ''  Dost  thou  think  that 
I  answered  thee  for  any  other  reason  than  that 
thou  mightest  appear  just?"^  I  think  that 
these  words  are  known  to  your  piety  which 
is  able  to  support  the  many  and  various  at- 
tacks of  troubles  and  anxieties,  and  so  far 
from  shrinking  from  them,  exhibits  the 
strength  and  stability  of  your  administration. 
So  the  bountiful  Lord,  seeing  the  bravery 
and  holiness  of  your  soul,  has  refused  to  keep 
a  worthy  champion  in  concealment,  and  has 
brought  him  forth  to  the  contest  to  adorn 
your  venerable  head  with  a  crown  of  victory, 
and  give  your  struggles  as  a  high  example 
of    good    service  to   the    rest.     So,  my  dear 


1  Vide  note  on  Letter  III. 


2  Job  xl.  3.  Ixx. 


friend,  conquer  in  this  battle  too,  and  bear 
bravely  the  death  of  your  son-in-law,  my 
own  dear  friend.  Conquer  in  your  wisdom 
the  claims  of  kinsmanship  and  the  memory 
of  a  noble  and  generous  character,  a  mem- 
ory which  must  always  recall  something 
beyond  painter's  art  or  rhetorician's  skill. 
Repel  the  assault  of  sorrow  by  the  thought 
of  Him  who  wisely  administers  all  the  af- 
fairs of  men,  with  perfect  knowledge  of  the 
future  and  right  guidance  of  it  for  our  good. 
Let  us  join  in  the  joy  of  him  who  has 
been  delivered  from  this  life's  storms. 
Let  us  rather  give  thanks  because,  wafted  by 
kindly  winds,  he  has  cast  anchor  in  the  wind- 
less haven  and  has  escaped  the  grievous  ship- 
wrecks whereof  this  life  is  full.  But  need  I 
say  all  this  to  one  who  is  a  tried  gladiator  of 
goodness?  Need  I,  as  it  were,  anoint  for 
endurance  one  who  is  a  trainer  of  other  ath- 
letes? Still  I  write.  It  is  a  comfort  to  my- 
self to  write  as  T  do.  I  am  really  and  truly 
grieved  when  I  remember  an  intimacy  that  I 
esteemed  so  highly.  Once  more  I  praise  the 
great  Guide  of  all.  Who  both  knows  what 
would  be  good  for  us  and  guides  our  life  ac- 
cordingly. I  have  dictated  this  after  writing 
my  former  communication,  on  one  of  my 
friends  in  Antioch  telling  me  that  the  end 
had  come. 

XIIL     To  Cyrus. 

I  had  heard  of  the  island  of  Lesbos,  and  its 
cities  Mitylene,  Methymna,  and  the  rest ; 
but  I  was  ignorant  of  the  fruit  of  the  vine 
cultivated  in  it.i  Now,  thanks  to  your 
diligence,  I  have  become  acquainted  with  it, 
and  I  admire  both  its  whiteness  and  the 
delicacy  of  its  flavour.  Perhaps  time  may 
even  improve  it,  unless  it  turns  it  sour  ;  for 
wine,  like  the  i3ody,  and  plants,  and  build- 
ings, and  other  things  made  by  hand,  is 
damaged  by  time.  If,  as  you  say,  it  makes 
the  drinker  longlived,  I  am  afraid  it  will  be 
of  little  use  to  me,  for  I  have  no  desire  to  live 
a  long  life,  when  life's  storms  are  so  many 
and  so  hard. 

I  was  however  much  pleased  to  hear  of 
the  health  of  the  monk.  Really  my  anxiety 
about  him  was  quite  distressing,  and  I 
wrongly  blamed  the  doctors,  for  his  com- 
plaint required  the  treatment  they  gave.  I 
have  sent  you  a  little  pot  of  honey  which  the 
Cilician  bees  make  from  storax  flowers. 


1  On  the  wine  of  Lesbos  cf.  Ilor.  Car.  i.  17,  "  I'nnocetttis 
pocula  Leshii  ;  "  Aulus  Gellius  tells  the  story  how  Aristotle, 
when  asked  to  nominate  hi»  successor,  and  wishing  to  point 
out  the  superiority  of  Theophrastus  to  Menedeinus,  called 
first  for  a  cup  of  Rhodian,  and  then  of  Lesbian,  and  after  sip- 
ping both,  exclaimed  Tjoiwj/  6  Aea/Sto?.    Nact.  Att.  xiii.  5. 


254 


THEODORET. 


XIV.      To  Alexandra. 

Had  I  only  considered  the  character  of  the 
loss  which  you  have  sustained,  I  should 
have  wanted  consolation  myself,  not  only 
because  I  count  that  what  concerns  you  con- 
cerns me,  be  it  agreeable  or  otherwise,  but  be- 
cause I  did  so  dearly  love  that  admirable  and 
truly  excellent  man.  But  the  divine  decree 
has  removed  him  from  us  and  translated  him 
to  the  better  life.  I  therefore  scatter  the  cloud 
of  sorrow  from  my  soul,  and  urge  you,  my 
worthy  friend,  to  vanquish  the  pain  of  your 
sorrow  by  the  power  of  reason,  and  to  bring 
your  soul  in  this  hour  of  need  under  the  spell 
of  God's  word.  Why  from  our  very  cradles 
do  we  suck  the  instruction  of  the  divine 
Scriptures,  like  milk  from  the  breast,  but 
that,  when  trouble  falls  upon  us,  we  may  be 
able  to  apply  the  teaching  of  the  Spirit 
as  a  salve  for  our  pain?  I  know  how  sad, 
how  very  grievous  it  is,  when  one  has  ex- 
perienced the  worth  of  some  loved  object, 
suddenly  to  be  deprived  of  it,  and  to  fall  in  a 
moment  from  happiness  to  misery.  But  to 
them  that  are  gifted  with  good  sense,  and 
use  their  powers  of  right  reason,  no  human 
contingency  comes  quite  unforeseen  ;  nothing 
human  is  stable ;  nothing  lasting ;  nor 
beauty,  nor  wealth,  nor  health,  nor  dignity; 
nor  any  of  all  those  things  that  most  men 
rank  so  high.  Some  men  fall  from  a 
summit  of  opulence  to  lowest  poverty  ;  some 
lose  their  health  and  struggle  with  various 
forms  of  disease ;  some  who  are  proud  of 
the  splendour  of  their  lineage  drag  the  crush- 
ing yoke  of  slavery.  Beauty  is  spoilt  by 
sickness  and  marred  by  old  age,  and  very 
wisely  has  the  supreme  Ruler  suffered  none 
of  these  things  to  continue  nor  abide,  with 
the  intent  that  their  possessors,  in  fear  of 
change,  may  lower  their  proud  looks,  and, 
knowing  how  all  such  possessions  ebb  and 
flow,  may  cease  to  put  their  confidence  in 
what  is  short  lived  and  fleeting,  and  may  fix 
their  hopes  upon  the  Giver  of  all  good.  I 
am  aware,  my  excellent  friend,  that  you  know 
all  this,  and  I  beg  you  to  reflect  on  human 
nature ;  you  will  find  that  it  is  mortal,  and 
received  the  doom  of  death  from  the  begin- 
ning. It  was  to  Adam  that  God  said  "  Dust 
thou  art  and  to  dust  thou  shalt  return."  ^ 
The  giver  of  the  law  is  He  that  never  lies, 
and  experience  witnesses  to  His  truth. 
Divine  Scripture  tells  us  ''  all  men  have  one 
entrance  into  life  and  the  like  going  out,"  ^ 
and  every  one  that  is  born  awaits  the  grave. 
And  all  do  not  live  a  like  length  of  time  ; 
some  men  come    to    an    end    all    too    soon ; 


^  Gen.  iii.  ig. 


2  Wisdom  vii.  6. 


some  in  the  vigour  of  manhood,  and  some 
after  they  have  experienced  the  trials  of  old 
age.  Thus,  too,  they  who  have  taken  on 
them  the  marriage  yoke  are  loosed  from  it, 
and  it  must  needs  be  that  either  husband 
first  depart  or  wife  reach  this  life's  end 
before  him.  Some  have  but  just  entered  the 
bridal  chamber  when  their  lot  is  weeping 
and  lamentation  ;  some  live  together  a  little 
while.  Enough  to  remember  that  the  grief 
is  common  to  give  reason  ground  for  over- 
coming grief.  Besides  all  this,  even  they 
who  are  mastered  by  bitterest  sorrow  may 
be  comforted  by  the  thought  that  the  de- 
parted was  the  father  of  sons  ;  that  he  left 
them  grown  up  ;  that  he  had  attained  a  very 
high  position,  and  in  it,  so  far  from  giving  any 
cause  for  envy,  made  men  love  him  the  more, 
and  left  behind  him  a  reputation  for  liberality, 
for  hatred  of  all  that  is  bad,  for  gentleness 
and  indeed  for  every  kind  of  moral  virtue.' 

But  what  excuse  for  despondency  will  be 
left  us  if  we  take  to  heart  God's  own 
promises  and  the  hopes  of  Christians  ;  the 
resurrection,  I  mean,  eternal  life,  continuance 
in  the  kingdom,  and  all  that  "  eye  hath  not 
seen,  nor  ear  heard,  neither  have  entered 
into  the  heart  of  man,  the  things  which  God 
hath  jDrepared  for  them  that  love  Him  "?  ^ 
Does  not  the  Apostle  say  emphatically, 
"  I  would  not  have  you  to  be  ignorant 
brethren  concerning  them  which  are  asleep, 
that  ye  sorrow  not  even  as  others  which  have 
no  hope  "  ?  -^  I  have  known  many  men  who 
even  without  hope  have  got  the  better  of 
their  grief  by  the  force  of  reason  alone,  and 
it  would  indeed  be  extraordinary  if  they  who 
are  supported  by  such  a  hope  should  prove 
weaker  than  they  who  have  no  hope  at  all. 
Let  us  then,  I  implore  you,  look  at  the  end 
as  a  long  journey.  When  he  went  on  a 
journey  we  used  indeed  to  be  sorry,  but  we 
waited  his  return.  Now  let  the  separation 
sadden  us  indeed  in  some  degree,  for  I  am 
not  exhorting  what  is  contrary  to  human 
nature,  but  do  not  let  us  wail  as  over  a 
corpse ;  let  us  rather  congratulate  him  on 
his  setting  forth  and  his  departure  hence, 
because  he  is  now  free  from  a  world  of  un- 
certainties, and  fears  no  further  change  ot 
soul  or  body  or  of  corporeal  conditions. 
The  strife  now  ended,  he  waits  for  his  reward. 
Grieve  not  overmuch  for  orphanhood  and 
widowhood.     We  have  a  greater  Guardian 

1  The  virtues  specified  are  (i)  i\ev9epia;  (ii)  tita-onovrjpia; 
and  (iii)  TrpaoxTj?. 

The  more  classical  Greek  for  e\ev9epLa,  the  character  of  the 
eXeu^epos,  was  e\ev0epLOTYt<;,  —  i^evOepia  being  used  for  freedom, 
or  license;  Vide  Arist.  Eth.  Nic.  iv.  i. 

The  uicroTToi'Tjpo?  is  a  hater  of  knavery,  as  in  Dem.  5S4,  12. 

On  the  hio-li  character  of  the  rrpao?  cf.  Aristotle.  Eth.  Nic.  iv. 
5.  and  Archbp.  Trench,  synonyms  of  the  N.  T.  p.  14S. 

2  I.  Cor.  ii.  9.  3  I.  Thess.  iv.  13. 


LETTERS. 


-JD 


whose  law  it  is  that  all  should  take  good 
care  of  orphans  and  widows  and  about 
whom  the  divine  David  says  ''  The  Lord 
relieveth  the  fatherless  and  widow,  but  the 
w^ayof  the  wicked  He  turneth  upside  down.^ 
Only  let  us  put  the  rudders  of  our  lives  in 
His  hands,  and  we  shall  meet  with  an  un- 
failing Providence.  His  guardianship  will 
be  surer  than  can  be  that  of  any  man,  for 
His  are  the  words  ''  Can  a  woman  for- 
get lier  sucking  child  that  she  should  not 
have  compassion  on  the  son  of  her  womb? 
Yet  will  I  not  forget  thee."  ^  He  is  nearer 
to  us  than  father  and  mother  for  He  is  our 
Maker  and  Creator.  It  is  not  marriage  that 
makes  fathers,  but  fathers  are  made  fathers 
at  His  will. 

I  am  now  compelled  thus  to  write  because 
my  bonds  3  do  not  sufterme  to  hasten  to  you, 
but  your  most  God-loving  and  most  holy 
bishop  is  able  unaided  to  give  all  consolation 
to  your  very  faithful  soul  by  word  and  by  deed, 
by  sight  and  by  communication  of  thought 
and  by  that  spiritual  and  God-given  wisdom 
of  his  whereby  I  trust  the  tempest  of  your 
grief  will  be  lulled  to  sleep. 

XF,      To  Silvanus  the  Primate,^ 

I  know  that  in  my  words  of  consolation 
I  am  somewhat  late,  but  it  is  not  without 
reason  that  I  have  delayed  to  send  them,  for 
I  have  thought  it  worth  while  to  let  the 
violence  of  your  grief  take  its  course.  The 
cleverest  physicians  will  never  apply  their 
remedies  when  a  fever  is  at  its  height,  but 
wait  for  a  favourable  opportunity  for  using 
the  appliances  of  their  skill.  So  after  reck- 
oning how  sharp  your  anguish  must  be,  I 
have  let  these  few  days  go  by,  for  if  I  my- 
self was  so  distressed  and  filled  with  such 
sorrow  by  the  news,  what  must  not  have 
been  the  sufferings  of  a  husband  and  yoke- 
fellow, made,  as  the  Scripture  says,  one  flesh, ^ 
at  the  violent  sundering  of  the  union  ce- 
mented both  by  time  and  love?  Such  pangs 
are  only  natural ;  but  let  reason  devise  con- 
solation by  reminding  you  that  humanity  is 
frail  and  sorrow  universal,  and  also  of  the 
hope  of  the  resurrection  and  the  will  of  Him 
who  orders  our  lives  wisely.  We  must 
needs  accept  the  decrees  of  inestimable 
wisdom,  and  own  them  to  be  for  our  good  ; 
for  they  who  reflect  thus  piously  shall 
reap  piety's  rewards,  and  so  delivered 
from,  immoderate  lamentations  shall  pass 
their  lives  in  peace.      On  the  other  hand  they 

^  Ps.  cxlvi.  9.  2  Isaiah  xlix.  15. 

3  i.e.  confinement  to  the  limits  of  his  own  diocese  by  the 
decree  of  March,  449. 

♦  cf.  note  on  p.  261.     Nothing  is  known  of  this  Silvanus. 
5  Gen.  ii.  24. 


whom  sorrow  makes  its  slaves  will  gain 
nothing  by  their  wailing,  but  will  at  once 
live  weary  lives  and  grieve  the  Guardian  of 
us  all.  Receive  then,  my  most  honoured 
friend,  a  fatherly  exhortation  ''  The  Lord 
gave  and  the  Lord  hath  taken  away.  He 
hath  done  whatsoever  pleased  Him.  Blessed 
be  the  name  of  the  Lord."  ^ 

XVL     To  Bishop  Irenceus?- 

There  is  nothing  good,  it  seems,  in  pros- 
pect for  us,  so,  far  from  calming  down,  the 
tempest  troubling  the  Church  seems  to  rise 
higher  every  day.  The  conveners  of  the 
Council  have  arrived  and  delivered  the  letters 
of  summons  to  several  of  the  Metropolitans 
including  our  own,  and  I  have  sent  a  copy  of 
the  letter  to  your  Holiness  to  acquaint  you 
how,  as  the  poet  has  it,  "Woe  has  been 
welded  by  woe."*^  And  we  need  only  the 
Lord's  goodness  to  stay  the  storm.  Easy  it 
is  for  Him  to  stay  it,  but  we  are  unworthy  of 
the  calm,  yet  the  grace  of  His  patience  is 
enough  for  us,  so  that  haply  by  it  we  may 
get  the  better  of  our  foes.  So  the  divine 
apostle  has  taught  us  to  pray  ''for  He  will 
with  the  temptation  also  make  a  way  to  escape 
that  ye  maybe  able  to  bear  it.""  But  I  be- 
seech your  godliness  to  stop  the  mouths  of 
the  objectors  and  make  them  understand  that 
it  is  not  for  them  who  stand,  as  the  phrase 
goes,  out  of  range,  to  scofl'at  men  fighting  in 
the  ranks  and  giving  and  receiving  blows ; 
for  what  matters  it  what  weapon  the  soldier 
uses  to  strike  down  his  anta2:onists?  Even 
the  great  David  did  not  use  a  panoply  when 
he  slew  the  aliens'  champion,^  and  Samson 
slew  thousands  on  one  day  with  the  jawbone 
of  an  ass.^  Nobody  grumbles  at  the  victory, 
nor  accuses  the  conqueror  of  cow^ardice, 
because  he  wins  it  without  brandishing  a 
spear  or  covering  himself  with  his  shield  or 
throwing  darts  or  shooting  arrows.  The 
defenders  of  true  religion  must  be  criticized 
in  the  same  way,  nor  must  we  try  to  find 
language  which  will  stir  strife,  but  rather 
arguments  which  plainly  proclaim  the  truth 
and  make  those  who  venture  to  oppose  it 
ashamed  of  themselves. 

What  does  it  matter  whether  we  stvle  the 
holy  Virgin  at  the  same  time  mother  of  JNIan 
and  mother  of  God,  or  call  her  mother  and 
servant  of  her  offspring,  with  the  addition 
that  she  is  mother  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
as  man,  but  His  servant  as  God,  and  so  at 
once  avoid  the  term  which  is  the  pretext  of 

1  Job  i.  21.  2  cf.  Epp.  iii,  xii,  and  xxxv. 

3  Homer  II.  xvi.  iii.  ko-kov  KaKtv  iaTrjpLKTo.  For  Theo- 
doret's  knowledge  of  Homer  cf.  pp.  104  and  25S. 

*  I.  Cor.  X.  13.  ■'  I.  Sam.  xvii.  c  judges  xv.  16. 


256 


THEODORET. 


calumny,  and  express  the  same  opinion  by 
another  phrase?  And  besides  this  it  must 
also  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  former  of 
these  titles  is  of  general  use,  and  the  latter 
peculiar  to  the  Virgin  ;  and  that  it  is  about 
this  that  all  the  controversy  has  arisen, 
which  would  God  had  never  been.  The 
majority  of  the  old  Fathers  have  applied  the 
more  honourable  title  to  the  Virgin,  as  your 
Holiness  yourself  has  done  in  two  or  three 
discourses ;  several  of  these,  which  your 
godliness  sent  to  me,  I  have  in  my  own  pos- 
session, and  in  these  you  have  not  coupled 
the  title  mother  of  Man  with  mother  of  God, 
but  have  explained  its  meaning  by  the  use  of 
other  words.  But  since  you  find  fault  with 
me  for  having  left  out  the  holy  and  blessed 
Fathers  Diodorus  and  Theodorus  in  my  list 
of  authorities,  I  have  thought  it  necessary  to 
add  a  few  words  on  this  point. 

In  the  first  place,  my  dear  friend,  I  have 
omitted  many  others  both  famous  and  illus- 
trious. Secondly  this  fact  must  be  borne  in 
mind,  that  the  accused  party  is  bound  to 
produce  unimpeachable  witnesses,  whose  tes- 
timony even  his  accusers  cannot  impugn. 
But  if  the  defendant  were  to  call  into  court 
authorities  accused  by  the  prosecutors,  even 
the  judge  himself  would  not  consent  to  re- 
ceive them.  If  I  had  omitted  these  holy 
men  in  compiling  an  eulogy  of  the  Fathers,  I 
should,  I  own,  have  been  wrong,  and  should 
have  proved  myself  ungrateful  to  my  teachers. 
But  if  when  under  accusation  I  have  brought 
forward  a  defence,  and  have  produced  unim- 
peachable witnesses,  why  do  men  who  are 
unwilling  to  see  any  of  these  testimonies  lay 
me  under  unreasonable  blame?  How  I  rev- 
erence these  writers  is  sufficiently  shewn  by 
my  own  book  in  their  behalf,  in  which  I  have 
refuted  the  indictment  laid  against  them,  with- 
out fear  of  the  influence  of  their  accusers  or 
even  of  the  secret  attack  made  upon  myself. 
These  people  who  are  so  fond  of  foolish 
talk  had  better  get  some  other  excuse  for 
their  sleight  of  words.  My  object  is  not  to 
make  my  words  and  deeds  fit  the  pleasure  of 
this  man  or  that  man,  but  to  edify  the  church 
of  God,  and  please  her  bridegroom  and  Lord. 
I  call  my  conscience  to  witness  that  I  am  not 
acting  as  I  do  through  care  of  material  things, 
nor  because  I  cling  to  the  honour  with  all  its 
cares,  which  I  shrink  from  calling  an  unhappy 
one.  I  would  long  ago  have  withdrawn  of 
my  own  accord,  did  I  not  fear  the  judgment 
of  God.  And  now  know  well  that  I  await  my 
fate.  And  I  think  that  it  is  drawing  near, 
for  so  the  plots  against  me  indicate. ^ 

^  This  letter  appears  to  be  written  shortly  before  the  meeting 
of  the  Robber  Synod  in  449. 


XVII.     To  the  Deaconess  Casiana. 

Had  I  only  considered  the  greatness  of 
your  sorrow,  I  should  have  put  oft' writing  a 
little  while,  that  I  might  make  time  my  ally 
in  my  attempt  to  cure  it,  but  I  know  the 
good  sense  of  your  piety,  and  so  I  make  bold 
to  offer  you  some  words  of  consolation  sug- 
gested partly  by  human  nature,  and  partly 
by  divine  Scripture.  For  our  nature  is  frail, 
and  all  life  is  full  of  such  calamities,  and  the 
universal  Governor  and  Ruler  of  the  World, 

—  the  Lord  who  wisely  orders  our  concerns, 

—  gives  us  by  means  of  His  divine  oracles 
consolation  of  various  kinds,  of  which  the 
writings  of  the  holy  Evangelists  and  the 
divine  utterances  of  the  blessed  prophets 
are  full.  But  I  am  sure  it  is  needless  to  cull 
these  passages,  and  suggest  them  to  your 
piety,  nurtured  as  you  have  been  from 
the  beginning  in  the  inspired  word,  ruling 
your  life  in  accordance  w^ith  them,  and 
needing  no  other  teaching.  But  I  do  im- 
plore you  to  remember  those  words  that 
charge  us  to  master  our  feelings,  and  promise 
us  eternal  life,  proclaim  the  destruction  of 
death,  and  announce  the  common  resurrec- 
tion of  us  all.  Besides  all  this,  nay,  before 
all  this,  I  ask  you  to  reflect  that  He  who  has 
bidden  these  things  so  be  is  the  Lord,  that  He 
is  a  Lord  all  wise  and  all  good.  Who  knows 
exactly  what  is  best  for  us,  and  to  this  end 
guides  all  our  life.  Sometimes  death  is 
better  than  life,  and  what  seems  distressing 
is  really  pleasanter  than  fancied  joys.  I  beg 
your  piety  to  accept  the  consolation  offered 
by  my  humility,  that  you  may  serve  the  Lord 
of  all  by  nobly  bearing  your  pain,  and 
affording  to  men  as  well  as  women  an  ex- 
ample of  true  wisdom.  For  all  will  admire 
the  strength  of  mind  which  has  bravely 
borne  the  attack  of  grief  and  broken  the 
force  of  its  violent  assault  by  the  magnanim- 
ity of  its  resolution.  And  we  are  not  without 
great  comfort  in  the  living  likenesses  of  your 
departed  son  ;  for  he  has  left  behind  him  off- 
spring worthy  of  deep  affection,  who  may  be 
able  to  stay  the  excess  of  our  sorrow. 

Lastly  I  implore  you  to  remember  in  your 
grief  what  your  bodily  infirmity  can  endure, 
and  to  avoid  increasing  your  sufferings  by 
mourning  overmuch ;  and  I  implore  our 
Lord  of  His  infinite  resources  to  give  you 
ground  of  consolation. 

XVIII.     To  Neoptolemus, 

Whenever  I  cast  my  eyes  on  the  divine 
law  which  calls  those  who  are  joined  to- 
gether in  marriage  "one  flesh,"  ^  I   am  at  a 


1  Gen.  ii.  24. 


LETTERS. 


25, 


loss  how  to  comfoit  the  limb  that  has  been 
sundered,  because  I  take  account  of  the  great- 
ness of  the  pang.  But  when  I  consider  the 
course  of  nature,  and  the  law  which  the 
Creator  has  laid  down  in  the  words  '•  Dust 
thou  art  and  to  dust  thou  shalt  return,"  ^  and 
all  th:it  goes  on  daily  in  all  the  world  on 
land  and  sea  —  for  either  husbands  first  ap- 
proach the  end  of  life  or  this  lot  first 
befalls  the  wives  —  I  find  from  these  reflec- 
tions many  grounds  of  consolation ;  and 
above  all  the  hopes  that  have  been  given  us 
by  our  Lord  and  Saviour.  For  the  reason 
of  the  accomplishment  of  the  mystery  of  the 
incarnation  was  that  we,  being  taught  the 
defeat  of  death,  should  no  more  grieve  be- 
yond measure  at  the  loss  by  death  of  those 
we  love,  but  await  the  longed-for  fulfilment 
of  the  hope  of  the  resurrection.  I  entreat 
your  Excellency  to  reflect  on  these  things, 
and  to  overcome  the  pain  of  your  grief;  and 
all  the  more  because  the  children  of  your 
common  love  are  with  you,  and  give  you 
every  ground  of  comfort.  Let  us  then 
praise  Him  who  governs  our  lives  wisely, 
nor  rouse  His  anger  by  immoderate  lamen- 
tation, for  in  His  wisdom  He  knows  what  is 
good  for  us,  and  in  His  mercy  He  gives  it. 

XIX.  To  the  Presbyter  Basilius, 

I  have  found  the  right  eloquent  orator 
Athanasius  to  be  just  what  your  letter  de- 
scribed him.  His  tongue  is  adorned  by  his 
speech,  and  his  speech  by  his  character, 
and  all  about  him  is  brightened  by  his 
abundant  faith.  Ever,  most  God-beloved 
friend,  send  us  such  gifts.  You  have 
given  me,  be  assured,  very  great  pleasure 
through  my  intercourse  with   him. 

XX.  To  the  Presbyter  Martyrms. 

Natural  disposition  appears  in  us  before 
resolution  of  character,  and,  in  this  sense, 
takes  the  lead  ;  but  disposition  is  overcome 
by  resolution,  as  is  plainly  proved  by  the 
right  eloquent  orator  Athanasius.  Though 
an  Egyptian  by  birth,  he  has  none  of  the 
Egyptian  want  of  sclfcontrol,  but  shews  a 
character  tempered  by  gentleness.^  He  is 
moreover  a  warm  lover  of  divine  things. 
On  this  account  he  has  spent  many  days 
with  me,  expecting  to  reap  some  benefit  from 
his  stay.  But  I,  as  3^ou  know,  most  God- 
beloved  friend,  shrink  from  trying  so  to  derive 
good  from  others,  and  am  far  from  being 
able  to  impart  it  to  those  who  seek  it,  and 
this  not  because  I  grudge,  but  because  I 
have  not  the  wherewithal,  to  give.     Where- 


1  Gen.  iii.  19. 


2  On  TrpaoTYjs  vide  note  on  p.  254, 


fore  let  your  holiness  pray  that  what  is  said  of 
me  may  be  confirmed  by  fact,  and  that  not 
only  may  good  things  be  reported  of  me  by 
word,  but  provetl  in  deed. 

XXI.     To  the  learned  Eiisebius. 

The  disseminators  of  tliis  great  news, 
with  the  idea  that  it  would  be  very  distastefid 
to  me,  fancied  that  they  might  in  this  way 
annoy  me.  But  I  by  God's  grace  welcomed 
the  news,  and  await  the  event  with  pleasure. 
Indeed  very  grateful  to  me  is  any  kind  of 
trouble  which  is  brought  on  me  for  the 
sake  of  the  divine  doctrines.  For,  if  we 
really  trust  in  the  Lord's  promises,  ''  The 
sufferings  of  this  present  time  are  not  worthy 
to  be  compared  with  the  glory  that  shall  be 
revealed  in  us."  ^ 

And  why  do  I  speak  of  the  enjoyment  of 
the  good  things  which  are  hoped  for.?  For 
even  if  no  prize  had  been  offered  to  them 
that  struggle  for  the  sake  of  true  religion. 
Truth  alone  by  her  own  unaided  force  would 
herself  have  been  sufficient  to  persuade 
them  that  love  her  to  welcome  gladly  all 
perils  in  her  cause.  And  the  divine  Apostle 
is  witness  of  what  I  say,  exclaiming  as  he 
does,  '•'  Who  shall  separate  us  from  the  love 
of  Christ.?  Shall  tribulation,  or  distress,  or 
persecution,  or  famine,  or  nakedness,  or 
peril  or  sword?  As  it  is  written,  'For  thy 
sake  we  are  killed  all  the  day  long ;  we  are 
accounted  as  sheep  for  the  slaughter.'  "  - 

And  then  to  teach  us  that  he  looks  for  no 
reward,  but  only  loves  his  Saviour,  he  adds 
straightway  "Nay  in  all  these  things  we  are 
more  than  conquerors  through  him  that  loved 
us."  3 

And  he  goes  on  further  to  exhibit  his  own 
love  more  clearly.  "  For  I  am  persuaded, 
that  neither  death,  nor  life,  nor  angels,  nor 
principalities,  nor  powers,  nor  things  present, 
nor  things  to  come,  nor  height,  nor  depth, 
nor  any  other  creature,  shall  be  able  to 
separate  us  from  the  love  of  God,  which  is 
in  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord."  ^ 

Behold,  my  friend,  the  flame  of  apostolic 
affection  ;    see  the  torch  of  love.^ 

I  covet  not,  he  says,  what  is  His.  I  only 
long  for  Him  ;  and  this  love  of  mine  is  an  un- 
quenchable love  and  I  would  gladly  forego 
all  present  and  future  felicity,  aye,  suffer  and 
endure  again  all  kinds  of  pain  so  as  to  keep 
with  me  this  flame  in  all  its  force.  This 
was  exemplified  by  the  divine  writer  in  deed 

1  Rom.  viii.  iS.  3  Rom.  viii.  37. 

2  Rom.  viii.  35.  36.  *  Rom.  viii.  38.  39. 

5  epojTn?.  The  use  of  this  word  in  this  connexion  is  in  con- 
trast with  the  spirit  of  the  writers  of  the  N.  T.,  in  which  epws 
and  its  correlatives  never  appear. 


2s8 


THEODORET. 


as  well  as  in  word  and  everywhere  by  land 
and  sea  he  has  left  behind  him  memorials  of 
his  sufferings.  So  when  I  turn  my  eyes  on 
him  and  on  the  rest  of  the  patriarchs, 
prophets,  apostles,  martyrs,  priests,  what  is 
commonly  reckoned  miserable  I  cannot  but 
hold  to  be  delis'htful.  I  confess  to  a  feelinsf 
of  shame  when  I  remember  how^  even  they 
who  never  learnt  the  lessons  we  have  learnt, 
but  followed  no  other  guide  but  human 
nature  alone,  have  v^^on  conspicuous  places 
in  the  race  of  virtue.  The  famous  Socrates, 
son  of  Sophroniscus,  when  under  the  calum- 
nious indictment,  not  only  treated  the  lies  of 
his  accusers  with  contempt,  but  expressed 
his  cheerfulness  in  the  midst  of  his  troubles 
in  the  words,  '^  Anytus  and  Meletus  •  can 
kill  me,  but  they  cannot  harm  me."  And 
the  orator  of  Pceania,-  who  was  as  wise  as 
he  was  eloquent,  enriched  both  the  men  of 
his  own  day  and  them  that  should  come 
after  him  with  the  saying:  "  to  all  the  race 
of  men  the  end  of  life  is  death,  even  though 
one  shut  himself  up  for  safety  in  a  cell;  so 
good  men  are  bound  ever  to  put  their  hand 
to  every  honourable  work,  ever  defending 
themselves  with  good  hope  as  with  a  shield, 
and  bravely  to  bear  whatever  lot  may  be 
given  them  by  God."  ^ 

Moreover  a  writer  of  earlier  date  than 
Demosthenes,  I  mean  the  son  of  Olorus, 
wrote  many  noble  sentiments,  and  among 
them  this  "  We  must  bear  what  the  gods 
send  us  of  necessity  and  the  fortune  of  war 
with  courage."  ^  Why  need  I  quote  philos- 
ophers, historians,  and  orators?  For  even 
the  men  who  gave  higher  honour  to  their 
mytholoey  than  to  the  truth  have  inserted 
many  useful  exhortations  in  their  stories  ;  as 
Homer  in  his  poems  introduces  the  wisest  of 
the  Hellenes  preparing  himself  for  deeds  of 
valour,  where  he  says 

"  He  chid  his  angry  spirit  and  beat  his  breast, 
And  said  *  Forbear  my  mind,  and  think  on  this : 
There  hath  been  time  when  bitterer  agonies 
Have  tried  thy  patience.' "  ^ 

Similar  passages   might  easily  be  collected 


1  Apol.  Soc.  xviii.  e/ae  fx-ev  yd.p  ovSep  ap  |3Aa»//eiej'  ovre 
Me'ArjTO?  ovre  'AvvTog,  ov5e  ySp  au  SvvaLTO. 

2  I.e.  Demosthenes  who  belonged  to  Pasania  a  demus  of 
Attica  on  the  eastern  slope  of  Hymettus,  and  so  was  called  6 
Ilaiafei'?. 

3  Demosth.  de  Cor.  258. 

The  sentiment  finds  various  expression  in  ancient  writers 
e.g.  Euripides,  in  a  fragment  of  the  lost  "  vEgeus," 
Kardaueiv  8'   b(f>€i.\eTaL 
Kai  TOJ  KaT'olKOV<;  e/CTOS  17/xeVw  nopwu. 
and  Propertius  El."  III.  10. 

"  I/le  licet  ferro  cautus  se  condat  et  (xre, 
Mors  tamen  iticlusum  protrahit  inde  cafiit.''^ 

4  Thucydides  II.  Ixiv.  3.  <f)cpeti/  re  XP*?  ^^  ^e  6at^6vta 
ai/ttY/caioa?,  to.  re  anb  rioi'  no\efx.i(xiv  ai'Spetoj?. 

The  quotation  is  from  the  speech  of  Pericles  to  the  Athe- 
nians in  B.C.  430  in  which  he  encourages  and  soothes  them 
under  adversitv. 

c  Homer  Od.  xx,  17.  (Chapman's  Translation.)  cf.  notes  on 
pp.  104,  255,  258,  259,  and  260. 


from   poets,    orators,   and   philosophers,   but 
tor  us  the  divine  writings  are  sufHcient. 

I  have  quoted  what  1  have  to  prove  how- 
disgraceful  it  w'ere  for  the  mere  disciples  of 
nature  to  get  the  better  of  us  who  have  had 
the  teaching  of  the  prophets  and  the  apos- 
tles, trusting  in  the  Saviour's  suflerings  and 
looking  for  the  resurrection  of  the  body, 
freedom  from  corruption,  the  gift  of  immor- 
tality and  the  kingdom  of  heaven. 

So,  my  dear  friend,  comfort  those  who 
are  discouraged  at  the  stories  bruited  abroad, 
and  if  anybody  is  pleased  at  them,  tell  them 
that  we  are  happy  too,  that  we  are  exulting 
and  dancing  with  joy,  and  that  what  they 
call  punishment  we  are  looking  for  as  the 
kingdom  of  heaven  itself. 

To  inform  those  who  do  not  know  in  what 
mind  we  are,  be  assured,  most  excellent 
friend,  that  we  believe,  as  we  have  been 
taught,  in  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy 
Ghost.  There  is  no  truth  in  the  slander  of 
some  that  we  have  been  taught  to  believe,  or 
have  been  baptized,  or  do  believe,  or  teach 
others  to  believe,  in  two  Sons.  As  we  know^ 
one  Father  and  one  Holy  Ghost  so  we  know 
one  Son,  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  only 
begotten  Son  of  God,  God  the  Word  who 
was  made  man.  We  do  not  however  deny 
the  properties  of  the  natures.  We  hold 
them  to  be  in  error  wdio  divide  the  one  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  into  two  Sons,  and  we  also  call 
them  enemies  of  the  truth  who  endeavour  to 
confound  the  natures.  We  believe  an  union 
to  have  been  made  without  confusion,  and 
we  reckon  some  qualities  to  be  proper  to 
the  manhood  and  others  to  the  Godhead  ;  for 
just  as  the  man  —  I  mean  man  in  general  — 
reasonable  and  mortal  being,  has  a  soul  and 
has  a  body,  and  is  reckoned  to  be  one  being, 
just  so  the  distinction  between  the  two  nat- 
ures does  not  divide  the  one  man  into  tvv'o 
persons,  but  we  recognise  in  the  one  man 
both  the  immortality  of  the  soul  and  the 
mortality  of  the  body,  and  acknowledge  the 
invisible  soul  and  the  visible  body,  but,  as  I 
said,  one  being  at  once  reasonable  and 
mortal ;  so  do  we  recognise  our  Lord  and 
God,  I  mean  the  Son  of  God  our  Lord 
Christ,  even  after  His  incarnation,  to  be  one 
Son  ;  for  the  union  is  indivisible,  as  we  know 
it  is  without  confusion.  We  acknowledge 
too  that  the  Godhead  is  without  beginning, 
and  that  the  manhood  is  of  recent  origin  ;  for 
the  one  nature  is  of  the  seed  of  Abraham  and 
David,  from  whom  descended  the  holy  Vir- 
gin, but  the  divine  nature  was  begotten  of 
the  God  and  Father  before  the  ages  without 
time,  without  passions,  without  severance. 
But    suppose    the  distinction  between    flesh 


LETTERS. 


259 


I 


and  Godhead  to  be  destroyed,  what  weapons 
shall  we  use  in  our  war  with  Arius  and 
Eunomius?  How  shall  we  undo  their  blas- 
phemy against  the  only  begotten  ?  As  it  is, 
'we  apply  the  words  of  humiliation  as  to 
man,  the  words  of  exaltation  and  divinity  as 
to  God,  and  the  setting  forth  of  the  truth  is 
very  easy  to  us. 

But  this  disquisition  on  the  faith  is  exceed- 
ing the  limits  of  a  letter.  Still  even  these 
few  words  are  enough  to  show  the  character 
of  the  apostolic  faith. ^ 

XXII.     To  Count  Ulpianus. 

It  is  said  that  what  is  faulty  in  men's  ways 
may  be  brought  to  order  and  improved  by 
words.  But  I  think  that  characters  made 
beautiful  by  nature,  themselves  make  words 
fair,  though  they  stand  in  need  of  none,  just 
as  bodies  naturally  beautiful  need  no  artificial 
colouring.  These  qualities  are  conspicuous 
in  the  right  eloquent  orator  Athanasius,  and  I 
have  been  the  more  pleased  with  him  because 
he  is  an  ardent  lover  of  your  Excellency, 
and  is  constantly  sounding  your  praises. 
Here,  however,  I  have  striven  with  him,  and 
in  enumerating  your  high  qualities,  have 
•outdone  him,  for  I  know  more  about  good 
deeds  of  yours  than  he.  I  am  however 
vexed  at  not  being  able  to  praise  them  all, 
and  to  see  that  my  summary  of  your  virtues 
falls  short  of  what  might  be  said  in  your 
praise,  but  if  God  grant  it  even  to  approach 
the  truth  you  will  hold  the  pre-eminence  in 
every  kind  of  virtue  among  all  your  contem- 
poraries.- 

XXIII.      To  the  Patrician  Areobindas? 

In  distributing  wealth  and  poverty  among 
men  the  Creator  and  Governor  of  all  gives 
no  unjust  judgment,  but  gives  the  poverty  of 
•the  poor  to  the  rich  as  a  means  of  useful- 
oess.  So  He  brings  chastisement  upon  men 
not  merely  in  the  infliction  of  punishment 
for  their  faults,  but  to  provide  the  wealthy 
•with  opportunities  for  shewing  kindness  to 
mankind.  This  year  the  Lord  has  sent  us 
scourges,  far  less  than  our  sins,  but  enough 
to  distress  the  husbandmen,  of  whose  sufter- 
ings  I  lately  made  your  magnificence  ac- 
quainted through  your  own  hinds.  Pity,  I 
beseech  you,  the  tillers  of  the  ground,  who 
have  spent  their  toil  with  but  very  little  re- 
sult. Be  this  bad  year  a  suggestion  of 
spiritual  abundance,  and  do  ye  through  the 
exercise   of  compassion  gather  in  the  harvest 

1  Garnerius  dates  this  letter  in  Sept.  or  Oct.,  449. 

2  Nothing  more  seems  to  be  known  either  of  Ulpianus  or 
of  this  Athanasius. 

3  Areobindas  was  consul  in  434,  and  died,  according  to 
Marcellinus,  in  449. 


of  the  compassion  of  God.  On  this  account 
the  excellent  Dionysius  has  hurried  to  your 
greatness  to  tell  you  of  the  trouble,  that  he 
may  receive  the  remedy.  He  carries  this 
letter,  like  a  suppliant's  branch  of  olive,  in 
the  hope  that  by  its  means  he  may  receive 
greater  kindness. 

XXIV.     To  Aiidreas  Bishop  of  Samosata. 

Your  piety,  nursling  of  God's  love,  longs, 
I  am  sure,  for  my  society.  But  I  am  all  the 
more  eager  for  yours  in  proportion  as  I 
know  that  from  it  more  advantage  will  ac- 
crue to  me.  Want  somehow  naturally 
makes  our  wishes  the  stronger,  but  the  Lord 
of  all  is  able  to  give  us  what  we  long  for. 
He  rules  all  things  Himself;  knows  what  is 
sure  to  do  us  good,  and  never  ceases  to  give 
every  man  this  boon.  I  really  cannot  tell 
you  how  much  delighted  I  was  with  your 
letter,  and  the  very  honourable  and  devout 
deacon  Thalassius  increased  my  pleasure  by 
telling  me  what  I  was  very  anxious  to  know, 
for  what  can  be  more  welcome  to  me  than 
news  that  all  goes  well  with  you.^  And  what 
is  it  that  so  increases  your  welfare  as  the 
moderation  of  the  great  men  among  us  ?  You 
have  acted  like  a  wise  and  active  physician 
who  does  not  wait  to  be  sent  for,  but  comes 
of  his  own  accord  to  them  that  need  his  care. 
This  has  given  me  great  pleasure,  and  I  have 
learnt  by  my  own  experience  what  the  poet 
means  when  he  says  ''  laughing  through  her 
tears."  ^  May  the  bountiful  Giver  of  all  good 
things  grant  your  holiness  to  excel  in  them, 
and  to  make  us  emulous  of  what  is  praise- 
worthy in  all  good  men.  Help  us  then  my 
dear  friend,  and  persuade  him  who  can  to 
grant  our  petition.^ 

XXV,     Festal. 

When  the  only  begotten  God  had  been 
made  Man,  and  had  wrought  out  our  salva- 
tion, they  who  in  those  days  saw  Him  from 
whom  these  bounties  flowed  kept  no  feast. 
But  in  our  time,  land  and  sea,  town  and 
hamlet,  though  they  cannot  see  their  bene- 
factor with  eyes  of  sense,  keep  a  feast  in 
memory  of  all  He  has  done  for  them  ;  and  so 
great  is  the  joy  flowing  from  these  celebra- 
tions that  the  streams  of  spiritual  gladness 
run  in  all  directions.  Wherefore  we  now 
salute  your  piety,  at  once  to  signify  the 
cheerfulness  which  the  feast  has  caused  in 
us,  and  to  ask  your  prayers  that  we  may 
keep  it  to  the  end. 

1  Horn.  II.  VI.  4S4,  cf.  quotations  from  Homer  pp.  104,  255, 
25S,  259,  260. 

2  It  is  to  Andreas  of  Samosata  that  Theodoret  addressed  thj 
famous  letter  on  the  errors  of  Cyril  numbered  162.  He  is 
mentioned  by  Athanasius  Sinaita. 


26o 


THEODORET. 


XXVI.     Festal, 

The  fountains  of  the  Lord's  kindness  are 
ever  gushing  forth  with  good  things  for  them 
that  believe ;  but  some  further  good  is  con- 
veyed by  the  celebrations  which  preserve 
the  memory  of  the  greatest  of  benefits  to 
them  that  keep  the  feasts  with  more  good 
will.  We  have  just  now  celebrated  the  rites 
and  enjoyed  their  blessing,  and  thus  salute 
your  piety,  for  so  the  custom  of  the  feast  and 
law  of  love  enjoins. 

XXVII,     To   Aquilinus,    deacon   and    Archi- 
mandrite. 

No  one  who  has  won  the  divine  adoption 
weeps  for  orphanhood,  for  what  guardian 
care  can  be  more  powerful  than  that  of  our 
Father  which  is  on  high,  because  of  Him 
fathers  of  earth  are  fathers.  By  His  will 
some  are  made  fathers  by  nature,  some  by 
grace.  To  Him  then  let  us  hold  fast  and 
keep  alive  the  memory  of  them  that  are 
dead.  For  we  shall  be  the  better  for  the 
recollection  of  them  that  have  lived  well, 
rousing  us  to  imitation  of  them. 

XXVIII.     To  Jacobus,  presbyter  and  monk. 

They  who  have  made  the  vigour  of  their 
manhood  bright  by  virtuous  industry  hasten 
happily  towards  old  age,  gladdened  by  the 
recollection  of  their  former  victories,  and  for 
old  age's  sake  rid  of  further  struggle.  This 
joy  I  think  your  own  piety  possesses,  and  that 
you  bear  your  old  age  the  more  easily  for  the 
recollection  of  the  labours  of  your  youth. 

XXIX.     To  Apellion. 

The  sufferinofs  of  the  Carthasinians  would 
demand,  and,  in  their  greatness,  perhaps 
out-task,  the  power  of  the  tragic  language  of 
an  ^schylus  or  a  Sophocles.  Carthage  of 
old  was  with  difficulty  taken  by  the  Romans. 
Again  and  again  she  contended  with  Rome 
for  the  mastery  of  the  world,  and  brought 
Rome  within  danger  of  destruction.  Now 
the  ruin  has  been  the  mere  byplay  of  bar- 
barians. Now  dignified  members  of  her  far- 
famed  senate  wander  all  over  the  world, 
getting  means  of  existence  from  the  bounty 
of  kindly  strangers,  moving  the  tears  of  be- 
holders, and  teaching  the  uncertainty  and 
instability  of  the  lot  of  man. 

I  have  seen  many  who  have  come  thence, 
and  I  have  felt  afraid,  for  I  know  not,  as  the 
Scripture  says,  "  what  the  morrow  will 
bring   forth."  ^     Not  least  do  I    admire  the 


1  Prov.  xxvii.  i. 


admirable  and  most  honourable  Celestinianus, 
so  bravely  does  he  bear  his  misfortune,  and 
makes  the  loss  of  his  happiness  an  occasion 
for  philosophy,  praising  the  governor  of  all, 
and  holding  that  to  be  good  which  God 
either  ordains  or  suffers  to  be.  For  the 
wisdom  of  divine  Providence  is  unspeakable. 
He  is  travelling  with  his  wife  and  children, 
and  I  beg  your  excellency  to  treat  him  with 
an  hospitality  like  that  of  Abraham.  With 
perfect  confidence  in  your  benevolence  I 
have  undertaken  to  introduce  him  to  you, 
and  I  am  telling  him  how  generous  is  your 
right  hand.i 

XXX,     To  Aerius  the  Sophist,^ 

Now  is  the  time  for  your  Academy  to 
prove  the  use  of  your  discussions.  I  am 
told  that  a  brilliant  assemblage  collects  at 
your  house,  of  which  the  members  are  both 
illustrious  by  birth  and  polished  of  speech, 
and  that  you  debate  about  virtue  and  the 
immortality  of  the  soul,  and  other  kindred 
subjects.  Show  now  opportunely  your 
nobility  of  soul  and  wealth  of  virtue,  and 
receive  the  most  admirable  and  honourable 
Celestinianus  in  the  spirit  of  men  who  have 
learnt  the  rapid  changes  of  human  prosperity. 
He  was  formerly  an  ornament  of  the  city  of 
Carthage,  where  he  flung  open  the  doors  of 
his  house  to  many  priests,  and  never  thought 
to  need  a  stranger's  kindness.  Be  his  spokes- 
man, my  friend,  and  aid  him  in  his  need  of 
your  voice,  for  he  cannot  suffer  the  advice  of 
the  poet  which  bids  him  that  needeth  speak 
though  he  be  ashamed. ^ 

Persuade  I  beg  you  any  of  your  society 
who  are  capable  of  so  doing  to  emulate  the 
hospitality  of  Alcinous,"*  to  remove  the  pov- 
erty which  has  unexpectedly  befallen  him, 
and  to  change  his  evil  fortune  into  good. 
Let  them  praise  our  kindly  Lord  for  making 
us  wise  by  other  men's  calamities,  not 
having  sent  us  to  strangers'  houses  and 
having  brought  strangers  to  our  doors.  To 
men  that  shew  kindness  He  promises  to  give 
what  words  cannot  express  and  no  intelli- 
gence can  understand. 

XXXI.     To  Domnus  bishop  of  Afttioch.^ 

The  most  admirable  and  honourable  Celes- 
tinianus is  a  native  of  the  famous  Carthage, 
and    of  an    illustrious    family    in    that    city. 

1  The  name  Celestinianus  varies  in  the  MSS.  with  Celesti- 
acus.  Theodoret's  letter  in  his  behalf  may  be  placed  shortly- 
after  the  sack  of  Carthage  by  Genseric  in  4^9. 

2  A  Christian  Sophist  of  Cyrus,     cf.  Letter  LXVI. 

3  This  passage  is  corrupt,  and  I  cannot  discover  the  quota- 
tion.    There  may  not  impossibly  be  a  reference  to  Horn.  Od. 


xvu.  345. 

*  Horn.  Od.  vii. 


5  cf.  Epp.  80 -no- 112. 


LETTERS. 


261 


Now  he  has  been  exiled  from  it.  He  is 
wandering  in  foreign  parts,  and  has  to  look 
to  the  benevolence  of  them  that  love  God. 
He  carries  with  him  a  burden  from  which 
he  cannot  escape  and  which  increases  his 
care  —  I  mean  his  wife,  his  children  and  his 
servants,  for  whom  he  is  at  great  expense. 
I  wonder  at  his  spirit.  For  he  praises  the 
great  Pilot  as  though  he  wxre  being  borne 
by  favourable  breezes,  and  cares  nothing 
for  the  terrible  storm.  From  his  calamity 
he  has  reaped  the  fruit  of  piety,  and  this 
thrice  blessed  gain  has  been  brought  him  by 
his  misfortune  ;  for  while  he  was  in  pros- 
perity he  never  accepted  this  teaching,  but 
when  the  evil  day  left  him  bare,  among  the 
rest  of  his  losses  he  lost  his  impiety  too,  and 
now  possesses  the  wealth  of  the  faith,  and 
for  its  sake  thinks  little  of  his  ruin. 

I  therefore  beseech  your  holiness  to  let  him 
find  a  fatherland  in  these  foreign  parts,  and 
to  charge  them  that  abound  in  riches  to  com- 
fort one  who  once  was  endowed  like  them- 
selves, and  to  scatter  the  dark  cloud  of  his 
calamity.  It  is  only  right  and  proper  that 
among  men  of  like  nature,  where  all  have 
erred,  they  that  have  escaped  chastisement 
should  bring  comfort  to  them  that  have 
fallen  on  evil  days,  and  by  their  sympathy 
for  these  latter  propitiate  the  mercy  of  God. 

XXXII.     To  the  Bishop  Theoctistus} 

If  the  God  of  all  had  forthwith  inflicted 
punishment  on  all  that  err  he  would  utterly 
have  destroyed  all  men.  But  He  spares;  He 
is  a  merciful  Judge  ;  and  therefore  some  He 
chastises,  and  to  others  He  gives  the  lesson 
of  the  punishment  of  the  chastised.  An  in- 
stance of  this  merciful  dealing  has  been 
shewn  in  our  times.  Exiles  from  what  was 
once  known  as  Libya,  but  is  now  called 
Africa,  have  been  brought  by  Him  to  our 
doors,  and  by  shewing  us  their  sufferings  He 
moves  us  to  fear,  and  by  fear  rouses  us  to 
sympathy  ;  thus  He  accomplishes  two  ends  at 
once,  for  He  both  benefits  us  by  their  chas- 
tisement, and  to  them  by  our  means  brings 
comfort.  This  comfort  I  now  beg  you  to 
give  to  the  very  admirable  and  honourable 
Celestinianus,  a  man  who  once  was  an  orna- 
ment of  the  Africans'  chief  city,  but  now  has 
neither  city  nor  home,  nor  anv  of  the  neces- 
saries of  life.  Now  it  is  proper  that  those 
who  in  the  jurisdiction  of  your  holiness  have 
been  entrusted  with  the  pastoral  care  of  souls 
should  bring  before  their  fellow  citizens  what 
is  for  their  good,  for  indeed  they   need  such 

^  Rp.  of  the  Syrian  Beroea.  He  succeeded  Acacius  in  437. 
cf.  Ep.  134. 


teaching.  For  this  reason,  as  we  know,  the 
divine  Apostle  in  his  Epistle  to  Titus  writes 
*"'  Let  ours  also  learn  to  maintain  good  works 
for  necessary  uses,"  ^  for  if  our  city,  solitary 
as  it  is,  and  with  only  a  small  population, 
and  that  a  poor  one,  succours  the  strangers, 
much  rather  may  Beroea,^  which  has  been 
nurtured  in  true  religion,  be  expected  to  do 
so,  especially  under  the  leadership  of  your 
holiness. 

XXXIII.      To  Stasiinus,  Count  and  Primate? 

To  narrate  the  sufferings  of  the  most  hon- 
ourable and  dignified  Celestinianus  would 
require  tragic  eloquence.  Tragic  writers 
set  forth  fully  the  ills  of  humanity,  but  I  can 
only  in  a  word  inform  your  excellency  that 
his  country  is  Libya,  so  long  on  all  men's 
tongues,  his  city  the  far  famed  Carthage,  his 
hereditary  rank  a  seat  in  her  famous  council, 
his  circumstances  affluent.  But  all  this  is 
now  a  tale,  mere  words  stripped  bare  of 
realities.  The  barbarian  war  has  deprived 
him  of  all  this.  But  such  is  fortune  ;  she 
refuses  to  remain  always  with  the  same  men 
and  hastens  to  change  her  abode  to  dwell 
with  others.'*  I  beg  to  introduce  this  guest 
to  your  excellency,  and  beseech  you  that  he 
may  enjoy  your  far  famed  beneficence.  I 
beg  also  that  through  your  excellency  he 
may  become  known  to  all  those  who  are  in 
office  and  opulence,  in  order  that  you  may 
both  become  a  means  of  advantage  to  them 
and  win  the  higher  reward  from  our  merci- 
ful God. 

XXXIV,     To  the  Count  Patrici us. 

All  kinds  of  goodness  are  praiseworthy, 
but  all  are  made  more  beautiful  by  loving 
kindness.  For  it  we  earnestly  pray  the  God 
of  all ;  through  it  alone  we  obtain  forgive- 
ness when  we  err ;  it  makes  wealth  stoop 
to  the  poor,  and  because  I  know  that  your 
Excellency  is  richly  endowed  with  it  I  con- 
fidently commend  to  you  the  admirable  and 
excellent  Celestinianus,  once  lord  of  vast 
wealth  and  possessions  and  suddenly  stripped 
of  all,  but  bearing  his  poverty  as  easily  as 
few  men  bear  their  riches.  The  subject  of 
the  tragedv  involving  the  fall  of  his  fortunes 
is  the  barbarian  invasion  of  Libya  and  Car- 
thage. I  have  introduced  him  to  your 
greatness  ;  pray  suggest  his  case  to  others, 
and    move    them    to    pity.       You    will    win 


1  Titus  3.  14. 

2  i.e.  The  Syrian  Beroea,  Aleppo  or  TTaleb. 

3  The  title  Prinias  was  applied  in  civil  Law  to  (a)  the  Decu- 
riones  of  a  municipality,  and  (b)  to  the  chiefs  of  provincial 
governments.     Cod.  Theod.  vii.  iS.  73,  ix.  40.  16  etc. 

*  cf.  Horace  I.  xxxiv.  14  and  HI.  xxix.  52  "  7innc  mihi  ntitic 
alii  benisrna.'''' 


262 


THEODORET. 


greater    gain    by   giving    many    a    lesson    in 
loving  kindness. 

XXXV.     To  the  Bishop  Irenceus} 

You  are  conspicuous,  my  Lord,  for  many 
forms  of  goodness,  and  your  holiness  is 
beautified  in  an  especial  degree  by  loving- 
kindness,  by  contempt  of  riches,  and  by  a 
generosity  that  gushes  forth  for  the  help  of 
them  that  need.  I  know  too  that  you  deem 
worthy  of  more  than  ordinary  attention  those 
who  have  been  brought  up  in  prosperity  and 
have  fallen  from  it  into  trouble.  Knowing 
this  as  well  as  I  do  I  venture  to  make  known 
to  you  the  very  admirable  and  excellent  Celes- 
tinianus.  He  was  once  well  known  in  Car- 
thage for  wealth  and  position,  now  stripped 
of  these  he  is  favourably  known  by  his  piety 
and  philosophy,  for  he  bears  what  men  call 
misfortune  with  resignation  because  it  has 
brought  him  to  the  salvation  of  his  soul. 
He  came  to  me  with  a  letter  which  described 
his  former  prosperity,  and  after  he  had 
passed  several  days  with  me  I  proved  the 
truth  of  what  was  said  of  him  by  experience. 
1  have  therefore  no  hesitation  in  commending 
him  to  your  Holiness,  and  begging  you  to 
make  him  known  to  the  well-to-do  men  of 
the  city.  It  is  probable  that  when  they  have 
learnt  what  has  befallen  him,  in  fear  of  a 
like  fate  befalling  themselves,  they  will 
endeavour  to  escape  judgment  by  shewing 
mercy.  He  has  no  resource  but  to  go  about 
begging,  as  he  is  put  to  the  greater  expense 
because  he  has  with  him  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren, and  the  domestics  who  with  him  es- 
caped the  violence  of  the  barbarians. 

XXXVI ,     To  Fompianusy  Bishop  of  Eniesa. 

I  know  very  well  that  your  means  are 
small  and  your  heart  is  great,  and  that  in 
your  case  generosity  is  not  prevented  by 
limited  resources.  I  therefore  introduce  to 
your  holiness  the  admirable  and  excellent 
Celestinianus,  once  enjoying  much  wealth 
and  prosperity,  but  now  escaped  from  the 
hands  of  the  barbarians  with  nothing  but 
freedom,  and  having  no  means  of  livelihood 
except  the  mercy  of  men  like  your  piety. 
And  cares  crowd  round  him,  for  travelling 
with  him  are  his  wife,  children  and  servants, 
whom  he  has  brought  with  him  from  no 
motives  but  those  of  humanity,  for  he  can- 
not think  it  right  to  dismiss  them  when  they 
refuse  to  abandon  him.  I  beg  you  of  your 
goodness  to  make  him  known  to  our  wealthy 
citizens,  for  I  think  that,  after  being  informed 
by  your  holiness  and  seeino^  how  soon  pros- 

1  i.e.  of  Tvrc. 


perity  may  fall  away,  they  will  bethink  them 
of  our  common  humanity,  and,  in  imitation 
of  your  magnanimity,  will  give  him  such 
help  as  they  can. 

XXXVII.     To  Salustius  the  Governor.^ 

When  rulers  keep  the  scales  of  justice 
true,  and  let  them  hang  in  even  balance, 
they  confer  all  kinds  of  benefits  upon  their 
subjects ;  if  they  are  also  gifted  with  pru- 
dence and  further  show  loving-kindness  to 
him  that  needs  it,  manifold  advantages  accrue 
from  their  rule  to  them  that  live  under  it. 
Having  enjoyed  these  good  things  through 
your  excellency,  and  having  experienced 
them  in  your  former  administration,  they 
have  now  been  moved  with  joy  at  the  infor- 
mation that  to  your  munificence  the  helm 
of  government  has  been  entrusted.  I  pray 
that  they  may  gain  yet  greater  good,  that 
your  excellency  may  win  still  higher  praise, 
and  that  the  encomiums  of  your  eulogists  may 
be  vindicated  by  the  addition  to  all  your  other 
honourable  titles  to  fame  of  that  colophon^ 
of  good  things  —  true  religion.  As  I  was 
compelled  to  pass  several  days  in  Hierapolis 
I  hoped  to  have  the  pleasure  of  meeting  your 
excellency,  and  persistently  enquired  of  new 
comers  if  the  insignia  of  ofiice  had  been 
conveyed  to  you.  But  I  was  compelled  by 
the  divine  feast  of  salvation  to  return  in 
haste  to  the  city  entrusted  to  me.  Now 
however  that  I  have  received  your  excel- 
lency's letter,  with  very  great  pleasure  I  re- 
turn your  salutation,  and  without  delay  have 
sent,  as  you  requested,  the  honourable  and 
pious  deacon  who  is  by  God's  grace  a 
water-finder.  May  the  Lord  in  His  loving 
kindness  grant  him  both  to  do  good  service  to 
the  city  and  increase  your  excellency's  glory. 

XXXVIII     Festal. 

The  divine  feast  of  salvation  has  brought 
us  the  founts  of  God's  good  gifts,  the  bless- 
ing of  the  Cross,  and  the  immortality  which 
sprang  from  our  Lord's  death,  the  resurrec- 
tion of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  which  gives 
promise  of  the  resurrection  of  us  all.  These 
being  the  gifts  of  the  feast,  such  its  exhibition 
of  the  bounty  of  divine  grace,  it  has  filled 
us  with  spiritual  gladness.  But  encom- 
passed as  we  are  on  every  side  by  many  and 

1  i.e.  of  the  Euphratensis. 

2  Colophon  was  one  of  the  twelve  Ionian  cities  founded  by 
Mopsus  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  and  was  one  of  the  claim- 
ants for  being  the  birthplace  of  Homer.  To  put  a  colophon  to 
anything  became  a  proverbial  expression  for  to  put  the  crown- 
ing touch,  to  complete  —  from  the  fact  according  to  Strabo 
(C,  643)  that  the  Colophonian  cavalry  was  so  excellent  as  at 
once  to  decide  and  finish  a  battle  in  which  it  appeared.  So  the 
place  and  date  of  the  edition  of  a  book,  with  the  device  of  the 
printer,  appended  to  old  editions  is  called  a  colophon. 


LETTERS. 


263 


great  calamities,  the  brightness  of  the  feast 
is  dimmed,  and  lamentation  and  wailing  are 
mingled  with  our  psalmody.  Such  sorrows 
does  sin  bring  forth.  It  is  sin  which  has 
filled  our  life  with  pangs ;  it  is  on  account  of 
sin  that  death  is  lovelier  to  us  than  life ;  it  is 
on  account  of  sin  that  when  we  think  in 
imagination  of  that  incorruptible  tribunal 
we  shudder  even  at  the  life  to  come.  So 
may  your  piety  pray  that  God's  loving-kind- 
ness may  light  on  us,  and  that  this  gloomy 
and  terrible  cloud  may  be  dispersed  and  sun- 
shine again  quickly  give  us  joy. 

XXXIX,     Festal, 

My  wish  was  to  write  in  cheerful  terms 
and  sound  the  note  of  the  spiritual  joy  of  the 
feast,  but  I  am  prevented  by  the  multitude 
of  our  sins, 'which  are  bringing  on  us  the 
judgment  of  God.  For  who  indeed  can  be 
so  insensible  as  not  to  perceive  the  divine 
wrath?  May  your  piety  then  pray  that 
affairs  may  undergo  a  change  for  the  better ; 
that  so  we  too  may  change  the  style  of  our 
letter,  and  write  words  of  cheerfulness  in- 
stead of  those  of  wailing. 

XL.     To  Theodorus  the  Vicar} 

The  custom  of  the  feast  bids  me  write  a 
festal  letter,  but  the  cloud  of  our  calamities 
suffers  me  not  to  gather  the  usual  happy 
fruit  from  it.  Who  is  so  stony-hearted  as 
not  to  be  shocked  and  affrighted  at  the 
anger  and  grief  of  the  Lord  ?  Who  is  not 
stirred  to  the  memory  of  faults?  Who  does 
not  look  for  the  righteous  sentence?  All  this 
dims  the  brightness  of  the  feast,  but  the 
Lord  is  full  of  loving-kindness,  and  we  trust 
He  will  not  actually  fulfil  His  threats,  but 
will  look  mercifully  on  us,  scatter  our  sad- 
ness, open  the  springs  of  mercy,  and  shew  His 
wonted  long  suffering.  I  salute  your  great- 
ness, and  beseech  you  to  send  me  news  of  the 
health  I  sincerely  trust  you  are  enjoying. 

XLL     To   Claudianus?' 

The  divine  Celebration  has  as  usual  con- 
ferred on  us  its  spiritual  boons ;  but  the  sour 
fruits  of  sin  have  not  sufiered  us  to  enjoy 
them  with  gladness.  They  have  had  their 
usual  results  ;  in  the  beginning  they  caused 
thorns,  caltrops,  sweats,  toil  and  pain  to 
sprout ;  at  the  present  moment  sin  sets  the 
earth  quaking  against  us,  and  makes  nations 
rise  against  us  on  every  side.     And  we  lament 

1  T07roTr)pr;TJ7?,  vicarius,  or  lieutenant,  is  used  of*  Vicars  "  both 
civil  and  ecclesiastical. 

2  In  Vatican  MS.  to  Salustianus.  The  mention  of  the  earth- 
quake fixes  the  date  of  this  letter  in  447,  a  year  when  the  Huns 
were  ravaging  the  eastern  empire. 


because  we  force  t?he  good  Lord,  who  is  wish- 
ful to  do  us  good,  to  do  us  ill,  and  compel 
Him  to  inflict  punishment. 

Yet  when  we  bethink  us  of  the  unfathomable 
depths  of  His  pity  we  are  comforted,  and  trust 
thattheLordwillnotcastofTHispeople,  neither 
will  HeforsakeHis  inheritance.*  Whilesalut- 
ing  your  magnificence  I  beseech  you  to  give 
me  news  of  your  much-wished  for  health. 

XLII.     To   Cons  tan  tius  the  prefect,^ 

Did  no  necessity  compel  me  to  address  a 
letter  to  your  greatness,  I   might  haply  be 
found    guilty    of    presumption,    for     neither 
taking  due  measure  of  myself  nor  recognis- 
ing the  greatness  of  your  power.     But  now 
that  all  that  is   left  of  the  city   and    district 
which  God  has  committed   to   my  charge   is 
in  peril  of  utterly  perishing,  and  certain  men 
have    dared    to    bring    calumnious    charges 
against  the  recent  visitation,  I  am  sure  your 
magnificence  will  pardon  the  l:)oldness  of  my 
letter  when  you  enquire  into  the  necessity  of 
the  case,  and  my  own  object   in  writing.     I 
groan    and    lament    at    being    compelled    to 
write  against  a  man  over   whose  errors   one 
ought  to   throw  a  veil,  because   he   is  of  the 
clerical  order.     Nevertheless  I  write   to   de- 
fend   the    cause    of    the    poor    whom    he    is 
wronging.     After  being  charged  with  many 
crimes  and  excluded  from  the   Communion, 
pending  the  assembly  of  the  sacred  Synod,  in 
alarm  at  the  decision  of  the  episcopal  coun- 
cil he  has  made  his  escape  from  this  place, 
thereby  trampling,    as  he  supposed,  on   the 
laws  of  the  Church,   and,   by  his  contempt 
of  the  sentence  of  excommunication  has  laid 
bare  his  motive.     He  has  undertaken  an  accu- 
sation not  even  fit  for  men  of  mean  crafts, 
and  in  consequence  of  his  ill-feeling  towards 
the  illustrious  Philip  has   proceeded   against 
the  wretched   tax-payers.     I   feel    that   it    is 
quite  needless  for  me  to  mention  his   charac- 
ter, his  course  of  life  from  the  be2:innin2"  and 
the  greatness   of  his  wrong-doings,  but  this 
one  thing  I  do  beseech  your  Excellency,  not 
to  believe  his  lies,  but  to  ratify  the  vi^sitation, 
and    spare    the   wretched  tax-payers.     Aye, 
spare    the    thrice    wretched    decurions    who 
cannot  exact  the  moneys  demanded  of  them. 
Who  indeed  is  ignorant  of  the  severity  of  the 
taxation    of  the   acres   among:   us?     On   this 
account  most  of  our  landowners  have   fled, 
our  hinds  have  run  away,   and   the  greater 
part  of  our  lands  are  deserted.      In  discuss- 
ing the  land  there  will  be  no  impropriety  in 
our  using  geometrical  terms.     Of  our  coun- 


1  Psalm  xciv.  14. 

2  This  and  the  five  following-  letters  may  be  placed  in  446, 
after  the  promulgation  of  the  law  of  Theodosius  '*  de  relevatis, 
adceratis,  vel  donaiis J^ossessionibus^''  late  in  445. 


264 


THEODORET. 


try  the  length  is  forty  milestones,  and  the 
breadth  the  same.  It  includes  many  high 
mountains,  some  wholly  bare,  and  some 
covered  with  unproductive  vegetation. 
Within  this  district  there  are  fifty  thousand 
free  jugers,*  and  besides  that  ten  thousand 
which  belong  to  the  imperial  treasury.  Now 
only  let  your  wisdom  consider  how  great  is 
the  wrong.  For  if  none  of  the  country  had 
been  uncultivated,  and  it  had  all  furnished 
easy  husbandry  for  the  hinds,  they  would 
nevertheless  have  sunk  under  the  tribute, 
unable  to  endure  the  severity  of  the  tax- 
ation. And  here  is  a  proof  of  what  I  say. 
In  the  time  of  Isidorus  ^  of  glorious  memory, 
fifteen  thousand  acres  were  taxed  in  gold, 
but  the  exactors  of  the  Comitian  assessment, 
unable  to  bear  the  loss,  frequently  complained, 
and  by  offerings  besought  your  high  dignity 
to  let  them  off  two  thousand  five  hundred  for 
the  unproductive  acres,  and  your  excellency's 
predecessors  in  this  office  ordered  the  unpro- 
ductive acreage  to  be  taken  off' the  unfortunate 
decurions,  and  an  equivalent  number  to  be 
substituted  for  the  Comitian  ;  and  not  even 
thus  are  they  able  to  complete  the  tale. 

So  with  many  words  I  ask  your  favour, 
and  beseech  your  magnificence  to  put  aside 
the  false  accusations  that  are  made  against 
the  wretched  tax-payers,  to  stem  the  tide  of 
distress  in  this  unhappy  district,  and  let  it 
once  more  lift  its  head.  Thus  you  will 
leave  an  imperishable  memory  of  honour  to 
future  generations.  I  am  joined  in  my  sup- 
plication to  you  by  all  the  saints  of  our  dis- 
trict, and  especially  by  that  right  holy  and 
l^ious  man  of  God,  the  Lord  Jacobus,^  who 
holds  silence  in  such  great  esteem  that  he 
cannot  be  induced  to  w^ite,  but  he  prays 
that  our  city,  which  is  made  illustrious  by 
having  him  as  neighbour  and  is  protected  by 
his  prayers,  may  receive  the  boon  which  I 
ask. 

XLIIL     To  the  Augusta  Pulcheria.^ 

Since  you  adorn  the  empire  by  your  piety 
and  render  the  purple  brighter  by  your  faith, 
we  make  bold  to  write  to  you,  no  longer 
conscious  of  our  insignificance  in  that  you 
always  pay  all  due  honour  to  the  clergy. 
With  these  sentiments  I  beseech  your  ma- 
jesty to  deign  to  show  clemency  to  our  un- 
happy country,  to  order  the  ratification  of 
the  visitation  which  has  been  several  times 
made,  and  not  to  accept  the  false  accusations 
which    some  men  have  brought   against    it. 


*  i.e.,  28,800  sq.  ft.  "7K^«;«  vacant  quod  juncti  boves  uno 
die exarare possint .^^     Varro  R.  R.  i.  10. 

2  For  many  years  Prefect  of  the  East. 

3  Presumably  the  Jacobus  of  Relig.  Hist.  XXI,  an   ascetic 
disciple  of  Maro. 

*  Vide  p.  155  n. 


I  beseech  you  to  give  no  credit  to  him  who 
bears  indeed  the  name  of  bishop,  but  whose 
mode  of  action  is  unworthy  even  of  respect- 
able slaves.^  He  has  been  himself  under 
serious  charges  and  subject  to  the  bann  of 
excommunication  under  the  most  holy  and 
God-beloved  archbishop  of  Antioch,  the 
Lord  Domnus,  pending  the  summoning  of 
the  episcopal  council  for  the  investigation 
of  the  charges  against  him.  He  has  now 
made  his  escape,  and  betaken  himself  to  the 
imperial  city,  where  he  plies  the  trade  of  an 
informer,  attacking  the  country  which  is  his 
mother  country  with  its  thousands  of  poor, 
and,  for  the  sake  of  his  hatred  to  one,  wags 
his  tongue  against  all.  Out  of  regard  to 
what  is  becoming  to  me  I  will  say  nothing 
as  to  his  character  and  education,  and  indeed 
he  shows  only  too  plainly  what  he  has  at 
present  in  hand.  But  of  the  district  I  will 
say  this,  that  when  the  whole  province  had 
its  burdens  lightened,  this  portion,  although 
it  bore  a  very  heavy  share  of  the  burden, 
never  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  relaxation. 
The  result  is  that  many  estates  are  deprived 
of  husbandmen  ;  nay,  many  are  altogether 
abandoned  by  their  owners,  while  the 
wretched  decurions  have  demands  made  on 
them  for  these  very  properties,  and,  being 
quite  unable  to  bear  the  exaction,  betake 
themselves  some  to  begging,  and  some  to 
flight.  The  city  seems  to  be  reduced  to  one 
man,  and  he  will  not  be  able  to  hold  out 
unless  your  piety  supplies  a  remedy.  But  I 
am  in  hopes  that  your  serenity  will  heal  the 
wounds  in  the  city  and  add  yet  this  one 
more  to  your  many  good  deeds. 

XLIV,     To  the  patrician  ^  Senator, 

Thanks  be  to  the  Saviour  of  the  world 
because  to  your  greatness  He  is  ever  adding 
dignity  and  honour.  The  reason  of  my  not 
writing  up  to  this  time  to  exhibit  the  delight 
which  I  have  felt  at  the  colophon^  of  your 
honour,  has  been  my  wish  not  to  trouble 
your  magnificence.  At  the  moment  of  my 
now  thus  writing,  the  district  which  Provi- 
dence has  committed  to  my  care  stands  as 
the  proverb  has  it  on  a  razor's  edge.''  You 
will  remember  the  visitation  which  was 
made  at  the  time  when  we  first  were  bene- 
fited by  your  presence  among  us  ;  how  it  was 


1  The  delator  referred  to  in  these  letters  is  presumably 
Athanasius  ofPerrha,  who  was  deposed  by  Domnus  II  bishop 
of  Antioch,  in  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century.  As  Tillemont 
points  out  (Vol.  XV.  pp.  261-3  ed.  1740)  we  cannot  make  the 
identification  with  certainty,  but  the  circumstances  correspond 
with  what  is  known  of  this  Athanasius.  There  was  a  Perrha, 
now  Perrin,  about  twenty  miles  north  of  Samosata  (Samisat). 

2  From  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Constantine  the  title  pa- 
trician designated  a  high  court  functionary, 

3  Cf.  note  on  page  262.  *  Cf.  note  page  107. 


LETTERS. 


265 


with  difficulty  established  in  the  time  of  the 
most  excellent  prefect  the  Lord  Florentius  ; ' 
and  how  it  was  confirmed  by  the  present 
holder  of  the  office.  An  individual  who 
bears  the  name  of  bishop,  but  of  ways  un- 
worthy even  of  stage  players,  has  fled  from 
the  episcopal  synod  at  a  time  when  he  was 
lying  under  sentence  of  excommunication 
and  is  endeavouring  to  calumniate  and  dis- 
credit the  visitation,  while  through  his 
hatred  to  the  illustrious  Philip  he  assails 
the  truth.  I  therefore  beseech  your  excel- 
lency to  make  his  lies  of  none  effect,  and  that 
the  visitation  lawfully  confirmed  may  remain 
undisturbed.  It  is  indeed  becoming:  to  vour 
greatness  to  reap  the  fruit  of  this  good  deed 
among  the  rest,  to  receive  the  acclamations 
of  those  whom  you  are  benefiting,  and  so  to 
do  honour  at  once  to  the  God  of  all  and  to 
his  true  servant  the  very  man  of  God  the 
Lord  Jacob, ^  who  joins  with  me  in  sending 
you  this  supplication.  Had  it  been  his 
wont  to  write  he  would  have  written  him- 
self. 

XLV.     To  the  PatiHcian  Anatolius.^ 

Your  greatness  knows  full  well  how  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  East  feel  towards  your 
magnificence,  as  sons  feel  towards  an  affec- 
tionate father.  Why  then  have  you  shewn 
hate  to  them  that  love  you,  deprived  them  of 
your  kindly  care,  and  driven  them  all  to 
weeping  and  lamentation  by  putting  your 
own  advantage  before  the  service  of  others.^ 
In  truth  I  think  there  is  not  one  of  them  that 
fear  the  Lord  who  is  not  much  grieved  at 
losing  your  official  sway,  and  I  think  that 
even  all  the  rest,  although  they  have  not  right 
knowledge  about  divine  things,  when  they 
reffect  on  the  kindnesses  you  have  conferred, 
share  in  these  sentiments  of  distress.  I  for 
m.y  part  am  specially  sorry  when  I  bethink 
me  of  your  dignity  and  your  unaffected  char- 
acter, and  I  pray  the  God  of  all  ever  to  be- 
stow on  you  the  bulwark  of  His  invincible 
right  hand,  and  supply  you  with  abundance 
of  all  kinds  of  blessings.  We  beseech  your 
excellency  no  less  when  absent  than  when 
present  to  extend  to  us  your  accustomed  pro- 
tection, and  to  undo  the  rage  of  that  unworthy 
bishop  of  ours  whose  purposes  are  perfectly 
well  known  to  your  greatness.  He  is  en- 
deavouring, as  I  am  informed,  to  work  the 
entire  ruin  of  our  district,  and  has  accepted 

1  To  the  same  Florentius  is  addressed  the  important  letter 
'  LXXXIX  wherein  Theodoret  defends  liimself  from  charges  of 

heterodoxy.     Before  449  he  had   six  times   attained   the   high 
position  of  Prefect  of  the  East. 

2  i.e.  the  ascetic  mentioned  in  letter  XLI. 

3  Anatolius,  consul  in  440,  was  Magister  inilitum  in  the  East. 
He  was  a  true  friend  to  Tiieodoret.  Tliis  letter  may  be  placed 
in  444. 


the  part  of  an  informer  to  culumniate  the  re- 
cent visitation,  and  this  when  all  in  a  word 
know  that  the  taxation  of  our  district  is  very 
heavy,  and  that  in  consequence  many  estates 
have  been  abandoned  by  the  husbandmen. 
But  this  man,  in  contempt  of  his  excommu- 
nication, and  in  flight  from  the  holy  synod, 
has  thrust  out  his  tongue  against  the  unhappy 
poor.  May  your  magnificence  then  consent 
to  look  to  it  that  the  truth  be  not  vanquished 
by  a  lie.  And  I  bring  the  same  supplication 
about  the  Cilicians.  For  we  cease  not  to 
wail  till  the  iniquity  be  undone.  The  Lord, 
who  promises  to  reward  even  a  drop  of  water, 
will  requite  you  for  this  trouble. 

XL  VI.     To  the  learned  Petrus. 

Nothing  is  able  to  stay  the  praiseworthy 
purpose  of  them  that  highly  esteem  what  is 
right.  That  this  is  the  case  is  confirmed  by 
the  grief  shown  by  your  magnificence  at  the 
news  you  have  lately  received,  and  your  re- 
refusal  to  overlook  the  attack  that  right  has 
suffered.  You  have  opportunely  put  away 
your  distress,  and  righteously  stopped  the 
mouth  of  the  enemy  of  the  truth.  No 
sooner  did  we  hear  of  this,  and  found  true 
philosophy  so  coupled  with  rhetorical  skill, 
than  we  felt  the  more  warmly  disposed 
towards  your  excellence.  Now  we  beseech 
you  the  more  earnestly  to  counteract  this  fine 
fellow's  lies  and  confirm  the  comfort  given  to 
the  unhappy  poor. 

XL  VII,     To    ProcluSy    Bishop  of  Constanti- 
nople. 

A  year  ago,  thanks  to  your  holiness,  the 
illustrious  Philip  governor  of  our  city  was 
delivered  from  serious  danger.  After  enter- 
ing  into  the  enjoyment  of  the  security  which 
he  owed  to  your  kindness,  he  filled  our  ears 
with  your  praises.  But  all  your  labour  a 
certain  most  pious  personage  was  endeavour- 
ing to  make  null  and  void.  The  visitation 
made  several  times  twelve  years  ago  he 
calumniates,  and  has  adopted  a  style  of  slan- 
der which  would  be  unbecoming  even  in  a 
respectable  slave.  Now  I  beseech  your  sanc- 
tity to  put  a  stop  to  his  lies,  and  to  induce 
the  illustrious  praefects  to  ratify  the  decision 
which  they  duly  and  mercifully  gave.  As  a 
matter  of  fact  our  city  was  taxed  more  se- 
verely than  all  the  cities  of  the  provinces,  and 
after  every  city  had  been  relieved  ours  con- 
tinued to  this  day  assessed  at  over  sixtv-two 
thousand  acres.  At  last  the  occupants  of 
that  seat  of  honour  were  with   difficulty  in- 


1  Proclus  was  enthroned  at  Constantinople  in  434,  on  the 
death  of  Maximianus. 


266 


THEODORET. 


duced  to  send  inspectors  of  the  district;  their 
report  was  first  received  by  Isidorus  of 
famous  memory  and  confirmed  by  the  glori- 
ous and  Christ-loving  lord  Florentius,  and 
the  whole  matter  was  very  carefully  enquired 
into  by  our  present  ruler,  whose  equity 
adorns  the  throne,  and  he  confirmed  the  as- 
sessment by  an  imperial  decree.  But  this 
truth- loving  person,  all  for  his  hatred  of  one 
single  individual,  the  excellent  Philip,  has 
declared  war  against  the  poor.  Under  these 
circumstances  I  implore  your  holiness  to  ar- 
ray the  forces  of  your  righteous  eloquence 
against  his  eloquence  of  v^rong,  to  tlirow 
your  shield  over  the  truth  which  is  attacked 
and  at  once  prove  her  strength  and  the  futility 
of  lies. 

XL  VIII,   To  Eus/athiuSj  bishop  of  Berytus} 

I  have  gladly  received  the  accusation, 
although  I  have  no  difficulty  in  disproving 
the  indictment.  I  have  written  not  three 
letters  only  but  four  ;  and  I  suspect  one  of 
two  things ;  either  those  who  promised  to 
convey  the  letters  did  me  wrong  in  the 
matter  of  their  delivery,  or  else  your  piety, 
though  in  receipt  of  them,  is  yet  anxious  for 
more,  and  so  gets  up  a  charge  of  idleness 
against  me.  I,  as  I  said  before,  am  not  dis- 
tressed at  the  accusation,  for  it  is  plain 
proof  to  me  of  the  warmth  of  your  affection. 
Continue  then  to  ply  your  craft,  cease  not 
to  prefer  your  complaint  and  so  to  cause 
pleasure  to  myself. 

XLIX.      To  Damianus^  bishop  of  Sidon. 

It  is  the  nature  of  mirrors  to  reflect  the 
faces  of  them  that  gaze  into  them,  and  so 
whoever  looks  at  them  sees  his  own  form. 
This  is  the  same  too  with  the  pupils  of  the 
eyes,  for  they  shew  in  them  the  likeness  of 
other  people's  features.  Of  this  your  holi- 
ness furnishes  an  instance,  for  you  have  not 
seen  my  ugliness,  but  have  beheld  with  ad- 
miration your  own  beauty.  I  really  have 
none  of  the  qualities  which  you  have  men- 
tioned. It  is  nevertheless  my  prayer  that 
your  words  may  be  vindicated  by  actual  fact, 
and  I  beseech  your  piety  by  your  prayers  to 
cause  it  to  come  to  pass  that  your  praises 
may  not  fall  to  the  ground  through  having 
no  reality  to  correspond  with  them. 


1  Eustalhius  of  Berytus  (Beyrout)  was  a  bad  specimen  of 
the  time-serving'  ecclesiastic.  Fierce  in  his  attacks  on  Ibas, 
and  a  prominent  member  of  the  Latrocinium  in  449,  he  narrowly 
escaped  deposition  himself  at  Chalcedon  in  451. 

2  At  Chalcedon  Damianus  of  Sidon  voted  for  the  deposition 
of  Dioscorus.  (Labbe  Cone.  IV.  443.)  In  this  and  in  the  preced- 
ing letter  we  find  Theodoret  in  friendly  communication  with 
representatives  of  the  two  antagonistic  parties.  The  date  of 
the  correspondence  can  only  be  conjectured. 


Z.      To  the  Archimandrite    Gerontius} 

The  characters  of  souls  are  often  depicted 
in  words  and  their  unseen  forms  revealed  ; 
so  now  your  reverence's  letter  exhibits  the 
piety  of  your  holy  soul.  Your  waiting  for 
that  sentence,  your  anxiety,  your  search  for 
advocates  and  preparation  for  a  defence, 
clearly  indicate  your  soul's  zeal  about  divine 
things.  We  on  the  contrary  are  in  a  man- 
ner inactive  and  sleepy  ;  we  are  nurtured  in 
idleness,  and  stand  in  need  of  much  assist- 
ance from  prayers.  Give  them  to  us,  O 
man  beloved  of  God,  that  now  at  all  events 
we  may  wake  up  and  give  some  care  to  the 
soul. 

LI.     To  the  presbyter  Agapius,^ 

The  works  of  virtue  are  admirable  in 
themselves,  but  yet  more  admirable  do  they 
appear  if  they  find  an  eloquence  able  to  re- 
port them  well.  Neither  of  these  advantages 
has  been  lacking  in  the  case  of  the  bishop 
beloved  of  God,  the  lord  Thomas,  for  he 
himself  has  contributed  his  own  labours  on 
behalf  of  piety,  and  has  found  in  your  holi- 
ness a  tongue  to  bestow  meet  praise  on 
those  labours.  Coming  as  he  did  with  such 
testimony  in  his  favour  we  have  been  all  the 
more  delighted  to  see  him,  and,  after  enjoy- 
ing his  society  for  a  short  space,  have  dis- 
missed him  to  his  charge. 

LI  I.     To  Ibas,  bishop  of  Edessa^ 

It  is,  I  think,  of  His  providential  care  for 
our  common  salvation  that  the  God  of  all 
brings  on  some  men  certain  calamities,  that 
chastisement  may  prove  to  be  to  them  that 
have  erred  a  healing  remedy ;  to  virtue's 
athletes  an  encouragement  to  constancy ; 
and  to  all  who  look  on  a  beneficial  exemplar. 
For  it  is  natural  that  when  we  see  others 
punished  we  should  be  filled  with  fear  our- 
selves. In  view  of  these  considerations  I 
look  on  the  trouble  of  Africa  as  a  general 
advantage.  In  the  first  place  when  I  bear 
in  mind  their  former  prosperity  and  now 
look  on  their  sudden  overthrow,  I  see  how 
variable  are  all  human  afiairs,  and  learn  a 
twofold  lesson  ;  —  not  to  rejoice  in  felicity  as 
though  it  would  never  come  to  an  end,  nor 
be  distressed  at  calamities  as  hard  to  bear. 
Then  I  recall  the  memory  of  past  errors,  and 
tremble  lest  I  fall  into  like  sufferings.  My 
main  motive  in  now  writing  to  you  is  to 
introduce    to    your   holiness    the    very    God- 

1  All  that  is  known  of  Gerontius  is  his  being  the  recipient 
of  the  letter.  "  Archimandrite  "  =  oip^wi'  rrj?  /ixavfipa?,  i.e.  ruler 
of  the  fold  or  byre. 

2  Neither  Agapius  nor  the  bishop  mentioned  in  this  letter 
can  be  identified. 

3  C.  435-457- 


LETTERS. 


267 


beloved  bishop  Cyprianus,^  who  starting 
from  the  famous  Africa  is  now  compelled, 
by  the  savagery  of  the  barbarians,  to  travel 
in  foreign  lands. 

He  has  brought  a  letter  to  us  from  the 
very  holy  bishop  the  lord  Eusebius,^  who 
wisely  rules  the  Galatians.  When  your 
piety  has  received  him  with  3'our  wonted 
kindness  I  beg  you  to  send  him  with  a  letter 
to  whatever  pious  bishops  you  may  think  fit 
so  that  while  he  enjoys  their  kindly  consola- 
tion he  may  be  the  means  of  their  receiving 
heavenly  and  lasting  benefits. 

LIII,     To  SophroniuSf  bishop  of  Constantina? 

Since  I  know,  O  God-beloved,  how  gener- 
ous and  bountiful  is  your  right  hand,  I  put 
a  coveted  boon  within  your  reach  ;  for  just 
as  men  hungry  for  this  world's  gain  are 
annoyed  at  the  sight  of  them  that  stand  in 
need  of  pecuniary  aid,  so  the  liberal  are 
delighted,  because  the  riches  they  reach  after 
are  heavenly.  A  man  who  furnishes  this 
excellent  opportunity  is  the  God-beloved 
bishop  Cyprianus,  formerly  known  among 
them  that  minister  to  others,  but  now,  while 
he  gives  a  deplorable  account  of  the  African 
calamities,  he  has  to  look  to  the  benevolence 
of  others,  and  depends  on  the  bounty  of 
pious  souls.  I  hope  that  he  too  will  enjoy 
your  brotherly  kindness,  and  will  be  for- 
warded with  letters  to  other  havens  of 
refuge. 

LIV,     Festal, 

By  our  divine  and  saving  celebrations  both 
the  down-hearted  are  cheered,  and  the  joyous 
made  yet  more  joyful.  This  I  have  learnt 
by  experience,  for,  when  whelmed  in  the 
waves  of  despair,  I  have  risen  superior  to  the 
surge  at  sight  of  the  haven  of  the  feast. 
May  your  piety  pray  that  I  may  be  wholly 
rescued  from  this  storm,  and  that  our  loving 
Lord  may  grant  me  forgetfulness  of  my  sor- 
row. 

L  V.     Festal. 

We  are  much  distressed,  for  we  are  gifted 
with  the  nature  not  of  rocks  but  of  men, 
but  the  recollection  of  the  Lord's  Epiphany 
has  been  to  me  a  very  potent  medicine  ;  so 
at  once  I  write,  according  to  the  custom  of 
the  feast,  and  salute  your  magnificence  with 
a  prayer  that  you  may  live  in  prosperity  and 
repute. 

1  Nothing'  seems  known  of  this  Cyprian  beyond  this  men- 
tion of  his  expulsion  by  the  Vandals.  The  letter  is  thus  dated 
after  439. 

2  Eusebius  of  Ancyra.  The  name  also  appears  as  Eulalius. 
Baron.  Ann.  440. 

3  Telia  or  Constantina  in  Osrhoene.  Sophronius  was  cousin 
of  Ibas  of  Edessa. 


L  VL     Festal, 

My  grief  is  now  at  its  height  and  my 
mind  is  seriously  aflfected  by  it,  but  I  have 
thought  it  right  to  fulfil  the  custom  of  the 
feast,  so  now  I  take  my  pen  to  salute  your 
reverence  and  pay  the  debt  of  affection. 

LVII,     To  the prcefect Eutrechius} 

Besides  other  boons  the  Ruler  of  the  uni- 
verse has  granted  to  us  that  of  hearing  of 
your  excellency's  honour,  and  of  congratu- 
lating at  once  yourself  on  your  elevation 
and  your  subjects  on  so  gentle  a  rule.  I 
have  thought  it  wrong  to  give  no  expression 
to  my  satisfaction  and  to  refrain  from  mani- 
festing it  by  letter.  Your  magnificence 
knows  quite  well  how  warm  is  our  affection 
towards  you  —  an  affection  most  warmly  re- 
ciprocated. And  being  so  filled  with  love 
we  beseech  the  Giver  of  all  good  things  ever 
to  pour  on  you  His  manifold  gifts. 

L  VIII .     To  the  co7isiil  No7nus^ 

I  am  divided  in  mind  at  the  idea  of  send- 
ing a  letter  to  your  greatness.  On  the  one 
hand  I  know  how  everything  depends  on 
your  judgment ;  I  sec  you  under  the  weight 
of  public  anxieties,  and  so  think  it  better  to 
be  silent.  On  the  other  hand,  being  well 
aware  of  the  breadth  and  capacity  of  your 
intelligence,  I  cannot  bear  to  say  nothing, 
and  am  afraid  of  being  charged  with 
negligence.  I  am  moreover  stimulated  by 
the  longing  regret  left  with  me  by  the  short 
taste  I  had  of  your  society.  My  full  enjoy- 
ment of  it  was  prevented  by  the  disease  and 
death  of  that  most  blessed  man,  so  now  I 
think  writing  will  be  a  comfort.  I  pray  the 
Master  of  all  to  guide  your  life  that  it  be 
ever  borne  on  favourable  breezes  and  so  we 
may  reap  the  benefit  of  your  kindly  care. 

LIX.     To  Claudianus."^ 

Sincere  friendships  are  neither  dissolved 
by  distance  of  place  nor  weakened  by  time. 
Time  indeed  infficts  indignities  on  our 
bodies,  spoils  them  of  the  bloom  of  their 
beauty,  and  brings  on  old  age ;  but  of  friend- 
ship he  makes  the  beauty  yet  more  bloom- 
ing, ever  kindling  its  fire  to  greater  warmth 
and  brightness.  So  separated  as  I  am  from 
your  magnificence  by  many  a  day's  march, 
pricked  by  the  goad  of  friendship  I  indite 
you  this  letter  of  salutation.  It  is  conveyed 
by    the    standard-bearer    Patroinus,    a     man 


1  Prefect  of  the  East  in  447.  Theodoret  writes  to  him  again 
when  in  44S  or  440  Theodosius  II  had  been  induced  to  relegate 
him  to  his  own  diocese.     Vide  Letters  LXXX  and  LXXXI. 

2  Nomus  was  consul  in  445. 

3  cf.  Epp.  XLI  and  XCIX,  but  there  are  no  notes  of  identity. 


268 


THEODORET. 


who  on  account  of  his  high  character  is  worthy 
of  all  respect,  for  he  endeavours  with  much 
zeal  to  observ^e  the  laws  of  God.  Deign, 
most  excellent  sir,  to  give  us  by  him  infor- 
mation of  your  excellency's  precious  health, 
and  of  the  desired  fulfilment  of  your  promise. 

LX.     To  Dioscoi'us^  bishop  of  Alexandria} 

Among  many  forms  of  virtue  by  v/hich 
we  hear  that  your  holiness  is  adorned  (for 
all  men's  ears  are  filled  by  the  flying  fame 
of  your  glory,  which  speeds  in  all  directions) 
special  praise  is  unanimously  given  to  your 
modesty,  a  characteristic  of  which  our  Lord 
in  His  law  has  given  Himself  as  an  ensample, 
saying,  "  Learn  of  me  ;  for  I  am  meek  and 
lowly  in  heart ;  "  ^  for  though  God  is  high,  or 
rather  most  high  He  honoured  at  His  incar- 
nation the  meek  and  lowly  spirit.  Looking 
then  to  Him,  sir,  you  do  not  behold  the 
multitude  of  your  subjects  nor  the  exaltation 
of  your  throne,  but  you  see  rather  human 
nature,  and  life's  rapid  changes,  and  follow 
the  divine  laws  whose  observance  gives  us 
the  kingdom  of  heaven.  Hearing  of  this 
modesty  on  the  part  of  your  holiness,  I  take 
courage  in  a  letter  to  salute  a  person  sacred 
and  dear  to  God,  and  I  offer  prayers  whereof 
the  fruit  is  salvation.  Occasion  is  given  me 
to  write  by  the  very  pious  presbyter  Euse- 
bius,  for  when  I  heard  of  his  journey  thither 
I  immediately  indited  this  letter  to  call  upon 
your  holiness  to  support  us  by  your  prayers, 
and  by  your  reply  to  give  us  a  spiritual  feast, 
sending  to  us  who  are  hungry  the  blessed 
banquet  of  your  words. 

LXL     To  the  presbyter  Archibius, 

I  did  not  let  the  two  letters  which  I  had 
just  received  from  you  go  unheeded,  but 
wrote  without  delay,  and  gave  my  letter  to  the 
very  devout  presbyter  Eusebius.^  In  conse- 
quence of  some  delay,  it  was  for  the  time  post- 
poned, for  the  weather  kept  the  vessels  within 
the  harbour,  inasmuch  as  it  indicated  a  com- 
ing storm  at  sea  and  bade  sailors  and  pilots 
wait  awhile.  So  I  discharged  this  debt  for 
the  time,  not  that  I  may  cease  to  be  a  debtor 
but  that  I  may  increase  the  debt.  For  this 
obligation  becomes  many  times  greater  by 
being  discharged,  inasmuch  as  they  who  try 
to  observe  the  laws  of  friendship  increase 
the  potency  of  its  love,  and,  blowing  sparks 
into  a  flame,  kindle  a  greater  warinth  of 
affection,  while  all  who  are  fired  thereby 
strive  to  surpass  one  another  in  love.     Receive 

1  Dioscorus  succeeded  Cyril  in  444,  and  this  letter  is  proba- 
bly dated  soon  after. 

2  Matt.  xi.  29. 

3  This  name  suggests  correspondence  of  date  with  the  pre- 
ceding:. 


then  my  defence,  my  venerable  friend  ;  for- 
give me  ;  and  send  me  a  letter  to  tell  me  how 
you  are. 

LXII,      To   the  presbyter  John. 

A  saying  of  one  of  the  men  who  used  to 
be  called  wise  was,  ''  Live  unseen."  I  ap- 
plaud the  sentiment,  and  have  determined 
to  confirm  the  word  by  deed,  for  I  see  no 
impropriety  in  gathering  what  is  good  from 
others,  just  as  bees,  it  is  said,  gather  their 
honey  and  draw  forth  the  sweet  dew  from 
bitter  herbs  as  well  as  from  them  that  are 
good  to  eat,  and  I  myself  have  seen  them 
settling  on  a  barren  rock  and  sucking  up  its 
scanty  moisture.  Far  more  reasonable  is  it 
for  them  that  are  credited  with  reason  to 
harvest  what  is  good  from  every  source  ;  so, 
as  I  said,  I  try  to  live  unseen,  and  above  all 
men  am  I  a  lover  of  peace  and  quiet.  On 
his  recent  return  from  your  part  of  the 
world  the  very  pious  presbyter  Eusebius 
announced  that  you  had  held  a  certain 
meeting,  and  that  in  the  course  of  conver- 
sation mention  had  been  made  of  me,  and 
that  your  piety  spoke  with  praise  of  my 
insignificant  self.  I  have  therefore  deemed 
it  ungrateful,  and  indeed  unfair,  that  he  who 
spoke  thus  well  and  kindly  of  me  should 
fail  to  be  paid  in  like  coin  ;  for  although  we 
have  done  nothing  worthy  of  praise  still  we 
admire  the  intention  of  them  that  thus  praise 
us,  for  such  praise  is  the  off-spring  of  affec- 
tion. Wherefore  I  salute  your  reverence, 
using  as  a  means  of  conveyance  of  my 
letter  him  who  has  brought  to  me  the  un- 
written words  which  you  have  spoken  about 
me.  When,  most  pious  sir,  you  have  re- 
ceived my  letter,  write  in  reply.  You  were 
first  in  speech  ;  I  in  writing ;  and  I  answer 
speech  by  letter.  It  remains  now  to  you  to 
answer  letter  for  letter. 

LXIIL     Festal} 

We  have  enjoyed  the  wonted  blessings  of 
the  Feast.  We  have  kept  the  memorial 
Feast  of  the  Passion  of  Salvation  ;  by  means 
of  the  resurrection  of  the  Lord  we  have 
received  the  glad  tidings  of  the  resurrection 
of  all,  and  have  hymned  the  ineffable  loving 
kindness  of  our  God  and  Saviour.  But  the 
storm  tossing  the  churches  has  not  suffered 
us  to  take  our  share  of  unalloyed  gladness. 
If,  when  one  member  is  in  pain  the  whole 
body  is  partaker  of  the  pang,^  how  can  we 
forbear  from  lamentation  when  all  the  body 
is    distressed?     And    it    intensifies    our    dis- 

1  Garnerius  gives  the  conjectural  date  447. 

2  Cf.  I.  Cor.  xii.  26. 


LETTERS. 


269 


courage ment  to  think  that  these  things  are 
the  prelude  of  the  general  apostasy.  May  your 
piety  pray  that  since  we  are  in  this  plight 
we  may  get  the  divine  succour,  that,  as  the 
divine  Apostle  phrases  it,  we  may  "  be  able 
to  withstand  the  evil  day."'  But  if  anytime 
remain  for  this  life's  business,  pray  that  the 
tempest  may  pass  away,  and'the  churches  re- 
cover their  former  calm,  that  the  enemies  of 
the  truth  may  no  more  exult  at  our  misfort- 
unes. 

LXIV,     Festal 

When  the  Master  underwent  the  Passion 
of  salvation  for  the  sake  of  mankind,  the 
company  of  the  sacred  Apostles  was  much 
disheartened,  for  they  knew  not  clearly 
what  was  to  be  the  Passion's  fruit.  But 
when  thev  knew  the  salvation  that  grew 
therefrom,  they  called  the  proclamation  of  the 
Passion  glad  tidings,  and  eagerly  oflered  it 
to  all  mankind.  And  they  that  believed,  as 
being  enlightened  in  mind,  cheerfully  re- 
ceived it,  and  keep  the  Feast  in  memory  of 
the  Passion,  and  make  the  moment  of  death 
an  opportunity  for  entertainment  and  fes- 
tivity. For  the  close  connexion  with  it  of 
the  resurrection  does  away  with  the  sadness 
of  death,  and  becomes  a  pledge  for  the 
resurrection  of  all.  After  just  now  taking 
part  in  this  celebration,  we  send  you  these 
tidings  of  the  feast  as  though  they  were  some 
fragrant  perfume,  and  salute  your  piety. 

LXV,      To  the  general  Zenoi^ 

To  be  smitten  by  human  ills  is  the  common 
lot  of  all  men  ;  to  endure  them  bravely  and 
rise  superior  to  their  attack  is  no  longer 
common.  The  former  is  of  human  nature  ; 
the  latter  depends  upon  resolution.  It  is  on 
this  account  that  we  wonder  how  the  philo- 
sophers resolved  on  the  noblest  course  of  life 
and  conquered  their  calamities  by  wisdom. 
And  philosophy  is  produced  by  our  reason's 
power,  which  rules  our  passions  and  is  not 
led  to  and  fro  by  them.  Now  one  of  human 
ills  is  grief,  and  it  is  this  which  we  exhort 
your  excellency  to  overcome,  and  it  will  not  be 
difficult  for  you  to  rise  victorious  over  this  feel- 
ing, if  you  consider  human  nature,  and  take  to 
heart  the  uselessness  of  sorrow.  For  what 
gain  will  it  be  to  the  departed  that  we  should 
wail  and  lament?  When,  however,  we  re- 
flect upon  the  common  birth,  the  long  years 
of  intercourse,  the  splendid  service  in  the 
field,  and  the  far-famed  achievements,  let  us 
reflect  that  he  who  was  adorned  by  them 
was  a  man  subject  to  the  law  of  death  ;  that 


1  Eph.  vi.  13. 

2  cf.  Ep.  LXXI.      Zeno  was   consul   in  448.    Nothing  is 
known  of  his  brother. 


moreover  all  things  are  ordained  by  God, 
who  guides  the  affairs  of  men  in  accordance 
with  His  sacred  knowledge  of  what  will  be 
for  their  good.  Thus  have  I  written  so  far 
as  the  limits  of  a  letter  would  allow  me,  be- 
seeching your  eminence  for  all  our  sakes  to 
preserve  your  health,  which  is  wont  to  be 
maintained  by  cheerfulness  and  ruined  by 
despondency.  Wherefore  in  my  care  for  the 
advantage  of  us  all  I  have  penned  this  letter. 


7 1 


LXVL     To  Aerius  the  Sophi^J. 

She  that  gave  you  birth  and  nurtured  you 
invites  you  to  the  longed-for  feast.  The  holy 
shrine  is  crowned  by  a  roof;  it  is  fitly 
adorned  ;  it  is  eager  for  the  inhabitants  for 
whom  it  was  erected.  These  are  Apostles 
and  Prophets,  loud-voiced  heralds  of  the  old 
and  new  covenant.  Adorn,  therefore,  the 
feast  with  your  presence  ;  receive  the  bless- 
ing which  swells  forth  from  it,  and  make  the 
feast  more  joyous  to  us. 

LXVIL     To  Maranas, 

It  was  thy  work,  my  good  Sir,  to  call  the 
rest  also  to  the  feast  of  the  dedication. 
Through  thy  zeal  and  energy  the  holy  temple 
has  been  built,  and  the  loud-voiced  heralds  of 
the  truth  have  come  to  dwell  therein,  and 
guard  them  that  approach  thither  in  faith. 
Nevertheless  I  write  and  signify  the  season 
of  the  feast. 

LXVIIL     To  Epiphanius, 

It  was  my  wish  to  summon  you  to  the 
feast  of  holy  Apostles  and  Prophets,  not 
only  as  a  citizen,  but  as  one  who  shares  both 
my  faith  and  my  home.  But  I  am  prevented 
by  the  state  of  your  opinions.  Therefore  I 
put  forward  no  other  claims  than  those  of 
our  country,  and  I  invite  you  to  participate 
in  the  precious  blessing  of  the  holy  Apostles 
and  Prophets.  This  participation  no  difl^er- 
ence  of  sentiment  hinders. 

LXIX.     To  Eugraphia^ 

Had  I  not  been  unavoidably  prevented,  I 
should  no  sooner  have  heard  that  your  great 
and  glorious  husband  had  fallen  asleep  than 
I  should  straightway  have  hurried  to  your 
side.  I  have  enjoyed  at  your  hands  many 
and  various  kinds  of  honour,  and  I  owe  you 
full  many  thanks.  When  hindered,  much 
against  my  will,  from  paying  my  debt,  I 
deemed  it  ill-advised  to  send  you  a   letter  at 


1  cf.  Ep.  XXX.  This  letter,  conveying  an  invitation  to  a 
church  which  Aerius  had  built  at  Cyrus,  his  native  city,  was 
probably  written  early  in  the  episcopate  of  Theodoret. 

2cf.  Ep.VIII. 


2/0 


THEODORET. 


the  very  moment,  when  your  grief  was  at  its 
height ;  when  it  was  impossible  for  my  mes- 
senger to  approach  your  excellency,  and  when 
grief  prevented  you  from  reading  what  I 
wrote.  But  now  that  your  reason  has  had 
time  to  wake  from  the  intoxication  of  grief, 
to  repress  your  emotion,  and  to  discipline 
the  license  of  sorrow,  I  have  made  bold 
to  write  and  to  beseech  your  excellency  to 
bethink  you  of  human  nature,  to  reflect  how 
common  is  the  loss  you  deplore,  and,  above 
all,  to  accept  the  divine  teaching,  and  not  let 
your  distress  go  beyond  the  bounds  of  your 
faith.  For  your  most  excellent  husband,  as 
the  Lord  Himself  said,  "  is  not  dead  but 
sleepeth  "  *  —  a  sleep  a  little  longer  than  he 
was  wont.  This  hope  has  been  given  us  by 
the  Lord ;  this  promise  we  have  received 
from  the  divine  oracles.  I  know  indeed  how 
distressing  is  the  separation,  how  most  dis- 
tressing ;  and  especially  so  when  affection  is 
made  stronger  by  sympathy  of  character  and 
length  of  time.  But  let  your  grief  be  for  a 
journey  into  a  far  country,  not  for  a  life  ended. 
This  kind  of  philosophy  is  particularly  be- 
coming to  them  that  be  brought  up  in  piety, 
a^id  it  is  of  this  philosophy  that  I  beseech 
you,  my  respected  friend,  to  seek  the  adorn- 
ment. And  I  do  not  ofl^er  you  this  advice  as 
a  man  labouring  himself  under  insensibility  ; 
in  truth  my  heart  was  grieved  when  I  learnt 
of  the  departure  of  one  I  loved  so  well.  But 
I  call  to  mind  the  Ruler  of  the  world  and  His 
unspeakable  wisdom,  which  ordains  every- 
thing for  our  good.  I  implore  your  holiness 
to  take  these  reflections  to  heart,  to  rise  su- 
perior to  your  sorrow,  and  praise  God  who  is 
the  Master  of  us  all.  It  is  with  ineffable 
providence  that  He  guides  the  lives  of  men. 

LXX»     To  EustathiuSy  bishop  of  yEgce^^ 

The  story  of  the  noble  Mary  is  one  fit  for 
a  tragic  play.  As  she  says  herself,  and  as  is 
attested  by  several  others,  she  is  a  daughter  of 
the  right  honourable  Eudaemon.  In  the  catas- 
trophe which  has  overtaken  Libya  she  has 
fallen  from  her  father's  free  estate,  and  has 
become  a  slave.  Some  merchants  bought 
her  from  the  barbarians,  and  have  sold  her  to 
some  of  our  countrymen.  With  her  was  sold 
a  maiden  who  was  once  one  of  her  own  do- 
mestic servants  ;  so  at  one  and  the  same  time 
the  galling  yoke  of  slavery  fell  on  the  servant 
and  the  mistress.  But  the  servant  refused  to 
ignore  the  difference  between  them,  nor  could 
she  forget  the  old  superiority  :  in  their  calam- 
ity she  preserved  her  kindly  feeling,  and,  after 


1  T-,uke  viii.  52. 

2  On  the  seaboard  of  Cilicia,  now  Ayas. 
443  or  444- 


The  date  may  be 


waiting  upon  their  common  masters,  waited 
upon  her  who  was  reckoned  her  fellow  slave, 
washed  her  feet,  made  her  bed,  and  was 
mindful  of  other  like  offices.  This  became 
known  to  the  purchasers.  Then  through  all 
the  town  was  noised  abroad  the  free  estate  of 
the  mistress  and  the  servant's  goodness.  On 
these  circumstances  becoming  known  to  the 
faithful  soldiers  who  are  quartered  in  our 
city  (I  was  absent  at  the  time)  they  paid  the 
purchasers  their  price,  and  rescued  the  woman 
from  slavery.  After  my  return,  on  being 
informed  of  the  deplorable  circumstances, 
and  the  admirable  intention  of  the  soldiers,  I 
invoked  blessings  on  their  heads,  committed 
the  noble  damsel  to  the  care  of  one  of  the 
respectable  deacons,  and  ordered  a  sufllicient 
provision  to  be  mad^  for  her.  Ten  months 
had  gone  by  when  she  heard  that  her  father 
was  still  alive,  and  holding  high  office  in 
the  West,  and  she  very  naturally  expressed  a 
desire  to  return  to  him.  It  was  reported  that 
many  messengers  from  the  West  are  on  the  way 
to  the  fair  which  is  now  being  held  in  your 
parts.  She  requested  to  be  allowed  to  set  out 
with  a  letter  from  me.  Under  these  circum- 
stances I  have  written  this  letter,  begging  your 
piety  to  take  care  of  a  noble  girl,  and  charge 
some  respectable  person  to  communicate  with 
mariners,  pilots,  and  merchants,  and  commit 
her  to  the  care  of  trusty  men  who  may  be  able 
to  restore  her  to  her  father.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  those  who,  when  all  hope  of  recov- 
ery has  been  lost,  bring  the  daughter  to  the 
father,  will  be  abundantly  rewarded. 

LXXI.     To  Zeno^  General  and  Consul, 

Your  fortitude  rouses  imiversal  admiration, 
tempered  as  it  is  by  gentleness  and  meekness, 
and  exhibited  to  your  household  in  kindliness, 
to  your  foes  in  boldness.  These  qualities 
indicate  an  admirable  general.  In  a  soldier's 
character  the  main  ornament  is  bravery,  but 
in  a  commander  prudence  takes  precedence 
of  bravery ;  after  these  come  self-control 
and  fairness,  whereby  a  wealth  of  virtue  is 
gathered.  Such  wealth  is  the  reward  of  the 
soul  which  reaches  after  good,  and  with  its 
eyes  fixed  on  the  sweetness  of  the  fruit,  deems 
the  toil  right  pleasant.  For  to  virtue's  athletes 
the  God  of  all,  like  some  great  giver  of 
games,  has  offered  prizes,  some  in  this  life, 
and  some  in  that  life  beyond  which  has  no 
end.  Those  in  this  present  life  your  excel- 
lency has  already  enjoyed,  and  you  have 
achieved  the  highest  honour.  Be  it  also  the 
lot  of  your  greatness  to  obtain  too  those 
abiding  and  perpetual  blessings,  and  to  re- 

i  Zeno  was  Consul  in  44S.     cf.  Ep.  LXV. 


LETTERS. 


271 


ceive  not  only  the  consul's  robe,  but  also  the 
garment  that  is  indescribable  and  divine. 
Of  all  them  that  understand  the  greatness  of 
that  gift  this  is  the  common  petition. 

LXXII.    To  Hermesigenes  the  Assessor} 

At  the  time  when  men  were  whelmed 
in  the  darkness  of  ignorance,  all  did  not 
keep  the  same  feasts,  but  celebrated  distinct 
ceremonies  in  different  cities.  In  yElis  were 
the  Olympian  games,  at  Delphi  the  Pythian, 
at  Sparta  the  Hyacinthian,  at  Athens  the 
Panathenaic,  the  Thesmophoria,  and  the  Dio- 
nysian.  These  were  the  most  remarkable, 
and  further  some  men  celebrated  the  revel 
feast  of  some  daemons  and  some  of  others.  But 
now  that  those  mists  have  been  scattered  by 
intellectual  light,  in  every  land  and  sea  main- 
landers  and  islanders  together  keep  the  feast 
of  our  God  and  Saviour,  and  whithersoever  any 
one  may  wish  to  travel  abroad,  journey  he 
either  towards  rising  or  towards  setting  sun, 
everywhere  he  will  find  the  same  celebration 
observed  at  the  same  time.  There  is  no  longer 
necessity,  in  obedience  to  the  law  of  Moses 
which  was  adapted  to  the  infirmity  of  the  Jews, 
to  come  together  into  one  city  and  keep  the 
feast  in  memory  of  our  blessings,  but  every 
town,  every  village,  the  country  and  the  far- 
thest frontiers,  are  filled  with  the  grace  of 
God,  and  in  every  spot  divine  shrines  and  pre- 
cincts are  consecrated  to  the  God  of  all.  So 
through  every  town  we  observe  our  several 
festivals  and  communicate  with  one  another 
in  the  feast.  It  is  the  same  God  and  Lord 
who  is  honoured  in  our  hymns  and  to  whom 
our  mystic  sacrifices  are  offered.  On  this 
account,  as  is  well  known,  we  neighbours 
address  one  another  by  letter  and  signify  the 
joy  that  comes  to  us  in  the  feast.  So  now 
do  I  to  you  and  offer  the  festal  salutation  to 
your  excellency.  You  will  without  doubt 
reply  and  honour  the  custom  of  the  feast. 

LXXIIL     To  ApoUoniits!' 

Themistocles  the  son  of  Neocles,  the  far- 
famed  and  admirable  general,  is  described 
by  the  admiring  historian  as  endowed  with 
natural  virtue  alone.  Of  Pericles,  however, 
the  son  of  Xanthippus,  it  is  said  that  he  also 
derived  ability  from  his  education  to  charm 
his  hearers  by  his  persuasive  eloquence,  and 
was  gifted  with  the  power  alike  of  knowing 
what  measures  should  be  taken  and  of  en- 
forcing them  by  word  of  mouth.  In  writ- 
ing about  him  there  is  no  impropriety  in  my 
using  his  own  words.  These  things  illus- 
trate your  magnificence,  for  God,  our  Crea- 


1  "Nnllus  est  sivetemporis  sive personce index.''*    Garnerius. 

2  cf.  Ep.  cm.    ApoUonius  was  Comes  Sacrarum  Largitio. 
num  in  436. 


tor,  hath  given  you  natural  capacity,  and  your 
education  makes  its  brilliance  the  more  con- 
spicuous. Nothing  then  is  wanting  to  the 
full  complement  of  your  high  qualities  save 
only  knowledge  of  their  Author  ;  be  but  this 
added,  and  the  tale  of  virtues  which  we  shall 
have  will  be  complete.  Thus  I  write  to 
you  on  receiving  news  of  your  arrival,  be- 
seeching the  Giver  of  all  good  to  grant  a 
beam  of  light  to  your  soul's  e^e,  to  show 
you  the  greatness  of  His  boon,  to  kindle 
your  love  of  that  possession,  and  to  grant  the, 
longed  for  favour  to  him  that  longs  for  it.* 

LXXIV.     To  Urdanus. 

It  has  been  granted  to  us  by  our  generous 
Lord  once  again  to  enjoy  the  feast  and  to 
send  to  your  excellency  the  festal  salutation. 
We  pray  that  you  may  be  well  and  pros- 
perous, and  share  the  ineffable  and  divine 
boon  which  to  them  that  approach  supplies 
the  seeds  of  the  blessings  hoped  for,  and 
gives  the  symbols  of  the  life  and  kingdom 
that  have  no  end.  These  things  we  beseech 
the  loving  Lord  to  impart  to  you,  for  it  is 
natural  for  friends  to  ask  that  their  friends 
may  be  blessed. 

LXXV,     To  the  Clergy  of  Bercea. 

1  perceive  that  it  is  with  reason  that  I  am 
well  disposed  to  your  reverences,  for  I  have 
been  assured  by  your  kindly  letter  that  my 
affection  was  returned.  For  this  afiection  of 
mine  towards  you  I  have  many  reasons. 
First  of  all  there  is  the  fact  that  your  father, 
that  great  and  apostolic  man,  was  my  father 
too.  Secondly  I  look  upon  that  truly  relig- 
ious bishop,^  who  now  rules  your  church,  as 
I  mio-ht  on  a  brother  both  in  blood  and  in 
sympathy.  Thirdly  there  is  the  near  neigh- 
bourhood of  our  cities,  and  fourthly  our  fre- 
quent intercourse  with  one  another,  which 
naturally  begets  friendship  and  increases  it 
when  it  is  begotten.  If  you  like,  I  will 
name  yet  a  fifth,  and  that  is  that  we  have  the 
same  close  connexion  with  you  as  the  tongue 
has  with  the  ears,  the  former  uttering  speech, 
and  the  latter  receiving  it ;  for  you  most 
gladly  listen  to  my  words,  and  I  am  de- 
lighted to  let  fall  my  little  drop   upon  you. 

iThucydides,  (I,  13S,)  writes  of  Themistocles  that  *'to  a 
greater  degree  than  any  other  man  he  was  to  be  admired  for  the 
natural  ability  which  he  displayed;  for  by  his  inborn  capacity, 
he  was  an  unrivalled  iudge  of  what  the  emer«-ency  of  the  moment 
required,  and  unsurpassed  in  his  forecast  of  the  future,  and  this 
without  the  aid  of  previous  or  additional  instruction." 

The  same  historian  (II.  60)  records  the  speech  of  Pericles 
in  his  own  vindication  in  which  he  says  "  I  think  myself  in- 
ferior to  none  in  knowing  what  measures  should  be  taken  and 
in  enforcing  them  by  word  of  mouth." 

2  Theoctistus  ;  who,  we  learn  from  Letter  CXXXIV,  did  not 
prove  himself  a  friend  in  need,  succeeded  Acacius  in  43S. 
Garnerius,  apparently  on  insufficient  grounds,  would  therefore 

1  date  the  letter  before  this  year. 


272 


THEODORET. 


But  the  colophon^  of  our  union  is  our  har- 
mony in  faith  ;  our  refusal  to  accept  any 
spurious  doctrines  ;  our  preservation  of  the 
ancient  and  apostolic  teaching,  which  has 
been  brought  to  3'ou  by  hoary  wisdom  and 
nurtured  by  virtue's  hardy  toil.  I  beseech 
you  therefore  to  take  greater  care  of  the  flock, 
to  preserve  it  unharmed  for  the  Shepherd,  and 
boldly  to  utter  the  famous  words  of  the  patri- 
arch "  that  which  was  born  of  beasts  I  offered 
not  unto  Thee."  ^ 

LXXVI,     To  Uranius,  Governor  of  Cyprus, 

True  friendship  is  strengthened  by  inter- 
course, but  separation  cannot  sunder  it,  for 
its  bonds  are  strong.  This  truth  might  easily 
be  shewn  by  many  other  examples,  but  it  is 
enough  for  us  to  verify  what  I  say  by  our 
own  case.  Between  me  and  you  are  indeed 
many  things,  mountains,  cities,  and  the  sea, 
yet  nothing  has  destroyed  my  recollection  of 
your  excellency.  No  sooner  do  we  behold  any 
one  arriving  from  those  towns  which  lie  on 
the  coast,  than  the  conversation  is  turned  on 
Cyprus  and  on  its  right  worthy  governor, 
and  we  are  delighted  to  have  tidings  of  your 
high  repute.  And  lately  we  have  been  grati- 
fied to  an  unusual  degree  at  learning  the  most 
delightful  news  of  all :  for  what,  most  excel- 
lent sir,  can  be  more  pleasing  to  us  than  to  see 
your  noble  soul  illuminated  by  the  light  of 
knowledge?  For  we  think  it  right  that  he 
who  is  adorned  with  many  kinds  of  virtue 
should  add  to  them  also  its  colophon,  and  we 
believe  that  we  shall  behold  w^hat  we  desire. 
For  your  nobility  will  doubtless  eagerly  seize 
the  God-given  boon,  moved  thereto  by  true 
friends  who  clearly  understand  its  value,  and 
guided  to  the  bountiful  God  "  Who  wills  all 
men  to  be  saved  and  to  come  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  truth,"  ^  netting  men  by  men's  means 
to  salvation,  and  bringing  them  that  He  cap- 
tures to  the  ageless  life.  The  fisherman  in- 
deed deprives  his  prey  of  life,  but  our  Fisher 
frees  all  that  He  takes  alive  from  death's  pain- 
ful bonds,  and  therefore  "  did  he  shew  him- 
self upon  earth,  and  conversed  with  men,"  '* 
bringing  men  His  life,  conveying  teaching  by 
means  of  the  visible  manhood,  and  giving  to 
reasonable  beings  the  law  of  a  suitable  life  and 
conversation.  This  law  He  has  confirmed 
by  miracles,  and  by  the  death  of  the  flesh  has 
destroyed  death.  By  raising  the  flesh  He 
has  given  the  promise  of  resurrection  to  us 
all,  after  giving  the  resurrection  of  His  own 
precious  body  as  a  worthy  pledge  of  ours. 
So  loved  He  men  even  when  they  hated  Him 
that    the    mystery  of  the   cEConomy  fails   to 

^cf.  p.  26211.    2  Gen,  xxxi,  39.    «I.  Tim.ii.  4.    <Baruch  jii.  38. 


obtain  credence  with  some  on  account  of  the 
very  bitterness  of  His  sufferings,  and  it  is 
enough  to  show  the  depths,  of  His  loving 
kindness  that  He  is  even  yet  day  by  day  call- 
ing to  men  who  do  not  believe.  And  He  does 
so  not  as  though  He  were  in  need  of  the  ser- 
vice of  men,  —  for  of  what  is  the  Creator  of 
the  universe  in  want. ^ — but  because  He  thirsts 
for  the  salvation  of  every  man.  Grasp  then, 
my  excellent  friend.  His  gift ;  sing  praises  to 
the  Giver,  and  procure  for  us  a  very  great  and 
right  goodly  feast. 

LXXVJL     To   Eulalius^   bishop   of  Persian 
Armenia} 

I  know  that  Satan  has  sought  to  sift  you  as 
wheat, ^  and  that  the  Lord  has  allowed  him  so 
to  do  that  He  may  shew  the  wheat,  and  prove 
the  gold,  crown  the  athletes,  and  proclaim 
the  victors'  names.  Nevertheless  I  fear  and 
tremble,  not  indeed  distressed  for  the  sake  of 
you  who  are  noble  champions  of  the  truth,  but 
because  I  know  that  it  comes  to  pass  that  some 
men  are  of  feebler  heart.  If  among  twelve 
apostles  one  was  found  a  traitor,  there  is  no 
doubt  that  among  a  number  many  times  as 
great  any  one  might  easily  discover  many  fall- 
ing short  of  perfection.  Thus  reflecting  I 
have  been  confounded  and  filled  with  much 
discouragement,  for,  as  says  the  divine  Apos- 
tle, "  whether  one  member  suffer  all  the 
members  suffer  with  it."^  ''We  are  mem- 
bers one  of  another,"  "*  and  form  one  body, 
having  the  Lord  Christ  for  head.''  Yet  one 
consolation  I  have  in  my  anxiety,  when  I 
bethink  me  of  your  holiness.  For  brought 
up  as  you  have  been  in  the  divine  oracles, 
and  taught  by  the  arch-shepherd  what  are 
the  good  shepherd's  marks,  there  is  no 
doubt  that  you  will  lay  down  your  life  for  the 
sheep.  For,  as  the  Lord  says,  "  he  that  is 
an  hireling"  when  he  sees  "  the  wolf  com- 
ing," '*  fleeth  because  he  is  an  hireling,  and 
careth  not  for  the  sheep,"  but  ''  the  good 
shepherd  giveth  his  life  for  the  sheep."  ^ 
Just  so  it  is  not  in  peace  that  the  best  gen- 
eral shews  his  inborn  valour,  but  in  time  of 
war,  by  at  once  stimulating  others  and  him- 
self exposing  himself  to  peril  for  his  men. 
For  it  would  be  preposterous  that  he  should 
enjoy  the  dignity  of  his  command,  and,  in 
the  hour  of  need,  run  out  of  danger's  way. 
Thus  the  thrice  blessed  prophets  ever  acted, 
making  light  of  the  safety  of  their  bodies, 
and,  for  the  sake  of  the  Jews  who  hated 
and  rejected  them,  underwent  all  kinds  of 
peril  and  toil.     Of  them  the  divine  apostle 

1  On  the  persecution  in  Persia  see  page  157. 

*  Luke  xxii.  31.  *  Eph.  iv.  25,  «  John  X,  12,  13,  ii. 

si.Cor.  xii.  a6.  ^Col.  i.  18. 


LETTERS. 


273 


says    "  they    were    stoned,  they  were    sawn 
asunder,  were  tempted,    were    slain    by  the 
sword  ;   they  wandered  about  in  sheepskins 
and  goatskins,  being  destitute,  afflicted,  tor- 
mented, of  whom  the  world  was  not  worthy  ; 
they    wandered    in    deserts    and    mountains, 
and  in  dens  and  caves  of  the  earth."  *     Thus 
the  divine  apostles  travelled  preaching  over 
all  the  world,  without  home,  bed,  bedding, 
board,  or  any  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  but 
scourged,  racked,  imprisoned,  and  undergo- 
ing countless  kinds  of  death.     And  all  this 
they  underwent,  not    for    the    sake  of  their 
friends,  but   voluntarily  facing    these    perils 
for  the  sake  of  the  men  who  were  persecuting 
them.     A  far  stronger  claim  is  made  on  you 
now  to  accept  the  peril  at  present  assailing 
you,  for   the    sake   of    fellow-believers    and 
brothers    and    children.       This    affection    is 
shown    even    by    unreasoning    animals,    for 
sparrows  may  be  seen  fighting  with  all  their 
force  in  behalf  of  their  brood,  and  putting 
out    in    their    defence  all    the  strength    they 
have  ;  other  kinds  of  birds  moreover  undergo 
danger    for   their   young.       But    why    do    I 
speak  of  birds?     Bears   too,  and    leopards, 
wolves,    and    lions,    voluntarily    suffer    any 
pain    for   the    safety    of  their    offspring,  for 
instead  of  fleeing  from  the  hunter  they  will 
await  his  attack  and  do  battle  for  their  young. 
I    have    adduced    these    instances    not    as 
though  anointing   your  piety  for  endurance 
and  courage  by  the  example  of  brute  beasts, 
but  to  console   myself  in  my    despondency, 
and    to  be   assured  that  you   will    not  leave 
Christ's    flock    without    a    shepherd    when 
wolves  make  their  attack,  but  will  invoke  the 
Lord  of  the  flock  to  help  you  and  will  heart- 
ily do  battle  in  its  behalf.     A  crisis  like  this 
proves  who  is  a   shepherd  and   who   a  hire- 
ling ;     who    diligently    feeds    the    flock    and 
who  on  the  other  hand  feeds  on  the  milk  and 
thinks  little  of  the  safety  of  the  sheep.     "  But 
God  is  faithful,  who  will   not  suffer   you   to 
be  tempted  above  that  ye  are   able  ;   but  will 
with  the  temptation  also  make  a  way  to  es- 
cape that  ye  may  be  able  to  bear  it."^     But 
one  thing  I  do  beseech  your  reverence,  and 
that  is  to  have  greater  heed  of  the  unsound  ; 
and  not  only  to  strengthen  the   unstable   but 
also  to  raise  the  fallen,  for  shepherds  by  no 
means  neglect  those  of  their  flock  who  have 
fallen  sick,  but  keep    them    apart    from  the 
rest,  and  try  in  every  possible  way  to  restore 
them,  and  so  must  we  do.     We  must  make 
them  that   are  slipping   stand   up,  and  give 
them  a  helping  hand  and  a  word  of  encour- 
agement.     When    they   are  bitten  we  must 
heal  them  ;  we  must  not  give  up  the  attempt 


1  Heb.  xi.  37, 38. 


» I.  Cor.  X,  13. 


to  save  them  nor  leave  them  in  the  devil's 
maw.  Thus  ever  acted  the  divine  Apostle 
Paul ;  and  when  the  Galatians,  after  receiv- 
ing the  baptism  of  salvation,  and  the  gift  of 
the  divine  Spirit,  fell  away  into  the  sickness 
of  Judaism,  and  received  circumcision,  he 
wailed  and  lamented  more  exceedingly  than 
the  most  affectionate  mother,  and  tended 
them  and  freed  them  from  that  infirmity. 
We  can  hear  him  exclaiming,  ''My  httle 
children,  of  whom  I  travail  in  birth  again 
until  Christ  be  formed  in  you."  '  So  too  the 
teacher  of  the  Corinthians,  who  had  com- 
mitted that  abominable  fornication,  he  both 
chastised  as  might  a  father,  and  very  skilfully 
treated,  and  after  cutting  him  off'  in  the  first 
Epistle,  readmitted  him  in  the  second  and 
says,  ''  So  that  contrariwise  ye  ought  rather 
to  forgive  him  and  comfort  him  lest  perhaps 
such  a  one  should  be  swallowed  up  with 
overmuch  sorrow."  ^  And  again,  '*Lest 
Satan  should  get  an  advant^ige  of  us  for  we 
are  not  ignorant  of  his  devices."  "^  In 
the  same  manner  too  those  wdio  partook  of 
things  offered  to  idols  he  properly  rebuked, 
suitably  exhorted,  and  freed  from  their  griev- 
ous error. 

Wherefore  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  permitted 
the  first  of  the  apostles,  whose  confession  He 
had    fixed    as    a    kind    of   groundwork    and 
foundation  of  the   Church,  to  waver  to  and 
fro,  and  tp  deny  Him,  and  then   raised  Him 
up  again.     And   thus  He   gave   us  two   les- 
sons :  not  to  be  confident  in  our  own  strength, 
and  to  strengthen  the  unstable.     Reach  out, 
therefore,    I   beseech  you,    a   hand    to  them 
that  are  fallen,  ''  draw  them  out  of  the  hor- 
rible pit,  out  of  the  miry  clay,  and  set  their 
feet  upon  a  rock,"  and  "  put  a  new  song  into 
their    mouth,    even   praise   unto  our  God,"  * 
that    their   example    of  life  may  become   an 
example  of  salvation,   that  ''many   shall  see 
it   and  fear  and   shall  trust   in    the    Lord."  ' 
Let  them  be  prevented  from  participating  in 
the  holy  mysteries,  but  let  them  not  be  kept 
from    the    prayer    of  the    catechumens,    nor 
from  hearing  the  divine   Scriptures  and  the 
exhortation   of    teachers,®    and    let  them  be 
prohibited   from    partaking    of   the    sacred 
mysteries,  not  till  death,  but  during  a  given 

1  Gal.  iv.  19.  3  II.  Cor.  ii.  II.  c  ps.  xl.  3. 

2  II.  Cor.  ii.  7.  *  Psalm  xl.  2  and  3. 

<5"  It  is  noticeable  that  with  systematic  discipline  as  to  the 
persons  taught,  there  was  no  order  of  teachers.  It  was  part 
of  the  pastoral  office  to  watch  over  the  souls  of  those  who 
were  seeking  admission  to  the  Church,  as  well  as  those  who 
were  in  it,  and  thus  bishops,  priests,  deacons,  or  readers 
might  all  of  them  be  found,  when  occasion  recjuired,  doing  the 
work  of  a  Catechist.  The  Doctor  Audientium  of  whom 
Cyprian  speaks,  was  a  Lector  in  the  Church  of  Carthage. 
Augustine's  Treatise  de  Caier/nzandtx  Rudibus,  was  ad- 
dres'sed  to  Deogratias  as  a  deacon ;  the  Catecheses  of  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  were  delivered  by  him  partly  as  a  deacon,  partly  as 
a  presbyter.  The  wurd  ra/<'c///'-<:/ implies  accordingly  a  func- 
tion, not  a  class."     Dean  Plumptre  in  Diet,  Christ.  Ant.  i.  319, 


274 


THEODORET. 


time,  till  they  recognise  their  ailment,  covet 
health,  and  are  properly  contrite  for  having 
abandoned  their  true  Prince  and  deserted  to 
a  tyrant,  and  for  having  left  their  benefactor 
and  gone  over  to  their  foe. 

The  same  lessons  are  given  us  by  the 
precepts  of  the  holy  and  blessed  Fathers.  I 
write  as  I  do,  not  to  teach  you  piety,  but  to 
remind  you  as  a  brother  might,  knowing 
well  that  even  the  best  of  pilots  in  the  mo- 
ment of  the  storm  needs  monition  even  from 
his  men.  So  the  great  and  famous  Moses, 
renowned  throughout  the  world,  who  did 
those  mighty  works  of  wonder,  did  not  re- 
fuse the  counsel  of  Jethro,  a  man  still  sunk 
in  idolatrous  error ;  for  he  did  not  regard 
his  impiety,  but  acknowledged  the  soundness 
of  his  advice.  Moreover  I  implore  your 
piety  to  offer  earnest  prayer  to  God  in  my 
behalf  that  for  the  remaining  days  of  my 
life  I  may  live  in  accordance  with  His   laws. 

Thus  have  I  written  by  the  most  honour- 
able and  religious  presbyter  Stephanus,  whom 
on  account  of  the  goodness  of  his  character 
I  have  seen  with  great  pleasure. 

LX XVIII.     To    EusebmSy  bishop   of  Persian 
Ar??ie?iia. 

Whenever  anything  happens  to  the  helms- 
man, either  the  officer  in  command  at  the 
bows,  or  the  seaman  of  highest  rank,  takes 
his  place,  not  because  he  becomes  a  self- 
appointed  helmsman,  but  because  he  looks 
out  for  the  safety  of  the  ship.  So  again 
in  war,  when  the  commander  falls,  the  chief 
tribune  assumes  the  command,  not  in  the 
attempt  to  lay  violent  hands  on  the  place  of 
power,  but  because  he  cares  for  his  men. 
So  too  the  thrice  blessed  Timothy  when 
sent  by  the  divine  Paul  took  his  place. ^  It 
is  therefore  becoming  to  your  piety  to  ac- 
cept the  responsibilities  of  helmsman,  of 
captain,  of  shepherd,  gladly  to  run  all  risk 
for  the  sake  of  the  sheep  of  Christ,  and  not 
to  leave  His  creatures  abandoned  and  alone. 
It  is  rather  yours  to  bind  up  the  broken,  to 
raise  up  the  fallen,  to  turn  the  wanderer 
from  his  error,  and  keep  the  whole  in 
health,  and  to  follow  the  good  shepherds 
who  stand  before  the  folds  and  wage  war 
against  the  wolves.  Let  us  remember  too 
the  words  of  the  patriarch  Jacob  ;  "In  the 
day  the  drought  consumed  me  and  the  frost 
by  night  and  my  sleep  departed  from  my 
eyes.  The  rams  of  thy  flock  I  have  not 
eaten.  That  which  was  born  of  beasts  I 
brought  not  unto  thee.       I  bare  the  loss  of 

1  Cf.  I.  Cor,  iv.  17  and  I.  Thess.  iii.  2. 


it.  Of  rny  hand  didst  thou  require  it, 
whether  stolen  by  day  or  stolen  by  night."  ' 
These  are  the  marks  of  the  shepherd  ;  these 
are  the  laws  of  the  tending  of  the  sheep. 
And  if  of  brute  cattle  the  illustrious  patri- 
arch had  such  care,  and  offered  this  defence 
to  him  who  trusted  them  to  his  charge,  what 
ought  not  we  to  do  who  are  entrusted  with 
the  charge  of  reasonable  sheep,  and  who 
have  received  this  trust  from  the  God  of  all, 
when  we  remember  that  the  Lord  for  them 
gave  up  His  life.^  Who  does  not  fear  and 
tremble  when  he  hears  the  word  of  God 
spoken  through  Ezekiel?  "I  judge  be- 
tween shepherd  and  sheep  because  ye  eat 
the  fat  and  clothe  yourselves  with  the  wool 
and  ye  feed  not  the  flocks."  '^  And  again, 
"  I  have  made  thee  a  watchman  unto  the 
house  of  Israel ;  when  thou  speakest  not  to 
warn  the  wicked  from  his  wicked  way, 
the  same  wicked  man  shall  die  in  his  in- 
iquity but  his  blood  shall  I  require  at  thine 
hand."  ^  With  this  agree  the  words  spoken 
in  parables  by  the  Lord.  "Thou  wicked 
and  slothful  servant  .  .  .  Thou  oughtest 
to  have  put  my  money  to  the  exchangers,  and 
then  at  my  coming  I  should  have  received 
the  same  with  usury.""*  Up  then,  I  beseech 
you,  let  us  fight  for  the  Lord's  sheep.  Their 
Lord  is  near.  He  will  certainly  appear  and 
scatter  the  wolves  and  glorify  the  shepherds. 
'•'-  The  Lord  is  good  unto  them  that  wait  for 
Him,  to  the  soul  that  seeketh  Him."  '"  Let 
us  not  murmur  at  the  storm  that  has  arisen 
for  the  Lord  of  all  knoweth  what  is  good  for 
us.  Wherefore  also  when  the  Apostle  asked 
for  release  from  his  trials  He  would  not 
grant  his  supplication  but  said,  "  My  grace 
is  sufficient  for  thee,  for  my  strength  is  made 
perfect  in  weakness."^  Let  us  then  bravely 
bear  the  evils  that  befall  us  ;  it  is  in  war 
that  heroes  are  discerned ;  in  conflicts  that 
athletes  are  crowned ;  in  the  surge  of  the 
sea  that  the  art  of  the  helmsman  is  shewn  ; 
in  the  fire  that  the  gold  is  tried.  And  let 
us  not,  I  beseech  you,  heed  only  ourselves, 
let  us  rather  have  forethought  for  the  rest, 
and  that  much  more  for  the  sick  than  for  the 
whole,  for  it  is  an  apostolic  precept  which 
exclaims  "  Comfort  the  feeble  minded,  sup- 
port the  weak."  '  Let  us  then  stretch  out 
our  hands  to  them  that  lie  low,  let  us  tend 
their  wounds  and  set  them  at  their  post  to 
fight  the  devil.  Nothing  w'ill  so  vex  him  as 
to  see  them  fighting  and  smiting  again. 
Our  Lord  is  full  of  loving-kindness.     He  re- 


1  Gen.  xxxi.  40.  38.  39.         ^  Ezekiel  xxxiv.  2,  and  cf.  17. 
3  Cf.  Ezekiel  iii.  17,  18.     Quotations   are   apparently  from 


memory. 

*  Matt.  XXV.  26,  27. 
6  Lamentations  iii.  25, 


6  II.  Cor.  xii.  9. 
1 1.  Thess.  V.  14. 


LETTERS. 


275 


ceives  the  repentance  of  sinners.  Let  us 
hear  His  own  words:  "  As  I  live  saith  the 
Lord  I  have  no  pleasure  in  the  death  of  the 
wicked,  but  that  the  wicked  turn  from  his 
way  and  live."  *  So  He  prefaced  His  words 
with  an  oath,  and  He  who  forbids  oaths  to 
others  swore  Himself  to  convince  us  how 
He  desires  our  repentance  and  salvation. 
Of  this  teaching  the  divine  books,  both  the 
old  and  the  new,  are  full,  and  the  precepts 
of  the  holy  Fathers  teach  the  same. 

But  not  as  though  you  were  ignorant  have 
I  written  to  you;  rather  have  1  reminded 
you  of  what  you  know,  like  those  who  stand- 
ing safe  upon  the  shore  succour  them  that  are 
tossed  by  the  storm,  and  shew  them  a  rock, 
or  give  warning  of  a  hidden  shallow,  or  catch 
and  haul  in  a  rope  that  has  been  thrown. 
''And  the  God  of  peace  shall  bring  Satan 
under  your  feet  shortly  "  ^  and  shall  gladden 
our  ears  with  news  that  you  have  passed  from 
storm  to  calm,  at  His  word  to  the  waves 
^' Peace  be  still."' 

And  do  you  too  offer  prayers  for  us,  for 
you  who  have  undergone  peril  for  His  sake 
can  speak  with  greater  boldness.* 

LXXIX.     To  Anatolius  the  Patrician!' 

The  Lord  God  has  given  your  excellency 
to  us  to  be  at  the  present  time  a  source  of 
very  great  comfort,  and  has  afforded  us  a 
meet  haven  for  the  storm.  We  have  there- 
fore confidence  in  informing  your  lordship 
of  our  distress.  Not  long  ago  we  acquainted 
y^our  excellency  that  the  right  honourable 
Count  Rufus  had  shewn  us  an  order  written 
in  the  imperial  handwriting  commanding  the 
gallant  general  to  provide  with  prudence  and 
diligence  for  our  residence  at  Cyrus,  and  not 
to  suffer  us  to  depart  to  another  city,  on  the 
ground  that  we  are  endeavouring  to  summon 
synods  to  Antioch,  and  are  disturbing  the 
orthodox.^  Now  I  make  known  to  you 
that  in  obedience  to  the  imperial  letter  I 
have  come  to  Cyrus.  After  an  interval  of 
six  or  seven  days  they  sent  the  devoted 
Euphronius,  the  commander,  with  a  letter 
begging  me  to  acknowledge  in  writing  that 
the  imperial  order  had  been  shown  me.  I 
therefore  promised  to  remain  in  Cyrus  and 
its  adjacent  district,  and  to  tend  the  sheep 
entrusted  to  my  care.  I  therefore  beseech 
your  excellency  to  make  exact  enquiry,  both 

1  Ezekiel  33.  I.  2  Rom.  xvi.  20.  3  Mark  iv.  39. 

4  These  letters  on  the  Persian  persecution  might  be  placed 
.anywhere  while  it  lasted  c.  420-450.  Garnerius  suggests  443. 
Eulalius  and  Eusebius  are  unknown. 

6  cf.  Epp.  XLV.  XCII.  CXI.  CXIX.  CXXI.  CXXXVIII. 

6  This  edict  of  Theodosius  is  dated  by  Tillemont  March 
30, 449.  Theodoret  received  the  order  for  his  relegation  to 
Cyrus  while  he  was  at  Antioch,  and  at  once  submitted. 


whether  these  orders  had  really  been  issued, 
and  for  what  reason.  I  am  indeed  conscious 
of  many  other  sins,  but  I  do  not  know  that 
I  have  erred  either  against  the  Church  of 
God,  or  against  public  order.  And  I  write 
as  I  do,  not  because  I  take  it  ill  to  have  to 
live  at  Cyrus,  for  in  truth  she  is  dearer  to  me 
than  any  of  the  most  famous  cities,  because 
my  office  in  her  has  been  given  me  by  God. 
But  the  fact  of  my  being  bound  to  her  not 
by  preference  but  by  compulsion  does  seem 
somewhat  grievous,  and  besides  it  does  give 
a  handle  to  the  wicked  to  grow  bold  and  to 
refuse  to  obey  our  exhortations. 

Under  these  circumstances  I  beseech  your 
lordship,  if  no  order  of  the  kind  has  really 
been  issued,  to  let  me  know  ;  but  if  the  letter 
really  comes  from  the  victorious  emperor, 
tell  his  pious  majesty  not  readily  to  believe 
calumnies,  nor  give  ear  to  accusers  alone,  but 
to  demand  an  account  from  the  accused. 
Though  really  the  evidence  of  the  facts  alone 
was  quite  enough  to  persuade  his  piety  that 
the  charges  against  me  were  false.  Forwdien 
did  I  ever  make  myself  offensive  about 
anything  to  his  serene  majesty  or  his  chief 
officers.^  Or  when  was  I  ever  obnoxious 
to  the  many  and  illustrious  owners  here.'* 
It  is  on  the  contrary  well  known  to  your 
excellency  that  I  have  spent  a  considerable 
portion  of  my  ecc  lesiastical  revenues  in  erect- 
ing porticoes  and  baths,  building  bridges,  and 
making  further  provision  for  public  objects. 
But  if  any  persons  take  it  ill  that  I  mourn 
over  the  ruin  of  the  churches  of  Phoenicia, 
be  it  known  to  your  lordship  that  it  is  im- 
possible for  me  not  to  grieve  when  I  see  the 
horn  of  the  Jews  exalted  on  high  and  the 
Christians  in  tears  and  sorrow,  though  they 
send  them  to  the  very  ends  of  the  earth.' 
We  cannot  fight  against  the  apostolic  decrees, 
for  we  remember  the  word  of  the  Apostle 
which  says,  "We  ought  to  obey  God  rather 
than  men,"  ^  and  more  terrible  to  us  than  any 
of  the  pains  of  this  life  is  the  "judgment 
seat  of  Christ "  ^  the  Lord,  before  whom  we 
shall  all  stand  to  render  an  account  of  our 
words  and  of  our  deeds.  On  account  of 
that  judgment  seat  the  hardships  of  this 
present  life  must  be  endured.  For  them 
that  suffer  wrong  the  hope  of  what  is  to 
come  is  consolation  enough,  but  to  us  the 
loving  Lord  has  given  further  comfort  in 
you,  most  excellent  sir,  whose  life  is  bright 
with  piety  and  faith. 

1  The  allusion  appears  to  be  to  the  edict  of  Feb.  44S,  order- 
ing  the  deposition  of  Theodoret's  friend  Irenaeus  bishop  of 
Tyre,  on  the  ground  of  his  being  a  digamus  and  a  heretic. 
Irenaeus  was  degraded  from  the  priesthood  and  forbidden  to 
appear  in  Tyre.     cf.  Epp.  III.  XII.  XVI.  XXXV. 

2  Acts  V.  29.  2  Romans  xiv.  10. 


2/6 


THEODORET. 


LXXX,     To  the  prefect  Eutrechius,' 

I  have  been  much  astonished  that  no  in- 
formation has  been  sent  me  by  your  lordship 
of  the  plots  against  me.  To  counteract 
them  would  very  likely  have  been  a  difficult 
matter  to  any  one  not  having  the  means  of 
convicting  their  promoters  of  lies ;  but  to 
give  information  of  what  was  going  on 
needed  not  so  much  power  as  friendliness, 
and  we  had  hoped  that  when  your  excellency 
had  been  summoned  to  the  imperial  city,  and 
had  been  chosen  to  adorn  the  prefect's  exalted 
seat,  every  tempest  of  the  Church  would  be 
calmed  down.  But  we  suffer  from  such 
disturbances  as  we  did  not  see  even  in  the 
beginning  of  the  dispute.  The  churches  of 
Phoenicia  are  in  trouble  ;  in  trouble  are  those 
of  Palestine,  as  all  unanimously  report;  and 
the  distress  is  proved  by  the  letters  of  the 
most  pious  bishops.  All  the  saints  among 
us  groan  and  every  pious  congregation  is 
lamenting.  While  looking  for  a  cessation 
of  our  former  troubles  we  have  been  afflicted 
with  new  ones.  I  myself  have  been  for- 
bidden to  quit  the  coasts  of  Cyrus,  if  the 
dispatch  is  true  which  has  been  shewn  me, 
and  which  is  said  to  be  an  autograph  of  our 
victorious  emperor.  It  runs  as  follows 
*^  Since  so  and  so  the  bishop  of  this  city  is 
continually  assembling  synods  and  this  is  a 
cause  of  trouble  to  the  orthodox,  take  heed 
with  proper  diligence  and  wisdom  that  he 
resides  at  Cyrus,  and  does  not  depart  from 
it  to  another  city-"  I  have  accepted  the 
sentence,  and  remain  still.  Your  lordship 
can  bear  witness  to  my  sentiments,  for  you 
know  how  on  my  arrival  at  Antioch  I  de- 
parted in  a  hurry,  on  account  of  those  who 
wished  to  detain  me  there.  And  those  were 
unquestionably  wrong  who  gave  both  their 
ears  to  my  calumniators  and  would  not  keep 
one  for  me.  Even  to  murderers,  and  to 
them  that  despoil  other  men's  beds,  an  op- 
portunity is  given  of  defending  themselves, 
and  they  do  not  receive  sentence  till  they 
have  been  convicted  in  their  own  presence, 
or  have  made  confession  of  the  truth  of  the 
charges  on  which  they  are  indicted.  But  a  high 
priest  who  has  held  the  office  of  bishop  for  five 
and  twenty  years  ^  after  passing  his  previous 
life  in  a  monastery,  who  has  never  troubled 
a  tribunal,  nor  yet  on  any  single  occasion 
been  prosecuted  by  any  man,  is  treated  as  a 
mere  plaything  of  calumny,  without  being 
allowed  even  the  common  privilege  of  grave- 


1  Vide  Letter  LVII. 

2  This  brings  us  to  about  the  year  423,  when  Theodoret  was 
consecrated  bishop  at  the  approximate  age  of  30,  after  passing 
seven  years  in  the  monastery  of  Nicerte,  three  miles  from 
Apamea,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  from  Cyrus.  Cf.  Ep. 
CXIX. 


robbers  of  being  questioned  as  to  the  truth 
of  the  accusations  brought  against  them. 
Yet  they  have  done  wrong ;  I  have  done  no 
wrong.  But  I  am  ready  for  even  more 
serious  troubles.  Though  they  be  ever  so 
much  annoyed  at  my  bewailing  the  calam- 
ities of  Phoenicia  I  shall  not  cease  so  to  do 
so  long  as  I  behold  them.  The  only  judgment 
that  is  awful  to  me  is  the  judgment  of  God. 
For  them,  nevertheless,  I  pray  that  from  the 
God  of  all  they  may  obtain  forgiveness ;  for 
your  excellency,  that  you  may  ever  live  in 
honour,  excel  in  all  good  things,  speak 
boldly  against  lies,  and  fight  on  the  side  of 
the  truth.  And  let  the  contrivers  of  this  plot 
know  that,  though  I  depart  to  the  uttermost 
ends  of  the  earth,  God  will  not  suffer  the 
confirmation  of  impious  doctrines,  but  will 
nod  His  head  and  destroy  them  that  bow 
down  to  doctrines  of  abomination. 

LXXXL     To    the   Consul  Nomus} 

For  but  a  brief  portion  of  a  day  I  enjoyed 
the    society    of    your    lordship,   for    I    was 
deprived    by  unavoidable    circumstances    of 
what    I    so  earnestly  desired.     I  had  hoped 
that  our  short  interview  would  have  kindled 
good  will  and  friendly  intercourse,  but  I  was 
disappointed.      I   have  now  written    you  two 
letters,  without  receiving  any  reply  ;   and  by 
the  imperial  decree  I  am  forbidden  to   travel 
beyond  the  boundaries   of  Cyrus.     For  this 
apparent  punishment    cause    there   is  none, 
except  the  fact  of  my  convening  an  episcopal 
synod.     No  indictment  was   published  ;  no 
prosecutor  appeared  ;  the  defendant  was  not 
convicted  ;  but  the  sentence  was  given.     We 
submit,   for    we    know    the    reward    of    the 
wronged.     I  am  aware  however  that  Festus 
the  Procurator  who  was   entrusted  with   the 
government   of    the    Jews    when    they    de- 
manded the  death  of  the  divine  Paul,  publicly 
replied,  "It   is  not  lawful  to  us   Romans  to 
deliver  any  man  before  that  he  which  is  ac- 
cused have  the  accusers  face  to  face,  and  have 
license  to  answer  for  himself  concerning  the 
crime  laid  against  him."  ^     Now  these  words 
were  spoken  by  one  who  was  no  believer  in 
our  Master,  Christ,  but  was  a   slave  to  the 
errors  of  polytheism.     I    was    never   asked 
whether  I  was  assembling  synods  or  not,  or 
for   what    reason    I    was    assembling    them, 
or   what   umbrage    this    could    give,    either 
to     the     Church    or     to    the     government; 
yet  just  as  though  I   had   been  a  very  guilty 


1  Cf.  Letter  LVITI.  Nomus  was  an  influential  officer  of 
Theodosius  II.,  being  *^  Magister  O^ict'orum"  in  ^^^,  consul 
in  445  and  patrician  in  449.  A  friend  of  Dioscorus,  he  opposed 
Theodoret  and  was  instrumental  in  procuring  the  decree  which 
confined  the  bishop  to  his  diocese  in  449. 

2  Acts  XXV,  16.    Observe  the  variations  in  the  citation. 


LETTERS. 


277 


criminal  I  am  prohibited  from  visiting  other 
cities  ;  while  to  every  one  else  every  city  lies 
open,  and  that  not  only  to  Arians  and  Euno- 
mians,  but  to  Manichees  and  Marcionists,  to 
them  that  are  sick  with  the  unsoundness  of 
Valentinus  and  Montanus,  aye  to  pagans 
and  Jews,  while  I,  a  foremost  champion  of 
the  teaching  of  the  Gospels,  am  from  every 
citv  excluded.  Some  however  maintain  that 
I  do  not  adhere  to  it.  Then  let  there  be  a 
council :  let  there  be  assembled  there  the 
godly  bishops  who  are  capable  of  judging : 
then  let  there, be  assembled  those  in  office 
and  in  rank  who  have  been  instructed  in 
divine  lore.  Let  me  state  what  I  hold,  and 
let  the  judges  declare  wdiat  opinion  is  agree- 
able to  the  teaching  of  the  Apostles.  I  have 
not  thus  written  from  any  desire  to  see  the 
great  city,  nor  from  trying  to  travel  to  any 
other.  In  fact  I  rather  love  the  quiet  of  them 
whose  wish  is  to  administer  the  churches  in 
a  monastic  state.  I  should  like  your  excel- 
lency to  know  that  neither  in  the  time  of 
the  blessed  and  sainted  Theodotus,  nor  in 
that  of  John  of  blessed  memory,  nor  in  that 
of  the  very  holy  lord  bishop  Domnus,  did  I 
of  my  own  accord  enter  Antioch  ;  five  or  six 
times  I  was  invited  but  I  with  difficulty  as- 
sented, and  when  I  did  assent  it  was  in 
obedience  to  the  canon  of  the  Church  which 
orders  him  who  is  summoned  to  a  synod 
and  refuses  to  be  present  to  be  held  guilty. 
And  when  I  appeared,  what  thing  unpleas- 
ing  to  God  did  I  do?  Was  it  that  I  re- 
moved from  the  sacred  lists  the  names  of  such 
and  such  a  man  guilty  of  unspeakable  wicked- 
ness? Was  it  that  I  ordained  to  the  priest- 
hood men  of  cliaracter  and  of  honourable 
life  ?  Was  it  that  I  preached  the  gospel  to 
the  people?  If  these  things  are  worthy  of 
indictment  and  punishment,  I  gladly  welcome 
3et  severer  punishments  for  their  sake. 
My  accusers  compel  me  to  speak.  Even 
before  my  conception  my  parents  promised 
to  devote  me  to  God  ;  from  my  swaddling- 
bands  they  devoted  me  according  to  their 
promise  and  educated  me  accordingly  ;  the 
time  before  my  episcopate  I  spent  in  a 
monastery  and  then  was  unwillingly  conse- 
crated '  bishop.  Five  and  twenty  years  I  so 
lived  that  I  was  never  summoned  to  trial  by 
any  one  nor  ever  brought  accusation  against 
any.  Not  one  of  the  pious  clergy  who  were 
under  me  ever  frequented  a  court.  In  so 
many  years  I  never  took  an  obol  nor  a  gar- 
ment from  any  one.  Not  one  of  my  domes- 
tics ever  received  a  loaf  or  an  egg.  1  could 
not  endure  the  thought  of  possessing  any- 
thing   save    the    rags    I    wore.      From    the 

1  Cf.  note  on  page  276. 


revenues  of  my  see  I  erected  public  porti- 
coes ;  I  built  two  large  bridges ;  I  looked 
after  the  public  baths.  On  finding  that 
the  city  was  not  watered  by  the  river  run- 
ning by  it,  I  built  the  conduit,  and  supplied 
the  dry  town  with  water.  But  not  to  men- 
tion these  matters  I  led  eight  villages  of 
Marcionists  with  their  neighbourhood  into 
the  way  of  truth  ;  another  full  of  Eunomians 
and  another  of  Arians  I  brought  to  the  light 
of  divine  knowledge,  and,  by  God's  grace, 
not  a  tare  of  heresy  was  left  among  us. 
All  this  I  did  not  effect  with  impunity ; 
many  a  time  I  shed  my  blood ;  many  a  time 
was  I  stoned  by  them  and  brought  to  the 
very  gates  of  death.  But  I  am  a  fool  in  my 
boasting,  yet  my  words  are  spoken  of  neces- 
sity, not  of  consent.  Once  the  thrice  blessed 
Paul  was  compelled  to  act  in  the  same  way 
to  stop  the  mouths  of  his  accusers.  Yet  I 
put  up  with  seeming  ignominy  and  count  it 
high  honour,  for  I  hear  the  voice  of  the 
Apostle  crying,  "  All  that  will  live  godly  in 
Christ  Jesus  shall  suffer  persecution."' 

But  I  beseech  your  excellency  to  give 
heed  to  the  affairs  of  the  Church,  and  calm 
the  storm  that  has  arisen,  for  in  fact  not  even 
at  the  beginning  of  the  dispute  was  the 
Church  beset  by  such  confusion.  No  one 
informs  you  of  the  greatness  of  the  peril, 
of  the  lamentations  of  the  Christians  in  Phoe- 
nicia and  of  the  wails  of  our  holiest  monks. 
Wherefore  I  have  written  to  you  at  some 
length,  that  on  learning  the  agitation  of  the 
Church  your  excellency  might  stay  it,  and 
reap  the  fruits  of  the  benefit  which  such 
action  will  produce. 

LXXXIL     To  EusebiuSy  bishop  of  Ancyra.^ 

I  had  hoped  at  this  time  to  hear  frequently 
from  your  holiness.  Suffering  as  I  do  under 
charges  which  are  plain  calumny  I  stand  in 
need  of  brotherly  consolation.  For  they 
who  are  now  renewing  the  heresy  of  Mar- 
cion,  Valentinus,  Manes,  and  of  the  other 
Docetae,  annoyed  at  my  publicly  pillorying 
their  heresy,  have  endeavoured  to  deceive  the 
imperial  ears,  by  calling  me  a  heretic  and 
falsely  accusing  me  of  dividing  into  two  sons 
our  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  divine  Word 
made  man.  Their  utterances  did  not  meet 
with  the  success  that  they  expected.  A 
despatch  was  therefore  written  to  the  right 
honourable  and  glorious  commander  and 
consul,  containing  indeed  no  accusation  of 
heresv,    but   certain    other    charges    no    less 


1  II.  Tim.  iii.  12, 

2Eusebius  was  present  at  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  in  451 
Mansi  vi.  ^65  c.  See  also  Letter  CIX.  A  Latin  translation  of 
this  letter  is  in  Baronius  ann,  443. 


278 


THEODORET. 


unfounded.  They  alleged  that  I  was  en- 
deavouring to  assemble  frequent  synods  at 
Antioch ;  that  certain  persons  thereupon 
took  umbrage  ;  that  for  this  reason  I  ought 
to  desist  from  these  proceedings  and  manage 
the  churches  entrusted  to  my  charge.  When 
this  communication  was  shewn  me  I  caught 
at  the  sentence  as  an  opportunity  of  good. 
For  in  the  first  place  I  gained  the  rest  I  so 
much  longed  for  ;  furthermore  I  trust  in  the 
wiping  out  of  the  stains  of  the  many  errors 
I  have  committed,  on  account  of  the  wrong 
devised  against  me  by  the  enemies  of  truth. 
Even  in  this  present  life  our  supreme  Ruler 
very  plainly  shews  us  w^hat  care  He  takes  of 
them  that  suffer  wrong.  While  I  have  been 
remaining  at  rest,  prisoned  within  the 
boundaries  of  my  own  country ;  while 
throughout  the  East  all  men  have  been 
distressed  and  have  been  bitterly  lamenting 
though  compelled  to  silence  by  the  terror 
that  has  fallen  on  them  (for  what  has 
befallen  me  has  stricken  terror  into  the 
hearts  of  all)  the  Lord  has  stooped  from 
heaven,  has  convicfed  my  calumniators  of 
their  falsehood,  and  laid  bare  their  impious 
intent.  They  armed  even  Alexandria 
against  me  and  by  means  of  their  worthy 
instruments  are  dinning  into  all  men's  ears 
that  I  am  preaching  two  sons  instead  of  one. 

I,  on  the  contrary,  am  so  far  from  holding 
this  abominable  opinion,  that,  on  finding 
some  of  the  holy  fathers  of  the  Nicene 
Council  opposing  in  their  treatises  the  mad- 
ness of  Arius  and  forced  in  their  strug- 
gle against  their  opponents  to  make  too 
marked  a  distinction,  I  have  objected,  and 
refused  to  admit  such  distinction,  for  I  know 
how  the  exigencies  of  the  distinction  result 
in  exaggeration. 

And  lest  any  one  should  suppose  that  I 
am  speaking  as  I  do  through  fear,  let  any 
one  who  likes  get  hold  of  my  ancient  writ- 
ings written  before  the  Council  of  Ephesus, 
and  those  written  after  it  twelve  years  ago. 
For  by  God's  grace  I  interpreted  all  the 
Prophets  and  the  Psalms  and  the  Apostles  : 
I  wrote  long  ago  against  the  Arians,  the 
Macedonians,  the  sophistry  of  Apollinarius 
and  the  madness  of  Marcion  :  and  in  every 
one  of  my  books  by  God's  grace  the  mind 
of  the  Church  shines  clear.  Moreover  I 
have  written  a  book  on  the  Mysteries, 
another  on  Providence,  another  on  the  Qiies- 
tions  of  the  Magi,  a  life  of  the  Saints,  and 
besides  these,  not  to  name  every  one  in 
detail,  many  more.' 

1  The  works  mentioned  are  (a)  those  on  the  Octateuch,  the 
Books  of  Samuel,  Kings,  and  Chronicles,  the  Psalms,  Can- 
ticles, and  the  Prophets;  O)  on  the  xiv  Epp.  of  St.  Paul, 
including  the  Hebrews;  the  Dialogues^  and  the  Hcereticartini 


I  have  enumerated  them  not  for  ambition's 
sake,  but  to  challenge  my  accusers  and  my 
judges  to  put  any  of  my  writings  they  may 
choose  to  the  test.  They  will  find  that  by 
God's  grace  I  hold  no  other  opinion  than 
just  that  which  I  have  received  from  holy 
Scripture. 

When,  then,  your  holiness  has  heard  this 
from  me,  I  beg  you  to  inform  the  ignorant 
and  to  persuade  the  unbridled  tongues  that 
revile  me  and  all  who  are  deceived  by  them, 
not  to  believe  what  they  have  heard  of  me 
from  my  calumniators.  Beg  them  to  believe 
rather  the  Lawgiver  when  he  exclaims 
"Men  shall  not  receive  a  false  report."^ 
Ask  them  to  wait  till  the  facts  are  proved. 

My  prayer  is  that  the  churches  may  enjoy 
a  calm  and  that  this  long  and  painful  storm 
may  vanish  away.  But  if  the  multitude  of 
our  sins  suffer  not  this  to  come  to  pass  ;  if 
for  their  sakes  we  are  delivered  to  the  sifter ; 
we  pray  that  we  may  share  the  perils  under- 
gone for  the  faith,  in  order  that  since  we 
have  not  the  confidence  that  comes  from  this 
life,  at  least  for  guarding  the  faith  in  its  integ- 
rity we  may  meet  with  pity  and  pardon  in 
the  day  of  the  appearance  of  the  Lord.  And 
for  this  we  beseech  your  holiness  to  join  us 
in  our  prayers. 

LXXXIIL    Of  TheodoretuSy  bishop  of  Cyrus ^ 
to  Dioscoriis^  Archbishop  of  Alexandria, 

To  them  that  suffer  under  false  accusation 
the  greatest  comfort  is  given  by  the  words  of 
Scripture.  When  such  a  sufferer  is  wounded 
by  the  lying  words  of  an  unbridled  tongue, 
and  feels  the  sharp  stings  of  distress,  he 
remembers  the  story  of  the  admirable  Joseph, 
and  as  he  beholds  that  model  of  chastity,  an 
exemplar  of  every  kind  of  virtue,  suffering, 
under  a  calumnious  charge,  imprisoned  and 
fettered  for  invading  another  man's  bed,  and 
spending  a  long  time  in  a  dungeon,  his  pain 
is  lightened  by  the  remedy  that  the  story  fur- 
nishes. So  agfain  when  he  finds  the  o-entle 
David,  hunted  as  a  tyrant  by  Saul,  and  then 
catching  his  enemy  and  letting  him  go  un- 
harmed, an  anodyne  is  given  him  in  his  dis- 
tress. But  wiien  he  sees  the  Lord  Christ 
Himself,  Maker  of  the  ages,  Creator  of  all 
things,  very  God,  and  Son  of  the  very  God, 
called  a  gluttonous  man  and  a  wine  bibber 
by  the  wicked  Jews,  it  is  not  only  consolation 
but  rather  great  jo}^  that  is  given  him  in  that 
he  is  deemed  worthy  of  sharing  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  Lord. 


Fahularum  Compendium  ;  (y)   XII  Books  on  the  mysteries  of 
the  Faith  ;   (e)  the  '•  de  Providentia;  "   {Q  on  the  Questions  of 
the  Magi,  and   (tj)  the  Religious  History.     Of  these    (y)   and 
{C)  are  lost. 
1  Ex.  xxiii.  1.  Ixx.  and  marg. 


LETTERS. 


279 


Thus  I  was  compelled  to  write  when  I 
read  the  letters  of  your  holiness  to  the  most 
pious  and  sacred  archbishop  Domnus,  for 
there  was  contained  in  them  the  statement 
that  certain  men  have  come  to  the  illustrious 
city  administered  by  your  holiness,  and  have 
accused  me  of  dividing  the  one  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  into  two  sons,  and  this  when  preach- 
ing at  Antioch,  where  innumerable  hearers 
swell  the  congregation.  I  wept  for  the  men 
who  had  the  hardihood  to  contrive  the  vain 
calumny  against  me.  But  I  grieved,  and,  my 
Lord,  forgive  me,  forced  as  I  am  by  pain  to 
speak,  that  your  pious  excellency  did  not  re- 
serve one  ear  unbiassed  for  me  instead  of  be- 
lieving the  lies  of  my  accusers.  Yet  they 
were  but  three  or  four  or  about  a  dozen, 
while  I  have  countless  hearers  to  testify  to 
the  orthodoxy  of  my  teaching.  Six  years  I 
continued  teaching  in  the  time  of  Theodotus, 
bishop  of  Antioch,  of  blessed  and  sacred 
memory,  who  was  famous  alike  for  his  dis- 
tinguished career  and  for  his  knowledge  of 
the  divine  doctrines.  Thirteen  years  I  taught 
in  the  time  of  bishop  John  of  sacred  and 
blessed  memory,  who  was  so  delighted  at  m}- 
discourses  as  to  raise  both  his  hands  and 
again  and  again  to  start  up  :  your  holiness  in 
your  own  letters  has  borne  witness  how, 
brought  up  as  he  was  from  boyhood  with  the 
divine  oracles,  the  knowledge  which  he  had 
of  the  divine  doctrines  was  most  exact.  Be- 
sides these  this  is  the  seventh  year  of  the 
most  pious  lord  archbishop  Domnus.^  Up 
to  this  present  day,  after  the  lapse  of  so  long 
a  time,  not  one  of  the  pious  bishops,  not  one 
of  the  devout  clergy  has  ever  at  any  time 
found  any  fault  with  my  utterances.  And 
with  how  much  gratification  Christian  people 
hear  our  discourses  your  godly  excellency 
can  easily  learn,  alike  from  those  who  have 
travelled  thence  hither,  and  from  those  who 
reached  your  city  from  us. 

All  this  I  say  not  for  the  sake  of  boasting, 
but  because  I  am  forced  to  defend  myself. 
It  is  not  the  fame  of  my  sermons  to  which  I 
am  calling  attention  ;  it  is  their  orthodoxy 
alone.  Even  the  great  teacher  of  the  world 
w^ho  is  wont  to  style  himself  last  of  saints  and 
first  of  sinners,  that  he  might  stop  the  mouths 
of  liars  was  compelled  to  set  forth  a  list  of 
his  own  labours  ;  and  in  shewing  that  this  ac- 
count of  his  sufferings  was  of  necessity,  not 
of  free  will,  he  added  "I  am  become  a  fool 
in  glorying;  ye  have  compelled  me."^  I 
own  myself  wretched  —  aye  thrice  wretched. 
I  am  guilty  of  many  errors.  Through  faith 
alone  I  look  for  finding  some  mercy  in  the 

1  Domnue  succeeded  his  Uncle  John  at  Antioch  in  441. 

2  II.  Cor.  xii.  II. 


day  of  the  Lord's  appearing.  I  wish  and  I 
pray  that  I  may  follow  the  footprints  of  the 
holy  Fathers,  and  I  earnestly  desire  to  keep 
undefiled  the  evangelic  teaching  which  was 
in  sum  delivered  to  us  by  the  holy  Fathers 
assembled  in  council  at  the  Bithynian  Nicjca. 
I  believe  that  there  is  one  God  the  Father 
and  one  Holy  Ghost  proceeding  from  the 
Father :  ^  so  also  that  there  is  one  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  only  begotten  Son  of  God,  be- 
gotten of  the  Father  before  all  ages,  bright- 
ness of  His  glory  and  express  image  of  the 
Father's  person,^  on  -account  of  man's  salva- 
tion, incarnate  and  made  man  and  born  of 
Mary  the  Virgin  in  the  flesh.  For  so  are  we 
taught  by  the  wise  Paul  "Whose  are  the 
Fathers  and  of  whom  as  concerning  the 
flesh  Christ  came,  who  is  over  all,  God 
blessed  for  ever.  Amen,"  ^  and  again  "  Con- 
cerning His  Son  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord  which 
was  made  of  the  seed  of  David  according  to 
the  flesh  and  declared  to  be  the  Son  of  God 
with  power  according  to  the  spirit  of  holi- 
ness.'"* On  this  account  we  also  call  the 
holy  Virgin  ''  Theotokos,"  "^  and  deem  those 
who  object  to  this  appellation  to  be  alienated 
from  true  religion. 

In  the  same  manner  we  call  those  men 
corrupt  and  exclude  them  from  the  assembly 
of  the  Christians,  who  divide  our  one  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  into  two  persons  or  two  sons  or 
two  Lords,  for  we  have  heard  the  very  divine 
Paul  saying  "  One  Lord,  one  faith,  one  bap- 
tism " '^  and  again  "One  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
by  Whom  are  all  things  "  ^  and  again  "  Jesus 
Christ  the  same  yesterday  and  to-day  and  for 
ever"  ®  and  in  another  place  —  "  He  that  de- 
scended is  the  same  also  that  ascended  up 
far  above  all  heavens."  ^  And  countless 
other  passages  of  this  kind  may  be  found  in 
the  Apostle's  writings,  proclaiming  the  one 
Lord. 

So  too  the  divine  Evangelist  exclaims, 
"  And  the  Word  was  made  flesh  and  dwelt 
among  us  and  we  beheld  His  glory,  the  glory 
as  of  the  only  begotten  of  the  Father,  full  of 
grace  and  truth."  ^^ 

And  his  namesake  exclaimed,  "  After  me 
Cometh  one  who  is  preferred  before  me  for  He 
was  before  me."  ^*  And  when  he  had  shewn 
one  person,  he  expressed  both  the  divine  and 
the  human,  for  the  words  "man"  and 
"comes"  are  human,  but  the  phrase  "He 
was  before  me"  expresses  the  divine.     But 

iThe  first  formal  insertion  of  the  addition  /i/ to  que  is  said  to 
be  in  a  Creed  put  forth  at  a  council  of  Toledo  about  A.D.  400. 
At  the  third  council  of  Toledo  A.D.  5S9,  the  Nica^no-Constan- 
tinopolitan  Creed  was  promulgated  with  the  addition  —  "  ex 
Patre  et  Filio  procedentem.'''' 

2  Heb.  i.  3.  c  Eph.  iv.  5.  i"  John  i.  14. 

3  Rom.  ix.  5.  ">  I.  Cor.  viii.  6.        ^i  John  i.  15. 
•»  Rom.  i.  3,  4.  8  Heb.  xiii.  8. 

6  cf.  note  on  page  213.       'J  Ephes.  iv.  10. 


28o 


THEODORET. 


nevertheless  he  did  not  recognise  a  distinc- 
tion between  Him  who  came  after  and  Him 
who  was  before,  but  owned  the  same  being 
to  be  eternal  as  God,  but  born  man,  after 
himself,  of  the  Virgin. 

Thus  too,  the  thrice  blessed  Thomas,  when 
he  had  put  his  hand  on  the  flesh  of  the  Lord, 
called  Him  Lord  and  God,  saying  "My  Lord 
and  my  God."  ^  For  through  the  visible 
nature  he  discerned  the  invisible. 

So  do  we  know  no  difference  between  the 
same  flesh  and  the  Godhead  but  we  own 
God  the  Word  made  man  to  be  one  Son. 

These  lessons  we  have  learnt  alike  from 
the  holy  Scripture  and  from  the  holy  Fathers 
who  have  expounded  it,  Alexander  and 
Athanasius,  loud  voiced  heralds  of  the  truth, 
who  have  been  ornaments  of  your  apostolic 
see  ;  from  Basil  and  from  Gregory  and  the 
rest  of  the  lights  of  the  world  ;  and  that,  in  our 
endeavour  to  shut  the  mouths  of  them  that 
dare  to  oppose  the  blessed  Theophilus  and 
Cyril,  we  use  their  works,  our  own  writings 
testify.  For  we  are  most  anxious  by  the 
medicines  supplied  by  very  holy  men  to  heal 
them  that  deny  the  distinction  between  the 
Lord's  flesh  and  the  Godhead,  and  who  main- 
tain at  one  moment  that  the  divine  nature  was 
changed  into  flesh,  and  at  another  that  the 
flesh  was  transmuted  into  nature  of  Godhead. 

For  they  clearly  instruct  us  in  the  dis- 
tinction between  the  two  natures,  and  pro- 
claim the  immutability  of  the  divine  nature, 
calling  the  flesh  of  the  Lord  divine  as  being 
made  flesh  of  God  the  Word  ;  but  the  doc- 
trine that  it  was  transmuted  into  nature  of 
Godhead  they  repudiate  as  impious. 

I  think  that  your  excellency  is  well  aware 
that  Cyril  of  blessed  memory  often  wrote  to 
me,  and  when  he  sent  his  books  against  Julian 
to  Antioch,  and  in  like  manner  his  book  on  the 
scapegoat,  he  asked  the  blessed  John,  bishop 
of  Antioch,  to  shew  them  to  the  great 
teachers  of  the  East;  and  in  compliance  with 
this  request  the  blessed  John  sent  us  the  books. 
I  read  them  with  admiration,  and  I  wrote  to 
Cyril  of  blessed  memory;  and  he  wrote  back 
to  me  praising  my  exactitude  and  kindness. 
This  letter  I  have  preserved. 

That  I  twice  subscribed  the  writing's  of 
John  of  blessed  memory  concerning  Nes- 
torius  my  own  hand  bears  witness,  but  this 
is  the  kind  of  thing  whispered  about  me  by 
men  who  try  to  conceal  their  own  unsound- 
ness by  calumniating  me. 

Therefore  I  implore  your  holiness  to  turn 
your  back  on  the  liars  ;  to  give  heed  to  the 
Church's  quiet  and  either  to  heal  by  salutary 


1  John  XX.  28. 


medicines  them  that  are  trying  to  destroy  the 
doctrines  of  the  truths  or,  if  they  refuse  to 
accept  your  treatment,  to  expel  them  from  the 
fold,  to  the  end  that  the  sheep  may  be  spared 
from  contagion.  I  beg  you  to  give  me  your 
customary  salutation.  That  I  have  written 
you  my  true  sentiments  is  proved  by  my 
works  on  the  holy  Scriptures  and  against 
the  Arians  and  Eunomians. 

I  will  in  addition  write  yet  a  brief  word. 
If  any  one  refuses  to  confess  the  holy  Virgin 
to  be  "  Theotokos,"  or  calls  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  bare  man,  or  divides  into  two  sons  Him 
who  is  one  only  begotten  and  first  born  of 
every  creature,  I  pray  that  he  may  fall  from 
hope  in  Christ,  and  let  all  the  people  say 
amen,  amen. 

Now  that  I  have  thus  spoken,  deign,  my 
lord,  to  give  me  your  sacred  prayeis,  and  to 
cheer  me  by  a  letter  in  reply  telling  me  that 
your  holiness  has  turned  your  back  on  my 
accusers. 

I  and  my  household  salute  all  thy  brother- 
hood in  piety  in  Christ. 

LXXXIV.     To  the  bishops  of  CiUcia} 

Your  piety  has  heard  of  the  calumnies 
directed  against  me.  The  opponents  of  the 
truth  allege  that  I  divide  our  one  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  the  only  begotten  Son  of  God,  into 
two  sons,  and  it  is  said  by  some  that  a  ground 
for  their  calumny  is  derived  from  a  handful 
of  men  among  you  who  hold  these  opinions, 
and  who  divide  God  the  Word  made  man 
into  two  sons.  They  ought  to  listen  to  those 
words  of  the  Apostle  which  openly  declare 
''  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ  by  whom  are  all 
things,"^  and  again  ''one  Lord,  one  faith, 
one  baptism."  ^  They  ought  to  have  followed 
the  Master's  teaching,  for  the  Lord  Himself 
says  ''And  no  man  hath  ascended  up  to 
heaven,  but  he  that  came  down  from  heaven, 
even  the  vSon  of  man  which  is  in  Heaven."^ 
And  again  "If  ye  shall  see  the  Son  of  Man 
ascend  up  where  He  was  before."  ^  And 
the  tradition  of  holy  baptism  teaches  us  that 
there  is  one  Son,  just  as  there  is  one  Father 
and  one  Holy  Ghost.  I  hope  then  that  your 
piety  will  deign,  if  there  really  are  any, 
though  I  cannot  believe  it,  who  disobey  the 
apostolic  doctrines  to  close  their  mouths,  to 
rebuke  them  as  the  laws  of  the  Church  re- 
quire, and  teach  them  to  follow  the  footsteps 
of  the  holy  Fathers  and  preserve  undefiled 
the  faith  laid  down  at  Nicaea  in  Bithynia  by 
the  holy  and    blessed    Fathers,  as  summing 

1  This  encyclical  is  probably  of  the  same  date  as  the  pre- 
ceding. 

2  r.  Cor.  viii.  6.  4John  iii.  13. 

3  Ephes.  iv.  5.  5Johnvi.62. 


LETTERS. 


281 


up  the  teaching  of  Evangelists  and  Apostles. 
For  it  becomes  you  who  love  God  to  give 
heed  both  to  God's  glory  and  our  common 
credit,  and  not  to  overlook  the  attacks 
which  are  made  upon  us  all  through  the 
ignorance  or  contentiousness  of  these  few 
men  —  if  they  really  are  guiltv,  and  if  they 
are  not,  like  ourselves,  suffering  from  the 
whetted  tongues  of  false  accusers. 

Deign  to  remember  us  m  your  prayers  to 
God,  for  so  the  law  of  love  ordains. 

LXXXV.     To  the  bishop  Basil} 

The  chief  good  is  said  by  the  divine  Paul 
to  be  love,^  and  by  love  he  ordered  the 
nurslinsrs  of  the  faith  to  be  fed.  Of  this  love 
your  piety  possesses  great  wealth,  and  so  has 
told  me  what  was  befitting  and  given  me 
pleasant  news.  For  to  them  that  fear  the 
Lord  what  can  be  pleasanter  than  the  health 
and  harmony  of  the  doctrines  of  the  truth  .^ 
Be  well  assured,  most  godly  sir,  that  we 
were  much  delighted  to  hear  the  intelligence 
of  our  common  friend;  and  in  proportion  to 
our  previous  distress  at  hearing  that  he  de- 
scribed the  nature  of  flesh  and  of  Godhead  as 
one,  and  openly  attributed  the  passion  of 
salvation  to  the  impassible  Godhead,  so 
were  all  rejoiced  to  read  the  letters  of  your 
holiness,  and  to  learn  that  he  maintains  in 
their  integrity  the  properties  of  the  natures, 
and  denies  both  the  chansre  of  God  the  Word 
into  flesh,  and  the  mutation  of  the  flesh  into 
the  nature  of  Godhead,  maintaining  on  the 
contrary  that  in  the  one  Son,  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  God  the  Word  made  man,  the  prop- 
erties of  either  nature  abide  unconfounded. 
We  praise  the  God  of  all  for  the  harmony  of 
divine  faith.  We  have  however  written  to 
either  Cilicia,^  although  our  intelligence  is 
imperfect,  as  to  whether  there  are  really 
any  opponents  of  the  truth,  and  have  charged 
the  godly  bishops  to  search  and  examine  if 
there  are  any  who  divide  the  one  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  into  two  sons,  and  either  to  bring 
them  to  their  senses  by  admonition,  or  cut 
them  off  from  the  roll  of  the  brethren.  For 
in  fact  we  equally  repudiate  both  those  who 
dare  to.  assert  one  nature  of  flesh  and  God- 
head, and  those  who  divide  the  one  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  into  two  sons  and  strive  to  go 
beyond  the  definitions  of  the  Apostles. 

But  let  your  holiness  be  well  assured  that 
we  are  disposed  to  peace.  For  if  the  prophet 
says,    "  With    them    that    hate   peace  I  was 

1  There  appears  to  be  nothing  in  this  letter  or  in  Letter  CII, 
also  addressed  to  bishop  Basil  to  identify  the  recipient.  Basil 
bishop  of  Seleucia  in  Isauria  was  at  the  Latrocinium  and  at 
Chalcedon.  Basil,  bishop  of  Trajanopolis  was  also  present 
at  the  same  councils.  Garnerius  is  in  favour  of  the  former,  and 
notes  the  date  as  44S. 

2  I.  Cor.  xiii.  13.  '  Vide  note  on  p. 44. 


peaceful,"  '   much    more   readily  do  we  wel- 
come the  peace  of  God. 

Some  of  those  men  who  have  been  fed  on 
lies  have  hurried  to  Alexandria  and  patched 
up  calumnies  against  me,  with  the  result 
that  the  godly  bishop  of  that  city,  led  away 
by  their  statements,  although  he  had  been 
fully  informed  by  my  letters,  has  sent  a  pious 
bishop  to  the  imperial  city.  I  beg  you  there- 
fore to  shew  your  accustomed  kindness  to 
him,  and  to  confront  falsehood  with  the  truth. 

LXXXVI.^     To  Fla7)ianus,  bishop  of  Con- 
stantinople. 

At  the  present  time,  most  God-beloved 
lord,  I  have  received  many  bufletings  of  bil- 
lows, but  I  called  upon  the  great  Pilot,  and 
have  been  able  to  stand  firm  against  the 
storm ;  the  attacks,  however,  now  made 
upon  me  transcend  every  story  in  tragedv. 
In  relation  to  the  attacks  which  are  being 
plotted  against  the  apostolic  faith,  1  thought 
that  I  should  find  an  ally  and  fellow-worker 
in  the  most  godly  bishop  of  Alexandria,  the 
lord  Dioscorus,^  and  so  sent  him  one  ot  our 
pious  presbyters,  a  man  of  remarkable  pru- 
dence, with  a  synodical  letter  informing  his 
piety  that  we  abide  in  the  agreement  made 
in  the  time  of  Cyril  of  blessed  memory,  and 
accept  the  letter  written  by  him  as  well  as 
that  written  by  the  very  blessed  and  sainted 
Athanasius  to  the  blessed  Epictetus,  and, 
before  these,  the  exposition  of  the  faith  laid 
down  at  Nicaea  in  Bithynia  by  the  holy  and 
blessed  Fathers.  We  exhorted  him  to  in- 
duce those  who  are  unwilling  to  abide  by 
these  documents  at  once  to  abide  by  them. 
But  one  of  the  opposite  party,  who  keep  up 
these  disturbances,  by  tricking  some  of 
those  who  are  on  the  spot  and  contriving 
countless  calumnies  against  myself  has 
stirred     an  iniquitous  agitation    against  me. 

But  the  very  godly  bishop  Dioscorus  has 
written  us  a  letter  such  as  never  ought  to 
have  been  written  by  one  who  has  learnt 
from  the  God  of  all  not  to  listen  to  vain 
words.  He  has  believed  the  charges  brought 
against  me  as  though  he  had  made  j^ersonal 
enquiry  into  every  one  of  them,  and  had  ar- 
rived at  the  truth  after  questioning,  and  has 
thus  condemned  me.  I  however  have  bravely 
borne  the  calumnious  charge,  and  have 
written  him  back  a  courteous  letter,  repre- 
senting to  his  piety  that  the  wliole  charge  is 

1  Ps.  cxx.  6  and  7,  Ixx. 

2  riiis  important  letter  maybe  placed  between  the  sentence 
of  deposition  issued  by  Dioscorus  in  Feb.  44S  and  the  im- 
perial edict  of  March  449;  probably  before  Novem'->er  44S,  wlien 
Eutyches  was  arraigned  before  the  Synod  of  Constantinople 
presided  over  by  Flavian. 

•"'  cf.  Letter  LX,  written  probably  not  long  after  the  conse- 
cration of  Dioscorus  in  444. 


282 


THEODORET. 


false,  and  that  not  one  of  the  godly  bishops 
of  the  East  holds  opinions  contrary  to  the 
apostolic  decrees.  Moreover  the  pious  clergy 
whom  he  sent  as  messengers  have  been  con- 
vinced by  the  actual  evidence  of  the  facts. 
These  however  he  has  dismissed  unheeded, 
and,  lending  his  ears  to  my  calumniators, 
has  acted  in  a  m.anner  quite  incredible,  were 
it  not  that  the  whole  church  bears  witness  to 
it.  He  put  up  with  them  that  were  crying 
Anathema  against  me  ;  nay  he  stood  up  in 
his  place  and  confirmed  their  words  by  add- 
ing; his  voice  to  theirs.  Besides  all  this  he 
sent  certain  godly  bishops  to  the  imperial 
city,  as  we  learnt,  in  the  hope  of  increasing 
the  agitation  against  me.  I  in  the  first  place 
have  for  champion  Him  who  seeth  all  things, 
for  it  is  on  behalf  of  the  divine  decrees  that 
I  am  wrestling — next  after  Him  I  invoke 
your  holiness  to  fight  in  defence  of  the  faith 
that  is  attacked,  and  do  battle  on  behalf  of 
the  canons  that  are  being  trodden  under  foot. 
When  the  blessed  Fathers  were  assembled  in 
that  imperial  city  ^  in  harmony  with  them 
that  had  sat  in  council  at  Nicaea,  they  distin- 
guished the  dioceses,  and  assigned  to  each 
diocese  the  management  of  its  own  affairs, 
expressly  enjoining  that  none  should  intrude 
from  one  diocese  into  another.  The}^  or- 
dered that  the  bishop  of  Alexandria  should 
administer  the  government  of  Egypt  alone, 
and  every  diocese  its  own  affairs.^ 

Dioscorus,  however,  refuses  to  abide  by 
these  decisions  ;  he  is  turning  the  see  of  the 
blessed  Mark  upside  down  ;  and  these  things 
he  does  though  he  perfectly  well  knows  that 
the  Antiochene  metropolis  possesses  the 
throne  of  the  great  Peter,  who  was  teacher 
of  the  blessed  Mark,  and  first  and  coryphaeus 
of  the  chorus  of  the  apostles.^ 

But  I  know  the  majesty  of  the  see,  and  I 
know  and  take  measure  of  myself.  I  have 
learnt  from  the  first  the  humility  of  the 
Apostles.  I  beseech  your  holiness  not  to 
overlook  the  trampling  underfoot  of  the  holy 
canons,  and  to  stand  forward  zealously  as 
champion  of  the  divine  faith,  for  in  that  faith 
we  have  hope  of  our  salvation  and  on  its  ac- 


1  i.e.  in  Constantinople  in  3S1.  The  second  Canon  of  the 
Council  IS  referred  to,  —  confining  each  bishop  to  his  own 
"  diocese,"  i.e.  a  tract  comprising  more  than  one  province.  So 
the  bishop  of  Alexandria  was  restricted  to  Eg'ypt. 

2  The  immediate  cause  of  this  enactment  by  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan  Fathers  was  the  interference  of  Peter  of  Alexandria 
in  the  appointment  to  the  see  of  Constantinople,  when  the  or- 
thodox  party  nominated  Gregory  of  Nazianzus.     cf.  p.  i  ^6. 

3  The  third  Canon  of  Constantinople  had  enacted  that  hence- 
forth the  see  of  the  new  capital  should  rank  next  after  Rome. 
In  the  text  the  precedence  of  Antioch  before  Alexandria  is 
based  on  association  with  St.  Peter.  "The  so-called  Cathedra 
Petri,  which  is  kept  in  a  repository  of  the  wall  of  the  apse  of 
the  Vatican  Basilica,"  and  was  "  exhibited  in  1S66"  "  is  proba- 
bly a  throne  made  for  or  presented  to  Charles  the  Bold  in  875." 
Diet.  Christ.  Ant.  ii.  1960.  For  the  connexion  of  St.  Peter  with 
Antioch  see  Routh  Rell.  Sac.  i.  179. 


count  are  confident  that  we  shall   meet  with 
mercy. 

But  that  your  holiness  may  not  be  ignorant 
of  this,  know,  my  lord,  that  he  shewed  his 
ill-will  towards  me  from  the  time  of  my 
assenting,  in  obedience  to  the  canons  of  the 
holy  Fathers,  to  the  synodical  letters  issued 
in  your  see  in  the  time  of  Proclus  of  blessed 
memory  ;  on  this  point  he  has  chidden  me 
once  and  again  on  the  ground  of  my  violating 
the  rights  of  the  church  of  Antioch  and,  as  he 
says,  of  that  of  Alexandria.  Remembering 
this,  and  finding,  as  he  thinks,  an  oppor- 
tunity, he  has  exhibited  his  hostility.  But 
nothing  is  stronger  than  the  truth.  Truth  is 
wont  to  conquer  even  with  few  words.  I  be- 
seech your  holiness  to  remember  me  in  your 
prayers  to  the  Lord  that  I  may  have  power 
to  prevail  against  the  waves  that  are  beating 
me  hither  and  thither. 

LXXXVII.     To  DomnuSj  bishop  of  Apamea? 

The  law  of  brotherly  love  demanded  that 
I  should  receive  many  letters  from  your  god- 
liness at  this  time.  For  the  divine  Apostle 
charges  us  to  weep  with  them  that  weep 
and  rejoice  with  them  that  do  rejoice.^  I 
have  not  received  a  single  one,  although 
just  lately  1  was  visited  by  some  of  the  pious 
monks  of  your  monastery  with  the  pious 
presbyter  Elias.  Nevertheless  I  have  written, 
and  I  salute  your  holiness  ;  and  I  make  you 
acquainted  with  the  fact  that  the  consolation 
of  the  Master  has  stood  me  in  stead  of  all 
other,  for  in  truth  not  even  had  I  as  many 
mouths  as  I  have  hairs  on  my  head,  could 
I  worthily  praise  Him  for  my  being  deemed 
worth3^'of  suffering  on  account  of  my  con- 
fession of  Him,  and  for  the  apparent  disgrace 
which  I  hold  more  august  than  any  honour. 
And  if  I  be  banished  to  the  uttermost  parts 
of  the  earth  all  the  more  will  I  praise  Him 
as  being  counted  w^orthy  of  greater  blessings. 
Nevertheless  I  hope  your  holiness  will  put 
up  prayers  for  the  quiet  of  the  holy 
churches.  It  is  because  of  the  storm  that 
is  assailing  them  that  I  wail  and  groan  and 
lament.  That  quiet,  as  I  know,  was  driven 
away  by  the  Osrhoene  clerg}',^  who  poured 
out  countless  words  against  me,  although  I 
had  no  share  in  their  condemnation,  nor  in 
the  sentence  passed  upon  them  ;  on  the  con- 
trary, as   your  holiness    knows,   I    besought 

1  Domnus  of  Apamea  is  to  be  distinguished  from  Domnus 
II,  bishop  of  Antioch  the  recipient  of  Letters  XXXI,  CX,  CXII 
and  CLXXX.  He  was  present  at  Chalcedon  in  451.  This  let- 
ter  may  be  placed  in  44S-9. 

2  Romans  xii.  15.     Observe  the  inversion. 

3  The  action  of  the  Osrhoene  cleray  here  referred  to  is  their 
accusation  of  Theodoret's  friend  Ibas  of  Edessa.  The  *' sen-^ 
tence  "  was  that  of  excommunicatinn  delivered  by  Ibas.  The 
leaders  of  the  cabal  against  him  were  instigated  by  Uranius^ 
bishop  of  Himeria,  one  of  Ibas's  suffragans,     cf.  note  on  p.  291 . 


LETTERS. 


283 


that  the  communion  might  be  given  to  them 
at  Easter.  But  slanderers  find  no  difficulty 
in  saying  what  they  like.  My  consolation 
lies  in  the  blessing  of  the  Master  who  said, 
"  Blessed  are  ye  when  men  shall  revile  you 
and  persecute  you  and  shall  say  all  manner 
of  evil  against  you  falsely  for  my  sake ; 
rejoice  and  be  exceeding  glad  :  for  great  is 
your  reward  in  heaven :  for  so  persecuted 
they  the  prophets  which  were  before  you."^ 

LXXXVIII.      To  Taurus  the  Patrician?' 

Slanderers  have  forced  me  to  go  beyond 
the  bounds  of  moderation,  and  compel  me 
to  write  to  you  who  have  adorned  the  highest 
offices,  and  obtained  the  most  distinguished 
honours.  I  therefore  implore  you  to  pardon 
me,  for  I  do  not  write  in  self  sufficiency, 
but  because  I  am  thrust  forward  by  necessity. 
It  is  not  because  I  expect  to  fall  unjustly  into 
trouble  and  distress,  for  this  is  the  common 
fate  of  all  who  have  sincerely  served  God,  but 
because  I  desire  to  persuade  your  excellency 
that  those  who  accuse  my  opinions  are  pro- 
ducing false  charges  against  me.  From  my 
mother's  breast  I  have  been  nurtured  on  apos- 
tolic teaching,  and  the  creed  laid  down  at 
Nicasa  by  the  holy  and  blessed  Fathers  I  have 
both  learnt  and  teach.  All  who  hold  any  other 
opinion  I  charge  with  impiety,  and  if  any 
one  persists  in  asserting  that  I  teach  the  con- 
trarv,  let  him  not  bring  a  charge  which  I 
cannot  defend,  but  convict  me  to  my  face. 
For  this  is  agreeable  to  the  laws  alike  of  God 
and  of  man,  but  to  whom  is  it  so  becoming 
to  champion  the  wronged  as  to  you,  O  friend 
of  Christ,  to  whom  boldness  of  utterance  is 
given  by  the  splendour  of  your  lineage,  the 
greatness  of  your  rank  and  your  foremost 
place  in  the  law.^* 

LXXXIX,      To  Florentius  the  patrician? 

In  sending  a  letter  to  your  greatness  I  am 
daring  what  is  beyond  me,  but  the  cause  of 
my  daring  is  not  self-confidence,  but  the 
slanders  of  my  calumniators.  I  have  thought 
it  well  worth  while  to  instruct  your  righteous 
ears  how  openly  the  impugners  of  my 
opinions  are  calumniating  me.  I  have  been 
guilty,  I  own,  of  many  errors,  but  up  to 
now  I  have  ever  kept  the  faith  of  the  apos- 
tles undefiled,  and  on  this  account  alone  I 
have  cherished  the  hope  that  I  shall  meet 
with  mercy  on  the  day  of  the  Lord's  appear- 
ing.    On  behalf  of  this  faith  I  continue  to 

1  Matt.  V,  II,  12. 

2  Garnerius  dates  Letters  LXXXVIII-CIX  in  447.  They 
belong  rather  to  448-449. 

3  Florentius,  Praefect  of  the  Imperial  Guard,  and  already  six 
times  Praefect  of  the  East,  was  present  as  a  lay  commissioner 
atthe  trial  of  Eutyches  in  449  and  at  Chalcedjn  in  451. 


contend  against  every  kind  of  heresy  ;  this 
faith  I  am  ever  giving  to  the  nurslings  of 
piety  ;  by  means  of  this  faith  I  have  meta- 
morphosed countless  wolves  into  sheep,  and 
have  brought  them  to  the  Saviour  who  is 
the  Arch-shepherd  of  us  all.  So  have  I 
learnt  not  only  from  the  apostles  and 
prophets  but  also  from  the  interpreters  of 
their  writings,  Ignatius,  Eustathius,  Athan- 
asius,  Basil,  Gregory,  John,  and  the  rest  of 
the  lights  of  the  world ;  and  before  these 
from  the  holy  Fathers  in  council  at  Nicaea, 
whose  confession  of  the  faith  I  preserve  in 
its  integrity,  like  an  ancestral  inheritance, 
styling  corrupt  and  enemies  of  the  truth  all 
who  dare  to  transgress  its  decrees.  I  invoke 
your  greatness,  now  that  you  have  heard 
from  me  in  these  terms,  to  shut  the  mouths 
of  my  calumniators.  It  is  in  my  oj^inion 
wholly  unreasonable  to  accept  as  true  what 
is  charged  against  men  in  their  absence ; 
rather  is  it  lawful  and  right  that  those  who 
wish  to  appear  as  prosecutors  should  accuse 
the  defendants  in  their  presence,  and  endeav- 
our to  convict  them  face  to  face.  Under 
these  conditions  the  judges  will  without  diffi- 
culty be  able  to  arrive  at  the  truth. 

XC,     To  Lupicinus  the  Master} 

I  have  passed  through  the  contests  of  my 
prime.  I  see  before  me  the  confines  of  old 
age,  and  have  expected  as  an  old  man  to 
have  more  honour  given  me.  But  I  am  a 
mark  for  the  shafts  of  slander,  and  am 
driven  to  meet  by  defence  accusations  lev- 
elled against  me.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, I  beseech  your  excellency  not  to 
believe  the  lies  of  my  accusers.  Had  I  been 
living  a  life  of  silence,  there  might  have 
been  room  for  the  suspicion  of  unorthodoxy. 
But  I  am  continually  discoursing  in  the 
churches,  and  therefore  have,  by  God's 
grace,  innumerable  witnesses  to  the  sound- 
ness of  what  I  teach.  I  follow  the  laws  and 
rules  of  the  apostles.  I  test  my  teaching  by 
applying  to  it,  like  a  rule  and  measure,  the 
faith  laid  down  by  the  holy  and  blessed 
Fathers  at  Nicaea.  If  any  one  maintain  that 
I  hold  any  contrary  opinion,  let  him  accuse 
me  face  to  face ;  let  him.  not  slander  me  in 
my  absence.  It  is  fair  that  even  the  defend- 
ant should  have  an  opportunity  of  speech, 
and  meet  with  his  defence  the  charges 
brought  against  him,  and  that  then  and  not 
till  then  should  the  judges  lawfully  pro- 
nounce   their    sentence.     This   favour  I  beg 


*  i.e.,  magister  officiorum,  one  of  the  great  state  officers 
under  the  Constantinian  constitution.  He  had  control  over 
posts,  police,  arsenals,  and  the  imperial  correspondence,  and, 
from  his  authority  in  the  palace,  was  a  kind  of  "  comptroller," 
or"  master  of  the  household."     cf.  Rufinus,  p.  123. 


284 


THEODORET. 


through  your  excellency's  assistance.  If  any 
men  wish  to  condemn  me  unheard,  I  accept 
with  willingness  even  their  unjust  sentence. 
For  I  wait  for  the  judgment  of  the  Master, 
where  we  need  neither  witnesses  nor  accus- 
ers. Before  Him,  as  says  the  divine  Apostle, 
*'  all  things  are  naked  and  opened."  ^ 

XCI.      To  the  prefect  Eutrechius? 

I  well  know,  and  need  no  words  to  tell 
me,  how  your  excellency  regards  me.  Ac- 
tions speak  more  clearly  than  words,  but 
I  have  been  anxious  for  you  to  know  the 
cause  of  the  accusation  that  is  brought 
against  me.  For  I  am  suffering  under  a 
most  extraordinary  charge,  being  at  one  and 
the  same  time  attacked  as  unmarried,  and  as 
having  been  married  twice. ^  If  my  present 
calumniators  assert  that  I  am  falsifying  the 
apostolic  doctrine,  why  in  the  world,  in- 
stead of  accusing  me  in  my  absence,  do 
they  not  attempt  to  convict  me  face  to  face  .^ 
This  fact  alone  is  enough  to  give  utter  refu- 
tation to  their  lies,  for  it  is  because  they  know 
that  I  have  innumerable  witnesses  4:o  the 
apostolic  character  of  my  doctrines  that  they 
have  urged  an  undefended  indictment  against 
me.  Lawful  judges  must  on  the  contrary 
keep  one  ear  unbiassed  for  the  accused.  If 
they  give  both  to  the  pleadings  of  the  op- 
ponents, and  deliver  a  sentence  acceptable 
to  them,  I  shall  put  up  with  the  injustice  as 
bringing  me  nearer  to  the  kingdom  of 
heaven,  and  shall  await  that  impartial  tri- 
bunal, where  there  is  neither  prosecutor,  nor 
counsel,  nor  witness,  nor  distinction  in  rank, 
but  judgment  of  deeds  and  words  and 
righteous  retribution.  "  For,"  it  is  said, 
''  we  must  all  appear  before  the  judgment 
seat  of  Christ  that  every  one  may  receive 
the  things  done  in  his  body  according  to  that 
he  hath  done  whether  it  be  good  or  bad."  '*' 

XCII.      To  Anatolius  the  Patrician^ 

The  very  holy  lord  archbishop  Domnus 
has  arranged  for  the  most  pious  bishops  to 
repair  to  the  imperial  city,  with  a  view  to 
the  complete  refutation  of  the  false  accu- 
sation made  against  us  all.  At  this  time 
we  stand  in  especial  need  of  the  aid  of  your 
magnificence,  since  the  Lord  of  all  has 
endowed  you  with  the  gifts  of  pure  faith,  of 
warm  zeal  in  its  behalf,  of  intelligence  and 
capacity,    and    power    withal    to    carry    out 

1  Heb.  iv.  13. 

2  vide  p.  267. 

3  This  appears  to  be  merely  a  figurative  description  of  the 
inconsistency  of  the  charges,  for  there  was  no  question  of 
Theodoret's  being  a  "  digamos." 

*  II.  Cor.  V.  10. 

5  Seven  Letters  are  addressed  to  Anatolius;  viz.,  XLV, 
LXXIX,  XCII,  CXI,  CXIX,  CXXI,  and  CXXXVIII. 


your  prudent  counsels.  I  beg  you  therefore 
to  defend  the  cause  of  the  wronged,  to 
contend  against  lies,  and  champion  the 
apostolic  teaching  now  assailed.  Without 
doubt  the  master  and  guide  of  the  churches 
will  bless  your  endeavour,  will  scatter  the 
lowering  cloud,  and  bless  the  nurslings  of 
the  faith  with  clear  sky.  Even  should  He 
permit  the  tempest  to  prevail,  your  greatness 
will  reap  your  perfect  reward,  and  we  shall 
bow  our  heads  before  the  storm,  ready  to 
live  with  cheerfulness  wheresoever  it  may 
drive  us,  and  waiting  the  judgment  of  God 
and  his  true  and  righteous  sentence. 

XCIII.     To  Senator  the  Patrician. 

I  cherish  an  indelible  memory  of  your 
magnificence,  and  now  by  very  religious  and 
holy  bishops  I  salute  you.  The  very  holy 
lord  bishop  Domnus  has  arranged  for  them 
to  journey  to  the  imperial  city  in  order  to 
put  an  end  to  the  false  charges  raised 
against  me.  For  certain  men  have  contrived 
manifest  calumnies  against  me,  and  have 
grievously  disturbed  the  churches  for  whose 
sake  the  Lord  Christ  "  endured  the  Cross 
despising  the  shame  "  ;  ^  in  whose  behalf 
the  band  of  the  divine  apostles  and  com- 
panies of  victorious  martyrs  were  delivered 
to  many  kinds  of  death.  On  behalf  of  their 
peace  I  call  on  your  magnificence  to  con- 
tend. It  had  been  easy  for  the  God  of  all 
to  have  nodded  His  head  and  scattered  the 
lowering  clouds;  but  He  bides  His  time, 
and  thereby  at  once  shews  the  endurance  of 
them  that  are  assailed,  and  gives  us  oppor- 
tunities of  doing  good. 

XCIV.      To  Protogenes  ^  the  Prcefect. 

The  lovinor-kindness  of  the  Lord  has 
already  given  you  an  opportunity  of  carrying 
out  your  good  intentions.  He  has  given 
you  a  greater  opportunity  now,  that  your 
excellency  may  the  more  easily  champion 
the  cause  of  the  truth  that  is  assailed,  bring 
lies  to  nought,  and  give  the  churches  the 
calm  for  which  they  so  intensely  long. 
Your  excellency  has  already  learned  from 
many  other  sources  how  great  is  the  surge 
by  which  the  churches  in  the  East  are 
overwhelmed,  but  you  will  acquire  more 
accurate  information  concerning  it  from  the 
very  religious  bishops  who,  on  account  of 
it,    have    undertaken    their    long  journey    in 

1  Senator  was  consul  in  436,  three  years  after  the  probable 
date  of  Theodoret's  earlier  letter  to  him  (cf.  Letter  XLIV. 
p.  264.)     He  was  present  at  Chalcedon. 

2  Heb.  xii.  2. 

3  Protogenes  was  Praefect  of  the  East  and  Consul  in  449  and 
was  present  at  the  Council  of  Chalcedon. 


LETTERS. 


285 


the  winter,  relying,  next  after  the  Grace  of 
God,  on  the  providence  of  your  authority. 
Disperse  for  us,  then,  O  Christian  man,  the 
storm,  change  the  moonless  night  into 
clear  sunshine,  and  bridle  the  tongues  set 
wagging  against  us.  We  by  God's  grace  are 
ever  fighting  for  the  apostolic  decrees,  and 
we  preserve  undefiled  the  faith  laid  down  at 
Nicaea,  and  style  impious  all  who  dare  to 
violate  its  dogmas.  In  evidence  of  the  truth 
of  what  I  say  may  be  cited  my  catechumens, 
those  who  are  from  time  to  time  baptized  by 
me,  and  the  hearers  of  my  discourses  in  the 
churches.  If  they  mean  to  accuse  me  in 
accordance  with  the  law,  they  must  convict 
me  in  my  presence,  not  slander  me  in  my 
absence.  In  this  manner  your  excellency, 
when  giving  judgment  in  other  cases,  is 
wont  to  deliver  your  sentences,  perceiving  on 
which  side  lies  the  right  from  the  pleadings 
both  of  the  prosecution  and  of  the  defence. 

XCV.     To   the  prcefect  Antiochus} 

You  have  laid  aside  the  cares  of  your  very 
important  government,  but  your  fame  flour- 
ishes among  all ;  for  they  that  have  reaped 
the  fruit  of  your  benevolence,  and  they  are 
many  and  everywhere,  persistently  extol  it, 
proclaiming  your  good  report  in  all  direc- 
tions, and  stirring  their  hearers'  tongues  to 
join  in  the  chorus  of  acclamation.  When  I 
behold  the  worthy  fruit  which  adorns  with 
its  beauty  its  far-famed  stem,  I  am  delighted. 
For  this  reason  I  call  your  excellency  to 
greater  and  higher  deeds,  and  beseech  you 
to  give  heed  to  the  tranquillity  of  the  churches. 
They  have  been  overwhelmed  with  a  great 
storm  by  the  contrivers  of  calumnies  against 
me,  and  under  these  circumstances  the  very 
religious  bishops,  making  light  of  a  long 
journey,  of  infirmity,  and  of  old  age,  have 
left  their  own  flocks  unshepherded,  and  un- 
dertaken to  travel  this  great  distance,  in  their 
eagerness  to  confute  the  lies  told  against  us 
all.  I  beseech  your  greatness  to  give  them 
your  protection,  to  shew  care  for  the  calum- 
niated East,  and  your  forethought  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  apostolic  faith.  It  is  only  fitting 
that  you  should  add  this  further  glory  to  the 
rest  of  your  good  deeds. 

XCVL     To  Nonius  the  Patrician^ 

I  have  written  to  you  two  letters,  Indeed  I 
think  three,  but  without  getting  any  answer. 

1  Antiochus  was  Consul  in  431. 

2  cf.  Letters  L VI 11  and  LXXXI.  Nomus  the  consul  and 
Noir.us  the  patrician  are  distinguished  in  Schulze's  Index  to 
the  Letters,  but  there  seems  no  reason  to  doubt  their  identity. 
Nomus  the  powerful  minister  of  Theodosius  II.  was  consul 
in  445  and  patrician  in  449,  to  which  year  this  third  letter  may 
be  referred. 


I  had  wished  to  say  no  more,  but  to  know 
my  own  place  and  the  greatness  of  dignities, 
and  to  beg  you  to  inform  me  of  the  cause  of 
your  silence.  Really  I  do  not  know  what 
ofience  I  can  have  given  to  your  excellency. 
We  err  unwillingly  as  well  as  willingly,  and 
sometimes  are  quite  ignorant  in  what  way 
we  are  transgressing.  I  therefore  beg  your 
greatness,  remembering  the  divine  laws 
which  plainly  charge  us  "If  thy  brother 
shall  trespass  against  thee  go  and  tell  him 
his  fault  betvv^een  him  and  thee  alone  "Mo 
deign  to  make  plain  to  me  the  origin  of 
the  annoyance,  that  I  may  either  prove  my- 
self innocent,  or,  made  aware  of  where  I  was 
wrong,  may  beg  your  pardon.  In  my  con- 
fidence in  the  evidence  of  my  conscience  I 
hope  for  the  former.  All  men  are  adorned 
by  magnanimity,  and  not  least  those  who, 
following  the  example  of  your  excellency, 
trained  in  outside  education  as  well  as  in- 
structed in  divine  principles,  both  hear  the 
apostolic  laws  loudly  exclaiming  "  Let  not 
the  sun  go  down  upon  your  wrath  "  ^  and  re- 
member the  words  of  Homer  ^ 

'*  In  fit  bounds  contain   thy  mighty  mind; 
Benignity  is  best." 

I  have  thus  written  not  as  though  giving 
you  information,  but  to  remind  one  who  is 
much  occupied,  and  I  do  so  in  remembrance 
of  the  law  of  the  Lord,  who  says  "  Therefore 
if  thou  bring  thy  gift  to  the  altar,  and  there 
rememberest  that  thy  brother  hath  ought 
against  thee  ;  leave  there  thy  gift  before  the 
altar,  and  go  thy  way  ;  first  be  reconciled  to 
thy  brother  and  then  come  and  offer  thy 
ofift."  "*  In  obedience  to  these  words  I  have 
thought  it  right  to  salute  your  excellency  by 
the  most  pious  bishops,  and  to  exhort  you  to 
give  heed  to  the  tranquillity  of  the  churches. 
They  are  indeed  overwhelmed  by  a  great 
storm. 

XCVIL     To  the  Count  Sporacius.'' 

I  am  ■  delighted  with  your  excellency's 
letter.  My  pleasure  has  been  increased  by 
the  very  religious  presbyter  and  monk  lam- 
blichus,  who  has  told  me  of  your  warm  zeal, 
your  earnestness  in  religion,  and  your  real 
goodwill  to  me.  On  hearing  of  this  as  well 
as  of  the  efforts  of  the  glorious  and  pious  lord 

1  Matt,  xviii.  15.  3  n.  ix.  256.     cf.  pp.  104  and  255. 

2  Ephes.  iv.  26.  ^  Matt.  v.  23,  24. 

5  Sporacius  or  Asporacius  was  present  at  Chalcedon  in  451, 
as  comes  domesti'corum,  or  one  of  the  two  commanders  of  the 
bodyguard.  It  was  at  his  request  that  Theodoret  wrote  his 
Hcereiicariutt  fahxilarum  compendium  which  he  dedicates  "  To 
the  most  magnificent  and  glorious  lord  Sporacius  my  Christ- 
loving  son.'*  To  Sporacius  was  also  addressed  the  short 
treatise  '*  adversua  Nestorium  "  of  which  some  editors  have 
doubted  the  genuineness.  The  present  letter  may  be  dated  in 
449. 


286 


THEODORET. 


Patricius  ^  on  my  behalf  I  give  you  the  aj^os- 
tolic  blessing  which  the  blessed  Onesiphorus 
obtained  from  that  holy  tongue  ;  "  The  Lord 
give  mercy  to  your  house,  for  he  oft  refreshed 
me  and  was  not  ashamed  of  my  chain ; " 
"'  The  Lord  grant  unto  him  that  he  may  find 
mercy  of  the  Lord  in  that  day."  ^  This  I  pray 
for  you,  even  though  the  enemies  of  the  truth 
inflict  on  me  yet  greater  miseries  as  they 
suppose  ;  for  we  have  been  taught  to  regard 
men's  purpose  ;  but  be  sure  of  this,  that  with 
true  religion  death  to  me  is  very  pleasant, 
and  exile  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  Still  we 
are  distressed  at  the  storm  of  the  churches, 
which  the  Lord  of  all  is  mighty  to  disperse. 

XCVIIL      To  Pancharius, 

We  are  distressed  to  see  the  tempest  of 
the  churches,  but  their  Master  and  Ruler 
ever  through  mighty  billows  shows  to  men 
His  own  wisdom  and  power.  He  rebukes 
the  winds  and  brings  about  a  calm  as  He 
did  when  He  was  in  the  apostles'  boat.^  vSo, 
though  I  am  distressed,  nevertheless  because 
I  know  this  power  of  our  Saviour  and  am 
aware  of  what  He  arranges  for  us,  even 
though  adversity  befall  me,  I  give  thanks, 
and  accept  it  as  a  gift  of  God.  I  have  learned 
the  lesson  to  care  little  for  the  present,  and 
to  wait  for  the  expected  blessings.  But  it 
behoves  your  excellency  zealously  to  de- 
fend the  apostolic  faith,  that  you  may  receive 
from  the  God  of  all  the  recompense  of  such 
conduct. 

XCIX,     To  Claudianiis  the  Antigrapharius ,^ 

Although  you  have  not  yet  met  me,  I  think 
that  your  excellency  is  aware  of  the  open 
calumnies  that  have  been  published  against 
me,  for  you  have  often  heard  me  preaching 
in  church,  when  I  have  proclaimed  the  Lord 
Jesus,  and  have  pointed  out  the  properties 
alike  of  the  Godhead  and  of  the  manhood  ; 
for  we  do  not  divide  one  Son  into  two,  but, 
worshipping  the  Only -begotten,  point  out 
the  distinction  between  flesh  and  Godhead. 
This,  indeed,  is  I  think  confessed  even  by 
the  Arians,  who  do  not  call  the  flesh  God- 
head, nor  address  the  Godhead  as  flesh. 
Holy  Scripture  clearly  teaches  us  both 
natures.  Nevertheless,  though  I  have  ever 
thus  spoken,  certain  men  are  uttering  lying 
words  against  me.  But  I  rely  on  my  con- 
science and  have  as  witness  to  my  teaching 
Him  who  looks  into  the  hearts.  So,  as  the 
prophet  says,   I   regard   the    contrivances  of 

iCf.  Letter  XXXIV.    «  II.Tim.  i.  i6and  i8.    »  Matt.  viii.  26. 
*  "  Fuit  vero  avnypa^eix;  apud  Graecos   quern  Galli  vocant 
Controletir  general  des  Jinances ."    Garnerius. 


calumny  as  "  a  spider's  web."  '  I  await  the 
great  judgment  which  needs  no  words,  but 
makes  manifest  what  in  the  meanwhile  is 
unknown. 

I  send  this  by  the  very  religious  bishops, 
thinking  it  worth  while  to  salute  your  ex- 
cellency by  them  and  to  remind  you  of  your 
promise.  For  attacked  as  I  am  I  do  not 
cease  to  go  a-hunting,  for  I  know  that  even 
the  sacred  apostles  in  the  midst  of  the  as- 
saults made  upon  them  did  not  cease  to  ply 
the  net  of  the  spirit. 

C.     To  Alexandra.^ 

I  have  recently  received  your  excellency's 
letter.  For  the  zeal  you  have  shewn  on  my 
behalf  I  thank  you,  and  pray  the  God  of  all 
to  guard  the  goods  you  have,  to  increase 
them  with  further  boons,  and  to  grant  you 
the  enjoyment  of  future  and  everlasting 
blessings.  I  think  that  He  hears  the  prayer 
even  of  them  that  are  sentenced  to  relegation, 
and  all  the  more  when  it  is  for  the  sake  of 
His  divine  doctrine  that  they  are  undergoing 
apparent  disgrace.  I  am  writing  by  the  very 
religious  bishops,  and  I  beg  that  they  may 
meet  with  your  kindly  care.  It  is  for  the 
sake  of  the  faith  of  the  gospel  and  the  peace 
of  the  churches  that  they  have  undertaken 
this  long  journey. 

CI.     To  the  Deaconess  Celarina, 

The  flames  of  the  war  against  us  have 
been  lit  up  again.  After  yielding  awhile,  the 
enemy  of  men  has  once  more  armed  against 
us  men  nurtured  in  lies,  who  utter  open 
slander  against  me,  and  say  that  I  divide  our 
one  Lord  Jesus  Christ  into  two  sons.  I 
however  know  the  distinction  between  God- 
head and  manhood,  and  confess  one  Son, 
God  the  Word  made  man.  I  assert  that  He 
is  God  eternal,  who  was  made  man  at  the 
end  of  days,  not  by  the  change  of  the  God- 
head, but  by  the  assumption  of  the  man- 
hood. It  is  however  needless  for  me  to 
inform  your  piety  of  my  sentiments,  for  you 
have  exact  knowledge  of  what  I  preach,  and 
how  I  instruct  the  ignorant.  I  beseech  you 
therefore  since  the  workers  of  lies  have 
poured  their  insults  upon  all  the  godly 
bishops  of  the  East  at  once,  and  overwhelmed 
the  churches  with  a  storm,  that  your  piety 
will  show  all  possible  zeal  on  behalf  of  the 
doctrines  of  the  gospel  and  the  peace  of  the 
churches.  On  this  account  the  very  godly 
bishops  have  left  the  churches  shepherded 
by  them,  have    disregarded  the   inclemency 


1  Isaiah  lix.  5. 


2  cf.  Letter  XIV. 


LETTERS. 


287 


of  winter,  and  endured  the  labours  of  their 
long  journey,  that  they  may  cahn  the  tempest 
which  has  arisen.  I  am  sure  that  your  godly 
excellency  will  regard  them  as  champions  of 
piety  and  governors  of  the  churches. 

CII.      To  Bishop  Basilius} 

There  is  nothing  remarkable  in  the  re- 
proaches that  are  directed  against  me  being 
heard  in  silence  by  men  who  do  not  know 
me ;  but  that  your  holiness  should  not  refute 
the  lies  of  my  revilers,  or  at  least  should  do 
so  only  to  a  certain  extent,  and  with  no  great 
heartiness,  passes  the  belief  of  any  one  who 
knows  your  character  and  conduct.  And  I 
say  this  not  because  friendship  ought  to  be 
preferred  to  truth,  but  because  the  witness 
of  truth  is  on  the  side  of  friendship.  Your 
reverence  has  very  often  heard  me  preaching 
in  church,  and,  in  other  assemblies  where  I 
have  spoken  on  doctrinal  questions ;  you 
have  listened  to  what  I  have  said,  and  I  do 
not  know  of  any  occasion  on  which  you  have 
found  fault  with  me  for  expressing  unortho- 
dox opinions.  But  what  is  the  case  at  the 
present  moment  .^^  Why  in  the  w^orld,  my 
dear  friend,  do  you  not  utter  a  word  against 
falsehood,  while  you  allow  a  friend  to  be 
calumniated  and  the  truth  to  be  assailed.? 
If  this  is  because  you  disregard  the  helpless 
and  insignificant,  remember  the  plain  pro- 
clamation of  the  commandment  of  the  Lord 
"  Take  heed  that  ye  despise  not  one  of  these 
little  ones  which  believe  in  me,  for  I  say  unto 
you  that  in  heaven  their  angels  do  always 
behold  the  face  of  my  Father  which  is  in 
heaven."  ^  If  however  it  is  the  influence  of 
my  calumniators  which  imposes  silence  upon 
you,  you  must  listen  to  the  other  law  which 
says  "  Thou  shalt  not  honour  the  person  of 
the  mighty"  ^  and  "  Judge  righteous  judg- 
ment" ■*  and  "  Thou  shalt  not  follow  a  mul- 
titude to  do  evil"^  and  ''He  that  shutteth 
his  eyes  from  seeing  evil  and  stoppeth  his 
ears  from  hearing  of  blood."  ^  You  may 
find  innumerable  similar  passages  in  holy 
Scripture,  which  I  have  thought  it  needless 
to  collect  when  writing  to  a  man  brought  up 
in  the  divine  oracles,  and  watering  Christian 
people  with  his  teaching.  Rut  this  I  will 
say,  that  we  shall  all  stand  before  the  judg- 
ment seat  of  Christ,  and  shall  give  account 
of  our  words  and  deeds.  I,  who  for  every 
other  reason   dread  this  tribunal,  now  that  I 

1  Cf.  Letter  LXXXV.  There  seems  nothing  to  indicate 
whether  this  Basil  is  Basil  of  Seieuciaor  Basil  of  Trajanopolis, 
both  of  whom  were  present  at  the  Latrocinium  and  took  part 
against  Theodoret.  Garnerius  refers  it  to  the  former,  a  time- 
server  of  the  court. 

'  Matt,  xviii.  10  and  6.  *  John  vii.  24. 

9  Leviticus  xix.  15.  ^  Ex.  xxiii.  3. 

'  Isaiah  xxxiii.  15.     Observe  the  inversion. 


am    encompassed    with    calumny,    find    my 
chief  consolation   in   the  thought  of  it. 

cm.    To  the  Count  Apollonius} 

The  very  godly  bishops  have  been  led  to 
travel  to  the  imperial  city  by  the  calumnies 
uttered  against  me,  and  I  by  their  holinesses 
send  your  excellency  my  salutation,  and  pay 
the  debt  of  friendship,  not  indeed  to  wipe 
out  the  cherished  obligation,  but  to  make  it 
greater.  For  in  truth  the  obligations  of 
friendship  are  increased  by  their  discharge. 
That  I  should  now  be  reaping  the  fruits  of 
calumny  is  not  extraordinary,  for,  in  that 
I  am  human,  there  is  nothing  that  I  must 
not  expect.  All  troubles  of  this  kind  must 
be  borne  by  them  that  have  learned  wisdom  ; 
one  thing  only  is  distressing  —  that  harm 
should   accrue  to  the   soul. 

CIV,      To  Flavianus,^   Bishop  of  Constanti- 
nople. 

I  have  already  in  another  letter  informed 
your  holiness  how  openly  the  calumniators 
of  our  teaching  are  slandering  us.^  Now  in 
like  manner  by  means  of  the  very  godly 
bishops  I  do  the  sa^me,  having  not  only  these 
as  witnesses  of  the  orthodoxy  of  my  teaching 
but  also  countless  other  men  who  are  my 
hearers  in  the  churches  of  the  East.  Above 
and  beyond  all  these  I  have  my  conscience, 
and  Him  who  sees  my  conscience.  And  I 
know  too  how  the  divine  Apostle  often  aj^- 
pealed  to  the  testimony  of  his  conscience,  for 
'*  our  rejoicing  is  this,  the  testimony  of  our 
conscience""  and  again  "  I  say  the  truth  in 
Christ  I  lie  not,  my  conscience  also  bearing 
me  witness  in  the  Holy  Ghost."  ^  Know 
then,  O  holy  and  godly  sir,  that  no  one  has 
ever  at  any  time  heard  us  preaching  two 
sons ;  in  fact  this  doctrine  seems  to  me 
abominable  and  impious,  for  there  is  one  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  through  whom  are  all  things. 
Him  I  acknowledge  both  as  everlasting 
God  and  as  man  in  the  end  of  days,  and  I 
give  Him  one  worship  as  only  begotten.  I 
have  learned  however  the  distinction  be- 
tween flesh  and  Godhead,  for  the  union  is 
unconfounded.  Thus  drawn  up  as  it  were  in 
battle  array  to  oppose  the  madness  of  Arius 
and  Eunomius,  we  very  easily  refute  the 
blasphemy  hazarded  by  them  against  the 
only  begotten,  by  applying  what  was  spoken 
in  humility  about  the  Lord,  and  suitably  to 


1  Cf.  Letter  LXXIIL  Apollonius  was  *' comes  sacrarum 
larffitionitm  "  in  436. 

2  Cf.  Letters  XL  and  LXXXVL  This  letter  may  probably 
be  placed  between  the  sentence  of  internement  and  the  assem- 
bling of  the  Latrocinium. 

3  Compare  Letter  LXXXVL 

<H.  Cor.  i.  13.  ORom.ix.  I. 


288 


THEODORET. 


His  assumed  nature,  to  man,  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  what  becomes  the  divine  and 
signifies  the  divine  nature,  to  God ;  not 
dividing  Him  into  two  persons,  but  teaching 
that  both  the  former  and  latter  attributes  be- 
long to  the  only  begotten,  the  latter  to  Him 
as  God  the  Creator  and  Lord  of  all,  and  the 
former  as  made  man  on  our  account.  For 
divine  Scripture  says  that  He  was  made  man, 
not  by  mutation  of  the  Godhead,  but  by  as- 
sumption of  human  nature,  of  the  seed  of 
Abraham.  This  the  divine  Apostle  openly 
says  in  the  words  "For  verily  He  took  not 
on  Him  the  nature  of  angels,  but  He  took  on 
Him  the  seed  of  Abraham,  wherefore  in  all 
things  it  behoved  Him  to  be  made  like  unto 
His  brethren."  ^  And  again  "  Now  to  Abra- 
ham and  his  seed  were  the  promises  made  : 
he  saith  not  and  to  seeds,  as  of  many  ;  but  as 
of  one,  and  to  thy  seed,  which  is  Christ."  ^ 

These  and  similar  passages  have  been  cut 
out  of  divine  Scripture  by  Simon,  Basilides, 
Valentinus,  Bardesanes,  Marcion,  and  the 
man  who  is  named  after  his  maniacal  heresy.^ 
So  they  style  the  Master  Christ  God  only, 
and  describe  Him  as  having  nothing  human 
about  Him,  but  appearing  in  imagination 
and  appearance  as  man  to  men.  On  the 
other  hand  the  Arlans  and  Eunomians  say 
that  God  the  Word  assumed  only  a  body, 
and  that  He  Himself  supplied  the  place  of  a 
soul  in  the  body.  And  Apollinarius  de- 
scribes the  Master's  body  as  endued  with  a 
soul ;  ■*  but,  deriving,  I  know  not  whence, 
the  idea  of  a  distinction  between  soul  and 
intelligence,^  deprives  intelligence  of  its 
share  in  the  achieved  salvation.^  The 
teaching  of  the  divine  Apostles  lays  down  on 
the  contrary  that  a  soul  both  reasonable  and 
intelligent  was  assumed  together  with  flesh, 
and  the  salvation  of  which  the  hope  is  held 
out  to  them  that  believe  is  complete. 

There  is  yet  another  gang  of  heretics  who 
hold  differently.  Photinus,^  Marcellus,^ 
and  Paul  of  Samosata,^  assert  that  our  Lord 
and  God  was  only  man.  When  arguing 
with  these  we  are  under  the  necessity  of  ad- 
vancing proofs  of  the  Godhead,  and  of  shew- 
ing that  the  Master  Christ  is  everlasting 
God.  When,  on  the  other  hand,  we  are 
contending  with  the  former  faction,  which 
calls  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  God  only,  we 
are    obliged    to    marshal     against    them    the 


1  Heb.  ii.  16.  17.        3  i.e.  Manes.  5  xj/vxv  and  voOs. 

2  Gal.  iii.  16.  *   'e/xij/vxov.  ^  cf.  pp.  133  and  140- 

■^  Disciple  of  Marcellus.  cf.  Soc.  ii.  30.  Theodoret,  in  his 
interpretation  of  the  Ep.  to  the  Hebrews,  links  him  with 
Sabellius.     (Ed.  Migne.  iii.  547.) 

8  cf.  p.  139. 

^  Patriarch  of  Antioch  260-270.  Bp.  Wordsworth  calls  him 
*•  the  Socinus  of  the  3rd  c."  Samosata  (Samsat)  was  capi- 
tal of  the  Commagene  in  Syria. 


forces  of  the  divine  Scripture,  and  collect 
from  it  evidence  of  the  assumption  of  the 
manhood.  For  a  physician  must  use  reme- 
dies appropriate  to  the  disease,  and  suit  the 
medicine  to  the  case. 

Now,  therefore,  I  beseech  your  holiness 
to  scatter  the  slander  raised  against  me,  and 
bridle  the  tongues  now  vainly  reviling  me. 
For,  after  the  incarnation,  I  worship  one 
Son  of  God,  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  de- 
nounce as  impious  all  who  hold  otherwise. 
Deign,  sir,  to  give'  me  too  your  holy 
prayers,  that,  by  God's  grace,  I  may  reach 
the  other  side  of  the  ocean  of  danger,  and 
drop  my  anchor  in  the  windless  haven  of 
the  Lord. 

CV,     To  Eulogius  the  CEconomus} 

We  have  heard  from  many  sources  of 
your  piety's  efforts  on  behalf  of  true  reli- 
gion. It  is  therefore  right  that  you  should 
readily  succour  one  who  is  calumniated 
for  the  same  cause,  and  should  refute  the 
revilers'  lies.  You,  O  godly  Sir,  know  what 
I  hold,  and  what  I  teach,  and  that  no  one 
has  ever  heard  of  my  preaching  two  sons. 
Exert,  I  implore  you,  in  this  case  too  your 
divine  energy,  and  stop  the  mouths  of  the 
evil  speakers.  In  conflicts  of  this  kind  one 
must  help  not  only  one's  friends  but  even 
those  who  have  caused  us  pain. 

CVL      To  Abraham  the  CEconoitius, 

By  the  godly  bishops  I  salute  you.  I  be- 
seech you  to  give  heed  to  the  churches' 
calm,  and  to  disperse  the  waves  of  calumny. 
*'  Whatsoever  a  man  soweth  that  shall  he 
also  reap,"  ^  as  says  the  divine  Apostle. 
Without  doubt  then  he  who  fights  for  the 
apostolic  doctrines  shall  reap  the  fruit  of 
the  apostolic  blessing  and  enjoy  the  Apos- 
tles' devotion. 

CVIL     To  the  presbyter  Theodotus, 

The  struggles  which  your  piety  has  under- 
gone on  behalf  of  the  apostolic  doctrines 
are  not  unknown,  but  are  frequently  men- 
tioned alike  by  those  who  have  known  them 
by  experience,  and  by  others  who  have 
heard  of  them  from  these.  Continue,  my 
dear  sir,  your  efforts,  and  fight  for  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Fathers.     For  these   I  too  am 


1  In  an  ecclesiastical  sense  the  title  ceconomus  was  used  of 

(i)  the  treasurer  of  a  particular  church:  e.g.  Cyriacusof 
Constantinople  (Chron,  Pasch.  p.   37S). 

(ii)  a  diocesan  official.  The  Council  of  Chalcedon  ordered 
that  every  diocese  should  have  its  ceconomus . 

(iii)  the  custos  monasterii,  who  had  charge  of  the  secular 
affairs  of  the  monastery,  as  the  diocesan  ceconomus  of  those  of 
the  diocese. 

*  Gal.  VI.  7. 


LETTERS. 


289 


bufieted  in  all  directions  and,  while  I  re- 
ceive the  shock  of  the  great  waves,  I  beseech 
our  Governor  either  to  nod  his  head  and 
scatter  the  tempest,  or  enable  the  victims  of 
the  storm  by  His  grace  to  play  the  man. 

CVIII.      To  Acaciics  the  Presbyter, 

True  indeed  is  the  promise  of  David's 
Psalm,  for  through  him  the  Spirit  of  truth 
gave  this  promise  to  them  that  believe, 
"  Commit  thy  way  unto  the  Lord,  trust  also 
to  him  ;  and  he  shall  bring  it  to  pass  ;  and 
he  shall  bring  forth  thy  righteousness  as  the 
light  and  thy  judgment  as  the  noonday."^ 
This  we  find  too  has  come  to  pass  in  the 
case  of  your  piety.  For  the  great  care  you 
bestow  upon  them  that  are  weeping  for  their 
orphanhood,  and  your  struggles  on  behalf 
of  the  apostolic  doctrines,  are  in  every  one's 
mouth,  and  so,  as  the  prophets  say,  *'  Hidden 
things  are  made  manifest."  Since  I  too  have 
heard  of  your  piety's  admirable  exertions  I 
write  to  salute  you,  most  godly  sir,  and  be- 
seech you  to  increase  your  glory  by  adding 
to  your  labours,  and  to  fight  on  behalf  of  the 
doctrine  of  the  Gospels,  that  we  may  both 
keep  the  inheritance  of  our  fathers  unim- 
paired, and  bring  our  Master  His  talent  with 
good  usury. ^ 

CIX,      To  Eusebius^  Bishop  of  Ancyra.^ 

Many  are  the  devices  secretly  plotted 
against  me,  and  through  me  patched  up 
against  the  faith  of  apostles.  I  am 
however  comforted  by  the  sufferings  of 
the  Saints,  Prophets,  Apostles,  Martyrs, 
and  men  famous  in  the  churches  in  the 
word  of  Grace ;  and  besides  these  by  the 
promises  of  our  God  and  Saviour,  for  in 
this  present  life  He  has  promised  us  nothing 
pleasant  or  delightful,  but  rather  trouble, 
toil,  and  peril,  and  attacks  of  enemies.  ''  In 
the  world,"  He  says,  "  ye  shall  have  tribula- 
tion," ^and  "  if  they  have  persecuted  me  they 
will  also  persecute  you,"  ^  and  ''  If  they 
have  called  the  master  of  the  house  Beelze- 
bub how  much  more  shall  thev  call  them 
of  his  household,"^  and  ''  The  time  cometh 
when  whosoever  killeth  you  will  think  he 
doeth  God  service,"  ^  and  "Straight  is  the 
gate  and  narrow  the  way  which  leadeth  unto 
life,"  ^  and  "  When  they  persecute  you  in 
this  city  flee  you  into  another,"  ^  and  I  might 
quote    all     similar     passages.       The    divine 

1  Psalm  xxxvii.  5.  6. 

2  On  the  care  of  orphans  in  the  early  church  vide  Ig.  Ep. 
Smyrn.  VI.  and  Bp.  Lightfoot's  note.  At  Constantinople  the 
Orphanotrophus  was  a  priest  of  high  rank. 

8  Cf.  Letter  LXXXII.        6Tohnxv.20.  Mohn  xvi.  2. 

*  John  XV.  33.  •  Matt.  25.  •  Math.  vii.  14. 

»  Math.  X.  23. 


Apostle    too    speaks    in    the    same    strain. 
"  Yea  and  all  that  will   live  godly  in  Christ 
Jesus   shall  suffer  persecution,  but  evil   men 
and    seducers  shall    wax  worse  and    worse, 
deceiving     and     being     deceived." '     These 
words   give  me   the  greatest  comfort   in  this 
distress.     As  the  calumnies   uttered  against 
me    have    probably   reached    your  holiness's 
ears,    I    beseech   your    holiness    to   give    no 
credence  to  the  lies  of  my  slanderers.     I  am 
not  aware  of  ever  having   taught  anyone  up 
to  the  present  time  to   believe  in  two   sons. 
I    have  been  taught  to  believe  in  one  only 
begotten,   our   Lord  Jesus   Christ,  God  the 
Word  made  man.      But   I   know  the  distinc- 
tion between  flesh  and  Godhead,  and  regard 
as  impious  all  who  divide  our  one  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  into  two  sons,  as  well   as  those  who, 
travelling  in  an  opposite  direction,   call  the 
Godhead  and  manhood  of  the  master  Christ 
one  nature.     For  these  exaggerations  stand 
opposed  to  one  another,  while  between  them 
lies  the  way  of  the  doctrines  of  the   Gospel, 
beautified  by  the  footprints  of  prophets  and 
apostles,    and  of  all    who    after    them  have 
been    conspicuous  for  the   gift   of  teaching. 
I  was  anxious  to  adduce  their  opinions,  and  to 
point  out  how  they  bear  witness  in  favour  of 
my  own,  but  I  want  more  words  than  a  letter 
allows  room    for,  wherefore  I    have  written 
summarily   what   I    have  been  taught  about 
the  incarnation  of  the  only  begotten  ;  I  send 
my  statement  to   your  godly  excellency.^     I 
have  written  not  with  the  object  of  teaching 
others,   but    of  making    my   defence  against 
the   accusations  brought   against  me,  and  of 
explaining   my  sentiments   tc  those  who  are 
ignorant  of  them.     After   your  holiness  has 
read  what   I   have  written,  if  you  find   it  in 
conformity  with    the    apostolic    doctrines,   I 
hope  you  will  confirm   my  opinion  by  what 
you    reply — if,    on    the    contrary,    anything 
that  I  have  said  jars  with  the  divine  teaching, 
I  request  to  be  told   of  it  by  your  holiness. 
For,    though    I    have    spent    much    time   in 
teaching,  I  still  need  one  to  teach  me.      "  We 
know,"  says   the  divine  Apostle   "  in  part,"  ^ 
and  again  he  says,  "  If  any  man  think  that  he 
knoweth    anything  he  knoweth    nothing  yet 
as  he   ought  to   know."  '*     So  I  hope  that  I 
may  hear   the  truth   from  your  holiness,  and 
that  you   may  also  give  heed  to  the   calm  of 
the   Church,  and    fight    for   the    divine   doc- 
trines.     It   is   for    their  sakes  that   the   very 
godly    bishops,    making    light     of  the    diffi- 
culties   of  the  journey,    and    of    the    winter, 
have  set  out    for    the    imperial    city,   in  the 


1  II.  Tim.  iii.  12.  13. 

2  Garnerius  supposes  this  to  refer  to  Dial.  II, 
8  I.  Cor.  xiii.  9.  *  I.  Cor.  viii.  a. 


290 


THEODORET. 


endeavour  to  bring  about  some  end  to  the 
storm.  Send  them  I  pray  you,  on  their  way 
with  your  prayers  and  with  your  prayers  too 
strengthen  me.^ 

CX,     To  Dojft?ius,  bishop  of  Antioch^ 

When  I  read  your  letter  I  remembered  the 
very  blessed  Susannah,  who  when  she  saw 
the  fiunous  villains,  and  believed  that  the 
God  of  all  was  present,  uttered  that  remark- 
able cry,  "  I  am  straitened  on  every  side  ;  "  ^ 
but  nevertheless  preferred  to  fall  into  the 
snares  of  slander  rather  than  to  despise  the 
just  God.  And  I,  sir,  have  two  alternatives, 
as  I  have  often  said,  to  offend  God  and 
wound  my  conscience,  or  to  fall  by  man's 
unjust  sentence.  The  most  pious  emperor, 
I  think,  knows  nothing  of  this.  For  what 
hindered  him  from  writing,  and  ordering  the 
ordination  to  take  place,  if  in  truth  it  so 
pleased  him?  Why  in  the  world  do  they 
utter  threats  without  and  cause  alarm,  and 
yet  do  not  send  letters  openly  ordering  it? 
One  of  two  things  must  be  true ;  either  the 
very  pious  emperor  is  not  induced  to  write, 
or  they  are  trying  to  make  us  break  the  law 
and  afterwards  be  indicted  by  them  for  ille- 
gality. I  have  before  me  the  example  of  the 
blessed  Principius,''  for  in  that  case,  when 
they  had  given  orders  by  writing,  they  pun- 
ished him  for  obedience.  Moreover  the  let- 
ters which  I  read  on  the  very  day  of  the  letter- 
bearer's  arrival  are  of  a  contrary  tenour. 
For  one  of  the  holy  monks  has  written  to 
some  one  that  he  has  received  letters  both 
from  the  very  illustrious  guardsman  and  the 
very  glorious  ex-magister  stating  that  the 
case  of  the  very  godly  lord  bishop  Irenaeus 
will  stand  more  favourably,  and  in  return  for 
this  good  will  they  ask  prayers  on  their  be- 
half. I  think  therefore  that  a  reply  ought  to 
be  written  to  the  clergy  who  have  written 
from  the  imperial  city  to  the  effect  that"  "  in 

1  The  route  of  the  bishops  would  be  by  land,  in  consequence 
of  the  dangers  of  the  sea  voyage  in  winter  time.  From  Ancyra 
(Angora)  they  would  follow  the  course  of  the  Sangarius  into 
Bithynia,  and  would  cross  thence  via  Chalcedon  to  Constanti- 
nople. 

-  This  letter  is  placed  by  Garnerius  in  the  end  of  447  on  ac- 
count of  its  allusion  to  Proclus,  who  died  in  October  447,  and  to 
the  deposition  of  Irenajus  of  Tyre,  for  which  the  formal  edict 
was  issued  in  Feb.  44S,  but  which  was  perhaps  rumoured  earlier. 
But  by  some  the  death  of  Proclus  is  placed  a  year  earlier. 

3  Hist,  of  Susannah  22. 

*  Of  the  blessed  Principius  nothing  is  known,  cf.  Tille- 
mont,  XV.  267. 

5  "  The  phraseology  of  this  letter  has  given  rise  to  much 
misapprehension.  The  use  of  the  first  person  has  led  some  to 
suppose  that  Theodoret,  who  belonged  to  another  province,  was 
the  consecrator  of  Irenaeus,  or  that  he  took  part  in  his  conse- 
cration, or  even  with  the  Abbii  Martin  (le  Pseudo-Synode 
d'Eph^se,  pp.  84,  85)  that  it  is  erroneously  ascribed  to  Theod- 
oret, and  was  really  written  by  Domnus.  It  is  clear  from  the 
tenor  of  the  epistle  that  it  was  written  by  Theodoret,  and  that 
the  first  person  is  employed  by  him  as  writing  in  Domnus' 
name.  (Tillemont  xv.  pp.  871,  872.)  "  Diet.  Christ.  Biog. 
iii.  281  n. 

It  is  in  consonance  with  this  theory  that  Alexander  of  An- 


obedience  to  the  sentence  of  the  very  godly 
bishops  of  PhcEuicia,  and  knowing  both  the 
zeal  and  the  magnanimity  and  love  for  the 
poor  and  all  the  other  virtues  of  the  very 
godly  bishop  Irenaeus,  and  in  addition  to 
this  the  orthodoxy  of  his  opinions,  I  have 
ordained  him.  I  am  not  aware  that  he  has 
ever  objected  to  apply  to  the  holy  Virgin  the 
title  '  Theotokos,'  or  has  ever  held  any 
other  opinions  contrary  to  the  doctrines  of 
the  Gospel.  As  to  the  question  of  digamy,  I 
have  followed  my  predecessors ;  for  Alex- 
ander of  blessed  and  sacred  memory,  the  or- 
nament of  this  apostolic  see,  as  well  as  the 
very  blessed  Acacius,  bishop  of  Beroea,  or- 
dained Diogenes  of  blessed  memory  who 
was  a  '  digamus  ; '  *  and  similarly  the  blessed 
Praylius  ordained  Domninus  of  Caesarea 
who  was  a  '  digamus.'^  We  have  therefore 
followed  precedent,  and  the  example  of 
men  well  known  and  illustrious  both  for 
learning  and  character.  Proclus,  bishop 
of  Constantinople,  of  blessed  memory  well 
aware  of  this  and  many  other  instances,  both 
himself  accepted  the  ordination,  and  wrote 
in  praise  and  admiration  of  it.  So  too  did 
the  leading  godly  bishops  of  the  Pontic  Dio- 
cese,^ and  all  the  Palestinians. 

"  No  doubt  has  been  raised  about  the  mat- 
ter, and  we  hold  it  wrong  to  condemn  a  man 
illustrious  for  many  and  various  noble  ac- 
tions." In  my  opinion  it  is  becoming  to  write 
in  these  terms.  If  your  holiness  holds  any 
other  view,  let  what  seems  good  to  you  be 
done.  I,  as  they  suppose,  have  undergone 
one  punishment,  and  am  ready  by  God's 
help  to  undergo  yet  another.  Even  a  third 
and  fourth,  if  they  like,  by  the  stay  of  God's 
grace  I  will  endure,  praising  the  Lord.  If 
your  holiness  thinks  right,  let  us  see  what 
answer  comes  from  Palestine,  and,  after  con- 
sidering more  exactly  what  course  is  to  be 
taken,  let  us  so  write  to  Constantinople. 

CXI,     To  Anatolius  the  patrician^ 

Your  excellency  will  be  recompensed  for 
the  kindness  you  have  shewn  me  by  the  God 

tioch   is  described  as  bishop  of  this   apostolic   see,  a  phrase 
natural  for  Domnus  to  use,  but  not  for  Theodoret. 

1  It  is  uncertain  who  this  Diogenes  was ;  he  cannot  have 
been  Diogenes  of  Cyzicus,  for  he  was  alive  and  present  at 
Chalcedon  in  451. 

2  No  more  is  known  of.  Domninus  or  Praylius.  cf.  p.  157. 
"It  is  clear  from  the  Philosophumena  of  Hippolytus  (ix,  12.) 
that  by  the  beginning  of  the  third  century  the  rule  of  mono- 
gamy for  the  clergy  was  well  established,  since  he  complains 
that  in  the  days  of  Callistus  '  digamist  and  trigamist  bishops, 
priests,  and  deacons  began  to  be  admitted.'  "  Diet.  Christ. 
Ant.  i.  552. 

3  The  Pontic  Diocese  is  one  of  the  twelve  civil  divisions  of 
the  Constantinian  empire. 

*  This  letter  is  in  reply  to  that  written  by  Anatolius  on  the 
receipt  of  Letter  XCI I.  Garnerius,  who  places  the  decree  of 
relegation  earlier  than  Tillemont,  dates  it  about  the  end  of  April 
44S. 


LETTERS. 


291 


of  all,  for  all  that  is  done  for  His  sake  has  its 
reward.  I  laugh  at  all  my  slanderers.  The 
bodies  of  them  who  are  most  severely 
scourged  do  not  feel  the  pain,  because  the 
scourged  flesh  is  deadened.  Still  I  lament 
over  them  whose  unrestrained  mouths  utter 
such  lies.  In  what  way  have  the  accusers 
of  the  godly  bishop  Ibas  '  been  wronged  by 
me  that  they  should  utter  such  calumnies 
against  me?  To  begin  with,  I  was  not  even 
one  of  the  judges,  for  in  obedience  to  the 
imperial  decree  I  was  living  at  Cyrus. 
Moreover,  as  I  have  heard  from  many,  they 
all  along  treated  my  absence  as  a  grievance, 
for  I  had  arranged  for  their  partaking  of  the 
Holy  Communion  at  the  Easter  feast  of 
salvation,^  and  as  they  often  expressed  a  wish 
to  meet  me,  I  received  them  with  kindness 
and  advised  them  as  to  the  proper  course  to 
take.  But  that  I  may  also  speak  in  the  de- 
fence of  the  very  godly  bishop  the  lord 
Domnus,  what  was  the  proper  course  for 
him  to  take.f*  He  was  openly  attacked;  he 
saw  men  deposed  by  a  synodical  sentence 
sent  into  another  diocese,  and  resuming 
their  priestly  functions  in  violation  of  the 
laws  of  the  Church  ;  he  saw  things  holy  and 
divine  laughed  at  and  turned  into  ridicule  by 
the  enemies  of  the  Church  ;  what  was  he  to 
do?  When  he  knew  this  he  handed  over  the 
case  to  others,  and  not  only  to  the  very  godly 
lord  Ibas,  but  also  to  the  holy  lord  bishop 
Symeon  of  Amida,  that  the  metropolitans  of 
the  two  provinces  might  hear  the  charges. 
What  fairness  is  there  in  charging  the  same 
persons  with  cruelty  and  kindness?  If  we  ex- 
communicate, we  run  into  danger ;  if  we  do 
not  excommunicate,  we  do  not  escape  it.  We 
alone  of  all  the  world  are  objects  of  attack. 
Other  dioceses  are  at  peace.  We  alone  are 
exposed  to  calumniators,  —  specially  I  my- 
self, though  I  took  no  part  in  the  trial,  and 
am  absolutely  without  responsibility  in  the 
matter. 

Thus  have  I  been  forced  to  write  on  reading 
your  lordship's  letter,  and  on  learning  from 
it  how  for  these  reasons  a  great  commotion 
has  been  made  against  me,  a  man  confined  to 
my  diocese  ;  a  man  of  peace ;  one  not  even 
deliberating  with  the  godly  bishops  of  the 
province.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  although 
there  have  been  already  two  episcopal  ordi- 
nations in  our  province,  I  took  part  in  neither. 

1  The  leaders  of  the  attack  on  Ibas,  (bishop  of  Edessa  and 
metropolitan,  in  436)  were  four  presbyters,  Samuel,  Cyrus, 
Eulogius,  and  Maras.  The  cabal  chose  the  moment  for  action 
when  Domnus  visited  Hierapolis  for  the  enthronization  of 
Stephen,  and  in  445  Ibas  was  summoned  bv  Domnus  to 
Antioch,  but  did  not  come.  In  448  the  eighteen  charges  —  some 
frivolous,  some  of  gross  heresy — were  formally  heard,  and 
Domnus  decided  in  favor  of  Ibas.     cf.  p.  283,  note. 

3  i.e.  recommended  Ibas  not  to  excommunicate  his  ac 
'Cusers. 


Were  I  not  restrained  by  the  imperial  decree 
I  would  have  gone  away,  and  spent  the 
remainder  of  my  days  in  some  remote  spot. 
I  am  faint  for  the  plots  hatched  against  me. 
I  am  sure  those  Edessenes  never  put  together 
their  slander  against  me  of  their  own  accord. 
They  were  prompted  to  these  attacks  on  me 
by  their  truly  truthful  neighbours.  I  thank 
our  Saviour  that  he  has  deemed  me  worthy 
of  the  beatitudes  of  the  Gospel,  all  unworthy 
though  I  be.  For  this  reason  I  have  gladly 
accepted  the  sentence  of  relegation.  I  am 
ready  for  exile,  and,  for  the  sake  of  the 
'*  hope  laid  up  for  me,"  *  welcome  whatever 
fate  they  may  inflict.  I  pray  without  ceasing 
for  your  excellency,  and  beseech  all  the 
saints  to   share  in  my   petitions. 

CXII.     To  Domnus,  bishop  of  Antioch.^ 

When  news  was  brought  to  me  that  the 
pettiness  of  the  victorious  emperor  had  been 
put  an  end  to,  a  reconciliation  effected  between 
him  and  the  very  godly  bishop,"  the  summons 
to  the  council  cancelled,  and  the  peace  of  the 
churches  restored,  I  hoped  that  our  troubles 
were  a  thing  of  the  past.  But  I  am  deeply 
distressed  at  what  I  hear  from  your  holiness. 
It  is  impossible  to  hope  for  any  good  from 
this  notorious  council,  unless  the  merciful 
Master  with  His  wonted  providence  shall 
undo  the  riotous  demons'  devices.  Even  in 
the  great  synod,  I  mean  that  of  Nicasa,  the 
Arian  party  voted  with  the  orthodox  and  set 
their  hands  to  the  apostolic  exposition.  But 
they  did  not  cease  to  war  against  the  truth 
till  they  had  torn  asunder  the  body  of  the 
Church.  For  thirty  years  the  supporters  of 
the  apostolic  doctrines  and  they  who  were 
infected  with  the  Arian  blasphemy  continued 
in  communion  w^ith  one  another.  But  at  An- 
tioch,* when  the  latest  council  was  finished, 
when  they  had  seated  the  man  of  God,  the  great 
Meletius,  on  the  apostolic  throne,  and  then 
after  a  few  days  ejected  him  by  the  imperial 
authority,  Euzoius  who  was  affected  with  the 
undoubted  plague  of  Arius  was  put  forward, 
and  straightway  the  champions  of  apostolic 
doctrines  seceded  and  thereafter  the  division 
continued. 

As   I  look   back  on  what  happened  then, 

iCol.i.  s. 

2  Garnerius  points  out  that  the  indications  of  the  date  of  this 
letter  are  clear.  It  mentions  the  imperial  summons  to  the 
Latrocinium,  and  contains  Theodoret's  advice  to  Domnus  as  to 
what  companions  he  should  take  with  him.  It  must  therefore 
be  placed  between  the  arrival  of  the  summons  at  Antioch  and 
the  departure  of  Domnus  for  Ephesus.  The  summons  is  dated 
the  30th  of  March,  and  appointed  the  1st  of  August  for  the 
meeting.  Antioch  is  a  clear  thirty  days' journey  from  Ephesus 
and  Domnus  had  not  yet  chosen  his  companions.  We  may 
therefore  date  the  letter  in  the  May  of  449. 

3  Presumably  Irenanis  of  Tyre. 

♦i.e.,  in  361.  For  Theodoret's  account  of  the  circumstancoH 
vide  pp.  92,  93. 


292 


THEODORET. 


and  look  forward  to  similar  events  in  the 
future,  my  wretched  spirit  sighs  and  wails, 
for  I  see  no  prospect  of  good.  The  men  of 
the  other  dioceses  do  not  know  the  poison 
which  lies  in  the  Twelve  Chapters  ;  ^  having 
regard  to  the  celebrity  of  the  writer  of  them, 
they  suspect  no  mischief,  and  his  successor  in 
the  see^  is  I  think  adopting  every  means  to  con- 
firm them  in  a  second  synod.  For  supposing 
he  who  lately  wrote  them  at  command,  and 
anathematized  all  who  did  not  wish  to  abide 
by  them,  were  presiding  over  an  oecumenical 
council,  what  could  he  not  effect?  And  be 
well  assured,  my  lord,  that  no  one  who  knows 
the  heresy  they  contain  will  brook  to  accept 
them,  though  twice  as  many  men  of  this  sort 
decree  them.  Before  now,  though  a  larger 
number  have  rashly  confirmed  them,  I  resisted 
at  Ephesus,and  refused  to  communicate  with 
the  writer  of  them  till  he  had  agreed  to  the 
points  laid  down  by  me,  and  had  harmonized 
his  teaching  with  them,  without  making  any 
mention  of  the  Chapters.  This  your  holiness 
can  ascertain  without  any  difficulty  if  you 
order  the  acts  of  the  synod  to  be  investigated  ; 
for  they  are  preserved  as  is  customary  with 
the  synodical  signatures,  and  there  are  extant 
more  than  fifty  synodic  acts  shewing  the  ac- 
cusation of  the  Twelve  Chapters.  For  be- 
fore the  journey  to  Ephesus  the  blessed  John  ^ 
had  written  to  the  very  godly  bishops  Euthe- 
rius  of  Tyana,  Firmus  of  Caesarea,  and 
Theodotus  of  Ancyra,  denouncing  these 
Chapters  as  Apollinarian.'*  And  at  Ephesus 
the  exposition  and  confirmation  of  these 
Chapters  was  the  cause  of  our  deposition  of 
the  Alexandrian  and  of  the  Ephesian." 
Moreover  at  Ephesus  many  synodic  letters 
were  written  both  to  the  victorious  emperor, 
and  to  the  great  officers,  about  these  Chapters  ; 
and  in  like  manner  to  the  laity  at  Constanti- 

1  Cyril  wrote  his  Ilird  letter  to  Nestorius  probably  on  Nov. 
3,  430.  •'  To  the  end  of  the  letter  were  appended  twelve  'arti- 
cles '  or  '  chapters,'  couched  in  the  form  of  anathematisnis 
against  the  various  points  of  the  Nestorian  theory."  *'  These 
propositions  were  not  well  calculated  to  reclaim  Nestorius; 
nor  were  they  indeed  so  worded  throughout  as  to  approve 
themselves  to  all  who  essentially  agreed  with  Cyril  as  to  the 
personal  Deity  of  Christ.  On  the  contrary  the  abruptness 
of  their  tone,  and  a  certain  one-sidedness  .  .  .  made  some 
of  them  open,  prima  facie,  to  serious  criticism  from  per- 
sons who,  without  being  Nestorians,  felt  that  in  the  attack  on 
Nestorianism  the  truth  of  Christ's  real  and  permanent  man- 
hood might  be  in  danger  of  losing  its  due  prominence."  Canon 
Bright,  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  i.  ^66. 

2  Dioscorus  succeeded  Cyril  at  Midsummer,  444. 

3  i.e.  John  of  Antioch.     He  reached  Ephesus  June  27,  431. 

*  Eutherius  of  Tyana  (Kiliss  Hissar  in  Karamania)  was  a 
strong  Nestorian,  and  signed  the  appeal  of  Nestorius  after  his 
deposition  in  431.  On  July  17th  John  and  his  adherents  were 
deposed.  Firmus  of  the  Cappadocian  Caesarea  (still  "  Ka- 
saria  ")  himself  a  graceful  letter  writer,  was  an  anti-Nestorian. 
Theodotus  of  Ancyra  also  sided  with  Cyril. 

^i.e.  Cyril  and  Memnon.  ''No  sooner  had  John  reached 
Ephesus,  than  before  he  had  washed  and  dressed  after  his 
journey,  in  the  inn  itself,  late  at  night,  in  secret  session,  by  the 
connivance  of  the  Count  Candidianus,  a  sentence  was  passed 
on  Cyril  and  Memnon  —  on  Cyril,  on  the  accusation  of  Theodo- 
ret."  Cf.  Garnerius  Hist.  Theod,,  and  Cyril.  Ep.  ad  Coelest. 
Labbe  iii.  663. 


nople  and  to  the  reverend  clergy.  Moreover 
when  we  were  summoned  to  Constantinople 
we  had  five  discussions  in  the  imperial  pres- 
ence, and  afterwards  sent  the  emperor  three 
protestations.  And  to  the  very  godly  bishops 
of  the  West,  of  Milan  I  mean,  of  Aquileia, 
and  of  Ravenna,  we  wrote  on  the  same  sub- 
ject, protesting  that  the  Chapters  were  full  of 
the  Apollinarian  novelty.  Furthermore  their 
writer  received  a  letter  from  the  blessed  John 
by  the  hands  of  the  blessed  Paul,'  openly 
blaming  them  ;  and  in  like  manner  from  Aca- 
cius  of  blessed  memory.  And  to  give  your 
holiness  concise  information  on  the  subject  I 
have  sent  you  both  the  letter  of  the  blessed 
Acacius,  as  well  as  that  of  the  blessed  John 
to  the  blessed  Cyril,  in  order  that  you  may 
perceive  that  though  they  were  writing  to 
him  on  the  subject  of  agreement  they  blamed 
these  Chapters.  And  the  blessed  Cyril  him- 
self, in  his  letter  to  the  blessed*  Acacius 
plainly  indicated  the  drift  of  these  Chapters  in 
the  words  "  I  have  written  this  against  his 
innovations  and  when  peace  is  made  they 
will  be  made  manifest."  The  very  defence 
proves  the  accusation.  I  have  sent  you  the 
copy  of  what  he  wrote  at  the  time  of  the 
agreement,  that  you  may  see,  my  lord,  that 
he  made  no  mention  of  them,  and  that 
those  who  attend  the  Council  are  under  an 
obligation  to  bring  forward  what  was  written 
at  the  time  of  the  agreement,  and  to  state 
plainly  what  had  caused  the  difference  and 
on  what  terms  the  sundered  parts  were 
atoned.  For  they  who  are  summoned  to 
fight  for  the  truth  must  flinch  from  no  toil, 
and  must  invoke  the  divine  aid,  that  we  may 
preserve  unimpaired  the  heritage  bequeathed 
us  by  our  forefathers. 

Your  holiness  must  look  out  for  men  of 
like  mind  among  the  godly  bishops  and 
make  them  companions  of  your  journey ; 
and  likewise  of  the  reverend  clergy  those 
who  are  zealous  for  the  truth,  lest  betrayed 
even  by  them  of  our  own  side  we  are  either 
driven  to  do  something  displeasing  to  the 
God  of  all,  or,  in  our  abandonment,  fall  an 
easy  prey  to  our  foes. 

It  is  faith  in  which  we  have  our  hopes  of 
salvation,  and  we  must  leave  no  means  un- 
tried to  prevent  aught  spurious  being 
brought  into  it,  and  the  apostolic  teaching 
from  being  corrupted. 

I  write  you  these  words  from  far  away, 
with  sighs  and  with  groans,  and  I  beseech 
our  common  Master  to  scatter  this  dark 
cloud  and  bestow  on  us  once  more  the  boon 
of  the  bright  sunshine. 


1  John  of  Antioch  sent  Paul  of  Emesa  to  confer  with  Cyril 
on  terms  of  peace  in  432. 


LETTERS. 


293 


CXIIL     To  Leo,  bishop  of  Rome, 

If  Paul,  the  herald  of  the  truth,  the 
trumpet  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  hastened  to 
the  great  Peter  ^  in  order  that  he  might 
carry  from  him  the  desired  solution  of  diffi- 
culties to  those  at  Antioch  who  were  in 
doubt  about  living  in  conformity  with  the 
law,  much  more  do  we,  men  insignificant 
and  small,  hasten  to  your  apostolic  see  ^ 
in  order  to  receive  from  you  a  cure  for  the 
wounds  of  the  churches.  For  every  reason 
it  is  fitting  for  you  to  hold  the  first  place, 
inasmuch  as  your  see  is  adorned  with  many 
privileges.  Other  cities  are  indeed  adorned  by 
their  size,  their  beauty,  and  their  population  ; 
and  some  which  in  these  respects  are  lackmg 
are  made  bright  by  certain  spiritual  boons. 
But  on  your  city  the  great  Provider  has 
bestowed  an  abundance  of  good  gifts.  She 
is  the  largest,  the  most  splendid,  the  most 
illustrious  of  the  world,  and  overflows  with 
the  multitude  of  her  inhabitants.  Besides 
all  this,  she  has  achieved  her  present  sover- 
eignty, and  has  given  her  name  to  her 
subjects.  She  is  moreover  specially  adorned 
by  her  faith,  in  due  testimony  whereof  the 
divine  Apostle  exclaims  '*  your  faith  is 
spoken  of  throughout  the  whole  world.""* 
And  if  even  after  receiving  the  seeds  of  the 
message  of  salvation  her  boughs  were 
straightway  heavy  with  these  admirable 
fruits,  what  words  can  fitly  praise  the  piety 
now  practised  in  her.^  In  her  keeping  too 
are  the  tombs  that  give  light  to  the  souls  of 
the  faithful,  those  of  our  common  fathers  and 
teachers  of  the  truth,  Peter  and  Paul.^     This 


1  This  celebrated  letter  may  be  dated  towards  the  end  of 
449,  allowing-  time  for  news  to  reach  Theodoret  of  his  deposi- 
tion at  the  Latrocinium  on  August  11.  In  445  Leo  had  pro- 
cured the  well  known  decree  from  Valentinian  II[,  addressed 
to  the  famous  Aetius  in  connexion  with  the  dispute  with  H  ilary 
of  Aries,  constituting  the  bishop  of  Rome  the  chief  authority 
in  the  Western  Church,  basing  his  demands  not  so  much  on  the 
recognised  precedence  of  the  imperial  see  as  on  the  supposed 
primacy  of  St.  Peter.  But  in  451,  only  two  years  after  the  date  of 
Theodoret's  letter  the  council  of  Chalcedon  (Can.  xxviii),  after 
recording  the  canon  (iii)  of  Constantinople  that  "  the  bishop 
of  Constantinople  shall  have  the  primacy  of  honour  after  the 
bishop  of  Rome,  because  that  Constantinople  is  new  Rome," 
added  "  we  decree  the  same  things  concerning  the  privileges 
of  Constantinople,  which  is  new  Rome.  The  Fathers  formerly 
gave  the  primacy  to  the  see  of  old  Rome,  because  she  was  the 
imperial  city,  and  gave  like  privileges  to  new  Rome,  rightly 
judging  that  the  city  which  enjoyed  like  imperial  privileges 
should  also  be  honoured  in  matters  ecclesiastical,  being  next 
in  rank."  We  are  yet  very  far  from  later  claims.  Indeed  even 
Gregory  the  Great  when  he  protested  against  the  title  of  oecu- 
juenic.il  bishop,  assumed  by  John  the  Faster,  did  not  claim  it 
for  himself. 

2  Paul  and  Barnabas  went  up  to  Jerusalem,  not  to  Peter,  but 
*'unto  the  Apostles  and  elders."  Acts  xv.  2.  I'eter  took  a 
leading  part  in  the  discussion,  but  tlie  "  sentence  "  was  pro- 
nounced not  by  Peter,  but  by  James,  and  the  decree  \vas  that 
of  "  the  Apostles  and  elders  with  the  whole  Church."  The 
sliglit  "  wresting  "  of  the  scriptures  of  which  Theodoret  is 
guilty  is  due  rather  to  a  desire  to  compliment  an  important 
personage  than  in  anticipation  of  later  controversies, 

3  Rome  WIS  the  only  apostolic  see  in  tiie  West. 

4  Rom.  i.  S. 

"The  traditional  places  of  sepulture  are,  of  half  of  each  of 
the  liolv  Ivxlies,  the  shrine  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  in  the  crypt 
of  St.  Peter's;  of  the  remaining  moiety  of  St.  Peter  the 
iateran;  of  St.  Paul,  St.   Paolo  fuori  ie  Mura. 


thrice  blessed  and  divine  pair  arose  in  the 
region  of  sunrise,  and  spread  their  rays  in 
all  directions.  Now  from  the  region  of  sun- 
set, where  they  willingly  welcomed  the 
setting  of  this  life,  they  illuminate  the  world. 
They  have  rendered  your  see  most  glorious ; 
this  is  the  crown  and  completion  *  of  your 
good  things  ;  but  in  these  days  their  God  has 
adorned  their  throne  ^  by  setting  on  it  your 
holiness,  emitting,  as  you  do,  the  rays  of 
orthodoxy.  Of  this  I  might  give  many 
proofs,  but  it  is  enough  to  mention  the  zeal 
which  your  holiness  lately  shewed  against 
the  ill-famed  Manichees,  proving  thereby 
your  piety's  earnest  regard  for  divine  things. 
Your  recent  writings,  too,  are  enough  to 
indicate  your  apostolic  character.  For  we 
have  met  with  what  vour  holiness  has 
written  concerning  the  mcarnation  or  our 
God  and  Saviour,  and  we  have  marvelled  at 
the  exactness  of  your  expressions. 

For  both  writings  agreed  in  setting  forth 
both  the  everlasting  Godhead  of  the  Only- 
begotten  derived  from  the  everlasting  Father, 
and  the  manhood  derived  from  the  seed  of 
Abraham  and  David ;  and  that  the  nature 
assumed  was  in  all  things  like  unto  us,  being 
unlike  to  us  in  this  respect  alone,  that  it 
remained  free  from  all  sin;  since  it  springs 
not  of  nature  but  of  free  will. 

The  letters  moreover  contain  this,  that  the 
Only-begotten  Son  of  God  is  one,  and  his  God- 
head impassible,  immutable,  and  invariable, 
like  the  Father  who  begat  Him  and  the  Holy 
Spirit;  and  that  on  this  account  He  took  the 
passible  nature,  divine  nature  being  incapable 
of  suflering,  that  by  the  suffering  of  His  own 
flesh  He  might  bestow  freedom  from  suflering 
on  them  that  have  believed  in  Him.  These 
statements  and  others  of  like  nature  were  con- 
tained in  your  letters.  We,  in  admiration  of 
your  spiritual  wisdom,  have  lauded  the  grace 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  uttered  through  you,  and 
we  invoke  and  beseech  and  beg  and  implore 
your  highness  to  protect  the  churches  of  God 
that  are  now  assailed  by  the  storm. 

We  had  expected  that  through  the 
instrumentality  of  the  representatives  ^  sent 
by  your    holiness    to   Ephesus,  the    tempest 


1  KoAo(/)uji'.     cf.  note  on  page  262. 

2  St.  Paul  is  treated  as  in  a  sense  bishop  of  Rome.  The  idea 
may  iiave  some  bearing  on  the  iiypothesis  sometimes  adopted, 
to  avoid  the  difficulties  in  the  early  Roman  succession,  that 
there  was  a  Gentile  line  derived  from  St.  Paul,  who  ordained 
Linus,  and  after  him  Cletus;  and  that  for  the  Jewish  brethren 
St.  Peter  ordained  Clement. 

3  His  dogmatic  epistles  and  his  sermons.  He  is  not  known 
to  have  written  any  large  treatise. 

*  Dioscorus  presided,  and  next  him  sat  Julius  of  Puteoli,  who 
in  company  with  the  presbyter  Renatus,and  the  deacon  Hilarius 
(successor  to  Leo  in  the  papacy)  had  carried  to  Flavian  the 
famous  "tome  "  of  Leo  in  June  449.  Leo  (Epp.  XXXII.  and 
XXXIV.")  describes  his  legates  as  sent  "  t/^ /(7/^r^  w^a."  Ac- 
cording to  one  version  of  the  story  Renatus  died  at  Delos  on 
the  way  out.     Labbe  IV.  1079. 


294 


THEODORET. 


would  have   been  done   away,   but  we   have 
fallen    under    severer  attacks  of  the    storm. 
For   the   very   righteous  bishop   of    Alexan- 
dria was    not    content  with    the  illegal  and 
very    unrighteous    deposition    of  the     most 
holy   and  godly  bishop    of   Constantinople, 
the  lord  Flavianus,  nor  was  his  soul  satisfied 
with   a  similar  slaughter  of  the   rest  of   the 
bishops,     but     me     too    in    my   absence    he 
stabbed  with  a  pen,  without  summoning  me 
to  the  bar,  without  trying  me  in  my  presence, 
without  questioning  me    as    to    my  opinions 
about     the     incarnation     of     our    God    and 
Saviour.     Even    murderers,    tomb-breakers, 
and  adulterers,  are  not  condemned  by  their 
judges  until  they  have  themselves  confirmed 
by    confession  the   charges    brought    against 
them,  or  have  been  clearly  convicted  by  the 
testimony    of  others.     Yet  I,   nurtured   as  I 
have  been  in  the  divine  laws,  have  been  con- 
demned by  him  at  his  pleasure,  when  all   the 
while  I  was  five  and  thirty  days '  march  away. 
Nor  is  this  all  that  he  has  done.    Only  last 
year  when  two  fellows  tainted  with  the  un- 
soundness of  ApoUinarlus  had  gone  thither 
and  patched  up  slanders  against  me,  he  stood 
up  in   church    and   anathematized    me,    and 
that  after  I  had  written  to  him  and  explained 
my  opinions  to  him. 

