HANDBOUND
AT THE
UNIVERSITY OF
TORONTO
TIMES
Gteorge Al
prtlmnm
SEMITIC STUDIES
IN MEMORY
of
REV, DR, ALEXANDER KOHUT
Edited By
George Alexander Kohut
With Portrait and Memoir
palmam <jui mcruit feral .
BERLIN
S. CALVARY & CO.
1897.
8M
^
Kb
To
MY FATHER, TEACHER, AND FRIEND,
who so lovingly guided me in life,
and whose presence, far from being removed by death,
still continues to lend me hope and inspiration
to walk in the paths of righteousness, which he,
like Samuel the Prophet, trod just fifty-two years;
To him, whose delight was in the Law of the Lord
therein to meditate by day and by night, without hindrance or restraint
until the final Sabbath brought him eternal peace;
Whose pure and priestly lips were touched to eloquence
by the live coal of truth taken from the altar of God,
in Whose service before the Shrine lie first received
the summons to eternity;
To my Father,
whose whole life was gentle, whose heart was ever childlike,
whose soul was ever great and lofty,
upon whose brow was plainly writ the autograph of God,
I inscribe these pages,
precious greetings from many minds and many climes -
in filial love and piety
George Alexander Koliut.
And the teachers that be wise shall shine as the brightness of
the firmament; and they that turn many to righteousness as the stars
for ever and ever.
Daniel, XII, 3.
The law of truth was in his mouth, and unrighteousness was not
found in his lips: he walked with me in peace and uprightness, and
did turn many away from iniquity.
Malachi, II, 6.
Rabbi Simeon said, There are three crowns: the crown of Torah,
the crown of Priesthood, and the crown of Kingdom; but the crown of
a good name excelleth them all.
Pirke Aboth, IV, 17.
EDITOR S PREFACE.
"Erect no memorials to the righteous", wrote our sages
of old, "for their works (words) are their monuments!"
The memory of the righteous scholar, Alexander
Kohut, who toiled witli almost superhuman energy from
youth to manhood, aye, even at the brink of his early
grave, in the workshop of science, need not have been per
petuated by a monument as stately as this , which the
greatest sculptors of thought have so ungrudgingly set in his
honor. For he himself has placed his monument in all the
great libraries of the world - - acre perennins.
This gathering of noted bookmen must, therefore, not be
regarded in the light of an apotheosis, though the united
homage of such high-priests of intellect sheds a peculiar
luster upon his name. He who exalts another, said the
Rabbis, is himself exalted. Thus, indeed, the halo of dignity
rests wholly upon them, whose scholarly sympathies are here
crystallized into thoughts that make them all kindred with
him, who has struggled and searched after truth, and in
searching, died for it. This work is a monument of their
learning and integrity !
The idea of compiling a memorial volume was not con
ceived by me. I deemed it my duty to interpolate my per
sonality only after the plan, as set forth by two of England s
greatest scholars had matured. The task of editorship was
too irksome to be entrusted to any one of the noted con
tributors, and as my studies led me to Berlin, where the
work was to be printed, it was but natural that I should
assume a burden that was both sweet and sad for me.
VI
The first impetus came from Professor 8. Schechter,
M. A., the learned Reader in Rabbinics at the University of
Cambridge. He it was who, some months after the decease
of my lamented father, suggested the propriety of publishing
such a collection, and acting upon his friendly advice, I in
vited the cooperation of several eminent scholars, among
them the Nestor of Indo-Germanic studies, Professor F.Max
Mil Her, of Oxford, who, I had hoped, would consent to
write the Introduction to the book. His prompt and kindly
offer to contribute an article, and his ready advice in matters
pertaining to the literary remains of my sainted father are
evidences not only of his unique greatness in science, but
also of his warm and generous heart as we have learned to
know it from his Doutsche Liebc and from the delightful
recollections now publishing (in Cosmopolis, 1896 97), wherein
he unbosoms an inner nature sublime and poetic, rightly in
herited from Germany s famous bard. I may be pardoned
for quoting a few sentences from his letters, dated January
1895, which encouraged me to continue the work I had
begun :
"I answer your letter at once , wrote he in reply to my
circular, "so as to prevent any delay in your plans. Allow
me to say at once that I am not allowed at present to read
or write much, and that it would be quite impossible for me
to undertake to write a preface to your Collection of Essays.
I hope to be able to contribute an essay but even that must
depend on the state of my health and the state of my eyes.
What I can do, I shall do gladly, particularly now that I
know that we shall have a collected edition of your learned
father s papers"
"I hope you will be able to go on with the literary
labours you have undertaken in memory of your eminent
father. I almost fear that my last letter did not reach
you for I had explained in it that I could not under
take to write an introduction to the volume of Essays, as I
am not sufficiently acquainted with the numerous works that
have issued from his pen. I am glad to see from your letter
VII
that you have not surrendered the idea of publishing a collec
tion of essays contributed by various writers in honor of your
distinguished father s memory. I saw a paragraph in a London
paper that a collection of such essays , all exclusively on
Semitic subjects, was in the press, and I thought in conse
quence that you had changed your original plan. Not hearing
from you and being pressed for other work, I put aside what
I had meant for your volume, but I shall now take it up
again and try to linish it as soon as possible. Only please
to remember I cannot work at 72 as I used to work at 27 !"
The essay contributed by the great linguist shows all
signs of youthful health. He still writes with elastic vigor
upon subjects which he alone knows how to vivify with the
current of lofty thought and ingenious conjecture. I must
add that his paper and that of Professor S teins chneide r
- the two pioneers of original research in Aryan and Semi
tic study - - were the first to reach me and are placed first
in the volume, as they embrace topics of general interest.
Professor Miiller subsequently wrote me that had he had
more time at his disposal, he would have made his article
far more complete.
Of the other contributions, which are alphabetically
arranged, little need be said, for they tell their own message.
and tell it well. Dr. Cyrus Adlcr, in his laudable zeal for
science, retold it elsewhere (Jewish Quarterly Eccicw, January
1896), but that docs not make it, we trust, a twice-told tale.
Several scholars, among them, Dr. H. Adler, Chief Rabbi of
England, Dr. /adoc Kalin, Chief Rabbi of France, Prof. W.
Bacher (Budapest), Dr. A. Berliner (Berlin), Salomon
B uber (Lemberg), Prof. D. Chwolsohn (St. Petersburg),
Canon S. R. Driver (Oxford), Prof. S. Fraenkel (Breslau),
Dr. M. Giidemann (Vienna), Prof. Paul Horn (Strassburg),
Prof. A. V W. Jackson (New York), Prof. D. Kaufmann
(Budapest), Prof. E. Kautzsch (Halle), Dr. S. Maybaum
(Berlin), Prof. F. Miihlau (Kiel), Prof. D. H. Miiller
(Vienna), Prof. Th. Noldeke (Strassburg), Prof. F. Prae-
torius (Halle), Prof. James Robertson (Glasgow), Prof.
VIII
A. H. Sayce (Oxford), Prof. B. Stade (Giessen), and Prof
C. P. Tiele (Leyden), have attested their fullest sympathy
with the undertaking and regretted, that owing to pressure
of official duty they could not contribute to the work. Thus
writes Prof. D. Chwolsohn:
"Ich bedauere sehr Ihrem Wunsche nicht nachkommen
zu konnen, so gerne ich auch mein Scherflein zum wohlver-
dienten Denkmal fiir Ihren unermiidlichen, mit so glanzenden
Erfolgen arbeitenden seligen Vater beitragen mochte. Ich
habe zAvei sehr dringende Arbeiten vor mir, die zu einer
bestimmten Zeit fertig sein miissen etc. etc."
"Den vorzeitigen Hintritt Ihres Herrn Vaters", writes
Prof. S. Fraenkel, "eines rastlosen und erfolgreichen
Arbeiters auf weiten Gebieten orientalischer Sprach- und
Alterthumskunde, muss Jeder mit Ihnen beklagen, und es ist
cin schoner Gedankc, ihm in einer Sammlung wissenschaftliclier
Abhandlungen efn Denfanal zu setzen. Wiirde mir die Mit-
theilung friiher zugegangen sein, so hiitte ich vielleicht Ihnen
einen kleinen Beitrag senden konnen; aber bis zu dem an-
gegebenen Termine ist es mir anderweitiger Arbeiten wegen
nicht moglich."
I can not forbear to cite the sympathetic lines of Prof.
James Robertson, of Glasgow University, whose learned
and ingenious exposition of the Early Religion of Israel is a
noble specimen of liberal and conservative scholarship :
"You could not have sent me a gift more prized for
itself", writes he, "than the Fourth Biennial Report of the
Jewish Theological Seminary, which reached me some time
ago. Doubly precious for the few lines from your own hand
inscribed upon it. Alas that the Report should contain your
lamented father s last contribution to the learning he did so
much to advance and to adorn. I value and shall always
treasure these gifts as memorials of one, who by his gen
tleness and sweetness of disposition shed a peculiar charm
upon the wondrous lore he had accumulated. You do me
much honour in asking me to contribute a short paper to
the memorial volume which is in contemplation. If I can
IX
at all carry out the intention, I should like to send something;
and nothing I can think of could be more in keeping with
the character of his own recent studies than some account of
the Oriental manuscripts in the Hunterian Museum of this
Univ&rsity. Not that the collection contains anything specially
in his own field - for 1 do not think it does; but there is
a miscellaneous gathering which has never been properly
catalogued, or only catalogued in such a Avay as to mislead.
And I have aften wished for an opportunity of making known
among scholars what the museum actually possesses of this
description. Unfortunately 1 am always very busy (luring- the
winter-months, as all our teaching work is compressed into
a winter -session; and therefore I can only provisionally
promise this paper. But I shall make all endeavours to fulfil
my promise, though for no other reason than for the satis
faction of beinfj associated with those who combine to lay a
little tribute on his tomb."
"I should be very happy", writes Prof. C. P. Tiele,
Holland s most distinguished scholar, "to write a paper for
the Memorial Hook you propose to publish, to do honor to
the memory of your deceased father. But I am so over
burdened by official duties and literary work, and am so deep
in debt to several Editors at home and abroad, that it is im
possible for me to cooperate, though I sincerely wish I could
write a few pages for your interesting collection .
know that I would be in exellent company and I honour the
name of your deceased father . . . who was known to me
since long by the suggestive articles he wrote on the relations
between Judaism and Parsism, and by other works of his
pen But indeed, at my time of life, with a rather
delicate health and with so much work to be done, it is im
possible to do more. I am just suffering under the fulfilment
of a promise inadvertently given! . Pray don t ascribe
my negative answer to your invitation, to a want of respect
for your father s memory, as I think very highly of his
talents, erudition and character, and of the work he has
done."
X
These letters, and many more, which lack of space
forbids me to cite, are indeed precious testimonials of
esteem and reverence. Such praise, according to a quaint, but
beautiful saying of the Rabbis, causes the lips of the dead
to move in the grave!
It is my painful duty to record the loss of one of the
most important contributions written especially for this
volume by Prof. Jules Oppert, Membre tie Vlnsti-
tut, of Paris. The Ms , covering 18 pages 8, entitled: Une
convention commcrciale de Tepoque a" Abraham, was lost
in transrnittance to the printers in Kirchhain N.-L. (Ger
many) and despite a most thorough search conducted by
the post-office authorities, it could not be located. I dare do
no more than openly express my infinite regret over this
unlucky circumstance and pray the distinguished veteran of
Assyriology to consider it not his loss, but that of the scho
larly world. In a private letter, dated February 14th 1896,
Prof. Oppert wrote as follows:
"Sie haben an mich die fur mich sehr schmeichelhafte
Bitte gerichtet, zu dcm Gedenkbuch Ihres seligen Herrn
Vaters oincn Beitrag zu liefern. Ich habe leider nicht die
Ehrc gehabt, den Verewigten selbst personlich zu kennen,
und habe in ihm nur den Herausgeber des Arucli Completion
schatzen gewusst, so wie die tiefe Kenntniss, die derselbe in
seinen Werken an den Tag gelegt. Die kindliche Pietat mit
der Sie Ihres Vaters Gedachtniss ehren wollen, hat mich er-
muthigt Ihrem Wunsche zu willfahren. Freilich erkenne ich
mir nicht die Autoritat zu, um eine Introduction zu den Ab-
handlungen zu schreiben, da die specifisch rabbinische Gelehr-
samkeit nicht mein besonderes Fach ist, und da zu eine solche
Leistung die Kenntnis der Personlichkeit selbst unbedingt
geboten ist. Aber ich sende Ihnen einen ganz originalen an
Entdeckungen reichen Artikel liber eine alte Inschrift aus dem
22. Jahrhundert vor der christlichen Zeitrechnung
The letter needs no commentary beyond another emphasis
of regret that so valuable a paper, of which the noted scholar
had no copy, should be irretrievably lost to science.
XI
A very learned and extensive monograph by the famous
Arabian traveller and epigraphist, Dr. Eduard G laser, now
sojourning in Muenchen, could not be included in this volume,
as its publication necessitated the personal supervision of its
author at the place of printing. It appeared separately, under
the title: Die Abessinier in Aralien und Africa (Muenchen,
1895). Prof. Derenbourg s article (see p. 122 5) is based
upon an inscription discovered by Dr. Glaser, to whose
kindness we are indebted for the facsimile.
I feel duty bound to state in this connection that two
valuable articles by Dr. M. ( J iidemann, Chief Kabbi of
Vienna, and Prof. Israel Levi of Paris reached me too late
for publication. They were subsequently devoted to an
equally noble purpose, that of doing homage to Prof. M.
Steinsehneider, on the occasion of his 80 th birthday (Cf.
Festschrift [Leipzig, 1896J, pp. 1 15; Mullah I Modtch, pp.
142-63).
An article, forwarded to me by the venerable Kabbi Dr.
Israel Hildesheimer, containing a few additions to the
Sefer Hassidim was considered by Dr. A. Berliner too
fragmentary for publication. Two further interesting contri
butions, one by the learned librarian of Parma, Abbe Pietro
Perreau, on the Commentary of Imman u el ben Shelorno
to Lamentations, published in 60 autographed copies in
1881 ), and the other, by the Kev. S. Ronbin, formerly of
San Francisco, entitled: A compendious description of the
Hebrew - Arabic Manuscripts in th<- Sutro Library in San
Francisco, could not be included in this work on account
of their extent (both circa 80 folio pages). The former,
though worthy of ^publication, is still accessible, and the
latter will most probably be incorporated in the author s larger
Catalogue, which is now ready for the press. It is to be
>; Comento sopra il volume de Trent (n=M rtae *) del Rdbbilm-
manuel ben Salomo romano inedito ed nnico trascritto e publicato da Pietro
Perreau. Secondo il codice cbreo-rabbinico derossiano No. 615. Parma
1881 (autografia), edizione di UO esemplari, propriety riservata. 1 page of
preface in Italian and 76 of Hebrew text in folio.
XII
hoped that he will not follow up his arguments regarding
the Maim oni die authorship of the Midrash haggadol,
to prove which he devotes 16 folio pages in his description
of the 25 copies in the Sutro library. Mr. Schechter s
edition of this Midrash is in the press and will appear shortly.
Mr. Salomon Buber. the master of Midrashic studies,
one of my lamented father s earliest friends, who has just
reached his three-score years and ten of blessed activity,
sent me early in 1895 his critical edition of Midrash Lekali-
Tob to Lamentations, for publication in this work. Unfortunately,
he was not aware that it has already been published as a doctor-
dissertation in Berlin, 1895, by Nacht (Tobia ben Eliesers
Kommentar zu Tlireni), in a manner however which leaves room
for Buber s superior edition (cf. Steinschneider in DLZ.,
1895, p. 141617). His subsequent offer to contribute his
critical edition of Yemen-Midrashim to the Book of Esther,
came too late for acceptance. To him and to the above named
scholars I herewith extend my grateful acknowledgments for
their kindness and courtesy.
It has been thought appropriate to give, instead of an
extentive biography, which is reserved for another occasion,
a brief character-sketch of the deceased, written by one who
knew and loved him well and whose delineation is indeed
true to life. The photograveure has been prepared from a
portrait taken in 1890, when suffering and disease had not
yet written lines and furrows upon his face. I should have
been glad to compile a bibliography of his writings, a resume
of which, with other biographical facts, is given in a little
memorial volume published in New York 1894, mentioned
below (p. XVIII). But such a task demands more time than
I had at my disposal this year, and besides, the necessary
materials for a complete list of his literary labors were not
within immediate reach. I hope to compile this bibliography
in the near future.
In conclusion I beg to state that the delay caused in the
publication of the Semitic Studies is due to the fact that
almost aU the contributors, who live at no small distance from
XIII
the place of printing, received proofs (some even 2 or 3)
of their articles. It is to be regretted that despite a careful
revision so many texts are disfigured by typographical errors,
besides those noted in the list appended to this work. I
ventured here and there, as also at the end of the work,
to add a few notes of my own for which alone I hold myself
responsible. They are usually marked by a square bracket
in the text and by the initials G.A.K. in the notes.
I can not close these prefatory remarks without a word
of thanks to Mr. Hugo Bloch, the worthy chief of the
publishing-house of S. Calvary & Co., who spared neither
labor nor expense to make this volume a fitting memorial
to the name and fame of Alexander Kohut.
Alexander Kohut,
Berlin, January 1897.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Editor s Preface V XIII
Alexander Kohut. Ein Charakterbild von Dr. Adolph Kohut XVII -XXXV
On Ancient Prayers (Extracts from Lectures delivered at Ox
ford) by Prof. F. Max Mailer 1-41
Lapidarien, ein cnlturgeschichtlicbcr Versuch von Prof. Moritz
Steinschneider 4272
The Cotton Grotto an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. With
notes on ancient methods of quarrying by Dr. Cyrus
Adler 7382
Die Polel- Conjugation und die Polal - Participien von Prof.
Dr. J. Earth 83-93
A Study of the use of nS and n^S in the Old Testament
by Prof. Charles A. Briggs, D. D 94 105
Die Ueberschrift des Buches Amos und des Propheten Heimat
von Prof. Dr. K. Budde 106110
The Book of Psalms, its orgin, and its relation to Zoro-
astrianism by Prof. T. K. Cheyne 111119
Le dieu Rimmon sur une inscription himyarite par Prof.
Hartwig Derenbourg 120125
Zur Bibel und Grammatik. 1. Kimchi oder Kamchi? 2. Er-
klarung von Amos VI, 10 von Rev. Dr. B. Felsenthal . 126138
Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew language. Kuzri II 67
to 80 by Rev. Dr. M. Friedlander 139-151
Spuren der palastinisch-ju dischen Schriftdeutung und Sagen
in der (Jebersetzung der LXX von Dr. Julius Fuerst . 152166
The oldest version of Midrash Megillah published for the
first time from a unique ms. of the X th century by Rev.
Dr. M. Gaster 167178
Quotations from the Bible in the Qoran and the Tradition
by Prof. M. J. de Goeje . . 179185
XV
PAGE
Translation of a Targum of the Amidah by Rev. Hermann
Gollancz, M. A 186-197
The Diction of Genesis VI IX by Prof. W. H. Green . . 198225
Renan fiber die spateren Formen der hebraischen Sprache
von Dr. Max Griinbaum 226 234
Q^fcTI ~\T\yh pnjjn by S. J. Halberstam 235 236
L enterrement de Jacob d apres la Genese par Prof. J.
Hale>y 237-243
cmron -on hy |iw nnjjD m b y P f - A - Harkavy . . 244247
Notiz iiber einen dem Maimuni untergeschobenen arabischen
Comraentar zu Esther von Dr. Hartwig Hirschfeld . . 248 253
An analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and CI by Rev. Dr. Marcus
Jastrow 254-263
The Testament of Job. An Essene Midrash on the Book of
Job reedited and translated with introductory and exe-
getical notes by Rev. Dr. K. Kohler 264338
Aegyptische nnd syrische Gotternamen im Talmud von Dr.
Samuel Krauss 339353
De la formation des racines triliteres fortes par Prof. Mayer
Lambert 354-362
Erklarung einer Talmudstelle von Geh. R. R, Prof. M. Lazarus 363-368
(DTC^n Djn r^NNjj -^o 1 ? meDin) c"n *hyz n~6ir,
by Dr. L. Lewysohn 369372
Marginalien zu Kohut s Aruch von Dr. Imanuel Low . . . 373 375
On the Arabic version of Aristotle s Rhetoric by Prof. D. S.
Margoliouth . . 376-387
Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to R. Sa adya Gaon
by Dr. A. Neubauer 388-395
Ueber die juedischen Colonien in Indian von Prof. Dr.
Gustav Oppert . , 396419
Correspondence botween the Jews of Malabar and New
York a century ago by George Alexander Kohut . . . 420 434
Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib" von Dr.
Samuel Poznanski 435456
La deuxiume ruine de Jericho par Theodore Reinach . . . 457462
Einiges iiber die Agada in der Mechilta von Dr. L. A.
Rosenthal 463-484
Notes on a Hebrew Commentary to the Pentateuch in a
Parma manuscript by Prof. S. Schechter M. A. ... 485494
Beitrage zur Geschichte der Bibel in der arabischen Littera-
tur von Dr. M. Schreiner , . 495-513
Mots grecs et latins dans les livres rabbiniques par Dr.
Moiise Schwab 514-542
Beitrage zur Lehre von dem zusammengesetzten Satze im
Neuhebriiischen von Prof. Dr. C. Siegfried 543556
Charakter der Semiten von Prof. Dr. H. Steinthal . . . 557559
(Jeber verloren gegangene Handschriften des Alten Testa
ments von Prof. Dr. H. L. Strack . 560572
XVI PAGE
The eleventh chapter of the Book of Daniel by Rev. Dr. ^ ^
0/cSrttS 184 W Rev. a Tavlo, DD., LL. ^ 6 01 -604
Die Hebraer in den Td-Amama-Bnefen von 1
Winckler 610-615
Addenda et Corrigenda
Alexander Kolmt
Kin Charakterbild
von
Dr. Adolph Kohut (Berlin).
Gott vergiebt der Seele ihrc Leiden und heilt ihre Krank-
lieiton, sagt der Psalmist. Noc-li jet/t, mebr als anderthalb
Jalire naeh dem am 2;). Mai 18)4 erfolgteu Ablebeu meines
innigstgeliebten Bruders Alexander, blutet /war mein Her/,
und niein Gemtith ist tief ergriffen, alx-r der Allerbarmer hat
nieine Scele ^etrostct und icli I an^v an /u gosunden, dass
icli cs (il)rr inich bringen kann, init wenigen Strichen das
Charakterbild drs Vci-rwi^tm xn zeiclinen. < )ft sct/tc ic-li
inich an den Schreibtisch , inn (ibrr das \\Vscn, die I*er-
stMilicbkcit des aeb! so friihzeitig Dalungerafften Kiniges den
Lesern dieses Gedeiikbuches /u er/alden, alter die seelische
Erschutterune war innner so gewaltig, dass ieli nic lil im
Stande war, meines Aintes, des ruhigen und sacbgeniiissen
Beurtheilers, /u walten. (Jepriesen seist du, trostbriugeude
Zcut, vers<")bnende gottlielie Vorseliun^, dass naeh und naeli
das Gefiild eiuer gewisstMi Entsagung an Stelle des unertrag-
lielieu Selimer/es und der rasenden Verzweiflung ^etreten
ist! Nun erst l)egreife ieh die Maliiiung Leopold Sehefers:
Oeduld, die aeli^ate der Tutfenden,
Ist nicht umsonst! Du kaufst aie nur durch Duldeu,
Auch nicht auf einmal wie cin andrcs Gut;
Alliniihlich wird aie doin durch Stillesein
Und Tragen, Liel>en, Hoffen und Ver/eihon.
