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Full text of "Semitic studies in memory of Rev. Dr. Alexander Kohut"

HANDBOUND 

AT THE 



UNIVERSITY OF 
TORONTO 













TIMES 




Gteorge Al 







prtlmnm 



SEMITIC STUDIES 



IN MEMORY 



of 



REV, DR, ALEXANDER KOHUT 



Edited By 



George Alexander Kohut 



With Portrait and Memoir 







palmam <jui mcruit feral . 



BERLIN 
S. CALVARY & CO. 

1897. 




8M 
^ 
Kb 



To 
MY FATHER, TEACHER, AND FRIEND, 

who so lovingly guided me in life, 

and whose presence, far from being removed by death, 

still continues to lend me hope and inspiration 

to walk in the paths of righteousness, which he, 

like Samuel the Prophet, trod just fifty-two years; 

To him, whose delight was in the Law of the Lord 

therein to meditate by day and by night, without hindrance or restraint 

until the final Sabbath brought him eternal peace; 

Whose pure and priestly lips were touched to eloquence 

by the live coal of truth taken from the altar of God, 

in Whose service before the Shrine lie first received 

the summons to eternity; 

To my Father, 

whose whole life was gentle, whose heart was ever childlike, 

whose soul was ever great and lofty, 
upon whose brow was plainly writ the autograph of God, 

I inscribe these pages, 

precious greetings from many minds and many climes - 
in filial love and piety 

George Alexander Koliut. 



And the teachers that be wise shall shine as the brightness of 
the firmament; and they that turn many to righteousness as the stars 
for ever and ever. 

Daniel, XII, 3. 



The law of truth was in his mouth, and unrighteousness was not 
found in his lips: he walked with me in peace and uprightness, and 
did turn many away from iniquity. 

Malachi, II, 6. 



Rabbi Simeon said, There are three crowns: the crown of Torah, 
the crown of Priesthood, and the crown of Kingdom; but the crown of 
a good name excelleth them all. 

Pirke Aboth, IV, 17. 



EDITOR S PREFACE. 



"Erect no memorials to the righteous", wrote our sages 
of old, "for their works (words) are their monuments!" 

The memory of the righteous scholar, Alexander 
Kohut, who toiled witli almost superhuman energy from 
youth to manhood, aye, even at the brink of his early 
grave, in the workshop of science, need not have been per 
petuated by a monument as stately as this , which the 
greatest sculptors of thought have so ungrudgingly set in his 
honor. For he himself has placed his monument in all the 
great libraries of the world - - acre perennins. 

This gathering of noted bookmen must, therefore, not be 
regarded in the light of an apotheosis, though the united 
homage of such high-priests of intellect sheds a peculiar 
luster upon his name. He who exalts another, said the 
Rabbis, is himself exalted. Thus, indeed, the halo of dignity 
rests wholly upon them, whose scholarly sympathies are here 
crystallized into thoughts that make them all kindred with 
him, who has struggled and searched after truth, and in 
searching, died for it. This work is a monument of their 
learning and integrity ! 

The idea of compiling a memorial volume was not con 
ceived by me. I deemed it my duty to interpolate my per 
sonality only after the plan, as set forth by two of England s 
greatest scholars had matured. The task of editorship was 
too irksome to be entrusted to any one of the noted con 
tributors, and as my studies led me to Berlin, where the 
work was to be printed, it was but natural that I should 
assume a burden that was both sweet and sad for me. 



VI 

The first impetus came from Professor 8. Schechter, 
M. A., the learned Reader in Rabbinics at the University of 
Cambridge. He it was who, some months after the decease 
of my lamented father, suggested the propriety of publishing 
such a collection, and acting upon his friendly advice, I in 
vited the cooperation of several eminent scholars, among 
them the Nestor of Indo-Germanic studies, Professor F.Max 
Mil Her, of Oxford, who, I had hoped, would consent to 
write the Introduction to the book. His prompt and kindly 
offer to contribute an article, and his ready advice in matters 
pertaining to the literary remains of my sainted father are 
evidences not only of his unique greatness in science, but 
also of his warm and generous heart as we have learned to 
know it from his Doutsche Liebc and from the delightful 
recollections now publishing (in Cosmopolis, 1896 97), wherein 
he unbosoms an inner nature sublime and poetic, rightly in 
herited from Germany s famous bard. I may be pardoned 
for quoting a few sentences from his letters, dated January 
1895, which encouraged me to continue the work I had 
begun : 

"I answer your letter at once , wrote he in reply to my 
circular, "so as to prevent any delay in your plans. Allow 
me to say at once that I am not allowed at present to read 
or write much, and that it would be quite impossible for me 
to undertake to write a preface to your Collection of Essays. 
I hope to be able to contribute an essay but even that must 
depend on the state of my health and the state of my eyes. 
What I can do, I shall do gladly, particularly now that I 
know that we shall have a collected edition of your learned 
father s papers" 

"I hope you will be able to go on with the literary 
labours you have undertaken in memory of your eminent 
father. I almost fear that my last letter did not reach 
you for I had explained in it that I could not under 
take to write an introduction to the volume of Essays, as I 
am not sufficiently acquainted with the numerous works that 
have issued from his pen. I am glad to see from your letter 



VII 

that you have not surrendered the idea of publishing a collec 
tion of essays contributed by various writers in honor of your 
distinguished father s memory. I saw a paragraph in a London 
paper that a collection of such essays , all exclusively on 
Semitic subjects, was in the press, and I thought in conse 
quence that you had changed your original plan. Not hearing 
from you and being pressed for other work, I put aside what 
I had meant for your volume, but I shall now take it up 
again and try to linish it as soon as possible. Only please 
to remember I cannot work at 72 as I used to work at 27 !" 
The essay contributed by the great linguist shows all 
signs of youthful health. He still writes with elastic vigor 
upon subjects which he alone knows how to vivify with the 
current of lofty thought and ingenious conjecture. I must 
add that his paper and that of Professor S teins chneide r 
- the two pioneers of original research in Aryan and Semi 
tic study - - were the first to reach me and are placed first 
in the volume, as they embrace topics of general interest. 
Professor Miiller subsequently wrote me that had he had 
more time at his disposal, he would have made his article 
far more complete. 

Of the other contributions, which are alphabetically 
arranged, little need be said, for they tell their own message. 
and tell it well. Dr. Cyrus Adlcr, in his laudable zeal for 
science, retold it elsewhere (Jewish Quarterly Eccicw, January 
1896), but that docs not make it, we trust, a twice-told tale. 
Several scholars, among them, Dr. H. Adler, Chief Rabbi of 
England, Dr. /adoc Kalin, Chief Rabbi of France, Prof. W. 
Bacher (Budapest), Dr. A. Berliner (Berlin), Salomon 
B uber (Lemberg), Prof. D. Chwolsohn (St. Petersburg), 
Canon S. R. Driver (Oxford), Prof. S. Fraenkel (Breslau), 
Dr. M. Giidemann (Vienna), Prof. Paul Horn (Strassburg), 
Prof. A. V W. Jackson (New York), Prof. D. Kaufmann 
(Budapest), Prof. E. Kautzsch (Halle), Dr. S. Maybaum 
(Berlin), Prof. F. Miihlau (Kiel), Prof. D. H. Miiller 
(Vienna), Prof. Th. Noldeke (Strassburg), Prof. F. Prae- 
torius (Halle), Prof. James Robertson (Glasgow), Prof. 



VIII 

A. H. Sayce (Oxford), Prof. B. Stade (Giessen), and Prof 
C. P. Tiele (Leyden), have attested their fullest sympathy 
with the undertaking and regretted, that owing to pressure 
of official duty they could not contribute to the work. Thus 
writes Prof. D. Chwolsohn: 

"Ich bedauere sehr Ihrem Wunsche nicht nachkommen 
zu konnen, so gerne ich auch mein Scherflein zum wohlver- 
dienten Denkmal fiir Ihren unermiidlichen, mit so glanzenden 
Erfolgen arbeitenden seligen Vater beitragen mochte. Ich 
habe zAvei sehr dringende Arbeiten vor mir, die zu einer 
bestimmten Zeit fertig sein miissen etc. etc." 

"Den vorzeitigen Hintritt Ihres Herrn Vaters", writes 
Prof. S. Fraenkel, "eines rastlosen und erfolgreichen 
Arbeiters auf weiten Gebieten orientalischer Sprach- und 
Alterthumskunde, muss Jeder mit Ihnen beklagen, und es ist 
cin schoner Gedankc, ihm in einer Sammlung wissenschaftliclier 
Abhandlungen efn Denfanal zu setzen. Wiirde mir die Mit- 
theilung friiher zugegangen sein, so hiitte ich vielleicht Ihnen 
einen kleinen Beitrag senden konnen; aber bis zu dem an- 
gegebenen Termine ist es mir anderweitiger Arbeiten wegen 
nicht moglich." 

I can not forbear to cite the sympathetic lines of Prof. 
James Robertson, of Glasgow University, whose learned 
and ingenious exposition of the Early Religion of Israel is a 
noble specimen of liberal and conservative scholarship : 

"You could not have sent me a gift more prized for 
itself", writes he, "than the Fourth Biennial Report of the 
Jewish Theological Seminary, which reached me some time 
ago. Doubly precious for the few lines from your own hand 
inscribed upon it. Alas that the Report should contain your 
lamented father s last contribution to the learning he did so 
much to advance and to adorn. I value and shall always 
treasure these gifts as memorials of one, who by his gen 
tleness and sweetness of disposition shed a peculiar charm 
upon the wondrous lore he had accumulated. You do me 
much honour in asking me to contribute a short paper to 
the memorial volume which is in contemplation. If I can 



IX 

at all carry out the intention, I should like to send something; 
and nothing I can think of could be more in keeping with 
the character of his own recent studies than some account of 
the Oriental manuscripts in the Hunterian Museum of this 
Univ&rsity. Not that the collection contains anything specially 
in his own field - for 1 do not think it does; but there is 
a miscellaneous gathering which has never been properly 
catalogued, or only catalogued in such a Avay as to mislead. 
And I have aften wished for an opportunity of making known 
among scholars what the museum actually possesses of this 
description. Unfortunately 1 am always very busy (luring- the 
winter-months, as all our teaching work is compressed into 
a winter -session; and therefore I can only provisionally 
promise this paper. But I shall make all endeavours to fulfil 
my promise, though for no other reason than for the satis 
faction of beinfj associated with those who combine to lay a 
little tribute on his tomb." 

"I should be very happy", writes Prof. C. P. Tiele, 
Holland s most distinguished scholar, "to write a paper for 
the Memorial Hook you propose to publish, to do honor to 
the memory of your deceased father. But I am so over 
burdened by official duties and literary work, and am so deep 
in debt to several Editors at home and abroad, that it is im 
possible for me to cooperate, though I sincerely wish I could 
write a few pages for your interesting collection . 
know that I would be in exellent company and I honour the 
name of your deceased father . . . who was known to me 
since long by the suggestive articles he wrote on the relations 
between Judaism and Parsism, and by other works of his 

pen But indeed, at my time of life, with a rather 

delicate health and with so much work to be done, it is im 
possible to do more. I am just suffering under the fulfilment 
of a promise inadvertently given! . Pray don t ascribe 

my negative answer to your invitation, to a want of respect 
for your father s memory, as I think very highly of his 
talents, erudition and character, and of the work he has 
done." 



X 

These letters, and many more, which lack of space 
forbids me to cite, are indeed precious testimonials of 
esteem and reverence. Such praise, according to a quaint, but 
beautiful saying of the Rabbis, causes the lips of the dead 
to move in the grave! 

It is my painful duty to record the loss of one of the 
most important contributions written especially for this 
volume by Prof. Jules Oppert, Membre tie Vlnsti- 
tut, of Paris. The Ms , covering 18 pages 8, entitled: Une 
convention commcrciale de Tepoque a" Abraham, was lost 
in transrnittance to the printers in Kirchhain N.-L. (Ger 
many) and despite a most thorough search conducted by 
the post-office authorities, it could not be located. I dare do 
no more than openly express my infinite regret over this 
unlucky circumstance and pray the distinguished veteran of 
Assyriology to consider it not his loss, but that of the scho 
larly world. In a private letter, dated February 14th 1896, 
Prof. Oppert wrote as follows: 

"Sie haben an mich die fur mich sehr schmeichelhafte 
Bitte gerichtet, zu dcm Gedenkbuch Ihres seligen Herrn 
Vaters oincn Beitrag zu liefern. Ich habe leider nicht die 
Ehrc gehabt, den Verewigten selbst personlich zu kennen, 
und habe in ihm nur den Herausgeber des Arucli Completion 
schatzen gewusst, so wie die tiefe Kenntniss, die derselbe in 
seinen Werken an den Tag gelegt. Die kindliche Pietat mit 
der Sie Ihres Vaters Gedachtniss ehren wollen, hat mich er- 
muthigt Ihrem Wunsche zu willfahren. Freilich erkenne ich 
mir nicht die Autoritat zu, um eine Introduction zu den Ab- 
handlungen zu schreiben, da die specifisch rabbinische Gelehr- 
samkeit nicht mein besonderes Fach ist, und da zu eine solche 
Leistung die Kenntnis der Personlichkeit selbst unbedingt 
geboten ist. Aber ich sende Ihnen einen ganz originalen an 
Entdeckungen reichen Artikel liber eine alte Inschrift aus dem 

22. Jahrhundert vor der christlichen Zeitrechnung 

The letter needs no commentary beyond another emphasis 
of regret that so valuable a paper, of which the noted scholar 
had no copy, should be irretrievably lost to science. 



XI 

A very learned and extensive monograph by the famous 
Arabian traveller and epigraphist, Dr. Eduard G laser, now 
sojourning in Muenchen, could not be included in this volume, 
as its publication necessitated the personal supervision of its 
author at the place of printing. It appeared separately, under 
the title: Die Abessinier in Aralien und Africa (Muenchen, 
1895). Prof. Derenbourg s article (see p. 122 5) is based 
upon an inscription discovered by Dr. Glaser, to whose 
kindness we are indebted for the facsimile. 

I feel duty bound to state in this connection that two 
valuable articles by Dr. M. ( J iidemann, Chief Kabbi of 
Vienna, and Prof. Israel Levi of Paris reached me too late 
for publication. They were subsequently devoted to an 
equally noble purpose, that of doing homage to Prof. M. 
Steinsehneider, on the occasion of his 80 th birthday (Cf. 
Festschrift [Leipzig, 1896J, pp. 1 15; Mullah I Modtch, pp. 
142-63). 

An article, forwarded to me by the venerable Kabbi Dr. 
Israel Hildesheimer, containing a few additions to the 
Sefer Hassidim was considered by Dr. A. Berliner too 
fragmentary for publication. Two further interesting contri 
butions, one by the learned librarian of Parma, Abbe Pietro 
Perreau, on the Commentary of Imman u el ben Shelorno 
to Lamentations, published in 60 autographed copies in 
1881 ), and the other, by the Kev. S. Ronbin, formerly of 
San Francisco, entitled: A compendious description of the 
Hebrew - Arabic Manuscripts in th<- Sutro Library in San 
Francisco, could not be included in this work on account 
of their extent (both circa 80 folio pages). The former, 
though worthy of ^publication, is still accessible, and the 
latter will most probably be incorporated in the author s larger 
Catalogue, which is now ready for the press. It is to be 

>; Comento sopra il volume de Trent (n=M rtae *) del Rdbbilm- 
manuel ben Salomo romano inedito ed nnico trascritto e publicato da Pietro 
Perreau. Secondo il codice cbreo-rabbinico derossiano No. 615. Parma 
1881 (autografia), edizione di UO esemplari, propriety riservata. 1 page of 
preface in Italian and 76 of Hebrew text in folio. 



XII 



hoped that he will not follow up his arguments regarding 
the Maim oni die authorship of the Midrash haggadol, 
to prove which he devotes 16 folio pages in his description 
of the 25 copies in the Sutro library. Mr. Schechter s 
edition of this Midrash is in the press and will appear shortly. 
Mr. Salomon Buber. the master of Midrashic studies, 
one of my lamented father s earliest friends, who has just 
reached his three-score years and ten of blessed activity, 
sent me early in 1895 his critical edition of Midrash Lekali- 
Tob to Lamentations, for publication in this work. Unfortunately, 
he was not aware that it has already been published as a doctor- 
dissertation in Berlin, 1895, by Nacht (Tobia ben Eliesers 
Kommentar zu Tlireni), in a manner however which leaves room 
for Buber s superior edition (cf. Steinschneider in DLZ., 
1895, p. 141617). His subsequent offer to contribute his 
critical edition of Yemen-Midrashim to the Book of Esther, 
came too late for acceptance. To him and to the above named 
scholars I herewith extend my grateful acknowledgments for 
their kindness and courtesy. 

It has been thought appropriate to give, instead of an 
extentive biography, which is reserved for another occasion, 
a brief character-sketch of the deceased, written by one who 
knew and loved him well and whose delineation is indeed 
true to life. The photograveure has been prepared from a 
portrait taken in 1890, when suffering and disease had not 
yet written lines and furrows upon his face. I should have 
been glad to compile a bibliography of his writings, a resume 
of which, with other biographical facts, is given in a little 
memorial volume published in New York 1894, mentioned 
below (p. XVIII). But such a task demands more time than 
I had at my disposal this year, and besides, the necessary 
materials for a complete list of his literary labors were not 
within immediate reach. I hope to compile this bibliography 
in the near future. 

In conclusion I beg to state that the delay caused in the 
publication of the Semitic Studies is due to the fact that 
almost aU the contributors, who live at no small distance from 



XIII 

the place of printing, received proofs (some even 2 or 3) 
of their articles. It is to be regretted that despite a careful 
revision so many texts are disfigured by typographical errors, 
besides those noted in the list appended to this work. I 
ventured here and there, as also at the end of the work, 
to add a few notes of my own for which alone I hold myself 
responsible. They are usually marked by a square bracket 
in the text and by the initials G.A.K. in the notes. 

I can not close these prefatory remarks without a word 
of thanks to Mr. Hugo Bloch, the worthy chief of the 
publishing-house of S. Calvary & Co., who spared neither 
labor nor expense to make this volume a fitting memorial 
to the name and fame of Alexander Kohut. 



Alexander Kohut, 

Berlin, January 1897. 






CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Editor s Preface V XIII 

Alexander Kohut. Ein Charakterbild von Dr. Adolph Kohut XVII -XXXV 
On Ancient Prayers (Extracts from Lectures delivered at Ox 
ford) by Prof. F. Max Mailer 1-41 

Lapidarien, ein cnlturgeschichtlicbcr Versuch von Prof. Moritz 

Steinschneider 4272 

The Cotton Grotto an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. With 

notes on ancient methods of quarrying by Dr. Cyrus 

Adler 7382 

Die Polel- Conjugation und die Polal - Participien von Prof. 

Dr. J. Earth 83-93 

A Study of the use of nS and n^S in the Old Testament 

by Prof. Charles A. Briggs, D. D 94 105 

Die Ueberschrift des Buches Amos und des Propheten Heimat 

von Prof. Dr. K. Budde 106110 

The Book of Psalms, its orgin, and its relation to Zoro- 

astrianism by Prof. T. K. Cheyne 111119 

Le dieu Rimmon sur une inscription himyarite par Prof. 

Hartwig Derenbourg 120125 

Zur Bibel und Grammatik. 1. Kimchi oder Kamchi? 2. Er- 

klarung von Amos VI, 10 von Rev. Dr. B. Felsenthal . 126138 
Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew language. Kuzri II 67 

to 80 by Rev. Dr. M. Friedlander 139-151 

Spuren der palastinisch-ju dischen Schriftdeutung und Sagen 

in der (Jebersetzung der LXX von Dr. Julius Fuerst . 152166 
The oldest version of Midrash Megillah published for the 

first time from a unique ms. of the X th century by Rev. 

Dr. M. Gaster 167178 

Quotations from the Bible in the Qoran and the Tradition 

by Prof. M. J. de Goeje . . 179185 



XV 

PAGE 

Translation of a Targum of the Amidah by Rev. Hermann 

Gollancz, M. A 186-197 

The Diction of Genesis VI IX by Prof. W. H. Green . . 198225 
Renan fiber die spateren Formen der hebraischen Sprache 

von Dr. Max Griinbaum 226 234 

Q^fcTI ~\T\yh pnjjn by S. J. Halberstam 235 236 

L enterrement de Jacob d apres la Genese par Prof. J. 

Hale>y 237-243 

cmron -on hy |iw nnjjD m b y P f - A - Harkavy . . 244247 

Notiz iiber einen dem Maimuni untergeschobenen arabischen 

Comraentar zu Esther von Dr. Hartwig Hirschfeld . . 248 253 

An analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and CI by Rev. Dr. Marcus 

Jastrow 254-263 

The Testament of Job. An Essene Midrash on the Book of 
Job reedited and translated with introductory and exe- 
getical notes by Rev. Dr. K. Kohler 264338 

Aegyptische nnd syrische Gotternamen im Talmud von Dr. 

Samuel Krauss 339353 

De la formation des racines triliteres fortes par Prof. Mayer 

Lambert 354-362 

Erklarung einer Talmudstelle von Geh. R. R, Prof. M. Lazarus 363-368 

(DTC^n Djn r^NNjj -^o 1 ? meDin) c"n *hyz n~6ir, 

by Dr. L. Lewysohn 369372 

Marginalien zu Kohut s Aruch von Dr. Imanuel Low . . . 373 375 
On the Arabic version of Aristotle s Rhetoric by Prof. D. S. 

Margoliouth . . 376-387 

Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to R. Sa adya Gaon 

by Dr. A. Neubauer 388-395 

Ueber die juedischen Colonien in Indian von Prof. Dr. 

Gustav Oppert . , 396419 

Correspondence botween the Jews of Malabar and New 

York a century ago by George Alexander Kohut . . . 420 434 
Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib" von Dr. 

Samuel Poznanski 435456 

La deuxiume ruine de Jericho par Theodore Reinach . . . 457462 
Einiges iiber die Agada in der Mechilta von Dr. L. A. 

Rosenthal 463-484 

Notes on a Hebrew Commentary to the Pentateuch in a 

Parma manuscript by Prof. S. Schechter M. A. ... 485494 
Beitrage zur Geschichte der Bibel in der arabischen Littera- 

tur von Dr. M. Schreiner , . 495-513 

Mots grecs et latins dans les livres rabbiniques par Dr. 

Moiise Schwab 514-542 

Beitrage zur Lehre von dem zusammengesetzten Satze im 

Neuhebriiischen von Prof. Dr. C. Siegfried 543556 

Charakter der Semiten von Prof. Dr. H. Steinthal . . . 557559 
(Jeber verloren gegangene Handschriften des Alten Testa 
ments von Prof. Dr. H. L. Strack . 560572 



XVI PAGE 

The eleventh chapter of the Book of Daniel by Rev. Dr. ^ ^ 

0/cSrttS 184 W Rev. a Tavlo, DD., LL. ^ 6 01 -604 
Die Hebraer in den Td-Amama-Bnefen von 1 



Winckler 610-615 

Addenda et Corrigenda 



Alexander Kolmt 

Kin Charakterbild 

von 
Dr. Adolph Kohut (Berlin). 



Gott vergiebt der Seele ihrc Leiden und heilt ihre Krank- 

lieiton, sagt der Psalmist. Noc-li jet/t, mebr als anderthalb 

Jalire naeh dem am 2;). Mai 18)4 erfolgteu Ablebeu meines 

innigstgeliebten Bruders Alexander, blutet /war mein Her/, 

und niein Gemtith ist tief ergriffen, alx-r der Allerbarmer hat 

nieine Scele ^etrostct und icli I an^v an /u gosunden, dass 

icli cs (il)rr inich bringen kann, init wenigen Strichen das 

Charakterbild drs Vci-rwi^tm xn zeiclinen. < )ft sct/tc ic-li 

inich an den Schreibtisch , inn (ibrr das \\Vscn, die I*er- 

stMilicbkcit des aeb! so friihzeitig Dalungerafften Kiniges den 

Lesern dieses Gedeiikbuches /u er/alden, alter die seelische 

Erschutterune war innner so gewaltig, dass ieli nic lil im 

Stande war, meines Aintes, des ruhigen und sacbgeniiissen 

Beurtheilers, /u walten. (Jepriesen seist du, trostbriugeude 

Zcut, vers<")bnende gottlielie Vorseliun^, dass naeh und naeli 

das Gefiild eiuer gewisstMi Entsagung an Stelle des unertrag- 

lielieu Selimer/es und der rasenden Verzweiflung ^etreten 

ist! Nun erst l)egreife ieh die Maliiiung Leopold Sehefers: 

Oeduld, die aeli^ate der Tutfenden, 

Ist nicht umsonst! Du kaufst aie nur durch Duldeu, 

Auch nicht auf einmal wie cin andrcs Gut; 

Alliniihlich wird aie doin durch Stillesein 

Und Tragen, Liel>en, Hoffen und Ver/eihon. 

Im wunderselioiien MonatMai, wenn alle Knospenspringen 

und die Natur sieli vrrjiiiigt. und ilir grfinos Feiertagskleid 



XVIII Adolph Kohut: 

anzieht, hat dieser wahrhaft grosse und edle Mensch seine 
Seele ausgehaucht; sie kehrte zu den blauen Himmelshohen 
zuruck, denen sie entstammte. Die irdische Hiille gehort der 
Verganglichkeit, der Vernichtung an, aber seine Psyche, sein 
Genius, schwang sich zum Allvater hinauf als ein gottlich 
Lebeiides, voll Friihlingsluft und Duft. Der Maimonat spielte 
iiberhaupt cine gcwisse Kolle im Leben Alexanders: Am 4. 
Mai 1842 erblickte er das Licht der Welt, im Mai 1886 
verlobte er sich rnit seiner angebeteten zweiten Frau Rebecca, 
der Tochter des Rabbiners Dr. Bettelheim in Baltimore, und 
im Mai 1889 wurde sein Lieblings- und Schmerzenskind, die 
siisse ,,Qual", aber auch der stolze Ruhm seines Erdendaseins, 
der Arucli, fertig. Sein Gemiith war iibrigens allezeit wie 
ein duftender Garten voll Maiblumen; es bliihten darin die 
Maiglockchen der Zufriedenheit, des Gottvertrauens , der 
Frommigkeit und Ergebung. . . . 

Was mem Bruder als Gelehrter, Forscher, Rabbiner, 
Prediger, Kanzelredner, Lehrer und Jugenderzieher geleistet, 
ist manniglich bekaimt und wurde auch in den pietats- 
vollen Blattern, welche mein Neffe George Alexander, der 
iilteste Sohn Alexanders, zum Andenken seines Vaters zu- 
sammengestellt hat, eingehend gewiirdigt 1 ). Seine herrlichen 
menschlichen Eigenschaften, seine Tugenden und Charakter- 
ziige, sein Verhalten zu den Eltern und Geschwistern, seine 
Gattenliebe, sein imierstes Sinnen und Trachten, sein tiefes 
Empmidungsleben all das ist jedoch nur wenigen Ein- 

geweihten in seiner volleii Pracht zur Erscheinung gekommen, 
denn Alexander liebte es nicht, die Gefiihle seines Herzens 
auf den ofFenen Markt zu tragen. Nur 6 Jahre alter als ich, 
hat er mir, obschon wir Jahrzehnte lang von einander getrennt 
waren, doch allezeit sein Herz erschlossen, so dass ich darin 
lesen koniite, wie in eiiiem offenen Buch. 

Noch sehe ich ihn als Knaben und Jiingling vor mir. 



l ) S. Tributes to the Memory of Rev. Dr. Alexander 
Kohut. Published by Congregation Ahawath Chesed. New- 
York, 1894. 8. S. VII -f 64. 



Alexander Kohut. XIX 

Er war bildschon, hatte ungemein treuherzige und ausdrucks- 
volle grosse, feurige Augen, eine schlanke Gestalt, eine gar 
sanfte Stimine und ein iiberaus anmuthiges Wesen. Es ist 
kein Wunder, dass meine armen Eltern, die 13 Kinder be- 
sassen und an deren Tisch Frau Sorge taglicher Gast war, 
das Kind, welches nie klagte und nie unzufrieden war, sehr 
liebten. Aber auch in Felegyhaza in Ungarn, wo er am 4. 
Mai 1842 geboren wurde, und in Kecskemet, wohiu spiiter 
meine Eltern mit dem Knaben zum dauernden Aufenthalt 
sich begaben, machte der Kleine, trotz der armliehen Kleidung, 
iiberall Aufsehen. Gar oft erzahlte mir meine Mutter, welch 
furchterliche Herzensqualen sie durchmachen musste, weil 
der Junge ihr wiederholt gestohlen wurde, und sie sich des- 
halb stets fiirchtete, wenn Alexander einmal ohne Begleitung 
ausgehen musste. Auf dem Markt bekam er von den 
Weibern Obst und in den Conditoreien Kuclien geschenkt, 
kurz, er wurde voii aller Welt verhatschelt, und es ist er- 
staunlicli, dass er trotz alledem nie eitel war. Nur das eine 
wusste er freilich als junger Mann, sowie in der Bliithe des 
Lebens und iin reiferen Alter, ganz genau, dass ilm Apollo 
auf die Stirne gekiisst, und es machte ilnn eine unschuldige 
- Freude, sich im Ornut, in der Studirstube, iin Kreise 
der Seinigen u. s. w. photographiren zu hissen. Selten 
hat wohl eine so hohe, majestatische Gestalt, ein soldi edles, 
klassisch geformtes Gesicht, eine, solche ideale Erscheinung 
aberhaupt tune jiidische Kanzel geziert. Er, welcher im 
Ghetto aufgewachsen war, zu eiiii i* Zeit, als man noch dem 
Sohne Israels: Hep-Hep zurief und ihn mit Schmahworten, 
wie: Zxidokolyolz (Judenbengel), tractirte, hatte in seinem 
Aeussern und in seiner ganzen Eigenart nichts, was an die 
iiblen Gewohnheiten der Ghetto-Insassen erinnerte. Vielleicht 
lag das daran, dass Alexander, der meinem seligen Vater 
aufs Haar glich, von diesem die stramme Haltung geerbt 
hatte; denn mein lieber Vater ging noch als Greis hoch auf- 
gerichtet und unternahm noch als Siebzigjiihriger eine Fuss- 
wanderung von Kecskemet nach Wien, um den Kaiser und 
Kc inig zu sprechen; 12 Jahre lang hatte er namlich dem 



Adolph Kohut: 

Kaiser Franz als Soldat gedicnt. Mein Brudcr hatte mit 
Goethe sagen konnen: 

Vom Vater habe ich die Statur. 

Des Lebens ernstes Fiihren . 

Das Sprachtalent, welches den genialen Orientalisten aus- 
zeichnete, hatte er gleichfalls von unserem Vater geerbt, denn 
dieser sprach geliiufig ungarisch, deutsch, slavisch, polnisch 
und hebriiisch : genug, die Schonheit uud die Wiirdc, welche 
Alexander stets eigen war en, machten ilm zum Liebling der 
Menschen; und wie einst arme Leutc sich schon des Knaben 
erfolgrcicli bedientcn, dam it er fur sic Almosen sammle, so 
umlagerten sie ihn auch spiiter, weil sie wussten, dass ein 
bittender Blick dieses Mannes nie seinen Zweck verfehlte. 
,,Des Fleisses", sagt Lcssing, ,,darf sich jedermann 
riilnnen". Von friihester Kindheit bis an sein im 52. Jahre 
seines Lebens erfolgtes Dahinscheiden arbeitete er rastlos, 
unentwegt, riicksichtlos, mit Ilintansetzung seiner Bequemlich- 
keit, sci mer Gesundheit, zuwcilen auch seiner Familic. Ware 
dies freilich nicht der Fall gcwcscn, so hatte er nicht so 
zahlreichc, grundlegende, von ungeheurer Belesenheit und 
Grundlichkeit zeugende Wcrke, Abhaiidliuigcn, Predigten etc. 
in den let/ten drei Jahrzehnten schafFen kfinnen! Als hatte 
er o-eahnt, dass er in der Vollkraft seines Lebens vom Sturm 

o 

der Welt entblattert werden solltc, war er unausgesetzt thiitig, 
getreu dcm Motto: Nulla dies sine linea. Dieser bienenhafte, 
iibermenschliche Fleiss musste scliliesslich seine riesenhafte 
Constitution untergraben und ihn wider standsunf ah ig niachen, 
als ilm ein tiickisches Leiden Jahre lang qualtc und 
dem unheilbaren Siechthurn uberlieferte. Angesichts eines 
solchen fast beispiellosen Eifers und Strebens war es kein 
Wundcv, dass er schon als Jnngling als Spracliforscher, 
Prediger und Talmudist eine hervorragende Stellung einnahui 
und sich der Anerkennung der ausgezeichnetsten Gelehrten, 
Forscher und Theologen zu erfreuen hatte. Als er mit 22 
Jahren seine Doctordissertation: Ueber die judische Anydologie 
und Damonologie in Hirer AWidngigkeit vom Parsismus der 
Facultat in Leipzig iiberreichte, war der beriihmte Professor 



Alexander Kohut. XXI 

der morgenlandischen Sprachen an der dortigen Universitiit, 
H ein rich Leberecht Fleischer, von dieser auf deni Ge- 
biete der persischen Theologie und Sprachforschung epoche- 
machcnden Schrift so sehr entziickt, dass er deni Verfasser 
ein in den herziichsten Ausdriicken gehaltenes, begliiek- 
wiinschendes Schreiben init deni Bemerken sandte, dass die 
Facultat ilnn das Exainen erlasse und ilm /uni Dr. der 
Philosophic honoris causa ernenne. Die Zettschnft der 
Dcutschen Morgenlandischen GcscUschaft beeilte sieh, die 
noch jetzt hoehst bedeutsame Monographic in ihren Abhand- 
liuigen fur die Kundc des Morgenlandcs*) /inn Abdruek YA\ 
bringen. Professor Dr. Spiegel, der grusse I arsist, und 
zahlreiche andere Gelehrte und Fnrsclier traten init ilnn in 
einen regen Briefwechscl nnd wiirdigten ilm ihrer Freund- 
sehaft . . . Friihzeitig wurde er aueli antorisii-tei- Ifalibiner 
und I rediger, raseher als alle seine bislierigen ( 1 <Miiinilitnnen, 
di< 1 an deni vmn Director Dr. /aeliarias FranUel s. /. 
geleiteten Breslaner llabbincr-Seininar ilnv Aiislildung er- 
haltiMi hatten. Kr brauelite keine sielien ,,inagere* .Jalire an 
der genannten jiidischen Mochschule xu dienen, inn ,,ent- 
lassen" und amtsfahig /u \vei-(len, sondern er liei selion i riilier 
in den Ilat en d< s Rabbinats ein. Als einst ein Zr<--Iino- dieser 

O r5 

Lehranstalt bei dem erwiilinten Director sicli dan ihei- l>e- 
schwerte, dass er so lange die. liiinke des Seminars drficken 
miisse, wahrend Dr. Alexander Koliut nur verhiiltnissinassig 
wenige Jahre an der Breslauer alma matvr Frankelscher 
Stit tung studiert habe, meinte Dr. Frankel ironiscli: ,,,Ja, Dr. 
Koliut, das ist etwas ganz anderes! Sie /iilileii bei ilnn nur 
die Tage und liaben die - - Niiebte vergessen!" 

Der schlagendste BewiMs eines fast iiuberhaften, iniirclien- 
haften Fleisses ist das ilauptwerk seines Lebens : Aruch 
Contplctum 2 ) Kin voiles Viertcljahrhundert arb(;itete er an 
dieseni Riesenlexicon, dieser Colossalencyclopadie des Tal- 
muds. Kauin hatte er die Reife des jManues erreiebt, niacbte 

) Band IV, No. 3; erschien 1866 auch selbstandfg im Buchhandel 
bei F. A. Brockhaus in Leipzig. S. 105. 

-) Verlajy von S. Calvary & Comp. in Berlin. 



Adolph Kohut: 

er sich schon mit Lust und Begeisterung, die schliesslich 
formlich in Fanatismus ausartete, an die Bewaltigung dieser 
die Krafte eines Manncs eigentlich iibersteigenden Aufgabe. 
Das im Jahre 1477 in Druck erschienene diirftige Lexicon 
aller nichthebraischen Worter im Talmud, das Rabbi Nathan 
ben Jechiel vcrfasste, erweiterte Alexander Kohut zu einem 
gigantischen Monumentalbau der Wissenschaft, dem sich nur 
wenige geistige Schopfungen unscres Jahrhunderts iiberhaupt 
an die Seite stellen lassen konnen. Das Work besteht be- 
kanntlich aus 8 Banden, die mehr als 4000 doppelspaltige 
Folioseiten enthalten, einem Index und einem Supplementband. 
Das ist keine blosse Bearbeitimg mehr, sondern eine selb- 
standige Schopfung, die erst durch das Aufgebot einer grenzen- 
losen Arbeitskraft ermogliclit werden konnte. Der auf 7 
Aruchhandsehriften fussende Text ist mit seinen kritisch 
gesichtcteii Lesarten und der mit der Etymologic uberein- 
stimmendcn Fixirung des fremdsprachlichen Wortes darge- 
legt. Die biblischen und talmudisch-midraschischen Belege 
werden mit peinlichster Genauigkeit angegeben; die Sach- 
erklarungen, soweit sic den alteren Quellcn entlehnt sind, 
haben eine griindliche Priifung erfahren. Zahlreiche Artikel 
von allgemeinem culturgcschichtlichen Interesse sind mono- 
graphisch behandelt. Die Erklarung der Schulausdriicke und 
die Feststellung der Etymologic sind besondere Grlanzseiten 
des Kohut schen Aruch Complettmi. Selbst der Index bietet 
das Beispiel eines seltenen Gelehrtenfleisses; denn er ent- 
halt in 19 Kapiteln alle Bibel-, Talmud-, Targum- und 
Midrasch-Stellen, welche im Aruch vorkommen, sowie den 
Nachweis der Quellen, aus denen Rabbi Nathan schopfte. 

Nicht in Ruhe und behaglicher Musse hat mein Bruder 
diese talnmdische Encyclopadie geschafFcn, er war vielmehr 
fortwahrend als amtirender Rabbiner, Kanzelredner und Schul- 
mann iiber die Massen in Anspruch genommen und entfaltete 
noch iiberdies eine sehr fruchtbare literarische Thatigkeit. 
Er sass gewohnlich bis 3 Uhr Nachts in Stuhlweissenburg, 
Fiinfldrchen, Gross wardein und Newyork -- in diesen Stadten 
waltete er nacheinander als Seelsorger an seinem Schreib- 



Alexander Kohut. XXIII 

tiseh und forschte und schrieb mit riihrender Emsigkeit. Mit 
erstaunlicher Willenskraft begabt, wurde er selbst in seinem 
letzten Lebensjahre noch seiner furchtbaren physischen 
Schmerzen Herr und liess sich von seinen Qualen nicht ab- 
halten, vorwiirts zu eilen auf dem Meere der rabbinisch- 
talmudischen Lexicographic. 

Jahr aus Jahr cin hatte der Beobachter iin Ilause ineines 
Bruders cin reizendes, eigenartiges Schauspiel wahrnehmen 
konnen. Eine graziose, jugendliche Miidchengestalt, die dem 
rastlosen Forscher iinverkennbar ahnlich sail, schlieh in der 
Naeht gegen 3 Ulir auf den Fussspitzen ins Studirzinimer 
und setzte, einen innigen, liebenden Blick auf <len sie kaiiin 
beachtenden Gelehrten werfend, cinigc. Erfrischungen auf den 
Schreibtisch ihres Vaters. Mechaniscb griff er danaeli, liess 
sieh aber iin Uebrigen in seiner Arbeit nieht strren. Ks war 
dies Valerie Knluit, cine seiner T<k hter .... 

Doeli di(^ Berufsarbeitcn waren es nielit allein, welelie 
so oft hemmend in die Aruch-Thatigkeil Alexanders ein- 
griH en, sondern aueh die Miihen und Snrgen, inn Abonncntcn 
und Miieene zu finden, dnreh deren Eiilfc es cnnoglicht 
werden sollte, das kostspielige Werk erscheinen zu lassen. 
Er correspondirte zu dieseni Helmfe mit zahlrcichcn Gelehrten 
im Allgemeinen und Orientalisten insbesondcre, fcrner mit 
Behorden und allerlei Privaten, aueh bcreiste er Deutschland, 
Frankreich, Belgien, Holland, England und Amerika, um 
,,Mensehen" zu suchen, d. h. rinnuer der Wissenschaft, der 
jiidisehen Wissenschaft! Kr war nicht. allein Verfasser, 
sondern aueh sein eigMier Buchhalter, Correspondent, Corrector 
und bis einigc Jahre vor seinem Tode aueh sein Verleger! 
Ich wiirdc cin dickcs Buch schreibcn miissen, wollte ich alle 
die Ilindcrnissc schildern, wclchc er beseitigen musste, und 
alh- die Entbehrungen andcuten, die er und seine Familie sieh 
Jahr/ehnte hindurch aufzuerlegen gezwungen waren, bis end- 
lich der Aruch nach und naeh publicirt werden konnte. 
lufandum, reyina, jubes renovare dolorem! .... Ach, di(^ 
jiidische Wissenschaft ist ja noch immcr das Aschenbrodcl 
des Publikuiris und der Miieene - - die wenigen riihnilichcn 



XXIV Adolph Kohut: 

Ausnahmen bestiirken imr die Regel! Anerkennung und Ehre 
gebiihrt daher u. A. der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissen- 
schaften in Wien, der konigl. ungarischen Akademie der 
Wissenschaften in Budapest, dem konigl. preussisclien Cultus- 
ministeriurn in Berlin, den Baronen Rothschild und Konigs- 
warter in Wien, dem Sir Moses Montefiore in London, J. H. 
Schiff Esq., und anderen noblen Protectoren in Newyork fur 
die hochherzige Unterstiitzung, welehe sie dem Herausgeber 
des Aruch angcdeihen liessen! Ohne sie ware dieses Werk 
wahrscheinlich nie ersehienen. 

Dieses Schmerzenkindes wegen verliess * er sogar sein 
geliebtes Vaterland, wo man ilm mit Eliren iiberhaufte, und 
wo er eben dem Vorschlag des ungarischen Cultusministers 
gemass, als der einzige unter alien Rabbi.iern Ungarns, einer 
Allerhochsten Berufung ins Magnatenhaus entgegensah, und 
siedelte niit seiner zahlreichen Familie naeh Newyork iiber, 
urn als Seelsorger an die Spitze der dortigen Ahawath Chesed- 
Gemeinde zu treten. Der Ruf amerikanischer Liberalitat und 
Noblesse loekte ihn naeh der Hauptstadt der Vereinigten 
Staaten, um dort endlieh sein Lebenswerk zu vollenden und 
es der Oeffentliehkeit zu iibergeben - und diese seine Hoff- 
nung hatte ihn nieht getiiuscht. 

Die grosste Freude im Leben meines Bruders bildete 
Mai 1889, als er um 1 Uhr Naehts seine Schatz- 
kammer der jiidisehen Wissensehaft handsehriftlich vollendet 
vor sieh sah. Obsehon bereits leidend, erhob er sieh dennoeh 
elastiseh von seinem Stuhle und betete, seiner Gewohnheit 
emass, mbrtinstig zu Gott dem Allmaehtigen und Allweisen 
erne Gestalt riehtete sieh, wie in den fruheren Jahren, als 
eh seme reekenhafte, imposante Erseheinung an den KoiuV 
Saul gemahnte, der von Sehulter aufwarts alles Volk 
uberragte, hoeh auf, seine Augen leuehteten, und ein 
chimmer unaussprechHeher, grenzenloser Freude verklarte 
sem Antlitz. Dann rief er nut Stentorstinnne : ,,Kinder, 
Kinder, kommt zu mir herauf." Und sie kamen alle, denn 
t grosster Ungeduld hatten sie sehon den Moment erwartet, 
wo der geliebte Vater sie zu sieh entbieten wiirde; urn 8 Uhr 



Alexander Kohut. XXV 

Abends, mich Tiseli, liatte er sie gebeten, nieht elier ihr 
Lager aufzusuchen, als bis er ihnen von tier bald erfolgten 
Fertigstellung ties Aruch erst Kuutle geben wiirde . 
Unvergesslich wird alien Theilnehinern jene weihevolle, er- 
sehutternde Stunde sein, als er die Hand eines jeden seiner 
Kinder ergrift , dainit sie die Schlussworte init der von iliin 
gel iihrten Feder sehreibe. Er sprach wunderbar geistvoll 
uiul tiefsinnig bei diesem Anlass, Lndem er das betreffende 
Wort stets syniboliseli erklarte und an jeden Einzelnen ( v ine 
zu Her/en gehende Ansprache richtete. Er verstand es 
meisterhal t, daran die Eigenschaften seiner Knaben nnd 
Madchen zu kniipfen und zn erlautern. Natiirlieli unterliess 
er es aueb nieht hervorzuheben, dass bei all seiner gewaltigen 
Liebe zu seiner Fainilie der Arwh dennocli scin FLrstlings- 
und Lieblingskind sci. Das let/tr Wort sehrieb Valerie, 
welebe, wie gesagt, dm Vater stets wie ein ^-iiter (Jfiiins 
unisebwebte. 

- Meine gute Valeric, dn innsst selxm einm besonderen 
Lohn nnd eine besondere Klire liabj-n, dcnn dn linst nn-lir 
gctlian t iir inieli als all* drinr ( ieseliwister: Dir ^-ebiilirt 
das Seldusswort. 

Es lautete: iOnn == jJinieke". 

- .Ja, liebes Kind, t nlir ilir Vater tort, dn liast selir 
wahr ereschrieben : ..Uriieke". Dn bildest in der Thai die 

O 

Briit ke /wisehen Lebni nnd Tod, zwisehcn Materialisnuis nnd 
Idealisinus; hiittest dn nieht t iir im-inc h-iblielu- Nalii-img 
tresorirt, so wiire vielleicht inein Lebenslieht friiher er- 

~ O / 



Er kiisste, dann innig seine Kinder nnd weinte, von seinen 
Enipiindungen uberwaltigt, lange nnd schinerzlieh . 

Wie die Liebe zur Photographic eine kleine Schwache 
meines lirnders war, so hattt; <;r es ungeniein gern, \venn seine 
\V<-rko gelobt warden. Eine gute. oder gar glanzende Kritik, 
ii.-tiiK iitlieli von berutener, beriilnnter Feder, oder briefliche 
AiH i-kcmiiung inaehte ilin gliicklich, wiihrend ilin eine ab- 
I iilli-v Px^precluing Tage, ja sogar Woeln-n lang ve.rsti ..... len 
und niede.rseldagen koiiutc. Speeiell wenn man seinen Aruch 



XXVI Adolph Kohut: 

schlecht machte, wurde er ganz schwermiithig. Er, der nie 
Jemandem etwas Boses zufiigen konnte, der stets geneigt 
war, ehcr zu loben als zu tadeln, und der nie die Grenzen 
der Sachlichkeit iiberschritt, konnte es nicht begreifen, dass 
es boshafte, neidische und beschrankte Collegen und Zunft- 
genossen giebt, die sicli von ganz anderen als objectiven 
Griinden leiten lassen. Zum Gliick waren die Norgler und 
Krittler in der Minoritat: die hervorragendsten jiidischen und 
christlichen Gelehrten und Forscher der alten und neuen 
Welt reichteji ihni willig die Palme der Anerkennung fiir 
seine unsterblichen, selbstlosen, opferfreudigen und nur der 
F(")rderung und den Fortschritten der Wissenschaft gewid- 
meten Leistungen. 

Am Grabe des grossen Forschers und Menschen ver- 
stinninte der Hass der kleinen Kritikaster, und seinen Hinter- 
bliebenen gewahrte es eine gewisse freudige Genugthuung, 
dass die politische und Fachpresse diesseits und jenseits des 
Oceans den Verdiensten Alexander Kohuts vollste Anerkennung 
zollte und besoriders die literariseh-wissenschaftliche Trag- 
weite des Aruch gebiihrend hervorhob. Die Verehrung, deren 
sicli mein Bruder allenthalben erfreute, kam u. A. auch in 
den zahlreiehen Condolationsschreiben an seinen Sohn George 
Alexander Kohut zum Ausdruck, und ich kann es mir 
nieht versagen, aus der grossen Fiille der schonen und liebe- 
vollen Brief e unserer Geisteshelden einige wenige Ausziige 
h ier mitz titheilen : 

,,Das grosse Werk Aruch" y schreibt Prof. Bartli in 
Berlin, ,,hat keinen warmeren Verehrer als mich, und ich 
nehme sehr oft Veranlassung, diese grossartige Leistung 
meinen Horern in ihrer vollen Bedeutung zu preisen". 

,,Welche Gelehrsamkeit ist mit dem trefflichen Mann", 
ruft Prof. Kautzsch in Halle a. 8. aus, ,,den ich mit dem 
weitesten Kreise der Fachgenossen seit Jahren obwohl 

personlich unbekannt verehrt habe, nach Menschengedenken 
zu friih zu Grabe gegangen!" 

,,Vous avez perdu", sagt Graziadio Ascoli,, ,,le meilleur 



Alexander Kohut. - XXVIT 

des peres et la science du Judaisme un representant des plus 
illustres. Les regrets en seront universels". 

Auch das vorliegende Gedenkbuch, in welchem so viele 
weltberiihmte Forscher ihre Geistesschatze niedergelegt haben, 
ist gleichsam eine Collectivhuldigung unscrer wissenschaft- 
lichen Celebritaten fiir die Mancn dieses Helden der Wissen- 
schaft. 

Nachdem das Lebcnswerk meines Bruders tertig war 
uiid die ersten Zeichen eines inneren schweren Leidens sicli 
gezeigt hatten, drang seine Gattin wiederholt in ilm, sicli 
endlich Ruhe zu gonnen und sicli mehr seiner Faniilie YA\ 
widmen. Die Beredsamkeit seiner Lieben verfelilte ja in 
gewissem Grade ihre Wirkung nicht aufihn, aber dies dauerte 
nur kurze Zeit: die Arbeit, d. h. die. rastlose, nie stillestehende, 
leidenschaftliche Arbeit, war ilnn bereits zur zweitcn Nairn- 
geworden, und er konnte davon niclit nielir lassen. Kr 
sclirieb seitdein bekanntlieh noch nichrere bedeutsaine wissen- 
schaftliclie Abliandlungen, die, zuineist iin I rograinni des von 
ilun mitbegriindeten Newyorker Rabbiner-Seminars enthalten 
sind, edirte Predigten und sammelte Material zu umfassenden 
Werken, die ilin sehr lebliaft beschaftigten, so z. P>. eine 
Geschichte der neuhebrdischcn Literatur, em persisch-talmudisches 
Glossar, u. m. a. 

Sein Fleiss zeigte sieh auch in der Beantwortung von 
Privat- und wissenschaftlichen Briefen. Er lultte die gr(")ssten 
Gewissensbisse empfunden, wenn er literarische Anfragen, 
die aus aller Herren Lander an ilm gerichtet wurdon, nicht 
mit moglichster Schnelligkeit erledigt hatte. Seine Antworten 
zeichneten sich durch grosse Griindlichkeit und Wahrhaftig- 
keit aus und hatten zuweilen den Unifang von Monographien 
und Broschtiren. Bewunderungswiirdig waren dabei seine 
Sprachkenntnisse. Er correspondirte in mehreren orientalischen 
und europaischen Sprachen. Als er 1885 nach Newyork kam, 
war er des Englischen nur massig machtig, aber schon nach 
wenigen Jahren schrieb und sprach er vorziiglich englisch 
und predigte vortrefflich in dieser Sprache. 

Hand in Hand mit diesem beispiellosen Fleisse ging seine 



XXVIII Adolph Kohut: 

Gewissenhaftigkeit, und nicht nur auf wissenschaftlichem Ge- 
biete, sondern auch ini Leben. ,,Ein Mann ein Wort" 
war bei ihm keine Phrase, sondern die vollste Wahrheit. 
Sein Wort war ihm heilig, und sein gegebenes Versprechen 
hielt er pedantisch genau. Unwahrheit, leere Ausfliichte, 
Nothliigen waren ihm in der tiefsten Seele verhasst, und sie 
konnten ihn aus seiner Geniiithsruhe bringen. Der kate- 
gorische Imperativ der Pflichterfullung beherrschte ihn ganz 
und gar. Als er schon todtkrank war, schleppte er sich noch 
zinn Newyorker Rabbiner-Seminar, um den jungen Theologen 
Unterriclit zu ertheilen, und als er sein Krankenlager nicht 
mehr verlassen konnte, entbot er die Herren Candidaten in 
sein Hans. Willig gab er einige seiner Amter auf, nur um 
die heranwachsende rabbinisehe Jugend im Talmud, in der 
inidraschischen Exegese und in der Religionsphilosophie 
unterweisen zu kdnnen . . . Aeh, die kranken Augen ver- 
sagten bereits den Dienst - aber sein Gedachtniss trotzte 
vielfach dem schweren Leiden; wie der geniale Schachspieler, 
der blind spielt, so wusste er ganz genau, wo diese oder 
jene Stelle im Talmud, in der Mischna oder im Midrasch steht. 

Fiir seine Studenten opferte er sich auf. Die Vortrage, 
wclche er ihnen hielt, waren ihm die liebsten, und wenn 
Eiuer sich in Noth befand, fand er seinen Meister stets bereit, 
init Rath und That zu helfen. Genau und sparsam, gab er 
Talmudisten und Gelehrten iiberhaupt dennoch stets mit 
vollen Ilanden, obschon er im Allgemeinen fur seine Wohl- 
thaten nur selten Dank erntete. 

Neben dem Aruch, seiner Familie und der Wissenschaft 
hatte er iiichts auf Erden so gern wie das Buch. Er liebte 
die Biicher zartlich und innig, und es bereitete ihm die grosste 
Frende, schone und gute Bilcher zu sammeln, sie hiibsch 
(^inbinden zu lassen und sie mit verliebten Blicken zu be- 
trachten. Er steckte ein grosses Vermogen in seine Bibliothek, 
und die von ihm hinterlassene gehort zu den bedeutendsten 
Privatbibliotheken der Union. Mt Stolz und Freude zeigte 
er Gasten seine broschirten und gebundenen Sprosslinge und 
pflegte dann zu sagen: 



Alexander Kohut. XXTX 

- Sie sehen, ich habe ein negatives Kapital! Ich habe 
immer eine grosse Familie und kein Geld, dafiir aber stets 
viele Biicher gehabt. 

Er behiitete aber auch dieselben wie seiucn Augapfel. 
Er, der sonst keine neidisclie Ader besass, missgonnte Einem 
gewissermassen gute Biicher, und mich, der nnr wenige 
Biiclier sein eigen nannte, pries or, als er niich vor einigen 
Jahren, aus Karlsbad kommend, in Berlin besuchte, gliicklich, 
dass ich den von Dore illustrirten ,,Rasenden Roland" besitze, 
da er ihn nicht hatte . . . 

Als die, Aerzte im Jahre 1893 ilnn erkliirten, dass er 
operirt werden miisse, bat er sie instandigst, die Operation 
in seinein Studirzimmer vorzunehmen. 

- Ich habe hier, nieine Ilerren, sagte er, ineine gn issten 
Freuden erlebt, ich will deslialb auch liier meine gnissten 
Qualen durchkosten. 

Leider konnte man seinen Wunsch nicht erfiillen ; al)cr 
kauin liatte er die Krankenstube verlassen, schleppte er sicli 
schori auf zwei Kriicken in sein geliebtes Studirzimmer und 
weinte l)eiin Anblick seiner Biicher wie ein Kind. 

Ich habe schon erwahnt, dass Alexander kein walirer 
Solin unserer Zeit war, da er sicli durcli ausserordentliclie 
Bescheidenheit auszeichnete. Stets war er bereit, Anderen 
Gereclitigkeit und Elire, zuweilen in den iiberschwenglichsten 
Ausdriicken, zu Theil we.rden zu lassen, wiihrend er sieli 
schiichtern und zaghaft im Hinte.rgrundc^ hielt. (Jar manclies 
Talgliclit sah er fur ein lumen mundi an ? und manchen mittel- 
massigen Gelehrtcn nannte er eincm ^113 cm. Es liing 
dies init seiner edlen, cntlmsiastischcn Natur zusammen, 
welche nur die Strahlen und den Glanz, nicht aber aucli die 
Flecken der Sonne gewahrte. Moglicher Weise wirkten aucli 
die Jugendeindriicke fort, da ich glciclifalls oft in diesen 
Fehler verfalle. Wer nie sein Brod mit Thranen ass, wer 
nie die kumniervollen Nachte weincnd an seiuem Bette sass, 
der kennt nicht jenes gedriickte, zaghafte Gcfiihl des Armen 
und Elenden, dessen Selbstbewusstsein in der harten Schule 



XXVIII Adolph Kohut: 

Gewissenhaftigkeit, und nicht nur auf wissenscbaftlichem Ge- 

biete, sondern auch im Leben. ,,Ein Mann - - ein Wort" 

war bei ilim keine Phrase, sondern die vollste Wahrheit. 

Sein Wort war ihm hcilig, und sein gegebenes Versprechen 

bielt er pedantisch genau. Unwahrheit, leere Ausfliichte, 

Nothliigen waren ihm in dor tiefsten Seele verhasst, und sie 

konnten ihn aus seiner Gemuthsruhe bringen. Der kate- 

gorische Imperativ der Pflichterfiillung beherrscbte ihn ganz 

und gar. Als or sclion todtkrank war, schleppte er sich noch 

-turn Newyorker Rabbiner- Seminar, uni den jungen Theologen 

Unterricht zu ertheileu, und als er sein Krankenlager nicht 

inehr verlassen konnte, entbot er die Herren Candidaten in 

sein Hans. Willig gab er einige seiner Amter auf, nur uni 

die, heranwachsende rabbinisehe Jugend im Talmud, in der 

midraschischen Exegese und in der Keligionsphilosophie 

nnterweisen zu konnen . . . Aeh ? die kranken Augen ver- 

sagten bereits den Dienst - - abej- sein Gedachtniss trotzte 

violfiicli dein schweren Leiden; wie der geniale Schachspieler, 

der blind spic.lt, so wusste er ganz gonau, wo diese oder 

j ene Stelle im Talmud, in der Misehna oder im Midrasch steht. 

Fiir seine Studenten opferte er sieh auf. Die Vortrage, 

welche er ihnoii hielt, waron ihm die liebsten, und wenn 

Kiner sich in Notli bofaud, fand er seinen Meister stets bereit, 

mit Rath und That zu helfen. Genau und sparsam, gab er 

Talnmdisten und Gelehrten iiberhaupt dennoch stets mit 

vollen Jltinden, obschon er im Allgemeinen fur seine Wohl- 

thaten nur selten Dank erntete. 

Neben dem Aruch, seiner Familie und der Wissenschaft 
hatte er niehts auf Erden so gern wie das Buch. Er liebte 
die Biieher zartlich und innig, und es bereitete ihm die grosste 
Freude, schone und gute Biieher zu sammeln, sie hiibsch 
einbinden zu lassen und sie mit verliebten Blicken zu be- 
trachten. Er steckte ein grosses Vermogen in seine Bibliothek, 
und die von ihm hinterlassene gehort zu den bedeutendsten 
Privatbibliotheken der Union. Mit Stolz und Freude zeigte 
(3r Gasten seine broschirten und gebundenen Sprosslinge und 
pflegte dann zu sagen: 



Alexander Kohut. XXIX 

- Sie sehen, ich habe ein negatives Kapital! Ich habe 
immer erne grosse Familic und kein Geld, dafur aber stets 
viele Biicher gehabt. 

Er behiitete aber auch dieselben wie seinen Augapfel. 
Er, der sonst keine neidisclie Ader besass, missgonnte Einem 
gewissermassen gute Biicher, und mich, dor nur wciiige 
Biicher sein eigen nannte, pries er, als or mich vor einigen 
Jahren, aus Karlsbad kommend, in Berlin besuchte, gliicklich, 
dass ich den von Dore illustrirton ,,Rascndcn Roland" besitze, 
da er ihn nicht hatte . . . 

Als die Aerzte im Jahre 1893 ihm erklarten, dass er 
operirt werden miissc, bat er sie instiindigst, die Operation 
in seinem Studirzimmer vorzunehmen. 

- Ich habe hior, ineine Ilorren, sagte er, ineine gnisston 
Freuden erlebt, ieh will doshalb auch hier ineine gnissten 
Qualen durchkosten. 

Leider konnte man seinen Wtinsch nielit erfiillrn ; al)er 
kaum hatte er die Krankenstube verlassen, schleppte er sich 
schori auf zwei Kriicken in sein geliel)tes Studir/immer mid 
weinte beim Anblick seiner Biicher wie ein Kind. 

Ich habe schon erwahnt, dass Alexander kein wahror 
Sohn tin sorer /oit war, da or sieh dnreli ansserordcntliclie 
Bescheidonheit auszeichnete. Stets war or bereft, Andoron 
Gerechtigkeit und Khro, zuwoilon in den iiberschwonglichsten 
Ausdriicken, /u Theil werden /u lassen, wahrend <^r sieli 
schiichtern und zaghat t im Ilintergrunde, liiolt. dlar manclies 
Talglicht sah er fur ein lumen mnndi an, nnd manclien mittel- 
miissigen Gelehrtcn nannte er einon ^na cm. Es h ing- 
dies mit seiner edlen, enthusiastischen Natnr znsammen, 
welclie nur di(3 Stralilen und den Glanz, nicht aber ancli die 
Flecken der Sonne gewahrte. M<")glicher Weise wirkten aucli 
die Jugendeindrticke fort, da icli glciclifalls oft in diesen 
Fehler verfalle. Wer nie sein Brod mit Thranen ass, wer 
nie die kummervollen Nachtc wcincnd an seinem Bette sass, 
der kennt nicht jenes gedriickte, zaghafte Gefiihl des Armen 
und Elenden, dessen Selbstbewusstsein in der harten Schule 



Adolph Kohut: 

des Lebens ordeutlich in s Schwanken geriith, inauchmal sogar 
zerrieben wird .... 

Mit dieser Charaktereigenschaft Alexanders hing aucli 
sein besonders scharf ausgepriigtes Pietatsgeftihl zusammen. 
Er war ein begeisterter Verehrer aller wahrhaft gross en 
Manner in Israel, deren Namen er stets init Elirfurcht nannte, 
uiul er zeigte sich iminer als den pietatvollsten Sohn und 
Schiiler, welchcn man sicli nur denken kann. Wie abgottiseh 
liebte er seine Eltern! Wiederholt reiste er von Ainerika 
nach Kecskemet zu unserer greisen Mutter, die leider im Sept. 
1895 im 88. Lebensjahre starb, mn sich von ihr segnen zn 
lassen, mid er schloss sich oft Stunden lang in seineni Zinimer 
ein, urn vor dein Portrait unseres iin 75. Lebensjahre uns 
eutrissenen Vaters zn weinen. Die Tabaksdose unseres Vaters 
init der Erde ans Jerusalem trug er stets als Amulet bei sich. 
Als er 1890 nach Europa ging, brachte er auch vom Grabe 
des Vaters Staub mit, welcheii er gleichfalls pietatvoll verwahrte. 
Er pflegte oft zn sagen, dass ihm das alte und abgerissene 
Gebetbuch seiner Mutter kostbarer sei, als seine ganze 
Bibliothek. Ebenso ausserte er sich, wenn man sich dariiber 
wunderto, dass er sich vor dein Bilde des Vaters schluchzend 
hinwerfe: Tan send Meilen wiirde ich kriechen, urn nur von 
ihm Schliige zu bekommen!" 

Ffir seine Talmudlehrer in Kecskemet, den Rabbiner 
Fischmann und Rabbi Gerschom Levinger, hatte er eine 
grosse Verehrnng, und nie besuchte er die Stadt seiner Eltern 
und Geschwister, ohne deni - - einnehmenden Wesen dieses 
Pilpulisten nach Gebiihr Rechnung zu tragen. An Director 
Dr. Frankel und Prof. Dr. H. Graetz hing er allezeit mit 
schwarnierischer Liebe, und dass er anlasslich des 70. Ge- 
burtstages des Letztgenannten sein in Ainerika gesammeltes 
Scherflein zu dessen Ehrengabe beitragen konnte, gewahrte 
ihin eine ausserordentliche Freude. Ein lobendes Wort aus 
dem Munde seiner Lehrer niachte ihn iibergliicklich. 

Mit semen Lehrern der morgenlandischen Sprachen an 
der Breslauer Universitat, Schmolders und Magnus, war 
er bis zu deren Tod innig befreundet und stand mit ihnen 



Aloxiimlor Kolmt. \\XI11 

Operation in Newyork die Sonne seines se^cnreichen 

Lobens nci^ to sich /inn Niodcrgang. llcroisch wehrte sich 
/war seine eiscrne Willenskratt nnd sein hercnlischer Korper 
^egen die i\I, : ichte der liiekisehen Vcruichtllllg, doch er war 
leider nicht mehr /n retten! . . . 

Nun y.eirto sieh auf s None der antike (Miarakter dieses 
Mamies. Ot)Bchon die Geineinde ihn voin Oienste heiirlanbte 
und seine Fainilie nnd FYoundci ihn (Iriuguild baton, sich /u 
schonen, BclllepptO er sich doch noch inanelnnal niiihsain /.inn 
Tempo) nnd predigte, so groHHJirtig, so hinreissend, wie ka.nni 
Hchoner in seinen gesundoston Ta^en. Seine gcMHtigr Kraft 
war ehen intact ^ebliehen, nnr lilt er hier nnd da an <!< 
daehtnisssehwache. Minst liatte er anl der Kan/el cine /n 
Ilause knnst^erecht aus^^ arheitete lu % de ein ^ewissen 

halter Kan/elrednei , jille^te er /.n sa^en, nnisse sich stels 
OrgfUltig vorbereiten lialtcn \\nllen, als er /,n seineni 

Schrecken boincrkto, duss er sie ^-an/. ver^vssen hatte. K . isch 

illljirovisirte er jedoch eine nene, die i;l;in/,end ^elail^. I I lu r 

hanpt \var< ii \ on jeher /iindende hnprovisatioiK ii ein< he 
sondere Stiirke ineines lrnders, der ein Ivedner von (J||es 
Qnadcn ^ iiannl. wer<len knnte. 

Mit l>eispie||oser (lednld nnd Kr^t bun^ ertrn^ er seine 
liainenloscn Sehnier/en. Nie k.-nn em I, .-ml der Kla^ e niter 
die VorsebllDg ans seineni Munde. Mr nnisse, s<> niemle er 
vielniehr, ein grosser Siinder sein, nnd er halie die Leiden 
gr.wiss verdient. Ms niaehte ihni willireiid seiner trail ri^ cn 
Krankheit das lehhai teste Ver^nii^ en, iiher das .lenseils nnd 
die Auferstehnng init seiner Mamilic sieh philosophiHch /n 
unterhnltcn. 

IHDli sollte das 25jilbrigu Anitsjnbiliinni /Mexanders slatt- 
fiinh-n, 1H07 war er /inn Kabbiner in StiililwcinHiMiburg 

(Ungani) ^ wiihlt worden , nnd alb- Well, le^-jo es ihni 
nahe, diesis Mrei^niss lestlich /.n be^ehen. Mi- ;iber (U klllrto 
sich ailfs EntschledonstO ^e j en eine solehc P eier, \velehe /n- 
ineist nnr Mitelkeits- nnd lieclaific/wockot] <liene. Sein he 
oheidener Sinn striiubte sich eben ^e^en jede selbstherb< i i- 
geflihrte Ovation oder Beweiliriluc liemng, Von Anfaiig stiinor 



XXXIV Adolph Kohut: 

Latifbahn bis an sein Lebensende huldigte er der Devise, 
welche er miter seiner allerersten Photographic anbrachte: 
,Man hat dir verkiindet, o Mensch, was gut ist, deim was 
fordert der Ewige, Dein Gott, von dir, als auf Recht halten, 
Licbe iiben und demiithig wandeln vor Deineni Gott". 

(Micha VI, 8.) 

Am 20. Marz 1894 starb bekanntlich Ludwig Kossuth, 
der Exgouverneur von Ungam, der besonders in Amerika 
einen uberaus volksthitmlichen Namcn hat. In nieineni armen, 
todtkranken Bruder erwachtc das schluinmemde patriotische 
Gefiihl, und er Hess es sich nicht nehnien, obschon er hiii 
und her taumelte und nur iiberaus qualvoll sich vorwarts be- 
gcben konnte, an eineni Sonnabcnd in seinen Tempel sich 
zu bcgeben, um der Trauerfeierlichkeit zu Ehren Kossuths 
beizuwohnen. Er versicherte seinen Angehorigen hocli und 
theuer. nicht sprechen zu wollen. Nach deni Gottesdieust 
wankte er zur Kanzel; statt des iiblichen Segens jedoeh hielt 
er cine geistreichc, nammende Rede iiber Ludwig Kossuth 
und sein Yerhaltniss zum Judenthum, die alle Zuhorer ent- 
ziickte. Kauin hattc <T das h^tzte Wort gesprochen, bracli 
er ohnniUchtig zusammen und musste nach seiner Wohnung 
gebraclit wcrden. Er war fast gelahmt. Es ging uiit ihin 
zu Ende. 

Wie cin Feldherr auf dem Schlachtfelde, so starb er 
gleichsani auf der geweihten Stiitte seiner Thatigkeit : er starb 
als Seelsorger und als Patriot. 

Er solltc sich von seineni Krankenlager nicht mehr er- 
heben - - schon nach wenigen Wochen hatte das edle Herz 
des Lieblings der Gotter und der Menschen zu schlagen auf- 
gehort. 

Seine Ziige nach deni Tode driickten unaussprechliche 
Ruhe und Verklarung aus. Er war so schon wie in seines 
Lebens Bliithezeit. In seiner geschlossenen Hand ruhte der 
Index des Aruch, gleichsani eine syrabolisch sinnige Be- 
deutung dafiir, dass er alle seine Kenntnisse niit sich ge- 
nommen in s Grab und den Lebenden von seineni Genius 
nichts hinterlassen habe. Als er so ini Priestertalare auf der 



Alexander Kohut. XXXV 

Bahre lag, erschien er als die Verkorperung der Wissenschaft 
und der edlen, reinen Menschlichkeit .... 

In seineni Testament besthnmte er, dass jedes seiner 
Kinder an seineni Jahrzeitstage etwas Gntes thun, und dass 
ein Student der Theologie unterstiitzt werden solle. So wird 
dena buchstablich wahr das Wort der Bibel: ,,Das Andenken 
des Gerechten gereicht zuui Segen!" 

Nur etwas iiber ein halbes Jalirhundert war es meinem 
armen Bruder vergoimt. zu wandeln frisch und froh im 
rosigen Licht; viel Arbeit und Miihe und Kunnner wurden 
sein Loos hienieden - - das ist wahr! Docli auch eine Fiille 
des Segens und Gliickes wurde ilini zu Theil. Er hat den 
Besten seiner Zeit genug getlian und hat deshalb gelebt fiir 
alle Zeiten; er hat init dem Pfunde der Regaining und des 
Fleisses, welches ihni Gott verliehen, redlich gewuchert 
Die Spuren von soinen Erdentagen werden selbst in Aeonen 
nicht untergehen, denn srine bahnbrechenden Schriften sind 
ein Gedenkbuch fiir allc Zeiten, ein Arucli Completum noch 
in konimenden Jahrhunderten. 

Moge sein hehres Beispiel, deni jiingeren Geschlecht 
besonders, zur Nacheiferung dienen! Alexander Kohuts Name 
steht fast einzig da! Seht: In unserer Zeit der Selbstsucht, 
des Streberthums, des Interessenkampfes lebte und wirkte 
ein Mann ausschliesslich im Dienste der Wissenschaft und 
Wahrheit, selbst- und wunschlos, ein erhabener Hohepriester 
der idealen Giiter des Lebens . . . Klingt das nicht wie ein 
Marchen aus tausend und eiuer Nacht? Und doch ist es 
hellc Wahrheit, nicht das Spiel einer kiihnen Einbildungs- 
kraft .... 

Auch auf dich, verklarter Geist uieines theuren Bruders, 
passt wohl das Wort des Dichters: 

Die einen hohen, himmlischen Gedanken 

Genahret mit dem Marke ihres Lebens, 

Die sich ein wtirdig Ziel gesetzt des Strebens, 

In Wirken, Lieben, Leiden, ohne Wankeu, 

Sie waren selig, selig zuni Beneiden, 

Und ihre Schmerzen wogen tausend Freuden! 



On Ancient Prayers 

(Extracts from Lectures delivered at Oxford.) 

by 
Professor F. Max Muller (Oxford). 



There are few religions, whether ancient or modern, 
whether elaborated by uncivilised or civilised people, in which 
we do not find traces of prayer. As there has been of late 
much controversy on the subject of praying, I thought it 
might be interesting to look at some of the problems connected 
with prayer from a purely historical point of view. But in 
placing before you some of the facts, and some of the conclu 
sions at which I have arrived in the course of my resear 
ches on the religions of the world, let me say at once that 
these researches are for from being complete, far from being 
sufficiently trustworthy to enable us to draw very general 
or final conclusions from them. All I wish to do is to show 
you in how many different ways men and women have 
prayed, have approached the unseen powers in which they 
believed with petitions, with praise and thanksgiving. I must 
also warn you beforehand that some of these ancient prayers 
will sound very childish and insipid to you. Still they become 
all-important in proving the fact that God has never left Him 
self without a witness, and that a relationship between the 
Human and the Divine was recognised even on the lowest 
stage of civilisation, by the simple fact that men prayed, that 
is, spoke to invisible powers, in their own human language. 

If you consult any work on the science or the history 
of religion, you will generally find prayer represented as 
something extremely natural, and almost inevitable. It is 
quite true that the custom of praying is universal, or almost 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 1 



9 F. Max Miiller. 

universal. But is it therefore natural, that is to say. 
is there anything in human nature which renders prayer 
an intelligible consequence, such as. for instance, eating 
i, a natural consequence of hunger? Before we can answer 
this question in a satisfactory way. we must determine 
first of all. what we mean by prayer, and what was meant 
In prayer in ancient times. The best, if not the only 
way, to nnd out the original intention of a word, is always 
its etymology. The etymology of our own word prayer, 
i, very clear, but it only leads us up to a certain point. 
Our word prayer is the mediaeval Latin word precaria, 
literally a begging. In Latin we have precari. to ask, to 
beg. but also to pray in a more general sense, as. tor in 
state, in such expressions as precari ad deos. to pray 
to the gods, which does not necessarily mean to beg from 
the gods or to ask for any special favours. We have also 
the "substantive prex. mostly used in the plural preces. 
meaning a request, but more particularly a request addressed 
to the gods, a prayer or supplication. Procus also, a wooer, 
and p roc ax, a shameless beggar, both belong to the same 
kith and kin. It is unfortunate that our word for prayer 
should always seem to imply that to pray means to beg. 
In precari. in prex and prayer we can discover 
the same root. praM. which has the general meaning of 
asking or inquiring. We see this root in Sanskrit prasna. 
a question, and in priH ftami, I ask. According to well 
established phonetic rules, the same root appears in Gothic 
as fraih-nan. and in modern German as fragen, to ask 
In secondary form we have the same root in German for- 
schen, to inquire, which gives us For schung, research, 
or Sprachforscher. a student of language. If we were 
to say that therefore prayer must have meant originally 
petition, we should go far beyond the limits of our evidence 
All we are justified in saying is, that the Aryas in Italy 
conceived of prayer as a petition. If the same word with 
the same meaning could be discovered in all the other Aryan 
languages, we might go a step further back, and say that 
the Aryas, before their separation, knew of prayers &z 
petitions addressed to their Devas. But this is not the case. 
In Sanskrit prayer is hardly ever called ya&iia , petition, 



On Ancient Prayers. 3 

but either stotra, praise, or mantra, thought, or what 
causes thought The psalms of the Old Testament are called 
Tihillim. that is, songs of praise, not petitions. In Greek, 
prayer is $/;/; and seems to have meant originally a wish 
or a vow, while German Gebet and beten is connected 
with bitten, and meant therefore from the lirst to bid or 
rather to ask. 

We see in this way that the radical idea of prayer was 
by no means always the same, even among the speakers of 
Aryan languages But restricting our observation to the 
languages in which prayer originally meant a petition, we 
ask once more: Was it really so very natural that people 
in almost every part of the world, in ancient as well as in 
modern times, should have asked beings whom they had 
never seen, to give them certain things, if onlv something 
to eat or to drink, though, as a matter of fact, they were 
fully aware that neither directly nor indirectly had they ever 
received anything of the kind from these invisible hands? 

In order to remove this apparent difficulty a well-known 
philosopher has stated that prayers were originally addressed 
to the spirits of the departed, and not to gods. Hut what 
should we gain, if it were so? Was it really so much more 
natural to ask the departed spirits for valuable gifts than the 
gods? As a matter of fact these spirits also had never been 
known to bestow a single tangible gift on their worshippers. 
They were mostly looked upon themselves as beggars rather 
than as givers. Of course, there may have been cas^s when, 
as soon as a son had prayed to the spirit of his father to 
send rain on the parched fields, rain came down from the 
sky, but so it might after a prayer addressed to the god of 
the sky, and the sky was at all events more likelv to prove 
himself a giver of rain than a corpse or a departed spirit. 

To me it seems that prayer becomes in reality tar more 
natural or at all events far more intelligible, if addressed, 
not to ancestral spirits, but to certain phenomena of nature 
in which man had recognised the presence of agents who 
became everywhere the oldest gods 

As the rain came from the sky and as the sky was 
called Dyaus in Sanskrit, Zeus in Greek, we may indeed 
call it natural that the Athenians when they saw their 



4 F. Max Miiller. 

harvest that is, their very life, destroyed by drought, 
should have said: 

& c& Zsu, xocTa r/jg aouag TOW A8-Y]vaitov xai 



TOW 



"Kain, rain, o dear Sky, down on the land of the Athen 
ians, and on the fields." l ) 

So natural is this Athenian prayer that we find it re 
peated almost in the same words among the Hottentots. 
George Schmidt, a Moravian missionary, sent to the Cape 
in 1737, tells us that the natives at the return of the Pleiades 
assemble there, and sing together, according to the old 
custom of their ancestors, the following prayer: "0 Tiqua, 
our Father above our heads, give rain to us, that the fruits 
may ripen and that we may have plenty of food, send us a 
good year." 2 ) 

But though prayers like these may, in a certain sense, 
be called natural and intelligible, they presuppose neverthe 
less a long series of antecedents. People must have framed 
a name for sky, such as Dyaus, which originally meant 
Bright or Light, or rather the agent and giver of light ; they 
must have extended the sphere of action assigned to this 
agent so that he would be conceived, not only as the giver 
of light and warmth, but likewise as the giver of rain, and 
at the same time as the lord of the thunderstorm, as the 
wielder of the thunderbolt, as the most powerful among the 
actors behind the other phenomena of the sky. Only after 
all this had been done, could they think of calling that Zeus 
or that Dyaus, dear, cpiXo^, and you can easily perceive how 
that one word dear at once changes the sky into a being 
endowed with human feelings, a being that could be dear 
to human beings, and was not altogether unlike them. 

Now with regard to the belief of the ancient people in 
the efficacy of prayer and the fulfilment of their petitions 
if addressed to the gods of nature, it was really not so un 
natural as it has been represented. We must remember that 
the chances between rain and no rain are about equal. If, 
then, after days of drought, a prayer for rain had been 

) Science of Language, New Edition, 1892, II, p. 546. 
2 ) Introd. to the Science of Religion, p. 282. 



On Ancient Prayers. 5 

uttered, and there came rain, what was more natural than 
that those who had prayed to the sky for rain should offer 
thanksgiving to the sky or to Zeus for having heard their 
prayer, and that a belief should gradually grow up that the 
great gods of nature would hear prayers and fulfil them. 
Nor was that belief likely to be shaken if there was no rain 
in answer to prayer; for there was always an excuse. 
Either it might be said that he who offered the prayer had 
committed a mistake - this was a very frequent explanation 
- or that he was no favourite with the gods-, or, lastly, 
that the gods were angry with the people, and therefore 
would not fulfil their prayers. Hence we may understand 
the original meaning of precarious, that is prayer-like, or 
uncertain in its results. 

It might seem that it would have been just the same 
with prayers addressed to the spirits of the departed. But 
yet it was not quite so. The ancient gods of nature were 
representatives of natural powers, and in the same way as 
Zeus, the god of the sky, was naturally implored for rain, 
that is, for himself, the divine representatives of the sun 
would be implored either to give heat and warmth or to 
withold them. Lunar deities might be asked for the return 
of many moons, that is, for a long life, the gods of the earth 
for fertility, the gods of the sea for fair wind and weather, 
the gods of rivers for protection against invaders, or against 
the invasion of their own floods. But there was nothing 
special that the spirits of the departed would seem able to 
grant. Hence we find that the prayers addressed to them 
are mostly of a more general character. In moments of 
danger children would, by sheer memory, be reminded of 
their fathers or grandfathers who had been their guides and 
protectors in former years, when threatened by similar 
dangers. A few words addressed to the departed spirits for 
general help and protection might, therefore, in a certain 
sense be called natural; that is to say, even we ourselves, 
if placed under similar circumstances, might in moments of 
danger and anguish feel inclined to remember our parents, 
and call for their aid, as if they were still present with us, 
though we could form no definite idea in what way they 
should possibly render us any assistance. 



F. Max Miiller. 
b 

We must never forget that our ideas about most things, 
and about prayer in particular, may be in some respects, as 
we are told, like those of Papuans and Hottentots, but may 
possibly also be very different. There are some scholars 
who, when treating of savage and barbarous nations, seem 
to claim for themselves the gift. of knowing exactly what 
those children of nature felt and thought, when they did 
certain things which to us seem strange, or when they 
said things which convey no meaning whatever to ordinary 
mortals. Thus with regard to prayer and sacrifice we are 
told that those savage worshippers acted always on the 
principle of Do ut des -- that is, I give you this and you 
give me that Yet in other transactions based on the Give 
and Take principle the same savages exhibit very con 
siderable acuteness. They will not barter their shells or 
their furs, unless they receive something tangible in return, 
whether a hammer or a sword, or brandy or tobacco. If 
then the same savages sacrificed a sheep or an ox, did they 
really believe that the ancestral spirits or gods, after eating 
their meat, would come down and bring them what they 
prayed for, say a large herd of cattle, a large number of 
children, or lumps of iron or steel to forge into weapons? 
We are assured that they did, and of course it cannot be 
proved that they did not; all one can say is that such a 
supposition hardly agrees with the general cunning of savage 
races, and that it is quite possible that they should have 
expressed their wants and washes in what we call prayers, 
without expecting an immediate or palpable return- as a 
friend might express his wants and wishes to a friend, knowing 
quite well that his friend cannot possibly satisfy his wishes 
or remove his wants. This does not apply to all prayers. 
Prayers for uncertain things, such as sunshine or rain, 
health or a long life, even a good harvest or victory in 
battle might well have been addressed to unseen powers, 
if they were once believed to be powerful for good or for 
evil, and as the chances of their fulfilment or non-fulfilment 
were always about equal, there would be nothing altogether 
irrational in the continuance of such prayers, as in the con 
tinuance of a belief in the existence and in the power of gods 
and ancestral spirits. There is one warning, however, which 



On Ancient Prayers. 7 

students of ancient religions,- or laws and customs should never 
forget, that if different races do the same things, it does not 
follow that they do them from the same motives. If it is 
often difficult to understand why a child cries, it is far more 
difficult to understand why a savage prays. 

Let us now see what we can learn about prayers from 
the accounts furnished to us of the religions of uncivilised, 
or so called primitive, people. We must always distinguish, 
between three classes of religion, called ethnic, national, 
and individual. The religions of mere unorganized tribes, 
in the lowest state of civilisation, have been called ethnic, 
to distinguish them from the religions of those who had 
grown into nations, and whose religious are called national, 
while a third class comprises all religions which claim 
individual founders, and have therefore been called indi 
vidual religions. 

Nowhere can we find the earliest phase of prayer more 
clearly represented than among the Melanesian tribes, who 
have lately been so well described to us by the Rev. Dr. 
Codrington. It is generally supposed that the religion of 
the inhabitants of the Melanesian islands consists entirely 
of a belief in spirits. Nothing can be more erroneous. We 
must distinguish, first of all. between ghosts and spirits. 
Ghosts, as Dr Codringtou tells us, are meant for the souls 
of the departed, while spirits are beings that have never 
been men. The two are sometimes mixed up together, but 
the are quite distinct in their origin. It seems that the 
spirits had always been associated with physical phenomena, 
and thus were more akin to the gods of the Greeks and 
Romans. We hear of spirits of the sea. of the land, of 
mountains and valleys; and though we are told that they 
are simply ghosts that haunt the sea and .the mountains, 
there must have been some reason why one is connected with 
the sea, another with the mountains, nay, their very abode 
would have imparted to each a physical character, even if 
in their origin they had been mere ghosts of the departed. 
These spirits and ghosts have different names in different 
islands, but to speak of any of them, as missionaries are 
apt to do, as either gods or devils is clearly misleading. 

The answers given by natives when suddenly asked 



F. Max Miiller. 
o 

what they mean by their spirits and ghosts are naturally 
very varying and very unsatisfactory. What should we 
ourselves "say, if we were suddenly asked as to what we 
thought a soul, or a spirit, or a ghost to be? Still, one 
thing is quite clear, that these spiritual and ghostly beings 
of the Melanesians are invisible, and that nevertheless they 
receive worship and prayers from these simple-minded people. 
Some of their prayers are certainly interesting. Some of 
them seem to be delivered on the spur of the moment, others 
have become traditional and are often supposed to possess 
a kind of miraculous power, probably on account of having 
proved efficacious on former occasions. 

There is a prayer used at sea and addressed to Daula, 
a ghost, or, in their language, a tindalo : - 

"Do thou draw the canoe, that it may reach the 
land-, speed my canoe, grandfather, that I may 
quickly reach the shore whither I am bound. Do 
thou, Daula, lighten the canoe, that it may quickly 
gain the land and rise upon the shore." 
Sometimes the ancestral ghosts are invoked together, as : 
"Save us on the deep, save us from the tempest, 
bring us to the shore." 

To people who live on fish, catching fish is often a 
matter of life and death. Hence we can well understand a 
prayer like the following : 

"If thou art powerful, Daula, put a fish or two 
into this net and let them die there." 
We can also understand that after a plentiful catch, 
thanks should have been offered to the same beings, if only 
in a few words, such as: 

"Powerful is the tindalo of the net." 
This is all very abrupt, very short and to the point. 
It is an invocation rather than a prayer. 

Some of these utterances become after a time real 
charms handed down from father to son, nay, even sold, 
and taught to others for a consideration. They are then 
called lihungai. l ) 

Again if a man is sick, the people call out the name 



! ) Codrington, The Melanesians, chap. IX. 



On Ancient Prayers. 9 

of the sick man, and if a sound is heard in response, they 
say, "Come back to life", and then run to the house, shout 
ing, "He will live." 

All this to a strict reasoner may sound very unreason 
able; still, that it is in accordance with human nature, in 
an uncivilised and even in a civilised age, can easily be proved 
by a comparison of the prayers of other people, which we 
shall have to consider hereafter. 

If it is once believed that the ghosts can confer benefits 
and protect from evil, it is but a small step to call on them 
to confound our enemies. Thus we read that in Mota when 
the oven is opened for preparing a meal, a leaf of cooked 
mallow is thrown in for some dead person. His ghost is then 
addressed with the following words: 

"0 Tataro !" (another name for the ghosts) "this 

is a lucky bit for your eating ; they who have charmed 

your food, or have clubbed you take hold of their 

hands, drag them away to hell, let them be dead." 

And if, after this, the man against whom this imprecation 

was directed meets with an accident, they cry out: - 

"Oh, oh ! my curse in eating has worked upon him 
he is dead!" 

In Fiji, prayers generally end with these malignant 
requests: - 

"Let us live, and let those that speak evil of us 
perish ! Let the enemy be clubbed, swept away, 
utterly destroyed, piled in heaps! Let their teeth be 
broken. May they fall headlong in a pit. Let us 
live, and let our enemies perish!" 

We must not be too hard on these pious savages, for 
with them there was only the choice between eating or being 
eaten, and they naturally preferred the former. 

Before eating and drinking, the ghosts of the departed 
were often remembered at the family meal. Some drops of 
Kava were poured out, with the words : 

"Tataro, grandfather, this is your lucky drop of 
Kava , let boars come to me; let rawe come in to 
me ; the money I have spent let it come back to me ; 
the food that is gone, let it come back hither to the 
house of you and me !" 



F. Max Milller. 



On starting on a voyage they say: 

Tataro, uncle! father! Plenty of boars for you, 
plenty of r a w e , plenty of money; Kava for your 
drinking, lucky food for your eating in the canoe. 
I pray you with this, look down upon me, let me 



-0 on a safe sea ! 

o 



Prayers addressed to spirits who are not mere ghosts 
or departed souls, but connected with some of the phenomena 
of nature, seem to enter more into detail. Thus the Mela- 
nesians invoke two spirits (vui), Qat and Marawa: 

"Qat! you and Marawa", they say, "cover over 
with your hand the blow-hole from me, that I may 
come into a quiet landing-place; let it calm well 
down away from me. Let the canoe of you and me 
go up in a quiet landing-place! Look down upon 
me, prepare the sea of you and me, that I may go 
on a safe sea. Beat down the head of the waves 
from me-, let the tide-rip sink down away from me*, 
beat it down level, that it may go down and roll 
away, and I may come into a quiet landing-place. 
Let the canoe of you and me turn into a whale, a 
flying fish, an eagle; let it leap on end over the 
waves, let it go, let it pass out to my land." 
If all went well, need we wonder that the people be 
lieved that Qat and Marawa had actually come and held the 
mast and rigging fast, and had led the canoe home laden 
with fish! If, on the contrary, the canoe and its crew were 
drowned, nothing could be said against the spirits, Qat and 
Marawa, and the priests at home would probably say that 
the crew had failed to invoke their aid as they ought to have 
done, so that, as you see, the odds were always in favour of 
Qat and Marawa. 

Nowhere is a belief and a worship of ancestral spirits 
so widely spread as in Africa. Here, therefore, we find 
many invocations and petitions addressed to the spirits. Some 
of these petitions are very short. Sometimes nothing is said 
beyond the name of the spirits. They simply cry aloud, 
"People of our house." Sometimes they add, like angry 
children, what they want, "People of the house! Cattle!" 
Sometimes there is a kind of barter. "People of our house," 



On Ancient Prayers. ^ 

they say, "I sacrifice these cattle to you, I pray for more 
cattle, more corn, and many children; then this your home 
will prosper, and many will praise and thank you." 

A belief in ancestral spirits or fathers leads on, very 
naturally, to a belief in a Father of all fathers, the Great 
Grandfather as he is sometimes called. This grandfather 
may also be identified with the chief among the physical gods, 
the Zeus of the Greeks, the Jupiter of the Romans, the 
father of gods and men. He was known even to so low a race 
as that of the Hottentots, if we may trust Dr. Halm, who 
has written down the following prayer from the mouth of a 
Hottentot friend of his : 

"Thou, Tsui-goa, 

Thou Father of Fathers, 

Thou art our Father! 

Let the thunder-cloud stream! 

Let our flocks live ! 

Let us also live! 

I am very weak indeed 

From thirst, from hunger. 

Oh, that I may eat the fruits of the. field! 

Art thou not our Father, 

The Father of Fathers, 

Thou Tsui-goa V 

Oh, that we may praise thee, 

That we may give to thee in return, 

Thou Father of Fathers, 

Thou, Lord, 

Thou, Tsui-goa!" 

This is not a bad specimen of a savage prayer; nay it 
is hardly inferior to some of the hymns of the Veda and 
A vesta. 

The negro on the Gold Coast, who used formerly to be 
classed as a mere fetish worshipper, addresses his petitions 
neither to the spirits of the departed, nor to his so-called 
fetish, but he prays, "God, give me to-day rice and yams; 
give me slaves, riches ; and health ! Let me be brisk and 
swift!" When taking medicine, they say, "Father Heaven! 
bless this medicine which I take!" The negro on Lake 
Kyassa offers his deity a pot of beer and a basketful of 



12 F. Max Miiller. 

meal, and cries out, "Hear thou, God, and send rain", 
while the people around clap their hands and intone a prayer, 
saying, "Hear thou, God." 

The idea that the religion of these negro races consists 
of fetish worship is well nigh given up. It has been proved 
that nearly all of them address their prayers to a Supreme 
Deity, while their fetishes are no more than what a talisman 
or a horse-shoe would be with us. Oldendorp, a missionary 
of large experience in Africa, says: 

"Among all the black natives with whom I became 
acquainted, even the most ignorant, there is none who does 
not believe in God, give Him a name, and regard Him as a 
maker of the world. Besides this supreme beneficent deity, 
whom they all worship, they believed in many inferior gods, 
whose powers appear in serpents, tigers, rivers, trees, and 
stones. Some of them are malevolent, but the negroes do 
not worship the bad or cruel gods; they only try to 
appease them by presents or sacrifices. They pray to the 
good gods alone. The daily prayer of a Watja negress was, 
C God, I know Thee not, but Thou knowest me. I need 
Thy help. " This is a prayer to which even an Agnostic 
need not object. 

A Roman Catholic missionary, Father Loyer. who studied 
the habits of the natives of the Gold Coast, says the same. 

"It is a great mistake", he writes, "to suppose that 
the negroes regard the so-called fetishes as gods. They are 
only charms or amulets. The negroes have a belief in one 
powerful Being, to whom they offer prayers. Every morning 
they wash in the river, put sand on their head to express 
their humility, and, lifting up their hands, ask their God to 
give them yams and rice and other blessings." ] ) 

So much for the prayers of races on the very lowest 
stage of civilisation. Dr. Tylor, whose charming works on 
Primitive Culture we never consult in vain, tells us, 
"that there are many races who distinctly admit the 
existence of spirits, but are not certainly known to pray to 
them, even in thought." 2 ) I doubt whether there are many; 

J ) Clarke, Ten Great Beliyions, vol. II, p. 110. 
2 ) Primitive Culture, vol. II, p. 330. 



On Ancient Prayers. 13 

I confess I know of none; and we must remember that, in 
a case like tins, negative evidence is never quite satisfactory. 
Still, on the other hand, Mr. Freeman Clarke seems to me 
to go much too far in the other direction when, in his 
excellent work on The Ten Great Religions (part II, 
p. 222), he calls the custom of prayer and worship, ad 
dressed to invisible powers, a universal fact in the history 
of man. It may be so, but we are not yet able to prove it, 
and in these matters caution is certainly the better part of 
valour. Nothing can well be lower in the scale of humanity 
than the Papuans. Yet the Papuans of Tanna offer the 
firstfruits to the ghosts of their ancestors, and their chief, 
who acts as a kind of high priest, calls out: - 

"Compassionate Father! there is some food for 
you*, eat it, and be kind to us on account of it!" 
After this the whole assembly begins to shout together. 1 ) 
The Indians of North America stand decidedly higher 
than the Papuans; in fact, some of their religious ideas arc 
so exalted that many students have suspected Christian in 
fluences in them.-) The Osages, for instance, worship 
Wohkonda, the Master of Life, and they pray to him: - 

"0 Wohkonda, pity me, I am very poor; give 
me what I need; give me success against my enemies, 
that I may avenge the death of my friends. May I 
be able to take scalps, to take horses." 
John Tanner tells us that when the Algonquin Indians 
set out in their frail boats to cross Lake Superior, the 
canoes were suddenly stopped, when about two hundred 
yards from land, and the chief began to pray in a loud voice 
to the Great Spirit, saying: - 

"You have made this lake, and you have made 

us, your children; you can now cause that the water 

shall remain smooth, while we pass over in safety." 

He then threw some tobacco into the lake, and the other 

canoes followed his example. The Delawares invoke the 

Great Spirit above, to protect their wives and children that 

they may not have to mourn for them. 

l ) Compare Turner, Polynesia, p. 88; Tylor, Primitive Culture, vol. 
II, p. 330. 

) Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. 195. 



-jj F. Max Miiller. 

The Peruvians soar much higher in their prayers. 
M. Reville, in his learned work on the Religion of Mexico, 
tells us that prayers are very rare among the Peruvians. 
Mr. Brinton, on the contrary, in his Myths of the New 
World p. 298, speaks of perfectly authentic prayers which 
had been collected and translated in the first generation 
after the conquest. One addressed to Viracocha Pachacaniac 
is very striking, but here we can certainly perceive 
Christian influences, if only on the part of the trans 
lator: - 

"0 Pachacaniac". they say, "thou who hast existed 
from the beginning and shalt exist unto the end, 
powerful and pitiful; who createdst man by saying, 
let man be ; who defendest us from evil, and 
preserves! our life, and health; art thou in the sky 
or in the earth, in the clouds or in the depths? 
Hear the voice of him who implores thee, and grant 
him his petitions. Give us life everlasting, preserve 
us, and accept this our sacrifice." 

The specimens of ancient Mexican prayers collected by 
Sahagun are very numerous, and some of them are certainly 
very thoughtful and even beautiful: 

"Is it possible", says one of them, "that this afflic 
tion is sent tc us. not for our correction and impro 
vement, but for our destruction?" Or, "0 merciful 
Lord, let this chastisement with which thou hast 
visited us, the people, be as those which a father 
or mother inflicts on their children, not out of anger, 
but to the end that they may be free from follies 
and vices." 

With regard to these Mexican prayers we must neither 
be too credulous nor too sceptical. Our first impulse is, no 
doubt, to suspect some influence of Christian missionaries, 
but when scholars who have made a special study of the 
South American literatures assure us that they are authentic, 
and go back to generations before the Spanish conquest, 
we must try to learn, as well as we can, the old lesson 
that God has not left Himself without witness among any 
people. To me, I confess, this ancient Mexican literature, 
and the ancient Mexican civilisation, as attested bv archi- 



On Ancient Prayers. ]5 

tecture and other evidence of social advancement, have been 
a constant puzzle. In one sense it may be said that not 
even the negroes of Dahomey are more savage in their 
wholesale butcheries of human victims than the Mexicans 
seem to have been according to their own confession. Not 
dozens, but hundreds, nay, thousands of human beings were 
slaughtered at one sacrifice, and no one seems to have seen 
any harm in it. The Spaniards assure us that they saw in 
one building 136,000 skulls, and that the annual number of 
victims was never less than 20,000. It was looked upon 
almost as an honour to be selected as a victim to the gods, 
and yet these people had the most exalted ideas of the God 
head, and at the time of the conquest they were in possession 
of really beautiful and refined poetry. There are collections 
of ancient Mexican poems, published in the original, with what 
professes to be a literal translation. 1 ) No doubt, whoever 
collected and wrote down these poems was a Spaniard and a 
Christian. Such words as Dios for God, Angel for angel, nay 
even the names of Christ and the Virgin Mary occurring in 
the original poems, are clear evidence to that effect. But 
they likewise prove that no real fraud was intended. Some 
poems are professedly Christian , but the language . the 
thought, and the style of the majority of them seem to me 
neither Christian nor Spanish. I shall give a few specimens, 
particulary as some of them may really be called prayers: 

"Where shall my soul dwell? Where is my home? 

"Where shall be my house? I am miserable on earth. 

"We wind and we unwind the jewels, the blue 
flowers are woven over the yellow ones, that we 
may give them to the children. 

"Let my soul be draped in various flowers, let 
it be intoxicated by them; for soon must I weep, 
and go before the face of our mother. 

"This only do I ask: Thou Giver of Life, be not 
angry, be not severe on earth, let us live with thee 
on earth, and take us to thy heavens- 

"But what can I speak truly here of the Giver 
of Life? We only dream, we are plunged in sleep 



J ) Ancient Poetry, by Brinton, 1887. 



1 ^ F. Max Miiller. 

I speak here on earth, but never can we here on 
earth speak in worthy terms. 

"Although it may be jewels and precious oint 
ments of speech , yet of the Giver of Life one can 
never speak here in worthy terms." 
Or again: - 

"How much, alas! shall I weep on earth? Truly 

I have lived in vain illusion. I say that whatever 

is here on earth must end with our lives. May I 

be allowed to sing to thee, the Cause of all, there 

in the heaven, a dweller in thy mansion; then may 

my soul lift its voice and be seen with thee and 

near thee, thee by whom we live, ohuaya! ohuaya !" 

There is a constant note of sadness in all these Mexican 

songs; the poet expresses a true delight in the beauty of 

nature, in the sweetness of life, but he feels that all must 

end: he grieves over those whom he will never see again 

among the flowers and jewels of this earth, and his only 

comfort is the life that is to come. That is was wrong to 

despatch thousands of human beings rather prematurely to 

that life to come, nay, to feed on their flesh, seems never to 

have struck the mind of these sentimental philosophers. In 

one passage of these prayers the priest says: - 

Thou shalt clothe the naked and feed the hungry, 
for remember their flesh is thine, and they 
are men like thee ; 

but the practical application of this commandment does not 
seem to have suggested itself to these Mexican philosophers. 
All the prayers which we have hitherto examined be 
long to the lowest stage of civilisation, and imply the very 
simplest relation between man and some unseen powers. If 
addressed to the ghosts of the departed, these invocations 
are not much more than a continuation of what might have 
passed between children and their parents while they were 
still alive. If addressed to the spirits of Heaven or other 
prominent powers of nature, they are often but petulant, 
childish requests, or mean bargains between a slave and his 
master. Yet, with all this, they prove the existence of a 
belief in something beyond this finite world, something not 
finite, but infinite, something invisible, yet real. This belief 



On Ancient Prayers. 17 

is one of the many proofs that man is not a mere animal, 
though I am well aware that believers in the so-called mental 
evolution of animals have persuaded themselves that animals 
also worship and pray. But what is their evidence? Certain 
monkeys in Africa, they say, turn every morning towards 
the rising sun, exactly like the Parsees or sun-worshippers. 
It is no use arguing against such twaddle. 

We have hitherto examined the incipient prayers of 
uncivilised or semi-civilised races. For- even the Mexicans 
and Peruvians, whose prayers and literature as well as their 
architectural remains point to what may be called civilisation 
before their conquest by the Spaniards, stand nevertheless 
lower than many savages when we consider the wholesale 
slaughter of human victims as their sacrifices, and the un 
deniable traces of cannibalism to the latest period of their 
national existence. 

We have now to consider some of the religions which 
are called national. They have grown up at a time when 
scattered tribes had grown into compact nationalities, while 
their founders are unknown and never appealed to as autho 
rities. The most important among them are the religions of 
China, of India, of Persia, of Greece and Rome. 

When we speak of the ancient religion of China, some 
times called Confucianism, we often forget that Confucius 
himself protests most strongly against being supposed to have 
been the author or founder of that religion. Again and again 
he says that he has only collected and restored the old faith. 
In the sacred books of China which he collected there are 
hardly any prayers. Confucius himself sets little store on 
prayers. They cannot, he says, deliver a man from sickness and 
he who sins against heaven has no place to pray. It is not till 
quite modern times that we meet with prayers as an essen 
tial part of public worship in China. It does not follow from 
this that the Chinese people at large were ignorant of, or 
opposed to private prayers, whether addressed to their an 
cestors, or to the gods of nature, or to the Supreme Spirit 
in whom they believed; but it is curious to observe even 
in Confucius a certain reserve, a certain awe that would 
prevent any intimate or familiar intercourse between man and 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



18 F. Max Miiller. 

God. Thus he says: "Reverence the Spirits, but keep aloof 

from them". 

There is a curious prayer recorded as having been 
offered by an Emperor of China in the year 1538. It was 
on a memorable occasion when the very name of the Supreme 
Deity was to be altered. The old name for God in China 
was Tien, which means heaven, just as Dyaus and Zeus, 
according to their etymology, meant heaven. Even we can. 
still say, "I have offended against Heaven", meaning, against 
God. In the ancient books S hang-Tien also is used for 
Tien. This means High Heaven, and makes it quite clear 
that it was intended as a name of the Supreme Deity. 
Another name for spirit was Ti, and this name by itself, or 
with Shang prefixed, became the recognised name for God 
as the Supreme Spirit, used often in the same sentences as 
interchangeable with Tien 1 ). When the appointed day came, 
the Emperor and his court assembled around the circular 
altar. First they prostrated themselves eleven times, and 
then addressed the Great Being, as he who dissipated chaos, 
and formed the heavens, earth and man. As a rule it is 
the Emperor who prays to the Supreme Spirit-, the grandees 
pray to the Tis, the rest to the ancestral spirits. 
The proclamation was as follows: - 

"I, the Emperor, have respectfully prepared this 
prayer to inform the spirit of the sun, the spirit of the 
moon, the spirits of the five planets, of the stars, of the 
clouds, the spirit of the four seas, of the great rivers, of the 
present years, &c., that on the first of next month we shall 
reverently lead our officers and people to honour the 
great name of Shang ti. We inform you before 
hand, ye celestial and terrestrial spirits, and will 
trouble you on our behalf, to exert your spiritual 
power, and display your vigorous efficacy, communi 
cating our poor desire to Shang ti, praying him 
to accept our worship, and be pleased with the new 
title which we shall reverently present to him." 
We see here how the Chinese recognised between man 
and the Supreme Ti, a number of intermediate spirits or 

) Legge, Sacred Books of the East, vol III, p. 24. 



On Ancient Prayers. 19 

ti s. such as the sun, moon, stars, seas, and rivers, who 
were to communicate the prayer of the Emperor to the 
Supreme Being. That prayer ran as follows: - 

"Thou, Ti, didst open the way for the form of 
matter to operate ; thou, O Spirit, didst produce the 
beautiful light of the sun and moon, that all thy 
creatures might be happy. 

"Thou hast vouchsafed to hear us, Ti, for thou 
regardest us as thy children. I, thy child, dull and 
ignorant, can poorly express my feelings. Honourable 
is thy great name." 

Then food was placed on the altar, first boiled meat 
and cups of wine, and Ti was requested to receive them 
with these words: - 

"The Sovereign Spirit deigns to accept our offering. 
Give thy people happiness. Send down thy favour. 
All creatures are upheld by thy love. Thou alone 
art the parent of all things. 

"The service of song is now completed, but our 
poor sincerity cannot be expressed aright. The sense 
of thy goodness is in our heart. We have adored 
thee, and would unite with all spirits in honouring 
thy name. We place it on this sacred sheet of 
paper, and now put it in the tire, with precious silks, 
that the smoke may go up with our prayers to the 
distant blue heavens. Let all the ends of the earth 
rejoice in thy name." 

I doubt whether even in a Christian country any arch 
bishop could produce a better official prayer. It is marked 
by deep reverence, but it also implies a belief that the close 
relationship between father and son exists between the 
Supreme Spirit and man. It is a hymn of praise rather than 
a prayer, and even when it asks for anything, it is only for 
divine grace. 

When we now turn from China to the ancient religion 
of India, we find there a superabundance of prayers. The 
whole of the Rig- Veda consists of hymns and prayers more 
than a thousand; the Sama-Veda contains many of the same 
prayers again, as set to music, and the Yagur-Veda contains 
verses and formulas employed at a number of ceremonial 

2* 



F. Max Miiller. 



icts Were these hymns spontaneous utterances, or composed 
simply and solely for the sake of sacrifice, both public and 
private? This question whether sacrifices comes first or 
prayer is one of those questions which may be argued a d 
infinitum, and which in the end produce the very smallest 
result. You remember how the Algonquins, when crossing 
Lake Superior, addressed certain prayers to Wohkonda, the 
Master of Life, and then threw a handful of tobacco into the 
lake. Now suppose we asked them the question, What was 
your first object? To throw tobacco into the lake or to 
invoke Wohkanda? What answer could they possibly give? 
Still that is the question which we are asked to answer in 
the name of the ancient poets of Vedic India. Yet one of 
these poets of the Rig-Veda (X, 88, 8) says very distinctly: 
The gods created first the reciter of hymns,^ then Agni 
(the sacrificial fire) and then the sacrificial offerings/ 

Again, the Peruvian prayer addressed to Pachacamac is 
said to be recited at certain seasons. Suppose it was recited 
at a festival connected with the return of spring, we are 
asked once more, Was the festival instituted first, and then 
a prayer composed for the occasion, or was the prayer 
composed to express feelings of gratitude for the return of 
spring, and afterwards repeated at every spring festival? 

No doubt, when we have such a case as the Emperor of 
China offering an official address to the Deity, we may be 
sure that the festival was ordained first, and the official ode 
ordered afterwards-, but even in such an advanced state of 
civilisation, we never hear that the meat and the wine were 
placed on the altar by themselves, and as an independent 
act, and without anything being said. On the contrary, they 
were placed there as suggested by the poem. 

If, then, we find a Vedic hymn used at the full-moon 
or new-moon sacrifices, are we to suppose that the mysterious 
phases of the moon elicited at first nothing but a silent 
libation of milk, and that at a later time only hymns were 
composed in praise of the solemn festival? That there are 
Vedic hymns which presuppose a very elaborate ceremonial 
and a very complete priesthood I was, I believe, the first to 
point out (in 1858) ; but to say that all Vedic hymns were 
composed for ceremonial purposes is to say what cannot be 



On Ancient Prayers. 21 

proved. At a later time they may all have been included 
as part of the regular sacrificial ceremonial, just as every 
psalm is now read in church on appointed days. There is 
one prayer older even than the Rig-Veda, the oldest, the 
simplest, and yet the most eloquent prayer of the whole Aryan 
world. It consists of two words, but think what these words 
imply ! They are 

Dyaushpitar in Sanskrit, 
Zsug Travfjp in Greek. 
Ju-piter in Latin, 

and they all meant originally the same thing, Heaven Father! 
What child of man can say less, and what child of God can 
say more? When we begin our prayers, we utter the same 
thought which was uttered by our Aryan ancestors many 
thousands of years ago. We say Our Father which art in 
Heaven . When this is said and felt, all is said that need be said. 
Still as we are not satisfied with few words, the Vedic Aryas 
also delighted in pouring out all that was in their hearts. 
We have only to look at some of the best-known Vedic hymns 
and prayers, and we shall soon perceive that they are genuine 
outpourings of deep personal feelings, which had not to wait 
for the call of an officiating priest, before they found poetic 
utterance. One poet says: - 

"Let me not yet, Varuwa, enter into the house of 
clay (the grave); Have mercy, Almighty, have mercy! 

"If I go along trembling, like a cloud, driven by the 
wind, Have mercy, Almighty, have mercy! 

"Through want of strength, thou strong and blight god, 
have I gone to the wrong shore; Have mercy, Almighty, 
have mercy ! 

"Thirst came upon thy worshipper, though he stood in 
the midst of the waters; Have mercy, Almighty, have mercy! 

"Whenever we men, O Varwm , commit an offence 
before the heavenly host, whenever we break thy law through 
thoughtlessness, Have mercy, Almighty, have mercy!" 

Now I ask, had a poet to wait till a poem was wanted 
for a funeral service; or for the sacrifice of a horse, before 
he could compose such verses? Is there a single allusion 
to a priest, or to a sacrifice in them? That they, like the 
rest of the Rig -Veda, may at a later time have been recited 



F. Max Miiller. 



during certain ceremonies, who would deny? But if we see 
how verses from different hymns, and from different Mawdalas, 
or collections of hymns, have to be patched together before 
they become serviceable for sacrificial purposes, we can easily 
see" that the hymns must have existed as poems, before they 
were used by "the priests at certain sacrifices. Why should 
there have been a Rig-Veda at all, that is to say, a collec 
tion of independent hymns, if the hymns had been composed 
simply to fit into the sacrificial ceremonial? The hymns 
and verses as fitted for that purpose are found collected in 
the Yagur and Sama-Vedas. What then was the object of 
collecting the ten books of the Rig -Veda, most of them the 
heirlooms of certain old families, and not of different classes 
of priests? Then, again, there is what the Brahmanic theo 
logians call uha, that is, the slight modification of certain 
verses so as to make them serviceable at a sacrifice. Does 
not that show that they existed first as independent of cere 
monial employment? However, the strongest argument is 
the character "of the hymns themselves. As clearly as some, 
nay, a considerable number, of them were meant from the 
first to be used at well-established sacrifices, others were 
utterly unfit for such a purpose. At what sacrifice could 
there be a call for the despairing song of a gambler, for the 
dialogue between Sarama and the robbers, for the address 
of Visvamitra to the rivers of the Penjab, for the song of the 
frogs, or for the metaphysical speculations, beginning with 
" There was not ought, there was not nought!" It is extra 
ordinary to see what an amount of ingenuity has been spent 
both by Vedic and Biblical scholars on this question of the 
priority of ceremonial or poetry! But what has been gained 
by it in the end? For suppose that in Vedic India a com 
pletely mute ceremonial had reached as great a perfection 
and complication as the Roman Catholic or the Tibetan 
ceremonial in our time, would that prove that no one could 
then or now have composed an Easter -hymn or Christmas- 
carol spontaneously, without any reference to ceremonial 
employment? When there is so much real work to be done, 
why waste our time on disentangling such self-made cobwebs? 
When we consider that the Rig -Veda contains more 
than a thousand hymns, you will understand how constant 






On Ancient Prayers. 23 

and intimate the intercourse must have been between the Vedic 
poets and their gods. Some of these hymns give us, no 
doubt, the impression of being artificial, and in that sense 
secondary and late, only we must not forget that what we 
call late in the Rig -Veda Samhita cannot well be later than 
1,500 B. C., unless some new discovery first upsets the pro 
visional chronology which I put forward in my History of 
Ancient Sanskrit Literature. Here are some more verses 
from a hymn addressed to Varuwa, the god of the all- 
embracing sky, the Greek Ouranos: - 

"However we break thy laws from day to day, men as 
we are, god, Varuwa, 

"Do not deliver us unto death, nor to the blow of the 
furious, nor to the wrath of the spiteful! 

"To propitiate thee, O Varuna, we unbend thy mind 
with songs, as the charioteer unties a weary steed. 

"When shall we bring hither the man who is victory to 
the warriors? when shall we bring Varuwa the far-seeing 
to be propitiated? 

"He, who knows the place of the birds that fly through 
the sky, who on the waters knows the ships-, 

"He, the upholder of order, who knows the twelve 
months, with the offerings of each, and knows the month 
that is engendered afterwards" (evidently the thirteenth or 
intercalary month); 

"He who knows the track of the wind, the wide, the 
bright, the mighty, and knows those who reside on high; 

"He, the upholder of order, Varuwa, sits down among 
his people; he, the wise, sits down to govern. 

"From thence, perceiving all wondrous things, he sees 
what has been and what will be. 

"May he, the wise, make our paths straight all our 
days; may he prolong our life! 

"Varuwa, wearing golden mail, has put on his shining 
cloak, the spies sat down around him". (Here you see 
mythology and anthropomorphism beginning.) 

"The god whom the scoffers do not provoke, nor the 
tormenters of men, nor the plotters of mischief; 

"He who gives to men glory, and not half glory, who 
gives it even to ourselves. 



F. Max Miiller. 



"Yearning for him, the far-seeing, my thoughts move 
onward, as kine move to their pastures. 

"Let us speak together again, because my honey has 
been brought: that thou mayest eat what thou likest, like a 
friend". (Now, here, people would probably say that there 
is a clear allusion to a sacrificial offering of honey. But why 
should such an offering not be as spontaneous as the words 
which are uttered by the poet?) 

"Did I see the god who is to be seen by all, did I see 
the chariot above the earth? He must have accepted my 
prayers". (This implies a kind of vision, while the chariot 
may refer to thunder and lightning.) 

"0 hear this my calling, Varuwa, be gracious now! 
Longing for help I have called upon thee. 

"Thou, wise God, art lord of all, of heaven and 
earth-, hasten on thy way. 

"That I may live, take from me the upper rope, loose 
the middle, and remove the lowest." (These ropes probably 
refer to the ropes by which a victim is bound. Here, however, 
they are likewise intended for the ropes of sin by which the 
poet, as he told us, felt himself chained and strangled.) 

These translations are perfectly literal; they have not 
been modernised or beautified. But do they sound like 
thehy inns of officiating priests? They seem to me 
contrary to display before our eyes buried cities of thought 
and faith, richer in treasures than all the ruins of Egypt, of 
Babylon, or Nineveh put together. 

Even what are called purely sacrificial hymns are by 
no means without a human interest. One of the earliest 
sacrifices consisted probably in putting a log of wood on the 
fire of the hearth. The fire was called agni, and Agni 
became the god of fire. If any other gift was thrown into the 
fire the smoke seemed to carry it up to heaven, and thus 
Agni became the messenger and soon the mediator between 
men and gods. He was called the youngest among the 
gods, because he was new every morning. Here is a hymn 
addressed to him, possibly a sacrificial hymn, but one that 
does not presuppose a very elaborate ceremonial. 

"Agni, accept this log which I offer thee, accept this 
my service; listen well to these my songs. 



On Ancient Prayers. 25 

"With this log, Agni, may we worship thee, the 
son of strength, conqueror of horses! and with this hymn, 
thou high born god! 

"May we, thy servants, serve thee with songs, granter 
of riches, thou who lovest songs and delightest in riches. 

"Thou lord of wealth and giver of wealth, be thou 
wise and powerful; drive away from us the enemies! 

"He gives us rain from heaven, he gives us inviolable 
strength, he gives us food a thousandfold. 

"Youngest of the gods, their messenger, their invoker, 
most deserving of worship, come, at our praise, to him who 
worships thee and longs for thy help. 

"For thou, O sage, goest wisely between these two 
creations" (heaven and earth, gods and men), "like a friendly 
messenger between two hamlets. 

"Thou art wise, and thou hast been pleased: perform 
now, intelligent Agni, the sacrifice without interruption, sit 
down on this sacred grass." 

That this hymn contains what may be called secondary 
ideas, that it requires the admission of considerable historical 
antecedents, is clear enough. Agni is no longer merely a 
visible fire, he is the invisible agent in the fire; he has 
assumed a certain dramatic personality; he is represented 
as high-born, as the conqueror of horses, as wealthy and 
as the giver of wealth, as the messenger between men and 
gods. Why Agni, the fire, should be called the giver of rain 
is not quite clear, but it is explained by the fire ascending 
in a cloud of smoke, and by the cloud sending down the 
prayed-for rain. The sacred grass (barhis) on which Agni 
is invited to sit down is the pile of grass on the hearth, the 
oldest altar. The gifts intended for the gods are placed on 
it, and the gods themselves are invited to sit down on it. 
All this sh6ws no doubt an incipient ceremonial which be 
comes more and more elaborate in time, but there is no 
sign as yet that it had begun to fetter the wings of poetical 
inspiration. 

The habit of praying, both in private and in public, 
continued through all the periods of the histoiy of Indian 
religion. In the Upanishads we find even what may be 
called philosophical prayers, such as: "Lead me from the 



6 F. Max MiiUer. 

illusory to the real, from darkness to light, from death to 
immortality!" One phase only has to be excepted, that of 
Buddhism; and this will have to be considered when we 
examine what are called individual in contradistinction to 
national religions. We need not dwell here on those later 
prayers of the Brahmans, which we find scattered about in 
the epic poems, in the Pimmas, and in the more modern 
sects established in every part of the country. They are 
to us of inferior interest, though some of them are decidedly 
beautiful and touching. 

Some philosophers have maintained that every prayer 
addressed to an objective deity is idolatrous. But it is im 
portant to remark how much superior the idolatry of prayer 
is to the idolatry of temple- worship. In India, more parti 
cularly, the statues and images of the popular gods such as 
Siva and Durga are offensive, owing to their unrestrained 
symbolism and the entire disregard of a harmony with nature. 
Yet some of the prayers addressed to Siva and Durga are 
almost entirely free from these blemishes, and often show a 
conception of Deity of which we ourselves need not be ashamed. 
Nor need I dwell long in this place on the prayers of 
the ancient Greeks and Romans, because they are well 
known to you all from classical literature. We know-how 
Priam prays before he sets out on his way to the Greek 
camp to ask for the body of his son. We know how Nestor 
prays for the success of the embassy sent to Achilles, and 
how Ulysses offers prayers before approaching the camp of 
the Trojans. We find in Homer penitential prayers, to con 
fess sins and to ask for forgiveness; suppliant prayers, 
to ask for favours; and thanksgiving prayers, praising the 
gods for having fulfilled the requests addressed to them. We 
never hear, however, of the Greeks kneeling at prayer The 
Greeks seem to have stood up erect while praying, and to 
have lifted up their hands to heaven or stretched them forth 
to the earth. Before praying it was the custom to wash the 
hands, 1 ) just as the Psalmist says (XXVI, 6.): "I will wash 
my hands in innocency, so will I compass thine altar, OLord." 
That prayer, not only public, but private also, was 
common among the Greeks we may learn from an interesting 
\) [This is also a Jewish custom, still in vogue. G.A.K.] 



On Ancient Prayers. 27 

passage in Plato, where he says that children hear their 
mothers every day eagerly talking with the gods in the most 
earnest manner, beseeching them for blessings. He also 
states, in another place, that every man of sense before be 
ginning any important work, will ask help of the gods. Men 
quite above the ordinary superstitions of the crowd, nay, 
men suspected of unbelief, were known to pray to the gods. 
Thus Pericles is said, before he began his orations, always 
to have prayed to the gods for power to do a good work. 
May I mention here the name of another great statesman, 
Sir Robert Peel. The widow of Sir Robert Peel told Baron 
Bunsen, who told it me, that on the day when Peel was 
going to deliver his decisive speach on Free Trade, she 
found him in his dressing-room on his knees praying, before 
going to Parliament. 

Most impressive are some of the prayers composed 
by Greek thinkers, whose religion was entirely absorbed 
by philosophy, but whose dependence on a higher power 
remained as unshaken as that of a child. Thus Aristotle 
(Ethics V, 1, 9) says that men should pray that things 
simply good should be good to themselves also, and that they 
should chose what is good to themselves. What can be 
more submissive than the prayer of Cleanthes as quoted by 
Epictetus? What can be more reverent and thoughtful than 
the prayer of Simplicius, at the end of his commentary on 
Epictetus: - 

"I beseech thee, Lord, the Father, Guide of our 
reason, to make us mindful of the noble origin Thou hast 
thought worthy to confer upon us; and to assist us to act 
as becomes free agents; that we may be cleansed from the 
irrational passions of the body, and may subdue and govern 
the same, using them as instruments in a fitting manner; 
and to assist us to the right direction of the reason that is 
in us, and to its participation in what is real by the light 
of truth. And thirdly, I beseech Thee my Saviour, entirely 
to remove the darkness from the eyes of our souls, in order 
that we may know aright, as Homer says, both God and 
men." (Farrar, Paganism and Christianity, p. 44.) 

Equally wise are the words of Epictetus himself (Dis 
courses, 11. 16) : - 



2g F. Max Miiller. 

"Dare to look up to God and say: Do with me hence 
forth as Thou wilt. I am of one mind with Thee, I am 
Thine. I decline nothing that seems good to Thee. Send 
me whither Thou wilt. Clothe me as Thou wilt. Will Thou 
that I take office or live a private life, remain at home or 
go into exile, be poor or rich, I will defend Thy purpose 
with me in respect of all these." 

The Eomans were more religious and more prayerful 
than the Greeks, but they were less fluent m expressing 
their sentiments. It is very characteristic that the Romans, 
when praying, wrapped the toga round their heads, so that 
they might be quite alone with their gods, undisturbed by 
the sights of the outer world. 1 ) That tells more than many 
a long prayer. That in praying they turned the palms of their 
hands backward and upward to heaven, shows that the 
Romans wished to surrender themselves entirely to the will 
and pleasure of their gods. In later times the Romans 
became the pupils of the Greeks in their religious as well as 
in their philosophical views, so that, when we read a prayer 
of Seneca, it is really difficult to say whether it breathes 
Greek or Roman thought. Seneca prays (Clarke, Ten Great 
Religions, p. 233): - 

"We worship and adore the framer and former of 

the universe; governor, disposer, keeper; Him on 

whom all things depend; mind and spirit of the 

world; from whom all things spring; by whose 

spirit we live; the divine spirit diffused through all; 

God all-powerful; God always present; God above all 

other gods; Thee we worship and adore !" 

The religion of the Assyrians and Babylonians, as far 

as we know it from inscriptions, must likewise be classed as 

one of the national religions, whose founders are unknown. 

Many of their prayers have been deciphered and translated, 

but one almost hesitates to quote them or to build any 

theories on them, because these translations change so rapidly 

from year to year. Here is a specimen of an Assyrian 

prayer, assigned to the year 650 B.C.: 

) [The orthodox Jews also, in reciting their morning prayer, wrap the 
Talith about them, probably with the same feeling of exclusive devotion. 
G.A.K.1 



On Ancient Prayers. 29 

"May the look of pity that shines in thine eternal 
face dispel my griefs. 

"May 1 never feel the anger and wrath of the God. 

"May my omissions and my sins be wiped out. 

"May I find reconcilation with Him, for I am the 
servant of His power, the adorer of the great gods. 

"May the powerful face come to my help; may it 
shine like heaven, and bless me with happiness and 
abundance of riches. 

"May it bring forth in abundance, like the earth, 
happiness and every sort of good." 

If this is a correct translation, it shows much deeper 
feelings and much more simplicity of thought than the ordin 
ary Babylonian prayers, which have been translated by some 
of the most trusted of our Cuneiform scholars. Most of 
them are very stiff and formal, and evidently the work of 
an effete priesthood, rather than of sincere believers in 
visible or invisible gods. Here follows one short specimen: 

"O my God, who art violent (against me), receive 
(my supplication). 

"0 my Goddess, thou who art fierce (towards me), 
accept (my prayer). 

"Accept my prayer (may thy liver be quieted). 

"0 my Lord, long suffering (and) merciful (may 
thy heart be appeased). 

"By day, directing unto death that which destroys 
me, O my God interpret (the vision). 

O my Goddess, look upon me and accept my prayer! 

"May my sin be forgiven, may my transgression 
be cleansed. 

"Let the yoke be unbound, the chain be loosed. 

"May the seven winds carry away my groaning. 

"May I strip off my evil so that the bird bear 
(it) up to heaven. 

"May the fish carry away my trouble, may the 
river carry (it) alone. 

"May the reptile of the field receive (it) from me; 
may the waters of the river cleanse me as they flow. 

"Make me shine as a mask of gold. 

"May I be precious in thy sight as a goblet of glass." 



QQ F. Max Miiller. 

This is very barren poetry, and you see at the same time 
how advanced and artificial, how really modern the sur 
roundings are in which the thoughts of these Babylonian 
prayers move. There are cities and palaces, and golden 
masks and goblets of glass, of all of which we see, of course, 
no trace in really ancient or primitive prayers, such as those 
of the Veda. But for all that we find in these Babylonian 
hymns also, some of the essential elements of prayer. We 
see God or the gods displeased at the sins of their worshippers, 
but we see them likewise as filled with pity for the trans 
gressors. The suppliant believes in the forgivenness of sin, 
he hopes that his sins may be wiped out, and that the 
yoke of sin may be untied, just as the Vedic poet prayed 
that the three ropes might be removed from him, from his 
shoulders, from his heart, and from his feet. 

We have now even Accadian prayers, very old, we are 
told, older than those of Nineveh or Babylon, but even they 
smell of incense and temples rather than of the fresh air of 
the morning. 

1 shall read only one Accadian prayer, which is more 
simple and more genuine than the rest: 

"God, my Creator, stand by my side. 
Keep thou the door of my lips, guard thou my hands, 
Lord of Light." 

The following recommendation to pray is also remarkable: 
"Pray thou, pray thou! Before the couch, pray! 
Before the dawn is light, pray! By the tablets and 

books, pray! 

By the hearth, by the threshold, at the sun-rising, 
At the sun-setting, pray!" 1 ) 

We enter into quite a different atmosphere when we 
step into the ruined temples of Egypt. Here, too, the prayers 
strike us as the outcome of many periods of previous thought, 
but they possess a massiveness and earnestness which appeal 
at once to our sympathy. Here is a specimen: - 

"Hail to Thee, maker of all beings, Lord of law, Father 
of the Gods; maker of men, creator of beasts; Lord of 
grains, making food for the beasts of the field . . . The 

) W. Tallack, The Inward Light and Christ s Incarnation, p. 4. 



On Ancient Prayers. 31 

One alone without a second . . . King alone, single among 
the Gods; of many names, unknown is their number. 

"I come to thee, Lord of the Gods, who hast 
existed from the beginning, eternal God, who hast made all 
things that are. Thy name be my protection; prolong niy 
term of life to a good age; may my son be in my place 
(after me); may my dignity remain with him (and his) for 
ever, as is done to the righteous, who is glorious in the 
house of the Lord. 

"Who then art Thou, O my father Amon? Doth a 
father forget his son? Surely a wretched lot awaiteth him 
who opposes Thy will; but blessed is he who knoweth Thee, 
for Thy deeds proceed from a heart of love. I call upon 
Thee, my father Amon! behold me in the midst of many 
peoples unknown to nie; all nations are united against me, 
and I am alone; no other is with me. My many warriors 
have abandoned me, none of my horsemen hath looked 
towards me; and when I called them, none hath listened to 
my voice. But I believe that Anion is worth more to me 
than a million of warriors, than a hundred thousand horse 
men, and ten thousands of brothers and sons, even were 
they all gathered together. The work of many men is 
nought, Amon will prevail over them." 

This is a prayer full of really human feelings, and it 
therefore reminds us of ever so many passages in other 
prayers. The desire that the son may outlive the father, or 
that the older people may not weep over the younger, meets 
us in a hymn of the Veda, when the poet asks, as who has 
not asked, that "the gods may allow us to die in order, so 
that the old may not weep over the young. 

The idea that the help of Amon is better than a thou 
sand horsemen is re-echoed in many a psalm, as when we 
read (Ps. CXVIII. 910) : - - "It is better to trust in the 
Lord than to put any confidence in princes. All nations 
compassed me about, but in the name of the Lord will I 
destroy them." 

If we now turn our eyes from what are called 
ethnic and national religions to those religions which claim 
to be the work of an individual founder, and are therefore 
called individual religions, we must not imagine that they 



32 F. Max Miiller. 

ever came ready-made out of the brain of a single person. 
If the name individual religion is used in that sense, the 
term would be misleading, for every religion, like every 
language, carries with it an enormous detritus of accumulated 
thought which the individual prophet may reshape and revive, 
but which he could not possibly create from the beginning. 
The great individual religions are, Mosaism, Christianity, 
Mohammedanism, and Buddhism. Zoroastrianism also 
was formerly classed as an individual religion, but after 
M. Darmesteter s recent researches, we can hardly do so 
any longer. These individual religions are all called after the 
name of their supposed founders, and the fact that they can 
appeal to a personal authority imparts to them, no doubt, a more 
authoritative character. Bu tif we take the case of Moses, the 
religion which he is supposed to have founded sprang from a 
Semitic soil prepared for centuries for the reception of his 
doctrines. We know now that even such accounts as that 
of the Creation, the Fall of Man, the Deluge, and the Tower 
of Babel have their parallels, if not their antecedents, in the 
clay tablets of Assyria, as first deciphered by George Smith 
and others, and that as there is a general Semitic type of 
language which Hebrew shares in common with Babylonian, 
Arabic, and Syriac, there is likewise a general type of 
Semitic religion which forms the common background of all. 
In the case of Christianity, we know that Christ came not 
to destroy, but to fulfil; and in the case of Mohammedanism 
we may safely say that without Judaism and without Christi 
anity it could never have sprung into existence. 

The ancient religion of Persia, which is called Zoro 
astrianism after its reputed author, is in reality a continua 
tion, in some respects a reform, of the ancient Aryan religion 
of which the Vedic religion is another branch; and exactly 
the same applies to Buddhism, which has all its roots, 
even those with which it breaks, in the earlier religion of 
the Brahmans. In one sense, therefore f I quite admit that 
the classification into ethnic, national and individual religions 
may be misleading, unless it is carefully defined and unless 
we remember that there is no individual religion without 
antecedents that point back to a more ancient national faith. 

The first individual religion in India is Buddhism, which 






On Ancient Prayers. 33 

sprang from Brahmanism, though on many points it stands in 
direct opposition to it. This is particularly the case with 
regard to prayer. There comes a time in the life of religions 
as in the life of individuals when prayer in the sense of 
importunate asking and begging for favours and benefits has 
to cease, and when its place is taken by the simple words, 
,,Thy will be done." But in Buddhism there are, as we 
shall see, even stronger reasons why prayer in the ordinary 
sense of the word had to be surrendered. Some years ago 
I had two Buddhist priests staying with me at Oxford. 
They had been sent from Japan, which alone contains over 
thirty millions of Buddhists . to learn Sanskrit at Oxford. 
As there was no one to teach them the peculiar Sanskrit of 
the Buddhists, and I did not like their going away to a 
forige university, I offered them my services. Of course, 
we had many discussions, and I remember well their strong 
disapprobation of prayer, in the sense of petitioning. They 
belonged to the Mahayana Buddhism, and though they did 
not believe in a Supreme Deity as a creator of the world, 
they believed in a kind of deified Buddha, while the 
Hinayana Buddhists think of their Buddha after his death 
as neither existent nor non-existent. The Mahayanists adore 
their Buddha, they worship him, they meditate on him, they 
hope to meet him face to face in Paradise, in Sukhavati. 
But such was their reverence for Buddha, and such was 
their firm belief in the eternal order of the world, or in the 
working of Karma, that it seemed to them the height of im 
piety to pray, and to place their personal wishes before 
Buddha. I asked one of my pupils whether, if he saw his child 
dying, he would not pray for his life, and he replied, No, 
he could not; it would be wrong, because it would show a 
want of faith! "And yet," I said to him, "you Buddhists 
have actually prayer-wheels. What do you consider the use 
of them?" 

"0 no," he said, "those are not prayer-wheels; they only 
contain the names and praises of Buddha, they remind us of 
Buddha, but we ask for 110 favours from Buddha." 

"But," I said, "are not some of these wheels driven 
by the wind like a wind-mill, others by a river like a 
watermill ?" 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



F. Max Miiller. 

J-T 

My friend looked somewhat ashamed at first. But he 
soon recovered himself and said: 

"After all, they remind people of Buddha, the law, and 
the Church, and if that can be done by machines driven by 
wind or water, is it not better than to employ human beings 
who to judge from the way in which they rattle off their 
prayers in your churches and chapels, seem to be no bet 
than our praying wheels." 

But while we look in vain for suppliant prayers in the 
sacred literature of the Buddhists, we find in it plenty of 
meditations on the Buddha and the Buddhas, on saints, past 
and future. While Pallas (II., p. 168) tells us that the 
Buddhists in Mongolia have not even a word for prayer, he 
oives us himself (II, p. 386) specimens which in other 
religions would certainly be included under that name. ) For 

"Thou, in whom innumerable creatures believe, 
Thou Buddha, conqueror of the hosts of evil! Thou, 
omniscient above all beings, come down to our world! 
Made perfect and glorified in innumerable by-gone 
revolutions: always pitiful, always gracious, lo, now 
is the right time to confer loving blessings on all 
creatures ! Bless us from thy throne which is firmly 
established on a truly divine doctrine, with wonderful 
benefits ! Thou, the eternal redeemer of all creatures, 
incline thy face with thy immaculate company to 
wards our kingdom! In faith we bow before thee. 
Thou the perfecter of eternal welfare, dwelling in 
the reign of tranquillity, rise and come to us, Buddha 
and Lord of all blessed rest!" 

Very different from Buddhism with regard to prayer 
is Zoroastrianism. It encourages prayer in every form, 
whether addressed to the Supreme Spirit, Ahuramazda, or 
to subordinate deities. All that we know of ancient Zoro- 
astrian literature is, in fact, more or less liturgical and full 
of prayers, whether actual petitions or hymns of praise, or 
confessions of sin or expressions of gratitude for favours 
received. Some of these prayers belong to the most ancient 

) Koeppen, Religion des Buddha, I, p. 555. 






On Ancient Prayers. 35 

period of Zend literature, though attempts have lately been 
made to bring their age down to the first century of our 
era, But if that were so, how should we be able to account 
for the fact that their archaic language was often unintelli 
gible to the Pehlevi translators and commentators, who wrote 
in the third century. How difficult their language is, may 
best be seen by the widely diverging translations that have 
been published by Dr. Haug, Dr. Mills and Prof. Darrnesteter. 
In giving a translation of the following specimens , I have 
availed myself chiefly of the most recent and most valuable 
work on the Yasna by M. Darmesteter. The verses are 
supposed to have been addressed to Ahura Mazda by Zoro 
aster himself. 

"1. This I ask thee, tell me truth, Ahura! Fulfi 
my desire as I fulfil thine, Mazda! I wish to resemble 
thee, and teach my friends to resemble thee, in order to 
give thee pious and friendly help. to be with Vohu Mano !" 
(the good spirit). 

"2. This I ask thee, tell me the truth, Ahura! What 
is the first of things in the world of good, the good which 
fulfils the desires of him who pursues it? For he who is 
friend to thee, Mazda, always changes evil to good, and 
rules spiritually in both worlds. 

"3. This I ask thee, tell me the truth, Ahura! Who 
was the creator, the first father of Asha (Right)? Who has 
opened a way for the sun and the stars? Who makes the 
moon to wax and wane? These are the things and others 
which I wish to know, (.) Mazda! 

"4. This I ask thee. tell me the truth, Ahura! 
Who without supports has kept the earth from falling? 
Who has made the waters and the plants? Who has set 
winds and clouds to run quickly? Who is the creator of 
Vohu Mano, Mazda? 

"5. This I ask thee, tell me the truth, Ahura! What 
good artist has made light and darkness? What good artist 
has made sleep and waking? Who has made the dawn, 
noon, and night? Who has made the arbiter of justice? 

"6. This I ask thee, tell me the truth, Ahura! Who 
has created with Khshathra (royal power) aspiration for per 
fect piety? Who has placed love in the heart of a father 



og F. Max Miiller. 

when he obtains a son? I wish to help thee powerfully, 

Mazda, beneficent spirit, creator of all things!" (From 
Gatha Ushtavaiti, Darmesteter, Yasna, p. 286.) 

And again: 

"1. Toward what country shall I turn? Where shall 

1 go to offer my prayers? Relatives and servants leave 
me. Neither my neighbours nor the wicked tyrants of the 
country wish me well. How shall I succeed in satisfying 
thee, Mazda Ahura? 

"2. I see that I am powerless, Mazda! I see that 
I am poor in flocks, poor in men. I cry to thee, look at 
me, Ahura! I expect from thee that happiness which 
friend gives to friend. To the teaching of Vohu Mano (be 
longs) the fortune of Asha. 

"3. When will come to us the increasers of days? 
When will the thoughts of the saints (the Saoshyants) arise, 
in order to support by their works and their teaching the 
good world? To whom will Vohu Mano come for prosperity? 
As to me, Lord, I desire thy instruction. 

"4. In the district and in the country the wicked pre 
vents the workers of holiness from offering the cow, but the 
violent man will perish by his own acts. Whoever, Mazda, 
can prevent the wicked from ruling and oppressing makes 
wise provision for the flocks!" (From Gatha Ushtavaiti, 
Darmesteter, Yasna, p. 30.) 

In the Avestic religion prayer is no longer left to the 
sudden impulses of individuals. It has become part of the 
general religious worship , part of the constant fight against 
the powers of darkness and evil, in which every believer in 
Ormazd is called to take his part. A person who neglects 
these statutable prayers, whether priest or layman, commits 
a sin. Every Par si has to say his prayer in the morning 
and in the evening, besides the prayers enjoined before each 
meal, a gain at the time of a birth, a marriage, or a 
death there are many prayers to be recited. Three times 
every day the Parsi has to address a prayer to the sun 
in his various stations, while the priest, who has to rise at 
midnight, has four such prayers to recite. These three 
prayers at sunrise, at noon, and at sunset, and possibly at 



On Ancient Prayers. 37 

midnight, were not unknown to the people of the Veda, and 
they became more and more fixed in later times. 

Mohammed gave great prominence to prayer as an 
outward form of religion. After the erection of the first 
Mosque at Medinah he ordained the office of the crier or 
muezzin, who from the tower had to call the faithful five 
times every day to the recital of their prayers. The Muezzin 
cried : 

"God is great! (four times) I bear witness that there 
is no god but God (twice). I bear witness that Mohammed 
is the Apostle of God (twice). Come hither to prayers 
(twice). Come hither to salvation (twice). God is great. 
There is no other god but God. 

In the early morning the crier adds : - 

"Prayer is better than sleep." 

The five times for this official prayer are : (1) Between 
dawn and sunrise. (2) After the sun has begun to decline. 
(3) Midway between this and sunset. (4) Shortly after sun 
set. (5) When the night has closed in. 

These prayers are farz, or incumbent; all others 
are nafl, supererogatory, or sunn ah, in accordance with 
the practices of the prophet. 

It might seem as if statutable prayers five times every 
day were too much for a busy life and that too great fre 
quency might degrade the value of prayer and reduce it to 
a mere routine. But any one who has lived in a Moham 
medan country knc^ys that it is not so. The call of the 
Muezzin still retains its startling character, and it is startling 
even to the traveller to see common people in the streets and 
the bazaars suddenly turning aside and saying their prayers 
without any display and without any apparent wish to be 
seen. According to Mohammed s own views to pray five 
times every day was the minimum that could be allowed. 
The prophet declared that originally the divine injunction 
which he received was to pray fifty times a day. "As I 
passed Moses", he relates, "Moses said to me, What have 
you been ordered ? I replied Fifty times. Then Moses said, 
Verily, your people will never be able to bear it, for I 
tried the children of Israel with fifty times a day, but they 
could not manage it. Then I returned to the Lord and 



38 F. Max Miiiler. 

asked for some remission. And ten prayers were taken off. 
Then I pleaded again, and ten more were remitted. And so 
on till at last they were reduced to five. Then I went 
to Moses and he said, And how many prayers have you 
been ordered? And I replied Five. And Moses said, 
Verily, I tried the children of Israel with even five , but it 
did not succeed. Return to your Lord, and ask for a further 
remission. But I said, I have asked until I am quite 
ashamed, and I cannot ask again." 

We see here the underlying idea that properly speaking 
the whole day should be one continuous prayer, not in the 
sense of repeating words or asking favours, but of feeling 
the presence of God and doing everything as it were in the 
sight of God. This is the best of all prayers, though it 
would often be a prayer without words. 

Besides these five statutable and more or less public 
prayers, private devotions are frequently recommended by 
Mohammed, but we possess few specimens of these prayers. 
Mohammed, when speaking of the birds in the air, says that 
each one knoweth its prayer and its praise, and God knoweth 
what they do. He recommends his followers to be instant 
not only in prayer, but in almsgiving also. "When the call 
to prayer soundeth on the day of congregation (Friday), then 
hasten to remember God," he says, "and abandon business; 
that is better for you, if ye only knew; and when prayer 
is done, disperse in the land, and seek of the bount/ of 
God." The following may serve as a specimen of a simple 
Mohammedan prayer. It has sometimes been called Moham 
med s Paternoster: 

"Praise be to God, the Lord of the Worlds! 

The compassionate, the merciful ! 

King of the day of judgment! 

Thee we worship, and thee we ask for help, 

Guide us in the straight way, 

The way of those to whom Thou art gracious, 

Not of those upon whom is Thy wrath, nor of the erring !" 

There is no necessity for my saying anything about 
the two remaining individual religions, the Jewish and the 
Christian. Their prayers are well known and what has 
to be said about them has been said and well said by more 



On Ancient Prayers. 39 

competent teachers in this University. It has sometimes been 
supposed that because the Jews also had fixed certain times 
of the day for prayer, generally morning, noon and evening, 
they had borrowed this custom from Egypt, from Persia, nay 
even from India, We have only to extend the horizon of 
our religious observations in order to see that there are a 
number of coincidences which imply no borrowing, but must 
be traced back to our common human nature. It required 
no special revelation to suggest the rising, the culminating 
and the setting of the sun as the most appropriate times for 
prayer. Even when we find four or five special times fixed 
for divine worship in two different religions, we need not 
admit borrowing, but should always remember that what 
was natural in one religion, may have been equally natural 
in another. It is irrational coincidences that require an 
historical explanation in the shape of borrowing, but a com 
parative study of religions and mythologies teaches us again 
and again that there is often method even in madness, and 
that two nations that never had any historical contact, may 
arrive at the same opinions , however irrational and absurd 
they may seem from a more narrow point of view. 

Like the Greeks, the Jews were generally standing 
while saying their prayers, but we also hear of cases where 
they bent their knees, threw themselves down on the ground, 
lifted up their hands, smote their breasts, or in deep mour 
ning placed their head between their knees. The proper 
place for their private prayers was the small chamber in the 
house, but AVC know how, when prayer had become statutable 
and ceremonial, pious people loved to pray standing in the 
synagogues and the corners of the streets. It is evidently 
against such prayers that Isaiah protests when he introduces 
Jehovah as saying (I, 15): "And when ye spread forth your 
hands, I will hide mine eyes from you: yea, when ye make 
many prayers I will not hear !" 

* I have thus tried to show how much of what is good 
and true may be found in the prayers of all religions. We 
can point out prayers in all the Sacred Books of the world, 
prayers in which we ourselves could honestly join; and the 
discovery of that common sacred ground is, 1 believe, the 
greatest benefit which a comparative study of the religions 



_^Q F. Max Miiller. 

of mankind is meant to confer. It was a great event in 
the history of the world, to my mind the most important 
that I remember in the whole of my life, when at the gr eat 
Congress of Religions held last September (1893) in Chicago, 
representatives of the seven great religions of the world, 
Brahrnans, Buddhists, Followers of Confucius, worshippers of 
Orniuzd, of Jehovah, of Allah, and Christians of all deno 
minations, Delegates of the Pope, Bishops of the Episcopalian 
Church, Unitarians and Friends, were seen standing together 
on the same platform, and joining every morning in silent 
prayer, nay, receiving a blessing in whatever language it 
might be pronounced, by whatever hands it might be offered. 
It was a new day of Pentecost, and who knows what its 
effects may he in the future. And yet in acknowledging a 
common fund of truth in all religions, no one present at 
that Great and truly Oecumenical Council, was asked to give 
up what he cherished most in his own religion. Nor would 
it be right that our sympathy with what is good and true 
and beautiful in other religions should make us uncritical 
or undiscrimmating. After reading the hymns and prayers 
of other religions, no unprejudiced critic would deny that 
the Hebrew Psalms stand out unique among the prayers of 
the Avhole world by their simplicity, their power, and the 
majesty of their language, though like all collections of 
prayers, the collection of the Psalms also, contains some 
which we should not be sorry to miss. 