I  lament  the  disturbance  of  the  church,  and 
long  for  peace.  Six  and  twenty  years  have  I 
ruled  the  church  entrusted  to  me  by  the  God 
of  all,  aided  by  your  prayers.  Never  in  the 
time  of  the  blessed  Theodotus,^  the  chief 
bishop  of  the  East ;  never  in  the  time  of  his 
successors  in  the  see  of  Antioch,  did  I  incur 
the  slightest  blame.  By  the  help  of  God's 
grace  working  with  me  more  than  a  thousand 
souls  did  I  rescue  from  the  plague  of  Mar- 
cion  ;  many  others  from  the  Arian  and  Eunom- 
ian  factions  did  I  brino:  over  to  our  Master 
Christ.  I  have  done  pastoral  duty  in  eight 
hundred  churches,  for  so  many  parishes  does 
Cyrus  contain ;  and  in  them,  through  your 
prayers,  not  even  one  tare  is  left,  and  our 
flock  is  delivered  from  all  heresy  and  error. 
He  who  sees  all  things  knows  how  many 
stones  have  been  cast  at  me  by  evil  heretics, 
how  many  conflicts  in  most  of  the  cities  of 
the  East  I  have  waged  against  pagans,  against 
Jews,  against  every  heresy.  After  all  this 
trial  and  all  this  danger  I  have  been  con- 
demned without  a  trial. 

But  I  await  the  sentence  of  your  apostolic 
see.  I  beseech  and  implore  your  holiness 
to  succour  me  in  my  appeal  to  your  fair  and 
righteous  tribunal.  Bid  me  hasten  to  you, 
and  prove  to  you  that  my  teaching  follows 
the  footprints  of  the  apostles.     I  have  in  my 

1  Patriarch  at  Antioch  420-429. 


possession  what  I  wrote  twenty  years  ago  ; 
what  I  wrote  eighteen,  fifteen,  twelve,  years 
ago  ;  against  Arians  and  Eunomians,  against 
Jews  and  pagans ;  against  the  magi  in 
Persia ;  on  divine  Providence ;  on  theol- 
ogy ;  and  on  the  divine  incarnation.  By 
God's  grace  I  have  interpreted  the  writings 
of  the  apostles  and  the  oracles  of  the 
prophets.  From  these  it  is  not  difficult  to 
ascertain  whether  I  have  adhered  to  the  right 
rule  of  faith,  or  have  swerved  from  its  straight 
course.  Do  not,  I  implore  you,  spurn  my 
prayer  ;  regard,  I  implore  you,  the  insults 
piled  after  all  my  labours  on  my  poor  grey 
head. 

Above  all,  I  implore  you  to  tell  me  whether 
I  ought  to  put  up  with  this  unrighteous  de- 
position or  not ;  for  I  await  your  decision. 
If  you  bid  me  abide  by  the  sentence  of  con- 
demnation, I  abide  ;  and  henceforth  I  will 
trouble  no  man,  and  will  wait  for  the  right- 
eous tribunal  of  our  God  and  Saviour.  God 
is  my  witness,  my  lord,  that  I  care  not  for 
honour  and  glory.  I  care  only  for  the  scan- 
dal that  has  been  caused,  in  that  many  of  the 
simpler  folk,  and  especially  those  whom  I 
have  rescued  from  various  heresies,  cleaving 
to  the  authority  of  my  judges  and  quite  unable 
to  understand  the  exact  truth  of  the  doctrine, 
will  perhaps  suppose  me  guilty  of  heresy. 

All  the  people  of  the  East  know  that  dur- 
ing all  the  time  of  my  episcopate  I  have  not 
acquired  a  house,  not  a  piece  of  ground,  not 
an  obol,  not  a  tomb,  but  of  my  own  accord 
have  embraced  poverty,  after  distributing,  at 
the  death  of  my  parents,  the  whole  of  the 
property  which  I  inherited  from  them. 

Above    all  I  implore  you,  O  holy  sir,  be- 
loved of  God,  to  grant  me  the  help  of  your 
prayers.    I  have  told  you  this  by  the  reverend 
and  godly  presbyters  Hypatius  and  Abramius 
chorepiscopi  ^    and    by   Alypius    exarch  ^    of 
our  monks.     I   would   hasten   to  you  myself 
were  I  not  kept  back  by  the  chains  of  the 
imperial  order,  which   imprison   me  as  they 
do  others.     Treat  vay  messengers,  I  beseech 
you,  as   a  father   might  his  sons ;  give  them 
kindly    and    unbiassed    audience ;     deign    to 
grant  your  protection   to   my  old  age,^  slan- 
dered as  it  is  and  attacked   in  vain.     Above 
all,  regard,  to  the  utmost  of  your  power,  the 
faith    conspired    against;    preserve    for    the 
churches  the  inheritance  of  their  fathers  un- 


1  No  word  exactly  renders  the  title  of  these  ministers,  dis- 
charging functions  of  an  episcopal  kind,  though  without  high 
responsibility.  They  are  first  mentioned  in  the  Councils  of 
Ancvra  and  of  Neo-Caesurea  and  fifteen  of  them  subscribed  the 
decrees  of  Nicaja. 

2  Exarch,  in  its  most  ordinary  ecclesiastical  sense  nearly 
equivalent  to  patriarch,  came  also  to  be  used  of  officers  charged 
with  the  visitation  of  monasteries. 

3  If  born  in  3S6  (Garnerius),  Theodoret  would  nov/  be  6.^ 
Tillemont  says  393. 


LETTERS. 


295 


impaired.  So  will  your  holiness  receive  the 
recompense  due  for  such  deeds  from  the 
great  Giver  of  all  good  gifts.* 

CXIIL  {a).^     From  Pope  Leo  to  Theodoret. 

To  our  much  beloved  brother  Theodore- 
tus,  bishop,  Leo,  bishop. 

CXIV?     To  Andiberis, 

The  reverend  presbyter  Peter  is  distin- 
guished not  only  by  his  priestly  rank,  but 
also  by  his  wise  practice  in  medicine.  Dur- 
ing his  long  residence  with  us  he  has  won 
all  hearts  by  his  conciliatory  manners.  On 
learning  of  my  departure  he  has  now  de- 
termined to  leave  Cyrus ;  1  therefore  com- 
mend him  to  your  excellency,  and  hope 
that,  fully  capable  as  he  is  of  doing  good 
service  to  the  city, —  for  when  he  lived  at 
Alexandria  he  practised  the  same  profession, 
—  he  will  meet  with  kindness  at  your  hands. 

CXV,     To  Apella. 

When  I  undertook  the  direction  of  the 
see  of  Cyrus,  I  procured  for  it  from  all  direc- 
tions men  who  practised  necessary  arts,  and 
besides  this  induced  skilful  physicians  to 
live  there.  Of  these  one  is  the  reverend 
presbyter  Peter,  who  practises  his  profes- 
sion with  wisdom,  and  adorns  it  by  his 
character.  On  my  departure,  several  have 
left  the  city  and  Peter  also  has  determined  to 
leave.  Under  these  circumstances  I  beseech 
your  excellency  to  give  him  your  kind  care. 
He  is  well  able  to  attend  the  sick  and  to 
wage  war  against  their  ailments. 

CXVI.*      To   the  presbyter  Renatiis. 
We    have  heard  of  the  warm  and   right- 


1  The  tone  of  this  letter,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  is  quite  in- 
consistent with  the  later  idea  of  an  '*  appeal  to  Rome."  It  is 
"  an  appeal,"  but  the  appeal  of  a  wronged  man  for  the  sup- 
port, succour,  and  advice,  of  a  brother  bishop  of  the  highest 
position  and  character.  It  does  not  on  the  face  of  it  suggest 
that  Leo  has  any  authority  to  review  or  alter  the  sentence  of 
the  council.  Tillemont  (Mem.  Ecc.  xv.  294)  observes  that 
though  addressed  to  Leo  in  person  the  appeal  is  really  made 
to  the  bishops  of  the  West  in  council.  Leo  remonstrated,  but 
Theodosius  and  his  court  maintained  that  the  decrees  of  the 
Latrocinium  must  stand. 

-  In  Migne's  edition  here  follows  the  reply  of  Leo  to  The- 
odoret, which  appears  as  Letter  CXX.  in  the  works  of  Leo, 

3  Written  after  tlie  deposition  at  Ephesus,  and  when  Theod- 
oret is  either  on  the  point  of  departing,  or  has  departed,  from 
Cyrus  to  the  Apamean  monastery.  The  simultaneous  exercise 
of  the  clerical  and  medical  professions  points  perhaps  to  the 
continuance  of  the  class  of  *'  Silverless  martyrs,"  i.e.  physi- 
cians who  took  no  fee  but  healed  on  condition  that  their  pa- 
tients should  turn  to  Christ.  The  legendary  Saints  of  the  un- 
feed  faculty  are  Cosmo  and  Damian,  the  brothers  whose 
church  occupies  the  site  of  the  Temple  of  Remus,  or  of  the 
Penates,  in  the  Roman  Forum. 

*  This  letter  will  be  of  the  same  date  as  CXIIL  Theodoret 
was  aware  that  Leo  was  to  be  represented  at  the  Latrocinium 
by  Renatus  as  well  as  by  Juljus  of  Puteoii  and  the  archdeacon 
Hilarius,  but  had  not  heard  that  he  had  never  reached  Ephesus. 
We  are  told  on  the  authority  of  Felix,  the  author  of  the 
**  Breviarium  Hceresis  Eutychiauce^^  that  Renatus  died  at 
Delos  on  the  way  out.  This  death  is  however  discredited  by 
Quesnel  and   some  other  authorities. 


eous  zeal  of  your  holiness,  and  the  just  and 
lawful  boldness  of  speech  which  you  em- 
ployed in  condemning  the  audacious  proceed- 
ings at  Ephesus.  Nor  is  this  known  to  us 
alone,  but  the  fame  of  your  orthodoxy  has 
gone  out  into  all  lands,  and  all  men  are  cele- 
brating your  righteousness,  your  zeal,  your 
boldness,  and  your  denunciation  of  my  un- 
fair treatment.  And  your  holiness  took 
this  course  after  seeing  one  massacre.  If 
you  had  seen  the  others  which  took  place 
after  your  departure  you  would  perhaps  have 
emulated  the  fervour  of  the  famous  Phine- 
has.*  I  am  one  of  those  who  was  subse- 
quently condemned,  being  forbidden  by  the 
imperial  order  to  attend  the  council,  and 
sentenced  in  my  absence.^ 

Six  and  twenty  years  have  I  been  a  bishop  ; 
innumerable  labours  have  I  undergone  ;  I 
have  struggled  hard  for  the  truth  ;  I  have 
freed  tens  of  thousands  of  heretics  from  their 
errors  and  brought  them  to  the  Saviour ; 
and  now  they  have  stripped  me  of  my  priest- 
hood ;  they  are  exiling  me  from  the  city. 
For  my  old  age,  for  my  hairs  grown  gray  in 
the  truth,  they  have  no  respect.  Wherefore, 
I  beseech  your  sanctity,  persuade  the  very 
sacred  and  holy  archbishop  ^  to  bid  me 
hasten  to  your  council.  For  that  holy  see 
has  precedence  over  all  churches  in  the 
world,  for  many  reasons;  and  above  all 
for  this,  that  it  is  free  from  all  taint  of  heresy, 
and  that  no  bishop  of  heterodox  opinion  has 
ever  sat  upon  its  throne,  but  it  has  kept  the 
grace  of  the  apostles  undefiled."  Confi- 
dent in  your  justice  I  shall  accept  your  de- 
cisions, whatever  they  may  be,  and  shall 
claim  to  be  judged  by  my  writings.  More 
than  thirty  books  have  I  written  against 
Arius  and  Eunomius,  against  Marcion, 
against  Macedonius,  against  the  heathen 
and  against  Jews ;  I  have  interpreted  the 
holy  Scriptures,  and  any  one  who  likes  may 
easily  learn  that  I  have  followed  in  the 
steps  of  the  apostles,  proclaiming  the  one 
Son,  one  Father,  and  one  Holy  Ghost ;  one 
Godhead  of  the  Trinity,  one  sovereignty, 
one  power,  eternity,  immutability,  impassi- 
bility, one  will ;  ^  that  the  Godhead  of  the 
Lord  Jesus   Christ   was   perfect,   perfect  the 


1  Numbers  xxv.  7. 

2  Hilarius  did  leave  Ephesus  before  tlie  second  session  of 
the  council  (Cf.  Leo  Ep.XLVI)  and  before  the  deposition  of 
Theodoret.  The  "massacre"  may  refer  to  the  brutal  treat- 
ment of  Flavian  by  the  adherents  and  bullies  of  Dioscorus. 

3 i.e.  Leo. 

4 This  is  more  or  less  true  up  to  the  time  of  Leo  the  great, 
but  Leo  the  great  was  the  first  pope  who  was  an  eminent 
theologian.     Liberius  is  a  doubtful  case.   Cf.  page  76. 

•"'The  Monothelite  Controversy  dates  from  two  centuries 
after  Theodoret,  when  Heraclius  was  trvinar  to  bring  about 
religious  union  in  his  empire.  Pope  Honorius  asserted  two 
energies,  but  one  will.  Monotlielitism  was  definiteljy  condemned 
at  Constantinople  in  6S1,  and  Honorius  anathematized. 


296 


THEODORET. 


manhood  taken  for  our  salvation  and  for  our 
sakes  delivered  unto  death.  I  do  not  know 
one  Son  of  man  and  another  Son  of  God, 
but  one  and  the  same,  Son  of  God  and  God 
begotten  of  God,  and  Son  of  man,  through 
the  form  of  the  servant,  of  the  seed  of  Abra- 
ham and  David.  These  and  like  doctrines 
I  continue  to  teach  ;  these  also  I  have  found 
in  the  writings  of  the  most  holy  and  sacred 
lord  archbishop  Leo,  and  I  praise  the  Lord 
of  all  that  I  agree  with  his  a^DOstolic  doctrines. 
Receive,  I  beseech  you,  my  supplication,  and 
do  not  overlook  the  wrongs  under  which  I 
suffer.  On  this  account  I  have  sent  to  your 
holiness  the  godly  presbyters  Hypatius  and 
Abramius,  chorepiscopi,  and  Alypius  exarch 
of  our  monks,  adorned  as  they  are  by  good 
lives,  and  able  by  word  of  m.outh  to  give 
you  exact  information  as  to  the  affairs  of  my 
insignificant  self. 

CXVII.      To  the  bishop  Florentius} 

Truly  the  grace  of  our  God  and  Saviour 
has  not  yet  abandoned  the  human  race,  but 
has  left  us  a  seed  in  your  holiness  ''  lest  we 
should  become  as  Sodom,  and  be  made  like 
unto  Gomorrah."  ^  This  seed  suffers  us  not 
altogether  to  faint,  but  charges  us  to  wait 
for  the  passing  away  of  the  dire  storm  ;  this 
renders  us  hopeful. 

We  have  therefore  sent  to  your  holiness 
the  very  godly  presbyters  Hypatius  and 
Abramius,  chorepiscopi,  and  iVlypius, 
exarch  of  our  monks,  that  you  may  put  an 
end  to  the  disaster  which  has  befallen  the 
churches  of  the  East ;  that  in  the  first  place 
you  may  confirm  the  faith  handed  down  to 
us  from  the  first  by  the  holy  Apostles,  may 
proscribe  the  heresy  that  has  started  up,  and 
openly  convict  the  men  who  have  the  hardi- 
hood to  debase  the  preaching  of  the  Qj^co- 
nomy  ;  ^  and  secondly  may  fight  as  champion 
of  them  who  are  being  attacked  for  the 
truth's  sake.  For  it  is  in  the  cause  of  the 
apostolic  Faith,  most  holy,  that  we  have  un- 
dergone that  unrighteous  massacre,  because 
we  refused  to  abandon  the  truth  of  the  Gos- 
pel doctrines.  Now  it  behoves  your  holi- 
ness not  to  overlook  the  unjust  persecution 
of  men  of  like  mind  with  yourself,  but  by 
your  just  help  to  put  a  stop  to  injustice,  and 

1  There  were  at  this  time  two  well  known  personages  of 
the  name  of  Florentius  to  whom  this  letter  may  possibly  have 
been  addressed.  Florentius  the  patrician,  recipient  of  Letter 
LXXXIX.,  and  Florentius  bishop  of  Sardis.  Against  the 
former  hypothesis  are  the  terms  of  the  letter;  against  the  lat- 
ter the  character  and  sympathies  of  the  metropolitan  of  Lydia, 
1*'.  as  Garnerius  thinks,  he  was  an  Eutychian.  Canon  Venables 
(Diet.  Christ  Biog.  II.  540)  supposes  a  Florentius  bishop  of  a 
nameless  western  see.  Garnerius  and  others  think  the  letter 
was  probably  really  addressed  to  tlie  cleegy  or  bishops  assem- 
bl^d  Ml  synod  at  Rome. 

ii  llo.iians  ix.  25.  3  Vide  page  72. 


teach  the  assailants  of  the  truth  that  men 
who  strive  to  act  unscrupulously  at  their 
own  good  pleasure  cannot  be  allowed  to 
work  out  their  ends. 

CXVIII.     To  the  Archdeacon  of  Rome} 

A  terrible  storm  has  attacked  our 
churches,  but  the  adherents  of  the  apostolic 
faith  have  in  your  holiness  a  safe  and  quiet 
haven.  Not  only  do  you  champion  the  cause  of 
the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel,  but  you  utterly 
detest  the  wrong  done  to  me.  1  was  living 
far  away  at  a  distance  of  thirty-five  days' 
journey,  when  I  was  condemned  at  their 
good  pleasure  by  those  most  righteous 
judges.  Teaching  which  has  obtained  in 
the  churches  from  the  coming  of  God  our 
Saviour  till  this  day  they  have  abandoned. 
They  have  introduced  a  novel  and  bastard 
doctrine,  diametrically  contrary  to  the  tra- 
dition of  the  apostles,  and  are  openly  at 
war  with  them  that  hold  to  the  ancient  in- 
struction. Deign,  then,  most  godly  sir,  to 
kindle  the  zeal  of  the  very  sacred  and  holy 
archbishop,  that  the  churches  of  the  East 
too  may  enjoy  your  kindly  care.  Above  all 
fight  in  behalf  of  the  faith  delivered  fiom 
the  beginning  by  the  holy  apostles  ;  preserve 
the  heritage  of  our  fathers  unimpaired,  and 
scatter  the  mist  that  oppresses  us.  Give  us 
instead  of  moonless  night  clear  sunshine, 
and  condemn  the  wickedness  of  the  massa- 
cre unrighteously  wrought  against  us.  It  is 
becoming  to  your  holiness  to  add  yet  this 
act  of  zeal  to  your  other  good  deeds. 

CXIX.      To  Ana  to  I  ins  the  patrician.^ 

Your  excellency  has  been  fully  informed 
as  to  the  acts  of  the  most  righteous  judges 
at  Ephesus,  for  their  sound  has  gone  out 
into  all  lands  and  their  most  just  judgment 
to  the  ends  of  the  world. ^  What  church 
has  not  felt  the  storm  that  has  been  raised 
by  it.^  The  one  side  wronged,  the  other 
were  wronged,  but  they  who  neither  suffered 
nor  did  the  wrong  share  the  distress  of  the 
wronged,  and  lament  over  them  that  so 
savagely  and  against  all  laws  human  and 
divine  massacred  their  own  members.  Even 
house  breakers  caught  in  the  very  act  are 
first  tried  and  then  punished  by  their  judges  ; 
even  murderers,  violators  of  sepulchres,  and 
adulterers,  are  first  haled  before  the  bench, 
and    their   accusers    ordered    to    make   their 


1  Cf.  note  on  page  293.  Garnerius  however  is  doubtful 
whether  the  archdeacon  is  Hilarius  or  another.  The  evidence 
seems  in  favour  of  the  identity. 

2  This  letter  is  of  the  same  date  as  the  rest  of  the  present 
series.  Theodoret  has  heard  of  his  deposition  and  is  expect- 
ing the  sentence  of  banishment. 

3  Cf.  Psalm  xix.  4. 


LETTERS. 


297 


indictment,  and  the  motive  of  the  witnesses 
is  tested  to  see  that  they  are  not  giving  evi- 
dence to  curry  favour  with  the  prosecutors, 
or  are  prejudiced  against  the  defendants ; 
and  after  this  they  are  bidden  to  make  their 
defence  to  the  charges  brought  against  them. 
This  is  done  twice,  thrice  ;  sometimes  even 
four  times;  and  then,  and  not  till  then,  after 
the  truth  has  been  sought  in  the  words  of 
both  accuser  and  accused,  the  sentence  is 
given.  As  to  how  these  men  judged  in  the 
case  of  the  rest  I  will  say  nothing,  lest  I 
may  seem  a  meddler  in  what  does  not  con- 
cern me.  I  am  forced  to  speak  on  behalf 
of  myself  alone,  for  the  unrighteous  deed  of 
violence  compels  me.  The  imperial  order 
kept  me  at  home,  and  prevented  me  from 
travelling  beyond  the  bounds  of  the  city 
placed  under  my  pastoral  care.  The  decis- 
ion of  the  synod  went  against  me,  and  a  man 
was  condemned  who  was  five  and  thirty 
days'  journey  away. 

Now  the  God  of  all  said  to  the  patriarch 
Abraham  about  Sodom  and  Gomorrah : 
*'  Because  the  cry  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah 
is  very  great  and  because  their  sin  is  very 
grievous ;  I  will  go  down  now  and  see 
whether  they  have  done  altogether  accord- 
ing to  the  cry  of  it  which  is  come  unto  me  ; 
and  if  not,  I  will  know."  ^  He  knew  quite 
well  the  wickedness  of  those  men,  and 
nevertheless  He  said,  "  I  will  go  down  and 
see,"  so  teaching  us  to  wait  for  the  proof  of 
facts.  .  But  these  men  never  summoned  me 
to  trial,  they  never  heard  the  sound  of  my 
voice,  they  refused  to  hear  from  me  a  state- 
ment of  my  opinions,  and  handed  me  over,  as 
a  victim  to  be  slaughtered,  to  the  rage  of  the 
enemies  of  the  truth. 

I,  however,  welcome  my  rest,  and  espe- 
cially so  at  the  present  time,  when  the  apos- 
tolic decrees  have  been  by  many  destroyed, 
and  the  new  heresy  strengthened.  But  lest  any 
one  who  does  not  know  me  should  believe 
that  the  slanders  uttered  against  me  are  true, 
and  should  be  scandalized  at  the  idea  of  my 
holding  opinions  other  than  those  of  the 
gospel,  I  implore  your  excellency  to  ask  as 
a  favour  from  the  victorious  sovereign  that 
I  may  go  to  the  West,  and  there  plead  my 
cause  before  the  very  godly  and  holy  bishops  : 
and  if  I  be  found  transgressing  in  the  least 
degree  the  rule  of  the  foith,  that  I  may  be 
plunged  into  the  midst  of  the  deep  sea.  If 
he  will  not  grant  you  this  request,  let  him 
at  least  command  me  to  inhabit  my  monas- 
tery,'' which  is  a  hundred  and  twenty  miles 
away  from  Cyrus,  seventy-five  from  Anti- 
ocli,  and  lies  three  miles  away  from  Apamea. 


^  Gen.  xviii.  20.  2i, 


3  i.e.  Nicerte. 


Of  these  petitions,  if  possible,  I  ask  the 
former  ;  if  not  at  least  I  implore  that,  through 
your  excellency's  interposition,  the  second 
may  be  granted  me.  I  shall  ever  carry 
the  memory  of  your  kindness  in  my  heart 
and  on  my  lips,  supplicating  the  Lord  of 
hosts  to  requite  your  excellency  as  well  with 
present  as  with  future  blessings.  I  am  com- 
pelled to  write  to  you  in  these  terms  be- 
cause I  have  heard  that  certain  23ersons  are 
endeavouring  to  compass  my  removal  from 
this  place. 

CXX,     To  Lupicius} 

Even  the  enemies  of  the  truth  must,  I 
think,  be  indignant  at  the  injustice  and 
illegality  of  the  violence  done  us.  It  is 
only  reasonable  that  the  nurslings  of  the 
truth,  at  whose  head  stands  your  excellency, 
should  be  still  more  distressed  at  this  new 
and  surprising  tragedy.  It  is  only  right  that 
those  who  are  the  more  grieved  should  show 
the  more  earnestness  and  zeal  to  counteract 
the  deeds  impiously  and  illegally  done  ;  and 
restore  to  its  previous  concord  the  Church's 
body  now  in  peril  of  being  torn  asunder. 
Wherefore  I  beseech  your  excellency  to 
reckon  the  present  crisis  an  opportunity  for 
spiritual  reciprocity ;  to  give  on  your  side 
earnestness  on  behalf  of  the  truth,  and  to 
receive  from  our  generous  Master  alike  His 
kindly  care  in  this  present  life  and  in  the 
life  to  come  the  kingdom  of  heaven. 

CXXI.     To  Anatolius  the  patrician.^ 

The  Lord  who  overlooks  and  governs  all 
things  has  shewn  both  the  apostolic  truth 
of  my  doctrines,  and  the  falsehood  of  the 
slander  laid  at  my  door.  For  the  writings 
sent  from  the  right  godly  and  holy  lord 
Leo,  archbishop  of  Great  Rome,  to  Fla- 
vianus  of  holy  memory  and  to  the  rest 
assembled  at  Ephesus,  are  entirely  in  har- 
mony with  what  I  myself  have  written 
and  have  always  preached  in  church.  So 
soon  therefore  as  I  had  read  them,  I  praised 
the  loving-kindness  of  the  Lord,  in  that  He 
had  not  wholly  forsaken  the  churches,  but 
had  protected  the  spark  of  orthodoxy  ;  or  — 
shall  I  not  rather  say.^  —  not  a  spark,  but  a 
very  great  torch,  such  as  might  enkindle  and 
enlighten  the  world ;  for  he  has  truly,  in 
his  writings,  observed  the  apostolic  stamp, 
and  in  them  we  have  found  at  once  what  has 

1  Gnrnerius  reads  Lupicinus  and  identifies  him  with  the 
recipient  of  Letter  XC.  Letter  CXX  is  of  the  same  date  as 
the  precedin<^. 

2  This  letter  may  be  dated  shortly  after  Letter  CXIX. 
Garnerius  points  out  that  it  contains  a  short  summary  of  the 
orthodox  tradition,  but  makes  no  mention  of  the  council  of 
Epliesus  in  431. 


298 


THEODORET. 


been  delivered  by  the  holy  and  blessed 
prophets  and  apostles,  and  their  successors 
in  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  and  more- 
over the  holy  Fathers  assembled  at  Nicaga. 
By  these  I  confess  that  I  abide,  and  indict 
all  who  hold  other  doctrines  as  guilty  of 
impiety.  Side  by  side  with  these  writings  of 
mine  I  have  set  one  of  the  letters  sent  by 
him  to  Ephesus,  to  the  end  that  when  your 
excellency  reads  them  you  may  remember 
the  words  which  I  have  often  spoken  in 
church,  may  recognise  the  harmony  of  the 
doctrines,  and  may  hate  the  utterers  of  the  lie, 
as  well  as  those  who  have  set  up  their  new 
heresy  in  opposition  to  the  doctrines  of  the 
Apostle. 

CXXII}      To  Uranius^  bishop  of  Emesa. 

I  have  been  greatly  delighted  that  we  who 
correspond  in  character  should  have  corre- 
sponded by  letter.  But  I  do  not  quite  see 
what  you  mean  by  saying  ''  Are  not  these 
my  words?"  If  it  were  said  only  for  the 
sake  of  salutation,  I  am  not  annoyed  at  it ;  but 
if  it  is  intended  to  remind  me  of  the  advice 
which  recommended  silence,  and  of  the  so- 
called  oeconomy,^  I  am  very  much  obliged, 
but  I  do  not  accept  the  suggestion.  For  the 
divine  Apostle  charges  us  to  take  quite  the 
opposite  course.  "  Be  instant  in  season  and 
out  of  season."  '*  And  the  Lord  says  to  this 
very  spokesman,  ''  Be  not  afraid,  but 
speak  "  "  and  to  Isaiah,  ''  Cry  aloud,  spare 
not"^  and  to  Moses  ''  Go  down,  charge  the 
people"  '  and  to  Ezekiel  '*  I  have  made  thee 
a  watchman  unto  the  house  of  Israel,"  and 
it  shall  be  *'  if  thou  warn  not  the  wicked,"  * 
and  the  like  :  for  I  think  it  needless  to  write 
at  length  to  one  who  knows.  Not  only 
therefore  are  we  not  distressed  at  having 
spoken  freely,  but  we  even  rejoice  and  are 
glad,  and  laud  Him  who  has  thought  us 
worthy  of  these  sufferings  ;  aye  and  call  on 
my  friends  to  encounter  the  same  perils. 

If  they  know  that  we  do  not  keep  the 
apostolic  rule  of  the  faith,  but  swerve  to  the 
right  hand  or  the  left,  let  them  hate  us  ;  let 
them  join  the  opposite   side ;    let    them    be 

1  The  two  following  letters  are  written  from  trie  monastery  at 
Nicerte  where  Theodoret  found  a  retreat  after  his  banishment 
from  Cyrus.  Garnerius  would  place  the  former  late  in  449,  and 
the  latter  early  in  450. 

2  Uranius,  bishop  of  Emesa  in  Phoenicia,  was  present  at  the 
two  trials  of  Ibas,  at  Tyre  in  February  and  at  Berytus  in  Sep- 
tember 448.  At  the  Latrocinium  he  was  accused  of  immorality 
and  of  episcopal  usurpation.  It  was  during  his  episcopate 
that  the  head  of  the  Baptist  was  supposed  to  be  found  at  Emesa. 
Cf.  notes  on  pp.  96  and  242. 

3  Cf.  note  on  p.  72.  Here  ot'<oi/o(aia  is  used  {or  discreet  silence 
like  the  German  *'  Zuriickhaltung ^''^  and  the  French  "  inen- 
affementy  Cf.  the  Socratic  ipajveia  and  the  Latin  dissimu- 
latio. 

*  II.  Tim.  iv.  2.  8  Isaiah  Iviii.  i. 

*  Acts  xviii.  9.  7  Exodus  xix.  21. 
8  Ezekiel  iii.  17.  79.     inexact  quotation. 


ranked  with  them  that  are  at  war  with  us. 
But  if  they  bear  witness  to  our  holding  the 
right  teaching  of  the  gospel  message,  we 
hail  them  with  the  cry,  "'  Do  you  too  'stand 
having  your  loins  girt  about  with  truth,  ..  .  . 
andyour  feet  shod  with  the  preparation  of  the 
gospel  of  peace,'  "  ^  and  so  on,  for  it  is  said 
that  virtue  comprises  not  only  temperance, 
righteousness,  and  prudence,  but  also  cour- 
age, and  that  by  means  of  courage  the  rest 
of  its  component  parts  are  preserved.  For 
righteousness  needs  the  alliance  of  cour- 
age in  its  war  against  wrong ;  temperance 
vanquishes  intemperance  by  the  aid  of  cour- 
age. And  for  this  reason  the  God  of  all  said 
to  the  prophet  "  The  just  shall  live  by  his 
faith,  and  if  any  man  draw  back,  my  soul 
shall  have  no  pleasure  in  him."^  Shrinking 
he  calls  cowardice.  Hold  fast  then,  my 
dear  friend,  to  the  apostolic  doctrines,  for 
"  He  that  shall  come  will  come,  and  will 
not  tarry,"  ^  and  "  He  shall  render  to  every 
man  according  to  his  deeds,""*  for  "the 
fashion  of  this  world  passeth  away,"  ^  and 
the  truth  shall  be  made  manifest. 


CXXIII.      To  the  same. 

Your  letter  was  a  long  one,  and  a  pleasant 
one,  and  it  shews  how  warm  and  genuine  is 
vour  affection.  So  delighted  am  I  with  it 
that  I  am  not  at  all  sorry  for  having  errone- 
ously conjectured  the  meaning  of  the 
beginning  of  your  former  one.  For  my  mis- 
apprehension of  the  intention  of  your  letter 
has  disclosed  your  brotherly  love,  made  plain 
the  sincerity  of  your  faith,  and  shewn  your 
zeal  for  the  true  religion.  We  have  indeed 
shared  between  us  the  words  and  the  trials 
of  the  prophet  ;  your  holiness  has  used  the 
words  ;  I  am  buffeted  by  the  hurricane  and 
billows,  and  against  the  rowers  of  the  ship  I 
exclaim  in  his  words  "  They  that  observe 
lying  vanities  forsake  their  own  mercy."* 
Perhaps  He  who  is  Jonah's  Lord  and  mine 
will  grant  that  I  too  may  rise  and  be  released 
from  the  monster.  But  if  the  surge  con- 
tinue to  boil  I  trust  that  even  thus  I  shall 
enjoy  the  divine  protection,  and  learn  by  my 
own  experience  how  His  strength  is  "  made 
perfect  in  weakness,"  ^  for  He  has  measured 
the  peril  by  my  infirmity.  The  divine 
prophet  whom  I  have  mentioned  was  flung 
into  the  sea  by  his  shipmates  one  and  all, 
but  I  am  granted  the  consolation  of  your 
holiness,  and  of  other  godly  men.     For  them 


^  Ephes.  vi.  14. 

2  Heb.  x.  3S.     Cf.  Hab.  ii.  4.  Sept.    Note  inverted  quotation 
of Ilabakkuk. 

^  Heh.  x.  37.  5  1.  Cor.  vii.  31.  M  I.  Cor.  xii.  Q. 

*  Rom.  ii.  6.  ejonahii.S. 


LETTERS. 


299 


and  for  your  godliness  I  pray  that  the  bless- 
ing bestowed  upon  the  excellent  Onesiphorus 
may  be  yours,  for  you  have  not  blushed  at 
my  gibes  ;  nay  rather  you  have  shared  in  my 
afflictions  for  the  faith's  sake. 

And  one  thing  which  I  wish  you  to  know 
is  that,  though  other  godly  bishops  have  sent 
me  their  bounty,  I  have  declined  to  receive 
it;  —  not  from  any  want  of  respect  to  the 
senders,  God  forbid  ;  —  but  because  hitherto 
food  convenient  for  me  has  been  provided  by 
Him  Who  gives  it  even  to  the  ravens  with- 
out stint.  In  the  case  of  your  reverence  I 
have  acted  differently,  for  really  the  warmth 
of  your  affection  has  overcome  what  has 
hitherto  been  my  fixed  principle.  For  be 
well  assured,  my  godly  friend,  that  ever  since 
friendship  grew  up  between  us  the  fire  of  our 
love  has  been  kindled  to  greater  heat. 

CXXIV,      To  the  learned  Maranas} 

I  too  am  distressed  at  the  calamities  of  the 
Church,  and  wail  over  the  storm  that  is  rag- 
ing ;  for  myself  I  am  glad  to  be  quit  of  agita- 
tion, and  to  be  enjoying  a  calm  which  is  de- 
lightful to  me.  As  to  the  men  whom  your 
learning  states  to  be  still  carrying  on  their 
iniquities,  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when 
they  will  pay  the  penalty  of  their  present 
rash  lawlessness.  All  things  are  governed 
by  the  Lord  of  all  with  weight  and  rule,  and 
whenever  any  fall  away  into  unbounded 
iniquity  His  long  suffering  comes  to  an  end, 
and  He  then  acts  as  Judge  and  appoints  pun- 
ishment. Foreseeing  this  I  pray  that  they 
may  cease  from  their  license  that  I  may  not 
be  compelled  to  weep  once  more  for  them  as 
I  behold  them  undergoing  chastisement. 

Your  excellency  I  can  never  forget,  and  I 
beg  our  common  Master  to  fill  your  house 
with  blessing. 

CXXV,  To  AphthonmSy  Theodoritusy  Nonnus, 
ScylaciuSy  AphthoniuSy  JoanneSy  Magistrates 
of  the  Zeuginatensis, 

I  know  the  strength  and  stability  of  your 
faith,  and  have  been  filled  with  the  greatest 
possible  delight,  for,  since  we  worshippers  of 
the  eternal  Trinity  constitute  one  body,  it  is 
only  natural  that  together  with  the  members 
that  are  sound  the  rest  of  the  members 
should  rejoice.  So  says  the  divine  Apostle  ; 
"  Whether  one  member  be  honoured  all  the 
members  rejoice  with  it."  ^  I  therefore  re- 
joice with  you  in  your  struggles  on  behalf  of 
the   apostolic   doctrines   and  your   following 


1  Cf.  Letter  LXVII.  This  letter  may  be  dated  during  Theo- 
doret's  banishment  to  Nicerte  in  449,  and  is  evidently  in  reply 
to  a  letter  of  condolence  from  the  advocate. 

2  I,  Cor.  xii.  26. 


of  the  famous  Naboth  in  more  excellent 
things.  Naboth  for  his  vineyard's  sake  suf- 
fered most  unrighteous  slaughter,  because  he 
would  not  give  up  the  heritage  of  his  fathers. 
You  are  fighting  not  for  vineyards,  but  for 
divine  doctrines,  and  reject  this  new-fangled 
and  spurious  heresy  as  blackening  the  bright- 
ness of  the  teaching  of  the  gospel ;  -you  do 
not  suffer  the  number  of  the  blessed  Trinity 
to  be  diminished  or  increased.  For  it  is 
diminished  by  those  who  ascribe  the  passion 
of  the  only  begotten  to  the  Godhead  ;  it  is 
increased  by  those  who  have  the  audacity 
to  introduce  a  second  son.  You  believe  in 
one  only  begotten,  as  you  do  in  one  Father 
and  in  one  Holy  Ghost.  In  the  only  be- 
gotten made  flesh  you  behold  the  assumed 
nature  which  He  took  from  us  and  offered  on 
our  behalf.  The  denial  of  this  nature  puts 
our  salvation  far  from  us  ;  for  if  the  Godhead 
of  the  only  begotten  is  impassible,  as  the 
nature  of  the  Trinity  is  impassible,  and  we 
refuse  to  acknowledge  that  which  is  by  nat- 
ure adapted  to  suffer,  then  the  preaching  of 
a  passion  which  never  happened  is  idle  and 
vain.  For  if  that  which  suffers  has  no  exist- 
ence how  could  there  be  a  passion }  We 
declare  that  the  divine  nature  is  impassible ; 
—  a  doctrine  confessed  by  our  opponents  as 
well  as  by  ourselves.  How  then  could  there 
be  a  passion  when  there  is  no  subject  capa- 
ble of  suffering.?  The  great  mystery  of  the 
oeconomy  will  appear  an  appearance,  a  mere 
seeming  instead  of  the  reality.  This  is  the 
fable  started  by  Valentinus,  Bardesanes,  Mar- 
cion  and  Manes.  But  the  teaching  handed 
down  to  the  churches  from  the  beginning  re- 
cognises, even  after  the  incarnation,  one  Son, 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  confesses  the 
same  to  be  everlasting  God,  and  man  made 
at  the  end  of  days  ;  made  man  not  by  the 
mutation  of  the  Godhead  but  by  the  assump- 
tion of  the  manhood.  For  suppose  the  di- 
vine nature  to  have  undergone  mutation  into 
the  human  nature,  then  it  did  not  remain 
what  it  was ;  and  if  it  Is  not  what  it  was, 
they  who  have  these  objects  of  worship  are 
false  in  calling  Him  God.  We,  on  the  con- 
trary, recognise  the  only  begotten  Son  of 
God  to  be  immutable  as  God,  and  Son  of 
the  very  God.  For  we  have  learnt  from  the 
divine  Scripture  that  being  in  the  form  of 
God  He  took  the  form  of  the  servant ;  *  and 
took  on  Him  the  seed  of  Abraham,  not  was 
changed  into  Abraham's  seed  ;  and  shared 
just  as  we  do  both  in  flesh  and  blood  and  in 
a  soul  immortal  and  immaculate.  Preserv- 
ing these  for  our  sinful  bodies  He  offered  His 


1  Phil.  ii.  6  and  7. 


300 


THEODORET. 


sinless  body  and  for  our  souls  His  soul 
free  from  all  stain.  It  is  for  this  reason  that 
we  have  the  hope  of  the  common  resurrection, 
for  the  race  will  assuredly  share  with  its  first 
fruits,  and  as  we  have  shared  with  Adam  in 
his  death,  so  too  with  Christ  our  Saviour 
shall  we  be  sharers  in  His  life.  This  the 
divine  .Apostle  has  plainly  taught  us,  for 
"  now  "  he  says  "  is  Christ  risen  from  the 
dead  and  become  the  first  fruits  of  them  that 
slept.  For  since  by  man  came  death,  by 
man  came  also  the  resurrection  of  the  dead, 
for  as  in  Adam  all  die,  even  so  in  Christ 
shall  all  be  made  alive."  * 

I  write  thus  not  to  inform  you  but  to  re- 
mind you.  I  have  tried  to  be  brief,  but  I 
fear  I  have  transgressed  the  limits  of  a  letter. 
I  was  however  urged  to  write  by  the  very 
reverend  and  godly  presbyter  and  archi- 
mandrite Mecimas,  who,  in  obedience  to  the 
law  of  love,  has  undertaken  so  long  a  jour- 
ney, told  us  of  your  excellency's  zeal,  and 
begged  us  to  inflame  it  by  a  letter.  I  have 
therefore  granted  his  supplication,  and  writ- 
ten my  letter,  and  I  implore  the  Lord  of  all 
to  keep  you  safe  in  the  faith  and  make 
stronger  than  him  who  sifts  us.^ 

CXXVL      To  the  Bishop  Sabmianus^ 

I  praised  your  holiness  on  your  quitting 
the  envied  see.  Once  it  was  venerable ; 
now  it  is  ridiculous,  for  we  have  made  it  a 
thing  to  be  bought  and  sold.  I  was  as- 
tounded to  hear  of  your  having  appealed  to 
the  men  who  ejected  you.  You  ought  to 
have  done  just  the  contrary,  and,  on  being  in- 
vited to  grasp  the  tiller,  to  have  declined  to 
do  so,  on  the  ground  that  your  shipmates  had 
become  your  foes.  Are  you  not  aware,  most 
godly  sir,  what  our  Saviour,  through  His 
sacred  apostles,  taught  us  to  preach  ?  Do 
you  not  know  what  the  heirs  of  the  apostolic 
doctrines  have  just  now  laid  down  as  objects 
of  worship  ?  For  who  of  the  old  teachers 
from  the  time  when  the  message  was  first 
preached  down  to  the  period  of  the  darkness 
that  now  obtains,  ever  listened  to  any  one 
preaching  one  nature  of  flesh  and  Godhead 
or  dared  at  any  time  to  call  the  nature  of  the 
only  begotten  passible?  These  doctrines  in 
our  day  are  by  some  men  openly  and  boldly 
uttered,  while  among  others  their  utterance 
is  overlooked,  and  by  silence  men  become 
participators  in  the  blasphemy.      What  then, 

1  I.  Cnr.  XV.  20.  21.  22.  -2  cf.  Luke  xxii.  31. 

3  -Sabinianus  succeeded  Athanasius  bishop  of  Perrha  on  the 
deposition  of  the  latter  at  Antioch  in  445.  He  was  deposed  at 
the  Latrocinium  and  Athanasius  restored.  Both  bishops 
siijned  at  Chalcedon  as  bishops  of  Perrha  (Labbe  iv,  602,  590. 
Diet:  Christ:  Biog :  iv,  574.  The  letter  maybe  dated  450. 
Theodoret  chides  Sabinianus  for  appealing  to  the  dominant 
wrong  doers  against  his  expulsion. 


may  well  be  asked,  is  the  proper  course  to 
be  taken  by  those  who  abominate  such  doc- 
trines.^ They  have,  I  should  reply,  two 
alternatives  before  them  ;  they  may  either 
come  to  close  quarters,  and  prove  the  spuri- 
ousness  of  the  doctrines,  or  they  may  decline 
communion  with  their  opponents  as  openly 
impious. 

I,  indeed,  have  received  the  wrong  done 
me  as  a  divine  blessing.  I  do  not  mean 
that  I  have  thanked  them  that  have  wronged 
me  ;  how  could  I  thank  fratricides,  and  men 
who  have  become  followers  of  Cain .? 

But  I  praise  my  Master  for  thinking  me 
worthy  of  the  lot  of  them  that  suffer  wrong, 
for  separating  me  from  wrong-doers  and 
blasphemers,  and  for  giving  me  my  most 
delightful  rest. 

CXXVIL     To   JobiuSy  presbyter   and  archi- 
7nandrite^ 

The  patriarch  Abraham  won  a  victory  in 
his  old  age.*  The  great  Meses  was  now  an 
old  man  when,  so  long  as  he  stretched  out 
his  hands  in  prayer,  he  vanquished  Amalek.^ 
The  divine  Samuel  *  was  an  o'ld  man  when 
he  put  the  aliens  to  flight.  These  are  em- 
ulated by  your  venerable  old  age.  In  our 
wars  for  true  religion's  sake  you  are  play- 
ing the  man,  and  championing  the  cause  of 
the  gospel  doctrines,  and  putting  young  men 
in  the  shade  by  the  vigour  of  your  spirit. 

I  rejoice  to  hear  it,  and  am  glad,  and  long 
to  embrace  your  right  venerable  gray  hairs. 
This  I  cannot  do,  for  your  reverence  is  kept 
at  home  by  your  years,  and  I  am  kept  in 
durance  here  by  the  imperial  decree.  But  I 
cheat  my  love  by  this  letter,  and  give  your 
piety  this  most  loving  embrace.  I  call  upon 
you  in  your  prayers  to  help  the  churches 
now  whelmed  in  the  storm,  and  to  win  for 
me  the  divine  support,  assailed  as  I  am  for 
the  sake  of  the  doctrines  of  the  gospel,  and 
standing  sorely  in  need   of  help  from  above. 

CXXVIII.     To  Candidus,  presbyter  and  archi- 
mandrite^ 

I  am  afraid  that  the  vigour  of  your  godly 
soul  has  been  overcome  by  old  age,  and  that 
you  do  not  keep  your  hands  stretched  out  as 
usual.  So  Amalek  is  trying  to  win.  May 
there  be  some  to  succour  your  weakness,  as 
once    of  old  Ur    and   Aaron    supported    the 

'  Jobius  was  an  orthodox  archimandrite  of  Constantinople, 
and  subscribed  the  deposition  of  Eutyches  by  the  hand  of  his 
deacon  Andreas  at  Constantinople  in  44S.  (Labbe  iv,  232)  In 
450  Leo  addresses  him  with  other  archimandrites  (Ep.  LXXI 
page  1012).  This  letter  seems  to  have  been  written  about  the 
time  of  the  Latrocinium. 

2Gen.  xiii.  15.  3  Ex.  xvii.  13.  ■*  L  Sam.  vii.  12. 

■'■'  Garnerius  would  date  this  letter  at  the  time  of  the  council 
of  Chalcedon. 


LETTERS. 


301 


hands  of  the  law-giver,  that  you  may  over- 
throw Amalek  and  save  Israel.  These  are 
days  when  we  specially  need  more  earnest 
prayers,  when  Gentiles  and  Jews  and  every 
heresy  are  at  peace,  and  the  Church  alone  is 
beaten  by  the  storm  and  surrounded  by  the 
boisterous  billows. 

We  indeed  specially  need  the  aid  of  your 
prayers,  for  those  whom  we  reckoned  to  be 
fighting  on  our  side  are  fighting  on  that  of  our 
foes. 

CXXJX.  To  Magnus  Antoninus  the  presbyter} 

Sailors  at  night  are  cheered  by  the  sight 
of  the  harbour  lights,  and  so  are  they  who  are 
in  peril  for  the  sake  of  the  apostolic  faith  by 
the  zeal  of  them  that  share  the  faith.  We 
have  great  comfort  in  what  we  hear  of  your 
godliness's  efforts  on  behalf  of  the  divine 
doctrines,  for  this  mind  has  been  given  you 
by  the  Giver  of  all  good  gifts  and  for  the 
safe  keeping  of  these  doctrines  you  undergo 
every  toil.  Now  I,  comforted  by  your  zeal, 
make  an  insignificant  return,  calling  on  you 
to  persevere  in  your  divine  labours,  to  de- 
spise your  adversaries  as  an  easy  prey,  (for 
what  is  weaker  than  they  who  are  destitute 
of  the  truth  ?)  and  to  trust  in  Him  who  said 
"  I  will  not  fail  thee  nor  forsake  thee,"  ^  and 
"  Lo  I  am  with  you  alway  even  unto  the 
end  of  the  world."  ^  Help  me  too  with  your 
prayers  that  I  may  confidently  say  "  The 
Lord  is  on  my  side  ;  I  will  not  fear  :  what  can 
man  do  unto  me  ?  "  * 

CXXX,     To  Bishop  Timotheus,^ 

Not  without  purpose  does  the  supreme 
Ruler  allow  the  spirits  that  are  against  us  to 
agitate  the  waves  of  impiety.  He  does  so 
that  He  may  try  the  courage  of  the  sailors, 
and,  while  He  exhibits  some  men's  manliness, 
convicts  others  of  cowardice,  stripping  the 
mask  from  the  faces  of  some  who  put  on  an 
appearance  of  piety,  and  proclaiming  others 
as  foremost  fighters  in  the  ranks  of  the  truth. 
We  have  seen  an  instance  of  this  in  the 
present  time.  The  storm  rose  high  ;  some 
shewed  their  secret  impiety ;  some  aban- 
doned the  truth  which  they  were  holding, 
went  over  to  the  phalanx  of  our  foes,  and 
now,  with   them,   are   smiting  the  very  men 


■^  Garnerius  supposes  that  this  Antoninus  is  the  same  as  the 
Antoninus  mentioned  as  living^  in  Theodoret's  Religious 
History  and  thinks  that  the  Solitary  may  have  become  an 
Archimandrite  after  445  when  the  Religious  Histor}'  was 
written,  but  the  mss.  vary  as  to  the  superscription  of  the  letter, 
which  may  be  addressed  to  Magnus,  Antonius  and  others. 

2  Joshua  i.  5.        3  Matthew  xxviii.  20.         *  Psalm  cxviii.  6. 

5  Timotheus  was  Bishop  of  Doliche,  a  town  of  the  Euphra- 
tensis.  He  was  present  at  Antioch  when  Athanasius  of 
Perrha  was  deposed,  and  also  at  Chalcedon.  The  letter  may  be 
dated  from  Nicerte  in  450. 


whom  they  used  to  call  their  chiefs.  The 
witnesses  of  these  things  detest  the  enemy 
and  pity  the  deserters,  but  are  afraid  to  give 
aid  to  the  victims  of  the  attack  upon  the 
apostolic  doctrines.  Nay,  suppose  the 
traitors  to  urge  them  with  greater  insistency, 
they  will  perhaps  themselves  pass  over  to 
the  side  of  the  assailants,  will  give  no 
quarter  to  their  fellow-believers,  but  will 
drive  against  them  their  barbs  side  by  side 
with  the  very  men  whom  they  accuse. 
They  will  act  thus  though  they  have  been 
taught  by  the  divine  Scripture  that  a  wrong 
done  to  one's  neighbour  incurs  punishment, 
while  the  suffering  of  injustice  entails  great 
and  lasting  rewards. 

Your  own  piety,  your  zeal  for  the  faith, 
and  your  good  will  to  myself,  have  been 
proved  by  this  agitation.  Twice  you  have 
written  me  a  letter  in  contempt  of  all  that 
might  deter  you,  and  have  thus  shewn  your 
brotherly  affection.  You  have  also  indicated 
the  conflict  you  are  sustaining  on  behalf 
of  the  apostolic  doctrines.  You  ask  me  to 
tell  you  by  letter  what  we  ought  to  think 
and  preach  concerning  the  passion  of 
salvation.  I  have  received  your  request 
with  delight,  and,  not  indeed  to  give  you 
information  but  only  to  remind  one  who  is 
beloved  of  God,  will  proceed  to  tell  you 
what  I  have  learnt  from  the  divine  Scripture 
and  from  the  Fathers  who  have  inter- 
preted it. 

Know  then,  most  godly  sir,  that  before 
all  things  it  is  necessary  to  observe  the  dis- 
tinction of  terms,  and,  in  addition  to  this, 
the  cause  of  the  divine  incarnation.  Once 
let  these  be  made  clear,  and  there  will  be  no 
ambiguity  left  about  the  passion.  We  will 
therefore  first,  to  those  who  endeavour  to 
contradict  us,  put  this  enquiry.  Which  of 
the  names  given  to  the  only  begotten  Son  of 
God  are  anterior  to  the  incarnation,  and 
which  posterior,  or  rather,  connected  with 
the  operation  of  the  oeconomy?  They  will 
reply  that  the  terms  anterior  are,  "  God  the 
Word,"  "  only  begotten  Son,"  ''  Almighty," 
and  '*  Lord  of  all  creation  "  ;  and  that  the 
names  "Jesus  Christ "  belong  to  the  incar- 
nation. For,  after  the  incarnation,  God  the 
Word,  the  only  begotten  Son  of  God  is  called 
Jesus  Christ;  for  "  Behold"  He  says  "  unto 
you  is  born  this  day  Christ  the  Lord"  '  and 
because  others  had  been  called  christs, 
priests,  kings,  and  prophets,  lest  any  one 
should  suppose  Him  to  be  like  unto  them, 
the  angels  conjoined  the  title  Lord  with  that 
of  Christ,  in    order    to  prove    the    supreme 

1  Luke  ii.  11. 


302 


THEODORET. 


dignity  of  Him  that  was  born.  And,  again, 
Gabriel  says  to  the  blessed  Virgin,  ''  Behold 
thou  shalt  conceive  in  thy  womb,  and  bring 
forth  a  son  and  shalt  call  His  name  Jesus  "  ^ 
''  for  He  shall  save  His  people  from  their 
sins."  ^  Before  the  incarnation,  however. 
He  was  never  called  either  Christ  or  Jesus. 
For  truly  the  divine  Prophets,  in  their  pre- 
dictions of  things  to  come,  used  the  words, 
just  as  they  prophesied  about  the  birth,  the 
cross,  and  the  passion,  when  the  events  had 
not  yet  come  to  pass.  Nevertheless,  even 
after  the  incarnation  He  is  called  God  the 
Word,  Lord,  Almighty,  only  begotten  Son, 
Maker,  and  Creator.  For  He  was  not  made 
man  by  mutation,  but,  remaining  just  what 
He  was,  assumed  what  we  are,  for  "  Being 
in  the  form  of  God,"  to  use  the  words  of  the 
divine  Apostle  "  He  took  the  form  of  a  ser- 
vant."^ On  this  account,  therefore,  even 
after  the  incarnation.  He  is  called  also  by 
the  titles  which  are  anterior  to  the  incar- 
nation, since  His  nature  is  invariable  and 
immutable.  But  when  relating  the  passion 
the  divine  Scripture  nowhere  uses  the  term 
God,  since  that  is  the  name  of  the  absolute 
nature.  No  one  on  hearing  the  words  '^  In 
the  beginning  was  the  Word  and  the  Word 
was  with  God,  and  the  Word  was  God  " '^ 
and  similar  expressions,  would  suppose  that 
the  flesh  existed  before  the  ages,  or  is  of  one 
substance  with  the  God  of  the  universe,  or 
was  Creator  of  the  world.  Every  one 
knows  that  these  terms  are  proper  to  the 
Godhead.  Nor  would  any  one  on  reading 
the  genealogy  of  St.  Matthew  suppose  that 
David  and  Abraham  according:  to  nature 
were  forefathers  of  God,  for  it  is  the  assumed 
nature  which  is  derived  from  them. 

Since  then  these  points  are  plain  and  indu- 
bitable even  among  extreme  heretics,  and 
we  acknowledge  both  the  nature  which  is 
before  the  ages,  and  that  which  is  of  recent 
time,  so  are  we  bound  to  recognise  at  once 
the  passibility  of  the  flesh,  and  the  impassi- 
bility of  the  Godhead,  not  dividing  the  union 
nor  separating  the  only  begotten  into  two 
persons,  but  contemplating  the  properties 
of  the  natures  in  the  one  Son.  In  the  case 
of  soul  and  body,  which  are  of  natures  con- 
temporary and  naturally  united,  we  are  ac- 
customed to  make  this  distinction,  describ- 
ing the  soul  as  simple,  reasonable,  and  im- 
mortal, but  the  body  as  complex,  passible, 
and  mortal.  We  do  not  divide  the  union, 
nor  cut  one  man  in  two.  Far  rather,  then, 
in  the  case  of  the  Godhead,  begotten  of  the 


^Luke  i.  31. 

'  Matt.  i.  21.     Observe  the  confusion  of  quotation. 

3  Phil.  ii.  6.  *Johni.  I. 


Father  before  the  ages,  and  of  the  manhood 
assumed  of  David's  seed,  is  it  becoming  to 
adopt  a  similar  course,  and  distinctly  to  re- 
cognise the  everlasting,  eternal,  simple,  uncir- 
cumscribed,  immortal,  and  invariable  charac- 
ter of  the  one  nature,  and  the  recent,  complex, 
circumscribed,  and  fluctuating  nature  of  the 
other.  We  acknowledge  the  flesh  to  be  now 
immortal  and  incorruptible,  although  before 
the  resurrection  it  was  susceptible  of  death 
and  of  passion ;  for  how  otherwise  was  it 
nailed  to  the  tree,  and  committed  to  the 
tomb.^  And  though  we  recognise  the  dis- 
tinction of  the  natures,  we  are  bound  to  wor- 
ship one  Son,  and  to  acknowledge  the  same 
as  Son  of  God  and  Son  of  man,  form  of 
God,  and  form  of  a  servant.  Son  of  David, 
and  Lord  of  David,  seed  of  Abraham,  and 
creator  of  Abraham.  The  union  causes  the 
names  to  be  common,  but  the  community  of 
names  does  not  confound  the  natures.  With 
them  that  are  right-minded  some  names  are 
plainly  appropriate  as  to  God,  and  others  as 
to  man  ;  and  in  this  way  both  the  passible  and 
the  impassible  are  properly  used  of  the  Lord 
Christ,  for  in  His  humanity  He  suflered, 
while  as  God  He  remained  impassible.  If, 
according  to  the  argument  of  the  impious,  it 
was  in  the  Godhead  that  He  suflered,  then, 
I  apprehend,  the  assumption  of  the  flesh, 
was  supererogatory  ;  for  suppose  the  divine 
nature  to  have  been  capable  of  undergoing  pas- 
sion, then  He  did  not  need  the  passible  man- 
hood. But  grant  that,  as  even  their  own  argu- 
ment contends,  the  Godhead  was  impassible, 
and  the  passion  was  real,  let  them  beware  of 
denying  that  which  suffered,  lest  they  deny 
with  it  the  reality  of  the  passion ;  for  if  that 
which  suffers  does  not  exist,  then  the  pas- 
sion is  unreal.  Now  for  any  one  who  likes 
to  open  the  quaternion  '  of  the  sacred 
evangelists,  it  is  easy  to  perceive  that  the 
divine  Scripture  distinctly  proclaims  the  pas- 
sion of  the  body,  and  to  learn  from  them 
how  Joseph  of  Arimathaea  came  to  Pilate, 
and  begged  the  body  of  Jesus ;  how  Pilate 
ordered  the  body  of  Jesus  to  be  delivered, 
how  Joseph  took  down  the  body  of  Jesus  from 
the  tree  and  wrapped  the  body  of  Jesus  in 
the  linen  cloth,  and  laid  it  in  the  new  tomb. 
All  this  is  described  by  the  four  evangelists 
with  frequent  mention  of  the  body.  But  if 
our  opponents  adduce  the  words  of  the 
angel  to  Mary  and  her  companions,  "  Come 

iThe  word  Terpa/fTu?  commonly  expresses  the  sum  of  the 
first  four  numbers  in  the  Pythagorean  system,  i.e.  10,  the 
root  of  creation;  (1+24-34-4=10,)  Cf.  the  Pythagorean  oath 
*'  Nal  fjid.  Tov  afjierepa  \liv\cf.  TrapaSovTa  TSTpaKTvi'."  Its  use  for 
TerpaSeiov  or  TerpdSioi'  (cf.  Acts  xii.  4)  may  indicate  acceptance 
of  the  theory  of  the  mystic  and  necessary  number  of  the  gos- 
pels of  which  early  and  remarkable  expression  is  found  in  Iren« 
aeus  (cont.  Haer.  iii.  11.) 


LETTERS. 


303 


where  the  Lord  lay,"  '  let  them  be  referred 
to  the  passage  in  the  Acts  which  states  that 
devout  men  "  carried  Stephen  to  his  burial  "  ^ 
and  observe  that  it  was  not  the  soul,  but 
the  body,  of  the  victorious  Stephen,  to  which 
the  customary  rites  were  paid.  And  to  this 
very  day,  when  we  approach  the  shrines  of 
the  victorious  mart3n-s,  we  commonly  enquire 
what  is  the  name  of  him  who  is  buried  in 
the  grave,  and  those  who  are  acquainted 
with  the  facts  reply  peradventure  ^'Julian 
the  martyr,"  or  "  Romanus,"  or,  "  Timo- 
theus."  '' 

Very  often  it  is  not  entire  bodies  that  are 
buried,  but  only  very  small  remains,  yet 
nevertheless  we  speak  of  the  body  by  the 
name  that  belongs  to  the  whole  man.  It 
was  in  this  sense  that  the  angel  called  the 
body  of  the  Lord,  "  Lord,"  because  it  was 
the  body  of  the  Lord  of  the  universe.  More- 
over the  Lord  Himself  promised  to  give  on 
behalf  of  the  life  of  the  world,  not  His  invisi- 
ble nature,  but  His  body.  ''  For,"  He  says, 
"  the  bread  that  I  will  give  is  my  flesh  which 
I  will  give  for  the  life  of  the  world,"  *  and 
when  He  took  the  symbol  of  divine  myste- 
ries. He  said,  "  This  is  my  body  which  is 
given  for  you."  ^  Or  according  to  the  ver- 
sion of  the  Apostle,  "broken."^  In  no 
place  where  He  spoke  of  the  passion  did  He 
mention  the  impassible  Godhead. 

It  is  therefore  before  all  things  necessary 
that  the  question  should  be  put  to  those  who 
are  endeavouring  to  contradict  us  whether 
they  confess  that  the  perfect  manhood  was 
assumed  by  God  the  Word,  and  assert  the 
union  to  have  been  made  without  confusion. 
Once  let  these  points  be  admitted,  and  the 
rest  will  follow  in  due  course,  and  the  pas- 
sion will  be  attributed  to  the  passible  nature. 
I  have  now  summed  up  these  heads  and 
have  exceeded  the  limits  of  my  letter.  I  have 
sent  also  what  I  lately  wrote  at  the  sugges- 
tion of  a  very  godly  and  holy  man  of  God, 
the  lord '  in  the  form  of  a  concise  in- 
struction designed  to  teach  the  truth  of  the 
apostolic  doctrines.  Should  I  find  a  good 
copyist,  I  will  also  send  your  holiness 
what  I  have  written  in  the  form  of  a  dia- 
logue,^ extending  the  argument,  and  strength- 

1  Matt,  xxviii.  6.  2  Acts  viii.  2. 

3  There  were  many  martyrs  of  the  name  of  Jiilianus.  Theo- 
doret  might  have  visited  a  shrine  of  Juhanus  martyred  at  Emesa 
in  the  reign  of  Numerian.  ARomanuswas  one  of  the  seven 
martyrs  at  Samosata  in  the  persecution  of  Diocletian.  Among 
martyred  Timothei  was  one  who  suffered  at  Gaza  in  304. 

*Johnvi.5i.  G  I.  Cor.  xi.  24. 

CLuke  xxii.  19.  ''  The  name  is  omitted. 

8  Garnerius  identifies  the  '•  short  instruction  "  with  the  com- 
position mentioned  in  letter  CIX.  and  sent  to  Eusebius  of 
Ancyra;  and  the  bishop  whose  name  is  omitted  with  the 
same  Eusebius.  But  in  his  note  on  CIX,  he  thinks  this 
composition  is  a  part  of  Dial.  II.  It  would  seem  from  this 
letter  that  the  composition  in  question  was  distinct  from  the 
Dialogues. 


ening  my  positions,  by  the  teaching  of  the 
Fathers.  1  have  moreover  now  sent  a  few 
statements  of  the  ancient  teachers,  sufiicient 
to  shew  the  drift  of  their  instruction.  Give 
me  in  return,  most  godly  sir,  the  succour  of 
your  prayers,  that  I  may  pass  through  the 
terrible  tempest  and  reach  the  quiet  haven 
of  the  Saviour. 

CXXXL   ■   To      LonginuSy    Archimandrite    of 
Doliche} 

You  have  shewn  alike  your  zeal  for  the 
true  religion,  and  your  love  for  your  neigh- 
bour, both  of  which  are  at  the  present  time 
clearly  connected,  for  it  is  for  the  sake  of 
the  apostolic  decrees  that  I  am  being  at- 
tacked, because  I  refuse  to  give  up  the  heri- 
tage of  my  fathers,  and  prefer  to  undergo  any 
suffering  to  looking  lightly  on  the  robbery  of 
one  tittle  from  the  faith  of  the  Gospel.  You 
have  accepted  fellowship  in  my  sufferings, 
not  only  by  comforting  me  by  means  of  your 
letter,  but  further  by  sending  to  me  the 
very  honourable  and  pious  Matthew  and 
Isaac.  You  shall  hear,  I  am  well  assured, 
from  the  lips  of  the  righteous  Lord,  *'I  was 
in  prison,  and  ye  visited  me."  ^  We  are 
small  and  of  no  account,  and  burdened  by  a 
great  load  of  sins,  but  the  Lord  is  bountiful 
and  generous.  He  remembers  the  small 
rather  than  the  great,  and  says,  "Inasmuch 
as  ye  have  done  it  unto  one  of  the  least  of 
these  "  ^  "■  which  believe  in  me  ""*  '',ye  have 
done  it  unto  me."  ^  I  pray  you  in  that  you 
are  conspicuous  for  right  doctrine,  and 
shine  by  worthiness  of  life,  and  there- 
fore have  great  boldness  before  God,  help 
me  in  your  prayers,  that  I  may  be  able 
"  to  stand,"  to  use  the  words  of  the  Apostle,^ 
"  against  the  wiles  of  error,"  escape  the  sins 
of  the  destroyer,  and  stand,  though  with  little 
boldness,  in  the  day  of  the  appearing  before 
the  righteous  Judge. 

CXXXJI.     To  Ibas,  bishop  of  EdessaP 

The  Lord  has  taught  them  that  suffer 
wrong  not  to   be  cast  down,  but  to  rejoice, 

1  Sent  presumably  at  the  same  time  as  the  preceding. 
Nothing  is  recorded  of  Longinus.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  the  name,  recorded  also  in  the  Acts  of  Linus  as  that  of 
an  officer  commanding  the  executioners  of  St.  Paul,  is 
assigned  by  tradition  to  the  soldier  who  wounded  the  Saviour's 
side. 

2 Matt.  XXV.  36.  *  Matt,  xviii.  6. 

3  Matt.  XXV.  40.  s  Matt.  xxv.  40. 

"Eph.  iv.  14,  and  vi.  11.  As  in  the  case  of  the  former 
citation  Theodoret  seems  to  be  quoting  from  memory,  and 
coupling  the  two  passages  in  which  the  word  ^tfloSeia  occurs. 
"  Wiles  "  fits  in  better  with  the  evident  allusion  to  Eph.  vi.  n , 
than  the  periphrasis  by  which  A.  V.  renders  iv.  14,  and  for 
which  the  revisers  substitute  *' the  wiles  of  error,"  'Ve^oSeia  " 
may  be  exactly  described  as  "  y]  awoa-ToKtKr]  0ujvrj,"  for  it  oc- 
curs nowhere  but  in  these  two  passages. 

"  To  console  him  under  the  unjust  sentence  of  the  Latro- 
cinium. 


304 


THEODORET. 


and  to  derive  consolation  from  the  examples 
of  old.  For  from  the  period  of  the  first 
men  down  to  our  own  days  we  find  instances 
of  men  who  have  been  zealous  in  the  w^or- 
ship  of  the  God  of  all,  and  yet  have  been 
wronged  by  those  with  whom  their  lot  was 
cast,  and  have  fallen  into  many  and  grievous 
troubles.  Of  these  I  would  have  gone 
through  the  entire  list,  had  I  not  been  writ- 
ing to  one  of  accurate  knowdedge  of  the 
divine  Scriptures.  But  since  you,  O  beloved 
of  God,  have  been  nurtured  from  your  boy- 
hood in  the  divine  oracles,  I  have  thought 
it  needless  so  to  do.  I  only  ask  you  to  cast 
your  eyes  on  them,  and  to  look  on  all  the 
kind-hearted  clergy  that  have  done  wrong, 
with  sorrow ;  on  all  that  look  lightly  on 
wrong  doing,  with  pity  ;  and  to  be  sorrow- 
ful for  the  disquiet  of  the  Church.  I  ask 
you  to  rejoice  and  be  glad  that  I  am  a  sharer 
in  suffering  for  the  sake  of  true  religion,  and 
to  praise  without  ceasing  Him  who  has 
imposed  this  lot  on  me.  As  for  honour  and 
comfort  and  the  dignity  of  sees  and  wretched 
reputation,  let  us  yield  them  to  the  murder- 
ers.' 

Let  us  cleave  only  to  the  doctrines  of  the 
gospel,  and  with  them,  if  need  be,  endure  any 
extremity  of  pain,  and  choose  honourable 
penury  rather  than  wealth  with  its  many 
cares. 

I  am  not  writing  in  these  terms  in  order 
to  give  you  exhortation,  for  I  know  the 
courage  of  your  holiness  in  trouble.  My 
object  is  to  make  my  own  mind  known  to 
your  piety,  and  to  inform  you  that  you  have 
on  your  side  comrades  who  are  gladly  incur- 
ring peril  for  the  truth's  sake.  I  have  been 
anxious  for  some  time  to  write  thus  to  you, 
but  I  have  been  unable  to  find  anyone  to 
convey  my  letter.  Now  I  have  met  with  the 
very  honourable  and  pious  presbyter  Ozeas, 
a  man  who  is  at  once  engaged  in  the  battle 
for  truth  and  attached  to  your  piety.  So  I 
write  and  salute  your  holiness,  and  beg  you 
to  give  me  both  the  prop  of  your  prayers  and 
the  comfort  of  a  letter  from  you. 

CXXXJIL      To  Johfiy  bishop  of  Gennanicia.^ 

I  have  always  known,  sir,  that  you  are  not 
unmindful  of  our  friendship.     And  it  has  ever 

1  It  will  be  remembered  that  Flavianus  had  actually  died 
from  the  brutal  treatment  he  had  received  at  the  hands  —  and  the 
feet  —  of  Dioscorus  with  his  partisans  and  bullies,  and  "  migra- 
vit  ad  Dominuyn  dolore  plagarum^^''  Aug^.  ii,  449,  three  days 
after  he  was  carried  from  St.  Mary's  at  Ephesus  to  his  dun- 
geon.    (Liberatus  Brev.  xix.  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  i.  858.) 

2  John  of  Germanicia  (vide  p.  86  n.)  was  on  the  Nestorian 
side  at  Ephesus  in  431,  and  so  naturally  associated  with 
Theodoret.  At  Chalcedon  he  was  compelled  to  pronounce  a 
special  anathema  against  Nestorius.  (Mansi  vii.  793,  Diet. 
Christ.  Biog.  iii.  374.)  The  letter  is  written  after  the  deposition 
and  before  the  banishment  to  Nicerte.    Cf.  Ep.  147. 


been  my  wish  and  prayer  that  your  piety 
should  give  heed  to  exact  truth,  and  shun 
the  communion  of  traitors  to  true  religion, 
ascribing  to  the  Supreme  Ruler  His  care  on 
our  behalf.  For  indeed,  while  I  have  been 
silent  and  inactive.  He  has  put  an  end  to 
our  very  keen  and  terrible  sufferings,  and  has 
replaced  the  dire  tempest  by  this  bright 
calm.  And  now  that  the  loving-kindness  of 
the  Lord  has  granted  us  this  blessing,  I  find 
the  quiet  of  my  retreat  indeed  delightful,  for 
I  feel  the  necessity  of  persuading  those  who 
have  been  led  away  by  the  slanders  launched 
against  me,  and  of  both  convincing  them  of 
the  truth  of  the  teaching  of  the  gospels,  and 
refuting  the  attack  of  falsehood.  When  once 
this  refutation  is  finished,  and  the  victory  of 
the  truth  is  secured,  it  is  my  purpose  to  quit 
public  life,  and  withdraw  to  the  rest  that  I 
so  greatly  long  for.  As  to  the  foes  of  the 
truth  I  cry  with  the  prophet,  "  Their  memo- 
rial is  perished  with  a  noise,  but  the  Lord 
shall  endure  for  ever."  *  As  to  ourselves,  I 
sing  with  the  Psalmist,  ''  He  sent  from 
above,  He  took  me.  He  drew  me  out  of 
many  waters.  He  delivered  me  from  my 
strong  enemy."  ^ 

This  letter  is  in  reply  to  two  received 
from  your  holiness,  one  conveyed  by  Anas- 
tasius,  the  presbyter  of  Beroea,  and  one  by 
the  standard-bearer  Theodotus.  In  your 
last  letter  you  mention  another,  but  this  has 
not  been  delivered.  As  to  my  journey 
thither  I  can  say  nothing  till  I  know  what 
orders  are  given  concerning  me  by  the  most 
pious  emperor.  His  letter  has  not  yet 
arrived. 

C XXXIV.     To  Theoctistus,  Bishop  of  Beroea,^ 

Our  Savioiu',  Lawgiver,  and  Lord,  was 
once  asked,  "What  is  the  first  command- 
ment?" His  reply  was  "Thou  shalt  love 
the  Lord  thy  God  with  all  thy  heart,  and 
with  all  thy  soul,  and  with  all  thy  mind." 
And  He  added  "  This  is  the  first  command- 
ment :  and  the  second  is  like  unto  it.  Thou 
shalt  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself."  Then 
He  said  further  "  On  these  two  command- 
ments hang  all  the  law   and  the  prophets."  * 

He  then  who  keeps  these,  according  to  the 
definition  of  the  Lord,  plainly  fulfils  the  Law  ; 
and    he  who  transgresses  them   is  guilty  of 

1  Ps.  ix,  6,  7,  Ixx.  2Ps.  xviii.  16,  17. 

^  This  letter  marks  the  change  in  the  C(mdition  of  affairs 
which  followed  on  the  death  of  Theodosius  on  July  29,  450, 
and  the  accession  of  Pulcheria  and  Marcian.  Eutyches 
was  exiled,  the  eunuch  Chrysaphius  banished  and  executed, 
and  Theodoret  recalled.  It  may  be  placed  in  the  autumn  of 
450or  early  in  451.  The  earlier  letter  (xxxii)  to  Theoctistus 
claims  on  behalf  of  Celestinianus  a  kindness  which  Theodoret 
in  his  then  hour  of  need  had  failed  to  receive. 

*  Matt.  xxii.  36-40. 


LETTERS. 


305 


transgressing  the  whole  Law.  Let  us  then 
examine,  before  the  exact  and  righteous  tri- 
bunal of  our  conscience,  whether  we  have 
fulfilled  the  divine  commandments.  Now 
the  first  is  kept  by  him  who  guards  the  faith 
given  by  God  in  its  integrity,  who  abomi- 
nates its  assailants  as  enemies  of  the  truth 
and  hates  heartily  all  those  who  hate  the 
beloved  ;  and  the  second  by  him  who  most 
highly  esteems  the  care  of  his  neighbour  and 
who,  not  only  in  prosperity  but  also  in  ap- 
parent misfortunes,  observes  the  laws  of 
friendship.  They,  on  the  other  hand,  who 
look  after  their  own  safety,  as  they  suppose, 
who  on  its  account  make  little  of  the  laws  of 
friendship  and  take  no  heed  of  their  friends 
when  assaulted  and  attacked,  are  reckoned  to 
belong  to  the  number  of  the  wicked  and  of 
them  that  are  without.  The  Lord  of  all  re- 
quires better  things  at  the  hands  of  His 
disciples.  "  Love"  He  says  "  your  enemies, 
for  if  ye  love  them  which  love  you,  what 
reward  have  ye  ?  for  the  sinners  and  the  publi- 
cans do  fhis."'  I,  however,  have  not  re- 
ceived even  such  kindness  as  publicans 
receive.  Publicans,  do  I  say?  I  have  not 
even  received  the  consolation  given  to  mur- 
derers and  wizards  in  their  dungeons.  If 
every  one  had  imitated  this  cruelty,  nothing 
else  would  have  been  left  then  for  me  in  my 
life  time  but  to  be  wasted  by  want,  and,  at  my 
death,  instead  of  being  committed  to  a  tomb, 
to  be  made  meat  ^  for  dogs  and  wild  beasts. 
But  I  have  found  support  in  those  who  care 
nought  for  this  present  life,  but  await  the 
enjoyment  of  everlasting  blessings,  and  these 
furnish  me  with  manifold  consolation.  But 
the  loving  Lord  ''  caused  judgment  to  be 
heard  from  heaven ;  the  earth  feared  and 
was  still,  when  God  arose  to  judgment."  ^ 
But  the  wicked  shall  perish."*  The  falsehood 
of  the  new  heresy  has  been  proscribed,  and 
the  truth  of  the  divine  Gospels  is  publicly 
proclaimed.  I  for  my  part,  exclaim  with 
the  blessed  David,  "  Blessed  be  the  Lord 
God  who  only  doeth  wondrous  things,  and 
blessed  be  His  glorious  name  :  and  let  the 
whole  earth  be  filled  with  His  glory  ;  amen 
and  amen."  ^ 

CXXXF,     To  Bishop  Romulus.^ 
You    have   reminded   me   of    the   ancient 

1  cf.  Matt.  V.  44.  46  instead  of  <ri'i/a /ato-dbv  ex^re;  the  text  has 
Tc  irkeov  TToieiTf. 

2  The  use  of  the  somewhat  rare  and  poetical  word  Bopa 
suggests  a  possible  allusion  to  several  well  known  passages 
in  the  dramatists;  e.g.^sch.  Pr.  5S3,  Soph.  Ant.  30  and  Eur. 
Phcen.  1603. 

3  Psalm  Ixxv.  S  and  9.  *  Psalm  xxxvii,  20. 
5  Psalm  Ixxii.   18,  19. 

'Romulus,  bishop  of  Chalcis  in  Ccele  Syria,  sided  with 
the  dominant  haeretical  party  through  pusillanimity.     He  was 


Story,  and  remarked  how  the  King  of  the 
Syrians,  bethinking  him  of  the  loving 
kindness  of  the  kings  of  Israel,  assumed  the 
form  of  a  suppliant  and  failed  not  to  obtain 
his  petition.  Remember  therefore,  sir, 
the  divine  wrath.  God  delivered  Ahab  to 
utter  destruction  for  using  mercy,  and  de- 
livered his  sentence  through  the  mouth  of 
the  prophet,  saying  "  Thy  life  shall  go  for 
his  life  and  thy  people  for  his  people."  '  We 
are  thus  commanded  to  temper  mercy  with 
justice,  since  not  every  kind  of  mercy  is 
pleasing  to  the  God  of  all.  The  present 
state  of  afl^airs  specially  requires  prudent 
council ;  for  we  are  contending  on  behalf  of 
the  divine  doctrines,  wherein  we  have  the 
hope  of  our  salvation.  But  herein,  too,  may 
be  seen  the  great  difference  between  man 
and  man.  Some  men  are  verily  infected 
with  the  common  impiety ;  while  others, 
without  distinction,  advance  at  one  time  one 
doctrine,  and  at  another  its  opposite.  Some 
who  know  the  truth  conceal  it  in  the  secret 
chambers  of  their  soul,  while  they  preach 
impiety  with  the  rest;  others  again  who  are 
filled  with  envy  have  made  their  private 
ill-will  an  occasion  of  waging  war  against 
the  truth,  and  wreak  all  kinds  of  mischief 
against  the  prophets  of  the  truth.  Again, 
there  are  who  embrace  the  truth  of  the 
apostolic  doctrines,  and  yet  because  they  are 
afraid  of  the  power  of  the  dominant  party 
are  too  cowed  to  proclaim  it,  and  though 
they  lament  at  the  abundance  of  our  mis- 
fortunes, nevertheless  side  with  them  that 
set  the  mighty  surge  a-rolling.  It  is  in 
this  last  category  that  we  place  your  rev- 
erence. We  have  believed  you  to  be  sound 
in  the  divine  doctrines,  and  think  that  yen 
keep  your  aflfection  for  me,  and  are  borne 
along  with  the  time  for  no  other  reason  than 
your  cowardice.  Under  these  circumstances 
though  I  am  not  writing  to  any  of  the  rest, 
I  write  to  your  holiness,  and  receive  your 
reply.  I  see  your  drift  and  to  some  extent 
I  pardon  your  pusillanimity.  But  the  loving 
Lord  has  now  removed  all  occasions  of 
cowardice,  by  exhibiting  the  new-fangled 
impiety,  and  shewing  the  plain  truth  of  the 
gospels.  I,  even  though  my  mouths  were  as 
many  as  my  hairs,  cannot  praise  as  I  ought 
the  loving-kindness  of  the  Lord  for  com- 
pelling my  strongest  opponents  openly  to 
preach  what  has  been  preached  by  me.  For 
I  have  heard  that  he  who  shares  your  holi- 
ness's  roof,  when  he  heard    that  anathemas 

at  Chalcedon  in  451.  Who  may  have  been  his  crab-gaited  friend 
can  only  be  conjectured. 

It  would  appear  that  edicts  anathematizing  Eutyches  were 
published  soon  after  the  accession  of  Marcian. 

^  I.  Kings  XX.  43. 


3o6 


THEODORET. 


had  been  j^^^blished  in  the  great  cities, 
ceased  to  imitate  the  crooked  gait  of  crabs, 
and,  after  disputing  in  a  certain  assembly 
about  doctrines,  walked  in  the  straight  road. 
Never  must  we  suit  our  words  to  the  season, 
but  ever  preserve  the  unbending  rule  of 
truth. 

CXXXVI^     To  Cyrus  Magistriaiius} 

I  was  very  much  distressed  to  hear  of  the 
trouble  which  had  befallen  you.  How  in- 
deed could  I  fail  to  suffer,  making  as  I  do 
your  interest  mine,  and  remembering  the 
apostolic  law  w^hich  bids  us  not  only  ''  re- 
joice with  them  that  do  rejoice,  but  also 
weep  with  them  that  weep  "  ?  ^  Suffering  it- 
self is  able  to  draw  even  those  that  are  at 
enmity  with  one  another  into  sjmpathy. 

What  is  so  grievous  as  to  lose  a  wife  ;  one 
who  bore  blamelessly  the  yoke  of  wedlock, 
one  who  made  her  husband's  life  pleasant, 
one  who  shared  the  care  of  the  family  ;  one 
who  managed  the  household  and  shared  in 
the  direction  of  everything  ;  one  who  was 
ready  to  suggest  whatever  might  be  likely  to 
be  of  service,  and  to  comply  with  the  wishes 
of  her  husband?  But  what  sorrow  could 
surpass  the  committal  to  the  tomb  of  the 
mother  at  the  same  moment  as  the  son 
whom  she  bore  ;  a  son  who  had  been  care- 
fully trained  and  had  received  a  learned 
education  ;  one  who,  you  hoped,  would 
be  the  stay  of  your  old  age  ;  buried  in  the 
very  spring  of  his  manhood,  when  the  down 
was  just  beginning  to  grow  upon  his  cheeks? 
Did  we  only  look  at  the  character  of  the 
calamity,  it  admits  of  no  consolation.  But 
when  we  bethink  us  how  our  race  is  doomed 
to  die  ;  that  against  that  race  the  divine  fiat 
has  gone  forth  ;  that  suffering  is  common, 
for  life  is  full  of  such  woes  ;  we  shall  bravely 
bear  what  has  happened,  shall  repel  the 
assaults  of  despair,  and  shall  raise  that  won- 
derful song  of  praise  ''  The  Lord  gave  and  the 
Lord  hath  taken  away ;  the  Lord  hath  done 
what  seemed  to  him  good  ;  blessed  be  the 
name  of  the  Lord."  ^  But  we  have  many 
more  reasons  for  consolation.  We  have 
been  distinctly  taught  the  hopes  of  the  resur- 
rection, and  we  look  for  the  time  when  the 
dead  shall  live  again.  We  know  how  the 
Lord  many  times  called  death  sleep.  If  we 
trust,  as  in  truth  we  do,  the  Saviour's  words, 
we  are  bound  not  to  mourn  those  that  have 
fallen  asleep,  even  though   their    sleep    lasts 

1  There  is  here  neither  note  of  time,  nor  certainty  whether 
this  Cyrus  is  the  Cyrus  who  is  thanked  in  Ep.  XIII.  for  the 
Lesbian  wine.  The  superscriptions  of  both  letters  are  unfa- 
vourable to  theories  identifying  him  with  any  possible  bishop 
of  the  name. 

'  Romans  xii.  15.  'Job  i.  21.  Ixx. 


somewhat  longer  than  it  is  wont.  We  must 
await  the  resurrection.  We  must  remem- 
ber that  the  Ruler  of  the  world  in  His 
wisdom,  and  clearly  knowing  as  He  does 
not  the  present  only  but  the  future  also, 
guides  events  for  our  good.  A  wise  man 
who  knew  all  this  full  well  reasons  about 
deaths  of  this  kind  and  says,  "  Yea  ;  speedily 
was  he  taken  away,  lest  that  wickedness 
should  alter  his  understanding."  ^ 

Let  us  submit  I  beg  you  to  the  wise  Ruler 
ofall ;  let  us  submit  to  His  decrees.  Whether 
they  be  pleasant  or  whether  they  be  grievous, 
they  are  good  and  profitable,  they  make  men 
wise ;  for  them  that  endure  they  ordain 
crowns. 

CXXXVII,     To  the  Archimandrite  John,^ 

The  blessed  David  fell  into  several  errors, 
which   God,  who  wisely  orders    all    things, 
has  caused    to  be    recorded    for   the  good  of 
them  that  were   to  come   after.     Cut  it  was 
riot   on    their  account   that  Absalom,   parri- 
cide, murderer,  impious,  and  altogether  vile, 
started  his  wild  war  against  his  father.     The 
reason  of  his  beginning  that   most  unright- 
eous   struggle    was  because  he    coveted   the 
sovereignty.      The  divine    David,  however, 
when  these  events  were  coming  to  pass,  began 
to   remember  the  wrong   that  he  had  done. 
I    too    am    conscious   within    myself    of  the 
guilt    of  many  errors,  but  I    have    kept  un- 
defiled    the  dogmatic  teaching  of  the  Apos- 
tles.    And    they  v/ho    have    trampled    upon 
all  laws  human  and  divine,  and  condemned 
me  in  my  absence,  have  not  sentenced  me  for 
what  I  have  done  wrong,  for  my  secret  deeds 
are  not  made  manifest  to  them  ;  but  they  have 
contrived  false  witness  and   calumny   against 
me,  or  rather    in  their  open  attack   upon  the 
doctrines  of  the  Apostles  have  proscribed  me 
for   my  obedience  to   them.     ''  So  the    Lord 
awaked  as  one  out  of  sleep  ;  He  smote  His 
enemies  in  the  hinderparts  and  put  them  to  a 
perpetual  shame."  ^    Counterfeit  and  spurious 
doctrines  He  has  scattered  to  the  winds,  and 
has  provided  for  the  free  preaching  of  those 
which  He  has  handed  down  to  us  in  the  holy 
Gospels.    To  me  this  sufiices  for  complete  de- 
light.   I  do  not  even  long  for  a  city  in  which  I 
have  passed  all  my  time  in  hard  work ;   all  I 
long  for  is  to  see  the  establishment  of  the  truth 
of  the  Gospels.    And  now  the  Lord  has  satis- 
fied this  longing.     I  am  therefore   very  glad 


1  Wisdom  iv.  ii. 

-  A  Johannes  was  an  Archimandrite  of  Constantinople  and 
was  present  at  Chalcedon  in  451,  (Labbe  iv.  512  d)  but  there  is 
no  evidence  to  identify  the  recipient  of  the  present  letter, 
which  may  be  dated  from  Nicerte  not  long  after  the  death  of 
Theodosius. 

3  Psalm  Ixxviii.  65  and  (i(i. 


LETTERS. 


307 


and  happy,  and  I  sing  praises  to  our  gener- 
ous Lord,  and  I  invite  your  reverence  to  re- 
joice with  me,  and,  with  our  praises,  to  put 
up  the  earnest  prayer  that  the  men  who  say 
now  one  thing  and  now  another  and  change 
about  to  suit  the  hour,  like  the  chameleons 
who  assume  the  colour  of  the  leaves,  may  be 
strengthened  by  the  loving-kindness  of  the 
Lord,  established  upon  the  rock,  and,  of  His 
mercy,  made  to  pay  the  highest  honour  to 
the  truth.' 

CXXXVIIL     To  Anatolius  the  patrician} 

1  have  cordially  welcomed  the  rest  which 
has  fallen  to  my  lot,  and  am  harvesting  its 
beneficial  and  pleasant  results.  Our  Christ- 
loving  Emperor,^  after  reaping  the  empire  as 
fruit  of  his  true  piety,  has  offered  as  first- 
fruits  of  his  sovereignty  to  Him  that  bestowed 
it,  the  calm  of  the  storm-tossed  churches, 
the  triumph  of  the  invaded  faith,  the  victory 
of  the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel.  To  these  he 
has  added  the  righting  of  the  wrong  done  to 
me.  Of  a  wrong  so  great  and  of  such  a  kind 
who  ever  heard?  What  murderer  was  ever 
doomed  in  his  absence  ?  What  violator  of 
w^edlock  was  ever  condemned  without  a 
hearing?  What  burglar,  grave-breaker, 
wizard,  church-robber,  or  doer  of  any.  other 
unlawful  deed,  was  ever  prevented,  when 
eager  to  appeal  to  the  law,  and  slain  when 
far  away  by  the  sentence  of  his  judge?  In 
their  cases  nothing  of  the  kind  was  ever 
known.  For,  by  our  law,  plaintiff  and  de- 
fendant are  bidden  to  stand  face  to  face  be- 
fore the  judge,  while  the  judge  has  to  wait 
for  the  production  of  plain  truth,  and  then, 
and  not  till  then,  either  dismiss  the  accused 
as  innocent,  or  punish  him  as  being  reached 
Iby  the  indictment.  In  my  case  the  course 
pursued  has  been  just  the  opposite.  The 
emperor's  letter  forbade  me  to  approach  the 
far-famed  synod,  and  the  most  righteous 
judges  condemned  me  in  my  absence,  not 
after  fair  trial,  but  after  extravagant  lauda- 
tion of  the  <locuments  which  were  produced 
to  incriminate  me.  Neither  the  law  of  God 
nor  shame  of  man  stayed  the  deed  of  blood. 
Orders  were  given  by  the  president,^  fling- 

iThis  is  the  last  of  the  series  of  Theodoret's  letters  to  his 
illustrious  friend.  It  expresses  his  gratitude  for  his  restitution 
by  Marcian  and  begs  Anatolius  to  use  his  best  endeavours  to 
get  a  council  called  to  settle  the  difficulties  of  the  Church.  The 
letter  thus  dates  itself  in  the  year  451  and  indicates  that  the 
calling  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon  was  to  some  extent  due  to 
Theodoret's  initiative.  At  the  earlier  sessions  at  Chalcedon 
Marcian  was  represented  by  Anatolius,  and  it  was  partly  the 
authority  of  Anatolius  which  overbore  the  protests  of  Diosco- 
rus  and  his  party  against  the  admission  of  Theodoret. 

2  Marcian  was  crowned  Emperor  on  August  the  24th  450. 
Theodosius  II.  had  died  on  the  preceding  28th  of  July. 

3  "  Dioscorus  presided,  and  next  to  him  Julian,  or  Julius,  the 
representative  of  the  *  most  holy  bishop  of  the  Roman  Church ' 
then  ]uvenal  of  Jerusalem,  Domnus  of  Antioch,  and,  his 
lowered  position  indicating  what  was    to    come,   Flavian    of 


ing  the  truth  to  the  winds,  and  courting  the 
power  of  the  hour.  He  was  obeyed  by 
men  who  think  as  I  do,  whose  doctrines 
are  my  doctrines,  and  who  had  expressed 
admiration  of  me  and  mine.  None  the  less 
did  that  day  convict  some  men  of  treachery  ; 
some  of  cowardice  ;  while  to  me  a  ground 
of  confidence  was  given  by  my  suftbrings 
for  the  truth's  sake.  And  to  me  our  master 
Christ  hath  granted  the  boon  "  not  only  of 
believing  on  Him  but  also  of  suftering  for 
His  sake."  ^  For  the  greatest  of  all  gifts  of 
grace  are  sufferings  for  the  Master's  sake, 
and  the  divine  Apostle  puts  them  even  be- 
fore great  marvels. 

In  these  boons  I  too  glory,  hum.ble  and 
insignificant  as  I  am,  and  having  no  other 
ground  of  boasting.  And  I  beseech  your 
excellency  to  offer  on  behalf  of  my  poor  self 
expressions  of  thanksgiving  to  the  emperor, 
lover  of  Christ,  and  to  the  most  pious  Au- 
gusta,^ dear  to  God,  instructress  of  the  good, 
for  that  she  has  requited  our  generous 
Lord  with  such  gifts,  and  has  made  her  zeal 
for  true  religion  the  foundation  and  ground- 
work of  her  sway.  Besides  this,  beg  their 
godly  majesties  to  complete  the  work  that 
has  been  so  well  marked  out,  and  to  summon 
a  council,  not,  like  the  last,  composed  of  a 
turbulent  rabble,  but  —  kept  quite  clear  of 
all  of  these  —  of  men  who  decide  on  and 
highly  value  divine  things,  and  esteem  all 
human  affairs  as  of  less  account  than  the 
truth.  If  their  majesties  wish  to  bring  about 
the  ancient  peace  for  the  churches,  and  I  am 
sure  that  they  do,  beg  their  pious  graces  to 
take  part  in  the  proceedings,  that  their  pres- 
ence may  overawe  those  of  a  contrary 
mind  and  the  truth  may  have  none  to  gainsay 
her,  but  may  herself  by  her  own  unaided 
powers  examine  into  the  position  of  affairs, 
and  the  character  of  the  apostolic  doctrines. 

I  make  this  request  to  your  excellency, 
not  because  I  long  to  see  Cyrus  again,  for 
your  lordship  knows  what  a  solitary  town 
it  is,  and  how  I  have  somehow  or  other 
managed  to  conceal  its  ugliness  by  my  great 
expenditure  on  all  kinds  of  buildings,  but  to 
the  end  that  what  I  preach  may  be  shewn 
to  be  in  agreement  with  apostolic  doctrines 


Constantinople."  Canon  Bright  in  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  i.  856; 
Mansi.    vi.  607. 

1  Phil.  i.  29. 

2cf.  p.  155  n.  "  A  sudden  and  total  revolution  at  once  took 
place.  The  change  was  wrought, — not  by  the  commanding 
voice  of  ecclesiastical  authority,  —  not  by  the  argumentative 
eloquence  of  any  great  writer,  who  by  his  surpassing  abilities 
awed  the  world  into  peace, —  not  by  the  reaction  of  pure  Chris- 
tian  charity,  drawing  tlie  conflicting  parties  together  by  evan- 
gelic love.  It  was  a  new  dynasty  on  the  throne  of  Constanti- 
nople. The  feeble  Theodosius  dies;  the  masculine  Pulcheria, 
the  champion  and  the  pride  of  orthodoxy,  the  friend  of  Flavi- 
anus  and  Leo  ascends  the  throne,  and  gives  her  hand,  with  a 
share  of  the  empire,  to  a  brave  soldier  Marcianus."  Milman, 
Lat.  Christ,  i .  264. 


3o8 


THEODORET. 


while  the  inventions  of  my  opponents  are 
counterfeit  and  base.  Once  let  this  come  to 
pass,  by  God's  help  be  it  spoken,  and  I  shall 
pass  the  remainder  of  my  days  in  cheerful 
contentment,  wherever  the  Master  may  bid 
me  dwell.  To  you  who  have  been  brought 
up  in  the  true  religion,  and  are  dowered  with 
the  wealth  of  goodness  it  is  becoming  to  make 
this  effort,  and  by  your  urgent  counsel  to  ren- 
der yet  more  zealous  our  most  pious  emperor 
and  the  Christ-loving  Augusta,  zealous  al- 
ready as  they  are  to  strengthen  their  glorious 
empire  by  laudable  and  rightful  energy. 

CXXXIX,     To  Aspar^  Consular  and  Patri- 


cian, 

To  the  other  good  deeds  of  your  excel- 
lency must  be  added  your  having  acquainted 
our  pious  and  most  christian  emperor,  whom 
God's  grace  has  appointed  for  the  bless- 
ing of  his  subjects,  of  the  enormous  wrong 
done  against  me,  and  your  having  by  a 
righteous  edict  annulled  an  edict  which 
was  nothing  of  the  kind.  Supported  by 
divine  Providence  I  have  made  what  they 
reckoned  a  punishment  a  means  of  good, 
and  I  have  welcomed  my  rest  with  delight ; 
but  none  the  less  I  have  been  wrongly  and 
illegally  treated,  though  in  no  single  point 
guilty  of  the  errors  which  the  enemies  of  the 
truth  slanderously  laid  at  my  door,  but  yet 
made  to  suffer  the  penalty  of  the  greatest 
criminals.  Nay,  my  fate  has  been  yet 
harder  than  theirs.  I  was  judged  without 
a  trial  ,*  I  was  doomed  in  my  absence  ;  when 
forbidden  by  the  emperor's  orders  to  go  to 
Ephesus  I  received  the  most  righteous  sen- 
tence of  my  holy  judges.  All  this  has  now 
been  undone  by  his  most  serene  majesty, 
through  the  active  interposition  of  your  ex- 
cellency. I,  for  my  part,  feeling  that  I 
should  be  wrong  to  keep  silent  and  not  of^er 
you  my  thanks,  have  availed  myself  of  this 
letter,  whereby  I  beseech  your  excellency  to 
speak  In  warm  terms  in  my  behalf  both  to 
the  victorious  and  Christian  emperor  and 
to  the  very  godly  and  pious  Augusta.  On 
their  behalf  I  implore  our  good  Lord  as 
earnestly  as  lies  in  my  power  to  guard  their 
empire  in  security,  and  to  grant  that  it  may  be 
at  once  a  source  of  loving  protection  for  their 
subjects,  and  of  terror  to  their  foes,  and 
establish  honourable  peace  for  all.  May 
your  excellency  be  induced  to  petition  them 
completel}'  to  put  an  end  to  the  agitation  of 
the  Church,  and  order  the  assembling  of  the 

1  Garnerius  has  substituted  for  Aspar  the  name  Abienus  who 
was  Consul  in  450.  Schulze  would  retain  the  ordinary  reading- 
of  Aspar.  The  recipient  of  the  letter,  whoever  he  be,  is 
thanked  for  his  part  in  the  rescinding  of  the  acts  of  the  late 
Latrocininm.    ^  — 


council ;  not,  like  the  last,  of  men  who  from 
their  habits  of  unruliness  throw  the  synod 
into  confusion,  but,  in  peace  and  quiet,  of 
members  instructed  in  divine  things,  and  in 
the  habit  of  confirming  the  apostolic  decrees 
and  rejecting  what  is  spurious  and  at  variance 
with  the  truth.  And  I  express  this  hope  to 
the  end  that  your  excellency  may  reap  the 
good  which  such  a  course  of  conduct  is 
likely  to  produce. 

CXL,     To  the  Master  Vincomalus} 

I  have  been  much  astonished  to  learn  that 
your  magnificence,  though  quite  unacquainted 
with  me  and  mine,  and  knowing  only  the 
wrong  that  had  been  done  me,  stood  up  as 
my  advocate,  and  left  no  means  untried  to 
undo  the  results  of  the  conspiracy  against 
me.  But  your  excellency  will  assuredly  re- 
ceive recompense  from  our  bountiful  Lord, 
for  He  who  promised  to  give  a  reward  for  a 
little  water  will  doubtless  give  greater 
recompense    to  the  givers  of  greater  gifts. 

1  have  indeed  endured  such  sufferings  as 
none,  or  at  least  very  few,  of  the  ancients 
have  undergone,  and  this  not  only  from  my 
open  foes,  but,  as  I  apprehend,  from  my  real 
friends.  The  former  attacked  me,  the  latter 
betrayed   me. 

Who   in  the   world  ever   heard  of  such  a 
trial  ?     Who  ever  commanded  a  criminal  to 
be    tried   in    his   absence   after  chaining  him 
up  at  a  distance  of  more  than  five  and  thirty 
stages  ?     What  judge  has  ever  been  so  savage 
and  inhuman  as  not  only  to  try  men,  aye  but 
to  condemn  men    the   sound  of  whose  voice 
he  has  never  heard,  and  this  in  most  savage 
and  inhuman  fashion?    The  Lord  has  ordered 
the  erring  brother,  who  spurns  advice,  after 
a  first,    second    and   third   admonition,   to  be 
treated  as  "  an  heathen  man  and  a  publican."  ^ 
Now     these    most    equitable    and    righteous 
judges  have  not  even   given  to   them   of  the 
same     faith    with    themselves    the    treatment 
which    they    give   to  heathen   men  and   pub- 
licans.    These    indeed   they   do  see  and  oc- 
casionally   converse  with,   and  that  with  all 
honour  and  deference  where  they  appear  to 
be    of    rank    and     dignity.      But    they    have 
ordered  me   to  be   cut  off  from  home,  from 
water,  from  everything.     This  is  the  way  in 
which  they  have  wished  to  become  imitators 
of  our    Father    in    heaven    *'Who    maketh 
His  sun  to  rise  on  the  evil  and  on  the  good 

iThe  internal  evidence  of  the  letter  makes  it  synchronize 
with  the  preceding.  The  advocacy  of  the  cause  of  Theodoretus 
by  Vincomalus  is  the  more  striking  in  that  it  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  suggested  by  personal  friendship.  Vincomalus 
was  Consul  Designate  in  452.  (Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv.  1159. 
Labbe  iv.  S43.)  Magister  =-^^  Magister  Officiorum,''^  cf.  note 
on  p.  2S3. 

2  Matt,  xviii.  17. 


LETTERS. 


309 


and  sendeth  rain  on  tlie  just  and  on  the 
unjust."  *  But  of  these  men  I  will  say  no 
more.  The  tribunal  of  the  Lord  is  at  hand 
where  is  required  not  stage  pretence  but  the 
reality  of  life.  Now  I  beseech  your  excel- 
lency to  express  my  thanks  to  the  emperor, 
the  lover  of  Christ  and  victorious,  and  to  the 
very  pious  and  godly  Augusta,  for  having 
made  true  religion  the  firm  root  of  their 
pious  empire,  and  to  implore  their  majesties 
to  make  the  peace  of  the  churches  firm  by 
commanding  the  assembling  of  a  council,  not 
of  men  of  violence  who  throw  the  discussion 
into  confusion,  but  of  the  lovers  of  the  truth 
who  confirm  the  apostolic  teaching,  and 
repudiate  this  new  fangled  and  spurious 
heresy.  And  I  pray  that  of  these  honourable 
endeavours  you  may  reap  the  fruit  at  the 
hands  of  our  loving  Lord. 

CXLL     To   MarcelluSy  Archimandrite  of  the 
Acoemetce.^ 

Bright  is  made  your  holiness  by  your 
goodly  life,  exhibiting  on  earth  the  image  of 
the  conversation  of  the  angels,  but  it  is  made 
still  brighter  by  your  zeal  for  the  apostolic 
faith.  As  keel  to  boat,  as  corner-stone  to 
house,  so  to  them  that  choose  to  live  in  piety 
is  the  truth  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel. 
For  this  truth  when  assailed  "  you  have 
liravely  fought,  not  striving  to  protect  it  as 
though  it  were  weak,  but  shewing  your 
godly  disposition  ;  for  the  teaching  of  our 
Master  Christ  is  gifted  with  stability  and 
strength,  in  accordance  with  the  promise  of 
the  same  Saviour,  "  that  the  gates  of  hell 
shall  not  prevail  against  it."  ^  It  is  the  lov- 
ing and  bountiful  Lord  who  has  thought 
right  that  I  too  should  be  dishonoured  and 
slain  on  behalf  of  this  doctrine.  For  truly 
we  have  reckoned  dishonour  honour,  and 
death  life.  We  have  heard  the  words  of 
the  apostle  '^  For  unto  us  it  is  given  by 
God  not  only  to  believe  on  Him,  but  also 
to  suffer  for  His  sake."  ^  But  the  Lord  arose 
like  the  sleeper,  and  stopped  the  mouths  of 
them    that    uttered    blasphemy    against   God 


1  Matt.  V.  45. 

2 The  Acoemetaj,  "sleepless,"  or  "unresting,"  were  an 
order  of  monks  established  in  the  5th  century  by  Alexander,  an 
officer  of  the  imperial  household.  Marcellus,  the  third  Abbot, 
was  a  second  founder,  and  was  warmly  supported  by  the 
patriarch  Gennadius  of  Constantinople.  (458-71.)  Before 
Chalcedon  he  joined  with  other  orthodox  abbots  to  petition 
Marcian  against  Eutyches.  (Labbe  iv.  531  Diet.  Christ.  Biog. 
iii.  Si  3).  Alexander's  foundation  was  of  300  monks  of  various 
nations,  divided  into  six  choirs,  and  so  arranged  that  the  work 
of  praise  and  prayer  should  "  never  rest."  This  has  been 
copied  elsewhere  and  since, 

"  where  tapers  day  and  night 
On  the  dim  altar  burned  continually. 
In  token  that  the  house  was  evermore 
Watching  to  God." 

Wordsworth,  Exc.  viii. 
8  Matt.  xvi.  18.  4  Phil.  i.  29. 


and  injustice  against  me.  But  He  has  made 
the  tongues  of  the  pious  pour  forth  their 
fountains  in  their  wonted  message.  I,  how- 
ever, am  gathering  the  delightful  fruits 
of  rest ;  as  I  look  at  the  agitation  of  the 
churches  I  am  grieved,  but  I  rejoice  and 
am  glad  at  being  freed  from  cares.  I  have 
ever  been  gratified  at  your  admirable  piety, 
but  heretofore  I  have  not  written,  not  from 
any  lack  of  regard  for  the  dictates  of  charity, 
but  because  I  have  waited  for  some  suita- 
ble occasion.  Just  now,  having  fallen  in 
with  the  most  pious  and  prudent  monks  who 
have  been  sent  by  your  holiness  on  other 
business,  I  have  lost  no  time  in  carrying  out 
my  wish.  I  salute  your  godliness.  I  beg 
you  in  the  first  place  to  support  me  with 
your  prayers,  and  further  to  cheer  me  by  a 
letter,  for  by  God's  grace  I  have  been  at- 
tacked  for  the  Gospel's   sake. 

CXLIL     To  the  same. 

I  have    already  addressed  your  reverence 
in  another   letter,  and    have    delivered    it   to 
your  much  respected  brethren.     Now  again 
I  address  your  holiness.     I  am  induced  to  do 
so  both  by  your  admirable   life,  and   by  the 
praiseworthy    zeal  which    you   have    shewn 
on  behalf  of  the  apostolic  faith,  fearless  alike 
of    imperial  power   and    of  episcopal   com- 
bination.    For    granted  that  the  majority  of 
the   council   consented    under   coercion,  still 
they  did  confirm   the  new   fangled  heresy  by 
their    signatures.      Your    holiness,   however, 
was    shaken    by    none    of  these    things,  but 
abided   bv  the   ancient   doctrines   which   the 
Lord,  by  means  of  both  the  prophets  and  the 
apostles,   has    taught   the    churches    to   hold. 
These  decrees  I  pray  that    I    may  preserve, 
and  keep  to  the  end  my  faith   and  confession 
in  one  Father,  one  Son  and  one  Holy  Ghost. 
For   the    incarnation    of  the    onlv  begfotten 
made    no    addition    to     the     number    of  the 
Trinity.       Even    after    the     incarnation     the 
Trinity  is   still  a  Trinity.      This  is  the  teach- 
ing  I    have    received    from    the    beginning ; 
this  has  been  my  faith  ;  in  this  was   I  bap- 
tized ;  this  have  I  preached  ;   in  this  have  I 
baptized,  this  I  continue  to  hold.     Of  them 
that  utter   a  lie  about  the   Father  the    Lord 
has  said  '^  When  he  speaketh  a  lie  he  speak- 
eth  of  his  own,"  '   for  what    is    said    of  the 
teacher  is  appropriate   to   the   disciples.     So 
these  men  who  employ  lies  against  me  speak 
of  their  own,  and    do    not   describe  what   is 
mine.    I  am  comforted  by  my  Master's  words 
*'  Blessed  are  ye  when  men  shall  revile  you 
and  persecute  you   and   shall   say  all  manner 


1  John  viii.  44. 


3IO 


THEODORET. 


of  evil  against  you  falsely  for  my  sake.  Re- 
joice and  be  exceeding  glad  for  great  is  your 
reward  in  heaven."' 

I  entreat  your  piety  to  pray  that  I  may  not 
have  my  part  among  the  wrong  doers,  but 
among  them  that  suffer  wrong  on  account  of 
the  truth  of  the  Gospels. 

CXLIIL     To   Andretv,   Monk  of    Constanti- 
nople.^ 

I  have  never  seen  your  piety  nor  have  we 
ever  communicated  by  letter,  but  I  have  be- 
come warmly  attached  to  you.  What  has 
wrought  the  charm  and  continues  to  inflame 
it  is  the  report  unanimously  brought  by  the 
tasters  of  your  honey.  All  express  admira- 
tion of  the  orthodoxy  of  your  faith,  the 
brightness  of  your  life,  the  constancy  of  your 
soul,  the  harmoniousness  of  your  character, 
the  attractiveness  and  sweetness  of  your  so- 
ciety and  all  the  other  characteristics  of  the 
true  foster  child  of  philosophy.  For  all  these 
reasons  I  am  attached  to  your  godliness,  and 
my  longing  has  made  me  even  begin  a  corre- 
spondence ;  but,  my  dear  sir,  grant  me  as  soon 
as  possible  what  I  desire  and  let  me  have 
written  communication  from  you.  For  when 
friends  are  at  a  distance  considerable  comfort 
is  given  them  by  epistolary  communication. 
You  will  write  to  no  man  of  heterodox  opin- 
ions, but  to  one  nurtured  in  the  teaching  of 
the  apostles  and  preacher  not  of  a  quater- 
nity  but  of  a  Trinity,  for  in  reality  I  see  little 
difference  in  the  impiety  of  those  who  have 
the  hardihood  to  endeavour  to  contract  into 
one  the  two  natures  of  the  Only-begotten 
and  those  who  endeavour  to  divide  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God,  God 
the  Word  made  man,  into  two  sons;  if  such 
indeed  there  be ;  I  cannot  think  so ;  but 
Arians,  Eunomians,  and  Apollinarians  too 
have  ever  shamelessly  fabricated  this  slander 
against  the  Church,  and  indeed  laborious  stu- 
dents may  easily  perceive  that  our  far  famed 
Fathers,^  lights  of  the  churches,  laboured 
at  the  hands  of  the  foes  of  the  truth  under 
this  accusation  which  is  now  levelled  against 
me  by  the  most  excellent  champions  of  the 
new  fangled  heresy.  Our  wise  Lord  has 
laid  bare  their  impiety,  for  He  could  not  en- 
dure to  confirm  the  unholy  heresy  by  His  long 
suffering. 

Be  sure  then,  sir,  that  you  will  be  writing 


1  Matt.  V.  II,  12. 

^Garnerius  identifies  this  Andrew  with  an  archimandrite 
who  was  in  favour  of  the  deposition  of  Eutyches  at  Flavian's 
Constantinopolitan  Council  in  44S. 

3  '*  No  one,"  says  Garnerius  *'  will  have  any  doubt  as  to  the 
reference  being  toDiodorus  of  Tarsus  and  Theodorus  of  Mop- 
suestia  who  compares  the  words  used  with  Letter  XVI,  with  the 
end  of  Dialogue  I,  and  with  expressions  in  both  the  ecclesias- 
tical and  religious  history."    Cf.  pp.  256,  175,  133,  and  136. 


to  one  of  like  sentiments  with  your  own  ;  and 
of  this  you  can  easily  assure  yourself  from 
my  copious  writings. 

Write  then  to  me  in  return,  and  again  your 
letter,  by  God's  leave,  shall  serve  to  kindle 
affection.  And  before  you  write,  give  me 
the  help  of  your  prayers,  and  beseech  our 
good  Lord  to  guide  my  feet  into  the  right 
road,  that  I  may  travel  the  rest  of  my  jour- 
ney in  accordance  with  His  laws.  You  who 
have  won  right  of  access  from  your  unstained 
life  will  easily  persuade  Him  Who  is  eager  to 
give  us  His  good  gifts. 

CXLIV,     To  the  soldiers} 

Human  nature  is  everywhere  the  same,  but 
pursuits  in  life  are  many  and  various.  Some 
men  prefer  a  sailor's  career,  some  a  soldier's  ; 
some  men  become  athletes,  some  husband- 
men ;  some  ply  one  craft  and  some  another. 
To  pass  by  all  other  differences,  some  men 
are  zealous  and  diligent  about  divine  things, 
and  get  themselves  instructed  in  the  exact 
teaching  of  the  apostolic  doctrines ;  while 
others,  on  the  contrary,  become  slaves  of  the 
belly,  and  suppose  that  the  enjoyment  of  base 
pleasures  is  happiness.  Others  again  are 
there,  lying  in  a  mean  between  these  two  ex- 
tremes, who  do  not  exhibit  this  praiseworthy 
enthusiasm,  nor  embrace  a  life  of  inconti- 
nence, but  still  honour  the  simplicity  of  thfe 
faith.  Men  who  attack  the  statement  that 
some  things  are  altogether  impossible  with 
God  must  not,  I  apprehend,  be  classed  with 
the  zealous  and  the  well  instructed  in  divine 
things,  but  rather  either  with  those  who  have 
no  exact  knowledge  of  the  apostolic  doctrines, 
or  those  who  have  been  enslaved  by  pleas- 
ures and  shift  hither  and  thither  at  the  caprice 
of  a  moment,  setting  forth  now  one  thing  and 
now  another. 

You  have  asked  me  to  write  on  these 
points.  I  should  prefer  at  the  present  time 
to  keep  silence.  But  in  obedience  to  the 
commandment  of  the  Lord,  ''  Give  to  every 
man  that  asketh  of  thee,"  ^  I  am  constrained 
briefly  to  reply. 

I  say  then  that  the  God  of  the  universe  cari: 
do  all  things,  but  that  in  the  word  ''  all"  is 
comprehended  only  what  is  right  and  good^ 
for  He  who  is  naturally  both  wise  and  good 
admits  of  nothing  that  is  of  a  contrary  nature, 
but  only  what  becomes  his  nature.  If  any 
objectors  gainsay  this  statement,  ask  them  if 
the  God    of  the    universe,    the    lawgiver  of 

1  From  the  mention  at  the  end  of  the  letter  of  the  epistle  of 
Leo  to  Flavianus,  Garnerius  argues  that  it  must  be  dated  at  the 
end  of  449  or  somewhat  later.     The  epistle  of  Leo  is  dated  on 
the  13th  of  June  and  could  not  have  reached  Theodoret  in  his 
detention  at  Cyrus  till  the  autumn. 

2  Luke  vi.  30. 


LETTERS. 


311 


truth,  can  lie.  If  they  say  that  lying  is  pos- 
sible to  God,  expel  them  from  your  company 
as  impious  and  blasphemous.  Should  they 
agree  that  lying  is  not  possible  to  the  God  of 
the  universe,  ask  them  in  the  second  place, 
if  He  who  is  the  fount  of  justice  can  become 
unjust.  Should  they  allow  that  this  too  is 
impossible  to  the  God  of  all,  you  must  yet 
again  enquire  if  the  unfathomable  depth  of 
wisdom  can  become  unwise,  God  cease  to  be 
God,  the  Lord  cease  to  be  the  Lord,  the 
Creator  be  no  Creator,  the  Good  not  good  but 
evil  and  the  true  Light  not  light  but  its  oppo- 
site. If  they  admit  that  all  these  things  and 
the  like  are  impossible  to  God,  you  must  say 
to  them  therefore  many  things  are  impossible 
with  God  ;  and  that  their  being  impossible  so 
far  from  being  a  proof  of  want  of  power,  in- 
dicates on  the  contrary  the  greatest  power. 

Even  in  the  case  of  our  own  soul,  when  we 
say  that  it  cannot  die,  we  do  not  predicate 
weakness  of  it,  but  we  proclaim  its  capacity  of 
immortality.  And  similarly  when  we  confess 
the  immutability,  impassibility,  and  immortal- 
ity of  God,  we  cannot  attribute  to  the  divine 
nature  change,  passion,  or  death.  Suppose 
them  to  urge  that  God  can  do  whatever  He 
will,  you  must  reply  to  them  that  He  wishes 
to  do  nothing  which  it  is  not  His  nature  to  do  ; 
He  is  by  nature  good,  therefore  He  does  not 
wish  anything  evil ;  He  is  by  nature  just, 
therefore  He  does  not  wish  anything  unjust ; 
He  is  by  nature  true,  therefore  He  abominates 
falsehood  ;  He  is  by  natin*e  immutable,  there- 
fore He  does  not  admit  of  change  ;  and  if  He 
does  not  admit  of  change  He  is  always  in  the 
same  state  and  condition.  This  He  Himself 
asserts  through  the  prophet.  "  I  am  the 
Lord  I  change  not."  ^  And  the  blessed 
David  says  "  Thou  art  the  same  and  Thy  years 
shall  have  no  end."  ^  If  He  is  the  same  He 
undergoes  no  change.  If  He  is  naturally 
superior  to  change  and  mutation  He  has  not 
become  from  immortal,  mortal  nor  from  im- 
passible, passible,  for  had  this  been  possible 
He  would  not  have  taken  on  Him  our  nature. 
But  since  He  has  an  immortal  nature,  He 
took  a  body  capable  of  suffering,  and  with 
the  body  a  human  soul.  Both  of  these  He 
kept  unstained  from  the  defilements  of  sin, 
and  gave  His  soul  for  the  sake  of  the  souls 
that  had  sinned,  and  His  body  for  the  sake 
of  the  bodies  that  had  died.  And  since  the 
body  that  was  assumed  is  described  as  body 
of  the  very  only  begotten  Son  of  God,  He 
refers  the  passion  of  the  body  to  Himself. 
But  the  four  evangelists  testify  that  it  was 
not  the  divine  nature  but  the  body  which  was 


1  Malachi  iii.  6. 


'  Ps.  cii.  27. 


nailed  to  the  cross,  all  teaching  with  one 
voice  that  Joseph  of  Arimathea  came  to 
Pilate  ami  begged  the  body  of  Jesus  ;  that  he 
took  down  the  body  of  Jesus  from  the  tree 
and  wrapped  in  fine  linen,  and  laid  in  his 
own  new  tomb  the  body  of  Jesus  ;  that  Mary 
the  Magdalene  came  to  the  tomb  seeking  the 
body  of  Jesus  and  ran  to  His  disciples,  and 
reported  these  things  when  she  could  not 
find  the  body  of  Jesus. 

This  is  the  unanimous  teaching  of  the 
evangelists.  But  if  your  opponents  urge  that 
the  angels  said  ''  Come  see  the  place  where 
the  Lord  lay"  ^  let  the  foolish  folk  learn  that  the 
divine  Scripture  says  also  about  the  victorious 
Stephen  ''And  devout  men  carried  Stephen 
to  his  burial."  ^  And  yet  it  was  the  body  only 
which  was  deemed  proper  for  burial,  while 
the  soul  was  not  buried  together  with  the 
body;  nevertheless  the  body  alone  was  spoken 
of  by  the  common  name.  Similarly  the 
blessed  Jacob  said  to  his  sons  "  Bury  me 
with  my  fcithers."  ^  He  did  not  say  "Bury 
my  body."  Then  he  went  on  "  There  they 
buried  Abraham  and  Sarah  his  wife  ;  there 
they  buried  Isaac  and  Rebekah  his  wife ; 
and  there  I  buried  Leah."'*  He  did  not 
say  '^  their  bodies."  The  names  are  com- 
mon to  bodies  or  souls,  but  nevertheless  it 
is  only  the  bodies  which  he  called  by  the 
common  names.  In  this  manner  too  we 
constantly  describe  the  shrines  of  the  holy 
apostles,  prophets  and  martyrs,  one  it  may 
be  of  Dionysius,  another  of  Julianus  another 
of  Cosmas."  And  yet  we  know  that  only  t 
fragmentary  remains  of  bodies  lie  there, 
w^hile  the  souls  in  diviner  regions  are  at 
rest.  Precisely  the  same  custom  is  to  be 
found  in  common  use,  for  such  an  one,  we 
say,  died  ;  and  such  an  one  lies  in  this  place  ; 
although  we  know  that  the  soul  is  immortal 
and  does  not  share  the  tomb  with  the  body. 
In  this  sense  the  angel  said  "  Come  see  the 
place  where  the  Loni  lay "  ^  not  because 
he  shut  the  Godhead  in  the  tomb,  but  be- 
cause he  spoke  of  the  Lord's  body  by  the 
Lord's  name. 

In  proof  of  this  being  the  view  of  the 
holy  Fathers  let  them  mark  the  words  of  Atha- 
nasius,  illustrious  archbishop  of  Alexandria, 
who  adorned  his  episcopate  with  confession. 
He  exclaims  "  Life  cannot  die,  but  rather 
quickens  the  dead." 

Let  them   hear  too  the    words  of  the  far- 


1  Matt,  xxviii.  6.  3  Gen.  xlix.  29. 

2  Acts  viii.  2.  *  Gen.  xlix.  31. 

c  Cf.  note  onp.  30  3.  Amongf  martyred  Dionysii  were  (i) 
one  of  the  Seven  Sleepers  of  Epliesus,  (ii)  one  at  Tripoli  (iii) 
another  at  Corinth,  (iv  and  v)  and  two  at  Caesarea,  in  the  per. 
sedition  of  Diocletian.  Cosinas  and  Damianus  are  the  famous 
semi-mythical  physicians,  the  Silverless  Martyrs.  Vide  p.  295. 

6  Matthew  xxviii.  6. 


312 


THEODORET. 


famed  Damasus  bishop  of  Rome,  "  If  any- 
one allege  that  on  the  cross  pain  was  under- 
gone by  the  Godhead  and  not  by  the  body 
with  the  soul,  the  form  of  the  servant  which 
He  had  taken  in  its  completeness,  let  him  be 
anathema."  * 

Let  them  hear  too  the  very  sacred  and 
holy  bishop  of  the  Church  of  the  Romans, 
the  lord  Leo,  who  has  now  written  "  The 
Son  of  God  suffered  as  He  was  capable  of 
suffering,  not  according  to  the  nature  which 
assumed  but  that  which  was  assumed.  For 
the  impassible  nature  assumed  the  passible 
bod}^  and  gave  it  for  us,  to  the  end  that  He 
might  work  out  our  salvation  and  at  the  same 
time  preserve  His  own  nature  impassible." 

And  again  "For  He  did  not  come  to  de- 
stroy His  own  nature  but  to  save  ours."  ^ 

If  therefore  they  accuse  us  for  saying  that 
God  can  do  what  He  wishes,  but  that  He 
wishes  what  is  becoming  to  His  own  nature, 
and  what  is  unbecoming  He  neither  wishes 
nor  is  capable  of;  let  them  accuse  too  these 
saints  and  all  the  rest  who  maintain  this 
position.  Let  them  accuse  even  the  Apostle 
who  says  'That  by  two  immutable  things 
in  which  it  was  impossible  for  God  to  lie."  ^ 
And  again  "  If  we  believe  not,  yet  He 
abideth  faithful :   He  cannot  deny  Himself."  "* 

Repeat  these  passages  to  your  opponents, 
and  if  they  are  convinced,  praise  the  good 
Lord  for  that,  by  means  of  your  zeal.  He 
has  benefited  them.  If  they  remain  uncon- 
vinced, enter  into  no  discussion  with  them 
about  doctrines,  for  it  is  forbidden  by  the 
divine  apostle  to  "  strive  about  words  to  no 
profit  but  to  the  subverting  of  the  hearers."  ^ 
But  do  you  keep  inviolate  the  teaching  of 
the  Gospels,  that  in  the  day  of  His  appear- 
ing yo\i  may  bring  to  the  righteous  Judge 
what  has  been  entrusted  to  you  with  its  due 
interest,  and  may  hear  the  longed  for  words 
"  Well  done  good  and  faithful  servant;  thou 
hast  been  faithful  over  a  few  things  I  will 
make  thee  ruler  over  manv  things.  Enter 
thou  into  the  joy  of  thy  Lord."  ^ 

CXLV.     To  the  Monks  of  Constantinople.' 

There  is  nothing  new  or  surprising  in  the 
fact  that  the  men  who  have  made  their 
tongues  weapons  against  our   God  and  Sa- 

1  Damas.  Epist.  ad   Paulinuin,  *  II.  Tim.  ii.  13. 

2  Leo  Epist.  ad  Flavianum.  ^  II.  Tim.  ii.  14. 

3  Hebrews  vi.  18.  ^  Matt.  xxv.  23. 
'This,  remarks  Garnerius,  is  less   a   letter  than   a  prolix 

exposition  of  Theodoret's  view  of  the  Incarnation.  Theodoret 
mentions  his  condemnation  at  the  Latrocinium  and  the  exile 
of  Eutyches,  but  says  nothing  of  the  favourable  action  towards 
himself  of  Marcianiis.  Theodosius  died  on  the  29th  of  July, 
and  Marcian  began  his  reign  on  the  25th  of  August,  450. 
Tlieodoret  could  not  possibly  hear  of  the  exile  of  Eutyches 
before  the  end  of  September.  The  document  may  therefore  be 
dated  in  the  late  autumn  of  450  before  Theodoret  had  received 
the  imperial  permission  to  return  to  Cyrus. 


viour  should  also  aim  their  shafts  of  false- 
hood against  His  right  minded  servants.  It 
must  needs  be  that  the  servants  who  grieve 
sorely  at  the  outrage  inflicted  on  their  Master 
should  share  it.  That  so  it  should  be  they 
have  been  forwarned  by  their  Lord  Himself, 
Who  consoles  His  holy  disciples  with  the 
words  "  If  they  have  persecuted  me  they 
will  also  persecute  you."  '  "If  they  have 
called  the  Master  of  the  house  Beelzebub, 
how  much  more  shall  they  call  them  of  His 
household."  ^  Then  He  cheered  them  by 
pointing  out  that  calumny  is  easily  detected, 
for  He  went  on  "  There  is  nothing  covered 
that  shall  not  be  revealed  and  hid  that  shall 
not  be  known."  ^  I  have  often  seen  the  truth 
of  the  divine  prediction,  but  I  see  it  with 
special  clearness  now.  The  authors  of  the 
calumny  against  me,  who  have  bought  my 
destruction  for  large  sums  of  money,-  have 
been  distinctly  seen  to  be  involved  in  the 
unsoundness  of  Valentinus  and  Bardesanes. 
They  had  hoped  to  cloke  their  own  iniquity 
if  only  they  could  whet  their  tongues  on  the 
hone  of  falsehood  in  order  to  wound  me. 
For  ever  since  I  saw  that  the  heresy  long  ago 
extinguished  had  been  renewed  by  these  men 
I  never  ceased  to  cry  aloud,  bearing  my 
testimony  in  private  and  in  public,  as  well  in 
social  gatherings  as  in  the  temples  of  God, 
and  strive  to  confute  their  conspiracy  against 
the  faith.  They  have  consequently  poured 
out  their  insults  on  my  head,  and  allege  that 
I  preach  two  sons.  But  they  ought  to  have 
convicted  me  to  my  face,  not  slandered  me 
behind  my  back.  They  have  done  just  the 
contrary.  They  tied  me  hand  and  foot  at 
Cyrus  by  the  imperial  decree ;  they  com- 
pelled the  very  righteous  judges  to  condemn 
me  without  a  trial,  and  delivered  their  most 
equitable  sentence  against  a  man  who  was 
five  and  thirty  stages  away.  Such  treatment 
was  never  suffered  by  any  criminal  charged 
with  witchcraft  or  robbery  of  the  dead,  by 
murderer  or  by  adulterer.  But  for  the  present 
I  will  leave  tl)e  judges  alone,  for  the  Lord  is 
at  hand  "  Who  judges  the  world  with  righte- 
ousness and  the  people  with  his  truth  ;  "  ^ 
Who  exacts  an  account  not  only  of  words 
and  deeds,  but  even  of  evil  thoughts.  But  I 
think  it  right  to  refute  the  false  charge  which 
has  been  made.  What  proof  have  they  of 
my  asserting  two  sons.'^  Had  I  been  one  of 
the  silent  kind  there  might  have  been  some 
ground  for  the  suspicion,  but  my  task  has 
been  to  contend  on  behalf  of  the  apostolic 
decrees,  to  bring  the  pasture  of  instruction  to 
the   Lord's   flocks,    and    to  this   end   I    have 


1  John  XV.  20. 

2  Matt.  x.  25. 


3  Matt.  X.  26. 
*  Ps.  xcvi,  13. 


LETTERS. 


313 


written  five  and  thirty  books  interpreting  the 
divine  Scripture,  and  proving  the  falsehood 
of  the  heresies.  Tlie  falsehoods  these  men  have 
concocted  are  therefore  easy  of  refutation. 
Tens  on  tens  of  thousands  of  hearers  testify 
that  I  have  taught  the  truth  of  the  doctrines 
of  the  Gospel,  and  for  any  one  who  likes  to 
bring  them  to  the  test  my  writings  lie  before 
the  world.  Not  on  behalf  of  a  duality  of 
sons,  but  of  the  only  begotten  Son  of  God, 
against  the  heathen,  against  Jews,  against 
the  recipients  of  the  plague  of  Arius  and 
Eunomius,  against  the  supporters  of  the  mad- 
ness of  ApoUinarius,  against  the  victims  of 
the  corruption  of  Marcion,  I  have  never 
ceased  to  struggle ;  trying  to  convince  the 
heathen  that  the  Eternal  Son  of  the  ever 
living  God  is  Himself  Creator  of  the  Uni- 
verse ;  the  Jews  that  about  Him  the  prophets 
uttered  their  predictions,  the  Arians  and 
Eunomians  that  He  is  of  one  substance,  of 
one  dignity  and  of  equal  power  with  the 
Father ;  Marcion's  mad  adherents  that  He  is 
not  only  good  but  just ;  and  Saviour  not,  as 
they  fable,  of  another's  works,  but  of  His 
own.  Once  for  all,  fighting  against  each 
heresy,  I  charge  men  to  fall  down  and  wor- 
ship the  one  Son. 

And  what  need  is  there  of  many  words, 
w^hen  it  is  possible  to  refute  falsehood  in  few  ? 
We  provide  that  those  who  year  by  year 
come  up  for  holy  baptism  should  carefully 
learn  the  faith  set  forth  at  Nicaea  by  the  holy 
and  blessed  Fathers ;  and  initiating  them  as 
we  have  been  bidden,^  we  baptize  them  in 
the  name  of  the  Father  and  of  the  Son  and  of 
the  Holy  Ghost,  pronouncing  each  name  sin- 
gly. Furthermore  when  performing  divine  ser- 
vice in  the  churches,  both  at  the  beginning 
and  the  decline  of  day  and  when  dividing 
the  day  itself  into  three  parts,  we  glorify  the 
Father  the  Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost. ^  If,  as 
our  slanderers  allege,  we  preach  two  sons, 
which  do  we  glorify  and  which  do  we  leave 
unworshipped?  It  were  the  wildest  folly  to 
believe  that  there  are  two  sons,  and  to  give 
the  doxology  to  one  alone.  And  who  is  so 
distraught  as,  while  hearing  the  words  of 
the  divine  Paul  "  one  Lord,  one  faith,  one 
baptism,"^  and  again  ''there  is  one  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  by  Whom  are  all  things,""  to 
lay  down  the  law  at  variance  with  the  teach- 
ing of  the  Spirit,  and  cut  the  one  in  two. 
But   I    am  prating   unnecessarily,   for    these 

1  fjLva-TaybjyovvTii;.  ixva-Tctyuiyiui  Came  ultimately  to  equal 
**  baptize."  The  word  and  its  correlatives  had  long  passed  out 
of  special  mystic  use.  In  Cicero  a  /ufo-ra-ytoyd?  is  a 
"Cicerone"  (V'err.  iv.  59)  and  Strabo  uses  yi.v<TTayuiyelv  for  to 
be  a  g-uide.      (812.) 

2  Reference  appears  to  be  made  here  to  offices  at  the  3d,  6th, 
and  9th  hours,  and  to  morning  and  evening  services,  without 
specification  of  their  number. 

3  Ephes.  iv.  5.  *  I.  Cor.  viii.  6. 


men,  nurtured  in  falsehood  as  they  are,  do 
not  even  dare  to  assert  that  they  have  ever 
heard  me  say  anything  of  the  kind ;  but 
they  affirm  that  I  preach  two  sons  because  I 
confess  the  two  natures  of  our  Master  Christ. 
And  they  refuse  to  perceive  that  every  human 
being  has  both  an  immortal  soul  and  a 
mortal  bodv  ;  vet  no  one  has  hitherto  been 
found  to  call  Paul  two  Pauls  because  he 
has  both  soul  and  body,  any  more  than  Peter 
two  Peters  or  Abraham  or  Adam.  Every- 
one recognises  the  distinction  of  the  natures, 
and  does  not  call  one  man  two  Pauls.  Pre- 
cisely in  the  same  way,  when  styling  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  the  only  begotten  Son  of 
God,  God  the  Word  incarnate,  both  Son  of 
God  and  Son  of  Man,  as  we  have  been 
taught  by  the  divine  Scripture,  we  do  not 
assert  two  sons,  but  we  do  confess  the 
peculiar  properties  of  the  Godhead  and  of 
the  manhood.  The  party  however  wdio  deny 
the  nature  assumed  of  us  men  cannot  hear 
these  arguments  without  irritation. 

It  is  only  right  that  I  should  point  out 
from  what  sources  thev  have  derived  this 
impiety.  Simon,  Menander,  Cerdo,  and 
Marcion  absolutely  deny  the  incarnation,  and 
call  the  birth  from  a  Virgin  fable.  Valen- 
tinus,  however,  Basilides,  Bardesanes,  and 
Harmonius  and  their  following,  accept  the 
conception  of  the  Virgin  and  the  birth  ;  but 
they  deny  that  God  the  Word  took  anything 
from  the  Virgin,  but  made  as  it  were  a 
transit  through  her  as  through  a  conduit,  and 
appeared  to  mankind  in  semblance  only,  and 
seeming  to  be  a  man,  in  like  manner  as  He 
was  seen  by  Abraham  and  certain  others  of 
the  ancients.  Arius  and  Eunomius  on  the 
contrary  held  that  He  assumed  a  bodv,  but 
that  the  Godhead  played  the  part  of  the  soul, 
in  order  that  they  may  attribute  to  it  what 
was  lowly  in  His  words  and  deeds.  Apol- 
linarius  did  indeed  assert  that  He  assumed  a 
soul  with  the  body,  not  the  reasonable  soul,  but 
the  soul  which  is  called  animal  or  phytic.^ 
Their  contention  is  that  the  Godhead  took  the 
part  of  the  mind.  He  had  learnt  the  distinction 
of  soul  and  of  mind  from  the  philosophers 
that  are  without  while  ch'vine  Scripture  says 
that  man  consists  of  soul  and  body.  For  we 
read  "  And  the  Lord  God  formed  man  of  the 
dust  of  the  ground  and  breathed  into  his 
nostrils  the  breath  of  life  and  man  became 
a  living  soul."  ^  And  the  Lord  in  the 
sacred  Gospels  said  to  His  apostles  ''  Fear 
not  them  which  kill  the  body  but  are  not 
able  to  kill  the  soul."^ 

1  i.e.  the  life  common  to  man  with  animals  and  plants,      cf. 
p.  194  n. 

2  Gen.  ii.  7.  3  Matt.  x.  2S. 


314 


THEODORET. 


So    great  is    the    divergence    between    the 
doctrines.     These  men    have  now  done    their 
best  to  outdo  Apollinarius,  Arius  and  Euno- 
mius,  in  their  impiety  and  have  now  endeav- 
oured to  plant   anew  the   heresy  sown   of  old 
by  Valentinus  and  Bardesanes,  and  afterwards 
uprooted    by    most    excellent    husbandmen. 
Like  Valentinus   and  Bardesanes    they  have 
denied  that  the  body    of  our    Lord    was  as- 
sumed of  our  nature.     But  the  Church,  fol- 
lowing the  footprints  of  the  Apostles,   con- 
templates  in  the    Lord    Christ   both    perfect 
Godhead  and  perfect  manhood.     For  just  as 
He  took  a  body,  not  that  He  needed  a  body, 
but  by  its   means  to  give   immortality   to    all 
bodies  ;  so  too  He  took  a  soul,  the  guide  of 
the  body,  that  ever>^  soul  by  its   means  might 
share  His  immutability.     For  even    if  souls 
are  immortal,  they  are  not  however  immuta- 
ble ;  for    they    undergo    many   and    frequent 
changes,  as  they   experience    pleasure,  now 
from    one    object,    and    now    from    another. 
Whence  it  cometh   about   that  we  err  when 
we  are  changed  and    are    inclined   to  what  is 
worse.     But  after  the  resurrection  our  bodies 
enjoy    immortality  and  incorruptibility,    and 
our    souls    impassibility    and     immutability. 
For  this    reason    the    only   begotten    Son    of 
God  took  both  a  body  and  a  soul,  preserved 
them  free  from   all    blame,   and    offered    the 
sacrifice  for  the  race.     And  this  is  why  He  is 
called  our  high  priest;  and  He  is  named  high 
priest  not  as  God  but  as  man.     He  makes  the 
offering    as    man,   and   accepts    the    sacrifice 
with  the  Father  and  the  Holy  Spirit  as   God. 
If  only  Adam's   body   had   sinned,    it    alone 
should    have    benefited    by     the    cure.       But 
since  the  soul  not  only  shared  in   the   sin  but 
was   first    in    the   sin,    for    first    the    thought 
forms  an  image  of  the  sin  and  then  carries  it 
out  by  means    of  the    body,    it   was    just,    I 
ween,  that  the    soul    too    should   be    healed. 
But  it  is  perhaps  superfluous  to    demonstrate 
these  points  by  reasoning,    when    the   divine 
Scripture  clearly  proclaims  them.     This  doc- 
trine  is  distinctly   taught   by  the   holy  David 
and  the  very  divine  Peter,  the  one  foretelling 
from  distant  ages,  and  the   other   interpreting 
his  prediction.     The  words  of  the  first  of  the 
apostles    are     "  David     therefore    being     a 
prophet,  and  knowing  that  God  had   sworn 
with  an  oath  to  him,  that  of  the  fruit   of  his 
loins,  according  to  the  flesh.  He  would  raise 
up  Christ  to  sit  on  his  throne  ;  he  seeing  this 
before    spake    of   the   resurrection    of  Christ 
that  His  soul  was  not  left  in  hell  neither  His 
flesh  did  see  corruption."^ 

Now  he  has  given  us  much  instruction  on 


the  same  point  in  these  few  w^ords.     First  he 
states    that    the    assumed    nature    derives    its 
descent   from   the   loins   of   David  ;   secondly 
that  He  took   not  a  body  only,   but  also   an 
immortal  soul,  and  thirdly  that  He  delivered 
body  and   soul   to    death,    and,    after    taking 
them  again,  raised  them  as  He  would.     His 
own  w^ords  are  "  Destroy  this  temple  and  in 
three  days  I  will  raise  it  up."  '      But  we  have 
learnt   that    the    divine    nature    is    immortal. 
What  suffered  was  the  passible,  and  the  im- 
passible remained  impassible.     For  God  the 
Word    was    made    man,    not   to    render   the 
impassible  nature  passible,  but  on  the  pas- 
sible   nature,   by    means   of   the  Passion,  to 
bestow  the  boon  of  impassibilitv.     And  the 
Lord  Himself  in  the  holy  Gospels  at  one  time 
says  ''  I  have  power  to  lay  down  my  life  and 
I  have  power  to  take  it  again,  no  man  taketh 
it  from    me   but   I   lay   it  down  of  myself;  " 
"That    I  may  take   it  again."  ^     And  again 
''  Therefore  doth  my  Father  love  me  because 
I    lay    down    my   life  for  the   sheep,"  ^    and 
again    ''Now   is   my    soul  troubled""*  "  inv 
soul  is  exceeding  sorrowful  even  unto  r'eath"  '^ 
and  of  His  body  He  says    "The   bread  that 
I  will  give  is  my  flesh  which  I  will  give  for 
the   life   of  the   world,"  ^   and  when   He   de- 
livered  the   divine   mysteries  and  broke    the 
symbol  and  distributed  it.  He   added  "  This 
is  my  body   which   is  being   broken  for  you 
for  the  remission  of  sins,"  '  and  again  "  This 
is  my  blood  which  is  shed  for  many  for  the 


remission  of  sins,"  " 
eat  the  flesh  of  the 
His  blood  ye  have 
"  Whosoever  eateth 


and  again   "  Except  ye 
Son  of  Man  and  drink 
no    life    in    you "  ^    and 
my  flesh   and   drinketii 
my  blood  hath  eternal  life  "  "  in  himself"  he 
adds.^^      Innumerable  passages  of  the  same 
character    may    be   quoted,    both  in   the   old 
Testament    and    the   new,    pointing   out    the 
assumption  both  of  the  body  and  of  the  soul, 
and  that  they  are  descended  from  Abraham 
and  David.     Joseph  of  Arimathea  when  he 
came    to    Pilate    begged  the   body  of  Jesus, 
and    the    fourfold     authority  '^     of    the    holy 
Gospels  tells  us  how  he  received  the   body, 
wrapped  it  in  the  linen  cloth,  and  committed 
it   to  the  tomb.     I   do,    indeed,   sorrow    and 
lament  that  I   am   compelled  by  the  attacks 
of  error  to  adduce  against   men   supposed  to 
be  of  one  and  the  same  faith  with  myself  the 


1  Acts  ii.  30  and  31.    Pe.  xvi.  jo. 


ijohn  ii.  19. 

2 John  X.  18.  17.      Observe  the  inversion  and  inexactitude. 

3John  X.  17  and  15.  ^  Matt.  xxvi.  38. 

4John  xii.  27.  ♦"■John  vi.  51. 

"I.  Cor.  xi.  24.  Matt.  xxvi.  28.  But  it  is  to  be  noticed  that 
for  St.  Paul's  word  (cAto/xecoi',  i.e.  "  being  broken,"  Theodoret 
substitutes  t^pvTTTOju.ei^oi',  i.e.  "being-  crushed,"  or  "broken 
small,"  a  verb  not  used  by  the  evangelists.  And  the  clause 
"  for  the  remission  of  sins  "  is  misplaced. 

8  Matt.  xxvi.  28.  '"  John  vi.  54. 

0  John  vi.  53.  11  Cf.  note  on  page  302. 


LETTERS. 


315 


arguments  which  I  have  already  urged 
against  the  victims  of  the  phigue  of  Marcion, 
—  of  whom,  by  God's  grace,  I  have  con- 
verted more  than  ten  thousand,  and  brought 
them  to  Holy  Baptism.  What  child  of 
the  church  ever  had  any  doubts  on  these 
points  ?  Who  has  not  cited  this  teaching  of 
the  holy  Fathers?  The  works  of  the  great 
Basil  are  full  of  it ;  as  well  as  those  of  his 
fellow  soldiers  Gregory  and  Amphilochius, 
and  of  those  who  in  the  West  have  been 
illustrious  teachers  of  grace,  Damasus,  bishop 
of  great  Rome,  and  Ambrose  of  Milan  ;  and 
Cyprian  of  Carthage  who  for  the  sake  of 
these  doctrines  won  the  martyr's  crown. 
Five  times  was  the  flimous  Athanasius  driven 
from  his  flock  and  compelled  to  dwell  in 
exile ;  and  in  the  cause  of  these  doctrines 
strove  too  his  master  Alexander.  Eustathius, 
Meletius,  and  Flavianus,  luminaries  of  the 
East,  and  Ephraim,  harp  of  the  Spirit,  who 
daily  waters  the  people  of  Syria  with  the 
streams  of  grace;  John  and  Atticus,  loud 
heralds  of  the  truth  ;  and  men  of  an  earlier  age 
than  they,  Ignatius,  Polycarp,  Irenaeus,  Justin, 
and  Hippolytus,  of  whom  the  more  part  not 
only  shine  at  the  head  of  the  company  of 
bishops,  but  also  adorn  the  martyr's  band. 

He,  too,  who  now  rules  great  Rome  and 
diffuses  in  all  directions  from  the  West  the 
rays  of  right  teaching,  the  most  holy  Leo, 
has  expressed  to  me  this  distinctive  mark  of 
the  faith  in  his  own  letters.  All  these  have 
clearly  taught  that  the  only  begotten  Son  of 
God  and  everlasting  God,  ineffably  begotten 
of  the  Father,  is  one  Son  ;  and  that  after  the 
incarnation  He  was  called  both  Son  of  man 
and  man,  not  because  He  was  changed  into 
manhood,  for  His  nature  is  immutable,  but 
because  He  took  what  was  ours.  They  teach 
too  that  He  was  both  impassible  and  im- 
mortal as  God,  and  mortal  and  passible  as 
man;  but  after  the  resurrection  even  in  rela- 
tion to  His  humanity  He  received  impassi- 
bility and  immortality,  for,  though  the  body 
remained  a  body,  still  it  is  impassible  and 
immortal,  verily  a  divine  body  and  glorified 
with  divine  glory.  This  is  distinctly  told  us 
by  the  blessed  Paul  in  the  words  "  For  our 
conversation  is  in  heaven  from  whence  also 
we  look  for  the  Saviour,  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  who  shall  change  our  vile  body  that 
it  may  be  fashioned  like  unto  the  body  of 
His  glory."  ^  He  does  not  say  to  *'  His 
glory  "  but  to  "  the  body  of  His  glory,"  and 
the  Lord  Himself,  when  He  had  said  to  His 
apostles  "There  be  some  standing  here  which 
shall  not  taste  of  death  till  thev  see  the  Son 


1  Phil.  iii.  20  and  21, 


of  man  coming  in  His  Father's  glory,"     took 
them  after  six  days   into  an   exceeding  high 
mountain,  and  was  transfigured  before  them^ 
and  His  face  became  as  the   sun,   and   His 
raiment  was  bright  like  the  light. '^     By  these 
means  He  shewed  the  manner  of  the  second 
advent.     He  taught  that  the  assumed  nature 
is  not  uncircumscribed    (for  this  is  character- 
istic of  the  Godhead  alone)  but  that    it  shall 
send   forth    flashes    of  the    divine  glory,  and 
emit  rays  of  light  transcending  the  powers  of 
the  sense   of  sight.      With  this  glory  He  was 
taken  up  ;   with   this  the  angels  said  that  He 
should    come ;     for   their  words   were    "  He 
who  was  taken  from  you  into  heaven  shall  so 
come  in  like  manner  as  ye  have  seen  hiixi  go- 
into    heaven."  ^      When   moreover    He  was 
seen  by  the  divine  apostles  after  the  resurrec- 
tion. He  shewed  them  both  hands  and  feet ; 
and  to  Thomas  He  shewed  also  His  side  and 
the  wounds    of  the  nails    and    of    the  spear. 
For  on  account  of  those  men   who  positively 
deny  the  assumption  of  the  flesh,  and  further 
of  those   others  who  assert  that  after  the  re- 
surrection the  nature  of  the  body  was  changed 
into    the    nature  of  Godhead,    He  preserved 
unaltered    the  prints  of  the   nails  and  of  the 
spear.      And   while    raising  all  other  bodies 
free    from  every  disfigurement,''  in  His   own 
body  He    left    the    marks   of  His  sufferings, 
to  the  end  that  deniers  of  the  assumption  of 
the  body  may  be   convicted  of  their  error  by 
means  of  His  sufferings  ;  and  holders  of  the 
notion    that  His  body  was  changed   into  an- 
other nature  may  be   taught  by  the   print  of 
the    nails    that    it  abides  in  its   own    proper 
qualities.      Suppose  any  one  to  imagine  that 
he  has  a  proof  that  the  body  of  the  Lord  did 
not  remain  a   body  after   the  resurrection   in 
the  fact  that  He  came  in  to  the  disciples  whea 
the   doors   were  shut,   let    such    an    one   re- 
member how  He  walked  upon  the  sea  while 
His  body  was  still  mortal,  how  He  was  born 
after    keeping    the  seals  of  virginity    intact,, 
and  how  again  when  encircled  by  them  that 
were  plotting  against  Him  He  frequently  es- 
caped  from    their  hands.     But  why    need  I 
mention  the   Lord,  who  was  not  only  man,, 
but   God   before  the  ages,  and    to  whom  it 
was  easv  to  do  whatsoever  He  would  ?     Let 
them    tell    how    Habakkuk    was    translated 
from    Judaea   into  Babylon  in  a  moment  of 
time  and  passed  through  the  covering  of  the 
den,  and  brought  the  food  to  Daniel,  and  re- 
turned again,  without  destroying  the  seals  of 
the  den.*     It  is  sheer  foolishness  to  enquire 
into  the  manner  of  the  miracles  of  the  Lord^ 


1  Matt.  xvi.  28,      Observe  variation.    The  MSS.  agree. 

2  Cf.  Matt,  xxxvii.  1.2.  *  Cf.  p.  109.  n. 

s  Acts  i.  II.  "  Bel  and  the  Dragon.  30. 


3i6 


THEODORET. 


but  in  addition  to  what  has  been  said  it 
ought  also  to  be  known  that  after  the  resur- 
rection our  bodies  also  will  be  incorruptible 
and  immortal,  and  being  released  from  what 
is  earthly  will  become  light  and  ^ethereal. 
This  moreover  is  distinctly  taught  us  by  the 
divine  Paul  in  the  words  "It  is  sown  in  cor- 
ruption, it  is  raised  in  incorruption,  it  is 
sown  in  weakness  it  is  raised  in  power ;  it 
is  sown  iif  dishonour  it  is  raised  in  glory  ;  it 
is  sown  a  natural  body  it  is  raised  a  spiritual 
body  "  ^  and  in  another  place  "  We  shall  be 
caught  up  in  th^  clouds  to  meet  the  Lord  in 
the  air."  ^  If  then  the  bodies  of  the  saints 
become  light  and  aethereal  and  easily  travel 
through  the  air,  we  cannot  wonder  that  the 
Lord's  body  united  to  the  Godhead  of  the 
only  begotten,  when,  after  the  resurrection, 
it  had  become  immortal,  entered  in  when  the 
doors  were  shut. 

Countless  other  proofs  might  be  quoted 
without  difficulty  from  apostles  and  prophets. 
But  what  has  been  already  said  is  enough 
to  show  the  drift  of  my  teaching.  I  believe 
in  one  Father,  one  Son  and  one  Holy  Ghost ; 
and  I  confess  one  Godhead,  one  Lordship, 
one  substance  and  three  hypostases.  For 
the  incarnation  of  the  onlv  beg-otten  did  not 
add  to  the  number  of  the  Trinity,  and  make  the 
Trinity  a  quaternity,  but,  even  after  the 
incarnation  the  Trinity  was  still  a  Trinity. 
And  while  confessing  that  the  only  begotten 
Son  of  God  was  made  man  I  do  not  deny 
the  nature  which  He  took,  but  confess,  as  I 
have  said,  both  the  nature  which  took  and 
the  nature  which  was  taken.  The  union  did 
not  confound  the  properties  of  the  natures. 
For  if  the  air  by  receiving  the  light  through 
all  its  parts  does  not  cease  to  be  air,  nor  yet 
at  the  same  time  destroy  the  nature  of  the 
light,  for  with  our  eyes  we  behold  the  light 
and  by  our  feeling  we  recognise  the  air,  as  it 
meets  us  cold  or  hot,  or  moist  or  dry,  so  it 
were  sheer  folly  to  call  the  union  of  the 
Godhead  and  the  manhood  confusion.  If 
created  natures  which  share  at  once  subordi- 
nate and  temporal  existence,  when  united 
and  in  some  sense  mingled,  yet  remain  un- 
impaired, and,  when  the  light  withdraws, 
the  nature  of  the  air  is  left  alone,  much  more 
proper  is  it,  I  apprehend,  for  the  nature 
which  fashioned  all  things,  when  conjoined 
with  and  united  to  the  nature  which  it  as- 
sumed from  us,  to  be  acknowledged  to  con- 
tinue itself  in  its  purity,  and  in  like  manner 
to  preserve  unimpaired,  that  which  it  had 
assumed.  Gold,  too,  when  brought  in  con- 
tact with   the  fire,   participates  both    in   the 


1  1.  Cor.  XV.  42.  43. 


a  I.  Thess. 


17- 


colour  and  power  of  fire,  but  it  does  not  lose 
its  own  nature,  but  at  the  same  time  remains 
gold  and  has  the  active  qualities  of  fire.  In 
this  manner  also  the  Lord's  body  is  a  body, 
but  impassible,  incorruptible,  immortal,  of 
the  Lord,  divine  and  glorified  with  the  di- 
vine glory.  It  is  not  separated  from  the 
Godhead,  nor  yet  is  of  any  one  else,  save 
of  the  only  begotten  Son  of  God  Himself. 
For  it  does  not  show  to  us  another  person, 
but  the  only-begotten  Himself  clad  in  our 
nature. 

This  is  the  doctrine  which  I  am  continu- 
ally preaching.  They  on  the  other  hand 
who  deny  the  incarnation  wrought  on  our 
behalf  have  called  me  a  heretic,  adopting  a 
course  something  like  that  of  unchaste 
females,  who,  while  they  sell  their  own 
charms,  assail  honest  women  with  the  in- 
sults of  their  profession,  and  apply  language 
proper  to  their  own  wantonness  to  tvomen 
who  hold  such  wantonness  in  abhorrence. 
This  is  how  Egypt  has  acted.  She  has  her- 
self fallen  willingly  into  the  thraldom  of 
base  desire.  She  has  lavished  her  servile 
adulation  on  a  man  of  chaste  character. 
Then,  failing  to  entice  him  by  her  wiles,  or  to 
trap  him  in  the  snares  of  her  voluptuous 
passion,  she  describes  one  who  is  faithful  to 
purity  as  an  adulterer. 

But  these  men  will  be  called  to  account 
by  God,  as  well  for  their  devices  against  the 
faith  as  for  the  snares  they  have  laid  against 
me.  I  only  charge  those  who  have  been 
influenced  by  the  false  accusations  uttered 
against  me  to  keep  one  ear  for  the  accused, 
and  not  to  orive  both  to  the  accusers.  In  this 
manner  they  will  fulfil  the  divine  law  which 
lays  down  "  Thou  shalt  not  raise  a  false 
report,"^  and  "Judge  righteously  between 
every  man  and  his  brother."^  In  these 
words  the  divine  law  charges  us  not  to 
believe  the  calumnies  uttered  against  the 
absent  but  to  judge  the  accused  face  to  face. 

CXLVI.     To  John  the  CEconomus^ 

Rest  and  a  life  free  from  care  are  very 
grateful  to  me.  I  have  therefore  blocked 
the  door  of  the  monastery,  and  decline  inter- 
course with   my  friends. 

But  I  have  received  information  that  fresh 
attacks  are  beingf  made  ao^ainst  the  Faith  of 
the  Gospels,  and  therefore  conclude  that  there 
may  be  danger  in  my  silence.  When  wrong 
has  been  done  some  mortal  prince,  not  only 

^  Ex.  xxiii.  I.  2  Deut.  i.  16. 

3  Cf.  note  on  page  288.  This  letter,  or  rather  doctrinal  state- 
ment is  incomplete.  Garnerius  supposes  it  to  have  lieen 
written  durinij-  Theodoret's  retirement  after  the  Council  of 
Chalcedon.  There  he  cut  himself  off  from  society  and  wished 
to  devote  himself  to  study  and  contemplation. 


LETTERS. 


317 


the  guilty  authors  of  the  outrage  but  they 
also  who  have  been  standing  by  and  made 
no  effort  to  drive  off  the  assailants,  are  in 
peril  of  punishment :  What  penalty  then 
ought  not  to  be  undergone  by  men  who  can 
venture  to  look  lightly  on  the  utterance  of 
blasphemy  against  our  God  and  Saviour? 
This  is  the  fear  which  has  impelled  me  now 
to  write  and  expose  the  innovations  of  which 
I  have  been  informed. 

It  is  said  that  a  common  report  in  the 
city  represents  that  after  certain  presbyters 
had  offered  prayer,  and  concluded  it  in  the 
wonted  manner,  while  some  said  "  For  to 
Thee  belongs  glory  and  to  thy  Christ  and  to 
the  Holy  Ghost ;"  and  others  "  Through 
grace  and  loving  kindness  of  thy  Christ, 
with  whom  belongs  glory  to  Thee  with  thy 
holy  Spirit,"  the  very  wise  archdeacon  pro- 
hibited the  use  of  the  expression,  ''  the 
Christ"  and  said  that  the  '' only  begotten" 
ought  to  be  glorified.  If  this  is  true  it  were 
impossible  to  exceed  the  impiety.  For  he 
either  divides  the  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ  into 
two  sons  and  regards  the  only  begotten  Son 
as  lawful  and  natural,  but  the  Christ  as 
adopted  and  spurious,  and  consequently 
unmeet  for  being  honoured  in  doxology  ;  or 
else  he  is  endeavouring  to  support  the  heresy 
which  has  now  burst  in  on  us  with  the  riot 
of  wild  revelry.  Had  a  grievous  tempest 
been  now  oppressing  us,  any  one  might  have 
supposed  that  the  blasphemer  suited  his 
blasphemy  to  the  necessity  of  the  moment, 
through  fear  of  the  power  of  the  originators 
of  the  heresy.  But  now  that  He  who  is 
blasphemed  has  rebuked  the  winds  and  the 
sea,  and  blessed  the  storm-tossed  churches 
with  a  calm,  while  everywhere  by  land  and 
sea  the  proclamation  of  the  apostles  is 
preached,  what  room  is  there  for  the  blas- 
phemy? While  not  even  they  who  have 
lately  basely  inserted  among  the  doctrines  of 
the  Church  that  flesh  and  godhead  are  of  one 
and  the  same  nature  have  ever  forbidden  the 
offering  of  praise  to  the  Lord  Christ.  This 
fact  may  be  easily  ascertained  from  those 
who  have  returned  thence.  A  man  holding 
the  foremost  place  in  the  ecclesiastical  rank 
ought  to  have  known  the  divine  Scripture, 
and  to  have  learnt  from  it  that  just  as  the 
heralds  of  the  truth  rank  the  only  begotten 
Son  with  the  Father,  so  accordingly  using 
the  title  of  ''  the  Christ  "  instead  of  that  of 
*'Son"  they  number  Him  sometimes  with 
the  Father  and  sometimes  with  the  Holy 
Ghost ;  for  the  Christ  is  none  other  than  the 
only  begotten  Son  of  God.  So  we  may 
quote  the  divine  Paul  writing  to  the  Corin- 
thians, but  teaching  the  world,  that  *'  There  is 


one  God  the  Father  of  whom  are  all  things 
.  .  and  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ  by  whom 
are  all  things."*  Thus  he  calls  the  same 
person,  Christ,  Jesus,  Lord,  and  Creator 
of  all  things.  And  writing  to  the  Thessalo- 
nians  he  says  *'Now  God  Himself  and  our 
Father  and  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  direct 
our  way  unto  you."^  And  in  his  second 
epistle  to  the  same  he  puts  the  Christ  before 
the  Father,  not  to  invert  the  order,  but  to 
teach  that  the  order  of  the  names  does  not 
indicate  a  distinction  of  dignity  and  nature. 
His  words  are  ''  Now  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
Himself,  and  God,  even  our  Father,  which 
hath  loved  us,  and  hath  given  us  everlasting 
consolation  and  good  hope  through  grace, 
comfort  your  hearts,  and  stablish  you  in 
every  good  word  and  work."  ^  And  at  the 
end  of  his  Epistle  to  the  Romans  after  cer- 
tain exhortations  he  adds  "  I  beseech  you 
brethren  for  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ's  sake 
and  for  the  love  of  the  spirit."  *  Now  if  he 
had  known  the  Christ  as  being  any  other  than 
the  Son  he  would  not  have  put  Him  before 
the  Holy  Ghost.  Writing  to  the  Corinthians, 
at  the  very  beginning  of  his  letter,  he  men- 
tions the  name  of  Christ  as  alone  sufficient 
to  influence  the  faithful.  "Now  I  beseech 
you  brethren  by  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  that  ye  all  speak  the  same  thing"* 
and  when  writing  to  them  a  second  time  he 
thus  concludes  "  The  peace  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  and  the  love  of  God  the  Father  and 
the  communion  of  the  Holy  Ghost  be  with 
you  all."  ^  Here  he  puts  the  name  of  Christ 
not  only  before  the  Spirit,  but  also  before  the 
Father  and  this  in  all  the  churches  is  the 
beginning  of  the  Liturgy  of  the  Mystery. 

According,  then,  to  this  extraordinary  reg- 
ulation   the    august    name   of  our    God    and 
Saviour,  Jesus   Christ,  ought  to   be   omitted 
from  the  mystic  writings.     But  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  say  more  on  this  point.    The  opening 
of  every  one  of  his  letters  is  distinguished  by 
the  divine  Apostle  with  this  address.    At  one 
time    it  is   '*  Paul  a  servant  of  Jesus  Christ 
called    to    be     an     apostle."  '      At    another 
*'  Paul    called   to   be   an    apostle    of   Jesus 
Christ.""     At   another    "Paul    a    servant  of 
God  and  an  apostle  of  Jesus  Christ."^     And 
suiting    his  benediction  to  his   exordium   he 
deduces  it  from  the  same    source  and    links 
the  title  of  the  Son   with    God    the   Father, 
saying  "  Grace  to  you  and  peace  from  God 
our  Father   and  the    Lord   Jesus    Christ."  *^ 
And  he  graces  the  conclusion  of  his  letters 


1  T.  Cor.  viii.  6.  6  i.  Cor.  i,  10.  8  1.  Cor.  i.  i. 

3  I.Thess:iii.  II.  c  II.  Cor.  13.  14.  »  Titus  i.i. 

8  II.  Thess.  ii.  16, 17.  '  Romans  i.  i.  i"  Romans  i.  7. 
*  Romans  xv.  30. 


3i8 


THEODORET. 


with  the  blessing  "  The  grace   of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  be  with  you  all,  amen."  ^ 

Copious  additional  evidence  may  be  found 
w^hereby  it  may  be  learnt  without  difficulty 
that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  no  other  person 
than  the  Son  which  completes  the  Trinity. 
For  the  same  before  the  ages  was  only  be- 
gotten Son  and  God  the  Word,  and  after  the 
resurrection  He  was  called  Jesus  and  Christ, 
receiving  the  names  from  the  facts.  Jesus 
means  Saviour  J  "  Thou  shalt  call  His  name 
Jesus  for  He  shall  save  His  people  from  their 
sins 


J)  2 


He  is  named  Christ  from  being  as  man 
anointed  with  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  called  our 
High  Priest,  Apostle,  Prophet  and  King. 
Long  ago  the  divine  Moses  exclaimed  "  The 
Lord  thy  God  will  raise  up  unto  thee  a 
prophet,  from  the  midst  of  thee,  of  thy 
brethren,  like  unto  me."  ^  And  the  divine 
David  cries  ''  The  Lord  hath  sworn  and  will 
not  repent.  Thou  art  a  priest  forever  after  the 
order  of  Melchisedek."  "  This  prophecy  is 
confirmed  by  the  divine  Apostle.^  And 
again  ''  seeing  then  that  we  have  a  great 
High  Priest  that  has  passed  into  the  heavens, 
Jesus  the  Son  of  God,  let  us  hold  fast  our 
profession."  * 

That  as  God,  He  is  king  before  the  ages 
that  prophetic  minstrelsy  teaches  us  in  the 
words  "  Thy  throne,  O  God,  is  for  ever  and 
ever ;  the  sceptre  of  Thy  kingdom  is  a  right 
sceptre."  ' 

His  majesty  as  man  is  also  shown  us.  For 
having  the  sovereignty  of  all  things  as  God 
and  Creator,  He  assumes  this  majesty  as 
man,  wherefore  it  is  added  "  Thou  lovest 
righteousness  and  hatest  wickedness,  there- 
fore God  thy  God  hath  anointed  thee  with 
the  oil  of  gladness  above  thy  fellows."®  And 
in  the  second  psalm  the  anointed  one  him- 
self says  "  Yet  was  I  set  as  king  by  Him 
upon  the  holy  hill  of  Sion,  I  will  declare  the 
decree  of  the  Lord.  The  Lord  hath  said 
unto  me  '  Thou  art  my  Son  this  day  have  I 
begotten  Thee ;  ask  of  me  and  I  shall  give 
Thee  the  heathen  for  thine  inheritance  and 
the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth  for  thy  pos- 
This  He  said  as  man,  for  as  man 


session. 


>  )>  9 


He  receives  what  as  God  He  possesses.  And 
at  the  very  beginning  of  the  psalm  the  gift 
of  prophecy  ranks  Him  with  God  the  Father 
in  the  words  "  Why  do  the  heathen  rage  and 
the  people  imagine  a  vain  thing.  The  kings 
of  the  earth  set  themselves  and  the  rulers 
take  counsel  together  against  the  Lord  and 
against  His  anointed."  ^'^ 

1  Romans  xvi.  4.    ^  Hebrews  vii.  21.  '  Psalm  xlv.  7. 

2  Matt.i.  21.  6  Hebrews  iv.  14.    »  Psalm  ii.  6,  7,  8.  Ixx. 
8  Deut.  viii.  15.        ^  Psalm  xlv. 6.       i'  Psalm  ii.  i,  2. 

*  Psalm  cxii.  4. 


Let  no  one  then  foolishly  suppose  that  the 
Christ  is  any  other  than  the  only  begotten 
Son.  Let  us  not  imagine  ourselves  wiser 
than  the  gift  of  the  Spirit.  Let  us  hear  the 
words  of  the  great  Peter,  "  Thou  art  the 
Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God."  ^  Let 
us  hear  the  Lord  Christ  confirming  this 
confession,  for  "  On  this  rock,"  He  says,  "  I 
v/ill  build  my  church  and  the  gates  of  Hell 
shall  not  prevail  against  it."  ^  Wherefore 
too  the  wise  Paul,  most  excellent  master 
builder  of  the  churches,  fixed  no  other 
foundation  than  this.  ''  I,"  he  says,  "  as  a 
wise  master  builder  have  laid  the  foundation, 
and  another  buildeth  thereon.  But  let  every 
man  take  heed  how  he  buildeth  thereon. 
For  other  foundation  can  no  man  lay  than 
that  is  laid,  which  is  Jesus  Christ."^  How 
then  can  they  think  of  any  other  foundation, 
when  they  are  bidden  not  to  fix  a  founda- 
tion, but  to  build  on  that  which  is  laid?  The 
divine  writer  recognises  Christ  as  the  founda- 
tion, and  glories  in  this  title,  as  when  he 
says,  "I  am  crucified  with  Christ:  never- 
theless I  live  ;  yet  not  I  but  Christ  liveth  in 
me.""*  And  again  ''  To  me  to  live  is  Christ 
and  to  die  is  gain,"  ^  and  again  ''  For  I 
determined  not  to  know  anything  among  you 
save  Jesus  Christ  and  Him  crucified."  ^ 
And  a  little  before  he  says,  ''  But  we  preach 
Christ  crucified  to  the  Jews  a  stumbling- 
block  and  to  the  Greeks  foolishness,  but  unto 
them  which  are  called  both  Jews  and 
Greeks,  Christ  the  power  of  God  and  the 
wisdom  of  God."  '  And  in  his  Epistle  to 
the  Galatians  he  writes,  "  But  when  it 
pleased  God  who  separated  me  from  my 
mother's  womb  and  called  me  by  His  grace 
to  reveal  His  Son  in  me  that  I  might  preach 
Him  among  the  heathen."  **  But  when  writ- 
ing to  the  Corinthians  he  does  not  say  we 
preach  "the  Son"  but  "Christ  crucified," 
herein  doing  no  violence  to  his  commission, 
but  recognising  the  same  to  be  Jesus,  Christ, 
Lord,  only  begotten,  and  God  the  Word. 
For  the  same  reason  too  at  the  beginning  of 
his  letter  to  the  Romans  he  calls  himself 
"servant  of  Jesus  Christ"  and  describes 
himself  as  "separated  unto  the  gospel  of 
God,  which  He  had  promised  afore  by  His 
prophets  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  concerning 
His  Son  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  which  was 
made  of  the  seed  of  David  according  to  the 
flesh  ;  and   declared  to    be  the   Son   of  God 

1  Matt.  xvi.  16. 

2  It  willbe  observed  that  our  author  omits  the  verse  con- 
taining  tlie  famous  paronomasia,  and  that  what  he  regards  the 
Saviour  as  confirming  is  not  any  supposed  authority  on  the 
part  of  the  speaker  but  the  identification  of  Himself  with  the 
Christ  and  of  the  Christ  with  the  Son  of  the  living  God. 

3  I.  Cor.  iiL  10,  II.       sphil.  i.  21.  ^  i,  Cor.  i.  23,  24. 
*  Gal.  ii.  19.                  «  I.  Cor.  ii.  2.        8  Gal.  i.  15,  16. 


LETTERS. 


319 


with  power,"  ^  and  so  on.  He  calls  the 
same  both  Jesus  Christ,  and  Son  of  David, 
and  Son  of  God,  as  God  and  Lord  of  all,  and 
yet  in  the  middle  of  his  epistle,  after  making 
mention  of  the  Jews,  he  adds,  ''  whose  are 
the  fathers,  and  of  whom  as  concerning  the 
flesh  Christ  came,  who  is  over  all  God 
blessed  for  ever,  amen."^  Here  he  says 
that  He  who  according  to  the  flesh  derived 
His  descent  from  the  Jews  is  eternal  God 
and  is  praised  by  the  right  minded  as  Lord 
of  all  created  things.  The  same  teaching  is 
given  us  in  the  Apostle's  words  to  the  ex- 
cellent Titus  "  Looking  for  that  blessed 
hope,  and  the  glorious  appearing  of  the 
great  God  and  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ."  ^ 
Here  he  calls  the  same  both  Saviour,  and 
great  God,  and  Jesus  Christ.  And  in 
another  place  he  writes,  "  In  the  kingdom 
of  Christ  and  of  God.""  Moreover  the 
chorus  of  the  angels  announced  to  the  shep- 
herds "  Unto  you  is  born  this  day  in  the  city 
of  David     .     .      .     Christ  the  Lord."  ' 

But  to  men  who  meditate  on  God's  law 
day  and  night,  it  is  indeed  needless  to  write 
all  the  proofs  of  this  kind ;  the  above  are 
sufficient  to  persuade  even  the  most  obsti- 
nate opponents  not  to  divide  the  divine  titles. 
One  point,  however,  I  cannot  endure  to 
omit.  He  is  alleged  to  have  said  that 
there  are  many  Christs  but  one  Son.  Into 
this  error  I  suppose  befell  through  ignorance. 
For  if  he  had  read  the  divine  Scripture,  he 
would  have  known  that  the  title  of  the  Son 
has  also  been  bestowed  by  our  bountiful 
Lord  on  many.  The  lawgiver  Moses,  the 
writer  of  the  ancient  history,  says  "And  the 
sons  of  God  saw  the  daughters  of  men  that 
they  were  fair  and  they  took  them  wives  of 
them,"  ^  and  the  God  of  all  Himself  said  to  this 
Prophet  "  Thou  shalt  say  unto  Pharaoh,  Israel 
is  my  son  even  my  first-born."  '  In  the  great 
song  he  says  "  Rejoice  O  ye  nations  with  His 
people  and  let  all  the  sons  of  God  be  strong 
in  Him  ;  "  ^  and  by  the  mouth  of  the  prophet 
Isaiah  He  says  "  I  have  nourished  and 
brought  up  sons  (children)  and  they  have  re- 
belled against  me  ;  "  ^  and  through  the  thrice 
blessed  David  "  I  have  said  ye  are  gods  and 
all  of  you  are  children  of  the  Most  High,"  ^*^ 
and  to   the  Romans  the  wise  Paul  wrote  in 

1  Romans  i.  1-4.  2  Romans  ix.  5.  ^  Titus  ii.  13. 

4  Ephes,  V.  5.  Here  the  A.  V.  rather  ob&curcs  the  force  of 
the  original.  The  R.  V.  alters  to  "  in  the  kingdom  of  Christ 
and  God,"  but  even  this  hardly  brings  out  Theodoret*s  views  of 
iv  Trj  ^aa-iKfia  tov  Xolo-tov  Kai  ®eov,  ''in  the  kingdom  of  the 
Christ  and  God."  The  MSS.  do  not  vary.  At  the  same  time  it 
will  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  anarthrous  use  of-  ©eo?  "  is  not 
infrequent,  and  that  some  commentators  (cf.  Alford  ad  loc.) 
would  hesitate  to  ground  on  this  passage  the  argument  of  the 
text.  The  reading  of  X  and  B  in  John  i.  iS  "6  ^ovoyivy\<i  0e6s  " 
is  significant. 

"Lukeii.  II.       '  Exodus  iv.  22.  9  Is.  i.  2. 

6  Gen.  vi.  2.         8  Deut.  xxxii.  43.  Ixx.  10  psalm  Ixxxii.  6. 


this  manner,  "  For  as  many  as  are  led  by  the 
Spirit  of  God,  they  are  the  sons  of  Godo 
For  ye  have  not  received  the  spirit  of  bond- 
age again  to  fear ;  but  ye  have  received  the 
spirit  of  adoption,  whereby  we  cry,  Abba, 
Father.  For  the  Spirit  itself  beareth  witness 
with  our  spirit,  that  we  are  the  children  of 
God.  And  if  children,  then  heirs ;  heirs  of 
God  and  joint-heirs  with  Christ :  if  so  be  that 
we  suffer  with  Him  that  we  may  be  also 
glorified  together;  "  '  and  to  theGalatians  he 
writes  "  And  because  ye  are  sons  God  hath 
sent  forth  the  spirit  of  His  Son  into  your 
hearts,  crying,  Abba,  Father.  Wherefore  thou 
art  no  more  a  servant  but  a  son  ;  and  if  a  son 
then  an  heir  of  God  through  Jesus  Christ."  ^ 
The  lesson  he  gives  to  the  Ephesians  is  "in 
love  having  predestinated  us  into  the  adoption 
of  children  by  Jesus  Christ  to  Himself."  ^ 

If  then,  because  the  name  of  the  Christ  is 
common,  we  ought  not  to  glorify  the  Christ 
as  God,  we  shall  equally  shrink  from  wor- 
shipping Him  as  Son,  since  this  also  is  a  name 
which  has  been  bestowed  upon  many.  And 
why  do  I  say  the  Son.^*  The  very  name  of 
God  itself  has  been  given  by  God  to  many. 
''  The  Lord  the  God  of  gods  hath  spoken  and 
called  the  earth."  ^  And  ' '  I  have  said  Ye  are 
gods,"  ^  and  ''  Thou  shalt  not  revile  the 
gods."  ®  Many  too  have  appropriated  this 
name  to  themselves.  The  daemons  who  have 
deceived  mankind  have  given  this  title  to  idols  ; 
whence  Jeremiah  exclaims,  "  The  gods  that 
have  not  made  the  heavens  and  the  earth 
even  they  shall  perish  from  the  earth  and 
from  under  these  heavens ;  "  ^  and  again 
*'  They  made  to  themselves  gods  of  silver  and 
gods  of  gold  ;"  ^  and  the  prophet  Isaiah 
when  he  had  mocked  the  making  of  the  idols, 
and  said  "  He  burnetii  part  thereof  in  the  fire 
with  part  thereof  he  eateth  flesh  he  warmeth 
himself  and  saith  Aha  I  am  warm  I  have 
seen  the  fire,"  ^  went  on  ''and  the  residue 
thereof  he  maketh  a  god  and  falleth  down 
unto  it  and  saith  '  Deliver  me  for  thou  art  my 
god '  "  ^°  and  so  the  prophet  laments  over  them 
and  says  "  Know  that  their  heart  is  ashes."  ^^ 
And  the  Psalmist  David  has  taught  us  to  sing 
"For  all  the  gods  of  the  nations  are  idols, 
but  the  Lord  made  the  heavens."  *^ 

But  this  common  use  of  titles  gives  no 
offence  to  men  who  are  instruoted  in  true 
religion.  We  are  aware  that  the  daemons 
have    falsely  bestowed  upon   themselves  and 

I  Romans   viii.  14-17.  '  Gal.  iv.  6.  7. 

3  Ephes.  i.  4.  5.  Observe  the  position  of  "  in  love"  which 
agrees  with  the  margin  of  R.  V. 

*  Psalm  1.  1 .  Ixx.  8  Exodus  ii.  2S. 

5  Psalm  Ixxxii.  6.  '  Jeremiah  x.  ii. 

8  This  seems  to  be  an  inaccurate  quotation  of  Baruch  vi.  11. 
cf.  p.  165  n.  9  Isaiah  xliv.  16.  i"  Isaiah  xliv.  17. 

II  Isaiah  xliv.  30.  Ixx.  ^^  Psalm  xcvi.  5. 


320 


THEODORET. 


on  idols  the  divine  name,  while    the    saints 
have  received  this  honour  of  free  grace. 

In  reality  and  by  nature  it  is  the  God  of  all, 
and  His  only-begotten  Son  and  the  Holy 
Spirit  which  are  God.  This  is  distinctly 
taught  us  by  the  admirable  Paul  in  the  words 
*'  For  though  there  be  that  are  called  gods 
whether  in  heaven  or  in  earth,  as  there  are 
gods  many  and  lords  many,  but  to  us  there  is 
but  one  God,  the  Father,  of  whom  are  all 
things,  and  we  in  Him;  and  one  Lord  by 
whom  are  all  things  and  we  by  Him."  ^  And 
the  Holy  Spirit  is  called  the  Spirit  of  God 
and  so  also  is  the  soul  of  man,  for,  it  is 
written,  "  His  breath  goeth  forth,"  ^  and  "  O 
ye  spirits  and  souls  of  the  righteous  bless  ye 
the  Lord,"  ^  and  the  Psalmist  David  called 
the  angels  spirits.  "  Who  maketh  His  angels 
spirits  and  His  ministers  a  flame  of  fire."  * 
Why  indeed'  do  1  mention  the  angels  and 
the  souls  of  men?  Even  the  daemons  are  so 
called  by  the  Lord  "  He  shall  take  unto  him 
seven  other  spirits  more  wricked  than  himself 
and  they  shall  enter  in,  and  the  last  state  of 
that  man  shall  be  worse  than  the  first."  ^  But 
even  this  application  of  the  name  does  not 
offend  the  pious  reader,  for  the  Father  and 
His  only  begotten  Son  and  His  Holy  Spirit 
are  one  God  by  nature  ;  and  the  divine  Word 
made  man,  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  is  by 
nature  one  Son,  only  begotten  of  the  Father; 
and  the  Comforter  who  completes  the  number 
of  the  Trinity  is  one  Holy  Ghost.  Thus 
though  many  are  named  fathers,  we  worship 
one  Father,  the  Father  before  the  ages,  who 
Himself  gave  this  title  to  men,  as  the  Apostle 
says,  ''  For  this  cause  I  bow  my  knees  unto 
the  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  of  whom 
every  fatherhood  in  heaven  and  earth  is 
named."  ®  Let  us  not  then,  because  others 
are  called  christs,  rob  ourselves  of  the  worship 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Forjust  as  though 
many  are  called  gods  and  fathers,  there  is  one 
God  and  Father  over  all  and  before  the  ages ; 
and  though  many  are  called  sons,  there  is 
one  real  and  natural  Son  ;  and  though  many 
are  styled  spirits  there  is  one  Holy  Ghost ; 
just  so  though  many  are  called  christs  there 
is  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ  by  Whom  are  all 
things.  And  very  properly  does  the  Church 
cling  to  this  name  ;  for  she  has  heard  Paul, 
escorter  of  the  Bride,  exclaiming  ''  I  have 
espoused  you  to  one  husband  that  I  may 
present  you  as  a  chaste  virgin  to  Christ,"  '  and 


1  I.  Cor.  viii.  5.  6.  ^  Song  of  the  three  holy  children  63. 

2  Psalm  cxlvi.  4.  *  Psalm  civ.  4. 

^  Matt.  xii.  43.  Luke  xi.  26.  Observe  difference  of  tense  and 
variation. 

c  Ephes.iii.  14.  R.  V.  marg.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  argument 
ofTheodoret  does  not  admit  of  the  translation  •'  whole  family" 
as  in  A.  V. 

^  II.  Cor.  xi.  2. 


again  "Husbands  love  your  wives  as  Christ 
also  loved  the  Church,"  ^  and  again  "For 
this  cause  shall^  a  man  leave  his  father  and 
mother,  and  shall  be  joined  unto  his  wife, 
and  they  two  shall  be  one  flesh.  This  is  a 
great  mystery  ;  but  I  speak  concerning  Christ 
and  the  Church."  ^  Listen  to  him  as  he 
says  "  Christ  hath  redeemed  us  from  the 
curse  of  the  law,  being  made  a  curse  for  us,"  ^ 
and  elsewhere  "  Know  ye  not.  that  so  many 
of  us  as  were  baptized  unto  Jesus  Christ  were 
baptized  into  His  death, "^  and  in  another 
place,  "  For  as  many  of  you  as  have  been  bap- 
tized into  Christ  have  put  on  Christ,"^  and 
again  "  Put  ye  on  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and 
make  not  provision  for  the  flesh,  to  fulfil  the 
lust  thereof."  ^ 

They  who  are  blessed  by  the  boons  of  God 
and  have  learnt  to  know  these  passages  and 
others  like  them,  kindled  with  warm  love 
for  their  bountiful  Master,  constantly  carry  on 
their  lips  this  His  dearest  name  and  cry  in  the 
words  of  the  Song  of  Songs  "My  beloved  is 
mine  and  I  am  his  ;  "  "I  sat  down  under  his 
shadow  with  great  delight,  and  his  fruit  was 
sweet  to  my  taste." '  And  besides  all  this  that 
name  of  ours  which  we  love  so  well  we 
have  derived  from  the  name  of  Christ.  We 
are  called  Christians.*^ 

Of  this  name  the  Lord  of  all  says,  "  The 
Lord  God  shall  call  His  servants  by  another 
name  which  shall  be  blessed  on  the  earth  "  * 
and  the  following  is  the  reason  why  the  Church 
specially  clings  to  this  name.  When  the 
only-begotten  Son   of  God  was  made  man, 

1  Ephes.  V.  25.  ^  Rom.  vi.  3.         *'  Rom.  xiii.  14. 

2  Ephes.  V.  31.  32.  ^  Gal.  iii.  27.         ^  Canticles  ii.  16.  3. 

3  Gal.  iii.  13. 

8  Acts  xi.  26.  •*  The  word  seems  to  have  been  in  the  first 
instance  a  nickname  fastened  by  the  heathen  populace  of  An- 
tioch  on  the  followers  of  Christ,  who  still  continued  to  style 
themselves  the  '  disciples  '  or  the  '  saints  '  or  the  '  brethren  '  or 
the  *  believers,'  and  the  like.  The  biting  gibes  of  the  An- 
tiochene  populace  which  stung  to  the  quick  successive  emper- 
ors —  Hadrian,  M.  Aui-elius,  Severus,  Julian  —  would  be  little 
disposed  to  spare  the  helpless  adherents  of  this  new  '  super- 
stition.' Objection  indeed  has  been  taken  to  the  Antiochene 
origin  of  the  name  on  the  ground  that  the  termination  is 
Roman,  like  Pompeianus,  Caesarianus,  and  the  like.  But  this 
termination,  if  it  was  Latin,  was  certainly  Asiatic  likewise,  as 
appears  from  such  words  as  'Ao-iaro^,  /SaxTptai/os,  2ap6iav6s, 
TpaAAtavo?,  'Apeiai'09,  M.evav8pLav6<;,  Sa/SeAAtavd?.  The  next  oc- 
currence of  the  word  in  a  Christian  document  is  on  the 
occasion  of  St.  Paul's  apearance  before  Festus  (A.  D. 
60).  It  is  not  how^ever  put  in  the  mouth  of  a  be- 
liever, but  occurs  in  the  scornful  iest  of  Agrippa,  '  With 
but  little  persuasion  thou  wouldest  fain  make  me  a 
Christian'  (Acts  xxvi.  28).  The  third  and  last  example 
occurs  a  few  years  later.  In  the  first  Epistle  of  St. 
Peter,  presumably  about  A.  D.  66or  67,  the  Apostle  writes  '  Let 
not  any  of  you  suff"er  as  a  murderer  or  a  thief  .  .  .  but  if  (he 
suffers)  as  a  Christian,  let  him  not  be  ashamed  but  glorify  God  * 
(iv.  15).  Here  again  the  term  is  not  the  Apostle's  own,  but 
represents  the  charge  brought  against  the  believers  by  their 
heathen  accusers.  In  the  New  Testament  there  is  no  indication 
that  the  ^ame  was  yet  adopted  by  the  disciples  of  Christ  as 
their  own.  Thus  Christian  documents  again  confirm  the 
statement  of  Tacitus  that  as  early  as  the  Neronian  persecution 
this  name  prevailed,  and  the  same  origin  also  is  indirectly  sug- 
gested by  those  notices,  which  he  directly  states  —  not  '  gui  sfse 
appellabant  Christianos '  but  *  qtios  vulgus  afpellabat  Chris- 
tianos.^  It  was  a  gibe  of  the  common  people  against  '  the 
brethren.'  "     Bp.  Lightfoot  Ap.  Fathers,  II.  i.  417. 

9  Isaiah  Ixv.  15.  10.  Ixx. 


LETTERS. 


321 


then  He  was  named  Christ,  then  human 
nature  received  the  beams  of  intellectual 
light ;  then  the  heralds  of  the  truth  shed 
their  beams  upon  the  world.  Teachers  of 
the  Church,  however,  constantly  used  the 
names  of  the  only  begotten  without  dis- 
tinction ;  at  one  time  they  glorify  the  Father, 
the  Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost ;  at  another  the 
Father  with  Christ  and  the  Holy  Ghost ;  yet 
as  far  as  the  sense  is  concerned  there  is  here 
no  difference.  Wherefore  after  the  Lord  had 
commanded  to  baptize  in  the  name  of  the 
Father  and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
the  blessed  Peter  said  to  them  who  received 
his  preaching  and  asked  what  they  must  do, 
"  Believe  and  be  baptized  every  one  of  you 
in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,"  *  as 
though  this  name  contained  in  itself  all 
the  potency  of  the  divine  command.  The 
same  teaching  is  clearly  given  us  by  the  great 
Basil,  luminary  of  the  Cappadocians,^  or 
rather  of  the  world.  His  words  are  ''  the 
name  of  Christ  is  the  confession  of  the  whole." 
It  indicates  at  once  the  Father,  who  anointed, 
the  Son,  who  was  anointed,  and  the  Holy 
Ghost  whereby  He  was  anointed.  Further- 
more the  thrice  blessed  Fathers  assembled  in 
council  at  Nicsea,  after  saying  that  we  must 
believe  in  one  God,  the  Father,  added  "  and 
in  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  only  begotten 
Son  of  God."  Therebv  thev  teach  that  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  Himself  the  only  begot- 
ten Son  of  God. 

To  what  has  been  said  it  must  also  be 
added  that  we  must  not  affirm  that  after  the 
ascension  the  Lord  Christ  is  not  Christ  but 
only  begotten  Son.  The  divine  Gospels  and 
the  history  of  the  Acts  and  the  Epistles  of 
the  Apostle  himself  were,  as  we  know,  writ- 
ten after  the  ascension.  It  is  after  the  ascen- 
sion that  the  divine  Paul  exclaims  "  Seeing 
then  that  we  have  a  great  High  Priest  that  is 
passed  into  the  heavens,  Jesus  the  Son  of 
God,  let  us  hold  fast  our  profession."^  And 
again,  '*  For  Christ  is  not  entered  into  the 
holy  places  made  with  hands,  which  are  the 
figures  of  the  true ;  but  into  Heaven  itself, 
now  to  appear  in  the  presence  of  God  for  us."^ 
And  again  after  speaking  of  our  hope  in  God 
he  adds  ''  which  hope  we  have  as  an  anchor 
both  sure  and  stedfast,  and  which  entereth 
into  that  within  the  veil ;  whither  the  fore- 
runner is  for  us  entered,  even  Jesus  made  an 
Higrh  Priest  for  ever  after  the  order  of  Mel- 

1  Acts  ii.  38.     •'  Believe  "  substituted  for  '*  repent." 

2  i.e.  of  Caesarea.  The  Cappadocian  Caesarea  originally 
called  Mazaca  is  still  Kasaria. 

3  Heb.  iv.  14.  On  the  opinion  of  the  Pauline  authorship  of 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  cf.  note  on  pao^e  37.  The  Alexan- 
drian view  is  shewn  to  have  affected  the  Eastern  Church.  For 
the  reading  '*  Jesus  Christ  "  instead  of  Jesus  the  Son  of  God 
on  which  Theodoret's  argument  depends  there  is  no  manu- 
script  authority.  ♦  Heb.  ix,  24. 


chisedec."  ^  And  when  writing  to  the  blessed 
Titus  about  the  second  advent  he  says,'^  Look- 
ing for  that  blessed  hope,  and  the  glorious 
appearing  of  the  great  God  and  our  Saviour 
Jesus  Christ."  ^  And  to  the  Thessalonians 
he  wrote  in  similar  terms  "  For  they  them- 
selves show  of  us  what  manner  of  entering  in 
we  had  unto  you,  and  how  we  turned  to  God 
from  idols  to  serve  the  living  and  true  God  ; 
and  to  wait  for  His  Son  from  heaven,  whom 
He  raised  from  the  dead,  even  Jesus,  which 
delivered  us  from  the  wrath  to  come."  ^  And 
again  *' And  the  Lord  make  you  to  increase 
and  abound  in  love  one  toward  another,  and 
toward  all  men,  even  as  we  do  toward  you  : 
to  the  end  he  may  stablish  your  hearts  un- 
blamable in  holiness  before  God,  even  our 
Father,  at  the  coming  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  with  all  his  saints."  *  And  again  when 
writing  to  the  same  a  second  time  he  says, 
"Now  we  beseech  you,  brethren,  by  the 
coming  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  by 
our  gathering  together  unto  him."^  And  a 
little  further  on  when  predicting  the  destrucr 
tion  of  antichrist  he  adds,  "  Whom  the  Lord 
shall  consume  with  the  spirit  of  his  inouth, 
and  shall  destroy  with  the  brightness  of  his 
coming."^  And  when  exhorting  the  Romany 
to  concord  he  says,  "  But  why  dost  thou  , 
judge  thy  brother.^  or  why  dost  thou  set  at 
naught  thy  brother.^  for  we  shall  all  stand 
before  the  judgment  seat  of  Christ.  For  it  is 
written,  as  I  live,  saith  the  Lord,  every  knee 
shall  bow  to  me,  and  every  tongue  shall  con- 
fess to  God."  '  And  the  Lord  Himself  when 
announcing  His  second  advent  besides  other 
things  says  too  this  "  Then  if  any  man  shall 
say  unto  you,  Lo,  here  is  Christ,  or  there  ; 
believe  it  not.  For  as  the  lightning  cometh 
out  of  the  east,  and  shineth  even  unto  the 
west,  so  shall  also  the  coming  of  the  Son  of 
Man  be."' 

And  after  the  immortality  and  incorrupti- 
bility of  His  body  He  called  Himself  Son  of 
Man,  naming  Himself  from  the  nature  which 
was  seen,  inasmuch  as  the  divine  nature  is  in- 
deed invisible  to  angels,  as  the  Lord  Himself 
had  said  "  No  one  hath  seen  God  at  any 
time."  ^  And  to  the  great  Moses  He  said 
"  There  shall  no  man  see  me  and  live."  ^^ 

1  Heb.  vi,  19,  20. 

2  Titus  ii,  13.  Cf.  note  on  page  319  on  the  passage  Ephes.v, 
5.  Here,  however,  the  position  of  the  article  is  in  favour  of 
the  interpretation  "  Jesus  Christ,  the  great  God  and  our  Sav- 
iour "  wliich  was  generally  adopted  by  the  Greek  orthodox 
Fathers  in  their  controversy  with  the  Arians  and  by  the  majority 
of  ancient  and  modern  commentators.  But  see  Alford  ad  loc. 
for  such  arguments  as  may  be  adduced  in  favour  of  taking 
(TttJTrjp  as  anarthrous  like  ©eo?. 

3  I  Thess.  1.9,  10.  6  n  Thess.  ii.  8. 

*  I  Thess.  iii.  12,  13.  "^  Romans  xiv.  10.  16. 

6  II  Thess.  ii.  I.  8  Matt.  xxiv.  23  and  27. 

9  John  i.  18.  The  "  no  man  "  of  A.  V.  does  not  admit  of 
Theodoret's  argument. 

1"  Ex.  xxxiii  20.  Ixx.     ovSeis  o»//«Tai. 


322 


THEODORET. 


The  words  ''  Henceforth  know  we  no 
man  after  the  flesh  ;  yea,  though  we  have 
known  Christ  after  the  flesh  ;  yet  now  hence- 
forth know  we  Him  no  more,"  *  were  not 
written  by  the  divine  Apostle  in  order  to 
annul  the  assumed  nature,  but  for  the  con- 
firmation of  our  own  future  incorruption, 
immortality,  and  spiritual  life. 

The  Apostle  therefore  continues  "  There- 
fore if  any  man  be    in   Christ  he  is  a  new 
creature ;   old   things   are   passed  away ;  be- 
hold   all    things    are    become    new."^       He 
speaks    of  what    is    to   be   in    the   future  as 
though    it  had    already  come  to  pass.     We 
have    not    yet    been     gifted    with     immor- 
tality, but  we  shall  be  ;  and  when  so  gifted 
we  shall  not  become  bodiless,  but  we  shall 
put  on  immortality.      *'  For  "  says  the  divine 
Apostle,   *'  we  would  not  be  unclothed,  but 
clothed  upon,  that  mortality  might  be  swal- 
lowed  up  of  life."^     And   again  "For  this 
corruptible   must   put   on   incorruption,    and 
this    mortal     must    put     on    immortality."  "* 
Thus  he  did  not  speak  of  the  Lord  as  bodi- 
less, but  taught  us  to   believe   that  even  the 
visible  nature  is  incorruptible,   and  glorified 
with  the  divine  glory.     This   instruction  he 
has  given  us  yet  more  clearly  in  the  Epistle 
to  the  Philippians  ;  "  For  our  conversation  " 
he  writes    ''is  in   heaven  ;  from  whence  also 
we    look  for  the    Saviour,    the    Lord   Jesus 
Christ ;  who  shall  change  our  vile  body,  that 
it  may  be  fashioned   like   unto  his  glorious 
body."  "^     By  these  words  he  teaches  us  dis- 
tinctly that  the  body  of  the  Lord  is  a  body, 
but  a   divine  body,    and    glorified  with    the 
divine  glory. 

Let  us,  then,  not  shun  the  name  whereby 
we  enjoy  salvation,  and  whereby  all  things 
are  made  new,  as  says  our  teacher  himself 
in  his  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  —  "  Accord- 
ing to  His  good  pleasure  which  He  hath 
purposed  in  Himself;  that  in  the  dispensa- 
tion of  the  fulness  of  time  He  might  gather 
together  in  one  all  things  in  Christ,  both 
which  are  in  heaven,  and  which  are  on 
earth,  even  in  Him."  ^  Let  us  rather  learn 
from  this  blessed  language  how  we  are  bound 
to  glorify  our  benefactor,  by  connecting  the 
name  of  Christ  with  our  God  and  Father. 
In  his  Epistle  to  the  Romans  the  Apostle 
says  "  my  gospel,  and  the  preaching  of 
Jesus  Christ,  according  to  the  revelation  of 
the  mystery,  which  was  kept  secret  since  the 
world  began,  but  now  is  made  manifest,  and 
by  the  scriptures  of  the  prophets,  according 
to  the  commandment  of  the  everlasting  God, 


1  II.  Cor.  V.  16 

2  II.  Cor.  V.  17, 
8  II.  Cor.  V.  4. 


*  I.  Cor.  XV.  53. 
c  Phil   iii.  20,  21. 
6  Eph.  i.  9,  10, 


made  known  to  all  nations  for  the  obedience 
of  faith;  to  God  only  will  be  glory  through 
Jesus  Christ  forever.  Amen."  *  Writing  to 
the  Ephesians  he  thus  gives  praise  —  "  Now 
unto  Him  that  is  able  to  do  exceeding  abun- 
dantly above  all  that  we  ask  or  think,  ac- 
cording to  the  power  that  worketh  in  us, 
unto  Him  be  glory  in  the  Church  by  Christ 
Jesus  throughout  all  ages,  world  without 
end.  Amen."  ^  And  a  little  before  he  says, 
''For  this  cause  I  bow  my  knee  unto  the 
Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  of  whom 
the  whole  family  in  heaven  and  earth  is 
named."  ^  And  considerably  farther  on  he 
says  "  Giving  thanks  always  for  all  things  unto 
God  and  the  Father  in  the  name  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ."  ^  And  when  he  requites  with 
benediction  the  liberality  of  the  Philip- 
pians he  says  "But  my  God  shall  supply 
all  your  need  according  to  His  riches  in 
glory  by  Christ  Jesus."  ^  And  for  the  He- 
brews he  prayed,  "  Now  the  God  of  peace, 
that  brought  again  from  the  dead  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  that  great  shepherd  of  the  sheep, 
through  the  blood  of  the  everlasting  cove- 
nant, make  you  perfect  in  every  good  work, 
to  do  His  will,  working  in  you  that  which 
is  well  pleasing  in  His  sight,  through  Jesus 
Christ ;  to  whom  be  glory  for  ever  and  ever. 
Amen."*'  And  not  only  when  glorifying, 
but  also  when  exhorting  and  protesting,  the 
Apostle  conjoins  the  Christ  with  God  the 
Father.  To  the  blessed  Timothy  he  ex- 
claims "  I  charge  thee  therefore  before  God 
and  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ."^  And  again 
"  I  give  thee  charge  in  the  sight  of  God  who 
quickeneth  all  things,  and  before  Jesus 
Christ,  who  before  Pontius  Pilate  witnessed 
a  good  confession  ;  that  thou  keep  this  com- 
mandment without  spot,  unrebukable,  until 
the  appearing  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ ; 
which  in  His  times  He  shall  shew,  who  is 
the  blessed  and  only  Potentate,  the  King 
of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords  ;  who  only  hath 
immortality,  dwelling  in  the  light  which  no 
man  can  approach  unto ;  whom  no  man  hath 
seen,  nor  can  see  ;  to  whom  be  honour  and 
power  everlasting.     Amen."  ® 

These  are  the  lessons  we  have  learnt  from 
the  divine  Apostles ;  this  is  the  teaching 
given  us  by  John  and  Matthew,  those  mighty 
rivers  of  the  gospel  message.  The  latter 
savs  "  The  book  of  the  generation  of  Jesus 
Christ  the  son  of  David,  the  son  of  Abraham  ;"^ 
and  the  former  when  he  shewed  the  things 
which  were  before  the  ages  wrote,  "  In  the 


1  Rom.  xvi.  25,  26,  27. 

2  Eph.  iii.  20,  21. 

3  Eph.  iii.  14.  A.  V. 
*  Eph.  V.  20. 

6  Phil.  iv.  19. 


6  Heb.  xiii.  20,  21. 

7  II.  Tim.  iv.  I. 

8  I.  Tim.  vi.  13.  14.  15.  16. 
»Matt.i.  I. 


LETTERS. 


323 


beginning  was  the  Word  and  the  Word  was 
with  God  and  the  Word  was  God.  The 
same  was  in  the  beginning  witli  God.  All 
things  were  made  by  Him." 

CXLVII.^   To  John  ^  Bishop  of  Gerinanicia, 

Immediately  on   receipt  of  your  holiness's 
former  letter  I  replied.      About  the  present 
state    of  affairs,  it   is  impossible  to  entertain 
any  good  hope.     I  apprehend  that  this  is  the 
beginning  of  the  general  apostasy.    For  when 
we   see    that  those    who   lament  what  was 
done  as  they  say,  by  violence,  at  Ephesus, 
show  no    signs  of  repentance,  but  abide  by 
their  unlawful  deeds  and  are  building  up  a 
superstructure    at    once    of  injustice    and    of 
impiety  ;  when  we  see  that  the  rest  take  no 
concerted  action   to    deny    their   deeds    and 
do  not  refuse  to  hold  communion  with  men 
\^4io  abide  by    their   unlawful    action,  what 
hope  of  good  is  it  possible  for  us  to  enter- 
tain ?     Had  they  been  expressing  their    ad- 
miration of  what  has   happened    as    though 
all  had  been  well  and  rightly  done,  it  would 
only  have  been  proper  for  them  to  abide  by 
wrhat    they    themselves   commend.       But    if, 
iis    they    say,  they  are    lamenting  what    has 
been  done  and  stating  it  to  have  been  done 
by  force  and  violence,  why  in  the  world  do 
they  not    repudiate   what    has  been    unlaw- 
fully done?     Why  is  the  present,  which  lasts 
for  such  a  little  time,  preferred  before  what 
is  sure  to  come  to  pass  ?    Why  in  the  world 
do  they  openly  lie  and  deny  that  any  innova- 
tion has  been  introduced  into  doctrine?     On 
iiccount  of  what  murders  and  witchcrafts  have 
I   been  expelled?     What   adulteries    did   the 
man    commit?     What    tombs    did    the    man 
violate?     It    is    perfectly  clear  even    to  out- 
siders that  it  was  for  doctrine  that  I   and  the 
rest  were  expelled.     Why   the  Lord    Dom- 
nus  too,  because  he  would  not  accept  'Hhe 
Chapters  "  ^  was  deposed  by  these  excellent 
persons  who  called  them  admirable  and  con- 
fessed that  they  abided  by  them.     I  had  read 
their  propositions,  and  they  rejected    me    as 
the    head  and  front    of  the  heresy   and   ex- 
pelled others  for  the  same  reason.'' 

ijohni.  1.2.  3.     Here  this  document  abruptly  terminates* 

2  The  following'  letters  omitted  in  the  volume  of  Sirmondus 
have  been  published  in  the  Auctarium  of  Garnerius  and  else- 
where. The  following  letter  number  CXLVII  is  the  CXXVth 
in  all  the  manuscripts.  Schulze  remarks  that  he  would  have 
replaced  it  in  its  own  rank  but  for  tlie  confusion  which  would 
thus  have  been  introduced  in  quotation.  John,  bishop  of  Gcr- 
maniciaisalso  the  recipient  of  Letter  CXXXIII.  This  is  written 
a  few  days  after  the  former,  late  in  449  or  at  the  beginning  of 

450- 

3  i.e.  the  twelve  articles  or  chapters  couched  in  the  form  of 

anathema  against  the  heads  of  Nestorian  doctrine,  appended 
to  Cyril's  third  letter  to  Nestorius. 

*  It  has  been  pointed  out  before  (Page  29.^)  that  at  the  Latro- 
cinium  Domnus  was  compelled  to  yield  his  presidential 
seat  as  Patriarch  of  Antioch,  Dioscorus  presiding,  the  Ro- 
man legate  sitting  second,  and  Juvenal  of  Jerusalem  third. 
*' Cowed  by  the  dictatorial  spirit  of  Dioscorus  and  unnerved  by 


What  has  happened  proves  plainly  enough 
that  they  supposed  the  Saviour  to  have  laid 
down  the  law  of  practical  virtue  rather  for 
Hamaxobians'  than  for  them.  When  some 
men  had  given  in  charges  against  Candidi- 
anus,  the  Pisidian,^  accusing  him  of  several 
acts  of  adultery  and  other  iniquities,  it  is  said 
that  the  president  of  the  council  remarked,  "  If 
you  are  bringing  accusation  on  points  of  doc- 
trine, we  receive  your  charges  ;  we  have  not 
come  here  to  decide  about  adulteries."  Ac- 
cordingly Athenius  and  Athanasius^  who  had 
been  expelled  by  the  Eastern  Synod  were 
bidden  to  return  to  their  own  churches  ;  just 
as  though  our  Saviour  had  laid  down  no 
laws  about  conduct,  and  had  only  ordered  us 
to  observe  doctrines  —  which  those  most 
sapient  persons  have  been  foremost  in  cor- 
rupting. Let  them  then  cease  to  mock  ;  let 
them  no  longer  attempt  to  conceal  the  im- 
piety which  they  have  confirmed  by  blows 
as  well  as  by  words.  If  this  is  not  the  case, 
let  them  tell  us  the  reasons  of  the  massacres  ; 
let  them  own  in  writing  the  distinction  be- 
tween the  natures  of  our  Saviour,  and  that 
the  union  is  without  confusion  ;  let  them  de- 
clare that  after  the  union  both  Godhead  and 
manhood  remained  unimpaired.  "  God  is 
not  mocked." "  Let  the  chapters  be  denied 
which  they  have  often  repudiated,  and  now  at 
Ephesus  have  sanctioned.  Do  not  let  them 
trick  your  holiness  by  their  lies.  They  used  to 
praise  my  utterances  at  Antioch,  being  breth- 
ren, and  when  made  readers,  and  ordained 
deacons,  presbyters  and  bishops  ;  and  at  the 
end  of  my  discourse  they  used  to  embrace  me 
and  kiss  me,  on  head,  on  breast,  on  hands  ;  and 
some  of  them  would  cling  to  my  knees,  calling 
my  doctrine  apostolic,  —  the  very  doctrine 
that  they  have  now   condemned,  and  anath- 


the  outrageous  violence  of  Barsumas  and  his  band  of  brutal 
monks  he  consented  to  revoke  his  former  condemnation  of 
Eutyches."  "This  cowardly  act  of  submission  was  followed  by 
a  still  baser  proof  of  weakness,  the  condemnation  of  the  ven- 
erable Flavian.  Dioscorus  having  thus  by  sheer  intimidation 
obtained  his  ends  revenged  himself  for  their  former  opposition 
to  his  wishes  upon  those  whose  cowardice  had  made  them 
the  instruments  of  his  nefarious  designs,  and  proceeded  to 
mete  out  to  them  the  same  measure  they  had  dealt  to  P'lavian. 
Domnus  was  the  last  to  be  deposed.  The  charges  alleged 
against  him  were  his  reported  approval  of  a  Nestorian  sermon 
preached  before  him  at  Antioch  by  Theodoret,  on  the  death  of 
Cyril,  and  some  expressions  in  letters  written  by  him  to  Dios- 
corus condemning  the  obscure  character  of  Cyril's  anathema- 
tisms." 
Canon  Venables  in  Die.  Chris,  biog.  vol  i.  p.  879. 

1  i.e.  wild  nomad  tribes  who  live  in  waggons  (a/xafo^toi). 
These  Horace  (Car.  iii.  24,  10)  takes  as  a  better  type  of  charac 
ter  than  wealthy  villa-builders; — 

"  Campestres  melius  Scythce 

Quorum  platistra  vagas  rite  trahunt  domos 
Vivuntr 

2  Bishop  of  Antioch  in  Pisidia.  He  was  of  the  orthodox 
party  and  stated  himself  to  have  been  bred  from  childhood  in 
tlie  Catholic  faith.  (Conc.iv.  304.)  His  name  is  also  written 
Calendio  (Tillem.  xv.  579,  Die.  Cliris.  Biog.  1,  395). 

•■^  Athanasius  of  Perrha,  the  delator  of  earlier  letters  (vide 
note  on  page  264)  had  been  deposed  from  his  bishopric  at  a 
synod  of  uncertain  date  held  between  444  and  449  at  Antioch 
under  Domnus,  and  replaced  by  Sabinianus. 

*  Gal.  vi.  7. 


324 


THEODORET. 


ematized.  They  used  to  call  me  luminary, 
not  only  of  the  East,  but  of  the  whole  world, 
and  now  I  forsooth  have  been  proscribed  and, 
so  far  as  lies  in  their  power,  I  have  not  even 
bread  to  eat.  They  have  anathematized  even 
all  who  converse  with  me.  But  the  man  whom 
but  a  little  while  ago  they  deposed  and  called 
Valentinian  and  Apollinarian  they  have  hon- 
oured as  a  martyr  of  the  faith,  rolling  at  his 
feet,  asking  his  pardon  and  calling  him  spirit- 
ual father.  Do  even  woodlice  change  their 
colour  to  match  the  stones  or  chameleons  their 
skin  to  suit  the  leaves,  as  these  men  do  their 
mind  to  match  the  times?  I  give  up  to  them 
see,  dignity,  rank,  and  all  the  luxury  of  this 
life.  On  the  side  of  the  apostolic  doctrines  I 
await  the  evils  which  they  deem  terrible,  find- 
ing sufficient  consolation  in  the  thought  of  the 
judgment  of  the  Lord.  For  I  hope  that  for 
the  sake  of  this  injustice  the  Lord  will  remit 
me  many  of  my  sins. 

Now  I  implore  your  holiness  to  beware  of 
the  fellowship  of  iniquity  and  to  insist  on 
their  repudiation  of  what  has  been  done.  If 
they  refuse  shun  them  as  traitors  to  the  faith. 
That  your  reverence  should  wait  awhile  to 
see  if  the  tempest  will  pass,  we  have  not 
thought  subject  for  blame.  But  after  the  or- 
dination of  the  primate  of  the  East  '  every 
man's  mind  will  be  made  manifest.  Deign, 
Sir,  to  pray  for  me.  At  this  time  I  am  sorely 
in  want  of  that  help  that  I  may  hold  out 
against  all  that  is  being  devised  against  me. 

CXLVIII   in    the  Edition  of   Garnerius 

is  "  the  minute  of  the  most  holy  bishop  Cyril, 
delivered  to  Posidonius,  when  sent  by  him 
to  Rome,  in  the  matter  of  Nestorius." 
(Cyrill.  Ep.  XL  tom.  Ixxvii.  Z^,^ 

CXLIX  is  *'  Copy    of  the   Letter  written   by 
John^  bishop  of  Antioch^  to  Nestorius.''^ 

This  letter  has    sometimes  been  supposed 
to  have  been  really  composed  by  Theodoret.^ 

CL.     Letter  of  Theodoretus^  bishop  of  Cyrus, 
to  Joannes,  bishop  of  Antioch? 
I  have  been  much  distressed  at  reading  the 


1  i.e.  Maximus,  who  was  appointed  by  the  Latrocinium  to 
succeed  Domnus  in  the  see  of  Antioch,  and  consecrated  by 
Anatolius  in  defiance  of  right  and  usage.  Or  possibly  the 
irregularity  of  the  nomination  of  Maximus  may  lead  Theodoret 
to  regard  the  see  as  vacant.  Garnerius  understands  the  refer- 
ence to  be  to  an  interval  between  the  appointment  and  conse- 
cration of  Maximus. 

2  Vide  Migne  Pat.  Ixxvii.  1449. 

*•  A  letter  so  admirable  in  tone  and  feeling,  so  happy  in  its 
expression,  that  it  has  been  attributed  to  the  practised  pen  of 
Theodoret."  (Canon  Venables,  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iii.  350.) 
Tillemont  describes  it  as  "  trcs  belle,  tres  bfen  faite  et  tres 
digne  de  la  reputation  qti'avait  ce prelat.'''' 

3  This  letter  may  be  dated  in  February  4^1,  Celestine  and 
Cyril  had  written  to  John  of  Antioch  in  relation  to  the  condem- 
nation  of  Nestorius  by  the  western  bishops  at  Rome  in  August 
430.    Theodoret  was  at  Antioch  on  the  arrival  of  these  letters 


anathematisms  which  you  have  sent  to  re- 
quest me  to  refute  in  writing,  and  to  make 
plain  to  all  their  heretical  'sense.  I  have 
been  distressed  at  the  thought  that  one  ap- 
pointed to  the  shepherd's  office,  entrusted 
with  the  charge  of  so  great  a  flock  and  ap- 
pointed to  heal  the  sick  among  his  sheep,  is 
both  himself  unsound,  and  that  to  a  terrible 
degree,  and  is  endeavouring  to  infect  his  lambs 
with  his  disease  andtreats  the  sheep  of  his  folds 
with  greater  cruelty  than  that  of  wild  beasts. 
They,  indeed,  tear  and  rend  the  sheep  that  are 
dispersed  and  separated  from  the  flock  ;  but 
he  in  its  very  midst,  and  while  thought  to  be 
its  saviour  and  its  guardian  introduces  secret 
error  among  the  victims  of  their  confidence 
in  him.  Against  an  open  assault  it  is  pos- 
sible to  take  precautions,  but  when  an  attack 
is  made  in  the  guise  of  friendship,  its  victim 
is  found  off  his  guard  and  hurt  is  easily  done 
him.  Hence  foes  who  make  war  from 
within  are  far  more  dangerous  than  those 
who  attack  from  without. 

I  am  yet  more  grieved  that  it  should  be 
in  the  name  of  true  religion  and  with  the 
dignity  of  a  shepherd  that  he  should  give 
utterance  to  his  heretical  and  blasphemous 
words,  and  renew  that  vain  and  impious 
teaching  of  Apollinarius  which  was  long 
ago  stamped  out.  Besides  all  this  there  is 
the  fact  that  he  not  only  supports  these 
views  but  even  dares  to  anathematize  those 
who  decline  to  participate  in  his  blasphe- 
mies ;  —  if  he  is  really  the  author  of  these 
productions  and  they  have  not  proceeded 
from  some  enemy  of  the  truth  who  has 
composed  them  in  his  name  and,  as  the  old 
story  has  it,  flung  the  apple  of  discord  ^  in 
the  midst,  and  so  fanned  the  flame  on  high. 

But  whether  this  composition  comes  from 
himself  or  from  some  other  in  his  name,  I, 
for  my  part,  by  the  aid  of  the  light  of  the 
Holy  Ghost,  in  the  investigation  of  this 
heretical  and  corrupt  opinion,  according  to 
the  measure  of  the  power  given  me,  have 
refuted  them  as  best  I  could.  I  have  con- 
fronted them  with  the  teaching  of  evange- 
lists and  apostles.  I  have  exposed  the 
monstrosity  of  the  doctrine,  and  proved  how 
vast  is  its  divergence  from  divine  truth. 
This  I  have  done  by  comparing  it  with  the 
words  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  pointing  out 
what  strange  and  jarring  discord  there  is 
between  it  and  the  divine. 

Asfainst  the  hardihood   of  this  anathema- 

and  hence  additional  probability  is  given  to  the  theory  that  he 
wrote  the  reply  referred  to  in  the  preceding  note.  Then  came 
the  publication  of  Cyril's  chapter  or  anathemas  which  Theod- 
oret undertook  to  refute.  Letter  CL.  is  prefixed  to  his  re- 
marks on  them. 

1  The  "  old  story  "  is  a  comparatively  late  addition  to  the 
myth  of  the  marriage  of  Peleus. 


LETTERS. 


325 


tizing,  thus  much  I  will  say,  that  Paul,  the 
clear-voiced  herald  of  truth,  anathematized 
those  who  had  corrupted  the  evangelic  and 
apostolic  teaching  and  boldly  did  so  against 
the  angels,  not  against  those  who  abided  by 
the  laws  laid  down  by  theologians  ;  these  he 
strengthened  with  blessings,  saying,  ''And 
^s  many  as  walk  according  to  this  rule, 
peace  be  on  them  and  mercy  and  on  the 
Israel  of  God."  '  Let  then  the  author  of 
these  writings  reap  from  the  Apostle's  curse 
the  due  rewards  of  his  labours  and  the  har- 
vest of  his  seeds  of  heresy.  We  will  abide 
in  the  teaching  of  the  holy  Fathers. 

To  this  letter  I  have  appended  my  counter 
arguments,  that  on  reading  them  you  may 
judge  whether  I  have  effectively  destroyed 
the  heretical  propositions.  Setting  down 
each  of  the  anathematisms  by  itself,  I  have 
annexed  the  counter  statement  that  readers 
may  easily  understand,  and  that  the  refuta- 
tion of  the  dogmas  may  be  clear.^ 

CLI.  Letter  or  address  of  Theodoret  to 
the  monks  of  the  Euphratensian^  the  Os- 
rhoene^  Syria ^  Phoenicia^  and  Cilicia.^ 

When  I  contemplate  the  condition  of  the 
Church  at  the  present  crisis  of  affairs,  —  the 
tempest  which  has  recently  beset  the  holy 
ship,  the  furious  blasts,  the  beating  of  the 
waves,  the  deep  darkness  of  the  night,  and, 
besides  all  this,  the  strife  of  the  mariners,  the 
struggle  going  on  between  oarsmen,  the 
drunkenness  of  the  pilots,  and,  lastly,  the  un- 
timely action  of  the  bad,  —  I  bethink  me  of 
the  laments  of  Jeremiah  and  cry  with  him, 
"  my  bowels,  my  bowels  !  I  am  pained  at 
my  very  heart,  my  heart  maketh  a  noise  in 
me,"  '*  and  to  put  away  despondency's  great 
cloud  by  the  drops  from  my  eyes,  I  have 
recourse  to  founts  of  tears.  Amid  a  storm 
so  wild  it  is  fitting  that  the  pilots  be  awake, 
to  battle  with  the  tempest,  and  take  heed  for 
the  safety  of  the  ship  :  the  sailors  ought  to 
cease  from  their  strife,  and  strive  to  undo  the 
danger  alike  by  prayer  and  skill :  the  mari- 
ners ought  to  keep  the  peace,  and  quarrel 
neither  with  one  another  nor  with  the  pilots, 
but  implore  the  Lord  of  the  sea  to  banish  the 
darkness  by  His  rod.  No  one  now  is  will- 
ing to  do  anything  of  the  kind ;   and,  just  as 


1  Gal.vi.  16. 

2  The  Refutation  of  the  anathematisms  of  Cyril  is  to  be 
found  in  Migne  Pat.  Ixxvi.  Col  393.  Vide  also  the  prolegomena. 

3  This  document  did  not  appear  in  the  original  edition  of  the 
Letters.  A  fragment  in  Latin  was  published  in  the  Aucta- 
rium  of  Garnerius.  The  complete  composition  is  given  by 
Schulze  from  a  MS.  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna.  The 
date  may  be  assigned  as  early  in  431.  As  Cyril  had  weaned 
the  monks  of  Egypt  and  even  of  Constantinople  from  the 
■cause  of  Nestorius,  so  Theodoret  attempts  to  win  over  the 
solitaries  of  the  East  from  Cyril. 

^  Jer.  iv.   19. 


happens  in  a  night-engagement,  we  cannot 
recognise  one  another,  we  leave  our  enemies 
alone,  and  waste  our  weapons  against  our 
own  side ;  we  wound  our  comrades  for  foes, 
while  all  the  wdiile  the  bystanders  laugh  at 
our  drunken  folly,  enjoy  our  disasters,  and 
are  delighted  to  see  us  engaged  in  mutual  de- 
struction. The  responsibility  for  all  this  lies 
with  those  who  have  striven  to  corrupt  the 
apostolic  faith,  and  have  dared  to  add  a  mon- 
strous doctrine  to  the  teaching  of  the  Gospels  ; 
with  them  that  have  accepted  the  impious 
"  Chapters"  which  they  have  sent  forth  with 
anathematisms  to  the  imperial  city,  and  have 
confirmed  them,  as  they  have  imagined,  by 
their  own  signatures.  But  these  "  Chapters  " 
have  sprouted  without  doubt  from  the  sour 
root  of  Apollinarius  ;  they  are  tainted  with 
Arian  and  Eunomian  error  ;  look  into  them 
carefully,  and  you  will  find  that  they  are  not 
clear  of  the  impiety  of  Manes  and  Valentinus.* 

In  his  very  first  chapter  he  rejects  the 
dispensation  ^  which  has  been  made  on  our 
behalf,  teaching  that  God  the  Word  did  not 
assume  human  nature,  but  was  Himself 
changed  into  fiesh,  thus  laying  down  that 
the  incarnation  took  place  not  in  reality  but  in 
semblance  and  seeming.  This  is  the  out- 
come of  the  impiety  of  Marcion,  Manes,  and 
Valentinus. 

In  his  second  and  third  chapters,  as 
though  quite  oblivious  of  what  he  had  stated 
in  his  preface,  he  brings  in  the  h^^postatic 
union,  and  a  meeting  by  natural  union,  and 
by  these  terms  he  represents  that  a  kind  of 
mixture  and  confusion  was  effected  of  the 
divine  nature  and  of  the  form  of  the  servant. 
This  comes  of  the  innovation  of  the  Apol- 
linarian  heresy. 

In  his  fourth  chapter  he  denies  the  dis- 
tinction of  the  terms  of  evangelists  and 
apostles,  and  refuses  to  allow,  as  the  teach- 
ing of  the  orthodox  Fathers  has  allowed, 
the  terms  of  divine  dignity  to  be  understood 
of  the  divine  nature,  while  the  terms  of 
humility,  spoken  in  human  sense,  are 
applied  to  the  nature  assumed  ;  whence  the 
rightminded  can  easily  detect  the  kinship 
with  impiety.  For  Arius  and  Eunomius, 
asserting  the  only  begotten  Son  of  God  to  be 
a  creature,  and  made  out  of  the  non-existent, 
and  a  servant,  have  ventured  to  apply  to 
His  godhead  wdiat  is  said  in  lowly  and 
human  sense ;  establishing  by  such  means 
the   difference  of  substance  and  the    unlike- 


1  "  Xihil  co7ttiimeliosiu$y''  remarks  Garnerius,  "  in  Cyrilli 
personam  et  doctrinam  did  pot  est. '''  Some  have  even  thought 
the  expressions  too  hitter  tor  Theodoret.  But  the  mild  man 
could  hit  hard  sometimes.  He  felt  warmly  for  Nestorius  and 
against  Cyril,  and  (accepting  Tillemont's  date)  he  was  now 
about  3S. 

2  olKOVo^kia..  Vide  p.  72. 


326 


THEODORET. 


ness.  Besides  this,  to  be  brief,  he  argues 
that  the  very  impassible  and  immutable 
Godhead  of  the  Christ  suffered,  and  was 
crucified,  dead,  and  buried.  This  goes 
beyond  even  the  madness  of  Arius  and 
Eunomius,  for  this  pitch  of  impiety  has 
not  been  reached  even  by  them  that  dare 
to  call  the  maker  and  creator  of  the  universe 
a  creature.  Furthermore  he  blasphemes 
against  the  Holy  Ghost,  denying  that  It 
proceeds  from  the  Father,  in  accordance 
v^ith  the  word  of  the  Lord,  but  maintaining 
that  It  has  Its  origin  of  the  Son.  Here 
we  have  the  fruit  of  the  Apollinarian  seed ; 
here  we  come  near  the  evil  husbandry  of 
Macedonius.  Such  are  the  offspring  of  the 
Egyptian,  viler  children  of  a  vile  father. 
This  growth,  which  men,  entrusted  with 
the  healing  of  souls,  ought  to  make  abortive 
while  yet  in  the  womb,  or  destroy  as  soon  as 
it  is  born,  as  dangerous  and  deadly  to  man- 
kind, is  cherished  by  these  excellent  persons, 
and  promoted  with  great  energy,  alike  to 
their  own  ruin  and  to  that  of  all  who  will 
listen  to  them.  We,  on  the  contrary, 
earnestly  desire  to  keep  our  heritage  un- 
touched ;  and  the  faith  which  we  have  re- 
ceived, and  in  which  we  have  been  ourselves 
baptized,  and  baptize  others,  we  strive  to  pre- 
serve uninjured  and  undefiled.  We  confess 
that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  perfect  God  and 
perfect  man,  of  a  reasonable  soul  and  body, 
was  begotten  of  the  Father  before  the  ages, 
as  touching  the  Godhead ;  and  in  the  last 
days  for  us  men  and  our  salvation  (was born) 
of  the  Virgin  Mary  ;  that  the  same  Lord  is 
of  one  substance  with  the  Father  as  touching 
the  Godhead,  and  of  one  substance  with  us  as 
touching  the  manhood.  For  there  was  an 
union  of  two  natures.  Wherefore  we  acknowl- 
edge one  Christ,  one  Son,  one  Lord  ;  but  we 
do  not  destroy  the  union  ;  we  believe  it  to  have 
been  made  without  confusion,  in  obedience 
to  the  word  of  the  Lord  to  the  Jews, 
"  Destroy  this  temple  and  in  three  days  I 
will  raise  it  up."  ^  If  on  the  contrary  there 
had  been  mixture  and  confusion,  and  one 
nature  was  made  out  of  both.  He  ought  to 
have  said  "  Destroy  me  and  in  three  da3's 
I  shall  be  raised."  But  now,  to  show  that 
there  is  a  distinction  between  God  according 
to  His  nature,  and  the  temple,  and  that  both 
are  one  Christ,  His  words  are  "  Destroy  this 
temple  and  in  three  days  I  will  raise  it  up," 
clearly  teaching  that  it  was  not  God  who 
was  undergoing  destruction,  but  the  temple. 
The  nature  of  this  latter  was  susceptible  of 
destruction,  while   the  power  of  the   former 

1  J  ohn  ii.  19. 


raised  what  was  being  destroyed.  Further- 
more it  is  in  obedience  to  the  divine  Scrip- 
tures that  we  acknowledge  the  Christ  to  be 
God  and  man.  That  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
is  God  is  asserted  by  the  blessed  evangelist 
John  "  In  the  beginning  was  the  Word  and 
the  Word  was  with  God  and  the  Word  was 
God.  He  was  in  the  beginning  with  God. 
All  things  were  made  by  Him  and  without 
Him  was  not  anything  made  that  was 
made."  ^  And  again,  ''  That  was  the  true 
light  which  lighteth  every  man  that  cometh 
into  the  world."  '^  And  the  Lord  Himself 
distinctly  teaches  us,  "  He  that  hath  seen 
me  hath  seen  the  Father."^  And  "I  and 
my  Father  are  one"*  and  ^' I  am  in  the 
Father  and  the  Father  in  me," "  and  the 
blessed  Paul  in  his  epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
says  "  Who  being  the  brightness  of  His  glory 
and  the  express  image  of  His  person,  and 
upholding  all  things  by  the  word  of  His 
power"  ^  and  in  the  epistle  to  the  Philippians. 
"  Let  this  mind  be  in  you,  which  was  also  in 
Christ  Jesus  ;  who  being  in  the  form  of  God 
thought  it  not  robbery  to  be  equal  with  God 
but  made  Himself  of  no  reputation  and  took 
upon  Him  the  form  of  a  servant."  '  And  in 
the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  *'  Whose  are  the 
fathers  and  of  whom  as  concerning  tke 
flesh  Christ  came  who  is  over  all  God 
blessed  for  ever.  Amen."  *^  And  in  the 
epistle  to  Titus  "  Looking  for  that  blessed 
hope  and  the  glorious  appearing  of  the  great 
God  and  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ."  ^  And 
Isaiah  exclaims  "Unto  us  a  child  is  born, 
unto  us  a  son  is  given  :  and  the  government 
shall  be  upon  His  shoulder  ;  and  His  name 
shall  be  called.  Angel  of  great  counsel. 
Wonderful,  Counsellor,  The  mighty  God, 
powerful,  the  Prince  of  Peace,  the  Father  of 
the  Age  to  come." '°  And  again  "  In  chains 
they  shall  come  over  and  they  shall 
fall  unto  thee.  They  shall  make  sup- 
plication unto  thee  saying,  surely  God 
is  in  thee  and  there  is  none  else,  there 
is  no  God.  Verily  thou  art  a  God  that 
hidest  thyself,  O  God  of  Israel,  the 
Saviour."  "  The  name  Emmanuel,  however, 
indicates  both  God  and  man,  for  it  is  inter- 
preted in  the  Gospel  to  mean  '*  God  with 
us,"  ^^  that  is  to  say  "God  in  man,"  God 
in  our  nature.  And  the  divine  Jeremiah  too 
utters  the  prediction  "  This  is  our  God  and 
there  shall  none  other  be  accounted  of  in 
comparison  with  him.   He  hath  found  out  all 


^  John  i.  I. 

2  John  i.  9. 

3  John  xiv.  9. 
*  John  X.  30. 

c  "John  X.  38  transposed. 
6  Hebrews  i.  3. 


^  Phil.  ii.  5,  6,  7. 

*  Romans  ix.  5. 

9  Tit.  ii.  13. 

JO  Is,  ix.6.  (LXX.Alex.y 
^1  Isaiah  xlv.  14, 15. 
"  Matt.  i.  23. 


LETTERS. 


327 


the  way  of  knowledge  and  hath  given  it 
unto  Jacob  His  servant  and  to  Israel  His 
beloved  and  afterward  did  He  show  Him- 
self upon  earth  and  conversed  with  men."  ^ 
And  countless  other  passages  might  be 
found  as  well  in  the  holy  gospels  and  in 
the  writings  of  the  apostles  as  in  the  predic- 
tions of  the  prophets,  setting  forth  that  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  very  God. 

That  after  the  Incarnation  He  is  spoken  of 
as  Man  our  Lord  Himself  teaches  in  His 
words  to  the  Jews  ''  Why  go  ye  about  to 
kill  me?  "  *'  A  man  that  hath  told  you  the 
truth."  ^  And  in  the  first  Epistle  to  the  Co- 
rinthians the  blessed  Paul  writes  ''  For  since 
by  man  came  death,  by  man  came  also  the 
resurrection  of  the  dead,"  ^  and  to  show  of 
whom  he  is  speaking  he  explains  his  words 
and  says,  "  For  as  in  Adam  all  die  even  so 
in  Christ  shall  all  be  made  alive."  ^  And 
writing  to  Timothy  he  says,  "  For  there  is 
one  God  and  one  mediator  between  God  and 
men,  the  man  Christ  Jesus."  "^  In  the  Acts 
in  his  speech  at  Athens  ''  The  times  of  this 
ignorance  God  winked  at;  but  now  com- 
mandeth  all  men  everywhere  to  repent ;  be- 
cause He  hath  appointed  a  day  in  the  which 
He  will  judge  the  world  in  righteousness  by 
that  man  whom  He  hath  ordained,  whereof 
He  hath  given  assurance  unto  all  men,  in 
that  He  hath  raised  him  from  the  dead."^ 
And  the  blessed  Peter  preaching  to  the  Jews 
says,  ^' Ye  men  of  Israel,  hear  these  words; 
Jesus  of  Nazareth,  a  man  apprc5ved  of  God 
among  you  by  miracles  and  wonders  and 
signs  which  God  did  by  Him  in  the  midst 
of  you,"  '  and  the  prophet  Isaiah  when  pre- 
dicting the  sufferings  of  the  Lord  Christ, 
whom  but  just  before  he  had  called  God,  calls 
man  in  the  passage  "A  man  of  sorrows  and 
acquainted  with  grief."  "  Surely  he  hath 
borne  our  griefs  and  carried  our  sorrows."  ^ 
1  might  have  collected  other  consentient 
passages  of  holy  Scripture  and  inserted  them 
in  my  letter  had  I  not  known  you  to  be  prac- 
tised in  the  divine  oracles  as  befits  the  man 
called  blessed  in  the  Psalms.^  I  now  leave 
the  collection  of  evidence  to  your  own  dili- 
gence and  proceed  with  my  subject. 

We  confess  then  that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
is  very  God  and  very  man.  We  do  not  divide 
the  one  Christ  into  two  persons,  but  we  be- 
lieve two  natures  to  be  united  without  con- 
fusion.    We  shall  thus  be  able  without  diffi- 


1  Baruch  iii.  35,  36,  37.  From  the  time  of  Ircnjeus  the 
book  of  Baruch,  friend  and  companion  of  Jeremiah,  was 
commonly  quoted  as  the  work  of  the  great  prophet,  e.g.  Iren. 
adv.  Haer.  v.  35,  i.     of.  note  on  p.  165. 

2  [ohn  vii,  19  and  viii.  40.  '■  Acts  xvii.  30,  31. 

s  I.  Cor.  XV.  21.  '  Acts  ii.  22. 

*  I.  Cor.  XV.  22.  8  Isaiah  liii.  3  and  4. 

<■'  I.  Tim.  ii,  v.  «  Psalm  i.  2. 


culty  to  refute  even  the  manifold  blasphemy 
of  the  heretics  :  for  many  and  various  are  the 
errors  of  those  who  have  rebelled  against  the 
truth,  as  we  shall  proceed  to  point  out. 
Marcion  and  Manes  deny  that  God  the  Word 
assumed  human  nature  and  do  not  believe 
that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  born  of  a 
Virgin.  They  say  that  God  the  Word  Him- 
self was  fashioned  in  human  form  and  ap- 
peared as  man  rather  in  semblance  than  in 
reality. 

Valentinus  and  Bardesanes  admit  the  birth, 
but  they  deny  the  assumption  of  our  nature 
and  affirm  that  the  Son  of  God  employed  the 
Virgin  as  it  were  as  a  mere  conduit. 

Sabellius  the  Libyan,  Photinus,  Marcel- 
lus  the  Galatian,  and  Paul  of  Samosata  say 
that  a  mere  man  was  born  of  the  Virgin,  but 
openly  deny  that  the  eternal  Christ  was 
God. 

Arius  and  Eunomius  maintain  that  God 
the  Word  assumed  only  a  body  of  the 
Virgin. 

Apollinarius  adds  to  the  body  an  unrea- 
sonable soul,  as  though  the  incarnation  of 
God  the  Word  had  taken  place  not  for  the 
sake  of  reasonable  beings  but  of  unreasona- 
ble, while  the  teaching  of  the  Apostles  is 
that  perfect  man  was  assumed  by  perfect 
God,  as  is  proved  by  the  words  "  Who  be- 
ing in  the  form  of  God  took  the  form  of 
a  servant ;"  ^  for  "form"  is  put  instead  of 
"  nature  "  and  "  substance  "  and  indicates 
that  having  the  nature  of  God  He  took  the 
nature  of  a  servant. 

When  therefore  we  are  disputing  with 
Marcion,  Manes  and  Valentinus,  the- earliest 
inventors  of  impiety,  we  endeavour  to  prove 
from  the  divine  Scriptures  that  the  Lord 
Christ  is  not  only  God  but  also  man. 

When,  however,  we  are  proving  to  the 
ignorant  that  the  doctrine  of  Arius,  Euno- 
mius and  Apollinarius  about  the  oeconomy 
is  incomplete,  we  show  from  the  divine 
oracles  of  the  Spirit  that  the  assumed  nature 
was  perfect. 

The  impiety  of  Sabellius,  Photinus,  Mar- 
cellus,  and  Paulus,  we  refute  by  proving  by 
the  evidence  of  divine  Scripture  that  the 
Lord  Christ  was  not  onlv  man  but  also 
eternal  God,  of  one  substance  with  the 
Father.  That  He  assumed  a  reasonable  soul 
is  stated  by  our  Lord  Himself  in  the  words 
"Now  is  my  soul  troubled;  and  what  shall 
I  say.'*  Father  save  me  from  this  hour;  but 
for  this  cause  came  I  unto  this  hour."  ^  And 
again  "  My  soul  is  exceeding  sorrowful  even 
unto    death."  ^     And  in     another    place    "  I 


1  Phil.  ii.  6  and  7. 

2  John  xii.  27. 


8  Matt.  xxvi.  38. 


328 


THEODORET, 


have  power  to  lay  down  my  soul  (life  A.  V.) 
and  I  have  power  to  take  it  again.  No  man 
taketh  it  from  me."  '  And  the  angel  said  to 
Joseph,  "  Take  the  young  child  and  His 
mother  and  go  into  the  land  of  Israel  ;  for 
they  are  dead  which  sought  the  young  child's 
soul  (life  A.  V.)"^  And  the  Evangelist  says 
"Jesus  increased  in  wisdom  and  stature  and 
in  favour  with  God  and  man."  Now  what 
increases  in  stature  and  wisdom  is  not  the 
Godhead  which  is  ever  perfect,  but  the 
human  nature  vs^hich  comes  into  being  in 
time,  grows,  and  is  made  perfect. 

Wherefore  all  the  human  qualities  of  the 
Lord  Christ,  hunger,  1  mean,  and  thirst  and 
weariness,  sleep,  fear,  sweat,  prayer,  and 
ignorance,  and  the  like,  we  affirm  to  belong 
to  our  nature  which  God  the  Word  assumed 
and  united  to  Himself  in  effecting  our 
salvation.  But  the  restitution  of  motion  to  the 
maimed,  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  the 
supply  of  loaves,  and  all  the  other  miracles 
we  believe  to  be  works  of  the  divine  power. 
In  this  sense  I  say  that  the  same  Lord  Christ 
both  suffers  and  destroys  suffering ;  suffers, 
that  is,  as  touching  the  visible,  and  destroys 
suffering  as  touching  the  ineffably  indwelling 
Godhead.  This  is  proved  beyond  question 
by  the  narrative  of  the  holy  evangelists, 
from  whom  we  learn  that  when  lying  in  a 
manger  and  wrapped  in  swaddling  clothes, 
He  was  announced  by  a  star,  worshipped  by 
magi  and  hymned  by  angels.  Thus  we  rev^- 
erently  discern  that  the  swaddling  bands 
and  the  want  of  a  bed  and  all  the  poverty 
belonged  to  the  manhood  ;  while  the  journey 
of  the  magi  and  the  guiding  of  the  star  and 
the  company  of  the  angels  proclaim  the  God- 
head of  the  unseen.  In  like  manner  He 
makes  His  escape  into  Egypt  and  avoids  the 
fury  of  Herod  by  flight,  ^  for  He  was  man  ; 
but  as  the  Prophet  says  "  He  shakes  the  idols 
of  Egypt,""*  for  He  was  by  nature  God. 
He  is  circumcised;  He  keeps  the  law  ;  and 
offers  offerings  of  purification,  because  He 
sprang  from  the  root  of  Jesse.  And,  as  man, 
He  was  under  the  law  ;  and  afterwards  did 
away  with  the  law  and  gave  the  new  covenant, 
because  He  was  a  lawgiver  and  had  promised 
by  the  prophets  that  He  Himself  would  give 
it.  He  was  baptized  by  John ;  and  this 
shews  His  sharing  what  is  ours.  He  is 
testified  to  by  the  Father  from  on  high  and  is 
pointed  out  by  the  Spirit ;  this  proclaims 
Him  eternal.  He  hungered ;  but  He  fed 
many  thousands  with  five  loaves  ;  the  latter 
is  divine,  the  former  human.  He  thirsted 
and  He  asked    for    water  ;    but  He    was    the 


well  of  life  ;    the  former  of  His  human  weak- 
ness, the  latter  of  His  divine  power.      He  fell 
asleep  in  the  boat,  but  he  put  the  tempest  of 
the  sea  to  sleep  ;  the  former  of   His   human 
nature,  the  latter  of  His  efficient  and  creative 
power  which  has  gifted  all  things  with   their 
being.     He  was  weary  as  he  walked  ;  but  He 
healed   the   halt  and   raised    dead   men  from 
their  tombs  ;  the  former  of  human  weakness, 
the  latter  of   a    power    passing    that    of   this 
world.     He  feared  death    and  He  destroyed 
death  ;  the  former  shows  that  He  was  mortal, 
the  latter  that  He  was    immortal    or    rather 
giver  of   life.      "  He   was   crucified,"  as  the 
blessed   Paul     says     "through     weakness."* 
But    as  the   same   Paul  says  "  Yet  He  liveth 
by    the    power    of    God."  ^     Let    that  word 
"  weakness"   teach  us  that  He  was  not  nailed 
to  the  tree  as    the  Almighty,   the  Uncircum- 
scribed,  the  Immutable  and    Invariable,    but 
that  the  nature   quickened    by  the  power  of 
God,  was  according  to  the  Apostle's  teaching 
dead  and  buried,  both  death  and  burial  being 
proper  to    the    form    of    the    servant.     "  He 
broke  the  gates    of  brass  and  cut  the  bars  of 
iron  in  sunder"  ^  and  destroyed  the  power  of 
death  and  in  three  days  raised  His  own  tem.ple. 
These    are    proofs    of    the    form    of  God    in 
accordance  with  the    Lord's  words  "Destroy 
this  temple  and   in  three   days  I  will  raise  it 
up."  '*       Thus  in  the  one    Christ  through  the 
sufferings  we   contemplate    the  manhood  and 
through     the     miracles    we     apprehend    the 
Godhead.      We  do    not  divide  the  two  natures 
into  two   Christs,    and  we  know    that  of   the 
Father  God  the  Word  was  begotten  and  that 
of  the  seed  of  Abraham  and  David  our  nature 
was  assumed.     Wherefore    also  the    blessed 
Paul  says  when  discoursing  of  Abraham  "  He 
saith  not  and    to    seeds   as   of  many  ;  but  as 
of  one,  and    to  thy  seed    which   is  Christ,"  ^ 
and  writing  to  Timothy  he  says  "Remember 
that  Jesus  Christ  of   the  seed  of  David  was 
raised     from     the       dead     according   to    my 
gospel."  ^       And    to  the    Romans    he  writes 
"  Concerning  His   son  Jesus  Christ 
which     was     made     of     the    seed    of  David 
according      to     the      flesh."  ^     And      again 
"  Whose  are   the    fathers    and    of  whom    as 
concerning  the    flesh    Christ    came."  ^     And 
the   Evangfelist    writes    "The    book    of    the 
generation  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  David, 
the  Son  of  Abraham,"  ^  and  the  blessed  Peter 
in  the    Acts    says    David   "  being  a   prophet 
and  knowing    that  God   had   sworn  with   an 
oath  to  him  that  of  the  fruit  of  his   loins,    He 
would  raise  up  Christ  to  sit  on  his  throne,  he 


ijohn  X.  i8  varied. 
*  Matt.  ii.  20. 


3  Vide  note  on  Page  203. 
*  Isaiah  xix.  i. 


1  II.  Cor.  xiii.  4. 
'  II.  Cor.  xiii.  4. 
3  Psalm  evil.  16. 


*  John  ii.  19. 
5  Gal.  iii.  16. 
8  II .  Tim.  ii.  S. 


^  Romans  i.  3. 
8  Roinans  ix.  5. 
8  Matt.  i.  I. 


LETTERS. 


329 


seeing  this  before  spake  of  his  resurrection,"  ^ 
and  God  says  to  Abraham  ''  In  thy  seed 
shall  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  be  blessed,"^ 
and  Isaiah  ''  There  shall  come  forth  a  rod  out 
of  the  stem  of  Jesse  and  a  branch  shall  grow 
out  of  His  roots  ;  and  there  shall  rest  upon 
Him  ^  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and  understanding 
the  spirit  of  counsel  and  might,  the  spirit  of 
knowledge  and  of  piety  and  the  spirit  of  the 
fear  of  the  Lord  shall  fill  Him."  '  And  a 
little  further  on  "  And  in  that  day  there  shall 
be  a  root  of  Jesse  which  shall  stand  for  an 
ensign  of  the  people  ;  to  it  shall  the  Gen- 
tiles seek  ;  and  His  rest  shall  be  glorious."^ 
From  these  quotations  it  is  made  plain  that 
according  to  the  flesh,  the  Christ  was  de- 
scended from  Abraham  and  David  and  was 
of  the  same  nature  as  theirs  ;  while  accord- 
ino:  to  the  Godhead  He  is  Everlasting^  Son  and 
Word  of  God,  ineffably  and  in  superhuman 
manner  begotten  of  the  Father,  and  co-eter- 
nal with  Him  as  brightness  and  express 
image  and  Word.  For  as  the  word  in  re- 
lation to  intelligence  and  brightness  in  re- 
lation to  light  are  inseparably  connected,  so 
is  the  only  begotten  Son  in  relation  to  His 
own  Father.  We  assert  therefore  that  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  only  begotten,  and  first 
born  Son  of  God  ;  only  begotten  both  before 
the  incarnation  and  after  the  incarnation, 
but  first-born  after  being  born  of  the  Virgin. 
For  the  name  first-born  seems  to  be  in  a 
sense  contrary  to  that  of  only  begotten,  be- 
cause the  only  Son  begotten  of  any  one  is 
called  only  begotten,  while  the  eldest  of  sev- 
eral brothers  is  called  first-born.  The  divine 
Scriptures  state  God  the  Word  alone  to  have 
been  begotten  of  the  Father ;  but  the  only 
begotten  becomes  also  first-born,  by  taking 
our  nature  of  the  Virgin,  and  deigning  to 
call  brothers  those  who  have  trusted  in  Him  ; 
so  that  the  same  is  only  begotten  in  that  He 
is  God,  first  born  in  that  He  is  Man.  Thus 
acknowledging  the  two  natures  we  adore 
the  one  Christ  and  offer  Him  one  adoration, 
for  we  believe  that  the  union  took  place  from 
the  moment  of  the  conception  in  the  Virgin's 
holy  womb.  W^herefore  also  we  call  the  holy 
Virgin  both  Mother  of  God  ^  and  Mother  of 
man,  since  the  Lord  Christ  Himself  is  called 
God  and  man  in  the  divine  vScripture.     The 


1  Acts.  ii.  30.  2  Gen.  xxii.  18. 

3  Here  in  the  LXX  comes  in  "The  spirit  of  God."  It  is 
unlikely  that  Theodoret  should  have  intended  to  omit  this,  and 
the  omission  is  probably  due  as  in  similar  cases  to  the  care- 
lessness  of  a  copyist  in  the  case  of  a  repetition  of  a  word. 

*  Isaiah  xi.  i .  2.  3.  7.  5  Isaiah  xi.  10. 

c  On  the  word  ©toro/co?  cf.  note  on  Paa^e  213. 
Jeremy  Taylor  (ix.  637  ed.  1S61)  defends  it  on  the  bare 
ground  of  logic  which  no  doubt  originally  recommended  it. 
"Though  the  blessed  viryin  Mary  be  not  in  Scripture  called 
©eoTOKo?  '  the  mother  nf  God.'  yet  tliat  she  was  the  mother  of 
Jesus  and  that  Jesus  Christ  is  God,  that  we  can  prove  from 
Scripture,  and  that  is  sufficient  for  the  appellation." 


name  Emmanuel  proclaims  the  union  of  the 
two  natures.  If  we  acknowledge  the  Christ 
to  be  both  God  and  Man  and  so  call  Him, 
who  is  so  insensate  as  to  shrink  from  using 
the  term  "  Mother  of  man  "  with  that  of 
"  Mother  of  God".?*  For  we  use  both  terms 
of  the  Lord  Christ.  For  this  reason  the  Vir- 
gin is  honoured  and  called  '^fullof  grace."* 
What  sensible  man  then  would  object  to 
name  the  Virgin  in  accordance  with  the 
titles  of  the  Saviour,  when  on  His  account 
she  is  honoured  by  the  faithful.^  For  He 
who  was  born  of  her  is  not  worshipped  on 
her  account,  but  she  is  honoured  with  the 
highest  titles  on  account  of  Him  Who  was 
born  from   her. 

Suppose  the  Christ  to  be  God  only,  and  to 
have  taken  the  origin  of  His  existence  from 
the  Virgin,  then  let  the  Virgin  be  styled  and 
named  only  "  Mother  of  God'*  as  having 
given  birth  to  a  being  divine  by  nature. 
But  if  the  Christ  is  both  God  and  man  and 
was  God  from  everlasting  (inasmuch  as  He 
did  not  begin  to  exist,  being  co-eternal  with 
the  Father  that  begat  Him)  and  in  these 
last  days  was  born  man  of  His  human  nature, 
then  let  him  who  wishes  to  define  doctrine 
in  both  directions  devise  appellations  for  the 
Virgin  with  the  explanation  which  of  them 
befits  the  nature  and  which  the  union.  But 
if  any  one  should  wish  to  deliver  a  panegyric 
and  to  compose  hymns,  and  to  repeat  praises, 
and  is  naturally  anxious  to  use  the  most 
august  names ;  then,  not  laying  down  doc- 
trine as  in  the  former  case,  iDut  with  rhetori- 
cal laudation,  and  expressing  all  possible  ad- 
miration at  the  mightiness  of  the  mystery,  let 
him  gratify  his  heart's  deshe,  let  him  em- 
ploy high  names,  let  him  praise  and  let  him 
wonder.  Many  instances  of  this  kind  are 
found  in  the  writings  of  orthodox  teachers. 
But  on  all  occasions  let  moderation  be  re- 
spected. All  praise  to  him  who  said  that 
"  moderation  is  best,"  although  he  is  not  of 
our  herd.  ^ 

This  is  the  confession  of  the  faith  of  the 
Church  ;  this  is  the  doctrine  taught  by 
evangelists  and  apostles.  For  this  faith,  by 
God's  grace  I  will  not  refuse  to  undergo 
many  deaths.  This  faith  we  have  striven  to 
convey  to  them  that  now  err  and  stray,  again 
and  again  challenging  them  to  discussion, 
and  eager  to  show  them  the  truth,  but   with- 


1  Luke  i.  28. 

2  Cleobulus  of  Lindos  is  credited  with  the  maxim  apiarov 
jueVpoi'.  Theognis,  (^35)  transmits  the  famous  ix-qSei-  aya;' attrib- 
uted hv  Aristotle  (Rhet.  ii.  12,  14)  to  Chilon  ot  Sparta.  Ovid 
makes' Phoebus  say  to  Phaethon  ''  A/eJi'o  tuiissitnus  I'bi's  " 
(Met.  ii.  137)  ;  and  quotations  trom  many  other  writers  may  be 

found  all  ,,.... 

"Turninj;  to  scorn  with    lips  divine 
The  falsehood  of  extremes  1  " 


330 


THEODORET. 


out  success.  With  a  suspicion  of  their  prob- 
ably phiin  confutation,  they  have  shirked 
the  encounter  ;  for  verily  falsehood  is  rotten 
and  yokefellow  of  obscurity.  "  Everyone," 
it  is  written  "  that  doeth  evil  cometh  not  to 
the  light  lest  his  deeds  should  be  reproved  "  ^ 
by  the  light. 

Since,  therefore,  after  many  efforts,  I  have 
failed  in  persuading  them  to  recognise  the 
truth,  I  have  returned  to  my  own  churches, 
filled  at  once  with  sorrow  and  with  joy  ;  with 
joy  on  account  of  my  own  freedom  from 
error  ;  and  with  sorrow  at  the  unsoundness  of 
my  members.  I  therefore  implore  you  to 
pray  with  all  your  might  to  our  loving  Lord, 
and  to  cry  unto  Him,  "  '  Spare  Thy  people, 
O  Lord  and  give  not  Thy  heritage  to  re- 
proach.'^ Feed  us  O  Lord  that  we  be- 
come not  as  we  were  in  the  beginning  when 
Thou  didst  not  rule  over  us  nor  was  Thy 
name  invoked  to  help  us.  '  We  are  become  a 
reproach  to  our  neighbours,  a  scorn  and  deris- 
ion to  them  that  are  round  about  us,'  ^  be- 
cause wicked  doctrines  have  come  into  Thy 
inheritance.  They  have  polluted  Thy  holy 
temple  in  that  the  daughters  of  strangers 
have  rejoiced  over  our  troubles.  A  little 
while  ago  we  were  of  one  mind  and  one 
tongue  and  now  are  divided  into  many 
tongues.  But,  O  Lord  our  God,  give  us 
Thy  peace  which  we  have  lost  by  setting 
Thy  commandments  at  naught.  O  Lord  we 
know  none  other  than  Thee.  We  call  Thee 
by  Thy  name.  '  Make  both  one  and  break 
down  the  middle  wall  of  the  partition,'  "* 
namely  the  iniquity  that  has  sprung  up. 
Gather  us  one  by  one.  Thy  new  Israel, 
building  up  Jerusalem  and  gathering  together 
the  outcasts  of  Israel.  "  Let  us  be  made 
once  more  one  flock  ^  and  all  be  fed  by 
Thee  ;  for  Thou  art  the  good  Shepherd  *  Who 
giveth  His  life  for  the  sheep.' ^  ""Awake, 
why  sleepest  Thou  O  Lord,  arise  cast  us  not 
ofl'  forever.'®  Rebuke  the  winds  and  the 
sea  ;  give  Thy  Church  calm  and  safety  from 
the  waves." 

These  words  and  words  like  these  I  im- 
plore you  to  utter  to  the  God  of  all ;  for  He 
is  good  and  full  of  loving-kindness  and  ever 
fulfils  the  will  of  them  that  fear  Him.  He 
will  therefore  listen  to  your  prayer,  and  will 
scatter  this  darkness  deeper  than  the  plague 
of  Egypt.  He  will  give  you  His  own  calm 
of  love,  and  will  gather  them  that  are  scat- 
tered abroad  and  welcome  them  that  have 
been  cast   out.      Then   shall    be   heard  "  the 


1  John  iii.  20. 

2  Joel  ii.  17. 

3  Psalm  Ixxix.  4. 

*  Cf.  Ephes.  ii.  14. 


B  Psalm  cxivii.  j 
^'  Jolin  X.  10. 
T  John  X.  1 1. 
8  Psalm  xliv.  33. 


voice  of  rejoicing  and  salvation  in  the  taber- 
nacles of  the  righteous."  *  Then  shall  we 
cry  unto  Him  we  have  been  *'  glad  accord- 
ing to  the  days  wherein  Thou  hast  aflflicted 
us  and  the  years  wherein  we  have  seen 
evil,"  ^  and  you  when  you  have  been  granted 
your  prayer  shall  praise  Him  in  the  words 
"  Blessed  be  God  which  hath  not  turned 
away  my  prayer  nor  His  mercy  from  me."^ 

Proof  that  after  the  hicarnation  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christy  was  one  Son, 

The  authors  of  slanders  against  me  allege 
that  I  divide  the  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ  into 
two  sons.  But  so  far  am  I  from  holding 
this  opinion  that  I  charge  with  impiety  all 
who  dare  to  say  so.  For  I  have  been  taught 
by  the  divine  Scripture  to  worship  one  Son^ 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  only  begotten  Son 
of  God,  God  the  Word  incarnate.  For  we 
confess  the  same  to  be  both  God  eternal,  and 
made  man  in  the  last  days  for  the  sake  of 
man's  salvation  ;  but  made  man  not  by  the 
change  of  the  Godhead  but  by  the  assump* 
tion  of  the  manhood.  For  the  nature  of  this 
godhead  is  immutable  and  invariable,  as  is 
that  of  the  Father  who  begat  Him  before  the 
ages.  And  whatever  would  be  understood 
of  the  substance  of  the  Father  will  also 
be  wholly  found  in  the  substance  of  the 
only  begotten ;  for  of  that  substance  He 
is  begotten.  This  our  Lord  taught  when 
He  said  to  Philip  ''  He  that  hath  seen 
me  hath  seen  the  Father "  '^  and  again 
in  another  place  "  All  things  that  the 
Father  hath  are  mine,"  ^  and  elsewhere  "  I 
and  the  Father  are  one,"  ^  and  very  many 
other  passages  may  be  quoted  setting  forth 
the  identity  of  substance. 

It  follows  that  He  did  not  become  God  : 
He  was  God.  ''  In  the  beginning  was  the 
Word,  and  the  Word  was  with  God  ;  and 
the  Word  was  God."'  He  was  not  man: 
He  became  man,  and  He  so  became  by  tak- 
ing on  Him  our  nature  :  So  says  the  blessed 
Paul;  —  ''Who  being  in  the  form  of  God 
thought  it  not  robbery  to  be  equal  with 
God,  but  made  Himself  of  no  reputation, 
and  took  upon  Him  the  form  of  a  ser- 
vant." ®  And  again  ;  "  For  verily  He  took 
not  on  Him  the  nature  of  angels  ;  but  He 
took  on  Him  the  seed  of  Abraham."^  And 
again  ;  Forasmuch  then  as  the  children  are 
partakers  of  flesh  and  blood.  He  also  Him- 
self likewise  took  part  of  the  same."  ^°     Thus 


1  Psalm  cxviii 

2  Psalm  xc.  15. 

3  Psalm  Ixvi.  20 
*  John  xiv.  9. 

6  John  xvi.  15. 


IS- 


30. 


c  John  X. 

7  John  i.  I. 

8  Phil.  ii.  6.  7. 
0  Heb.  ii.  16. 

10  Heb.  ii.  14. 


LETTERS. 


331 


He  was  both  passible  and  impassible  ;  mortal 
and  immortal  ;  passible,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  mortal,  as  man ;  impassible,  on  the 
other,  and  immortal,  as  God.  As  God  He 
raised  His  own  flesh,  which  was  dead  ;  — 
as  His  own  words  declare:  '*  Destroy  this 
temple,  and  in  three  days  I  will  raise  it 
up."  ^  And  as  man.  He  was  passible  and 
mortal  up  to  the  time  of  the  passion.  For, 
after  the  resurrection,  even  as  man  He  is 
impassible,  immortal,  and  incorruptible ; 
and  He  discharges  divine  lightnings  ;  not  that 
according  to  the  flesh  He  has  been  changed 
into  the  nature  of  Godhead,  but  still  preserv- 
ing the  distinctive  marks  of  humanity.  Nor 
yet  is  His  body  uncircumscribed,  for  this  is 
peculiar  to  the  divine  nature  alone,  but  it 
abides  in  its  former  circumscription.  This 
He  teaches  in  the  words  He  spake  to  the 
disciples  even  after  His  resurrection  ''  Be- 
hold my  hands  and  feet  that  it  is  I  myself; 
handle  me  and  see ;  for  a  spirit  hath  not 
flesh  and  bones  as  ye  see  me  have."  ^  While 
He  was  thus  beheld  He  went  up  into  heaven  ; 
thus  has  He  promised  to  come  again,  thus 
shall  He  be  seen  both  by  them  that  have 
believed  and  them  that  have  crucified,  for  it 
is  written  ''They  shall  look  on  Him  whom 
they  pierced."  ^  We  therefore  worship  the 
Son,  but  we  contemplate  in  Him  either 
nature  in  its  perfection,  both  that  which 
took,  and  that  which  was  taken  ;  the  one  of 
God  and  the  other  of  David.  For  this  reason 
also  He  is  styled  both  Son  of  the  living  God 
and  Son  of  David  ;  either  nature  receiving 
its  proper  title.  Accordingly  the  divine 
scripture  calls  him  both  God  and  man,  and 
the  blessed  Paul  exclaims  "  There  is  one 
God,  and  one  mediator  between  God  and 
men,  the  man  Christ  Jesus  ;  who  gave  Him- 
self a  ransom  for  all."  '*  But  Him  whom  here 
he  calls  man  in  another  place  he  describes  as 
God  for  he  says  "  Looking  for  that  blessed 
hope  and  the  glorious  appearing  of  the  great 
God  and  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ."  ^  And 
yet  in  another  place  he  uses  both  names  at 
once  saying  "  Of  whom  as  concerning  the 
flesh  Christ  came  who  is  over  all  God 
blessed  for  ever.     Amen."  ^ 

Thus  he  has  stated  the  same  Christ  to 
be  of  the  Jews  according  to  the  flesh,  and 
God  over  all  as  God.  Similarly  the  prophet 
Isaiah    writes  "  A  man  of  sorrows  and  ac- 


1  John  ii.  29.  *I.Tim.  ii.   5.6. 

2  Luke  xxiv.  39.  s  Xit.  ii.  13. 

3  John  xix,  37.    Cf.  Zee.  xii.  10. 

«iR.oin.ix,  5.  The  first  implicit  denial  of  the  sense  here 
given  by  Theodoret  to  this  remarkable  passage  is  said  to  be 
found  in  an  assertion  of  the  Emperor  Julian  that  neither  Paul 
nor  Mattliew  nor  Mark  ever  ventured  to  call  Jesus  God.  In 
the  earlv  church  it  was  commonly  rendered  in  its  plain  and 
grammatical  sense,  as  by  Irenjeus,  Tertullian,  Athanasius, 
and  Chrysostom.    Cf,  Alford  in  loc. 


quainted  with  grief.  .  .  .  Surely  He  hath 
borne  our  griefs  and  carried  our  sorrows,"  * 
and  shortly  afterwards  he  says  "  Who  shall 
declare  His  generation  ?" '^  This  is  spoken 
not  of  man  but  of  God.  Thus  through 
Micah  God  says  "  Thou  Bethlehem  in  the 
land  of  Judah  art  not  the  least  among  the 
princes  of  Judah,  for  out  of  thee  shall  come 
a  governor  that  shall  rule  my  people  Israel^ 
whose  goings  forth  have  been  as  of  old  from 
everlasting."^  Now  by  saying  "From  thee 
shall  come  forth  a  ruler "  he  exhibits  the 
CEConomy  of  the  incarnation  ;  and  by  adding 
"  whose  goings  forth  have  been  as  of  old 
from  everlastings"  he  declares  the  Godhead 
begotten  of  the  Father  before  the  ages. 

Since  we  have  been  thus  taught  by  the 
divine  scripture,  and  have  further  found  that 
the  teachers  who  have  been  at  difl?erent  periods 
illustrious  in  the  Church,  are  of  the  same 
opinion,  we  do  our  best  to  keep  our  heritage 
inviolate;  worshipping  one  Son  of  God,  one 
God  the  Father,  and  one  Holy  Ghost ;  but 
at  the  same  time  recognising  the  distinction 
between  flesh  and  Godhead.  And  as  we 
assert  them  that  divide  our  one  Lord  Jesu& 
Christ  into  two  sons  to  trangress  from  the 
road  trodden  by  the  holy  apostles,  so  do  we 
declare  the  maintainers  of  the  doctrine  that 
the  Godhead  of  the  only  begotten  and  the 
manhood  have  been  made  one  nature  to  fall 
headlong  into  the  opposite  ravine.  These 
doctrines  we  hold ;  these  we  preach ;  for 
these  we  do  battle. 

The  slander  of  the  libellers   that   represent 
me  as   worshipping   two   sons    is  refuted  by 
the  plain  facts   of  the  case.     I  teach   all   per- 
sons  who    come   to   holy   Baptism    the   faith 
put  forth  at   Nicaea  ;  and,   when   I   celebrate 
the  sacrament  of  regeneration  I  baptize   them 
that    make   profession   of  their    faith    in    the 
name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of 
the  Holy  Ghost,  pronouncing  each  name  by 
itself.     And   when    I   am   performing   divine 
service  in  the  churches  it  is  my  wont  to  give 
glory  to  the  Father  and  to  the  Son  and  to  the 
Holy  Ghost ;  not  sons,  but  Son.     If  then    I 
uphold    two    sons,    whether    of   the    two    is 
glorified   by   me,   and  whether  remains   un- 
honoured?     For  I   have   not  quite   come   to 
such  a  pitch  of  stupidity  as  to  acknowledge 
two  sons  and  leave  one  of  them   without  any 
tribute  of  respect.     It  follows  then  even  from 
this  fact  that  the  slander  is  proved  slander, — 
for  I  worship  one  only  begotten  Son,  God  the 
Word  incarnate.     And  I  call  the  holy  Virgin 
"Mother   of  God  "  ^  because  she   has  given 
birth  to  the  Emmanuel,  which  means  "  God 


1  Is,  liii.  X.  4. 

2  Isaiah  liii.  8. 


3  Matt.  ii.  6  and  Mic.  v,  2. 
*  ©eoToxo?.  cf,  p.  313. 


332 


THEODORET. 


with  us."  ^  But  the  prophet  who  predicted 
the  Emmanuel  a  little  further  on  has  written 
of  him  that  "Unto  us  a  child  is  born,  unto 
us  a  son  is  given  ;  and  the  government  shall 
be  upon  his  shoulders ;  and  his  name  is 
called  Angel  of  great  counsel,  wonderful, 
counsellor,  mighty  God,  pow^erful,  Prince  of 
peace.  Father  of  the  age  to  come."  ^  Now 
if  the  babe  born  of  the  Virgin  is  styled 
*' Mighty  God,"  then  it  is  only  with  reason 
that  the  mother  is  called  "  Mother  of  God." 
For  the  mother  shares  the  honour  of  her 
offspring,  and  the  Virgin  is  both  mother  of 
the  Lord  Christ  as  man,  and  again  is  His 
servant  as  Lord  and  Creator  and  God. 

On  account  of  this  difference  of  term  He 
is  said  by  the  divine  Paul  to  be  "  without 
father,  without  mother,  without  descent, 
having  neither  beginning  of  days  nor  end  of 
life."  ^  He  is  without  father  as  touching  His 
humanity ;  for  as  man  He  was  born  of  a 
mother  alone.  And  He  is  without  mother  as 
God,  for  He  was  begotten  from  everlasting 
of  the  Father  alone.  And  again  He  is  with- 
out descent  as  God  while  as  man  He  has 
descent.  For  it  is  written  '*  The  book  of 
the  generation  of  Jesus  Christ  the  son  of 
David,  the  son  of  Abraham."  "  His  descent 
is  also  given  by  the  divine  Luke.^  So  again, 
as  God,  He  has  no  beginning  of  days  for  He 
was  begotten  before  the  ages ;  neither  has 
He  an  end  of  life,  fo '  His  nature  is  immor- 
tal and  impassible.  But  as  man  He  had  both 
a  beginning  of  days,  for  He  was  born  in  the 
reign  of  Augustus  Caesar,  and  an  end  of  life, 
for  He  was  crucified  in  the  reis^n  of  Tiberius 
Caesar.  But  now,  as  I  have  already  said, 
even  His  human  nature  is  immortal ;  and,  as 
He  ascended,  so  again  shall  He  come  accord- 
ing to  the  words  of  the  Angel —  "  This  same 
Jesus  which  is  taken  up  from  you  into 
Heaven  shall  so  come  in  like  manner  as  ye 
have  seen  Him  go  into  Heaven."  ^ 

This  is  the  doctrine  delivered  to  us  by  the 
divine  prophets  ;  this  is  the  doctrine  of  the 
company  of  the  holy  apostles  ;  this  is  the 
doctrine  of  the  great  saints  of  the  East  and 
of  the  West ;  of  the  far-famed  Ignatius,  who 
received  his  archpriesthood  by  the  right  hand 
of  the  great  Peter,  and  for  the  sake  of  his 
confession  of  Christ  was  devoured  by  savage 
beasts  ;  ^  and  of  the  great  Eustathius,  who 
presided  over  the  assembled  council,  and  on 
account  of  his  fiery  zeal  for  true  religion  was 


1  Matt.  i.  23.  4  Matt.  i.  1, 

*  Is.  ix.  6.  LXX.  Alex.  ■'  I.uke  iii.  23. 

3  Heb.  vii.  3.  c  Acts  i.  n. 

T  The  martyrdom  of  Ignatius  may  be  placed  within  a  few 

years  of  110, — before  or  after.  In  the  4th  c.  Oct.  17  was 
named  as  the  day  both  of  his  birth  and  death.  Bp.  Lightfoot. 
Ap.  Fathers  II.  i.  30  and  46. 


driven  into  exile.'  This  doctrine  was 
preached  by  the  illustrious  Meletius,  at  the 
cost  of  no  less  pains,  for  thrice  was  he  driven 
from  his  flock  in  the  cause  of  Hie  apostles' 
doctrines  ;  ^  by  Flavianus,^  g^ory  of  the  im- 
perial see;  and  by  the  admirable  Ephraim, 
instrument  of  divine  grace,  who  has  left  us  in 
the  Syriac  tongue  a  written  heritage  of  good 
things  ;  "^  by  Cyprian,  -the  illustrious  ruler  of 
Carthage  and  of  all  Libya,  who  for  Christ's 
sake  found  a  d^ath  in  the  fire  ;  ^  by  Damasus, 
bishop  of  great  Rome,^  and  by  Ambrose, 
glory  of  Milan,  who  preached  and  wrote  it 
in  the  language  of  Rome. ^ 

The  same  was  taught  by  the  great  lumina- 
ries of  Alexandria,  Alexander  and  Athana- 
sius,  men  of  one  mind,  who  underwent 
sufferings  celebrated  throughout  the  world. 
This  was  the  pasture  given  to  their  flocks  by 
the  great  teachers  of  the  imperial  city,  by 
Gregory,  shining  friend  and  supporter  of  the 
truth  ;  by  John,  teacher  of  the  world,  by 
Atticus,  their  successor  alike  in  see  and  in 
sentiment.*^  By  these  doctrines  Basil,  great 
light  of  the  truth,  and  Gregory  sprung  from 
the  same  parents,^  and  Amphilochius,"^  who 
from  him  received  the  gift  of  the  high-priest- 
hood, taught  their  contemporaries,  and  have 
left  the  same  to  us  in  their  writings  for  a 
goodly  heritage.  Time  would  fail  me  to 
tell  of  Polycarp,''  and  Irenaeus,^^  of  Metho- 
dius '^  and  Hippolytus,'^  and  the  rest  of  the 
teachers  of  the  Church.  In  a  word  I  assert 
that  I  follow  the  divine  oracles  and  at  the 
same  time  all  these  saints.  By  the  grace  of 
the  spirit  they  dived  into  the  depths  of  God- 
inspired  scripture  and  both  themselves  per- 
ceived its  mind,  and  made  it  plain  to  all  that 
are  willing  to  learn.  Difference  in  tongue 
has  wrought  no  difference  in  doctrine,  for 
they  were  channels  of  the  grace  of  the  divine 
spirit,  using  the  stream  from  one  and  the 
same  fount. 

^i.e.  Eustathius  of  Beroea  and  Antioch,  who,  according  to 
Theodoret  (H.  E.  i.  6,  p.  43.),  sat  at  Nica;a  on  Constantine's 
right  hand.  (Contra.  I.  Soz.  i.  19.)  He  was  exiled  on  account 
of  the  accusation  got  up  against  him  by  Eusebius  of  Nico- 
media. 

2  Meletius  of  Antioch.  cf.  pp.  q2,  93.  He  presided  at  Con- 
stantinople in  381,  and  died  wjiile  the  Council  was  sitting. 

^  Of  Constantinople,  murdered  at  the  Latrocinium. 

*  Vide  p.  129. 

•'■'  cf.  Ep.  LII.  St.  Cyprian  was  beheaded  at  Carthage,  Aug. 
13,  25S,  his  last  recorded  utterance  being  his  reply  to  the  reading 
of  the  sentence  "That  Thascius  Cyprianus  be  beheaded  with 
the  sword,"  •'  Thanks  be  to  God.'"  Theodoret's  "  fire  "  is 
either  an  error,  or  means  the  fiery  trial  of  martyrdom. 

»5  Vide  p.  $2.  '  cf.  pp.  no,  174. 

8  i.e.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  put  in  possession  of  St.  Sophia 
by  Theodosius  I.  Nov.  24,  3S0,  Chrysostom,  consecrated  by  The. 
ophilus  of  Alexandria,  Feb.  26,398;  and  Atticus,  who  succeeded 
Arsacius  the  usurper  in  406. 

'■>  Gregory  oi  Nyssa.  cf.  p.  129.    11  f  ^SS- 

!•>  Of  Iconium.    cf.  p.  114.  i2tc.202. 

13  Commonly  known  as  bishop  of  Patara,  though  Jerome 
speaks  of  him  as  of  Tyre.  The  place  and  time  of  his  death  are 
doubtful.  Eusebius  calls  him  a  contemporary,  (cf.  Jer.  Cat. 
S3,  and  Socr.  vi.  ii,.) 

1*  According  to  Dollinger  the  first  anti-pope.   cf.  reff.  p.  177. 


LETTERS. 