Im wunderselioiien MonatMai, wenn alle Knospenspringen
und die Natur sieli vrrjiiiigt. und ilir grfinos Feiertagskleid
XVIII Adolph Kohut:
anzieht, hat dieser wahrhaft grosse und edle Mensch seine
Seele ausgehaucht; sie kehrte zu den blauen Himmelshohen
zuruck, denen sie entstammte. Die irdische Hiille gehort der
Verganglichkeit, der Vernichtung an, aber seine Psyche, sein
Genius, schwang sich zum Allvater hinauf als ein gottlich
Lebeiides, voll Friihlingsluft und Duft. Der Maimonat spielte
iiberhaupt cine gcwisse Kolle im Leben Alexanders: Am 4.
Mai 1842 erblickte er das Licht der Welt, im Mai 1886
verlobte er sich rnit seiner angebeteten zweiten Frau Rebecca,
der Tochter des Rabbiners Dr. Bettelheim in Baltimore, und
im Mai 1889 wurde sein Lieblings- und Schmerzenskind, die
siisse ,,Qual", aber auch der stolze Ruhm seines Erdendaseins,
der Arucli, fertig. Sein Gemiith war iibrigens allezeit wie
ein duftender Garten voll Maiblumen; es bliihten darin die
Maiglockchen der Zufriedenheit, des Gottvertrauens , der
Frommigkeit und Ergebung. . . .
Was mem Bruder als Gelehrter, Forscher, Rabbiner,
Prediger, Kanzelredner, Lehrer und Jugenderzieher geleistet,
ist manniglich bekaimt und wurde auch in den pietats-
vollen Blattern, welche mein Neffe George Alexander, der
iilteste Sohn Alexanders, zum Andenken seines Vaters zu-
sammengestellt hat, eingehend gewiirdigt 1 ). Seine herrlichen
menschlichen Eigenschaften, seine Tugenden und Charakter-
ziige, sein Verhalten zu den Eltern und Geschwistern, seine
Gattenliebe, sein imierstes Sinnen und Trachten, sein tiefes
Empmidungsleben all das ist jedoch nur wenigen Ein-
geweihten in seiner volleii Pracht zur Erscheinung gekommen,
denn Alexander liebte es nicht, die Gefiihle seines Herzens
auf den ofFenen Markt zu tragen. Nur 6 Jahre alter als ich,
hat er mir, obschon wir Jahrzehnte lang von einander getrennt
waren, doch allezeit sein Herz erschlossen, so dass ich darin
lesen koniite, wie in eiiiem offenen Buch.
Noch sehe ich ihn als Knaben und Jiingling vor mir.
l ) S. Tributes to the Memory of Rev. Dr. Alexander
Kohut. Published by Congregation Ahawath Chesed. New-
York, 1894. 8. S. VII -f 64.
Alexander Kohut. XIX
Er war bildschon, hatte ungemein treuherzige und ausdrucks-
volle grosse, feurige Augen, eine schlanke Gestalt, eine gar
sanfte Stimine und ein iiberaus anmuthiges Wesen. Es ist
kein Wunder, dass meine armen Eltern, die 13 Kinder be-
sassen und an deren Tisch Frau Sorge taglicher Gast war,
das Kind, welches nie klagte und nie unzufrieden war, sehr
liebten. Aber auch in Felegyhaza in Ungarn, wo er am 4.
Mai 1842 geboren wurde, und in Kecskemet, wohiu spiiter
meine Eltern mit dem Knaben zum dauernden Aufenthalt
sich begaben, machte der Kleine, trotz der armliehen Kleidung,
iiberall Aufsehen. Gar oft erzahlte mir meine Mutter, welch
furchterliche Herzensqualen sie durchmachen musste, weil
der Junge ihr wiederholt gestohlen wurde, und sie sich des-
halb stets fiirchtete, wenn Alexander einmal ohne Begleitung
ausgehen musste. Auf dem Markt bekam er von den
Weibern Obst und in den Conditoreien Kuclien geschenkt,
kurz, er wurde voii aller Welt verhatschelt, und es ist er-
staunlicli, dass er trotz alledem nie eitel war. Nur das eine
wusste er freilich als junger Mann, sowie in der Bliithe des
Lebens und iin reiferen Alter, ganz genau, dass ilm Apollo
auf die Stirne gekiisst, und es machte ilnn eine unschuldige
- Freude, sich im Ornut, in der Studirstube, iin Kreise
der Seinigen u. s. w. photographiren zu hissen. Selten
hat wohl eine so hohe, majestatische Gestalt, ein soldi edles,
klassisch geformtes Gesicht, eine, solche ideale Erscheinung
aberhaupt tune jiidische Kanzel geziert. Er, welcher im
Ghetto aufgewachsen war, zu eiiii i* Zeit, als man noch dem
Sohne Israels: Hep-Hep zurief und ihn mit Schmahworten,
wie: Zxidokolyolz (Judenbengel), tractirte, hatte in seinem
Aeussern und in seiner ganzen Eigenart nichts, was an die
iiblen Gewohnheiten der Ghetto-Insassen erinnerte. Vielleicht
lag das daran, dass Alexander, der meinem seligen Vater
aufs Haar glich, von diesem die stramme Haltung geerbt
hatte; denn mein lieber Vater ging noch als Greis hoch auf-
gerichtet und unternahm noch als Siebzigjiihriger eine Fuss-
wanderung von Kecskemet nach Wien, um den Kaiser und
Kc inig zu sprechen; 12 Jahre lang hatte er namlich dem
Adolph Kohut:
Kaiser Franz als Soldat gedicnt. Mein Brudcr hatte mit
Goethe sagen konnen:
Vom Vater habe ich die Statur.
Des Lebens ernstes Fiihren .
Das Sprachtalent, welches den genialen Orientalisten aus-
zeichnete, hatte er gleichfalls von unserem Vater geerbt, denn
dieser sprach geliiufig ungarisch, deutsch, slavisch, polnisch
und hebriiisch : genug, die Schonheit uud die Wiirdc, welche
Alexander stets eigen war en, machten ilm zum Liebling der
Menschen; und wie einst arme Leutc sich schon des Knaben
erfolgrcicli bedientcn, dam it er fur sic Almosen sammle, so
umlagerten sie ihn auch spiiter, weil sie wussten, dass ein
bittender Blick dieses Mannes nie seinen Zweck verfehlte.
,,Des Fleisses", sagt Lcssing, ,,darf sich jedermann
riilnnen". Von friihester Kindheit bis an sein im 52. Jahre
seines Lebens erfolgtes Dahinscheiden arbeitete er rastlos,
unentwegt, riicksichtlos, mit Ilintansetzung seiner Bequemlich-
keit, sci mer Gesundheit, zuwcilen auch seiner Familic. Ware
dies freilich nicht der Fall gcwcscn, so hatte er nicht so
zahlreichc, grundlegende, von ungeheurer Belesenheit und
Grundlichkeit zeugende Wcrke, Abhaiidliuigcn, Predigten etc.
in den let/ten drei Jahrzehnten schafFen kfinnen! Als hatte
er o-eahnt, dass er in der Vollkraft seines Lebens vom Sturm
o
der Welt entblattert werden solltc, war er unausgesetzt thiitig,
getreu dcm Motto: Nulla dies sine linea. Dieser bienenhafte,
iibermenschliche Fleiss musste scliliesslich seine riesenhafte
Constitution untergraben und ihn wider standsunf ah ig niachen,
als ilm ein tiickisches Leiden Jahre lang qualtc und
dem unheilbaren Siechthurn uberlieferte. Angesichts eines
solchen fast beispiellosen Eifers und Strebens war es kein
Wundcv, dass er schon als Jnngling als Spracliforscher,
Prediger und Talmudist eine hervorragende Stellung einnahui
und sich der Anerkennung der ausgezeichnetsten Gelehrten,
Forscher und Theologen zu erfreuen hatte. Als er mit 22
Jahren seine Doctordissertation: Ueber die judische Anydologie
und Damonologie in Hirer AWidngigkeit vom Parsismus der
Facultat in Leipzig iiberreichte, war der beriihmte Professor
Alexander Kohut. XXI
der morgenlandischen Sprachen an der dortigen Universitiit,
H ein rich Leberecht Fleischer, von dieser auf deni Ge-
biete der persischen Theologie und Sprachforschung epoche-
machcnden Schrift so sehr entziickt, dass er deni Verfasser
ein in den herziichsten Ausdriicken gehaltenes, begliiek-
wiinschendes Schreiben init deni Bemerken sandte, dass die
Facultat ilnn das Exainen erlasse und ilm /uni Dr. der
Philosophic honoris causa ernenne. Die Zettschnft der
Dcutschen Morgenlandischen GcscUschaft beeilte sieh, die
noch jetzt hoehst bedeutsame Monographic in ihren Abhand-
liuigen fur die Kundc des Morgenlandcs*) /inn Abdruek YA\
bringen. Professor Dr. Spiegel, der grusse I arsist, und
zahlreiche andere Gelehrte und Fnrsclier traten init ilnn in
einen regen Briefwechscl nnd wiirdigten ilm ihrer Freund-
sehaft . . . Friihzeitig wurde er aueli antorisii-tei- Ifalibiner
und I rediger, raseher als alle seine bislierigen ( 1 <Miiinilitnnen,
di< 1 an deni vmn Director Dr. /aeliarias FranUel s. /.
geleiteten Breslaner llabbincr-Seininar ilnv Aiislildung er-
haltiMi hatten. Kr brauelite keine sielien ,,inagere* .Jalire an
der genannten jiidischen Mochschule xu dienen, inn ,,ent-
lassen" und amtsfahig /u \vei-(len, sondern er liei selion i riilier
in den Ilat en d< s Rabbinats ein. Als einst ein Zr<--Iino- dieser
O r5
Lehranstalt bei dem erwiilinten Director sicli dan ihei- l>e-
schwerte, dass er so lange die. liiinke des Seminars drficken
miisse, wahrend Dr. Alexander Koliut nur verhiiltnissinassig
wenige Jahre an der Breslauer alma matvr Frankelscher
Stit tung studiert habe, meinte Dr. Frankel ironiscli: ,,,Ja, Dr.
Koliut, das ist etwas ganz anderes! Sie /iilileii bei ilnn nur
die Tage und liaben die - - Niiebte vergessen!"
Der schlagendste BewiMs eines fast iiuberhaften, iniirclien-
haften Fleisses ist das ilauptwerk seines Lebens : Aruch
Contplctum 2 ) Kin voiles Viertcljahrhundert arb(;itete er an
dieseni Riesenlexicon, dieser Colossalencyclopadie des Tal-
muds. Kauin hatte er die Reife des jManues erreiebt, niacbte
) Band IV, No. 3; erschien 1866 auch selbstandfg im Buchhandel
bei F. A. Brockhaus in Leipzig. S. 105.
-) Verlajy von S. Calvary & Comp. in Berlin.
Adolph Kohut:
er sich schon mit Lust und Begeisterung, die schliesslich
formlich in Fanatismus ausartete, an die Bewaltigung dieser
die Krafte eines Manncs eigentlich iibersteigenden Aufgabe.
Das im Jahre 1477 in Druck erschienene diirftige Lexicon
aller nichthebraischen Worter im Talmud, das Rabbi Nathan
ben Jechiel vcrfasste, erweiterte Alexander Kohut zu einem
gigantischen Monumentalbau der Wissenschaft, dem sich nur
wenige geistige Schopfungen unscres Jahrhunderts iiberhaupt
an die Seite stellen lassen konnen. Das Work besteht be-
kanntlich aus 8 Banden, die mehr als 4000 doppelspaltige
Folioseiten enthalten, einem Index und einem Supplementband.
Das ist keine blosse Bearbeitimg mehr, sondern eine selb-
standige Schopfung, die erst durch das Aufgebot einer grenzen-
losen Arbeitskraft ermogliclit werden konnte. Der auf 7
Aruchhandsehriften fussende Text ist mit seinen kritisch
gesichtcteii Lesarten und der mit der Etymologic uberein-
stimmendcn Fixirung des fremdsprachlichen Wortes darge-
legt. Die biblischen und talmudisch-midraschischen Belege
werden mit peinlichster Genauigkeit angegeben; die Sach-
erklarungen, soweit sic den alteren Quellcn entlehnt sind,
haben eine griindliche Priifung erfahren. Zahlreiche Artikel
von allgemeinem culturgcschichtlichen Interesse sind mono-
graphisch behandelt. Die Erklarung der Schulausdriicke und
die Feststellung der Etymologic sind besondere Grlanzseiten
des Kohut schen Aruch Complettmi. Selbst der Index bietet
das Beispiel eines seltenen Gelehrtenfleisses; denn er ent-
halt in 19 Kapiteln alle Bibel-, Talmud-, Targum- und
Midrasch-Stellen, welche im Aruch vorkommen, sowie den
Nachweis der Quellen, aus denen Rabbi Nathan schopfte.
Nicht in Ruhe und behaglicher Musse hat mein Bruder
diese talnmdische Encyclopadie geschafFcn, er war vielmehr
fortwahrend als amtirender Rabbiner, Kanzelredner und Schul-
mann iiber die Massen in Anspruch genommen und entfaltete
noch iiberdies eine sehr fruchtbare literarische Thatigkeit.
Er sass gewohnlich bis 3 Uhr Nachts in Stuhlweissenburg,
Fiinfldrchen, Gross wardein und Newyork -- in diesen Stadten
waltete er nacheinander als Seelsorger an seinem Schreib-
Alexander Kohut. XXIII
tiseh und forschte und schrieb mit riihrender Emsigkeit. Mit
erstaunlicher Willenskraft begabt, wurde er selbst in seinem
letzten Lebensjahre noch seiner furchtbaren physischen
Schmerzen Herr und liess sich von seinen Qualen nicht ab-
halten, vorwiirts zu eilen auf dem Meere der rabbinisch-
talmudischen Lexicographic.
Jahr aus Jahr cin hatte der Beobachter iin Ilause ineines
Bruders cin reizendes, eigenartiges Schauspiel wahrnehmen
konnen. Eine graziose, jugendliche Miidchengestalt, die dem
rastlosen Forscher iinverkennbar ahnlich sail, schlieh in der
Naeht gegen 3 Ulir auf den Fussspitzen ins Studirzinimer
und setzte, einen innigen, liebenden Blick auf <len sie kaiiin
beachtenden Gelehrten werfend, cinigc. Erfrischungen auf den
Schreibtisch ihres Vaters. Mechaniscb griff er danaeli, liess
sieh aber iin Uebrigen in seiner Arbeit nieht strren. Ks war
dies Valerie Knluit, cine seiner T<k hter ....
Doeli di(^ Berufsarbeitcn waren es nielit allein, welelie
so oft hemmend in die Aruch-Thatigkeil Alexanders ein-
griH en, sondern aueh die Miihen und Snrgen, inn Abonncntcn
und Miieene zu finden, dnreh deren Eiilfc es cnnoglicht
werden sollte, das kostspielige Werk erscheinen zu lassen.
Er correspondirte zu dieseni Helmfe mit zahlrcichcn Gelehrten
im Allgemeinen und Orientalisten insbesondcre, fcrner mit
Behorden und allerlei Privaten, aueh bcreiste er Deutschland,
Frankreich, Belgien, Holland, England und Amerika, um
,,Mensehen" zu suchen, d. h. rinnuer der Wissenschaft, der
jiidisehen Wissenschaft! Kr war nicht. allein Verfasser,
sondern aueh sein eigMier Buchhalter, Correspondent, Corrector
und bis einigc Jahre vor seinem Tode aueh sein Verleger!
Ich wiirdc cin dickcs Buch schreibcn miissen, wollte ich alle
die Ilindcrnissc schildern, wclchc er beseitigen musste, und
alh- die Entbehrungen andcuten, die er und seine Familie sieh
Jahr/ehnte hindurch aufzuerlegen gezwungen waren, bis end-
lich der Aruch nach und naeh publicirt werden konnte.
lufandum, reyina, jubes renovare dolorem! .... Ach, di(^
jiidische Wissenschaft ist ja noch immcr das Aschenbrodcl
des Publikuiris und der Miieene - - die wenigen riihnilichcn
XXIV Adolph Kohut:
Ausnahmen bestiirken imr die Regel! Anerkennung und Ehre
gebiihrt daher u. A. der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissen-
schaften in Wien, der konigl. ungarischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften in Budapest, dem konigl. preussisclien Cultus-
ministeriurn in Berlin, den Baronen Rothschild und Konigs-
warter in Wien, dem Sir Moses Montefiore in London, J. H.
Schiff Esq., und anderen noblen Protectoren in Newyork fur
die hochherzige Unterstiitzung, welehe sie dem Herausgeber
des Aruch angcdeihen liessen! Ohne sie ware dieses Werk
wahrscheinlich nie ersehienen.
Dieses Schmerzenkindes wegen verliess * er sogar sein
geliebtes Vaterland, wo man ilm mit Eliren iiberhaufte, und
wo er eben dem Vorschlag des ungarischen Cultusministers
gemass, als der einzige unter alien Rabbi.iern Ungarns, einer
Allerhochsten Berufung ins Magnatenhaus entgegensah, und
siedelte niit seiner zahlreichen Familie naeh Newyork iiber,
urn als Seelsorger an die Spitze der dortigen Ahawath Chesed-
Gemeinde zu treten. Der Ruf amerikanischer Liberalitat und
Noblesse loekte ihn naeh der Hauptstadt der Vereinigten
Staaten, um dort endlieh sein Lebenswerk zu vollenden und
es der Oeffentliehkeit zu iibergeben - und diese seine Hoff-
nung hatte ihn nieht getiiuscht.
Die grosste Freude im Leben meines Bruders bildete
Mai 1889, als er um 1 Uhr Naehts seine Schatz-
kammer der jiidisehen Wissensehaft handsehriftlich vollendet
vor sieh sah. Obsehon bereits leidend, erhob er sieh dennoeh
elastiseh von seinem Stuhle und betete, seiner Gewohnheit
emass, mbrtinstig zu Gott dem Allmaehtigen und Allweisen
erne Gestalt riehtete sieh, wie in den fruheren Jahren, als
eh seme reekenhafte, imposante Erseheinung an den KoiuV
Saul gemahnte, der von Sehulter aufwarts alles Volk
uberragte, hoeh auf, seine Augen leuehteten, und ein
chimmer unaussprechHeher, grenzenloser Freude verklarte
sem Antlitz. Dann rief er nut Stentorstinnne : ,,Kinder,
Kinder, kommt zu mir herauf." Und sie kamen alle, denn
t grosster Ungeduld hatten sie sehon den Moment erwartet,
wo der geliebte Vater sie zu sieh entbieten wiirde; urn 8 Uhr
Alexander Kohut. XXV
Abends, mich Tiseli, liatte er sie gebeten, nieht elier ihr
Lager aufzusuchen, als bis er ihnen von tier bald erfolgten
Fertigstellung ties Aruch erst Kuutle geben wiirde .
Unvergesslich wird alien Theilnehinern jene weihevolle, er-
sehutternde Stunde sein, als er die Hand eines jeden seiner
Kinder ergrift , dainit sie die Schlussworte init der von iliin
gel iihrten Feder sehreibe. Er sprach wunderbar geistvoll
uiul tiefsinnig bei diesem Anlass, Lndem er das betreffende
Wort stets syniboliseli erklarte und an jeden Einzelnen ( v ine
zu Her/en gehende Ansprache richtete. Er verstand es
meisterhal t, daran die Eigenschaften seiner Knaben nnd
Madchen zu kniipfen und zn erlautern. Natiirlieli unterliess
er es aueb nieht hervorzuheben, dass bei all seiner gewaltigen
Liebe zu seiner Fainilie der Arwh dennocli scin FLrstlings-
und Lieblingskind sci. Das let/tr Wort sehrieb Valerie,
welebe, wie gesagt, dm Vater stets wie ein ^-iiter (Jfiiins
unisebwebte.
- Meine gute Valeric, dn innsst selxm einm besonderen
Lohn nnd eine besondere Klire liabj-n, dcnn dn linst nn-lir
gctlian t iir inieli als all* drinr ( ieseliwister: Dir ^-ebiilirt
das Seldusswort.
Es lautete: iOnn == jJinieke".
- .Ja, liebes Kind, t nlir ilir Vater tort, dn liast selir
wahr ereschrieben : ..Uriieke". Dn bildest in der Thai die
O
Briit ke /wisehen Lebni nnd Tod, zwisehcn Materialisnuis nnd
Idealisinus; hiittest dn nieht t iir im-inc h-iblielu- Nalii-img
tresorirt, so wiire vielleicht inein Lebenslieht friiher er-
~ O /
Er kiisste, dann innig seine Kinder nnd weinte, von seinen
Enipiindungen uberwaltigt, lange nnd schinerzlieh .
Wie die Liebe zur Photographic eine kleine Schwache
meines lirnders war, so hattt; <;r es ungeniein gern, \venn seine
\V<-rko gelobt warden. Eine gute. oder gar glanzende Kritik,
ii.-tiiK iitlieli von berutener, beriilnnter Feder, oder briefliche
AiH i-kcmiiung inaehte ilin gliicklich, wiihrend ilin eine ab-
I iilli-v Px^precluing Tage, ja sogar Woeln-n lang ve.rsti ..... len
und niede.rseldagen koiiutc. Speeiell wenn man seinen Aruch
XXVI Adolph Kohut:
schlecht machte, wurde er ganz schwermiithig. Er, der nie
Jemandem etwas Boses zufiigen konnte, der stets geneigt
war, ehcr zu loben als zu tadeln, und der nie die Grenzen
der Sachlichkeit iiberschritt, konnte es nicht begreifen, dass
es boshafte, neidische und beschrankte Collegen und Zunft-
genossen giebt, die sicli von ganz anderen als objectiven
Griinden leiten lassen. Zum Gliick waren die Norgler und
Krittler in der Minoritat: die hervorragendsten jiidischen und
christlichen Gelehrten und Forscher der alten und neuen
Welt reichteji ihni willig die Palme der Anerkennung fiir
seine unsterblichen, selbstlosen, opferfreudigen und nur der
F(")rderung und den Fortschritten der Wissenschaft gewid-
meten Leistungen.