Some of the private prayers of the Jews have been 
preserved in the Talmud. They are very beautiful, and the 
Rabbis often pride themselves on being able to match from 
the Talmud every petition in Avhat has become emphatically 
the prayer of Christianity, the Lord s Prayer. *) Why should 
they not? It would probably not be difficult to do the 
same from other Sacred Books of the East. The human 
soul when in a mood for prayer, has much the same to say, 
though the way of saying it, varies in different religions and 
different languages. To study these changes is one of the 
chief objects and charms of Comparative Theology. We can 

*) [See an article by Dr. A. Kohut on "The Talmud and the Gospels", 
in The Independent (New York), for June 21st, 1894, where parallals and 
a complete bibliography are given. G.A.K.] 






On Ancient Prayers. 41 

study religions either gen ealogic all y, or analogically. In 
studying religion genealogically, as when we try to understand 
Christianity in its development from Jewish faith and Greek 
philosophy, we learn that there is progress, or what it is 
now the fashion to call evolution, that is, historical 
continuity and growth in the great religions of the world. 

But even in studying religions analogically, that is, 
in comparing religions which have no historical relationship, 
we learn to discover a certain independent parallelism of 
thought which sometimes helps us to understand what is 
obscure and seemingly without antecedents in one religion 
by the fuller light derived from another. The more perfect 
method is no doubt the genealogical which , wherever it is 
applicable, enables us to see how slow and gradual changes 
may lead historically and without any break, from one point 
of the compass of thought to anothes, sometimes to the very oppo 
site. The analogical method is less satisfactory, still, if we have 
once learnt to look upon humanity as a whole, as one great brother 
hood, we may be justified in applying the solvents supplied 
by the religion even of mere savages, to problems that require 
solution in the religious doctrines of the most civilised races. 

Thus with regard to sacrifice we can see how savage 
tribes offer at first the entire animal to their gods, even 
when they themselves have to fast. After a time we see 
how the sacrifice becomes a feast at which all the members 
of the sacrificer s family take their share, while the officiating 
priests claim the best morsels for themselves. This leads 
at last to the scandal of burning only the worst portions of 
the victim for the benefit of the gods, till a natural reaction 
sets in and God is made to declare "that He will not take 
a bullock or a he-goat, and that the true sacrifice is a broken 
spirit and a contrite heart." 

It is the same with the historical development of prayer. 
It begins, as we saw, with "Give us food", "give us health," 
"give us children" "give us a long life," in fact - - "Let our 
will be done." It ends, after many chances and chances, 
not indeed with the Buddhist condemnation of all prayer, but 
with the prayer of all prayers: 

Let Thy will be done! 



Lapidarien, 

ein culturgeschiehtlicher Versuch 

von 
Moritz Steins clmeider (Berlin.). 



I. Entwicklung, Tendenz, Qucllen. 

Mit derFrage: ,,Wober?", mit deni Aufsuchen der An- 
fange oder .,Principien" trennt sich die Theorie von der 
Praxis. derenFrage: ,,Wozu?" lautet Beide haben eigent- 
lich ein unendliches Ziel; wir kennen ja die letzten Zwecke 
eben so wenig als die ersten Anfange: allein nach den 
letzten Zwecken fragen ist eben niclit ,,praktiscb" ; den 
practischen Menschen bescbaftigen nur die nacbsten Absichten, 
die allerdings fiir die Meisten zugleich die letzten sind. Der 
Forscher nach den Aniangen ist nicht bios in der Natur- 
kunde, sondern auch in der Geschichte der Menschheit, na- 
nientlich in der Geschichte der Wissenschaft und Literatur, 
auf die Erganzung der Thatsachen durch Vermutungen und 
Annahmen (Hypothesen) angewiesen, welche in ihreni Rechte 
sind, oder wie der Franzose sagt, eine raison d etre haben, 
so lange sie den Schein von Thatsachen verrneiden, sich nur 
fiir das ausgeben, was sie sind. Diese nbtige Yorsicht inag 
auch ims leiten, wenn wir einen verhaltnismassig relchen 
Literaturzweig des Mittelalters einleiten divrch einen Yersucb, 
die Wurzeln desselben zu entdecken, ehe wir in eineni kurzen 
Ueberblick einige Friichte zu iiberschauen streben. Wir 
denken uns die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Lapidarien 
in folgender Weise. 

Als der Mensch anfing, die unorganische Natur, oder das 
Mineralreich, vom Reicbe der Pflanzen undTiere zu unterschei- 
den, da erkannte er wohl zuerst seine natiirliche und nachste 



Lapidarien. 43 

Umgebung. den Sand und Staub auf der Oberflache. Mit dem 
Graben, Hauen imd Baueii lernte er Steine kennen, deren 
Harte und Dauerhaftigkeit sie zuni Mittel und Werkzeug fiir 
diese und andere Thatigkeiten empfahlen; die Anthropologen 
nehmen bekanntlich eine Steinzeit fur diese Culturstufe an. 
Spater verfolgte man die natiirlichen Erdschichten und 
baute Scha elate, worin man zunachst ein Gemenge fand, 
das Erz (so viel als Erstes, Gemenge = p. T a)^a, franzosich 
fouille, von fouiller == durclm rt/zfew); 1 ) im Erze fand man 
Schmelzbares, welches den Stein verdrangte, das fiihrte die 
Bronzezeit herbei 2 ); erst spiiter kommt das Eisen zur 
Geltung. Allmalig ergaben Glanz und Gewicht den Begriff 
der edlen Metalle, welche sich besonders durch ihr Gewicht 
zur Herstellung der Miinzen von hoherem Wert geeignet 
zeigen. In der That ist der hebraische Sclicltel zunachst nur 
ein Gewicht, wie latein. libra (woraus lira ital.. lirre franzos. 
und pound englisch). Eudlich beginnt man, nach Farbe, Form 
(Facetten) und Liclit edle Steine (Abanim tobot) oder Edel- 
steine zu unterscheiden, die Metalle und Steine mit mytho- 
logischen und astrologischen Vorstellungen zu vcr- 
binden 3 ) und ihnen verborgene, magische Eigenschaften und 
Krafte (Segullot , arabisch Khassa, Khaivwas) beizulegeu, 
welche man gewolmlich durch die Analogic des Magnets, 
wenn nicht zu erklaren. doch durch die gleiche Unerklarlich- 
keit zu beweisen suchte. 4 ) So kamen denn die Edelsteine mit 
der Mineralogie in das Bercich der Heilmittel und in die 
alphabetischen Sammlnngen von Namen der Simplicia" , die 
man ^Synonyma," betitelte 5 ), allerdings nur in geringer Anzahl 



x ) Uber Metalle" u. ,,Minen" s. Berthelot, Introd. a I Etude de la 
Chimie etc. Paris 1889 p. 26. wo ein Missverstandnis bei Hofer (Hist., I, 
149) berichtet wird. Auch das arabische Mcfadin bedeutet Mine und 
Minerale, wie das syrische und hebr. NXIS. 

2 ) Ueber die verschiedene Bedeutung von Bronze s. Berthelot, 
Introd., p. 228. 

3 ) Die Yerbindung von Metallen und Sternen ist nach Berthelot, 
Introd. p. 202, La Chimie etc. J, 326, altchaldaisch. 

4 ) Steinschn eider, Intorno ad aclutri passi etc. relatin alia calamita, 
Roma 1871. 

5 ) Steinschneider. Zur Literatnr der Synonyma, Sonderabdruck aus 
Pagel, Chirurgie des H. von Mondeville, Berlin 1892 S, 582 if. Bei 
H. Emanuel (Diamonds), ist nur Serapion envahnt, p. 256. 



4, Moritz Steinschneider. 

gegeniiber den zahlreichen Pflanzennamen; das Verhaltnis zu 
den Artikeln aus dcrn Tierreich habe ich nicht untersucht. 
Die Elementarlehre des Aristoteles, welche das Mittel- 
alter beherrschte, mid wonach alle Korper aus denselben 
4 Bestandteilen zusammengesetzt sind, erzeugte, oder unter- 
stittzte die Idee von der Moglichkeit einer Verwandlung un- 
edler Metalle in edle, oder vom sogen. Stein der Weisen", 
welcher so vielen Thoren zum Stein des Anstosses geworden. 
Der Stein wurde allmalig mit anderen wunderthatigen Kraften 
ausgestattet; die Gehehnlehren der Alchemie wurden bei den 
spateren Griechen (Byzantinern) auf heidnische Gottheiten, na- 
mentlich Hermes (nach welchem man die ,,hermetische Kunst" 
benannte), zuriickgefuhrt; 1 ) an ihrer Stelle oder neben ihnen, 
erscheinen spater fingirte he braise he 2 ) und griechische 
Autoritaten; Philosophic und Mystik geben sich dem Betrug 
zum Miss branch her. 

Kiinstliche Diamanten sind erst in neuester Zeit moglich ge- 
worden; friiher kannte man auf diesern Gebiet nur nachahmende 
Tausclmng, die hier nicht welter berticksichtigt wird. 

Der jlidischen und christlichen Gelehrsamkeit bot 
sich ausser dem niercantilischen, naturhistorischen, mystischen 
und medicinischen Antrieb zur Erforschung von Edelsteinen 
noch ein exegetisch-archaeologischer. Das orakelnde Brust- 
s child des Hohepriesters enthielt bekanntlich zwolf Edel- 
steine, worin die Nanien der 12 Stamme Israel s, wie in einem 
Siegel eingegraben waren (CHln TtlPD Exod. 28,20). 12 Steine 
erwahnt auch die Apokalypse des Johannes. Hier war 

J ) Berth elot, Collection des anciens Alchimistes yrecs. 2 voll. Pav. 1888. 

2 ) Bei Berthelot vermisst man, wo es Juden betrifft, die sonstige 
kritische Yorsicht, z. B. Introd. p. 16: Jiidischer Gnosticismus, p. 18: 
Sprache der Juden, -p. 236: Zosimus, der Hebraer (!), p. 234: Marie 
1 Hebreuse [eigentlich eine Confusion von Mirjam, der Jungfrau Maria und 
der koptischen Sklavin des Muhammed], p. 294 : jiidische Schriften. La 
Chimie I, 229: Ubersetzungen aus dem Habraischen, p. 232: judische An- 
spielungen, p. 333: hebraische Texte, p. 249: Zadith ben Hamuel, ein 
jiidisches AVerk, p. 254: die ,,Turba" aus dem Arabischen oder Hebraischen 
iibersetzt, p. 145 wird aus den "Worten: ,,Gott hat dem Moses das Gesetz 
gegeben" auf jiidischen Ursprung geschlossen , p. 257: aus dem Hebraischen 
oder Arabischen iibersetzt, vgl. 263, 267, p. 302: Jakob, der Jude und 
Pseudo-Moses, vgl. II, p. XXXVI. II p. XXXV u. 264: Salomo schreibt 
ein agyptisches Buch gegen die Damonen; p. XXXVI u. 294 Esdras. - 
p. 267: ^Talisman" des Salomo ist ein hebraischer Ausdruck! 



Lapidarien. 45 

Gelegenheit geboten, iiber Narnen, Beschaffenheit. Eigentiini- 
lichkeit und symbolische Bedeutung der 12 Steine sich zu 
ergehen. DenDoch findet sich in der hebraischen Literatur 
kamn eine Monographic dariiber, 1 ) wogegen eine grossere 
Anzahl betrefFender christlicher Schriften existirt, 2 ) darunter 
eine der altesten angeblich von Cethel oder wie der 

Namen sonst verstiiminelt erscheint - - der sie zur Zeit des 
Auszuges aus Aegypten verfasst habe. Ich habe in dieseni 
Namen Bezalel erkannt, und dieser Name fand sich auch 
hinterher deutlich. 3 ) 

Die Edelsteine warden fur magische Wirkungen uiit 
Figuren und Inschriften versehen, nach Art der Steine in 
einem Siegelringe; ob hier die jiidische Tradition von 
der Wirkung der Gottesnarnen von Einfluss gewesen sei, lasse 
ich dahingestellt. Was ich dariiber in der hebraischen Lite 
ratur des Mittelalters gefunden habe, ist sehr unbedeutend 
und Jung, meist aus nichtjiidischen Quellen stammend; zu- 
letzt glaubte man auch, Steine mit natiirlich eingegrabenen 
Figuren und Zeichen entdeckt zu haben, und es bildete sich 
innerhalb der Steinkunde em besonderer Kreis von den 
Steinen mit gravirten Zeichen, oder Figuren. 4 ) 

Und nach alien diesen verschiedenartigen Ideenkreisen 
fand die Edelsteinkunde noch eine practische Anwendung, 
nainlich eine moral! sche oder symbolische, 5 ) in christ- 
lichen Predigten, ahnlich, wie ini sogenannten 7 ,Physiologus* , 
welcher die Tierwelt und die damit zusaninienhangende 
Fab el welt in den Dienst einer oft sehr gewaltsaui symboli- 
sirenden Homiletik stellte. 6 ) Wenn aber der ,,Physiologus" in 



Mein: Die hebr. tbers. S. 964. 

2 ) S. Anhang I. 

3 ) Hebr. Bibliographic XVI, 104; Zeitschr. f. Mathem. XX, 26; Die 
hebr. Ubersetz. S. 963. Anm. 

4 ) Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. 958. Lapidum Pretiosorum usus Magicus. 
sive de Sigillis; ms. des Br. Mus. Harley bei Emanuel p. 260. 

5 ) Felicie d Ayzac. in Annales archeoloyiques de Didron, t. V; 1846 
p. 216 (iiber die Symbolik der Edelsteine). 60 Edelsteine bekleiden die 
,,Intettigen-za", d. i. ein Gedicht, angeblich von Dino Compagni, aber 
wohl alter (XII. Jahrh.?); s. Spezi, Due trattati del governo degli uccelli, 
p. XIV. S. auch Anh. II: Schriften von de Mely, insbesondere die letzte. 

6 ) Bei Hommel, die athiopische Ubersetz. des Physiologus, Leipzig 1877 
S. 64 n. 17 (Schildkrote) schlagt Susanna die Rabbiner! S. 72 (Krahe): 



Moritz Steinschn eider. 
4b 

keiner hebraischen Bcarbeitimg nachzuweisen 1st, so lag es 
nicht an der verkunstelten Auslegungsmethode, die sich als 
Consequenz der jiidischen Haggada betrachten durfte, son- 
dern an der durchgehenden christlichen Tendenz. 1 ) 

Wenn eine der hier geschilderten Tendenzen bei der 
schriftlichen Abfassung eines ,,Lapidariuni" (Steinbuches) 
vorherrschenden Einfluss ausubte, so verdrangte sie doch 
nicht Icicht alle anderen ganzlich; sondern es bildete sich 
allmaiig eine Art von Gleichgcwicht in der Ausgestaltung der 
Steinbiicber-, dennoch darf man annehmen, dass die allgemeine 
Gedankenrichturig des Mittelalters, insbesondere der mit dem 
Glauben an Teufel, Damonen, Gespenstern u. dergl. zusam- 
inenhangende Aberglaube auch in den Edelsteinen am 
liebsten die dunkle Seite der Magie und der geheimen Krafte 

aufsuchte. 

Schliesslich warden Scbilderungen merkwiirdiger Steine 
Bestandteile k o smog rap hisc h er Werke wie in den 

lateinischen Schriften mit dem beliebten Titel: De natura 
(natnns) rerum; Philologen der alten Schulen schrieben viel- 
leicht auch iiber die Naiiien der Steine lexicaliscb. 

Der Geist der Menscben entwickelt sich aber nicht 

lediglich nach abstracten Kategorien ; die Geschichte bietet 

oft iiberraschende Wirkungen ausserlicher Erscheinungen, und 

die Literatur der einzelnen Volker entwickelt sich haufig 

unter dem Einfluss eines anderen, der eigenen Geistesrichtung 

fremden, ja sogar entgegengeset-zten Schrifttums. Bei den 

Juden, welche mit Landern und Volkern auch die ver- 

schiedensten Culturen durchwanderten, ist die Aufnahme und 

Assimilation fremden Stoffes am leichtesten iiberhaupt wahr- 

zunehinen, am schwersten im Einzelnen zu durchforschen; 

es gilt hier, fur vieles anscbeinend Eigentiimliche den 

fremden Ursprung aufzusuchen, selbst wenn ein solcher aus- 

driicklich angegeben wird, z. B. bei Ueberse tzungen, 

wenn die Originale nicht genannt sind. In medizinischen und 

naturwissenschaftlichen Werken ist derfremde Einfluss am deut- 

,,Jerusalem, die Synagoge der Juden, die Morderin Jesus bat keinen zvveiten 
Eiioser mehr." 

*) Hommel, 1. c. S. 58 n. 12 (Ameise) : ,,Du aber entferne das 
A. He Testament von Deiner Seele, damit Dicb nicht der Buchstabe todte; 
Paulus sprach: Das Gesetz des Geistes ist Leben. 



Lapidarien. 47 

lichsten zu erkennen an den nichthebraischen Namen, und nach 
diesem Kriterium gehoren saintliche hebraische Lapidarien 
einer fremden Literatur an. Es sind hier zwei Hauptquellen 
zu unterscheiden : arabische Namen in ihrer urspriinglichen 
Orthographie (die diakritischen Punkte fehlen in der Eegel) 
und lateinische, welche wiederuin teilweise aus deni 
Griechischen, teilweise aus dem Arabischen stammen, wie 
z. B. Hyacinth zu Persisch-Arabischem Jafait wird. In den 
lateinischen Schriften des Mittelalters sind die fremden Aus- 
driicke oft schon in der Hand des Uebersetzers und des Co- 
pisten unkenntlich geworden: die alten Drucke mit ihren weit- 
geheuden Abkiirzungen haben die Verketzerung nur gesteigert, 
und es ist die vergleichende Namenkunde ebensowohl 
eine sachliche als sprachliche Aufgabe geworden, der sich 
seit einiger Zeit Herr F. de Mely mit grosser Energie unter- 
zieht, wie aus den Proben seines umfassenden Materials 
hervorgeht. 1 ) 

Wir beabsichtigen hier natiirlich nicht die Edelstein- 
literatur erschopfend zu behandeln. oder auch nur biblio- 
graphisch aufzuzahlen, sondern nur diejenigen arabischen 
und europaischen Schriften des Mittelalters zusaimnenzustellen, 
welche wir auf dem Wege nach anderen Zielen gelegentlich 
kennen gelernt haben, um mit einem Ueberblick der jiidischen, 
namentlich hebraischen Lapidarien zu schliessen. Ausser den 
speciellen Catalogen, welche bei den einzelnen mss. direct 
benutzt und als Quelle angefiihrt sind, ist hier noch auf 
einige neuere Abhandlungen und Notizen hinzuweisen, welche 
die Lapidarien im Allgemeinen zur Kenntnis bringen und 
charakterisiren, teilweise in Einleitungen zu Ausgaben ein- 
zelner Steinbiicher. 2 ) 

II. Arabische Schriften. 

Die nachfolgende Aufzahlung stammt aus gelegentlichen 
Notizen vieler Jahre, und ich bin ausser Stande, jede Einzel- 
heit nochmals mit den Quellen zu vergleichen, oder neue 
Studien anzustellen; die hier erwahnten Autoren u ber den 
Kreis der Stein schriften hinaus zu verfolgen konnte gar nicht 

*) Seine Schriften s. Ende An hang II. 
2 ) S. Anhang II. 



,o Moritz Steinschneider. 

meine Absicht sein. Ich darf annehmen, dass alle unter I 
besprochenen Beziehungen durch die folgenden Angaben belegt 
sind, in welchen zuerst eine Reihe von Autoren chronologisch 
geordnet, dann eine Anzahl von Anonymen, schliesslich einige 
arabische Ubersetzungen oder Bearbeitungen von griechischen 
Quellen aufgezahlt werden. Eine genauere Bibliographie mit 
Angabe der arabischen Titel musste einem Fachblatte vor- 

behalten bleiben. 

[Ich babe inzwischen eine solcbe in der Zeitschr. der 
Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch. Bd. 49(1895) und 
bier nur die Hauptsachen kurz gegeben.] 

a) Arabische Autoren: 

Djabir ben Hajjan (um 760), der angebliche Vater der 

arabischen Alchemic, soil ein ,,Buch der Steine" (Berth. 

Ill 22) und ,,Ursachen der Mineralien" verfasst haben. 

Al-Kasim b. Sallam (gest. 839), em Philologe, verfasste ein 

,.Buch der Steine". ob lexicalisch? 

Ali b. Rabban al-Thabari, ein zum Islam iibergetretener Sohn 
dcs Rabbiners Sahl (uni 850), Arzt und Schriftsteller, 
bat nicht ein Buch der ,,Edelsteine" geschrieben, wird 
aber fiir Mineralien citirt. 

Al-Dja e hiz (gest. 868 oder 869), ein Vielschreiber, erwahnt 
sein AVerk liber Mineralien, Edelsteine und Metalle 
u. s. w.. wie es scheint, ebenfalls alchemistisch. 
Masaweih, ibo, der beriihmte Arzt (gest. 857), wird nur von 

Tifaschi als Verfasser eines Steinbuches angefiihrt. 
Al-Kindi. vulgo: Alchindus (gest. nach 864), ein Polyhistor, 

verfasste 2 Abhandlungen iiber Edelsteine. 
c Honein b. Is c hak (gest. 863), der beruhmteste Ubersetzer 
griechischer Werke, soil eine Schrift iiber die An- 
fertigung von Talismanen aus Edelsteinen in einem 
Pariser ms. verfasst haben. Eine Abhandlung Honein s 
liber Alchemie citirt Sakhawi S. 77. 

Oth arid (oder Utarid) b. Muhammed d- Hasib, der Rechner 
(oder &\-Katib, der Secretar), wahrscheinlich alterer 
Zeitgenosse des zu erwahnenden Razi, verfasste eine 
Schrift iiber die Xutzen der Edelsteine, welche mit ver- 
schiedenem Titel in der Bodleiana, in Cambridge und 
Paris erhalten ist. 



Lapidarien. JQ 

. 

Al-Eazi, vulgo Rhazes (gest. 923 oder 932), einer der 
beriihmtesten arabischen Arzte, verfasste Verschiedenes 
zur Verteidigung der Alchemic, darunter ein ,,Buch der 
Steine", vielleicht identisck mit deni ,,Buck vom Steine- 
und dem ,,Buch vom roten Steine", auch ein zweifel- 
haftes Buck ,,de mineris". 

Ibn al-Heitham, Abd al-Ra hman (urn 950), Arzt in Cordova, 
verfasste ein Buch liber Heilmittel, worin Kapitel iiber 
specifische (sympathetische) ; das Buck ist in hebraischer 
Jbersetzung erhalten und bietet auch Einiges iiber Steine 
Djezzar, ibn al-, Arzt (gest. um 1000), wird von TifascM 
als Verfasser eines Steinbuches angefiikrt. Der Namen 
ist in dei Ausgabe corruinpirt, die ricktige Lesart hat 
das hebr. ms. Berlin 349 Oct. 

Maslama al-Madjriti (in Spanien gest. um 10047), ver 
fasste eine Schrift iiber Magie, worin aueli von Steinen; 
aus einem angeblicken ,Buck der Steine- desselben 
smd Ausziige in der Bodleiana und in Cambridge erhalten 
Al-Biruni (durck Sackau als r al-Beruni" eingefukrt), abu l- 
Rei kan, im Orient (1038), verfasste eine unter ver- 
schiedenem Titel im Escurial und in der Bodleiana 
erhaltene Monographic iiber die Steinkunde fiir den 
Herrscker Maudud , worin einige sonst unbekannte 
Autoren (Vielleicht aus anderem Gebiete ?) angefiikrt 
sind, wie dieses, leider wenig bekannte Buch sogar in 
einem mediciniscken Werke von Suweidi (gest. 1292, 
s. unten) benutzt sckeint. Leclerc (Hist, de la mede- 
cine arale I, 480) mackt Mitteilungen aus dem ms. des 
Escurial, das er fiir ein Unicuin halt, weil das Bod- 
leianiscke bei Wustenfeld feklt. Biruni wurde jiidischer 
Abkunft verdiichtigt, wegen seiner Bekanntsckaft mit 
der Bibel durck die Ubersetzung des f Honein, meint 
Leclerc, nackdem er Biruni s Bemerkung iiber die 
,,Kupferwaffen- zur Zeit Samuel s initgeteilt kat. Die 
Chronologic Biruni s, die man bisher fiir die Geschichte 
der judischen Chronologic noch nicht kerangezogen 
kat, beweist aber einen Verkekr mit gelehrten Juden. 
Ubrigens komnit Leclerc gern auf seine vermeintliche 
:,Entdeckung" der Bibeliibersetzung Honein s zuriick. 
Diese Ubersetzung aus dem Griechischen (der LXX) 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. A 



50 Moritz Steinschneider. 

ist bereits (nach Rodiger) in meinem Art. ,,Jiidische 
Literatur" vor einem halben Jahrhundert erwahnt. 

Al-Tifaschi, vulgo: Teifaschi, Ahmed (gest. 1253/4), ist der 
bekannteste arabische Autor auf unserem Grebiete. 
Seine Monographic, in 25 Kapiteln, wovon wenigstens 
2 Recensionen existiren, ist unter verschiedenen Uber- 
schriften, auch anonym, in vielen mss. vorhanden. Erst 
kiirzlich entdeckte ich sie arabisch in dem hebr. ms. 
Berlin 349 Oct. Proben gab bereits Ravius (Utrecht 
1784), den Text rait italienischer Ubersetzung (Ahmed 
Teifascite etc.) A. Rainieri (Firenze 1818). Eine tiirkische 
Ubersetzung von Mahinud al-Schirwani (urn 1427/8) ist 
handschriftlich in der Leipziger Ratsbibliothek. Ti- 
faschi war fur manchen Nachfolger massgebend. 

Beilak al-Kabdjaki verfasste eine sklavische Nachahmung 
des Tifaschi in 30 Kapiteln in einem Pariser ms. (Slane 
2779, Autograph). 

Kazwini, der bekannte Kosmograph (gest. 1283), hat in 
seinem Werke, betitelt ,,Weltwunder", auch Manches 
iiber unser Thema, was besonders excerpirt wurde, z. B. 
in einem Pariser ms.; Slane (n. 2776, 5 ) scheint es dem 
Leser zu iiberlassen, den Autornarnen zu erraten. 

Bar H ebr aus (der Hebraersohn) Gregorius, bekannter syrischer 
Autor (gest. 1286), gab in seiner, aus dem Syrischen 
arabisch ubersetztenEncyklopadie(,,Pharus derHeiligen") 
auch einen Abschnitt iiber die Mineralien. 

Al-Suweidi, Ibrahim (1203 1291/2), Arzt in Damaskus und 
in Agypten, verfasste eine Schrift iiber die specifischen 
Krafte der Edelsteine, weiche unter verschiedenen Titeln 
in der Bibliothek des iigyptischen Khedive und der 
Berliner koniglichen handschriftlich vorhanden ist. 

Wat w at, Mahammed b. Ibrahim (gest. 1318/9) ist der Autor 
eines umfassenden Werkes, aus welchern ms. Paris (Slane 
2776 4 ) Auszuge enthalt. 

Sakhawi, Schanis al-Din Muhammed b. Ibrahim al-Ansari (die 
Nanien sind verschieden entstellt und im Index von Hagi 
Khalfa unkritisch gegeben), Arzt (gest. 1348/9), der bei 
Wiistenfeld und Leclerc fehlt, und Encyklopadiker, iiber 
welchen Vieles zu bemerken ware, verfasste zwei hierher 
gehorende Schriften, einen ,,ausgewahlten Schatz", aus 



Lapidarien. 5^ 

alteren und jiingeren Autoritaten iiber Edelsteine, deren 
Eigenschaften, Eundorte, bekannte Preise, specifische 
Krafte und Nutzen r zu linden in Paris (Slane 2776, 2 
mit abweicbendem Schlagwort und ohne nahere Nach- 
weisung), und eine ahnliche oder venvandte Abhandlung 
iiber die mineralische und tierische Substanz, wahr- 
scheinlich mit Riicksicht auf Alchemic, woriiber Hagi 
Khalfa eine Stelle im Namen Sakhawi s anfiihrt. welche 
sich in dem encyklopadischem Werke (S. 77) nicht nndet. 

Makrizi, Ahmed b. Ali (gest. 1441), der bekannte Kosmo- 
graph, verfasste ein Buch der ,,hohen Zwecke" iiber 
die Kenntnis der metallischen Korper, welches von 
Hagi Khalfa erwahnt wird und in einem Leydener 
Sanimelband gefunden worden ist. 

Sujuti (ungenau Asjuti), Djalal al-Din Abd ul-Rahman (gest 
1505), der eine ganze Bibliothek zusammengeschrieben 
hat, verfasste unter anderen Schriften ..hyacinthische 
Makainen", worin einAbschnitt iiber Edelsteine, arab. ms. 
361. 4 des Vatican. 5 Arten von Juwelen bilden den 
letzten kurzen Abschnitt des Kuches ..De proprietatibus 
et virtutibus aniinaliuin, plantarum et gemmarum Hab- 
darrahmani Asiutensis, latin, don. ab Abraham Ecche- 
i S Paris 1647, 8. 






Auf die neuere Zeit habe ich meine Notizen nicht aus- 
gedehnt, schliesse also (init Ubergehung des wenigen mir 
Bekannten) mit einigen zweifelhaften Autoren und Biichern. 

Tiber die, ins Spanische iibersetzte und von der Akademie 
in Madrid edirten Lapidarien des .,Abolays und Muhammed 
aben Quich"(?) verweise ich auf Z.D.M.G. Bd. 49 S. 266 ff. 1 ) 
Ein Secretum (secretorum) iiber Edelsteine von abul-Abbas 
Ahmed al-Kutubi fcorrumpirt xVbutigi?) ist vielleicht zwei- 
mal in der Bodleiana und in Paris (Slane 2780)? 

b) Anonyma: 

Ich muss mich hier auf eine Angabe des Titelwortes 
(nach dem arab. Alphabet geordnet) und der Quelle beschranken, 
unter Vorbehalt der Zeitbestimmung. 

l ) Der ,,Zusatz", auf welchen in ,,Die hebr. Ubers." S. 980 verwiesen 
ist, blieb \vegen seiner Ausdehnung zuriick. 

4* 



rg Moritz Steinschneider. 

Bugjat al-Tullab. Hagi Kb. V, 209. 

fttob al-Djawakir, ib. VII, 291 n. 1616. 

DjmvaMr al-Israr, ib. II, 670 n. 4264 (alchem. . 

Khawwas al-Ahdjar, Ahhvardt n. 6217, nach Anordnung 

des Trfaschi. 
1 KtowA* al-Djawahir,-S.-Kh.Vn, 160 n. 1707, unter 

inedicinischen Schriften. 
Eisala . . fi l-A Mjar, Bibliothek des Khedive, kleiner Catalog 

S. 213. 
Eisala . fi l-Djawahir, Suppl. Paris 878 (Slane 2775,*), nach 

Clement-Mullet, Journ. Asiat. 1868 (XI) p. 11 wird im 

,,Catalog Ci diese Schrift dem Avicenna beigelegt. 
Sirr ai-Asmr (s. oben amEnde der Autoren), liber 76 Edelsteine. 
Ujun al- HaMiJc, H. Kb. IV, 290 n. 8465. 
Al-Maddin (Kitab), Fihrist S. 318 Z. 2. 
Nushat al-AVsar, ms. Paris, Slane 2776 3 . 
Nur al-Anwar, ins. Khedive V, 398. l ) 

Titellos. Fragment ? ins. Berlin, Ahlwardt V, 492 n. 6228. 
Unbekannt, ms. des Brit. Mus. (christl.?) n. 38 (Catal. p. 52). 
Zwei anonyme Lapidarien in spanischer Ubersetzung sind 

von der Madrider Akadeniie mit ,,Abolays" etc. heraus- 
3n, s. oben S. 51. 



c) Arabische Ubersetzungen nnd Bearbeitungen 
griechischer Quellen. 

Wir begegnen in arabischen Steinbiichern verschiedenen 
Citaten mit deutlichen Namen griechischer Autoren, oder 
unter entstellten Formen, welche auf griechische Quellen zu 
fiihren scheinen; doch ist nicht inimer anzunehmen, dass 
ein griechisches untergeschobenes Steinbuch zu Grunde liege, 
wie z. B. in den verdiichtigen Citaten bei ,,aben Quich". 

Obenan steht Aristoteles, dem ein grosses Steinbuch 
beigelegt wird, welches ,.Luka b. Serapion cc (?) ubersetzt habe. 
Es ist bisher davon nur ein arabisches ms. in Paris bekannt. 
Hingegen giebt es verschiedene hebraische und lateinische 
Bearbeitungen, iiber welche Valentin Rose Licht verbreitet 
hat. Eine Stelle iiber die Anwendimg der Magnetnadel ist 
vielfach besprochen (s. unten I\ 7 ). Uber eine, dem Arist. oder 

J ) Yergl. auch p. 377 u. 850. 



Lapidarien. 53 

Avicenna beigelegte alchemistische Abhandlung s. F. de 
Mely, Le Lapidaire d Aristote. Par. 1894. (Extrait de la Revue 
des Etudes grecques, t. VII.) Demniichst kommt Hermes, 
arabisch auch Idris, hebraisch Chanoch (Hench). 1 ) Die 
verschiedenen, meist superstitiosen Schriften, welche in 
arabischen Quellen ihm beigelegt werden, habe ich im III. 
Abschn. meiner Pariser Preisschrift iiber die arabischen Uber- 
setzungen zusammengestellt, welcher in Z.D.M.Gr. 1896 zum Ab- 
druck kommt. Hier sei nur eine Monographic iiber die eigenttim- 
lichen Krafte etc. und iiber die Gravirung erwahnt, welche 
in Berlin (21 Kap.) 7 in der Bodleiana und in Cambridge hand- 
schriftlich erhalten ist. 

Balinas, den z. B. Beilak anfuhrt, ist vielleicht Apollonius 
von Thyana, da Plinius nicht ins Arabische libersetzt worden 
ist. .,Muhammed aben Quich" citirt als Verfasser von Stein- 
biichern: Alexander, ,,Benfrecytes" und .,Boortriates" 
vielleicht beide aus Theophrastos verstiimnielt (dessen 
Schrift bei H. Emanuel S. 267, - = 258), der auch von Bei 
lak (als .,Ufrustas") angefiihrt wird Anficitez, Zabor 
(Sabur, Schabur, ein jiingerer Perser?). 2 ) 

Aus verschiedenen Schriften ergeben sich als Verf. von 
Steinbiichern : Finicinus (? J^ininus? Funeus?), Linacus, 3 ) 
Orpheus (Hymni de lapid. ? s. H. Emanuel S. 282), bei den 
Arabern Arkaus, und Aros ? welches Berthelot wiederholt 
und mit Entschiedenheit durch Horus erkliirt, obwohl die 
Lautveriinderung eine ganz ungewohnliche ware*, s. ,,Die hebr. 
Ubersetz." S. 236, 604, 853. 

Die Namen Ptolemilus, Rosmus (Zosimus) und Zoro 
aster gehoren wohl alchemistischen Quellen an. 



J ) Henoch lernt zu J3 Jahren 24 Steine kennen (Z.D.M.G. 
XXII, 530). Dagegen scheinen die 12 Steine zu 7 Amuleten bei Berthelot (La 
Chimie II, 15) mit denen des Brustschildes verwandt und die 10 Sterne etc. 
in ms. lat. Miinchen 667 f. 66 mit den Ki ran id en, deren neue Ausgabe 
Hr. de Mely vorbereitet hat. 

2 ) Sabur in n lapidario" citirt Rhazes; s. Virchow s Archiv Bd. 39 
S. 394, vgl. Bd. 42 S. 172, wo Afobrocacisi in lib. lapidum auf grie- 
chische Herkunft zuriickzufuhren ist? 

d ) Varianten: Libarius, Libansus, Libarsus; Die hebr. Ubersetz. 
S. 798, vgl. S. 257. 



54 Moritz Steinschneider. 

Von Psellus (H. Emanuel S. 254) habe ich bei Arabern 
keine Spur eines namentlichen Citats gefunden. 



III. Europaische Schriften. 

Diese Gruppe besteht meist aus Handschriften, die 
ich nur aus und nach Catalogen notirt habe. Ich kann 
daher keine sachlichen Kategorien unterscheiden und 
beschranke mich auf die Bemerkung, dass darunter einige 
nur Teile uinfassender Werke sind, welche man als ,,kosmo- 
graphische" bezeiclmen konnte, und die hiking: de natura 
(oder de natures, oder de proprietatibus) remm betitelt werden; 
sie sind wohl nicht vollstandig aufgezahlt, 4 ) wie iiberhaupt 
auch hier nicht Vollstandigkeit beabsichtigt sein kann. 

Bei niangelhafter Kunde der Schriften einpfahl sich 
folgende Unterabteilung : 

a) Schriften von bekannten Autoren ohne Unterschied 
der Sprache, 

b) anouyme (zuerst lateinische, dann in anderen Sprachen) 
nach den Bibliotheken geordnet. 

a) Autoren: 

Albertus Magnus, der bekannte Philosoph, verfasste in 
der Reihe der Bearbeitung aristotelischer Biicher ein 
Buch de minercdilms, in der Ausgabe seiner Werke 
Bd. II; vgl. auch ms. Aniplon (in Erfurt) 320, 8 in 
fol, 293, in Quarto. Eine ihm untergeschobene 

Schrift: Liber aggregationum sen secretorum de virtutibus 
herbarum, lapidum et animaliuni", wovon ich eine (in 
Hain s Repertorium n. 528 verzeicimete) Incunabel be- 
nutze, behandelt im 2. Buche 45 (nicht gezahlte) Steine, 
stets ,,si vis c: beginnend. also von der Wirkung aus- 
gehend. Kurz vor dem Ende heisst es: ,,In libro mine- 

Uber das, unter dem Namen des Beda (Opp. VI, 99, oder 
Bd. II, auch in Migne s Patrologia t. 90) gedruckte: De natura rerum und 

nhche Schriften s. Histoire Litt. de la France XIX, 183- es ist von 
Wilheim von Chonchis benutzt (K. Werner, Die Kosmologie und 

aturlehre des scholastischen Mittelalters, in Berichten der 
Wiener Akad. 1873, Bd. 74, 75 S. 322). Das Buch ist vielleicht echt, nach 
Haureau, Notices et Extr. II (1890) p. 26. 



Lapidarien. 55 

ralium in aaron et evax [= Marbod] multa similia et 
alia invenies". 1 ) 

Arnaldus Saxo, De virtutibus lapidum, edirt von V. Rose 
1875 (s. unten Anhang II), scheint teilweise hebraisch 
iibersetzt, s. Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. 957. 

Boetius, Anselmus. ,,Tractatus de lapidibus et geirmiis", bei 
H. Emanuel p. 236, ist Ans. Boethius de Boodt oder 
Boot aus Bruges, dessen gemmarum et lapidum historia, 
Hannover 1609 und sonst erschien (Catal. impress, libr, 
in Biblioth. Bodl. I, 287). 

Cardanus, Hieron., De lapid. praet. (de substihtate) bei 
Emanuel p. 239, ist wohl: de gcmmis ct coloribus, 
Basel 1585, hinter somniorum libri IV etc. (Catal. 
Bodl. I, 425). 

Gralamazar (pseud.), De lapid. praet. Galemazar, tbesaur. 
Regis Babylon.; ms. Brit. Mus. Harley 80, lt3 . 

Isidorus [Hispalensis] , de lapidibits, ms. Voss. lat. 48 
(s. Catal. Mss. Augliae II, 1 p. 04 n. 2373) ist wohl 
lib. 16 (de lap. et nietallis) der ,,0rigines", gedruckt. 

Josef s. unter Thomas. 

Leonardus, Camillas, Speculum Lapiduni etc. Yen. 1502, 4, 
und Aug. Vindel. 1533 (diese Ed., die bei Emanuel 
p. 249 fehlt, besitzt die k. Bibliothek in Berlin). 
Italienisch: Trattato (Idle (rcmme, die produce la 
Natural traduzione di J\l. Ludovico Dobe. Ven. 1563, 
8. Englisch; TJic mirror of Stones in which the 
Nature generates. Properties etc. of more than 200 . . 
stones, London 1750, 8. Eines der wichtigsten 

Werke auf diesem Gebiete (bei Emanuel p. 249). - 
Eine Art von Plagiat dieses Werkes ist Pseudo-Trithe- 
mius, s. unter diesem weiter unten S. 58. 

Lull, a. s. Nachtrag. 

Mandeville. Jehan de, Lapidaire frangais (erwahnt von 
Rose, Aristot. de lapid. p. 45), bei Emanuel p. 250: 
Le Grand Lapidaire. on sont declares: (so) Ics noms de 
Pierres orientales, avec les Vertus et Proprietes d icelles, 
et lies et pays oh elks croissent. Paris 1501 12 mo - 

l ) Aaron und Josef stammen wahrscheinlich zunachst aus alche- 
mistischen Quellen, und dort aus medicinischen, s. Die liebr. Ubersetz. 
S. 238 (so lies fur 258 im Index unter Aaron). 



-g Moritz Steinschn eider. 

Die Ausgabe bei Pannier p. 202, die ich aus Autopsie 
kenne, hat den Titel: Le Lapidairc du XIV siecle, 
Description des pierres precieuses et de leurs vertus 
magiques, d apres le traite du chevalier Jean de Monde- 
ville, avec notes, commentaire et tin appendice sur les 
caracteres physiques des pierres precieuses, a 1 usage 
des gens du monde, par Js. del So to. Vienne 1862 
(XV, 213 pp.)- Fur die Geschichte der Edelsteine sehr 
interessant. 

Marbod (englischer Bischof, gest. 1123) gilt als Verfasser 
eines latein. Gedichts, anfangend: ,,Evax rex Arabum 
legitur scripsisse Neroni", daher auch als Evax, de 
lapidibus, gehend, latein. gedruckt mit einer Abhandlung 
uber die 12 Steine (s. Anhang I), in Eeimen und in 
Prosa, auch hebraisch iibersetzt; liber alle Einzelheiten 
s. Die hebr. Uebers. S. 956 572. 1 ) 

Martin de Lucena(?) ein sonst unbekannter Autor, hat 
vielleicht ein Buch tibev Krafte der Edelsteine verfasst, 
woraus Einiges hebraisch in ms. Miinchen 214; s. 
Die hebr. Uebersetzungen S. 809. 
Megenburg, Conrad von, s. unter Thomas. 
Neckam, Alexander (gest. 1227), der bekannte Scholastiker, 
de naturis rerum. ed. Th. Wright, London 1863; Cap. 85 
beginnt: ,,In verbis et herbis et lapidibus multuni esse 
virtutum compertum est a diligentibus naturarum in- 
vestigatoribus . . . Aeneas Achatem socium habuisse" etc.; 
86 handelt von asbest, 87 chelidonius, 88 niagnetes, 
89 alectorius, 90 beryllus. 91 smaragdus, 92 adamas, 
93 item de adamante [dieses und das folg. Kap. ist 
aus H. J. Solinus, de situ orbis etc., nach Wright 
p. 180, Note], 94 de adamante et magnete [wovon 
ich eine Abschrift genommen], 95 galactitus, 96 cry- 
stallus, 97 gagates, 96 de attractione (p. 183 die Stelle 
,,nautae etiam" etc s. Wright p. XXXIV). Aus dem- 
selben Buche ,,Tetrastichon de 7 lapidibus" ms. Bodl. 
2067 (bei P. Leyser, Historia poetarum p. 993). 

J ) Eine italienische Bearbeitung ist: Libro de le virtuti de le 
pietre preziose volgarizzamento inedito fatto da Sire Zucchero Bencivenni 
[um 1313] ora inesso in prima luce dal Cav. Enrico Narducd, Bologna 1869 
(Estratto dal ... Propugnatore, vol. 11). 



Lapidarien. 57 

Outre me use, Jean de, Le tresorier de philosophic naturelle 
des pierres precieuses, ms. in Paris, erwahnt Ferd. 
Denis, Le Monde encliante, Paris 1843, p. 233. 

Ptolemaeus (,,Ptholomeus") de lapidibus praet. et sigillis 
Anf.: regi Pt. rex Acatingi scripsit; ms. Bodl. Ash- 
mol. 1471, 3 ; in ms. Wien IV,98 n. 5311, 8 heisst es rex 
Azarius (s. Zeitschr. f. Mathematik XVI, ,384 u. 396); 
also ist Ptolem. nur Adressat des fingirten Konigs ; erne 
Nachahmung Marbod s? 

Thomas Cantimpratensis, auch Brabantinus genannt 
(1201 70), verfasste ein unedirtes Werk: De natura 
reruni (s. Histoire litteraire de la France XXX, 370), 
welches einen Abschnitt iiber Edelsteine enthalt. Ich 
benutze die Handschr. Hamilton 114 v. J. 1295, jetzt 
in der hiesigen k. Bibliothek, und teile hier das Ver- 
zeichnis der im 14. Kap. behandelten Edelsteine mit, in- 
dem ich zur bequemen Yergleichung rnit anderen Werken 
die einzelnen Artikel fortlaufend zahle. 

1. Ametistus, 2. Achates, 3. Adamas, 4. Aleston, 
5. Amantlys, 6. Allectorio, 7. Absantus, 8. Alabadia, 
9. Andromeda, 10. Bcrillus, 11. Borax, 12. Carbunculus, 
13.Calendon, 14. Corallus, 15. Crisopissus, 16. Calidonius, 
17. Calcophanius, 18. Cristallus, 19. Crisoletus, 20. Dra- 
contides, 21. Dionisia, 22. Dyadocos, 23. Emathides. 
24. Echites, 25. Elytropia, 26. Elydros, 27. Granatus, 
28. Gagatus, 29. Gelasia, 30. Gecolitus, 31. Geranades 
[var. Gelatrici], 32. Geratorneus [Gagatromeus], 33.Jaspis, 
34. Jacinctus , 35. Jiidaicus , 36. Iscistos , 37. Yrin 
38. Yhena , 39. Liparea , 40. Ligurius , 41. Magnes, 
42. Memphites , 43. Melonites , 44- Medus , 45. Onix, 
46. Ouichnius. 47. Oscolanus, 48. Orices, 49. Perites, 
50. Panthera, 51. Prasius, 52. Saphyrus, 53. Smaragdus, 
54. Sardonix, 55. Sardites, 56. Syrius, 57. Syrophagus, 
58. Samius, 59. Succinus, 60. Specularis, 61. Sylonitus, 
62. Sartha, 63. Topasius. 

Unter adamas (Magnet) heisst es wie folgt : ferrum 
attrahit et magneti lapidi aufert ferrum si praesens sit. 
stellarn etiam maris, quae maria dicitur ac arte inter 
obscuras nebulas per diem et noctem prodit Nautae enim 
cum inter obscuras nebulas vias suasdirigere non valent ad 



r n Moritz Steinschneider. 

portuin accipiunt acum et acumine eius adamantum in- 
figunt per transversum in festuca parva immittuntque 
vasi adarnantein lapidem moxque secundum motum la- 
pidis sequitur in circuitu cacunien acus ro+atum ergo 
perinde citius per circuitum lapidem subito retrahunt 
moxque cacunien acus amisso ductore aciem dirigit 
contra stellam maris subsistitque statim nee per punctum 
movetur Nautae vero secundum demonstrationem factam 
vias ad portuin dirigunt. 

Eine Handschrift des Br. Mus. (Sloane 448) aus dem 
XV. XVI. Jahrh. enthalt eine poetische Bearbeitung 
des Abschnittes aus deni ,,Buch der Natur" von Konrad 
v. Megenberg (gest. in Kegensburg 1374), aus dem 
Latein. des Thomas Cant, ins Deutsche ubersetzt. S. 
Fr. Pfeiffer: Das Buch der Natur v. Konrad v. Me 
genberg, Stuttgart 1861. (Dieses Buch ist gedruckt: 
zweimal 1475, dann 1488 u. 1499.) S. auch Jakob 
Baechtold, deutsche Handschr. aus dem Br. Mus. 
Schaffhausen 1873, S. 153 ff. Nach Baechtold i), 

S. 171, findet sich ein ahnliches Gedicht in Von der 
Hagen und Biisching s Museum fur altdeutsche Kunst 
und Literatur 1811, II. Bd. S. 52 ff., nach einer Dres- 
dener Hs. voni Jahre 1470 und einem Erfurter Druck 
voin Jahre 1498. Der Dichter heisst Joseph. - - Die 
Londoner Hs. niihert sich im 1. Abschnitt von den 12 
Steinen dem Erfurter Druck. 

Trithemius Jo., der ebensowohl beriihrnte als jetzt be- 
riichtigte Abt (gest. 1516) ist zum Verf. eines plagia- 
torischen Schriftchens gemacht worden: ,,Veterum so- 
phoruni sigilla et imagines inagicae" [s. 1. ?] 1612, 8, 
auch mit einern Anhange: Catalogus variorum magico- 
cabbalistico Chymicorum, studio atque opera Frid. Roth- 
Scholzii, in kl. 8 Herrenstadii ap. Sam. Roth-Scholziurn 
1732. _ Das Blichelchen von 48 Seiten ist grossten- 
theils wortlich aus Cam. Leonardus (s. d.) abgeschrie- 
ben, fiihrt das Jahr 1608 und Scaligers Exercitt. an. 

) w Zwolf Stain in kurtzem Zil . . . die Salomon der wyse Gab 
besonder Jochem Bryse" . . . Almantus etc. Zuletzt Jaspis. S. 165. n Das 
sind die zwolf stain die Aaron alle tag ... trug". Folgen die iibrigen 
Steine. BJ. 67 des ms. beginnt das Thetelbiichlein (bei Pfeiffer S. 469 ff.). 



Lapidarien. 59 

S. raeinen Artikel: ,,Pseudo-Trithemius und Cam. Leo 
nard! ", in der Zeitschr. fiir Mathematik etc. herausgegeben 
v. Schlomilch u. Cantor, XX (1875) S. 2527. Ein 
abnliches untergeschobenes Machwerk 1st wohl unter 
dem Titel: ,,De annulis septeui planetarum et de decem 
sigillis spirituum coelestiuni" dem Trith. beigelegt in 
Ms. Wien V, 307 n. 11320 f. 10336, saec. XVII. 
Volemar nennt sich einer der Bearbeiter von 4 deutschen 
mss. bei Pannier p. 213. 

b) Anonynie. 1 ) 

De lapidibns preciosis, Anf.: ,,Hec [Haec] de lap. pr. probata 
scio: Dyamas inter alias"; ms. Aniplon in Erfurt, fol. 



nQuaedam de lapidibus preciosis et aliis fortasse ex Isidori 

originibus" (??). Anf.: ,,Adamas est lapis .... Ende: ,,ut 

dicitur in lapidario". Folgt: de piscibus und de avibus 

[ist also vvobl aus Kiraniden?]; ms. Auiplou. fol. 346, 2 . 
Virtutes lapidarum. anf: ,,Novem sunt lapides"; ms. Aniplon 

quarto 222, 7 . 
Tractatus de certis gemmis. Anf: ,,Diversa legens collegi 

labore nimis. . . Agathes quidam niger lapis"; ms. Aniplon 

40. 365,8. 
De lapid. praetiosis, niehr alcheinistisch; nis. Bodl., Ashniol. 

1467, 4 (Catal. Black p. 1213). Zweifelhaft ist Lib. mine 

ral. lib. I de mixt., lib. de lapid. pr. (aucli de iniag. 

et sigillis) ib. 1384, 17 fp. 1071). 
De lap. praet., Anf : ,,0nichius i; ; ms. Bodl. Canon, lat. (class.) 

178 f. 132 (Catal. Coxe p. 191). 
De gemmis, alphabetisch, zuerst Adauias; nis. ibid. Canon. 

misc. 285 (Catal. p. 649). 

Quoinodo gemmae lustrantur, in demselben nis. 2 . 
De conservatione genimarum, in dems. ms 3 
De modo praecipuos quosdam lapides consecrandi, in denis. 

ms. 4 , beginnt niit Alectorius. 
Tractatus brevis de lapid. pr., geschr. im XII. Jabrh. Dazu 

Einiges von j lingerer Hand; ms. Bodl. Digby 13, 2 (Catal. 

Macray 1883 p. 10). 

J ) Die Angaben sind hier gekiirzt, Anfang und Ende nur ausnahms- 
weise mitgeteilt. 



aA Moritz Steinschneider. 

bU 

Tractatus de geminis, anf.: ,,0mnium gemmanim virentium 

smaragdus principatum habet"; ib. . 

Lapidarius, sen quaedam de lapid. praetiosor. virtutibus. Anf.: 

novem sunt lapides, qui sunt in hostio Jerusalem qm 

continentur in planetis; ms. Bodl. Laud. 203, (Coxe, 

Catal. II, 1 p. 176). 

Lib. de lap. praet. rams Magicus s. de sigillus] ms. Brit. Mus. 

Harley 80, 18 . 
De lap. fil. Israel. . 4 Teil des vorangehenden, also 16-19 

zusainmenhangend (ob Cethel, oder Leonard!?). 
De lapid., avibus et arboribus Indiae, Arabiae et Africae; 

ms Harley, Nummer ? (Emanuel 260). 
(Collections) ms. Br. Mus. Add. 15068 (Catal. 1841-45, gedr. 

1850 p. 82). 

De virtutibus gemmarum; ms. Miinchen 667 f. 73. 
De lapid. praet., ib. 4394 f. 156, II, 159. 
Virtutes quorundam lap. praetiosor., Anf.: Adamas est lapis; 

ib. 8238 (Catal. IV, 1 p. 10 n. 78). 
Descriptio crisoliti, iaspidis etc., ib. 14767 f. 38 (Catal. IV, 

2 p. 231). 
Benedictio super lapides praet., ib. 14851 f. 38 (ib. p. 242 - 

cf. Rose, Arist. de Lap. 345). 
De lapid. praet., ib. 16081 f. 102 (IV, 3 p. 50). 
De lapid. praet. et farnosis; ib. 18444 f. 202 (ib. p. 164). 
De lapid. praet., neben anderen Gegenstanden einer Kosmogiv, 

ms. Oxford, Coll. Corp. Chr. 221 (p. 87). 
Liber mineralium, de lapid, scil. et metallis; Anf.: de comniixt. 
et coagul. (ist Avicenna?); ms. Oxford Exon Coll. 35. 18 . 
Ein Gedicht, ms. Paris, s. Haureau, Notices et Extr. I (1890) 

p. 76 n. 712. 

De lapid., alphabetisch-, Anf.: ,,Exponamus autem mine", 
Ende: ,,de omnibus est planum" ; Wien (Tabulae II, 52 
n. 23031 5 ). 

De lapid. Anf.: ,,Queritur quomodo Hunt lapides" --Ende: 

,,transtulirnus in latin."; ms. Wien (II, 75 n. 2442 J ). 

De sculpturis lapidum. Anf.: ,,In quocunque lapide sculptum 

invenies geminos", Ende: ,,sanctificatis consistit" (ib. II, 

75 n. 2442 ). 

Fragmenta varia de lapid. praetiosis etc. (ib. VI, 216 n. 
10646, XVI). 






Lapidarien. 61 

Ein Lapidariumi betreffend 125 Steine. welches ein 

,,Aegidius magister liospitalis" (XIII. Jahrh.?) auszog 

(extraxit); Guttmann, in Monatsschr. f. Gesch. u. Wiss. 

d. Jud. 1894/5S. 214, scheint das von Avicenna (Berth. I, 

302) citirte. 
Italienisch. Uber Steine, XVIII. Jahrh. 78 BL, ins. in Florenz 

(Pasinus II, 444 n. 115). 
Lapidario, Anf.: ,,11 re dirnanda che virtude anno le pietre 

preziose"; Ende: ,,il manzare quando la fame"; ms. 

Bodl. Canon, ital. 263, XXI f. 13341 (Mortara Catal. 

1864 p. 239). 

S. auch unter Marbod. 
Franzosiseh , eine gereimte Abhandlung [nach Marbod?]; 

ms. Cambridge, Coll. Caio Gonville 435, 5 (Catal. von 

J. J. Smith, 1849 p. 201. - - Es folgt als 6 : De sigillis 

et sculpturis super eas faciendis, Prosa. Defect.) 
Le Lapidaire, aus dem Latein. iibersetzt. 21 Bl.; ms. in Florenz, 

in der Medicea (Pasinus II, 494 n. 138). 
Spanisch, liber Steine, deren Farbe, Gestalt und Krafte (vir- 

tutes), ms. der Nationalbibliothek in Madrid. B. 3 XVI 

(s. Rico y Synobas, Libros del Saber de Astronomia 

del Eey Alfonso, V, 118). 
Deutsch (XVI. Jahrh.), iiber Krafte der Edelsteine; Anf.: 

r Zum ersten von Diamant; der kostbare Stein ist weiss". 

Ende: ,,Verlogen Ding gesagt und gelert (so) hat"; ms. 

Wien (VI, 293 n. 11235 f. 89 97 b). 

IV. HebrSische Schriften und Bearbeitungen von Juden. 

Wir konnten die hebraischen Behandlungeii der Steine 
in solche teilen, deren fremdes Original bekannt, und in 
solche, deren Ursprung nicht bekannt ist. Die Ubersetzer 
und Bearbeiter fremder Orginale sind aber auch nicht voll- 
standig bekannt. 

Von fremden Autoren sind festgestellt: Pseudo-Aristo- 
teles, Marbod (Evax) und der unbekannte Martin de 
Lucena, iiber welche das Nahere in nieinem Werke: Die hebr. 

*) Vielleicht aus dem ,,Libro di Sidrach"? (Ein ms. v. J. 1476 bei 
Mortara, Catal. p. 220 n. 234, spanisch p. 289 n. 147). S mein: II libra 
di Sidrach, Roma 1872 (Estr. dal Buonarroti), \vo p. 14 die Steine nut 
denen im hebr. Rasiel und bei C. Leonard! verglichen sind. 



g2 Moritz Steinschneider. 

Ubersetzungen des Mittelalters, zu finden 1st. Ein 
jiidisches, aus eigenem Studiuin der Sache, oder aus eigener 
Erfahrung hervorgeganges Buch ist bis auf die neuesteZeit nicht 
geschrieben, obwohl die Juden Gelegenheit genug batten, die 
kostbaren und wirksamen Steine im kaufmannischen Ver- 
kehr und in der medicinischen Verordnung kennen zu lernen. 
Da die gesamte Literatur von geringem Umfange ist, so 
mag hier eine kurze chronologische Aufzahlung zum ersten 
Male versueht werden, wobei von den kleinen Eroterungen 
iiber die XII Steine des Brustschildes abgesehen ist (siehe 
Anhang I). 

Die, nach klingenden Namen begierige Magie verberrlichte 
die Weisheit Salomo s durch Schriften wie ^Basiel" und 
vClaviculo Salomonis", in denen auch die magische Wirkung 
der Edelsteine und der darauf angebrachten Gottes- und 
Engelnamen gelehrt wird; sie erweitert gewissermaassen die 
Legende von Salomo s Sie gelling. Excerpte aus dem ,,Lapi- 
darius" des Salomo im Buche Rasiel giebt Cam. Leonardi. ) 
Jene Biicher sind aber hochst wahrscheinlich christlichen 
Ursprungs; ihre hebraischen Bearbeitungen gehb ren jedenfalls 
neuerer Zeit an. (Die hebr. Ubers. S. 937.) Das phantasie- 
reiche Buch Sohar, am Ende des XIII. Jahrh., fabricirt 
unter erdichteten Biichern auch eines des Salomo iiber die 
Weisheit der Edelsteine (II, 172a, s. Die hebr. Ubersetz. 
S. 936 A. 126, vgl. Wolf I p. 1049 n. 2 u. 5, eigentlich 6). 
Das alteste bekannte Steinbuch eines Juden ist das des 
Berachja ha-Nakdan, den ich noch immer fur einen Fran- 
zosen des XIII. Jahrh. halte, 2 ) auch wegen der interessanten 
Stelle iiber die Bereitung des Compasses, die wahrscheinlich 
zu den iiltesten europaischen iiber diesen Gegenstand gehort 
(Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. 964)-, iiber den Sinn der Stelle hat 
mich Herr Schiick in Hamburg belehrt*, man vergleiche 
damit die (oben Ilia) unter Thomas mitgeteilte Stelle. Das 
Original Berachja s ist in der romanischen Literatur zu suchen. 
Bald nach Berachja erscheint Jehu da b. Moses Kohen 
als spanischer Ubersetzer des .,Abolays" (s. II), und dem 
XIII. Jahrh. gehort vielleicht Jakob b. Reuben, der Uber 
setzer des Marbod an (1. c. S. 957). Den Steinen ist eine 

1 ) S. oben S. 61 Anm. 1. 
-) S. Nachtrag. 



Lapidarien. 63 

Partie des encyklopadischen Schaar ha-Schamajim von Ger- 
son b. Salomo gewidmet, der sicher in der 2. Hiilfte des XIII. 
Jahrhunderts lebte und nur dahin passt. Gerson wird an- 
gefiihrt in einem, leider sehr geringen Fragment einer alpha- 
betischen Behandlung der Steine (ms. Miinchen 153, 4 ), welche 
aus occidentalischer Quelle stammt. 

Vor 1335 ist em ^Lapidario"" verfasst worden, woraus 
35 Artikel von Heidenheim copirt sind in eineni Michaelschen 
ms. der Bodl. (Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. XXXIV). 

Simon Duran (1425) kommt in seiner grossen Ein- 
leitung zuni Coinnientar iiber den Tractat Abot (Mayen Abot 
in fol. f. 10) auch auf die Edelsteine; seine Quelle ist wahr- 
scheinlich eine hebraische Bearbeitung des (Pseudo-) Aristo- 
teles, den er citirt (s. meine Abhandl. Zur pseudepigr. Lit. 
S. 82, wo ich seine Ausserung iiber die Nichtigkeit der 
Alchemie hervorhebe.) 

Nach einem Citate eine s j linger en Kariiers hatte ein ,,Elia b. 
Moses Gallina" etwas iiber die Kriifte der Steine geschrieben; 
es soil wohl Moses b. Eli a heissen, dessen Namen in der 
Ausgabe eines Buches iiber Phy siogiioniik (XV. Jahrli) eben- 
falls umgekehrt worden (Die hebr. Uebersetz. S. 964). 

Auch in der neueren Zeit ist von schriftstellerischer 
Thatigkeit der Judeii auf diesem Gebiete wenig bekannt. 

Lazarus, ein jiidischer Arzt aus Mainz (1563, ob der 
Leibarzt der Kinder des Kaisers Ferdinand? s. Hebr. Bi- 
bliogr. IV, 42 n. 150; Carinoly, Hist, des medccins juifs, 
p. 155, vgl. Die hebr. Uebersetz. S. 965) verfasste ein 
deutsches Buch ,,Ehrenpreis ;i iiber Krafte von Edelsteinen; 
ms. Wien (Tabulae VII, 124 n. 13008). 

Aus einer ^Tarifa"- von Silber, Gold und Edelsteinen 
von Meschullam aus Volterra (1571) excerpirt Abraham 
Portaleone in seinem, von Antiquarbuchhandlern iiber- 
schatzten Werke Shilte lia-GMorim (1612), welches wegen 
Behandlung der 12 Edelsteine und gelegentlich einiger 
anderer, einen Platz in H. E man u el s Bibliographic 
(S. 254) gefunden hat. Letzterer diirfte selbst einen 
wiirdigen Schluss unserer Uebersicht bilden , nachdem wir 
noch M. Cohen, Beschreibendes Verzeichnis einer Samm- 
lung von Diamanten, Wien 1822 (Em. p. 240) nachge- 
tragen haben. 



64 Moritz Steinschneider. 

Was etwa von Juden in der Zeit ihrer Grleichstellung 
uuter den Nationen geleistet worden, habe ich nicht zu er- 
forschen getrachtet 1 ). 

Es bleibt em merkwiirdiges Factum, dass die vielfach 
,,steinreichen ; Juden der friiheren Zeit nur aus from- 
ineni oder aberglaubischem Interesse sich dieser Literatur 
zuwendeten. 

Febriiar 1895. 



A n k a n I. 

Sehriften iiber die 12 Edelsteine des Brusts childes 

uud der in der Apocal. Joh. erwahiiten (Cap. 21, 19: 

J as pis . . . Amethyst). 

Die nachfolgende Aufzahlung beanspruclit keines- 
wegs irgend eine Vollstandigkeit ; es sollen hier nur 
Beispiele gegeben werden , wie sie sicli mir ztifallig 
dargeboten haben. Icli erwahne zuerst wenige griechische, 
dann unter den lateinischen etc. diejenigen, welche einen 
Autor angeben, olme hiermit die Aittoritat ohne Weiteres an- 
zuerkennen; hierauf folgen die anonymen. Nahere Angaben 
iiber Einzelnes findet man bei Leop. Pannier, Les Lapi- 
daircs frangais etc. (s. hier Anhang II) p. 202216, wo zu- 
letzt auf Pitra, Spidleg. Solemn. II, 346 verwiesen ist. 
Unter den griechiscken Sehriften ist am bekanntesten die 
des Epiphanius (s. Pannier p. 212 s. Nachtrag) ; vgl. ms. 
Barocius 50,38 f. 3211 b ei Coxe, Catal. Bodl. I p. 74 u. 
iniscell. 211,3 f. 322 (Coxe p. 765). 

In andercn Spracken: 
Arnatus, monachus Cassinensis (ca. 1080). De 12 lapidibus (Fa- 

bricius, bibl. lat. med. s. v.). 
Anselmus Leudunensis, Hymnus de XII gemmis apocal. 

cum glossa deprompta ex Walafrido Strabone 

(ms. Wien, Tab. L, 160 n. 946~ Denis II, n. 

CCXIX). 
[AllgUStinus ?] De interpretatione 12 lapidum et naturis et no- 

mmibus. Anf. ,,Jaspis primus ponitur civitatis Dei, 

*) Wenige unbedeutende Stiicke, fast nur iiber die 12 Steine, die 
hier weggelassen sind, findet man in: Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. 964. 



Lapidarien. Qfy 

quitalem habet naturaru"; gedruckt (Opp. Augustini VI 
App. col. 301); auch ins. Baliol 285 4 (p. 94) Sermo de 
12 lapidibus. (anonym, Coxe erkennt es nicht); ms. 
Coll. Corp. Chr. 137, * 2 f. 80 (Cat. p. 51); Lincoln 
15 l hinter Apocal. mit Prolog u. Glossar; libellus de 
12 lapidibus. Anfang ,,Jaspis viridis virorem." 

Excerpte (Cambro- B rit. Dialect) aus FranciscilS [de Ma- 
gronis], [Vincent. Bellov.], Bartholomews [Anglicus; 
s. Die Hebr. Uebersetz. S. 814] ,,et forsan aliis." Ant. 
,,Awen gyntaf a ymarverwyt." 

Beda, De mystica signif. 12 lapiduin (in einzelnen mss.), oder 
de XII lapidibus (in Operibus. Paris 1544, Col. 1688, 
oder III, 491: s. auch oben S. 54 Anm. 1). Fabricius s. 
v. im Index der Werke: de 12 lapidibus. Apocalypsis 
rhytm., Anf. ,,Civis superne patriae. In Jhesu et civite" 
(Coxe zu Cod. Merton 67 3 . Cat. p. 40). Vgl. oben III 
Ende b, ms. Auiplon). 

Marbod, Carinina de 12 lapidibus praet. Apocal. (Fabricius. 
Bibl. ined. unter op. 20; - = filior. Isr.? Cat. Lugd. Bat. 
p. 107); gedruckt hinter Marbod, s. oben. 

Thomas Cantimpratensis, deutsch vonKonradvonMegenburg 

s. weiter unten II. 
Pannier (p. 212) nennt Hildebert, Bichard de St. Victor, 

Hugues de St. Victor, Alexander Xeckam. 

Bei Pannier (p. 216) sind folgende neuere Druckschriften 
angegeben : 

Andr. Bacci, Le XII pietre prez. . . Ronia 1587, latein. 
von W. Gabelchover, Frankf. 1643. Jo. Braun, Vestit. 

sacerd. Hebr. Anist. 1680. - - Matth. Killer, Tract, de XII 
gemmis in pector., Tiib. 1698. Diaz Martinez, Tract, de 
sacris lapidibus?? Schliesslich verweist Pannier auf Pitra. 
Spicil. II, 346. 

Anonym sind folgende Schriften : 

Lapidum XII praetiosor. interpret, allegor. (ms. Bodl. Canon. 
48, Cat p. 265), Anf.: Gives celestis patrie(so) - 
J asp is colons viridis praefert nitorem fidei". 
Lapidarius, incip. ..Duodecini sunt lapides qui continentur in 
12 signis celestibus <; (ms. Laud. 203 11 f. 37; Coxe II., 
1 p. 176). 

Kohuti Semitic Studies. 5 



66 Moritz Steinschneider. 

De 12 lapidibus (ma. Trinity Coll. Dublin 625 38 f. 191, Cat. 

Mss. Angl. II, 2 p. 45). 

De noniinibus XII filior. Israel, et quomodo per totidem gem- 
rnas signifi canter, versus XXV heroici; Anf. ,,K,uben 
precedens in origin e , Jaspis in ede [1. viride??] ; 
Ende . ,,Benjamin et pariter Ametistus (so) uterque 
supremus (ms. Coll. Corp. Chr. 43 3 , Coxe p. 16). 
Xomina 12 lapidum praetiosor. cum interpretatione brevi. 
Anf,: ,,Fundamentum primuna Intemeratae fidei homines 
(nis. Coll. Jesu 51 2 g, Coxe p. 19). 
De virtute lapidum 12 praetiosor. (ms Mtinchen 4688 f. 352, 

lat. II, 191). 
De lapidibus dllegoria (XIJ. Jahrh.), hinter Apocalypse (ib. n. 

17045 f. 80, n. 19104; IV, 3 p. 77, 231). 
De XII lapid. (ib. n. 17100 f. 102; IV, 3 p. 81). 
Tractates mysticus: Moralizatio de XII lapidibus praet. (ib. 

19133 f. 59 h , 1. c. p. 235). 

De lapid. praet. (mystice) -- (ib. n. 19139 f. 35; ib. ib.). 
Liber de XII lapidibus. Rubrica: qui lapidum vires et no- 
inina seire requiris ex lege me lectorem cognoscas 
ordine recto. Anf.: Gives celestis patrie regi regum 
[vgl. Beda S. 65]. Zuletzt: Explicit liber secretes 
de coloribus et virtutibus ac sculpturis praec. lap.; Ms. 
Amplon. 295, 3 . 

Degemmis,anf.: Jaspis virentis coloris,Ende: Ametistus purpurei 

colons. . aureis interlitus; ms. Wien, Tab. II, 85 n. 2504, \ 

(Dentsch) ins. Miinch. lat. 536 f. 82, abgedruckt in Gennania 

VIII, 300. 

Ein lateinisches Grlossar aus dem IX. Jahrh., worin die 12 
Steine, ms. Bern (be! Sinner, Catal. 1, 361; s. Pannier p. 212). 

A n h an II 

Allgemeine Schriften. 

Weiss zu Pfaffen Lamprecht I, 546 ff. II, 599. 

Steinschneider, Jewish Lit. p. 201,369; Catal. Codd. Lugd. 
Bat. p. 107, 148 ; Zeitschrift fiir Mathematik XVI, 384, 
386/7 396; Serapeum 1870 S. 306; Hebr. Bibliogr 
/I, 93; XIII, 11, 84-5; XVI, 104 (Cethel); Pseudo- 
Trithemius und Camillo Leonard! (Zeitschrift flir Ma 
thematik 1875, hist.-lit. Abteilung S. 25). 



Lapidarien. 67 

E. Narducci, Libro de le virtudi di pietre preziose, Bo 

logna 1869; s. Anm. 23. 
V. Rose, Aristoteles und Arnold Saxo, de lapidibus (Zeit- 

schrift fiir deutsche Altertumskunde n. F. VI. 1875 

S. 321 ff). 
H Emanuel, Diamonds and precious stones, 2. edition, 

London 1867, enthiilt eine betr. Bibliographic. 
Clement-Mullet, Essai sur la mineralogie arabe, 1868. 

(Extrait du Journ. Asiat. t. XI p. 5 ff.). 
A Pfitzmeier, Beitrage zur Geschichte derEdelsteine und des 

Geldes (Sitzungsbericht der phil.-hist. Klasse der Wiener 

Akad.), Bd. 58 (1868) ,aus altchinesischen Quellen. 
Leo p. Pannier, Les lapidaires francais du nioyen age, 

Paris 1882 (Bibliotheque de 1 ecole des hautes Etudes 

N. 52; Gaston Paris, Lit. fr. p. X, hat 1881). 

F. de Mely (vgl. S. 47 Anna. 1) voroffentlichte folgende, unser 

Thema beriihrende Schriften in Sonderabdriicken aus 
Zeitschriften, die hier in Parenthese angegeben sind, und 
fiir deren freundliche Zusendung ich hiermit danke. Wo 
kein Druckort angegeben wird, ist es Paris. 

Les poissons dans les pierres gravees (Revue ar- 
cheol.) 1889. 

La table d or de Don Pedre de Castille (gedr. in 
Toulouse) 1889 und nocbinals: trad, de Fespagnol (Bul 
letin de 1 Acad. R. de 1 Hist. d Espagne) 1890. 

Les reliques du lait de la Vierge et la galactite 

(Revue archeol.) 1889. 

Les pierres chald^ennes d apres le lapidaire d Alfons 

le Sage (Comptes rendus de 1 Acad. des Inscr.) 1891. 

Les cachets d Oculistes et les lapidaires etc. (Revue 
philol) 1892. 

Le traite des fleuves de Plutarque (Revue des Etudes 
grecques) 1892. 

Les lapidaires grecs dans la litterature arabe du 
moyen age (Revue philol.) 1893. 

Strabon et le phylloxera Tampelitis (Compte rendu 
de la 24 session de la Societe des Agriculteurs de 
France) 1893. 

Du role des pierres gravees an moyen age (Revue de 
1 Art Chretien) Lille 1893, 4 (mit Abbildungen). S. Nachtr. 

5* 



gg Moritz Steinschneider. 

Anhang III. 

Probenaus hebraischen und arabischen Lapidarien. ! ) 
a) aus meiner Copie der hebr. Ubersetzung von Pseudo-Aristot. 

P&621 Tcir ft ipn p fL >2 icrr pNn ni i^ci? pis tr 
pin pa* Him i\xc^ iy is^i n2in ip TO p^n ni 
}y iniN DWI DNI n"2pn &rai& f c^xn t>2D vp P 
paci ni2 tnia iic i2tr "jt> yn inpin HD 210 cn\s 12^ D^Z 
12 pxn n? c^m ^"2n px npn "i2^nir nnirp2 C 
n^n n^D^in moir imoi ]2^n HTI isen ic2 "12^ n2 
nn\x i^-^i pxn HTD pin D^CINH in 
cnva ^ro ^2 cn^y 12 inn^i c^2N*n 2 12 

bc 0111:02^ HID x^in pxn nn 
2^x n? r^ 

22 2N2 



2B TS] ^201 i": |2Nn n^nu k x^ NI 12 pxn "ic 

HID inp^i v"2^ mai DTi"!JD2^x HN"I 12 "in^i pi CIN p 

2m pi ^12 1:21^ ^ in\x ictri 
: ci.x p px pn ni 



ni x "iuD2x iX2& ny^2i IND iy picy Ninir 121P2 
N^ c v ^ n: ^ro 12 nxn mn\xi D^H^ c\x^ 12 nxi ^i:n 
mn p k x2 son N^n nn cmc2 c^yo ci k s 
2^ *i GIN cn^ ^2^ CNI ni^ ^ ^^i DIN cr6 
ib v^yi nis 6 IE^ .xcr ins cn\x oni:D2^x nNiir ny^2i en 
yi: f 2 >nn TH2 nn\x T^ m n^na [?NI] ( 2 \xi2 D^CINH 
^x cn\x nxi 2"n^ rein cnc iro ni cmci c^ n:n 
misnn2. rein JNS insn nis p.xn nra np^ ^12^ n^n ,x^ 

irin2n ii^zn in\x 
n nisiyn vnu* T2i 



vn 0111202 ^ON cn\x c\xn vnir nyt^ 2 cnnn 
nn .c^2n ^x i^ 



i& 121^ NCI&* vs yr 10^:2^* ci ^NI ]\x 



1 ) Die Abschriften fiir den Druck verdanke icli der Gefailigkeit des 
Herrn Dr. S. Poznanski. 

2 ) Es ist von dem Zauberspiegel die Rede, s. Die hebr. Ubersetz. d. 
Mittelalt. S. 1066 s. v. Spiegel. 



Lapidarien. gg 

b) ans der Abschrift der hebr. Ubersetzung 
des Marbod ms. Bern 200, 2 . 

^oy NI^K n&npn [?c^pmc b x] c^rrac p&o E:IC\XN 

2"! t>C5J21 ^"13 miE2 u2~1p2 

21 2nn t>r22 pn m 

pyn piNic^ ci\x teiynp PV21 crrano trete ^>ra 122 
CN )n32i ni2pc2i ^" i t:?2 nin^n^ N^I c^D.xr, ^r by nirp NV 
ncr^ p^n p^n^i r&zfr c^n cn^r ID ^y -1^2^ ir^n DID N 
[Pcserc] n^nr nn\s % 12^ n^np TP ^ mww t& ^n Di2 

N %>i ni nit p NTI T 112^2^ nnnN 0^2^ i2an 
pci ^n2n C3 12" ^2 ni2^ cr ^ ci^rp ^21 nyi ^ 
ci ^2 ni2^3 N % ^ [?] nni*6 n^n^i n2ni 2iyn 
p^2 ^"^ f pci ,mc2 H2ic: tab > % n:v^Ni2 r 
cr^ ^n: n2 c^2Nn i^xi tt f% t?^!?5 n^it v p&c 



: ncni ci^n ci^n^ b 122^2 rty ro.x^ iirNi cr^ 



^ NtJ n:m: nnn ^021 2ni2 n2ii ic ip^ i c^xxn 

:n^xcirn T2 

c) aus Berachja ha-Nakdan, ms. Bodl. Canon. 70f.73 8 b . 
Die eiuzelnen Steine heissen (die Ziffer 1st zur Bequem- 
lichkeit kiinftiger Citate hinzugefiigt, die Vocalpunkte sind 
nicht immer richtig und aus typographischen Riicksichten 
weggelassen) : 

i^P^iN 5 Ni^cc N* 4 Nj^iEp^N 3 i^.xpx 2 i::c\x,x 1 

L2^2N 10 ^L:C\X 9 NEIT2N 8 (so) NDH^N^XN 7 NL: V L:\X 6 

WHO^N 15 Niy^c\x 14 NTP:N 13 xaniN 12 i^^ipirp^ 11 
NLC^^N 20 I&V^BIN 19 w^x-n ni: 18 NJII^N 17 n^x 16 
:J< 25 BflE^Dx 24 Niicip:^ 23 mbt:BiN 22 onp^ 21 
siria 30 e^nna 29 ^1^2 28 ^L:J\XCN 27 ^^n^ir^ 26 
34 ire^p^a 33 ( J en ton 32 |N"sDi^-ja 31 
39 E:CKH 38 K^INI 37 N"npi.xn 36 ir.x^p^ 35 
45 NJb" 44 NlC^n^ 43 13"^ 42 NDIT 41 NDS1IO 10 
11T5 50 Nl^jB 49 N^"1^B 48 1TC 47 HtOIW 46 

55 ^i 54 N^ir 53 *niz:nB 52 ^rn^D 51 



l ) 1st etwa en als besonderer Artikel gezahlt? Herr Dr. P. zahlt 
B:CHH als n. 39. Das Ende des Artikels scheint nicht ganz correct. 



70 Moritz Steinschneider. 



60 rap 59 N OiTp 58 Etrnp 57 Nrcmp 56 
(t k xp^\x 66 kX-n;r 65 NIP-PIT 64 ^j^iir 63 Tr 62 pzn 61 

p k x 71 -TIED btr p k x 70 tw?p 69 -n:r 68 WBOSIIB 67 

.jikX"TB 73 kWiT^ 72 ZSD 

is ipj ir"pn iitr^zi nnzz ^rzn nztrie IT E : c is" 1 1 (n. 38) 

^IBZ rbrt cne tr p 3 ^xpirp] TEC pin TEITZ nzir Nim i c ir 

[?...] ^r ^rs ^p py"? m: nspi r^Ha n:\s crctr n^i^rn (?)^i <) 

mryt i ni D^ crsTO i! pi I^N nzD pun k x^ (so) n^sjiD^ ^^ 

TN en ci in\N2 rn^^i ninM^i en ^n c 

"trie SCJCNHH T yii ! nr^"p^ zi^n p nn.xi (so) nirp 

.c^^r^m ^n^u n^ br\v n:c^ z^n *n 

21^ CN T $r ci^n c^n 1 j<^ izztrz rt>y 

r^n -rt:r c~,xn r,y~ z^*c "6 (so) ^ 

nru f ^^ IN znizi ?]DZ2 nzc ic "ipyi c\x:ii: npn-ie jv;^ tr^ 

Nip:n p>n br.2 vpzb nbr^ ^n: ipTiirn zrrm ?)Drn r^zo p.xn 

p):rz \x yn?z \x i^z npN^ 1 ? nnzi iz [?] niyz^i (acier) i^\x 



sjp r^i: i:^ i ^ ^te rz p> k x"nrz P.XT p k xn nz Pirn i 
,"ixe zrt: [?] vnir P^^p f ?pyr] i>z iz ^ itrxi arnx PD 



(5<X)| sLoix? 



d) Suweidi, Ms. or. fol. 1182 f. 156. 
vg ixx> e 20 



e) Hermes, Cod. Wetzstein II 1208. 

u^^Lu.J! ^)LJf [F. 8 a 
^LJl v^ 



[8 b] 



f ) Bis zu n. 69 sind die Steine nach hebraischem Alphabet 
geordnet; wonach sind n. 66, 67 zu berichtigen oder durch einen andoren 
Namen zu erganzen? n. 70 73 scheinen Nachtrage. 



Lapidarien. 



7 1 



ftJj fjf 



jjo Lxiyo [9 a] ^ 



5*. ,- 
W 



rv 
sf .. 



Lj UT < 



*-Lo 



o iof 



j- &JU! 



c . 






cX*J ^L^w 

Lo 



wij ! JJC 



L^xlc. 



(Der Abdruck der magischen Zeichen musstc aus typo 
graphischen Riicksichten unterbleibcu). 



J ) Man beachte diese Citationsforinel, welclie beweist, dass der Coin 
pilator sich nicht fiir Hermes ausgab. 



Moritz Steinschneider. 



Nachtrag. 



(S. 55) Lull, Raimundus (Pseudo-) ,,quaeras in Lapidario nostro, 
in quo prolixe tractavimus de omnibus et ibi habebis omne complementum 
(R. Luilii . . libelli aliquot Chemici, Basil. 1572 kl. 8 p. 387 Compen 
dium animae secunda pars de compos, perlarum et aliorum lapidum p. 
364, der spezielle Teil beginnt p. 370). 

(S. 62) Bei der Correctur dieser Zeilen (Jan. 1896) sehe ich, dass 
mein Freund Jacobs (Jew. Quart. VI, 375) meine Zweifel ,,nicht 
geniigend erwiesen" [soil heissen, ,,begriindet"] findet. Darin liegt eben 
unser verschiedener Standpunkt; ich verlange fiir geschichtliche 
Conjecturen festere Grundlagen (wie ja auch Bacher 1. c. die 
Haltlosigkeit mehrerer Conjecturen nachgewiesen hat). Hier geniige 
eine Behauptung des flrn. Jacobs auf derselben Seite: ,,Berachja erwahnt 
wirklicli (actually), dass er im Lande der Ins el (of the Isle!) schreibt" 
(vgl. IV, 522); das schreibt Berachja nirgends; in der Vorr. der Fabeln 
findet sich eine sehr dunkle, auch von Bacher (VI, 373) nicht aufgeklarte 
Jeremiade (c ::). die zu der Verherrlichung der englischen Juden, auch 
zu ihrer Vertreibung, nicht passt; gehort sie zu ,,the internal evidence 
of his (Berachja s) works", welche Bacher (VI, 364) auf Treu und Glauben 
anzunehmen scheint, ohne meine Bedenken zu beachten oder zu kennen; 
Am Anfang der Vorrede steht cn *c ktanen . . . c^iyn ^J; Jacobs 
(p. 269) missdeutet die ganze Stelle; Berachja s Fabeln handeln von 
dem Weltrad, welches die Meeresinseln unikreist (Anspielung auf 
c^ys Tinr Kin bsha Sabb. 151b und das stereotype Bild des Rades); 
Jacobs versetzt das Rad ,,in the Isle" (sing., also England); kein 
Wunder, dass er meine Zweifelsgriinde nicht begreift. Fiir ihn genugt 
ja ein Familiennamen (p. 600, 614) urn mit Wahrscheinlichkeit einen 
,,descendant" eines beriihmten Autors zu finden, wo noch nicht einmal 
die Verwandtschaft bewiesen ist. Ervermag (p. 614) Almocatel (VeHpD^M) 
mit Mocatta (etwa ytspe?) zu combiniren. 

(S. 64) Epiphanius, Sanct., de duodecim gemmis, quae erant 
in veste Aaronis, Graece et lat. Jola Hierotarantino interprete cum 
corollario Conr. Gessneri; in Gessneri de omni rerum fossilium genere 
lapidum et geimnarum maxime figuris, Tiguri 1565, 4. Nunc primum 
ex antiqua versione latina, opera et studio Pet. Franc. Foggini, Romae 
1743. 4. (Cat. BoJl., I, 800 col. 2.) 

(S. 67 unten) De Mely, Le lapidaire d Aristote (Revue des Etudes 
gr.) 1894; s. oben S. 52/3. 



The Cotton Grotto an ancient Quarry 
in Jerusalem. 

With Notes on ancient Methods of Quarrying 

by 
Dr. Cyrus Adler ("Washington). 

Librarian of the Smithsonian Institution. 



In April 1891, while spending a short time in Jerusalem, 
the writer became interested in the great subterranean 
structure known to travellers as the Quarries of Solomon, 
and to the Arabs as the Cotton Grotto. 

The entrance to this structure 1st about 100 paces east 
of the Damascus Gate, and some 19 feet below the wall. 1 ) 

The writer visited this place three or four times, making 
such examinations as Avas possible by the light from the 
torches of the servants of the American Consul, and of some 
members of the so-called "American Colony" who kindly 
placed their time at his disposal. 2 ) 

Note was made at the time to the effect that the quarry 
proceeded 1000 feet, and was about 150 feet in depth. The 
depth was obtained by the reading of a carefully compen 
sated aneroid barometer, but the other dimension was the 
result of a mere calculation. 

Various measurements have been given at different 
times. Dr. Barclay stated that the cavern "varies in width 



a ) These are the figures given in Baedeker s Palestine and Syria, 
1894. p. 136. 

2 ) The "American Colony" is a party of religious enthusiasts who 
have given up worldly goods and cares, and await the "second ad 
vent." They visit the Mount of Olives every morning at daybreak. 



74 Cyrus Adler. 

from twenty to one or two hundred yards, and extends 
about 220 yards in the direction of the Serai (barracks), 
terminating in a deep pit." In another place Dr. Barclay 
says that the quarry is from the entrance to the termination 
in a nearly direct line 250 feet. Still another estimate 
fixes "the length of the quarry to be rather more than a 
quarter of a mile, and its greatest breadth less than half 
the distance". The latest edition of Baedeker describes the 
quarry as "stretching 213 yards in a straight line below 
the level of the city, and sloping down considerably on the 
South." From this diversity it may be inferred that a series 
of accurate measurements would not be wholly superfluous. 
Possibly an idea of the size of the quarry may be obtained 
from the statement that it is "sufficiently large to have sup 
plied much more stone than is apparent in all the ancient 
buildings of Jerusalem gigantic though these are." 1 ) 

The roof is supported by huge pillars. These are, ac 
cording to Sir William Dawson, in such good condition that 
the quarry might be opened at any time with very little 
expense. Bits of pottery were found actually cemented to 
the rock by the action of water. 

Two large chambers, unlike the rest of the quarry, which 
was comparatively free from debris, were filled with small 
stone clippings. The conclusion seemed inevitable that in 
these places the stone had been dressed, 2 ) giving the clue 
to the meaning of the Biblical passage which is referred to 
later on. 

It was assumed that if the workmen actually dressed 
the stone here, they must have dropped some tools or other 
objects; and after picking about among the chippings with 
such rude implements as were at hand, some objects were 
actually found. Dr. Herbert Friedenwald, who was of the 
party, picked up a lamp plainly of Jewish pattern, being 
one of a few recorded, and the only one found in this place, 
as far as is known. 

J ) By-Paths of Bible Knowledge VI, Egypt and Syria. Their 
physical features in relation to Bible History, by Sir J. William Dawson, 
Third edition, London. 1892, p. 95. 

2 ) All observers seem to agree on this point. See Geike, The 
Holy Land and the Bible, Vol. IT, pp. 16-19 ; New York. 1888. 



The Cotton Grotto an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. 75 

One foot below the surface of the chippings, the writer 
found many fragments of pottery. One lot of these frag 
ments have been restored at the United States National 
Museum, but with the rest nothing could be done. Some 
were unglazed and undeeorated, on others the glazing and 
decoration were still intact. The greater portion of the frag 
ments discovered, was left with Mr. Baurath Schick, of 
Jerusalem, in the hope that they might be useful to some 
future investigator. 

There is no record of pottery having been found there 
before, nor had Mr. Schick the chief local archaeologist, any 
knowledge of such finds. One foot below the surface of the 
two chippings, charcoal was found, indicating that the work 
men had lighted a fire. 

This underground quarry was chosen in preference to 
the stone of the Zioii Hill or of the Mount of Olives, be 
cause it offers "a thick bed of the pure white <M a 1 a k e 
(stone) compact in quality and durable, yet easily worked. 
This is a finely granular stone, and under the microscope, 
is seen to be composed of grains of fine calcareous sand and 
organic fragments cemented together. It is not, like some 
of the limestones of the region, an actual chalk, composed 
of foraminiferal shells, but is really a very fine grained white 
marble." 1 ) 

There is a trickling spring on the right side, but the water 
is unpleasant to the taste. 

The history of this quarry is uncertain, and though 
there is no good ground for doubting the tradition that it 
was used by Solomon, still no evidence on this point has 
thus far been discovered. It was no doubt in existence in 
the time of Herod, and is perhaps referred to by Josephus 
under the name of the Royal Caverns situated on the north 
side of the city. 2 ) 

Its first mention in modern times is contained in the work of 
Mujir ed-Din, who wrote his Uns al Jalil in 1496. 3 ) 



l ) Dawson, 1. c . p. 92. 

-) 5 Wars IV, 2, cited in the Survey of Western Palestine, Jerusalem, 
London, 1884, p. 6. 

3 ) See von Hammer, Fundgruben des Orients cited by Edward 
Robinson, Later Biblical Eesearches, Boston 1856, p. 191. 



~jr> Cyrus Adler. 

Robinson states (1. c.) that the quarry was open for a 
short time in the days of Ibrahim Pasha, about 1844 and 
rumor affirmed, he says, "that his soldiers entered and found 
water within. A year or two since it was again open; and 
Mr. Weber, a Prussian Consul at Beirut, with the Mussulman 
whom we visited on Zion, and another, went in and follo 
wed the passage a long way; but as they had neither lights 
nor compass they could not be sure of the direction nor of 
the distance. A few days afterwards, when they attempted 
to repeat the visit with lights, they found the entrance 
Availed up. The Mutsellim had learned that Franks had 
entered the grotto. This account was afterwards confirmed 
to me at Beirut by Mr. Weber himself." 

The discovery of the quarry in modern times is due to 
Dr. J. T. Barclay, who accidently found the entrance in 1854. 1 ) 
The origin of the name, "Cotton Grotto" (m a g h a r e t 
el K e 1 1 a n) or rather linen grotto, is uncertain. 

All of the signs of quarrying remain, including the 
niches for the lamps necessary for lighting the subterranean 
work place, and the soot from the lamps themselves. 2 ) 

The method of quarrying was as follows : The rock was 
blocked out with a metal tool 3 ) all around; it was then de 
tached by the insertion of small wooden wedges which when 
swelled with water drive the rock apart. The traces of all 
these processes are perfectly plain. 

It may be useful to quote the words of an engineer in 
describing this process. 4 ) 

Palestine under the Moslems, by Guy le Strange, p. 12, Compare also 
Itineraires cle la Terre Sainte .... par E. Carmoly, Bruxelles 1847, p. 
419; H. Sauvaire, Histoire de Jerusalem et d Hebron. Paris, 1876. [On 
the work Una al Julil, see the learned notes of Professor Stein- 
schneider in his Polemische und apoloyetische Litteratur, etc., (Leipzig 
1877), p. 177. G.A.K.] 

*) The City of the Great King, or Jerusalem as it was, as it is, 
and as it is to be. By J. P. Barclay M. D. Philadelphia, 1858, pp. 
456468. 

2 ) See Sir William Dawson p. 95. 

3 ) See "Chisel Marks in the Cotton Grotto at Jerusalem", by Baurath 
Schick, and note on the above, by W. M. Flinders Petrie, Quarterly 
Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, January, 1892, p. 24. 

4 ) "Quarrying Methods of the Ancients," by W. F. Durfee, M.AM. 
Soc. M. E., The Engineer s Magazinejnly 1894, Vol. 7, No. 4, pp. 474491. 



The Cotton Grotto an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. 77 

"The methods adopted for the horizontal quarrying of 
the granite blocks of ordinary size was to cut a narrow 
groove two or three inches deep, parallel with a vertical 
face of rock, at such distance as the width of the desired 
stone required; in the bottom of this groove rectangular 
holes were made, about two inches long, one inch wide, and 
two inches deep; these were usually placed about four inches 
apart; dry wooden plugs were then driven tightly into these 
holes, and the spaces between them in the groove first men 
tioned, filled with water-, and the expansion of the plugs 
as they absorbed the water split the stone in the lines ol 
the holes. No more uniform and simple application of suf 
ficient force for the purpose, could possibly have been desired". 

Ample evidence exists of the use of this method of quarry 
ing in ancient times, and its survival even to modern times is 
attested. That it was and is still practised in Egypt, is affir 
med by Professor Erman, the best authority on ancient Egypt. 

"The procedure by which the old Egyptian stone masons 
extricated the blocks can be distinctly recognized. At 
distances generally of about 6 inches, they chiselled holes 
in the rock, in the case of the larger blocks at any rate, 
to the depth of 6 inches. Wooden wedges were forcibly 
driven into these holes; these wedges were made to swell 
by being moistened, and the rock was thus made to split. 
The same process is still much employed at the present day." 1 ) 

The use of the expansive power of wedges when soaked 
with water is not however confined in modern times to Egypt. 

Mr. Talcot Williams, of Philadelphia informs me that 
this method of quarrying is still carried on at Mardin in 
Asiatic Turkey, although gun powder has been in use there 
for four centuries. The quarries at Mardin like those in 
Jerusalem, are underground and the dressing of the stone 
is largely carried on within the quarry. 

Professor George P. Merrill has pointed out that this 
process either survived, or was re-discovered in the last cen 
tury in New England. 2 ) 

J ) Life in Ancient Egypt, described by Adolf Erman. translated 
by H. M. Ferard, Macmillan 1894, p. 471. 

-) Stones for Buildings and Decoration, p. 325. 



Y^ Cyrus Adler. 

"In Pattee s History of Old Braintree and Quihcy," 
he says, "occurs this passage: - - On Sunday 1803 the 
first experiment in splitting stone with wedges was made by 
Josiah Bemis, George Stearns, and Michael Wilde. It proved 
successful, aud so elated were these gentlemen on this me 
morable Sunday that they adjourned to Newcomb s hotel, 
where they partook of a sumptuous feast. The wedges used 
in this experiment were flat, and differed somewhat from 
those now in use". 

As to who can justly claim to be the first to bring this 
method of splitting into general use, the author has no 
means of ascertaining. That none of the above can justly 
claim to have invented the process is evident from the 

following: - 

"I told thee that I had been informed that the grind 
stones and millstones were split with wooden pegs drove in, 
but I did not say that those rocks about this house could 
be split after that manner, but that I could split them, and 
had been used to split rocks to make steps, door-sills, and 
large window-cases all of stone, and pig troughs and water- 
troughs. I have split rocks 17 feet long and built four 
houses of hewn stone, split out of the rocks with my own 
hands." 

Dr. Daniel G. Brinton states that the quarries of West- 
chester County, Pennsylvania, which have been in existence 
for about 140 years, are worked by the same method. 

Other methods of quarrying employed by the ancients 
are described by Professor Merrill. 

-It is stated, (Grueber, Die Baumaterialien-Lehre, 
p. 60, 61) that in Finland, even at the present day, granite 
is split from the quarry bed through the expansive force of 
ice. A series of holes, from a foot to 15 inches apart, and 
from 2 to 3 feet deep, according to the size of the block 
to be loosened, is driven along the line of the desired rift 
after the usual custom. These holes are then filled with 
water and tightly plugged. The operation is put off until 
late in the season and until the approach of a frost. The 
water in the holes then freezes and by its expansion frac 
tures the rock in the direction of the line of holes. Blocks 
of 400 tons weight are stated to be broken out in this way. 



Ihe Cotton Grotto an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. 79 

A more ancient method consisted in simply plugging the 
holes with dry wooden wedges and then thoroughly satura 
ting them with water, the swelling wood acting in the same 
way as the freezing water. Another ancient and well known 
method consisted in building a lire around the stone and 
when it was thoroughly heated striking it with heavy ham 
mers or throwing cold water upon it." 

In splitting stone the ancient Romans are said to have 
sprinkled the hot stone with vinegar, though whether they 
thereby accelerated the splitting or caused the stone to break 
along the definite line is not known. Quartz rocks, it is 
stated, can be made to split in definite directions by wetting 
them while hot, or laying a wet cord along the line it is 
desired they shall cleave. The wet line gives rise to a small 
crack, and the operation is completed by striking heavy 
blows with wooden mallets. According to M. Raimondi, the 
ancient Peruvians split up the stone in the quarry by first 
heating it with burning straw and then throwing cold water 
upon it. To carve the stone and obtain a bas relief, the 
writer contends that the workmen covered with ashes the 
lines of the designs which they intended to have in relief, 
and then heated the whole surface. The parts of the stone 
which were submitted immediately to the action of the fire 
became decomposed to a greater or less depth, while the 
designs, protected by ashes remained intact. To complete 
the work, the sculptor had but to carve out the decomposed 
rock with his copper chisel." 

The following communication in a recent number of 
Nature (Jan. 17, 1895) gives a description of the practice of 
quarrying by fire still employed in India. 

"In one case, I observed the operation of burning over 
an area. A narrow line of wood fire, perhaps 7 feet long, 
was gradually elongated, and at the same time moved for 
ward over the tolerably even surface of solid rock. The 
line of fire was produced by dry logs of light wood, which 
were left burning in their position until strokes with a hammer 
indicated that the rock in front of the fire had become de 
tached from the main mass underneath. The burning wood 
was then pushed forward a few inches, and left until the 
hammer again indicated that the slit had extended. Thus 



80 Cyrus Adler. 

the fire was moved on, and at the same time the length of 
the line of fire was increased, and made to be convex on 
the side of the fresh rock. The maximum length of the arc 
amounted to about 25 feet. It was only on this advancing 
line of fire that any heating took place, the portion which 
had been traversed being left to itself. This latter portion 
was covered with the ashes left by the wood, and with thin 
splinters which had been burst off. These splinters were 
only of about J /s mcn thickness, and a few inches across. 
They were quite independent of the general splitting of the 
rock, which was all the time going on at a depth of about 
five inches from the surface. The burning lasted eight hours, 
and the line of fire advanced at the average rate of nearly 
6 feet an hour. The area actually passed over by the line 
of fire was 460 square feet, but as the crack extended 
about three feet on either side beyond the fire, the area of 
the entire slab which was set free, measured about 740 
square feet. All this was done with may be about 15 cwt. 
of wood. Taking the average thickness of the stone at 5 
inches, and its specific gravity as 2.62, the result is 301bs. 
of stone quarried with 1 lb. of wood." 

Between Mexico and Peru the use of the expansive 
force of the wooden wedge was employed for purposes of 
quarrying and there is abundant evidence of the employment 
of fire for the same purpose on this continent. 

Professor Graetz sums up what is known from Biblical 
sources of the quarrying work done for the Temple in these 
words : - "Eighty thousand of these unhappy beings worked 
in the stone quarries day and night by the light of lamps. 
They were under the direction of a man from Biblos (Gib- 
lem) who understood the art of hewing heavy blocks from 
the rocks, and of giving the edges the necessary shape for 
dove-tailing. Twenty thousand slaves removed the heavy 
blocks form the mouth of the quarry, and carried them to 
the building site." 1 ) 

The Biblical statement is as follows: "And the King 
commanded, and they hewed out (brought away, margin, 
greatjtones, costly stones, to lay the foundation of the house 
l ) History of the Jews, by Professor H. Graetz, Vol. I p 163 
Philadelphia. The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1891. 



The Cotton Grotto an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. g^ 

with wrought stone. And Solomon s builders and Hiram s 
builders and the Gebalites did fashion them, and prepared 
the timber and the stones to build the house" 1 ) 

The only place in which the word quarry actually oc 
curs in the Old Testament is I Kings VI, I "And the house 
when it was building was built of stone made ready at the 
quarry ; 2 ) and there was neither hammer nor axe nor any 
tool of iron heard in the house, while it was in building". 

It is true that the authorized version renders C^DB in 
Judges 3, 19 and 26 by quarries, but this is altered in the 
revised version, and is no doubt incorrect; the term appar 
ently means either stone images (its usual use) or locali 
ties- where there was an especial cult of such images. 3 ) 

The passage in Kings, just cited, is fully explained by 
the situation of the quarry and the undoubted fact that the 
stones were quarried underground. The sound of the tool 
could certainly not be heard on the Temple Hill from the 
underground chambers at the Damascus Gate, probably not 
in any part of the City. 

It might seem at first sight that the underground quar 
rying by wedges or fire would offer an explanation of the 
statement concerning the stones to be used for the altar. In 
Exodus 20,25, (R. V.) we read "And if thou make me an 
altar of stone, thou shalt not build it of hewn stones ; for if 
thou lift up thy tool upon it thou hast polluted it". 

Further consideration however, shows that this is not 
possible and that the stones referred to must have been 
boulders. This view is amply confirmed by an historical ac 
count in the Talmud kindly pointed out by Mr. S. Schechter 
of Cambridge, England. 

In tract Midoth 36% it is stated that the stones for the 
altar were from the valley of Beth-Kerem, that they dug 
down to the virgin soil (or unbroken ground) and that they 
were perfect stones not touched by iron. 

*) I Kings 5, 17 till 8; cf. also I Chronicles 22, 2 and 15; II 
Chronicles 2, 17. 

2 ) The Hebrew word translated quarry is JJQC 

3 ) The authority of the Targum is, however, in favor of quarries; 
still as it refers to a place in the neighborhood of Gigal it is not espe 
cially significant in the present connection. The verb ^n in a number 
of Targumic passages means to quarry. 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 6 



82 Cyrus Adler. 

The Beth-Kerem house of the vineyard mentioned here 
does not seem to have been identified by the geographers. 
One naturally thinks of the passage in Jeremiah 6 7 1 "Raise 
up a signal on Beth-hakerem" (cf. also Neh. 3 7 14). This 
place is usually identified with the so-called Frank mountain 
near Jerusalem, but is more likely that it is the same as 
the modern Ain Karem spring of the vineyard . On the 
ridge above Ain Karem are cairns which may have been 
used as beacons of old. One is 40 feet high and 130 feet 
in diameter, with flat top 40 feet across. 1 ) 

The late Professor Robertson Smith fully demonstrated 
the significance of cairns in connection with the altar among 
Syrian tribes 2 ) and this significance is also found in America, 
some of the North Coast Indians setting up cairns in place 
of the ordinary totem-posts. 

*) Quarterly Statement Palestine Exploration Fund, 1881, p. 171; 
Palestine, by Rev. Archibald Henderson, Edinburgh, 1893, p. 190. 
2 ) Fundamental Institutes of Semitic Religions, pp, 183. 185 if. 



Die PSlel-Conjugation 
und die POlal-Participien 

von 
Prof. Dr. J. Earth (Berlin.) 

Tiber das Wesen der Polel-Conjugation, welche im He- 
braischen sowohl bei den Verben med. w et j, als bei denen 
mediae geminatae auftritt, gehen die Ansichten der Forscher 
sehr auseinander und eine niihere Begriindung der vorge- 
tragenen Meinungen ist selten erfolgt Die meisten neueren 
Grammatiker des Hebr. geben dem Polel eine verschiedene 
Deutung, je nachdem es bei den 1 jM) oder aber bei den y> 
Verben erscheint So sieht Bottcher (Lehrgebdude, 
1016) in 221C und alien entsprechenden Formen aus y"y- 
Wurzeln Bildungen mit ,,vorderer Vocaldehnung" (eines a zn 
a = = hebr. 6) also ein sdbib, dagegen in CElp und dessen V j?- 
Correspondenzen solche ,,mit hinterer Wiederholung" (d. h. 
des 3. Radicals), also ein qawmim. 2 ) Olshausen ( 251 b) 
schwankt bei den fjj, ob CGlp = urspr. qatvmcm oder = urspr. 
qdmcm sei, nimint dagegen bei den y"y gleichfalls das Ein- 
treten eines langen d Linter dem 1. Guttural, also z. B. 
= urspr. sdbeb an ( 254). In der Anmerkung zu 
254 stellt er vermuthungsweise noch eine dritte Meinung auf : 
vielleicht seien beide schwache Classen zuerst auf zwei Con- 
sonanten zuriickgefuhrt (wie bei hlb? und b)b) von tD und 
*?^), dann zum Zweck der Pielbildung d hinter dem ersten 
Radical eingefiigt und zugleich noch der letzte Radical ver- 
doppelt worden. Dieselbe Duplicitat, als liege einerseits 

J ) Darunter sind hier und im Folgenden auch die i"y-Verba mit zu 
verstehen. 

2 ) S. 1020, 2. 

6* 



g4 J- Earth. 

bei den Y J? eine Doppelung des letzten Radicals, dagegen bei 
den y"V der Einschub eines 6 hinter dem 1. Radical vor, 
welch letzteres aus semitischeni a getriibt sei, behaupten 
auch Gesenius-Kautzsch ( 72 vgl. mit 67, 8 und 55,1), 
Konig (Lehrgebdude I, S. 451 vgl. mit S. 349), Bickell 
( 116 vgl. m. 135), Land ( 55 vgl. m. 217d ) und 
Wright 2 ). 

Wahrend von diesen Gelehrten angenommen 1st, dass die- 
selbe Endform beider Wurzelclassen durch zweierlei ganz ver- 
scliiedene Bildungsprocesse zu Stande gekommen sei, vertritt 
Ewald 8 ( 125 a) die Meinnng, dass die Form urspriinglich 
bei den J?"y gebildet worden sei, indem statt der hier schwie- 
rigen Scharfung des 2. Radicals das vorangehen.de a zu a 
(= hebr. o) gedelmt worden sei. Von ihnen aus sei der Polel 
dann auf die Verba med. iv iibertragen worden. Er setzt 
also hinter dem 1. Radical des urspr. Piels der y"y ein a 
voraus, welches aber in der hebr. Periode dort nicht nach- 
weisbar ist. Ahnlich auch M. Hartmann 3 ), der im Polel 
die III. Conjg. der J?"j?-Verba sah, welcher sich die l"j? acco- 
modirt hatten. - Umgekehrt lasst Stade ( 155 c, d) die 
Form urspriinglich bei den Y y gebildet und dann durch 
Analogic auf die >"J? iibertragen sein. Jener V y-Verbalart 
soil es eigenartig sein, den Intensivstamm durch Wieder- 
holung des 3. Radicals zu bilden, aus dein qdma des Qal ein 
qdmama bezw. hebr. Clp (nach Eindringen des Impf.-e in 
der 2. Silbe) zu entwickeln. 

All diesen Aufstellungen gegeniiber, dass ein Polel von 
221D ein urspr. d hinter dem 1. Radical hatte oder, was das- 
selbe, dass in dieseni Polel eine der arab. III. Conju 
gation entsprechende Form vorliege, wies Noldeke 4 ) auf 
mehrere correspondirende syrische Bildungen hin, welche 
zeigten, dass das hebr. 6 nicht aus a, sondern aus au ent- 
standen sei, namlich jJoJlf , jjo^lf, -aJoslf, wA^oJ4 7 JJoolf, 
abgesehen von C^lPK N Dan. 4, 16 und Formen aus dein 



1 ) Die Citate aus Bickell und Land, deren Grammatiken mir nicht vor- 
liegen, nach Konig a, a. 0. 

2 ) Lectures on Comparative Grammar S. 203 vgl. m. 252. 

3 j Die Phmliteralbildungen in den semitischen Sprachen I (einziger) 
Theil, S. 2-3. 

4 ) ZDMG 29, 326; 30, 1845. 



Die Polel-Conjugation und die Polal-Participien. 85 

Targumischen und Christlich-Palastinischen (ZDMG 22, 490), 
die als Hebraismen beanstandet werden konnten. Wenn hier- 
gegen Stade, 1 ) um die Abkunft eines CClp aus qamem zu 
behaupten, einwandte: ,,syrisches au kann Zerdehnung aus 
6 sein", so beruht das auf Uebereilung. Denn ein 6 wiirde 
ja nach der von ihm nnd den Andern angenomnienen Natur 
des Polel nur im Hebraischen in Folge der bier allein 
iiblichen Triibung des a zu 6, nicbt aber im Syrischen, wo 
das senritische a unverandert bleibt, vorgelegen haben, konnte 
sich also auch bier nicbt in au zerdehnen. 

Aus diesem Dissens der Ansichten moge es sicb recht- 
fertigen, wenn im Folgenden das strittige Problem einer 
kurzen Erorterung unterzogen und im Hinblick auf einige 
verwandte semitische Erscbeinungen seine Losung versucht 
wird. 

Es ist unter alien Umstanden wahrscheinlicb, dass die 
Bildung nicht bei den l"j?-Verben einen anderen Charakter 
als bei der y"y-Classe hat, dass sie vielmebr bei einer dieser 
beiden auf organiscbeni Wege zu Stande gekommen und 
dann durch Analogic auf die verwandte scbwacbe Classe 
iibertragen sein wird. 2 ) Es ist daber zunachst zu priifen, 
bei welcher von beiden scbwacben Stammarten sie primar 
bervorgebracbt sein mag. Dass dies nicbt bei den Verbis med. 
gemin. der Fall gewesen, dafiir ist scbon ein wicbtiges Indiz 
die Tbatsacbe, dass das Hebr. - wie alle anderen semi- 
tischen Spracben - - sehr wohl im Stande war, aus denselben 
regelrochte Pielbildungen bervorzubringen und in der Tbat 
auch cine Reihe von Pielformen gebildet hat, 3 ) wogegen von 
den V y-Verben in alter Zeit keine, und erst in der aramai- 
sirenden Decadenz der Spracbe einige vereinzelte Formen 
nach Art des Aramaischen gebildet worden sind (D^p, C.lp. 
Esth. 9, 31, 32 u. s. n$y- Dan. 1, 10, Tgsn Jo s - 9 > 12 ? 
daneben noch "^ Ps. 119, 61.). Das Hebr. hatte also nur 



a ) Hebr. Gramm. S. 120, Anm. 3. 

2) Wie dies auch bei anderen diesen beiden Classen gemeinsamen 
Eigenthiimlichkeiten anzunehmen ist, z. B. der Hervorbringung von Eedu- 
plicationsstammen wie ^^ (von y"y), ^S^ ( von V y) u. s. w., bei der 
Einfiigung des sogenannten Bindevocals o im Perf., e im Impf. in PlSD^ 
u. s. w. einer , Pl^ri; Hc^in u - s - w - andererseits. 

z. B. 



86 J. Earth. 

bei diesen letzteren Verben, wo es das regelrechte Piel nicht 
bildete, well es das intervocalisch gescharfte w als erne zu 
grosse Harte enipfand, ein Bediirfniss nach einem Ersatz des 
Piels, nicht aber bei der y"j7-Classe. 

Hierrnit ist es in Uebereinstimmung, dass eine formell deni 
Piel entsprechende Bildung des Arabischen ebenfalls nur von 
Verben med. tv et j, nicht aber von med. gemin. aus gebildet 

ward, namlich die zahlreichen Infinitive xi^yo ,,weggehen" von 



jU (med. .; ), xIlT,,sein" von (med. w\ &x< an- 



^ ^ 

dauern" (med. w\ sJ^Juu ,,weggehen" von c>L a. v. A. 1 ) 
Im Arabischen hat sich diese Reduplication des letzten Radi 
cals nur auf dem Gebiet des No men s, d. h. der Infinitiv- 
bildung vollzogen, 2 ) nicht bei der Verbalflexion, und es ist 
dort in Folge davon auch keine Verstarkungsbedeutung, so 
weit wir sehen konnen, an sie gebunden. Aber der Process 
der Forrnbildung ist derselbe wie beim hebr. Poel, und er 
erscheint, was wichtig ist, nur bei den Verbis med. w et j. 
Die genannten Infinitive sind iibrigens urspriinglich von der 
Classe med. j aus gebildet 3 ) und durch Analogic auf die 
med. w iibertragen worden. Auch sonst finden sich im Arab. 
noch die zwei Infinitive mit verdoppeltem dritten Radical 

4>J^w ,,herrschen", Jib^c ,,schwertrachtig sein" und die mit 
diesen Infinitiven in Verbindung zn bringenden Formen von 

Plurales fracti ioio^ ,,schwer trachtige" (zum Sing. JaSU) 

Q i > 

und JJ^ ,,langere Zeit unfruchtbare" (Kamelinnen, zuin Sg. 

f* 

JoL^) 4 ), wiederum nur von sogen. hohlen Wurzeln ? wahrend 
von med. gemin. keine entsprechenden Formationen vorliegen. 
Das Hebr. selbst bietet ausserhalb des Polels ebenfalls 
zwei Nomina mit derselben Wiederholung des Schlussradicals, 
und auch diese beiden gehen von sogen. hohlen Wurzeln aus: 

J ) Vgl. meine Nominalbildung S. 21011. 

2 ) Vermuthlich in Folge einer iautlichen Harte, die gerade der nor- 
male Infinitiv aufwies ; vgl. a. a. 0. S. 211. 

8 ) Vgl. das standige j hinter dem ersten Radical in bajnunat, kaj- 
nunat u. s. w. 

4) Nominalbildung S. 212, Anm. 2. - Die beiden begriffsverwandten 
Plurr. fracti haben wohl in der Bildungsweise auf einander eingewirkt. 



Die Polel-Conjugation und die Polal-Participien. 37 

,,Annehmlichkeit (von v?lU, ^, % ,,gab Ruhe") und 
TTP2 ,,Funke" (von 5(/ ,,brachte Feuer hervor") i) Nur das 
vereinzelte jWj ,,Funke geht hier auf den ?-Stamm yju 
.fankeb- Ez. 1, 7 zurtick, seine Bildung 1st vielleicht in 
Analogic nach dem begriffsgleichen TJT2 erfolgt. Von diesem 
zweifelhaften Einzelfall abgesehen, zeigt es sich also, dass 
wo sonst im Semitischen dem Polel entsprechende For- 
mationen aus den schwachen Wurzeln vorliegen, sie aus den 
1> und vy-, nicht aus den Wurzeln mecL gemin hervor _ 
gegangen sind. 

Dasselbe Ergebniss liefert eine Betrachtung der hebrai- 
schen Participien der Form 221tf, hby, welche ebenfalls keine 
Beriicksichtigung fur die Losung der Polel-Frage und auch 
sonst noch keine befriedigende Erklarung gefimden haben^). 
Sie sind nicht etwa aus dem Polel gebildet; denn im Ge- 
brauch stellen sie sich zum Qalstainin. Sprachlich sind sie 
um so werthvoller, weil ihre Entstehung und die des Polel 
parallel und unabhangig nebeneinander licrgehcn und die Er 
klarung des Processes bei der einen Art an deni der anderen 
sich bewahren muss. Es sind folgende Participien: 

a) 231tf ,,abtriinnig, abwendig", PL C^.221^ (im Ganzcn 
3 Mai, der Sing, noch ofter als Norn, prop.), synonym 
mit dem zum Qal gehorigen (^^)n^B^p (4 Mai), ent- 
sprechend dem Qal Jer. 8,4; JosJ 23,12, auch mit 
^L!^ ,,sich abwenden" (Jos. 22,16; 23, 29; 1 Sam. 
15, 11, ohne Praepos. Jos. 23, 12; Jer. 8, 4); nur ein- 
mal Jer. 8,5 entspricht rmtf 3 ). - - Him parallel geht 
mehrfach ein Particip 221^ , ri221tf Jer. 31, 22; 49, 4; 
Mi. 2,4. 



J ) A. a. 0. S. 210. 

2 ) Nach Ewald ( 160 a) waren sie aus 221^ , hh\$ gedehnt und 
diese selbst Polel- Participien ohne ^. Aber sie gehoren im Gebrauche nicht 
zum Polel, und warm ware im Hebr. je das e eines Particips so in a 
gedehnt worden? Olsh. ( 187 a) und nach ihm Stade ( 233) stellen 
sie neben |jy^ und |^j#, ohne dann aber erklfiren zu konnen, wieso 
2211&* und tyyy parallel neben ihnen hergehen. 

3 ) 1m Hinblick auf das sonstige Entsprechen des Qal und die ander- 
weitig stets causative Bedeutung von 221 f ist dies als eine vereinzelte 
Angleichung an 22llf anzusehen. 



88 J- Earth. 

b) bbty ,,Kind" (2 Mai), PI. c^ty (2 Mai), mit Suff. 
75?W n^W- Zum Stamm vgl. >iy ,,Kind a Jes. 49, 15; 
65, 20, C^iy. ,,Kinder" Hiob dreimal; syrisch ?fd 
,,Kind iC , U^ ,,Flillen"; aethiop. ewdl ,,Fiillen" i). Als 
verbaler Starnm 1st arab. U&jJ^ c-Jle. ,,sie saugte ihr 
Kind" wovon Juui. Milch der Saugung", &JU ,,Saugen 

wilhrend der Schwangerschaft" zu vergleichen. 2 ) 
Parallel daneben bbty (4 Mai), PI. D^ty. 

c) Auch CEH ,,schweigend" rechne ich, wie schon an an- 
derer Stelle bemerkt 3 ), zu diesen Participien, nur dass 
hier das 6 zu u getriibt worden 1st, sei es durch den 
folgenden Labial oder durch Angleichung an HE-I"!, 
welches das entsprechende Abstract ist und rait jenem 
zusammen auf |/CH zuriickgeht. Die etwaige Annahme, 
dass am hier dieselbe Adverbialendung wie in C|H, 
C|T"}., CJ^N* sei, wird ausgeschlossen durch den rein 
adjectivischen, bezw. participialen Gebrauch in Dicn px 
Hab. 2 7 19, ccrn ^n^ 21^ Klgl. 3 ? 26. Die einzige 
sonst noch vorkommende \ 7 erbindung C^ 1 !"! ^2^* aber ist 
in Hinblick hierauf wie bb}W "^1D u. s. w. zu erklaren. 

d) bbW (Hi. 12, 17, 19, auch Mi. 1,8 im Qri; k th. bbw). 
Mit diesem Particip steht es niisslich, weil die Bedeu- 
tung unsicher und in Folge dessen die Wurzel, aus der 
es abzuleiten, zweifelhaft ist. Hi. 12, 17: C^yv T^lO 
bbTP C^DWI bbw fiihrt das parallels ^IPP und der 
naturgemass hier geschilderte Gegensatz des zukunftigen 
zu dem bisherigen Zustande der C^yv auf die Bedeu- 
tung ,,verdummt, bethort" (Yulg. ,,mente captus"), 



J ) Hierzu gehort aber nicht bbtyl? Jes. 3, 12. welches sonst dem 
constanten Sprachgebrauch entgegenstehen wiirde; es ist v ielmehr Particip 
von bbfly ,,nmthwillig handeln", wie auch das ihm in vs. 4 entsprechende 
Qv ftgn ,,Muthwillen" (concret) bedeutet und zu bb% oder bbty gezogen 
werden muss. So nimrnt es auch die LXX, die in vs. 12 oi rcpdwtTopsc, in 
vs. 4 IjjtTraikTa!, iibersetzt 

?l ?-- 

2 ) Nicht <JU^ und <>xfc, welches die Familie im Ganzen, die man 

ernahren muss, bedeutet. 

3 ) NominaMldung S. 352, Anm. 2. 



Die Polei-Conjugation imd die Polal-Participien. 39 

nicht auf ,,gefangen (LXX, Targ.) oder ,,ausgezogen 



(Dillm.). In Hi. 12, 19: *p& c^n\S1 bb 
wiirde diese Bedeutung nicht nothwendig, aber auch 
nicht unpassend sein, well es besagen kann, die Priester, 
als die Gesetzeslehrer und entscheider wiirden von 
Gott bethort und rathlos gemacht. ) Als Verbum 
wiirde sich vorziiglich bbtevx anschliessen in Ps. 76,6: 
cnJl? 1C3 lb ^2N I^IPTO .bethort warden, die vorh er 
muthigen Herzens gewesen waren (parallel b: ,,und 
nicht fanden die Kriegsleute ihre Hande c; d. h. sie 
waren rathlos.). Im Arabischen wiirde gut entsprechen : 
jpj ,,thoricht, wahnsinnig- J(J U1K 1 jp nWa l ms i nnig 

werden". Aber dem gegeniiber steht^Ii. 1,8: p,lXx 
crjn (Qr. bbw) bbw, wo das parallele cnyi iin Hinblick 
auf andere Stellen (wie Jes 20,3. 4. 5) cine Bedeutung 
ahnlich Avie nackt, barfuss nahelegt. Es ware mr.g- 
lich, dass wir zweierlei Worte in bbw und bbw 
vor uns haben. In jedem Fall empnehlt es sich, ein 
Wort so zweifelhafter Bedeutung nicht zur Grimdlage 
grammatischer Schlussfolgerung zu machen. 2 ) 
Die drei klarliegenden Falle obiger Participieu gehen 
zweifellos auf 1>Stamme zuriick. Wie mdgen sie wohl ent- 
standen sein? Zur Polel- Conjugation kounen sie nicht ge- 
horen; das ist ausgeschlossen sowohl durch ihre intransitive 
Bedeutung, als durch den ihnen charakteristischen a -Vocal 
der zweiten Silbe , welcher mit dem dem Polel durchweg 
eignenden c der zweiten Silbe unvereinbar ist. Ebensowenig 
ist die Moglichkeit eines Anschlusses an das passive Polal 
gegeben, weil Participien wie 2?\W, bbty begrifflich sich nicht 
in eine passive Conjugation einfiigen lassen und weil die 
beiden Parallelformen 321K , bbty zeigen, dass auch die Sprache 
jene nicht als Passive sondern als active Participien em- 
pfunden hat. Nun zeigt es sich, class das gemeinsemitische 

Vgl. auch den unmittelbar folgenden Vers: ,,Der die Sprache der 
Wohlbowahrten beseitigt und den Verstand der Greise hinwegnimmt." 

) Natiirlich gehort nicht hierher das ofters vorkommende ^*i^ , da 
dies nicht auf ein ^jtf (dessen suffigirter Plur. *nniL^ heissen "miisste), 
sondern *-i"11^ zuriickgeht. -- Ein Infinitiv oder Abstractum wie 
Ps. 66, 17 passt schon seiner Bedeutung nach nicht in diese Reihe. 



90 J. Barth. 

Verstarkungsparticip qattdl, das sonst iin Hebr. nicht eben 
selten ist *) und das auch von Stammen med. j. ausgebildet 
wird und zwar so, als ware das j ein fester Consonant 
(j;i> "P 2 ) bei den Wurzeln mit mittlerem nichtconsonanti- 
schein IV B ) iiberhaupt nicht vertreten ist, auch nicht so, dass 
sie die Form etwa nach der Analogic der letztgenannten 
V y-Fornien bildeten 4 ) Diese hier vermissten Formen sind 
es, welche durch die obenerwahntenersetzt und vertreten werden. 
Das Hebraische, welches ein intervocalisches gescharftes w 
starker scheute, als ein gescharftes j in gleicher Position 5 ), 
liess statt der Scharfung des halbvocalischen mittleren w eine 
Doppelung des nachfolgenden Radicals eintreten, indem es 
im Ubrigen die sonstige Structur und die Vocale dieses 
Steigerungsparticips unverandert beibehielt: statt *qawwam 6 ) 
trat qaivmdm ein, wo durch auch nach der sonstigen Art 
dieser Wurzeln das iv sich wieder mit deni vorherigen a zu 
dem Diphthong 6 verbinden konnte 7 ). Falls das etymologisch 
zweifelhafte 77\W zu einem Stamm med. gemin. gehort, wiirde 
es durch Analogic den obigen V j7-Participien nachgebildet 
sein, da auch von den y"y aus das Hebr. keine Participien der 
Form *^ entwickelt hat, in gleicher Weise wie dies zumeist 
auch beim verbalen Steigerungsstanim geschehen ist. 

Als qattdl-FormQii sind die obigen Bildungen Steigerungs- 
participien aus deni Qalstamin 8 ), und so erklart es sich 
ganz natiirlich, dass neben ^1j? zweimal bw (Jes. 49,15; 

J ) z- B. n::, trnr, 2|j. mv u. A. 

2 ) Nach diesem lotzteren wohl auch die Analogiebildung c^"" Jes. 
19, 8, so auch Jer. 16, 16 im Qri, dagegen c^" im K th., wie Ez/ 47, 10 
allein vorkommt. 



8 ) AYie 21B , cip u. s. \v. Wurzeln mit durchweg consonantisch be- 
handeltem w, die natiirlich auch in dieser Form das w als festen Consonant 
behandelten (wie by_ von bty\ rbty, *n von p,p) gehoren nicht hierher. 

4 ) Wie das Aramaische, z. B. c^p, 2TI u. s. w. von Vy-Stammen. 

5 ) Auch das Syrische bildet von den beiden Classen der V y- urid Vy- 
Verba Formen mit gescharftem mittleren Radical meist nach der Art seiner 
ehemaligen V y ; V gl. die in Anm. 4 genannten Participien und den Pael, 
der fast durchweg wie qajjvn lautet. 

6 ) Die Annahme dieser Grundformen rechtfertigt sich durch pi, 

7 ) Wie z. B. von Vr^ aus pjjj, aber 

8 ) Vgl. Nominalbildung S. 48 



Die Pol el-Conjugation und die Polal-Participien. 91 

65,20) = syr. tfa hergeht, die ebenfalls ein actives Qal- 
particip darstellen i). Eine weitere Folge war es, dass sich 
in Analogic nach jenen Qalparticipien mit gedoppeltem 
letzten Radical auch die gewohnliche Form eines Qalparticips 
fep so entwickelte, dass es verdoppelten letzten Radical 
zeigte, d. h. dass 22lltf und bbty durch Analogic ein 2211^, bbfy 
nach sich zogen. Denn da die Sprache die ersteren Fonnen 
mit Recht als Participien des Qalstamms empfand, so schien 
die Doppelung des letzten Radicals, die in Wahrheit nur eine 
Compensation fur die unterbliebene Scharfung des Mittel- 
radicals war, dem naiven Sprachgefiihl auf y"5?-Wurzeln 222>, 
bty zuruckzuweisen, und es war dann naturlich, dass man 
auch ein normales Particip qptel aus diesen vermeintlichen 
Stammen bildete. Haben ja auch ohne solchen Anlass ver- 
einzelte V JJ-Wurzeln im Hebr. Qal-Participien wie von y"y 
gelegentlich gebildet 2 ). 

Derselbe Process wie bei obigen Participien hat nun 
von denselben V y-Wurzeln aus auch zur Bildung des Polel 
gefuhrt. Statt des regelmassigen qittel niusste zunachst bei 
Cip n. s. w. wegen des w ein qawwem mit d der 1. Silbe 
zu Grunde gelegt werden 3 ). Die Scharfung des intervocali- 
schen w wurde aber auch hier vermieden und durch Doppe 
lung des nachfolgenden Radicals vertreten : qatvmem fur *qaw- 
wem u. s. w. Die so entstandenen Formen des V jJ-Steige- 
rungsstammes haben die "y-Wurzeln durch Analogic ebenso 
nach sich gezogen, wie ini Aramiiischen umgekehrt die med. 

a ) Entsprechend dem arab. qatul, wie -fiE ,,sich abwendend, sich 
trennend" Jer. 2, 21; Jes. 49, 21, ^ ,,abweichend u Prov. 14, 14, 2^ 
,,sich abwendend" Mi. 2, 8, C^n ,,eilende", Num. 32, 17 (NominalUldung 
S. 180 unt.). 

2 ) So C^^b Hos. 7, 5; npoll Ps. H8, 16. Zu trennen hiervon 
ist es, wenn zu einem Polelstamm, wie -liyjyn Lev. 19, 26 neben dem 
Partip. D^Jiyp (6 fter) auch das hieraus verkurzte D^j? ( 5 Mai) vorkommt; 
denn die Anfangsgenannten gehoren nicht zu einem Polelstamm. 

8 ) Wie 2^13 vgl. mit bvpj, 2WH v gl- ni. ^pn Zur Be- 
ruhigung sei ausdriieklich bemerkt, dass die supponirte Grundform qawwem 
liber die wurzelhafte Urspriinglichkeit des radicalen w nicht mehr aussagt, 
als p|Q iiber die in j^m^ und ji-;, -p^ iiber die des j ihrer Wurzeln, 

T\ 

iiber das j ihrer vy-Prototype. 



92 J. Barth. 

w- der Analogic der rned. j-Wurzeln gefolgt sind. Auch ein 
betrachtlicher Theil der y"y-Stamme ist im Hebr. in diese 
Analogic hineingezogen worden, wahrend andere bei ihrer 
urspriinglichen Bildung verharrten (s.oben.). 

Ob nun aber die wenigen syrischen Paulelbildungen 
ihrer Entstehnng nach mit den hebraischen verglichen wer- 
den dtirfen, bezweifle ich sehr. Fast alle gehen von y"y- 
Wurzeln aus und haben ein ziini Paelstamm gehoriges nom. 
act. \oJ> neben sich, aus dem sich das verbale cthqautal ] ) 
zwanglos als Denoniinativ erklart 2 ). CElfi& Dan. 4,16 ist, 
wie seiner Wurzel, so wohl auch seiner Form nach Palasti- 
nismus. Abgesehen davon finden sich ja auch bei star ken 
Wurzeln Falle wie jJolZf ,,krumm sein" targ. "DID ,,ertra- 
gen", nach deren Art sie sonst erklarbar waren. Das ganz 
isolirte zu dem V y-Stamm ID gehorige jj aslf ,,besturzt 
sein" 3), das jedenfalls ausserst selten ist, und auf BegriiFs- 
aualogie beruhen kann-i) ? genfigt fur die V y-Stamme nicht, 
im Syrischen diese Bildung zu sichern. 

Dazu koinmt, dass im Syrischen sowohl die y"y- als die 
V y-Wurzeln ihre normale, der des starken Verbs entsprechende 
Flexion besitzen, mithin fur eine solche Intensivstamm-Neu- 
bildung auch kein Anlass vorlag. Die aussere Aehnlichkeit 
clieser Formen mit dem Polel wird durch die der l>Deri- 
vate auf S. 86 7 geniigend aufgewogen. 

Das Hebraische hat bei dem Passiv des Polel in 
der ersten Silbe den Vokal unverandert gelassen. Das er 
klart sich einfach daraus, dass das vocalische Verhaltniss der 
ersten Silben von Activ und Passiv sonst immer der Gegen- 

J ) Fiir sehr bedeutsam halte ich es, dass kein einziges actives qaute 
sonderu immer nor das Passiv vorliegt, das so oft als Denominativ 
erscheint. 



^ ,,Wiederkauen u steht so neben ?? F aJZ 
neben ^a^4 ,,hinschwinden", \^ - ^|j^J| wird B A 7323 reben 
w^JoJzj iiberliefert, j, f , f a2 (Erkaltang) xaTi^ou ? neben j^oJ^f. Vgi 
schon Noldeke a. a. 0. Weitere Falle von y"y sind im Syrischen nicht 
nachgewiesen. 

3 ) Vgl. J5oo, f?o^ stultus, arab. J^J homo nequam. 

4 ) Es konnte z. B. dem CDin^ nachgebildet sein. Es ist von Psm. 
nur aus einer Stelle bei Jacob von Serug belegt. 



Die Polel-Conjugation und die Polal-Participien. 93 

satz zwischen dein liellen i und dem dimkeln u, o war 1 ). 
Nachdem nun aber hier schon im Activ atis dem urspr. aw 
ein dunkles 6 in der ersten Silbe sich gebildet hatte, war 
die iibliche Vocalgegensatzlichkeit in der 1. Silbe ausge- 
schlossen und die Sprache beschrankte sich hier 2 ) auf das 
in den zweiten Silben ebenfalls allgemein durchgefuhrte Vo- 
calverhaltniss von e : a fur Activ und Passiv unseres Inten- 
sivstamms. 



J ) qittel: 2itaL hiqiil: koqtal bezw. huqt&l (2D 

-} Obgleich dies in einem anderu Fall, bei den yp, nicht geschehen 

ist, vgi. n^in: ibr\ u. A. 



A Study of the use of ab and s 
in the Old Testament 

by 
Prof. Charles A. Briggs DD. (New- York). 



2 1 ? and 22 1 ? are treated in the Lexicons as one and the 
same word, and no attempt has been made thus far, or as 
far as I know, to distinguish them. In the preparation of the new 
American and British edition of Robinsons Gesenius Hebrew 
Lexicon edited by Francis Brown, S. R. Driver and myself, it 
fell to my let to prepare the psychological terms. I made a 
complete induction of the passages in the Hebrew Scriptures 
in which these terms occur in the summer of 1891. I have 
waited until we reached them in our publication of the Lexi 
con, before giving the facts to the public. In the Lexicon a 
summary of the facts will be given. The article of them will 
be given in this paper. 

(A) The usage of the Hexateuch. 

(1) The code of sanctity uses only ab Lv. 19 17 26 36 - 4l 
Nu. 15 39 fourtimes. 

(2) The Deuteronomic code Dt. 1226 uses only -n^> 
134 157.9.10 17 i 7 . 18 2i 19 e 203.8.8 26 i6 twelvetimes. The 
Introduction to that code Chaps. 1-11 has the same 

usage. P8 23049. 29. 39 5 26 6 5. 6 717 g2. 5. 14. 17 94. 5 1Q 12. 1 611 13. 16. 18 

twentytimes. The only exception 4" C CBT! -^ -iy is an 
error of the Massoretic text. The Samaritan codex gives 
Ihe Conclusion of the code. Chaps. 2728 has 
the same usage 2828-47.67. The exception 2 g 65 ^ ^ h 

compared with 28* ff. can hardly be genuine? It is 

ubtless a copyist s error. The later additions to Deuteronomy 

Iseu rthe same usage. 29 17 - 18 30 1 - 2 - 6. 6. e. 10. 14. 17 32 46 The 



A Study of the use of ^b and ;v^ in the Old Testament. 95 

exceptions are 29 3 ny-ft & )PJ which is used by the Ke- 
dactor after Je. 24 7 , and 29 18 ^b rvrn^G, only here in the 
Hexateuch, taken from Jeremiah who uses the phrase 8 
times. Je. 3 17 7 24 9 13 II 8 13 10 -16 12 18 12 23 17 . There can be 
little doubt therefore that in the original of D. only ab 
was used. 

(3) The Deuteronomic sections of Joshua also use 
2$ Jos. 2^1 51 75 14 7 22- 23^. The exceptions are (a) 
ll^CJp-n^ pjrft. But this is so strictly a phrase confined to 
E. and P. that it must be regarded as originally taken from 
one of them; if by the Deuteronomic redactor it must have 
been taken from a source of E underlying his present work; 
if from P. it must be by a later redactor, (b) 14 8 VDEH 
^ PK. The verb is an Aramaism of a word elsewhere only 
T. 6 7 3912 14718 But Dt 128 has uiajrnN rcen. Inasmuch 
as Jos. 14 8 refers to the incident described in Dt. I 28 and 
depends upon its statement there, we should not hesitate to 
correct the error and read in Jos. 14 8 also 2lb PN ^H. It 
seems altogether probable that the usage of D. was uni 
formly 22b. 

(4) The Priestly code and its narrative always uses 
25 Gen. 17 17 ; Ex. 1^.13.22.23 315 912.35 n io 144.8.1? 252 

283- 29. 30. 30 316. 6 350. 10. 21. 22. 25. 26. 29. 34. 35 351. 2. 2. 2. 8. 

(5) The Judaic writer always uses 2b Gen. 6 5 - 6 8 21 - 21 
18 5 24 45 27 41 34 3 ; Ex. 4 14 7 14 8 11 - 28 97. 14. 21." 34 IQI. Xu. 16 28 
2413 32 7 -9. The only possible exception Ex. 14 5 assigned by 
Dillmann to E.; but by Wellhausen. Cornill, Kittel and Driver 
to J. 22*? "BPPl 22b should be corrected after the Samaritan 
codex to 2b. 

(6) 2b is used in the ode of the Eed Sea. Ex. 15 8 . 

(7) The usage of the Ephramitic writer is mixed. 
We find 2b in Gen. 42 28 45 26 50 21 ; Ex. 4 21 10 20 - 27 . But Gen. 
20 5 - 6 (^27) ^2>-CP2; Jos. 24 23 <~b$ C222^P^ IffiH; and Gen. 
31 26 ^-PX 2^P1. But Gen. 31 20 has ZJS-flN 2:^1. One of 
these latter must be a copyist s error. It is probable that the 
longer form is original; because the tendency of JE is so 
strongly in the direction of ib that 2> is the more difficult 
reading. Making this correction there remain 6 uses of nb 
and 5 of 22t> Our study of the Hexateuch makes it evident 
that in JE the only use of 22^ is in the Ephramitic docu- 



96 Charles A. Briggs. 

ment; that the Deuteronomic code and the series of Deute- 
ronomic editors used 22^. This usage was continued in the 
Sanctity code. The Priests code the Priestly document and 
the final editors of the Hexateuch use 2b - - 22^ is enclosed 
between an earlier and a later usage of 2^, 

(B) The Prophetic Histories. 

(1) The main stock of the book of Judges chaps. 116 
always uses 2>. Ju. 9 3 16 15 - 17 - . i& 25 an a a lso the Song of 
Deborah 5 9 - 15 - !6. I n the Appendix Chaps. 17 29 there 
is a mixed usage, ih is used 18 20 19 3 - 5 - 6 - 22 , but 19 8 - 9 ^b. 
The comparison of 19 8 ?]22^ IJJD with 19 5 ^ nyo; and of 
199 TjZ?2? 2tpi with 19 6 -52^1 makes it plain that one of 
these sets has arisen from a copyist s error. It is more pro 
bable that there has been a change of an original 2b into 22^ 
in two cases, than a change of 22^ into lb in four cases. 
The change was probably made by one of the Deuteronomic 
editors. 

(2) The Narrative 7. Samuel - 1. Kings 2. is com 
posed of Judaic and Ephramitic sources with Deuteronomic 
redaction and occasional editing of later date. 

(a) The Judaic sources (following on the main the 
analysis of Budde & Kittel) use 2^ 1. S. 9 20 10 9 24 6 
25 25 - 36. 37 271 28 5 . 2. S. 6 16 13 20 - 2&33 14 i 156 . 13 17 , 0p 10 

3- 14 19 8. 20 2410. J agl . ee with Kitte] - n adding 2> ^ 

7 21 The exceptions are "22^2 ^WX ^2 1. S. 9 19 14 7 The 

same phrase is used 2. S. ^ (assigned by Budde to ftJE 

and by Kittel to the Deuteronomic redactor). Its parallel is 

Chr. 17 2 . Compare ^2^2 "1^\X Dt. 8 2 ; ^22^2 1^\X ^2 2. K. 

It seems altogether probable that this phrase always 

comes from one of the Deuteronomic redactors. 

139 1 ?:? I- S. 147 Compare 122>3 tf \x> 1. S. 13 14 assigned to 
WJ2 by Budde, to Redactor by Kittel. Both of these are 
probably Redactional. 

22^-nN L-l 2. S. 19^ between 19*- which use 2b must 
3 regarded as a doubtful reading. It has probably origi 
nated though the influence of Jos. 24 23 . 

1^ jnp?fc 1. K. ^ is unique. But in the Wisdom 
Literature 2> jnj is used Pr. 14^. EC. 7 22 8*. It is probably 
an editorial insertion of late date. 



A Study of the use of 2^ and 22^ in tne Old Testament. 97 

A review of the usage of the Prophetic Histories shows 
that in the main there is remarkable agreement with the 
Hexateuch. It is altogether probable that the Judaic sources 
always use nb. The Ephrainitic source commonly use Z 1 ? also ; 
but there are exceptions which seem to come from a later 
Ephrainitic document. The Deuteronomic editor of Samuel 
and Kings agrees with the code of D and the Deuteronomic 
editor of the Hexateuch in the use of ZZ 1 ?. The exceptional 
usage probably is due to copyist s mistakes or to editorial 
changes that took place in the evolution ol the writings during 
their long history before they attained their present form. It 
is extremely improbable that the original of the Judaic 
sources contained any us of ZZ 1 ?. 

(b) The Song of Hannah uses zj? 1. S. 2 [ . 

(c) The section Chap. 4 7 1 is assigned by Budde, Cornill 
Kittel to E, the earliest Ephramitic source. But it seems to 
me that it is a combination of a source of J with a source 
of E. 2^ is used 4 13 - 20 which certainly belong to E. but in 
6 6 both forms are used. 

crnx ninsi cnje n?3 -WNZ czzz rn rcz rb 



The historical reference is clearly to the story of J. 
There can be no doubt that 2^ "P22H is a phrase of J. 
Ex. 8 IL28 9 7 10 l and z ^00; also Ex. 10 2 . This verse is 
therefore either from J. or by a redactor who used J. C222 1 ? 
is used for an original C3?^ by a redactor. This usage may 
be regarded as euphonic. There are but three examples of 
C22t> in the Old Testament over against 38 of C22Z 1 ?- These 
are Gen. 18 5 (J) Js. 66 14 W. 48 14 . These three examples 
must be regarded as original to these writings. They have 
escaped the assimilation to a later preod euphonic usage. 

(d) 1. S. 17 12 - 3l is not in LXX. text. 17 28 gives ";2^ jn 
a phrase used elsewhere only Ne. 2 2 . 2J? y l is in the Me 
morials of Neheiniah. This passage is assigned by Budde & 
Kittel to E, C~N~2^ is used in 1. S. 17 32 which is given in LXX 
and belongs to E. 

(e) zS is used in the Ephramitic passage 1. S. 10 27 in 
the phrase C2^2 C^n\X y2j-"ll^N. 

(fj I. S. I 13 is in a section ascribed by Budde & Kittel 
to a later Ephramitic source. The phrase rl2^~^y. 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



98 Charles A. Briggs. 

betrays a late confusion of ty for *?N which cannot by original. 
We might suppose that a copyist misunderstood the phrase and 
gave it the meaning of 2 1 ? ty "121. But that is not suited 
to the context. If a copyist changed an original b$ into by 
he would be still more likely to change FQ2? into r&b if that 
were the usage with which he was most familiar. 

(g) 22 1 ? is used in the following passages assigned by 
Budde to a later Ephramitic source E 2 but by Kittel to 
the Deuteronomic Redactor I. S. 1 s 7 3 - 3 12 20 - 24 ; 2. S. 7 3 
(= 1. Chr. 17 2 ); also in the following passages recognised as 
Deuteronomic by both critics 1. S. 2 35 ; 1. K. 2 4 . 

(h) The following are in passages regarded by Budde as 
late Midrashini I. S. 16 7 22 PINT "\ 

1. S. 21 13 122^2 Ctf elsewhere only Job 22 22 . 

(3) In the Books of Kings I. K. 3 - 2. K. accor 
ding to the analysis of Kamphausen, we find the following 
usage. 

(a) In the Judaic sources zb is used 1. K. 5 9 ; 2. K. 
125 U io (= g. Chr. 25). 1. K. 3-V13 i s ascribed to 
a Judaic source with an interrogation. It doubtless has many 
redactional changes. 2.S is used vers. 9, 12; but ver. 6, has the 
unique phrase 2? PT^2. The phrase 22^ "IB" is used I)t. 9 5 ;. 
1. Chr. 29 17 ; V 119 7 and 22^ ^] 2. Chr. 29 34 ; but nowhere 
else rnw\ It is a late form and the whole phrase is a 
Postexilic addition. Pm p-CJJ "1& >H?2 1. K. 10 2 (= 2. Chr. 9 l ) 
is in a Judaic source but is evidently not original. It is a 
phrase of the Chronicler, which has come into the Book of 
Kings from the parallel passage in Chronicles. 

(b) In the Ephramitic sources 2^ is used in the- 
prophetic stories 1. K 18 37 21 7 ; 2. K. 5 26 6 11 . In a secondary 
source 2. K. 10 15 "22^ C^ ^b ~*.W$3 1B> J "22^"n^ ^H is, 
doubtless original. But in the same source "2.7 is used 2. K 

9 24 i2?c ^nn ^. 