333 


CLIL  Report  of  tJie  (bishops^  of  the  East  to 
the  Emperor,  giving  informatioti  of  their  pro- 
ceedings, and  exp/aini7ig  the  cause  of  the 
delay  in  the  arrival  of  the  bishop  of  A^itioch} 

In  obedience  to  the  order  of  your  pious 
letter  we  have  journeyed  to  the  Ephesian  me- 
tropolis. There  we  have  found  the  affairs  of 
the  Church  in  confusion,  and  disturbed  by 
internecine  war.  The  cause  of  this  is  that 
Cyril  of  Alexandria  and  Memnon  of  Ephe- 
sus  have  banded  together  and  mustered  a 
great  mob  of  rustics,  and  have  forbidden 
both  the  celebration  of  the  great  feast  of  Pen- 
tecost, and  the  evening  and  morning  offices.^ 
They  have  shut  the  sacred  churches  and 
martyrs'  shrines ;  they  have  assembled 
apart  with  the  victims  of  their  deceit ;  they 
have  wrought  innumerable  iniquities,  tramp- 
ling under  foot  alike  the  canons  of  the  holy 
Fathers,  and  your  own  decrees.  And  the 
action  has  been  taken  in  face  of  the  order 
given  both  in  writing  and  by  word  of  mouth 
by  the  most  excellent  count  Candidianus,^ 
envoy  of  your  Christ-loving  majesty,  that 
the  council  must  await  the  arrival  of  the 
very  holy  bishops,  coming  from  all  quarters 
of  the  Empire,  and  then  and  not  till  then 
formally  assemble  in  obedience  to  your 
piety's  commands.  Moreover  Cyril  of  Alex- 
andria had  written  to  me,  the  bishop  of  An- 
tioch,  two  days  before  the  meeting  of  their 
synod,  that  the  whole  council  was  awaiting 
my  arrival.  We  have  therefore  deposed 
both  the  aforenamed,  Cyril  and  Memnon, 
and  have  excluded  them  from  all  the  services 
of  the  church.  The  rest,  who  have  partici- 
pated in  their  iniquity,  we  have  excommuni- 
cated, until  they  shall  reject  and  anathema- 
tize the  Chapters  ■*  issued  by  Cyril,  which 
are  full  of  the  Eunomian  and  Arian  heresies, 
and  shall,  in  obedience  to  your  piety's  com- 
mand, assemble  together  with  us,  and  shall 
in  an  orderly  manner  and  with  all  exactitude, 
together  with  ourselves,  examine  into  the 
questions  at  issue,  and  confirm  the  pious 
doctrine  of  the  holy  Fathers. 

As  to  the  delay  in  my  own  arrival  be  it 
known  to  your  piety  that,  in  consideration  of 
the  distance  of  the  way  by  land,  —  and  this 


'  Cyril's  party  met  on  Jvine  22,  431 ,  —  numbering-  198,  in  the 
Church  of  the  Virg^in.  John  of  Antioch  with  his  fourteen  sup- 
porters did  not  arrive  till  the  27th.  Unable  to  start  from  their 
diocese  before  April  26,  the  octave  of  Easter,  they  did  not  as- 
semble at  Antioch  till  May  10,  and  then  were  delayed  by  a 
famine.  Immediately  on  their  arrival  the  "  Conciliabulum  " 
of  the  43  anti-Cyrillians  met  with  indecent  precipitancy. 

2  Both  parties,  regarding  their  opponents  as  excommuni- 
cate, forbade  them  to  perform  their  sacred  functions, 

3  "  Comes  domesticorum  "  commander  of  the  guards,  was 
representative  of  Theodosius  II.  and  Valentinian  III.  at 
Ephesus.  Candidianus  was  at  first  disposed  to  demur  to  the 
condemnation  of  Nestorius  as  disorderly  and  irregular,  and  to 
side  with  the  Orientals. 

^  cf.  p,292. 


was  our  route,  —  I  have  come  very  quickly, 
I  have  travelled  forty  stages  without  pausing 
to  rest  on  the  way  ;  so  your  Christian  majesty 
may  learn  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns 
on  the  route.  Besides  this  I  was  detained 
many  days  in  Antioch  by  the  famine  there ; 
by  the  daily  tumults  of  the  people ;  and  by 
the  unusual  severity  of  the  rainy  season, 
which  caused  the  torrents  to  swell,  and 
threatened  danger  to  the  town. 

CLIIL     Report  of  the  same  to  the  empresses 

Pulcheria  and  Eudoxia. 

• 

We  had  expected  to  be  able  to  report  to 
your  pious  majesties  in  different  terms,  but 
we  are  now  compelled  to  make  known  to 
you  the  following  facts,  forced  as  we 
are  by  the  irregular  exercise  of  despotic 
power  by  Cyril  of  Alexandria  and  Memnon 
of  Ephesus.  The  proper  course  to  have 
been  pursued,  in  accordance  with  the  laws 
of  the  Church,  and  the  command  of  your 
pious  majesties,  would  have  been  to  wait 
for  the  arrival  of  the  godly  bishops  on  the 
road,  and  in  common  with  them  to  examine 
into  the  questions  at  issue  concerning  the 
true  faith,  and  investigate  the  point  offered 
for  discussion,  and,  after  exact  enquiry,  to 
confirm  the  doctrines  of  the  apostles.  They 
had  written  to  me  that  they  would  wait  for 
our  arrival.  They  heard  that  we  were  only 
three  stages  off.  Then  they  assembled  an  un- 
constitutional council  by  themselves,  and 
have  ventured  on  proceedings  iniquitous,  ir- 
regular, and  bristling  with  absurdities.  And 
this  they  have  done  though  the  most  honour- 
able count  Candidianus,  sent  by  your  pious 
and  Christian  majesties  for  good  order's 
sake,  expressly  charged  them,  alike  in  writ- 
ing and  by  w^ord  of  mouth,  to  wait  for  the 
arrival  of  the  godly  bishops  who  had  been 
convened,  and  to  attempt  no  innovation  on 
the  true  faith,  but  to  take  their  stand  on  the 
directions  of  our  godly-minded  sovereigns. 
Now  in  spite  of  their  having  heard  the  im- 
perial letter  and  the  advice  of  the  most  hon- 
ourable count  Candidianus,  they  have 
nevertheless  made  naught  of  due  order. 
As  the  prophet  says  "  They  hatch  cockatrice' 
eggs,  and  weave  the  spider's  web  ;  and  he 
that  would  eat  of  their  eggs  when  he  breaks 
them  findeth  rottenness,  and  therein  is  a  vi- 
per," '  Wherefore  we  confidently  cry  *'Their 
webs  shall  not  become  garments,  neither  shall 
they  cover  themselves  with  their  works.  "  ^ 

They  have  shut  the  churches  and  the  mar- 
tyrs' shrines  ;  they  have  forbidden  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  holy  feast  of  Pentecost ;  besides  this 


Is.  lix.  5.  Ixz. 


«  Is.  lix.  6. 


334 


THEODORET. 


they  have  sent  the  minions  of  their  disorderly 
despotism  into  bishops'  private  houses,  utter- 
ing shocking  threats,  and  forcing  them  to 
affix  their  signatures  to  illegal  acts.  We 
therefore  considering  all  their  preposterous 
conduct,  have  deposed  the  aforenamed  Cyril 
and  Memnon,  and  deprived  them  of  their 
episcopate.  Their  associates  in  irregularity, 
whether  influenced  by  sycophancy  or  by 
fear,  we  have  excommunicated,  until,  coming 
to  a  knowledge  of  their  own  wounds,  they 
shall  heartily  repent,  shall  anathematize  the 
heretical  Chapters  of  Cyril,  which  are 
tainted  with  the  heresy  of  ApoUinarius, 
Arius,  and  Eunomius,  shall  recover  the  faith 
of  the  Fathers  in  Council  at  Nicaea,  and,  in 
obedience  to  the  pious  commands  of  our 
Christian  sovereigns,  shall,  peacefully  and 
without  any  tumult,  assemble  in  synod, 
be  willing  to  examine  with  care  the  ques- 
tions submitted  to  them,  and  honestly  protect 
the  purity  of  the  faith  of  the  Gospel. 

CLIV.     Report  of  the  same  to  the  Senate  of 
Constantinople. ' 

CLV,  Letter  of  John ^  bishop  of  Antioch  and 
his  supporters,  to  the  clergy  of  Constan- 
tinople^ 

CL  VI.      Letter  of  the   same  to  the  people   of 
Constantinople? 

CL  VIL  Report  of  the  Council  of  (the  bishops 
of)  the  East  to  the  victorious  Emperor, 
announcing  a  second  time  the  deposition  of 
Cyril  and  of  Memnon.^ 

Your  piety,  w^hich  shines  forth  for  the 
good  of  the  empire  and  of  the  churches  of 
God,  has  commanded  us  to  assemble  at 
Ephesus,  in  order  to  bring  about  peace  and 
gain  for  the  Church,  rather  than  to  confuse 
and  disturb  it.  And  the  commands  of  your 
majesty  plainly  and  distinctly  indicate  your 
pious  and  peaceful  intentions  for  the  churches 
of  Christ.  But  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  a  man, 
it  would  seem,  born  and  bred  for  the  bane 
of  the  churches,  after  taking  into  partner- 
ship the  audacity  of  Memnon  of  Ephesus, 
has  first  of  all  transgressed  against  your 
quieting  and  pious  decree,  and  has  so  shewed 
his    general    depravity.     Your   majesty    had 


1  This  Report,  couched  in  almost  identical  terms  with  the 
preceding,  I  omit,  although  commonly  accepted  as  the  compo- 
sition of  Theodoret. 

2  This  is  also  merely  a  short  summary  of  CLII.  and  CLIII. 

3  Omitted  as  being  a  repetition  of  the  preceding. 

*  The  I^atin  version  of  the  title  begins  *'  Relatio  orientalis 
conciliahuUy  So  the  rival  and  hurried  gathering  of  the  East- 
erns was  styled.  The  following  letter  is  a  further  justi- 
fication of  their  action,  and  illustrates  the  readiness  and  ability, 
if  not  the  temper  and  prudence,  of  the  bishop  of  Cyrus,  its 
probable  author. 


ordered  an  investigation  and  careful  testing 
to  be  made  concerning  the  faith,  and  that 
with  the  consent  and  concord  of  all.  Cyril, 
challenged,  or  rather  himself  convicting 
himself,  on  the  count  of  the  Apollinarian 
doctrines,  by  means  of  the  letter  which  he 
lately  sent  to  the  imperial  city,  with  anathe- 
matisms,  whereby  he  is  convicted  of  sharing 
the  views  of  the  impious  and  heretic 
ApoUinarius,  pays  no  heed  to  this  condition 
of  things,  and,  as  though  we  were  living 
with  no  emperor  to  govern  us,  is  proceeding 
to  every  kind  of  lawlessness.  He  ought 
himself  to  be  called  to  account  for  his  un- 
sound opinion  about  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ ; 
but,  usurping  an  authority  given  him  neither 
by  the  canons,  nor  by  your  edicts,  he  is 
hurrying  headlong  into  every  kind  of  dis- 
order and  illegality. 

Moved  by  these  things  the  holy  Synod, 
which  has  refused  to  accept  his  devices  for 
the  damage  of  the  faith,  for  the  aforesaid 
reasons  deposes  him.  It  deposes  Memnon 
also,  who  has  been  his  counsellor  and  abettor 
through  all,  who  has  kept  up  constant  agita- 
tion against  the  very  holy  bishops  for  refus- 
ing to  assent  to  his  pernicious  heterodoxy  ; 
who  has  shut  the  churches  and  every  place 
of  prayer,  as  if  we  were  living  among  the 
heathen  and  the  enemies  of  God  ;  who  has 
brought  in  the  Ephesian  mob,  so  that  every 
day  we  are  in  supreme  danger,  while  we 
look  not  to  defence,  but  heed  the  right  doc- 
trines of  true  religion.  For  the  destruction 
of  these  men  is  identical  with  the  establish- 
ment of  orthodoxy. 

From  his  own  Chapters  your  majesty  can 
have  no  difficulty  in  perceiving  his  impious 
mind.  He  is  convicted  of  trying,  so  to  say, 
to  raise  from  Hades  the  impious  ApoUina- 
rius, who  died  in  his  heresy,  and  of  attack- 
ing the  churches  and  the  orthodox  faith.  He 
is  shewn  in  his  publications  to  anathematize 
at  once  evangelists  and  apostles  and  them 
that  succeeded  them  as  forefathers  of  the 
Church,  who,  moved  not  by  their  own  im- 
aginations, but  by  the  holy  Spirit,  have 
preached  the  true  faith,  and  proclaimed  the 
gospel ;  a  faith  and  gospel  indeed  opposed  to 
what  this  man  holds  and  teaches  and  by  in- 
culcating which  he  wishes  to  give  his  own 
private  iniquity  the  mastery  of  the  world. 
Since  this  is  intolerable  to  us  we  have  fol- 
lowed the  proper  course,  relying  at  once  on  the 
divine  grace  and  on  your  majesty's  good  will. 

We  know  that  you  give  to  nothing  higher 
honour  than  to  the  sacred  faith  in  which  both 
you  and  your  thrice  blessed  forefathers  have 
been  brought  up.  From  them  you  have  re- 
ceived the  perpetual  sceptre  of  empire,  ever 


LETTERS. 


335 


putting  down  the  opponents  of  the  apostolic 
doctrines.  Such  an  opponent  is  the  aforesaid 
Cyiilj  who,  with  the  aid  of  Memnon,  has 
captured  Ephesus  as  he  might  some  fortress, 
and  justly  shares  with  his  ally  the  sentence 
of  deposition.  Justly:  for,  besides  all  that 
has  been  said,  they  have  boldly  tried  every 
means  of  assault  and  every  violence  against 
us,  who,  to  come  together  in  council  in  rati- 
fication of  your  edict,  have  disregarded 
every  claim  of  home  and  country  and    self. 

We  are  now  the  prey  of  tyranny,  unless 
your  piety  intervene  and  order  us  to  assemble 
in  some  other  place,  near  at  hand,  where  we 
shall  be  able,  from  the  scriptures,  and  from 
the  writings  of  the  Fathers,  to  refute  beyond 
contradiction  both  Cyril  and  the  victims  of 
his  ingenuity.  We  have  mercifully  expelled 
these  men  from  communion  with  the  sug- 
gested hope  of  salvation  in  case  they  should 
repent ;  although,  as  if  on  some  campaign  of 
uncivilized  soldiery,  they  have  up  to  this 
moment  furnished  him  with  the  means  of 
his  illegality.  Some  were  deposed  long 
ago,  and  have  been  restored  by  Cyril.  Some 
have  been  excommunicated  by  their  own 
metropolitans,  and  admitted  by  him  again 
into  communion.  Others  have  been  im- 
paled on  various  accusations,  and  have  been 
promoted  by  him  to  honour.  All  through, 
the  main  motive  of  his  action  has  been  the 
endeavour  to  achieve  his  heretical  purpose 
by  the  force  of  numbers,  for  he  does  not 
reckon  as  he  ought  that  in  what  relates  to 
true  religion,  it  is  not  numbers  that  are 
required,  but  rather  correctness  of  doctrine, 
and  the  truth  of  the  doctrine  of  the  apostles. 
Men  are  needed  who  are  competent  to 
establish  these  points  not  by  audacity  and 
masterful  self-assertion  but  by  pious  use  of 
apostolic    testimony  and  example. 

For  all  these  reasons  we  beseech  and  im- 
plore your  majesty  to  bear  prompt  aid  to 
assaulted  truth,  and  to  remedy  without 
delay  these  men's  masterful  madness ;  for, 
like  a  hurricane,  it  is  sweeping  the  less 
moderate  among  us  into  pernicious  heresy. 
Your  piety  has  had  care  for  the  churches  in 
Persia  and  among  the  barbarians  ;  it  is  only 
right  that  you  should  not  neglect  those  which 
are  tossed  by  the  storm  within  the  boundaries 
of  the  Roman  empire. 

CL  VIIL  Report  of  (the  bishops  of)  the  East 
to  the  very  pious  emperor,  which  they 
delivered  with  the  preceding  Report  to  the 
right  honourable  count  L-enaus. 
On  receiving  the  letter  of  your  piety  we 
entertained  hopes  that  the  Egyptian  storm 
which    has     lately    struck     the    churches    of 


God  would  be  driven  away.  But  we  have 
been  disappointed.  Those  men  have  been 
made  even  yet  more  daring  by  their  mad- 
ness ;  they  have  given  no  heed  to  the 
sentence  of  deposition  justly  and  in  due 
form  passed  upon  them,  nor  have  become 
any  more  moderate  in  consequence  of  the 
rebuke  of  your  majesty.  They  have  trampled 
down  alike  the  laws  of  your  piety,  and  the 
canons  of  the  holy  Fathers,  and,  some  of  them 
being  deposed  and  some  excommunicated, 
keep  festivals,  and  celebrate  communion,  in 
Houses  of  Prayer.  And  we,  as  we  have 
already  informed  your  Christ-loving  majesty, 
on  the  receipt  of  your  clemency's  kindly  letter, 
though  our  only  desire  was  to  pray  in  the 
church  of  the  Apostles,  have  not  only  been 
prevented,  but  actually  stoned,  and  chased 
for  a  considerable  distance,  so  that  we  were 
compelled  to  effect  our  safety  by  flight  at 
full  speed.  Our  opponents  on  the  contrary 
think  that  they  may  act  just  as  they  please. 
They  have  declined  to  make  investigation  of 
the  questions  at  issue,  and  to  undertake  the 
defence  of  Cyril's  heretical  Chapters,  rejecting 
the  plain  proofs  of  the  impiety  which  they 
contain.  They  are  impudent  from  mere 
impudence,  while  the  examination  of  the 
questions  before  us  requires  not  impudence, 
but  calmness,  knowledge,  and  skill  in  mat- 
ters of  doctrine. 

Under  these  circumstances  we  have  been 
under  the  necessity  of  sending  forward  the 
most  honourable  Count  Iren^us,  to  approach 
your  piety,  and  to  explain  the  position  of 
affairs.  He  has  accurate  information  con- 
cerning all  that  has  occurred,  and  has 
learned  from  us  many  modes  of  cure,  whereby 
it  may  be  possible  to  bring  about  the 
restoration  of  tranquillity  to  the  holy  churches 
of  God.  We  beseech  your  clemency  to 
grant  him  patient  audience,  and  to  give 
orders  for  the  prompt  carrying  out  of  what- 
ever measures  may  seem  good  to  your  piety, 
that  we  be  not  here  crushed  beyond  all 
endurance. 

CLIX,     Letter  of  the  same  to  the  Prcefect  and 
to  the  Master} 

CLX.     Letter  of  the    same    to    the    Governor 
and  Scholasticus,^ 

CLXI.  Report  presented  to  the  Emperor  by 
Johuy  archbishop  of  Antioch  and  his  sup- 
porters through   Palladius  Magistrianus.^ 

1  Written  at  the  same  time  and  under  the  same  circum- 
stances as  the  former,  of  wliich  it  is  an  abbreviation,  and  is 
consequently  omitted. 

2  Omitted  as  merely  repeating  the  representation  of  CLVII. 

3  This  document  defends  the  action  of  the  conciliabulum, 
speaking    of  Cyril,   in    consequence  of    their  deposition,    as 


336 


THEODORET. 


CLXII.  Letter  of  Theodoretus  to  A?idrcas, 
bishop  of  Samosata,  written  from  Ephesus} 

Writing  from  Ephesus  I  salute  your  holi- 
ness, I  congratulate  you  on  your  infirmity, 
and  deem  you  dear  to  God,  in  that  you  have 
known  what  evil  deeds  have  been  going  on 
here  by  report,  and  not  by  personal  expe- 
rience. Evil  indeed !  They  transcend  all 
imagination  and  all  incidents  of  history ; 
they  compel  a  continual  downpour  of  tears. 
The  body  of  the  Church  is  in  peril  of  dis- 
memberment ;  —  nay,  rather  I  may  say  it 
has  received  the  first  incision  ;  —  unless  the 
wise  Healer  restore  and  re-connect  the  un- 
sound and  severed  limbs.  Once  again  the 
Egyptian  is  raging  against  God,  and  warring 
with  Moses  and  Aaron  His  servants,  and  the 
more  part  Of  Israel  are  on  the  side  of  the 
foe  ;  for  all  too  few  are  the  sound  who  will- 
ingly suffer  for  true  religion*s  sake.  Ancient 
principles  are  trodden  under  foot.  Deposed 
men  perform  priestly  functions,  and  they 
who  have  deposed  them  sit  sighing  at  home. 
Men  excommunicated  by  the  same  sentence 
as  the  deposed  have  relieved  the  deposed  of 
their  deposition  of  their  own  free  will.  Such 
is  the  mockery  of  a  synod  held  by  Egyptians, 
by  Palestinians,  by  men  from  the  Pontic 
and  Asian  dioceses,  and  by  the  West  in  their 
company.^ 

What  players  in  a  pantomime,  in  the  days 
of  paganism,  even  in  any  farce  so  held  up 
religion  to  ridicule?  Indeed  what  farce- 
writer  ever  performed  such  a  play?  What 
dramatist  ever  wrote  so  sad  a  tragedy?  Such 
and  so  great  are  the  troubles  that  have  beset 
God's  Church,  whereof  I  have  narrated  but 
a  very  small  part. 

CLXII  I.  First  Letter  of  the  Commissioners  of 
the  East,  sent  to  Chalcedon,  among  whom 
was  Theodoretus.^ 

On  our  arrival  at  Chalcedon,  for  neither 
we   ourselves   nor  our  opponents  were  per- 


"  lately"  bishop  of  Alexandria,  and  demanding  the  exile  of 
Memnon. 

1  This  letter  may  be  dated  "towards  the  end  of  July  or  in 
the  beginnings  of  August  431 ,  after  the  restitution  of  Cyril  and 
Memnon  on  July  16,  and  before  the  departure  of  Theodoret 
from  Ephesus  on  August  20."  Garnerius.  Andrew  ofSamo- 
sata  wrote  objections  to  Cyril's  Chapters  in  the  name  of  the 
bishops  of  the  East.  He  was  prevented  by  illness  from  being 
present  at  Ephesus  in  431,  as  he  was  also  from  the  synod  as- 
sembled at  Antioch  in  444  to  hear  the  cause  of  Athanasius  of 
Perrha.     He  was  a  warm  supporter  of  Nestorius. 

This  letter  exists  only  in  the  Latin  Version,  and  is  to  be 
found  also  in  Mansi  Collect.  Cone.  ix.  293. 

2InEp.  CLXI.  the  numbers  are  specified;  —  •'  Of  Egyp- 
tians fifty;  of  Asiani  under  Memnon,  leader  of  the  tyranny, 
forty;  of  the  heretics  in  Pamphylia  called  Messalianitae,  twelve; 
besides  those  attached  to  the  same  metropolitan  "  (i.e.  Amphi- 
lochius  of  Side)  "  and  others  deposed  and  excommunicated  in 
divers  places  by  synods  or  bishops,  who  constitute  nothing  but 
a  mere  turbulent  and  disorderly  mob,  entirely  ignorant  of  the 
divine  decrees." 

3  Another  version  of  the  title  runs  "To  the  very  holy  and 
wise  synod  assembled  at  Ephesus,  Joannes,  Paulus,  Aprin. 


mitted  to  enter  Constantinople,  on  account 
of  the  seditions  of  the  excellent  monks,  we 
heard  that  eight  days  before  we  had  ap- 
peared (behold  the  glory  of  the  most  pious 
prince)  the  lord  Nestorius  was  dismissed 
from  Ephesus,  free  to  go  where  he  would  ; 
whereat  we  are  much  distressed,  since  verily 
deeds  done  illegally  and  informally  now 
seem  to  have  some  force.  Let  your  holiness 
however  be  assured  that  we  shall  eagerly  join 
the  battle  for  the  Faith,  and  are  willing  to 
fight  even  unto  death.  To-day,  the  i  ith  of  the 
month  Gorpiaeum,*  we  are  expecting  our 
very  pious  Emperor  to  cross  over  to 
the  Rufinianum,^  and  there  to  hear  the 
trial. 

We  therefore  beg  your  holiness  to  pray 
the  Lord  Christ  to  help  us  to  be  able  to  con- 
firm the  faith  of  the  holy  Fathers,  and  to 
pluck  up  by  the  roots  these  Chapters  which 
have  sprouted  to  the  damage  of  the  Church. 
We  implore  your  holiness  to  think  and  act 
with  us,  and  to  abide  in  your  ready  devotion 
to  the  orthodox  faith.  When  this  letter  was 
written  the  lord  Himerius  ^  had  not  yet  met 
us,  being  peradventure  hindered  on  the  road. 
But  do  not  let  this  trouble  you.  Only  let 
your  piety  strenuously  support  us,  and  we 
trust  that  gloom  will  disappear,  and  the 
truth  shine  forth. 

CLXIV.  Second  Epistle  of  the  same  to  the 
saniey  expressing  premature  triumph  in  victory,^ 

Through  the  prayers  of  your  holiness  our 
most  pious  prince  has  granted  us  an  audience, 
and  by  God's  grace  we  have  got  the  better 
of  our  opponents,  as  all  our  views  have  been 
accepted  by  the  most  Christ-loving  emperor. 
The  reports  of  others  were  read,  and  what 
seemed  unfit  to  be  received,  and  had  no 
further  importance,  he  rejected.  They  were 
full  of  Cyril,  and  petitioned  that  he  might 
be  summoned  to  give  an  account  of  himself. 
So  far  they  have  not  prevailed,  but  have 
heard  discourses  on  true  religion,  that  is  on 
the  system  of  the  Faith,  and  that  the  faith  of 
the  blessed  Fathers  was  confirmed.  We  fur- 
ther refuted  Acacius  ^  who  had  laid  down  in 
his  Commentaiies  that  the  Godhead  is 
passible.  At  this  our  pious  emperor  was 
so  shocked  at  the  enormity  of  the  blasphemy 
that    he  flung   off  his  mantle,    and    stepped 

gius,  Theodoretus,   greeting."    The  lette*  may  "be  dated   in 
Sept.  431.     Paul,  bishop  of  Emesa,  was   ultimately  an  active 
peacemaker  in  the  dispute.     Apringius  was  bishop  of  Chalcis. 
It  only  exists  in  the  Latin. 

1  The  Macedonian  name  for  September. 

2  A  villa  in  the  vicinity  of  Chalcedon, 

3  Metropolitan  of  Nicomedia;  one  of  the  "Conciliabulum." 
*  Also  only  in  Latin. 

^Bishop  of  Melitene  in  Armenia  Secunda,  an  ardent  anti- 
Nestorian,  who  remonstrated  with  Cyril  for  consenting  to 
make  peace  with  the  Orientals. 


LETTERS. 


337 


back.  We  know  that  the  whole  assembly 
welcomed  us  as  champions  of  true  religion. 
It  has  seemed  good  to  our  most  pious 
emperor  that  anyone  should  explain  his  own 
views,  and  report  them  to  his  piety.  We 
have  replied  that  it  is  impossible  for  us 
to  make  any  other  exposition  than  that  made 
by  the  blessed  Fathers  at  Nicaea,  and  so  it 
has  pleased  his  majesty.  We  therefore 
offered  the  form  subscribed  by  your  holiness. 
Moreover,  the  whole  population  of  Con- 
stantinople is  continually  coming  out  to  us 
to  implore  us  to  fight  manfully  for  the  Faith. 
We  do  our  best  to  restrain  them,  to  avoid 
giving  offence  to  our  opponents.  We  have 
sent  a  copy  of  the  expositing,  that  two  copies 
may  be  made,  and  you  may  subscribe  them 
both. 

CLXV,     Letter  of  the  same  to  the  same} 

To  the  very  pious  bishops  now  in  Ephesus  : 
Johannes,  Himerius,  Paulus,  Apringius, 
Theodoretus,  greeting.  For  the  fifth  time 
an  audience  has  been  granted  us.  We 
entered  largely  into  the  question  of  the 
heretical  Chapters,  and  swore  again  and 
again  to  the  very  pious  emperor  that  it  was 
impossible  for  us  to  hold  communion  with 
our  opponents  unless  they  rejected  the 
Chapters.  We  pointed  out  moreover  that 
even  if  Cyril  did  abjure  his  Chapters  he 
could  not  be  received  by  us,  because  he  had 
become  the  heresiarch  of  so  impious  a 
heresy.  Nevertheless  we  gained  no  ground, 
because  our  adversaries  were  urgent,  and 
their  hearers  could  neither  restrain  them  in 
their  insolent  endeavour,  nor  compel  them  to 
come  to  enquiry  and  argument.  They  thus 
evade  the  investigation  of  the  Chapters,  and 
allow  no  discussion  concerning  them.  We, 
however,  as  you  entreat,  are  ready  to  insist 
to  the  death.  We  refuse  to  receive  Cyril 
and  his  Chapters  ;  we  will  not  admit  these 
men  to  Communion  till  the  improper  ad- 
ditions to  the  Faith  be  rejected.  We 
therefore  implore  your  holiness  to  continue 
to  show  at  once  our  mind  and  our  efforts. 
The  battle  is  for  true  religion  ;  for  the  only 
hope  we  have,  —  on  account  of  which  we 
look  forward  to  enjoying,  in  the  world  to 
come,  the  loving-kindness  of  our  Saviour. 
As  to  the  very  pious  and  holy  bishop 
Nestorius,  be  it  known  to  your  piety  that  we 
have  tried  to  introduce  a  word  about  him,  but 
have  hitherto  failed,  because  all  are  ill- 
affected  toward  him.  We  will  notwith- 
standing do  our  best,  though  this  is  so,  to 
take    advantage     of     any     opportunity    that 

1  Only  in  Latin. 


may  offer,  and  of  the  goodwill  of  the 
audience,  to  carry  out  this  purpose,  God 
helping  us.  But  that  your  holiness  may  not 
be  ignorant  of  this  too,  know  that  we,  seeing 
that  the  partisans  of  Cyril  have  deceived 
everyone  by  domineering,  cheating,  flatter- 
ing, and  bribing,  have  more  than  once 
besought  the  very  pious  emperor  and  most 
noble  princes  both  to  send  us  back  to  the 
East,  and  let  your  holiness  go  home.  For 
we  are  beginning  to  learn  that  we  are 
wasting  time  in  vain,  without  nearing  our 
end,  because  Cyril  everywhere  shirks  dis- 
cussion, in  his  conviction  that  the  blas- 
phemies published  in  his  Twelve  Chapters 
can  be  openly  refuted.  The  very  pious 
emperor  has  determined,  after  many  exhort- 
ations, that  we  all  go  every  one  to  his  own 
home,  and  that,  further,  both  the  Egyptian 
and  Memnon  of  Ephesus  are  to  remain  in 
their  own  places.  So  the  Egyptian  will  be 
able  to  go  on  blindfolding  by  bribery.  The 
one,  after  crimes  too  many  to  tell,  is  to 
return  to  his  diocese.  The  other,  an  inno- 
cent man,  is  barely  permitted  to  go  home. 
We  and  all  here  salute  you  and  all  the 
brotherhood  with  you. 

CLXVI.  First  petition  of  the  commissioners^ 
addressed  from  Chalcedon^  to  the  Ejh- 
peror. 

It  had  been  much  to  be  desired  that  the 
word  of  true  religion  should  not  be  adulter- 
ated by  ridiculous  explanations,  and  least  of 
all  by  men  who  have  obtained  the  priesthood 
and  high  oflfice  in  the  churches,  and  who 
have  been  induced,  we  know  not  how,  by 
ambition,  by  lust  of  authorit}',  and  by  certain 
poor  promises,  to  despise  all  the  command- 
ments of  Christ.  Their  only  motive  has 
been  the  desire  to  pay  court  to  a  man  who 
has  the  presumption  to  hope  that  he  and  his 
abettors  will  be  able  to  manage  the  whole 
business  with  success  ;  I  mean  Cyril  of  Alex- 
andria. Of  his  own  frivolity  he  has  intruded 
into  the  holy  churches  of  God  heretical  doc- 
trines which  he  believes  himself  able  to  sup- 
port by  argument.  He  expects  to  escape 
the  chastisement  of  sinners  by  the  sole  help 
of  Memnon  and  the  bishops  of  the  aforesaid 
conspiracy. 

We  are  lovers  of  silence  ;  in  general  we 
advise  a  philosophic  course  of  action.  Now, 
however,  sensible  that  to  be  silent  and  to 
cultivate  philosophy  would  be  to  throw  away 
the  Faith,  we  turn  in  supplication  to  you 
who,  next  to  the  Goodness  on  high,  are  the 
sole  preserver  of  the  world.  We  know  that 
it  specially  belongs  to  you  to  be  anxious  for 


338 


THEODORET. 


true  religion,  as  having,  up  to  tliis  present 
day,  continually  protected  it,  and  being  in 
turn  protected  by  it. 

We  beg  you  therefore  to  receive  this  trea- 
tise, as  though  our  defence  w^ere  to  be 
pleaded  in  the  presence  of  the  most  holy 
God  ;  not  because  we  are  less  active  in  the 
sacred  cause,  but  because  we  are  devoted  to 
true  religion,  and  are  speaking  in  its  behalf. 
For  in  Christian  times  the  clergy  have  no 
more  bounden  duty  than  to  bear  testimony 
before  so  faithful  a  prince,  however  ready  we 
might  have  been  to  yield  our  bodies  and  to 
lay  down  our  lives  a  thousand  times  in  the 
battle  for  the  faith.  We  therefore  beseech 
you  by  God  who  seeth  all  things,  by  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  who  will  judge  all  men  in 
righteousness,  by  the  Holy  Ghost  by  whose 
grace  you  hold  your  empire,  and  by  the 
elect  angels  who  are  your  guardians  and 
whom  one  day  you  shall  see  standing  by  the 
awful  throne,  and  ceaselessly  offering  unto 
God  that  dread  doxology  which  it  is  now 
sought  to  corrupt;  we  beseech  your  piety, 
besieged  as  you  now  are  by  the  craftiness  of 
certain  men  who  are  forbidding  access  to 
you,  and  are  supporting  the  introduction  into 
the  faith  of  heretical  Chapters,  utterly  at 
variance  with  sound  doctrine,  and  tainted 
with  heresy,  to  order  all  who  subscribe 
them,  or  assent  to  them,  and  wish,  after  your 
promised  pardon,  to  dispute  further,  to  come 
forth  and  submit  to  the  discipline  of  the 
Church.  Nothing,  sir,  is  more  worthy  of 
an  emperor  than  to  fight  for  the  truth,  for 
which  you  hurried  to  join  battle  with  Per- 
sians and  other  barbarians,  when  Christ 
granted  you  to  win  fair  victories  in  acknowl- 
edgment of  your  zeal  towards  Him.  We 
beseech  you  that  the  questions  at  issue  may 
be  put  before  your  piety  in  writing,  for  thus 
their  purport  will  be  more  easily  perceived, 
and  the  transgressors  will  be  convicted  for 
all  future  time.  If  however  anyone,  heedless 
of  the  utterances  for  which  he  shall  be  at 
fault,  shall  wish  by  his  teaching  to  prevail 
over  the  right  faith,  it  will  be  the  part  of 
your  justice  and  judgment  to  consider  whether 
the  very  name  of  teachers  has  not  been 
thrown  away  by  men  who  are  reluctant  to 
run  any  risks  concerning  the  doctrines  which 
they  introduce,  refusing  to  be  obedient  to 
your  orders,  that  they  may  escape  conviction 
for  having  done  wrong ;  nor  reckoning  them 
worth  refutation,  that  their  mutual  conspiracy 
be  not  proved  fruitless.  For  now  it  is  clear, 
from  those  that  have  been  ordained  by  them 
that  some  of  them,  in  return  for  this  impiety, 
have  bethought  them  of  obliging  certain 
persons  by  the  concession   of  dignities  and 


have  devised  certain  other  means.  This  will 
become  still  more  clear  ;  and  your  piety  will 
soon  see  that  they  will  distribute  the  rewards 
of  their  treachery,  as  though  they  were  the 
spoils  of  the  faith  of  Christ. 

But  we,  of  whom  some  were  long  ago  or- 
dained by  the  very  pious  Juvenal,  bishop  of 
Jerusalem,  have  kept  silence,  although  it  was 
our  duty  to  contend  for  the  canon,  that  we 
might  not  seem  to  be  troubled  for  our  own 
reputation's  sake.  We  are  now  perfectly 
well  aware  of  his  active  trickery  through 
Phoenicia  Secunda  and  Arabia.  We  really 
have  not  time  to  attend  to  such  things.  We 
are  men  who  have  preferred  rather  to  be  de- 
prived of  the  very  places  of  which  the  min- 
istry has  been  entrusted  to  us,  and  so  of  our 
life,  than  of  our  ready  zeal  for  the  faith. 
To  the  attempts  of  those  men  we  will  oppose 
the  sentence  of  God  and   of  your  piety. 

Now  also  we  beg  that  true  religion  may 
be  your  one  and  primary  care,  and  that  the 
brightness  of  orthodoxy,  which  at  length 
with  difficulty  blazed  forth  in  the  da}  s  of 
Constantine  of  holy  name,  was  maintained 
by  your  blessed  grandfather  and  father,  and 
was  extended  by  your  majesty  among  the 
Persians  and  other  barbarians,  be  not  allowed 
to  grow  dim  in  the  very  innermost  courts  of 
your  imperial  palace,  or,  in  your  serenity's 
days,  to  be  dispersed. 

You  will  not  send,  sir,  a  divided  Chris- 
tianity into  Persia ;  nor  here  at  home  will 
there  be  anything  great,  while  we  are  dis- 
tressed by  disputes,  and  while  there  is  no 
one  existing  on  their  side  to  settle  them  ;  no 
one  will  take  part  in  a  divided  Word  and 
Sacraments ;  no  one  without  loss  of  faith 
will  cut  himself  off  from  such  famous  fathers 
and  saints  who  have  never  been  condemned. 
No  imperial  successes  will  be  permitted  to  a 
people  at  variance  among  themselves;  a 
burst  of  derision  will  be  roused  from  the 
enemies  of  true  religion  ;  and  all  the  other 
noxious  consequences  of  their  malignant  con- 
troversy are  too  numerous  to  reckon. 

If  there  is  anyone  who  thinks  little  of  the 
science  of  theology,  let  that  one  be  any  one 
in  the  world  rather  than  he  to  whom  the  Lord 
has  given  the  supreme  government  of  the 
world.  Our  petition  is  that  your  piety  will 
give  judgment,  for  God  will  guide  your  in- 
telligence into  exact  comprehension.  Finally, 
should  this  be  impracticable  (and  all  the 
engagements  of  your  piety  we  cannot  know) 
we  beseech  your  serenity  to  give  us  leave  to 
travel  safely  home.  We  are  aware  that  to 
the  dioceses  entrusted  to  us  cause  of  offence 
is  given  by  so  protracted  a  delay,  on  account 
of  those   men  who   even   in  sacred    matters 


LETTERS. 


339 


look    out    for    opportunities    of    dissension 
whence  no  advantage  can  be  derived. 

CLXVII.     Second  petiiio7i    of  the  same,    sent 
from  Chalcedon  to  Theodosms  Augustus. 

Your  piety  has  been  informed  on  several 
occasions,  both  by  ourselves  in  person  and 
by  our  emissaries,  that  the  doctrine  of  the 
true  faith  seems  to  stand  in  danger  of  being 
corrupted,  and  that  the  body  of  the  Church  is 
apparently  being  rent  asunder  by  men  who 
are  turning  everything  upside  down,  tramp- 
ling upon  all  church  order,  and  all  imperial 
law,  and  throwing  everything  into  confusion, 
that  they  may  confirm  the  heresy  propounded 
by  Cyril  of  Alexandria.  For  when  we  were 
first  summoned  by  your  piety  to  Ephesus,  to 
enquire  into  the  question  which  had  arisen, 
and  to  confirm  the  evangelic  and  apostolic 
faith  laid  down  by  the  holy  Fathers,  before 
the  arrival  of  all  the  bishops  who  had  been 
convened,  the  holders  of  their  own  private 
Council  confirmed  in  writing  the  heretical 
Chapters,  which  are  at  one  with  the  impiety 
of  Arius,  Eunomius  and  Apollinarius. 
Some  they  deceived ;  some  they  terrified ; 
others  already  charged  with  heresy,  they  re- 
ceived into  communion  ;  and  others  who  had 
not  communicated  with  them  were  bribed 
into  so  doing  ;  others  again  were  fired  with 
the  hope  of  dignities  for  which  they  were 
unfit ;  so  these  men  gathered  round  them 
a  great  crowd  of  adherents,  as  though  they 
had  no  idea  that  true  religion  is  shewn  not 
by  numbers,  but  by  truth. 

The  dispatch  of  your  piety  was  read  a 
second  time  by  the  most  honourable  Count 
Candidianus,  ordering  that  the  questions  re- 
cently raised  be  examined  in  a  quiet  and 
brotherly  manner.  When  however  all  the 
pious  bishops  were  assembling,  the  reading 
had  no  effect. 

Then  came  the  noble  Palladius  Magistri- 
anus,  bringing  another  dispatch  from  your 
majesty,  to  the  effect  that  all  enactments 
passed  privately  and  apart  must  be  rescinded  ; 
that  the  Council  must  be  assembled  afresh, 
and  the  true  doctrine  ratified  ;  but,  as  usual, 
this  yor.r  pious  mandate  was  treated  with 
contempt  by  these  unscrupulous  persons. 

Then  again  arrived  the  right  honourable 
Master  John,  at  that  time  ''Comes  Largi- 
tionum,"  bringing  another  pious  letter  to  the 
effect  that  the  depositions  of  the  three  had 
been  decreed,  that  the  offences  which  had 
sprung  up  were  to  be  removed,  and  the  faith 
laid  down  at  Nicaea  by  the  holy  and  blessed 
Fathers  was  to  be  ratified  by  all.  As  usual 
these  universal  mockers  transgressed  this 
law  too. 


For  after  hearing  the  letter  they  did  not 
change  their  mode  of  action  ;  they  held  com- 
munion with  the  deposed  ;  spoke  of  them  as 
bishops,  and  refused  to  allow  the  Chapters, 
which  had  been  propounded  to  the  loss  ancl 
corruption  of  the  pious  faith  to  be  rejected  ; 
notwithstanding  their  having  been  frequently 
summoned  by  us  to  discussion.  For  we  had 
ready  to  hand  a  plain  refutation  of  the  heret- 
ical Chapters. 

In  evidence  of  these  statements  we  have 
the  right  honourable  Master,  who  when  both 
sides  had  been  summoned  a  third  and  a 
fourth  time,  not  venturing  to  make  this  con- 
duct an  excuse  on  account  of  their  disobedi- 
ence, thought  it  worth  while  to  summon  us 
hither. 

We  came  at  once  ;  on  our  arrival  w^e  al- 
lowed ourselves  no  rest  making  our  petition, 
both  before  your  piety  and  before  the  illus- 
trious assembly,  that  they  would  take  up  the 
quarrel  for  the  Chapters  and  enter  into  dis- 
cussion concerning  them,  or  on  the  other 
hand  reject  them  as  contrary  to  the  right 
faith,  abiding  by  the  faith  as  laid  down  by 
the  blessed  fathers  in  council  at  Nicaea. 

They  refused  to  do  anything  of  the  kind  ; 
they  persisted  in  their  heretical  procedure  ; 
yet  they  were  allowed  to  attend  the  churches, 
and  to  perform  their  priestly  functions.  We, 
however,  alike  at  Ephesus  and  here,  have 
been  for  a  long  timedeprived  of  communion  ; 
alike  there  and  here  we  have  undergone  in- 
numerable perils ;  and  while  we  were  being 
stoned  and  all  but  slain  by  slaves  dressed  up 
as  monks,  we  took  it  all  for  the  best,  as  will- 
ingly enduring  such  treatment  in  the  cause 
of  the  truth. 

Afterwards  it  seemed  good  to  your  majesty 
that  we  and  the  opposite  party  should  assem- 
ble once  again,  that  the  recalcitrant  might  be 
compelled  to  examine  the  doctrines.  While 
we  were  waiting  for  this  to  come  to  pass  your 
piety  set  out  for  the  city,  and  ordered  the 
very  men  who  were  being  accused  of  heresy 
and  had  been  therefore  some  of  them  de- 
posed by  us,  and  others  excommunicated  and 
thereafter  to  be  subjected  to  the  discipline  of 
the  Church,  to  come  to  the  city  and  perform 
priestly  functions,  and  ordain.*  We  however 
who  in  the  cause  of  true  religion  have  un- 
dertaken a  struggle  so  tremendous  ;  we  who 
have  shrunk  from  no  peril  in  our  battle  for 
right  doctrine,  have  neither  been  bidden  to 
enter  the  city  to  serve  the  cause  of  the  im- 
perilled Faith  and  strive  for  orthodoxy ;  nor 
have  w^e  been  permitted   to    return  home  ;  '^ 


i.e.    Maximianus,    in   succession    to  Nestorius,   Oct.   25, 


431 


'  Nestorius  was  permitted  to  return  to  his  old  monastery  at 
Antioch. 


340 


THEODORET. 


but  here  we  are  in  Chalcedon  distressed 
and  groaning  for  the  Church  oppressed  by 
schism. 

Wherefore  since  we  are  in  receipt  of  no 
reply  we  have  thought  it  necessary  to  inform 
your  piety  by  this  present  letter,  before  God 
and  Christ  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  that  if  any 
one  shall  have  been  ordained  (before  the 
settlement  of  right  doctrines)  by  these  men 
of  heretical  opinions,  he  must  necessarily  be 
cut  off  from  the  whole  church,  as  well  from 
the  clergy  as  the  dissentient  laity.  For  none 
of  the  pious  will  endure  that  communion  be 
granted  to  heretics,  and  their  own  salvation 
be  nullified. 

And  when  this  shall  have  come  to  pass, 
then  your  piety  shall  be  compelled  to  act 
against  your  will.  For  the  schism  will  grow 
beyond  all  expectation,  and  thereby  the 
champions  of  true  religion  will  be  saddened, 
unable  to  endure  the  loss  of  their  own  souls, 
and  the  establishment  of  those  impious  doc- 
trines of  Cyril  which  the  contentious  are  de- 
sirous of  defending. 

Many  indeed  of  the  supporters  of  true 
religion  will  never  allow  the  acceptance  of 
Cyril's  doctrines;  we  shall  never  allow  it, 
who  all  are  of  the  diocese  of  the  East  of  your 
province,  of  the  diocese  of  Pontus,  of  Asia, 
of  Thrace,  of  lUyricum  and  of  the  Italies, 
and  who  also  sent  to  your  piety  the  treatise 
of  the  most  blessed  Ambrose,  written  against 
this  nascent  superstition. 

To  avoid  all  this,  and  the  further  troubling 
of  your  piety,  we  beg,  beseech,  and  implore 
you  to  issue  an  edict  that  no  ordination  take 
place  before  the  settlement  of  the  orthodox 
faith,  on  account  of  which  we  have  been 
convened  by  your  Christ-loving  highness. 

CLXVIII.       Third  demand  of  the  same,   ad- 
dressed from  Chalcedon  to  the  sovereigns. 

We  never  expected  the  summons  of  your 
piety  to  meet  with  this  result.  We  were 
honourably  convoked,  as  priests  by  prince  ; 
we  were  convoked  to  ratify  the  faith  of  the 
holy  Fathers  ;  and  therefore,  in  due  obedi- 
ence to  a  pious  prince,  we  came.  On  our 
arrival  we  were  no  less  faithful  to  the  Church, 
nor  less  respectful  to  your  edict.  From  the 
day  of  our  arrival  at  Ephesus  till  the  present 
moment  we  have  without  intermission  fol- 
lowed your  behests. 

As  it  seems,  however,  our  moderation,  in 
these  times,  has  not  been  of  the  slightest  use 
to  us  ;  nay,  rather,  so  far  as  we  can  see,  it 
has  stood  very  much  in  our  way.  We  in- 
deed who  have  thus  behaved  have  been  up 
to  the  present  time  detained  in  Chalcedon  ; 


and  now  we  are  told  that  we  may  go  home. 
They  however  who  have  thrown  everything 
into  confusion,  who  have  filled  the  world 
with  tumult,  who  are  striving  to  rend 
churches  in  twain,  and  who  are  the  open 
assailants  of  true  religion,  perform  priestly 
functions,  crowd  the  churches,  and  as  they 
imagine  have  authority  to  ordain,  though  in 
truth  it  is  illegally  claimed  by  them,  stir  up 
seditions  in  the  church,  and  what  ought  to 
be  spent  upon  the  poor  the}^  throw  away 
upon  their  bullies. 

But  you  are  not  only  their  emperor ;  you 
are  ours  too.  For  no  small  portion  of  your 
empire  is  the  East,  wherein  the  right  faith 
has  ever  shone,  and,  besides,  the  other  prov- 
inces and  dioceses  from  which  we  have  been 
convened. 

Let  not  your  majesty  despise  the  faith 
which  is  being  corrupted,  in  which  you  and 
your  forefathers  have  been  baptized ;  on 
which  the  Church's  foundations  are  laid  ;  fot 
which  most  holy  martyrs  have  rejoiced  to 
suffer  countless  kinds  of  death  ;  by  aid  of 
which  you  have  vanquished  barbarians  and 
destroyed  tyrants ;  which  you  are  needing 
now  in  your  war  for  the  subjugation  of 
Africa.  For  on  your  side  will  fight  the  God 
of  all  if  you  struggle  on  behalf  of  His  holy 
doctrines  and  forbid  the  dismemberment  of 
the  body  of  the  church  :  for  dismembered  it 
will  be  if  the  opinion  prevail  which  Cyril 
has  introduced  into  the  Church  and  other 
heretics  have  confirmed. 

To  these  truths  we  have  often  already 
borne  testimony  before  God  both  in  Ephesus 
and  in  this  place.  I  have  furnished  infor- 
mation to  your  holiness,  giving  an  account 
as  before  the  God  of  all.  For  this  is  required 
of  us,  as  is  taught  in  the  divine  Scripture 
both  by  prophets  and  apostles ;  as  says 
the  blessed  Paul  '*  I  give  thee  charge  in  the 
sight  of  God,  who  quickeneth  the  dead,  and 
of  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  before  Pontius 
Pilate  witnessed  a  good  confession ;  "  *  and 
as  God  charged  Ezekiel  to  announce  to  the 
people,  adding  threats  and  saying,  '*  when 
thou  givest  him  not  warning,  .  .  .  his 
blood  will  I  require  at  thine  hand."  ^ 

In  awe  of  this  sentence,  once  again  we  in- 
form your  majesty  that  they  who  have  been 
permitted  to  hold  churches,  and  who  teach 
the  doctrines  of  Apollinarius,  Arius,  and  Eu- 
nomius,  perform  all  sacred  functions  irregu- 
larly and  in  violation  of  the  canons,  and 
destroy  the  souls  of  all  who  approach  them  ; 
if,  indeed,  any  shall  be  found  willing  to 
listen   to  them.     For   by  the   grace   of  God 


1  I.  Tim.  vi.  13. 


»  Ez.  iii.  \i 


LETTERS. 


34' 


whose  Providence  is  over  all,  and  who 
wishes  all  men  to  be  saved,  the  more  part  of 
the  people  is  sound,  and  warmly  attached  to 
pious  doctrines.     It  is  on  their  account  that 


we  grieve. 


And  in  our  anguish  and  alarm  lest  the 
plague  creeping  on  by  little  and  little  should 
attack  more,  and  the  evil  become  general, 
we  thus  instruct  your  serenity,  and  continue 
to  give  you  exhortation  ;  we  implore  your 
majesty  to  yield  to  our  prayers  and  to  pro- 
hibit any  addition  to  be  made  to  the  Faith 
of  the  holy  Fathers  assembled  in  council  at 
Nic^ea. 

And  if  after  this  our  entreaty  your  piety 
reject  this  doctrine,  which  was  given  in  the 
presence  of  God,  we  will  shake  off  the  dust 
of  our  feet  against  you,  and  cry  with  the 
blessed  Paul,  ''We  are  pure  from  your 
blood."  '  For  we  cease  not  night  and  day 
from  the  moment  of  our  arrival  at  this  dis- 
tinguished council  to  bear  witness  to  prince, 
nobles,  soldiers,  priests  and  people,  that  we 
hold  fast  the  Faith  delivered  to  us  by  the 
Fathers. 

CLXIX.  Letter  written  by  TheodoretuSy  bishop 
of  CyruSj   from  Chalcedon  to  Alexander  of 
Hierapolis^ 

We  have  left  no  means  untried,  of  courtesy, 
of  sternness,  of  entreaty,  of  eloquence  be- 
fore the  most  pious  em.peror,  and  the  illus- 
trious assembly,  testifying  before  God  who 
sees  all  things  and  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
who  shall  judge  the  world  in  justice,^  and  the 
Holy  vSpirit  and  his  elect  angels,  lest  the 
Faith  be  despised  which  is  now  being  cor- 
rupted by  the  maintainers  and  bold  sub- 
scribers of  lieretical  doctrines ;  and  that 
charge  be  given  for  it  to  be  laid  down  in  the 
same  terms  as  at  Nicaea  and  for  the  rejec- 
tion of  the  heresv  introduced  to  the  loss  and 
ruin  of  true  religion.  Up  to  this  time 
however  we  have  produced  not  the  slightest 
effect,  our  hearers  being  carried  now  in  one 
direction  and  now  in  another. 

Nevertheless  all  these  difficulties  have  not 
been  able  to  deter  me  from  urging  my  point, 
but  by  God's  grace  I  have  pressed  on.  I 
have  even  stated  to  our  pious  emperor  with 
an  oath  that  it  is  perfectly  impossible  for 
Cvril  and  Memnon  to  be  reconciled  with 
me,  and  that  we  can  never  communicate  with 
^ny  one  who  has  not  previously  repudiated  the 
heretical   Chapters.     This  then  is  our   mind. 


1  Acts.  XX.  26. 

2  Dated  bv  Garnerius  at  the  end  of  September  or  begin- 
ning ot  October  431,  before  the  order  had  been  given  for  the 
withdrawal  of  the  Easterns  and  the  entry  of  the  otlier  party  to 
^consecrate  a  bishop. 

Scf.  11.  Tim.  iv.  i. 


The  object  of  men  who  "  seek  their  own  not 
the  things  which  are  Jesus  Christ's  "  '  is  to 
be  reconciled  with  them  against  our  will. 
But  this  is  no  business  of  mine,  for  God 
weighs  our  motives  and  tries  our  character, 
nor  does  He  inflict  chastisement  for  what  is 
done  against  our  will.  Be  it  known  to  your 
holiness  that  if  ever  I  said  a  word  about  our 
friend^  either  before  the  very  pious  emperor 
or  the  illustrious  assembly,  I  was  at  once 
branded  as  a  rebel.  So  intensely  is  he  hated 
by  the  court  party.  This  is  most  annoy- 
ing. The  most  pious  emperor,  especially, 
cannot  bear  to  hear  his  name  mentioned  and 
says  publicly  "  Let  no  one  speak  to  me  of 
this  man."  On  one  occasion  he  gave  an  in- 
stance of  this  to  me.  Nevertheless  as  long 
as  I  am  here  I  shall  not  cease  to  serve  the 
interests  of  this  our  father,  knowing  that  the 
impious  have  done  him  wrong. 

My  desire  is  that  both  your  piety  and  I 
myself  get  quit  of  this.  No  good  is  to  be 
hoped  from  it,  in  as  much  as  all  the  judges 
trust  in  gold,  and  contend  that  the  nature  of 
the  Godhead  and  manhood  is  one. 

All  the  people  however  by  God's  grace 
are  in  good  case,  and  constantly  come  out 
to  us.  I  have  begun  to  discourse  to  them 
and  have  celebrated  very  large  commun- 
ions. 

On  the  fourth  occasion  I  spoke  at  length 
about  the  faith  and  they  listened  with  such 
delight  that  they  did  not  go  away  till  the 
seventh  hour  but  held  out  even  till  the  mid- 
day heat.  An  enormous  crowd  was  gathered 
in  a  great  court,  with  four  verandahs,  and  I 
preached  from  above  from  a  platform  near 
the  roof. 

All  the  clergy  with  the  excellent  monks 
are  on  the  contrary  utterly  opposed  to  me,  so 
that  when  we  came  back  from  the  Rufini- 
anum,  after  the  visit  of  the  very  pious  em- 
peror, stone  throwing  began  and  many  of 
my  companions  were  wounded,  by  the  people 
and  false  monks. 

The  very  pious  emperor  knew  that  the 
mob  was  gathered  against  me  and  coming  up 
to  me  alone  he  said,  '*  I  know  that  you  are 
assembling  improperly."  Then,  said  I, 
"  As  you  have  allowed  me  to  speak  hear  me 
with  favour.  Is  it  fair  for  excommunicated 
heretics  to  be  doing  duty  in  churches,  while 
I,  who  am  fighting  for  the  Faith  and  am 
therefore  excluded  by  others  from  commun- 
ion, am  not  allowed  to  enter  a  church.^" 
He  replied  ^' What  am  I  to  do.^"  I  said, 
".What  your  comes  laroitionuui  did  at 
Ephesus.     When  he  found  that  some  were 


1  Phil,  ii,  21. 


•  i.e.  Nestorius. 


342 


THEODORET. 


assembling,  but  that  we  were  not  assem- 
bling, he  stopped  them  saying,  '  If  you  are 
not  peaceful  I  will  allow  neither  party  to 
assemble.'  It  would  have  become  your 
piety  also  to  have  given  directions  to  the 
bishop  here  to  forbid  both  the  opposite  party 
and  ourselves  to  assemble  before  our  meeting 
together  to  make  known  your  righteous  sen- 
tence to  all."  To  this  he  replied  "  It  is  not 
for  me  to  order  the  bishop  ;  "  and  I  answered 
*'  Neither  shall  you  command  us,  and  we 
will  take  a  church,  and  assemble.  Your 
piety  will  find  that  there  are  many  more  on 
our  side  than  on  theirs."  In  addition  to  this 
I  pointed  out  that  we  had  neither  reading  of 
the  holy  Scripture,  nor  oblation  ;  but  only 
*'  prayer  for  the  Faith  and  for  your  majesty, 
and  pious  conversation."  So  he  approved, 
and  made  no  further  prohibition.  The  re- 
sult is  that  increased  crowds  flock  to  us,  and 
gladly  listen  to  our  teaching.  I  therefore 
beg  your  piety  to  pray  that  our  case  may 
have  an  issue  pleasing  to  God.  I  am  in 
daily  danger,  suspecting  the  wiles  of  both 
monks  and  clergy,  as  I  witness  alike  their 
influence  and  their  negligence. 

CLXX.  Letter  of  certain  Easterns^  ivho  had 
been  sent  to  Constantinople y  to  Bishop 
Rufiis, 

To  our  most  godly  and  holy  fellow- 
minister  Rufus,  Joannes,  Himerius,  Theo- 
doretus,  and  the  rest,  send  greeting  in  the 
Lord.^ 

True  religion  and  the  peace  of  the  Church 
suffer,  we  think,  in  no  small  degree,  from 
the  absence  of  your  holiness.  Had  you  been 
on  the  spot  you  might  have  put  a  stop  to  the 
disturbances  which  have  arisen,  and  the 
violence  that  has  been  ventured  on,  and 
miorht  have  fous^ht  on  our  side  for  the  sub- 
jection  of  the  heresies  introduced  into  the 
orthodox  Faith,  and  that  doctrine  of  apostles 
and  evangelists  which,  handed  down  from 
time  to  time  from  father  to  son,  has  at  length 
been  transmitted  to  ourselves. 

And  we  do  not  assert  this  without  ground, 
for  we  have  learnt  the  mind  of  your  holiness 
from  the  letter  written  to  the  very  godly 
and     holy     Julianus,     bishop      of     Sardica, 


1  After  pointing  out  that  superscription,  style,  expression, 
sentiments,  and  circumstances  all  indicate  Theodoret  as  the 
writer  of  this  letter,  Garnerius  proceeds  '*  The  objection  of 
Baronius  that  mention  is  made  of  Martinus,  bishop  of  Milan, 
when  there  never  was  a  Martinus  bishop  of  Milan,  is  not  of 
great  importance.  Theodoret  at  a  distance  might  easily  write 
Martinus  for  Martinianus,  or  a  copyist  might  abbreviate  the 
Hame  to  this  form."  The  date  of  the  letter  is  marked  as  after 
the  order  to  the  bishops  to  remain  at  Constantinople,  and  be- 
fore permission  was  given  them  to  return  home.  The  Letters 
were  also  written  to  Martinianus  of  Milan,  to  John  of 
Ravenna,  and  to  John  of  Aquileia,  but  only  that  to  Rufus  is 
extant.     Rufus  is  probably  the  bishop  of  Thessalonica. 


for  that  letter  as  is  right  charged  the  above 
named  very  godly  bishop  to  fight  for  the 
Faith  laid  down  by  the  blessed  fathers  as~ 
sembled  in  council  at  Nicaea,  and  not  to 
allow  any  corruption  to  be  introduced  into 
those  invincible  definitions  which  are  suffi- 
cient at  once  to  exhibit  the  truth  and  to 
refute  falsehood.  So  your  holiness  rightly,, 
justly,  and  piously  advised,  and  the  recipient 
of  the  letter  followed  your  counsel.  But 
many  of  the  members  of  the  council,  to  use 
the  word  of  the  prophet,  "  have  gone  aside,"* 
and  have  ''altogether  become  filthy^"  ^  for 
they  have  abandoned  the  Faith  which  they 
received  from  the  holy  Fathers,  and  have 
subscribed  the  twelve  Chapters  of  Cyril  of 
Alexandria,  which  teem  with  Apollinarian 
error,  are  in  agreement  with  the  impiety  of 
Arius  and  Eunomius,  and  anathematize  aU. 
who  do  not  accept  their  unconcealed  unor- 
thodoxy.  To  this  plague  smiting  the  Church 
vigorous  resistance  has  been  offered  by  us 
who  have  assembled  from  the  East,  and 
others  from  different  dioceses,  with  the 
object  of  securing  the  ratification  of  the  Faith 
delivered  by  the  blessed  Fathers  at  Nic^ea^ 
For  in  it,  as  your  holiness  knows,  there  is 
nothing  lacking  whether  for  the  teaching  of 
evangelic  doctrines,  or  for  the  refutation  of 
every  heresy. 

For  the  sake  of  this  Faith  we  continue  to 
struggle,  despising  alike  all  the  joys  and 
sorrows  of  mortal  life,  if  only  we  may 
preserve  untouched  this  heritage  of  our 
fathers.  For  this  reason  we  have  deposed 
Cyril  and  Memnon ;  the  former  as  prime 
mover  in  the  heresy,  and  the  latter  as  hi& 
aider  and  abettor  in  all  that  has  been  done 
to  ratify  and  uphold  the  Chapters  published 
to  the  destruction  of  the  Church.  We  have 
also  excommunicated  all  that  have  dared  ta 
subscribe  and  support  these  impious  doc- 
trines till  they  shall  have  anathematized  them, 
and  returned  to  the  Faith  of  the  Fathers  at 
Nicaea. 

But  our  long-suffering  has  done  them  no- 
good.  To  this  day  they  continue  to  da 
battle  for  those  pernicious  doctrines  and 
have  impaled  themselves  on  the  law  of  the 
canon  which  distinctly  enacts  ''  If  any 
bishop  deposed  by  a  synod,  or  presbyter  or 
deacon  deposed  by  his  own  bishop,  shall 
perform  his  sacred  office,  without  waiting 
for  the  judgment  of  a  synod,  he  is  to  have  na 
opportunity  for  defending  himself,  not  even 
in  another  synod  :  but  also  all  who  communi- 
cate with  him  are  to  be  expelled  from  the 
church."     Now    this    law  has    been    brokers 


1  Ps.  xiv.  3. 


LETTERS. 


343 


both  bv  the  deposed  and  the  excommunicate. 
For  immediately  after  the  deposition  and 
the  excommunication  becoming  known  to 
them,  they  performed  sacred  functions,  and 
they  continue  to  do  so,  in  plain  disbelief  of 
Him  who  said  "  Whatsoever  ye  shall  bind  on 
earth  shall  be  bound  in  heaven."  ' 

With  this  we  have  thought  well  to  acquaint 
your  holiness  at  once,  but  in  expectation  of 
some  favourable  change,  we  have  waited  up 
to  the  present  time.  But  we  have  been  dis- 
appointed. They  have  continued  to  fight  for 
this  impious  heresy,  and  pay  no  attention  to 
the  counsels  of  the  very  pious  emperor.  On 
five  separate  occasions  he  has  met  us,  and 
ordered  them  either  to  reject  the  Chapters  of 
Cyril  as  contrary  to  the  Faith,  or  to  be  will- 
ing to  do  battle  in  their  behalf,  and  to  shew 
in  what  way  they  are  in  agreement  with  the 
confession  of  the  Fathers.  We  have  our 
proofs  at  hand,  whereby  we  should  have 
shewn  that  they  are  totally  opposed  to  the 
teaching  of  orthodoxy,  and  for  the  most  part 
in  agreement  with  heresy. 

For  in  these  very  Chapters  the  author  of  the 
noxious  productions  teaches  that  the  God- 
head of  the  only  begotten  Son  suffered,  instead 
of  the  manhood  which  He  assumed  for  the 
sake  of  our  salvation,  the  indwelling  God- 
head manifestly  appropriating  the  sufferings 
as  of  Its  own  body,  though  suffering  nothing 
in  Its  own  nature  ;  and  further  that  there  is 
made  one  nature  of  both  Godhead  and  man- 
hood,—  for  so  he  explains  ''  The  Word  was 
made  flesh,"  ^  as  though  the  Godhead  had 
undergone  some  change,  and  been  turned 
into  flesh. 

And,  further,  he  anathematizes  those  who 
make  a  distinction  between  the  terms  used 
by  apostles  and  evangelists  about  the  Lord 
Christ,  referring  those  of  humiliation  to  the 
manhood,  and  those  of  divine  glory  to  the 
Godhead,  of  the  Lord  Christ.  It  is  with 
these  views  that  Arians  and  Eunomians,  at- 
tributing the  terms  of  humiliation  to  the 
Godhead,  have  not  shrunk  from  declaring 
God  the  Word  to  be  made  and  created,  of 
another  substance,  and  unlike  the  Father. 

What  blasphemy  follows  on  these  state- 
ments it  is  not  difficult  to  perceive.  There 
is  introduced  a  confusion  of  the  natures,  and 
to  God  the  Word  are  applied  the  words 
''My  God,  my  God,  why  hast  thou  forsaken 
me  ; "  ^  and  "  Father,  if  it  be  possible  let  this 
cup  pass  from  me,"  ^  the  hunger,  the  thirst, 
and  the  strengthening  by  an  angel  ;  His 
saying  "Now  is  mv  soul  troubled,"^  and 
"  my  soul  is  exceeding  sorrowful,  even  unto 


1  Matt,  xviii, 

2  John  i.  14. 


18. 


8  Ps.  xxii.  I. 
*  Matt.  xxvi.  39. 


6  John  xii.  27. 


death,"  and  all  similar  passages  belonging 
to  the  manhood  of  the  Christ.  Any  one 
may  perceive  how  these  statements  corre- 
spond with  the  impiety  of  Arius  and  Euno- 
mius  ;  for  the}^,  finding  themselves  unable  to 
establish  the  difference  of  substance,  connect, 
as  has  been  said,  the  sulTei  ings,  and  the  terms 
of  humiliation,  with  the  Godhead  of  the 
Christ. 

And  be  your  reverence  well  assured  that 
now  in  their  churches  the  Arian  teachers 
preach  no  other  doctrine  than  that  the  sup- 
porters of  the  "  homousion  "  at  present  hold 
the  same  views  as  Arius,  and  that,  after  long 
time,  the  truth  has  now  at  last  been  brought 
to  light. 

We  on  the  contrary  abide  in  the  teaching, 
and  follow  in  the  pious  footprints,  of  the 
blessed  Fathers  assembled  at  Nicsea,  and  of 
their  illustrious  successors,  Eustathius  of 
Antioch,  Basil  of  Caesarea,  Gregory,  John, 
Athanasius,  Theophilns,  Damasus  of  Rome, 
and  Ambrose  of  Milan.  For  all  these,  fol- 
lowing the  words  of  the  apostles,  have  left 
us  an  exact  rule  of  orthodoxy,  which  all  we 
of  the  East  earnestly  desire  to  preserve  im- 
moved.  The  same  is  the  wish  of  the  Bithyn- 
ians,  the  Paphlagonians,  of  Cappadocia 
Secunda,  Fisidia,  Mysia,  Thessaly,  and 
Rhodope,  and  very  many  more  of  the  dif- 
ferent provinces.  The  Italians  too,  it  is 
evident,  will  not  endure  this  new-fangled 
doctrine  ;  for  the  very  godly  and  holy  Marti- 
nus,^  bishop  of  Milan,  has  written  a  letter  to 
us,  and  has  sent  to  the  very  pious  emperor  a 
work  by  the  blessed  Ambrose  on  the  incarna- 
tion of  the  Lord,  of  which  the  teaching  is 
opposed  to  these  heretical  Chapters. 

And  be  it  known  to  vour  holiness  that 
Cyril  and  Memnon  have  not  been  satisfied 
with  corrupting  the  orthodox  Faith,  but  have 
trampled  all  the  canons  underfoot.  For  they 
have  received  into  communion  men  excom- 
municated in  various  provinces  and  dioceses. 
Others  lying  under  charges  of  heresy,  and  of 
the  same  mind  as  Celestius  and  Pelagius, 
(for  they  are  Euchitai,  or  Enthusiasts"^)  and 
therefore  excommunicated  by  their  diocesans 
and  metropolitans,  they  have,  in  defiance  of 
all  ecclesiastical  discipline  received  into  com- 
munion, so  swelling  their  following  from  all 
possible  quarters,  and  shewing  their  eager- 
ness to  enforce  their  teaching  less  by  piety 
than  by  violence.  For  when  they  had  been 
stripped  bare  of  piety  they  devised,  in  their 

1  Matt,  xxvi.  38.  '  Vide  note  on  superscription. 

3cf.  note  on  p.  114.  Celestius,  in  Irishman  of  good  fam 
ily,  was  associated  with  Pelayius  at  Rome.  Both  were  con- 
demned at  Ephesns  in  431.  The  connexion  of  Pelagius  with 
the  Kuchitae  may  be  suggested  bv  tHc  denial  of  tlie  former  of 
oriirinai  sin  and  the  depreciation  by  the  latter  of  baptism  as 
producing  no  results. 


344 


THEODORET. 


extremity,  another  sort  of  force,  —  walls  of 
flesh,  with  the  idea  that  by  their  showers  of 
bribery  they  might  vanquish  the  faith  of  the 
Fathers.  But  so  long  as  your  holiness  puts 
forth  your  strength,  and  you  continue  to  fight, 
as  you  are  wont,  in  defence  of  true  religion, 
none  of  these  devices  will  be  of  the  least 
avail.  We  exhort  you  therefore,  most  holy 
sir,  to  beware  of  the  communion  of  the  un- 
scrupulous introducers  of  this  heresy;  and  to 
make  known  to  all,  both  far  and  near, 
that  these  are  the  points  for  which  the  thrice 
blessed  Damasus  deposed  the  heretics  Apol- 
linarius,  Vitalius,  and  Timotheus ;  and  that 
the  Epistle  in  which  the  writer  has  con- 
cealed his  heresy  and  coloured  it  with  a 
coating  of  truth,  must  not  in  simplicity  be 
received.  For  in  the  Chapters  he  has  boldly 
laid  bare  his  impiety,  and  dared  to  anathema- 
tize all  who  disagree  with  him,  while  in  the 
letter  he  has  vilely  endeavoured  to  harm  the 
simpler  readers. 

Your  holiness  must  therefore  beware  of 
neo-lectinsf  this  matter,  lest  when,  too  late, 
you  see  this  heresy  confirmed,  you  grieve  in 
vain,  and  suffer  affliction  at  being  no  longer 
able  to  defend  the  cause  of  truth. 

We  have  also  sent  vou  a  copy  of  the  me- 
morial which  we  have  given  to  the  most 
pious  and  Christ-loving  emperor,  containing 
the  faith  of  the  holy  Fathers  at  Nicaea, 
wherein  we  have  rejected  the  newly-invented 
heresies  of  Cyril,  and  adjudged  them  to  be 
opposed  to  the  orthodox  faith. 

Since  in  accordance  with  the  orders  of  the 
very  pious  emperor  only  eight  of  us  travelled 
to  Constantinople,  we  have  subjoined  the 
copy  of  the  order  given  us  by  the  holy  synod, 
that  you  may  be  acquainted  with  the  prov- 
inces contained  in  it.  Your  holiness  will 
learn  them  from  the  signatures  of  the  metro- 
politans. We  salute  the  brotherhood  wdiich 
is  with  you. 

CLXXI.     Letter  of  TJieodoret  to  John,  bishop 
of  Antioch,  after  the  reconciliation} 

God,  who  governs  all  things  in  wisdom, 
who  provides  for  our  unanimity,  and  cares 
for  the  salvation  of  His  people,  has  caused  us 
to  be  assembled  together,  and  has  shewn  us 
that  the  views  of  all  of  us  are  in  agreement 
with  one  another.  W^e  have  assembled  to- 
gether, and  read   the   Egyptian  Letter ;  ^  we 


1  This  Letter  appears  to  be  that  of  the  Euphratensian  synod. 
('*  prohat    primum    hcec  vox  kv   koli"Z,    in  conventu :    deinde 

pluralis  numertis  uhique  fositus."     Garnerius.} 

Garnerius  would  date  it  during?  the  negotiations  for  reconcil- 
iation, when  John  of  Antioch  visited  Acacius  at  Bercea,  after 
the  Orientals  had  accepted  Cyril's  formula  of  faith.  Schulze 
would  rather  place  it  after  the  negotiations  were  over. 

2  Presumably  the  letter  written  by  Cyril  to  Acacius,  setting 
forth  his  own   view,  and   representing   that  peace    might   be 


have  carefully  examined  its  purport,  and  we 
have  discovered  that  its  contents  are  quite  in 
accordance  with  our  own  statements,  and  en- 
tirely opposed  to  the  Twelve  Chapters, 
against  which  up  to  the  present' time  we  have 
continued  to  wage  war,  as  being  contrary  to 
true  religion.  Their  teaching  w^as  that  God 
the  Word  was  carnally  made  flesh ;  that 
there  was  an  union  of  hypostasis,  and  that 
the  combination  in  union  was  of  nature,  and 
that  God  the  W^ord  was  the  first-born  from 
the  dead.  They  forbade  all  distinction  in 
the  terms  used  of  our  I^ord,  and  further  con- 
tained other  doctrines  at  variance  with  the 
seeds  sown  by  the  apostles,  and  outcome  of 
heretical  tares.  The  present  script,  however, 
is  beautified  by  apostolic  nobility  of  origin. 
For  in  it  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  exhibited  as 
perfect  God  and  perfect  man  ;  it  shews  two 
natures,  and  the  distinction  between  them; 
an  unconfounded  union,  made  not  by  mixture 
and  compounding,  but  in  a  manner  ineffable 
and  divine,  and  distinctly  preserving  the 
properties  of  the  natures;  the  impassibility 
and  immortality  of  God  the  Word  ;  the  pas- 
sibility  and  temporary  surrender  to  death  of 
the  temple,  and  its  resurrection  by  the  power 
of  the  united  God  ;  that  the  holy  Spirit  is  not 
of  the  Son,  nor  derives  existence  from  the 
Son,  but  proceeds  from  the  Father,  and  is 
properly  stated  to  be  of  the  Son,  as  being  of 
one  substance.'  Beholding  this  oithodoxy  in 
the  letter,  we  have  hymned  Him  wdio  heals 
our  stammering  tongues,  and  changes  our 
discordant  noises  into  the  harmony  of  sweet 
music. ^ 

CLXXI  I.    Letter  of  Theodoretus  to  Nestoiius? 

To  the  very  reverend  and  religious  lord 
and  very  holy  Father,  Nestorius,  the  bishop 
Theodoretus  sends  greeting  in  the  Lord. 
Your  holiness  is,  I  think,  well  aware  that  I 
take  no  pleasure  in  cultivated  society,  nor  in 
the  interests  of  this  life,  nor  in  reputation, 
nor  am  I  attracted  by  other  sees.  Had  I 
learnt  this  lesson  from  no  other  source,  the 
very  solitude  of  the  city"*  over  which  I  am 
called  to  preside  would  suffice  to  teach  me 
this    philosophy.        It      is    not     indeed     dis- 

attained  if  the  Orientals  would  give  up  Nestorius,     It  exists  in 
Lntin.     Synod.  Mansi,  V.  831. 

1  Vide  p.  279.     Note. 

2  The  following  paragraph,  found  only  in  the  Vatican  MS., 
and  described  by  Schulze  as  "inept,"  is  omitted.  It  has  no 
significance. 

3  Of  this  letter  the  Greek  copies  have  perished.  Three  Latin 
versions  exist. 

(!)  In  Synod  c.  120.     Mans,  v   S9S. 

(ii)   In  synodi  quintcE  collatione.    Mans.  IX.  204. 

(iii)  A  version  of  Marius  Mercator  from  the  Recension  of 
Garnerius.  The  two  latter  are  both  ^iven  in  Migne,  Theod. 
IV.  486.  The  translation  given  follows  the  former  of  these 
two.  The  date  appears  to  be  not  long  after  the  receipt  by 
Theodoret  of  the  Chapters  of  Cyril. 

*  cf.  p.  307. 


LETTERS. 


345 


tinguished  only  for  solitude,  but  also  by  very 
many  disturbances  which  may  check  the  ac- 
tivity even  of  those  who  most  delight  in 
them. 

Let  no  one  therefore  persuade  your  holi- 
ness that  I  have  accepted  the  Egyptian  writ- 
ings as  orthodox,  with  my  eyes  shut,  because 
I  covet  any  see.  For  really,  to  speak  the 
truth,  after  frequently  reading  and  carefully 
examining  them,  I  have  discovered  that  they 
are  free  from  all  heretical  taint,  and  I  have 
hesitated  to  put  any  stress  upon  them,  though 
I  certainly  have  no  love  for  their  author, 
who  was  the  originator  of  the  disturbances 
which  have  agitated  the  world.  For  this  I 
hope  to  escape  punishment  in  the  day  of 
Judgment,  since  the  just  Judge  examines 
motives.  But  to  what  has  been  done  un- 
justly and  illegally  against  your  holiness,  not 
even  if  one  were  to  cut  off  both  my  hands 
would  I  ever  assent,  God's  grace  helping  me 
and  supporting  my  infirmity.  This  I  have 
stated  in  writing  to  those  who  require  It.  I 
have  sent  to  your  holiness  my  reply  to  what 
you  wrote  to  me,  that  you  may  know  that, 
by  God's  grace,  no  time  has  changed  me  like 
the  centipedes  and  chameleons  who  Imitate 
by  their  colour  the  stones  and  leaves  among 
which  they  live.  I  and  all  with  me  salute  all 
the  Brotherhood  who  are  with  you  in  the 
Lord. 

CLXXIII,     Letter  to  Andreas ^  Monk  of  Con- 
stantinople} 

"  God  is  faithful  who  will  not  suffer  you  to 
be  tempted  above  that  ye  are  able ;  but 
will.  w^Ith  the  temptation  also  make  a  way 
to  escape  that  ye  may  be  able  to  bear  It,"  ^ 
and  convicts  falsehood,  —  although  now  re- 
futed assertion  of  the  falsehood  is  approved, 
—  and  the  power  of  truth  has  been  shewn. 
For,  lo,  they,  who  by  their  impious  reason- 
ing had  confused  the  natures  of  our  Saviour 
Christ,  and  dared  to  preach  one  nature,  and 
therefore  Insulted  the  most  holy  and  venera- 
ble Nestorius,  high  priest  of  God,  their 
mouths  held,  as  the  prophet  says,  with  bit 
and  bridle  ^  and  turned  from  wrong  to  right, 
have  once  again  learnt  the  truth,  adopting 
the  statement  of  him  who  in  the  cause  of 
truth  has  borne  the  brunt  of  the  battle.  For 
instead  of  one  nature  they  now  confess  two, 
anathematizing  all  who  preach  mixture  and 
confusion.  They  adore  the  impassible  God- 
head of  Christ ;  they  attribute  passion  to  the 
flesh  ;  they  distinguish  between  the  terms  of 
the  Gospels,  ascribing  the    lofty   and    divine 


1  ct".  Epp, 

2  I  Cor.  3 


CXLIII  and  CLXXVII. 

;.  13. 


3  Ps.  xxxi.  9. 


to  the  Godhead,  and  the  lowly  to  the  man- 
hood. Such  are  the  writings  now  brought 
from  Egypt. 

CLXXIV.    To  HimeriuSy  bishop  of  Nicoinedia.^ 

We  wish  to  acquaint  your  holiness  that  on 
reading  and  frequently  discussing  the  letter 
brought  from  Egypt  we  find  It  in  harmony 
with  the  doctrine  of  the  Church.  Of  the 
twelve  Chapters  we  have  proved  the  con- 
trary, and  up  to  the  present  time  we  con- 
tinue to  oppose  them.  We  have  therefore 
determined.  If  your  holiness  has  recovered 
the  churches  divinely  entrusted  to  you.  that 
you  ought  to  communicate  with  the  Egyp- 
tians and  Constantinopolitans  and  others  who 
have  fought  with  them  against  us,  because 
they  have  professed  to  hold  our  faith,  or  I 
should  rather  say  the  faith  of  the  apostles  ; 
but  not  to  give  your  consent  to  the  alleged 
condemnation  of  the  very  holy  and  venerable 
Nestorius.  For  we  hold  it  Impious  and  un- 
just in  the  case  of  charges  in  which  both 
appeared  as  defendants  to  lavish  favour  on 
the  one  and  shut  the  door  of  repentance  on 
the  other.  Far  more  unjust  and  impious  is 
It  to  condemn  an  innocent  man  to  death. 
Your  holiness  should  be  assured  that  you 
ought  not  to  communicate  with  them  before 
you  have  recovered  your  churches.  For  this 
not  only  I  but  all  the  holy  bishops  of  our  dis- 
trict decreed  in  the  recent  Council. 

CLXXV.     To  Alexander  of  Hierapolis^ 

I  have  already  Informed  your  holiness  that 
if  the  doctrine  of  the  very  holy  and  venerable 
bishop,  my  lord  Nestorius,  is  condemned,  I 
will  not  communicate  with  those  who  do  so. 
If  it  shall  please  your  holiness  to  insert  this 
In  the  letter  which  Is  being  sent  to  Antioch 
so  be  it.  Let  there  then,  I  beseech  you,  be 
no  delay  ! 

CLXXVL  Letter  to  the  same  Alexa?ider  after 
he  had  learnt  that  John^  bishop  of  Antioch, 
had  anathematized  the  doctrine  of  Nes- 
toj'ius.^ 

Be  it  known  to  your  holiness  that  when  I 
read  the  letter  addressed  to  the  emperor  I 
was  much  distressed,  because  I  know  per- 
fectly well  that  the  writer  of  the  letter,  being 
of   the    same    opinions,    has    unwisely     and 

1  Himerius  was  of  the  "ConcilinLulum."  and  a  staunch 
Nestorian.  LeQuien  points  out  that  he,  as  well  as  Theodoret, 
became  ultimately  reconciled  to  the  victorious  party. 

2  This  accordini^  to  Marius  Mercator  is  the  conclusion  of 
a  letter  to  Alexander  of  Hierapolis.  Garnerius  had  edited  it  as 
the  conclusion  of  the  preceaing  letter  to  Ilimerius.  Vide 
Mans.  V.  SSo. 

3  This  letter  was  also  edited  by  Garnerius  as  nddressed  to 
Himerius  but  is  inscribed  by  Schulze  to  Alexander  of  Hieraa- 
olis.     It  is  to  be  found  complete  in  Mans.  927, 


34^ 


THEODORET. 


impiously  condemned  one  who  has  never 
held  or  taught  anything  contrary  to  sound 
doctrine.  But  the  form  of  anathema,  though 
it  be  more  likely  than  his  assent  to  the  con- 
demnation, to  grieve  a  reader,  nevertheless 
has  given  me  some  ground  of  comfort,  in 
that  it  is  laid  down  not  in  wide  general 
terms,  but  with  some  qualification.  For 
he  has  not  said  "  We  anathematize  his  doc- 
trine "  but  '*  whatever  he  has  either  said 
or  held  other  than  is  warranted  by  the  doc- 
trine of  the  apostles." 

CLXXVII.    Letter  to  Andreas,  bishop   of  Sa- 
mosata} 

The  illustrious  Aristolaus  has  sent  Magis- 
terianus  from  Egypt  with  a  letter  of  Cyril  in 
which  he  anathematizes  Arius,  Eunomius, 
Apollinarius  and  all  who  assert  Christ's  God- 
head to  be  passible  and  maintain  the  confus- 
ion and  commixture  of  the  two  natures. 
Hereat  we  rejoice,  although  he  did  withhold 
his  consent  from  our  statement.  He  requires 
further  subscription  to  the  condemnation 
which  has  been  passed,  and  that  the  doctrine 
of  the  holy  bishop  Nestorius  be  anathema- 
tized. Your  holiness  well  knows  that  if  any 
one  anathematizes,  without  distinction,  the 
doctrine  of  that  most  holy  and  venerable 
bishop,  it  is  just  the  same  as  though  he 
seemed  to  anathematize  true  religion. 

We  must  then  if  we  are  compelled  anath- 
ematize those  who  call  Christ  mere  man,  or 
who  divide  our  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ  into 
two  sons  and  deny  His  divinity,  etc. 

CLXXVIII.     Letter   to   Alexander  of  JLiera- 
polis.^ 

I  think  that  more  than  all  the  very  holy 
and  venerable  bishop,  my  lord  John,  must 
have  been  gratified  at  my  refusing  either 
to  give  my  consent  to  the  condemnation  of 
the  very  holy  and  venerable  bishop  Nestorius 
or  to  violate  the  pledges  made  at  Tarsus, 
Chalcedon  and  Ephesus.^ 

He  remembers  also  what  was  frequently 
received  from  us  at  Antioch  after  our  de- 
parture. 

Let  no  one  therefore  deceive  your  holiness 
into   the   belief  that   I    should    ever  do  this, 

1  This  letter  is  to  be  found  complete  in  Latin  in  Mans. 
Synod.  840,  Schulze's  Index  inscribing  it  to  Andreas  the 
Constantinopolitan  monk.     cf.  Ep.  CLXII.  and  note. 

2  The  com  plete  letter  is  given  in  another  I^atin  version  Baluz. 
Synod.  LXVI.  Garnerius  makes  it  the  conclusion  of  the  letter 
to  Andrew  of  Samosnta. 

3  The  order  of  events  is  reversed.  John  and  his  friends  went 
from  Ephesns  to  Chalcedon,  from  Chalcedon  via  Ancyra  to 
Tarsus,  where  he  was  in  his  own  fiatriarchate,  and  held  a 
council,  confirming  Cyril's  deposition,  and  pledging  its  mem- 
bers  never  to  abandon  Nestorius.  Again  at  Antioch  the  same 
course  was  repeated. 


for    God    is    without  doubt    on   my  side  and 
strengthening  me. 

CLXXIX.     Letter  of  Cyril  to  John,  bishop   of 
Antioch,  against  Theodoret} 

CLXXX.  Letter  of  Theodoretus,  as  some 
suppose,  to  Domnus,  bishop  of  Antioch, 
written  on  the  death  of  Cyril,  bishop  of 
Alexandria?^ 

At  last  and  with  difficulty  the  villain  has 
gone.  The  good  and  the  gentle  pass  away 
all  too  soon  ;  the  bad  prolong  their  life  for 
years. 

The  Giver  of  all  good,  methinks,  removes 
the  former  before  their  time  from  the  troubles 
of  humanity ;  He  frees  them  like  victors 
from  their  contests  and  transports  them  to  the 
better  life,  that  life  which,  free  from  death, 
sorrow  and  care,  is  the  prize  of  them  that  con- 
tend for  virtue.  They,  on  the  other  hand, 
who  love  and  practise  wickedness  are  allowed 

iVide  Migne  LXXVII.  327.  Cyril.  Ep.  Ixiii. 
2This  letter  is  inserted  in  the  Act.  Synod,  (vide  Mans.  ix» 
295)  as  addressed  to  John,  but  Garnerius,  with  general  accept 
ance,  has  substituted  Domnus.  Its  genuineness  was  contested 
by  Baronius  (an.  vi.  23)  not  only  on  the  ground  of  its  ascrip- 
tion to  John  who  predeceased  Cyril  four  years;  but  also 
because  its  expressions  are  at  once  loo  Nestorian  in  doctrine 
and  too  extreme  in  bitterness  to  hdve  been  penned  by  Theod- 
oret.  Garnerius  is  of  opinion  that  the  extreme  Nestorianism 
and  bitterness  of  feeling  are  no  arguments  against  the  author- 
ship of  Theodoret;  and,  as  we  have  already  had  occasion 
to  notice,  our  author  can  on  occasion  use  very  stronji  language,, 
as  for  instance  in  Letter  CL.  p.  324,  where  he  alludes  to  Cyril 
as  a  shepherd  not  only  plague  smitten  himself  but  doing  his 
best  to  inliict  more  damage  on  his  flock  than  that  caused  by 
beast  of  prey,  by  infecting  his  charge  with  his  disease. 

"  It  must  be  needless  to  add  that  Cyril's  character  is  not  to 
be  estimated  aright  by  ascribing  any  serious  value  to  a  coarse 
and  ferocious  invective  against  his  memory,  which  was  quoted 
as  Theodoret's  in  the  fifth  General  Council  (Theodor.  Ep.  iSo; 
see:  Tillemont,  xiv.  7S4).  If  it  were  indeed  the  production  of 
the  pen  of  Theodoret,  the  reputation  which  would  suffer  from 
it  would  assuredly  be  his  own."  Canon  Bright.  Diet.  Christ, 
Biog.  I. 

*'  The  long  and  bitter  controversy  in  which  both  parties  did 
and  said  many  things  they  must  have  had  cause  deeply  ta 
regret,  was  closed  by  the  death  of  Cyril,  June  9,  or  27,  444. 
With  Baronius,  '  the  cautious  '  Tillemont,  Cardinal  Newman 
and  Dr.  Bright,  we  should  be  glad  to  '  utterly  scout'  the  idea^ 
that  the  '  atrocious  letter'  on  Cyril's  death  ascribed  to  Theod- 
oret by  the  Fiftii  CEcumenical  Council  (Theod.  ed  Schulze, 
Ep.  I  So;  Labbe,  v.  507)  which  he  was  said  to  have  delivered 
by  way  of  paean  (Bright  u.  s.  176)  and  'the  scarcely  less 
scandalous  '  sermon  (ib.)  can  have  been  written  by  him.  'To 
treat  it  as  genuine  would  be  to  vilify  Theodoret.'  'The 
Fathers  of  the  Council'  writes  Dr.  Newman  '  are  no  authority 
on  such  a  matter'  (Hist.  Sketches  p.  359).  A  painful  sus- 
picion of  their  genuineness,  however,  still  lingers  and  troubles 
our  conception  of  Theodoret.  The  documents  may  have  been: 
garbled,  but  the  general  tone  too  much  resembles  that  of  un- 
disputed polemical  writings  of  Theodoret's  to  allow  us  entirely 
to  repudiate  them.  We  wish  we  could.  Neander  (vol.  iv. 
p.  13,  note,  Clark's  tr.)  is  inclined  to  accept  the  genuineness, 
of  the  letter,  the  arguments  against  which  he  does  not  regard 
as  carrying  conviction,  and  to  a  large  extent  deriving  their 
weight  from  Tillemont's  '  Catholic  standpoint.'  That  Theod- 
oret should  speak  in  this  manner  of  Cyril's  character  and 
death  cannot,  he  thinks,  appear  surprising  to  those  who,, 
without  prejudice,  contemplate  Cyril  and  his  relations  to 
Theodoret.  The  playful  description,  after  the  manner  of 
Lucian,  of  a  voyage  to  the  Shades  below,  is  not  to  be 
reckoned  a  very  sharp  thing  even  in  Theodoret.  The  advice 
to  put  a  heavy  stone  over  his  grave  to  keep  Cyril  down  is- 
sufficient  proof  that  the  whole  is  a  bitter  jest.  The  world  felt 
freer  now  Cyril  was  gone;  and  he  does  not  shrink  from  telling 
a  friend  that  he  could  well  spare  him,  '  The  exaggeration  of 
rhetorical  polemics  requires  many  grains  of  allowance. 
Canon  Venables.  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  iv. 


LETTERS. 


347 


a  little  longer  to  enjoy  this  present  life,  either 
that  sated  with  evil  they  may  afterwards  learn 
virtue's  lessons,  or  else  even  in  this  life  may 
pay  the  penalty  for  the  wickedness  of  their 
own  ways  by  being  tossed  to  and  fro  through 
many  years  of  this  life's  sad  and  wicked 
waves. 

This  wretch,  however,  has  not  been  dis- 
missed by  the  ruler  of  our  souls  like  other 
men,  that  he  may  possess  for  longer  time  the 
things  which  seem  to  be  full  of  joy.  Know- 
ing that  the  fellow's  malice  has  been  daily 
growing  and  doing  harm  to  the  body  of  the 
Church,  the  Lord  has  lopped  him  off  like  a 
plague  and  "  taken  away  the  reproach  from 
Israel."  '  His  survivors  are  indeed  delighted 
at  his  departure.  The  dead,  maybe,  are 
sorry.  There  is  some  ground  of  alarm  lest 
they  should  be  so  much  annoyed  at  his  com- 
pany as  to  send  him  back  to  us,  or  tl^at  he 
should  run  away  from  his  conductors  like  the 
tyrant  of  Cyniscus  in  Lucian.^ 

Great  care  must  then  be  taken,  and  it  is  es- 
pecially your  holiness's  business  to  undertake 
this  duty,  to  tell  the  guild  of  undertakers  to 
lay  a  very  big  and  heavy  stone  upon  his 
grave,  for  fear  he  should  come  back  again, 
and  show  his  changeable  mind  once  more. 
Let  him  take  his  new  doctrines  to  the  shades 
below,  and  preach  to  them  all  day  and  all 
night.  We  are  not  at  all  afraid  of  his  divid- 
ing them  by  making  public  addresses  against 
true  religion  and  by  investing  an  immortal 
nature  with  death.  He  will  be  stoned  not 
only  by  ghosts  learned  in  divine  law,  but  also 
by  Nimrod,  Pharaoh  and  Sennacherib,  or  any 
other  of  God's  enemies. 

But  I  am  wasting  words.  The  poor  fellow 
Is  silent  whether  he  will  or  no,  "his  breath 
goeth  forth,  he  returneth  to  his  earth,  in  that 
very  day  his  thoughts  perish."  ^  He  is 
doomed  too  to  silence  of  another  kind.  His 
deeds,  detected,  tie  his  tongue,  gag  his 
mouth,  curb  his  passion,  strike  him  dumb 
and  make  him  bow  down  to  the  ground. 

1  really  am  sorry  for  the  poor  fellow. 
Truly  the  news  of  his  death  has  not  caused 
me  unmixed  delight,  but  it  is  tempered  by 
sadness.  On  seeing  the  Church  freed  from 
a  plague  of  this  kind  I  am  glad  and  rejoice  ; 
but  I  am  sorry  and  do  mourn  when  I  think 
that  the  wretch  knew  no  rest  from  his 
crimes,  but  went  on  attempting  greater  and 

1 1.  Sam.  xvii.  26. 

2  Lucian.     *'  Cataphis  sive  Tyrannus." 

Cyniscus  and  Megapenthes  come  to  the  shore  of  Styx  in  the 
same  batch  of  ghosts. 

Megapenthes  begs  hard  of  Clotho  to  let  him  go  back  again, 
but  Cyniscus  the  philosopher,  who  professes  great  delight  at 
having  died  at  last,  refuses  to  get  into  the  boat.  "No;  by 
Zeus,  not  till  we  have  bound  this  fellow  here,  and  set  him  on 
board,  for  I  am  afraid  he  will  get  over  you  by  bis  entreaties." 

8  Ps.  cxlvi.  4. 


more  grievous  ones  till  he  died.  His  idea 
was,  so  it  is  said,  to  throw  the  imperial  city 
into  confusion  by  attacking  true  doctrines  a 
second  time,  and  to  charge  your  holiness 
with  supporting  them.  But  God  saw  and  did 
not  overlook  it.  "  He  put  his  hook  into  his 
nose  and  his  bridle  into  his  lips,"  '  and  turned 
him  to  the  earth  whence  he  was  taken.  Be  it 
then  granted  to  your  holiness's  prayers  that 
he  may  obtain  mercy  and  pity  and  that 
God's  boundless  clemency  may  surpass  his 
wickedness.  I  beg  your  holiness  to  drive 
away  the  agitations  of  my  soul.  Many  dif- 
ferent reports  are  being  bruited  abroad  to 
my  alarm  announcing  general  misfortunes. 
It  is  even  said  by  some  that  your  reverence 
is  setting  out  against  your  will  for  the  court, 
but  so  far  I  have  despised  these  reports 
as  untrue.  But  finding  every  one  repeating 
one  and  the  same  story  I  have  thought  it 
right  to  try  and  learn  the  truth  from  your 
holiness  that  I  may  laugh  at  these  tales  if 
false,  or  sorrow  not  without  reason  if  they 
are  true. 

CLXXXI ,    Letter    to     Adundius,    bishop     of 
Como^ 

To  my  dear  lord  and  very  holy  brother 
Abundius  Theodoretus  sends  greeting  in  the 
Lord.  I  have  discovered  that  your  pietv 
religiously  preserves  the  true  and  apostolic 
faith ;  and  I  have  thanked  Almighty  God 
that  the  truth  which  was  in  peril  has  been  re- 
newed and  brought  to -light  by  your  holiness. 

Of  old,  after  the  flood,  it  came  to  pass 
that  Noah  and  his  sons  were  left  for  seed  of 
the  human  race.  Just  so  in  our  own  day  are 
reserved  the  fathers  of  the  West,  that  by 
them  the  holy  churches  of  the  East  may  be 
able  to  preserve  that  true  religion  which  has 
been  threatened  with  devastation  and  destruc- 
tion by  a  new  and  impious  heresy.  Well 
may  we  quote  those  words  of  the  prophet 
"  Except  the  Lord  of  hosts  had  left  unto  us 
a  very  small  remnant  we  should  have  been 
as  Sodom  and  we  should  have  been  like 
unto  Gomorrah.  "^  So  upon  us  from 
this  impious  heresy  the  wrath  of  God  has 
fallen  like  a  flood  and  invasion. 

Now  we  acknowledge  the  presence  of  our 

1  Isaiah  xxxvii.  29. 

2  This  letter  may  be  dated  from  Xicerte  in  the  autumn  of 
450  when  Abundius  was  at  Constantinople  on  a  mission  from 
Leo,  after  the  failure  to  get  Theodosius  to  agree  to  the  sum- 
mary of  the  Council  in  the  West.  Theodosius  died  a  few 
days  after  the  arrival  of  the  envoys  at  Constantinople. 
Theodoret  is  anxious  to  encourage  the  Roman  Legates  to- 
support  the  orthodox  cause  in  the  Imperial  city,  to  repair  the 
mischief  caused  by  the  Latrocinium,  and  to  show  the  court 
that  he  and  his  friends  Ibas  and  Aquilinus  had  the  support  of 
Leo.  Abundius,  fourth  bishop  of  Como  (450-^60)  represented 
Leo  at  Chalcedon.  Manzoni,  in  the  Fromessi  Sposi,  reminds 
us  of  the  local  survival  of  the  name. 

*  Isaiah  i.  9. 


348 


THEODORET. 


Saviour  in  a  human  body,  and  one  Son  of 
God,  His  perfect  Godhead  and  His  perfect 
manhood.  We  do  not  divide  our  one  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  into  two  sons  for  He  is  one  ; 
but  v\^e  recognise  the  distinction  between 
God  and  man  ;  we  know  that  one  is  of  the 
Father,  the  other  of  the  seed  of  David  and 
Abraham,  according  to  the  divine  Scriptures, 
and  that  the  divine  nature  is  free  from  pas- 
sion, the  body  which  was  before  subject  to 
passion  being  now  itself  too  free  from  pas- 
sion ;  for  after  the  resurrection  it  is  plainly 
delivered  from  all  passion. 

This  we  have  learnt  from  the  letter  of  the 
very  holy  and  religious  Archbishop  our  lord 
Leo.  For  we  have  read  what  he  wrote  to 
Flavianus,  of  holy  and  blessed  memory,  and 
have  thanked  the  loving-kindness  of  the 
Lord  because  we  have  found  an  advocate  and 
defender  of  the  truth.  To  this  letter  I  have 
given  my  adhesion,  and  have  subjoined  a 
copy  of  it  to  my  present  epistle,  which  I 
have  also  subscribed  and  have  thereby  proved 
that  I  obey  the  apostolic  rules,  that  is  true 
doctrines ;  that  I  abide  in  them  to  this  day, 
and  am  suffering  in  their  cause. 


Assent  has  also  been  given  by  my  lord  Ibas 
and  my  lord  Aquilinus  against  whom  the 
inventors  of  the  new  heresy  have  armed  the 
imperial  power. 

It  remains  for  you  with  your  very  holy 
colleagues  to  bring  aid  to  the  sacred  Church, 
and  to  drive  away  the  w^ar  that  threatens  it. 
Banish  the  impious  party  which  has  been 
roused  against  the  truth ;  give  back  the 
churches  their  ancient  peace ;  so  will  you 
receive  from  the  Lord,  Who  has  promised  to 
grant  this  boon,  the  fruits  of  your  apostolic 
labours. 

All  the  very  religious  and  godly  presbyters 
and  reverend  deacons  and  brethren  by  your 
holiness  I  greet ;  and  I  and  all  who  are  with 
me  salute  your  reverence.^ 

^  After  all  the  storms  of  controversy  and  quarrel  which  we 
have  followed  in  the  course  of  the  dialogues  and  letters  of  the 
Blessed  Bishop  of  Cyrus;  after  the  lurid  leap  of  grim  pleasan- 
try  which,  if  not  actually  penned  by  Theodoret,  indicates  a  tem- 
per that  must  have  often  shewn  itself  in  these  troubled  times; 
there  is  something  pathetic  and  encouraging  in  the  concilatory 
conclusion  of  this  last  letter.  Cyril  has  been  dead  for  years, 
and  his  weaknesses  are  forgotten  in  a  confession  which  his 
more  moderate  opponents  could  accept.  The  subscription  of 
Theodoret  to  the  tome  of  Leo  is  an  earnest  of  harmony  and 
concord.  The  calmer  wisdom  of  the  West  asserts  the  truth 
which  underlay  the  furious  disputes  of  the  subtler  East.  The 
last  word  of  the  drama  is  Peace. 


I 


% 

% 


JEROME  AND  GENNADIUS. 

LIVES      OF      ILLUSTRIOUS      MEN. 

Translated,   with  Introduction  and  Notes,  by 
ERNEST     GUSHING     RICHARDSON,     Ph.D., 

LIBRARIAN    OF    PRINCETON    COLLEGE. 


► 


CONTENTS. 


•  PAGE 

I.    Introduction 353 

1.  Time  and  place  of  composition  and  character  of  the  work 353 

( 1 )  The  work  of  Jerome 353 

(2)  The  work  of  Gennadius 353 

2.  Literature '. 354 

( 1 )  Literature  on  Jerome  and  Gennadius 354 

(2)  Literature  on  the  authors  mentioned  by  Jerome   and  Gennadius 354 

3.  Manuscripts 354 

4.  Editions 354 

5.  Translations 355 

6.  The  Present  Translation 356 

(i)    Text 356 

(2)    The  translation  itself .  357 

II.     Jerome.     Lives  of  Illustrious  Men ,  359 

III.  Gennadius.     Lives  of  Illustrious  Men 3S5 

IV.  Index 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 

LIVES    OF    ILLUSTRIOUS    MEN. 


I.     INTRODUCTION. 

This  combined  work  of  Jerome  and  Gennadius  is  unique  and  indispensable  in  the  his- 
tory of  early  Christian  literature,  giving  as  it  does  a  chronological  history  in  biographies  of 
ecclesiastical  literature  to  about  the  end  of  the  fifth  century. 

For  the  period  after  the  end  of  Eusebius*  Church  History  it  is  of  prime  value. 

I.  Time  and  Place  of  Composition,  and  Character. 

1.  The  work  of  yerome  w^as  v^ritten  at  Bethlehem  in  492.  It  contains  135  writers  from 
Peter  up  to  that  date.  In  his  preface  Jerome  limits  the  scope  of  his  work  to  those  who 
have  written  on  Holy  Scriptures,  but  in  carrying  out  his  plans  he  includes  all  who  have 
written  on  theological  topics  ;  whether  Orthodox  or  Heretic,  Greek,  Latin,  Syriac,  and 
even  Jews  and  Heathen  (Josephus,  Philo,  Seneca).  The  Syriac  writers  mentioned  are 
however  few.  Gennadius  apologizes  for  the  scanty  representation  which  they  have  in 
Jerome  on  the  ground  that  the  latter  did  not  understand  Syriac,  and  only  knew  of  such  as 
had  been  translated. 

The  motive  of  the  work  was,  as  the  preface  declares,  to  show  the  heretics  how  many 
and  how  excellent  writers  there  were  among  the  Christians.  The  direct  occasion  of  the 
undertaking  was  the  urgency  of  his  friend  Dexter,  and  his  models  were,  first  of  all  Sueto- 
nius, and  then  various  Greek  and  Latin  biographical  works  including  the  Brutus  of 
Cicero. 

Jerome  expressly  states  in  his  preface  that  he  had  no  predecessor  in  his  work,  but  very 
properly  acknowledges  his  indebtedness  to  the  Church  History  of  Eusebius,  from  whom 
he  takes  much  verbatim.  The  first  part  of  the  work  is  taken  almost  entirely  from 
Eusebius. 

The  whole  work  gives  evidence  of  hasty  construction  (e.g.,  in  failure  to  enumerate  the 
works  of  well-known  writers  or  in  giving  only  selections  from  the  list  of  their  writings) 
but  too  much  has  been  made  of  this,  for  in  such  work  absolute  exhaustiveness  is  all  but 
impossible,  and  in  the  circumstances  of  those  days,  such  a  list  of  writers  and  their  works 
is  really  remarkable.  He  apologizes  in  the  preface  for  omitting  such  as  are  not  known  to 
him  in  his  "  out  of  the  way  corner  of  the  earth."  He  has  been  accused  of  too  great  cre- 
dulity, in  accepting  e.g.,  the  letters  of  Paul  to  Seneca  as  genuine,  but  on  the  other  hand 
he  often  shows  himself  both  cautious  (Hilary,  Song  of  S.)  and  critical  (Minutius  Felix 
De  Pato'), 

The  work  was  composed  with  a  practical  purpose  rather  than  a  scientific  one  and  kept 
in  general  well  within  that  purpose  —  giving  brief  information  about  writers  not  generally 
known.  This  is  perhaps  why  in  writing  of  the  better  known  writers  like  Cyprian  he  does 
not  enumerate  their  works. 

2.  The  work  of  Gennadius  was  written  about  480  according  to  some,  or  492  to  495 
according  to  others.  Ebert  with  the  Benedictins  and  others  before  him,  makes  an  almost 
conclusive  argument  in  favor  of  the  earlier  date  on  the  ground  that  Gennadius  speaks  of 


354  JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 

Timotheus  Aelurus  who  died  in  477  as  still  living.  This  compels  the  rejection  of  the  par- 
agraph on  Gennadius  himself  as  by  a  later  hand,  but  this  should  probably  be  done  at  any 
rate,  on  other  grounds.  The  mss.  suggest  that  Gennadius  ended  with  John  of  Antioch, 
although  an  hypothesis  of  three  editions  before  the  year  500,  of  which  perhaps  two  were 
by  Gennadius,  has  grounds.  The  bulk  of  the  work  at  least  was  composed  about  480 
(probably  chapters  1-90)  and  the  remainder  added  perhaps  within  a  few  years  by  Genna- 
dius or  more  probably  two  other  hands. 

Gennadius'  style  is  as  bare  and  more  irregular  than  Jerome's  but  he  more  frequently 
expresses  a  critical  judgment  and  gives  more  interesting  glimpses  of  his  own  —  the  semi- 
Pelagian —  point  of  view.  The  work  appears  more  original  than  Jerome's  and  as  a 
whole  hardly  less  valuable,  though  the  period  he  covers  is  so  much  shorter. 

2.  Literature. 

1.  The  literature  on  yerome  is  immense.  The  oftenest  quoted  general  works  are 
Zockler,  Hieronymus.  Gotha,  1865  and  Thierry,  St.  yerome  Par.  1867.  On  Jerome  in 
general  the  article  by  Freemantle  in  Smith  and  Wace  Diet,  of  Christian  Biography  is 
the  first  for  the  English  reader  to  turn  to.  Ceillier  and  other  patrologies,  while  suflBciently 
full  for  their  purpose,  give  very  little  special  treatment  to  this  work,  Ebert  (  Gesch.  chr.- 
Lat.'Lit.  Lpz.  1874)  being  a  partial  exception  to  this  statement.  The  best  literary 
sources  are  the  prolegomena  and  notes  to  the  various  editions  of  the  work  itself.  Much 
the  same  may  be  said  of  Gennadius  though  the  relative  importance  of  his  catalogue  among 
his  writings  gives  that  a  larger  proportionate  attention.  In  English  the  article  by  Cazenove 
in  Smith  and  Wace  and  in  French  the  account  in  the  Histoire  litteraire  de  la  France  are 
the  best  generally  accessible  references. 

2.  Literature  on  the  writers  mentioned  by  yerome  and  Gennadius.  Any  one  who 
cares  to  follow  up  in  English  the  study  of  any  of  the  writers  mentioned  in  the  Lives  of 
illustrious  men  will  find  tools  therefor:  i.  For  the  earlier  writers  to  the  time  of  Eusebius, 
Eusebius  Church  History  tr.  M'Giftert  (N.  Y.  Chr.  Lit.  Co.)  notes.  2.  For  the  whole 
period :  Smith  and  Wace  Diet,  of  Christian  Biography,  4  vols,  and  more  accessible  to 
most  (though  a  cheap  reprint  of  Smith  and  Wace  is  now  threatened)  SchaflT.  Church  Hist. 
(N.  Y.  Scribners)  where  at  the  end  of  each  volume  an  account  is  given  of  the  chief  writers 
of  the  period  including  admirable  bibliographical  reference. 

Of  course  the  best  source  is  the  works  themselves  :  The  Ante-Nicene  Fathers.,  ed.  Coxe, 
The  Nicene  and  Post-Nicene  Fathers  ed.  Schaff  and  Wace.  (N.  Y.  Christian  Literature 
Co.)  For  further  research  the  student  is  referred  to  the  list  of  Patrologies  and  Bibliog- 
raphies in  the  supplementary  volume  of  the  Ante-Nicene  Fathers,  to  the  bibliography  of 
Ante-Nicene  Fathers  in  the  same  volume,  to  Chevalier.  Diet,  des  sources  hist,  and  the 
memoranda  by  Sittl,  in  the  Jahresberichte  ii.  d.  fortschr.  d.  class.    Alterthwiss.  1887  sq. 

3.  Manuscripts. 

The  manuscripts  of  Jerome  and  Gennadius  are  numerous.  The  translator  has  seen 
84  mss.  of  Jerome  and  57  of  Gennadius  and  has  certain  memoranda  of  at  least  25  more 
and  hints  of  still  another  score.  It  is  certainly  within  bounds  to  say  that  there  are  more 
than  150  mss.  of  Jerome  extant  and  not  less  than  100  of  Gennadius. 

The  oldest  of  those  examined  (and  all  the  oldest  of  which  he  could  learn  were  seen) 
are  at  Rome,  Verona,  Vercelli,  Montpellier,  Paris,  Munich  and  Vienna. 

4.  Editions. 

The  editions  of  Jerome  are  relatively  as  numerous  as  the  mss.  The  Illustrious  77ien 
is  included  in  ahnost  all  the  editions  of  his  collected  works,  in  his  collected  "  minor  writ- 


INTRODUCTION.  355 


ings  "  and  in  many  of  the  editions  of  his  epistles  (most  of  the  editions  in  fact  from  1468  to 
about  1530.) 

It  is  several  times  printed  separately  or  with  Gennadius  or  other  catalogues.  The 
editions  of  Gennadius  are  less  numerous  but  he  is  often  united  with  Jerome  in  the 
editions  of  Jerome's  collected  works,  and  generally  in  the  separate  editions. 

The  following  list  of  editions  is  printed  as  illustrative.  It  does  not  pretend  to  be  com- 
plete, but  is  simply  a  list  of  such  as  have  been  personally  examined  by  the  translator  up  to 
date ;  s.  1.  et  a  (6)  -\-  390  ff,  62,  11. ;  s.  1.  et  a  (1468?)  223fF,  2  col.  50  11.  ;  Rome  1468. 
J^,  de  Max;  (Compluti?)  1470;  Rome  1470;  Mogunt  1470;  s.  1.  et  a.  (Augsb.  Zainer 
1470)  ;  s.  1.  et  a.  1470,4°  23  11:  s.  a.  "  JA.  RV  1471  ? ;  Rome  1479;  Parma  1480; 
Ven.  1488;  Basil  1489;  Ven.  1490;  Basil  1492  Norimb.  1495;  s.  1.  1496?;  Basil  1497; 
Lyons,  1508;  Paris  1512;  Lyons  1513  ;  Lyons  1518  Basil  1525  Lyons  1526  (Erasmus)  ; 
Basil  1526  (Erasm)  Basil  1529  Lyons  1530  Paris  1534;  Frankfort  1549;  Bas.  1553;  Bas. 
1565;  Rome  1565- ;  Rome  1576  Colon  1580;  Paris  1609;  Helmst  1611-12  Cologne 
1616;  Frf.  [1622];  Antw.  1639  Frf.  1684;  Paris  1706  (Martianay  &  Pouget)  ;  Helmst. 
1700;  Hamb.  1718;  Veron.  1734-42  (Vallarsi)  ;  repr.  1766-72;  Florence  1791  ;  Paris 
1865  (Migne)  ;  Lpz.  1879  (Herding)  Turin  1875,  1877,  1885  (Jerome  only) . 

Andreas,  Erasmus,  Victorinus,  Graevius,  Martianay,  Miraeus,  Fabricius,  Cyprian  are 
among  the  earlier  editors  but  Erasmus  is  facile  prmceps  in  popularity  of  reprint.  The 
edition  of  Vallarsi  in  1734-42  was  a  decided  advance  toward  a  critical  text.  Various 
editors  before  him  had  made  use  of  various  mss.  especially  the  "  Corbeiensis  "  or  "  San- 
germanensis''  but  secondarily  mss.  at  Wulfenbiittel,  Munich,  the  Bodleian,  Niirnberg, 
*'  Sigbergensis,"  "  Gemblacensis,"  "  Marcianus'*  and  others.  Vallarsi  founded  his  edition 
largely  on  a  Verona  ms.  (still  there)  on  the  "  Corbeiensis"  so  much  used  and  praised  before 
(now  Paris  Lat.  12161)  "  St  Crucis  "  one  at  Lucca  of  the  9th  century  and  more  or  less 
on  mss.  employed  by  previous  editors.  This  edition  has  remained  the  standard  and  is 
the  one  adopted  for  the  Migne  edition. 

The  most  recent  edition  which  pretends  to  a  critical  character  is  that  of  Herding  (Lpz. 
1879).  The  editions  by  Tamietti  are  simply  school  editions  of  Jerome  only,  and  make  no 
pretensions  to  a  critical  text.  The  edition  of  Herding  is  founded  on  a  transcript  of  Vat. 
Reg.  2077,7th  century;  Bamberg  677,  nth  century;  Bern,  11  cent,  and  a  much 
mutilated  Niirnberg  ms.  of  the  14th  century.  But  it  appears  that  the  transcript  of  Vaticanus 
only  covered  the  Jerome  and  a  few  scanty  readings  from  Gennadius  and  the  same  is  true 
of  the  collation  made  for  this  editor  later  from  the  Paris  ms.      (Corbeiensis). 

Sittl,  (Jahresber;  u.  class.  Alterthumsw.  1888.  2  p.  243)  says  that  the  edition  *' with- 
out the  preface  which  contains  a  collation  of  Codex  Corbeiensis  would  be  worthless." 
This  is  a  little  strong,  for  the  readings  he  gives  from  Vaticanus  have  a  decided  value  in 
default  of  other  sources  for  its  readings  and  his  strict  following  of  this  often  produces  a 
correct  reading  against  Vallarsi  who  was  naturally  inclined  to  follow  Veronensis  and 
Corbeiensis  both  of  which  were  probably  a  good  deal  manipulated  after  they  left  the  hand 
of  Gennadius.  The  collation  of  Corbeiensis  besides  excluding  Gennadius  is  not  over  exact 
and  some  of  tfie  most  effaced  pages  seem  to  have  been  given  up  entirely  by  the  collator. 

5.  Translations. 

An  early  translation  of  Jerome's  work  into  Greek  was  made  by  Sophronius  and  used 
by  Photius.  A  translation  purporting  to  be  his  is  given  by  Erasmus.  There  has  been  a 
good  deal  of  controversy  over  this,  some  even  accusing  Erasmus  of  having  forged  it  entire. 
It  is  an  open  question  with  a  general  tendency  to  give  Erasmus  the  benefit  of  the  doubt. 
The  present  translator  while  holding  his  judgment  ready  to  be  corrected  by  the  finding  of 
a  ms,  or  other  evidence,  inclines  to  reject  in  toto^  regarding  it  as  for  the  most  part  trans- 


356  JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 

lated  by  Erasmus  from  some  South  German  or  Swiss  ms.,  or,  if  that  be  not  certain,  at  least 
that  the  translation  is  too  little  established  to  be  of  any  use  for  textual  purposes.  There  is  a 
modern  translation  of  select  works  of  Jerome  in  French  by  Matougues.  The  chief  sources 
for  comparison  used  by  the  translator  have  been  Sophronius  (or  Erasmus)  Matougues, 
M'Giffert's  Eusebiusfor  the  first  part  of  Jerome  where  he  takes  so  liberally  from  Eusebius, 
and  scattered  selections  here  and  there  in  Ceillier,  Smith  and  Wace,  Diet,  and  other  liter- 
ary-historical works. 

6.  The  Present  Translation. 

1.  Text.  It  was  proposed  at  first  to  make  the  translation  from  the  text  of  Herding, 
This,  and  all  editions,  gave  so  little  basis  for  scientific  certainty  in  regard  to  various 
readings  that  a  cursory  examination  of  mss.  was  made.  At  the  suggestion  of  Professor 
O.  von  Gebhardt  of  Berlin  the  examination  was  made  as  thorough  and  systematic  as  possible 
with  definite  reference  to  a  new  edition.  The  translator  hoped  to  finish  and  publish  the 
new  text  before  the  translation  was  needed  for  this  series,  but  classification  of  the  mss. 
proved  unexpectedly  intricate  and  the  question  of  the  Greek  translation  so  diflicult  that 
publication  has  been  delayed.  The  material  has  however  been  gathered,  analyzed,  sifted 
and  arranged  sufficiently  to  give  reasonable  certainty  as  to  the  body  of  the  work  and  a  toler- 
ably reliable  judgment  on  most  of  the  important  variations. 

While  anxious  not  to  claim  too  much  for  his  material  and  unwilling  to  give  a  final 
expression  of  judgment  on  disputed  readings,  until  his  table  of  mss.  is  perfected,  he  vent- 
ures to  think  that  for  substantial  purposes  of  translation,  if  not  for  the  nicer  ones  of  a  new 
text,  the  material  and  method  which  he  has  made  use  of  will  be  substantially  con- 
clusive. 

The  following  translation  has  been  made  first  from  the  text  of  Herding  and  then 
corrected  from  the  manuscripts  in  all  places  where  the  evidence  was  clearly  against  the 
edition.  In  places  where  the  evidence  is  fairly  conclusive  the  change  has  been  made  and 
a  brief  statement  of  evidence  given  in  the  notes.  When  the  evidence  is  really  doubtful 
the  reading  has  been  allowed  to  stand  with  evidence  generally  given. 

The  materials  of  evidence  used  are  i.  eight  mss.  collated  entire  by  the  translator  A. 
Parisinus  (Corbeiensis  or  Sangermanensis,  7  cent.)  T.  Vaticanus  Reg.,  7  cent.  ;  35  Vero- 
nensis,  8  cent.  ;  30  Vercellensis  8  cent.  ;  31  Monspessalanensis,  8  or  9  cent.  ;  a  Monacen- 
sis  8  cent.  ;  e  Vindobonensis  8  or  9  ;  H.  Parisinus  10  or  9. 

2.  Occasional  support  from  readings  gathered  by  him  from  other  mss.,  chiefly  10 
Cassenatensis  9  cent.  ;  21  Florentinus,  11  cent.;  32  Toletanus  13  cent.  ;  40  Guelferbyrti- 
nus,  10?  cent. 

3.  Readings  from  mss.  mentioned  by  other  editors. 

4.  The  various  editions,  but  mainly  confined  to  Vallarsi  and  Herding  in  Jerome, 
Fabricius  and  Herding  in  Gennadius. 

The  translator  has  examined  nearly  90  mss.  and  secured  more  or  less  readings  from 
nearly  all  with  reference  to  an  exact  table.  The  readings  of  several  are  extensive  enough  to 
have  pretty  nearly  the  value  of  full  collations.  Quotations  are  occasionally  made  from  these 
(e.g.  from  10,  21,  29,  32,  40,  etc.)  but  practically  quotations  from  the  eight  mentioned 
mss.  cover  the  evidence  and  without  a  table  more  would  rather  obscure  than  otherwise. 

There  is  no  opportunity  here  to  discuss  the  relative  value  of  these  used.  It  maybe  said 
however  that  they  are  the  oldest  mss.,  and  include  pretty  much  all  the  oldest.  Though  age 
itself  is  by  no  means  conclusive,  the  fact  that  they  certainly  represent  several  independent 
groups  makes  it  safe  to  say  that  a  consensus  of  seven  against  one  or  even  six  against  any 
two  (with  certain  reservations)  or  in  the  case  of  Gennadius  of  5  against  2  is  conclusive  for 
a  reading.     As  a  matter  of  fact  against  many  readings  of  Herding  and  even  ot  Vallarsi, 


INTRODUCTION. 


357 


are  arranged  all  these  mss.,  and  against  some  nearly  all  or  even  every  ms.  seen,  e.g.  Her. 
p.  73  d.  12  reads  morti  dari  with  Migne-Fabricius  but  all  these  mss.  have  mutandam  and  so 
91.  22  "seven"  for  "eight."  On  p.  161.  7.  Her.  omits. Asyncritus  against  mss.  and  all 
modern  eds.,  so  44.  3.  "  Ponti,"  51.  7  "  ut  quidem  putant;"  77.  25.  "  firmare  "  and  a 
score  of  other  places. 

Of  course  this  is  not  enough  evidence  or  discussion  for  a  critical  scholastic  text  but  for 
the  practical  illustrative  purpose  in  hand  will  serve.  Any  evidence  which  does  not  give  a 
well  digested  genealogy  of  mss.  and  the  evidence  for  their  classification  must  be  reckoned  as 
incomplete, — all  that  the  above  evidence  can  claim  to  do,  is  to  five  the  translator's  judgment 
respecting  the  readings  and  illustrative  evidence,  but  it  is  not  probable  that  the  com- 
pleted table  will  alter  many  (if  any)  of  these  readings  which  are  given  in  view  of  a  tenta- 
tive table  which  will  likely  prove  final. 

2.  The  Translation  itself.  The  plan  of  this  work  includes  (a)  a  translation,  in  which 
the  translator  has  tried  to  give  a  fair  representation  of  the  text  in  a  not  too  ragged  form  but 
has  failed  to  improve  on  the  original.  The  works  were  written  as  science  rather  than  litera- 
ture and  have  many  facts  but  no  style.  The  translator  has  therefore  aimed  rather  at  repre- 
senting these  facts  than  at  producing  a  piece  of  polite  literature.  (b)  Notes  are  subjoined 
including,  first  the  brief  biographical  data  which  every  one  wants  first  to  orient  himself 
by,  secondly  textual  notes,  and  thirdly,  occasional  explanatory  notes, 


IL    JEROME. 

LIVES    OF    ILLUSTRIOUS    MEN. 


PREFACE. 


You  have  urged  me,  Dexter,'  to  follow  the  example  of  Tranqulllus  ^  in  giving  a  syste- 
matic account  of  ecclesiastical  writers,  and  to  do  for  our  writers  what  he  did  for  the  illus- 
trious men  of  letters  among  the  Gentiles,  namely,  to  briefly  set  before  you  all  those  who 
have  published^  any  memorable  writing  on  the  Holy  Scriptures,  from  the  time  of  our 
Lord's  passion  until  the  fourteenth  year  of  the  Emperor  Theodosius/  A  similar  work  has 
been  done  by  Hermippus  ^  the  peripatetic,  Antigonus  Carystius,^  the  learned  Satyrus,'  and 
most  learned  of  all,  Aristoxenus  the  Musician,**  among  the  Greeks,  and  among  the  Latins 
by  Varro,^  Santra/®  Nepos,"  Hyginus,'^  and  by  him  through  whose  example  you  seek  to 
stimulate  '^  us,  — Tranquillus. 

But  their  situation  and  mine  is  not  the  same,  for  they,  opening  the  old  histories  and 
chronicles  could  as  if  gathering  from  some  great  meadow,  weave  some  '"*  small  crown  at 
least  for  their  work.  As  for  me,  what  shall  I  do,  who,  having  no  predecessor,  have,  as 
the  saying  is,  the  worst  possible  master,  namely  myself,  and  yet  I  must  acknowledge  that 
Eusebius  Pamphilus  in  the  ten  books  of  his  Church  History  has  been  of  the  utmost  assist- 
ance, and  the  works  of  various  among  those  of  whom  we  are  to  write,  often  testify  to  the 
dates  of  their  authors.  And  so  I  pray  the  Lord  Jesus,*"  that  what  your  Cicero,  who  stood 
at  the  summit  of  Roman  eloquence,  did  not  scorn  to  do,  compiling  in  his  Briitus^  a  cata- 
logue of  Latin  orators,  this  I  too  may  accomplish  in  the  enumeration  of  ecclesiastical 
writers,  and  accomplish  in  a  fashion  worthy  of  the  exhortation  which  you  made.  But  if, 
perchance  any  of  those  who  are  yet  writing  have  been  overlooked  by  me  in  this  volume, 
•  they  ought  to  ascribe  it  to  themselves,  rather  than  to  me,  for  among  those  whom  I  have  not 
read,  I  could  not,  in  the  first  place,  know  those  who  concealed  their  own  writings,  and,  in 
the  second  place,  what  is  perhaps  well  known  to  others,  would  be  quite  unknown  to  me  in 
this  out  of  the  way  corner  of  the  earth.*®  But  surely  when  they  are  distinguished  by  their 
writings,  they  will  not  very  greatly  grieve  over  any  loss  in  our  non-mention  of  them.  Let 
Celsus,  Porphyry,  and  Julian  learn,  rabid  as  they  are  against  Christ,  let  their  followers, 
they  who  think  the  church  has  had  no  philosophers  or  orators  or  men  of  learning,  learn 
how  many  and  what  sort  of  men  founded,  built  and  adorned  it,  and  cease  to  accuse  our 
faith  of  such  rustic  simplicity,  and  recognize  rather  their  own  ignorance. 

In  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  farewell.*' 

1  Dexter.    Compare  chapters  132  and  106. 

^Tranquillus.     C,  Suetonius  Tranquillus  (about  A.  D.  100).     De  illustribus  gramniatlcis  ;  De  Claris  rhetorihus. 

^Published  or  handed  down  **  Prodiderunt."  Some  mss.  read  **  tradiderunt,''*  and  Jerome  usually  employs  '*£do** 
for  publish. 

^  Fourteenth  year  of  the  Emperor   Theodosius.    A.  D.  492. 

5  Hermippus  of  Smyrna.     (3rd  century  B.  C.)     Lives  0/  distinguished  men. 

^Antigonus.     Antigonus  of  Carystus  (Reign  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus?). 

7  Satyrus.    A  Peripatetic  (Reign  of  Ptolemy  Philopator)  "wrote  a  collection  of  biographies," 

5  Aristoxenus  the  musician.    A  Peripatetic,  pupil  of  Aristotle,  wrote  lives  of  various  Philosophers. 

0  Varro.  M.  Terentius  Varro  the  "  most  learned  of  the  Romans  "  (died  B.  C.  28)  published  among  other  things  a  series  of 
''portraits  of  seven  hundred  remarkable  personages"  (Ramsay  in  Smith's  Dictionary). 

"^^  S antra,     Santra  the  Grammarian? 

^1  Nepos.    Cornelius  Nepos  friend  of  Cicero  wrote  Lives  of  Illustrious  men. 

"i"^  Hyginus.     Caius  Julius  Hyginus,  freedman  of  Augustus  and  friend  of  Ovid. 

13  Seek  to  stimulate  30  31  a  [H  e  21  ]  and  the  mass  of  mss.  also  Fabricius;  stimulate.    A.  T.  Migne.     Her. 

1*  Some  A  H  25  31  e  21.     Fabricius;  No  T  a.?    Migne  Her. 

15  The  Lord  yesus  A  H  T  25  31  e;  The  Lord  yesus  Christ  a;  Our  Lord  yesus  Christ  Bamb.  Bern;  My  Lord  fesus 
Christ  Norimb. 

16  Out  of  the  way  corner  of  the  earth  i.e.,  Bethleliem. 

i7/«  the  name  of  the  Lord  yesus  Christ  farewell  T  25  31  a  21 ;  do.  omitting  Christ  A;  omit  all  H  e. 


36o 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


I. 

2. 

3- 

4- 

5- 
6. 

7- 
8. 

9- 

lO. 

1 1. 

12. 

14. 

15- 
16. 

17- 
18. 

19. 

20. 

21. 

22. 

23- 

24. 

25- 
26. 

27. 

28. 

29. 

30- 
31- 
32. 
33- 
34- 
35- 
36. 
37- 
38. 

39- 
40. 

41. 

42. 

43- 
44. 

45- 
46. 

47- 
48. 

49. 

50- 
51- 
52. 
53- 
54- 
55- 
56. 

57- 
58. 


LIST   OF   WRITERS. 

Simon  Peter. 

James,  the  brother  of  our  Lord. 

Matthew,  surnamed  Levi. 

Jude,  the  brother  of  James. 

Paul,  formerly  called  Saul. 

Barnabas,  surnamed  Joseph. 

Luke,  the  evangelist. 

Mark,  the  evangelist. 

John,  the  apostle  and  evangelist. 

Hernias. 

Philo  Judaeus. 

Lucius  Ann^eus  Seneca. 

Josephus,  son  of  Matthias. 

Justus  of  Tiberias. 

Clemens  the  bishop. 

Ignatius  the  bishop. 

Polycarp  the  bishop. 

Papias  the  bishop. 

Quadratus  the  bishop. 

Aristides  the  philosopher. 

Agrippa  Castor. 

Hegesippus  the  historian. 

Justin  the  philosopher. 

Melito  the  bishop. 

Theophilus  the  bishop. 

Apollinaris  the  bishop. 

Dionysius  the  bishop. 

Pinytus  the  bishop. 

Tatian  tlie  heresiarch. 

Phillip  the  bishop. 

Musanus. 

Modestus. 

Bardesanes  the  heresiarch. 

Victor  the  bishop. 

Iranseus  the  bishop. 

Pantsenus  the  philosopher. 

Rhodo,  the  disciple  of  Tatian. 

Clemens  the  presbyter. 

Miltiades. 

Apollonius. 

Serapion  the  bishop. 

Apollonius  the  senator. 

Theophilus  another  bishop. 

Baccylus  the  bishop. 

Polycrates  the  bishop. 

Heraclitus. 

Maximus. 

Candidus. 

Appion. 

Sextus. 

Arabianus. 

Judas. 

Tertullian  the  presbyter. 

Origen,  surnamed  Adamantius. 

Ammonius. 

Ambrose  the  deacon. 

Trypho  the  pupil  of  Origen. 

Minucius  Felix. 


59- 
60. 

61. 

62. 

63. 
64. 

65. 

66, 
67. 
68. 
69. 
70. 

71- 

72. 

73- 
74- 

75- 
76. 

77- 
78. 

79- 
80. 

81. 

82. 

83. 
84. 

S6. 
87, 
88, 
89. 
90. 
91. 
92. 

93- 
94. 

95- 
96. 

97. 
98. 

99. 

00. 

01. 

02. 

03- 
04. 

05- 
06. 

07. 

08. 

09. 

10. 

II. 

12. 

13- 
14. 

15- 
16. 


Gains. 

Berillus  the  bishop. 

Hippolytus  the  bishop. 

Alexander  the  bishop. 

Julius  the  African. 

Gemimus  the  presbyter. 

Theodorus,     surnamed    Gregory    the 

bishop. 
Cornelius  the  bishop. 
Cyprian  the  bishop. 
Pontius  the  deacon. 
Dionysius  the  bishop. 
Novatianus  the  heresiarch. 
Malchion  the   presbyter. 
Archelaus  the  bishop. 
Anatolius  the  bishop. 
Victorinus  the  bishop. 
Pamphilus  the  presbyter. 
Pierius  the  presbyter. 
Lucianus  the  presbyter. 
Phileas  the  bishop. 
Arnobius  the  rhetorician. 
Firmianus  the    rhetorician,  surnamed 

Lactantius. 
Eusebius  the  bishop. 
Reticius  the  bishop. 
Methodius  the  bishop. 
Juvencus  the  presbyter. 
Eustathius  the  bishop. 
Marcellus  the  bishop. 
Athanasius  the  bishop. 
Antonius  the  monk. 
Basilius  the  bishop. 
Theodorus  the  bishop. 
Eusebius  another  bishop. 
Triphylius  the  bishop. 
Donatus  the  heresiarch. 
Asterius  the  philosopher. 
Lucifer  the  bishop. 
Eusebius  another  bishop. 
Fortunatianus  the  bishop. 
Acacius  the  bishop. 
Serapion  the  bishop. 
Hilary  the  bishop. 
Victorinus  the  rhetorician. 
Titus  the  bishop. 
Damasus  the  bishop. 
Apollinarius  the  bishop. 
Gregory  the  bishop. 
Pacianus  the  bishop. 
Photinus  the  heresiarch. 
Phoebadius  the  bishop. 
Didymus  the  Blind. 
Optatus  the  bishop. 
Acilius  Severus  the  senator. 
Cyril  the  bishop. 
Euzoius  the  bishop. 
Epiphanius  the  bishop. 
Ephrem  the  deacon. 
Basil  another  bishop. 


JEROME. 


3^1 


17- 

iS. 

19. 
20. 

21. 

22. 

23' 

24. 

25- 
26. 

27. 

28. 
29. 

30- 
31- 
3^- 

33- 
34- 
35- 


Gregory  another  bishop. 

Lucius  tlie  bishop. 

Diodorus  the  bishop. 

Eunomius  the  heresiarch. 

Priscillianus  the  bishop. 

Latronianus. 

Tiberianus. 

Ambrose  the  bishop. 

Evagrius  the  bishop. 

Ambrose  the  disciple  of  Didymus. 

Maximus,  first  pliilosopher,  then 
bishop. 

Another  Gregory,  also  a  bishop. 

John  the  presbyter. 

Gelasius  the  bishop. 

Theotimus  the  bishop. 

Dexter,  son  of  Pacianus,  now  prae- 
torian prefect. 

Amphilochius  the  bishop. 

Sophronius. 

Jerome  the  presbyter. 

CHAPTER   I. 


Simon  Peter  '  the  son  of  John,  from  the 
village  of  Bethsaida  in  the  province  of  Gali- 
lee, brother  of  Andrew  the  apostle,  and  him- 
self chief  of  the  apostles,  after  having  been 
bishop  of  the  church  of  Antioch  and  having 
preached  to  the  Dispersion^  —  the  believers  in 
circumcision,^  in  Pontus,  Galatia,  Cappa- 
docia,  Asia  and  Bithynia  —  pushed  on  to 
Rome  in  the  second  year  of  Claudius  to  over- 
throw Simon  Magus, ^  and  held  the  sacerdo- 
tal chair  there  for  twQnty-five  years  until  the 
last,  that  is  the  fourteenth,  year  of  Nero. 
At  his  hands  he  received  the  crown  of  mar- 
tyrdom being  nailed  to  the  cross  with  his 
head  towards  the  ground  and  his  feet  raised 
on  high,  asserting  that  he  was  unworthy  to 
be  crucified  in  the  same  manner  as  his  Lord. 
He  wrote  two  epistles  which  are  called 
Catholic,  the  second  of  which,  on  account  of 
its  difierence  from  the  first  in  style,  is  con- 
sidered by  many  not  to  be  by  him.  Then 
too  the  Gospel  according  to  Mark,  who  was 
his  disciple  and  interpreter,  is  ascribed  to 
him.  On  the  other  hand,  the  books,  of 
which  one  is  entitled  his  Acts,  another  his 
Gospel,  a  third  his  Preaching,  a  fourth  his 
Revelation,  a  fifth  his  "  Judgment  "  are  re- 
jected as  apocryphal.^ 


1  Died  65-6  or  67. 

2  Di<;persioti.  The  technical  "  Dispersion  "  —  the  Jews  out 
ofjudea.  Cf.  Peter  I.  I.  See  Westcott  in  Smith's  Diet,  of 
Bible. 

3  Circumcision  a  paraphrase  for  "  Hebrews  "  in  Eusebius 
and  Rufinus. 

*  Simon  Magus.  That  Peter  met  Simon  Magus  in  Rome  is 
a  post-apostolic  legend.    Compare  the  Clementine  literature. 

5  Apocryphal.  For  literature  on  apocryphal  works  see 
Ante-Nic.  Fath.  ed.  Coxe  (N.  Y.  Chr.  Lit.  Co.,)  vol.  9  pp.  95 
sq.  The  Acts,  Gospel,  Preaching  and  Revelation  are  men- 
tioned by  Eusebius.     The  yudgment  was   added   by  Jerome. 


Buried  at  Rome  in  the  Vatican  near  the 
triumphal  way  he  is  venerated  by  the  whole 
world.' 

CHAPTER  H. 

James, ^  who  Is  called  the   brother  of  the 
Lord,^  surnamed  the  Just,  the  son  of  Joseph 
by  another  wife,  as  some  think,  but,  as   ap- 
pears to  me,  the  son   of  Mary  sister   of  the 
mother  of  our  Lord   of  whom    John    makes 
mention  in  his  book,*  after   our   Lord's   pas- 
sion at  once  ordained  by  the  apostles    bishop 
of  Jerusalem,  wrote   a  single    epistle,  which 
is    reckoned    among     the     seven     Catholic 
Epistles  and  even  this  is  claimed  by  some  to 
have  been  published  by  some  one  else  under 
his  name,  and    gradually,  as    time  went  on, 
to  have  gained   authorit}'.      Hegesippus  who 
lived  near  the  apostolic  age,  in  the  fifth  book 
of  his  Commentaries,  writing  of  James,  says 
*' After  the  apostles,    James    the  brother  of 
the  Lord  surnamed  the  Just  was   made  head 
of  the   Church  at  Jerusalem.     Many  indeed 
are  called  James.      This    one  was  holy  from 
his  mother's  womb.      He  drank  neither  wine 
nor  strong  drink,  ate  no    flesh,  never  shaved 
or     anointed     himself      with      ointment    or 
bathed.     He  alone  had  the  privilege  of  enter- 
ing the  Holy  of   Holies,  since  indeed  he  did 
not  use  woolen  vestments  but  linen  and  went 
alone  into  the  temple  and  prayed  in  behalf  of 
the   people,  insomuch    that    his   knees    were 
reputed  to    have    acquired    the    hardness    of 
camels'   knees."      He  says  also  many  other 
things,  too  numerous  to  mention.     Josephus 
also  in  the  20th  book  of  his  Antiquities,  and 
Clement  in  the  ^\h  of  his   Outlines   mention 
that  on  the  death  of  Festus  who  reigned  over 
Judea,  Albinus  was  sent  by  Nero  as  his  suc- 
cessor.     Before  he  had  reached  his  province, 
Ananias  the  high  priest,  the  youthful  son  of 
Ananus  of  the  priestly    class   taking  advan- 
tage of    the  state    of  anarchy,    assembled    a 
council  and  publicly  tried  to   force  James  to 
deny  that  Christ  is  the  son  of  God.     When 
he    refused    Ananius    ordered    him     to    be 
stoned.      Cast  down  from   a  pinnacle  of  the 
temple,  his  legs  broken,  but  still  half  alive. 


This  last  has  been  much  discussed  of  Inte  in  connection  with 
the  recently  discovered  Teaching  of  the  Tzvelve.  The  identifi- 
cation of  the  Teaching  with  the  Judgment  is  credited  to  Dr. 
von  Gebhardt  (Salmon  in  Smith  and  Wace  Diet.  v.  4  (1SS7) 
pp.8io-ii).  The  recent  literature  of  it  is  immense.  Compare 
Schaff,  Oldest  Church  Manual,  and  literature  in  Ante-Nic. 
Fath.  vol.  9  pp.  S3-S6. 

1  The  textual  variations  on  the  chapter  are  numerous 
enough  but  none  of  them  are  sustained  by  the  better  mss.  e.g. 
"  First  Simon  Peter"  •'  Simon  Peter  the  Apostle  "  "  Peter 
the  Apostle  "  .  .  .  "  Called  canonical  "  .  .  .  "are 
considered  apocryphal"     .     .     .     "  the  whole  city." 

2  Died  62  or  63  (according  to  Josephus  and  Jerome)  or  69 
(Hegesippus). 

3  Brother  of  the  Lord.     Gal.  i.  19. 
*  tn  his  book  J  oh.  19,  25. 


[62 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


raising  his  hands  to  heaven  he  said,  "  Lord 
forgive  them  for  they  know  not  what  they 
do."  Then  struck  on  the  head  by  the  club 
of  a  fuller  such  a  club  as  fullers  are  accus- 
tomed to  wring  out  garments  '  with  —  he 
died.  This  same  Josephus  records  the  tra- 
dition that  this  James  was  of  so  great  sanc- 
tity and  reputation  among  the  people  that  the 
downfall  of  Jerusalem  was  believed  to  be  on 
account  of  his  death.  He  it  is  of  whom  the 
apostle  Paul  writes  to  the  Galatians  that  "  No 
one  else  of  the  apostles  did  I  see  except 
James  the  brother  of  the  Lord,"  and  shortly 
after  the  event  the  Acts  of  the  apostles  bear 
witness  to  the  matter.  The  Gospel  also 
which  is  called  the  Gospel  according  to  the 
Hebrews,^  and  which  I  have  recently  trans- 
lated into  Greek  and  Latin  and  which  also 
Origen  ^  often  makes  use  of,  after  the  ac- 
count of  the  resurrection  of  the  Saviour 
says,  "but  the  Lord,  after  he  had  given  his 
grave  clothes  to  the  servant  of  the  priest,  ap- 
peared to  James  (for  James  had  sworn  that 
he  would  not  eat  bread  from  that  hour  in 
which  he  drank  the  cup  of  the  Lord  until  he 
should  see  him  rising  again  from  among 
those  that  sleep)  "  and  again,  a  little  later,  it 
says  ''  '  Bring  a  table  and  bread,'  said  the 
Lord."  And  immediately  it  is  added,  "  He 
brought  bread  and  blessed  and  brake  and 
gave  to  James  the  Just  and  said  to  him,  '  my 
brother  eat  thy  bread,  for  the  son  of  man  is 
risen  from  among  those  that  sleep.*"  And 
so  he  ruled  the  church  of  Jerusalem  thirty 
years,  that  is  until  the  seventh  year  of  Nero, 
and  was  buried  near  the  temple  from  which 
he  had  been  cast  down.  His  tombstone  with 
its  inscription  was  well  known  until  the 
siege  of  Titus  and  the  end  of  Hadrian's  reign. 
Some  of  our  writers  think  he  was  buried  in 
Mount  Olivet,  but  they  are  mistaken. 

CHAPTER    m. 

Matthew^^  also  called  Levi,  apostle  and 
aforetimes  publican,  composed  a  gospel  of 
^  Christ  at  first  published  in  Judea  in  Hebrew  ^ 
for  the  sake  of  those  of  the  circumcision 
who  believed,  but  this  was  afterwards  trans- 
lated into  Greek  though  by  what  author  is 
uncertain.  The  Plebrew  itself  has  been 
preserved  until  the  present  day  in  the  library 
at  Caesarea  which  Pamphilus  so  diligently 
gathered.     I  have  also  had  the  opportunity 


'^  garmetits  A  H  25  30  e  21  ;  7vct gartnents  T  e  29. 

2  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrew!:.  Compare  Lipsius  Gos- 
pels apocr,  in  Smith  and  W;ice,  Diet.  v.  2  pp.  709-12. 

3  Ori^eti.     H  31  a  e  1021  ;  Adamatitius  A  T  25, 
*  Died  after  62. 

^  Gospel  ...  in  Hebrew.  Jerome  seems  to  regard  the 
Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews  mentioned  by  him  above  as 
the  original  Hebrew  Text  of  Matthew,  cf.  Lightfoot,  Ignatius 
V.  2.  p.  295. 


of  having  the  volume  described  to  me  by 
the  Nazarenes  '  of  Beroea,^  a  city  of  Syria, 
who  use  it.  In  this  it  is  to  be  noted  that 
wherever  the  Evangelist,  whether  on  his 
own  account  or  in  the  person  of  our  Lord 
the  Saviour  quotes  the  testimony  of  the  Old 
Testament  he  does  not  follow  the  authority 
of  the  translators  of  the  Septuagint  but  the 
Hebrew.  Wherefore  these  two  forms  exist 
"  Out  of  Egypt  have  I  called  my  son,"  and 
*'  for  he  shall  be  called  a  Nazarene." 

CHAPTER     IV. 

JuDE  ^  the  brother  of  James,  left  a  short 
epistle  which  is  reckoned  among  the  seven 
catholic  epistles,  and  because  in  it "  he 
quotes  from  the  apocryphal  book  of  Enoch 
it  is  rejected  by  many.  Nevertheless  by  age 
and  use  it  has  gained  authority  and  is  reck- 
oned among  the  Holy  Scriptures. 

CHAPTER  V. 

Paul,^  formerly  called  Saul,  an  apostle 
outside  the  number  of  the  twelve  apostles, 
was  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  and  the  town 
of  Giscalis^  in  Judea.  When  this  was  taken 
by  the  Romans  he  removed  with  his  parents 
to  Tarsus  in  Cilicia.  Sent  by  them  to  Jeru- 
salem to  study  law  he  was  educated  by 
Gamaliel  a  most  learned  man  whom  Luke 
mentions.  But  after  he  had  been  present  at 
the  death  of  the  martyr  Stephen  and  had  re- 
ceived letters  from  the  high  priest  of  the 
temple  for  the  persecution  of  those  who  be- 
lieved in  Christ,  he  proceeded  to  Damascus, 
where  constrained  to  faith  by  a  revelation,  as 
it  is  written  in  the  Acts  of  the  apostles,  he 
was  transformed  from  a  persecutor  into  an 
elect  vessel.  As  Sergius  Paulus  Proconsul 
of  Cyprus  was  the  first  to  believe  on  his 
preaching,  he  took  his  name  from  him  because 
he  had  subdued  him  to  faith  in  Christ,  and 
having  been  joined  by  Barnabas,  after  trav- 
ersing many  cities,  he  returned  to  Jerusalem 
and  was  ordained  apostle  to  the  Gentiles  by 
Peter,  James  and  John.  And  because  a  full 
account  of  his  life  is  given  in  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  I  only  say  this,  that  the  twenty-fifth 
year  after  our  Lord's  passion,  that  is  the  sec- 
ond of  Nero,  at  the  time  when  Festus  Procu- 
rator of  Judea  succeeded  Felix,  he  was  sent 
bound  to  Rome,  and  remaining  for  two  years 
in  free  custody,  disputed  daily  with  the  Jews 

1  N^azarenes=NAS7ir7^ei.     See  Smith  and  Wace  s.v  . 

2  Beroea  some  mss.  read  Veria  and  so  Herding.  The 
modern  Aleppo. 

3  Died  after  62. 

4  in  it  H  31  a  e  10  2t  ;  omit  A  T  25  30. 
^  Died  67?,  probably  after  64  at  least. 

c  Giscalis,  supposed  thus  to  have  originated  at  Giscalis  and 
to  have  trone  from  there  to  Tarsus,  but  this  is  not  generajly 
accepted. 


JEROME. 


363 


concerning  the  advent  of  Christ.     It  ought  to 
be  said  that  at  the  first  defence,  the  power  of 
Nero  having  not  yet  been  confirmed,  nor  his 
wickedness  broken  forth  to  such  a  degree  as 
the  histories  relate  concerning  iiim,  Paul  was 
dismissed  by  Nero,  that  the  gospel  of  Christ 
might  be  preached  also  in  the  West.     As  he 
himself    writes    in    the    second    epistle     to 
Timothy,  at  the  time  when  he  was  about  to 
be  put  to  death  dictating  his  epistle  as  he  did 
while  in  chains;   "At  my  first   defence  no 
one  took  my  part,  but   all   forsook  me  :  may 
it    not   be  laid    to    their    account.     But    the 
Lord   stood  by  ^  me   and   strengthened   me ; 
that  through  me  the  message   might  be  fully 
proclaimed  and  that  all   the  Gentiles  might 
hear,  and  I  was  delivered  out  of  the  mouth 
of  the    lion  "  ^  —  clearly    indicating  Nero  as 
lion    on    account   of    his   cruelty.     And    di- 
rectly   following    he    says    "  The   Lord    de- 
livered me  from  the  mouth  of  the  lion"  and 
again  shortly  "  The  Lord  delivered  mc  ^  from 
every    evil    work    and    saved    me    unto    his 
heavenly    kingdom,"  '*     for    indeed     he    felt 
within  himself  that  his  martyrdom  was  near 
at  hand,  for  in  the  same  epistle  he  announced 
"  for  I  am  already  being  otiered  and  the  time 
of  my  departure  is  at  hand."  ^     He   then,   in 
the  fourteenth  year  of  Nero  on  the  same  day 
with    Peter,    was     beheaded    at    Rome    for 
Christ's  sake  and  was   buried    in   the  Ostian 
wav,  the  twenty-seventh  year  after  our  Lord's 
passion.     He   wrote    nine    epistles   to  seven 
churches  :  To  the  Romans  one.  To  the  Corin- 
thians   two.    To  the  Galatians  one.   To    the 
Ephesians  one,  To  the  Philippians  one,    To 
the    Colossians  one,    To    the    Thessalonians 
two ;   and  besides  these  to  his  disciples,   To 
Timothy  two.  To  Titus  one.    To  Philemon 
one.     The  epistle  which  is  called  the  Epistle 
to   the    Hebrews  is    not   considered    his,    on 
account  of  its  difference  from   the  others  in 
style  and  language,  but  it  is  reckoned,  either 
according  to    Tertullian   to  be   the  work  of 
Barnabas,  or  according  to  others,  to  be  by 
Luke  the  Evangelist  or   Clement  afterwards 
bishop    of  the    church  at  Rome,  who,  they 
say,  arranged  and  adorned  the  ideas  of  Paul 
in  his  own  language,  though  to  be  sure,  since 
Paul    was    writing  to  Hebrews  and  was    in 
disrepute  among  them  he  may  have  omitted 
his  name  from  the  salutation  on  this  account. 
He  being  a  Hebrew  wrote  Hebrew,  that  is 
his  own  tongue  and  most  fluently  while  the 


things  which  were  eloquently  written  in 
Hebrew  were  more  eloquently  turned  into 
Greek  *  and  this  is  the  reason  why  it  seems  to 
differ  from  other  epistles  of  Paul.  Some 
read  one  also  to  ^  the  Laodiceans  but  it  is  re- 
jected by  everyone. 

CHAPTER  VL 

Barnabas^  the  Cyprian,  also  called  Jo- 
seph the  Levite,  ordained  apostle  to  the 
Gentiles  with  Paul,  wrote  one  Epistle^  valu- 
able for  the  edification  of  the  church,  which 
is  reckoned  among  the  apocryphal  writings. 
He  afterwards  separated  from  Paul  on  ac- 
count of  John,  a  disciple  also  called  Mark,* 
none  the  less  exercised  the  work  laid  upon 
him  of  preaching  the  Gospel. 

CHAPTER  VH. 

Luke  ^  a  physician  of  Antioch,  as  his 
writings  indicate,  was  not  unskilled  in  the 
Greek  language.  An  adherent  of  the  apos- 
tle Paul,  and  companion  of  all  his  journey- 
ing, he  wrote  a  Gospel^  concerning  which 
the  same  Paul  says,  "We  send  with  him  a 
brother  whose  praise  in  the  gospel  is  among 
all  the  churches "  ^  and  to  the  Colossians 
"  Luke  the  beloved  physician  salutes  you,"  ' 
and  to  Timothy  "  Luke  only  is  with  me."  * 
He  also  wrote  another  excellent  volume  to 
which  he  prefixed  the  title  Acts  of  the 
Apostles^  a  history  which  extends  to  the 
second  year  of  Paul's  sojourn  at  Rome,  that 
is  to  the  fourth  ^  year  of  Nero,  from  which 
we  learn  that  the  book  was  composed  in 
that  same  city.  Therefore  the  Acts  of  Paul 
and  Thecla  '^  and  all  the  fable  about  the  lion 
baptized  by  him  we  reckon  among  the 
apocryphal  writings,''  for  how  is  it  possible 
that  the  inseparable  companion  of  the  apos- 
tle in  his  other  aflairs,  alone  should  have 
been  ignorant  of  this  thing.  Moreover  Ter- 
tullian who  lived  near  those  times,  mentions 
a  certain  presbyter  in  Asia,  an  adherent  of 
the  apostle  Paul,'^  who  was  convicted  by 
John  of  having  been  the  author  of  the  book. 


1  7%^  Xo;'c/5/oo(f  ^_V  all  mss.  and  eds;   God.     Her. 
"i  lion.     2  Tim.  4.  16-17. 

3  fro7n  the  mouth  of  the  lion,  and  again  shortly  "  The  Lord 
delivered  me'"  ^ substantially)  A  II  25  30  31  a  e  etc.;  omit 
T.  Her.  "I  here  are  sli^flit  variations  ;  God  H  21  Bamb  Bern. 
Norinib.;  /  was  delivered  Val.  Cypr.  Tam.  Par  1512  etc. 

4  The  Lord  .   .  .  kingiiom  2  Tim.  4.  iS. 
^Jor  I  ...  at  hand  i   Tim.  4.  6. 


*  into  H  31  a  e.  and  many  others;  in  A  T  25  30. 

2  also  /<?  A  H  T  25  30  a  e  Norimb,  Bamb.;  also  31 ;  omit, 
Her.  who  seems  to  have  omitted  on  some  evidence  possibly 
Bern. 

3  Died  in  Salamis  53  (Ceillier  Papebroch),  56  (Braunsber- 
ger),  61  (Breviarum  romanum),  76  (Nirschl).  The  discussion 
of  the  date  of  his  death  is  a  good  deal  mixed  up  with  the 
question  of  the  authenticity  of  the  work. 

^  Mark  Acts  15,  37.  ^  Died  S3-4?. 

c  vje  send     .     .     .     churches  2  Cor.  8.  iS. 

"  Luke     .     .     .     salutes  you  Col.  4.  14. 

^  Luke     .     .     .     ~vith  me  2 'Y'\n\.  i\.  11. 

'■> fourth  A  T  H  25  3031  Val.  etc.;  fourteenth.  Her.  Sij,bert. 
S.  Crucis. 

10  Acts  of  Paul  and  Thecla  (Acts  =  Journeyings)  C(.  Acts 
of  Paul  and  Thecla,  tr.  in  Ante  Nic.  Path.  v.  8  pp.  4S7--92. 

1^  ajiocryphal  ivritings  A  H  31  e  a  Bamb  Norinib.  \'al.  etc. ; 
apocrvplia'Wax.  T  25  ^o. 

12  apostle  Paul  A  H  e  a  etc.  Val ;  omit  Paul  T  25  30  31  Her. 


3^4 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


and  who,  confessing  that  he  did  this  for 
love  of  Paul,  resigned  his  office  of  presbyter. 
Some  suppose  that  whenever  Paul  in  his 
epistle  says  *'  according  to  my  gospel  "  he 
means  the  book  of  Luke  and  that  Luke  not 
only  was  taught  the  gospel  history  by  the 
apostle  Paul  who  was  not  with  the  Lord  in 
the  flesh,  but  also  by  other  apostles.  This 
he  too  at  the  beginning  of  his  work  de- 
clares, saying  "  Even  as  they  delivered  unto 
us,  which  from  the  beginning  were  eyewit- 
nesses and  ministers  of  the  word."  So  he 
wrote  the  gospel  as  he  had  heard  it,  but  com- 
posed the  Acts  of  the  apostles  as  he  himself 
had  seen.  He  was  buried  at  Constantinople 
to  which  city,  in  the  twentieth  year  of  Con- 
stantius,  his  bones  together  with  the  remains 
of  Andrew  the  apostle  were  transferred. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

Mark  ^  the  disciple  and  interpreter  of 
Peter  wrote  a  short  gospel  at  the  request  of 
the  brethren  at  Rome  embodying  what  he 
had  heard  Peter  tell.  When  Peter  had  heard 
this,  he  approved  it  and  published  it  to  the 
churches  to  be  read  by  his  authority  as 
Clemens  in  the  sixth  book  of  his  Hypotyposes 
and  Papias,  bishop  of  Hierapolis,  record. 
Peter  also  mentions  this  Mark  in  his  first 
epistle,  figuratively  indicating  Rome  under 
the  name  of  Babylon  *'  She  who  ^  is  in  Baby- 
lon elect  together  with  you  saluteth  you  ^ 
and  so  doth  Mark  my  son.'*  So,  taking  the 
gospel  which  he  himself  composed,  he  went 
to  Egypt  and  first  preaching  Christ  at  Alex- 
andria he  formed  a  church  so  admirable  in 
doctrine  and  continence  of  livinof  that  he 
constrained  all  followers  of  Christ  to  his 
example.  Philo  most  learned  of  the  Jews 
seeing  the  first  church  at  Alexandria  still 
Jewish  in  a  degree,  wrote  a  book  '^  on  their 
manner  of  life  as  something  creditable  to  his 
nation  telling  how,  as  Luke  says,  the  be- 
lievers had  all  things  in  common  ^  at  Jerusa- 
lem, so  he  recorded  that  he  saw  ^  was  done 
at  Alexandria,  under  the  learned  Mark.  He 
died  in  the  eighth  year  of  Nero  and  was 
buried  at  Alexandria,  Annianus  succeeding 
him.^ 


1  Flourished  45  to  55?. 

2  She  -who  A  H  T  25  30  31  a  e  Val  etc;  the  church  -which. 
Her.  and  one  mentioned  by  Vallarsi,   also   in   Munich  mss. 

14370- 

3  She -who     .     .     .     saluteth  you  i.  Pet.  5.  13. 

4  a  book  A  H  31  a  e  etc;  and  Her.;  omit  T  25  30.  This  work 
entitled  On  a  contemplative  life  is  still  extant  but  is  generally 
regarded  as  not  by  Philo. 

^  had  all  things  ifi  common  Acts  2.  44. 

'^so  .  .  .  saw  A  H  a  e  31  .^  Val. ;  so  he  saw  and  recorded. 
T  25  30  Her. 

'  Annianus  succeeding"  him  A  H  T  25  30  a  e  Val  etc.;  omit 
Her.  31. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

JoHN,^  the  apostle  whom  Jesus  most 
loved,  the  son  of  Zebedee  and  brother  of 
James,  the  apostle  whom  Herod,  after  our 
Lord's  passion,  beheaded,  most  recentl}^  of 
all  the  evangelists  wrote  a  Gospel^  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  bishops  of  Asia,  against  Cerin- 
thus  and  other  heretics  and  especially 
against  the  then  growing  dogma  of  the 
Ebionites,  who  assert  that  Christ  did  not 
exist  before  Mary.  On  this  account  he 
was  compelled  to  maintain  His  divine  na- 
tivity. But  there  is  said  to  be  yet  another 
reason  for  this  work,  in  that  when  he  had 
read  Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke,  he  ap- 
proved indeed  the  substance  of  the  history 
and  declared  that  the  things  they  said  were 
true,  but  that  they  had  given  the  history  of 
only  one  year,  the  one,  that  is,  which 
follows  the  imprisonment  of  John  and  in 
which  he  was  put  to  death.  So  passing  by 
this  year  the  events  of  which  had  been  set 
forth  by  these,  he  related  the  events  of  the 
earlier  period  before  John  was  shut  up  in 
prison,  so  that  it  might  be  manifest  to  those 
who  should  diligently  read  the  volumes  of 
the  four  Evangelists.  This  also  takes  away 
the  discrepancy  which  there  seems  to  be  be- 
tween John  and  the  others.  He  wrote  also 
one  Epistle  which  begins  as  follows  ''  That 
which  was  from  the  beginning,  that  which 
we  have  heard,  that  which  we  have  seen 
with  our  eyes  and  our  hands  handled  con- 
cerning the  word  of  life"  which  is  esteemed  of 
by  all  men  who  are  interested  in  the  church 
or  in  learning.  The  other  two  of  which 
the  first  is  "  The  elder  to  the  elect  lady  and 
her  children  "  and  the  other  "  The  elder  un- 
to Gaius^  the  beloved  whom  I  love  in  truth," 
are  said  to  be  the  work  of  John  the  presby- 
ter to  the  memory  of  whom  another  sepul- 
chre is  shown  at  Ephesus  to  the  present  day, 
though  some  think  that  there  are  two  me- 
morials of  this  same  John  the  evangelist. 
We  shall  treat  of  this  matter  in  its  turn^ 
when  we  come  to  Papias  his  disciple.  In 
the  fourteenth  year  then  after  Nero,"  Do- 
mitian  having  raised  a  second  persecution  he 
was  banished  to  the  island  of  Patmos,  and 
wrote  the  Apocalypse^  on  which  Justin 
Martyr  and  Irenaeus  afterwards  wrote  com- 
mentaries. But  Domitian  having  been 
put  to  death  and  his  acts,  on  account  of  his 
excessive  cruelty,  having  been  annulled  by 
the    senate,   he    returned    to    Ephesus  under 

1  Exiled  to  Patmos  94-95. 

2  Gains  A  H  25  30  31  a  e ;   Cains  Her.  T. 

3/«    its  turn  A  H  T   31    a  e  Val.  etc;  omit  T.  25  30. 
*  after  Nero  A  H  30  31  a  e.    Bamb.  Norimb.  Cypr,   Val.; 
omit  T  25 


JEROME. 


365 


Pertinax '  and  continuing  there  until  the 
time  of  the  emperor  Trajan,  founded  and 
built  churches  throughout  all  Asia,  and, 
worn  out  by  old  age,  died  in  the  sixty- 
eighth  year  after  our  Lord's  passion  and 
was  buried  near  the  same  city. 


CHAPTER   X. 

Hermas  ^  ^  whom  the  apostle  Paul  men- 
tions in  writing  to  the  Romans  "Salute" 
Phlegon,  Hermes,  Patrobas,  Hermas"  and 
the  brethren  that  are  with  them  "^  is  re- 
puted to  be  the  author  of  the  book  which  is 
called  Pastor  and  which  is  also  read  pub- 
licly in  some  churches  of  Greece.  It  is  in 
fact  a  useful  book  and  many  of  the  ancient 
writers  quote  from  it  as  authority,  but 
among  the   Latins    it    is    almost    unknown. 

CHAPTER   XI. 

Philo  '  the  Jew,  an  Alexandrian  of  the 
priestly  class,  is  placed  by  us  among  the 
ecclesiastical  writers  on  the  ground  that, 
writing  a  book  concerning  the  first  church  of 
Mark  the  evangelist  at  Alexandria,  he  writes 
to  our  praise,  declaring  not  only  that  they 
were  there,  but  also  that  they  were  in  many- 
provinces  and  calling  their  habitations  mon- 
asteries. From  this®  it  appears  that  the 
church  of  those  that  believed  in  Christ  at 
first,  was  such  as  now  the  monks  desire  to 
imitate,^  that  is,  such  that  nothing  is  the  pe- 
culiar property  of  any  one  of  them,  none  of 
them  rich,  none  poor,  that  patrimonies  are 
divided  among  the  needy,  that  they  have 
leisure  for  prayer  and  psalms,  for  doctrine 
also  and  ascetic  practice,  that  they  were  in 
fact  as  Luke  declares  believers  were  at  first  at 
Jerusalem.  They  say  that  under  Caius  "^ 
Caligula  he  ventured  to  Rome,  whither  he 
had  been  sent  as  legate  of  his  nation,  and 
that  when  a  second  time  he    had    come    to 


"^  Pertinax  K  H  T  25  3031  a  e  Norimb.  Cypr.  etc;  Nerva 
Pertinax  Bamb.  Ambros.  Her. ;  Nerva  principe.  Val. 

2  The  date  of  Hermas  depends  on  what  Hermas  is  supposed 
to  be  the  author.  He  is  supposed  to  be  i  the  Hermas  of  the 
New  Testament,  or  2  the  brother  of  Pius  I  (139-54)  or  3  a 
still  later  Hermas.  All  these  views  have  distinguished  advo- 
cates, but  this  view  of  Jerome  taken  from  Origen  through  Euse- 
bius  is  not  much  accepted. 

3  Hermas  A  T  25  30  e;  Herman  Her.  Val.  a  31 ;  Hermam 
H  Cypr. 

*  Salute  (omitting  Asyncritus)  A  H  T  25  30  31  a  e  etc. 
Cypr.;  add  Asyncritus  Val.  Her.  Greek  from  the  New  Testa- 
ment. 

'^Hermes  Patrobas  Hermas  A  H  T  2530  a  e  Val.Gr.  etc.; 
omit  Hermes.     A  Her. 

c  Salute     .     .     .     them  Rom.  15,  14. 

7  Visited  Rome  A,  D.  40,  and  must  have  lived  (Edersheim) 
ten  or  fifteen  years  after  his  return. 

8  From  this  etc.    Acts  2,  4;  4,  32. 

^  desire  to  imitate  the  mss.;  strive  to  be  Cypr.  Fabr.  Val., 
on  account  of  the  difficult  construction  with  imitate. 

1'  Caius  Cypr.  Fabr.  Val.;  Gaius  all  the  mss.;  omit  Her. 


Claudius,  he  spoke  in  the  same  city  with  the 
apostle  Peter  and  enjoyed  his  friendship,  and 
for  this  reason  also  adorned  the  adherents  of 
Mark,  Peter's  disciple  at  Alexandria,  with 
his  praises.  There  are  distinguished  and 
innumerable  works  by  this  man  :  On  the  jive 
books  of  Moses^  one  book  Concerning  the 
confusion  of  tongues^  one  book  On  nature 
and  invention^  one  book  On  the  things 
which  our  senses  desire  and  we  detest^  one 
book  On  learnings  one  book  On  the  heir  of 
divi7ie  things^  one  book  On  the  division  of 
equals  and  contraries^  one  book  On  the 
three  virtues^  one  book  On  why  in  Scripture 
the  names  of  many  persons  are  changed^  two 
books  On  covenants ,,  one  book  On  the  life  of 
a  wise  man^  one  book  Concerning  giants^ 
five  books  That  dreams  are  sent  by  God^  five 
books  of  Questions  and  answers  on  Exodus^ 
four  books  On  the  tabernacle  and  the  Deca- 
logue^ as  well  as  books  On  victims  and 
promises  or  curses^  On  Providence^  On  the 
yews^  On  the  manfier  of  one* s  life^  On 
Alexander^  and  That  dumb  beasts  have  right 
reason^  and  That  every  fool  should  be  a  slave^ 
and  On  the  lives  of  the  Christians^  of  which 
we  spoke  above,  that  is,  lives  of  apostolic 
men,  which  also  he  entitled,  On  those  who 
practice  the  divine  life^  because  in  truth 
they  contemplate  divine  things  and  ever  pray 
to  God,  also  under  other  categories,  two  On 
agriculture^  two  On  drunkenness.  There 
are  other  monuments  of  his  genius  which 
have  not  come  to  our  hands.  Concerning 
him  there  is  a  proverb  among  the  Greeks 
"  Either  Plato  philonized,  or  Philo  platon- 
ized,"  that  is,  either  Plato  followed  Philo,  or 
Philo,  Plato,  so  great  is  the  similarity  of  ideas 
and  language. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Lucius  Ann^us  Seneca*  of  Cordova,  dis- 
ciple of  the  Stoic  Sotion^  and  uncle  of  Lucan 
the  Poet,  was  a  man  of  most  continent  life, 
whom  I  should  not  place  in  the  category  of 
saints  were  it  not  that  those  Epistles  of  Paul 
to  Seneca  and  Seneca  ^  to  Paul^  which  are 
read  by  many,  provoke  me.  In  these,  written 
when  he  was  tutor  of  Nero  and  the  most 
powerful  man  of  that  time,  he  says  that  he 
would  like  to  hold  such  a  place  among  his 
countrymen  as  Paul  held  among  Christians. 
He  was  put  to  death  by  Nero  two  years  be- 
fore Peter  and  Paul  were  crowned  with 
martyrdom. 

1  Died  65. 

2  6'c»//(?«  Cypr.  Val.  Her. ;  Phothion  fotion^fotinus   Socion 
or  Sozonis,  the  mss. 

3  and  Seneca  A  H  e  a  2i  JO  Fabr.  Val.  etc. ;  or  Seneca  T  25 
30  31  Her. 


2,66 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

JosEPHUS,^  the  son  of  Matthias,  priest  of 
Jerusalem,  taken  prisoner  by  Vespasian  and 
his    son    Titus,    was    banished.     Coming  to 
Rome  he   presented   to  the  emperors,  father 
and  son,  seven  books  On  the  captivity  of  the 
Jews^  which    were  deposited   in  the  public 
library  and,  on   account  of  his  genius,   was 
found    worthy    of    a    statue    at    Rome.     He 
wrote  also  twenty  books  oi  Antiquities,  from 
the  beginning  of  the   world   until    the  four- 
teenth year  of  Domitian  Csesar,  and   two  of 
Antiquities    against    Appion^     the     gram- 
marian of  Alexandria  who,  under   Caligula, 
sent  as  legate  on  the    part    of  the    Gentiles 
against  Philo,  wrote  also  a  book   containing 
a  vituperation   of    the  Jewish   nation.     An- 
other   book    of   his  entitled,     On    allruling 
wisdom^  in  which  the  martyr   deaths   of  the 
Maccabeans  are   related  is  highly  esteemed. 
In    the    eighth    book    of  his  Antiquities    he 
most  openly  acknowledges   that   Christ   was 
slain    by   the   Pharisees    on   account    of    the 
greatness    of    his    miracles,    that    John    the 
Baptist  was  truly  a  prophet,  and  that  Jerusa- 
lem was  destroyed  because  of  the  murder  of 
James  the  apostle.     He  wrote  also  concern- 
ing the  Lord   after  this   fashion :     "  In    this 
same  time  was  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  indeed 
it  be  lawful  to  call  him  man.     For  he  was  a 
worker  of  wonderful  miracles,  and  a  teacher 
of  those  who  freely  receive  the  truth.     He 
had  very   many  adherents  also,  both  of  the 
Jews  and  of  the  Gentiles,  and   was  believed 
to  be  Christ,  and  when  through  the  envy  of 
our    chief    men    Pilate    had    crucified    him, 
nevertheless  those  who  had  loved  him  at  first 
continued  to  the  end,  for  he  appeared  to  them 
the  third  day  alive.     Many  things,  both  these 
and  other  wonderful  thino^s  are  in  the   songrs 
of  the  prophets  who  prophesied  concerning 
him  and  the    sect    of  Christians,  so    named 
from  Him,  exists  to  the  present  day." 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Justus,  ^  ^  of  Tiberias  of  the  province  of 
Galilee,  also  attempted  to  write  a  History  of 
Jewish  affairs  and  certain  brief  Commen- 
taries on  the  Scriptures  but  Josephus  con- 
victs him  of  falsehood.  It  is  known  that  he 
wrote  at  the  same  time  as  Josephus  himself. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Clement,  '^  of  whom  the  apostle  Paul 
writing  to  the  Philippians  says  "  With  Clem- 

1  Born  A.  D.  37,  died  after  97.  2  Flourished  100. 

3  jftistus  a  21  10  Fabr.  Val.;  yustinus  others. 

*  Bishop  91  or  2-101.  Died  no  (Euseb.  Ch.  Hist.)  It  is 
by  no  means  certain  that  Clemens  Romanus  is  the  Clemens 
mentioned  in  the   New  Testament.      Compare   discussions  by 


ent  and  others  of  my  fellow-workers  whose 
names  are  written  in  the  book  of  life,"  ^  the 
fourth  bishop  of  Rome  after  Peter,  if  indeed 
the  second  w^as  Linus  and  the  third  Anacle- 
tus,"^  although  most  of  the  Latins  think  that 
Clement  was  second  after  the  apostle.^  He 
wrote,  on  the  part  of  the  church  of  Rome, 
an  especially  valuable  Letter  to  the  church  of 
the  Corinthians^  which  in  some  places  is 
publicly  read,  and  which  seems  to  me  to 
agree  in  style  with  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
which  passes  under  the  name  of  Paul  but  it 
difiers  from  this  same  epistle,  not  only  in 
many  of  its  ideas,  but  also  in  respect  of  the 
order  of  words,  and  its  likeness  in  either  re- 
spect is  not  very  great.  There  is  also  a 
second  Epistle  under  his  name  which  is  re- 
jected by  earlier  writers,  and  a  Disputation 
between  Peter  a^id  Applon  written  out  at 
length,  which  Eusebius  in  the  third  book  of 
his  Church  history  rejects.  He  died  in  the 
third  year  of  Trajan  and  a  church  built  at 
Rome  preserves  the  memory  of  his  name  unto 
this  day. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Ignatius,''  third  bishop  of  the  church  of 
Antioch  after  Peter  the  apostle,  condemned 
to  the  wild  beasts  during  the  persecution  of 
Trajan,  was  sent  bound  to  Rome,  and  when 
he  had  come  on  his  voyage  as  far  as 
Smyrna,  where  Polycarp  the  pupil  of  John 
was  bishop,  he  wrote  one  epistle  To  the 
Epheslans^  another  To  the  Magneslans  a 
third  To  the  Tralllans  a  fourth  To  the 
RomanSy  and  going  thence,  he  wrote  To  the 
Phlladelphlans  and  To  the  Smyrneans  and 
especially  To  Polycarp^  commending  to  him 
the  church  at  Antioch.  In  this  last  "*  he  bore 
witness  to  the  Gospel  which  I  have  recently 
translated,  in  respect  of  the  person  of  Christ 
saying,  "  I  indeed  saw  him  in  the  flesh  after 
the  resurrection  and  I  believe  that  he  is,"  and 
when  he  came  to  Peter  and  those  who  were 
with  Peter,  he  said  to  them  "  Behold  !  touch 
me  and  see  me  how  that  I  am  not  an  incor- 
poreal spirit  "  and  straightway  they  touched 
him  and  believed.  Moreover  it  seems  worth 
while  inasmuch  as  we  have  made  mention  of 
such  a  man  and  of  the  Epistle  which  he 
wrote  to  the  Roma?ts^  to  give  a  few'  "quota- 
tions "  ® :    "From  Syria  even  unto  Rome  I 


Salmon  in  Smith  and  Wace,  and  M'Giffert  in  his  translation 
of  Eusebius. 

1  With   Clement     .    .     .    life  Phil.  4,  3. 

"^  Anaclettis  Val.  Fabr.  Her.;  Anencletus,  AnincletuSy 
Anenclittis,  H  25  31  e;  Cletus  (or  Elitus).  T  3031;  Anicletus^ 
10;  AnecletuSi  A;  Aneclitus,  a. 

3  apostle  A  H  25  30  31  a  e ;  apostle  Peter  T  Fabr.  Val.  Her, 

*  Bishop  about  70,  died  about  107. 

5  /«  this  last  etc.  Eusebius  from  whom  he  quotes  says 
Smyrneans.  Lightfoot  maintains  that  Jerome  had  never  seen 
the  Epistles  of  Ignatius. 

6  quotations  etc.  This  is  taken  bodily  from  Eusebius. 
The  translation  is  M'Giffert's  adapted  to  the  Latin  of  Jerome. 


JEROME. 


3G- 


fight  with  wild  beasts,  by  land  and  by  sea,  by 
night  and  by  day,  being  bound  amidst  ten 
leopards,  that  is  to  say  soldiers  who  guard  me 
and  who  only  become  worse  wlien  they  are 
well  treated.  Their  wrong  doing,  however, 
is  my  schoolmaster,  but  I  am  not  thereby 
justified.  May  I  have  joy  of  the  beasts  that 
are  prepared  for  me  ;  and  I  pray  that  I  may 
find  them  ready  ;  I  will  even  coax  them  to 
devour  me  quickly  that  they  may  not  treat  me 
as  they  have  some  wdiom  they  have  refused  to 
touch  through  fear.  And  if  they  are  unwill- 
ing, I  will  compel  them  to  devour  me.  For- 
give me  my  children,  I  know  what  is  expedi- 
ent for  me.  Now  do  I  begin  to  be  a  disciple, 
and  desire  none  of  the  things  visible  that  I 
may  attain  unto  Jesus  Christ.  Let  fire  and 
cross  and  attacks  of  wild  beasts,  let  wrenching 
of  bones,  cutting  apart  of  limbs,  crushing  of 
the  whole  body,  tortures  ^  of  the  devil,  —  let 
all  these  come  upon  me  if  only  I  may  attain 
unto  the  joy  which  is  in  Christ." 

When  he  had  been  condemned  to  the  wild 
beasts  and  with  zeal  for  martyrdom  heard  the 
lions  roaring,  he  said  "  I  am  the  grain  of 
Christ.  I  am  ground  by  the  teeth  of  the  wild 
beasts  that  I  may  be  found  the  bread  of  the 
world."  He  w^as  put  to  death  the  eleventh 
year  of  Trajan  and  the  remains  of  his  body 
lie  in  Antioch  outside  the  Daphnitic  gate  in 
the  cemetery. 

CHAPTER   XVII. 

PoLYCARP  ^  disciple  of  the  apostle  John 
and  by  him  ordained  bishop  of  Smyrna  was 
chief  of  all  Asia,  where  he  saw  and  had  as 
teachers  some  of  the  apostles  and  of  those 
who  had  seen  the  Lord.  He,  on  account  of 
certain  questions  concerning  the  day  of  the 
Passover,  went  to  Rome  in  the  time  of  the 
emperor  Antoninus  Pius  while  Anicetus 
ruled  the  church  in  that  city.  There  he 
led  back  to  the  faith  many  of  the  believers 
who  had  been  deceived  through  the  per- 
suasion of  Marcion  and  Valentinus,  and 
when  Marcion  met  him  by  chance  and 
said  "  Do  you  know  us "  he  replied,  "  I 
know  the  firstborn  of  the  devil."  After- 
wards during  the  reign  of  Marcus  Antoninus 
and  Lucius  Aurelius  Commodus  in  the  fourth 
persecution  after  Nero,  in  the  presence  of 
the  proconsul  holding  court  at  Smyrna  and 
all  the  people  crying  out  against  him  in  the 
Amphitheater,  he  was  burned.  He  wrote  a 
very    valuable    Epistle    to    the    Philippians 


hich    is    read    to    the    present    day    in    the 


1  tortures  A  H  T  25  30  31  e;  all  the  tortures  a.  Fabr.  Val. 
Her. 

2  Bishop  106  or  7 — 157-16S  (?);  154  sq  (Lipsius)  Authorities 
differ  as  to  dates  ot  his  death  from  147-175.  Bishop  certainly 
(Sahnon)    no. 


W 

meetings  in  Asia. 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

Papias,'  the  pupil  of  John,  bishop  of  Hie- 
rapolis  in  Asia,  wrote  only  five  volumes, 
which  he  entitled  Exposition  of  the  words 
of  our  Lord^  in  which,  when  he  had  as- 
serted in  his  preface  that  he  did  not  follow 
various  opinions  but  had  the  apostles  for 
authority,  he  said  "  I  considered  what  An- 
drew and  Peter  said,  what  Philip,  what 
Thomas,  what  James,  what  John,'^  what 
Matthew  or  any  one  else  among  the  disci- 
ples of  our  Lord,  what  also  Aristion  and  the 
elder  John,  disciples  of  the  Lord  had  said, 
not  so  much  that  I  have  their  books  to  read, 
as  that  their  living  voice  is  heard  until  the  pre- 
sent day  in  the  authors  themselves."  It  ap- 
pears through  this  catalogue  of  names  that  the 
John  who  is  placed  among  the  disciples  is 
not  the  same  as  the  elder  John  whom  he 
places  after  Aristion  in  his  enumeration. 
This  we  say  moreover  because  of  the  opin- 
ion mentioned  above,  where  we  record  that 
it  is  declared  by  many  that  the  last  two 
epistles  of  John  are  the  work  not  of  the 
apostle  but  of  the  presbyter. 

He  is  said  to  have  published  a  Second 
C07ning  of  Our  Lord  or  Millenniu7n.  Ire- 
naeus  and  Apollinaris  and  others  who  say 
that  after  the  resurrection  the  Lord  will  reign 
in  the  flesh  with  the  saints,  follow  him. 
Tertullian  also  in  his  work  On  the  hope  of 
the  faithful^  Victorinus  of  Petau  and  Lac- 
tantius  follow  this  view. 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

QuADRATUS  ^  disciple  of  the  apostles, 
after  Publius  bishop  of  Athens  had  been 
crowned  with  martyrdom  on  account  of  his 
faith  in  Christ,  was  substituted  in  his  place, 
and  by  his  faith  and  industry  gathered  the 
church  scattered  by  reason  of  its  great  fear. 
And  when  Hadrian  passed  the  winter  at 
Athens  to  witness  the  Eleusinian  myste- 
ries and  was  initiated  into  almost  all  the 
sacred  mysteries  of  Greece,  those  who  hated 
the  Christians  took  opportunity  without  in- 
structions from  the  Emperor  to  harass  the 
believers.  At  this  time  he  presented  to  Ha- 
drian a  work  composed  in  behalf  of  our 
religion,  indispensable,  full  of  sound  argu- 
ment and  faith  and  w^orthy  of  the  apostolic 
teaching.  In  which,  illustrating  the  antiq- 
uity of  his  period,  he  says  that  he   has  seen 


1  130  (Salmon). 

"^zvliatjohn  A  H  25  30  31  a  e;  omit  T  Her. 

3  Flourished  126  (125)  ?    Not  the  Athenian  bishop  (Salmon). 


Work  not  extant. 


368 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


many  who,  oppressed  by  various  ills,  were 
healed  by  the  Lord  in  Judea  as  well  as  some 
who  had  been  raised  from  the  dead. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Aristides  *  a  most  eloquent  Athenian 
philosopher,  and  a  disciple  of  Christ  while 
yet  retaining  his  philosopher's  garb,  pre- 
sented a  work  to  Hadrian  at  the  same  time 
that  Qiiadratus  presented  his.  The  work 
contained  a  systematic  statement  of  our  doc- 
trine, that  is,  an  Apology  for  the  Christians, 
which  is  still  extant  and  is  regarded  by  phil- 
ologians  as  a  monument  to  his  genius. 

^CHAPTER   XXI. 

Agrippa  ^  surnamed  Castor,  a  man  of 
great  learning,  wrote  a  strong  refutation 
of  the  twenty-four  volumes  which  Basilides 
the  heretic  had  written  against  the  Gospel, 
disclosing  all  his  mysteries  and  enumerating 
the  prophets  Barcabbas  and  Barchob  ^  and 
all  the  other  barbarous  names  which  terrify 
the  hearers,  and  his  most  high  God  Abraxas, 
whose  name  was  supposed  to  contain  the 
year  according  to  the  reckoning  "*  of  the 
Greeks.  Basilides  died  at  Alexandria  in  the 
reign  of  Hadrian,  and  from  him  the  Gnostic 
sects  arose.  In  this  tempestuous  time  also, 
Cochebas  leader  of  the  Jewish  faction  put 
Christians  to  death   with  various  tortures. 

CHAPTER   XXII. 

Hegesippus  ^  who  lived  at  a  period  not 
far  from  the  Apostolic  age,  writing  a  History 
of  all  ecclesiastical  events  from  the  passion 
of  our  Lord,  down  to  his  own  period, 
and  gathering  many  things  useful  to  the 
reader,  composed  five  volumes  in  simple 
style,  trying  to  represent  the  style  of  speak- 
ing of  those  whose  lives  he  treated.  He 
says  that  he  went  to  Rome  in  the  time  of 
Anicetus,  the  tenth  bishop  after  Peter,  and 
continued  there  till  the  time  of  Eleutherius, 
bishop  of  the  same  city,  who  had  been 
formerly  deacon  under  Anicetus.  Moreover, 
arguing  against  idols,  he  wrote  a  history, 
showing  from  what  error  they  had  first 
arisen,  and  this  work  indicates  in  what  age 
he  flourished.®  He  says,  "  They  built  monu- 
ments and   temples  to  their  dead  as  we  see 

1  Flourished  125,  apology  presented  about  133. 

2  Flourished  about  130  or  135. 

3  Various  readings  are  Barcobus,  Barcoheth^  Barcho  et, 
Bascohus  et. 

*  reckoning  all  but  T  and  Her.  which  have  nomenclature. 

6  Died  180.  Wrote  his  history  in  part  before  167,  and  pub- 
lished after  175. 

6  He  flourished  T  H  a  e  25  30  Val.  Fabr.;  They  flourished 
Her. 


up  to  the  present  day,'  such  as  the  one  to 
Antinous,  servant  to  the  Emperor  Hadrian, 
in  whose  honour  also  games  were  celebrated, 
and  a  city  founded  bearing  his  name,  and 
a  temple  with  priests  established."  The 
Emperor  Hadrian  is  said  to  have  been 
enamoured  of  Antinous. 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 

Justin,^  a  philosopher,  and  wearing  the 
garb  of  philosopher,  a  citizen  of  Neapolis,  a 
city  of  Palestine,  and  the  son  of  Priscus 
Bacchius,  laboured  strenuously  in  behalf  of 
the  religion  of  Christ,  insomuch  that  he  de- 
livered to  Antoninus  Pius  and  his  sons  and 
the  senate,  a  work  written  Against  the  na- 
tions^ and  did  not  shun  the  ignominy  of  the 
cross.  He  addressed  another  book  also  to 
the  successors  of  this  Antoninus,  Marcus 
Antoninus  Verus  and  Lucius  Aurelius  Com- 
modus.  Another  volume  of  his  Against  the 
natio?is^  is  also  extant,  where  he  discusses 
the  nature  of  demons,  and  a  fourth  against 
the  nations  which  he  entitled.  Refutation 
and  yet  another  On  the  sovereignty  of  God^ 
and  another  book  which  he  entitled,  Psaltes^ 
and  another  On  the  Soiil^  the  Dialogue 
against  the  fews^  which  he  held  against 
Trypho,  the  leader  of  the  Jews,  and  also 
notable  volumes  Against  Marciofi,,  which 
Irenaeus  also  mentions  in  the  fourth  book^ 
Against  heresies^  also  another  book  Against 
all  heresies  which  he  mentions  in  the 
Apology  which  is  addressed  to  Antoninus 
Pius.  He,  when  he  had  held  dtarpi^ag  in  the 
city  of  Rome,  and  had  convicted  Crescens 
the  cynic,  who  said  many  blasphemous 
things  against  the  Christians,  of  gluttony 
and  fear  of  death,  and  had  proved  him  de- 
voted to  luxury  and  lusts,  at  last,  accused 
of  being  a  Christian,  through  the  efibrts  and 
wiles  of  Crescens,  he  shed  his  blood  for 
Christ. 

CHAPTER   XXIV. 

Melito'*  of  Asia,  bishop  of  Sardls,  ad- 
dressed a  book  to  the  emperor  Marcus  An- 
toninus Verus,  a  disciple  of  Fronto  the  orator, 
in  behalf  of  the  Christian  doctrine.  He 
wrote  other  things  also,  among  which  are 
the  following  :  On  the  passover^  two  books, 
one  book  On  the  lives  of  the  prophets^  one 
book     On    the    churchy"    one    book    On    the 


1  up  to  the  present  day  A  H  31  e  a ;  to  day  T  25  30. 

2  Born  about  104  (100?),  Christian  133  (before  132  Holland) 
wrote  apology  about  150,  died  167. 

^fourth  hook  A  T  25  30  Val.  Her.;  fifth  H  31  a  e  Fabr. 
and  early  editions;  The  right  reference  is  probably  Bk.  4  ch. 
10  but  he  himself  is  mentioned  in  book  5  and  it  is  likely  Jerome 
wrote  5. 

*  Bishop  about  150,  died  between  171  and  180. 

fi  On  the  church  A  25  30  e  a;  omit  T  31  e  a  [Hj. 


JEROME. 


369 


Lot'cVs  day^  one  book  On  faith ^  one  book 
On  the  psalms  ( ?)  one  On  the  senses^  one 
On  the  soul  a?id  body^  one  On  baptis7n^ 
one  On  tr?ith„  one  Ofi  the  genei^ation  of 
Christy  On  His  prophecy  '  one  On  hospi- 
tality and  another  which  is  called  the  Key  — 
one  On  the  devil^  one  07i  the  Apocalypse  of 
John^  one  On  the  corporeality  of  God^  and 
six  books  oi  Eclogues.  Of  his  fine  oratorical 
genius,  TertuUian,  in  the  seven  books  which 
he  wrote  against  the  church  on  behalf  of 
Montanus,  satirically  says  that  he  was  con- 
sidered a  prophet  by  many  of  us. 

CHAPTER   XXV. 

Theophilus,^  sixth  bishop  of  the  church  of 
Antioch,  in  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Marcus 
Antoninus  Verus  composed  a  book  Against 
Afarcion^  which  is  still  extant,  also  three 
volumes  T^o  Autolycus  and  one  Against  the 
heresy  of  Hermogenes  and  other  short  and 
elegant  treatises,  well  fitted  for  the  edification 
of  the  church.  I  have  read,  under  his  name, 
commentaries  On  the  Gospel  and  07t  the 
proverbs  of  Solo7non  which  do  not  appear  to 
me  to  correspond  in  style  and  language  with 
the  elegance  and  expressiveness  of  the  above 
works. 

CHAPTER   XXVI. 

Apollinaris,^  bishop  of  Hierapolis  in 
Asia,  flourished  in  the  reign  of  Marcus  An- 
toninus Verus,  to  whom  he  addressed  a 
notable  volume  in  behalf  of  the  faith  of  the 
Christians.  There  are  extant  also  five  other 
books  of  his  Against  the  Nations^  two  On 
truth  and  Against  the  Cataphrygians  writ- 
ten at  the  time  when  Montanus  was  making 
a  beginning  with  Prisca  and  Maximilla. 

CHAPTER   XXVII. 

DiONYSius,"  bishop  of  the  church  of  Cor- 
inth, was  of  so  great  eloquence  and  industry 
that  he  taught  not  only  the  people  of  his  own 
city  and  province  but  also  those  of  other  prov- 
inces and  cities  by  his  letters.  Of  these  one  is 
To  the  Laccdcemo7iians ^  another  To  the  Athe- 
nia7is,,  a  third  To  the  NicoTnedians^  a  fourth 
To  the  Cretans^  a  fifth  To  the  church  at 
A77iastrina  and  to  the  other  churches  of 
Pontus^  a  sixth  To  the  Gnosians  and  to 
Pinytus  bishop  of  the  same  city.,  a  seventh 
To  the  Ro7nans,,  addressed  to  Soter  their 
bishop,  an  eighth    To    Chrysophora   a   holy 

1  On  truth  .  .  .  prophecy  A  H  25  30  31  e  a  Val.  etc; 
omit  T  Her. 

2  Bishop  in  168,  died  after  181   (some  176-86). 
S  Claudius  Apollinaris  died  before  180. 

*  Bishop  about  170,  died  about  )8o. 


woman.  Pie  flourished  in  the  reign  of  Mar- 
cus Antoninus  Verus  and  Lucius  Aurelius 
Commodus. 

CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

Pinytus  ^  of  Crete,  bishop  of  the  city  of 
Gnosus,  wrote  to  Dionysius  bishop  of  the 
Corinthians,  an  exceedingly  elegant  letter  in 
which  he  teaches  that  the  people  are  not  to 
be  forever  fed  on  milk,  lest  by  chance  they 
be  overtaken  by  the  last  day  while  yet  in- 
fants, but  that  they  ought  to  be  fed  also  on 
solid  food,  that  they  may  go  on  to  a  spiritual 
old  age.  He  flourished  under  Marcus  An- 
toninus Verus  and  Lucius  Aurelius  Com- 
modus.^ 

CHAPTER   XXIX. 

Tatian  ^  who,  while  teaching  oratory, 
won  not  a  little  glory  in  the  rhetorical  art, 
was  a  follower  of  Justin  Martyr  and  was 
distinguished  so  long  as  he  did  not  leave  his 
master's  side.  But  afterwards,  inflated  "*  by 
a  swelling  of  eloquence,  he  founded  a  new 
heresy  which  is  called  that  of  the  Encratites, 
the  heresy  which  Severus  afterwards  aug- 
mented in  such  wise  that  heretics  of  this 
party  are  called  Severians  to  the  present 
day.  Tatian  wrote  besides  innumerable 
volumes,  one  of  which,  a  most  successful 
book  Against  the  nations.,  is  extant,  and  this 
is  considered  the  most  significant  of  all  his 
works.  He  flourished  in  the  reign  of 
Marcus  Antoninus  Verus  and  Lucius  Aure- 
lius Commodus. 

CHAPTER   XXX. 

Philip^  bishop  of  Crete,  that  is  of  the 
city  of  Gortina,  whom  Dionysius  mentions 
in  the  epistle  w^hich  he  wrote  to  the  church 
of  the  same  city,  published  a  remarkable 
book  Against  Marcion  and  flourished  in  the 
time  of  Marcus  Antoninus  Verus  and  Lucius 
Aurelius  Commodus. 

CHAPTER   XXXI. 

MusANUS,^  not  inconsiderable  among 
those  who  have  written  on  ecclesiastical 
doctrine,  in  the  reign  of  Marcus  Antoninus 
Verus  wrote  a  book  to  certain  brethren  who 
had  turned  aside  from  the  church  to  the  heresy 
of  the  Encratites. 


Commodus   A  25  30  31  e  a 


^Died  about  180. 
"i  That  they  may  go  on     .     .     . 
Fabr.  Val;  omii  T  H  ?    Her. 
3  Born  about  130,  died  after  172. 
<  inflated  A  H  30  31  a  e  Val  etc. ;  elated  T  25  Her. 
c  Bishop  about  160,  died  about  iSo. 
6  Flourished  2aj .''. 


37C 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


CHAPTER   XXXII. 

MoDESTUs  '  also  in  the  reign  of  Marcus 
Antoninus  and  Lucius  Aureiius  Commodus 
wrote  a  book  Against  Marcion  which  is 
still  extant.  Some  other  compositions  pass 
under  his  name  but  are  regarded  by  scholars 
as  spurious. 

CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

Bardesanes  ^  of  Mesopotamia  is  reckoned 
among  the  distinguished  men.  He  was 
at  first  a  follower  of  Valentinus  and 
afterwards  his  opponent  and  himself  founded 
a  new  heresy.  He  has  the  reputation 
among  the  Syrians  of  having  been  a  brilliant 
genius  and  vehement  in  argument.  He 
wrote  a  multitude  of  works  against  almost 
all  heresi^  which  had  come  into  existence 
in  his  time.  Among  these  a  most  remark- 
able and  strong  work  is  the  one  which  he 
addressed  to  Marcus  Antoninus  On  fate^ 
and  many  other  volumes  07t  persecution 
which  his  followers  translated  from  the 
Syriac  language  into  Greek.  If  indeed  so 
much  force  and  brilliancy  appears  in  the 
translation,  how  great  it  must  have  been  in 
the  original. 

CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

Victor,^  thirteenth  bishop  of  Rome, 
wrote,  On  the  Paschal  Controversy  and 
some  other  small  works.  He  ruled  the 
church  for  ten  years  in  the  reign  of  the 
Emperor  Severus. 

CHAPTER   XXXV. 

Irenaeus,'*  a  presbyter  under  Pothinus 
the  bishop  who  ruled  the  church  of  Lyons 
in  Gaul,  being  sent  to  Rome  as  legate  by  the 
martyrs  of  this  place,  on  account  of  certain 
ecclesiastical  questions,  presented  to  Bishop 
Eleutherins  certain  letters  under  his  own 
name  which  are  worthy  of  honour.  After- 
wards when  Pothinus,  nearly  ninety  years 
of  age,  received  the  crown  of  martyrdom 
for  Christ,  he  was  put  in  his  place.  It  is 
certain  too  that  he  was  a  disciple  of  Poly- 
carp,  the  priest  and  martyr,  whom  we  men- 
tioned above.  He  wrote  five  books  Against 
heresies  and  a  short  volume,  Against  the  na- 
tions and  another  On  discipline^  a  letter  to 
Marcianus  his  brother  On  apostolical  preach- 
ing., a  book  of  Yario24,s  treatises  ;  also  to  Blas- 
tus.  On  schism ^^  \.o  Florinus  On  7nonarchy  ox 


1  Flourished  180-190.  2  Flourished  about  172. 

8  Bishop  about  190  (or  185  according  to  others)   died  202  or 


197. 


*  Born  between  140  and  145,  died  202  or  later. 

''  schism  H  A  31  a  e  Vai.  Eusebius  etc  :  chrism  A  T  25  30. 


That  God  is  not  the  author  of  evil.,  also  an 
excellent  Commentary  on  the  Ogdoad  at  the 
end  of  which  indicating  that  he  was  near  the 
apostolic  period  he  wrote  *'  I  adjure  thee  who- 
soever shall  transcribe  this  book,  by  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  and  by  his  glorious  advent  at 
which  He  shall  judge  the  quick  and  the  dead, 
that  you  diligently  compare,  after  you  have 
transcribed,  and  amend  it  accordmg  to  the 
copy  from  which  you  have  transcribed  it  and 
also  that  you  shall  similarly  transcribe  this 
adjuration  as  you  find  it  in  your  pattern." 
Other  works  of  his  are  in  circulation  to  wit  : 
to  Victor  the  Roman  bishop  On  the  Paschal 
controversy  \\\  which  he  warns  him  not  lightly 
to  break  the  unity  of  the  fraternity,  if  indeed 
Victor  believed  that  the  many  bishops  of 
Asia  and  the  East,  who  with  the  Jews  cele- 
brated the  passover,  on  the  fourteenth  day  of 
the  new  moon,  were  to  be  condemned. 
But  even  those  who  difllered  from  them  did 
not  support  Victor  in  his  opinion.  He 
flourished  chiefly  in  the  reign  of  the  Empe- 
ror Commodus,  who  succeeded  Marcus  An- 
toninus Verus  in  power. 

CHAPTER    XXXVI. 

Pantaenus,^  a  philosopher  of  the  stoic 
school,  according  to  some  old  Alexandrian 
custom,  where,  from  the  time  of"*  Mark  the 
evangelist  the  ecclesiastics  were  always  doc- 
tors, was  of  so  great  prudence  and  erudition 
both  in  scripture  and  secular  literature  that, 
on  the  request  of  the  legates  of  that  nation, 
he  was  sent  to  India  by  Demetrius  bishop 
of  Alexandria,  where  he  found  that  Barthol- 
omew, one  of  the  twelve  apostles,  had 
preached  the  advent  of  the  Lord  Jesus  ac- 
cording to  the  gospel  of  Matthew,  and  on 
his  return  to  Alexandria  he  brought  this 
with  him  written  in  Hebrew  characters. 
Many  of  his  commentaries  on  Holy  Script- 
ure are  indeed  extant,  but  his  living  voice 
was  of  still  greater  benefit  to  the  churches. 
He  taught  in  the  reigns  of  the  emperor  Sev- 
erus and  Antoninus   surnamed  Caracalla. 

CHAPTER    XXXVII. 

Rhodo,'*  a  native  of  Asia,  instructed  in 
the  Scriptures  at  Rome  by  Tatian  whom  we 
mentioned  above,  published  many  things 
especially  a  work  Against  Marcion  in  which 
he  tells  how  the  Marcionites  differ  from  one 
another  as  well  as  from  the  church  and  says 

1  Ogdoad  «*  Octava  "  is  translation  for  "  Ogdoad  "  used  by 
Eusebius  and  explained  to  refer  to  the  Valentinian  Ogdoads. 
(M'Giffert.) 

2  At  Alexandria   about  179,  died  about  216. 

3  T  reads  follozuing  the  example  of  and  makes  a  more  man- 
ageable text. 

4  Flourished  1S6. 


JEROME 


371 


that  the  aged  ApcUes,  another  heretic,  was 
once  engaged  in  a  discussion  with  him,  and 
that  he,  Rhodo,  held  Apelles  up  to  ridi- 
cule because  he  declared  that  he  did  not 
know  the  God  whotn  he  worshipped.  He 
mentioned  in  the  same  book,  which  he  wrote 
to  Callistion,  that  he  had  been  a  pupil  of 
Tatian  at  Ronie.  He  also  composed  ele- 
gant treatises  On  the  six  days  of  creation 
and  a  notable  work  against  the  Phrygians,^ 
He  flourished  in  the  reio^ns  of  Commodus 
and  Severus. 

CHAPTER    XXXVHI. 

Clemens,^   presbyter   of  the  Alexandrian 
church,  and  a   pupil   of  the  Pantaenus   men- 
tioned  above,  led    the   theological   school   at 
Alexandria    after    the    death   of    his    master 
and    was   teacher     of  the    Catechetes.       He 
is  the    author   of   notable    volumes,    full    of 
eloquence     and     learning,     both    in     sacred 
Scripture       and      in       secular        literature  ; 
among  these  are  the  Stromata^  eight  books, 
Hypotyposes    eight     books.       Against    the 
nations   one    book.     On    pedagogy^^     three 
books.   On    the    Passover^    Disquisition    on 
fasting  and    another    book    entitled,     What 
rich  7nan  is  saved?  one  book    On    Calumny^ 
On  ecclesiastical  canons  and    against  those 
who  follow  the  error  of  the   yews  one  book 
which  he  addressed  to    Alexander  bishop    of 
Jerusalem.      He  also  mentions  in  his  volumes 
of  Stroirtata  the  work  of  Tatian  Against  the 
7tJtio7ts  which  we  mentioned    above    and    a 
Chronography  of    one    Cassianus,     a  work 
which  1  have  not  been  able  to   find.     He  also 
mentioned  certain  Jewish  writers    against  the 
nations,  one  Aristobulus   and  Demetrius   and 
Eupolemus  who  after  the    example  of  Jose- 
phus  asserted  the  primacy  of    Moses  and  the 
Jewish  people.     There  is    a  letter  of  Alex- 
ander the  bishop   of  Jerusalem    who    after- 
wards ruled  the   church  with   Narcissus,  on 
the  ordination  of  Asclepiades  the  confessor, 
addressed  to  the  Antiochians  congratulating 
them,  at  the  end  of  which  he   says     '*  these 
writino^s  honoured  *  brethren   I   have   sent  to 
you    by  the  blessed     presbyter    Clement,     a 
man   illustrious  and     approved,   whom    you 
also   know  and    with   whom    now  you  w^ill 
become  better  acquainted  a    man  who,  when 
he    had   come    hither    by  the   special   provi- 
dence of   God,     strengthened    and   enlarged 
the   church   of  God."     Origen    is  known  to 
have  been  his  disciple.     He  flourished  more- 

1  Phrygians  A    31   a  e  with  Eusebius;   Cataphrygians  T 
25  30  "  according  to  the  usage  of  the  Latins  "    (cf.  M'Giffert). 

2  Born  about  160,  died  about  217. 

«  On  pedagogy  =  "  The  Instructor." 

4  honoured  literally  "  lordly  "  perhaps  like  the  conventional 
formula  •'  Lords  and  brethren." 


over    during  the   reigns  of  Severus  and  his 
son  Antoninus. 

CHAPTER   XXXIX. 

MiLTiADEs'  of  whom  Rhodo  gives  an 
account  in  the  work  which  he  wrote  against 
Montanus,  Frisca  and  Maximilla,  wrote  a 
considerable  volume  against  these  same 
persons,  and  other  books  Against  the  nations 
and  the  Jews  and  addressed  an  Apology  to 
the  then  ruling  einperors.  He  flourished  in 
the  I'eign  of  Marcus  Antoninus  and  Commo- 
dus. 

CHAPTER    XL. 

Apollonius,^  an  exceedingly  talented 
man,  wrote  against  Montanus,  Prisca  and 
Maximilla  a  notable  and  lengthy  volume,  in 
which  he  asserts  that  Montanus  and  his  mad 
prophetesses  died  by  hanging,  and  many  other 
things,  among  which  are  the  following  con- 
cerning Prisca  and  Maximilla,  '"  if  they 
denied  that  they  have  accepted  gifts,  let 
them  confess  that  those  who  do  accept  are 
not  prophets  and  I  will  prove  by  a  thousand 
witnesses  that  they  have  received  gifts,  for 
it  is  by  other  fruits  that  prophets  are  shown 
to  be  prophets  indeed.  Tell  me,  does  a 
prophet  dye  his  hair?  Does  a  prophet 
stain  her  eyelids  with  antimony?  Is  a 
prophet  adorned  with  fine  garments  and 
precious  stones?  Does  a  prophet  play  with 
dice  and  tables?  Does  he  accept  usury? 
Let  them  respond  whether  this  ought  to  be 
permitted  or  not,  it  will  be  my  task  to  prove 
that  they  do  these  things."  He  says  in  the 
same  book,  that  the  time  when  he  wrote  the 
w^ork  was  the  fortieth  year  after  the  begin- 
ning of  the  heresy  of  the  Cataphrygians. 
Tertullian  added  to  the  six  volumes  which 
he  wrote  O71  ecstasy  against  the  church  a 
seventh,  directed  especially  against  Apol- 
lonius,  in  which  he  attempts  to  defend  all 
which  Apollonius  refuted.  Apollonius  flour- 
ished in  the  reigns  of  Commodus  and  Sev- 
erus. 

CHAPTER   XLI. 

Serapion,^  ordained  bishop  of  Antioch 
in  the  eleventh  year  of  the  emperor  Commo- 
dus, wrote  a  letter  to  Caricus  and  Pontius  * 
on  the  heresy  of  Montanus,  in  which  he 
said  ''  that  you  may  know  moreover  that 
the  madness  of  this  false  doctrine,  that  is  the 

1  Flourished  180-190. 

2  Bishop  about  iq6,  flourighed  210. 

3  Bishop  199,  died  21 1. 

^  Caricus  and  Pontius.  SoValesius  and  others  with  Eu- 
sebius  but  mss.  except  "  a  "  have  Carinus  and  it  is  interesting 
to  note  that  the  same  ms.  reads  Ponticus  with  most  mss.  of 
Eusebius. 


72 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


doctrine  of  a  new  prophecy,  is  reprobated  by 
all  the  world,  I  have  sent  to  you  the  letters 
of  the  most  holy  ApolHnaris  bishop  of  Hie- 
rapolis  in  Asia."  He  wrote  a  volume  also 
to  Domnus,  who  in  time  of  persecution  went 
over  to  the  Jews,  and  another  work  on  the 
gospel  which  passes  under  the  name  of 
Peter,  a  work  to  the  church  of  the  Rhosen- 
ses  in  Cilicia  who  by  the  reading  of  this  book 
had  turned  aside  to  heresy.  There  are  here 
and  there  short  letters  of  his,  harmonious  in 
character  with  the  ascetic  life  of  their  author. 

CHAPTER  XLII. 

Apollonius,'  a  Roman  senator  under  the 
emperor  Commodus,  having  been  denounced 
by  a  slave  as  a  Christian,  gained  permission 
to  give  a  reason  for  his  faith  and  wrote  a  re- 
markable volume  which  he  read  in  the  sen- 
ate, yet  none  the  less,  by  the  will  of  the 
senate,  he  was  beheaded  for  Christ  by  virtue 
of  an  ancient  law  among  them,  that  Chris- 
tians who  had  once  been  brought  before  their 
judgment  seat  should  not  be  dismissed  unless 
they  recanted. 

CHAPTER  XLHL 

Theophilus,^  bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Pales- 
tine, the  city  formerly  called  Turris  Stra- 
tonis,  in  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Severus 
wrote,  in  conjunction  with  other  bishops,  a 
synodical  letter  of  great  utility  against  those 
who  celebrated  the  passover  with  the  Jews 
on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  month. 

CHAPTER  XLIV. 

Bacchylus,^  bishop  of  Corinth,  was  held 
in  renown  under  the  same  emperor  Severus, 
and  wrote,  as  representative  of  all  the  bishops 
who  were  in  Achaia,  an  elegant  wbrk  On 
the  passover. 

CHAPTER  XLV. 

PoLYCRATES "  bishop  of  the  Ephesians 
with  other  bishops  of  Asia  who  in  accord- 
ance with  some  ancient  custom  celebrated 
the  passover  with  the  Jews  on  the  fourteenth 
of  the  month,  wrote  a  synodical  letter  against 
Victor  bishop  of  Rome  in  wdiich  he  says  that 
he  follows  the  authority  of  the  apostle  John 
and  of  the  ancients.  From  this  we  make 
the  following  brief  quotations,  "  We  there- 
fore celebrate  the  day  according  to  usage,  in- 
violably, neither  adding  anything  to  nor 
taking  anything  from  it,  for  in  Asia  lie  the 
remains  of  the  greatest  saints  of  those  who 
shall  rise  again  on  the  day  of  the  Lord,  when 


he  shall   come  in  majesty   from   heaven  and 
shall   quicken   all  the   saints,  I   mean  Philip 
one  of  the    twelve   apostles    who    sleeps    at 
Hierapolis  and  his  two  daughters    who  were 
virgins  until  their  death  and  another  daughter 
of  his  who  died  at  Ephesus  full   of  the   Holy 
Spirit.     And   John    too,    who    lay    on  Our 
Lord's  breast  and  was  his   high  priest  carry- 
ing the  golden    frontlet  on  his  forehead,  both 
martyr  and   doctor,    fell    asleep   at    Ephesus 
and    Poly  carp    bishop    and    martyr  ^died    at 
Smyrna.     Thraseas   of  Eumenia  also,  bishop 
and    martyr,     rests    in     the    same    Smyrna. 
What  need   is   there    of  mentioning  Sagaris^ 
bishop  and  martyr,    who   sleeps    in  Laodicea 
and  the  blessed  Papyrus   and  Melito,  eunuch 
in    the    Holy    Spirit,  who,   ever  serving  the 
Lord,   was  laid    to   rest  in    Sardis  and  there 
awaits    his    resurrection   at    Christ's    advents 
These  all  observed  the  day  of  the  passover  on 
the  fourteenth  of  the  month,  in  nowise  depart- 
ing from  the  evangelical  tradition  and  follow- 
ing the    ecclesiastical    canon.      I  also,  Poly- 
crates,  the  least  of  all  your  servants,  according 
to  the  doctrine  of  my  relatives  which  I  also 
have  followed    (for  there  were  seven  of  my 
relatives  bishops    indeed    and    I    the   eighth) 
have  always  celebrated  the  passover  when  the 
Jewish  people    celebrated   the    putting  away 
of  the  leaven.      And  so  brethren  being  sixty- 
five  years  old  in  the  Lord    and   instructed  by 
many  brethren  from    all  parts  of  the  world,, 
and    having    searched    all    the    Scriptures,   I 
will  not  fear  those    who    threaten  us,  for  my 
predecessors  said  "  It  is  fitting   to    obey  God 
rather   than    men."      I    quote    this    to    show 
through  a  small  example  the  genius    and  au- 
thority of  the  man.      He    flourished    in    the 
reign  of  the   emperor   Severus   in  the  same 
period  as  Narcissus  of  Jerusalem. 

CHAPTER  XLVI. 

Heraclitus  '  in  the  reign  of  Commodus 
and  Severus  wrote  commentaries  on  the  Acts 
and  Epistles. 

CHAPTER  XLVII. 

Maximus,^  under  the  same  emperors  pro- 
pounded in  a  remarkable  volume  the  famous 
questions,  What  is  the  origin  of  evil?  and 
Whether  matter  is  made  by  God, 

CHAPTER  XLVHI. 

Candidus  ^  under  the  above  mentioned 
emperors  published  most  admirable  treatises 
On  the  six  days  of  creation. 


1  Died  about  185. 

2  Died  about  190. 


3  Bishop  about  190-200. 
*  Bishop  about  196. 


1  Flourished  about  193. 

2  Bishop  of  Jerusalem  185. 


3  Flourished  about  196. 


JEROME. 


373 


CHAPTER  XLIX. 

Appion  ^  under  the  emperor  Se^erus 
likewise  wrote  treatises  Oft  the  six  days  of 
c7-eation* 

CHAPTER    L. 

Sextus  ^  in  the  reign  of  the  emperor 
Severus  wrote  a  book  On  the  resurrection. 


CHAPTER    LI. 

Arabianus  ^  under  the  same  emperor 
published  certain  small  works  relating  to 
christian  doctrine. 

CHAPTER   LH. 

Judas,"  discussed  at  length  the  seventy 
w'eeks  mentioned  in  Daniel  and  wrote  a 
Chronography  of  former  times  which  he 
brought  up  to  the  tenth  year  of  Severus. 
He  is  convicted  of  error  in  respect  of  this 
work  in  that  he  prophesied  that  the  advent 
of  Anti-Christ  would  be  about  his  period, 
but  this  was  because  the  greatness  of  the 
persecutions  seemed  to  forebode  the  end  of 
the  world. 

CHAPTER    LIH. 

Tertullian  ^  the  presbyter,  now  re- 
garded as  chief  of  the  Latin  writers  after 
Victor  and  Apollonius,  was  from  the  city  of 
Carthage  in  the  province  of  Africa,  and  was 
the  son  of  a  proconsul  or  Centurion,  a  man 
of  keen  and  vigorous  character,  he  flour- 
ished chiefly  in  the  reign  of  the  emperor 
Severus  and  Antoninus  Caracalla  and  wrote 
many  volumes  which  w^e  pass  by  because 
they. are  well  known  to  most.  I  myself 
have  seen  a  certain  Paul  an  old  man  of 
Concordia,  a  town  of  Italy,  who,  while  he 
himself  was  a  very  young  man  had  been 
secretary  to  the  blessed  Cyprian  wdio  was 
already  advanced  in  age.  He  said  that  he 
himself  had  seen  how  Cyprian  was  accus- 
tomed never  to  pass  a  day  without  reading 
Tertullian,  and  that  he  frequently  said  to 
him,  ''  Give  me  the  master,"  meaning  by 
this,  Tertullian.  He  was  presbyter  of  the 
church  until  middle  life,  afterwards  driven 
by  the  envy  and  abuse  of  the  clergy  of  the 
Roman  church,  he  lapsed  to  the  doctrine  of 
Montanus,  and  mentions  the  new  prophecy 
in  many  of  his  books. 

He  composed,  moreover,  directly  against 
the  church,  volumes :  On  modesty^  On 
persecution.^  On  fasts.,  On  monogamy.,  six 
books    On  ecstasy^  and  a  seventh   which  he 

1  Flourished  about  196.  3  Flourished  about  196. 

2  Flourished  about  196.  *  202. 

*  Born  about  160,  christian  195,  apology  198,  died  about  245. 


wrote  Against.  Apollonius.  He  is  said  to 
have  lived  to  a  decrepit  old  age,  and  to  have 
composed  many  small  works,  which  are  not 
extant. 

CHAPTER    LIV. 

Origen,'  surnamed  Adamantius,  a  per- 
secution having  been  raised  against  the 
Christians  in  the  tenth  year  of  Severus 
Pertinax,  and  his  father  Leonidas  having 
received  the  crown  of  martyrdom  for  Christ, 
was  left  at  the  age  of  about  seventeen,  with 
his  six  brothers  and  widowed  mother,  in 
poverty,  for  their  property  had  been  con- 
fiscated because  of  confessing  Christ.  When 
only  eighteen  years  old,  he  undertook  the 
work  of  instructing  the  Catechetes  in  the 
scattered  churches  of  Alexandria.  After- 
wards appointed  by  Demetrius,  bishop  of 
this  city,  successor  to  the  presbyter  Clement, 
he  flourished  many  years.  When  he  had 
already  reached  middle  life,  on  account  of 
the  churches  of  Achaia,  which  were  torn 
with  many  heresies,  he  w^as  journeying  to 
Athens,  by  way  of  Palestine,  under  the 
authority  of  an  ecclesiastical  letter,  and 
having  been  ordained  presbyter  by  Theoc- 
tistus  and  Alexander,  bishops  of  Caesarea 
and  Jerusalem,  he  offended  Demetrius,  who 
was  so  wildly  enraged  at  him  that  he  wrote 
everywhere  to  injure  his  reputation.  It  is 
known  that  before  he  went  to  Caesarea,  he 
had  been  at  Rome,  under  bishop  Zephyrinus. 
Immediately  on  his  return  to  Alexandria  he 
made  Heraclas  the  presbyter,  who  continued 
to  wear  his  philosopher's  garb,  his  assistant 
in  the  school  for  catechetes.  Heraclas  be- 
came bishop  of  the  church  of  Alexandria, 
after  Demetrius.  How  great  the  glory  of 
Origen  was,  appears  from  the  fact  that 
Firmilianus,  bishop  of  Caesarea,  with  all  the 
Cappadocian  bishops,  sought  a  visit  from 
him,  and  entertained  him  for  a  long  while. 
Sometime  afterwards,  going  to  Palestine  to 
visit  the  holy  places,  he  came  to  Caesarea^ 
and  was  instructed  at  length  by  Origen  in 
the  Holy  Scriptures.  It  appears  also  from 
the  fact  that  he  went  to  Antioch,  on  the 
request  of  Mammaea,  mother  of  the  Em- 
peror Alexander,  and  a  woman  religiously 
disposed,  and  was  there  held  in  great 
honour,  and  sent  letters  to  the  Emperor 
Philip,  who  was  the  first  among  the  Roman 
rulers,  to  become  a  christian,  and  to  his 
mother,  letters  which  are  still  extant.  Who 
is  there,  who  does  not  also  know  that  he  was 
so  assiduous  in  the  study  of  Holy  Scriptures, 
that  contrary  to   the  spirit   of  his  time,  and 

1  Born  at  Alexandria  1S5,  died  at  Tyre  253. 

2  Caesarea.    Caesarea  in  Palestine. 


J/ 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


of  his  people,  he  learned  the  Hebrew  lan- 
guage, and  taking  the  Septuagint  translation, 
he  gathered  the  other  translations  also  in  a 
single  work,  namely,  that  of  Aquila,  of 
Ponticus  the  Proselyte,  and  Theodotian  the 
Ebonite,  and  Symmachus  an  adherent  of 
the  same  sect  who  wrote  commentaries  also 
on  the  gospel  according  to  Matthew,  from 
which  he  tried  to  establish  his  doctrine.  And 
besides  these,  a  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  trans- 
lation, which  we  also  have  from  his  library, 
he  sought  out  with  great  diligence,  and 
compared  with  other  editions.  And  since  I 
have  given  a  list  of  his  works,  in  the  volumes 
of  letters  which  I  have  written  to  Paula, 
in  a  letter  which  I  wrote  against  the  works 
of  Varro,  I  pass  this  by  now,  not  failing 
however,  to  make  mention  of  his  immortal 
genius,  how  that  he  understood  dialectics,  as 
well  as  geometry,  arithmetic,  music,  gram- 
mar, and  rhetoric,  and  taught  all  the  schools 
of  philosophers,  in  such  wise  that  he  had 
also  diligent  students  in  secular  literature, 
and  lectured  to  them  daily,  and  the  crowds 
which  flocked  to  him  were  marvellous. 
These,  he  received  in  the  hope  that  through 
the  instrumentality  of  this  secular  literature, 
he  might  establish  them  in  the  faith  of 
Christ. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  speak  of  the  cruelty  of 
that  persecution  which  was  raised  against 
the  Christians  and  under  Decius,  who  was 
mad  against  the  religion  of  Philip,  whom 
he  had  slain,  —  the  persecution  in  which 
Fabianus,  bishop  of  the  Roman  church, 
perished  at  Rome,  and  Alexander  and 
Babylas,  Pontifs  of  the  churches  of  Jerusa- 
lem and  Antioch,  were  imprisoned  for  their 
confession  of  Christ.  If  any  one  wishes  to 
know  what  was  done  in  regard  to  the  position 
of  Origen,  he  can  clearly  learn,  first  indeed 
from  his  own  epistles,  which  after  the  perse- 
cution, were  sent  to  difTerent  ones,  and 
secondly,  from  the  sixth  book  of  the  church 
history  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  and  from 
his  six  volumes  in  behalf  of  the  same  Origen. 

He  lived  until  the  time  of  Gallus  and 
Volusianus,  that  is,  until  his  sixty-ninth  year, 
and  died  at  Tyre,  in  which  city  he  also 
was  buried. 

CHAPTER    LV. 

Ammonius,^  a  talented  man  of  great  phil- 
osophical learning,  was  distinguished  at 
Alexandria,  at  the  same  time.  Among  many 
and  distinguished  monuments  of  his  genius, 
is  the  elaborate  work  which  he  composed  On 
the  harmony  of  Moses  and  Jesus^   and  the 

1  Flourished  220. 


Gospel  canons^  which  he  worked  out,  and 
which  Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  afterwards  fol- 
lowed. Porphyry  falsely  accused  him  of  hav- 
ing become  a  heathen  again,  after  being  a 
Christian,  but  it  is  certain  that  he  continued 
a  Christian  until  the  very  end  of  his  life. 

CHAPTER   LVI. 

Ambrosius,'  at  first  aMarcionitebut  after- 
wards set  right  by  Origen,  was  deacon  in  the 
church,  and  gloriously  distinguished  as  con- 
fessor of  the  Lord.  To  him,  together  with 
Protoctetus  the  presbyter,  the  book  of  Origen, 
On  martyr do^n  yv 3.?,  v^nXXen,  Aided  ^  by  his 
industry,  funds,  and  perseverance,  Origen 
dictated  a  great  number  of  volumes.  He 
himself,  as  befits  a  man  of  noble  nature,  was 
of  no  mean  literary  talent,  as  his  letters  to 
Origen  indicate.  He  died  moreover,  before 
the  death  of  Origen,  and  is  condemned  by 
many,  in  that  being  a  man  of  wealth,  he  did 
not  at  death,  remember  in  his  will,  his  old 
and  needy  friend. 

CHAPTER   LVII. 

Trypho,^  pupil  of  Origen,  to  whom  some 
of  his  extant  letters  are  addressed,  was  very 
learned  in  the  Scriptures,  and  this  many  of 
his  works  show  here  and  there,  but  especially 
the  book  which  he  composed  On  the  red 
heifer^  in  Deuteronomy,  and  On  the  halves^ 
which  with  the  pigeon  and  the  turtledoves 
were  offered  by  Abraham  as  recorded  in 
Genesis.^ 

CHAPTER   LVIII. 

MiNUCius  ^  Felix,  a  distinguished  advo- 
cate of  Rome,  wrote  a  dialogue  representing 
a  discussion  between  a  Christian  and  a  Gen- 
tile, which  is  entitled  Octavius^  and  still  an- 
other work  passes  current  in  his  name,  On 
fate^  or  Against  the  mathematicians^  but 
this  although  it  is  the  work  of  a  talented 
man,  does  not  seem  to  me  to  correspond  in 
style  with  the  above  mentioned  work.  Lac- 
tantius  also  mentions  this  Minucius  in  his 
works. 

CHAPTER   LIX. 

Gaius,'  bishop  of  Rome,  in  the  time  of 
Zephyrinus,  that  is,  in  the  reign  of  Anto- 
ninus, the  son  of  Severus,  delivered  a  very 
notable  disputation  Against  Proculus^  the 
follower    of    Montanus,    convicting    him     of 

1  Died  about  250. 

"Raided  a  T  e  Val.  Her.;  "  and  to  him  "  A  H  25  30;  "  and 
to  this  time  "  a  31. 

3  Flourished  about  240. 

*  red  heifer  Numb.  19,  2.  (?)  or  Deut.  Ch.  21. 

c  Genesis  15,  9-10. 

c  Flourished  196?  '  Died  about  217. 


JEROME. 


375 


temerity  in  liis  defence  of  the  new  prophecy, 
and  in  the  same  volume  also  enumerating 
only  thirteen  epistles  of  Paul,  says  that  the 
fourteenth,  which  is  now  called,  To  the 
Hebrews^  is  not  by  him,  and  is  not  consid- 
ered among  the  Romans  to  the  present  day 
as  being  by  the  apostle  Paul. 

CHAPTER    LX. 

Beryllus,'  bishop  of  Rostra  in  Arabia, 
after  he  had  ruled  the  church  gloriously  ^  for 
a  little  while,  finally  lapsed  into  the  heresy 
which  denies  that  Christ  existed  before  the 
incarnation.  Set  right  by  Origen,  he  wrote 
various  short  w^orks,  especially  letters,  in 
which  he  thanks  Origen.  The  letters  of 
Origen  to  him,  are  also  extant,  and  a 
dialogue  between  Origen  and  Beryllus  as 
well,  in  which  heresies  are  discussed.  He 
was  distinguished  during  the  reign  of  Alex- 
ander, son  /  of  Mammaea,  and  Maximinus 
and  Gordianus,  who  succeeded  him  in 
power. 

CHAPTER    LXI. 

HiPPOLYTus,  ^  bishop  of  some  church 
(the  name  of  the  city  I  have  not  been  able 
to  learn)  wrote  A  reckoni7tg  of  the  Paschal 
J^east  and  chronological  tables  which  he 
worked  out  up  to  the  first  year  of  the  Em- 
peror Alexander.  He  also  discussed  the 
cycle  of  sixteen  years,  which  the  Greeks 
called  EKmi6eKaETr]pi6a  and  gave  the  cue  to 
Eusebius,  who  composed  on  the  same 
Paschal  feast  a  cycle  of  nineteen  years,  that 
is  hveaKuideKaeTrjpida.  He  wrote  some  com- 
mentaries on  the  Scriptures,  among  which 
are  the  following:  On  the  six  days  of 
creation,,  On  Exodus,,  On  the  Song  of 
Songs ^  On  Genesis,,  On  Zrchariah^  On 
the  Psalms,,  On  Isaiah „  On  Daniel,,  On  the 
Apocalypse,^  On  the  Provei-bs^  Oft  Ecclesi- 
astes,,  On  Saul,,  On  the  Pythonissa,,  07t  the 
Antichrist^  On  the  resui^rection,.  Against 
Marcion,^  On  the  Passover,,  Against  all 
heresies,,  and  an  exhortation  On  the  praise 
of  our  Lord  and  Saviour^  in  which  he 
indicates  that  he  is  speaking  in  the  church  in 
the  presence  of  Origen.  Ambrosius,  who 
we  have  said  was  converted  by  Origen  from 
the  heresy  of  Marcion,  to  the  true  faith, 
urged  Origen  to  write,  in  emulation  of 
Hyppolytus,  commentaries  on  the  Script- 
ures, offering  him  seven,  and  even  more 
secretaries,  and  their  expenses,  and  an  equal 
number  of  copyists,  and  what  is  still  more, 
with    incredible    zeal,    daily    exacting   work 

^  Flourished  about  230. 

"^ gloriously  A  31  e  a  10  21  Bamb.  Norimb.  Val.;  omit  T  25 
30  H  Her. 

3  Bishop  21 7-8,  died  229-3S. 


from  him,  on  which  account  Origen,  in  one 
of  his  epistles,  calls  him  his  "  Task- 
master." 

CHAPTER    LXn. 

Alexander,'  bishop  of  Cappadocia,  de- 
siring to  visit  the  Holy  Land,  came  to 
Jerusalem,  at  the  time  when  Narcissus, 
bishop  of  this  city,  already  an  old  nian, 
ruled  the  church.  It  was  revealed  to  Nar- 
cissus and  many  of  his  clergy,  that  on  the 
morning  of  the  next  day,  a  bishop  would 
enter  the  city,  who  should  be  assistant  on 
the  sacerdotal  throne.  And  so  it  came  to 
pass,  as  it  was  predicted,  and  all  the  bishops 
of  Palestine  being  gathered  together,  Nar- 
cissus himself  being  especially  urgent,  Alex- 
ander took  with  him  the  helm  of  the  chinch 
of  Jerusalem.  At  the  end  of  one  of  his 
epistles,  written  to  the  Antinoites  On  the 
peace  of  the  church.  He  says  ''Narcissus, 
who  held  the  bishopric  here  before  me,  and 
now  with  me  exercises  his  office  by  his 
prayers,  being  about  a  hundred  and  sixteen 
years  old,  salutes  you,  and  with  me  begs 
you  to  become  of  one  mind."  He  wrote 
another  also  To  the  Aittiocheans,,  by  the 
hand  of  Clement,  the  presbyter  of 
Alexandria,  of  whom  we  spoke  above, 
another  also  To  Origen,,  and  l72  behalf  of 
Origen  against  T)e??2etrius,,  called  forth  by 
the  fact  that,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
Demetrius,  he  had  made  Origen  presbyter. 
There  are  other  epistles  of  his  to  difibrent 
persons.  In  the  seventh  persecution  under 
Decius,  at  the  time  when  Babylas  of  Antioch 
was  put  to  death,  brought  to  Caesarea  and 
shut  up  in  prison,  he  received  the  crown  of 
martyrdom   for  confessing  Christ. 

CHAPTER    LXIII. 

Julius  Africanus,^  whose  five  volumes 
On  Chronology^  are  yet  extant,  in  the  reign 
of  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus,  who  suc- 
ceeded Macrinus,  received  a  commission  to 
restore  the  city  of  Emmaus,  which  after- 
wards was  called  Nicopolis.  There  is  an 
epistle  of  his  to  Origen,  On  the  guestio?i  of 
Susan7ia,^  where  it  is  contended  that  this 
story  is  not  contained  in  the  Hebrew,  and  is 
not  consistent  with  the  Hebrew  etymology  in 
respect  of  the  play  on  "  prinos  and  prisai," 
"  schinos  and  schisai."  In  reply  to  this,  Ori- 
gen wrote  a  learned  epistle.  There  is  extant 
another  letter  of  his,  To  Aristides,,  in  which 
he  discusses  at  length  the  discrepancies,  which 
appear  in  the  genealogy  of  our  Saviour,  as 
recorded   bv  Matthew  and  Luke. 


1  Bishop  at  Jerusalem  212,  died  250. 
*     .     .     .    221. 


?>7^ 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


CHAPTER    LXIV. 

Geminus,'  presbyter  of  the  church  at 
Antioch,  composed  a  few  monuments  of  his 
genius,  flourishing  in  the  time  of  the  Em- 
peror Alexander  and  Zebennus,  bishop  of 
his  city,  especially  at  the  time  at  which 
Heraclas  was  ordained  Pontiff  of  the  church 
at  Alexandria. 

CHAPTER  LXV. 

Theodorus/  afterwards  called  Gregory, 
bishop  of  Neocaesarea  in  Pontus,  while  yet 
a  very  young  man,  in  company  with  his 
brother  Athenodorus,  went  from  Cappadocia 
to  Berytus,  and  thence  to  Caesarea  in  Pales- 
tine, to  stud}"  Greek  and  Latin  literature. 
When  Origen  had  seen  the  remarkable  nat- 
ural ability  of  these  men,  he  urged  them  to 
study  philosophy,  in  the  teaching  of  which 
he  gradually  introduced  the  matter  of  faith 
in  Chi'ist,  and  made  them  also  his  followers. 
So,  instructed  by  him  for  five  years,  they 
were  sent  back  by  him  to  their  mother. 
Theodorus,  on  his  departure,  wrote  a  pane- 
gyric of  thanks  to  Origen,  and  delivered  it 
before  a  large  assembly,  Origen  himself 
being  present.  This  panegyric  is  extant  at 
the  present  day. 

He  wrote  also  a  short,  but  very  valuable, 
paraphrase  On  Ecclesiastes^  and  current 
report  speaks  of  other  epistles  of  his,  but 
more  especially  of  the  signs  and  wonders, 
which  as  bishop,  he  performed  to  the  great 
glory  of  the  churches. 

CHAPTER  LXVI. 

Cornelius,^  bishop  of  Rome,  to  whom 
eight  letters  of  Cyprian  are  extant,  wrote  a 
letter  to  Fabius,*  bishop  of  the  church  at 
Antioch,  On  the  Rofnan^  Italian^  and  Af- 
rican councils^  and  another  On  Novatian^ 
and  those  who  had  fallen  from  the  faith  ^  a 
third  On  the  acts  of  the  council^  and  a  fourth 
very  prolix  one  to  the  same  Fabius,  contain- 
ing the  causes  of  the  Novatian  heresy  and 
an  anathema  of  it.  He  ruled  the  church  for 
two  years  under  Gallus  and  Volusianus. 
He  received  the  crown  of  martyrdom  for 
Christ,  and  was  succeeded  by  Lucius. 

CHAPTER   LXVn. 

Cyprian  ^  of  Africa,  at  first  was  famous 
as  a  teacher  of  rhetoric,  and  afterwards  on 
the    persuasion    of  the    presbyter   Caecilius, 

1  Presbyter  at  Antioch  about  332. 

2  Gregory  of  Neocesarea,  born  210-15,  bishop  240,  died 
about  270. 

3  Bishop  251,  died  252. 

*  Fabius.     Some  inss.  Fabianus. 

5  Born  about  200,  bishop  24S,  died  at  Carthage  258. 


from  whom  he  received  his  surname,  he  be- 
came a  Christian,  and  gave  all  his  substance 
to  the  poor.  Not  long  after  he  was  inducted 
into  the  presbytery,  and  was  also  made 
bishop  of  Carthage.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  make  a  catalogue  of  the  works  of  his 
genius,  since  they  are  more  conspicuous  than 
the  sun. 

He  was  put  to  death  under  the  Emperors 
Valerian  and  Gallienus,  in  the  eighth  perse- 
cution, on  the  same  day  that  Cornelius  was 
put  to  death  at  Rome,  but  not  in  the  same 
year. 

CHAPTER  LXVni. 

Pontius,'  deacon  of  Cyprian,  sharing  his 
exile  until  the  day  of  his  death,  left  a  notable 
volume  O71  the  life  and  death  of  Cyprian, 

CHAPTER    LXIX. 

DiONYSius,'"^  bishop  of  Alexandria,  as 
presbyter  had  charge  of  the  catechetical 
school  under  Heraclas,  and  was  the  most 
distinguished  pupil  of  Origen.  Consent- 
ing to  the  doctrine  of  Cyprian  and  the 
African  synod,  on  the  rebaptizing  ^  of  here- 
tics, he  sent  many  letters  to  diflerent  peo- 
ple, which  are  yet  extant ;  He  wrote  one 
to  Fabius,  bishop  of  the  church  at  Antioch, 
On  penitence^  another  To  the  Romaris^  by 
the  hand  of  Hippolytus,  two  letters  To  Xys- 
tus^  who  had  succeeded  Stephen,  two  also 
To  Philemon  and  Dionysius^  presbyters  of 
the  church  at  Rome,  and  another  7o  the 
same  Dionysius^  afterwards  bishop  of  Rome, 
and  To  Novatian^  treating  of  their  claim 
that  Novatian  had  been  ordained  bishop  of 
Rome,  against  his  will.  The  beginning  of 
this  epistle  is  as  follows:  "  Dionysius  to 
Novatian,  his  brother  greeting.  If  you 
have  been  ordained  unwillingly,  as  you  say, 
you  will  prove  it,  when  you  shall  willingly 
retire." 

There  is  another  epistle  of  his  also  To 
Dionysius  and  Didymus^  and  many  Festal 
epistles  on  the  passover^  written  in  a  de- 
clamator}'  style,  also  one  to  the  church  of 
Alexandria  On  exile^  one  To  Hierax^^  bishop 
in  Egypt,  and  yet  others  On  mortality^  On 
the  Sabbath^  and  On  the  gymnasium,,  also 
one  To  Herma7n7tion  and  others  Ok  the  per- 
secution of  Decius,,  and  two  books  Against 
Nepos  the  bishops  who  asserted  in  his  writ- 
ings a  thousand  years  reign  in  the  body. 
Among  other  things  he  diligently  discussed 
the  Apocalypse  of  fohn,  and  wrote  Against 
Sabellius  and    To  Amman,,  bishop  of  Ber- 

1  Died  about  260. 

2  Presbyter  232,  exiled  250  and  257,  died  265. 

^  rebaptizing^  ?i  e  Val.  Her.;  baptizing  Kt    H   T  25  30  31. 
*  Hierax  e  Euseb,  Val.  Her.    Heraclas  A  H  T  25  30  31. 


JEROME. 


J// 


nice,  and  To  Telesphoriis^  also  To  Euphra- 
nor^  also  four  books  To  Dionysius,  bishop 
of  Rome,  to  the  Laodiceans  On  penitejzce^ 
to  Origen  Ofz  ^nai'tyrdom.^  to  the  Armenians 
On  penitence ^^  ^X-SiO  On  the  order  of  trans- 
gression^ to  Timothy  On  nature^  to  Euphra- 
nor  On  te?nptation^  many  letters  also  To 
Basilides^  in  one  of  which  he  asserts  that 
he  also  began  to  write  commentaries  on 
Ecclesiastes.  The  notable  epistle  which  he 
wrote  against  Paul  of  Samosta,  a  few  da}s 
before  his  death  is  also  current.  He  died  in 
the  twelfth  year  of  Gallienus. 

v^  CHAPTER  LXX. 

NovATiANUS,^  presbyter  of  Rome,  at- 
tempted to  usurp  the  sacerdotal  chair  occu- 
pied by  Cornelius,  and  established  the 
dogma  of  the  Novatians,  pr  as  they  are 
called  in  Greek,  the  Cathari,  by  refusing  to 
receive  penitent  apostates.  Novatus,  author 
of  this  doctrine,  was  a  presbyter  of  Cyprian. 
He  wrote,  On  the passover^  On  the  Sabbath^ 
On  circumcision^  On  the  priesthood^  On 
prayer^  On  the  food  of  the  fews^  On  zeal^ 
On  Attains^  and  many  others,  especially,  a 
great  volume  On  the  Trinity^  a  sort  of  epit- 
ome of  the  work  of  Tertullian,  which  many 
mistakenly  ascribe  to  Cyprian. 

CHAPTER  LXXI. 

Malchion,''  the  highly  gifted  presbyter  of 
the  church  at  Antioch,  who  had  most  suc- 
cessfully taught  rhetoric  in  the  same  city, 
held  a  discussion  with  Paul  of  Samosata, 
who  as  bishop  of  the  church  at  Antioch,  had 
introduced  the  doctrine  of  Artemon,  and 
this  was  taken  down  by  short  hand  writers. 
This  dialogue  is  still  extant,  and  yet  another 
extended  epistle  written  by  him,  in  behalf  of 
the  council,  is  addressed  to  Dionysius  and 
Maxifnus^  bishops  of  Rome  and  Alexandria. 

He  flourished   under  Claudius  and  Aureli- 


anus. 


CHAPTER  LXXH. 


Archelaus,^  bishop  of  Mesopotamia, 
composed  in  the  Syriac  language,  a  book  of 
the  discussion  which  he  held  with  Mani- 
chaeus,  when  he  came  from  Persia.  This 
book,  which  is  translated  into  Greek,  is 
possessed  by  many. 

He  flourished  under  the  Emperor  Probus, 
who  succeeded  Aurelianus  and  Tacitus. 


T'  pe7iitence  A  T  25  30  a  Her.;  petiiteitce  likevjise  Canon  on 
penite7tce  H  31  e  10  21  Val. 

2  Flourished  about  250  sq. 

3  Prayer  A  H  25  30  31  21;    Ordination  e  T  Her. 

<  Flourished  272.  ^  Flourished  about  27S. 


CHAPTER    LXXHI. 

Anatolius  '  of  Alexandria,  bishop  of 
Laodicea  in  Syria,  who  flourished  under  the 
emperors  Probus  and  Carus,  was  a  man  of 
wonderful  learning  in  arithmetic,  geometry, 
astronomy,  grammar,  rhetoric,  and  dialectic. 
We  can  get  an  idea  of  the  greatness  of  his 
ofenius  from  the  volume  which  he  wrote 
On  the  passover  and  his  ten  books  On  the 
institutes  of  arithmetic, 

CHAPTER  LXXIV. 

ViCTORiNus,^  bishop  of  Pettau,  was  not 
equally  familiar  with  Latin  and  Greek.  On 
this  account  his  works  though  noble  in 
thought,  are  inferior  in  style.  They  are  the 
following: :  Commentaries  On  Genesis^  On 
Exodus^  On  Leviticus y  On  Isaiah^  On 
Ezekiel^  On  Habakkuk^  On  Ecclesiastes^ 
On  the  Sofig  of  Songs^  On  the  Apocalypse 
of  fohn^  Against  all  heresies  and  many 
others.  At  the  last  he  received  the  crown  of 
martyrdom. 

CHAPTER  LXXV. 

Pamphilus  ^  the  presbyter,  patron  of  Eu- 
sebius  bishop  of  Caesarea,  was  so  inflamed 
with  love  of  sacred  literature,  that  he  tran- 
scribed the  greater  part  of  the  works  of  Ori- 
gen with  his  own  hand  and  these  are  still 
preserved  in  the  library  at  Caesarea.  I 
have  twenty-five  volumes  *  of  Commentaries 
of  Origen,  written  in  his  hand,  0?2  the 
twelve  prophets  which  I  hug  and  guard  with 
such  joy,  that  I  deem  myself  to  have  the 
wealth  of  Croesus.  And  if  it  is  such  joy  to 
have  one  epistle  of  a  martyr  how  much  more 
to  have  so  many  thousand  lines  which  seem 
to  me  to  be  traced  in  his  blood.  He  wrote 
an  Apology  for  Origen  before  Eusebius  had 
written  his  and  was  put  to  death  at  Caes- 
area in  Palestine  in  the  persecution  of 
Maxim  mus. 

CHAPTER  LXXVI. 

PiERius,^  presbyter  of  the  church  at  Alex- 
andria in  the  reign  of  Carus  and  Diocletian, 
at  the  time  when  Theonas  ruled  as  bishop  in 
the  same  church,  taught  the  people  with 
great  success  and  attained  such  elegance  of 
language  and  published  so  many  treatises  on 
all  sorts  of  subjects  (which  are  still  extant) 
that  he  was  called  Origen  Junior.  He  was 
remarkable  for  his  self-discipline,  devoted 
to  voluntary  poverty,  and  thoroughly  ac- 
quainted  with   the  dialectic   art.     After  the 

1  Born  about  2^0,  bishop  270,  died  about  2S3. 

2  Bishop  of  Pettau  303,  died  304.  3  Died  30Q. 

*  volumes  A  H  31  a  e  10  21  Val. ;  omit  T  25  30  Her. 
5  P'lourished  before  299. 


37^ 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


persecution,  he  parsed  the  rebt  ot  his  life  at 
Rome.  There  is  extant  a  long  treatise  of  his 
0?z  the  prophet  Hosca  which  from  internal 
evidence  appears  to  have  been  delivered  on 
the  vigil  of  Passover. 

CHAPTER  LXXVII. 

LuciANUS,'  a  man  of  great  talent,  presby- 
ter of  the  church  at  Antioch,  was  so  diligent 
in  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  that  even  now 
certain  copies  of  the  Scriptures  bear  the  name 
of  Lucian.  Works  of  his,  On  faiths  and 
short  Epistles  to  various  people  are  extant. 
He  was  put  to  death  at  Nicomedia  for  his 
confession  of  Christ  in  the  persecution  of 
Alaximinus,  and  was  buried  at  Helenopolis 
in  Bithynia. 

CHAPTER  LXXVni. 

Phileas  ^  a  resident  of  that  Egyptian  city 
which  is  called  Thmuis,  of  noble  family,  and 
no  small  wealth,  having  become  bishop, 
composed  a  finely  written  work  in  praise  of 
martyrs  and  arguing  against  the  judge  who 
tried  to  compel  him  to  ofier  sacrifices,  was 
beheaded  for  Christ  during  the  same  perse- 
cution in  which  Lucianus  was  put  to  death 
at  Nicomedia. 

CHAPTER  LXXIX. 

Arnobius  ^  was  a  most  successful  teacher 
of  rhetoric  at  Sicca  in  Africa  during  the  reign 
of  Diocletian,  and  wrote  volumes  Against  the 
nations  which  may  be  found  ever3^where. 

CHAPTER  LXXX. 

FiRMiANUS,"*  known  also  as  Lactantius,  a 
disciple  of  Arnobius,  during  the  reign  of 
Diocletian  summoned  to  Nicomedia  with 
Flavins  the  Grammarian  whose  poem  On 
fnedicine  is  still  extant,  taught  rhetoric  there 
and  on  account  of  his  lack  of  pupils  (since  it 
was  a  Greek  city)  he  betook  himself  to  writ- 
ing. We  have  a  Baitquet  of  his  which  he 
wrote  as  a  young  man  in  Africa  and  an 
Itinerary  of  a  journey  from  Africa  to  Ni- 
comedia written  in  hexameters,  and  another 
book  which  is  called  The  Grammarian  and 
a  most  beautiful  one  On  the  wrath  of  God^ 
and  Divine  institutes  against  the  nations^ 
seven  books,  and  an  Epito7ne  of  the  same 
work  in  one  volume,  without  a  title, ^  also  two 
books  To  Asclepiades.  one  book  On  persecu- 
tion^ four  books  of  Epistles  to  Probus^  two 

1  Died  312.  3  Flourished  295. 

2  Died  after  306.  <  Died  325. 

^■without  a  title  "that  is  a  compendium  of  the  laet  three 
books  only"  as  Cave  explains  it.  Ffoulkes  in  Smith  and  W. 
But  no. 


books  of  Epistles  to  Severus^  two  books  of 
Epistles  to  his  pupil  Demetrius  ^  and  one 
book  to  the  same  On  the  work  of  God  or  the 
creation  of  7nan.  In  his  extreme  old  age 
he  was  tutor  to  Crispus  Caesar  a  son  of  Con-, 
stantine  in  Gaul,  tlie__same  one  who  was_ 
afterwards  put  to  death  by   his  father. 

CHAPTER   LXXXL 

EusEBius  ^  bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Pales- 
tine was  diligent  in  the  study  of  Divine 
Scriptures  and  with  Pamphilus  the  martyr 
a  most  diligent  investigator  of  the  Holy 
Bible.  He  published  a  great  number  of 
volumes  among  wdiich  are  the  following: 
Dcinonstrations  of  the  Gospel  twenty  books 
Preparations  for  the  Gospel  fifteen  books, 
Theophany^  five  books.  Church  history 
ten  books.  Chronicle  of  Universal  history 
and  an  Epitome  of  this  last.  Also  On  dis- 
crepancies between  the  Gospels^  On  Isaiah., 
ten  books,  also  Against  Porphyry.^  who 
was  writing  at  that  same  time  in  Sicily  as 
some  think,  twenty-five  books,  also  one 
book  of  Topics.,  six  books  of  Apology  for 
Origen.,  three  books  On  the  life  of  Pam- 
philus., other  brief  works  0?z  the  martyrs^ 
exceedingly  learned  Commentaries  on  one 
hundred  and  fifty  Psalms^  and  many 
others.  He  flourished  chiefly  in  the  reigns 
of  Constantine  the  Great  and  Constantius. 
His  surname  Pamphilus  arose  from  his 
friendship  for  Pamphilus  the  martyr. 

CHAPTER  LXXXH. 

Reticius  ^  bishop  of  Autun,  among  the 
Aedui,  had  a  great  reputation  in  Gaul  in 
the  reign  of  Constantine.  I  have  read  his 
commentaries  On  the  Song  of  Songs  and 
another  great  volume  Against  Novatian  but 
besides  these,  I  have  found  no  works  of  his. 

CHAPTER   LXXXni. 

Methodius,*  bishop  of  Olympus  in 
Lycia  and  afterwards  of  Tyre,  composed 
hooks  Against  Porphyry  written  in  polished 
and  logical  style  also  a  Banquet  of  the  ten 
virgins.,  an  excellent  work  On  the  resurrec- 
tion., against  Origen  and.  On  the  Pythonissa 
and  On  free  wilU  ^Iso  against  Origen.  He 
also  wrote  commentaries  On  Ge7iesis  and  On 
the  Soitg  of  Songs  and  many  others  which 
are  widely  read.     At   the   end   of  the  recent 

^  tzuo  books  .  .  .  S events  .  .  -  Demetrius  e  a  H  10  21  Val.; 
omit  T  25  30  31  Her. 

2  Born  267,  bishop  about  315,  died  about  33S. 

3  Theophany  T  31  Val.  Her.;  omit  A  H  25  30  a?  e. 
*  Bishop  313,  died  334.  ^  Died  31 1  or  312. 


JEROME. 


379 


(^' 


> 


persecution  or,  as  others  affirm,  in  the  reign 
of  Decius  and  Valerianus,  he  was  crowned 
with  martyrdom  at  Chalcis  in  Greece. 

CHAPTER  LXXXIV. 

JuvENCUS,'  a  Spaniard  of  noble  family 
and  presbyter,  translating  the  four  gospels 
almost  verbally  in  hexameter  verses,  com- 
posed four  books.  He  wrote  some  other 
things  in  the  same  metre  relating  to  the 
order  of  the  sacraments.  He  flourished  in 
the  reign  of  Constantinus. 

CHAPTER    LXXXV. 

EusTATHius,^  a  Pamphilian  from  Side, 
bishop  ^  first  of  Beroea  in  Syria  and  then  of 
Antioch,  ruled  the  church  and,  composing 
many  things  against  the  doctrine  of  the 
Arians,  was  driven  into  exile  under  the  em- 
peror Constantius  *  into  Trajanopolis  in 
Thrace  where  he  is  until  this  day.  VVorks  of 
his  are  extant  On  tJie  soul^  On  ventriloquism 
Against  Origen  and  Letters  too  numerous 
to   mention. 

CHAPTER   LXXXVI. 

Marcellus,^  bishop  of  Ancyra,  flourisned 
in  the  reign  of  Constantinus  and  Constantius 
and  wrote  many  volumes  of  various  Proposi- 
tions and  especially  against  the  Arians.  Works 
of  Asterius  and  Apollinarius  against  him  are 
current,  which  accuse  him  of  Sabellianism. 
Hilary  too,  in  the  seventh  book  of  his  work 
Against  the  Arians^  mentions  him*  as  a  here- 
tic, but  he  defends  himself  against  the  charge 
through  the  fact  that  Julius  and  Athanasius 
bishops  of  Rome  and  Alexandria  communed 
with  him. 

CHAPTER    LXXXVn. 

Athanasius  ^  bishop  of  Alexandria,  hard 
pressed  by  the  wiles  of  the  Arians,  fled 
to  Constans  emperor  of  Gaul.  Returning 
thence  with  letters  and,  after  the  death  of 
the  emperor,  again  taking  refuge  in  flight, 
he  kept  in  hiding  until  the  accession  of 
Jovian,  when  he  returned  to  the  church  and 
died  in  the  reign  of  Valens.  Various  works 
by  him  are  in  circulation ;  two  books 
Against  the   nations    one  Against    Valens 

1  Flourished  330. 

2  Died  337,  (or  according  to  others  370-S2.)  Jerome  in  this 
chapter  seems,  unless  the  usual  modern  view  is  confused,  to 
have  mixed  up  Eustathius  of  Antioch  with  Eusebius  of  Se- 
baste. 

3  Bishop  A  H  T  25  30  Her ;  omit  31  32  a  e  Val. 

*  Constantius  this  is  supposed  to  be  an  evident  slip  for 
Constantinus  (Compare  Venables  in  Smith  and  Wace  Diet. 
V.  2,  p.  3S3)  but  if  there  is  confusion  with  Eustathius  of  Sebaste 
as  suggested  above  possibly  the  latter's  deposition  by  Constan- 
tius is  referred  to.     But  the  difficulty  remains  almost  as  great. 

6  Died  372,  or  374  (Ffoulkes.) 

6  Born  about  296,  died  373. 


and  Ursacins^  On  virginity^  very  many 
On  the  persecutions  of  the  Arians^  also  On 
the  titles  of  the  Psalms  and  Life  of  An- 
thony the  monk^  also  Festal  epistles  and 
other  works  too  numerous  to  mention. 

CHAPTER   LXXXVIH. 

Anthony  '  the  monk,  whose  life  Athana- 
sius bishop  of  Alexandria  wrote  a  long  work 
upon,  sent  seven  letters  in  Coptic  to  various 
monasteries,  letters  truly  apostolic  in  idea 
and  language,  and  which  have  been  trans- 
lated into  Greek.  The  chief  of  these  is  To 
the  Arsenoites.  He  flourished  during  the 
reign  of  Constantinus  and  his  sons. 

CHAPTER    LXXXIX. 

Basil '^  bishop  ot  Ancyra,  [a  doctor  of  ]  ^ 
medicine,  wrote  a  book  Against  Marcellus 
and  on  virgiftity  and  some  other  things  — 
and  in  the  reign  of  Constantius  was,  with 
Eustathius  of  Sebaste,  primate  of  Mace- 
donia. 

CHAPTER   XC. 

Theodorus,'*  bishop  of  Heraclea  in 
Thrace,  published  in  the  reign  of  the 
emperor  Constantius  commentaries  On 
Matthew  and  fohn^  On  the  Epistles  and 
On  the  Psalter,  These  are  written  in  a 
polished  and  clear  style  and  show  an  excel- 
lent historical  sense. 

CHAPTER   XCI. 

Eusebius  ^  of  Emesa,  who  had  fine  rhe- 
torical talent,  composed  innumerable  works 
suited  to  win  popular  applause  and  writing 
historically  he  is  most  diligently  read  by 
those  who  practise  public  speaking.  Among 
these  the  chief  are.  Against  yews.  Gentiles 
and  JVovatia7zs  and  Homilies  on  the  Gos- 
pels^ brief  but  numerous.  He  flourished  in 
the  reign  of  the  emperor  Constantius  in 
whose  reign  he  died,  and  was  buried  at 
Antioch. 

CHAPTER  XCH. 

Triphylius,  bishop  of  Ledra  or  Leu- 
cotheon,'  in  Cyprus,  was  the  most  eloquent 
man  of  his  age,  and  was  distinguished  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Constantius.  I  have  read 
his  Commentary  on  the  Song  of  Songs. 
He  is  said  to  have  written  many  other  works, 
none  of  which  have  come  to  our  hand. 

1  Born  25 1 ,  died  356. 

2  Bishop  of  Ancyra  336-344,  3S3-6o.  .^61-3. 

^A  doctor  (?/ So  T?  and   some  editions.     Most  mss.  omit 
(gnarus)  but  it  needs  to  be  supplied  in  translation. 

*  Bishop  335,  died  355?  "  Bishop  31.4.  died  about  370. 

"    '  "     tor 


6  Died  before  359. 


7  Leucotlieon:=rL,Q\x\.eon. 


3So 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


CHAPTER  XCIII. 

DoNATUS,'  from  whom  the  Donatians 
arose  in  Africa  in  the  reigns  of  the  emperors 
Constantinus  and  Constantius,  asserted  that 
the  scriptures  were  given  up  to  the  heathen 
by  the  orthodox  during  the  persecution,  and 
deceived  almost  all  Africa,  and  especially 
Numidi^  by  his  persuasiveness.  Many  of 
his  works,  which  relate  to  his  heresy,  are  ex- 
tant, including  On  the  Holy  Spirit^  a  work 
which  is  Arian  in  doctrine. 

CHAPTER  XCIV. 

AsTERius,^  a  philosopher  of  the  Arian 
party,  wrote,  during  the  reign  of  Constan- 
tius, commentaries  On  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans^  On  the  Gospels  and  On  the  Psalms^ 
also  many  other  works  which  are  diligently 
read  by  those  of  his  party. 

CHAPTER   XCV. 

Lucifer,^  bishop  of  Cagliari,  was  sent  by 
Liberius  the  bishop,  with  Pancratius  and 
Hilary,  clergy  of  the  Roman  church,  to  the 
emperor  Constantius,  as  legates  for  the  faith. 
When  he  would  not  condemn  the  Nicene 
faith  as  represented  by  Athanasius,  sent 
again  to  Palestine,  with  wonderful  constancy 
and  willingness  to  meet  martyrdom,  he  wrote 
a  book  against  the  emperor  Constantius  and 
sent  it  to  be  read  by  him,  and  not  long  after 
he  returned  to  Cagliari  in  the  reign  of  the 
emperor  Julian  and  died  in  the  reign  of  Val- 
entinian. 

CHAPTER   XCVI. 

EusEBius,"  a  native  of  Sardinia,  at  first  a 
lector  at  Rome  and  afterwards  bishop  of 
Vercelli,  sent  by  the  emperor  Constantius  to 
Scythopolis,  and  afterwards  to  Cappadocia, 
on  account  of  his  confession  of  the  faith,  re- 
turned to  the  church  under  the  emperor 
Julian  and  published  the  Commentaries  of 
JBi^sebius  of  Caesar ea  on  the  Psalms^  which 
he  had  translated  from  Greek  into  Latin,  and 
died  during  the  reign  of  Valentian  and 
Valens. 

CHAPTER  XCVII. 

FoRTUNATiANUS,^  an  African  by  birth, 
bishop  of  Aquilia  during  the  reign  of  Con- 
stantius, composed  brief  Com,7nentaries  on 
the  gospels  arranged  by  chapters,  written  in 
a  rustic  style,  and  is  held  in  detestation  be- 
cause, when  Liberius  bishop   of  Rome  was 

1  Bishop  313, — 355. 

2  Asterius  of  Cappadocia,  died  about  330. 
'  Bishop  353,  died  370. 

*  Born  about  315,  Bisliop  about  340,  exiled  355-62,  died  371-5. 

*  Flourished  343-355. 


driven  into  exile  for  the  faith,  he  was  in- 
duced by  the  urgency  of  Fortunatianus  to 
subscribe  to  heresy. 

CHAPTER    XCVni. 

AcACius,^  who,  because  he  was  blind  in 
one  eye,  they  nicknamed  "  the  one-eyed," 
bishop  of  the  church  of  Caesarea  in  Pales- 
tine, wrote  seventeen  volumes  On  Ecclesias- 
tes  and  six  of  JSIiscellaneous  questions^  and 
many  treatises  besides  on  various  subjects. 
He  was  so  influential  in  the  reign  of  the  em- 
peror Constantius  that  he  made  Felix  bishop 
of  Rome  in  the  place  of  Liberius. 

CHAPTER    XCIX. 

Serapion,^  bishop  of  Thmuis,  who  on  ac- 
count of  his  cultivated  genius  was  found 
worthy  of  the  surname  of  Scholasticus,  was 
the  intimate  friend  of  Anthony  the  monk,  and 
published  an  excellent  book  Against  the 
Manichaeans^  also  another  Oit  the  titles  of 
the  Psalms^  and  valuable  Epistles  to  different 
people.  In  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Con- 
stantius he  was  renowned  as  a  confessor. 

CHAPTER    C. 

Hilary,^  bishop  of  Poitiers  in  Aquit- 
ania,  was  a  member  of  the  party  of  Saturni- 
nus  bishop  of  Aries.  Banished  into  Phrygia 
by  the  Synod  of  Beziers  he  composed  twelve 
books  Against  the  Arians  and  another  book 
On  Councils  written  to  the  Gallican  bish- 
ops, and  Commentaries  on  the  Psalms  that 
is  on  the  first  and  second,  from  the  fifty- 
first  to  the  sixty-second,  and  from  the  one 
hundred  and  eighteenth  to  the  end  of  the 
book.  In  this  work  he  imitated  Origen, 
but  added  also  some  original  matter.  There 
is  a  little  book  of  his  Po  Constantius  which 
he  presented  to  the  emperor  while  he  was 
living  in  Constantinople,  and  another  On 
Constantius  which  he  wrote  after  his  death 
and  a  book  Against  Valens  and  Ursacius^ 
containing  a  history  of  the  Ariminian  and 
Selucian  Councils  and  To  Sallust  the  pre- 
fect or  Against  Dioscurus^  also  a  book  of 
Hymns  and  mysteries^  a  commentary  On 
Matthew  and  treatises  On  yob^  which  he 
translated  freely  from  the  Greek  of  Origen, 
and  another  elegant  little  work  Against 
Auxentius  and  Epistles  to  different  persons. 
They  say  he  has  written  On  the  Song  of 
Songs  but  this  work  is  not  known  to  us. 
He  died  at  Poictiers  during  the  reign  of 
Valentinianus  and  Valens. 


1  Bishop  about  33S,  died  365-6. 

2  Serapion  the  scholastic,  died  about  35S. 

3  Bishop  350-5,  exiled  356-60,  died  at  Poitiers  367-8.. 


JEROME. 


381 


CHAPTER   CI. 

ViCTORiNus,'  an  African  by  birth,  taught 
rhetoric  at  Rome  under  the  emperor  Con- 
stantius  and  in  extreme  old  age,  yielding 
himself  to  faith  in  Christ  wrote  books 
against  Arius,  written  in  dialectic  style  and 
very  obscure  language,  books  which  can 
only  be  understood  by  the  learned.  He  also 
wrote   Commentaries  on  the  Epistles, 

CHAPTER   Cn. 

Titus  ^  bishop  of  Bostra,  in  the  reign  of 

(^  the    emperors    Julian    and    Jovinian    wrote 

vigorous    works    against    the   Manichaeans, 

and    some    other^  things.      He   died   under 

Valens. 

CHAPTER   CHI. 

Damasus,^  bishop  of  Rome,  had  a  fine 
talent  for  making  verses  and  published  many 
brief  works  in  heroic  metre.  He  died  in 
the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Theodosius  at  the 
age  of  almost  eighty. 

CHAPTER   CIV. 

Apollinarius,*  bishop  of  Laodicea,  in 
Syria,  the  son  of  a  presbyter,  applied  him- 
self in  his  youth  to  the  diligent  study  of 
grammar,  and  afterwards,  writing  innumer- 
able volumes  on  the  Holy  Scriptures,  died 
in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Theodosius. 
There  are  extant  thirty  books  by  him  Against 
Porphyry^  which  are  generally  considered 
as  among  the  best  of  his  works.  ^ 

CHAPTER    CV. 

Gregory,^  bishop  of  Elvira,'  in  Baetica, 
writing  even  to  extreme  old  age,  composed 
various  treatises  in  mediocre  language,  and 
an  elegant  work  On  Faith.  He  is  said  to 
be  still  living. 

CHAPTER  CVI. 

Pacianus,®  bishop  of  Barcelona,  in  the 
Pyrenees  Mountains,  a  man  of  chaste  elo- 
quence, and  as  distinguished  by  his  life  as 
by  his  speech,  wrote  various  short  works, 
among  which  are  The  Deer^  and  Against 

1  Caius  or  Fabius  Marius  Victorinus,  died  about  370. 

2  Ordained  361,  died  371. 

3  Pope  Damasus,  died  3S0. 

*  Apollinaris  the  younger,  Bishop  362,  died  about  390. 
B  Works  "  generally  recognized  as  authentic  "  Matougues. 
«  Gregory  Baeticus  Bishop  of  Elvira  359-392. 
"^  Elvira,  Eiiberi  or  Grenada. 

8  Bishop  about  360,  died  about  390. 

9  i[)i?^r,  This  title  has  given  rise  to  a  good  deal  of  conject- 
ure. Fabricius's  conjecture  that  it  referred  to  certain  games 
held  on  the  Kalends  of  January  is  doubted  by  Vallarsi,  but 
appears  to  have  been  really  acute,  from  the  fact  that  two  mss. 
read  "  The  deer  [Cervulus]  on  the  Kalends  of  January  and 
against  other  pagan  games." 


the    Novatians^    ■aw(\    died    in    the    reign    of 
Emperor  Theodosian,  in  extreme  old  age. 


CHAPTER  CVII. 

Photinus,'  of  Gallograecia,  a  disciple  of 
Marcellus,  and  ordained  bishop  of  Sirmium, 
attempted  to  introduce  the  Ebionite  heresy, 
and  afterwards  having  been  expelled  from 
the  church  by  the  Emperor  Valentinianus, 
wrote  many  volumes,  among  which  the  most 
distinguished  are  Against  the  nations^  and 
To  Valentinianus. 


CHAPTER  CVIII. 

Phoebadius,^  bishop  of  Agen,  in  Gaul, 
published  a  book  Against  the  Arians. 
There  are  said  to  be  other  works  by  him, 
which  I  have  not  yet  read.  He  is  still  living, 
infirm  with  age. 

CHAPTER   CIX. 

DiDYMUs,'^  of  Alexandria,  becoming  blind 
while  very  young,  and  therefore  ignorant  of 
the  rudiments  of  learning,   displayed  such  a 
miracle  of  intelligence  as  to  learn  perfectly 
dialectics  and  even  geometry,  sciences  which 
especially    require    sight.      He    wrote    many 
admirable  works  :    Commentaries  on  all  the 
Psalms.,    Commentaries    on  the   Gospels  of 
Matthew  and  John.,  On  the  doctrines.,  also 
two    books    Against   the    Arians.,  and    one 
book  On  the  Holy  Spirit^  which  I  translated 
in  Latin,  eighteen  volumes  On  Isaiah^  three 
books  of  commentaries  On  Hosea.,  addressed 
to  me,  and  five  books  On  Zechariah^  written 
at  my  request,  also  commentaries    On  Job., 
and  many  other  things,  to  give  an  account  of 
which  would  be  a  work  of  itself."      He    is 
still  living,  and  has  already  passed  his  eighty- 
third  year. 

CHAPTER    ex. 

Optatus  ^  the  African,  bishop  of  Milevls,® 
during  the  reign  of  the  Emperors  Valentini- 
anus and  Valens,  wrote  in  behalf  of  the 
Catholic  party  six  books  against  the  calumny 
of  the  Donatlan  party,  in  which  he  asserts 
that  the  crime  of  the  Donatists  is  falsely 
charged  upon  the  catholic  party. 


'  Bishop  about  347,  deposed  351,  died  about  376. 
2  Bishop  358,  died  about  392. 

s  Born  about  311,  tiourished  about  315,  died  396. 
*  itself   "  The  titles  of  which  are  well  known."    Matougues. 
f'  Flourished  about  370. 

6  Milevis  or  Mlleum  =  Milah  '*  a  town  of  Numidia  25  miles 
north-west  of  Cirta."     Phillott. 


382 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


CHAPTER  CXI. 

AciLius  Severus  '  of  Spain,  of  the  family 
of  that  Severus  to  whom  Lactantius'  two 
books  oi  Epistles  are  addressed,  composed  a 
volume  of  mingled  poetry  and  prose  which 
is  a  sort  of  guide  book  to  his  whole  life. 
This  he  called  Calamity  or  Trial.^  He 
died  in  the  reign  of  Valentinianus. 

CHAPTER   CXIE 

Cyril, ^  bishop  of  Jerusalem  often  expelled 
by  the  church,  and  at  last  received,  held  the 
episcopate  for  eight  consecutive  years,  in  the 
reign  of  Theodosius.  Certain  Catechetical 
lectures  of  his,  composed  while  he  was  a 
young  man,  are  extant. 

CHAPTER   CXIH. 

Euzoius,"  as  a  young  man,  together  with 
Gregory,  bishop  of  Nazianzan,  was  edu- 
cated by  Thespesius  the  rhetorician  at 
Caesarea,  and  afterwards  when  bishop  of 
the  same  city,  with  great  pains  attempted 
to  restore  the  library,  collected  by  Origen 
and  Pamphilus,  which  had  already  suffered 
injury.  At  last,  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 
Theodosian,  he  was  expelled  from  the 
church.  Many  and  various  treatises  of  his 
are  in  circulation,  and  one  may  easily  be- 
come acquainted  with  them. 

CHAPTER   CXIV. 

Epiphanius,^  bishop  of  Salamina  in 
Cyprus,  wrote  books  Against  all  heresies^ 
and  many  others  which  are  eagerly  read  by 
the  learned,  on  account  of  their  subject  mat- 
ter, and  also  by  the  plain  people,  on  account 
of  their  language.  He  is  still  living,  and  in 
his  extreme  old  age  composes  various  brief 
works. 

CHAPTER   CXV. 

Ephraim,^  deacon  of  the  church  at  Edessa? 
composed  many  works  in  the  Syriac  lan- 
guage, and  became  so  distinguished  that  his 
writings  are  repeated  publicly  in  some 
churches,  after  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures. 

I  once  read  in  Greek  a  volume  by  him 
On  the  Holy  Spirit^  which  some"  one  had 
translated  from  the  Syriac,  and  recognized 
even  in  translation,  the  incisive  power  of 
lofty  genius. 

He  died  in  the  reign  of  Valens. 

1  Died  before  376  Fabricius  and  Migne  read  Aquilus, 
Honorius  has  Achilius  but  tlie  inss.  read  as  above.  This  is 
the  only  source  of  information  and  the  work  is  lost. 

2  /"r/a/ "  Vicissitudes  or  proofs."     Matougues. 

3  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  born  about  315,  Bishop  350-7,  359-60, 
362-7,  37S  to  his  death  in  3S6. 

*  Deposed  about  379. 

5  Born  about  310,  bishop  about  36S-9,  died  403. 

6  Ephrem  of  Nisibis  =  Ephrem  Syrus  died  378. 


CHAPTER   CXVI. 

Basil,*  bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Cappado- 
cia,  the  city  formerly  called  Mazaca,  com- 
posed admirable  carefully  written  books 
Against  Eunomius^  a  volume  On  the  Holy 
Spirit^  and  nine  homilies  On  the  six  days 
of  ci'eation^  also  a  work  On  asceticism  and 
short  treatises  on  various  subjects.  He  died 
in  the  reign  of  Gratianus. 

CHAPTER   CXVII. 

Gregory,^  bishop  of  Nazianzen,  a  most 
eloquent  man,  and  my  instructor  in  the 
Scriptures,  composed  works,  amounting  in 
all  to  thirty  thousand  lines,  among  which 
are  On  the  death  of  his  brother  Caesar ius,, 
On  charity^  In  praise  of  the  Maccabees^ 
In  praise  of  Cyprian,  In  praise  of  Atha- 
nasius^  In  praise  of  Maximus  the  philoso- 
pher after  he  had  returned  from  exile.  This 
latter  however,  some  superscribe  with  the 
pseudonym  of  Herona,  since  there  is  another 
work  by  Gregory,  upbraiding  this  same 
Maximus,  as  if  one  might  not  praise  and 
upbraid  the  same  person  at  one  time  or 
another  as  the  occasion  may  demand.  Other 
works  of  his  are  a  book  in  hexameter,  con- 
taining, A  discussion  between  virginity  and 
marriage^  two  books  Against  Eunomius^ 
one  book  On  the  Holy  Spirit^  and  one 
Against  the  Emperor  Julian.  He  was  a 
follower  of  Polemon  in  his  style  of  speaking. 
Having  ordained  his  successor  in  the  bishop- 
ric, during  his  own  life  time,  he  retired  to 
the  country  where  he  lived  the  life  of  a 
monk  and  died,  three  years  or  more  ago,  in 
the  reign  of  Theodosius. 

CHAPTER  CXVHI. 

Lucius,^  bishop  of  the  Arian  party  after 
Athanasius,  held  the  bishopric  of  the  church 
at  Alexandria,  until  the  time  of  the  Emperor 
Theodosius,  by  whom  he  was  deposed. 

Certain  festal  epistles  of  his,  Ott  the  pass- 
over  are  extant,  and  a  few  short  works  of 
Miscellaneous  propositions. 


CHAPTER  CXIX. 


DiODORUS,*  bishop  of  Tarsus 
great  reputation  while  he  was  still 
of  Antioch.  Commentaries  of  h 
epistles  are  extant,  as  well  as  m 
works  in  the  manner  of  Eusebius 
of  Emesa,  whose  meaning  he  has   followed. 


enjoyed  a 

presbyter 

is    On    the 

any    other 


the  great 


1  Basil  the  Great,  born  329,  bishop  370  died  379. 

2  Gregory  Nazianzan  born  about  },2^,  Bishop  373,  died  389. 

3  Lucius  bishop  of  Samosata,  at  Alexandria  373,  deposed 
378.  *  Died  before  394. 


JEROME. 


o-j 


but  whose  eloquence  he  could  not  imitate  on 
account  of  his  ignorance  of  secular  literature. 