Am Grabe des grossen Forschers und Menschen ver-
stinninte der Hass der kleinen Kritikaster, und seinen Hinter-
bliebenen gewahrte es eine gewisse freudige Genugthuung,
dass die politische und Fachpresse diesseits und jenseits des
Oceans den Verdiensten Alexander Kohuts vollste Anerkennung
zollte und besoriders die literariseh-wissenschaftliche Trag-
weite des Aruch gebiihrend hervorhob. Die Verehrung, deren
sicli mein Bruder allenthalben erfreute, kam u. A. auch in
den zahlreiehen Condolationsschreiben an seinen Sohn George
Alexander Kohut zum Ausdruck, und ich kann es mir
nieht versagen, aus der grossen Fiille der schonen und liebe-
vollen Brief e unserer Geisteshelden einige wenige Ausziige
h ier mitz titheilen :
,,Das grosse Werk Aruch" y schreibt Prof. Bartli in
Berlin, ,,hat keinen warmeren Verehrer als mich, und ich
nehme sehr oft Veranlassung, diese grossartige Leistung
meinen Horern in ihrer vollen Bedeutung zu preisen".
,,Welche Gelehrsamkeit ist mit dem trefflichen Mann",
ruft Prof. Kautzsch in Halle a. 8. aus, ,,den ich mit dem
weitesten Kreise der Fachgenossen seit Jahren obwohl
personlich unbekannt verehrt habe, nach Menschengedenken
zu friih zu Grabe gegangen!"
,,Vous avez perdu", sagt Graziadio Ascoli,, ,,le meilleur
Alexander Kohut. - XXVIT
des peres et la science du Judaisme un representant des plus
illustres. Les regrets en seront universels".
Auch das vorliegende Gedenkbuch, in welchem so viele
weltberiihmte Forscher ihre Geistesschatze niedergelegt haben,
ist gleichsam eine Collectivhuldigung unscrer wissenschaft-
lichen Celebritaten fiir die Mancn dieses Helden der Wissen-
schaft.
Nachdem das Lebcnswerk meines Bruders tertig war
uiid die ersten Zeichen eines inneren schweren Leidens sicli
gezeigt hatten, drang seine Gattin wiederholt in ilm, sicli
endlich Ruhe zu gonnen und sicli mehr seiner Faniilie YA\
widmen. Die Beredsamkeit seiner Lieben verfelilte ja in
gewissem Grade ihre Wirkung nicht aufihn, aber dies dauerte
nur kurze Zeit: die Arbeit, d. h. die. rastlose, nie stillestehende,
leidenschaftliche Arbeit, war ilnn bereits zur zweitcn Nairn-
geworden, und er konnte davon niclit nielir lassen. Kr
sclirieb seitdein bekanntlieh noch nichrere bedeutsaine wissen-
schaftliclie Abliandlungen, die, zuineist iin I rograinni des von
ilun mitbegriindeten Newyorker Rabbiner-Seminars enthalten
sind, edirte Predigten und sammelte Material zu umfassenden
Werken, die ilin sehr lebliaft beschaftigten, so z. P>. eine
Geschichte der neuhebrdischcn Literatur, em persisch-talmudisches
Glossar, u. m. a.
Sein Fleiss zeigte sieh auch in der Beantwortung von
Privat- und wissenschaftlichen Briefen. Er lultte die gr(")ssten
Gewissensbisse empfunden, wenn er literarische Anfragen,
die aus aller Herren Lander an ilm gerichtet wurdon, nicht
mit moglichster Schnelligkeit erledigt hatte. Seine Antworten
zeichneten sich durch grosse Griindlichkeit und Wahrhaftig-
keit aus und hatten zuweilen den Unifang von Monographien
und Broschtiren. Bewunderungswiirdig waren dabei seine
Sprachkenntnisse. Er correspondirte in mehreren orientalischen
und europaischen Sprachen. Als er 1885 nach Newyork kam,
war er des Englischen nur massig machtig, aber schon nach
wenigen Jahren schrieb und sprach er vorziiglich englisch
und predigte vortrefflich in dieser Sprache.
Hand in Hand mit diesem beispiellosen Fleisse ging seine
XXVIII Adolph Kohut:
Gewissenhaftigkeit, und nicht nur auf wissenschaftlichem Ge-
biete, sondern auch ini Leben. ,,Ein Mann ein Wort"
war bei ihm keine Phrase, sondern die vollste Wahrheit.
Sein Wort war ihm heilig, und sein gegebenes Versprechen
hielt er pedantisch genau. Unwahrheit, leere Ausfliichte,
Nothliigen waren ihm in der tiefsten Seele verhasst, und sie
konnten ihn aus seiner Geniiithsruhe bringen. Der kate-
gorische Imperativ der Pflichterfullung beherrschte ihn ganz
und gar. Als er schon todtkrank war, schleppte er sich noch
zinn Newyorker Rabbiner-Seminar, um den jungen Theologen
Unterriclit zu ertheilen, und als er sein Krankenlager nicht
mehr verlassen konnte, entbot er die Herren Candidaten in
sein Hans. Willig gab er einige seiner Amter auf, nur um
die heranwachsende rabbinisehe Jugend im Talmud, in der
inidraschischen Exegese und in der Religionsphilosophie
unterweisen zu kdnnen . . . Aeh, die kranken Augen ver-
sagten bereits den Dienst - aber sein Gedachtniss trotzte
vielfach dem schweren Leiden; wie der geniale Schachspieler,
der blind spielt, so wusste er ganz genau, wo diese oder
jene Stelle im Talmud, in der Mischna oder im Midrasch steht.
Fiir seine Studenten opferte er sich auf. Die Vortrage,
wclche er ihnen hielt, waren ihm die liebsten, und wenn
Eiuer sich in Noth befand, fand er seinen Meister stets bereit,
init Rath und That zu helfen. Genau und sparsam, gab er
Talmudisten und Gelehrten iiberhaupt dennoch stets mit
vollen Ilanden, obschon er im Allgemeinen fur seine Wohl-
thaten nur selten Dank erntete.
Neben dem Aruch, seiner Familie und der Wissenschaft
hatte er iiichts auf Erden so gern wie das Buch. Er liebte
die Biicher zartlich und innig, und es bereitete ihm die grosste
Frende, schone und gute Bilcher zu sammeln, sie hiibsch
(^inbinden zu lassen und sie mit verliebten Blicken zu be-
trachten. Er steckte ein grosses Vermogen in seine Bibliothek,
und die von ihm hinterlassene gehort zu den bedeutendsten
Privatbibliotheken der Union. Mt Stolz und Freude zeigte
er Gasten seine broschirten und gebundenen Sprosslinge und
pflegte dann zu sagen:
Alexander Kohut. XXTX
- Sie sehen, ich habe ein negatives Kapital! Ich habe
immer eine grosse Familie und kein Geld, dafiir aber stets
viele Biicher gehabt.
Er behiitete aber auch dieselben wie seiucn Augapfel.
Er, der sonst keine neidisclie Ader besass, missgonnte Einem
gewissermassen gute Biicher, und mich, der nnr wenige
Biiclier sein eigen nannte, pries or, als er niich vor einigen
Jahren, aus Karlsbad kommend, in Berlin besuchte, gliicklich,
dass ich den von Dore illustrirten ,,Rasenden Roland" besitze,
da er ihn nicht hatte . . .
Als die, Aerzte im Jahre 1893 ilnn erkliirten, dass er
operirt werden miisse, bat er sie instandigst, die Operation
in seinein Studirzimmer vorzunehmen.
- Ich habe hier, nieine Ilerren, sagte er, ineine gn issten
Freuden erlebt, ich will deslialb auch liier meine gnissten
Qualen durchkosten.
Leider konnte man seinen Wunsch nicht erfiillen ; al)cr
kauin liatte er die Krankenstube verlassen, schleppte er sicli
schori auf zwei Kriicken in sein geliebtes Studirzimmer und
weinte l)eiin Anblick seiner Biicher wie ein Kind.
Ich habe schon erwahnt, dass Alexander kein walirer
Solin unserer Zeit war, da er sicli durcli ausserordentliclie
Bescheidenheit auszeichnete. Stets war er bereit, Anderen
Gereclitigkeit und Elire, zuweilen in den iiberschwenglichsten
Ausdriicken, zu Theil we.rden zu lassen, wiihrend er sieli
schiichtern und zaghaft im Hinte.rgrundc^ hielt. (Jar manclies
Talgliclit sah er fur ein lumen mundi an ? und manchen mittel-
massigen Gelehrtcn nannte er eincm ^113 cm. Es liing
dies init seiner edlen, cntlmsiastischcn Natur zusammen,
welche nur die Strahlen und den Glanz, nicht aber aucli die
Flecken der Sonne gewahrte. Moglicher Weise wirkten aucli
die Jugendeindriicke fort, da ich glciclifalls oft in diesen
Fehler verfalle. Wer nie sein Brod mit Thranen ass, wer
nie die kumniervollen Nachte weincnd an seiuem Bette sass,
der kennt nicht jenes gedriickte, zaghafte Gcfiihl des Armen
und Elenden, dessen Selbstbewusstsein in der harten Schule
XXVIII Adolph Kohut:
Gewissenhaftigkeit, und nicht nur auf wissenscbaftlichem Ge-
biete, sondern auch im Leben. ,,Ein Mann - - ein Wort"
war bei ilim keine Phrase, sondern die vollste Wahrheit.
Sein Wort war ihm hcilig, und sein gegebenes Versprechen
bielt er pedantisch genau. Unwahrheit, leere Ausfliichte,
Nothliigen waren ihm in dor tiefsten Seele verhasst, und sie
konnten ihn aus seiner Gemuthsruhe bringen. Der kate-
gorische Imperativ der Pflichterfiillung beherrscbte ihn ganz
und gar. Als or sclion todtkrank war, schleppte er sich noch
-turn Newyorker Rabbiner- Seminar, uni den jungen Theologen
Unterricht zu ertheileu, und als er sein Krankenlager nicht
inehr verlassen konnte, entbot er die Herren Candidaten in
sein Hans. Willig gab er einige seiner Amter auf, nur uni
die, heranwachsende rabbinisehe Jugend im Talmud, in der
midraschischen Exegese und in der Keligionsphilosophie
nnterweisen zu konnen . . . Aeh ? die kranken Augen ver-
sagten bereits den Dienst - - abej- sein Gedachtniss trotzte
violfiicli dein schweren Leiden; wie der geniale Schachspieler,
der blind spic.lt, so wusste er ganz gonau, wo diese oder
j ene Stelle im Talmud, in der Misehna oder im Midrasch steht.
Fiir seine Studenten opferte er sieh auf. Die Vortrage,
welche er ihnoii hielt, waron ihm die liebsten, und wenn
Kiner sich in Notli bofaud, fand er seinen Meister stets bereit,
mit Rath und That zu helfen. Genau und sparsam, gab er
Talnmdisten und Gelehrten iiberhaupt dennoch stets mit
vollen Jltinden, obschon er im Allgemeinen fur seine Wohl-
thaten nur selten Dank erntete.
Neben dem Aruch, seiner Familie und der Wissenschaft
hatte er niehts auf Erden so gern wie das Buch. Er liebte
die Biieher zartlich und innig, und es bereitete ihm die grosste
Freude, schone und gute Biieher zu sammeln, sie hiibsch
einbinden zu lassen und sie mit verliebten Blicken zu be-
trachten. Er steckte ein grosses Vermogen in seine Bibliothek,
und die von ihm hinterlassene gehort zu den bedeutendsten
Privatbibliotheken der Union. Mit Stolz und Freude zeigte
(3r Gasten seine broschirten und gebundenen Sprosslinge und
pflegte dann zu sagen:
Alexander Kohut. XXIX
- Sie sehen, ich habe ein negatives Kapital! Ich habe
immer erne grosse Familic und kein Geld, dafur aber stets
viele Biicher gehabt.
Er behiitete aber auch dieselben wie seinen Augapfel.
Er, der sonst keine neidisclie Ader besass, missgonnte Einem
gewissermassen gute Biicher, und mich, dor nur wciiige
Biicher sein eigen nannte, pries er, als or mich vor einigen
Jahren, aus Karlsbad kommend, in Berlin besuchte, gliicklich,
dass ich den von Dore illustrirton ,,Rascndcn Roland" besitze,
da er ihn nicht hatte . . .
Als die Aerzte im Jahre 1893 ihm erklarten, dass er
operirt werden miissc, bat er sie instiindigst, die Operation
in seinem Studirzimmer vorzunehmen.
- Ich habe hior, ineine Ilorren, sagte er, ineine gnisston
Freuden erlebt, ieh will doshalb auch hier ineine gnissten
Qualen durchkosten.
Leider konnte man seinen Wtinsch nielit erfiillrn ; al)er
kaum hatte er die Krankenstube verlassen, schleppte er sich
schori auf zwei Kriicken in sein geliel)tes Studir/immer mid
weinte beim Anblick seiner Biicher wie ein Kind.
Ich habe schon erwahnt, dass Alexander kein wahror
Sohn tin sorer /oit war, da or sieh dnreli ansserordcntliclie
Bescheidonheit auszeichnete. Stets war or bereft, Andoron
Gerechtigkeit und Khro, zuwoilon in den iiberschwonglichsten
Ausdriicken, /u Theil werden /u lassen, wahrend <^r sieli
schiichtern und zaghat t im Ilintergrunde, liiolt. dlar manclies
Talglicht sah er fur ein lumen mnndi an, nnd manclien mittel-
miissigen Gelehrtcn nannte er einon ^na cm. Es h ing-
dies mit seiner edlen, enthusiastischen Natnr znsammen,
welclie nur di(3 Stralilen und den Glanz, nicht aber ancli die
Flecken der Sonne gewahrte. M<")glicher Weise wirkten aucli
die Jugendeindrticke fort, da icli glciclifalls oft in diesen
Fehler verfalle. Wer nie sein Brod mit Thranen ass, wer
nie die kummervollen Nachtc wcincnd an seinem Bette sass,
der kennt nicht jenes gedriickte, zaghafte Gefiihl des Armen
und Elenden, dessen Selbstbewusstsein in der harten Schule
Adolph Kohut:
des Lebens ordeutlich in s Schwanken geriith, inauchmal sogar
zerrieben wird ....
Mit dieser Charaktereigenschaft Alexanders hing aucli
sein besonders scharf ausgepriigtes Pietatsgeftihl zusammen.
Er war ein begeisterter Verehrer aller wahrhaft gross en
Manner in Israel, deren Namen er stets init Elirfurcht nannte,
uiul er zeigte sich iminer als den pietatvollsten Sohn und
Schiiler, welchcn man sicli nur denken kann. Wie abgottiseh
liebte er seine Eltern! Wiederholt reiste er von Ainerika
nach Kecskemet zu unserer greisen Mutter, die leider im Sept.
1895 im 88. Lebensjahre starb, mn sich von ihr segnen zn
lassen, mid er schloss sich oft Stunden lang in seineni Zinimer
ein, urn vor dein Portrait unseres iin 75. Lebensjahre uns
eutrissenen Vaters zn weinen. Die Tabaksdose unseres Vaters
init der Erde ans Jerusalem trug er stets als Amulet bei sich.
Als er 1890 nach Europa ging, brachte er auch vom Grabe
des Vaters Staub mit, welcheii er gleichfalls pietatvoll verwahrte.
Er pflegte oft zn sagen, dass ihm das alte und abgerissene
Gebetbuch seiner Mutter kostbarer sei, als seine ganze
Bibliothek. Ebenso ausserte er sich, wenn man sich dariiber
wunderto, dass er sich vor dein Bilde des Vaters schluchzend
hinwerfe: Tan send Meilen wiirde ich kriechen, urn nur von
ihm Schliige zu bekommen!"
Ffir seine Talmudlehrer in Kecskemet, den Rabbiner
Fischmann und Rabbi Gerschom Levinger, hatte er eine
grosse Verehrnng, und nie besuchte er die Stadt seiner Eltern
und Geschwister, ohne deni - - einnehmenden Wesen dieses
Pilpulisten nach Gebiihr Rechnung zu tragen. An Director
Dr. Frankel und Prof. Dr. H. Graetz hing er allezeit mit
schwarnierischer Liebe, und dass er anlasslich des 70. Ge-
burtstages des Letztgenannten sein in Ainerika gesammeltes
Scherflein zu dessen Ehrengabe beitragen konnte, gewahrte
ihin eine ausserordentliche Freude. Ein lobendes Wort aus
dem Munde seiner Lehrer niachte ihn iibergliicklich.
Mit semen Lehrern der morgenlandischen Sprachen an
der Breslauer Universitat, Schmolders und Magnus, war
er bis zu deren Tod innig befreundet und stand mit ihnen
Aloxiimlor Kolmt. \\XI11
Operation in Newyork die Sonne seines se^cnreichen
Lobens nci^ to sich /inn Niodcrgang. llcroisch wehrte sich
/war seine eiscrne Willenskratt nnd sein hercnlischer Korper
^egen die i\I, : ichte der liiekisehen Vcruichtllllg, doch er war
leider nicht mehr /n retten! . . .
Nun y.eirto sieh auf s None der antike (Miarakter dieses
Mamies. Ot)Bchon die Geineinde ihn voin Oienste heiirlanbte
und seine Fainilie nnd FYoundci ihn (Iriuguild baton, sich /u
schonen, BclllepptO er sich doch noch inanelnnal niiihsain /.inn
Tempo) nnd predigte, so groHHJirtig, so hinreissend, wie ka.nni
Hchoner in seinen gesundoston Ta^en. Seine gcMHtigr Kraft
war ehen intact ^ebliehen, nnr lilt er hier nnd da an <!<
daehtnisssehwache. Minst liatte er anl der Kan/el cine /n
Ilause knnst^erecht aus^^ arheitete lu % de ein ^ewissen
halter Kan/elrednei , jille^te er /.n sa^en, nnisse sich stels
OrgfUltig vorbereiten lialtcn \\nllen, als er /,n seineni
Schrecken boincrkto, duss er sie ^-an/. ver^vssen hatte. K . isch
illljirovisirte er jedoch eine nene, die i;l;in/,end ^elail^. I I lu r
hanpt \var< ii \ on jeher /iindende hnprovisatioiK ii ein< he
sondere Stiirke ineines lrnders, der ein Ivedner von (J||es
Qnadcn ^ iiannl. wer<len knnte.
Mit l>eispie||oser (lednld nnd Kr^t bun^ ertrn^ er seine
liainenloscn Sehnier/en. Nie k.-nn em I, .-ml der Kla^ e niter
die VorsebllDg ans seineni Munde. Mr nnisse, s<> niemle er
vielniehr, ein grosser Siinder sein, nnd er halie die Leiden
gr.wiss verdient. Ms niaehte ihni willireiid seiner trail ri^ cn
Krankheit das lehhai teste Ver^nii^ en, iiher das .lenseils nnd
die Auferstehnng init seiner Mamilic sieh philosophiHch /n
unterhnltcn.
IHDli sollte das 25jilbrigu Anitsjnbiliinni /Mexanders slatt-
fiinh-n, 1H07 war er /inn Kabbiner in StiililwcinHiMiburg
(Ungani) ^ wiihlt worden , nnd alb- Well, le^-jo es ihni
nahe, diesis Mrei^niss lestlich /.n be^ehen. Mi- ;iber (U klllrto
sich ailfs EntschledonstO ^e j en eine solehc P eier, \velehe /n-
ineist nnr Mitelkeits- nnd lieclaific/wockot] <liene. Sein he
oheidener Sinn striiubte sich eben ^e^en jede selbstherb< i i-
geflihrte Ovation oder Beweiliriluc liemng, Von Anfaiig stiinor
XXXIV Adolph Kohut:
Latifbahn bis an sein Lebensende huldigte er der Devise,
welche er miter seiner allerersten Photographic anbrachte:
,Man hat dir verkiindet, o Mensch, was gut ist, deim was
fordert der Ewige, Dein Gott, von dir, als auf Recht halten,
Licbe iiben und demiithig wandeln vor Deineni Gott".
(Micha VI, 8.)
Am 20. Marz 1894 starb bekanntlich Ludwig Kossuth,
der Exgouverneur von Ungam, der besonders in Amerika
einen uberaus volksthitmlichen Namcn hat. In nieineni armen,
todtkranken Bruder erwachtc das schluinmemde patriotische
Gefiihl, und er Hess es sich nicht nehnien, obschon er hiii
und her taumelte und nur iiberaus qualvoll sich vorwarts be-
gcben konnte, an eineni Sonnabcnd in seinen Tempel sich
zu bcgeben, um der Trauerfeierlichkeit zu Ehren Kossuths
beizuwohnen. Er versicherte seinen Angehorigen hocli und
theuer. nicht sprechen zu wollen. Nach deni Gottesdieust
wankte er zur Kanzel; statt des iiblichen Segens jedoeh hielt
er cine geistreichc, nammende Rede iiber Ludwig Kossuth
und sein Yerhaltniss zum Judenthum, die alle Zuhorer ent-
ziickte. Kauin hattc <T das h^tzte Wort gesprochen, bracli
er ohnniUchtig zusammen und musste nach seiner Wohnung
gebraclit wcrden. Er war fast gelahmt. Es ging uiit ihin
zu Ende.
Wie cin Feldherr auf dem Schlachtfelde, so starb er
gleichsani auf der geweihten Stiitte seiner Thatigkeit : er starb
als Seelsorger und als Patriot.
Er solltc sich von seineni Krankenlager nicht mehr er-
heben - - schon nach wenigen Wochen hatte das edle Herz
des Lieblings der Gotter und der Menschen zu schlagen auf-
gehort.
Seine Ziige nach deni Tode driickten unaussprechliche
Ruhe und Verklarung aus. Er war so schon wie in seines
Lebens Bliithezeit. In seiner geschlossenen Hand ruhte der
Index des Aruch, gleichsani eine syrabolisch sinnige Be-
deutung dafiir, dass er alle seine Kenntnisse niit sich ge-
nommen in s Grab und den Lebenden von seineni Genius
nichts hinterlassen habe. Als er so ini Priestertalare auf der
Alexander Kohut. XXXV
Bahre lag, erschien er als die Verkorperung der Wissenschaft
und der edlen, reinen Menschlichkeit ....
In seineni Testament besthnmte er, dass jedes seiner
Kinder an seineni Jahrzeitstage etwas Gntes thun, und dass
ein Student der Theologie unterstiitzt werden solle. So wird
dena buchstablich wahr das Wort der Bibel: ,,Das Andenken
des Gerechten gereicht zuui Segen!"