(c) In the Eedactional sources chiefly Deuteronomic 22> 
is used. 1. K. S- 38 -^ 9 4 II 2 - 4 - 9 148. 2 . K. lO 30 - 3 ! 23 25 alsa 
in the phrase Ctf D>^ 22 1 ? H^H 1. K. 8 61 II 4 15 3 - 14 and in 
the parallel passages: 1. K. 8 17 - 18 - 18 - 39 - 39 - 48 ( 2. Chr. 
6 7. .. 30 c? i,38). 2> K. 203 (= 2> Is. 383) 2219 ( = 2. Chr. 34 27 ) 

Exceptional passages are 

1. K. 8 23 D2^^2? wb l^H (= 2. Chr. 6 14 ) elsewhere and 



A Study of the use of 3 and 22? in the Old Testament. 99 



the Historical Books always C22~r^ excepting 2. Chr. G 38 
(Q22 1 ? 1. K. S 48 ; and therefore probably a copyist s error 
here ; but older than the Chronicler who found it in his 
source. 

1. K. 8 47 usb-b$ ^Tu = C22? 2. Chr. 6 37 . The reading 
of the Chronicler is doubtless correct. 

2. K. 23 3 irr L >22 ! i 2? -; ?22 ncir = 122^ 

2. Chr. 34 81 . The Chronicler is doubtless correct. 2? is 
also used 1. K. 8 66 (= 2, Chr. 7 10 ) 9 3 (= 2. Chr. 7 16 ) 10 24 
( 2. Chr. 9 23 ) 12 26 - 27 . But these phrases were probably in 
the source used by the Redactor. II 3 between II 2 - 4 is 
doubtless a copyist s error. The Qri of 1. K. 12 33 may also 
be added. This is assigned by Kamphausen to a iate Postexilic 
redaction. 

(C) The Usage of the Chronicler. 

The usage of the Chronicler embrace the two books of 
Chronicles and the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. 

(a) 2? is used in passages parallel with Samuel and 
Kings where the term comes from the ultimate source. 1. C. 
15 29 17 i9 (^ 2. S. 6 16 7 21 ); 2. Chr. 7 10 - 16 9 23 (= 1. K. 8 66 9 3 
(10 24 ) 25 19 (= 2. K. 14 10 ). 

. (b) 2 1 ? is used in the original sources. 1. Chr. 16 10 
(= . 105 3 ) Memorials of Ezra: Ezr. 6 22 7 27 ? and the Me 
morials of Nehemiah: Ne. 2 2 - 12 3 :38 5 7 6* T\ 

(c) 2^ is used in several phrases. 
1. Chr. 12 34 2t>l 2^ after T. 12 3 . 

1. Chr. 12 39 -, 2. Chr. 30 12 1HX ^) after Je. 3239. 

2. Chr. 17* 26 16 32^- 26 12^ TQ1 

2. Chr. 29 31 . ib DV-I: after P. Ex. 35 5 - 22 . 

2. Chr. 3U 22 2^ h? -12-1 frequent Gen. 34 3 50 21 (E); Ju. 19 3 ; 
Ru. 2 13 ; 2. S. 19 8 ; Is. 40 2 ; Hos. 2 16 . The only use of 
22t> in this phrase is 2. Chr. 32 6 . 

(d) zb is used by copyist s mistake. 
l.Chr.28 9 29D^^ elsewhere oby 22> 1. Chr 12 39 29 19 ; 

2. Chr. 15 77 (= 1. K. 15 14 ) 16 9 19 25 2 ; i. K. 8 61 II 4 15 3 ; 
2. K. 20 3 (= lb Is. 38 3 ). 

2. Chr. 12 l4 (lTl"nb) 12? pn only here in Historical Books 
elsewhere 22? in this phrase 1. Chr. 29 8 ; 2. Chr. 19 3 20 33 30 19 ; 

Ezr. 7 10 ; cf. 1. S. 7 3 . 

7* 



100 Charles A. Briggs. 

2. Chr.24 4 2b-cy HV1 elsewhere always 2lb 1. Chr. 22 7 28 2 ; 
2. Chr. I 11 6 7 - 8 - 8 (= 1. K. 8 17 - 18 - 18 ) 9 l (= 1. K. 10 2 ) 29 10 . 
2. Chr. 6 38 (= 1. K. 8 48 C22^). 
2. Chr. 6 14 (= 2b 1. K. S 23 )" 

(e) 2^ is used 2. Chr. 7 11 in the unique phrase sorrel H5O 
3?-by_= pB>rr52 PN1 1. K. 9 1 which last is verified" by \. K. 
9 19 = 2. Chr. 8 6 and is a Deuteronoinic phrase. It cannot be 
from the Chronicler who always elsewhere uses 22"? except 
in source given above. It is either a copyist s error for 22^> 
or else it came from a source intermediate between the Deu- 
teronomic redaction of Kings and the Chronicles. 

(f) The Chronicler uses 22.^ in his Deuteronornic sources. 
1. Chr. 17 2 (= 2. S. 73). 

2. Chr. 6 7 - 8 - 8 - 3- 30 - 37 9i ( 1. K. 8 17 - 18 - 18 - 39 - 39 - 47 - 48 io 2 ). 
2. Chr. 15 17 (= 1. K. 15 14 ) 34 27 - 3l (= 2. K. 22 19 233). 

(g) The Chronicler uses elsewhere always 22^ 1. C. 12 17 - 39 
227.19 28 2 - 9 29 17 - 17 - is-18.19. 2. C. I 11 ll^ 137 1512.15 169 
193.9 20 33 229 25 2 29 10 - 34 30 19 31 21 32 6 - 31 36 13 ; Ezr. 7 10 ; 
Ne. 9 8 - - in all 31 times. 

There can be no doubt therefore that the Chronicler uses 
22"? with such a decided preference that we must regard the 
exceptional usage of 2b which cannot be referred to earlier 
sources either as older current phrases or copyists errors. 

(D) The usage of the Prophets. 

I. 2> is used (1) by Amos 2 16 . 

(2) by Hosea 2 16 4 11 7 6 - u - 14 IO 2 II 8 136. 8, 

^But 7 2 m^np^-b is a peculiar phrase of doubtful 
originality. It is improbable that 25 appears in 7 6 - " 14 
and everywhere else in this prophet but this single passage 
where no reason can be assigned for change. We find the 
phrase 2?2 1CN in Gen. 17* 7 and 22^Cp in W. 77 7 ; but nowhere 
else 2^b 1CN. It is probably a later scribal addition in ex 
planation of mE". 

(3) Isaiah 15 5 in the ancient Dirge of Moab. 

(4) The apocalypse Is. 2427 in Is. 241 

(5) The apocalypse Is. 3435 in Is. 35*. 

(6) Isaiah 4066. 22 times e. g. 40 2 41 22 42^ 4419.20 

46 8 - < 47 7 - 10 517 571. 11. 15. 17 5913 61 l 63 4. 17 65 14. 14. 17 66 14 

But. 22^2 -ICN 478 4921 Deuteronoinic phrase. This 



A Study of the use of ^h an d 22^ i Q the Old Testament. 



is singular when compared with "3^2 1EN 47 10 . They must 
be regarded as copyists s errors. *?]22^ 2fP 60 5 and thy 
mind be enlarged. 

I can see no reason for the longer form; it also is 
probably a copyist s error unless we may suppose that this 
grand hymn was by another author. 

(7) Jeremiah uses 2^ 57 times but 

Je. 4 4 CJ22^ nfriy is doubtless due to Deut. 10 16 . 

Je. 5 24 13 22 22^2 -1EN a Deuteronomic phrase. Dt. 7 17 
8 17 9 4 18- >l etc. 

Je. 15 16 22^ PuCk or Is. 30 29 ; Ez. 36 5 (2^ tr only 
Eccl. 5 19 ; Song 3 11 ). 

Je.29 13 D222^2?^-n; 32 4 0]PN ^N^-p{< D22?2 Deutero 
nomic 4 29 because of heavy suffix; comp^PPj C2"^.p2 Ml^n DN31 32 . 

(8) Ezekiel uses 2^ 39 times but 
3 10 -22^2 np. 

28 5 ^22^ n?r\ 

28 6 &rb$ 2^2 "227~rN "PP. This cannot be original in 
view of &rh$ 2^2 "2^ ]PP Ver. 2. 

31 10 122^ -} (del Cornill). 

36 5 ^N?T2 22^-^ nn^pta possibly dittograpby. 

38 10 "22^~^y_ en;" iVy\ 

(9) Obadaiah 3. 3. 

(10) In Zec/i. 911. Zech. 10 7 - 7 . 

(11) In Zcc/t. 1214. Zech. 12-1 

(12) Mai 2 2 - 2 3 24 . 

II. 22 1 ? is used in the following Prophets : 

(1) Joel 2 12 - i*. 

(2) .fcaiafc (a) 1& 6 10 7 2 - * 9 s 10 - 12 . 

The exception 6 10 n-JH D^n"3J |p^u is doubtless a copyist s 
error as compared with 6 l ]^ T ^22 "? 

(b) 19 l 21*. 

(c) 3029 32*. 

29 13 ^ac pn*l i2^ is in a section Vers. 13 14, which is 
not in any essential relation to the context and may be by 
another hand. 

32 6 ]1N-niyjP_ 12*? ) are regarded by Cheyne, Stade, 
33 18 np N narij "2^ j Duhm and Cornill as Postexilic ad 

ditions. 

(3) Zepli. I 2 2 15 . 



102 Charles A. Briggs. 



The exception 3 14 CJKTP P2 2Jr^? Vty may have arisen 
from the omission of the second 2 before P2 

(4) In Is. 13 14 23 the apocalyse against Babylon : 13 7 14 18 . 

(5) In Jer. 5051 the oracle against Babylon : 5 1 46 - 50 . 

(6) Hag. I 5 - 7 2 15 - 18 - 18 . 

(7) e/OMfl/l. 2*. 

(8) In Zee*. 18. 7 10 8 17 . 

The exception 7 12 Jjlci^ c *& D2 1 ? may be a variation of 
usage or an error. 

(9) Nahum 2*. The D3 lb 2 11 is probably due to the 
assimilation of usage W 22 15 ; 2. S. 17 10 ; Ez. 21 12 . 

A review of the usage thus far considered gives the 
following summary of facts. (1) The earliest documents use 2b 
e. g. all the ancient historical Poetry, the Judaic sources of 
the Hexateuch and the Prophetic Histories, the earlier 
Ephramitic sources of the Prophetic Histories, Amos, Hosea, 
Zech. 911 and the Dirge of Moab. Is 15 5 . (2) 22? first 
appears in Isaiah and in certain sections of the Ephramitic 
sources of the Hexateuch and the Prophetic Histories. 
This usage continues in Zephaniah, the Deuteronornic 
code, the code of Sanctity and the Deuteronomic sections 
of the Hexateuch and the Prophetic Histories. Nahum is 
doubtful in usage but probably belongs to this group. (3) Je 
remiah and Ezekiel return to the earlier usage although the 
former was influenced by the Deuteronomic code and the latter 
by the code of Sanctity. There are however a few exceptional 
uses of 22b in these prophets Avhich reflect the usage of 
these codes and also of current phrase from the inter 
mediate period. (4) The second Isaiah is more decided in 
his use of 2? than Jeremiah or Ezekiel and he is followed 
by the apocalypse: Is. 24-27; 3435. The exilic usage is 
so pronounced that we are not surprised to find that the 
Priestly document of the Hexateuch invariably uses 2b. (5) 22^ 
is used by the apocalypse: Is. 13- 14 2 3 and by the oracle 
against Babylon: Je. 5051 and then by the Prophets of 
the Restoration: Haggai, Zechariah 18, Joel and the 
book of Jonah. (6) But Obadaiah Malachi, Zech. 1214 
and the Memorials of Ezra and Nehemiah use 2^. (7) The 
Chronicler uses 22^. 



A Study of the use of 2? and 22t> in the Old Testament. 1Q3 



(E) The Psalter. 

The Psalter gives an interesting variation of usage. 

(1) In Psalms which bear the name of David in their 
titles (which as I believe belonged with few exceptions to 
the first minor Psalter gathered under the name of David 
soon after the institution of worship in the synagogues), the 
prevalent usage is 2? 7 11 9 2 10 6 - ll - 13 - 17 ll 2 12 3 14 l ( 53 2 ) 
16 9 173 199.15 213 26 2 27 3 - 8 - 14 32 11- 34 19 35 25 36 2 - u 37 4 - 15 - 3l 
38 9 - 11 39 4 40 11 - 13 41 7 51 12 - 19 55 5 -. 22 57* 58 61 3 64 7 - ll 108 2 
131 1 138 1 140 141 4 143 4 . This usage is so decided that 
the exceptional uses of 22? cannot come from the Editor of 
the collection, but must have been earlier, either in the 
original Psalm or in an earlier version. 

(a) 22? is used exclusively in 15 2 20 5 24 4 101 2 - 4 - 5 139 23 
all Mizmorim, 86 11 - 18 a TepMlla, and 25 17 . 

(b) Psalms show a mixed usage. 

4 5 CJ22?2 TIEN is a common Deuteronomic phrase. 

4 8 < >2?2 upE^ nnro is probably original. 

31 25 C222? yvw is a Deuteronomic phrase. 

3J 13 2?C is probably original. 

22 27 69 33 C222? >iT is a phrase which has survived in 
Psalms which in other respects under the influence of Jere 
miah use 2? 22 15 69 21 - 

In all these uses of 22^, the heavy suffix occurs which 
might explain the usage as above and they are phrases which 
might have survived in a prevalent use of 2?. There are no 
such explanations for the 22? of 13 3 28 3 62 9 109 16 along 
side of the 2? of 13 6 28 7 - 7 62 11 109 22 . It is most probable 
that the 22? is original and that 2? is due to the assimilation of 
an editor s usage- 

(2) In Psalms which bear the name of Asaph constituting 
originally a minor Psalter collected under this name there 
is a variation of usage (a) 2? is used 74 8 76 6 81 13 83 fi . 

(b) 22? 73 1 - 7 - 13 - 21. 26. 26 777 both Mismorim. 

(c) 2;? is used 78 18 - 72 ; 2? 78 8 - 37 . This mashil depends 
on JE. of the Hexateuch and especially upon J. who uses 
2?. The prevalent usage of the psalter of Asaph is 2?. It 
is moat likely therefore that 22? was in the original Psalm 
and that it represents an intermediate usage which in two 
places was destroyed by the assimilation of the editor. 



104 Charles A. Briggs. 

(3) In the minor Psalter of the Korahites 2> is used 
4419. i 452. 6 46 3 48 i4 494 843< The variation 846 ig in a 

doubtful text and can hardly be original. 

(4) The Hallels use > 105 3 - 25 107 12 112 7 - 8 1473. The 
use of 22t> 111 1 may have arisen from dittography. 

(5) (a) 2b is used in the orphan Psalms. 33 11 - 15 - 21 66 18 
the Tephillah 102 5 . 

(b) in 119 2 10 - 11. 32. 34. 36. 58. 69. 70. 80. 111. 112. 145. 161. T ne ex _ 

ception 1197 zpS w j s probably due to Deuteronomic in 
fluence. 

(c) 22? is used in the creation Psalm 104 15 - 15 and in 
the prayer of Moses 90 12 and is doubtless original. 

(d) The Royal Group is mixed in usage. 2) is used 
94 15 97 11 . But 958 C222t> Itrpn a phrase of P. Ex. ?3 (who 

:^) 95^ 225 ^h eg. The probabilities are in favour 
of an original 22 1 ? in all these cases. 

(F) In the Wisdom Literature 

2^ is predominant. 

(1) it is used in Proverbs 92 times. The exceptions 
may be due to rythmic correspondence 



(2) In the Book of Job there is a variation similar to 
that m Jeremiah and Ezekiel. 

(a) In the Introduction 2^ is used I 8 2 3< but 

I 5 C22^2 C^n ^N 1212. 

(b) In the Poem 331. 2 1 ? is used 7 17 8 10 II 13 1?24 1^12 
174 23 i6 29" 317- 9. 27. But 

9^ 22? C2H. 

I0 i3 22^2 JDS. 

12 3 22t5 ^ c:. 
17 11 ^22 



276 , 7 j, 

(c) In the section of Elihu 25 is used 33^ 34" 36>- is 
37 1 - 2*. But. 34 10 - s 4 22^ ^:x. 

(d) In the Appendix zb 41 16 . 

In Ecclcsiastes 2? is used 41 times. But. 9* 



^ 



A Study of the use of 2^ and ^b in the Old Testament. 1Q5 
(4) In the Song of Songs ?h is used thrice. 

(G) In the remaining sections of the Hagiographa, 

2 1 ? is predominant. 

(1) 2^ is used in Lamentations nine times. But. 34 * 
C^SD SK 1322^ NEO. This may be an older liturgical formula 
based on Deuteronomic usage. See Dt. 3 24 . 

(2) 2.*p is used in Ruth twice. 

(3) 2. 1 ? is used in Esther four times. 

(4) In* Daniel D> is used 8 25 1 1 12 - 25 - 27 - 2 in the Vision. 

But. I 8 ^b ty cry* 

io 12 prt? -25 n jn;, 

Both of these are in introductory sections. 

The Hagiographa also show traces of the literary 
preference of individuals as well as of the taste of the ages of 
the authors and editors who produced them. (1) The ancient 
usage before Isaiah may be reflected in some of the Psalms 
and sentences of Wisdom; but there is no certainty about it. 
(2) The usage of the age of Hezekiah and of writers under 
the influence of Deuteronomy and the Sanctity code is pro 
bably reflected in a number of Psalms in the Davidic Psalter 
which use 22^ and also in the Psalter of Asaph. (3) The 
usage of Job corresponds with that of Jeremiah and Ezekiel 
in the preference for 2^ with frequent uses of 22t>. (4) The 
exilic usage of 2^ is reflected in Lamentations and the exilic 
Psalms. (5) The preference for 225 i n the earlier prophets 
of the Restoration may be traced in some of the Psalms of 
the Psalters of David and possibly also in Pss. 90, 104 7 and 
the royal group 94 100. (6) The preference for Dt> of the 
later writers of the Persian period may be seen also in the 
Psalters of the Korahites and in the editors of the Psalters 
of Asaph and of David as well as in the authors of not a 
few Psalms in these Psalters also in Proverbs and in Ruth. 
(7) The preference of the Chronicler for 22t> has its counterpart 
in the Book of Daniel. (8) A later preference for nb 
is reflected in Ecclesiastes, Esther and the latest Psalms. 
The Song of Songs in its use of 2.^ would take its place 
either under (1), (4), (6), or (8) in accordance with the 
opinions as to its age. 



Die Ueberschrift des Buches Amos und des 
Propheten Heimat 

von 
Prof. Dr. K. Budde (Strassburg- i. B.). 

Hit Recht sagt H. Oort (Theol. Tijdschr. 1891 S. 122): 
,,Schwerlich hatte man jeuials Juda fur des Amos Vaterland 
erklart. wenn nicht in c. 1, 1 Thekoa erwahnt wiirde." Fehlte 
dort das JJlpDE, so lage die Sache genau wie bei Hosea. Man 
wiirde dann als selbstverstandlich annehnien , dass er Nord- 
Israelit war, sich mit deu Stellen, in denen eine Hinneigung 
zu Juda spiirbar ist, ebenso wie dort in der einen oder 
anderen Weise auseiuandersetzen, und in 7, 12 nicht den 
Rat finden in die Heimat zu fliehen, soudern in das Ausland. 
Aber nun steht das Wort da ? und ein Verdacht der Unecht- 
heit kann gar nicht aufkonimen Es blieb die Auskunft, ein 
sonst unbekanntes, nordisraelitisches Thekoa anzunehmen; 
sie wurde friiher mit Graetz und Aelteren auch von Oort 
(Theol T. 1880 8 122 ff.) vertreten. In dem oben ange- 
fuhrten Aufsatz hat er sie aufgegeben, Thekoa ist nun auch 
ihm das wohlbekannte judiiische Dorf ; aber statt yipnc liest 
er nach dem sv des Vaticanus der LXX und dreier Minuskeln 
bei Holmes und Parsons 1 ) jnpns. Nun ist ihm Amos aiis 
dem Nordreiche geburtig, er hat deu Rat nach Juda zu fliehen 
befolgt, sich in Thekoa niedergelassen und dort spater sein 
Buch geschrieben. Kann man sich dabei beruhigen? Ich 
bedaure, das bezweifeln zu niiissen. Nicht als ob ich der 
Autoritat des Vaticanus zu nahe treten mochte ; vielmehr 
kann darin recht wohl die echte Lesart erhalten, das |% des 
Alexandrinus aus Correctur nach deni Hebraischen zu er- 

l ] Dazu kommen, wenn man aus dem Stillschweigen bei Swete 
schliessen darf, noch der Marchalianus (Q == XII, Parsons) und der 
rescript Cryptoferratensis (F), zwei wertvolle Uncialcodices. 



Die Uberschrift des Buches Amos und des Propheten Heimat. 107 

klaren sein. Aber wenn selbst Wellhausen in seiner Ueber- 
setzung ,,in Thekoa" gibt. olme in den Anmerkungen eine 
Textanderung vorzuschlageu, so kann auch die alte griechische 
Uebersetzung niit ihrem sv (die Urspriinglichkeit vorausge- 
setzt) lediglich demSprachgebrauchRechnimg getragenhaben. 1 ) 
Und fiiglich ist das, worauf es fiir Oort ankomint, auch in deni 
hergestellten Wortlaut nicht ausgedriickt. Denu da sich das 
|E nicht auf Amos, sondern auf die CHpJ bezieht, so bedurfte 
es nicht dafiir, sondern f iir das rpn eines auderen Ausdrucks, 
am besten i; wie Richt. 17, 7 ff. u. s. w. Wir mvissen also 
im Gegenteil, wenn wir den Knoten loseu wollen, bei dem 
schwierigen Jfippc stehen bleiben und daraus die richtigen 
Schliisse ziehen. 



Der vorliegende Wortlaut Jjippc cnp:z rvn ll& N kann 
uberhaupt nicht lediglich dazu dienen sollen, des Amos 
Hehnat und Stand anzugeben Das wiirde, wie Oort richtig 
hervorhebt, uach Jer. 1, 1 lauten niiisseu j/lprz ^3\s C Hpjn jC; 
das nTi ware ganz iiberniissig, ja talsch, das 1C\S % nicht zu 
Anfang, wohl aber vor deni Ortsuamen, erwiinscht. Was 
hier steht, konnte etwa heissen, dass Amos zu einer Schaar 
von Viehziichtern aus Thekoa geliort habe, die sich zu irgend 
einer bestininiten Zeit an eineni anderen Orte einfanden oder 
aufhielten, so etwa, wie sich bei der Belagerung Jerusalem s 
die Rekabiten h inter die Maueru der Hauptstadt fliichteten 
(Jer. 35). Da aber cine solche Gelegenheit nicht zu ersinnen, 
noch weniger geuannt ist, kann diese AufFassung nicht in 
Betracht konimen. Eine andere versucht Wellhausen (Skizzen 
und Vorarbeiten V, 1892) init der Uebersetzung ,,der ein 
Schafzuchter in Thekoa gewesen ist." Dabei steht ,,ein 
Schafziichter" statt ,,unter den Schafziichteru" 7 ,,in" statt 
,,aus" ohne Unterschied des Sinnes, aus berechtigter Riick- 
sicht auf den deutschen Sprachgebrauch; dagegen wird das 
,,gewesen ist" dem rpn ")t^N gerecht: ,,Die Ueberschrift, der 
Buchtitel, sieht auf Amos zuriick als einen Gewesenen 
(Jonas 3, 3); doch ru hrt sie von einem Zeitgenossen her." 
Gewiss sehr fein; aber inir scheint, man sollte die An- 
nahme eines jeden perfect-urn praesens in einer geschicht- 



) S. aber zum Texte der LXX noch die Bemerkungen am Schlusse 
dieses Aufsatzes. 



108 K, Budde. 

lichen Darstellung, das nicht in der direkten Rede einer 
handelnd eingefuhrten Person auftritt, mit dem grossten Miss- 
trauen betrachten. Und das gilt gewiss in verstarktem Maasse 
von einer blossen Ueberschrift, mit der ihr Verfasser ein 
Buch der Nachwelt iibergeben will. Das Naturliche war hier 
unmittelbar hinter D1CJ? ein Jfipp? "Ifc N Clpin |E oder fc lpnc "Ipiu ; 
das Missverstandnis, dass Amos noch am Leben sei. lag bei 
einer so gebrauchlichen Ausdrucksweise viel zu fern, urn es 
durch eine ungewohnliche Fassung zu beseitigen, die selbst 
erst recht binneii kurzer Zeit missverstandlich werden musste. 
Zu dem alien kommt noch, dass man auch bei dieser Auf- 
fassung ein "}\N vor J/ lpnE vermisst. Man wird daher auch 
sie als allzu fein ablehnen miissen. 

Es ist auffallend, dass noch niemand, wie es scheint, 
daran gedacht hat, das rpn TiTN plusquamperfectisch zu 
verstehen. Und doch liegt das im Hinblick auf 7, 14 f. naher 
als alles andere. Denn nicht urn sich zu legitimieren sagt 
Arnos dort dem Oberpriester zu Betel, dass er seines Zeichens 
ein Viehzuchter sei. Er will vielmehr beweisen, dass er nicht 
durch Erziehung und Handwerk Prophet sei, sondern durch 
ausdriickliche Berufung Jahwe s aus einem anderen Stande, 
dem er bis dahin angehort habe. Also dass er bis zu seiner 
Berufung Viehzuchter gewesen ist, darauf kommt es an, 
nicht auf seine jetzige oder zukimftige Hantierung. Wohl 
kann er spater dazu zuriickgekehrt sein, aber wir wissen es 
nicht, und fur den Zusammenhang von c. 7, ja fur das ganze 
Buch, liegt nichts daran. Dasselbe gilt von der Ueberschrift. 
Sie fiigt zu dem Namen die biographisch wertvolle Nachricht 
aus 7, 14 f. : ,,der [ehedem] ein Viehzuchter gewesen war". 
Dies CHp:2 PiTl bei demPropheten isteben eine Merkwiirdigkeit, 
ein umgekehrtes Seitenstiick zu dem CWM bei dem Kriegs- 
mann und Konig Saul (Sam. I, 10, 12). ] ) 

*) Wie sich das nnp:a 1, 1 zu dem npu 7, 14 verhalt, ist eine Frage 
von untergeordneter Bedeutung. Man erinnere sich, dass Oort (1880) 
dieses npu nach LXX akdXo; in npu verbessern wollte, sodass dann 1, 1 un 
mittelbar daraus entnommen ware. Schnurmans Stekhoven (Theol 
Studien 1889 S. 223) lehnt das ab und sieht vielmehr in ockoXoc eine 
gute Uebersetzung von npn, auf die das nachfolgende ]N*n Einfluss geiibt 

Natiirlich kann ebensogut der Verfasser der Ueberschrift durch 
eem onp:a die in 7, 14 gebrauchte Wendung unmissverstandlich um- 
schrieben haben. 



Die Uberschrift des Buches Amos und des Propheten Heimat. 1Q9 

Aus dieser Auffassung der Worte, wohl der allein anstoss- 
freien und natiirlichen, folgt aber welter, dass JJipnc gar nicht 
in so unmittelbarem Zusanimenhaug mit dein vorhergehenden 
Worte steht, wie man anzimehrnen pflegt. Denn nur darin, 
dass Amos Viehzuchter gewesen 1st, besteht die Aussage; ob 
zu Thekoa oder anderswo, hat fiir die Sache gar keine Be- 
deutung, und wirklich schweigt 7, 14 f. davon vollig. Man 
hat sich durch diesen engen Anschluss das richtige Ver- 
standnis ganz ohne Not verbaut. Lost man ihn auf, so er- 
kl art sich das schwierige ] von selbst. Es ist eben das ]c 
der Herkunft, der Heimat , unmittelbar an den Eigennarncn 
anschliessend, wie D"6 P CE fc 2N Richt. 12, 8, vgl. Kon. II, 
21, 19. 23, 36, gleichbedeutend mit dem Gentilicium ""yipnn, 
das sich in Ueberschriften von Prophetenbuchern in T\2^ 
^WlEn und l& p^Kn C^n: findet. Man muss also iibersetzen: 
,,Die Worte des Amos der ehedein Viehzuchter gewesen 
aus Thekoa". Oortfi Vorschlag >lpfD zu lesen wird damit 
vollends hinf allig; will man nicht zugeben, dass Amos Judaer 
von Geburt war, so mag man zu der friiheren Annahme eines 
zweiten Thekoa zuriickkehreu, oder allenfalls auch das ,,aus 
Thekoa" von des Amos zweiter, vielleicht langjahriger, Heimat 
verstehen, die den Verfasser der Ueberschrift seine eigent- 
liche Herkunft hatte vergesseu lassen. Die Sykomorenzucht 
von 7, 14 knnnte man dann auf diese erste Heimat unter 
giinstigerem Himmel beziehen. Immerhin sollte man das 
daraus entlehnte Bedenken gegen das judaische Thekoa 
nicht iibertreiben. Wenn diese Biiume zu Thekoa nicht fort- 
kamen, so wissen wir aus Kon. I, 10, 27, dass sie in der 
Sephela in Menge wuchsen ; die Sephela aber ist, wie Geo. 
A. Smith (The Histor. Geogr. of the Holy Land S. 201 ff. 
u. s. w.) wieder nachgewiesen hat, 1 ) nicht die Kiistenebene, 
sondern das dem Gebirge vorgelagerte Hiigelland. Nichts, 
was wir wussten, steht der Moglichkeit ini Wege, dass ein 
Heerdenbesitzer zu Thekoa zugleich einen Sykomorenhain in 
einem der Taler von Juda erworben oder gepachtet hatte. 
Zur Reise dahin, zum Ritzen, Reifen, Einsammeln der Friichte 
und zur Heimkehr nach Thekoa konnte eine Abwesenheit von 
2 3 Wochen hochstens geniigen. Dem gegeniiber bleibt 



l ) Wesentlich richtig aber auch z. B. Stade, Gesch. I, 157. 



110 K. Budde. 

also das judaische Thekoa als einzige Heiinat des Amos 
inoglich, und man wird ferner gut tun, was Schnurmans 
Stekhoven a. a. 0. S. 228 sonst noch dafur aufgefuhrt hat, 
reiflich zu erwagea. 

Das richtige Verstandnis von 1, l a zwingt uns aber, die 
Textgeschichte noch niiber ins Auge zu fassen. Der Relativ- 
satz C"Hp32 PPH "ItJ N treunt in storender wenn auch nicht 
vollig unzulassiger Weise die eng zusammengehorigen Worte 
jnpHE Dicy. Da er nun aus 7, 14 f. entlehnt ist, wahrend 
das Jjlpnc unabhangig dasteht, so konnte er auch nachtrag- 
lich hinzugesetzt, ja selbst vom Eande her an falscher Stelle, 
vor statt hinter Jflpnc, eiugeruckt sein. Das wird zur Wahr- 
scheinlichkeit wenn nicht zur Gewissheit durch den folgenden 
Eelativsatz 131 n*n IITN. Denn dieser kniipft nicht \vie der 
erste an D^p an ,,welcher geschaut hat", sondern uber jenen 
himveg an das nomen regens ^DT ,,[die Worte], welche 
er geschaut hat". Dieser Wechsel der Anknupfung ist so 
ungeschickt, so unerwartet, dass er den LXX das Verstandnis 
der Stelle verdorben zu haben scheint; sie beziehen auch das 
erste Itt N auf ^Dl, iibersetzen dann ein 1T1 statt eines PPu 
und gewinnen aus cnpj einen Eigenamen: OL sysvovTO Iv 
Axxapstjj. sv sxoLls. Natiirlich kann dieses Verstandnis recht 
wohl eine Vorgeschiehte haben; jedenfalls ist die starke Ent- 
fernung von MT eine weitere Warming gegen Oort s Vor- 
schlag nach LXX zu andern. Dass aber derselbe Schrift- 
steller die beiden Relativsatze hintereinander niedergeschrieben 
hatte, wahrend es Mittel genug gab, diese Harte zu ver- 
meiden, ist kaum glaublich. Somit ist der erste ein spaterer 
Einschub, und als urspriinglicher Wortlaut von Anm. 1, l a er- 



gibt sich: 



The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its 
relation to Zoroastrianism 

Professor T. K. Cheyne (Oxford). 



The scholar Avhose memory so many Fachgenossen have 
combined to honour was specially interested in the question 
of the relation of Zoroastrianism both to the earlier and to 
the later Judaism. His famous Essay Ueber die jitdische 
Angelologie und Daemonologie in ihrer AbhanyigJceit vom Par- 
sismus (Leipzig 1866) *); his article on anti-Parsic utterances 
in II Isaiah 2 ); his paper on the Book of Tobit 3 ); his article 
on Asmodeus (^CE N) in the Aruch Completum; and his two 
essays in the Jewish Quarterly Review for 1890 and 1891, are 
proofs of this eminent scholar s constant and progressive study 
of a difficult subject. 4 ) One of the most probable results 
of recent research is the reciprocity of action between Jewish 
and Zoroastrian thought. This was by no means unforeseen 
by Dr. Kohut and in the two last named articles, he shows 
how, most probably, the second Fargard of the Vendidad 



*) [Forming vol. IV, no. 3 of the AbhancUungen fur die Ktmde des 
3/o ryenlandes. ] 

2 ) [Antiparsiscke Ausspriiche in Deuteroj esajas, in Z. d. 
D. M. G.. vol. XXX (1876) pp. 709-22.] 

3 ) [Etwas tiber die Moral und Abfassungszeit des Buches 
Tobias, in Geiger s Judische Zeitschrift fur Wissenschaft und Leben, 
vol. X (1872) pp. 49-73.] 

4 ) [For a brief summary of Dr. Kohut s literary activity and especially 
Ms contributions to comparative Parsic-Jewish theology, see a memoir by 
his son in the Fourth Annual Report of the Jewish Theological Seminary 
Association in New York (1894); reprinted in Tributes to the Memory of 
Rev. Dr. Alexander Kohut, (New York 1895) pp. 49-64.] 



112 T. K. Cheyne. 

in its present form is influenced by the narratives in 
Genesis, while, on the other hand, the Talmudic and Mid- 
rashic statements on the First Man exhibit strong Persian 
elements. This appears to me to be very probable, though 
Darmesteter (whose loss we cannot deplore too much) 
has shown, that under the Sassanid kings Jewish influence 
again began to assert itself upon the worship of Ormazd. 
(See Une prierc judeo-persane, Paris, 1891.) The whole question 
of the later religious intercourse between Jewish and Iranian 
religion will doubtless some day be more thoroughly explored. 
The points of affinity become the more numerous and the 
more perplexing, the further one compares them; but when 
will Avesta scholars show as much critical zeal as their Old 
Testament colleagues? 

There are only two of the Hebrew Scriptures which I 
an speak of on this occasion; they are two to which 
Dr. Kohut has not in print given his attention, viz. Proverbs 
and Psalms. First, as to Proverbs: If Darmesteter is 
right, the conception of the heavenly wisdom found in the 
Avesta and in the (very late) M in 6k hired is of Greek 
origin. Certainly it is vain to attempt to prove, with 
Dastur Jamasp Asa, that Hellenism borrowed from 
Zoroastrianism. But what of the conception of the heavenly 
Wisdom found in Proverbs VIII? Is that a Hebraized 
form of the Greek idea? Or, if we can show that the 
fundamental idea of the dsnya Jchratu is Zoroastrian, may 
not Jewish sages in the post-exilic period (to which Prov. VIII 
probably belongs) have borrowed directly, or (better) in 
directly from Zoroastrianism? 

When we read in Ya sna XXII, 25, "For the propitiation 
of the Zarathustrian law, and of the understanding which is 
innate and Mazda-made," we are not in a Greek, but in a 
Persian atmosphere. Such at least is one s first impression. 
Darmesteter indeed, I suppose, while admitting that the 
idea of the heavenly wisdom belongs to the same circle of 
ideas as the other personified divine attributes, would insist 
that these personified attributes must be of Greek origin. 
But is there any <must ? about the matter? 

The Gathas seem to be adverse to this view, and to 
Darmesteter s view of the Gathas as composed in a neo- 



The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its relation to Zoroastrianism. H3 

Platonic atmosphere I venture, even though no Zendist, 
to express a strong objection. 

Next, as to the Psalms: Here, however, some con 
sideration must first be given to the question of the date of 
thePsalms. Dr. Kohut fixed his latest home inAmerica, and 
from America has come one of those disparaging criticisms 
of my own latest works on the Psalter which have poured 
in upon me from English and especially Anglican writers. 1 ) 
And certainly if it could be shown that Dr. Peter s s treat 
ment of the traditional groups of Psalms, and his views of 
what is historically probable, were right, the disparagement 
might not be too strong. Note these points among others: 

1. The form of lectures was adverse to the due presen 
tation of critical and theological theories. In criticism, it was 
needful to assume to a considerable extent what had been 
done by others (summed up in his Encyclopaedia llritannica 
article by Robertson Smith). In Biblical theology (if the 
expression be admissible), it was important to emphasize 
those points, which to a highly conservative audience were 
most likely to be palatable, even though (as was sufficiently 
indicated) they belonged to a still uncertain historical hypo 
thesis. To accuse me of neglecting what I knew long ago, 
viz. the facts respecting the traditional groups of the Psalter, 
was only possible by confounding a book of annotated 
lectures with an introduction. 

2. As to method. First, the weakness of all recent 
critics has been that they have not fully realized the extent 
of the editorial work carried on in the post-exilic period. 
We have henceforth to assume that in a Biblical record 
assigned by tradition to the pre-exilic ages, there are some, 
and perhaps large, post- exilic elements, even if the whole 
work be not counted pre-exilic by mistake. Next, the Psalter 
is not a chaotic anthology, but based upon a number of 
minor collections. Before Robertson Smith s article, and 
my own Lectures 2 ), this principle had not been grasped with 
sufficient firmness. It was however a weakness incident to 



*) See an article by Dr. J. P. Peters in the New World. June, 1893. 
2 ) [The origin and religious contents of the Psalter (Bampton Lectures 
1892).] 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



114 T. K. Cheyne. 



the form of that acute scholar s work that he did not under 
take the researches comparative work required for distinguishing 
other groups than the traditional ones, vis. those which are 
proved to exist virtually by close affinities of language and 
ideas, not to mention a number of other most important 
problems, notably the linguistic. Next, it is necessary to 
have a clear and critical, though not a complete view of 
the development of Israelitish literature apart from the Psalter, 
and of course, there must be a constant search for points of 
affinity with books, which have been, in their component 
parts, satisfactorily dated. 

One compensation, however, is not denied me. Dr. 
Peters fully admits that the Psalter is on the whole a monu 
ment of the pi( ty of the Second Temple, so that he who would 
study Jewish religion not the religion of a few exceptional 
men, but that of believers in general, must work hard at the 
Psalms. This is surely an important result. It is one which 
no critic had proved half as completely as I had done, and 
Dr. Peters is strangely forgetful in not noticing this. It is 
also very insufficiently recognised in the ordinary textbooks 
of -Old Testament Theology", such as those of Oehler, 
Briggs, and Hermann Schultz, and I therefore had to 
establish it securely before proceeding to the second and 
more difficult part of my work -- the treatment of the main 
religious ideas of the Book of Psalms. 

Dr. Peters makes a good deal of my bold attempts to 
date individual psalms. But his own attempts are much 
bolder, and have an unsound theory and method behind them. 
I do not indeed deny that pre-exilic (but post-Davidic) ele 
ments are possible in the abstract. But, putting all the evidence 
together, it seems more reasonable to assume a new depar 
ture in psalm composition, either after, or contemporaneously 
with the Second Isaiah. 

I do not see that one need assume that all the psalms, 

in their earliest form, were written for the temple-services. 

But I do not think at present that any purely private lyrics 

been converted by editors into church-psalms. The 

who speaks in so many of the psalms is either a real or 

imaginary representative Israelite or Israel itself regarded as 

an organic whole. Nothing that Budde orWildeboer 



The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its relation to Zoroastrianism. H5 

has written has convinced me that this is a mistake ; I fancy, 
however, that it is but a hair s breadth which separates us. 
It seems not impossible that some of the psalms (in an 
earlier form) were written in Babylonia before the Return 
(i. e. between 538 and 432, the date of the return of the 
Gola, according to Kosters.). 

I am quite willing to admit that a fuller expression of 
my real meaning was necessary and that friendly criticisms 
like those of the two scholars mentioned were needed to 
make me conscious of this. Also that in the matter of 
temple-music I followed Robertson Smith too closely (see 
Religion of the Semites 2 , p. 261); this scholar still draws the 
same inference as myself (Psalter, p. 194 ) from Lam. II, 7. 
Also that there was very possibly a class of temple-singers 
before the Exile, though this cannot be proved fromNeh. VII, 44 
(= Ezra II, 41); Am. VIII, 3 (if with Wellhausen we read 
niTtf) suggests this at any rate for Northern Israel. 

I should also like to admit that, though my main thesis 
(vis. that both the Psalter as a whole and the psalms, so 
far as we can tell at present, are post-exilic), seems to me 
secure, the Maccabean, or Greek pre-Maccabean, origin of 
some of the psalms in the list in my first appendix has 
become doubtful to me. Perhaps the very best thing in 
Robertson Smith s revised edition of his Encyclopaedia 
article (see 0. I. J. 6 . 2 ) *) is his more persuasive setting of 
Ewald s early theory respecting Psalms XLIV, LXXIV, 
LXXIX. It is a great mistake when Dr. Peters and Prof. 
Baethgen pass these remarks over so lightly. At first, I 
hesitated to fellow my friend as regards Ps. XLIV. but my 
doubts are nearly dissipated And if Ps. XLIV belongs to 
the late Persian period, it becomes a question whether 
Psalms XLII, XLIII, and XLV should not be also carried 
up a little way to meet it.?) Ps. LXXIII of course may 
easily be a psalm of the close of the Persian age. 

Passing to the religious ideas of the Psalms, it is probable 
that, though I myself extended the range of the Messianic 

J ) [The Old Testament in the Jewish Church, 2nd edition, New York 1894.] 
2 ) See my Introduction to the Book of Isaiah [1895] Section onLXIII 
7-LXIV. 



116 T. K. Cheyne. 

hope more than most recent critics, a still further extension 
may be desirable. Stade indeed (Zeitschrift fur Theologie 
und Kirche, 1892) seems to me to go rather too far. But 
I think it quite worth considering whether Psalms XLV 
and LXXII may not be accounted for on the principle which 
I have adopted (Psalter, p. 239) for Ps. II. In other words, 
the psalmists may perhaps paint the Messianic king in colours 
derived from the life of Salomon. This is not indeed an 
easy view. If any psalm appears to refer to a contemporary 
king, it is the 45th, and Sin end still adheres to the view 
given in my Psalter. But a pre-exilic date being excluded 
by the linguistic evidence, and not required by that from 
ideas, and there being no other even plausible pre-exilic 
psalm in Book II. it is possible that the view now offered 
may be correct. Certainly still stronger demands are made 
on us by Robertson Smith s explanation of LXXII, 1: 
cc lt seems a prayer for the reestablishment of the Davidic 
dynasty under a Messianic king according to prophecy." ] ) 
Wildeboer and Baethgen may also have a claim to be 
listened to on Ps. XVI. That two such scholars should agree 
in making this one of the specially Deutero-Isaianic psalms, 
is interesting. I can not say, however, that I am convinced. 
As to Zoroastrian influences on the ideas of the Psalter. 
The subject was worth opening; it is not yet closed. I said 
m 1891, in speaking of possible Zoroastrian influence, that 
1 wished rather to claim too little than too much. I started 
from three points: (1) that from 536 B. C onwards the Jews 
were in constant intercourse with the Persians; (2) that Per 
sian influence upon the Eastern and finally upon the Western 
world was both wide and lasting, and (3) that there was a 
strong natural affinity between the higher Jewish and the 
higher Persian religion. I have been made painfully aware 
that the emphasis which I gave to this hypothesis, so far as 
the Psalter is concerned, was needless, for all but a very 
few devout readers of the Psalms. I thought it in 1892 
worth saying that some of the psalms were intended, not (as 
Dr. Peters thinks I meant) to "quicken" in the individual 
the consoling hope of continuance of life", but at least to 

) O.T.J.C.\ p. 439. 



The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its relation to Zoroastrianism. 117 

give words to those who had this hope, words in which they 
might, if they pleased, read this hope, and worth proving that 
by the beginning of the Greek period such a hope might 
have arisen. I might have spared my pains. The habit of 
reading the psalms as forms of prayer or praise seems to 
leave no room for an intelligent appreciation of their meaning. 
I can therefore argue the point with all the more impartiality. 
Something of what I said still remains good; a part is such a 
mere possibility that it is hardly worth contending for Still 
every atom of even possible truth should be gathered up. 
"If", as the Jewish scholar Isidore Loeb remarks, "there 
be psalms of the Maccabean age, they would certainly agree, 
as to the immortality of the soul, with the Pharisees", and, as 
Wellhausen has pointed out, the foundations of Pharisaism 
were laid by Ezra. Reuss too has frankly confessed that 
the psalms being nearly all post-exilic, he would not feel 
embarrassed ("ne nous generait pas") if they contained 
references to a future life. And finally, as Mr. Wicks teed 
informs us 1 ) Kuenen s "last notes on Ps. XVI admit that 
it contains at least a presentiment of the belief in Immortality". 
The question is therefore by no means unreasonable. It 
is not materially affected by the researches of Darme- 
steter, for this bold critic plainly asserts that "theAchsemenid 
Mazdeism already believed in the defeat of Ahriman and 
knew the doctrine of the resurrection and the limited 
duration of the world." 2 ) He would hardly therefore agree 
with M. Halevy 3 ) that the Persians borrowed the doctrine 
of the resurrection from the Babylonians (?) after 538 B. C. 
What I mainly sought to show was that there is a strong affinity 
between the religion of Ahura Mazda and that of Jahwe, 
and that Zoroastrian ideas were in the air in the Persian 
period of Jewish history, and must have circulated freely 
throughout the empire. This would be facilitated, so far as 
Israel was concerned, by the constant intercourse which 
existed between the Jews of Persia and Mesopotamia and 
those of Palestine. This is undeniable. The basis of the 



J ) Cf. his article on "Abraham Kuenen", in Jewish Quarterly Review, 
IV, (1892) p. 595. 

2 ) Le Zendavesta T. Ill (1893), p. LXXIII. 
:! ) Revue seniitique, juillet 1894. 



118 T. K. Cheyne. 

Zoroastrian Scriptures is ancient, and we can safely assert 
that the best Mazda-worshippers must have been sympathetic 
to the best servants of Jahwe. It is true we have no evidence 
of early Zoroastrian influence such as that presented by the 
name Asmodeus (see Kohut, Arucli Completum, s. v. Hcirx) 
and probably the seven archangels in the Book of Tobit. 1 ) 
But it is very difficult to believe, knowing all that we do of 
the opposition to strict legalism even in Palestine, that 
Orientalism, both Babylonian and Persian, failed to exert some 
influence on Jewish religion. It is natural enough that we 
should find it difficult to prove this; the Jewish writers had 
far other objects than enlightening the historical students of 
future ages. Dr. Peters, it is true, quotes (p. 306) a 
fragment of a Babylonian psalm on a glass axe dedicated to 
Bel of Nippur by a Babylonian king in the 14th century 
B. C., and adds that "it might have been addressed to Jahwe 
by a pious Hebrew at any period covered by our Psalms". 
If, however. Dr. Peters interprets this (as Schrader would, 
I doubt not, interpret it) as a prayer for a happy second 
life, I would submit that there is as yet no clear evidence 
that any except kings, or at any rate grandees, in Babylonia 
cherished this hope (see Psalter, p. 391), though M Halevy 
and Prof. Sayce have both ventured to claim the royal 
inscriptions at Senjirli as favouring the early existence of a 
general Israelitish belief in immortality. I thought therefore 
that, supposing that any impulses from outside assisted the 
eminently receptive Jewish people in developing the germs 
which were present in their inherited religion, it was natural 
to seek them chiefly in Iran rather than in Babylonia. Today 
[ should rather emphasize the general mixture of ideas in 
the East, so that it is not merely one single source from 
which Israel drew (or may have drawn), but at least two. 
Only we must not think of separating them; the two sources 
are but one. 

The possibility then, for which I pleaded with arguments 
and details which it would be tedious to repeat, remains. 
Bu^the^ possibility is not worth getting hot about in the case 

*) [See Kohut s essay in (Niger s JM. Ztft. f. Wiss. u. Leben etc ,1 c] 
1 admit most willingly that the Persian belief is developed from Babylonian 
germs. (Cf. Gunkel, Die Schopfung, etc., 1894 ) 



The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its relation to Zoroastrianism. H9 

of the Psalter. We may at any rate all of us profitably 
compare the Gathas, which are "the utterances of Zarathustra 
in presence of the assembled Church", and a repertory of 
the spiritual elements in Mazdeism, with the Psalms, which 
are the utterances of the prophetic nation Israel, and (if Well - 
ha us en will permit) are on the whole one of the noblest 
products of theistic religion. I cannot, so far as I am able 
to weigh the evidence, follow the new Darmesteter 1 ) in 
preference to the old, and I look forward with deep interest 
to further discoveries in the field of Gatha-criticism. 

That Christian scholars should so much neglect such a 
noble revealed religion as that of Zarathustra is to me a 
subject of regret, and 1 notice with surprise that even 
Gunkel, in discussing the origin of the conceptions of the 
12th chapter of the Apocalype of John (undoubtedly Jewish 
in origin), 2 ) confines himself to those Babylonian germs which, 
though they count for much, can scarcely altogether explain 
the strange forms of thought in that chapter. 

May the great religion of Ahura Mazda find in our own 
time a more and more historical and therefore a more and 
more appreciative treatment from English and American 
students ! 



l ) See Tiele. Jets over de Oudheid van het A vest a (Verslagen 
der K. Akadenne van Wetenxchappen. Afd. Letterkunde, 3, Deel XL. 
1895). [The late Prof. Darmesteters change of view concerning the tra 
ditional literature of the Parsees has been ably criticised and set forth by 
Prof. F. Max Miiller in various articles published in the Contemporary 
Beview and Nineteenth Century for 1894 95. and in a sympathetic sum 
mary of his researches which appeared in the Jewish Quarterly Review for 
January, 1895. See also his reference to it in this memorial volume, 
p. 34-5. G. A. K.] 

J ) [This has been proven to be of Essenic origin by the Rev. Dr. K. 
Kohler of New York, in a series of articles on the -Cradle of Christianity", 
published in the Menorah Monthly, (New York) 1892. G. A. K.] 



Le dieu Rimmon sur une inscription 
himyarite 

par 
Prof. Hartwig Derenbourg (Paris). 



Mon savant maitre et ami, M. Jules Oppert, 1 ) vient de 
porter un rude coup au pretendu dieu assyrien Ramman, qui 
ne parait pas devoir se relever de cette decheance, a moins 
que des textes nouveaux, des documents exhumes, substituent 
une charte authentique aux pretextes de sa longue usur 
pation. L entrainement provenait en partie de la lecture f Ps[X[xav, 
par laquelle les Septante ont rendu le nom de Fidole syrienne 
Rimmon (jlsn 2 Rois V, 18); de meme Ta(3p [ xa = J1B12B, 
roi de Syrie (1 Rois XT, 18)2. 

Le culte de la Grenade divinisee (Rimmon), de la 
pomme punique (malum punicum), comme disent les 
Latins, assurement un rite d origine semitique, s est rami- 
fie et s est transforme sur le sol fecond de la Grece mytho- 
logique.3) Au cours de ses migrations, nous le rencontrons 
en Arabie meridionale, ou Rimmon a eu sa clientele 
d adorateurs, comme en temoigne une inscription himyarite, 
deja signalee per 1 explorateur, qui Ta decouverte, M. Eduard 
Haser,*) et par un maitre qui excelle a interpreter ces 

Oppert. A dad, dans la Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, IX (1894), 

2j |11"?in (Zacharie, XII, 11), probablement un nom de viile, est. 
non pas transcrit, mais traduit par les Septante XOTISTOC powv. 

197_T iCt r B6rard De l ricjine des cultes Arcadiens (Paris, 1894) 

*) Ed. Glaser, Skizee der Geschichte Arabiens (Munchen. 1889) 
p. 9 ( . 



Le dieu Rimmon sur une inscription hirnyarite. 121 

vieux textes, M. Fritz Hommel. 1 ) Peut-etre un fragment 
rudimentaire, conserve au Musee Britannique sous la cote 72, 
renferme-t-il egalement la mention de cette divinite. 2 ) La 
statue d or qui, sans aucun doute, surmontait la pierre ou 
notre texte etait inscrit, a ete enlevee par les maraudeurs, 
plus avides des metaux precieux quedesri chesses epigraphiques. 
Celles-ci n ay ant pour eux aucune valeur venale sont 
dedaignees par ces amateurs de butin, comme d un transport 
difficile, d une vente aleatoire La connaissance des peuples 
et de leurs religions, la litterature historique et la linguistique 
recueillent, s approprient et interrogent les documents inscrits 
sur les blocs ainsi abandonnes, tandis que Tarcheologie.regrette 
de ne pouvoir pas utiliser les representations figurees, vi )lemment 
arrachees des piedestaux, sur lesquels la consecration subsiste 
seule pour denoncer la profanation. Les trous de scellement 
sont d autres temoins de la mutilation sacrilege : ils apparaissent 
au sommet de certains monuments, comme une marque 
indeniable des idoles sculptees qui les surmontaient. 3 ) 

Puisque I inscription, au moins dans ses elements principaux, 
a ete sauvee, cherchons a determiner les evenements auxquels 
elle se rapporte. D apres M. Eduard Glaser, 4 ) ce texte qui 
occupe le numero 119 dans sa collection relaterait des 
victoires remportees a Khaulan par Ilscharah Yahdoub, futur 
roi de Saba et de Raidan. centre une coalition des Himyarites, 
des Hadramautites et d autres adversaires innommes. Bien que 
les questions de chronologic Yemenite soient encore recou- 
vertes d un brouillard epais, j essaye d en degager un point 
lumineux, en supposant que notre Ilscharah Yahdoub est 
identique a Fllasaros de Strabon, chef des Rammanites, 
contemporain de Texpedition d Aelius Gallus en Tan 24 avant 
notre ere. 5 ) Quant aux Rammanites ( r Pajj.[j.aviTai) 7 je les 

l ) Fr. Hommel, Aufsatze und Abhandlunyen arabisch-semitologischen 
Inhalts (Miinclien, 1892), p. 98; du meme, Sud-Arabische Chrestoma- 
thie, p 60. 

) Hartwig Derenbourg, Yemen Inscriptions; The Glaser Collection in 
the British Museum (London, 1888), p, 24. 

3 ) Corpus inscriptionum semiticarum, Pars quartet inscriptions himya- 
irticas et sabceas continens I, tab. Ill et XVIII. 

4 ) Ed. Glaser, Skizze, p. 97. 

5 ) Strabonis Geogmphica. XVI. IV, 24; Joseph et Hartwig Derenbourg. 
Etudes sur V tpiyraphie da Yemen, I. p. 30 33. 



J9-) \[. Hartwig Derenbourg. 

assiinile avec M. Sprenger aux Radmanites de Pline 1 ), 
malgre les objections de M. Glaser. 2 ) Si ma restitution de 
inscription, fruste en certains endroits, a evoque la realite 
de la redaction primitive, le general en chef, propose par 
Ilscharah a ses troupes, cominandait aux forces reunies des 
Himyarites et des Radmanites. faisant cause commune centre 
Farmee du Hadramaut. Les Radmanites (Rhadamaei) et 
les Himyarites (Homeritae) 3 ) sont nomines par Pline. les 
uns a la suite des autres, dans la liste des populations qui 
habitaient le sud-ouest de P Arabic. II y avait la peut-etre 
comme un echo de 1 alliance contractee, un demi-siecle aupara- 
vant, entre les deux peuplades pour refouler les attaques des 
Hadramautites centre Ilscharah Yahdoub , gouverneur de 
Schibam Akyan. lieutenant dans cette ville de son pere Fari c 
Yanhoub, rei de Saba . 

Cette inscription, inspires par un evenement grave dans 
1 histoire locale, par la reconnaissance des vainqueurs envers 
le dieu Rinimon, ne nous est parvenue, ni dans un estampage 
que 1 etat de la pierre n aurait pas peruiis de prendre, ni 
dans une photographic dont 1 execution a du etre contrariee 
par les circonstances. Nous n avons eti a notre disposition 
qu une copie, d ailleurs excellente, de M. Eduard Glaser, 
dont nous publions ici le facsimile, en attendant qu elle soit 
reproduite sur la planche XXII du Corpus inscrip tionum 
Semitic a ruin. Le texte y portera le numero 140. Quant 
a roriginal, il est conserve chez un habitant de Schibam 
Akyan et mesure en hauteur 60 centimetres, en largeur 50 
centimetres. 

La discussion philologique des questions douteuses 
soulevees par certains passages, le justification des mots 
ajoutes on corriges sont reserves au troisieme fascicule du 
Corpus hhnyarite, qui paraitra en 1896. Nous n apportons 
ici que les resultats : un texte presque partout complete, 

x ) Plini Secundi Historia naturalis. VI, 28, 158; A. Sprenger. Die 
alte Geographic Arabiens, p. 160. 

2 ) Ed. Glaser, Geographic Arabiens, p. 59 et 147. qui prefere 
identifier Ra ban. En depit de 1 assonance, il serait temeraire de voir 
dans les Rammanites de Strabon des Arabes voues au culte de Kimmon. 

3 ) Ibid., p. 140, M. Ed. Glaser fait justice de la lecture No merit as 
adoptee par A. Sprenger, Die alte Geographic Arabiens, p. 241. 



Le dieu Rimmon sur une inscription himyarite. 



123 



transcrit en caracteres hebraiques, et une traduction qui, 
pour provisoire qu elle soit. pretend, sur plusieurs points, a 
etre acceptee comme plausible : 



Copie cle M. le Dr. Eduard Glaser 



p | ^:pn[i | ] jc-i | 
si | CPSCN [ | in]i[c]ri 
^ | i[ncys 



; | s 2 

NI | ] 3 

NI | na 4 

| j[ ]s 5 

| iy 6 



in^s 9 
cm 10 



124 M. Hartwig Derenbourg. 



]n I -is I 1221 | jet> 12 
yip | rn[> |]ic [es]inB [| p-n | D]nD[n> | r.p |]]wn 13 
ci[^n | ] vj^ne-iNt) | j c y jni [ | ] n[ c 14 

Apres avoir loyalement separe dans la transcription ce 
qui a ete einprunte a la copie de M. Glaser et ce qui provient 
de mon essai de restitution, je m abstiens, en traduisant. de 
faire le depart entre les traits primitifs et la retouche, 
dans Tespoir que celle-ci se dissimulera dans la teinte uni- 
forme de 1 ensemble: 

1- N ..... ; A . . . . , le chef des Himyarites, le 
general en chef d llscharah Yah- 

2. doub, gouverneur de Schibam Akyan. a consacre a 
leur patron Rimmon, maitre de c Alam, 

3. 1 Aksarite, cette statue, parce que Rimmon lui a 
accorde des car- 

4. nages et des captifs importants dans la guerre entre 
les Himyarites, avec les Radmanites. et 

5. les Hadramautites, dans la province ...... et sur 

le territoire de Khaulan, lorsque ceux-la preterent 

6. secours a leur prince Ilscharah Yahdoub, gouverneur 
de Schibam Akyan. Et ils ont 

7. offert un temoignage de leur foi a leur patron Rimmon, 
et ils ont consacre cette sta- 

8. tue a Rimmon comme leur present, parce qu il lui a 
accorde des captifs, et parce que pro 

tection lui est venue de Rimmon dans tons les voeux, 
dont il lui avait demande 1 accomplissement (et puisse-t-il 

10. leur accorder la grace de son coeur et la faveur 
de leur prince Ilscharah!), et parce que 

11. Rimmon 1 a comble d une autorite pour rernplacer 
son pere dans cette pro- 

12. vince, et parce qu il a rendu victorieuse la campagne 
BKmyarites, et de tons ses vassaux et de ceux qui re- 

13. connaissent quelle est sa superiorite. Et quant a 
Rimmon, il les a proteges, parce qu il y a eu du bon- 



Le dieu Rinimon sur une inscription himyarite. 125 

14. heur. et afin qu il y ait du bonheur pour ses vassaux, 
les Himyarite s. 

Paris, le 11 noveinbre 1894. 

P. S. La date qui precede me justifie suffisainment de 
n avoir pas connu d avance ^interpretation de ce monument 
par le Docteur Eduard Glaser, Die Abes sin ier in Arabic n 
und Afrika (Mtinchen, 1895), p. 105107. Elle arrive juste 
a temps pour que je puisse en profiter dans la redaction 
definitive du Corpus ins criptionum semiti caruin. pars 
quarta, p. 206 211. Je livre an public sans changement 
mon manuscrit de 1894, en rappelant que c est un premier 
essai, pour lequel je sollicite Indulgence de nies confreres. 
Us ne sauraient non plus me reprocher d avoir ignore la 
notice de M. Francois Tbureau-Dangin dans le Journal 
asiatique de 18!) 5, II, p. 385893, ainsi que les obser 
vations de M. Jules Oppert, son ..eminent maitre", iinprimees 
a la suite, ibid., p. 393 396. 

A plus forte raison. je n ai pas pu me servir de la 
traduction donnee par M. J. Halevy dans la Revue s e mi 
ll i que de Janvier 1896, p. 82 et 83. 



Zur Bibel und Grammatik 

1. Kirnchi oder Karachi ? 2. Erklarung von 
Amos VI, 10 

von 
Rev. Dr. B. Felsenthal (Chicago). 



Vorbemerkung. (Aus einem Brief e an Geo. A. Kohut.) 
- Sehr geehrt haben Sie rnich durch Ihre freundliche Ein- 
ladung, auch meinerseits fur die Sammelschrift, die dem An- 
denken Ihres verewigten Vaters gewidmet warden soil, einen 
Beitrag zu liefern. Nun imichte ich allerdings sehr gerne 
dem grossen Gelehrten und dern edlen Manne, der uns durch 
Alexander Kohut s Scheiden entrissen worden 1st, und der 
iiberdies mir em theurer Freund gewesen war, offentlich durch 
eine seinem Gedachtnisse zu widmende Abhandlung meine 
Huldigung darbringen. Aber trotzdem, niein lieber Freund, 
muss ich mich auf die Uebersendung einiger Kleinigkeiten 
beschranken. Vorrathig besitze ich keine zu verwerthende 
grossere Abhandlung. Gewohnliches, schou neun und neun- 
zigmal Gesagtes und Allbekanntes mochte ich nicht zum 
hundertstenmal wiederholen. Bei der Beschranktheit der mir 
zu Gebote stehenden literarischen Hiilfsmittel kann ich 
abgesehen von allein Andern ohnehin es nicht wageu, 

mit weitergreifendeu literarischen Forschungen vor ein gelehr- 
tes Publikum zu treten So verstatten Sie es mir denn, dass 
ich Ihnen die beifolgenden Notizen sende, die wenigstens 
das Gute haben, dass sie kurz sind. und von denen ich 
glaube, dass darin einiges Neue, bisher nicht Vorgebrachte 
den Lesern zu geneigter Priifung werde vorgelegt werden. 

B. Felsenthal. 



Zur Bibel mid Grammatik. 



127 



1. Kimchi Oder Kamchi? 1 ) 

Der Name ^ncp, den seit Jahrhunderten so viele eminente 
jiidische Gelehrte gefiihrt haben, Gelehrte, unter denen 
besonders der im 12. Jahrhundert lebende Joseph Kirochi und 
dessen zwei Sohne Moses und David Kimchi am meisten her- 
vorragen, 1st bis auf unsere Zeit allgemein Kimchi aus- 
gesprochen worden, und von der iiberwiegenden Mehrheit 
der Gelehrten wird er immer noch so gelesen und gespro- 
chen. Doch seit etwa dreissig Jahren erscheint auch in ei- 
nigen gelehrten Werken und Zeitschriften die Schreibung 
Kanichi, und es wird diese Schreibung, resp. Lesting von 
einigen sehr prominenten Forschern unserer Zeit vertreten 
und befiirwortet. Obwohl die Sadie cine wenig bedeutende 
ist, so liegt doch nun einmal im Menschengeiste der Drang, 
auch in Kleinigkeiten nach Erkenntniss des Wahren und 
Richtigen zu streben. 8<> mag denu hiermit eine Erorterung 
der Frage unternommen werden : Was ist richtigcr, Kimchi 
oder Kainchi ? 

Priifen wir, was bisher ffir die Neuerung vorgebracht 
worden ist. 

Die erste offentliche Stimnie fiir ,,Kamchi" wurde im 
Jahre 1862 im Journal Asiatique laut : Herr Dr. A d o 1 p h 
Neubauer hatte im Anfang der 60er Jahre eine ausserst 
lehrreiche Abhandlung ..Sur la lexicographic hebraique" ge- 
schrieben und in mehrere Fortsetzungen in den Uanden 18, 
19 und 20 der 5. Seric des genannten Journal erscheinen lassen. 
Am Ende der Artikelreihe (im Hefte fiir Sept.-Oct. 1862) fiigte 
der gelehrte Verfasser Folgendes hinzu : 

Indem wir die Aussprache K a m c h i anstatt der 
bisher ublich gewesenen Kimchi angenommen haben, 
sind wir dem Rathe des Herrn Derenbourg gefolgt, der 
den Namen des Rabbi David in mehreren Handschrif- 
ten des Michlol in der kaiserl. Bibliothek in Paris in 



l ) [Vgl. auch S. Schiller-Szinessy, Catalogue of the Hebrew Mss. 
in Cambridge, Bd. I (1876), S. 195, Anm. 2; seine Ausgabe v. Kimchi s 
m^Mp n^C pC Niri "iron (1883). Einleitung, Anmerk. 1; ferner s. 
Artikel ii. Kimchi in Encyclopaedia Britannica, (9. Auflage), Bd. XIV, 
S. 77; und Revue des Etudes Juives, T. Vil (1883;, p. 290. G. A. K.] 



128 



B. Felsenthal. 



dieser Weise gelesen hat. Man vergleiche iiberdies die 
Familiennamen ^2 und ni-2 (Num. XXVI, 35 u. 38.) 
Es existirt auch heute noch in Hebron eine Familie 
Karachi, welche von den Grammatikern dieses Namens 
abzustamnien behauptet. 

Hr. J. Derenbourg war um jene Zeit in der Na- 
tionalbibliothek in Paris init dem Amte eines Gustos in der 
Abtheilung fur semitische Handschriften angestellt gewesen, 
und so war ihm, dem exacten Gelehrten, allerdings Gelegen- 
heit gegeben, seine Entdeckung zu machen. Dass dieselbe 
auf einer richtigen Wahrnehmung beruhte, fand seine Bestatti- 
gung im Jahre 1866. Es erschien namlich danials der von 
H. Zotenberg angefertigte Catalogue des Mamiscrits 
Hebreux cle la BiUiotlieque Imperials und bei der Beschrei- 
bungvon einigen Michlolhandschriften (Nos. 1229, 1230, 1231) 
fiigte Hr. Zotenberg bei, der Name des Verfassers sei in den 
Handschriften punctirt. und zwar stehe unter deni Buchsta- 
ben Koph ini Pathach. Zwei Jahre sp ater veroffentlichte Hr. 
Neubauer seine Notes" tiber hebraische Handschriften in 
Spanien und Portugal (s. Steinschneider s Hebr. Bibl. XI, 133) 
und wie darin berichtet 1st, ist in mehreren daselbst aufge- 
fundenen Handschriften der Name "TOp rait Kamez punktirt, 
und auch das soil die Aussprache ,,Kainchi" beweisen. Dazu 
bemerkte Steinschneider, a. a. 0.: ,,Sollte der Name mit dem 
arabischen K a m c h , Weizen, Getreide, zusammenhangen ? 
Joseph ben Todros iiennt Kimchi David ^nri." Man sieht, 
Steinschneider wollte ,,Kamchi" nicht geradezu abweisen, aber 
er stiniint auch nicht bei. Die Frage blieb ihm eiue offene. 
(Der Brief, in welchem Joseph b. Todros den David Kimchi 
als N v L:nri ~^\X1 N:n "l^\s % ^nn "I" bezeichnet, ist abgedruckt 
in dem von Halberstamm herausgegebenen C^HDE D^2p 
(s. das. S. 46, 47.). 

Der nachste Befiirworter der Aussprache Karachi Hess 
sich iin Jahre 1884 vernehmen. Es war dies Professor 
Paul de Lagarde, der in den Gottinger Gelehrten An- 
zeigen in jenem Jahre (I. p. 257 if.) cine langere, auch im 
ersten Band seiner Mittheilungen" \viederholt abgedruckte 
Kritik der 9. Auflage von Gesenius Hebr. Worterbuch ver 
offentlichte. Darin sagte er (p. 270): ,,Statt Kimchi schreibe 
Qarnhi; schon Mercier schrieb stets Camius." 



Zur Bibel und Grammatik. 129 

Nur noch eine, iibrigens sehr unentschieden auftretende 
Aeusserung in dieser Beziehung haben wir hier zu registri- 
ren. In seinem neuesten grossen Werke Die hebr. Ueber- 
setzungen des Mittelalters, [Berlin, 1893], nennt Stein- 
schneider auf S. 384, den Joseph Kimchi, und in Klam- 
mern und mit einem Fragezeichen fiigt er bei: ( w oder Karachi?)". 
Wie ersichtlich, steht Hr. Prof. St. der neuen Lesung irnmer 
noch zweifelnd gegenliber. 

Den hauptsachlichen Inhalt des Vorstehenden hatte ich 
vor etwa einem Jahre in Folge eines ausserlichen Anlasses 
brieflich an Hrn. Pro f. G. D e u t s c h in Cincinnati initge- 
theilt, und mein Brief wurde damals in der in Cincinnati er- 
scheinenden Deborah vom 1. Februar 1894 veroffentlicht. 
Der thatsachlichen Darlegung aller mir bekannt gewordenen 
Aeusserungen fiir oder gegen Karachi" iiigte ich iibrigens 
danials Folgendes bei: Dafiir, dass Kimchi das Riehtigere 
sei, spricht doch der Umstand sehr, dass diese traditionell 
iiberkommene Aussprache bisher so allgemein und so unbe- 
anstandet als die wahre gegolten hat Und ferner - - und 
das ist ein Punkt, der mir entscheidend zu sein scheint - 
haben wir ein bis jetzt giinzlich unbeachtet gebliebenes Zeug- 
niss, das gar schwer fiir ,,Kimchi" in s Gewicht fallt. Etwa 
ein Jahrhundert nach David Kinichi lebte in Roin der be- 
riihmte Dichter Immanuel ben Salomon, und dieser, der wohl 
noch viele Glieder der danials auch in Italien weitverzweigten 
Kimchifaniilie personlich gekannt haben mag, spricht den 
Namen als Kimchi aus. In seinen Machberoth, in der 
18. Makame, riihmt sich der Dichter seiner immensen Bele- 
senheit in der jiidischen Literatur, und im Verlaufe dieses 
Selbstlobes, sagt er, er hatte auch ^h C v ^ f "!KTn pnpin pb\l 
T.Cl& l j") ilt Cjb C^\N % u ,TiCp H" gelesen. Sollte nun dieser 
Reim Kimchi und Siinchi nicht die Frage endgiiltig ent- 
scheiden ? 

Und noch etwas lasst sich fiir diese Meinung hier an- 
fiihren. Es ist bekannt, dass man friiher schon den Namen 
Kimchi mit dem hebraischen Wort Keinach in Verbindung 
setzte, ihn gleichsam als ein Derivat dieses Wortes betrach- 
tete. Man erinnere sich nur an das schon friihe auf den 
Grammatiker angewandte Mischnahwort: PHin pN ncp ]^ CX. 
Wie aber bilden sich von "Cp die Derivate? Darf man nach 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 9 



130 B . Felsentkal. 

Analogieu schliessen vgl. Sibhchi (Exod. 23, 18), Likchi 
(Deut. 32, 2), Nizchi (Klagel. 3, 18), Zirnchi (ahnlich wie in 
Jes. 61, 11), abgeleitet von POT/ up! / riiu/ ncii u. s. w. 
dann erscheint es mehr als wahrscheinlich, dass man auch 
Kimchi gesprochen haben wird. 

Soweit die beziigliche Stelle in deni in der Deborah" 
abgedruckten Brief. Die Deborah-Nummer, in der meine No- 
tizen abgedruckt waren, war auch einigen unserer gelehrte- 
sten jiid. Zeitgenossen in Europa zu Gesicht gekommen, und 
ich hatte die Freude, in Bezug auf ineine Vertheidigung von 
,,Kinichi" von diesen theils ablehnende, theils zustimmende 
Antwort zu erhalten. 

Hr. Dr. A. N e u b a u e r in Oxford schrieb mir : ,,Aus- 
ser Spanien findet man in eineni Horn, ms. Tp (Hist. Litt. 
de la France, XXXI, p. 530, auch besonderer Abzug niit 
Titel: Les ecrtiains frang. du 14. siccle.) Ich habe. als ich 
in Pal astina war. eine Familie Kamchi in Hebron gekannt. 
Es steht test, dass die Spanier Kamchi ausgesprochen haben, 
da nur Tip oder TOp sich in den Handschrr. findet. Ferner 
hat man David Kimchi irn Streit der Orthodoxen gegen Mai- 
monides ^n genannt, was nur aus deni arabischen Kamch 
(Weizen) gebildet werden konnte. Der Reim ^HEp und TiCir 
ist nicht schlagend, da der Reim sich auf ^~ beziehen kann. 
Dass man in Italien und Deutschland das gelaufigere Kimchi 
geleseu. ist wahrscheinlich, da man sich Karachi ohne ara- 
bisch nicht grammatisch erklaren konnte". 

Dagegen schrieb mir Hr. Prof. W. B a c h e r in Budapest : 
,,Ich stirnme Ihnen beziiglich der Aussprache von T!Ep voll- 
stiindig bei und finde Ihr aus Immanuel genomnienes Argu 
ment vortrefflich. In meiner Geschichte der hebr. Sprach- 
wissenschaft verweise ich nur in einer Anmerkung auf die 
Aussprache mit a." 

Hr. Dr. A. Berliner in Berlin ausserte sich folgen- 
dermassen : w lhrer Ansicht liber die Aussprache des Nainens 
^ncp kann ich nur beipflichten ; ich habe von jeher nicht 
verstanden, warum Kamchi gelesen werden. sollte. Hier 
in Rom 1 ) existirten Viele mit dieseni Namen, und er wurde 
immer Kimchi geschrieben." 

r ) Dr. Berliner s Brief war in Rom wahrend eines Aufenthalts des 
Schreibers daselbst am 4. April 1894 geschrieben worden. 



Zur Bibel und Grammatik. 

Und nun noch eine Aeusserung von Herrn Prof. D r. 
Chwolson in St. Petersburg: ,,0b TiCp oder TOp rich- 
tig sei, bleibt wohl so lange unentschieden, bis ein Document 
mit lateinischen Buchstaben gefunden werden wird, in wel 
ch eni dieser Name vorkommt. Die Juden vocalisirten ilm 
T!?;p wohl in der Voraussetzung, dass der Name von np 
herstammt. Derselbe kann aber auch arabischenllrsprungssein, 
aus der Wurzel ~p, nnd daraus ^PiCpj npp heisst ble, fr o- 
m e n t. So viel mir bekannt ist, nannten Juden im Osten 
sich TCp_ und nicht TiCp Die Stelle in m2n beweist, 
glaube ich, nichts; denn es kann da auch T!Ci& gelesen wer 
den Immanuel anderte ja den Text nach Bedarf, und er 
machte z. B. Genesis 49, 25 cntP aus CV: V , wodurch der 
betreffende Yers einen recht pikanten Sinn erhielt." 

Im Vorstehenden habe ich alles bisher in der bespro- 
chenen Frage laut und mir bekannt gewordene den Lesern 
vollstandig vorgelegt, und nun sei es, riickblickend, mir 
noch verstattet, zu einem und dem anderen einige Randglos- 
sen zu machen. 

1. Wohl kouimen in der Bibel Namen wie ^2 2 
vor; doch lindet sich auch "HZS (II. Sam. Kap. 20, - - 8 
mal). Ferner finden wir Namen wie Tip 5 ? (I. Chr. 7, 19); 
^ (I. Ron. 22, 42); ^w (Exod. 6/17); nctf (I. Chr. 
4, 37); nci (Num. 25, 14), und viele ahnliche mehr. Bibli- 
sclie Analogien beweisen also nichts, da sich fiir die eine 
wie fiir die andere Form Parallelen finden. 

2. Die Punctation des Namens mit einem Kaniez oder 
Pathach, die Herr Neubauer in etlichen Manuscripten gefun- 
den hat, ist freilich ein starkes Argument fiir ^Kanichi". 
Wenn diese Manusripte siimnitlich aus Spanien stammen, so 
diirfte vielleicht daraus zu folgern sein, dass in Spanien die 
Aussprache ,,Kamchi" ja die iibliche gewesen war. Aber 
auffallend bleibt es doch, dass und warum gerade der Name 
T^p ganz gegen alien Usus der Copisten des Mittel- 
alters, von einigen derselben mit Vocalzeichen versehen wor- 
den ist. 

3. Was in Bezug auf den bei Immanuel vorkommenden 
Reim Kimchi und Simchi von Neubauer und Chwolson ge- 
sagt werden ist, namlich der Reim beruhe bios auf der gleich- 
artigen Sylbe ^n (Neub.), oder Immanuel, der ja so viele 



132 B. Felsenthal. 

Freiheiten in Aenderung von Bibelworten sich genonmien 
hat, hatte vielleicht aucli hier TiEfc gelesen(Chw.), das wird 
schwerlich von iiberzeugender Kraft gegeniiber der Thatsache 
sein, dass in Italien heute noch die Aussprache Kimchi die 
gebrauchliche ist, und dass sie es wohl auch ini 14. Jahr- 
hundert gewesen war. 

4. Der von Lagarde vorgebrachte Grund fur Karachi 
verdient kaura eine Beachtung. Was beweist es, dass ein 
christlicher franzosischer Orientalist im 16. Jahrhundert ent- 
weder desswegen, weil er keinen jiidischen, die beziigliche 
Tradition kennenden Gelehrten zu befragen Gelegenheit 
hatte, oder weil ihm irgend eine Caprice dazu bestimrate, 
C a mius schrieb? Mit ebensoviel Recht, d. h. mit gar keinem, 
hatte der Gb ttinger Professor den Herren Volk und Miihlau, 
welche die 9. Anflage des Gesenius schen hebr. "Worterbuches 
besorgten, auch noch in seiner bissigen Weise sagen konnen: 
Die Herren Staatsrathe schreiben in ihrer Ignoranz Raschi; 
wissen Sie denn nicht, dass schon Sebastian Minister Jarchi 
geschrieben hat? oder er hiitte ihnen ebensogut, d. h. ebenso 
ungerechtfertigt, es derb vorhalten konnen, dass sie nur aus 
Unwissenheit Jahve schrieben; denn mit solchen und 
[ihnlichen Schlussfolgerungen laborirt Hr. Lagarde nur allzu- 
haufig - - hat nicht der Franziskanerpater Petrus Galatinus 
schon 1518 Jehova geschrieben? 1 ) Wahrlich, der Hr. 

J ; Sebastian Miinster soil, wie Zunz nachgewiesen (Jost s Annalen, 1839, 
335; Ges. Schr. Ill, 104), der erste gewesen sein, welcher den Commen 
tator Raschi inthiinilicher AVeise deu Namen Jarchi beig-elegt hat. Ebenso 
soil der Franziskaner Petrus Galatinus der erste gewesen sein, welcher das 
Tetragrammaton als ,,Jehova" ausgesprochen und fiir dasselbe die Schreibung 
?hova eingefuhrt hat (Bottcher s Lehrb. d. hebr. Spr I, 49;. Bei dieser 
Gelegenheit mdchten wir Folgendes beifiigen. Unser grosser Meister Zunz 
hat, a. a. 0., gesagt, Schabthai Bass sei unter den Juden der erste gewesen, 
der in seinem Siphthe Jeschenim (1680) Easchi als Salomon Jarchi be- 
ichnete. er aber sei hier Buxtorf und Bartolocci gefolgt, und diese Letztern 
atten sich durch Sebastian Miinster irre leiten lassen. Aber Schabthai war 
nicht der erste jiid. Gelehrte, der " W in Rabbi Salomon Jarchi aufloste 
Einhundert und vierzig Jahre vor ihm gebrauchte bereits der beriihmte 
mmatiker Elias Levita diesen Namen als Bezeichnung fiir Raschi. In 
emem im Jahr 1541 erschienenen Methurgeman, und das zwar in der 
Vorrede zu deraselben, spricht der Verf. zweimal von unserm mehrgenannten 
Commentator {ibid. p. 2 Zeile 3 v. u. und p. 4 Z. 7 v. u.). Einige Monate 
spater, im Marz 1542, wurde Levita s Hakdamah zum zweitenmal gedruckt 



Zur Bibel und Grarnmatik. 133 

von Lagarde war doch zuweilen ein recht sonderbarer Katiz. 
Er hatte mit seinein Camius ganz won! zu Hause bleiben 
diirfen. 

5. Als Schlussergebniss obigerDarlegungendiirfte vielleicht 
Folgendes als das Wahrscheinlichste sich herausstellen. In 
Spanien, dem ursprfinglichen Heiinathlande der Kimchiden, 
mag man vielleicht deren Familiennamen Karachi" ausge- 
sprochen haben. Aber selbst wenn dies der Fall geweseii 
war, so ist dann doch friihe schon in der Provence, wie 
spater iiberhaupt in alien nichtarabischen Landern, die Aus- 
sprache eine dialectisch verschiedene geworden und rasch 
wird dann die Aussprache ,,Khnchi" sich verbreitet haben. 
Inimanuel hat ohne Zweifel ,,Kirnchi" gesprochen. In der 
Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft finden sich ja Beispiele 
in sehr grosser Zahl, dass Bewohner verschiedener Lander 
viele Worter trotz ihrer gleichen Schreibung dtirch eine ge- 
anderte Aussprache sich mundgerecht gcmacht haben. Man 
vergleiche z. B. die Narnen Isaac, David etc. und deren 
verschiedene Pronuncirung in England und auf deui euro- 
paischen Continent, oder Namen wie Henry (Henri) u. v. A 
und deren Aussprache in England und Frankreich. Soldi 
einen Lautwandel hat fast ein Jeder wahrzimehmen Gelegen- 
heit, der nur einigermassen in der Welt sich unigesehen hat. 



2. Zur Erklarimg von Amos G, 10. 

Von weit grosserer Bedeutung als die Feststellung der 
richtigen Aussprache des Namens Tip ist ohne Zweifel eine 
Erorterung, in der es sich uin die Wiedergewinnung der Be- 

und mit ihr eine von Paul Fagius angefertigte lateicische Uebersetzung der- 
selben. Auch in diesem zweiten Druck hat der Text, wie ich aus Autopsie 
weiss, in den beiden Stellen m r\ttv un. Hierzu ist zu bemerken, dass in 
diesem Falle der christliche Uebersetzer nicht fiir das ,,Jarchi" verantwortlich 
ist; denn merkwiirdiger Weise hat er in beiden Stellen einfach ,,Rabbi 
Schelomo", ohne irgend welchen Beinarnen. Ferner ist zu bedenken, dass 
die beiden Ausgaben des Textes (die von 1541 u. die von 1542) von Levita 
selbst corrigirt worden sind. Denn in jenen Jahren war er von Paul Fagius 
iu seiner Druckerei in Isuy als Corrector der hebr. Drucke angestellt ge- 
wesen. "Wieso kam nun Elias Levita. zu seinem Jarchi? Hat auch er von 
seinem Zeitgenossen. dem christl. Gelehrten Sebastian Miinster, auf falschen 
Weg sich fiihren lassen? 



134 -B. Felsenthal. 

deutung eines in der Bibel vorkommenden hebraischen Wortes 
und des richtigen Verstandnisses eines Schriftverses handelt. 
Wie ist derVerstheil 1ST1DE1 HH INlTjl (Amos 6, 10) zu ver- 
stehen und was ist die Bedeutung des darin vorkommenden 
Wortes P]1DE? 

Das Wort fpDC, welches nur ein einzigesmal im A. T. 
vorkommt, ist von dem LXX und dem Peschito im Sinne 
von Verwandter genommen und demgemass ubersetzt 
worden. Allein Vulgata und Targum haben dem "Worte einen 
anderen Sinn beigelegt. Nach ihnen bedeutet PpDD einen 
Verbrenner. Offenbar glaubten Hieronyrnus und Jonathan, 
welche Beide im lebendigen Sprachgebrauch das Wort rpDQ 
nieht mehr vernahmen, das im masorethischen Text mit einem 
Saniekh geschriebene Wort sei gleichbedeutend mit dem 
Wort rpE C (mit einem Sin) und sie ubersetzten demgemass. 
Die rabbinischen Commentatoren des Mitt el alters wussten 
auch nicht mehr rpDE mit Sicherheit zu deuten. Irn talmu- 
dischen und midraschischen Sprachschatz ist, so viel ich weiss, 
das Wort nicht zu finden. Und so schwanken die Commen 
tatoren. Raschi folgt dem Jonathan. Ibn Esra und David 
Kimchi z. St. erwahnen die beiden Bedeutungen. David 
Kimchi sagt: in bezeichnet den Vatersbruder, und fpDC 
bezeichnet den Mutterbruder ; so erklart ein Teil der Com 
mentatoren; aber Einige erklaren rpCC als von der Wurzel 
*pD = ^"li^ (verbrennen) abstainmend u. s. w. Fast mit den 
namlichen Worten aussert er sich in seinem Worterbuch s. v. 
Wer seine C^UHDC tt 1 sind, das sagt er uns nicht. Sehen 
wir aber bei Ibn Esra nach, so finden wir mindestens einen 
Vorganger genannt, der ^"ICC als Onkel miitterlicher Seits 
ubersetzt haben will, namlich den Juda Ibn Koreisch. Spatere 
jiidische und nichtjiidische Commentatoren fithren meistens 
die beiden Bedeutungen an, ohne sich gerade mit Sicherheit 
fur die eine oder die andere zu entscheiden. 

Doch in neuerer Zeit haben die Mehrheit der Exegeten 
und Lexicographen, wie es scheint, es ganz und gar aufge- 
geben, pjIDC als Onkel miitterlicher Seits zu ubersetzen und 
haben sich fur Verbrenner entschieden. So Siegfried- Stade 
und die neueren Bearbeiter von Gesenius Worterbuch; so 
die Commentatoren Ewald, Hitzig, Keil, Orelli, Schnioller, 
Herxheimer, der Englander Pusey, Winer in seinem Eeal- 



Zur Bibel und Grammatik. 135 

worterbuch, auch der hebraisch schreibende feine Sprach- 
kenner Malbim und Andere. 1 ) Recht hat man allerdings, nur 
Eine Erklarung zu geben, wenn man derselben sicher ist 
und wenn man sich vergewissert hat, dass die andere Er 
klarung unstichhaltig ist. Aber mir scheint es, man habe 
sich gerade fur das Unstichhaltige entschieden und das 
Richtige verworfen. Flirst in seinem Worterbuch, und er 
allein unter den Neuern, hat wenigstens hier die bessere 
Seite erwahlt. Ebenso Luther im 16. Jahrhundert, der die 
Worte in Amos so tibersetzt: ,,Dass einen Jeglichen sein 
Vetter und sein Ohm nehmen muss," 

Die Gleichung epcc rpra ist eine von der Verzweif- 
lung eingegebene Hypothese, ein Tappen, ein Rathen. Aber 
ist denn die andere Bedeutung eine besser begriindete, eine 
mehr sichere? Worauf basiren denn die Befiirworter der 
selben ? Die nach David Kimchi Schreibenden copiren eben 
einfach Kimchi und Ibn Esra. Und worauf basiren denn 
Kimchi und Ibn Esra? Auf Friihere, von denen uns aber 
nur Einer genannt wird, namlich der im Anfang des 10. Jahr- 
hunderts lebende Ibn Koreisch. Und so sind, wenn wir den 
Stammbaum dieser Erklarung riickwarts verfolgen, Alle, die 
bisher fur rpCC die Bedeutung Onkel, Mutterbruder auch 
anfuhrten oder nur anfuhrten, mittelbar oder unmittelbar von 
Ibn Koreisch abhangig gewesen. Aber wie kam Ibn Koreisch 
zu seiner Erklarung? Hat auch er bios gerathen? 

Bekannt ist, dass dieser in Marokko lebende Grammatiker 
schon vor nahezu tausend Jahren gesunde sprachvergleichende 
Methoden in der Eruirung des Sinnes hebraischer Worter 
selber anwandte und von Anderen angewandt sehen wollte. 
Er drang, wie wir aus seinem im Jahr 1857 veroffentlichten 
Pi^ND"! wissen, auf Vergleichung des Hebraischen mit dem 
Talmudischen, Aramaischen und Arabischen, und er selber 
schrieb und sprach das Arabische als seine Muttersprache. 
Mochte er vielleicht im Arabischen einen Schliissel fur das in 
JFrage stehende hebraische Wort gefunden haben? Oder hatte 
er eine aus noch alterer Zeit ihni iiberlieferte gute Tradition? 



J ) [S. die Erklarungen von Delitzsch in Onomasticon, S. 312 (= 
maritus uxoris}- Gesenius in Hall. Allgem. Zeituny, 1841, No. 221, "Col. 
550; Steinschneider in Ltbttt. d. Orients, 1842, No. 15, S. 226; No. 43, 
S. 680, Anm. 39. G. A. K.l 



136 B - FelsenthaL 

Das Letztere 1st ofFenbar richtig. Es ist bisher ganz 
und gar iibersehen worden, dass auch bei den Karaern das 
Wort rpcc fur Mutterbruder gelaufig war. Und es kommt 
bei ihnen das Wort nicht in eineni Coninientar zu Amos vor, 
sondern in einem Zusammenhang, welcher beweist, dass sie 
von Ibn Koreisch vollkommen u Dab ban gig sind, dass sie von 
ihm vielleicbt gar niclits gewusst haben. Eine Stelle, die 
sich in einer exegetischen Schrift des Karaers Joseph ben 
Ali Hallevi findet, ist yollkommen klar bieriiber. 1 ) Sie besagt 
Folgendes: In Levit. 18, 18 schliesst das Wort niriN 
(Schwester) die Tochter des Bruders einer Mutter oder der 
Schwester einer Mutter ebensowohl ein als die Tochter des 
Bruders eines Vaters oder der Schwester eines Vaters 
(mnm inn ni IE! DBHtPErn *pDcn n2), dagegen meint das 
Wort CTIX (Briider) in Deut. 25,5 nicht die Sohne eines 
Oheims oder einer Tante nilitterlicherseits, sondern nur die 
Sohne eines Oheims oder einer Tante vaterlicherseits (j\x* 
"2^5 Tl- ^2 CN ^r reicrnl pp& cn ^2). 2 ) Zum besseren Verstand- 
niss ist beizufugen, dass die Karaer in den gesetzlichen Theilen 
der heil. Schrift unter ,,Bruder" und Schwester" nicht bloss 
die leiblichen Geschwister verstehen, wie die rabbinischen 
Juden es thun, sondern dass sie darunter Verwandte inner- 
halb engerer oder weiterer Schranken verstanden haben 
wollen, und dass daher bei ihnen die auf Verwandtschafts- 
graden beruhenden Eheverbote ganz in s Ungemeine sich 
ausdehnen. - 

Auch das Hauptsachlichste dieser Notiz war in jener 
obengenannten Deborah -Nunimer, in welcher meine Bemer- 
kungen iiber T^p abgedruckt waren, verofFentlicht worden. 
Bezug darauf nehmend, machten niich sowohl Herr Dr. Bacher 
als auch Herr Dr. Chwolson auf die fur Ibn Koreisch zeu- 
gende Erklarung des Abulwalid giitigst aufnierksam. Herr 
Bacher schrieb: ,,Was ?]^D^ betrifft. so erwahnt Abulwalid 
im Worterbuch ohne weitere Bemerkung zwei arabische 
Wiedergaben des Wortes: nc^H und n^xi (in Ibn Tibbon s 
hebr. Uebersetzung desWB: 12H%S % und ic TIN). Es scheint 
eine willkiirliche , aus dem Zusammenhang geschlossene 

*) [In einem friiheren karaitischen Werke. mm* ^NK;, S. 32 a, 69 b, 
lesen wir : mn ncics. G. A. K.] 

2 ) Vgl. Pinsker s Likknte Kadmonijjoth, Anhange, S. 67. 



Zur Bibel und Grammatik. 137 

Worterklarung zu sein, wie sie z. B. bei Saadia nicht selten 
sind." Was aber Herra Backer als ,,eine willkiirliche , 
aus dem Zusammenhang geschlossene Erklarung" erscheint, 
das erklart Herr Chwolson entschieden als das Richtige. 
Herr Chwolson schrieb: w ln Bezug auf ^DC haben Sie un- 
bedingt recht. Zu den von Ihnen angefuhrten Zeugen fiige 
ich noch R. Jonah Ibn Granach hinzu, der in seinem 2NPI 

bwxbx s. v. sagt: n*6r ^pi nc^n rr? cirn, d. h. Es wird 

erklart: sein Verwandter; nach Andern: der Bruder seiner 
Mutter. Da schon iTTp p nTUr 1 diese letztere Bedeutung 
kennt, und die Kariier hnmer dieses Wort in dieseni Sinne 
gebrauchten, so muss man wohl eine Tradition dafiir gehabt 
haben." 

Werden nun wohl die hebraischen Lexicographen und 
Bibelexegeten in Zukunt t sich dazu verstehen, die Debatte 
u ber das Wort ^]"!DC und iiber den wahreu Sinn des Wortes 
in Amos 6,10 iDICd Hi" \XC*:i neu zu eroffneii? Die Au- 
toritat des Ibn Koreisch, des Abulwalid und der Karaer ist 
doch wohl so gewichtig, dass sie beachtet werden niuss und 
dass man init hochmiithigem Iguoriren sie nicht beseitigen 
kann. Ueberdies ist zu bemerken, dass der Si nn und der 
Zusammenhang der prophetischen Rede viel eher die Ueber- 
setzung des ID^DCl durch ,,und sein Oheim" oder ,,und sein 
Verwandter" fordert als die Wiedergabe durch ,,und sein 
Verbrenner" oder etwas deni Aehnliches. Das Waw copu- 
lativuui vor 12^CC liesse sich auch statt durch ,,und". durch 
,,oder a iibersetzen, ,,oder sein Oheiin", etc. Belege 

hierfur giebt es bekanntlich unzahlig viele. 



Nachschrift. 

Der vorstehende Artikel iiber die Aussprache des 
Namens ^HCp ist vor etwa drei Monaten geschrieben und 
abgesandt worden. Indess ist mir dieser Tage das Jewish 
Quarterly Eeview fur April 1895 zu Gesicht gekomrnen, und 
in demselben fand ich in einein sehr instructive!! Artikel 
unseres gelehrten Dr. A. Neubauer einiges weitere Material, 
das ich, der Vollstandigkeit halber, hier nachtragen niochte. 

Iin genannten Hefte S. 402 theilt Herr Neubauer Aus- 
ztige aus einem Briefe mit, den Alfonso da Zamora an die 



138 



B. Felsenthal. 



Juden in Rom gerichtet hatte. Darin tindet sich der Name 
TICp "in das Koph mit einem Pathach punctirt. 

Ibidem p- 405 beschreibt Neubauer ein im Jahr 1516 
geschriebenes ins., das sich in der Universitatsbibliothek in 
Salamanca befindet, und das unter Anderem eine Abhandlung 
von Gabirol enthalt, welche Abnandlung iibrigens irrthum- 
licher Weise dem Moses Kamchi zugeschrieben ist. In der 
beigefiigten lateinischen Uebersetzung ist der Name durch 
C a m c h i wiedergegeben. 

Ibid. p. 416 beschreibt Neubauer ein anderes, in der 
Nationalbibliothek in Madrid befindliches ms. (undatirt), welches 
die Grammatik und das Worterbuch des RDK enthalt. ,,Kam- 
chi ist hier TlEp geschrieben", das Koph mit einem Kamez. 

Ibid. p. 409 gibt uns Neubauer die Beschreibung eines 
weiteren, vom Jahr 1527 datirten ms., welches in der Natio 
nalbibliothek in Paris aufbewahrt ist, und welches RDK s 
Grammatik enthalt. ,,Dieses ms. - - so sagt hier Neubauer 
- hat auch die Schreibung TOjX Es unterliegt keinem Zwei- 
fel, dass die spanischen Juden diesen Nam en als Kamchi 
aussprachen. Wirklich lasst sich auch der Scheltname ""CSnn 
womit der bekannte provencalische Rabbi unsern David be- 
nannte, nur aus dem arabischen K a m c h (Weizen) erklaren. 
Es hatte keinen Sinn, wenn der Name als Kim c hi ausge- 
sprochen und von ncp. (Mehl) abgeleitet worden ware. Es 
gibt nun auch im Orient Familien, von denen einige Kamchi, 
andere Kimchi sich nennen. Die erstere Aussprache ist die 
spanisch-arabische , die andere ist die franco-germanische. 
Den Franco- Germanen war bloss das Wort ncp., nicht aber 
das arabische K a m c h bekannt." 

Da es sich hier bloss um unparteiische Sammlung des 
einschliigigen Materials handelt, und nicht um die eigensinnige 
Verfechtung einer von niir ausgesprochenen Meinung, so 
glaubte ich, in vorstehender Nachschrift das neuerdings von 
Dr. Neubauer beigebrachte Material ebenfalls den Lesern 
vorlegen zu miissen. Ueberhaupt kann ich meinerseits ja 
auf nichts Weiteres Anspruch machen, als dass ich meines 
Wissens zuerst auf den bei Immanuel sich vornndenden Reim 
Kimchi und S i m c h i aufmerksam machte. 

Chicago, 30. Mai 1895. 



Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew 
Language 

Kuzri II 67 to 80, 

by 
Dr. M. Fried lander (London). 



Notwithstanding the several translations and expositions 
of Rabbi Jehudah ha-Levi s Kuzri that have appeared from 
time to time, there are some sections in the book which have 
not yet been explained satisfactorily. One of these sections 
is Book II 6780. The following is an attempt to clear 
up what previous expounders have left in darkness. In the 
notes which accompany the translation I avoided, for the 
sake of brevity, all reference to the views of others. 4 ) 



g 67. K. (= King of the Kuzrites): Has the Hebrew 
language any merit, that is not possessed by the Arabic? 
The latter is, as we clearly see, more perfect and richer in 
words than the former. 

68. j. (= Jewish scholar): The Hebrew shared the 
fate of those who spoke it. It deteriorated when the power 
of the Israelites was broken, and became narrow when their 
numbers diminished. But in its original state it was the 
noblest of all languages. This is confirmed by Tradition and 
by common sense. 

According to Tradition Hebrew is the language in which 
God addressed Adam and Eve ; and which the latter spoke 
to each other. That this was the case is evident 2 ) from the 
derivation of Adam from adamah "earth" (Gen 11, 7.); 



J ) [See especially the article of Prof. W. Bacber on the same subject, 
in the American journal Hebraica, edited by Prof. W. R. Harper, Chicago 
1893, vol. VIII, p. 136-49. G. A. K.] 

2 ) Comp. Bereshith Rabba ch. 18. 



140 M. Friedlander. 

is h shall "woman" from ish "man" (ib. 23); Hawaii "Eve" 
from hay "living", (ib. Ill, 20); Cain from Can it hi "I 
have gotten" (ib. IV, 1); Sheth from shath "he hath ap> 
pointed" (ib. 25); and Noah from yen ah menu "he will 
comfort us" (ib. V, 29). We have for this statement the 
evidence of the Pentateuch, and of a tradition which could 
be traced from generation to generation, back to Eber, Noah 
and Adam. It was the language of Eber, who retained it after 
the division and confusion of languages ; it is therefore called 
ibrith ("Hebrew"). Abraham, however, spoke 1 ) the Aramean 
language when he lived in the land of the Casdhn, Aramaic 
being the language of the people. Aramaic was his language 
in ordinary conversation, and Hebrew was his peculiar, holy 
language. In the same manner 2 ) did Ishrnael carry the 
language to the Arabs. These three languages Hebrew, Aramaic 
and Arabic, are partly equal and partly similar in their vocabu 
lary, syntax and inflexion, but Hebrew is the noblest of these 
languages. Common sense assigns a high place to Hebrew 
on account of the distinction of those who spoke it; for they 
must have possessed a high degree of eloquence, espe 
cially the prophets who were numerous. Eloquence was 
undoubtedly indispensable in their exhortations, songs and 
poems. Or is it likely that their chiefs, men like Moses, 
Joshua, David and Solomon, could ever have been at a loss 
to rind a suitable expression for what they desired to say, as 
we are at present, when Hebrew has ceased to be a living 
language? Have you noticed how in the Pentateuch, in the 
description of the Tabernacle, the ephod, the breastplate etc.. 
the author had always the right words even for the rarest 
things, and how beautiful the style is in that description? 
The same is the case in the lists of the nations, the birds and the 

) According to R. Jehudah ha-Levi, Aramaic and Arabic are modified 

arms of Hebrew. It seems that he ascribes to Abraham the merit of havino- 

originated the Aramaic in the land of the Casdim, and to Ishmael that of having 

originated the Arabic in Arabia. With regard to Arabic the author says 

clearly, but not so with regard to the Aramaic. But if he did not intend to 

imply that Abraham was the father of the Aramaic, there would be no 

explanation for the mention of Aramaic in connection with Abraham. 

*) The Arabic has ^^ therefore "; but Ibn Tibbon appears to have 
I t?1I, which is most probably the correct reading; f,-^ gives no sense. 



Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 141 

stones, in the songs of David, the complaint of Job and his 
discussions with his friends, the rebukes and the comforting 
addresses of Isaiah, and in other sections of the Bible. 

69. K. By these and similar arguments you only 
show that the Hebrew is as perfect as any other language. 
Where is its excellence? Other languages seem rather to excel it 
by their metrical poems, the forms of which vary according 
as the melody varies. 

70. J. It is well-known that melodies do not require 
a certain number of words, the line 21 T h HI" may 
be sung by the same melody as HZ 1 ? m^Ha n\X^j "ISty 1 ?; 
(Ps. CXXXVI, 1, 4); the tune remains the same, 
whether words are supplied or not. This is the case 
when the melodies are accompanied by actions 1 ) (ex 
pressing the feelings of the singer). But the poems called 
inshedia for which the metrical form is chosen, were 
neglected by the Hebrews, because their language possessed 
a far more useful and a much higher peculiarity. 
71. K. And what is this peculiarity? 
72. J. The object of speech is to cause that which 
agitates the mind of the speaker, to enter into the mind of the 
listener. This object can only be attained in direct, viva voce 
communication-, for spoken words are in this respect better 
than written words. Our Sages advise therefore CHE1D ^C 
CHED ^E N^l "Learn from the mouth of the teachers rather 
than from their writings". In a viva voce address the speaker 
facilitates the understanding of his words by pausing at the 
end of a phrase, and continuing without interruption in the 
middle of it-, by raising the voice or lowering it; and by nodding 
and winking; he can thus indicate surprise, question, 
affirmation, hope, fear, submissiveness and excitement: things 
which are not sufficiently indicated in ordinary compositions. 
The speaker can make use of the movements of his eyes or 
eyelids, or of the whole head, and of his hands, when he 
desires to express a certain degree of anger, pleasure, solicitude 



) Songs are called r. v VE~ ^JJ2 Accompanied actions", i. e. 
the actions of the singer in moving the body or part of the body; in 
dancing, jumping, weeping, laughing etc., or expressing his feelings by 
singing certain vowels or syllables apart from the text of the song. Com p. 
end of 12: CHH 



142 M - Friedlander. 

or pride. Even in the small remnant that we still possess of 
the divine language ! ), we find an excellent and clever system 
of signs, devised both as a help for those who desire to 
comprehend the sense of the Biblical text, and as symbols 
representing the speaker s actions which generally accompany 
his spoken words ; I mean the accents, our guide in reading 
the Scriptures. They indicate whether we have to pause or 
to run on; they distinguish the question from the answer, 
the introductory phrase from the communication itself; 2 ) they 
indicate whether we have to hurry on or to read slowly ; they 
distinguish the command from the request; important elements 
included in every literary composition. 3 ) A writer that aims at 
this effect, avoids undoubtedly metrical compositions, which 
can only be read in one way, 4 ) and in which it frequently 
happens that words are joined which ought to be separated, 
and a pause is made, where continuity is required: mistakes 
that can be avoided, but only by great care. 

73. K. The merit of merely pleasing the ear must 
give way to the merit of pleasing the intellect. For the ob 
ject of metrical compositions is to please the ear, whilst the 
Hebrew system of accents 5 ) concerns the sense of the text. 
I notice, however, that you Jews seek now distinction 
in writing metric verses, and imitate the ways of other nations 
by forcing the Hebrew into the forms of metric verse. 

74. J. This is just our fault and sin-, thereby we 

*) Lit : the created one, and the formed one (probably sv 8ia 8uow) 
i. e. the language which God had created and fashioned; the opposite of 
this is rnijj^ MN1~)2 the language fashioned by men (riCZDrn)? wno 
agree to call certain things by certain words. 

2 ) Tims the disjunctive accent, of 1CN"! (Gen. 18, 3.) indicates that 
the name which follows is not the subject to the verb, but the beginning 
of the speech. 

3 ) In Hebrew C H Ci"! C~2 "miTli - The pronoun in Pi2 refers 
to all the things enumerated before. 

4 ) i. e. the way indicated by the metre, regardless of the accent of 
the word and of the length of the vowels or syllables. 

5 ) Altough pi^2p i s frequently used in this book for Tradition. fHlDE 
is the right term for Tradition with regard to the Biblical text; especially 
with regard to the accentuation and vocalisation. The original 2^^ "the 
binding" may likewise refer to the traditional accents, that indicate the 
connection between two words. 



Jehudab. ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 143 

not only neglect the peculiarity of our language, but corrupt its 
character; it is qualified to be the means of union, and 
we make it the means of disunion. 

75. K. How is that? 

76. J. Have you not observed, how a hundred per 
sons read the Bible simultaneously like one man, all stopping 
or running on at the same time? 

77. K. I noticed the fact, and I have never seen 
anything like it among the Christians 1 ) or the Mohammedans. 
Metric verse cannot be read in this way. Tell me how the He 
brew attained such excellence, and how metric verse tends 
to destroy it. 

78. J. Because we allow two vowelless letters 2 ] to 
follow one after the other, and only allow in exceptional 
cases the sequence of three open syllables without intervening 
vowelless letters. 3 ) Long syllables 4 ) become thus predominant, 
and this feature facilitates united and spirited reading, assists 
the memory, and produces impressiveness. The first thing 
that metric verse destroys is the effect of the sequence of two 
vowelless letters; there disappears besides, the difference 
between accentuating the penultima and accentuating the ultima, 
so that och e lah is read like ochelah, 5 ) ain e ru like amaru, 5 ) 

) In Hebrew CHX2; in some editions C?2 which is probably the 
result of the censure. 

-) In Hebrew CTu- The consonant which begins a syllable is called 
J/ j or HjJWi tae consonant which follows the vowel and is itself without a 
vowel, is called fij "resting"; this letter is either perceivable in pronunciation 

(H5O3 j) or (if silent v\r\&) sot perceivable (D21 j), and merely serves to 
prolong the vowel (-p :). Such a lengthening letter follows every long- 
vowel, and when it does not follow in the text, the reader has to supply it. 
As regards the length of the vowels our author assumes the following grades: 
the sh va, the short vowel, the short vowel followed by a fu or vowelless 
consonant, a long vowel followed by a -p HJ "a vowelletter", and a long- 
vowel followed by two CTu- 

3 ) e. g. the Arabic tyJE, corresponds to the Hebrew ^JJS; in the He 
brew form the sequence of three short vowels is avoided ; in the form *?yp 
the first vowel is followed by a -p 3, the second by a H5OJ j- 

4 ) i. e. syllables with one rij or with two CTO; these are far more 
numerous than open syllables with a short vowel. 

5 ) In this instance there is no difference in meaning; pfclN is 
pausalform; this condition is neglected by many writers of verse. The 
same is the case with the second instance -"HEX an d -"PCX- 



144 M. Friedlander. 

oiner like Omer; ) so also does the difference of 
accentuation in shabhti and ve-shabhti 2 ) disappear, 
although the accent marks the one as past and the other as 
future. We should, however, allow a certain licence in the 
composition of the piyyutiin, which if used with discretion, 
would not corrupt the language. As to our practice of writing 
metric compositions, the words of the Psalmist, uttered against 
our forefathers, apply to us, viz. They were mingled among 
the nations and learnt their works (Ps. 106, 35). 

79. K. I wish to ask you whether you know why 
the Jews move their bodies when they read Hebrew. 

80. J. It has been said that they do so in order 
to produce physical heat in the body. I do not think so, 
but find the cause of the shaking in the peculiarity under 
discussion. As several persons can read the Scriptures 
together like one person, ten or more used to meet and read 
together out of the same book. The books were therefore 
of a large size Each of the ten had frequently to bend for 
ward, in order to look more closely to some words, and to 
turn back again, 3 ) when this was done, the book lying on 
the ground. This was originally the cause of the shaking; 
but in course of time it became a habit, because it was 
constantly seen and observed, and we imitate naturally that 
which is always before our eyes. Among other nations every 
one reads out of his own book, and either brings the book nearer 
to his eyes, or moves himself towards the book, according 
to his own convenience without his neighbour s interference. 
There is therefore no occasion for him to move forward and 
backward. 

Another excellence of the Hebrew language is to be 
found in its system of vocalisation , in the traditional pro 
nunciation of the seven kings (i. e. vowels), and the peculiar 
rules concerning each of them; in the advantages resulting from 
the difference between kamets and pat hah or tsere and 



) ")N is a segolate noun, having the accent on the first syllable, 
is participle and has the accent on the second syllable; the accent of 
the metre does not always coincide with the masoretic accent. 

2 ) "TO&H is past, < >rci f l is future. 

3 ) Probably in order to allow another to look into the book. 



Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 145 

segol As regards the sense of the words, they help to 
distinguish between past and future, e. g. PEtf 1 ) and ^ptT> 
or ^nr-p^l (Js. 51, 2) and in?"12^1 (Gen. 27, 33), between 
the interrogative he and the demonstrative he, e. g. n piyn 
(Ecc. 3, 21) 2 ) They help, besides, to produce euphony 
by the combination of two vowelless letters, and this pecu 
liarity enables a whole congregation to read together harmoni 
ously. 3 ) As regards the accents, there are again separate ru 
les. 4 ) The different ways of pronouncing the vowels in the Hebrew 
language can be divided into contraction [of the lips], opening 
[of the lips] and breaking [of the sound with the teeth] ; and 
by further divisions we get the large 5 ) contraction or ka- 
mets, the middle contraction or holem and the small con- 
U-action or shurek-, the large opening or pathah and the 
small opening or segol; the large breaking of the sound or 
hirek and the small one or tsere. The sheva is sounded 
with all these vowels according to certain conditions-, it is a mere 
sounding of a consonant without any such prolongation, that 



) As regards the form "j^itf comp. Kerem C/iemed, IX, p. 64. The 
accent is here counted as an addition to the length of the vowel, equal in 
value to one pj3 ; so long as ^PCtt nas tne accent on the penultima, there 
are 2 (or even 3) CTG m tae nrs ^ syllable and no H3 i n the second; 
when the ultima has the accent there would be two syllables with 2 CTIJ 
each following one after the other ; such a sequence is avoided in the 
second relation. 

2 ) Comp. Ibn Ezra on Eccl. 3, 21. 

3 ) This is probably the meaning of the Hebrew my V?2C which 
means literally "without mistake". It is, however, possible, that the phrase 
refers to "mistakes" in the ordinary sense of the word, as according to 
our author the frequent occurrence of a syllable with two QiplJ ia Hebrew 
makes it easier for the reader to retain in memory what he has read. 

4 ) In addition to the causes mentioned, the accent modifies the original 
vowels of a word according to certain rules. 

5 ) The author cannot have intended to say that kamets requiies 
the highest degree of contraction, and shurek the smallest amount of 
contraction, because in reality shurek requires the greatest contraction. 
By kimmutz gadol we have to understand the widest opening of 
the contracted lips, kimmuts benoni is a narrower opening, and kim- 
muts katan is the smallest opening of the contracted lips. Kamets gadol 
may therefore be called path ha gedholah, that is, the wide opening 
of the contracted lips. As regards the pronunciation of kamets it seems 
that it was a compound of a and o, perhaps like a in all. Comp. Ibn Ezra 
Sefer Tsahoth, in the beginning. 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



M. Friedlander. 

might demand the addition of a vowelless letter. 1 ) Kamets is 
followed by a vowelletter, but cannot in its original relation, 
be followed by dagesh:, if dagesh follows, it can only be 
due to the conditions of the second or the third relation. 2 ) 
The vowelletter which follows Kamets is he or aleph, e. g. 
N"p, nJi5 ; the vowelletter may again be followed by a vowel- 
less consonant, e. g. CNpl (Hos. 10, 14). -- Hplem is followed 
by a vowelletter, viz. vav or aleph e. (j. t> N 1 ?; the vowel- 
letter may again be followed by a vowelless consonant e. g. 
"W, ^KEtT. Tsere is followed by a vowelletter, vie. 
aleph or yod e. g. NSV, \^ s ; in its original state and by 
the first relation it is not followed by he, but by the second 
relation he may follow. - - Shurek occurs in three ways: 
it is followed either by a vowelletter, or by dagesh, or by 
a vowelless consonant; its vowelletter is vav alone; e. g. 
^N, tfbb, ~S*b- Hirek occurs like shurek in three 

ways; c. g. ^, j^, ^. Pat hah and segol, in their 

first state, are not followed by any vowelletter, but they 
can be lengthened by the second relation, if the reader 
desires to accentuate the vowel, either because of the accent, 
or because of a pause at the end of a paragraph. 

The conditions of the first relation are obtained by con 
sidering each letter and each word independently of the 
sequence of the words in a sentence, in which words are con 
nected in one place and separated in another and in which there 
must be a variation of long and short words, and similar other 
variations: then you have the original, unchanged state of the se 
ven vowels, and the natural form of shev a without ga ya. The 
second relation takes account of the appropriate arrangement 
and sequence of words in the sentence*, the original vowels 
are then modified in accordance with the demand of the 
second relation. The third relation takes note of the 



1 ) According to the Hebrew: a mere sounding of a vowel, whilst 
every other vowel may be followed by a f]j- The sense seems to be the 
same as that of the original, namely, that sh va cannot be followed by a 
HJ, whilst every vowel, whether short or long, may be followed by a 
vowelless letter. 

2 ) i. e. if note is taken of the relation of a word to the neighbouring 
words, or of the relation of one syllable in the word to the other syllables. 



Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 147 

accents and may modify the vowels determined by the first 
and the second relations. 

The sequence of three open syllables without an 
intervening vowelless letter or dagesh is not a strange 
thing according to the first relation*, there may be, as in 
Arabic, three sheva sounds, in close sequence one after the 
other; but it would be a strange thing according to the second 
relation. When therefore the first relation demands the sequence 
of three short open syllables, one of the vowels is lengthened 
in accordance with the demands of the second relation and is 
thus followed by a vowelless letter, e. g. ^IIK C (Song 1, 4), 
O-tr p (Ex. 29, 46) ; for the sequence of three open syllables 
without any vowelless letter intervening, is awkward in 
Hebrew, except in the case of a letter being repeated, 
e. (j. r ,TT (Song 7, 3), or in the case of guttural letters, 
9- "nijJj ^ul? an d you may in these cases pronounce the 
first syllable long or short. 1 ) - - So also may two syllables 
with two vowelless letters follow one after the other according 
to the first relation, but as such a sequence would disturb 
the flow of speech, the second relation removes one vowelless 
letter from one of the syllables. - - You have surely noticed 
that tyB and similar forms are not pronounced in harmony 
with the vocalisation, the c ayin which has a path ah is 
pronounced more fully than the pe with a kamets:, the 
fuller pronunciation of the c ayin is only due to the accent, 
and not to any prolongation of the vowelsound. The vowels in 
^~^KX (Gen. 20, 5.) and *k~r\wy r (ib. 21, 6), remained there 
fore in their original form, because the small word ( ?) has 
the accent. We meet also with a verb in the past tense 
(third person sing, masc.) having kamets in both syllables, 
and on searching for the cause thereof we find it in the 
accent athnah or sof-pasuk, and say that the second 
relation found this change necessary on account of the pause 
and stop. This change is regularly adhered to. We find also 
a verb, having a zakef, with kamets in both syllables; 
and on seeking the cause thereof, we find that according to 
the sense of the verse the word is to be followed by a pause 



) That is, like a full short vowel, or as a half vowel (sheva or 
hatef). 

10* 



148 M. Friedlander. 

and should have an athnah or sof-pasuk, were it 
not for other cogent reasons, that made here athnah or 
sof-pasuk impossible. On the other hand there are also 
instances of pathah taking the place of kamets notwith 
standing athnah or sof-pasuk, e. g. "5.?] 0^- 24, 61), 
-1CN1 T (Ex 30, 14), ip,:ip_? (Gen. 27, 2), H^2f n (B. 36, 15). 
The patha h in "ictf l is due to the regard taken of the 
sense of the passage, because the verb 1EN % cannot be 
followed by a pause, something being still required as a 
complement to the verb; only in a few exceptional cases 
can it have a pausal accent; e. g. ~1X (Gen. 21, 1); here 
the verb refers to what precedes; the sentence is complete, 
a pause follows and kamets is in its right place. In the 
case of "5:11 an d rij":c^P pathah is retained because the 
change of tsere into kamets, 1 ) without any intermediate 
stop, is unusual; it has therefore been changed into patha h. 
The pathah in ""PjpT is perhaps due to the same cause, the 
root beeing ]pT, the tsere is changed into pathah on account 
of the pause, [and not into kamets]. We wonder also why 
^J/P and words like it, have the accent on the penultiina, 
and give undue length to the segol of the pe. But we 
think that if the first syllable were not lengthened in this 
way, the genius of the Hebrew language would have de 
manded the lengthening of the second syllable; the accent 
would be on the ultima, and a silent letter would have to 
be supplied after segol, between c ayin and lamed; it 
would be a very strange formation; such an addition is less 
strange in the first syllable; the vowel must be lengthened, 
but there is room for it, the syllable being open; the ad 
ditional length of the vowel corresponds to a vowelless 
letter, and tyz corresponds to by }$, *) not to ^JN; for only 
with athnah and sof-pasuk is the word changed into 



*) Comp. supra, p. 145, note 5 -- nt HJ JinrB is here identical 

with 



2 ) The open syllable pe has the same length which a closed syllable 
has (that is, long by position), but the segol remains short With a pausal 
accent the word is changed into ^p, the pause and accent giving to the 
syllable the length of two CTO- . Thus the comparison with the change in 
T.Cfc and ip is fully explained. See supra, p. 145, note 1. 



Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 149 

TJJ2, which corresponds to tyjD. We have also seen the 
necessity of lengthening a vowel in the above mentioned 
case of Ttr and TCfc !. - - Similarly we wonder at the 
lengthening of the path ah in the first syllable of "^B>, "ijtt 
and the like, but we find that they have the form "?$? 
path ah taking the place of segol on account of the 
guttural; and therefore they do not change in the construct 
state like IMJ or ^np which follow "CT in their inflexion. 
In the same way does the segol in nif yN, utt JP, nj2N, HJpN, 
followed by a vowelletter, seem strange; from the paradigm 
ty-* 1 ) *?J>5K it would appear that the second syllable should 
be a closed syllable with path ah, and not an open syllable 
with a long vowel. But there is an explanation why we say 
ni^J?X instead of ntt J/X, for pathah must not be followed by 
a silent he; kamets ] ) may precede the silent he, but 
kametz is a long vowel, and a long vowel is out of place 
after the second radical, except when demanded by the 
pause, 2 ) or when followed by aleph e. g. N^ N. Segol is 
the appropriate vowel for nii J/N, it is the shortest vowel; it 
interchanges with tsere, when the second relation necessitates 
the change because of a pause. 3 ) The he in nc ^N is almost 
superfluous except when the word is by itself, 4 ) and 
the second syllable has the accent; 5 ) it can therefore be 
followed by dagesh e. g. 1?Titrj;x (Ex. 33, 5), ^Tlptf 
(Jer. 22, 14.), in which cases the he is altogether ignored. 
This is not the case with the aleph in N^N, frGu (Ex. 4, 6), 6 ) 
"/"NZ l (Gen. 27, 33); here we have no dagesh; tsere is 



) In the Hebrew version VCpD fc^ty ""17122 j nere again ka- 
mets seems to be treated as belonging to the second group of vowels 
(Opening of the lips). See supra, note 5 on p. 145. 

2 ) e. (j. rftlTN (Is- 42. 19) $&$ (Ps. 38, 14). 

3 ) i. e. when the speaker finds it necessary, for the sake of emphasis 
and effect, to pause a little although the word has no pausal accent, in order 
to lay more stress on the word which follows. 

4 ) In Hebrew pC2n2; m other places the word denotes "pause", but 
here it means "separate" from the pronoun; having no suffix, and not 
being joined by makkef to the next word. 

~ a ) e - ( j- nj j;.jsj (= irj/ Ni) Ez - 2 , 14 ; ~i? f r_l (Lev - 9 i 16 )- 

*) The text has ^Nl which is probably a mistake for &O~jOiT ^- ne 
instance serves to show the absence of dagesh from j after the silent {<. 



M. Friedlander. 



preferred on account of the aleph which is perceptible. 1 ) 
He was considered unimportant, and therefore it was dropped 
in speaking and in writing in pi, JITl, C JPV, how then could 
it be preceded by tsere? the shortest vowel, that is, segol, 
is required, at least according to the first relation , the second 
relation may, in case of a pause, 2 ) demand a change of 
segol into tsere. It appears strange to us that words like 
r.5pE, MtrVE, PupE have tsere in the construct state, and segol 
in the absolute; we should have expected the reverse. But 
when we consider that the third radical, a silent h e, is treated 
as if it were altogether absent, and as if these words were 
JO:, ITJ7E, ]p, we are satisfied, that segol is the right vowel, 
except when it becomes necessary to pronounce the syllable 
with a long vowel as in C*PC, Ctt JJO, 3 ) ]r?XT\l2 irppyrj; and 
tsere takes (in the construct state) the place of segol; 
it corresponds to kamets in c$pc, Cfc J?C. 8 ) -- In the word 
p we have an instance of a vowel being left by the second 
relation 4 ) in its original state in so far as the writing is 
concerned, though in the pronunciation it may have been 
modified; it has a tsere in the absolute state and a segol 
in the construct state; but the accent perhaps lengthens the 
segol in 1W p (Est. 2, 6), the original segol, however, re 
mains; on the other hand, tsere may be shortened if the 
syllable is without accent. 

The originator of this wise system of vowelsigns had 
principles unknown to us, though we may have discovered 
some of them. They are intended to indicate certain inter 
pretations, as we have pointed out with regard to ntnyn 
rbytt NVr, they assist in distinguishing between past and 



1 ) when a suffix is added "jj<^ 5 tnis is not tae case waen the 
radical is p,. 

2 ) The Hebrew has pDu2- See supra, p. 149, note 4. 

:! ) The two words CipC, ClfJJO do not occur; probably 
V&T1C are meant. In the four instances given, the fc< of ri&T!D and the 
VJ of niTJJO Dave a lon S vowel, because the noun is joined to a suffix; 
therefore the author thinks the tsere in the construct state of these 
words justified. 

4 ) The second relation is here in reality the third; it is the second 
relatively, p in the absolute, and p in the construct being considered in 
each case as original. 



Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 151 

future, between the participle and the past (3rd sing.) of the 
Niphal; thus in ^cjj h$ *]M (Gren. 49, 29) the saniech has 
kamets, but pathah in npw 1B\X2 (Num. 27, 13); the heth 
in toni^l has kamets r although it has no pausal accent, be 
cause the sense requires here a pause : there are many 
instances of segol after zarka having the force of athnah, 
sof-pasuk or zakef as regards the changes of the original 
form of the vowels. 

Even if I were to enlarge on the subject I would in 
crease the length of the book, but could not give you more 
than a taste of this wonderful system-, which is by no means 
without method; it is based on common sense and tradition. 



Spuren cler palastinisch-jtidischen Schrift- 
deutimg und Sagen in der tjbersetzung 

der LXX 



von 
Dr. Julius Fiirst (Mannheim). 



Dass die Ubersetzung der Bibel in die griechische Sprache 
nicht auf Konigs Befehl, sondern durch das religiose Be- 
diirfnis hervorgerufen worden, ist jetzt wohl allgernein an- 
erkannt. Es bekundet sich dies insbesondere auch in der 
Art der Ubersetzung, welche hiiufig nicht wortlich ist. son 
dern die Deutungen und Sagen beriicksichtigt, mit welchen 
zu homiletischen, rituellen und sittlichen Zwecken die Bibel- 
erzahlungen ausgeschmiickt wurden. Das jerusalemische 
Targiiin ist noch ein Rest jener Ubersetzungen, wie sie dem 
Volke neben dem hebraischen Bibeltext, mit Sagen und Er- 
klarungen bereichert, vorgelesen und vom Volke gerne gebort 
wurden. Spater, als diese Erklarungen und Ausfiihrungen 
drohten, das reine Bibelwort zu verdrangen ; eiferte man 
gegen diese Art Ubersetzungen, wie dies Geiger nacligewiesen. 

Im Folgenden sollen die Spuren der an den Bibeltext 
gekniipften Sagen und Deutungen nachgewiesen werden, wie 
dieselben in der Ubersetzung der Siebzig sich zeig-en. 

Beim ersten Vers der Genesis, wo der Talmud eine 
Anderung bei den LXX aninerkt, hat schon Geiger (Ur- 
schrift, S. 344) gezeigt, dass die Anderung darin bestand, 
dass der erste Vers unabhangig hingestellt ward, damit man 
nicht iibersetze: ,,Im Anfange, da Gott Hirnmel und Erde 
schuf, und da die Erde noch wiist und leer war etc , sprach 
Gott: es sei Licht." Dies hatte dem Glauben an eine uner- 
schaffene Materie Vorschub geleistet. Aquila und Theo- 



Spin-en der palastinisch-jiidischen Schriftdeutung. 153 

dotion, um den Gedanken der Schopfung aus Nichts noch 
nachdriicklicher zu betonen, iibersetzen 5O2 nicht durch 
7;oiY]<7, welches ihnen diesen Begriff nicht deutlich genug 
ausdrtickte ; sie wahlen dafiir das Wort SXTKTEV, welchem sie 
erst diese Bedeutung aufpragten. Aquila und Theodotion be- 
tonen die Erschaffung der Welt aus Nichts auch weiter, 
indern sie in v. 2 1H21 1HP mit xivcojxa (x,sv6v) xod o5Bsv iiber 
setzen um jedem Gedanken an eine unerschaffene Materie 
vorzubeugen. 

Cap. 1 v. 6 wird jPp? (Ausdehnung) mit <77pto[j.a (Feste) 
iibersetzt und ebenso der Saraaritaner 3rfiiA3P. Die Erklarung 
davon giebt Bereschith rabba zur Stelle : ,.ein sterblicher 
Konig, der einen Palast baut, balkt ihn mit Steinen und 
Holz ; Gott balkt seine Welt mit Wasser. Als Gott gesprochen: 
,,es sei eine Ausdehmmg in Mitten des Wassers", l ) da gerann 
der mittlere Tropfen, und ans ihm ward der oberste 
und der unterste Himmel geschaffen. Rab sagte: am ersten 
Tage waren die Himmel fliissig*, am zweiten wurden sie fest." 

v. 27. IPX ^2 cv^x c^2 icS^2 ciNrrpN &rhs jom 

Symrnachus iibersetzt hier ^^2 mit Iv sixovt Biacpopco*, C^i D 
1PN ^2 CTi^N, opO-iov 6 8 sos SXTWSV CXUTOV. Th. Jer. 1 N?2^2 
n <i n 1 x">2 n, wo n Subject ist. Dies 1st, wie Geiger nach- 
gewiesen, im Sinne Akiba s, welcher das Anthropomorphische 
vermeiden wollte, und daher iibersetzte : Gott schuf den 
Menschen in seiner (dem Menschen eigenthiimlichen) Gestalt, 
in aufrechter Gestalt schuf Gott den Menschen So iibersetzt 
auch Th. Jer. zu Gen. 9, 6. NITJN IV 12 JT Ti WpV"2 cr k \% 
denn in der Gestalt schuf Gott den Menschen. Das ist auch 
der Sinn, wenn Akiba sagt: DN EJ/ CC 1^N2 C^C" "BV^ t: b? 
mc"n, wo mc"in bedeutet: die den Menschen auszeichnende 
Gestalt. Nicht minder ist so zu verstehen die Stelle Sanhedr. 

37 a. r*b n? 



^. Auch Syrer und Samaritaner iibersetzen so ? dass 
X Subjekt ist-, Samar. n"lVi2 :P,TSJ2 C~NM P" 1 nbN*)1D1 
J12 r,Sx, Syrer: Pi^2 T^N* C^i 2 und nicht XPi^NI C^ 2. 
Kap. 2 v. 1 wird CN 2U *?21 (ihr ganzes Heer) wiederge- 



Julius Fiirst. 

geben init n%r 6 x6(7[xo$ atkfiiv (ihr ganzer Schniuck). Das 
entspricht dein Worte des R. Josua b. Levi in Chullin 60 
und in Roschhaschana 11: ,,alle Werke der Schopfung 
wurden in ihrer vollen Grosse, nach ihrer Einsthnmung, und 
in ihrer Schonheit (^S) geschaffen." 4 ) 

Und auch die Dinge, die du fiir iibeifLussig halten inochtest, 
heisst es in Ber. rab., wie Fliegen, Ungeziefer, auch sie ge- 
horen zuui Weltganzen, und sie miissen Gottes Sendung er- 
fiillen. Das Wort xocr^or (Ausschmiickung) vereinigt beide 
Erklarungen. 

In v. 2 inerkt der Talmud in der bekannten Stelle in 
Megilla 9 die Anderung der LXX an: ,,Und Gott vollendete 
am sechsten Tage". Diese Anderung, welche auch der 
Samar. und die Peschito haben, sollte den Widerspruch aus- 
gleichen, dass Gott ja am siebenten Tage geruht, was nicht 
der Fall sein konnte, wenn er das Werk am siebenten Tage 
vollendet hatte. Dies sucht R. Isniael in Ber. r. dahin aus- 
zugleichen, dass er sagt: das ist wie der letzte Haininer- 
schlag auf das Werk: am Ende des sechsten Tages war 
der letzte Schlag, und unniittelbar darauf 7 wo der siebente 
Tag eintrat, geschah das Aufheben des Hammers. Simon ben 
Jochai sagt: weil der Mensch die kleinsten Zeitteilchen nicht 
so genau abgrenzen kann, muss er vom Wochentag zum 
Sabbat hinzufiigen. (muss den Sabbat vorher beginnen; fiir 
ihn war also die Vollendung am siebenten Tage): Gott, der 
die kleinsten Zeitteilchen abgrenzt, geht nicht um eines 
Haares Breite davon ab, (fiir ihn war also die Vollendung 
am sechsten Tage). 

v. 3. nztm iibersetzt der Svrer: mit N % n^j HPNi, ebenso 
P2L^ f 12 ^1 ,,es kam Ruhe", um anthropomorphistische Miss- 
deutung fernzuhalten, wie auch Ber. r. sagt : nicht rait Miihe 
und Anstrengung hat Gott die Welt geschaffen, wie kann 
man nun sagen dass er geruhet? Was ist noch ge 
schaffen w or den? Sicherheit, Ruhe, Erholung und Sorglosig- 
keit" also die Ruhe ist geschaffen worden, ist einge- 
treten NiTj HPN, nach deni Worte: ^DH C^iyn PPH HD 

Daselbst heisst es auch : ? SD 



Spuren der palastinisch-jiidischen Schriftdeutung. 

irair JIT pr^n pnrra vn jm proirrE crpjip ^ vnir 

nr\ MMJU Dr6 jrVJ crpJlp, also ebenfalls der gleiche 
Gedanke. 

v. 3 iibersetzen die LXX mvyh DTi^N N12 11TN mil 
&v YJP^OCTO 6 0-so^ Tuoir^ai. Dazu sagt 13. r. : Es steht desshalb 
nicht: ,,was Gott geschaffeii und gernacht", sondern: ,,um zu 
machen". well angedeutet werden soil, dass Gott das Werk 
des sechsten Tages verdoppelt, indeui er an jenem Tage 
auch schuf, was am siebenten hatte geschaffen werden sollen. 

R. Pinchas sagte: Der Ausdruck will sagen, dass Gott 
vom Werke der Weltschopfuug geruht, nicht aber voui 
Werke der Vergeltung der Rechtschaffenen und der Siinder. 

v. 6 ist "IN* ubersetzt niit ^Tiyy;, Syrer: ^lo^^oo, (dagegen 
Sana. : ^Vt, Wolke). Dies ist die Meinung R. Eliesers in 
Taanith 9: ,,die Erde saugt von deni Wasser des Oceans," 
wie aus 1. B. M. 2, 6 zu erselien. Auf den Einwand, dass 
das Meerwasser salzig sei ? erwidert Elieser, der Salzgehalt 
werde ihm von den Wolken entzogen. So wird auch in 
Sukka 11 gesagt: p k xn ]C ^H^l nNC^ ^zpc ]\sr 121 IN HC, 
also IX komnit aus der Erde: Quelle. 

In dem Worte IN schien nauilich ein Widerspruch mit: 
,,er stieg auf von der Erde", daher erklarte man es als 
Quelle". Targ. Jerusch. vereint beide Ubersetzungen, in- 
deni er sagt: ,,Und eine Wolke stieg herab von unterhalb 
des Thrones der Herrlichkeit, f iillte sich mit Wasser aus dem 
Ocean, stieg wieder von der Erde auf und liess Regen 
herabfliessen". 

v. 21 ist uElin mit sxffraffi; wiedergegeben ; das 
hebraische Wort wird in B. r. zu unserer Stelle zwar mit 
,,Schlaf, Ohnmacht" erklart, dabei aber hinzugefugt, dass es 
an anderer Stelle: prophetische Verzuckung bedeute HEIIf! 
PiN12j, doch konnte hier s>t<n:a<yi? auch: ,,tiefe Ohnmacht" be- 
detiten. 

In c. 3 v. 12 ist ^1 % ; nn: 1^\X uirNu von Symni. uber 
setzt Y]V (juvcoxr^a? [xoi, welchem Hieronym. folgt. Sam. Targ. 
ubersetzt ^57 ^ HujPNI NHPN, nur ein Codex hat ^y HDnH 
s. Kohn, a. a. 0. S. 167, welcher zeigt, dass ^ PHjilNI eine 
spatere Correktur ist, urn von Gott den Vorwurf abzuwenden, 
dass er ihm das Weib gegeben, das ihn zur Siinde ver- 



156 Julius Furst. 

leitet; ">> ist aus dem rechten Text noch stehen geblieben, 
obgleich zu PujfiN nur ^ passt; s Aboda sara 5 b. 

In v. 15 ist IjEltrn riPNl - - "l^lty &0n iibersetzt ataos 
TYjpvjffEt - - xat <7& TY)pY)(7t (auflauern und nicht verwunden). 
Das ist die agadische Erklarung, wie sie Targ. Onkelos giebt 

NEiDtJ nV? IE: Nrin PNI ]^"p^ rr6 m2jn nc i? ^-^ ^ LSID 

,,er wird dir ge den ken (aufbewahren), was du ihm friiher 
getban, und sie wird dir es aufbewahren (racben) zuletzt". 
Annlicli Targ. Jer. : ,,wenn die Kinder der Frau die Gebote 
der Thora beobachten, "jn 11 JTiCT j^j^rp jlu" 1 werden sie mit 
Vorbeda^cbt dich auf den Kopf schlagen, und wenn sie die 
Gebote der Thora verlassen, pnn 1 H^Zjl ]^2O NnP, wirst du 
mit Vorbedacht sie in der Ferse verwunden". Die Vulg. 
hat: ipsa conteret caput tuum, et tu insidiaberis . . ., 
also nur iin zweiten Teil = T/jp^ffsi^- 

v. 17. ,,Weil du von dem Baume gegessen, von dem 
ich dir befohlen, von dem sollest du nicht essen". Hier 
ubersetzen die LXX hinzu: ,,von ihm allein sollst du etc." 
Dies entspricht dem Worte in Talmud Sabbat 55 und Jalkut 
Deuteron. 821: ,,Die Engel fragten den Allheiligen: Warum 
hast du Adam mit dein Tode bestraft?" Er antwortete: ein 
leichtes Gebot habe ich ihm gegeben, und er hat es iiber- 
treten". 

v. 16 ist "]Ppl f n mit ^ocyrpocpTj iibersetzt: ebenso c. 4 
v. 7 inplBTl T^- Hierzu ist zu vergleichen Ber. i\ S. 20: 



,,Mulier parturiens, doloribus cruciata, vovet, se nunquam 
coituram cum conjuge ; Deus vero ei dicit : redi ad desideri- 
um tuum: redi ad desiderium conjugis tui. Vgl. auch Erubin 
100 b (Jebam. 62 b). Und in Kidduschin 30 wird inpltrn mit 
,,Verkehr" iibersetzt: ,,Der ganze Verkehr desselben (des 
siindlichen Triebes) ist mit dir," ~lK:ir ^"2 UP^l 
ipplL^n l^NI. Ebenso iibersetzt es Aquila mit 
societas; und Symmachus mit 6p[x^. appetitus (Hieronym. 
Quaest. in Genesin; Frankel, Einfluss der paldstin. Exegese, 10. 

Uber die Ubersetzung 1112^2 in v. 17 mit Iv ToTc Ipyois 
(70L ist Geiger, Urschrift, S. 456 das Notige benierkt 

Die Ubersetzung von 2^r\ tih CN1 PNlt f 2^?} CN* .N^H 
^2": r^Sun nPS 1 ? in 4, 7 bietet grosse Schwierigkeit 5 sie 



Spuren der palastinisch-jiidischen Schriftdeutung. 157 



lautet : sav op^co; jcpo<j 

Yj<7!j)(a<7ov. Frankel vermutet, sie beruhe auf einem uns un- 

bekannten sprichwortli chen Ausdruck. 

Wahrscheinlicher steht diese Ubersetzung in Bezug init 
einem Meinungsstreit zwischen R. Elasar, u. R. Jose, Sebachim 
116 a, Jeruschalini Megilla I, 13. in NOT "12 S D"P 11 "ttjT^N "1 



nci I:NS riTczc k xin cj ^zr, zm ZMII n: ^:z 



2Dp uVi rmn jnc c"np rn^ ""c? . . . in cv^ir rj 

nj ^32 iZ^lpn. Der Erstere sagt: vor der sinaitischen Gesetz- 
gebung seien nur Friedensopfer geschlachtet worden, gegen 
den Ausspruch Elasars, dass nur Brandopfer geschlachtet 
worden. Als der Erstere ihm 2. B. M. 24, 5 entgegenhalt, 
sagt Jose, das C^ir hier heisse nicht : Friedensopfer, sondern 
bedeute : ganz, unzerstuckt. gegen die Vorschrift in 3. B. M. 
1, 6 ? wo beim Ganzopfer die Abziehung des Felles mid die 
Zerstiickung vorgeschrieben ist. J ) 

In Sebachim 115 a ist eiue Meinimgsverschiedenheit ; 
nach R. Adda b. Ahaba bedurften die Ganzopfer, welche die 
Israeliten in der Wiiste dargebracht, nicht der Abziehuug 
der Haut und der Zerstlickelimg; nach der Baraitha war 
beides aber auch danials notig. 

Die LXX deuten also den Text: ,,wenn du (das Ganz 
opfer) recht geopfert, aber nicht recht (nach der Vorschrift) 
zerstiickt hast, so hast du eine Siinde; nun schweige". Wenu 
nun gleich Kain gar kein Tieropfer dargebracht, so benutzte 
man doch die Ahnlichkeit von "P2 und nn: urn eiue ha- 
lachisch-agadische Deutung daran zu kniipfen. Hieraus ist 
deutlich zu ersehen, dass unsre Ubersetzung aus den her- 
meneutisch-exegetischen Vortragen der officiellen Ubersetzer 
in den Synagogen hervorgegangen ist. Wenn man der 
Art ahnliche Worte benutzte, wie PIPS und THj, oder wie 
L^^ und DlpSlj , um halachische Deutungen daran zu 
kniipfen; so war man weit entfernt, desshalb wirklich die 
Lesart des Textes fur unrichtig zu halten. Es hangt mit 
diesem Streitpunkt noch ein anderer zusauimen : nach R. Is- 
mael war es vor der Gesetzgebung nicht erlaubt, Fleisch zu 



r ) Siehe auch Sebachim 115. 



158 Julius Furst. 

essen, ausser wenn das Tier geopfert war, also musste man, 
um Fleisch zu essen, Friedensopfer darbringen-, erst init dem 
Einzug in das heilige Land war PONH ""ltt 2 erlaubt: darum 
miissen die Noachiden auch D^7^ geopfert haben. Nach 
R Akiba war niNP "11P2 nie verboten, daher brauchten die 
Noachiden nicht C^IP zu opfern; und wenn sie opferten, so 
waren es nur Ganzopfer, die nicht gegessen warden. 

v. 15. p^ ist mit ofy OUTW? wiedergegeben, entsprechend 
den Worten in Ber. r. ,.nicht so, wie das Urteil der Morder 
ist Kain s Urteil; die Spateren konnten von Kain lernen; 
darum ist ihre Strafe der Tod. und Rain s Strafe nur Ver- 
bannung." Um diese Deutung anznbringen, sagte man: p 1 ? 
liisst sich trennen in p NA So ubersetzt es auch die Vul- 
gata: ..nequaquam ita fiet; sed oinnis qui occiderit Cain etc" 

v. 2Q. " ct 2 frOp*? tTliri 7N, OOTOC Y,}jut<j iTctxaXswyQ-ai TO 
ovojxa xuptou TOL Q-sou. Das Wort ^niu ist wie im Midrasch 
im Sinne von ^n ,,entweihen" genomnien; .,damals entweihte 
man, indem man Menschen mit dern Namen Gottes benannte". 
So Targ. Jerusch.: ,,In seinen Tagen begann man auf Irr- 
w e g e z u gerathen . sich Trugbilder zu machen , und die 
Trugbilder mit dem Namen Gott zu benennen." Das Targum 
behalt die richtige tlbersetzung ,,anfangen* bei, will aber 
dabei ausdriicken, dass das hebriiische Wort auch den Sinn 
hat ..auf Irrwege gerathen". In ahnlicher Weise wollen die 
LXX in der schillernden Ubersetzung .,er erwartete angerufen 
zu werden mit dem Namen Gott", die Bedeutung ,,anfangen" 
und ,,entweihen", ,,auf Irrwege geraten" zu verbinden suchen. 
Auch Raschi kommentirt, tTliri habe die Bedeutung von pin 
,,profan" 5 ,,man begann, die Namen der Menschen und die 
Namen der Trugbilder mit dem Namen zu bezeichnen, der 
nur dem Hochheiligen gebiihrt, sie Gotter zu nennen". 

Tiber die Veranderung der Zahlen in den Lebensjahren 
der Sethiten hat Geiger in seiner Judisclie Zeitsclirift, I, 
S. 174 ff. das rechte Licht verbreitet. 

v. 24. ,,Und Chanoch wandelte vor Gott, und er ward 
nicht gefunden (ij^Nl); denn Gott hatte ihn versetzt CJJLSTS- 
0-^xsv). Der erste Teil des Satzes giebt die einfache Uber 
setzung wieder; im zweiten Teil ist auf eine Agada Bezug 
gekommen, wonach Chanoch, wie Elia, bei Lebzeiten in das 
Paradies gekommen sei (Jalkut I 42). So auch Targ. 



Spuren der palastinisch-jiidischen Schriftdeutung. 159 

Jer.: ,,Und Chanoch diente in Wahrheit vor Gott, und 
er war nicht mehr bei den Erdbewohnern-, denn er ward 
hinweggenonimen und stieg zuni Hhnmel auf durch das Wort 
Gottes, und Gott nannte seinen Xamen Metatoron, grosser 
Schreiber". 

Targ. Onkelos iibersetzt : ..Und Chanoch wandelte in der 
Furcht Gottes, und er war nicht, denn Gott liess ihn nicht 
sterben". Frankel bemerkt zwar, die richtige Lesart sei 
PiT" 1 ITCN "HN und nicht r"i\"P [TON N % *? ^"!N ; das ist aber nach 
dem Zusammenhange unrichtig: ,,weil er in der Furcht 
Gottes wandelte. liess ihn Gott nicht sterben". Auch bei der 
Abhiingigkeit des T. 0. vom Targ. Jer. ist unsere Lesart 
vorzuziehen. 