CHAPTER  CXX. 

EuNOMius/  bishop  of  Cyzicus  and  mem- 
ber of  the  Arian  party,  fell  into  such  open 
blasphemy  in  his  heresy,  as  to  proclaim 
publicly  what  the  others  concealed.  He  is 
said  to  be  still  living  in  Cappadocia,  and  to 
write  much  against  the  church.  Replies  to 
him  have  been  made  by  Apollinarius,  Did- 
ymus,  Basil  of  Caesarea,  Gregory  Nazianzen, 
and  Gregory  of  Nyssa. 

CHAPTER   CXXI. 

Priscillianus,^  bishop  of  Abila,  beloriged 
to  the  party  of  Hydatius  and  Ithacius,  and 
was  put  to  death  at  Treves  by  the  tyrant 
Maximus.  He  published  many  short  writ- 
ings, some  of  which  have  reached  us.  He 
is  still  accused  by  some,  of  being  tainted 
with  Gnosticism,  that  is,  with  the  heresy  of 
Basilides  orMark,  of  whom  Irenaeus  writes, 
while  his  defenders  maintain  that  he  was  not 
at  all  of  this  way  of  thinking. 

CHAPTER   CXXII. 

Latronianus  ^  of  Spain,  a  man  of  great 
learning,  and  in  the  matter  of  versification 
worthy  to  be  compared  with  the  poets  of  an- 
cient time,  was  also  put  to  death  at  Treves 
with  Priscillianus,  Felicissimus,  Julianus,  and 
Euchrotia,  cooriginators  with  him  of  schism. 
Various  fruits  of  his  genius  written  in  differ- 
ent metres  are  extant. 

CHAPTER   CXXin. 

TiBERiANus,''  the  Baetican,  in  answer  to 
an  insinuation  that  he  shared  the  heresy 
of  Priscillian,  wrote  an  apology  in  pompous 
and  mongrel  language.  But  after  the  death 
of  his  friends,  overcome  by  the  tediousness 
of  exile,  he  changed  his  mind,  as  it  is  written 
in  Holy  Scripture  "  the  dog  returned  to  his 
vomit,"  and  married  a  nun,  a  virgin  dedi- 
cated to  Christ. 

CHAPTER   CXXIV. 

Ambrose^  bishop  of  Milan,  at  the  present 
time  is  still  writing.  I  withhold  my  judg- 
ment of  him,  because  he  is  still  alive,  fearing 
either  to  praise  or  blame  lest  in  the  one 
event,  I  should  be  blamed  for  adulation,  and 
in  the  other  for  speaking  the  truth. 


1  Bishop  360,  died  before  396. 

2  Flourished  379,  condemned  3S0,  died  3S5. 

3  Died  3S5. 

*  End  of  4th  Century. 

5  Born  about  340,  baptized  374,  died  397. 


CHAPTER  CXXV. 

EvAGRius,*  bishop  of  Antioch,  a  man  of 
remarkably  keen  mind,  while  he  was  yet 
presbyter  read  me  various  treatises  on  vari- 
ous topics,  which  he  had  not  yet  published. 
He  translated  also  the  Z//*^  of  the  blessed 
Anthony  from  the  Greek  of  Athanasius  into 
our  language. 

CHAPTER    CXXVI. 

Ambrose  ^  of  Alexandria,  pupil  of  Didy- 
mus,  wrote  a  long  work  On  doctrines 
against  Apollinaris,  and  as  some  one  has 
lately  informed  me.  Commentaries  on  yob. 
He  is  still  living. 

CHAPTER   CXXVH. 

Maximus  ^  the  philosopher,  born  at  Alex- 
andria,   ordained    bishop    at    Constantinople 
and  deposed,  wrote  a  remarkable   work    On 
faith  against  the  Arians  and   gave    it  to   the 
Emperor  Gratianus,  at  Milan. 

CHAPTER   CXXVni. 

Gregory  "  bishop  of  Nyssa,  the  brother 
of  Basil  of  Caesarea,  a  few  years  since  read 
to  Gregory  Nazianzan  and  myself  a  work 
against  Eunomius.  He  is  said  to  have  also 
written  many  other  works,   and    to  be   still 


wntmg. 


CHAPTER   CXXIX. 


John,'  presbyter  of  the  church  at  Antioch, 
a  follower  of  Eusebius  of  Emesa  and  Diod- 
orus,  is  said  to  have  composed  many  books, 
but  of  these  I  have  only  read  his  On  the 
priesthood, 

CHAPTER    CXXX. 

Gelasius,®  bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Palestine 
after  Euzolus,  is  said  to  write  more  or  less  in 
carefully  polished  style,  but  not  to  publish 
his  works. 

CHAPTER  CXXXL 

Theotimus,'  bishop  of  Tomi,  in  Scythia, 
has  published  brief  and  epigrammatical 
treatises,  hi  the  form  of  dialogues,  and  in 
olden  style.  I  hear  that  he  is  now  writing 
other  works. 


■  Bishop  of  Antioch,  38S,  died  393. 

2  Died  after  393. 

3  A  Cynic.     Bishop  379. 

*  Born  339-2,  bishop  372,  deposed  376,  restored  37S,  died  after 
394. 

5  John  Chrysostom  born  at  Antioch  about  347,  at  Constanti- 
nople 39S,  deposed  403,  died  407. 

"Bishop  379,  died  39+-5- 

^  Bishop  ot  Tomes.''  392-403. 


384 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


CHAPTER  CXXXII. 

Dexter,^  sou  of  Pacianus  whom  I  men- 
tioned above,  distinguished  in  his  generation 
and  devoted  to  the  Christian  faith,  has,  I  am 
told,  written  a  Universal  History^  which  I 
have  not  yet  read. 

CHAPTER  CXXXni. 

Amphilochius,^  bishop  of  Iconium,  re- 
cently read  to  me  a  book  On  the  Holy 
Spirit^  arguing  that  He  is  God,  that  He  is 
to  be  worshipped,  and  that  He  is  omnip- 
otent. 

CHAPTER   CXXXIV. 

SoPHRONius,^  a  man  of  superlative  learn- 
ing, wrote  while  yet  a  lad.  In  praise  of 
Bethlehem^  and  recently  a  notable  volume, 
On  the  overthrow  of  Serapis^  and  also  to 
Eustachius,  On  virginity^  and  a  L>ife  of 
Hilarion  the  monk.  He  rendered  short 
works  of  mine  into  Greek  in  a  very  finished 
style,  the  Psalter  also,  and  the  Prophets., 
which  I  translated  from  Hebrew  into  Latin. 

CHAPTER    CXXXV. 

I,  Jerome,'*  son  of  Eusebius,  of  the  city  of 
Strido,  which  is  on  the  border  of  Dalmatia 
and  Pannonia  and  was  overthrown  by  the 
Goths,  up  to  the  present  year,  that  is,  the 
fourteenth  of  the  Emperor  Theodosius,  have 
written  the  following:  Life  of  Paul  the 
monk.,  one  book  of  Letters  to  different  per- 
sons., an  Exhortation  to  Heliodorus.,  Con- 
troversy of  Luciferianus  and  Orthodoxus., 
Chronicle  of  universal  history.,  28  homilies 

iplavius  Lucius  Dexter  flourished  395. 

2  Amphilochius  of  Cappadocia,  bishop  375,  died  about  400. 

3  Flourished  392.  Author  also  of  Greek  translation  of 
Jerome's  Illustrious  Men? 

*  Born  331,  died  420, 


of  Origen  on  feremiah  and  Ezekiel., 
which  I  translated  from  Greek  into  Latin, 
On  the  Seraphim.,  On  Osanna.,  On  the 
prudent  and  the  prodigal  sons..  On  three 
questions  of  the  ancient  law.,  Homilies  on  the 
Song  of  Songs  two.  Against  Helvidius.,  On 
the  perpetual  virginity  of  Alary.,  To  Eus- 
tochius,  On  fnaintaining  virginity^  one  book 
of  Epistles  to  Marcella.,  a  consolatory  letter 
to  Paula  07i  the  death  of  a  daughter^  three 
books  oi  Commentaries  on  the  epistle  of  Paul 
to  the  Galatians^  likewise  three  books  of 
Commentaries  on  the  epistle  to  the  Ephe- 
sians^  On  the  epistle  to  Titus  one  book,  On 
the  epistle  to  Philemon  one.  Commentaries 
on  Ecclesiastes^  one  book  of  Hebrew  ques- 
tiaiifs  on  Genesis.,  one  book  On  places  in 
Judea.,  one  book  of  Hebrew  names.,  Didy- 
mus  on  the  Holy  Spirit.,  which  I  translated 
into  Latin  one  book,  jg  homilies  on  Luke.,^ 
On  Psalms  lO  to  16.,  seven  books.  On  the 
captive  Monk.,  The  Life  of  the  blessed 
Hilarion.  I  translated  the  New  Testament 
from  the  Greek,  and  the  Old  Testament 
from  the  Hebrew,^  and  how  many  Letters 
I  have  written  To  Paula  and  Eustochius  I 
do  not  know,  for  I  write  daily.  I  wrote 
moreover,  two  books  of  Explanations  on 
Micah.,  one  book  On  Nahum.,  two  books 
On  Habakkuk.,  one  On  Zephaniah.,  one  On 
Haggai.,  and  many  others  On  the  prophets., 
which  are  not  yet  finished,  and  which  I  am 
still  at  work  upon.^ 


1  ^q  homilies,  T  25  30  Her. ;  59  homilies  of  Origen  A  H  31 
e  a  etc. 

2  The  Old  Testament  from  the  Hebreiv  A  H  30  31  a  e;  omit 
T  25  Her. 

3  There  are  many  brief  additions  to  the  chapter  on  Jerome 
himself,  the  most  common  one  (BCDISVWX  YZ1245 
6  7  9  II  12  14  15  17  19  20  21  26  27  28  33  42  m  o  p  r  t  u  V  y  z)  be- 
ing '•  Two  hooV.s  Against  Jovinian  and  an  Apology  addressed 
to  Pammachus."  Some  add  also  "  and  an  Epitaphium.^''  A 
and  k  give  a  long  additional  account  of  Jerome. 


III.     GENNADIUS. 


LIST    OF   THE   AUTHORS   WHOM   GENNADIUS   ADDED,   AFTER   THE 

DEATH   OF   THE   BLESSED   JEROME.^ 


I. 

2. 

3- 

4- 

5- 
6. 

7- 
8. 

9- 

lO. 

1 1. 

12. 

13- 

14. 

16. 

17- 

18. 

19. 

20. 

21. 

22. 

23- 

24. 

26. 

27- 
28. 

29. 

30- 
31- 
32. 

33- 
34- 
35- 
36. 

37- 

38. 

39- 
40. 

41. 

42. 

43- 
44. 

45- 
46. 

47- 

48. 

49. 


James,  surnamed  the  Wise. 
Julius,  bishop  of  Rome. 
Paulonas  the  presbyter. 
Vitellius  the  African. 
Macrobius  the  presbyter. 
Heliodorus  the  presbyter. 
Pachomius  the  presbyter-monk. 
Theodorus,  his  successor. 
Oresiesis  the  monk. 
Macarius  the  monk. 
Evagrius  the  monk. 
Theodorus  the  presbyter. 
Prudentius. 
Audentius  the  bishop. 
Commodianus. 
Faustinus  the  presbyter. 
Rufinus  the  presbyter. 
Tichonius  the  African. 
Severus  the  presbyter. 
Antiochus  the  bishop. 
Severianus  the  bishop. 
Nicaeas  the  bishop. 
Olympius  the  bishop. 
Bachiarius. 
Sabbatius  the  bishop. 
Isaac. 
Ursinus. 

Another  Macarius. 
Heliodorus  the  presbyter. 
John,  bishop  of  Constantinople. 
John,  another  bishop. 
Paulus  the  bishop. 
Helvidius. 

Theophilus  the  bishop. 
Eusebius  the  bishop. 
Vigilantius  the  presbyter. 
Simplicianus  the  bishop. 
Vigilius  the  bishop. 
Augustine  the  bishop. 
Orosius  the  presbyter. 
Maximus  the  bishop. 
Petronius  the  bishop. 
Pelagius  the  heresiarch. 
Innocentius  the  bishop. 
Caelestius,  follower  of  Pelagius. 
Julianus  the  bishop. 
Lucianus  the  presbyter. 
Avitus  the  presbyter. 
Paulinus  the  bishop. 


1  List 


Jerome.    This  is  in  a  few  mss.  only. 


50.  Eutropius  the  presbyter. 

51.  Another  Evagrius. 

52.  Vigilius  the  deacon. 

53.  Atticus  the  holy  bishop. 

54.  Nestorius  the  heresiarch. 

55.  Caelestinus  the  bishop. 

56.  Theodorus  the  bishop. 

57.  Fastidius  the  bishop. 

58.  Cyrillus  the  bishop. 

59.  Timotheus  the  bishop. 

60.  Leporius  the  presbyter. 

61.  Victorinus  the  rhetorician. 

62.  Cassianus  the  deacon. 

63.  Philippus  the  presbyter. 

64.  Eucherius  the  bishop. 

65.  Vincentius  the  Gaul. 
(id.  Syagrius. 

67.  Isaac  the  presbyter. 

(i^.  Salvianus  the  presbyter. 

69.  Paulinus  the  bishop. 

70.  Hilarius  the  bishop. 

71.  Leo  the  bishop. 

72.  Mochimus  the  presbyter. 

73.  Timotheus  the  bishop. 

74.  Asclepius  the  bishop. 

75.  Peter  the  presbyter. 

76.  Paul  the  presbyter. 

77.  Pastor  the  bishop. 

78.  Victor  the  bishop. 

79.  Voconius  the  bishop. 

80.  Musaeus  the  presbyter. 

81.  Vincentius  the  presbyter. 

82.  Cyrus  the  monk. 

83.  Samuel  the  presbyter. 

84.  Claudianus  the  presbyter. 

85.  Prosper. 

'^6.  Faustus  the  bishoj). 

%"].  Servus  Dei  the  bishop. 

88.  Victorius. 

89.  Theodoritus  the  bishop. 

90.  Gennadi  us  the  bishop. 

91.  Theodulus  the  presbyter. 

92.  John  the  presbyter. 

93.  Sidonius  the  bishop. 

94.  Gelasius  the  bishop. 

95.  Honoratus  the  bishop. 

96.  Cerealis  the  bishop. 

97.  Eugenius  the  bishop. 

98.  Pomerius  the  bishop. 

99.  Gennadius. 


386 


JEROME    AND     GENNADIUS. 


CHAPTER   I. 

James,'  surnamed  the  Wise,  was  bishop 
of  Nisibis  the  famous  city  of  the  Persians 
and  one  of  the  confessors  under  Maximinus 
the  persecutor.  He  was  also  one  of  those 
who,  in  the  Nicean  council,  by  their  opposi- 
tion overthrew  the  Arian  perversity  of  the 
Honioousia.  That  the  blessed  Jerome  men- 
tions this  man  in  his  Chronicle  as  a  man 
of  great  virtues  and  yet  does  not  place  him 
in  his  catalogue  of  writers,  will  be  easily  ex- 
plained if  we  note  that  of  the  three  or  four 
Syrians  whom  he  mentions  he  says  that  he 
read  them  translated  into  the  Greek.  From 
this  it  is  evident  that,  at  that  period,  he  did 
not  know  the  Syriac  language  or  literature, 
and  therefore  he  did  not  know  a  writer  who 
had  not  yet  been  translated  into  another 
language.  All  his  writings  are  contained  in 
twenty-six  books  namely  On  faith^  Against 
all  heresies^  On  charity  towards  all^  On 
fastings  Onfrayer^  On  particular  affec- 
tion towards  our  neighbor^  On  the  resurrec- 
tion^ On  the  life  after  deaths  On  humility^ 
On  penitence^  On  satisfaction^  On  virgin- 
ity^ On  the  worth  ^  of  the  soul^  On  circuin- 
cision^  On  the  blessed  grapes^  On  the  say- 
ing in  Isaiah^  "the  grape  cluster  shall  not 
be  destroyed,"  That  Christ  is  the  son  of 
God  and  consubstantial  with  the  Father^ 
On  chastity^  Against  the  Nations^  On  the 
construction  of  the  tabernacle^  On  the 
conversation  of  the  nations^  On  the  Per- 
sian kingdom^  On  the  persecution  of  the 
Christians.  He  composed  also  a  Chronicle 
of  little  interest  indeed  to  the  Greeks,  but  of 
great  reliability  in  that  it  is  constructed  only 
on  the  authority  of  the  Divine  Scriptures. 
It  shuts  the  mouths  of  those  who,  on  some 
daring  guess,  idly  philosophize  concerning 
the  advent  of  Antichrist,  or  of  our  Lord. 
This  man  died  in  the  time  of  Constantius 
and  according  to  the  direction  of  his  father 
Constantine  was  buried  within  the  walls  of 
Nisibis,  for  the  protection  evidently  of  the 
city,  and  it  turned  oi^t  as  Constantine  had 
expected.  For  many  years  after,  Julian  hav- 
ing entered  Nisibis  and  grudging  either  the 
glory  of  him  who  was  buried  there  or  the 
faith  of  Constantine,  whose  family  he  perse- 
cuted on  account  of  this  envy,  ordered  the 
remains  of  the  saint  to  be  carried  out  of  the 
city,  and  a  few  months  later,  as  a  matter 
of  public  policy,  the  Emperor  Jovian  who 


^  Became  bishop  before  325,  died  after  350. 

2  On  penitence.  A  few  tnss.  read  "  patience  "  for  "  peni- 
tence "  out  the  only  one  which  the  translator  has  been  able  to 
find  which  gives  both  is  one  at  Wolfenbiittel  dated  1460,  nor  is 
it  in  the  earliest  editions  (e.g.)  Niirn.  Koburger  1495,  Paris 
1512).  But  the  later  editions  (Fabricius,  Herding)  have 
both. 

3  worthy  mss.  generally;  feelings  editions  generally. 


succeeded  Julian,  gave  over  to  the  barbarians 
the  city  which,  with  the  adjoining  territory, 
is  subject  unto  the  Persian  rule  until  this 
day. 

CHAPTER   II. 

Julius,'  bishop  of  Rome,  wrote  to  one 
Dionysius  a  single  epistle  On  the  incar- 
nation of  Our  Lord.,  which  at  that  time  was 
regarded  as  useful  against  those  who  asserted 
that,  as  by  incarnation  there  were  two  persons 
in  Christ,  so  also  there  were  two  natures,  but 
now  this  too  is  regarded  as  injurious  for  it 
nourishes  the  Eutychian  and  Timothean 
heresies. 

CHAPTER    III. 

Paulonas,^  the  Presbyter,  disciple  of  the 
blessed  deacon  Ephraim  a  man  of  very  en- 
ergetic character  and  learned  in  the  holy 
scriptures  was  distinguished  among  the 
doctors  of  the  church  while  his  master  was 
still  living  and  especially  as  an  extempora- 
neous orator.  After  the  death  of  his  master, 
overcome  by  love  of  reputation,  separating 
himself  from  the  church,  he  wrote  many 
things  opposed  to  the  faith.  The  blessed 
Ephraim  when  on  the  point  of  death  is  re- 
ported to  have  said  to  him  as  he  stood  by  his 
side — See  to  it,  Paulonas  that  you  do  not 
yield  yourself  to  your  own  ideas,  but  when 
you  shall  think  that  you  understand  God 
wholly,  believe  that  you  have  not  known,  — 
for  he  felt  beforehand  from  the  studies  or  the 
words  of  Paulonus,  that  he  was  investigating 
new  things,  and  was  stretching  out  his  mind 
to  the  illimitable,  whence  also  he  frequently 
called  him  the  new  Bardesanes. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ViTELLius  ^  the  African,  defending  the 
Donatist  schism  wrote  Why  the  servants 
of  God  are  hated  by  the  worlds  in  which, 
except  in  speaking  of  us  as  persecutors,  he 
published  excellent  doctrine.  He  wrote  also 
Against  the  nations  and  against  us  as  tradi- 
tors  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  in  times  of  perse- 
cution, and  wrote  much  On  ecclesiastical  pro- 
cedure. He  was  distinguished  during  the 
reign  of  Constans  son  of  the  emperor  Con- 
stantinus. 

CHAPTER   V. 

Macrobius*  the  Presbyter  was  likewise 
as  I  learned  from  the  writings  of  Optatus, 
afterwards  secretly  bishop  of  the  Donatians 
in  Rome.      He  wrote,  having  been  up  to  this 


1  Bishop  (Pope)  337,  died  352. 

2  Flourished  370. 


8  Fourth  century. 
*  Bishop  about  370. 


GENNADIUS. 


;87 


time  a  presbyter  in  the  church  of  God,  a  work 
To  confessors  and  virgins^  a  work  of  ethics 
indeed,  but  of  very  necessary  doctrine  as 
well  and  fortified  with  sentiments  well  fitted 
for  the  preservation  of  chastity.  He  was  dis- 
tinguished first  in  our  party  in  Africa  and 
afterwards  in  his  own,  that  is  among  the 
Donatians   or  Montanists   at  Rome. 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Heliodorus  ^  the  Presbyter  wrote  a  book 
entitled  An  introductory  treatise  on  the 
nature  of  things^  in  which  he  showed  that 
the  beginning  of  things  was  one,  that  nothing 
was  coaeval  with  God,  that  God  was  not 
the  creator  of  evil,  but  in  such  wise  the 
creator  of  all  good,  that  matter,  which  is  used 
for'*^  evil,  was  created  by  God  after  evil  was 
discovered,  and  that  nothing  material  what- 
ever can  be  regarded  as  established  in  any 
other  way  than  by  God,  and  that  there  was 
no  other  creator  than  God,  who,  when  by 
His  foreknowledge  He  knew  that  nature  was 
to  be  changed,^  warned  of  punishment. 

CHAPTER  VH. 

Pachomius  "*  the  monk,  a  man  endowed 
with  apostolic  grace  both  in  teaching  and  in 
performing  miracles,  and  founder  of  the 
Egyptian  monasteries,  wrote  an  Order  of 
discipline  suited  to  both  classes  of  monks, 
which  he  received  by  angelic  dictation.  He 
wrote  letters  also  to  the  associated  bishops 
of  his  district,  in  an  alphabet  concealed  by 
mystic  sacraments  so  as  to  surpass  custom- 
ary human  knowledge  and  only  manifest  to 
those  of  special  grace  or  desert,  that  is  To  the 
Abbot  Cornelius  one,  To  the  Abbot  Syrus 
one,  and  one  To  the  heads  of  all  monasteries 
•exhorting  that,  gathered  together  to  one 
very  ancient  monastery  which  is  called  in 
the  Egyptian  language  Bau,  they  should 
celebrate  the  day  of  the  Passover  together  as 
by  everlasting  law.  He  urged  likewise  in 
another  letter  that  on  the  day  of  remission, 
which  is  celebrated  in  the  month  of  August, 
the  chief  bishops  should  be  gathered  together 
to  one  place,  and  wrote  one  other  letter  to 
the  brethren  who  had  been  sent  to  work  out- 
side the  monasteries. 

CHAPTER  Vni. 

Theodorus,^  successor  to  the  grace  and 
the  headship  of  the  above  mentioned  Abbot 
Pachomius,   addressed  to    other  monasteries 

1  About  360. 

2  Used  for  T  35  31  a  e  21  ;  tnclined  /<?  30?  ?  Fabr.   Her. 

s  changed  A   T   25  30    31    a   e   21   10    Bainb.    Bern.   Gem- 
blac.  Sigberg.  Guelfenb.  ;^/zw/  over  to  death  Fabr.  Tier.  etc. 
<  Born  about  292,  died  34S.  ^  Born  about  314,  died  367. 


letters  written  in  the  lan^^^uage  of  Holy  Script- 
ure, in  which  nevertheless  he  frequently  men- 
tions his  master  and  teacher  Pachomius  and 
sets  forth  his  doctrine  and  life  as  examples. 
This  he  had  been  taught  he  said  hy  an  Angel 
that  he  himself  might  teach  again.  He 
likewise  exhorts  them  to  remain  by  the  pur- 
pose of  their  heart  and  desire,  and  to  restore 
to  harmony  and  unity  those  who,  a  dissen- 
sion having  arisen  after  the  death  of  the  Abbot, 
had  broken  the  unity  by  separating  them- 
selves from  the  community.  Three  horta- 
tory epistles  of  his  are  extant. 

CHAPTER    IX. 

Oresiesis  ^  the  monk,  the  colleague  of 
both  Pachomius  and  Theodorus,  a  man 
learned  to  perfection  in  Scripture,'^  composed 
a  book  seasoned  with  divine  salt  and  formed 
of  the  essentials  of  all  monastic  discipline 
and  to  speak  moderately,  in  which  almost 
the  whole  Old  and  New  Testament  is  found 
set  forth  in  compact  dissertations — all,  at 
least,  which  relates  to  the  special  needs  of 
monks.  This  he  gave  to  his  brethren  almost  on 
the  very  day  of  his  death  leaving,  as  it  were, 
a  legacy. 

CHAPTER   X. 

Macarius,^  the  Egyptian  monk,  distin- 
guished for  his  miracles  and  virtues,  wrote 
one  letter  which  was  addressed  to  the 
younger  men  of  his  profession.  In  this  he 
taught  them  that  he  could  serve  God  per- 
fectly who,  knowing  the  condition  of  his 
creation,  should  devote  himself  to  all  labours, 
and  by  wrestling  against  every  thing  which 
is  agreeable  in  this  life,  and  at  the  same  time 
imploring  the  aid  of  God  would  attain  also 
to  natural  purity  and  obtain  continence,  as 
a  well  merited  gift  of  nature. 

CHAPTER   XI. 

EvAGRius  *  the  monk,  the  intimate  dis- 
ciple of  the  above  mentioned  Macarius,  edu- 
cated in  ^  sacred  and  profane  literature  and 
distinguished,  whom  the  book  which  is 
called  the  Lives  of  the  fathers  mentions  as 
a  most  continent  and  erudite  man,  wrote 
many  things  of  use  to  monks  among  which 
are  these  :  Suggestions  against  the  eight 
principal  sins.  He  was  first  to  mention  or 
among  the  first  at  least  to  teach  these  setting 
against  them  eight  books  taken  from  the 
testimony  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  only,  after 
the  example  of  our   Lord,  who   always  met 

1  Died  about  3S0. 

2  Scripture  25  30  a  e  10  :  Holy  Scriptures  A  T  31  21 . 

3  Born  about  300,  died  390  (391). 
*  Born  345,  died  399. 

6  educated  in  T  31  e  Her.;  omit  A  25  30  a. 


3SS 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


his  tempter  with  quotations  from  Scripture, 
so  that  every  suggestion,  whether  of  the 
devil  or  of  depraved  nature  had  a  testimony 
against  it.  This  work  I  have,  under  in- 
structions, translated  into  Latin  translating 
with  the  same  simplicity  which  I  found  in 
the  Greek.  He  composed  also  a  book  of 
One  hundi'ed  sentiments  for  those  living 
simply  as  anchorites,  arranged  by  chapters, 
and  one  of  Fifty  sentiments  for  the  erudite 
and  studious,  w'hich  I  first  translated  into 
Latin.  The  former  one,  translated  before,  I 
restored,  partly  by  retranslating  and  partly 
by  emendation,  so  as  to  represent  the  true 
meaning  of  the  author,  because  1  saw  that 
the  translation  was  vitiated  and  confused  by 
time.  He  composed  also  a  doctrine  of  the 
common-life  suited  to  Cenobites  and  Syno- 
dites,^  and  to  the  virgin  consecrated  to  God, 
a  little  book  suitable  to  her  religion  and  sex. 
He  published  also  a  few  collections  of  opin- 
ions very  obscure  and,  as  he  himself  says  of 
them,  only  to  be  understood  by  the  hearts  of 
monks,  and  these  likewise  I  published  in 
Latin.  He  lived  to  old  age,  mighty  in  signs 
and  miracles. 

CHAPTER  Xn. 

Theodorus,^  presbyter  of  the  church  at 
Antioch,  a  cautious  investigator  and  clever 
of  tongue,  wrote  against  the  Apollinarians 
and  Anomians  On  the  incarnation  of  the 
Lord^  fifteen  books  containing  as  many  as 
fifteen  thousand  verses,  in  which  he  showed 
by  the  clearest  reasoning  and  by  the  testi- 
mony of  Scripture  that  just  as  the  Lord 
Jesus  had  a  plenitude  of  deity,  so  he  had  a 
plenitude  of  humanity.  He  taught  also  that 
man  consists  only  of  two  substances,  soul 
and  body  and  that  sense  and  spirit  are  not 
different  substances,  but  inherent  inborn 
faculties  of  the  soul  through  which  it  is  in- 
spired and  has  rationality  and  through  which 
it  makes  the  body  capable  of  feeling.  More- 
over the  fourteenth  book  of  this  work  treats 
wholly  of  the  uncreated  and  alone  incor- 
poreal and  ruling  nature  of  the  holy  Trinity 
and  of  the  rationality  of  animals  which  he 
explains  in  a  devotional  spirit,  on  the  au- 
thority of  Holy  Scriptures.  In  the  fifteenth 
volume  he  confirms  and  fortifies  the  whole 
body  of  his  work  by  citing  the  traditions  of 
the  fathers. 

CHAPTER  Xni. 

Prudentius,^  a  man  well  versed  in  secu- 


1  Synodites  a  kind  of  monks. 

«  Theodore  of  Mopsuesta  ( ?) ,  born  at  Antioch  ( ?)  about  350, 
died  42S. 


408: 


3  Born  at  Saragossa  348,  was  at  Rome  in  405,  died  in  Spain 


lar  literature,  composed  a  Trocheum  ^  of 
selected  persons  from  the  whole  Old  and 
New  Testament.  He  wrote  a  commentary 
also,  after  the  fashion  of  the  Greeks,  On  the 
six  days  of  creatiort  from  creation  of  the 
world  until  the  creation  of  the  first  man  and 
his  fall.  He  wrote  also  short  books  which 
are  entitled  in  the  Greek,  Apotheosis^  Fsy- 
cho7nachia  and  Hamartigenia^  that  is  On 
divinity^  On  spiritual  conflict^  On  the 
origin  of  sin.  He  wrote  also  In  praise  of 
inartyrs^  an  invitation  to  martyrdom  in  one 
book  citing  several  as  examples  and  another 
oi  Uyfnns^  but  specially  directed  Against 
Symmachus^  who  defended  idolatry,  from 
which  we  learn  that  Palatinus  was  a  soldier. 

CHAPTER   XIV. 

AuDENTius,^  bishop  of  Spain,  wrote  a 
book  against  the  Manicheans,  Sabellians  and 
Arians  and  very  particularly  against  the 
Photinians  who  are  now  called  Bonosiacians. 
This  book  he  entitled  On  faith  against 
heretics^  and  in  it  he  showed  the  Son  to 
have  been  coeternal  with  the  Father  and 
that  He  did  not  receive  the  beginning  of 
his  deity  from  God  the  Father,  at  the  time 
when  conceived  by  the  act  of  God,  he  was 
born  of  the  Virgin  Mary  his  mother  in  true 
humanity. 

CHAPTER   XV. 

CoMMODiANUS,'*  while  he  was  engaged  in 
secular  literature  read  also  our  writings 
and,  finding  opportunity,  accepted  the  faith. 
Having  become  a  Christian  thus  and  wish- 
ing to  offer  the  fruit  of  his  studies  to  Christ 
the  author  of  his  salvation,  he  wrote,  in 
barely  tolerable  semi-versified  language, 
Against  the  pagans^  and  because  he  was 
very  little  acquainted  with  our  literature  he 
was  better  able  to  overthrow  their  [doctrine] 
than  to  establish  ours.  Whence  also,  con- 
tending against  them  concerning  the  divine 
counterpromises,  he  discoursed  in  a  sufli- 
ciently  wretched  and  so  to  speak,  gross 
fashion,  to  their  stupefaction  and  our  de- 
spair. Following  Tertullian,  Lactantius  and 
Papias  as  authorities   he   adopted  and  incul- 

1  Trocheum.  There  is  much  controversy  over  the  word, 
some  maintaining  that  it  should  be  Dittochaeon=  "  the  double 
food  or  double  testament  "  (Lock  in  Smith  and  Wace)  or  Dipty- 
chon.  It  is  a  description  of  a  series  of  pictures  from  the  Bible. 
The  mss.  read  Trocheuin  a.  e.;  Troceum  T  25;  Trocetum  30; 
Trocleum  A;  Tropeum  31.  A  recent  monograph  on  the  subject 
has  not  yet  come  to  hand. 

2  Symmachtis.  Two  works  are  here  confused,  the  work 
against  Symmachus,  and  the  Cathcmerinon  hymns,  in  the 
preface  to  which  the  quotation  occurs. 

3  Bishop  of  Toledo  about  390.  (Chevalier)  or  in  the  reign 
of Constantius  (Ceillier),  37o(Hoefer). 

*  Flourished  about  270.  There  is  wide  variety  of  opinion 
respecting  this  date,  some  placing  as  early  as  250  and  some 
nearly  one  hundred  years  later. 


GENNADIUS. 


j-J 


cated  in  his  students  good  ethical  principles 
and  especially  a  voluntary  love  of  poverty. 

CHAPTER  XVL 

Faustinus^  the  presbyter  wrote  to  Qiieen 
Flaccilla  seven  books  Against  the  Ariajts 
and  Macedonians^  arguing  and  convicting 
them  by  the  testimonies  of  the  very  Scriptures 
vs^hich  they  used,  in  perverted  meaning,  for 
blasphemy.  He  wrote  also  a  book  which,  to- 
gether with  a  certain  presbyter  named  Mar- 
cellinus,  he  addressed  to  the  emperors  Valen- 
tinianus,  Theodosius  and  Arcadius,  in  defence 
of  their  fellow  Christians.  From  this  it  ap- 
pears that  he  acquiesced  in  the  Luciferian 
schism,  in  that  in  this  same  book  he  blames 
Hilary  of  Poitiers  and  Damasus,  bishop  of 
Rome,  for  giving  ill-advised  counsel  to  the 
church,  advising  that  the  apostate  ^  bishops 
should  be  received  into  communion  for  the 
sake  of  restoring  the  peace.  For  it  was  as 
displeasing  to  the  Luciferians  to  receive  the 
bishops  who  in  the  Ariminian  council  had 
communed  with  Arius,  as  it  was  totheNova- 
tians  to  receive  the  penitent  apostates. 

CHAPTER   XVII. 

RuFiNUS,^  presbyter  of  the  church  at 
Aquileia,  was  not  the  least  among  the  doc- 
tors of  the  church  and  had  a  fine  talent  for 
elegant  translation  from  Greek  into  Latin. 
In  this  way  he  opened  to  the  Latin  speaking 
church  the  greater  part  of  the  Greek  liter- 
ature ;  translating  the  works  of  Basil  of 
Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  Gregory  Nazian- 
zan,  that  most  eloquent  man,  the  Recog- 
nitions of  Clement  of  Rome,  the  Church 
history  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea  in  Palestine, 
the  Sentences  of  Xystus,"*  the  Sentences  of 
Evagrius  and  the  work  of  Pamphilus  Martyr 
Against  the  mathematicians.  Whatever 
among  all  these  which  are  read  by  the 
Latins  have  prefatory  matter,  have  been 
translated  by  Rufinus,  but  those  which  are 
without  Prologue  have  been  translated  by 
some  one  else  who  did  not  choose  to  write 
a  prologue.  Not  all  of  Origen,  however, 
is  his  work,  for  Jerome  translated  some 
which  are  identified  by  his  prologue.  On 
his  own  account,  the  same  Rufinus,  ever 
through  the  "[race  of  God  published  an  Ex- 
position of  the  Apostles'  creed  so  excellent 
that  other  expositions  are  regarded  as  of  no 
account  in  comparison.  He  also  wrote  in  a 
threefold  sense,  that  is,  the  historical,  moral 
and    mystical    sense,  on  Jacob's   blessing  on 

J  Flourished  about  384. 

2  Apostate  =  prevaricatores. 

3  Born  -^45,  at  Jerusalem  about  390,  died  410. 

■*  Xysttis  T  25  30  e ;  Sextus  A  31  a  Xystus  of  Rome  T  Her. 


the  patriarchs.  He  wrote  also  many  epistles 
exhorting  to  fear  oPGod,  among  which  those 
which  he  addressed  to  Proba  are  preeminent. 
He  added  also  a  tenth  and  eleventh  book  to 
the  ecclesiastical  history  which  we  have  said 
was  written  by  Eusebius  and  translated  by 
him.  Moreover  he  responded  to  a  detractor 
of  his  works,  in  two  volumes,  arguing  and 
proving  that  he  exercised  his  talent  with  the 
aid  of  the  Lord  and  in  the  sight  of  God,  for 
the  good  of  the  church,  while  he,  on  the 
other  hand,  incited  by  jealousy  had  taken  to 
polemics. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

TiCHONius,^  an  African  by  nationality  was, 
it  is  said,  sufficiently  learned  in  sacred  litera- 
ture, not  wholly  unacquainted  with  secular 
literature  and  zealous  in  ecclesiastical  afi'airs. 
He  wrote  books  On  internal  war  and  Ex- 
positions of  various  causes  in  which  for  the 
defence  of  his  friends,  he  cites  the  ancient 
councils  and  from  all  of  which  ^  he  is  recog- 
nized to  have  been  a  Donatist.  He  com- 
posed also  eight  Rules  for  investigating  and 
ascertaining  the  fneaning  of  the  Script- 
ures^ compressing  them  into  one  volume. 
He  also  expounded  the  Apocalypse  of  John 
entire,  regarding  nothing  in  it  in  a  carnal 
sense,  but  all  in  a  spiritual  sense.  In  this 
exposition  he  maintained  the  angelical  nature  ^ 
to  be  corporeal,  moreover  he  doubts  that 
there  will  be  a  reign  of  the  righteous  on 
earth  for  a  thousand  years  after  the  resur- 
rection, or  that  there  will  be  two  resurrec- 
tions of  the  dead  in  the  flesh,  one  of  the 
righteous  and  the  other  of  the  unrighteous, 
but  maintains  that  there  will  be  one  simul- 
taneous resurrection  of  all,  at  which  shall 
arise  even  the  aborted  and  the  deformed 
lest  any  living  human  being,  however  de- 
formed, should  be  lost.  He  makes  such  dis- 
tinction to  be  sure,  between  the  two  resur- 
rections as  to  make  the  first,  which  he  calls 
the  apocalypse  of  the  righteous,  only  to  take 
place  in  the  growth  of  the  church  where, 
justified  by  faith,  they  are  raised  from  the 
dead  bodies  of  their  sins  through  baptism  to 
the  service  of  eternal  life,  but  the  second,  the 
general  resurrection  of  all  men  in  the  flesh. 
This  man  flourished  at  the  same  period  with 
the  above  mentioned  Rufinus  during  the  reign 
of  Theodosius  and  his  sons. 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

Severus  ■*  the  presbyter,    surnamed    Sul- 

2  from  all  ofivhich  A  35  30  31  a ;  from  zvhich  e  T  Her. 

3  angelical  nature  etc.,  "  that  the  human  body  is  an  abode 
of  anij^els "  (ang;elicam  stationem  corpus  esse)  Phillott,  in 
Smith  and  Wace. 

*  Sulpicius  Severus  born  after  353,  died  about  410. 


39^ 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


pitius,  of  the  province  of  Aquitania,  a  man 
distinguished  by  his  birth,  by  his  excellent 
literary  work,  by  his  devotion  to  poverty 
and  by  his  humility,  beloved  also  of  the 
sainted  men  Martin  bishop  of  Tours  and 
Paulinus  Nolanus,  w^rote  small  books  which 
are  far  from  despicable.  He  wrote  to  his 
sister  many  Letters  exhorting  to  love  of  God 
and  contempt  of  the  world.  These  are  well 
known.  He  wrote  two  to  the  above  men- 
tioned Paulinus  Nolanus  and  others  to 
others,  but  because,  in  some,  family  matters 
are  included,  they  have  not  been  collected 
for  publication.  He  composed  also  a  Chron- 
icle^ and  wrote  also  to  the  profit  of  many, 
a  Life  of  the  holy  Martin^  monk  and  bishop, 
a  man  famous  for  signs  and  wonders  and 
virtues.*  He  also  wrote  a  Conference  between 
Postumianus  and  Gallus^  in  which  he  him- 
self acted  as  mediator  and  judge  of  the 
debate.  The  subject  matter  was  the  manner 
of  life  of  the  oriental  monks  and  of  St. 
Martin — a  sort  of  dialogue  in  two  divisions. 
In  the  first  of  these  he  mentions  a  decree  of 
the  bishops  at  the  synod  of  Alexandria  in 
his  own  time  to  the  effect  that  Origen  is  to 
be  read,  though  cautiously,  by  those  who  are 
wise,  for  the  good  that  is  in  him,  and  is  to  be 
rejected  by  the  less  able  on  account  of  the 
evil.  In  his  old  age,  he  was  led  astray  by  the 
Pelagians,  and  recognizing  the  guilt  of  much 
speaking,  kept  silent  until  his  death,  in  order 
that  by  penitent  silence  he  might  atone  for 
the  sin  which  he  had  contracted  by  speaking. 

CHAPTER   XX. 

Antiochus  ^  the  bishop,  wrote  one  long  ^ 
volume  Against  avarice  and  he  composed  a 
homily,  full  of  ^  godly  penitence  and  humil- 
ity On  the  healing  of  the  blind  man  whose 
sight  was  restored  by  the  Saviour.  He  died 
during  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Arcadius. 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

Severianus,^  bishop  of  the  church  of  Gab- 
ala,  was  learned  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  and 
a  wonderful  preacher  of  homilies.  On  this 
account  he  was  frequently  summoned  by  the 
bishop  John  and  the  emperor  Arcadius  to 
preach  a  sermon  at  Constantinople.  I  have 
read  his  Exposition  of  the  epistle  to  the 
Galatians  and  a  most  attractive  little  work 
On  baptism  and  the  feast  of  Epiphany. 
He  died  in  the  reign  of  Theodosius,  his  son 
by  baptism. 

1  Virtues  or  miracles. 

2  Bishop  of  Ptolemais  (Acre)  about  400,  died  about  408. 

*  long,    a  25  30  31 ;  great  A  T  e. 

*  full  of  A  25  30  31  a  e ;  on  T  21  Her. 

^  Severianus  of  Emesa.     Bishop  400-3,  died  after  40S. 


CHAPTER   XXII. 

NiCEAS,^  ^  bishop  of  the  city  of  Romatia^ 
composed,  in  simple  and  clear  language,  six 
books  of  Instruction  for  neophites.  The 
first  of  these  contains.  How  candidates  who 
seek  to  obtain  grace  of  baptism  ought  to  act, 
the  second,  On  the  errors  of  relationship,  in 
which  he  relates  that  not  far  from  his  own 
time  a  certain  Melodius,  father  of  a  family, 
on  account  of  his  liberality  and  Garadius  ^  a 
peasant,  on  account  of  his  bravery,  were 
placed,  by  the  heathen,  among  the  gods.  A 
third  book  On  faith  in  one  sovereign^  a 
fourth  Against  genealogy.!^  a  fifth  On  the 
creed^  a  sixth  On  the  sacrifice  of  the  pas- 
chal lamb.  He  addressed  a  work  also  To 
the  fallen  virgin.,  an  incentive  to  amend- 
ment for  all  who  have  fallen. 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 

Olympius  ^  the  bishop,  a  Spaniard  by 
nationality,  wrote  a  book  of  faith  against 
those  who  blame  nature  and  not  the  will, 
showing  that  evil  was  introduced  into  nature 
not  by  creation  but  by  disobedience. 

CHAPTER   XXIV. 

Bachiarius,®  a  Christian  philosopher, 
prompt  and  ready  and  minded  to  devote  his 
time  to  God,  chose  travel  as  a  means  of  pre- 
serving the  integrity  of  his  purpose.  He 
is  said  to  have  published  acceptable  small 
works  but  I  have  only  read  one  of  them,  a 
work  On  faith.,  in  which  he  justified  him- 
self to  the  chief  priest  of  the  city,  defending 
himself  against  those  who  complained  and 
misrepresented  his  travel,  and  asserting  that 
he  undertook  his  travel  not  through  fear  of 
men  but  for  the  sake  of  God,  that  going 
forth  from  his  land  and  kindred  he  might 
become  a  co-heir  with  Abraham  the  patri- 
arch. 

CHAPTER   XXV. 

Sabbatius,^  bishop  of  the  Galilean 
province,  at  the  request  of  a  certain  virgin,, 
chaste  and  devoted  to  Christ,  Secunda  by 
name,  composed  a  book  On  faith  against 
Marcion   and  Valentinus    his    teacher,    also 


1  Nicetas  Bishop  of  **  Remessianen  "  or  Romaciana  or 
Remetiana  in  Dacia  before  392,  died  after  414. 

2  T  and  31  read  Niceta  or  JVicetas,  but  other  mss;  Niceas 
and  so  Fabricius  and  Her. 

3  Garadius  A  T  31  a  e;  Gadarius  25  30  Her. 
*  Genealogy  T  25  30  21 ;  genethlogiam  31  a  e. 
5  Bishop  of  Barcelona  about  316.  . 

*^  A  Spanish  bishop.     Flourished  about  400. 

''  St.  Servais,  Bishop  of  Tonsres  338,  died  at  Maestricht  3S4. 
The  patron  saint  of  Maestricht.  Supposed  by  soire  to  be 
the  same  as  Phebadius  (F'aegadius,  Phaebadius,  Segatius,. 
Sabadius  Phitadius  (called  in  Gascony  Fiari)  ?  bishop  ol 
Agen.     Flourished  440  (Cave). 


GENNADIUS. 


391 


against  Eunomius  and  his  Master  Aetius, 
showing,  both  by  reason  and  by  testimony 
of  the  Scriptures,  that  the  origin  of  the  deity 
is  one,  that  the  Author  of  his  eternity  and 
the  Creator  of  the  earth  out  of  nothing, 
are  one  and  the  same,  and  likewise  concern- 
ing Christ,  that  he  did  not  appear  as  man 
in  a  phantasm  but  had  real  tlesh  through 
which  eating,  drinking,  weary  and  weeping, 
suffering,  dying,  rising  again  he  was  demon- 
strated to  be  man  indeed.  For  Marcion  and 
Valentinus  had  been  opposed  to  these 
opinions  asserting  that  the  origin  of  Deity 
is  twofold  and  that  Christ  came  in  a  phan- 
tasm. To  Aetius  indeed  and  Eunomius  his 
disciple,  he  showed  that  the  Father  and  Son 
are  not  of  two  natures  and  equal  in  divinity 
but  of  one  essence  and  the  one  from  the  other, 
that  is  the  Son  from  the  Father,  the  one 
coeternal  with  the  other,  which  belief  Aetius 
and  Eunomius  opposed. 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Isaac'  wrote  On  the  Holy  Trinity  and  a 
book  On  the  incarnation  of  the  Lord^  writ- 
ing in  a  very  obscure  style  of  argument  and 
involved  language,  maintaining  that  three 
persons  exist  in  one  Deity,  in  such  wise  that 
any  thing  may  be  peculiar  to  each  which 
another  does  not  have,  that  is  to  say,  that 
the  Father  has  this  peculiarity  that  He, 
himself  without  source,  is  the  source  of 
others,  that  the  Son  has  this  peculiarity, 
that,  begotten.  He  is  not  posterior  to  the 
begetter,  that  the  Holy  Spirit  has  this  pe- 
culiarity, that  He  is  neither  made  nor  be- 
gotten but  nevertheless  is  from  another.  Of 
the  incarnation  of  the  Lord  indeed,  he 
writes  that  the  person  of  the  Son  of  God  is 
believed  to  be  one,  while  yet  there  are  two 
natures  existing  in  him. 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Ursinus  ^  the  monk  wrote  against  those 
who  say  that  heretics  should  be  rebaptized, 
teaching"'  that  it  is  not  legitimate  nor  hon- 
ouring God,  that  those  should  be  rebaptized 
who  have  been  baptized  either  in  the  name 
of  Christ  alone  or  in  the  name  of  the  Father 
and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  though 
the  formula  has  been  used  in  a  vitiated  sense. 
He  considers  that  after  the  simple  confes- 
sion of  the  Holy  Trinity  and  of  Christ, 
the  imposition  of  the  hands  of  the  catholic 
priest  is  sufficient  for  salvation. 


1  Converted  Jew,  flourished  about3Ss. 

2  Flourished  above  440. 

3  Omit  '■'■  teaching''  e  T  31. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Macarius  '  another  monk,  wrote  at  Rome 
books  Against  the  mathetnaticians^  in 
which  labour  he  sought  the  comfort  of 
oriental  writings. 

CHAPTER   XXIX. 

Heliodorus,^  presbyter  of  Antioch,  pub- 
lished an  excellent  volume  gathered  from 
Holy  Scriptures  On  Virginity, 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

[John  ^  '^  bishop  of  Constantinople,  a  man 
of  marvelous  knowledge  and  in  sanctity  of 
life,  in  every  respect  worthy  of  imitation, 
wrote  many  and  very  useful  works  for  all 
who  are  hastening  to  divine  things.  Among 
them  are  the  following  On  compunction  of 
soul  one  book,  That  no  one  is  injured 
except  by  himself^  an  excellent  volume  In 
praise  of  the  blessed  Paul  the  apostle^  On 
the  excesses  and  ill  reputation  of  Eutropius 
a  praetorian  prefect  and  many  others,  as  I 
have  said,  which  may  be  found  by  the 
industrious.] 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Another  John,^  ^  bishop  of  Jerusalem, 
wrote  a  book  against  those  who  disparaged 
his  studies,  in  which  he  shows  that  he  follows 
the  genius  of  Origen  not  his  creed. 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

Paul  the  bishop  wrote  a  short  work  On 
penitence  in  which  he  lays  down  this  law 
for  penitents ;  that  they  ought  to  repent  for 
their  sins  in  such  manner  that  they  be  not 
beyond  measure  overwhelmed  with  despair- 
ing sadness. 

CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

Helvidius,'  a  disciple  of  Auxentius  and 
imitator  of  Symmachus,  wrote,  indeed,  with 
zeal  for  religion  but  not  according  to  knowl- 
edge, a  book,  polished  neither  in  language 
nor  in  reasoning,  a  work  in  which  he  so 
attempted  to  twist  the  meaning  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures  to  his  own  perversity,  as  to  vent- 
ure to  assert  on  their  testimony  that  Joseph 
and  Mary,  after  the  nativity  of  our  Lord, 
had  children  who  were  called  brothers  of  the 

1  Flourished  fifth  century.  2 Flourished  about  440. 

3John  Chrysostom  born  at  Antioch  about  347,  bishop  of 
Constantinople  39S,  dejiosed  403,  died  407. 

■•This  whole  paragraph  is  omitted  by  most  mss.,  thjughT 
and  21  have  it. 

^  Bishop  3S6,  died  417. 

c  John  A  25  30  31  a  e;  anotheryohn  [T  ?]  21. 

"  Fourth  century. 


39- 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


Lord.  In  reply  to  his  perverseness  Jerome, 
published  a  book  against  him,  well  filled 
with  scripture  proofs.' 

CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

Theophilus,^  bishop  of  the  church  ^  of 
Alexandria,  wrote  one  great  volume  Against 
Origen  in  which  he  condemns  pretty  nearly 
all  his  sayings  and  him«elf  likewise,  at  the 
same  time  saying  that  he  was  not  original 
in  his  views  but  derived  them  from  the 
ancient  fathers  especially  from  Heraclas,  that 
he  was  deposed  from  "*  the  office  of  presbyter 
driven  from  the  church  and  compelled  to 
fly  from  the  city.  He  also  wrote  Against 
the  Anthropo7norphites^  heretics  who  say 
that  God  has  the  human  form  and  members, 
confuting  in  a  long  discussion  and  arguing 
by  testimonies  of  Divine  Scripture  and  con- 
vincing. He  shows  that,  according  to  the 
belief  of  the  Fathers,  God  is  to  be  thought 
of  as  incorporal,  not  formed  with  any  sug- 
gestion of  members  at  all,  and  therefore 
there  is  nothing  like  Him  among  created 
things  in  substance,  nor  has  the  incorrupti- 
bility nor  unchangeableness  nor  incorporeal- 
ity  of  his  nature  been  given  to  any  one  but 
that  all  intellectual  natures  are  corporeal,  all 
corruptible,  all  mutable,  that  He  alone 
should  not  be  subject  to  corruptibility  or 
changeableness,  who  alone  has  immortality 
and  life.  Likewise  the  return  of  the  paschal 
feast  which  the  great  council  at  Nicea  had 
found  would  take  place  after  ninety  years  at 
the  same  time,  the  same  month  and  day 
adding  some  observations  on  the  festival  and 
explanations  he  gave  to  the  emperor  Theo- 
dosius.  I  have  read  also  three  books  On 
faith^  whicli  bear  his  name  but,  as  their 
language  is  not  like  his,  I  do  not  very  much 
think  they  are  by  him. 

CHAPTER   XXXV. 

EusEBius  ^  wrote  On  the  mystery  of  our 
Lord's  cross  and  the  faithfulness  of  the 
apostles,  and  especially  of  Peter,  gained  by 
virtue  of  the  cross. 

CHAPTER   XXXVI. 

ViGiLANTius,^  a  citizen  of  Gaul,  had  the 
church  of  Barcelona.  He  wrote  also  wdth 
some  zeal  for  religion  but,  overcome  by  the 
desire  for  human  praise  and  presuming 
above  his  strength,  being  a  man  of  polished 
language  but  not  practised  in  the  meaning  of 

1  In  reply     .     .     .    proofs  A  T  2<  30  21  ;  omit  e  31  a. 

2  Bishop  385,  died  412.        3  Church  T  21  ;  city  A  25  30  31  a. 
^deposed  25  31  a  e  ?;  elect  A  30;  stripped oj  T. 

6  Bishop  ofMilan  451,  died  462. 

*  At  Jerusalem  394,  heretic  about  404. 


Scriptures,  he  expounded  the  vision  of 
Daniel  in  a  perverted  sense  and  said  other 
frivolous  things  which  are  necessarily  men- 
tioned in  a  catalogue  of  heretics.  [To  him 
also  the  blessed  Jerome  the  presbyter  re- 
sponded.] ' 

CHAPTER   XXXVII. 

SiMPLiciANUS,^  the  bishop,  exhorted  Au- 
gustine then  presbyter,  in  many  letters,  that 
he  should  exercise  his  genius  and  take  time 
for  exposition  of  the  Scriptures  that,  as  it 
were,  a  new  Ambrosius,  the  task  master  of 
Origen  might  appear.  Wherefore  also  he 
sent  to  him  many  examinations  of  scriptures. 
There  is  also  an  epistle  of  his  of  Questions 
in  which  he  teaches  by  asking  questions  as 
if  wishing  to  learn. 

CHAPTER   XXXVIII. 

ViGiLius^  the  bishop  wrote  to  one  Simpli- 
cianus  a  small  book  In  praise  of  martyrs 
and  an  epistle  containing  the  acts  of  the 
martyrs  in  his  time  among    the  barbarians. 

CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

Augustine,'*  of  Africa,  bishop  of  Hippore- 
gensis,  a  man  renowned  throughout  the  world 
for  learning  both  sacred  and  secular,  un- 
blemished in  the  faith,  pure  in  life,  wrote 
works  so  many  that  they  cannot  all  be 
gathered.  For  who  is  there  that  can  boast 
himself  of  having  all  his  works,  or  who 
reads  with  such  diligence  as  to  read  all 
he  has  written?  ^  As  an  old  man  even,  he 
published  fifteen  books  On  the  Trinity 
which  he  had  begun  as  a  young  man.  In 
which,  as  scripture  says,  brought  into  the 
chamber  of  the  king  and  adorned  with  the 
manifold  garment  of  the  wisdom  of  God,  he 
exhibited  a  church  not  having  spot  or 
wrinkle  or  any  such  thing.  In  his  work 
On  the  incarnation  of  the  Lord  also  he 
manifested  a  peculiar  piety.  On  the  resur- 
rection of  the  dead  he  wrote  with  equal  sin- 
cerity, and  left  it  to  the  less  able  to  raise 
doubts  respecting  abortions.* 


6   7 


1  to  him     .     .     .     responded  A  Her.;  omit  T  25  30  31  a  e. 

2  Bishop  of  Milan  397,  died  400. 

3  Bishop  of  Trent  38S,  died  405. 

*  Born  at  Tagaste  354,  baptized  atj  Milan  387,  bishop  of 
Hippo  395,  died  430. 

■>  all  he  has -written  e  T  A  30  31  a  Her.;  25  Fabr.  add 
"wherefore  on  account  of  his  much  speaking  Solomon's  say- 
ing came  true  that  ' /«  the  multitude  of  words  there  wanteth 
not  sin.^  "  This  expression  in  the  editions  has  been  the  ground 
of  much  comment  on  Gennadius'  Semi-pelagian  bias,  but  it 
almost  certainly  does  not  represent  the  original  form  of  the 
text. 

'^Abortions  "That  abortions  .  .  .  shall  rise  again  I 
make  bold  neither  to  affirm  nor  to  deny  "  Augustine  De  civ. 
Dei.  22,  13. 

7^  T  31  end  thus ;  A  omits  and  left  .  .  .  abortions  but 
adds  a  few  lines  of  other  matter;  e  adds  differing  matter;  a 
adds  remained  a  catholic:  30  adds  remained  a  catholic  and  died 
in  the  same  city  —  the  city  -which  is  still  called  Hypporegensis; 
while  25  adds  a  vast  amount. 


GENNADIUS. 


0  Jj 


CHAPTER   XL. 

Orosius,'  a  Spanish  presbyter,  a  man 
most  eloquent  and  learned  in  history,  wrote 
eight  books  against  those  enemies  of  the 
Christians  who  say  that  the  decay  of  the 
liouiau  State  was  caused  by  the  Chris- 
tian religion.  In  these  rehearsing  the  ca- 
lamities and  miseries  and  disturbances  of 
wars,  of  pretty  much  the  whole  world  from 
the  creation  ^  lie  shows  that  the  Roman  Em 
pire  owed  to  the  Christian  religion  its  un- 
deserved continuance  and  the  state  of  peace 
which  it  enjoyed  for  the  worship  of  God. 

In  the  first  book  he  described  the  world 
situated  within  the  ever  flowing  stream  of 
Oceanus  and  intersected  by  the  Tana  is,  giv- 
ing the  situations  of  places,  the  names, 
number  and  customs  of  nations,  the  charac- 
teristics of  various  regions,  the  wars  begun 
and  the  formation  of  empires  sealed  with  the 
blood  of  kinsmen. 

This  is  the  Orosius  who,  sent  by  Augus- 
tine to  Hieronymus  to  teach  the  nature  of 
the  soul,  returning,  was  the  first  to  bring  to 
the  West  relics  of  the  blessed  Stephen  the 
first  martyr  then  recently  found.  He  flour- 
ished almost  ^  at  the  end  of  the  reign  of  the 
emperor  Honorius. 

CHAPTER  XLI. 

Maximus,'*  bishop  of  the  church  at  Turin, 
a  man  fairly  industrious  in  the  study  of  the 
Holy  Scripture,  and  good  at  teaching  the 
people  extemporaneously,  composed  treatises 
In  praise  of  the  apostles  and  John  the 
Baptist^  and  a  Homily  on  all  the  77iartyrs. 
Moreover  he  wrote  many  acute  comments  on 
passages  from  the  Gospels  and  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles.  He  wrote  also  two  treatises, 
On  the  life''  of  Saint  Eusebius^  bishop  of 
Vercelli,  and  confessor,  and  Oii  Saint  Cyp- 
rian^ and  published  a  monograph  On  the 
grace  of  baptism.  I  have  read  his  On 
avarice.,  On  hospitality.,  On  the  eclipse  of 
the  fnoon.,  On  almsgiving .,  Oit  the  saying 
in  Isaiah .1  Your  winedealers  mix  wine  with 
water .f  On  Our  Lord's  Passion^  A  general 
treatise  On  fasting  by  the  servants  of  God^ 
On  the  quadragesimal  fast  in  particular, 
and  That  there  should  be  no  jestirg  on 
fast  day.,  On  Judas^  the  betrayer,  07i  Our 
Lord's  cross.,  O^t  His  sepulchre.,  On  His 
resurrection.,  On  the   accusation  and  trial 

1  Paulus  Orosius  of  Tarragon,  tlie  historian,  flourished 
about  413  or  417.  His  history  was  begun  after  416  and  fin- 
ished in  417. 

2/rcw/  the  creation  ("  from  the  whole  period  of  the  earth  ") 
A  25  ^o  31  a  e ;  omit  T  21  Her. 

3  almost  25  30  31  a  e;  omit  T  A  Her. 

4  Maximus  of  X^'ercelli,  bishop  of  Turin  about  415,  died  466- 
470. 

5  omit  life  A  30  a. 


of  Our  Lord  before  Po7itius  Pilate.,  On  the 
Kalends  of  January.,  a  homily  On  the  day 
of  Our  Lord' s  Nativity.,  also  homilies  On 
Epiphany^  On  the  Passover^  On  Pentecost, 
many  also.  On  havi)ig  no  fear  of  carnal 
foes.,  On  giving  thanks  after  meat.,  On 
the  repentance  of  tJie  Ninivites.,  and  other 
homilies  of  his,  published  '  on  various  occa- 
sions, whose  names  I  do  not  remember. 
He  died  in  the  reign  of  Honorius  and 
Theodosius  the  younger. 

CHAPTER  XLII. 

Petronius,^  bishop  of  Bologna  in  Italy  ^ 
a  man  of  holy  life  and  from  his  youth  prac- 
tised in  monastic  studies,  is  reputed  to  have 
written  the  Lives  of  the  Fathers.,  to  wit  of 
the  Egyptian  monks,  a  w^ork  which  the 
monks  accept  as  the  mirror  and  pattern  of 
their  profession.  I  have  read  a  treatise 
which  bears  his  name  On  the  ordination  of 
bishops.,  a  work  full  of  good  reasoning  and 
notable  for  its  humility,  but  whose  pol- 
ished style  shows  it  not  lo  have  been  his,  but 
perhaps,  as  some  say,  the  work  of  his 
father  Petronius,^  a  man  of  great  eloquence 
and  learned  in  secular  literature.  This  I 
think  is  to  be  accepted,  for  the  author  of  the 
work  describes  himself  as  a  praetorian  pre- 
fect. He  died  in  the  reign  of  Theodosius 
and  Valentinianus. 

CHAPTER   XLIII. 

Pelagius^  the  heresiarch,  before  he  was 
proclaimed  a  heretic  wrote  works  of  practi- 
cal value  for  students :  three  books  On 
belief  in  the  Trinity.,  and  one  book  of 
Selections  from  Holy  Scriptures  bearing 
on  the  Christian  life.  This  latter  was 
preceded  by  tables  of  contents,  after  the 
model  of  Saint  Cyprian  the  martyr.  After 
he  was  proclaimed  heretic,  however,  he 
wrote  works  bearing  on  his  heresy. 

CHAPTER   XLIV. 

Innocent  I  us, ^  bishop  of  Rome,  wrote 
the  decree  which  the  Western  churches 
passed  against  the  Pelagians  and  which  his 
successor.  Pope  Zosimus,  afterwards  widely 
promulgated. 

CHAPTER   XLV. 

Caelestius,'  before  he  joined  Pelagius, 
while  yet  a  very  young  man,    wrote  to  his 

1  published  T  30  21  Her. ;  delivered  A  25  31  a  e. 

2  Bishop  of  Bologna  430,  died  before  350. 

3  in  Italy  A  30  31  a  e;  omit  T  25  21  Her. 
■•  Petrositis  A  25  30  31  ;   omit  T  a?. 

B  At  Rome  about  400,  at  Carthage  411,  heretic  417. 
c  Bishop  or  *'  Pope  "  402,  died  417. 
■^  Heretic  412-417. 


;94 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


parents  three  epistles  On  monastic  llfe^  writ- 
ten as  short  books,  and  containing  moral  max- 
ims suited  to  every  one  who  is  seeking  God, 
containinor  no  trace  of  the  fault  which  after- 
wards  appeared  but  wholly  devoted  to  the 
encouragement  of  virtue. 

CHAPTER   XLVI. 

JuLiANUS  *  the  bishop,  a  man  of  vigorous 
character,  learned  in  the  Divine  Scriptures, 
and  proficient  both  in  Greek  and  Latin,  was, 
before  he  disclosed  his  participation  in  the 
ungodliness  of  Pelagius,  distinguished  among 
the  doctors  of  the  church.  But  afterwards, 
trying  to  defend  the  Pelagian  heresy,  he 
wrote  four  books.  Against  Augustine^  the 
opponent  of  Pelagius,  and  then  again,  eight 
books  more.  There  is  also  a  book  contain- 
ing a  discussion,  where  each  defends  his 
side. 

This  Julianus,  in  time  of  famine  and 
want,  attracting  many  through  the  alms 
which  he  gave,  and  the  glamour  of  virtue, 
which  they  cast  around  him,  associated  them 
with  him  in  his  heresy.  He  died  during  the 
reign  of  Valentinianus,  the  son  of  Con- 
stantius. 

CHAPTER   XLVH. 

LuciANUS  ^  the  presbyter,  a  holy  man  to 
whom,  at  the  time  when  Honorius  and 
Theodosius  were  Emperors,  God  revealed 
the  place  of  the  sepulchre  and  the  remains 
of  Saint  Stephen  the  Protomartyr,  wrote  out 
that  revelation  in  Greek,  addressing  it  to 
all  the  churches. 

CHAPTER  XLVin. 

AviTUS  ^  the  presbyter,  a  Spaniard  by 
race,  translated  the  above  mentioned  work 
of  the  presbyter  Lucianus  into  Latin,  and 
sent  it  with  his  letter  annexed,  by  the  hand 
of  Orosius  the  presbyter,  to  the  Western 
churches. 

CHAPTER   XLIX. 

Paulinus,*  bishop  of  Nola  in  Campania, 
composed  many  brief  works  in  verse,  also  a 
consolatory  work  to  Celsus  On  the  death  of  a 
christian  and  baptized  child ^  a  sort  of  epi- 
taph, well  fortified  with  christian  hope,  also 
many  Letters  to  Severus^  and  A  panegyric 
in  prose  written  before  he  became  bishop.  On 
victory  over  tyrants  which  was  addressed  to 
Theodosius  and  maintained  that  victory  lay 


1  Bishop  of  Eclanum  about  416. 

2  I.ucianus  of  Capharjaramala,  flourished  415. 

3  Avitus  of  Bra^a,  died  440. 

«  Pontius  Meropius  ( Anicius?)  Paulinus,  Born  at  Bordeaux 
353  (354?).  pupil  of  Ausonius,  baptized  before  389,  bishop 
before  410,  died  431. 


rather  in  faith  and  prayer,  than  in  arms.  He 
wrote  also  a  Sacramentary  and  HyfnnaL 

He  also  addressed  many  letters  to  his 
sister.  On  contempt  of  the  worlds  and 
published  treatises  of  different  sorts,  on 
various  occasions.' 

The  most  notable  of  all  his  minor  works, 
are  the  works  On  7'epentance^  and  A  general 
panegyric  of  all  the  martyrs.  He  lived  in 
the  reign  of  Honorius  and  Valentinianus, 
and  was  distinguished,  not  only  for  erudi- 
tion ^  and  holiness  of  life,  but  also  for  his 
ability  to  cast  out  demons. 

CHAPTER    L. 

EuTROPius,^  the  presbyter,  wrote  to  two 
sisters,  handmaids  of  Christ,  who  had  been 
disinherited  by  their  parents  on  account  of 
their  devotion  to  chastity  and  their  love  for 
religion,  two  Consolatory  letters  in  the  form 
of  small  books,  written  in  polished  and 
clear  language  and  fortified  not  only  by 
argument,  but  also  by  testimonies  from  the 
Scriptures. 

CHAPTER   LI. 

Another  Evagrius  *  wrote  a  Discussion 
between  Simon  the  Jew  and  Theophilus 
the  Christian.,  a  work  which  is  very  well 
known. 

CHAPTER  LH. 

ViGiLius  ^  the  deacon,  composed  out  of 
the  traditions  of  the  fathers  a  Rule  for 
?nonks.)  which  is  accustomed  to  be  read  in 
the  monastery  for  the  profit  of  the  assembled 
monks.  It  is  written  in  condensed  and  clear 
language  and  covers  the  whole  range  of 
monastic  duties. 

CHAPTER  LIIL 

Atticus  ^  bishop  of  Constantinople,  wrote 
to  the  princess  daughters '  of  the  Emperor 
Arcadius,  On  faith  and  virginity .^  a  most 
excellent  work,  in  which  he  attacks  by  antic^ 
ipation  the  Nestorian  doctrine. 

CHAPTER  LIV. 

Nestorius^  ^  the  heresiarch,  was  regarded^ 
while  presbyter  of  the  church  at  Antioch,  as 
a  remarkable  extemporaneous  teacher,'"  and 


1  on  various  occasions  is  omitted  by  T  31  e. 

2  erudition  A  T  31  a  e  21 ;  observation  25  30  Her. 

3  Pupil  of  Augustine  about  430. 

4  Pupil  of  St.  "Martin  of  Tours  405. 

5  Flourished  about   430. 

6  Bishop  of  Constantinople  406,  died  425. 

7  Daughters  Pulcheria  and  her  sisters. 

s  Bishop  of  Constantinople  42S,   deposed  431,   died  in  the 
Thebaid  about  439. 

0  Nestorius  25  30  Her;  Nestor  A  T  31  a  e  21. 
10  teacher  A  T  30  31  a  e;  omit  25  Her. 


GENNADIUS. 


395 


composed  a  great  many  treatises  on  various 
^uestions^  into  which  aheady  at  that  time  ' 
he  infused  that  subtle  evil,  which  afterwards 
became  the  poison  of  acknowledged  impiety, 
veiled  meanwhile  by  moral  exhortation.  But 
afterwards,  when  commended  by  his  elo- 
quence and  abstemiousness  he  had  been 
made  pontiff  of  the  church  at  Constantino- 
ple, showing  openly  what  he  had  for  a  long 
while  concealed,  he  became  a  declared  enemy 
of  the  church,  and  wrote  a  bookO;^  the  incar- 
nation of  the  Lord^  formed  of  sixty-two 
passages  from  Divine  Scripture,  used  in  a 
perverted  meaning.  What  he  maintained  in 
this  book  may  be  found  in  the  catalogue  of 
heretics. 

CHAPTER  LV. 

Caelestinus,^  bishop  of  Rome,  addressed 
a  volume  to  the  churches  of  the  East  and 
West,  giving  an  account  of  the  decree  of  the 
synod  against  the  above  mentioned  Nestorius 
and  maintaining  that  while  there  are  two 
complete  natures  in  Christ,  the  person  of  the 
Son  of  God  is  to  be  regarded  as  single. 
The  above  mentioned  Nestorius  was  shown 
to  be  opposed  to  this  view.  Xystus  likewise, 
the  successor  of  Caelestinus,  wrote  on  the 
same  subject  and  to  the  same  Nestorius  and 
the  Eastern  bishops,  giving  the  views  of 
the   Western   bishops   against  his   error. 

CHAPTER  LVI. 

Theodotus,^  *  bishop  of  Ancyra  in  Gala- 
tia,  while  at  ^  Ephesus,  wrote  against  Nes- 
torius a  work  of  defence  and  refutation,® 
written,  to  be  sure,  in  dialectic  st\de,  but  in- 
terwoven with  passages  from  the  Holy  Script- 
ures. His  method  was  to  make  statements 
and  then  quote  proof  texts  from  the  Script- 
ures. 

CHAPTER  LVII. 

Fastidius,'  bishop   in    Britain,    wrote   to 
one  Fatalis,  a  book  On  the    Christian  life^ 
and    another    On    preserving  the  estate  of 
virginity^^  a    work   full  of   sound    doctrine, 
and  doing  honour  to  God. 

CHAPTER  LVIH. 

Cyril, ^  bishop  of  the  church  at  Alexan- 
dria, published  various  treatises  on  various 
Questions ^2^\\iS.  also  composed  many  homilies, 

'  at  that  time  A  T  a  e ;  omit  25  30  31 . 

8  Bishop  (Pope)  of  Rome  422,  died  432. 

STheodotus  Bishop  of  Ancyra  431-S. 

4  Theodotus  T  ?  a  e;    Theodonis  a  25  30  31  Fabr.  Her. 

c  7vhile  fl/  T  31  e  21  ;  zvhile  formerly  at  25  30  a  A  ?. 

c  and  refutation  A  25  30  a ;  omit  T  31  e  21. 

^  Flourished  420. 

8  virginity  T  31  c  21  *,  -widowhood  A  2C  30  a  Fabr.  Her. 

*  Born  about  3*76,  bishop  of  Alexandria  412,  died  444. 


which  are  recommended  for  preaching  by 
the  Greek  bishops.  Other  books  of  his  are  ; 
Oil  the  downfall  of  the  synagog?ie^  On 
faith  against  the  heretics^  and  a  work 
directed  especially  againgt  Nestorius  and 
entitled,  A  Refutation^  in  which  all  the 
secrets  of  Nestorius  are  exposed  and  his 
published  opinions   are  refuted. 

CHAPTER  LIX. 

TiMOTHEUS,'  the  bishop  composed  a  book 
On  the  nativity  of  Our  Lord  according  to 
the  fleshy  which  is  supposed  to  have  been 
written  at  Epiphany. 

CHAPTER  LX. 

Leporius,^  formerly  monk  afterwards 
presbyter,  relying  on  purity,^  through  his 
own  free  will  and  unaided  effort,  instead  of 
depending  on  the  help  of  God,  began  to  follow 
the  Pelagian  doctrine.  But  having  been  ad- 
monished by  the  Gallican*  doctors,  and  cor- 
rected by  Augustine  in  Africa,  he  wrote  a 
book  containing  his  retraction,  in  which  he 
both  acknowledges  his  error  and  returns 
thanks  for  his  correction.  At  the  same  time 
in  correction  of  his  false  view  of  the  incar- 
nation of  Christ,  he  presented  the  Catholic 
view,  acknowledging  the  single  person  of 
the  Son  of  God,  and  the  two  natures  existing 
in  Christ  in  his  substance." 

CHAPTER  LXI. 

VicTORiNUS,^  a  rhetorician  of  Marseilles, 
wrote  to  his  son  Etherius,  a  commentary  On 
Genesis^  commenting,  that  is,  from  the 
beginning  of  the  book  to  the  death  of  the  pa- 
triarch Abraham,  and  published  four®  books 
in  verse,  words  which  have  a  savour  of  piety 
indeed,  but,  in  that  he  was  a  man  busied 
with  secular  literature  and  quite  untrained 
in  the  Divine  Scriptures,  they  are  of  slight 
weight,  so  far  as  ideas  are  concerned. 

He  died  in  the  reign  of  Theodosius  and 
Valentinianus. 

CHAPTER    LXn. 

Cassianus,'  a  Scythian  by  race,  ordained 
deacon  by  bishop  John  the  Great,  at  Con- 
stantinople, and  a  presbyter  at  Marseilles, 
founded  two  monasteries,  that  is  to  sav  one 
for  men  and  one  for   women,  which  are  still 


» From  position  evidently  flourished  before  450. 
2  Flourished  41S-430. 

'•purity  T  31  a  e  21  \  purity  of  life  A  2^  30. 
*  in  /its  substance  A  T  30  31  a  e  21  ;  omit  25  Her. 
^Claudius  Marins  Victor  (Victorius  or  Victorinus)  of  Mar- 
seilles died  445. 


^'four  A  T  31  a  e;  three  25  30. 
^Johannes  Caesianus  died  450. 


\96 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


standing.  He  wrote  from  experience,  and 
in  forcible  language,  or  to  speak  more  clearly, 
with  meaning  back  of  his  words,  and  action 
back  of  his  talk.  He  covered  the  whole 
field  of  practical  directions,  for  monks  of  all 
sorts,  in  the  following  works:  On  dress^ 
also  On  the  canon  of  prayers^  and  the 
Usage  in  the  saying  of  Psalms^  (for  these 
in  the  Egyptian  monasteries,  are  said  day 
and  night),  three  books.  One  of  histitutes^ 
eight  books  On  the  origin^  nature  and 
remedies  for  the  eight  principal  sins^  a 
book  on  each  sin.  He  also  compiled  Con- 
ferences with  the  Egyptian  fathers,  as  fol- 
lows :  On  the  aim  of  a  monk  and  his  creed. 
On  discretion^  On  three  vocatio?is  to  the 
service  of  God^  On  the  warfare  of  the  fesh 
against  the  spirit  and  the  spirit  against  the 
fleshy  On  the  nattire  of  all  sins^  On  the 
slaughter  of  the  saints^  On  fckleness  oj 
mind^  On  principalities^  On  the  nature  oJ 
prayer^  On  the  duration  of  prayer^  On  per- 
fect io7t^  On  chastity^  On  the  protection  of 
God^  On  the  knowledge  of  spiritual  thijigs^ 
On  the  Divine  graces^  On  frieiidship^  On 
whether  to  define  or  not  to  define^  On 
three  ancient  kinds  of  monks  and  a  fourth 
recently  arisen^  On  the  object  of  cenobites 
and  hertnits^  On  true  satisfaction  in 
repe7ttance^  On  the  remission  of  the  ^uin- 
quagesimal  fast ^  On  nocturnal  illusions^  On 
the  saying  of  the  apostles^  ''  For  the  good 
which  I  would  do^  I  do  not^  but  the  evil 
which  I  would  not ^  that  I  do^^^  On  mortifica- 
tion^ and  finally  at  the  request  of  Leo  the 
archdeacon,  afterwards  bishop  of  Rome, 
he  wrote  seven  books  against  Nestorius,  On 
the  iitcarnation  of  the  Lord^  and  writing 
this,  made  an  end,  both  of  writing  and  living, 
at  Marseilles,  in  the  reign  of  Theodosius  and 
Valentinianus. 

CHAPTER   LXni. 

Philip/  the  presbyter  Jerome's  best  pupil, 
published  a  Commentary  on  fob^  written  in 
an  unaffected  style.  I  have  read  his  Familiar 
letters^  exceedingly  witty,  exhorting  the  en- 
durance of  poverty  and  sufierings.  He  died 
in  the  reign  of  Martianus  and  Avitus. 

CHAPTER   LXIV. 

EucHERius,^  bishop  of  the  church  at 
Lyons,  wrote  to  his  relative  Valerianus,  On 
contempt  for  the  world  and  worldly  philos- 
ophy^ a  single  letter,  written  in  a  style  which 
shows  sound  learning  and  reasoning.  He 
wrote  also  to  his  sons,  Salonius  and  Veran- 
ius,  afterward  bishops,  a  discussion    On  cer- 


1  Died  about  455. 


2  Bishop  about  435,  died  450. 


tain  obscure  passages  of  Holy  Scriptures^ 
and  besides,  revising  and  condensing  certain 
works  of  Saint  Cassianus,  he  compressed 
them  into  one  volume,  and  wrote  other 
works  suited  to  ecclesiastical  or  monastic 
pursuits.  He  died  in  the  reign  of  Valen- 
tinianus and  Martianus. 

CHAPTER   LXV. 

ViNCENTius,'  the  Gaul,  presbyter  in  the 
Monastery  on  the  Island  of  Lerins,  a  man 
learned  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  very  well 
informed  in  matters  of  ecclesiastical  doctrine, 
composed  a  powerful  disputation,  written  in 
tolerably  finished  and  clear  language,  which, 
suppressing  his  name,  he  entitled  Peregrinus 
against  heretics.  The  greater  part  of  the 
second  book  of  this  work  having  been  stolen, 
he  composed  a  brief  reproduction  of  the  sub- 
stance of  the  original  work,  and  published  in 
one  [book].  He  died  in  the  reign  of  Theo- 
dosius and  Valentinianus- 

CHAPTER   LXVI. 

Syagrius^  wrote  On  faith.,  against  the 
presumptuous  words,  which  heretics  assume 
for  the  purpose  of  destroying  or  superseding 
the  names  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  for  they  say 
that  the  Father  ought  not  to  be  called  Father, 
lest  the  name,  Son  should  harmonize  with 
that  of  Father,  but  that  he  should  be  called 
the  Unbegotten  or  the  Imperishable  and  the 
Absolute,  in  order  that  whatever  may  be 
distinct  from  Him  in  person,  may  also  be 
separate  in  nature,  showing  that  the  Father, 
who  is  unchangeable  in  nature  may  be  called 
the  Unbegotten,  though  the  Scripture  may  not 
call  Him  so,  that  the  person  of  the  Son  is 
begotten  from  Him,  not  made,  and  that  the 
person  of  the  Holy  Spirit  proceeds  from  Him 
not  begotten,  and  not  made.  Under  the 
name  of  this  Syagrius  I  found  seven  books, 
entitled  On  Faith  and  the  rules  of  Faith., 
but  as  they  did  not  agree  in  style,  I  did  not 
believe  they  were  written  by  him. 

CHAPTER   LXVII. 

Isaac, ^  presbyter  of  the  church  at  Antioch, 
whose  many  works  cover  a  long  period,  wrote 
in  Syriac  especially  against  the  Nestorians  and 
Eutychians.  He  lamented  the  downfall  of 
Antioch  in  an  elegiac  poem,  taking  up  the 
same  strain  that  Ephraim,  the  deacon, 
sounded  on  the  downfall  of  Nicomedia.  He 
died  during  the  reign  of  Leo  and  Majorianus. 

1  Presbjrter  434,  died  before  450. 

2  Syagrius  of  Lyons,  died  4S6. 

3  Isaac  of  Amida  (Diarbekir)  presbyter  died  about  460. 


GENNADIUS. 


397 


CHAPTER    LXVIII. 

Salvianus/  presbyter  of  Marseilles,  well 
informed  both  in  secular  and  in  sacred  litera- 
ture, and  to  speak  without  invidiousness,  a 
master  among  bishops,  wrote  many  things 
in  a  scholastic  and  clear  style,  of  which  I 
have  read  the  following  :  four  books  On  the 
Excellence  of  virginity^  to  Marcellus  the 
presbyter,  three  books  Against  avarice^  five 
books  On  the  present  judgment^^  and  one 
book  On  punishment  according  to  desert^ 
addressed  to  Salonius  the  bishop,  also  one 
book  of  Commentary  on  the  latter  part  of  the 
book  of  Ecclesiastes^  addressed  to  Claudius 
bishop  of  Vienne,  one  book  of  Epistles.^ 
He  also  composed  one  book  in  verse  after 
the  Greek  fashion,  a  sort  of  Hexaemeron^ 
covering  the  period  from  the  beginning  of 
Genesis  to  the  creation  of  man,  also  many 
Homilies  delivered  to  the  bishops,  and  I  am 
sure  I  do  not  know  how  many  On  the  sacra- 
ments.  He  is  still  living  at  a  good  old 
age. 

CHAPTER   LXIX. 

Paulinus  "    composed    treatises     On    the 
beginning  of  the  Quadragesimal^  of  which 
I  have  read  two.  On  the  Passover  Sabbath^ 
On    obedience^     On    penitence^     On    neo- 
phytes, 

CHAPTER  LXX. 

Hilary,*  bishop  of  the  church  at  Aries,  a 
man  learned  in  Holy  Scriptures,  was  de- 
voted to  poverty,  and  earnestly  anxious  to 
live  in  narrow  circumstances,  not  only  in 
religiousness  of  mind,  but  also  in  labour  of 
body.  To  secure  this  estate  of  poverty,  this 
man  of  noble  race  and  very  differently 
brought  up,  engaged  in  farming,  though  it 
was  beyond  his  strength,  and  yet  did  not  neg- 
lect spiritual  matters.  He  was  an  accept- 
able teacher  also,  and  without  regard  to 
persons  administered  correction  to  all.*  He 
published  some  few  things,  brief,  but  show- 
ing immortal  genius,  and  indicating  an  eru- 
dite mind,  as  well  as  capacity  for  vigorous 
speech  ;  among  these  that  work  which  is  of 
so  great  practical  value  to  many,  his  Life  of 
Saint  Honor atus^  his  predecessor.  He  died 
during  the  reign  of  Valentinianus  and  Mar- 
tianus. 


'  Born  about  390,  Presbyter  about  42S,  died  about  4S4. 

^  present  judgment  more  generally  known  as  Divine  Provi- 
dence (De  gubernatione  Dei.) 

^  one  book  of  epistles  a  25  30;  omit  A  T  31  e  21. 

<  From  position  evidently  flourished  about  450. 

5  Born  about  401,  bishop  429,  died  449. 

^  correction  to  all;  Her.  adds  work  of  preaching  but  has  the 
support  of  no  good  mss. 


CHAPTER    LXXI. 

Leo,'  bishop  ^  of  Rome,  wrote  a  letter 
to  Elavianus^  bishop  of  the  church  at  Con- 
stantinople, against  Eutychcs  the  presbyter, 
who  at  that  time,  on  account  of  his  ambition 
for  the  episcopate  was  trying  to  introduce 
novelties  into  the  church.  In  this  he  advises 
Flavianus,  if  Eutyches  confesses  his  error  and 
promises  amendment,  to  receive  him,  but  if 
he  should  persist  in  the  course  he  had  entered 
on,  that  he  should  be  condemned  together 
with  his  heresy.  He  likewise  teaches  in  this 
epistle  and  confirms  by  divine  testimony  that 
as  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  to  be  considered 
the  true  son  of  the  Divine  Father,  so  like- 
wise he  is  to  be  considered  true  man  with 
human  nature,  that  is,  that  he  derived  a  body 
of  flesh  from  the  flesh  of  the  virgin  and  not 
as  Eutyches  asserted,  that  he  showed  a  body 
from  heaven.^  He  died  in  the  reign  of  Leo 
and  Majorianus. 

CHAPTER  LXXn. 

MocHiMUS,*  the  Mesopotamian,  a  presby- 
ter at  Antioch,  wrote  an  excellent  book 
Against  Eutyches^  and  is  said  to  be  writing 
others,  which  I  have  not  yet  read. 

CHAPTER   LXXni. 

TiMOTHEus,"  ^  when  Proterius  '  had  been 
put  to  death  by  the  Alexandrians,  in  response 
to  popular  clamour,  willingly  or  unwillingly 
allowed  himself  to  be  made  bishop  by  a  single 
bishop  in  the  place  of  him  who  had  been  put 
to  death.  And  lest  he,  having  been  illegally 
appointed,  should  be  deservedly  deposed  at 
the  will  of  the  people  who  had  hated  Pro- 
terius, he  pronounced  all  the  bishops  of  his 
vicinity  to  be  Nestorians,  and  boldly  pre- 
suming to  wash  out  the  stain  on  his  conscience 
by  hardihood,  wrote  a  very  persuasive  book 
to  the  Emperor  Leo,  which  he  attempted  to 
fortify  by  testimonies  of  the  Fathers,  used  in 
a  perverted  sense,  so  far  as  to  show,  for  the 
sake  of  deceiving  the  emperor  and  establish- 
ing his  heresy,  that  Leo  of  Rome,  pontiff'  of 
the  city,  and  the  synod  of  Chalcedon,  and  all 
the  Western  bishops  were  fundamentally 
Nestorians.  But  by  the  grace  of  God,  the 
enemy  of  the  church  was  refuted  and  over- 
thrown at  the  Council  of  Chalcedon.  He  is 
said  to  be  living  in  exile,  still  an  heresiarch, 

1  Leo  the  Great,  Bishop  (Pope)  440,  died  461. 

^bishop:  A  30  31  e  have  pontiff'. 

3T  and  21  add  i^^ier  heaven  "  and  he  addressed  another  letter 
on  this  same  subject  to  the  Emperor  Leo  in  whose  reign  also 
he  died." 

*  Presbyter  457. 

5  Bishop  of  Alexandria  3S0,  died  3S5. 

c  Timotheus  31  c  add  Bishop  of  Alexandria. 

7  Proterius;  25  30  Fabr.  Her.  add  the  bishop. 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


and  it  is  most  likely  so.  This  book  of  his 
for  learning's  sake,  I  translated  by  request  of 
the  brethren  into  Latin  and  prefixed  a  caveat.' 

CHAPTER  LXXIV. 

Asci.EPius,^  the  African,  bishop  of  a  large 
see  ^  within  the  borders  of  Bagais,  wrote 
against  the  Arians,  and  is  said  to  be  now 
writing  against  the  Donatists.  He  is  famous 
for  his  extemporaneous  teaching. 

CHAPTER  LXXV. 

Peter,'*  presbyter  of  the  church  at  Edessa, 
a  famous  preacher,  wrote  Treatises  on  vari- 
ous subjects,  and  Hymns  after  the  manner  of 
Saint  Ephrem,  the  deacon. 

CHAPTER  LXXVI. 

Paul^  the  presbyter,  a  Pannonian  by 
nationality,  as  I  learned  from  his  own  mouth, 
wrote  On  preserving"  virginity^  and  contempt 
for  the  worlds  and  the  Ordering  of  life  or 
the  correction  of  morals^  written  in  a  medi- 
ocre style,  but  flavoured  with  divine  salt. 
The  two  books  were  addressed  to  a  certain 
noble  virgin  devoted  to  Christ,  Constantia 
by  name,  and  in  them  he  mentions  Jovinian 
the  heretic  and  preacher  of  voluptuousness 
and  lusts,  who  was  so  far  removed  from 
leading  a  continent  and  chaste  life,  that  he 
belched  forth  his  life  in  the  midst  of  luxuri- 
ous banquets.® 

CHAPTER  LXXVII. 

Pastor  '  the  bishop  composed  a  short 
work,  written  in  the  form  of  a  creed,  and 
containing  pretty  much  the  whole  round  of 
Ecclesiastical  doctrine  in  sentences.  In  this, 
among  other  heresies  which  he  anathema- 
tizes without  giving  the  names  of  their 
authors,  he  condemns  the  Priscillians  and 
their  author, 

CHAPTER  LXXVIII. 

Victor,*^  bishop  of  Cartenna  in  Mauritania, 
wrote  one  long  book  against  the  Arians, 
which  he  sent  to  king  Gensericby  his  follow- 
ers, as  I  learned  from  the  preface  to  the 
work,^  and  a  work  On  the  repentance  of  the 
publican^^"^  in  which   he   drew  up  a  rule  of 


1  This  hook  .  .  .  caveat  A  T  25  30  31  a  e  21  Fabr. ;  omit 
Migiie.  Her. 

2  Bishop  of  Bagais  (Vagen)  about  485. 

3  large  see  A  T  25  30  31  a?  e  earliest  eds.;  small  village. 
Fabr.  Migne.  Her. 

■*  Flourished  450.  ^  T  adds  several  lines. 

^  Flourished  430?.  "^  Bishop  in  Spain?  about  400. 

8  Victor  of  Cartenna  (Tenez  Afr.)  bishop  about  4?o. 

^  zohich  he  sent  .  .  .  Tvork  AT  t,o  31  e  21  Fabr.;  omit 
25  a  Her. 

"^'^  publican  Fabr.  Migne,  Her. :  On  public  peuance,  A  T  30 
31  a?  e?;  omit,  publican  25  Bamb  Bern,  the  oldert  editions. 


life  for  the  penitent,  according  to  the  author- 
ity of  Scriptures.  He  also  wrote  a  consola- 
tory work  to  one  Basilius,  On  the  death  of  a 
son^  filled  with  resurrection  hope  and  good 
counsel.  He  also  composed  many  Hofnilies., 
which  have  been  arranged  as  continuous 
works  and  are  as  I  know,  made  use  of  by 
brethren  anxious  for  their  own  salvation. 

CHAPTER  LXXIX. 

VocoNius,'  bishop  of  Castellanum  in 
Mauritania,  wrote  Against  the  enem,ies  of 
the  churchy  f^'^s^  Arians^  and  other  here- 
tics. He  composed  also  an  excellent  work 
On  the  Sacraments ^^ 

CHAPTER   LXXX. 

MusAEUS,'^  presbyter  of  the  church  at 
Marseilles,  a  man  learned  in  Divine  Script- 
ures and  most  accurate  in  their  interpreta- 
tion, as  well  as  master  of  an  excellent 
scholastic  style,  on  the  request  of  Saint 
Venerius  the  bishop,  selected  from  Holy 
Scriptures  passages  suited  to  the  various 
feast  days  of  the  year,  also  passages  from  the 
Psalms  for  responses  suited  to  the  season, 
and  the  passages  for  reading.  The  readers 
in  the  church  found  this  work  of  the  greatest 
value,  in  that  it  saved  them  trouble  and 
anxiety  in  the  selection  of  passages,  and  was 
useful  for  the  instruction  of  the  people  as 
well  as  for  the  dignity  of  the  service.  He 
also  addressed  to  Saint  Eustathius"*  the  bishop, 
successor  to  the  above  mentioned  man  of 
God,  an  excellent  and  sizable  volume,  a  Sac- 
ramentary^^  divided  into  various  sections, 
according  to  the  various  offices  and  seasons. 
Readings  and  Psalms,  both  for  reading  and 
chanting,  but  also  filled  throughout  with 
petitions  to  the  Lord,®  and  thanksgiving  for 
his  benefits.  By  this  work  we  know  him  to 
have  been  a  man  of  strong  intelligence  and 
chaste  eloquence.  He  is  said  to  have  also 
delivered  homilies,  which  are,  as  I  know, 
valued  by  pious  men,  but  which  I  have  not 
read.  He  died  in  the  reign  of  Leo  and 
Majorianus. 

CHAPTER  LXXXL 

ViNCENTius  '^  the  presbyter,  a  native  of 
Gaul,  practised  in  Divine  Scripture  and 
possessed   of  a    style  polished    by    speaking 

1  Bishop  of  Castellan  in  Mauritania  about  450. 

2  Sacraments  or  of  Sacraments  i.e.  a  Sacrementary. 
^  Died  before  461. 

4  Eustathius  31  e;  Euatasius  A  T  a.  ed.  1512;  Eusebius  25, 
30;  Eustachius  Fabr.  Migne,  Her. 

^  Sacramentary  or  Oti  the  Sacraments. 
6  the  LordT  25  30  31  a  e   God  Fabr.  Her. 
"'  Apparently  about  450. 


GENNADIUS. 


399 


and  by  wide  reading,  wrote  a  Commentary 
On  the  Psalms.  A  part  of  this  work,  he 
read  in  my  hearing,  to  a  man  of  God,  at 
Cannatae,  promising  at  the  same  time, 
that  if  the  Lord  should  spare  his  life  and 
strength,  he  would  treat  the  whole  Psalter  in 
the  same  way. 

CHAPTER  LXXXII. 

Cyrus,'  an  Alexandrian  by  race,  and  a 
physician  by  profession,  at  first  a  philosopher 
then  a  monk,  an  expert  speaker,  at  first 
wrote  elegantly  and  powerfully  against 
Nestorius,  but  afterwards,  since  he  began  to 
inveigh  against  him  too  intemperate ly  ^  and 
dealt  in  syllogism  rather  than  Scripture,  he 
began  to  foster  the  Timothean  doctrine. 
Finally  he  declined  to  accept  the  decree  of 
the  council  of  Chalcedon,  and  did  not  think 
the  doctrine  that  after  the  incarnation  the 
Son  of  God  comprehended  two  natures,  was 
to  be  acquiesced  in. 

CHAPTER  LXXXHI. 

Samuel,^  presbyter  of  the  church  at 
Edessa,  is  said  to  have  written  many  things 
in  Syriac  against  the  enemies  of  the  church, 
especially  against  the  Nestorians,  the  Euty- 
chians  and  the  Timotheans,  new  heresies 
all,  but  differing  from  one  another.  On  this 
account  he  frequently  speaks  of  the  triple 
beast,  while  he  briefly  refutes  by  the  opinion 
of  the  church,  and  the  authority  of  Holy 
Scriptures,  showing  to  the  Nestorians,  that 
the  Son  was  God  in  man,  not  simply  man 
born  of  a  Virgin,  to  the  Eutychians,  that  he 
had  true  human  flesh,  taken  on  by  God,  and 
not  merely  a  body  made  of  thick  air,  or 
shown  from  Heaven ;  to  the  Timotheans, 
that  the  Word  was  made  flesh  in  such  wise, 
that  the  Word  remains  Word  in  substance, 
and,  human  nature  remaining  human  nature, 
one  person  of  the  Son  of  God  is  produced 
by  union,  not  by  mingling.  He  is  said  to 
be  still  living  at  Constantinople,  for  at  the 
beginning  of  the  reign  of  Anthemius,  I  knew 
his  writings,  and  knew  that  he  was  in  the 
land  of  the  living. 


1  Flourished  460. 

2  since  he  began  to  invei^li  against  him  too  intemperately 
Noriinb.  and  the  eds.,  but  the  other  niss.  read  **  nevertheless  " 
inveigh  or  ^*  i7iveighs  less"  or  '■^  more"  and  '^  is  found"  ^ov 
•*  inveigh."  T  21  25  a  Wolfenb.  as^^ree  in  readings  in  ills 
■minus  invenitur  instead  of  /«  ilium  nimius  invenitur. 
Norimb  has  same  with  nimius  instead  of  minus.  The  reading- 
of  T  21  25  a  Wolfenb.  thus  reinforced  and  in  view  of  the  fact 
of  the  easy  confusion  of  minus  and  7iimius  in  transcribing-,  is 
the  most  probable  reading,  but  it  is  hard  to  decide  and  harder 
still  to  make  sense  of  it. 

3  Presbyter  467. 


CHAPTER    LXXXIV. 

Claudianus,'  presbyter  of  the  church  at 
Vienne,  a  master  speaker,  and  shrewd  in 
argument,  composed  three  books.  On  the  co7:- 
dition  aitd  substance  of  the  soul.,  in  which 
he  discusses  how  far  anything  is  incorporeal 
excepting  God. 

[He  wrote  also  some  other  things,  among 
which  are,  A  Hy?nn  07i  Our  Lord's  Passion., 
which  begins  "  Pange  lingua  gloriosi."  He 
was  moreover  brother  of  Mamertus,  bishop 
of  Vienne.]^      (^See  ?iote.) 

CHAPTER    LXXXV. 

Prosper  ^  of  Aquitania,  a  man  scholastic 
in  style  and  vigorous  in  statement,  is  said  to 
have  composed  many  works,  of  which  I 
have  read  a  Chronicle.,  which  bears  his 
name,  and  which  extends  from  the  creation 
of  the  first  man,  according  to  Divine  Script- 
ure, until  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Valenti- 
nianus  and  the  taking  of  Rome  by  Genseric 
king  of  the  Vandals.  I  regard  as  his  also 
an  anonymous  book  against  certain  works  of 
Cassianus,  which  the  church  of  God  finds 
salutary,  but  which  he  brands  as  injurious, 
and  in  fact,  some  of  the  opinions  of  Cassian 
and  Prosper  on  the  grace  of  God  and  on 
free  will  are  at  variance  with  one  another. 
Epistles  of  Pope  Leo  against  Eutyches,  On 
the  true  incarnation  of  Christ.,  sent  to 
various  persons,  are  also  thought  "*  to  have 
been  dictated  by  him. 

CHAPTER   LXXXVI. 

Faustus,*  first  abbot  of  the  monastery  at 
Lerins,  and  then  made  bishop  ^  of  Riez  in 
Gaul,  a  man  studious  of  the  Divine  Script- 
ures, taking  his  text  from  the  historic  creed 
of  the  church,  composed  a  book  0?z  the 
Holy  Spirit^  in  which  he  shows  from  the 
belief  of  the  fathers,  that  tlie  Holy  Spirit  is 
consubstantial  and  coeternal  with  the  Father 
and  the  Son,  the  fulness  of  the  Trinity  and 
therefore  God.'  He  published  also  an  ex- 
cellent work,  On  the  grace  of  God^  through 
which  we  are  saved.,^  in  which  he  teaches 
that  the  grace  of  God   always    invites,   pre- 

1  Claudianus  Ecdicius  Mamertius  died  47,^-4. 

^ -urote  .  .  .  K/>//M^  is  said  to  be  in  a  certain  manuscript 
of  the  Monastery  of"  St.  Michaelis  de  Tuniba"  but  is  omitted 
by  A  T  25  30  31  a  e  21  Bamb.  Bern,  etc  etc.  and  certainly  does 
not  belong^  in  text.  It  is  left  in  brackets  above  because  "given 
in  the  editions. 

3  Born  ^103,  wrote  chronicle  445?    died  463. 

*  thought  A  25  30  3t   a  e  21  ;    saidT  Fabr.  Her. 

'  Abbot  of  Lerins  433-4,  bishop  of  Riex  462,  exiled  477-S4, 
died  490. 

"  Made  bishop  A  T  31  e  21  ;  bishop  a  25  ^o. 

"  and  therefore  God  T  25  31  ae  21  [31  A  r';.]  obtaining  Fabr. 
Her.;  Bamb  and  ed.  1512  read  and  therefore  but  join  to  next 
sentence. 

^  saved  AT  25;  o.d.d.  and  the  free  7uill  of  the  human  mind 
in  zvhich  xoe  are  saved  30  31  a  e. 


AOO 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


cedes  and  helps  our  will,  and  whatever 
gain  that  freedom  of  w^ill  may  attain  for  its 
pious  effect,  is  not  its  own  desert,  but  the 
gift  of  grace.  I  have  read  also  a  little  book 
of  his  Against  the  Avians  and  Macedoni- 
ans^ in  which  he  posits  a  coessential  Trinity, 
and  another  against  those  who  say  that  there 
is  anything  incorporeal  in  created  things,  in 
which  he  maintains  from  the  testimony  of 
Scriptures,  and  by  quotations  from  the 
fathers,  that  nothing  is  to  be  regarded  as  in- 
corporeal but  God.  There  is  also  a  letter 
of  his,  written  in  the  form  of  a  little  book, 
and  addressed  to  a  certain  deacon,  named 
Graecus,  who,  leaving  the  Catholic  faith,  had 
gone  over  to  the  Nestorian  impiety. 

In  this  epistle  he  admonishes  him  to  be- 
lieve that  the  holy  Virgin  Mary  did  not 
bring  forth  a  mere  human  being,  who  after- 
wards should  receive  divinity,  but  true  God 
in  true  man.  There  are  still  other  works  by 
him,  but  as  I  have  not  read,  I  do  not  care  to 
mention  them.  This  excellent  doctor  is  en- 
thusiastically believed  in  and  admired.  He 
wrote  afterwards  also  to  Felix,  the  Prae- 
tonian  prefect,  and  a  man  of  Patrician  rank, 
son  of  Magnus  the  consul,  a  very  pious  letter, 
exhorting  to  the  fear  of  God,  a  work  well 
fitted  to  induce  one  to  repent  with  his  whole 
heart. 

CHAPTER  LXXXVH. 

Servus  Dei  '  the  bishop,  wrote  against 
those  who  sav  that  Christ  while  living  in 
this  world  did  not  see  the  Father  with  his 
eyes  of  flesh  —  But  after  his  resurrection 
from  the  dead  and  his  ascension  into  heaven 
when  he  had  been  translated  into  the  glory 
of  God  the  Father  as  in  reward  so  to  speak 
to  him  for  his  abnegation  and  a  compensa- 
tion for  his  martyrdom.  In  this  work  he 
showed  both  from  his  own  argument  and 
from  the  testimony  of  Sacred  Scriptures  that 
the  Lord  Jesus  from  his  conception  by  the 
Holy  Spirit  and  his  birth  of  the  Virgin 
through  which  true  God  in  true  man  him- 
self also  man  made  God  was  born,  always 
beheld  with  his  eyes  of  flesh  both  the  Father 
and  the  Holy  Spirit  through  the  special  and 
complete  union  of  God  and  man. 

CHAPTER    LXXXVIH. 

ViCTORius  ^  the  Aquitanian,  a  careful  ^ 
reckoner,  on  invitation  of  St.  Hilary  bishop 
of  Rome,  composed  a  Paschal  cycle  witii 
the  most  careful  investigation  following  his 
four    predecessors,  that    is  Hippolytus,  Eu- 

1  Bishop  of"  Tiburcisen  "  about  406-11. 

2  \Vroie  457.     30  a  read  Victorinus. 

^  careful  "T  2S,  30  31  a  Fabr.;  most  diligent  A  Noriinb?; 
Bern  Norimb.  et  alt  add  of  ike  Scriptures:  of  measures  Her. 


sebius,  Theophilus  and  Prosper,  and  ex- 
tended the  series  of  years  to  the  year  five 
hundred  and  thirty-two,  reckoning  in  such 
wise  that  in  the  year  533  the  paschal  festival 
should  take  place  again  on  the  same  month 
and  day  and  the  same  moon  as  on  that  first 
year  when  the  Passior*  and  resurrection  of 
our  Lord  took  place. 

CHAPTER  LXXXIX. 

Theodoretus,^  '^  bishop  of  Cyrus  (for  the 
city  founded  by  Cyrus  king  of  the  Persians 
preserves  until  the  present  day  in  Syria  the 
name  of  its  founder)  is  said  to  have  written 
many  works.  Such  as  have  come  to  my 
knowledge  are  the  following  :  On  the  in- 
carnation of  the  Lord^  Against  Eutyches 
the  presbyter  and  Dioscorus  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria who  deny  that  Christ  had  human 
flesh  ;  strong  works  by  which  he  confirmed 
through  reason  and  the  testimony  of  Script- 
ure that  He  had  real  flesh  from  the  maternal 
substance  which  he  derived  from  His  Virgin 
mother  just  as  he  had  true  deity  which  he 
received  at  birth  by  eternal  generation  from 
God  the  Father.  There  are  ten  books  of 
the  ecclesiastical  history  which  he  wrote  in 
imitation  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea  beginning 
where  Eusebius  ends  and  extending  to  his 
own  time,  that  is  from  the  Vicennalia  of 
Constantine  until  the  accession  of  the  elder 
Leo  in  whose  reign  he  died. 

CHAPTER  XC. 

Gennadius  ^  Patriarch  *  of  the  church  of 
Constantinople,  a  man  brilliant  in  speech 
and  of  strong  genius,  was  so  richly  equipped 
by  his  reading  of  the  ancients  that  he  was 
able  to  expound  the  prophet  Daniel  entire 
commenting  on  every  word. 

He  composed  also  many  Homilies.  He 
died  while  the  elder  Leo  was  Emperor. 

CHAPTER  XCI. 

Theodulus,^  ^  a  presbyter  in  Coelesyria 
is  said  to  have  written  many  works,  but  the 
only  one  which  has  come  to  my  hand,  is  the 
one  which  he  composed  On  the  harmony  of 
divine  Scripture^  that  is,  the  Scriptures  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  against  the 
ancient  heretics  who  on  account  of  discrepan- 
cies in  the  injunctions  of  the  ritual,  say  that 
the  God  of  the  Old  Testament    is    different 

1  Theodoret  born  about  393,  bishop  of  Cyrrhaus  423,  wrote 
450,  died  41^7. 

2  Theodoretus  A  a  e ;   Theodoritus  31 ;    Theodortis  T  35  30. 

3  Bishop  (or  "  Pontiff  ")  458,  died  471. 

♦  Patriarch  (Pontiff)  A  T  30  31  e  21 ;  bishop  25  a  Fabr.  Her, 

6  Died  492  (C)  —  rather  before  491 . 

«  Theodulus  A  T  31  a  e;    Theodorus  25  3021. 


GENNADIUS. 


401 


from  tlie  God  of  the  New.  In  this  work  he 
shows  it  to  have  been  by  the  dispensation  of 
one  and  the  same  God,  the  author  of  both 
Scriptures,  that  one  law  should  be  given  by 
Moses  to  those  of  old  in  a  ritual  of  sacrifices 
and  in  judicial  laws,  and  another  to  us 
through  the  presence  of  Christ  in  the  holy 
mvstcries  and  future  promises,  that  the}' 
sliould  not  be  considered  different,  but  as 
dictated  by  one  spirit  and  one  author,  since 
these  things  which  if  observed  only  accord- 
ing to  the  letter,  would  slay,  if  observed 
according  to  the  spirit,  would  give  life  to 
the  mind.  This  writer  died  three  years 
since  '   in  the  reisrn  of  Zeno. 


CHAPTER  XCII. 

[SiDONius  ^  bishop  of  the  Arverni  wrote 
several  acceptable  works  and  being  a  man 
sound  in  doctrine  as  well  as  thoroughly  im- 
bued with  divine  and  human  learning  and 
a  man  of  commanding  genius  wrote  a  con- 
siderable volume  of  Letters  to  different 
persons  written  in  various  metres  or  in  prose 
and  this  showed  his  ability  in  literature. 
Strong  in  Christian  vigour  even  in  the  midst 
of  that  barbaric  ferocity  which  at  that  time 
oppressed  the  Qauls  he  was  regarded  as  a 
catholic  father  and  a  distinguished  doctor. 
He  flourished  during  the  tempest  which 
marked  the  rule  of  Leo  and  Zenos.]^ 

CHAPTER   XCIII. 

John  "  of  Antioch  first  grammarian,  and 
then  Presbyter,  wrote  against  those  who 
assert  that  Christ  is  to  be  adored  in  one  sub- 
stance only  and  do  not  admit  that  two  na- 
tures are  to  be  recognized  in  Christ.  He 
taught  according  to  the  Scriptural  account 
that  in  Him  God  and  man  exist  in  one 
person,  and  not  the  flesh  and  the  Word  in  one 
nature. 

He  likewise  attacked  certain  sentiments  of 
Cyril,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  unwisely  ^  de- 
livered by  Cyril  against  Nestorius,  which 
now  are  an  encouragement  and  give  strength 
to  the  Timotheans.^  He  is  said  to  be  still 
living  and  preaching. 


1  three  years  since  A  T  30?  31  21 ;  omit  25  a. 

2  Caius  Sollius  ApoUinaris  Sidonius  born  about  430,  bishop 
472,  died  about  48S. 

3  This  chapter  is  in  Norimb.  and  three  only  of  the  mss. 
seen  by  the  translator  N.  British  Museum  Ilarl.  3155,  xv 
cent.;  43  Wolfenbiittel  838  xv  cent.;  k  Paris  B.  N.  Lat.  S96. 
It  is  omitted  by  A  T  25  30  31  a  e  21  etc.  etc.  etc.  and  really  has 
no  place  in  the  text,  but  as  it  was  early  introduced  and  is  in 
the  editions  (not  however  the  earliest  ones)  it  is  given  here. 

*  Flourished  477-495. 

6  unwisely  T  25  30  31  e ;  unwisely  saying  A .^    a? 
6  Timotheans  A  T  25  30  31  ae  21  etc;  add  which  is  absurd 
Fabr.  Migne,  Her. 


CHAPTER   XCIV. 

[Gelasius,*  ^  bishop  of  Rome  wrote 
Against  Eutyches  and  Nestor hcs  a  great  and 
tiotable  volume,  also  Treatises  on  various 
parts  of  the  scripture  and  the  sacraments 
written  in  a  polished  style.  He  also  wrote 
Epistles  against  Peter  and  Acaclus  which 
are  still  preserved  in  the  catholic  church. 
He  wrote  also  Hymns  after  the  fashion  of 
bishop  Ambiosius.  He  died  during  the 
reign  of  the  emperor  Anastasius. 

CHAPTER    XCV. 

HoNORATUS,^  bishop  of  Constantina  in 
Africa  wrote  a  letter  to  one  Arcadius  who 
on  account  of  his  confession  of  the  catholic 
faith  had  been  exiled  to  Africa  by  King 
Genseric.'*  This  letter  was  an  exhortation 
to  endure  hardness  for  Christ  and  fortified 
by  modern  examples  and  scripture  illustra- 
tions showing  that  perseverance  in  the  con- 
fession of  the  faith  not  only  purges  past  sins 
but  also  procures  the  blessing  of  martyrdom. 

CHAPTER    XCVI. 

Cerealis  *  the  bishop,  an  African  by 
birth,  was  asked  by  Maximus  bishop  of  the 
Arians  whether  he  could  establish  the  catholic 
faith  by  a  few  testimonies  of  Divine  Script- 
ure and  without  any  controversial  assertions. 
This  he  did  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  truth 
itself  helping  him,  not  with  a  few  testi- 
monies as  Maximus  had  derisively  asked, 
but  proving  by  copious  proof  texts  from  both 
Old  and  New  Testaments  and  published  in 
a  little  book. 

CHAPTER   XCVn. 

EuGENius,®  bishop  of  Carthage  in  Africa 
and  public  confessor,  commanded  by  Hu- 
neric'  King  of  the  Vandals  to  write  an  expo- 
sition of  the  catholic  faith  and  especially  to 
discuss  the  meaning  of  the  word  Homoou- 
sian,  with  the  consent  of  all  the  bishops  and 
confessors  of  Mauritania  in  Africa  and  Sar- 
dinia and  Corsica,  who  had  remained  in  the 
catholic  faith,  composed  a  book  of  faith, 
fortified  not  only  by  quotations  from  the 
Holy  Scriptures  but  by  testimonies  of  the 
Fathers,  and  sent  it  by  his  companions  in 
confession.  But  now,  exiled  as  a  reward 
for  his  faithful  tongue,  like  an  anxious  shep- 


1  Bishop  ^92,  died  496. 

'From  this  point  to  the  end  is  bracketed,  as  a  large  part  of 
the  mss.  end  with  John  of  Antioch.  Of  our  mss.  Gelasius  and 
Gennadius  are  contained  in  25  30  e  2,  Honoratus  to  Pomeriits 
in  A  30  31  6240. 

3  Bishop  01  ConsLantina  (Cirta)  437. 

*  exiled  by  King  Genseric;  omit  e  2  30  31  40. 

6  Bishop  of  '•  Castelii  Ripensis  "  in  Africa  4S4. 

6  Bishop  479,  died  505.        '  Huneric  A ;  omit  e  *  30  5140* 


402 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


herd  over  his  sheep  he  has  left  behind  works 
urging  them  to  remember  the  faith  and  the 
one  sacred  baptism  to  be  preserved  at  all 
hazards.  He  also  wrote  out  the  Discussions 
which  he  held  through  messengers  with  the 
leaders  of  the  Arians  and  sent  them  to  be 
given  to  Huneric  by  his  major  domo.  Like- 
wise also  he  presented  to  the  same,  petitions 
for  the  peace  of  the  Christians  which  were 
of  the  nature  of  an  Apology^  and  he  is  said 
to  be  still  living  for  the  strengthening  of  the 
church. 

CHAPTER    XCVni. 

PoMERius  *  the  Mauritanian  was  ordamed 
presbyter  in  Gaul.  He  composed  a  dialecti- 
cal treatise  in  eight  books  On  the  nature  of 
the  soul  and  its  properties^  also  one  On  the 
resurrection  and  its  particular  bearing  for 
the  faithful  in  this  life  and  in  general  for  all 
men,  written  in  clear  language  and  style, 
in  the  form  of  a  dialogue  between  Julian 
the  bishop,  and  Verus  the  presbyter.  The 
first  book  contains  discourses  on  what  the 
soul  is  and  in  what  sense  it  is  thought  to  be 
created  in  the  image  of  God,  the  second, 
whether  the  soul  should  be  thought  of  as 
corporeal  or  incorporeal,  the  third,  how  the 
soul  of  the  first  man  ^  was  made,  fourth, 
whether  the  soul  which  is  put  in  the  body  at 
birth  is  newly  created  and  without  sin,  or 
produced  from  the  substance  of  the  first 
man  like  a  shoot  from  a  root  it  brings  also 
with   it   the   original    sin   of  the   first    man, 

1  Died  498. 

*  the  first  man  A;  the  first  mattes  soul  g^  3031  40. 


fifth,  a  review  of  the  fourth  book  of  the  dis- 
cussion,* and  an  inquiry  as  to  what  is  the 
capability  of  the  soul,  that  is  its  possibilities, 
and  that  it  gains  its  capability  from  a  single 
and  pure  will,  the  sixth,  whence  arises  the 
conflict  between  flesh  and  the  spirit,  spoken  of 
by  the  apostle,  seventh,  on  the  difierence  be- 
tween the  flesh  and  the  spirit  in  respect  of  life, 
of  death  and  of  resurrection,  the  eighth, 
answers  to  questions  concerning  the  things 
which  it  is  predicted  will  happen  at  the  end 
of  the  world,  to  such  questions,  that  is,  as 
are  usually  propounded  concerning  the  res- 
urrection. I  remember  to  have  once  read  a 
hortatory  work  of  his,  addressed  to  some 
one  named  Principius,  On  contempt  of 
the  worlds  and  of  transitory  things^  and  an- 
other entitled.  On  vices  and  virtues.  He 
is  said  to  have  written  yet  other  works, 
which  have  not  come  to  my  knowledge,  and 
to  be  still  writing.  He  is  still  living,  and 
his  life  is  worthy  of  Christian  profession, 
and  his  rank  in  the  church. 

CHAPTER   XCIX. 

I  Gennadius,^  a  presbyter  of  Marseilles, 
have  written  eight  books  Against  all  her- 
esies^  five  ^  books  Against  Nestorius^  ten  * 
books  Against  Eutyches^  three  books 
Against  Pelagius,^  also  treatises  On  the 
Millennium  and  On  the  Apocalypse  of 
Saint  fohn^  also  an  epistle  On  my  creed ^ 
sent  to  the  blessed  Gelasius,  bishop  of 
Rome.] 


1  discussion  30  40  e  2 ;  discussion  and  definition  A  31 . 

2  Died  496.  3  fi^g  e  25  30;  six  Fabr.  Her. 
*  ten  e  25  30 ;  six  Norimb  Her. ;  eleven  Guelefenb. 


LIFE   AND   WORKS   OF   RUFINUS 


WITH 


JEROME'S    APOLOGY  AGAINST  RUFINUS, 

Translated  with  Prolegomena  and  Notes, 


BY 


THE  HON.  AND  REV.  WILLIAM    HENRY  FREMANTLE,  M.A., 

Canon  of  Canterbury^  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Baliol  College^  Oxford. 


PROLEGOMENA 


ON  THE 


LIFE    AND    WORKS    OF    RUFINUS. 


Note.  —  The  References  (where  a  simple  number  is  given)  are  to  the  pages  in  this  Volume. 

Tyrannius  Rufinus  is  chiefly  known  from  his  relation  to  Jerome,  first  as  an  Intimate 
friend  and  afterwards  as  a  bitter  enemy.  The  immense  influence  of  Jerome,  through  all 
the  ages  in  which  criticism  was  asleep,  has  unduly  lowered  his  adversary.  But  he  has 
some  solid  claims  of  his  own  on  our  recognition.  His  work  on  the  Creed,  besides  its 
intrinsic  merits,  must  always  be  an  authority  as  a  witness  to  the  state  of  the  creed  as  held 
in  the  Italian  churches  in  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century,  as  also  to  the  state  of  the  Canon 
and  the  Apocrypha  at  that  time.  And  it  is  to  his  translations  that  we  are  Indebted  for  our 
knowledge  of  many  of  the  works  of  Orlgen,  including  the  greatest  of  them  all,  the 
Uepi  'Apx(ov.  We  are  the  more  grateful  for  his  services  because  they  were  so  opportune. 
The  works  of  Orlgen,  which  had  been  neglected  In  the  West  for  a  century  and  to 
such  an  extent  that  the  Pope  Anastasius  says  (433)  that  he  neither  knows  who  he  was 
nor  what  he  wrote,  came  suddenly  into  notice  in  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  before  Alarlc's 
sack  of  Rome  A.D.  385-410:  and  it  was  at  this  moment  that  Rufinus  appeared,  according 
to  his  friend  Macarlus'  dream  (439)  Hke  a  ship  laden  with  the  merchandize  of  the  East,  an 
Italian  who  had  lived  some  25  years  in  Greek  lands,  and  sufficiently  equipped  for  the  work 
of  a  translator.  Through  his  labours  during  the  last  13  years  of  that  eventful  time  a 
considerable  part  of  the  works  of  the  great  Alexandrian  have  floated  down  across  the  ocean 
of  the  Dark  Ages,  and,  while  lost  in  their  native  Greek,  have  in  their  Latin  garb  come  to 
•enrich  the  later  civilization  of  the  West. 

Rufinus  was  born  at   Concordia  (Jer.  Ep.  v.  2.  comp.  with  Ep.  x.  and  De  Vir.  111. 

§  53)  between  Aqullela  and  Altlnum,  a  place  of  some  Importance,  which  was 
A.D.  344-5.  destroyed  by  the  Huns  in  452  but  afterwards  rebuilt.     His  birth  was  about  the 

year  344  or  345,  he  being  slightly  older  than  Jerome.  Nothing  Is  known  of  his 
education  or  the  events  of  his  youth ;  but  that  he  was  early  acquainted  with  Jerome  and 
was  Interested  in  sacred  literature  is  seen  from  the  fact  that  In  368  when  Jerome  went 
with  Bonosus  to  Gaul,  Rufinus  begged  him  to  copy  for  him  the  works  of  Hilary  on  the 
Psalms  and  on  the  Councils  of  the  Church  (Jer.  Ep.  v.  2).     His  mother  did  not  die  till  the 

year  397,  as  Is  seen  from  Jerome's  mention  of  her  (Letter  lxxxi,  i),  and  It  would 
A.D. 372-3.  appear  that  both  his  parents  were  Christians.      But  he  was  not  baptized  till  about 

his  28th  year.  He  was  at  that  time  living  at  Aquileia,  where  he  had  embraced 
the  monastic  state,  and  was  a  member  of  the  company  of  young  ascetics  to  which  Jerome 
and  Bonosus  belonged.  The  presence  among  them  of  Hylas  (Jerome  Letter  iii,  3)  the 
freedman  of  Melania,  the  wealthy  and  ascetic  Roman  matron,  shows  that  that  relation  had 
already  begun  which  was  afterwards  of  such  importance  In  the  life  of  Rufinus.  It  must 
have  been  just  before  the  breaking  up  of  that  company  that  he  was  baptized,  for  Jerome, 
writing  of  him  (Ep.  Iv.  2)  In  374  from  Antioch  says  "  He  has  but  lately  been  washed  and  is 
.as  white  as  snow."  He  himself  gives  a  full  account  of  his  baptism  In  his  Apologv  (436). 
When  this  company  of  friends  was  scattered,  Rufinus  joined  the  noble  Roman  ladv, 
Melania,  In  her  pilgrimage  to  the   East  (Jer.  Letter  iv.  2).     He  visited  the  monasteries  of 

Egypt,  and  apparently  desired  to   remain  there ;  but  a  persecution  arose  against 
A.D.  373.  the  orthodox  monks  from  Lucius  the  Arian  bishop  of  Alexandria,   seconded  by 

the  governor,  both  being  prompted  by  the  Arian  Emperor  Valens  :  the  monas- 
teries were  in  many  cases  broken  up  (Sozomen,  vi,    19,  Socrates  iv,   21-3,  Rufinus  EccL 


4o6  LIFE    AND    WORKS    OF    RUFINUS. 

Hist,  ii,  3),  and  Rufiniis  himself  for  a  while  suffered  imprisonment  and  was  then  ban- 
ished from  Egypt  (430  Eccl.  Hist,  ii,  4).  Rufinus  probably  on  coming  out  of  prison 
joined  Melania  who  had  then  settled  at  DioCsesarea  (Pallad.  Hist.  Laus.  §  117)  on  the  coast 
of  Palestine  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  home  for  the  Egyptian  exiles  on  their  way  to 
their  various  destinations.  He  states  in  his  Apology  (466)  that  he  was  6  years  in  Egypt, 
and  that  he  returned  there  again,  after  an  interval,  for  two  years  more.  He  was  a  pupil 
both  of  Didymus,  then  head  of  the  catechetical  school,  who  wrote  for  him  a  treatise  on 
the  death  of  infants  (534),  and  of  Theophilus,  afterward  Bishop  of  Alexandria  (528), 
and  that  he  saw  many  of  the  well-known  hermits  (466) ,  such  as  Serapion  and  Macarius, 
whom  he  describes  in  his  History  of  the  Monks.  Whether  Melania  returned  with  him 
to  Egypt,  or  whether  she  went  to  Jerusalem,  we  do  not  know:  it  is  also  uncertain  whether 
a  journey  which  he  made  (Eccl.  Hist.  ii.  8)  to  Edessa  was  undertaken  at  this  time.  The 
date  of  the  settlement  of  Melania  on  the  Mount  of  Olives  according  to  Jerome's  Chronicle 
is  379,  or,  according  to  our  present  reckoning  of  dates,  377*  We  may  suppose  that  Rufinus 
joined  her  in  379.     This  was  his  home  for  eighteen  years,  till  the  year  397. 

Rufinus  was  ordained  at  Jerusalem,  probably  about  the  time  when  John,  with  whom 
he  was  closely  connected,  succeeded  Cyril  in  the  Bishopric  (A.D.  386).  The  great  resources 
of  Melania  were  added  to  his  own  which  seem  to  have  been  not  inconsiderable.  He  built 
habitations  for  monks  on  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and  employed  them  in  learned  pursuits,  and 
in  copying  manuscripts.     On  the  arrival  of  Jerome  at  Bethlehem,  the  old  friendship  was 

renewed,  though  not  apparently  with  all  its  former  warmth.     Jerome  certainly 
3S6.       at  times  visited  Rufinus  and  once  at  least  stayed  with  him  (465),  and  he  and  his 

friends  brought  MSS.  to  be  copied  by  the  monks  of  the  Mount  of  Olives  (465)'. 
He  gave  lectures  on  Christian  writers  and  doctrine,  of  which  a  satirical  account  is  given 
at  a  later  period  by  Jerome'  in  his  letter  to  Rusticus  (cxxv,  §  18).  The  nick-name  Grun- 
nius  which  he  there  gives  him  was  probably  caused  by  some  trick  of  the  voice.  But  we 
may  gather  froin  Jerome  that  he  read  the  Greek  church  writers  diligently  and  lectured 
upon  them,  a  study  which  enabled  hiin  to  do  much  good  work  at  a  later  time.  It  is 
probable  that  he  lectured  in  Greek,  since  he  says  in  397  that  his  Latin  was  weak  through 
disuse  (439).  We  may  set  against  Jerome's  depreciatory  description  the  account  given  by 
Palladius  (Hist.  Laus.  §  118).  "Rufinus,  who  lived  with  Melania,  was  a  man  of  con- 
genial spirit,  and  of  great  nobility  and  strength  of  character.  No  man  has  ever  been 
known  of  greater  learning  or  of  gentler  disposition."  Palladius  also  speaks  of  the 
princely  hospitality  of  Melania  and  Rufinus:  "They  received,"  he  says,  "bishops  and 
monks,  virgins  and  matrons  and  helped  them  out  of  their  own  funds :  They  passed 
their  life  offending  none  and  being  helpers  of  the  whole  world."  It  is  said  by  Pal- 
ladius that  he  had  heard  from  Melania  that  she  had  been  present  at  the  death  of  Pam- 
has  in  Egypt  which  took  place  in  the  year  385,  and  it  is  probable  that  Rufinus  accom- 
panied her  on  this  occasion.  He  himself  records  ^  a  journey  which  he  made  to  Edessa  and 
Charrhoe,  when  he  saw  settlements  of  the  monks  like  those  which  he  had  previously  seen 
in  Egypt.  But  the  date  of  this  journey  does  not  appear.  It  inay  have  been  undertaken  in 
order  to  visit  some  of  the  exiles  from  Egypt  before  his  establishment  on  the  Mt.  of  Olives. 
He  records  also  the  visits  of  the  remarkable  men  who  were  entertained  by  him  ;  Bacurius, 
who  had  been  king  of  the  Ubii,  and  afterwards  count  of  the  Domestics  under  Theodosius, 
and  was  governor  or  duke  of  Palestine  when  Rufinus  settled  there ;  and  ^Edesius  the  coin- 
panion  of  Frumentius  the  Missionary  to  the  tribes  in  the  N.  W.  of  India.  But  his  chief 
interest  and  occupation  throughout  seems  to  have  been  with  his  monks  at  Mt.  Olivet  with 
perhaps  some  connection  with  the  diocesan  work  of  his  friend  John,  the  Bp.  of  Jerusalem. 
Palladius  records  that  Rufinus  and  Melania  were  the  means  of  restoring  to  the  communion 
of  the  church  400  monks.  What  was  this  schism,  which  Palladius  describes  as  being  "on 
account  of  Paulinus  "  ?  It  is  probable  that  the  words  relate  to  the  monks  of  Bethlehem 
whose  alienation  from  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  had  been  due  to  the  ordination  of  Paul- 
inian,  Jerome's  brother,  by  Epiphanius.  We  know  that  Rufinus  before  leaving  Palestine 
was  reconciled  to  Jerome  (Jer.  Ap.  iii.  26,  33)  ;  and  we  know  also  that  Jerome's  book 
against  John,  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  which  describes  the  schism  was  suddenly  broken  off;  ^ 

1  "  He  came  in  with  a  slow  and  stately  step;  he  spoke  with  a  broken  utterance,  sometimes  with  a  kind  of  disjointed  sobs 
rather  than  words.  He  had  a  pile  of  tomes  upon  the  table;  and  then,  with  a  frown  and  a  contraction  of  the  nostrils,  and  his 
forehead  wrinkled  up,  he  snapped  his  fingers  to  call  the  attention  of  his  audience.  What  he  said  had  no  depth  in  it;  but  he 
crif.icized  others,  and  pointed  out  their  defects,  as  though  he  would  exclude  them  from  the  Senate  of  Christiari  teachers.  He 
was  rich,  and  entertained  freely,  and  many  Hocked  round  him  in  his  public  appearances.  He  was  as  luxurious  as  Nero  at 
home,  as  stern  as  Cato  abroad;  as  full  of  contradictions  as  the  Chima3ra." 

2  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  8. 

3  For  the  date  of  this  work,  see  the  Note  prefixed  to  it  in  the  translation  of  Jerome's  works,  Vol.  vi.  of  this  series. 


PROLEGOMENA.  407 


and  that  he  remained  from  that  time  forward  at  one  with  his  Bishop.  We  may  be  al- 
lowed to  beheve  that  the  influence  of  Mehmia  as  well  as  Rufinus  had  been  exerted  for 
some  time  previously  to  bring  about  this  happy  result. 

Rufinus'  part  in  the  controversy  thus  terminated  i^  partly  known  and  partly  the  subject 
of  inference.  The  original  source  of  discord  is  not  known.  It  is  possible  that  Rufinus,  who 
had  been  mentioned  by  Jerome  in  his  Chronicle  (A.D.  ^^S)  as  being,  together  with  Florentius 

and  Bonosus,  a  specially  distinguished  monk,  did  not  find  himself  included  in  his 
3S2.       friend's  Catalogue  of    Church    writers    (De  Vir.    111.)   published    at    Bethlehem. 

When  Aterbius  began  the  Origenist  troubles  at  Jerusalem,  Rufinus,  who  treated 
him  with  merited  scorn  ( Jer.  Ap.  iii,  33)  probably  felt  some  resentment  at  Jerome  who,  by 
"  giving  satisfaction  "    to  the  heresy  hunter,  had  countenanced  his  proceedings.      Rufinus 

appears  as  Bishop  John's  adviser  during  the  visit  of  Epiphanius  (Jer.  Letter  li,  2, 
392.  6),  as  the  chief  of  a  chorus  of  presbyters  who  applauded  their  own  bishop  and  de- 
rided Epiphanius  as  a  ''  silly  old  man  ;"^  and  as  present  when  Epiphanius  remon- 
strated with  his  brother-bishop.  He  is  also  mentioned  by  Epiphanius  in  his  letter  to  John 
(Jer.  Letter  li.  6)  as  holding  an  important  place  in  the  Church,  "May  God  free  you  and 
all  about  you,  especially  the  presbyter  Rufinus,  from  the  heresy  of  Origen,  and  all  others." 
This  sentence  will  suggest  to  all  who  are  familiar  with  church-controversies  a  whole  series 
of  scenes  in  the  schism  which  continued  between  Bethlehem  and  Jerusalem  during  the  next 
five  years.  Jerome  believed  Rufinus  to  have  injured  him  at  every  turn,  to  have  procured 
the  abstraction  of  a  Manuscript  of  his  from  the  house  occupied  by  Fabiola  on  her  visit  to 
Bethlehem  (Apol.  iii,  4)  perhaps  to  have  been  in  league  with  Vigilantius  (Comp.  Jer.  Ep. 
Ixi,  3  with  Apol.  iii,  4,  19).  But  such  insinuations  have  the  appearance  rather  of  the  sus- 
picions prompted  by  anger  than  of  actual  fact.     In  any  case  they  were  condoned  when 

the  two  old  companions  who  had  been  so  long  parted  by  ecclesiastical  strife  met 
397.       together  at  the  Church  of  the  Resurrection  at  a  solemn  eucharistic  feast,  and  joined 

hands  in  token  of  reconciliation,  and  when  Jerome  accompanied  his  friend  some 
way  on  his  journey  before  their  final  parting  (Jer.  Vol.  iii,  24). 

He  arrived  in  Italy,  in  company  with  Melania,  early  In  the  spring  of  397.  They  were 
there  received  by  Paullnus  of  Nola  with  great  honour.'^  Melania  went  on  at  once  to  Rome  ; 
but  Rufinus  stopped  at  the  monastery  of  PInetum  near  Terracina.  His  welcome  by  the 
Abbot  Urselus  and  the  philosopher  Macarlus,  and  their  request  to  him  to  translate  various 
Greek  books,  amongst  others  the  Tlepl  'Apxo)v  of  Origen,  are  described  in  his  Prefaces  to  the  Ben- 
edictions of  the  Patriarchs,  the  Apology  of  Pamphllus  and  the  translations  of  Origen  (417, 
418,  420,  439).  The  preface  to  Orlgen's  chief  work  (427)  had  the  worst  and  most  lasting 
results.  He  says  that,  being  aware  of  the  odium  attaching  to  the  name  of  Origen,  he  had 
feared  to  translate  the  w^ork  :  but  that  the  example  of  Jerome  (whom  he  does  not  name  but 
whose  great  ability  he  extols)  in  translating  Origen  encourages  him  to  follow  in  his  steps. 
This  Preface,  with  this  translation  of  the  Uepl  'Apxcjv,  was  published  In  Rome  early  in  the 
year  398,  Rufinus  having  moved  there  to  stay  with  Melania.  At  Rome  he  lived  In  the 
circle  of  Melania,  her  son  Publlcola  and  his  wife  Albina,  with  their  daughter  the  younger 

Melania  and  her  husband   PInlanus,   to    whom  we  may  probably   add   the  Pope 
^•^-      Siriclus,  and  certainly  Apronlanus,  a  young  noble  whom  he  speaks  of  as  his  son  in 

the  faith  (435,  564).  Jerome's  friend  Euseblus  of  Cremona  was  also  In  Rome,  and 
on  friendly  terms  with  him  (445).  But  on  the  appearance  of  the  work  of  Origen  with 
Rufinus'  Preface,  a  great  ferment  arose  leading  to  the  violent  controversy  between  Rufinus 
and  Jerome  which  is  described  in  the  Preface  to  their  Apologies  (434,  482). 

Meanwhile,  Rufinus  had  left  Rome  probably  In  398,  having  obtained  the  usual  Literae 

Formatae  from  the  Pope  Siriclus,  who  died  that  year,  to  introduce  him   to  other 
A.D.  39S.  churches.^   We  hear  of  him  at  Milan,  where  in  the  presence  of  the  Bishop,  Simplici- 

anus,'*  he  met  Euseblus  of  Cremona,  and  heard  him  readout  a  letter  of  Theophilus 
containing  some  passages  from  the  Uepl  'Apxcov^  against  which  he  vehemently  protested 
(490).  He  then,  having  probably  visited  his  native  city  of  Concordia,  where  his  mother/ 
possibly  his  father  also  (430,  502)  was  still  living,  took  up  his  abode  at  Aquileia.  There  he 
was  welcomed  by  the  bishop.  Chromatins,  by  whom  he  had  been  baptized  some  26  or  27 
years  before.     Rufinus  probably  arrived  at  Aquileia  in  the  beginning  of  399,  and  remained 

1  See  Jerome's  expressions  in  his  book  "■Against  John  of  yerusalem  "  c.  ii,  which  evideotly  refer  to  Rufinus  :  "  grin- 
ning like  a  dog  and  turning  up  his  nose." 

B  Paulinus  Ep.  xxix,  12.  3  Jer.  Ep.cxxvii,  9  Ap.  iii.  21, 

*  Successor  of  Ambrose,  and  Bishop  A.D.  397-400.     See  the  Letter  of  Anastasius  to  him.    Jer.  Ep.  xcv. 

6  She  died  soon  after.     See  Jerome  Ep.  Ixxxi,  i. 


4o8  LIFE    AND    WORKS    OF    RUFINUS. 


there  9  or  10  years.  It  was  during  this  period  that  all  his  principal  works  except 
399-40S.     the  Commentary  on  the  Benedictions  of  the  patriarchs,  the  translation  of  the  Uepl 

'Apxi^y  andPamphilus'  Apology,  and  the  book  on  the  Adulterations  of  Origen  were 
composed.  It  was  soon  after  his  settlement  at  Aquileia  that  he  heard  from  Apronianus  of  the 
letter  of  Jerome  to  Pammachius  and  Oceanus  '  expressing  his  anger  against  him  for  the 
mention  he  had  made  of  Jerome  in  the  Preface  to  the  Ucpl'Af);(ojv.  'I'he  conciliatory  letter  to 
Rufinus  which  accompanied  this  and  which  was  an  answer  to  a  friendly  one  from  Rufinus  ^ 
was  not  sent  on  by  Jerome's  friends  (489)  ;  and  Rufinus,  thinking  that  his  old  friend  had 
completely  turned  against  him,  composed  his  Apology  (434-482)  which  drew  forth  Jerome's 
reply  (482-541).  This  controversy  is  placed  in  full  before  the  reader  of  this  volume  in  an 
English  translation,  with  prefatory  notes.     It  may  therefore  be  treated  very  shortly  here. 

Rufinus'  Apology  is  an  answer  to  Jerome's  letter  to  Pammachius  and  Oceanus.  It  is  addressed  to 
Apronianus  of  Rome.  He  makes  a  profession  of  his  Christian  standing  and  faith,  especially  on  the 
points  raised  by  the  Origenistic  controversy ;  he  describes  the  circumstances  which  had  led  him  to 
translate  the  books  of  Origen,  and  defends  his  method  of  translation,  which,  he  says,  has  been  misrepre- 
sented by  men  sent  from  the  East  to  lay  snares  for  him.  His  method,  he  declares,  was  the  same  which 
iiad  been  used  by  Jerome,  who  boasted  that  through  him  the  Latins  knew  all  that  was  good  in  Origen 
and  nothing  of  the  bad.  Where  he  found  passages  in  Origen's  writings,  in  flagrant  contradiction  to  the 
orthodox  opinion  he  had  maintained  elsewhere,  he  concluded  that  the  passage  had  been  falsified  by  here- 
tics, and  restored  the  more  orthodox  statement  which  he  believed  to  have  been  originally  there.  He 
then  turns  round  upon  Jerome  and  points  out  that,  in  his  Commentaries  on  the  Ephesians,  written 
some  10  years  before,  to  which  he  specially  referred  in  his  Letter  as  showing  his  freedom  from  heresy, 
he  had  practically  adopted  the  opinions  now  iinputed  to  Origen  as  heretical,  such  as  the  fall  of  souls 
from  a  previous  state  into  the  prison  house  of  earthly  bodies,  and  the  universal  restoration  of  spiritual 
beings. 

In  the  second  book  he  clears  himself  from  the  imputation  of  following  Origen  and  Plato  in 
believing  in  the  lawfulness  of  using  occasional  falsehood  in  the  government  and  training  of  men. 
But  he  imputes  to  his  adversary  a  systematic  use  of  falsehood  in  reference  to  his  reading  heathen 
authors,  while  he  professed  in  his  letter  to  Eustochium  (Jer.  Ep.  xxii)  to  have  solemnly  promised 
never  even  to  possess  them.  He  then  takes  a  wider  view  of  Jerome's  writings,  showing  how,  in  this 
Letter  to  Eustochium,  his  books  against  Jovinian,  etc.,  he  had  by  his  satirical  pictures  held  up  to  ridi- 
cule the  various  classes  of  Christians,  clergy,  monks,  virgins  :  how  he  had  praised  Origen  indiscrimi- 
nately as  a  teacher  second  only  to  the  Apostles  :  how  he  had  defamed  men  like  Ambrose,  and  therefore 
his  present  accusations  were  little  worth  :  how  he  boasted  of  having  taken  as  his  teachers  not  only 
Origenists  like  Didymus  or  heretics  like  Apollinarius,  but  heathen  like  Porphyry,  and  had  made  his 
translation  of  the  Old  Testament  under  the  influence  of  the  Jew  Baranina  (whose  name  Rufinus  per- 
verts into  Barabbas).  He  concludes  by  summarizing  his  accusations  and  calling  upon  the  reader  to 
choose  between  him  and  his  opponent. 

This  Apology  was  only  sent  to  a  few  friends  of  Rufinus  (530)  ;  but  portions  of  it  became  known  to 
Jerome's  friends  and  his  brother  Paulinian  (493)  carried  them  to  Bethlehem,  together  with  Rufinus* 
Apology  addressed  to  Pope  Anastasius.  Jerome  had  also  before  him  the  letter  of  Anastasius  to  John 
Bishop  of  Jerusalem  (509)  showing  his  dislike  of  Rufinus'  proceedings.  On  these  he  grounds  his  own 
Apology,  which  was  originally  in  two  books  and  was  addressed  to  Pammachius  and  Marcella  A.D.  402. 

In  the  first  book  he  blames  Rufinus'  breach  of  friendship  after  the  reconciliation  which  had 
taken  place  at  Jerusalem;  he  then  shows  that  he  was  compelled  to  translate  the  Uepl  'Ap^cjv  in  order  to 
show  what  it  really  was.  He  declares  that  the  Apology  of  Origen  translated  by  Rufinus  as  the  work  of 
Pamphilus  was  really  written  by  Euse'oius;  that  Origen  had  been  condemned  by  Theophilus  and 
Anastasius,  by  East  and  West  alike,  and  by  the  decree  of  the  Emperors.  He  defends  himself  for  hav- 
ing used  heathen  and  heretical  teachers,  and  help  of  a  Jewish  scholar  in  translating  the  Old  Testament. 
As  to  his  Commentaries  on  the  Ephesians  he  declares  that  he  merely  put  side  by  side  the  opinions  of 
various  commentators,  indicating  at  times  his  knowledge  that  some  were  heretical  :  and  as  to  his  anti- 
Ciceronian  dream,  he  ridicules  the  idea  that  a  man  can  be  bound  by  his  night  visions. 

In  the  second  book  he  criticizes  Rufinus'  Apology  addressed  to  Anastasius  as  to  both  its  style  and 
its  matter,  and  blames  him  for  his  treatment  of  Epiphanius,  and  endeavours  to  implicate  him  in  the 
imputation  of  heresy.  He  then  defends  his  translation  of  the  Old  Testament,  showing  by  copious 
quotations  from  the  Prefaces  to  the  Books  that  he  had  done  nothing  condemnatory  of  the  Septuagint, 
whose  version  he  had  himself  translated  into  Latin  and  constantly  used  in  familiar  expositions. 

This  Apology  was  brought  to  Rufinus  at  Aquileia  by  a  merchant  who  was  leaving  again  m  two 
days  (522).  Chromatius  no  doubt  urged  him.  as  he  urged  Jerome  (520)  not  to  continue  the  .-controversy 
and  he  yielded.  He  wrote,  however,  a  private  letter  to  Jerome,  which  has  been  lost,  sending  \\hvL  an 
accurate  copy  of  his  Apology,  and  while  declining  public  controversy,  yet  declaring  that  he  could  have 
said  even  more  than  before,  and  divulged  things  which  would  have  been  worse  to  Jerome  than  death. 
Jerome  in  his  answer  written  A.D.  403,  which  forms  B.  iii  of  his  Apology,  declares  that  the  controversy 
is  Rufinus'  fault,  and  defends  his  friends  for  their  conduct  towards  him,  even  in  holding  back  the  con- 
ciliatory letter  written  in  399;  but  shows  how  a  way  might  still  be  open  for  friendship.  He  touches 
again  upon  most  of  the  points  dwelt  on  in  the  previous  books,  defending  himself  and  accusing  Rufinus, 
and  ends  by  declaring  that  his  bitter  reply  was  necessitated  first  by  Rufinus'  threats,  and  secondly  by 
his  abhon-ence  of  heresv,  from  all  complicity  with  which  he  must  at  any  price  clear  himseif. 

1  Jer.  Ep.  Ixxxiv.  2  See  Jer.  Ep.  Ixxxi,  i. 


PROLEGOMENA.  40Q 


This  book  closed  the  controversy.  Rufinus  did  not  reply,  Jerome  did  not  relent.  Nothing  in 
Rufinus'  subsequent  writings  reflects  on  Jerome;  but  Jerome  is  never  weary  of  expressing  his  hatred  of 
Rufinus,  speaking  of  him  after  his  death  as  "  the  Scorpion"  '  and  writing'malignant  satirical  descrip- 
tions of  him  like  that  in  his  letter  to  Rusticus.^ 

It  may  be  observed,  however,  that  notwithstanding  the  violent  words  used  on  both 
sides,  it  was  possible  for  eminent  churchmen  to  esteem  and  befriend  both  parties.  Augus- 
tine, on  receiving  Jerome's  Apology,  laments,  in  words  which  must  have  been  felt  by 
Jerome  as  a  severe  reproach,  that  two  such  men,  so  loved  by  the  churches,  should  thus 
tear  each  other  to  pieces.  Chromatins,  w  hile  he  kept  up  coinmunications  with  Jerome, 
and  supplied  him  with  funds  for  his  literary  work,  was  also  the  friend  and  adviser  of 
Rufinus. 

Rufinus'  friends  at  Aquileia,  like  those  at  the  Pinetum  and  at  Rome,  were  anxious  to 
gain  from  him  a  knowledge  of  the  great  church-writers  of  the  East,  and  especially  of  Origen. 
No  one  at  Aquileia  seems  to  have  known  Greek.  He  makes  excuses  in  his  Prefaces  (430, 
563,  565,  etc.)  for  the  difficulty  of  the  task  and  his  own  short-comings  which  seem  to  be 
partly  conventional,  partly  genuine.  But  he  did  a  work  which  he  alone  or  almost  alone  at 
that  period  was  qualified  to  do.  His  translations  of  Origen  and  Pamphilus  were  already 
known.  We  learn  from  Jerome  (536)  that  Rufinus  had  translated  parts  of  the  LXX. 
He  now  translated  Eusebius'  Church  History,  and  added  to  it  two  books  of  his  own;  he 
translated  the  so-called  Recognitions  of  Clement,  which  till  then  were  almost  unknown  in 
Italy.  He  wrote  a  History  of  the  Monks  of  the  East,  partly  from  personal  knowledge, 
partly  from  what  he  had  heard  or  read  of  them.  And  he  translated  the  Commentaries  of 
Origen  upon  the  Heptateuch  or  1  st  seven  books  of  Scripture,  except  Numbers  and  Deuter- 
onomy ;  and  those  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans.  He  also  wrote  his  exposition  of  the  Creed 
(541-563),  and  probably  some  other  v/orks  which  have  not  come  down  to  us. 

The  first  part  of  his  stay  at  Aquileia  was  troubled  by  the  controversy  with  Jerome. 
He  also  received  from  his  friends  at  Rome  the  intelligence  that  his  Preface  and 
-^00-402.  translation  of  the  Hepl  'Apxoiv  had  been  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  Pope  Anasta- 
sius,  by  Pammachius  and  Marcella  (430)  ;  and  probably  the  letter  of  the  Pope 
to  Venerius  Bishop  of  Milan,  which  is  quoted  in  Anastasius'  letter  to  John  of  Jerusalem 
(433)  was  also  brought  to  his  knowledge.  Though  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose,  as  has 
been  often  done,  that  the  Pope  passed  sentence  upon  him,  still  less  that  he 
400.  summoned  him  to  Rome.  Rufinus  was  so  far  affected  by  what  he  heard  of  the 
adverse  feeling  excited  in  the  Pope's  mind  toward  him  that  he  thought  it  desirable 
to  write  an  explanation  or  apology  (430-2)  vindicating  his  action  in  the  translation  of 
Origen,  and  giving  an  exposition  of  his  own  belief  on  some  of  the  principal  points  dealt 
with  in  the  Uepl  'Apxo)v.  From  the  letter  of  Anastasius  to  John  of  Jerusalem  we  gather  that 
John  had  written  to  him  in  the  interest  of  Rufinus,  and  had  blamed  Jerome's  friends  at 
Rome,  perhaps  also  Jerome  himself,  for  the  part  they  had  taken  in  reference  to  him.  It  is 
a  curious  fact  that  Aiis  letter  was  known  to  Jerome  but  not  to  Rufinus  during  the  con- 
troversy (509)  ;  but  it  can  hardly  be  inferred  with  any  certainty  from  this  that  John  had 
changed  sides  and  favoured  Jerome  at  Rufinus'  expense. 

After  8  or  9  years  at  Aquileia  Rufinus  returned  to  Rome.  His  friend  Chromatins  of 
Aquileia  had  died  in  405.  Anastasius  of  Rome  had  also  passed  away  (A.D.  402), 
408.  and  his  successor  Innocentius  was  without  prejudice  against  Rufinus.  Melania  was 
either  there  or  with  Paulinus  at  Nola.  Her  son  Publicola  had  died  in  406,  but  his 
widow  Albina  was  with  her,  and  her  granddaughter  the  younger  Melanin  with  her  husband 
Pinianus.  The  siege  of  Rome  by  Alaric  was  impending,  and  the  whole  party  were  starting 
by  way  of  Sicily  and  Africa,  in  both  of  which  Melania  had  property,  intending  eventually  to 
reach  Palestine.  He  joined  their  "  religious  company"  as  he  tells  us  in  the  Preface  to  Ori- 
gen on  Numbers  (56S)  which,  according  to  Palladius  (Hist.  Laus.  1 19)  formed  a  vast  caravan 
with  slaves,  virgins  and  eunuchs ;  and  he  was  with  them  in  Sicily  when  Alaric  burned 
Rhegium  (568)  the  flames  of  which  they  saw  across  the  straits. 

This  translation  of  Numbers  was  his  last  work.  He  was  at  that  time  suffering  in  his 
eyes  ;  and  he  died  soon  afterwards  in  Sicily,  as  we  learn  from  Jerome's  malicious  words 
*'The  Scorpion  now  lies  underground  between  Enceladus  and  Porphyrion."  ^  The  undy- 
ing hatred  of  Jerome  towards  him  has  unduly  lowered  him  in  the  estimation  of  the  Church. 
He  was  far  below  Jerome  in  literary  ability,  but  in  their  great  controversy  he  displayed  more 
magnanimity  than   his  rival,  being   willing  to   forego  a  public  answer   to   his   provoking 

1  Jer.  Ep.  cxxvii.  10.  2  jer.  Ep.  cxxv.  3  Jer.  Pref.  to  Comm.  on  Ezek.  B.  I. 


4IO  LIFE    AND    WORKS    OF    RUFINUS. 

apology.  He  was  highly  esteemed  by  the  eminent  churchmen  of  his  time  and  the  Bishops 
near  whom  he  lived.  Chromatins  of  Aquileia  was  his  friend  ;  for  Petroniusof  Bologna  he 
wrote  his  monastic  history,  for  Gaudentius  of  Brixia  he  translated  the  Clementine  Recogni- 
tions, for  Laurentius  (perhaps  of  his  native  Concordia)  he  composed  his  work  on  the  Creed. 
Paulinas  of  Nola  continued  his  friendship  for  him  to  the  end.  Above  all  Augustine 
speaks  of  him  as  the  object  of  love  and  of  honour;  and,  in  his  reply  to  Jerome^  who  had 
sent  him  his  Apology,  says;  ''I  grieved,  when  I  had  read  your  book,  that  such  discord 
should  have  arisen  between  persons  so  dear  and  so  intimate,  bound  to  all  the  churches  by 
a  bond  of  affection  and  of  renown." 

We  may  conclude  this  notice  by  two  quotations  from  writers  w  ho  lived  shortly  after 
the  death  of  Rufinus;  the  first  of  which  shows  how  unfairly  the  fame  of  Jerome  has 
pressed  on  the  memory  of  his  antagonist,  while  the  second  may  be  taken  as  the  verdict  of 
unprejudiced  history.  Pope  Gelasius,  at  a  Council  at  Rome  in  494,  drew  up  a  list  of 
books  to  be  received  in  the  church,  in  which  he  says  of  Rufinus:  '^  He  was  a  religious 
man,  and  wrote  many  books  of  use  to  the  Church,  and  many  commentaries  on  the  Scrip- 
ture ;  but,  since  the  most  blessed  Jerome  infamed  him  on  certain  points,  w^e  take  part 
with  him  (Jerome)  in  this  and  in  all  cases  in  which  he  has  pronounced  a  condemnation." 
(Migne's  Patrologia  vol.  lix.  col.  175).  On  the  other  hand  Gennadius,  in  his  list  of 
Ecclesiastical  writers  (c.  17)  says:  "  Rufinus,  the  presbyter,  of  Aquileia,  was  not  the  least 
of  the  church-teachers,  and  showed  an  elegant  genius  in  his  translations  from  Greek  into 
Latin  ;"  and,  after  giving  a  list  of  his  writings,  he  continues  :  "  He  also  replied  in  two  volumes 
to  him  who  decried  his  works,  showing  convincingly  that  he  had  exercised  his  powers 
through  the  might  which  God  had  given  him,  and  for  the  good  of  the  church,  and  that  it 
was  through  a  spirit  of  rivalry  that  his  adversary  had  employed  his  pen  in  defaming  him.*' 

WORKS    OF    RUFINUS. 

I.  Original  Works  which  still  Survive. 

1 .  A  Commentary  on  the  Benedictions  of  the  12  Patriarchs.  This  short  work  was 
composed  at  the  monastery  of  Pinetum  near  Terracina  during  Lent  in  the  year  398,  at  the 
request  of  Paulinus  of  Nola.  Rufinus  had  stayed  with  Paulinus  on  his  first  arrival  with 
Melania  in  Italy  (Paulinus.  Ep.  xxix,  12.)  and  Paulinus  wrote  to  him  (417)  after  he  had 
gone  to  Pinetum  begging  him  to  give  an  explanation  of  the  blessing  of  Jacob  in  Judah. 
Rufinus,  though  not  replying  for  a  time,  sent  his  exposition,  and  afterwards,  on  a  second 
request  from  Paulinus,  added  the  exposition  of  the  rest  of  the  blessings  in  the  Patriarchs, 
like  the  son  in  the  parable  (as  he  explains  in  a  graceful  letter  prefixed  to  the  work)  who 
said  ^'  I  go  not,"  but  afterwards  repented  and  went. 

The  exposition  is  well  written  and  clear ;  but  it  is  not  in  itself  of  much  value.  The 
text  on  which  he  comments  is  very  faulty:  for  instance,  in  the  Blessin^of  Reuben,  instead 
of  the  words  "  the  excellency  of  dignity  and  the  excellency  of  power,'  it  has  "  djirus  con- 
versationc^  et  durus^  temerarius.'^  When  Rufinus  adheres  to  the  plain  interpretation 
of  the  passage  his  comments  are  sensible  and  clear ;  but  he  soon  passes  to  the  mystic  sense : 
Reuben  is  God's  first-born  people,  the  Jews,  and  the  couch  which  he  defiles  is  the  la\v  of  the 
Old  Testament ;  and  the  moral  interpretation  is  grounded  on  the  supposed  meaning  of  Reuben, 
"  the  Son  who  is  seen,"  that  is  the  visible,  carnal  man,  who  breaks  through  the  law.  So,  in 
Judah's  "binding  his  foal  to  the  vine,"  the  explanation  given,  as  he  says,  by  the  Jews, 
that  the  vines  will  be  so  plentiful  that  they  are  used  even  for  tying  up  the  young  colts,  is 
dismissed.  The  foal  is  the  Christian  Church  the  offspring  of  Israel  which  is  God's  ass, 
and  is  bound  to  Christ  the  true  vine. 

2.  A  dissertation  on  the  adulteration  of  the  works  of  Origen  by  heretics.,  subjoined  to 
his  translation  of  Pamphilus'  Apology  for  Origen.  This  will  be  found  in  the  present 
volume  pp.  421-427. 

3.  An  apology  addressed  to  the  Pope  Anastasius,  See  the  introductory  note  prefixed 
to  the  translation  of  this  work  (429)  now  first  translated  into  English. 

4.  The  Apology  for  himself  against  the  attacks  of  fei-ome.  See  the  introductory 
statement  prefixed  to  the  translation  (434-5). 

5.  Ecclesiastical  History  in  Two  Books.,  being  a  continuation  of  the  History  of 
Eusebius  translated  by  Rufinus  into  Latin.      This  work  was  composed  at  Aquileia  at  the 

^  Auj<.  Letter  73  (In  Jerome's  Letters  No.  no). 


PROLEGOMENA.  41  e 


request  of  the  Bishop,  Chromatins.  The  date  is  probably  401,  since  in  the  Preface  Rufi- 
nus  sa3^s  that  he  had  been  requested  to  translate  Eusebius  at  the  time  when  Alaric  was  in- 
vading Italy.  This  must  allude  to  the  first  of  Alaric's  invasions,  in  400,  snice  the  second 
invasion  (402)  would  have  been  marked  by  some  word  such  as  ''  Iterum,"  and  at  the  3d  in 
40S  Chromatins  had  already  died.  The  history  does  not  attempt  to  give  more  than  the  chief 
events,  and  these  are  told  with  little  sense  of  proportion,  the  Council  of  Arimininn  occupying 
about  20  lines,  w^hile  the  story  of  the  right  arm  of  Arsenius  which  Athanasius  was  ac- 
cused of  cutting  ofl' takes  up  five  times  that  space.  Some  documents  of  great  importance, 
however,  are  given,  such  as  the  canons  of  NicaBa,  and  the  Creed  as  it  issued  from  the  council. 
But  there  is  much  credulity,  as  shown  in  the  account  of  the  Discovery  of  the  True  Cross  by 
Helena  mother  of  Constantine,  and  the  stories  of  the  death  of  Arius  and  the  attempted 
rebuilding  of  the  Jewish  Temple  under  Julian.  Rufinus  has  none  of  the  critical  power 
leeded  for  a  true  historian.  We  may  add  that  all  that  is  valuable  in  his  history  is  incor- 
porated into  the  works  of  Socrates  (translated  in  Vol.  iii.  of  this  Series).  See  especially 
B.  ii,  c.  I. 

6.  The  Histojy  of  the  Monks  which  is  a  description  of  the  Egyptian  Solitarier  ap- 
pears to  have  no  mark  of  its  date :  But  it  was,  no  doubt,  composed  at  Aquileia  between 
39S  and  409,  probably  in  the  later  part  of  that  period.  It  was  written  in  the  name  of 
Petronius  Bishop  of  Bologna,  and  records  his  experiences,  which  he  says  he  had  been  often 
requested  by  the  monks  of  Mt.  Olivet  to  commit  to  w^riting.  It  is  full  of  strange  stories  like 
those  in  Jerome's  Lives  of  the  Hermits  Hilarion  and  Malchus.^  There  is  often  a  verbal 
reseinblance  between  this  book  and  the  Lausiac  History  of  Palladius;  indeed,  they  at  times 
record  the  same  adventures  (compare  the  story  of  the  crocodiles,  Ruf.  Hist.  Mon.  xxxiii. 
6  with  Pall.  Hist.  Laus.  cL,  where  even  the  same  prayers  and  texts  are  put  into  the  mouths 
of  the  two  narrators.)  But  it  is  probable  that  in  these  cases  Palladius  is  indebted  to 
Rufinus. 

7.  The  Exposition  of  the  Creed  is  described  in  the  note  prefixed  to   the  Translation 

(54- )• 

8.  The  Prefaces  to  the  Books  of  Origen^  translated  by  Rufinus,  and  to  the  Apology 
of  Pamphllus  for    Orlgen^  together   with   the   Book  on    the  Adulteration   of  Orlgen's 

Writings  are  given  in  this  volume  (420-427).  That  to  the  Tiepl'Apx^^v  (427)  is  the  docu- 
ment on  which  the  great  controversy  between  Jerome  and  Rufinus  turns.  That  to  Nmn- 
bers  gives  personal  details  of  importance,  while  the  Peroration  to  the  Ep.  to  the  Romans 
exhibits  the  method  used  in  translating.  The  Preface  and  Epilogue  to  the  work  ofPamphi- 
lus  are  of  great  importance  in  connexion  with  the  controversy  between  Jerome  and  Rufinus. 

II.     Translations  from  Greek  Writers. 

1.  The  Rule  of  St.  Basil.,  translated  at  Pinetum  for  the  Abbat  Urseius  in  397  or  398. 
This  was  the  first  work  written  by  Rufinus  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge. 

2.  The  Apology  of  Pamphllus  for  Orlgen.  This  formed  the  ist  book  of  an  Apol- 
ogy for  Origen's  teaching  in  6  books,  which  were  composed  by  Eusebius  and  Pamphilus 
during  the  latter's  imprisonment  at  Csesarea  previous  to  his  martyrdom.  Eusebius  speaks 
of  this  work  in  a  general  way  (H.  E.  vi.  33)  as  written  by  himself  and  Pamphilus.  The 
last  book,  however,  was  written  by  Eusebius  alone  after  the  death  of  Pamphilus.  The 
part  translated  by  Rufinus  is  only  the  ist  book,  and  this  he  believed  to  be  by  Pamphilus 
alone.  Jerome  in  his  Apology  (487,  514)  asserted  that  the  whole  was  by  Eusebius  alone. 
But  his  bitter  feeling  led  him  astray  in  this.  The  Apology  for  Origen  has  perished  with 
the  exception  of  this  ist  book  which  survives  in  Rufinus'  Translation.  The  Preface 
which  he  prefixed  to  the  work,  and  the  Epilogue  which  he  subjoined  to  it  under  the  name 
of  "  The  book  concerning  the  adulteration  of  the  works  of  Origen  "  are  given  in  our  trans- 
lation (420-427).  This  work  was  written  at  Pinetum  near  Terracina  at  the  request  of 
Macarius,  to  whom  the  Preface  is  addressed,  in  the  end  of  397  or  the  beginning  of  398. 
For  the  questions  relating  to  the  authorship  of  the  Apology  the  reader  is  referred  to  the 
Apologies  of  Jerome  and  Rufinus  (esp.  pp.  487,  514),  to  Lightfoot's  Article  on  Eusebius 
in  the  Diet,  of  Eccl.  Biography,  and  the  Prolegomena  to  the  Translation  of  Eusebius  in  this 
Series,  p.  36. 

3.  Orlgen^s  Uepl  'Aitjjwj^.  This  translation  was  also  made  at  the  request  of  Macarius, 
and  was  finished  as  the  Preface  to  B.  iii.  shows  in  the  Lent  of  398.  The  questions  raised 
by  this  Translation  are  discussed  in  the  Introductions  to  the  Works  of  Jerome  (Vol.  vi  of 

1  See  those  Lives  translated  in  Vol.  vi  of  this  Serfes. 


412  LIFE    AND    WORKS    OF    RUFINUS. 

this  Series) ,  and  of  Rufinus  in  this  Volume  ;  and  the  controversy  itself  is  developed  in  their 
Apologies  (434-540).  The  greater  part  of  the  Uepl  'Apxo)v  is  known  to  us  only  through  this 
translation. 

4.  Origen's  Homilies.  Those  on  the  Books  of  Moses  and  of  Joshua  were  trans- 
lated at  various  times  during  the  last  10  years  of  Rufinus'  life.  He  had  intended,  as 
he  states  in  his  Preface  to  the  Book  of  Numbers,  to  translate  all  that  had  been  written 
by  Origen  on  the  Pentateuch  :  he  accomplished  this  as  regards  the  first  three  books,  and 
also  as  to  the  book  of  Joshua,  at  the  request  of  Chromatius ;  the  book  of  Numbers  he 
only  finished  in  Sicily,  just  before  his  death ;  and  the  Commentaries  on  Deuteronomy  he 
did  not  live  to  translate.  In  these  translations,  as  he  tells  us  (567),  he  did  not  scruple  to 
supply  what  he  found  to  be  omitted  in  the  Greek,  the  Homilies  being  of  a  hortatory 
kind,  whereas  Rufinus'  object  was  an  exposition  of  the  text. 

The  Translation  of  the  Homilies  o?z  Judges.,  though  there  is  no  Preface  to  it,  is  ascribed 
to  Rufinus  by  Fontanini,  who  maintains  that  in  this  case,  the  name  of  Rufinus  being  dis- 
credited on  account  of  Jerome's  diatribe  against  him,  the  editors  have  suppressed  the 
Preface,  while  in  some  other  cases  they  have  substituted  the  name  of  Jerome  for  that  of 
Rufinus. 

The  Translation  of  Origen's  Commentaiy  on  the  ^6th.,  jyth  and  j 8th  Psalms  \s  un- 
questionably by  Rufinus;  it  is  dedicated  to  Apronianus,  and  may  have  been  written  in 
Rome  (Fontanini  col.  188,  beginning  of  ch.  viii).  The  Preface  is  given  by  us  in  this 
volume.  Fontanini  also  gives  to  Rufinus  a  Translation  of  Origen's  Homilies  on  i  Kings 
and  on  Canticles.  The  books  on  Joshua  and  Judges  he  translated  as  he  found  them  (567), 
but  in  the  next  he  adopted  a  different  method. 

The  works  of  Origen  on  the  Ep.  to  the  Romans  were  very  long,  and  Rufinus  did  not 
scruple  to  condense  them  (reducing  the  25  books  of  Origen  to  10),  as  he  clearly  states  in 
his  Peroration  (567).  This  work  he  addressed  to  Heraclius,  and  it  was  composed  dur- 
ing his  stay  at  Aquileia. 

Rufinus  had  hoped,  as  we  learn  from  the  same  Peroration  (567),  to  translate 
some  at  least  of  the  Commentaries  of  Origen  upon  the  other  Epistles  of  St.  Paul ;  but  he 
first  determined  to  finish  those  upon  the  Pentateuch,  a  task  in  which,  as  we  have  seen,  he 
was  overtaken  by  death. 

5.  The  Translation  of  JO  Tracts  of  St.  Basil  and  8  of  Gregory  JVazianzen.  These 
are  to  be  found  in  the  works  of  Basil  and  Gregory,  but  without  Prefaces;  they  are,  how- 
ever, mentioned  by  Rufinus  himself  in  his  Eccl.  Hist.  ii.  9,  and  in  a  letter  to  Apronianus 
quoted  by  Fontanini  Vit.  Ruf.  II.,  viii,  I.  col.  189. 

6.  The  Sentences  of  Xystus.,  which  have  been  variously  attributed  to  a  philosopher  who 
flourished  in  the  reign  of  Augustus,  and  is  quoted  by  Seneca,  and  to  Xystus,  or  Sixtus,  Bp. 
of  Rome,  who  suffered  martyrdom  in  258.  They  are  called  the  Annulus  {^^yx^|'p'|'^l■ov)  as 
inseparable  from  the  hand.  Rufinus  speaks  of  them  in  his  Preface,  translated  in  this 
volume,  as  being  traditionally  ascribed  to  the  Bishop ;  he  does  not  pledge  himself  to  this 
opinion,  but  does  not  deny  it ;  and  recent  research  has  shown  that,  though  they  may  have 
a  basis  in  heathen  philosophy,  they  are  in  their  present  form  the  writings  of  a  Christian. 
Jerome,  however,  scoffs  at  Rufinus  again  and  again,  as  either  through  ignorance  or  hetero- 
doxy ascribing  to  a  Christian  Bishop  and  martyr  the  work  of  a  Pythagorean  (See  Jerome 
ad  Ctesiphontem  (Ep.  cxxxiii.  c.  3),  Comm.  on  Ezek.  B.  vi.  ch.  8,  on  Jerem.  B.  iv. 
ch.   22.     The  whole  matter  is  fully  discussed  in  Diet,  of  Christian  Biog.  Art.  Xystus.) 

7.  7 he  Sentences  of  Evagrius  Poiiticus  (or  Iberita  or  Galatus)  in  three  treatises, 
{\)  to  Virgins.^  (2)  To  Alonks.,  (3)  Oil  the  Passionless  State.  These  are  described  with 
bitter  depreciation  as  heretical  works  by  Jerome  (Ad  Ctes.  Ep.  133  c.  3.  Pref.  to  Anti- 
Pelagian  Dialogue  and  to  B.  iv.  of  Comm.  on  Jerem.)  but  approved  by  Gennadius  (c.  9.) 
who  issued  an  amended  version  of  Rufinus'  translation.  Rufinus'  translation  is  said  to  be 
in  the  Vatican  library  by  Fontanini  (Vita  Rufini  Lib.  II.  c.  iv.  in  Migne's  Patrologia 
Vol.  21  col.  205.) 

8.  The  Recognitions  of  Clement  supposed  to  have  been  written  by  Clement  Bishop  of 
Rome,  but  now  known  to  be  a  work  of  50  or  60  years  later.  The  translation  of  it  was 
asked  for  by  Silvia  sister  of  Rufinus  the  Praetorian  Prefect,  and  was  unsuccessfully  at- 
tempted by  Paulinus  of  Nola  (see  his  letter  to  Rufinus  in  Fontanini  as  above,  col.  208.) 
After  the  death  of  Silvia,  Gaudentius  Bp.  of  Brixia  where  she  died  as  a  saint,  urged  Ru- 
finus to   make  the  translation    (Peror.   to   Ep.    to  Rom.   567)    Preface  of  Rufinus.) 

9.  The  translation  of  ^2^5^^/2^/  Eccl.  History  in  9  books,  a   work   much  valued  in 


PROLEGOMENA.  413 


Gaul,  and  often  reprinted  In  later  times.  The  Preface  (Migne's  Rufinus  col.  461)  is 
addressed  to  Chromatins,  and  says  that  it  was  demanded  by  him  at  the  time  of  Alaric's 
invasion  of  Italy  (A.D.  400)  as  an  antidote  to  the  unsettlement  of  men's  minds.  Ru- 
finus speaks  humbly  of  himself  as  having  little  practice  in  Latin  writing.  He  says  that  he 
has  compressed  the  loth  book  which  contained  little  of  real  history,  and  added  what  re- 
mained of  it  to  Book  9.     See  Prolegomena  to  Eusebius  in  this  Series  Vol.  i  p.  54. 

It  is  a  curious  and  important  fact  that  all  the  translations  known  to  have  been  made 
by  Rufinus  have  survived.  This  is  due  no  doubt  to  their  being  the  only  translations  ex- 
tant in  the  Middle  Ages  of  great  writers  like  Origen  and  Basil,  and  to  the  impossibility  of 
procuring  others.  The  imcritical  spirit  of  the  time  may  have  been  favourable  to  them.  Had 
they  been  recognized  as  the  works  of  Rufinus,  they  might  have  been  destroyed  ;  but  it  was 
possible,  even  after  the  revival  of  learning,  to  attribute  many  of  them  to  Jerome. 

Gennadius  mentions  a  series  of  Rufinus'  letters,  which  have  not  survived,  amongst 
which  were  several  of  special  importance  addressed  to  Proba,  a  lady  who  is  highly  com- 
mended by  Jerome  in  his  letter  to  Demetrias.^  Jerome  also  mentions  (537)  some  trans- 
lations of  Rufinus  from  Latin  into  Greek,  but  his  allusion  is  somewhat  vague ;  and 
some  translations  from  the  LXX  (536).  A  translation  of  Josephus,  and  a  Commentary 
on  the  first  75  Psalms,  and  on  Hosea,  Joel  and  Amos,  a  Life  of  St.  Eugenia  and  a  Book 
on  the  Faith  have  been  attributed  to  Rufinus  but  are  believed  not  to  be  his.  These,  with 
the  exception  of  the  translation  of  Josephus,  are  given  by  Vallarsi  in  his  edition  of  Ru- 
finus. Besides  these,  translations  of  Origen's  Seven  Homilies  on  Matthew  and  one  on 
John,  and  of  his  treatises  on  Mary  Magdalen  and  on  Christ's  Epiphany  have  at  times 
been  attributed  to  Rufinus. 

We  do  not  propose  to  go  minutely  into  the  Bibliography  of  Rufinus'  Works.  Some 
of  them  were  among  the  earliest  printed  books.  The  Editio  Princeps  of  the  Commefttary 
on  the  Creed  bears  date  Oxford^  1468^  but  is  commonly  believed  to  be  really  of  147S  ;  that 
of  the  Ecclesiastical  History^  Paris^  ^474')  that  of  the  History  of  the  Monks  ^  undated,  is  be- 
lieved to  be  of  147 1  ;  i\\3itoiiheComme7itariesofOrig'en  is  of  1503  (Aldus  Minutius)  ;  that  of 
the  Saying's  of  Xystus  of  1507,  and  of  the  Ilfpt  'Ap;j:wv  is  of  1514  (Venice).  They  continued 
to  be  reprinted  up  to  1580;  but,  with  the  exception  of  the  Sayings  of  Xystus^  no  further 
editions  were  published  till  the  edition  of  Vallarsi  (Verona,  1745),  and  the  Life  by  Fonta- 
nini  (Rome,  1743).  Since  that  date,  though  various  editions  and  translations  of  the  Ex- 
positions of  the  Creed  have  appeared,  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  give  the  whole  of 
Rufinus'  writings.  Migne  (Patrologia,  Vol.  xxi.,  Paris,  1849)  ^^  contented  to  reprint  Val- 
larsi without  alteration. 

No  complete  edition  of  Rufinus'  Works,  therefore,  exists.  The  volume  of  Migne's 
Patrologia  (21)  contains  the  Life  by  Fontanini  (Rome,  1742),  the  Notice  by  Schoenemann 
(Leipzig,  1792),  and  Vallarsi's  edition  (Verona,  1745)  of  Rufinus'  chief  works,  viz.  The 
Benedictions  of  the  Patriarchs,  the  Commentary  on  the  Creed,  the  Monastic  History,  the 
Ecclesiastical  History,  the  Apology  against  Jerome,  and  the  Apology  addressed  to  An- 
astasius.  Vallarsi  had  intended  to  edit  the  Translations  from  Greek  writers,  but  did  not 
accomplish  this.  The  Prefaces  to  these  translations,  some  of  which  are  of  great  impor- 
tance, have  therefore  to  be  sought  by  the  student  in  the  editions  of  the  writers  to  whose 
works  they  are  prefixed.  They  are  collected  and  translated  in  this  Volume  for  the  first 
time. 

We  have  in  the  present  work  not  attempted  to  translate  all  the  original  works  of 
Rufinus.  We  have  omitted  the  Exposition  of  the  Benedictions  of  the  Twelve  patriarchs, 
the  Ecclesiastical  History  and  the  History  of  the  Monks.  The  rest  we  have  given.  They 
include  his  Apologies,  together  with  the  Letter  of  Pope  Anastasius  about  him  to  John 
of  Jerusalem,  the  Prefaces  to  the  Jit^VXpx^'^  ^"d  the  Apology  of  Pamphilus,  and  the  Epi- 
logue to  the  latter  work,  called  the  Dissertation  on  the  adulteration  of  the  Works  of 
Origen,  together  with  the  Prefaces  which  are  still  extant  to  his  Translations  of  Origen's 
Commentaries  and  his  Peroration  to  Origen  on  Romans.  We  have  also  included  his  best- 
known  work,  his  Commentary  on  the  Creed,  a  translation  of  which  has  kindly  been 
placed  at  our  service  by  Dr.  Heurtley,  Lady  Margaret   Professor  of  Theology  at  Oxford. 

*  Letter  cxxx,  7, 


WORKS    OF    RUFINUS   TRANSLATED    IN    THIS    VOLUME. 


Preface    to    the    Commentary    on    the    Benedictions    of    the    Twelve 
Patriarchs     ............. 

Preface    to    the    Commentary    on    the    Benedictions    of    the    Twelve 
Patriarchs.     Booft:  II  ......... 

Preface  to  the  Apology  of  Pamphilus  ....... 

Treatise  on  the  Adulteration  of  the  works  of  Origen  . 

Preface  to  the  Translation  of  Origen's  Uepl  'Apxo)v  B.  I  &  II 

Preface  to  the  Translation  of  Origen's  llepl  'Apxo)v  B.  Ill  &  IV  . 

Apology  of  Rufinus  addressed  to  Anastasius  Bp.  of  Rome 

Letters  of  Anastasius  to  John  Bishop  of  Jerusalem  concerning  Rufinus 

Rufinus'  Apology  against  Jerome  B.  I    . 

Rufinus'  Apology  against  Jerome  B.  II  . 

Jerome's  Apology  in  answer  to  Rufinus  B.  I 

Jerome's  Apology  in  answer  to  Rufinus  B.  II 

Jerome's  Apology  in  answer  to  Rufinus  B.  Ill 

Rufinus  on  the  Creed        ..... 

Rufinus'  Preface'  to  his  Translation  of  the  Recognitions  of  Clement 

Rufinus'   Preface  to  his  Translation  of  the  Sayings  of  Xystus 

Rufinus*    Preface     to    his    Translation    of     the    Church    History    of 
eusebius  ............ 

Rufinus'  Preface  to  his  Translation  of  Origen  on  Pss.  36,  37,  38    . 

Rufinus'  Preface  to  his  Translation  of  Origen  on  the  Ep.  to  the  Romans 

Rufinus'  Peroration  appended  to  Origen  on  the  Ep.  to  the  Romans 

Rufinus'  Preface  to  his  Translation  of  Origen  on  Numbers     . 


417 

419 
420 
421 

427 
429 

430 
432 

434 
460 

482 
501 
5^3 
541 
563 
564 

5% 
S66 

566 

5^7 
568 


WRITINGS    OF    RUFINUS. 


PREFACE    TO   THE   COMMENTARY   ON   THE    BENEDICTIONS    OF 

THE    TWELVE    PATRIARCHS. 


Rufinus  had  arrived  with  Melania,  in  Italy,  in  the  spring  of  397,  after  a  stay  in  the  East  of  some  25  years. 
They  had  visited  Pauhnus  at  Nola,  and  had  been  entertained  by  him  with  the  highest  honours.  Melania  probably 
remained  in  Campania,  where  she  had  property,  engaged  in  family  affairs;  but  Rufinus  set  out  for  Rome.  He 
stopped,  however,  for  some  months  at  the  monastery  of  Pinetum  near  Terracina,  with  his  friend  Urseius  the 
Abbot. 

His  work  on  Jacob's  Benedictions  on  his  sons  in  Gen.  xlix  was  occasioned  by  the  following  letter  from 
Paulinus,  who  alludes  to  it  in  writing  to  Sulpicius  Severus  (Ep.  xxviii).  "I  have  written  a  short  note  to  the 
Presbyter  Rufinus,  the  companion  of  the  saintly  Melania  in  her  spiritual  journey,  a  truly  holy  and  truly  learned 
man,  and  one  united  with  me  on  this  account  in  the  closest  affection."  The  work  itself,  being  an  Exposition  of 
Scripture,  is  not  given,  but  only  the  Preface. 


Paulinus  to  his  brother  RufinuSy  all  best 
wishes} 

1 .  Even  a  short  letter  from  one  so  like- 
minded  as  yourself  is  a  great  refreshment, 
like  the  dew  which  revives  a  thirsty  field 
when  the  rivers  are  low.  But  while  I  con- 
fess that  I  have  been  refreshed  by  this  letter 
which,  though  short,  is  still  from  you,  and  is 
sent  by  the  servant  of  our  common  children, 
yet  I  have  been  troubled  at  hearing  that  all 
at  once  through  the  disquiet  of  your  anxiety 
and  the  uncertainty  caused  by  delay,  you 
have  determined  that  you  must  go  to  Rome. 
May  the  Lord  grant  you  to  receive  joy  in  the 
Lord  from  what  we  are  doing :  so  that,  as 
now  we  share  in  your  anxiety,  so  we  may 
rejoice  in  your  joy,  and  that  we  may  still 
have  some  beginnings  of  hope  that  we  may 
enjoy  your  presence,  when  you  begin  to 
see  clearly  your  way  and  the  will  of  the 
Lord  concerning  you. 

2.  You  are  kind  enough,  with  that  affec- 
tion which  makes  you  love  me  as  yourself, 
to  desire  that  I  should  take  up  more  seri- 
ously the  study  of  Greek  literature.  I  ac- 
knowledge the  kindness  which  dictates  this 
wish ;  but  I  am  unable  to  give  it  effect, 
unless,  through  God's  blessing  on  my  earnest 
desires,  I  should  have  the  happiness  of  your 
company  for  a  longer  time.  How  can  I 
gain  any  proficiency   in   a   foreign  tongue  in 


1  Salutem,  a  word  implying-  well-being  generallyas  well  as 
health. 


the  absence  of  him  who  might  teach  me 
what  I  do  not  know.''  I  think  that,  in  the 
matter  of  the  translation  of  St.  Clement,* 
besides  the  other  defects  of  my  abilities,  you 
noticed  this  especially  as  showing  the  weak- 
ness caused  by  my  want  of  practice,  that 
where  I  had  been  unable  to  understand  the 
words  or  to  express  them  accurately,  I  have 
translated  them  according  to  my  idea  of  their 
drift,  or,  to  speak  more  truly,  set  down  what 
I  thought  ought  to  be  there.  All  the  more 
therefore  do  I  need  that,  through  God's 
mercy,  I  may  have  your  company  in  fuller 
measure  ;  for  that  will  be  like  wealth  to  the 
poor  or  like  gathering  the  crumbs  which  fall 
from  the  rich  man's  table  with  the  eager  ap- 
petite of  the  bondman's  heart. 

3.  At  the  moment  when  I  was  writing 
these  words  my  eye  fell  upon  a  passage  of 
Scripture,  occurring  in  a  portion  which  I 
had  set  down  for  reading,  namely  that  in 
which  Judah  is  blessed  by  Jacob ;  and  I  de- 
termined after  a  time  to  knock  at  the  door  of 
your  mind,  for  which  the  Lord  had  given 
me  this  most  timely  occasion.  I  beg  you,  if 
you  love  me,  or  rather  because  you  love  me 
so  greatly,  to  write  and  say  how  you  under- 
stand this  blessing  of  the  Patriarchs;  and,  if 
there  are  some  things  in  it  which  are  worth 
knowing  but  hard  to  understand,  impart  to 
me  also  the  knowledge  of  them  ;  especially 
of  that  passage  which    says:    "  Binding  his 

iThat  is,  the  Recogriitions.  See  the  Preface  to  Rufinus' 
Translation  in  this  volume,  with  the  explanatory  note  prefixed 
to  it. 


4i8 


RUFINUS. 


colt  to  the  vine  and  his  ass's  '  colt  to  the  hair- 
cloth." "^  Tell  me  what  is  the  colt  and  the 
ass's  colt,  and  why  his  colt  is  to  be  bound  to 
the  vine,  but  the  ass's  colt  to  the  hair  cloth. 

T/ie  answer  of  Rufinus  forms  the  Preface  to 
his  Exposition  of  the  Benedictions. 

1.  The  more  I  excuse  myself  to  you,  and 
the  more  I  assert  that  I  am  unable  to  respond 
to  your  inquiries,  the  more  instant  you 
become  in  your  requests,  and  the  harder  be- 
come your  demands  :  you  treat  me  as  you 
would  an  ox  whose  laziness  you  have  discov- 
ered, and  prick  his  flanks  and  back  as  he  stops 
and  turns  back  with  goads  of  ever  increasing 
sharpness.  I  must  point  out  to  you,  there- 
fore, that,  even  if  I  am  able  to  bow  my  neck 
low  so  as  just  to  drag  the  heavy  yoke  which 
you  lay  upon  me,  yet  I  have  no  chance  of 
bursting  at  a  rapid  pace  into  the  open  and 
wide-spreading  plains  through  a  form  of 
speech  which  flows  at  large  and  pours  itself 
forth  over  far-extending  space.  Bear  w^ith 
me  therefore  if  my  resolution  has  been  but 
tardily  fulfilled,  and  if  I  come  up  only  at  a 
feeble  pace  to  the  point  to  which  you  call  me. 

2.  You  ask  me  how  the  passage  in  Genesis 
is  to  be  understood  in  which  Israel  the  father 
of  the  patriarchs  is  represented  as  predicting 
what  he  saw  would  happen  to  each  of  his 
sons,  and  says  of  Judah,  amongst  other 
things  :  ''  Binding  his  colt  to  the  vine,  and 
his  ass's  colt  to  the  tendril  of  the  vine." 
You  write  it  "  and  his  ass's  colt  to  the  hair- 
cloth "  (cilicium)  ;  but  in  the  Greek  it  stands  : 

KoX  ry  eIlkl  tov  ttojTiov    ttjq  bvov  avrov.     The  Greeks 

call  by  the  name  eliKa  (twist)  not  the  sprigs 
of    the   vine    (as    our    copies    have    it)     but 

^  Gen.  xlix,  ii. 

'  This  is  a  mistaken  reading-  (though  said  by  Vallarsi  to  be 
accepted  by  both  Ambrose  and  Augustin),  Cilicium  for  kKLKi. 
Rufinus  adopts  the  latter.  '•  Binding  his  ass's  colt  to  the  tendril 
of  the  vine." 


those  sickle-like  shoots  '  by  which  it  supports 
itself  on  branches  of  trees  or  poles  or  the 
supports  of  the  kind  which  I  think  the 
farmers  call  goatikins  ;  ^  so  that  the  vine  is 
made  safe  by  these  clinging  shoots  from  all 
danger  of  falling,  and  the  tendril  can  either 
become  loaded  with  grapes  or  grow  out  in 
unfettered  length.  I  think  therefore  that  this 
very  word  (heHci),  like  some  others,  must 
have  been  set  down  a  long  time  ago  in  the 
Latin  versions,  and  that  it  was  afterwards 
supposed  by  unintelligent  copyists  that  by 
helici,  hair-cloth  (cilicium)  must  be  meant. 

3.  It  is  easy  in  this  way  to  emend  the  mis- 
takes of  the  translation  ;  but  it  is  not  so  easy 
to  find  out  the  meaning  of  the  expression 
itself  unless  we  take  into  consideration  the 
whole  passage.  But  the  treatment  of  this 
passage  would  be  placed  in  a  fuller  and 
clearer  light  if  we  could  go  back  to  the  be- 
ginning of  the  whole  of  these  Benedictions. 
But  this  implies  no  small  amount  of  leisure 
and  of  time ;  or,  to  speak  in  a  more  Chris- 
tian sense,  it  demands  a  mind  illuminated  by 
the  Holy  Spirit.  My  talent  is  but  slight, 
and  there  are  many  demands  on  my  time  ; 
and  my  friends  are  urging  me  to  comply 
with  their  requests  about  Origen.^  But, 
so  far  as  these  circumstances  admit,  and  so 
great  a  matter  can  be  treated  with  brevity,  I 
will  state  at  once  what  appears  to  me  the 
true  meaning  of  this  passage,  for  the  love 
with  which  you  bid  me  trust  you  in  every- 
thing, and  without  prejudice  to  the  judgment 
of  others,  who  may  have  something  better  to 
say  about  it. 


iThe  word  in  the  text  rncmmilos  is  unknown  in  I>atin, 
The  most  likely  conjecture  as  to  the  right  reading  is  rtiscarias 
gnibus  (that  is  ruscari'as  falculas  —  sickles  for  weeding  out 
butcher's  broom,  as  mentioned  byCato  and  Varro). 

2Capreolos.  Properly  little  goats,  thus  used  for  the  props, 
the  fork  of  which  resembled  the  horns  of  the  goat.  The  word 
is  also  used  for  the  tendrils  of  the  vine,  and  is  by  some  derived 
from  capio, 

3  That  is  about  the  translation  of  the  Ilepl  'Apx^i'.  See  the 
Preface  to  this  further  on. 


PREFACE    TO    BOOK    II. 


Rufinus,  as  we  see  bj  his  Preface  to  the  former  book,  considered  it  unsatisfactory  to  expound  the 
Blessing  upon  Judah  apart  from  those  on  his  brethren.  Paulinus  therefore,  taking  the  occasion  of 
their  common  friend  Cerealis'  journey  to  Rome,  sends  the  following  letter  to  induce  Rufinus  to 
expound  the  remaining  Benedictions. 


Paulinus  to  his  brother  Rufinus,  all  good  wishes. 

2.  Although  our  son  Cerealis  declared  to 
me  that  it  was  uncertain  whether,  in  returning 
as  he  now  does  to  St.  Peter,'  he  would  be 
able  to  visit  you,  yet  it  appears  to  me  that  it 

1  That  is  to  Rome. 


would  be  blamable  in  me  and  vexatious  to 
you  were  I  not  to  write  to  you  by  him  in 
whom  you  have  a  part  as  Vi^ell  as  I.  It  seems 
to  me  preferable  to  lose  some  letter  paper  by 
his  not  visiting  you  rather  than  to  lose  credit 
with  you  as  I  think  I  should  do  by  his  visit- 
ing you  without  it :  and  therefore  I  have  en- 


PREFACE  TO  BENEDICTIONS  OF  THE  PATRIARCHS —  BOOK  II.  419 


trusted  this  letter,  I  will  not  say  to  chance, 
but  to  faith:  for  I  believe  that  the  Lord  will 
direct  to  you  the  way  both  of  our  son  and  of 
my  letter  ;  since  to  those  who  long  for  good 
all  will  turn  to  good  ;  and  indeed  he  longs  for 
you  as  you  ought  to  be  longed  for  by  one  who 
understands  the  good  he  may  gain  from  your 
society.  I  believe  that  this  longing  of  his 
in  a  good  matter  will  not  be  lost,  according 
to  his  faith  and  piety  :  and  therefore  I  have 
confidence  that  he  will  reach  you  and  abide 
with  you,  and  that  I  shall  see  the  saving 
help  of  the  Lord  doubled  towards  you,  since 
in  him  you  will  have  the  accession  of  a  good 
son  and  pupil  and  assistant,  and  he  will  find 
in  you  a  father  and  teacher  of  all  good  things 
given  to  him  from  the  Lord,  who  will  add  to 
the  efficacy  and  power  of  his  prayers  the 
strength  of  spiritual  grace.  As  to  myself, 
though  I  have  the  assurance  that  when  you 
return  to  the  East  you  will  be  unwilling  to 
depart  without  visiting  me,  yet  my  sins 
make  me  fear  that  the  daughter  of  Baby- 
lon, may  turn  you  away  from  me.  I  pray 
therefore  with  earnest  longings  to  the  Lord 
that  he  would  give  me  not  according  to  my 
deserts  but  according  to  my  desire  and  may 
direct  your  course  to  me  in  the  way  of  peace  ; 
for  such  as  do  not  walk  in  that  way  are 
reprobate  and  condemned  and  incapable  of 
truly  longing  for  your  presence. 

2.  But  now  for  the  business  pai't  of  my 
letter.  I  charge  you,  with  the  importunity, 
with  which  I  am  in  the  habit  of  knocking 
at  your  door  even  in  the  middle  of  the 
night,  being  driven  by  fear  of  a  refusal  to 
the  modest  attitude  of  a  supplicant,  to  show 
me  kindness  once  more,  and  to  expound  the 
Benedictions  on  the  twelve  Patriarchs.  You 
have  already  made  a  beginning  with  the 
prophecy  relating  to  Judah,  and  have  given, 
according  to  the  precept,  a  threefold  inter- 
pretation of  it.  I  now  beg  you  to  expound 
the  prophecy  as  it  relates  to  each  of  the 
sons  of  Judah  :  so  that  I  may  myself  become 
possessed  of  the  truth  by  your  means,  and 
may  also  gain  through  your  help  the  favor 
and  the  praise  which  will  accrue  to  me ; 
for  I  shall  thus  be  able  to  make  answer  to 
those  who  have  thought  well  to  consult  me  on 
the  difficulties  of  this  passage  of  Scripture  not 
with  foolish  words  drawn  from  my  own  un- 
derstanding but  with  divine  truth  flowing 
from  your  inspiration. 


Rufinus,    though    at    this    time   busy  with   his 


larger  works,  the  translations  of  Pamphilus'  de- 
fence of  Origen,  and  Origen's  Ilepl  'Apx^^i^,  and, 
though  about  to  set  out  for  Rome,  lost  no  time  in 
composing  the  work  which  Paulinus  demanded, 
and  sent  it  him  with  the  following  letter. 


Rufimis  to  his  brother  Paulinus,  the  Man  of 
God,  with  all  good  wishes. 

1.  Though  our  common  son  Cerealis  did 
not  visit  me,  he  felt  what  pain  he  would  cause 
me  if  he  delayed  my  reception  of  your  letter, 
and  forwarded  it  to  me.  In  reading  it  I  felt, 
as  usual,  a  continual  increase  in  my  yearning 
towards  you  ;  but  I  found  towards  its  close  a 
request  from  which  I  have  frequently  begged 
you  to  excuse  me  —  I  mean  the  request 
which  you  make  that  I  should  write  some- 
thing in  answer  to  your  questions  as  to  the 
interpretation  of  passages  of  Scripture.  1 
thought  that  I  should  lead  you  to  desist  from 
these  questions  by  the  writings  I  have  once 
and  again  sent  you,  which  have  given  evi- 
dence of  my  ignorance  and  of  the  roughness 
of  my  speech. 

2.  But  since  you  still  are  not  weary  of 
commanding  me,  I  have  at  once,  to  the  best 
of  my  powers,  added  to  what  I  had  written 
at  your  desire  on  the  Benediction  of  Judah 
the  comments  on  the  remaining  eleven  patri- 
archs. I  acted  like  the  man  in  the  parable  of 
the  two  sons.  I  thought  that  I  should  thus  best 
fulfil  the  father's  will ;  and  though  when  he 
ordered  me  to  go  into  the  vineyard  I  had 
said  I  will  not  go,  yet  after  a  while  I  went. 
If,  as  I  grant,  there  is  some  rashness  in  the 
fact  that  with  so  little  capacity  we  attempt 
such  a  great  task,  I  would  say,  with  sub- 
mission to  you,  that  this  must  be  most 
justly  imputed  to  you,  since,  through  your 
excessive  love  for  me  you  do  not  see  that  my 
measure  of  knowledge,  as  of  other  virtues, 
is  but  slight.  I  wrote  this  work  in  the  days  of 
Lent,  while  I  was  staying  in  the  monastery  of 
Pinetimi,  and  I  wrote  it  for  you.  But  I 
found  it  impossible  to  conceal  this  poor  work 
from  the  brethren  who  were  there  :  and  they, 
considering  that  a  thing  which  had  been 
honoured  by  your  approval  must  be  of  great 
importance,  extorted  from  me  the  permis- 
sion to  copy  it  for  themselves.  Thus,  while 
you  demand  from  me  food  for  yourself  you 
give  refreshment  to  others  also.  Farewell, 
and  be  in  peace,  my  most  loving  brother, 
most  true  worshipper  of  God,  and  an  Israel- 
ite in  whom  there  is  no  guile.  I  entreat  you 
who  are  so  full  of  the  grace  of  God  to  hold 
me  still  in  remembrance. 


420 


RUFINUS. 


TRANSLATION    OF    PAMPHILUS'    DEFENCE   OF    ORIGEN. 

Written  at  Pinetum  A.D.  jp/. 


While  Rufinus  was  staying  at  Pinetum,  a  Christian  named  Macarius  ^  sought  his  advice  and  assistance. 
He  was  engaged  in  a  controversy  M'ith  the  Mathematici,  a  class  of  men  who  had  deserted  the  scientific  studies 
from  which  they  took  their  name,  and  had  turned  to  astrology  and  a  belief  in  Fatalism.  Macarius,  having  heard 
of  Origen's  greatness  in  the  region  of  Christian  speculation,  earnestly  desired  some  knowledge  of  his  writings : 
but  was  unable  to  attain  it  through  ignorance  of  Greek.  He  declared  to  Rufinus  that  he  had  had  a  dream  in 
which  he  saw  a  ship  laden  with  Eastern  merchandize  arriving  in  Italy,  and  that  it  was  declared  to  him  that  this 
ship  would  contain  the  means  of  attaining  the  knowledge  he  desired.  The  coming  of  Rufinus  seemed  to  him 
the  fulfilment  of  his  dream,  and  he  earnestly  besought  him  to  impart  to  him  some  of  the  treasures  of  his  Greek 
learning,  and  especially  to  translate  for  him  Origen's  great  speculative  work,  the  Uepl  'Ap^wv,  that  is  On  First 
Principles.*^  Rufinus  hesitated,  knowing  that  there  was  a  strong  prejudice  against  Origen,  and  that  he  was 
looked  on,  especially  in  the  West,  as  a  heretic,  though  his  writings  were  little  known  there.  He  yielded,  how- 
ever, to  the  solicitations  of  Macarius :  but  to  guard  against  the  imputation  of  heresy,  he  undertook  three  prelim- 
inary works.  First,  he  translated  the  Apology  of  the  Martyr  Pamphilus  for  Origen;  secondly,  he  wrote  a  short 
treatise  on  the  Adulteration  by  heretics  of  the  works  of  Origen;  and,  thirdly,  in  translating  the  Uepl  'Ap^^jf  he 
prefixed  to  it  an  elaborate  Preface  in  justification  of  his  course  in  translating  the  work.  All  these  documents 
became  the  subject  of  vehement  controversy  which  found  its  expression  in  the  letter  of  Jerome  to  his  friends  at 
Rome,  and  the  Apologies  of  Rufinus  and  Jerome  translated  in  this  volume. 

The  Apology  of  Pamphilus  for  Origen  forms  the  sixth  book  of  a  work  undertaken  by  him  in  connexion  with 
Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  the  Church  Historian.  Pamphilus  was  a  great  collector  of  books,  and  a  learned  man,  but 
Eusebius  was  the  chief  writer.  Pamphilus  was  put  to  death  in  the  last  persecution,  that  under  Galerius;  and 
Eusebius  having  at  a  later  time  fallen  under  suspicion  of  Arianism,  it  was  attempted  by  those  who  disliked 
Origen,  to  dissociate  Pamphilus  from  all  connexion  with  the  work.  There  seems  however  no  reason  to  doubt, 
notwithstanding  Jerome's  violent  protestations,  that  Pamphilus  was  associated  with  Eusebius  throughout  the  work, 
and  that  he  actually  wrote  the  sixth  book.  The  translation  of  this  Apology  was  made  first,  and  sent  out  with  a 
Preface  which  runs  as  follows : 


You  have  been  moved  by  your  desire  to 
know^  the  truth,  Macarius,  v\^ho  are  "  a 
man  greatly  beloved,"  ^  to  make  a  request  of 
me,  which  will  bring  you  the  blessing  at- 
tached to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth  ;  but  it 
will  win  for  me  the  greatest  indignation  on 
the  part  of  those  who  consider  themselves 
aggrieved  whenever  an}'  one  does  not  think 
evil  of  Origen.  It  is  true  that  it  is  not  my 
opinion  about  him  that  you  have  asked  for, 
but  that  of  the  holy  martyr  Pamphilus  ;  and 
you  have  requested  to  have  the  book  which 
he  is  said  to  have  written  in  his  defence  in 
Greek  translated  for  you  into  Latin:  never- 
theless I  do  not  doubt  that  there  will  be 
some  who  will  think  themselves  aggrieved 
if  I  say  anything  in  his  defence  even  in  the 
words  of  another  man.  I  beg  them  to  do 
nothing  in  the  spirit  of  presumption  and 
of  prejudice  ;  and,  since  we  must  all  stand 
before  the  judgment  seat  of  Christ,  not  to  re- 
fuse to  hear  the  truth  spoken,  lest  haply  they 
should  do  wrong  through  ignorance.  Let 
them  consider  that  to  wound  the  consciences 
of  their  weaker  brethren  by  false  accusations 


is  to  sin  against  Christ ;  and  therefore  let 
them  not  lend  their  ears  to  the  accusers,  nor 
seek  an  account  of  another  man's  faith  from 
a  third  party,  especially  when  an  oppor- 
tunity is  given  them  for  gaining  personal 
and  direct  knowledge,  and  the  substance 
and  quality  of  each  man's  faith  is  to  be 
known  by  his  own  confession.  For  so  the 
Scripture  says:  ''"With  the  heart  man  be- 
lieveth  unto  righteousness,  and  with  the 
mouth  confession  is  made  unto  salvation": 
and:  ^ '*  By  his  words  shall  each  man  be 
justified,  and  by  his  word  shall  he  be  con- 
demned." The  opinions  of  Origen  in  the 
various  parts  of  Scripture  are  clearly  set 
forth  in  the  present  work  :  as  to  the  cause 
of  our  finding  certain  places  in  which  he 
contradicts  himself,  an  explanation  will  be 
offered  in  the  short  document  subjoined.^ 
But  as  for  myself,  I  hold  that  which  has 
been  handed  down  to  us  from  the  holy 
fathers,  namely,  that  the  Holy  Trinity  is 
coeternal,  and  of  a  single  nature,  virtue  and 
substance  ;  that  the  Son  of  God  in  these  last 
times  has  been  made  man,  has  sufiered  for 


1  See  the  account  in  Rufinus'  Apoloiry  I.  1 1 . 

2  The  word  may  also  mean  On  be<^innings,  or 
the  speculation  of  the  Alexandrian  theology. 

*  Rom.  X,  10.  s  Matt,  xii,  37. 


On  Principalities  and  Powers  :  these    ideas  being-  connected  together  in 
^  Daniel  x.  11,  ix.  23.     The  name  Macarius  means  Blessed. 
6  See  tlie  Epilogue,  infra. 


EPILOGUE    TO    PAMPHILUS. 


421 


our  transgressions  and  rose  again  from  the 
dead  in  the  very  flesh  in  which  he  suffered, 
and  thereby  imparted  the  hope  of  the  resur- 
rection to  the  whole  race  of  mankind. 
When  we  speak  of  the  resurrection  of  the 
flesh,  we  do  so,  not  with  any  subter- 
fuges, as  is  slanderously  reported  by  certain 
persons  ;  we  believe  that  it  is  this  very  flesh 
in  which  we  are  now  living  which  will 
rise  again,  not  one  kind  of  flesh  instead 
of  another,  nor  another  body  than  the  body 
of  this  flesh.  When  we  speak  of  the  body 
rising  we  do  so  in  the  words  of  the  apostle  ; 
for  he  himself  made  use  of  this  word :  and 
when  we  speak  of  the  flesh,  our  confession 
is  that  of  the  Creed.  It  is  an  absurd  inven- 
tion of  maliciousness  to  think  that  the  human 
body  is  different  from  the  flesh.  However, 
whether  we  speak  of  that  which  is  to  rise, 
according  to  the  common  faith,  as  the  flesh, 
or,  according  to  the  Apostle,  as  the  body, 
this  we  must  believe,  that  according  to  the 
clear  statement  of  the  Apostle,  that  which 
shall  rise  shall  rise  in  power  and  in  glory  ; 
it  will  rise  an  incorruptible  and  a  spiritual 
body;  for  "corruption  cannot  inherit  incor- 


ruption."  We  must  maintain  this  preemi- 
nence of  the  body,  or  flesh,  which  is  to  be: 
but,  with  this  proviso,  we  must  hold  that 
the  resurrection  of  the  flesh  is  perfect  and 
entire  ;  we  must  on  the  one  hand  main- 
tain the  identity  of  the  flesh,  while  on  the 
other  we  must  not  detract  from  the  dignity 
and  glory  of  the  incorruptible  and  spiritual 
body.  For  so  the  Scripture  speaks.  This 
is  what  is  preached  by  the  reverend  Bishop 
John  at  Jerusalem  ;  this  we  with  him  both 
confess  and  hold.  If  any  one  either  believes 
or  teaches  otherwise,  or  insinuates  that  we 
believe  differently  from  the  exposition  of  our 
faith,  let  him  be  anathema.  Let  this  then 
be  taken  as  a  record  of  our  belief  by  any 
who  desire  to  know  it.  Whatever  we  read 
and  whatever  we  do  is  in  accordance  with 
this  account  of  our  faith  ;  we  follow  the 
words  of  the  Apostle,  '  "  proving  all  things, 
holding  fast  that  which  is  good,  avoiding 
every  form  of  evil."  ^  "  And  as  many  as 
walk  by  this  rule,  peace  be  upon  them  and 
upon  the  Israel  of  God." 


1  Thess.  V,  21,  22. 


2  Gal.  vi,  16. 


RUFINUS'S  EPILOGUE  TO  PAMPHILUS  THE  MARTYR'S 

APOLOGY  FOR  ORIGEN, 


OTHERWISE 


The  Book  Concerning  the  Adulteration  of  the  Works  of  Origen. 


Addressed  to  Macarius  at  Pinetum  A.D.  397* 


The  next  work  was  sent  out  at  the  same  time  with  Pamphilus'  Apology.  Rufinus  believed  that  Origen's 
works  had  been  adulterated  by  heretics  so  as  to  turn  his  assertions  into  support  of  their  own  opinions.  He 
thererore,  in  his  translation  of  the  Ylepl  'A/y;^;cjJ^  altered  many  things  which  had  a  heterodox  meaning  as  found 
in  the  ordinary  MSS.  of  Origen,  so  as  to  make  the  work  consistent  with  itself  and  with  the  orthodox  views  ex- 
pressed in  other  parts  of  Origen's  writings.  How  far  this  process  was  legitimate  or  honest  must  be  judged 
from  a  perusal  of  the  controversy  which  followed;  but  it  should  be  borne  in  mind,  first,  that  the  standard  of 
literary  exactness  and  conscientiousness  was  not  the  same  in  those  days  as  in  ours;  secondly,  that  when  everything 
depended  on  copyists,  there  was  room  for  mfinite  variations  in  the  copies,  whether  through  negligence,  igno- 
rance or  fraud;  thirdly,  that  the  principles  adopted  by  Rufinus  were  precisely  those  acknowledged  by  his  great 
opponent  Jerome,  in  his  Treatise  De  Optimo  Genere  Interpretandi,  and  his  Letter  to  Vigilantius  (Letters  Ixvi 
and  Ixi). 


My  object  in  the  translation  from  Greek 
into  Latin  of  the  holy  martyr  Pamphilus' 
Apology  for  Origen,  which  I  have  given  in 
the  preceding  volume  according  to  my  abil- 


ity and  the  requirements  of  the  matter,  is  this  : 
I  wish  you  to  know  through  full  information 
that  the  rule  of  faith  which  has  been  set 
forth  above  in  his  writings  is  that  which  we 


422 


RUFINUS. 


must  embrace  and  hold ;  for  it  is  clearly 
shown  that  the  Catholic  opinion  is  contained 
in  them  all.  Nevertheless  you  have  to  al- 
low that  there  are  found  in  his  books  certain 
things  not  only  different  from  this  but  in  cer- 
tain cases  even  repugnant  to  it ;  things  which 
our  canons  of  truth  do  not  sanction,  and  which 
we  can  neither  receive  nor  approve.  As  to 
the  cause  of  this  an  opinion  has  reached  me 
which  has  been  widely  entertained,  and 
which  I  wish  to  be  fully  known  by  you  and 
by  those  who  desire  to  know  what  is  true, 
since  it  is  possible  also  that  some  who  have 
before  been  actuated  by  the  love  of  fault- 
finding may  acquiesce  in  the  truth  and  reason 
of  the  matter  when  they  have  it  set  before 
them  ;  for  some  seem  determined  to  believe 
anything  in  the  world  to  be  true  rather  than 
that  which  withdraws  from  them  the  occasions 
of  fault-finding.  It  must,  I  think,  be  felt  to  be 
wholly  impossible  that  a  man  so  learned  and 
so  wise,  a  man  whom  even  his  accusers  mav 
well  admit  to  have  been  neither  foolish  nor 
insane,  should  have  written  what  is  contrary 
and  repugnant  to  himself  and  his  own 
opinions.  But  even  suppose  that  this  could 
in  some  way  have  happened  ;  suppose,  as 
some  perhaps  have  said,  that  in  the  decline 
of  life  he  might  have  forgotten  what  he  had 
written  in  his  early  days,  and  have  made  asser- 
tions at  variance  w^ith  his  former  opinions ; 
how  are  we  to  deal  with  the  fact  that  we  some- 
times find  in  the  very  same  passages,  and,  as 
I  may  say,  almost  in  successive  sentences, 
clauses  inserted  expressive  of  contrary  opin- 
ions? Can  w^e  believe  that  in  the  same  work 
and  in  the  same  book,  and  even  sometimes,  as 
I  have  said,  in  the  following  paragraph,  a 
man  could  have  forgfotten  his  own  views? 
For  example  that,  when  he  had  said  just  be- 
fore that  no  passage  in  all  the  Scripture  could 
be  found  in  which  the  Holy  Spirit  was 
spoken  of  as  made  or  created,  he  could  have 
immediately  added  that  the  Holy  Spirit  had 
been  made  along  with  the  rest  of  the  creat- 
ures? or  again,  that  the  same  man  who 
clearly  states  that  the  Father  and  the  Son  are 
of  one  substance,  or  as  it  is  called  in  Greek 
Homoousion,  could  in  the  next  sentence  say 
that  He  w^as  of  another  substance,  and  was  a 
created  being,  when  he  had  but  a  little  before 
described  him  as  born  of  the  very  nature  of 
God  the  Father?  Or  again  in  the  matter  of 
the  resurrection  of  the  flesh,  could  he  who 
so  clearly  declared  that  it  was  the  nature  of 
the  flesh  which  ascended  with  the  Word  of 
God  into  heaven,  and  there  appeared  to  the 
celestial  Powers,  presenting  a  new  image  of 
himself  for  them  to  worship,  could  he,  I  ask 
you,  possibly  turn  round  and  say  that  this  flesh 


was  not  to  be  saved  ?  Such  things  could  not 
happen  even  in  the  case  of  a  man  who  had 
taken  leave  of  his  senses  and  was  not  sound 
in  the  brain.  How,  therefore,  this  came  to 
pass,  I  will  point  out  with  all  possible  brev- 
ity. The  heretics  are  capable  of  any  vio- 
lence, they  have  no  remorse  and  no  scruples  : 
this  we  are  forced  to  recognize  by  the  audac- 
ities of  which  they  have  been  frequently 
convicted.  And,  just  as  their  father  the  devil 
has  from  the  beginning  made  it  his  object  to 
falsify  the  words  of  God  and  twist  them  from 
their  true  meaning,  and  subtilely  to  interpo- 
late among  them  his  own  poisonous  ideas,  so 
he  has  left  these  successors  of  his  the  same 
art  as  their  inheritance.  Accordingl}^  when 
God  had  said  to  Adam,  "You  shall  eat  of 
all  the  trees  of  the  garden  ;  "  he,  when  he 
wished  to  deceive  Eve  interpolated  a  sin- 
gle syllable,  by  which  he  reduced  within  the 
narrowest  bounds  God's  liberality  in  permit- 
ting all  the  fruits  to  be  eaten.  He  said: 
'^  Yea,  hath  God  said,  Ye  shall  not  eat  of 
any  tree  of  the  garden?"  and  tiius,  by 
suggesting  the  complaint  that  God's  com- 
mand was  severe,  he  more  easily  persuaded 
her  to  transgress  the  precept.  The  heretics 
have  followed  the  example  of  their  father,  the 
craft  of  their  teacher.  Whenever  they  found 
in  any  of  the  renowned  writers  of  old  days 
a  discussion  of  those  things  which  pertain  to 
the  glory  of  God  so  full  and  faithful  that 
every  believer  could  gain  profit  and  in- 
struction from  it,  they  have  not  scrupled  to 
infuse  into  their  writings  the  poisonous  taint 
of  their  own  false  doctrines;  this  they  have 
done,  either  by  inserting  things  which  the 
writers  had  not  said  or  by  changing  by  in- 
terpolation what  they  had  said,  so  that  their 
own  poisonous  heresy  might  more  easily  be 
asserted  and  authorized  by  passing  under  the 
name  of  all  the  church  writers  of  the  greatest 
learning  and  renown  ;  they  meant  it  to  ap- 
pear that  well-known  and  orthodox  men  had 
held  as  they  did.  We  hold  the  clearest 
proofs  of  this  in  the  case  of  the  Greek  writers  ; 
and  this  adulteration  of  books  is  to  be  found 
in  the  case  of  many  of  the  ancients  ;  but  it 
will  suffice  to  adduce  the  testimony  of  a  few, 
so  thnt  it  may  be  more  easily  understood 
what  has  befallen  the  writings  of  Origen. 

Clement,  the  disciple  of  the  Apostles,  who 
was  bishop  of  the  Roman  church  next  to 
the  Apostles,  was  a  martyr,  wrote  the  work 
which  is  called  in  the  Greek  'kvayvupLdfioq^  or 
in  Latin,  The  Recognition.'      In  these  books 

1  Rufinus  was  deceived  as  was  the  whole  world  until  the 
revival  of  learning,  in  believing  this  fabrication  to  be  the  work 
of  Clement.  It  is  really  a  romance  in  the  form  of  an  autobiog- 
raphy  of  Clement,  supposed  to  be  addressed  to  James  of  Jeru- 
salem;   and   was  written   probably  in   Asia   Minor  or   Syria 


EPILOGUE    TO    PAMPHILUS. 


423 


he  sets  forth   again  and  again  in  the   name  of 
the  Apostle    Peter  a  doctrine  which    appears 
to  be    truly  apostolical  :   yet    in   certain   pas- 
sages the  heresy  of  Eunomius  is  so  brought 
in  that    you  would    imag'ine  that   you    were 
listening  to   an  argument  of  Eunomius  him- 
self,   asserting    that    the    Son    of    God    was 
created  out  of  no  existing  elements.     Then 
ag-ain  that  other  method  of  falsification  is  in- 
troduced,  by  which  it  is  made  to  appear  that 
the  nature  of  the  devil  and  of  other  demons 
has    not    resulted    from    the     wickedness    of 
their  will  and   purpose,  but  from  an  excep- 
tional and  separate  quality  of  their  creation, 
although  he  in  all   other  places  had   taught 
that  ev^ry  reasonable  creature  was  endowed 
with    the    faculty   of    free    will.     There    are 
also    some    other    things    inserted    into     his 
books    which    the    church's    creed    does    not 
admit.     I    ask,   then,  what   we  are  to   think 
of  these  thing^s.'^     Are  we  to  believe  that   an 
apostolic  man,  nay,  almost  an  apostle  (since 
he   writes    the   things    which    the     apostles 
speak),  one  to  whom  the   apostle  Paul  bore 
his  testimony  in  the  words,  ''  With  Clement 
and    others,    my    fellow     labourers,    whose 
names    are    in   the    book   of    life "    was    the 
writer  of  words  which  contradict  the  book  of 
life?    or    are   we    to  say,    as    we   have    said 
before,  that   perverse    men,  in   order  to  gain 
authority  for  their  own  heresies   by  the   use 
of  the  names  of  holy  men,  and   so  procure 
their  readier    acceptance,    interpolated  these 
things  which  it  is  impossible  to  believe  that 
the  true  authors  either  thought  or  wrote? 

Again,  the  other  Clement,  the  presbyter 
of  Alexandria,  and  the  teacher  of  that 
church,  in  almost  all  his  books  describes  the 
three  Persons  as  having  one  and  the  same 
glory  and  eternity :  and  yet  we  sometimes 
find  in  his  books  passages  in  which  he 
speaks  of  the  Son  as  a  creature  of  God. 
Is  it  credible  that  so  great  a  man  as  he,  so 
orthodox  in  all  points,  and  so  learned,  either 
held  opinions  mutually  contradictory,  or 
left  in  writing  views  concerning  God  which 
it  is  an  impiety,  I  will  not  sav  to  believe, 
but  even  to  listen  to  ? 

Once  more,  Dionysius  the  Bishop  of 
Alexandria,  was  a  most  learned  maintainer 
of  the  church's  faith,  and  in  passages  without 
end  defended  the  unity  and  eternity  of  the 
Trinity,  so  earnestly  that  some  persons  of 
less  insight  imagine  that  he  held  the  views 
of  Sabellius ;  yet  in  the  books  which  he 
wrote  against  the  heresy  of  Sabellius,  there 
are  thing's  inserted  of  such  a  character  that 
the    Arians  endeavour    to    shield   themselves 

about  A.D,  200.     See  Article  "  Clementine  Literature  "  in  Diet, 
of  Ch.Biog. 


under  his  authority,  and  on  this  account  the 
holy  Bishop  Athanasius  felt  himself  com- 
pelled to  write  an  apology  for  his  work, 
because  he  was  assured  that  he  could  not 
have  held  strange  opinions  or  have  written 
things  in  which  he  contradicted  himself,  but 
felt  sure  that  these  things  had  been  inter- 
preted by  ill  disposed  men. 

This  opinion  we  have  been  led  to  form  by 
the  force  of  the  facts  themselves,  in  the  case 
of  these  very  reverend  men  and  doctors  of  the 
church  ;  we  have  found  it  impossible,  I  say, 
to  believe  that  those  reverend  men  who  again 
and  again  have  supported  the  church's  belief 
should  in  particular  points  have  held  opinions 
contradictory  to  themselves.  As  to  Origen, 
however,  in  whom,  as  I  have  said  above, 
are  to  be  found,  as  in  those  others,  certain 
diversities  of  statement,  it  will  not  be  suffi- 
cient to  think  precisely  as  we  think  or  feel 
about  those  who  enjoy  an  established  repu- 
tation for  orthodoxy;  nor  could  a  similar 
charge  be  met  by  a  similar  excuse,  were  it 
not  that  its  validity  is  shown  by  words  and 
writinors  of  his  own  in  which  he  makes  this 
fact  the  subject  of  earnest  complaint.  What 
he  had  to  suffer  while  still  living  in  the  flesh, 
while  still  having  feeling  and  sight,  from  the 
corruption  of  his  books  and  treatises,  or  from 
counterfeit  versions  of  them,  we  may  learn 
clearly  from  his  own  letter  which  he  wrote  to 
certain  intimate  friends  at  Alexandria  ;  and 
by  this  you  will  see  how  it  comes  to  pass 
that  some  things  wdiich  are  self-contradictory 
are  found  in   his  writings.' 

"  Some  of  those  persons  who  take  a 
pleasure  in  accusing  their  neighbours,  bring 
against  us  and  our  teaching  the  charge  of 
blasphemy,  though  from  us  they  have  never 
heard  anything  of  the  kind.  Let  them  take 
heed  to  themselves  how  they  refuse  to  mark 
that  solemn  injunction  which  says  that 
^ '  Revilers  shall  not  inherit  the  kingdom  of 
God,'  when  they  declare  that  I  hold  that 
the  fiither  of  wickedness  and  perdition,  and 
of  those  who  are  cast  forth  from  the  kingdom 
of  God,  that  is  the  devil,  is  to  be  saved,  a 
thing  which  no  man  can  say  even  if  he  has 
taken  leave  of  his  senses  and  is  manifestly 
insane.  Yet  it  is  no  wonder,  I  think,  if  my 
teaching  is  falsified  by  my  adversaries,  and 
is  corrupted  and  adulterated  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  epistle  of  Paul  the  Apostle. 
Certain  men,  as  we  know,  compiled  a  false 
epistle  under  the  name  of  Paul,  so  that  they 
might  trouble  the  Thessalonians  as  if  the  day 
of    the  Lord   were    nigh  at  hand,  and    thus 

1  The  letter  is  headed  "  On  the  adulteration  and  corruption 
of  his  books;  from  the  4th  book  of  the  letters  of  Origen  :  a 
letter  written  to  certain  familiar  friends  at  Alexandria." 

-  I  Cor.  vi,  10. 


424 


RUFINUS. 


beguile  them.  It  is  on  account  of  that  false 
epistle  that  he  wrote  these  words  in  the 
second  epistle  to  the  Thessalonians  :  '  '  We 
beseech  you,  brethren,  by  the  coming  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  our  gathering  together 
unto  him  ;  to  the  end  that  ye  be  not  quickly 
shaken  from  your  mind,  nor  yet  be  troubled, 
either  by  spirit  or  by  word  or  by  letter  as 
sent  from  us,  as  that  the  day  of  the  Lord  is  at 
hand.  Let  no  man  beguile  you  in  anywise.' 
It  is  something  of  the  same  kind,  I  perceive, 
which  is  happening  to  us  also.  A  certain 
promoter  of  heresy,  after  a  discussion  which 
had  been  held  between  us  in  the  presence  of 
many  persons,  and  notes  of  it  had  been  taken, 
procured  the  document  from  those  who 
had  written  out  the  notes,  and  added  or 
struck  out  whatever  he  chose,  and  changed 
things  as  he  thought  right,  and  published  it 
abroad  as  if  it  were  my  work,  but  pointing 
in  triumphant  scorn  at  the  expressions  which 
he  had  himself  inserted.  The  brethren  in 
Palestine,  indignant  at  this,  sent  a  man  to 
me  at  Athens  to  obtain  from  me  an  authen- 
tic copy  of  the  work.  Up  to  that  time  I  had 
never  even  read  it  over  again  or  revised  it :  it 
had  been  so  completely  neglected  and  thrown 
aside  that  it  could  hardly  be  found.  Never- 
theless, I  sent  it:  and,  — God  is  witness  that 
I  am  speaking  the  truth,  —  when  I  met  the 
man  himself  who  had  adulterated  the  work, 
and  took  him  to  task  for  having  done  so, 
he  answered,  as  if  he  were  giving  me  satis- 
faction :  '  I  did  it  because  I  wished  to  im- 
prove that  treatise  and  to  purge  away  its 
faults.'  What  kind  of  a  purging  was  this  that 
he  applied  to  my  dissertation  ?  such  a  purging 
asMarcion  or  his  successor  Apelles  after  him 
gave  to  the  Gospels  and  to  the  writings  of  the 
Apostle.  They  subverted  the  true  text  of 
Scripture;  and  this  man  similarly  first  took 
away  the  true  statements  which  I  had  made, 
and  then  inserted  what  was  false  to  furnish 
grounds  for  accusation  against  me.  But, 
though  those  who  have  dared  to  do  this  are 
impious  and  heretical  men,  yet  those  who 
give  credence  to  such  accusations  against  us 
shall  not  escape  the  judgment  of  God. 
There  are  others  also,  not  a  few,  who  have 
done  this  through  a  wish  to  throw  confu- 
sion into  the  churches.  Lately,  a  certain 
heretic  who  had  seen  me  at  Ephesus  and  had 
refused  to  meet  me,  and  had  not  opened  his 
mouth  in  my  presence,  but  for  some  reason 
or  other  had  avoided  doing  so,  afterwards 
composed  a  dissertation  according  to  his  own 
fancy,  partly  mine,  partly  his  own,  and  sent 
it  to  his  disciples  in  various  jolaces  :   I  know 

1  2  Thess.  ii,  1-3. 


that  it  reached  those  who  were  in  Rome, 
and  I  doubt  not  that  it  reached  others  also. 
He  was  behaving  in  the  same  reckless  way 
at  Antioch  also  befT)re  I  came  there  :  and  the 
dissertation  which  he  brought  with  him  came 
into  the  hands  of  many  of  our  friends.  But 
when  I  arrived,  I  took  him  to  task  in  the 
presence  of  many  persons,  and,  when  he 
persisted,  with  a  complete  absence  of  shame, 
in  the  impudent  defence  of  his  forgery,  I 
demanded  that  the  book  should  be  brought 
in  amongst  us,  so  that  my  mode  of  speech 
might  be  recognized  by  the  brethren,  who  of 
course  knew  the  points  on  which  I  am 
accustomed  to  insist  and  the  method  of 
teaching  which  I  employ.  He  did  not, 
however,  venture  to  bring  in  the  book, 
and  his  assertions  were  refuted  by  them  all 
and  he  himself  was  convicted  of  forgery,  and 
thus  the  brethren  were  taught  a  lesson  not 
to  give  ear  to  such  accusations.  If  then  any 
one  is  willing  to  trust  me  at  all  —  I  speak  as 
in  the  sight  of  God  —  let  him  believe  what  I 
say  about  the  things  which  are  falsely 
inserted  in  my  letter.  But  if  any  man 
refuses  to  believe  me,  and  chooses  to  speak 
evil  of  me,  it  is  not  to  me  that  he  does  the 
injury  :  he  will  himself  be  arraigned  as  a 
false  witness  before  God,  since  he  is  either 
bearing  false  witness  against  his  neighbour, 
or  giving  credit  to  those  who  bear  it." 

Such  are  the  complaints  which  he  made 
while  still  living,  and  while  he  was  still 
able  to  detect  the  corruptions  and  falsifica- 
tions which  had  been  made  in  his  books. 
There  is  another  letter  of  his,  in  which  I 
remember  to  have  read  a  complaint  of  the 
falsifying  of  his  writings;  but  I  have  not  a 
copy  of  it  at  hand,  otherwise  I  could  add  to 
those  which  I  have  quoted  a  second  testi- 
mony in  favour  of  his  good  faith  and  veracity 
direct  from  himself.  But  I  think  that  I  have 
said  enough  to  satisfy  those  who  listen  to 
what  is  said,  not  in  the  interest  of  strife  and 
detraction,  but  in  that  of  a  love  of  truth.  I 
have  shown  and  proved  in  the  case  of  the 
saintly  men  of  whom  I  have  made  mention, 
and  of  whose  orthodoxy  there  is  no  question, 
that,  where  the  tenor  of  a  book  is  presum- 
ably right,  anything  which  is  found  in  it  con- 
trary to  the  faith  of  the  church  is  more  prop- 
erly believed  to  have  been  inserted  by  heretics 
than  to  have  been  written  by  the  author : 
and  I  cannot  think  it  an  absurd  demand  that 
the  same  thing  should  be  believed  in  the  case 
of  Origen,  not  only  because  the  argument  is 
similar  but  because  of  the  witness  given  by 
himself  in  the  complaints  which  I  have 
brought  out  from  his  writings:  otherwise  we 
must  believe  that,  like  a  silly  or  insane  per- 


EPILOGUE    TO    PAMPHILUS. 


425 


son,  he  has  written  in   contradiction  to  him- 
self. 

As  to  the  possibility  that  the  heretics  may 
have  acted  in  the  violent  manner  supposed, 
such  wickedness  may  easily  be  believed  of 
them.  They  have  given  a  specimen  of  it, 
which  makes  it  credible  in  the  present  case, 
in  the  fact  that  they  have  been  unable  to  keep 
off  their  impious  hands  even  from  the  sacred 
words  of  the  Gospel.  Any  one  who  has  a 
mind  to  see  how  they  have  acted  in  the  case 
of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  or  their  Epistles, 
how  they  have  befouled  them  and  gnawed 
them  away,  how  they  have  defiled  them  in 
every  kind  of  way,  sometimes  adding  words 
v\^hich  expressed  their  impious  doctrine,  some- 
times taking  out  the  opposing  truths,  will  un- 
derstand it  most  fully  if  he  will  read  the  books 
of  Tertullian  written  against  Marcion.  It  is 
no  great  thing  that  they  should  have  corrupted 
the  writings  of  Origen  when  they  have 
dared  to  corrupt  the  sayings  of  God  our 
Saviour.  It  is  true  that  some  persons  may 
withhold  their  assent  from  what  I  am  saying 
on  the  ground  of  the  difierence  of  the 
heresies;  since  it  was  one  kind  of  heresy 
the  partisans  of  which  corrupted  the 
Gospels,  but  it  is  another  which  is  aimed  at 
in  these  passages  which,  as  w^e  assert,  have 
been  inserted  in  the  works  of  Origen.  Let 
those  who  have  such  doubts  consider  that, 
as  in  all  the  saints  dwells  the  one  spirit  of 
God  (for  the  Apostle  says,  *'' The  spirits  of 
the  prophets  are  subject  to  the  prophets," 
and  again,  ^ "  We  all  have  been  made  to 
drink  of  that  one  spirit")  ;  so  also  in  all  the 
heretics  dwells  the  one  spirit  of  the  devil, 
who  teaches  them  all  and  at  all  times  the 
same  or  similar  wickedness. 

There  may,  however,  be  some  to  ^vhom 
the  instances  we  have  given  have  less  per- 
suasive force  because  they  have  to  do  with 
Greek  writers ;  and  therefore,  although  it  is 
a  Greek  writer  for  whom  I  am  pleading,  yet, 
since  it  is  the  Latin  tongue  which  is,  so  to 
speak,  entrusted  with  the  argument,  and 
they  are  Latin  people  before  whom  you 
have  earnestly  begged  me  to  plead  the  cause 
of  these  inen,  and  to  show  what  wounds 
they  suffer  by  the  caluinnious  renderings  of 
their  works,  it  will  be  satisfactory  to  show 
that  things  of  the  same  kind  have  happened 
to  Latin  as  well  as  Greek  writers,  and  that 
men  approved  for  their  saintly  character 
have  had  a  storm  of  calumny  raised  against 
them  by  the  falsification  of  their  works.  I 
will  recount  things  of  still  recent  memory, 
so    that    nothing    may     be     lacking    to     the 


*  I  Cor.  xiv,  32. 


2  I  Cor.  xii,  13. 


manifest  credibility  of  my  contention,  and  its 
truth  may  lie  open  for  all  to  see. 

Hilary  Bishop  of  Pictavium '  was  a  be- 
liever in  the  Catholic  doctrine,  and  wrote 
a  very  complete  work  of  instruction  with  the 
view  of  bringing  back  from  their  error  those 
who  had  subscribed  the  faithless  creed  of 
Ariminum.^  This  book  fell  into  the  hands 
of  his  adversaries  and  ill  wishers,  whether, 
as  some  said,  by  bribing  his  secretary,  or  by 
no  matter  what  other  cause.  He  knew 
nothing  of  this :  but  the  book  was  so  falsified 
by  them,  the  saintly  man  being  all  the  while 
entirely  unconscious  of  it,  that,  when  his 
enemies  began  to  accuse  him  of  heresy  in  the 
episcopal  assembly,  as  holding  what  they 
knew  they  had  corruptly  inserted  in  his 
manuscript,  he  himself  demanded  the  pro- 
duction of  his  book  as  evidence  of  his  faith. 
It  was  brought  from  his  house,  and  was 
found  to  be  full  of  matter  which  he  re- 
pudiated :  but  it  caused  him  to  be  excom- 
municated and  to  be  excluded  from  the 
meeting  of  the  synod.  In  this  case,  how- 
ever, though  the  crime  was  one  of  unex- 
ampled wickedness,  the  man  who  was  the 
victim  of  it  was  alive,  and  present  in  the 
flesh ;  and  the  hostile  faction  could  be 
convicted  and  brought  to  punishment,  when 
their  tricks  became  known  and  their  machi- 
nations were  exposed.  A  remedy  was  ap- 
plied through  statements,  explanations,  and 
similar  things :  for  living  men  can  take 
action  on  their  own  behalf,  the  dead  can 
refute  no  accusations  under  which  they 
labour. 

Take  another  case.  The  whole  collection 
of  the  letters  of  the  martyr  Cyprian  is 
usually  found  in  a  single  manuscript.  Into 
this  collection  certain  heretics  who  held  a 
blasphemous  doctrine  about  the  Holy  Spirit 
inserted  a  treatise  of  Tertullian  on  the 
Trinity,  which  was  faultily  expressed  though 
he  is  himself  an  upholder  of  our  faith :  and 
from  the  copies  thus  made  they  wrote  out  a 
number  of  others;  these  they  distributed 
through  the  whole  of  the  vast  city  of  Con- 
stantinople at  a  very  low  price :  men  were 
attracted  by  this  cheapness  and  readily 
bought  up  the  documents  full  of  hidden 
snares  of  which  they  knew  nothing;  and 
thus  the  heretics  found  means  of  gaining 
credit  for  their  impious  doctrines  through 
the  authority  of  a  great  name.     It  happened, 

1  Poictiers. 

2  There  seem  to  be  no  means  of  throwing-  liirht  upon 
this  story.  Hilary  was  not  at  the  council  of  Ariininum,  liut 
at  that  o\  Seleucia,  held  the  same  year  (359).  On  his  return  to 
Gaul  in  361  he  endeavoured,  in  various  meetings  of  bishops  to 
reunite  with  the  Homoousians  those  %vho  had  subscribed  the 
creed  of  Ariminum.  (See  Art.  on  Hilary  Pictav.  in  Diet,  of 
Christ.  Biography.)  It  may  have  been  in  one  of  these  meetings 
that  this  scene  occurred. 


426 


RUFINUS. 


however,  that,  bhortly  after  the  piibHcation, 
there  were  found  there  some  of  our  cathoHc 
brothers  who  were  able  to  expose  this  wicked 
fabrication,  and  recalled  as  many  as  they 
could  reach  from  the  entanglements  of  error. 
In  this  they  partly  succeeded.  But  there 
were  a  great  many  in  those  parts  who  re- 
mained convinced  that  the  saintly  martyr 
Cyprian  held  the  belief  which  had  been 
erroneously  expressed  by  Tertullian. 

I  will  add  one  other  instance  of  the  falsi- 
fication of  a'  document.  It  is  one  of  recent 
memory,  though  it  is  an  example  of  the 
primeval  subtlety,  and  it  surpasses  all  the 
stories  of  the  ancients. 

Bishop  Damasus,  at  the  time  when  a 
consultation  was  held  in  the  matter  of  the 
reconciling  of  the  followers  of  Apollinarius 
to  the  church,'  desired  to  have  a  document 
setting  forth  the  faith  of  the  church,  which 
should  be  subscribed  by  those  who  wished  to 
be  reconciled.  The  compiling  of  this  docu- 
ment he  entrusted  to  a  certain  friend  of  his,  a 
presbyter  and  a  highly  accomplished  man,^ 
who  usually  acted  for  him  in  matters  of  this 
kind.  When  he  came  to  compose  the  docu- 
ment, he  found  it  necessary,  in  speaking  of 
the  Incarnation  of  our  Lord,  to  apply  to  him 
the  expression  "  Homo  Dominicus."  The 
ApoUinarists^  took  offence  at  this  expression, 
and  began  to  impugn  it  as  a  novelty.  The 
writer  of  the  document  thereupon  undertook 
to  defend  himself,  and  to  confute  the  ob- 
jectors by  the  authority  of  ancient  Catholic 
writers ;  and  he  happened  to  show  to  one  of 
those  who  complained  of  the  novelty  of  the 
expression  a  book  of  the  bishop  Athanasius 
in  which  the  word  which  was  under  dis- 
cussion occiuTcd.  The  man  to  whom  this 
evidence  was  offered  appeared  to  be  con- 
vinced, and  asked  that  the  manuscript  should 
be  lent  to  him  so  that  he  might  convince  the 
rest  who  from  their  ignorance  were  still 
maintaining  their  objections.  When  he  had 
got  the  manuscript  into  his  hands  he  devised 
a  perfectly  new  method  of  falsification.  He 
first  erased  the  passage  in  which  the  ex- 
pression occurred,  and  then  wrote  in  again 
the  same  words  which  he  had  erased.  He 
returned  the  paper,  and  it  was  accepted 
without  question.  The  controversy  about 
this  expression  again  arose ;  the  manuscript 

1  This  was  in  382,  the  3'-ear  after  the  Council  of  Constan- 
tinople. Jerome  had  cotne  from  Constantinople  to  Rome  with 
the  Eastern  Bishops  Epiphaiiius  of  Salamis  in  Cyprus  and 
Paulinus  of  Antioch.  His  position  at  Rome  is  described  in  tlie 
words  of  his  letter  (cxxiii)  to  Ageruchia,  c.  10.  "I  was  assist- 
ing Damasus  in  matters  of  ecclesiastical  literature,  and  answer- 
ing the  questions  discussed  in  the  Councils  of  the  East  and  the 
West." 

2Jcrome. 

s  Apollinaris,  in  his  reaction  from  Arianism,  held  that  the 
Godhead  supplied  the  place  of  the  human  soul  in  Christ. 
'  Hence  their  objection  to  this  expression. 


was  brought  forward :  the  expression  ia 
question  was  found  in  it,  but  in  a  position 
where  there  had  been  an  erasure  :  and  the 
man  who  had  brought  forward  such  a  manu- 
script lost  all  authority,  since  the  erasure 
seemed  to  be  the  proof  of  malpractice  and 
falsification.  However,  in  this  case  as  in 
one  which  I  mentioned  before,  it  was  a  living 
man  who  was  thus  treated  by  a  living  man, 
and  he  at  once  did  all  in  his  power  to  lay 
bare  the  iniquitous  fraud  which  had  been 
committed,  and  to  remove  the  stain  of  this 
nefarious  act  from  the  man  who  was  inno- 
cent and  had  done  no  evil  of  the  kind,  and 
to  attach  it  to  the  real  author  of  the  deed,  so 
that  it  should  completely  overwhelm  him 
with  infamy. 

Since,  then,  Origen  in  his  letter  complains 
with  his  own  voice  that  he  has  suffered  such 
things  at  the  hands  of  the  heretics  who 
wished  him  ill,  and  similar  things  hav^e 
happened  in  the  case  of  many  other  orthodox 
men  among  both  the  dead  and  the  living,  and 
since  in  the  cases  adduced,  men's  writings  are 
proved  to  have  been  tampered  with  in  a  sim- 
ilar way  :  wdiat  determined  obstinacy  is  this, 
which  refuses  to  admit  the  same  excuse  when 
the  case  is  the  same,  and,  when  the  circum- 
stances are  parallel,  assigns  to  one  party  the 
allowance  due  to  respect,  but  to  another  in- 
famy due  to  a  criminal.  The  truth  must  be 
told,  and  must  not  lie  hid  at  this  point;  for  it 
is  impossible  for  any  man  really  to  judge  so 
unjustly  as  to  form  difierent  opinions  on  cases 
which  are  similar.  The  fact  is  that  the 
prompters  of  Origen's  accusers  are  men  who 
make  long  controversial  discourses  in  the 
churches,'  and  even  write  books  the  whole 
matter  of  which  is  borrowed  from  him,  and 
vv^ho  wish  to  deter  men  of  simple  mind  from 
reading  him,  for  fear  that  their  plagiarisms 
should  become  widely  known,  though,  in- 
deed, their  appropriations  would  be  no  re- 
proach to  them  if  they  were  not  ungrateful 
to  their  master. 

For  instance,  one  of  these  men,^  who 
thinks  that  a  necessity  is  laid  upon  him,^  like 
that  of  preaching  the  Gospel,  to  speak  evil 
of  Origen  among  all  nations  and  tongues, 
declared  in  a  vast  assembly  of  Christian 
hearers  that  he  had  read  six  thousand  of  his 
works.  Surely,  if  his  object  in  reading 
these  were,  as  he  is  in  the  habit  of  asserting, 
only  to  acquaint  himself  with  Origen's  faults, 
ten  or  twenty  or  at  most  thirty  of  these 
w^orks  would  have  sufficed  for   the  purpose. 


1  This  is  believed  to  refer  to  Epiphanius,  whose  anti-Ori- 
genistic  sermon  at  Jerusalem  in  the  year  394  greatly  irritated 
the  Bishops  ]olin  and  Rufinus.  See  Jerome  Ep.  li,  and 
^"■Against  jfohn  of  jferusalem ,'"  c.  14. 

3  Epiphanius.  ^  i  Cor.  ix,  16. 


PREFACE    TO    TRANSLATIONS    OF    THE    Uspl  'Apz''^i^-  4^7 


But  to  read  six  thousand  books  is  no  longer 
wishing  to  know  the  man,  but  giving  up 
almost  one's  whole  life  to  his  teaching  and 
researches.  On  what  ground  then  can  his 
words  be  worthy  of  credit  when  he  blames 
men  who  have  only  read  quite  a  few  of  these 
books  while  their  rule  of  faith  is  kept  sacred 
and  their  piety  unimpaired. 

What  has  been  said  may  suffice  to  show 
what  opinion  we  ought  to  form  of  the  books 
of  Origen.  I  think  that  every  one  who  has 
at  heart  the  interests  of  truth,  not  of  contro- 
versy, may  easily  assent  to  the  well-proved 
statements  I  have  made.  But  if  any  man 
perseveres  in  his  contentiousness,  we  have  no 
such  custom.^  It  is  a  settled  custom  among 
us,  when  we  read  him,  to  hold  fast  that 
which  is  good,  according  to  the  apostolic  in- 


1  Adapted  from  i  Cor,  xi,  i6. 


junction.  If  we  find  in  these  books  anything 
discrepant  to  the  Catholic  faith,  we  suspect 
that  it  has  been  inserted  by  the  heretics,  and 
consider  it  as  alien  from  his  opinion  as  it  is 
from  our  faith.  If,  however,  this  is  a  mis- 
take of  ours,  we  run,  as  I  think,  no  danger 
from  such  an  error  ;  for  we  ourselves,  through 
God's  help,  continue  unharmed  by  avoiding 
what  we  hold  in  suspicion  and  condemn  :  and 
further  we  shall  not  be  accounted  accusers  of 
our  brethren  before  God  (you  will  remember 
that  the  accusing  of  the  brethren  is  the  special 
work  of  the  devil,  and  that  he  received  the 
name  of  devil  ^  from  his  being  a  slanderer). 
Moreover,  we  thus  escape  the  sentence  pro- 
nounced on  evil  speakers,  which  separates 
those  who  are  such  from  the 
God. 

1  *^ta/3oAo?  {diabolns)  from  Sia^aAAto  to  slander. 


kingclom   of 


PREFACE  TO    THE    TRANSLATIONS   OF  ORIGEN'S   BOOKS 

n  f  p  6     'A  p  ;^  (7)  1^. 


Addressed  to  Macarncs^  at  Plnetum^  A.D,  3Q7- 


The  Translation  of  the  two  first  Books  of  the  Ilf/u  ' kpx^'^  was  issued  soon  after,  or  contemporaneously  with 
the  Apology  of  Pamphilus.  The  Preface  to  them  was  intended  to  remove  prejudices  by  showing  that  Jerome 
(who  though  not  named  is  clearly  described)  had  been  Rutinus'  precursor  in  translating  Origen.  The  compli- 
ments paid  to  Jerome  were  no  doubt  sincere  :  but  the  use  made  of  his  previous  action  can  hardly  be  justified. 
Rufinus  knew  well  that  Jerome's  view  of  Origen  had  to  some  extent  altered,  that  a  disagreeable  controversy  had 
sprung  up  at  Jerusalem  about  him,  in  which  he  and  Jerome  had  taken  opposite  sides:  and  that  the  animosity 
aroused  by  this  had  with  the  greatest  difficulty  been  allayed,  and  a  reconciliation  effected  at  the  moment  when  he 
had  quitted  Palestine.  This  Preface  Math  the  Translation  of  the  HfiOi  'A/^;i;wv  was  the  most  immediate  cause  of 
the  violent  controversy  and  the  final  estrangement  between  Rufinus  and  Jerome. 


I  am  aw^are  that  a  great  many  of  our 
brethren  were  incited  by  their  longing  for 
Scriptural  knowledge  to  demand  from  vari- 
ous men  who  were  versed  in  Greek  litera- 
ture that  they  would  give  the  works  of 
Origen  to  men  who  used  the  Latin  tongue, 
and  thus  make  him  a  Roman.  Among  these 
was  that  brother  and  associate  of  mine  to 
whom  this  request  was  made  by  bishop 
Damasus,  and  who  when  he  translated  the 
two  homilies  on  the  Song  of  Songs  from 
Greek  into  Latin  prefixed  to  the  work  a 
preface'  so  fiill  of  beauty  and  so  magnificent 
that  he  awoke  in  every  one  the  desire  of  read- 
ing Origen  and  eagerly  investigating  his 
works.  He  said  that  to  the  soul  of  that 
great  man  the  words  might  well  be  applied  : 
^  ''  The  King  has  brought  me  into  his  cham- 


1  Translated  among  Jerome's  works  in  this  Series. 

2  Cant,  i,  4. 


ber":  and  he  declared  that  Origen  in  his 
other  books  had  surpassed  all  other  men,  but 
in  this  had  surpassed  himself.  What  he 
promises  in  this  Preface  is,  indeed,  that  he 
will  give  to  Roman  ears  not  only  these  books 
but  many  others  of  Origen.  But  I  find  that 
he  is  so  enamoured  of  his  own  style  that  he 
pursues  a  still  more  ambitious  object,  namely, 
that  he  should  be  the  creator  of  the  book, 
not  merely  its  translator.  I  am  then  follow- 
ing out  a  task  begun  by  him  and  commended 
by  his  example ;  but  it  is  out  of  my  power 
to  set  forth  the  words  of  this  great  man  with 
a  force  and  an  eloquence  like  his :  and  I 
have  therefore  to  fear  that  it  may  happen 
through  my  fault  that  the  man  wdiom  he 
justly  commends  as  a  teacher  of  the  church 
both  in  knowledge  and  in  wisdom  second 
only  to  the  Apostles  may  be  thought  to  have 
a    far    lower    rank    through    my    poverty    of 


428 


RUFINUS. 


language.     When  I  reflected  on  this  I  was 
incHned  to  keep  silence,  and  not  to  assent  to 
the    brethren  who  were    constantly  adjuring 
me    to  make    the  translation.      But  your  in- 
fluence   is    such,    my   most    faithful    brother 
Macarius,  that  even  the  consciousness  of  my 
unfitness  is  nut  sufticient  to   make  me  resist. 
I  have  therefore  yielded  to  yoiu*  importunity 
though  it  was  against  my  resolution,  so  that  I 
might  no  longer  be  exposed  to  the  demands 
of  a  severe  taskmaster ;  but  I  have  done  so  on 
this  condition  and  on  this  understanding,  that 
in  making  the  translation  I   should  follow  as 
far  as  possible  the  method  of  my  predecessors, 
and  especially  of  him  of  whom  I  have  already 
made    mention.      He,    after   translating    into 
Latin  above  seventy  of  the  books  of  Origen 
which  he  called   ITomiletics,  and  also  a  cer- 
tain number  of  the   "Tomes,*'  proceeded  to 
purge  and  pare    away  in  his    translation  all 
the    causes  of    stumbling   which   are    to    be 
found  in  the  Greek  works ;    and  this  he  did 
in  such  a  way  that  the  Latin  reader  will  find 
nothing  in  them   which   jars  with  our  faith. 
In  his  steps,  therefore,  I  follow,  not,  indeed, 
with  the  power  of  eloquence  which    is  his, 
but,    as    far    as    may    be,     in    his    rules    and 
method,  that  is,   taking  care  not  to  promul- 
gate   those    things  which  are    found    in    the 
books  of  Origen  to  be  discrepant  and  contra- 
dictory to  one  another.     The  cause  of  these 
variations   I    have    set   forth   very   fully    for 
your    information    in    the    Apology   which 
Pamphilus  wrote  for  the  books  of  Origen,  to 
which  I  have  appended  a  very  short  treatise  ^ 
showing  by  proofs  which  seem  to  me  quite 
clear  that  his  books  have  been  in  very  many 
cases  falsified   by  heretical   and    ill-disposed 
persons.     This    is   especially   the    case  with 
the    books   which  you   now   require    me   to 
translate,  namely,  the  Uepl  *Apjwi^,  which  may 
be  rendered  either  Concerning  First  Princi- 
ples  or    Concerning    Principalities.       These 
books  are    in  truth,  apart  from  these  ques- 
tions, exceedingly  obscure  and  difficult ;   for 
in  them  he  discusses  matters  over  which  the 
philosophers    have    spent    their    whole    lives 
without     any    result.       But     our    Christian 
thinker  has  done  all  that  lay  in  his  power  to 
turn  to  purposes  of  sound  religion  the  belief 
in  a  creator   and   the    order    of   the    created 
world  which   they  had  made  subservient  to 
their    false    religion.     Wherever  therefore  I 

1  See  the  Translation  in  this  Volume. 


have  found  in  his  books  anything  contrary  to 
the  truth  concerning  the  Trinity  which  he 
has  in  other  places  spoken  of  in  a  strictly 
orthodox  sense,  I  have  either  omitted  it  as  a 
foreign  and  not  genuine  expression  or  set  it 
down  in  terms  agreeing  with  the  rule  of 
faith  w^hich  we  find  him  constantly  assenting 
to.  There  are  things,  no  doubt,  which  he  has 
developed  in  somewhat  obscure  language, 
w^ishing  to  pass  rapidly  over  them,  and  as  ad- 
dressing those  who  have  experience  and 
knowledge  of  such  matters;  in  these  cases  I 
have  made  the  passage  plain  by  adding 
words  which  I  had  read  in  other  books  of 
his  where  the  matter  was  more  fully  treated. 
I  have  done  this  in  the  interest  of  clearness: 
but  I  have  put  in  nothing  of  my  own ;  I 
have  only  given  him  back  his  own  words, 
though  taken  from  other  passages.  I  have 
explained  this  in  the  Preface,  so  that  those 
who  calumniate  us  should  not  think  that 
they  had  found  in  this  fresh  material  for 
their  charges.  But  let  them  take  heed  what 
they  are  about  in  their  perversity  and  con- 
tentiousness. As  for  me,  I  have  not  under- 
taken this  laborious  task  (in  which  I  trust 
that  God  will  be  my  helper  in  answer  to 
your  prayers)  for  the  sake  of  shutting  the 
mouths  of  calumnious  men,  but  with  the 
view  of  supplying  material  for  the  increase 
of  real  knowledge  to  those  who  desired  it. 
This  only  I  require  of  every  man  who  under- 
takes to  copy  out  these  books  or  to  read 
them,  in  the  sight  of  God  the  Father,  the 
Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  adjure  him 
by  our  faith  in  the  coming  kingdom,  by  the 
assurance  of  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  by 
the  eternal  fire  which  is  prepared  for  the 
devil  and  his  angels  (even  as  he  trusts  that  he 
shall  not  possess  as  his  eternal  inheritance  that 
place  where  there  is  weeping  and  gnashing 
of  teeth,  and  where  their  fire  will  not  be 
quenched  and  their  worm  will  not  die) 
that  he  should  neither  add  nor  take  away, 
that  he  should  neither  insert  nor  change, 
anything  in  that  which  is  written  but  that 
he  should  compare  his  copy  with  that  from 
which  it  is  copied  and  correct  it  critically 
letter  for  letter,  and  that  he  should  not  keep 
by  him  a  copy  which  has  not  received 
correction  or  criticism,  lest,  if  his  copy  is 
not  thus  distinct,  the  difficulty  of  the  mean- 
ing may  beget  a  still  greater  obscurity  in  the 
mind  of  the  readers. 


PREFACE    TO    Htpt  'Apx^^  —  BOOK    III. 


PREFACE    TO    BOOK    III.    OF    THE    Plfpt   'Ap;^c5r, 


Rufinus  had  now  come  to  Rome.  The  translation  of  B.  III.  and  IV.  had  been  made  probably  at  Pinetum 
early  in  398.  He  was  already  aware  of  the  strong  Teelings  aroused  by  his  Translation  of  B.  I.  and  IL,  and  he 
complains  that  parts  of  his  work  were  obtained  by  Jerome's  friends  w^hile  still  uncorrected,  and  used  to  his  discredit 
(Apol.  i,  18-21,  ii,  44) ;  but  he  continued  the  work,  prefixing  to  it  the  following  Preface  as  his  justification. 


Reader,  remember  me  In  your  sacred 
moments  of  prayer,  that  I  may  be  a  worthy 
follower  of  the  Spirit.  It  was  you,  Maca- 
rius,  by  whose  instigation,  I  might  say  by 
whose  comjDulsion,  I  translated  the  two  first 
books  of  the  Ilept  *Apxo)v,  I  did  it  during 
Lent;  and  at  that  time  your  near  presence, 
my  Christian  brother,  and  your  fuller  leisure, 
forced  me  also  into  fuller  diligence.  But 
now  that  you  are  living  at  the  opposite  end 
of  Rome  from  me,  and  my  taskmaster  pays 
his  visits  more  seldom,  I  have  taken  longer 
in  unfoldinof  the  sense  of  the  two  last  books. 
You  will  remember  that  in  my  former  pref- 
ace I  gave  you  warning  that  some  people 
would  be  full  of  indignation  when  they  found 
that  I  had  no  harm  to  say  of  Origen :  and 
this,  as  I  think  you  have  found,  has  not  been 
long  in  coming  to  pass.  But  if  those  demons 
who  excite  men's  tongues  to  evil  speaking 
have  been  already  set  on  fire  by  that  first 
part  of  the  work,  though  in  it  the  author  had 
not  yet  fully  laid  bare  their  devices,  what 
will  be  the  effect  of  this  second  part,  in 
which  he  is  going  to  disclose  all  the  secret 
labyrinths  through  which  they  creep  into  the 
hearts  of  men  and  deceive  the  hearts  of  the 
weak  and  the  frail  .f^  You  will  see  disorder 
springing  up  on  all  sides,  and  party  spirit 
will  be  raised,  and  an  outcry  will  spread  all 
through  the  town,  and  Origen  will  be  sum- 
moned to  the  bar  and  condemned  for  his 
attempt  to  dispel  the  darkness  of  ignorance 
by  the  light  of  the  Gospel's  lamp.  But  all 
this  will  matter  very  little  to  those  who  are 
endeavouring  to  hold  fast  the  sound  form  of 
the  catholic  faith  while  exercising  their 
minds  in  the  study  of  divine  things. 

I  think   it  necessary,  however,  to  remind 
you  of  the  principle  which   I  acted  upon  in 


reference  to  the  former  books,  and  which  I 
have  observed  in  the  present  case  also, 
namely,  not  to  set  down  in  my  translation 
things  evidently  contradictory  to  our  belief 
and  to  the  author's  opinions  as  elsewhere  ex- 
pressed, but  to  pass  them  over  as  not  genu- 
ine but  inserted  by  others.  On  the  other 
hand  I  have  not,  either  In  the  former  books 
or  in  these,  omitted  the  novel  opinions  which 
he  has  expressed  about  the  formation  of 
the  reasonable  creation,  considering  that  it 
is  not  in  such  things  that  the  faith  mamly 
consists,  but  that  what  he  is  aiming  at  is 
merely  knowledge  and  the  exercise  of  the 
faculties,  and  that  possibly  there  may  be 
certain  heresies  which  may  have  to  be  an- 
swered In  this  way.  Only,  in  cases  where 
he  may  have  chosen  to  repeat  In  these  later 
books  what  he  had  said  before  in  the  earlier, 
I  have  thought  it  expedient  to  cut  out  certain 
portions  for  the  sake  of  brevity. 

Those  whose  object  in  reading  these  books 
is  to  gain  knowledge,  not  to  disparage  their 
author,  would  do  well  to  seek  the  aid  of 
men  more  skilled  than  themselves  In  inter- 
preting them.  For  It  Is  an  absurd  thing 
to  get  grammarians  to  explain  to  us  the 
fictions  of  the  poets'  writings  and  the  laugh- 
able stories  of  the  comedians,  and  yet  to 
think  that  books  which  speak  of  God  and 
the  celestial  powers,  and  the  whole  universe, 
and  which  discuss  all  the  errors  of  pagan 
philosophy  and  of  heretical  pravity  are 
things  which  any  one  can  understand  with- 
out a  teacher  to  explain  them.  In  this  way  it 
comes  to  pass  that  men  prefer  to  remain  in 
ignorance  and  to  pronounce  rash  judgments 
on  things  which  are  difficult  and  obscure 
rather  than  to  gain  an  understanding  of  them 
by  diligent  study. 


430 


RUFINUS. 


RUFINUS'  APOLOGY  IN    DEFENCE  OF  HIMSELF. 


Sent  to  Anastasius^  bishop  of  the    City  of  Rome, 


This  document  was  called  forth  by  accusations  against  Rufinus  made,  soon  aftef  his  accession,  to  Anastasius, 
M'ho  held  the  Roman  see  from  498  to  503.  The  authority  of  the  Roman  Popes  at  this  time  was'not  what  it  afterwards 
became,  and  it  is  improbable  that  Anastasius  should  have  summoned  Rufinus,  as  some  suppose  him  to  have 
done,  from  Aquileia,  where  he  was  living  on  confidential  terms  with  the  Bishop  Chromatius,  to  come  to  Rome  to 
answer  a  formal  accusation  or  to  be  judged  by  him.  But  since  Rome  was  the  centre  of  information,  a 
Christian  would  not  wish  to  be  ill-thought  of  by  its  Bishop.  Those  who  accused  Rufinus  were  the  friends 
of  Jerome  at  Rome,  especially  the  noble  widow  Marcella  and  the  Senator  Pammachius,  They  had  endeavoured 
to  gain  some  condemnation  of  Rufinus  from  Siricius  before  his  death  in  November  398;  but  Siricius  befriended 
Rufinus  ("his  simplicity  was  imposed  on,"  according  to  Jerome).^  On  the  election  of  Anastasius,  however,  in 
399,  they  accused  Rufinus  of  having,  by  his  translation  of  Origen's  Wtpl  ' Kpx^^v  introduced  heresy  into  the  Roman 
church.  Jerome  thus  speaks  of  Marcella,  Ep.  cxxvii.  10.  "  She  was  the  cause  of  the  condemnation  of  the  heretics : 
she  brought  witnesses  who  had  been  at  a  former  time  under  their  instruction,  and  thus  imbued  with  error  and 
heresy;  she  showed  how  many  there  were  who  had  been  deceived;  she  had  the  volumes  of  the  J\tpl  'Apx^'^ 
brought  in,  and  pointed  out  the  alterations  which  the  Scorpion^  had  made  in  them:  till  at  last  letters  were 
written,  and  that  more  than  once,  summoning  the  heretics  to  come  and  defend  themselves;  but  they  did  not  dare 
to  come.  So  great  was  the  force  oi  conviction  brought  to  bear  on  them  that,  to  prevent  their  heresy  being 
exposed  in  their  presence,  they  chose  to  stay  away  and  be  condemned."  From  the  letter  of  Anastasius  to  John 
of  Jerusalem  about  Rufinus  we  gather  that,  while  he  strongly  disapproved  the  translation  of  Origen,  he  left 
Rufinus  himself  to  his  own  conscience,  and  did  not  care  to  know  what  had  become  of  him.  The  letter  of 
Rufinus,  though  called  an  Apology,  bears  no  trace  of  being  an  answer  to  a  summons  or  judgment  of  the  Pontiff, 
but  merely  a  reply  to  statements  which  were  likely  to  prejudice  him  in  the  Pontiff's  opinion.  The  year  in  which 
the  Apology  was  written  was  400  A.D. 


I .  It  has  been  brought  to  my  knowledge 
that  certain  persons,  in  the  course  of  a  con- 
troversy which  they  have  been  raising  in 
your  Holiness'  jurisdiction  on  matters  of 
faith  or  on  other  points,  have  made  men- 
tion of  my  name.  I  venture  to  believe 
that  your  Holiness,  who  have  been  trained 
from  your  infancy  in  the  strict  principles  of 
the  Church,  has  refused  to  listen  to  any 
calumnies  which  may  have  been  directed 
against  an  absent  person,  and  one  who  has 
been  favourably  known  to  you  as  united  with 
you  in  the  faith  and  love  of  God.  Neverthe- 
less, since  I  hear  it  reported  that  my  reputa- 
tion has  been  attacked,  I  have  thought  it 
right  to  make  my  position  clear  to  your  Holi- 
ness in  writing.  It  was  impossible  for  me  to 
do  this  in  person.  I  have  just  returned  to  my 
family^  after  an  absence  of  nearly  30  years; 
and  it  would  have  been  harsh  and  almost 
inhuman  to  come  away  again  so  soon  from 
those  whom  I  had  been  so  late  in  revisiting. 
The  labour  also  of  my  long  journey  has 
left  me  too  weak  to  begin  the  journey  again. 
My  object  in  this  letter  is  not  to  remove 
some    stain    of    suspicion    from    your    mind, 


which  I  regard  as  a  holy  place,  as  a  kind  of 
divine  sanctuary  which  does  not  admit  any 
evil  thing.  Rather,  I  desire  that  the  con- 
fession I  am  about  to  make  to  you  may  be 
like  a  stick  placed  in  your  hands  to  drive 
away  any  envious  persons  who  may  be  bark- 
ing like  dogs  against  me. 

2.  My  faith,  indeed,  was  sufficiently 
proved  when  the  heretics  persecuted  me. 
I  was  at  that  time  sojourning  in  the  church 
of  Alexandria,  and  underwent  imprisonment 
and  exile  which  was  then  the  penalty  of 
faithfulness  ;  yet  for  the  sake  of  any  who  may 
wish  to  put  my  faith  to  the  test,  or  to  hear 
and  learn  what  it  is  I  will  declare  it.  I 
believe  that  the  Trinity  is  of  one  nature  and 
godhead,  of  one  and  the  same  power  and 
substance ;  so  that  between  the  Father,  the 
Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost  there  is  no  diversity 
at  all,  except  that  the  one  is  the  Father,  the 
second  the  Son,  and  the  third  the  Holy 
Ghost.  There  is  a  Trinity  of  real  and 
living  Persons,  a  unity  of  nature  and  sub- 
stance. 

3.  I  also  confess  that  the  Son  of  God  has 
in  these  last  days  been   born   of  the    Virgin 


1  Jerome  Letter  cxxvii,  9. 

2  The  Scorpion  is  Jerome's  name  for  Rufinus,  especially  after  his  death.  He  means  that  Rufinus  had  altered  the  too 
palpable  expressions  of  heresy,  so  that  the  more  subtle  expressions  of  it  might  gain  acceptance. 

3  Rufinus  uses  the  word  '■^ parentes."  Jerome  in  his  Apology  (ii,  2)  scons  at  the  notion  that  a  man  of  Rufinus'  age  (about 
55)  could  have  parents  living,  and  supposes  that  he  is  making  a  false  suggestion  by  using  the  word  in  the  sense  in  which  it 
■was  vulgarly  used  — that  of  relations  generally,  as  it  is  now  used  in  French. 


RUFINUS'    APOLOGY    TO    ANASTASIUS. 


431 


and  the  Holy  Spirit :  that  he  has  taken  upon 
him  our  natural  human  flesh  and  soul;  that 
in  this  he  suffered  and  was  buried  and  rose 
again  from  the  dead  ;  that  the  flesh  in  which 
he  rose  was  that  same  flesh  which  had  been 
laid  in  the  sepulchre;  and  that  in  this  same 
flesh,  together  with  the  soul,  he  ascended 
into  heaven  afl:er  his  resurrection :  from 
whence  we  look  for  his  coming  to  judge  the 
quick  and  the  dead. 

4.  But,  further,  as  to  the  resurrection  of 
our  own  flesh,  I  believe  that  it  will  be  in  its 
integrity  and  perfection  ;  it  will  be  this  very 
flesh  in  which  we  now  live.  We  do  not 
hold,  as  is  slanderously  reported  by  some 
men,  that  another  flesh  will  rise  instead  of 
this  ;  but  this  very  flesh,  without  the  loss  of 
a  single  member,  without  the  cutting  oft'  of 
anv  single  part  of  the  body  ;  none  whatever 
of  all  its  properties  will  be  absent  except  its 
corruptibility.  It  is  this  which  is  promised 
by  the  holy  Apostle  concerning  the  body : 
It  is  sown  in  corruption,  it  is  raised  in  incor- 
ruption  ;  it  is  sown  in  weakness,  it  is  raised 
in  power  ;  it  is  sown  in  dishonour,  it  is  raised 
in  glory ;  it  is  sown  a  natural  body,  it  is 
raised  a  spiritual  body.  This  is  the  doctrine 
which  has  been  handed  down  to  me  by 
those  from  whom  I  received  holy  baptism  in 
the  Church  of  Aquileia;  and  I  think  that  it 
is  the  same  which  the  Apostolic  See  has  by 
long  usage  handed  down  and  taught. 

5.  I  affirm,  moreover,  a  judgment  to 
come,  in  which  judgment  every  man  is  to 
receive  the  due  meed  of  his  bodily  life,  ac- 
cording to  that  which  he  has  done,  whether 
good  or  evil.  And,  if  in  the  case  of  men 
the  reward  is  to  be  according  to  their  works, 
how  much  more  will  this  be  so  in  the  case 
of  the  devil,  who  is  the  universal  cause  of 
sin.^  Of  the  devil  himself  our  belief  is  that 
which  is  written  in  the  Gospel,  namely,  that 
both  he  and  all  his  angels,  will  receive  as 
their  portion  the  eternal  fire,  and  with  him 
those  who  do  his  works,  that  is,  who  become 
the  accusers  of  their  brethren.  If  then  any 
one  denies  that  the  devil  is  to  be  subjected 
to  the  eternal  fires,  may  he  have  his  part 
with  him  in  the  eternal  fire,  so  that  he  may 
know  by  experience  the  fact  which  he  now 
denies. 

6.  I  am  next  informed  that  some  stir  has 
been  made  on  the  question  of  the  nature  of 
the  soul.  Whether  complaints  on  a  matter 
of  this  kind  ought  to  be  entertained  instead 
of  being  put  aside,  you  must  yourself  decide. 
If,  however,  you  desire  to  know  my  opinion 
on  the  subject,  1  will  state  it  frankly.  I 
have  read  a  great  inanv  writers  on  this 
question,  and  I  find  that  they  express  divers 


opinions.       Some    of    those    whom    I     have 
read    hold  that  the  soul  is  infused    together 
with  the  material  body  through  the  channel  ^ 
of  the  human  seed  ;  and  of  this  they  give  such 
proofs  as  they  can.     I  think  that  this  was  the 
opinion  of  TertuUian  orLactantius  among  the 
Latins,  perhaps  also  of  a  few  others.     Others 
assert   that  God    is   every  day    making  new 
souls,    and    infusing    them    into    the    bodies 
which  have  been  framed  in  the  womb  ;  while 
others  again  believe  that  the  souls  were  all 
made  long  ago,  when  God  made  all  things 
of  nothing,  and   that  all  that  he  now   does  is 
to  plant  out  each  soul  in  its  body  as  it  seems 
good  to  him.     This  is  the  opinion  of  Origen, 
and    of    some    others  of   the    Greeks.       For 
myself,   I    declare    in    the    presence  of    God 
that,   after  reading  each  of  these  opinions,  I 
am  up  to  the  present  moment  unable  to  hold 
any   of   them  as    certain    and  absolute ;    the 
determination  of  the  truth  in  this  question  I 
leave  to   God   and  to   any  to  whom    it  shall 
please  him  to  reveal  it.     My  profession  on 
this  point  is  therefore,  first,  that  these  several 
opinions  are    those  which  I  have   found    in 
books,   but,  secondly,   that   I  as   3'et    remain 
in  ignorance  on  the  subject,  except  so  far  as 
this,  that  the  Church  delivers  it  as  an  article 
of  faith   that  God  is  the  creator  of   souls  as 
well  as  of  bodies. 

7.  Now  as  to  another  matter.  I  am  told 
that  objections  have  been  raised  against  me 
because,  forsooth,  at  the  request  of  some  of 
my  brethren,  I  translated  certain  works  of 
Origen  from  Greek  into  Latin.  I  suppose 
that  every  one  sees  that  It  is  only  through 
ill  will  that  this  is  made  a  matter  of  blame. 
For,  if  there  is  any  offensive  statement  in 
the  author,  why  is  this  to  be  twisted  into  a 
fault  of  the  translator.''  I  was  asked  to  ex- 
hibit in  Latin  what  stands  written  in  the 
Greek  text ;  and  I  did  nothing  more  than  fit 
the  Latin  words  to  the  Greek  ideas.  If, 
therefore,  there  is  anything  to  praise  in 
these  ideas,  the  praise  does  not  belong  to 
me;  and  similarly  as  to  anything  to  which 
blame  may  attach.  I  admit  that  I  put 
something  of  my  own  into  the  work  ;  as  I 
stated  in  my  Preface,  I  used  my  own  dis- 
cretion in  cutting  out  not  a  few  passages  ♦, 
but  only  those  as  to  which  I  had  come  to 
suspect  tliat  the  thing  had  not  been  so  stated 
by  Origen  himself ;  and  the  statement  ap- 
peared to  me  in  these  cases  to  have  been 
inserted  by  others,  because  in  other  places  I 

'  Traducem,  properly,  the  layer,  by  which  the  vine  is  propa- 
gated, and  hence  the  medium  tliroua^h  which  life  is  communi- 
cated. This  is  the  theory  of  the  "  traducianists  "  who  thus 
made  the  soul  to  be  derived  from  the  parent  by  procreation. 
It  is  contrasted  with  that  of  the  **  creationists  "  who  held  that 
each  soul  was  separately  created,  and  infused  into  the  child  at 
the  moment  when  life  began. 


432 


RUFINUS. 


had  found  the  author  state  the  matter  in  a 
catholic  sense.  I  entreat  you  therefore, 
holy,  venerable  and  saintly  father,  not  to 
permit  a  storm  of  ill  will  to  be  raised 
against  me  because  of  this,  nor  to  sanction 
the  employment  of  partisanship  and  of  cal- 
umny —  weapons  which  ought  never  to  be 
used  in  the  Church  of  God.  Where  can 
simple  faith  and  innocence  be  safe  if  they 
are  not  protected  in  the  Church?  I  am  not 
a  defender  or  a  champion  of  Origen  ;  nor  am 
I  the  first  who  has  translated  his  works. 
Others  before  me  had  done  the  very  same 
thing,  and  I  did  it,  the  last  of  many,  at  the 
request  of  my  brethren.  If  an  order  is  to  be 
given  that  such  translations  are  not  to  be 
made,  such  an  order  holds  good  for  the 
future,  not   the  past ;  but  if  those  are  to  be 


blamed  who  have  made  these  translations 
before  any  such  order  was  given,  the  blame 
must  begin  with  those  who  took  the  first 
step. 

8.  As  for  me,  I  declare  in  Christ's  name 
that  I  never  held,  nor  ever  will  hold,  any 
other  faith  but  that  which  I  have  set  forth 
above,  that  is,  the  faith  which  is  held  by 
the  Church  of  Rome,  by  that  of  Alexan- 
dria, and  by  my  own  church  of  Aquileia ;  and 
which  is  also  preached  at  Jerusalem  ;  and  if 
there  is  any  one  who  believes  otherwise, 
whoever  he  may  be,  let  him  be  Anathema. 
But  those  who  through  mere  ill  will  and 
malice  engender  dissensions  and  ofiences 
among  their  brethren,  and  cause  them  to 
stumble,  shall  give  account  of  it  in  the  day 
of  judgment. 


THE   LETTER   OF  ANASTASIUS, 

BISHOP    OF    THE    CHURCH    OF    ROME    TO    JOHN     BISHOP    OF    JERUSALEM 
CONCERNING   THE    CHARACTER    OF    RUFINUS. 


The  letter  of  Anastaslus  to  John  of  Jerusalem  was  written  in  the  year  401 ;  it  is  spoken  of  in  Jerome's 
Apol.  iii.,  c.  21,  which  was  written  in  the  first  half  of  402,  as  "  the  letter  of  last  year."  Jerome  intimates  in  the  same 
passage  that  it  was  only  one  of  several  letters  of  the  same  character  which  Anastasius  wrote  to  the  East.  Rufinus 
had  not  seen  it,  and  refused  to  believe  its  genuineness.  But  there  seems  to  be  no  reason  for  doubting  this. 
Anastasius  had,  at  the  earnest  request  of  Theophilus  of  Alexandria,  formally  condemned  Origenism.  And 
Rufinus'  translations  of  Origen's  llepl  'Apjwy  and  of  Pamphilus'  Vindication  of  Origen,  and  his  own  book 
on  the  Falsification  of  Origen's  works  were  taken  at  Rome  as  a  defence  of  Origenism  generally.  Rufinus, 
however,  appealed  continually,  and  especially  in  his  Apology  to  Anastasius,  to  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  where 
he  had  been  ordained.  "  My  faith,"  he  says,  "is  that  which  is  preached  at  Jerusalem."  Anastasius,  therefore, 
in  condemning  Origen  would  be  understood  as  condemning  Rufinus,  and  might  also  seem  to  condemn  his 
Bishop  John  of  Jerusalem.  This  will  account  for  the  fulsome  praises  with  which  the  letter  opens.  John, 
moreover,  had  written  "to  consult"  Anastasius  about  Rufinus,  which  probably  implies  some  action  in  Rufinus' 
interest;  but  the  fact  that  Jerome  knew  the  contents  of  the  letter  and  Rufinus  did  not  seems  to  show  that  Bishop 
John  had  become  more  friendly  with  Jerome  and  less  so  with  Rufinus. 