Nur etwas iiber ein halbes Jalirhundert war es meinem
armen Bruder vergoimt. zu wandeln frisch und froh im
rosigen Licht; viel Arbeit und Miihe und Kunnner wurden
sein Loos hienieden - - das ist wahr! Docli auch eine Fiille
des Segens und Gliickes wurde ilini zu Theil. Er hat den
Besten seiner Zeit genug getlian und hat deshalb gelebt fiir
alle Zeiten; er hat init dem Pfunde der Regaining und des
Fleisses, welches ihni Gott verliehen, redlich gewuchert
Die Spuren von soinen Erdentagen werden selbst in Aeonen
nicht untergehen, denn srine bahnbrechenden Schriften sind
ein Gedenkbuch fiir allc Zeiten, ein Arucli Completum noch
in konimenden Jahrhunderten.
Moge sein hehres Beispiel, deni jiingeren Geschlecht
besonders, zur Nacheiferung dienen! Alexander Kohuts Name
steht fast einzig da! Seht: In unserer Zeit der Selbstsucht,
des Streberthums, des Interessenkampfes lebte und wirkte
ein Mann ausschliesslich im Dienste der Wissenschaft und
Wahrheit, selbst- und wunschlos, ein erhabener Hohepriester
der idealen Giiter des Lebens . . . Klingt das nicht wie ein
Marchen aus tausend und eiuer Nacht? Und doch ist es
hellc Wahrheit, nicht das Spiel einer kiihnen Einbildungs-
kraft ....
Auch auf dich, verklarter Geist uieines theuren Bruders,
passt wohl das Wort des Dichters:
Die einen hohen, himmlischen Gedanken
Genahret mit dem Marke ihres Lebens,
Die sich ein wtirdig Ziel gesetzt des Strebens,
In Wirken, Lieben, Leiden, ohne Wankeu,
Sie waren selig, selig zuni Beneiden,
Und ihre Schmerzen wogen tausend Freuden!
On Ancient Prayers
(Extracts from Lectures delivered at Oxford.)
by
Professor F. Max Muller (Oxford).
There are few religions, whether ancient or modern,
whether elaborated by uncivilised or civilised people, in which
we do not find traces of prayer. As there has been of late
much controversy on the subject of praying, I thought it
might be interesting to look at some of the problems connected
with prayer from a purely historical point of view. But in
placing before you some of the facts, and some of the conclu
sions at which I have arrived in the course of my resear
ches on the religions of the world, let me say at once that
these researches are for from being complete, far from being
sufficiently trustworthy to enable us to draw very general
or final conclusions from them. All I wish to do is to show
you in how many different ways men and women have
prayed, have approached the unseen powers in which they
believed with petitions, with praise and thanksgiving. I must
also warn you beforehand that some of these ancient prayers
will sound very childish and insipid to you. Still they become
all-important in proving the fact that God has never left Him
self without a witness, and that a relationship between the
Human and the Divine was recognised even on the lowest
stage of civilisation, by the simple fact that men prayed, that
is, spoke to invisible powers, in their own human language.
If you consult any work on the science or the history
of religion, you will generally find prayer represented as
something extremely natural, and almost inevitable. It is
quite true that the custom of praying is universal, or almost
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 1
9 F. Max Miiller.
universal. But is it therefore natural, that is to say.
is there anything in human nature which renders prayer
an intelligible consequence, such as. for instance, eating
i, a natural consequence of hunger? Before we can answer
this question in a satisfactory way. we must determine
first of all. what we mean by prayer, and what was meant
In prayer in ancient times. The best, if not the only
way, to nnd out the original intention of a word, is always
its etymology. The etymology of our own word prayer,
i, very clear, but it only leads us up to a certain point.
Our word prayer is the mediaeval Latin word precaria,
literally a begging. In Latin we have precari. to ask, to
beg. but also to pray in a more general sense, as. tor in
state, in such expressions as precari ad deos. to pray
to the gods, which does not necessarily mean to beg from
the gods or to ask for any special favours. We have also
the "substantive prex. mostly used in the plural preces.
meaning a request, but more particularly a request addressed
to the gods, a prayer or supplication. Procus also, a wooer,
and p roc ax, a shameless beggar, both belong to the same
kith and kin. It is unfortunate that our word for prayer
should always seem to imply that to pray means to beg.
In precari. in prex and prayer we can discover
the same root. praM. which has the general meaning of
asking or inquiring. We see this root in Sanskrit prasna.
a question, and in priH ftami, I ask. According to well
established phonetic rules, the same root appears in Gothic
as fraih-nan. and in modern German as fragen, to ask
In secondary form we have the same root in German for-
schen, to inquire, which gives us For schung, research,
or Sprachforscher. a student of language. If we were
to say that therefore prayer must have meant originally
petition, we should go far beyond the limits of our evidence
All we are justified in saying is, that the Aryas in Italy
conceived of prayer as a petition. If the same word with
the same meaning could be discovered in all the other Aryan
languages, we might go a step further back, and say that
the Aryas, before their separation, knew of prayers &z
petitions addressed to their Devas. But this is not the case.
In Sanskrit prayer is hardly ever called ya&iia , petition,
On Ancient Prayers. 3
but either stotra, praise, or mantra, thought, or what
causes thought The psalms of the Old Testament are called
Tihillim. that is, songs of praise, not petitions. In Greek,
prayer is $/;/; and seems to have meant originally a wish
or a vow, while German Gebet and beten is connected
with bitten, and meant therefore from the lirst to bid or
rather to ask.
We see in this way that the radical idea of prayer was
by no means always the same, even among the speakers of
Aryan languages But restricting our observation to the
languages in which prayer originally meant a petition, we
ask once more: Was it really so very natural that people
in almost every part of the world, in ancient as well as in
modern times, should have asked beings whom they had
never seen, to give them certain things, if onlv something
to eat or to drink, though, as a matter of fact, they were
fully aware that neither directly nor indirectly had they ever
received anything of the kind from these invisible hands?
In order to remove this apparent difficulty a well-known
philosopher has stated that prayers were originally addressed
to the spirits of the departed, and not to gods. Hut what
should we gain, if it were so? Was it really so much more
natural to ask the departed spirits for valuable gifts than the
gods? As a matter of fact these spirits also had never been
known to bestow a single tangible gift on their worshippers.
They were mostly looked upon themselves as beggars rather
than as givers. Of course, there may have been cas^s when,
as soon as a son had prayed to the spirit of his father to
send rain on the parched fields, rain came down from the
sky, but so it might after a prayer addressed to the god of
the sky, and the sky was at all events more likelv to prove
himself a giver of rain than a corpse or a departed spirit.
To me it seems that prayer becomes in reality tar more
natural or at all events far more intelligible, if addressed,
not to ancestral spirits, but to certain phenomena of nature
in which man had recognised the presence of agents who
became everywhere the oldest gods
As the rain came from the sky and as the sky was
called Dyaus in Sanskrit, Zeus in Greek, we may indeed
call it natural that the Athenians when they saw their
4 F. Max Miiller.
harvest that is, their very life, destroyed by drought,
should have said:
& c& Zsu, xocTa r/jg aouag TOW A8-Y]vaitov xai
TOW
"Kain, rain, o dear Sky, down on the land of the Athen
ians, and on the fields." l )
So natural is this Athenian prayer that we find it re
peated almost in the same words among the Hottentots.
George Schmidt, a Moravian missionary, sent to the Cape
in 1737, tells us that the natives at the return of the Pleiades
assemble there, and sing together, according to the old
custom of their ancestors, the following prayer: "0 Tiqua,
our Father above our heads, give rain to us, that the fruits
may ripen and that we may have plenty of food, send us a
good year." 2 )
But though prayers like these may, in a certain sense,
be called natural and intelligible, they presuppose neverthe
less a long series of antecedents. People must have framed
a name for sky, such as Dyaus, which originally meant
Bright or Light, or rather the agent and giver of light ; they
must have extended the sphere of action assigned to this
agent so that he would be conceived, not only as the giver
of light and warmth, but likewise as the giver of rain, and
at the same time as the lord of the thunderstorm, as the
wielder of the thunderbolt, as the most powerful among the
actors behind the other phenomena of the sky. Only after
all this had been done, could they think of calling that Zeus
or that Dyaus, dear, cpiXo^, and you can easily perceive how
that one word dear at once changes the sky into a being
endowed with human feelings, a being that could be dear
to human beings, and was not altogether unlike them.
Now with regard to the belief of the ancient people in
the efficacy of prayer and the fulfilment of their petitions
if addressed to the gods of nature, it was really not so un
natural as it has been represented. We must remember that
the chances between rain and no rain are about equal. If,
then, after days of drought, a prayer for rain had been
) Science of Language, New Edition, 1892, II, p. 546.
2 ) Introd. to the Science of Religion, p. 282.
On Ancient Prayers. 5
uttered, and there came rain, what was more natural than
that those who had prayed to the sky for rain should offer
thanksgiving to the sky or to Zeus for having heard their
prayer, and that a belief should gradually grow up that the
great gods of nature would hear prayers and fulfil them.
Nor was that belief likely to be shaken if there was no rain
in answer to prayer; for there was always an excuse.
Either it might be said that he who offered the prayer had
committed a mistake - this was a very frequent explanation
- or that he was no favourite with the gods-, or, lastly,
that the gods were angry with the people, and therefore
would not fulfil their prayers. Hence we may understand
the original meaning of precarious, that is prayer-like, or
uncertain in its results.
It might seem that it would have been just the same
with prayers addressed to the spirits of the departed. But
yet it was not quite so. The ancient gods of nature were
representatives of natural powers, and in the same way as
Zeus, the god of the sky, was naturally implored for rain,
that is, for himself, the divine representatives of the sun
would be implored either to give heat and warmth or to
withold them. Lunar deities might be asked for the return
of many moons, that is, for a long life, the gods of the earth
for fertility, the gods of the sea for fair wind and weather,
the gods of rivers for protection against invaders, or against
the invasion of their own floods. But there was nothing
special that the spirits of the departed would seem able to
grant. Hence we find that the prayers addressed to them
are mostly of a more general character. In moments of
danger children would, by sheer memory, be reminded of
their fathers or grandfathers who had been their guides and
protectors in former years, when threatened by similar
dangers. A few words addressed to the departed spirits for
general help and protection might, therefore, in a certain
sense be called natural; that is to say, even we ourselves,
if placed under similar circumstances, might in moments of
danger and anguish feel inclined to remember our parents,
and call for their aid, as if they were still present with us,
though we could form no definite idea in what way they
should possibly render us any assistance.
F. Max Miiller.
b
We must never forget that our ideas about most things,
and about prayer in particular, may be in some respects, as
we are told, like those of Papuans and Hottentots, but may
possibly also be very different. There are some scholars
who, when treating of savage and barbarous nations, seem
to claim for themselves the gift. of knowing exactly what
those children of nature felt and thought, when they did
certain things which to us seem strange, or when they
said things which convey no meaning whatever to ordinary
mortals. Thus with regard to prayer and sacrifice we are
told that those savage worshippers acted always on the
principle of Do ut des -- that is, I give you this and you
give me that Yet in other transactions based on the Give
and Take principle the same savages exhibit very con
siderable acuteness. They will not barter their shells or
their furs, unless they receive something tangible in return,
whether a hammer or a sword, or brandy or tobacco. If
then the same savages sacrificed a sheep or an ox, did they
really believe that the ancestral spirits or gods, after eating
their meat, would come down and bring them what they
prayed for, say a large herd of cattle, a large number of
children, or lumps of iron or steel to forge into weapons?
We are assured that they did, and of course it cannot be
proved that they did not; all one can say is that such a
supposition hardly agrees with the general cunning of savage
races, and that it is quite possible that they should have
expressed their wants and washes in what we call prayers,
without expecting an immediate or palpable return- as a
friend might express his wants and wishes to a friend, knowing
quite well that his friend cannot possibly satisfy his wishes
or remove his wants. This does not apply to all prayers.
Prayers for uncertain things, such as sunshine or rain,
health or a long life, even a good harvest or victory in
battle might well have been addressed to unseen powers,
if they were once believed to be powerful for good or for
evil, and as the chances of their fulfilment or non-fulfilment
were always about equal, there would be nothing altogether
irrational in the continuance of such prayers, as in the con
tinuance of a belief in the existence and in the power of gods
and ancestral spirits. There is one warning, however, which
On Ancient Prayers. 7
students of ancient religions,- or laws and customs should never
forget, that if different races do the same things, it does not
follow that they do them from the same motives. If it is
often difficult to understand why a child cries, it is far more
difficult to understand why a savage prays.
Let us now see what we can learn about prayers from
the accounts furnished to us of the religions of uncivilised,
or so called primitive, people. We must always distinguish,
between three classes of religion, called ethnic, national,
and individual. The religions of mere unorganized tribes,
in the lowest state of civilisation, have been called ethnic,
to distinguish them from the religions of those who had
grown into nations, and whose religious are called national,
while a third class comprises all religions which claim
individual founders, and have therefore been called indi
vidual religions.
Nowhere can we find the earliest phase of prayer more
clearly represented than among the Melanesian tribes, who
have lately been so well described to us by the Rev. Dr.
Codrington. It is generally supposed that the religion of
the inhabitants of the Melanesian islands consists entirely
of a belief in spirits. Nothing can be more erroneous. We
must distinguish, first of all. between ghosts and spirits.
Ghosts, as Dr Codringtou tells us, are meant for the souls
of the departed, while spirits are beings that have never
been men. The two are sometimes mixed up together, but
the are quite distinct in their origin. It seems that the
spirits had always been associated with physical phenomena,
and thus were more akin to the gods of the Greeks and
Romans. We hear of spirits of the sea. of the land, of
mountains and valleys; and though we are told that they
are simply ghosts that haunt the sea and .the mountains,
there must have been some reason why one is connected with
the sea, another with the mountains, nay, their very abode
would have imparted to each a physical character, even if
in their origin they had been mere ghosts of the departed.
These spirits and ghosts have different names in different
islands, but to speak of any of them, as missionaries are
apt to do, as either gods or devils is clearly misleading.
The answers given by natives when suddenly asked
F. Max Miiller.
o
what they mean by their spirits and ghosts are naturally
very varying and very unsatisfactory. What should we
ourselves "say, if we were suddenly asked as to what we
thought a soul, or a spirit, or a ghost to be? Still, one
thing is quite clear, that these spiritual and ghostly beings
of the Melanesians are invisible, and that nevertheless they
receive worship and prayers from these simple-minded people.
Some of their prayers are certainly interesting. Some of
them seem to be delivered on the spur of the moment, others
have become traditional and are often supposed to possess
a kind of miraculous power, probably on account of having
proved efficacious on former occasions.
There is a prayer used at sea and addressed to Daula,
a ghost, or, in their language, a tindalo : -
"Do thou draw the canoe, that it may reach the
land-, speed my canoe, grandfather, that I may
quickly reach the shore whither I am bound. Do
thou, Daula, lighten the canoe, that it may quickly
gain the land and rise upon the shore."
Sometimes the ancestral ghosts are invoked together, as :
"Save us on the deep, save us from the tempest,
bring us to the shore."
To people who live on fish, catching fish is often a
matter of life and death. Hence we can well understand a
prayer like the following :
"If thou art powerful, Daula, put a fish or two
into this net and let them die there."
We can also understand that after a plentiful catch,
thanks should have been offered to the same beings, if only
in a few words, such as:
"Powerful is the tindalo of the net."
This is all very abrupt, very short and to the point.
It is an invocation rather than a prayer.
Some of these utterances become after a time real
charms handed down from father to son, nay, even sold,
and taught to others for a consideration. They are then
called lihungai. l )
Again if a man is sick, the people call out the name
! ) Codrington, The Melanesians, chap. IX.
On Ancient Prayers. 9
of the sick man, and if a sound is heard in response, they
say, "Come back to life", and then run to the house, shout
ing, "He will live."
All this to a strict reasoner may sound very unreason
able; still, that it is in accordance with human nature, in
an uncivilised and even in a civilised age, can easily be proved
by a comparison of the prayers of other people, which we
shall have to consider hereafter.
If it is once believed that the ghosts can confer benefits
and protect from evil, it is but a small step to call on them
to confound our enemies. Thus we read that in Mota when
the oven is opened for preparing a meal, a leaf of cooked
mallow is thrown in for some dead person. His ghost is then
addressed with the following words:
"0 Tataro !" (another name for the ghosts) "this
is a lucky bit for your eating ; they who have charmed
your food, or have clubbed you take hold of their
hands, drag them away to hell, let them be dead."
And if, after this, the man against whom this imprecation
was directed meets with an accident, they cry out: -
"Oh, oh ! my curse in eating has worked upon him
he is dead!"
In Fiji, prayers generally end with these malignant
requests: -
"Let us live, and let those that speak evil of us
perish ! Let the enemy be clubbed, swept away,
utterly destroyed, piled in heaps! Let their teeth be
broken. May they fall headlong in a pit. Let us
live, and let our enemies perish!"
We must not be too hard on these pious savages, for
with them there was only the choice between eating or being
eaten, and they naturally preferred the former.
Before eating and drinking, the ghosts of the departed
were often remembered at the family meal. Some drops of
Kava were poured out, with the words :
"Tataro, grandfather, this is your lucky drop of
Kava , let boars come to me; let rawe come in to
me ; the money I have spent let it come back to me ;
the food that is gone, let it come back hither to the
house of you and me !"
F. Max Milller.
On starting on a voyage they say:
Tataro, uncle! father! Plenty of boars for you,
plenty of r a w e , plenty of money; Kava for your
drinking, lucky food for your eating in the canoe.
I pray you with this, look down upon me, let me
-0 on a safe sea !
o
Prayers addressed to spirits who are not mere ghosts
or departed souls, but connected with some of the phenomena
of nature, seem to enter more into detail. Thus the Mela-
nesians invoke two spirits (vui), Qat and Marawa:
"Qat! you and Marawa", they say, "cover over
with your hand the blow-hole from me, that I may
come into a quiet landing-place; let it calm well
down away from me. Let the canoe of you and me
go up in a quiet landing-place! Look down upon
me, prepare the sea of you and me, that I may go
on a safe sea. Beat down the head of the waves
from me-, let the tide-rip sink down away from me*,
beat it down level, that it may go down and roll
away, and I may come into a quiet landing-place.
Let the canoe of you and me turn into a whale, a
flying fish, an eagle; let it leap on end over the
waves, let it go, let it pass out to my land."
If all went well, need we wonder that the people be
lieved that Qat and Marawa had actually come and held the
mast and rigging fast, and had led the canoe home laden
with fish! If, on the contrary, the canoe and its crew were
drowned, nothing could be said against the spirits, Qat and
Marawa, and the priests at home would probably say that
the crew had failed to invoke their aid as they ought to have
done, so that, as you see, the odds were always in favour of
Qat and Marawa.
Nowhere is a belief and a worship of ancestral spirits
so widely spread as in Africa. Here, therefore, we find
many invocations and petitions addressed to the spirits. Some
of these petitions are very short. Sometimes nothing is said
beyond the name of the spirits. They simply cry aloud,
"People of our house." Sometimes they add, like angry
children, what they want, "People of the house! Cattle!"
Sometimes there is a kind of barter. "People of our house,"
On Ancient Prayers. ^
they say, "I sacrifice these cattle to you, I pray for more
cattle, more corn, and many children; then this your home
will prosper, and many will praise and thank you."
A belief in ancestral spirits or fathers leads on, very
naturally, to a belief in a Father of all fathers, the Great
Grandfather as he is sometimes called. This grandfather
may also be identified with the chief among the physical gods,
the Zeus of the Greeks, the Jupiter of the Romans, the
father of gods and men. He was known even to so low a race
as that of the Hottentots, if we may trust Dr. Halm, who
has written down the following prayer from the mouth of a
Hottentot friend of his :
"Thou, Tsui-goa,
Thou Father of Fathers,
Thou art our Father!
Let the thunder-cloud stream!
Let our flocks live !
Let us also live!
I am very weak indeed
From thirst, from hunger.
Oh, that I may eat the fruits of the. field!
Art thou not our Father,
The Father of Fathers,
Thou Tsui-goa V
Oh, that we may praise thee,
That we may give to thee in return,
Thou Father of Fathers,
Thou, Lord,
Thou, Tsui-goa!"
This is not a bad specimen of a savage prayer; nay it
is hardly inferior to some of the hymns of the Veda and
A vesta.
The negro on the Gold Coast, who used formerly to be
classed as a mere fetish worshipper, addresses his petitions
neither to the spirits of the departed, nor to his so-called
fetish, but he prays, "God, give me to-day rice and yams;
give me slaves, riches ; and health ! Let me be brisk and
swift!" When taking medicine, they say, "Father Heaven!
bless this medicine which I take!" The negro on Lake
Kyassa offers his deity a pot of beer and a basketful of
12 F. Max Miiller.
meal, and cries out, "Hear thou, God, and send rain",
while the people around clap their hands and intone a prayer,
saying, "Hear thou, God."
The idea that the religion of these negro races consists
of fetish worship is well nigh given up. It has been proved
that nearly all of them address their prayers to a Supreme
Deity, while their fetishes are no more than what a talisman
or a horse-shoe would be with us. Oldendorp, a missionary
of large experience in Africa, says:
"Among all the black natives with whom I became
acquainted, even the most ignorant, there is none who does
not believe in God, give Him a name, and regard Him as a
maker of the world. Besides this supreme beneficent deity,
whom they all worship, they believed in many inferior gods,
whose powers appear in serpents, tigers, rivers, trees, and
stones. Some of them are malevolent, but the negroes do
not worship the bad or cruel gods; they only try to
appease them by presents or sacrifices. They pray to the
good gods alone. The daily prayer of a Watja negress was,
C God, I know Thee not, but Thou knowest me. I need
Thy help. " This is a prayer to which even an Agnostic
need not object.
A Roman Catholic missionary, Father Loyer. who studied
the habits of the natives of the Gold Coast, says the same.
"It is a great mistake", he writes, "to suppose that
the negroes regard the so-called fetishes as gods. They are
only charms or amulets. The negroes have a belief in one
powerful Being, to whom they offer prayers. Every morning
they wash in the river, put sand on their head to express
their humility, and, lifting up their hands, ask their God to
give them yams and rice and other blessings." ] )
So much for the prayers of races on the very lowest
stage of civilisation. Dr. Tylor, whose charming works on
Primitive Culture we never consult in vain, tells us,
"that there are many races who distinctly admit the
existence of spirits, but are not certainly known to pray to
them, even in thought." 2 ) I doubt whether there are many;
J ) Clarke, Ten Great Beliyions, vol. II, p. 110.
2 ) Primitive Culture, vol. II, p. 330.
On Ancient Prayers. 13
I confess I know of none; and we must remember that, in
a case like tins, negative evidence is never quite satisfactory.
Still, on the other hand, Mr. Freeman Clarke seems to me
to go much too far in the other direction when, in his
excellent work on The Ten Great Religions (part II,
p. 222), he calls the custom of prayer and worship, ad
dressed to invisible powers, a universal fact in the history
of man. It may be so, but we are not yet able to prove it,
and in these matters caution is certainly the better part of
valour. Nothing can well be lower in the scale of humanity
than the Papuans. Yet the Papuans of Tanna offer the
firstfruits to the ghosts of their ancestors, and their chief,
who acts as a kind of high priest, calls out: -
"Compassionate Father! there is some food for
you*, eat it, and be kind to us on account of it!"