Spater, als man von christlicher Seite fur die Hirnrnel- 
fahrt Christi sich auf unsre Stelle als Pracedens beriel, nahm 
man jiidischerseits an, Henoch sei schwankcnd gewesen, bald 
fromm, bald gottlos, er gehore weder zu den Frommen, noch 
zu den Ruchlosen. Desshalb ward in Onkelos Ubersetzung 
in PPrV ^ <l C^s N 1 ? ^N % das N^ gestrichen. In einer Discussion 
mit Christen berief sich daher R. Abalm darauf 7 dass nph 
,,sterben lassen" heisse, (Jecheskel 24, 16: ,,siehe, ich nehme 
von dir die Lust deiner Augen durch die Pest") und unser 
Vers sage : Gott habe den Ch. sterben lassen, wahrend die 
Anderen sich auf 2. Konige 2, 5 beriefen: (..weisst du, dass 
Gott heute deinen Herren von deinern Haupte nimint?"), 
dass also Chanoch, wie Elia nicht gestorben sei. Weil nun 
Ch. nicht iu der Zahl der Rechtschaffenen und nicht in der 
Zahl der Gottlosen gewesen. habe Gott gesagt: ich will ihn 
wegnehmen (sterben lassen), wahrend er in seiner Recht- 
schaffenheit ist; R. Aibu sagte : Chanoch sei ein Heuchler 
gewesen, darum habe Gott ihn am Roschhaschana gerichtet 
(dem Tage des Gerichtes, wo die vollkommen Fromrnen 
und die vollkommen Ruchlosen gerichtet werden, wahrend 
nach Chama er, als weder vollkommen fromm, noch voll 
kommen schlecht am Versohnungstag mit den Mittelmassigen 
und nicht am Roschhaschana als vollstandig Ruchloser ge 
richtet worden ware). Nach der spiiteren Anschauung iiber 
setzt Symm. ibnw mit &vs<nrpscpsiro. S. Geiger, Nachgel. Schr., 
IV, 90. 

v. 29. i:cn: t| HI OOTO^ Biava:rau(7i %<;. Die Ubersetzung 



Julius Fiirst. 

will den Nainen m etyniologisch erklaren, wahrend der Text 
den Nauien niclit von n: ,,aufhoren inachen", ableitet, sondern 
in Beziehnng setzt zu CPU ,,trosten". Dies sagt auch Ber. r. 
,,der Name passt nicht zur Auslegung, und die Auslegung 
nicht znui Namen". Demnach sind dort Auslegungen, welche 
den Namen von nJ ,,ruhen machen" iin Sinne von ,.aufhoren 
machen" zu erklaren. 

Cap. 6 v. 3. ^BC xin cjirz cW CINI ^m ji-n S 

"PC" 1 V!~fl ist iibersetzt: 06 JXYJ xocTa[j.ivYj TO juvsOjxa jxou sv ToTc 
dcvfrpwrcot? TOUTOI? sic T. aicovcc Bia TO sTvat a-jTO-j; (jap/woe;- scrovTai 
Bs at -f)[xspai a^Twv. Schon Frankel liat aufmerksam daraut 
geinacht (1. c. S. 47), dass der Plural und der Zusatz TOUTOI; 
sagen wolle, dass hier nicht Menschen im Allgemeinen ge- 
nieint seien, sondern nur dieses bose Geschlecht, welches 
sich Gottersohne nannte, wie auch Sanhedrin 104 und 105 
diese Worte nur auf das Geschlecht der Siindfluth bezogen 
werden, und wie Targ. Onk. iibersetzt ,.es soil nicht bleiben 
dieses bose Geschlecht vor mir"; das auiFallende JH" 1 wird in 
der angefiihrten Stelle dahin erklart: es soil ihre Seele nicht 
mehr in ihre Hulle (j~j) zuriickkehren. welchen Sinn unser 
Ubersetzer wiedergab mit den TVorten: ,,rnein Gottesgeist (die 
Seele) soil nicht bleiben in diesen Menschen fiir die Ewig- 
keit oder: fiir die (zukiinftige) Welt". 

v. 5. ciVi hi >"1 p"; inh PlZtt nc "IS 1 ^ ist tibersetzt: 
xal ^a; BiavosT-rai sv TYJ xapBta CCUTOU 7ui[j.},6)? IK\ ira TuovYjpa. 
Diese Ubersetzung ist zu vergleichen mit Kidduschin 30: 
,,der siindliche Trieb des Menschen erneuert sich gegen ihn 
jeden Tag". 

v. 6. ^ cnn Ivs^ujJLYJO Yi, ebenso v. 7 Mnj 7 um das 
Anthropopathische zu entfernen-, in gieicher Absicht ist 2UyrW 
mit xai Bievoi^&Y] wiedergegeben, wie auch Targ. Onk. und T. 
Jer. das Anthropopathische in beiden Ausdriicken beseitigen. 
S. Frankel, a. a. 0., S. 21. 

Cap. 9, 4. 1-i iirs:2 "ltt 2, xpsa? sv aijxaTt fyuyr& die 
Ubersetzung giebt die Bestiminung in Sanhedr. 59 wieder, 
dass Fleisch und Blut von noch lebenden Tieren genommen ? 
verboten ist zum Essen. 

In cap. 11 v. 8 fiigen die LXX hinzu: xol TOV 7:6pyov. 
Schon friih war es atiffallend, dass der Text nur sagt: ,,sie 
horten auf, die Stadt zu bauen", uud dass des Turmes dabei 



Spuren tier palastinisch-judischen Schriftdeutung. 161 

nicht erwahnt wird. In Ber. r. wird die Meinung ausge- 
sprochen, den Turm hatten sie ausgebaut, ,,die Stadt nur 
horten sie auf, zu bauen" ; vom Turm sei aber dann das 
obere Drittel verbrannt, das unterste Drittel in die Erde ver- 
sunken und nur das mittlere Drittel sei erhalten geblieben. 
Vgl. auch Sanhedr. 109 a. Uber die Verschiedenheiten in 
der Semitentafel zwischen unserm Text, LXX, Samaritan er 
und Josephus hat Geiger, die Lebensjahre der zwei iiltesten 
Geschlechterreihen (Judische Zeitschr., I, 99 if.) die Griinde 
angegeben. 

v. 31. Hier scheint unser Text einer Verbesserung zu 
bediirfen; die richtige Lesart diirfte sein CPN N2^ ,,Und 
Therach nahm seinen Sohn Abram, und Lot, Sohn Harans, 
seines Enkels . . . und ging mit ihnen"-, wiihrend unser Text 
hat INIPI (und sie gingen mit ihnen). Die LXX losen die 
Schwierigkeit in andrer Weise, indem sie lesen CHN N^l 
,,und er fiihrte sie hinaus": ebenso der Samaritaner. 

Cap. 12 v. 6. miC ;i/N "1JJ ist iibersetzt: im TYJV BpSv 
TYJV 6 jY]^v, Vulg. usque ad convallem illustrem. Die LXX 
kniipfen bei rmc wie 22, 2 bei rTHlE an n&O an, also: weithin 
sichtbar ? oder: woher man weitsehen kann: hoch. Aquila: 
/.aracpavY] ; ebenso Symm. TT ( ? 07:Ta(Jiac. Auch nannten die 
Samaritaner den Ort ihres Tempels, entsprechend dem Morija 
der Judaer, ebenfalls More (den Ort des Schauens) "ll^" 1 ^ 
N1TD, und so ist in T. Jer. zu unserer Stelle: n " 1 ^ mrn, woher 
die Belehrung gekommen, wie eine der Deutungen von Moria 
lautet: Ber. r. 55. cbtyb nWP riNmnir Clp^. 

Cap, 13 v. 10. C^ pNr v " > pr w? 6 TuapdcBeLdo? 8-sou 
xai; dieses xai ist distributiv und entspricht der Deutung 
in B. r.; Sodom glich dem Paradiese an Baumwuchs, und 
dem Lande Agypten an Saatfrucht; so auch Targ. Jer. 

Cap. 14 v. 5. C2 C^ilill s8-vY) t^upa a[ia auToT? , C" 1 "!! 
ist als Appellativum genommen, wie Ber. r. pPD"! niPVT, die 
Glanzenden unter ihnen 5 Targ Jerusch. wie Ber. r. und wie 
LXX. Die Vulg. nimmt C^ilT als Volksnarne und CPD wie 
LXX. et Zuzim cum eis. 

C^rmp Ml^ 2, sv Sa-jYJ irfi TuoXsi ist nicht nach Frankel 
eine sorglose und oberflachliche Ubersetzung, sondern giebt 
die Deutung Ber. r und Targ. Jer. II wieder, welche p als 
Appellativum nehmen zu HltT. Dagegen ist die IJbersetzung 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. H 



162 Julius Fiirst. 



von ^pyn PHI? >2 mit Tudcvra? To6? apyovTa? allerdings eine 
Sorglosigkeit. 

v. 7. ETO py TTYJYYJV 7% xpfesws; LXX geben hier ent- 
weder die Auslegung des Midr. r v der Zweck des Kriegs- 
zug.3 gegen Sodoin sei eigentlich gegen Abram gerichtet ge- 
wesen, welch er G eric lit iibte, sie wollten das Auge der (py) 
Welt blenden, welches Gericht iibte; oder wahrscheinlicher 
eine andere Auslegung, welche Raschi und Targ. Jer. geben, 
,,sie kamen an den Ort, wo an Moses Gericht geiibt 
ward wegen der Quelle am Haderwasser. 

Cap. 15 v. 2. ni5? l^in CJNl, dHuoMojJiai, entsprechend 
Targ. Jer. I NCty JC T2J7 und Targ. Jer. II xvhy 1JE Xx, 
ich ,gehe dahin, sterbe. 

v. 11. C"^2N CHN 2*^1 xai (ruvsxa^tffsv a-jToT^ Appaji; die 
LXX lasen, wie R. Asaria in Ber. r. CPN 2K "1 ,,wenn deine 
Kinder Leichen sein werden olme Sehnen und Gebeine, wird 
dein Verdi enst ilmen beistelieii". So auch Targ. Jer. I 
iir.^5? N*::?: cni2X" n\-n2i mm ,,und das Verdienst Abrahams 
schutzet sie c; , sitzt schiitzend mit oder bei ihnen. S. auch 
Geiger, Urschr.j 457. 

v. 14. H2JP IITN, & lav Bo j>,s j(yoi)<7i. Dieses lav, in Ver- 
bindung mit clem Vorhergehenden TO Bs I^vog soil andeuten, 
dass die 400 Jahre sich nicht auf die Sklaverei allein be- 
ziehen, und dass Gott auch die andern unterdriickenden 
Volker strafen werde; so Ber. r. HIT^C "1 P12"l^ cr, und 
Raschi. 

v. 15. "!2pn Tpacpst^, Schreibfehler fur TOC^SI^. wie Frankel 
schon benierkt. 

Cap. 16 v, 13 scheint ira Urtext eine Anderung vor- 
genommen^ um das Schauen Gottes durch Menschen zu ver- 
wischen, da solche Ausdriicke der Unkorperlichkeit Gottes 
zu widerstreiten scheinen mochten; jedenfalls wollte man 
dem Missverstandnis beim Volke vorbeugen. Auch ist bei 
der Fassung unsres Textes nicht abzusehen, wie Th motivirt 
ist. Vielleicht lautete die urspriingliche Lesart CTi\S % CiH 
"nn Tim Tl^Nl. Davon scheint auch in Ber. r zur Stelle eine 
Spur zu sein: .,Siehe den Unterschied der Kraft bei den 
Friiheren von der der Spateren. Manoach sagte zu seinem 
Weibe: ,,wir miissen sterben, weil wir Gott geschaut haben", 
und Hagar sah funf Engel nach einander 7 und hat sich nicht 



Spuren der palastinisch-jiidischen Schriftdeutung. 

gefurchtet". Audi dass die Siebzig C/n, ebenso wie Tti mit 
evcomov iibersetzen, zeigt, dass im ersten Teil des Verses 
ebenfalls der Begriff ,,Leben" ausgedriickt war. 

Auch das Wort in Ber. r. .,Nicht genug, dass ich einen 
Engel gesehen habe, wahrend ich bei meiner Herrin war, 
habe ich ihn auch gesehen, als meine Herrin ihn nicht ge 
sehen", setzt TVN1 CVi^S* can voraus. 

Cap. 17 v. 1. "HIT b$ 6 freos (jou. Weil in b$ und frso; 
schon der Begriff ,,Allmacht" enthalten ist (Frankel, S. 29), 
iibersetzen die LXX "Hli* *?N mit 6 6>so <jou ,,dein Schutz- 
gott", so auch Exod. 6, 3. Ber. r. 46. """ TTi^K ^Nfc T" 1 " 

i:nD "oxtr ^i$ft in vn^s ^xtr vbwb v" ^n^D ^ k si& f . Es 

liegt in dieser Auslegung zugleich die Betonung der Einheit 
Gottes. So auch Raschi : nni bib ^rbx2 n ir"ir NTn ^N. 
An anderen Stellen ist es niit [xavo?, wavToxpaTtop wieder- 
gegeben. Nach Ber. r. 46 hatte es Aquila ubersetzt CVDZN 
DIpJNl, nach Frankel ixavoc, von Kohut berichtigt in icr/upo? 
xat ixavo?. 

v. 14 ist eingeschaltet ,,am achten Tage u , ein antiphari- 
saischer Zusatz, niimlich die Meinung, dass unter keiner Be- 
dingung die Circumcision diirfte aufgeschoben werden; so 
auch der Samaritaner. (S. Geiger, Nachgel. Schriften, Bd. 3 
S. 286.) 

In v. 16 ist n\"C"121 corrigirt in 1M2121, s. Geiger, 
Urschr.j S. 458, so auch Th. Jer. n^2"12N\ 

v. 20. Wenn C\X^ f J niit I9vY) iibersetzt ist, so ist deni 
Sinne nach ubersetzt : 12 Fiirsten sanimt Volkern werden 
von ihm abstammen; es ist synonym mit C^> T^C in v. 16. 

Das am Ende von v. 27 bei den LXX weggelassene 1DN fej 
scheint in unsreni Texte urspriinglich nicht gestanden zu 
haben, wie es in der That liberfltissig ist ? und v. 16 und 17 
bilden nur einen Vers. 

Cap. 18. j^, Kupis, nach Baba Mezia 86: ,,Als Elieser, 
hinausgesendet, keinen Fremden draussen sah, ging Abraham 
selbst hinaus, und sah den Allheiligen, das ist die Be- 
deutung des Wortes: gehe du doch nicht voriiber vor deinem 
Knechte. Ebenso Schebuoth 35. CPH2N2 cmc^n ni^^ f ^2 

nDJ2n brt 121 ir~p n* ^N 121 ^"x "icx^ ^n Ninir nic fin imp 

121 ^IN HC^V 1CWI& nr2l! ^5 P^pnc prniN und ferner 
Sabbath 126 : Anders ist die Eigenschaft Gottes als die der 

11* 



*n 4 Julius Fiirst. 

Menschen. Bei Menschen darf der Geringe nicht zum Vor- 
nehmen sagen: warte auf mich, bis ich zu dir komme; aber 
zu Gott sagte Abraham : gehe doch nicht voruber vor deinem 
Knechte u. s. w." So iibersetzen die 70 hier immer, wenn 
auch ncK 1 steht, die Einzahl: auf Gott bezogen. 

v 4 liTil 1 , vi M-uMffav, andere Panctation: 13VOT1, xoc- 
Ta<|>u?aT, dem Siime nach iibersetzt. 

v. 10. mnK Kini ofoa STUWJ&SV auToii. Die 70 haben hier 
richtig Kin als Femininum ubersetzt, wie durchgangig in 
der alten Sprache das Wort commune ist, und man punktirte 
desshalb an vielen Stellen Kin in spaterer Zeit. In den 
anderen Biichern ausser dem Pentateuch iinderte man in 
solchen Fallen Kin in aon. Hier in unsrer Stelle ist die 
Feminin-Punktation unterblieben, und doch kann offenbar nur 
das Femininum (Sara) passen. Es scheint kaum, dass man 
absichtlich hier die Anderung der Punktation unterlassen. In 
dieser Verlegenheit helfen sich Ber. r. und nach ihm Th. Jer. 
und Raschi durch die Erklarung: Ismael (der garnicht er- 
wahnt ist) stand hinter dem Engel (statt: sie war hinter ihm, 
Sara war hinter dem Engel, wie die 70 richtig wiedergeben). 
Eine andre Auskunft in Ber. r. ist: der Engel, merkend, dass 
Licht von ihr ausging, schaute hinter sich. Diese Erklarung 
zeigt eine Ahnung des Richtigen : der Engel blickte hinter 
sich zu Sara: also sie war hinter ihm. 

v. 12. \1^2 "HnK o jTuco [J.sv [ioi ysyovsv IMC, TOU vDv. Hier 
hat Geiger (Urschrift, 415 ff.) den Grand der geanderten 
Wiedergabe genligend erklart und nachgewiesen, dass in 
Megilla 9 bei Anfuhrung des Verses, den die 70 anders uber 
setzt, n21p2 nirr pr^ni eben nur die oben angefiihrten Worte 
gemeint sind, nicht der Anfang des Verses. 

v. 19. ^^by 121 Itt K, i koCk- Trpo^ OCUTOV. Dies ist offen 
bar das Richtige. Ber. r. findet eine Auskunft fur l^V not- 
wendig; das vby wolle sagen, dass wer einen Sohn hinter- 
lassen, der Thora studire, sei nicht als gestorben zu be- 
trachten. 

v. 21. nVIK tib CKl n^2 *\wy, <7uvrs>.oQvTai- si Ss [JLYJ, iva yvw. 
Siehe dariiber Geiger, Urschrift, 336 ff., welcher ausfuhrt, 
dass die urspriingliche Lesart war nV"!50 K^ DK 2 y. Th. 
Jer. I und Jer. II geben diese Lesart und nehmen nyiKl n*?2 



Spuren der palastinisch-jiidischen Schriftdeutung. 165 

wie die 70, verbinden aber damit aucli die andere Erklarung, 
wonach rfa Nachsatz ist, und Vernichtung bedeutet; auch 
njHN ist dort in der Bedeutung: wissen. Th. Jer. I sagt: 
ob nach ihrem zu mir gedrungenen G-esclirei sie voll- 
standig gethan haben, sind sie schuldig (n*?3 also doppelt 
ubersetzt); und wenn sie Busse thun, seien sie rein vor mir, 
als wenn ich es nicht wiisste, und ich werde nicht strafe n 
(ny"1K ebenfalls doppelt iibersetzt; ebenso Th. Jer. II und 
Onkelos). So auch Ber. r.: ,,Gott hat ihnen den Weg der 
Busse eroffnet: haben sie v oils tan dig so gethan, sind sie 
des Untergangs schuldig, und wo nicht, will ich an ihnen 
wissen lassen (kund thun) die Gerechtigkeit. 

v. 25. rwyo "p H^n, p]Ba[x65g <yu r^i^iq. Die naive 
Ausdrucksweise des Textes fand spater Anstoss ; daher Aboda 
sara 10 und Ber. r. rtr^n erklart wird "]b NlH ]^in ,,das ist 
dir unheilig, das thust du nicht"; oder: -]b N1H Nn3 das ist 
ausserhalb von dir, fern von dir". So iibersetzt auch Th. 
Jer. "p NIH pin. Onkelos geht noch weiter, und iibersetzt 
l^ycbc IJH ]lj\S NEtrip, und auch das 2. Mai 1^1 ]lj\X KZCtt lp, 
,,wahrhaft sind deine Gerichte, du thuest nicht dergleichen". 

Cap. 19 v. 2. rTN : n:n, iBou, xupioi nach der Punkta- 
tion und nach Schebuoth 35: n ^n ^ 



v. 16. ncnEiTl. xa\ Tapa/^o-av gemiiss der Erkliirung 
des Wortes in Ber. r. ]inon "1HN pnpn. 

v. 18. ^1N NO b$, Bo[j.ai, x6pis, s, Vers 2. 

v. 33 u. 35. H!p:n HDr^2, sv TW xoi^Y]Q>Y]vai atj-rov x. 
TW dtvadTYivau Die 70 haben das suffixuui masc. In Nasir 
23 ist angemerkt. dass das 1 in HClp21 rnit einem Punkt be- 
zeichnet sei. Ein solcher Punkt bedeutet, dass die Lesart 
streitig sei-, vielleicht sollte es heissen 121p21 122^2. Freilich 
ist der Punkt nur auf dem 1 des letzten Wortes und nur in 
diesem Vers; der eine Punkt geniigte aber, urn dem Zweifel 
iiber niD 2 und iiber die gleichen Worte in v. 35 Ausdruck 
zu geben. Denn wahrscheinlich ist nicht die voile oder 
defective Schreibung der Anstoss gewesen. 

Cap. 20 v. 4. nnn pHS ca ^lan, s^vo? ayvooilv xal Bixaiov 
aTuo^sT?. Hier hat Geiger Urschr., 365 die urspriingliche 
Lesart nnn pHS c:n hergestellt, und die Griinde der 



Julius Fiirst. 



Anderung, sowie der Ubersetzung (resp. Einfugung von 
ayvoouv) angegeben; auch nachgewiesen, dass ^ in dem 
spatereii Sinn als pCCV "12 eingefiigt ist. 

In Makkoth 9 sagt R. Jonathan, dass Abimelech nicht 
unschuldig gewesen, da er nicht zu fragen hatte, ob es seine 
Fran oder seine Schwester sei. 



The oldest version of Midrash Megillah 

published for the first time from a unique manuscript 
of the X th century 

by 

Rev. Dr. M. Gaster, 
Chief Rabbi of the Spanish and Portuguese Congregations of England. 



The history of the miraculous delivery in the times of 
Hainan and Mordecai held a prominent place in the affec 
tion of the people, during all the years of dispersion and 
persecution. It was constantly almost contemporary history, 
and conveyed to the people the message of comfort and con 
solation, of which they stood so much in need in those 
periods of dire hatred and threatening danger. Hence the 
innumerable versions of Agadic interpretations and Midra- 
shim to this special book, which have come down to us, and 
which surpass by far the number of Midrashim to any 
other book of the Bible, the Song of Songs not excepted. 

In reprinting the extremely scarce edition of Constan 
tinople 1519, Ch. M. Horowitz added to it not only a very 
valuable commentary, in which he referred to the sources 
and parallels to this version, but also an elaborate introduc 
tion dealing with the various then known Midrashim and 
Targumim to the book of Esther. Since then, the indefa 
tigable Buber has published the other Midrashim which were 
known only to exist in manuscripts, and has enriched his 
edition with the usual literary apparatus, which distinguishes 
his editions so favourably. 

Another addition is made now by me by the discovery 
of the text which I am publishing here for the first 
time, in the volume intended to mark the high esteem 



M. Gaster. 

and the great appreciation in which Dr. Kohut was held by 
the world of letters, and to express the feeling of the great 
loss which Jewish science has suffered by the untimely de 
mise of the author of the "Aruch completum". It is a small 
mite which I contribute to the memory of the man who had 
made the Midrash his own domain, and who would have de 
lighted in this new find. 

The text which appears here for the first time, is taken 
from my Codex hebr. No. 83. It is a quarto volume, com 
posed of various Midrashim, most of which, if not all, are to 
tally unknown. The various portions which go to make up 
this volume, were written by different hands at various ti 
mes, but all in the East. The portion which contains our 
Midrash, although placed at the end of the volume, owing 
no doubt to the carelessness of an ignorant binder, is in 
fact the oldest document, and judging by the peculiar form 
of writing and by the archaic style of paper and type of 
letters, it must be assigned to the ninth or tenth century. 
Dr. Neubauer, than whom there is now no greater authority 
in hebrew palaeography, agrees with me, in assigning so 
high an antiquity to this Ms. It is thus the oldest Ms. extant 
of any Midrash, and deserves as such, great consideration. 

The great antiquity of this version is demonstrated by 
the text itself, especially when compared with the other 
known versions. In fact its simplicity and the Talmudic 
elements contained therein, enable us to study the growth 
and development of these Midrashim, in countries outside 
of Palestine. 

We have here the archetype of the Midrash to Esther, 
which in all the other texts has gradually been embellished 
by borrowing from every available source, in honiiletical 
literature. Haggadoth of various origins were successively 
added to the old stock, and thus there exists an internal con 
nection between these diverse texts, which, however, differ 
from almost every one separately. The individuality of the 
compiler, the literature at his disposal, the surroundings and 
other circumstances which had more actuality for his hea 
rers or readers, are reflected in each of these versions suf 
ficiently clearly, to enable us to discover by its form, the date 
and local origin of each text. 



The oldest version of Midrash. Megillah. 159 

As has been already remarked, we have in this text 
probably the oldest form of the Midi-ash to Esther, following 
upon the close of the Talmud, and based, I am inclined to 
say, exclusively on it. Should this be the case, and I have 
no reason to doubt it, judging by nine tenth of its contents, 
we may incidentally also learn something about the literary 
tradition of the Talmud. As it will be seen, not a few 
very characteristic legends which are in our Midrash, will 
be looked for in vain in the Talmud. It is not impossible 
that the author of this compilation may have had access 
also to other sources, from which he took those legends, but as 
the bulk is evidently borrowed from the Talmud, it is much 
more likely that also the other portions were borrowed from 
the same source. These were afterwards excluded from our 
text of the Talmud for the same reasons for which many 
more were left out in later times: vig. the fear of giving 
umbrage to captious readers. 

The home of this text, judging by the peculiarities 
which distinguish it, seems to be Babylon or Persia. Among 
other things we find that special stress is laid on Niddah 
(cf. C. I. v. 12; II. v. 9) A prominent place is assigned in 
this text to Daniel. Two legends are related which, as 
far as I have been able to ascertain, are not to be found 
elsewhere. Thus in Cap. I. v. 12. where Vashti refuses to 
obey the command of Ahasveros out of hatred to Daniel, 
and again C. IV. v. 5, where he is identified with the "Sa- 
risim" of the Prophet Isaiah (LVI, 4); a peculiar rea 
son is given for that mutilation. (As remote parallels, but 
by mo means similar, cf. Tr. Sanhedrin, fol. 93b ; Pirke de 
R. Eliezer, end of chap. 52; and Yalkut Machiri ad loc., p. 
213.) None of these are found in the Talmud. Proselytes 
seem to be viewed favourably by the author of this version. 
The legend of "Bithyah" daughter of Pharoah (II, 5) and 
the handmaids of Esther whom she is said to have conver 
ted to Judaism are mentioned. The latter also has no other 
parallel in ancient literature! That Haman should have sold 
himself as a slave to Mordecai in the desert, where he was 
dying of hunger, is again one of the legends peculiar to this 
text. I have a faint recollection of having seen or read this 
legend somewhere, but have not been able to discover it 



170 



M. Gaster. 



again. Remarkable is further the interpretation of Ps. 
X, 16 and Ps. XXXIII, 10 (C. Ill, 9) which is placed in 
the month of Haman to mean prayers against the other 
nations. In the mediaeval revival of the ancient calumny, 
I have thus far not found it based upon these verses of the 
Psalms. 

Twice direct reference is made to the Talmud in I, 12 
and IV, 11, both under the form: "Megillath Gemara". 

The subject is treated, as in all the Midrashim, by con 
stantly heaping various interpretations on one and the same 
verse, each commencing with: K"1. There is no special 
prooemion, nor other introduction, as is the case for instance 
in the Midi-ash Rabba. 

This much concerning the text proper, which, as will 
be seen by the accompanying notes, was by no means 
unknown to later compilers. The copy which we have here 
is therefore undoubtedly not the original but a later trans- 
scription of an older original. As this copy belongs, in every 
probability, to the IXth, or latest, the Xth century, we may 
assume a much higher antiquity for the original. We shall 
not be far from wrong, if under these considerations we as 
sume it to have been composed about the Vllth or VHIth 
century, not very long after the close of the Babylonian 
Talmud. 

The Ms. is written, as already remarked, in a very ar 
chaic hand. The character of the script is Syriac-rabbinic, 
big bold letters, written on oriental thick paper. 7x5 with 19 
lines on each page, and on the average 7 words on each line. 
A second and somewhat later hand has added a number of mar 
ginal glosses in Persian. These, and the fact that I have 
obtained this manuscript from central Persia, the ancient 
Babylon, prove the local Persian origin of this manuscript. 
With the exception probably of my "Tittled Pentateuch", 
which so far is the oldest copy of the Pentateuch extant, 
(VHIth or IXth century) this manuscript of the Midrash 
Megillah is the oldest specimen of Hebrew writing from that 
part of the world. I regret that I am not able to add a 
photographic facsimile of the original. 

I reproduce the text exactly as it stands in the Ms. 
On more than one occasion vowelpoints have been added to 



The oldest version of Midrash Megillah. 171 

the text. It is difficult to determine whether these have 
been added by the first writer or by a later hand. I am 
more inclined to ascribe them to the second source. I 
have not omitted to put them also in my copy. They are 
peculiar and point to a pronunciation which was current in 
Persia. I have ascertained this fact from comparison with 
other Hebrew texts of Persian origin, which have a similar 
form of vocalisation. The Persian glosses have also been 
reproduced here. They are with one exception, merely ver 
bal renderings and require no further translation into Eng 
lish. That however to VI, 1, being of an explanatory cha 
racter, has been translated by me. I have further added 
the indication of the chapters and verses of all the Biblical 
references. 

In footnotes, which I have striven to reduce to the 
shortest form, without impairing their completeness, I have 
given all the parallels available. I start with the Talmud 
and refer then to the following versions of the Midrash to 
Esther. 

I. Buber: viz. his edition of 1) Abba Gorion; ("HED 
KrrttN", Wilna 1886, p. 1 42.) mere reference to Buber 
means this text. A 1 is the text published by Buber under 
the title of \x HDU cnns C^E tr"HC (ibid. p. 4551). A 2 is 
the other published by him as 2 HDi: C^nN CTjD ITH (ib. 
p> 55_82). Lekah Tob, is the fourth text published by 
Buber (ibid. p. 85112; and refers to that edition. In each 
case I quote the page, as the passages can there be found 
under the same verse as in our text. 

II. Horowitz: is the reprint of the very scarce edition 
of Constantinople 1519 with notes and an introduction (n":N 
mTIN, I, Berlin 1881, p. 4775). As these notes and those 
of Buber cover the whole field of literary references, it would 
have been superfluous to reproduce them in this place. I 
have pointed out only those that throw some light on our 
text. Further reference has been made to the Midrash Es 
ther in the Rabba collection. Chapter and mean the 
chapters and smaller subdivisions introduced into the modern 
editions of the Rabba. 

As desiderata I have left those, not unfrequent passa 
ges, for which I have thus far, not been able to find 



M. Gaster. 

the source or the parallel, and I trust that others may suc 
ceed in filling up the lacuna I was forced to leave, and com 
plete the literary history of the oldest Midrash to the Book 

of Esther. 

One point is still to be noted, and that is, the writing 
or rather the spelling of the Ineffable name of God in this 
text, which is equally characteristic and one proof more of 
its antiquity. It is written ^ instead of HIPP. l ) This is the 
orthography retained by the Karaites, who, as is well 
known, hail originally from that country. This spelling is no 
less instructive for the history of the writing of the name 
of God in various countries and at various times. I am en 
gaged in a special study of this spelling, which I trust will 
prove a valuable aid, for determining the epoch and place 
of writing of Hebrew manuscripts. Suffice it to state, that 
this writing is the very oldest that obtained in Babylon and 
ancient Persia, although it may be of Palestinian origin. 

Another no less interesting point is the absence of any 
parallel with the second Targuni to Esther, which, as well 
known, is of comparatively late, and moreover, Palestinian 
origin. It was probably inaccessible or unknown to the au 
thor of our text. This might be adduced as a further proof 
of the Babylonian origin of this text. 

) [This spelling, as also the following forms : \ "i, may be found 
in all Yemen Mss. On a Babylonian cup, inscribed with magic formulae, 
recently discovered, three Jods are used. See on this point and others in 
the same connection, Kohut s Mansur al-Dhamdri s J^axJ! ^^ 
(New York 1892), p. 15, n. 3; his pX^f f**) p^bX )?-> Light of 

Shade & Lamp of Wisdom by Nathanel Ibn Yeshaya [1327], 

(New York 1894), p. 25; and especially Steinschneider s article: "Abbreviate 
des Tetragrammatons durch drei Jod", in Monatsschrift , Neue Folge, vol. 
40, (1896) p. 130-4. (>. A. K.] 



f. 265 

""^3 TPI .nt^p P&6 N*?N ""iT* PN* BnTBTiN ^3 TPI 3T3 I, 1. 

\Ti (Ruth. 1,1) D^CDIET! LTiQ&r ^3 TPI .VKHJl JCD .TH ^"nifcTIN 

J-T N 1 ? | y "iCN 11 * (Gen. VI, 2) 3 n 1 ? CINH bnn ^ TPI (I, 1) .3jn 
(Gen. XIV, 1) ^D-iCN ^3 TVi (Gen. VI, 3) .D1N3 im 
rurnn pn^ ]pi ^ \-^ (Gen. XIV, 2) DIID -j^c yn^ rs % 266 a. 

I( Gen. XXVII,!) 

> (Exod.XIII, 17) .CM^N cnj N^I nyiD n^o \TI (v. 7.) .n^py 
(Jos. VII, 1) .C^PD ^NIE" s :n -6yc v i (Jos. VI, 27) y^n^ TN 
^N M 11 * (v. 5) .nom ^;D ^ v i (I. Sam. 1, 1) CTCIH J 
^ ipi ^r \TI (Judg. XIII, 1) .n~^ N^! nipy TB^NI 

D^ -ill \T1 (v. 3) .TOl-D VJ2 ID^I N^i (I. Sam. V, 1) 

(I. Sam. XVIII, 9) ,TH TN ]^iy ^ N^ \TI (I. Sam. XVIII, 14) 

.ran HJDP N^ HPN pi (II. Sam. VII, 1) T^S "^n n^ ^ \T* 

(Is. VII, 1) THN ^^ M^ (I. Kings, VIII, 19) 

TN T^NI (Jerem. I, 3) crp^rp ^^ ^n v i (Is. IX, 11) .TH 

r \TI Nscr^ cipn ^3r (Jer. IV, 23) /inir 
13 n:r: (Gen. XXXIX, 3) nscn VJ^IN r^ 

.(ib. v. 10) :n cv c* 1 pp-ii 

KIDK ^^ TT 1 ! J^SD |D *?2D .B^m^nN JS^D ^n 1 * N"~i 
13 "iJ^D N""i .Cn^3N ~it>E^Ni |*^D1 jl^HD -IPCl^ (Ruth I, 1) 

nNDtr msr, ntrp p^ (Levit. IX, 1) ^j^^n D^D ^n v i 266 b. 
ms HND .tm^ns % ^^3 TPI p "^3 ,vj3 ^^ roB 

10. 



no .n^y -ITJJ itrN TNI nr^y ~I^N PN* T&TI TN IDT (II, 1) 



S Cf. Tr. Megillah f. 10 b v. Petihata to Esther Rab. No. 11 and 
rpr T ; Buber, mjKn neo p. 55, n. 4. This text here seems the most complete, 
agrees more closely with Talmud than Midrash; cf. also Number Rabb. 
ch. X 11. 

2 ) Cf. Tr. Megillah f. 12 b, but shorter. Ed. Horowitz, p. 60, n. 32; 
Targum Esther I. 10. 



174 



.mo -UJ3 mo .ruKQ ncny jnnnty why ITJJ 
ny P3KQ ruin: NM *v .P3EG p 



.K* nun P*DDP jr3>n DV3 moiN npnty .anT^riN "ion 3? 
n3t>on (NOP.i (1, 10) . :n j"3 -j^on 3^ 3*^3 w .31^ -3^ np^ rrn I 
nNJitr nn^n^ "inx .0^31 *w ^3^3 .i^on 1313 ruN^o nai? .T 
267 a. ")^Ji3i3J^ ir3 nn\i ^r^ N\I^ irnxn^ n^i3^ nn^n N^ n" 



D 1 nn^n N> nru Tpo nn.DJB 3^3 .nsn N 
nu3i . V .N"ID jrnj TID^ ^vn^ nu3 nnjo 
INDHI IONJ nr ^ ,^^3 ruca ynsj rapm ~ino3 
3T3 NJ^m ^Ni^ 11 ?33n i^v D^3n^ "i^an ION^ (12) :n T.^ HD^DH 
.rc^sa ^3N i nT.Ts *^N nnncy (^^.n-n 1 r\x IF, 5 (!)NIDJ r^JC3 

N^ H nT 1 "N ( 4 N"1 .,13^31 HIIHS i?N"l^ Ty l^H^ ( 3 .I^N^ p 

m3^3 133^ ^3^3 ^Trr 1 *?2^ Nipj nob 1 ; H3 IDDI n^r miy^ mnr^n 

mi m3^3 iD3^ n3y Nipjzy n"y IJ^N D.i"i3N3 IJ^D 12^ ..mr 

-N-ipj- n"y "i ntt ot? n^i^ nyiD n3 rrrcn "J^a pi y^nn 

267 b. .nm.Tn IP^NI jty .TON*?^ mi 1113^3 niD3^ ^3^3 



nr ^s v . Ni3^ ^NS^ njrn ^snty ^ .13 pn IDN (I. Chron., IV, 18) 

P3 n^P3 .IT N^H ^Q 5 3Nin TO Nyn 



TO INSH IT TST* x*i3^ jN % y nyii ^rw ^ n"3pn "ION ..TT.TH 
^3oi .?oiT tyiTtynN TO nin jNsn PN ^&w ^h Ntyjn N 3p 3^1,1 
: ruiD 11 p 3 l ?3 i ? ,,TP3 PN^J ^o^* ^3110 rpn .TJ3 
( 6 PN IM Jin ^I TN pc^ab m.T na y no INI nirp ^N N"I 

jon Njppj N^ NU p ^DB> []"")P nD Li Persian gloss] 
n N^ TI nK yo ^3^3 TT ty\v snpj py, U3 p N n^ 

:NU p 

THE* ^3^3 ^J^O 1 ^N "lOtr N"ipj HO 1 ? [read: ^^O 1 ^N] m,T ^\N N"l 
.^on ^Nst buy 1"1" .TH* po^a L:3a o rpn N"IJ p ^yo^* .po^3 D3 o 
268 a. N3 N^ J:N PN b*ttw :^n %! 7^N (i&^.) ^ro 1 K S N p^o* 1 ^N N^pj "p^i 
n\n^ n^yoi : ^^o 1 LTN .IONJ p 1 ? ^3-103 soppj N^ nyiy 1 ? y^nn ion 
ion *oy ,T.T -p-i3 i^n .TT n^on cy n.Tto ^3-10 



*) No parallel for this passage, down to II, 5. 

2 ) Tr. Megillah f. 32 b. 

3 ) Ed. Horow. p. 63. 

4 ) Of. Tr. Megillah 13 a; v. Esther R. ch. VI, 4; and ed. Horow. I. 
c , but all much shorter. 

5 ) In the Talmud a different argument is used. 

6 ) Cf. Tr. Megillah /. c. 



.rtao Brno 175 

in iDDjm bnjn csrn Tnjn -6 "taxi .en 1 ? -6 fp^ D-TID^ ^NEW *:n 
^D NSD Nt?* runsn t>DD en 1 ? inn t^pD IJK> cv ,cr6 ^ IPJ* .cr6 ^b 
\3\v ""D-no it> IEN rpriNE* HD cr6 ^ jn *t> ~IEN /DTD cy ex 
^D*J njp /D-nr^ jan "6 -)EN /osy PN p-rsn -JPIN rpnKtr rm^E 
PN nap pn ^ "ICN .IHN "ODD TT PN n:p^ D 

J^J"i ty D PDN /D11Q ^ 1DN .P*"lDD ^P^D 

^DEQI /DTiDt 5 iDy xncn p ]vnw i^ji ^y znz : 2inz IDN ,^p 

PN JEN \T * 7. : Hl.T E>\V "IQNJ p^ .O-i^b }DH NJpPJ IDIH HT 

N^N PD^ jopr. ^N .PD^ "^ ^Di-iQ ( nnp 1 ? HCNI n^N P^D* noin 
nnx nt^DD DN ^D hi PN Kn*?". :t& .CIN^ TL^N NIH r* 1 ^ .r^^ 
(II. Sam. XII, 3) ( 2 PD^ ^ MP DDBT ".p -nai nrtyn ID^DI ^DNP irsa 268 b, 
HD rnyj yDtr n^ ]r: ( 3 n^ rrb p^ Nnn p nyjn yn^ PN* 9. 

( 4 N"l .N*iH HT\V PDLT DV CH2 l^DP^ HD yOET! <I C 1 DHD PuCn? 

^^D nriDEM jp N 1 ? njDD nr\i^ .nb rrb nviNin P*I^" V^K PN* 
rvi^ffm /J^ .T j^m .r^ Ni cv HP*N N^lp nr^ Nin nr\T .yai^n 
pi^Nin p-nyjn yDtr PN* N"I : nyiw -y ID /v^i P^^Dini /^^ 
rayT.o .IPM* .HTD ^jn ^n^ n 1 ? rr 1 ? r;. v .N"in NIH n?2 .n 1 ? PP^ 
vn^ .rh rrb p^ N~in ICNJ "Dt> .nrru ^r: 1 PI^DD nj^c np n* .c^y 

: n CD nb p *N^ 
DPIN ni^ J* PHin^ N^ntr npiN nyTntf ^ r r n^Dn -ncN i-y 

:nb PP"? nv.Nnn riiyjn VDL^ PN*I "IDNJ ir^ "^PCZ 

Hj 1HD NP1DH p pn PN EnTiKTIN l^SH ^"IJ n ^NH CnD H 1HN III ? 1 

nnp^^ HD i^ Dt>sn rms IHD ,TH^ c^ o^a ^ n^v* c^ss ( 5 hjr 

A mnr-ffa 01^ HM N^ ( 6 nc^ . J* i^n bij ICNJ "p 1 ? ^ 269 a. 

t^iD^ Ni.~!^ ^DlfD IHNi , lDy NiHl^ ^ Dtt D "PIN .CnD~i ^^ ^ DU D 

: rnnpir* N^I ynD^ N 1 ? "DUD* ."IONJ ID*? .n^T msy PIISJ IHD K^K* DH:D 

""Dl /D"I1D Dy .^IDD* ( ilD^ ^Din?2D I 1 Hbvh VJ^D ID 1 (6.) 

: D^TuTH ^D .^iDD i /DlID^ pD l ]r\W D^DH."! I^N /21"!2 Cy CM 
-11N ni^D I D ^ bvM P^D (Sp^-ilJ* I D ^DH^ ^HPH (7.) 

oy p *D P?D^ nn^D T,D ^ ^E3J ."ICNI n^nj nnsjy n?o^ 
IDN (8) .^^^ nyw nnosi DIDV p ib j *Dtr y-i* 1 n^n N T 



*) Tr. Megillah f. 13 a. 
-) In Bible: rar. 

3 ) ibid. , v. Targum ad loc. 

4 ) No parallels for all the rest up to III. 1. 

5 ) Cf. Pirke de K. Eliezer ch. 50; Esther rabb, ch. 7 No. 6. (ad loc.) 
Ed. Horow. p. 64 (Targum Esther III. v. 2.); cf. Buber p. 46. (A. 1). 

6 ) In this form no parallels. 

7 ) Tr. Megillah 13 b. 

8 ) ibid. I c.- cf. Lekah Tob ed. Buber p. 99. ib. p. 100. Horow. 
p. 65 (more elaborate in the last 2 places). 



176 ^ 

prs DNI ."]bon T~n PTTID jn^ 1.2^2 nriN JIDIN 

DN* .ID pjrnrc p\v sni nn ^bt* t]b& oy "jnriN *N "jr 

.cn ptr p DiD2 yrj nrx CNI ,~p"D prw p^N "jrva^o ^n cnt> ir 

TN p^STO .1RN TQT ^ CN1 .iHiN pD!K> N^N T iN |T^ P 

269 b. ^E" 1 1 CN nryi .HDINH ba pjitrD }n nnnm pM HN pn^i D ai 
^12 i^cn ^ DN (9) Jtr .D-DN^ men ^ ]rn .T- 3 
.D-,b JHD ir.iD^o "ion 

IN "iD ity ]""i "inx cnc HJDP CN ^DNI .nDnto iniD 
or^sra D^^sro c^ bn cm ."Qin nr ni^^ r 

M3N ~> i C^^ -J^D v >^ J^ D P ijnfc T CiNH PN ^SN^ 

(Ps. XXXIII, 10) ;i ryy TDH ^v nyi (Ps. X, 16) . 



rynan ( 4 r"ion NM ny~; ,( 3 y 
7]b iN^jr:^ riN^ 

rionn NN .raw *^y N* nm^n i^y 1 ^ 
y^i .^i jcnb n-T i 11^ ^ya TJDD 
270 a. ( 6 irn^ IPDN Nipr- (IV, 5) : ( 5 -iNC ,-Dt>cn ^n^nrn (IV, 4) j^ ni: 
iu:-D*3J ^^ [ir;n2i irra^ ."jrn ID^ Nipj no^ ( 7 bN s J- ini "jrn 
NJ*^ jn^v "ij^bntr rys .nmy, ^NE^D n^jn *n^n* NTH . 
r*nD^ ny rx cr > TN^n^ cm.Tn I^N . 

miyi ^N^D n^:n in^m ^N^JI yvv "^ .on^n 
, ;n Tir^^ rx iia^ "I^N crono^ ^v IDN ~D j^ 
S ID cruN N^n 1 ? msi cir^y ncn "ISJJID^J N^rj TD (Is. LVI, 4) 
bx-\ur r" 3 ^ nrn imn r*^vo "j 1 ? n^bn "jbon IJ^ -IN .ib TIDN .D:in^ 
.cr.roi i 1 ? N"im (Exod. XX, 14) p]Njn N^ J^ rum ^N^U TON 
( 9 N"I : irn *?2^ N"ipj ID 
i^ii 1 * n^ ,( IO ^D ^ prm mD^a nni ^ty inn I 



. , n y r:n^u i^rn: in^-D^ -jrn * 



J ) Megiilah I c, 13 b etc. 
2 ) From here on no parallels. 
*) Megiilah f. 14 a. 

4 ) Persian gloss: pi: in. 

5 ) Ibid. f. 15 a ; cf. Buber p. 51. A 1 ; -Horow. p. 70 (cf. No. 98). 

6 ) Ibid. Esther ch. VIII 3 etc. 

7 ) Only this small point in Midr. Esther ch. VIII 4. Tr. Megiilah 
15 a, B. Bathra f . 4 a. all the rest missing. Pers. gloss. 

8 ) T:::I YC n. 

9 ) Ib. f. 15 a, much shorter & Lekah Tob ed. Buber p. 102, here more. 

10 ) Pers. gloss : IN ;CIB (?) -ine. The first word is almost obliterated. 

n\ ^ 



amis 177 



DV?tr. OH .1PDN niDN ( ] JITO ty* HTO ny (5) 270 b. 

(Exod. XXXII, 15) .D^mn.:: an niai n;o D..-D TIPD^ niip nzn ^ tNiB 
n^N* t^N ^2 IPN D^IV i^on m:na ay* "j^an H2y b (11.) 
npiND ipDN 1 ? "jaiu D^DN^O na^p ( 2 NiDj nbjon N^JP (V, 2) . :n 
( 3 npDir inNi niNis PN iTSjnzy IHNI n^y ~ Dn ^*n 1^0^ IHN nytf 
nnifv D ^ r ^ ~V *npDi niDN T^ .THB IQ^D inno naDi D^IKTI PN 
pm jt on N Q 1 IPDN HIDN ^ IPJ^I IP.^N^ no (6) n^n i:tr .PION 



nD jan 1 ? IJJBTN HIDN ( 4 N"I : NI^ nj;"i- HNIN ^NI 
CNI Dn 1 ? in^DNn vji^ ny-i DN .DDHH ICN 2 o 



Sx (Prov. XXV ? 21. 22) ^ n^ 1 ^i I^NI ^y nmn HPN a^m o 

,13 iTD^ N^ HD N"1 : ( 5 1^ JD^ ^Vl N^N 1^ D^ ^V Nipn 

( 6 N"~ /ji nm^ia PNI nay P,N ~>PDN m^n N^ JIT nmn 1 N\itr 27 la. 

Pm^N T13N ItfND , J^ NiMi NM JinPi PID^ C^JD ^ nNIP^ ^D 

why IDDD V I "j^cn P^n PIRN *ib w ^viit" 1 naN 1 N 1 ?^ HD ( T N"I 
: DJ nb rwyb HD mb rnpn" "IDN JEW n ON : D^oni *vpy ^ 
vby *<ry- nnDj -|t>on cy inDNt> JDITD N*ntf pn nN^ty po 
^I (11) zrnD-D *p^n nDP^n 1 ? iSi* it>on Tjn ^JIDD ^o ^DN 
II P pn iDD 11 ! Tiyi r. vjn yo* *n^ T.3D n.N jon an 1 ? 
v" 1 ^nt^ IJDD nni 1 ny^n nn^n "P^N % EHT PJNI :* ^n N ^3^1 
: ji noN D^an mn: yy wy (14) 
t D N^N 1^0 PN ( 8 ~; i 7Dn PJL^ mu N-.nn n^^ VI 7 1 
pip n^DN P*or nn^ may n^Si P".N^ .N*n "j in D D^n 

n^ "j^on PJ^ mu Ninn rb^ ( IO N"I 271 b. 
^ /DV |on PN IPDN nja" 1 ^ .C^ ^Q nr n* 1 
IDNI iin Tij; .pn PN* IPDN PN j .int* HD *a^ N3i /j ljin 1 * 
IDN V I n^PDi N*n Nin .T^V N^" n^iD nn^ mt& f >^ ^ n\i NC^ n^nna 



J ) Cf. Tr. Megillah f. 15 a. 

2 ) Ib. f. 15 b. The whole passage in a somewhat altered order, of. 
Lekah Tob ed. Buber p. 104; Horowitz p. 71 No. 

3 ) Pers. gl. 1^23 (vXuSwXa). 

4 ) Cf. Buber A-, p. 71. 

5 ) Lekah Tob. ib. p. 104. 
e ) Megillah I. c. 

7 ) Horowitz p. 71, No. 110. 

8 ) Cf. Buber A 2 p. 74 f No. 165. Here alone in our text is the passage 
clear. 

9 ) Pers. gl. : -ru nas asr 2 ; ia TS (It is evident from here that it 
was the night of Pesah). 

10 ) Tr. Megiliah f. 15 b. a little different; cf. Buber A 2 , p. 74; Lekah 
Tob ib. p. 106; Horowitz 71 (ut 115). 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 12 



178 



V.T 1 ! . JTi lOH % JD D JOpJ VST! .D DTl nm r jrOTn ")DD TN 
CWpJ ITM "IDt D .D NIpJ Vim N^N 1DNJ N 1 ? 



rrn n^ntr I^ PC ann NjrjD <I DI"ID TJH "I^N 3*n2 NSID V I 2 
i N nr\i onin^ (VIII, 16) .NTipi i^p Nt 
^iNn^ PJDI ^sfj mT.n nsn^ mir IT n" 
niinn JD r Dn ?n <| T ^n^ ^JDE (Prov. VI, 23) T.N m % .m mac 
HDN^DH JD ovn THN >iDN oj n^jKf jToi nia.i in^v HND nsan 
I .B^ I nnDtri ntiN nr^n D -nn^ DTDI N nn .n^.u nnctr in i 
272 a. ")D3*i "jJ3i nrx -j^nn rnc^i .^TDI mo c*^ N^N nna^ PNI ip^i 
DIN s^n N^n : mo D^I nr^Di nnot^ IDNJ ID^ (Deuter. XVI, 14) 

nnOB l HT!N ."IDNJ p^ .JDH THNtJ ^1")?2 "] i~^ T 3 y" 1 
Ps.) |in ^D ^D TT.1DN ^ ""DJN K Cy DTD"! H^D IT 

niaj 11 "ir nm IT.ICN "no^ ^ jty n^D N^N IT^DN PNI (CXIX, 162 
rnN HJPD .in^nb ^N n:a m^oi IX, 19. (Dent. XXXIII, 9) 
bN-w -"m: v r n^n^ njin : CIN ^3 w 1 ? nuo T^I .IHN DIN^ 

: D J N (Ps. CXLVII, 2) DJIT 

4 ) Tr. Megillah f. 16 b; cf. Lekah Tob ed. Buber p. 109; Horow. 
p. 74 (141). 



Quotations from the Bible in the Qoran 
and the Tradition 

by 
Prof. M. J. de Goeje (Leyden). 



Noldeke wrote in his ,,Greschichte des Qorans" (1860) 
p. 6 7 : ,,Es kann aber keinem Zweifel unterworfeu sein, 
dass er (Mohammed) die heiligen Biicher der Juden und 
Christen nicht selbst gelesen hatte, sondern dass er bloss 
durch mimdliche Nachrichten mit ihrem Inhalt bekannt ge- 
worden war. Daher gleichen die alttestamentlichen Erzah- 
lungen imQoran weit mehr den haggadischen Ausschmiickungen 
als ihrenllrbildern; die neutestamentlichen sind ganz legenden- 
haft and haben deshalb einige Aehnlichkeit mit den Berichten 
der apokryphischen Evangelien. Die einzige, ganz kurze 
Stelle, welche ini Qoran wortlich aus dem alten Testament 
citiert wird, Sur. 21, 105: ,,Und wir haben in den Psalmen 
geschrieben, dass die Gerechten die Erde ererben sollen", 
vergl. Psalm 37 ? 29, muss Muhammed daher aus dem Munde 
eines Juden gehort haben. Aehnlich horte er von einem un- 
gelehrten Christen, dass Christus seinen Anhangern ver- 
sprochen habe ? nach ihm werde Einer kommen, der sie in 
alle Wahrheit leiten werde (Joh. 16, 7); er bezog dies auf 
sich, und nannte den Verheissenen, einerlei ob er den Namen 
7uapdbtXY)TO kannte oder nicht, cX+^J mit Anspielung auf seinen 
Namen ^f 6 ^^ Es ist iiberhaupt sehr zweifelhaft, ob die 
Araber damals irgend eine Bibel in ihrer Sprache besessen 
haben .... Was sich von Gelehrsamkeit und kirchlicher 
Einrichtung unter ihnen land, war syrisch, wie wir denn 
noch jetzt syrische Schriften alter arabischer Kleriker haben. 
Wenn es iiberhaupt schon hochst zweifelhaft ist, dass es 

12* 



M. J. de Goeje. 

vor dem Qoran ein arabisches Buch gegeben habe, so gilt 
dies besonders von der Bibel." 

Nevertheless Sprenger in his excellent work w Das Leben 
und die Lehre des Mohammed" (1869), I p. 132, maintained his 
opinion that already at the time of Mohammed parts of the 
Bible existed in Arabic translation. Sheer want of time pre 
vents me from examining whether this topic has been since 
the subject of a special study. If not, the following pages 
may afford a small contribution towards it. 

When examining the state of Mohammed s knowledge 
of ancient (Biblical) history in the Qoran, we perceive distinct 
ly its gradual increase or development. Sprenger demon 
strated this in his psychological treatise ,,Mohammed und der 
Koran" published (at Hamburg 1889) in Virchow s Sammlung 
gemeinverstdndlicher Vortrage, Vierte Serie, Heft 84/85, and 
Dr. Snouck Hurgronje, the author of ,.Mekka", gave an 
example of it concerning the history of the patriarchs Abraham, 
Isaac, Jacob and Ishmael in his dissertation ,,Het Mekkaansche 
feest" (Leiden 1880), p. 29-40. Sprenger thought that the 
Prophet had behind the scenes a Jewish- Christian mentor, 
who taught him what to say to his adversaries, and from 
whom he derived his historical information. 1 ) In his great 
work on Mohammed, II, p. 366 seq., he had conjectured that 



l ) [Besides Geiger s famous thesis: Was hat Mohammed cms d. Juden- 
thum aufgenommen? (Bonn 1833), cf. Dr. J. Gastfreund: Mohammed nach 
Talmud and Midrasch (Wien 1875); Dr. H. Hirschfeid s essays: Judische 
Elemente im Koran (Berlin 1878) ; Beitrdge zur Erkldrung des 
Kordns (Leipzig 1885); The spirit of Islam, in The Jewish Quarterly 
Review (London 1893), vol. V, pp. 212-30; Essai sur Vhistoir 
des Juifs de Medine, in Eevue des Etudes- Juives, VII (1883). pp. 167 
93; X (1885) pp. 1031; Hughes Dictionary of Islam (N. Y. & 
London 1885). pp. 235-242, s. v. Jews: Dr. J. M. Arnold: Islam and 
Christianity .(London 1874), p. 116 seq.; Steinschneider: Polemische und 
apologetische Literatur in arabischer Sprache (Leipzig 1877); Goldziher: 
Proben muhammedanischer Polemik gegen den Talmud in Kobak s Je 
schurun (1871) VIII, pp. 76104; IX (1878) pp. 1847; Bibel und bibli- 
sche Geschichte in der muhammedanischen Literatur, ibid., VIII, pp. 
129; Ueber muhammed. Polemik gegen Ahl al-Kitab, in Z. D. M. G. 
XXXII (1878) pp. 341387 (cf. also pp. 388 95); Schreiner: %ur Gesch. 
d. Polemik zwischen Juden u. Muhammedanem. in ibid., pp. 591675; 
Dr. A. Kohut: Haggadic Elements in Arabic Legends, in The Independent 
(N. Y.) Jan. 8th, 15th, 22th & 29th, 1891, etc. etc. G. A. K.] 



Quotations from the Bible in the Qoran and the Tradition. 181 

the well-known monk Bahira from Tayma was his adviser. 
But in the psychological essay, cited above, he calls him a 
Presbyter who came back to Mekka from Abyssinia in 616, 
together with the first Moslem refugees. I doubt whether 
either of these conjectures can be backed by sufficient evidence. 
By predicating as divine inspiration what had just been 
dictated to him by a man, Mohammed would have played an 
awkward and dangerous part, and would have proved himself 
a deliberate impostor. The one and the other are alike in 
credible. Besides, if Mohammed from 616 downwards received 
regular communications from a Presbyter, we ought to find 
traces of biblical words in the Qoranic parts of this and the 
following periods, whereas in fact we have only the two 
verses cited by Noldeke, which are derived, according to all 
probability, from very different sources, the former having been 
transmitted, directly or indirectly, by a Jew in Mekka, the 
other by a Christian in Medina. 1 ) I cannot agree with 
Sprenger that in Qoran 46 vs. 9 a single person is meant 
as witness. But granted that Sprenger s assumption be correct, 
how could Mohammed call a Presbyter "a witness from the 
children of Israel"? No, Mohammed counted amongst his friends 
more than one who had either professed or got acquainted 
with the Jewish or Christian religion, but what he learned from 
them fermented in his own mind and grew to become real 
inspiration in his estimate. 2 ) 

Let us now return to the principal question. The quotation 
from Psalm 37 vs. 29 could have been taken from an Arabic 
translation of the Psalms, but this supposition is far from 
being necessary. The passage is short and simple, such as 
could easily be translated from memory. This is confirmed 
by the translation not being literally exact. Moreover, there is 



*) [Cp. Noldeke s essay: Hatte Muhammed christliche Lehrer? in 
Z. D. M. G. XII (1858), pp. 699708; and Sprenger s remarks in his 
article: Mohammed s Zusammenkunft mit dem Einsiedler Bahyrd, ibid. 
XII, pp. 238-49. G. A. K.] 

-) On the relation of the teachings of Islam to Judaism, see the bibliography 
in Dr. A. Kohut s last monograph: p^f ^s-y^ pikJl ^jJ Light of 

Shade and Lamp of Wisdom, being Hebrew-Arabic Homilies composed by 
Nathanael Ibn Jeshdya (1327) New-York 1894, pp. 45; 6870; 79-87 
and the sources there cited. G. A. K.J 



M. J. de Goeje. 

no proof whatever that Mohammed knew more of this psalm 
than these three words. As for the quotation from John 
16 vs. 9, it is evident, that it is only a reminiscence, and here 
the tendency is very perspicuous, its purpose being to 
show that the advent of Mohammed had been prophesied by 
Jesus. 

Sprenger cited in support of his hypothesis of an old 
Arabic translation of the Bible the quotation by Ibn Ishaq 
(Ibn Hisham ed. Wiistenfeld, p. 150) from John 15 vs. 25 
- 16 vs. 1. There is not, however, the slightest ground 
for the supposition, that this quotation was made from an Arabic 
translation of the Gospel. The importance of this text for 
proving the mission of Mohammed as the Paraclete accounts 
fully for its separate translation from the Syriac text. 

There are, however, two more quotations from the Bible 1 ) 
which if I am not mistaken, have not yet been drawn into 
account. The former is to be found in Bokhari s Collec 
tion of authentic traditions, III p. 309 of KrehTs edition, in 
the commentary on Qoran 32 : "Aboo Horayra tells that the 
Prophet said: Allah, exalted is He above all, has spoken: 
I have prepared for my servants, the righteous, what no eye 
has seen, nor ear has heard, nor did it occur to the mind 
of man." These words have been borrowed with slight varia 
tions from 1 Cor. 2 vs. 9, which again has been derived from 
Isaiah 64 vs. 4, 65 vs. 17. In another tradition, also given 
on the authority of Aboo Horayra, the following words are 
added : "as a treasure for the future, besides that with which 
ye have become acquainted". I don t think that the word 
,,besides" indicates a reminiscence of "H^T, as the subsequent 
words have no connection with the Biblical text. In many 
sources the expression "as a treasure for the future" is wan 
ting, and instead of "with which ye have become acquainted", 
others have "with which I have acquainted them." (So in 
Zamakhsharfs Faik, I p. 140 of the Leyden manuscr., 
and in Harawfs K i t a b a 1 - g h a r I b a y n sub &-b). Th e 
tradition is to be found in the works on those traditions 



) [See an interesting article: Bibel und Biblische G-eschichte in der 
muhammedanischen Liter atur, in Kobak s Jeschurun VIII (1871), p. 1 29; 
and Goldziher s Ueber Bibelcitate in muham. Schriften, in Stade s Zeit- 
schrift fur AlUestam. Wissenschaft, vol. XIII, pp. 31521. G. A. K.] 



Quotations from the Bible in the Qoran and the Tradition. 

that contain strange words or expressions (g ha rib al-ha- 
dith) because of the use of the word balha (besides). 
Lane gave it in extenso in his Dictionary together with 
the grammatical observations of the native interpreters. 

The second, as far as I am aware, has not yet been 
published. Therefore I will give the text with commentary, 
as it is to be found in Zamakhsharl s just named work, I 
p. 44 seq. : 



i6yo XiJLo 



S tX*j s 



v 

uJ *JUSLjiJ! ; JU^J! iuuXU! Jj a&Jj UTyo ^5! j 
ab^L >MJ Joo !*-*! ^Jb ib^l Jwjo^ l&fr ^ 



[marg. 



so 



C-J.-0 * M> t i 

The Prophet said: Allah revealed to Isaiah: "lo, I 
will send a blind man amid the blind, and an illiterate amid 
the illiterate ; upon him I will let down sedateness and I 
will assist him with wisdom. Should he pass closely by a 
wick, he would not extinguish it, or by the tall reeds, its 
sound would not be heard." m m I (illiterate) has been for- 



M. J. de Goeje. 

ined from ommat al-arab (the people of the Arabs), 
when this had not yet acquired the art of writing, at a time 
when other peoples could write. Though they learned to write 
afterwards, the adjective kept its old meaning. Others derive 
the word from o m m (mother) and explain it by "such as 
his mother bore him." - - S akin a (sedateness) is gravity 
and calm;,it is a faila-form of sakana (to rest) as g h a- 
f I r a (forgiveness) of g h a f a r a (to pardon). Therefore the 
token of the children Israel (marginal gloss: the ark of the co 
venant) is called s a k I n a , because they found rest with it. 
- The word ra ra (tall) is tall and movable-, it conies from 
t a r a c r o c a c, - Q a b i (the growing up of the boy), i. e. his 
being in motion and becoming tall ; or from t a r a r o c a s - 
s arab (the motion of the mirage). - - The description means: 
his gravity and sedateness (sokoon tairihi, if a 
bird alighted upon him, it would be still. This is a prover 
bial locution, which has been explained by Lane in v. ^.SLb. 
The glossary on Tabarl will contain some additions to it) 
are such, that should he pass closely by a burning wick, he 
would not extinguish it, or by the tall reeds, that are put 
in motion even by the most trifling cause, he would not 
put it in motion, so that its sound could be perceived. 

It is clear that this tradition contains an allusion to 
Isaiah 62 vs. 3 (and perhaps vs. 2) Matth. 12 vs. 20. 
The word r a c r a c explained from the Arabic, responds to the 
Hebrew ragooQ-, the Aramaic ra c i c , which is translated 
commonly by broken or fragile, but by many inter 
preters (also in the Vulgata) is rendered by quassatus. 
Harawi has under (/^): "al-Qotaybi says a r - r a e r a c is 
that which is tall, hence t a r a c r a a Q - Q a b I (the boy 
shoots up)." The Arabic explication does not render the mea 
ning of the Hebrew or Aramaic, but the form of the word, 
a reduplicated form from r a c seems to prove that it has been 
translated from an Aramaic text by a man who was better 
versed in Arabic than in Syriac, because he renders the Ara 
maic word by the externally corresponding Arabic word, though 
this has another meaning. Now Harawi names as authority 
for this tradition Wahb ibn Monabbih, a Jewish professor 
from Yemen, converted to Islam, not, however of Israelitish 
descent, but of Persian origin. In him we can admit just such 



Quotations from the Bible in the Qoran and the Tradition. 

a degree of learning. Nor did he understand the real pur 
pose of Isaiah s words, whether he quoted them from the Old 
or from the New Testament. This seems to prove likewise 
that the passage has been translated separately, not taken from 
an entire translation, as in that case such a misunderstan 
ding would be inexplicable. Both traditions are assigned to 
the Prophet, but I have not the least doubt that they have 
been fabricated after his death, and must be classed among 
the products of the fertile schools of Aboo Horayra and Ibn 
c Abbas. The former tends evidently to confirm by the au 
thority of Isaiah the promise of the great bliss and happiness 
that await the righteous in Paradise. The other must belong 
to the class of predictions about Mohammed in the Bible. 
The Arabs consider sedateness and gravity as the indispen 
sable adornment of a gentleman ; therefore, the Prophet ought 
to possess that quality in a high degree. The words of vs. 
2 "he will not quarrel, nor cry, nobody shall hear his sound 
in the streets" would certainly have been applicable. The 
fact that the not being heard of the sound has been trans 
ferred in the tradition to the reeds, is a palpable proof that the 
passage has not been taken from an entire Arabic transla 
tion, but translated from memory. Consequently, until new 
evidence to the contrary be forthcoming, which is not very 
likely, we may feel justified in sharing Noldeke s views, and 
in maintaining that no Arabic version of the Bible, or parts 
of the Bible existed either at the time of the Prophet or at 
that of the fathers of the Mohammedan church. 
Leyden, Dec. 27, 1894. 



Translation of a Targum of the Amidah 

by 
Rev. Hermann Gollancz, M. A. (London). 



It affords ine a melancholy satisfaction to be permitted 
to contribute a leaf, in the form of a humble literary effort, to 
the wreath about to be placed by colleagues and friends at the 
foot of the altar erected to the memory of the distinguished 
Oriental scholar, Dr. Alexander Kohut. 

I feel sure that I shall be acting in the spirit of our late- 
lamented teacher, if I endeavour in the following pages to 
make accessible to a wider circle of readers the remarkable and 
unique Targum of the Amidah , which, thanks to my esteemed 
friend, the Rev. Hahain Dr. Gaster, has recently been brought 
to light in the Monatsschrift. I venture to think, that 
an English translation of this Targum, hitherto unknown, 
will be welcome to many, coming, as it does, as a surprise 
that, in addition to Targurnim until now associated only with 
the Scriptures, there should have existed an Aramaic para 
phrase of so important a portion of the Prayer-Book as the 
Amidah . 

The importance of this Targum cannot be over- estimated: 
for, in its light, it is almost possible in several instances to 
discover the text of the Prayer in its original form. 

But I am not concerned on the present occasion with a 
critical analysis of this important find; my part is simply that 
of a translator. To give a better idea of the Aramaic, I have 
avoided paraphrase, and translated as literally as the English 
idiom permitted. 

In a few foot-notes, I have mainly indicated the cases in 
which I found it necessary, to deviate from the reading in 
Dr. Gaster s text. 



Translation of a Targum of the Amidah. 187 

Translation. 

In the name of the Merciful One, 1 will, with the help 
of the God of Abraham, begin to write a Targum on the 
Eighteen Benedictions of the Prayer . 

I beseech thee, Lord, give unto rne the proper speech 
(lit. the opening of the mouth J to shew forth thy praise, and 
to worship before thee, as our ancestors with a perfect heart 
worshipped before thee. Thou art he, the God of Abraham, 
the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, the mighty and tre 
mendous God, for there is no fear according to the fear of 
thee. Thou, indeed, art able to preserve by thy might the 
people crushed between the seventy nations of the world. 
God, the Most High, who bestowest gracious favours 
upon all thy possessions, for thou possessest, all things 
above and below, thou didst create them, and all things rejoice 
before thee. Thou, in thy mercy, doest kindnesses unto them, 
remembering unto thy people Israel the merits of their ancestors 
Abraham Isaac and Jacob; and thou hast, in thy mercy, 
redeemed their descendants from Egypt, out of the house 
of bondage. And as thou hast redeemed them from the hand 
of all those who rose up to do evil unto them, so wilt 
thou in future bring the redemption of the Messiah, the son 
of David, to deliver their children s children for the sake 
of thy name, which is joined to them in loving- kindness. 

O merciful King, Supporter, Redeemer and Strength of the 
righteous who give thanks unto thee and bless thy name, and who 
will thus in future give thanks unto thee, and bless thee ; Lord, 
who hast been the Strength of Abraham, thy friend. 

} nnN Might and power belong unto God, the Lord of the 
universe, and his might endureth for ever. There is not one of 
all those who dwell upon the earth, who can do as thy 
works and as thy might. For thou wilt quicken the dead, and rouse 
those who are asleep among his people, to reward with loving- 
kindness and truth the righteous who have departed from this 
world, for the sake of their works by which they made them 
selves perfect before thee: thus wilt thou once raise them up. 
But as for the wicked, thou wilt revive them, to make known 
unto them thy might. For thou wilt reward the righteous 
ones, who have walked willingly in thy paths with love; 
and for the sake of this, thou wilt deliver them, and quicken 



188 



Hermann Gollancz. 



them with that dew which is treasured up in the store-house 
above, namely, the dew of life, by which the angels and souls 

are fed. 

Thine, indeed, is the might: for thou doest good to the 
living in this world, and sustainest them in goodness ; quickening 
the dead in abundant mercy, supporting the needy, raising 
up the fallen, loosening all the bonds of those who are 
bound, healing those who are sick upon their couches, and 
preserving the faithfulness and the oath established with 
those who sleep in Hebron, who humbled themselves as dust 
in their own eyes. There is no one beside thee, Lord of 
might; and who can be compared unto thee, O King, causing 
man to die for the sake of his sin, and quickening the dead 
for thy name s sake? even bringing forth from captivity Israel 
who are likened to the dead, who have neither strength 
nor power: like 1 ) to those dead, which, if one smites them, 
have no power, to strike for their honour. Thus is it with 
Israel in captivity: they may be compared to the man, who 
has no hearing of the ears, when they hear the reproach 
of the nations; nor is there in their hands any strength, to 
strike in return for the shame with which the peoples make them 
ashamed. 

Therefore thou wilt revive those who are like unto the 
dead, and wilt cause thy redemption to spring forth for 
them-, and unto thee is the faithfulness to revive them and 
to raise up their dead ; and they will sing praises before 
thee, and bless thy name, saying:- May his great name be 
blessed, who has the power to quicken the dead. 

p"tf Verily all above and bellow know that thou art holy, 
arid thy holiness is unlike the other holy things on earth : 
for thy holiness is an exalted holiness, unlike the holiness of 
the human being who ceased after a time, whose body is of 
clay, with more or less imperfections , and who is deficient 
by reason of the bodily desires of eating, drinking and 
sleeping, on which account his holiness is imperfect; and in 
like manner, thy holiness is unlike the holiness of the angels 
on high who have quality, finality, and form, known to all, 
so that it might be adequately marked in the heart. Thy 
holiness, however, Lord of the universe, is free from the 

) 1 prefer to read v^PC with 2- 



Translation of a Targum of the Amidah. 189 

holiness of man, and the holiness of angels, who minister 
before thee in holy form: for thy holiness is exalted above 
the holiness of all, not one being able to attain it adequately, 
for all such as are created are too weak to attain that 
holiness, nor are the holiest ones clothed in thy holiness. 
Therefore the great Kedusha ( Sanctification ) is pronounced. 
n"K Before man sees the light of the world, the angel 
that is appointed over the generation of man takes the foetus 
and places it before the Sovereign of the universe, addressing 
him thus: Lord of the universe! What will be (the lot 
of) this man? Will he be wise or wily, a wicked or a 
worthy person? But the Sovereign of the universe does not 
answer him: for if he were to answer him, its character 
would necessarily be fixed, while he (man) is to have the 
option in his hand to turn to the South (sc. if he would), so 
that that decree should not influence a man to turn to one side 
(sc. more than another). Accordingly, God does not answer 
him (the angel), so that man should desire for himself spirit, 
understanding, and knowledge. That is why he should say 
in his prayers before the Lord of the universe: --Thou art 
he who graciously bestoweth upon humankind knowledge, 
and teacheth him understanding and knowledge. Give thou 
unto us out of thy goodly treasure understanding, know 
ledge, and wisdom, so that we may know with a perfect 
knowledge the path of goodness, and bless thee, for having 
lovingly bestowed upon us the spirit of knowledge. 

USn&Ti When Israel sinned, and the Temple was destroyed, 
they came to Babylon, and the Law was forgotten out of their 
mouths. They were unable to pray to, implore, and propitiate 
their God, the Lord of the universe - the Living and Eternal 
God, to have compassion on them, and to. turn then- 
captivity from the land of Shcshak, for their tongue was con 
fused and they could not in a proper manner utter the words 
of the Law, as it is written: And their children, half of them 
spake in the language of Ashdod, and half spake the Jews 
language 1 : i) and they could not properly utter words of prayer. 
At that time, Jehoiaehin, King of the house of Judah, was 

) Cf. Nehemiah XIII, 24 which is as follows: And their children 
spake half in the speech of Ashdod, and could not speak in the Jews 
language, but according to the language of each people . 



Hermann Gollancz. 

with them in captivity : for Nebucadnezzar, servant of the King 
of Babylon, a wicked servant, brought him by the hand of 
N ebuzaradan , chief executioner, and carried to Babylon the 
captivity of Judah and Benjamin together with Jehoiachin, 
their King. At that time, the instruction of the Law was 
forgotten in Sheshak to the lowest degree; even Jehoiachin, 
King of the house of Judah, who in those days was a wise and 
pious man, and returned in repentance to the Lord of the universe 
and knew the sublime secret, i. e. the Work of the Chariot , even 
he had forgotten the fundamental mysteries of the expressions 
of the Chariot, But when Merodach did lift him up, his mind 
was stirred to study the secrets of the expressions of the 
Chariot, and he decreed unto the sons of the priests who were 
at that time, such as Ezekiel and his companions priests and 
prophets of the Lord, that they should study the mysteries 
of the words-, and he appointed a time for them, and 
Ezekiel and his companions who were righteous in 
those days , and in that generation , proclaimed a fast. 
And after that time, when they had fasted and remained in 
prayer and supplication before the Lord of the universe, after 
that, they came down to Babylon for they had gone up to 
the land of Israel by permission of the King. Now while they 
were coming down on that occasion a second time, as he 
reached the bridge which was over the river Chebar, the 
spirit of prophecy from the Lord rested upon Ezekiel the 
priest, the son of Buzi, in the land of the Chaldeans; and in 
the prophetic spirit which rested upon him, he saw the hidden 
and secret mysteries of the Work of the Chariot ; and he went and 
taught Jehoiachin the mysteries of the King and handed over (?) 
to him his teaching in a proper manner. 1 ) And the holy 
spirit rested in the midst of Israel, and they prayed unto their 
God that, by reason of their penitence, he would turn and gather 
their captivity, and redeem them from their troubles and restore 
unto them the Law, and they prayed: Restore us, our Father, 
unto thy Law . This was the prayer appointed until they 
came up out of the land of captivity 5 whereupon Ezra, the 
priest, and his companions rose in the Great Assembly, and 



J ) Read, instead of &QP !rr"u\ &OH1 PiUjV This passage seems corrupt: 
we have endeavoured to give a meaning to it. 



Translation of a Targum of the Amidah. 191 

fixed that prayer, which is the essence of all prayers and pe 
titions; and it was familiar in the mouths of all Israel, and 
became current in (lit. the mouths of) that generation. Thus 
do we also pray unto the God which is in Heaven, that he 
may restore the Word to compassionate us as in the days 
of yore, that he may work a miracle and bring about for us a 
redemption, as he redeemed us from Babylon: and we suppli- 
catingly beseech Him, that the words of the Law may not be 
forgotten of our heart, so that we may be comforted amid the 
captivity. 

Thus do we pray : Restore us, our Lord, unto thy 
Law, draw us near unto thy service, and cause us to return unto 
thee with a perfect repentance: may the repentance be one 
of favour, that thou mayest receive us, so that we may bless 
thee, our Lord, who receivest repentance. 

S rftD And as, when we sinned against thy law, thou 
didst compassionate us and forgive our sins, so do we pray 
for ourselves unto our Lord, that he may pardon us, just as he 
did pardon us for the many sins which we sinned before him, 
from the day when we stood by the Red Sea, and while we 
were in the wilderness; similarly, when we went up to the 
land of Israel and sinned before him, and we prayed unto 
him, he forgave us, redeeming us by the hand of the judges 
who judged Israel. And thus is it also, through our iniquities, 
that we are in captivity; wherefore we beseech Him that He, 
in his mercy, may pardon our iniquities. 

The Associates (i. e. Sanhedrin) have fixed it (the 
prayer) as follows: May our Lord forgive us, for we have sinned; 
pardon us our Lord, for we have transgressed; thou art a good 
God to pardon the sins and iniquities of all who turn in re 
pentance before thee. Blessed is he, the Lord, who hath 
compassion, and forgiveth all who return unto him. 

2 n&O The inhabitants of Babylon sent word to those 
who dwelt in the land of Israel, that they ought to weep 
for the destruction of the Temple, and to mourn the fact, that 
the holy nation had been carried captive from their land, and 
that they were left without the Shechina ( Divine Presence ) ; 
that they were carried about from place to place, like unto 
a beggar that called at every door and gate ; while even 
here (in captivity), the Divine Presence had been reduced to 



Hermann Gollancz. 

misery in common with them, nor was there anything now 
(left) of her (the Shechina) that had not been exceedingly 
changed with regard to them. We therefore pray before our 
Lord, that he may look from his holy habitation to have 
compassion upon the Shechina which is in captivity with 
us ; and as the Almighty, blessed be he, had pity with his 
daughter Bathsheba, the mother of King Solomon, so may 
he have pity with us his people 1 ). 

Thus do we repeat: See now, we beseech thee, see our 
affliction, and judge our cause at the hands of those who 
carried us captive ; exact punishment from them on earth, and 
from their princes in heaven, and have compassion on thy 
poor daughter and son ; deign to (lit. would that God) 2 ) 
redeem us, for thou art a God mighty in redemption. Blessed 
be the Lord, whose Word redeemeth Israel. 

ijW? The Assembly of Israel sayeth: Heal me, Lord, 
for I have been stricken by my sins among the nations which 
thou hast caused to have dominion over me, in consequence 
of my former sins which I have sinned before thee; and now that 
I have returned unto thee, it beseenieth thee to compassionate 
me. Reveal thy might unto me to redeem me ; we 3 ) hope but 
for the healing alone which conieth from thee. Redeem us 
with a perfect redemption, that there be no later trouble nor 
exile ; redeem us with an everlasting redemption from among 
the peoples which have enslaved me. Make manifest before 
thee what they have wrought unto me, and cause perfect 
health to come unto all those who are scattered and sick 
on account of their misdeeds ; for thou art a God who hea- 
leth in compassion and faithfulness, wherefore every creature 
is bound to bless thy name and say : Blessed art thou, 
O Lord, from whom cometh health to heal his people Israel 
who are sick. 

1^212 When Israel went into exile from their land to 
a strange land, and their sacrifices ceased, and the blessings 
ceased, the Assembly of Israel thereupon prayed before the 



*) Read pPCJ? w^h \ 

*) ^Tiltf probably = i^nN (Ps. CXIX 5) or ^nx (H Kings V. 3). 



Cf. Syr. 

3 ) Read instead of ^, ^; or perhaps ^ tf, 



Translation of a Targum of the Amidah. 

Lord of heaven, from whom blessings come, He being the 
fountain of the blessings and praises, through whose Provi 
dence the world is blessed: and thus did she pray unto the 
Lord our God: Blessed art thou who providest for us by thy 
blessing, as in the days when thou wast wont to bless us : 
when I used to offer in thy Temple a half-shekel to atone 
for our souls before thee; bless the years for us with the dew 
and rain of favour, as the year in which I offered before thee 
in the Temple the Omer and the two loaves, in which I presented 
to the priests the heave- offering and to the tribe of Levi the 
tithe; also on account of the second tithe which I did eat 
at the time when I appeared before thee three times a year 
-and on account of the gifts to the poor and needy, such as 
the gleanings, the forgotten sheaf, and the corner of the field, 
as also the tithe for the poor. For as soon as the precept 
concerning the shekel was abolished, all commercial dealings 
were abolished : as the libation of water was abrogated, the 
dew and rain of blessing also went ; as the two loaves and 
the Omer ceased, the blessing departed from the produce of the 
field. Therefore do we implore and beseech thee, bless unto 
us, Lord our God, the works of our hands; bless the years 
unto us with the dew and rain of blessing and favour, as 
the good years which were of old, and we will bless thy 
name, who blesseth the years for us, for thou will bless our 
years. 

3 2 J?pn The Assembly of Israel speaketh : Sove 
reign of the universe ! Thou hast covenanted with us by 
thy right-hand and mighty arm, that thou wilt redeem and 
bring us up out of captivity: and now, when will thy word 
be fulfilled unto thy captive assembly? Thus doth she say: 
Sound the great trumpet to gather us to freedom ; and, verily, 
come to gather our captivity from the four corners of the 
earth unto our own land, as it is written by the hand of the 
prophet : And it shall come to pass in that time [when the 
Lord shall return to gather the captivity of his people] 1 ) that 
the great trumpet shall be blown, and they shall come which 
were ready to perish in the land of Assyria, of the outcasts 



*) Vide original Hebrew and Targum of Isaiah XXVII. 13. The words 
enclosed [ ] do not occur. 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 13 



194 



Hermann Gollancz. 



in the land of Egypt, and shall worship the Lord in the holy 
mount at Jerusalem. They say, therefore: Blessed be the Lord, 
who gathereth the captivity of his people Israel. 

l^trn Thus saith the Assembly of Israel : - - while we 
were in the Holy Land, we had the Great College in the 
court of the Temple, which judged us according to the words 
of the Law, which was dear to me as the apple of my eye r 
and as cherished as our own soul; but now that I am in 
exile, the seventy members of the Sanhedrin, who were 
beloved in 1 ) the circular seat in front of the altar, establishing, 
as they were the precepts of the Law, the principle of the 
precepts of thy Law, these are no more with me ; wherefore, 
we beg and beseech thee: Restore our judges as at the first, 
and our counsellors as at the beginning, as thou hast written 
for us at the hand of Isaiah, thy prophet (I. 26) : And I will 
appoint among you judges of truth, established as at first, 
and counsellors as at the beginning. Remove from us, too, 
sorrow and sighing, and reign thou over us in thy kingdom 
speedily, alone in mercy, truth, and justice: Blessed be the 
name of the Lord, the King who delighteth in truth and 
justice. 

C^Cltrc 1 ? Verily, woe unto the wicked who have trans 
gressed thy command, and gone and served the idols of the 
nations and as for all the nations who have trusted in 
idols, woe unto them, in the day in which the Lord of the 
universe will reveal himself to take judgment upon them, 
because they considered not their latter end, what would 
befall them-, in the day when the Lord of the universe shall 
exact punishment of them for his righteous servants, and they 
will have no support nor hope in that day , of which it is 
said (Is. LXIII 4.) : For the day of vengeance is before me, 
and the year of my people s redemption is come ; and the 
wicked of the world shall rely upon, but shall not find 
any good works that will protect them, while the house of 
Israel shall say before the Lord of the universe : woe unto 
these transgressors, let them have no hope before thee 5 and 
as for all those that go astray and act wickedly, let them 
perish in a moment, and let the kingdom of wickedness be 

*) I prefer 



Translation of a Targum of the Amidah. 195 

speedily rooted up and broken to pieces ; mayest thou cause 
them to be destroyed and broken from before thee immedi 
ately, so that our eyes may see it: as King David exclaims 
(Ps. LVIII, 11) . The righteous shall rejoice when they see 
the vengeance ; they shall wash their feet in the blood of 
the wicked. 

Thus shall the righteous give thanks unto thee and say: 
Blessed be the Lord, who destroyeth the adversaries, the 
enemies and the wicked together. 

C^p^nun by But as for those who are righteous in their 
course and pious in their actions, and those who rely upon them 
in truth, and the remnant of thy people Israel, may thy tender 
mercies, Lord our God, be turned unto them; give unto us 
a goodly portion, and a good reward unto all those who rely 
upon thy name in truth, and set our portion with them in 
the Garden of Eden in the world to come, with those souls, 
on l ) that day of great light, so that we may never be put to 
shame before thee; for we have trusted in thy name, and 
hoped for thy salvation. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who art 
the support and trust of the righteous. 

"! [C& P. The Assembly of Israel repeateth in its prayer: 
Lord of heaven! Make thy might manifest upon us, and 
suffer thy Divine Presence to dwell in the midst of Jeru 
salem thy city, which thou hast chosen from all the lands, 
and cause us speedily to dwell in safety, as thou hast said 
(I. Kings VI 13): And I will cause my presence to dwell 
among the children of Israel, and I will not cause my people 
Israel to be far off. build and establish it as an ever 
lasting building and work of perfection; and I will give 
thanks unto the Lord in our days; and may our eyes 
behold it, and may we rejoice in her before thee, for thou wilt 
establish the throne of King David in the midst of her. 
Blessed art thou, Lord who wilt 2 ) rebuild Jerusalem. 

DCU DN. Cause, we beseech thee, salvation to arise unto 
the house of David, and by thy salvation exalt thou its 
strength. Blessed shalt thou be, Lord, who causest strength 
to arise for the salvation of his people. 



*) Repeat "tfpG after the words 

2 ) The word rpHj} i Q this connexion is hopeless. 



Hermann Gollancz. 

yi2W. The Assembly of Israel speaketh before the 
Holy One, blessed be he: Sovereign of all the worlds! O 
merciful God, we beseech thee, at all times when we pray 
unto thee, receive thou our prayers, for tliou art the Lord 
our God. Have pity with us in thy mercy, and receive our 
petition in mercy and favour. May we not return empty, 
our Lord, from before thee, for thou receivest the prayer 
of all those that pray unto thee. Blessed art thou. O Lord, 
who receivest prayer. 

nsn The Assembly of Israel exclaims: We implore thee, 
Lord our God, that thy favour may be with thy people 
Israel, that thou mayest receive their supplications with favour, 
and that thou mayest restore for us the service of thy 
name unto the innermost part l ) of thy House. Mayest thou 
receive with favour their offerings and petitions, and may the 
service of thy people Israel, with which they shall 
serve thee, be acceptable continually, that thou mayest be pleased 
with us. May also our eyes behold when thy Divine Presence 
shall return in mercy to thy place, unto Zion, as at the time 
when thy Divine Presence did dwell in their midst. Blessed 
art thou, Lord, who restorest thy Divine Presence unto 
Zion. 

C" 1 "^. Saith the Assembly of Israel: Words of thanks 
giving will we render unto thee, Lord! thou hast created 
our life for us, and art the strength of our salvation; thou 
reinainest for everlasting generations. We will give thanks 
unto thee and discourse of thy praise for our lives which are 
entrusted in thy hand, and for our souls which are within us 
in trust for thee, 2 ) for thy beneficence (?) and for the gifts 
(lit. distribution) of thy bounty, 3 ) which at all times, evening 
and morning, are dealt out unto us: good God, for thy mercies 
do not cease. We beseech thee, merciful One, for thy kind 
nesses do not end, and every living creature praises thy great 
name, for thou art an exceedingly good God. Blessed art 
thou, Lord, whose name is good continually. 



*) msr rpD i take --= rmsD i. 

>e ) Cf. Pirke Aboth III. 20. ]12*1J?2 jlfO ^-Pi- Everything is given 
on pledge. 

3 ) Read, instead of iniD 



Translation of a Targuin of the Amidah. 197 

c6fc CW. Thus saith the Assembly of Israel: My 
Sovereign Lord! Grant peace, welfare, and blessings, along 
and goodly life, grace, loving-kindness and mercy unto us and 
unto all Israel, thy people. Bless us, (3 our God, even all 
of us together, with the light of thy Divine Presence: for, by 
the light of thy Divine Presence, thou hast given us, O Lord 
our God, the Law which is life, compassion and goodness, 
loving kindness and righteousness, mercy, and blessing, and 
peace altogether. We beg thee to bless thy people at all 
times with thy peace, praise, and blessing. Blessed art thou, 
O Lord, who blessest thy people Israel with peace. 

J1STP TTi\ May the word of my mouth and the medi 
tation of my heart be acceptable before thee, Lord our God, 
my strength and my salvation, who rnakest peace among thy 
heavenly host (Lat. familia) between Michael and Gabriel, 
and who in thy mercy will make peace between us and all 
thy people Israel, O faithful God ! 



The Diction of Genesis VI-IX 

by 
William Henry Green, 

Professor in the Theological Seminary at Princeton. New Jersey 



I can offer no more fitting tribute to the eminent 
Hebrew scholarship of Dr. Alexander Kohut, his devotion 
to the religion of his fathers and his assured conviction that 
the books of Moses were really the production of the great 
Hebrew lawgiver than this brief specimen of a line of argu 
ment, to which he expressed in flattering terms his unquali 
fied approval. 

It is asserted by many eminent critics that the language 
of the Pentateuch gives evidence of having been drawn from 
separate sources, each of which is characterized by the use 
of certain words and forms of speech peculiar to itself. 
And this is one of the main supports of the modern hy 
pothesis that the Pentateuch is not the work of any single 
writer, but that it consists of extracts from different docu 
ments ingeniously woven together. I am persuaded that an 
unprejudiced examination will show that the above mentio 
ned assertion is unfounded and consequently the hypo 
thesis of Pentateuchal documents is built upon a mistake. 
It is the purpose of this essay to test it in a single passage, 
the account of the flood in Gen VI IX, which is commonly 
reckoned by the divisive critics are of the strongest bul 
warks of their hypothesis. 

Dr. Dillmann in his Commentary on Genesis gives the 
following distinctive marks of the document P in the chap 
ters now before us. viz. in addition to the divine name 
Elohim, (1) the title VI. 9; (2) reckoning hy the years of 
Noah s life; (3) the exact statements of time respecting the 



The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 199 

course of the flood; (4) the measurements of the ark; (5) 
weaving in a law, IX. 1 7, and its referring back to I. 27 
sqq; (6) the covenant and its sign, IX. 8 sqq. ; (7) diffuse- 
ness and constantly recurring formulae; (8) the antique 
description of the sources of the flood, VII. 11, VIII. 2; (9) 
the image of God IX. 6 ; (10) the mode of speaking of Noah s 
family, VI. 18, VII. 7. 13, VIII. 16. 18, (on the contrary 

VII. 1 J); (11) -IBQ-^? VI. 12 sq., 17. 19, VII. 15 sq., 21, 

VIII. 17, IX. 11, 1517; (12) rapji IDT VI. 19, VII. 9. 16; 

(13) cr,\-ineroS VIII. 19 ; (14) r.^ j? VI. 22 ; (15) r.zni rns> 

VIII. 17, IX. 1, 7; (16) nn? D^pn or JP: VI. 18, IX. 9, 11 
sq., 17 ; (17) you and your seed after you, IX. 9; (18) 

yi_; VI. 17, VII. 21 ; (19) pintr n and prifc (not nn J) VI. 
13. 17, IX. 11. 15 ; (20) -p rjn VI 10 ; (21) n JIN VI. 21, 

IX. 3 ; (22) n^n wild beast VII. 14, 21, VIII. 1. 17. 19, IX. 
2, 5; (23) pc VI. 20, VII. 14; (24) CSJJ self-same VII. 
13; (25) pjr and p# VII. 21, VIII. 17, IX. 7; (26) frc-j 
and TC-] VI. 20, VII. 14. 21, VIII. 17. 19, IX. 2 sq. (see 
VL 7, VII. 8. 23); (27) ita? IJtt? VII. 19; (28) 2 used 
distinctively VII. 21, VIII. 17, IX. 10. 15 sq. 

This certainly has the appearance of a very formidable 
list. But such lists may prove very delusive. It should be 
remembered that no piece of composition can be so divided 
that precisely the same words and phrases and ideas shall 
occur in each of the parts, and that neither shall contain 
any that are not to be found in the other. II any such 
piece should be divided at random, and an elaborate and 
exhaustive search be instituted to discover what there was 
in one of the parts that was missing in the other and vice 
versa, no doubt large lists could be made out of what might 
be called the characteristic peculiarities of each part. Ne 
vertheless these would not have the slightest significance, 
and would have no tendency to prove that these sundered 
parts ever had a separate and independent existence, and 
were the primal sources from which the composition in ques 
tion was derived. 

More especially is this the case when the partition is 
made on the basis of certain assumed characteristic differen* 
ces. For instance, let it be assumed at the start that a given 
production is a composite one, formed by the combination of 



200 William Henry Green. 

two preexisting documents. Two sections respectively assigned 
to these documents are then compared, and the resulting 
differences noted as severally characteristic of one or the other. 
The documents are then made out in detail by the persistent 
application of the criteria thus furnished. Every paragraph, 
sentence or clause, in which any of the one class of charac 
teristics is to be found, is regularly and consistently assig 
ned to the one document; and with like regularity and con 
sistency all, in which any of the other class of characteris 
tics appear is referred to the other document, the number 
of the criteria growing as the work proceeds. When now 
the process is completed, each document will be found to 
have the assumed series of characteristics for the simple rea 
son that it was throughout constructed by the critic himself 
upon that pattern. He is arguing in a circle which of course 
returns upon itself. He proves the documents by the 
criteria, and the criteria by the documents; and these 
match as far as they do, because they have been adjusted to 
one another with the utmost care. But the correspondence 
may be factitious after all. It may show the ingenuity of 
the operator without establishing the objective reality of his 
conclusions. The documents, which he fancies that he has 
discovered, may be purely a creation of his own, and 
never have had an independent existence. 

We shall noAV examine the alleged marks of P seriatim 
with the view of discovering what significance is to be 
attached to them. 

It is urged that the alternation of the divine names in 
successive paragraphs of this narrative attests its composite 
character. This, it is affirmed, requires the assumption of 
two different writers, who were in the habit of using 
different terms to designate the most High. One (P) always 
spoke of him as Elohim (God), the other (J) as Jehovah 
(Lord). The narrative, as we possess it, has been made up 
from the combination of the accounts in these two docu 
ments 5 and hence the alternation of these two names , as 
they are here found. But this is a superficial and mechanical 
explanation of what is really due to a different and more 
satisfactory cause. The names of God, though often used 
interchangeably, are not precise equivalents. Elohim is the 



The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 201 

general designation of the most High, in his relation to the 
world at large and to all mankind, as the Creator, Preserver 
and Governor of all. Jehovah is his name in the strict and 
proper sense, by which he has made himself known to the 
chosen race; it is his designation as the God of his own 
people, the God of revelation and of redemption. 

There are two aspects, under which the flood can be 
contemplated, and two points of view from which its place 
and function in the sacred history may be regarded. It 
may be looked upon as the act of the Creator, destroying 
the work of his hands, because it had become corrupt and 
so perverted from its original intent, and at the same time 
providing for the perpetuation of the several species of 
living things. Or on the other hand it may be considered 
in its relation to the work of redemption. The wickedness 
of man threatened to put an end to the scheme of grace and 
salvation. In order to prevent his merciful designs from 
being thwarted thus the most High resolved to destroy the 
ungodly race, and rescue the one surviving pious family to 
be the seed of a new race, amongst whom true religion 
might be nurtured until it should ultimately fill the whole 
earth. The sacred writer has both these aspects of this 
great catastrophe in mind, and he suggests them to his 
readers by the alternate use of the divine names. When he 
has regard to the divine government and providential care 
as manifested in it, he speaks of it as the act of Elohim. 
When he has regard to his special guardianship over the 
pious, or to aught that concerns divine worship, he uses the 
sacred name Jehovah. Thus it is Elohim, who sees with 
displeasure the disorder introduced by the corruption of 
mankind, and makes known his purpose to destroy them, 
but institutes measures for preserving the various species 
of animals by means of an ark to be built for this end, 

VI. 9 22. It is Elohim , agreeably to whose command 
creatures of both sexes went in unto Noah into the ark, 

VII. 9. 16. It is Elohim, who remembered Noah and every 
living thing that Avas with him in the ark, and who made a 
wind pass over the earth to assuage the waters, VIII. 1. 
It is Elohim , who bade Noah go forth of the ark, and bring 
forth with him every living thing that they may multiply, 



2Q2 William Henry Green. 

upon the earth, VIII. 15 17. It is Elohim, who blessed 
Noah and his sons, as he had blessed man at his creation, 
1.28, bidding them: "Be fruitful, and multiply and replenish 
the earth", IX. 1. It is Elohim, who established his covenant 
with Noah and with every living creature, pledging that 
there should be no flood in future to destroy all flesh, 
IX. 817. 

On the other hand it is Jehovah, in whose eyes Noah 
found grace, VI. 8, and who was resolved to put a sudden 
end to the downward progress of growing wickedness, 
which infected every imagination of the thoughts of man s 
heart, and threatened to banish piety from the earth, vs. 57. 

It is Jehovah, who bade righteous Noah to come with 
all his house into the ark , and to take with him victuals 
fit for sacrifice in larger numbers than the rest, VII, 13. 
It is Jehovah, who shut Noah in, after he had entered the 
ark, ver. 16, though in the very same verse it is Elohim 
who commanded that the beasts of both sexes should enter 
in. It is Jehovah, to whom. Noah builds an altar and offers 
sacrifice, and who graciously, accepts the offering, vs. 20, 21. 

It thus appears that the divine names are discriminatingly 
used throughout the entire narrative. We accordingly pass 
to the other marks adduced by Dillinann in their order. 

1. <The title, VI. 9 . 

(a) A like title These are the generations etc. occurs 
besides in Gen. II 4, V. 1, X. 1, XL 10, 27, XXV. 12, 19, 
XXXVI. 1, 9, XXXVII. 2, Num. III. 1. and once out of 
the Pentateuch in imitation of the phrase as there used. 

(b) The word generations m^P occurs, apart from the 
titles just cited, Gen. X. 32, XXV. 13 ; Ex. VI. 16, 19, 
XXVIII. 10; Num. I. 2042, and out of the Pentateuch Ruth 
IV. 18; 1. Chron. v. 7, VII. 2, 4, 9, VIII. 28, IX. 9, 34, 
XXVI. 31. 

These titles are so far from, lending any support to the 
document hypothesis, that they can only be classed as belon 
ging to P on the prior assumption of the truth of the hypo 
thesis. That in Gen. II. 4 is assigned to P, not by reason 
of its environment , but notwithstanding the fact that it 
is the title of a J section, to which it is assumed that it 
has been transferred from a former imaginary position at the 



The Diction of Genesis VI -IX. 203 

beginning of ch. I, for which it is not suitable and where it could 
never have stood. In XXXVII. 2 it introduces a section 
composed of alternate paragraphs of J and E, in which there 
is not a single sentence Ironi P until XLI. 46, and then not 
another till XL VI. 6. In XXV. 19 it is followed by long 
passages from J, interspersed with paragraphs from E. and 
with scarcely anything from P. Ch XXXVI. 9. stands at 
the head of a section, about which critics are divided; some 
refer it to P., others in large part to R, or te JE. The 
natural inference would seem to be that these titles prefixed 
alike to J and to P sections, were suggestive of the common 
authorship of those sections, or at least that the titles 
proceeded from him, to whom Genesis owes its present form, 
be he author or compiler. 

And the other passages, in which the word n"6m is 
found, look in the same direction. Gen. X. 32 occurs at 
the close of what is considered a J section of a genealogy. 
Ex. VI. 16, 19 is in a genealogy, which Kayser assigns to 
R, which in the judgment of Wellhausen and Kuenen, does 
not belong to P, but is a later interpolation, and which 
Dillmann merely refers to P on the general ground that gene 
alogies as a rule are to be so referred, while nevertheless 
he claims that the entire context has been seriously mani 
pulated. Gen. XXV. 13 is in a genealogy, which is referred 
to P on the same general ground, but is embedded in a J 
context. It would seem consequently that there is no very 
solid ground for the claim that this word is peculiar to P. 
2. Reckoning by the years of Noah s life 7 . 
The arbitrary character of the critical rule that state 
ments of age are to be referred to P appears from the fact 
that in repeated instances this is done in defiance of the 
context. Thus Isaac s age at his marriage and at the birth 
of his children is cut out of a J context, XXV. 20, 26; so 
that of Joseph when feeding the flock with his brethren, 
XXXVII. 2, and when he stood before Pharaoh, XLI. 46, 
and the length of time that Jacob lived in Egypt and his age at 
his death, XL VII. 28, are all severed from a foreign context 
either J or E. Moreover the age of Joseph, Gen. L. 26, of 
Caleb, Josh. XIV. 7, 10, and of Joshua, Josh. XXIV. 29, 
is by common critical consent attributed to E. 



204 



William Henrv Green. 



3. The exact statements of time respecting the course 
of the flood . 

(a) P reckons 150 days until the flood began to subside, 
VII. 24, VIII. 3. But time is noted with similar exactness 
in passages referred to the other documents. Thus in J 
seven days until the flood was to begin, forty days that it 
was to continue, VII. 4, 10, 12 ; after forty days Noah opened 
the window of the ark, VIIT. 6, after seven days he sent 
forth a dove, vs. 10, 12; three months XXXVIII. 24-, in E 
twelve years, XIV. 4, 5 (referred to E by Dillmann), seven 
years, XXIX. 20, 27, 30; twenty, fourteen, and six years 
XXXI. 38, 41; two years, XLI. 1; seven years, XLI. 48, 54; 
two and live years, XLV. 6. 

(b) P notes the month and the day, which marked certain 
stages of the flood, VII. 11, VIII. 4, 5, 13, 14. But nothing 
sufficiently momentous to call for such notation occurs in 
the rest of Genesis whether in JE or in P sections. And 
in the remainder of the Hexateuch it is limited to two things, 
viz. the annual sacred seasons as described in detail in the 
ritual law. and for that reason assigned to P, and the most 
signal occurrences in the march of Israel from Egypt to 
Canaan. Thus the month and day of their leaving Egypt are 
indicated, Num. XXXIII, 3; of the first gift of Manna, Ex. 
XVI. 1: of the arrival at and departure from Sinai, Ex. XIX. 
1; Num. X 11; of setting up the sacred Tabernacle, Ex. XL. 

2, 17; of numbering the people and organizing the host, 
Num. I, 1, 18: of the return to Kadesh in the last year of 
the wandering, Nurn XX. 1; of the death of Aaron, Num. 
XXXIII. 38; of Moses final exposition of the law, Deut. I. 

3, and of the passage of the Jordan just when the predicted 
term of wandering was complete, Josh. IV. 19. These are 
all assigned to P in spite of the fact that Ex. XIX. 1; Num. 
XX. 1; Deut. I. 3; and Josh. IV. 19 are not in a P 
context; yet they are severed from their connection and 
attributed to P because of the prior assumption that he alone 
reckons by months and days. 

4. The measurements of the ark. 

There is but one other structure, of which measures are 
given in the Pentateuch, viz. the Tabernacle and its vessels. 
And the reason why such detailed statements are made re- 



The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 205 

specting them is not because P had a fancy for recording 
measures , but because these structures were built by 
divine direction and on a divine plan which was minutely 
followed. And this is not the peculiarity of a particular 
writer, for the author of Kings and the Prophet Ezekiel 
detail in like manner the measures of the temple. 

5. Weaving in a law, IX. 1 7, and its referring back 
to I, 27 sq. 

But the same thing occurs in passages assigned to the 
other so-called documents , thus in J, the law of marriage is 
woven into II, 23, 24, that of levirate marriage XXXVIII, 
8, intermarriage with Canaanites disapproved XXIV, 3, and 
the institution of sacrifice, ch. IV, VIII, 20, 21; in E, the 
payment of tithes, XIV, 20 (referred to E by Dillmann), 
XXVIII. 22. And if the reference of IX. 6 to I. 27 links 
it to P, the reference of XXVII. 45 J to IX. 6 links it 
equally to J, and is thus suggestive of the common origin of 
what the critics consider separate documents. 

6. The covenant and its sign, IX. 8 sqq. 

Three covenants with their appointed signs are spoken 
of in the old Testament, viz. the covenant with Noah and 
the rainbow as its sign, the covenant with Abraham and his 
seed and circumcision as its sign. XVII. 10. 11, and the 
covenant with Israel and the sabbath as its sign Ex. XXXI. 
13-17. These are all referred to P; and no sections of P 
but these three make mention of a covenant sign. If now 
the absence of this expression from all the rest of the P 
sections does not imply difference of authorship, why 
should such a significance be attributed to its absence from 
the J sections V But in fact both the name and the thing- 
are found in sections attributed to J. Thus Gen. XV. 18 
Jehovah made a covenant with Abraham granting him the 
land of Canaan; and as he asked for something, ver. 8, 
whereby he might know that he should inherit it, a symbol 
of the divine presence, fire and smoke, passed between the 
pieces of the slaughtered victims, as was customary for con 
tracting parties among men, Jer. XXXIV. 18, 19. The word 
sign does not occur in the passage, but Dillmann (comment. 
in loc.) correctly calls this the sign by which the covenant 
engagement was concluded . In Ex. III. 12 E God gives 



206 William Henry Green. 

Moses a sign of his divine commission to deliver Israel. In 
Ex. IV. J lie gives him a series of signs to confirm the 
faith of the people in the same. The critics assign to P 
with the exception of a few refractory clauses Ex. XXXI. 
12 17, which makes the sabbath the sign of God s cove 
nant with Israel. And they avow as one of their chief 
reasons for doing so, (Dillmann in loc.\ that P must have 
recorded the sign of the Mosaic covenant as he did those 
of the covenants with Noah and Abraham. And yet they 
attribute the entire account of the contracting of the Mosaic 
covenant, Ex. XXIV. 1 11 to JE, thus separating what 
manifestly belongs together. How can P report the sign of 
the Mosaic Covenant, if he has said nothing of such a cove 
nant being formed? 

7. Diffuseness and constantly recurring formulae . 

But the emphatic iteration of the historian, who would 
impress his readers with the magnitude of the world-wide 
desolation wrought by the flood is not to be confounded with 
the aimless diffuseness of a wordy writer. The enlargement 
upon special features and the repetitions are due to the 
vastness of the theme, not to needless verbosity. Thus 
Delitzsch commenting upon VII. 1720 says: The descrip 
tion is a model of majestic simplicity, of exalted beauty with 
no artificial expedients . . . The tautologies of the account, as 
it lies before us, picture the frightful monotony of the illi 
mitable watery surface, and the refuge floating securely 
above it, though encompassed by the terrors of death . And 
Dillmann says of VII. 16, in which the author repeats for 
the third time the entry into the ark, It is as if the author, 
moved by the momentous character of the day, could not do 
enough in the way of detailed portraiture of the event . 
These surely are not unmeaning platitudes. 

8. The antique description of the sources of the flood, 
VII. 11, VIII. 2, reminding one of I. 68. 

The expression windows of heaven occurs twice in the 
account of the flood, and nowhere else in the Hexateuch. 
In both passages it is associated with rain, wich is only 
sundered from it by the arbitrary tradition of the critics *, 
and the form of the verb used in both implies that the rain 
was consequent upon the opening of these windows, and the 



The Diction of Genesis XI IX. 



207 



stoppage of the rain upon closing them. There is not the 
slightest suggestion of two different conceptions, whether 
the windows of heaven be interpreted as literal sluices 
through which the waters of a supernal ocean pour, or as a 
figurative representation of deluging rains proceeding from 
the clouds which are spoken of as waters above the firma 
ment. And that waters from the great deep were united 
with torrents from the sky in producing the flood can be no 
ground of literary partition, while it is in exact accord with 
geologic phenomena. 

9. The image of God, IX. 6 . 

This expression is here used with explicit allusion to 
I. 26, 27, where it occurs in the account of the creation of 
man-, and it is found nowhere else in the old Testament. 
This cannot surely be urged as a characteristic of the writer. 

10. The mode of speaking of Noah s family, VI. 18, VII. 
7, 13, VIII. 16, 18, as opposed to VII. 1 . 

But why should diversity of authorship be inferred be 
cause VI. 18 has Thou and thy sons, and thy wife, and thy 
sons wives with thee and VII. 1: Thou and all thy house 
any more than from XLV. 10 : Thou and thy children and 
thy children s children, and thy flocks, and thy herds, and 
all that thou hast while ver. -11 has Thou and thy house 
and all that thou hast , which plainly belong together and are 
by the critics commonly assigned alike to E. Wellhausen 
indeed ascribes XLV. 10 with its detailed enumeration to 
J, thus precisely reversing the characteristic brevity imputed 
to J in VII. 1. Moreover the detailed statement of Noah s 
family occurs VII, 7 in a passage alleged to contain J s account 
of the entry into the ark, and in connection with expressions 
claimed to be characteristic of J, waters of the flood , clean 
beasts and beasts that are not clean ; so that the critics 
find it necessary to resort to the evasion that the text has 
been manipulated by R, who substituted the present reading 
for the presumed original Noah and his house . And if 
slight variations in the form of expression are to be made 
the pretext for assuming a diversity of writers, it may be 
observed that VII. 13 is peculiar in giving the names of 
Noah s sons and the number of their wives, and VIII. 16 



208 



William Henry Green. 



in mentioning the wife before the sons. Must these verses 
be referred to a distinct author on this account? 

11. -lir;-^ all flesh, VI. 12 sq., 17, 19, VII. 15 sq. 21, 
VIII. 17, IX. 11, 15-17. 

This expression occurs thirteen times in the passages 
just recited in the account of the flood to indicate the uni 
versality of corruption and death and the measures for pre 
serving the various species of living things. As there was 
no occasion to use it elsewhere in Genesis, it occurs besides 
neither in P. nor in J sections. It is found three times in 
Lev. XVII. 14 blood the life of all flesh , which Dilhnann 
says (Comment, p. 535) is a mixed passage, and he adds 
hat all flesh , is no sure proof of P. It further occurs in 
Num. XVI. 22, XXVII. 16: God of the spirits of all 
flesh , and in a law of the consecration of the firstborn of 
all animals, Num. XVIII. 15, and nowhere else in the Hexa- 
teuch. J passages offer no substitute for it, and do not 
employ it for the simple reason that they have no occasion 
to express the idea. It is further found repeatedly in other 
books of the Bible, so that it is no peculiar possession of P. 

12. rep; 5 ! irj male and female VI. 19, VII. 9, 16. 
These words can only be expected where there is some 

reason for referring to the distinction of sex. They are 
found together I. 27, V. 2, where the creation of man is 
spoken of, and VI. 19, VII. 3, 9, 16 in the measures for 
the preservation of the various species at the time of the 
flood but nowhere else in Genesis. They are also found 
together in the ritual laws respecting sacrifice Lev. III. 1, 6; 
childbirth, Lev. XII. 7-, uncleannes, Lev. XV. 33; Num. V. 
3 ; and vows, Lev. XXVII. 3 - 7 ; and nowhere else in the 
Hexateuch except Deut. IV. 12, referring to objects of ido 
latrous worship. And it is almost exclusively in ritual con 
nections, that the words indicative of sex are used at all, 
even separately. Thus male occurs in Genesis only in rela 
tion to circumcision, Gen. XVII. 10, 12, 14, 23, XXXIV. 
15, 22, 24, 25; and besides in a like connection in Ex. 
XII. 48 (Josh. V. 4 R). It is further found in the Hexa 
teuch in relation to sacrifice, Ex. XII. 5; Lev. I. 3, 10, IV. 
23, XXII. 19 ; hallowing the first born (Ex. XIII. 12, 15 J; 
Deut. XV. 19 D); directions concerning the priests, Lev. 



The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 209 

VI. 11 (Eng. Version ver. 18), 22 (E. V. 29), VII. 6; Num. 
XVIII. 10; childbirth, Lev. XII. 2; copulation, (Lev. XVIII. 
22, XX. 13 J so Dillm.); Num. XXXI. 17, 18, 35; the 
<*msus, Num. I. 2, 20, 22, ch. Ill, XXVI. 62 (Josh. XVII. 
2 JE., except only the word males, so Dillm.); and war, 
Num, XXXI. 7, 17. Female occurs separately in connection 
with sacrifice, Lev. IV. 28, 32, V. 6; childbirth Lev. XII. 
5; and war, Num. XXXI. 15. As the creation, flood (for 
the most part), and ritual law are assigned to P, it is not 
surprising that nearly all the allusions to sex are in the 
sections and paragraphs attributed to P. And yet in the 
limited references, which J. is supposed to make to matters 
that admit of an allusion to sex, the word male finds 
entrance there also, as appears from the above recital. It 
is alleged that J. uses a different phrase, IPfc ao LPis* man 
and his wife, VII. 2, instead of male and female. 
Nevertheless male and female occur VII. 3, 9 in para 
graphs assigned to J. The critics say that these words 
were inserted by R. the only evidence of which is that 
they are at variance with critical assumptions. And why 
E. should have been concerned to insert them here, and not 
in VI F. 2 does not appear. 

13. crpPnB^C? according to their families VIII. 19. 

This particular form of expression occurs once of the 
various species of animals that came forth from the ark. 
With that exception it is limited to genealogies, viz. of the 
sons of Noah, X. 5, 20, 31; of Esau, XXXVI, 40; and of the 
Levites, Ex. VI. 17, 25; the census of the tribes, Num. I TV, 
XXVI; and the division of Canaan, Num. XXXIII, 54: Josh. 
XIII etc. As these are for the most part given to P by 
rule, the word is chiefly found in P sections as a matter of 
course. Yet it is classed as belonging to P in X. 20, 31, 
though the preceeding genealogy, to which it relates, is given 
to J. The word itself is found in J. Gen. XII. 3, XXVIII. 
14, and JE Josh. VI, 23; and with the same preposition 
according to your families Ex. XII, 21 J, according to his 
families 1 Num. XL 10 JE. 

14.<rwj; |3 so did he VI, 22. 

This is part of an emphatic declaration that the divine 
directions were punctually obeyed. Such statements are 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 14 



210 William Henry Green. 

mostly found in connection with the ritual, and naturally 
have their place in P, to which ritual passages are regularly 
assigned. In Ex. XII, 28 it is preceded and followed by a 
J context, with the former of which it is intimately united, to 
which it evidently refers, and from which its meaning is 
derived. And yet it is torn from this connection, and linked 
with a distant P paragraph solely and avowedly because it 
contains the formula in question. It occurs but once in the 
book of Genesis, where it describes the exactness, with which 
Noah heeded the injunctions given him. The expression in 
VII, 5 is less full, but this is no indication that it is from 
a different source. The emphatic formula connected with the 
general statement in Ex. XXXIX, 32 is preceded, and that 
in Ex. XL, 16 is followed by numerous particular statements 
with a briefer formula, but no one suspects a difference ot 
authorship on this account. 

15. <nri] PHD be fruitful and multiply, VIII, 17, 

ix, i, i: 

This phrase occurs ten times in Genesis, and once in 
Exodus, and in all of them is referred to P. This looks 
like a strong case at first sight ; but all its seeming strength 
is dissipated upon examination. The phrase is an emphatic 
combination designed to express exuberant fertility; and its 
meaning is repeatedly heightened by the addition of other 
synonymous words or of intensifying adverbs. *) It is used 
in the Pentateuch of three things, and of these only. 1. The 
blessing of fruitfulness pronounced upon animals and men 
at their creation, Gen. I, 22, 28, and after the flood, VIII. 17, 
IX. 1, 7. 2. The promise to the patriarchs of the multipli 
cation of their descendants. 3. The actual multiplication 
of the children of Israel in Egypt, Gen. XL VII. 27; Ex. I. 7. 
Since the entire account of the creation and almost all of 
the account of the flood are given to P., the blessings then 
pronounced take the same direction as a matter of course. 
Of the two statements of the multiplication of the Israelites 

i) Thus Gen. I. 22, 28, IX. 1 urn inni nfi . 

VIII. 17 in-n IIBI . . . isnan. 

IX. 7 mi . . . IXIK; mi IIB. 
XLVII. 27 TKD mi n >i. 

Ex. I. 7 -JNfc TNI22 1)2SJ?1 1Z1T1 



The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 211 

in Egypt, Gen. XLVIL 27 stands in a J context, and Ex. I. 7 
in an E context 5 and both are sundered from their proper 
connection and referred to P principally on account of the 
phrase in question 

In the blessing upon Abraham and his descendants in 
Gen. XVII these two verbs are first used separately, mul 
tiply ver. 2, make fruitful ver. 6, and then both are com 
bined in ver. 20. This climactic promise of offspring to 
Abraham after long years of waiting, and when every natural 
expectation had vanished, was confirmed by the announce 
ment that it came from the Almighty God, ver. 1, who was 
able to fulfil what nature could not accomplish. 1 ) This promise 
was repeated with explicit allusion to this occasion by Isaac 
to Jacob, XXVIII. 3; by God himself to Jacob, XXXV 11; 
by Jacob to Joseph, XL VIII. 3, 4. In all these cases the 
emphatic words of the original promise, Almighty God , be 
fruitful , multiply are repeated together. There are uni 
formly assigned to P, not because of the connection, in which 
they stand, but because of the critical assumption that these 
words are characteristic of P, and must always be attributed 
to him. These comprise all the instances in the Hexateuch, 
in which be fruitful and multiply occur together except 
Lev XXVI. 9, which Driver assigns to another than P, and 
Dillmann gives to J. 

16. *D^2 C^pn or |P3 establish or ordain a cove 
nant VI. 18, IX. 9, 11 sq., 17. 

These expressions are said to be characteristic of P, 
while J habitually uses instead PP")? m_3 conclude a cove 
nant. The fact is that there is a difference in the signi 
fication of these terms, which should be noted, and which is 
the true and sufficient explanation of their usage, without 
the need of having recourse to the proclivities of distinct 
writers. The first two expressions are used exclusively of 
God instituting covenants with men; establish (lit. cause 
to stand ) indicates the permanence and stability of the 
arrangement divinely made*, ordain (lit. give ) suggests its 



Gen. XVII. 1, 2 HMD "wes ini 
ver. .6 a TNEI I 
ver. 20 -ING iNon in* nanm in vinem. 

14 



212 William Henry Green. 

divine appointment a bestowment. These are applied to 
two covenants granted in perpetuity, that to Noah (establish 
VI. 8. IX. 9, 11, 17; ordain E. V. make IX. 12); and 
to Abraham (establish XVII. 7.19. 21; Ex. VI. 4; 
ordain, E. V. make IX. 12); and ordain, E. V. give is 
once besides applied to the covenant of a perpetual priest 
hood granted to Phinehas, Num. XXV. 12. Conclude (lit. 
cut. E. V. make ) according to its original signification al 
ludes to the sacrificial rites attending the ratification of a 
covenant, and the cutting of the victim asunder for the con 
tracting parties to pass between the separated pieces, 
Jer. XXXIV. 18. 19. It properly refers, therefore, to the act 
of concluding a covenant with predominant allusion in some 
instances at least to the accompanying ceremonies. It is 
accordingly used 

(a) Of covenants between men; thus between Abraham 
and Abimelech, Gen. XXI. 27, 32 E; Isaac and Abimelech, 
XXVI. 28 J; Laban and Jacob, XXXI. 44 E; Israel and 
Canaanites, Ex. XXIII. 32 E, XXXIV. 12, 15 J; Deut. VII. 2 D; 
Josh. IX. 6 sqq. E; Joshua and Israel. Josh. XXIV. 25 E. 

(b) Of the covenants of God with men, when the attention 
is directed to the ratification rather than to the perpetuity 
of the covenant. It occurs once of God s covenant with 
Abraham on the occasion of its formal ratification in condes 
cension to the customs of men, when a symbol of the Divine 
Being, by whom the engagement was made, passed between 
the parts of the slaughtered victims, Gen XV. 18 J. But 
when the climax was reached, and the faith of childless 
Abraham had been sufficiently tried, the covenant conveying 
the land of Canaan was more explicitly unfolded as a cove 
nant, in which the Almighty God pledged himself to be a 
God unto him and to his seed; a covenant, that was not 
merely entered into, but declared to be everlasting, and the 
stronger word establish is henceforth used in relation to 
it, XVII. 7. Conclude (lit. cut ) is invariably used of God s 
covenant with Israel, ratified by sacrifice, Ex. XXIV. 8 J. 
and solemnly renewed. Ex. XXXIV. 10, 27 J; Deut. IV. 23, 
V. 2, 3, IX. 9, XXVIII. 69, XXIX. 11, 13, 24, XXXI, 16. 
Establish is never used in speaking of this covenant with 
Israel, as of that with Abraham, because the element of 



The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 213 

perpetuity and inviolability was wanting. It was liable to 
be broken. It was once actually ruptured by the crime of 
the golden calf, and again by their rebellion, when the spies 
brought an evil report of the promised land, and they were 
in consequence condemned to die in the wilderness. The 
people were ever afresh reminded that its persistence was 
conditioned on their own fidelity. Only once in Pentateuch 
is its perpetuation set before them as a blessing of the 
future; 1 ) if they will walk in the Lord s statutes, he will 
establish his covenant with them, Lev. XXVI. 3. 9 (J 
Dillm.). It is quite likely, however, that the phrase is here 
used in the secondary sense of performing or fulfilling, as it 
is in relation to the covenant with Abraham in Deut. VIII. 18. 
The occurrence of what is claimed as a P phrase in J and 
D shows that it is not the peculiar property of any one of 
the so-called Hexateuchal documents. And the superficial 
exegesis, which finds here only an unmeaning difference of 
usage in different writers, overlooks the profound significance, 
which underlies the constant employment of these several 
terms. 

17. You and your seed after you, IX. 9. 
This or the like phrase with a simple change of the 
pronoun is uniformly ascribed to P. It occurs in the promise 
to Noah, IX. 9, Abraham, XVII. 7 bis, 8, 9, 10, 19, Jacob 
XXXV. 12, repeated by Jacob to Joseph, XLVIII. 4, the 
injunction to Aaron, Ex. XXVIII. 43, and the promise to 
Phinehas. Num. XXV. 13. But the expression is not uniform 
even in passages assigned to P, e. g. % thee and to thy 
seed with thee Gen. XXVIII 4; Num. XVIII. 19; to him 
and to his seed throughout their generations Ex. XXX. 21.. 
Why then should a slight additional variation in three other 
passages be thought to indicate a different author? viz. ; to> 
thee and to thy seed for ever Gen. XIII. 15 J.; unto thee 
and unto thy seed , XXVI. 3 R, XX VII L 13 J. Especially 
as one author in Deuteronomy uses all these phrases; unto- 
them and to their seed after them I. 8; unto them and to- 
their seed XL 9; thee and thv seed for ever XXVIII. 46. 



J ) And once besides in the Old Testament, Ezek. XVI. 60, 62, where, 
however, it is based not on the fidelity of the people, but on the prevenient 
grace of God. 



William Henry Green. 

18. <yij die, expire (for which J is said to use 

VI. 17, VII. 21. 

This word is only found in poetry except in the Hexa- 
teuch, where it is an emphatic word, only used of the death 
of venerated partriarchs or of great catastrophes. It occurs 
twice in relation to those that perished in the flood, VI. 17, 

VII. 21; also of those who were cut off by divine judgment 
for the rebellion of Korah Num. XVII. 27, 28 (E. V. 12, 13), 
XX. 3 bis; or the trespass of Achan, Josh. XXII. 20. It 
is used in connection with PIC died of the death of Abraham, 
Gen. XXV. 8; Ishmael, ver. 17; Isaac, XXXV. 29; and with 
the equivalent phrase was gathered to his people of Jacob, 
XLIX. 33; also of Aaron, Num. XX. 29, where the preceding 
verse has JTPE. 

The critics improperly sunder Gen. VII. 22, which 
has n*C from its connection with ver. 21, which has 
yij, assigning the former for this reason to J and the latter 
to P; although ver. 22 directly continues ver. 21, and is a 
comprehensive restatement in brief, added with the view of 
giving stronger expression to the thought. Num XX. 3 b 
is cut out of an E connection and referred to P on account 
of this word yi2, though the similar passage Num. XIV. 23 
shows that it belongs where it stands. This word could 
not be expected in the passages assigned to J., since they 
record no death in all the Hexateuch except those of Haran, 
Gen. XI. 28; Shuah the wife of Judah, XXXVIII. 12; and 
a king of Egypt, Ex. II. 23; in all which the word PIC is 
appropriately used. The passages assigned to P in like 
manner use TO of Terah Gen. XI. 32; Sarah XXIII. 2; the 
kings of Edoni XXXVI. 3339 (referred to P by Dillm.); 
Nadab and Abihu Lev. X. 2, and several times besides as 
an emphatic addition to 5?i:. There is in all this no difference 
of usage whatever, and certainly nothing to suggest diversity 
of authorship. 

19. rVn^ n and nntf destroy (not nnc blot outJ, 
VI. 13, 17, IX. 11, 15. 

What is here claimed as a P word occurs but once in 
P outside of the account of the flood, Gen. XIX. 29; while 
it occurs repeatedly in J, Hiphil form : Gen. XIII. 10, XIX. 13, 
XXXVIII. 29; Ex. XXXII. 7; Deut. XXXII. 5; and in E 



The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 215 

Ex. XXI. 26; Num. XXXII. 15; Josh. XXII. 33. Piel form: 
in J Gen. XVIII. 28, 31, 32, XIX. 13, 14; Ex. XII 23. 

And the alleged J word Pine occurs four times in the nar 
rative of the flood, VI. 7, VII. 4, 23 bis; and five times 
besides in the Hexateuch, twice in J Ex. XXXII. 32, 33; 
twice in E Ex. XVII. 14; and once in P Num. V. 23. The 
writer is led to use nnB> in VI. 13, 17 because of the two 
fold significance of the word, which may have respect to 
character or condition, and may mean to corrupt or Ho 
destroy. All flesh had corrupted their way, wherefore God 
was resolved to destroy them. In VII. 23 PinC, though 
referred to J, is in connection with the enumeration of man, 
beast, creeping thing, and fowl of heaven , which is reckoned 
a characteristic of J, and can only be accounted for by the 
assumption that it has been inserted by R. 

20. "T^in beget VI. 10 (for which J is said to use 1>). 
As is remarked by Dillmann (Comment, on Gen. V. 3), 
"P^in said of the father belongs to greater precision of style. 
Hence this is uniformly used in the direct line of the genealogies 
leading to the chosen race, which are drawn up with special 
fulness and formality, Gen. V, VI. 10, XL 10 sqq.. XXV. 19. 
Num. XXVI. 29 , 58. And 1^ is as uniformly used of the 
side-lines, thus IV. 18 (in the line of Cain), X. 8, 13, 15, 
24, 26 (line of Ham and that of Shem outside of the chosen 
race); XXII. 23 (Bethuel); XXV. 3 (Keturah). The only 
apparent exceptions are not really such; X. 24 Arpachshad, 
Shelah. Eber here head a divergent line proceeding with 
Joljtan, cf. XL 1217. In XL 27 Haran begat (T^u) Lot, 
but this is included in the genealogy with Abraham, just as 
XI, 26 Terah begot (Ttnn) three sons, and Noah v. 32, VI. 10 
begot (T7in) three sons, these being included in a genealogy 
of the direct line. In XVII. 20 the promise that Ishmael 
shall beget ("P TP) twelve princes is not in a genealogy, and 
besides it is part of a promise to Abraham. The variation, 
which the critics attribute to distinct writers, is simply the 
carrying out of a consistent and uniform plan by the same 
writer. Besides it is only by critical legerdemain that "6j 
is restricted to J. Gen. XXII. 23 is referred to J notwith 
standing the allusion by P in XXV. 20, which makes it 
necessary to assume that P had stated the same thing in 



216 William Henry Green. 

some other passage now lost. This carries with it XXII. 20, 
whose allusion to XL 29 requires the latter to be torn from 
its connection and referred to J. And in XXV. 3 "l^ 1 alter 
nates with \jZP, which is made a criterion of P in ch. X, 
cf. also XLVI. 9 sqq.; Ex. VI. 15 sqq. 

21. <n^N eating (E. V. food) VI. 21, IX. 3 
Delitzsch (Comment, on Gen. VJ. 21) says bzxh to eat 
and b^X cb for food , and quotes with approval from Driver 
a thing is given bixh on a particular occasion , it is given 
iTCNp for a continuance . It is said that J uses ^2NE as 
its equivalent-, but ^INC and rfc N occur together in Gen. 
VI. 21 P, where the difference is plainly shown; tCNC de 
notes that which is eaten, njr-K the act of eating. ujrx 
occurs seven times in the Hexateuch. In each instance some 
particular article of food is prescribed for constant eating; 
and these are the only passages in Avhich this is done. In 
Gen. I. 29. 30 to man and beast at the creation; VI. 21 to 
Noah and those that were with him in the ark during the 
flood; IX. 3 to man after the flood; Ex. XVI 15 to Israel 
manna during their abode in the wilderness; Lev. XL 39 to 
Israel animal food allowed by the law; XXV. 6 to man and 
beast during the sabbatical year. 

As all these verses are assigned to P, and these com 
prise all the passages of this description, it is not surprising 
that rppx does not occur in J. But some nice critical work 
is necessary to effect this. Ex. XV L 15 has to be split in 
two; its first clause is said to belong to J. but its last 
clause is attributed to P because of this very word (so Dillm.) 
Kayser (Das vorexilische Bucli p. 76) refers Lev. XXV. 1 7 
to another than P; Kuenen (Hexateuch, p. 286) refers it 
to P, 1 who is distinguished from P, or as he prefers to call 
him P 2 the author of the historico-legislative w r ork extending 
from the creation to the settlement in Canaan. (p. 288). 

22. <r,T! wild beast, VII. 14, 21, VIII. 1. 17, 19,1X.2. 5. 

There is no difference in this between the passages 

respectively assigned to the so-called documents. HTI beast 

is distinguished from Her? cattle in P I. 24, 25, VII. 14 21, 

VIII. 1, IX. 10 ; but so it is in J. II. 20. In I. 30, VIII. 19, 

IX. 2, 5 P it is used in a more comprehensive sense and 
includes domestic animals precisely as it does in II. 19 J. 



The Diction of Genesis IV IX. 217 

In VI. 20 P n^ri2 cattle is used in a like comprehensive 
sense and embraces all quadrupeds as in VII. 2. J. In the 
rest of Genesis and of the Hexateuch while PiT) beast 
occurs in the sense of wild beasts in Gen. XXXVII. 20, 33 JE, 
Ex. XXIII. 29 E, Deut. VII. 22 D, it is nowhere used in 
this sense in P, to which it is conceded that Lev. XVII. 13 7 
XXV. 7, XXVI. 6, 22 do not properly belong, and in Num. 
XXXV. 3, where beasts 7 are distinguished from cattle it is 
nevertheless plain that domesticated animals are meant. 

23. <pp kind VI. 20 7 VII. 14 

This word is only used when there is occasion to refer 
to various species of living things, as in the account of the 
creation Gen. I (10 times), and of the preservation of the 
animals in the ark VI. 20 (4 times), VII. 14 (4 times), and 
in the law respecting clean and unclean animals Lev. XI 
(9 times), Deut. XIV (4 times). It occurs but once besides 
in the entire Old Testament, Ezek. XL VII. 10, where reference 
is made to the various species of tish. As the creation, the 
flood (in large part) and the ritual law are assigned to P, 
and there is no occasion to use the word elsewhere, it cannot 
be expected in passages attributed to J; not even in VII. 2. 
3, 8, where attention is drawn to the distinction maintained 
between clean and unclean rather than the variety of species 
preserved, which is sufficiently insisted upon VI. 20 and VII. 14. 

24. q# self same VII. 13. ? 

This is an emphatic form of speech, Avhich was but 
sparingly used, and limited to important epochs, whose 
exact time is thus signalized. It marks two momentous days 
in the history, that on which Noah entered into the ark, 
Gen. VII. 13, and that on which Moses the leader and 
legislator of Israel went up Mount Nebo to die, Deut. 
XXXII. 48. With these exceptions it occurs mainly in 
ritual sections. It is used twice in connection with the original 
institution of circumcision in the family of Abraham, Gen. 
XVII. 23, 26; three times in connection with the institution 
of the passover on the day that the Lord brought Israel out 
of the land of Egypt, Ex. XII. 17, 41, 51 ; and five times 
in Lev. XXIII, the chapter of ordaining the sacred festivals, 
to mark severally the day on which the sheaf of the first 
fruits was presented in the passover week, ver. 14 (which 



218 William Henry Green. 

is emphasized afresh on the observance of the first passover 
in Canaan, Josh. V. 11); also the day on which the two 
wave loaves were brought at the feast of weeks, ver. 21; 
and with triple repetition the great day of atonement, 
vs. 28 - 30. Since ritual passages are regularly assigned to 
P, and the two emphatic moments in the history calling for 
the use of this expression have likewise been given to him, 
it might not seem surprising if it had been absolutely limited 
to P. And yet it is found once in an admitted JE section, 
Josh. X. 27, showing that it can have place in these sections 
as well as others, if there is occasion for its employment. 
25. <pjfc creep or swarm, p creeping or swar 
ming things, VII. 21, VIII. 17, IX. 7/ 

P.? creeping things occurs among other species of 
animals at the creation, I. 20, in the flood, VII. 21, and in 
the ritual law as a source of defilement, Lev. V. 2, XXII. 5, 
or prohibited as food, Lev. XI (10 times), Deut. XIV. 19; 
and it is found nowhere else in the Old Testament. 

The verb ptf is used with its cognate noun at the 
creation, I. 20 ? 21, and flood, VII. 21, and in the law ot 
unclean meats, Lev. XI. 29, 41, 42, 43, 46; and in the sense 
of swarming or great fertility in the blessings pronounced 
upon animals and men after the flood, VIII. 17, IX. 7; the 
immense multiplication of the children of Israel in Egypt, 
Ex. I. 2; and the production of countless frogs, Ex. VII. 28 
(E. V. VIII. 3); repeated Ps. CV. 30; and it is used but once 
besides in the entire Old Testament. In the creation, flood 
and ritual law it is given to P as a matter of course; but 
it occurs in J in Ex. VII. 28, and in Ex. I. 7 it is only 
saved for P by cutting it out of an E connection. 
26 fc cn creep and frcn. creeping thing. 
These words occur in the account of the creation, 
I 21, 24, 25. 26, 28, 30, and in the flood VI. 20, VII. 14 
21, 23, VIII. 17. 19, IX. 2. 3 P (also VI. 7, VII. 8, 23 in 
a J connection); in the ritual law respecting clean and un 
clean beasts, Lev. XI, 44, 46 P, XX. 25 J (so Dillm.) ; and 
in the prohibition of making an image of anything for wor 
ship, Deut. IV. 18; and in but three passages besides in 
the Old Testament, Ps. LX1X. 35, CIV. 20, Ezek. XXXVIII. 
20. Their signification limits their occurrence to a class of 



The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 219 

passages that are mostly assigned to P, though the noun is 
likewise found in D, and both noun and verb are only 
excluded from J by critical legerdemain. 

27. "i&p -Ifcc exceedingly, VII. 19. 

This duplicated intensive adverb is referred to P also 
Ex. 1. 7, Num. XIV. 7, and with a preposition prefixed. 
Gen. XVII. 2, 6, 20. But it is admitted to belong to J Gen. 
XXX. 43. 28. 

28. s used distributively, VII. 21, VIII. 17,IX. 10, 15 sq. 
But it occurs in JE likewise Ex. X. 15. 

It appears from the above examination of these words 
and phrases that they are for the most part found in the 
other so-called documents as well as in P; when they are 
limited to P or preponderate there, it is due not to the 
writer s pecularity, but to the nature of the subject, and in 
many cases to critical artifice. 

Dr. Dillmann notes the following as characteristics of J. 
In VI. 1, 2. 

(1) mn\ (2) ^n-, (3) nc-wn *>&-?%, (4) Q->xn, (5) 210 

in a physical sense. 

In VI. 58. 

mrr as (l), (6) ->?. VIII. 21. (7) p-i, (8) zsgp- ill. 16. 

17, XXXIV. 7. (9) Pine- nc>x as (3), (10) ;n NSC, (11) Human 
feelings attributed to God, ver. 8. 

In ch. VII, VIII. 

miT as (1). Anthropomorphism, VII. 16, V1I1. 21 as (11), 
(12) Distinction of clean and unclean beasts, mention of altar 
and sacrifice, VIII. 20, 21 cf. IV. 3, 4. (13) Prominence 
given to inherent sinfulness of men, VII. 21. nnc VII. 4, 
23 as (9). (14) 1Pt?Ni i& \x VII. 2. nc-JNn (\&^y) VII. 4, 8. 
23, VIII. 8, 13, 2l as (3). (15) D cVviI.4, 10. (16) la rty. 
VIII. 21. cf. VI. 6. (17) -rasp VIII. 21. ISP VIII. 21 as (6). 
(18) TrS; VIII. 21, III. 20 contrary to VI. 19. 

These will be examined in the order in which they are 
numbered, and in addition a few verbal differences noted by 
Dillmann in the course of his exposition of these chapters. 

1. HIPP Jehovah. The divine names have been already 
explained. 



220 William Heury Green. 

2. bnn begin, also in P Num. XVII. 11. 12 (E. V. 
XVI. 46, 47). 

3. ncikSn VZrby. on the face of the ground. 
Though nplfc* is made a criterion of J, and its presence 

in a passage is held to warrant its ascription to J, it never 
theless occurs in P Gen. I. 25, VI, 20, iX. 2. And it is 
only by critical artifice that npnj$ ViB VIIT. 13 b is excluded 
from P, though it is enclosed between ver. 13 a and ver. 14, 
which are both attributed to P, and it is the direct con 
tinuation of ver. 1 3 a, and is in structure conformed to 
VI. 12 P. The occurence of pN in ver. 13 a and !"! 
in 13 b does not justify the assumption of different sources 
any more than the same change in VII. 3, 4 or in VIII 7, 8; 
see also vs. 9, 11, where no one dreams of a difference of 
sources. 

4. O"1Nn. 

Though Adam is used as a proper noun in P, it is also 
treated as a common noun, and as such has tho article in 
I. 22, VII. 21, IX. 5, 6. 

5. 21E in a physical sense. 

So in P Gen. I. 4, XXV. 8, Lev. XXVII. 10, 12, 14, 
33; Num. XIV. 7, XXXVI. 6. If it is not applied to per 
sonal beauty in P, the simple reason is that the critics do 
not assign to P any passage in which this idea is expressed. 

6. *!SP imagination. 

This word occurs but three times in the Hexateuch, 
Gen. VI. 5, VIII. 21: Deut. XXXI. 21, and is uniformly by 
the critics referred to J. 

7. p^ only. 

This word, which occurs repeatedly in J, E and D, does 
not chance to be found in the passages attributed to P. 

8. DSgnri to be grieved. 

This verb is here found in a J passage, VI. 6. It 
occurs twice besides in the Hexateuch, once in the same form 
(Hithpael) XXXIV. 7, and once in a different species (Niphal) 
XIV. 5. The critics claim them all for J, but in so doing 
have to resort to a somewhat violent procedure. Ch.XXXIV.7 
is in a P connection, the preceding verse and the following 
verses being given to P; but ver. 7 has this J word, an E 
phrase which ought not to be done XX. 6, and a D phrase 



The Diction of Genesis VI XL 221 

wrought folly in Israel , Deut. XXII. 21; a combination, which 
is readily explained on the assumption of the unity of the 
Pentateuch, but on the principles of the divisive critics is 
sufficiently puzzling. So without more ado the refractory 
verse is cut out of the connection, to which it manifestly 
belongs, and the entire conglomerate is made over to J. 
Gen. XLV. 5 is in an E connection, and contains what are 
regarded as E characteristics, but is split in two in order to 
give this verb to J. 

9. nnp blot out, destroy. See above under marks 
of P, no. 19. 

10. ]H NSC find favour. 

It is not surprising that this expression, which naturally 
has its place chiefly in narrative sections, does not occur 
in P, to which only occasional scraps of ordinary narrative 
are assigned. And yet it requires some nice critical surgery 
to limit it to J. Gen. XXXIV. 11 is in a P connection. 
Shechem there continue.* the entreaty begun by his father, 

vs. 8 10 P, and the sons of Jacob make reply to Shechem 

as well as to his father, vs. 13 -18 P. And yet this verse 
is sundered from its connection and given to J on account 
of this very phrase. 

11. Human feelings attributed to God VI. 8. 
Elohim is the general term for God, and describes him 

as the creator of the world and its universal governor, while 
Jehovah is his personal name, and that by which he has 
made himself known as the God of a gracious revelation. 
Hence divine acts of condescension to men and of self mani 
festation are more naturally associated whith the name Je 
hovah-, whence it follows that aiithropopathies and anthro 
pomorphisms occur chiefly in Jehovah sections. But there 
is no inconsistency between the ideas which these are in 
tended to suggest and the most spiritual and exalted notions 
of the Most High. The loftiest conceptions of God are 
throughout the Scriptures freely combined with anthro 
pomorphic representations. His infinite condescension is no 
prejudice to his supreme exaltation. These are not different 
ideas of God separately entertained by different writers, but 
different aspects of the Divine Being, which enter alike into 
every true conception of him. The writer of 1. Sain. XV. 35 



222 William Henry Green. 

does not hesitate to say Jehovah repented , though he had 
said but a few verses before, ver. 29, He is not a man that 
he should repent . The prophet Amos describes Jehovah s 
majestic greatness in lofty terms, V. 8, and yet speaks of 
his repenting, VII. 3, and of his smelling the odours of 
Israel s offerings. Jehovah smelled a sweet savour Gen. 
VIII. 21 J is identical in thought and language with the 
constant phrase of the ritual a sweet savour unto Jehovah 
Lev. I. 13 P; cf. Lev. XXVI. 31. There is accordingly no 
incompatibility between the representations of God as Jehovah 
and as Elohim. These supplement and complete each other; 
and there is not the slightest reason for imputing them to 
the variant conceptions of distinct writers. 

12. Distinction of clean and unclean beasts , mention 
of altar and sacrifice , VIII. 20, 21; cf. IV. 3, 4. 

For the reason given under the preceding number it 
was as Jehovah chiefly that God was worshipped, that prayer 
was addressed to him , and offerings made to him. Hence 
it is almost exclusively in Jehovah sections that mention is 
made of altars and sacrifices; and the distinction of clean 
and unclean beasts here made had relation to sacrifice. 

The notion of the critics that according to P sacrifice 
was first introduced by Moses at Sinai is utterly pre 
posterous and altogether unwarranted. It is preposterous to 
suppose that the pious patriarchs, who were honoured with 
special divine communications, and were in favour with God, 
engaged in no acts of worship. And it is wholly without 
warrant, for there is no suggestion of any such idea in the 
paragraphs assigned to P. This is one of those perverse 
conclusions which are drawn from the absolute severance of 
what belongs together, and can only be properly understood 
in combination. The prevalent absence of allusion to sacrifice 
in passages where God is spoken of as Elohim simply arises 
from the circumstance that Jehovah is the proper name to 
use in such a connection. 

13. Prominence given to the inherent sinfulness of 
men , VII. 21. 

Jehovah s gracious revelation has for its object the 
recovery of men from sin, and their restoration to the divine 
favour. Now since the disease and the remedy go together, 



The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 223 

it is quite appropriate that human sin should be chiefly 
portrayed in Jehovah sections. 

14. iPBW IC^N a man and his wife; used of beasts 
<a male and his female VII. 2. See above, marks of P no. 12. 

As these terms are nowhere else applied to the lower 
animals in J, it is not strange that they are not so applied 
in P sections. But a fairly parallel case occurs in Ex. XXVI. 
3* 5, 6, 17 P, where terms strictly denoting human beings 
receive a wider application, curtains and tenons being said 
to be coupled a woman to her sister i. e. one to another, 
as it is in Ex. XXXVI. 10, 12, 13, 22. Moreover, in Gen. 
VIII. 19 nnE^C is used to denote species in animals, while 
pip is always used in this sense elsewhere. Yet both are 
alike referred to P by the critics. With what consistency 
then can a difference of writers be inferred from the fact 
that 1PW1 ITN is used in one verse, VII. 2, instead ot 

rcpji -el? 

15. D*C^> in days or at the completion of day s VII. 4, 10. 
This expression occurs nowhere else in the Hexateuch 

in this sense; but the preposition is similarly used XVII. 21 P; 
see Dillmann on Gen. III. 8, to which he refers VII. 4 as 
a parallel. 

16. ^"^ at or unto his heart VI. 6, VIII. 21. 
Nowhere else in the Hexateuch. 

17. -ra$J2 because of VIII. 21. 

This occurs only in narrative passages, viz. 15 times in 
Genesis, 7 times in the first 20 chapters of Exodus, and 
nowhere else in the Hexateuch. It is three times attributed 
to R Ex. IX. 14, 16 bis; and with this exception the pas 
sages in which it is found are divided between J and E. to 
whom the great bulk of the narrative in the Hexateuch is 
ascribed. 

18. TT52 every living thing, VIII. 21, III. 20, 
contrary to VI. 19 T.rrtG all the living things. 

These words do not occur together again in the Hexa 
teuch, whether with the article or without it. The insertion 
or the omission of the article in such a phrase is a very 
slender ground, on which to base the assertion of a difference 
of writers, especially as its insertion in VI. 19 appears to- 



224: William Henry Green. 

be due to the qualifying expression that follows, all the 
living things of all flesh . 

19. HSW was overspread, IX. 19. 
Dillmann says that P writes Tip; X. 5, 32; and then 
he annuls the force of his remark by adding not quite in 
the same sense . If the sense is not the same, why should 
not the word be different? 

Dillmann further calls attention to the fact that different 
expressions are used for the same thing in different parts of 
the narrative of the flood. Thus 20. P in VI. 16 speaks of 
in* a light, but J VIII. 6 of j^n a window in the ark. 
There is some obscurity in the description of the former, 
which makes its precise construction doubtful. Dillmann 
thinks that it was an opening a cubit wide, extending the 
entire length of all the four sides of the ark just beneath 
the roof, for the admission of light and air, and only inter 
rupted by the beams, which supported the roof. The window 
was a latticed opening, whose shape and dimensions are not 
given. There is nothing to forbid its exact correspondence 
and identity with the opening before mentioned. And there 
is nothing strange in the use of one term to describe it 
when considered simply as intended for the admission of 
light, and another term when reference is made to the lattice, 
which Noah had occasion to unfasten. 