I.  The  kind  words  of  approval  that  you 
have  addressed,  my  dear  Bishop,  to  your 
brother  Bishop,  is  a  fresh  mark  of  your  long 
tried  affection.  It  is  a  high  commendation 
which  you  confer  upon  me,  a  most  lavish  rec- 
ognition of  my  services.  I  thank  you  for  this 
proof  of  your  love ;  and,  following  you  at  a 
distance  in  my  littleness,  I  bring  the  tribute 
of  my  words  to  honour  the  splendour  of  your 
holiness  and  those  virtues  which  the  Lord 
has  conferred  upon  you.  You  excel  all 
others  so  far,  the  splendour  of  your  praise 
shines  forth  so  conspicuously,  that  no  words 
which  I  can  use  can  equal  your  deserts.  Yet 
your  glory  excites  in  me  such  admiration 
that  I  cannot  turn  away  from  the  attempt  to 
describe  it,  even  though  I  can  never  do  so 
adequately.  And,  first,  the  praise  which 
you  have  bestowed  on  me  out  of  the  serene 


heaven  of  your  great  spirit  forms  part  of 
your  own  glory  :  for  it  is  the  majesty  of  your 
episcopate,  shining  forth  like  the  sun  upon 
the  opposite  quarter  of  the  world,  which  has 
reflected  its  own  brightness  upon  us.  And 
you  give  me  your  friendship  unreservedly ; 
you  do  not  weigh  me  in  the  balance  of  criti- 
cism. If  it  is  right  for  you  to  praise  me, 
must  not  your  praise  be  echoed  back  to  you  ? 
I  beg  you  therefore,  for  your  own  sake  no 
less  than  mine,  that  you  will  not  praise  me 
any  more  to  my  face.  I  ask  this  for  two 
reasons :  if  the  praise  is  undeserved  it  must 
excite  in  your  brother-bishop  a  sense  of 
pain ;  if  it  is  true,  it  must  make  him  blush. 
2.  Let  me  come  to  the  subject  of  your 
letter.  Rufinus,  about  whom  you  have  done 
me  the  honour  to  ask  my  advice,  must  bring 
his  conscience  to  the  bar  of  the  divine  majesty* 


LETTER    OF    ANASTASIUS    ABOUT    RUFINUS. 


433 


It  is  for  him  to  see  how  he  can  approve  him- 
self to  God  as  maintaining  his  true  allegiance 
to  him. 

3.  As  for  Origen,  whose  writings  he  has 
transLited  into  our  language,  I  have  neither 
fonnerlv'  known,  nor  do  I  now  seek  to  know 
either  who  he  was  or  what  expression 
he  may  have  given  to  his  thought.  But 
as  to  the  feeling  left  by  this  matter  on  my 
own  mind  I  should  be  glad  to  speak  with 
your  holiness  for  a  moment.  The  impression 
which  I  have  received  is  this,  —  and  it  has 
been  brought  out  clearly  by  the  reading  of 
parts  of  Origen's  works  by  the  people  of  our 
City,  and  by  the  sort  of  mist  of  blindness 
which  it  threw  over  tiiem,  —  that  his  object 
was  to  disintegrate  our  faith,  which  is  that 
of  the  Apostles,  and  has  been  confirmed  by  the 
traditions  of  the  fathers,  by  leading  us  into 
tortuous  paths. 

4.  I  want  to  know  what  is  the  meaning  of 
the  translation  of  this  work  into  the  Roman 
tongue.  If  the  translator  intends  by  it  to 
put  the  author  in  the  wrong,  and  to  de- 
nounce to  the  v^^orld  his  execrable  deeds, 
well  and  good.  In  that  case  he  will  expose 
to  well-merited  hatred  one  who  has  long 
laboured  under  the  adverse  weight  of  public 

But  if  by  translating  all  these 
.j^j  he  means  to  give  his  assent  to 
them,  and  in  that  sense  gives  them  to  the 
world  to  read,  then  the  edifice  which  he  has 
reared  at  the  expense  of  so  much  labour 
serves  for  nothing  else  than  to  make  the 
guilt  the  act  of  his  own  will,  and  to  give  the 
sanction  of  his  unlooked  for  support  to  the 
overthrow  of  all  that  is  of  prime  importance 
in  the  true  faith  as  held  by  Catholic  Chris- 
tians from  the  time  of  the  Apostles  till  now. 

5.  Far  be  such  teaching  from  the  cath- 
olic system  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  It 
can  never  by  any  possibility  come  to  pass 
that  we  should  accept  as  reasonable  things 
which  we  condemn  as  matters  of  law  and 
right.  We  have,  therefore,  the  assurance 
that  Christ  our  God,  whose  providence 
reaches  over  the  whole  world,  bestows  his 
approval  on  us  when  we  say  that  it  is  wholly 
impossible  for  us  to  admit  doctrines  which 
defile  the  church,  which  subvert  its  well- 
tried  moral  system,  which  offend  the  ears  of 
all  who  are  witnesses  of  our  doings  and  lay  the 
ground  for  strife  and  anger  and  dissensions. 
This  was  the  motive  which  led  me  to  write 


opniion. 
evil    thinofs 


my    letter    to  Venerius '  our    brother    in    the 
Episcopate,  the  character  of  which,  written  as 
it  was  in  my  weakness  but  with  great  care  and 
diligence,  you  will   realize   by  what    I    now 
subjoin  :    "  Whence,  then,  he  who  translated 
the  work  has   gained   and   preserves  this  as- 
surance   of     innocence    I    am    not    greatly 
troubled   to  know  :    it  fills  me  with  no  vain 
alarm.      I  certainly  shall  omit  nothing  which 
may  enable    me    to   guard    the  faith    of  the 
Gospel    amongst    my    own    people,    and    to 
warn,  as  far  as   in  me  lies,  those  who   form 
part   of  my    body,    in  whatever   part    of  the 
world  they  live,  not  to  allow  any  translation 
of  profane  authors  to  creep  in  and  spring  up 
amongst  them,  which  will    seek   to  unsettle 
the  mind  of    devout    men  by    spreading  its 
own   darkness   among    them.       Moreover,   I 
cannot  pass  over  in  silence  an  event  which  has 
given    me  great  pleasure,  the    decree    issued 
by  our  Emperors,^  by  which  every  one  who 
serves  God  is  warned  against  the  reading  of 
Origen,  and  all  who  are  convicted  of  readings 
his  impious    works    are    condemned    by   the 
imperial    judgment."       In    these    words    my 
formal  sentence  was  pronounced. 

6.  You  are  troubled  by  the  complaint 
which  people  make  as  to  our  treatment  of 
Rufinus,  so  that  you  pursue  certain  persons  ^ 
with  vague  suspicions.  But  I  will  meet 
this  feeling  of  yours  with  an  instance  taken 
from  holy  writ,  namely,  where  it  is  said : 
"Man  seeth  not  as  God  seeth ;  for  God 
looketh  upon  the  heart,  but  man  upon  the 
countenance."  Therefore,  my  dearly  be- 
loved brother,  put  away  all  your  prejudice. 
Weigh  the  conduct  of  Rufinus  in  your  own 
unbiassed  judgment ;  ask  yourself  whether 
he  has  not  translated  Origen's  words  into 
Latin  and  approved  them,  and  whether  a 
man  who  gives  his  encouragement  to  vicious 
acts  committed  by  another  differs  at  all  from 
the  guilty  party.  In  any  case  I  beg  you  to 
be  assured  of  this,  that  he  is  so  completely 
separate  from  all  part  or  lot  with  us,  that  I 
neither  know  nor  wish  to  know  either  what 
he  is  doing  or  where  he  is  living.  I  have 
only  to  add  that  it  is  for  him  to  consider 
where  he  may  obtain  absolution. 


1  Appointed  bishop  of  Milan  in  400,  in  succession  to   Sim- 
plicianus. 

2  Arcadius  and  Honorius. 

3  Probably  the  friends   of  Jerome   at   Rome,   Panimachius, 
and  Marcella. 


434  RUFINUS. 


THE  APOLOGY  OF    RUFINUS. 

Addressed  to  Apronianus^  in  Reply  to  Jerome's  Letter  to  Pamvtachius^^  written  at 

Aquileia  A.D,  400, 


IN     TWO     BOOKS 


In  ordef  to  understand  the  controversy  between  Jerome  and  Rufinus  it  is  necessary  to  look  back  over  their 
-earlier  relations.  They  had  been  close  friends  in  early  youth  (Jerome,  Ep,  iii,  3,  v,  2.)  and  had  together  formed 
part  of  a  society  of  young  Christian  ascetics  at  Aquileia  in  the  years  370-3.  Jerome's  letter  (3)  to  Rufinus  in 
374  is  full  of  affection;  in  381  he  was  placed  in  Jerome's  Chronicle  (year  378)  as  "a  monk  of  great  renown,"  and 
when,  after  some  years,  they  were  neighbours  in  Palestine,  Rufinus  with  Melania  on  the  Mt.  of  Olives,  Jerome 
with  Paula  at  Bethlehem,  they  remained  friends.  (Ruf.  Apol.  ii.  8(2)  .)  In  the  disputes  about  Origenism  which 
arose  from  the  visits  of  Aterbius  (Jer.  Apol.  iii,  33)  and  Epiphanius  (Jerome  Against  John  of  Jerusalem,  11), 
they  became  estranged,  Jerome  siding  with  Epiphanius  and  Rufinus  with  John  (Jer.  Letter  li,  6.  Against  John  of 
Jerusalem  11).  They  were  reconciled  before  Rufinus  left  Palestine  in  397  (Jer.  Apol.  i,  i,  iii,  2iZ)'  But  when  Rufi- 
nus came  to  Italy  and  at  the  request  of  Macarius^  translated  Origen's  X\?pl  Wpx^^,  the  Preface  which  he  prefixed 
to  this  work  was  the  occasion  for  a  fresh  and  final  outbreak  of  dissension.  The  friends  of  Jerome  of  whom  Pam- 
machius,  Oceanus  and  Marcella  were  the  most  prominent,  were  scandalized  at  some  of  the  statements  of  the  book, 
and  still  more  at  the  assumption  made  by  Rufinus  that  Jerome,  by  his  previous  translations  of  some  of  Origen's 
works,  had  proved  himself  his  admirer.  They  also  suspected  that  Rufinus'  translation  had  made  Origen  speak  in 
an  orthodox  sense  which  was  not  genuine  and  that  heterodox  statements  had  been  suppressed.  They  therefore 
wrote  to  Jerome  at  Bethlehem  a  letter  (translated  among  Jerome's  letters  in  this  Series  No.  Ixxxiii)  begging  for  in- 
formation on  all  these  points.  Jerome  in  reply  made  a  literal  translation  of  the  Iltp*  'Ap;i:w^  and  sent  it  accom- 
panied by  a  letter  (Ixxxiv)  in  which  he  declared  that  he  had  never  been  a  partisan  of  Origen's  dogmatic  system, 
though  he  adniired  him  as  a  commentator.  He  fastened  on  some  of  the  most  questionable  of  Origen's  specula- 
tions, his  doctrine  of  the  resurrection,  of  the  previous  existence  of  souls  and  their  fall  into  human  bodies,  and  the 
ultimate  restoration  of  all  spiritual  beings;  his  permission,  in  agreement  with  Plato,  of  the  use  of  falsehood  in  certain 
cases;  and  some  expressions  about  the  relation  of  the  Persons  of  the  Godhead  which,  at  least  to  Western  ears, 
seemed  a  denial  of  their  equality.  He  appealed  to  his  own  commentaries  on  Ecclesiastes  and  on  the  Ephesians  to 
show  that  he  rejected  these  doctrines;  and  he  urged  that,  even  if  he  had  once  had  too  indiscriminate  an  admira- 
tion of  Origen,  he  had  in  later  years  judged  more  clearly. 

In  the^  main  Jerome's  defence  was  valid.  But  it  demanded  considerateness  in  his  judges;  and  this  quahty 
was  absent  in  himself.  He  judged  Origen's  opinions  harshly,  and  spoke  of  his  views  as  poisonous  (Letter  ixxxiv, 
3) ;  and,  when  we  contrast  the  lenity  of  his  former  judgments  on  the  same  points  with  his  present  violence,  it  be- 
comes evident  that  he  was  more  concerned  for  his  own  reputation  than  for  truth.  Rufinus  charges  him  (Apol.  i. 
c.  23  to  44)  with  maintaining,  in  his  Commentaries  on  the  Ephesians  (written  twelve  years  earlier  in  388)  to  which 
Jerome  had  appealed  (Ep.  Ixxxiv,  2)  the  views  which  he  now  denounced;  and  the  charge,  though  urged  too 
far,  is  substantially  made  out.  The  opinions  of  Origen  which  he  introduced  into  this  Commentary  about 
the  fall  of  souls  out  of  a  previous  state  of  bliss  into  human  bodies  are  set  down  with  hardly  a  word  of  ob- 
jection (comm.  on  ch.i,  v.  4),  and  his  speculations  on  the  Powers  and  Principalities  of  the  world  to  come  (ib.  v.  21) 
and  on  the  rise  of  Lucifer  and  his  angels  to  be  subjects  of  Christ's  Kingdom  (id.  ii,  7)  and  their  part  in  the  final 
restoration  of  all  things  (id.  iv,  16)  are  adopted  as  hisown,  thus  giving  some  justification  for  Rufinus' attack  (Apol. 
i>  34-36- &c.).  His  defence  of  himself  therefore  is  hardly  candid.  And  his  allusions  to  his  opponent  are  exasperating, 
e.g.  when  he  speaks  (Letter  Ixxxiv,  i)  of  some  persons  "  who  love  me  so  well  that  they  cannot  be  heretics  with- 
out me.  "  "  I  wonder  that,  while  they  speak  in  detraction  of  the  flesh,  they  Hve  carnally  apd  thus  cherish  and 
nourish  delicately  their  enemy  "  (Id.  8).  He  hardly  argues  fairly  as  to  Rufinus'  assertion  that  Origen's  works  had 
suffered  from  falsification;  and  he  is  carried  so  far  by  his  animosity  that  he  denies  the  Apology  of  Pamphilus  for 
Origen  to  be  by  Pamphilus,  though  he  had  himself  attributed  it  to  him  (De  Vir.  111.  c.  7.  5)  and  no  one  can  doubt 
that  it  is    his.       (See  Diet,  of  Christ.  Biog.  Art.   Pamphilus.) 

But  though  Ma-iting  thus  for  his  friends  generally,  Jerome  wrote  at  the  same  time  a  friendly  letter  to  Rufinus 
himself  in  answer,  it  would  seem,  to  one  from  him,  (Letter  Ixxxi.)  in  which  he  speaks  of  their  common  friends, 
and  of  the  death  of  Rufinus'  mother,  and  says  that  he  has  charged  a  friend  whom  he  is  sending  to  Italy  to  visit 
Rufinus  and  assure  him  of  his  high  esteem;  and,  while  remonstrating  with  him  for  his  Preface  to  the  W-epl  'Kpx^^i 
merely  says  "  I  have  begged  my  other  friends  to  avoid  a  quarrel.  I  count  on  your  sense  of  equity  not  to  give  oc- 
casion to  impatient  persons;  for  you  will  not  find  every  one,  like  me,  able  to  take  pleasure  in  praises  framed  to 
suit  a  purpose."  "^ 

Had  this  letter  reached  Rufinus,  the  ensuing  controversy  would  have  been  avoided.  But  it  never  reached 
him.  It  was  sent  through  Pammachius,  and  he  and  Jerome's  other  friends  kept  it  back,  while  they  published  the 
letter  sent  them  with  Jerome's  translation  of  the  Iff/)/  'Apjwp.  Rufinus,  who  M^as  now  at  Aquileia,  having  left 
Rome  probably  early  in  399,  wrote  the  Apology,  addressing  it  to  his  friend  and  convert  Apronianus  at  Rome. 

^  Ep.  84.  2  See  the  Translation  of  Rufinus'  Prefaces  given  above,  and  the  notes  prefixed  to  them. 

3  Or  Feigned  praises  —  figuratis  laudibus. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    I. 


435 


BOOK  I. 

The  following  is  an  epitome  of  the  argument : 

1.  I  must  submit  to  the  taunts  of  my  adversary  as  Christ  did  to  those  of  the  Jews. 

2.  Yet  the  substantial  charges  must  be  answered. 

3.  I  praised  him  but  he  has  wounded  me. 

4.  I  am  no  heretic,  but  declare  my  faith,  that  of  my  baptism. 

5.  I  give  a  further  proof  of  my  faith  in  the  resurrection  of  the  flesh. 
6-9.   The  resurrection  body  is  a  spiritual  body. 

10.  Origen's  doctrines  in  the  Jltpl  'Kpx^'^- 

11.  What  led  to  the  translation. 

12.  13.    Pamphilus'  Apology  for  Origen. 

14.  Preface  to  the  Translation  of  the  Yizpl  ^Kpx^'^- 

15.  Treatise  on  the  Adulteration  of  the  works  of  Origen. 

16.  The  difficulties  of  translation. 

17.  Explanation  of  Origen's  words  "The Son  does  not  see  the  Father." 

18.  Difference  between  seeing  and  knowing. 

19.  The  Translation  interpolated  by  Eusebius  of  Cremona. 

20.  Eusebius,  if  acting  honestly,  should  have  shown  me  what  he  thought  dangerous. 

21.  Jerome's  method  of  translation  was  the  same  as  mine. 

22.  Jerome's  reference  to  his  Commentary  on  the  Ephesians. 

23.  Jerome  has  not  really  changed  his  mind  about  Origen. 

24.  Women  turned  into  men  and  bodies  into  souls. 

25.  The  foundation  (KaTa^o7^.ij)  of  the  world  explained  by  Jerome  as  a  casting  down. 

26.  Jerome,  under  the  name  of  '*  another,"  gives  his  own  views. 

27.  The  fall  of  souls  into  human  bodies  is  taught  by  Jerome. 

28.  Predestination. 

29.  "  Another,"  who  gives  strange  views,  is  Jerome  himself. 

30.  "  Hopers  "  and  "  fore-hopers.  " 

31  and  30  (a).    Jerome  has  confessed  these  views  to  be  his  own. 

31  (a)  and  32.    Further  identification  of  Jerome's  views  with  Origen's. 

33.  The  commentary  on  the  Ephesians,  selected  by  Jerome,  is  his  condemnation. 

34,  35.    Principalities  and  Powers. 

36.    Jerome's  complaint  of  new  doctrines  may  be  retorted  on  himself. 
38,  39.    Origin  of  men,  angels,  and  heavenly  bodies. 
40,  41,    The  body  as  a  prison. 

42.  All  creatures,  including  the  fallen  angel,  partaking  in  the  final  restoration. 

43.  Arrogance  of  Jerome's  teaching. 

44.  If  Origen  is  not  to  be  pardoned,  neither  is  Jerome. 


I  have  read  the  document  sent  from  the 
East  by  our  friend  and  good  brother  to  a 
distinguished  member  of  the  Senate,  Pam- 
machius,  which  you  have  copied  and  for- 
warded to  me.  It  brought  to  my  mind  the 
words  of  the  Prophet:  ^ "  The  sons  of  men 
whose  teeth  are  spears  and  arrows  and  their 
tongue  a  sharp  sword."  But  for  these 
wounds  which  men  inflict  on  one  another 
with  the  tongue  we  can  hardly  find  a  physi- 
cian ;  so  I  have  betaken  myself  to  Jesus,  the 
heavenly  physician,  and  he  has  brought  out 
for  me  from  the  medicine  chest  of  the  Gos- 
pel an  antidote  of  sovereign  power ;  he  has 
assuaged  the  violence  of  my  grief  with  the 
assurance  of  the  righteous  judgment  which 
I  shall  have  at  his  hands.  The  potion  which 
our  Lord  dispensed  to  me  was  nothing  else 
than  these  words:  ^"Blessed  are  ye  when 
men  persecute  you  and  say  all  manner  of 
evil  against  you  falsely.  Rejoice  and  leap 
for  joy,  for  great  is  your  reward  in  heaven, 
for  so   persecuted  they  the  Prophets  which 


1  Ps.  Ivii,  4. 


2  Matt.  V,  II,  12. 


were  before  you.'*  With  this  medicine  I 
was  content,  and,  as  far  as  the  matter  con- 
cerned me,  I  had  determined  for  the  future 
to  keep  silence ;  for  I  said  within  myself, 
^  "  If  they  have  called  the  Master  of  the  house 
Beelzebub,  how  much  more  them  of  his 
household.^"  (that  is,  you  and  me,  unworthy 
though  we  are) .  And,  if  it  was  said  of 
him,  ^  "  He  is  a  deceiver,  he  deceiveth  the 
people,"  I  must  not  be  indignant  if  I  hear 
that  I  am  called  a  heretic,  and  that  the  name 
of  mole  is  applied  to  me  because  of  the 
slowness  of  my  mind,  or  indeed  my  blind- 
ness. Christ  who  is  my  Lord,  aye,  and  who 
is  God  over  all,  was  called  ^"a  gluttonous 
man  and  a  wine  bibber,  a  friend  of  publicans 
and  sinners."  How  can  I,  then,  be  angry 
w^ien  I  am  called  a  carnal  man  *  who  lives 
in  luxury.? 

2.  Nevertheless,  a  necessity,  as  it  were, 
is  laid  upon  me  to  reply,  as  a  simple  matter 
of  justice :  I  mean,  because  many,  as  I  hear, 
are  likely  to  be  upset  by  what  he  has  written 


1  Matt.  X,  25. 

2  John  vii,  12. 


3  Matt,  xi,  19. 

*  Jerome  Ep.  Ixxxiv, 


436 


RUFINUS. 


unless  the  true  state  of  the  case  is  laid  before 
them.  I  am  compelled,  against  my  resolu- 
tion and  even  my  vows,  to  make  reply,  lest 
by  keeping  silence  I  should  seem  to  acknowl- 
edge the  accusation  to  be  true.  It  is,  indeed, 
in  most  cases,  a  Christian's  glory  to  follow 
our  Lord's  example  of  silence,  and  tliereby 
to  repel  the  accusation  ;  but  to  follow  this 
course  in  matters  of  faith  causes  stumbling 
blocks  to  spring  up  in  vast  numbers.  It  is 
true  that,  in  the  beginning  of  his  invective 
he  promises  that  he  will  avoid  personalities, 
and  reply  only  about  the  things  in  question 
and  the  charges  made  against  him  ;  but  his 
profession  in  both  cases  is  false ;  for  how 
can  he  answer  a  charge  when  no  charge  has 
been  made?  and  how  can  a  man  be  said  to 
avoid  personalities  when  he  never  ceases  to 
attack  and  tear  to  pieces  the  translator  of  the 
books  in  question  from  the  first  line  to  the 
last  of  his  invective.?  I  shall  avoid  all  pre- 
tence of  saying  less  than  I  mean,  and  similar 
subterfuges  of  hypocrisy  which  are  hateful 
in  God's  sight ;  and,  though  my  words  may 
be  uncouth  and  my  style  unadorned,  I  will 
make  my  reply.  I  trust,  and  I  shall  not 
trust  in  vain,  that  my  readers  will  pardon  my 
lack  of  skill,  since  my  object  is  not  to  amuse 
others  but  to  endeavour  to  clear  myself  from 
the  reproaches  directed  against  me.  My 
wish  is  that  what  may  shine  forth  in  me  may 
not  be  style  but  truth. 

3.  But,  before  I  begin  to  clear  up  these 
points,  there  is  one  in  which  I  confess  that  he 
has  spoken  the  truth  in  an  eminent  degree  ; 
namely,  when  he  says  that  he  is  not  render- 
ing evil  speaking  for  evil  speaking.  This, 
I  say,  is  quite  true ;  for  it  is  not  for  evil 
speaking  but  for  speaking  well  of  him  and 
praising  him  that  he  has  rendered  reproach 
and  evil  speaking.  But  it  is  not  true,  as  he 
says,  that  he  turns  the  left  cheek  to  one  who 
smites  him  on  the  right.  It  is  on  one  who 
is  stroking  him  and  caressing  him  on  the 
cheek  that  he  suddenly  turns  and  bites  him. 
I  praised  his  eloquence  and  his  industry  in 
the  work  of  translating  from  the  Greek.  I 
said  nothing  in  derogation  of  his  faith  ;  but 
he  condemns  me  on  both  these  points.  He 
must  therefore  pardon  me  if  I  say  some 
things  rather  roughly  and  rudely ;  for  he  has 
challenged  to  a  reply  a  man  who  has  no 
great  rhetorical  skill,  and  who  has  not,  as  he 
knows,  the  power  to  make  one  whom  he 
wishes  to  injure  and  to  wound  appear  to 
have  received  neither  wounds  nor  injuries. 
Those  who  love  this  kind  of  eloquence  must 
seek  it  in  a  man  whom  every  light  report 
stirs  up  to  fault-finding  and  vituperation, 
and  who  thinks  himself  bound,  as  if  he  were 


the  censor,  to  be  always  coming  up  to  set 
things  to  rights.  A  man  who  desires  to  clear 
himself  from  the  stains  which  have  been  cast 
upon  him,  does  not  trouble  himself,  in  the 
answer  which  he  is  compelled  to  make, 
about  the  elegance  and  neat  turns  of  his  re- 
ply, but  only  about  its  truth. 

4.  At  the  very  beginning  of  his  work  he 
says,  "As  if  they  could  not  be  heretics  by 
themselves,  without  me."  I  must  first  show 
that,  whether  with  him  or  without  him,  we 
are  no  heretics :  then,  w^hen  our  status  is 
made  clear,  we  shall  be  safe  from  having  the 
infamous  imputation  hurled  at  us  from  other 
men's  reports.  I  was  already  living  in  a 
monastery,  where,  as  both  he  and  all  others 
know,  about  30  years  ago,  I  was  made 
regenerate  by  Baptism,  and  received  the  seal 
of  the  faith  at  the  hands  of  those  saintly  men, 
Chromatins,'  Jovinus^  and  Eusebius,^  all  of 
them  now  bishops,  well-tried  and  highly 
esteemed  in  the  church  of  God,  one  of  whom 
was  then  a  presbyter  of  the  church  under 
Valerian  of  blessed  memory,  the  second  was 
archdeacon,  the  third  Deacon,  and  to  me  a 
spiritual  father,  my  teacher  in  the  creed  and 
the  articles  of  belief.  These  men  so  taught 
me,  and  so  I  believe,  namely,  that  the  Father^ 
the  Son  and  the  Holy  Spirit  are  of  one  God- 
head, of  one  Substance  :  a  Trinity  coeternal^ 
inseparable,  incorporeal,  invisible,  incompre- 
hensible, known  to  itself  alone  as  it  truly  is 
in  its  perfection:  For  "No  man"  knoweth 
the  Son  but  the  Father,  neither  knoweth  any 
man  the  Father  but  the  Son  "  :  and  the  Holy 
Spirit  is  he  who  "  searcheth  "  the  deep  things 
of  God "  :  that  this  Trinity,  therefore,  is 
without  all  bodily  visibility,  but  that  it  is 
with  the  eye  of  the  understanding  that  the 
Son  and  the  Holy  Spirit  see  the  Father  even 
as  the  Father  sees  the  Son  and  the  Holy 
Spirit ;  and  further,  that  in  this  Trinity  there 
is  no  diversity  except  that  one  is  Father, 
another  Son  and  a  third  Holy  Spirit.  There 
is  a  Trinity  as  touching  the  distinction  of 
persons,  a  unity  in  the  reality  of  the  Sub- 
stance. We  received,  further,  that  the  only 
begotten  Son  of  God,  through  whom  in  the 
beginning  all  existing  things  were  made, 
whether  visible  or  invisible,  in  these  last  days 
took  upon  him  a  human  body  and  Soul,  and 
was  made  man,  and  suffered  for  our  salva- 
tion ;   and  the  third  day   he   rose  again  from 

1  Bp.  of  Aquileia  at  the  time  of  this  Apology,  and  maintain- 
ing friendly  relations  with  both  Jerome  and  Rufinus.  (Ruf. 
Pref.  to  Eusebius  in  this  Volume.  Jer.  Ep.  vii,  Ix.  19,  Pref. 
to  Bks.  of  Solomon  &c,  &c.) 

2  See  Jerome  Ep.  vii.  It  is  not  known  of  what  clujrch  he 
was  Bp. 

3  Brother  of  Chromatins.  See  an  allusion  to  him  in  Jerome^ 
Ep.  viii,  and  Ix,  19.     His  see  is  unknown. 

i  Matt,  xi,  27.  ^  I  Cor.  li,  10. 


APOLOGY  -  BOOK    I. 


437 


the  dead  in  that  very  flesh  which  had  been 
laid  in  the  sepulchre ;  and  in  that  very  same 
flesh  made  glorious  he  ascended  into  the 
heavens,  whence  we  look  for  his  coming  to 
judge  the  quick  and  the  dead.  But  further 
we  confess  that  he  gave  us  hope  that  we  too 
should  rise  in  a  similar  manner,  so  that  we 
believe  that  our  resurrection  will  be  in  the 
same  manner  and  process,  and  in  the  same 
form,  as  the  resurrection  of  our  Lord  himself 
from  the  dead :  that  the  bodies  which  we 
shall  receive  will  not  be  phantoms  or  thin 
vapours,  as  some  slanderously  afflrm  that  we 
say,  but  these  very  bodies  of  ours  in  which 
we  live  and  in  which  we  die.  For  how  can 
Ave  truly  believe  in  the  resurrection  of  the 
ilesh,  unless  the  very  nature  of  flesh  remains 
in  it  truly  and  substantially?  It  is  then 
without  any  equivocation,  that  we  confess 
the  resurrection  of  this  real  and  substantial 
flesh  of  ours  in  which  we  live. 

5.  Moreover,  to  give  a  fuller  demonstra- 
tion of  this  point,  I  will  add  one  thing  more. 
It  is  the  compulsion  of  those  who  calumniate 
iTie  which  forces  me  to  exhibit  a  singular 
and  special  mystery  of  my  own  church.  It 
is  this,  that,  while  all  the  churches  thus  hand 
down  the  Sacrament  of  the  Creed  in  the 
form  which,  after  the  words  "the  remission 
of  sins"  adds  "  the  resurrection  of  the  flesh," 
the  holy  church  of  Aquileia  (as  though  the 
Spirit  of  God  had  foreseen  the  calumnies 
which  would  be  spoken  against  us)  puts  in 
a  particular  pronoun  at  the  place  where  it 
•dehVers  the  resurrection  of  the  dead ;  instead 
of  saying  as  others  do,  "  the  resurrection  of 
the  flesh,"  we  say  "the  resurrection  of  this 
flesh."  At  this  point,  as  the  custom  is  at 
the  close  of  the  Creed,  we  touch  the  fore- 
head of  this  flesh  with  the  sign  of  the  cross, 
and  with  the  mouth  of  this  flesh,  which  we 
have  so  touched,  we  confess  the  resurrection  ; 
that  so  we  may  stop  up  every  entrance  through 
w^hich  the  poisoned  tongue  might  bring  in  its 
calumnies  against  us.  Can  any  confession 
be  fuller  than  this?  Can  any  exposition  of 
the  truth  be  more  perfect?  Yet  I  see  that 
this  remarkable  provision  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
has  been  of  no  profit  to  us.  Evil  and  busy 
tongues  still  find  room  for  cavilling.  Unless, 
says  he,  you  name  the  members  one  by  one, 
and  expressly  designate  the  head  with  its 
hair,  the  hands,  the  feet,  the  belly,  and  that 
which  is  below  the  belly,  you  have  denied 
the  resurrection  of  the  flesh. 

6.  Behold  the  discovery  of  this  man  of 
the  new  learning  !  a  thing  which  escaped  the 
notice  of  the  Apostles  when  they  delivered 
the  faith  to  the  Church ;  a  thing  which  none 
of  the  saints  knew  till  it  was  revealed  to  this 


man  by  the  spirit  of  the  flesh.  He  indeed 
cannot  expound  it  without  bringing  in  an 
indecency.  Nevertheless,  I  will  set  it  forth 
in  his  hearing  both  more  worthily  and  more 
truly.  Christ  is  the  first  fruits  of  those  that 
sleep ;  *  he  is  also  called  ^  the  first  begotten 
from  the  dead ;  as  also  the  ApOstle  says, 
^  "  Christ  is  the  beginning,  afterward  they  that 
are  Christ's."  Since  then  we  have  Christ  as 
the  undoubted  first  fruits  of  our  resurrection, 
how  can  any  question  arise  about  the  rest  of 
us?  It  must  be  evident  that,  whatever  the 
members,  the  hair,  the  flesh,  the  bones,  were 
in  which  Christ  rose,  in  the  same  shall  we 
also  rise.  For  this  purpose  he  offered  him- 
self to  the  disciples  to  touch  after  his  resur- 
rection, so  that  no  hesitation  as  to  his  resur- 
rection should  remain.  Since  then  Christ 
has  given  his  own  resurrection  as  a  typical 
instance,  one  that  is  quite  evident,  and  (as  I 
may  say)  capable  of  being  felt  and  handled 
by  the  hand,  who  can  be  so  mad  as  to  think 
that  he  himself  will  rise  otherwise  than  as  He 
rose  who  opened  the  door  of  the  resurrec- 
tion? This  also  confirms  the  truth  of  this 
confession  of  ours  that,  wdiile  it  is  the  actual 
natural  flesh  and  no  other  which  will  rise, 
yet  it  will  rise  purged  from  its  faults  and 
having  laid  aside  its  corruption  ;  so  that  the 
saying  of  the  Apostle  is  true  :  '^  "  It  is  sown 
in  corruption,  it  will  be  raised  in  incorrup- 
tion ;  it  is  sown  in  dishonour,  it  will  be  raised 
in  glory  ;  it  is  sown  a  natural  ^  body,  it  will 
be  raised  a  spiritual  body."  Inasmuch  then 
as  it  is  a  spiritual  body,  and  glorious,  and  in- 
corruptible, it  will  be  furnished  and  adorned 
with  its  own  proper  members,  not  with 
members  taken  from  elsewhere,  according  to 
that  glorious  image  of  which  Christ  is  set 
forth  as  the  perpetual  type,  as  it  is  said  by 
the  Apostle :  ^  "  Who  shall  change  the  body 
of  our  humiliation,  that  it  may  be  con- 
formed to  the  body  of  his  glory." 

7.  Since  then,  in  reference  to  our  hope  of 
the  resurrection,  Christ  is  set  forth  all  through 
as  the  archetype,  since  he  is  the  first  born  of 
those  who  rise,  and  since  he  is  the  head  of 
every  creature,  as  it  is  written,  ^"  Who  is  the 
head  of  all,  the  first  born  from  the  dead,  that 
in  all  things  he  might  have  the  preemi- 
nence ;  "  how  is  it  that  we  stir  up  these  vain 
strifes  of  words,  and  conflicts  of  evil  sur- 
mises? Does  not  the  faith  of  the  church 
consist  in  the  confession  which  I  have  set 
forth  above  ?  And  is  it  not  evident  that  men 
are  moved  to  accuse  others  not  by  difference 
of  belief,   but   by  perversity    of  disposition? 


1 1  Cor.  XV, 
2Rev.  i,5. 
3  I  Cor.  XV, 


4  I  Cor.  XV,  42-4. 

5  animale. 


«  Phil,  iii,  31, 
7  Col.  i,  18. 


23- 


438 


RUFINUS. 


At  this  point,  however,  in  arguing  about  the 
resurrection  of  the  flesh,  our  friend,  as  his 
habit  is,  mixes  up  what  is  ridiculous  and 
farcical    with    what  is    serious.     He    says : 

"  Some  poor  creatures  of  the  female  sex  among 
us  are  fond  of  asking  what  good  the  resurrection 
■will  be  to  them?  They  touch  their  breasts,  and 
stroke  their  beardless  faces,  and  strike  their  thighs 
and  their  bellies,  and  ask  whether  this  poor  weak 
body  is  to  rise  again.  No,  they  say,  if  we  are  to  be 
like  angels  we  shall  have  the  nature  of  angels." 

Who  the  poor  women  are  whom  he  thus 
takes  to  task,  and  whether  they  are  deserving 
of  his  attacks,  he  knows  best.  And  if  he 
considers  himself  to  be  one  of  those  who  are 
bound  to  preach  that  it  is  not  our  part  to 
attack  another  out  of  revenge,  but  that  in 
this  instance  he  is  right  in  attacking  others 
w^hen  they  have  given  him  no  cause  for  re- 
venge ;  or  if,  again,  he  considers  that  it  is 
no  business  of  his  to  take  care  that  weak 
women  of  his  company  should  be  subjected 
to  attacks  only  for  real  causes,  and  not  for 
such  false  and  fictitious  reasons  as  these — of 
all  tliis,  I  say,  he  is  himself  the  best  judge. 
For  us  it  is  sufficient  to  act  as  he  said  that  he 
would  act :  we  shall  not  render  evil  for  evil. 
But  it  is  evident  that  the  man  who  is  angry 
with  a  woman  because  she  says  that  she 
hopes  not  to  have  a  frail  body  in  the  resurrec- 
tion is  of  the  opinion  that  the  frailties  of  the 
body  will  remain.  Only,  what  then,  we  ask, 
are  we  to  make  of  the  words  of  the  Apostle  : 
"It  is  sown  in  weakness,  it  will  be  raised  in 
power  ;  it  is  sown  a  natural  body,  it  will  be 
raised  a  spiritual  body  "  ?  What  frailty  can  you 
suppose  to  exist  in  a  spiritual  body.^  It  is  to 
rise  in  power  ;  how  then  is  it  again  to  be 
frail  .^  If  it  is  frail,  how  can  it  be  in  power  .^ 
Are  not  those  poor  women  after  all  more 
right  than  you,  when  they  say  that  their 
bodily  frailty  cannot  have  dominion  over 
them  in  the  world  beyond.^  Why  should 
you  mock  at  them,  when  they  are  only  fol- 
lowing the  Apostle's  words  :  ^  This  corrupt- 
ible must  put  on  incorruption,  and  this  mor- 
tal must  put  on  immortality  "  ?  The  Apostles 
never  taught  that  the  body  which  would  rise 
from  the  dead  woidd  be  frail,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  that  it  would  rise  in  power  and  in 
glory.  Whence  comes  this  opinion  which 
you  now  produce  ?  Perhaps  it  is  one  ob- 
tained from  some  of  your  Jews,'  which  is 
now  to  be  promulgated  as  a  new  law  for  the 
church,  so  that  we  may  learn  their  ways:  for 
in  truth  the  Jews  have  such  an  opinion  as 
this  about  the  resurrection  ;  they  believe  that 


J  Rufinus  frequently  taunts  Jerome  with  having  paid  too 
much  heed  to  the  Jewish  teachers  from  whom  he  learned 
Hebrew. 


they  will  rise,  but  in  such  sort  as  that  they 
will  enjoy  all  carnal  delights  and  luxuries, 
and  other  pleasures  of  the  body.  What  else, 
indeed,  can  this  "bodily  frailty"  of  yours 
mean  except  members  given  over  to  corrup- 
tion, appetites  stimulated  and  lusts  inflamed.'^ 

8.  But  sufler  it  to  be  so,  I  beg  you,  as  you 
are  lovers  of  Christ,  that  the  body  is  to  be 
in  incorruption  and  without  these  conditions 
when  it  rises  from  the  dead  ;  then  let  such. 
things  henceforward  cease  to  be  mentioned. 
Let  us  believe  that  in  the  resurrection  even 
lawful  intercourse  will  no  longer  exist  be- 
tween the  sexes,  since  there  would  be  danger 
that  unlawful  intercourse  would  creep  in 
if  such  things  remained  present  and  unfor- 
gotten.  What  is  the  use  of  carefully  and 
minutely  going  over  and  discussing  "  the 
belly  and  what  is  below  it "  ?  You  tell  us 
that  we  live  amidst  carnal  delights  :  but  I 
perceive  that  it  is  your  belief  that  we  are  not 
to  give  up  such  things  even  in  the  resurrec- 
tion. Let  us  not  deny  that  this  very  flesh  in 
which  we  now  live  is  to  rise  again  :  but 
neither  let  us  make  men  think  that  the  im- 
perfections of  the  flesli  are  wrapped  up  in  it 
and  will  come  again  with  it.  The  flesh,  in- 
deed, will  rise,  this  very  flesh  and  not 
another :  it  will  not  change  its  nature,  but 
it  will  lose  its  frailties  and  imperfections. 
Otherwise,  if  its  frailties  remain,  it  cannot 
even  be  immortal.  And  thus,  as  I  said,  we 
avoid  heresy,  whether  with  you  or  without 
you.  For  the  faith  of  the  Church,  of  which 
we  are  the  disciples,  takes  a  middle  path 
between  tv^o  dangers  :  it  does  not  deny  the 
reality  of  the  natural  flesh  and  body  when  it 
rises  from  the  dead,  but  neither  does  it  assert, 
in  contradiction  to  the  Apostle's  words,'  that 
in  the  kingdom  which  is  to  come  corruption 
wmII  inherit  incorruption.  We  therefore  do  not 
assert  that  the  flesh  or  body  will  rise,  as  you 
put  it,  with  some  of  its  members  lost  or  am- 
putated, but  that  the  body  will  be  whole  and 
complete,  having  laid  aside  nothing  but  its 
corruption  and  dishonour  and  frailty  and  also 
having  amputated  all  the  imperfections  of 
mortality  :  nothing  of  its  own  nature  will  be 
lacking  to  that  spiritual  body  which  shall 
rise  from  the  dead  except  this  corruption. 

9.  I  have  made  answer  more  at  length 
than  I  had  intended  on  this  single  article  of 
the  resurrection,  through  fear  lest  by  brevity 
I  should  lay  myself  open  to  fresh  aspersions. 
Consequently,  I  have  made  mention  again 
and  again  not  only  of  the  body,  as  to  which 
cavils  are  raised,  but  of  the  flesh  :  and  not 
only  of  the  flesh  ;  I  have  added  "  this  flesh  ;  "" 
and  further  I  have  spoken  not  only  of  "  this 

1  Cor.  XV,  50. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    I. 


439 


flesh"  but  of  ''this  natural  flesh;"  I  have 
not  even  stopped  here,  but  have  asserted  that 
not  even  the  completeness  of  the  several 
members  would  be  lacking.  I  have  only 
demanded  that  it  should  be  held  as  part  of 
the  faith  that,  according  to  the  words  of  the 
Apostle,  it  should  rise  incorruptible  instead 
of  corruptible,  glorious  instead  of  dishonoured, 
immortal  instead  of  frail,  spiritual  instead  of 
natural ;  and  that  we  should  think  of  the 
members  of  the  spiritual  body  as  being 
without  taint  of  corruption  or  of  frailty.  I 
have  set  forth  my  faith  in  reference  to  the 
Trinity,  the  Incarnation  of  the  Lord  our 
Saviour,  to  his  Passion  and  Resurrection,  his 
second  coming  and  the  judgment  to  come. 
I  have  also  set  it  forth  in  the  matter  of  the 
resurrection  of  our  flesh,  and  have  left  noth- 
ing, I  think,  in  ambiguity.  Nothing  in  my 
opinion  remains  to  be  said,  so  far  as  the 
faith  is  concerned. 

lo.  But  in  this,  he  says,  I  convict  you, 
that  you  have  translated  the  work  of  Origen, 
in  which  he  says  that  there  is  to  be  a  restitu- 
tion of  all  things,  in  which  we  must  believe 
that  not  only  sinners  but  the  devil  himself 
and  his  angels  will  at  last  be  relieved  from 
their  punishment,  if  we  are  to  set  before  our 
minds  in  a  consistent  manner  what  is  meant 
by  the  restitution  of  all  things.  And  Origen, 
he  says,  teaches  further  that  souls  have  been 
made  before  their  bodies,  and  have  been 
brought  down  from  heaven  and  inserted  into 
their  bodies.  I  am  not  now  acting  on 
Origen's  behalf,  nor  writing  an  apology  for 
him.  Whether  he  stands  accepted  before 
God  or  has  been  cast  away  is  not  mine  to 
judge:  to  his  own  lord  he  stands  or  falls. ^ 
But  I  am  compelled  to  make  mention  of  him 
in  a  few  words,  since  our  great  rhetorician, 
though  seeming  to  be  arguing  against  him  is 
really  striking  at  me  ;  and  this  he  does  no 
longer  indirectly,  but  ends  by  openly  attack- 
ing me  with  his  sword  drawn  and  turns  his 
whole  fury  against  me.  I  say  too  little  in 
saying  that  he  attacks  me;  for  indeed,  in 
order  to  vent  his  rage  against  me,  he  does 
not  even  spare  his  old  teacher  :  ^  he  thinks 
that  in  the  books  which  I  have  translated  he 
can  find  something  which  may  enable  him 
to  hurl  his  cahnrmies  against  me.  In  addi- 
tion to  other  things  which  he  finds  to  blame 
in  iTte  he  adds  this  invidious  remark,  that  I 
have  chosen  for  translation  a  work  which 
neither  he  nor  an}^  of  the  older  translators 
had  chosen.  I  will  begin,  therefore,  since  it 
is  here  that  I  am  chiefly  attacked,  by    stating 


how  it  came  to  pass  that  I  attempted  the 
translation  of  this  work  in  preference  to  any 
other,  and  I  will  do  so  in  the  fewest  and 
truest  words.  This  is,  no  doubt,  superfluous 
for  you,  m}^  well-beloved  son,  since  you 
know  the  whole  aflair  as  it  occurred  ;  yet  it 
is  desirable  that  those  who  are  ignorant  of  it 
should  know  the  truth  :  besides,  both  he  and 
all  his  followers  make  this  a  triumphant  ac- 
cusation against  me,  that  I  promised  in  my 
Preface  to  adopt  one  method  of  trantlation 
but  adopted  a  different  one  in  the  work  itself. 
Hence,  I  will  make  an  answer  which  will 
serve  not  only  for  them,  but  for  many  besides 
Vv^hose  judgment  is  perverted  either  by  their 
own  malice  or  by  the  accusations  which 
others  make  against  me. 

II.    Some  time  ago,  Macarius,  a  man  of 
distinction  from  his  faith,    his    learning,  his 
noble  birth  and  his  personal  life,  had  in  hand 
a  work    against  fatalism   or,  as   it  is  called, 
Mathesis,*  and  was  spending  much  necessary 
and  fruitful  toil   on   its  composition  ;   but  he 
could    not    decide    many    points,    especially 
how  to  speak  of  the  dispensations  of  divine 
Providence.     He  found  the  matter  to  be  one 
of  great  difficulty.      But   in  the  visions  of  the 
night  the  Lord,  he  said,  had   shown   him  the 
appearance  of  a    ship   far   oft'  upon   the    sea 
coming   towards   him,  which    ship,  when    it 
entered  the  port,  was  to  solve  all  the  knotty 
points  which  had  perplexed  him.     When  he 
arose,    he    began    anxiously    to    ponder   the 
vision,   and   he    found,  as    he    said,  that  that 
was  the  very  moment  of  my  arrival  ;   so  that 
he  forthwith  made  known   to   me    the   scope 
of  his  work,  and  his  difficulties,  and  also  the 
vision  which  he  had  seen.      He  proceeded  to 
inquire  v/hat  were  the  opinions  of  Origen, 
whom    he    understood    to    be    the    most    re- 
nowned among  the  Greeks  on  the   points  in 
question,   and  begged   that  I    would    shortly 
explain  his  views  on   each  of  them  in  order. 
I  at  first  could  only    say    that  the    task    was 
one  of  much   difficulty:    but  I  told  him  that 
that  saintly  man  the   Martyr  Pamphihis  had 
to  some  extent  dealt  with    the  question  in  a 
work   of  the    kind     he    wished,    that    is,    in 
his   Apology  for    Origen.      Immediately    he 
begged  me  to  translate  this  work    into  Latin. 
I  told  him  several   times  that  I  had  no  prac- 
tice in  this  style  of  composition,  and  that  my 
power    of    writing    Latin    had    grown    dull 
through   the   neglect  of  nearly  thirty  years. 
He,     however,    persevered     in    his    request, 
begging  earnestly  that  b}'  any  kind  of  words 
that  might  be  possible,  the  things  which  he 

^  This  \vord  originally  meant  simply  learning-.     It  was  then 
applied  in  a  special  sense   to   mathematics.     But   the   mathe- 
2  That  is,   Origen.     Rufinus  insinuates   that  Jerome  owed  '  matici  under  the  later  Roman  Empire  became  identified  with 
and  cared  more  for  Origen  than  he  chose  to  avow.  astrologers. 


'  Rom.  xiv,  4. 


440 


RUFINUS. 


longed  to  know  should  be  placed  within  his 
reach.  I  did  what  he  wished  in  the  best 
language  in  my  power ;  but  this  only  in- 
flamed him  with  greater  desire  for  the  full 
knowledge  of  the  work  itself  from  which,  as 
he  saw,  the  few  translations  which  I  had 
made  had  been  taken.  I  tried  to  excuse 
myself;  but  he  urged  me  with  vehemence, 
taking  God  to  witness  of  his  earnest  request 
to  me  not  to  refuse  him  the  means  which 
might  assist  him  in  doing  a  good  work.  It 
was  only  because  he  insisted  so  earnestly, 
and  it  seemed  clear  that  his  desire  was  ac- 
cording to  the  will  of  God,  that  I  at  length 
acquiesced,  and  made  the  translation. 

1 2.  But  I  wrote  a  Preface  ^  to  each  of  these 
works,  and  in  both,  but  especially  in  the 
Preface  to  the  work  of  Pamphilus,  which 
was  translated  first,  I  set  in  the  forefront  an 
exposition  of  my  faith,  afiirming  that  my 
belief  is  in  accordance  with  the  catholic 
faith ;  and  I  stated  that  whatever  men  might 
find  in  the  original  or  in  my  translation,  my 
share  in  it  in  no  way  implicated  my  own 
faith,  and  further,  in  reference  to  the  n.epl 
'Apx(^v  I  gave  this  warning.  I  had  found  that 
in  these  books  some  things  relating  to  the 
faith  were  set  forth  in  a  catholic  sense,  just 
as  the  Church  proclaims  them,  while  in  other 
places,  when  the  very  same  thing  is  in  ques- 
tion, expressions  of  a  contrary  kind  are  used. 
I  had  thought  it  right  to  set  forth  these  points 
in  the  way  in  which  the  author  had  set  them 
forth  when  he  had  propounded  the  catholic 
view  of  them:  on  the  other  hand,  when  I 
found  things  which  were  contrary  to  the 
author's  real  opinion,  I  looked  on  them  as 
things  inserted  by  others,  (for  he  witnesses 
by  the  complaints  contained  in  his  letter  that 
this  has  been  done),  and  therefore  rejected 
them,  or  at  all  events  considered  that  I 
might  omit  them  as  having  none  of  the 
"  godly  edifying  in  the  faith."  It  will  not, 
I  think,  be  considered  superfluous  to  insert 
these  passages  from  my  Prefaces,  so  that 
proof  may  be  at  hand  for  each  statement. 
And  further,  to  prevent  the  reader  from  fall- 
ing into  any  mistake  as  to  the  passages 
which  I  insert  from  other  documents,  I  have, 
where  the  quotation  is  from  my  own  works, 
placed  a  single  mark  against  the  passage, 
but,  where  the  words  are  those  of  my  oppo- 
nent, a  double  rnark.^ 

13.  In  the  Preface  to  the  Apology  of 
Pamphilus,  after  a  few  other  remarks,  I 
said : 


1  See  these  Prefaces  translated  in  the   earlier  part  of  this 
Volume. 

2  Corresponding-  to  the  single  and  double    inverted  commas 
used  in  this  translation. 


'What  the  opinions  of  Origen  are  maybe  gathered 
from  the  tenor  of  this  treatise.  But  as  for  those 
things  in  which  he  is  found  to  contradict  himself, 
I  will  point  out  how  this  has  come  to  pass  in  a  few 
words  which  I  have  added  at  the  close  of  this 
Preface.  As  for  us,  we  believe  what  has  been  de- 
livered to  us  by  the  holy  Prophets,  namely  :  that 
the  holy  Trinity  is  coeternal,  and  is  of  one  power 
and  substance  :  and  that  the  Son  of  God  in  these 
last  days  was  made  man  and  suffered  for  our  sins, 
and,  in  that  very  flesh  in  which  he  suffered,  rose 
from  the  dead ;  and  thereby  imparted  the  hope  of 
a  resurrection  to  the  whole  race  of  men.  When 
we  speak  of  the  resurrection  of  the  flesh,  we  do 
so  not  with  any  subterfuges,  as  some  slanderously 
affirm  :  we  believe  that  the  flesh  which  is  to  rise  is 
this  very  flesh  in  which  we  now  live  :  we  do  not 
put  one  thing  for  another,  nor  when  we  say 
body,  mean  something  diflTerent  from  this  flesh. 
If,  therefore,  we  say  that  the  body  is  to  rise 
again,  we  speak  as  the  Apostle  spoke;  for  this 
word  body  was  the  word  which  he  employed  :  Or 
if,  again,  we  speak  of  the  flesh,  our  confession  coin- 
cides with  the  words  of  the  creed.  It  is  a  foolish  and 
calumnious  invention  to  imagine  that  the  human 
body  can  be  anything  but  flesh.  Whether,  then,  we 
say  that  it  is  flesh  according  to  the  common  faith, 
or  body  according  to  the  Apostle,  which  is  to  rise 
again,  our  belief  must  be  held,  according  to  the  defi- 
nition given  by  the  Apostle,  with  the  understanding 
that  that  which  is  to  rise  again  is  to  be  raised  in 
power  and  in  glory,  an  incorruptible  and  a  spiritual 
body.  While,  therefore,  we  maintain  the  superior 
excellence  of  the  body  or  flesh  which  is  to  be,  we 
must  hold  that  the  flesh  which  rises  again  will  be 
real  and  perfect;  the  actual  nature  of  the  flesh  will 
be  preserved,  while  the  glorious  condition  of  the 
uncorrupted  and  spiritual  body  will  not  be  im- 
paired. For  so  it  is  written  :  '"  Corruption  shall'not 
inherit  incorruption."  This  is  what  is  preached 
at  Jerusalem  in  the  church  of  God,  by  its  reverend 
bishop  John  :  this  is  what  we  with  him  confess 
and  hold.  If  any  one  believes  or  teaches  anything 
besides  this,  or  thinks  that  we  believe  otherwise 
than  as  we  have  stated,  let  him  be  anathema.' 

If  then  any  one  wishes  to  have  a  statement 
of  our  faith,  he  has  it  in  these  words.  And 
whatever  we  read  or  affirm,  or  whatever 
translations  we  make,  we  do  it  without  pre- 
judice to  this  faith  of  ours,  according  to  the 
words  of  the  apostle:  ^'^  Prove  all  things, 
hold  fast  that  which  is  good.  Abstain  from 
every  form  of  evil."  "  And  as  many  as 
follow  this  rule,  peace  be  upon  them;  and 
upon  the  Israel  of  God." 

14.  I  wrote  these  words  beforehand  as  a 
statement  of  my  faith,  when  as  yet  none  of 
these  calumniators  had  arisen,  so  that  it 
should  be  in  no  man's  power  to  say  that  it 
was  merely  because  of  their  admonition  or 
their  compulsion  that  I  said  things  which  I 
had  not  believed  before.  Moreover,!  promised 
that,  whatever  the  requirements  of  transla- 
tion might  be,  I  would,  while  complying 
with  them,  maintain  the  principles  of  my  faith 
inviolate.     How  then  can  any  room    be  left 


1  I  Cor.  XV,  50. 


2  I  Thess.  V,  21,  22;  Gal.  vi,  16. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    I. 


44 


( 


for  evil,  when  the  very  first  word  of  my  con- 
fession preserves  and  defends  me  from  the 
suspicion  of  holding  any  doctrine  inconsis- 
tent with  it?  Besides,  as  I  have  said  above, 
I  have  learned  from  the  words  of  the  Lord 
that  every  one  shall  be  justified  or  con- 
demned from  his  own  words  and  not  from 
those  of  others. 

But  I  will  show  how,  in  the  Preface  * 
which  I  prefixed  to  the  books  Hepl  'Apx(^i'^  I 
declared  what  was  to  be  the  regulative  princi- 
ple of  my  translation,  and  will  prove  it,  as. in 
the  former  case,  by  quoting  the  words  them- 
selves: for  it  is  right  to  quote  from  this  doc- 
ument also  whatever  is  pertinent  to  the  mat- 
ter in  hand.  I  had  made  honourable  mention 
of  the  man  who  nov/  turns  my  praise  of  him 
Into  an  accusation  against  me,  for  his  ser- 
vices in  having  led  the  way  and  having 
translated  a  great  many  \vorks  of  Origen 
before  I  had  begun  :  I  had  praised  both  his 
eloquence  as  an  expositor  and  his  diligence 
as  a  translator,  and  had  said  that  I  took  him 
as  my  model  in  doing  a  similar  work.  And 
then,  after  a  few  more  sentences,  I  con- 
tinued thus : 

*  Him  therefore  we  take  as  our  model  so  far  as  in 
us  lies,  not  indeed  in  the  power  of  his  eloquence, 
but  in  his  method  of  doing  his  work,  taking  care 
not  to  reproduce  things  which  are  found  in  the 
books  of  Origen  discrepant  and  contrary  to  his 
own  true  opinion.' 

I  beg  the  reader  to  observe  what  I  have 
said,  and  not  to  let  this  sentence  escape  him 
because  of  its  brevity.  What  I  said  was  that 
'  I  would  not  reproduce  the  things  which 
are  found  in  the  books  of  Crimen  discrepant 
and  contrary  to  his  own  true  opinion.'  I 
did  not  make  a  general  promise  that  I  would 
not  reproduce  what  was  contrary  to  the 
faith,  nor  yet  what  was  contrary  to  me  or  to 
some  one  else,  but  what  was  contrary  to  or 
discrepant  from  Origen  himself.  My  oppo- 
nents must  not  be  allowed  to  propagate  a 
false  statement  against  me  by  snatching  at  a 
part  of  this  sentence  and  saying  that  I  had 
promised  not  to  reproduce  anything  which 
was  contrary  to  or  discrepant  from  my  own 
belief.  If  I  had  been  capable  of  such  con- 
duct, I  certainly  should  not  have  dared  to 
make  a  public  profession  of  it.  If  you  find 
that  this  has  been  done  in  my  work,  you 
will  know  how  to  judge  of  it.  But  if  you 
find  that  it  has  not  been  done,  you  will  not 
think  that  I  am  to  blame,  since  I  never  gave 
you  any  pledge  which  would  bind  me  to 
do  it. 


15.      But  let    me    add    what    comes 
My  Preface  continued  as  follows : 


ifter. 


1  See  the  translation  of  this  document  in  this  Volume. 


'The  causes  of  these  discrepancies  I  have  more 
fully  set  forth  in  the  Apology  which  Pamphilus 
expressly  wrote  for  the  works  of  Origen,  to  whicli 
I  added  a  very  short  paper  in  which  I  shewed  bv 
proofs  which  appear  to  me  quite  clear,  tliat  liis 
books  have  been  in  very  many  places  tampered 
with  by  heretics  and  ill  disposed  men,  and  es- 
pecially the  very  books  which  you  ask  me  to  trans- 
late, namely,  the  Uepl  Apx(^^,  which  may  be 
rendered  "  Concerning  Beginnings  "  '  or  "  Concern- 
ing Principalities,"  which  are  in  any  case  most 
obscure  and  most  difficult.  For  in  these  books 
Origen  discusses  matters  on  which  the  philosopheis 
have  spent  their  whole  lives  without  finding  out 
the  truth.  In  these  matters,  man's  belief  in  a 
creator  and  his  reasoning  about  the  created  world 
which  had  been  made  use  of  by  the  philosophers 
for  the  purposes  of  their  own  profanity,  the  Chris- 
tian writer  turns  to  the  support  of  the  true  faith.' 

Here  also  I  beg  you  to  mark  my  words 
carefully,  and  to  observe  that  I  said  '  belief 
in  a  Creator,'  btit  '  reasoiting  about  the 
created  world ; '  since  what  is  said  about 
God  belongs  to  the  domain  of  faith,  but  our 
discussions  about  created  thinsfs  to  the 
domain  of  reason.     I  continued  : 

'  Wherever,  therefore,  in  his  works  we  find  erro- 
neous definitions  of  the  Trinity  as  to  which  he  has 
in  other  places  expressed  his  views  in  accordance 
with  the  true  faith,  we  have  either  left  them 
out  as  passages  which  had  been  falsified  or  in- 
serted, or  else  have  changed  the  expression  in 
accordance  with  the  rule  of  faith  which  the  writer 
again  and  again  lays  down.' 

Have  I  here,  I  ask,  written  incautiously } 
Have  I  said  that  I  expressed  the  matter 
according  to  the  rule  of  our  faith,  which  would 
have  been  evidently  going  far  beyond  the 
scope  of  a  translator  whose  duty  was  merely 
to  turn  Greek  into  Latin. ^  On  the  contrary 
I  said  that  I  expressed  these  passages  accord- 
ing to  the  rule  of  faith  which  I  found  again 
and  again  laid  down  by  Origen  himself. 
Moreover  I  added : 

'I  grant  that,  when  he  has  expressed  a  thing 
obscurely,  as  a  man  does  when  he  is  writing  for 
those  who  have  technical  knowledge  of  the  subject 
and  wishes  to  go  over  it  rapidly,  I  have  made  the 
sentence  plainer  by  adding  the  fuller  expression 
which  he  had  given  of  the  same  thing  in  some  of 
his  other  works  which  I  had  read.  I  did  this  sim- 
ply in  the  interests  of  clearness.  But  I  have  ex- 
pressed nothing  in  my  own  words;  I  have  only 
restored  to  Origen  what  was  really  Origen's 
though   found    in   other   parts   of  his  works.' 

16.  I  should  have  thought  that  this  state- 
ment, I  mean  the  words,  '  I  have  expressed 
nothing  in   my  own   words ;   I  have  only  re- 

Or  First  Principles  (De  Principiis). 


442 


RUFINUS. 


stored  to  Origen  what  was  really  Origen's, 
though  found  in  other  part  of  his  works,' 
would  of  itself  have  been  sufficient  for  my 
defence  even  before  the  most  hostile  judges. 
Have  I  thrust  myself  forward  in  any  way? 
Have  I  ever  led  men  to  expect  that  I  should 
put  in  anything  of  my  own?  Where  can 
they  find  the  words  which  they  pretend  that 
I  have  said,  and  on  which  they  ground  their 
calumnious  accusations,  namely,  that  I  have 
removed  what  was  bad  and  put  good  words 
instead,  while  I  had  translated  literally  all 
that  is  good?  It  is  time,  I  think,  that  they 
should  show  some  sense  of  shame,  and 
should  cease  from  false  charges  and  from  tak- 
ing upon  themselves  the  office  of  the  devil 
who  is  the  accuser  of  the  brethen.  Let  them 
listen  to  the  words  '  I  have  put  in  no  words 
of  my  own/  Let  them  listen  to  them  again 
and  hear  them  constantly  reiterated,  '  I  have 
put  in  no  words  of  my  own  ;  I  have  only  re- 
stored to  Origen  what  was  really  Origen's, 
though  found  in  other  parts  of  his  v^^orks.' 
And  let  them  see  how  God's  mercy  watched 
over  me  when  I  put  my  hand  to  this  work ; 
let  them  mark  how  I  was  led  to  forebode  the 
very  acts  which  they  are  doing.  For  my 
Preface  continues  thus : 

*  I  have  given  this  statement  in  mj  Preface  for 
fear  that  my  detractors  should  think  that  they  had 
found  a  fresh  reason  for  accusing  me.' 

When  I  said  a  J~res/i  charge  I  alluded  to 
the  charge  which  they  had  previously  made 
against  the  reverend  Bishop  John  for  the 
letter  written  by  him  to  the  reverend  Bishop 
Theophilus*  on  the  articles  of  faith:  they  pre- 
tended that  when  he  spoke  of  the  himran 
body  he  meant  something  —  I  know  not  what 
—  different  from  flesh.  Therefore  I  spoke  of 
a  fresh  charge.  Take  notice,  then,  I  say, 
of  the  conduct  of  these  perverse  and  conten- 
tious men. 

*  I  have  undertaken  this  great  labour,  (which  I 
have  only  done  at  your  entreaty)  not  with  a  view 
of  shutting  the  mouths  of  my  calumniators,  which 
indeed  is  impossible  unless  God  himself  should  do 
it,  but  in  order  to  give  solid  information  to  those 
who  are  seeking  to  advance  in  knowledge.' 

But,  to  show  you  that  I  foresaw  and  fore- 
told that  they  would  falsify  what  I  was  writ- 
ing, observe  what  I  said  in  the  following 
passage  : 

'  Of  this  I  solemnly  warn  every  one  Avho  may 
read  or  copy  out  these  books,  in  the  sight  of  God 
the   Father,    the    Son    and    the    Holy   Ghost,    and 

i  Of  Alexandria.  He  was  at  first  friendly  to  Orig-enism, 
afterwards  bitterly  opposed  to  it.  John  wrote  to  him  complain- 
ing of  the  conduct  of  Epiphanius,  and  explaining  his  own 
views.  See  Jerome's  letter  (Ixxxii)  to  Theophilus,  and  his 
Treatise  Against  John  of  Jerusalem.  In  the  hitter  of  these 
charges  occur  like  those  here  noticed  by  Rufinus. 


adjure  him  by  our  belief  in  the  kingdom  which 
is  to  come,  by  the  assurance  of  the  resurrection 
from  the  dead,  and  by  that  eternal  fire  -which  is  pre- 
pared for  the  devil  and  his  afigels,  — I  adjure  him, 
as  he  would  not  have  for  his  eternal  portion  that 
place  where  there  is  weeping  and  gnashing  of 
teeth,  where  their  worm  dieth  not  and  their  fire  is 
not  quenched,  that  he  should  add  nothing  to  this 
writing,  take  away  nothing,  insert  nothing,  and 
change  nothing.' 

Nevertheless,  after  I  had  warned  them  by 
all  these  dread  and  terrible  forms  of  adjura- 
tion, these  men  have  not  been  afraid  to  be- 
come falsifiers  and  corrupters  of  my  work, 
though  they  profess  to  believe  that  the  resur- 
rection of  the  flesh  is  a  reality  of  the  future. 
Why,  if  they  even  believed  the  simple  fact 
of  the  existence  of  God,  they  would  never 
set  their  hands  to  acts  so  injurious  and  so 
impious.  I  ask,  further,  what  line  of  my 
Preface  can  be  pointed  to  in  w^hich  I  have, 
as  my  accuser  says,  praised  Origen  up  to  the 
skies,  or  in  which  I  have  called  him,  as  he 
once  did,  an  Apostle  or  a  Prophet,  or  any- 
thing of  the  kind.  I  may  ask  indeed  in 
what  other  matter  they  find  any  ground  of 
accusation.  I  made  at  the  outset  a  confes- 
sion of  my  faith  in  terins  which  I  think  agree 
in  all  respects  with  the  confession  of  the 
Church.  I  made  a  clear  statement  of  my 
canons  of  translation,  which  indeed  in  most 
respects  were  taken  from  the  model  fur- 
nished by  the  very  man  who  now  comes  for- 
ward as  my  accuser.  I  declared  what  was 
the  purpose  I  set  before  me  in  making  the 
translation.  Whether  I  have  proved  capable 
of  fulfilling  the  task  more  or  less  completely 
is,  no  doubt,  a  matter  for  the  judgment  of 
those  who  read  the  work,  and  who  may  be  ex- 
pected to  praise  it  or  to  ridicule  it,  but  not  to 
inake  it  a  ground  for  accusation  when  it  is 
a  question  of  turning  words  from  one  lan- 
guage into  another  with  more  or  less  pro- 
priety.   • 

17.  But  I  have  said  that  these  men  w^ould 
have  been  unable  to  find  grounds  for  accusa- 
tion on  the  points  I  have  mentioned,  how- 
ever they  may  take  them,  unless  they  had 
first  falsified  them.  It  appears  to  me 
therefore  desirable  that  the  chief  matter  on 
which  they  have  laid  their  forgers'  hands 
should  be  inserted  in  this  Apology,  lest  they 
should  think  that  I  am  intentionally  with- 
drawing it  from  notice  because  they  after 
making  their  own  additions  to  it  allege  it  as 
a  ground  of  false  accusation.  In  the  book 
which  I  translated  there  is  a  passage  in 
which  I  examine  the  tenets  of  those  who 
believe  that  God  has  a  bodily  shape  and 
who  describe  him  as  clothed  with  human 
members  and  dress.     This  is  openly  asserted 


APOLOGY  —  BOOK    L 


445 


by  the  heretical  sects  of  the  Valentinians  and 
Anthropomorphites,  and  I  see  that  those  who 
are  now  our  accusers  have  been  far  too 
ready  to  hold  out  the  hand  to  them.  Origen 
in  this  passage  has  defended  the  faith  of  the 
church  against  them,  affirming  that  God  is 
wholly  without  bodily  form,  and  therefore 
also  invisible;  and  then,  following  out  his 
scrutiny  in  a  logical  manner,  he  says  a  few 
words  in  answer  to  the  heretics,  which  I  thus 
translated  into  Latin.' 

*'But    these  assertions  -will  perhaps  be    held  to 
have  little  authority  by  those  whose  desire  is  to  be 
instructed  out  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  in  the  things 
of  God,  and  who    require    that    from    that   source 
should  be  drawn  the  proof  of  the  preeminence  of 
the  nature  of  God  over  that  of  the  human  body. 
Consider  whether  the  Apostle  does  not  say  the  same 
thing  when  he    speaks  thus    of  Christ :  ^  "  Who  is 
the    image  of  the  invisible  God,  the  first  born  of 
every    creature."     The    nature    of  God    is    not,  as 
some  think,  visible  to  some  and  not  to  others,  for 
the  Apostle  does   not  say  The  image  of  God  who 
is   invisible   to  men,  or  to   sinners;  but  he  speaks 
quite   distinctly   of    the    nature    of  God    in    itself, 
where  he  says  "  The  image  of  the  invisiV.le  God." 
John  also  says  in  his  Gospel,  *^ "  ISo  man  hath  seen 
God  at  any  time,"  by  which  he  distinctly  declares 
to  all  who  can   understand,  that  there  is  no  being 
to  whom  God  is  visible;   not  as  if  he  were  naturally 
visible  and,  like  a  being    of  attenuated  substance, 
escaped  and  eluded   our    glance;  but   that,  in  his 
own  nature  it    is  impossible  for  him  to    be    seen. 
But  perhaps  you  will  ask  me  my  opinion  as  to  the 
Only  begotten  himself.     Well,  if  I  should  say  that 
even  to  him  the  nature  of  God  is  invisible,  since 
it  is  its  very  nature   to  be  invisible,  do  not  dismiss 
my  aipsvver  as   if  it   were    iinpious   or   absurd,  for 
I  will  at  once  give  you  my  reason  for  it.     Observe 
that  seeing  is  a  different  thing  from  knowing.    See- 
ing and  being  seen   belong  to  bodies;  to  know  and 
to   be    known    belong   to    the    intellectual    nature. 
Whatever  then  is  merely  a  property  of  bodies,  this 
we  must  not  attribute  to  the  Father  or  the  Son  ;  but 
that  which  belongs  to  the  nature  of  Deity  governs 
the  relations   of  the  Father   and    the    Son.     More- 
over,   Christ  himself  in    the  Gospel  '*  did   not   say 
"  No  man   seeth   the   Son  but  the  Father  nor  the 
Father  but  the  Son,"   but  "No  man  knowetb  the 
Son  but  the    Father,   neither   doth   any  one  know 
the    Father  but  the    Son."     By   this    it   is   clearly 
shown  that  what  is  called  seeing  and  being  seen  in 
the  case  of  bodily  existence  is  called  knowledge  in 
the  case    of  the  Father  and  the  Son  :  their   inter- 
course is  maintained  through  the  power  of  knowl- 
edge    not    through    the     weakness    of    visibility. 
Since,    therefore,    an    incorporeal    nature    cannot 
properly  be  said  to  see  or  to  be  seen,  therefore  in 
the  Gospel  it  is  not  said  either  that  the  Father  is 
seen  by  the  Son  or  the  Son  by  the  Father  but  that 
each    is    known    by   the    other.     And    if    any   one 
should  ask  how  it  is  that  it  is  said  ^  "  Blessed  are 
the  pure  in  heart  for  they  shall  see  God,"  I  think 
that  this  text  will  confirm  my  assertion  still  more. 
For  what  else  is  it  to  see  God  with  the  heart  than, 
according  to  the  explanation   I   have   given  above, 
to  understand   Him  with    the   mind    and    to    know 
Him.?" 

1  Uepl  'A.pxi^f  Book  I.  c.  I.  2  Col.  i,  15. 

8  John  i,  iS.  *  Matt,  xi,  27.  ^  Matt,  v,  S. 


18.    This  is  the  chief  passage  which  those 
who  were  sent  from  the  East  to  lay  snares 
for  me  tried  to  brand  as  heretical,  not  only 
by   perversely    misunderstanding    it,    but    by 
falsifying  the  words.      But   I  could   see  noth- 
ing to  su.spect  in  it,  as  also  in  several  similar 
passages  of  the  writer  I  was  translating,  nor 
did  I  think  that  there  was  any  reason  to  leave 
it  out,  since  there  was  nothing   said   in  it  as 
to  a  comparison  of  the  Son  with  the  Father, 
but  the  question  related   to  the  nature  of  the 
Deity  itself,   whether  in  any  sense  the  word 
visibility  could  be  applied  to  it.      Origen  was 
answering,  as  I  have  said  before,  the  heretics 
who  assert  that  God  is  visible  because  they 
say  that  he  is  corporeal,  the  faculty  of  sight 
being    a    property    of  the  body;    for    which 
reason  the  Valentinian  heretics,   of   whom  I 
spoke  above,   declare    that  the  Father  begat 
and  the  Son    was  begotten   in  a  bodily  and 
visible  sense.    He  therefore  shrank,  I  presume, 
from  the  word  Seeing  as  a   suspicious  term, 
and  says  that  it  is  belter,  when  the  question 
tiu"ns  upon  the  natiu'e  of  the  Deity,  that  is, 
upon  the  relation  of  the  Father  and  the   Son, 
to    use    the    word    which    the    Lord    himself 
definitely  chose,   when    he    said:    ""No    man 
knoweth    the    Son  save    the    Father,   neither 
doth  any  know    the    Father  save    the  Son." 
He  thought  th.at  all  occasion  which  might  be 
given  to  the  aforesaid  heresies  would  be  shut 
out  if,  in  speaking  of  the  nature  of  the  Deity 
he    used    the    word    Knowledge    rather  than 
Vision.      'Vision'   might   seem  to  aflbrd  the 
heretics  some    support.      The    word  Knowl- 
edge on  the  other  hand  preserves  the  true  re- 
lation of  Father  and  Son  in  one  nature  never 
to  be     set    apart;   and   this    is   specially  con- 
firmed by  the  authoritative  language   of    the 
Gospel.      Origen  thought  also  that  this  mode 
of  speaking  would  ensure  that  the  Anthropo- 
inorphites  should  never  in  any  way  hear  God 
spoken  of  as  visible.      It  did  not  seem  to  me 
right  that  this  reasoning,   since    it    made  no 
ditierence  between  the  persons  of  the  Trinity, 
should    be  completely  thrown    on  one    side, 
though  indeed  there  were  some  words  in  the 
Greek,   which    perhaps    were  somewhat    in- 
cautiously used,  and  which  I  thought  it  w^ell 
to  avoid  using.      I  will  suppose  that  readers 
may  hesitate  in  their   judgment  whether    or 
not  even  so,  it  is  an  argument  which   can  be 
employed    with  effect   against    the    aforesaid 
heresies.      I  will  even  grant  that  those  who 
are  practised  in  judging  of  words  and  their 
sense  in  matters  of  this  kind  and  who,  besides 
being   experts,    are     God-fearing    men,   men 
who  do  nothing  through  strife  or  vain  glory, 
whose    mind  is  equally  free  from  envy  and 
favour  and  prejudice  may  say  that  the  point 


444 


RUFINUS. 


is  of  little  value  either  for  edification  or  for 
the  combating  of  heresy ;  even  so,  is  it  not 
competent  for  them  to  pass  it  over  and  to 
leave  it  aside  as  not  valid  for  the  repulse  of 
our  adversaries?  Suppose  it  to  be  super- 
fluous, does  that  make  it  criminous?  How 
can  vs^e  count  as  a  criminal  passage  one 
which  asserts  the  equality  of  the  Father  the 
Son  and  the  Holy  Spirit  in  this  point  of  in- 
visibility? I  do  not  think  that  any  one  can 
really  think  so.  I  say  any  one :  for  there  is 
no  evidence  that  anything  contained  in  my 
writings  is  ojfTensive  in  the  eyes  of  my  ac- 
cusers ;  for,  if  they  had  thought  so,  they 
would  have  set  down  my  words  as  they 
stood  in  my  translation. 

19.  But  what  did  they  actually  do?  Con- 
sider what  it  was  and  ask  yourself  whether 
the  crime  is  not  unexampled?  Recall  the 
passage  which  says  :  "  But  perhaps  you  will 
ask  me  my  opinion  as  to  the  Only-begotten 
himself.  Well,  if  I  should  say  that  even  to 
him  the  nature  of  God  is  invisible,  since  it  is 
its  very  nature  to  be  invisible,  do  not  dismiss 
my  answer  as  if  it  were  impious  or  absurd, 
for  I  will  at  once  give  you  my  reason  for  it." 
Well,  in  the  place  of  the  words  which  I  had 
written,  "  I  will  at  once  give  you  my  reason 
for  it"  they  put  the  following  words:  "  Do 
not  dismiss  my  answer  as  if  it  were  impious 
or  absurd,  for,  as  the  Son  does  not  see  the 
Father,  so  the  Holy  Spirit  also  does  not  see 
the  Son."  If  the  man  who  did  this,  the  man 
who  was  sent  from  their  monastery '  to 
Rome  as  the  greatest  expert  in  calumny,  had 
been  employed  in  the  forum  and  had  com- 
mitted this  forgery  in  some  secular  business 
every  one  knows  what  would  be  the  conse- 
quence to  him  according  to  the  public  laws, 
w^hen  he  was  convicted  of  the  crime.  But 
now,  since  he  has  left  the  secular  life,  and 
has  turned  his  back  upon  business  and  en- 
tered a  monastery,  and  has  connected  himself 
with  a  renowned  master,  he  has  learned 
from  him  to  leave  his  former  self-restraint 
and  to  become  a  furious  madman  :  he  was 
quiet  before,  now  he  is  a  mover  of  sedition  : 
he  was  peaceable,  now  he  provokes  war  : 
instead  of  concord,  he  is  the  promoter  of 
strife.  For  faith  he  has  learnt  perfidious- 
ness,  for  truth  forgery.  He  would,  you  may 
w^ell  think,  have  been  the  complete  exem.plar 
of  wickedness  and  criminality  of  this  kind, 
if  you  had  not  had  before  you  the  image  of 
that  woman  Jezebel.^  She  is  the  same  who 
made  up  the  accusation  against  Naboth  the 

1  Jerome's  friend  Eusebius  o-f  Cremona,  of  ^vhom  Rufinus 
complains  as  having  taken  occasion  from  this  old  friendship  to 
purloin  and  falsify  his  MSS.     See  below  c.  20,  21. 

2  Marcella.  See  below  in  this  chapter.  Also,  Jerome  Letter 
cxxvii,  c.  9,  10. 


Zezreelite  for  the  sake  of  the  vineyard,  and 
sent  word  to  the  wicked  elders  to  urge 
against  him  a  false  indictment,  saying  that 
he  had  blessed,  that  is  cursed,  God  and  the 
king.  I  know  not  whether  of  the  two  is  to 
be  accounted  the  happier,  she  who  sends  the 
command  or  they  who  obey  it  in  all  its 
iniquity.  These  matters  are  serious;  such  a 
crime,  as  far  as  I  know,  is  hitherto  all  but 
unheard  of  in  the  Church.  Yet  there  is 
something  more  to  be  said.  What  is  that? 
you  ask.  It  is  this,  that  those  who  are  guilty 
should  become  the  judo^es,  that  those  who 
plotted  the  accusation  should  also  pronounce 
the  sentence.  It  is,  indeed,  no  new  thing 
for  a  writer  to  make  a  mistake  or  a  slip  in 
his  words,  and  in  my  opinion  it  is  a  venial 
fault,  for  the  Scripture  also  says,  ^  "  In  many 
things  we  all  stumble  :  if  any  stumbleth  not 
in  word  the  same  is  a  perfect  man."  Is  it 
thought  that  some  word  is  wrong?  Then 
let  it  be  corrected  or  amended,  or,  if  expedi- 
ency so  require,  let  it  be  taken  out.  But  to 
insert  in  what  another  man  has  written 
things  he  never  wrote,  to  put  in  false 
words  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  defame 
your  brother,  to  corrupt  his  writings  in 
order  to  attach  a  mark  of  infamy  to  the 
author,  and  to  insinuate  your  ideas  into  the 
ears  of  the  multitude  so  as  to  throw  con- 
fusion into  the  minds  of  the  simple;  and  all 
this  with  the  object  of  staining  a  man's 
reputation  among  his  fellows ;  I  ask  you 
whose  work  this  can  be  except  that  of  him 
who  was  a  liar  from  the  beginning,  and 
who,  from  accusing  the  brethren,  received 
the  name  of  Diabolus,  which  means  accuser. 
For  when  he  to  whom  I  have  alluded  ^ 
recited  at  Milan  one  of  these  sentences 
which  had  been  tampered  with,  and  I 
cried  out  that  what  he  was  reading  was 
falsified,  he,  being  asked  from  whom  he 
had  received  the  copy  of  the  work  said  that 
a  certain  woman  named  Marcella  had 
given  it  him.  As  to  her,  I  say  nothing, 
whosoever  she  may  be.  I  leave  her  to  her 
own  conscience  and  to  God.  I  am  content 
with  God's  own  witness  and  with  yours. 
When  I  say  yours,  I  mean  your  own  and 
that  of  Macarius  himself,  the  saintly  man 
for  whom  I  was  doing  that  work :  for  both 
of  you  read  my  papers  themselves  at  the 
first,  even  before  they  had  been  completed, 
and  you  have  by  you  the  completely  cor- 
rected copies.  You  can  bear  witness  to 
what  I  say.  The  words  "  as  the  Son  does 
not  see  the   Father,  so   also   the   Holy  Spirit 


1  James  iii,  2. 

2  Eusebius   of   Cremona,    Jerome's    friend    and    emissary, 
alluded  to  above  in  this  chapter. 


APOLOGY— BOOK    I. 


445 


does  not  see  the  Son  "  not  only  were  never 
written  by  me,  but  on  the  contrary  I  can 
point  out  the  forger  by  whom  they  were 
written.  If  any  man  says  that  as  the  Father 
does  not  see  the  Son,  so  the  Son  does  not 
see  the  Father  or  that  the  Holy  Spirit  does 
not  see  the  Father  and  the  Son  as  the  Father 
sees  the  Son  and  the  Son  and  the  Holy 
Spirit,  let  him  be  anathema.  For  he  sees, 
and  sees  most  truly ;  only,  as  God  sees  God 
and  the  Light  sees  the  Light ;  not  as  flesh 
sees  flesh,  but  as  the  Holy  Spirit  sees,  not 
with  the  bodily  senses,  but  by  the  powers  of 
tlie  Deity.  I  say,  if  any  one  denies  this, 
let  him  be  anathema  for  all  eternity.  But, 
as  the  Apostle  says,  *  "  He  that  troubles  you 
shall  bear  his  judgment,  whosoever  he  be." 

20.  I  remember  indeed  that  one  of  these 
people,  when  he  was  convicted  of  having 
falsified  this  passage,  answered  me  that  it 
was  so  in  the  Greek,  but  that  I  had,  of 
purpose,  changed  it  in  the  Latin.  I  do  not, 
indeed,  treat  this  as  a  serious  accusation, 
because,  though  what  they  say  is  untrue, 
yet,  even  supposing  that  the  words  did 
stand  so  in  the  Greek,  and  I  had  changed 
them  in  the  Latin,  this  is  nothing  more  than 
I  had  said  in  my  Preface  that  I  should  do. 
If  I  had  done  this  with  the  view  of  making 
an  expression  which  in  the  Greek  was  cal- 
culated to  make  men  stumble  run  more 
suitably  in  the  Latin,  I  should  have  been 
acting  only  according  to  my  expressed  pur- 
pose and  plan.  But  I  say  to  my  accusers  : 
You  certainly  did  not  find  these  words  in 
the  Latin  copies  of  my  work.  Whence  then 
did  it  come  into  the  papers  from  which  he 
was  reading?  I,  the  translator,  did  not  so 
write  it.  Whence  then  came  the  words  which 
you  who  have  got  no  such  words  of  mine 
turn  into  a  ground  of  accusation?  Am  I  to 
be  accused  on  the  ground  of  your  forgeries? 
I  put  the  matter  in  the  plainest  possible  way. 
There  are  four  books  of  the  work  which  I 
translated ;  and  in  these  books  discussions 
about  the  Trinity  occur  in  a  scattered  way, 
almost  as  much  as  one  in  each  page.  Let 
any  man  read  the  whole  of  these  and  say 
whether  in  any  passage  of  my  translation 
such  an  opinion  concerning  the  Trinity  can 
be  found  as  that  which  they  calumniously 
represent  as  occurring  in  this  chapter.  If 
such  an  opinion  can  be  found,  then  men  may 
believe  that  this  chapter  also  is  composed  in 
the  sense  which  they  pretend.  But  if  in  the 
whole  body  of  these  books  no  such  differ- 
ence of  the  persons  of  the  Trinity  exists 
anvwhere,  would  not  a  critic  be   mad  or  fat- 

1  Gal.  V,  10. 


uous  if  he  decided,  on  the  strength  of  a  single 
paragraph,  that  a  wn'iter  had  given  his  ad- 
herence to  a  heresy  which  in  the  thousand 
or  so  other  paragraphs  of  his  work  he  had 
combated?  But  the  circumstances  of  the 
case  are  by  themselves  sufficient  to  shew  the 
truth  to  anyone  who  has  his  wits  about  him. 
For  if  this  man  had  really  found  the  pas- 
sage in  question  in  my  papers,  and  had  felt 
a  difficulty  in  what  he  read,  he  would  of 
course  have  brought  the  documents  to  me 
and  have  at  once  asked  for  explanations,  since, 
as  you  well  know,  we  were  living  as  neigh- 
bours in  Rome.  Up  to  that  time  we  often  saw 
one  another,  greeted  one  another  as  friends, 
and  joined  together  in  prayer  ;  and  therefore 
he  would  certainly  have  conferred  with  me 
about  the  points  which  appeared  to  him  ob- 
jectionable ;  he  would  have  asked  me  how 
I  had  translated  them,  and  how  they  stood 
in  the  Greek. 

21.  I  am  sure  that  he  would  have  felt 
that  he  had  enjoyed  a  triumph  if  he  could 
have  shown  that  through  his  representations 
I  had  been  induced  to  correct  anything  that 
I  had  said  or  written.  Or,  if  he  had  been 
driven  by  his  mental  excitement  to  expose 
the  error  publicly  instead  of  correcting  it,  he 
certainly  would  not  have  waited  till  I  had 
left  Rome  to  attack  me,  when  he  might  have 
faced  me  there  and  put  me  to  silence.  But 
he  v/as  deterred  by  the  consciousness  that  he 
was  acting  falsely ;  and  therefore  he  did  not 
bring  to  me  as  their  author  the  documents 
which  he  was  determined  to  incriminate, 
but  carried  them  round  to  private  houses,  to 
ladies,  to  monasteries,  to  Christian  men  one 
by  one,  wherever  he  might  make  trouble  by 
his  ex  parte  statements.  And  he  did  this  just 
when  he  was  about  to  leave  Rome,  so  that 
he  might  not  be  arraigned  and  made  to  give 
an  account  of  his  actions.  Afterwards,  by  the 
directions,  as  I  am  told,  of  his  master,  he 
went  about  all  through  Italy,  accusing  me, 
stirring  up  the  people,  throwing  confusion 
into  the  churches,  poisoning  even  the  minds 
of  the  bishops,  and  everywhere  represent- 
ing my  forbearance  as  an  acknowledgment 
that  I  was  in  the  wrong.  Such  are  the  arts 
of  the  disciple.  Meanwhile  the  master,  out 
in  the  East,  who  had  said  in  his  letter  to 
Vigilantius  ^  "  Through  my  labour  the 
Latins  know  all  that  is  good  in  Origen  and 
are  ignorant  of  all  that  is  bad,"  set  to  work 
upon  the  very  books  which  I  had  trans- 
lated, and  in  his  new  translation  Inserted  all 
that  I  had  left  out  as  untrustworthv,  so  that 


1  Jerome,  Letter  Ixi,  c.  2;  a  passaa^e  which  shows  that 
Jerome  had  adopted  much  the  s-ame  method  as  Rutinus  ia 
transhitinu   Origen. 


446 


RUFINUS. 


now,  the  contrary  of  what  he  had  boasted 
has  come  to  pass.  The  Romans  by  his 
labour  know  all  that  is  bad  in  Origen  and 
are  ignorant  of  all  that  is  good.  By  this 
means  he  endeavours  to  draw  not  Origen 
only  but  me  also  under  the  suspicion  of 
heresy :  and  he  goes  on  unceasingly  sending 
out  these  dogs  of  his  to  bark  against  me  in 
every  city  and  village,  and  to  attack  me  with 
their  calumnies  when  I  am  quietly  passing 
on  a  journey,  and  to  attempt  every  speakable 
and  unspeakable  mischief  against  me.  What 
crime,  I  ask  you,  have  I  committed  in  doing 
exactly  what  you  have  done  ?  If  you  call 
me  wicked  for  following  your  example, 
what  judgment  must  you  pronounce  upon 
yourself? 

22.  But  now  I  will  turn  the  tables  and 
put  my  accuser  to  the  question.  Tell  me,  O 
great  master,  if  there  is  anything  to  blame 
in  a  writer,  is  the  blame  to  be  laid  on  one 
who  reads  or  translates  his  works  .^  Heaven 
forbid,  he  will  say;  certainly  not;  why  do 
you  try  to  circumvent  me  by  your  enigmatical 
questions?  Am  not  I  myself  both  a  reader 
and  a  translator  of  Origen  ?  Read  my  trans- 
lations and  see  if  you  can  find  any  one  of  his 
peculiar  doctrines  in  them  ;  especially  any  of 
those  which  I  now  mark  for  condemnation. 
When  driven  to  the  point  he  says  : 

*' If  you  wish  thoroughly  to  see  how  abhorent 
the  very  suggestion  of  such  doctrines  has  always 
been  to  me,  read  my  Commentaries  on  the  Epistle 
of  Paul  to  the  Ephesians,  and  you  will  see  from 
what  I  have  written  there  what  an  opinion  I  formed 
of  him  from  reading  and  translating  his  works."  * 

I  ask,  can  we  accept  this  man  as  a  great 
and  grave  teacher,  who  in  one  of  his  works 
praises  Origen  and  in  another  condemns 
him  ?  who  in  his  Introductions  calls  him  a 
master  second  only  to  the  Apostles,  but  now 
calls  him  a  heretic  ?  What  heretic,  I  ask,  was 
ever  called  a  master  of  the  churches?  "  It 
is  true,  he  replies,  I  was  wrong  about  this  ; 
but  why  do  you  go  on  bringing  up  this  un- 
fortunate Preface  ^  against  me?  Read  my 
Commentaries,  and  especially  those  which 
I  have  designated."  Is  there  any  one  who 
will  think  this  satisfactory?  He  has 
composed  a  great  many  books,  in  almost  all 
of  which  he  trumpets  forth  the  praises  of 
Origen  to  the  skies :  these  books  through 
all  these  years  have  been  read  and  are  being 
read  by  all  men :   many  of  these  readers  after 

*The  words  are  not  quoted  literally  from  Jerome's  letter  to 
Pammachius  and  Oceanus  (Ep.  Ixxxiv.  c.  2)  the  passage 
referred  to ;  but  they  give  the  sense  fairly  well.  See  also  the 
letter  to  Vigilantius  (Ixi.  c.  2). 

"^Prcefati  unculam.  That  is,  the  Preface  to  Origen's  Song  of 
Songs,  in  Avhich  he  says  that  Origen  has  not  only  surpassed 
every  one  else,  but  also  in  this  work  has  surpassed  himself. 


accepting  his  opinions  have  left  this  world 
and  gone  into  the  presence  of  the  Lord. 
They  hold  the  opinion  about  Origen  which 
they  had  learnt  from  the  statements  of  this 
man,  and  they  departed  in  hope  that,  accord- 
ing to  this  man's  assurance,  they  would 
find  him  there  as  a  master  second  only  to  the 
Apostles  ;  but  if  we  are  to  trust  his  present 
writings,  they  have  found  him  in  a  state  of 
condemnation,  among  the  impious  heretics 
and  the  heathen.  Is  this  man  now  to  turn 
round  from  his  former  contention,  and  to 
say,  "  For  some  thirty  years  I  have  been,  in 
my  studies  and  in  my  writings,  praising 
Origen  as  equal  to  the  Apostles,  but  now  I 
pronounce  him  a  heretic?"  How  is  this? 
Has  he  come  upon  some  new  books  of  his 
which  he  had  never  read  before?  Not  at 
all.  It  is  from  these  same  sayings  of  Origen 
that  he  formerly  called  him  an  Apostle  and 
now  calls  him  a  heretic.  But  it  is  impossible 
that  this  should  really  have  been  so.  For 
either  he  was  right  in  his  former  praises, 
and  his  judgment  has  since  been  perverted 
by  some  kind  of  extreme  ill  feeling,  and  in 
that  case  no  attention  is  to  be  paid  to  him ; 
or  else  his  former  praises  were  mistaken, 
and  he  is  now  condemning  himself,  and  in 
that  case  what  judgment  does  he  think  others 
will  pass  upon  him,  when,  according  to  the 
words  of  the  Apostle,'  he  passes  condemna- 
tion on  himself. 

22  {a).  But,  "Surely,"  he  says,  "this 
judgment  is  done  away  with  since  I  have  re- 
pented." Not  so  fast !  We  all  err,  it  is 
true,  and  especially  in  word ;  and  we  all 
may  repent  of  our  errors.  But  can  a  man 
do  penance,  and  accuse  others,  and  judge 
and  condemn  them,  all  in  the  same  moment? 
That  would  be  as  if  a  harlot  who  had 
abstained  from  her  harlotry  for  a  night  or 
two,  should  feel  called  upon  to  begin  writ- 
ing laws  in  favour  of  chastity,  and  not  only 
to  enact  these  laws,  but  to  proceed  to  throw 
down  the  monuments  of  all  the  women  who 
have  died,  because  she  suspected  that  they 
had  led  lives  like  her  own.  You  do  penance 
for  having  formerly  been  a  heretic,  and  you 
do  rig-ht.  But  what  has  that  to  do  with  me 
who  never  was  a  heretic  at  all?  You  are 
right  in  doing  penance  for  your  error:  but 
the  true  way  of  doing  penance  is,  not  by 
accusing  others  but  by  crying  for  mercy, 
not  by  condemning  but  by  weeping.  For 
what  sincerity  can  there  be  in  penitence 
when  the  penitent  makes  a  decree  of  indul- 
gence for  himself  ?  He  who  repents  of 
what    he   has    spoken   ill  does  not  cure    his 


1  Perhaps  from  1  Cor.  xi,  29,  or  Rom.  xiv,  23. 


APOLOGY— BOOK    I. 


447 


wound  by  speaking  ill  again,  but  by  keeping 
silence.  For  thus  it  is  written:  ^  "Thou 
hast  sinned,  be  at  peace."  But  now  3^ou 
first  bring  yourself  in  a  criminal,  then  you 
absolve  yourself  from  your  crime,  and  forth- 
with change  yourself  from  a  criminal  into  a 
judge.  This  may  be  no  trouble  to  you  who 
thus  mock  at  us,  but  it  is  a  trouble  to  us  if 
we  suffer  ourselves  to  be  mocked  by  you. 

23.  But  let  us  come  to  these  two  Commen- 
taries which  he  alone  excepts  from  the  general 
condemnation  and  renunciation  which  he 
pronounces  upon  all  the  rest  of  his  works  ; 
we  shall  see  with  what  modesty  and  self- 
restraint  he  conducts  himself  in  these: 
Remember  that  it  is  by  these  alone  that  he 
has  chosen  to  prove  that  he  is  sound  in  the 
faith,  and  that  he  is  altogether  opposed  to 
Origen.  Let  us  examine  then  as  witnesses 
these  two  books  which  alone  of  all  his 
writings  are  satisfactory  to  him,  namely,  the 
three  books  of  his  commentary  on  the 
Epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Ephesians,  and  the 
single  book  (I  think)  on  Ecclesiastes.  Let 
us  for  a  moment  look  into  the  one  which 
comes  forward  first,  the  Commentary  on  the 
Epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  Even  here  I 
recognize  in  his  arguments  the  influence  of 
him  who  is  as  his  fellow,  his  partner  and 
his  brother  mystic,  to  use  his  own  expression.^ 
And  first  of  all,  as  to  these  poor  weak 
women  about  whom  he  makes  himself 
merry,  because  they  say  that  after  the  resur- 
rection they  will  not  have  their  frail  bodies, 
since  they  will  be  like  the  angels.  Let  us 
hear  what  he  has  to  say  about  them.  In  the 
third  book  of  his  Commentaries  on  the 
Epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Ephesians,  on  the 
passage  in  which  it  is  said,  ^ "  He  who 
loveth  his  own  wife  loveth  himself,  for  no 
man  ever  hated  his  own  flesh  ; "  after  a  few 
other  remarks,  he  says : 

''  Let  us  men  then  cherish  our  wives  and  let  our 
souls  cherish  our  bodies  in  such  a  way  as  that  the 
wives  may  be  turned  into  men  and  the  bodies  into 
spirits,  and  that  there  may  be  no  difference  of  sex, 
but  that,  as  among  the  angels  there  is  neither  male 
nor  female,  so  we  who  are  to  be  like  the  angels  may 
begin  here  to  be  what  it  is  promised  that  we  shall 
be  in  heaven." 

24.  How,  I  ask,  can  you,  seeing  that  your 
Commentaries  contain  such  doctrines,  put 
them  forward  to  prove  your  soundness  in  the 
faith,  and  to  confute  those  ideas  which  you 
reprove  ?  How  do  your  words  tend  to  re- 
prove those  women  w^hom  w^e  have  spoken 

1  Possibly  a  kind  of  paraphrase  of  our  Lord's  words  to  the 
woman  taken  in  adultery.    John  viii,  11. 

2  avixfj.v(TTvv,  that  is  one  who  partakes  with  us  in  the  myste- 
ries; hence,  initiated  into  the  same  secret, or  special  opinions. 

3  Ephes.  V,  28. 


of  ?  Besides,  has  any  woman  gone  so  far  as 
to  say  what  you  write,  namely,  that  women 
are  to  be  turned  into  men  and  bodies  into 
souls  ?  If  bodies  are  to  be  turned  into  spirits, 
then,  according  to  you,  there  will  be  no 
resurrection  not  only  of  the  flesh  but  even  of 
the  body,  which  you  admit  to  be  the  doctrine 
even  of  those  whom  you  have  set  down  as 
heretics.  Where  are  we  to  look  any  more 
for  the  body,  if  it  is  reduced  to  a  spirit  ?  In 
that  case  everything  will  be  spirit,  the  body 
will  be  nowhere.  And  again.  If  the  wives 
are  to  be  turned  into  men,  According  to  this 
suggestion  of  yours,  that  there  Is  to  be  no 
difference  of  sex  whatever,  by  which  I  sup- 
pose you  mean  that  the  female  sex  will  en- 
tirely cease,  being  converted  into  the  male, 
and  the  male  sex  will  alone  remain  ;  I  am 
not  sure  that  you  would  have  the  permission 
of  the  women  to  speak  here  on  behalf  of 
their  sex.  But,  even  suppose  that  they  grant 
you  this,  then  with  what  consistency  can  you 
argue  that  the  male  sex  is  any  longer  neces- 
sary, when  the  female  is  shown  not  to  be 
necessary  ?  for  there  Is  a  natural  bond  which 
unites  the  sexes  in  mutual  dependence,  so 
that,  if  one  does  not  exist,  there  is  no  need 
of  the  other.  And  further.  If  It  Is  man  alone 
who  is  to  receive  at  the  resurrection  the  form 
of  clay  which  was  originally  given  in  para- 
dise, what  becomes  of  that  which  Is  written, 
^  "  He  made  them  male  and  female,  and 
blessed  them  "  ?  And  then,  if,  as  both  you 
yourself  say,  and  also  these  poor  women 
whom  you  arraign,  there  is  neither  man  nor 
woman,  how^  can  bodies  be  turned  Into  souls, 
or  women  into  men,  since  Paradise  does 
not  allow  the  existence  of  either  sex,  nor 
does  the  likeness  of  angels,  as  you  say,  ad- 
mit it.^  And  I  marvel  how  you  can  demand 
from  others  a  strict  opinion  upon  the  contin- 
uance of  the  diversity  of  sex  when  you  your- 
self, as  soon  as  you  begin  to  discuss  It,  find 
yourself  involved  in  so  many  knotty  questions 
that  to  evolve  yourself  out  of  them  becomes 
Impossible.  How  much  more  right  would 
your  action  be  If  you  were  to  imitate  us 
whom  you  blame  in  such  matters  as  these 
and  allow  God  to  be  the  only  judge  of  them, 
as  is  indeed  the  truth.  It  would  be  far  better 
for  you  to  confess  your  ignorance  of  them 
than  to  write  things  which  In  a  little  while 
you  have  to  condemn.  I  should  like  to  ask 
my  accuser  whether  he  can  conscientiously 
say  that  he  would  ever  have  found,  I  do  not 
say  In  any,  even  the  least,  v^^ork  of  mine,  but 
even  in  any  familiar  letter  which  I  might 
have    written    carelessly  to    a     friend,    such 

1  Gen.  i,  27. 


448 


RUFINUS. 


things  as  that  bodies  were  to  be  turned  into 
spirits  and  wives  into  men,  were  it  not  that 
he  had  put  them  forward  as  if  he  wished 
them  to  be  inserted  in  brazen  letters  on  the 
gates  of  cities,  and  recited  in  the  forum,  in 
the  Senate  house  and  in  front  of  the  rostra. 
If  he  had  found  any  such  thing  in  my  writ- 
ings, imagine  how  many  heads  of  accusation 
he  would  have  set  down,  how  many  volumes 
he  would  have  compiled,  how  he  would  be 
assailing  me  with  all  the  arms  and  shafts  of 
that  teeming  breast  of  his ;  how  he  would 
have  said:  "  I  tell  you  that  he  is  deceiving 
you  by  speaking  of  the  resurrection  of  the 
body,  for  he  denies  the  resurrection  of  the 
flesh ;  or  even  if  he  confesses  the  resurrec- 
tion of  the  flesh  he  denies  that  of  the  mem- 
bers and  the  sex  :  but,  if  you  do  not  believe 
me,  behold  and  see  the  very  words  of  his 
letter,  in  which  he  says  that  bodies  are  to  be 
turned  into  souls  and  wives  into  men."  Yet, 
when  you  write  this,  we  are  not  to  call  you 
a  heretic,  but  are  to  give  satisfaction  to  you 
as  though  you  were  our  master.  And  as  for 
those  women  w^hom  you  have  attacked  with 
your  indecent  reproaches,  they  will,  when 
they  stand  before  the  judgment  seat  of  Christ, 
bring  forward  what  you  have  taught  them  in 
these  Commentaries  as  well  as  the  things 
which  you  have  since  written,  with  insults 
which  show  that  you  had  forgotten  yourself ; 
and  both  the  one  and  the  other  will  be  read 
out  there,  where  the  favour  of  men  will  have 
ceased,  and  the  applause  for  which  you  pay 
by  flattery  will  be  silent,  and  they  will  be 
judged  together  with  their  author  for  these 
words  and  deeds  of  yours  before  Christ  the 
righteous  judge. 

25.  But  now  let  us  go  on  to  discuss  what 
he  writes  further  as  to  God's  judgment,'  for 
this  too  is  a  matter  of  the  faith.  We  shall 
find  that  as  he  alters  the  faith  about  the 
resurrection  of  the  flesh  in  other  points,  so 
he  does  in  reference  to  God's  judgment.  In 
the  first  book  of  the  Commentaries  on  the 
Ep.  of  Paul  to  the  Ephesians,  he  deals  with 
that  passage  in  which  the  Apostle  says : 
"  Even  as  he  chose  us  in  him  before  the 
foundation  of  the  world  that  we  should  be 
holy  and  without  blemish  before  him."  On 
this  he  says  : 

"  For  the  foundation  of  the  world  the  Greek  has 
KaraftoTifiQ  KOGfwv.  The  word  Kara(3o?.r^  does  not 
mean  the  same  which  we  understand  by  founda- 
tion. We,  therefore,  shall  not  attempt  to  render 
a  word  for  a  word,  which  is  here  impossible 
on  account  of   the    poverty    of  our  language  and 


^  ^ucEstiones.  Examinations  or  inquisitions.  Itseemshere 
to  mean  the  method  which  God  follows  in  distinguishing 
between  individuals. 


also  the  novelty  of  the  sense,  and  because,  as 
some  one  has  said,  the  Greeks  have  a  larger  dis- 
course and  a  happier  tongue  than  ours.  We  must 
explain  the  force  of  the  word  by  some  sort  of  peri- 
phrasis. /cara/3oA?;  is  properly  used  when  something 
is  thrown  down  and  is  cast  from  a  higher  into  a 
lower  place,  or  else  when  anything  is  taking  its 
beginning.  Hence  those  who  lay  the  first  foun- 
dations of  future  houses  are  said  KaTal3ei3?.7)Kevai, 
that  is  to  have  thrown  down  the  first  foimdations. 
Paul  thus  used  the  word  to  show  that  God  framed 
all  things  out  of  nothing:  he  assigned  to  Him  not 
a  creation  nor  a  building  up,  nor  a  making  but  a 
KaTa(3o?i7j,  that  is,  a  beginning  of  a  foundation. 
He  wishes  to  show  that  there  was  not  some  other 
thing  antecedent  to  creatures,  and  out  of  which 
creatures  were  formed,  as  is  held  by  the  Manichoeans 
and  other  heretics,  who  begin  with  a  maker  and  a 
material,  but  that  all  things  were  made  out  of 
nothing.  But,  as  to  our  election  to  be  holy  and 
without  blemish  before  him,  that  is,  before  God, 
previously  to  the  making  of  the  world,  of  which  the 
Apostle  speaks,  this  belongs  to  the  foreknowledge 
of  God,  to  whoin  all  future  things  are  as  if  they 
were  already  done,  and  all  things  are  known  before 
they  come  into  being:  as  Paul  is  predestinated  in 
the  womb  of  his  mother,  and  Jeremiah  before  his 
birth  is  sanctified,  chosen,  and  confirmed,  and,  as  a 
type  of  Christ,  is  sent  to  be  a  prophet  of  the 
nations." 

26.  So  far  he  has  set  forth  a  single 
exposition  of  the  passage ;  but  on  whose 
authority  he  wishes  us  to  receive  this  in- 
terpretation he  has  not  made  clear.  What 
he  has  done  is  to  make  void  this  first  in- 
terpretation by  what  comes  after:  for  he 
goes  on:  "But  there  is  another,  who  tries 
to  shew  that  God  is  just."  He  therefore 
points  out  that  by  that  first  exposition  the 
justice  of  God  is  not  vindicated,  which  of 
coiu'se  is  contrary  to  the  faith  :  and  he  goes 
on  through  the  mouth  of  this  'other,'  whose 
assertions  he  evidently  wishes  to  exhibit  as 
being  v/hat  is  everywhere  held  for  catholic 
and  indubitable,  to  give  a  testimony  by  which 
he  will,  as  he  asserts,  seek  to  show  that  God 
is  just.  Let  us  see  then  what  this  '  other 
man '  says,  who  proclaims  the  justice  of 
God. 

"  Another  man,"  he  says,  "  who  seeks  to  vindi- 
cate the  justice  of  God,  argues  that  it  is  not  accord- 
ing to  his  own  pre-judgment  and  knowledge,  but 
according  to  the  merit  of  the  elect  that  God's 
choice  of  men  is  determined ;  and  he  says  that, 
before  the  creation  of  the  visible  world,  of  sky  and 
earth  and  seas  and  all  that  they  contain,  there 
existed  other  invisible  creatures,  among  which 
also  were  souls;  and  that  these  souls,  for  reasons 
known  to  God  alone,  were  cas^  down  ^  into  this  vale 
of  tears,  this  place  of  our  mournful  pilgrimage, 
and  that  this  is  shewn  by  the  prayer  uttered  by  a 
holy  man  of  old  who,  having  his  habitation  fixed 
here,  yet  longed  to  return  to  his  original  abode  : 
"Woe  is  me  that  my  sojourning  is  prolonged,  that 
I  have  my  habitation  among  the    inhabitants    of 

1  KarajSoAiy  ''  foundation,"  means  literally  "  casting  down." 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    I. 


449 


Kedar,"  '  "  my  soul  has  long  been  a  pilgrim,"  and 
again  "O  wretched  man  that  I  am,  who  will  de- 
liver me  from  the  body  of  this  death?"*  and  in 
another  place  "It  is  better  to  return  and  be  with 
Christ,"  ^  and  elsewhere,  "  Before  I  was  brought 
low,  I  sinned;"^  and  other  words  of  a  like  char- 
acter." 

This  relates,  they  say  to  the  souls'  condi- 
tion before  they  were  cast  down  into  the 
world.  The  reader  of  this  will  be  apt  to 
say,  Master,  you  seem  to  tell  us,  yet  do  not 
really  tell  us,  who  these  men  are  who  say 
this,  that  the  souls  of  men  existed  before 
they  were  cast  down  into  the  world.  Then 
he  will  reply,  "  Was  I  not  right  in  saying 
that  you  were  blind,  and  no  better  than  a 
mole  ?  Did  I  not  say  before,  that  they  are 
those  who  assert  that  God  is  just,  —  by 
which,  if  you  had  any  sense  at  all,  you 
would  understand  that  I  mean  myself :  for  I 
am  not  such  a  heretic  as  not  to  include  my- 
self among  those  w^ho  vindicate  the  justice  of 
God,  which  indeed  all  must  do  who  have 
the  least  tincture  of  good  sense."  Then  they 
will  reply,  ''Tell  us,  then,  master,  tell  us, 
what  it  is  that  these  men  say,  and  you 
among  them  ?  We  understand  that  you  say 
that  before  the  souls  were  cast  down  into  the 
world,  and  before  the  world,  which  was 
made  up  of  souls,  had  been  cast  down  to- 
gether with  its  inhabitants  into  the  abyss, 
God  chose  Paul  and  those  like  him,  who 
were  holy  and  undefiled.  But  if  men  are 
chosen,  they  are  chosen  out  of  a  great  num- 
ber ;  there  must  be  many  in  a  worse  con- 
dition out  of  whom  the  election  is  made. 
However,  just  as  in  the  Babylonian  cap- 
tivity, when  Nebuchadnezzar  carried  away 
the  people  into  Chaldaea,  Ezekiel  and  Daniel 
and  the  Three  Children,  and  Haggai  and 
Zechariah  were  sent  with  them,  not  because 
they  deserved  to  become  captives,  but  that 
they  inight  be  a  comfort  to  those  who  were 
carried  away;  so  also,  in  that  'casting 
down '  of  the  world,  those  who  had  been 
chosen  by  God  before  the  world  was,  were 
sent  to  instruct  and  train  the  sinful  souls,  so 
that  these,  through  their  preaching,  might 
return  to  the  place  from  which  they  had 
fallen ;  and  this  is  w^hat  is  meant  by  the 
words  of  the  eighty-ninth  Psalm:"  "Lord 
thou  hast  been  our  refuge  in  generation  and 
in  offspring,  before  the  mountains  were  es- 
tablished, or  the  earth  and  the  world  were 
made ;  "  that  is  to  say,  that  before  the  world 
was  made,  and  a  beginning  was  made  of  the 
generation  of  all  things,  God  was  a  refuge 
to  his  saints." 


1  Ps.  cxx,  5. 

2  Rom.  vii,  24. 
s  Phil,  i,  23. 


*Ps.  cxix,  07. 

6In  our  numbering,  Pe.  xc. 


27.  Such  are  the  doctrines  which  are  to 
be  found  in  these  works  of  yours  which  you 
single  out  from  all  that  you  have  written, 
and  which  you  desire  men  to  read  over 
again  to  the  prejudice  of  all  the  rest.  It  is 
in  these  very  Commentaries  that  these  doc- 
trines are  written.  There  was,  you  sav,  an 
invisible  world  before  this  visible  one  came 
into  being.  You  say  that  in  this  world,  along 
with  the  other  inhabitants,  that  is  the  angels, 
there  were  also  souls.  You  say  that  these 
souls,  for  reasons  known  to  God  alone,  enter 
into  bodies  at  the  time  of  birth  in  this  visible 
world :  those  souls,  you  say,  who  in  a 
former  age  had  been  inhabitants  of  heaven, 
now  dwell  here,  on  this  earth,  and  that  not 
without  reference  to  certain  acts  which  they 
had  committed  while  they  lived  there.  You 
say  fiu'ther  that  all  the  saints,  such  as  Paul 
and  others  like  him  in  each  generation  were 
predestinated  by  God  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
calling them  by  their  preaching  to  that 
habitation  from  which  they  had  fallen :  and 
all  this  you  support  by  very  copious  war- 
ranties of  Scripture.  But  are  not  these  state- 
ments precisely  those  for  which  you  now 
arraign  Origen,  and  for  which  alone 
you  demand  that  he  should  be  condemned.^ 
What  'other'  than  him  who  says  such  things 
as  these  do  you  condemn  in  your  writings.'^ 
And  yet  if  these  statements  are  to  be  con- 
demned, as  you  now  urge,  you  will  first 
pronounce  judgment  on  these  statements, 
and  then  find  that  you  have  condemned  your- 
self by  anticipation.  No  other  refuge  re- 
mains for  you.  There  is  no  room  for  any 
of  these  twists  and  turns  for  which  you 
blame  others :  for  it  is  just  when  you  are 
doing  penance  and  have  been  converted, 
when  you  have  been  corrected  and  put 
in  the  way  of  amendment,  that  you  have 
stamped  these  books  with  fresh  authority, 
to  prove  to  us  by  their  means  what  your 
opinion  was  as  to  the  doctrines  which  ought 
to  be  condemned :  and  therefore  what  you 
have  there  written  must  be  taken  as  if  we 
heard  you  now  distinctly  making  the  state- 
ments contained  in  them.  Yet  in  these  very 
books  you  yourself  make  the  statements 
which  you  say  are  to  be  condemned.  But 
no  !  you  will  say :  it  is  not  I  that  make  them. 
It  is  the  'other'  who  thus  speaks,  that  is,  of 
course,  the  man  who  I  now  declare  ought  to 
be  condemned.  Well,  let  us  recall,  if  you 
please,  that  particular  line  in  which  you 
change  the  person  of  the  speaker,  that  we 
may  see  who  it  is  whom  you  represent  as 
building  up  this  strange  theory.  You  say, 
then,  that  it  is  '  another,'  who  is  endeavour- 
ing to  show  that  God  is  just,  who  says  these 


450 


RUFINUS. 


things  which  we  have  set  down  just  above. 
If  you  say  that  this  'other'  who  by  this  as- 
sertion of  his  proves  God  to  be  just  is  sepa- 
rate and  iJivers  from  yourself,  what  then,  I 
ask,  is  your  own  opinion?  Must  we  say 
that  you  deny  that  God  is  just?  Oh,  great 
Master,  you  who  see  so  sharply,  and  are  so 
hard  upon  the  moles  that  have  no  eyes :  '  you 
seem  to  have  got  yourself  into  a  most  im- 
possible position,  where  you  are  shut  in  on 
every  side.  Either  you  must  deny  that  God 
is  just  by  declaring  yourself  other  than,  and 
contrary  to,  him  who  says  these  things,  or  if 
you  confess  God  to  be  just,  as  all  the  Church 
does,  then  it  is  you  yourself  who  make  the 
assertions  in  question ;  in  which  case  the 
sentence  which  you  pass  upon  another  falls 
upon  you,  you  are  thrust  through  with  your 
own  spear.  I  think  that  this  is  enough  for 
your  conviction  before  the  most  righteous 
judges  whose  judgment  anticipates  that  of 
God :  not  that  they  would  condemn  the  man 
who  sees  the  mote  in  his  brother's  eye  but 
does  not  see  the  beam  in  his  own ;  but  they 
would  try  to  bring  him  to  a  better  mind  and 
to  true  repentance. 

28.  But  it  is  possible  that  this  particular 
passage  may  have  escaped  his  observation, 
although  he  thought  that  he  had  revised  these 
books  so  as  to  make  them  perfectly  clear,  and 
put  them  forward  as  giving  a  profession  of 
his  faith,  to  the  prejudice  of  all  the  rest.  Let 
us  see  then  what  are  his  opinions  in  other 
parts.  In  the  same  book  when  he  comes  to 
the  passage  where  it  is  written  ^'According 
to  the  good  pleasure  of  his  will,  to  the  praise 
of  his  glory,"  he  makes  these  remarks 
among  others : 

"  Here  certain  men  seize  upon  the  opportunity  to 
introduce  their  peculiar  views  :  they  believe  that 
before  the  foundation  of  the  world,  the  souls  ofmen 
dwelt  in  the  heavenly  Jerusalem  with  the  angels, 
and  with  all  the  other  celestial  powers.  They  think 
that  it  would  be  impossible,  in  accordance  with  the 
good  pleasure  of  God,  and  the  praise  of  his  glory 
and  of  his  grace,  to  explain  the  fact  that  some  men 
are  born  poor  and  barbarous,  in  slavery  and  weak- 
ness, while  others  are  born  as  wealthy  Roman  citi- 
zens, free  and  with  strong  health ;  that  some  are 
born  in  a  low,  some  in  a  high  station,  that  they 
are  born  in  different  countries,  in  different  parts  of 
the  world  :  unless  there  are  some  antecedent  causes 
for  which  each  individual  soul  had  its  lot  assigned 
according  to  its  merits.  Moreover,  the  passage 
which  some  think  that  they  understand,  (though 
they  do  not)  the  passage  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans  which  says,  ^ "  Hath  not  the  potter  a  right 
over  the  clay  from  the  same  lump  to  make  one  part 
a  vessel  unto  honour,  and  another  unto  dishonour  ?  " 
these  men  take  as  supporting  this  same  view;  for 
they  argue    that,  just   as    the  distinction  between 


1  Tatpas  oculis  captos,  Virg,  Georg.  i,  183. 
3  Rom.  ix,  21. 


leading  a  good  life  or  a  bad,  one  of  labour  or  self- 
indulgence,  would  be  of  little  account  if  we  did  not 
believe  in  the  judgment  of  God  which  is  to  come, 
so  also  the  difference  of  conditions  under  which 
men  are  born  would  impugn  the  justice  of  God 
unless  they  were  the  results  of  the  soul's  previous 
deserts.  For,  if  we  do  not  accept  this  view,  they 
say,  it  cannot  be  '  the  good  pleasure  of  God '  nor 
'  to  the  praise  of  his  glory  and  grace  *  that  he  should 
have  chosen  some  before  the  foundation  of  the 
world  to  be  holy  and  undefiled,  and  to  partake  of 
the  adoption  through  Jesus  Christ,  and  should 
have  appointed  others  to  the  lowest  position  and 
to  everlasting  punishment;  he  could  not  have  loved 
Jacob  before  he  came  forth  from  the  womb  and 
hated  Esau  before  he  had  done  anything  worthy  of 
hatred,  unless  there  were  some  antecedent  causes 
which  would,  if  W'C  knew  them,  prove  God  to  be 
just." 

29.  What  can  be  more  distinct  than  this 
statement?  What  could  possibly  be  thought 
or  said  whether  by  Origen  or  by  any  of  those 
whom  you  say  that  you  condemn,  which 
would  be  clearer  than  this,  that  the  inequality 
of  conditions  which  exists  among  those  who 
are  born  into  this  world  is  ascribed  to  the 
justice  of  God?  You  say  that  the  cause  of 
the  salvation  or  perdition  of  each  soul  is  to 
be  found  in  itself,  that  is,  in  the  passions  and 
dispositions  which  it  has  shown  in  its  piie- 
vious  life  in  that  new  Jerusalem  which  is  the 
mother  of  us  all.  "But  this  too,"  he  will 
say  no  doubt,  '^  is  not  said  by  myself.  I 
described  it  as  the  opinion  of  another  :  more- 
over, I  used  the  expression  '  they  seize  upon 
the  opportunity.'  "  Well,  I  do  not  deny  that 
you  make  it  appear  that  you  are  speaking  of 
another.  But  you  have  not  denied  that  this 
man  about  whom  you  are  speaking  is  in  agree- 
ment and  accord  with  you  :  you  have  not  said 
that  he  is  in  opposition  or  hostility  to  you. 
For,  when  you  use  this  formula  of  '  another' 
in  reference  to  one  who  is  really  opposed  to 
you,  you  habitually,  after  setting  down  a  few 
of  his  words,  at  once  impugn  and  overthrow 
them  :  you  do  this  in  the  case  of  Marcion, 
Valentinus,  Arius  and  others.  But  when,  as 
in  this  instance,  you  use,  indeed,  this  formula 
of  '  another,'  but  report  his  words  fortified  by 
the  strongest  assertions  and  by  the  most 
abundant  testimonies  of  Scripture,  is  it  not 
evident  even  to  us  who  are  so  slow  of  under- 
standing, and  whom  you  speak  of  as  '  moles,* 
that  he  whose  words  you  set  down  and  do 
not  overthrow,  is  no  other  than  yourself,  and 
that  we  have  here  a  case  of  the  figure  well 
known  to  rhetoricians,  when  they  use  another 
man's  person  to  set  forth  their  own  opinions. 
Such  figures  are  resorted  to  by  rhetoricians 
when  they  are  afraid  of  offending  particular 
people,  or  when  they  wish  to  avoid  exciting 
ill-will  against  themselves.  But,  if  you  think 
that  you  have  avoided  blame  by  putting  for- 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    I. 


451 


'ward  '  another'  as  the  author  of  these  state- 
ments, how  much  more  free  from  it  is  he 
Tv^hom  you  accuse.  For  his  mode  of  action 
is  much  more  cautious.  He  is  not  content 
with  merely  saying,  "  This  is  what  others 
say,"  or  "so  some  men  think,"  but,  "As  to 
this  or  that  I  do  not  decide,  I  only  suggest," 
and,  "  If  this  seems  to  any  one  more  proba- 
ble, let  him  hold  to  it,  putting  the  other 
aside."  He  has  been  very  careful  in  his 
statements,  as  you  know  ;  and  yet  you  sum- 
mon him  to  be  tried  and  condemned.  You 
think  that  you  have  escaped  because  you 
speak  of  '  another' :  but  the  points  on  which 
you  condemn  him  are  precisely  those  in  which 
you  follow  and  imitate  him. 

30.  But  let  us  proceed  in  our  study  of 
these  Commentaries ;  otherwise,  in  dwelling 
too  long  upon  a  few  special  points,  we  may 
be  prevented  from  taking  notice  of  the  greater 
number.  In  the  same  book  and  the  same  pas- 
sage ^  are  the  words  "To  the  end  that  we 
should  be  unto  the  praise  of  his  glory,  we 
who  had  before  hoped  in  Christ."  His  com- 
ment is  : 

*'  If  it  had  been  simply  said  '  We  have  trusted  in 
Christ,'  and  there  had  not  been  the  prefix  '  before,' 
which  stands  in  the  Greek  'kpotjIttlkoteq^  the  sense 
would  be  quite  clear,  namely,  that  those  who  have 
hoped  in  Christ  have  been  chosen  in  due  order  ^ 
and  have  been  predestinated  according  to  the  pur- 
pose of  him  who  orders  all  things  according  to  the 
counsel  of  his  own  will.  But,  as  it  stands,  the  addi- 
tion of  the  preposition  'before'  compels  us  to  ex- 
plain it  according  to  the  same  ideas  which  we 
argued  in  a  former  place  to  be  necessary  for  the 
explanation  of  the  passage,  "Who  hath  blessed  us 
with  every  spiritual  blessing  in  the  heavenly  places 
in  Christ,  even  as  he  chose  us  in  him  before  the 
foundationof  the  world,  that  we  should  be  holy  and 
without  blemish  before  him  : "  namely,  that  God 
had  blessed  us  before  in  heaven  with  all  spiritual 
blessing,  and  had  chosen  us  before  the  world  was 
framed ;  and  that  thus  we  are  said  to  have  hoped  in 
Christ  'before,'  that  is,  in  the  time  when  we  were 
elected  and  predestinated  and  blessed  in  heaven." 

31.  But  let  this  pass,  for  what  follows  is 
of  more  importance.  I  thank  God  that  he 
has  relieved  me  from  a  very  serious  burden 
of  suspicion.  Perhaps  I  seemed  to  some 
people  to  be  acting  contentiously  and  calum- 
niously  when  I  insinuated  that,  according  to 
a  figure  of  rhetoric,  when  he  spoke  of 
'  another '  he  meant  himself.  But  to  pre- 
vent all  further  doubt  from  resting  in  the 
minds  of  his  hearers,  he  has  himself  declared 
that  it  is  so.  L^ke  a  truly  good  teacher,  w^ho 
would  not  wish  any  ambiguity  about  his 
sayings  to  remain  in  the  minds  of  his  pupils, 
he  has  been  so  good  as  to  shew  quite  clearly 

1  Eph.  i.  12.         2  Reading  '  sorte  '  as  in  the  Comm.  itself. 


who  that  '  other '  was  of  whom  he  had 
spoken  before.  He  therefore  says,  "  But,  as 
it  stands,  the  addition  of  the  preposition 
'  before '  leads  us  to  explain  it  according  to 
the  ideas  which  we  argued  in  a  former  place 
to  be  necessary."  You  see,  he  means  that 
it  is  we,  and  not  some  other,  no  one  knows 
who,  as  you  may  have  thought,  who  in  the 
former  place  argued  thus,  when  w^e  were  ex- 
pounding the  words  "Who  hath  blessed  us 
with  every  spiritual  blessing  in  the  heavenly 
places  in  Christ."  It  was  to  meet  the  case 
of  the  less  intelligent  persons,  who  might 
think  that  what  was  there  said  was  spoken 
by  some  one  else,  to  prevent  any  error  on  the 
point  remaining  in  the  minds  of  those  whom 
he  had  begged  to  read  these  books  so  that 
they  might  see  what  his  opinion  of  Origen 
was,  that  he  now  acknowledges  this  opinion 
as  his  own,  and,  no  longer  speaking  of 
'  another,'  says  what  we  have  quoted  be- 
fore ;  namely,  that,  as  God  had  before  blessed 
us  with  all  spiritual  blessing  in  Christ  in  the 
heavenly  places,  and  had  chosen  us  before 
the  foundation  of  the  world ;  so  also  we 
are  said  to  have  trusted  in  Christ  at  that 
former  time  in  which  we  were  elected  and 
predestinated  and  blessed  in  heaven.  He 
himself  therefore,  as  it  seems  to  me,  has 
by  his  own  testimony,  absolved  me  from  all 
suspicion  of  speaking  a  calumny  when  I  say 
that  that  '  other '  is  no  '  other '  than  him- 
self. 

30   {a).      But,  I  undertook  to  shew  some- 
thing of  more   importance    still  in  what  fol- 
lows.    After  he   had  said  that  we  had  hoped 
in  Christ  before,  and  that  in  the  time  before 
the  foundation  of  the   world  and  before  we 
were  born  in  our  bodies,  we  had  been  blessed 
and  chosen  in   heaven,    he  again    introduces 
that    'other'   of  his,    and  says:     "Another, 
who  does  not  admit  this  doctrine  that  we  had 
a  previous  existence   and  had  hope  in  Christ 
before  we  lived  in  this  body,  would  have  us 
understand  the  matter  in  his  own  way."     In 
this  passage  this  '  other,'  whoever  he  maybe, 
has  put  forth  all  his  ill  savour.     Let  him  tell 
us    then  vs^hom    he  means    by   this     '  other ' 
who  does  not  admit   this   opinion  that  before 
we  lived  in  this  body  we   both  existed  and 
hoped  in  Christ  — for  which  he  requires  us  to 
condemn  Origen.     Whom   does  he  wish  us 
to   understand  by  this  '  other  '  }     Is  it  some 
one  opposed  to  himself  }     What  do  you  say, 
great  master }     You  are  pressed  by  that  two- 
horned  dilemma  of  which  you  are  so  fond  of 
speaking  to  your  disciples.     For,  if  you  say 
that    by  this   '  other '    who  does    not    admit 
that  souls  existed  before    they    lived    in  the 
body  you  mean  yourself,   you  have  betrayed 


45^ 


RUFINUS. 


the  secret  which  in  the  previous  passages 
was  concealed.  It  is  now  found  out  that 
you  by  your  own  confession  are  that  other 
who  have  fashioned  all  the  doctrines  of 
which  you  now  demand  the  condemnation. 
But  if  we  are  not  to  believe  you  to  be  the 
'  other '  of  the  former  passage,  so  that  the 
doctrines  which  you  now  impugn  may  not 
be  ascribed  to  you,  we  have  no  right  to  con- 
sider you  in  this  case  to  be  the  '  other '  who 
does  not  admit  that  oiu"  souls  existed  before 
we  lived  in  bodies.  Choose  either  side  you 
like  as  the  ground  of  your  acquittal.     This 

*  other,'  whom  you  so  frequently  bring  in, 
are  we  to  understand  by  him  yourself  or  some 
one  else.^  Do  you  wish  that  he  should  be 
thought  by  us  to  be  a  catholic  or  a  heretic  ? 
Is  he  to  be  acquitted  or  condemned  ?     If  that 

*  other '  of  yours  is  a  catholic,  the  man  who 
said  in  the  former  passage  that  before  this 
visible  world  our  souls  had  their  abode  among 
the  angels  and  the  other  heavenly  powers  in 
the  heavenly  places  in  Jerusalem  which  is 
above,  and  that  they  there  contracted  those 
dispositions  which  caused  the  diversities  of 
their  birth  into  the  world  and  of  the  other 
conditions  to  which  they  are  now  subject, 
then  these  must  be  esteemed  to  be  catholic 
doctrines,  and  we  know  that  it  is  an  impiety 
to  condemn  what  is  catholic.  But  if  you  call 
this  '  other '  a  heretic,  you  must  alsp  brand 
as  a  heretic  the  '  other '  who  will  not  admit 
that  souls  existed  and  hoped  in  Christ  before 
they  were  born  in  the  body.  Which  way 
can  you  get  out  of  this  dilemma,  my  master  ? 
Whither  will  you  break  forth?  To  what 
place  will  you  escape  ?  Whichever  way  you 
betake  yourself,  you  will  stick  fast.  Not  only 
is  there  no  avenue  by  which  you  can  with- 
draw yourself ;  there  is  not  even  the  least 
breathing  space  left  you.  Is  this  all  the 
profit  you  have  gained  from  Alexander's 
Commentaries  on  Aristotle,  and  Porphyry's 
Introduction?  Is  this  the  result  of  the  train- 
ing of  all  those  great  Philosophers  by  whom 
you  tell  us  you  w^ere  educated,  with  all  their 
learning,  Greek  and  Latin,  and  Jewish  into 
the  bargain?  Have  they  ended  iDy  bringing 
you  into  these  inextricable  straits,  in  which 
you  are  so  pitifully  confined  that  the  very 
Alps  could  give  you  no  refuge  ? 

31  {a).  But  let  us  spare  him  now.  We 
must  bend  to  our  examination  of  the  books ; 
for,  to  use  an  expression  of  his  own,  a  great 
work  leaves  no  time  for  sleep  ;  though  indeed 
he  himself  spares  nobody,  and  does  not  so 
much  use  reasonable  speech  as  lash  with 
the  scourge  of  his  tongue  whomsoever  he 
pleases ;  and  any  one  who  refuses  to  flatter 
him  must  expect  to  be  branded  at  once  as  a 


heretic  both  in  his  treatises  and  in  hundreds 
of  letters  sent  to  all  parts  of  the  world.  Let 
us  not  follow  his  example,  but  rather  that  of 
the  patriarch  David,  who,  when  he  had  sur- 
prised his  enemy  Saul  in  the  cave  and  might 
have  slain  him,  refused  to  do  so,  but  spared 
him.  This  man  knows  well  how  often  I 
have  done  the  same  by  him,  both  in  word 
and  deed ;  and  if  he  does  not  choose  to  con- 
fess it,  he  has  it  fixed  at  least  in  his  mind  and 
conscience,  I  will  pardon  him  then,  though 
he  never  pardons  others,  but  condemns  men 
for  their  words  without  any  consideration  or 
charity ;  and  for  the  present  I  will  let  him 
come  out  from  this  pit,  until  he  falls  into 
that  other,  from  which  all  of  us  together  will 
be  unable  to  deliver  him,  however  much  we 
may  wish  and  strive.  He  has  to  explain  how 
it  comes  to  pass  that,  in  the  first  passage, 
where  that  doctrine  was  being  asserted  which 
sought  to  vindicate  the  justice  of  God,  he 
really  meant  to  speak  of  some  one  else,  and 
that  that  person  was  the  one  whom  he  nov^^ 
wishes  to  have  condemned  ;  yet  in  the  second 
passage,  where  the  speaker  says  the  oppo- 
site and  does  not  admit  what  has  been  said 
before,  the  '  other '  whom  he  speaks  of 
means  himself.  It  is  possible  that  he  may 
feel  sure  that  this  was  what  he  meant,  but 
that  he  was  not  able  to  make  it  plain  in  writ- 
ing. Let  us  give  him  the  benefit  of  the 
doubt,  and  assume  that  in  this  latter  passage 
the  'other'  is  himself,  and  that  it  is  he  who 
does  not  admit  the  doctrine  which  holds  that 
before  our  life  in  the  body  began  our  souls 
existed  and  hoped  in  Christ.  I  will  quote 
the  entire  passage,  and  prosecute  a  fresh  and 
diligent  inquiry  to  see  what  it  tends  to.  He 
says  thus : 

"Another  who  does  not  admit  this  doctrine  that 
before  our  life  in  the  body  began  our  souls  existed 
and  trusted  in  Christ,  changes  the  sense  of  the 
passage  so  as  to  mean  that,  in  the  advent  of  our 
Lord  and  Saviour,  when  in  his  name  ^  every  knee 
shall  bow,  of  things  heavenly  and  earthly  and 
infernal,  and  every  tongue  shall  confess  that 
Jesus  Christ  is  Lord,  to  the  glory  of  God  the  Father, 
when  all  things  shall  be  made  subject  to  him,  there 
will  be  some  who  are  made  subject  willingly,  but 
others  only  by  necessity  ;  and  that  those  who  before 
his  coming  in  his  majesty  have  hoped  in  him  will 
be  to  the  praise  of  his  glory ;  that  these  therefore 
are  called  ^  Fore-hopers;  but  that  those  who  are 
only  found  to  believe  through  necessity,  when  even 
the  devil  and  his  angels  will  be  unable  to  reject 
Christ  as  King  are  to  be  called  simply  Hopers. 
and  that  they  are  not  for  the  praise  of  his  glory. 
And  this  we  see  partly  fulfilled  even  now,  since  we 
can  distinguish  between  the  reward  of  those  who 
follow  God  willingly  and    those  who   follow  Him 


1  Phil,  ii,  10,  II. 

2  ]erome  uses  the  Greek  word  npor}\niKOTa<;.     It  seems  beet 
to  coin  a  new  one  to  represent  the  peculiar  idea. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    I. 


453 


through  necessity.  But,^  whether  by  pretence  or  in 
truth,  let  Christ  be  proclaimed  :  only  let  each  of 
them  understand,  both  the  Hopers  and  the  Fore- 
hopers,  that  for  the  difference  of  their  hope  they 
will  receive  different  rewards." 

32.  In  this  passage  all  room  for  doubt 
is  removed.  In  the  former  passage  you 
said  that  those  who  before  hoped  in  Christ 
are  those  who,  before  they  were  born  in 
bodies  in  this  visible  world,  dwelt  in  heaven 
and  had  hope  in  Christ.  But,  to  prevent 
this  being  supposed  to  be  your  own  doctrine, 
you  introduced  another  interpretation, 
namely,  that  at  that  time  when  every 
knee  shall  bow  to  Jesus  as  Lord,  the  uni- 
versal creation,  of  things  heavenly,  earthly 
and  infernal,  will  consist  of  persons  subjected 
to  him  in  two  different  vs^ays,  some  willingly, 
soine  by  necessity.  Vou  add  that  all  the 
saints,  who  now  believe  on  him  through 
the  word  of  preaching  are  subject  to  him 
willingly,  and  that  these  are  called  Fore- 
hopers,  that  is  those  who  have  beforehand 
hoped  in  Christ :  but  that  those  who  are 
subject  to  him  by  necessity  are  those  who 
have  not  believed  now  through  the  preach- 
ing of  the  word,  but  who  then  w^ill  no 
longer  be  able  to  deny  him,  such  as  the  devil 
and  his  angels,  and  those  who  with  them 
have  been  obliged  by  necessity  to  believe : 
and  that  all  these,  and  amongst  them  the 
devil  and  his  angels,  who  shall  afterwards 
believe,  shall  not  be  called  Fore-hopers, 
because  that  Tiame  belongs  to  those  who 
believed  in  Christ  before,  and  hoped  in  him 
willingly,  whereas  these  others  only  did  so 
afterward  and  by  necessity  :  and  you  add  that, 
consequently,  they  will  receive  different 
rewards.  But  you  assign  rewards,  though 
they  may  be  inferior  ones,  to  all,  even  to 
those  who  now  do  not  believe,  that  is,  the 
devil  and  his  angels ;  and,  though  now  you 
hold  the  mere  opinion,  not  the  mature 
judgment,  of  another  w^orthy  of  condemna- 
tion who  thinks  it  possible  that  the  devil 
may  one  day  have  a  respite  from  punishment, 
you  bring  him  into  the  kingdom  of  God  to 
receive  the  second  reward.  This  also  you 
wish  us  to  understand,  that,  as  it  inatters  not 
\vhether  Christ  is  preached  in  truth  or  by 
necessity,  so  it  is  of  no  consequence  whether 
-we  believe  by  necessity  or  willingly. 

33.  These  are  the  things  which  we  learn 
from  the  Commentaries  to  which  you  direct 
ns.  These  are  the  rules  for  the  confusion  ^ 
of  our  faith  which  you  teach  us.     You  wish 


1  Phil,  i,  iS. 

"i  Regidas  confusionis  fidei.  Another  reading  is  Confes- 
sionis.  But  probably  Rufinus  meant  to  give  point  to  his  ex- 
pression by  substituting  for  the  well  known  words  "  Rule  of 
faith,"  "  Rule  of  confusion  of  faith." 


US  to  condemn  in  others  what  you  teach 
yourself  in  private.  For,  of  course,  if  you 
are  now  that  '  other '  who  do  not  admit  the 
doctrine  which  holds  that  our  souls  existed 
in  heaven  before  they  were  joined  to  bodies, 
you  are  undoubtedly  the  man  who  not  only 
promise  pardon  to  the  devil  and  his  angels 
and  all  unbelievers  but  also  undertake  that 
they  shall  be  endowed  with  rewards  of  the 
second  order.  But  if  you  deny  this  second 
doctrine,  you  must  be  the  author  of  that 
which  we  first  discussed.  And  I  wonder 
that  those  able  and  learned  men  who  read 
these  wTitings  of  his  about  which  he  now 
writes  in  commendation,  should  laugh  at  me 
because  he  calls  me  a  mole,  and  should  not 
feel  that  he  is  all  the  while  thinking  of  them 
much  more  as  moles,  for  not  seeing  that  the 
things  I  have  pointed  out  are  imbedded  in  his 
books.  For,  if  he  thought  that  they  could 
understand  as  well  as  read,  he  would  never 
have  requested  them  to  get  a  copy  of  those 
books  with  a  view  to  the  condemnation  of 
the  very  things  which  their  master  there 
teaches;  for  these  very  things  which  he 
urges  us  to  condemn  are  most  plainly  and 
manifestly  contained  in  them.  I  have  shewn, 
at  all  events,  that  he  himself  in  these  chosen 
Commentaries  of  his  asserts  the  doctrines 
which  he  desires  to  have  condemned  in 
another  man's  books,  namely,  that  souls 
existed  in  heaven  before  they  were  born  in 
bodies  in  this  world,  and  that  all  sinners  and 
unbelievers,  together  with  the  devil  and  his 
angels,  will,  at  the  time  when  every  knee 
shall  bow  to  Jesus  of  things  heavenly  and 
things  earthly  and  things  infernal,  not  only 
receive  pardon,  but  also  be  summoned  to 
receive  the  seconcrorder  of  rewards. 

34.  It  is  indeed  a  thing  so  unheard  of  to 
believe  that  a  man  can  pronounce  condem- 
nation on  the  fabric  which  he  himself  has 
reared,  that  I  doubt  not  it  will  with  difhculty 
win  credit ;  and  I  feel  that  what  you  desire 
is  that  I  should,  if  possible,  produce  from 
his  writings  instances  of  this  so  clear  that  no 
room  whatever  may  be  left  for  doubting  ;  that 
is,  passages  in  which  that  '  other '  of  which 
he  is  so  fond  is  not  named  at  all ;  and  this  I 
will  do.  In  this  same  book  he  declares  his 
belief  that,  in  the  end  of  the  age,^  Christ 
and  his  saints  will  have  their  throne  above 
the  demons  in  such  a  way  that  the  demons 
themselves  will  act  according  to  the  will  of 
Christ  and  his  saints  who  reign  over  them. 
In  commenting  upon  the  passage  where  the 
Apostle  says,   ^  ''  That  in  the  ages  to  come 

1  5«r?<// ,', usually  translated  by  'the  end  of  the  world,* 
which,  however,  hardly  gives  the  true  meaning. 

2  Eph.  ii,  7. 


454 


RUFINUS. 


he  might  show  the  exceeding  riches  of  his 
grace  iri  kindness  toward  us  in  Christ  Jesus," 
after  a  few  other  remarks,  he  says ; 

**We  who  formerly  were  held  bound  by  the  law 
of  the  infernal  place,  and,  through  our  vices  and 
sins  were  given  over  both  to  the  works  of  the  flesh 
and  to  punishment,  shall  now  reign  with  Christ 
and  sit  together  with  him.  But  we  shall  sit,  not 
in  some  kind  of  low  place,  but '  above  all  Princi- 
palities and  power  and  Dominion,  and  every  name 
that  is  named  not  only  in  this  age  but  in  the  age 
to  come.  For,  if  Christ  has  been  raised  from  the 
dead,  and  sits  at  the  right  hand  of  God  in  heavenly 
places,  far  above  all  Principality  and  Power  and 
Dominion,  and  above  every  name  that  is  named,  not 
only  in  this  age  but  in  the  age  to  come,  we  also 
must  of  necessity  sit  and  reign  with  Christ  and  sit 
above  those  things  above  which  he  sits.  But  the 
careful  reader  will  at  this  point  make  his  inquiry 
and  say:  What.''  is  man  then  greater  than  the 
angels  and  all  the  powers  of  heaven.?  I  make  ans- 
swer,  though  it  is  hazardous  to  do  so,  that  the 
Principalities  and  Powers  and  Mights  and  Domin- 
ions, and  all  names  that  are  named  not  only  in  this 
age  but  in  that  which  is  to  come  must  refer  (since 
all  things  are  subjected  to  the  feet  of  Christ)  not 
to  the  good  part  of  them  but  the  opposite;  the 
Apostle  means  by  these  expressions  the  rebellious 
angels,  and  the  prince  of  this  world,  and  Lucifer 
who  once  was  the  morning  star,  over  whom  in  the 
end  of  the  age  the  saints  must  sit  with  Christ,  who 
communicates  this  privilege  to  them.  These  Powers 
are  now  infernal  powers,  abusing  their  freedom 
for  the  worst  purposes,  wandering  everywhere  and 
running  together  down  the  steep  places  of  sin. 
But  when  they  have  Christ  and  the  saints  sitting 
on  thrones  above  them,  they  will  begin  to  be  ruled 
according  to  the  will  of  those  who  reign  over 
them." 

Surely  there  is  no  ambiguity  remaining 
here ;  the  passage  needs  no  one  to  bring  out 
its  points.  He  says  in  the  most  distinct 
terms,  without  bringing  irr  the  person  of  any 
'other,'  that  the  rebellious  angels  and  the 
prince  of  this  world,  and  Lucifer  who  once 
was  the  morning  star,  will  in  the  end,  when 
Christ  sits  and  reigns  over  them  with  his 
saints,  be  fellows  and  sharers,  not  only  of  his 
kingdom  but  also  of  his  will ;  for  to  act  ac- 
cording to  the  will  of  Christ  and  of  all  his 
saints  is  to  have  arrived  at  the  highest  blessed- 
ness, and  the  perfection  which  we  are  taught 
in  the  Lord's  Prayer  to  ask  of  the  Father  is 
none  other  than  this,  that  his  will  inay  be 
done  in  earth  as  it  is  in  heaven. 

35.  But  I  beg  you  to  listen  patiently  as  I 
follow  him  in  his  continual  recurrence  to 
these  same  doctrines  — not  indeed  in  all  that  he 
says  of  them,  for  it  is  so  much  that  I  should 
have  to  write  many  volumes  if  I  tried  to  ex- 
haust it  —  but  as  much  as  will  satisfy  the 
reader  that  it  is  not  by  chance  that  he  slips 
into  these  notions  which    he  now  proposes 

lEph.  i,  21. 


for  imitation  to  his  disciples,  but  that  he  sup- 
ports them  by  large  and  frequent  assertion. 
Let  us  see  what  it  is  that  he  teaches  us  in 
these  the  most  approved  of  his  Commen- 
taries. In  this  same  book  he  teaches  that 
there  is  for  men  the  possibility  of  both  rising 
and  falling,  not  in  the  present  age  only  but 
in  that  v^hich  is  to  come.  On  the  passage  in 
which  the  words  occur:  ''Far  above  all 
Principality  and  Power  and  Might  and  Do- 
minion, and  every  name  that  is  named  not 
only  in  this  age  but  in  thatw^hich  is  to  come,'* 
he  has  the  following  among  other  remarks : 

'*If,  however,  there  are  Principalities,  Virtues,. 
Powers  and  Dominions,  they  must  necessarily 
have  subjects  who  fear  them  and  serve  them  and' 
gain  power  from  their  strength  ;  and  this  gradation 
of  offices  will  exist  not  only  in  the  present  age  but 
in  that  which  is  to  come;  and  it  must  be  possible 
that  one  may  rise  through  these  various  stages  of 
advancement  and  honour,  while  another  sinks, 
that  there  will  be  risings  and  fallings,  and  that  our 
spirits  may  pass  under  each  of  these  Powers,  Vir- 
tues, Principalities,  and  Dominions  one  after  the 
other." 

36.     I  will   address    the   Master  in  one  of 
his  own  phrases.^     Why,   after   nearly  four 
hundred  years,  do  you    give  such  teachings 
as  these  to  the  Latin  people  with  their  peace- 
able and  simple  minds !     Why    do   you  in- 
flict  on    unaccustomed    ears    new-sounding 
words,  which  no  one  finds  in  the  writings  of 
the  Apostles  ?     I  beseech  you,  ppare  the  ears, 
of  the  Romans,  spare   that  faith    which  the 
Apostle    praised.^      Why  do   you  bring  out 
in  public  what  Peter  and  Paul  were  unwill- 
ing to  publish  ?     Did  not  the  Christian  w^orld 
exist  without  any  of  these  things  until  —  not 
as  you  say  I  made  my  translations,  but  up  to 
the    time   when    you    wrote   what    I    have 
quoted,  that    is  till    some  fifteen  years  ago  ? 
For  what  is  this  teaching  of  yours,  that  in  the 
world  to  come  there  will  still  be  risings  and. 
fallings,  —  that    some    will    go  forward  and 
some  go  back.'*     If  that  be  true,  then  what 
you  say,  that  in  this  world  life  is  either  ac- 
quired or  lost,  is  not  true  ;  unless  it  has  some 
occult   meaning.      I  do   not  find  that  you  re- 
pent of  any  of  these   doctrines    which  these 
commentaries    contain.       Again,    you    teach 
that  the  Church  is  to  be  understood  as  being 
one    body  made    up  not  of  men  only  but  of 
angels   and  all  the  powers  of  heaven.     You 
say    in    commenting   on   the  passage  of  the 
same  book,  in  which  the  words  occur  ^"  And 
gave  him  to  be  head  over  all  the  Church," 
a  little    way    down:    "The   Church   maybe 
understood  as  consisting  not  of  men  alone, 
but  also  of  angels,  and  of  all  the  powers,  and 


1  Jerome,  Letter  Ixxxiv,  8.        2  Rom.  1,  8. 


Eph. 


APOLOGY  —  BOOK    I. 


455 


reasonable  creatures."  Again,  you  say  that 
souls,  because  in  that  former  life  they  knew 
God,  now  know^  him  not  as  one  previously 
unknown,  but  as  though  after  having  for- 
gotten him  they  came  to  recognize  him 
again.  These  are  the  words  used  in  a  pas- 
sage of  the  same  book  : 

**  The  words  which  he  uses  *'  In  the  knowledge  of 
him "  ^  some  interpret  by  recalling  that  between 
-yvCjaig  and  'eTrlyvioaig  (Gnosis  and  Epignosis)  that 
is,  between  knowing  and  recognition  there  is  this 
difference,  that  Knowing  has  reference  to  things 
which  we  did  not  know  before  and  have  since  be- 
gun to  know,  while  Recognition  has  to  do  with 
those  things  which  we  afterwards  remember.  Our 
souls,  then,  they  say,  have  a  kind  of  apprehension 
of  a  former  life,  after  they  have  been  cast  down 
into  human  bodies,  and  have  forgotten  God  their 
Father ;  but  now  we  know  him  by  revelation,  accord- 
ing to  that  which  is  written  :  ^  "  All  the  ends  of  this 
world  shall  remember  and  turn  to  the  Lord  ;  "  and 
there  are  many  similar  passages." 

38.^  Now,  as  to  the  expression  which  he 
uses,  ''  Some  persons  say,"  I  think  it  has  been 
made  clear  by  what  I  have  previously  said, 
that,  when  he  says  "  some  persons  say"  or 
'-'  Another  says,"  and  does  not  controvert  the 
opinions  which  .are  thus  introduced,  it  is  he 
himself  who  is  this  'certain'  or  'other' 
person.  And  this  is  proved  by  the  numerous 
cases  which  I  have  pointed  out  in  which  he 
expresses  opinions  agreeing  with  these  with- 
out the  introduction  of  any  such  person.  We 
must  consider  therefore  in  each  case  whether 
he  expresses  any  dissent  from  the  '  other.' 
For  instance,  an  opinion  is  put  forward  that 
the  stars  and  the  other  things  that  are  in 
heaven  are  reasonable  beings  and  capable  of 
sinning.  We  must  see,  therefore,  what  his 
own  opinion  is  on  this  point.  Turn  to  his 
note,  in  this  book/  upon  the  passage  "  He 
must  reign  till  he  hath  put  all  his  enemies 
under  his  feet."  ^  You  will  find,  some  w^ay 
down,  the  words  : 

"  It  mav  be  observed  that  no  one  is  without  sin, 
that  Even  the  stars  are  not  clean  in  his  sight,^  and 
Every  creature  trembles  at  the  coming  of  the 
Creator.  Hence  it  is  not  only  things  on  earth  but 
also  things  in  heaven  which  are  said  to  have  been 
cleansed  by  our  Saviour's  cross." 

Again,  as  to  the  opinion  that  it  is  because 
of  their  being  in  this  body  of  humiliation  or 
body  of  death  that  men  are  called  children  of 
wrath,  he  says,  in  commenting  on  the  words' 
^  We  were  the  children  of  wrath,  even  as 
others.'  (Comm.  on  Ephes.  on  this  verse, 
some  way  down.) 


5  Eph.  i,  17. 
2  Ps.  xxii,  27 


3  There  is  no  chapter  numbered  37. 
*  Comrp.  on  Eph.  i,  22. 


^  I  Cor.  XV,  25. 

6  Job  XXV,  5. 

7  Eph.  ii,  3. 


"  We  must  hold  that  men  are  by  nature  chil- 
dren of  wrath  because  of  this  '  '  body  of  humilia- 
tion '  and  ^ '  body  of  death,'  and  because  ^ '  the 
heart  of  man  is  disposed  to  evil  from  his  youth.'" 

Again,  on  the  opinion  that  there  is  first  a 
creation  of  the  soul  and  afterwards  a  fashion- 
ing of  the  body  he  says  (at  the  same  passage, 
a  long  way  down) 

"And  observe  carefully  that  he  does  not  say, 
*  We  are  his  forming  and  fashioning,  but  '*  '  We 
are  his  making.'  For  '  fashioning  '  implies  the  fact 
of  man's  origin  from  the  slim.e  of  the  earth:  but 
'  making'  from  his  origin  according  to  the  image 
and  similitude  of  God.  And  this  distinction  is 
confirmed  by  the  words  of  the  11 8th  Psalm  ^-'Thy 
hands  have  made  me  and  fashioned  me."  '  Mak- 
ing' has  the  first  place,  '  fashioning'  comes  after.'* 

Are  there  any  other  things  which  he 
wishes  us  to  condemn.^  He  has  only  to 
mention  them,  and  we  can  draw  them  out 
from  his  own  books,  or  rather  from  the 
bottom  of  his  own  heart.  For  instance.  We 
are  to  condemn  as  a  pestilent  assertion  that 
the  natine  of  human  souls  and  of  angels  is 
the  same.  But  let  us  see  what  his  own 
opinion  is  on  this  point  as  given  in  the 
books  which  he  specially  puts  before  us  as 
containing  the  pattern  of  his  profession  and 
his  rule  of  faith.  Turn  to  the  passage,  ^  "  He 
came  and  preached  peace  to  them  which 
were  afar  oflf  and  to  them  that  were  nigh." 
His  comment  on  this  first  expounds  the 
words  of  Jews  and  Gentiles,  and  then  goes 
on  : 

"  This  has  been  said  in  accordance  with  the 
Vulgate'  translation.  But,  if  a  man  reads  the 
words  of  the  Apostle  when  he  says  of  Christ, 
^  "Making  peace  through  the  blood  of  his  cross  for 
those  that  are  in  earth  and  for  those  that  are  in 
heaven  "  and  the  rest  that  is  said  in  that  place,  he 
will  not  consider  that  it  is  we  who  are  called  the 
spiritual  Israel  are  intended  by  '  those  afar  off,' 
and  that  the  Jews,  who  are  merely  called  'Israel 
after  the  flesh  '  are  '  those  who  are  nigh.'  He  will 
modify  the  whole  meaning  of  the  passage,  and 
apply  it  to  the  angels  and  the  heavenly  powers 
and  to  human  souls,  and  as  implying  that  Christ 
by  his  blood  joined  together  things  in  earth  and 
things  in  heaven  which  before  were  at  variance, 
who  brought  back  the  sheep  which  had  grown 
sickly  upon  the  mountains  to  be  with  the  rest,  and 
put  back  the  last  piece  of  money  among  those 
which    had  before   been    safe." 

39.  You  observe  how  much  difference  he 
makes  between  the  souls  of  men  and  the 
angels.     Merely  the  difference  between  the 

1  Phil,  iii,  21.  4  Workmanship  Eng.  Ver.  Eph.  ii,  10. 

2  Rom.  vii,  24.  ^  With  us  Ps.  cxix,  73. 

3  Gen.  viii,  21.  ^  Eph.  ii,  17. 

"  That  is,  the  old  Latin  Version,  then  commonly  used,  or 
Vulgata.  It  was  superseded  by  Jerome's  Version,  which  in 
its  turn  became  the  Vulg'ate. 

8  Col.  i,  20,  slightly  altered. 


456 


RUFINUS. 


one  sheep  and  the  others,  between  one 
drachma  and  the  rest.  But  he  adds  some- 
thing more,  a  little  way  further;   he  says  : 

"As  to  what  the  Apostle  says,  *'  That  he  might 
create  in  himself  of  two  one  new  man,  so  making 
peace,"  though  it  seems  to  be  even  more  applicable 
than  the  former  passage  to  the  case  of  Jews  and 
Gentiles,  it  may  be  adapted  to  our  understanding 
of  the  passage  in  this  way  :  We  may  suppose  him 
to  mean  that  man,  who  was  made  after  the  image 
and  similitude  of  God,  is  after  his  reconciliation  to 
receive  the  same  form  which  the  angels  now  have 
and  he  has  lost :  and  he  calls  him  a  new  man 
because  he  is  renewed  day  by  day,  and  is  to  dwell 
in  the  new  world." 

The  souls  of  men  then,  differ,  according  to 
him,  from  the  angels  as  sheep  from  sheep  or  as 
drachma  from  drachma  ;  and  men  will  have 
that  form  hereafter  which  the  angels  now 
have,  but  which  men  once  had  and  had  lost. 
If  then  there  is  no  difference  between  them 
in  nature,  in  shape  or  in  form,  I  wonder 
that  our  learned  man  is  not  ashamed  to  con- 
demn another  person  for  saying  what  he 
himself  has  said,  and  especially  when  you 
observe  that  this  is  an  exposition  not  of  the 
Vulgate  rendering  but  of  the  real  meaning 
of  the  Apostle.  But  see  what  is  added 
further  in  the  same  place.  He  presently 
says : 

*'  And  the  creation  of  the  new  man  will  be  fully 
and  completely  perfected  when  things  in  heaven 
and  things  in  earth  shall  be  joined  in  one,  and  we 
have  access  to  the  Father  in  one  spirit,  in  one 
feelmg  and  mind.  There  is  something  similar 
suggested  by  Paul  to  all  thoughtful  readers  in 
another  Epistle  (though  some  do  not  receive  it  as 
his),  in  these  words  :  ^  "  All  these,  having  had  wit- 
ness borne  of  their  faith,  received  not  the  promise, 
God  having  provided  some  better  thing  for  us, 
that  apart  from  us  they  should  not  be  made  per- 
fect.'' For  this  reason  the  whole  creation  ^  groans 
and  travails  with  pain  in  sympathy  with  us  who 
groan  in  this  tabernacle,  who  have  conceived  in 
the  womb  by  the  fear  of  God,^  and  are  in  grief  and 
waif  for  the  revelation  of  the  sons  of  God;  and  it 
waits  to  be  delivered  from  the  vanity  of  the 
bondage  to  which  it  is  now  subject ;  so  that  there 
may  be  one  shepherd  and  one  flock,  and  that  the 
petition  in  the  Lord's  Prayer  may  be  fulfilled, 
"  Thy  will  be  done  in  earth  as  it  is  in  heaven."  " 

We  are  to  understand  then  that  things  in 
heaven  and  those  on  earth,  that  is,  Angels 
and  men,  formerly  had  one  form  and  one 
sheepfold,  and  that  so  it  will  be  in  their 
future  restoration,  since  Christ  will  come  to 
make  both  into  one  flock,  and  men  are  to  be 
what  angels  now  are,  and  what  they,  that 
is  their  souls,  previously  were.     I  ask  then, 

'  Heb.  xi,  39,  40.  2  Rom.  viii,  22. 

'  ^ui  a  timore  Dei  in  utero  concepimus.  The  expression 
is  meant  to  carry  out  the  metaphor  of  the  word  avi'wSivei. 
**  travaileth  together." 


with  what  face  you  can  mock,  as  we  lately 
saw  you,  so  pleasantly,  or  rather  not  pleas- 
antly at  all  but  scurrilously,  at  those  poor 
women  who,  striking  their  bellies  and  thighs, 
said  that  they  should  not  after  the  resurrec- 
tion have  those  frail  bodies  but  would  be 
like  the  angels  and  have  a  life  like  theirs. 
You  reprove  with  bitter  raillery  these  poor 
women  for  saying  the  very  things  which  are 
now  produced  as  passages  from  these  selected 
Commentaries  of  yours.  Do  not  you  think 
this  is  somewhat  as  if  a  man  w^ere  to  accuse 
another  of  theft,  while  he  had  the  very  thing 
that  had  been  stolen  concealed  in  the  bosom 
of  his  toga ;  and  as  if,  after  inveighing 
against  the  supposed  thief  in  a  long  and  mag- 
nificent peroration,  after  bringing  forward 
witnesses  and  taking  the  oath  in  due  form, 
he  should  have  the  stolen  article  extracted 
from  his  toga  which  he  supposed  himself  to 
have  convicted  another  of  stealing;. 

There  is  another  point.  You  find  fault  with 
others  because,  when  questions  are  asked 
them  about  such  matters,  they  do  not  answer 
at  once,  but  hesitate  and  use  gestures  rather 
than  words.  Yet  you  say  that  the  Apostle 
does  much  the  same,  at  least,  that  he  '  insin- 
uates'something  of  this  kind  in  his  Epistle 
to  thoughtful  men.  If  Paul  does  not  plainly 
declare  these  things,  but  'insinuates'  them, 
and  this  not  to  everybody  but  only  to  thought- 
ful people,  why  do  you,  whom  we  are  bring- 
ing to  see  your  errors,  laugh  at  us  poor 
creatures  when  we  say  about  things  which 
the  Apostle  has  not  plainly  declared  either 
that  we  do  not  know,  or  that  we  stand  in 
doubt,  and  that,  since  w^e  do  not  get  a  full  un- 
derstanding but  a  hint  of  his  meaning,  we  do 
not  declare  but  suggest  an  explanation.  If  the 
things  which  eye  hath  not  seen  nor  ear  heard, 
and  which  have  not  entered  into  the  heart 
of  man  have  been  revealed  to  you  ;  if  you 
have  attained  to  that  which  is  perfect,  and  that 
which  is  in  part  is  d6ne  away  for  you  ;  shout 
aloud  and  proclaim  the  truth,  and  make 
quite  plain  the  things  which  you  say  the 
Apostle  '  insinuates,'  since  not  only  what  he 
insinuates  but  what  he  asserts,  as  you  tell 
us,  now  falls  under  your  ban.  AJl  these 
things  on  which  you  now  desire  us  to  pro- 
nounce anathema  are  those  which  you  had 
ascribed  to  the  Apostle  in  your  exposition  of 
his  words,  and  had  taught  as  contained  in 
the  scope  of  his  statements. 

40.  There  are  one  or  two  more  things  on 
which  he  wishes  condemnation  to  be  passed. 
One  is  this  :  that  these  men  say  that  the  body 
is  a  prison,  and  like  a  chain  round  the  soul ; 
and  that  thev  assert  that  the  soul  does  not 
depart,    but   returns  to   the    place  where   it 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    I. 


457 


originally  was.  Let  me  give  quotations  to 
show  his  opinion  on  this  point  also.  In  the 
second  book  of  these  Commentaries,  on  the 
passage  "  For  this  cause,  I,  Paul,  the  prisoner 
of  Jesus  Christ,"  he  says,  a  little  way  down  ; 

**  The  Apostle  in  several  passages  calls  the  body 
the  chain  of  the  soul,  because  the  soul  is  kept  shut 
up  as  it  were  in  a  prison;  and  thus  we  may  speak 
of  Paul  being  kept  close  in  the  bonds  of  the  body 
and  does  not  return  to  be  with  Christ,  so  that  his 
preaching  to  the  Gentiles  maybe  perfectly  accom- 
plished." 

And  again  in  the  third  book  of  these  Com- 
mentaries, on  the  words,  ''  for  which  I  am 
an  ambassador  in  chains,"  '  after  some  dis- 
cussion of  the  passage,  he  speaks  in  the  char- 
acter of  that  '  other'  which  is  himself: 

"Another  contends  that  he  speaks  thus  because 
of  the  ^  body  of  our  humiliation  and  the  chain  with 
which  we  are  encompassed,  so  that  we  ^  know  not 
yet  as  we  ought  to  knows  and  see  *  by  means  of 
a  mirror  in  a  riddle  :  and  that  he  will  be  able  to 
disclose  the  mysteries  of  the  Gospel  only  when  he 
has  cast  off  this  chain  and  gone  forth  free  from  his 
prison.  Yet  perhaps  even  in  chains  that  man  may 
be  considered  as  free  who  has  his  conversation  in 
heaven,  and  of  whom  it  may  be  said  :  ^  "  You  are 
not  in  the  prison  nor  in  the  flesh,  but  in  the  spirit, 
if  so  be  that  the  spirit  of  God  dwelleth   in  you." 

And  in  the  Commentary  on  Paul's  Epistle 
to  Philemon,  at  the  place  where  he  says 
*  ''  Epaphras  my  fellow-prisoner  greeteth 
you,"    some    way   down    he    says : 

"  Possibly,  however,  as  some  think,  a  more 
recondite  and  mysterious  view  is  set  before  us, 
namely,  that  the  two  companions  had  been  cap- 
tured and  bound  and  brought  down  into  this  vale 
of  tears." 

41.  You  see  how  he  represents  these 
opinions  as  things  which  are  held  as  a  kind 
of  esoteric  mystery  by  certain  persons,  of 
whom,  however,  he  is  one,  as  we  have 
shewn  over  and  over  again  :  only,  he  uses 
this  figure  of  speech  so  that  he  may  escape 
the  imputations  attached  to  this  mystic  gnosis. 
You  see,  he  will  tell  us,  how  the  matter 
•stands.  You  would  never  think  of  attribut- 
ing to  me  the  opinion  that  all  things  are 
eventually  to  be  restored  to  one  condition, 
and  to  be  made  up  again  into  one  body.  I 
beg  you  not  to  impute  this  to  me.  If  I  say 
that  an  opinion  is  another  man's,  let  it  be 
another's  ;  if  you  afterwards  find  any  opinion 
written  down  without  any  'other'  person 
being  thrown  in,  you  will  be  right  in  ascrib- 
ing it  to  me.  What  then.^  are  we  to  lose 
the  fruit  of  all  the    trouble  we    have   taken 


1  Eph.  vi,  20. 

2  Col.  iii,  21. 


3  I  Cor.  viii,  2. 
*  I  Cor.  xiii,  12. 


5  Rom.  viii,  9. 

6  Philem.  23. 


further  back  on  this  point  .^  Such  is  the 
powder  of  efirontery.  However,  let  it  be  as 
he  chooses ;  I  put  aside  the  truth  of  the 
matter  and  accept  his  own  terms  ;  but  he  will 
still  be  convicted.  I  will  refer  on  the  matter 
now  in  hand  to  the  second  book  of  these 
Commentaries,  at  the  passage  ^  "  Giving  dil- 
igence to  keep  the  unity  of  the  Spirit  in  the 
bond  of  peace.  There  is  one  body  and  one 
spirit,  even  as  ye  were  called  in  one  hope  of 
your  calling."  After  several  remarks,  he 
proceeds : 

"The  question  arises  how  there  can  be  one  hope 
of  our  calling,  when  in  the  Father's  house  there  are 
many  mansions  :  to  which  we  reply  that  the  king- 
dom of  heaven  is  the  one  hope  of  our  calling,  as 
being  the  one  house  of  our  Father's  but  that  in  one 
house  there  are  many  mansions  or  rooms.  For 
there  is  one  glory  of  the  sun,  another  of  the  mioon, 
another  of  the  stars.  But  certainly  it  is  possible 
that  there  is  a  deeper  meaning,  namely,  that  in  the 
consummation  of  the  world,  all  things  are  to  be 
restored  to  their  primitive  condition,  and  that  then 
we  shall  all  be  made  one  body,  and  formed  anew  into 
the  perfect  man,  and  that  thus  the  Saviour's  Prayer 
will  be  fulfilled  in  us,  ^  '  Father,  grant  that,  as  thou 
and  I  are  one,  so  they  also  may  be  one  in  us.'" 

42.  I  have  given  you  one  instance  in 
which  he  has  expressed  his  own  opinion 
without  any  ambiguity  on  the  universal 
resurrection.  I  will  give  one  more,  and 
with  this  bring  to  an  end  the  first  book  of 
my  Apology.  His  statements,  indeed,  on 
this  point  are  innumerable.  The  one  I  select 
is  on  the  passage  where  it  is  written : 
^  "  From  whom  all  the  body,  fitly  framed  and 
knit  together  through  that  w^hich  every  joint 
supplieth  according  to  the  working  in  due 
measure  of  each  several  part,  maketh  the 
increase  of  the  body  unto  the  building  up  of 
itself  in  love."     He  begins  thus  : 

"  In  the  end  of  all  things,  when  we  shall  have 
begun  to  know  God  face  to  face,  and  shall  have 
come  to  the  measure  of  the  age  ^  of  the  ful- 
ness of  Christ,  of  whose  fulness  we  all  have 
received,^  so  that  Christ  will  not  be  in  us  in  part 
but  wholly,  and,  leaving  the  rudiments  of  babes, 
we  shall  have  grown  into  the  perfect  man,  of 
whom  the  Prophet  says,  ^  '•'  Behold  the  man  whose 
name  is  the  East,"  ancj  whom  John  the  Baptist 
announces  in  the  words  :  '  *'  After  me  cometh  a  man 
who  has  come  to  be**  before  me,  for  he  was  before 
me";  then  by  the  concurrence  in  a  common  faith, 
and  in  a  common  recognition  of  the  Son  of  God, 
whom  now  through  the  variety  of  men's  minds  we 
cannot  know  and  recognize  with  one  and  the  same 
faith,  the  whole  body,  which  before  had  been 
disintegrated  and  torn  into  many  parts,  will  be 
joined  and  fitted  together,  and  brought  into  one; 
so  that  there  will   be  but  one  administration,  and 


1  Eph.  iv,  3.  3  Eph.  iv,  16. 

2  John  xvii,  21  slightly  altered. 

4  Eph.  iv,  13.    The  Greek  word  means  either  age  or  stature, 
sjohni,  16.  cZech.  vi,  12.    The  Branch,  Eng.  Ver. 

^  John  i,  30.  8  Anie  me  /actus  est. 


458 


RUFINUS. 


one  and  the  same  operation,  and  an  absolute 
perfection  of  the  one  age,^  whereby  the  whole 
body  will  grow  equally,  and  all  its  members  accord- 
ing to  their  measure  will  receive  an  increase  of  age. 
But  this  whole  process  of  up-building,  by  which 
the  body  of  the  church  is  increased  in  all  its  mem- 
bers, will  be  completed  by  mutual  love.  We  can 
understand  the  whole  mass  of  rational  creatures  by 
the  example  of  a  single  rational  animal;  and 
whatever  we  say  of  the  single  creature,  we  may  be 
sure  will  be  applicable  to  every  creature.  Let  us 
imagine  this  creature,  then,  to  have  had  all  its 
limbs,  veins  and  flesh  so  torn  apart  that  neither 
bone  should  cleave  to  bone  nor  muscle  be 
joined  to  muscle,  that  the  eyes  lie  in  one  place 
apart,  the  nose  in  another,  that  the  hands  are 
placed  here  and  the  feet  thrown  out  there,  and  the 
rest  of  the  members  are  in  a  similar  way  dispersed 
and  divided.  Then  let  us  suppose  that  a  physician 
arrives  on  the  spot,  of  such  skill  as  to  be  able  to 
imitate  the  acts  of  ^sculapius,  as  told  in  the 
stories  ot  the  heathen,  and  to  raise  up  a  new  form, 
the  new  man  Virbius.^  It  will  be  necessary  for 
him  to  restore  each  member  to  its  own  place,  to 
couple  joint  to  joint,  and  to  replace  the  various 
parts  and  glue  them  together,  so  as  to  make 
the  body  one  again.  So  far  this  single  compari- 
son has  carried  us.  But  now  let  us  take  another 
typical  case,  so  as,  by  a  similar  illustration  to  make 
clear  that  which  we  wish  to  have  understood.  A 
child  is  growing  up;  moment  by  moment,  though 
the  process  is  hidden  from  us,  he  is  tending  to 
perfect  maturity.  His  hands  enlarge,  his  feet 
undergo  a  proportional  increase;  the  belly,  though 
we  cannot  see  it,  is  filled,  the  shoulders  widen 
unmarked  by  the  eyes,  and  all  the  members  in 
each  part  grow  according  to  their  measure,  but  in 
such  a  way  that  they  evidently  increase  not  for 
themselves  but  for  the  body.  So  will  it  be  in  the 
time  ot  the  restitution  of  all  things,  when  the  true 
physician  Jesus  Christ,  shall  come  to  restore  to 
health  the  whole  body  of  the  church  which  is  now 
dispersed  and  torn.  Every  one,  according  to  the 
measure  of  his  faith  and  his  recognition  of  the 
Son  of  God  (it  is  called  recognition  because  he 
first  knew  him  and  afterwards  ceased  from  knowing 
him),  will  receive  his  proper  place,  and  will  begin 
to  be  what  he  once  had  been  :  not  that,  according 
to  another  opinion  which  is  a  heresy,^  all  will  be 
placed  in  one  condition,'*  that  is,  all  restored  to  the 
condition  of  Angels,  but  that  every  member  will 
be  perfected  according  to  its  measure  and  office : 
for  instance,  that  the  apostate  angel  will  begin  to 
be  that  which  he  was  originally  made,  and  man 
who  had  been  cast  out  of  the  garden  of  Eden  will 
be  brought  back  to  cultivate  the  garden  again. 
But  all  these  things  will  be  so  constituted  that 
they  will  be  joined  to  one  another  by  mutual  love, 
each  member  rejoicing  with  its  fellow  and  being 
gladdened  by  its  advancement ;  and  so  the  church 
of  the  first  born,  the  body  of  Christ,  will  dwell  in 
the  heavenly  Jerusalem  which  the  Apostle  in 
another  place  calls  the  mother  of  the  Saints." 

43.      These    things  which   yon    have    said 
are   read  by  all  who  know  Latin,   and  you 


1  Or  stature,  see  above. 

2  Formerly  Hippolytus.    See  the  story  in  Ovid,  Met.  xv.  544. 
3 Or,   *'  according:  to  another  heresy  "  —  yuxta  aliam  hoere- 

sim.     See  Jer.  Apol.  i,  27. 

*Lit.  agre.  The  word  may  come  either  from  taking-  the 
wronif  meaning  of  the  Greek  word  for  Stature,  or  may  be  a 
synonym  for  the  word  ^on,  which  would  here  mean  a  range 
or  order  of  being. 


yourself  request  them  to  read  them :  such 
sayings,  I  mean  as  these :  that  all  rational 
creatures,  as  can  be  imagined  by  taking  a 
single  rational  animal  as  an  example,  are  to 
be  formed  anew  into  one  body,  just  as  if  the 
members  of  a  single  man  after  being  torn 
apart  should  be  formed  anew  by  the  art  of 
^sculapius  into  the  same  solid  body  as 
before :  that  there  will  be  among  them  as 
amongst  the  members  of  the  body  various 
offices,  which  you  specify,  but  that  the  body 
will  be  one,  that  is,  of  one  nature :  this  one 
body  made  up  of  all  things  you  call  the 
original  church,  and  to  this  you  give  the 
name  of  the  body  of  Christ ;  and  further  you 
say  that  one  member  of  this  church  will  be 
the  apostate  angel,  that  is,  of  course,  the 
devil,  who  is  to  be  formed  anew  into  that 
which  he  was  first  created :  that  man  in  the 
same  way,  who  is  another  of  the  members, 
will  be  recalled  to  the  culture  of  the  garden 
of  Eden  as  its  original  husbandman.  All 
those  things  you  say  one  after  the  other, 
without  bringing  in  the  person  of  that 
'  other '  whom  you  usually  introduce  when 
you  speak  of  such  matters  cautiously?  and 
like  one  treading  warily,  so  as  to  make  inen 
think  that  you  had  some  hesitation  in  decid- 
ing matters  so  secret  and  abstruse.  Origen 
indeed,  the  man  whose  disciple  you  do  not 
deny  that  you  are,  and  whose  betrayer  you 
confess  yourself  to  be,  always  did  this,  as 
we  see,  in  dealing  with  such  matters.  But 
you,  as  if  you  were  the  angel  speaking  by 
the  mouth  of  Daniel  or  Christ  by  that  of 
Paul,  give  a  curt  and  distinct  opinion  on 
each  point,  and  declare  to  the  ears  of  mortals 
all  the  secrets  of  the  ao^es  to  come.  Then 
you  speak  thus  to  us :  "  O  multitude  of  the 
faithful,  place  no  faith  in  any  of  the  ancients. 
If  Origen  had  some  thoughts  about  the  more 
secret  facts  of  the  divine  purposes,  let  none  of 
you  admit  them.  And  similarly  if  one  of  the 
Clements  said  any  such  things,  whether  he  who 
was  a  disciple  of  the  apostle  or  he  of  the  church 
of  Alexandria  who  was  the  master  of  Origen 
himself ;  yes  even  if  they  were  said  by  the 
great  Gregory  of  Pontus,  a  man  of  apostolic 
virtues,  or  by  the  other  Gregory,  of  Nazianzus, 
and  Didymus  the  seeing  ^  prophet,  both  of 
them  my  teachers,  than  whom  the  world  has 
possessed  none  more  deeply  taught  in  the 
faith  of  Christ.  All  these  have  erred  as 
Origen  has  erred ;  but  let  them  be  forgiven, 
for  I  too  have  erred  at  times,  and  I  am  now 
behaving  myself  as  a  penitent,  and  ought  to 
be  forgiven.     But  Origen,   since  he  said  the 


^  Didymus,  the  blind  teacher  of  Alexandria.  Jerome  who 
admired  him,  though  he  was  a  disciple  of  Origen,  delights  in 
calling  him,  in  contrast  to  his  blindness,  the  Seer. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    I. 


459 


same  things  which  I  have  said,  shall  receive 
no  forgiveness  though  he  has  done  penance ; 
nay,  for  saying  the  things  w^hich  we  all  have 
said,  he  alone  shall  be  condemned.  He  it  is 
vs^ho  has  done  all  the  mischief ;  he  who 
betrayed  to  us  the  secret  of  all  that  we  say  or 
write,  of  all  which  makes  us  seem  to  speak 
learnedly,  of  all  that  was  good  in  Greek  but 
which  we  have  made  bad  in  Latin.  Of  all 
these  let  no  man  listen  to  a  single  one. 
Accept  those  things  alone  which  you  find  in 
my  Commentaries,  and  especially  in  those 
on  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  in  which  I 
have  most  painfully  confuted  the  doctrines 
of  Origen.  My  researches  have  reached  this 
result,  that  you  must  believe  and  hold  the 
resurrection  of  the  flesh  in  this  sense  that 
men's  bodies  will  be  turned  into  spirits  and 
their  wives  into  men ;  and  that  before  the 
foundation  of  the  world  souls  existed  in 
heaven,  and  thence,  for  reasons  known  to 
God  alone,  were  brought  down  into  this 
valley  of  tears,  and  were  inserted  into  this 
body  of  death ;  that,  in  the  end  of  the  ages 
the  whole  of  nature,  being  reasonable,  will 
be  fashioned  again  into  one  body  as  it  was  in 
the  beginning,  that  man  will  be  recalled  into 
Paradise,  and  the  apostate  angel  will  be 
exalted  above  Peter  and  Paul,  since  they, 
being  but  men,  must  be  placed  in  the  lower 
position  of  paradise,  while  he  will  be  re- 
stored to  be  that  which  he  was  originally 
created ;  and  that  all  shall  together  make  up 
the  Church  of  the  first  born  in  heaven,  and, 
while  placed  each  in  his  separate  office,  shall 
be  equally  members  of  Christ :  but  all  of 
them  taken  together  will  be  the  perfect  body 
of  Christ.  Hold  then  to  these  things,  my 
faithful  and  discreet  disciples,  and  guard 
them  as  my  unhesitating  definitions  of  truth ; 
but  for  the  same  doctrines  pronounce  your 
condemnation  upon  Origen ;  so  you  will  do 
well.     Fare  ye  well.'* 

44.  You  do  all  this,  you  know  well  enough, 
laughing  at  us  in  your  sleeve :  and  you  pro- 
fess penitence  merely  to  deceive  those  to 
whom  you  write.  Even  if  your  penitence 
is  sincere,  as  it  should  be,  what  is  to  become 
of  all  those  souls  who  for  so  many  years 
have  been  led  astray  by  this  poisonous  doc- 


trine as  you  call  it  which  you  then  professed. 
Besides,  who  will  ever  mend  his  ways  on 
account  of  your  penitence,  when  that  very 
document,  in  which  you  are  at  once  the 
penitent,  the  accuser  and  the  judge,  sends 
your  readers  back  to  those  same  doctrines  as 
those  which  they  are  to  read  and  to  hold. 
Lastly,  even  if  these  things  were  not  so,  yet 
you  yourself,  after  your  penitence,  have 
stopped  up  every  avenue  of  forgiveness.  You 
say  that  Origen  himself  repented  of  these 
doctrines,  and  that  he  sent  a  document  to 
that  effect  to  Fabian  who  was  at  that  time 
Bishop  of  the  city  of  Rome  ;  and  yet  after 
this  repentance  of  his,  and  after  he  has  been 
dead  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  you  drag- 
him  into  court  and  call  for  his  condemnation. 
How  is  it  possible  then  that  you  should  re- 
ceive forgiveness,  even  though  you  repent, 
since  he  who  before  was  penitent  for  emitting- 
those  doctrines  gains  no  forgiveness?  He 
wrote  just  as  you  have  written  :  he  repented 
as  you  have  repented.  You  ought  there- 
fore either  both  of  you  to  be  absolved  for 
your  repentance,  or,  if  you  refuse  forgiveness 
to  a  penitent  (which  I  do  not  desire  to  see 
you  insist  upon),  to  be  both  of  you  equally 
condemned.  There  is  a  parable  of  the  Gos- 
pel which  illustrates  this.  A  woman  taken 
in  adultery  was  brought  before  our  Lord  by 
the  Jews,  so  that  they  might  see  what  judg- 
ment he  vs^ould  pronounce  according  to  the 
law.  He,  the  merciful  and  pitying  Lord,, 
said:  "He  that  is  without  sin  among  you 
let  him  first  cast  a  stone  at  her."  And  then, 
it  is  said,  they  all  departed.  The  Jews,  im- 
pious and  unbelieving  though  they  were,  yet 
blushed  through  their  own  consciousness  of 
guilt ;  ^  since  they  were  sinners,  they  would 
not  appear  publicly  as  executing  vengeance 
on  sinners.  And  the  robber  upon  the  cross, 
said  to  the  other  robber  who  was  hanging 
like  him  on  a  cross,  and  was  blaspheming, 
"Dost  not  thou  fear  God,  seeing  we  are  in 
the  same  condemnation  ?  "  But  we  condemn 
in  others  the  things  of  which  we  ourselves 
are  conscious  ;  yet  we  neither  blush  like  the 
Jews  nor  are  softened  like  the  robber. 

1  John  viii,  9, 


46o  RUFINUS. 


RUFINUS'    APOLOGY. 


BOOK  II. 

1.  Jerome  says  that  the  defenders  of  Origen  are  united  in  a  federation  of  perjury. 

2.  Jerome's  commentaries  on  Ephesians  follow  Origen's  interpretation  of  the  texts  about  a  secret  federation 

to  whom  higher  truths  are  to  be  told. 

3.  But  I  follow  Christ  in  condemning  all  falsehood. 

4.  Jerome  has  not  only  allowed  perjury  but  has  practised  it. 

5.  His  treatise  on  Virginity  (Ep.  xxii  to  Eustochium)  defames  all  orders  of  Christians. 

6.  In  his  anti-Ciceronian  dream  he  promised  never  to  read  or  possess  heathen  books. 

7.  Yet  his  works  are  filled  with  quotations  from  them. 

8.  In  his  "  Best  mode  of  Translation  "  he  reHes  on  the  opinions  of  Cicero  and  Horace. 

9.  He  confesses  his  obligations  to  Porphyry^ 

8  (2).  Jerome  at  Bethlehem  had  heathen  books  copied  and  taught  them  to  boys. 

9  (2).  He  condemns  as  heathenish  unobjectionable  views  which  he  himself  holds. 
10  (2).  He  spoke  of  Paula  impiously  as  the  mother-in-law  of  God. 

11.  Such  impiety  is  unpardonable. 

12.  Jerome's  boast  of  his  teachers,  Didymus  and  the  Jew  Baranina. 

13.  His  extravagant  praises  of  Origen. 

14.  Preface  to  Origen  on  Canticles. 

15.  Preface  to  Commentary  on  Micah. 

16.  Book  of  Hebrew  Names. 

17.  A  story  of  Origen. 

18.  Pamphilus  the  Martyr  and  his  Library. 

19.  Jerome  praises  Origen  but  condemns  others  for  doing  the  same. 

20.  Jerome  praises  the  dogmatic  as  well  as  the  expository  works  of  OrigeiL 

21.  Contrast  of  Jerome's  earlier  and  later  attitude  towards  Origen. 

22.  The  Book  of  Hebrew  Questions. 

23.  Jerome's  attack  upon  Ambrose. 

24.  Preface  to  Didymus  on  the  Holy  Spirit. 

25.  Jerome  attacks  one  Christian  writer  after  another. 

26.  His  treatment  of  Melania. 

27.  I  never  followed  Jerome's  errors,  for  which  he  should  do  penance. 
27  a.  But  I  followed  his  method  of  translation. 

28.  Jerome  in  condemning  me  condemns  himself. 

29.  He  says  I  shew  Origen  to  be  heretical,  yet  condemns  me. 

30.  His  pretence  that  the  Apology  for  Origen  is  not  by  Pamphilus  needs  no  answer. 

31.  Others  did  not  translate  the  Yiepl  'Ap,Y^~w  because  they  did  not  know  Greek. 

32.  Jerome's  translation  of  the  Scriptures  impugned. 
-ifZ-  Authority  of  the  LXX. 

34.  Has  the  Church  had  spurious  Scriptures? 

35.  Danger  of  altering  the  Versions  of  Scripture. 

36.  Origen's  Hexapla  —  Its  object. 

37.  St.  Paul's  method  of  dealing  with  erring  brethren. 
'^%.  How  Jerome  should  have  replied  to  Pammachius. 

39.  The  Books  against  Jovinian. 

40.  My  translation  of  the  Tl^pl  'A/);f6Jt'  was  meant  to  aid  in  a  good  cause. 

41.  42,  43.    Recapitulation  of  the  Apology. 

44.  An  appeal  to  Pammachius. 

45,  46.    Why  my  translations  of  Origen  had  created  offence,  but  Jerome's  not. 
47.  A  Synod,  if  called  on  to  condemn  Origen,  must  condemn  Jerome  also. 


In  the  first  book  of  my  Apology  I  have  dealt 
with  the  accusations  of  dogmatic  error  which 
he  endeavours  unjustly  to  fix  upon  others,  and 
have,  by  producing  his  own  testimony, 
turned  them  back  against  him.  In  the 
second  book,  I  shall  be  able,  now^  that  I 
have  settled  and  put  aside  the  matters  w^hich 
have  to  do  with  controversies  of  faith,  more 
confidentlv    to    reply    to    him    on    the    other 

l-.,^«  ^Ir.  ^-C  \^\r,  ^^ ^^4-:^.,  T?^,.  4-U^..^  :     .,        4-1  portant   subjects,    disconnected,    and    thrown   out  like   things 

iieads  Ot  his  accusation.       1^  or  there  is  another  l  scattered  or  strewn  on  the  ground. 


and  a  very  grave  accusation,  which  has,  like 
the  former,  to  be  cut  dov^n  by  the  scythe  of 
truth.  It  is  this.  He  says '  that  certain 
persons  have  joined  themselves  to  Origen 
in  a  secret  society  of  perjury,  and  that  the 
forms  of  initiation  are  to  be  found  in  the 
Sixth  book    of    his    Miscellanies :  ^  and   that 

1  Letter  Ixxxiv.  3  (end). 

"  Stroniateis,   meaning  collections  of   short   essays  on   im- 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    II. 


461 


this  mystery  has  been  detected  by  no  one 
but  himself  through  all  this  space  of  time. 
I  should  only  excite  his  ridicule  were  I  to 
declare,  even  with  an  oath,  that  I  was  an 
entire  stranger  to  such  a  secret  society  of 
perjury.  The  road  by  which  I  propose  to 
reach  the  declaration  of  the  truth  is  more 
direct :  it  is  by  proving,  which  I  can  do 
quite  easily,  that  I  have  never  possessed 
those  books  nor  borrowed  them  from  others 
to  read.  Not  only  cannot  I  defend  myself 
from  an  accusation  the  meaning  of  which  I 
do  not  know,  but  I  do  not  see  how  a  matter 
can  be  made  the  subject  of  a  charge  against 
me  as  to  which  1  do  not  even  know  what 
it  is,  or  whether  it  exists  at  all.  I  only  know 
that  my  accuser  declares  that  either  Origen 
wrote  or  his  disciples  hold,  that,  when  the 
Scripture  says  ''  He  that  speaketh  truth  with 
his  neighbour  "  the  words  apply  to  a  neighbour 
only  in  the  sense  of  one  of  the  initiated,  a 
inember  of  this  secret  society :  and  again 
that  the  Apostle's  words  "  We  speak  wisdom 
among  them  that  are  perfect "  and  the 
words  of  Christ  ''Give  not  that  which  is 
holy  unto  dogs,  neither  cast  ye  your  pearls 
before  swine,"  imply  that  truth  is  not  to  be 
communicated  to  all. 

2.  Let  us  see  what  my  adversary  himself 
says  on  this  point  in  those  Commentaries 
which  he  has  selected.  In  the  second  book, 
in  commenting  on  the  words '"  Wherefore, 
putting  away  lying,  speak  every  man  truth 
to  his  neighbour,  for  we  are  members  one 
of  another ''  (after  a  short  introduction)  he 
speaks   as   follows : 

"  Hence  Paul  himself,  who  was  one  of  the  per- 
fect, says  in  another  Epistle  *'  We  speak  wisdom 
among  them  that  are  perfect."  ^  This  then  is  what 
is  commanded,  that  those  mystic  and  secret  things, 
which  are  full  of  divine  truth,  should  be  spoken  by 
each  man  to  his  neighbour,  so  that  day  unto  day 
may  utter  speech  and  night  to  night  shew  knowl- 
edge,^ that  is,  that  a  man  should  show  all  those 
clear  and  lucid  truths  which  he  knows  to  those  to 
whom  the  words  can  be  worthily  addressed  :  **  Ye 
are  the  light  of  the  world."  '*  On  the  other  hand, 
he  should  exhibit  everything  involved  in  darkness 
and  wrapped  up  in  the  mist  of  symbols  to  others 
who  are  themselves  nothing  but  mist  and  darkness, 
those  of  whom  it  is  said  "  And  there  was  darkness 
under  his  feet,"^  that  is,  of  course,  under  the  feet 
of  God.  For  on  Mount  Sinai  Moses  enters  into 
the  whirlwind  and  the  mist  where  God  was  ;  and  it  is 
written  of  God,  "  He  has  made  darkness  his  secret 
place."  ^  Let  each  man  then  thus  speak  truth  in  a 
mystery  to  his  neighbour,  and  not  give  that  which 
is  holy  to  dogs  nor  cast  his  pearls  before  swine;  ' 
but  those  who  are  anointed  with  the  oil  of  truth, 
them  let  him  lead  into  the  bridechamber  of  the 
spouse,  into  the  inner  sanctuary  of  the  King." 


1  Eph.  iv,  25. 

2  I  Cor.  ii,  6. 
8  Ps.  xix,  2. 


4  Matt.  V,  14. 
6  Ps.  xviii,  9. 


c  Ps.  xviii,  II. 
7  Matt,  vii,  6. 


Observe,  I  beg  you,  look  carefully  and 
see  whether  in  all  this  passage  there  is 
any  one  else  but  himself  on  whom  the 
condemnation  can  fall.  If  his  adver- 
saries were  looking  for  an  opportunity 
of  convicting  and  destroying  him  on  the 
ground  of  what  he  has  written,  what 
other  course  could  they  take,  and  what  other 
testimonies  could  they  wish  to  produce 
against  him  than  these  which  he  produces 
against  himself  as  if  he  were  pleading 
against  another  ?  If  it  were  sought  to  pro- 
nounce a  condemnation  against  him,  his  own 
letter  w^ould  suffice.  You  have  only  to 
change  the  name ;  the  test  of  the  accusation 
suits  no  one  but  himself  alone.  What  he 
calls  on  us  on  the  one  hand  to  condemn,  he 
exhorts  us  on  the  other  hand  to  follow : 
what  he  asserts,  that  he  reproves  :  what  he 
hates,  that  he  does.  How  happy  must  be  his 
disciples  who  obey  and  imitate  him  ! 

3.  He  has  endeavoured,  indeed,  to  brand 
us  with  the  stain  of  this  false  teaching  by 
speaking  to  some  of  our  brethren,  and  he 
repeats  this  by  various  letters,  according  to 
his  recognized  plan  of  action.  It  is  nothing 
to  me  what  he  may  write  or  assert,  but, 
since  he  raises  this  question  about  a  doctrine 
of  perjury,  I  will  state  my  opinion  upon  it, 
and  then  leave  him  to  pass  judgment  upon 
himself.  It  is  this.  Since  our  Lord  and 
Saviour  says  in  the  Gospels  "  It  was  said  to 
them  of  old  time.  Thou  shalt  not  forswear 
thyself,  but  shalt  pay  to  the  Lord  thy  vows, 
but  I  say  unto  you,  Swear  not  at  all ;  "  ^  I  say 
that  every  one  who  teaches  that  for  any 
cause  whatever  we  may  sw^ear  falsely,  is 
alien  from  the  faith  of  Christ  and  from  the 
unity  of  the  catholic  church. 

4.  But  I  should  like,  now  that  I  have 
satisfied  you  on  my  ow^n  account,  and  sup- 
ported my  opinion  by  an  anathema,  to  make 
this  plain  to  you  further,  that  he  himself 
declares  that  in  certain  orgies  and  mystical 
societies  to  which  he  belongs  perjury  is 
practised  by  the  votaries  and  associates. 
That  is  a  certain  and  most  true  saying  of  our 
God,  *'  By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know  them,"  '^ 
and  this  also  ''A  tree  is  known  by  its 
fruits."  ^  Well :  he  says  that  I  have  ac- 
cepted this  doctrine  of  pei-jury.  If  then  I 
have  been  trained  to  this  practice,  and  this 
evil  tree  has  indeed  its  roots  within  me,  it  is 
impossible  but  that  corresponding  fruits 
should  have  grown  npon  me,  and  also  that 
I  should  have  gathered  some  society  of 
mystic  associates  around  me.  As  regards 
myself  whom  alone  he  seeks  to   injure  by  all 

1  Matt.  V,  33,  34.  2  Matt,  vii,  16-20.  »  Luke  vi,  44. 


462 


RUFINUS. 


that  he  writes,  I  will  not  bear  witness  to 
myself,  nor  will  I  say  that  there  are  cases  of 
necessity  in  which  it  is  right  to  swear :  for 
I  wish  to  avoid  reproach  through  timidity  if 
not  through  prudence ;  and,  at  all  events,  if 
I  fail  in  obedience  to  the  command,  I  will 
acknowledge  my  error.  I  will  therefore 
make  no  boast  of  this.  But,  whether  I  have 
erred  or  acted  prudently,  he  at  all  events  can 
lay  his  finger  on  no  act  of  mine  by  which  he 
can  convict  me.  But  I  can  shew  from  his 
writings,  that  he  not  only  holds  this  doctrine 
of  perjury,  but  practises  this  foul  vice  as  a 
sacred  duty.  I  will  bring  nothing  against 
him  which  has  been  trumped  up  by  ill  will, 
as  he  does  against  me ;  but  I  will  produce 
him  and  his  writings  as  witnesses  against  him- 
self, so  that  it  may  be  made  clear  that  it  is  not 
his  enemies  who  accuse  but  he  who  convicts 
himself. 

5.  When  he  was  living  at  Rome  he 
w^rote  ^  a  treatise  on  the  preservation  of  vir- 
ginity, which  all  the  pagans  and  enemies  of 
God,  all  apostates  and  persecutors,  and  w^ho- 
ever  else  hate  the  Christian  name,  vied  widi 
one  another  in  copying  out,  because  of  the 
infamous  charges  and  foul  reproaches  which 
it  contained  against  all  orders  and  degrees 
among  us,  against  all  who  profess  and  call 
themselves  Christians,  in  a  word,  against  the 
universal  church ;  and  also  because  this  man 
declared  that  the  crimes  imputed  to  us  by 
the  Gentiles,  which  were  before  supposed 
to  be  false  were  really  true,  and  indeed  that 
much  worse  things  were  done  by  our  people 
than  those  laid  to  their  charge.  First,  he 
defames  the  virgins  themselves  of  whose 
virtue  he  professed  to  be  writing,  speaking 
of  them  in  these  words  :  ^ 

"  Some  of  them  change  their  dress  and  wear  the 
costume  of  men,  and  are  ashamed  of  the  sex  in 
which  they  were  born;  they  cut  their  hair  short, 
and  raise  their  heads  with  the  shameless  stare  of 
eunuchs.  There  are  some  who  put  on  Cilician 
jackets,^  and  with  hoods  made  up  into  shape, 
make  themselves  like  horned  owls  and  night  birds, 
as  if  they  were  becoming  babies  again." 

There  are  a  thousand  such  calumnies,  and 
worse  than  these,  in  the  book.  He  does  not 
even  spare  widows,  for  he  says  of  them,^ 
"  They  care  for  nothing  but  the  belly  and 
what  is  next  it ;  "  and  he  adds  many  other 
obscene  remarks  of  this  kind.  As  to  the 
whole  race  of  Solitaries,  it  would  take  too 
long  to  give  the  passages  written  by  him  in 
w^hich  he  attacks  them  with  the  foulest  abuse. 

1  See  letter  xxii.  to  Eustochium.  In  it  Jerome  pointed  out 
the  worhiliness  of  professing  Christians,  and  the  inconsisten- 
cies  and  hypocrisies  of  many  of  the  clergy  and  monks. 

2  Letter  xxii.  c.  27  (end). 

3  Of  goats'  hair,  used  by  soldiers  and  sailors. 
^  T.ttter  xxii.  c.  29  (middle). 


It  would  be  a  shame  even  to  recount  the  In- 
decent attacks  which  he  makes  upon  the 
Presbyters  and  the  deacons.  I  will,  how- 
ever, give  the  beginning  of  this  violent  invec- 
tive, by  which  you  may  easily  imagine  what 
a  point  he  reaches  in  its  later  stages.^ 

"There  are  some,"  he  says,  "of  my  own  order, 
who  only  seek  the  office  of  Presbyter  or  deacon  so 
that  they  may  have  more  license  to  visit  women. 
They  care  for  nothing  but  to  be  well  dressed,  to  be 
well  scented,  to  prevent  their  feet  from  being  loose 
and  bulging.  Their  curly  hair  bears  the  mark  of 
the  crisping  iron;  their  fingers  sparkle  with  rings; 
and  they  walk  on  tiptoe,  for  fear  a  fleck  of  mud 
from  the  road  should  touch  their  feet.  When  you 
see  them,  you  would  take  them  for  bridegrooms 
rather  than  clerics." 

He  then  goes  on  to  hurl  his  reproaches 
against  our  priests  and  ministers,  specifying 
their  faults,  or  rather  their  crimes;  and  to 
represent  the  access  allowed  them  to  married 
ladies  not  only  in  a  disgraceful  light,  but  so 
as  to  seem  positively  execrable :  and  after 
having  cut  to  pieces  with  his  satirical  defa- 
mation the  whole  race  of  Christians,  he  does 
not  even  spare  himself,  as  you  shall  p4"esently 
hear. 

6.  For  I  will  now  return,  after  a  sort  of 
digression,  to  the  point  I  had  proposed,  and 
for  the  sake  of  which  it  was  necessary  to 
mention  this  treatise.  I  will  shew  that  per- 
jury is  looked  upon  by  him  as  lawful,  to  such 
a  point  that  he  does  not  care  for  its  being  de- 
tected in  his  writings.  In  this  same  treatise 
he  admonishes  the  reader  that  it  is  wrong  to 
study  secular  literature,  and  says,^  "What 
has  Horace  to  do  with  the  Psaltery,  or  Vir- 
gil with  the  Gospels,  or  Cicero  with  St. 
Paul.^  Will  not  your  brother  be  offended  if 
he  sees  you  sitting  at  meat  in  that  idol's  tem- 
ple.^" And  then,  after  more  of  the  same 
kind,  in  which  he  declares  that  a  Christian 
must  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  study  of 
secular  literature,  he  gives  an  account  of  a 
revelation  divinely  made  to  him  and  filled 
with  fearful  threatenings  upon  the  subject. 
He  reports  that,  after  he  had  renounced  the 
world,  and  had  turned  to  God,  he  neverthe- 
less was  held  in  a  tight  grip  by  his  love  of 
secular  books,  and  found  it  hard  to  put 
away  his  longing  for  them.^ 

Suddenly  I  was  caught  up  in  the  spirit  and 
dragged  before  the  judgment  seat  of  the  Judge; 
and  here  the  light  was  so  bright,  and  those  who 
stood  around  were  so  radiant,  that  I  cast  myself 
upon  the  ground  and  did  not  dare  to  look  up. 
Asked  who  and  what  I  was  I  replied  *  I  am  a 
Christian.'  But  He  who  presided  said:  'Thou 
liest ;  thou  art  a  follower  of  Cicero  and  not  of  Christ. 
For  where  thy  treasure  is  there  will  thy  heart  be 


1  Id.  c.  2S. 


2  Id.  29  (end). 


»  Id.  30. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    II. 


463 


also.'  Instantly  I  became  dumb,  and  amid  the 
strokes  of  the  lash  —  for  He  had  ordered  me  to  be 
scourged  —  I  was  tortured  more  severely  still  by 
the  fire  of  conscience,  considering  with  myself 
that  verse  *  In  the  grave,  who  shall  give  thee 
thanks?'  Yet  for  all  that  I  began  to  cry  and  to 
bewail  myself  saying :  '  Have  mercy  upon  me,  O 
Lord;  have  mercy  upon  me.'  Amid  the  sound  of 
the  scourges  this  cry  still  made  itself  heard.  At 
last  the  bystanders,  falling  down  before  the  knees 
of  Him  who  presided,  prayed  that  He  would  have 
pity  on  my  youth,  and  that  He  would  give  me  space 
to  repent  of  my  error.  He  might  still,  they  urged, 
inflict  torture  upon  me,  should  I  ever  again  read 
the  works  of  the  Gentiles.  Under  the  stress  of  that 
awful  moment  I  should  have  been  ready  to  make 
even  still  larger  promises  than  these.  Accordingly 
I  made  oath  and  called  upon  His  name,  saying 
*  Lord,  if  ever  again  I  possess  worldly  books,  or  if 
ever  again  I  read  such,  I  have  denied  thee.'  On 
taking  this  oath,  I  was  dismissed,  and  returned  to 
the  upper  world. 

7.  You  observe  how  new  and  terrible  a 
form  of  oath  this  is  which  he  describes.  The 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  sits  on  the  tribunal  as 
judge,  the  angels  are  assessors,  and  plead  for 
him  ;  and  there,  in  the  intervals  of  scourgings 
and  tortures,  he  swears  that  he  will  never 
again  have  by  him  the  works  of  heathen 
authors  nor  read  them.  Now  look  back  over 
the  work  we  are  dealing  with,  and  tell  me 
whether  there  is  a  single  page  of  it  in  which 
he  does  not  again  declare  himself  a  Cicero- 
nian, or  in  which  he  does  not  speak  of '  our 
Tully,'  '  our  Flaccus,'  '  our  Maro.'  ^  As  to 
Chrysippus  and  Aristides,  Empedocles  and 
all  the  rest  of  the  Greek  writers,  he  scatters 
their  names  around  him  like  a  vapour  or 
halo,  so  as  to  impress  his  readers  with  a 
sense  of  his  learning  and  literary  attainments. 
Amongst  the  rest,  he  boasts  of  having  read 
the  books  of  Pythagoras.  Many  learned 
men,  indeed,  declare  these  books  to  be  non- 
extant  :  but  he,  in  order  that  he  may  illus- 
trate every  part  of  his  vow  about  heathen  au- 
thors, declares  that  he  has  read  even  those 
which  do  not  exist  in  writing.  In  almost  all 
his  works  he  sets  out  many  more  and  longer 
quotations  from  these  whom  he  calls  '  his 
own  '  than  from  the  Prophets  and  Apostles 
who  are  ours.  Even  in  the  works  which  he 
addresses  to  girls  and  weak  women,  who  de- 
sire, as  is  right,  only  to  be  edified  by  teaching 
out  of  our  Scriptures,  he  weaves  in  illustra- 
tions from  'his  own'  Flaccus  and  Tullius 
and  Maro. 

S.  Take  the  treatise  which  ^  he  entitles 
*'  On  the  best  mode  of  translating,"  though 
there  is  nothing  in  it  except  the  addition  of 
the  title  which  is  of  the  best,  for  all  is  of  the 
worst ;  and  in  which  he  proves  those  to  be 
heretics  with  whom  he   is   now  in   commun- 


1  Cicero,  Horace  and  Virgil. 


2  Letter  Ivii. 


ion,    thus    incurring    the    condemnation     of 
our  Apostle    (not   his,   for  those  whom    he 
calls  '  his'  are  Flaccus  and  Tully)  who  says, 
"  He  who  judges  ^   is  condemned  if  he  eat." 
In  that  treatise,  which  tells  us  that  no  works 
of  any  kind  reasonably  admit  of  a  rendering 
word  for  word  (though   he  has   come  round 
now  to  think  such  rendering  reasonable)^  he 
inserts    whole     passages   from    a     work    of 
Cicero.^     But  had  he    not  said,  ''What  has 
Horace  to  do  with  the  Psalter,  or  Maro  with 
the    Gospels,  or   Cicero  with    the   Apostle.? 
Will  not  your  brother  be  offended  if  he  sees 
you  sitting  in   that  idol  temple }  "     Here  of 
course  he  brings  himself  in  guilty  of  idola- 
try ;    for    if    reading    causes    offence,    much 
more    does   writing.     But,    since    one    who 
turns    to  idolatry  does    not  thereby  become 
wholly  and   completely  a    heathen  unless  he 
first  denies  Christ,  he  tells  us  that  he  said  to 
Christ,  as  he  sat  on  the  judgment   seat  with 
his  most  exalted  angel  ministers  around  him, 
"  If  I    ever   hereafter    read   or    possess    any 
heathen  books,  I  have  denied  thee,"  and  now 
he  not  only  reads  them  and  possesses  them, 
not  only  copies  them  and  collates  them,  but 
inserts  them   among  the  words   of  Scripture 
itself,  and  in  discourses  intended  for  the  edi- 
fication of  the  Church.     What  I  say  is  well 
enough  known  to  all  who  read  his  treatises, 
and  requires  no  proof.     But  it  is   just  like  a 
man  who  is  trying  to  save  himself  from  such 
a  gulf  of  sacrilege  and  perjury,  to  make  up 
some  excuse  for  himself,  and  to   say,  as  he 
does:   "  I  do   not   now  read  them,  I   have  a 
tenacious  memory,  so  that  I   can  quote  vari- 
ous passages   from   different  writers  without 
a    break,   and    I    now  merely  quote  what  I 
learned  in   my  youth."     Well :  if  some  one 
were  to  ask  me  to  prove  that  before   the   sun 
rose  this  morning  there  was   night  over  the 
earth,  or  that  at   sunset   the    sun    had    been 
shining  all   day,  I  should  answer  that,  if  a 
man  doubted  about  what  all    men  knew,  it 
was  his  business  to  shew  cause  for  his  doubts, 
not  for  me  to   shew  cause  for  my  certainty. 
Still  in  this  instance,  where  a  man's  soul  is  at 
stake,  and  the  crime  of  perjury  and   of  im- 
pious denial  of  Christ  is  alleged,  a  condem- 
nation must  not  be  thought  to  be   a  thing  of 
course,  even  though  the  facts  are  known  and 
understood  by  all  men.     We  are  not  to  imi- 
tate him  who   condemns  the  accused  before 
they  have  undergone  any  examination;   and 
not    only    without    a    hearing,     but    without 
summoning    them  to  appear ;   and   not  only 
unsummoned,   but  when    they    are    already 

1  Discerns  it.   Vulg-.  Rom.  xiv,  23.     He  that  doubteth  A.V. 

2  In  the  translation  of  the  Ilepl  '\pxu>v  made  by  Jerome  for 
Pammachiiis  and  Oceanus,  he  rendered  word  for  word. 

8  Letter  Ivii.  5. 


464 


RUFINUS. 


dead  ;  and  not  only  the  dead,  but  those  whom 
he  had  always  praised,  till  then ;  and  not 
only  those  wliom  he  had  praised,  but  whom 
he  had  followed  and  had  taken  as  his  mas- 
ters. We  must  fear  the  judgment  of  the 
Lord,  who  says  '  ''Judge  not  and  ye  shall 
not  be  judged,"  and  again,  ''  With  what 
measure  ye  mete  it  shall  be  measured  to  you 
again.'*  Therefore,  though  it  is  really  super- 
fluous, I  will  bring  against  him  a  single  wit- 
ness, but  one  who  must  prevail,  and  whom 
he  cannot  challenge,  that  is,  once  more,  him- 
self and  his  own  writings.  All  can  attest 
what  I  say  in  reference  to  this  treatise  of  his  ; 
and  my  assertion  about  it  seems  to  be  super- 
fluous ;  but  I  must  make  use  of  some  special 
testimony,  lest  what  I  say  should  seem  unsat- 
isfactory to  those  who  have  not  read  his 
works. 

9.  When  he  wrote  his  treatises  against 
Jovinian,  and  some  one  had  raised  objections 
to  tliem,  he  was  informed  of  these  objections 
by  Domnio,  that  old  man  whose  memory 
we  all  revere  ;  and  in  his  answer  to  him  ^  he 
said  that  it  was  impossible  that  a  man  like 
him  should  be  in  the  wrong,  since  his  knowl- 
edge extended  to  everything  that  could  be 
known :  and  he  proceeded  to  enumerate 
the  various  kinds  of  syllogisms,  and  the 
whole  art  of  learning  and  of  writing  (of 
course  supposing  that  the  man  who  found 
fault  with  him  knew  nothing  about  such 
things) .     He  then  goes  on  thus  ;  ^ 

"Itwas  foolish,  it  appears,  in  me  to  think  that 
I  could  not  know  all  these  things  without  the  phil- 
osophers, and  to  look  upon  the  end  of  the  stylus 
which  strikes  out  and  corrects  as  better  than  the 
end  with  which  we  write.  It  was  useless  for  me, 
it  seems,  to  have  translated  *  the  Commentaries  of 
Alexander,  and  for  my  learned  master  to  have 
brought  me  into  the  knowledge  of  Logic  through 
the  'Introduction'  of  Porphyry;  and,  putting  aside 
humanistic  teachers,  there  was  no  reason  why  I 
should  have  had  Gregory  Nazianzen  and  Didymus 
as  my  teachers  in  the  Scriptures." 

This,  you  observe,  is  the  man  who  said  to 
Christ,  I  have  denied  thee  if  ever  I  am 
found  to  possess  or  to  read  the  works  of  the 
heathen.  He  might,  one  would  think,  at 
all  events  have  left  out  Porphyry,  who  was 
Christ's  special  enemy,  who  endeavoured  as 
far  as  in  him  lay  to  completely  subvert  the 
Christian  religion,  but  whom  he  now  glories 
in  having  had  as  his  instructor  in  his  Intro- 
duction to  Logic.  He  cannot  put  in  the 
plea  that  he  had  learned  these  things  at  a 
former  time :  for,  before  his  conversion,  he 
and  I  equally  were  wholly  ignorant  of  the 

1  Matt,  vii,  1,  2.  2Ep.  ].  3Ep.  1.  i. 

*  Verti.  Possibly  used  like  Versare  for 'turning  over  the 
leaves,'  •  making  constant  use  of.' 


Greek  language  and  literature.  All  these 
things  came  after  his  oath,  after  that  solemn 
engagement  had  been  made.  It  is  of  no  use 
for  us  to  argue  in  such  a  case.  It  will  at 
once  be  said  to  us :  Man,  you  are  wrong, 
God  is  not  mocked,  and  no  syllogisms  spun 
out  of  the  books  of  Alexander  will  avail  with 
him.  I  think,  my  brother,  it  was  an  ill- 
omened  event  that  you  submitted  to  the  In- 
troduction of  Porphyry.  Into  what  has  that 
faithless  man  introduced  you.?  If  it  is  into 
the  place  where  he  is  now,  that  is  the  place 
where  there  is  weeping  and  gnashing  of 
teeth ;  for  there  dwell  the  apostate  and  the 
enemies  of  God  ;  and  perhaps  the  perjurers 
will  go  there  too. 

10.  You  chose  a  bad  introducer.  If  you 
will  take  my  counsel,  both  you  and  I  will  by 
preference  turn  to  him  who  introduces  us  to 
the  Father  and  who  said  * '  No  man  cometh 
unto  the  Father  but  by  me.'  I  lament  for 
you,  my  brother,  if  you  believe  this ;  and  if 
you  believe  it  not,  I  still  lament  that  you 
hunt  through  all  sorts  of  ancient  and  anti- 
quated documents  for  grounds  for  suspecting 
other  men  of  peijury,  while  perjury,  lasting 
and  endless  with  all  its  inexplicable  impiety, 
remains  upon  your  own  lips.  Might  not 
these  words  of  the  Apostle  be  rightly  applied 
to  you:  ^  ''Thou  that  art  called  a  Jew  and 
restest  in  the  law,  and  makest  thy  boast  in. 
God,  being  instructed  out  of  the  law,  and 
trustest  that  thou  thyself  art  a  leader  of  the 
blind,  a  light  of  them  that  sit  in  darkness,  an 
instructor  of  the  foolish,  a  teacher  of  babes, 
who  hast  a  form  of  knowledge  and  of  the 
truth  in  the  law :  Thou  therefore,  that 
teachest  others,  teachest  thou  not  thyself.'* 
Thou  that  sayest  a  man  should  not  commit 
adultery,  dost  thou  commit  adultery.?  Thou 
that  preachest  that  a  man  should  not  steal, 
dost'  thou  steal  ?  Thou  that  abhorrest  idols, 
dost  thou  commit  sacrilege"  —  that  is  per- 
jury.? And,  what  comes  last  and  most  im- 
portant, "  The  name  of  God  is  blasphemed 
among  the  Gentiles  through  you,"  and  your 
love  of  strife. 

8  (2).  We  will  pass  on  to  clear  up 
another  of  the  charges,  if  only  he  will  con- 
fess under  the  stress  of  his  own  consciousness 
of  wrong  that  he  has  been  convicted  both 
of  perjury  and  of  making  a  false  defence. 
Otherwise,  if  he  .attempts  to  deny  what  I 
say,  I  can  produce  as  witnesses  any  number 
of  my  brethren,  who,  while  living  in  the 
cells  built  by  me  on  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
copied  out  for  him  most  of  the  Dialogues 
of  Cicero.     I  often,  as  they  wrote  them  out. 


1  John  xiv,  6. 


2  Rom.  ii,  17-24. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    II. 


465 


had  in  my  hands  quaternions^  of  these  Dia- 
logues ;  and  I  looked  them  over  myself,  in  rec- 
ognition of  the  fact  that  he  gave  them  much 
larger  pay  than  is  usually  given  for  w^ritings 
of  other  sorts.  He  himself  also  came  to  see 
me  at  Jerusalem  from  Bethlehem,  bringing 
with  him  a  book  vs^hich  contained  a  single 
Dialoofue  of  Cicero,  and  also  one  of  Plato's 
in  Greek ;  he  will  not  pretend  to  deny  hav- 
ing given  me  that  book,  and  having  stayed 
some  time  with  me.  But  what  is  the  use  of 
delaving:  so  lonor  over  a  matter  which  is 
clearer  than  the  light  .^  To  all  that  I  have 
said  this  addition  is  to  be  made,  after  which 
all  further  comment  is  superfluous  ;  that  after 
he  had  settled  in  the  monastery  at  Bethle- 
hem, and  indeed  not  so  long  ago,  he  took 
the  office  of  a  teacher  in  grammar,  and  ex- 
plained '  his  own  '  Maro  and  the  comedians 
and  lyrical  and  historical  writers  to  young 
boys  who  had  been  entrusted  to  him  that  he 
might  teach  them  the  fear  of  the  Lord  :  so 
that  he  actually  became  a  teacher  and  pro- 
fessor in  the  knowledge  of  those  heathen 
authors,  as  to  whom  he  had  sworn  that  if 
he  even  read  them  he  would  have  denied 
Christ. 

9  (2).  But  now  let  us  look  at  the  other 
points  which  he  blames.  He  says  that  tlie 
doctrines  in  question  are  of  heathen  origin, 
but  in  this  judgment  he  condemns  himself. 
He  calls  these  doctrines  heathenish  ;  yet  he 
himself  incorporates  them  into  his  works. 
He  here  makes  a  mistake.  Still,  we  ought 
to  stretch  out  the  hand  to  him,  and  not  to 
press  him  too  far:  for  it  is  only  because  he 
soars  so  completely  above  the  world  on  the 
wings  of  his  eloquence,  and  is  borne  along 
by  the  full  tide  of  invective  and  vituperation 
that  he  forgets  himself  and  his  reason  loses 
its  place.  Do  not  be  so  rash,  my  brother,  as 
to  condemn  yourself  unnecessarily.  Neither 
you  nor  Origen  are  at  once  to  be  set  down 
among  ihe  heathen  if,  as  you  have  yourself 
said,  you  have  written  these  things  to  vindicate 
the  justice  of  God,  and  to  make  answer  to 
those  who  say  that  everything  is  moved  by 
chance  or  by  fate  :  if,  I  say,  it  is  from  your 
wish  to  show  that  God's  providence  which 
governs  all  things  is  just  that  you  have  said 
the  causes  of  inequality  have  been  acquired 
by  each  soul  through  the  passions  and  feel- 
ings of  the  former  life  which  it  had  in  heaven  ; 
or  even  if  you  said  that  it  is  in  accordance 
with  the  character  of  the  Trinity,  w^hich  is 
good  and  simple  and  unchangeable  that  every 
creature  should  in  the  end  of  all  things  be 
restored    to    the  state  in  which   it  was  first 

^  ^uaterniones  may  mean 'sets  of  four.'     It   seems   more 
likely  to  be  used  for  a  *  cahier  '  of  four  sheets. 


created ;  and  that  this  must  be  after  long 
punishment  equal  to  the  length  of  all  the 
ages,  which  God  inflicts  on  each  creature  in 
the  spirit  not  of  one  who  is  angry  but  of  one 
who  corrects,  since  he  is  not  one  who  is 
extreme  to  mark  iniquity ;  and  that,  his  de- 
sign like  a  physician  being  to  heal  men,  he 
will  place  a  term  upon  their  punishment. 
Whether  in  this  you  spoke  truly,  let  God 
judge ;  anyhow  such  views  seem  to  me  to 
contain  little  of  impiety  against  God,  and 
nothing  at  all  of  heathenism,  especially  if 
they  were  put  forward  with  the  desire  and 
intention  of  finding  some  means  by  which 
the  justice  of  God  might  be  vindicated. 

10  (2).  I  would  not,  therefore,  have  you 
distress  yourself  overmuch  about  these 
points,  nor  expose  yourself  needlessly  either 
to  penance  or  to  condemnation.  But  there 
is  a  matter  of  real  importance,  as  to  which 
I  can  neither  excuse  nor  defend  you  ;  namely, 
a  statement  openly  made  by  you  which  is 
not  only  heathenish  but  beyond  all  heathen- 
ism and  impiety  —  the  statement  in  the 
treatise  which  I  have  mentioned  above,* 
that  God  has  a  mother-in-law^  Has  anything 
so  profane  as  this  or  so  impious  been  said  even 
by  any  of  the  heathen  poets?  It  would  be  a 
foolish  question  to  ask  whether  you  find  any- 
thing of  the  kind  in  the  holy  Scriptures.  I 
only  ask  whether  'your'  Flaccus  or  Maro, 
whether  Plautus  or  Terence,  or  even  whether 
any  writer  of  Satires  among  all  their  unclean 
and  immodest  sayings  has  ever  uttered  such 
an  outrage  against  God.  No  doubt  you 
were  led  astray  by  the  fact  that  the  girl  to 
whom  you  addressed  the  treatise  ^  was  called 
the  bride  of  Christ :  and  hence  you  thought 
that  her  mother  according  to  the  flesh  might 
be  called  the  mother-in-law  of  God.  You 
did  not  recollect  that  such  things  are  said 
not  according  to  the  order  of  the  flesh,  but 
according  to  the  grace  of  the  spirit.  For  a 
woman  is  called  the  bride  of  Christ  because 
the  word  of  God  is  united  in  a  kind  of 
mystic  wedlock  with  the  human  soul.  But  if 
the  mother  of  the  girl  in  question  is  related  to 
Christ  by  this  spiritual  connexion,  she  herself 
should  be  called  the  bride  of  Christ,  not 
the  mother-in-law  of  God.  As  it  is,  you 
might  as  well  go  on  to  call  the  father  of  the 
girl  God's  father-in-law,  and  her  sister  his 
sister-in-law,  or  to  call  the  girl  herself  God's 
daughter-in-law.  The  fact  is,  you  were  so 
anxious   to    appear  completely  possessed  of 


1  Ep.  xxii.  c.  20. 

2  The  word  "  Dei''''  hits  crept  in,  apparently,  wrongly.  If  it 
stands  the  meaning^  would  be,  '  To  whom  you  were  teaching- 
the  word  of  God,'  or  the  allusion  may  be  to  Ps.  xlv,  10,  with 
which  the  Letter  to  Eustochium  begins,  '  Hearken  O 
daughter  so  shall  the  King  desire  thy  beauty.' 


466 


RUFINUS. 


the  eloquence  of  Plautus  or  of  Cicero,  that 
you  forgot  that  the  Apostle  speaks  of  the 
whole  church,  parents  and  children,  mothers 
and  daughters,  brothers  and  sisters,  all  to- 
gether, as  one  virgin  or  bride,  when  he  says, 
'  ''  I  determined  this  very  thing,  to  present  you 
as  a  chaste  virgin  to  one  man,  which  is 
Christ."  But  you  boast  that  you  follow  not 
Paul's  but  Porphyry's  Introduction,  and, 
since  he  wrote  his  impious  and  sacrilegious 
books  against  Christ  and  against  God,  you 
have  fallen,  through  his  introduction,  into 
this  abyss  of  blasphemy. 

11.  If,  then,  you  really  intend  to  do  an  act 
of  repentance  for  those  evil  speeches  of 
yours,  if  you  are  not  merely  mocking  us  by 
saying  this,  and  if  you  are  not  in  your  heart 
such  a  lover  of  strife  and  contention  that  you 
are  willing  even  to  defame  yourself  on  this 
sole  condition  that  you  may  be  able  thereby 
to  besmirch  another;  if  it  is  not  in  pretence 
but  in  good  faith  that  you  repent  of  what 
you  have  said  amiss,  come  and  do  penance 
for  this  great  and  foul  blasphemy ;  for  it  is 
indeed  blasphemy  against  God.  For  if  a 
man  oversteps  the  mark  by  speaking  errone- 
ously of  mere  creatures,  this  is  not  such  a 
very  execrable  crime,  especially  if  he  does 
it,  as  you  say,  not  with  a  set  purpose  of 
blasphemy,  but  in  seeking  to  vindicate  the 
justice  of  God.  But  to  lift  up  your  mouth 
against  the  heaven  is  a  grave  offence ;  to 
speak  violence  and  blasphemy  against  the 
Most  High  is  worthy  of  death.  Let  us 
bestow  our  lamentations  upon  that  which  is 
hard  to  cure ;  for  what  man  is  there  who  has 
the  jaundice,^  and  is  in  danger  both  of  looks 
and  life,  who  will  complain  loudly  because 
of  a  little  hangnail  on  his  foot  or  because  a 
scratch  made  with  his  own  finger  which 
easily  yields  to  remedies,  is  not  yet  cured? 

12.  I  think  very  little,  indeed,  of  one 
reproach  which  he  levels  against  me,  and 
think  it  hardly  worthy  of  a  reply ;  that, 
namely,  in  which,  in  recounting  the  various 
teachers  whom  he  hired,  as  he  says,  from 
the  Jewish  synagogue,  he  says,  in  order  to 
give  me  a  sharp  prick,  "  I  have  not  been  my 
own  teacher,  like  some  people,"  meaning 
me  of  course,  for  he  brings  the  whole 
weight  of  his  invective  to  bear  against  me 
from  beginning  to  end.  Indeed,  I  wonder 
that  he  should  have  chosen  to  make  a  point 
of  this,  when  he  had  a  greater  and  easier 
matter  at  hand  by  which  to  disparage  me, 
namely  this,  that,  though  I  stayed  long  among 
many  eminent  teachers,  yet  I  have  nothing  to 


1  2  Cor.  xi,  2. 

2  Morbus  regius  ;  used  variously  for  jaundice  and  leprosy. 
See  Jer.  Life  of  Hilarion,  c.  34. 


show  which  is  worthy  of  their  teaching  or  their 
training.  He  indeed,  has  not  in  his  whole 
life  stayed  more  than  thirty  days  at  Alexan- 
dria where  Didymus  lived  ;  yet  almost  all 
through  his  books  he  boasts,  at  length  and  at 
large,  that  he  was  the  pupil  of  Didymus  the 
seer,  that  he  had  Didymus  as  his  initiator,^ 
that  is,  his  preceptor  in  the  holy  Scriptures ; 
and  the  material  for  all  this  boasting  was 
acquired  in  a  single  month.  But  I,  for  the 
sake  of  God's  work,  stayed  six  years,  and 
again  after  an  interval  for  two  more,  where 
Didymus  lived,  of  whom  alone  you  boast, 
and  where  others  lived  who  were  in  no  way 
inferior  to  him,  but  whom  you  did  not  know 
even  by  sight,  Serapion  and  Menites,  men 
who  are  like  brothers  in  life  and  character 
and  learning;  and  Paul  the  old  man,  who 
had  been  the  pupil  of  Peter  the  Martyr ; 
and,  to  come  to  the  teachers  of  the  desert, 
on  whom  I  attended  frequently  and  earnestly, 
Macarius  the  disciple  of  Anthony,  and  the 
other  Macarius,  and  Isidore  and  Pambas,  all 
of  them  friends  of  God,  who  taught  me  those 
things  which  they  themselves  were  learning 
from  God.  What  material  for  boasting 
should  I  have  from  all  these  men,  if  boast- 
ing were  seemly  or  expedient !  But  the 
truth  is,  I  blush  even  while  I  weave  together 
these  past  experiences,  which  I  do  with  the 
intention,  not  of  showing  you,  as  you  put 
it,  that  my  masters  did  not  do  justice  to  my 
talents,  but,  what  I  grieve  over  far  more, 
that  my  talents  have  not  done  justice  to  my 
masters. 

But  it  is  foolish  in  me  to  enumerate  these 
holy  Christian  men.  It  is  not  of  them  that 
he  is  thinking  when  he  says  that  he  has  not 
like  me  been  his  own  teacher.  It  is  of 
Barabbas  ^  whom,  unlike  me,  he  took  as 
his  teacher  from  the  Synagogue,  and  of 
Porphyry  by  whose  Introduction  he  and  not 
I  had  his  introduction  into  Logic.  Pardon 
me  for  this  that  I  have  preferred  to  be 
thought  of  as  an  unskilled  and  unlearned 
man  rather  than  to  be  called  the  disciple  of 
Barabbas.  For,  when  Christ  and  Barabbas 
were  offered  for  our  choice,  I  in  my  sim- 
plicity made  choice  of  Christ.  You,  it 
appears,  are  willing  to  join  your  shouts  with 
those  who  say,  ^  "  Not  this  man  but  Barab- 
bas." And  I  should  like  to  knov>^  what 
Porphyry,  that  friend  of  yours  who  wrote 
his  blasphemous  books  against  our  religion, 
taught  you?  What  good  did  you  get  from 
either  of  those  masters  of  whom  you  boast  so 
much,  the  one  drawing  his  inspiration  from 

1  The  word  is  ffiven  in  Greek,  KaBy\yy\Ty\<; . 

2  The  name  of  Jerome's  Jewish  teacher  of  Hebrew,  which 
Rufinus  here  perverts,  was  Baranina.    Letter  Ixxxiv.  c.  3. 

y  John  xviii,  40. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    II. 


407 


the  idols  which  represent  demons,  the  other, 
as  you  tell  us,  from  the  Synagogue  of  Satan. 
Nothing,  as  far  as  I  see,  but  what  they  knew 
themselves.  From  Porphyry  you  gained 
the  art  of  speaking  evil  of  Christians,  to 
strike  at  those  who  live  in  virginity  and 
continence,  at  our  deacons  and  presbyters, 
and  to  defame  in  your  published  writings, 
every  order  and  degree  of  Christians.  From 
that  other  friend  of  yours,  Barabbas,  whom 
you  chose  out  of  the  synagogue  rather  than 
Christ,  you  learned  to  hope  for  a  resurrec- 
tion not  in  power  but  in  frailty,  to  love  the 
letter  which  kills  and  hate  the  spirit  which 
gi-ves  life,  and  other  more  secret  things, 
which,  if  occasion  so  require,  shall  after- 
wards in  due  time  be  brought  to  light. 

13.  But  why  should  I  prolong  this  discus- 
sion ?  I  shall  take  no  notice  of  his  re- 
proaches and  railings ;  I  shall  make  no 
answer  to  his  violent  attacks,  that  daily  task 
of  his,  for  which  Porphyry  sharpened  his 
pen.  For  I  have  chosen  Jesus,  not  Barab- 
bas, for  my  master,  and  he  has  taught  me 
to  be  silent  when  reviled.  I  will  come  to 
the  point  where  I  will  shew  how  much  truth 
there  is  in  the  excuses  for  himself  and  the 
accusations  against  me  which  he  has  heaped 
together.  He  says  '  that  it  is  only  in  two 
short  Prefaces  that  he  ever  was  known  to 
have  praised  Origen  ;  and  that  his  praise  ex- 
tended only  to  his  work  as  an  interpreter  of 
Scripture,  in  which  nothing  is  said  of  doc- 
trine or  of  the  faith,  and  that  in  those  parts 
of  his  works  which  he  has  himself  translated 
there  is  absolutely  nothing  advanced  of  the 
kind  which  he  now  reproves  in  the  interest  of 
the  Synagogue  rather  than  that  of  the  edifi- 
cation of  Christians.  It  ought,  one  would 
think,  be  enough  to  put  him  to  silence,  that 
those  very  things  which  he  set  forth  in  his  own 
books  he  blames  in  those  of  others ;  never- 
theless, let  us  see  how  far  these  other  asser- 
tions of  his  are  true.  In  the  Preface  ^  to  the 
commentaries  of  Origen  on  Ezekiel,  con- 
tained in  fourteen  homilies  or  short  orations, 
he  writes  thus  to  one  Vincentius : 

"  It  is  a  great  thing  which  you  ask  of  me,  my 
friend,  that  I  should  translate  Origen  into  Latin, 
and  present  to  the  ears  of  Romans  a  man  of  whom 
we  may  say  in  the  words  of  Didymus  the  seer,  that 
lie  was"  a  teacher  of  the  churches  second  only  to 
the  Apostles." 

And  a  little  way  on  he  adds : 

"  I  will  briefly  state  for  your  information  that  Ori- 
gen's  works  on  the  whole  of  Scripture  are  of  three 

1  Letter  Ixxxiv,  2. 

2  See  this  Preface  translated  among  Jerome's  works  in  this 
Series. 


kinds.  First  come  the  Extracts  or  Notes,  called  in 
Greek  Scholia,  in  which  he  shortly  and  summarily 
touches  upon  the  things  which  seemed  to  him  ob- 
scure or  to  present  some  difficulty.  The  second 
kind  is  the  Homiletics,  of  which  the  present  com- 
mentary is  a  specimen.  The  third  kind  is  what  he 
called  Tomes,  or  as  we  say  Volumes.  In  this  part  of 
his  work  he  gives  all  the  sails  of  his  genius  to  the 
breathing  winds;  and,  drawing  off  from  the  land, 
he  sails  away  into  mid  ocean.  I  know  that  you 
wish  that  I  should  translate  his  writings  of  all 
kinds.  I  have  before  mentioned  the  reason  why 
this  is  impossible;  but  I  promise  you  this,  that  if, 
through  your  prayers,  Jesus  gives  me  back  my 
health,  I  intend  to  translate,  I  will  not  say  all,  for 
that  would  be  rash,  but  very  many  of  them ;  on 
this  condition,  however,  which  I  have  often  set 
you,  that  I  should  provide  the  words  and  you  the 
secretary." 

14.  Take,  again,  the  Preface  to  the  Song 
of  Songs : 

**To  the  most  holy  Pope  Damasus.  Origen  in 
his  other  books  has  surpassed  all  other  men  :  in 
the  Song  of  Songs  he  has  surpassed  himself.  The 
work  consists  of  eleven  complete  volumes,  and 
reaches  a  length  of  nearly  twenty  thousand  lines. 
In  these  he  discusses  first  the  version  of  the  Sep- 
tuagint;  then  those  of  Aquila,  Symmachus,  and 
Theodotion,  and  last  of  all  a  Fifth  Version  which 
he  states  that  he  discovered  on  the  coast  of  Acti- 
um,  and  this  he  does  so  grandly  and  so  freely  that 
it  seems  to  me  as  if  the  words  were  fulfilled  in  him 
which  say,  '"The  king  has  brought  me  into  his 
bedchamber."  It  would  require  a  vast  amount  of 
time,  of  labour,  and  of  money  to  translate  a  work 
so  great  and  of  so  much  merit  into  the  Latin 
language.  I  therefore  leave  it  unattempted;  and 
have  merely  translated,  and  that  without  elegance, 
but  correctly,  these  two  Tracts  which  he  composed 
in  ordinary  language  for  babes  and  sucklings.  I 
give  you  a  mere  taste  of  his  opinions,  not  a  full 
meal ;  but  enough  to  make  you  realize  what  is  the 
worth  of  his  greater  works,  when  the  smaller  give 
you  so  much  pleasure." 

15.  Also  in  the  Preface  of  his  Commen- 
tarv  on  Micah,  which  was  written  to  Paula 
and  Eustochium,  he  says,  after  some  few  re- 
marks : 

'*  As  to  what  they  say,  that  it  is  not  right  for  me 
to  rifle  the  works  of  Origen,  and  thereby  to  defile 
the  writings  of  the  ancients,  they  think  this  a  tell- 
ing piece  of  abuse;  but  it  is,  in  my  opinion,  the 
highest  praise,  since  I  am  seeking  to  imitate  those 
who  are  approved  not  only  by  us,  but  by  all 
thoughtful  men." 

16.  Again,  in  the  Preface  to  his  book  on 
the  meaning  of  Hebrew  names,  he  says, 
some  way  down  : 

"  For  fear  that,  when  the  edifice  has  been  com- 
pleted, the  last  touch,  so  to  speak,  should  be  want- 
ing, I  have  explained  the  words  and  names  of  the 
New  Testament,  partly  through  a  wish  to  follow 
the  steps  of  Origen,  whom  all    but    the    ignorant 

1  Cant,  i,  4. 


468 


RUFINUS. 


acknowledge  to  have  been  the  greatest  teacher  of 
the  churches  next  to  the  Apostles.  Among  the 
rest  of  the  illustrious  monuments  of  his  genius  is 
the  labour  which  he  has  bestowed  upon  this,  de- 
siring to  complete  as  a  Christian  what  Philo  as  a 
Jew  had  left  undone." 

1 7-  Once  more,  in  his  letter  to  Marcella 
he  says  :  ' 

**  Ambrose,  who  supplied  the  paper,  the  money 
and  the  secretaries  bj  the  aid  of  which  our  Adaman- 
tius^  and  Chalcenterus^  completed  his  innumer- 
able books,  in  a  certain  letter  written  to  the  same 
person  from  Athens,  declares  that  he  never  had  a 
meal,  when  Origen  was  present,  without  some- 
thing being  read,  and  that  he  never  went  to  bed 
without  having  some  brother  read  aloud  from  the 
holj  Scriptures.  This  he  said  he  continued  day 
and  night,  so  that  prayer  waited  upon  reading  and 
reading  upon  prayer." 

1 8.  Lastly,  take  the  following  from  an- 
other letter  to  Marcella  : 

"The  blessed  Martyr  Pamphilus,  whose  life 
Eusebius  the  Bishop  of  Csesarea  set  forth  in  some 
three  volumes,  wished  to  rival  Demetrius  Phale- 
reus  and  Pisistratus,  in  his  zeal  to  establish  a  library 
of  sacred  books :  he  sought  out  all  through  the 
world  representative  works  of  great  minds,  which 
are  their  true  and  everlasting  monuments;  but 
most  of  all  he  acquired  at  great  expense  all  the 
books  written  by  Origen,  and  gave  them  to  the 
church  at  Caesarea.  This  library  was  afterwards 
partly  destroyed;  but  Acatius  and  later  on 
Euzoius,  Bishops  of  that  church,  endeavoured  to 
reestablish  it  in  parchment  volumes.  The  last  of 
these  recovered  a  great  many  w^orks,  and  left  us  an 
inventory  of  them,  but  he  shews  that  he  could  not 
find  the  Commentary  on  the  hundred  and  twenty- 
sixth  Psalm  and  the  Tract  on  the  Hebrew  letter 
Pe,  by  the  fact  that  he  does  not  mention  it.  Not 
that  so  great  a  man  as  Adamantius  passed  over 
anything,  but  that,  through  the  negligence  of  his 
successors  it  did  not  remain  to  times  within  our 
memory." 

19.  But  perhaps  you  will  say  to  me: 
"  Why  do  you  fill  your  paper  with  this 
superfluous  matter?  Does  even  my  friend 
say  that  it  is  a  crime  to  name  Origen,  or  to 
give  him  praise  for  his  talents.^  If  Origen  is 
proclaimed  as  '  such  and  so  great  a  man,' 
this  makes  us  the  more  anxious  to  be  told 
whether  he  is  in  other  passages  spoken  of  as 
'  an  apostolic  man,'  or  '  a  teacher  of  the 
churches,'  or  by  any  similar  expressions 
which  appear  to  commend  not  only  his 
talents  but  his  faith."  This  then  shall  be 
done.  It  was  indeed  for  this  purpose  that  I 
produced  the  passage  where  he  speaks  of 
him  as  '  such  and  so  great  a  man,'  because 
it  was,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  in  the  Preface 
this  laudatory  expression  is  used  about  him 
that  he  also  claims  the  right  of  Origen  to  be 

1  Letter  xliii,  t.  '  Indomitable  or  made  of  adamant. 

'Indefatigable;  lit.  Brazen-bowelled, 


called  an  Apostle  or  a  Prophet,  and  to  be 
praised  even  to  the  heavens.  And  in  the 
same  way,  if  there  are  passages  in  whi-ch  I 
happen  to  have  praised  Origen's  learning,  all 
my  praise  is  just  of  this  kind.  This  man 
rouses  all  this  alarm  in  you  because  of  such 
expressions  of  mine  ;  but  he  maintains  that 
it  is  imjust  to  bring  up  similar  expressions 
against  him  when  they  occur  in  his  own 
writings.  But,  since  he  does  not  choose  to 
stand  on  equal  terms  with  us  before  the  tri- 
bunal of  opinion,  but  condemns  us  on  mere 
suspicion,  while  he  himself  does  not  hold 
himself  bound  even  by  his  own  handwriting  ; 
since  he,  I  say,  does  not  think  it  necessary 
in  such  a  matter  to  observe  the  rule  of  holy 
Scripture  which  demands  that  each  man 
should  be  judged  without  respect  of  persons  ; 
I  will  make  answer  for  myself,  not  accord- 
ing to  the  demands  of  justice,  but  according 
to  his  wishes.  He  says  to  me:  '' If  you 
have  translated  Origen,  you  are  to  be  blamed  ; 
but  I,  even  if  I  have  said  the  very  things  for 
which  I  blame  him,  have  done  well,  and 
these  ought  to  be  read  and  held  as  true.  If 
you  have  praised  his  talents  or  his  knowledge, 
you  have  committed  a  crime ;  if  I  have 
praised  his  talents,  it  goes  for  nothing." 

20.  Well  then  ;  he  says,"  Give  me  an  in- 
stance in  which  I  have  so  praised  him  as  to 
defend  his  system  of  belief."  You  have  no 
right  to  ask  this,  I  reply ;  yet  I  will  follow 
where  you  lead.  There  is  a  certain  writing 
of  his  '  in  which  he  gives  a  short  catalogue  of 
the  works  which  Varro  wrote  for  the  Latins, 
and  of  those  which  Origen  wrote  in  Greek 
for  the  Christians.     In  this  he  says : 

Antiquity  marvels  at  Marcus  Terentius  Varro 
because  of  the  countless  books  which  he  wrote  for 
Latin  readers ;  and  Greek  writers  are  extravagant 
in  their  praise  of  their  man  of  brass,  because  he 
has  written  more  works  than  one  of  us  could  so 
much  as  copy.  But  since  Latin  ears  would  find  a 
list  of  Greek  writers  tiresome,  I  shall  confine  myself 
to  the  Latin  Varro.  I  shall  try  to  shew  that  we  of 
to-day  are  sleeping  the  sleep  of  Epimenides  and 
devoting  to  the  amassing  of  riches  the  energy 
which  our  predecessors  gave  to  sound  if  secular 
learning. 

Varro's  writings  include  forty-five  books  of 
antiquities,  four  concerning  the  life  of  the  Roman 
people. 

But  why,  you  ask  me,  have  I  thus  mentioned 
Varro  and  the  man  of  brass.''  Simply  to  bring  to 
your  notice  our  Christian  man  of  brass,  or,  rather, 
man  of  adamant  —  Origen,  I  mean  —  whose  zeal 
for  the  study  of  Scripture  has  fairly  earned  for  him. 
this  latter  name.  Would  you  learn  what  monu- 
ments of  his  genius  he  has  left  us.''  The  following 
list  exhibits  them.  His  writings  comprise  thirteen 
books  on  Genesis,  two  books  of  Mystical  Homilies, 
notes  on  Exodus,  notes  on  Leviticus     .     .     .     al&a 

1  Letter  xxxiii. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    II. 


469 


single  books,  four  books  on  First  Principles,  two 
books  on  the  Resurrection,  two  dialogues  on  the 
same  subject. 

And,  after  enumerating  all  his  works  as  if 
making  an  exact  index,  he  added  what 
follows : 

So  you  see  the  labours  of  this  one  man  have  sur- 
passed those  of  all  previous  writers  both  Greek  and 
Latin.  Who  has  ever  inanaged  to  read  all  that  he 
has  written?  Yet  what  reward  have  his  exertions 
brought  him?  He  stands  condemned  by  his  bishop, 
Demetrius,  only  the  bishops  of  Palestine,  Arabia, 
Phoenicia,  and  Achaia  dissenting.  Imperial  Rome 
consents  to  his  condemnation,  and  even  convenes 
a  senate  to  censure  him,  not  —  as  the  rabid  hounds 
"who  now  pursue  him  cry  —  because  of  the  novelty 
or  heterodoxy  of  his  doctrines,  but  because  men 
could  not  tolerate  the  incomparable  eloquence  and 
knowledge,  which,  when  once  he  opened  his  lips, 
made  others  seem  dumb. 

I  have  written  the  above  quickly  and  incautiously, 
by  the  light  of  a  poor  lantern.  You  will  see  why, 
if  you  think  of  those  who  to-day  represent  Epi- 
curus and  Aristippus. 

21.  Now  suppose  that  while  you  were 
lA^riting  this,  as  you  tell  us  you  did,  quickly 
not  cautiously,  by  the  poor  glimmering  light 
of  a  lantern,  some  Prophet  had  stood  by  you 
and  had  cried  out :  ''  O  writer,  suppress 
those  words,  restrain  your  pen  ;  for  the  time 
is  coming  and  is  not  far  off  when  you  will 
make  a  schism  and  separate  yourself  from 
the  church ;  and,  in  order  that  you  may  find 
a  colorable  excuse  for  this  schism,  you  will 
begin  to  defame  these  very  books  which  you 
now  make  out  to  be  so  admirable.  You  will 
then  say  that  the  man  whom  you  call  your 
own  Brazen-heart,*  and  whose  name  you  are 
just  about  to  write  down  as  Adamantine 
because  of  the  merit  of  his  praise-worthy 
labours,  did  not  write  books  for  the  edifica- 
tion of  the  soul  but  venomous  heresies. 
This  man,  further,  whom  you  rightly  de- 
scribe as  not  having  been  condemned  by 
Demetrius  on  the  ground  of  his  belief,  who 
you  say  was  not  accused  of  bringing  in  strange 
doctrines,  you  will  then  pronounce  worthy  of 
execration  because  of  his  strange  doctrines ; 
as  to  what  you  are  writing  about  mad  dogs 
bringing  feigned  charges  against  him,  you 
will  yourself  feign  the  same:  and  the  Senate 
of  Rome  as  you  call  it,  you  will  then  stir  up 
against  him  as  you  complain  that  they  now 
do  by  your  letters  of  admonition,  your 
v^ehement  attestations,  and  satellites  flying  in 
.all  directions.  This  is  the  return  that  you 
-will  make  to  your  admirable  Brazen-heart  for 
all  his  labours.  Therefore  beware  how  you 
write  now,  for,  if  you  write  as  you  are  doing 
and  afterwards  act  as  I  have  said,  you  will 


1  Chalcenterus  as  above. 


with  more  justice  be  condemned  by  your  own 
judgment  than  he  by  that  of  others."  Would 
you,  do  you  think,  have  given  credit  to  that 
prophet.^  Would  you  not  have  thought  it 
more  likely  that  he  was  mad  than  that  you 
would  ever  come  to  such  a  pass  ?  The  fact 
is  that  in  controversies  of  this  kind  there 
is  no  thought  of  sparing  a  friend  if  only  an 
enemy  can  be  injured.  But  you  go  beyond 
even  this  point :  you  do  not  spare  yourself  in 
your  attempt  to  ruin  not  your  enemies  but 
your  friends. 

22.  In  the  Preface  to  his  book  on  Hebrew 
Qiiestions,  after  many  other  remarks,  he 
says  : 

"  I  say  nothing  of  Origen.  His  name  (if  I  may 
compare  small  things  to  great)  is  even  more  than 
my  own  the  object  of  ill  will,  because  though  fol- 
lowing the  common  version  in  his  Homilies  which 
were  spoken  to  common  people,  yet  in  his  Tomes, 
that  is,  in  his  fuller  discussion  of  Scripture,  he 
yields  to  the  Hebrew  as  the  truth,  and  though  sur- 
rounded by  his  own  forces  occasionally  seeks  the 
foreign  tongue  as  his  ally.  I  will  only  say  this  about 
him,  that  I  should  gladly  have  his  knowledge  of  the 
Scriptures  even  if  accompanied  with  all  the  ill-will 
which  clings  to  his  name,  and  that  I  do  not  care  a 
straw  for  these  shades  and  spectral  ghosts  whose 
nature  is  said  to  be  to  chatter  in  dark  corners  and 
be  a  terror  to  babies." 

I  really  can  no  longer  wonder  or  complain 
of  his  unfriendly  dealings  with  me  since  he 
has  not  spared  *  such  men,  such  great  men.' 
For  another  man  whom  he  tears  to  pieces  is 
Ambrose  that  Bishop  of  sacred  memory. 
In  what  manner,  and  with  what  disparage- 
ment he  attacks  him,  I  will  show  in  a  similar 
way  from  one  of  his  Prefaces,  in  which, 
nevertheless,  he  praises  Origen.  It  is  the 
Preface  to  Origen's  homilies  on  Luke  ad- 
dressed to  Paula  and  Eustochium. 

A  few  days  ago  you  told  me  that  you  had  read 
some  commentaries  on  Matthew  and  Luke,  of 
which  one  was  equally  dull  in  perception  and  ex- 
pression, the  other  frivolous  in  expression,  sleepy 
in  sense.  Accordingly,  you  requested  me  to  trans- 
late without  such  trifling,  our  Adamantius'  39  hom- 
ilies on  Luke,  just  as  they  are  found  in  the  original 
Greek :  I  replied  that  it  was  an  irksome  task  and  a 
mental  torment  to  write,  as  Cicero  phrases  it,  with 
another  man's  heart,  not  one's  own  :  but  yet  I  will 
undertake  it  as  your  requests  reach  no  higher  than 
this.  The  demand  which  the  sainted  Blaesia  once 
made  at  Rome,  that  I  should  translate  into  our 
language  his  twenty-five  volumes  on  Matthew,  five 
on  Luke  and  thirty-two  on  John  is  beyond  my 
powers,  my  leisure  and  my  energy.  You  see 
what  weight  your  influence  and  wishes  have  with 
me.  I  have  laid  aside  for  a  time  my  books  on 
Hebrew  Questions  to  use  my  energies  which  your 
judgment  holds  fruitful  in  translating  these  com- 
mentaries which,  good  or  bad,  are  his  work,  and 
not  mine  :  especially  as  I  hear  on  the  left  of  me 
the  raven  —  that  ominous  bird  —  croaking  and 
mocking  in  an  extraordinary  way  at  the  colours  of 


470 


RUFINUS. 


all  the  other  birds,  because  of  his  own  utter  black- 
ness. And  so,  before  he  change  his  note,  I  con- 
fess that  these  treatises  are  Origen's  recreation  no 
less  than  dice  are  a  boj's  :  very  different  are  the  seri- 
ous pursuits  of  his  manhood  and  of  his  old  age.  Tf 
my  proposal  meet  with  your  approbation,  if  I  am 
still  able  to  undertake  the  task,  and  if  the  Lord 
grant  me  opportunity  to  translate  them  into  Latin, 
so  that  I  may  complete  the  work  I  have  now  de- 
ferred, you  will  then  be  able  to  see,  aye,  and  all  who 
speak  Latin  will  learn  through  you,  the  mass  of  valu- 
able knowledge  of  which  they  have  hitherto  been  ig- 
norant, but  which  they  have  now  begun  to  acquire. 
Besides  this  I  have  arranged  to  send  you  shortly 
the  commentaries  on  Matthew  of  that  eloquent 
man  Hilarius,  and  of  the  blessed  martyr  Victori- 
nus,  which,  different  as  their  style  may  be,  one 
spirit  has  enabled  them  to  write  :  these  will  give 
you  some  idea  of  the  study  which  our  Latins  also 
have  in  former  days  bestowed  upon  the  Holy 
Scriptures. 

23.  You  see  by  this  what  his  opinions  are 
about  Origen  and  also  about  Ambrose.  If 
he  should  deny  that  his  strictures  apply  to 
Ambrose,  which  every  one  knows,  he  will 
be  convicted  in  the  first  place  by  the  fact 
that  there  is  a  Commentary  of  his  on  Luke 
which  is  current  among  the  Latine,  and  none 
by  any  other  hand.  But  secondly  he  knows 
that  I  possess  a  letter  of  his  in  which,  while 
he  discharges  others,  he  makes  his  strictures 
fall  upon  Ambrose.  But,  since  that  letter 
contains  certain  more  secret  matters,  I  do 
not  wish  to  see  it  published  before  the  right 
time  ;  and  therefore  I  will  corroborate  what 
I  say  by  other  proofs  similar  to  it.  In  the 
meantime  let  this  be  counted  as  demonstrated 
by  what  I  have  said  above,  that  he  extols 
Origen's  writings  as  in  every  way  admirable, 
and  declares  that  '  if  he  translates  them,  the 
Roman  tongue  will  then  recognize  what  a 
store  of  good  it  had  hitherto  been  ignorant  of 
and  now  has  begun  to  understand,'  that  is 
the  twenty  six  books  on  Matthew,  the  five 
on  Luke,  and  the  thirty  two  on  John.  These 
are  the  books  to  which  he  gives  the  highest 
honour ;  and  in  these  absolutely  everything 
is  to  be  found  which  is  contained  in  the 
books  on  Uepl  'Ap;t<^v,  the  groundwork  of  his 
charges  against  me,  only  set  forth  with  greater 
breadth  and  fulness.  If  then  he  promises 
that  he  will  translate  these,  why  does  he  con- 
demn me  for  a  similar  course.^  But  now  I 
have  undertaken  to  prove  how  violently  he 
attacks  a  man  who  is  worthy  of  all  admira- 
tion, Ambrose,  Bishop  of  Milan,  who  was 
not  to  that  church  alone  but  to  all  the 
churches  like  a  column  or  an  impregnable 
fortress.  I  will  therefore  set  forth  a  Preface 
of  his  by  which  you  may  see  in  what  foul 
and  unworthy  terms  he  assails  even  a  man  of 
such  eminence,  and  also  how  he  praises 
Didymus  to  the  sky,   though  he   has   since 


cast  him  down  even  to  the  infernal  region  ; 
and  further  how  he  speaks  of  the  city  of 
Rome,  which  now  through  the  grace  of  God  is 
reckoned  by  Christians  as  their  capital,  words 
which  were  only  applicable  when  its  inhab- 
itants were  a  nation  who  were  heathens  and 
j^rinces  who  were  persecutors. 

24.  The  Preface  is  that  for  the  treatise  of 
Didymus  on  the  Holy  Spirit.  It  is  addressed 
to  Paulinianus,  and  is  as  follows. 

"  While  I  was  an  inhabitant  of  Babylon,  a  settler 
in  the  land  of  the  purple  harlot,  and  lived  under 
the  law  of  the  Quirites,  I  attempted  to  write  some 
poor  stuff  about  the  Holy  Spirit  and  dedicated  the 
work  to  the  Pontiff  of  that  city.  When  on  a  sudden 
that  pot  which  Jeremiah  saw  after  the  almond  rod  ^ 
began  to  seethe  from  the  face  of  the  North ;  and 
the  whole  senate  of  the  Pharisees  raised  a  clamour 
and  no  mere  imaginary  scribe  but  the  whole  faction 
of  the  ignorant  as  if  I  had  declared  war  against 
them,  laid  their  heads  together  against  me.  I 
therefore  returned  with  all  speed  to  Jerusalem,  like 
a  man  going  back  to  his  home,  and,  after  having 
lived  in  sight  of  the  cottage  of  Romulus  and  the 
Lupercal  '^  with  its  naked  games,  I  am  now  in 
sight  of  Mary's  inn  and  the  Saviour's  cave.  And  so, 
Paulinianus  my  dear  brother,  since  the  aforenamed 
Pontiff  Damasus,  who  had  impelled  me  to  under- 
take this  work,  now  sleeps  in  the  Lord,  it  is  here 
in  Judea  that  I  warble  the  song  which  I  could  not 
sing  in  a  strange  land,  provoked  thereto  by  you 
and  by  Paula  and  Eustochium  those  handmaids  of 
Christ  whom  I  revere,  and  aided  by  your  prayers; 
for  this  land  which  bore  the  Saviour  is  more 
august  to  me  than  that  which  bore  the  man  who 
slew  his  brother.^  I  have  in  the  title  ascribed  the 
work  to  its  true  authors  for  I  preferred  to  be  known 
as  the  translator  of  another  man's  Avork  than  to 
imitate  certain  people  and,  like  the  ungainly  jack- 
daw, deck  myself  in  another  bird's  plumage.  I 
read  some  time  ago  the  treatise  of  a  certain  persort 
on  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  I  recognized  then,  accord- 
ing to  the  sentence  of  Terence,''  bad  things  in  Latin 
taken  from  good  things  in  Greek.  There  is  noth- 
ing in  it  of  close  reasoning,  nothing  downright 
and  manly,  such  as  draws  us  into  assent  even 
against  our  will,  but  all  is  flaccid  and  soft,  sleek 
and  pretty,  picked  out  with  the  rarest  colours.  But 
Didymus,^  my  own  Didymus,  who  has  the  eyes  of 
the  bride  in  the  Song  of  Songs,  those  eyes  which 
Jesus  bade  us  lift  up  upon  the  whitening  fields, 
looks  afar  into  the  depths,  and  has  once  more  given 
us  cause  to  call  him,  as  is  our  wont,  the  Seer 
Prophet.  Whoever  reads  the  work  will  recognize 
the  plagiarisms  of  the  Latins,  and  will  despise  the 
derivative  streams,  as  soon  as  he  begins  to  drink  at 
the  fountain  head.  He  is  rude  in  speech,  yet  not 
in  knowledge;^  his  very  style  marks  him  as  one 
like  the  apostle  as  well  by  the  grandeur  of  the  sense 
as  by  the  simplicity  of  the  words." 

25.  You  observe  how  he  treats  Ambrose. 

1  Jer.  i,  IT,  13. 

2  These  games  took  place  at  Rome  each  February  in  honour 
of  Lupercus  the  god  of  fertility.  Two  noble  youths,  after  a 
sacrifice  of  goats  and  dogs,  ran  aln\ost  nakt  d  about  the  city 
with  thongs  cut  from  the  skins,  a  stroke  from  which  was  be- 
lieved to  impart  fertility  to  women. 

3  Romulus,  the  founder  of  Rome  who  slew  his  brother 
Remus. 

*  Eun.  Prol.  The  sentiment,  not  the  words,  are  quoted. 
above. 

6  The  blind  teacher  of  Alexandria.         ^  2  Cor.  xi,  6. 


APOLOGY  —  BOOK    II. 


471 


First,  he  calls  him  a  crow  and  says  that  he  is 
black  all  over  ;  then  he  calls  him  a  jackdaw 
who  decks  himself  in  other  birds'  showy 
feathers ;  and  then  he  rends  him  with  his  foul 
abuse,  and  declares  that  there  is  nothing 
manly  in  a  man  whom  God  has  singled  out 
to  be  the  glory  of  the  churches  of  Christ, 
who  has  '  spoken  of  the  testimonies  of  the 
Loid  even  in  the  sight  of  persecuting  kings 
and  has  not  been  alarmed.  The  saintly  Am- 
brose wrote  his  book  on  the  Holy  Spirit  not 
in  words  only  but  with  his  own  blood  ;  for 
he  offered  his  life-blood  to  his  persecutors, 
and  shed  it  within  himself,  although  God 
preserved  his  life  for  future  labours.  Suppose 
that  he  did  follow  some  of  the  Greek  writers 
belonging  to  our  Catholic  body,  and  bor- 
rowed something  from  their  writings,  it 
should  hardly  have  been  the  first  thought  in 
your  mind,  (still  less  the  object  of  such 
zealous  efforts  as  to  make  you  set  to  work 
to  translate  the  work  of  Didymus  on 
the  Holy  Spirit,)  to  blaze  abroad  what  you 
call  his  plagiarisms,  which  were  very  possi- 
bly the  result  of  a  literary  necessity  when  he 
had  to  reply  at  once  to  some  ravings  of  the 
heretics.  Is  this  the  fairness  of  a  Christian? 
Is  it  thus  that  we  are  to  observe  the  injunc- 
tion of  the  Apostle,  ^  *'  Do  nothing  through 
faction  or  through  vain  glory"?  But  I 
might  turn  the  tables  on  you  and  ask,  ^  Thou 
that  sayest  that  a  man  should  not  steal,  dost 
thou  steal?  I  might  quote  a  fact  I  have 
already  mentioned,  namely,  that,  a  little  be- 
fore you  wrote  your  commentary  on  Micah, 
you  had  been  accused  of  plagiarizing  from 
Origen.  And  you  did  not  deny  it,  but  said  : 
''  What  they  bring  against  me  in  violent 
abuse  I  accept  as  the  highest  praise  ;  for  I 
wish  to  imitate  the  man  whom  we  and  all 
who  are  wise  admire."  Your  plagiarisms 
redound  to  your  highest  praise ;  those  of 
others  make  them  crows  and  jackdaws  in 
your  estimation.  If  you  act  rightly  in  imi- 
tating Origen  whom  you  call  second  only  to 
the  Apostles,  why  do  you  sharply  attack  an- 
other for  following  Didymus,  whom  never- 
theless you  point  to  by  name  as  a  Prophet 
and  an  apostolic  man?  For  myself  I  must 
not  complain,  since  you  abuse  us  all  alike. 
First  you  do  not  spare  Ambrose,  great  and 
highly  esteemed  as  he  was  ;  then  the  man  of 
whom  you  write  that  he  was  second  only  to 
the  Apostles,  and  that  all  the  wise  admire 
him,  and  whom  you  have  praised  up  to  the 
skies  a  thousand  times  over,  not  as  you  say 
in  two,  but  in  innumerable  places,  this  man 
who  was    before  an  Apostle,  you  now  turn 


1  Ps.  cxix,  46. 


2Phil.il,  3. 


3  Rom.  ii,  21. 


round  and  make  a  heretic.  Thirdly,  this 
very  Didymus  whom  you  designate  the  Seer- 
Prophet,  who  has  the  eye  of  the  bride  in  the 
Song  of  Songs,  and  whom  you  call  accord- 
ing to  the  meaning  of  his  name  *  an 
Apostolic  man,  you  now  on  the  other  hand 
criminate  as  a  perverse  teacher,  and  separate 
him  off  with  what  you  call  your  censor's  rod, 
into  the  communion  of  heretics.  I  do  not 
know  whence  you  received  this  rod.  I  know 
that  Christ  once  gave  the  keys  to  Peter :  but 
what  spirit  it  is  who  now  dispenses  these 
censors'  rods,  it  is  for  you  to  say.  How- 
ever, if  you  condemn  all  those  I  have  men- 
tioned with  the  same  mouth  with  which 
you  once  praised  them,  I  who  in  compari- 
son of  them  am  but  like  a  flea,  must  not 
complain,  I  repeat,  if  now  you  tear  me  to 
pieces,  though  once  you  praised  me,  and  in 
your  Chronicle  ^  equalled  me  to  Florentius 
and  Bonosus  for  the  nobleness,  as  you  said, 
of  my  life. 

26.  There  is  also  an  astonishing  action  of 
his  in  relation  to  Melania,  which  I  must  not 
pass  by  in  silence  because  of  the  shame 
which  those  who  hear  it  may  feel.  She  was 
the  granddaughter  of  the  Consul  Marcelli- 
nus ;  and  in  these  very  Chronicles  ^  he  had 
narrated  how  she  was  the  first  lady  of  the 
Roman  nobility  to  visit  Jerusalem  ;  how  she 
had  left  her  son,  then  a  little  child,  behind 
her  at  Rome,  and  how  the  name  of  Thecla 
was  given  her  on  account  of  her  signal  merit 
and  virtue.  But  afterwards,  when  he  found 
that  some  of  his  deeds  were  disapproved  by 
this  lady  through  the  stricter  discipline  of 
her  life,  he  erased  her  name  from  all  the 
copies  of  his  work. 

It  has  been  necessary  for  me  to  bring  to- 
gether the  large  number  of  passages  which  I 
have  adduced  from  his  works,  so  as  to  put 
to  the  test  the  truth  of  his  statement,^  that 
it  is  only  in  two  short  prefaces  that  he  has 
made  mention  of  Origen  with  praise,  and 
that  not  because  of  his  faith  but  his  talent ;  that 
he  has  praised  in  him  the  commentator  not 
the  doctrinal  teacher.  I  have  actually  brought 
forward  ten. 

27.  But  there  is  danger  of  expanding  my 
treatise  too  far  and  becoming  burdensome  to 
the  reader  ;  it  is  sufficient  that  in  the  passages 
I  have  cited  he  speaks  of  Origen  as  almost 
an  Apostle  and  a  teacher  of  the  churches,  and 
says  that  it  is  not  because  of  his  novel  doc- 
trines as  the  mad  dogs  pretend  that  the  senate 


1  Sensiium  nomine.  Thomas  the  Apostle  is  called  Didymus. 
John  xi,  16. 

2  Seethe  continuation  by  Jerome  of  the  Chronicle  of  Eusebius 
(not  included  in  this  translation)  A.D.  3S1  "  P'lorentius, 
Bonosus  and  Rufinus  became  knnvn  as  di-tinjj;-uished  monks." 

3  Chronicle.  A.D.  377.  *  Letter  Ixxxiv.  2. 


472 


RUFINUS. 


of  Rome  is  excited  against  him ;  that  he 
follows  him  because  he  himself  and  all  the 
wise  approve  him ;  and  all  the  other  testi- 
inonies,  adduced  from  his  prefaces  which 
are  inserted  above.  But,  however  these 
matters  may  stand,  and  whatever  your  re- 
lations may  be  to  these  writers  whether 
ancient  or  modern,  and  whether  you  call 
them  Apostles  or  mere  wantons,  ^  Prophets  or 
perverse  teachers,  what  is  that  to  me  ?  It  is 
for  you  to  do  penance  for  all  your  changes 
of  opinion,  your  violent  words  and  the 
wounds  you  have  inflicted  on  good  men, 
whether  you  have  yet  done  so  or  not.  As 
for  myself,  what  is  the  meaning  of  your  say- 
ing "If  they  have  followed  me  when  I 
erred,  let  them  follow  me  also  in  my  amend- 
ment?" Get  thee  behind  me!  Far  be  such 
a  thing  from  me.  I  never  followed  you  or 
any  other  man  in  your  errors,  but  in  the 
strength  of  Christ  I  will  follow,  not  you  nor 
any  other  man,  but  the  Catholic  church. 
But  you,  who  have  written  all  these  things 
who  have  followed  those  whom  you  knew 
to  be  in  error,  you  who,  as  I  have  shewn, 
have  written  so  unworthily  of  God,  go  you,  I 
say,  and  do  penance,  if  at  least  you  have  any 
hope  that  yoiu^  crime  of  blasphemy  can  be 
pardoned. 

27  «.  I  ask  whether  you  can  produce  any- 
thing which  I  have  written,  by  which  you 
may  convict  me  of  having  fallen  into  heresy 
even  in  my  youth, — anything  of  such  a 
character  as  the  heresies  of  which,  though  you 
will  not  confess  it,  you  now  stand  convicted. 
I  said  that  I  had  followed  or  imitated  you 
in  your  system  of  translating,  in  that  alone 
and  in  nothing  else.  Yet  you  say  that  by 
this  I  have  done  you  all  the  injury  which  you 
complain  of.  I  followed  you  in  such  things  as 
I  saw  that  you  had  done  in  the  Homilies  on  the 
Gospel  according  to  Luke.  Take  the  pas- 
sage :  "  My  soul  doth  magnify  the  Lord,  and 
my  spirit  hath  rejoiced  in  God  my  Saviour." 
When  you  found  that  the  Greek  Commentary 
had  something  relathig  to  the  Son  of  God 
which  was  not  right,  you  passed  it  over ; 
whereas  the  v/ords  about  the  Spirit,  which 
as  you  may  remember,  are  expressed  in  the 
ordinary  way,  you  not  only  did  not  pass  over 
but  added  a  few  words  of  your  own  to  make 
the  expression  more  clear.  And  so  in  the  note 
on  the  words,  "^"Behold,  when  the  voice 
of  thy  salutation  came  into  my  ears,  the 
babe  leaped  in  my  womb,"  you  render : 
"  Because  this  was  not  the  beginning  of  his 
substance,"  and  you  add  of  your  own  the 
words  "and  nature,  "  though  both  these  and 


1  Venerarios,  belonging  to  Venus  or   love, 
'beloved  ones.'  2  Luke  i,  44. 


It  might  mean 


a  thousand  other  things  in  your  translations  of 
these  homilies  or  those  on  Isaiah  or  Jeremiah, 
but    more    particularly  in  those   on  Ezekiel, 
you   have  now  withdrawn.      But,    in  certain 
places  where  you  found  things  relating  to  the 
faith,    that    is    the    Trinity,    expressed    in    a 
strange  manner,  you   left  out  words   at  your 
discretion.     This  mode  of  translation  we  have 
both  of  us  observed,  and  if  any  one  finds  fault 
with  it,  it  is  you   who  ought  to  make  answer, 
since  you  made  use  of  it  before  me.     But  now 
the  practice  which  you  blame  is  undoubtedly 
one  for  which  you  may  yourself  incur  blame. 
The  practice   of    translating  word    for   word 
you  formerly  pronounced  to  be  both  foolish 
and  injurious.     In  this  I  followed  you.     You 
can  hardly  mean  that  I  am  to  repent  of  this 
because  you  have  now  changed  your  opinion, 
and  say  that  you  have  translated  the  present 
work    with    literal    exactness.     In    previous 
cases  you  took  out  what  was  unedifying   in 
matters  of  faith,  though  you  did  so  in  such  a 
way  as  not  to  excise  them  wholly  nor  in  all 
cases.     For    instance,    in    the    Homilies    on 
Isaiah,  at  the  Vision  of  God '  Origen  refers 
the  words  to  the  Son  and  the   Holy  Spirit ; 
and  so    you    have    translated,   adding,    how- 
ever, words  of  your  own  which  would  make 
the  passage  Iiave  a   more    acceptable   sense. 
It    stands   thus:   "Who  are  then  these  two 
Seraphim.?    My  Lord    Jesus  Christ  and  the 
Holy   Spirit :  "  but    you    add    of  your    own, 
"And  do  not  think  that  there  is  any  differ- 
ence in  the  nature  of  the  Trinity,  when  the 
functions  indicated  by  the  several  persons  are 
preserved."     The  same  thing  I  have  done  in 
a  great  many  cases,  either  cutting  out  words 
or  bending    them    into   a   sounder    meaning. 
For  this  you  bid  me   do  penance.    I  do  not 
think  that  you  are  of  this  opinion  as  regards 
yourself.      If  then  on  this  ground  no  penitence 
is  due  from  either  of  us,   what  other  things 
are  there  of  which  you   invite  me  to  repent.? 
28.    I  repeat  that  there  are  no  writings  of 
mine  in  which  there  is  any  error  to  be  cor- 
rected.    There  are  many  of  yours  which,  as 
I    have    shewn,    according   to    your    present 
opinion,   ought   to    be     wholly    condemned. 
You  made    an    exception   in  favour    of    the 
Commentaries  on  the  Ephesians,  in  which  you 
imagined  that  you  had  written  more  correctly. 
But  even    you    must    have    seen,    as  I    have 
shewn,    how  like    they    are    all    through    to 
Origen's     views ;     and,   indeed,     how    they 
contain    something    more   extreme  than    the 
views  of  which  you  demand  the  condemna- 
tion.    And,    were  it   not   that  you   had   cut 
yourself  ofl"  from    the  power  of    repentance 

1  Is.  vi. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    II. 


473 


by  saying  "  Read  over  my  Commentaries  on 
the  Ep.  to  the  Ephesians,  and  you  will  ac- 
knowledge that  I  have  opposed  the  doctrines 
of  Origen ;  "  possibly  you  might  wish  to 
turn  round  and  do  penance  for  those,  and 
in  this  case,  as  in  the  rest,  to  condemn  your- 
self. As  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  give  you 
full  leave  to  repent  of  these  also  ;  indeed, 
the  best  thing  that  you  can  do  is  to  do  pen- 
ance for  all  that  you  have  said  and  also  for 
all  that  you  are  going  to  say ;  for  it  is  certain 
that  all  that  you  have  ever  written  is  to  be 
repented  of.  But  if  any  one  blame  me  for 
having  translated  anything  at  all  of  Origen's, 
then  I  say  that  I  am  the  last  of  many  who 
have  done  the  deed,  and  the  blame,  if  any, 
should  begin  with  the  first.  But  does  any 
one  ever  punish  a  deed  the  doing  of  which  he 
had  not  previously  forbidden.  We  did  what 
was  permissible.  If  there  is  to  be  a  new  law, 
it  holds  good  only  for  the  future.  But  it 
may  be  said  that  the  works  themselves  ought 
to  be  condemned  and  their  author  as  well. 
If  that  be  so,  what  is  to  happen  to  the  other 
author  who  writes  the  same  things,  as  I  have 
shewn  most  fully  above?  He  must  receive 
a  similar  judgment.  I  do  not  ask  for  this 
nor  press  for  it,  although  he  acts  a  hostile 
part  towards  me.  But  I  cannot  but  see  that 
he  is  heaping  up  such  a  judgment  for  him- 
self by  his  rash  condemnation  of  others. 