After this the whole assembly begins to shout together. 1 )
The Indians of North America stand decidedly higher
than the Papuans; in fact, some of their religious ideas arc
so exalted that many students have suspected Christian in
fluences in them.-) The Osages, for instance, worship
Wohkonda, the Master of Life, and they pray to him: -
"0 Wohkonda, pity me, I am very poor; give
me what I need; give me success against my enemies,
that I may avenge the death of my friends. May I
be able to take scalps, to take horses."
John Tanner tells us that when the Algonquin Indians
set out in their frail boats to cross Lake Superior, the
canoes were suddenly stopped, when about two hundred
yards from land, and the chief began to pray in a loud voice
to the Great Spirit, saying: -
"You have made this lake, and you have made
us, your children; you can now cause that the water
shall remain smooth, while we pass over in safety."
He then threw some tobacco into the lake, and the other
canoes followed his example. The Delawares invoke the
Great Spirit above, to protect their wives and children that
they may not have to mourn for them.
l ) Compare Turner, Polynesia, p. 88; Tylor, Primitive Culture, vol.
II, p. 330.
) Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. 195.
-jj F. Max Miiller.
The Peruvians soar much higher in their prayers.
M. Reville, in his learned work on the Religion of Mexico,
tells us that prayers are very rare among the Peruvians.
Mr. Brinton, on the contrary, in his Myths of the New
World p. 298, speaks of perfectly authentic prayers which
had been collected and translated in the first generation
after the conquest. One addressed to Viracocha Pachacaniac
is very striking, but here we can certainly perceive
Christian influences, if only on the part of the trans
lator: -
"0 Pachacaniac". they say, "thou who hast existed
from the beginning and shalt exist unto the end,
powerful and pitiful; who createdst man by saying,
let man be ; who defendest us from evil, and
preserves! our life, and health; art thou in the sky
or in the earth, in the clouds or in the depths?
Hear the voice of him who implores thee, and grant
him his petitions. Give us life everlasting, preserve
us, and accept this our sacrifice."
The specimens of ancient Mexican prayers collected by
Sahagun are very numerous, and some of them are certainly
very thoughtful and even beautiful:
"Is it possible", says one of them, "that this afflic
tion is sent tc us. not for our correction and impro
vement, but for our destruction?" Or, "0 merciful
Lord, let this chastisement with which thou hast
visited us, the people, be as those which a father
or mother inflicts on their children, not out of anger,
but to the end that they may be free from follies
and vices."
With regard to these Mexican prayers we must neither
be too credulous nor too sceptical. Our first impulse is, no
doubt, to suspect some influence of Christian missionaries,
but when scholars who have made a special study of the
South American literatures assure us that they are authentic,
and go back to generations before the Spanish conquest,
we must try to learn, as well as we can, the old lesson
that God has not left Himself without witness among any
people. To me, I confess, this ancient Mexican literature,
and the ancient Mexican civilisation, as attested bv archi-
On Ancient Prayers. ]5
tecture and other evidence of social advancement, have been
a constant puzzle. In one sense it may be said that not
even the negroes of Dahomey are more savage in their
wholesale butcheries of human victims than the Mexicans
seem to have been according to their own confession. Not
dozens, but hundreds, nay, thousands of human beings were
slaughtered at one sacrifice, and no one seems to have seen
any harm in it. The Spaniards assure us that they saw in
one building 136,000 skulls, and that the annual number of
victims was never less than 20,000. It was looked upon
almost as an honour to be selected as a victim to the gods,
and yet these people had the most exalted ideas of the God
head, and at the time of the conquest they were in possession
of really beautiful and refined poetry. There are collections
of ancient Mexican poems, published in the original, with what
professes to be a literal translation. 1 ) No doubt, whoever
collected and wrote down these poems was a Spaniard and a
Christian. Such words as Dios for God, Angel for angel, nay
even the names of Christ and the Virgin Mary occurring in
the original poems, are clear evidence to that effect. But
they likewise prove that no real fraud was intended. Some
poems are professedly Christian , but the language . the
thought, and the style of the majority of them seem to me
neither Christian nor Spanish. I shall give a few specimens,
particulary as some of them may really be called prayers:
"Where shall my soul dwell? Where is my home?
"Where shall be my house? I am miserable on earth.
"We wind and we unwind the jewels, the blue
flowers are woven over the yellow ones, that we
may give them to the children.
"Let my soul be draped in various flowers, let
it be intoxicated by them; for soon must I weep,
and go before the face of our mother.
"This only do I ask: Thou Giver of Life, be not
angry, be not severe on earth, let us live with thee
on earth, and take us to thy heavens-
"But what can I speak truly here of the Giver
of Life? We only dream, we are plunged in sleep
J ) Ancient Poetry, by Brinton, 1887.
1 ^ F. Max Miiller.
I speak here on earth, but never can we here on
earth speak in worthy terms.
"Although it may be jewels and precious oint
ments of speech , yet of the Giver of Life one can
never speak here in worthy terms."
Or again: -
"How much, alas! shall I weep on earth? Truly
I have lived in vain illusion. I say that whatever
is here on earth must end with our lives. May I
be allowed to sing to thee, the Cause of all, there
in the heaven, a dweller in thy mansion; then may
my soul lift its voice and be seen with thee and
near thee, thee by whom we live, ohuaya! ohuaya !"
There is a constant note of sadness in all these Mexican
songs; the poet expresses a true delight in the beauty of
nature, in the sweetness of life, but he feels that all must
end: he grieves over those whom he will never see again
among the flowers and jewels of this earth, and his only
comfort is the life that is to come. That is was wrong to
despatch thousands of human beings rather prematurely to
that life to come, nay, to feed on their flesh, seems never to
have struck the mind of these sentimental philosophers. In
one passage of these prayers the priest says: -
Thou shalt clothe the naked and feed the hungry,
for remember their flesh is thine, and they
are men like thee ;
but the practical application of this commandment does not
seem to have suggested itself to these Mexican philosophers.
All the prayers which we have hitherto examined be
long to the lowest stage of civilisation, and imply the very
simplest relation between man and some unseen powers. If
addressed to the ghosts of the departed, these invocations
are not much more than a continuation of what might have
passed between children and their parents while they were
still alive. If addressed to the spirits of Heaven or other
prominent powers of nature, they are often but petulant,
childish requests, or mean bargains between a slave and his
master. Yet, with all this, they prove the existence of a
belief in something beyond this finite world, something not
finite, but infinite, something invisible, yet real. This belief
On Ancient Prayers. 17
is one of the many proofs that man is not a mere animal,
though I am well aware that believers in the so-called mental
evolution of animals have persuaded themselves that animals
also worship and pray. But what is their evidence? Certain
monkeys in Africa, they say, turn every morning towards
the rising sun, exactly like the Parsees or sun-worshippers.
It is no use arguing against such twaddle.
We have hitherto examined the incipient prayers of
uncivilised or semi-civilised races. For- even the Mexicans
and Peruvians, whose prayers and literature as well as their
architectural remains point to what may be called civilisation
before their conquest by the Spaniards, stand nevertheless
lower than many savages when we consider the wholesale
slaughter of human victims as their sacrifices, and the un
deniable traces of cannibalism to the latest period of their
national existence.
We have now to consider some of the religions which
are called national. They have grown up at a time when
scattered tribes had grown into compact nationalities, while
their founders are unknown and never appealed to as autho
rities. The most important among them are the religions of
China, of India, of Persia, of Greece and Rome.
When we speak of the ancient religion of China, some
times called Confucianism, we often forget that Confucius
himself protests most strongly against being supposed to have
been the author or founder of that religion. Again and again
he says that he has only collected and restored the old faith.
In the sacred books of China which he collected there are
hardly any prayers. Confucius himself sets little store on
prayers. They cannot, he says, deliver a man from sickness and
he who sins against heaven has no place to pray. It is not till
quite modern times that we meet with prayers as an essen
tial part of public worship in China. It does not follow from
this that the Chinese people at large were ignorant of, or
opposed to private prayers, whether addressed to their an
cestors, or to the gods of nature, or to the Supreme Spirit
in whom they believed; but it is curious to observe even
in Confucius a certain reserve, a certain awe that would
prevent any intimate or familiar intercourse between man and
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
18 F. Max Miiller.
God. Thus he says: "Reverence the Spirits, but keep aloof
from them".
There is a curious prayer recorded as having been
offered by an Emperor of China in the year 1538. It was
on a memorable occasion when the very name of the Supreme
Deity was to be altered. The old name for God in China
was Tien, which means heaven, just as Dyaus and Zeus,
according to their etymology, meant heaven. Even we can.
still say, "I have offended against Heaven", meaning, against
God. In the ancient books S hang-Tien also is used for
Tien. This means High Heaven, and makes it quite clear
that it was intended as a name of the Supreme Deity.
Another name for spirit was Ti, and this name by itself, or
with Shang prefixed, became the recognised name for God
as the Supreme Spirit, used often in the same sentences as
interchangeable with Tien 1 ). When the appointed day came,
the Emperor and his court assembled around the circular
altar. First they prostrated themselves eleven times, and
then addressed the Great Being, as he who dissipated chaos,
and formed the heavens, earth and man. As a rule it is
the Emperor who prays to the Supreme Spirit-, the grandees
pray to the Tis, the rest to the ancestral spirits.
The proclamation was as follows: -
"I, the Emperor, have respectfully prepared this
prayer to inform the spirit of the sun, the spirit of the
moon, the spirits of the five planets, of the stars, of the
clouds, the spirit of the four seas, of the great rivers, of the
present years, &c., that on the first of next month we shall
reverently lead our officers and people to honour the
great name of Shang ti. We inform you before
hand, ye celestial and terrestrial spirits, and will
trouble you on our behalf, to exert your spiritual
power, and display your vigorous efficacy, communi
cating our poor desire to Shang ti, praying him
to accept our worship, and be pleased with the new
title which we shall reverently present to him."
We see here how the Chinese recognised between man
and the Supreme Ti, a number of intermediate spirits or
) Legge, Sacred Books of the East, vol III, p. 24.
On Ancient Prayers. 19
ti s. such as the sun, moon, stars, seas, and rivers, who
were to communicate the prayer of the Emperor to the
Supreme Being. That prayer ran as follows: -
"Thou, Ti, didst open the way for the form of
matter to operate ; thou, O Spirit, didst produce the
beautiful light of the sun and moon, that all thy
creatures might be happy.
"Thou hast vouchsafed to hear us, Ti, for thou
regardest us as thy children. I, thy child, dull and
ignorant, can poorly express my feelings. Honourable
is thy great name."
Then food was placed on the altar, first boiled meat
and cups of wine, and Ti was requested to receive them
with these words: -
"The Sovereign Spirit deigns to accept our offering.
Give thy people happiness. Send down thy favour.
All creatures are upheld by thy love. Thou alone
art the parent of all things.
"The service of song is now completed, but our
poor sincerity cannot be expressed aright. The sense
of thy goodness is in our heart. We have adored
thee, and would unite with all spirits in honouring
thy name. We place it on this sacred sheet of
paper, and now put it in the tire, with precious silks,
that the smoke may go up with our prayers to the
distant blue heavens. Let all the ends of the earth
rejoice in thy name."
I doubt whether even in a Christian country any arch
bishop could produce a better official prayer. It is marked
by deep reverence, but it also implies a belief that the close
relationship between father and son exists between the
Supreme Spirit and man. It is a hymn of praise rather than
a prayer, and even when it asks for anything, it is only for
divine grace.
When we now turn from China to the ancient religion
of India, we find there a superabundance of prayers. The
whole of the Rig- Veda consists of hymns and prayers more
than a thousand; the Sama-Veda contains many of the same
prayers again, as set to music, and the Yagur-Veda contains
verses and formulas employed at a number of ceremonial
2*
F. Max Miiller.
icts Were these hymns spontaneous utterances, or composed
simply and solely for the sake of sacrifice, both public and
private? This question whether sacrifices comes first or
prayer is one of those questions which may be argued a d
infinitum, and which in the end produce the very smallest
result. You remember how the Algonquins, when crossing
Lake Superior, addressed certain prayers to Wohkonda, the
Master of Life, and then threw a handful of tobacco into the
lake. Now suppose we asked them the question, What was
your first object? To throw tobacco into the lake or to
invoke Wohkanda? What answer could they possibly give?
Still that is the question which we are asked to answer in
the name of the ancient poets of Vedic India. Yet one of
these poets of the Rig-Veda (X, 88, 8) says very distinctly:
The gods created first the reciter of hymns,^ then Agni
(the sacrificial fire) and then the sacrificial offerings/
Again, the Peruvian prayer addressed to Pachacamac is
said to be recited at certain seasons. Suppose it was recited
at a festival connected with the return of spring, we are
asked once more, Was the festival instituted first, and then
a prayer composed for the occasion, or was the prayer
composed to express feelings of gratitude for the return of
spring, and afterwards repeated at every spring festival?
No doubt, when we have such a case as the Emperor of
China offering an official address to the Deity, we may be
sure that the festival was ordained first, and the official ode
ordered afterwards-, but even in such an advanced state of
civilisation, we never hear that the meat and the wine were
placed on the altar by themselves, and as an independent
act, and without anything being said. On the contrary, they
were placed there as suggested by the poem.
If, then, we find a Vedic hymn used at the full-moon
or new-moon sacrifices, are we to suppose that the mysterious
phases of the moon elicited at first nothing but a silent
libation of milk, and that at a later time only hymns were
composed in praise of the solemn festival? That there are
Vedic hymns which presuppose a very elaborate ceremonial
and a very complete priesthood I was, I believe, the first to
point out (in 1858) ; but to say that all Vedic hymns were
composed for ceremonial purposes is to say what cannot be
On Ancient Prayers. 21
proved. At a later time they may all have been included
as part of the regular sacrificial ceremonial, just as every
psalm is now read in church on appointed days. There is
one prayer older even than the Rig-Veda, the oldest, the
simplest, and yet the most eloquent prayer of the whole Aryan
world. It consists of two words, but think what these words
imply ! They are
Dyaushpitar in Sanskrit,
Zsug Travfjp in Greek.
Ju-piter in Latin,
and they all meant originally the same thing, Heaven Father!
What child of man can say less, and what child of God can
say more? When we begin our prayers, we utter the same
thought which was uttered by our Aryan ancestors many
thousands of years ago. We say Our Father which art in
Heaven . When this is said and felt, all is said that need be said.
Still as we are not satisfied with few words, the Vedic Aryas
also delighted in pouring out all that was in their hearts.
We have only to look at some of the best-known Vedic hymns
and prayers, and we shall soon perceive that they are genuine
outpourings of deep personal feelings, which had not to wait
for the call of an officiating priest, before they found poetic
utterance. One poet says: -
"Let me not yet, Varuwa, enter into the house of
clay (the grave); Have mercy, Almighty, have mercy!
"If I go along trembling, like a cloud, driven by the
wind, Have mercy, Almighty, have mercy!
"Through want of strength, thou strong and blight god,
have I gone to the wrong shore; Have mercy, Almighty,
have mercy !
"Thirst came upon thy worshipper, though he stood in
the midst of the waters; Have mercy, Almighty, have mercy!
"Whenever we men, O Varwm , commit an offence
before the heavenly host, whenever we break thy law through
thoughtlessness, Have mercy, Almighty, have mercy!"
Now I ask, had a poet to wait till a poem was wanted
for a funeral service; or for the sacrifice of a horse, before
he could compose such verses? Is there a single allusion
to a priest, or to a sacrifice in them? That they, like the
rest of the Rig -Veda, may at a later time have been recited
F. Max Miiller.
during certain ceremonies, who would deny? But if we see
how verses from different hymns, and from different Mawdalas,
or collections of hymns, have to be patched together before
they become serviceable for sacrificial purposes, we can easily
see" that the hymns must have existed as poems, before they
were used by "the priests at certain sacrifices. Why should
there have been a Rig-Veda at all, that is to say, a collec
tion of independent hymns, if the hymns had been composed
simply to fit into the sacrificial ceremonial? The hymns
and verses as fitted for that purpose are found collected in
the Yagur and Sama-Vedas. What then was the object of
collecting the ten books of the Rig -Veda, most of them the
heirlooms of certain old families, and not of different classes
of priests? Then, again, there is what the Brahmanic theo
logians call uha, that is, the slight modification of certain
verses so as to make them serviceable at a sacrifice. Does
not that show that they existed first as independent of cere
monial employment? However, the strongest argument is
the character "of the hymns themselves. As clearly as some,
nay, a considerable number, of them were meant from the
first to be used at well-established sacrifices, others were
utterly unfit for such a purpose. At what sacrifice could
there be a call for the despairing song of a gambler, for the
dialogue between Sarama and the robbers, for the address
of Visvamitra to the rivers of the Penjab, for the song of the
frogs, or for the metaphysical speculations, beginning with
" There was not ought, there was not nought!" It is extra
ordinary to see what an amount of ingenuity has been spent
both by Vedic and Biblical scholars on this question of the
priority of ceremonial or poetry! But what has been gained
by it in the end? For suppose that in Vedic India a com
pletely mute ceremonial had reached as great a perfection
and complication as the Roman Catholic or the Tibetan
ceremonial in our time, would that prove that no one could
then or now have composed an Easter -hymn or Christmas-
carol spontaneously, without any reference to ceremonial
employment? When there is so much real work to be done,
why waste our time on disentangling such self-made cobwebs?
When we consider that the Rig -Veda contains more
than a thousand hymns, you will understand how constant
On Ancient Prayers. 23
and intimate the intercourse must have been between the Vedic
poets and their gods. Some of these hymns give us, no
doubt, the impression of being artificial, and in that sense
secondary and late, only we must not forget that what we
call late in the Rig -Veda Samhita cannot well be later than
1,500 B. C., unless some new discovery first upsets the pro
visional chronology which I put forward in my History of
Ancient Sanskrit Literature. Here are some more verses
from a hymn addressed to Varuwa, the god of the all-
embracing sky, the Greek Ouranos: -
"However we break thy laws from day to day, men as
we are, god, Varuwa,
"Do not deliver us unto death, nor to the blow of the
furious, nor to the wrath of the spiteful!
"To propitiate thee, O Varuna, we unbend thy mind
with songs, as the charioteer unties a weary steed.
"When shall we bring hither the man who is victory to
the warriors? when shall we bring Varuwa the far-seeing
to be propitiated?
"He, who knows the place of the birds that fly through
the sky, who on the waters knows the ships-,
"He, the upholder of order, who knows the twelve
months, with the offerings of each, and knows the month
that is engendered afterwards" (evidently the thirteenth or
intercalary month);
"He who knows the track of the wind, the wide, the
bright, the mighty, and knows those who reside on high;
"He, the upholder of order, Varuwa, sits down among
his people; he, the wise, sits down to govern.
"From thence, perceiving all wondrous things, he sees
what has been and what will be.
"May he, the wise, make our paths straight all our
days; may he prolong our life!
"Varuwa, wearing golden mail, has put on his shining
cloak, the spies sat down around him". (Here you see
mythology and anthropomorphism beginning.)
"The god whom the scoffers do not provoke, nor the
tormenters of men, nor the plotters of mischief;
"He who gives to men glory, and not half glory, who
gives it even to ourselves.
F. Max Miiller.
"Yearning for him, the far-seeing, my thoughts move
onward, as kine move to their pastures.
"Let us speak together again, because my honey has
been brought: that thou mayest eat what thou likest, like a
friend". (Now, here, people would probably say that there
is a clear allusion to a sacrificial offering of honey. But why
should such an offering not be as spontaneous as the words
which are uttered by the poet?)
"Did I see the god who is to be seen by all, did I see
the chariot above the earth? He must have accepted my
prayers". (This implies a kind of vision, while the chariot
may refer to thunder and lightning.)
"0 hear this my calling, Varuwa, be gracious now!
Longing for help I have called upon thee.
"Thou, wise God, art lord of all, of heaven and
earth-, hasten on thy way.
"That I may live, take from me the upper rope, loose
the middle, and remove the lowest." (These ropes probably
refer to the ropes by which a victim is bound. Here, however,
they are likewise intended for the ropes of sin by which the
poet, as he told us, felt himself chained and strangled.)
These translations are perfectly literal; they have not
been modernised or beautified. But do they sound like
thehy inns of officiating priests? They seem to me
contrary to display before our eyes buried cities of thought
and faith, richer in treasures than all the ruins of Egypt, of
Babylon, or Nineveh put together.
Even what are called purely sacrificial hymns are by
no means without a human interest. One of the earliest
sacrifices consisted probably in putting a log of wood on the
fire of the hearth. The fire was called agni, and Agni
became the god of fire. If any other gift was thrown into the
fire the smoke seemed to carry it up to heaven, and thus
Agni became the messenger and soon the mediator between
men and gods. He was called the youngest among the
gods, because he was new every morning. Here is a hymn
addressed to him, possibly a sacrificial hymn, but one that
does not presuppose a very elaborate ceremonial.
"Agni, accept this log which I offer thee, accept this
my service; listen well to these my songs.
On Ancient Prayers. 25
"With this log, Agni, may we worship thee, the
son of strength, conqueror of horses! and with this hymn,
thou high born god!
"May we, thy servants, serve thee with songs, granter
of riches, thou who lovest songs and delightest in riches.
"Thou lord of wealth and giver of wealth, be thou
wise and powerful; drive away from us the enemies!
"He gives us rain from heaven, he gives us inviolable
strength, he gives us food a thousandfold.
"Youngest of the gods, their messenger, their invoker,
most deserving of worship, come, at our praise, to him who
worships thee and longs for thy help.
"For thou, O sage, goest wisely between these two
creations" (heaven and earth, gods and men), "like a friendly
messenger between two hamlets.
"Thou art wise, and thou hast been pleased: perform
now, intelligent Agni, the sacrifice without interruption, sit
down on this sacred grass."
That this hymn contains what may be called secondary
ideas, that it requires the admission of considerable historical
antecedents, is clear enough. Agni is no longer merely a
visible fire, he is the invisible agent in the fire; he has
assumed a certain dramatic personality; he is represented
as high-born, as the conqueror of horses, as wealthy and
as the giver of wealth, as the messenger between men and
gods. Why Agni, the fire, should be called the giver of rain
is not quite clear, but it is explained by the fire ascending
in a cloud of smoke, and by the cloud sending down the
prayed-for rain. The sacred grass (barhis) on which Agni
is invited to sit down is the pile of grass on the hearth, the
oldest altar. The gifts intended for the gods are placed on
it, and the gods themselves are invited to sit down on it.
All this sh6ws no doubt an incipient ceremonial which be
comes more and more elaborate in time, but there is no
sign as yet that it had begun to fetter the wings of poetical
inspiration.