21. Ci|T> living substance VII. 4, 23. 
This is found but once besides in the Old Testament, 
Dent. XI. 6. In both the former passages it is given to J, 
notwithstanding the mixed state of the text, as the critics 
regard it, in ver. 23. It there stands in combination with 
man, cattle, creeping things and fowl of the heaven , also 
with r$ only and who were with him , all which are 
accounted marks of P. 

7j5 lightened or abated VIII. 8, 11. 
As this word is nowhere else used in a like sense by 
, it is not strange that it does not occur in P. And as 
two different words are employed in VIII 1. 3 to express 
similar thought, both being referred by the critics to the 
same writer, why should the use of a third word bearing an 
analogous sense compel us to think of a different writer 
altogether ? 



The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 225 

23. r,;n (Piel) keep alive VII 3 J, while VI. 19, 
20 P has HTin (Hiphil). 

But this can be no indication of a diversity of writers, 
for both forms occur repeatedly in passages assigned to J 
elsewhere; thus, Piel Gen. XII. 12, XIX. 32. 34; Hiphil 
XIX 19, XLVII. 25. Both occur in the same connection 
Num. XXXI. 15, 18, and are referred to the same writer. 
The Hiphil is but once again referred to P, Josh. IX. 20, 
and the Piel which occurs in the same connection, ver. 15, 
is only given to another by a critical dissection of the verse. 
The Piel and Hiphil of this verb are used indiscriminately 
as those of PulP are, which are both given to P; see above, 
marks of P, no. 19. 

24. ^pn i waters of the flood VII 7. 10 (not 
so ver. 17). 

The attempt to create a distinction between the so- 
called documents in the mode of speaking of the flood is 
not succesful. When the flood is first mentioned, the unusual 
word >12C is defined by the added phrase waters upon the 
earth VI. 17, VII. 6 P. We then read VII. 7, 10 J of 
1 waters of the flood , and the same in IX. 11 P. Then 
VII. 17 J of the flood simply, and so in IX 15, 28 P. 

After this examination of all that the critics have to 
adduce upon this subject I think that it may be safely said 
that there is nothing in the diction of these chapters that 
tends in any way to disprove their common authorship, or 
to create any presumption in favour of the critical hypothesis 
that different documents have here been combined. 



Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



Renan tiber die spateren Formen der 
hebraischen Sprache 

von 
Dr. Max Griinbaum (Miinchen). 



In der vierten Auflage seiner Histoire generale et systenie 
compare des langues semitiques (p. 158 fg.) ? spricht Renan 
von den spateren Fornien des Hebraischen sowohl in den 
biblischen wie in den nachbiblischen Schriften. der Mischna 
nnd den beiden Talmuden. P. 164 spricht er von dem 
Gebrauch des Hebraischen in den Ubersetzungen der ur- 
sprtinglich arabisch geschriebenen Schriften mit folgenden 
Worten : 

La connaissance de Fhebreu devint generale quand les 
Juifs de FEspagne niusulmane, chasses par le fanatisme des 
Alniohades, se refugierent dans FEspagne chretienne, en 
Provence, en Langnedoc. L arabe alors cessa de leur etre 
faniilier, et ime nuee de patients traducteurs, a la tete des- 
quels il faut nonimer les Aben-Tibbon de Lunel, s attachent, 
durant tout le XIII 6 siecle, a faire passer en hebreu les 
ouvrages arabes de science, de philosophic, de theologie ; qui 
avaient servi aux etudes de Tage precedent. Pour conserver 
le caractere de ces ouvrages, les traducteurs se trouvaient 
ainenes a aj outer aux proprietes de 1 hebreu ancien une foule 
de formes et de inots enipruntes de Farabe, entre autres les 
inots techniques de science et de philosophic. Les ecrivains 
originaux du XIII rt et du XlV e siecle y introduisirent, de 
plus, presque tout le vocabulaire de la Mischna et du Tal- 
inud. Telle est Forigine de la langue qu on a nominee le 
rabbinico-philosophicum. Cette langue est restee jusqu a nos 
jours la langue litteraire des Juifs, on pourrait y distinguer 
des varietes infinies, selon que les auteurs ont modele leur 



Renan iiber die spateren Form en der hebraischen Sprache. 227 

style de preference sur la bible, la Mischna, la Geinare, 
selon qu ils y out meles plus ou moins de mots etrangers. 
Vers la fin du dernier siecle, et de notre temps, quelques 
Israelites en Allemagne et en Italie, ont essaye de revenir 
a 1 hebreu biblique le plus pur, et o nt compose dans cet 
idiome des pastiches ingenieux. 

L hebreu rabbinique est done, a beaucoup d egards, ce 
qu on peut appeler une langue factice, et il justific un tel 
nom par ses difficultes et ses anomalies. Cette langue est, 
pour les formes grammaticales comme pour le dictionaire, 
bien plus barbare que Fhebreu mischnique, et il serait ditfi- 
cile de sournettre a une classification exacte des mots de toute 
provenance qu on y rencontre. Lors meine que les vocables 
sont de bon aloi, ils sont souvent detournes de leur sens et 
appliques a des notions metaphysiques par les procedes les 
plus arbitraires. Grace a de nombreux barbarismes, les 
rabbins ont ainsi reussi a se former un vocabulaire scolastique 
as^ez complet. Exeniples: *]*} (corps) = = substance, personne; 
11 /"H (5Xv)) -= inatiere; PElC preuve syllogistique ; 22C = 
etat; bhz -- la sonime; ni^? = I lmiversalite; F]^"] == le 
consequent; fff == sens; "INl^ = = forme; ^j? == condition 
(\XjP2 -- couditionellement); de N:H donner etc. Une foule 
de substantifs et d adjectifs abstraits, derives des racines 
anciennes, completent ce singulier language: n\X? -- beaute: 
NCTN et fVE jN == humanite; prn^i: - - solitude, ^nl"! - 
spirituel, etc. 

Die hier aufgezahlten Worter gehoren keineswegs in 
eine und dieselbe Kategorie (wie auch ,,Rabbins" eine nicht 
zutreffende Bezeichnung ist), da viele derselben nur in den 
religionsphilosopliischen Scbriften, deren Sprache von der 
des Talmud verschieden ist, vorkonimen; auch die Bezeichnung 
mit langue factice, vocabulaire scolastique ist nicht zutreffend. 
^3 in der Bedeutung substance, personne, kommt im Talmud 
nicht vor; eigenthiimlich ist deniselben der Ausdruck ND^ 
fiir ,,an und fiir sich, die Sache selbst". ^iVi entspricht dem 
arabischen ^J.xJO, von welcheni es irn Kited) dltd rifdt (p. ?\^) 
heisst . soUJlj J^o^l (S ^^? ^^^ -^ &?*^ > ^ m ^ u ^ c 
de figares (I, 396, N.) kommt auch die Form ^i^.xJfc vor 
(die iibrigens auch, wie aus Buxtorf s. v. zu ersehen, in den 
jiidischen Schriften vorkommt). Unrichtig ist es iibrigens, 

15* 



228 ^ ax Griinbaum. 



wenn bei Payne-Smith s. v. \om das Wort ^VH, mit Berufung 
auf Buxtorf col. 605, ein chaldaisches Wort genannt wird. 
Bei Buxtorf heisst es vielmehr: ^Vn, 3>rt], materia, materia 
prima, apud Philosophos et Physicos. R. Bechai scribit in 
principiis Geneseos : ^IT! C BlD1^>Bi1 ]1& S2 &OpJ HIM ICinm. 
Da librigens sowohl bei Payne-Smith (I, 1004) als auch bei 
Castell-Michaelis die Form ^o^m angefiihrt wird, so liegt 
der Gedanke nahe, dass das arabische Wort nicht direct 
dem Griechischen sondern dem Syrischen entnommen sei, 
wie dasselbe wohl auch von anderen Wortern gilt, so z. B. 
<pXY]ey[j.a, p*Jb, C&2 (Zunz, ZDMG, X, 507), bei Thomas a 
Novaria (ed. Lagarde, p. 7) ^ia^s. nE>l komnit nur in den 
philosophischen Schriften vor. In der Bibel wird es, gewohn- 
lich in Verbindung mit PIN 1 , von den Wundern gebraucht, 
die - - wie Gesenius im Handworterb. (8. A . p. 445) sagt - 
als Zeichen und Beweis gottlicher Machtvollkommenheit be- 
trachtet wurden. Ini Thesaurus f iihrt Gesenius (p. 143 a) 
unter der Bedeutung von P1 auch die von signum, argu- 
mentuni an, dazu in Parenthese: apud Rabbinos deinonstra- 
tio, probatio evidens. Das zuweilen in den philosophischen 
Schriften vorkommende "mn n^iD eutscheidender (schlagender) 
Beweis entspricht dem arabischen jJoU ^^^?, wie auch 
franz. tranche? in diesein Sinne gebraucht wird. Den philo 
sophischen Schriften eigenthiimlich ist auch das Wort 2SJE, 
das genau dem franz. etat entspricht, denn so wie etat, 
status von stare, so ist 2SC von 2^ gebildet. In der Bibel 
kommt es in der Bedeutung Station vor. fe kommt auch im 
Talmud sehr oft vor, im Gegensatz zu "l, wie denn dieser 
Ausdruck auch von Abulwalid (s. v. LnE, p. 586, 2. 24, cf. 
Ges. Thes., p. 1127 a) angefiihrt wird. Dieses fe steht also 
dem biblischen J2 nicht sehr feme, das dazu gehorige m^>2 
kommt in den philosophischen Schriften vor ^1 kommt irn 
Talmud zumeist in der Bedeutung ,,auf einander folgend" 
vor, z. B. c Din C^^ W, zwei auf einander folgende Tage, 
welcher Ausdruck aber nichts AuiFallendes hat. "IND kommt 
in der Bedeutung Forma ofter in der Bibel vor-, Abulwalid 
erklart dasselbe mit &Lo, in welcher Bedeutung dasselbe - 
wie aus Buxtorf col. 2552 zu ersehen in grammatischen 
Schriften vorkornrnt (ixnn Cir), py kommt in Koheleth ofter 
vor. Zu dem wsy DV^ (Koh. 2, 23) bemerkt Abulwalid 



Renan iiber die spateren Formea der hebraischen Sprache. 229 

(p. 537, 1) *JU* ^( sLlxx) SjxWxs, was also der von Renan 
gegebenen Erklarung mit ,,sens" entspricht. Auch in Ges. 
Thes. (p. 1050b) wird zu pjj bemerkt . . . apud Rabbinos 
res, ens ; it. sensus, significatio. "WP koniint in den tal- 
niudischen, wie in den jiidischen Schriften iiberhaupt sehr 
haufig vor, so namentlich ^&OP ty, syrisch ^ojZ. ^>X, unter der 
Bedingung. ^oJl, wie ^jfl stanimen wahrscheinlich (nicht voi? 
WD geben, sondern) von }jZ., fcOP, hebr. rw, iteravit, repetit. 
duplicavit, da jeder Bedingnngssatz aus zwei Siitzen besteht, 
wie ahnlich das arabische Uxx^f (Sur. 68, 18) von ^Jo. 
PIN" 1 wird unter der Form NfW - - Talm. 1^ n\S %1 , decet 
te als chaldaisches Wort von Gesenius s. v. r\W (Thes., 
p. 557 b) angefiihrt und mit dem entsprechenden syrischen 
Ausdruck verglichen. N % ^1J{< diirfte schwer nachweisbar sein, 
wahrend miWK bei Buxtorf (col. 150) rnit humanitas (d. h. 
Menschheit) iibersetzt und eine betreiFende Stelle angefiihrt 
wird. Im- Talmud kommt keines dieser Worter vor. Statt 
nm^D, das jedenfalls unrichtig ist, heisst es in der zweiten 
Ausgabe nTT"D, das wahrscheinlich ein Druckfehler ist statt 
mT"12, das Buxtorf (s. v. "H2, col. 260) mit Solitudo wiedergiebt. 
^m*l ist das arabische ^iLa.*^ das bei Maimonides (Guide 
des Egares, Text f. 81 b) vorkommt, zu welcheni Worte 
Munk (ibid., p. 281, N.) bemerkt: Par k-oL^s on entend 
1 e sprit qui preside a un astre on a ime constellation, ainsi 
que 1 apparition de cet esprit. In demselben Sinne kommt 
"Oni") auch in Schemtob Ibn Palquera s lTp2D mehrfach vor; 
so heisst es (ed. Haag f. 38 a) : (Mercur) 22CE yc^" 1 T nCN 1 
.^m"1 nr, welcher Ausdruck auch bei den iibrigen Planeten 
wiederkehrt. In der Bedeutung ,,geistig" kommt ^HII auch in 
Charizi s (Honein b. Ishak s) C^ICI^DH nDIO vor (MS. der 
Miinchener Hof- und Staatsbibliothek f. 83 a), wahrscheinlich 
als Ubersetzung von ^iU^. Es wird namlich ein Spruch 
des Euklides angefiihrt, dass die Arithmetik (Np^CtCnx) etwas 
Geistiges (p^nn HJ1DP) sei ? das aber durch die Schrift als 
dessen korperlicher Dolmetscher anschaulich gernacht werde 
- p|ian Y^bft ^ by nxnn, was ganz dem Spruche des Eukli 
des in Arnold s Arabischer Chrestomathie (p. 3) entspricht. 
iJlj ^>v^Js auoT^.^> auwJuJC ia^uJf. Dieses k-oL4-w^ ? korper- 
lich, kommt als *>EVft auch oft in den philosophischen 



230 Max Griinbaum. 

Schriften vor. Ein andres Wort fiir ,,geistig" ist "1^23, so 
in C^E Dju C^ inn, x-oLMAxJf ^f^sxJf in Kaufmann s Theoloyie 
des Bachja ibn Fakudak, p. 15, in welcher Stelle auch 
x-ola^ fur ,,iibersinnlich u vorkommt Mit Bezug auf letzteres 
Wort beinerkt Steinschneider (Zur pseudepiyraphisclien Lite- 
ratur, p. 69, N.), unter Hinweisung auf das Literaturblatt 
des Orient 1842, No. 51, p. 811 woselbst wiederum auf 
Ewald s Gram. crit. I arabc, p. 155, 264 verwiesen wird 

es kilme zumeist in Ubersetzungen aus dem Syrischen 
vor, und sei ein dem aramaischen nachgebildeter Ausdruck. 

An einer andern Stelle (p. 161), in welcher von der 
Sprache der Mischna die Rede ist, heisst es unter Andrein : 
. . . le futur, s exprirne souvent par Fadjonction du mot -pp,y 
([xeXXw, all. werden)-, des relations des temps sont marquees 
avec plus de precision que dans Fancienne langue, de tres 
nombreux particules, formes avec reflexion (^2 2, a cause 
de, i-? , vers etc.) rendent possible Fexpression des choses 
ratio nelles et abstraites. 

Mit Bezug hierauf ist folgendes zu bemerken: Das Fu 
turum wird in der Mischna - - ebenso wie in der Bibel und 
alien hebraischen Buchern - - mit den gewohnlichen Priifixen 
ausgedrtickt. Tn> wird nnr in emphatischem, feierlichem, 
gleichsam prophetischem Sinne gebraucht. wenn von der 
fernen Zukunft (die selbst mit 02^ "?nyb bezeichnet wird) 
die Rede ist, und namentlich das hervorgehoben wird, was 
Gott alsdann thun wird; tibrigens ist es eine Eigenthumlich- 
keit mehrerer Sprachen, namentlich Volkssprachen, dass sie 
auch hier statt der Endung eine Umschreibung anwenden 
und das Zeitwort in seiner ursprnnglichen Form beibehalten. 
So ist im Neugriechischen frsXco mit dem Innnitiv die ge- 
wohnliche Form des Futurum. Auch die jetzige Form des 
Futurum in den ronianischen Sprachen ist eine Zusamnien- 
ziehung der friiheren Form, in welcher das Futurum durch 
das Hilfszeitwort haben mit. dem Infinitif ausgedriickt ward, 
dar he, dar ho, donner ai == dare, claro, Je donnerai. ij wie 
man auch in der s. g. cimbrischen Sprache sagt: Ich kann 

l ) Cf. ZDMG XLIV (1890), p. 460. N. Die alteie Form konnnt zu- 
weilen auch in der neueren Sprache, namentlich in Sprichwortern vor, so 
im Don Quijote: Dime con quien andas, decirte he quien ores. 



Renan liber die spateren Formeu der hebraischen Sprache. 231 

zu machen, entsprechend dem altitalienischen far ho -- faro. 
(Schmetter, Uber die s. g. Cimbern, u. s. w., p. 694). 

Was das Wort ^2BG betrifft, so 1st dasselbe weit weniger 
abstract als das franzosische a cause de. ^2tt 2, vom hebr. 
b**2W Pfad, Weg entspricht dem deutschen ,,wegen, von 
wegen" vom Weg hergenommen. ^2 ware besser mit en 
face, vis a vis zu iibersetzeu 5 ^2 1st nach Luzzatto (Ele- 
menti grammaticali del caldeo biblico e del dialeto talmudico, 
21) das contrahirte ""SN t>2, von *]N Gesicht, mit zwei 
Prafixen, die auch sonst oft im Talmud vorkommen. Die 
hier erwahnten Worter kommen librigens nicht nur in der 
Mischna sondern auch in der Gemara vor. An einer andren 
Stelle (p. 233 fg.), in welcher von der Sprache des Talmud 
die Rede ist, sagt Renan: Une scolastique tenebreuse y mul- 
tiplie les conjunctions cornposees (...."12: ty ^N, quoique, 
.... "I H"N parceque etc.) et les substantifs abstraits. 
Les particules surtout offrent de nombreuses singulari- 
tes (Nlia 2:N. a cause de, DWrvnx, suO^c, d abord, N21"l, au 
contraire etc.) Quant aux formes grammaticales . . . elles 
echappent souvent a toutes les analogies, et semblent justifier 
jusqu a un certain point, ]e nom de langue artificielle, qui a 
etc donnu a la langue du Talmud comme a la langue rabbi- 
nique (voir ci-desus p. 164). 

Die angefiihrten Beispiele sind nun aber weit mehr sinn- 
lich-concret und volksthiimlich zu nennen als scholastisch- 
kiinstlich. Dem Ausdruck 2: by *>S liegt das Wort 23, 
Riicken zu Grunde, in welcher Bedeutung das Wort auch 
im Hebraischen vorkommt, wie auch syrisch --i-i ^ ^sl fiir 
super gebraucht wird (Ges. Thes., s. v. 22i, p. 256a; Diet 
rich, Abhandlungen fur semitische Wortforschungen, p. 161). 
2: by ^N bedeutet also: Auch das zu Grunde gelegt, wort- 
lich : Auch auf dem Riicken jener Sache, wie z. B. in der 
Stelle Megilla 3 a: ^in H^TC ^n Nt? 1PWI 2: by ^ ,,Wenn er 
es auch nicht gesehen, so hat es doch sein Schutzgeist 
(nach Raschi s Erklarung) gesehen." Nach der Bedeutung des 
Wortes r.B (aram. Cl, CIS? 1 ?) und ^ by (Ges. Thes., p. 1088 b) 
als ,,auf Grund von", wird auch ^ by *]$ in demselben Sinne 
gebraucht, wie z. B. tfiPI ^W NCniy ^ by *}X (Sanhedrin 
44a, mit Bezug auf blTW cr, Jos. 7, 11) ,,wenn es auch ge- 
siindigt hat, so ist es doch immer rnein Volk Israel." Wie 



232 Max Griinbaum. 

die sen Wo rtern Rucken und Mund, so liegt dem H^X das 
Wort "P zu Grunde, entsprechend dein "> ^7, Jo _JLfc und 
dem syrischen ^^ == ope, per et propter, ^ ^1 = juxta 
(Roediger, Chrest. syr., 2. A., Gloss, p. 54 b). H"K ist eines 
der vielen von Luzzatto (1. c. 21) angeftihrten Worter, in 
in denen N fur ty steht. Hierher gehort dann auch 23N 
N*n:, von "n:i, nach sich ziehen, nachschleifen, wie in deni 
Satze: m2J7 mTU rnDyi TOD m-m niSD ,,Eine gottgefallige 
Handlung zieht eine andere nach sich, wie eine Sunde eine 
andre." *n3 23N wird also von einer Sache gesagt 7 die 
gleichsain in s Schlepptau genommen wird und bedeutet also 
a propos de, nicht a cause de. SOTIN (bei Luzzatto 97, 
p 87) von N21 ,,viel", entspricht dem franzosischen mais, dem 
spanischen mas von magis, es bedeutet sed magis, wie man 
mittellat. fur sed potius sagte (Diez, Et. WB., s. v. Mai). 
DlNimiN oder Dl^miN im Aruch und bei Buxtorf wird 
bereits im Aruch als ein griechisches Wort erklart (bei 
Buxtorf s69tfq)-, es ist eines der vielen griechischen Worter, 
die im Talmud vorkommen, und ist also nicht besonders be- 
merkenswerth. 

Die obigen Ausdriicke, sowie noch viele andre derselben 
Kategorie, gleichen denen der Volkssprache auch in so fern, 
als viele Abkurzungen und Contractionen dabei vorkommen. ! ) 
Was aber die grammatischen Formen betriiFt, so kehren diese 
so regelmassig wieder, dass man daraus allerdings eine 
Grammatik construiren kann, wie es ja auch Grammatiken 
einzelner Volkssprachen giebt, trotzdem dass diese in Ver- 
gleich zu der Schriftsprache viele Anomalien darbieten. 

Die Sprache des Talmud ist keineswegs ,,une langue fac- 
tice", wie denn auch Luzzatto in der Vorrede zu dem er- 
wahnten Buche diese Bezeichnung fur unrichtig erklart. Die 

l ) In Folge der Verkurzungen und Abschleifungen verliert die ur- 
spriingliche Sprache, wie sie in der Schrift zu Tage tritt, in der Volks 
sprache oft ihren ursprunglichen Charakter. So haben mehrere italienische 
Dialekte durch das Ausstossen der Vocale etwas Rauhes und Hartes er- 
halten, wahrend siiddeutsche Mundarten in Folge des Abwerfens der Con- 
sonanten etwas Weiches und Wohllautendes haben, wie im folgenden 
Schnadahiipfel: Annamarie wendi Annamarie dradi Annamarie wannidi 
nit het, Annamarie was tati - d. h. Anna Marie wende dich, A. M. dreh* 
dich, A. M. wenn ich dich nicht halt , A. M. was that ich. 



Renan iiber die spateren Formen der hebraischen Sprache. 233 

talinudische Sprache ist keine kiinstlich gemachte Sprache, 
das ist sie schon nicht in ihrer Eigenschaft als vorherrschend 
gesprochene, leidenschaftliche, dialectisch debattirende Sprache. 
Eher noch lasst sich die Benennung auf die Sprache der 
jiidisch-philosophischen Schriften anwenden, in Wahrheit aber 
passt sie auf a lie philosophischen Ausdriicke, die ihrem 
Wesen nach eine ,,langue factiee" sind. Denn die Sprache 
iiberhaupt, die Sprache wie sie gewohnlich gesprochen wird, 
ist urspriinglich sinnlich concret, leidenschaftlich. Hass und 
Liebe, Leid und Freud, Schinerz und Lust, Furcht und 
Hoffnung sind die Erzeuger der Sprache. 

Es giebt wohl keine Sprache, die fur diese verschiedenen 
AfFecte nicht die entsprechenden Ausdriicke besasse, keine 
von der man sagen konnte, sie sei fur G-efiihlsausserungen 
nicht geeignet, wohl aber giebt es Sprachen, denen die 
philosophische Teruiinologie fehlt. So klagt z. B. Lucrez 
mehrmals (I, 137, 31, III, 260) iiber die Egestas patrii ser- 
monis, wie denn in der That die lateinische Sprache sich von 
der griechischen auch darin unterscheidet, dass ihr fur philo 
sophische Begriife die Worte fehlen, wie das auch Seneca 
(Epist. 58) sagt. 

Eben desshalb kommen auf diesem Gebiete ani meisten 
Lehn- und Fremdworter, sowie Nachbildungen freinder Aus 
driicke vor. Dasselbe ist nun auch bei den jiidisch-philo 
sophischen Schriften der Fall. So ist z. B. das Wort Ei& SJlE 
fur ,,abstract" wahrscheinlich Nachbildung des arabischen 

t>*Js\x>, wie man auch im Deutschen neben ,,abstracte" auch 
,,abgezogene" Begrifte sagt, wahrend als Hauptwort nur Ab 
straction" (Acpocipsffis ) gebraucht wird. Dem arabischen Worte 
lautlich und sachlich ahnlich ist das Tahnudische 113 scal- 
pere, decorticare, N % ""^3 -- cortex, N"" 1 "]: W2W2 iibersetzt Bux- 
torf (col. 472) rnit Nomine nudo, wie auch Sachs (Beitrage, 
I, 102) damit das syr. n\snnp ,,die nackte Wahrheit" ver- 
gleiche. 

Deutlicher als bei ic^sic ist bei andren Wortern die 
Kachbildung des arabischen Wortes erkennbar, wie bei 
letzterem die Nachbildung des griechischen Wortes. So z. B. 
V2EH mnNlT HE - - x-ouJaJf Jou - TOC [isira Ta <pu<Jixa fiir 
Metaphysik, die Ubersetzung von ( j*x 4 -Luo mit C^2"IC, in 



234 Max Griinbaum. 

den lateinischen Ubersetzungen Loquentes (Guide des fiyares, 
I, 335 N ), die von J^AJf >*ys\Jf m it men CSJ7u (ibid., I, 
186 N.), die von v*y*- niit ^D (Steins chneider, Alfarabi, 
p. 65, N. 9b). 

Nachbildungen arabischer Ausdriicke finden sich ubrigens 
auch auf andrem als dem philosophischen Gebiete, namlich 
da, wo im Hebraischen kein entsprechender Ausdruck vor- 
handen ist. Dahin gehort das, friiher (ZDMG., XXIII, 630) 
von mir angefiihrte :m Pu^r im Kuzari (II, 23, ed. Cassel, 
1. A. p. 129, 2. A. p. 125). r\lV2 das gewohnlich wie in 
deinselben Satze (ujlir T\^2 ^Hj^) die Richtung aller Gedanken 
auf einen Punct, die Andacht, bezeichnet ist hier Nachbildung 
des ar. ^-Ui , wahrend 3n im Sinne von ^^, gebraucht wird. 1 ) 

Hebraische Nachbildungen arabischer Ausdriicke habe 
ich an einer andren Stelle derselben Zeitschrift (XXXIX, 
1885, p. 587 fg.) angefuhrt. Eben daselbst und in der An- 
nierkung (XL, p. 286) habe ich mehrere Nachbildungen aus 
andren Sprachen erwahnt. Diese Xachbildungen haben in 
der That immer etwas kunstliches, denn sie sind nicht or- 
ganisch aus dem Leben der Sprache hervorgegaugen, sie sind 
Nachahmungen fremder Ausdriicke. Zu den in dieser Be- 
ziehung merkwiirdigen hollandischen Wortern (XL, ibid ) 
gehort auch Schouwburg, das - wie das deutsche Schau- 
biihne im vorigen Jahrhundert fiir Theater" gebraucht wird. 

) Hirschfeld s Textausgabe steht mir nicht zu Gebote. 



chvn 1:6 rrnsn 



PND 
S. J. Halberstam (Bielitz). 



.p-)H>n E n "O iT TD ^22: ^"S .p^DH LTiTD ^22i :6 mw XII TOy N p 

D2nnt> PSNJNCD. Dioj) C2nn v"c ^y : ^TN.-I pnsr -i 
.^Y.NH : n~)D2 n2;o2 DJ p ^"sp 79 Toy /N n:r i^ 1 ^^ 



(,n: jCT 1 ? Diip M^ 127 -icy -^ D^JD^DH 
pom^ N2*ctr no DJ ^^DIH P B noa 21 i*ny ~"y XX mo 
^j^ ^;DO N"Dn 11^2 r-w no^ 21 ;<i s p- : 200 noy 



XXX -- 



.^Di" 1 r~i*D ^DD2 b"s ,^DD2 : 18 rnitt* XXXVI ~?2 
Vo n j"a i D^jsn^n N*202 y r r "n K "O ^y .D J^ CJN .145 ~i^ 



.279 -noy 1878 -^otJ nsisa Y^ o"jn t^o cj ^yi 
n:^ E E J y v i*y~i TS"S y"02 *r2r2tr no /(| y .DIOICDISN 222 -noy 

54 ~*oy N 

niio -HDD r ( iD2 p"ji 2"^ 2P2 p .n2N*Kn p^2 85 Toy . 2 p rn 






"a ni "jny .D"^ n by2 .149 n o 
v 2n ^22 ^ j"jp ^i pnnjo 1 ? ^ "NJ^NI 



.291 Toy 1875 n:^ -i^o^ ns-.sD J"2 csnn ^"o v y ^2^2 .183 Toy 
TNjn T22 .vj2i T n ^n ^y2 ]V2 N t! ? t ^y 1 ? .T^n r^T2 .215 Toy 
c>po 01^2 p TIN nj2^ xb ^ n"i ^y 
Nn 21 by TJVO 



.N^-nj.^ : ys .-ly^-iJNb .15 n-n^ 154 Toy ^ p 
rnano rn^y n:ty r-^bn T222 T2P2ir no y .TH .279 Toy 
233 Toy 40 *o 1881 T:cn ^ .15 Toy n 1 :^ 



236 > ir) nnyn 



T333 T3P3P no ^y non nsipp.3 * * * * nan .426 nay 
,235 ,230 noy "Din FMW 

*"b *p nsra ^33 no^p DJ ^y .TC : 12 nTifc> .205 nay i pbn 

.^ 3 .T3 p\vi : N"yo 
^POP no DJ ^y .u^on n3P3j DN ni^pnn j^jy3 .279 -nay n p rn 

HN^m 7 nay n^j^ pinna nn^y rw I JD^n 1*333 
n^jo onsio s pnpi3 -^ MNJ^NI J"in N^n^ no ^y .Npip^a 84 nay 



.46 nay J"n nan DIDD i" 1 ^ o ^n ^"a ;i y ,^np3 Nparu i .238 nay 
n"tr pi&^3 <i n3P3^ no ^y .D3p DHIDN i 3 niyn 31 nay i p rn 

y op nay 

.15 nay n"^ i^jnn ^P3P3^ no 7i y .^JDPoa .6 niyn 51 nay 
i^job .1D15J3 :"3 D3nn 133 i yn ni by /.TOJ = ^Jioay .316 nay 
,527 nay 1870 pyi:i CDnn 1 ? ^in 3P30 /<! yi .170 nay 1858 
D3 ^NID^ a"in ^"o ^y .D"O i n" 



PN ^Nitr 1 pjrooi :NSJOJ n"i3 .4 ,3 niyn 259 nay 
PN D&2 N^.I N^ N3"u:n,n .mao3 pipu ij^y PD^D nay 1 NOB^ 
^a^ i^a mpi? nr p^bi) ppoy |.T ) D i o^3 ION :^Di,n niyn 
: p mthb PNT ^D * p^pyn Dnin3Nm (3"y 3" 1 ? *p n"io N3ion 

.nypn mso o^p 130 
njoi? .iD*s3 1 P3P3B no yi ,^Nniy i b"x .^ynry i 304 noy 

.395 nay i" 1 
n.333 <i P3P3fc > na ^y ,D ^ i^ 3 i*ay ."jiyn pn n p 

.313 nay n"3in 
] v o^ ^^3 pini .JP-D 11 nay ,c 



3nn PNT nyi N^n 133 .N^DN |a lyy ay ,29 nay 

,701 noy rn 

"piyn* 335 nay i" s nw i^a 1 ? nDis3 P.i^yn^ no ^y .JIDTD .66 noy 
(*.307 iiay 1870 r\w T.yn 13P3D3 N"^ iyr^ 



35 myn 519 rji 1843 coiyn oyi BBiAaiiBmye^a oypn /: ? snn y] (* 
[.p .N .J .122124 ^ (1859) r n pS 



L enterremcnt de Jacob d apres la Genese 

(XLIX,29 L,14) 



par 
Prof. J. Hal^vy (Paris). 



Ce recit contient trois divisions formant autant de cour- 
tes periodes, sur lesquelles quelques remarques ne seront pas 
superflues. 

1. Jacob mourant manifesto le desir d etre enterre a 
Hebron, en Chanaan, dans la grotte de Makpela, qu Abra 
ham avait achetee a Ephron FHeteen, a titre de caveau 
sepulcral de sa famille (XLIX, 2932). La redaction 
ne demande que pen d observations. Le singulier ^ag a 
lieu d etonner en presence du pluriel vaj? du verset 33; 
cependant 1 antiquite de cette lecon ressort des Septante 
.qui ont le suffixe singulier meme au verset 33 (rcpoq 
TOV Xaov auTOii = Vulgate : ad populum suum). L incon- 
sequence des ponctuateurs vient probablement de 1 orthographe 
defective qui affecte souvent les suffixes du pluriel, tandis 
que la consequence des Septante doit etre assignee a la 
repugnance d imaginer les patriarches reunis dans 1 autre 
monde a des peuples etrangers. Dans la realite, cette diffi- 
culte n existe pas aujourdhui, sachant d une part que le mot 
hebreu C^ designe aussi, comme c est le cas ordinaire eri 
arabe, les proches parents, et de 1 autre que les anciens 
Semites imaginaient les habitants du Seol, groupes en families. 

Au verset 30, miyn PN doit etre traduit ,,avec le 
champ (Delitzsch) "conformenient au recit de la Genese 
XXIII, 13, 17, 20. 

La troisieme personne, du pluriel l"12fj est probablement 
employee par cette raison que Rebecca mourut pendant le 
sejour de Jacob a Paddan-Aram , aux funerailles d Isaac, 



238 J. Halevy. 

Jacob etait assiste d Esaii (XXXV,29). C est a Fenterre- 
inent de Lea que Jacob etait seul Orp?p) et cet acte exe 
cute en presence des habitants d Hebron confirmait son droit 
sur la grotte. C est le sens du verset 32 que les critiques 
inodernes considerent a tort comrne superflu ; le mot n:p^ 
signifie ,,acquisition" en general et nil ^2 PNJ2 visenit 
Feventualite d une contestation de la part des heritiers d Ephron ; 
alors les autres citoyens pourront constater ses droits devant 
les juges. 

II y a fort pen a dire sur la deuxierne division du recit, 
qui relate la mort de Jacob, son embaurneinent et la per 
mission demandee et obtenue par Joseph de se rendre dans 
le Chanaan afin d y enterrer son pere (XLIX,33 L,6). ?p*01 
DECPl hx vbr, nx rappelle XLV1I1,2 qui signale Feffort fait 
par Jacob de rester assis sur le lit durant les dernieres 
paroles qu il adressa a ses enfants en presence de Joseph. 
Cet effort avait pour but de leur inspirer du respect a Fegard 
du frere hai autrefois et devenu actuellement le seul soutien 
de la famille. Quand il eut fmi de parler. il se recueillit et 
attendit tranquillenient la mort; apres une courte agonie Qnri) 
son ame se reunit avec les siens dans le Seol (voj? btt P]D^l); 
cette expression constitue un euphemisine au lieu de nc^l; 
celle de n:\xtr 1^^ a toujours un sens pejoratif. 

L 7 5. > \i^r -r^ N ,,que j ai creuse pour moi" savoir 
dans rinterieur de la grotte qui est le lieu de sepulture des 
ancetres, DH^p (XLVIf,30). La plupart de exegetes moder- 
nes out confondu -^fj avec PH-^p et se sont lances dans des 
speculations iinaginaires en croyant qu il s agissait d un torn- 
beau different situe a Sicheni. La troisieme partie qui decrit 
la solennite du convoi, sa marche et son retour en Egypte 
(L 7 7 14) ne demande aucune remarque au point de vue de 
1 exegese, mais presente d enormes difficultes geographiques 
qui n ontpas ete levees jusqu a^ce jour. Voici en quoi elles 
consistent. Le convoi parti d Egypte s arrete dans une loca- 
lite nomniee ie k xn p: pour celebrer un deuil de sept jours. 
La raison de cet arret n est pas claire; la ceremonie aurait 
du avoir lieu apres la sepulture et a Tendroit ou elle avail 
ete faite. Encore moins incomprehensible est ce fait que la 
locality qui vient d etre riommee etait situee de Tautre cote 
du Jourdain, pi^n -nj?2 (v. 10); le convoi a done fait le tour de 



L enterrement de Jacob d apres la Genese. 23 9 

la nier Morte du cote de 1 est et le cercueil de Jacob a ete ensuite 
transporte de la jusqu a Hebron en traversant le Jotirdain. On se 
demande a quoi servait ce long tour inutile? N aurait-il pas ete 
plus simple d aller directement a Hebron ou du moins de s arreter 
a une petite distance de cette ville, si les Egyptians ne pouvaient 
pas ou ne voulaient pas y penetrer? Ces difficultes sont 
deja assez grandes pour qu on cherche a les aggraver encore 
en acceptant 1 avis de Saint Jerome qui identifie Goren-Haatad 
avec la localite nonimee rr^n rP3 a une lieure de F embouchure 
du Jouidain du cote de Fouest et faisant partie du territoire 
de la tribu de Juda (Josue XV, 6). En presence de pareils 
einbarras. quelques uns des critiques ont, suivant leur usage, 
coupe le noeud an lieu de le delier. Bunsen suppose que 
le texte portait primitivement an lieu de jV^ri ,,le Jourdain" 
^UsU c est-a-dire cn^ C b~j, le torrent d Egypte ou le AVad- 
el- Aris pres de Gaza. Mais ^~:M *!2J? est purement oiseux 
puisqu il est notoire que la Palestine ne va pas au dela. 
Les autres qui maintiennent la localisation fournie par Saint 
Jerome considerent les mots pTn "!2>2 comme une inter 
polation bien qu ils soient mis deux fois 7 aux versets 10 et 
11. Dillmann qui se rend coinpte de la violence dc ce pro- 
cede, prefere prendre le mot "L^jTn pour une glose afin 
d ecarter la difficulte qui resulte de ce fait qu il n y avait 
pas de Chananeens au dela du .lourdain. Quant au fond 
meme de Fenigme, a savoir la singularite de Fitineraire, il se 
contente de repousser Fidee emise par MM. Kautzsch et Socin 
que Goren-haatad etait peut-etre d apres une ancienne tradi 
tion le lieu de sepulture de Jacob, mais il n est pas loin de 
voir dans la description de la marct.e un manque de reflexion 
de la part du narrateur. (AVie freilich der iigyptische Zug 
dazu gekonimen sein soil, statt des geraden Wegs itber 
Rhinocolura und Beerseba die Richtung uni das todte Meer 
herum einzuschlagen, dariiber giebt Verfasser keinen Auf- 
schluss und hat wohl nicht weiter reflectirt). Le subterfuge 
est ingenieux mais pen vraiseinblable. Pendant quelque 
temps je croyais que le narrateur avait voulu creer un precedent 
typique a la sortie d Egypte et a F entree des Israelites en 
Palestine qui s est faite a la suite du tour de la Mer morte 
et le passage du Jourdain. mais cette idee ne tient pas de- 
bout, car cette lougue tournee est toujours consideree comme 



240 J. Halevy. 

une punition de la desobeissance du peuple et n etait pas prirni- 
tivement prevue. (Nombres XIV, 1 10. Deuteronome 1,26). 
Un nouvel examen m a montre que la difficulte est siinple- 
ment due a une erreur d exegese traditionelle qui prend la 
locution pTH ~!2J7 dans le sens de ,,au-dela du Jourdain". 
J ai prouve depuis longtemps que in:r, "DP tout seul peut 
designer Tune et 1 atitre rive du fleuve; il en est de ineme de 
P")Ti "Op et ^ comme il ne viendra a 1 idee de personne de 
se reiidre d E<rypte a Hebron autrement que par la voie di- 
recte de Rhinocolura, il faut entendre par pTH 12V la Pales 
tine cisjordanique. Or, la Palestine proprement dite est un 
pays de montagnes borne de plaines du cote du sud et de 
Pouest. Le convoi, qui se composait d une division de cava- 
lerie et de chars de guerre, el ait done oblige non seulernent 
de faire halte au pied du haut plateau, sans pouvoir avancer 
avant de prendre des mesures particulieres, mais, reflexion 
faite, de s y arreter tout-a-fait, de crainte que 1 arrivee subite 
des detachements egyptiens ne causat un soulevement des 
habitants et n apportat par consequent un grave trouble 
dans 1 execution de Tenterrement. Grace a cette reflexion, 
la recit devient d une clarte parfaite. Les Egyptiens empe- 
ches d assister a Tenterrement a Hebron, celebrent un deuil 
de sept jours a la derniere station qui est Goren-haatad 
(v. 10). Les Chananeens indigenes contemplent la ceremonie 
funebre du haut de leurs montagnes et perpetuent cet evene- 
ment par le nom qu ils donnent a la vallee ou il a eu lieu 
(v. 11). Enfin, les Hebreux seuls portent a Hebron le 
cercueil de Jacob, le deposent dans la grotte de Makpela et 
reviennent aussitot aupres des Egyptiens avec lesquels ils 
retournent en Egypte (versets 1214). Rien n est plus 
simple ni plus conforme a 1 etat des relations anciennes qui 
existaient reellement entre TEgypte, suzeraine legale de la 
Palestine, et ses vassaux chananeens toujours prets a se 
revolter quand ils soupgonnaient qu on voulait changer 1 etat 
de choses et s introduire militairement dans leur pays. 

II reste un seul point a elucider, savoir 1 identite de la 
localite appelee par la Genese -ipxn pi Je crois y parvenir 
a Taide des considerations suivantes. La signification de ce 
nom est des plus claires. 

II signifie ,,1 aire aux epines", visiblement a cause de 



L euterrement de Jacob d apres la Genese. 241 

nombreux buissons d epines qui se trouvaient dans le 
voisinage. Ces arbrisseaux qui ne sont bons qu a faire 
du feu (Juges IX, 15. Psaumes LYIII, 10) sont tres repan- 
dus dans les terres arides du sud de la Judee. neanmoins 
pour qu une localite leur emprunte son nom, il faut croire 
qu ils s y sont fait renmrquer par une abondance extra 
ordinaire et cette circonstance donne a penser que, peut- 
etre, la localite en question n est pas restee tout-a-fait inconnue 
dans la geographic ulterieure de la Palestine. II est vrai 
qu un nom de lieu "1ENH p3 ou lEX tout court ne figure dans 
aucune nomenclature geographique de la Bible, ni chez les 
auteurs posterieurs, mais pour pouvoir afiirmer sa disparition 
reelle, il faut encore s assurer qu il ne se cache pas sous 
une forme synonyme, quoique inateriellenient differente. Au 
cours de nos etudes bibliques, nous avons eu souvent 1 occa- 
sion de constater que plusieurs noms de lieu, au fond iden- 
tiques, n ont etc differencies que par suite de la diversite de 
forme qu ils revetent chez les auteurs qui les mentionnent. 
Quoi de plus curieux que les localites censees introuvables 
np ^ et ujC"C (Isaie X, 30 ? 31) qui, grace au principe de 
synonymic, ont ete reconnues comnie identiques avec celles 
plus connues sous les formes respectives M*] 1 ?3 et !~H;J? 
Cememe fait s est produit en effet, a notre grande satis 
faction pour le nom que nous etudions. Si une villc nominee 
"iipN ne se trouve pas dans les textes qui sont a notre portee, 
nous y constatons une ville synonyine et le hasard veut que 
nous pnissions les identifier Tune avec 1 autre sans grands 
frais d erudition. 

Le livre de Josue XV, apres avoir enumere les villes 
de!la Philistie depuis Accaron ou Eqron jusqu a Gaza, s eten- 
dant sur la plaine qui forme la limite occidentale du plateau 
montagneux de la Judee (versets 44 47) precede immediate- 
ment a enregistrer les villes de la rnontagne. IHS. La 
premiere ville qu il cite s appelle Samir, "l^tt*, mot qui est 
absolument synonyme de I^N et signifie ,,epines, buisson 
d epines." Comuie Tauteur vient de parler du territoire de 
Gaza, il est presque certain que Samir est situe dans le 
voisinage imniediat, et par consequent au coin sud-ouest 
de la Judee, c est-a-dire, justement sur le passage des cara- 
vanes qui venant d Egypte et ayant traverse le Wad-el- c Aris 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 16 



242 J. Halevy. 

veulent se rendre en Judee, surtout dans la Judee du sud, 
par le chemin le plus court. Par bonheur, le nom de cette 
ville s est conserve jusqu a nos jours dans la ruine Umm- 
Saumera (Rob. Ill, 862) ou Sumra (Guerin, Judee III, 364), 
situee a 5 heures au sud-ouest d Hebron et c est dans la plaiue 
adjacente utilisee par les montagnards de Samir pour la culture 
du ble comme semble Findiquer le titre de p; grange, aire", 
qu a ete probablement celebre le deuil de Jacob. 

Le sens et Funite interieurs une fois etablis, nous pro- 
cedons a Fexamen de Topinion de 1 ecole critique qui trouve 
dans ce recit un amalgame de trois documents differents. 
La premiere piece, XLIX 2933 est attribute a A, a cause 
du style diffus et de certaines expressions qui seraiant propres 
a cet auteur, mais surtout par cette raison que d apres C, 
1 ecrivain presume de XL VII, 2930, Jacob confia a Joseph 
seul la charge de Fenterrer en Chanaan. La faiblesse de ces 
arguments apparait facilement : les marques du style ne tirent 
pas a consequence nieme dans les literatures plus rappro- 
chees de notre temps et le plus souvent 1 insistance de Tau- 
teur sur un point donne ne nous parait fatigant que parce 
que nous ignorons 1 importance qu il avait a cette epoque. 
Quant a la contradiction avec XL VII, 2930, elle est pure- 
ment imaginaire: c est Joseph seul, comme haut fonctionnaire 
de Pharaon, qui pouvait etre charge de cette delicate mission 
consistant a obtenir la permission de transporter le cercueil 
de Jacob au dehors de TEgypte, mais cela n exclut nullement 
la recommandation collective faite dans le meme sens dans 
XLIX, 29 et suivants, car, si Joseph etait venu a disparaitre a 
ce moment, ses autres freres auraient du se charger de cette 
mission dont ils etaient egalement informes. 

II y a plus, I expression CHIN 1^1, dont Tauthenticite, 
malgre son absence dans la version des Septante, est garantie 
par L, 12, est la suite naturelle du verset 28 qui resume 
le recit relatif aux dernieres paroles et benedictions de Jacob; 
or, ce verset contient la locution r^2 irc"p3 w>x qui dans 
laGenesen a d analogie que dans celles de >oAp" W0 "rfMlp? ^\S 
et in riril &x de XLI, 11 et 12 qui font partie du do 
cument B d apres 1 avis unanime des critiques eux-niemes. 
Au contraire le rapprochement essaye par quelques uns avec 
Genese I, 27 et V, 12 se borne au verbe -pn seul et est 



L enterrement de Jacob d apres la Genese. 243 

partant tout-a-fait insignifiant. Voila, je crois, une preuve 
convaincante qiie la distinction des sources ne repose sur 
aucune base solide ; et, comme d autre part la double nature 
d exhortations et de benedictions du discours de Jacob, indi- 
quee au verset XLIX, 28 repond exacteraent a la teneur des 
versets 1 (prediction = benediction) et 2 (,,ecoutez votre pere" 
= exhortation), nous avons le droit d admettre que tout le 
chapitre XLIX, en reservant la question de savoir si le 
discours existait deja auparavant, est 1 oeuvre d un seul nar- 
rateur, naturellement le meme qui a ecrit Tepisode L ? 1 14 
qui s y rattache intimement. Devant 1 integrite de 1 ensemble 
disparait naturellement aussi la pretendue ingerence du re- 
dacteur final dans XLIX, 29 a, passage que d autres critiques 
assignent d ailleurs au premier Elohiste ou A. 



16* 



n nm ha w mso 



mirp inn Yimo "nn cinn inn m^s NI py IVOTE) 

- "6 "ny pN 1t&>N "!2Djn ISDn ty2 ,n"n^T I n N p Dr. Alexander 

.(Hc^irn inyn 

HND 
Dr. A. Harkavy (St. Petersburg). 



csjn cnron p. Dto HPTI S DVD?N nnyo m PNJJH "n ^u 
nan D^myn C^D^DH rb^DD ]^i n:^ nisD ncn^o iM "i^m ,nDpn 
PN nsji p^y ^2; D^DyD^i ,D .iNpvpn nn nunDD* D*IDD cnT: N2a 
nsiNS c^t^icn D JNpNDn ^D iDr6 DJ n 1 " rm uroyD D^N ,cnron 
rjB ? T jcn irx^n 1231 .c^nyn rx insji nj.^^n by DT nr,M ir D 

DID i ^m ^t^i 1 Cn-HM O (I, 2) DTilJ P]DN021 (357 11D^) 1877 

D^D^DH r^ cc TN T CB-Tit c^rrn "i 1 nbsn ^ D^ji^ip D^JDH "p 
Dnnrn j/rc TN ^jm r^n V^^ ^ P^D PN nr b TNDD .c^^n 
rNSic rcN2* .bxyvw S J3 rnsca D.I n^vn D^D^ -NO 

T ir*D^ N*? Ifc N , D ^^D HPN DnrOH PN T 

DI nDDD cnpinni D^T-H -PIN myr^ CN noK Ni ; "HN Dip 



-iN nin Dipon PN ^PNSD PIDIIP n^D> T^^n "^i"i <| 33 ,N 

: "n a t| Dt>i2t> D i "" n c^ 

D 1 ~1T2[^ l^D] ^D* .."ID^D DO 1 3iy^ "J^D bl NDD HJNi 



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[pb i] Nobi y^.rr CN\NJ ^D JND jab DDN PN Nin NJ-J* NDD j n 1 ^D 1 

DTH ^vp NHJO Dl^n .I 1 ? b^ 1 ^b l^D ^Di .HID! CN^N ^D |ND 

/2N DTHb TIB "I^D 

HD^D NlpJ C^l^t ~pn *?DB^ 10D MI n:.Ti IP^DV^ mm pT^Jl 
Dnsnt? "J^D b* .(Chakan) }NpNDN"ipJDni O^ "j^D tJDl .(Chalif) 



I yn? nx cipn MS ( 

,( 1 mane ciwnV jnrr) EJWJ,I nianrn T nnym cyea oyss vmrm N 1 ? yno nr nsoia 
nt nnN c niirs ^"j-.n n:tra ]Vna NBO D"inn nN^m ^ p^n^ ni rss nx n:p r 
inyn o n nsn nopn cnson nsw c; n:p wnn jern iiyai ,-,1^ V w nJiNjn mawn 
,inn D"na mya HJJ rim Sy V T mnttn ? nnSo nasi ."irsx NS irsN pn ;i ,D^jrn 

.n"nx:n ,01103 nsn-ifin nsm inter: 1 ? nny D ^NI 



.nnnrn in ty p*o ?VIJ?D an 245 

"ion JJN Nip: phnyh* ."J^DN Nip: DTE^ "fto bm ,nyiD Nip: 



by PNJJH ~JDDI] "D^D JUNE DTI rro JDD 

*b iN "iN ; UN p DJ NlpJ i>NlDEH ^ *HW JDD .Tntf H INI : D 
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/3N D-l^H 1 ? "I lS "J^D DTH "IDN p^> ,DTH N"lpj "na 1 ? I^D ^D pi .ni 



nail "1DND TNUQ D^JIOlpH D^l^n nDIDD i .")T"0 ""DD 
^iDi ;"V1 ^J ll^bN ^1 VDD JN^D pN H^lNll 

.[INJND IN JNPND CK 2 N"ipj cnn^n 
n;n ipM "IDNDH TN ^HNSD N#n ^D H^ID^ nr I^ITDD . 

: cnron ^D^Q 

P ns IN ^N n:^ nDyarDQ T:-ND -IICN NJIN^DN ^D mil 
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D HD^ IN ^N IDrj" 1 mnS&ND "iHD ^IN^N nt NDI^N 3N1JD ^H ^N 

N^N D^ nNtj^N n 1 fimr^N Nip 1 H^ND .^NI^N -iDi 1 cr ^n^N 



cyn ^ini [PN] N n^o 3^ v i NJDV NCDI . JJN TD^I^N i;n 

v i TJTI PVH D^D I^N ND ""DJN HJH i"lt?D t>N ^ 1QN v i ^H 

n^NJN y ui Dp -yn ~~) n^N bxp rn Na\xi , /v ^N nyn nsi TN 

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njy p 1 ub* /nr 1 yct^ 1 TDDH ^ Njrniy ND ^y* .IDN^ n^o Dyn 
nin ITD^N nD^CD IN [^ n^] ^rn T ^-^ F^^ HTD nin IN 
p]piD NJn Nnapi [ND n^Nnn] TNp IN TSND I^^N ryn NIN Nnr^D 
ra iyT TH [^crj 1 ] nj^y. ..UNH^N rsp ip H^D N 1 b^ *tb n^T TD 

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NC 760 [HTD] TTD nin IN ^ na N^^D 3 N^N IDN^N r^r 



nnrn niDDD TNSD ^JN* : HTD \ 
D*in"i iN^D 1 -jjan DJ o ll 7 ynj I^N ~y p^n 1 ? 
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rwaj im *^N NID IDI iy ibaN n^Dyn nMt^ inbtw ~a~n 
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j^ Ta-6 nnv^n Naon DNI .r^Nin -nrn 1 ? nn^rn TN [pi] 
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nyn I^N ND ^JN run nt^o ^s % n ICN^I ni inNi , n ^N Dyn nrn 
n IDN^ ryn p IDSI , n ^N Dyn nm TN n^o in p nnNi .pyn 



246 .onnan nm ty pjo nnyo m 

rmEtfi iHT* .^D in bN Pibyb nyn bri 1 Nb ITEM o l-Djn ~yn 11 
ranD iiNm U^TD^ *DD n^N 1 ? rrao cyn PN nbzum cip&y nab 

-)5?N ly D^boriO nPN JHJO ."TO ^ jmj mn N b cbiN .IIP 1 

-jbon msr&y fan .nnnDn nub a :inja mi ^ [^ I 
I "imn nN Ninn i^n n^^ [no ~ID~ niiN] NDS n^ *N 

CN ^ ! "^n n i^ ")2in TN T.^V -QD I^KHD ^ 

TN "jban ni^D nnxi nav ID-Q -ini^T iban "6 

11 b ynj niai -- ."TN^C I^D r^Nin 71 ^ r.N,, : 

.c^ba j.ua POND Nin TJ^H ^D b^ t^n^n ^nsin&y .ID 



n p ^nNSjasy P.HN map nm^n Nin n ^^n oipan j 

:nnou nn ,^-yo 

ji^n] Np.DTai xnnb jiDnpN p ^J^N IPNI NJj^nna 
N*i3j ~n jiDpjHas mm i-iax j^m [I Njn n^ia oipo N-^D 
ij N 1 ?!] ,[278 -i D^WN-ib II-IDT] ~i i D b mb PDJ * cni^N -a pna 1 
Ni .ont on i^b pnsr ^\vn P.NS PN PNJH y-nn 
nriN ^DHPH i^mn ^D njijiy ini^N M 



pn N IHN aipa DJ no N^n \T nprio N 

nnm ob n^-iy PD^D ^n^D <| jianp ^ipo D ^ -i 1 1 D n 
-iToa T13 J"D nEHDn ^nNaa [mm 1 p n^i^ IN ^by p PD^ 



NJ IN hip DDN^N m^ NIH ]N J^DJI 
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n v on mnD^a pnr.D D v .jbN b^D* p ^r IN ^N ^iayi DNiai 
IN *by ibi bis TH^ND iiaa n^. bNpi .HJND NO bpa ^N onbNn 
DHJN nip 1 * .cms I JDD 1 NnbNayNi in^N nnb IHID^ 
UND pbbN NON I .mbjbN ^D bNi^ 1 pi ^D ibi"i 
IIJ^D^ IN nnb bji iy .mbN bvi ips P bjbx bnp 

<ipbm UPP a^ IPX un i; itfN DD^ mm nbipD 
ibfvtj b"i] nbNn naiNn pi ^ INDJI : no % 
nbjm lyjiD aj N2^ amp Nin [n^yi ^bra> in 
IH ^D niDnna [p nriN obiN] ,nn m Diypji on^ma-iNa o^ayn PN 
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nn .( D nnDi) mi^Nn HDD 3^1 IQNI .nj^Nin vn I^NS n^sa 

^N i^n PN nnb up 1 bNi^ S JD ">D nn 1 
iN .p b;n |am bNi^ 1 pin IDJDJ it^N onmn on S D ia*b 
n ms -as Nbn mbjn amp bNi^ PID IDJDJ 



.annsn "an H ;uo nnyc 21 247 

irinj jnn DIP r\& "un -u -IB^N BDKQ .T.T, "HDND .^NI^ I JD "pra 

.(J"D T"O Sspin ) 
:( j J"D nnm) y"nxin HNUH ^DD ]V,D T.Nnn ni ^N ^ I^NI] 

iJDD DTip TiV ."iM^ND 1TOD 3BH ^iJJ DtT N H ^ "HDN DnHN;,, 
plDD 1 ? ,T > -1D! ! ? il iNm *.D^2 y"3N1H "IDT "l^ND Cyb p nTiH" 1 1 HT N^H 

hz inp 1 ? D^: iDipn D^Nipno IN yD/ jono i ,D^ pi"in DJ nx"ii ."IDUH 
T jDD i .(3"y VD ?]i cnD-i 1 ?) ni ir IDD byi* (2"y T"DI p]~) inDDn 
^ "i^yn on piN"! p upy 1 \s"ipn ^ T.NDH (357 T.cy) 1877 

D " ^ I D n ^N TD") 1 TH^ND "1TOD Dt^ v i nnDT "ICN "OD".,, : HID "1DN 1 

^D Djn [?r."inN] nriN pxo D^2 en C^INI .r.i^D ^ nn INIT "I^N 
VDI nmnj an ^D .nt jsn yij; "N^J N^ n* 



[ponp \x-ipn np^ ^ PDD ^NI 
.n"jnn 1 : 



Notiz iiber eiuen dem JUaimuni unterge- 
schobenen arabischen Commentar zu Esther 

von 
Dr. Hartwig Hirschfeld (Ramsgate). 



Im J. 1759 wurde durch Abraham b. Daniel Lombroso 
in Livorno ein Buch zum Drucke befdrdert, das den Titel 

fuhrt: ifc :nt> TOE^S mir Nip:n ^my JIB^U IPCK rbm LTITD 
c n ra "en npityr^ GDI: y* c"2Ein n^:n 211 c^:rn -px ^njn 
^rnv? r.D inr^i nvj irnc^ unzc^ ^s^i ^"22 crnzN Tro 

.p"^ 2^ ni:" 1 ^2 IjOTn n:i: f ^y - - Das Buch scheint ziemlich 
unbekannt zu sein, da es weder in Steinschneider s Catdl. 
Bodl., noch in Benjacob s Thesaurus aufgefuhrt ist; hingegen 
ist es bei Zedner, CataL of the Hebr. books of the Br. Mus. 
(p. 587), als Pseudepigraph verzeichnet. Dem Vorworte des 
Herausgebers (M^^M) zufolge ist der Druck in Hinsicht auf 
die Vorschrift des Schulhan Aruch 1 ) vorgenomnien worden, 
dass es Frauen und Kindern gestattet sei, die Pessah-Haggadah 
in der Landessprache zu lesen. Wenn es schon an sich un- 
wahrscheinlich ist, dass Maimuni fiir dieses Publicum einen 
Commentar geschrieben haben soil, schwindet jeder Zweifel 
an der Unechtheit unseres Buches, wenn man die Methode 
und besonders die Sprache dieses ,.Commentars" betrachtet. 
Er ist namlich in ziemlich moderneni rnaghribinischen Vulgar- 
Arabisch und sehr verderbter Orthographic geschrieben und 
gehort in die Reihe der jiidisch-arabischen Erbauungsschriften, 
zu denen unter anderen auch Sa adjah s angeblicher Commentar 
zum Decalog zu rechnen ist. 2 ) 



r ) Or. H. 473, 7 Schol. Jss. 

") Ohne Kritik nebst hebr. und deutscher Uebersetzung lieraus- 
gegeben von "W. Eisenstadter (nKB^s^N wybt* icsn) Wien 1868. Bereits ab- 
gedruckt in "mretrrn nn,, p"np (Livorno 1851) in der Liturgie des Wochen- 



Xotiz liber einen arabischen Com men tar zu Esther. 249 

Der vorwiegend liturgische Character des Buches erhellt 
ganz besonders den angehangten Pijjutim, von denen einer, 
deni Abraham Chajjiin b. Salomo angehorend, bei Zunz, 
Literaturgeschiclite S. 544, aufgefiihrt 1st. Er endet wie in dem 
das. genannten Ms. Jer. VT"ttH 2SZn "ll^X. Die iibrigen Stiicke 
nnden sich bei Zunz nicht, weshalb ich sie hier kurz beriihre. 

l. PINE bi2 bwiz ]r6 cms cvb EVE Anf. ^rpir 2^:2 TITN Akr. 

pin p j2 \SN. 2. s. oben. 3. MIT N2SJ1 C 1 PIC Akr. pin DIPD 
viell. identisch niit Verf. von N. 5. 4. pp"121 PnEE Akr. ">;}"]} 
vielleicht identisch rait deni bei Zunz das. 550 genannten 
Faradschi. 5. ~N % ::12 Pitt C ^N* D EVE Anf. V2N 1C\X "jn>N. 

6. iNtc:ip ii"p i^c?j\N % ]nb yn nc^c ^ ^y ID^C 12^5; ptr62 ^T>C 

Anf. CVp^X p5^N2t>N DDN % . Dieser Pijjut giebt in 24 Strophen 
eine poetische Bearbeitung des Commentary und scheint, nach 
Str. 2 zu schliessen, von deinselben Verfasser herzuriihren. 

7. cvry^n ?y ii2n pin ^E) ">D Anf. nccn ^:i \n^p "N^S. 

8. C *21 D2 (Din PinlS von dems. 

Den StofF zu seinem Commentar hat der Verfasser aus 
den agadischen Glossen zu Esther im Talmud, Tract. Megillah, 
entnommen; dem Targum II hat er eine noch vveiter ausge- 
schmiickte Beschreibung des Salomonischen Thrones entlehnt, 
er hat selbstverstandlich auch die Midraschim benutzt, und- 
endlich hat er aus den apokryphischeii .,Stticken in Esther" 
das Edict Hanians, das Gebet Esthers und das Rundschreiben 
Mordechai s wiedergegeben. Das Edict Hamans will er aus 
dem. Syrischen iibersetzt haben, fur alles andere giebt er am 
Schlusse der kurzen Einleitung den Kalam der Weiseu (wohl 
Midrasch) und die beiden Talniude als Quellen an 1 ). Zur 
weiteren Orientirung geniigt die folgende Uebersicht der er- 
kliirten Verse. 

Cap. I 1, 2 (Beschreibung des Thrones), 4, 815. 

II 5 (Genealogie Mordechai s s. Jalqut. 1053) , 7, 8, 
10, 16, 17, 21, 22. 

III 1 (Genealogie Hamans), 2, 4, 7, 8 (Edikt Hainan s). 

IV 13, 15, 16, 17. 

V 1 (Esther s Gebet), 3, 11, 12. 



festes f. 24 v 32 v. E. halt, allerdings ohne einen Beweis zu versuchen, 
den Comnientar fiir echt; er 1st aber. wie Inhalt, Siil und Sprache zeigen, 
eine spate Mache. 



250 Hartwig Hirschfeld. 

Cap. VI 1, 10, 11, 13, 14. 

VII 7, 9, 10. 

VIII 1 (vor VII, 10) 3, 8 (Edikt Mordechai s). 

IX 20. 

Was die Abfassimgszeit des Buches betrifft, so fehlt in 
demselben jede nahere Angabe. Wir sind soinit auf die 
Sprache und Orthographic als Bestimmungsmittel angewiesen. 
Beide sind offenbar Jung. Maghribinische Sprachproben aus 
dem 14. Jahrhundert weisen noch nicht den hohen Grad von 
Vertauschung und Verwischung von Consonanten auf 1 ), den 
wir hier antrefFen. Grosser ist die Aehnlichkeit mit dem von 
mir veroffentlichten Elias 2 )- und Hannah 3 )-Liedem, von denen 
das erstere 1569 geschrieben wurde 3 ). Audi die Wortformen 
byibx fur ?ybbx, b&l u. a. in.*) (Ueberschrift des Ediktes) 
weisen auf dieselbe Zeit bin. Endlich stimnit damit auch 
die Form der angehiingten Qinnah iiberein, vorausgesetzt, 
dass sie wirklieh von deinselbeu Verfasser herriihrt. Man 
wird daher diesen angeblichen Commentar des Mainiuni wohl 
schwerlich iiber den Anfaug des 17. Jahrhunderts zuru ck- 
schieben konnen. 

Als Sprachprobe habe ich das Edikt Hainan s 5 ) nebst 
Uebersetzung beigegeben. Man wird den oben angegebenen 
Ursprung desselben trotz der sehr freien Bearbeitung leicht 
erkennen. Da der Text eineni gedruckten Buche entnommen 
ist, habe ich gleich die Umschrift in die klassische Sprache 
vorgenominen, und nur besonders aufFallende oder zweifelhafte 
Worter in den Anmerkungen besprochen. 

Das Edikt Hainan s. 

jan axna naoa snm M. 24- 

,x;n rbbx rtyb 



1 ) S. meine Bearbeituug der SaVmiyya in Fourth Report of the 
Montefiorc College, London 1894. 

2 ) JEAS 1891. 293-310. [cf. also ZDMG. XLVEI 22 if- XLIX 
560-7. G. A. K.] 

3 ) JQE VI, 119135. 

4 ) JEAS ib., p. 309. 

5 ) Ein anderes ,,Rundschreiben Hamans" von etwas grosserem Umfange 
ist von Perreau in Steinschneider s Hebr. Bibliogr., Ill, 46 f. abgedruckt. 



Notiz iiber einen arabisehen Commenlar zu Esther. 251 

"IB: criby t>ip Nin ( 2 ji!N]p tc 1 ? (VmBNirt N^y DTUN n 



2? HN CN1N 

N:n:nc p N^I wnfe ]c 
^ixyc yv 



n^ p r^y -1122 p 



n^oni n5Ec 
no ^B "i^c ]c iSU.ii 

N NJN 1^2^ ^y cnpnsi cr^cir H^N* TID en 
2^ cnn;r,c ( 7 ny2i 



( 9 nnNi 2 cn^niN 

^I C2nin^ y c2"rnDi D22^c f 



N2^ ]N2 

N^I CH^NBL:N icni NI riNiD IN Nn:2 Ny^n IN 
rbyy\ cnci nr>2N NJN cniv^ ^y pBi 

nny 1^: 



1 ) nnnsNi^ suff. plur. wahrscheinlich mit Bezug auf den Collectivbegriff 

in n;i. 



, Dehnungsbuchstabe ausgelassen. 

4 ) nwm 

5 ) ^n maghr. pron. poss. 

8 ) fiir beide Geschlechter und Zahlen haufig in Vulgartexten. 

7 ) n> m. 

8 ) ]NDN2 wahrs. t\Jif in Gleichheit. 

9 ) pnn s. Anm. 3. 

10 ) N^N viell. = Jl das aber keinen guten Sinn geben wiirde. 

") nNH. 

12 ) JNU^N, ? des Artikels vor dem Sonnenbuchstab ausgelassen s. JEAS 
1891, S. 307, ausserdem steht das N in JB fiir. s. ebendas. 308. 



252 Hartwig Hirschfeld. 



\x -HIPP r? ":i ^*ic \x HNi2t>Ni ( l WINI jisrN 
nmzv^ NrccE "p "nN ijy, rnzyncc rn^r- IN r 
nnj; ^y CHIPIJ/T^ rnEp ]N2E^N iBp i CHIN * 2N12N i:y 
Ec rfcJ ^ N^N JTIPP -on Np2" D^ IN N:^^I NJmxiN 

ci^y (2 C^CNI 

Uebersetzung. 

Folgendes 1st der Wortlaut des Schreibens Hamans des 
Verfluchten den Gott verdamme das er zum Zwecke der 
Vernichtung Israels schrieb. Ich habe es aus dem aramaischen 
Originale vollstandig ins Arabische iibertragen, nm es jedem 
Leser zuganglicn zu machen. Es 1st ein strenger Ukas ? der 
iiber uns von dem machtigen Konige Ahasveros an alle 
Volker, Spraclien, Zungen und sein gesammtes Reich ausge- 
gangen ist. 

Gott schenke euch dauerndes Heil. 

Wir wenden uns an einem hochgestellten Mann, der 
weder unserem Glauben nocli unserem Lande angestammt. 
aber bestrebt ist uns Gehorsam zu leisten, in die Reihe 
unserer Heifer zu treten und sich mit unseren Feinden zu 
beschaftigen. Wir haben ihn gepriift und in ihm einen grossen 
Mann gefunden. Wir haben ihn in seiner Hoheit 7 Wichtigkeit 
und seinem einnussreichen Posten bestiitigt 7 Haman den 
Inder, den Sohn des Hamdatha, Nachkoramen des Konigs 
Agag, Sohnes des Fiirsten Amaleq, Sohnes des durchlauchten 
Elifaz b. Re uel, des erstgeborenen Sohnes des Esau, des 
Sohnes Isaks. der (namlich Haman) ebenso beruhmt ist durch 
seine Ahnen als (ausgezeichnet) durch Bildung, Reichthum 
und den ihm vom Konige verliehenen hohen Rang. Er 
unterbreitete uns einen geringen, keirierlei Schwierigkeiten 
verursachenden Yorschlag, den zu erfiillen wir geruhten, und 
der uns wohlgefallt. Er bezieht sich auf jene zerstreute 
Nation, die 60000 Mann stark (einst) aus Egypten zog; dann 
aber hat Gott sie liber alle Lander zerstreut. Ich der Konig 
Ahasveros erklare ihr Blut fiir vogelfrei und gebe ihr Herz- 
blut jedermann preis. Ich der Konig freue niich sie zu 



sing. .UX> (Dozy, Suppl.} 



Notiz uber einen arabischeu Commentar zu Esther. 253 

achten und gebe ihr Blut jedermann ohne Unterschied und 
fiir ewig preis. Ich erklare sie dein Schwerte verfallen und 
iiberlasse sie alle, sainmt ihren Gotzen jedem so viel er ver- 
langt, fiir euch zu Speise und Trank und zur Freude nach 
Herzenslust. Niemand soil fiir etwas, das er in dieser Saclie 
nach seinen Willen thut, zur Verantwortung gezogen werden, 
sondern ani 13. des Monats Adar soil man uber sie herfallen. 
Ihr sollt keinen Juden, Greis, Mann oder Jiingling, Kind oder 
Saugling, Madchen oder Weib schonen. Man zeige weder 
Mitleid ihren Kindern, noch Erbarinen ihren Kleinen, noch 
Wohlwollen ihren Greisen. Ich gebe ihr Blut preis und ge- 
statte euch ihre Habe zu pliindern. Mein Edikt ergeht Ge- 
horsam heischend an alle Fiirsten, Statthalter, Stadte, Burgen, 
Dorfer und Wiisten. Wo ein Jude oder eine Jiidin, klein 
oder gross oder als Sclaven jemandes . der sie in seinen 
Dienst gebracht hat, gefunden wird, so sollen diese Leute an 
den Thiiren ihrer Hiiuser geschlachtet und der Platz zur 
Einode umgewandelt werden, weil sie unseren Feinden Vor- 
schub geleistet haben. Denn es ist unser "Wunsch und Zweck, 
dass das Andenken keines einzigen Juden in unserein ganzen 
Reiche iibrig bleiben soil - - und ich griisse Euch. 



An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and CI 

by 
Rev. Dr. Marcus Jastrow (Philadelphia). 



I. 

The Eighty-fourth Psalm. 

The situation of the poet of Ps. LXXXIV is made clear 
by reference to another psalm (Ps. XI), written under the 
most adverse circumstances, and I have no doubt but that 
both psalms under consideration may lay claim to king David 
himself as their author. 

We shall, therefore, analyze the eleventh psalm first 

Friends told the wrongly persecuted young man David 
to flee a country the foundations of which are being torn 
down. These foundations are: justice and personal liberty; 
their deadliest foes are arbitrariness and tyranny. What, do 
David s friends say, what can an individual under the perse 
cution of a government s power do, but flee? What can 
the bird do, when the fowlers are out with their arrows and 
snares, but retire to the mountains? 

The poet answers by referring to his stronghold of pro 
tection , which is faith, to his protector s high castle from 
which a constant watch is held on the doings of the travellers 
below; that watch-post is called in the poetical language 
of the singer: the eye of the Lord; modern language calls 
it Providence. 

Tradition, continues the singer, knows of times when the 
earth was filled with violence , but there was one righteous 
man in that generation, and the Lord saved him, for him 
he had seen righteous be.forfe him in that generation . Yea, 
the Lord proveth the righteous, but the wicked and him 
that loveth violence his soul hateth . 



An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and CI. 255 

There was also , tradition says , a city with its districts 
beautiful and rich like the garden of the Lord , but the 
men of Sodom were wicked and sinners before the Lord 
exceedingly , and destruction was their lot. The snares to 
capture those birds came from above: it is the Lord that 
raineth snares upon the wicked; fire and brimstone and glowing 
wind are their allotted cup which they must drink. 

Observe the parallel between these passages of our 
Psalm XI and Genesis VI, 11, 13 and VII, 1, and XIX, 24 
respectively. Here and there the righteous (p 1 "^), and the 
lover of violence (CCH) are placed in contrast; here and there 
the Lord raineth fire and brimstone (iV^CJ and l& tf, "ViCpH 
and ~O;?). 

Therefore, says the poet, to his friends, fear not for me, 
for the Lord is righteous, he loveth righteousness, his coun 
tenance sees the upright. 

But after all, the bird does retire to the mountains. 
Circumstances stronger than principles force young David to 
be a fugitive, at first in the glens and caves of his own 
mountainous country, and finally even in the enemy s land. 

Now after many years of hardships and struggles, during 
which it had been his aim never to betray his country and 
never to forget the sacredness of the royal head of his per 
secutor, he comes back again to his home and its divine 
associations; the restless bird has found her nest again. 

Remember what exile meant to a Hebrew of olden days. 
Every country had her own god or gods , and though the 
faithful Hebrew worshipped in Jehovah the Only One, the 
creator and master of the whole Universe, the owner of 
heaven and earth; though the true believer in the One God 
knew that the gods of the nations were EliUm, that is 
nothings : yet he could not help looking upon exile from home 
as a banishment from all divine associations, and so David 
says to Saul, For they have divorced me now from a share 
in the divine inheritance, as if saying, "Go and worship 
other gods ". 

And now he is home again; grace and honor surround 
him; he is himself the anointed of the Lord whose life he 
regarded as inviolable when Saul was his king and persecutor 
at once; he greets again the residences of the Lord of Hosts; 



256 Marcus J astro w. 

Jehovah is again his king and his god: the altars of the 
Lord again offer him protection and safety, the courts of the 
Lord after which he had been longing, and yearning for so 
many years, again keep him in their sacred enclosure, and 
rejoicingly he exclaims, "How lovely are thy residences 
Lord of hosts 5 nay soul has been longing, nay fainting for 
the courts of the Lord, and now my heart and my flesh 
shout with joy unto the living God" He is no longer among 
the lifeless gods of the heathens; he greets again the living 
G-od and offers thanks to him both for the preservation of 
his heart from wrong-doing and of his body from the dangers 
of a homeless warrior s life. 

Yes, at last the fowl has found a house, the roving bird 
has found a nest where to lay down its brood; the homeless 
vagrant has found thine altars , where he can lay down the 
dearest emotions of his heart. Once they warned him off 
these altars, saying, Flee to your mountains, birds! , and 
now the bird has found its nest again. Oh, how happy are 
the dwellers of thy house who continually praise thee ! 
Happy are those whose life is a smooth road-bed of peace, 
with the sunshine of prosperity overhead. But what about 
those travellers and stragglers on earth? What about those 
who have to pave their way through the deserts and dark 
glens of adversity, trial, temptation and snare? - - How can 
the journeyer over life s solemn main find his way? AYhere 
will he find protection, escort and leader? 

A brief description of the traveller s life in the East of 
to-day will here be necessary for the understanding and due 
appreciation of the beautiful imagery of our poet. 

Up to this day, the traveller who desires to traverse 
certain portions of Eastern countries for purposes of trade 
or of scientific exploration has to hire a guide and escort 
who are subjects and followers of the Sheikh of that region. 
Placing himself under the protections of that chief, the traveller 
is safe from his tribe; if he is attacked, he need only cry 
out the name of his protector, and point to the castle on top 
of the mountain where he is seated, and his assailers are turned 
into friends ; and if the attack comes from a hostile tribe, 
that cry of distress is heard in the castle, and the answer 
comes down promising help and delivery. By keeping in 



Au Analysis of Psalms LXXXiV and CI. 257 

view this custom of the East 1 ) you will understand many an 
expression in the psalms otherwise subject to misconception. 
"My voice is raised unto the Lord, I call, and He answers 
me from his holy mountain. The Lord is my rock and my 
fortress and my deliverer , my god is my strength, I trust 
in Him; my buckler and the horn of my salvation, my high 
tower. Praised be the Lord, I cry out, and I am saved from 
my assailers." 

These and many other metaphors in Hebrew poetry are 
raised from their vagueness, and begin to alight upon us 
like new revelations, when we can place ourselves amid the 
poet s surroundings and conditions. Willst Du den Dichter 
recht verstehen, so musst Du in des Dichters Lande gehen. 

And now, after this not unnecessary digression , let us 
return to our psalm. - - Happy are those who dwell in thy 
house, who continually praise thee. - - With these words the 
singer closes his song of joy over his return to his country 
and his God. And now he continues, by comparing human 
life on earth to a journey over roads, not always even, through 
valleys not always slacking the travellers thirst, on pathways 
often winding and misleading , between people not always 
friendly and hospitable: Where is man s guide? Where is 
man s escort? Where is his high tower, where the rock of 
refuge? Where the sheikh whose name is a protection? 
Where his deliverer on whom to call, anxiously waiting for an 
answer? Where is there a station where to rest his head 
safely when night sets in? Who looks out from his tower for 
the journeyer s safety? Happy those who dwell in thy house, 
but happy, too, is he who has in thee his tower of strength, 
happy those who carry the pathways in their hearts. They 
will not fear, they will not go astray. Passing through the 
valley of entanglement they make it a well, and the guide too 
is covered with blessings (of gratitude). Passing through 
the valley of trouble, they make it a well other travellers 
will come after them , thirsty and outworn like themselves, 



x ) [Illustrations of Arab hospitality are given in Rev. H. C. Trumbull s 
charming Sketches of Oriental Social Life (Philadelphia, 1894) a work 
which throws much light upon obscure Bible-texts by its description of the 
customs and manners of the East. G. A. K.] 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 1? 



258 Marcus Jastrow. 

and will find a well to slacken their thirst. Who is not 
reminded here of our poet s [Longfellow s] words: 

"Footprints which perhaps another 

Sailing o er life s solemn main, 

A forlorn and shipwrecked brother 

Seeing will take heart again." 

Passing through the valley of trouble, they make it a 
well, even the guide that led them into it is covered with 
thanks. We need only remember the frequent murmurings 
of the Israelites in the desert against their leader, and we 
see the beauty of this passage finer than any commenting 
words can make it appear. And it is true up to this day, 
that even in trouble those who have the pathways leading 
to God in their hearts will bless the guide of their journey 
even when passing through the valley of trouble. - Thus 
they walk from station to station : it is all seen and observed 
before God in Zion. - - There is the chief s tower of obser 
vation; from there He looks down upon the travellers on earth. 

The poet, too, has been through the valley of trouble, 
has more than once looked up to the tower of his strength, 
has felt the protecting hand of his escort and guide, and 
now appearing again in the sanctuary of the Lord, the bird 
of passage having found his nest again , he lays down his 
brood upon the altars of his king and God : *O Lord of hosts, 
hear my prayer, listen, God of Jacob! Look God, 
our shield, receive graciously thy anointed. He is no longer 
the migratory bird, he is now the anointed of the Lord. But 
were he even the lowest of his subjects, he would be con 
tented, for better is one day in thy courts, than a thousand 
(outside) . He would rather sit at the threshold in the house 
of God, than have a dwelling among the tents of wickedness. 
Yea, the traveller s sun by which he is guided , and the 
traveller s protection is the Lord; He gives grace and honor; 
what popularity and glory now are his, they are gifts of the 
Lord who denies no good to those who walk in uprightness. 
Lord of hosts, happy the man who trusts in thee! 

Take away everything personal, and there remains still 
in this most beautiful psalm enough to be a well and a 
blessing to mankind journeying over this earth for all time 
to come. 



An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and 01. 259 

II. 

The One hundred and first Psalm. 

A royal programme has this psalm justly been named 
by the great Jewish historian who ascribes it to king Ezekiah ; 
a prince s mirror is the title given it by the great reformer 
and still greater translator of the Bible, Martin Luther, who 
believes in the inscription and assigns the psalm to David 
himself. There is, to my mind, no reason to doubt David s 
authorship of our psalm, whose style and thought are in 
every respect Davidic. 

But I have always maintained that for practical purposes, 
that is to say for the appreciation and enjoyment of a 
literary production like ours , it matters little when and by 
whom it was composed. What difference is it to the reader 
or hearer of Hamlet whether Shakespeare or Bacon be the 
author? - - Let the critics go on battling on the field of 
theories and speculations; only let them not disturb our 
pleasure. David or Ezekiah, or whoever else may be in 
vented yet as the composer of our psalm , has given us the 
programme, the mirror, the ideal of a king at a time when 
such a thing as a ruler guided by moral principles was un 
known outside of Israel, and when statesmanship had as 
much connection with righteousness and justice, as, in our 
blessed country, so called politics has with truth and integrity. 

Measured by this standard, in fact, our psalm has not 
yet been excelled by any declaration of principles of any 
ruler in the world down to our days. 

Let us then take the psalm by its own word and con 
sider David as its real author. 

After a career of adventures of the most distracting 
nature, after being hunted like game for years, after being 
maligned and denounced and abused by those heroes of the 
tongue of whom our books have so often occasion to com 
plain, David at last becomes the ruler, the absolute ruler both 
of those who had honored and upheld him in his hours of 
degradation and those who had instigated persecutions against 
him which embittered his life and forced him to seek refuge 
with the Philistean enemy of his country. 

And now that the former rebel was the rightful king 

17* 



26Q Marcus Jastrow. 

seated on the throne at Zion, what was more natural than 
that a host of pick-thanks and parasites, flatterers and 
sycophants, office-seekers and favor-seekers, would try to 
force themselves upon the young ruler and offer their ser 
vices as bloodhounds for the tracking up of the king s former 
enemies and traducers, and all this in the name of justice, 
the highest and noblest royal privilege and duty. 

Formerly, when the tempters to violence approached him, 
he repulsed them with the argument that you have no right 
to take the law in your own hand, that the anointed of the 
Lord, the rightful king was inviolable. But what now? He 
is now clothed with the majesty of royalty, justice is now 
entrusted to his charge; what will his conduct now be? 
Who will be his counsellors and advisers? Who will have 
his ear now? How will he be able to repress the throng of 
false friends? How will he check the flood of accusations 
and denunciations, if once its gates are opened and the dam 
broken into? 

These are the thoughts that occupy the royal singer s 
mind. He looks out for guidance on the right path. What 
is his foremost duty now? Is it justice, strict unmitigated 
justice and retribution? Who will guard the limits where 
justice ceases and revenge takes its place? Who will con 
trol the informers and spies, those detectives who invent 
crime and provoke wrongs in order to earn the tale bearers 
fees ? 

Is it to be kindness and forbearance? Is the past to be 
forgotten? Shall murder arid bloodshed and depredations 
committed under the pretext of political actions go forth 
boasting of their impunity? 

The king looks out for divine guidance in his perplexity. 
He thinks of one in olden days that has been visited by the 
Lord who said to him, Walk before me, and thou shalt be 
perfect . - - He remembers him who sat at the gate of his 
house by the roadside looking out for subjects of hospitality 
in the heat of the day, and to whom the Lord appeared in 
the disguise of three wearied travellers. He remembers 
Abraham whom the Lord has chosen for the mission of be 
queathing to his children and his house after him, to guard 



An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIY and CI. 261 

the way of the Lord, to do tsedakah and misJipat , that is, 
as near as it can be translated, like the Lord to combine 
equity and judgment, mercy and justice, to hold equally far 
from that stern justice which denies the claims of forbearance, 
and that morbid leniency which blunts the sense of right. 
Our poet, too, is seated at the gate of his house, looking 
out, as I said, for divine guidance; he tunes his harp, ex 
claiming, "Of kindness and of justice will I sing; for thee, 
Lord, will 1 chant." He desires to invite the Lord, to 
serenade Him enthroned in the heavens, that He might 
appear in answer to his call. "I will look out on the way 
of the perfect One, when wilt thou come to me?" I look 
out, like my ancestor, on the roads of life to find the way 
of the perfect shall I, too, be granted the privilege of 
thy visit? - - He, Abraham, was admonished to walk before 
the Lord and be perfect; he was chosen to bequeath justice 
and kindness to his house ; I, too, shall walk in the integrity 
of my heart within my house. 

The house of David shall likewise receive from its 
founder a legacy of truth and justice; the house which the 
Lord had promised to build up for him , shall rest on the 
foundations of true righteousness which he, David, is deter 
mined to lay; the throne which the prophet had predicted 
to him would be established for ever, shall be built on royal 
virtues. I shall walk before the Lord in the integrity of 
my heart within my house. 

I shall not set before my eyes the word of the worth 
less . He intends to have the Lord constantly before him, 
to follow His advice ad example, and not be guided by what 
the worthless and the mean may whisper into his ear. 

I hate the making of seducers . The poet knows that 
a ruler who lends his ear to worthless informers, creates 
that class of detectives that we in our days call provoking 
agents . Who that ever read the history of a single country 
knows not the misery produced by the overzealous menials 
of a vindictive government? 

<I hate the making of seducers and intriguers; it shall 
not cling to me . It shall never be said that in king David s 
days informers flourished and sycophancy was rife. 



252 Marcus J astro w. 

A perverse heart shall keep aloof from me, evil I will 
not know. - - He will ward off those who approach him under 
the shield of loyalty with hearts perverse and corrupt, and 
who come to denounce the ill-doings of others. His answer 
will be ; I will not know evil, I receive no informers/ 

Whoso in secrecy informs against his neighbor - - him 
I will cut off; whoso is of haughty eyes and a greedy heart, 
hint I will not bear. 

Not him will he cut off and remove against whom secret 
information is offered, but the cowardly sycophant who thinks 
he will insinuate himself into the graces of his king. Nor 
will he appoint as executors of his will the haughty and 
greedy who abuse the power put into their hands for domi 
neering and for oppression. Who shall be the trusted go 
vernors of the land? Who shall sit with him in council? 

I shall have iny eyes on these entrusted with the 
charge of the land to sit with me; he who walketh in the 
way of the perfect One, he it is that shall serve me. 

We know what is meant by the way of the perfect One 
- it is the way of the Lord doing tsedakah and mishpat, 
acting with righteousness and justice, combining the kindness 
and the justice which the poet started to celebrate with his 
song. Judgment belongs to God is a Mosaic principle, and 
he who pronounces judgment is a trustee of divine power 
which he must wield in accordance with the instructions of 
him who commissioned him; he must walk in the way of the 
perfect One. 

I will walk with integrity of the heart within my house 
was the first article of his proclamation, and taking up this 
sentiment, the royal poet continues, Not shall dwell within 
my house he that worketh deceit; one who tells falsehoods 
shall not be stationed (in office) before my eyes ; not, as far 
as I can see and discover human intricacies, shall deceit 
and falsehood have a dwelling in my house, in my govern 
ment. 

Every morning will I cut off all the oppressors of the 
land, removing from the city of the Lord all doers of 
iniquity. 

He will be none of those indolent kings who from a 
morbid softness of the heart allow wrongs and crimes to go 



An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and CI. 263 

unpunished. He will sit in judgment every morning, he will 
investigate every case brought before him; he will rule in 
kindness and in justice, in hesed and mishpat. His land, his 
government is to him a city of the Lord, he is merely the 
viceroy, the deputy of the Lord, and is commissioned to 
administer justice, and to guard the way of the perfect One. 
Thus he hears the word of the Lord again ; he has asked 
for a divine visit, the Lord has come to him and told him: 
Walk before me, and be thou perfect. 



The Testament of Job. 

An Essene Mid rash, on the Book of Job 

reedited and translated 
with Introductory and Exegetical Notes 

by 
Rev. Dr. K. Kohler (New York). 



Introduction. 

In an edict on canonical and spurious books issued by 
Pope Gelasius I about 496, a book called the Testament of Job 
is mentioned among the apocrypha, This is the only place 
in patristic literature in which mention of such a work occurs. 
This singular fact induced Fabricius, the great authority 
on apocryphical writings, to substitute the name of Testa 
ment of Jacob for that of Job. This emendation having been 
once adopted by other scholars, the very existence of the 
book in question was forgotten. It was, strange to say, of 
little avail that Angelo Mai published our apocryphon in 
his Scriptorum Veterum Nova Collectio. vol. VII, pp. 180 191 
[Roniae 1833], referring in a footnote to the edict of Pope 
Gelasius as proof of the high antiquity of the work. None 
of the recent writers on Old and New Testament Apocrypha 
took cognisance of it, until Montague Rhodes James in his 
valuable edition of "the Testament of Abraham", (Cambridge 
1892) again called attention to the same (see his note on p. 
155). [Cf. also Kohler: Pre-Talmudic Haggada, in Jewish 
Quart. Bev., V (1893), p. 419. G. A. K.] The only other 
reference to the Testament of Job I found since was in S. 



The Testament of Job. 265 

Baring-Gould s Legends of the Patriarchs [New York 1872], 
where on pp. 245 to 251 a few fragments of the story of 
Job are given from this source after A. Mai s edition. Beyond 
this the book is scarcely known to scholars ; so little, in fact, 
that a writer of the vast erudition of Max Gruenbaum could 
in his Neue Beitraege zur SemitiscJien Sagenkunde (Leyden 
1893), pp. 262 271, reproduce the entire story of Job after 
Arabian sources without once referring to the Greek apo- 
cryphon as the original, as he certainly would have done 
had he been aware of the existence of our book 

The Testament of Job belongs to a class of writings 
which are so pronouncedly Essene in character that the 
late Rabbinical schools felt more or less forcibly called upon 
to disown or ignore them, while those sects which gradually 
merged into Christianity treasured them as precious deposi 
tories of great mysteries. To this class belong the Books 
of Enoch, Noah and of Adam, the Testament of Abraham, 
the Visions of Moses, of Elijah, of Zephaniah and Jeremiah 
and the Testaments of the Patriarchs. Our Rabbinical 
scholars, as a rule, start from the fragmentary traditions 
preserved in the Midrash and fail to see that the beginnings 
of the Haggadah point back to the second and third centuries 
preceding the Christian era. Our Rabbinical Midrash is the 
product of the school, artificially obtained by hermeneutic 
skill. The ancient Midrash as reflected in the older Helle 
nistic literature has all the natural vividness and fascination 
of folklore. It originated at the time when both Greek and 
Hebrew still felt the stimulus of Eastern lore, when the 
Chaldean and the Mazdean sages competed with the student 
of Egyptian mysteries in the knowledge concerning the 
world s beginning and end, when all that is above and beyond, 
behind and before, was the study of the "wise", later called 
Gnostics, Mandaeans and Kabbalists. 

The Targum on Job. 

Already previous to the destruction of the Temple we learn 
of the existence of a Targum scroll on the Book of Job. But 
singularly enough, Rabban Gamaliel the Elder ordered that 
it should be hidden away in the wall of the Temple hall. 
That is, he declared it to be an apocryphon. (See 



266 K. Kohler. 

Tosefta Sabbath, ch XIV). Why this and similar Targums 
were to be concealed, or declared to be apocrypha, has been 
a matter of dispute and conjecture. (See Zunz, Grottesdienstl. 
Vortraege 1 , 62; Berliner, Tar gum Onkelos, p, 89 ; P. Frankl 
in Graetz s Monatsschrift, 1872, p. 314.) *) But with all 
due deference to the learning of these scholars, we can not 
but say that they failed to enter into the true spirit of the 
tradition. What caused the Targum of Jonathan ben Uziel, 
the pupil of Hillel, who is said to have received his Biblical 
interpretations in direct line down from the last prophets, to 
fill the whole land of Judea with trembling and awe (Me- 
gillah 3 a) so that, when he wanted to write the Targum on 
the Hagiographa - - of which Job is the first , a heavenly 
voice cried forth : "Enough ! Thou hast reached the limit 
beyond which thou shouldst not go?" "He disclosed the 
mysteries of God to the children of Israel", is the answer 
given by the Rabbis. And another tradition says that, as 
he sat interpreting the Torah. the fire that emanated from 
his soul consumed every bird flying above his head. This 
is but further testimony that the ancient Targum contained 
mysteries too holy for the common people to know or to 
read. (See Sukkah 28 a). This certainly accounts better for 
the Rabbinical injunction to conceal it than what Zunz or 
Frankl offer, as reason. The book of Job especially supplied 
a large store of the mysteries of Essenic lore concerning 
cosmogony TO\X?2 Hl^C. Says Midrash Shir ha- 

shirim rabba to imn ^CM W2u : "Elihu ben Buzi shall - 
one day disclose to Israel the secret chambers of the 
Leviathan and Behemoth, and Yehezekiel ben Buzi shall 
disclose those of the heavenly chariot - - n2Z1!2 ntrj/ E". 
(Compare Rabbi Meir at the close of Midrash Vayikra Rabba 
22, also Bereshith Rabba 26 at the close [and several 
other interesting parallels in NE17 C^irn TIT tmc, ed. Buber, 
Berlin, 1894, pp. 1112 and notes. G. A. K.])2) 

*) [See also T. B. Shahbath 115a ; cp. furthermore on the Targum on Job: 
Backer in Frankel s Monatsschrift (1871), vol. XX. pp. 208-23; Weiss, 
De libri Mi Paraphrasi Chaldaica (Vratisl. 1873); W. H. Lowe, An 
Early Targum on Job, in Hebraica (a monthly suppl. to Jewish Messen 
ger, N. Y. 1871), No. 10; B. Pick in Me. Clintock & Strong s Theological 
Cyclopaedia, s. v, Targum, vol. X, pp. 21213. G. A. K.] 

-} fCf. also Kohut, Uber die judische Anyelologie und Daemo- 



The Testament of Job. 267 

Job as teacher of mystic lore. 

Naturally the question suggested itself to these ancient 
mystics, engaged with the study of Job, why were he 
and his friends, who were at best God-fearing sages of 
Arabia, privileged to behold these sacred mysteries? And 
the answer was not far to find : In order to be bearers 
of such precious secrets they must have been of the chosen 
seed of Abraham. A search in the Scriptures supplied them 
with the required genealogy. There was Uz the land of 
Job; there was Eliphaz, and his land of Teman, and there 
was Bildad of the land of Shuah - - names which clearly 
proved a connection with the family of Abraham according 
to Genesis, ch. XXXVI, 11 to 28 and Genesis XXV, 2. But the 
very list of Edomite Kings given in Genesis ch. XXXIV, 31 ff. 
seemed to be invested with new interest, if brought into rela 
tion with the circle of Job. The first King in the list is Bela 
ben Beor. Is he not identical with Moses great heathen 
contemporary, Balaam ben Beor, who& prophecies have 
found a place in the Books of Moses ? And should not have 
Moses, whom tradition regards as the author of the book of 
Job, (See Baba Bathra 14 b) when mentioning Jobab the son 
of Zerah as next king, had Job in mind? Jobab, the 
son of Zerah and great-grandson of Esau, was he not the 
man of Uz, called Job "the assailed one" on account of 
martyrdom ? To be sure, Eliphaz must be identified with 
Eliphaz, the son of Esau ! 

This mode of argument did not, as Frankel, Vorstudien 
zur Septuaginta, p. 79, thinks, spring from "ignorance" 
ein unwissender Leser verwechselte Job mit Jobab . The 
writer of the appendix to the LXX translation of Job, 
simply followed the same tradition, as did Aristeas in the 
second pre-Christian century, quoted after Alexander Poly- 
histor, by Eusebius, Prepar. Evangelic., IX, 25. Freudenthal 
in his Hellenistische Studien, I, p. 136 141, thinks that the 
LXX postscript is simply a copy of the words of Aristeas !), 



nolocjie (Leipzig 1866), p. 71; his article in the Z. d D. M. G., vol. XXI 
(1867), p. 586 ff; and Arfikh Completum, s. v. jfp> vol. V, p. 23 a. 

G. A. K.J 

A ) [Cf. C. Mullen Fragm. Hist. Graec., vol. Ill, p. 207 sqq. ; Herz- 



268 K. Kohler. 

but he is certainly mistaken, if he makes the Alexandrian 
writer the author of the whole genealogical legend, after he 
himself had observed that the LXX translators have already 
the three friends of Job introduced as "Kings of the Tema- 
nites, the Sanchites and the Minaeans". Here is the 
evidence given that the Haggadists had at an early date 
begun enlarging on the life of Job in the same direction. 
P. Frankl in the Monatsschrift for 1872, p. 313, calls atten 
tion to the words in the LXX postscript "The fifth 
generation from Abraham", which are intended to lead us 
down to the time of Moses, where the Rabbinical Haggada 
placed Job and Balaam as being the counsellors of King Pharaoh 
at the birth of Moses. [Cp. also Griinbaum in Z. d. D. M. G. 
XXXI, 299, no. 15: Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthum, vol. II, 
439 and Gould, /. c., p. 245. G. A. K.] There are many 
traces, besides, of this Haggadic tradition in Rabbinical 
literature, although the tendency to belittle Job is gaining 
gradually the upper hand in Talmud and Midrash. As to 
Eliphaz, we find in Midrash Debarim rabba 2, that "Eliphaz 
was brought up by Isaac as a righteous man", and Targum 
Jerush. to Genes. XXXVI, 12 identifies him with the friend of Job. 
Likewise does the Midrash Mayan Gannim, edited by 
Buber, which draws upon many unknown Haggadic sources, 
state on p. 9, that Eliphaz was the son of Eliphaz the son 
of Esau, and that Bildad of Shuah was, according to Genes. 
XXV, 2, also of Abrahamitic descent ; only for Zophar the 
commentator knows no genealogical connection j\x isi^l 
On the other hand, the same commentator 
p. 103, points to the Targum as to the genealogy of Elihu 
the Buzite, connecting him with Abraham while referring to 
Genes. XXII, 21. But the real name and identity of Elihu has 
been a matter of dispute already between R. Akiba and 
Eleazar ben Azariah, the former identifying him with 
Balaam, the latter with Isaac, the son of Abraham 
(see Jerushalnii Sota 20 d). In fact, the farther back we 
follow the Rabbinical tradition, the more we find Job placed 

fold, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, 488 sqq., 577-9; Ewald, Geschichte 
Israels, VII, 92 ; Scimrer s History of the Jewish People in the time of 
Jesus Christ (English ed., New York 1891). II Division, vol. Ill p 
208209. G. A. K] 



The Testament of Job. 269 

into close connection with Abraham and Moses and on a 
level with them as regards his religious life. It is Rabbi 
Yishmael who makes him one of Pharaoh s courtiers (Jerusli. 
Sota, eodeni). Another old tradition given in Babli Sota 35 a, 
Midrash Bereshith Rabba 57 and Baba Bathra 15 b, connects 
the number of years of Job s life 210 with the 210 years 
which the Israelites spent as slaves in Egypt. They thus 
arrive at the following legendary tale : Satan tried to oppose 
the work of Israel s redemption, probably on the ground that 
a man like Job proved the superfluity of a people identified 
with the cause of the monotheistic faith, when God turned 
his attention to Job, the . God-fearing servant of Pharaoh 
for the sake of silencing ms antagonism to Israel. And 
when the spies entered the holy land, Job s funeral took 
place which preoccupied all the inhabitants of Canaan to 
such a measure that none noticed their espionage. But they, 
in their blindheartedness, brought the impression home that 
the land was eating up its inhabitants while, in fact, Job 
was the great pillar - - yy PiZC Ti - - who but for his death 
would have protected the heathen tribes. (See Numbers XIII, 
20, 32 and Midrash Shemoth Rabba 1, 21.) 

Another Rabbinical tradition preserved in Baba Bathra, 
eodem, points in the same direction: "Seven prophets did God 
raise for the heathen nations, and these are Balaam and his 
father (?) Job and Eliphaz, Bildad, Sophar and Elihu, his 
friends. It is not unlikely that these seven and Baal Chan on 
as son of Job were meant to correspond with those Edomite 
Kings who reigned before "Moses ruled over Israel". (Genes. 
XXXVI, 31 ; SQQ Ibn Ezra, eodeni) Cf. Jalkut I, 766: "All the 
seven heathen prophets were sons of Milkah and Nahor : 
Uz^Job; Buz = Elihu 5 Kmuel = Balaam". 

Part of this tradition also is that Dinah the daughter of 
Jacob, was the wife of Job. This is not merely based on 
the verbal analogy, the charge of "folly" - nte, made alike 
against her and against Dinah (Job II. 10 and Genes. 
XXXIV, 7), as Rabba Bar Kahana says in the Talmudical 
passages quoted, but the very words of Job s wife: "Curse 
God and die!" seemed offensive enough to attribute them 
only to the black sheep in Jacob s fold, Dinah, about whom 
we hear nothing after her affair with Shechem. Here then 



270 K - Kohler. 

seemed the solution given. She married Job, but her piety 
was not pure enough to offer resistance to the seducer. 
[Cp. Talm. B. Bathra 15 b; Midr. Ber. Rabba 57; Griin- 
baum, Neue Beitrage zur Semit. Sagenlmnde (1893), p. 266, 
n. 3. G. A. K.] 

Job in Folklore. 

Thus far we have only followed the current school 
tradition about Job. But at closer observation we find that 
Job, - - who like Daniel and Noah lived in popular legend 
before his story was recorded in the book bearing his name 
(vSee Ezekiel XIV, 14, 20) - - continued to be a subject 
of folklore long afterwards [cf. also Cheyne s Job and Solo 
mon (1893), p. 60. G. A. K.]. Not only was his dwelling- 
place and the spring in which he was cured from his 
leprosy ] ) pointed out by the people of Hauran, as is shown by 
Wetzstein in his appendix to Delitzsch s Commentary to Job. 
[cf. also Niebuhr s Eeisebesclireiljung Arabiens, II, 291; 
G. Fliigel in Ersch & Gruber s Encyclopaedie, s. v. Hiol>, 
II, 8, p. 299. G. A. K.] but, like Abraham, he became the 
type of a saint, the very model of a grand philanthropist. 
The picture drawn in Talmud B. Bathra 15 16 ; Aboth 
de R. Nathan ch. 7 (see Schechter s edition p. 33 ; cf. 8, 12 
and 164) and Mayan Gannim, pp. 92, 101 sq., is so full of 
charm and grandeur that it is almost impossible to believe 
that the same rabbis should have invented it who constantly 
betray their jealousy lest Abraham the Hebrew patriarch be 
eclipsed by his pagan rival. The fact is that these ancient 
Midrashic legends extol Job s philanthropy beyond that of 
Abraham. According to them he had like Abraham an inn 
built on the crossing of the roads, opened on all sides to 
receive the strangers and the needy. His time was entirely 
occupied with works of charity. He went about visiting the 
sick and providing the poor with a physician, now comforting 
and cheering their wives and furnishing them support until 
their full recovery, and then again sustaining the widows in 



J ) [Tabari (I, p. 263, ap. S. B. Gould, Legends of the Patriarchs. 
etc., p. 250) says : every person who goes there (to the fountain) affected 
by internal or external maladies, and washes and drinks of that water, is 
healed of his disease. G. A. K.I 



The Testament of Job. 27] 

case of death. He had his servants employed for baking- 
bread and cooking the ineals for the poor. His looms were 
made to run to provide the naked with clothes, his sheep 
furnished the wool and his ships the silk or cotton. His 
money worked blessing in a most wonderful way, so that 
"he who had received his alms once was no longer in need 
of support". Indeed, "he tasted the bliss of the future in 
this world", says Rabbi Johanan (B. Bathra, eodem). No 
wonder if in a time when heathenism was as cruel as it 
showed itself to the Jews under Roman oppression. Rabbi 
Johanan ben Zakkai would feel prompted to declare that, after 
all Job did all his good deeds only from fear of God, while 
Abraham was actuated by love 1 ) (Mishna Sota V p. 27 b). 
All the Biblical heroes of the pre-Abrahamitic age, Enoch, 
Noah, Malkizedek and Adam had in these times of Roman, 
and partly already of Syrian, persecution to step down from 
the high pedestal of ideal perfection and holiness upon which 
the broad-minded Hellenestic era, with its cosmopolitan ten 
dency, had placed them. Job made no exception to the rule. 
And R. Chiyah, one of the Amor aim went so far as to make 
God say: "I had one righteous man among the heathen who 
received all his reward at the close of his earthly life and 
he has no longer any claim upon me in the future" (see 
Jerush. Sota, eodem , Bereshith Rabba 57). This very asser 
tion of the Babylonian Rabbi casts light upon the note at the 
close of the LXX version : "Job shall have a share in the 
resurrection." The question whether the righteous among the 
heathen will share in the future world or not, was in the time 
of the war of Barkochba, and no less so during the Roman oppres 
sion, one of more than mere theoretical significance. It was a 
question of political regeneration for Judea. The national 
hope for a Messiah hinged on it. In this light must the con 
troversy between the Shanimaite or Essene saint R. Eliezer 
and that of Joshua ben Chananiah regarding the future of 
the just ones among the heathen (Tosefta Sanhedrin ch 13 
and parallels 2 )j, as well as that regarding Job, be read. 



*) [Cf. also Jerush. Berachoth CIX, 5 and Cbeyne s Job and Solo 
mon, p. 645; Syrians called him the lover of the Lord; cp. Delitzsch 
Job, p. 7, quoted by Cheyne, I. c., n. 1. G. A. K.] 

2 ) [Cf. Castelli in Jewish Quart. Review, vol. I, p. 328; Kohut, Was 



272 K. Kohler. 



The ancient Haggadists, anxious to show the original 
connection and intimate relation between the pagan and the 
Biblical saints of remote antiquity, insisted that Malkizedek, 
Enoch and Job were as spotless and as lofty types of saintly 
life as was Abraham. Nay more, they maintained, as can still 
be learned from a passage in Midrash Thillim to Psalm 37, that 
Malkizedek instructed Abraham in the law of charity. Conse 
quently, like Enoch, Job might have, by his great virtues, 
been chosen by God as teacher of the great mysteries of the 
world. And as he in chs. 29 and 30 speaks of his great love 
for man, Job must have been held up in the very oldest 
popular view as a type of a generous Bedouin saint whose 
nomadic tent is the joy of God and of men. [See also H. G. 
Tomkins Studies on the Life & Times of Abraham, London 
1878, p. 61. G. A. K.] 

What wonder, then, if especially that class of Jews who 
made of brotherly love a specialty and a life-purpose, if the 
Essene brotherhoods who lived in such parts of the country 
where the old Bedouin hospitality could be practised, and who 
cultivated the very science of natural and supernatural 
things about which Job was so eloquent, should have por 
trayed the life of Job con amore as one of their own! 
All the great secrets they had received from the remote past 
they found in the book of Job. It is quite natural that they 
should have spun out the life, the martyrdom and the end 
of Job in a more dramatic, a more striking form, (betraying 
the true Essene spirit) than the Biblical account does. 

This is presented in the so-called Testament of Job. It 
is in conception and spirit perfectly Jewish, but it bears 
the stamp of Essenic life and thought. It has many traits 
m common with the Rabbinical tradition, but it reflects a 
stage of Gnostic, or mystic, reasoning and practice which is 
peculiarly un-Tahnudical and reminds the reader more of 
Christian views and practises. And yet it is the product 
of a purely Jewish monotheist. Its eschatology and its 
Messianic belief are Jewish. It is like the book of Tobit tinged 

hat die talmudische Eschatalogie aus dem Parsismus aufgenommen, in 
Z. d. D. M. G. XXI, 561. 568; his Notes on Dhamaris JyUJj ]^ 
(New York 1892), p. 50 and the sources there mentioned. G. A.K.] 



The Testament of Job. 273 

with magic notions. Its mode of administering charity to the 
poor and the widow is specifically Essene. It is an 
Essene Midrash on Job ; indeed a very interesting book, which 
casts new light on the ancient Haggadah, as well as on the 
origin of many Christian practices. 

Contents of the Book analyzed and compared with 
Rabbinical parallels from the Haggadah. 

Like the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and the 
Testaments of the three Patriarchs, our book gives the story 
of Job in the form of an address of the dying father to the 
children. This practice of giving one s children the last 
instruction before death is recommended by the Essene saint 
Joshua ben Levi. See Midrash Tanchuma ed. Buber, Bo 2. 
In Tanchurnah Vayechi 8 the same is ascribed to the patri 
archs Isaac and Jacob. 

1. Job first informs his children that he is of the 
generation of Abraham "the blessed one", a descendant of 
Esau, and that their mother, his second wife is Dinah, the 
daughter of Jacob. Our author would have the first wife die 
after having yielded to the temptation of Satan in advising 
her husband to blaspheme God, and so Dinah, the mother of 
the new generation, is represented as the second wife. In 
regard to her age, the difficulty grows certainly not less when 
Job the grandson of her cousin Esau is to marry her. But 
we are, at any rate, in the realm of the Haggadah and in an 
age of marvels. 

As regards the name of his first wife Sitis, it may have 
been suggested by the verb PiED - - "to stray away", if not 
by some relation to Satan, which name, by the way, the 
Biblical author seems to have derived from W& "roaming 
about" V1N2 ZWC (Job I, 7), the Northern Hebrews having 
been wont to identify Sin with Shin, as is seen in Shibboleth 
or Sibboleth, Yisrael and Yishrael == Yeshurun [cf. Kohut s 
AruM, VI, 38 b]. 

At any rate the name of 21\N % seemed transparent enough 
to every Hebrew, as signifying "him who is antagonized". Of 
course, Satan is the antagonist, Job the antagonized one. 
There the question suggested itself: Why was Job antagoni 
zed and persecuted so relentlessly by Satan? To this the 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



274 K Kohler. 

Rabbinical Haggadah offered no answer. The Testament of 
Job furnished the desired reason in a story which strikingly 
reminds us of the Abraham legend: Job, King of the Land 
of Uz, had an idol near his residence to which the people 
offered continual sacrifice. Dissatisfied with this deity, he 
recognized that there must be a higher "God who made 
heaven and earth, the sea and man". A prophetic voice 
disclosed to him in a dream *) that this idol is the work of 
Satan, and when he resolved to destroy it and purify the 
place, God prepares him for a hard, life-long struggle 
with Satan who will not spare him nor his children. But, 
says God reassuringly, if thou wilt persist in wrestling like an 
athlete, thy name shall become renowned throughout all the 
ages, and at the time of the resurrection thou shalt sit among 
the pious with the crown of Amaranth on thy head (cf. 

nrrryn TO pn:i crvtr*n2 rm^ i C^T* cyra Berachot 17 a 

and I Peter 5, 4), Whereupon Job answers : "I shall from 
love of GrOd endure until death." - Here is the very term 
PiZriNC emphasized to which Rabbi Johanan ben Zakkai 
objected! It was in all likelihood found in the Targum of 
Job - - 2VN Clpn "I ED -- which his contemporary Gamaliel I 
had hidden away! 

2. No sooner is the idol destroyed than Satan begins 
his warfare. The first thing he does is to make the highest 
virtue of Job, his charity, the means of exerting his malign 
influence upon him. He comes as a beggar asking for bread 
from his own hand. Job declares his bread to be C"in 
or ji^n forbidden to him and sends him burnt and ashy 
bread. Satan quickly seizes upon this opportunity of cursing 
Job, saying: "Like this pace of bread, will I make thy 
body." He then goes up to the highest heaven to obtain 
power Him from God (compare Targum I, 12 and 
Midrash to take away all his possessions. 2 ) 

3. Job now relates to his children how he had spent all his 
wealth. And here the author is not at all satisfied with the 
modest description of the Bible which has seven thousand sheep, 



x ) Cf. Midrash Bemidbar Rabba 14 : C. 
2 ) |Cf. S. Baring Gould, Legends of the Patriarclis, p. 246-47. 
O. A. K.I 



The Testament of Job. 275 

three thousand camels, five hundred yoke of oxen and five hun 
dred she-asses, but ascribes to him one hundred thirty thousand 
sheep, three hundred forty thousand asses and three thousand 
five hundred yokes of oxen 1 ); yet ot the first we are told he 
separated seven thousand to have their wool used for the 
clothing of orphans and widows of the poor and the sick ; of 
the second he set aside five hundred to have their offspring- 
sold every year and the proceeds given to the poor; and of 
the third he had five hundred selected to do ploughing for 
the benefit of the unfortunate. But we are also told that 
he had mills working and ships carrying goods, bakeries 
established, and slaves selected for the service of the poor, 
so that these slaves, employed in the fields and the stables 
for the help of the poor, would often rebel against the great 
burden which Job imposed on them in his zealous phi 
lanthropy. Then we are informed that he had the four doors 
of his house opened to receive the needy, thirty tables being 
set at all hours for the strangers and twelve for the poor 
widows, and besides his own sons he had many wait on these 
for payment. Also his money he lent out to some to enable them 
to earn their livelihood without taking interest; nor even when 
they lost their goods would he take the money back. Nor 
would he ever defer paying the wages to his laborers for a 
single night. And when he had treated the poor guests of 
his house to festive meals, he had them, under the sound of 
instruments, offer praise to the Lord, musicians being employed 
for this purpose all day, and when they were tired he took 
himself the cithara and played sacred music for the guests. 
Now this fantastic description of his charity is far from 
being a mere invention of our author. It is the Haggadic 
exposition of chapters 29 - 30. See Jalkut and Mayan 
Gannint, as well as Aboth di R. Nathan, ed. Schechter, p. 
164. Every feature of the picture presented in our book is 
suggested by the Bible. In fact, where our text is somewhat 
obscure or corrupt, there the Bible with the Midrashic 
comments helps to elucidate it, to an extent as to make us 
feel certain that this portraiture of Job s philanthropy is only 



l ) jTabari s (I, p. 256) enumeration differs from the above, cf. Gould s 
book, I c., p. 245. G. A. K.] 



276 K. Kohler. 

an idealized copy of real Essenic life as carried on by the 
brotherhood in those hospices on the borders of the desert. 
The Midrash and our book supplement and explain each 
other. Compare for instance Mayan Gannim to ch. XXXI, 31 
and 32, and the words of Raba (Baba Bathra 15) about his 
almsgiving. S. Buber, the editor of the Midrash Mayan 
Gannim is often at a loss to find the Haggadic source for 
the Rabbinical sayings quoted as such. (See Introd. p. XIII). 
Here we have a Midrash far older than any other. In all 
probability Job became the type of a philanthropic receiver 
of strangers, the pattern of a Bedouin prince of hospitality in 
the popular tradition, long before Abraham was rendered such. 

4. The Bible text simply records that, after the seven 
day s feasting of his sons at their various homes was over. 
Job offered burnt offerings according to the number of them 
all. How many he offered, whether seven or ten or seven 
times as many, is a matter of dispute among the Rabbis 
(Midi*. Vayikra Rabba 7 and Buber s Mayan Gannim, p. 3.) 
where the number 70 (= 7 times 10 ) seems to be traditional. 
Our Testament relates that Job offered fifty rams and nine 
teen sheep as sin-offering of which probably the rams were in 
tended to expiate for the sons ( 7 times 7 49) and the 
sheep (= 6 times 3 = : 18) for his daughters, besides one 
ram for himself and one sheep for his wife. And what was 
left of the offering - - the twentieth sheep? was handed 
over to the poor in order that they should pray for their 
son s expiation in case they had been derelict in the duty 
of charity! No one can deny that here prevails a system 
which shows original Jewish thought - - a thing that cannot 
be said of the late Midrashim. 

5. The misfortune, which according to our book befell 
Job, does not fully tally with the Bible story. Not enemies 
only but such as had received benefits from him captured 
his herds, and the Sabaeans and Chaldeans are transformed 
into a Persian army led by Satan himself in the guise of a 
Persian King. Compare with this the war Job waged with 
his army against these hostile hosts, deserted, undoubtedly 
after popular legend, in connection with certain localities in 
the North of Palestine (see Pesiktha Rabbathi to Vaychi 
Bachatzi hallailah, ed. Friedman, p. 88 b ; Vayikra Rabba 17 ; 



The Testament of Job. 277 

Pesiktha di R. Kahana, ed. Buber, p. 65 b) another proof of 
the antiquity of this Haggadah of Job! 

There is a strange tradition in Jerush. Berachoth 19 d 
and Midrash Bereshith Rabba 24 that the storm which 
overthrew the houses of Job s children and buried them 
under the ruins was one of the three world- wide (pp^CDlp = 
[xoffjJLWtov] cosmical) storms restricted miraculously for the 
single object for which they were created [cf. Kohut s 
Arukh, VII, 76 a]. In other words, the storm was the work 
of supernatural interference. Our Testament ascribes it directly 
to Satan, the cosmocrator, "the ruler of this world", and 
portrays the pillage of the houses and the mortification of 
Job in a most drastic form. We also find the ancient for 
mula of p"in plljf, the praise of justification of God s dispen 
sations when the sad tidings of his son s death reach him: 
r}2Mlb IT CJ, "As it was deemed best to the Lord thus it has 
come to be". Compare with this R. Meir s, or R. Akiba s 
comment on the text in Berachoth 60 b. Then we learn 

that Satan appeared as a large hurricane to Job and threw 
him down from his throne. The antiquity of the Rabbinical 
tradition is here again verified. The Midrash Mechiltha 
Beshallach (Exodus XIV, 24) says, with reference to Job IX, 
17 : The plague which struck Job came in a storm. 
Especially striking is the parallel in Aboth di R. Nathan, ed. 
Schechter, p. 164, where Satan appears in the guise of Job 
when capturing his sheep and cattle. 

Concerning the plague of Job the Midrash Aboth di R. 
Nathan (eodein) tells us that the worms were perforating 
his body, quarrelling with each other, when Job took them 
from the ground and put each back in its own cavity, saying : 
"Is there no mediator between us that might lay his hand 
upon us" (Job 9, 33) and then he broke forth in humble 
praise of God for all His doings, so that all the inhabitants 
of the earth acknowledged with one voice that there is no 
man like Job on earth. In the very same strain Job in our 
Testament says that, when a single worm, crept off his body, 
he put it back saying : "Remain there where thou hast been 
placed until He who sent the will order thee elsewhere." 

Also in the Syrian Apocalypse of Paul (See Visio Paitli 
in M. R. James , Apocrypha 41 and Tischendorf, Apocalypses 



278 K- Kohler. 

Apocryph., p. 67.) Job in Paradise says: "I am Job who 
endured many temptations from Satan. Thirty years he left 
me prostrated smitten with boils. Worms swarmed upon me, 
every one of them of the size of three (or four) fingers. 
And Satan daily uttered threat over me saying: Curse thy 
God and die ... But I would not cease from blessing His 
name." The time of Job s ordeal is in our book seven years, 
while the Mishnah Idioth II, 10 , speaks only of twelve 
months. The Midrash Tanchuma, Kedoshim XV, knows however 
of seven kinds of plagues. 

6. Very dramatic is the description in our Testament 
of the manner in which Job s wife succumbs to Satan s trial 
in tempting Job to blaspheme God. She had been compelled 
to work as a slave in order to obtain bread for him and 
herself, and when only one share of bread was allowed her, 
she divided it between him and herself. Finally Satan, 
disguised as a breadseller, made her sell the hair of her head 
for three loaves of bread. 1 ) But by her very acceptance of 
this bread from Satan she fell into his power, and he followed 
her until she reached the dung-hill where her husband sat. 
A touching speech follows in which she upbraids Job for his 
blind adherence to his vain hope, recalling all the luxurious 
wealth in which she used to live, and the boundless charity 
she was wont to exhibit toward the unfortunate. And she 
winds up in saying: "This is the last I could do for thee, 
Job. Take these loaves of bread and enjoy them and then 
blaspheme God and die. for I, too, have had enough of this 
troublesome existence and long for death." 

The author plainly ascribes this wicked advice of hers 
to the influence of Satan who still stood near her as she 
spoke, and whose bread seems to exert some such malign 
power over her. 

Job, however, rebukes her for such faithlessness. For 
these seven years, he says, my faith did not falter, in spite 
of all the ruin that I endured; How dare we now renounce 

*) [cf. Gould, ibid., p. 247 49; Griinbaum also records from Moorish 
legends a strikingly similar account of R a h m a h s (= Arabic name of 
Job s wife) temptations through Iblis (= demon) and even mentions the 
exchange of bread for her beautiful hair. It is a remarkably close parallel ! 
See his Neue Beitrdye z. semit. Sagenkunde, p. 26669. G, A. K.] 



The Testament of Job. 279 

God and surrender our soul to Pluto, the God of the nether 
world. Pluto is the Greek name for the pirte ibv "the king 
of terrors" NPlim "jt>E - - mentioned in ch. XVIII, 14: His 
confidence shall be rooted out of his tabernacle, and it (she) 
shall bring him to the King of terrors". This is referred by 
the Rabbis (see Mayan Gannim, p. 58 and Targum) to the 

w if e IPtt N IT "6riN - The words afoioc paffiXntT} in the LXX 

seem to be a corruption of dc, AiBo j (3a<7tAuv. 

Job then turns to Satan, who had all this while been 
hiding himself behind his wife, and challenges him, saying: 
"Only a coward fights with a frail woman. No lion enters 
a weasel-cage to display his strength towards such tender 
creatures. Come forth and fight with me!" Satan, however, 
is quite overpowered at the sight of this great wrestler and 
yields to him in awe and shame, confessing his defeat. 

We have here the same idea expressed in dramatic form 
which the Rabbis utter when saying: "nysc pir ^V njtt DTI Pi& p 
2VN b\V "Greater was the grief of Satan than that of Job" 
(Baba Bathra 16 a). But it still has in our book all the 
freshness and striking force of an original conception. We see 
the Satan, powerful like the one in Milton s Paradise Lost, 
at once crushed and defeated. 

Job pauses here in his narrative to impress upon his 
children the duty of wrestling with the Evil One. To be an 
"athlete" of godliness is often recommended in Alexandrian 
writings (IV Mace. VI, 10; XVII 15, 16, and in Philo, passim; 
cp. Hebr. X, 32.) 

The advice of Job s wife to curse God gave already the 
Greek translators offence, and they have in Ch. II, v. 9 a 
long sentence inserted which reads as follows: "After a long 
time had passed, his wife said to him: How long dost thou 
take courage saying: I endure yet a little time waiting for 
the hope of my salvation ? Behold, thy memory has vanished 
from the earth; thy sons and daughters, the (fruit of the) 
pains and labors of my bowels, whom I have brought up with 
troubles yet in vain. Thou thyself sittest here in the free air 
in a state of putrefaction and worms day and night, and I 
wander about as a hireling from place to place and from 
house to house, waiting for the sun when it will set so that 
I may rest from my troubles and pains which befall me now. 



280 K. Kohler. 

But now say some word to [against] the Lord and die." 
We have here, then, the basis of the whole Haggadah given 
in our Testament. 

The Rabbinical literature did not preserve any trace. 
But the Mohammedan tradition did. About this we shall 
have a few words to say afterwards. 

The legend however of a faithful wife selling the hair 
of her head to support herself and her husband occurs in 
the story told by the Rabbis of Akibah. *) Here it is 
Rachel, the daughter of the rich Jerusalernite Ben Kolbah 
Shebuah, who in her great poverty sold her hair in order 
that her husband might be enabled to stud^ the law, to 
be rewarded afterwards by a golden diadem with the 
wall of a city engraved upon it - - the same which Pallas 
Athene or the goddess Thirgata NTO IP wore, an *py 
2u? bw - - bought for her by Akiba when he had become 
rich (see Sabbath Jerush. VI, 1; Babli 59 a). 1 ) One sin 
gular trait in the Akiba story strikingly recalls our Job legend. 
The name of Akiba s father-in-law Ben Kolbah Shebuah 
is explained in the Talmud Gittin 56 a : 2JD in^ DJ2JIT b? 
^22 C*P 2722 "He was so generous with his wealth that 
whosoever entered his house hungry like a dog, left it 
satiated/ Whether this is to be identified with Joshua ben 
Sapphias. the associate of Nikodemon ben Gorion, mentioned 
by Josephus (Jewish War II, 20, 4) as Derenbourg thinks, 
or not, the name Ben Kolbah Shebuah points to a peculiar 
attribute given him by the people. Now Job, the prototype 
of a generous-hearted host says in our Testament of himself: 
"I did not allow any body to turn away from my door with 
an empty stomach - - | w xotauw xsvco" (ch. Ill, 8). This is 
the exact parallel to the name "the man who made every 
body leave his house only bekolbo shebuah "with a 
satiated stomach". 

7. Job s three or four friends formed also the subject 
of popular legend. An ancient Boraitha (Baba Bathra 16a) 
tells us that they lived each 300 Persian miles from each 
other and by the trees of ever green planted by each in his 

L ) [Cf. Dr. Alex. Kohut, E. Akiba ben Josef, in Menorah Monthly 
(New York 1887), p. 344-51; cf. esp. p. 345. G. A. K.] 



The Testament of Job. 281 

garden for friendly remembrance they learned at once, if 
such misfortune would befall any of them, as the tree of 
the respective friend would indicate it by its withered leaves. 
Through this they learned of Job s misfortune, and at this 
summons they came with their armies, entering the city of 
Job at the very same time and by the same gate. Beyond 
this the Rabbinical tradition is silent. All the more lavishly 
is the story given in our book. 

First the consternation of the royal friends is described 
as they, after many years of absence, meet Job in such a 
state of distress. Overcome with grief, they lay on the ground 
like dead for three hours. They are at a loss to realize 
that it is their old opulent and mighty friend. Seven days 
they spend in investigating the causes which may have led 
to his ruin - - a much better way to employ seven days than 
the Bible text has which represents them as remaining per 
fectly mute for a whole week. Finally having verified the 
fact, they break forth into a song of lamentation in 
which their soldiers join. Here follows a remarkable piece 
of poetry, full of pathos, Eliphaz the oldest leading, the rest 
responding in the same sad strain with the refrain: 

"Whither then hath thy glory gone!" 
Says Eliphaz: "Art thou he who hast done this and 
that for the poor?" 

"Whither hath thy glory gone!" 

"Art thou he who possessed so many couches of gold 
and silver?" 

"Whither hath thy glory gone!" 

Compare the description of the Therapeutes in Philo s 
book De Vita Contemplativa and you can not fail to re 
cognize the circle in which a song of lamentation like ours 
could be conceived of. 

Job, however, is not unmanned when hearing these 
outbursts of grief and pity from his royal friends of former 
days. He, though formerly their superior in rank and riches 
and their equal in religious belief, now boldly scorns their 
pity and compassion, pointing to the greater glory that 
awaits him in a higher world than this. He tells his world- 
Iv-minded visitors that he is in no need of their consolation; 



282 K. Kohler. 

for he sees his throne erected among those of the saints 
around the throne of God near the heavenly chariot. 

Here we are confronted with the Essene lore about the 
riDr^C rwyfc. We encounter Kabbalistic ideas at an age 
and in a species of Jewish literature which clearly prove the 
incorrectness of the views of all our historians from Zunz 
to Graetz concerning the origin of the Kabbalah. 

Job contrasts the perishable glory of this world with 
the glory of the saints who are to the right of the Saviour 
in heaven, that is of God. The Kingdom of mortal rulers, 
he says, may be flooded away (like the Garden of Irani in 
the Mohammedan legend or the Paradise of Hiram in the 
Midrashic Haggadah) 1 ), but the Kingdom of God in which he 
will share, shall last forever. "Its glory and beauty is in 
the chariot of my Father." To be sure, only an adept 
of the lore of the Essenes regarding the theophany of Eze- 
kiel could have written this. The expressions "my Father" 
and "Saviour in Heaven" may sound Christian-like to some, 
but they are actually Essenic terms and point to a pre- 
Christian era. Obviously verse 25 of chapter XIX has served 
here as text for this Midrashic expansion. 

The whole debate of the Bible text has here been 
transferred to a higher ground. Job, the saintly sufferer, 
contends for his Essene belief, whereas his friends are 
wordly Sadducees, or Epicureans, men who believe only in 
the life that now is. 

8. Quite naturally these royal friends, unable to follow 
Job in his spiritual conception of life, grow angry at his 
conduct Eliphaz proposes to the others to leave him in his 
misery. Bildad pleads for leniency, believing him to have 
lost his sense, owing to his great affliction. But he soon 
finds out, when engaging him in a conversation, that his 
reason is not affected, but that his religious belief totally 
differs from theirs. He challenges him to explain the myste 
ries of Creation, the same about which Noah and Enoch 
had so much to say in the Essene works bearing their 

J ) [A fantastic elaboration of the Jewish and Arabic accounts of Hiram s 
palace is to be found in an article by Dr. A. Kohut: "Biblical legends 
from an ancient Yemen Ms.", in the Independent (New York) of Oct. 29th 
and Nov. 5th, 1891. G. A. K.l 



The Testament of Job. 283 

names. But Job peremptorily refuses, saying, like the Rabbis 
when interrogated on these topics: nmD:2 pop t? ?K - 
-Thou art not fit to be initiated into these secrets about 
the heavenly constellations." He challenges Bildad to solve 
for him the problems of human physiology, about which the 
Essenes had many theories of their own (compare the Bene 
diction C-wr, n* ISP -!fc N Berachoth 60 b; B. Bathra 75 a ; 
Targum to Ezekiel XXVIII, 12, 15 ; Apostolic Constitutions, VU, 34 
and 38) partly after Greek, partly after Egyptian and Eastern 
traditions. And as Bildad declares his inability to answer 
his question, he dismisses him saying: "How canst thou expec 
to understand the celestial mysteries!" 

Then Sophar takes up the challenge offering him the 
service of their physicians. But Job proudly refuses the 
offer, as he trusts only in God, "the Maker of physicians. 
Perhaps originally the Maker of Medicaments, n\xisn *ni=, 
as God is called in the Essene Benediction "W 
pare Apostolic Constitutions, VIII, 12. Some of the Essenes 
identified the C\X^ doomed giants of the netherworld with 
the C\X5>n = "the physicians." See Isaiah XXVI, 14, LXX 
and hence Mishnah Kiddushin : c:r,^ C\SBT12C -^ [ci 
Talmud Kiddushin 82a]. 

9 While the Kings were thus conversing with Job, 
his wife Sitis comes, dressed in rags, having left her master 
against his will, and both she and the kings break forth m 
weeping as they recognize each other. Eliphaz take his 
purple mantle from his shoulder to cover her, because they 
are ashamed to look at her. But she asks of them as an 
especial favor that they should send their soldiers to dig 
among the ruins of her house for the relics of her children 
that they mav find a decent burial. But, when the order 
is given, Job interferes, assuring them that the chile 
ren are "in the keeping of their Maker and Ruler" and no 
longer to be found on the ground. These startling words 
of the saint furnish the kings with another proof of his mad 
ness and again they challenge him to verify his statement 
Whereupon Job begs to be assisted in order to be abl 
to stand up and recite a mysterious formula of prayer, and 
having done so, he tells them to look towards the East, 



284 K. Kohler. 

where lo! the children of Job were seen adorned 
with crowns standing near the glory of God. 

We have here the crowns with which the righteous in 
the future world are adorned while sitting and feeding upon 
the radiant bliss of the Shechinah (Berachoth 17a), pro 
bably based in our story upon the word rfllEy (Job ch. XXXI, 
36). But especially does the entranced state of vision 
point to Essene circles. It is brought about by a mystic 
formula Cl?i"i mr-iPi, as all the miraculous works per 
formed by Essenes were done by means of some invocation 
of the name of God. Compare Onias the Rain-Maker 
WEPi ^in praying: I bind thee, Lord, by an oath taken 
by thy great name (Taanith 19a, 23a). As to the standing 
up while reciting the holy name compare Jerush. Berachoth 
4a; Midrash Tanchunia, ed. Buber, to Lech Lechah. 

Sitis, overcome by the wondrous disclosure, prostrated 
herself in worship of God and then went back to her master, 
but fell down dead, when she reached the manger of her 
master s cattle. The animals around her cried, as they saw 
her lying there dead. The whole city, then, buried her 
amidst great lamentation right by the house which had 
fallen upon her children, and the poor of the city mourned 
her death, remembering in gratitude their great benefactress 
of former days. Their song of lamentation, says our book, 
is found in the records. Of course the records of the 
land of Uz are referred to, as if the story of Job were de 
rived from an old authentic source. 

10. The royal friends of Job, however astonished they 
were at the strange things they saw, were not yet willing to 
yield to him, and the controversy lasted yet for twenty-seven 
days. Our author undoubtedly has the debate in our Bible 
text in view, giving it another meaning altogether. But here 
Elihu steps forth and gives the conversation a different 
turn. He is imbued with the spirit of Satan while speaking 
hard, offensive words to Job. Finally, when he had finished, 
God appeared to Job in a storm and in clouds and revealed 
to him that it was not Elihu, the man, who spoke but Satan 
himself "the wild beast Beliar or Ahrimanius (Arrnillus) 
the Dracon", had spoken through him. 

Strange as this story sounds, it has its trace left in 



The Testament of Job. 285 

Rabbinical tradition. While on the one hand the Targum 
makes Elihu of the family of Ram-, ch. XXXII, 2 a descen 
dant of Abraham; R. Elazar ben Azariah explaining the 
name Ben Berachel the son of Isaac "him whom God 
blessed", we find, on the other hand, Akiba identifying him 
with Balaam the one who desired to curse the people of 
Israel but pronounced against his will blessings over them 
(see Jerush. Sota V, p. 20 d). 

Obviously the problem vexed our author, what became 
of Elihu after he had spoken, or where was he before he is 
introduced in our Bible? And the answer proposed in our 
Testament is genuinely Essenic: He was cast out of the 
circle of the saints and handed over to the power of Satan, 
while the three royal friends became adherents of the faith 
of Job. Job brought a sin-offering for them and God par 
doned them, but would not pardon Elihu. 

Here follows a most singular song, sung by the kings 
and their soldiers in chorus, full of Essenic notions of hell, 
Satan s realm, and of Paradise, the seat of the blessed. We 
almost hear a real anathema, such as was hurled against men 
like Nicanor by the Congregation of Chasidim in the Macca- 
bean days. Or let us say, we feel as though we heard a 
song recited on the Day of Nicanor when some new members 
were after the ablution-rites admitted into the number of 
the saints to become "sons of light," while others were cast 
out to become "sons of darkness." It is a psalm such as 
only these Essene brotherhoods could have composed, to 
whom the names of Satan "the Dracon, ; the Northern One, 
"01ESZ or "the Adder" and again "the crowns of victory for 
the saints in the Kingdom of God", were familiar terms, 
and with whom songs of praise, of lamentation and of execration 
were matters of daily practice. 

There is, however, a perceptible gap in our story. We 
are not told how Job recovered his health. Job simply 
says: When Eliphaz had finished the hymn, we all went 
back to the city, each to the house where they lived. 
Here is undoubtedly a very interesting part of our story 
omitted. Perhaps intentionally so, because it did not seem 
to tally with the story given afterwards about the miraculous 
powers of the three daughters of Job. 



286 K - Kohler. 

11. Job on his return to the city fully restored, is 
welcomed by the people in feasting and praise of God. He 
at once begins his former work of benevolence by making 
the people his contributors as long as he himself is in a state 
of poverty. But, just as the Rabbis teach in accordance 
with Malachi III. 13: IIW P. PIT h*>2W2 ^T "Give your tithes 
well in order that thou inayest obtain riches" (Shabbath 
119a), so does Job meet with success in his merchandise, in 
his ships and flocks owing to the charity he performs. 
Soon he possesses twice as much wealth as he had owned 
before. Also his seven sons and three daughters he sees 
brought back again, but here our book differs from the 
Bible. He now marries Dinah, and through her becomes the 
father of the ten children whom he addresses on his death 
bed. His first wife Sitis had to die, because she had been 
imbued with the spirit of Satan when she advised Job to 
blaspheme God. 

Job, having finished his story, addresses words of admo 
nition to his children. And here our Testament falls in line 
with that whole class of literature to which the Book of 
Tobit, the Book of Enoch (compare chs. 94 to 104), the 
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and the Testaments 
of the Three Patriarchs belong, and gives clear evidence of 
its Jewish origin. First comes the duty to God: "Forsake 
not the Lord," then the duty to the fellow- man: "Be 
charitable towards the poor, and despise not the feeble." 
And finally the duty to the family: "Take not unto 
yourselves wives from strangers!" By this last command 
is not merely implied the prohibition of intermarriage with 
heathen tribes, but the ancient Essene practice of the 
marriage of kinship after the example the patriarchs re 
commended. 

I have elsewhere (see my article on the pre-Talmudic 
Haggada, in Jewish Quarterly Eevieiv. 1893, p. 407, note) 
called attention to this Essene rule as expressed in the 
Books of Tobit, the Jubilees, the Book of Adam, and will 
add here, that the Talmud and Midrash endorse this view. 
See Boraitha Jebamoth 62b: IPIHN P2 PN NlS i:n and Bereshith 
Rabba 18. R. Tanchurna says: "Bone of my bones", this 



The Testament of Job. 287 

is especially the case if one marries a wife from amongst 
his own relatives. 1 ) 

At any rate we have here the convincing proof that 
our Testament originated in pre-Christian circles of 
Hellenistic Jews belonging to the Essene brother 
hood. 

We are now prepared for the surprising scenes which 
are presented to us at the close of our book. 

Job divides his large fortune among his seven sons, 
impressing upon them the duty of doing good with their 
ample means. To his three daughters, however, he gives 
nothing. This gives them sufficient cause for complaint, 
whereupon he tells them that they were to receive a far 
more precious boon. He, then, hands his oldest daughter, 
named Jeinirnah = Day, a ring used as key and tells her 
to go to the treasure house and bring him the golden cas 
ket out of which he takes three three-stringed girdles which 
flash forth supernatural light like the radiance of the orb of 
day. Having given one to each of his three daughters, he 
says: "Let these encircle you all the days of your life, and 
you will be endowed with bliss." The second daughter 
named Kassiah =: Perfume, then says to her father: c: Is 
this the means by which we can live? Job replies: "By 
this you have not only sufficient means to live by here on 
earth, but also in the better world above." For behold, 
when the Lord deigned to show compassion on me and heal 
me of my plague. He handed me these three strings and 
told me to gird them around my loins. And no sooner had 
I put them around my loins than the worms and the plagues 
left me, and my body took on new strength and freshness, 
and I beheld the great vision of God in His great power, 
and the mysteries of the past and the future I saw. And 
now, my children keep these phylacteries as a spell against 
the Evil One and all his plots, and girding them around 



*) [The idea of consanguineous marriages, advocated in the book of 
Tobit, has been shown by Dr. Kohut to be of Persian origin. See his 
essay: Etwas uber die Moral und Abfassungszeit des Buches Tobias, in 
Geiger s Jiid. Zeitschrift f. Wissensch. u. Leben, vol. X, p. 61, 62. It is this 
practice which Philo denounced so vehemently. G. A. K.] 



288 K. Kohler. 

you, you will see the wonders of the angelic world at the 
time of my parting " 

Accordingly the oldest, Jemimah, girt herself and lo, she 
became entranced and sang angelic hymns in praise of God, 
dancing while she sang in the voice of the angels (com 
pare mi^n i-xhv rw 1102). 

Kassiah, the second, followed and in her entrancement 
she sang hymns such as the heavenly rulers (the 
Arch outs " niN % 2ii "HIT = C^lt ) sing, full of the majesty 
of the High Place = " mpc ClpC [UT^PE C11E TGD KDD 
(Jerein. XVII, 12). Her songs, says our Testament, are known 
as the hymns of Kassiah and deal with the mysteries of the 
heavenly work (uICTE uirjJC). Finally the third daughter, 
named Keren Happuch in the Bible, but in our book 
Amalthea s Horn, came forth and girt herself with these 
magic strings, and in her entrancement she sang in the lan 
guage of the Cherubim, hymns full of the praise of the 
Ruler of the cosmic powers Adonai Zebaoth, and 
extolling the glory of the Father of the World. Her hymns, 
says our author, are also preserved by the name of 
Prayers of Amalthea s Horn. 

To be sure, this is a strange world into which we are 
ushered here. And we are at first sight inclined to see in 
all this nothing but heathen gnosticism and superstition. But 
after due analysis of all the elements which compose this 
part of our story, we find them to belong to the ancient 
sphere of Essenic thought and practice. To begin with the 
very last name, we find in the LXX already the translation 
A|xa7^sta xspag, in some manuscripts alongside of Kccpvacpou^. 
This name "Horn of plenty" is given in Greek mythology to 
the goat which nursed the infant god Zeus on the isle of 
Crete, afterwards transferred to the stars. It is undoubtedly 
of Semitic origin HXvCn pp (cf. Preller, Griech. Mytliol., 
I, 30 sq., 105; II, 244 and Sayce, Hibbert Lectures, 1887, p. 
284 f) and finds its illustration on many a Babylonian and 
Persian basrelief. But the same name Amalthea occurs 
also in the Rabbinical legend of Abraham (Baba Bathra 91 a ; 
cf. Beer s Leben Abraham, pp. 96 97 and 120) as that of 
Abraham s mother - -- Amthelai daughter of Carnebo. 1 ) 

l ) [Cf. also Pirke de B. Eliezer, ch. XXVI ; Sefer Hajashar to Noah 



The Testament of Job. 

Beer is probably not far from the truth when he suggests 
that the names Amalthea Karnaphuk of our Greek 
Book of Job may have given rise to this strange Rabbinical 
tradition. And I will add that the miraculous legend of Job s 
goats having been able by their horn to knock down the 
wolves that came near them: Q^IJJ pyc n"Dpn l^Eut^ "!Ct>E 
&GPI (Baba Bathra 15 b), identical with the Essene legend about 
Chanina Ben D o s a (Berachot 33), shows traces of a 
belief in a supernatural goat "Amalthea", prevalent in these 
circles. 

About the extraordinary beauty of the three daughters of 
Job (SVTYJ UTU o jpocvov compare the LXX; Job XLII, 15: 
pkXrrtOD 2VK H1J22 m^ CTO NSEJ ^Sl), there existed a 
Rabbinical tradition to the same effect, for both Targum. and 
Talmud dwell on the "day like" beauty of Jemirnah, the 
perfume of K a s s i a h and the miraculous unicorn-like radi 
ance of Keren H o p p u k h (B. Bathra 16 b. [Kohut 
Arukh, Vir, 176 b].) 

But what our Testament tells concerning the magic 
strings with which the daughters of Job were transformed 
into heavenly spheres is exceedingly interesting. Though it 
has no exact parallel in Rabbinical literature, it casts new 
light upon a number of Rabbinical traditions. In Graetz s 
Monatssclirift (edited by Brann und Kaufniann) , vol. 37 
(1893), p. 445, I tried to explain the origin of the Tephillin 
or Phylacteries, laying especial stress on the knot with 
which the sacred sign was tied around arm and head to serve 
as charm. The knot ]^DP ^W ""l p being the most 
essential thing, is ascribed even to God himself (Berachot 
6 and 7 a) ; and the knot of the fringes of the garments fPSZSZ 
belongs to the same category. Both have a talismanic 
character, (see Targmn Shir Hashirim VIII, 3.) Accordingly 
these Tephillin were kept as charms or amulets for many 
generations. So does Shamniai the Elder boast of wearing 
his Tephillin as an heirloom of his maternal ancestor 



(p. 9 b, ed. Prague, 1840) ; Kohut s Arukh Compktum, I, 131 b ; IV, 
333 b; and his last dissertation: pXil ^*a*j p-Ua-Jf ^ Light of 

Shade and Lamp of Wisdom .... composed by Nathanel Ibn Yeshaya 
(1327), New York 1894, p. 58, note 2. G. A. K.] 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 19 



290 



K. Kohler. 



(Mechiltha Bo, ch. 18), and Jehuda ben Bathyra said that 
his Tep hill in came down from the men resuscitated from death 
by the prophet Ezekiel after his vision of the Valley of Dry 
Bones (Sanhedrin 92 b) ; by which he meant to say that they 
were used as a sacred charm at their resurrection in the 
very same manner in which Job according to our Testament 
used his magic strings for his recovery. *) 

Quite interesting appears in this connection the Rabbi 
nical tradition that Michael the daughter of King Saul, who 
is often represented by the Rabbis as a pattern of Essen e 
holiness (Pesiktha Rabbathi ch. XV, p. 68 ed. Friedman; Jerus. 
Sukka V, p. 55 c; Targ. II Sam. I, 10), and the wife of 
Jonah the prophet used to wear Tephillin (Mechiltha Bo 
17). Also Christian women had little gold caskets containing 
New Testament chapters tied around their necks as amulets, as 
may be learned from the Catacombs and Patristic writings. 
Some such usage underlies also the story of R. Johannan 
(Baba Bathra 74 a, b) that a casket of precious stones and 
pearls of uncommon lustre was seen carried along by a 
big monster of the sea, and when a mariner wanted to seize 
it, a heavenly voice was heard in warning, saying : "These 
jewels belong to the wife of Hanina ben Dosa, the saint, who 
will tie them with strings of the sacred blue wool (rP-D) 
around the righteous ones in Paradise." 2 ) 

How striking, then, is the resemblance of the Rabbinical 
tradition concerning Job s recovery by the magic of Tephillin 
as preserved in Schechter s Aboth de R. Nathan, p. 164 : 
"The angels of heaven in compassion with Job, seeing that 
he had stood all the trials of Satan so bravely, tied a magic 
knot of the Tephillin before God - - for this alone can be the 
meaning of n"2pn ij*b rfen ITtfpl rccy - - and he was healed 
from his disease !" 