29.  But  I  must  deal  with  you  once  more 
by  quoting  your  own  words.  You  say  of 
me  in  that  invective  of  yours  '  that  I  have 
by  my  translation  shewn  that  Origen  is  a 
heretic  while  I  was  a  Catholic.  The  words 
are:  ''  That  is  to  say,  I  am  a  Catholic,  but 
he  whom  I  was  translating  is  a  heretic." 
Yes  you  say  it,  I  have  read  it.  Well  then,  if, 
as  you  tell  us,  the  result  of  my  whole  work 
is  to  show  that  I  am  a  Catholic  and  Origen 
a  heretic,  what  more  do  you  want?  Is  not 
your  whole  object  gained  if  Origen  is  proved 
a  heretic  and  I  a  Catholic?  If  you  bear 
witness  that  I  have  said  this  and  have  thus 
given  you  satisfaction  by  the  whole  of  my 
work,  what  cause  of  accusation  against  me 
remains?  What  purpose  was  served  by  that 
Invective  of  yours  against  me?  If  I  proved 
Origen  to  be  a  heretic  and  myself  a  Catholic, 
was  I  right  or  not?  If  I  was,  then  why  do 
you  subject  to  blame  and  accusation  what 
was  rightly  done?  But,  if  it  was  not 
right  that  Origen  should  be  called  a  heretic, 
why  do  you  make  a  charge  against  me  on 
that  head?  What  need  was  there  for  you  to 
translate  in  a  worse  sense  what  I  had  already 
translated    according    to     your     principles, 


1  Namely,  Ep.  Ixxxiv,  c.  7. 


though  in  a  less    elegant  style?     Especially 
what   need  was  there  for  you   to    play    your 
readers  false,   and,   when  they  expected  one 
thing,  for  you  to  do  another?     They  imagine 
that  you  are  acting  in    opposition    to    those 
who    defend    Origen    as    Catholic ;     but    the 
person  whom  you  combat  and  accuse  is  the 
man   who  you  say  has    pronounced    him    a 
heretic.     Perhaps    it  was    for  this    that  you 
invited  me  to  do  penance  ;  and  I  had  misun- 
derstood you.     But  even  of  this  I  must  say 
that    I    could   not  repent,    if  my  repentance 
implied  that  I  thought  all  things  which  are 
found    in  his  works  are   catholic.     Whether 
what  is  uncatholic  is  his  own  or,  as  I  think, 
inserted  by  others,  God  only  knows  :  at  all 
events    these    things,   wdien    brought   to    the 
standard  of  the  faith  and  of  truth  are  wholly 
rejected  by  me.     What  then  is    it    that  you 
want  me  to  say?     That  Origen  is  a  heretic? 
That  is  what  you  say  that  I  have  done,  and 
you  blame   it.     That  he   is  a  catholic  then? 
Again  you  make  this  a  ground  of  accusation 
against    me.     Point  out   more  clearly    what 
you      mean ;    possibly    there    is    something 
which  you  can  find  out  that  lies  between  the 
two.     This    is    all    the    wit    that    you    have 
gathered    from    the  acuteness   of  Alexander 
and  Porphyry  and  Aristotle  himself:     This 
is  the  issue  of  all  the    boasting   w^iich    you 
make  of  having  from  infancy  to  old  age  been 
versed  and  trained  in  the  schools  of  rhetoric 
and  philosophy,  that  you  set  forth  with  the 
intention  of  pronouncing  sentence  on  Origen 
as  a  heretic,  and  in  the  very  speech  in  which 
you   are  delivering  judgment  turn  upon  the 
man  whom   you  are  addressing  and    accuse 
him  because  he  also  has  shown  Orio-en  to  be 
a  heretic.     I   beg  all  men  to  note  that  there 
is  in  all  this  no  care  for  the  faith  or  for  truth, 
no    earnest   thought    of  religion    and    sound 
judgment;   there  is  nothing  but  the  practised 
lust  of  evil  speaking  and  accusing  the  brethren 
which  works  in  his  tongue,  nothing  but  rivalry 
with    his  fellow  men   in  his    heart,    nothing 
but  malice  and  envy  in  his  mind.     So  much 
is  this  the  case   that,  before   any  cause  of  ill 
feeling   existed,    and   I    spoke   of  you    with 
praise  as  my  brother  and  colleague,  you  nev- 
ertheless were  angry  at   my  advances.     For- 
give me  for  not  knowing  that  you  were  what 
the  Greeks  call  acatonomastos  [aKarovduaaroc)  ^ 
one  whom  no  one  dares  to  address  by  name. 
Still,    I  wonder  that   you  should  call    upon 
me  to  condemn  what   you  complain  of   me 
for  branding  as  wrong. 

30.  It  seems  needless  to  make  any  answer 
to  that  part  of  his  indictment  in  which  he 
says  that  the  works  of  the  Martyr  Pamphilus, 
expressed  as  they  are  with  so  much  faithful- 


474 


RUFINUS. 


ness  and  piety,  are  either  not  to  be  con- 
sidered genuine  or  if  genuine,  to  be  treated 
with  contempt.  Is  there  any  one  to  whose 
authority  he  will  bow  ?  Is  there  any  one 
whom  he  will  refrain  from  abusing?  All 
the  old  Greek  writers  of  the  church,  accord- 
ing to  him,  have  erred.  As  to  the  Latins, 
how  he  disparages  them,  how  he  attacks 
them  one  by  one,  both  those  of  the  old  and 
those  of  modern  times,  an}'  one  who  reads  his 
various  work  knows  well.  Now  even  the 
Martyrs  fail  to  gain  any  respect  from  him. 
''I  do  not  believe,"  he  says  "that  this  is 
really  the  work  of  the  Martyr."  If  such  an 
argument  were  admitted  in  the  case  of  the 
works  of  any  writer,  how  can  we  prove 
their  genuineness  in  any  particular  case?  If 
I  were  to  say.  It  is  not  true  that  books  of 
Miscellanies  are  Origen's  as  you  maintain, 
how  can  they  be  proved  to  be  his?  His 
answer  is.  From  their  likeness  to  the  rest. 
But,  just  as,  when  a  man  wants  to  forge 
some  one's  signature,  he  imitates  his  hand- 
writing, so  he  who  wishes  to  introduce  his 
own  thoughts  under  jtnother  man's  name, 
is  sure  to  imitate  the  style  of  him  whose 
name  he  has  assumed.  But,  to  pass  over 
for  brevity's  sake  all  that  might  with  great 
justice  be  said  on  this  point,  if  you  were 
determined  to  be  so  bold  as  to  question  the 
works  of  the  Martyr,  you  ought  to  have 
brought  out  publicly  the  actual  statements 
which  seemed  to  you  liable  to  question,  and 
then  every  reader  could  have  seen  what  was 
absurd  in  them  and  what  was  reasonable, 
what  was  unsuitable  to  or  against  the  system 
of  the  Apostles  ;  and  especially  the  great  im- 
piety, whatever  it  may  have  been,  in  expiation 
of  which  you  tell  us  that  the  Martyr  shed 
his  blood.  A  man  who  read  those  actual 
words  would  be  able  to  say,  not,  as  now,  on 
vour  judgment  but  on  his  own,  either  that 
the  martyr  had  gone  wrong,  or  that  a  treatise 
which  was  so  full  of  absurdity  and  unbelief 
i.ad  been  composed  by  some  one  else.  But, 
as  it  is,  you  know  well  that  if  the  writings 
which  you  impugn  are  read  by  any  one,  the 
blame  will  be  turned  back  upon  him  who 
has  unjustly  found  fault ;  and  therefore  you 
do  not  cite  the  passages  which  you  impugn, 
but  with  that  '  censor's  rod '  of  yours,  and  by 
your  own  arrogant  authority,  you  make  your 
decrees  in  this  style  :  "  Let  this  book  be  cast 
out  of  the  libraries,  let  that  book  be  re- 
tained ;  and  again,  if  today  a  book  is  ac- 
cepted, tomorrow  if  any  one  but  myself  has 
praised  it,  let  it  be  cast  out,  and  with  it 
the  man  who  praised  it.  Let  this  one  be 
counted  as  Catholic,  even  though  he  seems 
at  times  to   have  gone  wrong;   let  that  man 


have  no   pardon  for  his  error,   even   though 
he  has  said   the  same  things  as   myself,  and 
let  no   man   translate  him   nor  read  him,  for 
fear    he    should    recognize    my    plagiarisms. 
This  man  indeed  was  a  heretic,  but  he   was 
my  master.       And  this  other,  though  he  is  a 
Jew,  and  of  the  Synagogue  of  Satan,  and  is 
hired  to  sell  words  for  gain,  yet  he   is   my 
master  who  must  be  preferred  to  all  others, 
because  it  is  among  the  Jews  alone  that  the 
truth  of  the  Scriptures  dwells."     If  the  uni- 
versal Church  had  with   one  voice  conferred 
on  you  this  authority,  and  had  demanded  of 
you  that  you  should  be  the  judge  of  each  and 
all,   would  it  not   have   been   your    duty   to 
refuse  to   allow  so  heavy  and  perilous  a  bur- 
den to  be  laid  upon  you?     But  now  we  have 
made  such    progress    in    the    daily  habit    of 
disparaging  others  that  we  no   longer   spare 
even  the  martyrs.      But  let   us   suppose   that 
the  work  is  not  that  of  the  martyr  Pamphilus, 
but  of  some  other  unknown  member  of  the 
church;  did  he,  whoever  he  may  have  been, 
employ  his  own  words,  I  ask,  so  that  we  are 
called    upon    to    defer  to    the   merits    of   the 
writer?      No.     He   sets  out  quotations  from 
the  works  of  Origen  himself,  and  exhibits  his 
opinion  upon  each  question  not  in  the  words 
of    the     apologist    but    in    those    of  the  ac- 
cused  himself;   and,  just    as    in  the  present 
treatise  what   I  have  quoted  from    your  writ- 
ings carried    much   more  force   than  what   I 
have  said  myself,  so  also  the  defence  of  Ori- 
gen  lies   not   in   the   authority  of   his   apolo- 
gist, but  in  his  own  words.     The  question  of 
authorship  is  superfluous,  when  the  defence 
is    so    conducted    as    to    dispense    with    the 
author's    aid. 

31.     But  I  must  come  to  that  head   of  his 
inculpation    of  me  which  is   most  injurious 
and  full  of  ill-will  ;  nay,  not  of  ill-will   only 
but  of  malice.     He   says  :  Which  of  all  the 
wis2   and  holy   men   before   us   has  dared  ta 
attempt  the  translation  of  these  books  which 
you    have    translated?     I    myself,    he    adds, 
though  asked  by  many   to  do  it,  have  always 
refused.      But  the  fact   is,  the  excuse    to  be 
made  for  those  holy  men  is  easy  enough  ;  for 
it  by    no   means  follows  because  a    man  of 
Latin  race  is  a  holy  and  a  wise  man,  that  he 
has  an    adequate    knowledge    of    the    Greek 
language ;  it  is  no  slur  upon  his  holiness  that 
he  is  wanting  in  the  knowledge  of  a  foreign 
tongue.   And  further,  if  he  has  the  knowledge 
of  the  Greek  language,  it  does  not  follow  that 
he  has  the  wish  to  make  translations.     Even 
if  he  has  such  a  wish,  we  are  not  to  find  fault 
with  him  for  not  translating  more  than  a  few 
works,  and  for  translating  some  rather  than 
others.      Every   man   has  power  to  do  as  he 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    II. 


475 


*  likes  in  such  matters  according  to  his  own 
free  will  or  according  to  the  wish  of  any  one 
who  asks  him  to  make  the  translation.  But 
he  brings  forward  the  case  of  the  saintly  men 
Hilary  and  Victorinus,  the  first  of  whom, 
though  well-known  as  a  commentator,  trans- 
lated nothing,  I  believe,  from  the  Greek ; 
while  the  other  himself  tells  us  that  he  em- 
ployed a  learned  presbyter  named  Heliodorus 
to  draw  what  he  needed  from  the  Greek 
sources,  while  he  himself  merely  gave  them 
their  Latin  form  because  he  knew  little  or 
nothing  of  Greek.  There  is  therefore  a  very 
good  reason  why  these  men  should  not  have 
made  this  translation.  That  you  should  have 
acted  in  the  same  way  is,  I  admit,  a  matter 
for  wonder.  For  what  further  audacity, 
what  larger  amount  of  rashness,  would  have 
been  required  to  translate  those  books  of 
Origen,  after  you  had  put  almost  the  whole 
of  their  contents  into  your  other  works,  and, 
indeed,  had  already  published  in  books  bear- 
ing your  own  name  all  that  is  said  in  those 
which  you  now  declare  worthy  of  blame? 

33.  Perhaps  it  was  a  greater  piece  of 
audacity  to  alter  the  books  of  the  divine 
Scriptures  which  had  been  delivered  to  the 
Churches  of  Christ  by  the  Apostles  to  be  a 
complete  record  of  their  faith  by  making  a 
new  translation  under  the  influence  of  the 
Jews.  Which  of  these  two  things  appears 
to  you  to  be  the  less  legitimate?  As  to  the 
sayings  of  Origen,  if  we  agree  with  them, 
we  agree  with  them  as  the  sayings  of  a  man; 
if  we  disagree,  we  can  easily  disregard  them 
as  those  of  a  mere  man.  But  how  are  we  to 
regard  those  translations  of  yours  which  you 
are  now  sending  about  everywhere,  through 
our  churches  and  monasteries,  through  all  our 
cities  and  walled  towns?  are  they  to  be 
treated  as  human  or  divine  ?  And  what  are 
we  to  do  w4ien  we  are  told  that  the  books 
which  bear  the  names  of  the  Hebrew  Prohp- 
ets  and  lawgivers  are  to  be  had  from  you 
in  a  truer  form  than  that  which  was  approved 
by  the  Apostles  ?  How,  I  ask,  is  this  mis- 
take to  be  set  right,  or  rather,  how  is  this 
crime  to  be  expiated?  We  hold  it  a  thing 
worthy  of  condemnation  that  a  man  should 
have  put  forth  some  strange  opinions  in 
the  interpretation  of  the  law  of  God ;  but  to 
pervert  the  law  itself  and  make  it  different 
from  that  which  the  Apostles  handed  down 
to  us,  —  how  many  times  over  must  this  be 
pronounced  worthy  of  condemnation?  To 
the  daring  temerity  of  this  act  we  may  much 
more  justly  apply  your  words  :  "  Which  of 
all  the  wise  and  holy  men  who  have  gone 
before  you  has  dared  to  put  his  hand  to  that 
work?"     Which  of  them   would  have  pre- 


sumed thus  to  profane  the  book  of  God,  and 
the  sacred  words  of  the  Holy  Spirit?  Who 
but  you  would  have  laid  hands  upon  the 
divine  gift  and  the  inheritance  of  the 
Apostles  ? 

33.     There  has  been  from  the  first  in  the 
churches  of  God,   and  especially  in  that  of 
Jerusalem,  a  plentiful   supply  of  men  who 
being  born  Jews  have  become    Christians ; 
and   their   perfect    acquaintance    with    both 
languages   and  their  sufficient  knowledge  of 
the  law  is  shewn  by  their  administration  of 
the  pontifical  office.     In  all  this  abundance 
of  learned  men,  has  there  been  one  who  has- 
dared   to  make  havoc    of  the  divine  record 
handed  down  to  the  Churches  by  the  Apos^ 
ties  and  the  deposit  of  the  Holy  Spirit?    For 
what  can  we  call  it  but  havoc,  when  some 
parts  of  it  are  transformed,  and  this  is  called 
the  correction    of  an   error?     For    instance, 
the  whole  of  the  history  of    Susanna,  which 
gave  a  lesson  of  chastity  to  the  churches  of 
God,  has  by  him  been  cut  out,  thrown  aside 
and    dismissed.     The    hymn    of    the   three 
children,  which  is  regularly  sung  on  festivals 
in  the  Church  of  God,  he  has  wholly   erased 
from    the  place  where   it    stood.     But  why 
should   I  enumerate  these  cases  one  by  one,, 
when    their    number   cannot   be    estimated.^ 
This,  however,  cannot  be  passed  over.     The 
seventy    translators,   each   in    their  separate 
cells,  produced  a  version  couched  in  conso- 
nant and  identical  words,  under  the  inspira- 
tion, as  we  cannot  doubt,  of  the  Holy  Spirit; 
and  this  version  must  certainly  be  of  more 
authority  with  us  than  a  translation  made  by 
a   single   man  under   the  inspiration   of  Ba- 
rabbas.    But,  putting  this  aside,  I  beg  you  to 
listen,  for  example,  to  this  as  an  instance  of 
what  we  mean.     Peter  was  for  twenty-four 
years  Bishop  of  the  Church  of  Rome.     We 
cannot  doubt  that,  amongst  other  things  nec- 
essary for  the  instruction  of   the  church,   he 
himself  delivered  to  them  the  treasury  of  the 
sacred  books,  which,  no  doubt,  had  even  then 
begun  to  be  read   under  his  presidency  and 
teaching.     What  are  we  to   say  then  ?     Did 
Peter  the  Apostle  of  Christ  deceive  the  church 
and  deliver  to  them  books  which  were  false 
and  contained  nothing  of  truth?     Are  we  to 
believe  that  he  knew  that  the  Jews  possessed 
what  was  true,  and  yet  determined  that  the 
Christians  should  have  what  was  false?     But 
perhaps  the  answer  will   be  made  that  Peter 
was  illiterate,  and  that,  though  he  knew  that 
the  books  of  the  Jews   were   truer  than  those 
which  existed  in  the  church,  yet  he  could  not 
translate    them    into    Latin    because    of    his 
linguistic     incapacity.      What    then !     Was 
the  tongue  of  fire  given  by  the  Holy  Spirit 


476 


RUFINUS 


from  heaven  of  no    avail   to   him?     Did  not 
the  Apostles  speak  in  all  languages? 

34.  But  let  us  grant  that  the  Apostle 
Peter  was  unable  to  do  w^hat  our  friend  has 
latelv  done.  Was  Paul  illiterate?  we  ask; 
He  who  was  a  Hebrew  of  the  Hebrews, 
touching  the  law  a  Pharisee,  brought  up  at 
the  feet  of  Gamaliel?  Could  not  he^  when 
he  was  at  Rome,  have  supplied  any  defi 
ciencies  of  Peter?  Is  it  conceivable  that  they, 
who  prescribed  to  their  disciples  that  they 
should  give  attention  to  reading,'  did  not 
give  them  correct  and  true  reading.^  These 
men  who  bid  us  not  attend  to  Jewish  fables 
and  genealogies,  which  minister  questioning 
rather  than  edification  ;  and  who,  again,  bid 
us  beware  of,  and  specially  watch,  those  of 
the  circumcision  ;  is  it  conceivable  that  they 
could  not  foresee  through  the  Spirit  that  a 
time  would  come,  after  nearly  four  hundred 
years,  when  the  church  would  find  out  that 
the  Apostles  had  not  delivered  to  them  the 
truth  of  the  old  Testainent,  and  would  send 
an  embassy  to  those  whom  the  apostles 
spoke  of  as  the  circumcision,  begging  and 
beseeching  them  to  dole  out  to  them  some 
small  portion  of  the  truth  which  was  in  their 
possession :  and  that  the  Church  would 
through  this  embassy  confess  that  she  had 
been  for  all  those  four  hundred  years  in 
error;  that  she  had  indeed  been  called  by 
the  Apostles  from  among  the  Gentiles  to  be 
the  bride  of  Christ,  but  that  they  had  not 
decked  her  with  a  necklace  of  genuine 
jewels;  that  she  had  fondly  thought  that 
they  were  precious  stones,  but  now  had 
found  out  that  those  were  not  true  gems 
which  the  Apostles  had  put  upon  her,  so 
that  she  felt  ashamed  to  go  forth  in  public 
decked  in  false  instead  of  true  jewels,  and 
that  she  therefore  begged  that  they  would 
send  her  Barabbas,  even  him  whom  she  had 
once  rejected  to  be  married  to  Christ,  so 
that  in  conjunction  with  one  man  chosen 
from  among  her  own  people,  he  might 
restore  to  her  the  true  ornaments  with  which 
the  Apostles  had  failed  to  furnish  her. 

3^.  What  wonder  is  there  then  that  he 
should  tear  me  to  pieces,  being  as  I  am  of  no 
account ;  or  that  he  should  wound  Ambrose, 
or  find  fault  with  Hilary,  Lactantius  and 
Didymus?  I  must  not  greatly  grieve  over 
any  injury  of  my  own  in  the  fact  that  he  has 
attempted  to  do  my  work  of  translating  over 
again,  when  he  is  onlv  treating  me  with  the 
same  contempt  with  which  he  has  treated 
the  Seventy  translators.  But  this  emenda- 
tion of  the  Seventy,  what  are  we  to  think  of 
at?       Is    it    not    evident     how    greatly    the 

1  Tim.  iv,  13. 


grounds  for  the  heathens'  unbelief  have  been 
increased  by  this  proceeding?  For  they 
take  notice  of  what  is  going  on  amongst  us. 
They  know  that  our  law  has  been  amended, 
or  at  least  changed ;  and  do  you  suppose 
they  do  not  say  among  themselves, ''These 
people  are  wandering  at  random,  they  have 
no  fixed  truth  among  them,  for  you  see  how 
they  make  amendments  and  corrections  in 
their  laws  whenever  they  please,  "  and  in- 
deed it  is  evident  that  there  must  have  been 
previous  error  where  amendment  lias  super- 
vened, and  that  things  which  undergo  change 
at  the  hand  of  man  cannot  possibly  be  divine. 
This  has  been  the  present  which  you  have 
made  us  wfth  your  excess  of  wisdom,  that 
we  are  all  judged  even  by  the  heathen  as 
lacking  in  wisdoin.  I  reject  the  wisdom 
which  Peter  and  Paul  did  not  teach.  I  will 
have  nothing  to  do  with  a  truth  which  the 
Apostles  have  not  approved.  These  are 
your  own  words :  ^  '-The  ears  of  simple 
men  among  the  Latins  ought  not  after  four 
hundred  years  to  be  molested  by  the  sound 
of  new  doctrines."  Now  you  are  yourself 
saying:  "  Every  one  has  been  under  a  mis- 
take who  thought  that  Susanna  had  afibrded 
an  example  of  chastity  to  both  the  married 
and  the  unmarried.  It  is  not  true.  And 
every  one  who  thought  that  the  boy  Daniel 
was  filled  with  the  Holy  Spirit  and  convicted 
the  adulterous  old  men,  was  under  a  mis- 
take. That  also  was  not  true.  And  every 
congregation  throughout  the  universe, 
whether  of  those  who  are  in  the  body  or  of 
those  wdio  have  departed  to  be  with  the 
Lord,  even  though  they  were  holy  martyrs 
or  confessors,  all  who  have  sung  the  Hymn 
of  the  three  children  have  been  in  error,  and 
have  sunof  what  is  false.  Now  therefore 
after  four  hundred  years  the  truth  of  the  law 
comes  forth  for  us ,-  it  has  been  bought  with 
money  from  the  .Synagogue.  When  the 
world  has  grown  old  and  all  things  are 
hastening  to  their  end,  let  us  change  the  in- 
scriptions upon  the  tombs  of  the  ancients,  so 
that  it  may  be  known  by  those  who  had 
read  the  story  otherwise,  that  it  was  not  a 
gourd"  but  an  ivy  plant  under  whose  shade 
Jonah  rested;  and  that,  when  our  legislator 
pleases,  it  will  no  longer  be  the  shade  of 
ivy  but  of  some  other  plant. 

36.  But  Origen  also,  you  will  tell  us,  in 
composing  his  work  called  the  Hexapla, 
adopted  the  asterisks,^  taking  them  from   the 


^  Jer.  Letter  Ixxxiv.  c.  S. 

2  This  cliange  of  the  a^ourd  for  the  ivy  forms  the  ground- 
work of  a  curious  story  told  bv  Augustine,  to  which  no  doubt 
Rufinus  here  alludes  See  Ep.  civ,  5  of  the  collection  of 
Jerome's  letters.     Augustin  Letter  Ixxi. 

3  The  asterisks  denoted  that  the  words  to  which  they  were 
attached  w<jre  added,  and  the   obeli    (f)   that  something  had 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    II. 


477 


translation  of  Theodotion.  How  is  this? 
You  produce  Origen  sometimes  for  condem- 
nation, sometimes  for  imitation,  at  your  own 
caprice.  But  can  it  be  admitted  as  right 
that  you  should  bring  in  the  same  man  as 
your  advocate  whom  just  now  you  were 
accusing?  Can  you  take  as  an  authority  for 
your  actions  one  whom  you  yourself  have 
previously  condemned,  and  to  the  condem- 
nation of  w^hom  you  stirred  up  the  Roman 
senate?  You  ought  to  have  made  provision 
for  this  beforehand.  No  man  begins  by 
cutting  the  trunk  of  a  tree  when  he  is  in- 
tending to  lean  against  it;  and  no  man  first 
impugns  the  faith  of  another  and  then  in- 
vokes his  faith  in  his  own  defence.  Whether 
Origen  did  as  you  say  or  not,  makes  no 
difference  to  you.  If  you  wish  that  his  case 
should  be  a  precedent  for  yours,  read  over 
your  judgment  upon  him,  and  see  what  you 
have  said.  You  used  the  expression  :  ''  This 
is  not  clearing  yourself  but  only  seeking 
abettors  of  your  crime."  Apply  this  to 
yourself;  your  business  is  not  to  seek  abet- 
tors of  your  crime,  but  to  find  means  of 
justification  for  your  conduct.  However, 
let  us  see  whether  anything  of  the  kind  was 
done  by  Origen  whom  you  make  both  plain- 
tiff'and  defendant.  I  do  not  find  a  single  pas- 
sage which  he  translated  from  the  Hebrew. 
How  then  can  your  action  and  his  be  said  to 
be  alike?  What  he  did  was  this.  He  proved 
that  apostates  and  Jews  had  translated  the 
writings  which  the  Jews  specially  read  : 
and,  since  it  would  frequently  happen  in  the 
course  of  discussion  that  they  falsely  asserted 
that  some  things  had  been  taken  out  and 
others  put  in  in  our  copies  of  the  Scriptures, 
Origen  desired  to  shew  to  our  people  what 
reading  obtained  among  the  Jews.  He 
therefore  wrote  out  each  of  their  versions  in 
separate  pages  or  columns,  and  pointed  out 
by  means  of  certain  specified  marks  at  the 
head  of  each  line  what  had  been  added  or 
subtracted  by  them ;  and  he  merely  put 
these  marks  of  his  in  the  work  of  others, 
not  in  his  own  ;  so  that  we  might  understand 
not  what  we  ourselves  but  what  the  Jews 
believed  to  have  been  either  removed  or  in- 
serted. This  was  no  more  than  what  is 
done  in  the  army  when  a  list  is  made  out 
containing  the  names  of  the  soldiers.  If  the 
captain  wishes  to  see  how  many  of  them 
have  survived  after  an  action,  he  sends  a 
man  to  make  inquiry ;  and  he  makes  his 
own  mark,  a  (e)  (theta),  for  instance,  as  is 
commonly  done,  against  the  name  of  each 
soldier  who  has  fallen,  and   puts  some  other 


been   subtracted.       See   Jerome's    Preface  to  the     Books  of 
Kings   in  this  Series. 


mark  of  his  own  to  designate  the  survivors. 
Do  you  suppose  that  he  who  makes  one 
mark  against  the  name  of  a  dead  man  and 
another  of  his  own  against  that  of  a  survivor, 
will  be  thought  to  have  done  anything  which 
causes  the  one  to  be  dead  and  the  other  to  be 
alive?  He  has  only,  as  is  well  understood, 
marked  the  names  of  those  who  have  been 
killed  by  others,  so  as  to  call  attention  to  the 
fact.  Just  in  the  same  way,  Origen  pointed 
out  by  certain  marks  of  his  own,  namely, 
the  signs  of  asterisks  and  obeli, ^  which  words 
had  been,  so  to  speak,  killed  by  other  trans- 
lators, and  those  which  had  been  super- 
fluously introduced.  But  he  put  in  no  single 
word  of  his  own,  nor  did  he  make  it  appear 
that  the  certainty  of  our  copies  was  In  any 
point  shaken ;  but  those  things  which,  as 
the  actual  words  run,  seemed  wanting  In 
plainness  and  clearness,  he  showed  to  be 
full  of  the  mysteries  of  a  spiritual  meaning. 
What  comfort  then  can  the  conduct  of  Ori- 
gen give  you  in  this  matter,  when  your 
work  is  shown  to  be  quite  unlike  his,  and 
when  all  your  labour  is  spent  upon  making 
one  letter  kill  the  next,  whereas  his  en- 
deavour, on  the  contrary,  is  to  vindicate  the 
Spirit  which  giveth  life? 

37.  This  action  is  yours,  my  brother, 
yours  alone.  It  is  clear  that  no  one  in  the 
church  has  been  your  companion  or  confed- 
erate in  it,  but  only  that  Barabbas  whom  you 
mention  so  frequently.  What  other  spirit 
than  that  of  the  Jews  would  dare  to  tamper 
with  the  records  of  the  church  which  have 
been  handed  down  from  the  Apostles?  It  is 
they,  my  brother,  you  who  were  most  dear 
to  me  before  you  were  taken  captive  by  the 
Jews,  It  is  they  who  are  hurrying  you  into 
this  abyss  of  evil.  It  is  their  doing  that 
those  books  of  yours  are  put  forth  in  which 
you  brand  your  Christian  brethren,  not  spar- 
ing even  the  martyrs,  and  heap  up  accusa- 
tions speakable  and  unspeakable  against 
Christians  of  every  degree,  and  mar  our 
peace,  and  cause  a  scandal  to  the  church. 
It  is  they  who  cause  you  to  pass  sentence 
upon  yourself  andyour  own  writings  as  upon 
words  which  you  once  spoke  as  a  Christian. 
We  all  of  us  have  become  worthless  In  your 
eyes,  while  they -and  their  evil  acts  are  all 
your  delight.  If  you  had  but  listened  to 
Paul  where  he  says  in  his  Epistle  :  ^  "  If  any 
brother  be  overtaken  in  a  fault  ye  who  are 
spiritual  restore  such  a  one  in  the  spirit  of 
meekness,"  you  would  never  have  let  your 
passions  swell  up  so  as  altogether  to  break 
through  the  order  of  our  spiritual  discipline. 


1^  Stars  and  spits. 


2  Gal.  vi,  I. 


478 


RUFINUS. 


Suppose  that  I  had  written  something  which 
was  injurious  to  you?  suppose  that  I  had 
done  some  injustice  to  you  a  man  of  the 
highest  eloquence,  who  were  my  brother 
and  my  brother  presbyter,  whom  also  I  had 
pronounced  worthy  of  imitation  in  your 
method  of  translation ;  even  so,  this  was  the 
iirst  complaint  which  you  had  received  of 
any  injury  on  my  part  since  friendship  had 
been  restored  between  us,  and  that  with 
difficulty  and  much  trouble.  But  suppose 
that  you  had  reason  to  be  offended  at  the 
fact  that,  in  my  translation  of  Origen,  I 
passed  over  some  things  which  appeared  to 
me  unedifying  in  point  of  doctrine  —  though 
in  this  I  only  did  what  you  had  done. 
Possibly  I  was  deserving  of  blame  and 
correction  for  this.  You  say  that  some  of  the 
brethren  sent  letters  to  you  demanding  that 
the  faults  of  the  translator  should  be  pointed 
out.  What  then  did  you  do,  you  who  are 
a  man  of  spiritual  attainments?  What  a 
model,  what  an  example  of  conduct  in  such 
matters  is  this  which  you  have  given !  You 
not  only  blazen  forth  the  shame  of  your 
brother's  nakedness  to  those  who  are  with- 
out, but  you  yourself  tear  away  the  covering 
of  his  nakedness.  Suppose  even  that  what 
I  did  was  not  done  as  you  had  done  it,  sup- 
pose that,  through  some  access  of  drunken- 
ness creeping  unaw^ares  upon  me,  I  had 
laid  bare  my  own  shame  as  the  Patriarch  did  ; 
would  it  have  been  a  curse  which  you  would 
have  incurred  if  you  had  walked  backward 
and  made  your  reply  like  a  soft  cloak  to  cover 
my  reproach,  if  the  letter  of  the  brother 
who  was  wide-awake  had  veiled  the  brother 
who  lay  exposed  through  his  own  drowsiness 
in  writing? 

38.  But  you  will  say,  It  was  impossible 
for  me  to  reply  otherwise  than  I  did.  The 
letter  which  I  received  was  such  that,  if  I 
had  not  replied  and  retranslated  literally 
the  books  which  you  had  translated  para- 
phrastically,  I  should  myself  have  been 
thought  to  be  a  follower  of  Origen.  I  will 
not  at  present  say  anything  as  to  the 
character  of  that  letter,  except  that  it  bears 
the  name  of  a  maa  of  high  rank,  Pamma- 
chius :  but  I  ask,  would  there  have  been 
anything  uncourteous  in  such  a  reply  as  this  : 
"  My  brothers  we  ought  not  readily  to  judge 
of  other  men's  works.  You  remember  what 
you  did  when  I  had  sent  my  books  against 
Jovinian  to  Rome,*  and  when  some  persons 
understood  them  in  a  different  sense  from 
that  in  which,  if  my  memory  serves  me,  I 
had  composed  them.    They  were   read  by  a 


1  See  Jerome's  letter  to  Pammachius  (Letter  xlviii)  describ. 
ing  his  friend's  remonstrance,  and  defending  himself. 


great  many  people,  and  almost  every  one 
was  offended  by  them,  you  yourself,  as  was 
believed,  amongst  them.  Did  you  not  on  that 
occasion  withdraw  from  circulation  the  copies 
which  had  been  exposed  to  sale  publicly  in 
the  forum,  and  send  them,  not  to  some  one 
else,  but  to  me,  at  the  same  time  pointing 
out  the  grounds  on  which  you  thought  so 
many  had  been  offended?  And  I,  as  you 
remember,  wrote  an  Apology  in  new  terms, 
so  as  to  give  a  sounder  meaning,  as  far  as  I 
could,  to  expressions  to  which  a  different 
sense  had  been  attributed.  Well,  it  is  but 
fair  that  as  we  would  that  men  should  do  to  us 
so  we  should  do  to  them  :  and  therefore,  as  you 
sent  me  back  my  books  for  correction,  so  do 
now  with  these  books :  send  them  back  to 
their  author,  and  hint  to  him  what  you  think 
blameable  in  them,  so  that,  if  in  anything 
he  has  gone  wrong,  he  may  correct  it. 
Besides,  though  I  have  exercised  my  talents 
on  many  subjects,  and  laboured  out  many 
works,  this  is  almost  the  first  work  which  he 
has  attempted,  and  possibly  even  this  he 
has  done  under  compulsion,  so  that  it  is  not 
strange  if  he  has  not  gone  quite  straight  at 
first.  We  should  not  seize  upon  opportu- 
nities for  disparaging  men  who  are 
Christians,  but  seek  their  advantage  by  cor- 
recting what  they  have  done  wrong." 

39.  If  your  reply  to  him  had  been  couched 
in  terms  like  these,  would  you  not  have 
ministered  grace  and  edification  both  to  him, 
since  he  has  been  initiated  into  the  fear  of 
God,  and  to  all  your  other  readers,  whereas 
these  invectives  of  yours  are  the  cause  of 
sadness  and  confusion  to  all  who  fear  God, 
since  they  see  you  a  prey  to  this  hideous 
lust  of  detraction,  and  me  driven  to  the 
wretched  necessity  of  recrimination.  But,  as 
I  have  said,  this  evidence  was  unnecessary. 
You  yourself  in  the  books  you  published 
against  Jovinian,  at  one  time  assert,  as  can 
be  shewn,  the  same  things  which  you  blamed 
in  him,  while  at  another  you  fall  into  the 
opposite  extreme,  and  declare  marriage  to 
be  so  disgraceful  a  state  that  its  stain  cannot 
even  be  washed  away  by  the  blood  of 
martyrdom.  But,  if  it  appeared  to  you  an 
easy  thing  for  your  friend  to  procure  what 
amounts  to  a  correction  of  the  dogma  of  the 
Manichaeans  as  it  was  originally  expressed  in 
these  books,  and  that  when  they  were  already 
published  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  many 
persons  to  copy,  what  difficulty  would  there 
have  been  in  my  correcting  a  work  which 
was  not  my  own  but  a  translation  of  that  of 
another  man,  if  any  mistakes  could  be 
pointed  out  in  it,  I  will  not  say  by  reason, 
but  even   by  envy?  especially  when   it  was 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    11. 


479 


still  in  rough  sheets,  which  I  had  not  read 
over  again  or  corrected,  and  which  were  not 
published  when  your  friends  took  possession 
of  them.  Was  it  an  impossibfHty  to  get 
these  writings  corrected  which  were  then  in 
an  uncorrected  state  .^  But  the  sting  does 
not  proceed  from  that  quarter;  he  would 
have  found  nothing  to  blame  there  It 
proceeds  wholly  from  the  fact  that  he  was 
afraid  that  it  might  come  to  light  what  is  the 
source  of  all  that  he  says,  and  whence  he  gains 
the  reputation  of  a  learned  man  and  a  great 
expounder  of  the  Scriptures, 

40.  I  explained  the  reasons  which  in- 
duced me  to  make  the  translation  so  that  it 
should  be  seen  that  I  acted,  not  in  the  spirit 
of  contention  and  rivalry,  in  which  he  so  often 
acts,  but  from  the  necessity  which  I  have 
explained  above  ;  and  I  did  it  as  an  aid  to  a 
good  and  useful  undertaking.'  I  hoped  that 
it  might  impart  something  both  of  lucidity 
and  of  brightness  to  one  who,  though  with 
little  culture,  was  composing  a  serious  work. 
Do  we  not  know  cases  in  which  old  houses 
have  been  of  use  in  the  construction  of  new 
ones?  Sometimes  a  stone  is  taken  from  the 
parts  of  an  old  house  which  are  remote  and 
concealed,  to  decorate  the  portal  of  the  new 
house  and  adorn  its  entrance.  And  at  times 
an  edifice  of  modern  architecture  is  supported 
by  the  strength  of  a  single  ancient  beam. 
Are  we  then  to  place  ourselves  in  opposi- 
tion to  those  who  rightly  use  what  Is  old  in 
building  up  what  is  new.f*  Are  we  to  say, 
You  are  not  allowed  to  transfer  the  materials 
of  the  old  house  to  the  new,  unless  you 
join  each  beam  to  its  beam,  each  stone  to  its 
stone,  unless  you  make  a  portico  of  what 
was  a  portico  before,  a  chamber  of  what  was 
a  chamber ;  and  this  must  further  involve 
building  up  the  most  secret  recesses  from 
what  were  such  before,  and  the  sewers  from 
the  former  sewers  :  for  every  large  house  must 
have  such  places.  This  is  the  process  of 
translating  word  for  word,  which  in  former 
days  you  esteemed  inadmissible,  but  which 
you  now  approve.  But  you  claim  that  what 
is  in  itself  unlawful  is  lawful  for  you,  while 
for  us  even  what  is  lawful  you  impute  as  a 
crime.  You  think  it  right  that  you  should 
be  praised  for  changing  the  words  of  the 
Sacred  Books  and  Divine  volumes  ;  but  if 
we,  when  we  imitate  you  in  translating  a 
human  work,  pass  over  anything  which 
seems  to  us  not  to  be  edifying,  we  are  to 
have  no  pardon  for  this  at  your  hands,  though 
you  yourself  set  us  the  example. 

41.     However,  let  him  act  in  these   mat- 


1  That  is,  the  work  which  Macarius  was  writing  upon  Fate, 
as  explained  in  this  Apology  i.  1 1 . 


ters  as  he  himself  thinks  lawful  or  expedient. 
Let  me  recapitulate  in  the  end  of  this  book 
what  I  have  said  in  a  scattered  way  in  my 
own  defence.  He  had  said  of  me  that  it 
seemed  as  if  I  could  not  be  a  heretic  without 
him;  I  therefore  set  forth  my  belief  and,  in 
respect  of  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  I 
proved  that  he  rather  than  I  was  in  error, 
since  he  spoke  of  the  resurrection  body  as 
frail.  I  shewed  also  that  he  did  away  with 
the  distinction  of  sex  in  the  other  world, 
saying  that  bodies  would  become  souls  women 
men.  I  next  revealed  the  causes  which  had 
led  to  my  translation  —  very  proper  causes  in 
my  opinion  ;  I  shewed  that  it  was  not  be- 
cause I  was  stimulated  by  contentiousness, 
nor  because  I  was  desirous  of  glory,  but 
because  I  was  incited  by  the  fear  of  God, 
that  I  imported  a  store  of  old  Greek 
material  to  be  used  m  the  new  Latin  con- 
struction, that  I  furbished  up  the  old  armour 
which  had  become  enveloped  in  rust,  not 
with  a  view  to  excite  a  civil  war  but  to  repel 
a  hostile  attack.  I  then  introduced  the  chief 
matter  on  which  they  have  laid  their  forgers' 
hands,  the  adulterous  blasphemy  against  the 
Son  of  God  and  the  Holy  Spirit,  a  thing 
quite  alien  from  me,  but  brought  in  by  these 
men  in  their  wickedness  as  I  shewed  by 
quotations. 

43.  I  then  took  up  one  by  one  the  points 
In  which  he  had  blamed  Origen,  with  the 
intention  of  striking  at  me  and  discrediting 
my  work  of  translation.  I  shewed  from 
those  very  Commentaries  of  his  from  which 
he  had  said  that  we  might  expect  to  learn 
and  test  his  belief,  that  on  three  points, 
namely  the  previous  state  of  the  soul,  the 
restitution  of  all  things,  and  his  views  con- 
cerning the  devil  and  apostate  angels,  he  has 
himself  written  the  same  things  which  he 
blames  in  Origen.  I  convicted  him  of  hav- 
ing said  that  the  souls  of  men  were  held 
bound  in  this  body  as  In  a  prison ;  and  I 
proved  that  he  had  asserted  In  these  very 
Commentaries  that  the  whole  rational  crea- 
tion of  angels  and  of  human  souls  formed  but 
a  single  body.  I  next  shewed  that,  as  to  an 
association  for  perjury,  tliere  was  no  one  who 
had  so  much  to  do  with  It  in  Its  deepest 
mysteries  as  himself;  and  In  accordance  with 
this  I  proved  that  the  doctrine  that  truth  and 
the  higher  teaching  ought  not  to  be  disclosed 
to  all  men  was  taught  by  him  In  these  same 
Commentaries.  I  next  took  up  the  question  of 
secular  literature,  as  to  which  he  had  made 
this  declaration  to  Christ  as  he  sat  on  the 
judgment  seat  and  ordered  him  to  be  beaten  : 
"  If  ever  I  read  or  possess  the  books  of  the 
heathen,  I  have  denied  Thee  ;  "  and  I  shewed 


48o 


RUFINUS. 


clearly  that  he  not  only  reads  and  possesses 
these  books  now,  but  that  he  supports  all  the 
bragging  of  which  his  teaching  is  full  on  his 
knowledge  of  them  ;  so  much  so  that  he 
boasts  of  having  been  introduced  to  the 
knowledge  of  logic  through  the  Introduction 
of  Porphyry  the  prince  of  unbelievers.  And, 
while  he  says  that  it  is  a  doctrine  of  the 
heathen,  to  speak  in  this  or  that  manner 
both  about  the  soul  and  about  other  creat- 
ures, I  shewed  that  he  had  spoken  of  God 
in  a  more  degrading  manner  than  any  of  the 
heathen  v/hen  he  said  that  God  had  a 
mother-in-law.  But  further,  whereas  he 
had  declared  that  he  had  only  mentioned 
Origen  in  two  short  Prefaces,  and  then  not 
as  a  man  of  apostolic  rank  but  merely  as  a 
man  of  talent,  I,  though  for  brevity's  sake 
only  bringing  forward  ten  of  his  Prefaces, 
established  the  fact  that  in  each  of  them  he 
had  spoken  of  him  not  only  as  an  apostolic 
man  but  as  a  teacher  of  the  churches  next 
after  the  apostles,  and  as  one  whose  teaching 
was  followed  by  himself  and  all  wise  men. 

43.  Moreover,  I  pointed  out  clearly  that 
it  is  habitual  to  him  to  disparage  all  good 
men,  and  that,  if  he  can  find  something  to 
blame  in  one  man  after  another  of  those  who 
are  highly  esteemed  and  have  gained  a  name 
in  literature,  he  thinks  that  he  has  added  to 
his  own  reputation.  I  shewed  also  how 
shamefully  some  of  Christ's  *  priests  have  been 
assailed  by  him;  and  how  he  has  spared 
neither  the  monks  nor  the  virgins,  nor  those 
who  live  in  continency,  whom  he  had  praised 
before;  how  he  has  defamed  in  his  lampoons 
every  order  and  degree  of  Christians  ;  how 
shamefully  and  foully  he  assailed  even 
Ambrose,  that  saintly  man,  the  memory  of 
whose  illustrious  life  still  lives  in  the  hearts 
of  all  men  :  how  even  Didymus,  whom  he 
had  formerly  ranked  airjong  the  seer-proph- 
ets and  Apostles,  now  he  places  among 
those  whose  teaching  diverges  from  that  of 
the  churches ;  how  he  brands  with  the 
marks  of  ignorance  or  of  folly  every  single 
writer  of  ancient  and  of  modern  days ;  and 
finally  does  not  spare  even  the  martyrs.  All 
these  things  1  have  brought  to  the  proof  of 
his  own  works  and  his  own  testimony,  not 
to  that  of  external  witnesses.  I  have  sfone 
through  each  particular,  and  have  brought 
out  the  evidence  from  those  very  books  of  his 
which  he  most  commends,  books  which  alone 
he  excepted  as  containing  nothing  of  which  he 
needed  to  repent,  while  he  says  that  he  repents 
of  all    his    other   sayings  and  writmgs ;   not 


^  Sacerdote<!.  This  is  almost  always  applied  to  Bishops. 
Here  the  allusion  is  chiefly  to  Jerome's  attack  u;)on  Air.brcse. 
See  Sect.  23-25, 


that  his  repentance  is  sincere,  but  that  he  is 
driven  into  such  straits  that  he  must  choose 
either  to  feign  penitence  or  to  forfeit  the 
vantage  ground  which  enables  him  to  bite 
and  wound  any  one  whom  he  pleases.  I 
therefore  preferred  not  to  touch  his  other 
writings,  so  that  his  conviction  might  come 
out  of  those  alone  out  of  which  he  had  him- 
self closed  the  door  of  repentance.  Last  of 
all  I  have  shown  that  he  has  altered  the 
sacred  books  which  the  Apostles  had  com- 
mitted to  the  churches  as  the  trustworthy 
deposit  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  that  he  who 
calls  out  about  the  audacity  shewn  in  trans- 
lating mere  human  works  himself  com- 
mits the  greater  crime  of  subverting  the 
divine  oracles. 

44.  It  remains  that  every  reader  of  this 
book  should  give  his  suffrage  for  one  or  the 
other  of  us,  judging  as  he  desires  that  he 
may  himself  be  judged  by  God;  and  that  he 
should  not  injure  his  own  soul  by  favoring 
either  party  unjustly.  Also,  my  beloved  son 
Apronianus,  go  to  Pamniachius,  that  saintly 
man  whose  letter  is  put  forward  by  our 
friend  in  this  Invective  or  Bill  of  Indictment 
of  his,  and  adjure  him  in  Christ's  name  to  in- 
cline in  his  judgment  to  the  cause  of  inno- 
cence not  that  of  party-spirit :  it  is  the  cause 
of  truth  that  is  at  stake,  and  religion  not 
party  should  be  our  guide.  It  is  a  precept 
of  our  Lord  ^  to  "  judge  not  according  to  the 
appearance,  but  judge  a  righteous  judgment,'* 
and,  just  as  in  each  one  of  the  least  of  his 
brethren  it  is  Christ  who  is  thirsty  and  hungry, 
who  is  clothed  and  fed  ;  so  in  these  who  are 
unjustly  judged  it  is  He  who  is  judged  un- 
righteously. When  some  are  hated  without 
a  cause,  he  will  speak  on  their  behalf  and 
say:  ^  *' You  have  hated  me  without  a 
cause."  What  judgment  does  he  think  will 
be  formed  of  this  cause  and  of  his  action  in 
it  before  the  tribunal  of  Christ?  He  remem- 
bers well  no  doubt  how,  when  the  men  we 
are  speaking  of  had  written  and  published 
his  books  against  Jovinian,  and  men  were 
already  reading  them  and  finding  fault  with 
them,  he  withdrew  them  from  the  hands  of 
the  readers,  and  stopped  their  remarks,  and 
blamed  them  for  their  blame  of  his  friend  ; 
and  how,  further,  he  sent  the  books  back  to 
the  author,  with  the  suggestion  that  he  should 
either  correct  those  passages  which  had  been 
found  fault  with,  or  in  any  way  that  he  would 
set  matters  right.  But  when  what  I  had 
written  fell  into  his  hands,  —  it  was  not  then 
a  book  but  merely  a  number  of  imperfect, 
uncorrected    papers,  which    had    been    sub- 


^  Jchn  vii,  24. 


2  John  XV,  25. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    II. 


481 


tracted  by  fraud  and  theft  by  some  scoun- 
drel ;  he  did  not  bring  it  to  me  and  complain 
of  it,  though  I  was  close  at  hand  ;  he  did  not 
deign  even  to  rebuke  me  or  to  convict  me  of 
wrong  through  some  friend,  as  it  might  have 
been,  or  even  some  enemy;  but  sent  my 
papers  to  the  East,  and  set  to  work  the  tongue 
of  that  man  who  never  yet  knew  how  to 
control  it.  Would  it  have  been  asrainst  the 
precepts  of  our  religion  if  he  had  met  me 
face  to  face  ?  Did  he  think  me  so  utterly  un- 
worthy of  holding  converse  with  him,  that 
it  was  not  worth  while  even  to  argue  with 
me?  Yet  for  us  too  Christ  died,  for  our 
salvation  also  He  shed  his  blood.  We  are 
sinners,  I  grant,  but  we  belong  to  his  flock 
and  are  numbered  among  his  sheep.  Pam- 
machius,  however,  must  be  held  in  honour 
for  his  excellent  deeds  wrought  through  faith 
in  Christ,  which  should  be  an  example  to  all 
others  ;  for  he  has  counted  his  rank  as  noth- 
ing worth,  and  has  made  himself  equal  to 
the  humble  ;  consequently,  I  was  unwilling 
to  see  him  carried  away  by  human  partisan- 
ship and  contention,  lest  his  faith  should  suf- 
fer damage  in  any  way.  At  all  events  we  shall 
see  how  far  he  preserves  a  right  judgment 
when  he  sees  that  that  great  master  Jerome  ^ 
taught,  in  the  commentaries  which  he  selected 
as  satisfactory  even  after  his  repentance,  the 
very  things  which  he  condemns  in  others  as 
being  alien  to  his  own  teaching.  We  shall 
think  that  his  former  action  was  a  mistake 
due  to  Ignorance  if  he  recognizes  it  and  sets 
it  right.  As  for  myself,  though^  under  the 
compulsion  of  necessity,  I  have  endeavoured 
to  make  answer  to  him  who  had  attacked 
me  with  such  great  bitterness,  yet  for  this  also 
I  ask  for  forgiveness  if  I  have  handled  the 
matter  too  sharply  ;  for  God  is  my  witness 
how  truly  I  can  say  that  I  have  kept  silence 
on  many  more  points  than  I  have  brought 
forward.  I  could  not  wholly  keep  silence  in 
the  presence  of  accusations  which  I  know  to 
be  undeserved,  when  I  heard  from  many  that 
my  silence  would  bring  their  own  faith  into 
peril. 

45.  After  this  Apology  had  been  written, 
one  of  the  brethren  who  came  to  us  from  you 
at  Rome  and  helped  me  in  revising  it,  ob- 
served that  one  point  in  my  defence  had 
been  passed  over  which  he  had  heard  ad- 
versely dwelt  upon  by  my  detractors  there. 
The  point  turns  upon  a  statement  in  my 
Preface,  where  I  said  of  him  who  is  now  mv 
persecutor  and  accuser  that  in  the  works  of 
Origen  which  he  translated  there   are  found 

1  The  older  editions  do  not  contain  the  name. 

2  Some  copies  read  visi  instead  of  nisi  snmus  :  I  seemed 
to  be  compelled. 


certain  grounds  of  offence  in  the  Greek,  but 
that  he  has  in  his  translation  so  cleared  them 
away  that  the  Latin  reader  will  find  nothing 
in  them  which  is  dissonant  from  our  faith. 
On  this  sentence  they  remark:  ''You  see 
how  he  has  praised  his  method  of  translation 
and  has  borne  his  testimony  that  in  the  books 
he  has  translated  no  grounds  of  offence  are 
to  be  found,  and  promised  that  he  would 
himself  follow  the  same  method.  Why  then 
is  not  his  own  translation  free  from  grounds 
of  offence,  as  he  bears  witness  is  the  case 
with  the  writings  of  the  other? 

46.      I  suppose  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at 
that   I  am   always  blamed   for  the  points  in 
which  I  have  praised  him.     It  is  quite  right, 
no  doubt.      But  to  come  to  the  matter  itself. 
I  said  that  when  grounds  of  offence  appeared 
in  the  Greek   he  had   cleared  them  away  in 
his  Latin  translation  ;    and  not  wrongly  ;  but 
he  had  done  this  just  in  the  same  sense  as  I 
have  done  it.     For  instance,  in  the  Homilies 
on  Isaiah,  he  explains  the  two   Seraphim  as 
meaning  the   Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  and 
he  adds  this  of  his  own  :    "  Let   no  one  think 
that  there    is    a   difference  of  nature    in  the 
Trinity  when  the  offices  of  the  Persons  are 
distinguished";    and  by  this  he  thinks  that 
he  has  been  able  to  remedy  the  grounds  of 
offence.      I  in  a  similar  way  occasionally  re- 
moved, altered  or  added  a  few  words,  in  the 
attempt   to  draw  the  meaning   of  the  writer 
into  better  accordance  with  the   straight  path 
of  the  faith.    What  did  I  do  in  this  which  was 
different  or  contrary  to  our  friend's  system? 
what  which  was  not  identical  with  it?     But 
the  difference  lies  in  this,  that  I  was  judging 
of  his  writings  without  ill-will  or  detraction, 
and  therefore  saw  in  them   not  what  might 
lend  itself  to  depreciation,  but  what  the  trans- 
lator aimed  at;    whereas  he  is   seeking  for 
occasions  for  calumniating  others,  and  there- 
fore finds  fault  with  those  things  in  my  writ- 
ings which  he   himself  has  formerly  written. 
And  indeed  he  is  right  in  blaming  me,  since 
I   have  pronounced  what  he  has   said  to  be 
right,  whereas  in  his  judgment  it  is  reprehen- 
sible.     This  holds   in   reference    to  the  doc- 
trine he    has  expressed    about    the    Trinit}^ ; 
namely,  that  the  two  Seraphim   are  the  Son 
and  the   Holy  Ghost,  from   which  especially 
the  charge   of  blasphemy  is  drawn,  that  is,  if 
he  is  to  be  judged   according  to  the   system 
which  he  has  adopted  in    dealing  with  me. 
But  according   to  the  system   which   I   have 
adopted  in  judging  of  his  writings,  apart  from 
the   matter  of  calumny,  he  is  not  to  be  held 
guilty  because  of  what  he  has  added  on  his 
own  account  to  explain  the  author's  mean- 
ing. 


482 


JEROME. 


47.  As  regards  the  resurrection  of  the 
flesh,  I  think  that  my  transhition  contains  the 
same  doctrines  which  are  preached  in  the 
churches.  As  to  the  other  points  which  re- 
late to  the  various  orders  of  created  beings, 
I  have  already  said  that  they  have  nothing  to 
do  with  our  faith  in  the  Deity.  But  if  he 
appeals  to  these  for  the  sake  of  calumniating 
others,  though  they  have  hitherto  presented 
no  ground  of  offence,  I  do  not  deny  his  right 
to  do  so,  if  he  thinks  well  to  revoke  my 
judgment  by  which  he  might  have  been  ab- 
solved, and  to  enforce  his  own,  by  which  he 
ought  to  be  condemned.  It  is  not  my  judg- 
ment on  him  which  is  blameable,  but  his 
own,  which  takes  others  to  task  for  doing 
what  he  approves  in  himself.  But  this  is 
a  new  method  of  judgment  according  to 
which  I  am  defending  my  own  accuser,  and 
he  considers  that  he  has  at  last  gained  the 


victory  over  me  when  he  has  brought  him- 
self in  guilty.  But  suppose  that  a  Synod  of 
Bishops  should  accept  the  sentences  }ou 
have  pronounced,  and  should  demand  that 
all  the  books  which  contain  the  impugned 
doctrines,  together  with  their  authors,  should 
be  condemned ;  then  these  books  must  be 
condemned  first  as  they  stand  in  the  Greek  ; 
and  then  what  is  condemned  in  Greek  must 
undoubtedly  be  condemned  in  the  Latin. 
Then  will  come  the  turn  of  your  own  books  ; 
they  will  be  found  to  contain  the  same  things, 
even  according  to  your  own  judgment.  And 
as  it  has  been  of  no  advantage  to  Origen  that 
you  have  praised  him,  so  it  will  be  of  no 
profit  to  you  that  I  have  pleaded  in  your 
behalf.  I  shall  then  be  bound  to  follow  the 
judgment  of  the  Catholic  Church  whether 
it  is  given  against  the  books  of  Origen  or 
against  yours. 


JEROME'S    APOLOGY   FOR    HIMSELF    AGAINST    THE 

BOOKS   OF    RUFINUS. 

Addressed  to  Paminachius  and  Mar cella  from  Bethlehem^  A,D,  402. 


BOOK    I. 

The  documents  which  Jerome  had  before  him  when  he  wrote  his  Apology  were  (i)  Rufinus'  Translation  of 
Pamphilus'  Apology  with  the  Preface  prefixed  to  it  and  the  book  on  the  Falsification  of  the  Books  of  Origen, 
(2)  the  Translation  of  the  Yiepl  'Ap;^cjp  and  Rufinus'  Preface,  (3)  The  Apology  of  Rufinus  addressed  to  Anastasius 
(see  p.  430),  and  (4)  Anastasius'  letter  to  John  of  Jerusalem  (p.  432  Apol,  ii,  14,  iii,  20).  He  had  also  other 
letters  of  Anastasius  like  that  addressed  to  the  Bishop  of  Milan  (Jerome  Letter  95.  See  also  Apol.  iii,  21).  But 
he  had  not  the  full  text  of  Rufinus'  Apology  (c.  4,  15).  He  received  letters  from  Pammachius  and  Marcella,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Spring  of  402,  when  the  Apology  written  at  Aquileia  at  the  end  of  400  had  become  known 
to  Rufinus'  friends  for  some  time.  They  had  been  unable  to  obtain  a  full  copy,  but  had  sent  the  chief  heads  of  it, 
and  had  strongly  urged  Jerome  to  reply.  At  the  same  time  his  brother  Paulinianus  who  had  been  some  three 
years  in  the  West,  returned  to  Palestine  by  way  of  Rome,  and  there  heard  and  saw  portions  of  Rufinus'  Apology, 
which  he  committed  to  memory  (Apol.  i,  21,  28)  and  repeated  at  Bethlehem.  To  these  documents  Jerome 
replies. 

The  heads  of  the  First  Book  are  as  follows. 

1 .  It  is  hard  that  an  old  friend  with  whom  I  had  been  reconciled  should  attack  me  in  a  book  secretly  cir- 
culated among  his  disciples. 

2.  Others  have  translated  Origen.     Why  does  he  single  me  out? 

3.  He  gave  me  fictitious  praise  in  his  Preface  to  the  Yiepl  'Ap;t^^-     Now,  since  I  defend  myself,  he  writes 
3  books  against  me  as  an  enemy. 

4.  5.    He  spoke  of  me  as  united  in  faith  with  him;  but  what  is  his  faith?     Why  are  his  books  kept  secret? 
I  can  meet  any  attack. 

6.  I  translated  the  liepl  ^\pxc)v  because  you  demanded  it,  and  because  his  translation  slurred  over  Origen's 
heresies. 

7.  My  translation  put  away  ambiguities,  and  showed  the  real  character  of  the  book,  and  of  the  previous 
translation. 

8.  My  translation  of  Origen's  Commentaries   created    no  excitement;   his  first  translation,   of  Pamphilus' 
Apology,  roused  all  Rome  to  indignation. 

9.  But  the  work  was  really  Eusebius's,  who  tells  us  that  Pamphilus  wrote  nothing. 

10.  After  the  condemnation   of  Origen  by  Theophilus  and  Anastasius,  it  would  be  wise  in  Rufinus  to  give 
up  this  pretended  defence. 

11.  I  had  praised  Eusebius  as  well  as  Origen  only  as  writers;   and  was  forced  to  condemn  them  as  heretics. 
Why  should  this  be  taken  amiss? 

12.  I  wrote  a  friendly  letter  to  Rufinus,  which  my  friends  kept  back. 

13.  There  is  nothing  to  blame  in  my  getting  the  help  of  a  Jew  in  translating  from  the  Hebrew. 

14.  There  is  nothing  strange  in  my  praising  Origen  before  I  knew  the  Tlepl  'Apx^^^' 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   I. 


483 


15.  The  accusations  seem  inconsistent,  but  I  knew  them  only  by  report. 

16.  The  office  of  a  commentator. 

17.  We  must  distinguish  methods  of  writing,  and  not  expect  a  vulgar  simplicity  in  the  various  compositions 
^f  cultured  men. 

18.  My  assertion  was  true,  that  Origen  permitted  the  use  of  falsehood. 

19.  The  accusation  about  a  mistranslation  of  Ps.  ii  is  easily  explained. 

20.  In  the  difficulties  of  the  translator  and  the  commentator  we  must  get  help  where  we  can. 

21.  In  the  Commentary  on  Ephesians  I  acted  straightforwardly  in  giving  the  views  of  Origen  and  others. 

22.  As  to  the  passage  "  He  hath  chosen  us  before  the  foundation  of  the  world." 

23.  As  to  the  passage  "  Far  above  all  rule  and  authority  &c." 

24.  As  to  the  passage  "That  in  the  ages  to  come  &c." 

25.  As  to  "  Paul  the  prisoner  of  Jesus  Christ." 

26.  As  to  "The  body  fitly  framed  &c." 

27.  I  quoted  Origen's  views  as,  "  According  to  another  heresy." 

28.  29.    As  to  "  Men  loving  their  wives  as  their  own  bodies." 

30.  To  the  charge  of  reading  secular  books  I  reply  that  I  remember  what  I  learned  in  youth. 

31.  Also,  a  promise   given  in  a  dream  must  not   be  pressed.     Why  should  such  things  be  raked   up  by  old 
friends  against  one  another? 

32.  I  am  right  in  my  contention  that  all  sins  are  remitted  in  baptism. 


I  have  learned  not  only  from  your  letter 
but  from  those  of  many  others  that  cavils 
are  raised  against  me  in  the  school  of  Tyr- 
annus/  "  by  the  tongue  of  my  dogs  from 
the  enemies  by  himself"^  because  I  have 
translated  the  books  Uepl  'Apx^^  into  Latin. 
What  unprecedented  shamelessness  is  this ! 
They  accuse  the  physician  for  detecting  the 
poison  :  and  this  in  order  to  protect  their  ven- 
dor of  drugs,  not  in  obtaining  the  reward  of 
innocence  but  in  his  partnership  w^ith  the 
criminal ;  as  if  the  number  of  the  offenders 
diminished  the  crime,  or  as  if  the  accusation 
depended  on  our  personal  feelings  not  on  the 
facts.  Pamphlets  are  written  against  me ; 
they  are  forced  on  every  one's  attention ;  and 
yet  they  are  not  openly  published,  so  that 
the  hearts  of  the  simple  are  disturbed,  and 
no  opportunity  is  given  me  of  answering. 
This  is  a  new  way  of  injuring  a  man,  to 
make  accusations  which  you  are  afraid  of 
sending  abroad,  to  write  what  you  are 
obliged  to  hide.  If  what  he  writes  is  true, 
w^hy  is  he  afraid  of  the  public  }  if  it  is  false, 
vsdiy  has  he  written  it.^  We  read  when  we 
were  boys  the  words  of  Cicero  :.  "  I  consider 
it  a  lack  of  self-control  to  write  anything 
which  you  intend  to  keep  hidden."  ^  I  ask. 
What  is  it  of  which  they  complain  .^  Whence 
■comes  this  heat,  this  madness  of  theirs.^  Is 
it  because  I  have  rejected  a  feigned  lauda- 
tion }  ^  Because  I  refused  the  praise  offered 
in  insincere  w^ords  }  Because  under  the  name 
of  a  friend  I  detected  the  snares  of  an  en- 
emy.? I  am  called  in  this  Preface  brother 
and  colleague,  yet  my  supposed  crimes  are 
set  forth  openly,  and  it  is  proclaimed  that  I 
have  written  in  favour  of  Origen,  and  have  by 

1  Acts  xix,  9.     Rufinus's  prajnomen  was  Tyrannius. 

2Ps.  Ixviii,  23  Jerome's  version  is  here,  as  in  many  cases 
unintellig-ible  through  a  perverse  literalism  and  an  incorrect 
Hebrew  text.  In  our  Revised  Version  it  stands:  "  That  the 
tonffue  of  thy  do^s  may  have  its  portion  from  thine  enemies." 

3Cic.  Quasst.  Acad.  Lih.  i. 

*  That  is,  The  Preface  of  Rufinus  to  his  Translation  of  the 
Ilepi  'Apxwj'  (p.  427-8). 


my  praises    exalted  him  to  the  skies.     The 
writer  says  that  he  has  done  this  with  a  good 
intention.     How  then  does  it   come   to  pass 
that   he  now  casts  in  my  teeth,  as  an    open 
enemy,  what   he    then    praised    as  a  friend.'* 
He  declared  that  he  had  meant  to  follow  me 
as  his  predecessor  in  his   translation,  and  to 
borrow  an  authority  for  his  work  from  some 
poor  works  of    mine.       If    that  was  so,    it 
would  have  been  sufficient  for    him  to  have 
stated    once    for    all    that    I     had    written. 
Where  was   the   necessity  for    him  to  repeat 
the  same  things,  and  to  force  them  on  men's 
notice  by  iteration,  and  to  turn  over  the  same 
words  again  and  again,  as    if  no  one  would 
believe  in    his  praises.?     A   praise    which  is 
siinple  and   genuine   does   not  show^    all  this 
anxiety    about   its     credit    with    the    reader. 
How  is  it  that  he  is  afraid  that,  unless  he  pro- 
duces my  own    words   as    witnesses,  no  one 
will  believe  him  when  he  praises  me  }     You 
see  that  we  perfectly  understand  his  arts ;  he 
has  evidently  been    to   the   theatrical   school, 
and  has  learned  ujp   by  constant  practice   the 
part  of  the  mocking   encomiast.     It  is  of  no 
use  to  put  on  a  veil   of  simplicity,  when  the 
schemer  is  detected  in  his  malicious  purpose. 
To  have  made   a  mistake  once,  or,  to  stretch 
the   point,    even   twice,   may  be  an   unlucky 
chance ;  but    liow    is    it    that    he  inakes  the 
supposed  mistake  with  his  eyes  open,  and  re- 
peats it,  and    weaves    this    mistake    into  the" 
w^hole  tissue  of  his  writings   so  as  to  make  it 
impossible  for  me  to  deny  the  things  for  which 
he  praises    me.?     A  true   friend    who   knew 
what  he  was  about  would,  after  our  previous 
misunderstanding    and      our    reconciliation, 
have    avoided    all    appearance    of  suspicious 
conduct,   and  would  have  taken  care   not  to 
do  through  inadvertence  what  might  seem  to 
be  done  advisedly.      TuUy  says   in  his   book 
of  pleadings  for  Galinius  :    "I  have  always 
felt  that  it  was  a  religious  duty  of  the  highest 
kind  to  preserve  every  friendship  that  I  have 


484 


JEROME. 


formed ;  but  most  of  all  those  in  which 
kindness  has  been  restored  after  some  disa- 
greement. In  the  case  of  friends liips  which 
have  never  been  shaken,  if  some  attention 
has  not  been  paid,  the  excuse  of  forgetful- 
ness,  or  at  the  worst  of  neglect  is  readily 
accepted;  but  after  a  return  to  friendship,  if 
anything  is  done  to  cause  offence,  it  is  im- 
puted not  to  neglect  but  to  an  unfriendly  in- 
tention, it  is  no  longer  a  question  of  thought- 
lessness but  of  breach  of  faith."  So  Horace 
writes  in  his   Epistle  to    Florus 

*  "  Kindness,  ill-knit,  cleaves  not  but  flies  apart." 

2.  What  good  does  it  do  me  that  he  de- 
clares on  his  oath  that  it  was  through  sim- 
plicity that  he  went  wrong  .^  His  praises  are, 
as  you  know,  cast  in  my  teeth,  and  the  lau- 
dation of  this  most  simple  friend  (which 
however  has  not  much  either  of  simplicity  or 
of  sincerity  in  it)  is  imputed  to  me  as  a 
crime.  If  he  was  seeking  a  foundation  of 
authority  for  what  he  was  doing,  and  wish- 
ing to  shew  who  had  gone  before  him  in  this 
path  he  had  at  hand  the  Confessor  Hilary, 
who  translated  the  books  of  Origen  upon  Job 
and  the  Psalms  consisting  of  forty  thousand 
lines.  He  had  Ambrose  whose  works  are, 
almost  all  of  them,  full  of  what  Origen  has 
written  ;  and  the  martyr  Victorinus,  who  acts 
really  with  '  simplicity,'  and  without  set- 
ting snares  for  others.  As  to  all  these  he 
keeps  silence ;  he  does  not  notice  those  who 
are  like  pillars  of  the  church  ;  but  me,  who 
am  but  like  a  flea  and  a  man  of  no  account, 
he  hunts  out  from  corner  to  corner.  Per- 
haps the  same  simplicity  which  made  him 
unconscious  that  he  was  attacking  his  friend 
will  make  him  swear  that  he  knew  nothing 
of  these  writers.  But  who  will  believe  that 
he  does  not  know  these  men  whose  memory 
is  quite  recent,  even  though  they  were  Latins, 
being  as  he  is  such  a  very  learned  man,  and 
one  who  has  so  great  a  knowledge  of  the  old 
writers,  especially  the  Greeks,  that,  in  his  zeal 
for  foreign  knowledge  he  has  almost  lost  his 
own  language?^  The  truth  is  it  is  not  so 
much  that  I  have  been  praised  by  him  as 
that  those  writers  have  not  been  attacked. 
But  whether  what  he  has  written  is  praise 
(as  he  tries  to  make  simpletons  believe)  or  an 
attack,  (as  I  feel  it  to  be  from  the  pain  which 
his  wounds  give  me),  he  has  taken  care  that  I 
should  have  none  of  my  contemporaries  to 
bring  me  honor  by  a  partnership  in  praise,  nor 
consolation  by  a  partnership  in  vituperation. 


*  Hor.  Ep.  B.  i,  Ep.  iii,  32. 

2  See  Ruf.  Apol.  i,  n.     "I  had  grown  dull  in    iny  Latinity 
through  the  disuse  of  nearly  30  years." 


3.  I  have  in  my  hands  your  letter,^  in 
which  you  tell  me  that  I  have  been  accused, 
and  expect  me  to  reply  to  my  accuser  lest 
silence  should  be  taken  as  an  acknowledgf- 
ment  of  his  charges.  I  confess  that  I  sent 
the  reply  ;  but,  though  I  felt  hurt,  I  observed 
the  laws  of  friendship,  and  defended  myself 
without  accusing  my  accuser.  I  put  it  as  if 
the  objections  which  one  friend  had  raised  at 
Rome  were  being  bruited  about  by  many 
enemies  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  so  that 
every  one  should  think  that  I  was  replying 
to  the  charges,  not  to  the  man.  Will  you 
tell  me  that  another  course  was  open  to  me,, 
that  I  was  bound  by  the  law  of  friendship  to 
keep  silence  under  accusation,  and,  though 
I  felt  my  face,  so  to  say,  covered  with  dirt 
and  bespattered  with  the  filth  of  heresy,  not 
even  to  wash  it  with  simple  water,  for  fear 
that  an  act  of  injustice  might  be  imputed  to 
him.  This  demand  is  not  such  as  any  man 
ought  to  make  or  such  as  any  man  ought  to 
accept.  You  openly  assail  your  friend,  and 
set  out  charges  against  him  under  the  mask 
of  an  admirer;  and  he  is  not  even  to  be  al- 
lowed to  prove  himself  a  catholic,  or  to  reply 
that  the  supposed  heresy  on  which  this  lau- 
dation is  grounded  arises  not  from  any  agree- 
ment with  a  heresy,  but  from  admiration  of 
a  great  genius.  He  thought  it  desirable  to 
translate  this  book  into  Latin ;  or,  as  he  pre- 
fers to  have  it  thought  he  was  compelled^ 
though  unwilling,  to  do  it.  But  what  need 
was  there  for  him  to  bring  me  into  the  ques- 
tion, when  I  was  in  retirement,  and  separated 
from  him  bv  vast  intervals  of  land  and  sea  .'^ 
Why  need  he  expose  me  to  the  ill-will  of  the 
multitude,  and  do  more  harm  to  me  by  his 
praise  than  good  to  himself  by  putting  me 
forward  as  his  example.^  Now  also,  since  I 
have  repudiated  his  praise,  and,  by  erasing 
what  he  had  written,  have  shewn  that  I  am 
not  what  my  friend  declared,  I  am  told 
that  he  is  in  a  fury,  and  has  composed  three 
books  against  me  full  of  graceful  Attic  rail- 
lery, making  those  very  things  the  object  ot 
attack  which  he  had  praised  before,  and 
turning  into  a  ground  of  accusation  against 
me  the  impious  doctrines  of  Origen  ;  although 
in  that  Preface  in  which  he  so  lauded  me, 
he  says  of  me:  ''I  shall  follow  the  rules  of 
translation  laid  down  by  my  predecessors, 
and  particularly  those  acted  on  by  the  writer 
whom  I  have  just  mentioned.  He  has  ren- 
dered into  Latin  more  than  seventy  of  Ori- 
gen's  homiletical  treatises,  and  a  few  also  of 
his   commentaries  on   the  Apostle;    and    in 


iJeroTTie  Letter  Ixxxiii   Pammachius  to  Jerome:    •' 
ur  accuser;  else,  if  you  do  not  speak  out,  you  will 


yo 

to  consent 


«'  Refute 
appear 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   I. 


485 


these,  wherever  the  Greek  text  presents  a 
stumbling-  block,  he  has  smoothed  it  down 
in  his  version  and  has  so  emended  the  lan- 
guage used  that  a  Latin  writer  can  find  no 
word  that  is  at  variance  with  our  faith.  In 
his  steps,  therefore,  I  propose  to  walk,  if  not 
displaying  the  sam.e  vigorous  eloquence,  at 
least  observing  the  same  rules." 

4.  These  words  are  his  own,  he  cannot 
deny  them.  The  very  elegance  of  the  style 
and  the  laboured  mode  of  speech,  and,  sur- 
passing all  these,  the  Christian  '  simplicity' 
which  here  appears,  reveal  the  character  of 
their  author.  But  there  is  a  different  phase 
of  the  matter:  Eusebius,  it  seems,  has  de- 
praved these  books ;  and  now  my  friend  who 
accuses  Origen,  and  who  is  so  careful  of  my 
reputation,  declares  that  both  Eusebius  and  I 
have  gone  wrong  together,  and  then  that  we 
have  held  correct  opinions  together,  and  that 
in  one  and  the  same  work.  But  he  cannot 
now  be  my  enemy  and  call  me  a  heretic, 
when  a  moment  before  he  has  said  that  his 
belief  was  not  dissonant  from  mine.  Then, 
I  must  ask  him  what  is  the  meaning  of  his 
balanced  and  doubtful  way  of  speaking : 
*'The  Latin  reader,"  he  says,  ^' will  find 
nothing  here  discordant  from  our  faith." 
What  faith  is  this  which  he  calls  his?  Is  it 
the  faith  by  which  the  Roman  Church  is 
distinguished?  or  is  it  the  faith  which  is  con- 
tained in  the  works  of  Origen?  If  he 
answers  ''the  Roman,"  then  we  are  the 
Catholics,  since  we  have  adopted  none  of 
Origen's  errors  in  our  translations.  But  if 
Origen's  blasphemy  is  his  faith,  then,  though 
he  tries  to  fix  on  me  the  charge  of  inconsist- 
ency, he  proves  himself  to  be  a  heretic.  If 
the  man  who  praises  me  is  orthodox,  he 
takes  me,  by  his  own  confession  as  a  sharer 
in  his  orthodoxy.  If  he  is  heterodox,  he 
shews  that  he  had  praised  me  before  my  ex- 
planation because  he  thought  me  a  sharer 
in  his  error.  However,  it  will  be  time 
enough  to  reply  to  these  books  of  his  which 
whisper  in  corners  and  made  their  venomous 
attacks  in  secret,  when  they  are  published 
.and  come  out  from  their  dark  places  into  the 
light,  and  when  they  have  been  able  to  reach 
me  either  through  the  zeal  of  my  friends  or 
the  imprudence  of  mv  adversaries.  We 
need  not  be  much  afraid  of  attacks  which 
their  author  fears  to  publish  and  allows  only 
his  confederates  to  read.  Then  and  not  till 
then  will  I  either  acknowledge  the  justice  of 
his  charges,  or  refute  them,  or  retort  upon 
the  accuser  the  accusations  he  has  made : 
and  will  shew  that  my  silence  has  been  the 
result  not  of  a  bad  conscience  but  of  for- 
bearance. 


5.  In  the  meantime,  I  desired  to  free 
myself  from  suspicion  in  the  implicit  judg- 
ment of  the  reader,  and  to  refute  the  gravest 
of  the  charges  in  the  eyes  of  my  friends.  I 
did  not  wish  it  to  appear  that  I  had  been  the 
first  to  strike,  seeing  that  I  have  not,  even 
when  wounded,  aimed  a  blow  against  my 
assailant,  but  have  only  sought  to  heal  my 
own  wound.  I  beg  the  reader  to  let  the 
blame  rest  on  him  who  struck  the  firsj:  blow, 
without  respect  of  persons.  He  is  not  con- 
tent with  striking;  but,  as  if  he  were  dealing 
with  a  man  whom  he  had  reduced  to  silence 
and  who  would  never  speak  again,  he  has 
written  three  elaborate  books  and  has  made 
out  from  my  works  a  list  of  ''  Contradictions  " 
worthy  of  Marcion.'  Our  minds  are  all  on 
fire  to  know  at  once  what  his  doctrine  is  and 
what  is  this  madness  of  mine  which  we  had 
not  expected.  Perhaps  he  has  learnt  (though 
the  time  for  it  has  been  short)  all  that  is 
necessary  to  make  him  my  teacher,  and  a 
sudden  flow  of  eloquence  will  reveal  what 
no  one  imagined  that  he  knew. 

^  "  Grant  it,  O  Father;  mighty  Jesus,  grant. 
Let  him  begin  the  engagement  hand  to  hand." 

Though  he  may  brandish  the  spear  of  his 
accusations  and  hurl  them  against  us  with 
all  his  might,  we  trust  in  the  Lord  our 
Saviour  that  his  truth  will  encompass  us  as 
with  a  shield,  and  we  shall  be  able  to  sing 
with  the  Psalmist :  ^  "  Their  blows  have  be- 
come as  the  arrows  of  the  little  ones,"  and 
*  "  Though  an  host  should  encamp  against  me, 
my  heart  shall  not  fear ;  though  war  should 
rise  against  me,  even  then  will  I  be  confi- 
dent." But  of  this  at  another  time.  Let 
us  now  return  to  the  point  where  we   began. 

6.  His    followers    object    to    me,     (and 

^  "  Weary  of  work 
They  ply  the  arms  of  Ceres,") 

that  I  have  translated  into  the  Latin  tongue 
the  books  of  Origen  ne/jrAp;t"'^>  which  are 
pernicious  and  repugnant  to  the  faith  of  the 
Church.  My  answer  to  them  is  brief  and 
succinct:  "Your  letters,  my  brother  Pam- 
machius,  and  those  of  your  friends,  have 
compelled  me.  You  declared  that  these 
books  had  been  falsely  translated  by  another, 
and  that   not   a   few   things   had   been    inter- 

1  'AvTidearei^.  Marcion,  a  Gnostic  of  the  second  century 
drew  out  a  list  of  Contradictions  between  the  Law  (which  he 
rejected)  and  the  Gospel. 

2  This  is  altered   from  Virg.  ^n.  x,  S75. 

"  Sic  Pater  I'lle  Deum  facial,  sic  alius  Apollo^ 
Incipias  vonferre  matmnt.^^ 

3  Supposed  to  he  a  version  of  Ps.  Ixiv,  8. 
*  Ps.  xxvii,  3,  4. 

5  ^n:  i,  177. 

Cerealiaque  arma 
Expediunt ,fessi  rertim. 


486 


JEROME. 


polated  or  added  or  altered.  And,  lest  your 
letters  should  fail  to  carry  conviction,  you 
sent  a  copy  of  this  translation,  together  with 
the  Preface  in  which  I  was  praised.  As 
soon  as  I  had  run  my  eye  over  these  docu- 
ments, I  at  once  noticed  that  the  impious 
doctrine  enunciated  by  Origen  about  the 
Father,  the  Son  and  the  Holy  Spirit,  to  which 
the  ears  of  Romans  could  not  bear  to  listen, 
had  been  changed  by  the  translator  so  as  to 
give  a  more  orthodox  meaning.  His  other 
doctrines,  on  the  fall  of  the  angels,  the  lapse 
of  human  souls,  his  prevarications  about  the 
resurrection,  his  ideas  about  the  world,  or 
rather  Epicurus's  middle-spaces,'  on  the  res- 
titution of  all  to  a  state  of  equality,  and 
others  much  worse  than  these,  which  it  would 
take  too  long  to  recount,  I  found  that  he 
had  either  translated  as  they  stood  in  the 
Greek,  or  had  stated  them  In  a  stronger  and 
exaggerated  manner  in  words  taken  from  the 
books  of  Didymus,  who  Is  the  most  open 
champion  of  Origen.  The  effect  of  all  this 
is  that  the  reader,  finding  that  the  book  ex- 
pressed the  catholic  doctrine  on  the  Trinity, 
would  take  in  these  heretical  views  without 
warning. 

7.    One    who    was  not    his    friend    would 
probably  say  to  him  :   Either   change   every- 
thing which  Is   bad,  or  else     make    known 
everything     which     you    think     thoroughly 
good.     If  for  the  sake  of  simple  Christians 
you  cut  out  everything  which  is  pernicious, 
and  do  not  choose  to  put  into  a  foreign  lan- 
guage   the    things    that  you    say  have  been 
added  by  heretics  ;  tell  us  everything  which 
is  pernicious.     But,  if  you  mean  to  make  a 
veracious  and  faithful    translation,  why    do 
you  change  some  things  and  leave  others  un- 
touched .f*      You    make    an   open    profession 
in  the  prologue  that  you  have  amended  what 
Is  bad  and    have    left    all    that  is  best :  and 
therefore,  if  anything  In  the  work  Is  proved 
to  be  heretical,  you  cannot  enjoy  the   license 
given  to   a  translator   but   must   accept   the 
authority  of  a  writer:  and  you  will  be  openly 
convicted    of    the     criminal    intent    of     be- 
smearing with    honey  the  poisoned    cup   so 
that   the   sweetness    which   meets    the    sense 
may  hide  the  deadly  venom.      These  things, 
and    things    much    harder    than    these,    an 
enemy  would  say ;   and  he  would  draw  you 
before  the  tribunal  of  the  church,  not  as  the 
translator  of  a  bad   work    but  as  one    who 
assents  to  its  doctrines.     But  I   am   satisfied 
with  having  simply  defended  myself.     I   ex- 
pressed in   Latin  just  what   I  found  in  the 
Greek  text  of  the  books  ^^7^^  '^/>X(^^,  not  wish- 

1  Intermundia,    Spaces  between  the  worlds,  in  ■<vhich,  ac 
cording  to  Epicurus,  the  Gods  reside. 


Ing  the  reader  to   believe   what  was    In    my 
translation,  but  wishing   him   not   to  believe 
what  was  in  yours.      I   looked  for   a   double 
advantage  as  the  result  of  my  work,   first  to- 
unveil  the  heresy  of  the  author  and   secondly 
to  convict  the  untrustworthiness  of  the  trans- 
lator.    And,  that  no  one  might  think   that  I 
assented  to  the  doctrine  which  I    had  trans- 
lated, I    asserted  In  the  Preface  how  I   had 
been    compelled    to    make  this  version    and 
pointed    out  wliat   the    reader  ought   not   to 
believe.      The  first  translation  makes  for  the 
glory  of  the  author,  the  second  for  his  shame. 
The  one   summons  the  reader  to  believe  its- 
doctrines,  the  other  moves  him  to   disbelieve 
them.      In  that  I  am  claimed  against  my  will 
as  praising  the  author;   in  this  I  not  only  do 
not  praise  him,  but  am  compelled  to   accuse 
the  man  who  does  praise  him.     The   same 
task    has    been   accomplished    by  each,    but 
with  a  different  intention  :  the  same  journey 
has  had  two  difterent  issues.      Our  friend  has 
taken  away   words    which    existed,   alleging; 
that  the  books  had  been  depraved  by  heretics  r. 
and  he  has  put  in  those  which  did   not  exist, 
alleging  that   the   assertions  had   been    made: 
by  the  author  in  other  places  ;  but  of  this  he 
will  never  convince   us  unless  he   can   point 
out  the  actual  places  whence  he  says  that   he 
has  taken  them.  My  endeavour  was  to  change- 
nothing  from  what  was  actually    there  ;   for 
my  object  In  translating  the  work  was  to  ex~ 
pose  the  false  doctrines  which  I   translated. 
Do  you  look  upon  me  as  merely  a  translator? 
I  was  more.      I  turned  Informer.      I  Informed, 
against  a  heretic,  to  clear  the  church  of  heresy. 
The  reasons  which  led  me  formerly  to  pralse 
Origen  In  certain  particulars  are  set  forth   in 
the  treatise  prefixed  to  this  work.     The   sole- 
cause    which    led  to   my  translation    is    now 
before  the  reader.     No  one  has   a  right   to 
charge  me   with  the  author's  impiety,    for   I 
did  It  with  a  pious   intention,  that  of  betray- 
ing the  impiety  which  had  been  commended 
as  piety  to  the  churches. 

S.    I    had    given    Latin    versions,    as     my 
friend  tauntingly   says,    of  seventy   books  of 
Origen,  and  of  some  parts  of  his  Tomes,  but 
no  question  was  ever  raised  about  my  work  ; 
no  commotion    was    felt    on    the    subject    In 
Rome.      What  need  was  there  to  commit  to 
the  ears  of  the  Latins  what  Greece  denounces 
and   the    whole    world    Wames?     I,    though 
translating   many   of    Orlgen's  work    in  the- 
course     of    many    years,     never    created    a 
scandal :  but  you,  though   unknown  before, 
have  by  your  first   and    only    work   become 
notorious  for  your  rasli   proceeding.     Your 
Preface  tells  us  that  you  have  also  translated 
the  work  of  Pamphilus  the  martyr  in  defence 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   I. 


487 


of  Origen  ;  and  you  strive  with  all  your 
might  to  prevent  the  church  from  condemning 
a  man  whose  faith  the  martyr  attests.  The 
real  fact  is  Hhat  Eusebius  Bishop  of  Cassarea, 
as  I  have  already  said  before,  who  was  in  his 
day  the  standard  bearer  of  the  Arian  faction, 
wrote  a  large  and  elaborate  work  in  six  books 
in  defence  of  Origen,  showing  by  many  testi- 
monies that  Origen  was  in  his  sense  a  cath- 
olic, that  is,  in  our  sense,  an  Arian.  The 
first  of  these  six  books  you  have  translated 
and  assigned  it  to  the  martyr.  I  must  not 
wonder,  therefore,  that  you  wish  to  make 
me,  a  small  man  and  of  no  account,  appear 
as  an  admirer  of  Origen,  when  you  bring  the 
same  calumny  against  the  martyr.  You 
change  a  few  statements  about  the  Son  of 
God  and  the  holy  Spirit,  which  you  knew 
would  offend  the  Romans,  and  let  the  rest 
go  unchanged  from  beginning  to  end;  you 
did,  in  fact,  in  the  case  of  this  Apology  of 
Pamphilus  as  you  call  it,  just  what  you  did 
in  the  translation  of  Origen's  TLepl  'A/3;t^jp.  If 
that  book  is  Pamphilus's,  which  of  the  six 
books  is  Eusebius's  first?  In  the  verv 
volume  which  you  pretend  to  be  Pamphilus's, 
mention  is  made  of  the  later  books.  Also, 
in  the  second  and  following  books,  Euse- 
bius says  that  he  had  said  such  and  such 
things  in  the  first  book  and  excuses  himself 
for  repeating  them.  If  the  whole  work  is 
Pamphilus's,  why  do  you  not  translate  the 
remaining  books?  If  it  is  the  work  of  the 
other,  why  do  you  change  the  name?  You 
cannot  answer ;  but  the  facts  make  answer 
of  themselves :  You  thou^^ht  that  men 
would  believe  the  martyr,  though  they  would 
have  turned  in  abhorrence  from  the  chief  of 
the  Arians. 

9.  Am  I  to  say  plainly  what  3'our  inten- 
tion was,  my  most  simple-minded  friend? 
Do  you  think  that  we  can  believe  that  you 
unwittingly  gave  the  name  of  the  martyr  to 
the  book  of  a  man  who  was  a  heretic,  and 
thus  made  the  ignorant,  through  their  trust 
in  Christ's  witness,  become  the  defenders  of 
Origen?  Considering  the  erudition  for  which 
you  are  renowned,  for  which  you  are 
praised  throughout  the  West  as  an  illustrious 
litterateur,^  so  that  the  men  of  your  party 
all  speak  of  you  as  their  Coryphaeus,  I  will 
not  suppose  that  you  are  ignorant  of  Euse- 
bius' ^  Catalogue,  which  states  the  f  ict  that 
the  martyr   Pamphilus   never  wrote  a  single 

1  See  this  question  fully  argued  out  by  Lightfoot  in  the 
Diet,  of  Christian  Biography,  Art.  Eusebius  of  Caesarea.  He 
says  :  "  The  Defence  of  Origen  was  the  joint  work  of  Pam- 
philus and  Eusebius:"  and  "Jerome's  treatment  of  this 
matter  is  a  painful  exhibition  of  disingenuousness,  &c."  See 
De  V.  111.  Ixxv.  2  2vv7pa'/)ei;?. 

3  I'l^riyixa.  No  work  of  Euschius  appears  to  have  borne 
this  title.  The  work  alluded  to  is  eitlier  the  Life  of  Pamphilus 
or  the  Book  On  the  Martyrs  of  Palestine. 


book.^  Eusebius  himself,  the  lover  and  com- 
panion of  Pamphilus,  and  the  herald  of  his 
praises,  wrote  three  books  in  elegant  language 
containing  the  life  of  Pamphilus.  In  these 
he  extols  other  traits  of  his  character  with 
extraordinar}/  encomiums,  and  praises  to  the 
sky  his  humilitv  ;  but  on  his  literary  interests 
he  writes  as  follows  in  the  third  book  : 
"  What  lover  of  books  was  there  who  did  not 
find  a  friend  in  Pamphilus?  If  he  knew  of 
any  of  them  being  in  want  of  the  necessaries 
of  life,  he  helped  them  to  the  full  extent  of 
his  power.  He  would  not  only  lend  them 
copies  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  to  read,  but 
would  give  them  most  readily,  and  that  woX. 
only  to  men,  but  to  women  also  if  he  saw 
that  they  were  given  to  reading.  He  there- 
fore kept  a  store  of  manuscripts,  so  that  he 
might  be  able  to  give  them  to  those  who 
wished  for  them  whenever  occasion  de- 
manded. He  himself  however,  wrote  noth- 
ing whatever  of  his  own,  except  private 
letters  which  he  sent  to  his  friends,  so 
humble  was  his  estimate  of  himself.  But 
the  treatises  of  the  old  writers  he  studied 
with  the  greatest  diligence,  and  was  con- 
stantly occupied  in  meditation  upon  them." 

10.  The  champion  of  Origen,  you  see, 
the  encomiast  of  Pamphilus,  declares  that 
Pamphilus  wrote  nothing  whatever,  that  he 
composed  no  single  treatise  of  his  own. 
And  you  cannot  take  refuge  in  the  hypoth- 
esis that  Pamphilus  wrote  this  book  after 
Eusebius's  publication,  since  Eusebius  wrote 
after  Pamphilus  had  attained  the  crown  of 
martyrdom.  What  then  can  you  now  do? 
The  consciences  of  a  great  many  persons 
have  been  wounded  by  the  book  which  you 
have  published  under  the  name  of  the 
martyr  ;  they  give  no  heed  to  the  authority 
of  the  bishops  who  condemn  Origen,  since 
they  think  that  a  martyr  has  praised  him. 
Of  what  use  are  the  letters  of  the  bishop 
Theophilus  or  of  the  pope  Anastasius,  who 
follow  out  the  heretic  in  every  part  of  the 
world,  when  your  book  passing  under  the 
name  of  Pamphilus  is  there  to  oppose  their 
letters,  and  the  testimonv  of  the  martyr  can 
be  set  against  the  authority  of  the  Bishops? 
I  think  you  had  better  do  with  this  mistitled^ 
volume  what  you  did  with  the  books  Ilfyji 
\^PX^^'  Take  my  advice  as  a  friend,  and  do 
not  be  distrustful  of  the  power  of  your  art ; 
say  either  that  you    never    wrote    it,  or    else 

1  "The  existence  of  a  work  which  consisted  mainly  of  ex- 
tracts from  Origt-n  with  Comments,  and  of  which  he  was  only 
the  joint  author,  is  quite  reconcilable  with  this  statement.  In- 
deed, the  very  form  of  the  expression  in  the  original,  corre- 
sponding to  '■ipse  quidem  '  ^ proprii''  was  probably  chosen  so  as 
to  exclude  this  work  of  compilation  and  partnership."  Light- 
foot,  Art.  Eusebius  of  Caesarca,  in  Diet,  ot  Christian  Biog- 
raphy. 

2  4'eu6e7rt'-ypa</)a>. 


488 


JEROME. 


that  it  has  been  depraved  by  the  presbyter 
Eusebius.'  It  will  be  impossible  to  prove 
against  you  that  the  book  was  translated  by 
you.  Your  handwriting  is  not  forthcoming 
to  shew  it ;  your  eloquence  is  not  so  great  as 
that  no  one  can  imitate  your  style.  Or,  in 
the  last  resort,  if  the  matter  comes  to  the 
proof,  and  your  eflrontery  is  overborne  by 
the  multitude  of  testmionies,  sing  a  palinode 
after  the  manner  of  Stesichnus.  It  is 
better  that  you  should  repent  of  what  you 
have  done  than  that  a  martyr  should  remain 
under  calumny,  and  those  who  have  been 
deceived  under  error.  And  you  need  not 
feel  ashamed  of  changing  your  opinion  ;  you 
are  not  of  such  fame  or  authority  as  to  feel 
disgraced  by  the  confession  of  an  error. 
Take  me  for  your  example,  whom  you  love 
so  much,  and  without  whom  you  can  neither 
live  nor  die,  and  say  what  I  said  when  you 
had  praised  me  and  I  defended  myself. 

II.    Eusebius  the  Bishop  of  Caesarea,  of 
whom    I  have  made  mention  above,  in  the 
sixth  book  of  his  Apology  for  Origen  makes 
the  same  complaint    against    Methodius   the 
bishop  and  martyr,  which  you  make  against 
me  in  your  praises  of  me.     He  says :    How 
could  Methodius  dare  to  write  now  against 
Origen,  after  having  said  this  thing  and  that 
of  his  doctrines?     This  is  not  the   place  in 
which  to  speak  of  the  martyr  ;  one  cannot  dis- 
cuss every  thing  in  all  places  alike.    Let  it  suf- 
fice for  the  present  to  mention  that  one  who 
was  an  Arian  complains  of  the  same  things 
in  a  most  eminent  and  eloquent  man,  and  a 
martyr,   which  you  first    make  a    subject  of 
praise  as  a  friend  and  afterwards,  when  of- 
fended turn  into  an  accusation.     I  have  given 
you  an  opportunity  of  constructing  a  calumny 
against  me  if  you  choose,  in  the  present  pas- 
sage.     "  How  is  it,"  you   may  ask,  "  that  I 
now    depreciate    Eusebius,    after    having    in 
other  places  praised  him  ? "    The  name  Euse- 
bius indeed  is  different  from  Origen  ;  but  the 
ground  of  complaint  is  in  both  cases  identi- 
cal.     I  praised  Eusebius  for  his  Ecclesiastical 
History,  for  his  Chronicle,  for  his  description 
of  the  holy  land  ;  and  these  works  ^  of  his  I 
gave  to  the  men  of  the  same  language  as  mv^- 
self  by  translating  them  into  Latin.     Am  I  to 
be    called  an  Arian   because    Eusebius,    the 
author  of  those  books,  is  an  Arian  ?     If  you 
should  dare  to  call  me  a  heretic,  call  to  mind 
your    Preface    to    the    Ylepl  'Ap^o^v,    in    which 
you  bear  me  witness  that  I  am  of  the  same 
faith  with  yourself :   and  I  at  the  same  time 

^  Eusebius  of  Cremona,  Jerome's  friend,  whom  Rufinus  ac- 
cused of  stealing  and  publishing  his  MSS. 

2  Jerome  translated  the  Chronicle  and  the  Description  of  the 
Holy  Land,  but  not  this  History.  This  was  done  later  by 
Rufinus. 


entreat  you  to  hear  patiently  the  expostula- 
tion of  one   who  was  tormerly  your  friend. 
You  enter  into  a  warm   dispute  with  others, 
and  bandy  mutual  reproaches  with  men  of 
your  own  order ;   whether  you  are  right  or 
wrong    in    this    is    for   you  to  say.      But    as 
against  a  brother  even  a  true  accusation  is 
repugnant  to  me.     I  do  not  say  this  to  blame 
others  ;  I  only  say  that  I  w^ould  not  myself 
do  it.     We  are  separated  from  one  another 
by  a  vast  interval  of  space.      What  sjn  had  I 
committed  against  you  ?    What  is  my  offence  ? 
Is  it  that  I  answered  that  I  was  not  an  Ori- 
genist?     Are  you  to  be  held  to  be  accused 
because  I  defend  myself  ?     If    you   say    you 
are  not    an    Origenist  and   have  never  been 
one,   I    believe    your    solemn    affirmation  of 
this :   if  you  once  \vere  one,  I  accept  your  re- 
pentance.      Why  do  you   complain  if  I  am 
what    you    say  that   you   are.^       Or    is    my 
offence  this  that  I  dared  to  translate  the  Uepl 
'Apx^iv  after  you    had   done   it,   and    that  my 
translation  is  supposed  to   detract  from  your 
work  ?     But  what  was  I  to  do  ?     Your  lauda- 
tion of  me,   or  accusation    against   me,   was 
sent    to  me.     Your  'praise'  was  so    strong 
and  so  long  that,  if  I   had   acquiesced  in  it, 
every  one  would  have  thought  me  a  heretic. 
Look  at  what  is  said  in  the  end  of  the  letter 
which  I  received  from  Rome  :    ^  "  Clear  your- 
self from    the    suspicions  which    men    have 
imbibed  against  you,  and  convict   your  ac- 
cuser of  speaking  falsely  ;    for  if    you  leave 
him  unnoticed,  you  will  be   held  to  assent  to 
his  charges."     When  I  was  pressed  by  such 
conditions,   I    determined   to   translate    these 
books,  and  I  ask  your  attention  to  the  answer 
which  I  made.      It  was  this:   ^  *'  This  is  the 
position  which  my  friends  have  made  for  me, 
(observe  that  I  did  not  say  '  my  friend,'  for 
fear  of  seeming  to  aim  at  you)  ;    if  I  keep 
silence  I  am   to  be  accounted    guilty:     if    I 
answer,   I    am  accounted   an    enemy.     Both 
these  conditions  are  hard  ;   but  of  the  two  I 
will  choose  the  easier:   for  a  quarrel  can  be 
healed,  but  blasphemy  admits  of  no  forgive- 
ness."    You  observe  that  I  felt  this  as  a  bur- 
den laid  upon  me  ;   that  I  was  unwilling  and 
recalcitrating ;    that  I    could  only    quiet    my 
presentiment    of    the    quarrel    which    would 
ensue  from  this  undertaking  by  the  plea  of 
necessity.      If   you  had  translated  the  books 
Uepl  'Apx(^v  without  alluding  to  me,  you  would 
have  a    right    to  complain   that  I  had  after- 
wards   translated    them    to     your    prejudice. 
But    now  you    have  no    right    to    complain, 
since  my  work  was    only  an  answer  to  the 
attack  you  had   made  on  me  under  the  guise 


1  Jerome  Letter  Ixxxiii. 


2  Letter  Ixxxiv.  i2. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK  I. 


489 


of  praise  ;  for  what  you  call  praise  all  under- 
stand as  accusation.  Let  it  be  understood  be- 
tween us  that  you  accused  me,  and  then  you  will 
not  be  indignant  at  my  having  replied.  But 
now  suppose  that  you  wrote  with  a  good  in- 
tention, that  you  were  not  merely  innocent 
but  a  most  faithful  friend,  out  of  whose 
mouth  no  untruth  ever  proceeded,  and  that  it 
was  quite  unconsciously  that  you  wounded 
me.  What  is  that  to  me  who  felt  the  wound  ? 
Am  I  not  to  take  remedies  for  my  wound 
because  vou  inflicted  it  without  evil  intention.^ 
I  am  stricken  down  and  stricken  through, 
with  a  wound  in  the  breast  which  will  not  be 
appeased  ;  my  limbs  which  were  white  be- 
fore are  stained  with  gore  ;  and  you  say  to 
me  :  "  Pray  leave  your  wound  untouched,  for 
fear  that  I  may  be  thought  to  have  wounded 
y^ou."  And  yet  the  translation  in  question  is 
a  reproof  to  Origen  rather  than  to  you.  You 
altered  for  the  better  the  passages  which  you 
considered  to  have  been-  put  in  by  the  here- 
tics. I  brouo^ht  to  lio-ht  what  the  whole 
Greek  world  with  one  voice  attributes  to  him. 
Which  of  our  two  views  is  the  truer  it  is  not 
for  me  nor  for  you  to  judge  ;  let  each  of 
them  be  touched  by  the  censor's  rod  of  the 
reader.  The  whole  of  that  letter  in  which  I 
make  answer  for  myself  is  directed  against 
the  heretics  and  against  my  accusers.  How 
does  it  touch  you  who  profess  to  be  both 
an  orthodox  person  and  my  admirer,  if  I  am 
a  little  too  sharp  upon  heretics,  and  expose 
their  tricks  before  the  public.'*  You  should 
rejoice  in  my  invectives :  otherwise,  if  you 
are  vexed  at  them,  you  may  be  thought  to  be 
yourself  a  heretic.  When  anything  is  writ- 
ten against  some  particular  vice,  but  without 
the  mention  of  any  name,  if  a  man  grows 
angry  he  accuses  himself.  It  would  have 
been  the  part  of  a  wise  man,  even  if  he  felt 
hurt,  to  dissemble  his  consciousness  of  wrong, 
and  by  the  serenity  of  his  countenance  to  dis- 
sipate the  cloud  that  lay  upon  his  heart. 

12.  Otherwise,  if  everything  which  goes 
against  Origen  and  his  followers  is  supposed 
to  be  said  by  me  against  you,  we  must  sup- 
pose that  the  letters  of  the  popes  Theophilus 
and  Epiphanius  and  the  rest  of  the  bishops 
-which  at  their  desire  I  lately  translated  ^  are 
meant  to  attack  you  and  tear  you  to  pieces  ; 
Ave  must  suppose  too  that  the  rescripts  of  the 
Emperors  which  order  that  the  Origenists 
should  be  banished  from  Alexandria  and 
from  Egypt  have  been  written  at  my  dicta- 
tion. The  abhorrence  shown  by  the  Pontiff^ 
of  the  city  of  Rome  against  these  men  was 
nothing   but  a  scheme    of  mine.     The    out- 

1  Jerome,  Letters  91-94. 


burst  of  hatred  which  immediately  after  your 
translation  blazed  up  through  the  whole 
world  against  Origen  who  before  had  been 
read  without  prejudice  was  the  work  of  my 
pen.  If  I  have  got  all  this  power,  I  wonder 
that  you  are  not  afraid  of  me.  But  I  really 
acted  with  extreme  moderation.  In  my  pub- 
lic letter  *  I  took  every  precaution  to  prevent 
your  supposing  that  anything  in  it  was  di- 
rected against  you  ;  but  I  wrote  at  the  same 
time  a  short  letter  ^  to  you,  expostulating  with 
you  on  the  subject  of  your  '  praises.'  This 
letter  my  friends  did  not  think  it  right  to  send 
you,  because  you  were  not  at  Rome,  and 
because,  as  they  tell  me,  you  and  your  com- 
panions were  scattering  accusations  of  things 
unworthy  of  the  Christian  profession  about 
my  manner  of  life.  But  I  have  subjoined  a 
copy  of  it  to  this  book,  so  that  you  may 
understand  what  pain  you  gave  me  and  with 
what  brotherly  self-restraint  I  bore  it. 

13.  I  am  told,  further,  that  you  touch 
with  some  critical  sharpness  upon  some 
points  of  my  letter,  and,  with  the  well-known 
wrinkles  rising  on  your  forehead  and  your 
eyebrows  knitted,  make  sport  of  me  with  a 
wit  worthy  of  Plautus,  for  having  said  that  I 
had  a  Jew  named  Barabbas  for  my  teacher. 
I  do  not  wonder  at  your  writing  Barabbas 
for  Baranina,  the  letters  of  the  nannes  being 
somewhat  similar,  when  you  allow  your- 
self such  a  license  in  changing  the  names 
themselves,  as  to  turn  Eusebius  into  Pamphi- 
lus,  and  a  heretic  into  a  martyr.  One  must 
be  cautious  of  such  a  man  as  you,  and  give 
you  a  wide  berth;  otherwise  I  may  find  my 
own  name  turned  in  a  trice,  and  without  my 
knowing  it,  from  Jerome  to  Sardanapalus. 
Listen,  then,  O  pillar  of  wisdom,  and  type  of 
Catonian  severity.  I  never  spoke  of  him  as 
my  master;  I  merely  wished  to  illustrate  my 
method  of  studying  the  Holy  Scriptures  by 
saying  that  I  had  read  Origen  just  in  the 
same  way  as  I  had  taken  lessons  from  this 
Jew.  Did  I  do  you  an  injury  because  I 
attended  the  lectures  of  Apollinarius  and 
Didymus  rather  than  yours?  Was  there 
anything  to  prevent  my  naming  in  my  letter 
that  most  eloquent  man  Gregory?^  Which 
of  all  the  Latins  is  his  equal?  I  may  well 
glory  and  exult  in  him.  But  I  only  men- 
tioned those  who  were  subject  to  censure,  so 
as  to  show  that  I  only  read  Origen  as  I  had 
listened  to  them,  that  is,  not  on  account  of 
his  soundness  in  the  faith  but  on  .nccount 
of  the  excellence  of  his  learning.  Origen 
himself,    and    Clement     and    Eusebius,     and 


1  Ep.  Ixxxiv  to  Pnmmachius  and  Oceanus.       2 Letter  \xxxi. 
3  Nazianzen,  to  whose  instructions  Jerome  attached  himself 
at  Constantinople  in  3S1. 


490 


JEROME. 


many  others,  when  they  are  discussing  script- 
ural points,  and  wish  to  have  Jewisli  author- 
ity for  what  they  say,  write  :  "A  Hebrew 
stated  this  to  me,"  or  "I  heard  from  a 
Hebrew,"  or,  "That  is  the  opinion  of  the 
Hebrews."  Origen  certainly  speaks  of  the 
Patriarch  Huillus  who  was  his  contemporary, 
and  in  the  conclusion  of  his  thirtieth  Tome  on 
Isaiah  (that  in  the  end  of  which  he  explains 
the  words  ^  "  Woe  to  Ariel  which  David  took 
by  storm")  uses  his  exposition  of  the  words, 
and  confesses  that  he  had  adopted  through 
his  teaching  a  truer  opinion  than  that  which 
he  had  previously  held.  He  also  takes  as 
written  by  Moses  not  only  the  eighty-ninth 
Psalm  ^  which  is  entitled  "A  prayer  of 
Moses  the  Man  of  God,"  but  also  the  eleven 
following  Psalms  which  have  no  title  ac- 
cording to  Huillus's  opinion  ;  and  he  makes 
no  scruple  of  inserting  in  his  commentaries 
on  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  the  views  of  the 
Hebrew  teachers. 

14.  It  is  said  that  on  a  recent  occasion, 
where  the  letters  of  Theophilus  exposing  the 
errors  of  Origen  w^ere  read,  our  friend  stopped 
his  ears,  and  along  with  all  present  pro- 
nounced a  distinct  condemnation  upon  the 
author  of  so  much  evil ;  and  th::t  he  said  that 
up  to  that  moment  he  had  never  known  that 
Origen  had  written  anything  so  wrong.  I 
say  nothing  against  this  :  I  do  not  make  the 
observation  which  perhaps  another  might 
make,  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  be 
ignorant  of  that  which  he  had  himself  trans- 
lated,  and  an  apology  for  which  by  a  heretic 
he  had  published  under  the  name  of  a  martyr, 
whose  defence  also  he  had  undertaken  in  his 
own  book;  as  to  wdiich  I  shall  have  some  ad- 
verse remarks  to  make  later  on  if  I  have 
time  to  write  them.  I  only  make  one  ob- 
servation which  does  not  admit  of  contradic- 
tion. If  it  is  possible  that  he  should  have 
misunderstood  what  he  translated,  why  is  it 
not  possible  that  I  should  have  been  ignorant 
of  the  book  Uepl  'Ap/T'^^  which  I  had  not  be- 
fore read,  and  that  I  should  have  only  read 
those  Homilies  which  I  translated,  and  in 
which  he  himself  testifies  that  tliere  is  noth- 
ing wrong?  But  if,  contrary  to  his  expressed 
opinion,  he  now  finds  fault  with  me  for  those 
things  for  which  he  before  had  given  me 
praise,  he  w^ill  be  in  a  strait  between  two  ; 
either  he  praised  me,  believing  me  to  be  a 
heretic  but  confessing  that  he  shared  my 
opinion  ;  or.  else,  if  he  praised  me  before  as 
orthodox,  his  present  accusations  come  to 
nothing,  and  are  due  to  sheer  malice.  But 
perhaps  it  was  only  as  my  friend  that  he  for- 


1  Is.  xxix,  1 ,  "  Where  David  encamped."    Rev.  Ver. 

2  Ps.  xc. 


merly  was  silent  about  my  errors,  and  now 
that  he  is  angry  with  me  brings  to  light  what 
he  had  concealed. 

15.  This  abandonment  of  friendship  gives 
no  claim  to  my  confidence;  and  open  enmity 
brings  wnth  it  the  suspicion  of  falsehood. 
Still  I  will  be  bold  enough  to  go  to  meet  him, 
and  to  ask  what  heretical  doctrine  I  have  ex- 
pressed, so  that  I  may  either,  like  him,  ex- 
press my  regret  and  swear  that  I  never  knew 
the  bad  doctrines  of  Origen,  and  that  his  in- 
fidelity has  now  for  the  first  time  been  made 
known  to  me  by  the  Pope  Theophilus  ;  or 
that  I  may  at  least  prove  that  my  opinions 
were  sound  and  that  he,  as  his  habit  is,  had 
not  understood  them.  It  is  impossible  that 
in  my  Commentaries  on  the  Ephesians  which 
I  hear  he  makes  the  ground  of  his  accusa- 
tion, I  should  have  spoken  both  rightly  and 
wrongly  ;  that  fromi  the  same  fountain  should 
have  proceeded  both  sweet  water  and  bitter ; 
and  that  whereas  throughout  the  woik  I  con- 
demned those  who  believe  that  souls  have 
been  created  out  of  angels,  I  should  suddenly 
have  forgotten  myself  and  have  defended  the 
opinion  which  I  condemned  before.  He  can 
hardly  raise  an  objection  to  me  on  the  score 
of  folly,  since  he  has  proclairr.ed  me  in  his 
works  as  a  man  of  the  highest  culture  and 
eloquence  ;  otherwise  such  silly  verbosity  as 
he  imputes  is  the  part,  one  would  think,  of  a 
pettifogger  and  a  babbler  rather  than  of  an 
eloquent  man.  What  is  the  point  of  his 
written  accusations  I  do  not  know,  for  it  is 
only  report  of  them,  not  the  writings,  which 
has  reached  me;  and,  as  the  Apostle  tells  us 
it  is  a  foolish  thing  to  beat  the  air.  How- 
ever, I  must  answer  in  the  uncertainty  till 
the  certainty  reaches  me  :  and  I  will  begin 
by  teaching  my  rival  in  my  old  age  a  lesson 
which  I  learned  in  youth,  that  there  are 
many  forms  of  speech,  and  that,  according  to 
the  subject  matter  not  only  the  sentences  but 
the  words  also  of  writings  vary. 

16.  For  instance,  Chrysippus  and  Antip- 
ater  occupy  themselves  with  thorny  ques- 
tions :  Demosthenes  and  ^schines  speak 
with  the  voice  of  thunder  against  each  other  ; 
Lysias  and  Isocrates  have  an  easy  and 
pleasing  style.  There  is  a  wonderful  difier- 
ence  in  these  writers,  though  each  of  them  is 
perfect  in  his  own  line.  Again:  read  the 
book  of  Tully  To  Herennius ;  read  his 
R/ieto7'iclans;  or,  since  he  tells  us  that  these 
books  fell  from  his  hands  in  a  merely  inchoate 
and  unfinished  condition,  look  through  his 
three  books  On  the  orator^  in  which  he 
introduces  a  discussion  between  Crassus  and 
Antony,  the  most  eloquent  orators  of  that 
day  r  and  a  fourth   book  called   The  Orator 


APOLOGY  — BOOK  I. 


491 


which  he  wrote  to  Brutus  when  ah'eady  an 
old  man  ;  and  you  will  realize  that  History, 
Oratory,  Dialogue,  Epistolary  writing,  and 
Commentaries,  have,  each  of  thein,  their 
special  style.  We  have  to  do  now  with 
Commentaries.  In  those  which  I  wrote  upon 
the  Ephesians  I  only  followed  Origen  and 
Didymus  and  Apollinarius,  (whose  doctrines 
are  very  different  one  from  another)  so  far 
as  was  consistent  with  the  sincerity  of  my 
faith:  for  what  is  the  function  of  a  Com- 
mentary.? It  is  to  interpret  another  man's 
words,  to  put  into  plain  language  what  he 
has  expressed  obscurely.  Consequently,  it 
enumerates  the  opinions  of  many  persons, 
and  says.  Some  interpret  the  passage  in  this 
sense,  some  in  that ;  the  one  try  to  support 
their  opinion  and  understanding  of  it  by  such 
and  such  evidence  or  reasons :  so  that  the 
wise  reader,  after  reading  these  different  ex- 
planations, and  having  many  brought  before 
his  mind  for  acceptance  or  rejection,  may 
judge  which  is  the  truest,  and,  like  a  good 
banker,  may  reject  the  money  of  spurious 
mintage.  Is  the  commentator  to  be  held  re- 
sponsible for  all  these  different  interpreta- 
tions, and  all  these  mutually  contradicting 
opinions  because  he  puts  down  the  exposi- 
tions given  by  many  in  the  single  work  on 
which  he  is  commenting.?  I  suppose  that 
when  you  were  a  boy  you  read  the  commen- 
taries of  Asper  upon  Virgil  and  Sallust, 
those  of  Vulcatius  upon  Cicero's  Orations, 
of  Victorinus  upon  his  Dialogues  and  upon 
the  Comedies  of  Terence,  and  also  those  of 
my  master  Donatus  on  Virgil,  and  of  others 
on  other  writers  such  as  Plautus,  Lucretius, 
Flaccus,  Persius  and  Lucan.  Will  you  find 
fault  with  those  who  have  commented  on  these 
writers  because  they  have  not  held  to  a  single 
explanation,  but  enumerate  their  own  views 
and  those  of  others  on  the  same  passage? 

17.  I  say  nothing  of  the  Greeks,  since 
you  boast  of  your  knowledge  of  them,  even 
to  the  extent  of  saying  that,  in  attaching 
yourself  to  foreign  literature,  you  have  for- 
gotten your  own  language.  I  am  afraid  that, 
according  to  the  old  proverbs,  I  might  be 
like  tlie  pig  teaching  Minerva,  and  the  man 
carrying  fagots  into  the  wood.  I  only  won- 
der that,  being  as  you  are  the  Aristarchus^ 
of  our  time,  you  should  have  shewn  igno- 
rance of  these  matters  which  every  boy  knows. 
It  is,  no  doubt,  from  your  mind  being  fixed 
on  the  meaning  of  what  you  write,  but  partly 
also  from  your  being  so  sharp-sighted  for  the 
manufacture   of  calumnies    ao^ainst  me,    that 


1  A  native  of  Saipothrace  who  died  at  Cyprus  B.  C.  157.  He 
was  tutor  to  the  children  of  Ptolemy  Philometor,  and  was  re- 
nowned as  a  rlietorician  and  a  critic. 


you  despise  the  precepts  of  Grammarians 
and  orators,  that  you  make  no  attempt  to  set 
straiglit  words  which  have  got  transposed 
when  the  sentence  has  become  complicated, 
or  to  avoid  some  harsh  collocation  of  con- 
sonants, or  to  escape  from  a  style  full  of  gaps. 
It  would  be  ridiculous  to  point  to  one  or  two 
wounds  when  the  whole  body  is  enfeebled 
and  broken.  I  will  not  select  portions  for 
criticism  ;  it  is  for  him  to  select  any  portion 
which  is  free  from  faults.  He  must  have 
been  ignorant  even  of  the  Socratic  saying : 
"Know    thyself." 

To  steer  the  ship  the  untaught  landsman  fears; 
Th'  untrain'd  attendant  dares  not  give  the  sick 
The  drastic  southernwood.     The  healing  drug 
The  leech  alone  prescribes.     Th'  artificer 
Alone  the  tools  can  wield.     But  poetry 
Train'd  or  untrain'd  we  all  at  random  write. ^ 

Possibly  he  will  swear  that  he  has  never 
learned  to  read  and  write;  lean  easily  be- 
lieve that  without  an  oath.  Or  perhaps  he 
will  take  refuge  in  what  the  Apostle  says  of 
himself:  ''  Though  I  be  rude  in  speech,  yet 
not  in  knowledge."  But  his  reason  for  say- 
ing this  is  plain.  He  had  been  trained  in 
Hebrew  learning  and  brought  up  at  the  feet 
of  Gamaliel,  whom,  though  he  had  attained 
apostolic  rank,  he  was  not  ashamed  to  call 
his  master ;  and  he  thought  Greek  eloquence 
of  no  account,  or  at  all  events,  in  his  humil- 
ity, he  would  not  parade  his  knowledge  of 
it.  So  that  ^  'his  preaching  should  stand  not 
in  the  persuasive  wisdom  of  words  but  in  the 
power  of  the  things  signified.'  He  despised 
other  men's  riches  since  he  was  rich  in  his 
own.  Still  it  was  not  to  an  illiterate  man. 
who  stumbled  in  every  sentence  that  Festus 
cried,  as  he  stood  before  his  judgment  seat: 
"  Paul  thou  art  beside  thyself  ;  much  learn- 
ing doth  make  thee  mad."  You  who  can 
hardly  do  more  than  mutter  in  Latin,  and 
who  rather  creep  like  a  tortoise  than  walk, 
ought  either  to  write  in  Greek,  so  that  among 
those  who  are  ignorant  of  Greek  you  may 
pass  for  one  who  knows  a  foreign  tongue ; 
or  else,  if  you  attempt  to  w^rite  Latin,  you 
should  first  have  a  grammar-master,  and 
flinch  from  the  ferule,  and  begin  again  as  an 
old  scholar  among  children  to  learn  the  art 
of  speaking.  Even  if  a  man  is  bursting 
with  the  w^ealth  of  Croesus  and  D^nrius,  let- 
ters will  not  follow  the  money-bag.  They 
are  the  companions  of  toil  and  of  labour,  the 
associates  of  the  fasting  not  of  the  full-fed, 
of  self-mastery  not  of  self-indulgence."    It  is 


1  Horace  Ep.  ii,  I,  114-7. 

■  I  Cor.  ii,  4.  "  Not  iu  persuasive  words  of  wisdom,  but 
in  demonstration  of  the  Spirit  and  of  power."     Rev.  Ver. 

•'■  Acts  xxvi,  24. 

■»  Jerome  often  accuses  Rufinus  of  self-indulg-ence.  See 
esp.  Letter  cxxv,  c.  iS. 


492 


JEROME. 


told  of  Demosthenes  that  he  consumed  more 
oil  than  wine,  and  that  no  workman  ever 
shortened  his  nights  as  he  did.  He  for  the 
sake  of  enunciating  the  single  letter  Rho 
was  willing  to  take  a  dog  as  his  teacher ;  and 
yet  you  make  it  a  crime  in  me  that  I  took  a 
man  to  teach  me  the  Hebrew  letters.  This 
is  the  sort  of  wisdom  which  makes  men  re- 
main unlearned :  they  do  not  choose  to  learn 
what  they  do  not  know.  They  forget  the 
words  of  Horace : 

Why  through  false  shame  do  I  choose  ignorance, 
Rather  than -seek  to  learn? 

That  Book  of  Wisdom  also  which  is  read 
to  us  as  the  work  of  Solomon  says :  i  "  Into 
a  malicious  soul  wisdom  shall  not  enter,  nor 
dwell  in  the  body  that  is  subject  to  sin.  For 
the  Holy  Spirit  of  discipline'  will  flee  deceit 
and  remove  from  thoughts  which  are  with- 
out understanding."  The  case  is  different 
with  those  who  only  wish  to  be  read  by  the 
vulgar,  and  do  not  care  how  they  may  offend 
the  ears  of  the  learned  ;  and  they  despise  the 
utterance  of  the  poet  which  brands  the  for- 
wardness of  noisy  ignorance. 

'Twas  you,  I  think,  whose  ignorance  in  the  streets 
Murder'd  the  wretched  strain  with  creaking  reed. 

If  you  want  such  things,  there  are  plenty 
of  curly-pated  fellows  in  every  school  who 
will  sing  you  snatches  of  doggrel  from 
Miletus ;  or  you  may  go  to  the  exhibition 
of  the  Bessi  ^  and  see  people  shaking  with 
laughter  at  the  Pig's  Testament,  or  at  any 
jesters'  entertainment  where  silly  things  of 
this  kind  are  run  after.  There  is  not  a  day 
but  you  may  see  the  dressed-up  clown  In  the 
•streets  whacking  the  buttocks  of  some  block- 
head, or  half-pulling  out  people's  teeth  with 
the  scorpion  which  he  twists  round  for  them 
to  bite.  We  need  not  wonder  if  the  books 
of  know-nothings  find  plenty  of  readers. 

i8.  Our  friends  take  it  amiss  that  I  have 
spoken  of  the  Origenists  as  confederated  to- 
gether by  orgies  of  false  oaths.  I  named  the 
book  in  which  I  had  found  it  written,  that 
is,  the  sixth  book  of  Origen's  Miscellanies, 
in  which  he  tries  to  adapt  our  Christian 
doctrine  to  the  opinions  of  Plato.  The 
words  of  Plato  in  the  third  book  of  the  Re- 
public *  are  as  follows  :  ''  Truth,  said  Socrates, 
is  to  be  specially  cultivated.  If,  however, 
as  I  was  saying  just  now,  falsehood  is  dis- 
graceful and  useless  to  God,  to  men  it  is 
sometimes  useful,  if  only  it  is  used  as  a  stimu- 
lant ''  or  a  medicine  ;  for  no  one  can  doubt  that 

1  Wlsd.  of  Sol.  i,  4,  5.  2  Eriiditionis. 

3  A  tribe  of  Thrace;  probably  troupes  of  tliem  came  to  ex- 


hibit in  Rome. 
*  p.  3S9. 


"  Condimenttifn,  or  seasouing^. 


some  such  latitude  of  statement  must  be  al- 
lowed to  physicians,  though  it  must  be  taken 
out  of  the  hands  of  those  who  are  unskilled. 
That  is  quite  true,  it  w  as  replied  ;  and  if  one 
admits  that  any  person  may  do  this,  it  must 
be  the  duty  of  the  rulers  of  states  at  times 
to  tell  lies,  either  to  baffle  the  enemy  or  to 
benefit  their  country  and  the  citizens.  On 
the  other  hand  to  those  who  do  not  know  how 
to  make  a  good  use  of  falsehood,  the  prac- 
tice should  be  altogether  prohibited."  Now 
take  the  words  of  Origen :  ''  When  VvC  con- 
sider the  precept  ^  '  Speak  truth  every  man 
with  his  neighbour,'  we  need  not  ask,  Who  is 
my  neighbour?  but  we  should  weigh  well  the 
cautious  remarks  of  the  philosopher.  He 
says,  that  to  God  falsehood  is  shameful  and 
useless,  but  to  men  it  is  occasionally  useful. 
We  must  not  suppose  that  God  ever  lies, 
even  in  the  way  of  economy  ;  ^  only,  if  the 
good  of  the  hearer  requires  it,  he  speaks  in 
ambiguous  language,  and  reveals  what  he 
wills  in  enigmas,  taking  care  at  once  that 
the  dignity  of  truth  should  be  preserved  and 
yet  that  what  would  be  hurtful  if  produced 
nakedly  before  the  crowd  should  be  envel- 
oped in  a  veil  and  thus  disclosed.  But  a 
man  on  whom  necessity  imposes  the  respon- 
sibility of  lying  is  bound  to  use  very  great 
care,  and  to  use  falsehood  as  he  would  a 
stimulant  or  a  medicine,  and  strictly  to  pre- 
serve its  measure,  and  not  go  beyond  the 
bounds  observed  by  Judith  in  her  dealings 
with  Holofernes,  whom  she  overcame  by 
the  wisdom  with  which  she  dissembled  her 
words.  He  should  act  like  Esther  who 
changed  the  purpose  of  Artaxerxes  by  hav- 
ing so  long  concealed  the  truth  as  to  her 
race ;  and  still  more  the  patriarch  Jacob 
who,  as  we  read,  obtained  the  blessing  of 
his  father  by  artifice  and  falsehood.  From 
all  this  it  is  evident  that  if  we  speak  falsely 
with  any  other  object  than  that  of  obtaining 
by  it  some  great  good,  we  shall  be  judged  as 
the  enemies  of  him  who  said,  I  am  the  truth." 
This  Origen  wrote,  and  none  of  us  can  deny 
it.  And  he  wrote  it  in  the  book  which  he 
addressed  to  the  '  perfect,'  his  own  disciples. 
His  teaching  is  that  the  master  may  lie,  but 
the  disciple  must  not.  The  inference  from 
this  is  that  the  man  who  is  a  good  liar,  and 
without  hesitation  sets  before  his  brethren 
anv  fabrication  which  rises  into  his  mouth, 
shows  himself  to  be  an  excellent  teacher. 

19.  I  am  told  that  he  also  carps  at  me 
for  the  translation  I  have  given  of  a  phrase 
in     the     vSecond     Psalm.       In     the    Latin    it 

lEph.  iv,  25. 

-  Pro  Dispensatione.  Tlie  word  Economy  is  used  in  modern 
discussions  on  this  subject  in  the  sen'^e  of  dispensing  trutli 
partially  to  tliose  not  wholly  fit  fnr  its  full  disclosure. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    I. 


493 


stands:    "  Learn  discipline,"  in   the   Hebrew 
it  is  written  Nescu  Bar ;   and  I  hav^e   given  it 
in  my  commentary,  Adore  the  Son  ;  and  then, 
when  I  translated  the  whole  Psalter  into  the 
Latin    language,   as    if  I    had    forgotten  my 
previous     explanation,     I     put      "  Worship 
purely."     No  one  can  den}^,  of  course,  that 
these    interpretations   are    contrary    to    each 
other  ;  and  we  must   pardon  him  for  being 
ignorant  of  the  Hebrew'writing  when  he  is 
so  often  at   a    loss    even    in    Latin.     Nescu, 
translated  literally,   is    Kiss.     I    wished    not 
to  give  a  distasteful  rendering,  and  preferring 
to  follow  the  sense,  gave  the  word  Worship  ; 
for  those  who  worship  are  apt  to  kiss  their 
hands   and  to  bare   their  heads,  as   is   to  be 
seen  in  the  case  of  Job  who  declares  that  he 
has  never  done  either  of  these  things,*   and 
says  ^ ''  If  I  beheld  the  sun  when  it  shined, 
or    the    moon    walking    in    brightness,    and 
my  heart  rejoiced  in  secret  and  I  kissed  my 
hand  with  my  mouth,  which  is  a  very  great 
iniquity,  and  a  lie  to  the    most  high   God." 
The  Hebrews,  according  to  the    peculiarity 
of  their  language  use  this  word  Kiss  for  adora- 
tion ;   and    therefore    I    translated    according 
to  the  use  of  those  whose  language    I    was 
dealing    with.      The    word    Bar,    however, 
in  Hebrew  has  several   meanings.      It  means 
Son,  as    in    the    words    Barjona    (son    of  a 
dove)    Bartholomew    (son    of  Tholomaeus), 
Bartim^eus,     Barjesus,     Barabbas.       It    also 
means    Wheat,   and    A    sheaf  of   corn,    and 
Elect    and    Pure.     What    sin    have    I    com- 
mitted, then,  when  a  word  is  thus   uncertain 
in  its  meaning,  if  I    have  rendered   it  differ- 
ently in  different  places?  and  if,   after  taking 
the    sense  "Worship  the  Son"  in  my  Com- 
mentary, where   there    is    more    freedom    of 
discussion,    I    said    "Worship     purely"    or 
"  electively  "  in  my  version  of  the  Bible  itself, 
so  that  I  should  not  be  thought  to  translate  ca- 
priciously or  give  grounds  for  cavil  on  the  part 
of  the  Jews.     This  last  rendering,  moreover, 
is  that  of  Aquila  and    Symmachus :    and    I 
cannot  see  that  the  faith   of  the  church  is  in- 
jured   by  the   reader     being    shewn  in    how 
many  different  ways  a  verse  is   translated  by 
the  Jews. 

20.  Your  Origen  allows  himself  to  treat 
of  the  transmigration  of  souls,  to  introduce 
the  belief  in  an  infinite  number  of  worlds, 
to  clothe  rational  creatures  in  one  body  after 
another,  to  say  that  Christ  has  often  suffered, 
and  will  often  suffer  again,  it  being  always 
profitable  to  undertake  what  has  once  been 
profitable.  You  also  yourself  assume  such 
an    authority    as    to   turn    a    heretic    into    a 

'  To  the  elements  of  nature,  or  the  idols. 
2  Job  xxxi,26,  28. 


martyr,  and  to  invent  a  heretical  falsification 
of  the  books  of  Origen.  Why  may  not  I 
then  discuss  about  words,  and  in  doing  the 
work  of  a  commentator  teach  the  Latins 
what  I  learn  from  the  Hebrews  ?  If  it  were 
not  a  long  process  and  one  which  savours  of 
boasting,  I  should  like  even  novv^  to  shew 
you  how  much  profit  there  is  in  waiting  at 
the  doors  of  great  teachers,  and  in  learning 
an  art  from  a  real  artificer.  If  I  could  do 
this,  you  would  see  what  a  tangled  forest  of 
ambiguous  names  and  words  is  presented  by 
the  Hebrew.  It  is  this  which  gives  such  a 
field  for  various  renderings:  for,  the  sense 
being  uncertain,  each  man  takes  the  transla- 
tion which  seems  to  him  the  most  consistent. 
Why  should  I  take  you  to  any  outlandish 
writers.^  Go  over  Aristotle  once  more  and 
Alexander  the  commentator  on  Aristotle ; 
you  will  recognize  from  reading  these  what 
a  plentiful  crop  of  uncertainties  exists ;  and 
you  may  then  cease  to  find  fault  with  your 
friend  in  reference  to  things  which  you  have 
never  had  brought  to  your  mind  even  in 
your  dreams. 

21.  My  brother  Paulinian  tells  me  that 
our  friend  has  impugned  certain  things  in 
my  commentary  on  the  Ephesians :  some  of 
these  criticisms  he  committed  to  memory, 
and  has  indicated  the  actual  passages  im- 
pugned. I  must  not  therefore  refuse  to 
meet  his  statements,  and  I  beg  the  reader,  if 
I  am  somewhat  prolix  in  the  statement  and 
the  refutation  of  his  charges,  to  allow  for 
the  necessary  conditions  of  the  discussion. 
I  am  not  accusing  another  but  endeavouring 
to  defend  myself  and  to  refute  the  false 
accusation  of  heresy  which  is  thrown  In  my 
teeth.  On  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians 
Origen  wrote  three  books.  DIdymus  and 
Apollinarius  also  composed  works  of  then- 
own.  These  I  partly  translated,  partly 
adapted ;  my  method  is  described  in  the 
following  passage  of  my  prologue:  *'This 
also  I  wish  to  state  in  my  Preface.  Origen, 
you  must  know^,  wrote  three  books  upon  this 
Epistle,  and  I  have  partly  followed  him. 
Apollinarius  also  and  DIdymus  published 
certain  commentaries  on  it,  from  which  I 
have  culled  some  things,  though  but  few; 
and,  as  seemed  to  me  right,  I  put  in  or  took 
out  others ;  but  I  have  done  this  in  such 
a  way  that  the  careful  reader  may  from  the 
very  first  see  how  far  the  work  is  due  to  me, 
how  far  to  others."  Whatever  fault  there  is 
detected  In  the  exposition  given  of  this 
Epistle,  if  I  am  unable  to  shew  that  It  exists 
In  the  Greek  books  from  w^hich  I  have 
stated  it  to  have  been  translated  into  Latin, 
I  will  acknowledge  that  the    fault    is    mine 


494 


JEROME, 


and  not  another's.  However,  that  I  should 
not  be  thought  to  be  raising  quibbles,  and 
by  tliis  artifice  of  self-excuse  to  be  escaping 
from  boldly  meeting  him,  I  will  set  out  the 
actual  passages  which  are  adduced  as  evi- 
dences of  my  fault. 

22.  To  begin.  In  the  first  book  I  take 
the  words  of  Paul :  '  ''  As  he  hath  chosen  us 
before  the  foundation  of  the  world,  that  we 
might  be  holy  and  unspotted  before  him." 
This  I  have  interpreted  as  referring  not, 
according  to  Origen's  opinion,  to  an  election 
of  those  w^ho  had  existed  in  a  previous  state, 
but  to  the  foreknowledge  of  God  ;  and  I  close 
the  discussion  w^ith  these  words : 

"  His  assertion  that  we  have  been  chosen  before 
the  foundation  of  the  world  that  we  should  be  holy 
and  without  blemish  before  him,  that  is,  before 
God,  belongs  to  the  foreknowledge  of  God,  to 
whom  all  things  which  are  to  be  are  already  made, 
and  are  known  before  they  come  into  being.  Thus 
Paul  was  predestinated  in  the  womb  of  his  mother: 
and  Jeremiah  before  his  birth  is  sanctified,  chosen, 
confirmed,  and,  as  a  tjpe  of  Christ,  sent  as  a 
prophet  to  the  Gentiles." 

There  is  no  crime  surely  in  this  exposition 
of  the  passage.  Origen  explained  it  in  a 
heterodox  sense,  but  I  followed  that  of  the 
church.  And,  since  it  is  the  duty  of  a 
commentator  to  record  the  opinions  expressed 
by  many  others,  and  I  had  promised  in  the 
Preface  that  I  would  do  this,  I  set  down 
Origen's  interpretation,  though  without  men- 
tioning his  name  which  excites  ill  will. 

*'  Another,"  I  said,  "  who  wishes  to  vindicate 
the  justice  of  God,  and  to  shew  that  he  does  not 
choose  men  according  to  a  prejudgment  and  fore- 
knowledge of  his  own  but  according  to  the  deserts 
of  the  elect,  thinks  that  J^efore  the  visible  creation 
of  sky,  earth,  sea  and  all  that  is  in  them,  there  ex- 
isted the  invisible  creation,  part  of  which  consisted 
of  souls,  which,  for  certain  causes  known  to  God 
alone,  were  cast  down  into  this  valley  of  tears, 
this  scene  of  our  affliction  and  our  pilgrimage;  and 
that  it  is  to  this  that  we  may  apply  the  Psalmist's 
prayer,  he  being  in  this  low  condition  and  longing 
to  return  to  his  former  dwelling  place:  ^**Woe  is 
me  that  my  sojourn  is  prolonged;  I  have  inhabited 
the  habitations  of  Kedar,  my  soul  hath  had  a  long 
pilgrimage."  And  also  the  words  of  the  Apostle : 
^  "  O  wretched  man  that  I  am,  who  shall  deliver 
me  from  the  body  of  this  death  .^"  and  ^ "  It  is 
better  to  return  and  to  be  with  Christ;"  and  ^  "Be- 
fore I  was  brought  low,  I  sinned."  He  adds  much 
more  of  the  same  kind." 

Now  observe  that  I  said  "  Another  w^ho 
wishes  to  vindicate,"  I  did  not  say  "  who  suc- 
ceeds in  vindicating."  But  if  you  find  a  stum- 
bling block  in  the  fact  that  I  condensed  a  very 
long  discussion  of  Origen's  into  a  brief 
statement  so  as  to  give  the  reader  a  glimpse 


1  Eph.  i,  4. 

2  Ps.  cxx,  5. 


3  Rom.  vii,  24. 
i  Phil,  i,  23. 


5  Ps.  cxix,  67, 


of  his  meaning ;  if  you  declare  me  to  be  a 
secret  adherent  of  his  because  I  have  not  left 
out  anything  which  he  has  said,  I  would 
ask  you  whether  it  was  not  necessary  for  me 
to  do  this,  so  as  to  avoid  your  cavils.  Would 
you  not  otherwise  have  declared  that  I  had 
kept  silence  on  matters  on  which  he  had 
spoken  boldly,  and  that  in  the  Greek  text  his 
assertions  were  much  stronger  than  I  repre- 
sented.^ I  therefore  put  down  all  that  I 
found  in  the  Greek  text,  though  in  a  shorter 
form,  so  that  his  disciples  should  have 
nothing  which  they  could  force  upon  the 
ears  of  the  Latins  as  a  new  thing ;  for  it  is 
easier  for  us  to  make  light  of  things  which 
we  know  well  than  of  things  which  take  us 
unprepared.  But  after  I  had  shewn  Origen's 
interpretations  of  the  passage,  I  concluded 
this  section  with  words  to  which  I  beg  your 
attention : 

"The  Apostle  does  not  say  *  He  chose  us  before 
the  foundation  of  the  world  because  we  were  then 
holy  and  without  blemish ; '  but  *  He  chose  us 
that  we  might  be  holy  and  without  blemish,'  that 
is,  that  we  who  before  were  not  holy  and  without 
blemish  might  afterwards  become  such.  This  ex- 
pression will  apply  even  to  sinners  who  turn  to 
better  things;  and  thus  the  words  remain  true,  *In 
thy  sight  shall  no  man  living  be  justified,'  that  is, 
no  one  in  his  whole  life,  in  the  whole  of  the  time 
that  he  has  existed  in  the  world.  If  the  passage 
be  thus  understood,  it  makes  against  the  opinion 
that  before  the  foundation  of  the  world  certain 
souls  were  elected  because  of  their  holiness,  and 
that  the}'  had  none  of  the  corruption  of  sinners. 
It  is  evident  that  Paul  and  those  like  him  were  not 
elected  because  they  were  holy  and  without  blem- 
ish, but  they  were  elected  and  predestinated  so 
that  in  their  after  life,  by  means  of  their  works 
and  their  virtues,  they  should  become  holy  and 
without  blemish." 

Does  any  one  dare,  then,  after  this  state- 
ment of  my  opinion,  to  accuse  me  of  assent 
to  the  heresy  of  Origen  ?  It  is  now  almost 
eighteen  years  since  I  composed  those  books, 
at  a  time  when  the  name  of  Origen  was 
highly  esteemed  in  the  world,  and  when  as 
yet  his  work  the  Uepl  *Apx<^^  had  not  reached 
the  ears  of  the  Latins :  and  yet  I  distinctly 
stated  my  belief  and  pointed  out  what  I  did 
not  agree  with.  Hence,  even  if  my  opponent 
could  have  pointed  out  anything  heretical  in 
other  places,  I  should  be  held  guilty  only  of 
the  fault  of  carelessness,  not  of  the  perverse 
doctrines  which  both  in  this  place  and  in  my 
other  works  I  have  condemned. 

23.  I  will  deal  shortly  with  the  second  pas- 
sage which  my  brother  tells  me  has  been 
marked  for  blame,  because  the  complaint  is 
exceedingly  frivolous,  and  bears  on  its  face  its 
calumnious  character.    The  passage'  is  that  in 

1  Eph.  i,  20,  21. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   I. 


495 


which  Paul  declares  that  God  '-'  made  him  to 
sit  at  his  right  hand  in  the  heavenly  places,  far 
above  all  rule  and  authority  and  power  and 
dominion,  and  every  name  that  is  named, 
not  only  in  this  world  but  also  in  that  which 
is  to  come."  After  stating  various  exposi- 
tions which  have  been  given,  I  came  to  the 
offices  of  the  ministers  of  God,  and  spoke  of 
the  principalities  and  powers,  the  virtues  and 
dominions  :  and  1  add  : 

"  They  must  assuredly  have  others  who  are  sub- 
ject to  them,  who  are  under  their  power  and  serve 
them,  and  are  fortified  by  their  authority:  and  this 
distribution  of  offices  will  exist  not  only  in  the 
present  world  but  in  the  world  to  come,  so  that 
each  individual  will  rise  or  fall  from  one  step  of 
advancement  and  honour  to  another,  some  as- 
cending and  some  descending,  and  will  come  suc- 
cessively under  each  of  these  powers,  virtues, 
principalities,  and  dominions." 

I  then  went  on  to  describe  the  various 
divine  offices  and  ministries  after  the  simili- 
tude of  the  palace  of  an  earthly  king,  which 
I  fully  described  ;  and  I  added  : 

"Can  we  suppose  that  God  the  Lord  of  lords 
and  King  of  kings,  is  content  with  a  single  order 
of  servants?  We  speak  of  an  archangel  because 
there  are  other  angels  of  whom  he  is  chief:  and  so 
there  would  be  nothing  said  of  Principalities, 
Powers  and  Dominions  unless  it  were  implied 
that  there  were  others  of  inferior  rank." 

But,  if  he  thinks  that  I  became  a  follower 
of  Origen  because  I  mentioned  in  my  expo- 
sition these  advancements  and  honours,  these 
ascents  and  descents,  increasings  and  dimin- 
ishings;  I  must  point  out  that  to  say,  as' 
Origen  does,  that  Angels  and  Cherubim  and 
Seraphim  are  turned  into  demons  and  men, 
is  a  very  different  thing  from  saying  that  the 
Angels  themselves  have  various  offices  allotted 
to  them,  —  a  doctrine  which  is  not  repugnant 
to  that  of  the  church.  Just  as  among  men 
there  are  various  degrees  of  dignity  distin- 
guished by  the  different  kinds  of  work,  as  the 
bishop,  the  presbyter  and  the  other  Ecclesi- 
astical grades  have  each  their  own  order, 
while  yet  all  are  men  ;  so  we  may  believe  that, 
while  they  all  retain  the  dignity  of  Angels, 
there  are  Various  degrees  of  eminence  among 
them,  without  imagining  that  angels  are 
changed  into  men,  and  that  men  are  new- 
made  into  anorels. 

24.  A  third  passage  with  which  he  finds 
fault  is  that  in  which  I  gave  a  threefold  in- 
terpretation of  the  Apostle's  words  :  '  "  That 
in  the  ages  to  come  he  might  shew  the  ex- 
ceeding riches  of  his  grace  in  kindness 
towards  us  in  Christ  Jesus."     The  first  was 


Eph. 


11,7. 


my  own  opinion,  the  second  the  opposite 
opinion  held  by  Origen,  the  third  the  simple 
explanation  given  by  ApoUinarius.  As  to 
the  fact  that  I  did  not  give  their  names,  I 
must  ask  for  pardon  on  the  ground  that  it 
was  done  through  modesty.  I  did  not  wish 
to  disparage  men  whom  I  was  partly  follow- 
ing, and  whose  opinions  I  was  translating 
into  the  Latin  tongue.  But,  I  said,  the 
diligent  reader  will  at  once  search  into  these 
things  and  form  his  own  opinion.  And  I 
repeated  at  the  end :  Another  turns  to  a 
different  sense  the  words  '  That  in  the  ages 
to  come  he  might  shew  the  exceeding  riches 
of  his  grace.'  "Ah,"  you  will  say,  ''  I  see 
that  in  the  character  of  the  diligent  reader 
you  have  unfolded  the  opinions  of  Origen." 
I  confess  that  I  was  wrong.  I  ought  to 
have  said  not  The  diligent  but  The  blasphe- 
mous reader.  If  I  had  anticipated  that  you 
would  adopt  measures  of  this  kind  I  might 
have  done  this,  and  so  have  avoided  your 
calumnious  speeches.  It  is,  I  suppose,  a 
great  crime  to  have  called  Origen  a  diligent 
reader,  especially  when  I  had  translated 
seventy  books  of  his  and  had  praised  him  up 
to  the  sky,  —  for  doing  which  I  had  to  defend 
myself  in  a  short  treatise  ^  two  years  ago  in 
answer  to  your  trumpeting  of  my  praises.  In 
those  '  praises '  wdiich  you  gave  me  you  laid 
it  to  my  charge  that  I  had  spoken  of  Origen 
as  a  teacher  of  the  churches,  and  now  that  you 
speak  in  the  character  of  an  enemy  you 
think  that  I  shall  be  afraid  because  you 
accuse  me  of  calling  him  a  diligent  reader. 
Why,  even  shopkeepers  who  are  particularly 
frugal,  and  slaves  who  are  not  wasteful,  and 
the  care-takers  who  made  our  childhood  a 
burden  to  us  and  even  thieves  when  they  are 
particularly  clever,  we  speak  of  as  diligent ; 
and  so  the  conduct  of  the  unjust  steward  in 
the  Gospel  is  spoken  of  as  wise.  Moreover 
^  "  The  children  of  this  world  are  wiser  than 
the  children  of  light,"  and  ^"The  serpent 
was  wiser  than  all  the  beasts  which  the  Lord 
had  made  on  the  earth." 

2v  The  fourth  ground  of  his  censure  is 
in  the  beginning  of  my  Second  Book;  in 
which  I  expounded  the  statement  which  St. 
Paul  makes  "For  this  cause  I  Paul,  the 
prisoner  of  Jesus  Christ  for  you  Gentiles." 
The  passage  in  itself  is  perfectly  plain  ;  and 
I  give,  therefore,  only  that  part  of  the  com- 
ment on  it  which  lends  itself  to  malevolent 
remark  : 

"The  words  which  describe  Paul  as  the  prisoner 
of  Jesus  Christ  for  the  Gentiles  may  be  under- 
stood of  his    martyrdom,  since  it  was  when  he  was 

1  Jerome  Letter  84.  ^  Luke  xvi,  S.  3  Gen.  iii,  i. 


496 


JEROME. 


thrown  into  chains  at  Rome  that  he  wrote  this 
Epistle,  at  the  same  time  with  those  to  Philemon 
and  the  Colossians  and  the  Philippians,  as  we  have 
formerly  shewn.  Certainly  we  might  adopt  an- 
other sense,  namely,  that,  since  we  find  this  body 
in  several  places  called  the  chain  of  the  soul,  in 
which  it  is  held  as  in  a  close  prison,  Paul  may 
speak  of  himself  as  confined  in  the  chains  of  the 
body,  and  so  that  he  could  not  return  and  be  with 
Christ  •,  and  that  thus  he  might  perfectly  fulfil  his 
office  of  preaching  to  the  Gentiles.  Some  com- 
mentators, however,  introduce  another  idea, 
namely,  that  Paul,  having  been  predestinated  and 
consecrated  from  his  mother's  womb,  and  before 
he  was  born,  to  be  a  preacher  to  the  Gentiles, 
afterwards  took  on  the  chains  of  the  flesh." 

Here  also,  as  before,  I  gave  a  three  fold  ex- 
position of  the  passage  :  in  the  first  my  own 
view,  in  the  second  the  one  supported  by 
Origen,  and  the  third  the  opinion  of  Apolli- 
narius  going  contrary  to  his  doctrine.  Read 
over  the  Greek  commentaries.  If  you  do  not 
find  the  fact  to  be  as  I  state  it,  I  v^ill  con- 
fess that  I  was  wrong.  What  is  my  fault  in 
this  passage  ?  The  same,  I  presume,  as  that 
to  which  I  made  answer  before,  namely, 
that  I  did  not  name  those  whose  views  I 
quoted.  But  it  was  needless  at  each  sepa- 
rate statement  of  the  Apostle  to  give  the 
names  of  the  writers  whose  works  I  had 
declared  in  the  Preface  that  I  meant  to  trans- 
late. Besides,  it  is  not  an  absurd  way  of 
understanding  the  passage,  to  say  that  the 
soul  is  bound  in  the  body  until  Christ  re- 
turns and,  in  tlie  glory  of  the  resurrection, 
changes  our  corruptible  and  mortal  body  for 
incorruption  and  immortality :  for  it  is  in 
this  sense  that  the  Apostle  uses  the  expres- 
sion, "O  wretched  man  that  I  am;  who 
shall  deliver  me  from  the  body  of  this 
death  .^"  calling  it  the  body  of  death  because 
it  is  subject  to  vices  and  diseases,  to  disor- 
ders and  to  death  ;  until  it  rises  with  Christ 
in  glory,  and,  having  been  nothing  but  fragile 
clay  before,  becomes  baked  by  the  heat  of  the 
holy  Spirit  into  a  jar  of  solid  consistency, 
thus  changing  its  grade*  of  glory,  though  not 
its  nature. 

26.  The  fifth  passage  selected  by  him  for 
blanie  is  the  most  important,  that  in  which 
I  explain  the  statement  of  the  Apostle. 
^  "  From  whom  all  the  body  fitly  framed  and 
knit  together  through  every  juncture  of 
ministration,  according  to  the  working  in 
due  measure  of  every  several  part,  maketh 
the  increase  of  the  body  unto  the  building 
up  of  itself  in  love."  Here  I  summed  up 
in  a  short  sentence  Origen's  exposition 
which  is  very  long  and  goes  over  the  same 
ideas  in  various  words,    yet  so  as  to  leave 

1  Eph.  iv,  16. 


out  none  of  his  illustrations  or  his  assertions. 
And  w^hen  I  had  come  to  the  end,  I  added : 

"And  so  in  the  restitution  of  all  things,  when 
Jesus  Christ  the  true  physician  coines  to  restore  to 
health  the  whole  body  of  the  Church,  which  now 
lies  scattered  and  rent,  every  one  will  receive  his 
proper  place  according  to  the  measure  of  his  faith 
and  his  recognition  of  the  Son  of  God  (the  word 
'  recognize  '  implies  that  he  had  formerly  known 
him  and  afterwards  had  ceased  to  know  him),  and 
shall  then  begin  to  be  what  he  once  had  been; 
yet  not  in  such  a  way  as  that,  as  held  by  another 
heresy,  all  should  be  placed  in  one  rank,  and,  by 
a  renovating  process,  all  become  angels  ;  but  that 
each  member,  according  to  its  own  measure  and 
office  shall  become  perfect :  for  instance,  that  the 
apostate  angel  shall  begin  to  be  that  which  he  was 
by  his  creation,  and  that  man  who  had  been  cast 
out  of  paradise  shall  be  restored  again  to  the 
cultivation  of  paradise;  "  and  so  on. 

27.    I    wonder    that    you    with  your    con- 
summate wisdom  have  not  understood    my 
method    of    exposition.     When    I  say,  '  But 
not  in  such  a  way  that,  as  held  by  another 
heresy,    all    should  be    placed  in   one  rank, 
that  is,   all  by  a  reforming   process  become 
angels,  '  I  clearly  shew  that  the  things  which 
I  put  forward  for    discussion    are   heretical, 
and  that  one  heresy  differs  from  the  other. 
Which    (do  you  ask.^)  are  the  two  heresies.^ 
The   one  is  that  which  says  that  all   reason- 
able   creatures  will   by  a  reforming  j^rocess 
become  angels ;   the  other,  that  which  asserts 
that    in    the    restitution   of    the    world    each 
thing    will    become    what    it    was    originally 
created ;    as    for    instance    that    devils    will 
again  become  angels,    and  that  the  souls  of 
men  will  become  such  as  they  were  originally 
formed;    that  is,   by   the   reforming    process 
will  become  not  angels  but  that  which  God 
originally   made  them,   so  that  the  just  and 
the  sinners  will  be  on  an  equality.     Finally, 
to  shew  you  that  it  was  not  my  own  opinion 
which    I    was    developing  but  two    heresies 
which  I  was  comparing  with  one   another, 
both  of  which    I    had   found  stated    in   the 
Greek,  I  completed  my  discussion  with  this 
ending : 

"These  things,  as  I  have  said  before,  are  more 
obscure  in  our  tongue  because  they  are  put  in  a 
metaphorical  form  in  Greek;  and  in  every  meta- 
phor, when  a  translation  is  made  word  for  word 
from  one  language  into  another,  the  budding  sense 
of  the  word  is  choked  as  it  were  with  brambles." 

If  you  do  not  find  in  the  Greek  the  very 
thought  which  I  have  expressed,  I  give  you 
leave  to  treat  all  that  I  say  as  my  own. 

28.  The  sixth  and  last  point  which  I  am 
told  that  he  brings  against  me  (that  is  if  my 
brother  has  not  left  anything  unreported)  is 
that,  in    the    interpretation  of  the  Apostle's 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   I. 


497 


words,  '  "  He  that  loveth  his  wife  loveth 
himself,  for  no  one  ever  hated  his  own 
flesh,  but  nourisheth  and  cherisheth  it,  even 
as  Christ  also  the  church,"  after  my  own 
simple  explanation  I  propounded  the  ques- 
tion raised  by  Origen,  speaking  his  views, 
though  without  mentioning  his  name,  and 
saying: 

"  I  may  be  met  by  the  objection  that  the  state- 
ment of  the  Apostle  is  not  true  when  he  says  that 
no  man  hates  his  own  flesh,  since  those  who  labour 
under  the  jaundice  or  consumption  or  cancer  or 
abscesses,  prefer  death  to  life,  and  hate  their  own 
bodies  ;"  and  my  own  opinion  follows  immediately  : 
"  The  words,  therefore,  may  be  more  properly 
taken  in  a  metaphorical  sense." 

When  I  say  metaphorical,  I  mean  to  shew 
that  what  is  said  is  not  actually  the  case,  but 
that  the  truth  is  shadowed  forth  through  a 
mist  of  allegory.  However,  I  will  set  out 
the  actual  words  which  are  found  in  Origen's 
third  book  :  "  We  may  say  that  the  soul  loves 
that  flesh  which  is  to  see  the  salvation  of  God, 
that  it  nourishes  and  cherishes  it,  and  trains 
it  by  discipline  and  satisfies  it  with  the  bread 
of  heaven,  and  gives  it  to  drink  of  the  blood 
of  Christ :  so  that  it  may  become  w^ell-liking 
through  wholesome  food,  and  may  follow  its 
husband  freely,  without  being  weighed  down 
by  any  weakness.  It  is  by  a  beautiful  image 
that  the  soul  is  said  to  nourish  and  cherish 
the  body  as  Christ  nourishes  and  cherishes 
the  church,  since  it  was  he  who  said  to 
Jerusalem  :  ^ 

"  How  often  would  I  have  gathered  thy  children 
together  as  a  hen  gathereth  her  chickens  under  her 
wings  and  thou  wouldst  not;"  and  that  thus  this 
corruptible  may  put  on  incorruption,  and  that, 
being  poised  lightly,  as  upon  wings,  may  rise  more 
easily  into  the  air.  Let  us  men  then  cherish  our 
wives,  and  let  our  souls  cherish  our  bodies  in  such 
a  way  as  that  wives  may  be  turned  into  men  and 
bodies  into  spirits,  and  that  there  may  be  no  differ- 
ence of  sex,  but  that,  as  among  the  angels  there  is 
neither  male  nor  female,  so  we,  who  are  to  be  like 
the  Angels,  may  begin  to  be  here  what  it  is  prom- 
ised that  we  shall  be  in  heaven." 

29.  The  simple  explanation  of  my  own 
opinion  in  reference  to  the  passage  I  stated 
before  in  these  words  : 

"  Taking  the  simple  sense  of  the  words,  we  have 
a  command,  following  on  the  precept  of  mutual 
kindness  between  man  and  wife,  that  we  should 
nourish  and  cherish  our  wives  :  that  is,  that  we 
should  supply  them  with  the  food  and  clothing 
which  are  necessary." 

This  is  my  own  understanding  of  the 
passage.       Consequently,    my    words    imply 


1  Eph.  V,  2S,  29. 


2  Matt.  xxiii,37. 


that    all    that    follows    after    and    might    be 
brought  up  against  me  must  be  understood 
as  spoken   not  as  my  own  view  but  that  of 
my  opponents.     But  it  might  be  thought  that 
my  resolution  of  the  difhcidty  of  the  passage 
is  too    short    and    peremptory,    and    that    it 
wraps  the  true  sense,  according  to  what  has 
been  said  above,  in  the   darkness  of  allegory, 
so  as  to  bring:  it  down   from   its  true  mean- 
inc   to  one    less    rue.      I  will  therefore  come 
nearer  to  the    matter,  and   ask  what  there  is 
in   the   other    interpretation   with  which  you 
need  disagree.       It  is   this  I   suppose,  that  I 
said  that  souls   should  cherish  their  bodies  as 
men   cherish    their   wives,   so   that  this   cor- 
ruptible may  put  on    incorruption,  and  that, 
being  lightly   poised    as  upon  wings,  it  may 
rise  more  easily   into   the  air.     When  I  say 
that  this  corruptible   must  put  on  incorrup- 
tion, I  do  not  change  the  nature  of  the  body, 
but  give    it    a    higher    rank    in   the   scale  of 
being.   ,    And    so    as    regards   what  follows, 
that,  being  lightly  poised  as  upon  wings,  it 
may  more  easily  rise  into  the  air  :  He  who  gets 
wings,   that  is,  immortality,  so  that  he  may 
fly  more  lightly  up   to  heaven,  does  not  cease 
to  be  what  he  had    been.     But  you  may  say, 
I  am  staggered  by   what  follows  : 

'*  Let  us  men  then  cherish  our  wives,  and  let 
our  souls  cherish  our  bodies,  in  such  a  way  as  that 
wives  may  be  ttirned  into  men  and  bodies  into 
spirits,  and  that  there  may  be  no  difference  of  sex, 
but  that,  as  among  the  angels  there  is  neither  male 
nor  female,  so  we,  who  are  to  be  like  the  angels, 
may  begin  to  be  on  earth  what  it  is  promised*  that 
we  shall  be  in  heaven.' 

You  might  justly  be  staggered,  if  I  had 
not,  after  what  goes  before,  said  ''We  may 
begin  to  be  what  it  is  promised  that  we  shall 
be  in  heaven."  When  I  say,  "We  shall  be- 
gin to  be  on  earth,"  I  do  not  take  away  the 
difference  of  sex ;  I  only  take  away  lust,  and 
sexual  intercourse,  as  the  Apostle  does  when 
he  says,  "The  time  is  short;  it  remaineth 
therefore  that  those  who  have  wives  be  as 
though  they  had  none ;  "  and  as  the  Lord 
implied  when,  in  reply  to  the  question  of 
which  of  the  seven  brothers  the  woman 
would  be  the  wife,  he  answered  :  ^  "  Ye  err, 
not  knowing  the  Scriptures  nor  the  power  of 
God  ;  for  in  the  resurrection  they  shall  neither 
marry  nor  be  given  in  marriage  :  but  they 
shall  be  as  the  angels  of  God."  And,  indeed, 
when  chastity  is  observed  between  man  and 
woman,  it  begins  to  be  true  that  there  is 
neither  male  nor  female  ;  but,  though  living  in 
the  body,  they  are  being  changed  into  angels, 
among:  whom  there  is  neither  male  nor  female. 

1  Matt.  xxii. 


498 


JEROME. 


The  same  is  said  by  the  same  Apostle  in  an- 
other place:  ^  "  As  many  of  you  as  were 
baptized  into  Christ  did  put  on  Christ. 
There  can  be  neither  Jew  nor  Greek,  there 
can  be  neither  bond  nor  free,  there  can  be  no 
male  and  female :  for  ye  are  all  one  in  Christ 
Jesus." 

30.  But  now,  since  my  pleading  has 
steered  its  course  out  of  these  rough  and 
broken  places,  and  I  have  refuted  the  charge 
of  heresy  which  had  been  vu^ged  against  me 
by  looking  my  accuser  freely  in  the  face,  I 
will  pass  on  to  the  other  articles  of  charge 
with  which  he  tries  to  assail  me.  The  first 
is  that  I  am  a  scurrilous  person,  a  detractor 
of  every  one  ;  that  I  am  always  snarling  and 
biting  at  my  predecessors.  I  ask  him  to 
name  a  single  person  whose  reputation  I 
have  disparaged,  or  whom,  according  to  an 
art  practised  by  my  opponent,  I  have  galled 
by  pretended  praise.  But,  if  I  speak  against 
ill-disposed  persons,  and  wound  with  the 
point  of  my  pen  some  Luscius  Lanuvinus  ^  or 
an  Asinius  Pollio  of  the  race  of  the  Cornelii,'^ 
if  1  repel  the  attacks  of  a  man  of  boastful 
and  curious  spirit,  and  aim  all  my  shafts  at 
a  single  butt,  why  does  he  divide  with  others 
the  wounds  meant  for  him  alone  .f^  And  why 
is  he  so  unwise  as  to  shew,  by  the  irritation 
of  his  answer  to  my  attack,  his  consciousness 
that  it  is  he  alone  whom  the  cap  fits.^ 

He  brings  against  me  the  charge  of  per- 
jury and  sacrilege  together,  because,  in  a 
book  ^written  for  the  instruction  of  one  of 
Christ's  virgins,  I  describe  the  promise  which 
I  once  made  when  I  dreamed  that  I  was  before 
the  tribunal  of  the  Judge,  that  I  would  never 
again  pay  attention  to  secular  literature,  and 
that  nevertheless  I  have  sometimes  made 
mention  of  the  learning  which  I  then  con- 
demned. I  think  that  I  have  here  lighted  on 
the  man  who,  under  the  name  of  Sallustianus 
Calpurnius,  and  through  the  letter  written  to 
me  by  the  orator  Magnus,  raised  a  not  very 
^  great  question.  My  answer  on  the  general 
subject  is  contained  in  the  short  treatise 
which  I  then  wrote  to  him.^  But  at  the 
present  moment  I  must  make  answer  as  to 
the  sacrilege  and  perjury  of  my  dream.  I 
said   that    I    would    thenceforward    read    no 


1  Gal.  iii,  27,  28. 

2  A  rival  of  Terence,  to  whom  Jerome  often  compares  Ru- 
finus. 

3  Asinius  Pollio  was  a  rival  of  Cicero.  It  seems  that  some 
detractor  of  Jerome  boasted  that  he  was  of  the  race  of  the 
Cornelii.  See  Comm.  on  Jonah  iv,  6.  "  A  certain  Cantherius, 
of  the  most  ancient  race  of  the  Cornelii,  or,  as  he  boasts,  of  the 
stock  of  Asinius  Pollio,  is  said  to  have  accused  me  at  Rome 
long  ago  for  having  translated  '  ivy  '  instead  of  '  gourd.'  " 

*  Per  oratorem  Magnum  non  magnam  moverat  quagstionem. 

"  Terome,  Letter  LXX,  c.  6.  "  Perhaps  the  question  (as 
to  Christians  reading  heathen  books)  is  suggested  by  one  who, 
for  his  love  of  Sallust,  might  go  by  the  name  of  Calpurnius 
Lanarius." 


secular  books :  it  was  a  promise  for  the 
future,  not  the  abolition  of  my  memory  of 
the  past.  How,  you  may  ask  me,  can  you 
retain  what  j/ou  have  been  so  long  without 
reading.^  I  must  give  my  answer  by  recur- 
ring to  one  of  these  old  books  :  ^ 

'Tis  much  to  be  inured  in  tender  youth. 

But  by  this  mode  of  denial  I  criminate 
myself;  for  bringing  Virgil  as  my  witness  I 
am  accused  by  my  own  defender.  I  suppose 
I  must  weave  a  long  web  of  words  to  prove 
what  each  man  is  conscious  of.  Which  of 
us  does  not  remember  his  infancy?  I  shall 
make  you  laugh  though  you  are  a  man  of 
such  extreme  gravity  ;  and  you  will  have  at 
last  to  do  as  Crassus  did,  who,  Lucilius  tells 
us,  laughed  but  once  in  his  life,  if  I  recount 
the  memories  of  my  childhood  :  how  I  ran 
about  among  the  offices  where  the  slaves 
worked  ;  how  I  spent  the  holidays  in  play ; 
or  how  I  had  to  be  dragged  like  a  captive 
from  my  grandmother's  lap  to  the  lessons  of 
my  enraged  Orbilius.^  You  may  still  more 
be  astonished  if  I  say  that,  even  now  that 
my  head  is  gray  and  bald,  I  often  seem  in 
my  dreams  to  be  standing,  a  curly  youth, 
dressed  in  my  toga,  to  declaim  a  contro- 
versial thesis  before  the  master  of  rhetoric ; 
and,  when  I  wake,  I  congratulate  myself  on 
escaping  the  peril  of  making  a  speech. 
Believe  me,  our  infancy  brings  back  to  us 
many  things  most  accurately.  If  you  had 
had  a  literary  education,  your  mind  would 
retain  what  it  was  originally  imbued  with  as 
a  wine  cask  retains  its  scent.  The  purple 
dye  on  the  wool  cannot  be  washed  out  with 
water.  Even  asses  and  other  brutes  know 
the  inns  they  have  stopped  at  before,  how- 
ever long  the  journey  may  have  been.  Are 
you  astonished  that  I  have  not  forgotten  my 
Latin  books  when  you  learnt  Greek  without 
a  master?  I  learned  the  seven  forms  of  Syllo- 
gisms in  the  Elements  of  logic  ;  I  learned  the 
meaning  of  an  Axiom,  or  as  it  might  be 
called  in  Latin  a  Determination  ;  I  learned 
how  every  sentence  must  have  in  it  a  verb 
and  a  noun  ;  how  to  heap  up  the  steps  of  the 
Sorites,^  how  to  detect  the  clever  turns  of  the 
Pseudomenos  '*  and  the  frauds  of  the  stock 
sophisms.  I  can  swear  that  I  never  read  any 
of  these  things  after  I  left  school.  I  suppose 
that,  to  escape  from  having  what  I  learned 
made  into  a  crime,  I  must,  according  to  the 
fables  of  the  poets,  go  and  drink  of  the  river 

1  Virg.  Geor.  11,272. 

2  The  name  of  a   pedagogue  recorded  by  Horace  (Ep.  ii, 
I,  71),  which  passed  into  a  general  name  for  boys'  tutors. 

3  The   "Heap-argument,"  in  which  a  numlier  of  separate 
arguments  converge  on  the  same  point. 

*  "  The  I^iar,"  another  logical  puzzle. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   I. 


499 


Lethe.  I  summon  you,  who  accuse  me  for 
my  scanty  knowledge,  and  who  think  your- 
self a  literateur  and  a  Rabbi,  tell  me  how  was 
it  that  you  dared  to  write  some  of  the  things 
you  have  written,  and  to  translate  Greg- 
ory,^ that  most  eloquent  man,  with  a  splen- 
dour of  eloquence  like  his  own?  Whence 
have  you  obtained  that  flow  of  words,  that 
lucidity  of  statement,  that  variety  of  transla- 
tions,—  you  who  in  youth  had  hardly  more 
than  a  first  taste  of  rhetoric  ?  I  must  be  very 
much  mistaken  if  you  do  not  study  Cicero 
in  secret.  I  suspect  that,  being  yourself  so 
cultivated  a  person,  you  forbid  me  under 
penalties  the  reading  of  Cicero,  so  that  you 
may  be  left  alone  among  our  church  writers 
to  boast  of  your  flow  of  eloquence.  I  must 
say,  however,  that  you  seein  rather  to  follow 
the  philosophers,  for  your  style  is  akin  to 
that  of  the  thorny  sentences  of  Cl^anthes^ 
and  the  contortions  of  Chrysippus,*^  not  from 
any  art,  for  of  that  you  say  you  are  ignorant, 
but  from  the  sympathy  of  genius.  The 
Stoics  claim  Loo^ic  as  their  own,  a  science 
which  you  despise  as  a  piece  of  fatuity;  on 
this  side,  therefore,  you  are  an  Epicurean, 
and  the  principle  of  your  eloquence  is,  not 
style  but  matter.  For,  indeed,  what  does  it 
matter  that  itD  one  else  understands  what  you 
wish  to  say,  when  you  write  for  your  own 
frien  Is  alone,  not  for  all.^  I  must  confess 
that  I  myself  do  not  always  understand  what 
you  write,  and  think  that  I  am  reading 
"*  Heraclitus;  however  I  do  not  complain,  nor 
lament  for  my  sluggishness  ;  for  the  trouble 
of  reading  what  you  write  is  not  more  than 
the  trouble  you  must  have  in  writing  it. 
->_  31 .  I  might  well  reply  as  I  have  done  even 
if  it  were  a  question  of  a  promise  made  with 
full  consciousness.  But  this  is  a  new  and 
shameless  thing ;  he  throws  in  my  teeth  a 
mere  dream.  How  am  I  to  answer?  I  have 
no  time  for  thinking  of  anything  outside  my 
own  sphere.  I  wish  that  I  were  not  pre- 
vented from  reading  even  the  Holy  Scriptures 
by  the  throngs  that  beset  this  place,  and  the 
gathering  of  Christians  from  all  parts  of  the 
world.  Still,  when  a  man  makes  a  dream 
into  a  crime,  I  can  quote  to  him  the  words 
of  the  Prophets,  who  say  that  we  are  not  to 
believe  dreams  ;  for  even  to  dream  of  adultery 
does  not  condemn  us  to  hell,  and  to  dream 
of  the  crown  of  martyrdom  does  not  raise  us 
to  heaven.  Often  I  have  seen  myself  in 
dreams  dead  and  placed  in  the  grave :  often 
I  have  flown  over  the  earth  and  been  carried 


1  Xazianzen,     See  Prolegomena. 

2  Stoic  philosopher  of  Assus  in  Lydia  B.  C,  300-240. 

3  Of  Cilicia;  disciple  of  Cleanthes,  B.  C.  2S0-208. 

4  Born  at  Ephesus  B.  C.  503.     His  philosophy  was  tinged 
with  melancholy,  and  his  style  obscure. 


as  if  swimming  through  the  air,  over  moun- 
tains and  seas.  My  accuser  might,  therefore, 
demand  that  I  should  cease  to  live,  or  that 
I  should  have  wings  on  my  shoulders,  be- 
cause my  mind  has  often  been  mocked  in 
sleep  by  vague  fancies  of  this  kind.  How 
many  people  are  rich  while  asleep  and  wake 
to  find  themselves  beggars  !  or  are  drinking 
water  to  cool  their  thirst,  and  wake  up  with 
their  throats  parched  and  burning !  You 
exact  from  me  the  fulfilment  of  a  promise 
given  in  a  dream.  I  will  meet  you  with  a 
truer  and  closer  question :  Have  you  done 
all  that  you  promised  in  your  baptism  ? 
Have  you  or  I  fulfilled  all  that  the  profession 
of  a  monk  demands  ?  I  beg  you,  think 
whether  you  are  not  looking  at  the  mote  in 
my  eye  through  the  beam  in  your  own.  I 
say  this  against  my  will ;  it  is  by  sorrow  that 
my  reluctant  tongue  is  forced  into  wordsJ 
As  to  you,  it  is  not  enough  for  you  to  make 
up  charges  about  my  waking  deeds,  but  you 
must  accuse  me  for  my  dreams.  You  have 
such  an  interest  in  my  actions  that  you  must 
discuss  what  I  have  said  or  done  in  my 
sleep.  •  I  will  not  dwell  on  the  way  in 
which,  in  your  zeal  to  speak  against  me, 
you  have  besmirched  your  own  profession, 
and  have  done  all  you  can  by  word  and  deed 
for  the  dishonouring  of  the  whole  body  of 
Christians.  But  I  give  you  fair  warning, 
and  will  repeat  it  again  and  again.  You 
are  attacking  a  creature  who  has  horns :  and, 
if  it  were  not  that  I  lay  to  heart  the  words  of 
the  Apostle  *  "  The  evil  speakers  ^  shall  not 
inherit  the  kingdom  of  God,"  and  ^  "  By  hat- 
ing one  another  you  have  been  consumed  one 
of  another,"  I  would  make  you  feel  what  a 
vast  discord  you  have  stirred  up  after  a 
slight  and  pretended  reconciliation.  What 
advantage  is  it  to  you  to  heap  up  slanders 
against  me  both  among  friends  and  stran- 
gers? Is  it  because  I  am  not  an  Origenist, 
and  do  not  believe  that  I  sinned  in  heaven, 
that  I  am  accused  as  a  sinner  upon  earth? 
And  was  the  result  of  our  renewal  of  friend- 
ship to  be,  that  I  was  not  to  speak  against 
heretics  for  fear  that  my  notice  of  them 
should  be  taken  for  an  assault  upon  you? 
So  long  as  I  did  not  refuse  to  be  belauded  by 
you,  you  followed  me  as  a  master,  you  called 
me  friend  and  brother,  and  acknowledged 
me  as  a  catholic  in  every  respect.  But 
when  I  asked  to  be  spared  your  praises,  and 
judged  myself  unworthy  to  have  such  a  great 
man  for  my  trumpeter,  you  immediately 
ran  your  pen  through  what  you  had  written, 
and  began  to  abuse  all  that  you  had  praised 

1  I.  Cor.  vi,  9.         2  Revilers.    Rev.  Ver.         3  Gal.  v,  15. 


500 


JEROME. 


before,  and  to  pour  forth*  from  the  same 
mouth  both  sweet  and  bitter  words.  I  wish 
you  could  understand  what  self-repression 
I  am  exerting  in  not  suiting  my  words  to  the 
boiling  heat  of  my  breast ;  and  how  I  pray, 
like  the  Psalmist:  ^  ^'  Set  a  watch,  O  Lord, 
before  my  mouth,  keep  the  door  of  my  lips. 
Incline  not  my  heart  to  the  words  of  mal- 
ice ;  "  and,  as  he  says  elsewhere :  ^  "  While 
the  wicked  stood  before  me  I  was  dumb  and 
was  humbled  and  kept  silence  even  from  good 
words;"  and  again:  ^  "I  became  as  a  man 
that  heareth  not  and  in  whose  mouth  are  no 
reproofs."  But  for  me  the  Lord  the  Aven- 
ger will  reply,  as  he  says  through  the 
Prophet:  ''"Vengeance  is  mine,  I  will 
repay,  saith  the  Lord " :  and  in  another 
place:  ^ "  Thou  satest  and  spakest  against 
thy  brother,  and  hast  slandered  thy  mother's 
son.  These  thin;ys  hast  thou  done,  and  I 
kept  silence  ;  thou  thoughtest  indeed  by  that  I 
should  be  such  an  one  as  thyself;  but  I  will 
reprove  thee,  and  set  them  before  thine 
eyes  ;  "  so  that  you  may  see  yourself  brought 
in  guilty  of  those  things  which  you  falsely 
lay  to  another's  charge.  * 

32.  I  am  told,  to  take  another  point, 
that  one  of  his  followers,  Chrysogonus,  finds 
fault  with  me  for  having  said  that  in  baptism 
all  sins  are  put  away,^  and,  in  the  case  of 
the  man  who  was  twice  married,  that  he 
had  died  and  risen  up  a  new  man  in  Christ; 
and  further  that  there  were  several  such 
persons  who  were  Bishops  in  the  churches. 
I  will  make  him  a  short  answer.  He  and 
his  friends  have  in  their  hands  my  letter,  for 
which  they  take  me  to  task.  Let  him  give 
an  answer  to  it,  let  him  overthrow  its  reason- 
ing by  reasoning  of  his  own,   and  prove  my 


iPs.cxH,  3,4.  2  ps,  xxxix,  I,  2.         3  Ps.  xxxviii,  14. 

*  Deut.  xxxii,  35.       •''  Ps.  1,  20. 

"The  allusion  is  to  Jerome's  letter  (LXIX)  to  Oceanus 
on  the  case  of  Carterius  a  Spanish  Bishop,  who  had  been 
married  before  his  baptism,  and,  his  wife  having  died,  had 
married  again.  Oceanus  argued  that  he  was  to  be  condemned. 
Jerome  contended  in  his  favour,  regarding  his  first  marriage 
as  part  of  the  old  life  obliterated  by  baptism. 


writings  false  by  his  writings.     Why  should 
he   knit   his  brow   and  draw  in  and  wrinkle 
up   his  nostrils,   and   weigh   out  his   hollow 
words,    and    simulate    among    the    common 
crowd  a  sanctity   which   his   conduct   belies.'^ 
Let  me  proclaim  my  principles  once  more  in 
his    ears :     That   the    old   Adam    dies    com- 
pletely in  the   laver   of  baptism,  and   a   new 
man  rises  then    with    Christ ;   that  the    man 
that   is   earthly  perishes    and   the  man   from 
heaven  is  raised  up.     I  say  this  not  because 
I  myself  have  a  special    interest  in  this  ques- 
tion, through  the  mercy  of  Christ ;  but  that 
I  made   answer  to    my    brethren   when   they 
asked  me  for  my   opinion,    not  intending  to 
prescribe    for    others    what   they   may  think 
right  to  believe,  nor  to  overturn  their  resolu- 
tion by  my  opinion.      For  we  who  lie  bid  in 
our  cells   do   not   covet    the   Bishop's  office. 
We  are   not   like   some,    who,   despising  all 
humility,    are   eager    to    buy    the    episcopate 
with  gold;  nor  do  we  wish,  with  the  minds 
of  rebels,  to   suppress   the   Pontiff  chosen  by 
God ;  ^  nor    do    we,    by    favouring    heretics, 
show   that    we    are    heretics    ourselves.     As 
for  money,  we  neither  have  it   nor  desire  to 
have  it.     ^  "  Having   food  and   clothing,  we 
are  therewith  content;  "  and  meanwhile  we 
constantly    chant    the    words    describing  the 
man    who    shall    ascend    to   the    hill    of  the 
Lord  :  ^  "  He  that  putteth  not  out  his  money 
to  usury,  nor  taketh  reward  against   the  inno- 
cent ;  he  who  doeth  these  things  shall  not  be 
moved    eternally."      We    may    add    that    he 
who    does    the    opposite    to    these    will    fall 
eternally. 

Ahnost  every  sentence  in  this  last  chapter  is 
an  insidious  aUusion  to  Rufinus.  His  "  wrinkled- 
up  brow"  and  "  turned-up  nose,"  his  weighing  out 
his  words,  his  supposed  wealth,  are  all  alluded  to 
in  other  places  and  especially  in  the  satirical  de- 
scription of  him  given  after  his  death  in  Jerome's 
letter  (cxxv.  c.  iS)  to  Rusticus. 

1  The  allusion  is,  perhaps,  to   Rufinus'   answer    to    Pope 
Anastasius  translated  in  this  volume. 

2  1.  Tim.vi,S.  3  ps.  xxiv,  3;  xv,  5. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   II. 


501 


JEROME'S    APOLOGY    AGAINST    RUFINUS  —  BOOK   IT. 


Summary  of  the  Chapters. 

1-3.  A  criticism  on  Rufinus'  Apology  to  Anastasius.  His  excuses  for  not  coming  to  Rome  are  absurd. 
His  parents  are  dead  and  the  journey  is  easy.  No  one  ever  heard  before  of  his  being  imprisoned  or  exiled  for 
the  faith. 

4-8.  His  confession  of  faith  is  unsatisfactory.  No  one  asked  him  about  the  Trinity,  but  about  Origen's 
doctrines  of  the  Resurrection,  the  origin  of  souls,  and  the  salvability  of  Satan.  As  to  the  Resurrection  and  to 
Satan  he  is  ambiguous.     As  to  souls  he  professes  ignorance. 

9.     What  Latin !     The  poor  souls  must  be  tormented  by  his  barbarisms. 

It  is  not  permitted  to  you  to  be  ignorant  of  such  a  matter  which  all  the  churches  know. 

As  to  translating  the  Tlepl  'Apx^v,  it  is  not  a  question,  but  a  charge  that  you  unjustifiably  altered  the 


Origen  asserts  Christ  to  be  a  creature,  and  maintains  universal  restitution.     Where  has  he   contra- 
as    Anastasius  says   to    John  of  Jerusalem,   with   what   motive  you  translated  the 


10. 
II. 

book, 

12,  13. 

■dieted  this? 

14.  The  question    is, 
Uepl  'Kpxf^'^' 

15.  You  pretend  not  to  be  Origen's  defender,  but  you  publish  and  enlarge  the  Apology  for  him  and  allege 
the  heretics'  falsification  of  his  works. 

16.  Your  defence  gains  no  support  from  Eusebius  or  Didymus,  who,  each  for  his  own  reason,  defend  the 
ilspl  ^Apxi^v  as  it  stands. 

17.  If  we  may  allege  falsification  at  every  turn  we  make  a  chaos  of  all  past  literature. 

18.  The  object  of  Origen's  letter,  of  which  he  translates  only  a  part,  is  not  to  shew  the  falsification  of  his 
"writings  but  to  vituperate  the  Bishops  who  condemned  him. 

19.  It  is  only  in  reference  to  a  particular  point  in  his  dispute  with  Candidus  that  Origen  alleges  this   falsi- 
fication.    The  story  of  Hilary's  being  condemned  through  his  writings  having  been  falsified  has  no  foundation. 

20.  That  which  you  tell  about  myself  in  Damasus'  council  is  mere  after-dinner  gossip. 

21-2.     The  attack  on  Epiphanius  as  a  plagiarist  of  Origen  is  an  outrage  on  the  Bishops  generally.     Origen 
never  wrote  6000  books. 

23.  I  ascertained  at  the  library  at  Coesarea  that  the  Apology  you  quote  as  Pamphilus'  is  the  work  of  Euse- 
bius. 

24.  The  letter  falsely  circulated  in  Africa  as  mine,  and  expressing  regret  for   my  translation  of  the  Old 
Test,  from  the  Hebrew  bears  the  mark  of  your  hand.     I  have  always  honoured  the  Seventy  Translators. 

25-32.     In  proof  of  this,   I  bring  forward  the  prefaces  to  my  Translation  of  the    Books   from  Genesis  to 
Isaiah. 

33.  As  to  Daniel,  it  was  necessary  to  point  out  that  Bel  and  the  Dragon,   and  similar  stories  were    not 
found  in  the  Hebrew. 

34.  A  vindication  of  the  importance  of  the  Hebrew  Text  of  Scripture. 

35.  Though  the  LXX  has  been  of  great  value,  we  should   be  grateful  for  fresh    translations  from    the 
orisinal. 


1 .  Thus  far  I  have  made  answer  about  my 
crimes,  and  indeed  in  defence  of  my  crimes, 
which  my  crafty  encomiast  formerly  urged 
against  me,  and  v/hich  his  disciples  still  con- 
stantly press.  I  have  done  so  not  as  well  as 
I  ought  but  as  I  was  able,  putting  a  check 
upon  my  complaints,  for  my  object  has  been 
not  so  much  to  accuse  others  as  to  defend 
myself.  I  will  now  come  to  his  Apology,^ 
by  which  he  strives  to  justify  himself  to 
Anastasius,  Bishop  of  the  City  of  Rome, 
and,  in  order  to  defend  himself,  constructs  a 
mass  of  calumnies  against  me.  His  love  for 
me  is  like  that  which  a  man  who  has  been 
carried  away  by  the  tempest  and  nearly 
drowned  in  deep  water  feels  for  the  strong 
swimmer  at  whose  foot  he  clutches  :  he  is  de- 
termined that  I  shall  sink  or  swim  with  him. 

2.  He  professes  in  the  first  place  to  be  re- 
plying to  insinuations  made  at  Rome  against 
his  orthodoxy,  he  being  a  man  most  fully  ap- 
proved in  respect  both  of  divine  faith  and  of 


1  See  this  Apology  translated  above. 


charity.     He  says  that  he  would  have  wished 
to  come  himself,  were    it   not    that    he    had 
lately  returned,  after  thirty  years'  absence,  to 
his  parents,  and  that  it  would    have   seemed 
harsh  and  inhuman  to  leave  them  after  having 
been  so  long   in  coming   to    them  ;   and  also 
if  he  had  not  become   somewhat  less    robust 
tlirough  his  long  and  toilsome  journey,  and  too 
infirm  to   begin    his    labours   again.     As  he 
had  not  been  able  to   come   himself,   he  had 
sent  his  apology  as  a  kind  of  literary  cudgel 
which  the    bishop    might   hold    in  his   hand 
and  drive  away  the  dogs    who   were    raging 
against  him.      If  he  is   a   man   approved  for 
his    divine    faith    and    charity    by    all,    and 
especially  by  the  Bishop  to  whom  he  writes  ; 
how  is  it  that  at  Rome  he  is  assailed  and  re- 
viled, and  that  the  reports  of  the  attacks  upon 
his  reputation  grow  thicker.     Further,  what 
sort  of    humility  is  this,  that  a    man  speaks 
of  himself  as  approved   for  his    divine   faith 
and  charity?     The  Apostles  prayed,  ^"  Lord 


1  Luke  xvii,  5,  6. 


502 


JEROME. 


increase  our  faith/'  and  received  for  answer: 
''  If  ye  had  faith  as  a  grain  of  mustard  seed  ;  " 
and  even  to  Peter  it  is  said:  *  ''  O  thou  of 
little  faith,  w^herefore  didst  thou  doubt?" 
Why  should  I  speak  of  charity,  w^hich  is 
greater  than  either  faith  or  hope,  and  w^hich 
Paul  says  he  hopes  for  rather  than  assumes : 
w^ithout  which  even  the  blood  shed  in 
martyrdom  and  the  body  given  up  to  the 
flames  has  no  reward  to  crown  it.  Yet  both 
of  these  our  friend  claims  as  his  own ;  in 
such  a  way,  however,  that  there  still  remain 
creatures  who  bark  against  him,  and  who 
will  sfo  on  barking:  unless  the  illustrious  Pon- 
tiff  drives  them  away  with  his  stick.  But 
how  absurd  is  this  plea  which  he  puts  for- 
ward, of  having  returned  to  his  parents  after 
thirty  years.  Why,  he  has  got  neither  father 
nor  mother !  He  left  them  alive  when  he 
was  a  young  man,  and,  now  that  he  is  old, 
he  pines  for  them  when  they  are  dead.  But 
perhaps,  he  means  by  "  parents,"  what  is 
meant  in  the  talk  of  the  soldiers  and  the 
common  people,  his  kinsfolk  and  relations; 
well,  he  says  he  does  not  wish  to  be  thought 
so  harsh  and  inhuman  as  to  desert  them  ;  and 
therefore  he  leaves  his  home  ^  and  goes  to 
live  at  Aquileia.  That  most  approved  faith 
of  his  is  in  great  peril  at  Rome,  and  yet  he 
lies  on  his  back,  being  a  bit  tired  after  thirty 
years,  and  cannot  make  that  very  easy  journey 
in  a  carriage  along  that  Flaminian  Way. 
He  puts  forward  his  lassitude  after  his  long 
journey,  as  if  he  had  done  nothing  but  move 
about  for  thirty  years,  or  as  if,  after  resting 
at  Aquileia  for  two  years,  he  was  still  worn 
out  with   the   labour  of  his  past  travels. 

3.  I  will  touch  upon  the  other  points, 
and  set  down  the  actual  words  of  his  letter  : 

"Although  my  faith  was  proved,  at  the  time  of 
the  persecution  by  the  heretics,  when  [  was  living 
in  the  holy  church  of  Alexandria,  by  imprison- 
ments and  exiles,  to  which  I  was  subjected  because 
of  the  faith." 

I  only  wonder  that  he  did  not  add  ^  "  The 
prisoner  of  Jesus  Christ,"  or  ''  I  was  delivered 
from  the  jaw  of  the  lion,"  or  "I  fought  with 
beasts  at  Alexandria,"  or  "  I  have  finished  my 
course,  I  have  kept  the  faith.  Henceforth  there 
is  laid  up  for  me  a  crown  of  righteousness." 
What  exiles,  what  imprisonments  are  these 
which  he  describes?  I  blush  for  this  open 
falsehood.  As  if  imprisonment  and  exile 
would  be  inflicted  without  judicial  sentences  ! 
I  should  like  to  have  a  list  of  these  imprison- 


1  Matt.  XIV.  31. 

2  This  old  home  was  at  Concordia.     Jer.  Ep.  V,  2 ;  comp. 
with  title  of  Ep.  X. 

3  Expressions  of  St.  Paul   in    Eph.  iii,   i;   2  Tim.  iv,  17;  i 
Cor.  XV,  32;  2  Tim.  iv,  7. 


ments  and  of  the  various  provinces  to  which 
he  tells  us  that  he  was  forced  into  exile. 
Next  there  appear  to  have  been  numerous 
imprisonments  and  an  infinite  number  of 
exiles  ;  so  that  he  might  at  least  name  one  of 
them  all.  Let  us  have  the  acts  of  his  con- 
fessorship  produced,  for  hitherto  we  have 
been  in  ignorance  of  them  ;  and  so  let  us 
have  the  satisfaction  of  reciting  his  deeds 
with  those  of  the  other  martyrs  of  Alexan- 
dria, and  that  he  may  be  able  to  meet  the 
people  who  bark  against  him  with  the 
words:  '"From  henceforth  let  no  man 
trouble  me,  for  I  bear  in  my  body  the  marks 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ." 
4.      He   goes   on  : 

"Still,  since  there  may  be  some  persons,  Avho 
may  wish  to  prove  my  faith,  or  to  hear  and  learn 
what  it  is,  I  will  declare  that  I  thus  think  of  the 
Trinity;  " 

and  so  on.  At  first  you  said  that  you  en- 
trusted your  faith  to  the  Bishop  as  a  stick 
with  which  he  might  fortify  himself  on  your 
behalf  against  those  barking  dogs.  Now 
you  speak  a  little  less  confidently,  *'  There 
may  be  some  persons  who  wish  to  prove  my 
faith."  You  begin  to  hesitate  when  the 
barkings  which  reach  your  ears  are  so  nu- 
merous. I  will  not  stop  to  discuss  the  forms 
of  diction  which  you  use,  for  these  you  look 
down  upon  and  condemn :  I  will  answer 
according  to  the  meaning  alone.  You  are 
asked  about  one  thing,  and  you  give  account 
for  yourself  upon  another.  As  to  the  doc- 
trines of  Arlus,  you  contended  against  them 
at  Alexandria  a  long  time  ago,  by  imprison- 
ment and  exile,  not  with  words  but  with 
blood.  But  the  question  now  relates  to  the 
heresy  of  Origen,  and  the  feeling  aroused 
against  you  on  the  subject.  I  should  be 
sorry  tiiat  you  should  trouble  yourself  to  cure 
wounds  which  are  already  healed.  You 
confess  a  Trinity  in  one  Godhead.  The 
whole  world  now  confesses  this,  and  I  think 
that  even  the  devils  confess  that  the  Son  of 
God  was  born  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  took 
upon  him  the  flesh  and  the  soul  belonging  to 
human  nature.  But  I  must  beg  you  not 
to  think  me  a  contentious  man  If  I  ex- 
amine you  a  little  more  strictly.  You  say 
that  the  Son  of  God  took  the  flesh  and  soul 
belonging  to  human  nature.  Well  then,  I 
would  ask  you  not  to  be  vexed  with  me  but 
to  answer  this  question.  That  soul  which 
Jesus 'took  upon  him,  did  It  exist  before  It 
was  born  of  Mary  ?  Was  It  created  together 
with  the  body  In  that  original  Virgin  nature 
which  was  begotten   by  the  Holy  Spirit.^  or,. 

1  Gal.  vi,  17. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   11. 


503 


when  the  body  was  ah'eady  formed  within 
the  womb,  was  it  made  all  at  once,  and  sent 
down  from  heaven?  I  wish  to  know  which 
one  of  these  you  choose  as  your  opinion.  If 
it  existed  before  it  was  born  from  Mary,  then 
it  was  not  yet  the  soul  of  Jesus  ;  and  it  was 
employed  in  some  way,  and,  for  a  reward  of 
its  virtues,  it  was  made  his  soul.  If  it  arose 
bv  traduction,^  then  human  souls,  which  we 
believe  to  be  eternal,  are  subject  to  the  same 
condition  as  those  of  the  brutes,  which 
perish  with  the  body.  But  if  it  is  created 
and  sent  into  the  body  after  the  body  has 
been  formed,  tell  us  so  simply,  and  free  us 
from  anxiety. 

5.      None  of  these    answers   will   you  give 
us.      You  turn  to  other  things,    and   by  your 
tricks  and    shew    of  words   prevent  us   from 
paying     close      attention     to    the     question. 
What!   you    will    say,  was  not  the  question 
about   the  resurrection    of  the  flesh    and  the 
punishment  of  the  devil?     True;   and  there- 
fore I  ask  for  a  brief  and  sincere  answer.      I 
raise  no  question   as   to  your   declaration  that 
it  is  this  very  flesh    in  which  we  live  which 
rises    again,    without    the    loss   of    a    single 
member,  and    without  any  part   of  the  body 
being  cut  ofl'  (for  these  are  your  own  words). 
But  I  want  to  know  whether  you  hold,  what 
Oriofen  denies,  that  the    bodies  rise  with  the 
same   sex   with    which    they  died ;   and    that 
Mary  will   still    be    Mary  and  John  be  John  ; 
or  whetlier   the   sexes    will    be  so  mixed  and 
confused  that  there  will    be   neither  man  nor 
'womm,    but    something    which    is    both    or 
neither;   and  also  whether  you  hold  that  the 
boJies  remain  uncorrupt  and    immortal,  and, 
as  you    acutely    suggest    after    the    Apostle, 
spiritu:il    bodies    forever;    and    not    only  the 
bodies,  but  the    actual    flesh,  with   blood  in- 
fused into  it,  and  passing  by  channels  through 
the  veins  and  bones,  — such  flesh  as  Thomas 
touched  ;  or  that  little  by  little   they  are   dis- 
solved into  nothinsf,  and  reduced  into  the  four 
elements  of  whicli   they  were    compounded. 
This   you   ought   either  to    confess    or   deny, 
and  not  to  say  what  Origen  also  says,  but  in- 
sincerely, as    if  he    were    playing    upon    the 
weakness   of  fools    and    children,'    "  without 
the  loss  of  a  single  member  or  the  cutting  oft' 
of  any  part  of  the  body."     Do  you    suppose 
that  what  we   feared   was  that  we  might  rise 
without  noses   and   ears,  that   we  should  find 
that  our  grenital   org-ans  would  be  cut  oft'  or 
maimed  and  that  a  city  of  eunuchs  was  built 
up  in  the  new  Jerusalem  ? 

1  Ex  traduce,  that  is,  from  a  layer  like  that  of  the  vine. 
This  embodies  the  view  that  tlie  soul  is  derived,  with  the 
body,  from  tlie  parent.  There  is  no  Ensrlish  word  for  the  pro- 
cess"; an.l  since  the  word  Traducianism^is  used  to  express  the 
theory,  '  Traduction'  is  used  here  to  expres-s  tlie  process. 


6.  Of  the  devil  he  thus  frames  liis  opin- 
ion : 

"We  affirm  also  a  judgment  to  come,  in  which 
judgment  every  man  is  to  receive  the  due  meed  of 
his  bodily  life,  according  to  that  which  he  has 
done,  whether  good  or  evil.  And,  if  in  the  case  of 
men  the  reward  is  according  to  their  works  how 
much  more  will  it  be  so  in  the  casd  of  the  devil 
who  is  the  universal  cause  of  sin.  Of  the  devil 
himself  our  belief  is  that  which  is  written  in  the 
Gospel,  namely  that  both  he  and  all  his  angels 
will  receive  as  their  portion  the  eternal  fire,  and 
with  him  those  Mho  do  his  works,  that  is,  who  be- 
come the  accusers  of  their  brethren.  If  then  any 
one  denies  that  the  devil  is  to  be  subjected  to 
eternal  fires,  may  he  have  his  part  with  him  in  the 
eternal  fire,  so  that  he  may  know  by  experience  the 
fact  which  he  now  denies." 

I  will  repeat  the  words  one  by  one.  "  We 
afftrm  also  a  judgment  to  come,  in  which  judg- 
ment &c."  I  had  determined  to  say  nothing 
about  verbal  faults.  But,  since  his  disciples 
admire  the  eloquence  of  their  master,  I  will 
make  one  or  two  strictures  upon  it.  He  had 
already  said  ^' a  future  judgment;"  but, 
being  a  cautious  man,  he  was  afraid  of  say- 
ing simply 'Mn  which,"  and  therefore  wrote 
"in  which  judgment;"  for  fear  that,  if  he 
had  not  said  '' judgment"  a  second  time, 
we,  forgetting  what  had  gone  before,  might 
have  supplied  the  word  ''  ass."  That  which 
he  brings  in  afterwards  "  those  who  become 
the  accusers  of  their  brethren  will  with  him 
have  their  portion  in  the  eternal  fire,"  is  in  a 
style  of  equal  beauty.  Who  ever  heard  of 
'possessing*  the  flames'?  It  would  belike 
'  enjoying  tortures.'  I  suppose  that,  being 
now  a  Greek,  he  had  tried  to  translate  him- 
self, and  that  for  the  word  KAripovourjaovaiv^ 
which  can  be  rendered  in  Latin  by  the 
single  word  Hcereditabunt,  he  said  Haeredi- 
tate  potienfur  ^  supposing  it  to  be  something 
more  elaborate  and  ornate.  With  such  trifles 
and  such  improprieties  of  speech  his  whole 
discourse  is  teeming.  But  to  return  to  the 
meaning  of  his  words. 

7.      To  proceed  : 

"This  is  a  great  spear  with  which  the  devil  is 
pierced,  he,  '  who  is  the  universal  cause  of  sin,''  if 
he  is  to  render  account  of  his  works,  like  a  man, 
and  '  with  his  angels  possess  the  inheritance  of 
eternal  fires.'  This,  no  doubt,  was  what  was  lack- 
ing to  him,  that,  having  brought  mankind  into 
torment,  he  should  himself  '  possess  the  eternal 
fires  '  which  he  had  all  the  while  been  longing  for." 

You  seem  to  me  here  to  speak  a  little  too 
hardly  of  the  devil,  and  to  assail  the  accuser 
of  all  with  false  accusations.     You    say  '  he 


1  Potiri,  rendered  above  '  have  their  portion.' 

2  Kleronomesonsin,  they  shall  inherit. 
SThey  will  enjoy  the  inheritance. 


504 


JEROME. 


is  the  universal  cause  of  sin;'  and,  while  you 
make  him  the  author  of  all  crimes,  you  free 
men  from  fault,  and  take  away  the  freedom 
of  the  will.  Our  Lord  says  that  '  '  from  our 
heart  come  forth  evil  thoughts,  murders, 
adulteries,  fornications,  thefts,  false  witnesses, 
railings,'  and  of  Judas  we  read  in  the  Gos- 
pel ;  ^  "  After  the  sop  Satan  entered  into 
him,"  that  is,  because  he  had  before  the  sop 
sinned  voluntarily,  and  had  not  been  brought 
to  repentance  either  by  humbling  himself  or 
by  the  forbearance  of  the  Saviour.  So  also 
the  Apostle  says  ;  ^  '^  Such  men  I  delivered 
to  Satan,  that  they  might  be  taught  not  to 
blaspheme."  He  delivered  to  Satan  as  to 
a  torturer,  with  a  view  to  their  punishment, 
those  who,  before  they  had  been  delivered 
to  him  learned  to  blaspheme  by  their  own 
will.  David  also  draws  the  distinction  in  a 
few  words  between  the  faults  due  to  his  own 
will  and  the  incentives  of  vice  when  he  says 
'^  "  Cleanse  thou  me  from  my  secret  faults, 
and  keep  back  thy  servant  from  alien  sins." 
We  read  also  in  Ecclesiastes  ^"  If  the  spirit 
of  a  ruler  rise  up  against  thee,  leave  not 
thy  place;"  from  which  w^e  may  clearly  see 
that  we  commit  sin  if  we  give  opportunity 
to  the  power  which  rises  up,  and  if  we  fail 
to  hurl  down  headlong  the  enemy  who  is 
scaling  our  walls.  As  to  your  threatening 
your  brothers,  that  is,  those  who  accuse 
you,  with  eternal  fire  in  company  with  the 
devil,  it  seems  to  me  that  you  do  not  so  much 
drag  3^our  brethren  down  as  raise  the  devil  up, 
since  he,  according  to  you,  is  to  be  punished 
only  with  the  same  fires  as  Christian  men. 
But  you  well  know,  I  think,  what  eternal 
fires  mean  according  to  the  ideas  of  Origen, 
namely,  the  sinners'  conscience,  and  the  re- 
morse which  galls  their  hearts  within.  These 
ideas  he  thinks  are  intended  in  the  words  of 
Isaiah  :  ^  "  Their  worm  shall  not  die  neither 
shall  their  fire  be  quenched."  And  in  the 
words  addressed  to  Babylon  :  '"  Thou  hast 
coals  of  fire,  thou  shalt  sit  upon  them,  these 
shall  be  thy  help."  So  also  in  the  Psalm  it 
is  said  to  the  penitent;  **  "  What  shall  be 
given  to  thee,  or  what  shall  be  done  more  for 
thee  against  the  false  tongue?  Sharp  arrows 
of  the  mighty,  w^ith  desolating  coals  ;"  which 
means  (according  to  him)  that  the  arrows  of 
God's  precepts  (concerning  which  the 
Prophet  says  in  another  place,  ^  "  I  lived  in 


1  Matt.  XV,  iQ.  *  Ps.  xix,  12,  13.  Vulg. 

2  John  xiii,  27.  5]£ccl.x,4. 

3  I.  Tim.  i,  20.  c  Is.  Ixvi,  24. 

">  Is.  xlvii,  14,  15.  «'  There  shall  not  be  a  coal  to  warm  at  nor 
fire  to  sit  before  it.  Thus  shall  they  be  unto  thee  for  wliom  thou 
hast  laboured."  A.  V.  in  almost  exact  agreement  with  Vulgate. 
Jex-ome  must  have  quoted  laemoriter  from  an  older  version. 

8  Vs.  cxx,  3,4.   \'ulg. 

9  Probably  a  loose  reference  to  Ps.  xlii,  9,  10. 


misery  while  a  thorn  pierces  me ")  should 
wound  and  strike  through  the  crafty  tongue, 
and  make  an  end  of  sins  in  it.  He  also  inter- 
prets the  place  where  the  Lord  testifies  saying  : 
^''  I  came  to  send  fire  on  the  earth,  and  how  I 
wish  that  it  may  burn  "  as  meaning  "  I  wish 
that  all  may  repent,  and  burn  out  through  the 
Holy  spirit  their  vices  and  their  sins  ;  for  I 
am  he  of  whom  it  is  written,  ^  "Our  God  is 
a  consuming  fire;"  it  is  no  great  thing  then 
to  Say  this  of  the  devil,  since  it  is  prepared  also 
for  men."  You  ought  rather  to  have  said,  if 
you  wished  to  avoid  the  suspicion  of  believing 
in  the  salvation  of  the  devil;  ^ '' Thou  hast 
become  perdition  and  shalt  not  be  for  ever  ;" 
and  as  the  Lord  speaks  to  Job  concerning  the 
devil,  ''"Behold  his  hope  shall  fail  him  and 
in  the  sight  of  all  shall  he  be  cast  down.  I 
will  not  arouse  him  as  one  that  is  cruel,  for 
w^ho  can  resist  my  countenance.^  Who  has 
first  given  to  me  that  I  may  return  it  to  him.^ 
for  all  things  beneath  the  heaven  are  mine. 
I  will  not  spare  him  and  his  words  that  are 
powerful  and  fashioned  to  turn  away  wrath." 
Hence,  these  things  may  pass  as  the  work  of 
a  plain  man.  Their  bearing  is  evident  enough 
to  those  who  understand  these  matters  ;  but  to 
the  unlearned  they  may  wear  the  appearance 
of  innocence. 

S.  But  what  follows  about  the  condition  of 
souls  can  by  no  means  be  excused.      He  says  : 

"I  am  next  informed  that  some  stir  has  been 
made  on  the  question  of  the  nature  of  the  soul. 
Whether  complaints  on  a  matter  of  this  kind  ought 
to  be  entertained  instead  of  being  put  aside,  you 
must  yourself  decide.  If,  however,  you  desire  to 
know  my  opinion  upon  this  subject,  I  will  state 
it  frankly.  I  have  read  a  great  many  writers  on 
this  question,  and  I  find  that  they  express  divers 
opinions.  Some  of  these  whom  I  have  read  hold 
that  the  soul  is  infused  together  with  the  material 
body  through  the  channel  of  the  human  seed,  and  of 
this  they  give  such  proofs  as  they  can.  I  think  that 
this  was  the  opinion  of  TertuUian  or  Lactantius 
among  the  Latins,  perhaps  also  of  a  few  others. 
Others  assert  that  God  is  every  day  making  new 
souls  and  infusing  them  into  the  bodies  which 
have  been  framed  in  the  womb;  while  others 
again  believe  that  the  souls  were  all  made  long 
ago,  when  God  made  all  things  of  nothing,  and 
th\t  all  that  he  now  does  is  to  send  out  each  soul 
to  be  born  in  its  body  as  it  seems  good  to  him. 
This  is  the  opinion  of  Origen,  and  of  some 
others  among  the  Greeks.  For  myself,  I  declare 
in  the  presence  of  God  that,  after  reading  each 
of  these  opinions,  I  am  unable  to  hold  any  of 
them  as  certain  and  absolute  :  the  determination  of 
the  truth  in  this  question  I  leave  to  God  and  to  any 
to  whom  it  shall  please  him  to  reveal  it.  My  pro- 
fession on  this  point  is,  therefore,  first,  that  these 
several  opinions  are  those  which  I  have  found  in 
books,  but,  secondly,  that  I  as  yet  reniain  in  igno- 
rance on  the  subject,  except  so  far  as  this,  that  the 

1  Luke  xii,  49.  3  Perhaps  from  Jer.  li,  26. 

-  Deut.  iv,  24,  Heb.  xii,  29.  ^  Leviathan,  Job  xli,  9-12.  Vulg. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   11. 


505 


Church  delivers  it  as  an  article  of  faith  that  God  is 
the  creator  of  souls  as  well  as  of  bodies." 

9.  Before  I  enter  upon  the  subject  matter 
of  this  passage,  I  must  stand  in  admiration  of 
words  worthy  of  Theophrastus  : 

"I  am  informed,  he  sajs,  that  some  stir  has  been 
made  on  the  question  of  the  nature  of  the  soul. 
Whether  complaints  on  a  matter  of  this  kind  ought 
to  be  entertained  instead  of  being  put  aside,  you 
must  yourself  decide." 

If  these  questions  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
soul  have  been  stirred  at  Rome,  what  is  the 
meaning  of  this  complaint  and  murmuring 
on  the  question  whether  they  ought  to  be 
entertained  or  not,  a  question  which  belongs 
entirely  to  tlie  discretion  of  bishops.^  But 
perhaps  he  thinks  that  question  and  com- 
plaint mean  the  same  thing,  because  he 
finds  this  form  of  speech  in  the  Commen- 
taries of  Caper.  Then  he  writes:  "Some 
of  those  whom  I  have  read  hold  that  the 
soul  is  infused  together  with  the  material 
body  through  the  channel  of  the  human 
seed ;  and  of  these  they  give  such  proofs 
as  they  can."  What  license  have  we 
here  in  the  forms  of  speech!  What  mix- 
inof  of  the  moods  and  tenses !  ^  "  I  have 
read  some  saying  —  they  confirmed  them 
with  what  assertions  they  could."  And  in 
what  follows:  ''Others  assert  that  God  is 
every  day  making  new  souls  and  infusing 
them  into  the  bodies  which  have  been 
framed  in  the  womb ;  while  others  again 
believe  that  the  souls  were  all  made  long 
ago  when  God  made  all  things  of  nothing, 
and  that  all  that  he  now  does  is  to  send  out 
each  soul  to  be  born  in  its  body  as  seems 
good  to  him."  Here  also  we  have  a  most 
beautiful  arrangement.  Some,  he  says,  as- 
sert this  and  that ;  some  declare  that  the 
souls  were  made  long  ago,  that  is,  when 
God  made  all  things  of  nothing,  and  that 
He  now  sends  them  forth  to  be  born  in  their 
own  body  as  it  pleases  him.  He  speaks  so 
distastefully  and  so  confusedly  that  I  have 
more  trouble  in  correcting  his  mistakes  than 
he  in  writing  them.  At  the  end  he  says: 
"  I,  however,  though  1  have  read  these 
things;"  and,  while  the  sentence  still  hangs 
unfinished,  he  adds,  as  if  he  had  brought 
forward  something  fresh:  "I,  however,  do 
not  deny  that  I  have  both  read  each  of  these 
things,  and  as  yet  confess  that  I  am  igno- 
rant." 

10.  Unhappy  souls!  stricken  through 
with  all  these  barbarisms  as  with  so  many 
lances !      I  doubt  whether  they  had   so  much 

1  The  words  are  translated  literally  here,  so  as  to  shew  how 
they  lend  themselves  to  Jerome's  strictures. 


trouble  when,  according  to  the  erroneous 
theory  of  Origen,  they  fell  from  heaven  to 
earth,  and  were  clothed  in  these  gross  bodies, 
as  they  have  now  in  being  knocked  about  on 
all  sides  by  these  strange  words  and  sen- 
tences :  not  to  mention  that  word  of  ill  omen 
which  says  that  they  are  infused  through 
the  channel  of  the  human  seed.  I  know 
that  it  is  not  usual  in  Christian  writings  to 
criticise  mere  faults  of  style  ;  but  1  thought 
it  well  to  shew  by  a  few  examples  how  rash 
it  is  to  teach  what  you  are  ignorant  of,  to 
write  what  you  do  not  know  :  so  that,  when 
we  come  to  the  subject-matter,  we  may  be 
prepared  to  find  the  same  amount  of  wis- 
dom. He  sends  a  letter,  which  he  calls  a 
very  strong  stick,  as  a  weapon  for  the  Bishop 
of  Rome ;  and  on  the  very  subject  about 
which  the  dogs  are  barking  at  him  he  pro- 
fesses entire  ignorance  of  the  question.  If 
he  is  ignorant  on  the  subject  for  which  ill- 
reports  are  current  against  him,  what  need 
was  there  for  him  to  send  an  Apology, 
which  contains  no  defence  of  himself,  but 
onlv  a  confession  of  his  ignorance.^  This 
course  is  calculated  to  sow  a  crop  of  sus- 
picions, not  to  calm  them.  He  gives  us 
three  opinions  about  the  origin  of  souls ; 
and  his  conclusion  at  the  end  is  :  "I  do  not 
deny  that  I  have  read  each  of  them,  and  I 
confess  that  I  still  am  ignorant."  Y(  u 
would  suppose  him  to  be  Arcesilaus  *  cr 
Carneades^  who  declare  that  there  is  no  cer- 
tainty ;  though  he  surpasses  even  them  in 
his  cautiousness  ;  for  they  were  driven  by 
the  intolerable  ill-will  which  they  aroustd 
among  philosophers  for  taking  all  truth  out 
of  human  life,  to  invent  the  doctrines  of 
probability,  so  that  by  making  their  prob- 
able assertions  they  might  temper  their  ag- 
nosticism ;  but  he  merely  says  that  he  is  un- 
certain, and  does  not  know  which  of  these 
opinions  is  true.  If  this  was  all  the  answer 
he  had  to  make,  what  could  have  induced 
him  to  invoke  so  great  a  Pontifl'  as  the 
witness  of  his  lack  of  theological  culture. 
I  presume  this  is  the  lassitude  about  which  he 
tells  us  that  he  is  exhausted  with  his  thirty- 
years'  journey  and  cannot  come  to  Rome. 
There  are  a  great  many  things  of  which  we 
are  all  ignorant ;  but  we  do  not  ask  for 
witnesses  of  our  ignorance.  As  to  the 
Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost,  as  to  the  na- 
tivity of  our  Lord  and  Saviour,  about  which 
Isaiah   cries,   '"'  WMio  shall   declare  his  gen- 


1  Of  Pilane  in  ^olia,  B.  C.  316-241.  Founder  of  the  Middle 
Academy,  half-way  between  'the  Platonic  idealism  and  the 
scepticism  of  Pvrrho. 

2  Of  Cyrene/B.  C.  214-124.  Founder  of  the  Third  or  Xe\v 
Academy,  a  disputant  rather  than  a  philosopher  of  fixed  princi- 
ples.       "  ^  Is.  liii,  S. 


5o6 


JEROME. 


eration?"  he  speaks  boldly,  and  a  mj^stery 
of  which  all  past  ages  knew  nothing  he 
claims  as  quite  within  his  knowledge  :  this 
alone  he  does  not  know,  the  ignorance  of 
which  causes  men  to  stumble.  As  to  how 
a  virgin  became  the  mother  of  God,  he  has 
full  knowledge ;  as  to  )iow  he  himself  was 
born  he  knows  nothing.  He  confesses  that 
God  is  the  maker  of  souls  and  bodies, 
whether  souls  existed  before  bodies  or 
whether  they  came  into  being  with  the 
germs  of  bodies,  or  are  sent  into  them  when 
they  are  already  formed  in  the  womb.  In 
any  case  we  recognize  God  as  their  author. 
The  question  at  issue  is  not  whether  the 
souls  were  made  by  God  or  by  another,  but 
which  of  the  three  opinions  which  he  states 
is  true.  Of  this  he  professes  ignorance. 
Take  care!  You  may  find  people  saying  that 
the  reason  for  your  confession  of  your  ig- 
norance of  the  three  is  that  you  do  not  wish 
to  be  compelled  to  condemn  one.  You 
spare  Tertullian  and  Lactantius  so  as  not  to 
condemn  Origen  with  them.  As  far  as  I 
remember  (though  I  may  be  mistaken)  I  am 
not  aware  of  having  read  that  Lactantius  spoke 
of  the  soul  as  planted  at  the  same  time 
as  the  body.*  But,  as  you  say  that  you  have 
read  it,  please  to  tell  me  in  what  book  it  is 
to  be  found,  so  that  you  may  not  be  thought 
to  have  calumniated  him  in  his  death  as  you 
have  me  in  my  slumber.  But  even  here  you 
walk  with  a  cautious  and  hesitating  step. 
You  say:  "  I  think  that,  among  the  Latins, 
Tertullian  or  Lactantius  held  this  opinion, 
perhaps  also  some  others.  You  not  only 
are  in  doubt  about  the  origin  of  souls,  but 
you  have  only  '  thoughts  '  as  to  the  opinion 
which  each  writer  holds  :  yet  the  matter  is 
of  some  importance.  On  the  question  of  the 
soul,  however,  you  openly  proclaim  your 
ignorance,  and  confess  your  untaught  condi- 
tion :  as  to  the  authors,  your  knowledge 
amounts  only  to  '  thinking,'  hardly  to  '  pre- 
suming.* But  as  to  Origen  alone  you  are 
quite  clear.  "  This  is  Origen's  opinion," 
you  say.  But,  let  me  ask  you  :  Ls  the  opin- 
ion sound  or  not?  Your  reply  is,  "  I  do  not 
know."  Then  why  do  you  send  me  mes- 
sengers and  letter-carriers,  who  are  constantly 
coming,  merely  to  teach  me  that  you  are 
ignorant?  To  prevent  the  possibility  of 
my  doubting  whether  your  incapacity  is  as 
great  as  you  say,  and  thinking  it  possible 
that  you  are  cunningly  concealing  all  you 
know,  you  take  an  oath  in  the  presence  of 
God  that  up  to  the  present  moment  you 
hold    nothing    for    certain    and     definite    on 


*  l^vcmeLpofjiiyqi'. 


this  subject,  and  that  you  leave  it  to  God  to 
know  what  is  true,  and  to  any  one  to  whom 
it  may  please  Him  to  reveal  it.  Whatl 
Through  all  the'se  ages  does  it  seem  to  you 
that  there  has  been  no  one  worthy  of  having 
this  revealed  to  him?  Neither  patriarch, 
nor  prophet,  nor  apostle,  nor  martyr? 
Were  not  these  mysteries  made  clear  even  to 
yourself  when  you  dwelt  amidst  princes  and 
exiles?  The  Lord  says  in  the  Gospel: 
'  ''  Father,  I  have  revealed  thy  name  to  men." 
Did  he  who  revealed  the  Father  keep 
silence  on  the  origin  of  soids  ?  And  are  you 
astonished  if  your  brethren  are  scandalized 
when  you  swear  that  you  know  nothing  of 
a  thing  which  the  churches  of  Christ  profess 
to  know  ?  ^ 

II.  After  the  exposition  of  his  faith,  or 
rather  his  lack  of  knowledge,  he  passes  on 
to  another  matter,  and  tries  to  make  excuses 
for  having  turned  the  books  Uepl  'Apxi^r  into 
Latin.      I  will  put  down  his  words  literally : 

"  I  am  told  that  objections  have  teen  raised 
against  me  because,  forsooth,  at  the  request  of 
some  of  my  brethren,  I  translated  certain  works  of 
Origen  from  Greek  into  Latin.  I  suppose  that 
every  one  sees  that  it  is  only  through  ill-will  that 
this  is  made  a  matter  of  blame.  For,  if  there  is 
any  offensive  statement  in  the  author,  why  is  this 
to  be  twisted  into  a  fault  of  the  translator?  I  was 
asked  to  exhibit  in  Latin  what  stands  written  in 
the  Greek  text;  and  I  did  nothing  more  than  fit 
Latin  words  to  Greek  ideas.  If,  therefore,  there  is 
anything  to  praise  in  these  ideas,  the  praise  does 
not  belong  to  me  :  and  similarly  as  to  anything  to 
which  blame  may  attach." 

'•  I  hear,"  he  says,  "  that  thence  dispute 
has  arisen."^  How  clever  this  is,  to  speak 
of  it  as  a  dispute,  when  it  is  really  an  accusa- 
tion against  him.  "  That  I  have,  at  the  re- 
quest of  my  brethren,  translated  certain 
things  of  Origen's  into  Latin."  Yes,  but 
what  are  these  "  certain  things  ".^  Have  they 
no  name?  Are  you  silent?  Then  the  bills 
of  charge  brought  by  the  accusers  will  speak 
for  you.  "  I  suppose,"  he  says,  ''  that 
every  one  understands  that  it  is  only  through 
envy  that  these  things  are  made  matters  of 
blame."  What  envy?  Are  people  envious 
of  your  eloquence?  Or  have  you  done  what 
no  other  man  has  ever  been  able  to  do? 
Here  am  I,  who  have  translated  many  works 
of  Origen's ;  yet,  except  you,  no  one  shews 
envy  towards  me  or  calumniates  me  for  it. 
*'  If  there  is  any  offensive  statement  in  the  au- 
thor, why  is  it  to  be   twisted   into  a  foult    of 


1  Tf>'in  xvii,  6. 

2  Tliouifli  Jerome  here  speaks  as  if  the  question  had  been 
determined  by  church  authority,  the  perusal  of  his  correspond- 
ence with  Augustin  (Jerome's  Letters  126,  ly,  i,h)  sliows 
that  he  was  in  the  same  perplexiiy  as  Rufinus-,  but  less  in» 
g^enuous  in  confessiniif  it. 

3  As  above,  the  word  for  word  rendering-  is  given. 


APOLOGY— BOOK   II. 


507 


the  translator?  I  was  asked  to  exhibit  in 
Latin  what  stands  written  in  the  Greek 
text ;  and  I  did  nothing  more  than  fit  Latin 
words  to  Greek  ideas.  If,  therefore,  there  is 
anything  to  praise  in  these  ideas,  the  praise 
does  not  belong  to  me,  and  similarly  as  to 
anything  to  which  blame  may  attach."  Can 
you  be  astonished  that  men  think  ill  of  you 
when  you  say  of  open  blasphemies  nothing 
more  than,  *'  If  there  are  any  offensive 
statements  in  the  author  "  ?  What  is  said  in 
those  books  is  offensive  to  all  men  ;  and  you 
stand  alone  in  your  doubt  and  in  your  com- 
plaint that  this  is  "  twisted  into  a  fault  of  the 
translator,"  when  you  have  praised  it  in  your 
Preface.  '  You  were  asked  to  turn  it  into 
Latin  as  it  stood  in  the  Greek  text.'  I  wish 
you  had  done  what  you  pretend  you  were 
asked.  You  would  not  then  be  the  object 
of  any  ill  will.  If  you  had  kept  faith  as  a 
translator,  it  would  not  have  been  necessary 
for  me  to  counteract  your  false  translation  by 
my  true  one.  You  know  in  your  own  con- 
science what  you  added,  what  you  sub- 
tracted, and  what  you  altered  on  one  side  or 
the  other  at  your  discretion ;  and  after  this 
you  have  the  audacity  to  tell  us  that  what  is 
good  or  evil  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  you 
but  to  the  author.  You  shew  your  sense  of 
the  ill  will  aroused  against  you  by  again 
toning  down  your  wgrds :  and  as  if  you 
were  walking  w^ith  your  steps  in  the  air  or 
on  the  tops  of  the  ears  of  corn,  you  say, 
"  Whether  there  is  praise  or  blame  in  these 
opinions."  You  dare  not  defend  him,  but 
you  do  not  choose  to  condemn  him.  Choose 
which  of  the  tv/o  you  please  ;  the  option  is 
yours  ;  if  this  which  you  have  translated  is 
good,  praise  it,  if  bad,  condemn  it.  But  he 
makes  excuses,  and  weaves  another  artifice, 
He  says  : 

"  I  admit  that  I  put  something  of  mj  own  into 
the  work :  as  I  stated  in  my  Preface,  I  used  mj 
own  discretion  in  cutting  out  not  a  few  passages; 
but  only  those  as  to  which  I  had  come  to  suspect 
that  the  thing  had  not  been  so  stated  by  Origen 
himself,  and  the  statement  appeared  to  me  in  these 
cases  to  have  been  inserted  by  others,  because  in 
other  places  I  had  found  the  author  state  the  same 
matter  in  a  catholic  sense."  ' 

What  wonderful  eloquence  !  Varied,  too, 
with  flowers  of  the  Attic  style.  "  More- 
over also!"  ^  and  "Things  which  came  to 
me  into  suspicion !  *'  I  marvel  that  he 
should  have  dared  to  send  such  literary  por- 
tents to  Rome.  One  would  think  that  the 
man's  tontrue  v/as  in  fetters,  and  bound  with 

o 

1  See  Rufinus'  position  vindicated  in  his  treatise  on  the  cor- 
ruption of  Origen's  writings,  translated  in  t!:is  volume. 

2  ^tiin  immo  etiam,  the  first  words  of  the  passage.  They 
are  literally,  "  Yes,  moreover  also," 


cords  that  cannot  be  disentangled,  so  that  it 
could  hardly  break  forth  into  human  speech. 
However,  I  will  return  to  the  matter  in 
hand. 

1 1  (<2) .     I  wish  to  know  who  gave  you  per- 
mission to  cut  out  a  number  of  passages  from 
the  work  you  were   translating.^      You  wxre 
asked  to  turn  a  Greek  book  into  Latin,  not  to 
correct  it ;   to  draw  out  another  man's  words, 
not  to  write  a  book  of  your  own.     You  con- 
fess,  by  the  fact  of  pruning   away  so  much, 
that  you  did  not  do  what    you  were  asked. 
And  I  wish  that  what  you    curtailed   had  'all 
been  the  bad  parts,  and  that  you  had  not  p'y.t 
in   many  things    of  your   own  which   go  to 
support  what  is  bad.     I  will  take   an   exam^ 
pie,  from  which  men  may  judge  of  the   rest. 
In    the    first   book   of    the    ^apl^Kpx'^^'^  where 
Origen  had  uttered  tliat   impious  blasphemy, 
that  the    Son  does  not   see   the   Father,   you 
supply  the  reasons  for  this,  as  if  in  the  name 
of    the    writer,    and     translate    the    note    of 
Didymus,  in  which   he  makes  a    fruitless   ef- 
fort to  defend  another  man's  error,  trying  to 
prove  that  Origen  spoke  rightly  ;  but  we,  poor 
simple  men,  like  the  tame  creatures  spoken  of 
by  Ennius,  can  understand  neither  his  wisdom 
nor    that    of  his    translator.     Your    Preface, 
which  you  allege  in    explanation,  in   which 
you  flatter  and  praise  me   so    highly  shows 
you  to  be  guilty  of  the  most  serious  faults  of 
translation.     You  say  that  you  have  cut  out 
many  things  from   the    Greek,   but  you    say 
nothing  of  what  you  have  put  in.     Were  the 
parts  cut  out  good  or  bad.^     Bad,  I  suppose. 
Was  what  you  kept  good  or   bad  }     Good,   I 
presume ;    for   you   could    not    translate    the 
bad.     Then  I  suppose  you  cut  ofl'  what  was 
bad    and    left  what  was   good?     Of  course. 
But  what  you  have  translated  can  be  shewn 
to  be   almost  wholly  bad.     Whatever  there- 
fore in  your  translation  I  can  shew  to  be  bad, 
must    be    laid    to    your    account,    since    you 
translated  it  as  being  good.      It   is   a    strange 
tiling  if  you  are  to  act  like  an  unjust  censor, 
who  is  himself  guilty  of  the  crime,   and  are 
allowed  at  your  will  to  expel  some  from   the 
Senate  and  keep  others  in  it.      But  you  say  : 
"  It  was  impossible  to  change  everything.     I 
only  thought  I    might    cut    away  what  had 
been   added    by  the   heretics."     Very   good. 
Then  if  you  cut  away  all  that  you  thought  had 
been  added  by  the  heretics,  all  that  you  left 
belongs  to  the  work  which  you  were   trans- 
lating.    Answer  me  then,  are  these  good  or 
bad.^     You    could    not    translate    what    was 
bad,   since  once  for    all  you    had    cut  away 
what  had  been  added  by  the  heretics,  that  is, 
unless  you  thought  it  your  duty  to   cut  aVvay 
the  bad  parts  due  to  the  heretics,  while  trans- 


5o8 


JEROME. 


latinof  tlie  errors  of  Oric^en  himself  unaltered 
into  Latin.  Tell  me  then,  why  you  turned 
Oriofen's  heresies  into  Latin.  Was  it  to  ex- 
pose  the  author  of  the  evil,  or  to  praise  him  ? 
If  your  ohject  is  to  expose  him,  why  do  you 
praise  him  in  the  Preface.^  If  you  praise 
him  you  are  convicted  of  being  a  heretic. 
The  only  remaining  hypothesis  is  that  you 
published  these  things  as  being  good.  But 
if  they  are  proved  to,l)e  bad,  then  author 
imd  translator  are  involved  in  the  same 
crime,  and  the  Psalmist's  word  is  fulfilled  : 
'  ''  When  thou  sawest  a  thief,  thou  consent- 
edst  unto  him  and  hast  been  partaker  with  the 
adulterers."  It  is  needless  to  make  a  plain 
matter  doubtful  by  arguing  about  it.  As  to 
what  follows,  let  him  answer  whence  this 
suspicion  arose  in  his  mind  of  these  additions 
by  heretics.  "  It  was,"  he  says,  "because  I 
found  the  same  things  treated  by  this  author 
in  other  places  in  a  catholic  sense." 

13.  We  must  consider  the  fact,  which 
comes  first,  and  so  in  order  reach  the  infer- 
ence, which  comes  after.  Now  I  find  among 
many  bad  things  written  by  Origen  the  fol- 
lowing most  distinctly  heretical :  that  the  Son 
of  God  is  a  creature,  that  the  Holy  Spirit  is 
a  servant :  that  there  are  innumerable  worlds, 
succeeding  one  another  in  eternal  ages  :  that 
angrels  have  been  turned  into  human  souls  ; 
that  the  soul  of  the  Saviour  existed  before  it 
was  born  of  Mary,  and  that  it  is  this  soul 
which  "  being  in  the  form  of  God  thought 
it  not  robbery  to  be  equal  with  God,  but 
emptied  itself  and  took  the  form  of  a  ser- 
vant ;  "  ^  that  the  resurrection  of  our  bodies 
will  be  such  that  we  shall  not  have  the  same 
members,  since,  when  the  functions  of  the 
members  cease  they  will  become  superfluous  : 
and  that  our  bodies  themselves  will  grow 
aerial  and  spirit-like,  and  gradually  vanish 
and  disperse  into  thin  air  and  into  nothing  : 
that  in  the  restitution  of  all  things,  w^hen 
the  fulness  of  forgiveness  will  have  been 
reached,  Cherubim  and  Seraphim,  Thrones, 
Principalities,  Dominions,  Virtues,  Powers, 
Archangels  and  Angels,  the  devil,  the 
demons  and  the  souls  of  men  whether 
Christians  Jews  or  Heathen,  will  be  of  one 
condition  and  degree;  and  when  they  have 
come  to  their  true  form  and  weight,  and  the 
new  army  of  the  whole  race  returning  from 
the  exile  of  the  world  presents  a  mass  of 
rational  creatures  with  all  their  dregs  left 
behind,  then  will  begin  a  new  world  from  a 
new  origin,  and  other  bodies  in  which  the 
souls  who  fall  from  heaven  will  be  clothed  ; 
so  that  we  may  have  to  fear  that  we  who  are 


1  Ps.  1,  iS. 


2  Phil.  i-i. 


now  men  may  afterwards  be  born  women, 
and  one  who  is  now  a  virgin  may  chance 
then  to  be  a  prostitute.  These  things  I  point 
out  as  heresies  in  the  books  of  Origen.  It  is 
for  you  to  point  out  in  which  of  his  books 
you  have  found  them  contradicted. 

13.  Do  not  tell  me  that  '•''  you  have  found 
the  same  things  treated  by  the  same  author 
in  other  places  in  a  catholic  sense,"  and  thus 
send  me  to  search  through  the  six  thousand 
books  of  Origen  which  you  charge  the  most 
reverend  Bishop  Epiphanius  with  having 
read ;  but  mention  the  passages  with  exact- 
ness :  nor  will  this  suffice  ;  you  must  produce 
the  sentences  word  for  word.  Origen  is  no 
fool,  as  I  well  know ;  he  cannot  contradict 
himself.  The  net  result  arising  from  all  this 
calculation  is,  then,  that  vvli^t  you  cut  out 
was  not  due  to  the  heretics,  but  to  Origen 
himself,  and  that  you  translated  the  bad 
thinofs  he  had  written  because  vou  considered 
them  good  ;  and  that  both  the  good  and  the 
bad  things  in  the  book  are  to  be  set  to  your 
account,  since  you  approved  his  writings  in 
the  Prologue. 

14.  The  next  passage  in  this  apology  is  as 
follows  : 

"I  am  neither  a  champion  nor  a  defender  of 
Origen,  nor  am  I  the  first  who  has  translated  his 
works.  Others  before  me  have  done  the  same 
thing :  and  I  did  it,  the  last  of  many,  at  the  re- 
quest of  my  brethren,  -If  an  order  is  to  be  given 
that  such  translations  are  not  to  be  made,  such  an 
order  holds  good  for  the  future,  not  the  past :  but 
if  those  are  to  be  blamed  who  have  made  these 
translations  before  any  such  order  was  given,  the 
blame  must  begin  with  those  who  took  the  first 
step." 

Here  at  last  he  has  vomited  forth  what  he 
wanted  to  say,  and  all  his  inflamed  mind  has 
broken  out  into  this  malicious  accusation 
against  me.  When  he  translates  the  Ut-pl 
'Apxf^^t  he  declares  that  he  is  following  me. 
When  he  is  accused  for  having  done  it,  he 
gives  me  as  his  example  :  whether  he  is  in 
danger  or  out  of  danger,  he  cannot  live  with- 
out me.  Let  me  tell  him,  therefore,  what  he 
professes  not  to  know.  No  one  reproaches 
you  because  you  translated  Origen,  otherwi-se 
Hilary  and  Ambrose  would  be  condemned  : 
but  because  you  translated  a  heretical  work, 
and  tried  to  gain  support  for  it  by  praising 
me  in  the  Preface.  I  myself,  whom  you 
criminate,  translated  seventy  homilies  of  Ori- 
gen, and  parts  of  his  Tomes,  in  order  that  by 
translating  his  best  works  I  might  withdraw 
the  worst  from  notice  :  and  I  also  have  openly 
translated  the  Uepl  ^Apxo)v  to  prove  the  falsity 
of  your  translation,  so  as  to  shew  the  reader 
what  to  avoid.  If  you  wish  to  translate 
Origen  into  Latin,  you  have  at  hand  many 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   II. 


509 


homilies  and  Tomes  of  his,  inwhich  some  topic 
of  morality  is  handled  or  some  obscure  pas- 
sage of  Scripture  is  opened.  Translate  these  ; 
give  these  to  those  who  ask  them  of  you. 
Why  should  your  first  labour  begin  with  what 
is  infamous.^  And  why,  when  you  were 
about  to  translate  a  heretical  work,  did  you 
preface  and  support  it  by  the  supposed  book 
of  a  martyr,  and  force  upon  the  ears  of 
Romans  a  book  the  translation  of  which 
threw  the  world  into  panic?  At  all  events, 
if  you  translate  such  a  work  with  the  view 
of  exhibitinof  the  author  as  a  heretic,  chano;e 
nothing  from  the  Greek  text,  and  make  this 
clear  in  the  Preface.  It  is  this  which  the 
Pope  Anastasius  most  wisely  embodies  in  the 
letter  which  he  has  adch'essed  to  the  Bishop 
John  against  you ;  he  frees  me  who  have 
done  this  from  all  blame,  but  condemns  you 
who  would  not  do  it.  You  will  perhaps 
deny  the  existence  of  this  letter;  I  have 
therefore  subjoined  a  copy  of  it;  so  that,  if 
you  will  not  listen  to  your  brother  when  he 
advises,  you  may  listen  to  the  Bishop  when 
he  condemns. 

15.  You  sav  that  you  are  not  tlie  defender 
or  the  champion  of  Origen  ;  but  I  will  at 
once  confront  you  with  your  own  book  of 
which  you  spoke  in  that  notorious  preface  to 
your  renowned  work  in  these  terms  : 

"The  cause  of  this  diversity  I  have  set  forth 
more  fully  for  you  in  the  Apology  which  Pamphilus 
wrote  among  his  treatises,  adding  a  very  short  doc- 
ument of  my  own,  in  which  I  have  shewn  by  what 
appear  to  me  evident  proofs,  that  his  works  have 
been  depraved  in  many  places  by  heretics  and  ill- 
disposed  persons,  and  especially  those  which  I  am 
now  translating,  the  Repl  'Apx^^v." 

The  defence  made  by  Eusebius,  or  if  you 
will  have  it  so,  by  Pamphilus,  was  not  suffi- 
cient for  you,  but  you  must  add  something 
from  your  superior  wisdom  and  learning  to 
supply  what  you  thought  insufficient  in  what 
they  had  said.  It  would  be  a  long  business 
if  I  were  to  insert  the  whole  of  your  book  into 
the  present  treatise,  and,  after  setting  out 
each  paragraph,  to  reply  to  each  in  turn,  and 
shew  what  vices  there  are  in  the  style,  what 
falsehoods  in  the  assertions,  what  inconsist- 
ency in  the  actual  tissue  of  the  language. 
And  therefore,  to  avoid  a  redundant  dis- 
cussion which  is  distasteful  to  me,  I  will 
compress  the  verbal  matter  into  a  narrow 
compass,  and  reply  to  the  meaning  alone. 
As  soon  as  he  leaves  the  harbour  he  runs  his 
ship  upon  a  rock.  He  recalls  the  words  of 
the  Apology  of  the  Martyr  Pamphilus  (which 
however,  I  have  proved  to  be  the  work  of 
Eusebius  the  Chief  of  the  Arians)  of  which 
he  had  said,  *'  I  translated  it  into  the  Latin 


tongue  as  best  I  was  able  and  as  the  matter 
demanded ;  "  he  then  adds  :  "  It  is  this  as  to 
which  I  wish  to  give  you  a  charge,  Maca- 
rius,  man  of  desires,'  that  you  may  feel  sure 
that  this  rule  of  faith  which  I  have  above  set 
forth  out  of  his  books,  is  such  as  ought  to  be 
embraced  and  held  fast :  it  is  clearly  shewn 
that  there  is  a  catholic  meaning  in  them  all." 
Although  he  took  away  many  things  from 
the  book  of  Eusebius,  and  tried  to  alter  in  a 
good  sense  the  expressions  about  the  Son  and 
the  Holy  Spirit,  still  there  are  found  in  it 
many  causes  of  offence,  and  even  open  blas- 
phemies, which  oiu"  friend  cannot  refuse  to 
accept  since  he  pronounces  them  to  be  cath- 
olic. Eusebius  (or,  if  you  please,  Pamphi- 
lus) says  in  that  book  that  the  Son  is  the  Ser- 
vant of  the  Father,  the  Holy  Spirit  is  not  of 
the  same  substance  with  the  Father  and  the 
Son  ;  that  the  souls  of  men  have  fallen  from 
heaven ;  and,  inasmuch  as  we  have  been 
changed  from  the  state  of  Angels,  that  in  the 
restitution  of  all  things  angels  and  devils  and 
men  will  all  be  equal ;  and  many  other  things 
so  impious  and  atrocious  that  it  woidd  be  a 
crime  even  to  repeat  them.  The  chamj^ion 
of  Origen  and  translator  of  Pamphilus  is  in 
a  strange  position.  If  there  is  so  much 
blasphemy  in  these  parts  which  he  has  cor- 
rected, what  sacrilegious  things  must  there 
be  in  the  parts  which,  as  he  pretends,  have 
been  falsified  by  heretics  !  What  makes  him 
hold  this  opinion,  as  he  says,  is  that  a  man 
who  is  neither  a  fool  nor  a  madman  could  not 
have  said  things  mutually  repugnant;  and, 
that  we  may  not  suppose  that  he  had  written 
ditlerent  things  at  different  times,  and  that 
he  jDut  forth  contrary  views  according  to  the 
time  of  writing,  he  has  added  : 

"What  are  we  to  say  when  sometimes  in  the 
same  place,  and,  so  to  speak,  almost  in  the  follow- 
ing paragraph,  a  sentence  with  an  opposite  mean- 
ing is  found  inserted?  Can  we  believe  that,  in  the 
same  work  and  in  the  same  book,  and  sometimes, 
as  I  have  said  in  the  sentence  immediately  follow- 
ing, he  can  have  forgotten  his  own  words?  For 
example, could  he  who  had  before  said,  we  can  find 
no  passage  throughout  the  Scriptures  in  which  the 
Holy  Spirit  is  said  to  be  created  or  made,  imme- 
diately add  that  the  Holy  Spirit  was  made  among 
the  rest  of  the  creatures?  or  again,  could  he  who 
defined  the  Father  and  the  Son  to  be  of  one  sub- 
stance, that  namely  which  is  called  in  Greek  Ho- 
moousion,  say  in  the  following  portions  that  he  was 
of  another  substance,  and  that  he  was  created, 
when  but  a  little  before  he  had  declared  him  to  be 
born  from  the  nature  of  God  the  Father?" 

16.  These  are  his  own  words,  he  can- 
not deny  them.  Now  I  do  not  want  to  be 
put  off  with  such  expressions  as  "  since  he 


1  Taken  from  Daniel  x,  11,  "Thou  man  greatly  beloved" 
(«•  a  man  of  desires  "^. 


lO 


JEROME.    . 


said  above"  but  I  want  to  have  the  name  of 
the  book  in  which  he  first  spoke  rightly  and 
then  wrongly:  in  which  he  first  says  that 
the  Holy  Spirit  and  the  Son  are  of  the  sub- 
stance of  God,  and  in  what  immediately  fol- 
lows declares  that  they  are  creatures.  Do 
you  not  know  that  I  possess  the  whole  of 
Origen's  works  and  have  read  a  vast  num- 
ber of  them  ? 

"  Your  trappings  to  the  mob!  I  know  you  well; 
What  lies  within  and  on  the  skin  I  see."  ' 

Eusebius  who  was  a  very  learned  man, 
(observe  I  say  learned  not  catholic :  you 
must  not,  according  to  your  wont  make  this 
a  ground  for  calumniating  me)  takes  up  six 
volumes  with  nothing  else  but  the  attempt 
to  shew  that  Origen  is  of  his  way  of  believ- 
ing, that  is  of  the  Arian  perfidy.  He  brings 
out  many  test-passages,  and  effectually  proves 
his  point.  In  what  dream  in  an  Alexan- 
drian prison  was  the  revelation  given  to  you 
on  the  strength  of  which  you  make  out  these 
passages  to  be  falsified  which  he  accepts  as 
true.^  But  possibly  he  being  an  Arian,  took 
in  thesa  additions  of  the  heretics  to  support 
his  own  error,  so  that  he  should  not  be 
thought  to  be  the  only  one  who  had  held 
false  opinions  contrary  to  the  Church. 
What  answer  will  you  make,  then,  as  to 
Didymus,  who  certainly  is  catholic  as 
regards  the  Trinity  ?  You  know  that  I  trans- 
lated his  book  on  the  Holy  Spirit  into  Latin. 
He  surely  could  not  have  assented  to  the  pas- 
sages in  Origen's  works  which  were  added 
by  heretics ;  yet  he  wrote  some  short  com- 
mentaries on  the  Urpl  ^Apx(^v  which  you  have 
translated  ;  in  these  he  never  denies  that  what 
is  there  written  was  written  by  Origen,  but 
only  tries  to  persuade  us  simple  people  that 
we  do  not  understand  his  meaning  and  how 
these  passages  ought  to  be  taken  in  a  good 
sense.  So  much  on  the  Son  and  the  Holy 
Spirit  alone.  But  iy  reference  to  the  rest  of 
Origen's  doctrines,  both  Eusebius  and  Didy- 
mus adhere  to  his  views,  and  defend,  as  said 
in  a  catholic  and  Christian  sense,  what  all 
the  churches  reprobate. 

17.  But  let  us  consider  what  are  the  argu- 
ments by  which  he  tries  to  prove  that  Origen's 
writings  have  been  corrupted  by  the  heretics. 

"Clement,"  he  says,  "  who  was  the  disciple  of 
the  Apostles,  and  who  succeeded  the  apostles  both 
in  the  episcopate  and  in  martyrdom,  wrote  the 
books  which  go  by  the  name  of  Anagnorismus, 
that  is,  Recognitions.  In  these,  though,  speaking 
generally,  the  doctrine  which  is  set  forth  in  the 
name  of  the  Apostle  Peter  is  genuinely  apostolical, 
yet  in  certain  passages  the  doctrine    of  Eunomius 

*  Persius,  iii,  30. 


is  brought  in  in  such  a  way  as  that  you  would  sup- 
pose Eunomius  himself  to  be  conducting  the  argu- 
ment and  asserting  his  view  that  the  Son  was 
created  out  of  nothing." 

And,  after  a  passage  too  long  to  reproduce, 
he  adds : 

"What  then  are  we  to  think  of  these  facts? 
Must  we  believe  that  an  Apostolic  man  Avrote 
heresy.?  or  is  it  not  more  likely  that  men  of  per- 
verse mind,  wishing  to  gain  support  for  their  own 
doctrines,  and  win  easier  credit  for  them,  intro- 
duced under  the  names  of  holy  men  views  which 
they  cannot  be  believed  either  to  have  held  or  to 
have  written  down .''  " 

He  tells  us  that  Clement  the  presbyter  of 
Alexandria  also,  who  was  a  catholic  man, 
writes  at  times  in  his  works  that  the  Son  of 
God  is  created  ;  and  thatDionysius  Bishop  of 
Alexandria,  a  most  learned  man,  in  the  four 
books  in  which  he  controverted  the  doctrines 
of  Sabellius,  lapses  into  the  dogma  of  Arius. 
What  he  aims  at  by  quoting  these  instances 
is  not  to  shew  that  Chiu'chmen  and  catholics 
have  erred,  but  that  their  writings  have  been 
corrupted  by  heretics,  and  he  closes  the  dis- 
cussion with  these  words : 

"And  when  we  find  in  Origen  a  certain  diver- 
sity of  doctrine,  just  as  we  have  found  it  in  those  of 
whom  we  have  spoken  above,  will  it  not  be  suf- 
ficient for  us  to  believe  the  same  in  his  case  which 
we  believe  or  understand  in  the  case  of  the  catholic 
men  whom  we  have  passed  in  review.''  Will  not 
the  same  defence  hold  good  when  the  case  is  the 
same.'*" 

If,  I  reply,  we  admit  that  everything  In  a 
book  which  is  offensive  is  corruptly  inserted 
by  others,  nothing  will  remain  belonging  to 
the  author  under  whose  name  the  book 
passes,  but  everything  can  be  assigned  to 
those  by  whom  it  is  supposed  to  have  been 
corrupted.  But  then  it  will  not  belong  to 
them  either,  since  we  do  not  know^  who  they 
were:  and  the  result  will  be  that  every  book 
belongs  to  everybody  and  nothing  to  any  one 
in  particular.  In  this  confusion  which  this 
method  of  defence  introduces,  it  will  be  im- 
possible to  convict  Marcion  of  error,  or 
Manlcha^us  or  Arius  or  Eunomius ;  be- 
cause, as  soon  as  we  point  out  a  statement 
of  their  unbelief,  their  disciples  will  an- 
swer that  that  was  not  what  the  master 
wrote,  but  was  corruptly  inserted  by  his 
opponents.  According  to  this  principle, 
this  very  book  of  yours  will  not  be  yours  nor 
mine.  And  as  to  this  very  book  in  which 
I  am  making  reply  to  your  accusations, 
whatever  you  find  fault  with  in  it  will  be 
held  not  be  written  by  me  but  by  you  who 
now  find  fault  with  it.  And  further,  while 
you  assign  everything  to  the  heretics,   there 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   II. 


511 


will  'be  nothing  left  w4iich  you    can    assign 
to  churchmen  as  their  own. 

But  you  may  ask,  How  is  it  then  that  in 
their  books  some  false  views  occur?  Well, 
if  I  answer  that  I  do  not*  know  the  parties 
whence  these  false  views  came,  I  must  not  be 
thought  to  have  said  that  they  are  heretics. 
It  is  possible  that  they  may  have  fallen  into 
error  unawares,  or  that  the  words  bore  a  dif- 
ferent meaning,  or  that  they  may  have  been 
gradually  corrupted  by  unskilful  copyists.  It 
must  be  admitted  that,  before  Arius  arose  in 
Alexandria  as  a  demon  of  the  south,  things 
were  said  incautiously  which  cannot  be  de- 
fended against  a  malevolent  criticism.  But 
when  glaring  faults  are  exposed  in  Origen, 
you  do  not  defend  him  but  accuse  others  ;  you 
do  not  deny  the  faults,  but  summon  up  a  host 
of  criminals.  If  you  were  asked  to  name 
those  who  have  been  the  companions  of 
Origen  in  his  heresies,  it  would  be  right 
enough  to  call  in  these  others.  But  what 
you  are  now  asked  to  tell  us  is  whether  those 
statements  in  the  books  of  Origen  are  good 
or  evil;  and  you  say  nothing,  but  bring  in 
irrelevant  matters,  such  as;  This  is  what 
Clement  says  ;  this  is  an  error  of  which  Dio- 
nysius  is  found  guilty  ;  these  are  the  words 
in  which  the  bishop  Athanasius  defends  the 
error  of  Dionysius;  in  a  similar  way  the 
writings  of  the  Apostle  have  been  tampered 
with:  and  then,  while  the  charge  of  heresy 
is  fastened  upon  you,  you  say  nothing  in  your 
own  defence,  but  make  confessions  about  me. 
I  make  no  accusations,  and  am  content 
with  answering  for  myself.  I  am  not  what 
you  try  to  prove  me  :  whether  you  are  what 
you  are  accused  of  being,  is  for  you  to  con- 
sider. The  fact  that  I  am  acquitted  of  blame 
does  not  prove  me  innocent  nor  the  fact  that 
you  are  accused  prove  you  a  criminal. 

iS.  After  this  preface  as  to  the  falsifica- 
tion by  heretics  of  the  apostles,  of  both  the 
Clements,  and  of  Dionysius,  he  at  last  comes 
to  Origen  ;   and  these  are  liis  words  : 

"  I  have  shewn  from  liis  own  words  and  writings 
how  he  himself  complains  of  this  and  deplores  it  : 
He  explains  clearly  in  the  letter  which  he  wrote  to 
some  of  his  intimate  friends  at  Alexandria  what  he 
suffered  while  living  here  in  the  flesh  and  in  the  full 
enjoyment  of  his  senses,  by  the  corruption  of  his 
books  and  treatises,  or  by  spurious  editions  of 
them." 

He  subjoins  a  copy  of  this  letter  ;  and  he 
who  imputes  to  the  heretics  the  falsification 
of  Origen's  writings  himself  begins  by 
falsifying  them,  for  he  does  not  translate  the 
letter  as  he  finds  it  in  the  Greek,  and  does 
not  convey  to  the  Latins  what  Origen  states 
in  his  letter.     The  object  of  the  whole  letter 


is  to  assail  Demetrius  the  Pontiff  of  Alexan- 
dria, and  to  inveigh  against  the  bishops 
throughout  the  world,  and  to  tell  them  that 
their  excommunication  of  him  is  invalid ; 
he  says  further  that  he  has  no  intention  of 
retorting  their  evil  speaking;  indeed  he  is 
so  much  afraid  of  evil  speaking  that  he  does 
not  dare  to  speak  evil  even  of  the  devil ;  inso- 
much that  he  gave  occasion  to  Candidus  an 
adherent  of  the  errors  of  Valentinian  to 
represent  him  falsely  as  saying  that  the  devil 
is  of  such  a  nature  as  could  be  saved.  But  our 
friend  takes  no  notice  of  the  real  purport  of  the 
letter,  and  makes  up  for  Origen  an  argument 
which  he  does  not  use.  I  have  therefore 
translated  a  part  of  the  letter,  beginning  a 
little  way  below  what  has  been  already 
spoken  of,  and  have  appended  it  to  the  part 
which  has  been  translated  by  him  in  a  cur- 
tailed and  disingenuous  manner,  so  that  the 
reader  may  perceive  the  object  with  which 
he  suppressed  the  earlier  part.  He  is  con- 
tending, then,  against  the  Bishops  of  the 
church  generally,  because  they  had  judged 
him  unworthy  of  its  communion ;  and  he 
continues  as  follows : 

"  Why  need  I  speak  of  the  language  in  which 
the  prophets  constantly  threaten   and  reprove  the 
pastors,  elders,  the  priests  and  the  princes?    These 
things  you  can  of  yourselves  without  my  aid  draw 
out  from  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  you  may  clearly 
see  that  it  may  well  be  the  present  time  of  which 
it  is  said  '  '  Trust  not  in  your  friends,  and  do  not 
hope  in   princes,'  and  that   the    prophecy  is    now 
gaining  its  fulfilment,   ^ '  The  leaders  of  my  people 
have  not  known  me;  my  sons   are  fools   and  not 
wise  :  they  are  wise  to  do  evil,  but  know  not  to  do 
good.'     We  ought  to  pity  them,  not  to  hate  them, 
to  pray  for  them,  not  to  curse  them.     For  we  have 
been  created  for  blessing,  not  for  cursing.     There- 
fore even  Michael,^  when  he  disputed  against  the 
devil  concerning  the  body  of  Moses,  did  not  dare 
do  bring  a  railing  accusation  even  for  so  great  an 
evil,  but  said;   'The  Lord  rebuke  thee.'     And  we 
read    something  similar  in  Zachariah,''  *  The  Lord 
rebuke  thee,  O  Satan ;  the  Lord  which  hath  chosen 
Jerusalem    rebuke    thee.'      So  also   we  desire  that 
those  who  will  not  humbly  accept  the  rebuke  of  their 
neighbours  may  be  rebuked  of  the  Lord.  But,  since 
Michael  says,  '  The  Lord  rebuke    thee,  O  Satan,' 
and  Zechariah  says  the  same,  the  devil  knows  well 
whether  the  Lord  rebukes  him  or  not;  and   must 
acknowledge  the  manner  of  the  rebuke." 

Then,  after  a  passage  too  long  to  insert 
here,  he  adds : 

"  We  believe  that  not  only  those  who  have  com- 
mitted great  sins  will  be  cast  out  from  the  kingdom 
of  heaven,  such  as  fornicators  and  adulterers,  and 
those  who  defile  themselves  with  mankind,  and 
thieves,  but  those  also  who  have  done  evil  of  a  less 
flagrant  kind,  since  it  is  written  ;  ^  '  Neither  drunk- 


1  Mic.  vii,  5. 
*  Jer.  iv,  22. 


8  Jude,  9 

*  Ziich.  iii,  2. 


1  Cor.  vi,  9. 


512 


JEROME. 


ards  nor  evil  speakers  shall  inherit  the  kingdom  of 
God;"  and  that  the  standard  by  wliich  men  will 
be  judged  is  as  much  the  goodness  as  the  severity 
of  God.  Therefore  we  strive  to  act  thoughtfully  in 
all  things,  in  drinking  wine,  and  in  moderation  of 
language,  so  that  we  dare  not  speak  evil  of  any 
man.  Now,  because,  through  the  fear  of  God,  we 
are  careful  not  to  utter  maledictions  against  any 
one,  remembering  that  the  words  '  He  dared  not 
bring  against  him  a  railing  accusation,'  are  spoken 
of  Michael  in  his  dealing  with  the  devil;  as  it  is 
said  also  in  another  place,  ^  '  They  set  at  naught 
dominions  and  rail  at  dignities;'  certain  of  these 
men  who  seek  for  matters  of  contention,  ascribe  to 
us  and  our  teaching  the  blasphemy  (as  to  which 
they  have  to  lay  to  heart  the  words  which  apply  to 
them,  '  Neither  drunkards  nor  evil  speakers  shall 
inherit  the  kingdom  of  God'),  namely,  that  the 
father  of  wickedness  and  perdition  of  those  who 
shall  be  cast  out  of  the  kingdom  of  God  can  be 
saved ;  a  thing  which  not  even  a  madman  can 
say." 

The  rest  which  comes  in  the  same  letter 
he  has  "^  set  down  instead  of  the  later 
words  of  Origen  which  I  have  translated : 
"Now,  because  through  the  fear  of  God  we 
are  careful  not  to  utter  maledictions  agfainst 
any  one,"  and  so  on  ;  he  fraudulently  cuts  oft' 
the  earlier  part,  on  which  the  later  depends, 
and  begins  to  translate  the  letter,  as  though 
the  former  part  began  with  this  statement, 
and  says : 

"  Some  of  those  who  delight  in  bringing  com- 
plaints against  their  neighbours,  ascribe  to  us  and 
our  teaching  the  crime  of  a  blasphemy,  which  we 
have  never  spoken,  (as  to  which  they  must  con- 
sider whether  they  are  willing  to  stand  by  the 
decree  which  says  *  The  evil  speakers  shall  not 
inherit  the  kingdom  of  God,')  for  they  say  that 
I  assert  that  the  father  of  the  wickedness  and  per- 
dition of  those  who  shall  be  cast  out  of  the  king- 
dom of  God,  that  is,  the  devil,  will  be  saved;  a 
thing  which  no  man  even  though  he  had  taken 
leave  of  his  senses  and  was  manifestly  insane  could 
say." 

19.  Now  compare  the  words  of  Origen, 
which  I  have  translated  word  for  word 
above,  with  these  which  by  him  have  been 
turned  into  Latin,  or  rather  overturned ;  and 
you  will  see  clearly  how  great  a  discrepancy 
between  them  there  is,  not  only  of  word 
but  of  meaning.  I  beg  you  not  to  con- 
sider my  translation  wearisome  because  it  is 
longer;  for  the  object  I  had  in  translating 
the  whole  passage  was  to  exhibit  the  pur- 
pose which  he  had  in  suppressing  the  earlier 
part.  There  exists  in  Greek  a  dialogue  be- 
tween Origen  and  Candidus  the  defender  of 
the  heresy  of  Valentinian,  in  which  I  confess 
it  seems  to  me  when  I  read  it  that  I  am 
looking  on  at  a  fight  between  two  Andaba- 
tian    gladiators.       Candidus    maintains    that 


»Jude,  8. 


2  Rufinus. 


the  Son  is  of  the  substance  of  the  Father, 
falling  into  the  error  of  asserting  a  Probole 
or  Production.^  On  the  other  side,  Origen, 
like  Arius  and  Eunomius,  refuses  to  admit 
that  He  is  produced  or  born,  lest  God  the 
Father  should  thus  be  divided  into  parts ;  but 
he  says  that  He  was  a  sublime  and  most 
excellent  creation  who  came  into  being  by 
the  will  of  the  Father  like  other  creatures. 
They  then  come  to  a  second  question.  Can- 
didus asserts  that  the  devil  is  of  a  nature 
wholly  evil  which  can  never  be  saved. 
Against  this  Origen  rightly  asserts  that  he 
is  not  of  perishable  substance,  but  that  it 
is  by  his  own  will  that  he  fell  and  can  be 
saved.  This  Candidus  falsely  turns  into  a 
reproach  against  Origen,  as  if  he  had  said 
that  the  diabolical  nature  could  be  saved. 
What  therefore  Candidus  had  falsely  ac- 
cused him  of,  Origen  refutes.  But  we  see 
that  in  this  Dialogue  alone  Origen  accuses 
the  heretics  of  having  falsified  his  writings, 
not  in  the  other  books  about  which  no 
question  was  ever  raised.  Otherwise,  if  we 
are  to  believe  that  all  which  is  heretical  is 
not  due  to  Origen  but  to  the  heretics,  while 
almost  all  his  books  are  full  of  these  errors, 
nothing:  of  Orig^en's  will  remain,  but  everv- 
thing  must  be  the  work  of  those  of  whose 
names  we  are  ignorant. 

It  is  not  enough  for  him  to  calumniate  the 
Greeks  and  the  men  of  old  time,  about 
whom  the  distance  either  of  time  or  space 
gives  him  the  power  to  tell  any  falsehood  he 
pleases.  He  comes  to  the  Latins,  and  first 
takes  the  case  of  Hilary  the  Confessor, 
whose  book,  he  states,  was  falsified  by  the 
heretics  after  the  Council  of  Ariminum.  A 
question  arose  about  him  on  this  account  in 
a  council  of  bishops,  and  he  then  ordered 
the  book  to  be  brought  from  his  own  house. 
The  book  in  its  heretical  shape  was  in  his 
desk,  though  he  did  not  know  it ;  and  when 
it  was  produced,  the  author  of  the  book  was 
condemned  as  a  heretic  and  excommuni- 
cated, and  left  the  council  room.  This  is 
the  story,  a  mere  dream  of  his  own,  which 
he  tells  to  his  intimates  ;  and  he  imagines 
his  authority  to  be  so  great  that  no  one  will 
dare  to  contradict  him  wlien  he  says  such 
things.  I  will  ask  him  a  few  questions.  In 
what  city  was  the  synod  held  by  which 
Hilary  was  excommunicated.^  What  were 
the  names  of  the  Bishops  present.^  Who 
subscribed  the  sentence  }  Who  were  content, 
and  who  non-content.'^  Who  were  the  con- 
suls of  the  year.?  and  who  was  the  emperor 

*  A  bringing'  forth  of  one  thing  from  another,  that  is,  ac- 
cording to  Valentinian,  of  Christ  as  a  production  from  another 
^Eon. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    II. 


513 


who  ordered  the  assembly  of  the  council  ? 
Were  the  Bishops  present  those  of  Gaul  alone, 
or  of  Italy  and  Spain  as  well?  and  for  what 
purpose  was  the  council  called  together  ?  You 
tell  us  none  of  these  things ;  yet,  in  order  to 
defend  Origen,  you  treat  as  a  criminal  and  as 
excommunicated  a  man  of  the  hisfhest  elo- 
quence,  the  very  clarion  of  the  Latin  tongue 
against  the  Arians.  But  we  are  in  the  pres- 
ence of  a  confessor,  and  even  his  calumnies 
must  be  borne  with  patience.  He  next 
passes  to  Cyprian  the  illustrious  martyr, 
and  he  tells  us  that  a  book  by  Tertullian  en- 
titled "  On  the  Trinity"  is  read  as  one  of  his 
works  by  the  partisans  of  the  Macedonian 
heresy  at  Constantinople.  In  this  charge  of 
his  he  tells  two  falsehoods.  The  book  in 
question  is  not  Tertullian's,  nor  does  it  pass 
under  the  name  of  Cyprian.  It  is  by  Nova- 
tian  and  is  called  by  his  name  ;  the  peculiarity 
of  the  style  proves  tlie  authorship  of  the  Vv^ork. 

20.  What  nonsense  is  this  out  of  which 
they  fabricate  a  charge  against  me !  It 
seems  hardly  worth  while  to  notice  it.  It  is 
a  story  of  my  own  about  the  council  held  by 
Damasus  Bishop  of  Rome,  and  I,  under  the 
name  of  a  certain  friend  of  his,  am  attacked 
for  it.  He' had  given  me  some  papers  about 
church  affairs  to  get  copied  ;  and  the  story 
describes  a  trick  practised  by  the  Apolli- 
narians  who  borrowed  one  of  these,  a  book 
of  Athanasius'  to  read  in  which  occur  the 
words  '  'Dominicus  homo,'  and  falsified  it  by 
first  scratching  out  the  words,  and  then  writ- 
ing them  in  again  on  the  erasure,  so  that 
it  might  appear,  not  that  the  book  had 
been  falsified  by  them,  but  that  the  words  had 
been  added  by  me.  I  beg  you,  my  dearest 
friend,  that  in  these  matters  of  serious  inter- 
est to  the  church,  where  doctrinal  truth  is  in 
question,  and  we  are  seeking  for  the  au- 
thority of  our  predecessors  for  the  well- 
being  of  our  souls  to  put  away  silly  stuff  of 
this  kind,  and  not  take  mere  after-dinner 
stories  as  if  they  were  arguments.  For  it  is 
quite  possible  that,  even  after  you  have 
heard  the  true  story  from  me,  another  who 
does  not  know  it  may  declare  that  it  is  made 
up,  and  composed  in  elegant  language  by 
you  like  a  mine  of  Philistion  or  a  song  of 
Lentulus  or  Marcellus. 

21.  To  what  point  will  not  rashness 
reach  when  once  the  reins  which  check  it 
are  relaxed  .'*  After  telling  us  of  the  excom- 
munication of  Hilary,  the  heretical  book 
falsely  bearing  the  name  of  Cyprian,  the 
successive  erasure  and  insertion  in  the  work 
of  Athanasius  made  while   I    was   asleep,  he 

*  •*  A  man  of  the  Lord,"  perhaps  applied  to  Christ. 


as  a  last  effort  breaks  forth  in.o  an  attack 
upon  the  pope  Epiphanius  :  the  chagrin  en- 
gendered in  his  heart  because  Epiphanius  in 
the  letter  which  he  wrote  to  the  bishop  John 
had  called  him  a  h-eretic,  he  pours  out  in 
his  apology  for  Origen,  and  comforts  him- 
self with  these  words  : 

"The  whole  truth,  which  has  been  hidden, 
must  here  be  laid  bare.  It  is  impossible  that  any 
man  should  exercise  so  unrighteous  a  judgment  as 
to  judge  unequally  where  the  cases  are  equal.  But 
the  fact  is,  the  prompters  of  those  who  defame 
Origen  are  men  who  either  make  it  a  habit  to  dis- 
course in  the  churches  at  great  length  or  write 
books,  the  whole  of  which,  both  books  and  dis- 
course are  taken  from  Origen.  To  prevent  men 
therefore  from  discovering  their  plagiarism,  the 
crime  of  which  can  be  concealed  so  long  as  they 
act  ungratefuUj''  towards  their  master,  they  deter 
all  simple  persons  from  reading  him.  One  of 
them,  who  considers  himself  to  have  a  necessity 
laid  upon  him  to  speak  evil  of  Origen  through 
every  nation  and  tongue,  as  if  that  were  to  preach 
the  Gospel,  once  declared  in  the  audience  of  a  vast 
multitude  of  the  brethren  that  he  had  read  six 
thousand  of  his  books.  If  he  read  them,  as  he  is 
wont  to  declare,  in  order  to  know  what  harm  there 
was  in  him,  ten  or  twenty  books,  or  at  most  thirty, 
would  have  been  sufficient  for  that  knowledge. 
To  read  six  thousand  books  is  not  like  one  who 
wants  to  know  the  harm  and  the  errors  that  are  in 
him,  but  like  one  Avho  consecrates  almost  his 
whole  life  to  studies  conducted  under  his  tuition. 
How  then  can  he  claim  to  be  listened  to  when  he 
blames  those  who,  for  the  sake  of  instruction,  have 
read  a  small  portion  of  his  works,  taking  care  to 
maintain  whole  their  own  system  of  belief  and 
their  piety.'"' 

22.  Who  are  these  men  who  are  wont  to 
dispute  at  such  great  length  in  the  churches, 
and  to  write  books,  and  whose  discourses 
and  writings  are  taken  wholly  from  Origen  ; 
these  men  who  are  afraid  of  their  literary 
thefts  becoming  known,  and  shew  ingrati- 
tude towards  their  master,  and  who  there- 
fore deter  men  of  simple  mind  from  reading 
him.^  You  ought  to  mention  them  by  name, 
and  designate  the  men  themselves.  Are  the 
reverend  bishops  ^Anastasius  and  Theophi- 
lus,  Venerius  and  Chromatins,  and  the 
whole  council  of  the  Catholics  both  in  tlie 
East  and  in  the  West,  who  publicly  de- 
nounce him  as  a  heretic,  to  be  esteemed  to 
be  plagiarists  of  his  books.?  Are  we  to  be- 
lieve that,  when  they  preach  in  the  churches, 
they  do  not  preach  the  mysteries  of  the 
Scriptures,  but  merely  repeat  what  they 
have  stolen  from  Origen  }  Is  it  not  enough 
for  you  to  disparage  them  all  in  general,  but 
you  must  specially  aim  the  spear  of  your 
pen  against  a  reverend  and  eminent  Bishop 
of  the  church.?     Who  is  this  who  considers 

1  Bishops  respectively  of  Rome,  Alexandria,  Milan,  and 
Aquileia. 


514 


JEROME. 


that  he  has  a  necessity  laid  on  him  of  revil- 
ing   Origen,   as  the    Gospel  which  he  must 
preach  among  all  nations  and  tongues?   this 
"man  who  proclaimed    in    the  audience  of  a 
vast  multitude  of  the  brethren  that  he  had 
read  six  thousand  of  his  books?     You  your- 
self were  in  the  very  centre  of  that  multitude 
and  company  of  the  brethren,  when,  as  he 
complains  in  his    letter,^  the  monstrous  doc- 
trines of  Origen  were  enlarged  upon  by  you. 
Is  it  to  be   imputed  to   him  as  a  crime  that 
he  knows  the   Greek,   the    Syrian,   the    He- 
brew,  the  Egyptian,   and    in    part    also    the 
Latin     language?       Then,     I    suppose,     the 
Apostles    and    Apostolic     men,    who    spoke 
with  tongues,  are  to  be  condemned  ;  and  you 
who   know  two    languages    may  deride    me 
who  know  three.     But   as  for  the  six  thou- 
sand books  which  you   pretend   that  he   has 
read,  who  will  believe  that  you  are  speaking 
the  truth,  or  that   he  was  capable  of  telling 
such  a  lie?     If  indeed  Origen    had  written 
six  thousand   books,  it  is  possible  that  a  man 
of  great    learning,    who    had    been    trained 
from  his  infancy  in   sacred   literature   might 
have  read  books  alien  from   his  own   convic- 
tions, because  he  had  an  inquiring  spirit  and 
a  love  of  learning.     But  how  could  he  read 
what  Origen    never   wrote?      Count    up    the 
index  contained  in  the  third   volume  of  Eu- 
sebiu.j,   in  which  is    his   life   of   Pamphilus: 
you  will  not  find,  I  do  not  say  six  thousand, 
but  not  a  third  of  that    number  of  books.     I 
have  by  me  the  letter  of   the  above    named 
Pontitf,  in  which  he  gives   his  answer  to  this 
calumny  of  yours    uttered    when    you    were 
still  in  the  East ;    and  it  confutes  this    most 
manifest    falsehood    with    the    open    counte- 
nance of  truth. 

23.  After  all  this  you  dare  to  say  in 
your  Apology,  that  you  are  not  the  defender 
nor  the  champion  of  Origen,  though  you 
think  that  Eusebius  and  Pamphilus  said  all 
too  little  in  his  defence.  I  shall  try  to  write 
a  reply  to  those  works  in  another  treatise  if 
God  grants  me  a  sufficient  span  of  life.  For 
the  present  let  it  suffice  that  I  have  met 
your  assertions,  and  that  I  have  set  the  care- 
ful reader  on  his  guard  by  stating  that  I 
never  saw  in  writing  the  book  which  was 
known  as  the  work  of  Pamphilus  till  I  read 
it  in  your  own  manuscript.  It  was  no  great 
concern  of  mine  to  know  what  was  written 
in  fiwour  of  a  heretic,  and  therefore  I  always 
took  it  that  the  work  of  Pamphilus  was 
different  from  that  of  Eusebius ;  but,  after 
the  question  had  been  raised,  I  wished  to 
reply  to  their  works,  and  with  this  object  I 

1  Epiphanius  to  John  of  Jerusalem.  Jerome's  Letters,  LI,  3. 
See  also  Jerome  Against  John  of  Jerusalem,  11,  14. 


read  what  each   of  them  had  to  say  in  Ori- 
gen's  behalf;  and  then  I  discerned  clearly  that 
the  first  of  Eusebius'  six  books  was  the  same 
which  you  had  published  both  in  Greek  and 
Latin  as  the  single   book  of  Pamphilus,  only 
altering  the  opinion  about  the  Son  and  the 
Holy  Spirit,   which    bore  on    their  face  the 
mark     of    open    blasphemy.     It    was    thus 
that,    when    my    friend.    Dexter,    who    held 
the  office  of  prietorian  prefect,  asked  me,  ten 
years  ago,  to    make   a    list   for   him   of  the 
writers    of  our   faith, ^  I    placed    among    the 
various  treatises  assigned  to  various  authors 
this  book  as  composed  by  Pamphilus,  sup- 
posing   the    matter   to    be    as    it    had    been 
brought    before   the    public    by  you  and    by 
your  disciples.     But,  since  Eusebius  himself 
says    that    Pamphilus  wrote   nothing  except 
some  short  letters  to  his  friends,  and  the  first 
of  his  six  books  contains  the  precise  words 
which  are  fictitiously  given  by  you  under  the 
name  of  Pamphilus,    it    is    plain    that   your 
object    in    circulating   this  book  was    to    in- 
troduce   heresy    under    the    authority    of    a 
martyr.     I  cannot  allow   you    to    make    my 
mistake   a   cloak  for   your  fraud,  when  you 
first  pretend  that  the  book  is  by  Pamphilus 
and  then  pervert  many  of  its  passages  so  as 
to  make  them  difierent  in   Latin  from  what 
they  are  in  Greek.     I  believed  the  book  to 
be  by  the  writer  whose  name  it  bore,  just  as 
I    did    in   refei'ence    to   the    Uepi*Apx(^v^    and 
many  other  of  the  works  of  Origen  and  of  other 
Greek  writers,  which  I  never  read   till  now, 
and  am  now  compelled  to  read,  because  the 
question  of  heresy   has   been    raised,  and    I 
wish  to  know  what  ought  to  be  avoided  and 
what    opposed.     In    my  youth,   therefore,  I 
translated   only  the  homilies  which   he    de- 
livered   in  public,  and    in  which    there    are 
fewer  causes  of  offence  ;    and  this  in  igno- 
rance and  at  the  request  of  others  :  I  did  not 
try  to   prejudice  men  by  means  of  the  parts 
which  they  approved  in  favour  of  the  accept- 
ance of  those  which  are  evidently  heretical. 
At  all  events,  to  cut  short  a  long  discussion, 
I    can     point    out   whence    I    received    the 
Uepl  'Apx(^v,  namely,  from    those  wdio  copied 
it  from   your   manuscript.     We  want  in  like 
manner   to    know  whence    your    copy    of    it 
came  ;    for  if  you    are    unable  to  name  any 
one  else   as    the    source    from  which  it  was 
derived,  you  will   yourself  be  convicted   of 
falsifying  it.     ^ ''  A  good  man  from  the  good 
treasure  of  his  heart  bringeth  forth  what  is 
good."     A  tree  of  a  good  stock  is  know^n  b}' 
the  sweetness  of  its  fruit. 