The habit of praying, both in private and in public,
continued through all the periods of the histoiy of Indian
religion. In the Upanishads we find even what may be
called philosophical prayers, such as: "Lead me from the
6 F. Max MiiUer.
illusory to the real, from darkness to light, from death to
immortality!" One phase only has to be excepted, that of
Buddhism; and this will have to be considered when we
examine what are called individual in contradistinction to
national religions. We need not dwell here on those later
prayers of the Brahmans, which we find scattered about in
the epic poems, in the Pimmas, and in the more modern
sects established in every part of the country. They are
to us of inferior interest, though some of them are decidedly
beautiful and touching.
Some philosophers have maintained that every prayer
addressed to an objective deity is idolatrous. But it is im
portant to remark how much superior the idolatry of prayer
is to the idolatry of temple- worship. In India, more parti
cularly, the statues and images of the popular gods such as
Siva and Durga are offensive, owing to their unrestrained
symbolism and the entire disregard of a harmony with nature.
Yet some of the prayers addressed to Siva and Durga are
almost entirely free from these blemishes, and often show a
conception of Deity of which we ourselves need not be ashamed.
Nor need I dwell long in this place on the prayers of
the ancient Greeks and Romans, because they are well
known to you all from classical literature. We know-how
Priam prays before he sets out on his way to the Greek
camp to ask for the body of his son. We know how Nestor
prays for the success of the embassy sent to Achilles, and
how Ulysses offers prayers before approaching the camp of
the Trojans. We find in Homer penitential prayers, to con
fess sins and to ask for forgiveness; suppliant prayers,
to ask for favours; and thanksgiving prayers, praising the
gods for having fulfilled the requests addressed to them. We
never hear, however, of the Greeks kneeling at prayer The
Greeks seem to have stood up erect while praying, and to
have lifted up their hands to heaven or stretched them forth
to the earth. Before praying it was the custom to wash the
hands, 1 ) just as the Psalmist says (XXVI, 6.): "I will wash
my hands in innocency, so will I compass thine altar, OLord."
That prayer, not only public, but private also, was
common among the Greeks we may learn from an interesting
\) [This is also a Jewish custom, still in vogue. G.A.K.]
On Ancient Prayers. 27
passage in Plato, where he says that children hear their
mothers every day eagerly talking with the gods in the most
earnest manner, beseeching them for blessings. He also
states, in another place, that every man of sense before be
ginning any important work, will ask help of the gods. Men
quite above the ordinary superstitions of the crowd, nay,
men suspected of unbelief, were known to pray to the gods.
Thus Pericles is said, before he began his orations, always
to have prayed to the gods for power to do a good work.
May I mention here the name of another great statesman,
Sir Robert Peel. The widow of Sir Robert Peel told Baron
Bunsen, who told it me, that on the day when Peel was
going to deliver his decisive speach on Free Trade, she
found him in his dressing-room on his knees praying, before
going to Parliament.
Most impressive are some of the prayers composed
by Greek thinkers, whose religion was entirely absorbed
by philosophy, but whose dependence on a higher power
remained as unshaken as that of a child. Thus Aristotle
(Ethics V, 1, 9) says that men should pray that things
simply good should be good to themselves also, and that they
should chose what is good to themselves. What can be
more submissive than the prayer of Cleanthes as quoted by
Epictetus? What can be more reverent and thoughtful than
the prayer of Simplicius, at the end of his commentary on
Epictetus: -
"I beseech thee, Lord, the Father, Guide of our
reason, to make us mindful of the noble origin Thou hast
thought worthy to confer upon us; and to assist us to act
as becomes free agents; that we may be cleansed from the
irrational passions of the body, and may subdue and govern
the same, using them as instruments in a fitting manner;
and to assist us to the right direction of the reason that is
in us, and to its participation in what is real by the light
of truth. And thirdly, I beseech Thee my Saviour, entirely
to remove the darkness from the eyes of our souls, in order
that we may know aright, as Homer says, both God and
men." (Farrar, Paganism and Christianity, p. 44.)
Equally wise are the words of Epictetus himself (Dis
courses, 11. 16) : -
2g F. Max Miiller.
"Dare to look up to God and say: Do with me hence
forth as Thou wilt. I am of one mind with Thee, I am
Thine. I decline nothing that seems good to Thee. Send
me whither Thou wilt. Clothe me as Thou wilt. Will Thou
that I take office or live a private life, remain at home or
go into exile, be poor or rich, I will defend Thy purpose
with me in respect of all these."
The Eomans were more religious and more prayerful
than the Greeks, but they were less fluent m expressing
their sentiments. It is very characteristic that the Romans,
when praying, wrapped the toga round their heads, so that
they might be quite alone with their gods, undisturbed by
the sights of the outer world. 1 ) That tells more than many
a long prayer. That in praying they turned the palms of their
hands backward and upward to heaven, shows that the
Romans wished to surrender themselves entirely to the will
and pleasure of their gods. In later times the Romans
became the pupils of the Greeks in their religious as well as
in their philosophical views, so that, when we read a prayer
of Seneca, it is really difficult to say whether it breathes
Greek or Roman thought. Seneca prays (Clarke, Ten Great
Religions, p. 233): -
"We worship and adore the framer and former of
the universe; governor, disposer, keeper; Him on
whom all things depend; mind and spirit of the
world; from whom all things spring; by whose
spirit we live; the divine spirit diffused through all;
God all-powerful; God always present; God above all
other gods; Thee we worship and adore !"
The religion of the Assyrians and Babylonians, as far
as we know it from inscriptions, must likewise be classed as
one of the national religions, whose founders are unknown.
Many of their prayers have been deciphered and translated,
but one almost hesitates to quote them or to build any
theories on them, because these translations change so rapidly
from year to year. Here is a specimen of an Assyrian
prayer, assigned to the year 650 B.C.:
) [The orthodox Jews also, in reciting their morning prayer, wrap the
Talith about them, probably with the same feeling of exclusive devotion.
G.A.K.1
On Ancient Prayers. 29
"May the look of pity that shines in thine eternal
face dispel my griefs.
"May 1 never feel the anger and wrath of the God.
"May my omissions and my sins be wiped out.
"May I find reconcilation with Him, for I am the
servant of His power, the adorer of the great gods.
"May the powerful face come to my help; may it
shine like heaven, and bless me with happiness and
abundance of riches.
"May it bring forth in abundance, like the earth,
happiness and every sort of good."
If this is a correct translation, it shows much deeper
feelings and much more simplicity of thought than the ordin
ary Babylonian prayers, which have been translated by some
of the most trusted of our Cuneiform scholars. Most of
them are very stiff and formal, and evidently the work of
an effete priesthood, rather than of sincere believers in
visible or invisible gods. Here follows one short specimen:
"O my God, who art violent (against me), receive
(my supplication).
"0 my Goddess, thou who art fierce (towards me),
accept (my prayer).
"Accept my prayer (may thy liver be quieted).
"0 my Lord, long suffering (and) merciful (may
thy heart be appeased).
"By day, directing unto death that which destroys
me, O my God interpret (the vision).
O my Goddess, look upon me and accept my prayer!
"May my sin be forgiven, may my transgression
be cleansed.
"Let the yoke be unbound, the chain be loosed.
"May the seven winds carry away my groaning.
"May I strip off my evil so that the bird bear
(it) up to heaven.
"May the fish carry away my trouble, may the
river carry (it) alone.
"May the reptile of the field receive (it) from me;
may the waters of the river cleanse me as they flow.
"Make me shine as a mask of gold.
"May I be precious in thy sight as a goblet of glass."
QQ F. Max Miiller.
This is very barren poetry, and you see at the same time
how advanced and artificial, how really modern the sur
roundings are in which the thoughts of these Babylonian
prayers move. There are cities and palaces, and golden
masks and goblets of glass, of all of which we see, of course,
no trace in really ancient or primitive prayers, such as those
of the Veda. But for all that we find in these Babylonian
hymns also, some of the essential elements of prayer. We
see God or the gods displeased at the sins of their worshippers,
but we see them likewise as filled with pity for the trans
gressors. The suppliant believes in the forgivenness of sin,
he hopes that his sins may be wiped out, and that the
yoke of sin may be untied, just as the Vedic poet prayed
that the three ropes might be removed from him, from his
shoulders, from his heart, and from his feet.
We have now even Accadian prayers, very old, we are
told, older than those of Nineveh or Babylon, but even they
smell of incense and temples rather than of the fresh air of
the morning.
1 shall read only one Accadian prayer, which is more
simple and more genuine than the rest:
"God, my Creator, stand by my side.
Keep thou the door of my lips, guard thou my hands,
Lord of Light."
The following recommendation to pray is also remarkable:
"Pray thou, pray thou! Before the couch, pray!
Before the dawn is light, pray! By the tablets and
books, pray!
By the hearth, by the threshold, at the sun-rising,
At the sun-setting, pray!" 1 )
We enter into quite a different atmosphere when we
step into the ruined temples of Egypt. Here, too, the prayers
strike us as the outcome of many periods of previous thought,
but they possess a massiveness and earnestness which appeal
at once to our sympathy. Here is a specimen: -
"Hail to Thee, maker of all beings, Lord of law, Father
of the Gods; maker of men, creator of beasts; Lord of
grains, making food for the beasts of the field . . . The
) W. Tallack, The Inward Light and Christ s Incarnation, p. 4.
On Ancient Prayers. 31
One alone without a second . . . King alone, single among
the Gods; of many names, unknown is their number.
"I come to thee, Lord of the Gods, who hast
existed from the beginning, eternal God, who hast made all
things that are. Thy name be my protection; prolong niy
term of life to a good age; may my son be in my place
(after me); may my dignity remain with him (and his) for
ever, as is done to the righteous, who is glorious in the
house of the Lord.
"Who then art Thou, O my father Amon? Doth a
father forget his son? Surely a wretched lot awaiteth him
who opposes Thy will; but blessed is he who knoweth Thee,
for Thy deeds proceed from a heart of love. I call upon
Thee, my father Amon! behold me in the midst of many
peoples unknown to nie; all nations are united against me,
and I am alone; no other is with me. My many warriors
have abandoned me, none of my horsemen hath looked
towards me; and when I called them, none hath listened to
my voice. But I believe that Anion is worth more to me
than a million of warriors, than a hundred thousand horse
men, and ten thousands of brothers and sons, even were
they all gathered together. The work of many men is
nought, Amon will prevail over them."
This is a prayer full of really human feelings, and it
therefore reminds us of ever so many passages in other
prayers. The desire that the son may outlive the father, or
that the older people may not weep over the younger, meets
us in a hymn of the Veda, when the poet asks, as who has
not asked, that "the gods may allow us to die in order, so
that the old may not weep over the young.
The idea that the help of Amon is better than a thou
sand horsemen is re-echoed in many a psalm, as when we
read (Ps. CXVIII. 910) : - - "It is better to trust in the
Lord than to put any confidence in princes. All nations
compassed me about, but in the name of the Lord will I
destroy them."
If we now turn our eyes from what are called
ethnic and national religions to those religions which claim
to be the work of an individual founder, and are therefore
called individual religions, we must not imagine that they
32 F. Max Miiller.
ever came ready-made out of the brain of a single person.
If the name individual religion is used in that sense, the
term would be misleading, for every religion, like every
language, carries with it an enormous detritus of accumulated
thought which the individual prophet may reshape and revive,
but which he could not possibly create from the beginning.
The great individual religions are, Mosaism, Christianity,
Mohammedanism, and Buddhism. Zoroastrianism also
was formerly classed as an individual religion, but after
M. Darmesteter s recent researches, we can hardly do so
any longer. These individual religions are all called after the
name of their supposed founders, and the fact that they can
appeal to a personal authority imparts to them, no doubt, a more
authoritative character. Bu tif we take the case of Moses, the
religion which he is supposed to have founded sprang from a
Semitic soil prepared for centuries for the reception of his
doctrines. We know now that even such accounts as that
of the Creation, the Fall of Man, the Deluge, and the Tower
of Babel have their parallels, if not their antecedents, in the
clay tablets of Assyria, as first deciphered by George Smith
and others, and that as there is a general Semitic type of
language which Hebrew shares in common with Babylonian,
Arabic, and Syriac, there is likewise a general type of
Semitic religion which forms the common background of all.
In the case of Christianity, we know that Christ came not
to destroy, but to fulfil; and in the case of Mohammedanism
we may safely say that without Judaism and without Christi
anity it could never have sprung into existence.
The ancient religion of Persia, which is called Zoro
astrianism after its reputed author, is in reality a continua
tion, in some respects a reform, of the ancient Aryan religion
of which the Vedic religion is another branch; and exactly
the same applies to Buddhism, which has all its roots,
even those with which it breaks, in the earlier religion of
the Brahmans. In one sense, therefore f I quite admit that
the classification into ethnic, national and individual religions
may be misleading, unless it is carefully defined and unless
we remember that there is no individual religion without
antecedents that point back to a more ancient national faith.
The first individual religion in India is Buddhism, which
On Ancient Prayers. 33
sprang from Brahmanism, though on many points it stands in
direct opposition to it. This is particularly the case with
regard to prayer. There comes a time in the life of religions
as in the life of individuals when prayer in the sense of
importunate asking and begging for favours and benefits has
to cease, and when its place is taken by the simple words,
,,Thy will be done." But in Buddhism there are, as we
shall see, even stronger reasons why prayer in the ordinary
sense of the word had to be surrendered. Some years ago
I had two Buddhist priests staying with me at Oxford.
They had been sent from Japan, which alone contains over
thirty millions of Buddhists . to learn Sanskrit at Oxford.
As there was no one to teach them the peculiar Sanskrit of
the Buddhists, and I did not like their going away to a
forige university, I offered them my services. Of course,
we had many discussions, and I remember well their strong
disapprobation of prayer, in the sense of petitioning. They
belonged to the Mahayana Buddhism, and though they did
not believe in a Supreme Deity as a creator of the world,
they believed in a kind of deified Buddha, while the
Hinayana Buddhists think of their Buddha after his death
as neither existent nor non-existent. The Mahayanists adore
their Buddha, they worship him, they meditate on him, they
hope to meet him face to face in Paradise, in Sukhavati.
But such was their reverence for Buddha, and such was
their firm belief in the eternal order of the world, or in the
working of Karma, that it seemed to them the height of im
piety to pray, and to place their personal wishes before
Buddha. I asked one of my pupils whether, if he saw his child
dying, he would not pray for his life, and he replied, No,
he could not; it would be wrong, because it would show a
want of faith! "And yet," I said to him, "you Buddhists
have actually prayer-wheels. What do you consider the use
of them?"
"0 no," he said, "those are not prayer-wheels; they only
contain the names and praises of Buddha, they remind us of
Buddha, but we ask for 110 favours from Buddha."
"But," I said, "are not some of these wheels driven
by the wind like a wind-mill, others by a river like a
watermill ?"
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
F. Max Miiller.
J-T
My friend looked somewhat ashamed at first. But he
soon recovered himself and said:
"After all, they remind people of Buddha, the law, and
the Church, and if that can be done by machines driven by
wind or water, is it not better than to employ human beings
who to judge from the way in which they rattle off their
prayers in your churches and chapels, seem to be no bet
than our praying wheels."
But while we look in vain for suppliant prayers in the
sacred literature of the Buddhists, we find in it plenty of
meditations on the Buddha and the Buddhas, on saints, past
and future. While Pallas (II., p. 168) tells us that the
Buddhists in Mongolia have not even a word for prayer, he
oives us himself (II, p. 386) specimens which in other
religions would certainly be included under that name. ) For
"Thou, in whom innumerable creatures believe,
Thou Buddha, conqueror of the hosts of evil! Thou,
omniscient above all beings, come down to our world!
Made perfect and glorified in innumerable by-gone
revolutions: always pitiful, always gracious, lo, now
is the right time to confer loving blessings on all
creatures ! Bless us from thy throne which is firmly
established on a truly divine doctrine, with wonderful
benefits ! Thou, the eternal redeemer of all creatures,
incline thy face with thy immaculate company to
wards our kingdom! In faith we bow before thee.
Thou the perfecter of eternal welfare, dwelling in
the reign of tranquillity, rise and come to us, Buddha
and Lord of all blessed rest!"
Very different from Buddhism with regard to prayer
is Zoroastrianism. It encourages prayer in every form,
whether addressed to the Supreme Spirit, Ahuramazda, or
to subordinate deities. All that we know of ancient Zoro-
astrian literature is, in fact, more or less liturgical and full
of prayers, whether actual petitions or hymns of praise, or
confessions of sin or expressions of gratitude for favours
received. Some of these prayers belong to the most ancient
) Koeppen, Religion des Buddha, I, p. 555.
On Ancient Prayers. 35
period of Zend literature, though attempts have lately been
made to bring their age down to the first century of our
era, But if that were so, how should we be able to account
for the fact that their archaic language was often unintelli
gible to the Pehlevi translators and commentators, who wrote
in the third century. How difficult their language is, may
best be seen by the widely diverging translations that have
been published by Dr. Haug, Dr. Mills and Prof. Darrnesteter.
In giving a translation of the following specimens , I have
availed myself chiefly of the most recent and most valuable
work on the Yasna by M. Darmesteter. The verses are
supposed to have been addressed to Ahura Mazda by Zoro
aster himself.
"1. This I ask thee, tell me truth, Ahura! Fulfi
my desire as I fulfil thine, Mazda! I wish to resemble
thee, and teach my friends to resemble thee, in order to
give thee pious and friendly help. to be with Vohu Mano !"
(the good spirit).
"2. This I ask thee, tell me the truth, Ahura! What
is the first of things in the world of good, the good which
fulfils the desires of him who pursues it? For he who is
friend to thee, Mazda, always changes evil to good, and
rules spiritually in both worlds.
"3. This I ask thee, tell me the truth, Ahura! Who
was the creator, the first father of Asha (Right)? Who has
opened a way for the sun and the stars? Who makes the
moon to wax and wane? These are the things and others
which I wish to know, (.) Mazda!
"4. This I ask thee. tell me the truth, Ahura!
Who without supports has kept the earth from falling?
Who has made the waters and the plants? Who has set
winds and clouds to run quickly? Who is the creator of
Vohu Mano, Mazda?
"5. This I ask thee, tell me the truth, Ahura! What
good artist has made light and darkness? What good artist
has made sleep and waking? Who has made the dawn,
noon, and night? Who has made the arbiter of justice?
"6. This I ask thee, tell me the truth, Ahura! Who
has created with Khshathra (royal power) aspiration for per
fect piety? Who has placed love in the heart of a father
og F. Max Miiller.
when he obtains a son? I wish to help thee powerfully,
Mazda, beneficent spirit, creator of all things!" (From
Gatha Ushtavaiti, Darmesteter, Yasna, p. 286.)
And again:
"1. Toward what country shall I turn? Where shall
1 go to offer my prayers? Relatives and servants leave
me. Neither my neighbours nor the wicked tyrants of the
country wish me well. How shall I succeed in satisfying
thee, Mazda Ahura?
"2. I see that I am powerless, Mazda! I see that
I am poor in flocks, poor in men. I cry to thee, look at
me, Ahura! I expect from thee that happiness which
friend gives to friend. To the teaching of Vohu Mano (be
longs) the fortune of Asha.
"3. When will come to us the increasers of days?
When will the thoughts of the saints (the Saoshyants) arise,
in order to support by their works and their teaching the
good world? To whom will Vohu Mano come for prosperity?
As to me, Lord, I desire thy instruction.
"4. In the district and in the country the wicked pre
vents the workers of holiness from offering the cow, but the
violent man will perish by his own acts. Whoever, Mazda,
can prevent the wicked from ruling and oppressing makes
wise provision for the flocks!" (From Gatha Ushtavaiti,
Darmesteter, Yasna, p. 30.)
In the Avestic religion prayer is no longer left to the
sudden impulses of individuals. It has become part of the
general religious worship , part of the constant fight against
the powers of darkness and evil, in which every believer in
Ormazd is called to take his part. A person who neglects
these statutable prayers, whether priest or layman, commits
a sin. Every Par si has to say his prayer in the morning
and in the evening, besides the prayers enjoined before each
meal, a gain at the time of a birth, a marriage, or a
death there are many prayers to be recited. Three times
every day the Parsi has to address a prayer to the sun
in his various stations, while the priest, who has to rise at
midnight, has four such prayers to recite. These three
prayers at sunrise, at noon, and at sunset, and possibly at
On Ancient Prayers. 37
midnight, were not unknown to the people of the Veda, and
they became more and more fixed in later times.
Mohammed gave great prominence to prayer as an
outward form of religion. After the erection of the first
Mosque at Medinah he ordained the office of the crier or
muezzin, who from the tower had to call the faithful five
times every day to the recital of their prayers. The Muezzin
cried :
"God is great! (four times) I bear witness that there
is no god but God (twice). I bear witness that Mohammed
is the Apostle of God (twice). Come hither to prayers
(twice). Come hither to salvation (twice). God is great.
There is no other god but God.
In the early morning the crier adds : -
"Prayer is better than sleep."
The five times for this official prayer are : (1) Between
dawn and sunrise. (2) After the sun has begun to decline.
(3) Midway between this and sunset. (4) Shortly after sun
set. (5) When the night has closed in.
These prayers are farz, or incumbent; all others
are nafl, supererogatory, or sunn ah, in accordance with
the practices of the prophet.
It might seem as if statutable prayers five times every
day were too much for a busy life and that too great fre
quency might degrade the value of prayer and reduce it to
a mere routine. But any one who has lived in a Moham
medan country knc^ys that it is not so. The call of the
Muezzin still retains its startling character, and it is startling
even to the traveller to see common people in the streets and
the bazaars suddenly turning aside and saying their prayers
without any display and without any apparent wish to be
seen. According to Mohammed s own views to pray five
times every day was the minimum that could be allowed.
The prophet declared that originally the divine injunction
which he received was to pray fifty times a day. "As I
passed Moses", he relates, "Moses said to me, What have
you been ordered ? I replied Fifty times. Then Moses said,
Verily, your people will never be able to bear it, for I
tried the children of Israel with fifty times a day, but they
could not manage it. Then I returned to the Lord and
38 F. Max Miiiler.
asked for some remission. And ten prayers were taken off.
Then I pleaded again, and ten more were remitted. And so
on till at last they were reduced to five. Then I went
to Moses and he said, And how many prayers have you
been ordered? And I replied Five. And Moses said,
Verily, I tried the children of Israel with even five , but it
did not succeed. Return to your Lord, and ask for a further
remission. But I said, I have asked until I am quite
ashamed, and I cannot ask again."
We see here the underlying idea that properly speaking
the whole day should be one continuous prayer, not in the
sense of repeating words or asking favours, but of feeling
the presence of God and doing everything as it were in the
sight of God. This is the best of all prayers, though it
would often be a prayer without words.
Besides these five statutable and more or less public
prayers, private devotions are frequently recommended by
Mohammed, but we possess few specimens of these prayers.