Why the three daughters of Job were endowed with 



i) [Cf. on the magic value of ^un, which is equivalent to neeus and 
yep, Grunbaum s excellent remarks in Z. I). M. G. XXXI, 334 ff. ; Kohut, 
Kritische Beleuchtung d. persischen Pentateuch-Uebersetzung d. Jacob b. 
Josef Tavus (1871), p. 12930; Arukh, ed. Kohut, VII, 123 a, s. v.: 
yep. Cp. furthermore Griinbaum, I. c., p. 335, n. 66. G. A. K.] 

2 ; [Of. Kohut: Was hat die talmud. Eschatalogie aus d. Parsismus 
aufgenommen? in Z. D. M. G. XXI, p. 591. G. A. K.] 



The Testament of Job. 291 

angelic powers, our Testament does not say. But there is 
one sentence at the beginning of chapter XI which now 
stands abruptly and in no connection with the preceding or 
following part of the story, saying that all were astonished 
to see three (female musicians ?) at the house of Job after 
his restoration. Now in his former state of happiness Job 
had his female musicians singing the praise of God at the 
table in order to inspire his guests to join in the thanks 
giving and praise of Him who is the Giver of all good. 
Undoubtedly this was also the function of the three musicians 
at the time of his restored bliss and prosperity. We are, 
therefore, justified in assuming that these three musicians 
whose appearance astonished the people, were the three 
daughters of Job of whose exceeding beauty both the Bible 
and tradition speak. They aided their father in his work 
of benevolence, and were thus rewarded. The passage rela 
ting this part has been omitted by our writer, together with that 
containing the story of his recovery. Or was the story of 
the three daughters added by another scribe ? 

12. The closing part of our narrative consists of a record 
given by Neros, the brother of Job, of the death of the 
saintly sufferer. Xeros is the same as Nahor. Here, too, 
attention may be called to the fact that the wife of Nahor, 
the father of Abraham, bears in Rabbinical tradition the name 
of Amalthea, these two names standing in our Testament 
quite closely to each other. J ) Neros tells us that he himself 
wrote the hymns of the three daughters of Job down in a 
book as containing mighty secrets. Only the letters of the 
Holy word or Name of GrOCl would he not consign to writing 
as these were too holy Wl^N "6 minDju. Job, when in the 
shadow of death, suffered no agony because he had the 
sacred girdle, the p^n or JPCp, wound around his body. 
But when after three days he saw the angels coming to take 
his soul, he gave to Jemima, the oldest daughter, the 
cithara, to Kassiah a censer (with perfume == njPSfp), and 
to Amalthea s Horn "pen pp, a timbrel to play, so that they 



) Abraham s daughter ^ra and the miraculous precious stone with which 
Abraham cured the sick must also be connected with our Job legend. See 
Baba Bathra 16 b. 

19* 



292 



K. Kohler. 



should welcome the holy angels with praise. And they sang 
and glorified God in the holy dialect -- r~pn ?%*- [Cf. 
S. B. Gould s Legends, etc., p. 251. G. A. K.] Then 
came "He who sitteth upon the great chariot" - this is not 
God himself, but -the angel of his face r \rEtz Mithra l ). 
called ril-~r ";z "the Driver of the heavenly chariot" 
(see Hechaloth and Othioth di R. Akiba) - - and kissed Job, 
thus taking his soul rp^I (compare Targuni Deuteronomy 
XXX TV. 5 ~p % r:i " TV: Moed Katon 28 a). Our description 
is certainly more dramatic and more original than the late 
Moses legend-), but comes near to the Abraham legend. The 
soul is taken by the arm and carried to the Eastern part of 
heaven upon the chariot of God. Mithra. or "^r^, has 
here a well-defined function like Hermes, the Psycho - 
pompos "Soul-carrier", with whom he was identified 
during the three centuries preceding Christianity. 

Xahor or Xeros. then with the three daughters of Job 
and his hosts of beneficiaries, held a great mourning over 
the body for three days, and then they buried him. 

Of the great mourning of the people of Canaan over the 
body of Job. the Talmud also preserved a tradition (see 
Sota 35 a). 

Of his age our Testament says that he had lived 85 years 
before the plague had come upon him and twice as long after 
that - - which would give him an age of 255 years. This is 
after the LXX which has 170 years. Our Massoretic 
text has 140 which would, by adding a half of this for the 
time preceding his plague.; make 210 years as the life-time 
of Job. This is the view of the Talmud iB. Bathra lob). 

Job ill Mohammedan tradition, 

Mohammed mentions Job twice (Sura 21, 83 and 38, 40), 
and this in a manner which shows that legend had woven 



J ) [See Kohut s Jiidische AngeMogie (1866. p. 3642; Arukh 
Completion, s. v. p-^us:; and his article Metatron-Hitra. in the Hun 
garian Jewish monthly Magyar Zsido Szernle, I (1884). p. 98100. G. A. K.] 

2 j [In a beautifully elaborate version of the Haggadic legends recording 
the death of Moses, preserved in a Yemen Midrash, we read : nz pn ?vi 
npr:2 :r,er: TJ:I i2 nre?. For text. English translation and sources of this 
story, see Kohut, Xotes on a hitherto unknown .... Commentary on the 



The Testament of Job. 293 

tales around the ancient hero altogether different from the 
Bible. It is the wife that plays a more important role as 
seducer, and also his recovery is dwelt oupon as an object of 
wonder. The Koran commentators tell us [according to Sale] that 
he was of the tribe of Esau and his wife of the family of Jacob 
(Rahmah daughter of Ephraim). She had supported him by her 
labor and attended him with great patience, until Satan 
appeared to her one day, promising her the restoration of 
her prosperity, if she would worship him. When she came to 
propose this to Job, he was so angry at her that he swore 
that, if he ever recovered, he would give her a hundred 
stripes as punishment for this sin of hers. Finally the angel 
Gabriel raised Job from the dung-hill and said to him: 
u Strike the earth with thy feet!" and there, behold! a foun 
tain sprang up at his feet of which he drank, when at 
once the worms left his body. And when he bathed in it, 
he recovered his former health. His wife, too. became young 
and handsome again. And, in order to fulfil his vow, Job 
took, at the bidding of God, a hundred branches of the palm- 
tree and with these he gave his wife one lash. Of. S. B. 
Gould, I. c.. p. 250: G. Fliigel. I. c.. p. 299 a; Sale s Koran, 
5 tn ed. Philad. 1874. pp. 271, 375: Dr. Giideinann: Ein 
3Iidrasch im Koran, in Graetz s Monatsschrift, XXIX, 134 (cp. 
also Yalkut 635). G. A. K.] 

Now this legend of Job is given more extensively in a 
Moorish collection of legends, abstracts of which are presen 
ted in M. Gruenbaum s Xeue Beitraege zur Semitischen 
SagenJcunde. Leyden 1893 ? p. 262 ff. - - [See also Ersch and 
Gruber s Allgemeine Encyclopaedic, s. v. Hiob, II Section, 
Band VIII, S. 298299; D Herbelot, BiUiofli. Orientals, s. v.; 
Assemani B. 0., t. I, p. 585: Chardin, Voyages, II, 138 ; 
Wahl s Koran, p. 454: T. P. Hughes. Dictionary of Islam 
(1885), s. v. V of p. 2489. G. A. K.] 

Job is there also represented as a great benefactor, who 
provides for all the needy and makes them offer their thanks 
to God after each meal. When he had lost everything, 



Pentateuch . . . by Aboo ILansur al-Dhamari. etc., (New York, 1892) pp. 
XI V XX of the Appendix : and his article in the Independent, cited above, 
Oct. 29th and Nov. 5th, 1891, no. 5. G. A. K.] 



294 K- Kokler. 

Satan came to his wife in the guise of a beggar asking for 
alms and when she told him of the state of poverty they 
were in he promised to restore her wealth as soon as she 
would cease to worship God. Job, then, curses Satan and 
remains faithful, whereupon Satan, obtains permission to strike 
his body with plagues. But Job does not flinch, praising 
God in his affliction. Satan, then, sends two men with food 
to Job who, though near starvation, refuses to take it saying, 
it should be forbidden to him - - char am. After this 
Satan comes in the guise of a physician to Job s wife, 
promising to cure him, if she would kill a bird after heathen 
usage, without invoking the name of God. But when his wife 
comes to persuade him to do so, Job, in his anger, swears 
that, as soon as he would by the help of God recover, he 
would forthwith give her a hundred stripes. 

Satan, then, excites the people of the city against Job, 
until his wife is compelled to carry him upon her shoulder 
into the country of the children of Israel, who treated the 
poor sufferer with great sympathy, but could not endure his 
stench any longer. She, then, put him down in an open 
place and supported him by the wages she received from the 
people for her laundry work. 

Finally, at the instigation of Satan, the people refused to 
give her work, and the baker s wife asked her to give her 
beautiful hair as price for the bread. She gave up her 
hair and brought the bread to her husband. But when she 
went back to obtain bread for herself and failed to return, 
then at last, the measure of Job s sufferings was full. Gabriel 
carried him towards a fountain and bathed him, and he rose 
with renewed youth and vigor. Job s wife, returning at last, 
would not recognize him, but he wept as he saw her. He 
recalled the oath to give her a hundred stripes. Whereupon 
Gabriel advised him to take a bunch of hundred bulrushes 
and lash her with it. After having restored his fortune, the 
Lord asked Job whether he should also restore his dead 
children to life ; but Job said : "If they are to die again, 
O Lord, leave them rather in the better world in which 
there is no longer death." And Job became the same gene 
rous-hearted benefactor of the poor, the orphans and widows 
that he had been before. 



The Testament of Job. 295 

We recognize here in the main the same story as is 
found in our Testament, only some of the features are distorted 
by Mohammedan narrators. Evidently the Arabian or 
Ethiopian Jews had preserved the legend, as they did 
many other tales no longer found in Rabbinical literature. 1 ) 
See my article in the Jewish Quarterly Review, quoted above. 

The stripes which Job s wife received are understood 
only as a penalty to be paid for the wicked advice given 
Job to blaspheme God. They are intended to expiate her, 
before she recovers her youth, to become again the mother 
of ten children. In our Testament she has to pay the 
penalty of death, and another wife has to take her place. 

We see here how busy popular tradition was to make 
the Bedouin story of Job interesting and rich in lore. 

Undoubtedly our story originated in the outskirts of 
Palestine in the land of Hauran, where the Nabatheans lived, 
and the Essene brotherhoods spread it all over the Arabian 
lands. Thus only can we account for every feature of our 
legend The Therapeutes, with their male and female 
choruses and their strange mode of life, are vividly enough 
portrayed in our Testament, to betray the authorship of our 
weird book. 



Note : In republishing the text from A. Mai s edition, 
the present editor has ventured to divide the same for 
convenience s sake into chapters and verses. The alterations 
made are but few and noted on the margin. [The initials 
Gr. A. K., and all remarks in square brackets, are those of 
the Editor of this volume.! 



J ) [Fliigel, on the authority of Assemani (Bibl Orient., I, 585, 
III, 286) states, that an Arabic and Syriac biography of Job is extant in 
manuscript (cf. Ersch & Gruber, L c.}. Could it be the original or trans 
lation of Job s Testament? G. A. K.] 



AlASEKE 

TOT AMEMTITOT KAl nOATASAOT KAI MAKAPIOT 

IQB 

Btfi kog /ob/9 iov xakovfitvov Icofidfi, xal fit og aviov, xal dviiy^atpov 
dia&rjxtjg aviov. 

I, 1. Ev r, dv IJ^QK voarjGas, xal tyvooxoog ii]v dnodr^iiav aviov 
ix IQV (Tobftaiog, ^xd^eGs iovg snia viovg aviov xal idg iQsiq avrov 
OvyaitQWs) xal s77isv avrotg. 2. nsQixvxhcoGavB, izxra, 7iSQixvxl.(*)(ja.i& 
(At, xal dxvvoars xal diyyrjGoncu vpTv a tnolqvs xvyiog pei UpoH xal 
id (jvpfidrra p.oi ndvtn. 3. "Eyro ya.Q sipi 7oo/9 6 yiarrjQ vp&v, oo 
iviixva. IJLOV, 4. On ytvos tx^sxroi) taxf, xal TTjgr jGaTf ir/i/ 
5. Eyw JO.Q sifAi x rc>:v vitiv Hvav, ddftybs Naoog 

% cw tytvvqaa v(Jidg. 6. // ydg 7i(jort(ja (JLOV yvvrj trs- 
peid Toof dHwv dtxa itxvwv iv TIIXQQ davdrcp. 7. Axovaais 
ovv ttxva, xal dyhooffa) vfAiv ia crvfAfiefiyxoTa /not. 

8. Eyoi ydy imyv akovmog nqbdoa i&v dq* r^lov dvarolwv iiv 
XOOQU iff AvGtiidi, xal TTQt) iov xahtvai pe 6 xvQi.og 7oo/9 ? 
loofidfi. 9. C H $6 dQyj] TOV Tii-tQacffiov ytvsTQ OVTCQI; r\v y 
TOV ol xov fi dwhov tivog dQrjGXfvofisvov vno TOV haov. 10. Kal avvsyti^ i-fi- 
oloxavTcopaTa avT& TiQoaqsobusva tig Of.a>. 11. /JishoyitofiTjv fyavTQ 
&eyov aQa. ovTog KGTW I nou .Gag TOV OVQUVOV xal Tt]v yr\v xal 
ddhaGGav xal Tidvrag fjpag; aQa n&g yrwGOfiai TO d 

12. Kal v Tfl VVXT) IxKivrj xoifi(x>n&ov \JLQV fa&t fioi 
dfi, lojfidfij dvaGTydi xal vnodsi^o) GOI iig SGtlv oviog ov yvwvai 
13. OvTog TQI VVV, o> id okoxavicouaia nyogqityovGtv oi dv- 
xal GntvdovGtv , vvx 8Gii Ofbg, dW SGTI dvvafjiig avir\ xal 
ia iov diafiblov, tv f/ viraiy iovg dvOgwiovg. 14. Kdyoj iavia 
dxovGag STTSGOV sig ir t v yrjv. 15. Kaf TzyoGsxvvijGa Ifywv, xvyit pov 6 inl 
Gcoirjotct ij]g tfiijg tpv///^ fioi lahwv, dtopat GOV, ti neQ oviog tGiiv b 
ivnog iov 2aiava, dtofiai GOV x&tuGov fie aTisk&fiv xal dyaviGai 
aviw, xal xadagiGat ibv ibnov loviov. 16. Ovx eatw b XCOJLVCOV ^e 



/IIA9HKH, 297 



TOVTO noifjGCLi, fiaGtta ovia T^ %toQag TavTyg, v 
oi v avTfi. 

17. Kal dnsxQidr] fjioi i] cpojvrj tx TOV quaTog ktyovaa, oil xad- 
TOV lonov dvvr/Gfig. 18. "AW idov dnodttxvviJn GOI navia. 
tv8T8i/MTO pot xvQiog sinfiv GOI y( ydg etfii o dg%ayy&og TOV 
deov. 19. Kayoo sJnov 611 Tidvta OGO. tvisfaliai TQ d^anovxi aviov 
20. A< sink poi o dyxdyysA.og tads ki-ysi xvQtotj si 0.710- 
xai xaOalQSti; TOV ivnov tov 2aiava, dvct.Giir}G&ial 
GOI [Ai J ogyvg sfg noikn^iov xal ^vdsi^siai sv GOI Traaav tr t v 
avToi . 21. ETIOIGSI GOI Tiok^dg akiflttt; xal ^aksnaq^ xcd 
dno GOV ndvxa id vnaQyovra. 22. Ta TS ncudia GOV avaiQtt, Y.CU 
d xaxd GOI noii]Gi. 23. Kal inel obg ddl^tt/g TZVXTSVCQV Y.OA, 
jrovovg, Kal xds%o[J.tvog tov HIG&OV, v.a\ rovg 

ag 6M\jjtg. 24. *A\X sdv lavi 

GOV TO ovo^ia ovouaGiov iv TiaGatg raig ysvsaTq irjg yqg a^Qi ftjg GVV- 
vskeiag TOV atwog. 25. Kal ndliv wavaxdpipco GI tn\ TO. vnaQ^ovid 
(TOV^ Y.a.1 dnodo&rjGtTat GOI dmlaGia ndvTa KV dnoMfffis iva yvtig GTI 
dTTQOGKt^o^rjTiTog GTIV 6 deoc, dnodtdovq txdaTco TOJ vnaxovovTi dyadd. 
26. A xai GOI dco(jr]G8Tai, xra GTtqavov dfiaQavTwov xopiGsig. 27. EysQ- 
dtjGSi fit xal sv ifj dvaGTaGti fig Cw^ at&vtov TOTK yvdweig OTI dfxatog 
xal d^rfdrjg x? iGyyQog 6 xvQiog. 

28. 700 dfj imva. pov, diTani-xQi driv avT^j, OTI vTiofttvo) Ht%oi 
davdvov ndvTa td 67To%6[i8vd pot vnty T dyaJirjQ TOV Ofor^ xal ov 
jury dvanrjd rjGM. 29. TOTS 6 dyy&oq GtyQay iGd^avng {* dtir/We? nd tpov. 

II, 1. TJj de &tjg dvaGrdg Tf t VVXT\ tlaflov n^VTrjy.ovTa natdag, 
dn^Wov ig TOV vdov TOV ei dco^fiov Kal okodQSVGCt avrov /(>/? 
2. Kctl ovTOjg dvs^KtofjGa tig TOV o?xov fiov, xs 
Tag frvgag, tvTtsddfievog ToTg nQo&vQoig pov. 3. "OTI ti Tig 

ps, prj Gr)[iavft) ]Tw pot. dW fi naTS avTy, Gyold^si ntQ\ 
dvayxatow, svdov BGTIV. 4. Tors 6 2aTavag ^tTaG^fiaTt 
fig $7ia(Tr}v WQOVGS T)J Ovyct, Mywv Tfj dvycoQcp 5. 2wavov TO 
MyovGa. OTI fioikofAai GVVTV^UV avToj. 6. Kal rj dvywobg 
Myfi pot TavTa Kal yxovGS nag ^of, OTI G%okd(o. 

7. y^GTo^Gag iv TOVTCO o novygog, dn^&wv tiatdqxev tal Tovg 
ojftovg avTOv aGGakiov gaxxwdri. Kal (iGsWwv kfhdkyxs TIJ 
JiiyoDV finov TOJ 7ro/9 LTI d( ,g (JLOI CLQTOV sx TWV ^eigoav GOV iva 
8. Kal dxovGag ly<a Tawa, H?OOX avTfi O.QTOV gxxexavptvov dovvai 
xal tdrfhoxja avTa) OTI. [tyxtTt tyayt-Tv ngoGdoxa tx TOOV 
, OTI dnrfk koTQiK>drjv GOI. 9. Kal f] QvQMQog aideGdeiGa 



298 



J1A&HKH 



vqi ibv dxxsxavpwov aQiov xal Gnodoi dr], fif) IdovGa oil 2aiavag 
dx iwv avitjg aQiwv iwv xAw^, xal edwxev ai tcp. 10. e O ds 
w, xal yvovg 10 ysyovog, s?ns tf f naidtGxff dnsWoixja, xaxy dovlrj, 
ibv dodtvia GOI dodr^vai fioi aQtov 11. Kal sxkavGsv y 
naig fJistd kvnrig Uyovaa. dkyd&g liysn; tlvcti. fis xaxyv dovtyv, oti 
ovx ^noir}Ga xaOmg TiQOfftTn^drj fioi vnb TOV dsanotov fiov. 12. Kal 
civvy ror xexavptvov aoiov, "ktyovaa avim lads 
xvQiog ^ov, oil ov w cp tyyg ^ Tc&y agvwv fiov hi, oil 0.71^- 
drjv (jot. 13. Kal loviov GQI edowa iva py tyxltKJ&w oil, TOJ 
ad rjd -avii tyOQty ovdev nag^iov. 14. Kal lavia dxovaag o 2aiavag, 
pot ii\v naida Mywv , oil ooc oQqq lov aQiov lovtov lov 
ovi(a TToirjGw iv idyei YMI 10 awfia aov loioiiov! 15. Kal 

o noisTg noi rjaov, Kal oia fiovlri dywyfi (jya<jov 
yo flfii vnoGir t vai ansQ nQoa^itQSig [toi. 

16. Tavia dxovaag o didfiolog an^Hf\ da tyov xal 
V7to 10 ffisQKGJpa, oooxoaffg lov KVOIOV iva kdfir] Qovetav low inaQ%ov- 
iwv fioi. 17. Kal lafiwv naQd Osov ii t v Qovalav, ?>Ws xal TjQt fiov 
lov (jvfjiTiavia nkoviov 7iaQa%Qjj[ia. 

III. 1. Elypv ydo Q^ %diddag nQoffdwov xal ^ aviwv dcpwoHJa | 
ydiddag lov Bivai fiq Hvdvvtv ogyavtiv xa/ MQKn> xal n^vi\i^v YM\ 
ddvvdiwv. 2. Hv $6 poi dytty xvvwr w, oi qsvkdaeovisg id noipvict: 
s7%ov a cpvkaGffoviag lov OIY.OV. 3. E?%ov ds xat 
xatd naaav nbliv xal yo^ovg xopl&adcu dyadan* 
xal ant cit-M-ov xaid ndaav nokiv xal fi g idg xcbpag lofg advvaioig 
xal ioig aQowcriorg xal loig vaifQovptvoig. 4. E7%ov de xal jjp %ili- 
ddag ovow vofiddcov xal 3% avi&v dywQtaa cp, xal iqv 4% aviwv yovqv 
7ii7i()d(jxe(j&ai, xal itjv uprjv eTvai loig ntvyvi xal deo- 
5. "HQ^OVIO ydy sig dvavirjciv dno navtiv iwv XGJQCOV oi 
6. ^vscoypsvai yctQ i/aav ai itvaaQsg OvQai lov ol xov vnlg 
lov loioviov axonov , /M^} aQa eWmalv iiveg &srjpoavwjv fyiovvifg, 
xal idmaf (is TiaQaxaOt&pevov sig [*iav i&v OVQWV, dwridwoi did irg 
ak^.rjg dnnWeiv xal ^a^nv OGCDV ^Qrfcovai v. 

1. ^Haav dt fioi xal iQane^cu idgvptvcu I dxivrjioi naaav WQO.V 
loig &vois /novofg. E?%ov ds xal low MQ&V t p iQane&g xeiphag. 
8. Kal si iig TIQ^BIO aiiwv &eij[Jioavvyv , stys iQttySG&ai v ifj IQCL- 
n&^ct ILQV lov "kafti-Tv iijv ^Qstav xal ovdtva snsiQsnov e&WsTv irp 
OvQav (Jiov xttnco XSVQ. 9. Elyov ds iQlg faicx. nsviaxoGia 
fiowv xal Qele^dftrjv til* aviwv qp xal sia%a si g lov 
10. T Qde ndvia noiflv v navil dygq i&v nQOGkafibviwv aviovj xal 
if]v siGodov iwv xaQnwv avz&v dcpWQi&v ioTg nivqGiv sig ir/v 



y.ni 



JIAQHKH. 299 

aiiwv. 11. Elyov dl y.a\ aQioxbnia v, <jp oov siaZa sig ir t v iQa- 
Tis^av 1&V nivj^mv. 12. Elyov dl dovkovg Qaighovq sig iqv VTI^QS. 
Giav iavir}V. 13. ^Hoav ds xal t-tvoi nvlg idovifg ifjv efiqv noodv- 
fitav xt aviol faedvprjaav vnrjQeifjGai if} diaxovtq. 14. xa d 
iivlg rjGar dnogovviig, xai ^.i) ^vvnfifvot avakoMai^ J/Q^OVTO 
xt kfyovtsg. 15. /tso^i-da. GOV, $7iKidt] x //jiisTg 
dxisktcrai ir ( v diaxovfav, y.al ovdlv "/.wirfiizQct., noirjGov 
xal ngo%iQi(TOV r^iTv ygvaiov, iva dn&Otonsv slg rag paxoag 
xal fpnoQevGcbfisda. 16. Kal 10 neQiitbv rljg IfinoQi aq dv- 
v toig nivriGi noirj(ja<jftai dtaxovi av xal fitrd rovro dnoxaia- 

GOI TO t diov Gov. 17. Km i-yo) xctvxa dxovojv 
OTI ohwg nnQ* i!(wi> l.ctfifidvovGiv fig oixovoptctv iwv niwyfav. 18. 
n^odvfiKtg edfdoi v avioig OGOV r t ds^ov^ de%6[tevog TO jQafiiJi 
fjitj kapfidvcav TiaoJ avion fafyvgov, it jU// fioi ov TO syyQatyov. 19. KcCi 
ttOQev6[*evoi STIOQSVOVIO xcri o tuwvy^ctvov edfdovv loig 7iKo%o?g, 
20. rio^dxig iivsg dn^m^av &, aviwv iv o^w, 77 v Oaktt.GGf^ rj GV- 
"kovvio $% avTtiv. 21. Kal ^Q^ofisvoi naQtxdkovv [AS fayoweg* deo* 
fjif-dd Gov 7 fiay.QodvfitjGor ^qp ?)JM^ iva idcofiav nag dnoxaiaGirjGodpi-T 
GOI id Ga. 22. Eym ds lavia nxovcw xJ Gi fATzaftow aviotg noot- 
(ptQov aviow TO xftooyyaqiOV) x/ avsyivwaxov Hvmntov avtw> xal dt- 
ctQi)r]l*ag &8V&4QOW aviovg lov ^Q^ovg^ "kiycov oviwg 23. "OGOV TTQO- 
tyaatt law TZfvrjiwv niGi?v(ja vfiiv, ovdlv A.yipo[tai nao vftajv. 24. Ka\ 
ovdlv ^da^ofirjv nagd iov ocpeiMjiov [tov. 

25. Kai fi Tioie rjQyfio dvrjQ i^agog ITJ xotQdfq ktycov, ovdlv 
dnooG) faixovorfGai loig ntvqGiv. 26. JBov^ofiai filv diaxovr>(jai loTg 
7Tia>%oig iv i\ t iQctnt^u GOV. xai Gvyy^Qrfdsig vaijQS ifiv, xal sopaysv. 
27. Kai ir) G7itQq tdldovv aviy iov niadiv aviov y.al tnnQtvtio tig 
ilv olxov aviov %aiQO)v. 28. Kal si f-ir] tfiovfaio lafiftv, r 
nay fyov keyoviog agog aviov ^liGia^tai on toydiyg s? d 
TzyoGdoxtiv xal dvctfifymv GOV iov [uadov, y.al dvdyy.qv fyeig 
29. Kat ovx vGitQrjGa noil ^iiadov fjuadwiov ?} aV.ov uvbg, 
iov fjuGdov aviov dffoftsvov naoj fyo) fifav tGntoav v if/ ohJtf. i*ov. 

30. disqiGovovv dl ol dpttyovisg idg fibag r] Kal id ngofiaia 
lovg naQodfiag v if/ bdco o^oog [teiakdfiaiGiv $ aviov. 31. Kai 
yaka 10 fiovivoov tv loTg oQfGi y.al iv iaTg odotg dno iov 
dv dl lai g TitiQait; xai loig OQfGtv ^xoiid^ovio diakoy^svo- 
f.ifva. 32. -^Ti^xafiov dl oi dovkol {JLOV ol id iwv fflowv xdi id iwv 
Tisvijiwv dGfiiaia ilvfyovifg y.al ohtyogovvieq. 33. KaiaQovial fjioi 
Ibyovitt? iig dv doirj t/py ^x i&v Gagxtiv aviov tyyogydfjvai xal 3[i- 
atya&fjvat ; Mar -^QIJGIOV oviog (tov TIQOC. aviovg. 



300 MAQHKB 

34. E?yov de xal tyatyovg xal dzxdyoQdov xiddgav, xal du* 
xQOvoftTjv TO xa& f/fttyav. 35. Kal &dfij3avov irp xiddgav xal dv&- 
vfivovv al lf)ocx.i, ptTa TO ea&iew amdg. 36. Kal ex TOV tyafaqoog 
dvefju pvqtrxov avTag TOV Osov, i va. dca^dacoai TOV XVQIOV. 37. Kal st 
TIOTI syoyyi&r ai QsQomatviq fiov, Hdp^avov TO ^a^Tr^iov, xal TOV 
fiia&ov Ttjg dvTaTiodoGiag iipafoov avraig, y.al xaTtnavov avrag T^ 

Qias TOV yoyyvapov. 

IV, 1. Td ds f jtta TXVK ptTa TIJV vatjQeaiav TT/g dtaxovfaf 
ov xct& fjfitgav TO dsiavov avTwv xal Tag TQSig UVT&V ddekcpdg, 
inoQsvoiTO Tiaod Tcp ddekycp avrmv TO) nQ<jftvTtQ<$, Kal tnoiovv TIOTOV. 
2. AviGTaiAtvog ovv lyon TO HQWI dve tptQOV VTTBQ a^Trm> Ovaiag, QI- 
yovg aly&v v, xt nQofima 16 TavTa &x TZSQITTOV fig dvdkmpa Totg 
7iTK>%oig. 3. Kal t&vyov avTOtg ^/co ravTa la[*{3dvT ntQiTta. xal 
deydrjTe vn\Q TWV Ttxvcov pov. 4. Mrj dga oi viol fiov r^aQTOV tvcb- 
niov xvQlov, Myovres psTa. xaTaqoorrjfrswg, ZTI ^fAsTg $G(A.lv Ttxva TOV 
nlovGiov Tovds drdgbs r\\Liv daTi: T ^QJipatct TavTa. did ii ds xal 
diaKovovpsv 5 5. TavTa Myovreg ^ vTZforjqiavi ag, naQtagyifyw TOV &eov 
xal fan ftd&vyiMt Ivnvxiov KVQIOV rj vnso^dvsia. 6. MvtcpeQO* ds 
xal poG^ovg TQJ tnl TO ftvaiaatriQiov faywv, \ni] TIOTB oi viol fiov xaxd 
tworjaav TiQog TOV dsov tv TI] xagdiq avrcov. 

7. TOVTCO TO) TOOTTCO fiiovvTog fiov^ 6 diafiokog ovx yvsyxf TO 
dyct&ov. dtJkd dns k&wv QfiTrpaTO XT ^iov TOV no kspov naQa TQ> && 
8. KaTr^&zv sn Ipl dvqhtmg. 9. Kal nywov plv tcployrjoe TO nkrftoq TOW 
TToo^aTcav^ tneiTa Tag xafifaovg, siTa Tovg fioag xal ndvTa, TO. XTrjvrj 
Ta ptv q>1i6yi]a, TO. ds fjyfiakcoTia&yaav, ov povov nag 1 ty&Q&tv dUd 
xal dno i&v naoj tyov sveQysTq&tvTWV. 10. Kal k&oi>Teg oi noi- 
ftt vfg dvrjyysddv poi TavTa. 11. Eyoa d& dxovaag do%aaa TOV 
xal ovx s-f&aGtyrjfiyffa. 

12. TOTS 6 didfiokog syvajxmg fiov xayTSQt av, xaT[Mj%av/iaaTo 
tfjtov m 13. MsTaayrjuaTia&e ig *?g ftaaiMa T&V fltQawv tntaTr) 
tyfj nolei, xal avvayaywv ndvTag Tovg v avTfi navovQywg fka 
avToTg, psTa dnedrjg Mycav. 14. OvTog 6 dvqp 6 7w/5 6 dvakcaaag 
TidvTa TO. dyafta Trjg yrjg xal [ttjdtv xaTa/.s/ncov^ o dyaviaag xal xaTa- 
TOV vaov TOI &sov. 15. dio xal iyw aTiodaxjo) avTO) xa& a xal 

sv [tTa TOV ol xov TOV [Atydkov &eov. 16. Nvv ovv dn&&tTB 
avv ft[Aol, xal axv%.sv(j(a(j.8v navTa TO. vnaQ^ovTa dv T$ O/XQJ avTOv. 

17. Kal aTzoxQi&tvTsg SITIOV avTcp s%et vlovg xal ftvyaTtQag y. 

18. My aQa xaTa<fvyco(jii> sfg STtgag %WQag, xal ivTvywai xa& fipav 
obg TVQavvowTCW, xal "komol tnuvti&CQOiv tf r/fidg 

xal dnoxTti vcoaiv ifiag. 19. Kal sJnsv avToig /*t] 



301 

avTOv xal TO n\q&os aviov dnwktaa iv TIVQ^ in dl dU.a 

xal idov xal id rt xva aviov ;zo/.H7cu. 
20. Kal lavTa finoyr avioTg dnskftow xctitfials TOV oJxov In} 
Ta lixva IJLOV xal uvsfl.ev avTa. 21. Kal GVf.inol.iiai idovTfg oil 
a).rj&7j ytyovs id tiorjuiva vn aviov, tnfhftovTfg idion^dv ^^, y.o,\ 
ndvrn ia. tv i\\ oh.tht. fiov difjonaZov. 22. Kal f?dov iol$ oy&eduoT^ 
fiov ir,v nQnnynv tov oi xov (Jiov xai tndvco roof toan^&v uov xai 
ia)! KQCtffidiw [AOV drdoag dtekft^ YM\ dri^ovg YM\ ovx 

i it Y.O.I avicnv. 23. HrortjfJtvog ydo r^tijv m^ ywi] 

ana TOV nkyftovg tcov wdvvcov, [tvtjffO flg [id^iora TOV TTQO- 
Q [tor 7io7.bfj.ov iTio lov y.vfjiov Sid TOV dyy&ov aiTov. 
24. Kal iffvonifv ojg f-i cfOQTiov tyfiakkoftfvov iv 
y.al fisnonf^ajiffac, Idaw ir t v tQtxvpfav x) ir^v tvaviiwviv TWV dv 

fit; ftdkaaaav TO cpogTt ov, /fyoov 25. Qtlco dnohsaat id 
OVOV ffoekftfiv efg irji ai.^iv, iva xfQdafvoo TO n^oTov (jeooorr- 
fitvov xal id y.QZtiTova lojr axevocv. 26. OVTCO xyoo rjyriffdfJiriv id 
B(.id. 27. TOTS 7,P.#y ttf()Q$ dyyri.oi;, xal av^didd^L ^8 itjv TCOV 
Ttxvwv dnwhutav xal tt(X()(x%&ijv usydkrjv iaoayi]v. 28. Kal 
id ifAwttd pov, xal Kinov.^ o XVQIOS sdooxsv^ 6 xvoioq 
iro, oo g TO) XVQI CO sdo^e, OVKD xal sytvsio s t"r/ TO 
xv Q ( ov f v A o y q (i t v o v. 

V, 1. Idwv oi-v b 2aiavaq OTI ovdlv dvvaial fis fig okiyo- 
Qiav iittWai, dntlftmv f^rjaaro TO GW(id ^ov nayd TOV xvo/ov y iva 
inevsyxfl pot n\r\y}\v^ dion ovx rjvs yxev 6 novrjooq trjv vn tfAovyv [tov. 

2. TOTA; naQtdwxt [At 6 xvQtog fig idg %tiQag aviov %Qrj(ra<jftai TW 
(jwfiaTi fwv ag {Jovl.fTat, ir t g dl tyv%tjg (tov ovx tdmxfv aviw t^ovcrfar. 

3. Kal n()oJ]k&s xa&ijiiivqt 1*01 tm &QOVOV xal TifvftovvTt id Ttxra 
jMOv. 4. Kal (IjMOfcoi^T/ nfjdkri xaiaiyidi, xal TOV &QOVOV (tov xaif- 
GTQ\p, TiyoGXQOiGag (AS 1m Tqv y^j . 5. Kal faofyffa woag Tosig 
xsffifvog inl tddcpovg xal i-naTa^f [tf nkr\yi]V (Txkrjodv, ano xo- 
Qvtyyg fcog dvv%K>v TOW nodixrv [wv. 6. Kal tv usyal.ri taoayji xdi 
ddaifjiovt ci $*r^d-ov ir t v nbt.iV xal xaOsa&slg In! ir\4 xonQiag, 

TO (j&fAa. 7. Kal GVV^QB-/^V it]V yrjv ex 
xal i^ooQfg TOV (jcafAaiog tQQfOV, xal axwl.TjXfg nollol 
iv avTK). 8. Kal si TZOTS dtytQTaio dxoaA^^ f*x TOV GMViaiog [iov, 
OIQOV aviov xal xatojxi^ov eig TO avio l.tycov naodftfivoi fv IM avTw 
iv 4j itot^dri^ d^Qig ov int6id\&r\ GOI vno TOV xskf-vaaviog cot. 
9. Kal oviwg diygxeva hr\ t, xatft^opfvoQ iv xonQici e%( 



l ) Note LXX, Job I, 21. 



302 

l?ig n 6). tag iv raig 7i*/.t]yaig. 10. Kal idov roig oq&as.uoig pov 
iiv.v<f. fiov no&Tpd. 11. TTJV tanuvrp fiov /watxa ir t v nocarp> iv T# 
vovyfj xal doQWfOQlq OdJuifUvopbnp, idov aiirp i-dooyooov- 
tig olxov iivog aGyt /povog fc naidi <7y.j]r, icog or -dfa U.QIQV xal 
.r] {JLOi. 12. Kal fym xatavevv/uttog tit /of w ir,$ ds.ct Zoviag 
iwv dQjwrwv ifjq noleoog vaimjg, ovg ovdi dZiovg eJvai y.vvmv 
rmv l^imv 10/j.ddwv y y o v p a i^), or< nw$ /omiiai tf t yapfTfj uov 
mg dov/Jdt. 13. Ka) utid tavia. dvu.aftov luojiapov 

14. Kai (JtTot. iy.arov yoovor^ xat ainov tov aorov aq.tfi,amo tov 
ngoosvey&rivcLl /MO/, [*6s.ig fntTotwavrig t /tn ainrp rr t v Idfav ro 

15. Kal avTt] /.apfidvovea difpto&v iavrfi ie y.at tyoi /.tyovaa 

Oval poi. idya ov yoord^frai tov aorow xai orx 

iv iv if t dyooa 7iQoaairr,aai O.QTOV Tiaod 
ov nQOGtvtyxfl /noi y.ai tydyoj. 

16. Kai 6 2ctiavdg rovto yvovg, utrsfjyTjuari G&T} fig 
rov y.al iytitTO y.utd ffVfXVQ/a* uTze/.&eTv noog avrov irp yvvaixd 
IJLOV, aforjffai nnuv dorov, rofit^owrav tlvai ai-rbv dv&ocoTiov. 17. Kal 
6 2aravag fa yfi ainf, 7zaod(J%f \JLQI TO T/fCi/fue, y.al /.afe n &&fig 
18. -AnoxQi&ffaa dl rrw l.tyti no&sv pot doyvoiov ; r, u /yot?g id 
pot wdf 7iovr,od; ti fitv &tr](jOi , f/.tr]Gov fi dt {tfy ffv 
19. Kal dnsy.Qi&rj nd),iv t.iywv fi pif d$ioi r t iB root xxwr, 
oux av dn&d{jti aiid. 20. Avy ovv fi uri iv ^fQol GOI doyi-oiov, 
vno&nv IJLOI rr/v tQi y^a irjg y.etya/.^g GOV, y.al /.afie TQfig 
i cojg dvvrjdrfitG&e ^aai iv rarg xoiclv tut oaig" 21. Tor* 
Iv tavrfj it ydo fioi toiiv 77 &Qi$ tr.g xfcpas.ijg pov noog tbv 
rd (j.ov avdQa ; 22. Kal owcog y.aia^QorrjGaaa lavrrjr, 

dq y.fToov us. 23. Tor^ JLaftiov ifjal.ida, ^ tag 

ai-rrjg naviwv oofWTtoy, xa/ tdcoxsv avrfj TQfTg dgvovg. 
24. *H d& lafiovGa, fads xai nnoGtysQ* pot y.al 6 2aiavdg guUfrf 
OTitG&fv ai-rrig Iv if odea nfQinarwv y.fXQvpptvog, y.al ri.ayid C.tov 
avtrjg ir^v xagdiav. 

\ 7 I ? 1. Kal d/ua if JiyyiGK ngbc fit f} yvvri [iov, dvaxod$aGa 
v&uov ).iyei fio/ J /co/9, /cb/?, ^) fi^Qt rlvog 
tc irjg ^oP.fto?, koyi&pevog in\ fitxpov, xal 

vq g cwtyQiag GOV. 2 A ^ /co 7i).avjjiic xal 
TOTIOV x IOTTOV jifQte^yo^tvT]. 3. Jdoi 1 /(> a^oP.co^.fy nnb 



x ) Words missing here. 

2 ) LXX to Job XXX, 1. 

3 ) After LXX to Job II, 9. 



JIA&HKH. 



303 



*<> pvypoavvov ffov ol viol pov xai at ftvyartysg 

xoi&fag xal nbvoi xal wdvvai ot>c slg TO 

psrd uo/tfov; 4. 2v ds xd&y Iv aanQia 
diavvxrsQtvtov ai &Qiog- 5. Kdym ndliv r ( nava&lia 

xal Ktivwofifrq rjpfQag xal vvxrbg, fag dv 
(XQTOV TZQoasvfyxw Got. 6. OvxtTt yo.Q fioi dldoiai 6 TtSQiriog 
fafftog fnetdtj fioyig xal rrjv tyyv TQocpr/v la^dvm x/ 
do/ T xat ^o?, svvoovfifvrj tv rf t xctQdlq, /*ov, oti ovx dpxerov tlral 
as ev Tiovoig xal tv ).ipcp HQIOV. 7. Evolprjva dvat(j%vvTwg ek&etv slg 
tip dyoQKV, xal tov ngmov einwrog pot, dbg doyvQiov, xal "^r^sig 
aQiovg, edei%a aviq) irjv dnoQiav rjftmv. 8. Kcu faovara, nag avrov" 
si prj fyeig agyvQiov, 7iaoda%ov \JLOI ir ( v tQiya rrjg ttecpalfjs aov, xal 
iQftg ttQtovg, iff cog ffotff&t tv IQIGW rjfitQaig. 9. 

ffaov airicp dvafffdg xsioov jut xal ovuag dvanic&c 
dog diifitog sxeigt pov tr t v tofya tfjg xstyctl7}<; h ifi 

rov o%kov xal ftav/ud^ovioe. 
10. Tig ovv ovx i-^enkdyri keycnv, oil avtrj tail ^ing r t yvvv inv 
/cJi/9, fyiig e7%fv GxsnaCovra avrrjg ro xadrjotr/Qiov ftfjha dexaitvcjaoa, 
xal &vQag wdo&SV &VQWV, fwg av oloog xaia&mfltj rig efoa%&yvat 
Jiyog avtrjv- xal vvv ids xaraMdvaei rr/v toi %a avirjg aril O.QIOV ; 
10. O2 rjffav xdfidoi yffAiGptvoi dya&Gtv, xat a7Zs<pt()ovTO sfg %(Qa$ 
toTg 7iTaj%oTg, vvv dldmaw avvr/v T(>(%a dvrl UQIOV 11. "Ids ryv 
fyovvav em a iQani^ag dxivrjiovg ml rf]g olxtag wv ya&iev nag 
Tirm-yog xal nnq Ztvog, vvv xaiantTTQaaxfi rr\v igfya avTrjg dvxl 
UQTOV. 13. Bl.tns re rpig sfys ibv vintfjQa. t!xv nodwv ^QVGOVV xal 

aQyvQovv, vvvl dt noai fiadf&i enl ^doqiovg 14. Eiders bit 

avrr] kailv rptg (?%s TO wdvpa tx fivvaov ^vyaaptvov %Qvaa), xal 
agti dvrixaia)2d(7crsi irp igfya avvrjq dvrl &QTOV 15. Bfa nsrs rrjv 
rovg XQaftpdtovg ^Qvatovt; xal agyvQ^ovg Bypvaav, vvvl de 
rrjv TQi%a avrTjg dvrl dgrov. 16. Kal anas, anl&g, 7co/9, 
ovrcov r&v sfQrj^vcov /uoi, ffvvrofiKig Ityw nor ilasl fj aod&fia rrjg 
xaQdt ag pov avvtrgiipt ftov rd oard" dvaar^Ot ovv as xal la flow rovg 
dgrovg ^oordffdrjrt -., xal sinwv ri (jjjfia nQog XVQIOV,^) xal 
rslsvra. 18. Kaym de ndkiv dnaHayti dxrjdiag did nbviov rov 
ffov. 

19. Kal fy<x> dnsy.Qi di]v avrfj idov tyto STird f rrj /oo v ratg 
, vffiardfisvog rovg Gxca}.7jxag rovg v TW ffcoparl (tov, xal ovx 
ryv tyvyfy fiov did rovg nbvovg. 20. "Offov did TO (j 



LXX to Job II, 9. 



304 41AQHKH. 

o fiTiag, on slnov ii (nuia TiQog XVQIOV xal istevia ofiwg id xaxd 
tavia dnKQ bong vTioytgoo xal vno<]pe()eig t xal irjv TOO? vnaQybviwv 
dnG&siav V7io[tevoj t ufv 21. Kal flovkei fjftag O.QII kod.f]<7ai it 
nQog XVQIOV xal aTirj^oorQicodrJiat lov fusydkov n^ovlov ;*) 22. Iva 
vi dl ovx tf^vt fff&rj^ ta)V (JLsynkcov XEI VOJV ayn&&v, v oig vTir /Q^ofisv^ 
et ovv rd dyafta x %eiobg KVQI OV sde^diisda , id d& xaxd 
nd\iv ov% v Hop tv ops v;2^ xal fiaxgoOvftrjaoiitv v na.vi\, ?<n<; 
ov 6 xvoioq Gn\c*.y"fvi6&f}$ ^rj<jfi rjftug; 23. AQGL GV ov% OQng lor 
didftoknv oTiiadtv aov fdr^xora, xJ laQdaaovia tovg diakoyi<Jnov$ 
<jov oncog xJ eps dTiarr/nsig^ 24. Kal aiQ^slg yw ngbg rbv 
2atavav sTnov dia il oi 1 / Q%ov in\ ta ^TtQonOsv TiQoq ^K\ navacu 
g rakat THUGS 25. Mr/ 6 l^cnv vrjv ia%i>v dsixvvvst iv ifi 
nsistvov dviniarai v x(>Tft/.P.co ; xal vvv aoi 



26. Tot? fi^ottiffO Sv T^C yvvaixbq pov i^rfiftsv, xal 
juov xkalcnv y.al Afcyoo^ 1 * /fo, Vooj5, diacpawaj x/ vno^wQw GOI 
ffaoy.ivK) ovii lym sipi nvsvfia , 27. Ka.} GV [ttv iv n^ffi V7ido%ig, 
i ycb de sfal Ivoy^r^^i (jiiydhri 28. ^EyKvo^iriv ov VQOJlQV 
ndkaitov psr M&hrjiov. y.ni fig rev Zvot. xat^oorj^fv Ttl.rjaag to 
avTov dppov, y.al nctv p&og avtov (jv*/xkd<7ag o df vnoxdico avroi 
xal Ivzyxctvios avrov xrjv %a(JTQt av, d f.ij] diaqxnvTJGavTog, 
ds axfirjv $ndvW OVTCO xal G-J , /co/9, vnoxdtcn s?g } xal Iv 
xal r nova d) evfxrjaag id nalaiaTQixd uov d 

(JOl, YM\ idol V7TO%COQK) (70V. 

30. Tor* y.avai<Tyvvft?lg 6 2avat>ag dvs^oofjrjffsv a 
31. i\ r vv ovv i?Kva [tov iiaxoo&vut jcrKTs xal vpslg v anvrl a 
vfiiv kvnrjQw oil xgefaffov earl ndvxwv f] paxQO&Vfu a. 

VII, 1. Tors rjxovaav ol fiamksig id avfjtfisfitjxoTa [tot, xal 
dvaffrdvrsg fa&ov Tioog {is sxaarog in ir"]g tdi ag %cooag 
x/ Ttaoapv&rjcroftfvoi fit 2. Hv/xa $s rjyyiadv pot 
qxavfj fiKydl,!} d it q yrj^av f y.aaroq ryv savtov at o). rjv, 
3. Kal x aTao~7Tao~d/u,voi yH]v in\ rdg tavtwr x(pa7.dg, 
TiaQsxddrjGdv fioi tnid ^fi^Qag y.al kmd vvxzag, xal ovdslg 
avt&v kfl.dlyxs pot (jfjtia 1 4. *Haav ds vfoGaQeg r^j dQi&pqf 
o @ao~il.tvg QsfAavcov^ xal Bo^ddd^ xal ^GjcpaQ, xal 
5. Ka&^bpsvoi diel.oyl^ovio id TISQ\ fyov 6. Kal yaQ 



1 ) I read thus for 

2 ) After LXX to Job II, 10. 

3 ) LXX to Job II, 1213. 



305 

TO nymiov oV dv VjgyQVio noog fif, xal tjod[ir]v dvacftfQfiv avioTg 
rove nol.vrsl.tlg Mftovg, aTie&avfja^ov. 7. Kal fhsyov, on lav I,(JLMV 
in. %()T}[iaia avvayO)} fig fi> i-nl TO avro, ov jttf/ 
lovg IfQovc lovg HvfioZovg tt-g fiaodfiag /oo/ftx/? wysyfoifgog 
yd() BI icov g/ fjMov dvaio7.uv. 8. Hv/xa ydQ fa&ov TOT? tm T//V 
Avoitida. OTiojg tintaxftyoofft [*f, rfQwrrjaav iv Tfi nofai, TTOV 3 /co/?^ o 
trig %(nQag Tavrtjg okyg {Jaffilfvow ; 9. Kal Jiprpvaav avtoTg ntQi 
tfiov on xaftrpiMi Inl r-fjg xongfag %w tt/g no^ecog^ idov yag tii] 
[A,rj nv&&(&v tv it, nofai, 10. Kal nakiv rj(>ayii](7av nsol TOJV vaaQyov- 
IG)V pot xal i-dqkw&Ti avtoig fa ffV(J,@e@qxova uoi ndvxa. 

11. Kal axowfaweg ^rjk&ov trjv noktv dfta. roig nokltaic Y.QLI 
ol [itv nokiicti \iov vTZidfi^dv fif avroig 12. Oi dl uwtfaftvov 
Myovvsg JM?/ flvaf. [is tov /w/?^ 13. Kal fit di*(j)i@aM.6vTcov aiiwv, 
Myf.t. *E)ii(fdg o QsfAavmv fictGiksvq fit-vie tyytGmntv YMI i fi<x>[j.sv. 
14. Kal Igypufvinv avrcov, tifiijvv&f] poi TISQI cti vajv xctl fyco t xhavaa 
ffq)odQ&g [Mt&mv tt]v efavGiv ainonv. 15. Kal yffV Inl it]v 
[iov dvtdrjxa xal xa&f6[J.svog tixfoow irjv xecpaktjv fwv xal 
avTt,v i-dfocoffa oil $yw eifit 16. Idovreg 3s xtvovvia rtjv xfCful.t jv 
[iov, xartTisaov tm ii]v yf^v s xkvftdvtpg 17. Kal foinii&oov raw 
(jTQaTV[idiojv avtwVj ff&7iov tovg ipt-rg @aGil.fTg xaiegQiptvovg fv if t 
yft wrrtl rexyovg tnl ojQag igsig 18. TOTS dvafftdvitg 

on ov TZiGttuofisv on oviug tanv Icofinfi. 19. Kai 
iaTg fjfipQaig diax^fvovifg id xai ifj.e ? didkoyitoiit-voi. id if 
xal id vnagyovKx. fiov^ lifyoifeg 20. Mr ovx oifiaftev id 
d dya&n. id daoGlt^ofitra vn j aviov fig lag Jiidtig Y.n.\ fig 
idg xvx^aj xcafiag dindtdoG&ai iofg niw^oig, TtagexTog y.n\ iwv tv ir\ 
oixia aviov fiffiofifvcov; n&g rvv fig ir ( v loiaviyv vexQotqia, xal 



21. Kal field idg fjpfQag dnoxgidtfig Elfovg f7nf loig 
, nooGfvvfffcofitv avi(l> xnl dgSTaGtiifJtsv axQifitig ff oAoog f(7iiv 
Icofidfi r) ov 22. Oi fif [iov ovioq wg f/fiKTtcog aiadiov dia ir/v 
fiv(7K>fiiav iov Gmpaiog [iov, dvaaidvifg nyoGriyytadv fiot fyovifg 
evwfifag v lalg ^fQ^lv avt&v, Gvvovtcov avion i&v GiQanwitii , xal 
i[iara fittkhovimv [toi xvxkcoftkv, onwg dv dvvtjO&Gi 
23. Kal notf GctVTfg wtrfl wgag iQfig, ^tog^yovvTfg ia 

[iov tyirovio 24. Kal nnoxQi&flg E^Kfd^ flnt [ior GV 
f7 7w/? 6 GVfifiaffdfig vfiwv ; GV 6 f%wv iois itjv [ifydkrjv do S.av _ 
25. 2v ei 6 (f)G3iiL.G)v wg ifiiog iT/g i l [if f Qag tnl ndarjg ifjg y?ig; 2v ff 
^g Gfkt tVi] xal of aGifQtg t-v TOJ (Aeffovvxifip qia/vovitg 26. Kal 
dnoKQidflg sinov aviat t-ydi sifir xcu ovicag xkavGavieg xbavftfirv 
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



306 

ufyav GVV &Qrjvco fiaffdixw, avsyobvyGsv xal 6 GiQaing avi&v 

27. Kal Tidhv vTTokaftoijv ^Aigwif 1 ) My si pot 2v si 6 id snidxig 

%lha nybfiaia svid^ag sig iyv i&v 7iia>%6jv svdvGiv ; nov vvv 

/) do$a iov 0()6^ov GOV; 28. 2v si, o id^ag iQiG^lkia sig iov 

[iov iov imv nsvrjiwv; nov vvv ivy^avsi rj do^a GOV ; 29. 2v si 6 lovg 

XyvGsovg x(>a{3fidiovg s%cov, vvv ds xadqusvoQ snl xongiag 

30. 2v si 6 idg idQVftt vag $tjxovia i^an^ag loTg 7Zico%oig GiyQi ^ag^ 
GV si o id &v(juair t oia irjg wdfjg sx \(&tav svdo^wv fywv ; nov vvv 
ivy^dvst tj doa GOV^ oil sv dvGwdt q vvv vndi)^sig\ 31. ^t* tsi 6 
%QVGSovg snl idg aQyvydg fyoav, vvv ds TiyoGdoxqg i^v tyvGiv iov 

(fODioi; irjg Gshyvyg 32. 2v si 6 dliftfia tymv sx iov ktfidvoVj 

vvvl ds sv GaTiyt q wv 33. v si o xaiayskwv icor ddtxovv- 

103V xal dpaoiavoviwv, vvvl tytvov favq naai. 

34. Tor ds Ekicpat, [taxQvvoviog iov xkavd^iov, vJiOtycovovviwv 
avic!) itiv fiaGiktwV) COGIS ysvtGftai fisydhrjv ia()a^t f v avicai , slnov 
avioig 35. 2iQ)nais, xal vnodsi^co vjuv iov &QQVOV [iov xal iqv 
do^av iT/g srnosnsi ag aviov tfiov o Sgbvog au .vibg SGIIV 36. O 
xoG^og ohog TtayslsvGSiai^ xal ?/ do^a aviov tyftatsTjffsiai, xal oi 
aincp SGOviat, vTioxaico aviov sviov 6 Oyovog sv 10) 
SGil xal fj loviov doa xal ij svnQtnsia x ds^iaiv iov 
ilGiiv sv oi Qavoig 37. Epov 6 ftgovog vndo^si sv irj 
dylq ^cof/, xal rj do^a zv ico alm i ico d?ia()aHdxico SGII V. 38. Oi. 
[isv TioiafAol y()av&/ l Goviai xal ia ya^Qta^aia aviojv 
sig id fidftrj itjg dfivGGOv, oi dl Troia^iol ifjg tyTig yijg y & 

[iov ov ^rjQalvoviai dH tGQiiai sig zr> dwjvsxsg 39. Oi 
; TfaQslsvGoviai j xal oi yyovfisvoi 7ra()tQ%oiiai xal // do%a 
:avyr]na tGiai (ag dv SGOTIIQW^ spov ds fj fiaaiksi a sig 
aitiwa aitivog, xal /} do%a xal ?} svngineia avifjg sv loTg dgfiaGi iov 



VIII, 1. Kal fyo v lavia sinoviog nttbg aviovg, 
f?7is nQog lovg aklovg <p/kovg ii %QrjGi[iov on oviwg 

iv io7g GigaisvpaGiv oodf, iva TiaQainv&ijGOf^s&a aviov 
idov oviog eyxahi r^iv did dva%oo()r]GG)[isv sig idg tdiag 
2. Oviog v lakamcoQt a Gxcolrjxwv xddrjTai v dvawdict, xal 
syBi Qf-iai xaO- 1 i]^m> "kkycav fiaGiksiai naQ^Q^oviai xal oi i)yov[ivoi 
aviow, rj ds dur] fiaGdeta, qujGlv, SGiai fcog lov aitivog 3. ^ivaGidg 
ds iv fisydkr] ixga%fl Elitpd^ tfyxlivsv an aviwv sv iiayd krj "kmir\ 
Itymv syc*) noQKVGO^ai s^lvda^isv ydy iva 7iaQaf4.v6f]G(o^s0a aviov, 



l ) Eliov? is a copyist s error. 



JTAQHKH. 307 

xal airtog XKI&VJKV f/pag dntvavii imv GTQaiiGjimv fjft&v. 4. TOTS 
tx()dir]Gtv avtbv tfjg % ()cg Hyoov oi>% o vrwg $H lakijaa 
wncp ntvOovvn, ov pwov dt H xal tv no)J.aig nhflaig ovn 
5. Idov ?/juefi; okoog vyia/vowsg ovx ia^vGafisv TiQoasyyiGai avi& din 
ir\v dvawdlaVj si [it] did nhsiovog svoadiag (TV ds oAcog dfiv^fioav s7g t 
/iA/qpa^ dnktig ysvov 6. Nvv ovv fiaxfjoOvfiyaojfiav tva yv&(ji8v i> 
iivi EGTO.I . ; iii] it uQa fitfivijffxofievog avtov if/g svdaiftoviag itjg 
sfidvrj xaza ipv^ijv 7. Tig yag OVK nv 
viov roiovtov $vv7ifQ@aM.oV ia xaxofg xal 
ectffov [is TiQoasyyiGai, avra) not yvcocrofMU *V tivi Sffiai. 

8. Kal sysgOitg Bagdad nQoariyyiG& p.ot Itywv GV tl 7oo/9; xa/ 
slnoVj vai teal slnsv <*.QO, v TOJ xadefftwri iatvv r\ xaydi a aov j 
9. Kuyw ulnov, iv fi&v toig ytfl voig ov (jvvtGirjxi-v, tns 
// yy xal Tidvrsg oi xaioixovvTsg iv avij { tv ds voTg ovgavotg 
rj xaydia /nov, dion ovy v7iaQ%ti v ovoavw vaya^ii. 10. 
ds BakdnS Myst, on p.tv yiv^Jxo^ii-v ity y7 t v dxa idaia iov ov 

rj xara xnioov dKkoioviai, tviotf xai eiyrjvsvti, t(rft OIK xal 
i nsol Ss rov ovgavov uxovoptv on svGva&ef 11. silX 
dtl dlydtig iv IM xadsaiMi Ti>j>%dvtig tycovrjaco dl h yw xal sav 
dTtoxQidfjg f^oi TiQog tov TiQwiov vovv, t-%K) (js ^(jooifjfjni v i(t) dtvn-ow, 
xal av (/noxQiOtjg pot svataOtg , drfiov on fj xaQdia aov ovx 
^tarrjxfv 12. Kal f?7iW sr iivi av $.HI&I$\ xa] tinrtv Km TW 
TO) t,wvii 13. Kal siTTt [tor tic, dcpsfaavo aov ia vndo^ovia., // Uny 
aoi rag 7i"kr)yaq tavvag; xuyod tmov, o Oeog 14. Kal slnsv, si TO) 
6kcp JULal&igj n&g ddixTjGai XQtvsig, tnsvsyxajv GOI rag n^riyaq xal 
GvpcpoQag vavrag, r\ dcpfliopfvog GOI in vnaQ^ovia 15. Et 81 xal 
dcpsikato, fypyv avrbv firj dtdvvai ti^ ovdt nove ftaathnvg d 

avtov, xaktig avtov doQvqtOQOvvKx. 16. Kal d 
i] ng nois xaiakrjtytiai ra fiddr] vov XVQ/OV xal t7]g Goqu ag 
avrov, IVGL Tokftag nQoadmsiv iw xvpfoj adixrjfia ^ 17. Kal Bal.dad 
s?7isv dnoxQivov not 7ro/9 TTQog ntvra xal ndkiv ^tyou GOI^ si tv TOJ 
xaOsGrtin v7id(>%sig, didct^ov fit fi tan Got qjQovyatg 18. dia ii 
i fiiov fis-v oo&fjsv dvaithkovza tm dvarol.ag dvvovra dl tv ifj dvasi 5 
xal nakiv dviavdftfvot xard TTQMI BVQfGxofJitv avvov tv dvaiol.aig 

; vovdtrqGov fte ayog Tavva. 

19. Einor ds 6700 did t! ovv fj-tj kal^Ga rd (isyaksTa toi 
in v if] xaydiq pov ; ^ olmg av niaiGri pov TO Gic^a slg 
tov dsGnbiriv; [it] ytvoiio 20. Tivsg ydo tGplv Tto^vn^ay^iovovvisq 
TO) nov<)avi($, Gagxivoi ovitg xal fyovteg ii]v psQi da tv yi] xal Iv 
G7todi$; 21. "Iva ovv yv&ts on Gw^Girfxtv fj xagdla jitov, dxovffars 

20* 



308 MA&H.KH. 

o x f-Tisyootob vpag 22. /Jid tov atofia^og ovv i] tQoy n, xal Tidhv to 
vdwQ did tov atlftatog 7/vstai teal opov xatty%ovtat did tov cpdgvyyog 
otav ds xatafifj td dvo sig tov dysdyowa tots dyoQi&rtai an 
n k kiikwv tig ovv tavta /e0/; 23, EJns ds o Balddd, dyvoti. Eyw 
ds vnokapoov tJnov avtcp el (TV ii\v TOV ffapatog vov noytav oc 
xataka[i{3dvig, Ti&g td tnovQavia xatcdrjyjeig; 24. c Tno"ka^oyv ds 
2w(fdQ My si* ov%l td vnsf) TJUOOV SQSvv&fiftr, dkkd fiovk6[4sda yvmvai, 
tdv v tm ffavtov xadsatuti v7icf()%eig v.n\ idov dtydms tyvwusv oti f] 
(7ov ovx t]M.oia6t] 25. 1Y ovv fiovlti fjpai; Iv aol dia- 
j Idov ynQ nayovteg /*td fj^cov avtojv tovg latQovg tow 
sfaaydyopw xal si fiovlti frsQansvOqii nay avtow. 
26. AnoxQidelg ds syw elnov, q ^rj iacng xal deQansia naga XVQIOV 
t(Jtlv tov xal tovg tatQovg xti <javtog. 

IX ? 1. Kal Ifjiov tavtn nyog avtovg Myowofy iSov r\ yvvr] fiov 
2t tig i-v ifiatloig (jaxxcbdeo~iv dnodfjaaaGa. i?x tyg tov dsffnotov 
dovMag o> IdovkevcreVj e nii sxcolvtto ti&Wstv, iva fir] Idovtsg avtijv 
oi fiuvdtig dQTtdcfcoffiv 2. "Ore ds tydev, iggiifiev saviijv nayd tovg 
Tiodag avtwv xha iovna xal hsyovaa {ivtjfrftrjti FAityut xul oi (flXoi 
brzoia tig qfiyv /Jsd vjucov, xui nwg <7tohi^6[.ir]i> vvv ds oQats trjv 
(jfv [iov tl svdvofjiai 3. Tots xkavaavtsg oi. fiaadsig 
xal ysvoiiKvoi v 8inl.fi dxr}dtq sviwTiyGav wars tov 
dgavta tijv nogyvQida nvtov TisQiyQ/Wai in* avtrjv 
4. H 3s ?dt : sto avtov ItyovGa naoaxa^m vftag, XVQIOL ^ov, oncog 
xskevffijts toTg (rtQutiwTai,g vfjicjv i va (JxdtyKxrt tj]v ntaxsiv tt]g oixt ctg 
fl fiwr ti]v TTSffovactv indvw toTg ti-xvoig fiov net xal ta oat a avt&v 
m fji fyata 5. *Enit i]fjng ovx fa^vaa^sv did td 
oncog i^suijco^sda xdv td oatd avtatr. 6. Mt] aou ds 
w ./} xtTjvcbdyg yatrvtya Q-TIQIOV f/co, oti td ttxva [ii>v dtxu ovtu 

v fiui qiitQct. xal ovdsv avt&v dxydsaa 7. Kal 
oi fiaffdfig tov Gxatyrivai t)]v oixfav t /co ds Ixcokvaa avtovg 
8. My xdpetf sixfr ov ydi) iv^tai td naidia fiov, tTistdi] 
sial naQa tov drmiovQyov avtmv xal fiatjikt cog 9. Kal dnoxQid&vtsg 
oi ftaaikfTg slnov pot tig ndliv ovx t\jfT oti ^fffijg xal fiai vsi ; 
10. "Oti fiovkoptvovg fjfiag dyaytlv to do~td toov Tiaidcov dov, xoo^vsig 
Mywv^ oti dvskr/qj&tjaav xal ilcf)v)d%&r](7av nagd tov drj^iov^yov avt&v 
dio sxcpavov r\\uv to dkydtg. 

11. *Eyw ds tfnor avtoTg, tnsystQstt jus tva Gtw, oi ds qyetqdv 
ps sxattQwftsv tovg @()a%fovag vnoGtrioi^ovtfg 12. Kal ataftiig 
tc7) &soi TiQootov xal pttd tr>v fvyr> t v sinov avtoTg 
toTg otyfiakftoig v^mv TiQog dvatoldg 13. Kal dva- 



JIA9IIKH. 309 



ipavte g e/i T Ttxva jMOi faT8(pavK)fj,tva nay Ttg o?7 rot; 
inov Qavi ov flaodscog 14. c /f <? yvy^ /^ow 2i nq tdovaa tavta 
fig rrjv yrjv nQoaxvvovaa TM &cp xal kfyovaa Nvv s 

poi iivy/uovvvov naod xvyiov 15. Kal Tavra 
xaTaka^ovGrjg tnoQEvOrj tig vrp nokiv nQog lovg 
) olq Idovfavw, xal txoifit]&ij 7iQ\ ii]v (pdwijv xcov 
kfvrijGev dftvprjffaaa. 16. Kal 6 fiev df(77ionxog ci()%<x>v 
avttjg enii]lT]ffa$ avr^v xal fir] SVQOW sfa^k&sv slg ti]v snavhijv iwv 
wv xal f.v(jfv avitjv VKXQO.V i]nk(x>iAh r\v sn) r^g (pdrvrjg^ in ds 
wnc xkulovia. bTi avirjv. 17. Kal TTavifg Idovisg avii]v 
dvxQa,av [isiu xhuv&fiov, xal fj qpcor^ disdo&i] did Tzdcrrjg r7]g nokecog 
18. Kal ovewg ngoxofJifoavieg IxydeGav &d\paweg airrp snl rr]v 
oixi av tr]v avfjiTiTw&f-iGav i-m ra vtxva avtfiq, 19. Kal enofyaav 
ol JTToa/ot trig nofarvg xonribv ntyav inl n\)ir]v Ifyovteg "Idsis r t 
2faic s&tlv avrijt yg tov xav^fiarog xal irjg dotyg ov% vnt^s yvi t] 
xal ovx fj^itodij laqiijg dvayxalng 20. Tov psv ovv Oor t vov 10 v VTT 
ainov ysvoftwov fvorjoi-tK t<v roig naQaksino^voiq. 

X, 1. E^Kfd^ ds xal 01 JUT avtov &a[ji@i]&4vvg tm tovroig 
dvtKHOHQivofJLBVoi (ioi xal ^if.yal.oorjvovvtsg XT Ipov 
2. ( Dd(7xotisg on dixaicog tavra nbnov&a v 
TToMmv xal on &n)g ovx dns kffffOrj poi, syw tie 
3. Kal OQyiG&foieg dvilaTtjGav noQtv&rivai petd ftvpov xal rots 
COQXOWW avrovg [jifTvai fiixoov ?cog xal nem tovtov dfi^ai avvoig, ii 
eonv. 4. Elns ds on toaaviag fjptQag snoirjo a ie dvs^ofisvoi TM /co/? 
xav%aj[itrco slvai dixaiov, eyw dl ovx riv^Oftai. 5. "Ao^f^fv ydg 
xkatwv dtsT&fGa h avraj dvafJUfivijGxo^fVog rrjg wdatpovfag avrov 
t% TiQortoag, xal idov [tfyar xal vntofidl. kovr.u loyov &c&ijGe Mycov 
TOV tavrov &QOVOV t-v ovQavoTg. 6. Tolvov fyov dxovGats xal 
GG* v/jitv vr]v peQt da avrov sv nvi vnaQ^ovnav 7. Ton- 3 ELovg 
s[ini>8Vff&eig dno tov 2aiava i&ine (tot Myovg fl-QUGtig 01 nvsg 
dvayfyQaii^ avoi utGiv tv tofg naQa^Kinoiin oiq TOV Ekiovg. 

8. Mfta de TO aavGaG&ai avrov dvayavefg [ioi 6 Kv Q log 
did "kafkanoq xal vty&v t7?ie ptptydpevog TOV ELovg, xai 
vnodst^aQ pot TOV gv avT$ ka kovvra fir] s/vai avOgwnov dU.d dyqlov. 
9. Kal [isrd TO navGOG&at TOV xvoiov hahovvrd pot, finer o xvgtog 
TW Eh<fd, fyaQTsg <rv xal ol yttoi vov^ ov ydg ghalrjGare dlyftsg 
xaTa TOV d-SQaTiovTog fiov 7w/S. 10. dio dvaardvrsg noifjeats avtov 
VTTSQ vpwv dvacptyeiv rJvfft ag onwg dq>s&ij r] apagrfa avTr h si n^ yaQ 
dt avrov, dnu&ftta av vfjtag. 11. Kal avrol de agoarpsyxw [*oi T 
&vatav xal yo> kafiav dvyvsyxa vnlg avrwv rrjv &vGtav xal 



310 



J149KKH. 



o xvoioi TiooGfaSdufros dqrp.tr rrof$ tip dpapTi af 12. Tor* 
EJ.iqd~ xai Ba/Jdd xat Scaq.do jvoarifs or/ iyao(<jaiQ avtoTg *rp 
(fuaoriur avrcar din zof fttodxovTO* avvov 7oi^, Tor 81 E/.IOT+ ov 



TWT rl/J.tor xi TWF aiQaitvui&r mr/Gior tov 
13. Aai t/.f/fv OITOJC Elufdli 

ntoirorjrai rjuwr ff duamia, xai dntait] tjuwr fj d 

14. E uorz dl 6 woroc 7inrr t oo^ firtjuofn ror 017 ?zei tr Tofj p 
AJ 6 /.r/ro, t Tof ijpta&fit rjydriaf TO fyiffoz arrof* 

15. c // & 7/7,: 



Or< 17 c TT/ TO rrxoroiv x/ or^ Tor (f&yrog. 
16. O/ & ftvowoo i rr^ nwrtfai M.rjoorourjGOWJtv aiiov tip 
y.ai TM ti xotxnav 

rror o Voorog, 



/.(< T///r TOT fj-/rH".TO~ CtlTOV fF IMl 

17. ^H dn^fJt if- ror r.g^co. 1 y.r t.u.n^ xai TfJ t.tnt dcti TO? 



18. Oi x iy.f^fjnrn iniiM ror Kioior ovdi tyo{lr t &r l avr 
ru.t.a y.t .i rofj irti uor* aiTov nao 

19. E.7/.rtfttTQ rti TOi <> A l C /OJ X) O/ 



orx 



ir t tj. Ttifo? 10%** f 7 f.iaftr 

20. J *nir\i ^nt o A roioj. /.;# arror r xQiuara, 
n < .h I orx CTT/ ^poTco,70/.>/U . xgtrtf yap 

21. / -V,i Aro/o. nriQt ftrfTO idoi oi dyioi 
Tionrflovu-rcov rojr <7rerfttrcor y.n.\ TtJjr tyxcoufwr. 

22. _Y/(>i-Tcorri o/ ^yio/, ^yJ./T^w7r i xaodfat 
or/ aTifiJir^aai ir,v ^orr, r Tio 

23. 7 Hoi(u rd n^nfrtrjuain r^/dii x 

6 o*f norqtioi; E/Joi-g fr rnfc ZGJGI prrj[i6<jwo* orx ^rjr**. 

24. V*T-e ^ TO TiavGandai Euyd^ior furor, drrzurdrTtz 

utv ffi rrjv TZO/JV tf^ rj oixoiut* oixiar 25. Aa/ 7iexoir t xct9 
fi6J%ia9 tr ir t ifoxtf tTTjTi rov xvgfov, xai naoijitono noog pt 
oi qfi.oi pov. 26. Aai oo^o/ tidrjndr pi tvnoiorrza, jjpoorjyrrar / 
^. TI ^ap ^awr rrr oi Tp*r.;. 

XI, 1. 703 & v.ToAa^aw tvTioifiv TIOJJV 101$ 



l ) Cf. Job XLH, 11. 



4IAQUKH. 311 

2. d&Tf pot txaerog dp tad a piar fig tvdvffir To>r 
TGJT (r jVfMfAan orro>r xai rorf txaarog noocfrjrsjxt 
pot dpvada ftia* xai rfroddoa%uor yovatov xai doyvot ov. 
3. Kal TOT* 6 xvoiog tfaoftjffE xdrra pot caa V7if]0%f, xai n).T]dovr 
& nfjywf tiptow dno rf yoqudrcov xai xrr.vtiv Kal tun- "i.oiTiwv 
a>r O,-TQV.*O-, dniMifiov xai ettoa fig TO din f.ovv. 4. Ektfiov dl xa l 
tip prfTf oa vuoar xai tyiwriGci i^ag rovg dtxa drrl TOJT 
um fiixa T/xrcor 5. Kal rri. rtxra uov, irTt7J.ofiai 
vuiv fdoi? *7W Tt/.evroy i-ftfig rvt tcftr&e drrl fuov 6. Mo for fJij 
rov Kvoiov tvnoirjaatj&f rotg xt(%oi+ ur t xageidtTf rovg 
nr, ).afitT( fcmoig *fvvaTy.ag fx Tojr rt/J.oro/a>f 
i. Idor orr, rtxt-a uov. diapfoia) vutr xdrra O Trt vTtdo-^ti poi 
agog TO dtGxo^siv ixaarog xai uovaiav fjff/r aja&onoi^ocu Ix lov 
pionvg at-ror dxeolvrtog. 

8. Kal roi TO tlncov, ivtyxa$ id fur^aia. ai.voi ndrra dif[*ioi<jfv 
avra rofg txra viofg loig doofnxorg, xai dxb ron- ygrjudrcov or 
rafg frtjlvau;. 9. Kal fJnov TW nntoi aivcaf xvotf xmro 
rj xai i^fig ovx Ifiufv riy.rrt (>ov- dtori ovx tticoxag r t utr ir. 
To>r en-raw vot xi.rjnnroufav; 10. E7ne dt /ox? rf s * &t"/aTodf7n atror* 
pi] raoay&riif, ftiyartoit pov, ov ydo tufJLa&Gpijr riicor. Idov yt(Q 
vpTr x t.r^jovouiav xnfiTrora aittjg r t v t).aj3<n- 01 ixid ddt s.qoi. 

11. Kfil xa).t<7ug T/:r frujattna ai-rov tyr /,tjnut9r t r Hpt nar 
aiif, fM^ovaa TO diaxiv t.iov, inayt tU TO tauftov xa} 

MO/ TO jfOi G ofr rrx^r^for, ira dox7fa vpiv rr t r xi.^ootoui av vpojv. 

12. Kal ami&ovffa rjrtyxev aiio), xai diofcag atvo Qq 
TQIU yipQdaiV nfoi^Kuma oj. Hfj dvraadal nva dr&ocoxor /.a/.raai Titol 
T^e fdta<s ainoar 13. *Enit prj dl l t <Jav tgynv yfoov, <t/J. oiQartoi 
tzaGToaxroi Kaig frntv&roatg (jontrurg cog axfirtg tor if/Jov. 
14. Ai didctjxt joodr* piar txaffTfl Ta>r ftvyattntov avrnv 
~*.dfitte avrag y.al ntfiuoxraTf, ira rag rjpt gag rt-g ~(rg vucov 
^oir^ojutv vpdg xai lun /.r^mai nanog d-ya&ov. 15. E7xt dt J TOJ 
17 aiijy ftvydirjo rj }.tfOfttvr t Ka<7(7t a ndreo. aivtj foriv r t xt.rjnoropfa 

t7rai xQtfitova rng rear ddt/.<ftor rpwr: ri orr pi- ix 
Qopcr- TO 3jfr, 16. Kal tlntv avrofg o nair ( Q airwv ov woror 
tx roi-rov TO ^r,y /"ifTf, d/J.d xai ai-rai efod^oww ritdg fig rqr 
ufuora aiwta ^rjai tv roTq nvnavotg 17. "H dyrofrf, rtxra pov, 
iipr rtprp row nanonw. r t q uf y.arr^I&vw o xvoiog t/.tfjGai ue xai 
ix rov atoparog pov rag n).r,yag xai rovg axo^.r^xag- xai 



M T.XX to Job XL. 2. 



312 

yd() xaUcrag fts naQtOsto poi tag tpeig tavtag yoQddq "kf ywv 
18. Avdatng ^cocrai COCTTISQ dvr t Q tr}v oayvv crov docotvcrco ds 
(jv ds pot aTioxQidrjti 19. Eyco ds haftcov 7if.QtffcoadfjiijV xal w 
dyavsig lytvovto ol axcio^xsg ano tov Gcbfjtatog pov, opoicog ds xal 
ai nt.riyou xal komov to acofid fiov iGyyfv din KVQIOV xal owmg 
dtij-yov caffnsQ, ore ovtf olcog mtnov&d ti. 20. MZXa x i&v iv vrj 
xctfjdiq. (iov wdvv&v kr j&yv ff%ov 5 6 ds Kvyiog Af^aJl^xff fioi v dvvdfAfi 
%al vnods/^ag fioi rd ytvoftsva y.al ta [i&kovza. 21. Nvv ovv^ iiy.va 



oltf tag jivdvprjcreig v ir\ diavoia vftaw, dioti <^vka.v.ii}^iQV i-frn rov 
Kvoiov. 22. E^syfQ ft slaai ovv nsQL^Mffnts euvtdg nmv 
i vu dvvj?&fjt &fd(?aG&at tovg 3%8(>%o[ievovg dyytlovg fig tr/v 
s^odov, Incog &avfid<W]i:s tag tov &sov dvvdfisic. 

23. ^Ivaatdaa tolvvv ?/ [tia avtwv i] xakovfjiwij ^H^tQa 
savTfjV YMI naoa%()fj[ia t ^oo ytyovs tTjg avtyg GaQXog xadag 
6 TiatrjQ avrfg^ y.al dv&afiev d^^v xaQdtav dig [i 
td z7ig ytjg. 24. */tn8(f>i}y l (x.to tovg dyyzkixovg vftvovQ iv d 
cpcovfj %al vuvov dv^fif^ns tw dfqj xatd tyv dyyskfxtjv 

25. Kal tots xai dU.r/ avtov dvydtrjQ rj Kavfrt a ntyi^GjVato xal 
?cr%e trjv y.a(>dtttv d^oicoftsfaav wg nrjxtti tiv&VfJMj&rjvat td xoo~[*ixd. 

26. Kal to (ilv (rtofia avfrjg A^i tr^v didfaxvov tcov aQ^ortcov^ 
f!do$ok6yr]r>e ds tov viprjkov tonov to noirjiia^ dioti i tig ftovkttai 
yvwvai to noir^a. tcov ovoavmv, dvvtjcjftai tvvozTv tv toTq vpvoig 
KavcJtag. 

27. Tote TifQis^cocjato xal ?/ nk"kri r/ xakovpi-vt] 
xfyag, xal f (T/ atopa dnocf&i-yyo^svov tv tj] diaMxtco twv iv 
87i fid t] xcd avtyg // xaydia r/)J^oiovto 28. ^fcfiGta/jibvy dno tcov 
kshakrjxg ds kv tt] diaktxtco twv Xegovfilft do^okoyovcra tov 
t&v dystcov, Ivdei^a^vi] tr t v do^uv avtcov. 29. Kal o 
fiovloftevog "kotnov fyvog xatakafisiv tqg natQtxrjg dofyg SVQTJGSI 
dvayfyyafjftt vov tv tuig sv^atg trig ^dfAak&tiag xtyag. 

XII, 1. Mstd ds to naixjav&at, tag tQfig vfivo^nyovaag tyco 
Nijgsbg 6 ddf-lcpbg Yro/S fxa&itofjirjv nhiaibv tov /co/9 xeiptvov avtov. 
2. Kal tjxovaa td [Afyal.fia tmv tQvcov tivyattQcav tov ddf^ffov pov, 
ptdg v7ioaiG)7T(a[j,vr]g tfj [uq. 3. Kal drsyQaivdfjrjv to {ttjfkiov tovto, 
nkr\v taw v/uvcov xal twv ayfieicov tov Pi] pat o c, oti tavtd tcrti 
td fLityal.tTu tov &sov. 4. Keifi&ov ovv tov 7ca/? vocsiv em tfjg 
y^tvtjg avfv novov xal cuftvvcov, tnel fj,r] i cjyvs nbvog dntfo&ai avtov, 



LXX to Job XL, 2. 



MAQHKH. 313 



dux 10 vyfieiov itjg jreoi^ooaeoig i]g nsQif^waaio. 5. Kal 

g sldfv /ro/? lovg f^&oviag til ify ipv^fjv aviov dyiovg 
dyyelovg, xal tv&tcog dvaaidg shafts xi&doav xa i sdmxt irj ftvyaiol 
aviov Hfjeoq 6. Tfj ds Kaaafq sdwxs &apiair]()iov , ifi ds 
Idpctk&sfai, KsQag s dooxs iviinavov, oncag tUoj ?;<7G007 lovg tk&oviac 
snl -xrjv ifjv%rjv aviov nyfovg ayy/Aovg 7. Ai 81 hafi 
y,al i tyalkov xai wkopjaav xa) sdo^o^opjffav lov &tot> h iff t 

8. Kal fJtia ictvia *%ij).&cv o t n ixa& rjfjis vo g 
k(j> agnail xal tjoTidaaio lov /w^, filsnovGwv xal im> 
aviov ftvyaitoGov, a^cov ds fir] fihtftovKov. 9. Kal eJiafis irjv 
lov /Cf>^ xal dveneTttff&ij snaiayxaki^oiievog aviriv y.al 
ai>ii]v km TO aftfin xal wdtvas in? dvaiohdg. 10. To de 
aviov dnrivtyftr] tm lov idqiov nQorjyov^Kvmv imv IQIMV 
aviov xal TifQif^wff^tvojv idg yoQddg xal vfjivokoyovviwr tv 



11. Kal rore NrjQeog o ddekfpog aviov xal of mid 
aviov GVV loig koiTtoig haoig xal niw%olg xal OQtyavoig, xal ddwdrotg 
xoTifiov pt yav in\ aviov kfyoweg. 12. Oval r]\nlv on 
fjQtftj dq> fjpwv f] dvvafjLig iwv ddvvditor, TO qpwe To5f ivylaw^ 
o nairiQ iwv oQyavwv. 13. ^Hgiai o %vodo%og, itiv nenhavijpevaw 
i] bdbg, i&v yvfjivmv to (jxpnav^a, imv fflQ&p o vavyaaTiiGirig. Tig 
lotnov [it] xhavaaie lov UV&QWTIOV lov &eov; 14. Tavia xal id 
loiavia dnoxkavoviarv 9 sxcokvov aviov is&fjvai tnl lov id(f)OV 
15. Meid ovv iofig fjfjeQag sit&y sv iw idycp wg h xakw vnvw 
hafibvia ovofja xakov ovopaaiov iv naaaig laig jsvsaTg lov aiwvog 

16. Kaiakeiifjag viovg xal &vyai? ()ag iQeig, xal ov% 
8VQ8&i]ffav xaia idg ftvyaityag Yw/? fiskiiovg aviwv iv 
roig vn OVQUVOV 17. flQOvn rJQ%x ovo(j,a IM 7w/9 /w^/? 
(ieiwvo(j,d(T&r] dt naud KvQi ov /co/5. 18. "El^rjGK de ugly i fj g 
7i"kriyr { g til] 718 fifid de irjv nkrjyriv ^a^oov ndvia dinkd 
xal id sir] dmkd iovi ecu go id de ndvia eiy irjg 
aviov Gfj^rj. 19. Kal s7dev viovg iwv vfwv aviov swg 
leidoiyg ysvidg Ftyganiai xal d vaaitj as o&at aviov 
&w o Kvoiog dvs fftyffev iw dt &&&> fjfiwv si y do%a. *) 



J ) LXX to Job XLI1, 15. 
2 ) LXX to Job XLIII, 17. 
n ) LXX: Q p. 

*) [The Editor desires herewith to express his thanks to Dr. Leo Back 
in Berlin, for his assistance in revising the Greek text.] 



Testament of Job, 

the blameless, the sainted, the conqueror in 
many contests. 

Book of Job, called Jobab, his life and the transcript of 
his Testament. 



Chapter I. 

1. On the day he became sick and (he) knew that he 
would have to leave his bodily abode, he called his seven 
sons and his three daughters together and spake to them as 
follows : 2. "Form a circle around me, children, and hear, and 
I shall relate to you what the Lord did for me and all that 
happened to me. 3. For I am Job your father. 4. Know 
ye then my children, that you are the generation of a chosen 
one 1 ) and take heed of your noble birth. 

5. For I am of the sons of Esau. My brother is Nahor, 
and your mother is Dinah. By her have I become your 
father. 6. For my first wife died with my other ten children 
in bitter death. 7. Hear now, children, and I will reveal 
unto you what happened to me. 

8. I was a very rich man living in the East in the land 
Ausitis, (Utz) and before the Lord had named me Job, I was 
called Jobab. 

9. The beginning of my trial was thus. 10. Near my 
house there was the idol of one worshipped by the people; 
and I saw constantly burnt- offerings brought to him as 
a god. 

10. Then I pondered and said to myself: "Is this he who 
made heaven and earth, the sea and us all? How will I 
know the truth?" 



Abraham. 



Testament of Job. 315 

11. And in that night as I lay asleep, a voice came and 
called: "Jobab! Jobab ! rise up, and I will tell thee who is 
the one whom thou wishes! to know. 12. This, however, to 
whom the people bring burnt- offerings and libations, is not 
God, but this is the power and work of the Seducer (Satan) 
by which he beguiles the people". 

13. And when I heard this, I fell upon the earth and 
I prostrated myself saying: 14. "0 my Lord who speakest 
for the salvation of my soul, I pray thee, if this is the idol 
of Satan, I pray thee, let me go hence and destroy it and 
purify this spot. 15. For there is none that can forbid me 
doing this, as I am the king of this land, so that those that 
live in it will no longer be led astray". 

16. And the voice that spoke out of the flame ] ) answered 
to me: "Thou canst purify this spot. 17. But behold, I 
announce to thee what the Lord ordered me to tell thee. 
For I am the archangel of God". 18. And I said: "Whatever 
shall be told to his servant, I shall hear". 19. And the 
archangel said to me : "Thus speaketh the Lord : If thou 
undertakes! to destroy and takest away the image of Satan, 
he will set himself with wrath to wage war against thee, 
and he will display against thee all his malice. 20. He will 
bring upon thee many and severe plagues, and take from 
thee all that thou hast. 21. He will take away thine children, 
and will inflict many evils upon thee. 22. Then thou must 
wrestle like an athlete and sustain pain, sure of thy reward, 
and overcome trials and afflictions. 

23. But when thou endurest, I shall make thy name 
renowned throughout all generations of the earth until to 
the end of the world. 24. And I shall restore thee to all 
that thou hadst had, and the double part of what thou shalt 
lose will be given to thee in order that thou mayest know 
that God does not consider the person but giveth to each who 
deserveth the good. 25. And also to thee shall it be given, 
and thou shalt put on a crown of amarant. 2 ) 26. And at 
the resurrection thou shalt awaken for eternal life. Then 
shalt thou know that the Lord is just, and true and mighty". 



*) Compare Exodus III, 2. 
2 ) I. Peter V, 4. 



316 K. Kohler. 

27. Whereupon, my children, I replied: "I shall from love 
of God 1 ) endure until death all that will come upon me, 
and I shall not shrink back". 28. Then the angel put his 
seal upon me 2 ) and left me. 

Chapter II. 

1. After this I rose up in the night and took fifty slaves 
and went to the temple of the idol and destroyed it to the 
ground. 2. And so I went back to my house and gave orders 
that the door should be firmly locked; saying to my door 
keepers : 3. "If somebody shall ask for me, bring no report 
to me, but tell him : He investigates urgent affairs. He is 
inside". 

4. Then Satan disguised himself as a beggar and 
knocked heavily at the door, saying to the door-keeper: 

5. "-Report to Job and say that I desire to meet him". 

6. And the door-keeper came in and told me that, but 
heard from me that I was studying. 

7. The Evil One, having failed in this, went away and 
took upon his shoulder an old, torn basket 3 ) and went in 
and spoke to the door-keeper saying : "Tell Job : Give me 
bread from thine hands that I may eat". 8. And when I 
heard this, I gave her burnt bread to give it to him, and I 
made known to him : "Expect not to eat of my bread, for 
it is forbidden to thee". 4 ) 9. But the door-keeper, being 
ashamed to hand him the burnt and ashy bread, as she did 
not know that it was Satan, took of her own fine bread and 
gave it to him. 10. But he took it and, knowing what 
occurred, said to the maiden : "Go hence, bad servant, and 

l ) See Introduction narwo -raiy mN. 

a ) n"n if) Dnin; cf. Ezekiel IX, 4. In Christian writings the word 
applied to the cross as seal, the in having originally had the shape of a 
cross. [On this and similar signs of symbolic meaning, see H. K. : Geschichte 
des hebrdisch. Buchstaben Thaw in Rahmer s Jiidische Litemturblatt, Jahrg. 
IX. nos. 32 33; Dr. A. Kohut: Arukh Completum, s. v. s; and his last 
monograph: pXif f~*u*) fJJel\ ^ - - Light of Shade and Lamp 

of Wisdom; being Hebrew- Arabic Homilies composed by Nathanel Ibn 
Yeshdya, 1327 (New York 1894), p. 77-78. G. A. K.] 

3 ) dcaiXXa for daaUiov N^CN. [cp. Kohut s Arukh, s. v. ^DN ^ P- 182. J 

*) Din a7tY)XXoapuot>T)v aoi == V nn 



Testament of Job. 317 

bring me the bread that was given thee to hand to me". 
11. And the servant cried and spoke in grief: "Thou 
speakest the truth, saying that I am a bad servant, because 
I have not done as I was instructed by my master". 12. And 
he turned back and brought him the burnt bread and 
said to him : "Thus says my lord : Thou shalt not eat of my 
bread anymore, for it is forbidden to thee. 13. And this he 
gave me [saying : This I give] in order that the charge may not 
be brought against me that I did not give to the enemy who 
asked". 1 ) 14. And when Satan heard this, he sent back the 
servant to me, saying: "As thou seest this bread all burnt, 
so shall I soon burn thy body to make it like this". 2 ) 15. And 
I replied: "Do what thou desirest to do and accomplish whatever 
thou plottest. For 1 am ready to endure whatever thou 
bringest upon me". 3 ) 16. And when the devil heard this, he 
left me, and walking up to under the [highest] heaven, he 
took from the Lord the oath that he might have power, 
over all my possessions. 17. And after having taken the 
power 4 ), he went and instantly took away all my wealth. 

Chapter III. 

1. For I had one hundred and thirty thousand sheep, and 
of these I separated seven thousand 5 ) for the clothing of 
orphans and widows and of needy and sick ones. 2. I had 
a herd of eight hundred dogs who watched my sheep and 
besides these two hundred to watch my house. b ) 3. And I 
had nine mills working for the whole city and ships to carry 
goods, and I sent them into every city and into the villages 
to the feeble and sick and to those that were unfortunate. 
4. And I had three hundred and forty thousand nomadic 
asses, and of these I set aside five hundred, and the off 
spring of these I order to be sold and the proceeds to be 
given to the poor and the needy. 5. For from all the lands 
the poor came to meet me. 



1 ) Cf. Proverbs XXI, 25: err? in^sn INJIIP njn DN. 

2 ) Burnt = )nw, skin. 

3 ) Compare the Rabbinical expression: runs hv pio vty Sap. 

4 ) man ^ap ; compare Targum. 

5 ) Instead of two read seven after ch. VI, 26 and the Bible text. 
a ) Compare JBX a^ Job XXX, 1. 



318 K. Kohler. 

6. For the four doors of my house were opened, each, 
being in charge of a watchman who had to see whether 
there were any people coming asking alms, and whether they 
would see me sitting at one of the doors so that they could 
leave through the other and take whatever they needed. 1 ) 

7. I also had thirty immovable tables set at all hours 
for the strangers alone, and I also had twelve tables 
spread for the widows. 8. And if any one came asking for 
alms, he found food on my table to take all he needed, and 
I turned nobody away to leave my door with an empty 
stomach. 2 ) 

9. I also had three thousand five hundred yokes of oxen, 
and I selected of these five hundred and had them tend to 
the ploughing. 10. And with these I had done all the work 
in each field by those who would take it in charge 3 ) and the 
income of their crops I laid aside for the poor on their 
table. 11. I also had fifty bakeries from which I sent [the 
bread] to the table for the poor. 12 And I had slaves 
selected for their service. 13. There were also some strangers 
who saw my good will; they wished to serve as waiters 
themselves. 4 ) 14. Others, being in distress and unable to 
obtain a living, came with the request saying: 15. "We pray 
thee, since we also can fill this office of waiters (deacons) 
and have no possession, have pity upon us and advance 
money to us in order that we may go into the great cities 
and sell merchandise. 16. And the surplus of our profit we 
may give as help to the poor, and then shall we return to 
thee thine own (money). 17. And when I heard this, I was 
glad that they should take this altogether from me for the 
husbandry of charity for the poor. 18. And with a willing 
heart I gave them what they wanted, and I accepted their 
written bond, but would not take any other security from 
them except the written document. 19. And they went abroad 
and gave to the poor as far as they were successful. 



!) Cf. w2n xhv -IDG pVN o.mN; cf Bereshith Rabba 48, 69; Aboth de 
R. Nathan, ed. Schechter, I ch. 7, II ch. 14. 

2 ) xoXrtw xevw; cf. jna Nnb Aboth de R. Nathan, ch. 6. 

:! ) The sense of the sentence in the Greek text is not clear. 

4 ) Here must be compared the work of the diacones in the New 
Testament. The Rabbis, too, speak often of the great privilege of DWIIN 



Testament of Job. 



319 



20. Frequently, however, some of their goods were lost on the 
road or on the sea, or they would be robbed of them. 

21. Then they would corne and say: "We pray thee, act 
generously towards us in order that we may see how we 
can restore to you thine own". 22. And when 1 heard this, 
1 had sympathy with them, and handed to them their bond, 
and often having read it before them tore it up and released 
them of their debt, saying to them: 23. "What I have con 
secrated 1 ) for the benefit of the poor, I shall not take from 
you". 24. And so I accepted nothing from my debtor. 
25. And when a man with cheerful heart carne to me saying: 
"I am not in need to be compelled to be a paid worker for 
the poor. 26. But I wish to serve the needy at thy table", 
and he consented to work, and he ate his share. 27. So I 
gave him his wages nevertheless, and I went home rejoicing. 
28. And when he did not wish to take it, I forced him to 
do so, saying: "I know that thou art a laboring man who 
looks for and waits for his wages, and thou must take it." 

29. Never did I defer paying the wages of the hireling 
or any other, nor keep back in my house for a single 
evening his hire that was due to him. 2 ) 30. Those that 
milked the cows and the ewes signaled to the passers- 
by that they should take their share. 31. For the milk 
flowed in such plenty that it curdled into butter on the hills 
and by the road side; and by the rocks and the hills the 
cattle lay which had given birth to their offspring. 3 ) 32. For 
my servants grew weary keeping the meat of the widows 
and the poor and dividing it into small pieces. 33. For they 
would curse and say: "Oh that we had of his flesh that we 
could be satisfied" 4 ), although I was very kind to them. 

34. I also had six harps [and six slaves to play the 
harps] and also a cithara, a decachord, and I struck it 
during the day. 5) 35 And I took the cithara, and the 
widows responded after their meals. 6 ) 36. And with the 



) as n 

z ) See Leviticus XIX, 13. 

3 ) After Job XXIX, 6; sense not clear. 

4 ) Compare Midrash to yac?:i nae p D Job XXX [, 31 

5 ) Compare Job XXX, 31. 

6 ) Compare Midrash Bereshith Rabba 49, 54 and Abotb de R. 
Nathan 7 (14). 



320 K. Kohler. 

musical instrument I reminded them of God that they should 
give praise to the Lord. 37. And when my female slaves 
would murmur, then I took the musical instruments and 
played as much as they would have done for their wages, 
and gave them respite from their labor and sighs. 

Chapter IY. 

1. And my children, after having taken charge of the 
service, took their meals each day along with their three 
sisters beginning with the older brother, and made a feast. 
2. And I rose in the morning and offered as sin-offering for 
them fifty rams and nineteen sheep, and what remained as 
a residue was consecrated to the poor. 3. And I said to 
them: "Take these as residue and pray for my children. 
4. Perchance my sons have sinned before the Lord, speaking 
in haughtiness of spirit: We are children of this rich man. 
Ours are all these goods; why should we be servants of 
the poor? 5. And speaking thus in a haughty spirit they 
may have provoked the anger of God, for overbearing pride 
is an abomination before the Lord." 6. So I brought oxen 
as offerings 1 ) to the priest at the altar saying: "May my 
children never think evil towards God in their hearts." 

7. While I lived in this manner, the Seducer could not 
bear to see the good [I did], and he demanded the warfare 
of God against me. 8. And he came upon me cruelly. 
9. First he burnt up the large number of sheep, then the 
camels, then he burnt up the cattle and all my herds; or 
they were captured not only by enemies but also by such 
as had received benefits from me. 10. And the shepherds 
came and announced that to me. 11. But when I heard it, 
I gave praise to God and did not blaspheme. 

12. And when the Seducer learned of my fortitude, he 
plotted new things against me. 13. He disguised himself as 
King of Persia and besieged my city, and after he had led 
off all that were therein, he spoke to them in malice, saying 
in boastful language: 14 "This man Job who has obtained 
all the goods of the earth and left nothing for others, he has 



*) Both sacrifice and charity offerings are brought by Job. This was 
the old Essene practice. 



Testament of Job. 321 

destroyed and torn down the temple of god. 15. Therefore 
shall I repay to him what he has done to the house of the 
great god. 

16. Now come with me and we shall pillage all that is 
left in his house." 17. And they answered and said to him: 
"He has seven sons and three daughters. 18. Take heed 
Jest they flee into other lands and they may become our 
tyrants and then conie over us with force and kill us." 
19. And he said: "Be not at all afraid. His flocks and his 
wealth have I destroyed by fire, and the rest have I captured, 
and behold, his children shall I kill." 20. And having spoken 
thus, he went and threw the house upon iny children and 
killed them. 21. And iny fellow-citizens, seeing that what 
was said by him had become true, canie and pursued ine 
and robbed me of all that was in my house. 22. And I saw 
with mine own eyes the pillage of my house, and men without 
culture and without honor sat at my table and on my couches, 
and I could not remonstrate against them. 23. For I was 
exhausted like a woman with her loins let loose from multi 
tude of pains, remembering chiefly that this warfare had been 
predicted to me by the Lord through His angel. 24. And I 
became like one who, when seeing the rough sea and the 
adverse winds, while the lading of the vessel in mid-ocean is 
too heavy, casts the burden into the sea, saying: 25. "I wish 
to destroy all this only in order to come safely into the city 
so that 1 may take as profit the rescued ship and the best 
of my things." 26. Thus did I manage my own affairs. 

27. But there came another messenger and announced 
to me the ruin of my own children, and I was shaken with 
terror. 28. And I tore my clothes and said: "The Lord 
hath given, the Lord hath taken. As it hath deemed best 
to the Lord, thus it hath come to be. May the name of the 
Lord be blessed." 

Chapter V. 

1. And when Satan saw that he could not put me to 
despair, he went and asked my body of the Lord in order 
to inflict plague on me, for the Evil one could not bear my 
patience. 2. Then the Lord delivered me into his hands to 
use my body as he wanted, but He gave him no power over 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



322 K. Kohler. 

my soul. 3. And he came to me as I was sitting on my 
throne still mourning over my children. 4. And he resembled 
a great hurricane 1 ) and turned over my throne and threw 
me upon the ground. 5. And I continued lying on the floor 
for three hours. And he smote me with a hard plague from 
the top of my head to the toes of my feet. 6. And 1 left 
the city in great terror and woe and sat down upon a dung 
hill, my body being worm-eaten. 7. And 1 wet the earth 
with the moistness of my sore body, for matter flowed off my 
body, and many worms covered it. 8. And when a single 
worm crept off my body, I put it back saying: "Remain on 
the spot where thou hast been placed until He who hath 
sent thee will order thee elsewhere." 9. Thus I endured for 
seven years, sitting on a dung-hill outside of the city while 
being plague-stricken. 10. And I saw with mine own eyes 
my longed-for children [carried by angels to heaven?]-) 
11. And my humbled wife who had been brought to her 
bridal chamber in such great luxuriousness and with spear 
men as body-guards 3). I saw her do a water-carrier s 
work like a slave in the house of a common man in order to 
win some bread and bring it to me. 12. And in my sore 
affliction I said: "Oh that these braggart city-rulers whom I 
would not have thought to be equal with my shepherd dogs 4 ) 
should now employ my wife as servant!" 13. And after this 
I took courage again. 14. Yet afterwards they withheld even 
the bread that it should not be brought to me, insisting 
that she should only have her own nourishment. 15. But 
she took it and divided it between herself and me, saying 
woefully: "Woe to me! Forthwith he may no longer feed 
on bread, and he can not go to the market to ask bread of 
the bread-sellers, in order to bring it to me that he may 
eat?^ 16. And when Satan learned this, he took the guise 

, ) Of. Jerush. Benichoth 13, Midrash Bereshith Rabba 24 pp B cip nn 
and Mechiltha Beshallach, Exodus 14, 24 [cp. Kohut: Ariikh Completum, 
VII, p. 76 a, s. v. jipnsnp.J 

) Some words like these are missing in the text. 

3 ) Such wedding processions were still in fashion in the middle-ages 
among the Jews, as is seen in Tosafoth. [Succah 45 a, s. v. JBDW mpun ins. 
Some interesting parallels are given by Dr. J. Perles in his essay: Die 
Judische Hochzeit, in Gratz s Monatsschrift 1860 p 344 n 9 G A K 1 

4 ) Of. Job Ch. 30, 1. 



Testament of Job. 



323 



of a bread-seller, and it was as if by chance that my wife 
met him and asked him for bread thinking that it was that 
sort of man. 17. But Satan said to her: "Give me the 
value, and then take what thou wishest". 18. Whereupon she 
answered saying: "Where shall 1 get money? Dost thou not 
know what misfortune happened to me. If thou hast pity, 
show it to me; if not, thou shalt see". 1 ) 19. And he replied 
saying: "If you did not deserve this misfortune, you would 
not have suffered all this. 20. Now, if there is no silver 
piece in thine hand, give me the hair of thine head and take 
three loaves of bread for it, so that ye may live on these 
for three days". 21. Then said she to herself: "What is the 
hair of my head in comparison with my starving husband?" 
22. And so after having pondered over the matter, she said 
to him : "Rise and cut off my hair". 23. Then he took a 
pair of scissors and took off the hair of her head in the 
presence of all, and gave her three loaves of bread. 24. Then 
she took them and brought them to me. And Satan went 
behind her on the road, hiding himself as he walked and 
troubling her heart greatly. 

Chapter VI. 

1. And immediately my wife came near me, and crying 
aloud and weeping she said: "Job! Job! how long wilt thou 
sit upon the dung-hill outside of the city, pondering yet for 
a while and expecting to obtain your hoped-for salvation! 77 
2. And I have been wandering from pla ce to place, 
roaming about as a hired servant, behold thy 
memory has already died away from earth. 3 And 
my sons and the daughters that I carried on my 
bosom and the labors and pains that I sustained 
have been for nothing? 4. And thou sittest in the 
malodorous state of soreness and worms, passing 
the nights in the cold air. 5. And I have undergone all 
trials and troubles and pains, day and night until I succeeded 
in bringing bread to thee. 6. For you surplus of bread is 
no longer allowed to me; and as I can scarcely take my 

*) Supply: God s punishment. 

2 ) All this is taken from LXX to Job II, 9, or vice versa! 

21* 



324 K. Kohler. 

own food and divide it between us, I pondered in ray heart that 
it was not right that thou shouldst be in pain and hunger 
for bread. 7. And so I ventured to go to the market without 
bashfulness, and when the bread-seller told me: "Give me 
money, and thou shalt have bread", I disclosed to him our 
state of distress. 8. Then I heard him say: "If thou hast 
no money, hand me the hair of thy head, and take three 
loaves of bread in order that ye may live on these for three 
days". 9. And I yielded to the wrong and said to him: 
"Rise and cut off niy hair!" and he rose and in disgrace cut 
off with the scissors the hair of my head on the market place 
while the crowd stood by and wondered. 10. Who would 
then not be astonished saying : "Is this Sitis, the wife of Job, 
who had fourteen curtains to cover her inner sitting room, 
and doors within doors so that he was greatly honored who 
would be brought near her, and now behold, she barters off 
her hair for bread! 

11. Who had camels laden with goods, and they were 
brought into remote lands to the poor, and now she sells 
her hair for bread ! 

12. Behold her who had seven tables immovably set in 
her house at which each poor man and each stranger ate, 
and now she sells her hair for bread! 

Behold her who had the basin wherewith to wash 
her feet made of gold and silver, and now she walks upon 
the ground and [sells her hair for bread !] >) 

14. Behold her who had her garments made of byssus 
interwoven with gold, and now she exchanges her hair 
for bread ! 

15. Behold her who had couches of gold and of silver, 
and now she sells her hair for bread!" 

16. In short then. Job, after the many things that have 
been said to me, I now say in one word to thee : 17. "Since 
the feebleness of my heart has crushed my bones, rise then 
and take these loaves of bread and enjoy them, and then 
speak some word against the Lord and die! 2 ) 

18. For I too, would exchange the torpor of death for 
the sustenance of my body". 

l ) These words are missing. 

3 ) After LXX text. All this is Satan s work ! 



Testament of Job. 325 

19. But 1 replied to her : "Behold I have been for these 
seven years plague-stricken, and I have stood the worms of 
my body, and I was not weighed down in my soul by all 
these pains. 20. And as to the word which thou sayest: 
Speak some word against God and die ! , together with thee 
I will sustain the evil which thou seest, and let us endure 
the ruin of all that we have. 21. Yet thou desirest that we 
should say some word against God and that He should be 
exchanged for the great Plato [the god of the nether 
world.] !) 22. Why dost thou not remember those great goods 
which we possessed ? If these goods come from the lands 
of the Lord, should not we also endure evils and be high- 
minded in everything until the Lord will have mercy again 
and show pity to us ? 23. Dost thou not see the Seducer 
stand behind thee and confound thy thoughts in order that 
thou shouldst beguile me ?" 24. And he turned to Satan and 
said: "Why dost thou not come openly to me? Stop hiding 
thyself, thou wretched one. 25. Does the lion show his 
strength in the weasel-cage? Or does the bird fly in the 
basket ? I now tell thee : Go aw r ay and wage thy war 
against me". 

26. The he went off from behind my wife and placed 
himself before me crying and he said : "Behold, Job, I yield 
and give way to thee who art but flesh Avhile I am a 
spirit. 27. Thou art plague-stricken, but I am in great trouble. 
28. For 1 am like a wrestler contesting with a wrestler who 
has, in a single-handed combat, torn down his antagonist and 
covered him with dust and broken every limb of his, whereas 
the other one who lies beneath, having displayed his bravery, 
gives forth sounds of triumph testifying to his own superior y 
excellence. 29. Thus thou, Job, art beneath and stricken 
with plague and pain, and yet thou hast carried the victory 
in the wrestling-match with me, and behold, 1 yield to thee". 
30. Then he left me abashed. 31. Now my children, do you 
also show a firm heart in all the evil that happens to you, 
for greater than all things is firmness of heart. 



*) Tou {j.ydXou. Read rUoutwvoc for Tou [xeydUou UXouTOu, which has no 
sense; cf. rnnta ^ ! ?)2. 



326 K. Kohler. 

Chapter VII. 

1. At this time the kings heard what had happened to 
me and they rose and came to me. each from his land to 
visit me and to comfort me. 2. And when they came near 
me, they cried with a loud voice and each tore his clothes. 
3. And after they had prostrated themselves, touching the 
earth with their heads, they sat down next to me for seven 
days and seven nights, and none spoke a word. 4. They 
were four in numbers: Eliphaz, the king of Ternan, and 
Baldad, and Sophar, and Elihu. 5. And when they had 
taken their seat, they conversed about what had happened 
to me. 6. Now when for the first time they had come to 
me and I had shown them my precious stones, they were 
astonished and said: 7. "If of us three kings all our 
possessions would be brought together into one, it would not 
come up to the precious stones of Jobab s kingdom (crown?). 
For thou art of greater nobility than all the people of the 
East". 8. And when, therefore, they now came to the land 
of Ausitis (Uz) to visit me, they asked in the city: "Where 
is Jobab, the ruler of this whole land?" 9. And they told 
them concerning me: "He sitteth upon the dung-hill outside 
of the city; for he has not entered the city for seven years". 

10. And then again they inquired concerning my possessions, 
-and there was revealed to them all that happened to me. 

11. And when they had learned this, they went out of the 
city with the inhabitants, and my fellow-citizens pointed me 
out unto them. 12. But these remonstrated and said: 
"Surely, this is not Jobab". 13. And while they hesitated, 
there said Eliphaz, the King of Ternan: "Come let us step 
near and see." 14. And when they came near 1 remembered 
them, and I wept very much when I learned the purpose 
of their journey. 15. And I threw earth upon my head, 
and while shaking my head I revealed unto them that I was 
[Job]. 16. And when they saw me shake my head they 
threw themselves down upon the ground, all overcome with 
emotion 17. And while their hosts were standing around, 
1 saw the three kings lie upon the ground for three hours 
like dead. 18. Then they rose and said to each other: "We 
cannot believe that this is Jobab". 19. And finally, after 



Testament of Job. 327 

they had for seven days inquired after everything concerning 
me and searched for my flocks and other possessions, they 
said : 20. "Do we not know how many goods were sent by 
him to the cities and the villages round about to be given 
to the poor, aside from all that was given away by him 
within his own house ? How then could he have fallen into 
such a state of perdition and misery !" 21. And after the 
seven days Elihu said to the kings : "Come let us step near 
and examine him accurately, whether he truly is Jobab or not?" 
22. And they, being not half a mile (stadium) distant from 
his malodorous body, they rose and stepped near, carrying 
perfume in their hands, while their soldiers went with them 
and threw fragrant incense round about them so that they 
could come near me. 23. And after they had thus passed 
three horn s, covering the way with aroma, they drew nigh. 
24. And Eliphaz began and said : "Art thou, indeed, Job, 
our fellow-king? Art thou the one who owned the great 
glory ? 25. Art thou he who once shone like the sun of day 
upon the whole earth? Art thou he who once resembled 
the moon and the stars effulgent throughout the night ?" 
26. And I answered him and said: "I am", and thereupon 
all wept and lamented, and they sang a royal song of 
lamentation, their whole army joining them in a chorus. 

27. And again Eliphaz 1 ) said to me: "Art thou he who 
had ordered seven thousand sheep to be given for the 
clothing of the poor ? Whither, then hath gone the glory 
of thy throne ? 

28. Art thou he who had ordered three thousand cattle 
to do the ploughing of the field for the poor? Whither, 
then hath thy glory gone! 

29. Art thou he who had golden couches, and now thou 
sittest upon a dung hill? ["Whither then hath thy glory 
gone !"] 

30. Art thou he who had sixty tables set for the poor? 
Art thou he who had censers for the fine perfume made of 
precious stones, and now thou art in a malodorous state? 
Whither then hath thy glory gone ! 2 ) 

1 ) Read Eliphaz instead of Elihu. 

2 ) The refrain is misplaced here in the original and omitted in 
o ther places. 



328 K. Kohler. 

31. Art thou he who had golden candelabras set upon 
silver stands, and now must thou long for the natural gleam 
of the moon ? ["Whither then hath thy glory gone !"] 

32. Art thou the one who had ointment made of the 
spices of frankincense, and now thou art in a state of 
repulsiveness ! ["Whither then hath thy glory gone !"] 

33. Art thou he who laughed the wrong doers and 
sinners to scorn, and now thou hast become a laughing 
stock to all!" ["Whither then hath thine glory gone!"J 

34. And when Eliphaz had for a long time cried and 
lamented, while all the others joined him, so that the 
commotion was very great, I said to them: 35. "Be silent 
and I will show you my throne, and the glory of its splendor: 
My glory will be everlasting. 36. The whole world shall 
perish, and its glory shall vanish, and all those who hold 
fast to it, will remain beneath, but my throne is in the upper 
world and its glory and splendor will be to the right of the 
Saviour in the heavens. 37. My throne exists in the life of 
the "holy ones" and its glory in the imperishable world. 
38. For rivers will be dried up and their arrogance 1 ) shall 
go down to the depth of the abyss, but the streams of my 
land in which my throne is erected, shall not dry up, but shall 
remain unbroken in strength. 

39. The kings perish and the rulers vanish, and their 
glory and pride is as the shadow in a looking glass, but my 
Kingdom-) lasts forever and ever, and its glory and 
beauty is in the chariot of my Father 3 ). 

Chapter VIII. 

1. When Fspoke thus to them, Eliphaz, became angry 
and said to the other friends : "For what purpose is it that 
we have come here with our hosts to comfort him ? Behold, 
he upbraids us. Therefore let us return to our countries. 
2. This man sits here in misery worm-eaten amidst an 
unbearable state of putrefaction, and yet he challenges us 
saying : Kingdoms shall perish and their rulers, but my 

*) Of. the same word vaj3pia^aTa in Job IV, 10 LXX. 

2 ) ce xnrte. The saints are all crowned in the kingdom of heaven. 
8 ) nnre ntryo = 



Testament of Job. 329 

Kingdom, says he, shall last forever ". 3. Eliphaz, then, 
rose in great commotion, and, turning away from them in 
great fury, said : "I go hence. We have indeed come to 
comfort him, but he declares war to us in view of our 
armies". 4. But then Baldad seized him by the hand and 
said : "Not thus ought one to speak to an afflicted man, and 
especially to one stricken down with so many plagues. 
5. Behold, we, being in good health, dared not approach him 
on account of the offensive odor, except with the help of 
plenty of fragrant aroma. But thou, Eliphaz, art forgetful of 
all this. 6. Let me speak plainly. Let us be magnanimous 
and learn what is the cause ? Must he in remembering l ) 
his former days of happiness not become mad in his mind? 
7. Who should not be altogether perplexed seeing himself thus 
lapse into misfortune and plagues ? But let me step near him 
that I may find by what cause is he thus ?" 8. And Baldad 
rose and approached me saying: "Art thou Job?" and he 
said : "Is thy heart still in good keeping ? 9. And I said : 
"I did not hold fast to the earthly things, since the earth with 
all that inhabit it is unstable. But my heart holds fast to 
the heaven, because there is no trouble in heaven". 10. Then 
Baldad rejoined and said : "We know that the earth is 
unstable, for it changes according to season. At times it is 
in a state of peace, and at times it is in a state of war. But 
of the heaven we hear that it is perfectly steady. 11. But 
art thou truly in a state of calmness ? Therefore let me ask 
and speak, and when thou answerest me to my first word, 
] shall have a second question to ask 2 ), and if again thou 
answerest in well-set words, it will be manifest that thy 
heart has not been unbalanced". 12. And he said: "Upon 
what dost thou set thy hope?" And I said: "Upon the living 
God". 13. And he said to me : "Who deprived thee of all 
thou didst possess ? And who inflicted thee with these 
plagues?" And I said: "God". 14. And he said: "If thou 
still placest thy hope upon God, how can He do wrong in 
judgment, having brought upon thee these plagues and mis 
fortunes, and having taken from thee all thy possessions? 



l ] Read : (jufjivT)a;to}ji.vo instead of 01. 

2 ) pne pni 



330 K. Kohler. 

15. And since He has taken these, it is clear that He has 
given thee nothing. No king will disgrace his soldier who 
has served him well as body-guard ?" 16. [And i) I answered 
saying]: "Who understands the depths of the Lord and of 
His wisdom to be able to accuse God of injustice"? 17. [And 
Baldad said]: "Answer me, o Job, to this. Again I say to 
thee : <Jf thou art in a state of calm reason, teach me if thou 
hast wisdom: 18. Why do we see the sun rise in the East 
and set in the West ? And again when rising in the morning 
we find him rise in the East ? Tell me thy thought about 
this?" 19. Then said I: "Why shall I betray (babble forth) 
the mighty mysteries of God? And should my mouth stumble 
in revealing things belonging to the Master? Never! 20. Who 
are we that we should pry into matters concerning the upper 
world while we are only of flesh, nay, earth and ashes! 2 ) 
21. In order that you know that my heart is sound, hear 
what I ask you : 22. Through the stomach cometh food, and 
water you drink through the mouth, and then it flows 
through the same throat, and when the two go down to 
become excrement, they again part; who effects this 
separation 7 . 3 ) 23. And Baldad said: "I do not know". And 
I rejoined and said to him : "If thou dost not understand 
even the exits of the body, how canst thou understand the 
celestial circuits ?" 

24. Then Sophar rejoined and said : "We do not inquire 
after our own affairs, but we desire to know whether thou 
art in a sound state, and behold, we see that thy reason 
has not been shaken. 25. What now dost thou wish that we 
should do for thee? Behold, we have come here and brought 
the physicians of three kings, and if thou wishest, thou mayest 
be cured by them". 26. But I answered and said : "My 
cure and my restoration cometh from God, the Maker of 
physicians". 

Chapter IX. 

1. And when I spoke thus to them, behold, there my 
wife Sitis came running, dressed in rags, from the service 

*) These are missing in the Greek text. 

2 ) Essene nrnwa poy -p JN. 
8 ) See Introduction. 



Testament of Job. 331 

of the master by whom she was employed as slave ; though 
she had been forbidden to leave, lest the kings, on seeing 
her, might take her as captive. 2. And when she came, 
she threw herself prostrate to their feet, crying and saying : 
"Remember, Eliphaz and ye other friends, what I was once 
with you, and how I have changed, how I am now dressed 
to meet you" 3. Then the kings broke forth in great 
weeping and, being in double perplexity, they kept silent. 
But Eliphaz took his purple mantle and cast it about her to 
wrap herself up with it. 4. But she asked him saying : "I 
ask as favor of you, my Lords, that you order your soldiers 
that they should dig among the ruins of our house which fell 
upon my children, so that their bones could be brought 
in a perfect state to the tombs. 5. For we have, owing to 
our misfortune, no power at all, and so we may at least 
see their bones. 6. For have I like a brute the motherly 
feeling of wild beasts that my ten children should have 
perished on one day and not to one of them could I give a 
decent burial ?" 7. And the kings gave order that the ruins 
of my house should be dug up. But I prohibited it, saying : 
8. "Do not go to the trouble in vain; for my children will 
not be found, for they are in the keeping of their Maker 
and Ruler". 

9. And the kings answered and said : "Who will gainsay 
that he is out of his mind and raves ? 10. For while we 
desire to bring the bones of his children back, he forbids 
us to do so saying: They have been taken and placed the 
keeping of their Maker . Therefore prove unto us the truth". 

11. But I said to them: "Raise me that I may stand up, 
and they lifted me, holding up my arms from both sides. 

12. And I stood upright, and pronounced first the praise of 
God 1 ) and after the prayer I said to them : "Look with your 
eyes to the East". 13. And they looked and saw my 
children with crowns near the glory of the King, the Ruler 
of heaven. 

14. And when my wife Sitis saw this, she fell to the ground 
and prostrated [herself] before God, saying: "Now I know 



J ) Compare maj?a ntwi nw -crn. Sec Tanchuma ed. Buber to f? -p; 
cp. Vnj,-! ia : -jyaBB. 



332 K. Kohler. 

that my memory remains with the Lord". 15. And after 

she had spoken this, and the evening came, she went to the 

city, back to the master 1 ) whom she served as slave, and lay 

herself down at the manger of the cattle and died there from 

exhaustion. 16. And when her despotic master searched 

for her and did not find her, he came to the fold of his 

herds, and there he saw her stretched out upon the manger 

dead, while all the animals around were crying about her. 2 ) 

17. And all who saw her wept and lamented, and the cry 

extended throughout the whole city. 18. And the people 

brought her down and wrapt her up and buried her by the 

house which had fallen upon her children. 8 ) 19. And the 

poor of the city made a great mourning for her and said: 

"Behold this Sitis whose like in nobility and in glory is not 

found in any woman. Alas ! she Avas not found worthy of 

a proper tomb!" 20. The dirge for her you will find in the 

record. 4 ) 

Chapter X. 

1. But Eliphaz and those that were with him were 
astonished at these things, and they sat down with me and 
replying to me, spoke in boastful words concerning me for 
twenty seven days. 2. They repeated it again and again 
that I suffered deservedly thus for having committed many 
sins, and that there was no hope left for me, but I retorted 
to these men in zest of contention myself. 3. And they 
rose in anger, ready to part in wrathful spirit. But Elihu 
conjured them to stay yet a little while until he would have 
shown them what it was. 4. "For", said he. "so many .days 
did you pass, allowing Job to boast that he is just. But I 
shall no longer suffer it. 5. For from the beginning did I 
continue crying over him, remembering his former happiness. 
But now he speaks boastfully and in overbearing pride he 
says that he has his throne in the heavens. 6. Therefore, 
hear me, and I will tell you what is the cause of his destiny. 

) The plural is a mistake of the copyist. 

2 ) Cf. Apocalypse of Abraham, where the trees are announcing 
Abraham s approaching death. 

3 ) This seems to rest on a popular legend. 

4 ) Translation of BBH nnz. 



Testament of Job. 333 

7. Then, imbued with the spirit of Satan, Elihti spoke hard 
words which are written down in the records left of Elihu. 

8. And after he had ended, God appeared to nie in a storm 
and in clouds, and spoke, blaming Elihu and showing me 
that he who had spoken was not a man, but a wild beast. 1 ) 

9. And when God had finished speaking to me, the 
Lord spoke to Eliphaz: "Thou and thy friends have sinned 
in that ye have not spoken the truth concerning my servant 
Job. 10. Therefore rise up and make him bring a sin- 
offering for you in order that your sins may be forgiven; for 
were it not for him, I would have destroyed you". 11. And 
so they brought to me all that belonged to a sacrifice, and 
I took it and brought for them a sin-offering, and the Lord 
received it favorably and forgave them their wrong. 12. Then 
when Eliphaz, Baldad and Sophar saw that God had graciously 
pardoned their sin through His servant Job, but that He 
did not deign to pardon Elihu, then did Eliphaz begin to 
sing a hymn, while the others responded, their soldiers also 
joining while ^standing by the altar. 13. And Eliphaz 
spoke thus : 

"Taken off is the sin 

and our injustice gone; 

14. But Elihu, the evil one. shall have no remembrance 
among the living; 

his luminary is extinguished and has lost its light. 

15. The glory of his lamp will announce itself for him, 
for he is the son of darkness, and not of light. 

16. The doorkeepers of the place of darkness 2 ) shall 
give him their glory and beauty as share; 

His Kingdom hath vanished, his throne hath mouldered, 
and the honor of his stature is in (Sheol) Hades. 

17. For he has loved the beauty of the serpent 3 ), and 
the scales (skins) of the dracon 

his gall and his venom belongs to the Northern One 
(Zphuni == Adder) 4 ). 



3 ) Satan = Belial, darkness of hell. 

3 ) m compare ;np the nis^p. [Kohut in Z. d. D. M. G. XXI, 586 if.] 

4 ) This is the translation of jij?Bsn = 



334 K. Kohler. 

18. For he did not own himself unto the Lord nor did 
he fear Him, 

but he hated those whom He hath chosen (known). 

19. Thus God forgot him, and the holy ones" 1 ) for 
sook him, 

His wrath and anger shall be unto him desolation 2 ) 
and he will have no mercy in his heart nor peace, 
because he had the venom of an adder on his tongue. 

20. Kighteous is the Lord, and His judgments are true 3 ), 
With him there is no preference of person, 

for He judge th all alike. 

21. Behold, the Lord cometh ! 

Behold, the "holy ones" have been prepared ! 

The crowns and the prizes of the victors precede them! 

22. Let the saints rejoice, and let their hearts exult in 
gladness ; 

for they shall receive the glory which is in store for 
them. 

Chorus. 

23. Our sins are forgiven. 

our injustice has been cleansed, 

but Elihu hath no remembrance among the living". 

24. After Eliphaz had finished the hymn, we 4 ) rose and 
went back to the city, each to the house where they lived. 

25. And the people made a feast for me in gratitude 
and delight of God, and all my friends came back to me. 

26. And all those who had seen me in my former state 
of happiness, asked me saying : "What are those three things 
here amongst us ?" 

Chapter XI. 

1. But I, being desirous to take up again my work of 
benevolence for the poor, asked them saying : 6 ) 2. "Give me 
each a lamb for the clothing of the poor in their state of 



*) Chasidim 

2 ) Anathema. 

8 ) This is inn pm. 

4 ) Here is the part missing which relates Job s recovery 

5 ) Cf. Job XLII, 11. 

6 ) Cf. Job Text. 



Testament of Job. 335 

nakedness, and four drachmas (coins) of silver or gold" . 
3. Then the Lord blessed all that was left to me, and after 
a few days I became rich again in merchandise, in flocks 
and all things which I had lost, and I received all in double 
number again. 4. Then I also took as wife your mother 
and became the father of you ten in place of the ten children 
that had died. 

5. And now, my children, let me admonish you: "Behold 
I die. You will take my place. 

6. Only do not forsake the Lord. Be charitable towards 
the poor; Do not disregard the feeble. Take not unto 
yourselves wires from strangers. l ) 

7. Behold, my children, I shall divide among you what 
I possess, so that each may have control over his own and 
have full power to do good with his share". 8. And after 
he had spoken thus, he brought all his goods and divided 
them among his seven sons, but he gave nothing of his goods 
to his daughters. 

9. Then they said to their father : "Our lord and father ! 
Are we not also thy children ? Why, then, dost thou not 
also give us a share of thy possessions ?" 10. Then said 
Job to his daughters : "Do not become angry my daughters. 
I have not forgotten you. Behold, I have preserved for you 
a possession better than that which your brothers have 
taken". 11. And he called his daughter whose name was 
Day (Yemima) and said to her: "Take this double ring used 
as a key and go to the treasure-house and bring me the 
golden casket, that I may give you your possession". 12. And 
she went and brought it to him, and he opened it and took 
out three-stringed girdles about the appearance of which no 
man can speak. 13. For they were not earthly work, but 
celestial sparks of light flashed through them like the rays 
of the sun. 14. And he gave one string to each of his 
daughters and said: "Put these as girdles around you in 
order that all the days of your life they may encircle you 
and endow you with every thing good". 



*) TWV aW.oTpiwv This shows both Jewish and E s se n e origin : 
Jewish Kinship. 



336 K. Kohler. 

15. And the other daughter whose name was Kassiah 1 ) 
said : u ls this the possession of which thou sayest it is better 
than that of our brothers ? What now? Can we live on this?" 
16. And their father said to them : "Not only have you here 
sufficient to live on, but these bring you into a better world 
to live in, in the heavens. 17. Or do you not know, my 
children, the value of these things here? Hear then! When 
the Lord had deemed me worthy to have compassion on me 
and to take off my body the plagues and the worms, He called 
me and handed to me these three strings. 18. And He said 
to me: Rise and gird up thy loins like a man 1 
will demand of thee and declare thou unto me . 
19. And 1 took them and girt them around my loins, 
and immediately did the worms leave my body, and likewise 
did the plagues, and my whole body took new strength 
through the Lord, and thus I passed on, as though I had 
never suffered. 20. But also in my heart I forgot the pains. 
Then spoke the Lord unto me in His great power and 
showed to me all that was and will be. 

21. Now then, my children, in keeping these, you will 
not have the enemy plotting against you nor [evil] intentions 
in your rnind because this is a charm (Phylacterion) 
from the Lord. 22. Rise then and gird these around you 
before I die in order that you may see the angels come at 
my parting so that you may behold with wonder the powers 
of God". 23. Then rose the one whose name was Day 
(Yeminia) and girt herself, and immediately she departed her 
body, as her father had said, and she put on another heart, 
as if she never cared for earthly things. 24. And she sang 
angelic hymns in the voice of angels, and she chanted forth 
the angelic praise of God while dancing. 

25. Then the other daughter, Kassia by name, put on 
the girdle, and her heart was transformed, so that she no 
longer wished for worldly things. 26. And her mouth 
assumed the dialect of the heavenly rulers (Archonts) and 
she sang the donology of the work of the High Place and 
if any one wishes to know the work of the heavens he may 
take an insight into the hymns of Kassia. 



Perfume = nyxp. 



Testament of Job. 337 

27. Then did the other daughter by the name of 
Amalthea s Horn (= Keren Happukh) gird herself and 
her mouth spoke in the language of those on high; for her 
heart was transformed, being lifted above the worldly things. 
28. She spoke in the dialect of the Cherubim, singing the 
praise of the Ruler of the cosmic powers l ) (virtues) and 
extolling their (His?) glory. 

29. And he who desires to follow the vestiges of the 
"Glory of the Father" will find them written down in the 
Prayers of Ainalthea s Horn. 

Chapter XII. 

1. After these three had finished singing hymns, did I 
Nahor (Neros) brother of Job sit down next to him, as he 
lay down. 2. And I heard the marvelous (great) things 
of the three daughters ot my brother, one always succeeding 
the other amidst awful silence. 3. And I wrote down this 
book containing the hymns except the hymns and signs of 
the [holy] Word, for these were the great things of 
God. 4. And Job lay down from sickness on his couch, 
yet without pain and suffering, because his pain did not take 
strong hold of him on account of the charm of the girdle 
which he had wound around himself. 5. But after three 
days Job saw the holy angels come for his soul, and 
instantly he rose and took the cithara and gave it to his 
daughter Day (Yemima). 6. And to Kassia he gave a censer 
(with perfume == Kassia), and to Amalthea s Horn (= music) 
he gave a timbrel in order that they might bless the holy 
angels who came for his soul. 

7. And they took these, and sang, and played on the 
psaltery and praised and glorified God in the holy dialect. 

8. And after this came He who sitteth upon the great 
chariot and kissed Job, while his three daughters looked 
on, but the others saw it not. 9. And He took the soul of 
Job and He soared upward, taking her (the soul) by the 
arm and carrying her upon the chariot, and He went towards 
the East. 10. His body, however, was brought to the grave, 



*) apeiTTf] nwan x^n. 
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 22 



338 

while the three daughters marched ahead, having put on 
their girdles and singing hymns in praise of God. 

11. Then held Nahor (Nereos) his brother and his seven 
sons, with the rest of the people and the poor, the orphans 
and the feeble ones, a great mourning over him, saying: 

12. "Woe unto us, for to-day has been taken from us 
the strength of the feeble, the light of the blind, the father 
of the orphans ; 

13. The receiver of strangers has been taken off, the 
leader of the erring, the cover of the naked, the shield of 
the widows. Who would not mourn for the man of God ! 

14. And as they were mourning in this and in that form, 
they would not suffer him to be put into the grave. 

15. After three days, however, he was finally put into the 
grave like one in sweet slumber, and he received the name 
of the good (beautiful) who will remain renowned throughout 
all generations of the world. 

16. He left seven sons and three daughters, 1 ) and there 
were no daughters found on earth, as fair as the daughters 
of Job. 17. The name of Job was formerly Jobab, and he 
was called Job by the Lord. 18. He had lived before his 
plague eighty five years, and after the plague he took the 
double share of all; hence also his years he doubled, which 
is 170 years. Thus he lived altogether 255 2 ) years. 19. And 
he saw sons of his sons unto the fourth generation. It is 
written that he will rise up with those whom the Lord will 
reawaken. To our Lord by glory. Amen. 



) Text Job. 

2 ) Here the text has 245 by mistake of Midrash, which has 140 
70 = 210 yars. But LXX has 170 (-1- 65) = 240. 



Aegyptische und syrische (rfltternamen 
im Talmud 

von 
Dr. Samuel Krauss (Budapest). 



Im Talmud, dieser unerschopflichen Fundgrube fur die 
KenntDiss des antiken Lebens, sind auch die Gotter Aegyp- 
tens und Syriens zu finden, wenn man sich die Milne gibt, 
dieselben aufzusuchen und wenn man mit diesem eigenartigen 
Schriftthum vertraut genug ist, um mit Erfolg darin suchen 
zu konnen. Es werden jedoch leider Forschungen angestellt, 
ohne von diesen Voraussetzungen auszugehen ; man schreibt 
iiber die Culturverhaltnisse Palaestina s im Anfange des christ- 
lichen Zeitalters ohne sich die Muhe zu geben, die beste 
Schilderung dieser Culturverhaltnisse, den Talmud und Mi- 
drasch, gehorig durchzuforschen; man beruft sich oft auf 
den Talmud, ohne den Sinn seiner Worte richtig erschlossen 
zu haben. 

Die Talmudlehrer, denen man gewohnlich einen be- 
schrankten, halachischen Standpunkt vorwirft, hatten in Wirk- 
lichkeit einen weiten klaren Blick und waren aufmerksame 
Beobachter der Zeitverhaltnisse. Es konnte ihnen nicht un- 
bekannt bleiben, dass in ihrer nachsten Nahe, zurn Theil 
auf dem geweihten Boden Palaestina s, sich Stadte befinden, 
welche ihr Gemeinwesen ganz heidnisch einrichteten und 
umfassende heidnische Culte erhielten. Die Stadte Rap hi a, 
Gaza, Askalon, Azotus, Caesarea, Dora, Ptolomais, 
Gerasa, Skythopolis und andere, hatten im ganzen tal- 
mudischen Zeitalter einen ausgesprochen heidnischen Charakter 
und die Talmudlehrer mussten diesem Umstande Rechnung 
tragen. Das Verhaltniss dieser Stadte zum iibrigen Palaestina, 
der personliche Verkehr zwischen Juden und den heidnischen 

22* 



Samuel Krauss. 

Einwohnern dieser Stadte musste iin Geiste dieser Zeit ge- 
regelt werden, und wir finden im Talmud in der That eine 
Menge Verordnungen daruber. 1 ) 

Diese Art Nachrichten nun, eben darum, weil sie La- 
lachischer Natur sind, sind ftir uns von der grossten Wich- 
tigkeit, denn sie lassen an Klarheit und Precision nichts zu 
wunschen abrig. Sonst ist es nur die lebhafte und phantasie- 
reiche Agada, welche die mythologischen Gebilde fremder 
Volker in ihre eigene Ideenwelt zu verpflanzen und in ihren 
eigenen Vorstellungskreis heriiberzunehmen pflegt. Aber die 
Agada hat irnmer etwas Verschwomrnenes, etwas Unsicheres 
im Gefolge, und so haben auch die Schlusse, die man etwa 
aus ihren Angaben folgern wollte, nur einen bedingten Werth. 
So z. B. bewegt sich die sonst sehr lehrreiche Untersuchung 
..Myfienmischung" von Giidemann (Monatsschrift fur Ge- 
schichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums, 1876) nur auf 
dem lockeren Boden der Agada; das beriihmte Werk 
Alexander Kohut s: Ueber die judische Angelologie und 
Daemonologie in Hirer Abhangigkeit vom Parsismus (Leipzig 
1866), hat es mit Phantasiegebilden, nicht rnit der Schil- 
derung der Wirklichkeit zu thun. Die Ausfiihrungen jedoch, 
die welter unten folgen, beruhen, wie schon bemerkt, auf 
rein halachischen Partien im Talmud, sie gehen also von 
thatsachliehen Zustanden aus und verdienen die weitgehendste 
Wiirdigung. 

Ich will hier noch bemerken, dass ich dieses Thema 
bereits vor drei Jahren in der ungarischen Zeitschrift Magyar- 
Zzidi) Szemle (IX, 170176) behandelt habe; der Umstand 
jedoch, dass jene Zeitschrift im Auslande nicht gelesen wird, 
der Umstand ferner, dass ich hier wesentlich neues Material 
beibringen kann, veranlasst niich meine Untersuchung noch 
einmal zu veroffentlichen in der Hoffnung, dass ich dadurch 
zur Altertiiumskunde einen Beitrag liefere und auch zum 



! ) Ueber die Culturverhaltnisse der angegebenen Stadte siehe die aus- 
fiihrliche Scliilderung bei Schiirer, Geschichte des judischen Volkes im 
Zeitalter Jesu Christi, zweite Aufl. II, 9-26; die talmudischen Nachrichten 
findet man bei Neubauer, Geographic du Talmud, S. 68 und 232; zu 
vergleichen ist auch Migne, Histoire ecclesiastiqiie, XV, 34; einige Daten 
habe i c h zusammengestellt in dem Aufsatze The Jews in the Works of 
the Church Fathers (Jewish Quarterly Review, VI, 226). 



Aegyptische und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 34 ]_ 

talmudischen Worterbuche. der Hauptarbeit des seligen Dr. 
A. Kohut, mein Schernein beitrage. 

1. Apis und Serapis. 

Serapis wird erwahnt in Toseftha Aboda zara V, 1 
pag. 468 ed. Zuckermandel: D"1D . . . H1C1 . . . PP^J/ I nj?2E ein 
Siegelring, auf welchem ein Serapisbild 1st. Wenn ein Jude 
einen solchen Siegelring findet, heisst es daselbst, muss er ihn 
in s Meer werfen, d. h. er darf weder den Ring, noch auch 
dessen Erics fur sich behalten, weil ein solcher Ring Gegen- 
stand des heidnischen Cultus ist. Diese aegyptische Gottheit 
war, wie bekannt, in der romischen Kaiserzeit auch ausser 
Aegypten stark verbreitet und die Talmudlehrer batten Ge- 
legenheit genug ihren Cultus auch aus uninittelbarer Nahe 
beobachten zu konnen, derm in den vorwiegend heidnischen 
Stadten Palaestina s, namentlich in Caesarea, Ptolomais, Flavia, 
Neapolis, Aelia Capitolina und wohl auch in anderen Stadten 
ist der Serapis-Cult inschriftlich bezeugt. 1 ) 

Der babylonische Talmud hat iiber den Serapis eine 
hochst sonderbare Vorstellung. Wir lesen namlich in b. Az. 
43a: fe C^iyn hi f\X D^CCl 1DLT rpv C^ hy D^N^D Serapis 2 ) 
ist eigentlich Joseph, der da regiert hatte und mit der ganzen 
Welt Gutes that. Der Talmud findet deinnach in volks- 
etymologischer Weise in Serapis folgende zwei Worter: "ID 
(= "It^) = H e r r und D^N Apis, insoferne man namlich 
den Apis init Joseph identincirte. Veranlassung hiezu bot 
die Art und Weise, wie Joseph in der heiligen Schrift be- 
zeichnet wird-, er heiss c figurlich 111^ Gen. XLIX, 6 und 
IV^ lirD Deuteron. XXXIII, 17, also = Ochs. In den Tal- 
muden und Midraschim wird darum auf mehreren Seiten be- 
richtet ? dass die LXX Dolmetscher in ihrer griechischen 
Uebersetzung an dieser Stelle (Genes. XLIX, 6) geflissentlich 
eine Aenderung eintreten liessen, damit der aegyptische 
Konig Ptolomaeos (^O^n) indenWorten: ,,sie lahniten den 
Ochsen" auf seinen Gotzen Apis keinen Schinapf erblicke 



!) Schiirer, a. a. 0., H, 15. 16; I, 546, 536. 

2 ) Die Orthographie C^ENHD (einige Ausgaben irrthiimlich D*SN ID in 
zwei Wortern) lasst auf die Betonung SapdcTitc (nicht lapaTti?) schliessen; 
doch hat Manuscript Miinchen CBIC. 



342 Samuel Krauss. 



) Es ging also die Sage unter den Juden, dass Josef, 
der Wohlthater Aegyptens, unter deni Nanien Apis der 
Gegenstand gottlicher Verehrung war und der Name Serapis 
sei bloss aus Apis erweitert. Damit ist ein wesentlicher 
Zug der aegyptischen Mythologie klar ausgedriickt: em- 
pfangene Wohlthaten werden gewissen gottlichen Wesen zu- 
gesclirieben und daraufhin diese \Vesen gottlich verehrt. 2 ) 
Aehnlich heisst es auch im Midrasch, der Erzvater Jakob 
habe befiirchtet, dass man ihn wegen gewisser Wohlthaten 3 ) 
nach seinem Tode gottlich verehren wiirde, und darum wollte 
er nicht in Aegypten begraben werden. 4 ) Diese Ziige be- 
ruhen auf einer genauen Kenntniss des aegyptisch-heidnischen 
Wesens und der damaligen Zeitverhaltnisse. 

) Siehe daiiiber Sachs, Beitrage zur Sprach- und Alterthumsfor- 
schung aus judischen Quellen. II. Heft, Berlin 1854, S. 99; N. Brull, 
JahrMcher fur judische GescMchte und Litteratur (Frankfurt a/M.), I. 144 ; 
Levy, Neuhebndsches Worterbuck. Ill, 533 b; Kohut, Aruch completum. 
I. 15 a. In Mechiltha zu Exod. XII. 40 lautet der Bericht : t unn DSJO a 
o>2N npy cjisim, ahnlich auch in Genesis rabba c. 98, 5 cnx npy (Tanchuma 
II nietr 22 ist nach den Talmuden geaudert), wonach also die Veranderung 
sich auf das eine Wort -,i beschrankte; in j. Megilla 72 d und b. Megilla 
9 a (Sopherim V, 8) heisst es jedoch: DSN rpy aiisini iw unrr DSND a, wo 
nach sie also zwei Worter: ^ und w verandert batten. Es ist dies 
eine bis jetzt ungeloste Schwierigkeit. Es muss nun zunachst bemerkt 
werden, dass die Meinung nicht sein kann, die Siebzig batten statt nit? das 
Wort Apis geschrieben, da sie dadurch den Konig nur noch mehr gereizt 
hatteu; vielmehr scheint der Sinn abweichend von den iibrigen Veran- 
derungen der zu sein, dass sie bier eine Aenderung welcbe? wird 
nicht gesagt eintreten liessen, damit der Konig den Ausdruck nicbt auf 
den Apis beziehen konne; nun ware aber dem Konig auch der Ausdruck 
WN vielleicht, weil er an Isis und Osiris anklingt , verdachtig gewesen, 
darum haben sie auch bier etwas geandert (unsere Septuaginta hat iv&pt&irouj 
im Plural). Eine merkwiirdige Beschreibung yom Apis findet man im Jalkut 
Eeubeni zu ran = p. 106 c ed. Amsterdam; s. aucb Biicbler in Magyar- 
Zsido-Szemle, IX, 249. 

2 ) Nach Movers, Die P/wnizier (Bonn 1841), p. 544, hat das Bild 
des Osiris-Adonis, etwas Giitiges an sich"; G. Ebers. Aegypten und die 
Bucher Hose s (Leipzig 1868), p. 239, findet in Isis und Osiris die Idee 
Mutter und Vater." 

3 ) Ihm zu Lie be soil die Hungersnoth aufgehort haben und der Nilus 
seg enbringend ausgetreten sein. 

4 ) Genesis rabba c. 96, 5, Jalkut Genes. 156, Lekach tob und 
Easchi zu Genes. XLYIT. 20. 



Aegyptische und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 343 

2. Madbachos. 

Madbachos, auch Machbelos genannt. gehort zu 
den syrischen Gottheiten l ) sein Cult wird auf mehreren In- 
schriften erwahnt, welche in Syrien gefunden worden; so in 
Palmyra Beroia C I Gr. No. 4480, 4450, 4451. 

Diese Gottheit wird erwahnt in einer alten Boraitha (b. 
Az. lib.) welche wir ihrer Wiohtigkeit wegen in extenso hier- 
her se^zen: 12JJ2E PC2"j ^22 j^IT TT . . . JH p^2p ?"y Pltt En 

12JJ2B TT N2E\s ^:P Tnn:E ^H r i2$?2tr N"cn: ncxi n\xi 

^22 py2D u22"j fiinf Gotzenculte sind stiindig . . ., der Markt 
in En-Bechi, Nadbachah in Acco, nach Einigen Nathbrak in 
Acco*, R. Dimai aus Nehardea tradirte es umgekehrt: der 
Markt in Acco, Nadbachah in En-Bechi. - Was nun zu- 
nachst das Wort n22"u anlaugt, so bezeichnet dasselbe ohne 
Zweifel diejenige Gottheit, welche in griechischer Umschrift 
MaBpa^og = Madbac hus heisst; der Wechsel zwischen den 
Liquiden M und N hat weiter nichts zu bedeuten. 