1  The  Catalogue  of  Illustrious   Men  translated  in  this  vol- 
ume forms  the  response  to  this  request. 

2  Luke  vi,  45,  Matt,  vii,  17. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   II. 


515 


24.  My  brother  Eusebius  writes  to  me 
that,  when  he  was  at  a  meeting  of  African 
bishops  which  had  been  called  for  certain 
ecclesiastical  affairs,  he  found  there  a  letter 
purporting  to  be  written  by  me,  in  which  I 
professed  penitence  and  confessed  that  it  was 
through  the  influence  of  the  press  in  my  youth 
that  I  had  been  led  to  turn  the  Scriptures 
into  Latin  from  the  Hebrew  ;  in  all  of  which 
there  is  not  a  word  of  truth.  When  I  heard 
this,  I  was  stupefied.  But  one  witness  was 
not  enough  ;  even  Cato  was  not  believed  on 
his  unsupported  evidence:  '  "•  In  the  mouth 
of  two  or  three  witnesses  shall  every  word 
be  established."  Letters  were  soon  brous^ht 
me  from  many  brethren  in  Rome  asking 
about  this  very  matter,  whether  the  facts  were 
as  was  stated :  and  they  pointed  in  a  way 
to  make  me  weep  to  the  person  by  whom 
the  letter  had  been  circulated  among  the 
people.  He  who  dared  to  do  this,  what  will 
he  not  dare  to  do?  It  is  well  that  ill  will 
has  not  a  strength  equal  to  its  intentions. 
Innocence  would  be  dead  Ions:  ao^o  if  wicked- 
ness  were  always  allied  to  power,  and  calumny 
could  prevail  in  all  that  it  seeks  to  accomplish. 
It  was  impossible  for  him,  accomplished  as 
he  was,  to  copy  my  style  and  manner  of 
writing,  whatever  their  value  may  be  ;  amidst 
all  his  tricks  and  his  fraudulent  assump- 
tion of  another  man's  personality,  it  was 
evident  who  he  was.  It  is  this  same  man, 
then,  who  wrote  this  fictitious  letter  of  re- 
tractation in  my  name,  making  out  that  my 
translation  of  the  Hebrew  books  was  bad, 
who,  we  now  hear,  accuses  me  of  having 
translated  the  Holy  Scriptures  with  a  view 
to  disparage  the  Septuaglnt.  In  any  case, 
whether  my  translation  is  right  or  wrong,  I 
am  to  be  condemned  :  I  must  either  confess 
that  in  my  new  work  I  was  wrong,  or  else 
that  by  my  new  version  I  have  aimed  a  blow 
at  the  old.  I  wonder  that  in  this  letter  he 
did  not  make  me  out  as  guilty  of  homicide, 
or  adultery  or  sacrilege  or  parricide  or  any 
of  the  vile  things  wdiich  the  silent  working 
of  the  mind  can  revolve  within  itself.  Indeed 
I  ought  to  be  grateful  to  him  for  having  im- 
puted to'  me  no  more  than  one  act  of  error 
or  false  dealing  out  of  the  whole  forest  of 
possible  crimes.  Am  I  likely  to  have  said 
anything  derogatory  to  the  seventy  transla- 
tors, whose  work  I  carefully  purged  from 
corruptions  and  gave  to  Latin  readers  many 
years  ago,  and  daily  expound  it  at  our  con- 
ventual gatherings ;  ^  whose  version  of  the 
Psalms  has  so  long  been  the  subject  of  my 


1  Deut.  xvii,  6. 

2  This  translation  has  been  almost  wholly  lost.  The  parts 
which  remain  are  the  Book  of  Job,  the  Psalms,  and  the  Pref- 
ace to  the  Books  of  Chronicles. 


meditation  and  my  song.^  Was  I  so  foolish 
as  to  wish  to  forget  in  old  age  what  I  learned 
in  youth.'*  All  my  treatises  have  been  woven 
out  of  statements  warranted  by  their  version. 
My  commentaries  on  the  twelve  prophets 
are  an  explanation  of  their  version  as  well  as 
my  own.  How  uncertain  must  the  labours 
of  men  ever  be!  and  how  contrary  at  times 
to  their  own  intentions  are  the  results  which 
men's  studies  reach.  I  thought  that  I  desei*ved 
well  of  my  countrymen  the  Latins  by  this 
version,  and  had  given  them  an  incitement  to 
learning ;  for  it  is  not  despised  even  by  the 
Greeks  now  that  it  is  retranslated  into  their 
language  ;  yet  it  is  now  made  the  subject  of  a 
charge  against  me  ;  and  I  find  that  the  food 
pressed  upon  them  turns  upon  the  stomach. 
What  is  there  in  human  life  that  can  be  safe  if 
innocence  is  made  the  object  of  accusation.? 
I  am  the  householder  '  who  finds  that  while 
he  slept  the  enemy  has  sown  tares  among  his 
wheat.  "^  ''  The  wild  boar  out  of  the  wood 
has  rooted  up  my  vineyard,  and  the  strange 
wild  beast  has  devoured  it."  I  keep  silence, 
but  a  letter  that  is  not  mine  speaks  against 
me.  I  am  ignorant  of  the  crime  laid  against 
me,  yet  I  am  made  to  confess  the  crime  all 
through  the  world.  ^  '*  Woe  is  me,  my 
mother,  that  thou  hast  borne  me  a  man  to 
be  judged  and  condemned  ^  in  the  whole 
earth." 

25.  All  my  prefaces  to  the  books  of  the  Old 
Testament,  some  specimens  of  which  I  sub- 
join, are  witnesses  for  me  on  this  point ;  and 
it  is  needless  to  state  the  matter  otherwise 
than  it  is  stated  in  them.  I  will  begin  there- 
fore with  Genesis.  The  Prologue  is  as  fol- 
lows : 

I  have  received  letters  so  long  and  eagerly 
desired  from  my  dear  Desiderius '"  who,  as  if  the 
future  had  been  foreseen,  shares  his  name  with 
Daniel,^  entreating  me  to  put  our  friends  in  pos- 
session of  a  translation  of  the  Pentateuch  from 
Hebrew  into  Latin.  The  work  is  certainly  hazard- 
ous and  it  is  exposed  to  the  '  attacks  of  my  calum- 
niators, who  maintain  that  it  is  through  contempt 
of  the  Seventy  that  I  have  set  to  work  to  forge  a 
new  version  to  take  the  place  of  the  old.  They 
thus  test  ability  as  they  do  wine ;  whereas  I  have 
again  and  again  declared  that  I  dutifully  offer  in 
the  Tabernacle  of  God  what  I  can,  and  have 
pointed  out  that  the  great  gifts  which  one  man 
brings  are  not  marred  by  the  inferior  gifts  of 
another.  But  I  was  stimulated  to  undertake  the 
task  by  the  zeal  of  Origen,  who  blended  with  the 
old  edition  Theodotion's  translation  and  used 
throughout  the  work  as  distinguishing  marks  the 

1  Matt,  xiii,  25.        2  Ps.  ixxx,  13.        sjer.  xv,  10  (LXX). 
*  Or  examined.    The  Vulgate  agrees  with  A.  V.    *  A  man 
of  contention.' 

5  In  the  original  tliere  is  a  play  upon  words  —  Desideril 
desideratas. 

6  Thit  is,  Man  of  desires,  Dan.  ix,  23,  Margin. 
^  Lit.  barkings. 


Si6 


JEROME. 


asterisk  ♦  and  the  obelus  -H-,  that  is  the  star  and 
the  spit,  the  first  of  which  makes  what  had  previ- 
ously been  defective  to  beam  with  light,  while  the 
other  transfixes  and  slaughters  all  that  was  super- 
fluous. But  I  was  encouraged  above  all  by  the 
authoritative  publications  of  the  Evangelists  and 
Apostles,  in  which  we  read  much  taken  from  the  Old 
Testament  which  is  not  found  in  our  manuscripts. 
For  example,  '  Out  of  Egypt  have  I  called  my  Son ' 
(Matt.  ii.  15)  :  '  For  he  shall  be  called  a  Naza- 
rene'  {Ihid.  23):  and  'They  shall  look  on  him 
whom  they  pierced  '  TJohn  xix.  37)  :  and  '  Rivers  of 
living  water  shall  flow  out  of  his  belly  '  (John  vii. 
38)  :  and  '  Things  which  eye  hath  not  seen,  nor  ear 
heard,  nor  have  entered  into  the  heart  of  man, 
which  God  hath  prepared  for  them  that  love  him  ' 
(I.  Cor.  ii.  9),  and  many  other  passages  which 
lack  their  proper  context.  Let  us  ask  our  oppo- 
nents then  where  these  things  are  written,  and 
when  they  are  unable  to  tell,  let  us  produce  them 
from  the  Hebrew.  The  first  passage  is  in  Hosea, 
(xi.  i),  the  second  in  Isaiah  (xi.  i),  the  third  in 
Zechariah  (xii.  10),  the  fourth  in  Proverbs  (xviii. 
4),  the  fifth  also  in  Isaiah  (Ixiv.  4).  Being  igno- 
rant of  all  this  many  follow  the  ravings  of  the 
Apocrypha,  and  prefer  to  the  inspired  books  the 
melancholy  trash  which  comes  to  us  from  Spain.' 
It  is  not  for  me  to  explain  the  causes  of  the  error. 
The  Jews  say  it  was  deliberately  and  wisely  done 
to  prevent  ^  Ptolemy  who  was  a  monotheist  from 
thinking  the  Hebrews  acknowledged  two  deities. 
And  that  which  chiefly  influenced  them  in  thus 
acting  was  the  fact  that  the  king  appeared  to  be 
falling  into  Platonism.  In  a  word,  wherever 
Scripture  evidenced  some  sacred  truth  respecting 
Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit,  they  either  trans- 
lated the  passage  diflerently,  or  passed  it  over 
altogether  in  silence,  so  that  they  might  both 
,  satisfy,  the  king,  and  not  divulge  the  secrets  of  the 
/>j"  faith.  •  I  do  not  know  whose  false  imagination  led 
him  to  invent  the  story  of  the  ^  seventy  cells  at 
Alexandria,  in  which,  though  separated  from  each 
other,  the  translators  were  said  to  have  written 
the  same  words.  Aristeas,"*  the  champion  of  that 
same  Ptolemy, and  Josephus,  long  after,  relate  noth- 
ing of  the  kind;  their  account  is  that  the  Seventy 
assembled  in  one  basilica  consulted  together,  and 
did  not  prophesy.  For  it  is  one  thing  to  be  a 
prophet,  another  to  be  a  translator.  ,  The  former 
through  the  Spirit,  foretells  things  to  come; 
the  latter  must  use  his  learning  and  facility  in 
speech  to  translate  what  he  understands.     It  can 


1  The  passage  is  explained  by  Jerome's  own  words  in  the 
commentary  on  Is.  Ixiv.  "  Certain  silly  women  in  Spain,  and 
especially  in  I^usitania,  h:ive  been  deceived  into  acceptin^f 
as  truth  the  marvels  of  Basilides  and  Balsaneus'  treasury,  and 
even  of  Barbelo  and  Leusiboras."  Jerome  goes  on  to  add  that 
Irenieus  in  explaining  the  origin  of  many  heresies  pointed 
out  that  the  Gnostics  deceived  many  noble  \vomen  of  the  parts 
of  Gaul  about  the  Rhone,  and  afterwards  those  of  Spain,  fram- 
ing a  system  partly  of  myths  partly  of  immorality,  and  calling 
their  folly  by  the  name  of  philosophy.  See  also  Ep.  Jer.  Let- 
ter 120  to  Hedibia,  and  Com.  on  Amos  cf.  III. 

2  That  is  Ptolemy  commonly  known  as  the  son  of.  Lagus, 
but  the  reputed  son  of  Philip  of  Macedon  by  Arsinoe  Philip's 
concubine.  He  reigned  over  Egypt  from  B.  C.  323- 2S5.  He 
was  a  great  patron  of  learning,  and,  according  to  traditions 
current  among  the  fathers,  wishing  to  adorn  his  Alexandrian 
library  with  the  writings  of  all  nations,  he  requested  the  Jews 
of  Jerusalem  to  furnish  him  with  a  Greek  version  of  their 
Scriptures,  and  thus  originated  the  Septuagint. 

3  Irenaeus,  Justin  Martyr,  Epiphanius,  and  Augustine 
among  the  Latins,  adhere  to  the  inspiration  of  the  translators 
which  Jerome  here  rejects. 

*  Aristeas  was  an  officer  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  son  and 
successor  of  Ptolemy  Lagus.  The  so-called  letter  of  Aris- 
teas to  his  brother  Philocrates  ie  still  extant  in  Hody's  De 
Bihliorum  Textibus  OriginalibuSi&\.c.  (Oxon.  1705),  and  sepa. 
rately  in  a  small  volume  published  at  Oxford  1692. 


hardly  be  that  we  must  suppose  Tully  was  in- 
spired with  oratorical  spirit  when  he  translated 
Xenophon's  CEconomics,  Plato's  Protagoras,  and 
the  oration  of  Demosthenes  in  defence  of  Ctesi- 
phon.  Otherwise  the  Holy  Spirit  must  have 
quoted  the  same  books  in  one  sense  through  the 
Seventy  Translators,  in  another  through  the  Apos- 
tles, so  that,  whereas  they  said  nothing  of  a  given 
matter,  these  falsely  aftirm  that  it  was  so  written. 
What  then.'*  Are  we  condemning  our  predeces- 
sors.? By  no  means;  but  following  the  zealous 
labours  of  those  who  have  preceded  us  we  contrib- 
ute such  work  as  lies  in  our  power  in  the  name 
of  the  Lord.  They  translated  before  the  Advent 
of  Christ,  and  expressed  in  ambiguous  terms  that 
which  they  knew  not.  We  after  His  Passion  and 
Resurrection  write  not  prophecy  so  much  as. 
history.  For  one  style  is  suitable  to  what  we  hear, 
another  to  what  we  see.  The  better  we  under- 
stand a  subject,  the  better  we  describe  it.  Hearken 
then,  my  rival:  listen,  my  calumniator ;  I  do  not 
condemn,  I  do  not  censure  the  Seventy,  but  I  am 
bold  enough  to  prefer  the  Apostles  to  them  all.  It  is 
the  Apostle  through  whose  mouth  I  hear  the  voice 
of  Christ,  and  I  read  that  in  the  classification  of 
spiritual  gifts  they  are  placed  before  prophets 
(i  Cor.  xii.  28;  Eph.  iv.  11),  while  interpreters 
occupy  almost  the  lowest  place.  Why  are  you 
tormented  with  jealousy.''  Why  do  you  inflame 
the  minds  of  the  ignorant  against  mcf*  Wherever 
in  translation  I  seem  to  you  to  go  wrong,  ask  the 
Hebrews,  consult  their  teachers  in  diflerent  towns. 
The  words  which  exist  in  their  Scriptures  concern- 
ing Christ  your  copies  do  not  contain.  The  case 
is  different  if  they  have  ^  rejected  passages  which 
were  afterward  used  against  them  by  the  Apostles, 
and  the  Latin  texts  are  more  correct  than  the 
Greek,  the  Greek  than  the  Hebrew. 

[Chapters  26  to  32  are  taken  up  with  the 
quotation,  ahnost  in  full,  of  the  Preface  to 
the  Vulgate  translation  of  the  books  of  the 
Old  Testament.  It  is  unnecessary  to  give 
them  here.  They  have  all  the  same  design 
as  the  Preface  to  Genesis  already  given, 
namely  to  meet  the  objections  of  those  who 
represented  the  work  as  a  reproach  to  the 
LXX  which  was  then  supposed  to  have  al- 
most the  authority  of  inspiration.  The  same 
arguments,  illustrations,  and  even  words,, 
are  reiterated.  Readers  who  may  desire  to 
go  more  fully  into  Jerome's  statements  will 
find  these  Prefaces  translated  at  length  in 
his  works,  Vol.  VI  of  this  Series.] 

33.  In  reference  to  Daniel  my  answer 
will  be  that  I  did  not  say  that  he  was  not  a 
prophet;  on  the  contrary,  I  confessed  in  the 
very  beginning  of  the  Preface  that  he  was  a 
prophet.  But  I  wished  to  show  what  was 
the  opinion  upheld  by  the  Jews  ;  and  what 
were  the  arguments  on  which  they  relied  for 
its  proof.  I  also  told  the  reader  that  the 
version  read  in  the  Christian  churches  was 
not  that  of  the  Septuagint  translators  but 
that  of  Theodotion.  It  is  true,  I  said  that 
the  Septuagint  version  was  in  this  book  very 

1  Reading  reprobaverunt. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    II. 


517 


■clirt'erent  from  the  original,  and  that  it  was 
condemned  by  the  right  judgment  of  the 
churches  of  Christ ;  but  the  fault  was  not 
mine  who  only  stated  the  fact,  but  that  of 
those  who  read  the  version.  We  have  four 
versions  to  choose  from  :  those  of  Aquila, 
Symmachus,  the  Seventy,  and  Theodotion. 
The  churches  choose  to  read  Daniel  in  the 
version  of  Theodotion.  What  sin  have  I 
committed  in  following  the  judgment  of  the 
churches?  But  when  I  repeat  what  the 
Jev/s  say  against  the  Story  of  Susanna  and 
the  Hymn  of  the  Three  Children,  and  the 
fables  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  which  are  not 
contained  in  the  Hebrew  Bible,  the  man 
who  makes  this  a  charge  against  me  proves 
himself  to  be  a  fool  and  a  slanderer ;  for  I 
explained  not  what  I  thought  but  what  they 
commonly  say  against  us.  I  did  not  reply 
to  their  opinion  in  the  Preface,  because  I  was 
studying  brevity,  and  feared  that  I  should 
seem  to  be  writing  not  a  Preface  but  a  book. 
I  said  therefore,  "  As  to  which  this  is  not 
the  time  to  enter  into  discussion."  Other- 
wise from  the  fact  that  I  stated  that  Porphyry 
had  said  many  things  against  this  prophet, 
and  called,  as  witnesses  of  this,  Methodius, 
Eusebius,  and  Apollinarius,  who  have  re- 
plied to  his  folly  in  many  thousand  lines,  it 
will  be  in  his  power  to  accuse  me  for  not 
having  written  in  my  Preface  against  the 
books  of  Porphyry.  If  there  is  anyone  who 
pays  attention  to  silly  things  like  this,  I  must 
tell  him  loudly  and  freely,  that  no  one  is 
compelled  to  read  what  he  does  not  want; 
that  I  wrote  for  those  who  asked  me,  not  for 
those  who  would  scorn  me,  for  the  grateful 
not  the  carping,  for  the  earnest  not  the  in- 
different. Still,  I  wonder  that  a  man  should 
read  the  version  of  Theodotion  the  heretic 
and  judaizer,  and  should  scorn  that  of  a 
Christian,  simple  and  sinful  though  he  may 
be. 

34.  I  beg  you,  my  most  sweet  friend, 
who  are  so  curious  that  you  even  know  my 
dreams,  and  that  you  scrutinize  for  purposes 
of  accusations  all  that  I  have  written  during 
these  many  years  without  fear  of  future 
calumny ;  answer  me,  how  is  it  you  do  not 
know  the  prefaces  of  the  very  books  on  which 
you  ground  your  charges  against  me  ?  These 
prefaces,  as  if  by  some  prophetic  foresight, 
gave  the  answer  to  the  calumnies  that  were 
coming,  thus  fulfilling  the  proverb,  "  The 
antidote  before  the  poison."  What  harm  has 
been  done  to  the  churches  by  my  translation  ? 
You  bought  up,  as  I  knew,  at  great  cost  the 
versions  of  Aquila,  Symmachus,  and  Theo- 
dotion, and  the  Jewish  authors  of  the  fifth 
and    sixth    translations.     Your   Origen,  or, 


that  I  may  not  seem  to  be  wounding  you 
with  fictitious  praises,  our  Origen,  (for  I 
may  call  him  ours  for  his  genius  and  learn- 
ing, though  not  for  the  truth  of  his  doc- 
trines) in  all  his  books  explains  and 
expounds  not  only  the  Septuagint  but  the 
Jewish  versions.  Eusebius  and  Didymusdo 
the  same.  I  do  not  mention  Apollinarius, 
who,  with  a  laudable  zeal  though  not  ac- 
cording to  knowledge,  attempted  to  patch  up 
into  one  garment  the  rags  of  all  the  transla- 
tions, and  to  weave  a  consistent  text  of  Scrip- 
ture at  his  own  discretion,  not  according  to 
any  sound  rule  of  criticism.  The  Hebrew 
Scriptures  are  used  by  apostolic  men  ;  they 
are  used,  as  is  evident,  by  the  apostles  and 
evangelists.  Our  Lord  and  Saviour  himself 
whenever  he  refers  to  the  Scriptures,  takes 
his  quotations  from  the  Hebrew ;  as  in  the 
instance  of  the  words  '  "He  that  believeth 
on  me,  as  the  Scripture  hath  said,  out  of  his 
belly  shall  flow  rivers  of  living  water,"  and 
in  the  words  used  on  the  cross  itself,  "  Eli, 
Eli,  lama  sabachthani,"  which  is  by  inter- 
pretation "  My  God,  m.yGod,  why  hast  thou 
forsaken  me  ?  "  not,  as  it  is  given  by  the  Sep- 
tuagint, "  My  God,  my  God,  look  upon 
me,  why  hast  thou  forsaken  me.^  "  and  many 
similar  cases.  I  do  not  say  this  in  order  to 
aim  a  blow  at  the  seventy  translators  ;  but 
I  assert  that  the  Apostles  of  Christ  have  an 
authority  superior  to  theirs.  Wherever  the 
Seventy  agree  with  the  Hebrew,  the  apostles 
took  their  quotations  from  that  translation  ; 
but,  where  they  disagree,  they  set  down  in 
Greek  what  they  had  found  in  the  Hebrew. 
And  further,  I  give  a  challenge  to  my 
accuser.  I  have  shown  that  many  things  are 
set  down  in  the  New  Testament  as  coming 
from  the  older  books,  which  are  not  to  be 
found  in  the  Septuagint;  and  I  have 
pointed  out  that  these  exist  in  the  Hebrew. 
Now  let  him  show  that  there  is  anything  in 
the  New  Testament  which  comes  from  the 
Septuagint  but  which  is  not  found  in  the 
Hebrew,  and  our  controversy  is  at  an  end. 

35.  By  all  this  it  is  made  clear,  first  that 
the  version  of  the  Seventy  translators  which 
has  gained  an  established  position  by  having 
been  so  long  in  use,  was  profitable  to  the 
churches,  because  that  by  its  means  the  Gen- 
tiles heard  of  the  coming  of  Christ  before  he 
came ;  secondly,  that  the  other  translators 
are  not  to  be  reproved,  since  it  was  not  their 
own  works  that  they  published  but  the  divine 
books  which  they  translated  ;  and,  thirdly, 
that  my  own  familiar  friend  should  frankly 
accept  from   a  Christian  and   a  friend  what 

1  John  vii,  38,  supposed  to  be  taken  from  Prov.  xviii,  4,  or 
Is.  Iviii,  II . 


5i8 


JEROME. 


he  has  taken  great  pains  to  obtain  from  the 
Jews  and  has  written  down  for  him  at  great 
cost.  I  have  exceeded  the  bounds  of  a  letter  ; 
and,  though  I  had  taken  pen  in  hand  to  con- 
tend against  a  wicked  heresy,  I  have  been 
compelled  to  make  answer  on  my  own  be- 
half,   while   waiting   for   my    friend's   three 


books,  and  in  a  state  of  constant  mental 
suspense  about  the  charges  he  had  heaped 
up  against  me.  It  is  easier  to  guard  against 
one  who  professes  hostility  than  to  make  head 
against  an  enemy  who  lurks  under  the  guise 
of  a  friend. 


JEROME'S   APOLOGY  IN  ANSWER    TO    RUFINUS  —  BOOK  ITI, 


The  two  first  books  formed  a  complete  whole,  but  it  was  intimated  that  there  might  be  more  to  come  when 
Jerome  should  have  received  Rufinus'  work  in  full.  The  two  first  books  were  brought  to  Rufinus  by  the  captain 
of  a  merchant-ship  trading  with  Aquileia,  together  with  a  copy  of  Jerome's  friendly  letter  which  had  been  sup- 
pressed by  Pammachius.  The  bearer  had  (as  stated  by  Rufinus,  though  Jerome  mocks  at  this  as  impossible)  only 
two  days  to  wait.  Chromatins  the  Bishop  of  Aquileia  urged  that  the  strife  should  now  cease,  and  prevailed  so 
far  as  that  Rufinus  made  no  public  reply.  He  wrote  a  private  letter,  however,  to  Jerome,  which  has  not  come 
down  to  us,  and  which  does  not  seem,  from  the  extracts  given  in  c.  4,  6,  etc.,  to  have  been  of  a  pacific  tenor.  Its 
details  may  be  gathered  from  Jerome's  reply.  Jerome  intimates  that  it  sought  to  involve  him  in  heresy,  that  it 
renewed  and  aggravated  the  former  accusations,  speaking  of  him  in  language  fit  only  for  the  lowest  characters 
on  the  stage;  and  that  it  declared  that,  if  its  writer  had  been  so  minded,  he  could  have  produced  facts  which 
would  have  been  the  destruction  of  his  adversary.  Jerome,  though  receiving  some  expressions  of  the  desire  of 
Chromatins  that  he  should  not  reply  (perhaps  also  the  regretful  expostulation  of  Augustin,  —  Jer.  Letter  ex,  6, 
Aug.  Letter  73)  declared  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  yield.  He  could  not  refrain  from  defending  himself 
from  a  capital  chatge,  nor  could  he  spare  the  heretics.     Peace  could  only  come  by  unity  in  the  faith. 

-  I.     Your  letter  is  full  of  falsehood  and  violence.     I  will  try  not  to  take  the  same  tone. 

2.  Why  cannot  we  differ  as  friends?     Why  do  you,  by  threats  of  death,  compel  me  to  answer? 

3,  4.     Your  shameful  taunt  that  I  wished  to  get   copies  of  your  Apology  by  bribing  your  Secretary  is  an 
imputation  to  me  of  practices  which  are  your  own. 

5.     Eusebius  should  not  have  accused  you;   but  your  charges  against  him  will  not  stand. 

-  6.     You  taunt  me  with  boasting  of  my  eloquence.      Will  you  boast  of  your  illiteracy? 

7,  8.     You  wish  first  to  praise,  then  to  amend  me,   but  both  with  fisticuffs;  and  make  it  impossible  for  me 
to  k-^ep  silence. 

9.     Why  cannot  you  join  with  me  in  condemning  Origen,  and  so  put  an  end  to  our  quarrel? 
The  assertion  that  you  had  only  two  days  for  your  answer  is  a  fiction. 
Your  translation,  contrariwise  to  my  Commentaries,  vouches  for  the  soundness  of  Origen. 
You  try  to  shield  Origen  by  falsely  attributing  the  Apology  for  him  to  Pamphilus. 
In  my  Commentaries  my  quotation  of  opposite  opinions  shows  that  neither  is  mine. 
Had  you  translated  honestly,  you  would  not  have  had  Origen's  heresies  imputed  to  you. 
You  say  the  Bishops  of  Italy  accept  your  views  on  the  Resurrection.     I  doubt  it. 

You  rashly  say  that  you  will  agree  to  whatever  Theophilus  lays  down.     You  have  to  consider  your 
friendship  for  Isidore  now  his  enemy. 

17,  18.     You  speak  of  the  Egyptian  Bishop  Paul.     We  received  him,  though  an  Origenist,  as  a  stranger; 
and  he  has  united  himself  to  the  orthodox  faith.     Not  only  Theophilus  but  the  Emperors  condemn  Origen. 

19.  Against  Vigilantius  I  wrote  only  what  was  right.     I  knew  who  had  stirred  him  up  against  me. 

20.  As  to  the  letter  of  Pope  Anastasius  condemning  you,  you  will  find  that  it  is  genuine. 

21.  Siricius  who  is  dead  may  have  written  in  your  favour;   Anastasius  who  is  living  writes  to  the  East 
against  you. 

'•22.     My  departure  from  Rome  for  the  East  had  nothing  blameable  in  it  as  you  insinuate. 

23.  Epiphanius,  it  is  true,  gave  you  the  kiss  of  peace;   but  he  showed  afterwards  that  he  had  come  to 
distrust  you. 

24.  When  we  parted  as  friends  I  believed  you  a  true  believer;   no  one  was  sent  to  Rome  to  injure  you. 

25.  You  swear  that  you  did  not  write  my  pretended  retractation.     Your  style  betrays  you,  and  I  have 
given  a  full  answer  about  my  translations  already. 

-  26.     You  bid  me  beware  of  falsification  and  treachery.     You  warn  me  against  yourself. 
27.     There  is  nothing  inconsistent  in  praising  a  man  for  some  things  and  blaming  him  in  others.     You. 
have  done  it  in  my  case. 


10. 
II. 
12. 

13- 
14. 

15- 

16. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    III. 


5^9 


28-31.  My  ignorance  of  many  natural  phenomena  is  no  excuse  for  your  ignorance  as  to  the  origin  of  souls. 
You  ought,  according  to  your  boasting  dream  to  know  everything.  The  thing  of  most  importance  was  forgotten 
in  your  cargo  of  Eastern  wares. 

*  32.     Your  dream  was  a  boast :  mine  of  which  you  accuse  me  humbled  me. 

^^.     It  was  not  I  who  first  disclosed  your  heresies,  but  Epiphanius  long  ago  and  Aterbius  before  him. 

34-36.  As  to  our  translations  of  the  liepl  ^Apx^v,  yours  was  doing  harm,  and  mine  was  necessary  in  self- 
defence.     You  should  be  glad  that  heresy  is  exposed. 

37.  Your  Apology  for  Origen  did  not  save  him  but  involved  you  in  heresy. 

38.  My  friendly  letter  was  to  prevent  discord  :  the  other  to  crush  false  opinions. 

39.  40.     Pythagoras  was  rightly  quoted  by  me.     I  produce  some  of  his  sayings. 

41,  42.  You  threaten  me  with  destruction.  I  will  not  replv  in  the  same  way.  Personalities  should  be 
excluded  from  controversies  of  faith, 

43,  44.  The  way  of  peace  is  through  the  wisdom  taught  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  and  through  unity  in  the 
faith. 


1  have  read  the  letter  ^  which  you  in  your 
wisdom  have  written  me.  You  inveigh 
against  me,  and,  though  you  once  praised 
me  and  called  me  true  partner  and  brother, 
you  now  write  books  to  summon  me  to 
reply  to  the  charges  with  which  you  ter- 
rify me.  I  see  that  in  you  are  fulfilled 
the  words  of  Solomon  :  ^ ''  In  the  mouth  of 
the  foolish  is  the  rod  of  ^  contumely,"  and 
*  "  A  fool  receives  not  the  words  of  prudence, 
unless  you  say  what  is  passing  in  his  heart ;  " 
and  the  words  of  Isaiah  :  ^  "■  The  fool  will 
speak  folly,  and  his  heart  will  understand 
vain  things,  to  practise  iniquity  and  speak 
falsehood  against  the  Lord."  For  what 
need  was  there  for  you  to  send  me  whole 
volumes  full  of  accusation  and  malediction, 
and  to  bring  them  before  the  public,  when 
in  the  end  of  your  letter  you  threaten  me 
with  death  if  I  dare  to  reply  to  your  slan- 
ders—  I  beg  i^ardon  —  to  your  praises  .f^ 
For  your  praises  and  your  accusations 
amount  to  the  same  thing;  from  the  same 
fountain  proceed  both  sweet  and  bitter.  I 
beg  you  to  set  me  the  example  of  the  modesty 
and  shamefacedness  which  you  recommend 
to  me  ;  you  accuse  another  of  lying  :  cease 
to  be  a  liar  yourself.  I  wish  to  give  no  one 
an  occasion  of  stumbling,  and  I  will  not  be- 
come your  accuser  ;  for  I  have  not  to  con- 
sider merely  what  you  deserve  but  what  is 
becoming  in  me.  I  tremble  at  our  Saviour's 
words.  '^  '•  Whosoever  shall  cause  one  of 
these  little  ones  that  believe  in  m.e  to  stum- 
ble, it  were  better  for  him  that  a  great  mill 
stone  were  hanged  about  his  neck  and  he 
were  drowned  in  the  depths  of  the  sea  ; " 
and  ^  "Woe  unto  the  world  because  of  occa- 
sions of  stumbling^ :  for  it  must  needs  be 
that  occasions  arise  ;  but  woe  to  the  man 
through  whom  the  occasion  cometh."  It 
would  have  been  possible  for  me  too  to  pile 

^  That  is,  private  letter,  now  lost,  which  was  sent  with  the 
two  books  of  Rufinus'  Apology. 

2  Prov.  xiv,  3.  3  Pride  A.  V.  and  Vulgate. 
4  Prov.  xviii,  2,  as  in  Vulgate  version. 

^  Is.  xxxii,  5.  The  words  are  not  those  of  the  Vulgate,  nor 
of  the  A.  V. 

6  Mark  ix,  42.  i  Matt,  xviii,  7. 


up  falsehoods  against  you  and  to  say  that  I 
had  heard  or  seen  what  no  one  had  observed, 
so  that  among  the  ignorant  my  efirontery 
might  be  taken  for  veracity,  and  my  vie^lence 
for  resolution.  But  far  be  it  from  me  to  be 
an  imitator  of  you,  and  to  do  myself  what 
I  denounce  in  you.  He  who  is  capable  of 
doing  filthy  things  may  use  filthy  words. 
'  "  The  evil  man  out  of  the  evil  treasure  of 
his  heart  bringeth  forth  that  which  is  evil ; 
for  out  of  the  abundance  of  the  heart  the 
mouth  speaketh."  You  may  count  it  as 
good  fortune  that  one  whom  you  once  called 
friend  but  now  accuse  has  no  mind  to  make 
vile  imputations  against  you.  I  say  this  not 
from  any  dread  of  the  sword  of  your  accusa- 
tion, but  because  I  prefer  to  be  accused 
than  to  be  the  accuser,  to  sufier  an  injury 
than  to  do  one.  I  know  the  precept  of  the 
Apostle:  ^"Dearly  beloved  avenge  not 
yourselves  but  rather  give  place  unto  wrath  : 
for  it  is  written  Vengeance  is  mine,  I  will 
repay  saith  the  Lord.  Therefore,  if  thine 
enemy  hunger  feed  him,  if  he  thirst  give 
him  drink  ;  for  in  so  doing  thou  shalt  heap 
coals  of  fire  upon  his  head."  For  he  that 
avenofes  himself  cannot  claim  the  vindication 
of  the  Lord. 

2.  But,  before  I  make  my  answer  to 
your  letter,  I  must  expostulate  with  you ; 
you  who  are  first  in  age  among  the  monks, 
good  presbyter,  follower  of  Christ ;  is  it 
possible  for  you  to  wish  to  kill  your  brother, 
when  even  to  hate  him  is  to  be  a  homicide.'^ 
Have  you  learned  from  your  Saviour  the 
lesson  that  if  one  strike  you  on  the  one 
cheek  you  should  turn  to  him  the  other  also? 
Did  not  he  make  answer  to  the  man  wdio 
struck  him,  ^ "  If  I  have  spoken  evil,  bear 
witness  of  the  evil,  but  if  well,  why  smitest 
thou  me.^"  You  threaten  me  with  death, 
which  can  be  inflicted  on  us  even  by  ser- 
pents. To  die  is  the  lot  of  all,  to  commit 
homicide  only  of  the  weak  man.  What 
then.f^  If  you  do  not  kill  me  shall  I  never 
die  ?     Perhaps  I  ought  to  be  grateful  to  you 


1  Luke  vi,  45.        2  Rom.  xii,  19,  20.         3  John  xviii,  23. 


520 


JEROME. 


that  you  turn  this  necessity  into  a  virtue. 
We  read  of  Apostles  quarrelling,  namely 
Paul  and  Barnabas  who  were  angry  with 
each  other  on  account  of  John  whose  sur- 
name was  Mark  ;  those  who  were  united  by 
the  bonds  of  Christ's  gospel  were  separated 
for  a  voyage  ;  but  they  still  remained  friends. 
Did  not  the  same  Paul  resist  Peter  to 
the  face  because  he  did  not  walk  uprightly 
in  the  Gospel?  Yet  he  speaks  of  him  as 
his  predecessor  in  the  Gospel,  and  as  a 
pillar  of  the  church  ;  and  he  lays  before  him 
his  mode  of  preaching,  ' '  lest  he  should  be 
running,  or  had  run  in  vain.'  Do  not  chil- 
dren differ  from  parents  and  wives  from 
husbands  in  reli odious  matters,  while  vet 
domestic  affections  remain  unimpaired.  If 
you  are  as  I  am,  why  should  you  hate  me? 
Even  if  you  believe  differently,  why  should 
you  wish  to  kill  me?  Is  it  so,  that  whoever 
differs  from  you  is  to  be  slain  ?  I  call  upon 
Jesus  who  will  judge  what  I  am  now  writing 
and  your  letter  also,  as  a  witness  upon  my 
conscience,  that  when  the  reverend  bishop 
Chromatins  begged  me  to  keep  silence,  my 
wish  was  to  do  so,  and  thus  to  make  an  end 
of  our  dissensions,  and  to  overcome  evil 
with  good.  But,  now  that  you  threaten  me 
with  destruction,  I  am  compelled  to  reply  ; 
otherwise,  my  silence  will  be  taken  as  an 
acknowledgment  of  the  crime,  and  you  will 
interpret  my  moderation  as  the  sign  of  an 
evil  conscience. 

3.  The  dilemma  in  which  I  am  placed  is 
of  your  making:  it  is  brought  out,  not  from 
the  resources  of  dialectics,  of  which  you  are 
ignorant,  but  from  among  the  tools  of  the 
murderer  and  with  an  intention  like  his.  If 
I  keep  silence,  I  am  held  guilty  :  if  I  speak,  I 
become  an  evil  speaker.  You  at  once  for- 
bid me  to  answer  and  compel  me.  Well, 
then  ;  I  must  shun  excess  on  both  sides.  I  will 
say  nothing  that  is  injurious  ;  but  I  must  dissi- 
pate the  charges  made  against  me,  for  it  is 
impossible  not  to  be  afraid  of  a  man  who  is 
prepared  to  kill  you.  And  I  will  do  this  in 
the  order  of  what  you  have  now  set  before 
me,  leaving  the  rest  as  they  are  in  those  most 
learned  books  of  yours  which  I  confuted  be- 
fore I  had  read  them. 

You  say  that  '  you  sent  your  accusation 
against  me  not  to  the  many  but  only  to  those 
who  had  been  offended  by  what  I  had  said  ;  for 
one  ought  to  speak  to  Christians  not  for  dis- 
play but  for  edification.'  Whence  then,  I  beg 
you  to  consider,  did  the  report  of  your  having 
written  these  books  reach  me?  Who  was  it 
that  sowed  them  broadcast  through  Rome  and 


1  Gal.  ii,  2. 


Italy  and  the  islands  of  the  coast  of  Dalmatia? 
How  did  these  charges  against  me  ever  come 
to  my  ears,  if  they  were  only  lurking  in  your 
desk,  and  those  of  your  friends  ?  How  can  you 
dare  to  say  that  you  are  speaking  as  a  Chris- 
tian not  for  display  but  for  edification  when 
you  set  yourself  in  mature  age  to  say  things 
against  your  equal  which  a  murderer  could 
hardly  say  of  a  thief,  or  a  harlot  against  one  of 
her  class,  or  a  buffoon  against  a  farce-player  ? 
You  have  for  ever  so  long  been  labouring  to 
bring  forth  these  mountains  of  accusations 
against  me  and  sharpening  these  swords  to 
pierce  my  throat.  Your  cries  have  been  as 
loud  as  Ceres'  complaints  ^  or  a  driver's  shouts 
to  his  horses.  Was  this  to  make  all  the  prov- 
inces through  which  they  resounded  read 
the  praise  you  wrote  of  me  ?  and  recite  your 
panegyrics  upon  me  in  every  street,  every 
corner,  even  in  the  weaving-shops  of  the 
women?  This  is  the  religious  restraint  and 
Christian  edification  of  which  you  speak. 
Your  reserve,  your  reticence  is  such  that  men 
come  to  me  from  the  West,  crowd  upon 
crowd,  and  tell  me  of  your  abuse  of  me  ;  and 
this,  though  only  from  memory,  yet  with 
such  exact  agreement  that  I  was  obliged  ^  to 
make  my  answer,  not  to  your  writings  which 
I  had  not  then  read,  but  to  what  was  said 
to  be  contained  in  them,  and  to  intercept 
with  the  shield  of  truth  the  missiles  of 
mendacity  w4iich  were  flying  about  through 
all  the  world. 

4.     Your  letter  goes  on  : 

"Prajdo  nottrouble  yourself  to  give  alargesum 
of  gold  to  bribe  mj  secretary,  as  jour  friends  did  in 
the  case  of  my  papers  containing  the  ViEpl  'Apjwp, 
before  they  had  been  corrected  and  brought  to  com- 
pletion, so  that  thej  might  more  easily  falsify 
documents  which  no  one  possessed,  or  at  least  very 
few.  Accept  the  document  which  I  send  you 
gratis,  though  you  would  be  glad  to  pay  a  largQ 
sum  to  buy  it." 

I  should  have  thought  you  would  be 
ashamed  of  such  a  beginning  of  your  work. 
What !  I  bribe  your  Secretary  !  Is  there  any 
one  who  would  attempt  to  vie  with  the  wealth 
of  Croesus^  and  Darius?^  who  is  there  that 
does  not  tremble  when  he  is  suddenly  con- 
fronted with  a  Demaratus  "*  or  a  Crassus?" 
Have  you  become  so  brazen-faced,  that  you 
put  your  trust  in  lies  and  think  lies  will  pro- 
tect you  and  that  we  shall  believe  every  fiction 
which  you  choose  to  frame?    Who  then  was 

1  When  she  lost  her  daughter  Proserpine  and  lamented  her 
throughout  the  world. 

2  In  the  two  first  books  of  the  Apology. 

3  Kings  of  Lydia  and  Persia  notorious  for  their  wealth. 

4  Father  of  Tarquinius  Priscus,  said  to  have  been  a  wealthy 
immigrant  from  Corinth. 

y  The  triumvir  ;  surnamed  the  Rich  :  murdered  in  Persia  B.C. 

52. 


APOLOGY— BOOK   III. 


521 


it  who  stole  that  letter  in  which  you  were  so 
highly  praised,  from  the  cell  of  our  brother 
Eusebius?  Whose  artfulness  was  it,  and  whose 
accomplices,  through  which  a  certain  docu- 
ment was  found  in  the  lodgings  of  that  Chris- 
tian woman  Fabiola  and  of  that  wise  man 
Oceanus,  which  they  themselves  had  never 
seen?  Do  you  think  that  you  are  innocent  be- 
cause you  can  cast  upon  others  all  the  imputa- 
tions which  properly  belong  to  you  ?  Is  every 
one  who  offends  you,  however  guiltless  and 
harmless  he  may  be,  at  once  held  to  become  a 
criminal?  You  think  so,  I  suppose,  because 
you  are  possessed  of  that  through  which  the 
chastity  of  Danae  ^  was  broken  down,  that 
which  had  more  power  with  Gihazi  than  his 
master's  sacred  character,  that  for  which 
Judas  betrayed  his  Master.^ 

5.  Let  us  understand  what  was  the 
wrong  done  by  my  friend  ^  who,  you  say 
*  falsified  parts  of  your  papers  when  they 
had  not  yet  been  corrected  nor  carried  to 
completion,  and  it  was  the  more  possible  to 
falsify  them  because  very  few  if  any  as  yet 
possessed  them.'  "*  I  have  already  said,  and 
I  now  repeat,  with  protestations  in  the 
presence  of  God,  that  I  did  not  approve  his 
accusing  you,  nor  of  any  Christian  accusing 
another  Christian  ;  for  what  need  is  there 
that  matters  which  can  be  corrected  or  set 
right  in  private  should  be  published  abroad 
to  the  stumbling  and  fall  of  many?  But 
since  each  man  lives  for  his  own  gullet,  and 
a  man  does  not  by  becoming  your  friend 
become  master  of  your  will,  while  I  blame 
the  accusing  of  a  brother  even  when  it  is 
true,  so  also  I  cannot  accept  against  a  man 
of  saintly  character  this  accusation  of  falsify- 
ing your  papers.  How  could  a  man  who 
only  knows  Latin  change  anything  in  a 
translation  from  the  Greek  ?  Or  how  could 
he  take  out  or  put  in  anything  in  such  books 
as  the  Uepl  'Apxo)^,  in  which  everything  is  so 
closely  knit  together  that  one  part  hangs 
upon  another,  and  anything  that  may  be 
taken  out  or  put  in  to  suit  your  will  must  at 
once  show  out  like  a  patch  on  a  garment? 
What  you  ask  me  to  do,  it  is  for  you  to  do 
yourself.  Put  on  at  least  a  small  measure 
of  natural  if  not  of  Christian  modesty  in 
your  assertions  ;  do  not  despise  and  trample 
upon  your  conscience,  and  imagine  yourself 
justified  by  a  show  of  words,  when  the  facts 
are   against  you.     If  Eusebius  bought  your 


1  Jove  was  said  to  have  seduced  Danae  by  changing  himself 
into  a  shower  of  gold. 

2Jerome  often  taunts  Rufinus  with  being  rich  and  luxu- 
rious.    See  Letter  cxxv,  18. 

3  Necessarius.  This  no  doubt  applies  to  Eusebius  of 
Cremona  or  to  Paulinian,  Jerome's  brother,  (Jer  Ap.  i,  21,  28.) 
See  Ruf.  Ap.  i,  19,  where  a  similar  charge  is  made 

*  Quoted  from  Rufinus'  letter  to  Jerome,  now  lost. 


uncorrected  papers  for  money  m  order  to 
falsify  them,  produce  the  genuine  papers 
which  have  not  been  falsified :  and  if  you 
can  shew  that  there  is  nothing  heretical  in 
them,  he  will  become  amenable  to  the  charge 
of  forgery.  But,  however  much  you  may 
alter  or  correct  them,  you  will  not  make 
them  out  to  be  catholic.  If  the  error 
existed  only  in  the  words  or  in  some  few 
statements,  what  is  bad  might  be  cut  off 
and  what  is  good  be  substituted  for  it.  But, 
when  the  whole  discussion  ^  proceeds  on  a 
single  principle,  namely,  the  notion  that  the 
whole  universe  of  reasonable  creatures  have 
fallen  by  their  own  will,  and  will  hereafter 
return  to  a  condition  of  unity :  and  that 
again  from  that  starting  point  another  fall 
will  begin :  what  is  there  that  you  can 
amend,  unless  you  alter  the  whole  book? 
But  if  you  were  to  think  of  doing  this,  you 
would  no  longer  be  translating  another 
man's  work  but  composing  a  work  of  your 
own. 

However,  I  hardly  see  which  way  your 
argument  tends.  I  suppose  you  mean  that 
the  papers  being  uncorrected  and  not  having 
undergone  a  final  revising  were  more  easily 
falsified  by  Eusebius.  Perhaps  I  am  stupid  ; 
but  the  argument  appears  to  me  somewhat 
foolish  and  pointless.  If  the  papers  w^ere 
uncorr  ected  and  had  not  undergone  their 
final  revision,  the  errors  in  them  must  be 
imputed  not  to  Eusebius  but  to  your  sloth 
and  delay  in  putting  of^'  their  correction  ; 
and  all  the  blame  that  can  be  laid  upon  him 
is  that  he  circulated  among  the  body  of 
Christians  writings  which  you  had  intended 
in  course  of  time  to  correct.  But  if,  as  you 
assert,  Eusebius  falsified  them,  why  do  you 
put  forward  the  allegation  that  they  were 
uncorrected,  and  that  they  had  gone  out 
before  the  public  without  their  final  revision? 
For  papers  whether  corrected  or  uncorrected 
are  equally  susceptible  of  falsification.  But, 
No  one,  you  say  possessed  these  books,  or 
very  few.  What  contradictions  this  single 
sentence  exhibits !  If  no  one  had  these 
books,  how  could  they  be  in  the  hands  of 
a  few?  If  a  few  possessed  them,  why  do 
you  state  falsely  that  there  were  none? 
Then,  when  you  say  that  a  few  had  them, 
and  by  your  own  confession  the  statement 
that  no  one  had  them  is  overthrown,  what 
becomes  of  your  complaint  that  your  secre- 
tary was  bribed  with  money  ?  Tell  us  the 
secretary's  name,  the  amount  of  the  bribe, 
the  place,  the  intermediary,  the  recipient. 
Of  course  the  traitor  has  been  cast  oft'  from 


1  That  is  in  Origen's  Ilepl  'Apx^i'. 


522 


JEROME. 


you,  and  one  convicted  of  so  great  a  crime 
has  been  separated  from  all  familiarity  with 
you.     Is  it  not  more  likely  to  be  true   that 
the    copies    of    the    work    which    Eusebius 
obtained    were     given    him    by    those    few 
friends  whom  you   speak  of,  especially  since 
tliese   copies   agree    and    coincide    with    one 
another   so  completely   that  there  is  not  the 
difference  of  a  single  stroke.     We  might  ask 
also   whether  it  was   quite    wise    to    give    a 
copy   to   others  which  you   had   not  yet  cor- 
rected?    The    documents   had    not    received 
their   last   corrections,    and    yet   other    men 
possessed  these  errors  of  yours  which  needed 
correction.     Do  you  not  see  that   your  false- 
hood will  not  hold  together.?      Besides,  what 
profit  was  there   for  you,   at    that  particular 
moment  —  how  would  it  have    helped    you 
in  escaping  from  the'  condemnation    of  the 
bishops  —  that  the  book  which  was  the  sub- 
ject of  discussion  should  be    open   to  every- 
one, and  that  you  should  thus  be  refuted  by 
your  own  words.?     From  all   this  it  is  clear, 
according    to    the    epigram    of    the     famous 
orator,  that  you  have  a  good   will   for  a  lie, 
but  not  the  art  of  framinof  it. 

6.     I  will  follow  the  order    of  your  letter, 
and  subjoin  your   very  words   as    you   spoke 
them.     "  I  admit,  that,  as  you  say,  I  praised 
your  eloquence  in  my  Preface  ;   and  I  would 
praise  it  again  now  were  it  not  that    contrary 
to  the  advice    of  your    Tully,    you    make   it 
hateful    by  excessive  boastful n ess."     Where 
have  I  boasted  of  my  eloquence  ?     I  did  not 
even  accept  willingly  the   praise  which   you 
bestowed  on    it.      Perhaps   your    reason   for 
saying  this  is  that  you  do  not  wish,  yourself, 
to    be    flattered    by    public    praise    given    in 
guile.     Rest  assured    you    shall   be   accused 
openly ;  you    reject    one  who  would    praise 
you  ;  you  shall  have  experience   of  one  who 
openly  arraigns  you.     I  was  not  so  foolish  as 
to  criticize  your  illiterate    stvle ;   no    one  can 
expose  it  to  condemnation  so  strongly  as  you 
do  whenever  you  write.     I   only   wished  to 
show  your  fellow-disciples  who   shared  your 
lack  of  literary  training  what   progress   you 
had    made  during  your    thirty    years    in    the 
East,   an  illiterate   writer,  who  takes   impu- 
dence for  eloquence,  and  universal  evil  speak- 
ing a  sign  of  a   good  conscience.     I  am   not 
going  to  administer  the  ferule ;   I  do    not  as- 
sume, as  you  put  it,  to   apply  the   strokes  of 
the  leather  thong  to  teach  an  aged  pupil  his 
letters.     But  the  fact  is  your  eloquence    and 
teaching  is  so  sparkling  that  we   mere   tract- 
writers  cannot  bear   it,   and  you   dazzle  our 
eyes   with    the    acuteness   of  your  talents  to 
such  an  extent  that  we  must  all   seem  to  be 
envious  of  you  ;  and  we  must  really  join   in 


the  attempt  to  suppress  you,  for,  if  once  you 
obtain  the  primacy  among  us  as  a  writer,  and 
stand  on  the  summit  of  the   rhetorical   arch, 
all  of  us  who  profess  to  know  anything  will 
not  be    allowed   to   mutter    a    word.     I  am, 
according  to  you,  a  philosopher  and  an  ora- 
tor, grammarian,  dialectician,  one  who  knows 
Hebrew,    Greek    and   Latin,    a    '  trilingual ' 
man.     On    this    estimate,  you    also    will  be 
'  bilingual,'    who    know   enough    Latin    and 
Greek  to  make  the  Greek   think  you  a  Latin 
scholar   and    the    Latin    a    Greek :    and    the 
bishop  Epiphanius  will  be  a  '  pentaglossic  ^ 
man '     since    he    speaks    in    five    languages 
against  you  and  your  favorite.^     But  I  won- 
der at  the    rashness  which  made  you    dare 
to  say  to  one  so  accomplished  as  you  profess 
to  think  me  :  "  You,  whose  accomplishments 
give  you  so  many  watchful  eyes,  how  can  you 
be  pardoned  if  you  go  wrong.?    How  can  you 
fail    to  be  buried  in  the    silence   of  a   never 
ending  shame?"     When  I  read  this,  and  re- 
flected that  I  must  somewhere  or  other  have 
made  a  slip  in   my  words  (for  ^  "  if  any  man 
does  not  go  wrong   in  word,  the  same   is  a 
perfect    man ")    and  was  expecting  that    he 
was  about  to  expose   some  of  my  faults  ;  all 
of  a  sudden  I  came  upon  the  words  :  ^'  Two 
days   before  the  carrier  of  this  letter   set  out 
your  declamation  against  me  was  put  into  my 
hands."  What  became  then  of  those  threats  of 
yours,  and  of  your  words  :   "  How  can   you 
be    pardoned  if  you  go   wrong?     How  can 
you  fail  to  be  covered  with   the   silence  of  a 
never   ending  shame?"     Yet   perhaps,   not- 
withstanding the  shortness  of  the   time,  you 
were  able  to   put  this  in  order ;  or  else  you 
were  intending  to  hire  in  one  of  the  learned 
sort,  who  would  expect  to  find  in  my  works 
the  ornaments  and  gems  of  an  eloquence  like 
yours.     You  wrote  before  this  :  "  Accept  the 
document  which  I  send  which  you  wished  to 
buy  at  a  great  price ;  "  but  now  you   speak 
w^ith  the  pretence  of  humility.      "  I  intended 
to  follow  your  example  ;  but,  since  the  mes- 
senger who  was  returning  to  you  was  hurry- 
ing back  again  I   thought  it  better  to  write 
shortly    to    you     than    at    greater    length    to 
others."     In   the  meantime  you  boldly  take 
pleasure  in  your  illiteracy.    Indeed  you  once 
confessed  it,  declaring  that  '  it  was  superflu- 
ous to  notice   a   few  faults   of  style,  when  it 
was  acknowledo:ed  that   there  were  faults  in 
every  part.'     I  will  not  therefore   find   fault 
with  you  for  putting  down  that  a    document 
was  acquired  when  you    meant  that   it  was 
bought;  though   acquiring  is  said   of  things 
like    in    kind,   whereas   buying  implies    the 

1  P'ive  tongued. 

3  Amasium,  sweetheart;  namely,  Origen.        sjas.  iii,  2. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    III. 


523 


counting  out  of  money  :  nor  for  such  a  sen- 
tence as  ''as  he  who  was  returning  to  you 
was  hurrying  back  again  "  which  is  a  redun- 
dancy worthy  of  the  poorest  style  of  diction. 
I  will  only  reply  to  the  arguments,  and  will 
convict  you,  not  of  solecisms  and  barbarisms, 
but  of  falsehood,  cunning  and  impudence. 

7.  If  it  is  true  that  you  write  a  letter  to 
me  so  as  to  admonish  me,  and  because  you 
wish  that  I  should  be  reformed,  and  that  you 
do  not  wish  that  men  should  have  a  stumbling 
block  put  in  their  way,  and  that  some  may 
be  driven  mad  and  others  be  put  to  silence  ; 
why  do  you  write  books  addressed  to  others 
agahist  me,  and  scatter  them  by  your  myrmi- 
dons for  the  whole  world  to  read?  And 
what  becomes  of  your  dilemma  in  which 
you  try  to  entangle  me,  "  Whom,  best  of 
masters,  did  vou  think  to  correct?  If  those 
to  whom  you  wrote,  there  was  no  fault  to 
find  with  them  ;  if  me  whom  you  accuse,  it 
was  not  to  me  that  you  wrote  "  ?  And  I  will 
reply  to  you  in  your  own  words:  "Whom 
did  you  wish  to  correct,  unlearned  master? 
Those  who  had  done  no  wrong?  or  me  to 
whom  you  did  not  write?  You  think  your 
leaders  are  brutish  and  are  all  incapable  of 
understanding  your  subtilty,  or  rather  your  ill 
will,  (for  it  was  in  this  that  the  serpent  was 
more  subtile  than  all  the  beasts  in  paradise,) 
in  asking  that  my  admonition  to  you  should  be 
of  a  private  character,  when  you  were  press- 
ing an  indictment  against  me  in  public.  You 
are  not  ashamed  to  call  this  indictment  of 
yours  an  Apology  :  And  you  complain  that  I 
opposeashield  toyourponiard,  and  with  much 
religiosity  and  sanctimoniousness  you  assume 
the  mask  of  humility,  and  say:  "If  I  had 
erred,  why  did  you  write  to  others,  and  not 
try  to  confute  me?"  I  will  retort  on  you 
this  very  point.  What  you  complain  that  I 
did  not  do,  why  did  you  not  do  yourself?  It 
is  as  if  a  man  who  is  attacking  another  with 
kicks  and  fisticuffs,  and  finds  him  intending 
to  shew  fight,  should  say  to  him  :  "  Do  you 
not  know  the  command,  '  If  a  man  smites 
you  on  the  cheek,  turn  to  him  the  other '  ?  " 
It  comes  to  this,  my  good  sir,  you  are  deter- 
mined to  beat  me,  to  strike  out  my  eye  ;  and 
then,  when  I  bestir  myself  ever  so  little,  you 
harp  upon  the  precept  of  the  Gospel.  Would 
you  like  to  have  all  the  windings  of  your 
cunning  exposed? —  those  tricks  of  the  foxes 
who  dwell  among  the  ruins,  of  whom  Eze- 
kiel  writes,^  "  Like  foxes  in  the  desert,  so 
are  thy  prophets,  O  Israel."  Let  me  make 
you  understand  what  you  have  done.  You 
praised  me   in  your  Preface   in  such   a  way 

1  Ezek.  xiii,  4. 


that  your  praises  are  made  a  ground  of  accusa- 
tion against  me,  and  if  I  had  not  declared 
myself  to  be  without  any  connexion  with  my 
admirer,  I  should  have  been  judged  as  a 
heretic.  After  I  repelled  your  charges, 
that  is  your  praises,  and  without  shewing 
illwill  to  you  personally,  answered  the  accu- 
sations, not  the  accuser,  and  inveighed  against 
the  heretics,  to  shew  that,  though  defamed 
by  you,  I  was  a  catholic ;  you  grew  angry, 
and  raved  and  composed  the  most  magnifi- 
cent works  against  me ;  and  when  you  had 
given  them  to  all  men  to  read  and  repeat, 
letters  came  to  me  from  Italy  and  Rome  and 
Dalmatia,  shewing,  each  more  clearly  than 
the  last,  what  all  the  encomiums  were  worth 
with  which  in  your  former  laudation  you  had 
decorated  me. 

8.  I  confess,  I  immediately  set  to  work 
to  reply  to  the  insinuations  directed  against 
me,  and  tried  with  all  my  might  to  prove 
that  I  was  no  heretic,  and  I  sent  these  books 
of  my  Apology  to  those  whom  your  book  had 
pained,  so  that  your  poison  might  be  fol- 
lowed by  my  antidote.  In  reply  to  this,  you 
sent  me  your  former  books,  and  now  send  me 
this  last  letter,  full  of  injurious  language  and 
accusations.  My  good  friend,  what  do  you 
expect  me  to  do?  To  keep  silence?  That 
would  be  to  acknowledge  myself  guilty.  To 
speak?  But  you  hold  your  sword  over  my 
head,  and  threaten  me  with  an  indictment, 
no  longer  before  the  church  but  before  the 
law-courts.  What  have  I  done  that  deserves 
punishment?  Wherein  have  I  injured  you? 
Is  it  that  I  have  shewn  myself  not  to  be  a 
heretic?  or  that  I  could  not  esteem  myself 
worthy  of  your  praises?  or  that  I  laid  bare 
in  plain  words  the  tricks  and  perjuries  of 
the  heretics?  What  is  all  this  to  you  who 
boast  yourself  a  true  man  and  a  catholic,  and 
who  shew  more  zeal  in  attacking  me  than  in 
defending  yourself?  Must  I  be  thought  to 
be  attacking  you  because  I  defend  myself? 
or  is  it  impossible  that  you  should  be  ortho- 
dox unless  you  prove  me  to  be  a  heretic  ? 
What  help  can  it  give  you  to  be  connected 
with  me?  and  what  is  the  meaning  of  your 
action?  You  are  accused  by  one  set  of 
people  and  you  answer  only  by  attacking 
another.  You  find  an  attack  made  on  you 
by  one  man,  and  you  turn  your  back  upon 
him  and  attack  another  who  was  for  leaving 
you  alone. 

9.  I  call  Jesus  the  Mediator  to  witness  that 
it  is  against  my  will,  and  fighting  against 
necessity,  that  I  come  down  into  the  arena 
of  this  war  of  words,  and  that,  had  you  not 
challenged  me,  I  would  have  never  broken 
silence.     Even  now,  let  your  charges  against 


524 


JEROME. 


me  cease,  and  my  defence  will  cease.  For 
it  is  no  edifying  spectacle  that  is  presented  to 
our  readers,  that  of  two  old  men  engaging  in 
a  gladiatorial  conflict  on  account  of  a  heretic  ; 
especially  when  both  of  them  wish  to  be 
thought  catholics.  Let  us  leave  oft'  all 
favouring  of  heretics,  and  tliere  will  be  no 
dispute  between  us.  We  once  were  zealous 
in  our  praise  of  Origen  ;  let  us  be  equally 
zealous  in  condemning  him  now  that  he  is 
condemned  by  the  whole  world.  Let  us  join 
hands  and  hearts,  and  march  with  a  ready 
step  behind  the  two  trophy-bearers  of  the 
East  and  West.'  We  went  wrong:  In  our 
youth,  let  us  mend  our  ways  in  our  age.  If 
you  are  my  brother,  be  glad  that  I  have  seen 
my  errors ;  if  I  am  your  friend,  I  must  give 
you  joy  on  your  conversion.  So  long  as  we 
maintain  our  strife,  we  shall  be  thought  to 
hold  the  right  faith  not  willingly  but  of 
necessity.  Our  enmity  prevents  our  afford- 
ing the  spectacle  of  a  true  repentance.  If 
our  faith  Is  one,  if  we  both  of  us  accept  and 
reject  the  same  things,  (and  it  is  from  this, 
as  even  Catiline  testifies,  that  firm  friend- 
ships arise),  if  we  are  alike  in  our  hatred  of 
heretics,  and  equally  condemn  our  former 
mistakes,  why  should  we  set  out  to  battle 
against  each  other,  when  we  have  the  same 
objects  both  of  attack  and  defence.^  Pardon 
me  for  having  praised  Orlgen's  zeal  for 
Scriptural  learning  in  my  youthful  days 
before  I  fully  knew  his  heresies  ;  and  I  will 
grant  you  forgiveness  for  having  written  an 
Apology  for  his  works  when  your  head  was 
grey. 

lo.  You  state  that  my  book  came  Into 
your  hands  two  days  before  you  wrote  your 
letter  to  me,  and  that  therefore  you  had  no 
sufficient  leisure  to  make  a  reply.  Otherwise, 
If  you  had  spoken  against  me  after  full 
thought  and  preparation,  we  might  think 
that  vou  were  casting:  forth  lig-htnines  rather 
than  accusations.  But  even  so  veracious  a 
person  as  you  will  hardly  gain  credence 
when  you  tell  us  that  a  merchant  of  Eastern 
wares  whose  business  is  to  sell  what  he  has 
brought  from  these  parts  and  to  buy  Italian 
goods  to  bring  over  here  for  sale,  only  stayed 
two  days  at  Aquileia,  so  that  you  were 
obliged  to  write  your  letter  to  me  in  a  hur- 
ried and  extempore  fashion.  For  your 
books  which  it  took  you  three  years  to  put 
into  complete  shape  are  hardly  more  care- 
fully written.  Perhaps,  however,  you  had 
no  one  at  hand  then  to  amend  your  sorry 
productions,  and  this  is  the  reason  why  your 
literary  journey   is   destitute    of    the    aid    of 

1  Theophilus  of  Alexandria  —  Anastasius  of  Rome. 


Pallas,  and  is  intersected  by  faults  of  style, 
as  by  rough  places  and  chasms  at  every  turn. 
It  is  clear  that  this  statement  about  the  two 
days  is  false  ;  you  would  not  have  been  able 
In  that  time  even  to  read  what  I  wrote, 
much  less  to  reply  to  it;  so  that  it  Is  evident 
that  either  you  took  a  good  many  days  In 
writing  your  letter,  which  its  elaborate  style 
makes  probable ;  or,  If  this  Is  your  hasty 
style  of  composition,  and  you  can  write  so 
well  oft-hand,  you  would  be  very  negligent 
in  your  composition  to  write  so  much  worse 
when  you  have  had  time  for  thought. 

II.   You   state,    with   some  prevarication, 
that  you  have  translated  from  the  Greek  what 
I  had  before  translated  into  Latin ;  but  I  do 
not  clearly  understand  to  what  you  are  allud- 
ing, unless  you  are  still  bringing  up  against 
me  the  Commentary  on  the  Ephesians,  and 
hardening  yourself   in  your  eftrontery,   as  if 
you   had    received  no  answer  on  this   head. 
You    stop  your  ears  and  will   not   hear  the 
voice  of  the  charmer.     What  I  have  done  in 
that  and    other  commentaries  Is  to   develop 
both    my  own   opinion   and   that   of   others, 
stating  clearly  which  are  catholic  and  which 
heretical.     This  Is  the  common  rule  and  cus- 
tom of  those  who  undertake  to  explain  books 
in   commentaries  :    They   give    at   length    in 
their   exposition    the   various    opinions,    and 
explain  what  is   thought  by  themselves  and 
by  others.      This  is   done  not  only  by  those 
who  expound  the   holy  Scriptures  but  also 
by  those  who  explain  secular  books  whether 
in  Greek  or  in  Latin.     You,  however,  can- 
not screen  yourself  in  reference  to  the  Uepl 
'Af);^a)v  by  this  fact ;  for  you  will  be  convicted 
by  your  own  Preface,   in  which  you  under- 
take that  the  evil  parts  and  those  which  have 
been  added  by  heretics  have  been  cut  oft'  but 
that  all  that  is  best  remains  ;   so  that  all  that 
you    have    written,    whether    good    or    bad, 
must  be  held   to  be   the  work,   not   of    the 
author    whom    you    are    translating,    but    of 
yourself     who    have    made    the    translation. 
Perhaps,    indeed,    you    ought  to    have    cor- 
rected   the    errors    of    the    heretics,    and.  to 
have  set    forth   publicly    what    is    wrong    in 
Origen.      But  on  this   point,  (since  you  refer 
me    to  the    document    itself,)    I    have  made 
you  my  answer  before  reading  your  letter. 

12.  ^About  the  book  of  Pamphllus,  what 
happened  to  me  was.  not  comical  as  you  call 
it,  but  perliaps  ridiculous;-  namely  that, 
after  I  had  asserted  it  to  be  by  Eusebius 
not  by  Pamphllus,  I  stated  at  the  end 
of  the  discussion  that  I  had  for  many  years 
believed  that  it  was  by  Pamphllus,  and  that  I 


1  jtoft  ridicxilosa  tit  tu  so  ibis  sed  ridicula. 
to  obiect  to  ridiculosus  as  bad  Latin. 


Jerome  seems 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    III. 


525 


had  borrowed  a  copy  of  this  book  from  you. 
You  may  judge  how  little  I  fear  your  derision 
from  the  fact  that  even  now  I  make  the  same 
statement.  I  took  it  from  your  manuscript  as 
being  a  copy  of  a  work  of  Pamphilus.  I  trusted 
in  you  as  a  Christian  and  as  a  monk  :  I  did 
not  imagine  that  you  would  be  guilty  of 
such  a  wicked  imposture.  But,  after  that 
the  question  of  Origen's  heresy  was  stirred 
throughout  the  world  on  account  of  your  trans- 
lation of  his  work,  I  was  more  careful  in  exam- 
ining copies  of  the  book,  and  in  the  library  of 
Caesarea  I  found  the  six  volumes  of  Eustbius' 
Apology  for  Origen.  As  soon  as  I  had 
looked  through  them,  I  at  once  detected  the 
book  on  the  Son  and  the  Holy  Spirit  which 
you  alone  have  published  under  the  name  of 
the  martyr,  altering  most  of  its  blasphemies 
into  words  of  a  better  meaning.  And  this 
I  saw  must  have  been  done  either  by  Didy- 
mus  or  by  you  or  some  other  (it  is  quite  clear 
that  you  did  it  in  reference  to  the  Uepl  'Apxojv) 
by  this  decisive  proof,  that  Eusebius  tells  us 
that  Pamphilus  published  nothing  of  his  own. 
It  is  for  you  therefore  to  say  from  whence 
you  obtained  your  copy  ;  and  do  not,  for  the 
sake  of  avoiding  my  accusation,  say  that  it 
was  from  some  one  who  is  dead,  or,  because 
you  have  no  one  to  point  to,  name  one  who 
cannot  answer  for  himself.  If  this  rivulet 
has  its  source  in  your  desk,  the  inference  is 
plain  enough,  without  my  drawing  it.  But, 
suppose  that  the  title  of  this  book  and  the 
name  of  the  author  has  been  changed  by  some 
other  lover  of  Origen,  what  motive  had  you 
for  turning  it  into  Latin?  Evidently  this,  that, 
through  the  testimony  given  to  him  by  a  mar- 
tyr, all  should  trust  to  the  writings  of  Origen, 
since  they  were  guaranteed  beforehand  by  a 
witness  of  such  authority.  But  the  Apology 
of  this  most  learned  man  was  not  sufficient  for 
you  ;  you  must  write  a  treatise  of  your  own 
in  his  defence,  and,  when  these  two  documents 
had  been  widely  circulated,  you  felt  secure  in 
proceeding  to  translate  the  Uepl  'Apx(^v  itself 
from  the  Greek,  and  commended  it  in  a  Pre- 
face, in  which  you  said  that  some  things  in 
it  had  been  corrupted  by  the  heretics,  but 
that  you  had  corrected  them  from  a  study  of 
others  of  Origen's  writings.  Then  come 
in  your  praises  of  me  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 
venting any  of  my  friends  from  speaking 
against  you.  You  put  me  forward  as  the 
trumpeter  of  Origen,  you  praise  my  eloquence 
to  the  skies,  so  that  you  may  drag  down  the 
faith  into  the  mire ;  you  call  me  colleague 
and  brother,  and  profess  yourself  the  imi- 
tator of  my  works.  Then,  while  on  the 
one  hand  you  cry  me  up  as  having  trans- 
lated seventy  homilies  of  Origen,  and  some 


of  his  short  treatises  on  the  Apostle,  in  which 
you    say    that   I  so   smoothed    things   down 
that  the    Latin  reader   will  find    nothing  in 
them  which  is    discrepant  from    the  Catholic 
faith  ;  now  on  the  other  hand  you  brand  these 
very  books    as    heretical ;    and,   obliterating 
your  former  praise,  you  accuse  the  man  whom 
you  had  preached  up  when    you  thought  he 
would  figure  as  your  ally,  because  you  find 
that  he  is  the  enemy  of  your  perfidy.   Which 
of  us  two  is  the  calumniator  of  the  martyr? 
I,  who  say  that  he  was  no  heretic,  and  that 
he    did    not    write  the   book  which    is  con- 
demned by  every  one  ;    or    you,  who  have 
published    a    book   w^ritten    by  a    man    who 
was  an  Arian  and  changed  his  name  into  that 
of  the    martyr?      It  is  not    enough  for  you 
that  Greece  has  been  scandalized  ;   you  must 
press  the  book  upon  the  ears  of  the  Latins, 
and  dishonor  an   illustrious  martyr  as  far  as 
in  you  lies  by  your  translation.      Your  in- 
tention no  doubt  was  not  this;   it  was  not  to 
accuse  me    but    to    make  me    serve  for  the 
defence  of  Origen's    writings.      But  let  me 
tell  you  that  the  faith  of  Rome  which  was 
praised  by  the  voice  of  an  Apostle,  does  not 
recognize  tricks  of  this  kind.     A  faith  which 
has  been  guaranteed  by  the  authority  of  an 
Apostle  cannot  be  changed  though  an  Angel 
should   announce    another    gospel  than  that 
which  he  preached.     Therefore,  my  brother, 
whether  the  falsification  of  the  book  proceeds 
from  you,  as  many  believe,  or  from  another, 
as    you    will  perhaps    try    to    persuade    us, 
in  w^hich  case  you  have  only  been  guilty  of 
rashness  in    believing  the  composition  of  a 
heretic   to  be    that  of  a  martyr,  change  the 
title,  and  free  the  innocence  of  the  Romans 
from  this  great  peril.     It  is  of  no  advantage 
to  you  to  be  the  means  of  a  most  illustrious 
martyr    being    condemned  as  a  heretic :   of 
one    who    shed   his    blood   for  Christ  being 
proud  to  be  an  enemy  of  the  Christian  faith. 
Take   another  course :    say,  I   found   a   book 
which  I  believed  to  be  the  work  of  a  martyr. 
Do   not   fear  to  be   a  penitent.      I  will    not 
press    you    further.       I    will    not   ask    from 
whom  you  obtained  it ;  you  can  name  some 
dead  man  if  you  please,    or  say  you  bought 
it  from  an  unknown  man   in  the  street :  for  I 
do  not  wish  to  see  you  condemned,  but  con- 
verted.   It  is  better  that  it  should  appear  that 
you  were  in  error  than  that  the  martyr  was 
a  heretic.     At  all  events,  by  some  means  or 
other,  draw  out  your  foot   from   its  present 
entanglement :  consider  what  answer  you  will 
make  in  the  judgment  to  come  to  the  com- 
plaints which  the   martyrs  will  bring  against 
you. 

13,     Moreover,  yo-u  make  a  charge  against 


526 


JEROME. 


yourself  which  has  been  brought  by  no 
one  against  you,  and  make  excuses  where 
no  one  has  accused  you.  You  say  that 
you  have  read  these  and  in  my  letter:  "I 
want  to  know  who  has  given  you  leave, 
when  translating  a  book,  to  remove  some 
things,  change  others,  and  again  add  others." 
And  you  go  on  to  answer  yourself,  and 
to  speak  against  me:  "  I  say  this  to  you: 
Who  I  pray,  has  given  you  leave,  in  your 
Commentaries,  to  put  down  some  things 
out  of  Origen,  some  from  Apollinarius,  some 
of  your  own,  instead  of  all  from  Origen 
or  from  yourself  or  from  some  other?"  All 
this  while,  while  you  are  aiming  at  some- 
thing different,  you  have  been  preferring  a 
very  strong  charge  against  yourself;  and  you 
have  forgotten  the  old  proverb,  that  those 
who  speak  falsehood  should  have  good 
memories.  You  say  that  I  in  my  Commen- 
taries have  set  down  some  thino;s  out  of 
Origen,  some  from  Apollinarius,  some  of 
my  own.  If  then  these  things  which  I  have 
set  down  under  the  names  of  others  are  the 
words  of  Apollinarius  and  of  Origen;  what 
is  the  meaning  of  the  charge  which  you 
fasten  upon  me,  that,  when  I  say  "  Another 
savs  this,"  "  The  following:  is  some  one's 
conjecture,"  that  "other"  or  ''some  one" 
means  myself?  Between  Origen  and  Apol- 
linarius there  is  a  vast  difference  of  interpre- 
tation, of  style,  and  of  doctrine.  When  I  set 
down  discrepant  opinions  on  the  same  passage, 
am  I  to  be  supposed  to  accept  both  the  con- 
tradictory views  ?  But  more  of  this  hereafter. 
14.  Now  I  ask  you  this :  Who  may  have 
blamed  you  for  having  either  added  or 
changed  or  taken  away  certain  things  in  the 
books  of  Origen,  and  have  put  you  to  the 
question  like  a  man  on  the  horse-rack ;  ' 
Are  those  things  which  you  put  down  in 
your  translation  bad  or  good?  It  is  useless 
for  you  to  simulate  innocence,  and  by  some 
silly  question  to  parry  the  force  of  the  true 
inquiry.  I  have  never  accused  you  for 
translating  Origen  for  your  own  satisfaction. 
I  have  done  the  same,  and  so  have  Victori- 
nus,  Hilary,  and  Ambrose ;  but  I  have  ac- 
cused you  for  fortifying  your  translation  of 
a  heretical  work  by  writing  a  preface  ap- 
proving of  it.  You  compel  me  to  go  over 
the  same  ground,  and  to  walk  in  the  lines 
I  myself  have  traced.  For  you  say  in  that 
Prologue  that  you  have  cut  away  what  had 
been  added  by  the  heretics,  and  have  re- 
placed it  with  what  is  good.  If  you  have 
taken  out  the  false  statement  of  the  heretics, 
then  what  you  have  left  or  have  added  must 

1  Equuleus,  the  little  horse,  an  instrument  of  torture. 


be  either  Origen's,  or  yours,  and  you  have 
set  them  down,  presumably,  as  good.  But 
that  many  of  these  are  bad  you  cannot  deny. 
''What  is  that,"  you  will  say,  "  to  me?" 
You  must  impute  it  to  Origen  ;  for  I  have 
done  no  more  than  alter  what  had  been 
added  by  the  heretics.  Tell  us  then  for 
what  reason  you  took  out  the  bad  things 
written  by  the  heretics  and  left  those  written 
by  Origen  untouched.  Is  it  not  clear  that 
parts  of  the  false  doctrines  of  Origen  you 
condemned  under  the  designation  of  the  doc- 
trines of  heretics,  and  others  you  accepted 
because  you  judged  them  to  be  not  false  but 
true  and  consonant  with  your  faith  ?  It  was 
these  last  about  which  I  inquired  whether 
those  things  which  you  praised  in  your 
Preface  were  good  or  bad :  it  was  these 
which  you  confessed  you  have  left  as  per- 
fectly good  when  you  cut  out  all  that  was 
worst ;  and  I  thus  have  placed  you,  as  I  said, 
on  the  horse-rack,  so  that,  if  you  say  that 
they  are  good,  you  will  be  proved  to  be  a 
heretic,  but  if  you  say  they  are  bad,  you 
will  at  once  be  asked:  "Why  then  did  you 
praise  these  bad  things  in  your  Preface?" 
And  I  did  not  add  the  question  which  you 
craftily  pretend  that  I  asked;  "Why  did 
you  by  your  translation  bring  evil  doctrines 
to  the  ears  of  the  Latins?"  For  to  exhibit 
what  is  bad  may  be  done  at  times  not  for  the 
sake  of  teaching  them  but  of  warning  men 
against  them :  so  that  the  reader  may  be  on 
his  guard  not  to  follow  the  error,  but  may 
make  light  of  the  evils  which  he  knows, 
whereas  if  unknown  they  might  become 
objects  of  wonder  to  him.  Yet  after  this, 
you  dare  to  say  that  I  am  the  author  of 
writings  of  this  kind,  whereas  you,  as  a 
mere  translator  would  be  going  beyond  the 
translator's  province  if  you  had  chosen  to 
correct  anything,  but,  if  you  did  not  correct 
anything,  you  acted  as  a  translator  alone. 
You  would  be  quite  right  in  saying  this  if 
your  translation  of  the  Tiepl  ^Apx^^v  had  no 
Preface  ;  just  as  Hilary,  when  he  translated 
Origen's  homilies  took  care  to  do  it  so  that 
both  the  good  and  evil  of  them  should  be 
imputed  not  to  the  translator  but  to  their 
own  author.  If  you  had  not  boasted  that 
you  had  cut  out  the  worst  and  left  the  best, 
you  would,  in  some  way  or  other,  have 
escaped  from  the  mire.  But  it  is  this  that 
brings  to  nought  the  trick  of  your  invention, 
and  keeps  you  bound  on  all  sides,  so  that  you 
cannot  get  out.  And  I  must  ask  you  not  to 
have  too  mean  an  opinion  of  the  intelligence 
of  your  readers  nor  to  think  that  all  who 
will  read  your  writings  are  so  dull  as  not  to 
laugh  at  you   when   they  see   you   let  real 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    III. 


527 


wounds  mortify  while  you  put  plasters  on  a 
healthy  body. 

i^.  What  your  opinions  are  on  the  res- 
urrection of  the  flesh,  we  have  already 
learned  from  your  Apology.  "  No  member 
will  be  cut  ofl",  nor  any  part  of  the  body 
destroyed."  This  is  the  clear  and  open  pro- 
fession which  you  make  in  your  innocence, 
and  which  you  say  is  accepted  by  all  the 
bishops  of  Italy.  I  should  believe  your  state- 
ment, but  that  the  matter  of  that  book  which 
is  not  Pamphilus'  makes  me  doubt  about 
you.  And  1  wonder  that  Italy  should  have 
approved  what  Rome  rejected  ;  that  the 
bishops  should  have  accepted  what  the 
Apostolic  see  condemned. 

16.    You    further  write  that  it  was  by  my 
letters  that  you  had  been  informed  that  the 
pope  Theophilus  lately  put  forth  an  exposi- 
tion of  the  faith  which  has  not  yet  reached  you 
and  you  promise  to  accept  whatever  he  may 
have  written.     I  am   not  aware  that  I    ever 
said  this,  or    that    I    sent    any  letters  of  the 
sort.     But  you  consent  to  things  of  which 
you  are  still    in   uncertaintv,  and  thinsTS  as  to 
which  you  do  not  know  what  and  of  what 
kind  they  will  turn  out    to  be,  so  that    you 
may    avoid    speaking    of   things   which   you 
know  quite  well,   and  may  not  be  bound  by 
the  consent  you  have  given  to  them.     There 
are    two    letters   of  Theophilus,^    a  Synodal 
and    a    Paschal    letter,    against   Origen    and 
his    disciples,    and    others    against    Apolli- 
narius     and    against    Origen    also,     which, 
within  the  last  two  years  or  thereabouts,    I 
have  translated   and  given   to  the  men    who 
speak  our  language  for  the  edification  of  the 
church.   I  am  not  aware  that  I  have  translated 
anything  else  of  his.       But,  when    you    say 
that  you  assent  to    the  opinion  of  the  pope 
Theophilus  in  everything,  you  must  take  care 
not  to  let  your  masters  and  disciples  hear  you, 
and  not  to  offend    these    numerous   persons 
who  call  me  a  robber  and  you  a  niartyr,  and 
also  not  to  provoke  the  wrath  of  the  man  ^ 
who    wrote  letters  to  you  against  the  bishop 
Epiphanius,  and  exhorted  you  to  stand  fast 
in   the  truth  of  the  faith,  and  not  to  change 
your  opinion  for  any  terror.     This  epistle  in 
its  complete  form  is  held  by  those  to  whom 
it  was  brought.     After    this   you    say,  after 
your  manner  :   "I  will  satisfy  you  even  when 
you  rage  against  me,  as  I  have  in  the  matter 
you  spoke  of  before."     But  again  you  say, 
"What    do  you    want?  have    you    anything 

1  For  the  years  401  and  403,      See  Jerome  Letters  96  and  98. 

2  Isidore,  the  Origenist  monk  who  was  sent  to  inquire  into 
the  quarrel  between  Jerome  and  John  of  Jerusalem.  His  letter, 
written  to  John  and  Rufinus  prejudging  the  case,  was  brought 
by  mistake  to  Jerome's  friend  Vincentius.  See  Jerome  Against 
John  of  Jerusalem  c.  37. 


more  at  which  you  may  shoot  with  tl^.c  bow 
of  your  oratory.^"  And  yet  you  are  indig- 
nant if  I  find  fault  with  your  distasteful  way 
of  speaking.,  though  you  take  up  the  lowest 
expressions  of  the  Comedians,  and  in  writing 
on  church  affairs  adopt  language  fit  only  for 
the  characters  of  harlots  and  their  lovers  on 
the  stage. 

17.    Now,   as  to   the    question  which  you 
raise,  when  it  was  that  I  began  to  admit  the 
authority  of  the  pope    Theophilus,   and  was 
associated  with   him  in  community  of  belief. 
You   make    answer    to    yourself:    ''Then,  I 
suppose,  when    you    were    the    supporter  of 
Paul  whom   he    had     condemned   and  made 
the    greatest  effort    to    help    him,  and    insti- 
gated   him  to    recover    through    an   imperial 
rescript    the    bishopric  from  which    he    had 
been    removed    by  the    episcopal    tribunal." 
I  will   not    begin    by   answering  for  m\  self, 
but  first  speak  of  the  injury  which  you  have 
here  done    to  another.     What    humanity  or 
charity  is   there    in    rejoicing    over  the  mis- 
fortunes  of   others    and    in    exhibiting    their 
wounds    to    the   world?      Is    that  the  lesson 
you  have   learned  from   that  Samaritan  who 
carried  back  the   man  that  was  half  dead  to 
the  inn?     Is    this   what  you   understand    by 
pouring  oil  into   his  wounds,  and  paying  the 
host     his    expenses?      Is    it    thus    that    you 
interpret    the    sheep     brought    back     to    the 
fold,    the    piece    of    money    recovered,     the 
prodigal     son     welcomed    back?       Suppose 
that  you   had  a  right    to    speak  evil  of  me, 
because    I    had    injured    you,     and,    to    use 
your    words,    had    goaded     you  to   madness 
and  stimulated  you   to  evil   speaking:   what 
harm   had  a  man  who  remains  in  obscurity 
done  you,  that  you  should  lay  bare  his  scars, 
and   when  they  were    skinned   over,  should 
tear  them  open  by  inflicting  this  uncalled  for 
pain  ?     Even  if  he  was  worthy  of  your  re- 
proaches, were  you  justified  in  doing  this? 
If  I  am  not  mistaken,  those  whom  you  wish 
to  strike  at  through    him    (and  I  speak  the 
open  opinion  of  many)   are  the  enemies  of 
the  Origenists  ;  you   use  the  troubles  of  one 
of  them  to  show  your  violence  against  both.^ 
If  the  decisions  of  the  pope   Theophilus  so 
greatly  please  you,  and  you  think  it  impious 
that  an  episcopal  decree  should  be  nullified, 
what  do   you    say  about    the    rest    of  those 
whom  he  has  condemned  ?       And   what  do 
you   say  about   the    pope  Anastasius,   about 
whom  you  assert    most    truly    that    no    one 
thinks  him  capable  as  the  bishop  of  so  great 
a  city,  of  doing  an  injury  to  an  innocent  or 
an  absent  man?     I  do  not  say  this  because  I 

1  Perhaps  both  Paul  and  Jerome. 


528 


JEROME. 


set  myself  up  as  a  judge  of  episcopal  de- 
cisions, or  wish  what  they  have  determined 
to  be  rescinded  ;  but  I  say,  Let  each  of  them 
do  what  he  thinks  right  at  his  own  risk,  it  is 
for  him  alone  to  consider  how  his  judgment 
will  be  judged.  Our  duties  in  our  monas- 
tery are  those  of  hospitality ;  we  welcome  all 
who  come  to  us  with  the  smile  of  human 
friendliness.  We  must  take  care  lest  it 
should  again  happen  that  Mary  and  Joseph 
do  not  find  room  in  the  inn,  and  that  Jesus 
should  be  shut  out  and  say  to  us,  "  I  was 
a  stranger  and  ye  took  me  not  in.  "  The 
only  persons  we  do  not  welcome  are  heretics, 
who  are  the  only  persons  who  are  welcomed 
by  you  :  for  our  profession  binds  us  to  wash 
the  feet  of  those  who  come  to  us,  not  to  dis- 
cuss their  merits.  Bring  to  your  remem- 
brance, my  brother,  how  he  whom  we  speak 
of  had  confessed  Christ:  think  of  that  breast 
which  was  gashed  by  the  scourges :  recall  to 
mind  the  imprisonment  he  had  endured,  the 
darkness,  the  exile,  the  work  in  the  mines, 
and  you  will  not  be  surprised  that  we  wel- 
comed him  as  a  passing  guest.  Are  we  to 
be  thought  rebels  by  you  because  we  give  a 
cup  of  cold  water  to  the  thirsty  in  the  name 
of  Christ? 

1 8.  I  can  tell  you  of  something  which 
may  make  him  still  dearer  to  us,  though 
more  odious  to  you.  A  short  time  ago,  the 
faction  of  the  heretics  which  was  scattered 
away  from  Egypt  and  Alexandria  came  to 
Jerusalem,  and  wished  to  make  common 
cause  with  him,  so  that  as  they  suffered  to- 
gether, they  might  have  the  same  heresy 
imputed  to  them.  But  he  repelled  their  ad- 
vances, he  scorned  and.  cast  them  from  him  : 
he  told  them  that  he  was  not  an  enemy  of  the 
faith  and  was  not  going  to  take  up  arms 
against  the  Church :  that  his  previous  action 
had  been  the  result  of  vexation  not  of  un- 
soundness in  the  faith ;  and  that  he  had 
sought  only  to  prove  his  own  innocence,  not 
to  attack  that  of  others.  You  profess  to 
consider  an  imperial  rescript  upsetting  an 
episcopal  decree  to  be  an  impiety.  That  is 
a  matter  for  the  responsibility  of  the  man 
who  obtained  it.  But  what  is  your  opinion 
of  men  who,  when  they  have  been  them- 
selves condemned,  haunt  the  palaces  of  the 
great,  and  in  a  serried  column  make  an  at- 
tack on  a  single  man  who  represents  the 
faith  of  Christ?  However,  as  to  my  own 
communion  with  the  Pope  Theophilus,  I 
will  call  no  other  witness  than  the  very  man 
whom  you  pretend  that  I  injured.^  His 
letters  were  always  addressed  to  me,  as  you 


Theophilus  himself. 


well  know,  even  at  the  time  when  3'ou  pre- 
vented their  being  forwarded  to  me,  and 
when  you  used  daily  to  send  letter  carriers 
to  him  repeating  to  him  with  vehemence  that 
his  opponent  was  my  most  intimate  friend, 
and  telling  the  same  falsehoods  which  you 
now  shamelessly  write,  so  that  you  might 
stir  up  his  hatred  against  me  and  that  his 
grief  at  the  supposed  injury  done  him  might 
issue  in  oppression  against  me  in  matters  of 
faith.  But  he,  being  a  prudent  man  and  a 
man  of  apostolical  wisdom,  came  through 
time  and  experience  to  understand  both  our 
loyalty  to  him  and  your  plots  against  us.  If, 
as  you  declare,  my  followers  stirred  up  a 
plot  against  you  at  Rome  and  stole  your  un- 
corrected manuscripts  while  you  were  asleep  ; 
w^ho  was  it  that  stirred  up  the  pope  Theoph- 
ilus against  the  public  enemy  in  Egypt?  Who 
obtained  the  decrees  of  the  princes  against 
them,  and  the  consent  of  the  whole  of  this 
quarter  of  the  world?  Yet  you  boast  that 
you  from  your  youth  were  the  hearer  and 
disciple  of  Theophilus*,  although  he,  before 
he  became  a  bishop,  through  his  native 
modesty,  never  taught  in  public,  and  you, 
after  he  became  a  Bishop,  were  never  at 
Alexandria.  Yet  you  dare,  in  order  to  deal 
a  blow  at  me,  to  say  "  I  do  not  accuse,  or 
change,  my  masters."  If  that  were  true  it 
would  in  my  opinion  throw  a  grave  suspi- 
cion on  your  Christian  standing.  As  for 
myself,  you  have  no  right  to  charge  me  with 
condemning  my  former  teachers:  but  I  stand 
in  awe  of  those  words  of  Isaiah  :  ^  "  Woe  unto 
them  that  call  evil  good  and  good  evil,  that 
put  darkness  for  light  and  light  for  darkness, 
that  call  bitter  sweet  and  sweet  bitter."  But 
it  is  you  who  drink  alike  the  honey  wine  of 
your  masters  and  their  poisons,  who  have 
fallen  away  from  your  true  master  the  Apos- 
tle, who  teaches  that  neither  he  himself  or  an 
angel,  if  they  err  in  matters  of  faith,  must 
not  be  followed. 

19.  You  allude  to  Vigilantius.  What 
dream  this  is  that  you  have  dreamed  about 
him  I  do  not  know.  Where  have  I  said 
that  he  was  defiled  by  communion  with 
heretics  at  Alexandria  ?  Tell  me  the  book, 
produce  the  letter :  but  you  will  find 
absolutely  no  such  statement.  Yet  with 
your  wonted  carelessness  of  statement  or 
rather  impudence  of  lying,  which  makes 
you  imagine  that  every  one  will  believe 
what  you  say,  you  add :  '*  When  you 
quoted  a  text  of  Scripture  against  him  in 
so  insulting  a  way  that  I  do  not  dare  to 
repeat     it     with     my   own    mouth."      You 

lis.  V,  2C. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    III. 


529 


do    not  dare  to   repeat    it    because    you    can 
make    the    charge    seem    worse    by   keeping 
silence;     and,    because   your   accusation    has 
no  facts  to  rest  upon,  you    simulate  modesty, 
so    that    the    reader    may  imagine    that    you 
are   acting  from   consideration   towards  me, 
although   your   lies     show    that  yon    do   not 
consider  your  own  soul.     What   is   this  text 
of  Scripture  which   is  too  shameful  to  pro- 
ceed   out   of   that  most  shameless   mouth  of 
yours?     What    shameful  thing,   indeed,  can 
you  mention  in  the  sacred  books?    If  you  are 
ashamed  to  speak,  at  any  rate  you   can  write 
it  down,   and    then  I  shall  be  convinced  of 
wantonness   by    my  own    words.      I    might 
be    silent  on   all  other  points,   and  I   should 
.still  prove  by  this  single  passage  how  brazen 
is  your  effrontery.     You  know  how  little  I 
fear   your    Impeachment.      If    you    produce 
the   evidence  with  which  you  threaten   me, 
all    the   blame  which   now  rests  on  you  will 
rest  on  me.     I  gave   my  reply  to  you  when 
I  dealt  with  Vigilantius ;   for  he  brouglit   the 
same  charges  against   me  wliich  you    bring 
first  in  the  guise    of  friendly  eulogy,   after- 
wards  in   that  of    hostile  accusation.      I  am 
aware  who  it  was  that  stirred  up  his  ravings 
against  me  ;   I    know  your  plots  and  vices  ; 
I  am    not  ignorant  of   his  simplicity  which 
is  proclaimed    by  every  one.      Through   his 
folly  your  hatred  against   me  found  an  out- 
let for  its  fury;   and,  if   I  wrote  a  letter  to 
suppress     it,    so     that    you    should     not    be 
thought  to  be  the  only  one  who  possesses   a 
literary  cudgel,  that  does  not  justify  you  in 
inventing    shameful    expressions  which  you 
can  find  in    no    part  of   my  writings   what- 
ever.   You  must  accept  and  confess  the  fact 
that  the  same  document  which  answered   his 
madness  aroused  also  your  calumnies. 

20.  In  the  matter  of  the  letter  of  the 
pope  Anastasius,  you  seem  to  have  come  on 
a  slippery  place  ;  you  walk  unsteadily,  and 
do  not  see  where  to  plant  your  feet.  At  one 
moment  you  say  that  it  must  have  been  writ- 
ten by  me  ;  at  another  that  it  ought  to  have 
been  transmitted  to  you  by  him  to  whom  it 
was  sent.  Then  again  you  charge  the  writer 
with  injustice;  or  you  protest  that  it  matters 
nothing  to  you  whether  he  wrote  it  or  not, 
since  you  hold  his  predecessor's  testimonial, 
and,  while  Rome  was  beggmg  you  to  give 
her  the  honor  of  your  presence,  you  dis- 
dained her  through  love  of  your  own  little 
town.  If  you  have  any  suspicion  that  the 
letter  was  forged  by  me,  why  do  you  not 
ask  for  it  in  the  chartulary  of  the  Roman 
See  and  then,  when  you  discover  that  it 
was  not  written  by  the  bishop,  hold  me 
manifestly  guilty  of  the  crime?     You  would 


then    instead    of    trying    to    bind     me    with 
cobwebs,    hold     me     fast    bound    in    a     net 
of  strong  cords.      But  if  it  is  as  written  by 
the   Bishop    of  Rome,  it  is  an  act    of  folly 
on  your  part  to  ask  for  a  copy  of  the  letter 
from  one  to  whom   it  was  not  sent,  and  not 
from  him  who  sent  it,  and  to  send    to    the 
East  for  evidence  the  source  of  which    you 
have  in  your  own  country.     You  had   better 
go  to   Rome   and   expostulate  with    him  as 
to    the    reproach    wdiich     he     has     directed 
against  you  when  you  were  both  absent  and 
innocent.     You    might    first   point   out   that 
he    had    refused    to    accept   your  exposition 
of  faith,    which,    as    you    say,   all  Italy  has 
approved,    and     that    he    made    no    use    of 
your  literary  cudgel    against    the   dogs    you 
spoke    of.      Next,  you  might  complain   that 
he    had    sent    to  the   East  a  letter  aimed  at 
you   which  branded  you  with  the    mark    of 
heresy,  and  said  that  by  your  translation  of 
Origen's  books  Uepl  'Apjwy  the  Roman  church 
which   had  received  the  work  in   its  simpli- 
city was  in  danger  of  losing  the    sincerity  of 
faith  which  it  had  learned  from  the  Apostle  ; 
and    that    he    had   raised    yet    more   ill   will 
against  you  by  daring  to  condemn  this  very 
book,  though  it  was  fortified  by  the   attesta- 
tion  of  your  Preface.     It  is  no  light  thing 
that  the  pontiff  of  so  great  a  city  should  have 
fastened  this  charge  upon  you  or  have  rashly 
taken  it  up  when    made    by  another.     You 
should  go   about   the  streets  vociferating  and 
crying  over  and    over  again,    "  It  is   not   my 
book,  or,  if  it  is,  the  uncorrected  sheets  were 
stolen  by  Eusebius.    I  published  it  differently, 
indeed  I    did    not  publish  it  at  all ;   I  gave  it 
to  nobodv,  or  at  all  events  to  few  ;  and   my 
enemy  was  so  unscrupulous  and  my  friends 
so  negligent,  that  all  the  copies  alike  were 
falsified  by  him."     This,  my  dearest  brother, 
is  what   you    ought    to    have    done,    not    to 
turn  your  back  upon   him  and  to  direct  the 
arrows  of  your  abuse  across  the  sea  against 
me  ;   for  how  can  it  cure  3^our  wounds  that 
I    should    be    wounded?       Does    it    comfort 
a  man  who  is  stricken  for  death  to  see  his 
friend  dying  with  him  ? 

21.  You  produce  a  letter  of  vSiricius^ 
who  now"  sleeps  in  Christ,  and  the  letter  of 
the  living  Anastasius  you  despise.  What 
injury  you  ask,  can  it  do  you  that  he  shoidd 
have  w^ritten  (or  perhaps  not  written  at  all) 
wdien  you  knew  nothing  of  it?  If  he  did. 
w^rite,  still  it  is  enough  for  you  that  you  have 
the  witness  of  the  whole  world  in  your 
favor,  and  that  no  one  thinks  it  possible  that 
the  bishop  of  so  great  a  city  could  have  done 

^  Bishop  of  Rome   in  succession  to  Damasus,     (A.D.  385- 
3q8)  and  succeeded  by  Anastasius, 


530 


JEROME. 


an  injury  to  an  innocent  man,  or  even  to  one 
who  was  simply  absent.  You  speak  of 
yourself  as  innocent,  though  your  translation 
made  all  Rome  shudder  ;  you  say  you  were 
absent,  but  it  is  only  because  you  dare  not 
reply  when  you  are  accused.  And  you  so 
shrink  from  the  judgment  of  the  city  of 
JR.ome  that  you  prefer  to  subject  yourself  to 
;an  invasion  of  the  barbarians  ^  than  to  the 
opinion  of  a  peaceful  city.  Suppose  that 
the  letter  of  last  year  was  forged  by  me ; 
who  then  wrote  the  letters  which  have 
lately  been  received  in  the  East?  Yet  in 
these  last  the  pope  Anastasius  pays  you 
such  com. aliments  that,  when  you  read 
them,  you  will  be  more  inclined  to  set  to. 
work  to  defend  yourself  than  to   accuse   me. 

I  should  like  you  to  consider  how  inevitable 
is  the  wisdom  which  you  are  shunning  and 
the  Attic  Salt  and  the  eloquence  of  your 
diction  in  religious  writing.  You  are 
attacked  by  others,  you  are  pierced  through 
by  their  condemnation,  yet  it  is  against  me 
that  you  toss  yourself  about  in  your  fury, 
and  say:  "I  could  unfold  a  tale  as  to  the 
manner  of  your  departure  from  Rome;  as 
to  the  opinions  expressed  about  you  at  the 
time,  and  written  about  you  afterwards,  as 
to  your  oath,  the  place  where  you  embarked, 
the  pious  manner  in  which  you  avoided  com- 
mitting perjui*y  ;  all  this  I  could  enlarge  upon, 
but  I  have  determined  to  keep  back  more 
than  I  relate."  These  are  specimens  of 
your  pleasant  speeches.  And  if  after  this 
I  say  anything  sharp  in  answer  to  you  you 
threaten  me  with  immediate  proscription  and 
with  the  sword.  You  are  a  most  eloquent 
person,  and  have  all  the  tricks  of  rhetoric; 
you  pretend  to  be  passing  over  things  which 
you  really  reveal,  so  that  what  you  cannot 
prove  by  an  open  charge,  you  may  make 
into  a  crims  by  seeming  to  put  it  aside.  All 
this  is  your  simplicity;  this  is  what  you 
mean  by  sparing  your  friend  and  reserving 
your  statements  for  the  judicial  tribunal; 
you  spare  me  by  heaping  up  a  mass  of 
chsiYcre  ao^ainst  me. 

22.  If  any  one  wishes  to  hear  the  arrange- 
ments for  my  journey  from  Rome,  thev  were 
these.  In  the  month  of  August,^  when  the 
etesian  winds  were  blowing,  accompanied 
by  the  reverend  presbyter  Vincentius  and 
my  young  brother,  and  other  monks  who 
are  now  living  at  Jerusalem,  I  went  on 
board  ship  at  the  port  of  Rome,  choosing 
my  own  time,  and  with  a  very  large  body  of 
the  saints  attending  me,  I  arrived  at  Rhe- 
gium.      I    stood  for  a  while  on  the  shore  of 


1  The   Goths  under  Alaric  passed  through  Aquileia  to  in- 
vade  Italy  in  401.  2  A.D.  385. 


Scylla,  and  heard  the  old  stories  of  the 
rapid  voyage  of  the  versatile  Ulysses,  of  the 
songs  of  the  sirens  and  the  insatiable  whirl- 
pool of  Charybdis.  The  inhabitants  of 
that  spot  told  me  many  tales,  and  gave  me 
the  advice  that  I  should  sail  not  for  the  col- 
umns of  Proteus  but  for  the  port  wheie 
Jonah  landed,  because  the  former  of  those 
was  the  course  suited  for  men  who  were 
hurried  and  flying,  but  the  latter  was  best 
for  a  man  who  was  imprisoned  ;  but  I  pre- 
ferred to  take  the  course  by  Malea  and  the 
Cyclades  to  Cyprus.  There  I  was  received 
by  the  venerable  bishop  Epiphanius,  of 
whose  testimony  to  you  you  boast.  I  came 
to  Antioch,  where  I  enjoyed  the  communion 
of  Paulinius  the  pontiff  and  confessor  and 
was  set  forward  by  him  on  my  journey  to 
Jerusalem,  which  I  entered  in  the  middle 
of  winter  and  in  severe  cold.  I  saw  there 
many  wonderful  things,  and  verified  by  the 
judgment  of  my  own  eyes  things  which  had 
before  come  to  mv  ears  by  report.  Thence 
I  made  my  way  to  Egypt.  I  saw  the  mon- 
asteries of  Nitria,  and  perceived  the  snakes  ^ 
which  lurked  among  the  choirs  of  the  monks. 
Then  making  haste  I  at  once  returned  to 
Bethlehem,  which  is  now  my  home,  and 
there  poured  my  perfume  upon  the  manger 
and  cradle  of  the  Saviour.  I  saw  also  the 
lake  of  ill-omen.  Nor  did  I  give  myself  to 
ease  and  inertness,  but  I  learned  many 
things  which  I  did  not  know  before.  As  to 
what  judgment  was  formed  of  me  at  Rome, 
or  what  was  written  afterwards,  you  are 
quite  welcome  to  speak  out,  especially  since 
you  have  writings  to  trust  to  ;  for  I  am  not 
to  be  tried  by  your  words  which  you  at 
your  will  either  veil  in  enigma  or  blurt  out 
with  open  falsehood,  but  by  the  docunients 
of  the  church.  You  may  see  how  little  I 
am  afraid  of  you.  If  you  can  produce 
against  me  a  single  record  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  or  of  any  other  church,  I  will  confess 
myself  to  be  chargeable  with  all  the  iniq- 
uities which  I  find  assigned  to  you.  It 
would  be  easv  for  me  to  tell  of  the  circum- 
stances of  your  departure,  your  age,  the 
date  of  sailing,  the  places  in  which  you 
lived,  the  company  you  kept.  But  far  be  it 
from  me  to  do  vvhat  I  blame  you  for  doing, 
and,  in  a  discussion  between  churchmen,  to 
make  up  a  story  worthy  of  the  ravings  of 
quarrelling  hags.  Let  this  word  be  enough 
for  your  wisdom  to  remember.  Do  not 
adopt  a  method  with  another  which  can  at 
once  be  retorted  on  yourself. 

23.       As     regards    our    reverend      friend 

1  He  means  Origenistic  heresies;  but  there  is   no  trace  in 
his  early  works  of  this  detection  of  heresy. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    III. 


531 


Epiphanius,  this  is  strange  shuffling  of  yours, 
when  you  say  that  it  was  impossible  for  him 
to  have  written  against  you  after  his  giving 
you  the  kiss  and  joining  with  you  in  prayer. 
It  is  as  if  you  were  to  contend  that  he  would 
not  be  dead  if  a  short  time  before  he  had  been 
alive,  or  as  if  it  were  not  equally  certain 
that  he  had  first  reproved  you  and  then, 
after  the  kiss  of  peace,  excommunicated  you. 
''  They  went  out  from  us,"  it  is  said,  ^  "  but 
they  were  not  of  us  ;  otherwise  they  would 
no  doubt  have  continued  with  us."  The 
apostle  bids  us  avoid  a  heretic  after  a  first 
and  second  admonition  :  of  course  this  im- 
plies that  he  was  a  member  of  the  flock  of 
the  church  before  he  was  avoided  or  con- 
demned. I  confess  I  cannot  restrain  my 
laughter  when,  at  the  prompting  of  some 
clever  person,  you  strike  up  a  hymn  in  hon- 
our of  Epiphanius.  Why,  this  is  the  '  silly 
old  man,'  the  '  anthropomorphite,'  this  is 
the  man  who  boasted  in  your  presence  of  the 
six  thousand  books  of  Origen  that  he  had 
read,  who  '  thinks  himself  entrusted  with 
the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  against  Origen 
amonsf  all  nations  in  their  own  toncjue  ' 
who  '  will  not  let  others  read  Origen  for 
fear  they  should  discover  what  he  has  stolen 
from  him.'  Read  what  he  has  written,  and 
the  letter,  or  rather  letters,  one  of  which  I 
will  adduce  as  a  testimonial  to  your  ortho- 
doxy, so  that  it  may  be  seen  how  worthy  he 
is  of  your  present  praise.  ^  "  May  God  set 
you  free,  my  brother,  and  the  holy  people  of 
Christ  which  is  entrusted  to  you,  and  all  the 
brethren  who  are  with  you,  and  especially 
the  Presbyter  Rufinus,  from  the  heresy  of 
Origen,  and  all  other  heresies,  and  from  the 
perdition  which  they  bring.  For  if  many 
heresies  have  been  condemned  by  the  Church 
on  account  of  one  word  or  of  two,  which 
are  contrary  to  the  faith,  how  much  more 
must  that  man  be  counted  a  heretic  who  has 
invented  so  many  perverse  things,  so  many 
false  doctrines!  He  stands  forth  as  the  en- 
emy of  God  and  of  the  church."  This  is 
the  testimony  which  this  saintly  man  bears 
to  you.  This  is  the  garland  of  praise  which 
he  gives  you  to  parade  in.  Thus  runs  the 
letter  which  your  golden  coins  extracted  from 
the  chamber  of  our  brother  Eusebius,  so 
that  you  might  calumniate  the  translator  of 
it,  and  might  fix  upon  ine  the  guilt  of  a 
most  manifest  crime  —  that  of  rendering-  a 
Greek  word  as  '  dearest'  which  ought  to  have 
been  '  honourable  !  '  But  what  is  all  this  to 
you  who  can  control  all  events  by  your  pru- 


1  I  John  ii,  19. 

2  From    Epiphanius'   letter   to  John,  Bishop  of  Jerusalem, 
translated  by  Jerome  (Jer.  Kp.  51  c.  6). 


dent  methods,  and  can  trim  your  path  be- 
tween different  possibilities,  first  saying,  if 
you  can  find  any  one  to  believe  you,  that 
neither  Anastasius  nor  Epiphanius  ever 
wrote  a  line  against  you ;  and,  secondly, 
when  their  actual  letters  cry  out  against  you, 
and  break  down  your  audacious  effrontery, 
despising  the  judgment  of  them  both,  and 
say  it  does  not  matter  to  you  whether  they 
wrote  or  not,  since  it  was  impossible  for 
them  to  write  against  an  innocent  and  an 
absent  man. 

Then  again,  you  have  no  right  to  speak 
evil  of  that  saintly  man,  as  you  do  when 
you  say  *'  that  it  may  be  seen  that  he  gave 
me  peace  with  his  words  and  his  kiss,  but 
kept  evil  and  deceit  in  his  heart"  —  for  this 
is  your  reasoning,  and  it  is  thus  that  you 
defend  yourself.  That  this  is  the  letter  of 
Epiphanius  and  that  it  is  hostile  to  you,  all  the 
world  knows  :  and  that  it  came  in  its  genuine 
form  into  your  haads  we  can  prove  ;  and  it  is 
therefore  an  astounding  shame  or  rather  utter 
shamelessness  in  you  to  deny  what  you  cannot 
doubt  to  be  true.  What !  Is  Epiphanius 
to  be  befouled  with  the  imputation  that  he 
gave  you  the  sign  of  peace  but  had  deceit  in 
his  heart  ?  Is  it  not  much  truer  to  believe  that 
he  first  admonished  you  because  he  wished  to 
save  you  from  error  and  bring  you  back  to 
the  right  way  ;  and  that  therefore  he  did  not 
reject  your  Judas  kiss,  wishing  to  break 
down  by  his  forbearance  the  betrayer  of  the 
faith,  —  but  that  afterwards  when  he  found 
that  all  his  toil  was  fruitless,  and  that  the 
leopard  could  not  change  its  spots  nor  the 
Ethiopian  his  skin,  he  proclaimed  in  his 
letter  what  had  before  been  only  a  suspicion 
in  his  mind  ? 

24.  It  is  somewhat  the  same  argument 
which  you  use  against  the  pope  Anastasius, 
namely,  that,  since  you  hold  the  letters  of 
the  bishop  Siricius,  it  was  impossible  that  he 
should  write  against  you.  I  am  afraid  you 
suspect  that  some  injury  has  been  done  you. 
I  cannot  understand  how  a  man  of  your 
acuteness  and  capacity  can  condescend  to 
such  nonsense  ;  you  suppose  that  your  readers 
are  foolish,  but  you  shew  that  you  are  fool- 
ish yourself.  Then  after  this  extraordinary 
argumentation,  you  subjoin  this  little  sen- 
tence: "Far  be  such  conduct  from  these 
reverend  persons.  It  is  from  your  school  that 
such  actions  proceed.  You  gave  us  all  the 
signs  of  peace  at  our  departure,  and  then  threw 
missiles  charged  with  venom  from  behind 
our  backs."  In  this  clause  or  rather  declama- 
tory speech,  you  intended,  no  doubt,  to 
shew  your  rhetorical  skill.  It  is  true  we 
gave  you  the  signs  of  peace,  but  not  to  em- 


532 


JEROME. 


brace  heresy  ;  we  joined  hands,  we    accom- 
panied you  as  you  set  forth  on  your  journey, 
on  the  understanding  that  you  were  catholic 
not  that  we  were  heretical.     But  I  want  to 
learn  what  these  poisoned  missiles  are  which 
you  complain  that  I  threw  from  behind  your 
back.       I    sent     the  presbyters,    Vincentius, 
Paulinianus,   Eusebius,   Rufinus.      Of  these, 
Vincentius  went  to   Rome  long  before  you  ; 
Paulinianus     and     Eusebius   set    out    a  year 
after    you    had    sailed ;     Rufinus    two    years 
after,  for  the  cause  of  Claudius  ;   all  of  them 
either    for    private    reasons,    or  because    an- 
other was  in  peril  of  his   life.      Was    it   pos- 
sible for  me  to  know  that  when  you  entered 
Rome,  a  nobleman  had  dreamed  that  a  ship 
full  of  merchandise  was    entering  with    full 
blown  sails  .^  or  that  all  questions  about  fate 
were  being  solved  by  a  solution  which  should 
not  itself  be  fatuous  ?  or  that  you  were  trans- 
lating the  book   of    Eusebius   as   if  it   were 
Pamphilus' .'^  or  that  you  were  putting  your 
own  cover  upon   Origen's  poisoned  dish  by 
lending  your  majestic  eloquence  to  this  trans- 
lation of  his  notorious  work  Rspl  'Apxc^i^  f    This 
is  a  new   way  of  calumniating  a  man.      We 
sent   out  the  accusers   before  you    had  com- 
mitted the  crime.     It  was    not,   I   repeat,    it 
was  not  by  our  plan,  but  by  the  providence 
of  God,  that  these  men,  who  were  sent  out 
for  another  reason,  came  to  fight  against  the 
rising  heresy.     They  were  sent,  like  Joseph, 
to  relieve   the  coming  famine  by  tlie  fervour 
of  their  faith. 

25.  To  what  point  will  not  audacity 
burst  forth  when  once  it  is  freed  from  re- 
straints.? He  has  imputed  to  himself  the 
charge  made  against  another  so  that  we  may 
be  thought  to  have  invented  it.  I  made  a 
charge  against  some  one  unnamed,  and  he 
takes  it  as  spoken  against  himself;  he  purges 
himself  from  another  man's  sins,  being  only 
sure  of  his  own  innocence.  For  he  takes 
his  oath  that  he  did  not  write  the  letter  that 
passed  under  my  name  to  the  African  bishops, 
in  which  I  am  made  to  confess  that  I  had 
been  induced  by  Jewish  influence  to  make 
false  translations  of  the  Scriptures  ;  and  he 
sends  me  writings  which  contain  all  these 
things  which  he  declares  to  be  unknown  to 
him.  It  is  remarkable  to  know  how  his 
subtlety  has  coincided  with  another  man's 
malice,  so  that  the  lies  which  this  other  told 
in  Africa,  he  in  accord  with  him  declared 
to  be  true  ;  and  also  how  that  elegant  style 
of  his  could  be  imitated  by  some  chance  and 
unskilled  person.  You  alone  have  the 
privilege  of  translating  the  venom  of  the 
heretics,  and  of  making  all  nations  drink  a 
draught  from  the  cup  of  Babylon.     You  may 


correct  the  Latin   Scriptures  from  the  Greek, 
and   may   deliver  to    the    Churches    to    read 
something  different  from  what  they  received 
from   the  Apostles;  but  I  am  not  to  be  al- 
lowed to  go  behind   the  Septuagint  version 
which     I    translated    after    strict    correction 
for  the   men    of   my    native    tongue   a    great 
many  years  ago,  and,  for  the  confutation  of 
the  Jews,  to   translate   the  actual   copies   of 
the  Scriptures  which  they  confess  to  be  the 
truest,  so  that  when  a  dispute  arises  between 
them  and  the  Christians,  they  may  have  no 
place  of  retreat  and  subterfuge,  but  may  be 
smitten     most     eftectuallv   with     their    own 
spear.    I    have  written    pretty   fully  on   this- 
point  if  I  rightly  remember,  in  many  other 
places,  especially  in   the   end  of  my  second 
book  ;  and  I  have  checked  your  popularity- 
hunting,  with   which  you   seek  to  arouse  ill 
will  against  me  among  the  innocent  and  the 
inexperienced,  by  a  clear  statement  of   fact. 
To  that  I  think  it  enough  to  refer  the  reader. 
26.     I  think  it  a  point  which  should  not 
be  passed  over,  that   you    have  no  right  to 
complain   that  the    falsifier    of  your    papers 
holds  in  my  esteem   the  glorious  position  of 
a    confessor,    since    you    who   are    guilty    of 
this  very  crime  are  called  a  martyr  and  an 
apostle  by  all    the  partisans  of   Origen,   for 
that    exile    and     imprisonment    of    yours   at 
Alexandria.     On  your  alleged  inexperience  m 
Latin  composition  I  have  answered  you  above. 
But,  since  you  repeat   the  same  things,  and, 
as  if  forgetful  of  your  former  defence,  again 
remind   me  that  I  ought  to    know  that  you 
have    been  occupied   for  thirty  years  in  de- 
vouring Greek  books,  and  therefore  do  not 
know  Latin,  I  would   have  you  observe  that 
it  is  not  a  few  words  of  yours  with  which  I 
find  fault,  though   indeed  all  your  writing  is 
worthy  of  being  destroyed.     What  I  wished 
to    do  was   to    shew  your   followers,  whom 
you  have  taken  so  much  pains  in  teaching  to 
know  nothing,   to  understand  what  amount 
of    modesty  there  is  in  a   man  who  teaches 
what  he  does  not  know,  who  writes  what  he 
is  ignorant  of,   so  that   they  may  expect    to 
find  the  same  wisdom   in  his  opinions.     As 
to  what  you  add   "  That   it  is  not    faults  of 
words  which  are  offensive,  but   sins,  such  as 
lying,  calumny,  disparagement,  false  witness, 
and  all  evil   speaking,   and  that    the    mouth 
which  speaketh  lies  kills  the  soul,"  and  your 
deprecation,   "Let  not  that  ill-savour  reach 
my  nostrils  ;  "  I  would  believe  what  you  say, 
were  it  not  that  I   discover  facts    inconsist- 
ent with  this.     It  is  as  if  a  fuller  or  a  tanner 
in  speaking  to  a  dealer  in   pigments  should 
warn  him  that  he   had   better  hold   his  nose 
as    he    passed  their  shops.     I  will    do  what 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    III. 


533 


you  recommend ;  I  will  stop  my  nose,  so 
that  it  may  not  be  put  to  the  torture  by  the 
delightful  odour  of  your  truth-speaking  and 
your  benedictions. 

27.  In  reference  to  your  alternate  praise 
and  disparagement  of  me,  you  argue  with 
great  acuteness  that  you  have  the  same  right 
to  speak  good  and  evil  of  me  that  I  have  to 
find  fault  with  Origen  and  Didymus  whom 
I  once  praised.  I  must  instruct  you,  then, 
wisest  of  men  and  chief  of  Roman  dialecti- 
cians, that  there  is  no  fault  of  logic  in  prais- 
ing a  man  in  certain  respects  while  you 
blame  him  in  others,  but  only  in  approving 
and  disapproving  one  and  the  same  thing. 
I  will  take  an  example,  so  that,  though  you 
may  not  understand,  the  vv^ise  reader  may 
join  me  in  understanding  the  point.  In  the 
case  of  Tertullian  we  pi'uise  his  great  talent, 
but  we  condemn  his  heresy.  In  that  of 
Ori^'en  we  admire  his  knowledo:e  of  the 
Sciiptures,  but  nevertheless  we  do  not  ac- 
cept his  false  doctrine.  As  to  Didymiis, 
however,  we  extol  both  his  powers  of  mem- 
ory, and  the  purity  of  his  faith  in  the  Trinity, 
while  on  the  other  point  in  which  he  erred 
in  trusting  to  Origen  we  withdrav/  from 
him.  The  vices  of  our  teachers  are  not  to 
be  imitated,  their  virtues  are.  There  was 
a  man  at  Rome  who  had  an  African,  a  very 
learned  man,  as  his  grammar  teacher;  and 
he  thought  that  he  was  rising  to  an  equality 
with  his  teacher  because  he  copied  his  stri- 
dent voice  and  his  faulty  pronunciation. 
You  in  your  Preface  to  the  Uefu^Apx^^v  speak 
of  me  as  your  brother  and  call  me  your 
most  eloquent  colleague,  and  proclaim  my 
soundness  in  the  faith.  From  these  three 
points  you  cannot  draw  back  ;  carp  at  me 
on  all  otiier  points  as  you  please,  so  long  as 
you  do  not  openly  contradict  this  testimony 
which  you  bear  to  me  ;  for  in  calling  me 
friend  and  colleague,  you  confess  me  worthy 
of  your  friendship;  when  you  proclaim  me 
an  eloquent  man,  you  cannot  go  on  accusing 
me  of  ignorance ;  and  when  you  confess 
that  I  am  in  all  points  a  catholic,  you  cannot 
fix  on  me  the  guilt  of  heresy.  Beyond  these 
three  points  you  may  charge  me  with  any- 
thing you  like  without  openly  contradicting 
yourself.  From  all  this  calculation  the  net 
result  is  that  you  are  wrong  in  blaming  in 
me  what  you  formerly  praised  ;  but  that  I 
am  not  in  fault  when,  in  the  case  of  the 
same  men,  I  praise  what  is  laudable  and 
blame  what  is  censurable. 

28.  You  pass  on  to  the  origin  of  souls, 
and  at  great  length  exclaim  against  the 
smoke  which  you  say  I  raise.  You  want  to 
be  allowed   to  express  ignorance  on  a  point 


on  which  you  advisedly  dissemble  your 
knowledge  ;  and  therefore  begin  questioning 
me  about  angels  and  archangels ;  as  to  the 
mode  of  their  existence,  the  place  and  nature 
of  their  abodes,  the  differences,  if  there  be 
any,  existing  between  them  ;  and  then  as  to 
the  course  of  the  ,sun,  the  waxing  and 
waning  of  the  moon,  the  character  and 
movements  of  the  stars.  I  wonder  that  you 
did  not  set  down  the  whole  of  the  lines  :  ^ 

Whence  come  the  earthquakes,  whence  the  high- 

swoU'n  seas 
Breaking  their  bounds,  then  sinking  back  to  rest; 
The  Sun's  eclipse,  the  labours  of  the  moon  ; 
The  race  of  men  and  beasts,  the  storm,  the  fire, 
Arcturus'  rainy  Hyads,  and  the  Bears  : 
Why  haste  the  winter's  suns  to  bathe  themselves 
Beneath  the  wave,  what  stays  its  lingering  nig'- ts. 

Then,  leaving  things  in  heaven,  and  con- 
descending to  those  on  earth,  you  philos- 
ophize on  minor  points.  You  say:  ''Tell 
us  what  are  the  causes  of  the  fountains,  and 
of  the  wind  ;  what  makes  the  hail  and  the 
showers ;  why  the  sea  is  salt,  the  rivers 
sweet ;  what  accoimt  is  to  be  given  of  clouds 
and  storms,  thunderbolts,  and  thunder  and 
ligfhtninof."  You  mean  that  if  I  do  not  know 
all  this,  you  are  entitled  to  say  you  know 
nothing  about  the  origin  of  souls.  You 
wish  to  balance  your  ignorance  on  a  single 
point  by  mine  on  many.  But  do  not  you, 
who  in  page  after  page  stir  up  what  }'ou 
call  my  smoke,  understand  that  I  can  see 
your  mists  and  whirlwinds.^  You  wish  to 
be  thought  a  man  of  extensive  knowledge, 
and  among  the  disciples  of  Calpurnius  ^  to 
enjoy  a  great  reputation  for  wisdom,  and 
therefore  you  raise  up  the  whole  physical 
world  in  front  of  me,  as  if  Socrates  had  said 
in  vain  when  he  passed  over  to  the  study  of 
Ethics:  '"What  is  above  us  is  nothing  to 
us."  So  then,  if  I  cannot  tell  you  why  the 
ant,  which  is  such  a  little  creature,  whose 
body  is  a  mere  point,  has  six  feet,  whereas 
an  elephant  with  its  vast  bulk  has  only  four 
to  walk  on  ;  why  serpents  and  snakes  glide 
along  on  their  chests  and  bellies;  why  the 
worm  which  is  commonly  called  the  millipede 
has  such  a  swarming  array  of  feet ;  I  am 
prohibited  from  knowing  anything  about  the 
origin  of  souls!  You  ask  me  what  I  know 
about  souls,  so  that,  when  I  make  any  state- 
ment about  them,  you  may  at  once  attack  it. 
And  if  I  savthat  the  church's  doctrine  is  that 
God  forms  souls  every  day,  and  sends  them 
into  the  bodies  of  those  who  are  born,  you 
will  at  once  bring  out  the  snares  your  master 
invented,  and  ask,  Where  is  God's  justice  if 

1  Virgil  Georg.  ii,  473,  ^n.  i,  746. 

2  A  Latin  rhetorician  of  tlie  time  of  Hadrian  and  Antoninus 
Pius.    Some  of  his  exercises  are  still  extant. 


534 


JEROME. 


he  grants  souls  to  those  who  are  born  of 
adultery  or  incest?  Is  he  not  an  accessory  to 
men's  sins,  if  he  creates  souls  for  the  adul- 
terers who  make  the  bodies?  as  if,  when 
you  hear  that  seed  corn  had  been  stolen, 
you  are  to  suppose  the  fault  to  lie  in  the 
nature  of  the  corn,  and  not  in  the  man  who 
stole  the  wheat ;  and  that  therefore  the  earth 
had  no  business  to  nourish  the  seed  in  its 
bosom,  because  the  hands  of  the  sower  who 
cast  them  in  were  unclean.  Hence  comes 
also  your  mysterious  question.  Why  do  in- 
fants die?  since  it  is  because  of  their  sins, 
as  you  hold,  that  they  received  bodies. 
There  exists  a  treatise  of  Didymus  addressed 
to  you,  in  which  he  meets  this  inquiry  of 
yours,  with  the  answer,  that  they  had  not 
sinned  much,  and  therefore  it  was  enough 
punishment  for  them  just  to  have  touched 
their  bodily  prisons.  He,  who  was  your 
master  and  mine  also,  when  you  asked  this 
question,  wrote  at  my  request  three  books  of 
comments  on  the  prophet  Hosea,  and  dedi- 
cated them  to  me.  This  shows  what  parts 
of  his  teaching  we  respectively  accepted. 

29.  You  press  me  to  give  my  opinions 
about  the  nature  of  things.  If  there  were 
room,  I  could  repeat  to  you  the  views  of  Lu- 
cretius who  follows  Epicurus,  or  those  of 
Aristotle  as  taught  by  the  Peripatetics,  or  of 
Plato  and  Zeno  by  the  Academics  and  the 
Stoics.  Passing  to  the  church,  where  we 
have  the  rule  of  truth,  the  books  of  Genesis 
and  the  Prophets  and  Ecclesiastes,  give  us 
much  information  on  questions  of  this  kind. 
But  if  we  profess  ignorance  about  all  these 
things,  as  also  about  the  origin  of  souls, 
you  ought  in  your  Apology  to  acknowledge 
your  ignorance  of  all  alike,  and  to  ask  your 
calumniators  why  they  had  the  impudence 
to  force  you  to  reply  on  this  single  point 
when  they  themselves  know  nothing  of  all 
those  great  matters.  But  Oh  !  how  vast  was 
the  wealth  contained  in  that  trireme^  which 
had  come  full  of  all  the  wares  of  Egypt  and  the 
East  to  enrich  the  poverty  of  the  city  of  Rome. 

^  "  Thou  art  that  hero,  well-nam'd  Maximus, 
Thou  who  alone  by  writing  sav'st  the  state." 

Unless  you  had  come  from  the  East,  that 
very  learned  man  would  be  still  sticking  fast 
among  the  mathematici,^  and  all  Christians 
would  still  be  ignorant  of  what  might  be 
said  against  fatalism.  You  have  a  right  to 
ply  me   with  questions  about  astrology   and 


1  In  Macarius'  dream,  see  Ruf.  Apol.  i,  11. 

-A  parody  upon  the  verse  of  Virgil  and  Ennius  on  Fabius 
Maximus  called  Cunctator  because  by  his  tactics  of  delay  he 
saved  Rome  from  the  Carthaginians.  "Thou  art  Maximus 
(greatest)  who  savedst  the  state  by  delaying  (cunclando) ." 

3  Astrologers  or  magicians. 


the  cause  of  the  sky  and  the  stars,  w  hen 
you  brought  to  land  a  ship  full  of  such 
wares  as  these.  I  acknowledge  my  poverty  ; 
I  have  not  grown  rich  to  this  extent  in  the 
East  like  you.  You  learned  in  your  long  so- 
journ under  the  shadow  of  the  Pharos  what 
Rome  never  knew  :  Egypt  instructed  you  in 
lore  which  Italy  did  not  possess  till  now. 

30.  Your  Apology  says  that  there  are  three 
opinions  as  to  the  origin  of  souls:  one  held 
by  Origen,  a  second  by  TertuUian  and  Lac- 
tantius  (as  to  Lactantius  what  you  say  is 
manifestly  false),  a  third  by  us  simple  and 
foolish  men,  who  do  not  see  that,  if  our  opin- 
ion is  true,  God  is  thereby  shewn  to  be  unjust. 
After  this  you  say  that  you  do  not  know  what 
is  the  truth.  I  say,  then,  tell  me,  whether 
you  think  that  outside  of  these  three  opinions 
any  truth  can  be  found  so  that  all  these  three 
may  be  false  ;  or  whether  you  think  one  of 
these  three  is  true.  If  there  is  some  other 
possibility,  why  do  you  confine  the  liberty 
of  discussion  within  a  close-drawn  line?  and 
why  do  you  put  forward  the  views  which  are 
false  and  keep  silence  about  the  true  ?  But 
if  one  of  the  three  is  true  and  the  two  others 
false,  why  do  you  include  false  and  true  in 
one  assertion  of  ignorance?  Perhaps  you 
pretend  not  to  know^  which  is  true  in  order 
that  it  may  be  safe  for  you,  whenever  you 
may  please,  to  defend  the  false.  This  is  the 
smoke,  these  are  the  mists,  with  which  you 
try  to  keep  away  the  light  from  men's  eyes. 
You  are  the  Aristippus  ^  of  our  day  :  you 
bring  your  ship  into  the  port  of  Rome  full 
of  merchandize  of  all  kinds  ;  you  set  your 
professorial  chair  on  high,  and  represent  to 
us  Hermagoras^  and  Gorgias^  of  Ltontinum  : 
only,  you  were  in  such  a  hurry  to  set  sail  that 
you  left  one  little  piece  of  goods,  one  little 
question,  forgotten  in  the  East.  And  you 
cry  out  with  reiteration  that  you  learned  both 
at  Aquileia  and  at  Alexandria  that  God  is 
the  creator  of  both  our  bodies  and  our  souls. 
This  then,  forsooth,  is  the  pressing  question, 
whether  our  souls  were  created  by  God  or 
by  the  devil,  and  not  whether  the  opinion  of 
Origen  is  true  that  our  souls  existed  before 
our  bodies  and  committed  some  sin  because 
of  which  they  have  been  tied  to  these  gross 
bodies;  or  whether,  again,  they  slept  like 
dormice  in  a  state  of  torpor  and  of  slumber. 
Every  one  is  asking  this  question,  but  you 
say  nothing  about  it ;  nobody  asks  the  other, 
but  to  that  you  direct  your  answer. 

31.  Another  part  of   my  '  smoke'  which 

1  of  Cyrene.  A  disciple  of  Socrates,  founder  of  the  Cyrenaic 
sect,  the  precursors  of  the  Epicureans. 

2  Rhetorician  of  Rhodes. 

3  Statesman  and  Sophist,  came  to  Athens  on   a  mission  B.C. 
327,  and  settled  there. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK   III. 


535 


you  frequently  laugh  at  is  my  pretence,  as 
you  say,  to  know  what  I  do  not  know,  and 
the  parade  I  make  of  great  teachers  to  de- 
ceive the  common  and  ignorant  people. 
You,  of  course,  are  a  man  not  of  smoke  but 
of  flame,  or  rather  of  lightning;  you  ful- 
minate when  you  speak;  you  cannot  con- 
tain the  flames  which  have  been  conceived 
within  your  mouth,  and  like  Barchochebas,^ 
the  leader  of  the  revolt  of  the  Jews,  who 
used  to  hold  in  his  mouth  a  lighted  straw 
and  blow  it  out  so  as  to  appear  to  be  breath- 
ing forth  flame  :  so  you  also,  like  a  second 
Salmoneus,^  brighten  the  whole  path  on 
which  you  tread,  and  reproach  us  as  mere 
men  of  smoke,  to  whom  perhaps  the  words 
might  be  applied,  ^"  Thou  touchest  the  hills 
and  they  smoke."  You  do  not  understand 
the  allusion  of  the  Prophet  "*  when  he  speaks 
of  the  smoke  of  the  locusts  ;  it  is  no  doubt 
the  beauty  of  your  eyes  which  makes  it  im- 
possible for  you  to  bear  the  pungency  of  our 
smoke. 

32.  As  to  your  charge  of  perjury,  since 
you  refer  me  to  your  book ;  and  since  I  have 
made  my  reply  to  you  and  Calpurnius  "^  in  the 
previous  books,  it  will  be  suflicient  here  to 
observe  that  you  exact  from  me  in  my  sleep 
what  you  have  never  yourself  fulfilled  in  your 
waking  hours.  It  seems  that  I  am  guilty  of 
a  great  crime  because  I  have  told  girls  and 
vn-gins  of  Christ,  that  they  had  better  not 
read  secular  works,  and  that  I  once  promised 
when  warned  in  a  dream  not  to  read  them. 
But  your  ship  which  was  announced  by  rev- 
elation to  the  city  of  Rome,  promises  one 
thing  and  effects  another.  It  came  to  do 
away  with  the  puzzle  of  the  mathematici : 
what  it  does  is  to  do  away  with  the  faith  of 
Christians.  It  had  made  its  run  with  sails 
full  set  over  the  Ionian  and  y^gean,  the  Adri- 
atic and  Tyrrhenian  seas,  only  to  make  ship- 
wreck in  the  Roman  port.  Are  you  not 
ashamed  of  hunting  up  nonsense  of  this  kind 
and  putting  me  to  the  trouble  of  bringing  up 
similar  things  against  you?  Suppose  that 
some  one  had  seen  a  dream  about  you  such  as 
might  make  you  vainglorious  ;  it  would  have 
been  modest  as  well  as  wise  in  you  not  to 
seem  to  know  of  it,  instead  of  boasting  of 
other  people's  dreams  as  a  serious  testimony 
to  yourself.  What  a  difference  there  is  be- 
tween your  dream  and  mine!  Mine  tells 
how  I  was  humbled  and  repressed ;  yours 
boasts  over  and   over  again   how   you  were 


1  Son  of  a  Star;  the  leader  of  the  Jewish  revolt  against  Ha- 
drian, A.D.  132-5. 

2  King  of  Elis  whom  Jove  destroyed  for  imitatina:  thunder 
and  lig-htning  by  his  chariot  and  brazen  bridge  and  torches. 

3  Ps.  civ,  52.  4  Supposed  to  refer  to  Rev.  ix,  7,  17. 

^  Possibly  a  nick-name  for  one  of  Rufinus'  friends  :  or '  to  vou 
even  w^hen  you  pose  as  Calpurnius.'       See  above  c.  2S,  note. 


praised.  You  cannot  say.  It  matters  nothing 
to  me  what  another  man  dreamed,  for  in 
those  most  enlightening  books  of  yours  you 
tell  us  that  this  was  the  motive  which  led  you 
to  make  the  translation  ;  you  could  not  bear 
that  an  eminent  man  should  have  dreamed 
in  vain.  This  is  all  your  endeavour.  If  you 
can  make  me  out  guilty  of  perjury,  you  think 
you  will  be  deemed  no  heretic. 

33.     I  now  come  to  the  most  serious  charge 
of  all,  that  in  which  you  accuse  me  of  having 
been  unfaithful  after  the  restoration  of  our 
friendship.      I    confess    that,    of  all    the  re- 
proaches   which    you    bring   against    me    or 
threaten    me    with,    there    is   none  which    I 
would   so    much  deprecate  as  that  of  fraud, 
deceit  and  breach  of  faith.     To  sin  is  human, 
to  lay  snares  is  diabolical.     What!     Was  it 
for   this   that   I  joined   hands  with   you   over 
the  slain  lamb  in  the  Church  of  the  Resurrec- 
tion, that   I  might  '  steal  your  manu!^clipts  at 
Rome '  ?  or  that  I  might  ^  send  out  my  dogs 
to  gnaw  away  your  papers  before  they  were 
corrected '  ?     Can    any  one    believe    that  we 
made  ready    the    accusers    before   you    had 
committed   the  crime. ^     Is   it  supposed   that 
we  knew  what  plans  you  were  meditating  in 
your  heart  .^   or  what  another  man  had  been 
dreaming.^    or  how   the  Greek    proverb  was 
having  its  fulfilment  in  your  case,  "the  pig 
teaches  Minerva".^     If  I    sent   Eusebius   to 
bark   against  you,   who  then   stirred    up  the 
passion  of  Aterbius  and  others  against  you.^ 
Is  it  not  the  fact  that   he  thought  that  I  also 
was  a  heretic  because  of  my  friendship  with 
you.^     And,  when   I   had  given  him  satisfac- 
tion  as   to  the  heresies  of  Origen,  you   shut 
yourself   up    at   home,    and    never  dared    to 
meet  him,    for  fear  you   should  have  to  con- 
demn what  you  wished   not  to  condemn,  or 
by  openly  resisting  him  should  subject  your- 
self  to    the    reproach    of    heresy.       Do    you 
think  that    he   cannot  be  called  as  a  witness 
against    you     because    he    is    vour    accuser.^ 
Before  ever  the  reverend  bishop  Epiphanius 
came  to   Jerusalem,  and   gave  you  the  signs 
of  peace  by  word  and  kiss,  '  vet  having  evil 
thoughts   and  guile    in   his  heart';   before  I 
translated   for    him    that   letter^    which    was 
such  a  reproof  to  you,  and  in  which  he  wrote 
you  down  a  heretic  though    he    had    before 
approved    you   as    orthodox ;     Aterbius   was 
barking  against  you  at  Jerusalem,  and,  if  he 
had    not    speedily   taken    himself  off^,  would 
have    felt    not    your   literary  cudgel    but  the 
stick  you  flourish  in  your  right  hand  to  drive 
the  dogs  away.^ 

34.      "But    why,"    you    ask,     "did    you 

^  Jerome  Letter  li.,  Epiphanius  to  John  of  Jerusalem. 
2  See  Ruf.  Apol.  to  Anastasius,  i. 


53^ 


JEROME. 


accept  my  manuscripts  which  had  been  falsi- 
fied? and  why,  when  I  had  translated  the 
liepl  'Af)X(^^  did  you  dare  to  put  your  jDen  to 
the  same  work?  If  I  had  erred,  as  any  man 
may,  ought  you  not  to  summon  me  to  reply 
by  a  private  letter,  and  to  speak  smoothly  to 
me,  as  I  am  speaking  smoothh'  in  my  present 
letter?"  My  whole  fault  is  this  that,  wdien 
accusations  were  l)rought  against  me  in  the 
guise  of  disingenuous  praise,  I  tried  to  purge 
myself  from  them,  and  this  without  invidi- 
ously introducing  your  name.  I  wished  to 
refer  to  many  persons  a  charge  wdiich  you 
alone  had  brought,  not  so  as  to  retort  the 
charge  of  heresy  upon  you,  but  to  repel  it 
from  myself.  Could  I  know  that  you  would 
be  angry  if  I  wrote  against  the  heretics  ?  You 
had  said  that  you  had  taken  away  the  hereti- 
cal passages  from  the  works  of  Origen.  I 
therefore  turned  my  attacks  not  upon  you  but 
upon  the  heretics,  for  I  did  not  believe  that 
you  were  a  favourer  of  heresy.  Pardon  me, 
if  I  did  this  with  too  great  vehemence.  I 
thought  that  I  should  give  you  pleasure. 
You  say  that  it  was  by  the  dishonest  tricks 
of  those  who  acted  for  me  that  vour  manu- 
scripts  were  brought  out  before  the  public, 
when  they  were  kept  secretly  in  your  cham- 
ber, or  were  in  possession  only  of  the  man 
who  had  desired  to  have  the  translation 
made  for  him.  But  how  is  this  reconcilable 
with  your  former  statement  that  either  no 
one  or  very  few  had  them  ?  If  they  were 
kept  secret  in  your  chamber,  how  could  they 
be  in  the  possession  of  the  man  who  had 
desired  to  have  the  translation  made  for 
him  ?  If  the  one  man  for  whom  the  manu- 
scripts had  been  written  had  obtained  them 
in  order  to  conceal  them,  then  they  w^ere  not 
kept  secret  in  your  chamber,  and  they  were 
not  in  the  hands  of  those  few  who,  as  you 
now  declare,  possessed  them.  You  accuse  us 
of  having  stolen  them  away;  and  then  again 
you  reproach  us  with  having  bought  them 
for  a  great  sum  of  money  and  an  immense 
bribe.  In  a  single  matter,  and  in  one  little 
letter,  wdiat  a  tissue  of  various  and  discordant 
falsehoods  !  You  have  full  liberty  for  accu- 
sation, but  I  have  none  for  defence.  When 
you  bring  a  charge,  you  think  nothing  about 
friendship.  When  I  begin  to  reply,  then 
your  mind  is  full  of  the  rights  of  friendship. 
Let  me  ask  you  :  Did  you  write  these  manu- 
scripts for  concealment  or  for  publication? 
If  for  concealment,  why  were  they  written? 
If  for  publication,  why  did  you  conceal  them  ? 
35.  But  my  fault,  you  will  say,  was  this, 
that  I  did  not  restrain  your  accusers  who 
were  my  friends.  Why,  I  had  enough  to 
do   to   answer  their  accusations  against  my- 


self; for  they  charged  me  with  hypocrisy,^ 
as  I  could  shew^  by  producing  their  letters, 
because  I  kept  silence  when  I  knew  you  to 
be  a  heretic ;  and  because  by  incautiously 
maintaining  peace  with  you,  I  fostered  the 
intestme  wars  of  the  Church.  You  call  them 
my  disciples;  they  suspect  me  of  being  your 
fellow-disciple;  and,  because  I  was  some- 
what sparing  in  my  rejection  of  your  praises, 
they  think  me  to  be  initiated,  along  with  vou, 
into  the  mysteries  of  heresy.  This  was  the 
service  your  Prologue  did  me;  you  injured 
me  more  by  appearing  as  my  friend  than  you 
would  had  you  shewn  yourself  my  enemy. 
They  had  persuaded  themselves  once  for  all 
(whether  rightly  or  wrongly  is  their  business) 
that  you  were  a  heretic.  If  I  should  deter- 
mine to  defend  you,  I  should  only  succeed  in 
getting  myself  accused  by  them  along  with 
you.  They  cast  in  my  teeth  your  laudation 
of  me,  which  they  suppose  to  have  been 
written  not  in  craft  but  sincerity;  and  they 
vehemently  reproach  me  with  the  very  things 
which  you  always  praised  in  me.  What  am 
I  to  do?  To  turn  my  disciples  into  my 
accusers  for  your  sake?  To  receive  on  my 
own  head  the  weapons  which  were  hurled 
against  my  friend? 

36.  In  the  matter  of  the  books  Uepl  'kpxf^v, 
I  have  even  a  claim  upon  your  gratitude. 
You  say  that  you  cut  ofl'  anything  that  was 
offensive  and  replaced  it  by  what  was  better. 
I  have  represented  things  just  as  they  stood 
in  the  Greek.  By  this  means  both  things 
are  made  to  appear,  your  faith  and  the  heresy 
of  him  whom  you  translated.  The  leading 
Christians  of  Rome  wrote  to  me  :  Answer 
your  accuser;  if  you  keep  silence,  you  will 
be  held  to  have  assented  to  his  charges.  All 
of  them  unanimously  demanded  that  I  should 
bring  to  light  the  subtle  errors  of  Origen,  and 
make  known  the  poison  of  the  heretics  to  the 
ears  of  the  Romans  to  put  them  on  their 
guard.  How  can  this  be  an  injury  to  you? 
Have  you  a  monopoly  of  the  translation  of 
these  books?  Are  there  no  others  who  take 
part  in  this  work?  When  you  translated 
parts  of  the  Septuagint,  did  you  mean  to  pro- 
hibit all  others  from  translating  it  after  vour 
version  had  been  published?  Why,  I  also 
have  translated  many  books  from  the  Greek. 
You  have  full  power  to  make  a  second  trans- 
lation of  them  at  your  pleasure  ;  for  both  the 
good  and  the  bad  in  them  must  be  laid  to  the 
charo^e  of  their  authoi".  And  this  would  hold 
in  your  case  also,  had  you  not  said  that  you 
had  cut  out  the  heretical  parts  and  translated 
only  what   was   positively  good.     This  is   a 

iSee  the  end  of  the  letter  of  Pamniachius  and  Oceanus; 
Jerome  Letter  Ixxxiii. 


APOLOGY  —  BOOK    III. 


537 


difficulty  which  you  have  made  for  yourself, 
i»nd  which  cannot  be  solved,  except  by  con- 
fessing that  you  have  erred  as  all  men  err, 
and  condemning  yoiu"  former  opinion. 

37.  But  what  defence  can  you  make  in 
reference  to  the  Apology  which  you  have 
Avritten  for  the  works  of  Origen,  or  rather 
in  reference  to  the  book  of  Eusebius,  though 
you  have  altered  much,  and  translated  the 
work  of  a  heretic  under  the  title  of  a  martyr, 
yet  you  have  set  down  still  more  wdiich  is 
incompatible  with  the  faith  of  the  church. 
You  as  well  as  I  turn  Latin  books  into 
Greek ;  can  you  prohibit  me  from  giving  the 
works  of  a  foreigner  to  my  own  people?  If  I 
had  made  my  answer  in  the  case  of  some  other 
work  of  yours  in  which  you  had  not  at- 
tacked me,  it  might  have  been  thought  that, 
in  translating  what  you  had  already  trans- 
lated, I  w^as  acting  in  hostility  to  you,  and 
wishing  to  prove  you  inaccurate  or  untrust- 
worthy. But  this  is  a  new  kind  of  com- 
plaint, when  you  take  it  amiss  that  an  an- 
swer is  made  you  on  a  point  on  which  you 
have  accused  me.  All  Rome  was  said  lo 
have  been  upset  by  your  translation ;  every 
one  was  demanding  of  me  a  remedy  for 
this ;  not  that  I  was  of  any  account,  but  that 
those  who  asked  this  thought  me  so.  You 
say  that  you  who  had  made  the  translation 
were  my  friend.  But  what  would  you  have 
had  me  do  ?  Ought  we  to  obey  God  or  man  ? 
To  guard  our  master's  property  or  to  con- 
ceal the  theft  of  a  fellow-servant.^  Can  I  not 
be  at  peace  with  you  unless  I  join  with  you  in 
committing  acts  which  bring  reproach.^  If 
you  had  not  mentioned  my  name,  if  you  had 
not  tricked  me  out  in  your  flatteries,  I  might 
have  had  some  way  of  escape,  and  have 
made  many  excuses  for  not  translating  what 
had  already  been  translated.  But  you,  my 
friend,  have  compelled  me  to  waste  a  good 
many  days  on  this  work,  and  to  bring  out 
before  the  public  eye  what  should  have  been 
engulfed  in  Charybdis ;  yet  still,  though  I 
had  been  injured,  I  observed  the  laws  of 
friendship,  and  as  far  as  possible  defended 
myself  without  accusing  you.  It  is  a  too 
suspicious  and  complaining  temper  which 
you  shew  when  you  take  home  to  yourself 
as  a  reproach  what  was  spoken  against  the 
heretics.  If  it  is  impossible  to  be  your 
friend  unless  I  am  the  friend  of  heretics,  I 
shall  more  easily  put  up  with  your  enmity 
than  with  their  friendship. 

38.  You  imagine  that  I  have  contrived 
yet  another  piece  of  falsehood,  namely,  that 
I  have  composed  a  letter  to  you  in  my  own 
name,  pretending  that  it  was  written  long 
ago,  in  which  I  make   myself  appear  kindly 


and  courteous  ;  but  which  you  never  received. 
The  truth  can  easily  be  ascertained.  Many 
persons  at  Rome  have  had  copies  of  this 
letter  for  the  last  three  years ;  but  they  re- 
fused to  send  it  to  you  knowing  that  you 
were  throwing  out  insinuations  against  iny 
reputation,  and  making  up  stories  of  the 
most  shameful  kind  and  unworthy  of  our 
Christian  profession.  I  wrote  in  ignorance 
of  all  this,  as  to  a  friend ;  but  they  would 
not  transmit  the  letter  to  an  enemy,  such  as 
they  knew  you  to  be,  thus  sparing  me  the 
effects  of  my  mistakes  and  }ou  the  reproaches 
of  your  conscience.  You  next  bring  argu- 
ments to  shew  that,  if  I  had  written  such  a 
letter,  I  had  no  right  to  write  another  con- 
taining many  reproaches  against  you.  But 
here  is  the  error  which  pervades  all  that  you 
say,  and  of  which  I  have  a  right  to  complain  ; 
whatever  I  say  against  the  heretics  you  im- 
agine to  be  said  against  you.  What !  Am 
I  refusing  }'ou  bread  because  I  give  the  here- 
tics a  stone  to  crush  their  brains.^  But,  in 
order  to  justify  your  disbelief  in  my  letter, 
you  are  obliged  to  make  out  that  that  of 
pope  Anastasius  rests  upon  a  similar  fraud. 
On  this  point  I  have  answered  you  before. 
If  you  really  suspect  that  it  is  not  his  writ- 
ing, you  have  the  means  of  convicting  me 
of  the  forgery.  But  if  it  is  his  writing,  as 
his  letters  of  the  present  year  also  written 
against  you  prove,  you  will  in  vain  use  }our 
false  reasonings  to  prove  my  letter  f.ilse, 
since  I  can  shew  from  his  genuine  letter  that 
mine  also  is  genuine. 

39.  In  order  to  parry  the  charge  of  false- 
hood, it  is  your  humour  to  become  quite 
exacting.  You  are  not  to  be  called  to  pro- 
duce the  six  thousand  books  of  Origen,  of 
which  you  speak  ;  but  you  expect  me  to  be 
acquainted  with  all  the  records  of  Pythagoras. 
What  truth  is  there  in  all  the  boastful  lan- 
guage, which  you  blurted  out  from  your 
inflated  cheeks,  declaring  that  you  had  cor- 
rected the  Ilept 'A/),xwp  by  introducing  words 
which  you  had  read  in  other  books  of  Origen, 
and  thus  had  not  put  in  other  men's  words 
but  restored  his  own.?  Out  of  all  this  forest 
of  his  works  you  cannot  produce  a  single 
bush  or  sucker.  You  accuse  me  of  raising 
up  smoke  and  mist.  Here  you  have  smoke 
and  mist  indeed.  You  know  that  I  have 
dissipated  and  done  away  with  them  ;  but, 
though  your  neck  is  broken,  you  do  not  bow 
it  down,  but,  with  an  impudence  which 
exceeds  even  your  ignorance,  you  say  that 
I  am  denying  what  is  quite  evident,  so  as  to 
excuse  yourself,  after  promising  mountains 
of  gold,  for  not  producing  even  a  leatherlike 
farthing  from  your  treasury,      I  acknowledge 


538 


JEROME. 


that  your  animosity  against  me  rests  on  good 
grounds,  and  that  your  rage  and  passion  is 
genuine  ;  for,  unless  I  made  persistent  de- 
mands for  what  does  not  exist,  you  would 
be  thought  to  have  what  you  have  not.  You 
ask  me  for  the  books  of  Pythagoras.  But 
who  has  informed  you  that  any  books  of  his 
are  extant?  It  is  true  that  in  my  letter  which 
you  criticize  these  words  occur:  "Suppose 
that  I  erred  in  youth,  and  that,  having  been 
trained  in  profane  literature,  I  at  the  begin- 
ning of  my  Christian  course  had  no  sufficient 
doctrinal  knowledge,  and  that  I  attributed  to 
the  Apostles  things  which  I  had  read  in 
Pythagoras  or  Plato  or  Empedocles ;  "  but  I 
was  speaking  not  of  their  books  but  of  their 
tenets,  with  which  I  was  able  to  acquaint 
myself  through  Cicero,  Brutus,  and  Seneca. 
Read  the  short  oration  for  *  Vatinius^  and 
others  in  which  mention  is  made  of  secret  so- 
cieties. Turn  over  Cicero's  dialogues.  Search 
through  the  coast  of  Italy  which  used  to  be 
called  Magna  Graecia,  and  you  will  find  there 
various  doctrines  of  Pythagoras  inscribed 
on  brass  on  their  public  monuments.  Whose 
are  those  Golden  Rules  ?  They  are  Pythag- 
oras's ;  and  in  these  all  his  principles  are 
contained  in  a  summary  form.  lamblicus^ 
wrote  a  commentary  upon  them,  following 
in  this,  at  least  partly,  Moderatus  a  man  of 
great  eloquence,  and  Archippus  and  Lysides 
who  were  disciples  of  Pythagoras.  Of  these, 
Archippus  and  Lysides  held  schools  in 
Greece,  that  is,  in  Thebes ;  they  retained  so 
fully  the  precepts  of  their  teacher,  that  they 
made  use  of  their  memory  instead  of  books. 
One  of  these  precepts  is  :  "  We  must  cast 
away  by  any  contrivance,  and  cut  out  by  fire 
and  sword  and  contrivances  of  all  kinds,  dis- 
ease from  the  body,  ignorance  from  the  soul, 
luxury  from  the  belly,  sedition  from  the  state, 
discord  from  the  family,  excess  from  all 
things  alike."  ^  There  are  other  precepts  of 
Pythagoras,  such  as  these.  "  Friends  have  all 
things  in  common."  "A  friend  is  a  second 
self."  "Two  moments  are  specially  to  be 
observed,  morning  and  evening:  that  is, 
things  which  we  are  going  to  do,  and  things 
which  we  have  done."  "  Next  to  God  we 
must  worship  truth,  for  this  alone  makes 
men  akin  to  God."  There  are  also  enigmas 
which  Aristotle  has  collated  with  much  dili- 
gence in  his  works  :  "  Never  go  beyond  the 
Stater,"  that  is,  "  Do  not  transgress  the  rule 
of  justice;"  "Never  stir  the  fire  with  the 
sword,"  that  is,  "  Do  not  provoke  a  man 
when   he    is    angry    and   excited   with    hard 


1  In   the  orntion  against  Vatinius  mention  is  made  of  his 
boasting  himself  to  be  a  Pythao-orean. 

2  Neo-Phitonist  of  Alexandria,  4th  century. 

3  This  is  given  by  Jerome  both  in  Greek  and  Latin. 


words."  "  We  must  not  touch  the  crown, '^ 
that  is  "We  must  maintain  the  laws  of  the 
state."  "Do  not  eat  out  your  heart,"  that 
is,  "  Cast  away  sorrow  from  your  mind." 
"When  you  have  started,  do  not  return,'* 
that  is,  ''  After  death  do  not  regret  this  life.'* 
"  Do  not  walk  on  the  public  road,"  that  is, 
"  Do  not  follow  the  errors  of  the  multitude.'^ 
"  Never  admit  a  swallow  into  the  family,'^ 
that  is,  "  Do  not  admit  chatterers  and  talka- 
tive persons  under  the  same  roof  with  you." 
"  Put  fresh  burdens  on  the  burdened  ;  put 
none  on  those  who  lay  them  down  ;  "  that  is, 
"When  men  are  on  the  road  to  virtue,  ply 
them  with  fresh  precepts ;  when  they  aban- 
don themselves  to  idleness,  leave  them 
alone."  I  said  I  had  read  the  doctrines  of  the 
Pythagoreans.  Let  me  tell  you  that  Pythag- 
oras was  the  first  to  discover  the  immortality 
of  the  soul  and  its  transmigration  from  one 
body  to  another.  To  this  view  V^irgil  gives 
his  adherence  in  the  sixth  book  of  the  yEneid 
in  these  words  :  ^ 

These,  when   the  wheel    full  thousand    years    has 

turned, 
God  calls,  a  long  sad  line,  in  Lethe's  stream 
To  drown  the  past,  and  long  once  more  to  see 
The  skies  above,  and  to  the  flesh  return. 

40.  Pythagoras  taught,  accordingly,  that  he 
had  himself  been  originally  Euphorbus,  and 
then  Callides,  thirdly  Hermotimus,  fourthly 
Pyrrhus,  and  lastly  Pythagoras  ;  and  that  those 
things  which  had  existed,  after  certain  revolu- 
tions of  time,  came  into  being  again  ;  so  that 
nothing  in  the  world  should  be  thought  of  as 
new.  He  said  that  true  philosophy  was  a  medi- 
tation on  death ;  that  its  daily  struggle  was  to 
draw  forth  the  soul  from  the  prison  of  the  body 
into  liberty :  that  our  learning  was  recollec- 
tion, and  many  other  things  which  Plato 
works  out  in  his  dialogues,  especially  in  the 
Phffido  and  Timaeus.  For  Plato,  after  having 
formed  the  Academy  and  gained  innumera- 
ble disciples,  felt  that  his  philosophy  was 
deficient  on  many  points,  and  therefore  went 
to  Alagna  Graecia,  and  there  learned  the 
doctrines  of  Pythagoras  from  Archytas  of 
Tarentum  and  Timaeus  of  Locris :  and  this 
system  he  embodied  in  the  elegant  form  and 
style  which  he  had  learned  from  Socrates. 
The  whole  of  this,  as  we  can  prove,  Origen 
carried  over  into  his  book  ITfpt  ^Kpx'^^-,  only 
changing  the  name.  What  mistake,  then,  was  I 
making,  when  I  said  that  in  my  youth  I  had 
imputed  to  the  Apostles  ideas  which  I  had 
found  in  Pythagoras,  Plato  and  Empedocles.^ 
I  did  not  speak,  as  you  calumniously  pretend, 
of  what  I  had  read  in  the  books  of  Pythag- 
oras,  Plato    and  Empedocles,  but  of  what  I 

iVirg.  ^n.  748-51. 


APOLOGY  — BOOK    III. 


539 


had  read  as  having  existed  in  their  writings, 
that  is,  what  other  men's  writings  shewed  me 
to  have  existed  in  them.  This  mode  of  speak- 
ing is  quite  common.  I  might  say,  for 
instance  "  The  opinions  w^hich  I  read  in 
Socrates  I  believed  to  be  true,"  meaning  what 
I  read  as  his  opinions  in  Plato  and  others  of 
the  Socratic  school,  though  Socrates  him- 
self w^rote  no  books.  So  I  might  say,  I 
wished  to  imitate  the  deeds  which  I  had  read 
of  in  Alexander  and  Scipio,^  not  meaning 
that  they  described  their  own  deeds,  but 
that  I  had  read  in  other  men's  works  of  the 
deeds  which  I  admired  as  done  by  them. 
Therefore,  though  I  may  not  be  able  to  inform 
you  of  any  records  of  Pythagoras  himself  as 
being  extant,  and  proved  by  the  attestation 
of  his  son  or  daughter  or  others  of  his 
disciples,  yet  you  cannot  hold  me  guilty  of 
falsehood,  because  I  said  not  that  I  had  read 
his  books,  but  his  doctrines.  You  are  quite 
mistaken  if  you  thought  to  make  this  a  screen 
for  your  falsehood,  and  to  maintain  that 
because  I  cannot  produce  any  book  written 
by  Pythagoras,  you  have  a  right  to  assert  that 
six  thousand  books  of  Origen  have  been  lost. 
41.  I  come  now  to  your  Epilogue,  (that 
is  to  the  revilings  which  you  pour  upon  me,) 
in  which  you  exhort  me  to  repentance,  and 
threaten  me  with  destruction  unless  I  am 
converted,  that  Is,  unless  I  keep  silence  under 
your  accusations.  And  this  scandal,  you  say, 
will  recoil  upon  my  own  head,  because  it  is 
I  who  by  replying  have  provoked  you  to  the 
madness  of  writing  when  you  are  a  man  of 
extreme  gentleness  and  of  a  meekness  worthy 
of  Moses.  You  declare  that  you  are  aware  of 
crimes  which  I  confessed  to  you  alone  when 
you  were  my  most  intimate  friend,  and  that 
you  will  bring  these  before  the  public ;  that 
I  shall  be  painted  in  my  own  colours ;  and 
that  I  ought  to  remember  that  I  am  lying  at 
your  feet,  otherwise  you  might  cut  off  my 
head  with  the  sword  of  your  mouth.  And, 
after  many  such  things,  in  which  you  toss 
yourself  about  like  a  madman,  3'ou  draw 
yourself  up  and  say  that  you  wish  for  peace, 
but  still  with  the  intimation  that  I  am  to 
keep  quiet  for  the  future,  that  is  that  I  am 
not  to  write  against  the  heretics,  nor  to 
answ^er  any  accusation  made  by  3'ou  ;  if  I  do 
this,  I  shall  be  your  good  brother  and  col- 
league, and  a  most  eloquent  person,  and  your 
friend  and  companion ;  and,  what  is  still 
more,  you  will  pronounce  all  the  translations 
I  have  made  from  Origen  to  be  orthodox. 
But,  if  I  utter  a  word  or  move  a  step,  I  shall  at 
once  be  unsound  and  a  heretic,  and  unworthy 

1  Gesia  guce  in  Alexandra  et  Scipione  legeram.  The  Latin 
construction  ■will  bear  Jerome's  meaning,  but  cannot  be  exactly 
or  elegantly  rendered  in  English. 


of  all  connexion  with  you.  This  is  the  way 
you  trumpet  forth  my  praises,  this  is  the  way 
you  exhort  me  to  peace.  You  do  not  grant 
mediberty  for  a  groan  or  a  tear  in  my  grief. 

42.  It  would  be  possible  for  me  also  to 
paint  you  in  your  own  colours,  and  to  meet 
your  insanity  with  a  similar  rage ;  to  say 
what  I  know  and  add  what  I  do  not  know  ; 
and  with  a  license  like  yours,  or  rather  fury 
and  madness,  to  keep  up  things  false  and 
true  alike,  till  I  was  ashamed  to  speak  and 
you  to  hear :  and  to  upbraid  you  in  such  a 
way  as  would  condemn  either  the  accused 
or  the  accuser;  to  force  myself  on  the  reader 
by  mere  effrontery,  make  him  believe  that 
what  I  wrote  unscrupulously  I  wrote  truly. 
But  far  be  it  from  the  practice  of  Christians 
while  offering  up  their  lives  to  seek  the  life 
of  others,  and  to  become  homicides  not  with 
the  sword  but  the  will.  This  may  agree  with 
your  gentleness  and  innocence ;  for  you  can 
draw  forth  from  the  dung  heap  within  your 
breast  alike  the  odour  of  roses  and  the  stench 
of  corpses  ;  and,  contrary  to  the  precept  of 
the  Prophet,  call  that  bitter  which  once  you 
had  praised  as  sweet.  But  it  is  not  neces- 
sary for  us,  in  treating  of  Christian  topics, 
to  throw  out  accusations  which  ought  to  be 
brought  before  the  law  courts.  You  shall  hear 
nothing  more  from  me  than  the  vulgar  saying  ; 
"When  you  have  said  what  you  like,  you 
shall  hear  what  you  do  not  like."  Or  if  the 
coarse  proverb  seems  to  you  too  vulgar,  and, 
being  a  man  of  culture,  you  prefer  the  words 
of  philosophers  or  poets,  take  from  me  the 
words  of  Homer. ^ 

"What  words  thou  speakest,  thou   the  like  shalt 
hear." 

One  thing  I  should  like  to  learn  from 
one  of  such  eminent  sanctity  and  fastid- 
iousness, (whose  holiness  is  such  that  in 
the  presence  of  your  ver}^  handkerchiefs  and 
aprons  the  devils  cry  out)  ;  whom  do  30U 
take  for  your  model  in  your  writings?  Has 
any  one  of  the  catholic  writers,  in  a  contro- 
versy of  opinions,  imputed  moral  offences  to 
the  man  with  whom  he  is  arguing  ?  Have  your 
masters  taught  you  to  do  this?  Is  this  the 
system  in  which  you  have  been  trained,  that, 
when  you  cannot  answer  a  man,  you  should 
take  off  his  head?  that  when  you  cannot 
silence  a  man's  tongue,  you  should  cut  it 
out?  You  have  nothing  much  to  boast  of,  for 
you  are  doing  only  what  the  scorpions  and 
cantharides  do.  This  is  what  Fulvia  ^  did 
to  Cicero  and  Herodias  to  John.  They 
could  not  bear  to  hear  the  truth,  and   there- 


1  Iliad.  XX.  250. 

2  Antony's  wife  who  had  Cicero's   head  brought  to  her,  and 
bored  through  the  tongue  with  a  golden  bodkin. 


540 


JEROME. 


fore  they  pierced  the  tongue  that  spoke 
truth  with  the  pin  that  parted  their  hair. 
The  duty  of  dogs  is  to  bark  in  their  masters' 
service  ;  why  may  I  not  bark  in  tiie  service  of 
Christ?  Many  have  written  against  Marcion 
or  Valentinus,  Arius  or  Eunomius.  By 
which  of  them  was  any  accusation  brought 
of  immoral  conduct?  Did  they  not  in  each 
case  bring  their  whole  effort  to  bear  upon 
the  refutation  of  the  heresy?  It  is  the  mach- 
ination of  the  heretics,  that  is  of  your  mas- 
ters, when  convicted  of  betrayal  of  the  faith, 
to  betake  themselves  to  evil  speaking.  So 
Eustathius  ^  the  Bishop  of  Antio^di  was  made 
into  a  father  unawares.  So  Athanasius 
Bishop  of  Alexandria  cut  off  a  third  hand 
of  Arsenius ;  for,  when  he  appeared  ^  alive 
after  having  been  supposed  to  be  dead,  he 
was  found  to  have  two.  Such  things  also 
now  are  falsely  charged  against  the  Bishop 
of  the  same  church,  and  the  true  f^iith  is 
assailed  by  gold,  which  constitutes  the 
power  of  yourself  and  your  friends.  But  I 
need  not  speak  of  controversy  with  heretics, 
who,  though  they  are  really  without,  yet  call 
themselves  Christians.  How  many  of  our 
writers  have  contended  with  those  most  im- 
pious men,  Celsus  and  Porphyry!  but  which 
of  them  has  left  the  cause  he  was  eng-a^ed  in 
to  busy  himself  with  the  imputation  of  crime 
to  his  adversary,  such  as  ought  to  be  set  down 
not  in  church-writings  but  in  the  calendar 
of  the  judge  ?  For  what  advantage  have  you 
gained  if  you  establish  a  man's  criminality 
but  tail  in  your  argument?  It  is  quite  un- 
necessary that  in  bringing  an  accusation 
you  should  risk  your  own  head.  If  your 
object  is  revenge,  you  can  hire  an  execu- 
tioner, and  satisfy  your  desire.  You  pretend 
to  dread  a  scandal,  and  yet  you  are  ready  to 
kill  a  man  who  was  once  your  brother, 
whom  you  now  accuse,  and  whom  you 
always  treat  as  an  enemy.  Yet  I  wonder 
how  a  man  like  you,  who  knows  what  he  is 
about,  should  be  so  blinded  by  madness  as 
to  wish  to  confer  a  benefit  upon  me  by  draw- 
ing forth  my  soul  out  of  piison,^  and  should 
not  suffer  it  to  remain  with  vou  in  the  dark- 
ness  of  this  world. 

43.  If  you  wish  me  to  keep  silence,  cease 
from  accusing  me.  Lay  down  your  sword, 
and  I  will  throw  away  my  shield.  To  one 
thing  only  I  cannot  consent;  that  is,  to  spare 
the  heretics,  and   not  to  vindicate   my  ortho- 

1  Eustathius  was  deposed  at  the  instigation  oi"  Eusebius  the 
Arian  bishop  of  Nicomedia,  who  brought  charges  both  of 
Sabeilianism  and  of  immorality  against  him.  Socrates,  Eccl. 
Hist.  i.  24. 

2  At  the  Synod  at  Tyre  in  335.    See  Socrates  Eccl.  Hist.  i.  2q. 

3  This  expression  was  used  by  the  Origenists  of  death. 
This  life  was  a  prison  house  into  which  souls  h:id  fallen; 
Jerome  imputes  this  opinion  to  Rutinus,  and  Rufinus  to  him. 
See  Ruf.  Apol.  i.  26. 


doxy.  If  that  is  the  cause  of  discord  be- 
tween us,  I  can  submit  to  death,  but  not  to 
silence.  It  would  have  been  right  to  go 
through  the  whole  of  the  Scriptures  for 
answers  to  your  ravings,  and,  like  David 
playing  on  his  harp,  to  take  the  divine  words 
to  calm  your  raging  breast.  But  I  will  con- 
tent myself  with  a  few  statements  from  a 
single  book  ;  I  will  oppose  Wisdom  to  folly  ; 
for  I  hope  if  you  despise  the  words  of  men 
you  will  not  think  lightly  of  the  word  of 
God.  Listen,  then,  to  that  which  Solomon 
the  wise  says  about  you  and  all  who  are 
addicted  to  evil  speaking  and  contumely  : 

"  Foolish   men,  while  they  desire   injuries,  be- 
come impious  and  hate  wisdom.^     Devise  not  evil 
against    thy    friend.     Be    not    angry    with    a   man 
without   a   cause.     The  impious  exalt  contumely. 
^Remove  from  thee  the  evil  mouth,  keep  far  from 
thee  the  wicked  lips,  the  eyes  of  him  that  speaketh 
evil,    the    tongue   of  the    unjust,  the  hands  w^hich 
shed    the    blood  of  the  just,^   the  heart   that   de- 
viseth  evil   thoughts,  and  the  feet  which  hasten  to 
do  evil.     He  tiiat  resteth  upon  falsehood    feedeth 
the  winds,  and  followeth  the  flying  birds.     For  he 
hath  left   the  ways  of  his  own  vineyard,  and  hath 
made  the  wheels  of  his  tillage  to  err.     He  walketh 
through    the  dry  and  desert  places,  and   with  his 
hands  he  gathereth  barrenness^    The  mouth  of  the 
frovvard  is  near  to  destruction,  and  ^he  whouttereth 
evil  words  is  the  chief  of  fools.     Every  simple  man 
is  a  soul  that  is  blessed;  but  a  violent  man   is  dis- 
honourable.    ^ By  the  fault  of  his   lips  the  sinner 
falleth  into   a  snare.     'All  the  ways  of  a  fool  are 
right  in  his  own  eyes.     ®  The  fool  showeth  his  anger 
on  that  very  day.     ^  Lying  lips  are  an  abomination 
to  the  Lord.     ^*^  He  that  keepeth  his  lips  guardeth 
his   own    soul;    but  he  that  is  rash  with  his   lips 
shall  be  a  terror  to  himself.     *'The  evil  man  in  liis 
violence  doeth  evil  things,  and  the  fool  spreadeth 
out  his  folly.     '^  Seek  for  wisdom  among  the  evil 
and  thou    shalt  not  find  it.     ^^The  rash  man  shall 
eat  of  the    fruit  of  his  own  ways.     '"^  The  wise  man 
by  taking  heed  avoideth  the  evil;  but  the  fool   is 
confident,  and  joins  himself  to  it.     '^A  long-suffer- 
ing man  is  strong  in  his  wisdom;   the  man  of  little 
mind  is  very  unwise.    ^^  He  who  oppresseth  the  poor 
reproacheth   his  Maker.      ''The  tongue  of  the  wise 
knoweth  good  things,  but  the  mouth  of  fools  speak- 
eth evil.     '^A  quarrelsome  man  preferreth   strife, 
and  every  one  that  lifteth   up   his  heart  is  unclean 
before  God.    '^Though  hand  join  with  hand  unjust- 
ly, they  shall  not  be  unpunished.     ^^  He  that  loveth 
life  must  be  sparing  to  his  mouth.     ^'  Insolence  go- 
eth  before  bruising,  and  evil  thoughts  before  a  fall. 
^^  He  who  closeth  his  eyes  speaketh  perverse  things, 
and  provoketh  all  evil  with  his  lips.     ^^  The  lips  of  a 
fool  lead  him  into  evil,  and   the   foolhardy  speech 
calleth  down  death.     The  man  of  evil  counsel  shall 
suffer  much  loss.     -*  Better  is  a  poor  man  who  is 
just  than  a  rich  man  that  speaketh  lies.     ^^  It  is  a 
glory  to  a  man  to  turn  away  from  evil  words ;  but 
he  that  is  foolish  bindeth'himself  therewith.  ^^  Love 

1  Prov.  iii,  29,  30.      These  quotations  are  from  the  LXX. 


version 

2  iv,  24. 

3  vi,  iS. 
*  X,  14. 

5  X,   iS. 

c  xii,  13 
7  xii,  15 


8  xii,  16 

9  xii,  22. 
'0  xiii,  3. 
1'  xiii, 16. 
^-  xiv,  6. 
'3  xiv, 14, 
^*  xiv,  16. 


!■"'  xiv,  29. 
I'i  xiv,  31. 

^^  XV,  12. 
18  XV,  18. 
19vi,  5. 

20  vi,  17. 

21  vi,  iS. 


22  vi,  30. 

23  xviii,  6,  7. 
2*  xix,  I. 

23  XX,  3. 
2'>  XX,    13. 


A    COMMENTARY    ON    THE    APOSTLES'    CREED 


541 


not  detraction,  lest  thou  be  rooted  out.  •  The  bread 
of  lying  is  sweet  to  a  man,  but  afterwards  his 
mouth  shall  be  filled  with  gravel.  '  He  that  gaineth 
treasures  with  a  lying  tongue  followeth  vanity,  and 
shall  come  into  the  snares  of  death.  ^  Say  thou 
nought  in  the  ear  of  a  fool,  lest  haply  the  wise 
mock  at  thy  words.  "*  The  bludgeon  and  the  sword 
and  the  arrow  are  hurtful  things;  ''so  is  the  man 
who  beareth  false  witness  against  his  friend.  ^As 
the  birds  and  the  sparrows  fly  away,  so  the  curse 
shall  be  vain  and  shall  not  overtake  him.  'Answer 
not  an  unwise  man  according  to  his  lack  of  wis- 
dom, lest  thou  become  like  unto  him  ;  but  answer 
a  fool  according  to  his  folly,  lest  he  appear  to  him- 
self to  be  wise.  ^  He  who  layeth  wait  for  his  friends, 
when  he  is  discovered  saith,  I  did  it  in  sport.  ^  A 
faggot  for  the  coals,  and  wood  for  the  fire,  and  a 
man  of  evil  words  for  the  tumult  of  strife.  •"  If 
thine  enemy  ask  thee  aught,  sparingly  but  with  a 
loud  voice,  ''consent  thou  not  to  him,  for  there  are 
seven  degrees  of  wickedness  in  his  heart.  '^The 
stone  is  heavy,  and  the  sand  hard  to  be  borne;  but 
the  anger  of  a  fool  is  heavier  than  either;  indigna- 
tion is  cruel,  anger  is  sharp,  and  envy  is  impatient. 
'^The  impious  man  speaketh  against  the  poor;  and 
he  that  trusteth  in  the  audacity  of  his  heart  is  most 
foolish.  '■*  The  unwise  man  putteth  forth  all  his 
anger,  but  the  wise  dealeth  it  out  in  parts.  '^  An 
evil  son  —  his  teeth  are  swords,  and  his  grinders 
are  as  harrows,  to  consume  the  weak  from  off  the 
earth,  and  the  poor  from  among  men." 

Such  are  the  lessons  in  which  I  have  been 
trained ;  and  therefore  I  was  unwilling  to 
return  bite  for  bite,  and  to  attack  you  by  way 


of   retaliation ;    and   I 


thought 


it  better    to 


1  Prov.  XX,  17. 

2  xxi,  6. 

'  XKiii,  9. 
*  XXV,  18. 


5  XXV,  18.      ^  xxvii,  21. 

6  xxvi,  2.      10  xxvii,  14. 
■^  xxvi,  4,  5.  11  xxvi,  24,  25. 
"        71,  19.   12  xxvii,  3,  4. 


8  xxvi, 


13  xxviii,  25,  26. 
1*  xxix,  1 1. 
^0  XXX,  14. 


exorcise  the  madness  of  one  who  was  raving, 
and  to  pour  in  the  antidote  of  a  single  book 
into  his  poisoned  breast.  But  1  fear  I  shall 
have  no  success,  and  that  I  shall  be  com- 
pelled to  sing  the  song  of  David,  and  to  take 
his  words  for  my  only  consolation  :  ^ 

"The  wicked  are  estranged  from  the  womb,  they 
go  astray  even  from  the  belly.  They  have  spoken 
lies.  Their  madness  is  like  the  madness  of  the 
serpent;  like  the  deaf  adder  which  stoppeth  her 
ears,  which  will  not  hear  the  voice  of  the  charm- 
ers, and  of  the  magician  wisely  enchanting. 
God  shall  break  their  teeth  in  their  mouth  ;  the 
Lord  shall  break  the  great  teeth  of  the  lions.  They 
shall  come  to  nothing,  like  water  that  runneth 
away.  He  bendeth  his  bow  until  they  be  brought 
low.  Like  wax  that  melteth,  they  shall  be  carried 
away;  the  fire  hath  fallen  upon  them  and  they 
have  not  seen  the  sun." 

And  again  :  ^ 

**  The  righteous  shall  rejoice  when  he  seeth  the 
vengeance  upon  the  impious;  he  shall  wash  his 
hands  in  the  blood  of  the  sinner.  And  man  shall 
say,  Verily,  there  is  a  reward  for  the  righteous; 
verily,  there  is  a  God  that  judgeth  those  that  are 
on  the  earth." 

44.  In  the  end  of  your  letter  you  say  :  "I 
hope  that  you  love  peace."  To  this  I  will 
answer  in  a  few  words  :  If  you  desire  peace, 
lay  down  your  arms.  I  can  be  at  peace  with 
one  who  shews  kindness;  I  do  not  fear  one 
who  threatens  me.  Let  us  be  at  one  in 
faith,  and  peace  will  follow  immediately. 


1  Ps.  Iviii,  3-8. 


2  Ps.  Iviii,  10,  II. 


A    COMMENTARY    ON    THE    APOSTLES'    CREED. 


This  exposition  of  the  Creed  was  made  at  the  request  of  Laurentius,  a  Bishop  whose  see  is  unknown,  but  is 
conjectured  by  Fontanini,  in  his  life  of  Rufinus,  to  have  been  Concordia,  Rufinus'  birthplace. 

Its  exact  date  cannot  be  fixed ;  but  from  the  fact  that  he  says  nothing  of  his  difficulty  in  writing  Latin  after 
being  so  long  in  the  East,  as  he  does  in  several  of  his  books,  and  from  the  comparative  ease  of  the  style,  it  is 
most  probable  that  it  was  written  in  the  later  years  of  his  sojourn  at  Aquileia,  that  is,  about  307-309. 

Its  value  is  considerable  (i)  as  bearing  witness  to  the  state  of  the  Creed  in  local  churches  at  the  beginning 
of  the  5th  century,  especially  their  variations.  (In  the  church  of  Aquileia,  in  ]esu  Christ^.  Patrem  invisibilem 
et  impassibilem.  Resurrectio  htijus  carnis) ;  (2)  as  showing  the  adaptation  of  Eastern  ideas  to  the  formation  of 
Western  theology;  (3)  as  giving  the  Canon  of  the  books  of  Scripture,  and  the  Apocrypha  of  both  the  Old  and 
New  dispensations. 

The  exposition  is  clear  and  reasonable;  and,  with  the  exception  of  a  very  few  passages,  such  as  the  argu- 
ment from  the  Phcenix  for  the  Virgin  Birth  of  our  Lord,  is  still  of  use  to  us. 

We  prefix  the  words  of  the  creed  on  which  Rufinus  makes  his  commentary. 

It  seems  desirable  to  give  the  original  Latin,  as  well  as  the  EngHsh  version  of  the  Creed  of  Aquileia.  The 
words  or  letters  which  are  peculiar  to  this  creed  are  put  in  italics. 


1.  Credo  in  Deo  Patre  omnipotenti  invisibili  et  im-  i. 

passibili. 

2.  EtinJesuChristo,  unico  Filio  ejus,  Domino  nostro;  2. 

3.  Qui  natus  est  de  Spiritu  Sancto  ex  Maria  Virgine;  3. 

4.  Crucifixus  sub  Pontio  Pilato,  et  sepultus;  4. 

5.  Descendit  ad  inferna;    tertia  die  resurrexit  a  mor-  5. 

tuis; 


I  believe  in  God  the  Father  Almighty,  invisible 

and  impassible. 
And  in  Jesus  Christ,  His  only  Son,  our  Lord; 
Who  was  born  from  the  Holy  Ghost,  of  the  Virgin 

Mary; 
Was  crucified  under  Pontius  Pilate,  and  buried; 
He  descended  to  hell;  on  the  third  day  he  ros-' 

again  from  the  dead. 


542 


RUFINUS. 


6.  Ascendit  in  coelos;  sedct  ad  dexteram  Patris; 

7.  Inde  venturus  est  judicare  vivos  et  mortuos; 

8.  Et  in  Spiritu  Sancto  ; 

9.  Sanctam  Ecclesiam; 

10.  Remissionem  peccatorum; 

11.  Hujus  carnis  resurrectionem. 

My  mind  has  as  little  inclination  for 
writing  as  sufficiency,  most  faithful  Bishop 
(  Papa)  Laurentius,'  for  I  well  know  that  it 
is  a  matter  of  no  little  peril  to  submit  a 
slender  ability  to  general  criticism.  But, 
since  in  your  letter  you  rashly  (forgive  my 
saying  so)  require  me,  by  Christ's  sacra- 
ments, which  I  hold  in  the  greatest  rever- 
ence, to  compose  something  for  you  concern- 
ing the  Faith,  in  accordance  with  the  tradi- 
tional and  natural  meaning  of  the  Creed, 
although  in  so  doing  you  impose  a  burthen 
upon  me  beyond  my  strength  to  bear  (for  I 
do  not  forget  the  opinion  of  the  wise,  which 
so  justly  says,  that  "to  speak  of  God  even 
what  is  true  is  perilous")  ;  still,  if  you  will 
aid  with  your  prayers  the  necessity  which 
your  requisition  has  laid  upon  me,  I  will  try 
to  say  something,  moved  rather  by  a  reveren- 
tial regard  for  your  injunction  than  by  pre- 
sumptuous confidence  in  my  ability.  What 
I  write,  however,  will  hardly  seem  worthy 
of  the  consideration  of  persons  of  mature  un- 
derstanding, but  suited  rather  to  the  capacity 
of  children  and  young  beginners  in  Christ. 

I  find,  indeed,  that  some  eminent  writers 
have  published  treatises  on  these  matters 
piously  and  briefly  written.  Moreover,  I 
know  that  the  heretic  Photinus  has  written 
on  the  same  ;  but  with  the  object,  not  of  ex- 
plaining the  meaning  of  the  text  to  his  read- 
ers, but  of  wresting  things  simply  and  truth- 
fully said  in  support  of  his  own  dogma, 
while  yet  the  Holy  Spirit  has  taken  care  that 
in  these  words  nothing  should  be  set  down 
which  is  ambiguous  or  obscure,  or  inconsist- 
ent with  other  truths :  for  therein  is  that 
prophecy  verified,  "  Finishing  and  cutting 
short  the  word  in  equity  :  because  a  short 
word  will  the  Lord  make  upon  the  earth."  ^ 
It  shall  be  our  endeavour,  then,  first  to  restore 
and  emphasize  the  words  of  the  Apostles  in 
their  native  sim.plicity ;  and,  secondly,  to 
supply  such  things  as  seem  to  have  been 
omitted  by  former  expositors.  But  that  the 
scope  of  this  "  short  word,"  as  we  have 
called  it,  may  be  made  more  plain,  we  will 
enquire  from  the  beginning  how  it  came  to 
be  given  to  the  Churches. 


1  Nothing-  is  known  of  this  Pope  Laurentius.  The  title 
*'  Papa,"  at  first  jiiven  to  Bishops  promiscuously,  was  not  yet 
restricted  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome.  Gregory  VII.,  in  a  Council 
held  at  Rome  in  1073,  forbade  it  to  be  given  to  any  other. 

2  Isaiah  x.  22,  23,  Septuag.,  and  so  cited  Rom."ix.  28. 


6.  He  ascended  to  the  heavens;  he  sitteth  at  the  right 

hand  of  the  Father; 

7.  Thence  he  is  to  come  to  judge  the  quick  and  the 

dead. 

8.  And  in  the  Holy  Ghost; 

9.  The  Holy  Church. 
ID.  The  remission  of*sins. 

II.  The  resurrection  of  this  flesh, 

2.  Our  forefathers  have  handea  down  to 
us  the  tradition,  that,  after  the  Lord's  ascen- 
sion, when,  through  the  coming  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  tongues  of  flame  had  settled  upon 
each  of  the  Apostles,  that  they  might  speak 
diverse  languages,  so  that  no  race  however 
foreign,  no  tongue  however  barbarous, 
might  be  inaccessible  to  them  and  beyond 
their  reach,  they  were  commanded  by  the 
j  Lord  to  go  severally  to  the  several  nations  to 
preach  the  word  of  God.  Being  on  the  eve 
therefore  of  departing  from  one  another, 
they  first  mutually  agreed  upon  a  standard  of 
their  future  preaching,  lest  haply,  when  sepa- 
rated, they  might  in  any  instance  vary  in  the 
statements  which  they  should  make  to  those 
whom  they  should  invite  to  believe  in  Christ. 
Being  all  therefore  met  together,  and  being 
filled  with  the  Holy  Ghost,  they  composed, 
as  we  have  said,  this  brief  formulary  of  their 
future  preaching,  each  contributing  his  sev- 
eral sentence  to  one  common  summary  :  and 
they  ordained  that  the  rule  thus  framed 
should  be  given  to  those  who  believe. 

To  this  formulary,  for  many  and  most 
sufficient  reasons,  they  gave  the  name  or 
Symbol.  For  Symbol  \K'v\i\iolov)  in  Greek 
answers  to  both  "Indicium"  (a  sign  or 
token)  and  "  Collatio  "  (a  joint  contribution 
made  by  several)  in  Latin.  For  this  the 
Apostles  did  in  these  words,  each  contribut- 
ing his  several  sentence.  It  is  called  "  In- 
dicium "  or  ''  Signum,"  a  sign  or  token,  be- 
cause, at  that  time,  as  the  Apostle  Paul  says, 
and  as  is  related  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
many  of  the  vagabond  Jews,  pretending  to 
be  apostles  of  Christ,  went  about  preaching 
for  gain's  sake  or  their  belly's  sake,  naming 
the  name  of  Christ  indeed,  but  not  deliver- 
ing their  message  according  to  the  exact  tra- 
ditional lines.  The  Apostles  therefore  pre- 
scribed this  formulary  as  a  sign  or  token  by 
which  he  who  preached  Christ  truly,  accord- 
ing to  Apostolic  rule,  might  be  recognised. 
Finally,  they  say  that  in  civil  wars,  smce  the 
armour  of  both  sides  is  alike,  and  the  lan- 
guage the  same,  and  the  custom  and  mode 
of  warfare  the  same,  each  general,  to  guard 
against  treachery,  is  wont  to  deliver  to  his 
soldiers  a  distinct  symbol  or  watchword  —  in 
Latin  "signum"  or  ''indicium" — so  that 
if  one  is  met  with,  of  whom  it  is  doubtful  to 
which  side  he  belongs,  being  asked  the  sym- 


A    COMMENTARY    ON    THE    APOSTLES'    CREED. 


543 


bol  (watchword),  he  discloses  whether  he  is 
friend  or  foe.  And  for  this  reason,  the  tra- 
dition continues,  the  Creed  is  not  written  on 
paper  or  parchment,  but  is  retained  in  the 
hearts  of  the  faithful,  that  it  may  be  certain 
that  no  one  has  learnt  it  by  reading,  as  is 
sometimes  the  case  with  unbelievers,  but  by 
tradition  from  the  Apostles. 

The  Apostles  therefore,  as  we  have  said, 
being  about  to  separate  in  order  to  preach 
the  Gospel,  settled  upon  this  sign  or  token 
of  their  agreement  in  the  faith  ;  and,  unlike 
the  sons  of  Noah,  who,  when  they  were 
about  to  separate  from  one  another,  builded 
a  tower  of  baked  bricks  and  pitch,  whose 
top  might  reach  to  heaven,  they  raised  a 
monument  of  faith,  which  might  withstand 
the  enemy,  composed  of  living  stones  and 
joearls  of  the  Lord,  such  that  neither  winds 
might  overthrow  it,  nor  floods  undermine  it, 
nor  the  force  of  storms  and  tempests  shake 
it.  Right  justly,  then,  were  the  former, 
when,  on  the  eve  of  separation,  they  builded 
a  tower  of  pride,  condemned  to  the  confusion 
of  tongues,  so  that  no  one  might  understand 
his  neighboin*'s  speech  ;  while  the  latter,  who 
were  building  a  tower  of  faith,  were  endowed 
with  the  knowledge  and  understanding  of  all 
languages ;  so  that  the  one  might  prove  a 
sign  and  token  of  sin,  the  other  of  faith. 

But  it  is  time  now  that  we  should  say 
something  about  these  same  pearls,  among 
which  is  placed  first  the  fountain  and  source 
of  all,  when  it  is  said, — 

3.  I  Believe  in  God  the  Father 
Almighty. 

But  before  I  begin  to  discuss  the  meaning 
of  the  words,  I  think  it  well  to  mention  that 
in  diflerent  Churches  some  additions  are 
found  in  this  article.  This  is  not  the  case, 
however,  in  the  Church  of  the  city  of  Rome  ; 
the  reason  being,  as  I  suppose,  that,  on  the 
one  hand,  no  heresy  has  had  its  origin  there, 
and,  on  the  other,  that  the  ancient  custom  is 
there  kept  up,  that  those  who  are  going  to  be 
baptized  should  rehearse  the  Creed  publicly, 
that  is,  in  the  audience  of  the  people  ;  the 
consequence  of  which  is  that  the  ears  of 
those  who  are  already  believers  will  not  ad- 
init  the  addition  of  a  single  word.  But  in 
other  places,  as  I  understand,  additions  ap- 
pear to  have  been  made,  on  account  of  cer- 
tain heretics,  by  means  of  which  it  was 
hoped  that  novelty  in  doctrine  would  be  ex- 
cluded. We,  however,  follow  that  order 
which  we  received  when  we  were  baptized 
in  the  Church  of  Aquileia. 

I  Believe,  therefore,  is  placed  in  the 
forefront,  as  the  Apostle  Paul,  writing  to  the 
Hebrews,   says,    "  He   that  cometh  to   God 


must  first  of  all  believe  that  He  is,  and  tliat 
He  is  a  re  warder  of  those  who  believe  on 
Him."*  The  Prophet  also  says,  "Except 
ye  believe,^  ye  shall  not  iniderstand."  That 
the  way  to  understand,  therefore,  may  be 
open  to  you,  you  do  rightly  first  of  all,  in 
professing  that  you  believe  ;  for  no  one  em- 
barks upon  the  sea,  and  trusts  himself  to  the 
deep  and  liquid  element,  unless  he  first  be- 
lieves it  possible  that  he  will  have  a  safe 
vo\'age ;  neither  does  the  husbandman  com- 
mit his  seed  to  the  furrows  and  scatter  his 
grain  on  the  earth,  but  in  the  belief  that  the 
showers  will  come,  together  with  the  sun's 
warmth,  through  whose  fostering  influence, 
aided  by  favouring  winds,  the  earth  will  pro- 
duce and  multiply  and  ripen  its  fruits.  In 
fine,  nothing  in  life  can  be  transacted  if  there 
be  not  first  a  readiness  to  believe.  What 
wonder  then,  if,  coming  to  God,  we  first  of 
all  profess  that  we  believe,  seeing  that,  with- 
out this,  not  even  common  life  can  be  lived. 
We  have  premised  these  remarks  at  the  out- 
set, since  the  Pagans  are  wont  to  object  to 
us  that  our  religion,  because  it  lacks  reasons, 
rests  solely  on  belief.  We  have  shewn, 
therefore,  that  nothing  can  possibly  be  done 
or  remain  stable  unless  belief  precede. 
Finally,  marriages  are  contracted  in  the  be- 
lief that  children  will  be  born  ;  and  children 
are  committed  to  the  care  of  masters  in  the 
belief  that  the  teaching  of  the  masters  will 
be  transferred  to  the  pupils  ;  and  one  man 
assumes  the  ensigns  of  empire,  believing  that 
peoples  and  cities  and  a  well-equipped  army 
also  will  obey  him.  But  if  no  one  enters 
upon  any  one  of  these  several  undertakings 
except  in  the  belief  that  the  results  spoken 
of  will  follow,  must  not  belief  be  much  more 
requisite  if  one  would  come  to  the  knowledge 
of  God?  But  let  us  see  what  this  "short 
w^ord  "  of  the  Creed  sets  forth. 

4.  "I  Believe  in  God  the  Father 
Almighty."  The  Eastern  Churches  almost 
universally  deliver  the  article  thus,  "  I  be- 
lieve in  ONE  God  the  Father  Almighty;" 
and  again  in  the  next  article,  where  we  say, 
"And  in  Christ  Jesus,  His  only  Son,  our 
Lord,"  they  deliver  it,  "And  in  one  (Lord) 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  His  only  Son ;  "  con- 
fessing, that  is,  "  one  God.'^  and  "one  Lord," 
in  accordance  with  the  authority  of  the 
Apostle  Paul.  But  we  shall  return  to  this 
by-and-by.  For  the  present,  let  us  turn  our 
attention  to  the  w^ords,  "  In  God  the  Father 
Almighty." 

"  God,"  so  far  as  the  human  mind  can 
form  an    idea»   is    the    name   of  that    nature 


1  Heb.  xi.  10. 


2  Dan.  xii.  10,  or  Is.  vii.  9. 


544 


RUFINUS. 


or  substance  which  is  above  all  things. 
"Father"  is  a  word  expressive  of  a  secret 
and  ineffable  mystery.  When  you  hear  the 
word  "  God,"  you  must  understand  thereby 
a  substance  without  beginning,  without  end, 
simple,  uncompounded,  invisible,  incorporeal, 
ineffable,  inappreciable,  which  has  in  it 
nothing  which  has  been  either  added  or 
created.  For  He  is  without  cause  who  is 
absolutely  the  cause  of  all  things.  When 
you  hear  the  word  "  Father,"  you  must  un- 
derstand by  this  the  Father  of  a  Son,  which 
Son  is  the  image  of  the  aforesaid  substance. 
For  as  no  one  is  called  "Lord"  unless  he 
have  a  possession  or  a  servant  whose  lord  he 
is,  and  as  no  one  is  called  "  master  "  unless 
he  have  a  disciple,  so  no  one  can  possibly  be 
called  "  father"  unless  he  have  a  son.  This 
very  name  of  "Father,"  therefore,  shews 
plainly  that,  together  with  the  Father  there 
subsists  a  Son  also. 

But  I  would  not  have  you  discuss  how 
God  the  Father  begat  the  Son,  nor  intrude 
too  curiously  into  the  profound  mystery,  lest 
haply,  by  prying  too  eagerly  into  the  bright- 
ness of  light  inaccessible,  you  should  lose 
the  fiiint  glimpse  which,  by  the  gift  of  God, 
has  been  vouchsafed  to  mortals.  Or,  if  you 
suppose  that  this  is  a  subject  to  be  investi- 
gated with  all  possible  scrutiny,  first  propose 
to  yourself  questions  which  concern  our- 
selves, and  then,  if  vou  are  able  to  deal 
satisfactorily  with  them,  speed  on  from 
earthly  things  to  heavenly,  from  visible  to 
invisible.  Determine  first,  if  you  can,  how 
the  mind,  which  is  within  you,  generates  a 
word,  and  what  is  the  spirit  of  the  memory 
which  is  in  it ;  and  how  these,  though 
diverse  in  reality  and  in  operation,  are  yet 
one  in  substance  or  nature  ;  and  though  they 
proceed  from  the  mind,  yet  are  never  sepa- 
rated from  it.  And  if  these,  though  they  are 
in  us  and  in  the  substance  of  our  own  soul, 
yet  seem  to  be  hidden  from  us  in  proportion 
as  they  are  invisible  to  our  bodily  sight,  let 
us  take  for  our  enquiry  things  which  are 
more  open  to  view.  How  does  a  spring 
generate  a  river  from  itself?  By  what  spirit 
is  it  borne  into  a  rapidly  flowing  stream? 
How  happens  it  that,  while  the  river  and  the 
spring  are  one  and  inseparable,  yet  neither 
can  the  river  be  understood  to  be,  or  can  be 
called,  the  spring,  nor  the  spring  the  river, 
and  yet  he  who  has  seen  the  river  has  seen 
the  spring  also?  Exercise  yourself  first  in 
explaining  these,  and  explain,  if  you  are  able, 
things  which  you  have  under  your  hands  ; 
and  then  you  may  come  to  loftier  matters. 
Do  not  tliink,  however,  that  I  would  have 
you  ascend  all  at  once  from  the  earth  above 


the  heavens  :  I  would  first,  with  your  leave, 
draw  your  attention  to  this  firmament  which 
our  eyes  behold,  and  ask  you  to  explain,  if 
you  can,  the  nature  of  this  visible  luminary, 
—  how  that  celestial  fire  generates  from  itself 
the  brightness  of  light,  how  it  also  produces 
heat ;  and  though  these  are  three  in  reality, 
how  they  are  yet  one  in  substance.  And  If 
you  are  capable  of  investigating  each  of 
these,  even  then  you  must  acknowledge  that 
the  mystery  of  the  Divine  generation  is  by 
so  much  the  more  diverse  and  the  more 
transcendent  as  the  Creator  is  more  powerful 
than  the  creatures,  as  the  artificer  is  more 
excellent  than  his  work,  as  He  who  ever  is 
is  more  noble  than  that  which  had  its  begin- 
ning out  of  nothing. 

That  God  then  is  the  Father  of  His  only 
Son  our  Lord  is  to  be  believed,  not  dis- 
cussed ;  for  it  is  not  lawful  for  a  servant  to 
dispute  about  the  nativity  of  his  lord.  The 
Father  hath  borne  witness  from  heaven, 
saying,  '  "  This  is  My  beloved  Son,  in 
Whom  I  am  well  pleased:  hear  Him." 
The  Father  saith  that  He  is  His  Son  and 
bids  us  hear  Him.  The  Son  saith,  "  He 
who  seeth  Me  seeth  the  Father  also,"  ^  and 
"  I  and  the  Father  are  one,"  ^  and  "  I  came 
forth  from  God  and  am  come  into  the 
world."''  Where  is  the  man  who  can  thrust 
himself  as  a  disputant  between  these  words 
of  Father  and  Son,  who  can  divide  the  God- 
head, separate  its  volition,  break  asunder  the 
substance,  cut  the  spirit  in  parts,  and  deny 
that  what  the  Truth  speaks  is  true?  God 
then  is  a  true  Father  as  the  Father  of  the 
Truth,  not  begetting  extrinsically,  but  gener- 
ating the  Son  from  that  which  Himself  is; 
that  is,  as  the  All-wise  He  generates  Wis- 
dom, as  the  Just  Justice,  as  the  Everlasting 
the  Everlasting,  as  the  Immortal  Lumor- 
tality,  as  the  Invisible  the  Invisible  ;  because 
He  is  Light,  He  generates  Brightness,  be- 
cause He  is  Mind,  He  generates  the  Word. 

5.  Now  whereas  we  said  that  the  Eastern 
Churches,  in  their  delivery  of  the  Creed, 
say,  "In  one  God  ^  the  Father  Almighty," 
and  "  in  one  Lord,"  the  "  one  "  is  not  to  be 
understood  numerically  but  absolutely.  For 
example,  if  one  should  say,  "  one  man"  o,r 
"one  horse,"  here  "one"  is  used  numeri- 
cally. For  there  may  be  a  second  man  and 
a  third,  or  a  second  horse  and  a  third.  But 
where  a  second  or  a  third  cannot  be  added,  if 
we  say  "  one"  we  mean  one  not  numerically 
but  absolutely.  For  example,  if  we  say,  "one 
Sun,"  here  the  meaning  is  that  a  second  or  a 
third  cannot  be  added,  for  there  is   but  one 

1  Matt.  xvii.  5.    3  John  x.  30.       ^Deutn,  not,  as  before,  De*?.. 

2  John  xiv.  9.      4  John  xvi.  28, 


A    COMMENTARY    ON    THE    APOSTLES'    CREED. 


545 


Sun.  Much  more  then  is  Gotl,  when  He  is 
said  to  be  "one,"  called  "  one,"  not  numeri- 
cally but  absolutely,  that  is,  He  is  therefore 
said  to  be  one  because  there  is  no  other.  In 
like  manner,  also,  it  is  to  be  understood  of 
the  Lord,  that  He  is  one  Lord,  Jesus  Christ, 
by  or  through  Whom  God  the  Father  pos- 
sesses dominion  over  all,  whence  also,  in  the 
next  clause,  God  is  called  "  Almighty." 

God  is  called  Almighty  because  He 
possesses  rule  and  dominion  over  all  things.^ 
But  the  Father  possesses  all  things  by  His 
Son,  as  the  Apostle  says,  "By  Him  were 
created  all  things,  visible  and  invisible, 
whether  they  be  thrones,  or  dominions,  or 
principalities,  or  powers."^  And  again, 
writing^  to  the  Hebrews,  he  says,  "  Bv  Him 
also  He  made  the  worlds,"  and  ''  He  ap- 
pointed Him  heir  of  all  thini^s."  '^  By 
''  appointed  "  we  are  to  understand  '•  gener- 
ated." Now  if  the  Father  made  the  worlds 
by  Him,  and  all  things  were  created  by  Him, 
and  He  is  heir  of  all  things,  then  by  Him 
He  possesses  rule  also  over  all  things.  Be- 
cause, as  light  is  born  of  light,  and  truth  of 
truth,  so  Almighty  is  born  of  Almighty.  As 
it  is  written  of  the  Seraphim  in  the  Revela- 
tion of  John,  "And  they  have  no  rest  day 
and  night,  crying  Holy,  Holy,  Holy,  Lord 
God  of  Sabaoth,  which  was  and  which  is 
and  which  is  to  come,  the  Almighty."'*  He 
then  who  "is  to  come"  is  called  "Al- 
mighty." And  what  other  is  there  who  "  is 
to  come"  but  Christ,  the  Son  of  God.? 

To  the  foregoing  is  added  "  Invisible 
AND  Impassible."  I  should  mention  that 
these  two  words  are  not  in  the  Creed  of  the 
Roman  Church.  They  were  added  in  our 
Church,  as  is  well  known,  on  account  of  the 
Sabellian  heresy,  called  by  us  "  the  Patri- 
passian,"  that,  namely,  which  says  that  the 
Father  Himself  was  born  of  the  Virgin  and 
became  visible,  or  affirms  that  He  suffered  in 
the  flesh.  To  exclude  such  impiety,  therefore, 
concerning  the  Father,  our  forefathers  seem 
to  have  added  these  words,  calling  the  Father 
"  invisible  and  impassible."  For  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  Son,  not  the  Father,  became 
incarnate  and  was  born  in  the  flesh,  and  that 
from  that  nativity  jn  the  flesh  the  Son  became 
"  visible  and  passible."  Yet  so  far  as  re- 
gards that  immortal  substance  of  the  God- 
head, which  He  possesses,  and  which  Is  one 
and  the  same  with  that  of  the  Father,  we  must 
believe  that  neither  the  Father,  nor  the  Son, 
nor  the  Holy  Ghost  is  "visible  or  passible." 

1  Compare  Cyril's -words,  ^iiod  omnium  teneat  potentaium 
—  I^ortlship  over  all;  6  Trairo/cpartoj,  6  Travrwv  Kaa.rL<iv^  o  ■na.vTixiv 
e'^aucrid^tov.  {Catech.,  8,  §  3).  Rufinus  evidently  had  St. 
Cyril's  exposition  in  view  here  as  repeatedly  elsewhere. 

2  Col.  i.  16.  3  Heb.  i.  2.  *  Heb.  iv.  S. 


But  the  Son,  in  that  He  condescended  to  as- 
sume flesh,  A^as  both  seen  and  also  suffered 
in  the  flesh.  Which  also  the  Prophet  fore- 
told when  he  said,  "This  is  our  God:  no 
other  shall  be  accounted  of  in  comparison  of 
Him.  He  hath  found  out  all  the  way  of 
knowledge,  and  hath  given  it  unto  Jacob  His 
servant  and  to  Israel  His  beloved.  i\fter- 
ward  He  shewed  Himself  upon  the  earth, 
and  conversed  with   men."^ 

6.  Next  there  follows,  "And  in  Christ 
Jesus,  His  only  Son,  our  Lord."  '  'Jesus  " 
is  a  Hebrew  word  meaning  "  Saviour." 
"Christ"  is  so  called  from  "Chrism,"  i.e. 
unction.  For  we  read  in  the  Books  of 
Moses,  that  Auses,  the  son  of  Nave,^  when 
he  was  chosen  to  lead  the  people,  had  his 
namechanged  from  "Auses"  to  "Jesus,"  to 
shew  that  this  was  a  name  proper  for  princes 
and  generals,  for  those,  namely,  who  should 
"save"  the  people  vv^ho  followed  them. 
Therefore,  both  were  called  "Jesus,"  both 
the  one  who  conducted  the  people,  who  had 
been  brought  forth  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt, 
and  freed  from  the  wanderings  of  the  wil- 
derness, into  the  land  of  promise,  and  the 
other,  who  conducted  the  people,  who  had 
been  brought  forth  from  the  darkness  of 
ignorance,  and  recalled  from  the  errors  of 
the  world,  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven. 

"  Christ"  is  a  name  proper  either  to  High 
Priests  or  Kings.  For  formerly  both  high 
priests  and  kUigs  were  consecrated  with  the 
ointment  of  chrism :  but  these,  as  mortal 
and  corruptible,  with  material  and  corrupti- 
ble ointment.  Jesus  is  made  Christ,  being 
anointed  with  the  Holy  Spirit,  as  the 
Scripture  saith  of  Him  "Whom  the  Father 
hath  anointed  with  the  Holy  Spirit  sent  down 
from  heaven."  ^  And  Isaiah  had  prefigured 
the  same,  saying  in  the  person  of  the  Son, 
"  The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  is  upon  Me,  because 
He  hath  anointed  Me,  He  hath  sent  Me  to 
preach  good  tidings  to  the  poor."'* 

Having  shewn  them  what  "Jesus"  is, 
Who  saves  His  people,  and  what  "Christ" 
is.  Who  is  made  a  High  Priest  for  ever,  let 
us  now  see  in  what  follows,  of  Whom  these 
things  are  said,  "  His  only  Son,  our  Lord." 
Here  we  are  taught  that  this  Jesus,  of  whom 
we  have  spoken,  and  this  Christ,  the  mean- 
ing of  whose  name  we  have  expounded,  is 
"the  only  Son  of  God"  and  "our  Lord." 
Lest,  perchance,  you  should  think  that  these 
human  names  have  an  earthly  significance,, 

1  Baruch  iii.  35-37.  Baruch  is  not  specified  by  name  in 
Rufinus's  list  of  the  Canonical  bo^ks,  but  it  is  in  Cyril's,  as 
though  a  part  of  Jeremiah,  "Jeremiah,  with  Baruch,  and  the 
Lamentations  and  the  Epistle."  (  Cntech.  4,  §  36.) 

2  That  is  Joshua  the  son  ot  Nun.  It  does  not  appear  what 
passage  is  referred  to. 

3  Acts  X.  3S.  *  Isa.  Ixi.  i.     Comp.  Luke  iv.  iS. 


546 


RUFINUS. 


therefore  it  is  added  that  He  is  "  the  only 
Son  of  God,  our  Lord."  For  He  is  bora 
One  of  One,  because  there  is  one  brightness 
of  light,  and  there  is  one  word  of  the  un- 
derstanding. Neither  does  an  incorporeal 
generation  degenerate  into  the  plural  num- 
ber, or  suffer  division,  where  He  Who  is 
born  is  in  no  wise  separated  from  Him  Who 
begets.  He  is  "only"  (unique),  as  thought 
is  to  the  mind,  as  wisdom  is  to  the  wise,  as  a 
word  is  to  the  understanding,  as  valour  is  to 
the  brave.  For  as  the  Father  is  said  by  the 
Apostle  to  be  ''  alone  wise,"  ^  so  likewise  the 
Son  alone  is  called  wisdom.  He  is  then 
the  "only  Son."  And,  although  in  glory, 
everlastingness,  virtue,  dominion,  power.  He 
is  what  the  Father  is,  yet  all  these  He  hath 
not  unoriginately  as  the  Father,  but  from  the 
Father,  as  the  Son,  without  beginning  and 
equal  ;  and  although  He  is  the  Head  of  all 
things,  yet  the  Father  is  the  Head  of  Him. 
For  so  it  is  written,  "  The  Head  of  Christ  is 
God."' 

7.  When  you  hear  the  word  "  Son," 
you  must  not  think  of  a  nativity  after  the 
flesh  ;  but  remember  that  it  is  spoken  of  an 
incorporeal  substance,  and  a  simple  and 
uncompounded  nature.  For  if,  as  we  said 
above,  whether  when  the  understanding 
generates  a  word,  or  the  mind  sense,  or  light 
brings  forth  brightness  from  itself,  nothing 
of  this  sort  is  sought  for,  or  any  manner  of 
weakness  and  imperfection  imagined  in  this 
kind  of  generation,  how  much  purer  and 
more  sacred  ought  to  be  our  conception  of 
the  Creator  of  all  these ! 

But  perhaps  you  say,  "The  generation  of 
which  you  speak  is  an  unsubstantial  genera- 
tion. For  light  does  not  produce  substantial 
brightness,  nor  the  understanding  generate  a 
substantial  word,  but  the  Son  of  God,  it  is 
affirmed,  was  generated  substantially."  To 
this  we  reply,  first,  When  in  other  things 
examples  or  illustrations  are  used,  the  re- 
semblance cannot  hold  in  every  particular, 
but  only  in  some  one  point  for  which  the 
illustration  is  employed.  For  instance,  When 
it  is  said  in  the  Gospel,  "  The  kingdom  of 
heaven  is  like  leaven,  which  a  woman  hid  in 
three  measures  of  meal,"  ^  are  we  to  imagine 
that  the  kittg"dom  of  heaven  is  in  all  respects 
like  leaven,  so  that  like  leaven  it  is  palpable 
and  perishable  so  as  to  become  sour  and 
unfit  for  use.''  Obviously  the  illustration  was 
employed  simply  for  this  object — to  shew 
how,  through  the  preaching  of  God's  word 
which  seems  so  small  a  thing,  men's  minds 
could  be  imbued  with  the  leaven  of  faith. 
So  likewise,  when  it  is  said,   "  The  kingdom 


of  heaven  is  like  unto  a  net  cast  into  the  sea, 
which  draws  in  fishes  of  every  kind,"  ^  are  we 
to  suppose  that  the  substance  of  the  kingdom 
of  heaven  is  likened  in  all  respects  to  the 
nature  of  twine  of  which  a  net  is  made,  and 
to  the  knots  with  which  the  meshes  are  tied.'* 
No ;  the  sole  object  of  the  comparison  is  to 
shew  that,  as  a  net  brings  fishes  tq  the  shore 
from  the  depths  of  the  sea,  so  by  the  preach- 
ing of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  men's  souls 
are  liberated  from  the  depth  of  the  error  of 
this  world.  From  whence  it  is  evident  that 
examples  or  illustrations  do  not  answer  in 
every  particular  to  the  things  which  they  are 
brought  to  exemplify  or  illustrate.  Other- 
wise, if  they  were  the  same  in  all  respects, 
they  would  no  longer  be  called  examples  or 
illustrations,  but  rather  would  be  the  things 
themselves. 

8.  Then  further  it  is  to  be  observed  that 
no  creature  can  be  such  as  its  Creator.  And 
therefore,  as  the  divine  substance  or  essence 
admits  of  no  comparison,  so  neither  does  the 
Divinity.  Moreover,  every  creature  is  of 
nothing.  If  therefore  a  spark  which  is  so  un- 
substantial but  yet  is  fire,  begets  of  itself  a 
creature  which  is  of  nothing,  and  maintains 
in  it  the  essential  nature  of  that  from  which 
it  springs,  (i.e.  the  fire  of  the  parent  spark), 
why  could  not  the  substance  of  that  eternal 
Light,  which  ever  has  been  because  it  has 
in  itself  nothing  which  is  not  substantial, 
produce  from  itself  substantial  brightness  .^^ 
Rightly,  therefore,  is  the  Son  called  "only," 
"  unique."  For  He  who  hath  been  so  born 
is  "only"  and  "unique."  That  which  is 
unique  can  admit  of  no  comparison.  Nor 
can  He  who  made  all  things  be  like  in  sub- 
stance to  the  things  which  He  has  made. 
This  then  is  Christ  Jesus,  the  only  Son 
of  God,  who  is  also  our  Lord.  '"Only" 
may  be  referred  both  to  Son  and  to  Lord. 
For  Jesus  Christ  is  "only"  both  as  truly 
Son  and  as  one  Lord.  For  all  other  sons, 
though  they  are  called  sons,  are  so  called 
by  the  grace  of  adoption,  not  by  verity 
of  nature ;  and  if  there  be  others  who 
are  called  lords,  they  are  called  so  from 
an  authority  bestowed  not  inherent.  But 
Christ  alone  is  the  only  Son  and  the  only 
Lord,  as  the  Apostle  saith,  "One  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  by  Whom  are  all  things."  ^ 
Therefore,  after  the  Creed  has  in  due  order 
set  forth  the  ineffable  mystery  of  the  nativity 
of  the  Son  from  the  Father,  it  now  descends 
to  the  dispensation  which  He  vouchsafed  to 
enter  upon  for  man's  salvation.  And  of 
Him  whom  just  now  it  called  the  "  only  Son 
of  God  "  and  "  our  Lord,"  it  now  says. 


1  I  Tim.  i.  17. 


2  I  Cor.  xi.  3. 


3  Matt.  xiii.  33. 


1  Matt.  xiii.  47. 


2  I  Cor.  viii.  6. 


A    COMMENTARY    ON    THE    APOSTLES'    CREED. 


547 


9.  "  Who  was  born  by  {de)  the  Holy 
Ghost  of  the  Virgin  Mary."  This 
nativity  among  men  is  in  the  way  of  dis- 
pensation,^ whereas  the  former  nativity  is  of 
the  divine  substance  ;  the  one  results  from  his 
condescension,  the  other  from  his  essential 
nature.  He  is  born  by  the  Holy  Ghost  of 
the  Virgin.  Here  a  chaste  ear  and  a  pure 
mind  is  required.  For  you  must  understand 
that  now  a  temple  hath  been  built  within  the 
secret  recesses  of  a  Virgin's  womb  for  Him 
of  Whom  erewhile  you  learnt  that  He  was 
born  ineffably  of  the  Father.  And  just  as 
in  the  sanctification  of  the  Holy  Ghost  no 
thought  of  imperfection  is  to  be  admitted,  so 
in  the  Virgin-birth  no  defilement  is  to  be  im- 
agined. For  this  birth  was  a  new  birth  given 
to  this  world,  and  rightly  new.  For  He  Who 
is  the  only  Son  in  heaven  is  by  consequence 
the  only  Son  on  earth,  and  was  uniquely 
born,  born  as  no  other  ever  was  or  can  be. 

The  words  of  the  Prophets  concerning 
Him,  "  A  Virgin  shall  conceive  and  bring 
forth  a  Son,"  ^  are  known  to  all,  and  are 
cited  in  the  Gospels  again  and  again.  The 
Prophet  Ezekiel  too  had  predicted  the  mirac- 
ulous manner  of  that  birth,  calling  Marv 
figuratively  ''  the  Gate  of  the  Lord,"  the 
gate,  namely,  through  which  the  Lord  en- 
tered the  world.  For  he  saith,  ''The  gate 
which  looks  towards  the  East  shall  be  closed, 
and  shall  not  be  opened,  and  no  one  shall 
pass  through  it,  because  the  Lord  God  of 
Israel  shall  pass  through  it,  and  it  shall  be 
closed."  ^  What  could  be  said  with  such 
-evident  reference  to  the  inviolate  preserva- 
tion of  the  Virgin's  condition.^  That  Gate 
of  Virginity  was  closed ;  through  it  the 
Lord  God  of  Israel  entered  ;  through  it  He 
came  forth  from  the  Virgin's  womb  into  this 
world  ;  and  the  Virgin-state  being  preserved 
inviolate,  the  gate  of  the  Virgin  remained 
closed  for  ever.  Therefore  the  Holy  Ghost 
is  spoken  of  as  the  Creator  of  the  Lord's 
flesh  and  of  His  temple. 

10.  Starting  from  this  point  you  may 
understand  the  majesty  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
also.  For  the  Gospel  witnesses  of  Him  that 
when  the  angel  said  to  the  Virgin,  ''  Thou 
shalt  bring  forth  a  Son  and  shalt  call  His 
name  Jesus,  for  He  shall  save  His  people 
from  their  sins,"  '^  she  replied,  ''  How  shall 
this  be,  seeing  I  know  not  a  man?"  on 
which  the  angel  said  to  her,  "The  Holy 
Ghost  shall  come  upon  thee,  and  the  power 
of  the  Highest  shall  overshadow  thee. 
Wherefore  that  holy  Thing  which  shall   be 


1  Corresponding:  to  the  Greek  word  Economy— the  "  arrange- 
ment "  or  "  plan  "  by  which  the  Word  became  incarnate. 
2l6a.  vii.  14.        3  Ezek.  xliv.  2,  LXX.         *  Matt.  i.  21. 


born  of  Thee  shall  be  called  the  Son  of 
God."  ^  See  here  the  Trinity  mutually  co- 
operating with  each  other.  The  Holy  Ghost 
is  spoken  of  as  coming  upon  the  Virgin,  and 
the  Power  of  the  Highest  as  overshadowing 
her.  W^hat  is  the  Power  of  the  Highest  but 
Christ  Himself,  Who  is  the  Power  of  God 
and  the  Wisdom  of  God.'^  Whose  is  this 
Power.?  The  Powder  of  the  Highest.  There 
is  here  then  the  Highest,  there  is  also  the 
Power  of  the  Highest,  there  is  also  the  Holy 
Ghost.  This  is  the  Trinity,  everywhere 
latent,  and  everywhere  apparent,  distinct  in 
names  and  persons,  but  inseparable  in  the 
substance  of  the  Godhead.  And  although 
the  Son  alone  is  born  of  the  Virgin,  yet 
there  is  present  also  the  Highest,  there  is 
present  also  the  Holy  Ghost,  that  both  the 
conception  and  the  bringing  forth  of  the 
Virgin  may  be  sanctified. 

II.  These  things,  since  they  are  asserted 
upon  the  warrant  of  the  Prophetical  Script- 
ures, may  possibly  silence  the  Jews,  infidel 
and  incredulous  though  they  be.  But  the 
Pagans  are  wont  to  ridicule  us  when  they 
hear  us  speak  of  a  Virgin-birth.  We  must, 
therefore,  say  a  few  words  in  reply  to  their 
cavils.  Every  birth,  I  suppose,  depends 
upon  three  conditions.  There  must  be  a 
woman  of  mature  age,  she  must  have  inter- 
course with  a  man,  her  womb  must  not  be 
barren.  Of  these  three  conditions,  in  the 
birth  of  which  we  are  speaking,  one  was 
wanting,  the  man.  And  this,  forasmuch  as 
He  of  Whose  birth  we  speak  was  not  an 
earthly  but  a  heavenly  man,  was  supplied  by 
the  Heavenly  Spirit,  the  virginity  of  the 
mother  being  preserved  inviolate.  And  yet 
why  should  it  be  thought  marvellous  for  a 
virgin  to  conceive,  when  it  is  well  known 
that  the  Eastern  bird,  which  they  call  the 
Phoenix,  is  in  such  wise  born,  or  born  again, 
without  the  intervention  of  a  mate,  that  it 
remains  continually  one,  and  continually  by 
being  born  or  born  again  succeeds  itself.?  ^ 
That  bees  know  no  wedlock,  and  no  bring- 
ing forth  of  young,  is  notorious.  There  are 
also  other  things  which  are  found  to  be  sub- 
ject to  some  such  law  of  birth.  Shall  it  be 
thought  incredible,  then,  that  that  was  done 
by  divine  power,  for  the  renewal  and  restora- 
tion of  the  whole  world,  of  which  instances 

1  Luke  i.  31,  34,  35. 

2The  fable  of  the  Phoenix  was  very  generally  believed  in 
the  ancient  Church,  and  was  used  as  an  illustration  both  of 
the  Virgin-birth,  as  here,  and  of  the  Resurrection.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  (xviii.  8),  whom  Rufinus  evidently  had  in  view, 
refers  to  it  as  a  providentially  designed  confirmation  of  the 
latter.  Possibly  the  Septuagint  translation  of  Ps.  xcii.  12, 
"The  righteous  shall  liourish  as  a  palm  tree,"  w?  (/>oivi^  i^iay 
have  been  thought  to  sanction  the  fable.  On  the  Literature 
connected  with  the  Phoenix,  see  Bp.  Jacobson's  edition  or  the 
Apostolical  Fathers,  Clemens  Romanus,  Ep.  i,  §  25,  note,  ;' . 
104. 


548 


RUFINUS. 


are  observed  in  the  nativity  of  animals? 
And  yet  it  is  strange  that  the  Gentiles  should 
think  this  impossible,  vsdio  believe  their  own 
Minerva  to  have  been  born  from  the  brain 
of  Jupiter.  What  is  more  difficult  to 
believe,  or  what  more  contrary  to  nature? 
Here,  there  is  a  woman,  the  order  of  nature 
is  kept,  there  is  conception,  and  in  due  time 
birth  ;  there,  there  is  no  female,  but  a  man 
alone,  and  —  birth!  Why  does  he  who 
believes  the  one  marvel  at  the  other?  Again, 
they  say  that  Father  Bacchus  was  born  from 
Jupiter's  thigh.  Here  is  another  portent, 
yet  it  is  believed.  Venus  also,  whom  they 
call  Aphrodite,  was  born,  they  believe,  of 
the  foam  of  the  sea,  as  her  compounded 
name  shews.  They  affirm  that  Castor  and 
Pollux  were  born  of  an  Ggg,  the  Myrmidons 
of  ants.  There  are  a  thousand  other  things 
which,  though  contrary  to  nature,  find  credit 
with  them,  such  as  the  stones  thrown  by 
Deucalion  and  Pyrrha,  and  the  crop  of  men 
sprung  from  thence.  And  when  they  believe 
such  myths  and  so  many  of  them,  does  one 
thing  seem  impossible  to  them,  that  a  woman 
of  mature  age,  not  defiled  by  man  but  impreg- 
nated by  the  Holy  Ghost,  should  conceive 
a  divine  progeny?  who,  forsooth,  if  they  are 
hard  of  belief,  ought  in  no  wise  to  have 
given  credence  to  those  prodigies,  being,  as 
they  are,  so  many  and  so  degrading;  but  if 
they  do  believe  them,  they  ought  much  more 
readily  to  receive  these  beliefs  of  ours,  so 
honourable  and  so  holy,  than  theirs  so  dis- 
creditable and  so  vile. 

1 2.  But  they  say,  perhaps.  If  it  was 
possible  to  God  that  a  virgin  should  con- 
ceive, it  was  possible  also  that  she  should 
bring  forth,  but  they  think  it  unmeet  that  a 
being  of  so  great  majesty  should  enter  the 
world  in  such  wise,  that  even  though  there 
had  been  no  defilement  from  intercourse 
with  man,  there  should  yet  be  the  unseemli- 
ness attendant  upon  the  act  of  delivery.  To 
which  let  us  reply  briefly,  meeting  them  on 
their  own  level.  If  a  person  should  see  a 
little  child  in  the  act  of  being  suffocated  in  a 
a  quigmire,  and  himself,  a  great  man  and 
powerful,  should  go  into  the  mire,  just  at 
its  verge,  so  to  say,  to  rescue  the  dying 
child;  would  you  blame  this  man  as  defiled 
for  having  stepped  into  a  little  mire,  or 
would  you  praise  him  as  merciful,  for  hav- 
ing preserved  the  life  of  one  that  was 
perishing?  But  the  case  supposed  is  that 
of  an  ordinary  man.  Let  us  return  to  the 
nature  of  Him  Who  was  born.  How  much, 
think  you,  is  the  nature  of  the  Sun  inferior  to 
him  ?  How  much  beyond  doubt,  the  Creature 
to  the  Creator  ?    Consider  now  if  a  ray  of  the 


sun  alights  upon  a  quagmire,  does  it  receive 
any  pollution  from  it?  or  is  the  sun  the  worse 
for  shedding  his  light  upon  foul  objects? 
Fire,  too,  how  far  inferior  is  its  nature  to  the 
things  of  which  we  are  speaking?  Yet  no 
substance,  whether  foul  or  vile,  is  believed  to 
pollute  fire  if  applied  to  it.  When  the  case 
is  plainly  thus  with  regard  to  material  things, 
do  you  suppose  that  aught  of  pollution  and 
defilement  can  befall  that  supereminent  and 
incorporeal  nature,  which  is  above  all  fire 
and  all  light?  Then,  lastly,  note  this  also: 
we  say  that  man  was  created  by  God  out  of 
the  clay  of  the  earth.  But  if  God  is  thought, 
to  be  defiled  in  seeking  to  recover  His  own. 
work,  much  more  must  He  be  thought  so  in 
making  that  work  originally.  And  it  is  idle 
to  ask  why  He  passed  through  what  is  re- 
pugnant to  our  sense  of  modesty,  when  you 
cannot  tell  wh}^  He  made  what  is  so  repug- 
nant. And  therefore  it  is  not  nature  but 
general  estimation  that  has  made  us  think 
these  things  to  be  such.  Otherwise,  all. 
things  that  are  in  the  body,  being  formed 
from  one  and  the  same  clay,  are  distin- 
guished from  one  another  only  in  their,  uses 
and  natural  offices. 

13.  But  there  is  another  consideration 
which  we  must  not  leave  out  in  the  solution 
of  this  question,  namely,  that  the  substance 
of  God,  which  is  wholl}^  incorporeal,  cannot 
be  introduced  into  bodies  or  be  received  by 
them  in  the  first  instance,  unless  there  be 
some  spiritual  substance  as  a  medium,  which 
is  capable  of  receiving  the  divine  Spirit. 
For  instance,  if  we  say  that  light  is  able  tO' 
irradiate  all  the  members  of  the  body,  yet  by 
none  of  them  can  it  be  received  except  by 
the  eye.  For  it  is  the  eye  alone  which  is- 
receptive  of  light.  So  the  Son  of  God  is 
born  of  a  virgin,  not  associated  with,  the 
flesh  alone  in  the  first  instance,  but  begotten 
with  a  soul  as  a  medium  between  the  flesh 
and  God.  With  the  soul,  then,  serving  as  a 
mediuin,  and  receiving  the  Word  of  God  in 
the  secret  citadel  of  the  rational  spirit,  God 
was  born  of  the  Virgin  without  any  such 
disparagement  as  you  imagine.  And  there- 
fore nothing  is  to  be  esteemed  base  or  un- 
seemly wherein  was  the  sanctification  of  the 
Spirit,  and  where  the  soul  which  was  capa- 
ble of  God  became  also  a  partaker  of  flesh. 
Account  nothing  impossible  where  the  power 
of  the  Most  High  was  present.  Have  no 
thought  of  human  weakness  where  there 
was  the  plenitude  of  Divinity. 

14.  He  was  Crucified  under  Pontius 
Pilate  and  avas  Buried*  He  Descended 
INTO  Hell.  The  Apostle  Paul  teaches  us  that 
we  ought  to  have  "  the  eyes  of  our  understand- 


A    COMMENTARY    ON    THE    APOSTLES'    CREED, 


549 


ing  enlightened"^  "that  we  may  understand 
what  is  the  height  and  breadth  and  depth."  ^ 
*' The  height   and  breadth   and   depth"   is  a 
description  of  the  Cross,  of  which  that  part 
which  is  fixed  in  the  earth  he  calls  the  depth, 
the    height   that  which   is   erected   upon  the 
earth  and   reaches  upward,  the  breadth  that 
which   is   spread  out  to   the  right   hand  and 
to  the    left.      Since,    therefore,   there    are  so 
many  kinds  of  death  by  which  it  is  given  to 
men  to  depart  this  life,  why  does  the  Apostle 
wish  us  to   have   our   understanding  enlight- 
ened so  as  to  know  the  reason  why,  of  all  of 
them,   the    Cross    was    chosen   in  preference 
for    die    death    of    the    Saviour.      We    must 
know,  then,  that  that  Cross  was  a  triumph. 
It   was    a    signal    trophy.     A    triumph   is  a 
token  of  victory  over  an  enemy.      Since  then 
Christ,  when   He   came,  brought  three  king- 
doms at  once  into  subjection  under  His  sway 
(for  this  He  signifies  when  he  says,    "  That 
in  the  name  of  Jesus  every  knee  should  bow, 
of  things  in  heaven,  and  things  on  earth,  and 
things   under    the   earth  "),^    and    conquered 
all  of  these  by  His  death,  a  death  was  sought 
answerable    to    the    mystery,    so    that    being 
lifted  up  in  the  air,  and  subduing  the  powers 
of  the  air,  He   might   make  a  display  of  His 
victory  over  these   supernatural  and  celestial 
powers.     Moreover    the    holy    Prophet  says 
that  ''  all  the  day  long  He  stretched  out  His 
hands"'*  to  the  people  on  the  earth,  that  He 
might  both  make  protestation  to  unbelievers 
and    invite    believers :     finally,    by    that    part 
which   is  sunk   under  the  earth.  He  signified 
His  bringing  into  subjection  to   Himself  the 
kingdoms  of  the  nether  world. 

15.  Moreover, — to  touch  briefly  some 
of  the  more  recondite  topics, —  when  God 
mule  the  world  in  the  beginning.  He  set 
over  it  and  appointed  certam  powers  of 
celestial  virtues,  by  whom  the  race  of  mortal 
men  might  be  governed  and  directed.  That 
this  was  so  done  Moses  sio^nifies  in  the  Song 
in  Deuteronomy,  '•'  When  the  Most  High 
divided  the  nations,  He  appointed  the  bounds 
of  the  nations  accordinsf  to  the  number  of 
the  angels  of  God."  ^  But  some  of  these,  as 
he  who  is  called  the  Prince  of  this  world, 
did  not  exercise  the  power  which  God  had 
committed  to  them  according  to  the  laws  by 
which  they  had  received  it,  nor  did  they 
teach  mankind  to  obey  God's  command- 
ments, but  taught  them  rather  to  follow 
their  own  perverse  guidance.  Thus  we 
were  brought  under  the  bonds  of  sin,  be- 
cause, as  the  Prophet  saith,  ''  We  were  sold 
under  our  sins."  ^     For  every  man,  when  he 


yields  to  lust,  is  receiving  the  purchase- 
money  of  his  soul.  Under  that  bond  then 
every  man  was  held  by  those  most  wicked 
rulers,  which  same  bond  Christ,  when  He 
came,  tore  down  and  stripped  them  of  this 
their  power.  This  Paul  signifies  under 
a  great  mystery,  when  he  says  of  Him, 
"  He  destroyed  the  hand-writing  which  was 
against  us,  nailing  it  to  His  cross,  and  led 
away  principalities  and  powers,  triumphing 
over  them  in  Himself."  ^  Those  rulers, 
then,  whom  God  had  set  over  mankind, 
having  become  contumacious,  and  tyraimical, 
took  in  hand  to  assail  the  men  who  had  been 
committed  to  their  charge  and  to  rout  them 
utterly  in  the  conflicts  of  sin,  as  the  Prophet 
Ezekiel  mystically  intimates  when  he  says, 
"  In  that  day  angels^  shall  come  forth  hasten- 
ing to  exterminate  Ethiopia,  and  there  shall 
be  perturbation  among  them  in  the  day  of 
Egypt;  for  behold  He  comes."  ^  Having 
stript  them  then  of  their  almighty  power, 
Christ  is  said  to  have  triumphed,  and  to 
have  delivered  to  men  the  power  which  was 
taken  from  them,  as  also  Himself  saith  to 
His  disciples  in  the  Gospel,  '^  Behold  I  have 
given  you  power  to  tread  upon  serpents  and 
scorpions,  and  upon  all  the  might  of  the 
enemy."  ■*  The  Cross  of  Christ,  then, 
brought  those  who  had  wrongfully  abused 
the  authority  which  they  had  received  into 
subjection  to  those  who  had  before  been  in 
subjection  to  them.  But  us,  that  is,  man- 
kind, it  teaches  first  of  all  to  resist  sin  even 
unto  death,  and  willingly  to  die  for  the  sake 
of  religion.  Next,  this  same  Cross  sets 
before  us  an  example  of  obedience,  in  like 
manner  as  it  hath  punished  the  contumacy 
of  those  who  were  once  our  rulers.  Hear, 
therefore,  how  the  Apostle  would  teach  us 
obedience  by  the  Cross  of  Christ:  "Let 
this  mind  be  in  you,  which  was  in  Christ 
Jesus,  Who,  being  in  the  form  of  God, 
thought  it  not  robbery  to  be  equal  with  God, 
but  made  Himself  of  no  reputation,  taking 
upon  Him  the  form  of  a  servant,  being 
made  in  the  likeness  of  men  ;  and,  being 
found  in  fashion  as  a  man.  He  became 
obedient  unto  death,  even  the  death  of  the 
Cross."  ^  As,  then,  a  consummate  master 
teaches  both  by  example  and  precept,  so 
Christ  taught  the  obedience,  which  good 
men  are  to  render  even  at  the  cost  of  death, 
by  Himself  first  dying  in  rendering  it. 

16.  But  perhaps .  some  one  is  alarmed 
at  hearing  us  discourse  of  the  death  of  Him 
of  Whom,  a  short  while  since,  we  said    that 


1  Eph.  i.  18. 
2Eph.  iii.  iS. 


3  Phil.  ii.  10. 
*  Isu. Ixv,  2. 


5  Deut.  xxxii.  8,  LXX. 

6  Rom.  vii.  14. 


1  Col.  ii.  14,  15.  *  Luke  x,  19. 

2  '  \yye\ot  LXX,  JVunfii,Vu\g. 

3  Ezck.  XXX.  9.  5  Phil.  ii.  5-8. 


550 


RUFINUS. 


He  is  everlasting  with  God  the  Father, 
and  that  He  was  begotten  of  the  Father's 
substance,  and  is  one  with  God  the  Father, 
in  dominion,  majesty,  and  eternity.  But  be 
not  alarmed,  O  faithful  hearer.  Presently 
thou  wilt  see  Him  of  Whose  death  thou 
hearest  once  more  immortal ;  for  the  death 
to  which  He  submits  is  about  to  spoil  death. 
For  the  object  of  that  mystery  of  the  Incarna- 
tion which  we  expounded  just  now  was  that 
the  divine  virtue  of  the  Son  of  God,  as 
though  it  were  a  hook  concealed  beneath 
the  form  and  fashion  of  human  flesh  (He 
being,  as  the  Apostle  Paul  says,  "  found  in 
fashion  as  a  man"),^  might  lure  on  the 
Prince  of  this  world  to  a  conflict,  to  whom 
offering  His  flesh  as  a  bait,  His  divinity 
underneath  might  catch  him  and  hold  him 
fast  with  its  hook,  through  the  shedding  of 
His  immaculate  blood.  For  He  alone  VVho 
knows  no  stain  of  sin  hath  destroyed  the 
sins  of  all,  of  those,  at  least,  who  have 
marked  the  door-posts  of  their  faith  with 
His  blood.  As,  therefore,  if  a  fish  seizes  a 
baited  hook,  it  not  only  does  not  take  the 
bait  off  the  hook,  but  is  drawn  out  of  the 
water  to  be  itself  food  for  others,  so  He  Who 
had  the  power  of  death  seized  the  body  of 
Jesus  in  death,  not  being  aware  of  the  hook 
of  Divinity  inclosed  within  it,  but  having 
swallowed  it  he  was  caught  forthwith,  and 
the  bars  of  hell  being  burst  asunder,  he  was 
drawn  forth  as  it  were  from  the  abyss  to 
become  food  for  others.  Which  result  the 
Prophet  Ezekiel  long  ago  foretold  under  this 
same  figure,  saying,  "  I  will  draw  thee  out 
with  My  hook,  and  stretch  thee  out  upon  the 
earth  :  the  plains  shall  be  filled  with  thee, 
and  I  will  set  all  the  fowls  of  the  air  over 
thee,  and  I  will  satiate  all  the  beasts  of  the 
earth  with  thee."  '^  The  Prophet  David  also 
says,  "  Thou  hast  broken  the  heads  of  the 
great  dragon,  Thou  hast  given  him  to  be 
meat  to  the  people  of  Ethiopia."  ^  And  Job 
in  like  manner  witnesses  of  the  same  mys- 
tery, for  he  s:iys  in  the  person  of  the  Lord 
speaking  to  him,  ''Wilt  thou  draw  forth  the 
dragon  with  a  hook,  and  wilt  thou  put  thy 
bit  in  his  nostrils?  "  ■* 

1 7-  It  is  with  no  loss  or  disparagement 
therefore  of  His  Divine  nature  that  Christ 
suffers  in  the  flesh,  but  His  Divine  nature 
through  the  flesh  descended  into  death,  that 
by  the  infirmity  of  the  flesh  He  might  effect 
salvation  ;  not  that  He  might  be  detained  by 
death  according  to  the  law  of  mortality,  but 
that  He  might  by  Himself  in  his  resur- 
rection open  the  gates  of  death.     It  is  as  if 


1  Phil.ii.S. 

2  Ezek.  xxix.  4,  5. 


3  Ps.  Ixxiv.  14,  LXX. 
*  Job  xli.  I. 


a  king  were  to  proceed  to  a  prison,  and  to 
go  in  and  open  the  doors,  undo  the  fetters, 
break  in  pieces  the  chains,  the  bars,  and  the 
bolts,  and  bring  forth  and  set  at  liberty  the 
prisoners,  and  restore  those  who  are  sitting 
in  darkness  and  in  the  shadow  of  death  to 
light  and  life.  The  king,  therefore,  is  said 
indeed  to  have  been  in  prison,  but  not  under 
the  same  condition  as  the  prisoners  who  were 
detained  there.  They  were  in  prison  to  be 
punished.  He  to  free  them  from  punishment. 

18.  They  who  have  handed  down  the 
Creed  to  us  have  with  much  forethought 
specified  the  time  when  these  things  were 
done  —  "under  Pontius  Pilate,'*  —  lest  in 
any  respect  the  tradition  should  faker,  as 
though  vague  and  uncertain.  But  it  should 
be  known  that  the  clause,  "  He  descended 
into  Hell,"  is  not  added  in  the  Creed  of  the 
Roman  Church,  neither  is  it  in  that  of  the 
Oriental  Churches.  It  seems  to  be  implied, 
however,  when  it  is  said  that  "  He  was 
buried."  But  in  the  love  and  zeal  for  ihe 
Divine  Scriptures  which  possess  you,  you 
say  to  me,  I  doubt  not,  "  These  things  ought 
to  be  proved  by  more  evident  testimonies 
from  the  Divine  Scriptures.  For  the  more 
important  the  things  are  which  are  to  be  be- 
lieved, so  much  the  more  do  they  need  apt 
and  undoubted  witness."  True.  But  we,  as 
speaking  to  those  who  know  the  law,  have  left 
unnoticed,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  a  v*  hole 
forest  of  testimonies.  But  if  this  also  be 
required,  let  us  cite  a  few  out  of  many, 
knowing,  as  we  do,  that  to  those  who  are 
acquainted  with  the  Scriptures,  a  very  ample 
sea  of  testimonies  lies  open. 

19.  First  of  all,  then,  we  must  know  that 
the  doctrine  of  the  Cross  is  not  regarded  by 
all  in  the  same  light.  It  is  one  thing  to  the 
Gentiles,  to  the  Jews  another,  to  Christians 
another ;  as  also  the  Apostle  says,  ''  We 
preach  Christ  crucified,  —  to  the  Jews  a 
stumbling-block,  to  tlie  Gentiles  foolishness, 
but  to  those  who  are  called,  both  Jews  and 
Greeks,  Christ,  the  power  of  God  and  the 
wisdom  of  God  ;  "  ^  and.  in  the  same  place, 
''  For  the  preaching  of  tlie  Cross  is  to  those 
who  perish  foolishness,  but  to  those  who  are 
saved,"  that  is,  to  us,  it  is  "  the  Power  of 
God."  ^  The  Jews,  to  whom  it  had  been 
delivered  out  of  the  Law,  that  Christ  should 
abide  for  ever,  were  offended  by  His  Cross, 
because  they  were  unwilling  to  believe  His 
resurrection.  To  the  Gentiles  it  seemed 
foolishness  that  God  should  have  submitted 
to  death,  because  they  were  ignorant  of  the 
mystery  of  the  Incarnation.  But  Christians, 
who  had  accepted  His  birth  and  passion    in 


1  I  Cor.  i.  23,  34. 


2  1  Cor.  i.  18. 


A    COMMENTARY    ON    THE    APOSTLES'    CREED. 


551 


the  flesli  and  His  resurrection  from  the 
dead,  of  course  believed  that  it  was  the 
power  of  God  which  had  overcome  death. 

First,  therefore,  hear  how  this  very  thing 
is  prophetically  declared  by  Isaiali,  that  the 
Jews,  to  whom  the  Prophets  had  foretold 
these  things,  would  not  believe,  but  that 
they  who  had  never  heard  them  from  the 
Prophets,  would  believe  them.  ''  To  whom 
He  was  not  spoken  of  they  shall  see,  and 
they  that  have  not  heard  shall  understand."  ^ 
Moreover,  this  same  Isaiah  foretells  that, 
while  those  who  were  engaged  in  the  study 
of  the  Law  from  childhood  to  old  age  be- 
lieved not,  to  the  Gentiles  every  mystery 
should  be  transferred.  His  words  are : 
"  And  the  Lord  of  Hosts  shall  make  a  feast 
on  this  mountain  unto  all  nations:  they  shall 
drink  joy,  they  shall  drink  wine,  they  shall 
be  anointed  with  ointment  on  this  mountain. 
Deliver  all  these  things  to  the  nations."  ^ 
This  was  the  counsel  of  the  Almighty  re- 
specting all  the  nations.  But  they  who 
boast  themselves  of  their  knowledge  of  the 
Law  will,  perhaps,  say  to  us,  "  You  blas- 
pheme in  saying  that  the  Lord  was  subjected 
to  the  corruption  of  death  and  to  the  suffering 
of  the  Cross."  Read,  therefore,  what  you 
find  written  in  the  Lamentations  of  Jere- 
miah:  "The  Spirit  of  our  countenance, 
Christ  the  Lord,  was  taken  in  our  "*  corrup- 
tions, of  whom  we  said,  we  shall  live  under 
His  shadow  among  the  nations."  *  Thou 
hearest  how  the  Prophet  says  that  Christ 
the  Lord  was  taken,  and  for  us,  that  is,  for 
our  sins,  delivered  to  corruption.  Under 
whose  shadow,  since  the  people  of  the  Jews 
have  continued  in  unbelief,  he  says  the 
Gentiles  lie,  because  we  live  not  in  Israel, 
but  among  the  Gentiles. 

30.  But,  if  it  does  not  weary  you,  let  me 
point  out  as  briefly  as  possible,  specific  refer- 
ences to  prophecy  in  the  Gospels,  that  those 
who  are  being  instructed  in  the  first  elements 
of  the  faith  may  have  these  testimonies  writ- 
ten on  their  hearts,  lest  any  doubt  concerning 
the  things  w^hich  they  believe  should  at  any 
time  take  them  by  surprise.  We  are  told  in 
the  Gospel  that  Judas,  one  of  Christ's  friends 
and  associates  at  table,  betrayed  Him.  Let  me 
show  you  how  this  is  foretold  in  the  Psalms  : 
"  He  who  hath  eaten  My  bread  hath  lifted  up 
his  heel  against  Me  :  "  "^  and  in  another  place  ; 
"My  friends  and  My  neighbours  drew  near 
and  set  themselves  against  Me  :  "  ^  and  again  ; 
"  His  words  were  made  softer  than  oil  and  yet 
be  they  very  darts."  ^     What  then  is  meant  by 


1  Isa.  Hi.  15.     Comp.  Rom.  xv.  21, 

2  Isa.  XXV.  6. 

3  Their  corruptions.,  LXX. 
*  Lamentations  iv.  20. 


sPs. 

"    JPS.    AAA  V  .     1  ij. 

7  Ps.  Iv,  21. 


xli.  9. 

XXXV.    II 


his  words  were  made  soft?  "  Judas  came  to 
Jesus  and  said  unto  Him,  Hail,  Master, 
and  kissed  Hnn."  ^  Thus  through  the  soft 
blandishment  of  a  kiss  he  implanted  the 
execrable  dart  of  betrayal.  On  which  the 
Lord  said  to  him,  ''Judas,  betrayest  thou 
the  Son  of  Man  with  a  kiss  ?  "  ^  You  ob- 
serve that  He  was  appraised  by  the  traitor's 
covetousness  at  thirty  pieces  of  silver.  Of 
this  also  the  Prophet  speaks,  "And  I  said 
unto  them.  If  ye  think  good,  give  me  my 
price,  or  if  not,  forbear ; "  and  presently, 
"I  received  from  them,"  he  says,  "thirty 
pieces  of  silver,  and  I  cast  them  into  the 
house  of  the  Lord,  into  the  foundry.'*'  ^ 
Is  not  this  what  is  written  in  the  Gospels, 
that  Judas,  "  repenting  of  what  he  had 
done,  brought  back  the  money,  and  threw 
it  down  in  the  temple  and  departed.?"* 
Well  did  He  call  it  His  price,  as  though 
blaming  and  upbraiding.  For  He  had  done 
so  many  good  works  among  them.  He  had 
given  sight  to  the  blind,  feet  to  the  lame,  the 
power  of  walking  to  the  palsied,  life  also  to 
the  dead;  for  all  these  good  works  they  paid 
Him  death  as  His  price,  appraised  at  thirty 
pieces  of  silver.  It  is  related  also  in  the 
Gospels  that  He  was  bound.  This  also  the 
word  of  prophecy  had  foretold  by  Isaiah, 
saying,  "  Woe  unto  their  soul,  who  have 
devised  a  most  evil  device  against  them- 
selves, saying.  Let  us  bind  the  just  One, 
seeing  that  He  is  unprofitable  to  us."  ^ 

21.  But,  says  some  one,  "Are  these 
things  to  be  understood  of  the  Lord.'^  Could 
the  Lord  be  held  prisoner  by  men  and 
dragged  to  judgment.?"  Of  this  also  the 
same  Prophet  shall  convince  you.  For  he 
says,  "  The  Lord  Himself  shall  come  into 
judgment  with  the  elders  and  princes  of  the 
people."  ^  The  Lord  is  judged  then  accord- 
ing to  the  Prophet's  testimony,  and  not  only 
judged,  but  scourged,  and  smitten  on  the 
face  with  the  palms  (of  men's  hands),  and 
spitted  on,  and  suffers  every  insult  and  in- 
dignity for  our  sake.  And  because  all 
who  should  hear  these  things  preached  by 
the  Apostles  would  be  perfectly  amazed, 
therefore  also  the  Prophet  speaking  in  their 
person  exclaims,  "  Lord,  who  hath  believed 
our  report.?  "  '  For  it  is  incredible  that  God, 
the  Son  of  God,  should  be  spoken  of  and 
preached  as  having  suffered  these  things. 
For  this  reason  they  are  foretold  by  the 
Prophets,  lest  aiiy  doubt  should  spring  up  in 
those  who  are  about  to  believe.  Christ  the 
Lord  Himself  therefore   in   His  own  person. 


^  Matt.  xxvi.  49.  4  Matt,  xxvii.  3,  5. 

2  Luke  xxii.  48.  ■''  Isa.  iii.  9,  LXX. 

3  Zech.  xi.  12,  13.  LXX.  ^  isa.  iii.  14. 


7  Isa.  liii.  I, 


552 


RUFINUS. 


savs,  "I  gave  My  back  to  the  scourges, 
and  My  cheeks  to  the  palms/  I  turned  not 
away  My  face  from  shame  and  spitting."  ^ 
This  also  is  written  among  His  other  suf- 
ferings, that  they  bound  Him,  and  led  Him 
away  to  Pilate.  This  also  the  Prophet 
foretold,  saying,  "And  they  bound  him  and 
conducted  Him  as  a  pledge  of  friendship 
{xcnium)  to  King  Jariin."^  But  some  one 
objects,  '^  But  Pilate  was  not  a  king."  Hear 
then  what  the  Gospel  relates  next,  "  Pilate 
hearing  that  He  w^as  from  Galilee,  sent 
Him  to  Herod,  who  was  king  in  Israel  at 
that  time."  ^  And  rightly  does  the  Prophet 
add  the  name  "Jarim,"  which  means  "a 
wild-vine,"  for  Herod  was  not  of  the  house 
of  Israel,  nor  of  that  Israelitish  vine  which 
the  Lord  had  brought  out  of  Egypt,  and 
"planted  in  a  very  fruitful  hill,"  ^  but  was 
a  wild  vine,  i.e.  of  an  alien  stock.  Rightly, 
therefore,  w^as  he  called  ''  a  wild-vine,"  be- 
cause he  in  nowise  sprung  from  the  shoots 
of  the  vine  of  Israel.  And  whereas  the 
Prophet  used  the  phrase  ^''  xenlum^"^  "A 
pledge  of  friendship,"  this  also  corresponds, 
*'  For  Herod  and  Pilate,"  as  the  Gospel 
witnesses,  "from  being  enemies  were  made 
friends,"  ^  and,  as  though  in  token  of  their 
reconciliation,  each  sent  Jesus  bound  to  the 
other.  What  matter,  so  long  as  Jesus,  as 
Saviour,  reconciles  those  who  were  at  vari- 
ance, and  restores  peace,  and  also  brings 
back  concord !  Wherefore  of  this  also  it 
is  written  in  Job,  "  May  the  Lord  reconcile 
the  hearts  of  the  princes  of  the  earth."  ' 

22.  It  is  related  that  wdien  Pilate  would 
fain  have  released  Him  all  the  people  cried 
out,  "  Crucify  Him,  Crucify  Him  !  "  ^  This 
also  the  Prophet  Jeremiah  foretells,  saying, 
in  the  person  of  the  Lord  Himself,  "My 
inheritance  is  become  to  Me  as  a  lion  in  the 
forest.  He  hath  uttered  his  voice  against 
Me,  wherefore  I  have  hated  it.  And  there- 
fore (saith  He)  I  have  forsaken  and  left 
My  house."  ^  And  again  in  another  place, 
"  Against  whom  have  ve  opened  your 
mouth,  and  against  v/hom  have  ye  let  loose 
your  tongues  P"^*^  When  He  stood  before 
His  judge,  it  is  written  that  "Lie  held  His 
peace."  ^'  Many  Scriptures  testify  of  this. 
In  the  Psalms  it  is  written,  "  I  became  as  a 
man  that  heareth  not,  and  in  whose  mouth 
are  no  reproofs."  '^  And  again,  "  I  was  as  a 
deaf  man,  and  heard  not,  and  as  one  that  is 
dumb  and  openeth  not  his  mouth."  And 
again    another    Prophet  saith,    ''As  a  lamb 


1  PaTriVjotara,  LXX,    '>  T^uke  xxiii.  12. 

2  Isa.  1.  6.  "'  Job  xii.  24.     AtaAAao-trtoj/,  LXX. 

3  flos.  X.  6.  8  Luke  xxiii.  21.      n  Matt.  xxvi.  63. 

*  Luke  xxiii.  6,  7.      ^  Jer.  xii.  7,  8.  ^2  ps.  xxxviii.  13,  14. 

5  Jsa.  V.I.  10  Isa.  ivii.  4. 


before  her  shearer,   so   He   opened   not   His 
mouth.      In  His  humiliation    His  judgment 
was  taken  away."  ^     It  is  written  that  there 
was  put  on  Him  a  crown  of  thorns.     Of  this 
hear  in  the   Canticles   the  voice  of  God  the 
Father  marvelling  at  the  iniquity  of  Jerusa- 
lem in  the  insult  done  to  His  Son  :   "  Go  forth 
and    see,    ye    daughters    of    Jerusalem,    the 
crown  wherewith   His  mother  hath  crowned 
Him  "  ^      Moreover,   of    the  thorns   another 
Prophet  makes  mention  :   "I  looked  that  she 
should  bring  forth  grapes,  and  she  brought 
forth    thorns,   and    instead   of    righteousness 
a  cry."  ^     But    that    thou    may  est  know  the 
secrets    of    the    mystery,    it    behoved    Him, 
Who    came    to    take   away  the    sins    of    the 
world,    to    free    the    earth    also    from     the 
curse,      which      it     had     received     through 
the  sin  of  the  first  man,  when  the   Lord  said 
"  Cursed  be  the  earth  in  thy  labours  :  thorns  : 
and   thistles  shall   it  bring  forth  to    thee."  "* 
For  this  cause,  therefore,  is  Jesus  crowned 
with  thorns,  that  that  first  sentence  of  con- 
demnation might  be  remitted.     He  is  led  to 
the  cross,  and  the  life  of  the  whole  world  is 
suspended  on  the  wood  of  which  it  is  made. 
I  would  point  out  how  this  also  is  confirmed 
by  testimony  from  the  Prophets.     You  find 
Jeremiah  speaking  of  it  thus,  "  Come  and  let 
us  cast  wood  into    His  bread,  and  crush  Him 
out  of  the  land  of  the   living."  ^    And  again, 
Moses,  mourning  over  them,  says,  "  Thy  life 
shall  be    suspended    before    thine    eyes,  and 
thou  shalt  fear  day  and  night,  and    shalt  not 
believe  thy  life."  ^  But  we  must  pass  on,  for 
already    we    are    exceeding    our    proposed 
measure    of    brevity,    and  are     lengthening 
out    our  "short  word"  by  a  long  disserta- 
tion. *  Yet  we  will  add  a  few  words  more, 
lest    we    should     seem    altogether    to    have 
passed  over  what  w^e  undertook. 

23.  It  is  written  that  when  the  side  of 
Jesus  was  pierced  "  He  shed  thereout  blood 
and  water."  '  This  has  a  mystical  meaning. 
For  Himself  had  said,  "Out  of  His  belly 
shall  flow  rivers  of  living  water."  ^  But  He 
shed  forth  blood  also,  of  which  the  Jews 
sought  that  it  might  be  upon  themselves  and 
upon  their  children.  He  shed  forth  water, 
therefore,  which  might  wash  believers  ;  He 
shed  forth  blood  also  which  might  condemn 
unbelievers.  Yet  it  might  be  understood  also 
as  prefiguring  the  twofold  grace  of  baptism, 
one  that  which  is  given  by  the  baptism  of 
water,  the  other  that  which  is  sought  through 
martyrdom  in  the  outpouring  of  blood,  for 
both    are    called   baptism.      But    if    you  ask 


1  Isa.  liii.  7,  8. 

2  Cant.  iii.  11. 

3  Isa.  V.  4,  7. 


4  Gen.  iii.  17,  iS. 

6  Jer.  xi.  19. 

6  Deut.  xxviii.  66. 


T  John  xix.  34. 
8  John  vii.  38. 


A    COMMENTARY    ON    THE    APOSTLES'     CREED. 


553 


further  why  our  Lord  is  said  to  liave  poured 
forth  blood  and  water  from  His  side  rather 
than  from  any  other  member,  I  imagine  that 
by  the  rib  in  the  side  the  woman  is  signified. 
Since  the  fountain  of  sin  and  death  proceeded 
from  the  first  woman,  who  was  the  rib  of  the 
first  Adam,  the  fountain  of  redemption  and  Hfe 
is  drawn  from  the  rib  of  the  second  x^dam. 

24.  It  is  written  that  in  our  Lord's  passion 
there  was  darkness  over  the  earth  from  the 
sixth  hour  until  the  ninth.  To  this  also  you 
will  find  the  Prophet  witnessing,  "  Thy  Sun 
shall  go  down  at  mid-day."^  And  again, 
the  Prophet  Zechariah,  ''  Li  that  day  there 
shall  be  no  more  light.  There  shall  be  cold 
and  frost  in  one  day,  and  that  day  known 
to  the  Lord ;  and  it  shall  be  neither  day  nor 
night,  but  at  evening  time  there  shall  be 
light  "  ~  What  plainer  language  could  the 
Prophet  have  used  for  his  words  to  seem  not 
so  much  a  prophecy  of  the  future  as  a  narra- 
tive of  the  past?  He  foretold  both  the  cold 
and  the  frost.  For  Peter  was  warming  him- 
self at  the  fire  because  it  was  cold  :  and  he 
was  suftering  cold  not  only  in  respect  of  the 
time  (the  early  hour),  but  also  of  his  faith. 
There  is  added,  ^''  and  that  day  shall  be 
known  to  the  Lord  ;  and  it  shall  be  neither 
day  nor  night."  What  is  "  neither  day  nor 
night?"  Did  he  not  plainly  speak  of  the 
darkness  interposed  in  the  day,  and  then  the 
light  afterwards  restored?  That  w^as  not 
day,  for  it  did  not  begin  with  sun-rise, 
neither  was  it  complete  night,  for  it  did  not, 
when  the  day  was  ended,  receive  its  due 
space  from  the  beginning  or  prolong  it  to 
the  end ;  but  the  light  which  had  been 
driven  away  by  the  crime  of  wicked  men 
is  restored  at  evening  time.  For  after  the 
ninth  hour,  the  darkness  is  driven  away,  and 
the  sun  is  restored  to  the  world.  Again, 
another  Prophet  witnesses  of  the  same, 
"  The  light  shall  be  darkened  upon  the 
earth  in  the  day-time."  ^ 

2^.  The  Gospel  further  relates  that  the 
soldiers  parted  the  garments  of  Jesus  among 
themselves,  and  cast  lots  upon  His  vesture. 
The  Holy  Spirit  provided  that  this  also 
should  be  witnessed  beforehand  by  the  Proph- 
ets, for  David  says,  "  They  parted  my 
garments  among  them,  and  upon  my  vesture 
they  did  cast  lots."  "*  Nor  were  the  Proph- 
ets silent  even  as  to  the  robe,  the  scarlet 
robe,  which  the  soldiers  are  said  to  have  put 
upon  Him  in  mockery.  Listen  to  Isaiah, 
"  Who  is  this  that  cometh  from  Edom,  red 
in  his  garments  from  Bozrah  ?  Wherefore 
are  thy  garments    red,    and  thy  raiment    as 


1  AmoSj.viii.  9. 

2  Zech.  xiv.  6,  7,  LXX. 


3  Amos  viii.  9. 

4  Ps.  xxii.  iS. 


though  thou  hadst  trodden  in  the  wine- 
press?" To  which  Himself  replies,  ''I 
have  trodden  the  wine-press  alone,  O 
daughter  of  Sion."^  For  He  alone  it  is 
Who  hath  not  sinned,  and  hath  taken  away 
the  sins  of  the  world.  For  if  by  one  man 
death  could  enter  into  the  world,  how  much 
more  by  one  man.  Who  was  God  also,  could 
life  be  restored  ! 

26.  It  is  related  also  that  vinegar  was 
given  Him  to  drink,  or  wdne  mingled  with 
myrrh  which  Is  bitterer  than  gall.  Hear 
what  the  Prophet  has  foretold  of  this : 
"  They  gave  Me  gall  to  eat,  and  when  I 
was  thirsty  they  gave  Me  vinegar  to  drink."  "^ 
Agreeably  with  which  Moses,  even  in  his 
day,  said  to  the  people,  "  Their  vine  is  of 
the  vineyards  of  Sodom,  and  their  branch  of 
Gomorrah  ;  their  grape  is  a  grape  of  gall, 
and  their  cluster  a  cluster  of  bitterness."  ^ 
And  again,  the  Prophet  upbraiding  them 
sa}s,  '•  Oh  foolish  people  and  unwise,  have 
ye  thus  requited  the  Lord?"  '^  Moreover,  in 
the  Canticles  the  same  things  are  foretold, 
where  even  the  garden  in  which  the  Lord 
was  crucified  is  indicated:  "I  have  come 
into  mv  garden,  my  sister,  my  spouse,  and 
have  gathered  in  my  myrrh."''  Here  the 
Prophet  has  plainly  set  forth  the  wine 
mingled  with  myrrh  which  the  Lord  has 
given  Flim  to   drink. 

27.  Next  it  is  written  that  "  He  gave  up 
the  gliost."  ^  This  also  had  been  foretold 
by  the  Prophet,  who  says,  addressing  the 
Father  in  the  Person  of  the  Son,  "Into 
Thy  hands  I  commend  My  Spirit."  '  He  is 
related  also  to  have  been  buried,  and  a  great 
stone  laid  at  the  door  of  the  sepulchre. 
Hear  what  the  word  of  prophecy  foretold 
by  Jeremiah  concerning  this  also,  ''  They 
have  cut  oft"  my  life  in  the  pit,  and  have 
laid  a  stone  upon  Me."  ^  These  words  of 
the  Prophet  point  most  plainly  to  His  burial. 
Here  are  yet  others,  "  The  righteous  hath 
been  taken  away  from  beholding  iniquity, 
and  his  place  is  in  peace."  ^  And  in  another 
place,  "  I  will  give  the  malignant  for  his 
burial;"^*'  and  yet  once  more,  ''Fie  hath 
lain  down  and  slept  as  a  lion,  and  as  a 
lion's  whelp  ;  who  shall  rouse  Him   up?  "  ^^ 

28.  That  He  descended  into  hell  is  also 
evidently  foretold  in  the  Psalms,  where  it  is 
said,  *'Thou  hast  brought  Me  also  into 
the  dust  of  the  death."  ^^  And  again, 
"  What  profit  is  there  in  my  blood,  when 
I  shall  have  descended  into  corruption  ?."^^ 


1  Isa.  Ixiii.  1-3. 

2  Ps.  Ixix.  21. 

3  Deut.  xxxii.  32. 
*  Deut.  xxxii.  6. 
5  Cant.  V.  I. 


6  Mark  xv.'37. 
"'  Ps.  xxxi.  5. 

8  Lam.  iii.  53. 

9  Isa.  Ivii.  1,  2. 

10  Isa.  liii.  9,  LXX. 


11  Gen.  xlix.  9. 

12  Ps.  xxii.  15. 

13  Ps.  XXX.  Q. 


5  54 


RUFINUS. 


And  again,  "  I  descended  into  the  deep 
mire,  where  there  is  no  bottom."^  More- 
over, John  says,  ''Art  Thou  He  that  shall 
come  (into  hell,  without  doubt),  or  do  we 
look  for  another?"^  Whence  also  Peter 
says  that  "  Christ  being  put  to  death  in  the 
flesh,  but  quickened  in  the  Spirit  which 
dwells  in  Him,  descended  to  the  spirits  who 
were  shut  up  in  prison,  who  in  the  days  of 
Noah  believed  not,  to  preach  unto  them  ;  "  ^ 
where  also  what  He  did  in  hell  is  declared. 
Moreover,  the  Lord  says  by  the  Prophet,  as 
though  speaking  of  the  future,  ''  Thou  wilt 
not  leave  my  soul  in  hell,  neither  wilt  Thou 
suffer  Thy  Holy  One  to  see  corruption."  "* 
Which  again,  in  prophetic  language  he 
speaks  of  as  actually  fulfilled,  *"  O  Lord, 
Thou  hast  brought  my  soul  out  of  hell : 
Thou  hast  saved  me  from  them  that  2:0 
down  into  the  pit,"  ^  There  follows  next, — 
29.  The  third  day  He  rose  again 
FROM  the  dead.  The  glory  of  Christ's 
resurrection  threw  a  lustre  upon  everything 
which  before  had  the  appearance  of  weak- 
ness and  frailty.  If  a  while  since  it  seemed 
to  you  impossible  that  an  immortal  Being 
could  die,  you  see  now  that  He  who  has 
overcome  death  and  is  risen  again  cannot  be 
mortal.  But  understand  herein  the  good- 
ness of  the  Creator,  that  so  far  as  you  by 
sinning  have  cast  yourself  down,  so  far  has 
He  descended  in  following  you.  And  do 
not  impute  lack  of  power  to  God,  the  Crea- 
tor of  all  things,  by  imagining  his  work  to 
have  ended  in  the  fall  into  an  abyss  which 
He  in  His  redemptive  purpose  was  unable  to 
reach.  We  speak  of  infernal  and  supernal, 
because  w^e  are  bounded  by  the  definite  cir- 
cumference of  the  body,  and  are  confined  with- 
in the  limits  of  the  region  prescribed  to  us. 
But  to  God,  \Vho  is  present  everywhere  and 
absent  nowhere,  what  is  infernal  and  what 
supernal?  Notvsathstanding,  through  the  as- 
sumption of  a  body  there  is  room  for  these 
also.  The  flesh  w^hich  had  been  deposited  in 
the  sepulchre,  is  raised,  that  that  might  be 
fulfilled  which  was  spoken  by  the  Prophet, 
"  Thou  vsnlt  not  suffer  Thy  Holy  One  to  see 
corruption."  ^  He  i-eturned,  therefore,  a 
victor  from  the  dead,  leading  with  Him  the 
spoils  of  hell.  For  He  led  forth  those  who 
were  held  in  captivity  by  death,  as  He  Him- 
self had  foretold,  when  He  said,  "  When 
I  shall  be  lifted  up  from  the  earth  I  shall 
draw  all  unto  Me."  '  To  this  the  Gospel 
bears  witness,  when  it  says,  "  The  graves 
were  opened,  and  many  bodies  of  saints 
which  slept  arose,  and  appeared  unto  many, 


1  Ps.  Ixix.  2. 

2  I^iike  vii.  20. 

3  I  Pet.  iii.  10-20. 


4  Ps.  xvi.  10. 

5  Ps.  XXX.  3. 


"  Ps.  xvi,   10. 
^  John  xii.  32. 


and  entered  into  the  holy  City,"^  that  city, 
doubtless,  of  which  the  Apostle  says,  ^'Jeru- 
salem which  is  above  is  free,  which  is  the 
Mother  of  us  all."*  As  also  he  savs  again 
to  the  Hebrews,  "  It  became  Him,  for 
Whom  are  all  things,  and  by  Wliom  are  all 
things.  Who  had  brought  many  sons  into 
glory,  to  make  the  Author  of  their  salvation 
perfect  through  suffering."  ^  Sitting,  there- 
fore, on  the  right  hand  of  God  in  the  high- 
est heavens.  He  placed  there  that  human 
flesh,  made  perfect  through  sufi'erings, 
which  had  fallen  to  death  by  the  lapse  of 
the  first  man,  but  was  now  restored  by  the 
virtue  of  the  resurrection.  Whence  also  the 
Apostle  sa^^s,  *•  Who  hath  raised  us  up 
together  and  made  us  sit  together  in  the 
heavenly  places."  '^  For  He  was  the  potter. 
Who,  as  the  Prophet  Jeremiah  teaches, 
"  took  up  again  with  His  hands,  and 
formed  anew,  as  it  seemed  good  to  Him, 
the  vessel  which  had  fallen  from  His 
hands  and  was  broken  in  pieces."^  And 
it  seemed  good  to  Him  that  the  mortal 
and  corruptible  body  which  He  had  as- 
sumed, this  body  raised  from  the  rocky 
sepulchre  and  rendered  immortal  and  in- 
corruptible. He  should  now  place  not  on 
the  earth  but  in  heaven,  and  at  His  Father's 
right  hand.  The  Scriptures  of  the  Old 
Testament  are  full  of  these  mysteries.  No 
Prophet,  no  Lawgiver,  no  Psalmist  is  silent, 
but  almost  every  one  of  the  sacred  pages 
speaks  of  them.  It  seems  superfluous, 
therefore,  to  linger  in  collecting  testimonies  ; 
yet  we  will  cite  some  few,  remitting  those  who 
desire  to  drink  more  largely  to  the  well- 
springs  of  the  divine  volumes  themselves. 

30.  It  is  said  then  in  the  Psalms,  "  I  laid 
me  down  and  slept,  and  rose  up  again, 
because  the  Lord  sustained  me."  ^  Again, 
In  another  place,  "  Because  of  the  wretched- 
ness of  the  needy  and  the  groaning  of  the 
poor,  now  will  I  arise,  saith  the  Lord."  ' 
And  elsewhere,  as  we  have  said  above,  ''  O 
Lord,  thou  hast  brought  my  soul  out  of 
hell ;  Thou  hast  saved  me  from  them  that  go 
down  into  the  pit."  ^  And  in  another  place, 
"  Because  Thou  hast  turned  and  quickened 
me,  and  brought  me  out  of  the  deep  of  the 
earth  again."  ^  In  the  87th  Psalm  He  is 
most  evidently  spoken  of:  "  He  became  as 
a  man  without  help,  free  among  the  dead."  ^'^ 
It  is  not  said  "a  man,"  but  "as  a  man." 
For  in  that  He  descended  into  hell,  He  was 
"  as  a  man  :  "  but  He  was  "  free  among  the 
dead,"  because  He  could  not  be  detained  by 

J  Matt,  xxvii.  52,  53.  ^  Jerem.  xviii.  4.   ^  Ps.  Ixxi.  10. 

2  Gal.  iv.  23.  cps.  iii.  5.  10  ps.  Jxxxviii.  4,  5. 

3  Hcb.  ii.  10.  ^  Ps.  xii.  5. 

4  Eph.  ii.  6.  8  Ps.  XXX.  3. 


A    COMMENTARY    ON    THE    APOSTLES'    CREED. 