Mohammed, when speaking of the birds in the air, says that
each one knoweth its prayer and its praise, and God knoweth
what they do. He recommends his followers to be instant
not only in prayer, but in almsgiving also. "When the call
to prayer soundeth on the day of congregation (Friday), then
hasten to remember God," he says, "and abandon business;
that is better for you, if ye only knew; and when prayer
is done, disperse in the land, and seek of the bount/ of
God." The following may serve as a specimen of a simple
Mohammedan prayer. It has sometimes been called Moham
med s Paternoster:
"Praise be to God, the Lord of the Worlds!
The compassionate, the merciful !
King of the day of judgment!
Thee we worship, and thee we ask for help,
Guide us in the straight way,
The way of those to whom Thou art gracious,
Not of those upon whom is Thy wrath, nor of the erring !"
There is no necessity for my saying anything about
the two remaining individual religions, the Jewish and the
Christian. Their prayers are well known and what has
to be said about them has been said and well said by more
On Ancient Prayers. 39
competent teachers in this University. It has sometimes been
supposed that because the Jews also had fixed certain times
of the day for prayer, generally morning, noon and evening,
they had borrowed this custom from Egypt, from Persia, nay
even from India, We have only to extend the horizon of
our religious observations in order to see that there are a
number of coincidences which imply no borrowing, but must
be traced back to our common human nature. It required
no special revelation to suggest the rising, the culminating
and the setting of the sun as the most appropriate times for
prayer. Even when we find four or five special times fixed
for divine worship in two different religions, we need not
admit borrowing, but should always remember that what
was natural in one religion, may have been equally natural
in another. It is irrational coincidences that require an
historical explanation in the shape of borrowing, but a com
parative study of religions and mythologies teaches us again
and again that there is often method even in madness, and
that two nations that never had any historical contact, may
arrive at the same opinions , however irrational and absurd
they may seem from a more narrow point of view.
Like the Greeks, the Jews were generally standing
while saying their prayers, but we also hear of cases where
they bent their knees, threw themselves down on the ground,
lifted up their hands, smote their breasts, or in deep mour
ning placed their head between their knees. The proper
place for their private prayers was the small chamber in the
house, but AVC know how, when prayer had become statutable
and ceremonial, pious people loved to pray standing in the
synagogues and the corners of the streets. It is evidently
against such prayers that Isaiah protests when he introduces
Jehovah as saying (I, 15): "And when ye spread forth your
hands, I will hide mine eyes from you: yea, when ye make
many prayers I will not hear !"
* I have thus tried to show how much of what is good
and true may be found in the prayers of all religions. We
can point out prayers in all the Sacred Books of the world,
prayers in which we ourselves could honestly join; and the
discovery of that common sacred ground is, 1 believe, the
greatest benefit which a comparative study of the religions
_^Q F. Max Miiller.
of mankind is meant to confer. It was a great event in
the history of the world, to my mind the most important
that I remember in the whole of my life, when at the gr eat
Congress of Religions held last September (1893) in Chicago,
representatives of the seven great religions of the world,
Brahrnans, Buddhists, Followers of Confucius, worshippers of
Orniuzd, of Jehovah, of Allah, and Christians of all deno
minations, Delegates of the Pope, Bishops of the Episcopalian
Church, Unitarians and Friends, were seen standing together
on the same platform, and joining every morning in silent
prayer, nay, receiving a blessing in whatever language it
might be pronounced, by whatever hands it might be offered.
It was a new day of Pentecost, and who knows what its
effects may he in the future. And yet in acknowledging a
common fund of truth in all religions, no one present at
that Great and truly Oecumenical Council, was asked to give
up what he cherished most in his own religion. Nor would
it be right that our sympathy with what is good and true
and beautiful in other religions should make us uncritical
or undiscrimmating. After reading the hymns and prayers
of other religions, no unprejudiced critic would deny that
the Hebrew Psalms stand out unique among the prayers of
the Avhole world by their simplicity, their power, and the
majesty of their language, though like all collections of
prayers, the collection of the Psalms also, contains some
which we should not be sorry to miss.
Some of the private prayers of the Jews have been
preserved in the Talmud. They are very beautiful, and the
Rabbis often pride themselves on being able to match from
the Talmud every petition in Avhat has become emphatically
the prayer of Christianity, the Lord s Prayer. *) Why should
they not? It would probably not be difficult to do the
same from other Sacred Books of the East. The human
soul when in a mood for prayer, has much the same to say,
though the way of saying it, varies in different religions and
different languages. To study these changes is one of the
chief objects and charms of Comparative Theology. We can
*) [See an article by Dr. A. Kohut on "The Talmud and the Gospels",
in The Independent (New York), for June 21st, 1894, where parallals and
a complete bibliography are given. G.A.K.]
On Ancient Prayers. 41
study religions either gen ealogic all y, or analogically. In
studying religion genealogically, as when we try to understand
Christianity in its development from Jewish faith and Greek
philosophy, we learn that there is progress, or what it is
now the fashion to call evolution, that is, historical
continuity and growth in the great religions of the world.
But even in studying religions analogically, that is,
in comparing religions which have no historical relationship,
we learn to discover a certain independent parallelism of
thought which sometimes helps us to understand what is
obscure and seemingly without antecedents in one religion
by the fuller light derived from another. The more perfect
method is no doubt the genealogical which , wherever it is
applicable, enables us to see how slow and gradual changes
may lead historically and without any break, from one point
of the compass of thought to anothes, sometimes to the very oppo
site. The analogical method is less satisfactory, still, if we have
once learnt to look upon humanity as a whole, as one great brother
hood, we may be justified in applying the solvents supplied
by the religion even of mere savages, to problems that require
solution in the religious doctrines of the most civilised races.
Thus with regard to sacrifice we can see how savage
tribes offer at first the entire animal to their gods, even
when they themselves have to fast. After a time we see
how the sacrifice becomes a feast at which all the members
of the sacrificer s family take their share, while the officiating
priests claim the best morsels for themselves. This leads
at last to the scandal of burning only the worst portions of
the victim for the benefit of the gods, till a natural reaction
sets in and God is made to declare "that He will not take
a bullock or a he-goat, and that the true sacrifice is a broken
spirit and a contrite heart."
It is the same with the historical development of prayer.
It begins, as we saw, with "Give us food", "give us health,"
"give us children" "give us a long life," in fact - - "Let our
will be done." It ends, after many chances and chances,
not indeed with the Buddhist condemnation of all prayer, but
with the prayer of all prayers:
Let Thy will be done!
Lapidarien,
ein culturgeschiehtlicher Versuch
von
Moritz Steins clmeider (Berlin.).
I. Entwicklung, Tendenz, Qucllen.
Mit derFrage: ,,Wober?", mit deni Aufsuchen der An-
fange oder .,Principien" trennt sich die Theorie von der
Praxis. derenFrage: ,,Wozu?" lautet Beide haben eigent-
lich ein unendliches Ziel; wir kennen ja die letzten Zwecke
eben so wenig als die ersten Anfange: allein nach den
letzten Zwecken fragen ist eben niclit ,,praktiscb" ; den
practischen Menschen bescbaftigen nur die nacbsten Absichten,
die allerdings fiir die Meisten zugleich die letzten sind. Der
Forscher nach den Aniangen ist nicht bios in der Natur-
kunde, sondern auch in der Geschichte der Menschheit, na-
nientlich in der Geschichte der Wissenschaft und Literatur,
auf die Erganzung der Thatsachen durch Vermutungen und
Annahmen (Hypothesen) angewiesen, welche in ihreni Rechte
sind, oder wie der Franzose sagt, eine raison d etre haben,
so lange sie den Schein von Thatsachen verrneiden, sich nur
fiir das ausgeben, was sie sind. Diese nbtige Yorsicht inag
auch ims leiten, wenn wir einen verhaltnismassig relchen
Literaturzweig des Mittelalters einleiten divrch einen Yersucb,
die Wurzeln desselben zu entdecken, ehe wir in eineni kurzen
Ueberblick einige Friichte zu iiberschauen streben. Wir
denken uns die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Lapidarien
in folgender Weise.
Als der Mensch anfing, die unorganische Natur, oder das
Mineralreich, vom Reicbe der Pflanzen undTiere zu unterschei-
den, da erkannte er wohl zuerst seine natiirliche und nachste
Lapidarien. 43
Umgebung. den Sand und Staub auf der Oberflache. Mit dem
Graben, Hauen imd Baueii lernte er Steine kennen, deren
Harte und Dauerhaftigkeit sie zuni Mittel und Werkzeug fiir
diese und andere Thatigkeiten empfahlen; die Anthropologen
nehmen bekanntlich eine Steinzeit fur diese Culturstufe an.
Spater verfolgte man die natiirlichen Erdschichten und
baute Scha elate, worin man zunachst ein Gemenge fand,
das Erz (so viel als Erstes, Gemenge = p. T a)^a, franzosich
fouille, von fouiller == durclm rt/zfew); 1 ) im Erze fand man
Schmelzbares, welches den Stein verdrangte, das fiihrte die
Bronzezeit herbei 2 ); erst spiiter kommt das Eisen zur
Geltung. Allmalig ergaben Glanz und Gewicht den Begriff
der edlen Metalle, welche sich besonders durch ihr Gewicht
zur Herstellung der Miinzen von hoherem Wert geeignet
zeigen. In der That ist der hebraische Sclicltel zunachst nur
ein Gewicht, wie latein. libra (woraus lira ital.. lirre franzos.
und pound englisch). Eudlich beginnt man, nach Farbe, Form
(Facetten) und Liclit edle Steine (Abanim tobot) oder Edel-
steine zu unterscheiden, die Metalle und Steine mit mytho-
logischen und astrologischen Vorstellungen zu vcr-
binden 3 ) und ihnen verborgene, magische Eigenschaften und
Krafte (Segullot , arabisch Khassa, Khaivwas) beizulegeu,
welche man gewolmlich durch die Analogic des Magnets,
wenn nicht zu erklaren. doch durch die gleiche Unerklarlich-
keit zu beweisen suchte. 4 ) So kamen denn die Edelsteine mit
der Mineralogie in das Bercich der Heilmittel und in die
alphabetischen Sammlnngen von Namen der Simplicia" , die
man ^Synonyma," betitelte 5 ), allerdings nur in geringer Anzahl
x ) Uber Metalle" u. ,,Minen" s. Berthelot, Introd. a I Etude de la
Chimie etc. Paris 1889 p. 26. wo ein Missverstandnis bei Hofer (Hist., I,
149) berichtet wird. Auch das arabische Mcfadin bedeutet Mine und
Minerale, wie das syrische und hebr. NXIS.
2 ) Ueber die verschiedene Bedeutung von Bronze s. Berthelot,
Introd., p. 228.
3 ) Die Yerbindung von Metallen und Sternen ist nach Berthelot,
Introd. p. 202, La Chimie etc. J, 326, altchaldaisch.
4 ) Steinschn eider, Intorno ad aclutri passi etc. relatin alia calamita,
Roma 1871.
5 ) Steinschneider. Zur Literatnr der Synonyma, Sonderabdruck aus
Pagel, Chirurgie des H. von Mondeville, Berlin 1892 S, 582 if. Bei
H. Emanuel (Diamonds), ist nur Serapion envahnt, p. 256.
4, Moritz Steinschneider.
gegeniiber den zahlreichen Pflanzennamen; das Verhaltnis zu
den Artikeln aus dcrn Tierreich habe ich nicht untersucht.
Die Elementarlehre des Aristoteles, welche das Mittel-
alter beherrschte, mid wonach alle Korper aus denselben
4 Bestandteilen zusammengesetzt sind, erzeugte, oder unter-
stittzte die Idee von der Moglichkeit einer Verwandlung un-
edler Metalle in edle, oder vom sogen. Stein der Weisen",
welcher so vielen Thoren zum Stein des Anstosses geworden.
Der Stein wurde allmalig mit anderen wunderthatigen Kraften
ausgestattet; die Gehehnlehren der Alchemie wurden bei den
spateren Griechen (Byzantinern) auf heidnische Gottheiten, na-
mentlich Hermes (nach welchem man die ,,hermetische Kunst"
benannte), zuriickgefuhrt; 1 ) an ihrer Stelle oder neben ihnen,
erscheinen spater fingirte he braise he 2 ) und griechische
Autoritaten; Philosophic und Mystik geben sich dem Betrug
zum Miss branch her.
Kiinstliche Diamanten sind erst in neuester Zeit moglich ge-
worden; friiher kannte man auf diesern Gebiet nur nachahmende
Tausclmng, die hier nicht welter berticksichtigt wird.
Der jlidischen und christlichen Gelehrsamkeit bot
sich ausser dem niercantilischen, naturhistorischen, mystischen
und medicinischen Antrieb zur Erforschung von Edelsteinen
noch ein exegetisch-archaeologischer. Das orakelnde Brust-
s child des Hohepriesters enthielt bekanntlich zwolf Edel-
steine, worin die Nanien der 12 Stamme Israel s, wie in einem
Siegel eingegraben waren (CHln TtlPD Exod. 28,20). 12 Steine
erwahnt auch die Apokalypse des Johannes. Hier war
J ) Berth elot, Collection des anciens Alchimistes yrecs. 2 voll. Pav. 1888.
2 ) Bei Berthelot vermisst man, wo es Juden betrifft, die sonstige
kritische Yorsicht, z. B. Introd. p. 16: Jiidischer Gnosticismus, p. 18:
Sprache der Juden, -p. 236: Zosimus, der Hebraer (!), p. 234: Marie
1 Hebreuse [eigentlich eine Confusion von Mirjam, der Jungfrau Maria und
der koptischen Sklavin des Muhammed], p. 294 : jiidische Schriften. La
Chimie I, 229: Ubersetzungen aus dem Habraischen, p. 232: judische An-
spielungen, p. 333: hebraische Texte, p. 249: Zadith ben Hamuel, ein
jiidisches AVerk, p. 254: die ,,Turba" aus dem Arabischen oder Hebraischen
iibersetzt, p. 145 wird aus den "Worten: ,,Gott hat dem Moses das Gesetz
gegeben" auf jiidischen Ursprung geschlossen , p. 257: aus dem Hebraischen
oder Arabischen iibersetzt, vgl. 263, 267, p. 302: Jakob, der Jude und
Pseudo-Moses, vgl. II, p. XXXVI. II p. XXXV u. 264: Salomo schreibt
ein agyptisches Buch gegen die Damonen; p. XXXVI u. 294 Esdras. -
p. 267: ^Talisman" des Salomo ist ein hebraischer Ausdruck!
Lapidarien. 45
Gelegenheit geboten, iiber Narnen, Beschaffenheit. Eigentiini-
lichkeit und symbolische Bedeutung der 12 Steine sich zu
ergehen. DenDoch findet sich in der hebraischen Literatur
kamn eine Monographic dariiber, 1 ) wogegen eine grossere
Anzahl betrefFender christlicher Schriften existirt, 2 ) darunter
eine der altesten angeblich von Cethel oder wie der
Namen sonst verstiiminelt erscheint - - der sie zur Zeit des
Auszuges aus Aegypten verfasst habe. Ich habe in dieseni
Namen Bezalel erkannt, und dieser Name fand sich auch
hinterher deutlich. 3 )
Die Edelsteine warden fur magische Wirkungen uiit
Figuren und Inschriften versehen, nach Art der Steine in
einem Siegelringe; ob hier die jiidische Tradition von
der Wirkung der Gottesnarnen von Einfluss gewesen sei, lasse
ich dahingestellt. Was ich dariiber in der hebraischen Lite
ratur des Mittelalters gefunden habe, ist sehr unbedeutend
und Jung, meist aus nichtjiidischen Quellen stammend; zu-
letzt glaubte man auch, Steine mit natiirlich eingegrabenen
Figuren und Zeichen entdeckt zu haben, und es bildete sich
innerhalb der Steinkunde em besonderer Kreis von den
Steinen mit gravirten Zeichen, oder Figuren. 4 )
Und nach alien diesen verschiedenartigen Ideenkreisen
fand die Edelsteinkunde noch eine practische Anwendung,
nainlich eine moral! sche oder symbolische, 5 ) in christ-
lichen Predigten, ahnlich, wie ini sogenannten 7 ,Physiologus* ,
welcher die Tierwelt und die damit zusaninienhangende
Fab el welt in den Dienst einer oft sehr gewaltsaui symboli-
sirenden Homiletik stellte. 6 ) Wenn aber der ,,Physiologus" in
Mein: Die hebr. tbers. S. 964.
2 ) S. Anhang I.
3 ) Hebr. Bibliographic XVI, 104; Zeitschr. f. Mathem. XX, 26; Die
hebr. Ubersetz. S. 963. Anm.
4 ) Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. 958. Lapidum Pretiosorum usus Magicus.
sive de Sigillis; ms. des Br. Mus. Harley bei Emanuel p. 260.
5 ) Felicie d Ayzac. in Annales archeoloyiques de Didron, t. V; 1846
p. 216 (iiber die Symbolik der Edelsteine). 60 Edelsteine bekleiden die
,,Intettigen-za", d. i. ein Gedicht, angeblich von Dino Compagni, aber
wohl alter (XII. Jahrh.?); s. Spezi, Due trattati del governo degli uccelli,
p. XIV. S. auch Anh. II: Schriften von de Mely, insbesondere die letzte.
6 ) Bei Hommel, die athiopische Ubersetz. des Physiologus, Leipzig 1877
S. 64 n. 17 (Schildkrote) schlagt Susanna die Rabbiner! S. 72 (Krahe):
Moritz Steinschn eider.
4b
keiner hebraischen Bcarbeitimg nachzuweisen 1st, so lag es
nicht an der verkunstelten Auslegungsmethode, die sich als
Consequenz der jiidischen Haggada betrachten durfte, son-
dern an der durchgehenden christlichen Tendenz. 1 )
Wenn eine der hier geschilderten Tendenzen bei der
schriftlichen Abfassung eines ,,Lapidariuni" (Steinbuches)
vorherrschenden Einfluss ausubte, so verdrangte sie doch
nicht Icicht alle anderen ganzlich; sondern es bildete sich
allmaiig eine Art von Gleichgcwicht in der Ausgestaltung der
Steinbiicber-, dennoch darf man annehmen, dass die allgemeine
Gedankenrichturig des Mittelalters, insbesondere der mit dem
Glauben an Teufel, Damonen, Gespenstern u. dergl. zusam-
inenhangende Aberglaube auch in den Edelsteinen am
liebsten die dunkle Seite der Magie und der geheimen Krafte
aufsuchte.
Schliesslich warden Scbilderungen merkwiirdiger Steine
Bestandteile k o smog rap hisc h er Werke wie in den
lateinischen Schriften mit dem beliebten Titel: De natura
(natnns) rerum; Philologen der alten Schulen schrieben viel-
leicht auch iiber die Naiiien der Steine lexicaliscb.
Der Geist der Menscben entwickelt sich aber nicht
lediglich nach abstracten Kategorien ; die Geschichte bietet
oft iiberraschende Wirkungen ausserlicher Erscheinungen, und
die Literatur der einzelnen Volker entwickelt sich haufig
unter dem Einfluss eines anderen, der eigenen Geistesrichtung
fremden, ja sogar entgegengeset-zten Schrifttums. Bei den
Juden, welche mit Landern und Volkern auch die ver-
schiedensten Culturen durchwanderten, ist die Aufnahme und
Assimilation fremden Stoffes am leichtesten iiberhaupt wahr-
zunehinen, am schwersten im Einzelnen zu durchforschen;
es gilt hier, fur vieles anscbeinend Eigentiimliche den
fremden Ursprung aufzusuchen, selbst wenn ein solcher aus-
driicklich angegeben wird, z. B. bei Ueberse tzungen,
wenn die Originale nicht genannt sind. In medizinischen und
naturwissenschaftlichen Werken ist derfremde Einfluss am deut-
,,Jerusalem, die Synagoge der Juden, die Morderin Jesus bat keinen zvveiten
Eiioser mehr."
*) Hommel, 1. c. S. 58 n. 12 (Ameise) : ,,Du aber entferne das
A. He Testament von Deiner Seele, damit Dicb nicht der Buchstabe todte;
Paulus sprach: Das Gesetz des Geistes ist Leben.
Lapidarien. 47
lichsten zu erkennen an den nichthebraischen Namen, und nach
diesem Kriterium gehoren saintliche hebraische Lapidarien
einer fremden Literatur an. Es sind hier zwei Hauptquellen
zu unterscheiden : arabische Namen in ihrer urspriinglichen
Orthographie (die diakritischen Punkte fehlen in der Eegel)
und lateinische, welche wiederuin teilweise aus deni
Griechischen, teilweise aus dem Arabischen stammen, wie
z. B. Hyacinth zu Persisch-Arabischem Jafait wird. In den
lateinischen Schriften des Mittelalters sind die fremden Aus-
driicke oft schon in der Hand des Uebersetzers und des Co-
pisten unkenntlich geworden: die alten Drucke mit ihren weit-
geheuden Abkiirzungen haben die Verketzerung nur gesteigert,
und es ist die vergleichende Namenkunde ebensowohl
eine sachliche als sprachliche Aufgabe geworden, der sich
seit einiger Zeit Herr F. de Mely mit grosser Energie unter-
zieht, wie aus den Proben seines umfassenden Materials
hervorgeht. 1 )
Wir beabsichtigen hier natiirlich nicht die Edelstein-
literatur erschopfend zu behandeln. oder auch nur biblio-
graphisch aufzuzahlen, sondern nur diejenigen arabischen
und europaischen Schriften des Mittelalters zusaimnenzustellen,
welche wir auf dem Wege nach anderen Zielen gelegentlich
kennen gelernt haben, um mit einem Ueberblick der jiidischen,
namentlich hebraischen Lapidarien zu schliessen. Ausser den
speciellen Catalogen, welche bei den einzelnen mss. direct
benutzt und als Quelle angefiihrt sind, ist hier noch auf
einige neuere Abhandlungen und Notizen hinzuweisen, welche
die Lapidarien im Allgemeinen zur Kenntnis bringen und
charakterisiren, teilweise in Einleitungen zu Ausgaben ein-
zelner Steinbiicher. 2 )
II. Arabische Schriften.
Die nachfolgende Aufzahlung stammt aus gelegentlichen
Notizen vieler Jahre, und ich bin ausser Stande, jede Einzel-
heit nochmals mit den Quellen zu vergleichen, oder neue
Studien anzustellen; die hier erwahnten Autoren u ber den
Kreis der Stein schriften hinaus zu verfolgen konnte gar nicht
*) Seine Schriften s. Ende An hang II.
2 ) S. Anhang II.
,o Moritz Steinschneider.
meine Absicht sein. Ich darf annehmen, dass alle unter I
besprochenen Beziehungen durch die folgenden Angaben belegt
sind, in welchen zuerst eine Reihe von Autoren chronologisch
geordnet, dann eine Anzahl von Anonymen, schliesslich einige
arabische Ubersetzungen oder Bearbeitungen von griechischen
Quellen aufgezahlt werden. Eine genauere Bibliographie mit
Angabe der arabischen Titel musste einem Fachblatte vor-
behalten bleiben.