Was nun den Ausdruck m" 1 anlangt, so ist zu bemerken, 
dass niit dem Markt immer em Gotterfest verbunden war, 
oder vielmehr niit den Gotterfesten war gewohnlich ein Markt 
verbunden.-) Der Markt in En-Bechi nun wurde regelmassig 
abgehalten, also gab es daselbst einen regelmassigenGotzencult. 

Schwieriger halt es den Ortsnanien ^C py zu erklaren. 
Neubauer, Geographie chi Talmud, pag. 298, halt diesen 
Ortsnanien fur identisch init einem anderen Ort, der uuter 
der Benennung 22 ^^2 vorkommt. Diese Benennung ist 
sehr verdachtig: Quell des Weinens" oder ,,Gotze des 
Weinens" sind zu gekiinstelt, als dass sie wirkiiche Namen 
sein konnten. Diese Nanien erinnern vielmehr an das tal- 
mudische Princip, wonach die Gotzennanien in in a lam 
part em zu verballhornen sind; wir konnen also ohne Wei- 
teres annehmen, dass der Name dieser Ortschaften urspriing- 
lich anders, und zwar gliickv erheissend gelautet haben 
mochten. Wir linden in der That einen Ort namens ^2 ]ty 
(T. Oho loth II, 6, p. 599), der init ^22 pj? identisch zu sein 
scheint; dieselbe Ortschaft heist auch ein wenig modificirt 



J ) Stark, Gaza (Jena 1852), S. 571. 

2 ) F ii r s t in Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 
Band XLVI1I, 685, Anm. 1. 



344 Samuel Krauss. 



in b. Chullin 57 b; s. Neubauer S. 271. Es 1st nun 
sehr leicht inoglich, dass b)2 der Name einer uralten Gottheit 
ist (aber nicht Belns, wie man vielfach meint), welche in 
Syrien seit jeher einheimisch war; vielleicht ist zwischen 
diesem bin und dem Monatsnamen t>12 (I. Re gum VI, 38) 
sogar ein realer Zusammenhang. Die Ortschaft selbst und 
die in ihr verehrte Gottheit miissen eben darum, weil sie 
dem Namen nach rein hebraisoh sind und bei Profan- 
schriftstellern nicht vorkommen, zur alteren Geschichts- 
periode Palaestina s gehoren. 

3. Neith-Phre. 

Der Name X")2HJ an der oben citirten Stelle aus b. Az. 
lib, scheint die aegyptischen Gottheiten Neith* Phre be- 
deuten zu wollen; Neith ist die aegyptische Minerva, 
Phre der aegyptische Helios; in dieser Zeit des religiosen 
Synkretismus niochten die beiden aus irgend einem Grunde 
zu irgend einem Symbol vereint gewesen sein; siehe die 
Quellen iiber Phre bei Stephanus, Thesaurus, ed. Paris, 
VIII, 1049. Diese Erklarung gewinnt an Wahrscheinlichkeit 
durch den Umstand, das n: = Neith schon in dem biblischen 
n:CN vorkonmit; siehe Geseriius kleineres Worterbtich, 9. 
Auflage, 5. v.] insoferne namlich Neith mit Minerva identisch 
ist, bedeutet HjCN ungefahr das ; was wir auf griechisch mit 
AO^voffspr^ ausdriicken wiirden. Dieses Neith-Phre (Stand- 
bild oder Heiligthum) war in A ceo errichtet, in derselben 
Stadt ? in welcher nach Mischna Az. Ill, 4 in den Badern 
ein Aphrodite -Monument zum Zierrat angebracht war. 

Wir verhehlen es uns jedoch nicht, dass die Gleichung 
fcTDD: == Neith-Phre nicht ganz zufriedenstellt, da die 
Verbinduog Neith-Phre sonst nicht bekannt ist. Moglich 
also, dass in N^DDJ in der That nichts mehr steckt, als das, 
wofiir es ausgegeben wird: also ein anderer Name fur Mad- 
bachos; combinirt man die beiden Namen, erhalten wir eine 
Form *Madbelos; dies mit N12P: zusammengestellt, ergibt 
sich ein Wechsel zwischen dem M- und N-Laut wie oben 
H221J, die Transcription n fur d und 1 fur I lauter Er- 
scheinungen, weiche bei Lehnwortern aus fremden Sprachen 
auch. sonst im Talmud vorkommen und bei einem solch 
fremdartigen Namen, wie *Madbelos fur die Juden ohne 



Aegyptisohe und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 345 

Zweifel war, sogar sehr natu rlich sind; dabei mag die ge- 
flissentliche Verzerrung des Namens in malam par tern mit 
in Rechnung genommen werden. 

Beide Erklarungen haben, wie man sieht, zu Bedenken 
Anlass gegeben; vielleicht gelingt es Anderen, eine einleuch- 
tendere Erklarung des Wortes zu geben. ] ) 

4. Arueris. 

Im Talmud wird die Frage aufgeworfen, ob ein Jude 
an einem Gotzenbilde vorbeigehen diirfe? Im Zusammen- 
hange damit wird folgende Geschichte erzahlt: R. Jacob b. 
Idi lehnte sich beim Spaziereiigehen auf R. Josua b. Levi 
an; sie gelangten bis zurn Gotzen Aruri. Da sprach [R. 
Jacob]: Nachum der heiligste unter den heiligen Mannern 
(C^Hpn ISHp tr\x), ging an ihm vorbei, und du willst nicht 
an ihm vorbeigehen? geh nur und stich ihm das Auge aus 
(d. h. bekiimmere dich nicht um ihn)!" - - So oft diese Ge 
schichte erzahlt wird, lautet der Name des fraglichen Gotzen- 
bildes immer anders: j. Az. Ill, 43 b, Zeile 75 (ed. Krotoschin): 
Kobs mix; j. Berachoth II, 4 b, Z. 38: NE^S nnriN; 
j. Schekalim 11, 47 a, Z. 18: NcS^ N^HN; j. Moed katon 
III, 83 c, Z. 49: NC^ mix; ferner Midrasch Samuel c. 19, 
4: cnn" NC^* (ed. Buber p. 2j; alte Ausgaben CHn^n, im 
Manuscript CHl"in), Jalkut Samuel 124: CH^H N % ^^ % ; 
endlich in b. Az. 51 a: miltf (so im Aruch s. v. "IN III, in 
den Ausgaben *">). Die richtige Lesart ist gewiss rpPN 
und dieses ist nichts anderes als Arueris. Arueris ist in 
der aegyptischen Mythologie ungefahr das, was den Griechen 
ihr Apollo war; er wird ubrigens auch mit Horus identili- 
cirt, so bei Plutarch, De Is. et Osir. c. 12; s. auch Par- 
they, Aeyyptisclie Personennamen S. 20, CIGr. 4726 e, 4859, 
4860. Der Cultus des Arueris war also in Palaestina im 
3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. alJgeinein verbreitet. 2 ) 



J ) Vielleicht Anspieiung auf nan = ^L = na fregit; nanj frac- 
tus est. Ueber die Namensform Moadxi^o?, lat. Malagbelus, s. die 
Bemerkung von Muss-Arnolt, Semitic Words in Greek and Latin, in 
Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1892, Vol. XXIII, 
p. 67, note 3. 

2 ) Die bisherigen Erklarungen des Wortes treffen nicht das Eichtige ; 



346 Samuel Krauss. 

5. Isis. 

Isis, die Mutter des Horns, diese machtigste Gottin 
Aegyptens, befindet sich ebenfalls auf dem Parnass des 
Talmud. Der Talmud bezeichnet diese Gotter nicht bei 
ihrem wahren Namen, sondern nach der Abbildung: np^D 
die saugende Frau. Dieser Name findet sich dem Apis und 
Serapis beigesellt in der oben citirten Tosefthastelle Az. V, 1 
pag. 468 ed. Zuckermandel jp^c P.1C" lies mit den alteren 
Ausgaben Pip^jC; so lautet der Name auch in b. Az. 43 a, 
mit dem wichtigen Zusatze: Pp^C Npl p PEpn >N">P1 Pp^D PIE"! 
das Bild der ,,Siiugenden" ist (von judisch-religiosem Stand- 
punkte aus) nur dann als Gotzendienst anzusehen, wenn sie 
ein Kind ini Schoosse halt und es saugt. Also, die Gottes- 
frau Isis mit dem saugenden Horuskinde. Die Isis wurde 
in der That so abgebildet, dass ihr ganzer Korper mit vollen 
Briisten bedeckt erschien (als Ceres niammosa, Arnob. Ill 
p. 133), aber auch den Horus haltend und saugend (Descript. 
de VEgypte, I, pi. 22, n. 2, 3, 4, 5). Der Umstand, dass 
fiir diese Gottin der specielle Name Pp^c aufkani, ist ein 
Beweis dafu r, dass man sich im Kreise der Talmudlehrer 
haufig mit dieser Gottin beschaftigen musste; in der That 
diirfte in der romischen Kaiserzeit kein Cult verbreiteter 
gewesen sein, als der der aegyptischen Isis und es ist in- 
schriftlich bezeugt, dass er auch in der Hauran-Gegend ver- 
breitet war. 1 ) 

6. Apophis. 

Apopis oder Apophis ist der Bruder des Helios, der 
mit Zeus-Amon in einen Krieg verwickelt war (Plutarch, 
De hide et Osiride, c. 36). Apophis ist iibrigens auch 
der Name eines Hyksos-Konigs (Josephus c Ap. 1 7 14) 2 ). 

Dieser Name kornint in einer Schwurformel vor (j. Ne- 
darim 42 c, Z. 12) : Jemand ging zu R. Jose, dass dieser 
ihn seines Geliibdes entbinden mochte. Dieser nahm seinen 
Mantel und setzte sich [wie vor Gericht]; er sprach zu ihui: 

man dachte an die Aurora, auch an den Koloss von R hod us etc. 
J as trow, Dictionary of the Targumim etc., p. 16 r iibersetzt : procession. 

J ) Schiirer, a. a. 0., 21. 

2 ) Auf aegyptisch hiess der Gott A p e p i , weiche Form ganz mit 
.Bi iibereinstimmt. 



Aegyptische und syrische Gotternarnen iin Talmud. 347 



Was hast du geschworen ? Jener antwortete : x 

irTO 1 ? rbhy *&i bxr\w w&x r\>b -ICN TV::^ rbhy beim Apophis, 

dem Kainpfer mit Gott, sie [die Frau ? mein Weib] koinmt 
mir nicht inehr in s Hans! Da sprach dieser: [Du hast ge 
schworen] beim Apophis, dem Kampfer mit Gott 7 und sie 
[Deine Frau] sollte Dir nicht ins Haus gehen diirfen?" 

Ich halte namlich die Antwort R. Jose s fur eine Frage: 
Du hast bei einem solch nichtigen Dinge geschworen und 
Dein Schwur sollte Rechtskraft haben? Nimmermehr ! So 
wird die Stelle auch von den alten Cornnientatoren aufgefasst 
und so verlangt es auch der Zusaniuienhang. Ich bin ferner 
der Meinung, dass das Wort btf^UP in etymologischem Sinne 
gebraucht ist: Streiter mit Gott. eine Anspielung auf des 
Apophis Kampf mit Zeus-Aiumon. Auf solche Weise ist 
alles in Ordnung. 

Dagegen bietet die Stelle nach den gangbaren Auf- 
fassungen viele Schwierigkeiten. Seit Mussafia. der iibrigens 
BIS liest, ist man der Meinung, dass das Wort gleich III HI 
sei, dem bekannten Fehler fur das hebraische Tetragrammaton, 
s. J. Perles, Monutschrift, XIX, 525. Danach iibersetzt 
auch Levy (Neuhehr. Wb, I, 68 b): ,,o Popi Israel s (ist 
ein giiltiger Schwur == bei dem Gott Israel s!), Du darfst 
also nicht in Dein Haus gehen." Diese Auffassuug leidet 
an mehreren Fehlern. Denn danach ware "% des erste 
Mai die erste, das zweite Mai die z weite Person, wo doch 
die Form in beiden Fallen dieselbe ist; auch kaun rthy 
weder die erste, noch die zweite, sondem nur die dritte 
Person seiu und zwar feiuinm. 1 ) Zudem ist an der beziig- 
lichen Stelle von Zwistigkeiten die Rede, welche zwischen 
Mann und Weib vorkonmien, also miissen jene Worte einen 
Bezug habeu auf das Weib. Auch fehlt nach Levy s Auf- 
fassung aus der Antwort R Jose s der Hauptsatz, dass nam 
lich jene Redensart einen zu Recht bestehenden Schwur 
bilde! Die beste Widerlegung dieser Auffassung liegt in 
dem Worte selbst: II I II I ware ^B r hochstens ^B .E geschrieben, 
nicht aber ^S1B\N % . Auch ist es unwahrscheinlich, dass man 
auch in jiidischen Kreisen das Tetragrammaton ,,pipi" aus- 



) J as trow hilft dem durch eine Emendation ab; er liest das 
zweite Mai rhhy. 



348 Samuel Krauss. 

sprach, der Gesetzeslehrer R. Jose zumal konnte auf diesen 
Blodsinn gewiss nicht eingehen. -- Kohut (Aruch completum, 
I, 228 a) schliigt den bekannten Ansruf y Qrco7uoi vor; 1 ) dann 
hatte aber das Wort ^N1l" gleich daneben keinen Sinn, 
Mehr ansprechend 1st die AufFassung Jastrow s (p. 58 b), 
dass <I 1D I N ein verstiiinmeltes Wort sei fiir den Namen Vi/N, 
also ,,Efofe Israel" == ,,Gott Israels"; doch kann Jastrow 
fiir eine solche Schwurforniel kein sicheres Analogon bei- 
bringeri, wahrend nach unserer Auffassung das Schworen 
bei eineni Gotzen, wie wir weiter unten ersehen werden, 
auch bei Juden vorgekomnien ist. 

7. Derketo. 
In Toseftha Sabbath VII, 2, pag. 118, lesen wir wie 

folgt: pi IEIN mrp i mcNn ^IIIE m nn pipi pi i\xn 

cnVi^X p:i 1N:tr mi nilSJ? Cir ^ wenn Jemand sagt 
[schwort]: Dagon und Kadron! so ist dies etwas von der 
Art der Amoriter [ist also verboten]; R. Juda sagt: Dagon 
klingt an einen Gotzendienst an, denn so heisst es: ,,Dagon 
ihr Gott" (Judicuni XVI, 23). In den alten Drucken steht 
lip und pip statt jlllp. - - In der Parallelstelle, j. Sabb. 
VI, 8c ? Z. 47, lautet der Satz wie folgt: 

pi i:\xii icNji:* 7"y pi ciit c ic\s nnn^ 

ir. Offenbar ist an beiden Stellen von denselben Gottheiten 
die Rede. Welche sind diese? 

Levy I. 423 a, gibt das Etymon des Wortes nicht an, 
er sagt bloss: ,,ein Zauberspruch", ebenso Jastrow p. 321 a:: 
,,a charm formula". Kohut III, 141 b, sucht sich damit zu 
helfen, dass er fiir lip und pi gleiehmassig die Bedeutung 
dunk el festsetzt, also: ein dunkler Gotze. N. Briill, 
Jdhrbiicher, VII, 111, gibt fiir pllp Kp6vo<;, Diese Erklarungen 
werden gewiss Niemanden zufriedenstellen. 

Ich denke, dass H2^11 in Jeruschalmi ziemlich deutlich 
AspxsTo j ist. Die Nebenformen dieses Namens sind A^rapYccTY), 
und A-c-apyocTK;, auch J.O apa, siehe Ktesias bei Strabon XVI r 
4. 2 ) Demnach ist ^11 verkurzte Form fiir [ A]Tapya[irfJ, vgl. 

1 ) Siehe jedoch Kohut s. v. BIB (VI. 390 a). 

2 ) Ueber die verschiedenea Formen des griechischen Namens, s. 
Mordtmann, in Zeitschrift der deutscli. morgenldnd. Gesellschaft, XXXIX, 
42 f. Eben diese Verschiedenheit der Namen bringt es auch mit sich, 



Aegyptische und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 349 

>A<ppto= A<ppofciTY] bei Pape-Benseler, Worterbuch der griechi- 
schen Eigennamen, 3. Aufl., I, 184 5 fiir nz:m wird wohl nrpm 
oder richtiger rvnnn zu lesen sein == [ AJTapyaTicT, der T- 
Laut ist wegen des stiinmiiaften R-Lautes ebenfalls zum 
stimmhaften D-Laut geworden; n fiir T 1st ganz in Ordnung 1 ), 
wahrend die Endung wohl nur nach Analogic der rein he- 
braiscken Forinen auf fT sich gebildet hat - Jetzt bleibt 
nur nock die Toseftha zu erklaren. Was nun zunachst das 
Wort ji~np anlangt, so schlage ick dafiir *jl"p~H =: AspxsTw[v] 
vor; der N-Laut ini Auslaute 1st dem Worte nach Analogic 
der vielen Worter auf jr angehangt Was nun aber das 
Wort \r\ oder jin anlangt, so ist es gewiss identisck mit ^T1 
im Jerusckalmi. nur haben unwissende Copisten infolge der 
Bezugnakme auf den biblischen Dagon den Buchstaben 1 
gleick von vornherein ausgelassen, was dock gar nicht noth- 
wendig ist, denn es wird nicht gesagt, das ^m, beziehungs- 
weise *jirn, mit Dagon identisck ist, sondem dass dieser 
Name an Dagon eriimert oder anklingt, was dock in der 
That der Fall ist-, im Jeruschalnii ist es ja ausdriicklich so 
zu lesen. Es ist iibrigens bekannt, dass die Derketo als 
eine Fran mit eincin Fiscksckwanz abgebildet wurde und 
also auck in dieser Hinsickt dem Dagon entsprickt, welche 
Gottkeit, der Etymologic nach, ebenfalls etwas fischartiges 
haben musste. Es liegen Bcrichte daruber vor, dass bcide 
Gottheiten, Dagon und Derketo, in einer und derselben Stadt, 

das7wir im Talmud keinen Namen erwarten diirfen, der den laudlaufigen 
aufs Haar ahnlich ist; die Orthographie solcher aus der Fremde heriibe 
genommener Namen muss immer fluctuiren. Es erging auch den G 
nicht besser, wenn sie z. B. aegyptische Gotternamen in ihrer Sprache 
auszudriicken batten, s. iiber den Namen Ap^oxpdnjc Wilh ^olinli6 
in Kubn s Zeitschrift fiir vercjleichende Sprachforsckung , XXXIII, , 
Schulze selbst ist nicht im Eechte, wenn er immer Apou W (mit 
Spiritus asper) schreibt; wir haben oben talmudische Formen dieses 
Namens gesehen, welche auf ein Schwanken zwischen Sp. aspe 
1 e n i s schliessen lassen. , 

) Ewald, Sebr. Gramm. 8 47 und Lagarde, GemmmeUe 
Abhandlungen, S. 255 und 256, stellen das Gesetz auf, dass vor c 
Alexande,/n nur durch ,, B nur durch ft wiedergegebeu werde, wah.end 
nach der Zeit Alexanders das Verhaltniss sich nmkebre (qm. = Aepxe. 
also nwn = [A]tip Y a,, { vor Alexander); s. auch Muss-Arnolt a.aO 
S. 47 n. 48, dagegen H. L e w y , Die semitiscken Fremdworter t ,n Gnech,- 
schen (Berlin 1895), S. 15. 



350 Samuel Krauss. 

in Askalon verehrt wurden 1 ) ein Beweis mehr, dass die 
beiden Gottheiten in einander iibergehen und dass die talmu- 
dische Bemerkung von ihrer Identitat auf richtiger Wahr- 
nehmung beruht. 

Wir bemerken schliesslich, dass hier ebenfalls von einem 
Schwure die Rede ist, wie oben bei Apophis. 

8. Dione. 
In T. Sabb. VII, 3, p. 118, lesen wir femer Folgendes: 

cir ty p -ic\x mirr -i nickel OTID ni nn >n ^n -ic\sn 

P THtK -iCMtf mi mi2J? wer da sagt (schwort): Doni, 
Doni! so ist das etwas von der Art der Amoriter; R. Juda 
sagt: Dan klingt an Gotzendienst an, denn so heisst es 
(Amos VIII, 14): ,,Beim Leben Deines Gottes, "Dan!" 
An den Parallelstellen, in j. Sabb. VI, 8 c, Z. 49 und b. 
Sabb. 67 b (oben), ist mit einigen imwesentlichen Aenderungen 
derselbe Satz zu lesen ; der Gotze heisst im Jeruschalmi UH 
:-i, im Babli vp ^H (bei Aruch jedoch ^1 ^1 wie in der 
Toseftha, 2 ) Manuscript Erfurt T 1 " i: k si 

Von dieser letzteren Form ausgehend, nehmen wir als 
richtige Lcseart die Form \XNH oder J1H(=djoni) an; dies 
scheint ganz deutlich Aicovy) 3 ) zu sein, ein Name, welcher 
der Demeter und auch der Persephone beigelegt und 
auch AYJMOVYJ und Ar ; oS geschrieben wird. Ein Heiligthum der 
Persephone gab es im talmudischen Zeitalter in Gaza und 
A ceo, 4 ) diese alten orientalischen Culte waren also urn 
diese Zeit in griechischer Form noch im Schwunge. 

Die bisherigen Erklarungen des Wortes befriedigen 
nicht; Levy I, 415 a, ubersetzt (nach Aruch): ,,mogen fest 
werden die Fasser!" Kohut III. 94 a, denkt an das arabische 
U J flustern (als Zauberei); Jastrow p. 315 a, wieder: 
a charm formula. Das Wort ist aber unzweifelhaft ein 
Eigenname. 

^Schiirer, a. a. 0., II. 12 u. 13 und auch iu den Nachtragen, 

2 ) Aruch hat den auffallenden Fehler: mon ^r-n mra n JN, in den 
Quellen iiberall 12 v, nur in Manuscript Erfurt u px ; s. Dikduke Sopherim 

3 ) Siehe iiber diesen Namen Muss-Arnolt, a. a. 0., S 55, Anm. 13. 

4 ) Schiirer, a. a. 0., S. 11 und 16. 



z. 

3 



Aegyptische und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 351 

9. Gad -- Tychc. 

Im Zusammenhange mit der soeben hehandelten Schwur- 
formel lesen wir in b. Sabb. 67 b (oben), noch folgenden 

Satz: "i niENM ^"H CITO 12 w .. . ^ p">-i "ft " 



wenn Jemand sagt: ,,Erstarke inein Stern und erlahine 
nicht!", so ist das etwas von der Art der Amoriter; R. Juda 
sagt: Gad kann nur einen Gotzendienst bedeuten, 1 ) denn 
so heisst es (Jesaja LXV, 11): ,,Die da bereiten einen 
Tisch fur Gad". Man sieht, diese Stelle ist den fruher be- 
handelten zwei Piecen vollkommen gleich, behandelt also wie 
jene eine besondere Art des heidnischen Cultus. Das Wort 
-0, aueh iin Biblisch-hebraischen gebrauchlich, 2 ), muss in 
der alten Religion der kanaanitischen Volker Eigenname 
eines Gotzen gewesen sein 3 ) und wird dasselbe erst spater 
zu dem mehr allgemeinen Begriff w Gliicks stern", Genius" 
abgeschwacht worden sein.*) In dieser letzteren Bedeutung 
lebte das Wort noch weiter fort sowohl in dem aramaischen 
Idiom des Talmud und Targum, 5 ) als auch in der Sprache 
der christlichen Syrer, 6 ) und zwar in ganz harmloser Weise, 
ohne dass man an dem Gebrauche desselben Anstoss ge- 
nommen hatte. Wenn nun die oben angefiihrte talrnudische 
Stelle dennoeh ausdriicklich erklart, dass der Gebrauch dieses 
Wortes -- oder wohl das Schworen vermittelst desselben ) 

^"D. h. mit mown "i ist noch nicht gesagt, dass der Gebrauch 
dieses Wortes den Gotzendienst involvire, sondern nur, dass er an Gotzen 
dienst anstreift und darum zu unterlassen ist; erst R. Juda behauptet 
dass damit eine Gotzenverehrung stattfindet. Man hat auf diesen Untei 
schied nicht geachtet und darum statt u willkiirlich 12 ]x eingeschoben, 
um zwischen den beiden Ansichten einen Unterschied herauszufinden. 

2 ) Genes. XXX, 11 nach K ri -a na, Jonathan x^ S^TD ww, Peschittha 
( V], Septuaginta jedoch nach Ch tMb TM ev T%, Vulgata feliciter; 
genesis rabba c, 71, 9 mehr nach KTi :HC^I HIJ *n* tn^ ma Knn. 
3 j Siehe die Commentatoren zu Jesaja LXV, 11. 

4 ) Beide Bedeutungen kommen vor; siehe die Lexica. An d 
riihmten Stelle j Az. I, 39 d. welche von Rapoport so schon erklart wurd. 
(Ereeh Mittin, S. 230), bedeutet c^pnm nn. ,,Genius des Herculius", wie 
Fiirst (ZDMG, XLVIII, 685) richtig nachgewiesen und nicht ,,Tyche, G 

5 ) Siehe -das erschopfende Verzeichnis bei K o h u t II, 234, s. v. -TJ. 
*) Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 649; auch arabisch J^. 
7 ) Nach dem Sinn der zwei fruher behandelten Stellen. 



352 Samuel Krauss. 

dem Gotzendienste gleichkomme. so muss sie das Wort 
auch in einem veriUnglichen Sinne gekannt haben, d. h. 13 
war auch das no in en proprium eines Gotzen, und that- 
sachlich wird das Wort auch in diesern Sinne gebraucht. 1 ) 
Nun wissen wir aber, dass in Syrien und Arabien uni diese 
Zeit der Cultus der Tyche sehr verbreitet war, 2 ) dasselbe 
gilt aber auch von den heidnischen Stadten Palaestina s, 3 ) 
und da der Begriff von 13 rnit deni von Tyche zusarnmen- 
fallt, so liegt es nahe, den ruit "ft bezeichneten speciellen 
heidnischen Cult auf den der Tyche zu beziehen. Das 
Wort Tyche selbst wird genannt in j. Az. Ill, 42 d, Z. 32: 

cr- [lies ^i:] 4 ) ^E mm ppnp m? mn k s2 12 Kn 01 

m32 rr\* - - R. Chijja b. Abba hatte Schalen (xauxioc), auf 
welchen die Tyche Roms gemalt war. 

10. Abi. 

Esau spricht seinen Vater Isaak mit den Worten an: 
^2N dp 1 (Genes. XX VII, 31). Der Midrasch z. St. (Genesis 
rabba c. 65 7 18) erblickt in deni Worte "CN den Namen eines 

Gotzen: c^zni r,^CN- ,N": ^N cip^ mcx wyh r,2"pn 
VZ^N isjie 11 cn^s cip" 1 ib yms : ywbz 12 ^x FJN i^n c\\*p 

Gott sprach zu Esau: Du sagtest: ,,Steh auf, Vater!" Das 
ist der Genius des Gotzen, den du einst aufstellen wirst; 
wohlan denn! mit denselben \\ orten werde auch ich dich 
strafen: ,,Gott stehe auf, es mogen zerstreut werden seine 
Feinde (Psalm LXVIII, 2)." Die Commentatoren Isachar 
Bar (PulPC nijp^) und Pseudo-Raschi z. St., berufen sich 

. Genesis ralla c. 65, 18: cn:is n-nr;i NTJ; j. Az. 43 a (oben): MHJ 
^"hs nr,N ;np (in T. Az. VI, 4 corrumpirt NHJIJ). Im Syrischen hat das 
"Wort diesen Sinn nicht mehr. Aus ft. Sanhedrin 63 b folgert Aruch (bei 
K o h 11 1 II, 239 b) richtig: wn t"y TJcr f jni. Der Ortsname ^i TJ in Jf. 
Zafoim I, 5 (T. Zabim I, 10 ;rn), der von Schiirer a. a. 0., II, 20, 
Anm. 81, hieher bezogen wird, hat mit denvGotzen Gad schwerlich etvvas 
gemein; sonst siehe noch Mo r d t m a n n in ZDMG (1877), XXXI, 99101. 

2 ) Waddington, Inscriptions Greques et Latines de la Syrie, 
p. 500 b. 

3 ) Schiirer, a. a. 0., II, 20. 

4 ) Diese Emendation ist von F ii r s t in Revue des fitudes Juives, XX, 
303, von H. Lewy in ZDMG XLVII, 118 und von mir in Magyar-Zsido 
Szemk, IX, 176 unabhangig von einander ausgesprochen worden und darum 
schwerlich abzuweisen. 



Aegyptische und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 353 



auf die Worte des Jereniias (II, 27) nr\S % ^2N yy 
urn fur abi die Bedeutung eines Gotzen herauszubekommen ; 
auch muss das Schlnsswort "PITIX des citirten Psalmverses 
an den Namen des vermeintlijhen Gotzen anklingen. Es 1st 
jetzt nur fraglich, welcher Gotze wohl gemeint 1st? 1 ) Es 
ist dies erne Frage, auf die wir 1 eider keine Antwort zu 
geben vcrinogen, und so miissen wir diesen Aufsatz mit 
einein non liquet beschliessen, doch nicht ohne vorher den 
Wnnsch ausgesprochen zu habeii, dass es Auderen gelingen 
mochte, die hier dunkel gelassenen Punkte aufzuliellen, 

1 ) Kohut II, 234 b, donkt an "AjSai, don Beinamon des Apollo. 



Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



De la formation des racines triliteres fortes 



par 
Prof. Mayer Lambert (Paris). 



Le present travail se rattache par certains cotes aux 
reclierches lexicographiques, auxquelles le regrette Alexandre 
Kohut a consacre la plus belle part de sou activite. Si les 
resultats auxquels nous sommes arrives dans 1 etude des 
racines triliteres fortes sont confirmes, ils contribueront afournir 
une base solide aux questions etymologiques, en permettant 
de determiner d une nianiere plus rigoureuse le sens primitif 
des racines seinitiques. 

Quand on examine des series de racines triliteres cornine 

HE, znE\ ns, p2, pis on n:: ? > :;, p;, to, IP::, <>u apercoit 

un element constant "]} ou ij et des lettres ad v entices "I, 
2C, \, *, p; n ? > 7 E 1 , it , K 1 . On en a coiiclu avec raisun que 
les racines triliteres proviennent de racines biliteres. Que 
sont ces lettres adventices, grace auxquelles les racines sont 
devenues biliteres ? Pour les consonnes N % ? \ 1 la reponse 
s ofFrait d elle-meme: Les racines biliteres avaieut une voy- 
^31e (a, i, u), qui s est transformed en consonne. Suivant 
que la voyelle precedait, separait on suivait les deux con- 
sonnes 7 il en est resulte des racines avec premiere, dcuxieme ou 
troisieme radicale ^s, 1 ou ">: abd i;st dcvenu 12N 7 pri "H5, 
qum Clp. Notons deja ici qu uii tres giand nombre de 
biliteres sont devenus triliteres par le redoublement de la 
deuxieme radicale, et sans que la voyelle jouat aucun role 
dans cctte transformation, ex 22D, CEP. On pent appeler 
les racines telles qne "CX, ns, dp vocaliques 1 ) et les 
racines geminees telles que 22D, CH a vocaliques. 

La nature des consonnes autres que N % , 1. et ^ est plus 

l ) Bien eutendu, nous voulons dire par vocalique qa nne des radicales 
provient d une voyelle, 11011 pas qu elle soit une voyelle. 



I)e la formation des racines triliteres fortes. 355 

difficile a determiner. Bien des hypotheses ont ete faites au 
sujet des racines triliteres fortes. Les uns ont pense que ces 
raciues etaient une coiubinaison de racines bilitcres, d autres 
qu elles etaient eomposees d une racine bilitere et d une pre 
position ou d une postposition, etc. Mais avant de formuler 
aucune theoric, il iniporte de determiner cxactemcnt la place 
que peuvent occnper les consonnes adventioes dan^ les ra 
cines triliteres. On s epargnera de la sorte des suppositions 
peut-etre ingenieuses, niais qni ne s accorderaient pas avec 
1 emploi reel deces consonnes. II faut done etudier, sans idees 
preconcues, les families de racines triliteres, separer de 1 ele- 
ment bilitere les consonnes adventices ct grouper ensuite 
les racines triliteres (|ui sont formees a 1 aide d une memo 
consonne. En procedant ainsi nous avons obtenu une liste 
de racines qui montre la place des lettres adventices. r ) Nous 
avons laisse de cote toutes les racines qui ne decelaient pas 
avec une clarte suffisante leur consonne adventice, niais ii n y 
a pas de raison pour ([ueles conclusions auxquelles nous sonnnes 
arrives pour les unes ne soient pas valables pour les autres : 

N est initial dans 12N, ^2vX, ]2N, C3N % , ^N 1 , C"I. ^IX, InN, 

CES, hzs, cX r\hs, bvx, rcN. P]JN % , IT:**, jsx, C?N, "is:^, rnx, 



medial dans 1N2, lt N2, *$, 2N1, Cti, ~\$. Cs. "INC. 

pc, DNC, INSJ, INP. 

final dans N"2, NE2, N12, vS 4 2^, N2"i, vX-i\ ,X1T, N2". NiC", 

sbr\, ^cn, en, W:E, WL:, xbz, ^NDZ, NE*?, xnc, N2:, NT:, vxir*:, 

XCD, sb?, X2X, NCi , NBp, Nip, NST1. 

2 est final dans 21:, 2X\ 2J7, 2 % i:n, 2^n, 21H, 2i: f n, 2P2, 

2;j, 2i:, Up:, 2nD, 2py, 2^p, 2Sp, 2C p, 2n1, 2pl, 231T, 2M. 
: est final dans ^, :CC, ^NIT , :H, 3in, SSI, :Pu, iDl 
1 est final dans 13s<, "CN, ""12, "to, "H3, "Cn, ~Cn, ~n^, 

"122, "n2, "2% i^, "11:6, "lie, "::, "p:, npy, ins, nps:, -IE. 
ica, "i^, "isp, lyi, >2i, IHI, "ipi, ipi^. 

P. est medial dans 2"N, 1H2, 2uT, "IPiT. 1"^, 2u^ EM% 



J ) Pour reduire lo travail, nous n avons pris que les racines usitees 
en hebreu. D ailleurs, en nous bornant a une seule langue, nous risquions 
inoins de nous laisser egarer par des rapprochements seduisants, niais qui 
opuvaient ne pas etre fondes. 

) Ji seinble quo le n medial soit une variante du i medial, comparez 

23* 



356 Mayer Lambert. 



final dans n23. 

1 est initial dans CNl, ^21, 21, 2r,l, ini, ^ni, n21, bl\ 

\ -IDI, pDi, -IDI, 2yi, -rai, -ipi, ypi, ipi, irpi, "ni, nm, im, 



medial dans 112. 7.2, D12. 112, B"I2, 113, 713, in:, m, nil, 

in, DTI, in, int, -nn, Din, 21?, "IT. X yi7, 11?, nn, in, inn, cm, 
cm, pin, .mn, 2i. -IE, ^IE, ^12, 112, EiS, yi% in% :ic, ire, 
lie, tJic, pic, me, i& ic, me, 21:, m:, m:, ci:, ci:, xn:, ^:, yi:, 
aiD, -IID, niD, TD, niD, 2iy, rv, my, w, ^jj, n^ 7 pv, ^ T- ? 
pi^ ? me, ^15, ms, ms:. ^sj, pvj, ma, Eip, ^p, mp, nn, en, 
vn, ^n, pn, Tii 7 cvi: , mir, 2ir, tntt , yii:- , piK- 1 , mt&*, mn. 
final dans in:, T,2, m^, inti 1 , i:y, ny, iap, i^ir 1 ). 

T est tinal dans TIN, i^, 6>, TnD, 715, T5p, 731. 

n est final dans nJN, nLT2, n2!l, n Pa, n27, MJI, n~17, PCtC, 

ncE, nit:, nDr, np^, nit e, nne, "2:, n::, nr:, no:, nw, na:, 
nn:, n^c, n^c. nDC, nas, np?, me. nrs, nea, nip, nep, nnp, 
nirp, nan, np^, net:*, nz^, n^ , nir. 

L: est final dans t22n, tC2% E:^, ^p% ^C, E1C, 2C2j, ^E?, 

KIC, r^ e, t:ep, t:^p, t:itr, 2:21^. 

^ est initial dans 2\ fp\ ItrX 

medial dans 1^, pi, ^H, 1^, "i^a, 1^, f p, mp, nn, 

^n, pn. 

final dans ^2N % , ^\X, ^, "OK, ^DN 4 , nN, V2, ^2, ^2, n2, 

^:, n:, rn, \n, ^i, s ei, ^n, ^en, ^i, m, ^i, TT, :, n7, 
S 2n, vn, ^n, ^n, ^:n, ^Dn, ^n, ^an, ^pn, nn, wi, ^nn, 
nt:, nt:, n\ <| ^, re, ^2. ^2, ^2, ^D2. ^2, nr, T.O, ^e, ^ac, 
nc, ^ e, n:, TO, ^:, T:, ^a:, ^p:, ^:, ^D, ^D, ^2y, ny, ny, 
^y, ^y, s :y, ^ay, ny, v ^y, nc, ^s?, :?, ^ys, ^as, ns, \ns, ^a, 
-a, na, ^na, ^a, ^a, ijp, ^p, np, ^ p, ^i, ni, rn, ^ci, ^BI, 



nn, ^p, ->yn. 

2 est final dans rii n, -]trn, inn, "n^, lire, i^ j, IP:, ICD, 

121, 12i , 1^. 

b est final dans ^BN, ^\N, ^12, ^ 2, ^P2, ^23, ^":. ^73, 

ea, ya, ^21, ^2n, :?cn, ^27, ^2n, ^en, ^e, bzz, ^22. ^nr, 



anr et ^n, ^ne et ^itt, etc. I)e 1 hebrou a 1 aranieen le changement de i in 
n est frequent: * t n et em, ru et nnn. 

x ) Beaucoup de racines ^ sont devenues B: T. 



De ia formation des racines triliteres fortes. 357 

: est initial clans t>2:, t>E:, pi 

rinal dans JCK, ]n2, pi, pi, jDn, ]Bn, ]Pn, p*, JCZ:, 1B2, 

itcty, JBS, ]z:p, pp, pfc*, ptf. 

D est final dans D^2, D1J, Din, Den, D22 7 DC2, D:2, DV2, 

DP:, DIB, DtJp, Dip, D21, DC1, DEI, D2tf. 

y est final dans jta, S/ S2, Vp2, 5721 V"0, V73, J?t>3, y"U, VC1, 



y:s, yiB, JB, vpB, m virs, v^s:, yns, vp, jrap, V"ip ? ysi, 
wi, jnn, ypi, yiy i, V2te ? , yzir, wt& , W. 

D est rinal dans ^, ^ ?)""!, f]^l, P]p, ?]PT, ?)Z:n, ^n, 



1J est rinal dans ^CN, p- n > V cn ? V nc F n:! T 
pp, PP, P^ pir. 
p est rinal dans p:s, p12, p^2, p*12, pP2, prn, p^l, pBl, 

pyi, p:i, pj??, p-ii, p2n, p-in, pin, pen, p:n, pte, pro, pvi, pn:, 
PBD, piv, pirj?, ptfy, p-iB, pirs, pis, pns, pcs, p:s, pys, pan, 



1 est medial dans tiHn (se taire), H12, C"1J? (entasser). 
final dans "UN, 11N, inx, "IICN. ^CN % , 1DN, ^^N, 112, "In2, 

ip2, 1P2, 12:, "n:, in, ic:, iw, 121, ipi, nn, 121, i2n, i:n, 
inn, ii:n, ^en, icn, i^n 7 ian, ipn, ipn, 122, 1^2, 1B2, ioe ? 
"n:, 12:, ip:, lit 1 :, IP: I:D, ISD, ICD, IBD, ^rc, ^2y, iiy, it:y, 

1CJ?, IJjy, Ipy, it^T, ll^J?, ^E, IT?, ^u? ? 1VE, 1JJB, 1PE, 12S, 

ins, ics, i:s, i2p, lyp, isp, ist p, nit*, 121^, it:it , "^yir, 

IplT, IBP. 

fr est final dans i^i:, tt En, tt f :: t^ IB, ttri, tt EI. fc EP. 
V est final dans K 2, ^ "1 tt ^, K- W IT i:^ 21, 2n, ty in, 



:, I& E:, ^:, ^P:. ir:>% 



P est initial dans 2NM. ]2P, J?P, 2V P, J?K P. 
medial dans 1P2. 

rinal dans P2H, PB^, PED, P2J7, P^ , P^V, P^ 5?, P2S, PCS, 



Par cette liste on voit quo toutes les lettres peuvent 
etre adventices a la fin des racines. An milieu, N, 1 et "> le 
sont trcs frequemment, Pi quelquefois, 1 et P exceptionnelle- 



358 Mayer Lambert. 

merit 1 ); les autres consonnes, quand elles sont deuxieme ra- 
dicale, appartiennent a I element bilitere. Coiumc" initiales 
adventices on a de nouveau N, 1 et \ Les consonnes j et p 
panni les consonnes fortes se mettent devant les racines bili- 
teres. Mais il est probable que les quelques racines formees 
avec J et n sont secondaires, c est-a-dire qu elles derivent 
de mots dejk triliteres: pn vient de p2, yhfi de 5,^1. y^n 
de y& l. 

Ces remarques nous aideront a trouver 1 origine des 
lettres adventices. 11 semble qti en coinparant les racines 
terminees par une meme letfcre adventice, on devrait dcoiwir 
une idee commune a ces racines. Et, en effet, si les lettres 
adventices etaient elles-memes des racines abregees, elles 
devraient donner une nuance de sens particuliere aux racines 
bilitcrcs avec lesquelles elles se seraient combinees. Mais 
il n en est rien. II est impossible, a nioins de posseder 
beaucoup d imagination, de trouver quel est le sens du 2 dans 
les racines mx Ujfl, 2:?, 2^n, etc., on du ; dans les racines 
3*n, 5"in, ri"l, etc. II en est done des racines fortes comme 
des racines faibles. Pas plus qu on ne cherche le sens que 
donnent F x, le 1 on le \ il n y a a chereher celui que pourrait 
donner 1111 2 on un :, C est dejk un indice que les con 
sonnes adventices fortes doivent s expliquer de la ineine ma- 
niere que les consonnes faibles, ou pour mieux dire, c est 
dans les consonnes faibles qu il faut chercber, selon nous, 
Torigine des consonnes fortes. Nous croyons que, une fois 
devenues consonnes, les voyelles a, i, u out donne naissance 
non pas seulenient a N, 1, "> mais a toutes les gutturales, la- 
biales et palatales qui terminent les racines triliteres. On 
peut considerer les consonnes fortes comme des consonnes 
faibles renforcees. C est le besoin de multiplier les racines 
qui a pousse a differencier ainsi les finales. On comprend 
que ce phenomena se soit produit a la tin des mots, ou la 
prononciation des consonnes est moins tranchee. D ailleurs, 
la transformation d une consonne faible an commencement ou 
au milieu d un mot eut amene des confusions perpetuelles 
de racines: rrr:, p. e. n aurait pu devenir n-2~: sans se 



J ) II pent y avoir d autres exceptions, mais nous n avons pas cm devoir 
en tenir compte. 



De la formation des racines triliteres fortes. 359 

confondre avec n~2j de 21 Si notrc supposition est juste, 
des verbes els quc =]"" ct pni viennent, coininc 1H1 et T!1, 
de dhu ot dhi. Of. *pp ct ISp, C^IT et lt>tr, cn2 et 1P2, C15? 
(ruse) et 113?, :^ ct ^E, p:? et ^7, pr.E et TO, n^2 et NE2, 
n23 et fcOj, etc-. II va sans dire quo les racines d une meme 
famille une fois separees, leurs significations arrivent souvent 
a s eloigner les unes des autres au point qu on a de la peine 
a trouver Fidee qui les reunit. Ainsi, Nip lire et nip etre 
chauve viennent tons deux de qra, TO etre brillant 
et pntf rire, de shi. II n est pas ctonnant qu on ait quelque 
difticulte pour trouver le lien qui unit les sens de ces mots. 

L hypotbese qui vient d etre emise, explique la formation 
des gutturales, des labiales et des palatalcs. II rcste a 
inontrcr 1 origine des dentales ct des sifflantes. La aussi 
nous aurons reeours aux racines faibles, mais aux racines 
avocaliques on geminces. On sait (^ue dans les langues se- 
mitiques le redoublement d une consonne est souvent remplace 
par 1 intercalation d une liquide, p. e. dans ND2 ct ^2, C est, 
a not.r(i avis, par un phenomcne scmblablc quc les racines 
geminees out donne naissance aux racines augmentecs d une 
liquide, principalement du resell. Un grand nombre de 
racines terminees par un 1 sc rapprocbent remarquablement 
pour le sens des racines geminces tirees du memo element 
bilitere, p. e. 172 et 772 7 17: et 77:, 12"! et 221, ^:n et ::n ? 
Ipn et ppn, 12p et 22p, Ili p et TO p. Les racines en 1 
represented done une variete des racines geminees. 

II en est de mcine des racines en *? et 1 Ces consonnes 
se permutent fre(juemment avec le 1, de sorte qu on pent y 
voir la transformation du 1, on bien les rattacher directement 
aux racines geminees, p. e. CEn et ^EH, "J21& et ]2*ii . Le 
sens des racines en ^ et : est souvent semblable a celui des 
racines en 1, Que Ton compare, par exemple, *?~a et 11:, 
^7: et 17:, btt et 10:, ^2n et 12H. ^*: et It?:, ^:D et i:D, ]H2 
et in2, JPH et inn, etc. 

C est enlin le 1 qui sert de trait d union entre les racines 
geminees et les raciues avec dentales et sifflantes. Entre le 1 et 
le 1 il existe une affinite tres grande, cf., par exemple, ^ iti f et 
^""IIT. On pent meme se deniander si dans 1 alphabet pbcnicien 
priniitif on ne s est pas servi d un meme signe pour les deux 



360 Mayer Lambert. 

lettres, ce qui en expliquerait 1 extraordinaire ressemblance. 
On est done autorise a croire que le "1 adventice n est qu une 
transformation du 1. On comprend par la que des racines 
comme "ID" (en arabe) et ID". 122 et 122, Ipj et 1pj, aient 
des significations tres voisines. Le 1 a du surtout remplacer 
le "1 dans les racines qui avaient deja une liquide, connne 

112, -6:, 11;, ii, 12^, ic 1 ?, -IB^ i S, -nc, in?, -ijn, isn, 



Le 1 s est, a son tour, change on 12 on en r; cf. 115 
et LOIS, assyrien liy l S et E& B, 1ES et DC* , cf. aussi 12^ 
et top 1 ?, 1p; et top:, re: (arabe), etc. 

Les dentales enfin se sont souvent aspirees et sent deve- 
nues les sifflantes T, D, *, et it , compares "11? et DB, 
DIB, pB; ip: et jp; ; zocp et yep; IBp et ^Bp; 1H2 et n^ 2 ; 
i:: et ti f ::, ^j ; tOp^5 et l^pb, etc. Les sifflantes sont done le 
dernier ternie de 1 evolution des racines biliteres avocaliqucs. 
En partant, par exemple, de 222 (usite en arabe) on obtient 
"122, 122, D22 et LT22. 

La theorie que nous avons exposee facilite beaucoup la 
recherche dc Telement bilitere dans les racines semitiques, 
parce qu elle laisse bien moins de place a une decomposition 
arbitraire des racines triliteres. Les consonnes fortes ne 
pouvant guere etre adventices que comme troisieme radicale, 
il s en suit que dans les racines on les deux premieres con 
sonnes sont fortes, on est certain que c est la troisierne lettre 
qui est ajoutee; ainsi, 22l ne peutotre que 2~2^ , et appar- 
tient a la famille de i12 , 12K , ^2^ , pit ; cette racine n a 
done rien a faire avec le latin cubo. 

II reste toutefois bien des racines oil Ton ne pent degager 
Felement bilitere par ce procede mecanique. Ce sont tout 
d abord celles qui ont une lettre initiale faible. Dans les 
racines commencant par x, 1 ou \ on a toujours a se de- 
mander si ces lettres sont adventices ou si elles appartiennent 
a 1 eleinent bilitere. Ainsi dans 1HX, cf. im, 11n, F x est 
surement adventice; dans inx cf. 1HN, il est primitif. Dans 
21^1 Felement bilitere est 2& v , dans 2:*1 c est yv, dans Yp^ le 
yod est adventice, dans ^ le yod initial est primitif. Avec 
de telles racines, ou ne pent reconnaitre la consonne addi- 
tionelle qu en les comparant an point de vue de la signi- 



De la formation des racines triliteres fortes. 

iication avec les racines triliteres qui pourraient etre de la 
meine famille. 

Comme lettres mediales les consonncs N, 1 et 1 sont le 
plus souvent adventices. II ne pent guere y avoir de diffi- 
cultes que lorsqu il y a deux lettres faibles, comme dans fcoa, 
\s*l II est possible que dans ce cas les deux consonnes 
faibles repesentent deux ancieimes voyelles. 

Le 1 est beaucoup plus embarrassant coinnie modiale, 
parce qu il peut alors etre adventice. II est, p. e., plus na- 
turel, de rattacher ni2 a P2, qui signifie couper, qu a 12, 
qui signifie ere user et arrondir. 1 ) Dans irin la signi 
fication etre muet s explique mieux par la racine bilitere 
IT n fermer que par in (cf ^ M, 2trn, pB- Tt) ; D1J? amasser 
- CEJ7; dans p il est difficile de decider si nous avons 
Telement bilitere "1C ou us, etc, 

Pour le *?, il n est pas certain qu il soit adventice au 
milieu de la racine. On cite generalement ^x, ([u on com 
pare a yiN, mais on pourrait tout aussi bien le comparer a 
1 arabe pU7 attache r. Le n parait ajoute dans inr, qui 
appartient surement a la racine 12-. ^lais ""pr est probable- 
ment tine racine secondaire tiree de 112. 

On ne saurait etre trop prudent, quand, pour degager 
Telement bilitere, on compare la signification des racines qui 
se ressemblent phonetiquement. En effet, il senible que lors- 
que des racines out une assonance rneme fortuite, elles 
tendent a se rapprocher pour le sens. On est alors porte a 
reunir des racines qui n ont, en realite, aucun rapport entrc 
elles. On devra se garder de mettre ensemble 1~i\N* en- 
fermer et 11U serrer; IP -}: approcher et ly-yz rencon- 
trer; b~*V etre has et hz j tomber ? 1~p: et 1"p1 percer. 
Les racines exercent une sorte d attraction les unes sur les 
autres, et il est possible aussi, en sens inverse, que 1 analogie 
d une racine exerce une influence phonetique sur d autres 
racines ay ant une signification voisine. Ainsi, pour tWJ et 
l^ aD il se peut que la concordance de la terminaison soit due 
a 1 analogie de Fidee que ces racines exprinient; de rneme 
pour 57:0 et ^5, 



J ) Les idees de cavite et de rondeur sont etroitement liees dans les 
idees des anciens; cf. ^n et ^in, 



362 Mayer Lambert. 

En outre, il faut compter avec les metatheses possibles 
des lettres radicales; p. e. tO^p ne parait pas etre autre chose 
que la metathese de Bp^. On trouvera bien d autres exemples 
de ce phenomene dans les grammaires hebraiques et, en 
particulier, dans les Etudes etymologiques de M. Earth. 
Entin, il faut avoir bien soin de distinguer des racines pri- 
maires les racines secondaires, qui derivent de mots ayant 
deja une racine trilitere. Notamment le n du feminin sert 
parfois a former de nouvelles racines. Ainsi,. nnttf derive 
tres vraiserablablement de nnir, qui lui-meme vient de TO\ 
De meme, n^ doit deriver d un substantif my tombe en de- 
suetude, et qui vient de ^y- r\2W tire, sans aucun doute, son 
origine de P2^ , second infinitif de 2l^\ 

On voit que, nieme en sachant comment se ferment les 
racines triliteres, on doit user de beaucoup de precautions 
dans Tetucle etymologique de ces racines. Mais, du nioins, si 
notre theorie est juste, elle restreint le champ des suppositions 
possibles, et etablit des regies qui, bien souvent, pemiettront 
dc^ degagcr avec une certitude presque absolue 1 idee fon- 
damentale que Teleinent bilitere exprime dans les mots se- 
mitiques. 



Erklarung einer Talmudstellc 

von 
Prof. Dr. M. Lazarus (Berlin). 



Als ,,jener Tag 1 " wird derjenige bezeichnet, an \velchern 
Schamioai und seine Schule iiber Hillel und die seinige 
einen Sieg errungen, indem sie achtzehn verschiedene Ver- 
ordnungen zur Verscliarfung drs Gesetzes iiberhaupt und xur 
starksten Absonderung der Juden von den Nichtjuden fest- 
setztcn. Auf dein Allan eines gewissen Chiskia ben Cha- 
nanja baben die Schammaiten (wie mebrfacb berichtet wird) 
niit List nnd Gewalt die Mehrheit erlangt und die Satze ziini 
Beschluss erhoben. Uber diesen. Tag findct sich spiiter ein 
Ausspruch, welcber der Deutung dringend bedarf; ieh habe 
eine solche bei Anderen, wie ieh glaube, vergeblich, gesuoht 
und tbeile desbalb meine eigene Vermutbung mit. Der Aus- 
spruch, ohne Angabe eines Autors, lantet: 

bwr\ 12 i&w CIT btrwb niip rpn c^n in\x 

,,Jener Tag war hart fur Israel, wie jener an welcbem 
sie das (goldene) Kalb gemacht baben." 1 ) 

Wird nun aucb der IJrheber des Ausspruclies uicht ge- 
genannt, so erscheint dieser doch im unmittelbaren Zusam- 
menbang mit einer Contro verse, wclche fiber eben ., diesen 
Tag" zwisclicn Rabbi Elieser ben Hyrkanos und Rabbi 
Josua ben Chananjab, also etwa nacb zwei Menschenaltern, 
stattgefunden hat. und man darf annehmen , dass er 
von Josua selbst, oder einem Gesinnungsgenossen her- 
stammt. Der Dialog lautet, nach der Tradition des Jems. 
"Rabbi Elieser sagt, an jeneni Tage haben sie das Mass ge- 
gehauft. Rabbi Josua dagcgen, an jenem Tage haben sie das 
Mass abgestrichen. Rabbi Elieser sagt, ,,in einer mit Ntissen 

1 ) S. Jerus. 1, 4 und Tosiphtali Sabb. 1. 



364 M. Lazarus. 

gefullten Kufe findet sich fur Sesamkornchen noch immer 
Raum genug." Rabbi Josna dagegen : ,.sie habcn das Mass 
der Beschrlinkungen iiberschritten. Giesse Wasser in eine 
mit 01 gefiillto Kufe,, da gcwinnst du Wasser, aber du ver- 
lierst ebensoviel an 01. Es ersclieint mir nun beachtens- 
werth, nieht bios, dass dieser Dialog in der Misehnah des 
Rabbi Jehuda garniclit, in der Tosiphtah ganz und gar ver- 
kiirzt, ohne Hervorhebung der verschiedenen Stoffe iiber- 
lieiVrt ist; sondern - - dass der Babli (Sabb. 153 b) an die 
Stelle jcnes Gleichnisses des Josua ein anderes setzt, nam- 
lich: -Fiille ein Gefass mit Honig, thust du Granateu und 
Niisse dazu, so verdrangen sie den Honig. ;t Dieses Bild, 
das gleichwerthige StoiFe als die einander verdrangenden 
nennt, ist weit weniger treffend ; die Opposition Josua s und 
ihr Grund sind fast verwischt. 01 und Wasser aber, das trifft, 
das ist klare und scbarfe Kritik. Man wird diesen Dialog 
fiber den wogenden Kampf der beiden Richtungen, der nie 
zur Ruhe kommen sollte, vielfach nicht bios in den Schulen 
Paliistinas, sondern auch Babylons berum getragen haben; 
wie aber konnte es geschehen, dass an die Stelle des schar- 
fen und kennzeichnenden Gleichnisses von 01 und Wasser, 
das matte und fast irreffihrende 1 ) von Granaten und Honig* 
getreten ist V Ich werde den Verdacht nicht los, dass es 
ebenso wie die Weglassung in der Misehnah mit Bewusstsein 
und Absicht geschehen ; die Kritik beides, der Verordnungen, 
die doch nun einmal thatsachlich Geltung erlang-t hatten, als 
auch der Schammaitischen Eichtung, welche trotz aller gegen- 
theiligen Versicherungen und Bestimniiingen, die siegreiche 
geworden war, die Kritik von beiden, sage ich, erschien in 
dem Gegensatz von Ol und Wasser doch allzuscharf, und 
man suchte ihm aus dem Wege zu gehen. 

Nunmehr konnen wir uns die Frage vorlegen, was bedeutet 
es, dass dieser Tag der achtzehn Verordnungen. als ebenso hart, 
nB p (nachtheilig, schlimm, folgenschwer) bezeichnet wird 
wie der des goldenen Kalbes? Worm, oder wodurch ist er 
gleich ,,hart?" Wo steckt das eigentliche tertium coin- 
parationis? Schon vor Jahreu fragte ich einmal einen jungen, 
aber sehr gewiegten Talmudisten, es Avar einer von den stark 

) S. B. Sabb. 153 b, Tosaphot z. St. 



Erklarung einer Talmudstelle. 

schainm&itisch Gesinnten ; ihm passte die harte Verurtheilung 
schlecbt, und or meinte : es heisse nichts Anderes als der 
Tag sei ein ,,grosser Ungluckstag" gewesen. Stilistische 
Schonheit und Genauigkeit ist nicht gerade ein Vorzug der 
Tannaitischen Sprache ; wenn man aber ein so hervorstechen- 
des Grleichniss brauchte, so hatte es auch seine bestimmte 
Bedeutung. Und brauchte Jeniand, urn einen ,,Ungliickstag" 
zu bezeichneD, nach der Zerstorung Jerusalems und des Tern- 
pels auf den Tag des goldcnen Kalbes zuriickzugreifen? Das 
Wichtigste aber, und deshalb nenne ich den Namen des 
Mannes nicht, erscheint mir dieses: es ist erne ganz unjiidische 
und untalinudische Antwort. Ein Tag grossen Vergehens ist 
niemals nach judischer Anschauung ein blosser Unglucks 
tag". - - Neuerdings nun habe ich ineine Frage an unseren 
grossen Talmudisten, Herrn Dr. Israel Lewy in Breslau ge- 
richtet Er meint: ,,der (Irund, weswegen jener Tag dem 
Hilleliten wenigstens so unheilvoll erschien, diirfte ungeachtet 
des Inhalts (!) der am genannten Tage gefassten Beschliisse 
und abgesehen von etwaigen Hypothesen, in dem Ilmstande 
bereits zu linden sein, dass ..." (und nun folgt das Citat aus 
Sabb. 17 a und Jems. Fol. 3 a, wo von List und Gewalt der 
Schammaiten berichtet wird). 1 ) 

Weshalb in aller Welt der Urheber des Ausspruches 
wegen dieses Benehmens der Schammaiten gerade auf den 
Vergleich mit deni goldenen Kalbe verfallen sollte, ist nicht 
ersichtlich; man wird den Grund desselben, glaube ich, iiber- 
haupt nicht entdecken konnen, wenn man nur auf das Ver- 
fahren der Beschlussfassung, und nicht auf den Inhalt 
der Beschliisse achten Avill ! - - Der Meister der Aus- 
legung der Agada, M. Friedmann in Wien dagegen, 
an den ich meine Frage ebenfalls gerichtet, meint: ,,die 
Folgen des ?ty zeigten sich in der Spaltimg bei der 
Theilung des Reiches . . . Die Divergenz der beiden Schulen 
gelangte an diesein Tage zu ein em blutigen Kampfe. Auch 

\) Ich will beilaufig bemcrken, dass die Vermutlmng des Herrn Dr. 
J. L. zur St., dass es vielloicht c:r* ^N c:::n heissen miisste, am besten 
durch Scbillers Fiesko, 4 Act, 1. Scene, widerlegt wird. Die eifervollen 
Schammaiten und der weltklugo Schiller wussten es besser; wenn man die 
Leute vergewaltigen will, danu liisst man sie herein, aber nicht hinaus, bis 
sie gedemiithigt und iiberwunden sind. 



366 M. Lazarus. 

beklagte man, dass die Lehre zu zwei Lehren wurde". Sollte 
wirklicli der Tannai vom Tage des goldenen Kalbes gespro- 
chen haben, wenn er in Wahrheit nur die spate Folge des- 
selben, die Trennung Israels und das Kalb des Jerobeam im 
Sinne hatte ? - Uni das Grleichniss zu verstehen, meine ich, 
miissen wir uns die Geschichte des goldenen Kalbes etwas 
genauer ansehen. Dass Ahron es gemacht, darauf lege ich kein 
Gewicht, er wurde gezwungen; auch was etwa em heutiger, 
zuinal bibelkritischer, Leser von dem ganzen Ereigniss denkt, 
Jiegt uns hier durchaus fern, - - nur wie es dem Tannaiten 
erscheinen mochte, indem er sich ganzlich an der wortlichen 
Darstellung halt, miissen wir zu verstehen suchen. 

Die Kinder Israels sind in ihrer Art fromnie Leute ; sie 
fiihlen ein starkes religioses Bediirfniss und wollen es be- 
friedigen. Allc Menschen habcn ihren Gott, sie wolleu auch 
einen Gott haben und zwar ihren Gott, der sie aus Miz- 
raim herausgefuhrt. Nun hatte Moses, ihr grosser, wunder- 
thatiger Befreier, sie gelehrt : dass er nur der Diener dieses 
Gottes sei, und die Offenbarung hatte den Gedanken be- 
statigt: dass Gott ewig, reingeistig. dass er unsichtbar und 
olme jegliche Gestalt sei; diese Lehre iiber Gott batten sie 
vernommen und auch angeuommen, - - aber sie in Wahrheit 
zu erfassen, vermochten sie noch nicht. Ach! noch viele 
Generationen mussten hingehen, bevor die grossere Masse 
des Yolkes sie fassen konnte. Und wie viele Millionen unter 
den heutigen Menschen, nicht bios von jeuen, die wir Wilde 
oder Heiden nennen 7 haben sie noch nicht erfasst ! - 
Sie aber glaubten an Gott, weil sie an seinen Diener Moses 
glaubten (s. IL B. Mose, XIV, 31). Jetzt aber waren vierzig 
Tage vcrgangen, dass ,,dieser Mann Moses" (II. B.M. XXXII, 2), 
und er war doch nur ein Mensch ! von ihuen fortging und 
fortblieb. ,,Sie wissen nicht was ihm geschehen;" (Das.) 
der Gewahrsmann ihres neuen Glaubens war verschwunden 
und der (ilaube selbst begann zu schwinden. Sie aber woll- 
ten nicht ohne Gott, in des Wortes strenger Bedeutung nicht 
gottlos und nicht gottverlassen sein, und sic thaten - - nun, 
was alle Menschen in aller Welt zu ihrer Zeit thaten: sie 
brauchten einen Gott und so machten sie sich einen ! Mit 
Eifer und Opferfreudigkeit bringen sie ihr Gold daher, urn 
sich den Gott ihres Volkes, der sie aus Agypten getuhrt (2 



Erklarung einer Talmudstelle. 357 

B. M. XXXII, 5) 7,n schaffen. Sie meintcn es gut, die Ariiien; 
aber aus Irrwalm schufen sie das Trugbild. Audi Rabbi 
Acha bar Aba 7 der viel liber den Charakter seines Volkes 
nachgedacht zu liaben scheint, hebt mit Naclidruck (Jerus 
Scliekalim 1. 3) den problematischen Zug hervor, dass sie 
auch fur den Wahnglauben, \vie fiir den wahren Glauben 
opferfreudigen Eifer gezeigt hatteii. 

Nun, die Schainmaiten haben es auch gut genieint ; aber 
sie sind in einen blinden Eifer gerathen 5 sie meinten, die Re 
ligion zu vertiefen und zu befestigen, wenn sie deren Satzun- 
gen nocli vermelirten und verscharften, wenn sie namentlich 
streng trennende Absonderimg der Glaubensgenossen von alien 
Andersglaubigen herbeiftihrten ; gleich Jos. ben Chananja, er- 
kem.it unser hillelitische:* Tannai, dass dies ein Irrthuin sei; 
er sieht die Gefahr, dass aussere Satzung niit ihrer Haufung 
und Hai tung die innere Hingebung vermindert, wenn nieht 
verdrangt. Insbesondere aber erkennt er, dass der Scliain- 
niaitischen Richtung in der Auffassung der eigenen Religion 
die prophetischen Ideale der Zuknnft abhauden gekommen: die 
Hoffnung, die gauze Mensehheit einst iin wahren (iottes- 
glauben vereinigt zu sehen, weicht in den Kampfen der 
Gegenwart zuriick und die erhabene Weltweite dts (iottes- 
begriifes selirumpft zur Enge und Einseitigkeit eines National- 
gottes, dem ,,sein" Volk allein als solclies zu dienen hat, zu- 
sammen. Sie haben es auch gut gemeint, aber, in den Kampfen 
und Drangsalen der Zeit klemgeistig geworden, sind sie von 
blindem Eifer bethort und sirmen statt auf Veredelung des 
Geniuths. auf Vcrscharfung der Satzung . . . Unser Tannai 
wusste recht gut, dass diesc achtzehn Verbote an sich nieht 
so schliinm sind, wie die Aufrichtnng des goldenen Kalbes ; 
aber der Unmuth seines Herzens und die tiefe Sorge seiner 
Seele steigt enipor und er lasst sich zu den Worten hin- 
reissen : froinni seid ihr, aber es gab auch einen frommen 
Gotzendieust, Avie es einen frommen Gottesdienst giebt. Ihr 
seid gleich den Bildnern des goldenen Kalbes! Das Gute, das 
ihr sucht, ist auch nur ein Wahngebilde. Euer Thun schafft 
nicht Religion, sondern nur das Afterbild derselben! 

Und wenn dieses Urtheil des unbekannten Autors uns 
zu hart erscheint ; ist es denn von deni des Josua wesentlich 
verschieden? Hat dieser nicht die Satzungen ebenfalls als 



368 M. Lazarus. 

das gemeine Wasser bezeichnet, welches das (")1 wahrer re- 
ligioser Erhebung verdriingt? 

Ich enthalte mich jeder Nutzanwendung auf die heutige 
Zeit; aber ich will wenigstens die Worte noch folgen lassen, 
welche seiner Zeit Leopold Low der Darstellung des obigen 
Dialogs (Ges. Schriften, II, 306) hinzufugte: ,,In diesen 
Worten R. Josua s ist wirklich mehr psychologische Wahr- 
heit und mehr religiose Weisheit als in alien tiberschweng- 
lichen Deuteleien der neuorthodoxen Romantik, deren Wort- 
fuhrer zu den nicht ganz ausgestorbenen Alchimisten ge- 
horen, die sich die vergebliche Miihe geben, Wasser in Ol 
zu verwaiideln!" 



o v n ^sn nnbin 

DJH rs^NNs -ieDt> meD 

PNQ 
Dr. L. Lewysohn (Stockholm). 



(i"y ,V v i i mD-n) ^tfms (-lyjirnLrnD) CRETIN j^UJ 

:NB*I^ -} ,PHCN y3"iN pbu-np rx s 
PD1P3 nna-.N r^ m"3 N"y ~"3 



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!"33 ,riN")yD N")*p ; P <l D^"n <l NJnT 1 1D3 "IN P Dtfb pNH DL^ P3DHH 
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 24 



370 L. Lewysohn. 

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Nb nin ^yn yna ^y njm ^J^D moiiNn jn^j"! im ^y IN 
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c~n y^n: ^p:n myinn v y S 



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cND PN Nip D^iTD v j lyc MDiy i * p.iN no^ i IDD 
ib nn v y bi v n) "D^I^IT,, ^PJI^.I isonn DW^DD^WS xwi 
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no ^DIP N^ *pyib /ob ^ F)*yn D^ pNi.n ymnbi yi^b ^pyi .ID pvnN* 
N^ cbiyD (N : ibbn D^yaD ,^N bw ^ID n^ pi\ib n^ni nbcn 

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nn *N tr ^i^^n PINO -pcp^n Nb nbN ^DD*I (n^) NPDIIJN 



371 



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"i nsi: ni ;> ;ci (tpnfiKTJK)M T/IS T TBT;) im^ia cip IN ,INXIC cipr: "> Nip: nj ai 

24* 



372 L. Lewysohn. 



mnn p. 
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Marginalien zu Kohuf s Aruch 

von 
Dr. Immanuel Low (Szegedin). 



Das Mass der Bedeutung einer wissenschaftlichen Leistung 
1st nicht das Lob, das ihr erteilt wird, sondern die nach- 
haltige Wirkung auf die Faehgenossen, der Massstab der 
Kritik, der an sie angelegt wird, das eingehende Studium, 
das man ihr widmet. 

Auch die folgenden, aus der Fiille des Stoffes heraus- 
gegriiFenen Bemerkungen wollen Beweise der Achtung sein, 
die ich dem Gelehrtenfleisse des verewigten Bearbeiters des 
Aruch zolle. 

1. Aruch III, 267b: nn^T (Monatsschrift, Marz 1887). 
Das syrische j?o^| bedeutet nicht ansa, Griff, Henkel. 
V "p"! ist nicht zu streichen. 

1) rPTGJ, die handschriftliche Ueberlieferung rViOT, 
auch Maim. Tohoroth, Dernbg., Hai Gaon P I "1D17 (?) 
(s. Jastrow s. v.) Schale, schalenformige Vertiefung am 
Boden von Gefiissen. (Pflanzennamen, S. 162 ; Anm.) 
Dies die richtige Erklarung, die Maim, meint. Es ist 

- (?ai, nestorianisch ^\ (Bar Bahlul 4294 ? 425i5, 

PSmith 2007. BA zu \a^o und i^a^i , Schale, z. B. 

^ 

V^A! jlja^l Hiiftpfanne, patella coxae, wie ich zu 
Brockelmann s. v. berichtigt habe, ganz wie hebr. ^2, 
6?upa<pov, XOTU^Y). Es ist von j!c i xoTuXr j? pugillus, \*zz> $x> 
kaum zu trennen. Diese Bedeutung erklart, wie Monats- 
schrift, a. 0. angegeben, die Stelle Tanch. Toledoth 4, 
Buber : mi2T opp. m^ip. 

2) nni2T Git. 5, i. 2 . (j. u. b. z. St. j. Svuoth VII, 
38*35.38) TKet. XII, 274 n (j. IX, 33b 52 - Bk. 6^ ff. 
Ket. llOa). TBm. I, 3734: Feld dritten Ranges. Die 



374 Immanuel Low. 

etymologischen Erklarungen Levy s und Earth s sind 
unbefriedigend. 

2. Aruch III, 293: fr\. Die Stellen stehen sainmtlich 
bei Levy. Jastrow noch : Sota 1, 8 : mj?E1 VJ>y 1:6? (dafiir 
Sifre II, 105, 157 niycn l^y ^^^ "IV, richtiger bei Jalkut: 
PW! V^y m:6l?ir ~y.) Dazu: TJad. II bei R. Simson zu 
Jad. 4, 3 (Pesikta r XX, 97. Friedm. , wahrend das. 
XII, 54a steht : myci WJJ te). Sifre IT, 80, 91b : cr 
CnTOE"! 1^71. Midr. Tillim 80: D^l? CPOT. 

3. Aruch IV, 241 : F)Sl2 Grabstichel, Meissel von 

= yXucpavov. Es ist, wie schon bei Levy 5. v. zu lesen ist und 
ich bei Gesenius s. t . bemerkt habe, das biblische PIB^Z. Dies 
steht auch in der angeblich g a n z 1 i c h umgearbeiteten 
zwolften Auflage des Gesenius schen Worterbuches, das 
meine Beitrage ohne uiein Vorwissen niit derselben Ruhe 
abgedruckt hat 7 wie die des Herrn Prof. s D. H. Miiller. Die 
deutsche Biederkeit hat Herrn Prof. F rants Buhl nicht 
gehindert, unsere Nainen auch in der Vorrede niit Still- 
schweigen zu iibergehen. 

4. Aruch V, 290b: x:mc. Mischn. ]n^ Sifra Bechukk. 
4f. lllc Weiss. 

5. Aruch VI. 256b : -^ Stadt. Plur. mischn. ni?^ 
(Dem. 5 7 7 Maas. 2, 3. Bik. 3 ? 2 und sonst oft.) aus- 
nahmsweise C % iy Erub. 5, 1. TErub. VI, 144 9 cnny2 TTaan. 

IV, 219]8 und. wie ich bei Gesenius 10 bemerkt habe in alteren 
Ausdrucken biblischen Ursprungs: IT13C ny TSota XIII, 318i 9 , 
ncin y TBm. IV, 379i , TPara I, 631 b bx~\W y TArach, 

V, 551 6 , E TpC ^ Sifre I, 159, 60^ und sonst. Tyn urbs. 
Jerusalem, bibl. == TTaan. IV 220 2 o nnd sonst. 

6. Aruch VI, 205^: b b by disponirt, ernpfanglich sein, 
zu den Stellen bei Levy und Kohut : TOhol. XV, 613-. Sifre 
I, 126, 45b 14 , TMikv. I, 652 2b TNeg. IV, 622 25 . 

7. Aruch VI, 210a Anm. 10: ^pEtniB ist nicht feroce 
sondern forestico. 

8. Aruch VI, 222b : 2jy nicht schniiren, sondern eine 
S c h 1 e i f e oder Masche schiirzen, schlingen opp. "ll^p 
Knoten schiirzen. Zu den Stellen noch : Mech. 63 b vorl. 
TErub. XI, 154 10 . 

9. Aruch VI, 292 : C3C niit Levy auf }1 verwiesen. 
Anzufuhren ist das syr. ^.Lokls: Scharte, BBahlul 1487 



Marginalien zu Kohut s Aruch. 375 

Duval : l^>-? crua^oal <ru\*a^ .d^ ? ]L Das ent- 



sprechende arabische /v^XJ hat Fleischer zu Ly. angefuhrt. 

10. Aruch VII, 106b : IPD^p. Stellen: Targum bei Levy 
TWB., die librigen bei Levy : C-:B IPD^p Ber. ?a. Bm. 87*. 

Nid. 31. Vaj. r. 18, 1. Koh. r. 12, 2. V:D inc^p Pes. 
drK. 37a, lOla (J1K. I, 78b 15 . II, 113 Nr. 811. II, 187b 9 . 
Beth Talmud, V, 203). Pes. r. XIV, 62a Vaj. r. 20, 2. 
Koh. r. 8, 1. Tanch. Achare 2, Buber 3 Chukkath 17, - 
Buber. M. Mischle 31, 30 p. 110, Buber. - - Ber. r. 41, 6. 
60, 7. Jellinek, Beth Hamidr. VI, 24. VJD ^ m^D^p Schem. 
r. 28, 1. LA. -IHD^p. (J1K. I, 109d Nr. 396). Die LA. 
c^p ist meistbezeugt, Ar. : lECD p. 

Das Wort hat eine lange Leidensgeschichte. Schonhak: 
?, INT ! Levy ira Tan/. WE. xoXa?w, im Nhbr. WB. : 
, Kohut : caelatura, Briill: charistia, Kraus : cala- 
mister. Das Richtige wird Fraenkel getroffen haben : er 
denkt an *x<xpa<7Tr ( p, eine vorauszusetzende volkstumliche Form 
zu yapaxTYip. 1 ) Die sachliche Uebereinstimniung mit D "^PD^p 
ist frappant. 

11. Aruch VIII, 67b : hw Holle ist bekanntlich aus 
dem Hebraischen ^ND* entlehnt. Diesem Worte ,,unbekannter 
Etymologic (Gesenius 12 ) stehen wir ratios gegeniiber. Ein 
giinstiger Zufall hat aber bei B. Bahlul den Schlussel des 
Wortes erhalten. B. Bahlul 1979 Duval hat folgende Glosse: 



om 

Dieses $\A., ioi^Hohle bietet die ungezwimgene und 
einzig richtige Erklarung fur I /\SC* Holle, wobei allerdings 
zu bernerken ist. dass die Bedeutung Hohle fur flV^ vor ~ 
laufig nur durch die mitgeteilte vereinzelte Glosse B. Bahlul s 
belegt ist Vgl. Gesenius 10 , s. v. ^Xiy und hyw. 

12. Zu streichen sind: Aruch IV, 121a; c raBsg, von 
welchem N PT 1 nicht hergeleitet werden darf , VI, 59b : 
(!) zu " und III, 518a a<jaw zu . . . . nnn ! 



^ [So emendirt auch Bacher in s. Agada d. paldst. Amoraer, II (1896), 
p. 344. G. A. K.] 



On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric 

by 
Prof. D. S. Margoliouth (Oxford). 



The Arabic Version of the Ehetoric of Aristotle exists 
in the same volume that contains the Poetics (Paris, Bibl.- 
Nationale, 882 a). The name of the translator is not given ; 
but a number of subscriptions tell us something of the history 
of the book. It was written in the year of Alexander 1339, 
agreeing with A. D. 1016, and collated in the year of the 
Hijrah 418 (1027 A. D.). The Ms. of Ibn Samh whence 
this was copied contained a subscription stating that the 
copyist had before him two Arabic copies, one faulty, the 
other fairly correct ; from these two copies he had made his 
own, correcting the one by the other; where they were both 
wrong, he had recourse to the Syriac original. On fol. 18b 
(p. 1371 a 25 of the Berlin ed.) a marginal note by Ibn 
Samh himself is quoted, stating that in one of the Arabic 
copies Bk. I ended there, but that in the other Arabic copy 
and the Syriac there was a great deal more. Another anno 
tation there states that the Greek text confirmed the Syriac. 
A further subscription states that the Paris MS. had been 
collated with one in the hand of Abu 1-Abbas. 

It will be seen then that the Arabic MS. is of the early 
Xlth century, the century to which the most important of 
the Greek MSS (Ac) belongs; the MSS. of which it was a 
copy were doubtless much earlier; Ibn Samh is certainly 
the celebrated logician of Baghdad, to whom the poet Abu 
1-Ala Al-Ma arri alludes in a verse of his Lusumiyyat 
(Egyptian edition, p. 235), and whose floruit may be 
put about 300 A. H. or 900 A. D.; the Syrian to which 
they referred probably takes us back a century earlier; 



On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric. 377 

and the underlying Greek copy to a yet earlier date. 
The interest attaching to its readings should therefore be 
as great as that of the Vetus Translatio Latina, of which 
accurate accounts have been given by Spengel, Dittmeyer, 
and others. The treatise is practically intact with the 
exception of a lacuna from 1412 a 15 to 1415 a 5. caused 
apparently by the loss of a leaf It occupies 65 leaves 
large folio. The writing, though destitute ordinarily of 
diacritic points, is easily legible, except where the paper is 
damaged 1 , this has happened to leaves 41 and 52, and to not 
a few lines and words. 

Much of what Spengel has written of the Old Latin 
Translator will apply to his Oriental colleague. The treat 
ment of the quotations from Homer shows that the Syriac 
translator possessed some acquaintance with Greek literature 5 
thus in 1378 b 32 a verse of Homer is quoted by Aristotle 
in the following form : Bio )>sysi *Ti[xa?6}j.svo^ 6 Ay^TJ.s Jg 
"/)Tip)<7v &wv yap s/si yspa?". the Arabic renders this "this 
is why Homer says that Agamemnon despised Achilles when 
he robbed and spoiled him of his honour i. e. his con 
cubine". In 1400 b 13 after lasova the Arabic adds LgJju 
i e. TOV avBpcc aft-rTfe In 1415 a 17 the quotation avBpoc 
(xot, lvv7U [j.oScra is filled up as follows : **!( J^v- 

^Ov^ ^ JotJ ^/O 5>-\X5" UyOJ JV^UL^ ^jJl j 

olxJj "concerning the man of many shifts who 
decided many things after that the populous city of Ilion 
had been destroyed." In these three passages it is probable 
that the additions to the Greek are the work of the Syriac 
translator. In 1378 b 7 where to the half line given by the 
Greek MSS. avBpwv v <7TYj9s<r<Jiv ascsTcci the Arabic adds YJUTS 
XOCTUVOC (from Ihiad 109), the addition was probably to be 
found in the translator s copy of the original 

This acquaintance with Greek literature did not how 
ever extend very far-, and in 1380 b 29 Hector himself is 
made to say the words : xtocpY]v yap BY] yalav aiwtisi [j-svsaivwv 
"saying to the dead man you are now embracing the brute 
earth wherein you are for ever " (^svsatvwv == [isvwv ast ; 
"embracing" probably a guess). The Syriac translator frequently 
confuses common nouns and proper names, whence the number 



378 D. S. Margoliouth. 

of transliterated words is very considerable. A curious case 
occurs in 1418 a 7 where TOU Tuodou opog w cpiX STUSI TOOOC 
is transliterated and regarded as a couple of proper names : 
{j^iixi^Lo (jwj^jjbJ ^jf. Other cases are L^LuJbJ (1616 a 
32) for $ixa<m/)pia, o^xk^f for a^rsTa with gloss LLwwc*. 
(1611 b 22), j^f and oL^f for Ipto^ and Ip4v]irs<;(1401 b 12, 
1402 b); (jog jj.lv ofciTpos (1397 b 19), appuO[j.ov (1408 b 26), 
TTpay&>vov (ibid. 27), xaXXtoJuwrTfe (1401 b 24) etc, are repre 
sented in this way. The opposite error is almost equally 
frequent; e. g. TytoavovToc (1416 a 28) is rendered ^s-^2&Jf dl)3 
"that healthy person", Kpnrias by "the judge" etc In 1393 b 
22 aJjTOXpaTOpa is transliterated, accompanied by the gloss: 
iu^ftj <*Lw^Jf yDj "i. e. the self-restraining". 

Of the copious errors which deform this translation it 
is not always easy to say whether the fault lies with the 
Syriac or the Arabic translator. The former however must 
have done his work unintelligently. The treatment of the 
difficult word vs^cav p. 1386 b 9 - - 1387 b 15 illustrates 
this. In 1386 b 14 and 16 he confuses it with pidov; 
^5*^0 stands for 5s? vsjxscau, cjlk^jj! ^\* for 
TO vsp.scrav. Ibid- 18 TW vs[xs<iSv is rendered ^ ^o 
a it is in the middle". In 22 TO ijiv vs[j.<7^ is trans 
lated "distribution", o)^ ^ ^2AJI, i- e. viy.rpiq. Apparently 
then the translator so far has no idea of the subject of the 
section. But by 1387 a 6 he has learned the meaning and 
uses a very fair equivalent pj& for some lines, occasionally 
substituting for it ^f. Yet by 1386 b 32 the meaning is 
forgotten and "distribution" again employed; and in 35 
is rendered "excused": ccLj! .jc xj 



x , 

and this rendering is retained in 1387 b 3 and 4; while in 
8 sqq. the true signification is again given. A less intelligent 
procedure it is difficult to conceive. 

One other example may be quoted. In 1380 b 2 a list 
is given of the states in which men are not inclined to 
anger: Iv TraiBia Iv y^coTi Iv lopTY] v lur][xspia. The translator 
renders this u in culture (TuaiBsia), in mirth, in anger, in sport." 
He therefore misread Iv dpyfj for Iv OpT?j and puts down 
without hesitation as Aristotle s opinion that the state of 
anger is one of those in which men are not angry! 



On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric. 379 

Many more errors are probably due to the Arabic 
translator, whom the difficulty of Syriac syntax partly 
excuses. Occasionally the source of the error is fairly obvious. 
In 1360 b 5 OXOTTO? is represented by yC*x> ,J| the ordinary 
rendering of roxOog; \A.*J of the Syriac was misread \JL*- 
In 1388 a 1 spyoi? is rendered tX-u^fc "slaves" ; f r dLL accounts 
for this. In 1401 b 25 iv TTOU; ispoT? is rendered ^aJiJf 3 
"in the castles"; the Syriac HsJri would stand for both. 

Although then neither translator worked intelligently, 
the translation which results is not so literal that we can 
always be certain of the nature of the original. They feel 
no scruple about putting down what is clearly false; yet 
occasionally they expand and paraphrase. Such has been 
the treatment of the verses of Sappho, quoted p. 1367 a 
10 14, which Avicenna has turned into an edifying homily. 
Where therefore the Arabic gives a better sense than the 
Greek, it is ordinarily probable that it represents a better 
text than ours, but not always certain. Two examples of 
this uncertainty may be taken from p. 1367 b. The paragraph 
(1. 21) begins: Ircsi B Ix TWV rcpafcswv 6 srcaivo?. An English 
scholar has suggested that we should omit sx. The Arabic 
has: Jlxs^f ^c. _<Xj! *&* Ujf the praise falls only on 
the actions. It is hard to say whether this confirms the 
conjecture quoted, or is itself merely a guess. 

In line 17 of the same page there are the words yj (jxi^tov 
ytyv6[xsvG (BsXTfoov xai xaTaXXaxTixc&Tspo^ li or, when he becomes 
greater, is better and more reconcileable". For xa~aXXaxTi- 
the Arabic has *Xi cXx^f larger-minded. This 



seems at least as appropriate an idea as the Greek (of 
which there is a variant rcpaxTtXtoTspoq), but may be merely 
a guess at a hard word. Quite at the beginning of the book 
the same uncertainty exists in two passages. 1354 a 15 
"they say nothing about enthymemes", orcsp s<rd (j&ya TYJ^ 
TuttfTscoc;. That <7a>[j,a here was difficult was seen by Victorius, 
who substituted an impossible word pS[j.a The Arabic has 
column, Jj-*-fc, a singularly felicitous rendering. In the next 
line : Bta(3oXv] yap xai I kzoc, xal opyv] xai Ta TOLaura TuaOv] TYJ^ 
4uxr^. Cope observes that Swc(3o)/r] is improperly classed with 
such TudcOY) as IXsoq and dpyrj; the Arabic has fear, pity 



380 D. S. Margoliouth. 



and anger. ^-CLXJ^ iUa^Jlj ^if, the ordinary trio. 1 ) It 
is not however probable that any alteration should be made 
in the text on the ground of these renderings. For this first 
page shows many signs of free rendering, and though 
successful in these two places, the translator has failed in 
the others. 

Lastly the Paris MS. is not free from errors, in spite 
of the subscriptions that have been quoted. Thus in p. 60 b 2. 
(= 1416 a 15) t5 ku,f r !f for 6 Bta(3aUwv should clearly be 
corrected ^fjJf. In not a few cases the margin offers 
variants, which are not always better than the readings of 
the text. There are also some marginal notes, of which the 
following may serve as a specimen : in 1372 a 5 for TO Be 
ysyovoc ToTg BwtavifcoTs the Vorlage of the translation had the 
same corruption as Ac ysvos; on this the margin has the 
following note : ^ *xi jJjCo ^ jjf ^ (J ^j^ Jo^j &$ 
)?^ ^ 2 s * JJ-ftj y& |*| yo "he seems to mean the genus 
of the matter talked about, good or bad, just or unjust". 

There are, as is well known, two families of MSS. of the 
Rhetoric, one represented by Ac, followed in all the best 
editions, and the other by the "deteriores". Distinct from 
these is the MS. underlying the Old Latin Translation, as 
Dittmeyer has shown. The MS. underlying the Arabic 
is again a distinct recension, probably superior 
to all the others, and agreeing regularly with no 
other source. With the vet. latin Arab, (as we shall hence 
forth call our version) agrees in one remarkable case, 1379 a 
20 : 6|j.oico Bs xat ToTc aXXoic .... zpocoBoTCOiY]Tai yap sxa<7TC, 
where Roemer marks a lacuna, which he thinks may be 
supplied from the vet. Lai: Si autemnon, et quodcunque 
aliud parvipendat quis. Arab, has here precisely 
the same addition : ^J j> ^ | jje ^ *^ ^^Jo J ^L . 
^Lgjcjf ^ ^Lg-o Ux? "And if there be none of this, then 
some other thing such as any one [literally "the despiser ] 
despises". A fair number of passages might also be cited 
where the two agree (e. g. ? 6p ov for ? Qovov 1354 a 25, (ntwwrwv 

: ) These two readings will he found represented in the Hebrew 
translation of Averroes s Commentary on the Rhetoric, ed. Goldenthal, 1842, 
p. 6, lines 16 and 21. 



On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric. 381 

for <7xo)7UTi 1405 b 30, xod VOGT^.^IOV omitted ibid 32), but the 
list of important readings, collected by Spengel p. 170 sqq., 
shows that the affinity between the two versions is very slight. 

Nor again is the relation between Arab, and Ac very 
close. It is true that many of those good readings which 
have given Ac its fame are to be found in Arab., as well as 
some of its errors; e. g. bJ.iyvpMC for opytXcog 1388 a 3, obcavTa 
for aTuavTav 1416 a 7. Yet frequently it agrees with the 
"deteriores". It has , e. g. the characteristic addition in 
1360 b 23: (apTY;v) r t xai Ta p.6pta afoYfe cppov^criv (joxppoffUVYjv; 
and in 1378 b 23 pXdMcrsiv xoci 7, j^sTv for which Ac gives 
TTpaTTSLv xai Isystv, * n 1383 a 10 TO-JC 6[j.oiouc for which Ac has 
To6g TOtoUTOug. Indeed in many pages Arab, seems to agree 
with Ac and the "deteriores" alternately. 

Eoemer (p. XXV) quotes cases in which words that have 
dropped out of Ac by homoeoteleuton are preserved in some 
of the "deteriores". In the first of these cases, 1374 b 31, 
Arab, represents the missing words; in the second, 1383 b 22, 
it omits them with Ac; in the third, 1398 b 21, it represents 
them. In the fourth 1376 b 9 it omits them; in the fifth 
1403 a 25 there would seem to be a somewhat larger lacuna 
in Arab .than in Ac. In the sixth 1399 b 84 where the words sav Bs 
IJ.YJ 6;tapy;f,, p; Tcpdhratv are inserted by Spengel and others 
from two of the "deteriores", i and the margin of Y b , these 
MSS. are supported by Arab, against Ac and the rest. From 
these facts then, and those which will presently be adduced, 
it is evident that if ever the readings of this version were 
made accessible to scholars, it should count as an independent 
witness of importance. Yet the fact that in 1416 b 29 it, 
like all the MSS., repeats the passage from 1367 b 27 
1368 a 9 on panegyric, shows that the underlying Greek was 
derived from the same archetype to which all our MSS. can 
be traced. That archetype must therefore go back to an early 
century in our era. 

Striking agreement of Arab, with Ac may be noticed in 
the following passages : 

a. The arrangement of 1388 a 17. After xai xspajjis&s 
xspajxeT all MSS. but Ac insert the words (there read after 
line 24): xod ToTg T<X/;J oE [rfjTrco ^ j^ov^zc, XT>.., where Ac con 
tinues: xod cov in XSXTT.ULSVWV. Arab, mistranslates the Greek 



382 D , S. Margolioutk. 

badly, but clearly had the same order as Ac, as it goes on: 



in those things, which, when they accrue to them, 
or they have gained, they become like them; while 
the passage xod TOI Tap etc. is found lower down, as in Ac. 
b. In 1397 b 15 20 the same passage is given in a 
shorter form in the "deteriores", in a longer form in Ac. The 
Arab, seems clearly to represent the longer form: JUb 1*51 



[read Lojf] Ufcjf jT| y* ^jjf Ju>f yc 
^j| LcU ioLftJf ^>^ ^^o j^LJf 

^f Uf^ ; ^! yc ^jj| Jf JLS! yc 
Lo! jjj^o! ^./o j$c\^f; o^ 

U-wjJ ,j! LoU &j|. And as is said that he who beats 
his parents beats his relations; for this is inasmuch 
as if that which is rarer come to pass, that which 
is more frequent comes to pass also. For the 
beating of parents is rarer among men than the 
beating of relations. Either then he proves that if 
that which is rarer come to pass, that which is 
more frequent conies to pass; or he proves that if 
such and such did not happen, such and such did 
not happen He will only prove one of two, either 
the affirmative or the negative. 

c. In 1361 a 14 (in the definition of wealth): vo[j.icr(j.airo 
~Xr,Qo, yyjc, ycopicov K,T?;<7t TT^YjOsi xai [J-sysOst xai xaX7.si BiacpspovTwv 
the words TuMjGsi Bia<pspovT(ov are omitted by all except 
Ac, the Vet. lat. , and certain other authorities quoted by 
Roeiner. Arab, here agrees with Ac, though its renderings 
are rather curious : jolj *jobjJ| S 



HwiXJU the parts of wealth are quantity of coins and 
lands and money and estates and all things that 
differ in value and beauty; then the acquisition of 
furniture and bric-a-brac and goods and cattle, 
many, varying in beauty and quantity. The three 
words employed to represent ifiwuXwv accord with these 



On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric. 383 



translators methods; in the Poetics [xijjisfoGai is ordinarily 
given a double translation, and sometimes a treble one. That 
which is characteristic in the reading of Ac is the repetition 
of the clause ending Bia<pep6vT<ov, and this clearly the trans 
lators had before them. Some examples may now be given 
of the alternation of Arab, between the readings of the two 
families. 

p. 1377 a 27: ouBsv BsT ocfaov aB.cov BixacjT&v BsfoOat Ac, 
iTwv the rest; Arab.: *^i Jf ^^ ^ ^ cS*^ ^ 
J^di! jj=T| he ought not to need anything 
better than this; "better" clearly represents xpsnrov, a 
misreading of xpiTtov. 

A few lines below 1377 b 7: sav Bs T& avTiBbuo f, urcevavTtog 
xai djx&)!JLO(T[JLsvo(; is given by Ac, followed by Spengel and 
others, whereas the "deteriores" omit the words 6~svavTio? xai. 
Arab, shows the same reading as Ac : x*xii UJl-S? ^ 131 

^^xJU fJoLX^jo LlygJCo if he be opposed to his adver 
sary, prepared ready to swear. 

Similarly on the preceding page 1376 b 18 Arab, agrees 
with "deteriores" in reading s^owuaTwoiv for ga[i.depTb>aiv of Ac, 
while in line 25 it agrees with the reading of Ac: TOW 
ysypa^ivcov YJ Tofo olxsioic vj TO!- (iXXoTrpioi? against ToTg xaloTg 
T, Bwaioi? of the others 

It is not probable that many new readings of importance 
are to be obtained from this version. The following seem of 
interest: 

1372 b 15: 01 yap syxpaTsTq xai cppcvi[j.coTaToi TOC 



for persons of soundness and sense only injure in 
this sort "Injure" must stand for aBtxoScn, rather than 
Biwxoudi. The philosopher is speaking of the kinds of people 
who do injuries; and classes among them: ol? av TO jxsv "XuTUYjpov 
fftvi f, Y] T, rrj[XLOC, TO Bs t^-j xai axpsTujxov -JCTTspa xai /poviwirspa, 
then follows the sentence that has been quoted. 

1377 a 6 BsT - - ^acravoic:. Of this passage, which many 
MSS. omit and most editors bracket, Arab, has all but the 
first clause BsT Bs Xsysiv w; o6x stdv a^GsTg ai (3ac7avoi. 



384 D. S. Margoliouth. 

In the last sentence, which Cope asserts to be devoid 
of meaning the Arabic gives some help: O r t BS Bs&oi xai 
uXaj3sIc; Tupo TOU TOCC; avayxag JBsTv OC JTCOV xaTaOappoEiffiv, 
COSTS o jBsv IffTi TTicTTov Iv {3ac7avot. Arab. : ..v^f j LoL 
JJfJy&Jf fjjj ^f J^o p^AJf J^t ^.^Jb Jo j^jf v^A^xJ^ 
and as for the cowardly and timid they, so to speak, 
confess against themselves before they see the 
tortures. That this is what the writer intended to say seems 
very clear. Should we restore xaTayopdouaiv ? Cobet, Variae 
Lectiones, p. 37, quotes from Lysias a passage dealing with 
this very subject in which that word occurs. 

In 1371 b 16 some proverbs are quoted, among them 
syvto BS Ovip 6r,pa. Spengel observes that in the Eudemian 
Ethics VIII, the proverbs quoted are: gyvw BS (pup T owpa 
xai ?Jw> 7^xov, but he does not think cpwp cpSpa should be 
restored here. The Arabic of the Rhetoric however evidently 
represents the same Iambic line as appears in the Eudemian 
Ethics: j*J| J| ^jX^j ( *^ l f^ u^AJ! oyu u^JUf the thief 
knows the thief and the wild beast retreats to the 
wild beast. The word rendered "retreats to" may be 
a reminiscence of the parallel passage in Ecclesiasticus. 

In another proverb 1383 b 24: 6 Osv xod Y] reapoijiia TO arco 
vsxpou ospsiv Arab, has an interesting variation: oy^Jf ^x> J. 
xiU5l and even from the dead his grave-clothes. 

A curious proverb is quoted in 1399 a 27: TO sAor rcpioccjOai 
*od TO jr aXa^. Arab, renders this: L^i LJ (jc>!^| .JCcLj let 
him buy the land with what is in it. This seems correct 
in sense, but is probably merely a paraphrase, if indeed the 
Arabic be not corrupt. 

In the fable narrated in 1393 b 25 the translators might 
seem to have had before them rather more than our present 
texts. The Greek is : aXcojusxa Bwc[3aivou<jav 7UOTa[j. 
sic cpapayya, o5 Buvajxsvyjv Bs sxpYJvat, rcoMv xpovov 



Arab, renders this : &c Jf *i j j( 

Juu LAXI oJU! LJU 



while the fox was crossing the 
river, he got pushed into a mass, and when he had 
escaped from it after long trouble, he flung himself 



On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric. 385 

into a ravine, and weltered there some time. It is 
probable however that the word "mass" represents a reading 
(pd&ayya, or else a false interpretation of cpapayya , and that 
the lengthened form of this passage is due to an attempt to 
reconcile both renderings. 

In 1382 a 8 after xai TO JJLSV X&UYJS s<ps<7i, TO Bs 
the Arab, adds: Lcf^ 



if ill i v.xoJLs s Jbvj &jU fcX# for the former wishes 
/ W7 "T 7 

merely to annoy and vex, whereas the latter rather 
wishes to hurt. 

Ibid 1. 19 after TupoatpsTrat Tt aytv Arab, adds: ^ 
&u> LL$*> ^4>! (5^j ^jJf ^ L^J ^j^t |*4XxJt JyL!| 

for the previous discussion on those things wherein 
he that desires to injure injures holds good here. 

In 1385 b 2 after ?] yap OTI OC-JTWV sva^a &rcY)pTOu<7iv Y] 
6:uYipTT|(7av Arab, adds: vixx^ 5^ v^ ^ ^ !^J** ^^? ^^ 
<Si3sJ3 Jt r" to ^ ^ or ma y h^ ve done less than is 
proper or where it was not needed. 

In 1396 a 5 : av TI^ BuvY]Tat TO 6[xoiov opav OTrsp paov SCTTIV 
sx cpiXoaocpiag paov is the reading of all the MSS., paBtov was 
restored by Bekker from the Vet. Tr. The Arabic omits the 
words: *A,*JlftJ! ^^!^ ^ ^J&j^o fj.^ this is a process 
of the processes of philosophy. 

In 1397 b 22: xa! d JXYJ ol T-jvBapiBai o-5B A^avBpo? Arab. 
adds after T jvBaptBat EASVT;/: ^^j j^^j^cXxb ^f Jxi ^J 
jjw^tX-Lw^T^I Jots ^X.> jj. This gloss is a correct one, see 
Cope s note; but whether it comes from a MS. or not 
seems doubtful. 

In 1609 b 25 : 6[xotto? Bs xa\ at TispioBot at jxaxpai ouaat 
^6yo? ytvsTat xat ava(3o>,9i optov Arab, has: oLk.^f ^tX5^ 
Jlil sjc^j LOJ! ^uJUJlj kJU^c ^^XJ Jl^ic ooK 13! and 
likewise the annexions when they are long become 
loose, and the pause is of this nature. The word 
rendered loose J-t-g* can scarcely stand for ^oyog : in 
1410 b 32 it is is used for aXXoTptog. Ac has aXoyo^: its 
most natural Greek equivalent would be 



In 1411 a: 5 oux lav 7rpttBtv TY]V EXXaBa Tpocp6aX(j.ov 

np. 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



386 D. S. Margoliouth. 



YSVOJJ.SVYJV Arab, has: ^f ^| <jjL&| I fear to see. The Arabic 
word would correspond well with oxvsTv. 

Doubtless there are other passages where a skilled 
Aristotelian scholar would be able to correct the text from 
this version; and some places may be noticed in which its 
readings strikingly confirm the conjectures of By water, Spengel 
and Yahlen. 

1393 a 31 : I<JTI Bs TO |xsv rcapaBsiyjxa Xsysiv ToiovBs TI. so 
Ac: "quod sensu caret et rectissime emendavit Spengel 
TCpay[j,aTa Xsystv" (Romer). Arab, has: oofc Jo N^O| r & Lois 
and as for the narration of things which have 
happened. This clearly confirms Spengel s conjecture. 

1377 a 28: xat d TO> TusTrovOoTt, TO xaXwc yj Bixaicoc S^ap^si 
xal TW ^oivjaavTi. xal TCO TusisavTt, Y, TuotYJffavri Ac; the other 
MSS. corrupt this still further. Spengel corrected as above. 
Arab, has the true reading: ^ LJj^ ; | L^^ (J^c Jg ^U 
(^tXT Uijf J^LaJ! ^ ^j JotAAjf if this be fair or 
just on the part of the sufferer it is so also on the 
part of the doer. 

1356 a 19: Bi& Bs TOU Xoyo-j TTKTTS JOIKTIV; TOV Xoyov Ac; TWV 
7,6ywv Dett; Spengel corrected BL ? atkoS Bs TOL ^oyou, and this 
Arab, has : *XXAJ ^jOj JxJJ ^o ^ JuajJf ^ ^^o Lx> Le| 

as for the belief that is produced by language 
itself. 

1356 a 20: OTOCV aXvjOsc; YJ ^aivo^svov Bsi^w^sv; Spengel 
added a7.Yj9s? aftet (paivojjisvoy. Compare Arab.: ou.o ^y^ 
L^^- V5^>. ^ ;l La^ when we demonstrate a truth or 
what seems true. 

1356 b 4 Spengel added to the text the words : TO Bs 
cpouv6(j.svov v6^ay i [j.a cpaivoijxvog (yuXXoyiff^o^ from Dionysius. 
Arab, read them: ^J XA*^^U; ^o ^JJf wJCftx)!^ and the 
apparent enthy nienie is an apparent syllogism. 

In 1366 b 15 the words [uxpo^y/ia Bs irouvav-iov which 
are bracketed by Spengel are omitted by Arab. 

In 1386 a 12 : xai TO SOsv Trpocy.xsv ayaGov TL ^pacat xaxov 
TI cru^rjvai. Valilen corrected 6~ap>oa for ^pa^ai, and both 
Spengel and Romer approve this correction. Arab, has: ^1 

;*==* *-JLo ^1 JJ5U ooy^. ^o ^ccJf j| ^J| oudj that a 
man should come to mischief thence whence he 



On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric. 387 

hoped that good would befall him. It is improbable 
that this represents Tupo^ai; more likely it stands for ayaOov 

TI ftaOsTv- 

In 1388 b 6: h$ yap rcpO(JY]xov aL>To!> ayaOoTs slvai, OTI TcpodYJxs 
ToTc; ayaOwg X oucri > ?Y]XoQ<Ji Ta Toiatka TOW ayaQwv are thus 
emended by Vahlen: &g yap irposTjXOv auToT<; ayaOoT? stvai, OTI 
a rcposYJxs Toi> ayaOotQ s^ousi, $qXoQ<Ji XT^. Arab, represents 
this emendation: 



Jo |1 i>^^ for they, as being near 
to being good, inasmuch as they have the things 
which are near (or appropriate) to the good, feel 
jealousy. Had not the translators had this reading before 
them, they could never suo Marte have made such good 
sense of the passage. 

Another conjecture of Vahlen that is remarkably confirmed 
by Arab, is in 1402 b 30 : s<ra Bs 06 TOC-JTO XUtfai YJ cm otk 
sfaoq Y) OTI o5x avayxaTov, asl B sjrsi IvG^adiv TO 6<; sro, TO TTO^U. 
ou yap dv ? ( v <cog sd TO 7:0X6 xa\> sixog aXX asl xa\ avayxaTov. 
Arab, has: 



now he must have (AEI for 
AEI) as an objection that which is more frequent; 
and say it is not more frequent than the likely 
[^s.^ in this translation regularly stands for dxoc; 
inadequately], but the likely is the necessary, which 
is constant at all times. 

Bad as this translation is, it is clear that the Syriac 
translator had before him the words inserted by Vahlen. 

In 1397 a 23 : si yap OaTspco u^ap/^i TO xa7.wg r\ Bixafox; 
Tuotffcai, GaTspo) TO rcsTcovGsvai. Bywater (Journal of Philology, 
XVII, p. 72) observes that xai should be inserted before the 
second OaTspw. Our translator seems clearly to have read 
this xai as he renders the passage : U^tX^t J*i ^ !<3Ls xiU 
^CJcX^ LOJ! iu^UiJ JLxAJ^IU LJcX* ; f \J^^ and if the 
action of the one be fair or virtuous, then the 
suffering in the case of the other must also be so. 



25* 



Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to 
B. Sa adya Graon 

by 
Dr. A. Neubauer (Oxford). 



My lamented friend s literary career had much resem 
blance to mine. His life work was a critical edition of the 
leading dictionary of the Talmudic literature, by Nathan ben 
Yehiel of Rome, whilst I edited the first dictionary of the 
Bible according to the system of triliteral roots, compiled 
by R. Jonah (Abul Walid ibn Janah). We both were 
unjustly taken to task by an acute critic in the same perio 
dical. After having completed his edition of the Aruch 
Completum and the prolegomena to it, the late Dr. A. Kohut 
devoted himself to the Arabic - Hebrew literature of the 
Yemen Rabbis, of which he brought out in a short time extens 
ive monographs on Dhamari s (1892) and Ibn Isaiah s (1894) 
commentaries (the latter rather homilies) on the Pentateuch. 
Both were reviewed by the present writer in the Jewish 
quarterly Eeview, vols. V and VII (1893-1895). 

I also tried to take up the same studies from a general 
side. Besides the two essays, my lamented friend devoted 
attention to Sa adya Gaon s liturgical productions, from which 
he published, also almost posthumously, the beautiful Hos- 
hanah psalms 1 ) ascribed to that prolific pionneer in Jewish sci 
ence. In this brief article, I shall follow his steps, with the 
purpose of filling up some lacunae in the aforementioned 
essay, which I devote with sorrow and grief to his memory : 

rosun. 

I. Sa adya s 



*) [The learned S. J. Halberstam has recently published in the new 
issue (vol. XXXIX, p. 111112) of Graetz s Monatsschrift, some additions 



Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to E. Sa adya Gaon. 

Addition to vol. XXXVII, p. 210, of the Monatsschrift 
fur die Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums. The 
Ms. of the Bodleian Library No. 2498 of my catalogue 
has the following introduction to the p jy^in : [fol. 137] "JJHJ 
Di 1 ^33 PDJ3H P-2 y3SN3 n3T "P!2yr6 DiTP*3tfl!3 ^33 btTVF 1 bl 
111 NJN Q1N* j!T l 3t > * ?3 nP N fD^pE JHH <l !2 ! P^B^O D^* D* 1 ^33i 

$T PNJ myo "ii .BHJpo3 ipiN PD^D VHB roia 1 ? -or NO nytsnn 

. . . nDpnn py^3 cns^ -VB? -p-ia DTjnpn -S^NE c* 1 ^D^ j^pnn 

The Ms. of the Bodleian Library Hebr. e. 11 (not yet 

catalogued), fol. 90. reads as follows: TDyrp NJy^ n riDU 

IDG pn^s en p. 3 on :n <I D <! pjnps c* 1 ^331 pDJ3n p^3 j;saN3 ns^nn 

nDpn Qr ^33 wy^ H o N i P.RN DVD in^^i^ np N i^D-p^; rsby niip 

]n^N nDpnn pj;2* tyipob nrr n^r^n PN ]^D^pc ^nt^ I^-D D; T n^m 

nnyo -j^i jpTcy [NH]DJ ^N ^n p:*^ 0^31 D^ t>3^ D^IJHP n3i 

.D* 11 "?33 SyT j NJ 

Finally the Ms. 1145 (fol. 37 b) of my catalogue has the 
following superscription: jiTP^iS P S pS ha bx~\W bi MHJ 
pn^JD :nn ^^ PV3tya D^I D 1 br- PDJDH p.^3 v^N3 ra^r n^n^ 
^33" . NJ ny^in "^ NJN psiN i jn^y^D np*N ^372* n^y n^*p. 

P.N D^D ^M^ T~0 D^VD 1 "P vX D^O T C?3" PRN D^D 



nosna NpN J-NJ myD 3P"> ip t^np^ IDT 
mn* y D^x "OP; ibx D ^N- biD D^ ^331 DiD 1 NC uy ^xp^ 

.l^V 

We see that all three Mss. attribute the P-jyt^n to 
Sa^adya, which are identical with those given in the Monats- 
schriftj according to three Mss. in America, described by Rev. 
Dr. Alex. Kohut. 

In another Ms. of a Yemen Siddur belonging to the Rev. 
Salomon A. Wertheimer in Jerusalem, which I had an oppor 
tunity to see, we read the following pieces, besides the Hoshanoth 
to be found in the Bodleian Ms. No. 2498 of the Bodleian 
Catalogue, before wn D ^: "D^ xb bw |.NJ nnyo W2-\w yn 



and emendations to Dr. Kohut s article, I. c. He informs us that S. Sachs, 
in vol. IV, p. 109, of the Hebrew annual Ozar ha-Sifroth, calls atten 
tion to these prayers from a printed Mahsor, scarcely known. He also 
possesses a Yemen MS, of prayers in which the following superscription is 
to be read in the section containing the Hoshanoth : 



jnw itti? Daifii C",BO T ;i*o 

. . . nuytrinn nou nn . . . I ; N noa. The order is just the same in Halber- 
stam s MS. The variants communicated bv him are of interest. G. A. K] 



390 A- Neubauer. 



rvpn 1 ? jn 1 ?^ P^NI DID DVK> ^JDD yiw DTH -w a rujwin 
DV pi D^? jro I^LTO PNI rujwin DHD one .N PN D^nJD n^ni? PDE> IN 
^D jr.iN "noN^ ruyEnnn *?D pis? vn ra"i njyt^n c^ Ninty ^Dty 
PDIN PN rD^D riTfr Jn ^ PPNI r>o ci" 1 ^n DN p <) Dt> ;nn no 1 
. DnoiN ^J^ f 2 D D-P Ninsr ra^D "HND* ^^D r^tr nriN3 nj^in 
2 DV mspn DnoiNi N DV nspnn D^Hoi N n^ btr nj^in 
..... ^ty DV ^^ nuyt^in r")D N :r6 j D-PD p * c^n TIN^ ND^^H 

.D^IV^ D^ pOn NJN ^^^ D ^ , . , . ID^y NTOn NJN * Ci^ 

This agrees with the Seder according to Sa adya in 
the Ms. of the Bodleian Library No. 1996 of the Catalogue. 
Next come the following liturgies for Hoshana Rabba, 
which are attributed to R. Sa adya Gaon: 



rilD^N3 Dlp N"ltr^ p"p l uH 

DINH ^n r^m: >DI DT.nn DV Nin^ ^ c^ onn 
iniDib HT C^D r njD rap r-aint? IJHJ pb "DDH^ |n DILJ^ in VND IDI 
^DD* D^n ^ D ! JM I J jrrn ^D n^cn ^v D^junr cnno cmsD c^b 

i D ND D^CH ID D^HH "j"nS 

^" 1 - 3 ri D * 1 - 1 



sron ^"r v. p nr u iro y nr c - non D 
no ^ v~ njNi HJN ^Dn 1 ? poa 1 N T. cc^r "y pio 

D" DD N H nr cv ^ f nspnn IIDD U^D DT-D*? u 

p"p 



n n^j-oi JHJO N m ry:a " ra r- 



nspn 

rnn . c^n "I OT CVN n 1 
I^HD I.DDT . T^n^D -OTI-ID IDT mp joni DN . T?:IN^ n npro 



nairm Nsom . ^11- BH-IJ ,TH y 



~iDy v i . . , p "IDIN NJCHI "JIIDT , 

.(all D^PIDD) u^y 

nb ipyj -I^N "pDJ rnn . pn^ rvjp nspn 
yii pni *yTJ nai . 7rjn DIDH r*^ f y IDDJ DJI IDNJ 
.unDT : 70^ ]yo^ r\wy ^ CD n:y DD H DN* 
b ^NU TS ^N "vein . HTGJH TIDD oirn pnt^D pns 1 r % OT 
D^ corn . Nip: ID^D ay 1 ? 71^0 inp^i iri^py . nniy IQD ^N^ 
. Njonn . T onn nSDn N^ "jn^JDi "jr^njo . n*nDJiD ^TN: ^N HDUD 
. N"npo "j 1 ? ^NIL^ iin* 1 DJI "j~iD^ , Dpy 1 rwbv nspn 



Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to R. Sa adya Gaon. 39] 



* NTO HD 10N v i , "!HD ~*\ "HN N , NTD " Di")Q3 DIE* J.T 
HDD HT HNE J ~iK f N HN^HJ . m.SEO pnNE>t> . INJ DJ1 it^ TOT 



PDN no , PDNDP niD2 oirn . pnp nn rnx TDT 
. iPTsn inon . pntrpj "6 Ton . inDipa IPHNDP . PTTIDI *b 

"iJ^D 1 D3 hy roty DPHJ IQ^D nn E^N NIH . rnoj;3 np pn 



vjy ^"i^ HD^JI no^or n"nr 1:^31 , TDOI~) cy oni ny 
. mm ^nj~b v ,^ cy n^ IDV D*" 1 D ^DIN DI S N ^N cy *J^D 1,12 
* irrnrvi inpia . UONJ cyb ^^n^n TON t>x . ^yD ^L^D mm HDT 

.Njoni . jnDT . T DE o NJ TOT 
. Njy^ .n DIDN^ ipy ]w p PHN noa . prw r-i^cn nDpn 

^3^ ptT 1ND 1 ? ^ND nJD . nJTOD ^D^ . HNJ rDJSD3 TOD3 

(marg. HJI^DD) nJiDN2 p^ Di HNDJ cy p HNIH "" n . H 



HM 



"no 1 pna riDD . on^on DHJD nDT . DD:D r^ t^ -D 
tyj b ^ DD^OD N Qon. n::p cy ^D V . wp 
D"I^ rnn c^n DJH . c^y cnn "lasrj N*.T ^ 
.ijnDT i^j^ 1 ^p Dip . inyt> a-iDD* . cb iv 
n ^N nan . i^Tipo DV ry ^ . nj.y HM wpa r*rn 
^av . N"IIQ^ ^ rrtiTD HE * . T^N^ cnb ^mp 
HI^ ruyrann . lE ipcb cmpi nbna n ? 1 :^ corn . 
.Njcm . -"or : T- Q" 1 ^r^- 

DJ DJ i "^lE V % . JJJ HE N pO TOT . TH PT3E HDpH 
NIE J . HE> 11JJ1 rTOJ I 1 ? . ^3r bDD "p JMiH 1 .T T GTl VP 

v^n 5 ? . ^n DJ i nbm "b nxTa HNDJ ms . ^D DJ 



DHJP. DJ1 omp -jT1Dt>D "IPD3 DPHJ I 1 " 1 ^N T~ P.-OT2 
P OTI . ^PIJ i "JP.^D j^D HNDJ Dy 1 ? HNTTI IPIDDI , 

/onDT : "pew nysE P*OD DNE JI D^JI i^riyb N: TJI p 

PN ppb IDiH 1SJP 1VTJD1 . v ^ 1J3 T"! PiD! "UM^N ijt> TOT 

n"o^D3 n^JJi . ^: PNI ^2 PNI irnj P*DN IPIDDI . 



II. Liturgy on the Ten Commandments. 

We know now from a fragment reproduced in the 



392 A. Neubauer. 

Jewish Quarterly Review, vol. V, p. 708, that Sa adya, in 
a liturgy concerning the ten commandments, included the 613 
precepts; we mentioned as such the liturgy beginning with 
the words nb^ X E N DJX, There is another liturgical piece 
written by Sa adya, which contains the commandments 
and the 613 precepts. The Ms. Hebr. f. 20 (not yet cata 
logued, coming from Egypt; many letters are provided with 
vowel points) , contains such a liturgy (alphabetical), 
which we deem worthy to be published, if only for the 
name of the author.- The title is the following (fol. 57) "no 
irons vybfc (so) PD^K> pxjn >T-yo *r:nb mmn iK>y ^by rnsyb 

:ih is DT *\DV p 

"Order for Shabuoth concerning the ten commandments 
by R. Sa adya the Gaon[?J 7 of Mehasyah. son of Joseph, the 
memory of the righteous is for blessing." Next follows (fol. 
57b) the liturgy, which we reproduce according to a copy made 
by Dr. Adolf Biichler, Professor at the Seminary of Vienna 
(Austria), during his stay at Oxford: 
DTD! :D-Q . "2*22i Tyc srrp rams xrx . bm -JOBO 
:" -pp * &*bvr{ c ps . -.rsxb n-n ryn CDH IDJ . "JXJB> 
. T j r~ ^D^D^ 1 ? IIDI y^K n . ^*yo r.no -u?y 



D^jpD . i^^o ya^s "yriji *N~I^ nnn K NI by ^J*D in N " 



: nK f o T) V I . n^nn vrin^o zuinu c^^ . ntt na cya "?N r 
"iDc^o c ybo r*n^n by ppn: , -am n\n py 
:-QT -it^N bD TN rt N "imr rx . i^-isn b.p y 
. nsj ^ "it^ nnD "it^N nriinD . nmj TN I^N cnnm .yc- 

N"ip JiiD" "I^N D^n . *n2 D *DD croD N^D^ nyn * 
o^yn QT.yfc . IH^^ s n* cs ^n ri">*r ^^ . IH^J: VT 
br BTT :^Ton bs % * *a bx c*b^ m* 1 ^D . IHID ^yn^ n* 



. nb Ds nnx b^b T^I DTHD^ . nb bon 
rnbo nniay P:DP ^JN . nboD* ^a^ s r.D ^^nn ^yix nyipi 
p* b p bib b*iv r^* . s ny2p cays n^in n^ip 
n 1 ! Trun ^DJN . ^ryun TNC n^riNi nn^py 
so DD nr^ic TD^D . pyn rn^ipo nao n oiyo \ n D"iy 
: pxn rx T^y *DJX . pnn T.Tun n J3 by t^y n^nj . pns 
nn*njn ^DD ryb . ^nx HID S ibni 



Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to R. Sa adya Gaon. 393 

ip bsi D^b^N TJ^S ijjir 1 . crjn n^on bN p-nnyb HE? 

nE>yD non bun . D^DIP Nbi D\XII Nb nn^y c^ino 
PiDipsD i-ya 1 Nbi .TIP bzi P,T . DPTOJ; nann IE>N o^on 
ID IOEM :DPN PN san cr, . DPBJD:: iyT Nbi ibziDi^ PJPD 
v i iiyir on D^biyj] n.Tuni piNib HJDP bNi cm . c,T:r,;rn:: 



ionnx DM^N ^ rprp N^ onn^o en 1 ? I^N i:ny, inx . nnnm 
r^yu ID^ ^DTHD . np*s ^SD "JTS N~P D\I^N TN 
HID yn^jn ^DI . np^yi? ^0^ nsys j-i^j nia DJU 
nbr. ip^ ry *iw brri .* ncnnsi n^?o ^NH PN^ cnm 

J NIB^ NB- J N^ ^^N . -HD^^ in*2f?2 23^ 131 D^DD ipJI 

inn , DMISJ i^yi NBT N*? IONJD 1*21 :n:2iDt> 
mm ^i . DMCD naii HQ^ -jfe ^ ny^ n^nbra 

N ^ IQB^ r.N 1D2D . H^^ " 1 ^ 1 I 



. HDI D^iip "ion pyji IHN DE N*.E NET N 
Nini pinn by t:n . pna n^i^i IIID DE NiE b NET Nt> : TDD N-m 
Nini bib in by IDTJH . D^yji 113; y.-jj D^ NIE^ NET xb :pnao 
N\~i 1 npi naoi by IDT:H . DHNI na TI CE* N*^b NET Nb : n^yiD 
na cm Dnnn by TJM . c^piN ipn n^ N^b NET Nb : nnr 
:N^ Nini -bin by tjn . nan n^niE Nini CE Ni^b NET Nb 
Nb :rrra Nini pnan by i:n . nnia iini nr CE* Ni^b NETI 
NiE b NET Nb . NDino Nim nbinn by TJM . nwm pon CE NiE b 
DE* NiE b NET N % b : ibv?2 Nini bon by IJM . ibr.D^ ninDDi iino 
D^JD by ?:n . nipiET3 V IDD DE Ni^b NET by fan . ypn no 1 la 1 
n iv ib by fan . IE O nbipi cn^b DE* NiE b NET Nb rnp^o am 
Nini ran by fan . n nD* r^oo DE Nit^b NET Nb IIE CJ Nini 
Nini E njn by fan . nrbE>i2b nb^aa jru CE NiE b NET Nb : n^n 
TJITJ N\TI nDion by fan . nE nss PDD DE* Ni^b NETI Nb : n^bwn 
by fan . nynE i anE y nniND -piy DE* NiE b NET Nb :nE p PI 
. a^njyiDD moE D x^s DE* Ni^b NET Nb :nyiw mbr NMI nipy 
Nnan yua DE* NiE^b NET Nb rDTinsj cm iiyi n^m HD^D by fan 
, iau ^HpQi E np DE NiE b NET. s % b :Kmpn i;j ps by fan . Enip 
aim DE* NiE b NET Nb :iayn?2 Nini nian iNbo pjsp by fan 
NET, Nb :nnDiy nni jii^i NIDI by fan . c^-nya bD by 
Nit^b NET, Nb . raiDHD Nini ybo JE by fan . pau D^^E DE* N 
bNiE/ 1 DE DI 3py^ DE D TDH fan . njiy n^junn nbon 

TQEM DV PN TGI , lE Hn paE DI blH3 , lE l DE> NETi 



J niinn nuaan DD pE ia . ra^D naji IDIDQ - 1 E np 
INI . ra^a niaD mcty DPJND HJN ny NJ . nn^nn D 



394 A. Neubauer. 



yp nmy . niNi2J2 DLID njins po tra^n 
iKn Tir2!p riN* . nN^DJD 12032 c^inn ^DD nob-D TIN 



p . .TPNC ri2 T>no 1310 jy : r *.Nt> vm 
r.Ni . (NipDD N^D 7 marg.) NipD2 112^ N^D niao .12 

: rn*ri n^p rii r . IISD cn^ rv"*n 
T 1 rx ^IDT . rmr "la .ri T^ r^ n D - nraDP . 
T DVJD ^D*r Dip^p ^ .TD NPD "j"nni r^binr 
p ^rs^p :-|DN niT ^cr ^NI "J^N noiQ ^J 



IDlpCD nni Ni .DlpCD Dr 1 Ni iT-iy . ID^p T1ND 

roT; ^DD PI ^N n?2^ n DDH p . -GNJ "I a^i v^" 1 t 



DD TJ3S IK N HD^ . 

np^ ran UN 1 ? :ybr py , cNDn 1 

N "3D . T nsin^ TDDH -J^N^ . DDN IDP. m^D CN :C 



21 D p *D j^" 1 , HDTC2 HN^r DJ ^D 

^JD^ np-pn :HDD^ nai 1 "jn . na 

N^l ^r?20 Cl ^D"^ T .NID* . CD ! ^S 21N i^ N D . 

^zb n3*rD n:n :CD^D ^nsir ^s % ^y Trinr. HJN 
^DIDO -PDnt "Dnj . D nyu NDH N^r. c^p^yn r^o 
PMMD ^12 snc rcMinc nrv* nn i ^ pia . D 

:nsir Nt> , naj 1 ? pn no^n CN pj^x . n^p 
. DID % i2in ^J D TI~IN . c~2 pN ^""jnn I^DJ iDNn nsir. N^ 

VJiD THN . mj DID 3"in yj D JHDi . D^ PD DID Gin yjiD 111N 

Din y::D THX . nil ~^ND % ain yj D ^ID* . ni*oj ib mvD "am 
mn yriD 7.12 : nnu: pM pnno IDIH y:*D 7.121 n^n nnso 

:p)Njr N 1 ? FIND ^jnb 112;; . f]ni 7: DID 
i npisi nis 1x2 . trDiin rm^ NM |ii2N 

D.l D^lll : D^DIN 11 : ntQ 1 ? 1D1N1 . D^DIl jb n^N 
N2 DD^D 1 ? ^Dlp Dl^l . D^Dl J ,lDn Lim t>2ni 

. 2biy JIN lap 1 n^y yin JD^DNJ^I D^DL^DDD IDDD i^ 
nr^n D^D ^D^D , 2^^ n 



n^2iNi ?r ^D^D . fin: ^nr N riD 1 : 
nu D ^D N12" 1 2jji . pnir i <i 322 pin ^N nr sti p^j . firfl 
n ^iiy . np^iN Jin^> I^DJ 21:^ DD 
ma 



) I. e. era of the destruction of the second temple, = 920 A. D. 



Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to E. Sa adya Gaon. 395 



vcnpi vyi ^p33 nj>yn ry- D.TOD D^p . wrnD I^T 

: IK DJ Njitf 3jj cy ^in 



im D ?y ^ y~ip 

: npJ 1 N 1 ? o^pty ~iy . np^n ^DN^ ID N^ST ^N nnn yi . 
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Ueber die judisclien Colonien in Indien 

von 
Prof. Dr. Gustav Oppert (Berlin). 



Wann und wie die jiidischen Colonien in Indien ge- 
griindet wurden, koniien wir jetzt schwer bestimmen, denu 
sichere historische Angaben hieriiber besitzen wir nicht, wohl 
aber existiren einige unbeglaubigte Traditionen, und wenige 
allerdings iichte, chronologisch aber schwer festzustellende und 
iiber diese Fragen keine Auskunft ertheilende Docurnente im 
Besitze der syrischen und jiidischen Gemeinden. 

Als Ausgangspunkt fiir die Einwanderung der Juden 
nach Indien sind drei Ereignisse von Wichtigkeit: 1. Die 
Zerstorung des Reiches Israels und die Abfiihrung der zehn 
Stainine in die assyrische Gefangenschaft durch Salmanassaq 
uni 721 v. Chr.; 2. die Einnahnie von Jerusalem, die Zer 
storung des ersten Tempels und die Abfiihrung der Juden 
in die babylonische Gefangenscbaft durch Nebukadnezar um 
586 v. Chr. ; und 3. die Zerstorung Jerusaleins und des zweiten 
Tempels durch Titus im Jahre 70 n. Chr. 

Mit alien diesen drei Ereignissen haben Legende und 
Geschichte die Griindung jiidischer Colonien in Indien ver- 
kniipft. 

Der Weg nach Indien lag den Juden offen sowohl zu 
Lande wie zu Wasser. Es ist wohlbekannt, dass Konig Sa- 
lomo alle drei Jahre im Verein rait seinem koniglichen Freunde 
Hiram von Tyrus Meerfahrten nach dern Lande Ophir unter- 
nahm. ,,Und SchifFe machte der Konig Salomo in Ezion 
Geber, bei Eloth am Ufer des Schilftneeres im Lande Edom 
(26). Und Chiram sandte zu SchifFe seine Knechte, Schiffs- 
leute, kundig des Meeres, mit den Knechten Salomo s (27). 
Und sie kamen nach Ophir, und holten von dort das Gold, 



Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 397 

vierhundert uud zwanzig Talente, und brachten es dem Konige 
Salomo (28). Und auch das Schiff Chiranrs, das Gold her- 
beibrachte von Ophir, brachte von Ophir sehr viel rothes 
Sandelholz und seltne Steine (X, 11). Und alle Trinkgefasse 
des Konigs Salomo waren von Gold und alle Gerathe des 
Hauses im Walde Libanon von gediegenem Golde, das Silber 
wurde in den Tagen Salomo s durchaus nicht geachtet (21). 
Denn ein Tarschisch-SchifF batte der Konig im Meere mit dem 
Schiffe Chiram s, einmal in drei Jahren kam das Tarschisch- 
SchiiF beladen mit Gold und Silber und Elfenbein und Affen 
und Pfauen" (22) ). 

Die oben angefiihrten Waaren weisen auf Indien, denn 
Gold, Sandelholz, seltne Steine, Elfenbein, Affen und Pfauen 
sind indische Produkte. Sandelholz und Gold weisen aber 
speziell auf Siidindien. Sandelholz kornint mirnlich von der 
Malabar Ku ste, und unfern von dort und im benachbarten 
Mysore besassen die alten Indier Goldbergwerke. Merkwur- 
digerweise enhalt 1. Kon. X, 22 die alteste Erwahnung eines 
alten Dravidischen Wortes. Das biblische Wort fur Pfauen, ttik- 
Jciyylm im Hebriiischen, ist Dravidischen Ursprungs und von 
togai, toka, Pfauenschweif und auch Pfau abgeleitet. Muziris 
war der bedeutendste Hafen Malabar s, von wo das Sandel 
holz verladen wurde 5 es ist identisch mit Muyiri-kottai oder 
Cranganore, wo sich, wie wir sehen werden, die Juden spiiter 
niederliessen. 

Fiir den Handelsverkehr nach Indien bestand schon friih- 
zeitig auch ein Weg iiber Land. Die der Konigin Serniramis 
und dem Konige Sesostris zugeschriebenen Eroberungsziige 
nach Indien gehoren allerdings in das Gebiet der Mythe, 
aber setzen doch die Kenntniss eines Landweges dorthin vor- 
aus, das persische Reich des Darius Hystaspes grenzte aber 
an Indien. Alexander der Grosse unternahm nach dorthin 
semen berlihmten Kriegszug, und Jahrhunderte nach ihm be- 
herrschten grako-baktrische Konige Nordindien. Griechische 
und judische Kaufleute standen in intimen Handelsbeziehungen 
zu Indien und besassen an vielen Orten daselbst Comman- 
diten. Schon damals beklagte man, wie aus Plinius hervor- 
geht, den Abgang der edlen Metalle nach Indien. Die Namen 



l ) S. 1 Kon. IX, 26-28; X, 11, 21, 22; II Chr. VIII, 18; IX, 10. 



398 Gustav Oppert. 

mancherdergewb hnlichsten Handelsartikel bezeugen ihren indi- 
schen Ursprung. So 1st das Wort Reis, opu?a im Griechischen, 
dem Dravidischen arm entlehnt, denn dieses Korn stainmt 
aus Indien und wurde zuerst im hulsenlosen Zustand nach 
Europa versandt. Indigo, das Indikon der Griechen, 1st, wie 
schon sein Name sagt, indischer Herkunft. Juden sollen es nach 
Sicilien verpflanzt haben, weil dieser Anbau aber nicht gliickte, 
gab man ihn spater auf. Caravanen mil indischen Waaren 
passirten schon in Urzeiten die Grenzen von Palastina, und 
an mit Grewurzen, Balsamholz und Ladanharz handelnde Mi- 
dianitische Kaufleute wurde Joseph von seinen Briidern nach 
Mizraim verkauft. 

Geographische Hindernisse standen also einer Einwande- 
rung iiber Land nach Indien nicht im Wege, wohl aber wurde 
es den von Tiglat Pilezar, Salmanassar und Nebukadnezar 
aus Palastina in die Verbannung gefuhrten Juden sehr schwer, 
wenn nicht unmoglich, geworden sein, in grosseren Massen 
aus der Gefangenschaft, wo sie streng iiberwacht wurden, zu 
entfliehen. Einzelne Individuen und Familien diirften aller- 
dings die beschwerliche Reise angetreten und Indien erreicht 
haben, wie sich auch schon fruhzeitig Juden in Central Asien 
und China ansiedelten 1 ). 

Der Seeweg war dagegen leichter zuganglich. Wir horen 
in der That vielfach von grosseren Landungen, jedoch ist es 
hochst unwahrscheinlich, dass wegen der Schwierigkeit des 
Transports und der Bekostigung solche Masseneinwanderungen 
haben stattfinden konnen. 

Aus eineni Excerpte einer angeblichen Chronik von 
Cochin entnehmen wir die Angabe, dass ein Jahrhundert vor 
Chr. die Xachkommen der von Salmanassar nach Mokka in 
Tehaina bei Yemen verbannten Ephrai niiten unter Fiihrung 
ihres Rabbi Simcha von Arabieii nach Guzarat und Puna 
zu ihren dort ansiissigen Landsletiten sich gefluchtet hatten. 

Eine andere Legende besagt, dass die Nachkomrnen von 
Israeliten aus dem Stamme Manasse, welche Nebukadnezar 
fortgefuhrt hatte ? sich in Malabar niederliessen. In Cochin 
erzahite man sich, dass u ber 10 7 000 Seelen. Manner, Frauen, 



J ) S. I. Chronik V, 26 ; II. Chr. XXXVI, 10, 20 ; II. Kon. XVII, 
XXIV, 15; XXV, 6, 11, 21. 



Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in indien. 399 

Priester und Leviten sich nach der Zerstorung des zweiteu 
Tempels nach Malabar in das Gebiet des Herrschers von 
Cranganore gefliichtet batten, und in den Notisias dos Judeos 
de CocJum findet sich die Angabe, dass die Abkommlinge von 
Juden, welche sich 70 nach Chr. nach der Insel Majorca be- 
geben hatten, 70 80,000 an der Zahl, im Jahre der Welt 
4130 oder 369 nach Chr., nach Indien auswanderten und an 
der malabarischen Kiiste sich niederliessen. Die Bene Israel 
versichern ihrerseits vor 1700 Jahren nach Indien gekommen 
zu sein. 

Aus diesem Geniisch von Sage und Geschichte das Rich- 
tige herauszufinden, ist schwierig, vor Alleni aber ist es nothig, 
sich an Thatsachen zu halten. 

Was nun die Juden in Indien betrifft, so theilen sie sich 
in weisse und schwarze Juden. Erstere haben ihre Race 
rein, ohne Beimischung niit Hindus, erhalten. Zu den weissen 
Juden gehoren vor Allen die sogenannten Jerusalenier Juden 
in Cochin, die sich stets durch Heranziehung weisser Juden 
aus deni Westen, aus Jerusalem, Spanien, Deutschland etc., 
regenerirt und gestiirkt haben, und auch ein Thuil der Bene 
Israel in der Bombay Priisidentschaft, welche niehr abgesondert 
lebten. 

Die schwarzen Judeu sind theils die Nachkomnien von 
Mischehen zwischen Juden und Eingebornen, theils zuni 
Jtidenthum bekehrte Hindu und deren Abkonmilinge. Wie 
die euro-asiatischen Nachkomnien der Portugiesen in Goa den 
Eingebornen in der Schwarze der Hautfarbe gleichen, so thun 
dieses auch die Mischlinge der jiidischen Race. 

Die jiidischen Niederlassungen in Indien werden haufig 
von den Reisenden im Mittelalter erwiihnt, u. a. von Benja 
min von Tudela, Marco Polo, dent Araber Abulfeda und dem 
Franciscaner Monch Odoricus. 

Die in der Bombay Prasidentschaft ansassigen Bene 
Israel besitzen leider keine Documente und konnen iiber ihre 
Abkunft auch nur ungeniigende Auskunft ertheilen. Sie be- 
haupten vor ungefahr 1700 Jahren ihre nordlich gelegene 
Heiniath verlassen und als Schiffbriichige bei Chaul, 30 
Meilen slidlich von Bombay gelandet zu sein. Die Zahl der 
Geretteten betrug nur 14, 7 Manner und 7 Frauen, und von 
diesen sollen die heutigen Bene Israel, nach deni neuesten 



400 Gustav Oppert. 

Census 13 7 336 Personen, abstammen. 1 ) Die indischen Prinzen 
nahmen die Freuiden gastlich auf und liessen ihnen ihren 
Schutz angedeihen. Sie zogen anfanglich in die Dorfer von 
Konkan und an die Ktiste zwischen Bankote und der Bhor- 
ghat; spater als Bombay englisch geworden, liessen sich viele 
in der Stadt daselbst nieder, und wohnen dort jetzt in 
grosserer Zahl. 

Im Aeussern ahneln die 13ene Israel den arabischen 
Juden, sie kleiden sich aber wie Hindus, tragen jedoch, wie 
die Muhamraedaner, Beinkleider. Ihre Hautfarbe ist heller 
als die der Hindus, ihre Haare scheeren sie nicht ab wie 
letztere, die nur einen Haarbiischel in der Mitte stehen 
lassen, dagegen tragen sie Seitenlocken fiber den Ohren. 
Ihre Wohnungen gleichen in Bauart und Einrichtung denen 
der iibrigen Einwohner, mit welchen sie zwar aus denselben 
Gefassen trinken, aber nicht zusanimen essen. Bei ihren 
Mahlzeiten beten sie in hebraischer Sprache, ini gewohnlichen 
Leben aber sprechen sie meistens Marathi, manchmal auch 
Guzarati und Hindustani. 

Sie feiern jetzt alle jiidischen Feste, was sie friiher 
nicht gethan haben, und ein Drittheil der Gemeinde beobachtet 
streng den Sabbath. Auf den Dorfern leben sie unter ein- 
ander recht gesellig; wenn in einer Familie eine Geburt statt- 
findet, besuchen alle Nachbaren das betrefFende Hans und 
werden daselbst init siissen Leckerbissen bewirthet. Sie 
heirathen sehr friihzeitig wie die Hindus, die Eltern reguliren 
alles, und die Hochzeitsfeierlichkeiten, wobei sie viele Ge- 
brauche den Hindus entlehnt haben, wlihren fiinf Tage. Den 
ersten Tag darf der Briiutigana nicht ausgehen, er wird ge- 
badet, seine Hande werden mit den Blattern der Memli 
(Laivsonia inermis) roth gefarbt, sein Turban wird mit 
gelben und weissen papierenen Champaka (Michelia 
champdka) Blum en geschmiickt, und er empfangt den 
Besuch seiner Verwandten, die sich im Hause regaliren. 
Am zweiten Tage werden alle Nachbaren ohne Ausnahme 
ins vaterliche Haus geladen. Der Brautigam reitet schon 
frisirt, im besten Anzuge und reich geschmiickt, von eirfer 
Menge umgeben, nach dem Bethause, wo die Hochzeitsgebete 



) Diese Zahl scheint auch andere Juden miteinzuschliessen. 



Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 401 

theilweise verlesen werden, und der Geistliche seinen Segen gibt. 
Dann reitet er nach dem Hause der Braut, wo ihn ihr Vater 
empfangt, und er sich mitten in die Versammlung hinsetzt. 
Hierauf iiberreicht er dem Brautvater die seiner Verlobten 
geschenkten Kleider und Schmueksachen, welche diese sogleich 
anlegt. Das Brautpaar setzt sich auf-ein reines Tuch, und 
die Gaste stellen sich vor ihm auf. Der Geistliche fiillt ein 
Glas mit Rebensaft, reicht es mit Segensworten erst dem 
Brautigam und dann der Braut zum Kosten. Der Heiraths- 
contract wird nun producirt, verlesen 7 von dem Schreiber 
und drei Zeugen unterzeichnet und von dem Brautigam der 
Braut iiberreicht. Sie halt das Document an einem Ende, 
und er es am andern, er erklart es fur legal, faltet und itber- 
gibt es seiner Braut, die es ihr em Vater einhiindigt. Dann 
wird noch einmal das Weinglas herumgereicht, die iiblichen 
Gebete und Psalmverse werden gesprochen, und der Brautigam 
steckt den Ring auf den Zeigefinger der rechten Hand seiner 
Braut. Mit dem ausgesprochenen Segen endet die religiose 
Ceremonie, der Brautigam empfiingt die Geschenke seiner 
Freunde und Bekannten, und Festlichkeiten beschliessen den 
Tag. Am Abend des dritten Tages verlasst das junge Ehe- 
paar das Brauthaus, er zu Pferde, sie in einem Wagen 
sitzend, und wahrend Raketen und Feuerwerk abgebrannt 
werden, zieht es auf seinem Wege beim Bethaus vorbei, 
wo der Geistliche von Neuem es segnet, nach dem Hause des 
Brautigams, wo es mit den eingeladenen Freunden das Mahl 
einnimmt. Die beiden folgenden Tage werden mit Festlich 
keiten ausgefullt. 

Ehebruch komnit selten vor, trotzdem er nur gelinde 
bestraffc wird. Der unschuldige Theil erh alt die Scheidung 
und darf sich wieder verheirathen ; doch kann dies 
auch der Schuldige thun, wenn er das nbthige Kleingeld 
besitzt, um sich die Bewilligung zu erkaufen. Polygamie 
findet sich in vielen Familien, aber selten heirathet ein 
Mann mehr als drei Frauen. Sonst haben die Frauen im 
Ganzen eine ziemlich angesehene Stellung, sie diirfen aller- 
dings nicht die Synagoge besuchen. 

Dem Tode folgt rasch das Begrabniss. Die Leiche wird 
ohne Sarg, mit dem Kopfe nach dem Osten gerichtet, drei bis 
vier Fuss tief vergraben. Manchmal werden dem Todten, 

2fi 
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



402 Gustav Oppert. 

wie bei den Hindus, Reis, Milch und Kokusniisse geopfert, 
wird und niit Mehl gemischtes Wasser gesprengt. 

In ihren Synagogen batten die Beve Israel bis vor 
Kurzem keine Thora, docb sind ibnen solche inzwischen von 
auswartigen, jiidiscben Gemeinden zugekommen, eben so 
wie auch Bibeln. Von den arabischen Juden haben sie fur ihren 
Grottesdienst die Liturgie der Sephardim angenonmien, auch 
besitzen sie Exeniplare des ani Ende des siebzehnten Jahr- 
hunderts in Amsterdam gedruckten Cochinischen Gebetbuchs. 
Viele tragen auf ihrem Korper kleine mit Bibelspriichen be- 
schriebene Pergarnentrollen, und noch unlangst waren sie der 
Zauberei sehr ergeben, und verehrten vornehmlich die bos- 
willigen Gottheiten der Hindus. Der sogenannte M-uJcadam 
leitet ihre weltlichen, ein Geistlicher ihre religiosen Angelegen- 
heiten; diesen beiden stehen gewohnlich vier Aelteste zur Seite, 
die Gemeindeversammlung, zu der alle Erwachsene gehoren, 
entscheidet entgiiltig alle wichtigen Fragen. 

In Bombay befinden sich unter den Bene Israel auch 
Kaufleute und Ladeninhaber. aber viele sind Handwerker 
vorzugsweise Maurer und Tischler, doch sind sie ebenfalls 
Grobschmiede, Goldschmiede und Schneider. Im Konkan 
beschaftigen sie sich rait Ackerbau und Oelpressen. Ganz be- 
sonders zeichnen sie sich als Soldaten aus. Sie dienen in 
fast alien Regimentern der Bombay- Arinee und stehen in dem 
Heere im besten Ruf, so dass sehr viele als einheimische 
Offiziere ihren Abschied nehmen. 

Gewohnlich ftihren die Bern Israel zwei Namen, eiuen 
hebraischen und einen indischen. Unter Mannern begegnen 
wir Namen wie Abraham, Isaak, Jakob, Ruben (am haufigsten 
vorkommend), Naphtali, Sebulon, Benjamin, Samson. Moses, 
Aaron, Elieser, Phincha, David, Salomo, Elias, Hesekiel, 
Daniel, Zadik, Hajim, aber nie einen Jehuda. Von Frauen- 
namen sind die gebrauchlichsten : Sara, Rebekka, Rahel, Lea, 
Saphira, Milka, Mirjain, Hannah, aber nie eine Esther. Die 
hebraischen Namen werden bei der Beschneidung oder bald 
nach der Geburt, die indischen aber einen Monat spater ge- 
geben. 

Die Bene Israel weisen mit Entriistung die Benennung 
Jelmd oder Jude zuriick, und nennen sich nur Bene Israel. 
Aus diesern Grunde, sowie aus der Abwesenheit der Thora 



Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 403 

bei ihrem Gottesdienste bis vor kurzer Zeit und dern Um- 
stande. dass sie die sp ateren Biicher des hebraischen Kanons 
nicht besassen, meinen Viele, und ich glaube nicht mit Un- 
recht, dass wir in den Bene Israel Ueberbleibsel der zehn, 
in die assyrische Gefangenschaft gerathenen, Stamme erblicken 
diirfen. Jetzt haben sie sich allerdings in ibrem Ritus und 
Gebrauchen den iibrigen Juden mehr angeschlossen. 1 ) 

Die andere Gemeinde der weissen Juden befindet sich 
in Cochin, ebenfalls an der Westkiiste Indiens. Cochin liegt 
in Malabar ini 9 58 n. Breite und 76 18 o. Lange von 
Greenwich. Dorthin kamen die Juden von Cranganore, das 
18 Meilen nb rdlich von Cochin liegt. 

Nach einer Ueberlieferung sollen ini 3828 sten Jahre der 
Welt und ini 68 sten nach Chr. ungefahr 10,000 Juden beider- 
lei Geschlechts von Jerusalem nach Malabar gekominen und 
sich bei Cranganore, Palur, Mahdam, Pulutto und anderen 
Ortschaften niedergelassen haben. Bei Weitem der grosste 
Theil, gegen 7500 Personeu, blieb in Cranganore, wo ihnen 
der regierende Vicekb nig Cerainan Perumal mit Nanien Bhas- 
kara Ravi Varma, ini 4139 sten Jahre der Welt und 379 sten 
Jahre nach Chr. Ehren und Privilegien ertheilte, und Joseph 
Rabbaan unter dem Titel firi Ananda Mapla als erbliches Haupt 
iiber sie einsetzte. Diese Vorrede und Schenkung wurde auf 
einer Kupferurkunde niedergeschrieben. Derselbe Peruinal 
theilte nachher sein Reich in acht Gebiete. 2 ) 

Auf Verlangen wissbegieriger Hollander sanmielte am 
Ende des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts Rabbi David in Cochin 
die historischen Angaben iiber die friihe Vergangenheit seiner 
Glaubensgenossen in Malabar und sandte einen hebraischen 
Brief nach Amsterdam, der zwar seitdem verschwunden, in 
einem lateinischen Excerpte uns aber gedruckt vorliegt. 3 ) 
Dort heisst es : Nachdem der zweite Tempel zerstort worden 
war, mb ge er in unseren Tagen wieder errichtet werden, 



! ) Yergleiche iiber die Bene Israel: The Land of the Bible, by Dr. 
John Wilson, vol. II pp. 66768. 