555 


death.  And  therefore  in  the  one  nature  the 
power  of  human  weakness,  in  the  other  the 
power  of  divine  majesty  is  exhibited.  The 
Prophet  Hosea  also  speaks  most  manifestly  of 
the  third  day  in  this  wise,'*  After  two  days  He 
will  heal  us  ;  but  on  the  third  day  we  shall 
rise  and  shall  live  in  His  presence."  ^  This 
he  says  in  the  person  of  those  who,  rising 
with  Him  on  the  third  day,  are  recalled 
from  death  to  life.  And  they  are  the  same 
persons  who  say,  "On  the  third  day  we 
shall  rise  again,  and  shall  live  in  His  pres- 
ence." But  Isaiah  says  plainly,  ''  Who 
brought  forth  from  the  earth  the  great 
Shepherd  of  the  sheep."  ^  Then,  that  the 
women  were  to  see  His  resurrection,  while 
the  Scribes  and  Pharisees  and  the  people 
disbelieved,  this  also  Isaiah  foretold  in  these 
words,  "  Ye  women,  who  come  from  be- 
holding, come  :  for  it  is  a  people  that  hath 
no  understanding."  ^  But  as  to  the  women 
who  are  related  to  have  gone  to  the  sepul- 
chre after  the  resurrection,  and  to  have  sought 
Him  without  finding,  as  Mary  Magdalene, 
who  is  related  to  have  come  to  the  sepul- 
chre before  it  was  light,  and  not  finding 
Him,  to  have  said,  weeping,  to  the  angels 
who  were  there,  "  They  have  taken  away 
the  Lord,  and  I  know  not  where  they  have 
laid  Him"^  —  even  this  is  foretold  in  the 
Canticles:  "On  my  bed  I  sought  Him 
Whom  my  soul  loveth ;  I  sought  Him  in 
the  night,  and  found  Him  not."  ^  Of  those 
also  who  found  Him,  and  held  Him  by  the 
feet,  it  is  foretold,  in  the  same  book,  "  I 
will  hold  Him  Whom  my  soul  loveth,  and 
will  not  let  Him  go."^  Take  these  pas- 
sages, a  few  of  many  ;  for  being  intent  on 
brevity  we  cannot  heap  together  more. 

31.  He  ascended  into  Heaven,  and 
sitteth  on  the  right  hand  of  the 
Father :  From  thence  He  shall  come 
to  judge  the  quick  and  the  dead. 
These  clauses  follow  with  suitable  brevity 
at  the  end  of  this  part  of  the  Creed  w^hich 
treats  of  the  Son.  What  is  said  is  plain,  but 
the  question  is  how  and  in  what  sense  it  is 
to  be  understood.  For  to  "-  ascend,"  and  to 
"sit,"  and  to  "come,"  unless  you  under- 
stand the  words  in  accordance  with  the 
dignity  of  the  divine  nature,  appear  to  point 
to  something  of  human  weakness.  For 
having  consummated  what  was  to  be  done 
on  earth,  and  having  recalled  souls  from  the 
captivity  of  hell,  He  is  spoken  of  as  ascend- 
ing up  to  heaven,  as  the  Prop^^et  had 
foretold,  "  Ascending  up  on  high  He  led 
captivity     captive,     and     gave      gifts     unto 

^  Hosea  vi.  2.         3  Isa.  xxvii.  11,  LXX.      ^  Cant.  lii.  i. 
2  Heb.  xiii.  20.      *Johnxx.  13.  6  Cant,  iii.4. 


>>  1 


men,"  "  those  gifts,  namely,  w^hich  Peter, 
in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  spoke  of  con- 
cerning the  Holy  Ghost,  "  Being  therefore  by 
the  right  hand  of  God  exalted.  He  hath  shed 
forth  this  gift  which  ye  do  see  and  hear."  ^ 
He  gave  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  to  men, 
because  the  captives,  whom  the  devil  had 
before  carried  into  hell  through  sin,  Christ 
by  His  resurrection  from  death  recalled  to 
heaven.  He  ascended  therefore  into  heaven, 
not  where  God  the  Word  had  not  been 
before,  for  He  was  always  in  heaven,  and 
abode  in  the  Father,  but  where  the  Word 
made  flesh  had  not  been  seated  before. 
Lastly,  since  this  entrance  within  the  gates 
of  heaven  seemed  new  to  its  ministers  and 
princes,  they  say  to  one  another,  on  seeing 
the  nature  of  flesh  penetrating  into  the  secret 
recesses  of  heaven,  as  David  full  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  declares,  "  Lift  up  your  gates,  ye 
princes,  and  be  ye  lift  up  ye  everlasting 
gates,  and  the  King  of  glory  shall  enter  in. 
Who  is  the  King  of  glory  .^  The  Lord 
strong  and  mighty,  the  Lord  mighty  in  bat- 
tle." ^  Which  words  are  spoken  not  with 
reference  to  the  power  of  the  divine  nature, 
but  with  reference  to  the  novelty  of  flesh 
ascending  to  the  right  hand  of  God.  The 
same  David  says  elsewhere,  "God  hath 
ascended  jubilantly,  and  the  Lord  with  the 
sound  of  the  trumpet."  '^  For  conquerors 
are  wont  to  return  from  battle  with  the 
sound  of  the  trumpet.  Of  Him  also  it  is 
said,  "  Who  buildeth  up  His  ascent  in 
heaven."^  And  again,  "Who  hath  as- 
cended above  the  cherubims,  flying  upon 
the  wings  of  the  winds."  ^ 

32.  To  sit  at  the  right  hand  of  the  Father 
is  a  mystery  belonging  to  the  Incarnation. 
For  it  does  not  befit  that  incorporeal  nature 
w^ithout  the  assumption  of  flesh;  neither  is 
the  excellency  of  a  heavenly  seat  sought  for 
the  divine  nature,  but  for  the  human. 
Whence  it  is  said  of  Him,  "  Thy  seat,  O 
God,  is  prepared  from  thence  forward; 
Thou  art  from  everlasting."  ^  The  seat, 
then,  whereon  the  Lord  Jesus  was  to  sit, 
was  prepared  from  everlasting,  "  in  whose 
name  every  knee  should  bow^,  of  things 
in  heaven  and  things  on  earth,  and  things 
under  the  earth ;  and  every  tongue  shall 
confess  to  Him  that  Jesus  is  Lord  in  the 
glory  of  God  the  Father;"^  of  Whom 
also  David  thus  speaks,  "  The  Lord  said 
unto  my  Lord,  Sit  Thou  on  my  right  hand 
until  I  make  Thine  enemies  Thy  footstool."^ 
Referring  to  which  words  the  Lord  in  the 
Gospel  said  to  the  Pharisees,  "  If  therefore 


1  Ps.  Ixviii.  18. 

2  Acts  ii.  33. 

3  Ps.  xxiv.  7,  LXX. 


4  Ps.  xlviii.  5. 
s  Ps.  Ixxxix.  2. 
6  Ps.  xviii.  10. 


7  Ps.  xciii.  2. 

8  Phil.  ii.  10,  II. 
^  Ps.  ex.   I. 


D  J 


RUFINUS. 


David  in  spirit  calleth  Him  Lord,  how  is 
He  his  Son?"  '  By  which  He  shewed  that 
according  to  the  Spirit  He  was  the  Lord, 
according  to  the  flesh  He  was  the  Son,  of 
David.  Whence  also  the  Lord  Himself  says 
in  another  place,  '^  Verily  I  say  unto  you, 
henceforth  ye  shall  see  the  Son  of  Man  sit- 
ting at  the  right  hand  of  the  power  of 
God."  "^  And  the  Apostle  Peter  says  of 
Christ,  '^  Who  is  on  the  right  hand  of  God, 
seated  in  the  heavens."  "^  And  Paul  also, 
writing  to  the  Ephesians,  ''  According  to 
the  working  of  the  might  of  His  power, 
which  He  wrought  in  Christ,  when  He 
raised  Him  from  the  dead,  and  seated  Him 
on   His   right    hand."* 

33.  That  He  shall  come  to  judge  the 
quick  and  the  dead  we  are  taught  by  many 
testimonies  of  the  divine  Scriptures.  But 
before  we  cite  what  the  Prophets  say  on  this 
point,  we  think  it  necessary  to  remind  you 
that  this  doctrine  of  the  faith  would  have  us 
daily  solicitous  concerning  the  coming  of  the 
Judge,  that  we  may  so  frame  our  conduct  as 
having  to  give  account  to  the  Judge  who  is 
at  hand.  For  this  is  what  the  Prophet  said 
of  the  man  who  is  blessed,  that,  *'  He  or- 
dereth  his  words  in  judgment.*'  ^  When, 
however.  He  is  said  to  judge  the  quick  and 
the  dead,  this  does  not  mean  that  some  will 
come  to  judgment  who  are  still  living,  others 
who  are  already  dead ;  but  that  He  will 
judge  both  souls  and  bodies,  where,  by  souls 
are  meant  "  the  quick,"  and  the  bodies  '^  the 
dead  ;  "  as  also  the  Lord  Himself  saith  in 
the  Gospel,  "Fear  not  them  who  are  able 
to  kill  the  body,  but  are  not  able  to  hurt  the 
soul  ;  but  rather  fear  Him  who  is  able  to 
destroy  both  soul  and  body  in   Gehenna."  ® 

34.  Now  let  us  shew  briefly,  if  you  will, 
that  these  things  were  foretold  by  the  Proph- 
ets. You  will  yourself,  since  you  are  so 
minded,  gather  together  more  from  the  am- 
ple range  of  the  Scriptures.  The  Prophet 
Malachi  says,  '' Behold  the  Lord  Almighty 
shall  come,  and  who  shall  abide  the  day  of 
His  coming,  or  wh  >  shall  abide  the  sight  of 
Him?  For  He  doth  come  as  the  fire  of  a 
furnace  and  as  fuller's  soap  :  and  He  shall 
sit,  refining  and  purifying  as  it  were  gold 
and  silver."'  But  that  thou  mayest  know 
more  certainly  Who  this  Lord  is  of  Whom 
these  things  are  said,  hear  what  the  Prophet 
Daniel  also  foretells:  "I  saw,"  saith  he, 
*'in  the  vision  of  the  night,  and,  behold, 
One  like  the  Son  of  Man  coming  with  the 
clouds   of   heaven,  and  He  came  ni^h  to  the 


*  Matt.  xxii.  43-45 

2  Matt.  xxvi.  64  ;  I^uke  xxii.  69. 
'  I  Pet.  iii.  22. 

*  Eph.  i.  19,  20. 


s  Ps.  cxii.  5. 

6  Matt.  x.  2S. 

7  Matt.  iii.  1-3, 


Ancient  of  da}s,  and  was  brought  near 
before  Him ;  and  there  was  given  to  Him 
dominion,  and  honour,  and  a  kingdom. 
And  all  peoples,  tribes,  and  languages  shall 
serve  Him.  And  His  dominion  is  an  eter- 
nal dominion  which  shall  not  pass  away, 
and  His  kingdom  shall  not  be  destroyed."  ' 
By  these  words  we  are  taught  not  only  of 
His  coming  and  judgment,  but  of  His 
dominion  and  kingdom,  that  His  dominion 
is  eternal,  and  His  kmgdom  indestructible, 
without  end;  as  it  is  said  in  the  Creed, ^ 
"  and  of  His  kingdom  there  shall  be  no 
end."  So  that  one  who  says  that  Christ's 
kingdom  shall  one  day  have  an  end  is  very 
far  from  the  faith.  Yet  it  behoves  us  to 
know  that  the  enemy  is  wont  to  counterfeit 
this  salutary  advent  of  Christ  with  cunning 
fraud  in  order  to  deceive  the  faithful,  and 
In  the  place  of  the  Son  of  Man,  Who  is 
looked  for  as  coming  in  the  majesty  of  His 
Father,  to  prepare  the  Son  of  Perdition  with 
prodigies  and  lying  signs,  that  instead  of 
Christ  he  may  introduce  Antichrist  into  the 
world;  of  wdiom  the  Lord  Himself  warned 
the  Jews  beforehand  in  the  Gospels,  ''  Be- 
cause I  am  come  in  My  Father's  Name,  and 
ye  received  Me  not,  another  will  come  in  his 
own  name,  and  him  ye  will  receive."  ^  And 
again,  *'  When  ye  shall  see  the  abomination 
of  desolation,  spoken  of  by  Daniel  the 
Prophet,  standing  in  the  holy  place,  let  him 
that  readeth  understand."  *  Daniel,  there- 
fore, in  his  visions  speaks  very  fully  and 
amply  of  the  coming  of  that  delusion  :  but 
it  is  not  worth  while  to  cite  instances,  for 
we  have  enlarged  enough  already ;  we 
therefore  refer  any  one  who  may  wish  to 
know  more  concerning  these  matters  to  the 
visions  themselves.  The  Apostle  also  him- 
self says,  '*  Let  no  man  deceive  you  by  any 
means,  for  that  day  shall  not  come  except 
there  come  a  falling  away  first,  and  that 
man  of  sin  be  revealed,  the  Son  of  Perdi- 
tion, who  opposeth  and  exalteth  himself 
above  everything  that  is  called  God,  or  that 
is  worshipped,  so  that  he  sitteth  in  the  tem- 
ple of  God,  shewing  himself  as  though  him- 
self were  God."''  And  soon  afterwards, 
"  Then  shall  that  wicked  one  be  revealed, 
whom  the  Lord  Jesus  shall  slay  with  the 
breath  of  His  mouth,  and  shall  destroy  with 
the  brightness  of  His  coming:  whose  com- 
inof  is  after  the  work  ins:  of  Satan  with  all 
power  and  signs  and  lying  wonders."  ^     And 

1  Dan.  vii.  13,  14. 

2  "  The  Creed  "  is  either  the  Constantinopolitan,  or,  more 
probably,  that  of  Jerusalem,  with  which  Rufinus,  as  a  Presbyter 
of  that  ciiurch,  must  have  been  familiar.  There  i'^  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  the  clause  was  in  the  Creed  of  Aquileia. 

3  John  V.  4',.  s  2  Thess.  ii.  3,  4. 

4  Matt.  xxiv.  15.  6  2  Thess.  ii.  8,  9. 


A    COMMENTARY    ON    THE    APOSTLES'     CREED. 


557 


again,  shortly  afterwards,  "  And  therefore 
the  Lord  shall  send  unto  them  strong  delu- 
sion, that  they  may  believe  a  lie,  that  all 
may  be  judged  who  have  not  believed  the 
truth."  ^  For  this  reason,  therefore,  is  this 
''delusion"  foretold  unto  us  by  the  words 
of  Prophets,  Evangelists,  and  Apostles,  lest 
any  one  should  mistake  the  coming  of  Anti- 
christ for  the  coming  of  Christ.  I3ut  as  the 
Lord  Himself  says,  "  When  they  shall  say 
unto  you,  lo,  here  is  Christ,  or  lo.  He  is 
there,  believe  it  not.  For  many  false  Christs 
and  false  prophets  shall  come  and  shall 
seduce  many."  ^  But  let  us  see  how  He 
hath  pointed  out  the  judgment  of  the  true 
Christ:  "  As  the  lio:htnino:  shineth  from  the 
east  unto  the  west,  so  shall  the  coming  of  the 
Son  of  Man  be."  ^  When,  therefore,  the 
true  Lord  Jesus  Christ  shall  come.  He  will 
sit  and  set  up  his  throne  of  judgment.  As 
also  He  says  in  the  Gospel,  ''He  shall 
separate  the  sheep  from  the  goats,"  ^  that  is, 
the  righteous  from  the  unrighteous  ;  as  the 
Apostle  writes,  "  We  must  all  stand  before 
the  judgment-seat  of  Christ,  that  every  man 
may  receive  the  awards  due  to  the  body, 
according  as  he  hath  done,  whether  they  be 
good  or  evil."  ^  Moreover,  the  judgment 
will  be  not  only  for  deeds,  but  for  thoughts 
also,  as  the  same  Apostle  saith,  "Their 
thoughts  mutually  accusing  or  else  excusing 
one  another,  in  the  day  when  God  shall 
judge  the  secrets  of  men."  ^  But  on  these 
points  let  this  suffice.  Next  follows  in  the 
order  of  the  faith,  — 

35.  And  in  the  Holy  Ghost.  What 
has  been  delivered  above  somewhat  at  large 
concerning  Christ  relates  to  the  mystery  of 
His  Incarnation  and  of  His  Passion,  and,  by 
thus  intervening,  as  belonging  to  His  Per- 
son, has  somewhat  dela3/ed  the  mention  of 
the  Holy  Spirit.  Otherwise,  if  the  divine 
nature  alone  be  taken  into  account,  as  in  the 
beginning  of  the  Creed  we  say  "  I  believe 
in  God  the  Father  Almighty,"  and  after- 
wards, "  In  Jesus  Christ  His  only  Son  our 
Lord,"  so  in  like  manner  we  add,  "And  in 
the  Holy  Ghost."  But  all  of  these  particu- 
lars which  are  spoken  of  above  concerning 
Christ  relate,  as  we  have  said,  to  the  dispen- 
sation of  the  flesh  (to  His  Incarnation). 
By  the  mention  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  mys- 
tery of  the  Trinity  is  completed.  For  as 
one  Father  is  mentioned,  and  there  is  no 
other  Father,  and  one  only-begotten  vSon  is 
mentioned,  and  there  is  no  other  only-begot- 
ten Son,  so  also  there  is  one  Iloly  Ghost, 
and  there   cannot    be  another    Holy    Ghost. 


1  Ibid.  II, 12. 

2  Matt.  xxiv.  23,  24. 


3  Ibid.  27. 

*  Matt.  XXV.  32. 


•"'  2  Cor.  V.  10. 
*5  Rom.  ii.  15,  16. 


l\\  order,  therefore,  that  the  Persons  may 
be  distinguished,  the  terms  expressing  rela- 
tionship (the  properties)  are  varied,  where- 
by the  first  is  understood  to  be  the  Father, 
of  Whom  are  all  things.  Who  Himself  also 
hath  no  Father,  the  second  the  Son,  as  born 
of  the  Father,  and  the  third  the  Holy  Ghost, 
as  proceeding  fro  in  both,^  and  sanctifying  all 
things.  But  that  in  the  Trinity  one  and 
the  same  Godhead  may  be  set  forth,  since, 
prefixing  the  preposition  "  in  "  we  say  that 
we  believe  "  in  God  the  Father,"  so  also  we 
say,  "  i7t  Christ  His  Son,"  so  also  "  zn  the 
Holy  Ghost."  But  our  meaning  will  be 
made  more  plain  in  what  follows.  For  the 
Creed  proceeds,  — 

36.  "  The  holy  Church  ;  the  for- 
giveness OF  SIN,  THE  resurrection  OF 
this  feesh."  It  is  not  said,  ''  In  the  holy 
Church,"  nor  "  In  the  forgivness  of  sins," 
nor  "  In  the  resurrection  of  the  flesh."  For 
if  the  preposition  "in"  had  been  added,  it 
would  have  had  the  same  force  as  in  the 
preceding  articles.  But  now  in  those 
clauses  in  which  the  faith  concerning  the 
Godhead  is  declared,  we  say  ''  In  God  the 
Father,"  and  "  In  Jesus  Christ  His  Son," 
and  "/?/  the  Holy  Ghost,"  but  in  the  rest, 
where  we  speak  not  of  the  Godhead  but  of 
creatures  and  mysteries,  the  preposition 
"  in  "  is  not  added.  We  do  not  say  "  We 
believe  in  the  holy  Church,"  but  "  We  be- 
lieve the  holy  Church,"  not  as  God,  but  as 
the  Church  gathered  together  to  God  :  and 
we  believe  that  there  is  "  forgiveness  of 
sins;"  we  do  not  say  "We  believe  in  the 
forgiveness  of  sins  ;  "  and  we  believe  that 
there  will  be  a  ''  Resurrection  of  the  flesh  ;  " 
we  do  not  say  "  We  believe  in  the  resur- 
rection  of  the  flesh."  By  this  monosyllabic 
preposition,  therefore,  the  Creator  is  distin- 
guished from  the  creatures,  and  things  divine 
are  separated  from  things  human. 

This  then  is  the  Holy  Ghost,  who  in  the 
Old  Testament  inspired  the  Law  and  the 
Prophets,  in  the  New  the  Gospels  and  the 
Epistles.  Whence  also  the  Apostle  sa}s, 
"  All  Scripture  given  by  inspiration  of  God  is 
profitable  for  instruction."  ^  And  therefore  it 
seems  proper  in  this  place  to  enumerate,  as  we 
have  learnt  from  the  tradition  of  the  Fathers, 
the  books  of  the  New  and  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, which,  according  to  the  tradition  of  our 
forefathers,  are  believed  to  have  been  inspired 
by  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  have  been  handed 
down  to  the  Churches  of  Christ. 

37.  Of  the  Old  Testament,  therefore,  first 
of   all  there    have    been    handed    down    five 

1  Or,  according  to  another  reading,  "  from  t«e  mouth  of 
God."  2  2  Tim.  iii.  16. 


558 


RUFINUS. 


books  of  Moses,  Genesis,  Exodus,  Leviticus, 
Numbers,  Deuteronom}^ ;  Then  Jesus  Nave, 
(Joshua  the  son  of  Nun),  The  Book  of 
Judges  together  with  Ruth ;  then  four 
books  of  Kings  (Reigns),  which  the 
Hebrew^s  reckon  two ;  the  Book  of  Omis- 
sions, which  is  entitled  the  Book  of  Days 
(Chronicles),  and  two  books  of  Ezra  (Ezra 
and  Nehemiah),  which  the  Hebrews  reckon 
one,  and  Esther ;  of  the  Prophets,  Isaiah, 
Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  Daniel  ;  moreover 
of  the  twelve  (minor)  Prophets,  one  book  ; 
Job  also  and  the  Psalms  of  David,  each  one 
book.  Solomon  gave  three  books  to  the 
Churches,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Canticles. 
Th^se  comprise  the  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. 

Of  the  New  there  are  four  Gospels,  Mat- 
thew, Mark,  Luke,  John  ;  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  written  by  Luke ;  fourteen  Epistles 
of  the  Apostle  Paul,  two  of  the  Apostle 
Peter,  one  of  James,  brother  of  the  Lord 
and  Apostle,  one  of  Jude,  three  of  John,  the 
Revelation  of  John.  These  are  the  books 
which  the  Fathers  have  comprised  within 
the  Canon,  and  from  which  they  would 
have  us  deduce  the  proofs  of  our  faith. 

38.  But  it  should  be  known  that  there  are 
also  other  books  which  our  fathers  call  not 
^'Canonical"  but  "Ecclesiastical:"  that  is 
to  say.  Wisdom,  called  the  Wisdom  of  Solo- 
mon, and  another  Wisdom,  called  the 
Wisdom  of  the  Son  of  Syrach,  which 
last-mentioned  the  Latins  called  by  the  gen- 
eral title  Ecclesiasticus,  designating  not  the 
author  of  the  book,  but  the  character  of  the 
writing.  To  the  same  class  belong  the 
Book  of  Tobit,  and  the  Book  of  Judith,  and 
the  Books  of  the  Maccabees.  In  the  New 
Testament  the  little  book  which  is  called  the 
Book  of  the  Pastor  of  Hermas,  [and  that] 
which  is  called  The  Two  Ways,^  or  the 
Judgment  of  Peter  ;  all  of  which  they  would 
have  read  in  the  Churches,  but  not  appealed 
to  for  the  confirmation  of  doctrine.  The 
other  writings  they  have  named  "  Apocry- 
pha." These  they  would  not  have  read  in 
the  Churches. 

These  are  the  traditions  which  the  Fathers 
have  handed  down  to  us,  which,  as  I  said, 
I  have  thought  it  opportune  to  set  forth  in 
this  place,  for  the  instruction  of  those  who 
are  being  taught  the  first  elements  of  the 
Church  and  of  the  Faith,  that  they  may 
know  from  what  fountains  of  the  Word  of 
God  their  draughts  must  be  taken. 

39.  We  come  next  in   the  order   of  belief 


1  It  is  believed  that  this  book  forms  part  of  "  The  Teaching- 
of  the  Twelve  Apostles  "  lately  discovered  and  published  at 
Constantinople. 


to  the  Holy  Church.  We  have  mentioned 
above  why  the  Creed  does  not  sav  here,  as 
in  the  preceding  article,  "  In  the  Holy 
Church."  They,  therefore,  who  were 
taught  above  to  believe  in  one  God,  imder 
the  mystery  of  the  Trinity,  must  believe 
this  also,  that  there  is  one  holy  Church  in 
which  there  is  one  faith  and  one  baptism,  in 
which  is  believed  one  God  the  Father,  and 
one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  His  Son,  and  one 
Holy  Ghost.  This  is  that  holy  Churcli 
which  is  without  spot  or  wrinkle.  For  many 
others  have  gathered  together  Churches, 
as  Marcion,  and  Valentinus,  and  Ebion, 
and  Manichaeus,  and  Arius,  and  all  the 
other  heretics.  But  those  Churches  are  not 
without  spot  or  wrinkle  of  unfaithfulness. 
And  therefore  the  Prophet  said  of  them,  "-  I 
hate  the  Church  of  the  malignants,  and  I 
will  not  sit  with  the  ungodly." '  But  of  this 
Church  which  keeps  the  faith  of  Christ 
entire,  hear  what  the  Holy  Spirit  says  in  the 
Canticles,  "  My  dove  is  one ;  the  perfect  one 
of  her  mother  is  one.".^  He  then  wdio  re- 
ceives this  faith  in  the  Church  let  him  not 
turn  aside  in  the  Council  of  vanity,  and  let 
him  not  enter  in  with  those  who  practise 
iniquity. 

For  Marcion's  assemblv  is  a  Council  of 
vanity  in  that  he  denies  that  the  Father 
of  Christ  is  God,  the  Creator,  who  by  His 
Son  made  the  world.  Ebion's  is  a  Council 
of  vanity  since  he  teaches  that,  while  we 
believe  in  Christ,  we  are  withal  to  observe 
the  circumcision  of  the  flesh,  the  keeping 
of  the  Sabbath,  the  accustomed  sacrifices, 
and  all  the  other  ordinances  according  to 
the  letter  of  the  Law.  Manichaeus*  is  a 
Council  of  vanity  in  regard  of  his  teach- 
ing;  first  in  that  he  calls  himself  the  Para- 
clete, then  that  he  says  that  the  world 
was  made  by  an  evil  God,  denies  God  the 
Creator,  rejects  the  Old  Testament,  asserts 
two  natures,  one  good  the  other  evil, 
mutually  opposing  one  another,  affirms  that 
men's  souls  are  co-eternal  with  God,  that, 
according  to  the  Pythagoreans,  they  return 
through  divers  circles  of  nativity  into  cattle 
and  animals  and  beasts,  denies  the  resurrec- 
tion of  our  flesh,  maintains  that  the  passion 
and  nativity  of  the  Lord  were  not  in  the 
verity  of  flesh,  but  only  in  appearance. 
It  was  the  Council  of  vanity  when  Paul 
of  Samosata  and  his  successor  Photinus 
afterwards  taught,  that  Christ  was  not  born 
of  the  Father  before  the  world,  but  had  His 
beginning  from  Mary,  and  believed  not  that 
beinof  God  He   was  born  man,   but  that  of 


1  Ps.  xxvi.  5. 


2  Cant.  vi.  q. 


A    COMMENTARY    ON    THE    APOSTLES'    CREED. 


559 


man  He  was  made  God.  It  was  the 
Council  of  vanity  when  Arius  and  Eunomius 
taught  as  their  determinate  opinion  that  the 
Son  of  God  was  not  born  of  the  very  sub- 
stance of  the  Father,  but  was  created  out  of 
nothing,  and  that  the  Son  of  God  had  a 
beginning,  and  is  inferior  to  the  Father ; 
moreover  thjy  affirm  that  the  Holy  Ghost 
is  not  only  inferior  to  the  Son,  but  is  also  a 
ministering  Spirit.'  Theirs  also  is  a  Council 
of  vanity  who  confess  indeed  that  the  Son  is 
of  the  substance  of  the  Father,  but  distin- 
guish and  separate  the  Holy  Spirit,  while 
yet  the  Saviour  shews  in  the  Gospel  that  the 
power  and  Godhead  of  the  Trinity  are  one 
and  the  same,  saying,  •■'  Baptize  all  nations 
in  the  Name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son, 
and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,"  ^  and  it  is  plainly 
impious  for  man  to  put  asunder  what  God 
hath  joined  together.  That  also  is  the 
Council  of  vanity  which  a  pertinacious  and 
wncked  contention  formerly  gathered  to- 
gether, affirming  that  Christ  assumed  human 
flesh  indeed,  but  not  a  rational  soul  withal, 
since  Christ  conferred  one  and  the  same 
salvation  on  the  flesh,  and  the  animal  soul, 
and  the  reason  and  mind  of  man.  That  also 
is  the  Council  of  vanity  which  Donatus 
drew  together  throughout  Africa,  by  charg- 
ing the  Church  with  traditorship  (deliver- 
ing up  the  sacred  books),  and  with  which 
Novatus  disturbed  men's  minds  by  denying 
the  grant  of  repentance  to  the  lapsed,  and 
condemning  second  marriages,  though  con- 
tracted possibly  of  necessity.  All  of  these 
then  avoid  as  congregations  of  malignants. 
Those  also,  if  such  there  be,  who  are  said  to 
assert  that  the  Son  of  God  does  not  see  or 
know  the  Father,  as  Himself  is  known  and 
seen  by  the  Father ;  or  that  the  kingdom  of 
Christ  will  have  an  end  ;  or  that  the  flesh 
will  not  be  raised  in  the  complete  restoration 
of  its  substance ;  these  also  who  deny  that 
there  will  be  a  just  judgment  of  God  in  re- 
spect of  all,  and  affirm  that  the  devil  will  be 
absolved  from  the  punishment  of  damnation 
due  to  him.  To  all  these,  I  say,  let  the  be- 
liever turn  a  deaf  ear.  But  hold  fast  by  the 
holy  Church,  which  confesses  God  the 
Father  Almighty,  and  His  only  Son,  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord,  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  of 
one  concordant  and  harmonious  substance, 
believes  that  the  Son  of  God  was  born  of  the 
Virgin,  suffered  for  man's  salvation,  rose 
again   from   the  dead   in  the   same   flesh    in 

1  Mittendartum,  *'Mittendarn,  Palatini  qui  in  sacro  Palatio 
militahant,  et  in  provincias  extraor dinar ie  mittebantur,  a 
Principe,  ut  eortim  mandata  perferreni .^''  Officers  attached  to 
the  Palace,  who  were  sent  into  the  provinces  by  the  Emj)eror 
on  extraordinary  occasions,  as  bearers  of  his  orders.  —  Glos- 
sariunt  Matiuale  ex  Magnis  Glossariis  Du  Fresne,  etc. 

2  Matt,  xxviii,  19. 


which  he  was  born  ;  and,  lastly,  hopes  that 
He  will  come  the  Judge  of  all,  through 
Whom  also  both  the  forgiveness  of  sins 

AND     THE     RESURRECTION     OF     THE      FLESH 

are  preached. 

40.  As  to  the  Forgiveness  of  Sins,  it 
ought  to  be  enough  simple  to  believe.  For 
who  would  ask  the  cause  or  the  reason  when 
a  Prince  grants  indulgence.^  When  the  lib- 
erality of  an  earthl}'  sovereign  is  no  fit  sub- 
ject for  discussion,  shall  man's  temerit}- 
discuss  God's  largess?  For  the  Pagans  are 
wont  to  ridicule  us,  saying  that  we  deceive 
ourselves,  fancying  that  crimes  committed 
in  deed  can  be  purged  by  words.  And 
they  say,  "  Can  he  who  has  committed 
inurder  be  no  murderer,  and  he  who  has 
committed  adultery  be  accounted  no  adul- 
terer.'* How  then  shall  one  guilty  of  crimes 
of  this  sort  all  of  a  sudden  be  made  holy.''" 
But  to  this,  as  I  said,  we  answer  better  by 
faith  than  by  reason.  For  he  is  King  of  all 
who  hath  promised  it :  He  is  Lord  of  heaven 
and  earth  who  assures  us  of  it.  Would 
you  have  me  refuse  to  believe  that  He  who 
made  me  a  man  of  the  dust  of  the  earth  can 
of  a  guilty  person  make  me  innocent?  And 
that  He  who  when  I  was  blind  made  me 
see,  or  when  I  was  deaf  made  me  hear,  or 
lame  walk,  can  recover  for  me  my  lost  in- 
nocence.'' And  to  come  to  the  witness  of 
Nature — to  kill  a  man  is  not  always  crimi- 
nal, but  to  kill  of  malice,  not  by  law,  is 
criminal.  It  is  not  the  deed  then,  in  such 
matters,  that  condemns  me,  because  some- 
times it  is  rightly  done,  but  the  evil  intention 
of  the  mind.  If  then  my  mind  which  had 
been  rendered  criminal,  and  in  which  the 
sin  originated,  is  corrected,  why  should  I 
seem  to  you  incapable  of  being  made  inno- 
cent, who  before  was  criminal?  For  if  it  is 
plain,  as  I  have  shewn,  that  crime  consists  not 
in  the  deed  but  in  the  will,  as  an  evil  will, 
prompted  by  an  evil  demon,  has  made  me 
obnoxious  to  sin  and  death,  so  the  will 
prompted  by  the  good  God,  being  changed 
to  good,  hath  restored  me  to  innocence  and 
life.  It  is  the  same  also  in  all  other  crimes. 
In  this  way  there  is  found  to  be  no  opposi- 
tion between  our  faith  and  natural  reason, 
while  forgiveness  of  sins  is  imputed  not  to 
deeds,  which  when  once  done  cannot  be 
changed,  but  to  the  mind,  which  it  is  certain 
can  be  converted  from  bad  to  good. 

41.  This  last  article,  which  affirms  the 
Resurrection  of  the  Flesh,  concludes 
the  sum  of  all  perfection  with  succinct 
brevity.  Although  on  this  point  also  the 
faith  of  the  Church  is  impugned,  not  only 
by  Gentiles,   but  by  heretics  likewise.     For 


56o 


RUFINUS. 


VaJentiniis  altogether  denies  the  resurrection 
of  the  flesh,  so  do  the  Manicheans,  as  we 
shewed  above.  But  they  refuse  to  listen  to 
the  Prophet  Isaiah  when  he  says,  "The  dead 
shall  rise,  and  they  who  are  in  the  graves 
shall  be  raised,"  ^  or  to  most  wise  Daniel, 
when  he  declares,  "Then  they  who  are  in 
the  dust  of  the  earth  shall  arise,  these  to 
eternal  life,  but  those  to  shame  and  confu- 
sion." ^  Yet  even  in  the  Gospels,  which 
they  appear  to  receive,  they  ought  to  learn 
from  our  Lord  and  Saviour,  Who  says, 
when  instructing  the  Sadducees,  "  As  touch- 
ing the  resurrection  of  the  dead  :  have  ye  not 
read  how  He  saith  to  Moses  in  the  Bush,  I  am 
the  God  of  Abraham,  the  God  of  Isaac,  the 
God  of  Jacob?  Now  God  is  not  the  God  of 
the  dead  but  of  the  living."  ^  Where  in  what 
goes  before  He  declares  w^hat  and  how  great 
is  the  glory  of  the  resurrection,  saying, 
*'  But  in  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  they 
will  neither  marry  or  be  given  in  marriage, 
but  will  be  as  the  angels  of  God."  "  But  the 
virtue  of  the  resurrection  confers  on  men  an 
angelical  state,  so  that  they  who  have  risen 
from  the  earth  shall  not  live  again  on  the 
earth  with  the  brute  animals  but  with  angels 
in  heaven  —  yet  those  only  whose  purer  life 
has  fitted  them  for  this —  those,  namely,  who 
even  now  preserving  the  flesh  of  their  soul 
in  chastity,  have  brought  it  into  subjection 
to  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  thus  with  every  stain 
of  sins  done  away  and  changed  into  spiritual 
glory  by  the  virtue  of  santification,  have 
been  counted  worthy  to  have  it  admitted  into 
the  society  of  angels. 

42.  But  unbelievers  cry,  "  How  can  the 
flesh,  which  has  been  putrifiedand  dissolved, 
or  changed  into  dust,  sometimes  also  swal- 
lowed up  by  the  sea,  and  dispersed  by  the 
waves,  be  gathered  up  again,  and  again 
made  one,  and  a  man's  body  formed  anew 
out  of  it.'*  "  To  whom  our  first  answer  is  in 
Paul's  words:  "  Thou  fool,  that  which  thou 
sowest  is  not  quickened,  except  it  die.  And 
that  which  thou  sowest,  thou  sowest  not  the 
body,  which  shall  be,  but  bare  grain  of 
wheat  or  of  some  other  seed  :  but  God  giveth 
it  a  body  as  seemeth  good  to  Him."  ^  Did 
you  not  believe  that  that  which  you  see  taking 
place  every  year  in  the  seeds  which  you  cast 
into  the  ground  will  come  to  pass  in  your 
flesh  which  by  the  law  of  God  is  sown  in 
the  earth?  Why,  pray,  have  you  so  mean 
an  opinion  of  God's  power  that  you  do  not 
believe  it  possible  for  the  scattered  dust  of 
which  each  man'b  flesh  was  composed  to  be 
re-collected   and   restored  to  its  own  original 


1  Is.  xxvi.  ig. 

2  Dan.  xii.  2. 


3  Mark  xii.  26,  27. 
*  Matt.  xxii.  30, 


5  1  Cor.  XV.  36-38. 


fabric?  Do  you  refuse  to  admit  the  fact 
when  you  see  mortal  ingenuity  search  for 
veins  of  metal  deeply  buried  in  the  ground, 
and  the  experienced  eye  discover  gold  where 
the  inexperienced  thinks  there  is  nothing  but 
earth?  Why  should  we  refuse  to  grant 
these  things  to  Him  who  made  man,  when 
he  whom  He  made  can  do  so  much?  And 
when  mortal  ingenuity  discovers  that  gold 
has  its  own  proper  vein,  and  silver  another, 
and  that  a  far  different  vein  of  copper,  and 
diverse  and  distinct  veins  of  iron  and  lead 
lie  concealed  beneath  what  has  the  appear- 
ance of  earth,  shall  divine  power  be  thought 
unable  to  discover  and  distinguish  the  com- 
ponent particles  belonging  to  each  man's 
flesh,  even  though  they  seem  to  be  dis- 
persed ? 

43.  But  let  us  endeavour  to  assist  those 
souls  which  fail  in  their  faith  through  reasons 
drawn  from  nature.  If  one  should  mix  dif- 
ferent sorts  of  seeds  together  and  sow  them 
indiscriminately  in  the  earth,  will  not  the 
grain  of  each  several  kind,  wherever  it  may 
have  been  thrown,  shoot  forth  at  the  proper 
time  in  accordance  with  its  own  specific 
nature  so  as  to  reproduce  the  condition  of  its 
own  form  and  its  own  body. 

Thus  then  the  suV)stance  of  each  individual 
flesh,  though  its  particles  have  been  vari- 
ously and  diversely  scattered,  has  within  it 
an  immortal  principle,  siiice  it  is  the  flesh 
of  an  immortal  soul,  and  at  the  time  which 
God  in  His  good  pleasure  shall  appoint^ 
there  will  be  collected  from  the  earth  and 
drawn  to  it,  its  own  component  particles,, 
which  will  be  restored  to  that  form  which 
death  had  formerly  dissolved.  And  thus  it 
will  come  to  pass  that  to  each  soul  will  be 
restored,  not  a  confused  or  foreign  body  but 
its  own  wdiich  it  had  when  alive,  in  order 
that  the  flesh  together  with  its  own  soul  may 
for  the  conflicts  of  the  present  life  either  be 
crowned  if  undefiled,  or  punished  if  defiled. 
And  accordingly  our  Church,'  in  teaching 
the  faith,  instead  of  "the  Resurrection  of 
the  flesh,"  as  the  Creed  is  delivered  in  other 
Churches,  guardedly  adds  the  pronoun 
"this"  —  "the  resurrection  of  this  flesh." 
"  Of  this,"  that  is,  no  doubt,  of  the  person 
who  rehearses  the  Creed,  making  the  sign  of 
the  cross  upon  his  forehead,  while  he  says 
the  word,  that  each  believer  may  know  that 
his  flesh,  if  he  have  kept  it  clean  from  sin, 
will  be  a  vessel  of  honour,  useful  to  the 
Lord,  prepared  for  every  good  work  ;  but, 
if  defiled  by  sins,  that  it  will  be  a  vessel  of 
wrath  destined  to  destruction. 


1  The  Church  of  Aquileia. 


A    COMMENTARY    ON    THE    APOSTLES'    CREED. 


561 


But  now,  concerning  the  glory  of  the 
resurrection  and  the  greatness  of  the  promise 
by  which  God  has  bound  Himself,  if  any 
one  desires  to  be  more  fully  informed,  he 
will  find  notices  in  almost  all  the  divine 
volumes,  out  of  which,  simply  by  way  of 
bringing  them  to  remembrance,  we  will 
mention  a  few  passages  in  the  present 
place,  and  then  make  an  end  of  the  work 
which  you  have  enjoined.  The  Apostle 
Paul  makes  use  of  such  arguments  as  the 
following  in  asserting  that  mortal  flesh  will 
rise  again.  "  But  if  there  be  no  resurrection 
of  the  dead,  then  is  not  Christ  risen.  And 
if  Christ  be  not  risen,  our  preaching  is  vain 
and  your  faith  is  vain."*  And  presently 
I  afterwartls,  ''  But  now  is  Christ  risen  from 
the  dead,  the  first-fruits  of  them  that  sleep. 
For  since  by  man  came  death,  by  man  came 
also  the  resurrection  of  the  dead.  For  as  in 
Adam  all  die,  even  so  in  Christ  shall  all 
be  made  alive.  But  every  man  in  his  own 
order.  Christ  the  first-fruits,  afterwards  they 
that  are  Christ's  at  His  coming,  then  cometh 
the  end."  ^  And  afterways  he  adds,  "Be- 
hold I  shew  you  a  mystery  :  We  shall  all 
rise  indeed,  but  we  shall  not^  all  be 
changed;"  or  as  other  copies  read,  ''We 
shall  all  sleep,  indeed,  but  we  shall  not  all 
be  changed  ;  in  a  moment,  in  the  twinkling 
of  an  eye,  at  the  last  trump  ;  for  the  trumpet 
shall  sound,  and  the  dead  shall  rise  incor- 
ruptible, and  we  shall  be  changed."  *  How- 
ever, whichever  be  the  true  text,  writing  to 
the  Thessalonians,  he  says,  "  I  would  not 
have  you  ignorant,  brethren,  concerning 
those  who  are  asleep,  that  ye  sorrow  not, 
as  the  others  who  have  no  hope.  For  if  we 
believe  that  Jesus  died  and  rose  again,  so 
those  also  who  sleep  through  Jesus  shall  God 
bring  with  Him.  For  this  we  say  unto  you 
by  the  word  of  the  Lord,  that  we  who  are 
alive  and  remain  at  the  coming  of  the  Lord 
shall  not  prevent  them  that  sleep.  For  the 
Lord  Himself  shall  descend  from  heaven 
with  a  shout,  with  the  voice  of  the  arch- 
angel, with  the  trump  of  God,  and  the 
dead  who  are  in  Christ  shall  rise  first :  then 
we  who  are  alive  and  remain  shall  be  caught 
up  together  with  them  in  the  clouds  to  meet 
Christ  in  the  air,  and  so  shall  we  ever  be 
with  the  Lord."  ^ 

44.  But  that  you  may  not  suppose  this  to  be 
a  novel  doctrine  peculiar  to  Paul,  I  will  ad- 
duce also  what  the  Prophet  Ezekiel  foretold 
by  the  Holy  Ghost.  ''  Behold,"  saith  he, 
"I  will  open  your  graves  and  bring  you  forth 


1  I  Cor.  XV.  13,  14.  ■*  Ibid.  51,  52. 

2  Ibid.  20-24.  »  I  Thess.  iv.  13-17. 

3  A  readinj;  current  in  Rufinus'  time. 


out  of  your  graves."  ^  Let  me  recall,  further, 
how  Job,  who  abounds  in  mystical  lan- 
guage, plainly  predicts  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead.  ''There  is  hope  for  a  tree ;  for  if  it 
be  cut  down  it  will  sprout  again,  and  its 
shoot  shall  never  fail.  But  if  its  root  have 
waxed  old  in  the  earth,  and  the  stock  thereof 
be  dead  in  the  dust,  yet  through  the  scent  of 
water  it  will  flourish  again,  and  put  forth 
shoots  as  a  young  plant.  But  man,  if  he  be 
dead,  is  he  departed  and  gone.'*  And  mortal 
man,  if  he  have  fallen,  shall  he  be  no 
more.?"^  Dost  thou  not  see,  that  in  these 
words  he  is  appealing  to  men's  sense  of 
shame,  as  it  were,  and  saying,  "Is  mankind 
so  foolish,  that  when  they  see  the  stock  of  a 
tree  which  has  been  cut  down  shooting  forth 
again  from  the  ground,  and  dead  wood  again 
restored  to  life,  they  imagine  their  own  case 
to  have  no  likeness  to  that  of  wood  or 
trees.''  "  But  convince  you  that  Job's  words 
are  to  be  read  as  a  question,  when  he  says, 
"  But  mortal  man  when  he  hath  fallen  shall 
he  not  rise  again  ?  "  take  this  proof  from  what 
follows;  for  he  adds  immediately,  "But  if 
a  man  be  dead,  shall  he  live.^"^  And  pre- 
sently afterwards  he  says,  "  I  will  wait  till 
I  be  made  again  ;  "  *  and  afterwards  he  re- 
peats the  same:  "Who  shall  raise  again 
upon  the  earth  my  skin,  which  is  now 
draining  this  cup  of  suffering.?"^ 

45.  Thus  much  in  proof  of  the  profession 
which  we  make  in  the  Creed  when  we  say 
"  The  resurrection  of  this  flesh."  As  to  the 
addition  "  this,"  see  how  consonant  it  is 
with  all  that  we  have  cited  from  the  divine 
books.  What  else  does  Job  signify  in  the 
place  which  we  explained  above,  "  He  will 
raise  again  mv  skin,  which  is  now  draining 
this  cup  of  sutler! ng,"  that  is,  which  is  under- 
going these  torments  ?  Does  he  not  plainly 
say  that  there  will  be  a  resurrection  of  this 
flesh,  this,  I  mean,  which  is  now  undergo- 
ing the  extremity  of  trials  and  tribulations.? 
Moreover,  when  the  Apostle  says,  "  This 
corruptible  must  put  on  incorruption,  and 
this  mortal  must  put  on  immortality,"  ^  are 
not  his  words  those  of  one  who  in  a  manner 
touches  his  body  and  places  his  finger  upon 
\t?  This  body  then,  which  is  now  corruptible, 
will  by  the  grace  of  the  resurrection  be  in- 
corruptible, and  this  which  is  now  mortal 
will  be  clothed  with  virtues  of  immortality, 
that,  as  "  Christ  rising  from  the  dead  dieth 
no  more,  death  hath  no  more  dominion  over 
Him,"  '  so  those  who  shall  rise  in  Christ 
shall  never  again   feel  corruption  or  death, 


1  Ezek.  xxxvii.  12. 

2  Job  xiv.  7-10. 
3job  xiv.   14. 


*  Ibid. 

5  Job  xxvi.  265  27, 


6  I  Cor.  XV.  53. 
^  Rom.  vi.  9. 


562 


RUFINUS. 


not  because  the  nature  of  flesh  will  have 
been  cast  off,  but  because  its  condition  and 
quality  will  have  been  changed.  There  will 
be  a  body,  therefore,  which  will  rise  from 
the  dead  Incorruptible  and  immortal,  not 
only  of  the  righteous,  but  also  of  sinners  ;  of 
the  righteous  that  they  may  be  able  ever  to 
abide  with  Christ,  of  sinners  that  they  may 
undergo  without  end  the  punishment  due  to 
them. 

46.  That  the  righteous  shall  ever  abide 
with  Christ  our  Lord  we  have  proved  above, 
where  we  have  shewn  that  the  Apostle  says, 
"  Then  we  which  are  alive  and  remain  shall 
be  caught  up  together  with  them  in  the 
clouds  to  meet  Christ  in  the  air,  and  so  shall 
we  ever  be  with  the  Lord."  '  And  do  not 
marvel  that  the  flesh  of  the  saints  is  to  be 
changed  into  such  a  glorious  condition  at  the 
resurrection  as  to  be  caught  up  to  meet  God, 
suspended  in  the  clouds  and  borne  in  the  air, 
since  the  same  Apostle,  setting  forth  the 
great  things  which  God  bestows  on  them 
that  love  Him,  says,  ''  Who  shall  change 
our  vile  body  that  it  may  be  made  like  unto 
His  glorious  body."  ^  It  is  njwlse  absurd 
then,  if  the  bodies  of  the  saints  are  said  to 
be  raised  up  into  the  air,  seeing  that  they 
are  said  to  be  renewed  after  the  image  of 
Christ's  body,  which  is  seated  at  God's  right 
hand.  But  this  also  the  holy  Apostle  adds, 
speaking  either  of  himself  or  of  others  of  his 
own  place  or  merit,  "  He  will  raise  us  up 
together  with  Christ  and  make  us  sit  to- 
gether in  the  heavenly  places."  ^  Whence, 
since  God's  saints  have  these  promises  and 
an  infinite  number  like  them  respecting  the 
resurrection  of  the  righteous,  it  will  now  not 
be  diflBcult  to  believe  those  also  which  the 
Prophets  have  foretold,  namel}^,  thdt  ''  the 
righteous  shall  shine  as  the  sun  and  as  the 
brightness  of  the  firmament  in  the  kingdom 
of  God."  ^  For  who  will  think  it  diflicult 
that  they  should  have  the  brightness  of  the 
sun,  and  be  adorned  with  the  splendour  of 
the  stars  and  of  this  firmatneut,  for  whom  the 
life  and  conversation  of  God's  angels  are 
being  prepared  in  heaven,  or  who  are  repre- 
sented as  being  hereafter  to  be  conformed  to 
the  glory  of  Christ's  body?  Li  reference  to 
which  glory,  promised  by  the  Saviour's 
mouth,  the  holy  Apostle  says,  "It  is  sown 
as  an  animal  body  ;  it  will  rise  a  spiritual 
body."  *  For  if  it  is  true,  as  it  certainly  is 
true,  that  God  will  vouchsafe  to  associate 
every  one  of  the  righteous  and  of  the  saints 
in  companionship  with  the   angels,  it  is  cer- 


1  I  Thess.  iv.  17. 
'  Phil.  iii.  21. 
3Eph.  ii.6. 


*  Matt.  xiii.  43. 
6  I  Cor.  XV.  44. 


tain   that  He  will  change   their  bodies   also 
into  the  glory  of  a  spiritual  body. 

47.  Nor  let  this  promise  seem  to  3'ou  con- 
trary to  the  natural  structure  of  the  body. 
For  if  we  believe,  according  to  what  is 
written,  that  God  took  clay  of  the  earth  and 
made  man,  and  that  the  origin  of  our  body 
was  this,  that,  by  the  will  of  God,  earth  was 
changed  into  flesh,  why  does  it  seem  absurd 
to  you  or  contrary  to  reason  if,  on  the  same 
principles  on  which  earth  is  said  to  be  ad- 
vanced to  an  animal  body,  an  animal  body 
in  turn  should  be  believed  to  be  advanced  to 
a  spiritual  body.^  These  things  and  many 
like  these  you  will  find  in  the  divine 
Scriptures  concerning  the  resurrection  of  the 
righteous.  There  will  be  given  to  sinners 
also,  as  we  said  above,  a  condition  of  incor- 
ruption  and  immortality  at  the  resurrection, 
that,  as  God  assigns  this  state  to  the  right- 
eous for  perpetuity  of  glory,  so  He  may  as- 
sign the  same  to  sinners  for  prolongation  of 
confusion  and  punishment.  For  this  also 
the  Prophet's  words,  which  we  referred  to 
above,  state  clearly  :  ''  Many  shall  rise  from 
the  dust  of  the  earth,  some  to  life  eternal,  and 
others  to  confusion  and  eternal  shame."  ^ 

48.  If  then  we  have  understood  in  what 
august  significance  God  Almighty  is  called 
Father,  and  in  what  mysterious  sense  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  held  to  be  His  only 
Son,  and  with  what  entire  perfection  of 
meaning  Flis  Spirit  is  called  the  Holy  Spirit, 
and  how  the  Holy  Trinity  is  one  in  sub- 
stance but  has  distinctions  of  relation  and 
of  Persons,  what  also  is  the  birth  from  a 
Virgin,  what  the  nativity  of  the  Word  in 
the  flesh,  what  the  mystery  of  the  Cross, 
what  the  purpose  of  our  Lord's  descent  into 
hell,  what  the  glory  of  the  Resurrection,  and 
the  delivery  of  souls  from  their  captivity  in 
the  infernal  regions,  what  also  His  ascension 
into  heaven,  and  the  expected  advent  of  the 
Judge  ;  moreover  how  the  holy  Church  ought 
to  be  acknowledged  as  opposed  to  the  con- 
gregations of  vanity,  what  is  the  number  of  the 
sacred  Volume,  what  conventicles  of  here- 
tics ought  to  be  avoided,  and  how  in  the 
forgiveness  of  sins  there  is  no  opposition 
whatever  between  the  divine  freedom  and 
natural  reason,  and  how  not  only  the  sacred 
oracles  but  also  the  example  of  Lord  and 
Saviour  Himself,  and  the  conclusions  of  nat- 
ural reason,  confirm  the  truth  of  the  resur- 
rection of  our  flesh; — if,  I  say,  we  have 
intelligently  followed  these  in  succession 
in  accordance  with  the  rule  of  the  tradition 
hereinbefore  expounded,  we   pray  that   the 

^  Dan.  xii,  2. 


PREFACE    TO    THE    RECOGNITIONS    OF    CLEMENT. 


563 


Lord  will  grant  to  us,  and  to  all  who  hear 
these  words,  that  having  kept  the  faith 
which  we  have  received,  having  finished  our 
course,  we  may  await  the  crown  of  right- 
eousness laid  up  for  us,  and  be  found  among 
those  who   shall  rise    again   to   eternal  life. 


and  be  delivered  from  confusion  and  eternal 
shame,  through  Christ  our  Lord,  through 
Whom  to  God  the  Father  Almighty  with 
the  Holy  Ghost  is  glory  and  dominion  for 
ever  and  ever.     Amen. 


THE  PREFACE  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  RECOGNITIONS  OF  ST.  CLEMENT 

Addressed  to    Bishop    Gaudenttus. 
(For  the  occasion  and  date '  of  this  work  see  the  Prolegomena,  p.  412.) 


You  possess  so  much  vigour  of  character, 
my  dear  Gaudentius,  you  who  are  so  signal 
an  ornament  of  our  teachers,  or  as  I 
would  rather  say,  you  have  the  grace  of 
the  Spirit  in  so  large  a  measure,  that  even 
what  you  say  in  the  way  of  daily  conversa- 
tion, or  of  addresses  that  you  preach  in 
•church,^  ought  to  be  consigned  in  writing 
^nd  handed  down  for  the  instruction  of  pos- 
terity. But  I  am  far  less  quick,  my  native 
talent  being  but  slender,  and  old  age  is 
already  making  me  sluggis-h  and  slow  ;  and 
this  work  is  nothing  but  the  payment  of  a 
debt  due  to  the  command  laid  upon  me  by 
the  virgin  Sylvia  whose  memory  I  revere. 
She  it  was  who  demanded  of  me,  as  you 
Tiave  now  done  by  the  right  of  heirship,  to 
translate  Clement  into  our  language.  The 
debt  is  paid  at  last,  though  after  many  de- 
lays. It  is  a  part  of  the  booty,  and  in  my 
opinion  no  small  one,  which  I  have  carried 
off  from  the  libraries  of  the  Greeks,  and 
which  I  am  collecting  for  the  use  and  ad- 
vantage of  our  countrymen.  I  have  no  food 
of  my  own  to  bring  them,  and  I  must  import 
their  nourishment  from  abroad.  However, 
foreign  goods  are  apt  to  appear  sweeter ; 
and  sometimes  they  are  really  more  useful. 
Aloreover,  almost  anything  which  brings 
healing  to  our  bodies  or  is  a  defence  against 
disease  or  an  antidote  to  poison  comes  from 
abroad.  Judaea  sends  us  the  distillation  of  the 
balsam  tree,  Crete  the  leaf  of  the  dictamnus, 
Arabia  her  aromatic  flowers,  and  India  the 
crop  of  the  spikenard.  These  goods  come 
to  us,  no  doubt,  in  a  less  perfect  condition 
than  those  which  our  own  fields  produce,  but 
they  preserve  intact  their  pleasant  scent  and 
their  healing  power.     Therefore,   my  friend 

1  The  date  is  after  the  Peroration  to  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans  (see  p.  568) ;  but  it  seemed  better  not  to  divide  the 
Prefaces,  etc.,  to  the  translations  of  Origen's  Commentaries, 

2  Si  quid  in  Ecclesia  declamattcr. 


who  are  as  my  own  soul,  I  present  to  you 
Clement  returning  to  Rome.  I  present  him 
dressed  in  a  Latin  garb.  Do  not  think  it 
strange  if  the  aspect  which  his  eloquence 
presents  is  less  bright  than  it  might  be.  It 
makes  no  difference  if  only  the  meaning  is 
felt  to  be  the  same. 

These  are  foreign  wares,  then,  which  I  am 
importing  at  a  great  expense  of  labour ;  and 
I  have  still  to  see  whether  our  countrymen 
will  regard  with  gratitude  one  who  is  bring- 
ing them  the  spoils  (spolia)  of  his  warfare,  and 
who  is  unlocking  with  the  key  of  our  language 
a  treasure  house  hitherto  concealed,  though  he 
does  it  with  the  utmost  good  will.  I  only 
trust  that  God  may  look  favourably  on  your 
good  wishes,  so  that  my  present  may  not  be 
met  in  any  quarter  by  evil  eyes  and  envious 
looks ;  and  that  we  may  not  witness  that  ex- 
tremely monstrous  phenomenon,  expressions 
of  illwill  on  the  joart  of  those  on  whom  the 
gift  is  conferred,  while  those  from  whom  it  is 
taken  part  with  it  ungrudgingly.  It  is  but 
right  that  you,  who  have  read  this  work  in 
the  Greek  should  point  out  to  others  the  de- 
sign of  my  translation  —  unless  indeed,  you 
feel  that  in  some  respects  I  have  not  ob- 
served the  right  method  of  rendering  the 
original.  You  are,  I  believe  well  aware 
that  there  are  two  Greek  editions  of  this 
work  of  Clement,  his  Recognitions ;  that 
there  are  two  sets  of  books,  which  in  some 
few  cases  differ  from  each  other  though  the 
bulk  of  the  narrative  is  the  same.  For  in- 
stance, the  last  part  of  the  work,  that  which 
gives  an  account  of  the  transformation  of 
Simon  Magus,  exists  in  one  of  these,  while 
in  the  other  it  is  entirely  absent.  On  the 
other  hand  there  are  some  things,  such  as  the 
dissertation  on  the  unbegotten  and  the  be- 
gotten God,  and  a  few  others,  which,  though 
they  are  found  in  both  editions,   are,   to  say 


564 


RUFINUS. 


the  least  of  them,  beyond  my  understanding; 
and  these  I  have  preferred  to  leave  others 
to  deal  with  rather  than  to  present  them  in 
an  inadequate  manner.  As  to  the  rest,  I  have 
taken  pains  not  to  sw^erve,  even  in  the  slight- 
est deeree  from  either  the  sense  or  the  die- 
tion  ;  and  this,  though  it  makes  the  expres- 
sion less  ornate,  renders  it  more  faithful. 

There  is  a  letter  in  which  this  same  Clem- 
ent writing  to  James  the  Lord's  brother, 
gives  an  account  of  the  death  of  Peter,  and 
says  that  he  has  left  him  as  his  successor,  as 
ruler  and  teacher  of  the  church ;  and  further 
incorporates  a  whole  scheme  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal government.  This  I  have  not  prefixed  to 
the  work,  both  because  it  is  later  in  point  of 
time,  and  because  it  has  been  previously 
translated  and  published  by  me.  Neverthe- 
less, there  is  a  point  which  would  perhaps 
seem  inconsistent  with  facts  were  I  to  place 
the  translation  of  it  in  this  work,  but  which  I 
do  not  consider  to  involve  an  impossibility. 
It  is  this.     Linus  and  Cletus  were  Bishops  of 


the  city  of  Rome  before  Clement.  How- 
then,  some  men  ask,  can  Clement  in  his- 
letter  to  James  say  that  Peter  passed  over  to 
him  his  position  as  a  church-teacher.^  The 
explanation  of  this  point,  as  I  understand, 
is  as  follows.  Linus  and  Cletus  were,  no 
doubt.  Bishops  in  the  city  of  Rome  before 
Clement,  but  this  was  in  Peter's  life-time  ; 
that  is,  they  took  charge  of  the  episcopal 
work,  while  he  discharged  the  duties  of  the 
apostolate.  He  is  known  to  have  done  the 
same  thing  at  Cassarea  ;  for  there,  though  he 
was  himself  on  the  spot,  yet  he  had  at  his  side 
Zacchaeus  whom  he  had  ordained  as  Bishop. 
Thus  we  may  see  how  both  things  may  be 
true  ;  namely  how  they  stand  as  predecessors 
of  Clement  in  the  list  of  Bishops,  and  yet  how 
Clement  after  the  death  of  Peter  became  his 
successor  in  the  teacher's  chair.  But  it  is 
time  that  we  should  pay  attention  to  the  be- 
ginning of  Clement's  own  narrative,  which 
he  addresses  to  James  the  Lord's  brother. 

1  Cathedvam  docendi. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  SAYINGS  OF  XYSTUS. 

Composed  at  Aquileia  about  the  year  joy  A.D. 
(For  the  questions  relating  to  Xystus  see  the  Prolegomena,  p.  412.) 


RUFINUS  TO   APRONIANUS,  HIS   OWN  FRIEND. 


I  know  that,  just  as  the  sheep  come  gladly 
when  their  own  shepherd  calls  them,  so  in 
matters  of  religion  men  attend  most  gladly 
to  the  admonitions  of  a  teacher  who  speaks 
their  own  language  :  and  therefore,  my  very 
dear  Apronianus,  when  that  pious  lady  who 
is  my  daughter  but  now  your  sister  in  Christ, 
had  laid  her  commands  on  me  to  compose 
for  her  a  treatise  of  such  a  nature  that  its 
understanding  should  not  require  any  great 
effort,  I  translated  into  Latin  in  a  very 
open  and  plain  style  the  work  of  Xystus, 
who  is  said  to  be  the  same  man  who  at 
Rome  is  called  Sixtus,  and  who  gained 
the  glory  of  being  both  bishop  and  martyr. 
I  think  that,  when  she  reads  this,  she  will 
find  it  expressed  with  such  brevity  that  a  vast 
meaning  is  unfolded  in  each  several  line, 
with  such  power  that  a  sentence  only  a  line 
long  would  suflice  for  a  whole  life's  training, 
and  yet  with  such  simplicity  that  one  who 
looked  over  the  shoulder  of  a  girl  as  she  read 
it  might  question  whether  I  were  not  quite 


weak  in  intellect.  And  the  whole  work  is 
so  concise  that  it  would  be  possible  for  her 
never  to  let  go  of  it.  The  entire  book  would 
hardly  be  bigger  than  the  finger  ring  of  one 
of  our  ancestors.  And  indeed  it  seems  but 
right  that  one  who  has  learnt  through  the 
word  of  God  to  count  as  dross  the  ornaments 
of  the  world  should  now^  receive  at  my  hands 
by  way  of  ornament  a  necklace  of  the  word 
and  of  wisdom.  For  the  present  let  this  little 
book  serve  for  a  ring  and  be  kept  constantly 
in  the  hands  :  but  it  will  not  be  long  before 
it  will  penetrate  into  the  treasure  house  and 
be  wholly  laid  up  in  the  heart,  and  bring 
forth  from  its  innermost  chamber  the  germs  of 
instruction  and  of  a  participation  in  all  good 
works.  I  have  added  further  a  few  choice 
sayings  addressed  by  a  pious  father  to  his 
son,  but  all  so  succinct  that  the  whole  of  this 
little  work  may  rightly  be  called  in  Greek 
the  Enchiridion^  or  in  Latin  the  Annulus.^ 


1  A  thing  held  in  the  hand. 


2  A  ring. 


PREFACE   TO    BOOKS    OF   ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY. 


565 


PREFACE  TO  THE  TWO  BOOKS  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY,  ADDED 
BY    RUFINUS    TO    HIS    TRANSLATION    OF    EUSEBIUS. 

Addressed  to  Chromafius.  Bishop  of  Aquileia^  A.D.  401. 
(For  the  occasion  of  writing,  and  the  date,  see  Prolegomena,  p.  412.) 


It  is  the  custom,  they  say,  of  skilful  phy- 
sicians, when  they  perceive  that  some  epi- 
demic disease  is  near  at  hand  in  one  of  our 
cities,  to  provide  some  kind  of  medicine, 
whether  solid  or  liquid,  which  men  may  use 
as  a  preventative  to  defend  themselves  from 
the  destruction  which  is  hanging  over  them. 
You  have  imitated  this  method  of  the  doctors, 
my  venerable  Father,  Chromatins,  at  the 
moment  when  the  gates  of  Italy  were  broken 
through  by  Alaric  the  commander  of  the 
Goths,  and  thus  a  disease  and  plague  poured 
in  upon  us,  which  made  havoc  of  the  fields 
and  cattle  and  men  throughout  the  land. 
You  then  sought  a  remedy  against  the  cruelty 
and  destruction,  so  that  the  minds  of  men 
which  were  languishing  might  be  drawn 
away  from  the  contagion  of  the  prevailing 
malady,  and  might  preserve  their  balance 
through  an  interest  in  better  pursuits.  This 
you  have  done  by  enjoining  on  me  the  task 
of  translating  into  Latin  the  ecclesiastical 
history  which  was  written  in  the  Greek  lan- 
guage by  that  most  learned  man,  Eusebius  of 
CiEsarea.  You  thought  that  the  mind  of 
those  who  heard  it  read  to  them  might  be  so 
held  fast  by  it  that,  in  its  eager  desire  for  the 
knowledge  of  past  events,  it  might  to  some 
extent  become  oblivious  of  their  actual  suf- 
ferings. I  tried  to  excuse  myself  from  the 
task,  as  being,  through  my  weakness  unequal 
to  it,  and  as  having  in  the  lapse  of  years  lost 
the  use  of  the  Latin  tongue.  But  I  reflected 
that  your  commands  were  not  to  be  divari- 
cated from  your  position  in  the  Apostolic 
order.  For,  at  the  time  vs^hen  the  multitude 
in  the  desert  were  hungering,  and  the  Lord 
said  to  his  Apostles,  "  Give  ye  them  to  eat," 
Philip  who  was  one  of  them  instead  of 
bringing  out  the  loaves  which  ^vere  hid  in 
the  wallet  of  the  Apostles,  said  that  there 
Avas  a  little  lad  there  who  had  five  loaves  and 
two  fishes.  He  knew  that  the  exhibition  of 
the  divine  virtue  would  be  none  the  less 
brilliant  if  the  ministry  of  some  of  the  little 
ones  were  used  in  its  fulfilment.  He  mod- 
estly excused  his  action  by  adding,  "  What 
are  these  among  so  many  ? "  So  that  the 
divine  power  might  be  more  conspicuous 
through  tne  difficult  and  desperate  circum- 
■stances  in  which  it  acted.      I   ifelt  that,   since 


you  were  a  scion  of  the  Apostolic  order,  you 
had  possibly  acted  in  remembrance  of  Philip's 
example,  and  that,  when  you  saw  that  the 
time  was  come  for  the  inultitudes  to  be  fed, 
you  had  engaged  the  services  of  a  little  lad 
who  might  be  able  to  contribute,  twice  told, 
the  five  loaves^  which  he  had  received,  but 
who  further,  to  fulfil  the  Gospel  type,  might 
add  two  small  fishes  ^  which  he  had  captured 
bv  his  own  efibrts.  I  have  therefore  made  the 
attempt  to  execute  what  you  had  ordered,  hav- 
ing the  assurance  that  the  deficiency  of  my 
inexperience  would  be  excused  on  account  of 
the  authority  of  him  who  gave  the  command. 
I  must  point  out  the  course  I  have  taken 
in  reference  to  the  tenth  book  of  this  work. 
As  it  stands  in  the  Greek,  it  has  little  to  do 
with  the  process  of  events.  All  but  a  small 
part  of  it  is  taken  up  w^ith  discussions  tend- 
ing to  the  praise  of  particular  Bishops,  and 
adds  nothing  to  our  knowledge  of  facts.  I 
have  therefore  left  out  all  this  superfluous 
matter;  and,  whatever  in  it  belonged  to  gen- 
uine history  I  have  added  to  the  ninth  book, 
with  which  I  have  made  his  history  close. 
The  tenth  and  eleventh  books  I  have  myself 
compiled,  partly  from  the  traditions  of  the 
former  generation,  partly  from  facts  within 
my  own  memory ;  and  these  I  have  added  to 
the  previous  books,  like  the  two  fishes  to  the 
loaves.  If  you  bestow  your  approval  and 
benediction  upon  them,  I  shall  have  a  sure 
confidence  that  they  w^ill  suffice  for  the  mul- 
titude, i'he  work  as  now  completed  con- 
tains the  events  from  the  Ascension  of  the 
Saviour  to  the  present  time ;  my  own  two 
books  those  from  the  days  of  Constantine 
when  the  persecution  came  to  an  end  on  to 
the  death  of  the  Emperor  Theodosius. 


The  following  note  occurs  at  the  end  of  the  ninth 
book  of  Rufinus'  Latin  Version  of  Eusebius. 

Thus  far  Eusebius  has  given  us  the  record 
of  the  history.  As  to  the  subsequent  events, 
as  they  have  followed  on  up  to  the  present 
time,  as  I  have  found  them  recorded  in  the 
writings  of  the  last  generation,  or  so  far  as 
they  are  covered  by  my  own  knowledge,  I 
will  add  them,  obeying,  as  best  I  may,  in 
this  point  also  the  commands  of  our  father 
in  God.' 


566 


RUFINUS. 


RUFINUS'    PREFACE   TO   THE   TRANSLATION    OF   ORIGEN'S 
COMMENTARY  ON  PSALMS  36.  37,  AND  38. 

Addressed  to  Apronianus^  either  at  Rome  or  at  Aquileia^  between  A.D.  jg8  and 

A.D.  4oy. 


The  -whole  exposition  of  the  thirty-sixth, 
thirty-seventh  and  thirty-eighth  Psahns  is 
ethical  in  its  character,  being  designed  to 
enforce  more  correct  methods  of  life ;  and 
teaches  at  one  time  the  way  of  conversion 
and  repentance,  at  another  that  of  purifica- 
tion and  of  progress.  I  have  therefore 
thought  it  well  to  translate  it  into  Latin  for 
you,  my  dearest  son  Apronianus,  having 
first  arranged  it  in  nine  of  the  short  sermons 
which  are  called  in  Greek  Homilies,  and  in- 
corporated it  into  one  whole  ;  and  thus  this 
discourse  which  in  all  its  parts  aims  at  the 
correction  and  the  advancement  of  the  moral 
life,  is  collected  into  a  single  volume.  My 
translation  will  at  all  events  be  of  use  so  far 
as  to  put  the  reader  without  effort  in  posses- 


sion of  the  meaning  of  the  author,  which  is 
here  fully  laid  open,  and  to  bring  home  to 
him  the  simplicity  of  life  which  he  enjoins 
with  clearness  of  thought  and  in  simple 
words  ;  and  thus  the  voice  of  prophecy  may 
reach  not  men  alone  but  also  god-fearing 
women,  and  lend  subtlety  to  the  minds  of  the 
simple.  Yet  I  fear  that  that  pious  lady,  who 
is  my  daughter  but  your  sister  in  Christ,  may 
think  that  she  owes  me  no  thanks  for  my 
work  if  it  brings  her  nothing  but  puzzling 
thoughts  and  thorny  questions :  for  the 
human  body  could  hardly  hold  together  if 
divine  providence  had  formed  it  of  bones  and 
muscles  alone  without  blending  with  them 
the  ease  and  grace  of  the  isofter  tissues. 


1  A  Roman  noble  converted  by  Rufinus  and  Melania,  with  the  latter  of  whom  he  was  connected. 


RUFINUS'    PREFACE   TO   THE   TRANSLATION    OF   ORIGEN'S    COM- 
MENTARY   ON    THE    EPISTLE   TO   THE    ROMANS. 

Addressed  to  Heraclius  at  A  quite  la  about  A.D.  40^. 


My  intention  was  to  press  the  shore  of  the 
quiet  land  in  the  little  bark  in  which  I  was 
sailing,  and  to  draw  out  a  few  little  fishes 
from  the  pools  of  Greece  :  but  you  have 
compelled  me,  brother  Heraclius,  to  give 
my  sails  to  the  wind  and  go  forth  into  the 
deep  sea  ;  you  persuade  me  to  leave  the  work 
which  hiy  before  me  in  the  translation  of  the 
homilies  written  by  the  Man  of  Adamant^ 
in  his  old  age,  and  to  open  to  you  the  fifteen 
volumes  in  which  he  discussed  the  Epistle 
of  Paul  to  the  Romans.  In  4:hese  books, 
while  he  aims  at  representing  the  Apostle's 
thoughts,   he  is  carried  away    into  a    sea    of 


1  Or  man  of  steel :  (it  might  also  be  translated,  The  in- 
domitable) ;  a  name  given  to  Origen,  an  account  of  the  great- 
ness of  his  labours.  It  is  said  by  Westcott  ^Dict,  of  Xtn.  Biog. 
"Origen  ")  to  have  been  adopted  by  Origen  himself,  and  to  form 
part  of  his  real  name. 


such  depth  that  one  who  follows  him  into  it 
may  well  be  afraid  of  being  drowned  in  the 
greatness  of  his  thoughts  as  in  the  vastness 
of  the  waves.  Then  also  you  do  not  con- 
sider this,  that  my  breath  is  but  scanty  for 
filling  a  grand  trumpet  of  eloquence  like  his. 
And  beyond  all  these  difficulties  is  this,  that 
the  books  themselves  have  been  interpolated. 
In  almost  all  the  libraries  (I  grant  that  no 
one  can  tell  how  it  happened)  some  of  the 
volumes  are  absent  from  the  body  of  the 
work ;  and  to  supply  these,  and  to  restore 
the  continuity  of  the  work  in  the  Latin 
version  is  beyond  my  talent,  but  would  be, 
as  you  must  know  when  you  make  your 
demand,  a  special  gift  of  God.  You  add, 
however,  so  that  nothing  may  be  wanting 
to  the  labour  I  am  undertaking,  that  I  had 


PERORATION    OF    RUFINUS. 


567 


better  abbreviate  this  whole  body  of  fifteen 
vohitnes,  which  in  the  Greek  reaches  to  the 
length  of  forty  thousand  lines  or  more,  and 
bring  it  within  moderate  compass.  Your  in- 
junctions are  hard  indeed,  and  might  be 
thought  to  be  imposed  by  one  who  did  not 
care  to  consider  what  the  burden  of  such  a 


work  must  be.  I  will,  however,  attempt  it, 
hoping  that  through  your  prayers,  and  the 
favour  of  the  Lord,  what  seems  impossible  to 
man  may  become  possible.  But  we  will  now, 
if  you  please,  listen  to  the  Preface  which 
Origen  himself  prefixes  to  the  work  on  which 
he   was  entering. 


THE  PERORATION  OF  RUFINUS  APPENDED  TO  HIS  TRANSLATION  OF 
ORIGEN'S  COMMENTARY  ON  THE  EPISTLE  TO  THE  ROMANS. 

Addressed   to  Heraclius   at  Aquileia^    probably  about    40'/, 


A  satisfactory  conclusion  has  now,  I  trust, 
been  reached  of  the  Commentary  on  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans,  the  writing  of  which 
has  been  a  work  of  very  great  labour  and  time. 
I  confess,  my  most  loving  brother  Heraclius, 
that  in  the  attempt  to  respond  to  your  request 
I  have  almost  forgotten  the  precept;  "Do 
not  lift  a  burden  above  vour  streng^th."  Even 
in  the  other  translations  of  Origen's  works 
into  Latin,  which  were  made  because  you 
earnestly  requested  it,  or  rather  exacted  it  as 
a  journeyman's  task,  the  labour  w^as  very 
great ;  for  I  made  it  my  object  to  supplement 
w^hat  Origen  spoke  extempore  in  the  lecture 
room  of  the  church;  for  his  aim  there  was 
the  application  of  the  subject  for  the  sake  of 
edification  rather  than  the  exposition  of  the 
text.  This  I  have  done  in  the  case  of  the 
Homilies,  and  the  short  lectures  on  Genesis 
and  Exodus,  and  especially  in  those  on  the 
book  of  Leviticus,  where  he  spoke  in  a 
hortatory  manner,  whereas  my  translation 
takes  the  form  of  an  exposition.  This  duty 
of  supplying  what  was  wanted  I  took  up  be- 
cause I  thought  that  the  practice  of  agitating 
questions  and  then  leaving  them  unsolved, 
which  he  frequently  adopts  in  his  homiletic 
mode  of  speaking,  might  prove  distasteful  to 
the  Latin  reader.  The  works  upon  Jesus 
Nave  ^  and  the  book  of  Judges  and  the  thirty- 
sixth,  thirty-seventh  and  thirty-eighth  Psalms, 
I  translated  simply  as  I  found  them,  v^^ith 
no  great  labour.  While  then  in  the  other 
cases  wh'~h  I  have  mentioned  above,  I  em- 
ployed much  labour  in  supplying  what 
Origen  had  omitted,  in  this  work  on  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans  the  labour  that  fell  on 
me  for  the  causes  described  in  the  Pref  ice 
was  immense   and   full  of  complexity.      But 

1  Joshua. 


there  will  have  been  nothing  but  pleasure  in 
these  labours,  provided  only  that  my  experi- 
ence in  other  cases,  of  ill-disposed  minds 
requiting  my  toils  and  vigils  with  contumely, 
be  not  repeated  and  that  I  do  not  gain  for 
my  studies  the  reward  of  detraction  and  for 
my  labour  a  conspiracy  to  ruin  me.  For 
in  dealing  with  these  men  I  have  to  un- 
dergo a  new  form  of  accusation.  'J  hey  say 
to  me  ;  When  you  write  these  things,  in  which 
are  found  many  pieces  the  composition  01 
which  is  due  to  yourself,  you  should  place  your 
own  name  in  the  title,  and  let  it  run  thus  : 
'The  books  of  Rufinus'  commentary  on(for 
instance)  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  ;  '  for  so, 
they  say,  in  the  case  of  profane  w^riters,  the 
name  in  the  title  is  not  that  of  the  Greek 
author  who  is  translated  but  of  the  Latin 
author  who  translates  him.  But  all  this 
complaisance,  by  which  the  works  are  as- 
cribed to  me,  is  caused  not  by  love  to  me 
but  by  hatred  to  the  author.  I  am  much 
more  observant  of  my  conscience  than  of  my 
reputation ;  it  may  be  apparent  that  I  have 
added  some  things  to  supply  what  was  want- 
ing; and  that  I  have  abbreviated  what  was 
too  lengthy  ;  but  to  steal  the  title  from  the 
man  wdio  laid  the  foundations  on  wdiich  the 
building  has  been  reared  is  what  I  cannot 
think  right.  It  must  be,  I  grant,  in  the 
discretion  of  the  reader,  when  he  has  ex- 
amined the  work,  to  ascribe  the  work  to  any 
one  he  thinks  right;  but  my  intention  has 
been  not  to  seek  the  applause  of  students  but 
the  good  of  those  who  wish  to  be  edified. 

I  shall  turn  next  to  the  work  which  was 
long  ago  imposed  upon  me  but  now  is  de- 
manded with  still  greater  vehemence  by  the 
Bishop  Gaudentius,  namely  to  turn  into 
Latin  the  books  called  the  Recognition  of 
Clement  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  the  successor 


568 


RUFINUS. 


and  companion  of  the  Apostles.  In  this 
work  I  well  know  that,  to  judg'e  by  the  ordi- 
nary rule,  I  shall  have  labour  upon  labour. 
In  this  case  I  will  do  what  my  friends  desire, 
I  will  put  my  own  name  in  the  title  of  the 
work,  though  I  shall  have  that  of  the  author 
also.  It  shall  be  called  Rufinus's  Clement. 
If  the  Lord  enable    me   to   fulfil  this  task,  I 


shall  afterwards  return  to  that  which  you 
desire,  and  say  something,  God  willing,  on 
the  books  of  Numbers  or  of  Deuteronomy 
(for  this  alone  is  wanting  to  my  whole  work 
on  the  Heptateuch)  :  or  else  I  shall  write 
what  I  can,  the  Lord  bein^  my  guide,  on  the 
remaining  epistles  of  the  Apostle  Paul. 


PREFACE    TO    ORIGEN'S    HOMILIES    ON    NUMBERS. 

A.ddressed  to  Ursacius.^      Written  in  410.^ 


My  dear  brother,  I  might  rightly  address 
you  in  the  words  of  the  blessed  master,  "You 
do  well,  dearest  Donatus,  in  reminding  me 
of  this;"  for  I  w^ell  remember  my  promise 
that  I  would  collect  all  that  Adamantius 
wrote  in  his  old  age  on  the  Law  of  Moses, 
and  translate  it  into  Latin  for  the  use  of  our 
people.  But,  as  he  says,  the  season  was  not 
seasonable  for  the  fulfilment  of  my  promise, 
but  was  full  of  storm  and  confusion.  How 
can  the  pen  move  freely  when  a  man  is  in 
fear  of  the  missiles  of  the  enemy,  when  he 
has  before  his  eyes  the  devastation  of  cities 
and  country,  when  he  has  to  fly  from  dangers 
of  the  sea,  and  there  is  no  safety  even  in  exile  } 
As  you  yourself  saw^,  the  Barbarian  was 
within  sight  of  us  ;  he  had  set  fire  to  the 
city  of  Rhegium,  and  our  only  protection 
against  him  was  the  very  narrow  sea  which 
separates  the  soil  of  Italy  fiom  Sicily.  In 
such  a  position,  what  leisure  could  there  be 
for  writing,  and  especially  for  translating, 
a  work  in  which  one's  duty  is  not  to  develop 
one's  own  opinions  but  to  express  those  of 
another  .f^  However,  when  there  was  a  quiet 
night,  and  our  minds  were  relieved  from  the 
fear  of  an  attack  by  the  enemy,  and  we  got 
at  least  some  little  leisure  for  thought,  I  set 
to  work,  as  a  solace  from  our  troubles,  and 
to  relieve  the  burden  of  our  pilgrimage,  to 
gether  into  one  and  arrange  all  that  Origen 
had  written  on  the  book  of  Numbers, 
whether  in  the  way  of  homilies  or  in  writ- 


ings such  as  are  called  Excerpts,^  and  to  trans- 
late them  into  the  Roman  tongue.  You 
urged  me  to  do  this,  Ursacius,  and  aided  me 
with  all  your  might,  indeed,  so  eager  were 
you,  that  you  thought  the  youth  who  acted 
as  secretary  too  slow  in  the  execution  of  his 
oflfice.  I  wish,  however,  to  point  out  to 
you,  my  brother,  that  the  object  of  this 
method  of  studying  scripture  is  not  to  deal 
with  each  clause  separately,  as  you  find  done 
in  commentaries,  but  to  open  up  a  path  for 
the  understanding,  so  that  the  reader  mav 
not  be  made  negligent,  but  as  it  is  written  "* 
may  "  stir  up  his  own  spirit"  and  draw  out 
the  meaning,  and,  when  he  has  heard  the 
good  word,  may  add  to  it  by  his  own  wisdom. 
In  this  way  I  have  tried  to  give  all  the  ex- 
positions which  you  desired  ;  and  now  of  all 
the  writings  that  I  have  found  upon  the  Law 
the  short  comments  upon  Deuteronomy  alone 
are  wanting;  these,  if  God  so  will,  and  if  he 
restores  my  eye-sight,  I  hope  to  add  to  the 
body  of  the  work.  Indeed,  my  very  loving 
son  Pinianus,  whose  truly  Christian  com- 
pany I  have  joined  in  their  flight  because  of 
my  delight  in  their  chaste  conversation, 
requires  yet  other  tasks  from  me.  But  do 
you  and  he  join  your  prayers  that  the  Lord 
may  be  present  with  us,  and  may  give  peace 
in  our  time,  and  shew  mercy  to  those  who 
are  in  trouble,  and  make  our  work  fruitful  for 
the  edification  of  the  reader. 


1  Nothing  more  is  known  of  Ursacius  than  is  to  be  gathered  from  the  mention  of  him  here. 

2  The  date  is  fixed  by  the  burning  of  Rhegium  by  Alaric,  who  intended  to  invade  Sicily,  but  his  transports  were  scattered 
by  a  storm  and  he  himself  died  soon  after.      See  Gibbon  ch.  xxxi. 

3  Apparently  a  longer  style  of  note.  *  Possibly  from  Ps.  Ixxvii,  7. 


INDICES. 


THEODORET. 


INDEX    OF     SUBJECTS. 


Abbott,  Dr.  E.  A.,  103  n.,  104  n. 

Abcavius,  94  n. 

Abdas,  bp.,  157. 

Abraames,  128. 

Abraham,    robber  of   church    prop- 
erty, 252. 

Abraham  the  QEconomus,  288. 

Abramius,  294,  296, 

Abundius,  bp.  of  Como,  347. 

Acacius,  bp.  of  Cassarea,  70,  87,  89, 
92. 

Acacius,  bp.  of  Beroea,  128,  134,  136, 
149,  151,  153  n.,  290,  292. 

Acacius,  presbyter,  289. 

Acacius,  bp.  of  Melitene,  336. 

Acepsemas,  128. 
\        Achillas,  archbishop   of  Alexandria, 

34- 
Achillas,  Arian  deacon,  35,  38,  40, 

41. 

Acoemetse,  309  n. 

Adelphius,  75,  114,  115. 

Adrianople,  Battle  of,  131. 

^^desius,  58,  154  n. 

yElia,  63,  87  n. 

yEmona,  142,  149. 

^milianus,  martyr,  60  n.,  97. 

Aerius,  260,  269. 

.^schylus,  97,  114  n.,  260. 

Aetius,  bp.  of  Eydda,   41,   57,    135. 

Aetius,  conqueror  of  Attila,  293  n. 

Aetius  the  Anomoean,4i  n.,  82  n,  85, 
88,  89,  90. 

Agapetus,  bp.  of  Apamea,  128,  151. 
:      Agapius,  bp.,  75. 

Agapius,  presbyter,  266. 

Agathias,  60  n. 

Aithales,  41. 
f      Alaric,  149  n. 

Alcinous,  260. 

Alexander,  officer  of  imperial  house- 
hold, 309  n. 

Alexander,  archbishop  of  Alexandria, 
34,  35,41,  47,  51,  52,   60,  280, 

3I5»  332. 
Alexander,  bishop  of  Byzantium,  34, 

35»55- 
Alexander,  bishop   of  Antioch,    96, 

154.  I55»   ?290. 
Alexander,  bp.  of  Hierapolis,  6,  341, 

345.  346. 
Alexander,  king  of  Epirus,  106  n. 
Alexander  the  coppersmith,  i6o. 
Alexandra,  254,  286. 
Alexandria,  34,  35,  89. 
Alford,  dean,  17,  37  n.,  321  n. 
Alypius,  294,  296. 
Amantius,  113. 


Amathus,  128  n. 

Ambrosius,  bp.  of  Milan,  41  n.,  52  n., 
8i  n.,  85  n.,  no,  in,  129,  137, 
141,  143,  144,  145,  146,  174, 
205,  238,  315,  332,  340,  343. 

Amegetius,  102. 

Ammianus  Marcellinus,  78  n.,  91  n., 
93  n.,  99  n.,  102  n.,  104  n.,  106 
n.,   128  n.,  130  n.  . 

Ammonius,  41,  75. 

Amphilochius,  bishop  of  Iconium, 
114,   129,    136,    142,    iSi,   208, 

239,  3i5»  332. 
Amphion,  56. 
Anagamphus,  75. 
Anastasia,  Church  of,  136. 
Anastasius,    bp.  of  Rome,  148,  149. 
Anatolius,  bp.  of  Constantinople,  9  n. 
Anatolius,  the  patrician,  8,  275,  284, 

290,  296,  297,  307. 
Ancillne,  or  ministr?e,  in  Pliny's  letter, 

100  n. 
Ancyra,  86  n. 
Andiberis,  295. 
Andreas,  bp.  of  Samosata,  259,  300 

n-,  33^,  346. 
Andreas,   monk   of    Constantinople, 

310,  345  n. 
Andronicus,   presbyter    of   Antioch, 

Anemius,  137. 

Anthropomorphism,  114  n. 

Antinoopolis,  118. 

Antioch,  succession  of  bishops  at,  57. 

Antioch,  riots  at,  145. 

Antiochia  Mygdonia,  91. 

Antiochijs,  bp.  of  Ptolemais,  211. 

Artiochus,  pr?efect,  285. 

Antiochus,  presbyter,  117. 

Anthony,  Saint,  5in.,9i  n.,  121,  128. 

Antiphonal  singing,  85. 

Anytus,  258. 

Apamea  ad  Orontem,  133. 

Apella,  295. 

Apellion,  260. 

Aphthonius,  299. 

Apion,  40,  52. 

Aphraates,  monk,  i,  127,  128. 

ApoUinarius,    132,     133,     138,    139, 

159,    160,    182,  214,  242,    288, 

294>   3^3,   314,   324>  327,  334, 

339.  340,  344,  346. 
Apollo,  Shrine  of,  98. 
Apollo,  104  n. 
Apollonia,  89  n. 
Apollonius  of  Tyana,  106  n. 
Apollonius  comes  Sacrarum  Largiti- 

onium,  271,  287. 

(571^ 


Apringius,  ^37- 

Aquilinus,  248,  260,  347. 

Arbogastes,  149  n. 

Arcadia,  155  n. 

Arcadius,  142,  126  n.,  145  n.,  151, 
152. 

Archibius,  268. 

Areobindas,  259. 

Ares,  106. 

Ariminum,  83,  87. 

Arintheus,   130. 

Aristolaus,  346. 

Aristophanes,  97  n. 

Aristotle,  41  n.,  194  n.,  255  n.,  329  n. 

Arius,  34,  35,  38,  40,  41,  42  n.,  50  n., 
5I'  52,  54,  56,  65,  75,  84,  92, 
108,  122,  123,  135,  138,  139, 
159,  258,  278,  287,  291,  295, 
313,  314,  325,  326,  327,  339, 
340,   342,    343,    346. 

Arius  the  deacon,  41. 

Arsacius,  332  n. 

Arsenius,  62,  63,  69. 

Artemas,  ;^S. 

Artemius,  102. 

Ascholius,  137. 

Asclepas,  bp.  of  Gaza,  62,  67,  68,  69, 

70,  77- 

Asclepiades,  113. 

Aspar,  308. 

Asterius,  bp.  of  Petra  in  Arabia,  70. 

Athanasius,  bp.  of  Anazarbus,  41. 

Athanasms,  archbp.  of  Alexandria, 
41  n.,  42  n.,  44,  45  n.,  56  n., 
57  n.,  58,  60,  61,  62  n.,  65,  66, 
67,  68,  69,  72-78,  83,  84,  86  n., 
94,  95,  97,  98,  108,  120,  128, 
135,  174,  178,  237,  257,  280, 
315,  331  n.,  332,  343. 

Athanasius,  bp.  of  Perrha,   264,  301 

n-,  323,  336  n. 
Athanasius,  orator,  259. 
Athenius,  323. 
Athenodorus,  75. 
Atticus,  bp,  of  Constantinople,   154, 

213,  315,332. 
Attila,  156  n. 
Audoeus,  114. 
Augustus,  96  n. 
Aurelia  Eusebia,  79. 
Aurelianus,  60  n.,  153  n. 
Auxentius  of  Milan,  79,  81,  S3,  84, 

no. 
A  Vitus,  128. 
Axum,  58  n. 
'AA/.d,  169. 

Babylas,  martyr,  94  n.,  98. 


572 


THEODORET. 


Bacarius,  149  n. 

Bacurius    King,  58  n. 

Banicia,  86  n. 

Bardesanes,  288,  299,  312,  313,  314, 

327- 
Barca,  44  n. 

Baronius,  18,  45  n.,  56  n.,  81  n.,  108 
n.,  277  n.,  342  n.,  346  n. 

Barses,  117,  134. 

Barsumas,  7,  323. 

Basil,  advocate,  129  n. 

Basil,  of  Ancyra,  82  n.,  86. 

Basilides,  288,  313. 

Basiliscus,  martyr,  154. 

Basiliscus,  usurper,  12. 

Basilius,  bp.  of  Cajsarea,  33  n.,  70, 
86  n.,  88,  90,  116  n.,  119,  129, 
136,   137,    177,    238,    280,    283, 

2^7.  315.332,343. 
Basilius,  presbyter,  257. 
Bayle,  Diet.,  52  n., 
Bel  and  the  dragon,  315  n. 
Belisarius,  12. 
Benjamin,  deacon,  158. 
Beyrout,  122. 
Bezaleel,  59. 
Binchester,  148  n. 

Body,  identification  of  self  with,  223. 
Bonifacius,  157. 
Boyle,  103  n. 
Brentiscus,  112. 
Bretanis,  bp.,  130. 
Bright,  canon,   7  n,,  54  n.,    120  n., 

292  n.,  307  n.,  346  n. 
Britain,  Church  in,  109. 
Britton,  137. 

Browne,  bp.,  Harold,  206  n. 
Browning,  Robert,  183  n. 
Byzantium,  55. 
(^ilSlia,  53  n. 

Caelestinus,  155  n.,  157. 

Caesar,  Julius,  97  n.,  106  n. 

Csesarea  ad  Argaeum,  119. 

Ceesarea,  87. 

Caesar ius,  prefect,  146. 

Caius,  60  n.,  75,  81. 

Callistus,  290  n. 

Cambyses,  106  n. 

Candidianus,  292  n.,  323,  333,  339. 

Candid  us,  300. 

Caracalla,  60  n. 

Carus,  60  n. 

Carterius,  77. 

Casiana,  256. 

Casaubon,  103  n. 

Casca,  97  n. 

Castabala,  89  n. 

Castricia,  153  n. 

Cauca,  134  n. 

Ceillier,  R.,  19. 

Celarina,  286. 

Celestinianus,  4,  260,  261,  304  n. 

Celestius,  343. 

Cerdo,  313. 

Ceronius,  112. 

Chalcedon,    council    of,    9,    10,    11, 

316  n. 
Chapters  of  Cyril,  25,  334,  335,  336, 

337,  339,  341,  342,  343»  345- 
Chapters,  the  Three,  12. 
Charles  the  Bold,  282  n. 
Charrae,  119. 


Cheetham,     archd.,     109    n.,  112  n. 
Chilon  of  Sparta,  329. 
Chosroes  Nushirvan,  1 14  n. 
Chrestus,  bp.  of  Nicaea,  56. 
Christian,  name  of,  320  n. 
Chromatius,  bp.  of  Aquileia,  9  n. 
Chrysaphius,  the  Eunuch,  7,  9,  156  n., 

304. 
Chrysostom,  9  n.,   33  n.,   85   n.,   98, 

loi  n.,    102  n.,    107  n.,    130  n., 

145  n.,   151,  152,  153,  154,  209, 

241,  283,  331,  332,  343. 
Cicero,  53  n.,  104  n. 
Cilicia,  44  n. 
Claudian,  150  n. 
Claudianus,  263,  267,  286. 
Claudius,  60  n. 
Clavijo,  Battle  of,  150  n. 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  1 12  n,  109  n. 
Clement  of  Rome,  ordained  by  Peter 

for  Jewish  brethren,  293  n. 
Cleobulus,  329  n. 
Cleopater,  113. 
Cletus,  293  n. 
Clotho,  347  n. 
Clovis,  12. 

Codex  Alexandrinus,  166  n. 
Codex  Sinaiticus,  53  n. 
Colluthus,  35. 
Colophon,  262  n.,  293. 
Colosseum,  147  n. 
Comana,  154. 
Comes  fisci,  53  n. 
Commodus,  60  n. 

Constans,  63,  66,  72,  74,  74  n.,  135. 
Constantia,  65,  79  n. 
Constantine   I,    33,   47,   51,   52,    53, 

53  n.,  54,  55  n.,  56,  59,   60,  61, 

63.  64.  65,  66,  96,  97. 
Constantine  II,  63,  65,  65  n.,  66,  135. 
Constantinople,  53  n.,  55,  86  n.,  87. 
Constantinople,      Patriarchate        of, 

152  n. 
Constantius  I,  54  n.,  265  n. 
Constantius  II,  58   n.,  59  n.,  63,  65, 

66,  68  n.,  70  n.,  72,  73,  74,  77, 

78,  79  n.,  80,  82  n,,  84,  86,  87, 

88,  89,  90, 91,  92,  93,  94,  95,  96, 

104,  108,  135,  146. 
Constantius,  the  prefect,  263. 
Corybantes,  96  n. 
Coryphe  Mt.,  128. 

Cosmo,  SS.  and  Damian,  295  n.,  311. 
Criipus,  54  n.,  94  n. 
Critias,  104. 

Cross,  Discovery  of;  Exaltation  of,  55. 
Cross,  sign  of,   102. 
Cucusus,  67. 
Cunana,  97  n. 
Cymatius,  77. 
Cyniscus,  347  n. 
Cynegius,  147  n. 
Cyprian,  267,  273  n.,  315,  332. 
Cyriacus,  137. 
Cyril,  deacon,  97. 
Cyril,  bishop  of  Antioch,  ^S  n. 
Cyril,  bp.  of  Jerusalem,  87  n.,  100, 136, 

138,  211,  273  n. 
Cyril,  bp.  of  Alexandria,  2,  5,  6,  154, 

213,  259  n.,  268,  292  n.,  323  n., 

324,  333,  334,  335.  33^,  337, 
339,  340»  34 1 »  342,  343,  346, 
34811. 


Cyzicus,  88,  90. 
Cyrus,  bp.  of  Beroea,  77. 
Cyrus,  presbyter,  291  n. 
Cyrus  Magistrianus,  253,  306. 
Cyrus,  the  younger,  97  n. 
Cyrus,  town  and  diocese,  3. 
Xsiporovlay  125. 
Xprj/xarlCo),  37  n. 
XpiOTEjiTTopia,  35  n. 

Dadastane,  1 10. 

Dadoes,  114. 

Daemon,  201  n. 

Dalmatius,  94  n. 

Damasus,  82,  83,  85  n.,  87  n.,  ii2, 
124,  129,  132,  137,  139,  238, 
312,  315,  332,  343.  344- 

Damianus,  bp.  of  Sidon,  266. 

Damian,  SS.  Cosmo  and,  295  n. 

Daniel,  bp.  of  Carrae,  8. 

Dante,  91  n. 

Daphne,  98,  99,  100. 

David,  64. 

Deaconesses,  100. 

Death  of  Christ,  physical  cause   of, 

.235- 
Decius,  609. 

Demeter,  126. 

Demophilus,  84. 

Demosthenes,  120,  258. 

Deogratias,  273  n. 

Dialogues : 

Prologue,  160. 

Dialogue  I.,  161. 
II.,  182. 
III.,  216. 
Diana,  148  n. 
Dichotomy,  194  n. 
"  Didache,"  35  n. 
Didymus,  129. 
Diocletianus,  34  n.,  60  n.,  83  n.,  158, 

3^3  n. 
Diocaesarea,  125. 
Dioecesis,  53  n. 
Diodorus,  85,  88,  126,  127,  128,  136, 

148,  159,  256. 
Diogenes,  290. 
Dionysius,  martyr,  31 1. 
Dionysius,  bp.  of  Rome,  45  n.,  ^6. 
Dionysius,  bp.  of  Alexandria,  45  n. 
Dionysius,    count,  representative    of 

Constantine  at  Tyre,  62. 
Dionysus,  97,  126,  146. 
Dioscorus,  bp.  of  Alexandria,  6,  7,  8, 

266  n.,  268  n.,  276  n.,  278,  281, 

282,   292,  293,  295  n.,  304  n., 

307  n.,  323  n. 
Doliche,  134. 
Dollinger,  332  n. 
Domitian,  60  n.,  79  n.,  106  n. 
Domninus,  290. 
Domnus,  bp.  of  Antioch,  7,  8,   T)^  n., 

260,  264,    277,    278,    282,    284, 

290,  291,  323,  346. 
Donatus,  77. 
Dracilianus,  54. 
Dracontius,  75. 
Du  Pin,  53  n. 

diTTTVXOV,   155. 

East,  turning  to,  112. 

Ebion,  2,^,  139. 

Edward,  the  Confessor,  156  n. 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS. 


573 


Elebichus,  146. 

Eutropius,  77,   94  n.,   149  n. 

,   151 

n. 

Gratianus,  iii,   132,   134,   135, 

141, 

Electron,  192. 

Eutyches,  7,  8,  156  n.,  281  n 

.283 

n., 

142. 

Eleusius,  87,  88,  89,  90. 

300  n.,  304  n,    305  n.. 

309 

n., 

Gregorius  of  Berytus,  41,  135. 

Eleutheropolis,  89  n.,  95  n. 

310  n.,  323  n. 

Gregorius   of  Nyssa,  91    n.,    9 

2    n.. 

Elias,  the  learned,  252. 

Euzoius,  41,  93,   95,   99,    120,    122, 

129,  180,  208,  238,  332. 

Elias,  presbyter,  282.     ' 

132,291. 

Gregorius  the  Wonder-worker, 

91  n. 

EUinmas,  55  n. 

Evagrius,  121  n.,  148,  155. 

Gregorius  of  Nazianzus,  74  n.,  94  n., 

Elpidius,  99,  113,  151. 

Evolcius,  117. 

116  n.,  129,  136,  179,  239, 

280, 

Emmelia,     mother    of    Gregory     of 

eKKTiTjoia,  33^  n. 

282  n.,  283,  315,  332,  343. 

Nyssa,  1 29  n. 

EAETTOAig   fJirj^aVT]^  9I. 

Gregorius  the  Cappadocian,  66, 

70. 

Emperors,  violent  deaths  of,  60  n. 

kirapxia,  53  n. 

Gregorius  I.,  bp.  of  Rome,  12, 

13. 

Eothen,  Kinglakc's,  105  n. 

knieiKeia,  85. 

yAiooGOKOjuLov,  105. 

Ephesus,  94  n. 

epavoQ,  160. 

Epictetus,  78,  79,  Ss  n.,  281. 

yyejuovevo),  53  n. 

Hadrian,  55  n.,  320  n. 

• 

Epiphanius,  50  n.,  91  n.,  269. 

r/TTaToaKOTTia,  106. 

Hale,  Sir  Matthew,  18. 

Ephraim,  92,  129,  315,  332. 

Halys,  86  n. 

Euchitae,  1 14. 

Fausta,  54  n. 

Hannibalianus,  94  n. 

Eudamon,  270. 

Faustina,  79. 

Hamaxobians,  323. 

Eudoxia,  151  n.,  153  n.,  333. 

Faustus,  113. 

Harmonius,  129,  313. 

Eudoxius  of  Antioch,  afterwards  of 

Felix,  bp.  of  Rome,  78,  79. 

Hebdomon,  96. 

Constantinople,   67  n.,  84,    86, 

Felix  the  treasurer,  99,  100. 

Helladius,  41,  136. 

87,  88,  89,90,  91,  92,   115,   119, 

Firmus,  292. 

Hellanicus,  41,  42. 

131- 

Flaccilla,  145  n.,  155  n. 

Hellas,  54,  55  n.,  57. 

Eugenius,  the  usurper,  149,  150. 

Flaccillus,  bishop  of  Antioch 

,57- 

Heliodorus,  89. 

Eugraphia,  153  n.,  252,  269. 

Flagellum,  the  Roman,  124  n. 

Heliopolis,  97. 

Eulalius,  bishop  of  Antioch,  57,  272. 

Flavia,  Julia  Helena,  54  n. 

Heliogabalus,  60  n. 

Eulogius,  presbyter  of  Edessa,  117, 

Flavianus,  bp.  of  Antioch,  85, 

88,  114, 

Henry  IV.,  emperor,  9. 

118,  119,  134,  136. 

115,    126,   127,    128,    i^ 

53,    I 

48, 

Henry  IV.,  King  of  England,  ] 

06  n. 

Eulogius,  (Economus   of  Constanti- 

151, 155,  240,315,348.^ 

Henry  VI.,  King  of  England,  I 

56  n. 

nople,  288. 

Flavianus,    bp.    of    Constantinople, 

Heraclion,  554. 

Eunomius,  bp.  of  Cyzicus,    82,   88, 

8,253,281,287,293,29^1 

^,  295 

n.. 

Hercules,  149. 

89,  90,    138,   139,  259,  287,  295, 

297,     304,    307^    310. 

323 

n., 

Hernias,  114. 

3^3^  314,    325,   326,   327,    339, 

332. 

Hermesigenes,  271. 

340,  342,  343,  346. 

Flora,  148  n. 

Hermon,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  ^ 

34- 

Eunomius,    bp.    of    Samosata,    116, 

Florentius,  bp.  of  Sardis,  296. 

Herod  the  Great,  96  n. 

117. 

Florentius    the    patrician,   2 

65,  266, 

Herods,  pedigree  of  the,  170  n. 

Eunomius,    bp.     of    Theodosiopolis, 

283,  296. 

Herodotus,  ^3  n. 

156. 

Fremantle,  Canon,  121  n. 

Hierax,  76. 

Euphratas,  bp.   of  Cologne,    72,   73. 

Frigidus,  149. 

Hieronymus,  83  n. 

Euphratensian  Synod,  344  n. 

Frumentius,  58,  58  n. 

Hilarius,  archdeacon,  afterwarc 

s  bp. 

Euphration,  77. 

of  Rome,  87,  295  n.,  296. 

Euphronius,  bishop  of  Antioch,   57. 

Gainas,  149  n.,  152,  153. 

Hilarius,  bp.  of  Pavia,  95  n. 

Euphronius,  General,  7. 

Galla,  142  n.,  149  n. 

Hilarius,  bp.  of  Poictiers,  21 1. 

Euprepius,  St. 

Gallio,  41  n. 

Hilarius,  bp.  of  Aries,  293. 

Euripus,  93. 

Gallienus,  60  n. 

Himerius,  336,  337,  342,  345. 

Eusebia,  53  n.,  79. 

Gallus,  60  n,  94. 

Hippolytus,  177,  202,  235,  315, 

332. 

Eusebius,    bp.  of  Ancyra,   267,   277, 

Garnerius,   i  n.,  8  n.,  268  n.. 

275 

n., 

Hodgkin,  T.,  131  n.,  142  n.,   i 

49  n.. 

289,  303  n. 

281   n.,  286  n.,  287  n.. 

289 

n., 

157  n. 

Eusebius,  bp.  of  Csesarea,  33,  3S  n., 

290  n.,   291  n.,  292   n,, 

294 

n., 

Hole,  Rev.  E.,  109  n.,  148  n. 

4i,45>49,  57»  87. 

296  n.,   298   n  ,   300  n.. 

303 

n.. 

Homer,  255  n.,  258,  262  n.,  285. 

Eusebius,  bp.  of  Doryloeum,  8. 

308  n.,   310  n.,  316  n.. 

323 

n., 

Honorius,  150  n.,  151,  295. 

Eusebius,  bp.  of  Emesa,  243. 

324  n.,  336  n.,  341    n., 

342 

n.. 

Hooker,  5,  6,  85  n.,  214  n. 

Eusebius  the  Eunuch,  77,  78,  79, 94  n. 

344  n.,  345  n.,  346  n. 

Horace,  261  n. 

Eusebius,  bp.  of  Nicomedia,  38  n.,  41, 

"Garum,"  97. 

Hormisdas,  158. 

42,  42   n.,   45,    52,   53,   55,   56, 

Gelasius,  136,  241. 

Hosius,  35  n.,  68,  76,  77. 

56  n.,  63  n.,  64,  65,  65  n.,  66, 

Gennadius,  309  n. 

Hjpatius,  consul,  81  n. 

68,  69,  332  n. 

Genseric,  260  n. 

Hypatius,  reader,  253. 

Eusebius,  bp.  of  Samosata,   92,   93, 

Georgius,    bp.  of   Laodicea, 

70, 

92, 

Hypatius,  chorepiscopus,  11  n., 

294, 

115,  116,  133,  134,  137,  155. 

135- 

296. 

Eusebius,  presbyter,  268. 

Georgius,  Arian   bp.  of  Alexandria, 

Eusebius,  bishop  of  Vercellae,   76  n.. 

75,  88,  89. 

Ibas,  bp.  of  Edessa,  12,  266,  282 

,291, 

95,  96. 

Georgian  church,  58  n. 

298  n.,  303,  347  n.,  348. 

Eusebius,  the  learned,  257. 

Germanicia,  86. 

Iberians,  conversion  of,  58. 

Eustathius,  bishop  of  ALgx,  270. 

Germanius,  81 . 

Ignatius,    72  n.,  85  n.,    99    n.. 

i75> 

Eustathius,   bishop   of  Antioch,    41, 

Gerontius,  sub-deacon,  252. 

176,  201,  234,  283,  315. 

43.  44.  57»   77,   95,    ii3,    132, 

Gerontius  of  Nicomedia,  15^ 

n. 

Indians,  conversion  of,  58. 

• 

177,  303,  235,  283. 

Gerontius  Archimandrite,  266. 

Innocent,  bishop   of  Rome,  9, 

149, 

Eustathius,  bishop  of   Berytus,  266. 

Gibbon,  7  n.,  52  n.,  60  n.,  78 

n.,  94 

n., 

156. 

Eustathius,  bishop  or  Sebasteia,  86, 

99    n.,    105    n.,   108   n.. 

147 

n.. 

Trenjeus,  bp.  of  Lyons,   106  n., 

176, 

87,  88. 

148  n.,  154  n. 

201,  234,  302  n.,  315,  331, 

332. 

Eustolia,  84. 

Glubokowski,  2  n.,  3,  5,  6,  9 

Irenaeus,  bp.  of  Tyre,  78,  250, 

253, 

Eutherius,  292. 

Goodmanham,  148  n. 

255,  262,  275,  290. 

Eutrechius,  267,  276,  284. 

Gordianus,  60  n. 

Irenopolis,  44  n. 

574 


THEODORET. 


Isaac,  sacrifice  of,  225. 

Isaac,  monk,  130. 

Ischyras,  69. 

Isdigirdes  II.,  155  n.,  157,  159  n. 

Isidorus,  121,  134,  136,  264. 

Ister,  The,  153. 

Icparslov,  52  n. 

Jacobus,  91,  92,  264. 

Jacobus,  presbyter,  260. 

Jacobus  Ascetic,  265. 

James,  St.,  150  n. 

James,  bp.  of  Antioch,  43. 

J^mes  of  Nisibis,  91  n. 

Jameson,  Mrs.,  150  n. 

Jerome,  57  n.,  129  n  ,  155  n.,  332  n. 

Jerusalem,  87. 

John  Archimandrite,  306. 

John  Ascetic,  149. 

John  the  Baptist,  96,  150  n.,  298  n. 

John,  bp.  of  Antioch,  4,  6,  292,  324, 

344,  446. 
John,  bp.  of  Apamea,  133,  147. 
John,  bp.  of  Aquileia,  342  n. 
John,  bp.  of  Constantinople,  v.  Chrys- 

ostom. 
John,  Comes  largitionum,  339. 
John,  count,  143  n. 
John,  bp.  of  Germanicia,  304,  323. 
John,  Magistrate,  299. 
John,  bp.  of  Ravenna,  342  n. 
Jortin,  archdeacon  of  London,  108  n., 

150  n. 
Jovian,  48,  58  n.,  87  n.,  91  n.,  92  n., 

107,  108,  no,  123,  146. 
Jovinianus,  81  n. 
Julian,  48,    59    n.,    87    n.,     94-107, 

122,   146,  307  n.,  320  n.,  331  n. 
Julian,  bp.  of  Sardica,  342. 
Julian,  St.,  monk,  105,  128. 
Julius,  heretic  deacon,  41. 
Julius,  bp.  of  Rome,  66,  68,  74  n.,  77. 
Julius,  bp,  of  Puteoli,  293,  295    n. 
Justin,  Martyr,  315. 
Justin  I.,  emperor,  12. 
Justina,  85  n.,  141. 
Justinian,  12. 

Juvenal  bp.  of  Jerusalem,  323  n.,  338. 
Juventinus,  Martyr,  lOO,  10 1. 

Kinglake,  156  n. 
Kevuaig,  38  n. 
Ko/M(})d)v,  262,  293. 

Lactantius,  60  n. 

Lampon,  112. 

Laodicea  (Latakia),  145. 

Latrocinium,  287  n.,  291    n.,  293  n., 

295   n.,  298  n.,  300  n.,  303    n., 

323  n.,  332  n.,  347  n. 
Leo,  emperor,  12. 
Leo,  bp.  of  Rome,  156  n.,  293,  295, 

297,  300  n.,  307  n.,  310  n.,  324 

n.,  347  n.,  348. 
Leontius,   bp.  of  Antioch,  73,  84,  85, 

§6,  88,  92. 
Leontius,  bp.  of  Ancyra,  151,  152. 
Letoius,  bp.  of  Melitene,  114. 
Le  Quien,  345  n. 
Letters,  pp.  250-348. 

to  Abraham,  oeconomus,  cvi. 

Abundius,  clxxxi. 

Acacius,  cviii. 


Letters,  pp.  250-348. 
to  Agapius,  li. 
Aerius,  xxx,  Ixvi. 
Alexandra,  xiv,  c. 
Alexander  of   Hierapolis,  clxix, 

clxxv,  clxxvi,  clxxviii, 
Anatolius,    xlv,    Ixxix,    xcii,   cxi, 

cxix,  cxxi,  cxxxviii. 
Andiberis,  cxiv. 

Andrew  of  Samosata,  xxiv,  clxii. 
Andrew,  monk  of  Constantino- 
ple, cxliii,  clxxiii,  clxxvii. 
Antiochus,  xcv. 
Apella,  cxv. 
Apellion,  xxix. 
Aphthonius,  cxxv. 
ApoUonius,  Ixxiii,  ciii. 
Aquilinus,  :?^xvii. 
Archibius,  Ixi. 
Archdeacon,      the,     of     Rome, 

cxviii. 
Areobindas,  xxiii. 
Aspar,  cxxxix. 
Basil,  bishop,  Ixxxv,  cii. 
Basil,  presbyter,  xix. 
Beroea,  clergy  of,  Ixxv. 
Casiana,  deaconess,  xvii. 
Candidus,  presbyter,  cxxviii. 
Celerina,  deaconess,  ci. 
Cilicia,  bishops  of,  Ixxxiv. 
Cilicia,  monks  of,  cli. 
Clauuianus,  xli,  lix,  xcix. 
Constantinople,  monks  of,  cxlv. 
Constantius,  proefect,  xlii. 
Cyrus,  xiii,  cxxxvi. 
Damianus,     bishop     of     Sidon, 

xlix. 
Dioscorus,  bishop  of  Alexandria, 

Ix,  Ixxxiii. 
Domnus,     bishop     of     Antioch, 

xxxi,  ex,  cxii,  clxxx. 
Domnus,      bishop     of  Apamea, 

Ixxxvii. 
Elias,  the  learned,  x. 
Epiphanius,  Ixviii. 
Eugraphia,  viii,  Ixix. 
Eulalius,  Ixxvii. 
.  Eulogiiis,  cv, 
Euphratensiin  monks,  cli. 
Eusebius,    bishop     of     Ancyra, 

Ixxxii,  cix. 
Eusebius  of  Armenia,  Ixxviii. 
Eusebius,  the  learned,  xxi. 
Eustathius,   bishop    of    Berytus, 

xlviii. 
Eustathius,  bishop  of  ALgx,  Ixx. 
Eutrechius,  Ivii,  Ixxx,  xci. 
Festal,  iv,  v,  vi,  xxv,  xxvi,  xxxviii, 

xxxix,  liv,  Iv,  Ivi,  Ixiii,  Ixiv. 
Flavianus,  bishop  of  Constanti- 
nople, xi,  Ixxxvi,  civ. 
Florentius,  bp.,  cxvii. 
Florentius,  patrician,  Ixxxix. 
Gerontius  the  archimandrite,  1. 
Hermesigenes,  Ixxii. 
Himerius,    l^p.     of     Nicomedia, 

clxxiv. 
Ibas,    bishop     of     Edessa      lii, 

cxxxii. 
Irenoeus,  bishop  of  Tyre,  iii,  xii, 

xvi,  XXXV. 
Jacobus,  presbyter,  xxviii. 
John,  archimandrite,  cxxxvii. 


Letters,  pp.  250-348. 

to  John,    bishop    of    Antioch,    cl, 

clxxi,  clxxx. 
John,     bishop    of     Germanicia, 

cxxxiii,  cxlvii. 
John,  oeconomus,  cxlvi. 
John,  presbyter,  Ixii. 
John,  magistrate,  cxxv. 
Jobius,  cxxvii. 
Leo,  bishop  of  Rome,  cxiii. 
Longinus,  cxxxi. 
Lupicinus,  xc. 
Lupicius,  cxx. 
Magnus    Antoninus,    presbyter, 

cxxix. 
Maranas,  Ixvii,  cxxiv. 
Marcellus,  cxli,  cxlii. 
Martyrius,  xx. 
Neoptolemus,  xviii. 
Nestorius,  clxxii. 
Nomus,  Iviii,  Ixxxi,  xcvi. 
Osrhoene  monks,  cli. 
Pancharius,  xcviii. 
Patricius,  xxxiv. 
Petrus,  xlvi. 

Phoenicia,  monks  of,  cli. 
Pompeianus,  bishop  of    Emesa, 

xxxvi. 
Proclus,  bishop  of  Constantino- 
ple, xlvii. 
Protogenes,  xciv. 
Pulcheria  Augusta,  xliii. 
Renatus,  cxvi. 

Rome,  archdeacon  of,  cxviii. 
Romulus,  bishop,  cxxxv. 
Rufus,  bishop,  clxx. 
Sabinianus,  bishop,  cxxvi. 
Salustius,  xxxvii. 
Scylacius,  cxxv. 
Senator,  xl,  xciii. 
Silvanus,  xv. 
Soldiers,  the,  cxliv. 
Sophronius,     bishop     of     Con- 

stantine,  liii. 
Sporacius,  xcvii. 
Stasimus,  xxxiii. 
Syria,  monks  of,  cli. 
Taurus,  Ixxxviii, 
Theoctistus,  xxxii,  cxxxiv. 
Theodoretus  of  Zeugma,  cxxv. 
Theodorus,  xl. 
Theodotus,  cvii. 
Theonilla,  vii. 
Timotheus,  cxxx. 
Ulpianus,  xxii. 
Unknown,  i,  ii,  ix. 
Uranius,  bishop  of  Emesa,  cxxii, 

cxxiii. 
Uranius,    governor    of    Cyprus, 

Ixxvi. 
Urbanus,  Ixxiv. 
Vincomalus,  cxI. 
Zeno,  Ixv,  Ixxi. 
Zeugmatensians,  the,  cxxv. 

Letters  of  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  cxlviii, 

clxxix. 
Eastern  bishops  at  Ephesus,  clii, 

clxi. 
Easterns     sent     to    Chalcedon, 

clxiii,  clxviii,  clxx. 
John,     of    Antioch,     cxlix,     civ, 

clxi. 


INDEX    OF     SUBJECTS. 


575 


Letters  of  Leo,  of  Rome,  cxiii  bis. 

Marmarica,  44  n. 

Nicene  creed,  50. 

Libanius,  105. 

Mars,  264  n. 

Nicerte,  3. 

Liberius,  76,  77,  79,  82,  132,  295  n. 

Marsa,  153  n. 

Nicomedia,  87  n. 

Libya  Prima,  89  n. 

Martin,  Abbe,  290  n. 

Nicholas,  of  Myra,  91  n. 

Licinius,  33,  34,  43,  53  n.,  65. 

Martinus,  bp.  of  Milan,  342  n. 

Nilammon,  75. 

Lightfoot,  bishop,  35  n.,  53  n.,  83  n., 

Martyrus,  257. 

Nina,  St.,  58  n. 

85  n.,  98  n.,  106  n.,  126  n.,  155 

Mavia,  Queen,  125,  126. 

Nisibis,  91. 

n.,  164  n.,  201  n.,  289  n.,  320  u. 

Maxentius,  2,3,  53  n. 

Nomus,Consul,  267,  276,  285. 

Linus,  293,  303  n. 

Maximianus,  265,  339  n. 

Nonnus,  299. 

Longinus,  303. 

Maximinus,  Ceesar,  ^t,,  41  n.,  60 

n. 

Northcote   and    Brownlow,    "  Roma 

Loxias,  Apollo,  106. 

Maximinus,  bp.  of  Treves,  65  n 

sotterranea,"  ^2>  ^' 

Lucianus,  presbyter  of  Antioch,  38, 

Maximinus,  martyr,   100,  loi. 

Nuremburg  Chronicle,  91  n. 

38  n.,  4i,44n. 

Maximus,  bp.  of  Jerusalem,  87. 

veojKopog,  99. 

Luciferus,  bishop  of  Calaris,   76,  95, 

Maximus,  magician,  107. 

96. 

Maximus  the  cynic,  bp.  of  Ale 

xan- 

Ogdoad,  177. 

Luciferians,  96  n. 

dria,  136. 

Olympius,  77. 

Lucius,  deacon,  41. 

Maximus,  emperor,  141,  142. 

Oak,  Synod  of  the,  153,  154. 

Lucius,  Arian  bishop  of  Alexandria, 

Maximus,  bp.  of  Seleucia,  151. 

Optatus,  94  n. 

120,  121,  122,  123,  126. 

Mecimas,  300. 

Optimus,  129,  136. 

Lucius,  bishop   of  Hadrianople,  68 

Megapenthes,  347  n. 

Onager,  73. 

n.,  77. 

Melchisedec,  priesthood  of,  188. 

Oracles,  104. 

Lucius,  Arian    bishop    of   Samosata, 

Meletius,  the  Egyptian,  46,  47 

,  61, 

Origen,  201  n. 

116,  117, 

69. 

Orosius,  60  n. 

Lupicinus,  283. 

Meletius,  bp.  of  Antioch,  92,  93 

,95' 

Osrhoene  clergy,  282  n. 

Lupicius,  297. 

100,  115,  132,  I33»i35>i36, 

148, 

Oxyrhyncus,  117. 

Lycopolis,  149. 

I5i>3i5.  332. 

Ozeas,  304. 

Lydda,  41  n. 

Meletus,  258. 

bv,  TO,  161. 

Lysimachus,  43  n. 

Memnon,   bp.  of   Ephesus,    292  n., 

ovaia,  36,  161. 

7MKiovapia,  54  n. 

?>Z?>^  334,  335,  Z3>^  n-,  2>Z1^ 

341, 

342,  343- 

Paganus  =  heathen,  lOi. 

Macarius,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  34, 

Menander,  313. 

Pakiea,  34. 

41,42,  42  n.,  54,  55,  70,  87. 

Menas,  41. 

Palladius,     bishop    of    Helenopolis, 

Macarius,   presbyter    of  Alexandria, 

Menedemus,  253  n. 

153  n-»  154". 

52,  69. 

Menophantus,   bishop    of    Eph 

esus, 

Palladius,    governor    of   Egypt,  I2i, 

Macarius,  hermit,  121. 

44,  68,  70,  135. 

124. 

Macedonius,    l)ishop    of    Constanti- 

Mephihosheth, 64. 

Palladius,  monk,  128. 

nople,  67,  87  n.,  138,  295. 

Meropius,  58  n. 

Palladius,    prefect  of  the  East,    335, 

Macedonius  Critophagus,  I,  2,  146. 

Messaliani,  1 14. 

339- 

Machpelah,  cave  of,  222. 

Methodius,  bp.  of  Patara,  177, 

332. 

Palmer,  Rev.  A.  Smythe,  103  n. 

Magisterianus,  346. 

Milman,  dean,  66  n.,  307  n. 

Paltus,  77. 

Magnentius,  74  n.,  78,  94,  95. 

Miltiades,  bishop  of  Rome,  34. 

Pancharius,  286. 

Magnus  Antoninus,  presbyter,  301. 

Milton,  Ode  on  ''  the  Nativity,"  i 

04  n. 

Panegyrici,  54  n. 

Magnus,  treasurer,  122,  124,  125. 

Misopogon,  107  n. 

Paphnutius,  of  Egypt,  43,  87  n. 

Malchus,  129. 

Mithridates,  97  n. 

Papias,  155  n. 

Mamas,  martyr,  94  n. 

Modestus,  117,  119. 

Paraetonium,  89  n. 

Man,  definition  of,  194, 

Montanus,  277. 

Paschasinus,  bp.  of  Lilybseum,  9  n. 

Manes,    114,    169,    277,    299,    325, 

Mopsucrene,  93  n. 

Patricius,  261,  286. 

327- 

Mopsus,  262  n. 

Patroinus,  267. 

Manichees,  293. 

Moses  of  Chorene,  58  n. 

Patrophilus,   bishop    of   Scythopolis, 

Manzoni,  347  n. 

Moses,  monk,  125,  129. 

44,  57'    76  n.,  135. 

Maranas,  299. 

Mozley,  J.  R.,  105  n. 

Paul,  bishop  of  Emesa,  6,  262,  336  n. 

Maras,  291  n. 

Muius,  75. 

337- 

Marash,  86  n. 

iXETaTToi^OLC,   206. 

Paul  of  Samosata,  patriarch  of  Anti- 

Marcellina, 141  n. 

och,  38,  138,  244,  288,  327. 

Marcellinus,  bishop  of  Rome,  34. 

Naples,  museum  at,  148  n. 

Paul,  bishop  of  Neo-Csesarea,  43, 

Marcellus,  bp.  of  Ancyra,  67,  68,  69, 

Napoleon,  98  n. 

Paulinus,  of  Gaul,  76. 

70,  77,  86. 

Narcissus,  bishop  of  Neronias   ( 

Ire- 

Paulinus  of  Nola,  55  n. 

Marcellus,    bp.    Apamea,   146,    147, 

nopolis),44,  63,  70,  135. 

Paulinus,  Eustathian  bp.  of  Antioch, 

151,  288. 

Nectarius,  136,  145,  151. 

132,  133- 

Marcellus,  archimandrite,  309. 

Nehemiah,  91  n. 

Paulinus  of  Tyre,  38  n.,  41,   42,  135, 

Marcianus,  emperor,  9  n,  307. 

Neoc^esarea,  125. 

139- 

Marcianus,  solitary  of  Cyrus,  128. 

Neoptolemus,  256. 

Pausanias,  83  n. 

Marcion,  15  n.,   169,    277,   278,  288, 

Nero,  60  n. 

Paulus,  (Zeugmatensianmonk,)  128. 

295»  299,,3i3.  314,  325,  327- 

Nestorius,  3,  4,   5,  280,   292  n.. 

304 

Paul  us,  bishop  of  Constantinople,  67. 

Marcus  Aurelius,  60  n. 

n.,  323  n-»  324  n.,  ZT,T,  n.. 

33^, 

Pelagius,  presb.  of  Antioch. 

Marcus  of  Arethusa,  81  n.,  97. 

337,  339  n-,  344,  345,  346. 

Pelagius,  bishop    of   Laodicea,   115, 

Mareotis,  63. 

Newman,  cardinal,   7,9,  ii,  38 

n.43 

136. 

Marianus,  128. 

n.,49n.,  50  n.,  67  n.,  72  n. 

103 

Pelagius,  heretic,  343. 

Marina,  155  n. 

n.,    104  n.,  147  n.,  346  n. 

Pelagius  L,  bp.  of  Rome,  12. 

Maris,  Isp.  of  Chalcedon,  63,  68,  77, 

Nica  in  Thrace,  council  at,  82. 

Pelagius  II.,  12,  13. 

135- 

Nicaea,  council  of,  43,  84. 

Peleus,  324  n. 

Maris,  bp.  of  Doliche,  134. 

Nicaea,  2d  council  of,  86. 

Pergamius,  i. 

Marius  Mercator,  344. 

Nicanor,  105  n. 

Pericles,  271. 

5/6 


THEODORET. 


Perinthus,  6i  n. 

Perrha,  264  n. 

Pessinus,  Corybantic  worship  at. 

Pertinax,  60  n. 

Peter,  St.,  cha'r  of,  282. 

Peter,  presbyter,  295. 

Petrus  I.,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  34, 

Petrus  Mongus,  Monophysite  bishop 

of  Alexandria,  12. 
Petrus,  the  Galatian,  I,  2,  128. 
Petrus,  bishop  of  Sebaste,  129  n. 
Petrus,  "  the  learned,"  265. 
Phaethon,  329  n. 
Philagrius,  77. 
Philip,  emperor,  98  n. 
PhiHp,  Prefect,  263,  265, 
Philippus,  Flavius,  67  n. 
Philo,  75. 
Philogonius,  bishop  of  Antioch,  34, 

41,  42,  43- 
Philostorgius,  65  n.,  99  n  ,  154  n. 
Philotheus,  43. 
Philumenus,  61  n. 
Phoebus,  329  n. 
Photinus,  138,  139,  288,  327. 
Phrjgia  Pacatiana,  ill. 
Pistus,  66  n. 
Pius  VI.,  13,  55  n. 
Placidus,  84,  85. 
Placilla,  145. 
Placillus,  57  n. 
Platina,  85  n, 

Plato,  ;^8  n.,  194  n.,  199  n. 
Platonic  psychology,  132. 
Plenius,  75. 
Pliny,  77  n.,  100  n. 
Plumptre,  dean,  273  n. 
Plutarch,  97  n. 
Polycarp,  106  n.,  315,  332. 
Polychronius,  113,  159. 
Polydorus,  tomb  of,  77  n. 
Pompeii,  148  n. 
Pompey,  58  n. 

Pompeianus,  bp.  of  Emesa,  262. 
Pontius  Pilate,  53  n.,  112. 
Pontus,  87. 
Pope,  the  name,  41  n. 
Porphyrins,  155. 
Posidonius,  324. 
Praylius,  157,  290. 
Principius,  290. 
Priscillian,  141  n. 
Priscianus,  137. 
Probus,  60  n.,  1 10  n. 
Proclus,  265,  290. 

Protogenes,  117,  118,  1 19,  134,  284. 
Psinosiris,  Libyan  bishop,  75. 
Ptolemais  in  Upper  Egypt,  44  n. 
Ptolemais  on  the  Red  Sea,  44  n. 
Pul^lia,  102. 
Publius,  128. 
Pulcheria,  4,  155  n.,  264,  304,  307  n., 

333- 
Pythagorean  oath,  302  n. 
Trpoedpia,  54  n. 
TTpoEc^pog,  54  n. 
TcpoKdrrro),  38  n. 

Quintianus,  70. 
Quirinus,  53  n. 

Regillus,  Battle  of  Lake,  150  n. 


Remus,  295. 

Renatus,  7  n.,  293  n.,  295. 

Rhoilas,  156. 

Ridley,  bp.,  168  n. 

Robertson,  F.  W.,  17. 

Roman,  i.e.,  civilized  rites,  58. 

Romanus,  martyr,  102,  303. 

Romanus  Severus,  129. 

Romulus,  bp.  of  Chalcis,  305. 

Rubens,  143  n. 

Rufinus,   58  n.,   87   n.,    98   n.,    143, 

144,  151  n.,  283  n. 
Rufus,  Count,  275. 
Rufus,  bp.,  7,  342. 

Sabbas,  105,  114. 

Sabellius,  39,  138,  139,  288  n.,  327. 
Sabinianus,  bp.,  300,  323. 
Salianus,  Roman  General,  72. 
Salmon,  Dr.,  2  n.,  8  n.,  66  n.,  73  n., 

155  n.,  177  n. 
Salustianus,  263  n. 
Salustius,  Governor  of  the  Euphra- 

tensis,  262. 
Samaria,  96  n. 
Samosata,  116. 
Samuel,  presbyter,  291  n. 
Sapor  II.,  King  of  Persia,  59  n.,  60  n., 

91. 
Sapor,  Roman  General,  132,  133. 
Sardica,  67,  86  n.,  ^j. 
Sarmates,  Arian  deacon,  41. 
Sasima,  129. 
Saturninus,  153  n. 
Saul,  Teuton  chieftan,  147  n. 
Sauromatae,  162. 
Scapegoat,  the,  226. 
Schaff,  doctor,  12. 
Schleiermacher,  155  n. 
Schrrickh,  professor,  2,  19,  24. 
Schulze,  III  n.,  285  n.,  323  n.,  344  n, 
Scotumis,  145. 
Scylacius,  299. 
Scythopolis,  44  n. 
Sebaste,  96. 
Sebasteia,  86  n. 
Sebastianus,  74,  75. 
Secundus,  bishop  of   Ptolemais,  44, 

46,  89  n. 
Seleucus  Nicator,  145  n. 
Seleuceia  in  Cilicia,  44  n,,  86,  87,  89. 
Senator,  284. 
Seneca,  41  n. 
Sepulchre,  Holy,  54  n. 
Serapeum,  97. 
Serapion,   bishop   of  Thmuis,  51   n., 

52  n.,  128  n. 
Serapis,  148. 
Seras,  89. 

Serpent,  brazen,  226. 
Severianus,    bishop   of  Gabala,    175, 

213,  241. 
Severus,  Alexander,  60  n. 
Shakespeare,  105  n. 
"  Shepherd,"  the,  of  Hermas,  45. 
Shimei,  160. 
Siever,  E.  R.,  105  n. 
.Silvester,  bishop  of  Rome,  34,  43  n., 

77- 
vSilvanus,  rival  of  Constantine,  78. 
Silvanus,  the  primate,  255. 
Silvanus,   bishop  of  Tarsus,  87,   88, 

89. 


Simeon,  Syrian  ascetic,  128. 
Simeones,  leader  of  Euchitae,  114. 
Simon  Magus,  288,  313. 
Sin,  original,  164,  183. 
Siricius,  bp.  of  Rome,  148. 
Sisura,  a  goat  skin  garment,  127. 
Socrates,  50  n.,  55   n.,  58  n.,  77  n., 

85n.,  87  n.,  92  n.,  93  n.,  104,  126 

n.,  127  n.,  141  n.,  258. 
Sophocles,  97,  260. 
Sophronius,  bishop    of  Constantina. 

267. 
Southey,  156  n., 
Sozomen,  57  n.,  58  n.,   2)T,  n.,  2>']  n., 

92    n.,   106   n.,    126  n.,    142  n., 

150  n. 
Sozysa,  89  n. 
Sporacius,  count,  ii,  285. 
Stanley,  dean,  7  n.,  12,  42  n.,  43  n., 

54  n.,  63  n. 
Stasimus,  261. 
Stephanus,  bp.    of  Antioch,  68,   70, 

72,     ^T,,     84,     85. 

Stephanus,  Libyan  bp.,   89. 
Stephanus,    murderer    of    Domitian, 

106  n. 
Stephanus,  a  presbyter,  274. 
Stephen,  St.,  134,  226. 
Stilus,  97. 
Stokes,  Dr  ,  156  n. 
Storms,  effect  of,  on  history,  103  n. 
Strabo,  1 17  n. 
Stroud,    Dr.,  physical    cause    of   the 

death  of  Christ,  235. 
Suenes,  158. 
Sulpicius  Severus,  55  n. 
Symeon,  291. 
Syrianus,  74  n. 
OKCKpevGig,  97  n. 
artyfiara,  43  n. 
ciTi;(dpia,  61  n, 
(jvva^ic,  52  n. 
aCoua  KaTf/prlaco,  169  n. 

Tacitus,  320  n. 

Tarsus,  40  n.,  87. 

Taurus  the  patrician,  283. 

Taylor,  Jeremy,  bp.,  329  n. 

Telemachus,  113,  151. 

Temple,  attempt  of  Julian  to  rebuild, 
103. 

Terentius,  count,  130. 

Tertullian,   38  n.,  94  n.,  109  n.,  112 
n.,  158  n.,  331  n. 

Tertullus,  85  n. 

Tetrad,  177  n. 

Thales,  91  n. 

Themistocles,  271  n. 

Theoctistus,  261,  271  n.,  304. 

Theodolinda,  queen,  55  n. 

Theodora,  12. 

Theodoretus,  presbyter  and  martyr, 
99  n. 

Theodoretus,  bp.  of  Cyrus.  Paren- 
tage, birth,  and  education,  i,  2, 
3.  Ordination,  consecration, 
and  episcopate  at  Cyrus,  3,  4. 
Relations  with  Nestorius  and 
Nestorianism,  4,  5,  6,  7.  Con- 
demned at  the    Latrocinium,  7, 

8,  9.     Restored  at   Chalcedon, 

9.  Condemns    Nestorius,     10, 
II.        Retirement     and     death, 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS. 


577 


II,  12.  Condemnation  of  the 
"Three  Chapters,"  12,  13. 
Works,  14,  15,  16,  17,  18,  19, 
20,  21,  22,  23,  276  n,,  278,  310 
n.,  324,  33^  n.,  337,  342,  346  n. 

Theodoric,  12. 

Theodoritus,  299. 

Theodurus,  bishop  of  Mopsuestia,  2, 
85  n.,  151,   159. 

Theodorus,  bishop  of  Perinthus,  61, 
63,  66,  68,  70,  78,  135. 

Theodorus  the  confessor,  98,  99. 

Theodorus  the  vicar,  263. 

Theodorus,  lector,  li. 

Theodosius  I.,    52  n.,  87  n.,  96   n., 

134,  135'  ^37y  138,  142,  I43» 
144,  145,  146,  149,  150,  151, 
155'  256. 

Theodosius  II.,  9, 155  n.,  156,  263  n., 
275,  276  n.,  285  n.,  295  n.,  304, 
306,  307  n.,  333  n.,  339,  347  n. 

Theodotus,  bp.  of  Hierapolis,  134. 

Theodotus,  bishop  of  Ancyra,  292. 

Theodotus,  bishop  of  Antioch,  156, 
159,  279,  294. 

Theodotus,  bishop  of  Laodicea,  38  n., 

4i,57»  135- 
Theodotus,  presbyter,  288. 

Theodulus,  bishop  of  Trajanapolis, 

68,  77. 
Theognis,  bishop  of  Nicsea,  44,  56, 

61,  63,  65,  66,68,  77,  135. 
Theognis  of  Megara,  329  n. 
Theonas,  archbishop  of  Alexandria, 

34  n. 
Theonas,  bishop  of  Marmarica,  44, 

46,  266. 
Theonilla,  252. 
Theophilus,   bishop   of    Alexandria, 

147,  149,  153  n.,  154,  209,  240, 

332  n. 
Theophilus,  an  Arian,  58  n. 
Theophilus,  bishop  of  Antioch,  109 

n. 
Theophilus,  bishop  of  Castabala,  89. 
Therapeutes,  Egyptian,  85  n. 
Theophrastus,  253  n. 
Thmuis,  51  n. 
Thucydides,  258  n. 
Tiberius,  60  n. 


Timaeus,  38  n. 

Tillemont,  i  n.,  55  n.,  56  n.,  81  n., 
88  n.,  99  n.,  275  n.,  290  n., 
294  n.,  2%  n.,  325  n.,346n. 

Timotheus,  heretic,  344. 

Timotheus,  bishop  of  Doliche,  301  n. 

Timotheus,  presbyter,  62. 

Timotheus,  martyr,  303. 

Timotheus,  bishop  of  Alexandria, 
136,  139,  147. 

Timotheus  "  the  cat,"   12. 

Timothy,  St.,  274. 

Titus,  261. 

Toledo,  council  at,  279  n. 

Tozer,  Rev.  H.  F.,  96  n. 

Trajan,  60  n.,  130. 

Tralles,  94  n. 

Transubstantiation,  206. 

Trench,  archbishop,  85  n.,  254  n. 

Treves,  63,  65. 

Trichotomy,  1 74  n. 

Trinity,  the  word,  109  n. 

Tripolis,  41  n. 

Tyrannus,  bishop  of  Antioch,  34. 

Tyre,  council  of,  61  n.,  62. 

Tpdirei^a,  99. 

Ulphilas,  bishop,|i3i. 

Ulpianus,  259. 

Union  and  incarnation,   192. 

Uranius,  272,  282,  298. 

Urbanus,  271. 

Ursacius,  bp.  of  Singidunum,  68,  70, 

71,  77,  80,  81,  84. 
Ursinus,  antipope,  82  n. 

v7rov2.o^,  90. 

vTTOGTaatq,  36  n.,  112. 

Valla,  George,  of  Piacenza,  52  n. 

Valens,  68.  70,  71,  77,  80,  81,  82, 
84,  87  n.,  no,  III,  115,  118, 
123,  125,  129,  130,  131,  132, 
134  n.,  135,  146. 

Valentinian  L,  87  n.,  loi,  no,  iii, 

141. 
Valentinian  II.,  135,  141,  149,  150. 
Valentinian  III.,  293,  333  n. 
Valentinus,  39,   169,   177,   277,  288, 

299.  312,  313,  314,  325,  327. 
Valerianus,  60  n.,  82,  137. 


Valerius,  bp.  of  Aquileia,  ?>3  n. 
Valesius,  50  n.,    71  n.,    78  n.,    89  n., 

108   n.,    112  n.,  126  n.,  139   n., 

140  n.,  144  n.,    145  n.,    146  n., 

147  n.,  157  n. 
Vandyke,  143  n. 
Vararanes,  156,  157. 
Venables,    canon,     87   n.,     296  n., 

323  n.,  324  n.,  346  n. 
Vena  Cava,  217. 
Venerius,  bp.  of  Milan,  9  n. 
Venus,  Temple  of,  at  Jerusalem,    55 

n. 
Victor,  Magister  equitum,    130. 
Vienne,  149. 

VigiUus,  bp.  of  Rome,  12. 
Viminacium,  65  n. 
Vincentius,     Roman     presbyter     at 

Nicaea,    probably    same   as   V., 

bishop  of  Capua,  43  n. 
Vincentius,  bishop  of  Capua,  72,    73, 

83. 
Vincomalus,  308. 
Vinovium,  148. 
Virgil,  77  n.,  199  n. 
Vitalis,  bishop  of  Antioch,  34. 
Vitalius,  133,  344. 
Vitellius,  60  n. 
Vitus,    Roman  presbyter   at  Nicaea, 

43  n. 

Walch,  Hist,  of  Heresies,  22. 

Warburton,  bp.,  103  n. 

Watkins,  archdeacon,  136  n. 

V^illiam  of  Malmesbury,  54  n. 

William  I.  and  III.,  Kings  of  Eng- 
land, 9  n. 

Wordsworth,  309  n. 

Wordsworth,  bishop,  103  n.,  108  n., 
288  n., 

Zeno,  the  ascetic,  2,  129. 
Zeno,  a  general,  269,  270. 
Zeno,  the  Isaurian,  12. 
Zenobia,  97  n. 
Zephyrinus,  38  n. 
Zeugma,  116. 
Ziba,  64. 
Zosimus,  142  n.,  157, 


THEODORET. 


INDEX    OF    TEXTS. 


PAGE 

PAGE 

PAGE 

PAGE 

Gen.  i.  26 

.        .        114 

Deut.  xxi.  23    . 

•   235 

Ps.  1.  I 319 

Prov.viii.  30    .      .     .        37 

i.  27   .     . 

.        .        188 

xxxii.  18 

.     42 

Iv.  6      . 

•     •     ^31 

ix.  I    .     .      .      .      180 

ii.  7    .     . 

•  183,  313 

xxxii.   43,  Ixx 

•    319 

Ix.  8      . 

.     .     179 

xxvii.  I    .     .      .     260 

ii.  17 

.        .        217 

Ixx 

319 

IXV.   2      . 

.     .     184 

XXX.  19     .       .      .         T,^ 

ii.  18 

.        .        168 

Ixvi.  20 

•     •     330 

ii.  24  .     . 

•  253,  256 

Josh.  i.  5     .     .     . 

.   301 

Ixvii.  I  . 

.     .     103 

Cant.  ii.  16,  3  .     .     .     320 

iii.  8  .     . 

•        .        195 

Ixix.  26 

.     .     177 

iii.  10 

•   254,   257 

Judges  XV.  16  . 

•  255 

Ixxii.  18,  19 

•     •     305 

Isa.  i.  2   .    36,  38,  124,  319 

iv.  25 

.        .        189 

Ixxv.  8  and  9 

.     •     305 

i.  9       ....     347 

xii.  3  .     . 

.        .        164 

I  Sam.  vii.  12  . 

.    300 

Ixxviii.  65  anc 

1 66     306 

i-  13,  14 

.        196 

xiii.  15     . 

.        .       300 

ix.  18  .     . 

.     220 

Ixxix.  4 

•     .  3,  30 

ii.  13   . 

•        179 

XV.  5    .     . 

•     •       31 

xvii.     .     . 

•  255 

Ixxxii.  6     . 

•     •     319 

iii.  3    . 

250 

xvii.  19    . 

•     .      93 

xvii.  26     . 

.     347 

Ixxxii.  6,  7 

.     .     177 

vi.  I     . 

.        166 

xviii.  I     . 

.     .     166 

XX.  5    .      . 

.     227 

Ixxxiii.  2,  3,  4 

.       86 

vi.  2     . 

199 

xviii.  20,  2 

I      .     297 

Ixxxviii.  4,  5 

•     .     179 

vii.  13 

176 

xviii.  21  . 

•     .     195 

I  Kings  xix.   i     . 

251 

Ixxxviii.  8  . 

.     .     176 

viii.  9  . 

44 

xxii.  12    , 

.     •     195 

XX.  42 

305 

Ixxxix.  I,  2 

.     .     169 

ix.  6     . 

332 

xxii.  16    , 

•     •     225 

xvi.  5       - 

.     160 

Ixxxix.  3     . 

.     .     169 

xi.  I     . 

171 

xxii.  18   . 

.     .     329 

Ixxxix.  4     . 

169,  170 

xi.  I,  2 

171 

xxvii.  I     . 

.     .     220 

Job  i.  21      .     .     .25 

5»3o6 

Ixxxix.  25 

.     170 

xi.  I,  2,  3, 

7 

329 

xxxi.  39  . 

.  272,  274 

ix.  33  '     '     ' 

.     187 

Ixxxix.  26 

.     .     170 

xi.  4     . 

171 

xlvi.  20    . 

.     .     183 

x.  9      ... 

.     219 

Ixxxix.  27 

.     170 

xi.  6     . 

171 

xlix.  2 

.     .     168 

x.  13    .     .     . 

.     219 

Ixxxix.  28,  29        .170 

xi.  9     . 

172 

xlix.  10    . 

164,  167 

XXX viii.  28 

.      42 

Ixxxix.  35,  36,  37      171 

xi.  10  . 

172,329 

xlix.  II    . 

.  167,  178 

xl.3     .      .      . 

.     253 

xc.  I      .     .     .     .     215 

xix.  I  . 

.177,328 

xlix.  29   . 

.  222,  311 

xc.  15   . 

•     330 

xxiv.  16 

•     .      37 

xlix.  31   . 

.  222,  311 

Ps.  i.  2  .      .     .      . 

327 

xciv.  14 

.     263 

xxvii.  6 

.     .     201 

ii.  I,  2  .     .     . 

.     318 

xcvi.  5  . 

.     319 

xxix.  13 

.     .      46 

Ex.     ii.  II. 

.     .     251 

ii.  6,  7,  8    .     . 

318 

xcvi.  7  . 

.       98 

xxxiii.  15 

.     .     287 

iv.  22 

•     .     319 

ii.  7       ... 

.      3^ 

xcvi.  13 

.     312 

xxxvii. 

.     .     347 

vii.  I 

.     .     187 

iii.  27    .     .     . 

163 

cii.  27   . 

•     311 

XI.5     .      . 

.     184 

xii.  30 

.     .     125 

ix.  6,  7 

304 

ciii.  22  . 

.     127 

xl.  28  . 

222,  247 

xii.  41 

•     .      45 

xii.  22   .     .      . 

178 

civ.  4    . 

.     320 

xl.  31  . 

.     222 

xvii.  13    . 

.     .     300 

xiv.  I     .      .      . 

123 

cvi.  2    . 

.     211 

xii.  8   . 

.     164 

xix.  21     . 

.     .     298 

xiv.  3    .      .      . 

342 

cvii.   16 

.     328 

xliv.  17 

•     319 

xxiii.   I    . 

.278,316 

xiv.  7     .      .      . 

36 

ex.   I 

.  204,  2 1 1 

xliv.  20 

•319,331 

xxiii.  2    . 

.     .     287 

xvi.  10  .    196,  23 

S,  241, 

ex.  3     . 

.       3^ 

xiv.  14,  15 

.     326 

xxiii.  II  . 

.     .     166 

..3H 

cxii.  4  . 

.     318 

xlix.  15     . 

•     255 

xxiii.  20  . 

.     .     166 

xviii.  16,  17     . 

304 

cxv.  4    . 

.     102 

liii.  2,  3     . 

•     236 

xxxiii.  20 

248,  321 

xix.  4    .      .     . 

296 

cxv.  5    . 

.     102 

liii.  3  and 

4 

•     327 

xxi.  12  . 

179 

cxviii.  15    . 

•     330 

liii.  4   .     . 

.     174 

Lev.  V.  I    .     . 

.     .     184 

xxii.  I    .     .      . 

343 

cxix.  25 

.     144 

liii.  7   .     . 

.     226 

xvi.  I 

.     .     226 

xxiii.  I  .      .      . 

177 

cxix.  46 

.     130 

liii.  8   . 

31> 

188,  331 

xix.  15     . 

.     .     287 

xxiv. 

203 

cxx.  6  and 

7  • 

.     281 

Iviii.  I 

.     298 

xxxvi.  9 

39,45 

cxxi.  4  . 

.     247 

Iviii.  14     . 

196 

Num.  ix.  13 

.     .     184 

xxxvii.  5,  6 

289 

exxxii.  1 1 

176,  246 

lix.  5    .      . 

286,  S33 

xii.  8      . 

.     .     166 

xxxvii.  20  . 

305 

cxxxv.  6     . 

.     163 

lix.  6    .     . 

•     333 

XXV.  7       . 

.     .     295 

xxxviii.  5    . 

177 

exxxvii. 

.     127 

Ixi.  I    .      . 

.     181 

xl.  2,  3        .      . 

273 

exlv.  21 

.     246 

Ixiii.  I 

•     239 

Deut.  i.  16 

.     .     316 

xl.  7      .      .     . 

169 

exlvi.  4 

320,  347 

Ixv.  3  .      . 

,     171 

^:..5  •    • 

.     .     187 

xliv.  23 

330 

cxlvi.  9 

•     255 

Ixv.  4,  5    . 

.     171 

viii.  15  '. 

.     .     318 

xiv.  6    .     .     . 

318 

cxlvii.  2     . 

.     330 

Ixv.  5  .      . 

.     114 

X.  6  .    '. 

.     .     227 

xiv.  7    .      .      .     . 

318 

Ixv.  15,  16      . 

.     320 

X.  17 

.     .     180 

xlvi.  7   .     .      . 

45 

Prov.viii.  22     .     .      .     235 

xviii.  19 

.     .     184 

xlvi.  20       .     .      . 

330 

viii.  22-26,42,44;  XX. 

Jer.  ii.  12    .     .     . 

.     124 

xix.  15   . 

•     •      57 

xlix.  20      .      .      . 

162 

178,  I 

80, 

203          1 

ii.  13    .     . 

. 

. 

84 

(578) 


INDEX   OF  TEXTS. 


579 


PAGE 

PAGE 

PAGE 

PAGE 

Jer.iv.  19  ....     325 

Matt.  V.  45       ...     309 

Mark.  xv.  39    .     .     .     249 

John  vi.  19      ...     211 

x.ii     ....     319 

vii.  6       ...     153 

XV.  42-46  .     .     227 

vi.  24      .     .     .     208 

xxiii.  24     .     .     .     204 

vii.  14     .     .     .     289 

vi.  46      .     .     .     166 

xl.  3     .     .     .     .     253 

vii.  24     .       158,  211 

Luke  i.  3      .     .     .      49,51 

vi.  51       ...     243 

x.  23  .     97,  250,  289 

i.  28    . 

.     .     .     329 

vi.  51      .54,114,168, 

Lamentations  of  Jer. 

X.  24       ...     182 

i.  31    . 

.     .     .     302 

201,  243,  248,  303, 

iii.  25    .     .     .     274 

X.  25       ...     312 

i.  35    . 

.     .     180 

314. 

X.  26       ...     312 

i.38    . 

.     .     .     205 

vi.  53      ...     314 

Ezek.  iii.  18      ...     340 

X.  28   183,  223,  218, 

i.  51    . 

.     .     .       60 

vi.  54      .     .     .     314 

230, 238, 313 

i.  52   . 

.     .     .       60 

vi.  62      .     .  233,  280 

Dan.  vii.  10     .     .     .     216 

X.  32,  2,2^       .     .     212 

ii.  2 

•    .    .      53 

vii.  10     .      .     .     327 

ix.  18      .     .     .     196 

xi.  27      .     .      zi^  39 

ii.  4     . 

.    .    .     176 

vii.  24     .     .     .     287 

xi.  29 

.    60,  268 

ii.  II  .  183,301,  319 

vii.  39     .     •     .     204 

Hos.  viii.  7       ...       84 

xii.  43 

.     .     321 

ii.  12  and  16     .     198 

viii.  40    .       186,  327 

xii.  10      .     .     ,     166 

xni.  43    . 

.     .     200 

ii.  22, 23       .     .     203 

viii.  44    .     .     .     309 

xiv.  15 

.      .     210 

ii.  40  .     .     .     .     196 

viii.  56    .     .     .     225 

Bar.  i.  II     .     .     .     .      122 

XV.  22 

.     .      191 

ii.  51  . 

.    .    .     194 

viii.  58   .     .     .     194 

ii.  25  .      ...       45 

xvi.  16 

.     .     318 

ii.  52  . 

•.    38,  196 

ix.  16      .     .     .     173 

xvi.  18   . 

•     •     309 

iii.  23 

.     .  i93»  332 

X.  10       ...     330 

Joel  i.  II     .     .     .     .     122 

xvi.  28 

•     .     315 

iii.  38 

.     .     .     179 

X.  II       ...     330 

ii.  25    .     .     .     .       45 

xvii.  26 

.     .     231 

vi.  30 . 

.     .     .    310 

X.  12,   13     .     .     272 

xviii.  6   . 

.  287,  303 

viii.  52    . 

.     .     270 

X.  14,  15     .     .     248 

Amos  vii.  12    ,     .     .     220 

xviii.  9 

.     .       34 

ix.  9  .     . 

.     .     211 

X.  17.     .     .      .     314 

xviii.  10 

166, 167,  287 

xi.  4  .     . 

.     .     251 

X.  18  .  236,  237,  196, 

Jonah  ii.  8 .     .     .     .     298 

xviii.  15 

.     .     285 

xii.  4,  5  . 

.     .     183 

209,  314,  328 

ii.  17     .     .     .     330 

xviii.  17 

.     .     308 

xix.  40    . 

.     .     191 

X.  30  .     .  38,  45,  71, 

xviii.  18. 

.  i43»  343 

xxi.  26    . 

.     .     326 

205,  221,  326,  330 

Micah  V.  2       .     .  165,  331 

xix.  26  I 

63,  209,  219 

xxii.  19  . 

.231,  303 

X.  32  .     .     .     .     190 

XX.  31 

.     .     .     191 

xxii.  31   . 

.     .     272 

^•ZZ'  173, 190, 233 

Hab.  x.  38       ...     298 

xxi.  9 

.     .     191 

xxii.  44  . 

.     .     177 

X.  34,  38      .     .     190 

xxi.  27 

.     .     193 

xxiii.  46  . 

.  243,  249 

X.  38 .     .     .     .     326 

Zech.  xii.  10     .     .     .      199 

xxii.  21.       .     .     Ill 

xxiii.  50  et  seq. .     227 

xi.  35       ...     177 

xiv.  20    .     ,     .       55 

xxii.  36-40  .     .     304 

xxiv.  30  .     .     .      191 

xi.  43      ...     211 

xxii.  42  .     .  190,  194 

xxiv.  38  and  39     198 

xii.  21     .     .     .     198 

Mai.  iii.  6  .      163,  237,  311 

xxii.  43,  44       .190 

xxiv.  39    .     199,  202, 

xii.  23    .     .     .     168 

iv.  2    .     .     .     .     200 

xxiii.  35       .      .     112 

205,  208,  210,  231, 

xii.  24     .     .     .     168 

xxiv.  23,  27      .     321 

235»  247,  331- 

xii.  27     .       195,  196, 

Apocrypha. 

XXV.  23  .      .      .     312 

John  i.  I     .     36,  178,  183, 

230,  314,  327,  343 

XXV.  25   .      .158,  289 

192,  302,  323,  326 

xiv.  9      .     .     .       38 

Ecclus.  i.  2      ...       37 

XXV.  26,  27  .      .     274 

i.  2     .     .     .     .     208 

xiv.  10    .     .     .       71 

iii.  21  .     .     .       37 

XXV.  31,    T^T,  .        .        199 

i»    i-3>  36,    7i»   183, 

xiv.  28    .  39,  40,  181, 

XXV.  32  .     .     .     226 

192,  193 

208,  209,  221,  240, 

Wisdom  iv.  2  .     .     .     306 

XXV.  36  .     .     .     303 

i.  3    .     •     .     .     179 

326,  330 

vii.  6       .     .     254 

XXV.  40  .     .      .     303 

i.  5     ....     245 

xv.  I  .     .     .      .     167 

vii.  22     .     .       71 

XXV.  41   .     .      .     218 

i.  9    .     .     .     .     326 

XV.  5.     .     .     .     178 

xxvi.  28  168,  177,204, 

i.  14.   162,  163,  172, 

XV.  20     .      .  289,  312 

Song  of  the  three  child- 

231,314,  327 

173,  178,  210,  211, 

xvi.  2      .      .     .     289 

ren    .      .     .  loi,  320 

xxvi.    38    196,    209, 

245.  279,  343 

xvi.  15    .      .  248,  330 

314,  343 

i.  15   .     .     .     .     279 

xvi.   T,T,      .        .      40,  289 

Susannah,  history  of,     290 

xxvi.    39    195,     240, 

i.  18  .      36,  166,  321 

xvii.  5     .     .     .     216 

241,  243 

i.  29,  36 .     .     .     226 

xvii.  21    .     .     .       72 

Bel  and  the  Dragon  .     315 

xxvi.  41  .      .  180,  251 

ii.  4  .     .     .     .     194 

xix.  30    .     .     .     249 

xxvi.  64      .  199,  248 

ii.  18.     .     .     .     241 

xix.  34  .      .  167,  177 

Matt.  i.  I  193,322,328,332 

xxvii.  24      .      .     112 

ii.  19.  178,205,230, 

xix.  i^,  42  .     .     227 

i.  2     ....     172 

xxvii.  50      .     .     249 

237,240,  241,  245, 

xix.  Z1    '     >     .     Z2>l 

i.  17  .     .     .     .     193 

xxvii.  57,  60     .     227 

314,  326,  328. 

XX.  7 ...     .     235 

i.  20  .     .     .     .     169 

xxviii.    6    226,    227, 

ii.  21,  22  230, 237,  241 

XX.  27     .     .  202,  210 

i.  21       183,  302,  318 

303  311 

ii.  29 .     .     .     .     331 

XX.  28     .     .     .      280 

i.  23  .    .     .  228,  326 

xxviii.  19     .     .       49 

iii.  13.  140,  179,  206, 

i.  25  .     .     .     .     332 

xxviii.  20      .      .     301 

233,  280 

Acts  i.  2      .199,  248,  315 

ii.  5,  6    .     .     .     165 

xxviii.  53     ,      .     237 

iii.  14,  15     .     .     226 

i.  4       ....     198 

ii.  6  .     .     .     .     331 

xxxvii.  I,  2  .      .     315 

iii.  16     .     .     .     220 

i.  II     .     .     .     .     332 

ii.  12       ...       37 

iii.  19      .     .     .     237 

i.  18    .     .     .     .       52 

ii.  13       .     .     .     198 

Mark  ii.  16       .     .     .     114 

iii.  20     .     .     .     330 

ii.  21   .  186,  190,  204, 

ii.  20      .     .     .     328 

V.  43- 

.     .     .     198 

iv.  6  .     176,  221,  222 

327 

iii.  15      .     .     .     176 

vi.  I  . 

.     .     .     194 

iv.  24      .     .     .     208 

ii.  24  .     .     .     .     240 

iii.  17      .     .     .       38 

vi.  35 

.     .     .     211 

V.  17 .     .     .     .     241 

ii.  29,  et  seq.      .     23 1 

iv.  6  .     .     .     .       25 

ix.  43 

•     .     •       34 

v.  19     180,  181,  208, 

ii.  30,  31  .     172,  246, 

v.  11,  12      .283,310 

X.  27 

,     .  209,  219 

215,  240. 

314,  329 

V.  14 .     .     .     .     200 

xii.  13 

.     .     .     142 

V.  23.     .     .     .       39 

11.  31  .     .     .     .     196 

V.  23,  24     .     .     285 

xii.  25 

.     .     0     198 

V.  24 .     .     .     .     240 

ii.  33  .     .     .     .     208 

V.  29      .     .      34,93 

xiv.  22 

.     .     .     231 

V.  26 .      .      .      .      2^7 

ii.  34.     .     .     .     215 

V.44,  46     .     .     305 

xiv.  24 

.      209,  231 

vi.  5  .     . 

.     .     211 

ii.  35  .     .     .     .     216 

58o 


THEODORET. 


PAGE 

PAGE 

PAGE 

PAGE. 

Acts  ii.  38.     ...     321 

iCor.  i.  23, 24     .     .     318 

2  Cor.  xii.  II    .     .     .     279 

I  Tim.  iii.  2       .      .      .      lOO- 

ii.  36  .  208,  235,  238, 

ii.  2  .     .     .     . 

318 

xiii.  4    .     .     .     328 

iii.  16     .     0  166,  167 

240 

ii.  4      ... 

206 

xiii.  14.     .     .     317 

V.  19     .     .     .       57 

vii.  14     .     .     .     183 

ii.  8 .    206.  232,  233  1 

vi.  3,  4 .     .      .       40- 

vii.  55     •     •     •     248 

».9»37      •     • 

254 

Gal.  i.  8      ...    70,  139 

vi.  16    .      .  165,  229 

vii.  56     .     .190,  200 

iii.  10,  II   .     . 

318 

i-  9 40 

vi.    13,    14,    15,    16,. 

vii.  57      ,     .     .      178 

iv.5      .     .     . 

250 

i.  15-17    .     .  184,  318 

322,  340 

viii.  2     222,  303,  311 

iv.  8      .     .     . 

137 

i.  19     .     .     .     .     232 

ix.  5   .     .     .     .     130 

iv.  9      ... 

124 

ii.  19    .     .     .     .     318 

2  Tim.  ii.  8      172,  191,  328 

ix.  25       .     .     .     251 

iv.  17    .     .     . 

274 

iii.  1,6     .     .     .     170 

ii.  9       ...      191 

X.  41  .     .     .     .     198 

V.  7.     .     .     . 

202 

iii.  13    174,  175,    226, 

ii.  13    .     .     .     312 

xi.  26  .     37,  138,  320 

vi.  10    .     .     . 

170 

235»  320 

ii.  14    .     .     .     312 

xii,  2  .     .     .     .     223 

vii.  31   .     .     . 

298 

iii.  16  .    164,  288,  328 

ii.  24    .     .     .       6a 

xii.  12     .     .     .     251 

viii.  2    .     .     . 

289 

iii.  19  ...     .     187 

iii.  6     .     .     .       4a 

xiii,  23    ...     172 

viii.  5,  6    .     . 

320 

iii.  27  ...     .     320 

iii.  8     .     .     .     17a 

xiii.  30    .     .  222,  237 

viii.  6    .      45,    222, 

iv.  4     .     .     .179,203 

iii.  12  .     .277,  289 

xvi.  16    .     .     .     121 

279,     280,      313, 

iv.  6,  7     .     .     .     319 

iv.  14  .     .     .     i6a 

xvii.  30,  31    186,  327. 

317 

iv.  19  .     .     .     .     273 

iv.  I     .     .  322,  341 

xvii.  31    .     .     .     199 

ix.  20,  21  .     .     250 

iv.  24  ei  seq, .     .     226 

iv.  2     .     .     .     298 

xviii.  9     .     .     .     298 

X.4       ...       38 

vi.  3     .     .     .     .     108 

XX.  10      .     .     .     183 

X.  II     .     .     .     226 

vi.  7     .     .     .     ,     108 

Titus  i.  I     ....     317 

XX.  26      .       244,  341 

x.  13     .    255,    273, 

vi.  16  .     .     .     .     325 

".  13-    319*321,32^ 

XX.  29      .     .     .       70 

345 

vi:  17  .     .     .     .       43 

iii.  I  .     .     .     .     116 

xxii.  12    .     .     .     251 

X.  25      .      ,      .       Id 

iii.  14      .     .     .     261 

xxii.  25    .     .     .     251 

xi.  7      .     .    45,  188 

Eph.  i.  4,   5     ...     3^9 

xxiii.  I     .     .     .       49 

xi.  12    .     .     .     179 

i.  9,  10     .     .     .     322 

Phil.  i.  21    .     .     .     .     31S 

xxiii.  II  .     .     .     247 

xi.  24    .    204,    231, 

i.  21    .     .     .     .     210 

i.   27.     .     .     .       49 

xxiii.  6    .     .     .     251 

303»  314 

ii.  5    .     .     .     .     210 

i.  29    .     .     .     .     309 

XXV.  II    .     .     .     251 

xii.  4     ...     163 

ii.  6    .     .     .172,210 

ii.  5'  6,  7      .     .     326 

XXV.  16    .     .     .     276 

xii.  8     .     .     . 

171 

ii.  7    .     .     .    .     210 

ii.    6,  7    .     .180,  299 

XXV.  1 1 ,  24  .     .     247 

xii.  II   .     . 

163 

ii.  13  .     .     .     .     234 

302,  327,  330 

xii.  26  .     .     . 

272 

iii.  14      .     .  320,  322 

ii.  7     .140,  180, 182, 

Romans  i.  1-3       172,317, 

xiii.  9   .     .     . 

289 

iii.  17.     .     .     .     1 79 

209,213 

328' 

xiii.  10 .     . 

.       40 

iii.  20, 21      .     .     322 

ii.  9    .     .     .     .     204 

i  1-4      .     .     319 

xiii.  13 

281 

iv.  5  .     .     .279,313 

ii.  21  .     .     .     .     341 

13-4      .     •     279 

xiii.  26 .     . 

268 

iv.  10.     .     .     .     179 

iii.  19      .       170,  200 

17     •     •     •     317 

XV.  3,  4      . 

.     227 

iv.  14      .     .     .     303 

iii.  20      49,  203,  315, 

ii.  6  .     .     .     298 

XV. 

209 

iv.  25      .     .     .     272 

322 

iii.  21      .     .     155 

XV.   12,    13,    17        228 

iv.  26       .     .     .     285 

iii.2[       216,315,322 

V.  10 .     .  220,  222 

XV.    12    .       .       .       234 

V.  5    .     .     .     .319 

iv.  19       .     .     .     322 

V.  15, 16,  17      224 

XV.  20  .    .235,  248 

V.  12  .     .     .     .     122 

V.  18,  19      .     224 

xy.  20,  21,  22,  224, 

V.  19  .     .     .     .     103 

Heb.  i.  2     .     .     .     .       n 

V.  19      .     .     177 

300. 

V.  20  .     .     .     .     322 

i.  3    .      37»   39»  45» 

vi.  3  .     .     .     320 

XV.21  .    190,  234, 

V.  25  .     .     .     .     320 

209,  279,  326 

viii.  14,  17  .     319 

327. 

V.  31,  32       .     .     320 

ii.  II,  12,  13     .     223 

viii.  17    .     .     200 

XV.   22    .       .  190,  327 

vi.  II  and  13  190,  303 

ii.  14.    214,238,330 

viii.  18    .     .     257 

XV.  42,  43,  44     199, 

vi.  13.     .     .     ,     269 

ii.  14,  15      .223,247 

viii.  29   .     .     203 

316 

vi.  14  .  ,   .       190,  298 

ii.  I  6.  164,  166,  168, 

viii.  32    .    38,  243 

XV.  47  .      .179,  181 

246,  288,  330. 

viii.  35»  36  .     257 

XV.  48  .     .     .     179 

Col.  i.  15      .      37,  189,  209 

iv.  12      .     .     .     237 

viii.  37   .     .     257 

XV.  53  .     .  240,  322 

i.  16,  17   .     .    37,  208 

iv.  13      .     .     .     284 

viii.  38,  39  •     257 

i.   18,    140,    202,  235, 

iv.  14      .     .     .     318 

ix.  I  .     .     .     287 

2  Cor.  21     ...     .     174 

248,  272 

^^.  I    .     .     .     .     168 

ix.  5  .     165,   236, 
2V9,   319*    326, 

i.  12  .     .     . 

.     287 

ii.  14  .     .     .     .     249 

V.8    .     .     .     .     239 

ii.  7  .     .     . 

.     273 

vi.  17      .     .     .     171 

328,  331 

ii.  II      .     . 

.     273 

I  Thess.  i.  9,  lo    .     .     321 

vi.  18      .      171,  220, 

ix.  22      .     .     122 

iii.  6 .     .     . 

.     241 

iii.  2  .     . 

312 

ix.  25      .     .     296 

iv.  II     .     . 

•      45 

iii.  II      .     .     317 

vi.  19,  20     .     .     321 

xii.  II     .     .      147 

iv.  13     .     . 

.     163 

iii.  12,  13     .     321 

vi.  20      .     .  187,  189 

xii.  15     .     .     306 

V.  4  .     .     . 

.     322 

iv.  13      .     .     254 

vii.  I,  2,  3   .     .     187 

xiii.  14    .     .     320 

V.  10      .     . 

.     284 

iv.  14      .  228,  274 

vii.  3.    188,  189,332 

xiii.  32    .     .     225 

V.  16      .     . 

.     322 

iv.  17      .     .     316 

vii.  6       ...     188 

XV.  10,  16    .     321 

V.  17     .     . 

.     322 

V.  14  .     .     .     274 

vii.  14     .       165,  168 

xiv.  15    .     .     234 

V.  17,  18    . 

.      45 

vii.  21     .     .     .     318 

xiv.  30    .     .     317 

V.  20      .      . 

.     210 

2  Thess.  ii.  I    .     .     .     321 

viii.  3      ...     168 

xvi.  I       .     .     icx) 

V.  21        .       . 

.     174 

ii.  8   .     .     .     321 

ix.  24      .     .     .     321 

xvi.  4     .     .     318 

vi.  14,  15   . 

.       38 

ii.  16,  17      .     317 

ix.  27       ...       52 

xvi,  25,   26, 

X.  I  .      .      . 

.       60 

X.  I    .     .     .     .     226 

27.      .     .     322 

xi.  2      .     . 

.     320 

I  Tim.i.  17       .     .     .     165 

X.  5   .     .     .     .      169 

xi.  8      .     . 

.       33 

ii.  4  .     .     .     .     272 

X. 10       ...     230 

I  Cor.  i.  I  ....     317 

xi.  28    .     . 

.     152 

ii.  5,  6   .       187,  189 

X.    19,  22         .        .        167 

i.  10     .     .     .     317 

xi.  33    •     . 

.     251 

ii.  5  .    190,  208,  327 

X.  37       ...     298 

i.  12     .    .  113,  138 

'              xii.  9     .       2) 

74»  298 

ii.  11-13     .     .     220 

X.  38       .0     298 

Heb. 


)7.3S 


XI. 

xii.  2 
xii.  12,  13 
xii.  16     . 
xiii.  8  .201 
xiii.  12    . 


INDEX    OF    TEXTS. 


PAGE 
•  273 
.  284 
.  221 
.       164 

^33,  279 
.  226 


Jas.  i.  17  . 
iv.  16 

I  Pet.  i.  I  .  . 
iii.  15  . 
iv.  I   . 


PAGE 

45 
60 

249 
190 
228 


I  Pet.  iv.  II  . 
V.  8   . 

I  John  iv.  2,  3 
V,  I 
V.  20  . 


PAGE 
•   125 

•  ^73 
39,  201 

•  45 


Rev. 


1-  5  . 
i.  9  . 

xvii.  14 

xix.  16 


581 


140 
179 
180 
180 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS; 


ILLUSTRIOUS    MEN. 


INDEX     OF     SUBJECTS. 


Abila,  church  at,  383. 

Abraxas,  363. 

Acacius,  chapter  on,    380;    Gelasius 

against,  401. 
Accusation   and   trial    of    our   Lord 

before  Pontius  Pilate,  Maximus 

on  the,  393. 
Acilius  Severus,  chapter  on,  382. 
Acts   of    the    Apostles,   written    by 

Luke,   364,  368;    quoted,   362; 

Heraclitus  on  the,  372. 
Acts   of   the   council,   Cornelius   on 

the,  376. 
Acts   of    Paul   and   Thecla,    not   by 

Luke,  363. 
Acts  of  Peter,  apocryphal,  361. 
Aetius,  391. 
Affection  towards  our  neighbor,  James 

of  Nisibis  on,  386. 
Agen,  church  at,  381. 
Agriculture,  Philo  on,  365. 
Agrippa  Castor,  chapter  on,  368. 
Albinus,  361. 
Alexander,  Philo  on,  365. 
Alexander,   the    Emperor,    reign    of 

mentioned,  373,  375,  376. 
Alexander  of  Jerusalem,  chapter  on, 

375;    Clemens   A.  to,   371  ;    to 

the   Antiochians,  371;     ordains 

Origen,  373;   imprisoned,  374. 
Alexandria,    383 ;    church    at,   364, 

365*  37Q.  Z7^y  373,  375,  376, 

377,  379,   381,   382,   395,  400, 

401;   theological  school  at,  371, 

376. 
Allruling  wisdom,  Josephus  on,  366. 
Almsgiving,  Maximus  on,  393. 
Amastrina,   church  at,  Dionysius  to 

the,  369. 
Ambrose  of  Alexandria,  chapter  on, 

383. 

Ambrose  of  Milan,  chapter  on,  2>^T,'y 
mentioned,  401. 

Ambrosius,  the  deacon,  chapter  on, 
374;   converted  by  Origen,  376. 

Ambrosius,  A  New  =  Simplicianus, 
392. 

Ammon,  Bishop  of  Bernice,  Dionys- 
ius of  A.  to,  376. 

Ammonias,  chapter  on,  374. 

Amphilochius,  chapter  on,  384. 

Anacletus,  third  bishop  of  Rome,  366. 


Ananias,  the  high  priest,  361. 
Ananus,  361, 

Anastasius,  reign  of  mentioned,  401. 
Anatolius  of  Alexander,  chapter  on, 

377- 
Ancyra,  church  at,  379,  395. 

Andrew  the  apostle,  361,  367;  re- 
mains of  transferred  to  Con- 
stantinople, 364. 

Anicetus,  367,  368. 

Annianus,  364. 

Anomians,  388. 

Anthemius,  reign  of  mentioned,  399. 

Anthony  the  monk,  chapter  on,  379; 
life  of  by  Athanasius,  379; 
friend  of  Serapion,  380;  life  of 
by  Evagrius,  383. 

Anthrop  omor ph i tes,  The- 
ophilus  against  the,  392. 

Antichrist,  378,  386;    Hippolytus  on 
.the,  375. 

Antigonus  Carystius,  359. 

Antinoites,  375. 

Antinous,  368. 

Antioch,  367,  368,  378,  379;  church 
at,  361,  366,  369,  374,  376,  377, 
378,  379,  382,  3^3,  388,  391, 
394,  396. 

Antiocheans,  Alexander  to  the,  375. 
Antiochus,  chapter  on,  390. 

Antiquities  by  Josephus,  366. 

Antiquities  against  Appion,  by  Jose- 
phus, 366. 

Antoninus  Caracalla,  reign  of  men- 
tioned, 370,  371,  373,  374. 

Antoninus  Pius,  reign  of  mentioned, 
365  ;  Justin  to,  368. 

Apelles,  discussion  with  Rhodo,  371. 

Apocalypse  of  John,  364;  Dionys- 
ius of  A.  on  the,  376;  Melito 
on  the,  369 ;  Hippolytus  on  the, 
375;  Victorinus  on  the,  377; 
Gennadius  on  the,  492. 

Apocryphal  writings,  363. 

Apollinarians,  388. 

Apollinaris,  chapter  on,  369;  doc- 
trine of  the  millennium,  367; 
letters  of,  372;  Ambrose  of  A. 
against,  3^3. 

Apollinarius,  chapter  on,  381 ; 
against  Eunomius,  ^^i^;  against 
Marcellus,  379. 


Apollonius,  chapter  on,  371;  Ter- 
tullian  against,  371,  373. 

Apollonius,  the  Senator,  372. 

Apology  of  Aristides,  368. 

Apology  of  Eugenius,  402. 

Apology  of  Justin  Martyr,  368. 

Apology  of  Miltiades,  371. 

Apology  of  Tiberianus,  383. 

Apostles  the,  and  John  the  Baptist^ 
in  praise  of,  by  Maximus,  393. 

Apostles'  creed,  exposition  of  by 
Rufinus,  389. 

Apostolical  preaching,  Irenaeus  on> 

370- 

Apotheosis,  by  Prudentius,   388. 

Appion,  chapter  on,  373. 

Appion,  Josephus  against,  366. 

Aquila,  translation  of  O.  T.,  374, 

Aquileia,  church  at,  380,  389. 

Arabianus,  chapter  on,  ^'jt,. 

Arcadius,  389,  390,  394,  401. 

Archelaus,  chapter  on,  377. 

Arians,  379,  380,  382,  383,  386,  401, 
402;  persecutions  of  the,  Atha- 
nasius on  the,  379;  Marcellus, 
against  the,  379;  Hilary  against 
the,  380;  Didymus  against  the,, 
381;  Phoebadius  against  the, 
381;  Faustinus  against  the,, 
389;  Asclepius  against  the,  398; 
Victor  against  the,  398;  Faustus, 
against  the,  400. 

Ariminian  council,  380,  389. 

Aristides,  chapter  on,  368;  Julius 
Africanus  to,  375. 

Aristion,  367. 

Aristobulus  the  Jew,  371. 

Aristoxenus  the  Musician,  359. 

Arius,  389;   Victorinus  against,  381. 

Aries,  church  at,  397. 

Armenians,  Dionysius  to  the,  377. 

Arnobius,  chapter  on,  378;  teacher 
of  Lactantius,  378. 

Arsenoites,  Anthony  to  the,  379^ 

Artemon,  doctrine  of,  377. 

Asceticism,  Basil  on,  382. 

Asclepiades,  ordination  of,  371  j 
Firmianus  to,  378. 

Asclepius,  chapter  on,  398. 

Asterius,  chapter  on,  380;  against 
Marcellus,  379. 

Athanasius,  380;    chapter  on,  379; 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


5^3 


communes  with  Marcellus,  379; 

life     of    Anthony,     379,    S^;^; 

bishop    of    Arian    party,    382; 

Gregory  in  praise  of,  382, 
Athenians,  Dionysius  to  the,  369. 
Athenodorus,  brother  of  Theodorus, 

376. 

Athens,  church  at,  367. 

Attalus,  Noviatianus  on,  377. 

Atticus,  chapter  on,  394. 

Audentius,  chapter  on,  388. 

Augustine,  393,  395,  chapter  on, 
392;  Julian  us  agamst,  394. 

Aurelianus,  reign  of  mentioned,  377. 

Autolycus,  Theophilus  to,  369. 

Autun,  church  at,  378. 

Auxentius,  Hilary  against,  380, 
teacher  of  Heliodius,  391. 

Avarice,  Antiochus  against,  390; 
Maximus  on,  393,  Salvianus 
against,  397. 

Avitus,  the  emperor,  reign  of  men- 
tioned, 396. 

Avitus,    the    presbyter,    chapter    on, 

394. 

Babylas,    imprisoned,    374;     put    to 

death,  375. 
Babylon,  a  hgure  of  Rome,  364. 
Bacchylus,  chapter  on,  372 
Bachiarius,  chapter  on,  390. 
Baetica,  381,  383. 
Bagais,  398. 

Banquet,  of  Firmianus,  378. 
Banquet    of     the    ten    Virgins,    by 

Methodius,  378. 
Baptism,  Mehto  on,  369. 
Baptism  and  the  feast  of  Epiphany, 

Severianus  on,  390. 
Baptism,  grace  of,  Maxmius  on  the, 

393- 
Barcabbas,  368. 

Barcelona,  church  at,  381 

Barchob,  368. 

Bardesanes,  chapter  on,  370. 

Bardesanes,    The    New  =  Paulonas, 

386. 
Barnabas,    chapter    on,    363,    joins 

Paul,  362;   author  of  the  epistle 

to  the  Hebrews,  363 
Bartholomew  in  India,  370 
Basil  of  Ancyra,  chapter  on,  379 
Basil  of  Ciesarea,  chapter  on,  382; 

against  Eunomius.  383. 
Basilides,    383,    refuted  by  Agrippa 

Castor,  368,   Dionysms  of  A.  to, 

377;   death  of,  368 
Basilius,  398. 
Bau,  a  monastery,  387 
Bernice,  377. 

Beroea,  church  at  (362},  379 
Beryllus,   bishop  of  Bostra,  chapter 

on,  375. 
Berytus,  376. 
Bethlehem,  Sophronius  in  praise  of, 

384. 
Bethsaida,  361. 
Beziers,  Synod  of,  380, 
Bible,    commentaries   on,  by  Pantse- 

nus,  370 ,   by  Justus  of  Tiberias, 

366. 
Blastus,  Irenseus  to,  370. 
Bologna,  church  at,  393. 


Bonosiacians,  388. 
Bostra,  church  at,  381. 
Brutus,  the,  of  Cicero,  359. 

Caecilius  and  Cyprian,  370. 
Cselestinus,  chapter  on,  395. 
Cselestius,  chapter  on,  393. 
Csesarea  in  Palestine,  375,  376,  377, 

382;    church  at,   372,  373,  377, 

37^'  380,  383,   Library  at,  362, 

377>  382. 
Csesarea   in   Cappadocia,  church  at, 

382. 
Caesarius,  Gregory  on   the  death  of, 

382. 
Cagliari,  church  at,  380. 
Calamity,  by  Acilius  Severus,  382. 
Caligula,  reign  of  mentioned,  365. 
Callistion,  Rhodo  to,  371. 
Calumny,  Clemens  of  Alexandria  on, 

371- 

Candidus,  chapter  on,  372. 

Cannatoe,  399. 

Canon  of  prayer,  Cassianus  on,  396. 

Captive  monk,  Jerome  on  the,  384. 

Caricus,  Serapion  to,  371. 

Carinus  or  Caricus,  371  (note). 

Carnal  foes,  Maximus  on  having  no 
fear  of,  393. 

Cartenna,  church  at,  398. 

Carthage,  373;   church  at,  376,  401. 

Carus,  reign  of  mentioned,  377. 

Cassianus,  chapter  on,  395  ;  chronog- 
raph)^ mentioned,  371;  works 
epitomized  by  Eucherius,  396; 
mentioned,  399. 

Castellanum,  church  at,  398. 

Cataphrygians  (or  Phrygians),  371 
(and  note,)  ApoUinaris  against, 

369- 
Catechetes  of  Alexandria,  371,  373. 
Catechetical  lectures,  by  Cyril,  382. 
Catechetical    school    at   Alexandria, 

376. 
Cathari,  377. 
Catholic  epistles,  two  by  Peter,  361, 

epistle  of  James,  361 ;   Jude,  362. 
Celsus  the  heretic,  359;   Paulinus  to, 

394. 

Cenobites,  388. 

Cenobites  and  hermits,  Cassianus  on 
the  object  of,  396. 

Cerealis,  chapter  on,  401. 

Cerinthus  the  heretic,  364. 

Chalcedon,  Council  of,  397,  399. 

Charity,  Gregory  on,  382. 

Charity  toward  all,  James  of  Nisibis 
on,  386, 

Chastity,  Cassianus  on,  396;  James 
of  Nisibis  on,  386. 

Christ,  the  son  of  God  and  consub- 
stantial  with  the  Father,  by 
James  of  Nisibis,  386,  account 
of  by  Josephus,  366,  appears  to 
Peter,  366;  miracles  of,  368; 
generation  of,  Melito  on  the, 
369,  prophecy  of,  Melito  on 
the,  369;  incarnation  of,  Pros- 
per on,  399. 

Christian  life,  Fastidius  on  the,  395. 

Christians,  named  after  Christ,  366. 

Christians,  persecution  of,  James  of 
Nisibis  on,  386. 


Chronicle,  of  James  of  Nisibis,  386. 
Chronicle,  of  Jerome,  386, 
Chronicle,  of  Prosper,  399. 
Chronicle,  of  Severus,  390. 
Chronography,  of  Cassianus,  371. 
Chronography,  of  Judas,  373. 
Chronological  tables,  of  Hyppolytus, 

375- 
Chronology,  Julius  Africanus  on,  375. 

Chrysophora,  Dionysius  to,  369. 

Chrysostom  (bishop  John),  390; 
(John  of  Antioch),  chapter  on, 
383;  (John  of  Constantinople), 
chapter  on,  391, 

Church,  Melito  on  the,  368. 

Church  history,  of  Eusebius,  378; 
translated  by  Rufinus,  389. 

Cicero,  Brutus  of,  359. 

Circumcision,  Novatianus  on,  377; 
James  of  Nisibis  on,  386. 

Claudianus,  chapter  on,  399. 

Claudius,  the  Emperor,  reign  of  men- 
tioned, 361;   Philo  and,  365. 

Claudius    of    Vienne,    Salvianus   to, 

397- 

Clemens  of  Alexandria,  375;  chapter 
on,  371 ;  Hypotyposes  (out- 
lines) of,  361,  364;  succeeded 
by  Demetrius,  373. 

Clement  of  Rome,  366;  chapter  on, 
366;  author  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews,  363;  church  of,  at 
Rome,  366. 

Cochebas,  368. 

Colossians,  Paul  to  the,  363. 

Commodianus,  chapter  on,  388. 

Commodus,  Lucius  Aurelius,  Justin 
to,  368;     reign   of    mentioned, 

367*  369,  37O'  37i»  372. 
Compunction  of  soul,  Chrysostom  on, 

391. 
Condition  and  substance  of  the  soul, 

Claudianus  on  the,  399. 
Conferences  of  Cassianus,  396. 
Confessors  and  virgins,  Macrobius  to, 

Confusion    of    tongues,    Philo    con- 
cerning the,  365. 
Consolatory    letters     by    Eutropius, 

394. 

Constans,  Emperor,  379;  reign  of 
mentioned,  386. 

Constantia,  398. 

Constantina,  church  at,  401. 

Constantine  the  Great,  reign  of  men- 
tioned, 378,  379,  380,  400;  puts 
Crispus  to  death,  378;  vicen- 
nalia  of,  379;   mentioned,  386, 

Constantinople,  364,  380,  383,  390, 
395»  399  >  church  at  391,  394, 
397,  400. 

Constantius,  380,  394;  reign  of  men- 
tioned, 364,  378,  379,  380,  381, 
386-  Hilary  to,  380;  Lucifer 
against,  380. 

Contempt  of  the  world  and  of  transi- 
tory things,  Pomerius  on,  402. 

Contempt  for  the  world  and  worldly 
philosophy,  Eucherius  on,  396. 

Contempt  of  the  world,  Paulinus  on, 

394. 
Controversy  of  Luciferianus  and  Or- 
thodoxus,  by  Jerome,  384. 


5S4 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS. 


Conversation  of  the  nations,  James 

of  Nisibis  on  the,  386. 
Cordova,  365. 

Corinth,  church  at,  369,  372. 
Corinthians,      Paul     to     the,     363; 

Clement  to  the,  366. 
Cornelius  of  Rome,  377  ;  chapter  on, 

376;   put  to  death,  376. 
Cornelius,  Abbot,  by  Pachomius,  387. 
Corporeality  of  God,  Melito  on  the, 

369- 
Corsica,  401. 
Councils,  Hilary  on,  380. 
Covenants,  Philo  on,  365. 
Creation  of  man,  Firmianus  on  the, 

378. 
Creed  by  Pastor,  398. 
Creed  of  Gennadius,  492. 
Creed,  Niceas  on  the,  390. 
Crescens  the  cynic,  368. 
Cretans,  Dionysius  to  the,  369. 
Crispus  Caesar,   tutored   by  Lactan- 

tius,  378;  put  to  death,  378. 
Croesus,  377. 
Cross  of  our  Lord,  Maximus  on  the, 

393- 
Cross  of  our  Lord,  mystery  of,  Euse- 

bius  of  Milan  on  the,  392. 
Cyprian,  377,  393;  chapter  on,  376; 

opinion     of     Tertullian,     373; 

letters   to    Cornelius,    376;     life 

of,     by     Pontius,    376;      work 

wrongly      ascribed      to,     377; 

Gregory     in     praise     of,    382; 

Maximus  on,  393. 
Cyprus,  362,  382. 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  401 ;  chapter  on, 

395- 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  chapter  on,  382. 

Cyrus  king  of  the  Persians,  400. 

Cyrus,  chapter  on,  399. 

Cyrus,  church  at,  400. 

Cyzicus,  church  at,  383. 

Daniel,  Hippolytus  on,  375;  exposi- 
tion of,  by  Vigilantius,  392;  ex- 
position of,  by  Gennadius,  4CX). 

Damascus,  362. 

Damusus,  bishop  of  Rome,  389; 
chapter  on,  381. 

Daphnitic  gate,  at  Antioch,  367. 

Death  of  a  Christian  and  baptized 
child,  PauHnus  on  the,  394. 

Death  of  a  daughter,  Jerome  on  the, 

384. 
Death  of  a  son,  Victor  of  Cartenna 

on  the,  398. 

Decius,  reign  of  mentioned,  379; 
persecution  of,  374,  375;  perse- 
cution of,  Dionysius  of  A.  on 
the,  376. 

Deer,  the,  by  Pacianus,  381. 

Demetrius  of  Alexandria,  371;  sends 
Pantaenus  to  India,  370;  suc- 
cessor of  Clement,  373;  testifies 
against  Alexander,  375;  epistles 
to,  by  Firmianus,  378. 

Devil,  Melito  on  the,  369. 

Dexter,  359;   chapter  on,  384. 

Didymus,  383;  chapter  on,  381; 
Dionysius  of  A.  to,  376;  against 
Eunomius,  383;  work  on  the 
Holy  Spirit,  by  Jerome,  384. 


Diocletian,  reign  of  mentioned,  377, 

378. 
Diodorus,  383;   chapter  on,  382. 
Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  chapter  on, 

376. 
Dionysius,  bishop  of   Corinth,  369; 
chapter   on,    369;     Pinytus    to, 
369;   Dionysius  of  A.    to,   376, 

377- 
Dionysius  and   Didymus,  Dionysius 

of  A.  to,  376. 
Dionysius  and   Maximus,   epistle  of 

Malchion  to,  377. 
Dioscurus,  Hilary  against,  380;  The- 

odoretus  against,  400. 
Discipline,  Irenaeus  on,  370. 
Discrepancies  between  the  Gospels, 

Eusebius  on,  378. 
Discretion,  Cassianus  on,  396. 
Discussion    between     virginity    and 

marriage,  Gregory  on  a,  382. 
Discussions  of  Eugenius,  402. 
Dispersion,  the,  361. 
Disputation  between  Peter  and  Ap- 

pion,    ascribed   to    Clement    of 

Rome,  366. 
Divine   graces,    Cassianus    on    the, 

.  .396. 
Divine  institutes  against  the  nations, 

by  Firmianus,  378. 
Divine   life,    Philo,   on    those    who 

practise  the,  365. 
Divinity,  Prudentius  jn,  388. 
Divisions  of  equals  and  Contraries, 

Philo  on  the,  365. 
Doctrine,  Christian,  works   of  Ara- 

bianus  on,  373. 
Doctrines,  Ambrose  on,  383;   Didy- 
mus on,  381. 
Domitian,  persecution  of,    364;   put 

to  death,  364. 
Domnus,  Serapion  to,  372. 
Donatian  party,  381 ;  Optatus  against 

the,  381. 
Donatians=Donatists,  380,  386,387. 
Donatists,  Asclepius  against  the,  398; 

see  also  Donatians. 
Donatist  schism,  386. 
Donatus,  chapter  on,  380. 
Dreams  are  sent  by  God,  That,  work 

by  Philo,  365. 
Dress,  Cassianus  on,  396. 
Drunkenness,  Philo  on,  365. 
Dumb  beasts  have  right  reason.  That, 

work  by  Philo,  365. 

Ebionite  heresy,  381. 

Ebionites,  doctrine  of,  364. 

Ecclesiastes,  Hippolytus  on,  375; 
Theodorus  on,  376;  Victorinus 
on,  377;  Acaciuson,38o;  Jerome 
on,  384;   Salvianus  on,  397. 

Ecclesiastical  canons.  On,  and  against 
those  who  follow  the  error  of  the 
Jews,  work  by  Clemens  of  Alex- 
andria, 371. 

Ecclesiastical  procedure,  Vitellius  on, 
386. 

Eclipse  of  the  moon,  Maximus  on 
the,  393. 

Eclogues  of  Melito,  369. 

Ecstasy,  Tertullian  on,  371,  373. 

Edessa,  398 ;  church  at,  382,  399. 


Eight  principal  sins,  suggestions 
against,  by    Evagrius,  387. 

Eleusinian  mysteries,  367. 

Elutherius,  Bishop  of  Rome,  368, 
370. 

Elvira,  church  at,  381. 

Emesa,  church  at,  379. 

Emmaus  restored,  375. 

Encratites,  Musanus  to  the,  369. 

Enemies  of  the  church,  Jews, 
Arians,  etc.,  Voconius  against, 
398, 

Enoch,  book  of,  362. 

Ephesians,  Ignatius  to  the,  366. 

Ephesians,  Paul  to  the,  363 ;  Jerome 
on,  384. 

Ephesus,  364,  372,  395. 

Ephraim  Syrus,  382,  386,  398;  chap- 
ter on,  382. 

Epiphanius,  chapter  on,  382. 

Epiphany,  Maximus  on,  393. 

Epistle  of  Barnabas,  363. 

Epistle  of  John,  364. 

Epistles,  Diodorus  on  the,  382;  Her- 
aclitus  on  the,  372;  Theodorus 
on  the,  379;  Victorinus  on,  381. 

Epistles  of  Acilius  Severus,  382. 

Epistles  of  Lucianus,  378. 

Epistles  of  Hilary,  380. 

Epistles  of  Paul.    See  Paul. 

Epistles  of  Paul  to  Seneca  and  of 
Seneca  to  Paul,  365. 

Epistles  of  Salvianus,  397. 

Epistles  of  Serapion,  380. 

Epistles  of  Theodorus,  t^Z'j. 

Epitome,  by  Eusebius,  378. 

Epitome,  by  Firmianus,  378. 

Etherius,  son  of  Victorinus,  395. 

Eucherius,  chapter  on,  396. 

Euchrotia,  383. 

Eugenius,  chapter  on,  401. 

Eumenia,  372. 

Eunomius,  391;  chapter  on,  383; 
Basil  against,  382;  Gregory  of 
Nazianzin  against,  382;  Greg- 
ory of  Nyssa  against,  383. 

Euphranor,  Dionysius  of  A.  to,  377. 

Eupolemus  the  Jew,  371. 

Eusebius  of  Csesarea,  chapter  on, 
378;  apology  for  Origen,  377; 
church  history,  359,  366,  374, 
400;  Paschal  cycle  of,  375,  400; 
follows  Ammonian  canons,  374. 

Eusebius  and  Pamphilus,  377. 

Eusebius  of  Emesa,  382,  383;  chap- 
ter on,  379. 

Eusebius  father  of  Eusebius,  384. 

Eusebius  of  Milan,  chapter  on,  392. 

Eusebius  of  Vercelli,  chapter  on, 
380;   life  of,  by  Maximus,  393. 

Eustathius  of  Antioch,   chapter  on, 

379-  .       , 

Eustathius     of    Sebaste,    associated 

with   Basil,   379;     Musaeus    to, 

398. 
Eustochius,  Jerome  to,  384;    Sophro- 

nius  to,  384. 
Eutropius,  chapter  on,  394. 
Eutyches,    397;    Gennadius  against, 

402;   Leo  against,  399;    Mochi- 

mus  against,  397. 
Eutyches  and  Dioscorus,  Theodore- 

tus  against,  400. 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


8s 


Eutyches    and     Nestorius,    Gelasius 

against,  401. 
Eutychian  heresy,  386. 
Eutychians,    396;     Samuel    against, 

399- 
Euzoius,  383;   chapter  on,  382. 
Evagrius   of    Antioch,    chapter    on, 

3^3- 
Evagrius    the    Monk,    chapter    on, 

3^7- 
Evagrius  (another),  chapter  on,  394. 

Evangelists,  the  four,  364. 

Excesses  and  ill  reputation,  Chrysos- 

tom  on,  391. 
Exile,  Dionysius  of  A.  on,  376. 
Exodus,  iquestions  and  answers  on, 

by  Philo,  365 ;  Hippolytus   on, 

3*75'   Victorinus  on,  377. 
positions    of   various    causes,   by 

Tichonius,  389. 
Ezekiel,  Victorinus  on,  377. 

Fabian  us,  bishop  of  Rome,  put  to 
death,  374. 

Fabius,  Cornelius  to,  376;  Dionys- 
ius to,  376. 

Faith,  Bachiarius  on,  390;  Gregory 
on,  381;  James  of  Nisibis  on, 
386;  Lucianus  on,  378;  Maxi- 
mus  on,  383;  Melito  m,  369; 
Olympius  on,  390;  Sabbatius 
on,  390;  Syagrius  on,  396; 
Theophilus  on,  392. 

Faith  against  heretics,  Audentius  on, 
388;   Cyril  on,  395. 

Faith  and  the  rules  of  Faith,  Sya- 
grius on,  396. 

Faith  and  virginity,  Atticus  on,  394. 

Faith  in  one  sovereign,   Niceas  on, 

390. 
Fallen  virgin,  Niceas  to  the,  390. 
Familiar  letters,  of  Philip,  396. 
Fastday,  That   there    should   be    no 

jesting  on,  by  Maximus,  393. 
Fastidius,  chapter  on,  395. 
Fasting,  Clemens  of  Alexandria   on, 

371;  James  of  Nisibis  on,  386; 

Maximus    on,    393 ;    Tertullian 

on»  373- 
Fate,  Bardesanes  on,  370;   Minucius 

Felix  on,  374. 
Fathers,  lives  of,  by  Petronius,  393. 
Faustinus,  chapter  on,  389. 
Faustus,  of  Riez,  chapter  on,  399. 
Felicissimus,  383. 
Felix  of  Rome,  380;   succeeded  by 

Festus,  362. 
Felix,  the  Praetorian  Prefect,  400. 
Festal  epistles,  of  Athanasius,  379. 
Festal   epistles  on  the  passover,  by 

Dionysius  of  A.,  376. 
Festus    of    Judea,    361;      succeeds 

Felix,  362. 
Fickleness   of    mind,  Cassianus   on, 

396. 
Firmianus   Lactantius,    chapter    on, 

378. 
FirmiUanus,  Bishop  of  Caesarea,  en- 
tertains Origen,  373. 
Flacilla,  Queen,  389. 
Flavianus,  letter  of  Leo  to,  397. 
Flavius  the   Grammarian,  poem  on 

medicine,  378. 


Florinus,  Irenseus  to,  370. 

Food  of  the  Jews,  Novatianus  on  the, 

377- 
Fortunatianus,  chapter  on,  380, 
Fool,   that  every   fool    should   be  a 

slave,  by  Philo,  365. 
Free  will,  Methodius  on,  378. 
Friendship,  Cassianus  on,  396. 
Fronto  the  orator,  368. 

Gabala,  church  at,  390. 
Gains,  chapter  on,  374. 
Galatians,    Paul   to    the,    362,    363; 
Jerome  on,  384;  Severianus  on, 

390. 
Gallienus,  reign  of  mentioned,  376, 

377- 
Gallograecia,  church  at,  381. 

Gallus,  reign  of  mentioned,  374,  376. 

Gamaliel,  teacher  of  Paul,  362. 

Garadius,  390. 

Gelasius    of    Csesarea,    chapter    on, 

3^3- 
Gelasius  of  Rome,  402;   chapter  on, 

401. 
Geminus,  chapter  on,  376. 
Genealogy,  Niceas  against,  390. 
Generation  of  Christ,  Melito  on  the, 

369. 

Genesis,  Hippolytus  on,  375;  Me- 
thodius on,  378;  Victorinus  on, 
377,  395;  Hebrew  questions 
on,  by  Jerome,  384. 

Gennadius  of  Constantinople,  chap- 
ter on,  400. 

Gennadius  of  Marseilles,  chapter  on, 
402. 

Genseric,  king,  398,  401 ;  taking  of 
Rome  by,  399. 

Giants,  Philo  concerning,  365. 

Giscalis  in  Judea,  362. 

Gnosians,  Dionysius  to  the,  369. 

Gnosticism,  383. 

Gnostics,  arose  from  Basilides,  368. 

Gnosus,  church  at,  369. 

God  not  the  author  of  evil,  Irenseus 
on,  370. 

Gordianus,  reign  of  mentioned,  375. 

Gortina,  a  city  of  Crete,  369. 

Gospel,  demonstrations  of  the,  by 
Eusebius,  378. 

Gospel,  preparations  for,  by  Euse- 
bius, 378. 

Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews, 
362,  366. 

Gospel  of  Mark,  361. 

Gospel  of  Luke,  363. 

Gospel  of  John,  364. 

Gospel  of  Peter,  apocryphal,  361; 
Serapion  on  the^  372. 

Gospel  canons,  of  Ammonius,  374. 

Gospels,  Asterius  on  the,  380;  Euse- 
bius on  the,  379;  Fortunatianus 
on  the,  380;  Juvencus  on  the, 
379;  Theophilus  on  the,  369. 

Grace  of  God,  through  which  we  are 
saved,  Faustus  on  the,  399. 

Grsecus,  the  deacon,  400. 

Grammarian,  the,  by  Firmianus,  378. 

Grapes  blessed,  James  of  Nisibis  on 
,  the,  386. 

Gratianus,  reign  of  mentioned,  382, 
3^3- 


Gregory  of  Elvira,  chapter  on,  381. 
Gregory,  bishop  of  Nazianzan,  382, 

SS;^;   against  Eunomius,  ^S^- 
Gregory  of  Neoc9esarea  =  Theodorus, 

376. 
Gregory  of  Nyssa,  chapter  on,  ;^S^; 

against  Eunomius,  383. 
Gymnasium,  Dionysius  of  A.  on  the, 

376;   chapter  on,  382. 

Habakkuk,  Jerome  on,  384;  Victo- 
rinus on,  377. 

Hadrian,  Apologies  of  Aristides  and 
Quadratus  to,  368;  passes  win- 
ter at  Athens,  367;  initiated  into 
the  mysteries,  367;  reign  of 
mentioned,  362,  368. 

Hadrian  and  Antinous,  368. 

Haggai,  Jerome  on,  384. 

Halves,  Trypho  on  the,  374. 

Hamartigenia  by  Prudentius,  388. 

Harmony  of  divine  Scripture,  Theod- 
ulus  on  the,  400. 

Harmony  of  Moses  and  Jesus,  Am- 
monius on  the,  374. 

Healing  of  the  blind  man,  Antiochus 
on  the,  390. 

Hebrew  names,  by  Jerome,  384. 

Hebrews,  epistle  to  the,  not  by  Paul, 
363,  368,  375;  written  by  Clem- 
ent, 366. 

Hebrews,  Gospel  of,  362. 

Hegesippus,  361 ;   chapter  on,  368. 

Heir  of  divine  things,  Philo  on  the, 

365. 
Helenopolis,  378. 
Heliodorus  of  Antioch,  chapter  on, 

387. 

Heliodorus,  the  presbyter,  chapter 
on,  391;  exhortation  of  Jerome 
to,  384. 

Helvidius,  chapter  on,  391;  Jerome 
against,  384. 

Heraclas,  376;  assistant  to  Origen, 
378;   ordained  Pontiff,  376. 

Heraclea,  church  at,  379. 

Heraclitus,  chapter  on,  372. 

Heresies,  Epiphanius  against,  382; 
Gennadius  against,  402;  Hip- 
polytus against,  375;  Irenseus 
against,  370;  James  of  Nisibis 
against,  386;  Justin  M.  against, 
368;  Victorinus  against,  377. 

Hermammon,    Dionysius   of  A.   to, 

376. 
Hermas,  365;  chapter  on,  365. 
Hermes,  365. 

Hermippus  the  peripatetic,  359. 
Hermogenes,  heresy  of,  Theophilus 

against,  369. 
Herod,  364. 
Herona,    pseudonym    for     Gregory 

Naz.,  382. 
Hexaemeron,  of  Salvianus,  397. 
Hierapolis,    372;     church    at,    367, 

369- 
Hierax,  Dionysius  of  A.  to,  376. 
Hieronymus  =  Jerome,  386. 
Hilarion,  life   of,    by   Jerome,    384; 

life  of,  by  Sophionius  tr.,  384. 
Hilary  of  Aries,  chapter  on,  397. 
Hilary  of  Poitiers,  389 ;  against  the 

Arians,  379;   chapter  on,  380. 


586 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS. 


Hilary  **  of  Rome,"  380,  400. 

Hippolytus,  chapter  on,  375;  com- 
mentaries of,  375;  paschal  cycle 
of,  400. 

Hipporegensis,  church  at. 

History,    chronicle   of,  by  Eusebius, 

378'  ,         . 

History,    chronicle    of,   by   Jerome, 

384. 
History  of  the  church,  by  Hegesip- 

pus,  368. 
History,  Universal,  by  Dexter,  384. 
Holy  Spirit,    Amphilochius   on   the, 

384;  Basil  on  the,  382;  Didymus 

on  the,   381;    Donatus  on  the, 

380;      Ephraim     on   the,    382; 

Faustus   on  the,    399;   Gregory 

on   the,    382, 
Homilies  of  Origen  on  Jeremiah  and 

Ezekiel,  by  Jerome,  384. 
Homilies  of  Salvianus,  397. 
Homilies  of  Victor  of  Cartenna,  398. 
Homoousia,  386. 
Homoousian,  401. 
Honoratus,  chapter  on,  401 ;  life  of, 

by  Hilary,  397. 
Honorius,  reign    of  mentioned,  393, 

394»    398. 
Hopes  of  the   faithful,  Tertullian  on 

the,  367. 
Hosea,    Didymus    on,  381;    Pierius 

on,  378. 
Hospitality,  Maximus  on,  393;  Melito 

on,  369. 
Humility,  James  of  Nisibis  on,  386. 
Huneric,  401,  402. 
Hydatius,  383. 
Hyginus,  359. 
Hymnal,  by  Paulinus,  394. 
Hymns    and    mysteries,    by    Hilary, 

380. 
Hymns,  of  Gelasius,  401, 
Hymns,  of  Peter  of  Edessa,  398. 
Hymns,  of  Prudentius,  388. 
Hyppolytus.    See  Hippolytus. 

Iconium,  church  at,  384. 

Ignatius,  chapter  on,  366. 

Incarnation  of  our  Lord,  Augustine 
on  the,  392 ;  Cassianus  on  the, 
396;  Isaac  on  the,  391;  Julius 
on  the,  386;  Nestorius  on  the, 
395;  Prosper  on,  399;  Theo- 
doretus  on  the,  400;  Theodorus 
on  the,  388. 

Innocentius,  chapter  on,  393. 

Internal  war,  Tichonius  on,  389. 

Institutes  of  arithmetic,  Anatolius  on 
the,  377. 

Institutes  of  Cassianus,  396. 

Instruction  for  neophytes  by  Niceas, 

390- 
Irenaeus,    383;    chapter     on,     370; 

Commentary  on  the  Apocalypse, 

364 ;  doctrine  of  the  millennium, 

367 ;   against  heresies,  368. 
Isaac,  chapter  on,  391. 
Isaac  of  Antioch,  chapter  on,  396. 
Isaiah,  Didymus  on,  381;   Eusebius 

on,  378;    Hippolytus  on,  375; 

Victorinus  on,  377. 
Isaiah,  saying  in,  James  of  Nisibis  on 

the,  386. 


Isaiah's  saying  Your  wine-dealers 
mix  wine  with  water,  Maximus 
on,  393. 

Ithacius,  383. 

Itinerary  of  Firmianus,  378. 


James  the  apostle,  364,  367;  chap- 
ter on,  361;  ordains  Paul,  362; 
murder  of,  366. 

James  the  Wise,  of  Nisibis,  chapter 
on,  386. 

Jerome,  383,  392,  393;  chapter  on, 
384;   translates  Origen,  389. 

Jerome  and  Philip,  396. 

Jerusalem,  362,  375  ;  church  at,  361, 
362,  364,  374,382,391. 

Jesus,  364. 

Jewish  affairs,  History  of,  by  Justus 
of  Tiberias,  366. 

Jews,  dialogue  against,  by  Justin  M., 
368;  Miltiades  against,  371 ; 
Philo  on  the,  365. 

Jews,  captivity  of  the,  Josephus  on, 
366. 

Jews,  Gentiles,  and  Novatians,  Euse- 
bius against,  379. 

Job,  Ambrose  on,  383;  Didymus  on, 
381;  Hilary  on,  380;  Philip  on, 
396. 

John  the  apostle,  367,  372;  chapter 
on,  364;  Gospel  of,  361  ;  or- 
dains Paul,  362;  ordains  Poly- 
carp,  367. 

John  of  Antioch,  401 ;  (  =  Chrysos- 
tom) ,  chapter  on,  ^S^. 

John  (Chrysostom)  of  Constanti- 
nople, chapter  on,  391. 

John  of  Jerusalem,  chapter  on,  391. 

John  or  Mark,  a  disciple,  363. 

John  the  Baptist,  366. 

John  the  Presbyter,  364,  367, 

Joseph,  the  husband  of  Mary,  361. 

Joseph  the  Levite,  another  name  for 
Barnabas,  363. 

Josephus,  chapter  on,  366;  quoted, 
362,  371 ;  antiquities  of,  361 ; 
convicts  Justus  of  falsehood, 
366. 

Jovian,   386;     reign    of    mentioned, 

.  379. 
Jovinian  the   heretic,  393;     chapter 

on,  381. 
Judas,  chapter  on,  373;  Maximus  on, 

393- 

Jude,  brother  of  James,  chapter  on, 
362. 

Judea,  places  in,  Jerome  on,  384. 

Judgment  of  Peter,  Apocryphal,  361. 

Julian,  359,  381,  386;  reign  of  men- 
tioned, 380. 

Julian,  the  Emperor,  Gregory  against, 
382. 

Julianus,  383  (  ?) ;  chapter  on,  394. 

Julius  Africanus,  chapter  on,  375. 

Julius  of  Rome,  379;  chapter  on, 
386. 

Justin  Martyr,  chapter  on,  368; 
commentary  on  the  Apocalypse, 

364- 
Justin  Martyr  andTatian,  369. 
Justus,  chapter  on,  366. 
Juvencus,  chapter  on,  379. 


Kalends  of  January,  Maximus  on 
the,  393. 

Key,  work  by  Melito,  369. 

Knowledge  of  spiritual  things,  Cassi- 
anus on  the,  396. 

Lacedaemonians,    Dionysius   to    the, 

369- 

Lactantius,  388;  chapter  on  (see 
Firmianus) ;  follows  Papias,. 
367;   mentions  Minucius,  374. 

Laodicea,  372;  church  at,  377,  381* 

Laodiceans,  Dionysius  to,  377. 

Laodiceans,  Epistle  of  Paul  to  the. 
Apocryphal,  363. 

Latronianus,  chapter  on,  t^^t^. 

Learning,  Philo  on,  365. 

Ledra  or  Leucotheon  =  Luteon, 
church  at,  379, 

Leo,  the  Emperor,  reign  of  men- 
tioned, 396,  397,  398,  400,  401 ; 
Timotheus  to,  397;  Leo,  Bishop 
of  Rome,  396;  chapter  on,  397; 
Epistles    of,   against    Eutyches, 

399- 
Leonidas,  father  of  Origen,  373. 
Leporius,  chapter  on,  395. 
Lerins,  Monastery  of,  396,  399. 
Letter  of  Macarius,  387. 
Letters  of  Eustathius,  379. 
Letters  of  Jerome,  384. 
Letters  of  Severus,  390. 
Letters  of  Sidonius,  401. 
Letters  to  Severus,  by  Paulinus,  394. 
Leucotheon  =  Ledra,  379. 
Levi,  surname  of  Matthew,  362. 
Leviticus,  Victorinus  on,  377. 
Liberius  of  Rome,  380. 
Library  at  Caesarea,  362,  377,  382. 
Life  after  death,  James  of  Nisibis  on 

the,  386. 
Life  of  a   wise   man,  Philo  on   the, 

365. 
Linus,   second  bishop  of  Rome  (?). 
Lives  of  the  Christians,  Philo  on  the, 

365. 
Lives  of  the  fathers,  by  Evagrius,  387. 
Lord's  day,  Melito  on  the,  368. 
Lucan,  the  poet,  365. 
Lucianus   of    Antioch,    chapter    on, 

378;   put  to  death,  378. 
Lucianus,  the  presbyter,  chapter  on, 

394- 
Lucifer,  chapter  on,  380. 
Luciferian  schism,  389. 
Lucius,  the  Arian,  chapter  on,  382. 
Lucius  of  Rome  succeeds  Cornelius, 

376. 
Luke,    chapter   on,    363;   author  of 

Epistle   to   the    Hebrews,   363; 

Gospel   of,    392,    364 ;  homilies 

on  by  Jerome,  384. 
Lyons,  370;  church  at,  396. 

Macarius  the  monk,  chapter  on,  387 ; 

teacher  of  Evagrius,  387. 
Macarius  of  Rome,  chapter  on,  391. 
Maccabeans,  366. 
Maccabees,  Gregory  in  praise  of  the, 

382. 
Macedonians,   Faustus    against    the, 

389,  400. 
Macrinus,  375. 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


^87 


Macrobius,  chapter  on,  386. 
Magnesians,  Ignatius  to  the,  366. 
Magnus  the  consul,  400. 
Majorianus,  reign  of  mentioned,  396, 

397»  398. 
Malchion,  chapter  on,  377. 
Mamertus,  bishop  of  Vienne,  399. 
Mammsea,   mother  of  the    Emperor 

Alexander,  373,  375. 
Manichseus,  discussion  with  Arche- 

laus,  377. 
Manicheans,  388;  Titus  against,  381 ; 

Serapion  againsi  the,  380. 
Manner  of  one's  life,   Philo  on  the, 

365- 
Marcella,  epistles  to  by  Jerome,  384. 
Marcellinus  the  presbyter,  389. 
Marcellus  of  Ancyra,    381;    chapter 

on,   379;   Basil  against,   and  on 

virginity,  379. 
Marcellus,   the   presbyter,    Salvianus 

to,  397- 
Marcianus,  Irenoeus  to,  370, 
Marcion,  367,  390;    heresy  of,  375; 
Hippolytus  against,  375;   Justin 
against,  368,    Modestus  against, 
370;  Philip  against,  369;  Rhodo 
against,  370 ;  Theophilus  of  An- 
tioch  against,  369. 
MarcioniteSj  differ  from  one  another, 

370- 
Marcus    Antoninus.       See     Maixtts 

Aurelius  A. 

Marcus  Antoninus  Verus.  See  Afar - 
cus  Aurelius  A. 

Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus  Verus, 
reign  of  mentioned,  369,  370, 
371,  375;   Bardesanes  to,  370. 

Mark,  chapter  on,  364;  at  Alexan- 
dria, 365,  370;   Gospel  of,  361, 

364- 
Mark  =  Basilides,  383. 
Mark  or  John  Mark,  363. 
Marseilles,  395,  396;  church  at,  395, 

397,  402. 
Martianus,  reign  of  mentioned,  396, 

397- 
Martin   bishop    of  Tours,  v  390;   life 

of,  by  Severus,  390. 
Martyrdom,     Ambrosius     on,    374; 

Dionysius  of  A.  on,  377;  Origen 

on,  374. 
Martyrs,  Eusebius  on  the,  378;  Max- 

imus    on    the,    393;   Phileas   in 

praise    of,   378;     Prudentius,    in 

praise  of,  388;  Vigihus,  in  praise 

of,  392. 
Mary,   sister  of  the   mother  of    our 

lord,  361. 
Mathematicians,     Macarius     against 

the,  391;  Minucius  Felix  against 

the,     374;     Pamphilus     against, 

translated  by  Rufinus,  389. 
Matter  made  by  God    (?),  work  by 

Maximus,  372. 
Matthew    and    John,    Didymus    on, 

381;   Theodorus  on,  379, 
Matthias,  366. 
Maximilla,  369,  371. 
Matthew,  364,  367;  chapter  on,  362; 

Gospel    of   in     Hebrew,    370; 

Hilary  on,  380. 
Maximus,   reign  of  mentioned,  375, 


386;   Persecution  of,   377,  378; 

puts  Priscillianus  to  death,  383. 
Maximus  of  Constantinople,  chapter 

on,  383. 
Maximus  of  Jerusalem,  chapter  on, 

372. 
Maximus  of  Turin,  chapter  on,  398. 
Maximus  the  Arian,  401. 
Maximus    the  Philosopher,   Gregory 

in  praise  of,  382. 
Mazaca  =C3esarea  in  Cappadocia,  382. 
Medicine,  Flavius  on,  378. 
Melito,  372  ;  chapter  on,  368. 
Melodius,  390. 
Mesopotamia,  370,  377. 
Methodius,  chapter  on,  378. 
Micah,  explanations  on,  by  Jerome, 

384- 

Milan,  383;   church  at,  383. 

Milevis,  church  at,  381. 

Millennium,  the,  by  Papias,  367; 
Gennadius  on  the,  402. 

Miltiades,  chapter  on,  371. 

Minucius  Felix,  chapter  on,  374. 

Miscellaneous  propositions  by  Lu- 
cius, 382. 

Miscellaneous  questions  by  Acacius, 
380. 

Mochimus,  chapter  on,  397. 

Modestus,  chapter  on,  370. 

Modesty,  TertuUian  on,  378, 

Monarchy,  Irenaeus  on,  370. 

Monasteries,  Egyptian,  387, 

Monasteries,  heads  of,  Pachomius  to 
the,  387. 

Monastic  life,  Caelestius  on,  394. 

Monk,  aim  and  creed  of  a,  Cassia- 
nus  on  the,  396. 

Monks,  three  ancient  kinds  of,  etc., 
Cassianus  on,  396. 

Monogamy,  TertuUian  on>  378. 

Montanists  or  Donatians,  387. 

Montanus,  369,  371;  Appollonius 
against,  371 ;  heresy  of,  Sera- 
pion on,  371;  Rhodo  against, 
371;  teacher  of  Proculus,  374; 
TertuUian  and,  373. 

Montanus,  Prisca  and  Maximilla, 
Appollonius  against,  371. 

Mortality,  Dionysius  of  A.  on,  376. 

Mortification,  Cassianus  on,  396. 

Moses,  371 ;  the  five  books  of,  Philo 
on,  365. 

Musaeus,  chapter  on,  393. 

Musanus,  chapter  on,  369. 

Nahum,  Jerome  on,  384. 

Narcissus,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  371, 

372,375-. 
Nations,  Apollinaris  against  the,  369 ; 

Arnobius     against     the,      378; 

Athanasius    against    the,     379; 

Clemens  of  Alexandria  against 

the,  371;    Irenseus  against  the, 

370;   Photinus  against  the,  381 ; 

James    of    Nisibis   against    the, 

386;  Justin  Martyr  against  the, 

368;    Tatian    against   the,    369, 

371  ;  Vitellius  against  the,  386. 

Nations  and  the  Jews,  Miltiades 
against  the,  371. 

Nativity  of  our  Lord,  Maximus  on 
the,  393;  Timotheus  on  the,  395. 


Nature,  Dionysius  of  A.  on,  377. 
Nature  and  invention,  Philo  on,  365. 
Nature  of  all  sins,  Cassianus  on  the, 

396. 

Nature  of  things,  introductory  trea- 
tise on  the,  by  Heliodorus,  387. 

Nazarenes,  362. 

Neapolis,  368. 

Neocsesarea,  376. 

Neophytes,  Paulinus  on,  397. 

Nepos,  359. 

Nepos  the  bishop,  Dionysius  of  A. 
against,  376. 

Nero,  reign   of  mentioned,  361,  362,       ♦ 
363,  364,  367;   and  Paul,  363; 
appoints   Albinus,    361 ;    cruelty 
of,  363 ;  puts  Peter  and  Paul  to 
death,  365;   tutored  by  Seneca, 

365- 
Nerva  (?)  reign  of  mentioned,  365. 

Nestorian  doctrine,  394. 

Nestorian  impiety,  400. 

Nestorians,  397,  398;  Samuel  against 
the,  399. 

Nestoriu*;,  395;  chapter  on,  394; 
Cassianus  against,  396 ;  Cyril  of 
A.  against,  395,  401  ;  Cyrus 
against,  399;  Gelasius  against, 
401  ;  Gennadius  against,  402. 

New  Testament,  translated  by  Jerome, 

384. 
Nic^an  council,  386. 
Niceas,  chapter  on,  390. 
Nicomedia,  378,  396 
Nicomedians,  Dionysius  to  the,  369. 
Nicopolis,  formerly  Emmaus,  375. 
Ninevites,    repentance   of,    Maximus 

on,  393. 
Nisibis,  386;   church  at,  386. 
Nocturnal    illusions,    Cassianus    on, 

396. 

Nola,  church  at,  394. 

Novatian  heresy,  376. 

Novatians,  377,  389. 

Novatians,  Pacianus  agamst  the, 
381. 

Novatianus,  chapter  on,  377  ;  Diony- 
sius of  A.  to,  376;  Reticius 
against,  378. 

Novatianus  and  those  who  had 
fallen  from  the  faith,  Cornelius 
on,  376. 

Novatus,  377. 

Nyssa,  church  at,  2>^'^' 

Obedience,  Paulinus  on,  397, 

Oceanus,  393. 

Octava  or  Ogdoad,  370  (note). 

Octavms,  of  Minucius,  Felix,  374. 

Ogdoad,  the,  Irenseus  on,  370. 

Old  Testament,  translated  by  Jerome, 

384. 
Olivet,  Mount,  362. 
Olympius,  chapter  on,  390. 
Olympus,  church  at,  378. 
Optatus,  386;   chapter  on,  381. 
Order   of  discipline,  by  Pachomius> 

387- 
Ordering  of  life,  or  the  correction  of 
morals,  by  Paul  the  presbyter, 

398. 
Ordination  of  bishops,  Petronius  on» 

the,  393. 


588 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS. 


Oresiesis,  chapter  on,  367. 

Origen,  surnamed  Adamantius,  chap- 
ter on,  373 ;  Alexander  in  be- 
half of,  375;  and  Ambrosius, 
374;  and  Theodorus,  376; 
apology  for,  by  Eusebius,  378 ; 
apology  for,  by  Pamphilus,  377 ; 
Alexander  to,  375;  Beryllus  to, 
375;  Eustathius  against,  379; 
collects  library  at  Caesarea,  382; 
corrects  Beryllus,  375;  letters 
of,  to  Beryllus,  375  ;  Dionysius 
to,  377;  imitated  by  Hilary, 
380;  Julius  Africanus  to,  375; 
listens  to  Hippolytus,  375;  made 
presbyter  by  Alexander,  375; 
Methodius  against,  378;  pupil 
of  Clemens,  371;  teacher  of 
Trypho,  374;  teacher  of  Diony- 
sius, 376;  Theophilus  against, 
392;  translated  by  Rufinus,  389; 
uses  Gospel  of  the  Hebrews, 
362;   works  transcribed,  377. 

Origen  Junior,  name  for  Pierius,  377. 

Origin,  nature,  and  remedies  for  the 
eight  principal  sins,  Cassianus 
on  the,  396. 

Origin  of  evil,  Maximus  on,  372. 

Origin  of  sin,  Prudentius  on  the, 
388. 

Orosius,  394;   chapter  on,  393. 

Osaniia,  Jerome  on,  384. 

Ostian  way,  363. 

Pachomius,  chapter  on,  387 ;  col- 
league of  Oresiesis,  387. 

Pacianus,  384;   chapter  on,  381. 

Pagans,  Commodianus  against  the, 
388. 

Pamphilus,  chapter  on,  377;  and 
Eusebius,  378;  collects  library 
at  Caesarea,  362,  382;  life  of, 
by  Eusebius,  378. 

Pancratius,  380. 

Panegyric,  by  Paulinus,  394. 

Panegyric  of  all  the  martyrs,  by 
Paulinus,  394. 

Pantaenus,  chapter  on,  370;  teacher 
of  Clemens,  371. 

Papias,  364,  388;  chapter  on,  367; 
disciple  of  John,  364. 

Papyrus,  372. 

Paschal  controversy,  Irengeus  on  the, 
370;   Victor  on  the,  370. 

Paschal  cycle  of  Victorius,  400. 

Paschal  feast,  400;  reckoning  of  the, 
by  Hyppolytus,  375. 

Passion  of  our  Lord,  hymn  on,  by 
Claudianus,  399;  Maximus  on 
the,  393. 

Passover,  Anatolius  on  the,  377; 
Bacchylus  on  the,  372;  cele- 
bration of,  372;  Clemens  of 
Alexandria  on  the,  371;  Diony- 
sius of  A.  on  the  376;  Hip- 
polytus on  the,  375;  Lucius 
on  the,  382;  Maximus  on  the, 
393;  Mehto  on  the,  368;  Nova- 
tianus  on  the,  377. 

Passover,  day  of,  questions  concern- 
ing, 3^7. 

Passover  Sabbath,  Paulinus  on  the, 

397- 


Pastor,  the  bishop,  chapter  on,  398. 

Pastor,  work  by  Hermas,  365. 

Patmos,  364. 

Patrobas,  365. 

Paul  the  apostle,  chapter  on,  362. 

Paul,  368;  author  of  Hebrews  (?), 
366;  Chrysostom  in  praise  of, 
391;  epistles  of,  375;  "gospel 
of"  means  Luke,  364;  martyr- 
dom of,  365;   mentions  Hermas, 

365- 

Paul  to  Seneca,  365. 

Paul  to  the  Philippians,  366. 

Paul  of  Concordia,  secretary  to  Cy- 
prian, 373. 

Paul  of  Samosta,  Dionysius  against, 
377;   discussion  with  Malchion, 

377- 
Paul  the  bishop,  chapter  on,  391. 
Paul  the  monk,  life  of,  by  Jerome, 

384. 
Paul  the  presbyter,  chapter  on,  398. 
Paula,  Jerome  to,  374;   and  Eusto- 

chius,  Jerome  to,  384. 
PauUnus  of  Nola,  390;   chapter  on, 

394- 
Paulinus  (not  Nolanus),  chapter  on, 

397- 
Paulonas,  chapter  on,  386. 
Peace  of  the  church,  Alexander  on 

the,  375. 
Pedagogy,    Clemens    of   Alexandria 

on,  371. 
Pelagian  doctrine,  395. 
Pelagians,   390,  398;   decree  against 

by  Innocentius,  393. 
Pelagius,    chapter    on,     394,     398; 

Gennadius  against,  402. 
Penitence,   Dionysius  of  A.  on,  376, 

377;    James  of  Nisibis  on,  386; 

Paul  the  bishop  on,  391 ;   Paul- 
inus on,  397. 
Pentecost,  Maximus  on,  393. 
Peregrinus  against  heretics,  by  Vin- 

centius,  396. 
Perfection,  Cassianus  on,  396. 
Perpetual  virginity  of  Mary,  Jerome 

on  the,  384. 
Persecution,    Bardesanes    on,    370; 

Firmianus   on,    378;     James   of 

Nisibis  on,  386;  TertuUian   on, 

378. 

Persian  kingdom,  James  of  Nisibis 
on  the,  386. 

Pertinax,  reign  of  mentioned,  365. 

Peter,  Simon,  367;  chapter  on,  361 ; 
and  Mark,  364;  apocryphal 
Acts,  Gospel,  Preaching,  Revela- 
tion and  Judgment,  361;  ap- 
pearance of  Christ  to,  366; 
beheaded,  363;  bishop  of  Rome, 
366;  first  bishop  of  Antioch, 
366;  friend  of  Philo,  365; 
Gospel  of  Serapion  on,  372; 
martyrdom  of,  365;  ordains 
Paul,  362. 

Peter  and  Acacius,  epistles  against, 
by  Gelasius,  401. 

Peter  and  Appion,  disputation  be- 
tween (apocryphal),  by  Clem- 
ent of  R.,  366. 

Peter  of  Edessa,  chapter  on,  398. 

Petronius,  father  of  Petronius,  398. 


Petronius  of  Bologna,  chapter  on, 
398. 

Philadelphians,  Ignatius  to  the,  366. 

Phileas,  chapter  on,  378. 

Philemon,  Paul  to,  363;  Jerome  on, 
384;    Paul  to,  384. 

Philemon  and  Dionysius,  Dionysius 
of  A.  to,  376. 

Philip,  367,  372,  374;  slain  by 
Decius,  374;   chapter  on,  369. 

Philip  the  emperor,  378. 

Philip  the  presbyter,  chapter  on,  396. 

Philippians,  Paul  to  the,  363;  Poly- 
carp  to  the,  367. 

Philo,  chapter  on,  365;  on  the  first 
church  at  Alexandria,  364. 

Phlegon,  365. 

Phoebadius,  chapter  on,  381. 

Photinians,  388. 

Photinus,  chapter  on,  381. 

Phrygians  or  Cataphrygians,  371; 
Rhodo  against  the,  371. 

Pierius,  chapter  on,  377. 

Pilate,  368. 

Pinytus  of  Crete,  chapter  on,  369; 
Dionysius  to,  369. 

Plato  and  Philo,  365. 

Poitiers,  church  at,  380. 

Polycarp  of  Smyrna,  366,  372;  chap- 
ter on,  367;  Ignatius  to,  366; 
teacher  of  Irenaeus,  370. 

Polycrates,  chapter  on,  372. 

Pomerius,  chapter  on,  402. 

Ponticus  the  Proselyte,  Translation 
ofO.  T.,  374. 

Pontius  the  deacon,  chapter  on,  376. 

Pontius,  Serapion  to,  371. 

Pontus,  churches  of,  Dionysius  to  the, 

369- 
Porphyry,  359;   accuses   Ammonius, 

374;   Apollinarius  against,  381; 

Eusebius  against,  378;   Metho- 
dius against,  378. 
Postumianus  and  Gallus,  conference 

between,  by  Severus,  390. 
Pothinus,  370. 
Praise   of    our    Lord  and    Saviour, 

Hippolytus  on  the,  375. 
Prayer,    James    of  Nisibis   on,  386; 

Novatianus  on,  377. 
Prayer,  duration  of,  Cassianus  on  the, 

396. 
Prayer,  nature  of,  Cassianus  on  the, 

396. 
Preaching  of  Peter,  Apocryphal,  361. 
Present  judgment,  Salvianus  on  the, 

397- 

Priesthood,  John  on  the,  ;^^y,  Nova- 
tianus on  the,  377. 

Principalities,  Cassianus  on,  396. 

Principius,  402. 

Prisca,  369,  371. 

Priscillians,  398. 

Priscillianus,  383  ;  chapter  on,  383. 

Priscus  Bacchius,  368. 

Proba,  389. 

Probus,  reign  of  mentioned,  377. 

Probus,    epistles    to,   by   Firmianus, 

378. 

Proculus,  Gaius  agamst,  374. 

Prophets,  lives  of  the,  Melito  on  the, 
368 :  Jerome  on  the,  384 ;  tr.  of 
Jerome  on,  by  Sophionius,  384. 


JEROME    AND    GENNADIUS. 


5Sa 


Propositions,  of  Marcellus,  379. 

Prosper,  chapter  on,  399;  Paschal 
cycle  of,  400. 

Protection  of  God,  Cassianus  on  the, 
396. 

Proterius,  397. 

Protoctetus,  Origen  to,  374. 

Proverbs,  Hippolytus  on  the,  375; 
Theophilus  on  the,  369. 

Providence,  Philo  on,  365. 

Prudent  and  the  prodigal  sons,  Je- 
rome on  the,  384. 

Prudentius,  chapter  on,  388. 

Psalms,  Asterius  on  the,  380;   Didy- 
mus  on  the,  381;   Eusebius  on 
the,    380;      Eusebius    on     one 
hundred  and  fifty,  378;   Hilary 
on    the,    380;     Hippolytus    on 
the,  375;    Jerome   on    Ps.    10- 
16,  384;    Melito   on  the,  369 
reading  of,  Cassianus  on,  396 
titles    of,    Athanasius   on,   379 
Serapion  on,  380 ;  Vincentius  on 
the,  399. 

Psalter,  by  Sophronius,  384;  Theo- 
dorus  on  the,  379. 

Psaltes,  work  by  Justin  M.,  368. 

Psychomachia  by  Prudentius,  388. 

Publius,  Martyrdom  of,  367. 

Pulcheria,  394. 

Punishment  according  to  desert,  Sal- 
vianus  on,  397. 

Pyrenees,  381. 

Pythonissa,  Hippolytus  on  the,  375; 
Methodius  on  the,  378. 

Quadragesimal  fast,  Maximus  on  the, 
393;   Paulinus  on  the,  397, 

Quadratus,  chapter  on,  367. 

Questions  of  Cyril,  395. 

Questions  of  Nestorius,  395. 

Questions  of  Simplicianus,  392. 

Questions  of  the  ancient  law,  Jerome 
on,  384. 

Quinquagesimal  fast,  remission  of, 
Cassianus  on  the,  396. 

Rebaptism  of  heretics,  376,  391 ; 
Ursinus  against,  391. 

Recognitions  of  Clement,  translated 
by  Rufinus,  389. 

Red  heifer,  Trypho  on  the,  374. 

Refutation,  a  work  by  Justin  M., 
368. 

Refutation,  by  Cyril,  395. 

Repentance,  Paulinus  on,  394. 

Repentance  of  the  publican,  Victor 
of  Cartenna  on  the,  398. 

Resurrection,  Hippolytus  on  the, 
375;  James  of  Nisibis  on  the, 
386;  Maximus  on  the,  393; 
Methodius  on  the,  378;  Pome- 
rius  on  the,  402 ;  Sextus  on 
the,  378. 

Reticius,  chapter  on,  378. 

Retraction  of  Leporius,  395. 

Revelation  of  Peter,  Apocryphal,  361 . 

Rhodo,  chapter  on,  370;  against 
Montanus,  371. 

Rhosenses,  church  of  the,  372. 

Riez,  church  at,  399. 

Roman,  Italian,  and  African  coun- 
cils, Cornelius  on,  376. 


Romans,  Dionysius  of  A.  to  the, 
376;  Dionysius  of  Corinth  to 
the,  369;    Ignatius  to  the,  366. 

Romans,  Paul  to  the,  363,  365 ;  As- 
terius on,  380. 

Romatia,  church  at,  390. 

Rome,  361,  365,  366,  370,  380,  381, 
386,  391,  393;  church  at,  366, 
Zn,  374,  376,  377>  379,  380, 
381,  386,  393,  397,  400,  401. 

Rufinus,  chapter  on,  389. 

Rule  for  monks,  by  Vigilius,  394. 

Rules  for  investigating  the  Scrip- 
tures, by  Tichonius,  389. 

Sabbath,  Dionysius   of    A.  on   the, 

376;  Novatianus  on  the,  377. 
Sabbatius,  chapter  on,  390. 
Sabellianism,  379. 
Sabellians,  388. 
Sabellius,   Dionysius   of  A.   against, 

376. 
Sacramentary,  by   Musaeus,  398;   by 

Paulinus,  394. 
Sacraments,  Juvencus  on,  379;    Vo- 

conius  on  the,  398;     Salvianus 

on  the,  397. 
Sacrifice  of  the  Paschal  lamb    Ni- 

ceas  on  the,  390. 
Sagaris,  372. 
Salamina,  church  at,  382. 
Sallust  the  prefect,  Hilary  to,  380. 
Salonius,  396;   Salvianus  to,  397. 
Salvianus,  chapter  on,  397. 
Samuel,  chap  er    n,  399. 
Sai.ira,  2,Sl'- 
Sarlinia,  380,  401. 
Sardis,  368. 
Satisfaction,  James    of    Nisibis    on, 

.  386. 
Satisfaction    in   repentance,   Cassia- 
nus on,  396. 
Saturn inus,  bishop  of  Aries,  380. 
Satyrus,  359. 
Saul,  name  for  Paul,  362. 
Saul,  Hippolytus  on,  375. 
Saying   of    the   apostles,    "  For   the 

good   which  I  would  do  "  etc., 

Cassianus  on  the,  396. 
Scriptures,  obscure  passages  in,  Eu- 

cherius  on,  396. 
Second    coming   of    Our    Lord,  by 

Papias,  367. 
Secunda,  390, 
Selections     from      Holy    Scriptures 

bearing   on   the   Christian    life, 

by  Pelagius,  393. 
Selucian  Council,  380.  ^^ 

Senate,  Apollonius  to  the,  372. 
Seneca,  Lucius  Annseus,  chapter  on, 

365.    . 

Seneca,  epistles  of,  to  Paul,  365. 

Senses,  Melito  on  the,  369. 

Sentences  of  Evagrius,  translated  by 
Rufinus,  389. 

Sentences  of  Xystus,  translated  by 
Rufinus,  389. 

Sentiments,  fifty,  of  Evagrius,   ;^'&^. 

Sentiments,  one  hundred,  of  Evag- 
rius, 388. 

Septuagint,  362,  374. 

Sepulchre  of  our  Lord,  Maximus  on 
the,  393. 


Seraphim,  Jerome  on  the,  384. 
Serapion  of  Antioch,  chapter  on,  371. 
Serapion    of     Thmuis,    chapter    on, 

380. 
Serapis,    overthrow    of,    Sophronius 

on  the,  384. 
Sergius   Paulus,  converted  by  Paul, 

362. 
Servants  of  God,  why  hated  by  the 

world  (?),  Vitellius  on,  386. 
Severians  or  Encratites,  369. 
Severianus,  chapter  on,  390. 
Severus,   reign   of    mentioned,   370, 

371,  372,  373- 
Severus,    leader   of    the    Severians, 

369. 
Severus,  Sulpitius,  chapter  on,  389. 
Severus,   epistles   to,  by    Firmianus, 

378. 

Servus  Dei,  chapter  on,  400. 

Sextus,  chapter  on,  373. 

Schism,  Irenaeus  on,  370. 

Scythopolis,  380. 

Sicca,  378. 

Sicily,  378. 

Side,  379. 

Sidonms,  chapter  on,  401. 

Simon  the  Jew  and  Theophilus  the 
Christian,  discussion  between, 
Evagrius  (another)  on,  394. 

Simon  Magus,  361. 

Simplicianus,  chapter  on,  392. 

Sirmium,  church  at,  381. 

Six  days  of  creation,  Appion  on  the, 
373;  Basil  on  the,  382;  Candi- 
duson,  372;  Hippolytus  on  the, 
375;  Prudentius  on  the,  388; 
Rhodo  on  the,  371. 

Slaughter  of  the  Saints,  Cassianus 
on  the,  396. 

Smyrna,  366,  367,  372. 

Smyrneans,  Ignatius  to  the,  366. 

Solomon,  Proverbs  of,  Theophilus 
on,  369. 

Song  of  Songs,  Hilary  on  the,  380; 
Hippolytus  on  the,  375;  Metho- 
dius on  the,  378;  Reticius  on 
the,  378;  Triphylius  on,  379; 
Victorinus  on  the,  377;  Jerome 
on  the,  384. 

Sophronius,  chapter  on,  384. 

Soter,  bishop  of  Rome,  369. 

Sotion,  the  Stoic,  365. 

Soul,  Eustathius  on  the,  379;  Justin 
M.  on  the,  368. 

Soul  and  body,  Melito  on  the,  369. 

Soul  and  its  properties,  Pomerius  on 
the,  402. 

Sovereignty  of  God,  Justin  M.  on 
the,  368. 

Spiritual  conflict,  Prudentius  on,  t^^S. 

Stephen  the  Protomartyr,  362;  re- 
mains of,  393,  394. 

Strido,  384. 

Stromata,  of  Clemens  of  Alexandria, 

371- 
Susanna,  question  of,  Julianus  Africa- 

nus  on  the,  375. 
Syagrius,  chapter  on,  396. 
Symmachus,  391 ;  Prudentius  against, 

386. 
Symmachus,   Translation   of    O    T., 

374- 


590 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS. 


Synagogue,  downfall  of,  Cyril  on  the, 

395- 
Synodical  letter  of  Theophilus  of  C, 
372;    Polycrates  against  Victor, 

372. 
Synodites,  388. 
Syrus,  Abbot,  Pachomius  to  the,  387. 

Tabernacle  and  the  Decalogue,  Philo 

on  the,  365. 
Tabernacle,     construction     of    the, 

James   of   Nisibis   on   the,  386. 
Tactius,  reign  of  mentioned,  377. 
Tanais,  393. 

Tarsus,  362;   church  at,  382. 
Tatian,  chapter  on,  369;   teacher  of 

Rhodo,  370,  371;  work  against 

the  Nations,  371. 
Teaching  of  the  Twelve,  361  (note). 
Telesphorus,  Dionysius  of  A.  to,  377. 
Temptation,  Dionysius  of  A.,  377. 
Tertullian,  388;     chapter   on,    373; 

ascribes  Hebrews  to  Barnabas, 

363;     in  behalf  of    Montanus, 

369;    on  authorship  of  Acts  of 

Paul   and  Thecla,  363;    on  the 

hope  of  the  faithful,  367 ;  on  the 

Trinity,  377. 
Thanks  after  meat,  Maximus  on,  393. 
That   no    one   is  injured   except  by 

himself,  by  Chrysostom,  391. 
Theoctistus  of  Caesarea  ordains  Ori- 

gen,  3n- 
Theodoretus,  chapter  on,  400. 
Theodorus  of  Antioch,  chapter    on, 

388;  colleague  of  Oresiesis,  387. 
Theodorus  of  Heraclea,  chapter  on, 

379. 
Theodorus  or  Gregory  of  Neo  Cae- 
sarea, chapter  on,  376. 
Theodorus  successor  to  Pachomius, 

chapter  on,  387. 
Theodosian,  reign  of  mentioned,  381, 

382. 
Theodosius,  reign  of  mentioned,  359, 

381,  3S2,  384,389,394;   Pauli- 

nus  to,  394. 
Theodosius   the    younger,    reign    of 

mentioned,  390,  393,  395,  396. 
Theodotian  the  Ebonite,  Translation 

of  O.  T.,374. 
Theodotus,  chapter  on,  395. 
Theodulus,  chapter  on,  400. 
Theonas,  377. 

Theophany,  by  Eusebius,  378. 
Theophilus  of   Alexandria,    chapter 

on,  392. 
Theophilus  of  Antioch,  chapter  on, 

369. 
Theophilus  of  Caesarea,  chapter  on, 

372;  Paschal  cycle  of  (?),  400. 
Thespesius  the  rhetorician,  382. 
Thessalonians,  Paul  to  the,  363. 
Theotimus,  chapter  on,  383. 
Things  which  our  senses  desire  and 

we  detest,  Philo  on  the,  365. 
Thmuis,  378;    church  at,  380. 
Thomas,  367. 

Thraseas  of  Eumenia,  372. 
Tiberianus,  chapter  on,  383. 
Tiberias,  366. 
Tichonius,  chapter  on,  389. 
Timothean  doctrine,  399. 


Timothean  heresy,  386. 
Timotheans,  401 ;  Samuel  against  the, 

399- 
Timotheus  of  Alexandria,  chapter  on, 

397- 
Timotheus   the   bishop,   chapter  on, 

395- 
Timothy,  Paul  to,  363. 

Timothy  (?),  Dionysius  to,  377. 

Titus,  Bishop  of  Bostra,  chapter  on, 

381. 
Titus  (disciple),  Paul  to,  363;  Jerome 

on  Epistle  to,  384. 
Titus,  the  Emperor,  366;   Siege  of, 

362. 
Tomi,  383. 

Topics  of  Eusebius,  378. 
Trajan,  reign  of  mentioned,  365,  367; 

persecution  of,  366. 
Trajanapolis,  379. 
Trallians,  Ignatius  to  the,  366. 
Tranquillus,  Sectonius,  359. 
Transgression,  order  of,  Dionysius  of 

A.  on  the,  377. 
Treatises  of  Gelasius. 
Treatises  of  Peter  of  Edessa,  398. 
Treatises  of  Irenaeus,  370. 
Treves,  383. 

Trial,  by  Acilius  Severus,  382. 
Trinity,    Augustine     on    the,    392; 

Isaac  on  the,  391 ;  Noviatianus 

on  the,  377;   Pelagius  on  belief 

in  the,  393. 
Triphylius,  chapter  on,  379. 
Trocheum,  by  Prudentius,  388. 
Truth,  Apollinaris  on,  369;    Melito 

on,  369. 
Trypho,  368;  chapter  on,  374. 
Turin,  church  at,  393. 
Turris  Stratonis  or  Caesarea,  372. 
Twelve  prophets,  Origen  on  the,  377. 
Tyre,  374;   church  at,  378. 

Ursacius,   Athanasius  against,    379; 

Hilary  against,  380. 
Ursinus,  chapter  on,  391. 

Valens,  reign  of  mentioned,  379,  380, 
381,382. 

Valens  and  Ursacius,  Hilary  against, 
380;  Athanasius  against,  379. 

Valentinianus  I,,  reign  of  mentioned, 
380,  381,  382;  expels  Photinus, 
381;    Photinus  to,  381. 

Valentinianus  II.,  389. 

Valentinianus  III.,  reign  of  men- 
tioned, 393,  394,  395,  396,  397, 

399. 
Valentinus,    367,    390,   391;   teacher 
and    opponent   of    Bardesanes, 

370- 
Valerianus,  396;  reign  of  mentioned, 

376,  379. 
Vandals,  399,  401. 
Varro,  359;  Jerome  against,  374. 
Venerius,  398. 

Ventriloquism,  Eustathius  on,  379. 
Veranius,  396. 
Vercelli,  church  at,  380. 
Verus,    Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus, 

reign  of  mentioned,   369,  370; 

Melito  to,    368;   Justin  to,  368. 

See,  also,  Aurelius  Antoninus. 


Vespasian,  366. 

Vicennalia  of  ("onstantine,  400. 

Vices  and  virtues,  Pomerius  on,  402. 

Victims  and  promises  or  curses,  Philo 
on,  365. 

Victor  of  Cartenna,  chapter  on,  398. 

Victor  of  Rome,  373;  chapter  on, 
370;  Irenaeus  to,  370;  Poly- 
crates to,  372. 

Victorinus  the  African,  chapter  on, 
381. 

Victorinus  of  Marseilles,  chapter  on, 

395- 
Victorinus  of  Pettau,  chapter  on,  377; 

follows  Papias,  367. 
Victorius,  chapter  on,  400. 
Victory   over    tyrants,    Paulinus   on, 

394- 

Vienne,  church  at,  397,  399. 

Vigilantius,  chapter  on,  392. 

Vigihus,  chapter  on,  392. 

Vigilius  the  deacon,  chapter  on,  394. 

Vincentius  the  Gaul,  chapter  on,  396. 

Vincentius  the  presbyter,  chapter  on, 
398. 

Virginity,  Basil  on,  379;  Athanasius 
on,  379;  excellence  of,  Salvia- 
nus  on  the,  397;  Fastidius  on, 
395  ;  Heliodorus  on,  391  ;  James 
of  Nisibis  on,  386;  maintaining 
of,  by  Jerome,  384 ;  Sophronius 
on,  384. 

Virginity  and  contempt  for  the  world, 
Paul  the  presbyter  on,  398. 

Virtues,  the  three,  Philo  on,  365. 

Vitellius,  chapter  on,  386. 

Vocations  to  the  service  of  God, 
Cassianus  on,  396. 

Voconius,  chapter  on,  398. 

Volusianus,  reign  of  mentioned,  374, 
376. 

Warfare  of  the  flesh  against  the 
spirit  and  the  spirit  against  the 
flesh,  Cassianus  on  the,  396. 

What  rich  man  is  saved  ?,  by  Clemens 
of  Alexandria,  371.         ' 

Whether  to  define  or  not  to  define, 
Cassianus  on,  396. 

Why  in  Scripture  the  names  of  many 
persons  are  changed,  Philo  on, 
365. 

Words  of  our  Lord,  Papias'  exposi- 
tion of  the,  367. 

Work  of  God  or  the  creation  of 
man,  Firmianus  on  the,  378. 

Worth  of  the  soul,  James  of  Nisibis 
on  the,  386. 

Wrath   of  God,   Firmianus   on   the, 

378. 

Xystus,  395;  Dionysius  of  A.  to, 
376. 

Zeal,  Novatianus  on,  377. 
Zebedee,  364. 
Zebennus,  Bishop,  376. 
Zechariah,  Didymus  on,   381;    Hip- 
poly  tus  on,  375. 
Zeno,  reign  of  mentioned,  401. 
Zephaniah,  Jerome  on,  384. 
Zephyrinus,  373,  374. 
Zosimus,  Pope,  393. 


LIFE   AND   WORKS   OF   RUFINUS. 


INDEX   OF  SUBJECTS. 


y^sculapius,  458. 
Alaric,  409,  410. 
Albina,  407. 
Alexandria,  430,  502. 
Ambrose,  484. 

Defamed  by  Jerome,  470, 
480. 
Anastasius,  407  n.,  409,  487,  513. 

Letter  to  John  of  Jeru- 
salem, 432,  509,  529, 

.537- 
Opinions     on      Origen, 

433- 

Rufinus'     Apology     to, 
410,  430,  501. 

Rufinus  on,  433, 
Anthropomorphism,  443,  531. 
Apocrypha,  558. 
ApoUinarius,  426. 
Apostles'  Creed,  541-63. 
Apronianus,  407,  480,  564,  566. 
Aquila,  467,  517. 
Aquileia,  405,  409,  431,  432,  502. 
— —     Creed  of,  437,  541. 
Ariminum,  Council  of,  410,  512. 
Aristotle,  452. 
Arius,  558. 
Aterbius,  407,  435. 
Augustin,  409. 

Bacurius,  406. 

Earabbas,    or     Baranina,     Jerome's 

Jewish  teacher,  466,  476,  489. 
Barcochebas,  535. 
Basil,  412, 

Belief,  Nature  of,  543,  557. 
Bibliography     of     Rufinus'     Works, 

413- 
Body,  The,  a  prison,  456. 
Bonosus,  405. 
Bribing  of  Rufinus'  Secretary,  520. 

Canon  of  Scripture,  557-8. 

Cerealis,  418. 

Christ,  Meaning  of,  545;  Birth  of, 
546-8. 

Chromatius,  407,  409,  411,  430,  514. 

Chronicle  of  Jerome,  407. 

Chrysogonus,  500. 

Church,  opposed  to  heretical  assem- 
blies, 558. 

Clement  of  Alexandria,  423,  510. 

Clement  of  Rome,  409,  412,  417, 
422-3. 

Recognitions  of,   409,   412, 

422,  510,  563. 

Commentator,  Duty  of,  490,  567-8. 

Concordia,  405,  406. 

Controversy  may  be  friendly,  520, 
523-4,  539-40. 


Creation,  546. 

Creed,  The,  556. 

Cross,  'J'he,  a  triumph,  549. 

Cyprian,  425,  512. 

Cyril,  406. 

Damasus,  426. 

Daniel,  Jerome's  views  of,  516-7. 

Demetrias,  413. 

Devil,     Question    of    salvability    of, 

431,  442,454.  503- 
Snared    by    Christ's    death, 

550. 
Didymus,   458,  466,  471,  486,    510, 

533- 
Dionysius,  423,  510. 
Donatus,  568. 

Ebion,  558. 

Ecclesiastical    History    by    Rufinus, 

410,  465. 
Edena,  406. 
Epiphanius,  406,  407,    426   n.,  434, 

442,  514,  522,  534,  535. 
Eugenia,  413. 
Eusebius  of  Aquileia,  436. 
Eusebius  of  Ccesarea,  409,  411,  412, 

488,  565. 
Eusebius  of  Cremona,  407,  444,  445, 

487,  515,  521,  532- 
Fustochium,  Jerome's  letter  to,  462, 

465- 
Evagrius  Ponticus,  412. 

Fabiola,  407. 
Fall  of  men,  448. 

the  world,  448. 

Fontanini    on    Life    and    Works    of 

Rufinus,  412. 
Forgiveness,    ridiculed     by    Pagans, 

559- 
Frumentius,  406. 

Gaudentius,  409. 
Gelasius,  410. 
Gennadius,  410,  412,  413. 
God,   as   Father,    543-4;   Unity   of, 
544;    Invisible    and    Impassible, 

545- 
Greek,  Knowledge  of,  417,  522,  532, 

537- 
Gregory  Nazianzen,  412,  458. 

Hebrew  Scriptures  quoted  by  Christ, 

517- 
HeracHus,  566-7. 
Hexapla  of  Origen,  477. 
Hilary,  405,  425,  475,  512. 
Homilies  of  Origen,  411,  412. 
Homoousion,  422. 

(591) 


Huillus,  490. 
Hylas,  405. 

Incarnation,  its  consequences,  555. 

James,  the  Lord's  brother,  564. 
Jerome,  405,  406. 

Anti-Ciceronian  Dream,  462, 

498. 
Apology      against     Rufinus, 
408,  410,  411,412,  482- 

541. 
Commentary    on    Ephesians, 

446-458,  493-8- 
Defamation     of     Christians, 

462-498. 
Departure    from     Rome    for 

the  East,  530. 
Friendly   letter   to    Rufinus, 

489. 
Prefaces  to  the  Vulgate,  515. 
Reading    profane    literature, 

464-5,  489,  498. 
Relations  with   Origen,  434, 

445,  450,  467-470,  533- 
Story  of,  426,  513. 

Supposed    letter    to    African 

Bishops,  515,  532. 

Translation    of    Old    Test., 

475- 
Translator    of    Origen,    427, 
428,  525,  536. 
Jesus,  Meaning  of,  545. 
John    of  Jerusalem,    406,    407,   421, 

.431,  432. 
Jovinian,  464,  478. 
Jovinus,  436. 
Josephus,  413. 
Judas,  Prophecies  of,  551. 

Lactantius,  431. 
Laurentius,  542. 
Letters,  composition  and  carriage  of, 

515,  520,  524,  532,  537. 
Lightfoot  on  Eusebius,  411. 
Logical  puzzles,  498-9. 

Macarius,    407,    411,  420,  421,  427, 

434,  439,  444- 
Manichcxus,  558. 
Marcella,  409,  430,  444. 
Marcion,  424,  425,  485,  558. 
Melania,  405,  406,  407,  471. 
Middle  Ages,  412. 
Migne's  Patrologia,  413. 
Milan,  Rufinus  at,  444. 
Minerva's  Birth,  547. 
Monks,  Rufinus'  History  of,  411. 
Morbus  regius,  466. 


592 


RUFINUS. 


Origen,  405,  407,  408,  418,  433,  5CX). 
Condemned  by  the  Emperors, 

433-  . 
Corruption     of    his    works, 

410,  421,  510. 
His     opinions     summarized, 

508. 
Letter  to  his  friends,  423. 
Number   of  his   works,  427, 

514- 
Praised  by  Jerome,  460-9. 

Story  of,  468. 

Translated   by  Jerome,  427, 

428. 
Translated  by  Rufinus,  405, 

409,   411,   412,   427,  429, 

434- 

Palladius,  406,  409,  411. 
Pammachius,   407,    430,    434,    476, 

480,  485. 
Pamphilus,  407,  410,  411,  420,  421, 

434,  439,  473,   487,   5^9,  5H, 

525- 
Patriarchs,    Benedictions     on,    410, 

417-420. 
Paula,  465. 
Paul,  Bishop,  527-28. 
Paulinus  of  Nola,  407,  409,  410,  417. 
Paulinian,  493,  532. 
Paulinus  of  Antioch,  426  n. 
Hepl  'Apx(^v,  Translated  by  Rufinus, 

407, 41 1,  420, 427,  429, 441,  474, 

484,  489,  506,   509,  524,  525-6, 

^536,  537- 
Uspl   'Apx<^v,  translated  by  Jerome, 

486. 
Perjury   said    to    be   sanctioned    by 

Origenism,  460,  492. 


Peroration  on  Ep.  to  Romans,  411. 

Petronius,  409,  411. 

Phoenix,  The,  547. 

Pinetum,  407,  411,  419,  421,  427. 

Pinianus,  409,  568. 

Porphyry,  452,  464,  467,   517. 

Pre-Arian  opinions,  511. 

Prefaces  by  Rufinus,  411,  563-8. 

Proba,  413. 

Proverbs,  quotations  from,  540-1. 

Publication  of  Rufinus'  Works,  521- 

2,  529,  536. 
Publicola,  407,  409. 
Pythagoras,  537-9- 

Reconciliation   of  Jerome   and    Ru- 
finus, 434,  483-4,  535- 
Restoration,  Universal,  452-458,496. 
Resurrection  of  the  body,  421,  431, 
437-439,   440,    442,   447,    503, 
527,  559-62. 

of  Christ,  554. 
Rufinus,  Birth  and  personal  history, 
405-10,  500,  502,  532. 
Confession  of  his  faith,  421, 

430,  436,  502. 

Connexion  with  the  Her- 
mits, 466. 

Controversy  with  Jerome, 
408,  410,  420,  434. 

His  letters,  413. 

His  parents,  502. 

His  works  described,  410- 

413- 

Threatens  to  destroy  Je- 
rome, 519,  539. 

Translated     parts     of    the 
LXX,  536. 
Rufinus  the  Syrian,  532. 


Sabellius,  423, 

Schoenemann,  413. 

Septuagint,  Jerome's  relation  10,475, 

517,532. 
Story  of,  475. 
Seraphim,  Vision  of,  472,  481,  545. 
Simplicianus,  407. 
Siricius,  407,  529. 
Socrates,  405. 
Souls,  origin  of,  431,  450,  503-506, 

533- 
Fall  of,  449,  494. 
Sozomen,  405. 

Symbolum,  used  for  Creed,  542. 
Symmachus,  493,  517. 

TertuUian,  425,  431,  534. 
Theodotion,  517. 

Theophilus,  406,  407,  487,  513,  527. 
Tomes  of  Origen,  428. 
Translation,    Method    of,    408,   428, 
486,  506,  534. 

Ursacius,  568. 
Urseius,  407. 

Valentinus,  443,  512,  558. 
Valerian  of  Aquileia,  436. 
Vallarsi,  413. 
Venerius,  409,  433,  5H- 
Victorinus,  475,  484. 
Vigilantius,  407,  445,  446,  528. 
Vincentius,  532. 
Vision  and  knowledge,  443. 

Water  and  blood.  Meaning  of,  552. 

Xenium,  552. 

Xystus,  Sentences  of,  412,  564. 


LIFE   AND   WORKS   OF   RUFINUS. 


INDEX   OF   TEXTS. 


Geji.  i.  27     . 
iii.  I     . 
Ibid.,  17,  18 
viii.  21 
xlix.  9 
Ibid.,  1 1 
Deut.  iv.  24 
xvii.  6 
xxviii.  66 
xxxii.  6 
Ibid.,  8 
Ibid.,  32 
Ibid.,  35 
Job  xii.  24    . 

xiv.  7-10;    14 

XXV.  5     .     . 

xxvi.  26,  27 

xxxi.  26,  28 

xli.  I       .     . 

Ibid.,  9-12 
Ps.  iii.  5  .      . 

xii.  5      . 

XV.  5 

xvi.  10    . 

xviii.  9    . 

Ibid.,  10 

Ibid.,  II 

xix.  2 

Ibid.,  12,  I 

xxii.  15  . 

Ibid.,   18 

Ibid.,  27 

xxiv.  3     . 

Ibid.,  7  . 

xxvi.  5    . 

xxvii.  3,  4 

XXX.  3 

Ibid ,  9  . 

xxxi.  5    . 

XXXV.  15 

xxxviii.  13, 

xxxix.  I,  2 

xli.  9 

xlii.  9,  10 

xlv.  10    . 

xlviii.  5  . 

1.18.     . 

Ibid.,  20 

Iv.  21      . 

Ivii.  4     . 

Iviii.  3-8,  10, 

Ixiv.  8     . 

Ixviii.  18 

Ibid,,  23 

Ixix,  2,  21 

Ixxi.  10  . 

Ixxiv.    14 

Ixxvii.  7 

Ixxx.  13 


447 
495 
552 
455 
553 
418 

504 
515 
552 
553 
549 

553 
500 

552 
561 

455 
561 

493 
5H 

504 

554 

555 
500 

554 
461 

554 
461 
461 
504 

553 

553 

455 
500 

555 
558 
485 

554 
553 
553 
551 
500.  552 
500 

551 
504 
465 

555 
508 

500 

551 
435 
541 
485 

555 
483 
553 
554 

550 

568 

515 


Ps.  Ixxxviii.  4,  5 
Ixxxix.  2 
xc. 

Ibid.,  I,  2 
xciii.  2    . 
civ.  52    . 
ex.  I 
cxii.  5     . 
cxix.  46  . 
Ibid.,  67 
Ibid.,  73 
cxx.  3,  4 
Ibid.,  5 
cxli.  3,  4 
cxliii.  2  . 
Prov.  iii.  29,  30 
iv.  24 
vi.  iS. 
x.  14,  1 3 


i5» 


PAGE 

554 

555 
490 

449 
555 
535 
555 
556 
471 
9,494 
455 
504 
448,  494 
500 

494 
540 
540 
540 
540 
16, 

22  ....  540 
xiii.  3,  16  .  .  540 
xiv.  3  .  ...  519 
Ibid.,  6,   14,  16, 

29,  31  .  .  .  540 
XV.  2,  18  .  .  .  540 
xvi,  5,  17,  18, 

30  ...  .  540 
xviii.  2  .  .  .  519 
Ibid.,  4  .  .516,517 
Ibid.,  6,  7  .  .  540 
xix.  I  .  .  .  .  540 
XX.  3,  13,  17  •  540 
xxi.  6  .  .  .  .  540 
xxiii.  9  .  .  .  540 
XXV,  18  .  .  .  541 
xxvi.  2,  4,  5,  19 

21,  24,  25.  .  541 
xxvii.  3,  4,  14  .  541 
xxviii.  25,  26  .  541 
xxix.  II.  .  .  541 
XXX.  14  .  .  .  541 
Eccles.  X.  4  .  .  .  .  504 
The  Song  of  Solomon 

i.  4  •     .     •     •      427,  467 


m.  1,4      . 
Ibid.,  ii,    . 
V.  I  .      .      . 
vi.  9 
Isa.  iii.  9,  14 

V.  1,4,  7 
Ibid.,  20 
vi.  .  . 
vii.  9 
Ibid,  14 
X.  22,  23 

xi.  I 
XXV.  6    . 
xxvi.  19 


555 
552 
553 
558 
551 
552 
528 
472 

543 
547 
542 
516 

551 

560 


Isa.  xxvii.  11     .     .     .  555 

xxix.  I  .     .     .      .  490 

xxxii.  5       ...  519 

xlvi.  24      .     .     .  490 

xlvii.  14,  15    .     .  504 

1-6 551 

Hi.  15    •     •     •     •  551 

liii.  I     ....  551 

Ibid.,  7,8  .       506,552 

Ibid.,  9      .     .      .  553 

Ivii.  I    ....  553 

Ibid.,  4      .     .     .  552 

Ibid,  21     ...  553 

Iviii.  II      .     .     .  517 

Ixi.  I      ....  545 

Ixiii.  1-3    ..     .  553 

Ixiv.  4   .     .     .     .  516 

Ixv.  2     .     .     .     .  549 

Jer.  i.  II,  13      .     ;     .  470 

iv.  22     .     .     .     .  511 

xi.  19     .     .     .     .  552 

xii.  7,  8      ...  552 

XV.  10    .     .     .     .  515 

xviii.  4  ....  554 

li.  26      ....  504 

Lam.  iii.  53        •     •     •  553 

iv.  20       ...  551 

Ezek.  xiii,  4       .     .     .  523 

xxix.  4,  5     .     .  550 

XXX.  9      ...  549 

xxxvii.    12     .     .  5^^ 

xliv.  2      ...  547 

Dan.  vii.  13,  14     .     .  556 

ix.  23  .     .       420,  515 

X.  1 1    .     .      420,  509 

xii.  2  .      .       560,  562 

Ibid.,  10 .     .     .  543 

Hos.  vi.  2     .     .     .     .  555 

X.  6     ...     .  552. 

xi.  I     .     .     .     .  516 

Amos  viii.  9      .      .     .  553 

Micah  vii.  5       ,     .     .  511 

Zech.  iii.  2    .     .     .     .  512 

vi.  12       ...  457 

xi.  12,  13     .     .  550 

xii.   10     .     .     .  516 

xiv.  6,  7  .     .     .  553 

Wisdom  i.  4,  5      .      .  492 

Baruch  iii.  35-37  .     .  545 

Matt.  i.  21    .     .     .     .  547 

ii,  15,  23      .     .  516 

iii.  13       .     .     .  556 

V.  8    ....  443 

Ibid.,  II,  12     .  435 
Ibid.,     14,     33, 

34  ....  461 

vii.  1,2.     .     .  464 

Ibid.,  16       .     .  461 

Ibid.,  17       .     .  515 


Matt.  Ibid.,  20 
X.  25  . 
Ibid.,  28 
xi.  19 . 
Ibid.,  27 
xii.  37 
xiii.  25 
Ibid.,  33 
Ibid.,  43 
Ibid.,  47 
xiv.  16 
Ibid.,  31 
XV.   19 
xvii.   5 
xviii.  7 
xxii.  29,  30 
Ibid.,  xxii 
xxiii.  37 
xxiv.  15 
Ibid.,     2 

27  . 
XXV.  32 
xxvi.  49 
Ibid.,  63 
Ibid.,  64 
xxvii.  3-5 
Ibid,  52,  5, 
xxviii.   19 

Mark  ix.  42 

xii.   26,  27 
XV.  37      . 

Luke  i.  31,  34,  35 
Jbid.,  44 
iv.  18       . 
vi.  44  . 
Ibid  ,  45 
vii.  20     . 
X.  19  .     . 
xii.  49 
xvi.  8       . 
xvii.  5,  6 
xxii.  48    . 
Ibid.,  69 
xxiii.  6,    7, 
21   . 

John  i.  16     . 
Ibid.,  18 
Ibid.,  30 
ii.  19    . 

V.  43    • 
vi.  9     . 
vii.  12 
Ibid.,  24 
Ibid.,  3S 

.552 
viii.  9  . 
Ibid.,  1 1  ? 
X.  30    . 
xi.  16  .     . 


43( 


PAGE 
461 

435 
556 
435 
6,  443 
420 

515 

546 
562 

546 

565 
502 

504 
544 
519 

498,  560 

43-45»  556 
497 
556 


24, 


1",  I 


557 
557 
551 
552 
556 
551 
554 
559 
519 
560 

553 
547 
472 

545 
461 

5,519 

553 

549 

504 

495 
502 

551 
556 


12. 


552 
457 
443 
457 
531 
556 
565 

435 

480 

516,517 

•  459 

•  447 
.  544 
.  471 


(593) 


594 


RUFINUS. 


PAGE 

John  xii.  32 .  .  .  .  554 

xiii  27 .  .  .  .  504 

xiv.  6  .  .  .  .  464 

Ibid,^     ...  544 

XV.  25 .   .  .  .  480 

xvi.  28   .  .  .  544 

xvii.  6  .  .  .  .  506 

Ibid.,  21  .  .  .  457 

xviii.  23  .  .  .  519 

Ibid.,  40  .  .  .  466 

xix.  34   ...  552 

ibid.^zi'   •   •  516 

XX.  13   .  .  .  555 

Acts  X.  38  ....  545 

xix.  9  ....  483 

xxvi.  24  .  .  .  491 

Rom.  i.  8  .  .  .  .  454 

ii.  I  .  ,  .  .  446 

Ibid.,   15,  16  .  557 

Ibid.,   17-24  .  464 

Ibid.,  21   .  .  471 

vi.  9  .  .  .  .  561 

vii.  14  .  .  .  549 

Ibid.,  24  .  449,  455, 

494,  496 

viii.  9   ...  457 

Ibid.,  22   .  .  456 

ix.  21   ...  450 

Ibid.,  28   .  .  542 

X.  10  .  .  ,  .  420 

xii.  19,  20  .  .  519 

xiv.  4   ...  439 

Ibid.,  23   .  .  463 

x"  21  .  .  .  551 


1  Cor.  i.  18,  23,  24  .  550 

ii.  4  .  .  .  .  491 

Ibid.,  6  .   .  .  461 

Ibid.,  9  ,   .   .  516 

Ibid.,  10  .  .  436 
vi.  9   .  .  499,  512 

Ibid.,  10   .  .  423 

viii.  2   ...  457 

Ibid.,  6  .  .  .  546 

ix.  16   .  .  .  426 

xi.  3  .   .  .  .  506 

Ibid.,   16   .  .  427 

xii.  13  .  .  .  425 

Ibid.,,  2^     .     .  516 

xiii.  12  .  .  .  457 

xiv.  32  ...  423 
XV.  13,  14;  20- 

24  ...  .  561 

Ibid.,  20,  23  .  437 

Ibid.,   25  .  .  455 

Ibid.,   32  .  .  502 

Ibid.,   36-38  .  560 

Ibid.,  42-44.    .  437 

Ibid.,  44  .  .  562 
Ibid.,  50  .438, 440 
Il>id.,   51,  52, 

53-  •  •  •  561 

2  Cor.  V.  10   ...  557 

xi.  2  .  .  .  .  466 

Ibid.,  6    .   .  470 

Gal.  ii.  2   ....  520 

iii.  27,  28  .  .  .  498 

iv.  23  .  .  .  .  554 

V.  10  ...  .  445 


Gal.  Ibid.,   15 
vi.  I 

Ibid.,   16 
Ibid.,   17 

Eph.  i.  4 

Ibid.,  12 
Ibid.,  17 
Ibia.,  18 
Ibid.,  19,  20 
Ibid.,  20,  21 
Ibid.,  22 
ii.  3  . 
Ibid.,  6 
Ibid.,  7 
Ibid.,  17 
iii.  I  . 
Ibid.,  18 
iv.  3  . 
Ibid.,  II 
Ibid.,  13 
Ibid.,  16 
Ibid.,  25 
V.  28,  29 
vi.  20  . 

Phil.  i.  18  . 
Ibid.,   23 
ii.  3  . 
Ibid.,  5 
Ibid.,  6,  7 
//^z^.,  8  . 

/^Z<2^.,  10,  II 


PAGE 

.  499 

•  477 
421,440 

•  502 
.  494 

•  451 

•  455 
.  548 

.  556 
454.  495 
434,  455 

•  455 
554»  562 
453»  495 

•  455 
496,  502 

.  548 

•  457 
.  516 

•  457 
457,  496 
461,  492 

447,  497 

•  457 

•  453 
449,  494 

.  471 

•  549 
.  508 

549,  550 
•  452, 


455,  549,  555 
iii.  21   .  437,  455, 

562 


Col.  i.  15  . 
Ibid.,  16 
Ibid,  18 
Ibid.,  20 
ii.  14,  15 
iii.  21  . 

1  Thess.  v.  21,  22 

iv.  13-17 

2  Thess.  ii.  1-3 

Ibid.,  3,  4, 
Ibid.,  1 1 ,  I 

1  Tim.  i.4  ,  . 

Ibid. ,  1 7 
Ibid.,  20 
iv.  13 
vi.  8  . 

2  Tim,  iii.  16 

iv.  7,  1 7 
Philem.  23 
Heb.  i.  2 

ii.  10 

iv.  8 

xi.  10 

Ibid.,  39,  40 

xii.  29 

xiii.  20 
James  iii.  2  . 
I  Pet.  iii.  10-20 
Ibid.,  22 
Jude  8  .  .  . 

9  .  .  . 
Rev.  i.  5   .  . 

ix.  7,  17  . 


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476 
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502 

457 
545 
554 
545 
543 
456 
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554 
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