-} S. Dr. John Wilson s The Land or the Bible, 1867, II, p. 678, wo 
ein Auszug aus dem Manuscripte des verstorbenen Bombay Civilisten T. 
H. Baber sich vorfindet. 

3 ) Bibliotheca librorum novonim collecta a L. Xeocoro et Henrico Sikio. 
Tomus II, pp, 868-872 Trajecti ad Khenum MDCXCVIII. 

26* 



404 Gustav Oppert. 

wander-ten von dort, aus Furcht vor der Wuth des Feindes, 
unsere Vorfahren, Manner, Frauen, Priester und Leviten, 
mehr als 10,000 der Zahl nach, und sic kamen in diese Re- 
gionen, ins indische Land, iind es befanden sich unter ihnen 
sehr weise Manner. Und Gott verlieh dieseni Volke Gnade 
in den Augen des Konigs, der in jenen Zeiten in Indien 
herrschte, dieser bewilligte ihnen namlich eine Provinz mit 
Nanien ^^W Singili, die auch linnr Cranganore heisst, nahe 
bei der Stadt "Olp Koni (d. h. Cochin), die sie allein ohne 
Beimischung von Fremden, bewohnten. Er verlieh ihnen 
auch ein konigliches Fiirstenamt, damit ihnen auf alle Zeiten 
in fortlaufender Reihefolge Konige vorstanden. Dies ist Alles 
niedergeschrieben und init dern Siegel des Konigs gezeichnet 
und mit eisernen Griffel mit der Scharfe eines Diamants auf 
eherner Platte eingravirt, damit uns seine Nachfolger nie 
der Luge zeihen, oder die Vertrage abandern konnten. Dies 
geschah iin Jahre der ErschafFung der Welt 4250, und diese 
eherne Tafel ist noch heute unseren Augen sichtbar. Diese 
Form der Regierung erhielt sich ungefahr 1000 Jahre, so 
dass Jedermann zufrieden unter seinem Wein- und Feigen- 
baum lebte. Es herrschten aber 72 Konige in dem Lande 
Singili. Wahrend dieser 1000 Jahre kamen zu ihnen einige 
Juden von den Verbannten Spaniens, dieweil sie von diesem 
Fiirstenthum gehort hatten, das den Juden bewilligt worden 
war. So kam R. Abraham ben Ezra , gleichfalls der sehr 
weise R. Samuel Levi von Jerusalem, und sein Sohn R. 
Jehuda Levi. Sie brachten mit sich nach Singili silberne 
Jubileumstrompeten , die nach der Zerstorung des zweiten 
Tempels iibrig geblieben waren, und wir horten von unseren 
Vatern, dass der unaussprechliche Name, Schem hamphorasch, 
auf diesen Trompeten eingegraben war. Endlich brach unter 
Briidern aus dem koniglichen Geschlechte Zwietracht aus> 
weil ein jeder die konigliche Gewalt an sich reissen wollte. 
Einer von diesen ging zu einem der machtigeren Konige In- 
diens, um seinen Beistand zu erflehen. Dieser zog mit einem 
zahlreichen Heer heran, das alle Hauser, Palaste und Be- 
festigungen zerstorte, die Juden welche daselbst waren,. 
vertrieb; auch viele todtete und in die Gefangenschaft fort- 
fuhrte, so dass ihre Zahl bedeutend abnahm, und nur sehr 
"Wenige von ihnen iibrig blieben. Und von diesen Verbannten 



Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 405 

erkoren Einige Koni, d. h. Cochin als ihren Wohnsitz ; und 
wir wohnen heute in dieser Stadt, nur Wenige an Zahl. Es 
befinden sich auch unter uns von den Sohnen Israel s solche, 
die aus Castilien, Constantina, Aschkenas, Aegypten und aus 
der Stadt Tzoba herzogen, ausser denen, welche schon friiher 
in dieser Gegeud wohnten. 

Ferner berichtet dieser Auszug, dass sich die Cochin- 
juden der spanischen Gebetsordnung bedienen, unter sich 
gewohnlich hebraisch, uiit fremden aber deren Landessprache 
reden; dass der indische Konig, welche ihren Vorfahren die 
Privilegien gegeben, Cerani Perumal geheissen, und dass ihreni 
Ftihrer aus Jerusalem, Joseph Rabana. die Konigswiirde ge- 
geben worden, dass sich diese auf seinen Sohn, seine Tochter 
und sein gauzes Geschlecht vererben solle. so lange die Soime 
und der Mond besteheu wiirde. 

Dieser Erlass des Ceranian Perumal besteht aus 3 Kupfer- 
tafeln, von denen eine ungeschrieben ist. Der hollandische 
Gouverneur Adrian Moens nahni ein Facsimile, niachte mit 
Hiilfe eines Brahmanen eine Transcription, und sandte zwei 
ungenaue Uebersetzungen 1771 und 1773 nach Europa. Das 
Facsimile mit Transcription und Uebersetzung ist im 14 ten 
Bande von Dr. Biisching s Mayas m fur die nene Historic and 
Geographic zu Seite 132 abgedruckt. l ) Auquetil du Perron, 
welcher 1757 Cochin besuchte, veroffentlichte einen uncorrecten 
Abdruck im ersten Bande seines Zend Avesta. 2 ) Dr. Claudius 
Buchanan verschaffte sich ein Facsimile der zwei Flatten im 
Jahre 1807, und deponirte diese spater in der Universitatsbi- 
bliothek von Cambridge. Mr. F. W. Ellis vom Madras Civil 
Service iibersetzte die Inschrift 1819, seine Uebersetzung 
mit Facsimile erschien aber erst 1844, lange nach seinem 
Tode, im zweiten Theile des 13. Bandes des Madras Journal 
of Literature and Science (pp. 111), im ersten Theile des- 

) ,,Nachiichten von den vveissen und schwarzen Juden zu Codschin, 
auf der malabarischen Kiiste, gesammelt aus dem Briefwechsel mit dem 
Gouverneur und Director dieser Kiiste Herrn Adrian Moens, damals extraordi- 
nairen jetzt aber ordinairen Rath des niederlandischen Indiens, und mit anderen 
Nachrichten verschiedener Schriftsteller verglichen durch Adrian Gravezande 
Predigern zu Mittelburg in Zeeland nun aus dem Hollandischen ins Hoch- 
deutsche iibersetzt." 

2 ) Siehe Zend Avesta, ouvrage de Zoroastre. Traduit en Francois, 
par Anquetil du PeiTon, Paris 1771, 3 Bande. 4. Vgl. I, p. 170. 



406 Gustav Oppert. 

selbeu Bandes hatte Dr. Gundert die Inschrift in Tamil 
Buchstaben mit Uebersetzung und Coinmentar abgedruckt. 
Vordem hatte Mr. C. M. Whish, ein anderer Madras Civil- 
beamter ein Facsimile und Uebersetzung hergestellt, welche 
1839 nach seinem Tode im Oriental Christian Spectator zu 
Bombay erschien. Eine Uebersetzung und ein getreues Fac 
simile hat der verstorbene Dr. A. C. Burnell im dritten Bande 
des Indian Antiquary veroffentlicht, und Dr. Eugen Hultzsch 
gab 1894 in der Epigmpliia Indica eine neue Transcription 
mit Uebersetzung heraus. 

Die Sprache des Documents ist Tamil, wie es friiher an 
der Westkiiste gesprochen wurde, und die Schrift ist Vatte- 
luttu. Die Schenkungsurkunde tragt kein Datum. Nach jii- 
dischen Angaben soil sie im Jahre der Welt 4139, A. D. 
379, oder auch urn 4250 der Welt und 490 A. D. erlassen sein. 
Das Jahr 379 hat viele Wahrscheinlichkeit fur sich; 378 soil 
der letzte Peiumal, der einzige, welcher langer als 12 und 
sogar uber 36 Jahre herrschte, zu regiren aufgehort haben. 
Die verschiedenen, als Zeugen handelnden Eaja konnen um 
diese Zeit alle in Cranganore zugegen gewesen sein, und 
dies 377 vom letzten Perumal bewilligte Privilegium aner- 
kannt haben, die uns vorliegende Schenkungsurkunde mag 
jedoch erst spater niedergeschrieben sein, wodurch aber die 
Schenkung selbst nicht invalidiert wird. Das Diplom lautet 
transcribirt folgendermassen : 

Svasti S rl Kokonmai Jconddn, Ko S rl ParJcaran Jravi 
Vanmar tiruvadi palanurayirattandum senkol nadattiyalaninra 
yandu irandamandaiJcJcedir muppattardmandu Mttymkkdttu 
irundamliya nal pimsadiccaruliya pirasadam avadu. Issuppu 
IrabbanuMu Anjuvannamum pediyalum vayanat talum pa- 
Jcudamum Anjuvannapperum paged v dakkum pavadaiyum an- 
doldganum Jcudaiyum 

cadugappamiyum MMlanmm idupadiyum toranamum 
tdranaudanamum saravum mikfaim elubattiranadu vidupenim 
MdakJcoduttotn. Ulkun tulakkuliyum viftom marrum naga- 
rattd Jcudigal JcoyilJcku iruMamaru lean irdmaiyum perumaru 
peravumdgacceppettodum seydu Jwduttoni . Anjuvannam udaiyu 
Issuppu Irabbanukhum ivan santati anmaJckalkfaim penmdk- 
kalkkum ican marumaJcJcalMum penmakkalaikonda maruma k- 



Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 407 

santatippirdkiriti ulaguncandiranum ullalavum An- 
juvannam sa - 

ntatippiraUriti. \\S rl\\ Ippari ariven Venadudaiya Govar- 
ttana Mattandan, Ippari ariven Venapalinad udaiya Kotai 
Sirikandan, ippari ariven Eralanad udaiya Mana Vepala 
Manaviyan, ippari ariven Valluvanad udaiya Imyaran S attan 
ippari ariven Nedumpuraiyurndd udaiya Kotai Ytravi, ippari 
ariven Kllappadai ndyagam seyyinra MurKkan S attan Van- 
ralaiserikkandan Kunrappolanaya kilcayk Kclappan eluttu. 
In deutscher Uebersetzung lautet es etwa wie folgt: 
Heil und Gliick! Der KiJnig der Konige, seine Heilig- 
keit Sri Bhaskara Ravi Varma, der in vielen 100,000 Platzen, 
das Scepter fiilirt, hat an dem Tage als er im zweiten Jahre 
gegen das 36. Jahr in MuyirikOdu sich aufzuhalten geruhte, 
diesen Gnadenakt erlassen. 

Wir haben dem Joseph Rabban Anjuvannan (als Fiirsten 
thum) verliehen, so wie die 72 Besitzrechte, die Abgaben 
auf weibliche Elephanten und Reitthiere l ), die Einkiinfte von 
Anjuvannan, Taglampe, und brcites Tuch, und Siinfte, und 
Sonnenschirm, und nordische Trommel, und Troinpete, und 
kleine Trommel, und Portale und Guirlanden iiber den 
Strassen und Krauze, und dergleichen mehr. Wir haben 
ihm die Grand- und Wagesteuer erlassen. Uberdies haben 
wir durch diese Kupferplatten bewilligt, dass, weiin die Hauser 
der Stadt dem Palaste Steuerii zahlen, er nicht zu zahlen 
braucht, und er die iibrigen Privilegien wie dieselben geniesst. 
Dem Joseph Rabban, dem Fin-ten von Aiijuvarman und seiner 
Nachkommenschaft, seinen Sohnen und Tochtern, Neffen 
und Schwiegersohnen seiner Tochter in naturlicher Folge, so 
lange die Welt und der Mond besteht, sei Anjuvannan ein 
erbliches Besitzthum. 

So weiss ieh Govardhana Marttanda von Venae!; 
So weiss ich Kotai Srikanda von Venapalinad, 
So weiss ich Manavepala ManavTyan von Eralanad, 
So weiss ich Rayaran Sattan von Valluvanad, 
So weiss ich Kotai Jravi von Nedumpuraiyurnad, 

>) Die Bedeutung dieser Stelle, so wie auch die des Endes der Inschrift 
ist sehr schwer festzustellen. Ich habe mich in der ErklSrung von pedi- 
yahim vayanattalum, der Auslegung des Herrn Dr. E. Hultzsch an- 
geschlosscn. 



408 Gustav Oppert. 

So weiss ich Murkkan Sattan, Unterbefehlshaber des 
Heeres. 

Die Schrift des Untersekretars Van Talaiseri Kandan- 
Kunrappolan. 1 ) 

Obenerwahnter Bhaskara Eavi Varnia soil der letzte 

Perumal oder Vicekonig von Malabar, und der einzige ge- 

wesen sein, der mehr als 12 Jahre, in diesem Fall sogar 

liber 36 Jahre regirt hat. Die Perumale wurden narnlich nur 

auf 12 Jahre erwahlt, am Ende dieses Zeitabschnittes be- 

reiteten sie ein grosses Festniahl, und nachdem dies beendigt 

war, bestiegen sie eine besonders errichtete Tribune, wo sie 

sich vor ihren Griisten den Hals abschnitten. Die Leiche 

wurde dann verbrannt, und ein neuer Perumal erwahlt. 

Nicht alle Perumtlle endigten ubrigens ihr Leben in dieser 

Weise, denn einige zogen sich vor Beendigung ihrer Eegie- 

rungszeit in einen Tempel zuriick. Nach Bhaskara Eavi 

Varma s Hinscheiden wurde Malabar unter die verschiedenen 

Vasallen des Perumal, die spateren Eajas von Kerala ver- 

theilt. Der Eaja von Cochin, welcher unter den Zeugen 

nicht erwahnt ist, wurde der Haupterbe. Die ubrigen Fursten, 

welche in der Zeugenliste erscheinen, sind die Prinzen von 

Travancore oder Venadu, von Beuibali (Venapalinadu), der 

Samorin (Tamudiri) von Calicut, der Fiirst von Valluvanadu 

und der von Palghat oder Nedumpuraiyurnadu. Die beiden 

erstgenannten Prinzen reprasentiren den Suden, die beiden 

nachstkomnienden den Norden und der Furst von Palghat den 

Osten. Es sind deninach die bedeutendsten Eaja des Siidens, 

Nordens und Ostens die Zeugen dieses Diploms, was wohl 

als Anzeichen fur die hohe Wichtigkeit der TJrkunde gelten 

kann, und auch auf die angesehene Stellung des neuen Haupt- 

lings Joseph Eabban hindeutet. Das ihm geschenkte Gebiet 

soil drei englische Meilen hn Urnfang gewesen sein. 

Ausser diesen jiidischen auf zwei Kupferplatten eingra- 
virten Schenkungsurkunden, welche zusammen uiit einer vor 
uiehreren Jahrhunderten angefertigten, uncorrecten hebraischen 
Uebersetzung beim jeweiligen Eabbiner von Cochin deponirt 
sind, existiren noch zwei andere ahnliche Urkunden, welche 
andere Perumale zu Grunsten der in Malabar ansiissigen sy- 

x ) Siehe Dr. E. Hultzsch. 



Ueber die jiidiscken Colonien in Indien. 409 

rischen Christen ausgestellt haben. Da die jiidische Schen- 
kimg die alteste und der dieselbe machende Perumal der 
letzte gewesen sein soil, so ist noch Manches der Aufkla- 
rung bedurftig. Die erste syrische Dotation befindet sich 
auf einer laugen und breiten, auf beiden Seiten mit Vatteluttu 
und Grantha Buchstaben beschriebenen Platte, geniass welcher 
der Chakravarti Vira Raghava deui syrisclien Grosskaufrnann 
Iravi Korttan von Mahodeverpattnam und dessen Erben ein 
kleines Gebiet Manigramani einraunite. Als Zeuge erschienen 
hier vor den Fiirsten von Venadu, Odonadu und Valluva- 
riadu die Hiiupter der zwei brahmanischen Gemeinden von 
Panraiyur und Cokirain (Chovaram). Die audere besteht aus 
fiinf kleineren mit Tamil und Malayalam auf 7 Seiten be 
schriebenen Kupfertafeln, in denen ein syrischer Priester Maru- 
van Sapir Iso um 825 A. D. einer syrischen Gerneinde 
und einer von Tsa data virai erbauten christlichen Kirche 
(Tarisapalli) ein Grundstiick an der Seekiiste bei Quilon 
schenkt. Der Palastvorsteher des Perumal Sthanu Ravi Gupta 
hat die Schenkung genehmigt, sowie der zweite Fiirst (Ayyan 
Adigal) von Venadu und die beiden jiidischen und christ 
lichen H&upter Aiijuvannan und Manigramani. Dieser 
schwer zu entziffernder Urkunde sind noch viele, theilweise un- 
leserlichellnterschriften beigefiigt, 11 Nanien sind in kufischen, 
10 in sassanischen Pehlevi und 4 in seinitisch- Pehlevi Cha- 
rakteren geschrieben. 

Bemerkenswerth ist r dass der jiidische Prinz von Afiju 
vannan als Garant der christlichen Kirchenstiftung agirt, was 
wie schon Dr. Gundert bemerkt hat, auf ein freundschaftliches 
Verhaltniss zwischen der jiidischen und christlichen Gemeinde 
schliessen liisst. Uebrigens wohnten in Quilon Juden. Dr. 
W. Germann (pp. 266267) hat in seinem trefflichen Werke 
liber die Kirche der Thoniaschristeu bezweifelt, das die von den 
Jaden besessene Urkunde diesen gehort habe und dieselbe den 
syrischen Christen zugesprochen, zumal der 1549 verstorbene 
syrische Bischof Mar Jacobus dem damaligen portugiesischen 
Gouverneur von Cochin, Don Pedro de Sequeira eine dem 
Thomas von Jerusalem (Thomas Cane) ertheilte, mehrere 
Metalltafeln umfassende Privilegienurkunde iibersandt hatte ? 
die aber verloren gegangen sei; iiber dies sei, wie er raeint, 
der Name Joseph Rabban nicht bloss den Juden eigenthurnlich, 



410 Gustav Oppert. 

er komme auch bei den syrischen Christen vor. Diese Einwen- 
dungen sind aber nicht stichhaltig, zudem findet sich nirgends 
ein Beleg fiir die Annahme, dass die Juden von Cochin eine 
ihnen nicht gehorige Urkunde sich spater angeeignet batten, 
vielmehr behaupten sie von jeher im Besitz derselben ge- 
wesen zu sein. Mit Bezug auf dies verloren gegangene , dem 
Mar Thomas gewabrte Diplom scheint es unmoglich, dass 
dasselbe auf Joseph Rabban lauten konne, wenn es zu Gunsten 
des Mar Thomas ausgestellt worden ware. 

Dr. Gundert hat zuerst in dem Worte Anjuvannan einen 
Namen verrnuthet, und zwar den des Joseph Rabban ange- 
priesenen Gebiets, das unweit Cranganore sich beftinden, ob- 
wohl sich dort kein so benannter Ort findet. Die jiidische 
Uebersetzung erklart den Ausdruck, wie auch andere Aus- 
leger, in der Bedeutung von "ftinf Klassen". Anjuvannan 
ist unstreitig als Name aufzufassen und konnte den Juden als 
der daselbst ansassigen fiinften Race gegeben sein, wie z. B. 
die nmhainmedanischen Lubbay denselben Titel fiihren. In 
der Urkunde bezieht er sich auf die Juden, wie auch aus der 
dritten Urkunde ersichtlich ist, wo der jiidische und christ- 
liche Regent von Anjuvannan und Maiiigramam respective Ga- 
ranten der Kirchenstiftung sind. Obschon demnach Anju 
vannan urspriinglich kein Ortsnauie gewesen zu sein scheint, 
rnag es in der Folgezeit als soldier gebraucht worden sein. 

Dass zwischen den jiidischen und christlichen Gemeinden 
zeitweilig freundschaftliche Beziehungen bestanden haben, er- 
giebt sich unter anderen aus einer bei Whitehouse in seinem 
Lingerings of Light titulirten Werke, wo sich die Notiz vor- 
findet (auf p. 76), dass die Juden und Christen alliirt gegen 
die Muhammedaner gekriegt batten. 

Das in der Inschrift vorkomrnende Muyirikotta ist iden- 
tisch mit dem alten von Ptolemaeiis angefiihrten Muziris, das 
am Ausfluss der Periar gelegen, einen ausgezeichneten Binnen- 
hafen besitzt. Plinius nennt es primum emporium Indiae, wo- 
laus schon ersichtlich ist, dass es den Juden wohl bekannt war, 
und sie nicht zufallig dahin kamen. Der Ort heisst auch 
Mahadevapattana und Kodungalur (Cranganore), aus letzfcerem 
ist Cangalur durch Contraction entstanden, und bier aus ist das 
Gingalan (N % ^:^) des Benjamin von Tudela, der daselbst 
1000 Juden vorfand, das Shinkala des arabischen Schrift- 



Ueber die judischen Colonien in Indien. 411 

stellers Abulfeda, uiid das Cyncilum des Franciscanermb nchs 
Odoricus entstanden. 

1523 wurde Cranganore von den Portugiesen genominen 
und befestigt. Im folgenden Jahre griffen nach dem Berichte 
des Zeireddin Mukhdom dieMuhammedaner die Juden bei Cran 
ganore an, zerstb rten ihre Hauser und Synagogen, todteten 
eine grosse Anzahl, und vertrieben in Grenieinschaft mit dem 
Samorin von Calicut die Portugiesen aus letzterer Stadt. Dies 
geschah im Jahre d. Heg. 931 oder 15 24 /25 n. Chr. l ) Von den 
Thronstreitigkeiten, die zwischen den jiidischen Thronpraten- 
denten, den beiden koniglichen Briidern, stattgefunden haben 
sollen, erwahnt Zeireddin, so wie auch spater Moens, Nichts. 
Die fortwahrenden inneren Zerwiirfnisse der sich bekanrpfenden 
weissen und schwarzen Juden, welche letztere ihre Abhangig- 
keit von den ersteren nicht langer ertragen wollten und gleiche 
Rechte beansprucbten, wozu sie die benachbarten Staaten 
zur Einmischung einluden, so wie die Angriffe und Kriege 
der ausseren Feinde, vornehmlich der Muhammedaner, fuhrte 
endlich den Ruin des jiidischen Staates von Cranganore herbei. 
Was sich dort zugetragen und wie es sich ereignet hat, 
ist uns unbekannt. So viel ist sicher, dass die endliche Ein- 
nahme und Zerstorung der jiidischen Colonie in Cranganore 
fur die Ueberlebenden ein so erschiitterndes Ereigniss war, 
dass sie dieselbe rnit der Zerstorung Jerusalem s und des 
zweiten Tempels verglichen. Nur Wenigen gelang es zu ent- 
kommen. Die einst bliihende Stadt - - nach Hamilton sollen 
dort 80,000 Familien gelebt haben 2 ) war eine Euine 

geworden; und noch jetzt wird der Ort so von den Juden 
gemieden, dass kein Jude daselbst seine Mahlzeit einnimmt, 
und falls er sich am westlichen Ufer der Periar, wo das 
jiidische Cranganore gestanden, zur Mittagszeit befinden sollte, 
so begiebt er sich an das andere Ufer und kocht und verzehrt 
d.iselbst sein Essen. Der letzte und 72ste jiidische Herrscher 
Joseph Azar fliichtete sich 1565 mit wenigen Getreuen zuerst 
nach Nabo, und ging dann nach Cochin, wo ihn der regierende 
Raja giitig aufnahm, und ihm rechts von seinem Palaste ein 



^ Siehe Asiatick Researches, vol. V, pp. 8 und 22, London 1807, in 
Jonathan Duncan s Historical remarks on the coast of Malabar. 

2 ) Siehe Alexander Hamilton, An account of the East Indies. Edin 
burgh, 1727, p. 321. 



412 Gustav Oppert. 

Stiick Land zur Niederlassung schenkte; die kleine Ortschaft 
Mottancheri sudwestlich von Cochin ward die neue Heiinath 
der Juden. Der Ort uahni einen raschen Aufschwung, ueue 
Wohnungen wurden erbaut, wo friiher nichts gestanden, imd 
die damaligen Vorsteher Samuel Castil, David Belilia, Ephrairn 
Salla und Joseph Levi errichteten auf ihre Kosten eine Syna- 
goge. Von dern obenangeftihrten Konige Joseph lebten noch 
am Ende des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts 5 Nachkommen in 
Cochin, 2 Manner und 3 Frauen, erstere sollen seine Urenkel 
gewesen sein. auch existirte noch eine von Ahron Azar 
stammende, aus einer Wittwe, zwei Tochtern und einem Sohne 
bestehende Familie. Xach einem andern Bericht soil Josia, 
der letzte Abkommling aus deni Geschlecht des Rabban Joseph 
im Jahre 5410 d. Welt, 1650 n. Chr. als Nasi zu Calicut 
gestorben sein. 1 ) Die Grossmuth des Raja von Cochin ist des- 
halb uui so holier anzuschlagen, weil kurz vorher zwei seiner 
Vorganger und niehrere Prinzen seiner Familie im Kampfe 
gegen muhammedanische und indische Feinde geblieben waren, 
so waren ein Raja uud zwei Prinzen in der Schlacht ani 
27 sten Januar 1565 auf deni Felde der Ehre gefallen. 

Der Hollander Johann Hugo von Lindschotten 2 ) besuchte 
bald nach der Ankunft der Juden Cochin in den achtziger 
Jahren des 16 ten Jahrhunderts und schreibt hieriiber wie 
folgt: 7 ,Von Calecut bis nach Cranganor sind 10 Meilen, 
. . und daselbst haben die Portugaleser eine Festung. Von 

o o 

Cranganor bis nach Cochin sind 10 Meilen, und diese Stadt 
liegt unter dem 10. Grad, in der Stadt Cochin wohnen die 
Portugaleser und das einheiniische Volk, als da sind die 
Malabarn und andere Indianer des christlichen Glaubens 
durcheinander. Sie ist beinahe so gross als Goa, sehr volk- 
reich und wohl erbaut mit schonen Hausern, Kirchen und 
Klostern. Ausserhalb Cochin unter den Malabarn wohnen 
auch viele Mohren, so des Mahomets Glauben, und ihre 



*) Siehe F. G. C. Riitz, aus einem Extract von L. J. J. van Dort, 
in der Attgemeinen Bibliothek von J. G. Eichhorn, 2. Band, p. 583, 
Leipzig 1789. 

2 ) Vgl. Ander Theil der orientalischen Indien . . erstlich im Jar 1596 
ausfuhrlich in holldndischer ^prach beschrieben durch Joan Hugo von Lind 
schotten auss Holland . . jetzo aber von neuem in Hochteutsch bracht, 
Franckfurt am Main 1598. 



Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 413 

Kirchen Moscheen genannt. Auch sind da grosse Mengen 
der Juden, welche sehr reich sind, und in ihrem Judenglauben 
leben, wie andere. Man findet an alien Orten in India Juden 
und Mohren in grosser Menge, als nemlich in Goa, Cochin 
und auf dem fussfesten Lande, deren etliche sind rechte Juden, 
etliche aber haben ihr Herkommen von den Indianern, welche 
vor Zeiten durch die Gemeinschaft der Juden und Mohren, 
zu denselben Secten gefallen sind. Sic halten sich in ihrer 
Haushaltung und Kleidung wie der Landbrauch des Orts, da 
sie sich niedergelassen haben, erheischt. Sie haben ihre 
Kirchen, Synagogen, Moscheen unter den Indianern und halten 
ihre Ceremonien wie ihr Gesetz ausweist. In der Portugalesen 
Stadten und Orten wird es ihnen nicht offentlich gestattet, 
ob er schon ein Indianer ware, wie wohl sie mit ihrer Haus 
haltung, Weib und Kindern unter den Portugalesern wohnen, 
und taglich unter einander handeln und wandeln heimlich 
aber in ihren Hiiusern mogen sie thun wie sie wollen, Avenn 
sie nur Niemand Aergerniss dadurch geben. Ausserhalb der 
Stadt und auf den Oertern, da die Portugesen Nichts zu ge- 
bieten haben. ist ihnen ihre Superstition und Ceremonien frei 
zugelassen, nach dem es einem Jeden beliebt ohne einiges 
Einreden oder Hinderniss. Daselbst (in Cochin) haben die 
Juden sehr schone steinerne Hauser gebaut, sind vortreffliche 
Kaufleute, und des Konigs von Cochin nachste Rathe. Sie 
haben ihre Synagoge daselbst, sammt der hebraischen Bibel 
und dem Gesetz, dergleichen ich selbst in nieinen Handen 
gehabt habe. Von Farbe sind sie meistentheils weiss, wie 
die in Europa, sie haben sehr schone Weiber. Man findet 
etliche unter ihnen, welche sie im Land Palastina und zu 
Jerusalem zur Ehe genomrnen. Sie reden alle durch die 
Bank gut spanisch. halten den Sabbath und andere jiidische 
Ceremonien und hoffen auf die Ankunft des Messias." 

Die Portugiesen erschienen 1500 zuerst mit ihrer Flotte 
unter Cabral vor Cochin, und drei Jahre spater erbaute der 
beriihmte Francesco de Albuquerque zum Schutze der neuen 
Factorei das Fort von Cochin. Im Jahre der Welt 5272, 
1511 nach Chr., kamen die ersten spanischen Juden nach 
Cochin nnd erbauten sich daselbst eine prachtige Synagoge. 
Die Portugiesen zeigten sich aber immer sehr grausam und 
unduldsam gegen die Hindus und Juden und syrischen Christen, 



414 Gustav Oppert. 

die sie als Ketzer verfolgten. Als demnach die Hollander 
1662 Cochin belagerten, verhehlten die Juden nicht ihre 
Sympathie fur die Belagerer. Aber diese waren zu schwach 
urn die starke, gutvertheidigte Festung einzunehmen, ausser- 
dem karn die Zeit des Monsuns heran , und sie niussten die 
Belagerung aufgeben. Die List ernes Juden ermoglichte ilmen 
einen ungehinderten Abzug. Hieriiber erstattet der Pastor 
Philippus Baldaeus, 1 ) welcher dies Heer als Caplan begleitete, 
folgenden Bericht: 

,,Mit guter Gesundheit verliessen wir die Stadt 

Cochin, wie wohl zwar ohne Troininelschlag , gaben 

einem gewissen Juden ein gut Stuck Geldes, dass 

er die iibrige Zeit von der Nacht bis frtih zu 6 und 

7 Uhr die gewohnlichen Glockenschlage sollte thun, 

den Feind wach zu halten, welcher wenig wusste, 

dass wir Landmude waren, und unserer Gesundheit 

zum Besten ein Seeliiftlein schopfen wollten, dies 

Werk verrichtete der Jude getreulich. Dem Feinde 

war von unserer Abreise nichts wissend, zumal wir 

nicht einuial Abschied genommen batten, und er 

ward auch unseres Hinwegseins nicht eher gewahr, 

bis die Sonne mitten im Hiramel stand." 

Die erbosten Portugiesen liessen ihren Zorn und ihre 

Rache an den Juden aus, sie fielen fiber sie her, viele wurden 

getodtet, andere fliichteten sich in die benachbarten Berge. 

Die Judenstadt wurde zerstort, die Synagoge gepliindert und 

verbrannt. Bei dieser Gelegenheit soil die alte Chronik von 

Cochin, das Seplier Hajascliar, welche seit ihrer Ankunft in 

Cochin geftihrt sein soil, verloren gegangen sein , auch die 

Thora wurde aus der Synagoge fortgeschleppt, diese wurde 

spater wiederaufgefunden, und zuriickgebracht. 

Sehr lange sollten indessen die Juden nicht in ihrer 
Bedrangnis bleiben. Schon im November desselben Jahres 
ankerte die hollandische Flotte wieder rnit einem ansehnlichen 
Heere vor Cochin, uud es nmsste sich die Festung am 8 ten 
Januar 1663 ergeben. Am Tage nach der Uebergabe erschien 
eine portugiesische Fregatte im Hafen von Cochin mit der 

) Siehe Beschreibung der ostindischen Kusten Malabar uud Coroman- 
del . . . durch Philippum Baldaeum . . Amsterdam, 1672, p. 115. 



Ueber die jiidiscken Colonien in Indien. 415 

Nachricht, dass schon am 24 sten December des vorigen Jahres 
zwischen Portugal und den Generalstaaten Frieden geschlossen 
sei, und verlangte die Zuriickgabe der Stadt. Obwohl der 
hollandische Befehlshaber ohne Zweifel etwas davon gewusst, 
und wegen des nahe bevorstehenden Friedensschlusses seinen 
Angriff beschleuuigt hatte, verweigerten doch die Nieder- 
lander die Zuriickgabe, indeni sie sich auf ein ahnliches Ver- 
fahren der Portugiesen bei der Eroberung Pernambuco s in 
Brasilien beriefen. l ) 

Die Hollander zogen demnach triumphirend in Cochin 
ein, und als Text fur die Festpredigt diente der Psalmvers 
CXLVII,12: ,,Preise Jerusalem den Herrn, lobe Zion deinen 
Gott." Dies war die letzte religiose Feier, welch e in der Jesuiten- 
kirche vorgenommen wurde, denn unmittelbar darauf, wurde 
sie mit alien anderen katholischen Kirchen und Klostem deni 
Erdboden gleich gemacht, die Franciscanerkirche blieb alleiri 
stehen. Die katholische Geistlichkeit wurde des Landes ver- 
wiesen, sie durfte aber ihre Reliquien und ihr personliches 
Eigenthum mit sich nehmen. 

Freie Religionsiibung wurde nun den bisher unterdriickten 
Juden und syrischen Christen zu Theil, obwohl der katholische 
Karmeliterbischof von Cochin seine Intriguen gegen letztere 
noch nicht aufgab. Cochin war nach Goa die bedeutendste 
Besitzung der Portugiesen in Indien. In Goa war der Sitz 
der schauerlichen Inquisition, der viele Juden und syrische 
Christen fielen, und noch 1654 der syrische Bischof Athalla zum 
Opfer gefallen war. Von deni Verluste Cochin s hat sich Por 
tugal nie erholt. Die Kunde von deni Bestehen der jiidischen 
Gemeinde in Cochin erregte das lebhafteste Interesse unter 
ihren Glaubensgenossen in Amsterdam, und im November 1685 
verliess eine aus vier Kaufleuten, den Sephardim Moses Pereira 
da Silva, Isaak Munkat [Mucata "?] , Isaak Urgas und Abraham Vort, 
"oestehende Commission Holland, uni sich nach Cochin zu begeben. 
Sie verweilte hier eine Woche vom 21 27 sten November, 
und stellte sofort Nachforschungen iiber die friihere Geschichte 
und die zeitweiligen Verhaltnisse der Cochiner Juden an. 
Auch versprach sie Hiilfe, beschenkte die Gemeinde mit vielen 



l ) [Siehe dariiber G. A. Kolmt : ,,Les Juifs dans les colonies Hollan- 
daises", in Revue des Etudes Juives, T. XXXI, p. 2937]. 



416 Gustav Oppert. 

Exeinplaren von Bibeln, Gebet- und Rechtsbiichern, besorgte 
auch eine eigene Liturgie , die in Amsterdam gedruckt 
wurde. Ihre Sendung war sehr erfolgreich ; zumal sich 
auch der hollandische Gouverneur GiJmar Vosburg ihrer 
freundlichst annahm. Der Bericht dieser Commission erschien 
1687 unter dem Titel Notts las dos Judeos de Cod dm man- 
dadas por Mosseh Percy m de Paiva, acuya Costa se impri- 
meraro. [Em Amsterdam, Estampado, em caza de Ury Levy 
em 9 de Ilul 5447, in 4to.] 

Unter der hollandischen Verwaltung genossen die Juden 
in Cochin die Gunst der Regierung, als besondere Gonner 
sind zu erwahnen ausser dem vorgenannten Gelmar Vosburg 
seine beiden Nachfolger Heinrich Adrian von Rheede imd 
Adrian Moens. Ersterer Avar Commandeur in Malabar von 
1671 76. Schon bei der ersten Belagerung hatte er sich 
ausgezeichnet, als er die alte mit den Portugiesen verbiindete 
Rani gefangen nahin. Er war wohl auch der erste, welcher 
eingehende Studien iiber das alte Reich von Cranganore an- 
stellte und hieriiber nach Holland referirte ; der vorher er- 
Avahnte hebraische Brief nach Amsterdam wurde auf seine 
Veranlassung geschrieben. 

Adrian Moens bekleidete ein Jahrhundert spater, von 
1771 82, denselben Posten, auch er stellte besondere Unter- 
suchungen an iiber die alten jiidischen Colonien in Malabar^ 
er stand rnit verschiedenen jiidischen Familien im freund- 
schaftlichsten Verkehr, und nahm grossen Antheil an ihreni 
Leben und Treiben. Er correspondirte iiber diese Angelegen- 
heiten viel mit europaischen Gelehrten, und seine Notizen 
sammelte der Prediger Adrian Gravezande in Mittelburg 
und diese erschienen deutsch im 14 ten Bande von D. Anton 
Friedrich Busching s Mayazin fur die neue Historic und 
Geographic, wie schon oben bemerkt. 1 ) 

Cochin wurde 1795 von den Englandern genommen. 
Anfanglich Avar dieser Herrenwechsel fur die Verhaltnisse der 
Juden nicht vortheilhaft ; denn der friiher von ihnen beinahe 
monopolisirte Handel blieb nicht ferner in ihren alleinigen 



- 1 ) [Verschiedene interessante Notizen iiber die Juden in Malabar von 
Moens und Gravezande verfasst, sind handschriftlich vorhanden in der Columbia 
College Library in New- York. G. A. K.] 



Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 

Handen, da sicli viele Englander jetzt niederliessen und eifrig 
Geschafte betrieben. Doch haben sich allmalig die j iidischen 
Kaufleute von dieser Krisis erholt, die Sachlage ist fur sie 
zusehens gtinstiger geworden, und die Gerneinde fangt an an 
Zahl und Vermogen wieder zuzunehinen. 

In den Vorstadten Kalvati und Mottancheri siidlich von 
deni Palaste des Raja von Cochin laufen eine halbe Meile 
lang die Strassen der Judenstadt. Den obern Theil haben 
die weissen, den niedern die schwarzen Juden iune 7 jede 
dieser Gemeinden hat ihre Synagoge. Die der weissen Juden 
wurde 1663 kurz nach derVertreibungderPortugiesen durchdie 
Hollander von Shemtob Castil. dem derzeitigen Vorsteher oder 
Mudaliar restituirt. Hundert Jahre spater liessEzechielRachabi, 
derFreund undRathgeber des Gouverneur Moens den Bodender 
Synagoge rait weissen und blauen chinesischen Porcellanplatten 
auslegen. Im Innern, hinter einem reichen Vorhange und den 
Fliigelthuren stehen fiinf sehr schoii geschricbene Pergament- 
rollen der Thora in silbernen Hiillen niit reichen Brocat be- 
deckt. Eine derselben schmuckt eine goldene Krone, die vor 
beinahe einem Jahrhundert der dortige Resident Colonel 
Macauley der Synagoge zum Geschenk machte. Das Gottes- 
haus ist ungefahr 40 Fuss lang und 30 Fuss breit, und mit einem 
kleinen Glockenthurm versehen. Vor der Frauentribiine lauft 
ein holzernes Gitter. In der Schule sassen bei meinem Be- 
suche weisse und schwarze Jungen und Madchen zusammen, 
wahrend ein schwarzer Jude den Unterricht ertheilte. 

Die meisten Hiiuser sind aus Baekstein und ahneln im 
Innern wie Aeussern den portugiesischen Wolmungen. Aus 
Kalk gefornite Pfaue, doppelk(">p%e Adler, kampfende 
Hiihne, Tiger jagdscenen und Krokodile sind beliebte Wand- 
verzierungen. 

Der Teint der weissen Juden ist sehr, beinahe krank- 
haft weiss, weisser als der der meisten Europaer, und fallt 
deshalb besonders auf. Viele sind blondhaarig und blau- 
augig. Den alten Miinnern geben ihre langen, weissen Barte 
ein recht patriarchalisches Ansehen. In seinem Benehmen 
ist der Cochiner Jude sehr hoflich und zuvorkommend. 

Die Frauen verlieren bald ihre Schonheit, sie altern friih 
und kleiden sich nachlassig, ausser bei grossen Gelegenheiten, 
wie Hochzeiten, fiir die sie prachtige Gewander aus Gold 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 27 



418 Gustav Oppert. 

und Silberfiligran anziehen und sich init Juwelen und Gold- 
schmuck bedecken. 

Die jungen weissen Jiidinnen trugen friiher einen der 
malabarischen Frauenkleidung ahnlichen Anzug, seitdein aber 
die scliwarzen Jiidinnen denselben auch anlegten, zogen erstere 
seit 1860 die Bagdader Mode vor. Hierzu kaui noch, dass 
die jungen Manner die unkleidsame inalabarische Tracht nicht 
leiden konnten, und ihre Braute nicht in Cochin, sondern voii 
auswiirts holten. l ) 

Es existiren jetzt in Cochin eigentiich drei jiidische 
Geineinden, die der weissen Juden, die der Halbjuden 
oder Mischlinge und die der schwarzen einheimischen 
Juden. Die Gesarnmtzahl derselben ist sehr gering. Nach 
dem letzten Censusberichte von 1891 befinden sich nur 1142 
Juden in Cochin, freilich eine betrachtliche Abnahuie gegen 
friiher. wenn man den alten Angaben iiber die grosse Anzahl 
der J uden auch nur annahernd Glaubeu schenken darf. Aller- 
dings liaben Biirgerkriege. Verfolgungen und sonstige Cala- 
mitaten zu dieser Verringerung das ihrige beigetragen. 

Benjamin von Tudela s Reisebeschreibung enthalt eine 
der 1 riihesten Notizen iiber die schwarzen Juden von Indien, 
Nach seiner Angabe wohnten ungefiihr 1000 Familien in dern 
Lande, wo Pfeffer, Kaiieel und Ingwer wachsen. Er beschreibt 
sie als ehrliche Leute, welche die zehn Gebote und die mosa- 
ischen Yorschriften beobachten, die Propheten lesen, gute 
Talniudisten sind und alle Gebrauche streng halten. Merk- 
wiirdigerweise hat man jedoch sonst bei den schwarzen Juden 
weder Manuscripte der heiligen Schriften noch andere Werke 
gefunden, mit Ausnahnie allerdiiigs von den schwarzen Juden 
in der Stadt Cochin, von denen Dr. Claudius Buchanan viele auf 
Baumwollenpapier, Pergament und Fellen geschriebene Manu- 
scripte erhielt. Auch erwarb er sich ein auf 37 rothgefarbten 
Ziegenfellen bestehendes, 48 Fuss langes und eine Elle breites 
Exemplar der Thora. welchem der Leviticus und ein grosser 
Theil des Deuteronomium fehlte, das daher anfanglich 90 Fuss 
lang gewesen sein muss. 

Im Inlande befinden sich noch in Angikaymal, Parur, 



J ) Ueber die Juden in Cochin vergleiche besonders Francis Day, The 
Land of the Permauls, Madras 1863, p. 336 ff. 



Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 419 

Tritur, Muton, Maleh, Chenotta und Chennamangalam Ge- 
meinden von schwarzen Juden. 

Einen wirklich grossen Staat haben die Juden von Cran- 
ganore wohl nie gebildet. Die iiberzahlreichen Einwanderungen 
konneii, wie sie angegeben werden. auch nicht stattgefunden 
haben. Die Judenschaft von Cranganore bildete wahrscheinlich 
schon im grauen Alterthum, eine reiche, geachtete und einfluss- 
reiche Corporation, die sich durch ihr solides, intelligentes 
und anstiindiges Benehnien die Gunst und das Wohlwollen 
des regierenden Pennnale erwarb, und welchen Bhaskara 
Ravi Varina durch seinen Gnadenact Ausdruck verlieh. 

Der wesentliche Unterschied, der in socialcr Beziehung 
zwischen den weissen Juden von Cochin und den Bene Israel 
existirt, liegt darin, dass erstere vorwiegend Kaufleute, letztere 
"besonders Handwerker und Soldaten sind. Beide gelten jedoch 
in ihren verschiedenen Spharen als ordentliche und gewissen- 
hafte Menschen, und geniessen als solche eines guten Rufs 
und einer angesehenen Stellung in der Bevolkerung. 

Obivohl somit die Geruchte und Ansichten, welche iiber 
die Bedeutung der jtidischen Ansiedlungen in Indien verbreitet 
sind, sich als ubertrieben erwiesen haben, so enthalt trotzdem 
ihre Geschichte, so weit sie sich noch feststellen lasst, genug- 
sam interessante Thatsachen um Theilnahme zu erwecken und 
wach zu erhalten. Die augenblicklich noch bestehenden 
Genieinden sind in besseren Verhiiltnissen, und zeigt der 
neueste Census von Indien, eine vielversprechende Vermehrung 
in der Zahl der Familienangehorigen, vomehmlich ist dies 
bei den Bcne Israel der Fall. 

Hoffen wir, dass diese Besserung der Verhaltnisse eine 
bleibende sein moge, wie denn von der Gerechtigkeit und 
dem Wohlwollen der jetzigen Verwaltung und Regieruiig in 
Indien das Beste zu hoffen ist. 



Correspondence between the Jews of Ma 
labar and New York a century ago 

by 
George Alexander Kohut (New York). 



The following paper, read some four years ago before the 
American Jewish Historical Society, may serve to supplement 
Prof. Oppert s data on the Jews of India in the last few 
centuries. 

The East Indies from time immemorial, remarks Mr. J. 
J. Benjamin II, have been inhabited by many different tribes. 
Of the most influential the following six are briefly sum 
marized in his rather dubious itinerary . 1 ) 

1) The ~Beue Ixrael, or the white Jews. 

2) The Canarinz (derived from "njjjl-?). 

3) The Black Jews of Cochin. 

4) The Banians. 

5) The Par sees. 

6) The Hindoos 

Many attempts have hitherto been made to prove the 
lineage of the Bene Israel, who, according to tradition, claim 
to have been transferred to Halah, Habor, the shores of the 
Ganges, and the cities of the Medes in the ninth year of 
Hoshea s reign by the king of Assyria 2 ). The arguments of 



*) Eight years in Asia and Africa, from 18461855, with a Preface 
by Dr.BtSeeman, etc. (Hanover, 1859), p. 143; of. however the excellent 
essays of Dr. A. K. Glover in the Menorah Monthly, vol. IV, p. 239 49; 
359365; 436441; 520 524, and Dr. Neubauer in Jeio. Quart. Review, 
I, p. 22 sq. 

2 ) Cf. II K. XVII, 6; XVIII, 11, and Dr. Neubauer s remarks in 
J. Q. .R., vol. I, p. 15. 



The Jews of Malabar and New York. 421 

the successor of the famous Benjamin Tudela are conviucing 
in this one instance and will throw more light upon the 
history of their claim, than some learned theories advanced 
by recent writers on Malabarian antiquities, who assume an 
apologetic attitude in discussing the much disputed subject, 
as if the origin of a timeworn fable were in question. The 
literature on the Jews of India, which includes adjacent 
localities, generalized by the name given to the entire Indian 
district: Malabar, is too extensive to be collected in this place. *) 



1 ) For fuller details concerning the Jews in Cochin, see the following 
authorities, of whom only the most important are here mentioned : 

Jewish Intelligence of Feb. 1840; H. Wessely: P1^ "iri T3C " i?:Nf: 
Tractatus; Annuncians nova, i. e. Chronica Judaeorum Cochin etc.. in the 
periodical ^{<?2 VI, 129; M. Paulus. in Eichhorn s Allgemeiuc Bibttothek 
der Ublischen Litteratur, I (1787). pp. 925934; F. G. C. Riitz: Von einer 
hebrdischcn Chronik der Juden sit Cochim. ibidem, II (178!)), pp. 567 583; 
Weitere Nachricht von der vorgeblichen liebrdischen Chronik zu Cochim, 
ibid., Ill (1790), p. 182; Joel Lowe: Any einei C/iroiuk, ibid., pp. 183 5; 
Erne Duplik, die hebrdische Chronik der Juden zu Cochin betreff end, ibid., 
Y, (1792; pp. 399419; Busching. in his Jlagazix fur die neneste Historic und 
Geographic, XIV, pp. 123 152; P. J. Brims: Beitrag zu den Nachrichten 
von den Juden zu Codschin in Eichhorn s Repertorium filr biblische und 
morgenldndische Litteratur. IX (1781), pp. 269 270 ; M. II. E. G. Paulus: 
Ueber ein Schreiben von Hrn. Joel Lotce in Berlin, des Herausgeber s 
Nachricht ron der hebr. Clironik der inalabaritclien Juden betreff end, in 
Neues Repertorium f. bibl. H, inorg. Litter, III (1791). pp. 393400; 
L. 1. J. van Dort: Chronica Judaeorum Cochin Belgica versa, e.c qua Germ. 
per Eitz, exque eo hebr. (cum Annott.) per X. H. AVessely (1790/93) ; 
Appendix, scil, Epistola Jecheskiel [sen Ezechiel] Ttachdbi ad Tobia Boas 
(a. 17U <) cum notis Wessely . in =]{< 5 VI. 258; A. sGravezande : 
Geschiedk. nanchten betr. de blanke en zwarte Jooden te Cothim. Kust v. 
Malabar, opgemaakt uit brief icissel. m. A. Moen* en met and. schnjrers 
vergelek (Middelb. 1778), reprinted fiom vol. VI, pp. 51786 of the 
Verhandelingen van het Zeeuivsche Ge,iootsch. v. Kunsten en Wetensch.; 
Vervolg der Geschiedk. narichten em. (ib., 1782). from vol. IX. pp. 
515__74 of the same periodical; Notisia* dos Judeos de Cochim, inandados 
par Mosseh Pereyra de Paiva (Amst., 1687); |i^np ]12 C^ T, 1 "!J7" D^jJJp: 
Kennis der Jehudim von Kochin geschickt dwelt, M. P. de P., sen ^lE njj 
Nn^N i^N ; praef. est Isak Aboab. (Amst. 1687). - For lack of space 
we must forbear mentioning more references to the older sources. They 
are noted with admirable exactness in Prof. Steinschneider s valuable Cata 
log us librorum Hebraeorum in Bibl. Bodleiana (Berolini 1852/60), s. v. 
Wessely, col. 27212724. The writer has in preparation a complete bibliog 
raphy, comprising about 1000 items. There are many hitherto unpublished 
documents relating to the Jews of Malabar, as may be seen from the sub- 



422 George Alexander Kohut. 

Only a few items relating to their history need here be 
summarised. The erudite archaeologist A. K. Glover, in an 
important series of articles, published in several volumes of the 
Menorah Monthly and the Babylonian & Oriental Record, referred 
to below, maintains that the first settlement of the Jews in Sou 
thern India(Malabar)dates back as far as 68 A. D. In their inscrip 
tions at Kai Fung, bearing the date 1489, it is expressly stated 
that they came from Tieu-tschuh or India. Very characteristic 
is the sarcasm of a modern author on India, that the Jews must 
have slipped into China without being observed, wherefore 
the silence of authentic history on the subject. This remark 
is as unfounded as the attempt of the same writer to read the 
prosperity and material welfare of that Jewish community from 
a suggestive word in one of their inscriptions, indicating 
happiness. Of their numerous conflicting claims and chronological 
conceits, we may mention the views of the socalled "middle king 
dom" Jewish colony, who confidently believed to have arrived 
during the Han-period, i. e. between 202 B. C. & 220 A. D.; 
this date, however, is positively refuted by archaeological evi 
dence. Some fragmentary inscriptions from 1489 and 1511 
A. D., found at Kai-fung-fu, inform us that they came during 
the dominion of Mingti, namely between 58 and 76 A. D. 
(Cf. Condier, Les Juifs en Chine, in Ifanthropologie, Sept.- 
Oct. 1890, p. 549, where a full bibliography is given.) Even 

joined notes taken from Roest s Catalogue of the Libraries of G. Almanzi, 
Jacob Emden & M. J. Lowenstein (Amst. 1868), pp. 354, 355: 
No. 5179 : Moens, Adriaan : Fragen an einige Juden in Cochin iib. ihre 
heiligen Biicher, Sprache, Gebrauche, Sitter* etc., nebst Be- 
antwortung, in hollandischer Sprache. 25 Bll. Fol. Unedirt. 
- Sehr interessant. 

Moens Mittheilungen, die Juden in Cochin betreffend, sind 
v. s Gravezande in seinen Geschiedlc. narichten etc. [v. supra, 
p. 421.] benutzt. Vorliegende Fragen sind jedoch nicht ge- 
druckt. Ausserdem befindet sich hier 1. die Abschrift des 
Patents des Kaisers Cheran Peroemel an Joseph Rabby [see 
supra, p. 405 sq.], wonach der Abdruck in Gravezande s erste 
Abhandlung; 2. ein von Moens eigenhandig unterzeichueter 
Brief an s Gravezande, datirt Cochim 1. Oct. 1780. (7 SS. 4.) 
No. 5187: Pereira cle Paiva. Mosseh: Eelasion de las notizias delo.s 

Judeos de Cochin. 9 SS. Unedirt. Hochst selten. 
Some of these MSS. are now in the library of Columbia College (New York), 
and they seem most valuable and interesting. 



The Jews of Malabar and New York. 423 

the doubts of Mr. Glover are dissipated upon a careful pe 
rusal of their ancient records, which reveal the fact that the 
golden age of Judaism in China spans three centuries, from 
13681640 A. D. i) 

The Jews of New York, it appears, interested them 
selves in the history of their eastern coreligionists towards 
the latter half of the XVIII century as the subjoined corres 
pondence shows. Whilst no actually new facts are recorded 
in these letters, some importance may still attach to this 
Hebrew translation of the Royal Patent granted to Joseph 
Rabban about the end of the 4th century C. E. The 
original text is here much abbreviated. 

Anquetil du Perron s transcription varies from the other 
published versions of the original, which even the natives 
could not interpret intelligibly. 2 ) 

This charter of privileges, reproduced in Hebrew in the 
letter of the Jews in Malabar to the Jews in New York has a 
history : 

It has been translated into Hebrew by a Rabbi Ezekiel 3 ) 
under the personal supervision of a Brahman. The original text, 
of course, was transcribed into the square characters. Of this M. 
Anquetil took a copy(pp. 171 & 396 of hisZendavesta edition), with 
the desire to edit a French version, which plan, however, ap 
pears not to have materialized. Daniel de Castro, a Jewish 
merchant in London, likewise took along with him a copy 



) The literature on the Jews of China, their history, ritual and 
customs, is equally large. Suffice it to refer the reader to the following 
important sketches (besides the notes in the standard Histories of Graetz, 
Jost etc.): Frankl-Graetz s Monatsschrift, VII, pp. 462-7; several articles 
in Leeser s Occident, vols. I, 183-7; X. 37-39; XXII. 510-13; Dr. 
A. K. Glover s essays in the Menorah Monthly, vol. IV, 23949; 
359-365; 436-41; 520-4; V, 10-19; 144-151 -, VI, 91-7; 179-83; 
24851- 2938- the same author s notes in the Babylonian and Oriental 
Record, vol. V, 138-41; 161-164; 179-182; 211-212; 229; 249; VI, 
153-6 (cf. also, ibid. V, 131-34; VI, 274-6; 288); 209-13 and the 
sources there cited, such as the writings of Finn, Martin and others. The 
ritual has been well described by Zunz, Saphir, Geiger & Neuhauer. (Cf. 
esp. J. Q. E. for 18956.) 

a ) Cf. Dr. Buchanan s Christian Researches in Asia, etc.. p. 224 ; 
Graetz, History of the Jews, IV 2 . p. 405 ; Schechter in Jew. Quart, lleview, 
VI, 142 sq.; Oppert, supra, p. 4056. 

3 ) See bibliography on p. 421. 



424 George Alexander Kohut. 

and translation of the inscription from Cochin, and submitted 
it to the eminent Hebraist, Dr. D. Kennicott. The text was 
in Hebrew square characters and punctuated. It is to be 
regretted that in the reproduction the words are not suffi 
ciently separated from each other, so as to enable us to deter 
mine positively which Hebrew word corresponds to the Mala- 
barian or Tamul version. To illustrate the variants in the co 
pies made by M. Anquetil & de Castro, the following must 
suffice. The passage according to the original decree: cttf 

tOfon"to ~N NT?K ">>3 - M. Anquetil reads: Birri barmen 
tirvaddi palleh (jour airte adde - - Maaoderikot. These are 
evidently in Tamul, although some points of resemblance 
between the words here mentioned and in the Alphabet-urn 
Grandonico - Malabaricum sire Samscrudonicum (Romae, 1772, 
8 VO ), undoubtedly exist. (For other notes, cf. Itepertorium, 
ibid., p. 271.) 

The superscription in AnquetiPs version again differs 
from ours. His reads: Pli irij CL: im "NSfc ^nppyn 

- Translation of the Shefeed ivhich is a 

copper-tablet, (jiren by Sheran Perimal. The title in our 
document (Appendix I), runs: nmruPi CE bw PipPJ?n (PTl) 
P2.C / pP>jtt This is the translation of the 
copper-tablet from the Malabarian into the holy tongue. Of 
the copper-plate-text many translations exist. Busching, (/. 
c.) Brims, (/. c.) Benjamin, (in Drei Jalire in Amerika, p. 24 
-25) Frankl, (in Monatsschrift fur die Gesch. u. Wiss. d. 
Jud th., XII, 1863, p. 371) and others, have given German 
versions, none of which agree. l ) For a full list of other 
attempts at transcribing and translating, see the bibliography 
of Prof. Oppert. supra, p. 405-406. It will doubtless interest 
many to collate our version, as contained in the epistle of 
the Malabar Jews, with the very faulty text published in Eich- 
horn s Repertorium, I c.. which runs as follows: 



n m\x n cnp2 H^ MX^JI pxz i^ 1:1^12 [read: r\vyw] 



3 ) See particularly Graetz, IV 2 , p. 406 ; Jezow/* Intelligence, February, 
1840 and Neubauer in J. Q. R. I 22. 



The Jews of Malabar and New York. 425 



\wv Tirol ircc an: 
ran p-i ?pv6 f EK mi2:i2 cvn HT -m 
p cn:i mir^i Tnn m:cb Toe 1 ? n^npi hm IK ^s \s DID ny\ 
psi mien 



x n^in: * DI: 



, 

2 l^CT "!12N2Nn 1^ WtiM^Z "^ C^JJ Hl^ N 2"1 



cmm 

4961 cwbzb ^-^ 22pnn n:^ i^ ( 2>-i 3439 n:^bib ni^y: n7i 

c^j y ^ f 1552 ij"rn 

A tolerably good translation with commentary is then 
given by Brims, /. c. 

The reply from the Jews of New York, we regret not to 
have been able to obtain till now. It has most likely been lost 
with other documents of a similar nature, which Mr. Benja 
min (in his travels in America, pp. 27. 31) mentions as con 
taining references to this correspondence. 

The following is a copy of a business letter which has 
been preserved and might prove of interest: 

"Cochin, 13 Jan y, 1790. 
Mr. Solomon Simsoii. New York, 
Dear Sir: 

I embrace the opportunity of acknowledging the reception 
of Your favor of December 88, and duplicate of Yours of 
January 87, the original not having come to hand. 

Jan. 87. Am obliged for Your generous offer of service 
and am sorry that I had not the pleasure of seeing Mr. Haley 
to whom and Capt. Moore I think myself much indebted for 
their recommending me to Your acquaintance. As Mr. Haley is 
not here to refer to for the particulars concerning the trade 
of Your place, I shall say little on that subject, except ac 
quainting You that trade here is declining so fast as puts it 
beyond any hopes of its answering to our mutual or even to 
one of our advantages. 

Dec. 88. Am happy to learn that Mr. Haley has reco- 



426 George Alexander Kohut. 

vered. My respects to him. My respects also to Capt. Helme, 
am obliged for all the information You gave and agreeable 
to request enclose here the particulars of our persuasion. 
Should Cap n. Sarly touch at this port, he shall meet every 
attention from 

Dear Sir 
Your most obedient and devoted H. Servant 

y^ i crn2N % Trine p twciy 

P.S. Saleth [?], the sort You required is not procurable 
here. Best compliments from my son Abraham Samuels and 
his spouse and Mr. Salomon Norden from London to You 
and all Your friends." 

The words in italics probably allude to the letter 
in Hebrew, containing the account 1 ) of the Jewish settlements 
in Malabar, drawn up by this CPPSN p ^frflOlP of Cochin. 

The document bears no date however; it left Malabar 
per steamboat for London, whence it was forwarded to 
New York by mail, on the 13th of January 1787, as the 
postmark indicates. Another epistle, dated January 13th 
1790, addressed to the Jews in New York, discusses chiefly 
commercial questions. 

Seven years later, in 1794, the Portuguese Jews of New 
York desirous of procuring further information concerning 
their fellow-believers in China, entrusted a letter to a Captain 
Ho well, with the following directions, no doubt written in 
English : 

"New York, Jan y 22, 1795. 

Sir : You have herewith a letter in Hebrew directed to 
the Elders of the Jewish Congregation at Cac-fong [Kai- 
FungV] or Cac-fongford [Kai-Fung-Fu?], in the province of 
Honan ; these people are not called Jews by the Chinese but 
are called TiaoMn Kiao by which name you will please to 
inquire for them. If you should not meet with any of them, 
then please to get some person to direct it to them in Chinese, 
agreable to the above. Your compliance may bring some accounts 
from this people that may serve to amuse the literati and will 



A ) The data recorded in our letter contradict the facts in Menasse ben 
Israel s Mikwe Yisrael and the remarks in the Meassef, for 5550 (1790). 
The former originates the immigration of the Jews into Malabar from 
Hammogel (Mongolia), the latter from Theman (Yemen). 



The Jews of Malabar and New York. 427 

in a particular manner oblige ine. Sincerely wishing you 
a prosperous voyage and safe return, I am, 

Sir, 

Your H. & H. Servant 
Solomon Simson." 
This letter was directed to : 

"Capn Howell 

Sound for China" 

But it seems that the curious literati were never to be 
gratified by a line of recognition from the Jews of China, for 
the MS. was returned with the remark: "Gdpn. Howell could 
not discover them". 

Appendix I. 
The Jews of Malabar to the Jews of Neiv York. 1 ) 



22"in w rp2 DIIE 
1x21 ntrxi D"N CHIIT rain 
:3:22 rm C2iii . . nEis HC . . IT?P \XD . . 
"i rotrzi ."one n "! 1 ^* n^trcc nnn r^m 



ip 

" L: ^ f npnyn 

^c xin ni^sn 



2 .IT: 



c .cvn i: .mcix n p i^i ."j^-in ni:?: 
r)in .nnszisn .JNCI .^ .misn t>i:ci ^i:^ c^v^-p 



J ) The entire text has been published by Dr. Frankl I. c. and Benja 
min 1. c. Dr. Kayserling in his Gesch d. Juden in Portugal (1867), p. 165, 
n. 2, publishes a portion. 

2 ) Cp. Oppert, supra, p. 41011. 

3 ) Perhaps "!N^ f , as above, p. 424. 



428 



George Alexander Kohut. 



bv PIN 1 ? ]n:i ntrn:n DC: ntyy -iijnjn 
^52 .nt52i jnn nuzi c^2 ijnT^i -6 pi ^c 



cur ^21 
Kin 



n:t: f 2 
2u iT2 



z \x2i ctrc 



Bt cn nri 



n2tr 



2 v 



^ nm cnyi r-in;i 



c D V ^:N % " ^i KB K2 c^-si: 



rnniD 



rein C^BD r.B i:^ 

.C^BDH 1^X2 12 ^2 



rp cm .^5 ID 
D[K]^ i2n2i incc i C <| -IM <> 
p"p p in 
K nrnK cnBD M*\XT iny 



c^n "V c^ns 

pips IjK |\XT 

CTiir in> in 






^ JK cr, cmn^* c 
K ]\x *">i .^2i2^> 
[cn T,i:2] cn^mr: 



2 c 1^2 22"in 
c\xip:n c <i "in < ! SSK . . .^ 
^ ^21 "inntt i nn: p "i"2 
I:K \xi crb 



2 K 



:c /2K 



2 p 

J 1C2 ^ P^KE 

no:zn n^2 \x[i] 



*) Dr. Kayserling s version in his Gesch. d. Juden in Portugal (1867), 
c., has : r:. 



The Jews of Malabar and New York. 429 

^21 jiikXPi ^D nc t\x i2:p 21EP| ctrn i^ 



^x -\y IEI 
.f imp ifti 

Appendix II. 

Jews of New York to the Jews of China. 



cm 



in,x nj? ni\xci :cr k x r% 
r ^ CNI :cnsD iNitn nmn nee crnx ^ c.xi :c23n:c n 

2H2 1j^2 1j k xr 1E2 : C2 l r>E 7,^1 : Pl^ \X ul 



cn:n i^ ^2 ^2 by 



irnirc: \ri JP m:cc ^:n pip ^y cij? cy 

n^Nt: .xnp:p 2"P2 i:^ ^i C\P2 ^> 2 2" % ; 1^2 r> 1x22 
1 ? : 



P2 ij 



V T pt& Etr P)DV "12 PiC 

J2 C22H2 i^tr ^ % :p2i^n vb 2ir2^ C2ir f 
iP2E 2in2 PD\X 17 n^x 

tt EE Ij"^ W \X1121 



.[sic] 



430 George Alexander Kohut. 

Appendix III. 

Translation : l ) 

A. 

"This is the history of the Jews who came into the land of 

Malabar : 

At the time of the exile, after the destruction of the 
second Temple, which happened in the year 3828 after the 
creation of the world, many Jews, male and female, entered 
the country Malabar and settled in four different places, 
namely: Kangnur, Paklur, Modi and Puluta. 

The majority established themselves in Kangnur also 
called Singili, which was under the dominion of the Sira 
Primal. 

In the year 4139 after the Creation, ? . e. 379 according 
to Christian chronology, they were presented by King Sira 
Primal, whose name was Irwi Barmin with laws and 
statutes engraved upon a copper-tablet, called Sepuru, [given 
in conformance] with their customs and for their exaltation. 
They had at the time seventy- two houses in Kangnur; their 
chief was named Joseph Eabban. This is the King Sira 
Primal, who divided his land and gave it to eight monarchs; 
they are called respectively: Tirbangur, (Travankore?), Kirch- 
angur, (Cranganor?), Klichut, Argut, Plaktshiri, Kulastiri, 
Kurbint and King of Cochin (pip-). 

The following is a translation of the copper-tablet from 
the Malabarian into the holy tongue: 

"In the peace of God, the King, who created the earth 
according to his will ! To this God, I, Jrwi Barmin, raise 
my hand in oath, [to him] who reigns since so many hundred- 
thousand years, [whilst] 1 preside about two years and a half 
in Kangnur (Cranganor), in the thirty-sixth year of my 
sovereignty. 3 ) I have decreed with mighty authority, and 

J ) It will be observed that there is a great difference between this 
account and that of Prof. Oppert. printed above, p. 406 sq. 

-) Cochin in other Hebrew documents is written: jvpp; see Schechter 
in J. Q. E. VI, 141. 

:i ) Mr. J. J. Benjamin II, in his Drei Jahre in Amerika (185962), 
Hannover, 1862, vol. I, p. 24, finds in the above quoted phrase an evidence 
of the Chinese belief in the Creation of the world. 



The Jews of Malabar and New York. 43 1 

have permitted with strong power to Joseph Rabban [the 
wearing of] five various colors 1 ), Tuta, the riding upon 
elephants and horses, and the crying of the heralds to make 
way for him, to gain converts from the five nations 2 ], who 
reside here, to lay carpets, [to use] divans as ornament, flying 
steeple 3 ); flute 4 ), trumpets, tymbal, which is struck with two 
sticks; all this have I granted to him and to the seventy- 
two families, [even] ground-rent and balance 5 ) [for farming]. 
Over the other provinces, where there are colonists and 
synagogues, he should be leader and governor. Without any 
alteration or objection he prepared this brass-tablet and con 
signed it to the charge of Joseph Rabban, the lord of the 
five colors 6 ), for him and his progeny, sons and daughters, 
son-in law and daughter-in law^. as long as his descen 
dants shall abide in the world, and as long as the moon 
endures. May God bless and maintain his successors. To 
this the eight mentioned Kings bear witness and Kulapis 
(Kilafis: PB N^D) the scribe, who penned this, and here is 
his seal." \ 

The Jews remained in Kangnur, until the arrival of the 
Portuguese. These were offensive and annoying to them-, there 
fore they emigrated from there and went to Cochin in the 
year 5326 of Creation. The King of Cochin set apart for 
them land for. houses and a synagogue, in the vicinity of his 
place, that he may [the better] protect them [in case of need]. 
And in the year 5000, C. E. 1567, a synagogue was built by [the 



*) The text is very obscure, consequently our rendering here and 
elsewhere can not be literal, as at times the meanings must be supplied. 
As Dr. Frankl already observed (in Monatsschrift f. d. Gesch. u. Wiss. d. 
Judentk., 1. c , p. 370, note), the author does not seem to be very familiar 
w:th the sacred tongue, for his style is faulty. 

j The Hebrew is unintelligible. As regards the privileges accorded 
them such as riding in the public thoroughfares (to this day forbidden in 
Persia) and the decoration of homes (likewise unpermitted in several African 
localities), see Benjamin s itinerary: Acht Jahre in Asien und Afrika, 
p. 263; Drei Jahre in America, I, p. 25. 

3 ) Probably a litter, suggests Dr. Frank!. (L c.) 

4 ) Benj. (1. c.} amends Vs^s, not knowing how to read the text. Dr. 
Fr. (I. c.) leaves it unexplained. 

5 ) Most likely a certain tax. 

6 ) Perhaps a distinction of some sort, emblematic of royal dignity. 



432 George Alexander Kohut. 

aid of] four eminent men: Samuel Kastial, David Belila 
(or Blilia?), Ephraim Selach, Joseph Levi. [But] they 
were still persecuted by the Portuguese, [so that] they 
could not live according to the law and cany on trade (their 
living) with the district inhabited by the Portuguese [Only 
after] the Hollanders came on the 8th O f January 1663, were 
their spirits (condition) alleviated. Thus they lived peacably 
with the natives of Malabar. 

With help [of God] in Cochin, which may the Highest 
One protect. 1 ) 

In the year 1686 of the Christian era, four men came 
hither from Amsterdam: Moses Pereira, Isaac Urgas, 

O " 

Abraham Burton (Burr ata?), Isaac Mucata. They were 
Sephardic Jews, tradesmen who saw all the regions populated 
by Israelites 2 ), and rejoiced, and wrote to Amsterdam [des 
cribing] the whole situation and the scarcity of books. And 
when the congregation in Amsterdam heard of it, they sent 
the community of Cochin a donation of Pentateuchs, Prayer- 
books, Shulchan Arucli and other books, and the whole con 
gregation were very glad. Ever since that time we have 
friends in Amsterdam, we correspond with them and to this 
day they supply us with whatever books we need. Thus 
we now possess many books, the Talmud, Midrash and Cab 
balistic works, yet we are still inexperienced [unlearned] in 
them. But we conduct ourselves according to the Shulchan 
Arucli, composed by Joseph Karo, and our rites are those 
of the Sephardim. 

In Cochin we are called the white Jews, namely: the 
men, who came from the Diaspora of the holy land - - may 
it be soon resettled and built up! We have about forty 
houses and one synogogue ; there are no more in the land 
of Malabar. There are, however, other Jews, who are 
styled the black Jews. 3 } They are the lineage of those who 



) "; jMipr -- Benjamin, 1. c., p. 26, left the abbreviated formula 
"; untranslated, since evidently he did not understand it. In Mr. Scheeh- 
ter s notes (J. Q. E.. VI, 142 ff.) "; ;<:np occurs often. It is perhaps an 
abbreviation of: ;CN n^y p ]\]ay He guard it, Amen! 

-} The clause: cmn c2irw meipen *z wci is left untranslated by Dr. 
"Frankl. (I. c.) 

3 ) There is a very extensive literature on the origin and existence of these 



The Jews of Malabar and New York. 433 

embraced the Jewish faith in Malabar as freemen or slaves, 
therefore we do not allow our daughters to marry them (we 
do not give our daughters to them for wives) and take not 
their women from them. Their customs and (religious) ways 
are exactly like ours; they live in seven cantons. 

In Cochin there are about 150 houses [families] and three 
synagogues; in Angi Kemil about 100 houses and two synago 
gues; Parur has about 100 houses and one synagogue; Sinut 
has 50 houses, one synagogue; Malah has about 50 houses, 
one synagogue; Tirtur has about 10 houses, one synagogue ; 
Mutes (or Muts?) has 10 houses one synagogue. 

To the hands of the honorable <utd wise (/cntlemart, Kal>l>i 
Salomon Simson, from the city of Cochin to the city of Neiv York." 

Appendix IV. 
B. 

"New York, New Moon Shevath, 5555 in 

the sixth thousand of Creation. 

I greet you, children of Israel with peace, [may] only 
happiness and the grace and fulness of peace [be your in 
heritance]! We have seen and read in the itineraries, which 
were recently edited by a Christian prelate , named 
Alexander Christian, who travelled in your land. China, 
that he found Jews there. He was in their synagogues, saw 
thirteen entrances to the holy tabernacle, wherein a scroll 
of the law was placed. We therefore request you to inform 
us whether he reports the truth, and to give us at the same 
time the number of the children of Israel who reside there; 
[to communicate to us] of which tribe you arc ; at what time 
after the destruction have you wandered there; what is your 
custom (srttD)} whether you are in possession of books of the 
Torah and other works; whether you abide in peace or in 
oppression and with what arc you engaged. In a .similar 
manner we have receired a letter from our brethren, the Jews 



tribes. Accounts may be consulted in Benjamin s interesting travels Eight 
Years in Asia and Africa and in the excellent work of J. Saphir, entitled: 
Ibn Safir (18661874), which contains precious information on the customs 
and ritual of the Oriental Jews. It is an authoritative index of Eastern 
Judean antiquities. 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



434 George Alexander Kohut. 

in the land of Malabar, who are in flourishing circumstances; 
they have a prince (&W3) named Joseph Rabban; the King 
of Malabar allowed him four colors, permitted him to make 
converts from the five nations; he is the first and foremost 
[ruler] over all the Jews who dwell there, as long as his 
generation exists, as long as the moon endures. 

Simultaneously, I inform you, that we here in America 
at New York and other places, live in great prosperity 
(peace) ; that Jews as well as Christians officiate as judges, 
in monetary disputes as in capital crimes. There are about 
seventy-two families here, we possess one synagogue, which 
is called "Shcarith Israel", in other localities there are 
other synagogues ; all live in perfect harmony (peace). If it 
is possible for you to communicate to us information about 
the custom and rite of your province, it will afford us great 
pleasure ; we are entirely at your disposal. 

Such are the words of the writer, who wishes you well. 

Alexander Hirsch. 

Solomon, son of Josef Sinison. 

If you desire to answer us, then place your letter in 
the enclosed envelope, which is addressed in English, [that] 
it may arrive [at its destination] in safety. 

To the city Kaifung, in the province of Honan, for the 
President and elders of that city in China" 



Aus Qirqisani s 
,,Kitab al- anwttr w al-maraqib" 

von 
Dr. Samuel Poznai iski (Berlin). 



Durch Harkavy s Edition des ersten Abschnittes des 
Kitdb al-anwdr w al-mardqib (das Buch der Leuchten und 
der Aussichtstiirme) des Abu-Jusuf Ja qub al-Qirqi- 
sani 1 ) und durch die jetzt feststehende Thatsache, dass 
dieser karaische Autor in der ersten Hiilfte des X. Jahrh. 
gebliiht hat, 2 ) ist das Interesse fiir ilin und seine Schriften 
von Neuem erwaclit. Besondere Beachtung aber verdient 
das oben genannte AVerk. Abgeselien davon, dass es das 



"alteste vollstiindige karaische Gesetzbuch (*2LxiJf ^^5) ist, 3 ) 
so hat es noch einen ganz besonderen Wort dadureh , dass 
es viele bisher unbekannte Ansiehten der ersten karaischen 
Fiilirer, wie c Anan. Benjamin al-Nahawendi. Daniel al-Qumisi 
u.s.w., enthiilt und dass in den ersteu vier Abschnitten aueh 
Gegenstande, die nicht zur Gesetzeskunde gehoren, eri ; rtert 
werden. So handelt der erste Absehnitt von den jiidischen 
Secten, der zweite von der Notwendigkeit des Korschens 
und des Speculirens [in Betreff der Vorschriften der Thora] 

) Memoiren d. oriental. AMeilimg d. archaoloy. Geseltechaft zu 
Petersburg, Bd. VIII (181)4) p. 247321. Vtfl. dazu Baoher, Jewish 
Quart. Review VII, 687711. 

-} S. Harkavy, Studien u. Mittheilmujen III. 46. Vgl. Neu- 
bauer, Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles II, 249. 

:! ) Aus Anun s nixisn IBD besitzen wir nur Bruchstiicke (s. Harkavy, 
Zur Entstehunfi d Karaismus in Graetz s Geschichte d. Juden, Bd. V, 
3. Aufl.) und wir wissen nicht, ob es alle Gebiete der Gesetzeskunde um- 
fasst hat. Benjamin Nahawendi s nin nso erstreckt sich nur auf das Civil- 
recht. wiewohl es moglich ist dass es urspriinglich auch andere Teile ent- 

halten hat. 

28* 



Samuel Poznanski. 

und von der Berechtigung der Beweisfuhrung ex ratione et ana- 
logia, im dritten werden die Ansichten der Sectirer widerlegt und 
im vierten die Wege. welche zur Erkenntnis der Gebote fiihren, 
gezeigt. 1 ) Es ist daher nur zu wiinsclien, dass Harkavy, 
dern die jiidische Literatur im Allgeineinen und die karaische 
im Besonderen schon so viel verdankt, nun auch die weiteren 
Abschnitte herausgebe. 

Den ersten Abschnitt hat Harkavy nach zwei Hand- 
schriften der Petersburger Bibliothek, die sich gegenseitig 
erganzen und controlliren. edirt. Aber ausser dieser Bibliothek 
beherbergt aucli das British Museum in London eine grossere 
Anzahl von Fragmenten des Kitdb al-anwar wal-maraqib, 
aus deneii Hirschfeld eiri einziges Capitel veroffentlicht 
hat, ohne jedoch noch den richtigen Namen des Buches ge- 
kannt zu haben. 2 ) An einer anderen Stelle 3 ) gebe ich eine 
ausfuhrliche Beschreibung dieser Fragment e, iiber die bisher 
wenig Klarheit geherrscht und von denen nur ein Teil als von 

*) Die Ueberschriften dieser 4 Capitel lauten iin Original (Memoiren 

p. 249): ^jL^xpJ ^3 Nd 

Jy! ^3 N*Jl*Jl - - 

i 




-) Arabic Chrestowathy (London 1892) p. 116121. Vgl. dazu 
Backer, Bev. (I Et. juiv. XXV, 155; XXVI, 311 u. Jew. Quart. Bev., 
1. c. 689. 

3 ) Steinschneider-Festschrift (Leipzig 1896) p. 195218. Gelegentlioh 
sei bemerkt, dass zu den von mir dort (p. 214-218) ervvahnten karaischen 
Antoren, welche das Kital) al- ftmv(ir mit Nam en citiren, noch einer liin- 
zuzufugen ist. Ms. Brit. Mus. or. 2478 enthalt ein Bruchstiick einer iin 
J. 1351 verfassten karaischen Compilation zu Deuteronomium in arabischer 
Sprache. Zu 33, 4 (fol. 141 b- 143 a) wird ein grosser Teil von Jefet b. 
Ali s Comin. z. St., der eine Polemik gegen die Geltung der miindlichen 
Lehre (B"ya mm) enthalt, wortlich excerpirt und dann heisst es zum Schluss: 



mm m a rnitr> ^*^ 



^3 ^usjJi a ^ AS 



NI irnm 



Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 437 

Qirqisani herriilirend crkaimt worden ist, und will hier nur 
kurz bemerken, dass sich iin British Museum Stiicke aus 
Absch. II VI. VIII. X XII linden. Ich teile nun im 
Folgenden wcitcrc drei Capitel nach den Londoner Hand- 
schriften mit und will dazu Einiges vorausschieken. 

Die ersten zwei Capitel, das 17. und 18. des III. 
Abschnittes, sind ms. or. 2524, fol. 50a 58a, entnommen. 
Sie sind in hebraischen Quadratlettern geschrieben und von 
inir in arabische transcribirt. Ihr Inhalt ist eine Polemik 
gegen die Anhanger der Lelirc von dor Seelcnwanderung. 
Der Name dieser Anhanger ist nicht angegeben, doch er- 
fahren wir ihn aus Absch. I Capitel 13, wo es heisst: ,,Aueh 
wird von ihm | c Anan] er/ahlt, dass er eine Seelenwanderung 
angenommen und dariiber eine Schrif t verfasst hat. Wir 
werden nun diese Lehren im Folgenden anfuhren und widcr- 
legen." 1 ) Es unterliegt also keinein /weif el, (lass wenigstens 
ein Teil der in dicsen Capiteln angefiihrten Argumente fur 
die Seelenwanderung von r Anan selbst herrlihrt. 

In Cap. 17 werden zunaehst die dogmatischen Griinde an- 
gefuhrt. Der Hauptbeweis, aut den sich auch die mu tazilitischen 
Anhanger dieser Lehre gestiitzt haben, ist die Bestrafung der 
kleinen Kinder, cine Fragc, die fast in jedem Kalamwerke 
erortert wird. 2 ) Gott kann doch nur t fir bcgangenc Sunden 
bestrafen, sonst ware er ungerecht, wcnn (;r also die kleinen 
Kinder, die doch nicht gesundigt haben, bestraft, so kann 
das nur fur Sunden sein, die ihre Seelen in andercn Korpern 
begangen haben. Qir([isani antwortet nun darauf, dass es 



) Ed. Harkavy, p. 313: JyM ^ 

:!^ AS U! j Ll 
UxJ J Ji ^ 



. Vor l Anan iinden wir keino Spur von dioser Lohre bei den 
Juden und es ist daher am wahrscheinlichsten, dass er sie zuerst den 
Muhammedanern entnonunen hat. Diese haben sie vvohl direct den Indern 
entlehnt. Bemerkenswert sind die Worte Alboruni s (India, Cap. V Anf.), 
dass die Metempsychose gerade so charakteristisch ist fiir die indische 
Religion, wie der Sabbath fur das Judentum, die Trinitat fiir das Christen- 
tum und wie der Ausruf n Es giebt keinen Gott ausser Gott und Muhammed 
ist sein Prophet" fiir den Islam. 

2 ) Vgl. Frankl, Ein mu-taziMxclwr Kaldm aus d. X. Jahrh. p. 
3841; Schreiner, Der Kaldm in. d. jud. Literatur p. 29. 



438 Samuel Poznanski. 

ebenso von Gott gerecht sei zu strafen und dann dem Be- 
schadigten daftir seine Gnade zuzu wenden, der Kinder harrt eben 
fiir ihre Leiden die Gliickseligkeit im Paradiese. Denselben 
Gedankengang tinden wir auch bei dem karaisehen Religions- 
philosophen des XI. Jahrh., Josef b. Abraham al-Basir, dem 
Qirqisani ohne Zweifel als Quelle gedient hat. 1 ) 

Im folgenden 18. Capitel werdcn die Beweise der An 
hanger der Seelenwanderung aus der Schrift angefuhrt. Hier 
hatte Qirqisani keine grosse Miihe sie zu wideiiegen, da die 
meisten geradezu geschmack- und sinnlos sind. So wird z. B. 
von Jcnen der Vers Gen. IX, 6 folgendennassen erklart: 
,,wer das Blut eines Menschen, das in einein Menschen vor- 
handen 1st, vergiesstu.s.w.", 2 ) also 1st es moglich, dassMenschen- 
blut sich auch in einem Nicht-Menschen linden soil (namlich 
wenn einc mcnschliche Seele in einen Tierkorper wandern 
muss). a ) Auch die anderen Beweise sind nicht viel besser. 

Die Lehre von der Seelenwanderung wird bekanntlich 
auch von Saadja erwahnt und ihre Anhanger als ,,Leute, die 
Judeii genannt werden" (oder ,,dic sich Juden nenrien") be- 
zeichnet. 4 ) I eh habe bereits die Vermtitung ausgesprochen, 5 ) 
dass man unter diescn ,,Namensjuden" Anan und seine ka 
raisehen Anhanger zu verstehen hat, und diese meine Ver- 
mutung wird hier zum Teil bestatigt. Saadja fiihrt namlich 

) S. Prankl, I. c. 

-) Merkwiirdiger Weise findet sich eine ahuliche Deutung dieses 
A r ei-ses im Talmud (Balli Sanhednn 57 b): as-isn ^ya niT neyo *XK ..... 
I&M yes iaiy nt IIN i.i ma w\r\v DIN imN IB^ % * IT DI^ mun on isitr, also 
wird auch hier ma als ,,im Menschen" erklart. 

y ) Die von Qirqisani bekampften Anhanger der Seelenwanderung 
haben also geglaubt, dass die menschliche Seele auch in einem tierischen 
Korper Platz finden konne. Dieser Ansicht waren auch einige Araber, s. 
Schreiner, /. c. 62. Vgl. auch d. folgende Anm. 

4 ) Kitab al- amanat p. l"v : ^^*.^^Xp. ^^o Leys ^ 



5 ) Monatsschrift fur d. Gesch. u. Wissensch. d. Judent. XXXIX, 
441_446. 



Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab ai- anwar w al-maraqib". 439 

atich einige Verse an, auf die sich jene Namensjuden sttitzen, 
und darunter sind auch solche, die Qirqisani erwahnt, undzwar 
Ps. XXIII, 3 und Hi. XXXVIII, 14. 

Das letzte der hier abgedruckten drei Capitel ist das 
35. des V. Abschnittes, welcher liber den Sabbath handelt. 
Es ist ms. or. 2579, fol. 42a- 45a, entnommcn und durchweg 
mit arab. Lettern geschrieben. Ich habe nun die Bibelcitate 
und sonstige hebr. Worter iu Quadratlettern transcribirt. In 
diesem Capitel wird die Fragc erortert, ob man am Sabbath 
ein mit nichthebraischen Lettern geschriebenes Werk lesen 
darf. Dieses Capitel ist insofern von grossem Intcresse, als 
man daraus sieht, dass es zur Zeit Qirqisani s Gewohnheit 
war, die Bibcl und andere hebraische Bucher mit arabisehen 
Lettern zu schreibcn und sie mit hebraischen Vocalen und 
Accenten zu versehen. Bekanntlich besitzt das British Museum 
eine grosse Anzabl Fragmeute von Bibclteilen, Bibel- 
commentaren und sonstigen Schriftcn , die in dioscr Weise 
gesehrieben und die samtlich karaischen (Jrsprungs sind. 1 ) 
Ich kann mich nicht der Ansicht IlirschfeldV-) anschliessen, 
nach der die karaischen Copisten die arabische Schrift 
wahlten, um den Rabbaniten das Lesen ihrer Werke zu er- 
schweren oder gar unmoglich zu machen. Denn erstens, 
fallt ja dieser Grund bei Bibelhandschriften wcg, da liier die 
Rabbaniten auf die Earlier nicht angewiesen waren. Zweitens, 
hatten doch die karaischen Copisten ihren eigenen Glaubens- 
genossen auf solche Weise das Leben erschwert. Ich glaube 
daher die Ursache darin zu finden , dass es dem karaischen 
Vulgus in manchen Gegendcn wirklich Icichter war arabisch 
als hebraisch zu lesen, wie es ja umgekehrt auch bei Karaern 
vorkommt, dass sie ebenso wie die Rabbaniten arabische 
Werke mit hebraischen Lettern schrieben. Auch sonst bietet 
dieses Capitel manches Interessante , so die Bemerkung 
Qirqisani s ,,dass die Vocale und Accente nicht als hebraische 
Schrift zu betrachten und dass sie nur Kennzeichen fiir das 
Lesen und die Melodien sind." Diese Ansicht erinnert an 
die Worte der Geonim: D^mn "C WD2 "lip: )H^ xhl 

) Sechs solcher Handschriften sind sehr eingehend bei Hoerning, 
Description and collation of six Karaite Manuscripts (London 1889), 
beschrieben. 

2 ) ZI)MG, XLV (1891), 332. 



440 Samuel Poznaiiski. 



Die Karaer huldigen sonst der Ansicht, dass 
die Vocale und Accente uralt sind und dass sogar die 
Bundestafeln darait versehen waren. 2 ) Von den spateren 
Karaern beruhrt die diesem Capitel zu Grunde liegende Frage, 
soweit mir bekannt, nur noch Samuel b. Mose Magribi 
in seinem Gesetzbuch al-Mursid II, 4 (Ms. d. Kgl. Bibl. zu 
Berlin, or. oct. 351, f. 13 a): 



ri^ Jls 






[ ) MacJwor Vitry ed. Hurwitz i>. 91. Vgl. auch das Responsum Hai s 

cJiwn i2 nipi=e ni^n Nr. 189 (oil. Mil Her pag. 91). 

-) S. z. B. Joliuda Hadassi, Eschkol Hakkofer, Alfab. 168, Buohst. i 
(f. 60c): n:r mm nso wi . . . coj?tsi nipja ;npai nnnn mm 1 ? GJ in p 3 . . . 
^:i :myn ^^ rmn^rn i ; -;n> n^sn c:n: N 1 ? en N^ s Deyai nipJr nrm Dwn 
1:1 mr;n ;nii nsn nean sh en cncn anp:: ah can::n cneDn. An einer 
aiidern Stelle (Alfab. 173, Buchst y, f. 70 a) vorsteigt er sich sogai- m der 
Behauptung: nyt;ni npm jw^m nnn2.ii nrmsn i:n: mNi. Vgl. Monatsschrift 
XL, 120. 

3 ) Ex. 20, 8. 

4 ) Jer. 17, 24. 

5 ) Vielleicht aber hat auch suhon Jeschiia b. Jehu da iiber dieses Thema 
gehandelt, s. Steinschneider, Catal. Lmjd. 109; Pokm. u. apologet. Lite- 
ratur 348. Vgl. auch noch Qirqisani Absch. I Cap. 19 (ed. Harkavy 
p. 318 Z. 16). 



A.US Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 44} 



JU 



JUWU 



UJi ; | 

ye ,JLk!! ^K j| 



U ^ 



Juu 



IJ>f ; 



o^ft 

u f r^) r- 1 r^ 1 ^ u f ^^ A 



LuJ dUcXS LJLb JJii 

^f wX. 






l+JUO 



442 Samuel Poznanski. 






JoLfc dl)j jjK ^JO jJ^JJ pjutt ^^X? ,jl 



^o ,J fjf j^J (j^Lb iui 



j ^15 |3 U 

f Ui &AO ^ LJLb c 
^J iJLJl ,Jp. 



LJ Ju*J| ^.AW~V *x> 

U, 



Lo ^PUf fv^Jlxi; |?*>^M uJjJl vo^b ^1 ^ 6f 

Lfc dUtX.J l^tXAOAJ jj fyK I jf ^X^ (?Lo^ 

jfjjf 131 !y>yo ^! ^ La.)! dUtX5^ 

oJl 



Ms. an^i, 






e JU&yL 

i U 



Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 443 

v fyJf ^ *j JLb U *? 
flj LuJLT Lo UJLxs I j| ^>Lo bl 
le ^U JUis^f r ^U jo 

UxIa*J! 



JLo ! r >l^l ^| l^JLs ^li 



N 

i JJjJj 



j wJu JUftxJl viLb 

*A^J ^1 &J 



U3| v j^f ; ,JLJf 

U ,Jf ^xw JL<3 Jl J^i LJ 
JU! L^JL*^ 1 ^SI LcU l^JLk! LL^AJ 



yiT| yc Uxk^ LA3 dUJJ (jCxxkcf f^o U. 1 ! 
. ^jCvukflj! ujLju U L^j*-yliaji ^-XJI j 



!3f 



\J& ^1 J^xJ! 

*JU! ^LT f Jf I^Ls ^U 
JJixJf ^ ^^^^ JuiftxJf ^b^ JL^AJ Jo 

Ms. raon. 



444 Samuel Poznanski. 

<b Lo 

>JJb Lo 



>. ^j \=* Jo 



f x) ^L^ U5^|J^| f JL^J XA;O L^JyLSXwwo J Lx> 
J *j xXx) iJ jsL^Lwwwo xi. lajLS" of 



..xxj v 
io f^i 

fib 



Cj Lo 

: jV^J *Juo ^ JUic^U idJf 

aJJl 



JuuLLjf 3 ; i5l ; ^ viAJj J6 



b Lo 



*AJ 



Jj ^ ooLc. Lg-U JcTf kxaxx> ^JLc. (2 s<Xaj ^JLO 

^U! dUJ^ JUfc^l ^L^J ^JUf ^JL^ ^yQ ^f 
Jo ^ &Mj (V)^f iJUf ^ fjojf yft ^jf^-^f oLuo! 
o^Jf f jjc J^jj f4&L^ tXi 
yc JLO xJiJU* (^o f J^.f iJUj 



x ) Ms. ^in. 
2 ) Vielleicht 



Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitiib al- anwar w al-maraqib". 445 

sbUs? 






idUl 

( (*- 

UU 



^ JUb 
*^?^ ^) v^ 1 ^ ^5^^ ^) 

!J>U f >U> 



Jo\ 



IJf xJuo L^Xxi x3rjjf wx soUU 
dUj> JOLOJ jj y xil (vXJyj ** 



Lx ^Uoj Xxi xxi Jw*oJ ^ Lx 



jo Ju* lydL^ I^Xj ,J ^j! 5 ^b! ^JJl 



: ; !JJ! 



io bjc^f v^^dj ^| p^* f^JUi b 
JjixJf ^ sbl &j-o ^.AAJ ^ ^J JxS Lo 



*.^ 3 X-ix> X^LoJ ^jO 



) Ms. i 5 ?. 
2 ) Ms. oy:o. 



446 Samuel Poznafiski. 

^fj *4-*J 



NW jj ^ ^jis 



=v ;JUf JuS ^ Lj^j dUJo (Jl^uo ^t U| AAJ dU^ ^ LJ 



5wx 



fti c. ^JJjo *i*j 
Jf\ |j 



^jw,oJ! cJO x jj^j jj wx ^j^o iUuLftxj OJ 



J Juki! 



AiLLjl L^Jt ^-Jj^ 



Lx> I 



* 

J6) (2 U>Lx^? LjJLs ^K U xjU ^Lwoblf UU 
*3 



sx> 
>L*o^| iUji ^^ LXOJ 



! ) Ms. 
2 ) Ms. 



Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 447 

06^ ljjf 3 KJTjJf stX*> xJUr: JUT 






Jo (j^Jl^ jv^J Jui* o^jl dU3 sLuof f^JU ^U xfjjj 



CD^-^ Ci)- 

^o Lo [*JJLJ ^j Lof ^i Lc xLoj jioLt *j Lx-> c^Lx? J *AJ!> 

l (V^JJ^f ^ l r J U ^U cj^jl JLO auo 
Jof |^U Sv-^ LxLf Uxi i 



X4^ 

^1 j*L>( s^cLt j! LX>^J cube ^1 dUt\5" ,*jxJf JLO xxi ^15^ Lo 



JuS ^i Lt (J^^o ^Lf Jo ^Lwwoblf ^LT ^JU c 

: xiLs? s 

JLfiLo Lcul 



U ^13 *i\ (J<ju>j idjLs Lo 
i l LJ *.$1o wet 



l^ JuuJ! ^ ^ 



O* ^ 

*i ^ iuyi*J! dUb* ^L jJLt |^| J Jlo w^ yfcj xx-Lt 



*) Ms. vo |- 
2 ) Ms. 



448 Samuel Poznansld. 



Jus 

Joii 

iuJf ejo* Lo 



JU ^ 



) Ms. n^Ny N?, -i:*n TJ im. 

2 ) Hi. 13, 2H. 

:? ) /ft. 10, 2. 

) 17,. v. 3. 

) Mai. 1, 7. 

6 ) II). 3, 8. 

7 ) Ms. Mnn B. 



JLftio^f ^;Li 

cU*J|^ (^Ja-Jf d?iX^ y iv^XxJjAb JL^ 
LoO Ovxftj jj JUiol bf I^JyiJ jj! jwgJ ^^o (Jl [V^J ^ 

^ o! ^U^)f scX# Lo J^vj l UJLiLsx^l fi 



slOf 



>*J [J 



i Jl 

! Jl* 53! 



Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 449 

nc c"^ TJCI JU [nn] NIDI cm ism n:n ^ J^s 
yi r.i2-iNi ^y nj/w JU "in CV^N ^N 



13 Lo 



Lo ^ n*Jl 
^ f*^ 5 < 

u C" 12^ JJ L-vx) VtXx k^ 3 ^c Jjo Lo 



*jcfi. 

yc. Jjc* U5^ ^Jl i^^o 3 yc^ ^f JJCJL 1 ! JJ jo JJCAJ 



,.vo{ yc Uj| PTN^zJ bwywuAj ^ LJU 



C"NZ 



Ui! 
X^iAA- L^JLff !^JU*A^o ^ ^5! dLJj C5 xx^ JyL 1 ! 

crwo cnii ippm aJ^ 

jl 



) Am. 4, 13. 

-} Ps. 50. 1, 7, 8, 16. 

3 ) Gen. 9, 6. 

4 ) Lev. 11, 43. 
" ) Ms. cnncj:m. 
t; ) Lev. 11, 44. 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



450 Samuel Poznanski. 



nw ^2 nx vty niinm *J> s^&s JJ! (1 :n 



vm ** 

U JS! ! o 



,jjo ioojjlj U j-vlaj xj Ol^f Ujf fj 



JL^ U 



uj* Jo 
* 



JLs 

|Jof x^ b L^>f Sj ^sZ UjU soLb J^e. 



L^U r.c^B n^c 



Lxt 



l ) Lev. 16. 16. 

3 ) Hos. 9, 10. 

4 ) Ms. N:-;N. 5 ) -Ms. 

6 ) Lev. 11, 43. 7 ) Ib. 20, 25. 

8 ) Ps. 49, 12. 

9 ) S. Ibn Ezra und Kimchi z. St. 

10 ) Vor oUlitJl scheint etwas ausgefallen zu sein , oder es muss 

heissen. 

n ) Dariiber handelt das 7. Cap. des III. Absch. S. Steinschn eider- 
Festschrift p. 198. 



Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 451 

f ^o s*>l*J! <^U> J^ -DpJJ s^/jj 

*Jyb lyUju* dU j JcLc^ : ^jXb^l J^ dU j ; 



3,.j Jo! sLxxj [^t] 1^.^ ;3 :i {c- 



yb v^ 



o xi ^5 z^i:" C E: jy> 

r, -> \\ % i"i k s %i ? ^ (j^JU 3 J| 



xi Jus ! iuXil Jooc cyJjLjuJL) c LJ! 

(t i: 5:j ni^ c 



JU iu 



M Jer. 17, 13. 

-) Ms. n:i>*B. 

3 ) Ps. 90, 3. 4 ) J/>. 23, 3. 

5 ) Jer. 44, 10. 

6 ) Ps. 19, 8. 

7 ) I. Sam. 30, 12. 

8 ) Hi. 9, 18. f ) I^>. 14, 14. 
10 ) Ms. r;. 

") Hohel. 2. 11. 

l ) Ps. 102, 27. 



29 



452 Samuel Poznanski. 



sxs < 2 cmn ncrc i^nnn &Jy 
Tn^ JU &j 



L^J 



>,.A^ 



u Jo s 



* C^ 

nz CN xoj* ^ JyiJ! UU 



v * 

c^tt JyiJ b^Tj J<.A: dU3^ ^UxJ^I ^!^.xJf ^ JyiJf 

^! ,j! ^ (10 3i c^^nn rr^ycr crAs < 9 rae i^s c 

^ 

JUb xj 



J ) Ps. 102, 27. 

2 ) Hi. 38, 14. 

;! ) Ms. nnN 1 :. 

4 ) Hi. 38, 13. 

5 ) Aehnlich iibersetzt Saadja unseren Vers: 



G ) Lev. 26, 3. 

7 ) Deut. 7, 12. 

8 ) Jer. 12, 1. 

9 ) Ms. ^ep. 

10 ) Koh. 8, 14. 



Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 453 



N 

o dl! jo |JLfi.T j^xj 

- 

icUJf jj,. JL*j iU/o ^^sxxj ^ viUo wXif 

3! ^LuJf &3Ju LJ 



y^Jf Jou LgJl OM!^ J 
wx^f iXai ^^ LoU x^jXj *J 



^xlxJ. 



. ; 

^LJU! ^ yc 



Jjo i 



LJUi ^IJUt ,UJt 



Joui 



Ex. 20, 2. 

Ms. tll. wohl gleich 



Luojji 



JyJj wJu LoL^Pl ^o iLcU^ aw^ cXi Lo LOJ! 

1 dU3 



454 Samuel Poznanski. 



LJ 

JjyJ ou*J! rjJ dL*SJ! viyi b! 
!c>! viJUjJo 



,J ^r:,x 

j^fljt St x 

b! 



* 

vX**fcAJ* y^ Lo 



lMJ! XiiJb r ^X3! 



Jail sV.U dUj^ ou^J! auJf _Us; LJ 

luJ! U^ LJ o^*J! ^ r; ^ 

Job* Jb b dU3 iuxi! Lx> 



U.J v 



vXA*^ft ^ Ux> 



aUJUl -x& iUJLj p^jOf ,j^o o^-s JJLs 

1^ LJ 



vA-^Aj ^A .xi o jyoJ Ux> 
cj\^ x/o|wxc 

S bob 






Ms 



Aus Qircjisani s ,,Kitab al- amvar w al-maraqib". 455 

Uycit oyv=- ^ L?>** ^ U XJVlyi ^ 



^( Jls u b 
JuJ jJ! r ls Lc bit ss 



, _ 

LO ^ U ^ J 

L .o-Aj 



Lc oj 

<_>lo UJ 



U3I Je^it ^ ^ iuoy. ! o^S! oolT U 

l LjJl sui^li 



Us! 



LJ -jsi r r-p o,^- 1 ! rr > ^^ U i 
Jail 



JuJjJl , ^ <*TEC HTT, n-,lPr, -C BHff 

r u L * V 3 ^ Ul >* 



) Ms. Li jl. 

) Eigentlich musste es auoh hier L^*.x^o heissen, uberhaupt 
cler ganze Passus von Jyii ^ (Z. 2) bis Ende von /. 6 nicht 
verstandlich. /Tr i 

3) Das ist eine Arabisirung der hebr. Worter ^ und cy, (Vocal- 
zeichen und Accent). Den Ausdruck ;r- ^r Vocalzeichen hat auch E 
Ascher, s. Bacher, Anf tinge d. hebr. Gramm., p. 26. 

4 ) Ex. 23, 12. 

5 ) Jos. 1, 8. 



456 Samuel Poznanski. 

JLkJ 



c JuJjJl *x 

JC U.^ xLw^O. SJL$ pjo Ljf 

dLJ j xL^I ^U dJ j g*|j> ^ J^c dLJj wji ^! iuov^ Lo! 
LJ| JuJjJl ^1^ j| tX^ J| ; &JU JuJjJb 
oLxr. &LL auul^xD o^*.^ LycXx> ^K Lo S^jJJ 
*! J5 y-o* ^ ^jf xX-Lc J^c **yJb. 
JuJjJ) [ r U] ^ JJ! Jf 6! ^Of^ & 



Jj 



; LL<I 



1 ) Liicke in der Handsckrtft, wahrscheinlick ist zu erganzen: 
Jl. 

2 ) Jos. 1, 8. 

3 ) Das folgende, 36 Capitel beginnt mit den Worten: pj. i 

.../c. s. Steinschneider- 



|*^.. ^ 

Festschrift p. 205. Zum Schlusse mache ich noch auf die versckiedenen 
orthographischen und grammatischen Eigentiimlichkeifcen aufmerksam, von 
denen ich nur die augenscheinlich fehlerhaften verbessert habe. 



La deuxieme ruine de Jericho 

par 
Theodore Beinach (Paris). 



Le grammairien Solin dans le chapitre de ses Collec 
tanea consacre a la Judsee 1 ) s exprime ainsi : Judsee caput 
fuit Hierosolyina, sed excisa est; successit Hieri- 
chus; et hgec desivit, Artaxerxis bello subacta. ,,La 
capitals de la Judee fut Jerusalem, mais elle a ete detruite 
de fond en comble ; Jericho lui succeda ; cette ville aussi a 
disparu, reduite pendant la guerre d Artaxerxes/ 

A la difference de la plupart des renseigneuients de ce 
chapitre, empruntes a I Histoire Naturelle de Pline, eette 
derniere information appartient en propre a Solin; on ne la 
retrouve nulle part ailleurs. Quelle en est la source? Qnelle 
valeur doit on lui attribuer V 

Saumaise , tout le commentaire sur Solin fait encore 
autorite, a rapproche notre texte d une phrase de Pline sur 
Macherous, forteresse situee a 1 Est de la Mer Morte. Pline 1 
appelle cette place forte: secunda quondam arx Judseae 
ab Hierosolymis. 2 ) Solin aurait nial interprete le texte de 
Pline, change par inadvertance Machaerus en Hiericus, 
puis cousu a la phrase ainsi alteree la mention d un fait 
historique beaucoup plus ancien, relatif a Jericho, qu il avait 
lu ,,on ne sait oil." 3 ) 



1 ) Solin, 2me ed. Mommsen, p. 154 (C. XXXV, 4) == Th. Reinach, 
Textes relatifs au Judaisme. ]). 339. 

2 ) Pline, Hist. nat.. V, 72 Jan. 

:i ) Salmasins, Exerdtationes Pliniana in Solimun (od. Utrecht 1689). 
p. 408. II ne saurait, en effet, s agir de la chute de Macherous qui suc- 
comba sous les coups de Lucilius Bassus dans la guerre de Titus (Josephe, 
Sell, .jud., VII, 0). 



458 Theodore Reinach. 

Cette explication fait a la fois trop d injure a 1 intelli 
gence de Solir,., et trop d honneur a sou erudition. Si confus 
que fut 1 esprit de ce cornpilateur, si hatit son mode de tra 
vail, on ne peut lui imputer gratuitement une pareille mon- 
struosite - - horribilis exer ratio pour parler comine Sau- 
rnaise lui-meme - - s il se presente une autre interpretation 
possible. 

Presque tous les cominentateurs de notre texte, depuis 
Prideaux et Eollin jusqu a Graetz et Stade, *) ont adniis que 
la destruction de Jericho a laquelle fait allusion Solin avait 
eu lieu sous Artaxerxes III Ochus, roi de Perse. On sait, 
en effet, par une notice isolee des chroniqueurs ecclesias- 
tiques 2 ) que ce roi, au cours de son expedition centre TE- 
gypte revoltee (vers 340 av. J. C.) reduisit en captivite un 
certain n ombre de Juifs et les deporta partie en Hyrcanie 
au bord de la Caspienne, partie en Babylonie. Conime Solin 
semble attribuer la mine de Jericho a un Artaxerxes, on en 
conclut qu il s agit d Ochus et que les deux faits son connexes 
et contenrporains. 

Cette combinaison souleve de graves objections. 

Tout d abord, on ne voit guere pas quelles voies Solin, 
savant des plus mediocres, aurait eu connaissance d un detail 
aussi minuscule de 1 histoire juive, vieux de six cents ans et 
ignore de Josephe lui-rnenie. 

Ensuite, en placant cette mine de Jericho a 1 epoque 
d Ochus, on violente le texte de Solin. Ce compilateur vient 
de rappeler la mine de Jerusalem, c est a dire, tout le monde 
est d accord la-dessus, la destruction de cette ville par Titus 
en 70 ap. J. C. D apres lui Jericho succede a Jerusalem 
dans son rang de capitale. Puis, Jericho est detruite a son 
tour, bello Artaxerxis. C est dire clairement que la ca 
tastrophe en question se place apres celle de Jerusalem, et 



*) Prideaux. Histoire des Juifs (ed. Paris, 1742), III, 103; Rollin, 
Histoire ancienne (ed. Beres), II, 131; Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, 
IV, 230; Munk, Palestine, p. 481; Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, H, 2, 210; 
Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, II, 196. Rien chez Renan. 

-) Hieronymus ad. ann. Abraham 1658 (Eusebe Schone, II, 112;; 
Syncelle, p. 486, 10; Grose III, 7, 6. Pseudo Hecatee fr. 14 (C. Apion, 
I, 22) parait faire allusion a cet evenement, dout Syncelle seul precise 
Foccasion. Cp. Judeich, Kleinasiatische Studien, p. 176, note 1. 



La deuxieme mine de Jericho. 459 

que le be Hum Artaxerxis de Solin ne pent avoir rien de 
commun avec la guerre d Ochus centre les Juifs, quatre 
siecles auparavant. 

Cherchons done autre chose. 

Le renseignement que Jericho succeda a Jerusalem comme 
capitale de la Judee doit etre interprete cum grano salis. 
Cette ville ne tut pas detruite par les Romains pendant la 
guerre de Vespasien ; evacuee par ses habitants, elle fut 
occupee sans resistance et recut une garnison roniaine. 1 ) Les 
textes de Pline, posterieurs a cet eveneinent, ne laissent 
aucun doute sur la prosperite dont Jericho et sa banliene 
continuerent a jouir, grace a ses magnifiques plantations de 
dattiers et de baumiers. Aueune ville purement juive n etait 
plus celebre en Occident-, elle renfermait uu palais bati par 
Herode, un chateau-fort eleve par Vespasien, et Ton coin- 
prend que dans un langage un pen figure on 1 ait qualifiee 
de seconde capitale de la Judee. Cette ville mentionnee par 
Ptolemee an milieu du II e siecle, par Galien a la fin du 
meme siecle, 2 ) existait encore sous Caracalla 3 ), mais ne figure 
plus dans remuneration des principales villes de Judee que 
fait Ammien Marcelliu a la fin du IV e4 ). II est done a pre- 
sumer qu elle a subi dans 1 intervalle quelque mesaventure. 

Or precisement entre ces deux epoques nous trouvons 
un Artaxerxes, - - posterieur a Titus et anterieur a Solin - 
qui fit la guerre aux Eomains. Je veux parler cV Ardaschir, 
le fondateur de la dynastie des Sassanides, qui, en montant 
sur le trone de Perse, prit le nom d Artaxerxes pour raviver 
les souveniers de 1 ancienne grandeur nationale. Artaxerxes- 
Ardaschir ite tarda pas a entrer en lutte avec Alexandre 
Severe (en 230 ap. J. C.) Le detail de cette lutte nous est 
mal connu, car Dion Cassius s arrete en 229, et les ren- 



) Josephe, Bell, jud., IV, 8, 2; 9, 1. Au debut de I msurrection les 
Juifs y avaient envoye comme gouverneur Joseph ben Simon (II, 20, 4) II 
est incoucevable que 1 P.uteur de 1 article Jericho dans le Dictionary of the 
Bible de Smith transfere ;t Jericho la mention de 1 incendie chez Josephe 
IV, 9, 1. qui s applique si manifestement a Gerasa. 

2 ) De simplic. medicam. facultatibus, IV, 20, 6. (ed. Kuhn XI, 691). 

8 ) D apres Origene ap. Eusebe, Hist. eccl. IV, 16 (une ancienne tra- 
duction grecque de la Bible aurait etc decouverte ev UptxoT ev 7u6w 
TOU? ypovou? AVTWVIVOD TOU utou 

) Ammien, XIV, 8, 11. 



460 Theodore Reinach. 

seigneinents soit de la Vita d/ Alexandra, soit d Herodien 
sont suspects a plus d un titre. Nous savons cependaut que 
les Perses reclamerent forinellement la Syrie et FAsie- 
Mineure comine un heritage de leurs ancetres, qu ils prirent 
ToiFensive et que leurs eclaireurs se montrerent en Syrie ou 
eclaterent des seditions inilitaires. l ) 

C est a cette invasion Perse, bientot arretee par les 
arnies romaines, que je propose de rapporter Fepisode con 
serve par Solin. 

Jericho fut-elle a cette occasion detruite par les envahis- 
seurs, ou au contraire chatiee par les Romains de sa conrpli- 
cite avec rennemi? I/ expression vague bello Artaxerxis 
subacta desivit s acconimodo de Tune on 1 autre hypo- 
these, 2 ) mais la seconde est de beaucoup la plus plausible. 
On ne voit pas bien, en effet, comment des bandes de cava 
liers - - le gros de Farmee perse ne franchit pas la fron- 
tiere - - auraient pu s emparer d un place aussi forte que 
Jericho, munie d un caste Hum, ni surtout quel interet elles 
auraient eu a la detruire. Au coutraire nous savons et 
c est le sujet du dernier meinoire du regrette James Darme- 
steter - - que 1 attente du liberateur perse, du nouveau Cy 
rus, fut un des reves les plus longteinps et les plus chere- 
ment carresses par les patriotes juifs. Rien d etonnant a ce 
que la brusque revolution qui substitua a la race degeneree 
d^Arsace la vigoureuse dynastic de Sassan, ait vivement 
frappe les imaginations juives. L apparition de Tavant-garde 
d Artaxerxes sux les coufins de la Palestine put reveiller des 
esperances mal eteintes et provoquer quelques defections dans 
un pays ou le poids oppressit des impots, la profanation du 
site du temple, et la rigueur des lois coutre le proselytisine, 
perpetuaient 1 impopularite du gouvernement romain, malgre 
la bienveillance personnelle d Alexandre Severe. Si Jericho 



J ) Horodien YI, 4, 7. Pour cette guerre en general voir Dion LXXX, 
4; Zonaras XII, 15; Herodien VI, 26; Lampride, Al. Sev. 55; Eutrope 
VIII, 23; Aur, Victor. Casares , 24; Orose, VII, 18. Outre Tiliemont, 
Schiller, Mommsen, Duruy, Gutschmid, on peut consulter la monographie de 
J. Krebs De Seven Alexandri bello contra Persas gesto (Bonn, 1848). 

2 ) C est a tort que le traducteur Agnan (Solin. ed. Panckoucke, 1847, 
p. 267) traduit : ,,Puis vient Hierique (!). qui succomba sous les ar- 
mes d Ar taxerxes." 



La deuxieme mine de Jericho 

461 

ouvrit ou medita d ouvrir ses portes a 1 envahisseiu- , 
empereur une fois le peril conjure, se sera conform! aux 
traditions de la politique romaine en ordonnant la destruction 
de la ville rebelle. 

Je ne serais pas eloigne de croire qu un autre ^cho de 
> catastrophe s est conserve dans un texte embarrassant 
de Saint Jerome. Dans I article Jericho" de son traite de 
toponymie hebraique, traduit d Eusfebe, ce pere de 1 Eo-lise 
apres avoir rappele la premiere destruction de Jericho au 
temps de Josue, et son relevement au temps des rois, ajoute 
que] : a etc prise et detruite une seconde fois, a cause de 
la perfidie de ses habitants, a 1 epoque ou les Remains 
assiegeaient Jerusalem, i) Plus tard les Romains auraient 
rebati la villu et c est eette troisic-me Jericho, probable- 
ment assez insignifiante pour avoir ete omise par Animien 
Marcellin - qui subsistait au timps de Jerome. Quc Je 
richo ait etc detruite par les Romains a Fepoque du siege 
de Jerusalem, c/est ce qui n est pas crovable en presence 
du texte de Josc-phe citr plus ham, qui atteste la paisible 
occupation de cette ville par Vespasien ; mais le fait menie 
de la destruction ne pent giu re avoir ete imagine par Eu- 
scbe ou Jerome et parait bien se confondre avec Tevenement 
nientionne par Solin. Ce dernier compilateur qui a ecrit, 
en toute probabilite, vers le temps meme d Alexandre Severe. 2 ) 
a du connaitre, sans le moiudre effort d erudition, un fait 
aussi rapproche de lui: on comprend qu il ait saisi avec em- 
pressement Foccasion d enrichir d un detail ..inedit" un cha- 
pitre d ailleurs extrait entierement de Inline. C est le procede 
ordinaire des ? ,demarqueurs. k 

Ce ne sont la, avouons le, que des conjectures, mais il 
me senible qu elles se tiennent assez bien et qu elles ont, 
sur Tinterpretatiou traditionnelle, le grand avantage de ne 

1 ) Hieronymus, Ue situ et nominilus locorum hebraicorum (ed. Migne 
HI, W4. ( -d. Lagarde, 1887): sed et liaec eo terapore quo Jerusalem 
oppugnabatur a Romains propter perfidiam civium capta atque destructa est. 
Pro qua teitia aedificata est eivitas quae usque hodie permanet, et 
ostenduntur utriusque urbis vestigia usque in praesentem diem (la nouvelle 
ville avait doja ses oveques au IVe sit-cle, Lequien; Or. Christ. Ill, 654). 

- ) Mommsen, dans son edition p. VJJ, le fait descendi e pis qu an 
ivgne de Valorien. 



462 Theodore Reiuach. , 

pas faire violence aux textes et de ne pas presumer chez 
un auteur d inutiles absurdites. Sans parler du supplement 
de lumiere que nous obtenons ainsi sur une des periodes les 
plus obscures de 1 histoire de la Palestine, cette petite dis 
cussion nons enseigne deux choses: Tune ? qu il y a du nou- 
veau a glaner meme dans les ecrits des compilateurs les plus 
serviles; 1 autre, que pour bien comprendre un renseignement 
historique, il faut avant tout le replacer dans son contexte, 
et qu a Fenvisager isolenient on risque de s egarer. 



Einiges liber die Agada in der Mechilta 

von 
Dr. Ludwig A. Rosenthal (Preuss.-Stargard). 



Ein halachischer Midrasch hat vorzugsweise deu Zweck, 
die Halacha aus dem Schrit tworte herzuleiten; daher be- 
giunen Mechilta und Sitri nieht mit den erstcn Kapitelu der 
betr. Thorabucher, smidern mit den ersteii halachisch zu ver- 
werthenden Schriftstellen derselben. Trotzdem linden wir 
agadische Bestandtheile sowohl zerstreut unter den hala- 
chischen Erorterungeu, wie ancli besondere, grosse, den 
Uinfang von ganzen Midraschim erreiehende Theile, zuuial in 
der Mechilta. Von ihreii iieun Massechtot sind nnr 4 hala 
chisch (Pis-cha, Nesikin, Kaspa, Sabbathaj, die nbrigen da- 
gegen vorwiegend agadisch (Beschalach, Schiratha, Wajassa, 
Amalck, Bachodesch). Unberiicksiehtigt liess dieser ^lidrasch 
nur die dem Abschnitte Hachodesch vorausgehenden Erzah- 
lungen des Exodus, den Sclihiss der Mischpatimparascha, die 
Bimdesschliessung am Sinai, die Erzahhmg vom goldenen 
Kalbe nnd die Schilderungeii des Stiftszeltes. Zum Schluss 
greift er aus diesen nur die den Sabbat betreffenden Stellen 
heraus. Wie es nun gekommen, dass die Erzahlungen mitten 
im Exodus, von der Einsetzung des Passah an bis zum Ne- 
sikintheile, vollkoinmen und ausgiebig agadiseh behandelt 
worden sind? 

Man konnte hierin einen Zufall sehen, als wiiren gewisse 
Midraschim, soweit sie die Lticken fiillen konnten, hierher 
verschlagen werden. Aber die Mechilta des Rabbi Simon 
ben Jochai hat die gleichen Agadot in sich, und der Auszug, 
den derTanchuma davoii bietet, zeigt uns. dass man von je- 
her in ilmeii Bestandtheile unseres Midrasch gesehen hat. 
Soweit sie mitten in den halachischen Theilen stehen, lassen 



464 Ludwig A. Rosenthal. 

sie sich daran gar nicht trennen (vgl. Pis-cha 5 Anfang und 
Ende, z. Th.; 6 Anf., 7 zuin grossten Theile; 11 Anfang und 
letztes Drittel; 12 mit geringen Ausnahmen ; 13, 14, 16 mitt- 
lerer Theil und Ende; Einzelnes in 17 und 18), und die 
Tanaitennamen, die wir dabei nnden, bekunden uns das hohe 
Alter sowohl dieser Satze, als auch ihrer Verbindung mit 
der Halacha. Ihr Ton ist von dem jener selbstandigen aga- 
dischen Massechtot nicht verschieden. Ja, viele mischnisehe 
Zusammenhange oft ganzer Traktate sind nur aus dieser 
Verquickung von Hagada und Halacha verstandlich. So finden 
wir Pis-clia 16 unter Nil"! ^ die Schlussinischna und beziig- 
liche Tossefta von Beracnot I, unter "^CfrOl die Herleitung der 
Teffilla oder doch ihrer Anfangsberacha, sodann die Begriin- 
dung des Tischgebetes : Da haben wir die Hauptbestand- 
theile des Traktats Berachot zusamnien , und zwar in ihren 
Beziehungen zum Auszuge aus Egypten. Und doch horen 
wir kein Wort davon, dass hicr etwa ein solcher Traktat 
vorausgesetzt wird. 

Das Gleiche ist auch in den reinagadischen Theilen der 
Fall. Beschalach unter ritt C "p^ und dann unter CPPJB^ I^IH "11 
linden wir die Wiedervergeltung ini Guten an Mirjain, Joseph 
und Moses und nachher an Abraham und dem gesanimten 
Israel bewiesen. Diese Stellen gehoren gewiss ganz und voll 
zu unserem Midrasch, und doch bilden sie einen Theil der 
agadischen Siitze Sota I, 7, 8, 9; was hier daran fehlt. das 
zeigt uns die Tossefta Sota IV, so dass sie nur von hier 
aus in die Mischna iibergegangen sein konnen. Auch die 
sonderbaren Mischnas Sota V 7 4, 5 sind aus Schiratha I 
~!E&6 11CN 1 ! und anderen Orten daselbst am besten zu ver- 
stehen. 

Demnach sind diese tanaitischen Agadas als Betrach- 
tungen liber Exodus so alt ? dass Vieles von ihnen in die 
Mischna iibergegangen ist, ja, das Vieles, was in Mischna 
Tossefta uns eigenthiirnlich vorkommt, wie der gauze in der 
Sotatossefta folgende grosse Agadatheil, seine einfachste Er- 
klarung dadurch findet, dass man Bestandtheilen eines tanai 
tischen Midrasch, und wahrscheinlich des altesten in aga- 
discher Form, ebenso in der Mischna und Tossefta Aufnahme 
gewahrte, wie die Halacha, die der JMidrasch als Erorterung 
bietet, in die Mischna als Gesetz eingezogen ist. 



Einiges iiber die Agada in der Mechilta. 465 

Wir haben es hier also mit nichts ZuMligem zu tliun, 
sondern mit einem wahrscheinlich der geschichtlichen Noth- 
wendigkeit entsprossenen Erzeugnisse des tanaitischen Geistes. 
Vielleicht bietet uns diese Agada in sich selbst die Hand- 
habeu, uin die Thatsaclien zu erkennen, die ihr zu Grunde 
liegen und als deren kriiftigster Ausdruck sie uns hoffentlich 
erscheinen wird. Und zwar werden uns solche Midrasch- 
satze vorzugsweise dazu dienen, die einen sonderbaren, oft 
unbedeutenden Inhalt zu haben scheinen und das Zeitgeschieht- 
liche als fiir die Zcitgenossen selbstverstandlieh zumeist un- 
ausgesprochen lassen. 



I. 

Die Theile Wajassa und Amalek sincl merkwiirdiger 
Weise von Satz.-n des R. Josua und des Elieser aus Mo- 
diim, wie aueh (an ein/elnen Stellcn) des R. Elieser erfiillt. 
Die beiden Letzteren sind in ihren Ansichten einander so almlich, 
dass es vollknimm ii -U ic-h-ulti- 1st, ob man sie als erne 
Person ansielit oder als von einander beeinnusste Tanaiten. 
R. Josua seheint die wiirtliehc Deutung vorzuziehen, 
wahrend der Mudai d<-n Wassi-nnangel in der Wiiste als ein 
Sinnbild allgemeincr lauternder Loiden oder als Mangel an 
Belehrung (wie die- WBH im) aufzutassen sclieint (Wa- 
jassa r^l) AViilnvnd IJ. Josua in ~: P- wirklieh nur erne 
Sehilderung des Mannah sieht, seheint es dem Mudai ein Bild 
der Agada zu sein (3. 7 P ==l). Nach R. Josua meint Moses, 
er habe ,,im frenuh-n Lande gewi-ilt; naeh dem 1 
einem Lande des Gotzendienstes. (Amalek b I 

Ausserdem sieht die Agada des Letzteren finsterer und 
strenger aus, als die des 1!. Josua. Wahrend dieser das Mannah 
urn des Volkes selbst willen kommen lasst, ist beim Mudai 
nur dasVerdienstderVater die Ursaehe (Waj. 2 CWH p.) 
Nieht nach der Wttste wendet sieh das Volk sondern 
wiederuin dem Verdienst der Vater zu (ib. ^ ). Nioht aul 
das eigne Verdienst stiitzt sieh Moses, da er fastend 
Hande hcbt, sondern auf das Verdienst der Vater - (Am - 
inp^.). Nicht den Sabbat oder die Verehrung der Eltern hat 
Moses bei Marah dem Volke geboten, sondern vorzugswei 
auchdie Arajot, die Keusehheitsgesetze (Wajass 

ou 
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 



466 Ludvvig A. Rosenthal. 

Wir wissen aus anderen Quellen, wie R. Josua ein ab- 
gesagter Feind aller selbstqualerischen Weltanschauung war, 
wogegen R. Elieser aus Modiin bis in seine letzten Tage in 
Bethar uns stets im Bilde eines Biissers erscheint. Hier will 
R. Elieser die Kraft der Belehrung darin sehen, dass man 
Israel nach dem Falle des Tempels auf die Niedrigkeit und 
Schwa chheit des Menschen hinweist, wie er ohne das Ver- 
dienst der Vater keine Gnade linden konne, wahrend R. Jo 
sua den Muth seiner Zeitgenossen zu heben suchte und im 
Sinne des R. Jochanan ben Sakkai ihnen eine selbstbewusste 
und moglichst gefasste Stimmung beibrachte. 

Horen wir andere Agadot dieser Tanaiten an: Nach 
R. Josua hat Moses nach eigenem Entschlusse die Israeliten 
voin Schilfnieere weitergefuhrt, wahrend R. Elieser diesen 
Aufbruch, wie alle anderen, auf gottliche Offenbahrung zu- 
ruckfuhrt. (Waj. Anf.) Als sie murrten, war dies nach R. 
Josua ein Widerstand gegen Mose s Willen, nachdem Mudai 
eine Widersetzlichkeit gegen den Willen Gottes selbst (ib. 
Ijl 1 ^!.). R. Josua meint (im Gegensatze zum einfachen Wort- 
sinne), das Manna hatte jedesmal auf zwei Tage gesamrnelt 
werden rnussen; R. Elieser sieht darin eine Zweifelsucht, 
einen Mangel an Gottvertrauen (2 lEp^l.)- Es scheint, als 
wenn riach R. Josua das Yolk das Manna erst hatte kochen 
oder backen mussen-, der Mudai lehrt, dass ohne dies das 
Manna jeden beliebigen Geschmack nacb dem Wunsche jedes 
Einzelnen luitte annehmen konnen (4 "ll!/ f N PiK.). R. Josua 
lasst den Josua auf Mose s Befehl wirkliche Kriegshelden 
wahlen, der Mudai dagegen Manner, welche die Siinde scheuen. 
(Am. 1 ~iri2.) Wahrend nach R. Josua der jiidische Feldherr 
zum Kampfe die gottliche Schutzwolke verlassen sol! 7 hat 
vielleicht der Mudai gelehrt, er hatte in der en Bereiche bleiben 
mussen (ib. Nlfl.). Auf den nachsten Tag wollen wir ge- 
riistet sein, lasst R. Josua den Moses sagen, wahrend der 
Mudai dies auf Ansetzung eines Festtages bezieht (ib. Tup 1 !.). 
Bei R. Josua folgt Moses bei Einsetzung der Richter dem 
Rathe Jetro s; beim Mudai der gottlichen Offenbarung (Am. 

b 2 bipb n&r yctr^.)- 

Auch diese Satze zeigen uns die verschiedenartigen 
Lebensauffassungen, mit denen die Weisen auf jene ernste 
Uebergangszeit einwirken wollten. Der Mudai vertritt die 



Einiges liber die Agada in der Mechilta. 467 

Ansicht derer," die dem Menschen jede Selbstbestinrmung 
nehmen wollen und injedem selbstiindigen Schritte desselben, 
in jeder Sorge fiir das eigene Gliick ein Misstrauen gegen 
die gottliche Leitung sehen. Nicht einmal fiir den niichsten 
Tag soil, der Meusch sorgen; alle irdischen Seiten der Schrift 
werden zu etwas Anderein uiugedeutet, und R. Josua, der 
friedliebende Weise, ist gezwungen, nachzuweisen, dass Moses 
wirkliche Krieger zum Kampf genommen hat. Wieviel er 
fiir die Thora getlian hat, ist bekannt. Und doch empfahl 
er im Allgemeinen, wenige Halachot tiiglich zu lernen, sich 
aber der Arbeit fiir sein Hans hinzugeben. 

Hat er so den Rlick seiner verzweifelnden Zeitgenossen 
auf die irdische Seite des Daseins mit hingewiesen, so musste 
er sie auch von jedeni Hasse gegen die nichtjiidische Aussen- 
welt abbringen und ihnen zeigen, wie man ein richtiges Ver- 
hiiltniss zu derselben zu wahren hat. 

Wird Ainalek (lurch s Schwert bcsiegt, so lehrt R. Josua, 
dass Moses die Feinde mild behandelt habe (Am. 1 Ende.). 
Der Vernichtungsbefehl gegen Amalek hat naeh ihm nur auf 
Amaiek, hnchstens noch auf Hainan s Zeit Bezug (2 HuC T.). 
In alien diesen Punkten denkt der Mudai auders. R. Josua 
hat ja auch a in lo h<ij<nn gegiMi li. Gamaliel den Gedanken 
siegreich durchgcfochten, dass naeh den Kriegen Sanheribs 
die alten Volker sich vermiseht hatteu und heute nicht mehr 
vorhanden seien, so dass die Ausnahmegesetze auf sie ilire 
Geltung vollkoniinen eingebiisst hatten. 

Auf welche Kunde kam Jitro zu Closes? fragt der Mid- 
raseh am Anfang des Jitroabschnittcs. R. Josua meint 7 der 
Kampf mit Amalek habe ilm herbeigezogen; der Mudai da- 
gegeu die Gesetzg eb ung (Am. 6 Anf.)- Naeh R. Josua war 
Jitro ein heidnischer Priester; naeh dem Mudai ein Fiirst 

(//>. pc.). 

Gott niihert sich den Ferustehenden, sagt R. Elieser, 
Moses hat deshalb dein Jitro Geschenke gegeben, hat ihn 
zum Juden gemacht (Am. b 2 rbw\). R. Josua meint, er 
habe den Schwiegervater wieder naeh seineni Lande ziehen 
lassen, dainit er dort ferner furstliche Ehren geniesse; R. Eli 
eser dagegen, er sei dorthin gezogen, urn die anderen Heiden 
auch zum Judenthum zn bekehren. (ib.) 

Die hier behandelte Frage war dainals brennend: Sollen 

30* 



468 Ludwig A. Eosenthal. 

wir die Heiden zum Judenthum bekehren? Da regten sich 
bejahende Stimmen, uin dem Volke, das an Seelenzahl so 
zusammengeschmolzen war, neue Mitglieder zuztifiihren. Aber 
gerade R. Josua, derselbe, der die Liebe gegen alle Menschen, 
auch gegen die Heidenwelt, lehrt - - er sieht dieselbe nicht 
in der Bekehrung Andersglaubiger bestatigt. Nach seiner 
Ansicht hat Moses selbst seinein eigenen Schwiegervater gegen- 
iiber der Versuchung widerstanden, eine Seele fiir den eigenen 
Glauben zu retten. 

So zeichnet sich hier eine besondere Schicht der Me- 
chilta in ganz eigenartiger Weise ab. Wir benierken, wie 
zwei Richtungen mit einander kampfen, beide in der Absicht, 
der jiidischen Glaubensgenossenschaft Bahnen fiir die Zu- 
kunft, fiir die Zeit ohne Tempel und Staat zu bahnen. Wir 
lernen den Ernst nnd die tiefe Glaubensinnigkeit des R. Eli- 
eser aus Modiim achten, die in den Zeiten noch schlinimerer 
Leiden von den Spateren, wie wir sehen werden, als geistige 
WafFe zur Erhaltung der Gesammtheit angewandt wurde. 
Aber wir miissen ausserdem den klaren Blick des R. Josua 
bewundern, der init Sicherheit die Pfade gefunden hat, auf 
denen der Fromme zum gedeihlichen Wirken auf Erden ge- 
langen kann, auf denen er besonders bei alleni Gottvertrauen 
und bei aller Treue gegen das Eigene ein thatkraftiger Ar- 
beiter wird und in allgemeinmenschlichem Sinne wirken kann, 
fern von Unduldsamkeit und Bekehrungssucht. So ist er der 
wiirdige Schiller des R. Jochanan ben Sakkai, der die Friedens- 
liebe (Ende Bachodesch) und die Selbstandigkeit des thatigen 
Menschen (Nesikin 2 I:?N) in eindringlichen Worten ge- 
prieseii hat. 



II. 

In der Einleitung (NnrPDD) wird eine Gleichheit zwischen 
Moses und Aaron in ihrem Verhaltniss zur Offenbarung her- 
gestellt; nur um die Ehre Mosis zu erhohen, wird das Gottes- 
wort an ihn all ein gerichtet. Und Parascha 3 112"! wird 
von R. Ismael, R. Achi bar Rabbi Jaschia und R. Simon ben 
Jochai die Einheit zwischen beiden gepriesen, wie Aaron sein 
Ohr dem Mose neigt, wie sie einander Ehre erweisen. Ebenso- 
wird Parascha 11 Nip 1 ! ein Streit der Schiiler R. Ismaels mit- 



Einiges uber die Agada in der Mechilta. 459 

getheilt, ob Moses selbst an Israel das Wort zu ricliten hat 
oder ob es der Aeltesten dabei bedarf. E. Jaschia spricht 
dem Mose allein das Recht zu, an die Aeltesten wendet dieser 
sich nur der Ebre wegen: R. Jonathan will, das Wort solle 
nur durch die Vermittelung der Aeltesten zu dem Volke ge- 
laugen. 

Aus diesen Andeutungen wiirde sich schon etwas machen 
lassen, wenn wir an irgend einer Stelle Beziehungen zwischen 
diesen vorzeitlichen Personen zu irgend welchen, die Tanaiten- 
zeit bewegendeu Fragen entdeckcn, ja, wenn wir zeigen 
konnten, dass die Mischnazeit gewohnt war, unter ihnen sich 
irgend etwas Greii bares zu denken. Nun heisst es Amalek 
Parascha I gegen Ende (N2V): ..Moses stand und bedicnte 
seine Gaste, wie er es von Abraham gelernt." Und ini An 
schluss daran bcrichtet K. Jizchak (R. Zadok oder R. Elieser 
ben Zadok?), wie Habban (Gamaliel den Weisen stehend bei 
der Mahlzeit auf^ewartct liat. R. Josun will darin keine 
iibergrosse Herablassung sehen, weil auch Abraham Gleiches 
gethan hat: und nneli K. Isaak ( R. Zadok) dart wolil ein 
Nassi die Weisen bediencn. da doch Gott selbst alle Lebe- 
wesen ernahrt. Am Schlusse werdeu Aaron und die Ael 
testen Israels geradezu als die so wohl aufgenommenen 
Weisen bezeichnet. 

Sollte Closes iiberliaupt der Nassi, R. Gamaliel, sollte 
Aaron der Ab-bet-Dhi, der sanfte H. Josua sein, und sollte 
es sich hier um die Rangstreitigkeiten zwischen beiden handeln? 
Die Einen wiirden nur dem Nassi den Vorrang iiberliaupt 
gonnen, in dessen Belieben es lage, die Weisen zu beriick- 
sichtigen; die Anderen wiederum sprechen von grosseren 
Riicksichten, welche beide gcgen einander zu nehmen hiitten. 
Sie sollen gegenseitig ihr Ausehen erhb hen, das Wort soil 
als gemeinschaftlicher Ausspruch aus ihnen hervorgehen, und 
Beide sollen das Yolk bei Ilofe vertreten (s. Pethichatha). 
Letzteres war cine grosse Nothwendigkeit und hat bei der 
Wahl des K. Eleasar ben Asarja, wie wir aus Berachot 28 
und der verwandten Jeruschalmistelle ersehen, mit den Aus- 
schlag gegeben. Nun ist es begreiflich, dass R. Josua kein 
solches Entziicken iiber R. Gamaliel s Herablassung bei jener 
Mahlzeit zeigen will, urn die Wiirde des Gelehrtenthums nicht 
zu gefahrden. Es wird dem Moses (Amalek 2 N T 1 !) als 



470 Ludwig A. Rosenthal. 

Stolz gedeutet, dass er wie ein Konig dasitzt und das ganze 
Volk stehen liisst; dieses Volk sind aber (ib. nriN C3) die 
siebzig Aeltesten, also die Mitglieder des Synhedriums. "ley 
T^H hy lautete der scharfe Ausspruch des R. Gamaliel, als 
er den Streit wegen des Maariwgebetes mit R. Josua hatte, 
und er rief den Unwillen des Volkes hervor, ,,dass R. Gama 
liel sitzend lehrte, wahrend R. Josua stand." 

Als nun (Bachodesch 9 vti niTEl) Moses in das Dunkel 
emporsteigt, um die Lehre zu empfangen, da wird das Lob 
des bescheidenen Moses und der Bescheidenheit selbst 
gesungen. Der Hochmutli vertreibt die Gottheit, die Demuth 
des Nassi zieht sie zum Volke herab und lasst sie unter dem- 
selben weilen. 

Fiihren uns also diese Siitze der Mechilta mitten in die 
Kampfe des bo bajom hinein, so begreifen wir es wohl, dass 
die Erklarungen, welche R. Eleasar ben Asarja an jenem 
Tage als neu gewahlter Nassi gegeben hat, in unserem Mid- 
rasch einen solchen Rauni gewonnen haben. Dazu gehoren 
die von uns oben schon bezeichneten Stellen Pis-cha 16 
(Nlu "6). R. Josua, urn den der Streit sich gedreht hat, weilt 
nicht in Jabne, dem Orte des Kampfes. Aber seine Schiller 
besuchen ihn, und er will erfahren, welche neuen Entschei- 
dungen im Lehrhause aufgetaucht sind. R. Gamaliel hatte 
namlich die Erdrterungen beschranken wollen -- was Wunder, 
dass sie dem R. Josua, der fur die Lehrfreiheit gekampft 
hat, besonders am Herzen liegen. Damals war R. Eleasar 
ben Asarja an der Reihe, es war nicht die Woche des Rab- 
ban Gamaliel. Und da erklarte der junge Nassi, weshalb 
bei der grossen Thoravorlesung im Tempel man auch Kinder 
hatte mitbringen miissen; hatte doch R. Gamaliel sich sehr 
gegen die Aufhahnie neuer Mitglieder uberhaupt gestraubt, 
und das war zum Theil die Ursache des Unischwungs ge- 
wesen. In der Sotatossefta, die, wie wir schon gezeigt haben, 
gleich der Mischna sehr viel aus der Mechilta entnonimen 
hat, nnden wir noch weitere Aeusserungen R. Eleasar ben 
Asarja s liber wichtige Fragen, die das Lehrhaus bewegten. 
Die Worte der Thora miissen, gleich dem Stachel, anregend 
sein, ohne Stillstand, beweglich; es ist ein Meinungskampf 
nothwendig, der Eine mag immerhin einen Gegenstand fur 
rein erkliiren, der Andere fur unrein - - trotz alledem ent- 



Einiges iiber die Agada in der Mechilta. 47 ^ 

spring-en ihre Worte einer und derselben Quelle. Und R. Ga 
maliel hatte durch den Meinungskampf die Einheit des Juden- 
thums gelahrdet geglaubt. Da ruft E. Josua vertrauensvoll 
aus: Das Geschlecht ist nicht verwaist, das eineii K. Eleasar 
ben Asarja in sich hat. 

Die Mechilta hat also in ihren agadischen Theilen viel- 
lach die Zeit der jamneusischen Kampfc zwischen Nassi und 
Ab-Bet-Din, zwischen der alten Wurde der Lehrversamm- 
lungen und dem jugendlichen Eifer der neu urn die Thora sich 
schaarenden J linger im Auge. Dieser Midrasch zeigt uns 
auch, dass hier nicht etwa niederer Ehrgeiz gekainpft, 
sondern dass eine tieferkannte Nothwendigkeit Jeden zur Ver- 
tretung seiner Ansicht gebracht hat. 



III. 

In der Pethichatha wird nodi (C^i C V"" ;s -) betont, dass 
ausserhalb der gotzendienerischen agyptischen Stadt das 
erste offenbarende Wort an Moses gerichtet worden ist. ,,l)a 
doch Moses das Gebct, etwas viel Geringeres, ausserhalb 
der Stadt verrichtetc, sollte da das Gotteswort, etwas viel 
Bedeutungsvolleres, mitten unter den Gratieln jenes Ortes 
von ihm vernominen werden?" ^\Ian sielit, wie sich das Volk 
iiber den gesunkenen Tenipel zu tr<isten sucht. u^D erinnert 
an den Tempeldienst, er ist dahin. Wie gering ist aber da& 
verlorene nicht gegeu das geoffenbarte Wort, das Israel ge- 
blieben ist! 

Was soil nun mit der Wiirde des heiligen Landes werden? 
Ist diese mit dem gesunkenen Heiligthume geschwunden? 
Gewiss nicht! Denn das lleiligere, das Wort selbst 7 soil 
im Lande gewahrt bleiben. ,,Ehe Palaestina auserkoren wurde, 
waren alle Lande zur Prophezeihung geeignet; ehe Jerusalem 
die heilige Stadt wurde, durften iiberall im Lande Altare 
stehen; ehe der Teuipel zum Wohnsitz Gottes wurde, war 
ganz Jerusalem dazu geeignet; vor David waren alle Israe- 
liten des Konigthums wiirdig, wie vor Aaron Alle des Priester- 
thums theilhat tig werden konnten." (ih.) 

Mit diesen Worten der Mechilta ist die Frage beant- 
wortet! Das Davidische Konigshaus (also das hillelitische) 
ist a lie in befugt, den Nassi in seiner Mitte zu haben, und 



472 Ludwig A. Rosenthal. 

dessen Belehrung 1st auch an Palastina gekettet. Nicht dem 
Auslande darf das heilige Wort angehoren, das Synhedrium 
darf sich nicht aus den Grenzen Palastinas fortbewegen. 
Wir sehen also, die Frage des Seins oder Nichtseins trat 
einer feindlichen Welt gegeniiber an das Judenthuni heran, 
und es gait, einen Mittelpunkt der Glaubensgenossenschaft 
zu wahren. 

Diese Midraschsatze hangen niit dem Abschnitte Hacho- 
desch zusammen, also mit dem Gebote der Monatsheiligung. 
Dass der Anfangsvers dieses Thoraabschnittes, wo sich Gott 
an Moses und Aaron wendet, auf Nassi und Ab-Bet-Din 
und auf ihre Stellung zur Monatsheiligung von jeher gedeutet 
worden ist, ersehen wir aus der Erklarung R. Levi s (Rosch 
Haschana 22 a). 

Auf Pis-cha 1 und 2 beruhen denn auch grosse Be- 
standtheile des Traktats Rosch Haschana, sowohl seiner 
Mischna und Tossefta, als auch seiner ainoraischen Erorte- 
rungen in beiden Talinuden; dieser Traktat selbst beruht aber 
in seinen ersten Abschnitten wesentlich auf Kiddusch Hacho- 
desch und auf die dabei dem Ah-bct-Din (bezw. dem Nassi) 
zustehenden Befugnisse, ja, der Streit zwischen beiden wird 
am Ende des zweiten Abschnittes genau erzablt. 

So ist das ,.Wort", Diblmr, wovon die Petichatha spricht, 
zunachst allerdings die Belehrung, welche voin Synhedrium 
ausgeht; es ist rnehr als der Tempeldienst, es gibt dem hei- 
ligen Lande seine ewige Wiirde und Bedeutung. Aber der 
Inhalt dieses zuerst an Moses gerichteten Dibbur ist das 
Gebot der Monatsheiligung, ,,Euer ist der Mond, Euer 
das Zeugniss des Mondes!" Diese Bestimmung ist Israel 
eigenthurnlich (ib. I Mitte) ; von Nissan, dem Monate der Be- 
freiung, werden die Jahre der israelitischen Konige gezahlt. 
Allerdings musste man sich nun mit Wehmuth daran erinnern, 
wie Israel gesunken war (Bachodesch I Anfang): ,,Einst 
zahlte es vom Auszug aus Egypten an die Jahre, selbst zur 
Zeit des salonionischen Tempelbaues ist dies noch geschehen. 
Dann durften sie den Tenipelbau selbst ihrer Zahlung zu 
Grunde legen; sodann wurden sie gezwungen, vom Tage der 
Zerstorung an zu zahlen, und statt der Regierungsjahre ihrer 
eigenen Konige wurden die eines Nebuchadnezar oder eines 
Darius zu Grunde gelegt." Wir ersehen aus diesen und ahn- 



Einiges iiber die Agada in der Mechilta. 473 

lichen Midraschworten, aus welchen spaterhin die scharf- 
sinnigsten halachischen Berechnungen in beiden Talnmden 
emporgewachsen sind, welche wehm