[Ich babe inzwischen eine solcbe in der Zeitschr. der
Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch. Bd. 49(1895) und
bier nur die Hauptsachen kurz gegeben.]
a) Arabische Autoren:
Djabir ben Hajjan (um 760), der angebliche Vater der
arabischen Alchemic, soil ein ,,Buch der Steine" (Berth.
Ill 22) und ,,Ursachen der Mineralien" verfasst haben.
Al-Kasim b. Sallam (gest. 839), em Philologe, verfasste ein
,.Buch der Steine". ob lexicalisch?
Ali b. Rabban al-Thabari, ein zum Islam iibergetretener Sohn
dcs Rabbiners Sahl (uni 850), Arzt und Schriftsteller,
bat nicht ein Buch der ,,Edelsteine" geschrieben, wird
aber fiir Mineralien citirt.
Al-Dja e hiz (gest. 868 oder 869), ein Vielschreiber, erwahnt
sein AVerk liber Mineralien, Edelsteine und Metalle
u. s. w.. wie es scheint, ebenfalls alchemistisch.
Masaweih, ibo, der beriihmte Arzt (gest. 857), wird nur von
Tifaschi als Verfasser eines Steinbuches angefiihrt.
Al-Kindi. vulgo: Alchindus (gest. nach 864), ein Polyhistor,
verfasste 2 Abhandlungen iiber Edelsteine.
c Honein b. Is c hak (gest. 863), der beruhmteste Ubersetzer
griechischer Werke, soil eine Schrift iiber die An-
fertigung von Talismanen aus Edelsteinen in einem
Pariser ms. verfasst haben. Eine Abhandlung Honein s
liber Alchemie citirt Sakhawi S. 77.
Oth arid (oder Utarid) b. Muhammed d- Hasib, der Rechner
(oder &\-Katib, der Secretar), wahrscheinlich alterer
Zeitgenosse des zu erwahnenden Razi, verfasste eine
Schrift iiber die Xutzen der Edelsteine, welche mit ver-
schiedenem Titel in der Bodleiana, in Cambridge und
Paris erhalten ist.
Lapidarien. JQ
.
Al-Eazi, vulgo Rhazes (gest. 923 oder 932), einer der
beriihmtesten arabischen Arzte, verfasste Verschiedenes
zur Verteidigung der Alchemic, darunter ein ,,Buch der
Steine", vielleicht identisck mit deni ,,Buck vom Steine-
und dem ,,Buch vom roten Steine", auch ein zweifel-
haftes Buck ,,de mineris".
Ibn al-Heitham, Abd al-Ra hman (urn 950), Arzt in Cordova,
verfasste ein Buch liber Heilmittel, worin Kapitel iiber
specifische (sympathetische) ; das Buck ist in hebraischer
Jbersetzung erhalten und bietet auch Einiges iiber Steine
Djezzar, ibn al-, Arzt (gest. um 1000), wird von TifascM
als Verfasser eines Steinbuches angefiikrt. Der Namen
ist in dei Ausgabe corruinpirt, die ricktige Lesart hat
das hebr. ms. Berlin 349 Oct.
Maslama al-Madjriti (in Spanien gest. um 10047), ver
fasste eine Schrift iiber Magie, worin aueli von Steinen;
aus einem angeblicken ,Buck der Steine- desselben
smd Ausziige in der Bodleiana und in Cambridge erhalten
Al-Biruni (durck Sackau als r al-Beruni" eingefukrt), abu l-
Rei kan, im Orient (1038), verfasste eine unter ver-
schiedenem Titel im Escurial und in der Bodleiana
erhaltene Monographic iiber die Steinkunde fiir den
Herrscker Maudud , worin einige sonst unbekannte
Autoren (Vielleicht aus anderem Gebiete ?) angefiikrt
sind, wie dieses, leider wenig bekannte Buch sogar in
einem mediciniscken Werke von Suweidi (gest. 1292,
s. unten) benutzt sckeint. Leclerc (Hist, de la mede-
cine arale I, 480) mackt Mitteilungen aus dem ms. des
Escurial, das er fiir ein Unicuin halt, weil das Bod-
leianiscke bei Wustenfeld feklt. Biruni wurde jiidischer
Abkunft verdiichtigt, wegen seiner Bekanntsckaft mit
der Bibel durck die Ubersetzung des f Honein, meint
Leclerc, nackdem er Biruni s Bemerkung iiber die
,,Kupferwaffen- zur Zeit Samuel s initgeteilt kat. Die
Chronologic Biruni s, die man bisher fiir die Geschichte
der judischen Chronologic noch nicht kerangezogen
kat, beweist aber einen Verkekr mit gelehrten Juden.
Ubrigens komnit Leclerc gern auf seine vermeintliche
:,Entdeckung" der Bibeliibersetzung Honein s zuriick.
Diese Ubersetzung aus dem Griechischen (der LXX)
Kohut, Semitic Studies. A
50 Moritz Steinschneider.
ist bereits (nach Rodiger) in meinem Art. ,,Jiidische
Literatur" vor einem halben Jahrhundert erwahnt.
Al-Tifaschi, vulgo: Teifaschi, Ahmed (gest. 1253/4), ist der
bekannteste arabische Autor auf unserem Grebiete.
Seine Monographic, in 25 Kapiteln, wovon wenigstens
2 Recensionen existiren, ist unter verschiedenen Uber-
schriften, auch anonym, in vielen mss. vorhanden. Erst
kiirzlich entdeckte ich sie arabisch in dem hebr. ms.
Berlin 349 Oct. Proben gab bereits Ravius (Utrecht
1784), den Text rait italienischer Ubersetzung (Ahmed
Teifascite etc.) A. Rainieri (Firenze 1818). Eine tiirkische
Ubersetzung von Mahinud al-Schirwani (urn 1427/8) ist
handschriftlich in der Leipziger Ratsbibliothek. Ti-
faschi war fur manchen Nachfolger massgebend.
Beilak al-Kabdjaki verfasste eine sklavische Nachahmung
des Tifaschi in 30 Kapiteln in einem Pariser ms. (Slane
2779, Autograph).
Kazwini, der bekannte Kosmograph (gest. 1283), hat in
seinem Werke, betitelt ,,Weltwunder", auch Manches
iiber unser Thema, was besonders excerpirt wurde, z. B.
in einem Pariser ms.; Slane (n. 2776, 5 ) scheint es dem
Leser zu iiberlassen, den Autornarnen zu erraten.
Bar H ebr aus (der Hebraersohn) Gregorius, bekannter syrischer
Autor (gest. 1286), gab in seiner, aus dem Syrischen
arabisch ubersetztenEncyklopadie(,,Pharus derHeiligen")
auch einen Abschnitt iiber die Mineralien.
Al-Suweidi, Ibrahim (1203 1291/2), Arzt in Damaskus und
in Agypten, verfasste eine Schrift iiber die specifischen
Krafte der Edelsteine, weiche unter verschiedenen Titeln
in der Bibliothek des iigyptischen Khedive und der
Berliner koniglichen handschriftlich vorhanden ist.
Wat w at, Mahammed b. Ibrahim (gest. 1318/9) ist der Autor
eines umfassenden Werkes, aus welchern ms. Paris (Slane
2776 4 ) Auszuge enthalt.
Sakhawi, Schanis al-Din Muhammed b. Ibrahim al-Ansari (die
Nanien sind verschieden entstellt und im Index von Hagi
Khalfa unkritisch gegeben), Arzt (gest. 1348/9), der bei
Wiistenfeld und Leclerc fehlt, und Encyklopadiker, iiber
welchen Vieles zu bemerken ware, verfasste zwei hierher
gehorende Schriften, einen ,,ausgewahlten Schatz", aus
Lapidarien. 5^
alteren und jiingeren Autoritaten iiber Edelsteine, deren
Eigenschaften, Eundorte, bekannte Preise, specifische
Krafte und Nutzen r zu linden in Paris (Slane 2776, 2
mit abweicbendem Schlagwort und ohne nahere Nach-
weisung), und eine ahnliche oder venvandte Abhandlung
iiber die mineralische und tierische Substanz, wahr-
scheinlich mit Riicksicht auf Alchemic, woriiber Hagi
Khalfa eine Stelle im Namen Sakhawi s anfiihrt. welche
sich in dem encyklopadischem Werke (S. 77) nicht nndet.
Makrizi, Ahmed b. Ali (gest. 1441), der bekannte Kosmo-
graph, verfasste ein Buch der ,,hohen Zwecke" iiber
die Kenntnis der metallischen Korper, welches von
Hagi Khalfa erwahnt wird und in einem Leydener
Sanimelband gefunden worden ist.
Sujuti (ungenau Asjuti), Djalal al-Din Abd ul-Rahman (gest
1505), der eine ganze Bibliothek zusammengeschrieben
hat, verfasste unter anderen Schriften ..hyacinthische
Makainen", worin einAbschnitt iiber Edelsteine, arab. ms.
361. 4 des Vatican. 5 Arten von Juwelen bilden den
letzten kurzen Abschnitt des Kuches ..De proprietatibus
et virtutibus aniinaliuin, plantarum et gemmarum Hab-
darrahmani Asiutensis, latin, don. ab Abraham Ecche-
i S Paris 1647, 8.
Auf die neuere Zeit habe ich meine Notizen nicht aus-
gedehnt, schliesse also (init Ubergehung des wenigen mir
Bekannten) mit einigen zweifelhaften Autoren und Biichern.
Tiber die, ins Spanische iibersetzte und von der Akademie
in Madrid edirten Lapidarien des .,Abolays und Muhammed
aben Quich"(?) verweise ich auf Z.D.M.G. Bd. 49 S. 266 ff. 1 )
Ein Secretum (secretorum) iiber Edelsteine von abul-Abbas
Ahmed al-Kutubi fcorrumpirt xVbutigi?) ist vielleicht zwei-
mal in der Bodleiana und in Paris (Slane 2780)?
b) Anonyma:
Ich muss mich hier auf eine Angabe des Titelwortes
(nach dem arab. Alphabet geordnet) und der Quelle beschranken,
unter Vorbehalt der Zeitbestimmung.
l ) Der ,,Zusatz", auf welchen in ,,Die hebr. Ubers." S. 980 verwiesen
ist, blieb \vegen seiner Ausdehnung zuriick.
4*
rg Moritz Steinschneider.
Bugjat al-Tullab. Hagi Kb. V, 209.
fttob al-Djawakir, ib. VII, 291 n. 1616.
DjmvaMr al-Israr, ib. II, 670 n. 4264 (alchem. .
Khawwas al-Ahdjar, Ahhvardt n. 6217, nach Anordnung
des Trfaschi.
1 KtowA* al-Djawahir,-S.-Kh.Vn, 160 n. 1707, unter
inedicinischen Schriften.
Eisala . . fi l-A Mjar, Bibliothek des Khedive, kleiner Catalog
S. 213.
Eisala . fi l-Djawahir, Suppl. Paris 878 (Slane 2775,*), nach
Clement-Mullet, Journ. Asiat. 1868 (XI) p. 11 wird im
,,Catalog Ci diese Schrift dem Avicenna beigelegt.
Sirr ai-Asmr (s. oben amEnde der Autoren), liber 76 Edelsteine.
Ujun al- HaMiJc, H. Kb. IV, 290 n. 8465.
Al-Maddin (Kitab), Fihrist S. 318 Z. 2.
Nushat al-AVsar, ms. Paris, Slane 2776 3 .
Nur al-Anwar, ins. Khedive V, 398. l )
Titellos. Fragment ? ins. Berlin, Ahlwardt V, 492 n. 6228.
Unbekannt, ms. des Brit. Mus. (christl.?) n. 38 (Catal. p. 52).
Zwei anonyme Lapidarien in spanischer Ubersetzung sind
von der Madrider Akadeniie mit ,,Abolays" etc. heraus-
3n, s. oben S. 51.
c) Arabische Ubersetzungen nnd Bearbeitungen
griechischer Quellen.
Wir begegnen in arabischen Steinbiichern verschiedenen
Citaten mit deutlichen Namen griechischer Autoren, oder
unter entstellten Formen, welche auf griechische Quellen zu
fiihren scheinen; doch ist nicht inimer anzunehmen, dass
ein griechisches untergeschobenes Steinbuch zu Grunde liege,
wie z. B. in den verdiichtigen Citaten bei ,,aben Quich".
Obenan steht Aristoteles, dem ein grosses Steinbuch
beigelegt wird, welches ,.Luka b. Serapion cc (?) ubersetzt habe.
Es ist bisher davon nur ein arabisches ms. in Paris bekannt.
Hingegen giebt es verschiedene hebraische und lateinische
Bearbeitungen, iiber welche Valentin Rose Licht verbreitet
hat. Eine Stelle iiber die Anwendimg der Magnetnadel ist
vielfach besprochen (s. unten I\ 7 ). Uber eine, dem Arist. oder
J ) Yergl. auch p. 377 u. 850.
Lapidarien. 53
Avicenna beigelegte alchemistische Abhandlung s. F. de
Mely, Le Lapidaire d Aristote. Par. 1894. (Extrait de la Revue
des Etudes grecques, t. VII.) Demniichst kommt Hermes,
arabisch auch Idris, hebraisch Chanoch (Hench). 1 ) Die
verschiedenen, meist superstitiosen Schriften, welche in
arabischen Quellen ihm beigelegt werden, habe ich im III.
Abschn. meiner Pariser Preisschrift iiber die arabischen Uber-
setzungen zusammengestellt, welcher in Z.D.M.Gr. 1896 zum Ab-
druck kommt. Hier sei nur eine Monographic iiber die eigenttim-
lichen Krafte etc. und iiber die Gravirung erwahnt, welche
in Berlin (21 Kap.) 7 in der Bodleiana und in Cambridge hand-
schriftlich erhalten ist.
Balinas, den z. B. Beilak anfuhrt, ist vielleicht Apollonius
von Thyana, da Plinius nicht ins Arabische libersetzt worden
ist. .,Muhammed aben Quich" citirt als Verfasser von Stein-
biichern: Alexander, ,,Benfrecytes" und .,Boortriates"
vielleicht beide aus Theophrastos verstiimnielt (dessen
Schrift bei H. Emanuel S. 267, - = 258), der auch von Bei
lak (als .,Ufrustas") angefiihrt wird Anficitez, Zabor
(Sabur, Schabur, ein jiingerer Perser?). 2 )
Aus verschiedenen Schriften ergeben sich als Verf. von
Steinbiichern : Finicinus (? J^ininus? Funeus?), Linacus, 3 )
Orpheus (Hymni de lapid. ? s. H. Emanuel S. 282), bei den
Arabern Arkaus, und Aros ? welches Berthelot wiederholt
und mit Entschiedenheit durch Horus erkliirt, obwohl die
Lautveriinderung eine ganz ungewohnliche ware*, s. ,,Die hebr.
Ubersetz." S. 236, 604, 853.
Die Namen Ptolemilus, Rosmus (Zosimus) und Zoro
aster gehoren wohl alchemistischen Quellen an.
J ) Henoch lernt zu J3 Jahren 24 Steine kennen (Z.D.M.G.
XXII, 530). Dagegen scheinen die 12 Steine zu 7 Amuleten bei Berthelot (La
Chimie II, 15) mit denen des Brustschildes verwandt und die 10 Sterne etc.
in ms. lat. Miinchen 667 f. 66 mit den Ki ran id en, deren neue Ausgabe
Hr. de Mely vorbereitet hat.
2 ) Sabur in n lapidario" citirt Rhazes; s. Virchow s Archiv Bd. 39
S. 394, vgl. Bd. 42 S. 172, wo Afobrocacisi in lib. lapidum auf grie-
chische Herkunft zuriickzufuhren ist?
d ) Varianten: Libarius, Libansus, Libarsus; Die hebr. Ubersetz.
S. 798, vgl. S. 257.
54 Moritz Steinschneider.
Von Psellus (H. Emanuel S. 254) habe ich bei Arabern
keine Spur eines namentlichen Citats gefunden.
III. Europaische Schriften.
Diese Gruppe besteht meist aus Handschriften, die
ich nur aus und nach Catalogen notirt habe. Ich kann
daher keine sachlichen Kategorien unterscheiden und
beschranke mich auf die Bemerkung, dass darunter einige
nur Teile uinfassender Werke sind, welche man als ,,kosmo-
graphische" bezeiclmen konnte, und die hiking: de natura
(oder de natures, oder de proprietatibus) remm betitelt werden;
sie sind wohl nicht vollstandig aufgezahlt, 4 ) wie iiberhaupt
auch hier nicht Vollstandigkeit beabsichtigt sein kann.
Bei niangelhafter Kunde der Schriften einpfahl sich
folgende Unterabteilung :
a) Schriften von bekannten Autoren ohne Unterschied
der Sprache,
b) anouyme (zuerst lateinische, dann in anderen Sprachen)
nach den Bibliotheken geordnet.
a) Autoren:
Albertus Magnus, der bekannte Philosoph, verfasste in
der Reihe der Bearbeitung aristotelischer Biicher ein
Buch de minercdilms, in der Ausgabe seiner Werke
Bd. II; vgl. auch ms. Aniplon (in Erfurt) 320, 8 in
fol, 293, in Quarto. Eine ihm untergeschobene
Schrift: Liber aggregationum sen secretorum de virtutibus
herbarum, lapidum et animaliuni", wovon ich eine (in
Hain s Repertorium n. 528 verzeicimete) Incunabel be-
nutze, behandelt im 2. Buche 45 (nicht gezahlte) Steine,
stets ,,si vis c: beginnend. also von der Wirkung aus-
gehend. Kurz vor dem Ende heisst es: ,,In libro mine-
Uber das, unter dem Namen des Beda (Opp. VI, 99, oder
Bd. II, auch in Migne s Patrologia t. 90) gedruckte: De natura rerum und
nhche Schriften s. Histoire Litt. de la France XIX, 183- es ist von
Wilheim von Chonchis benutzt (K. Werner, Die Kosmologie und
aturlehre des scholastischen Mittelalters, in Berichten der
Wiener Akad. 1873, Bd. 74, 75 S. 322). Das Buch ist vielleicht echt, nach
Haureau, Notices et Extr. II (1890) p. 26.
Lapidarien. 55
ralium in aaron et evax [= Marbod] multa similia et
alia invenies". 1 )
Arnaldus Saxo, De virtutibus lapidum, edirt von V. Rose
1875 (s. unten Anhang II), scheint teilweise hebraisch
iibersetzt, s. Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. 957.
Boetius, Anselmus. ,,Tractatus de lapidibus et geirmiis", bei
H. Emanuel p. 236, ist Ans. Boethius de Boodt oder
Boot aus Bruges, dessen gemmarum et lapidum historia,
Hannover 1609 und sonst erschien (Catal. impress, libr,
in Biblioth. Bodl. I, 287).
Cardanus, Hieron., De lapid. praet. (de substihtate) bei
Emanuel p. 239, ist wohl: de gcmmis ct coloribus,
Basel 1585, hinter somniorum libri IV etc. (Catal.
Bodl. I, 425).
Gralamazar (pseud.), De lapid. praet. Galemazar, tbesaur.
Regis Babylon.; ms. Brit. Mus. Harley 80, lt3 .
Isidorus [Hispalensis] , de lapidibits, ms. Voss. lat. 48
(s. Catal. Mss. Augliae II, 1 p. 04 n. 2373) ist wohl
lib. 16 (de lap. et nietallis) der ,,0rigines", gedruckt.
Josef s. unter Thomas.
Leonardus, Camillas, Speculum Lapiduni etc. Yen. 1502, 4,
und Aug. Vindel. 1533 (diese Ed., die bei Emanuel
p. 249 fehlt, besitzt die k. Bibliothek in Berlin).
Italienisch: Trattato (Idle (rcmme, die produce la
Natural traduzione di J\l. Ludovico Dobe. Ven. 1563,
8. Englisch; TJic mirror of Stones in which the
Nature generates. Properties etc. of more than 200 . .
stones, London 1750, 8. Eines der wichtigsten
Werke auf diesem Gebiete (bei Emanuel p. 249). -
Eine Art von Plagiat dieses Werkes ist Pseudo-Trithe-
mius, s. unter diesem weiter unten S. 58.
Lull, a. s. Nachtrag.
Mandeville. Jehan de, Lapidaire frangais (erwahnt von
Rose, Aristot. de lapid. p. 45), bei Emanuel p. 250:
Le Grand Lapidaire. on sont declares: (so) Ics noms de
Pierres orientales, avec les Vertus et Proprietes d icelles,
et lies et pays oh elks croissent. Paris 1501 12 mo -
l ) Aaron und Josef stammen wahrscheinlich zunachst aus alche-
mistischen Quellen, und dort aus medicinischen, s. Die liebr. Ubersetz.
S. 238 (so lies fur 258 im Index unter Aaron).
-g Moritz Steinschn eider.
Die Ausgabe bei Pannier p. 202, die ich aus Autopsie
kenne, hat den Titel: Le Lapidairc du XIV siecle,
Description des pierres precieuses et de leurs vertus
magiques, d apres le traite du chevalier Jean de Monde-
ville, avec notes, commentaire et tin appendice sur les
caracteres physiques des pierres precieuses, a 1 usage
des gens du monde, par Js. del So to. Vienne 1862
(XV, 213 pp.)- Fur die Geschichte der Edelsteine sehr
interessant.
Marbod (englischer Bischof, gest. 1123) gilt als Verfasser
eines latein. Gedichts, anfangend: ,,Evax rex Arabum
legitur scripsisse Neroni", daher auch als Evax, de
lapidibus, gehend, latein. gedruckt mit einer Abhandlung
uber die 12 Steine (s. Anhang I), in Eeimen und in
Prosa, auch hebraisch iibersetzt; liber alle Einzelheiten
s. Die hebr. Uebers. S. 956 572. 1 )
Martin de Lucena(?) ein sonst unbekannter Autor, hat
vielleicht ein Buch tibev Krafte der Edelsteine verfasst,
woraus Einiges hebraisch in ms. Miinchen 214; s.
Die hebr. Uebersetzungen S. 809.
Megenburg, Conrad von, s. unter Thomas.
Neckam, Alexander (gest. 1227), der bekannte Scholastiker,
de naturis rerum. ed. Th. Wright, London 1863; Cap. 85
beginnt: ,,In verbis et herbis et lapidibus multuni esse
virtutum compertum est a diligentibus naturarum in-
vestigatoribus . . . Aeneas Achatem socium habuisse" etc.;
86 handelt von asbest, 87 chelidonius, 88 niagnetes,
89 alectorius, 90 beryllus. 91 smaragdus, 92 adamas,
93 item de adamante [dieses und das folg. Kap. ist
aus H. J. Solinus, de situ orbis etc., nach Wright
p. 180, Note], 94 de adamante et magnete [wovon
ich eine Abschrift genommen], 95 galactitus, 96 cry-
stallus, 97 gagates, 96 de attractione (p. 183 die Stelle
,,nautae etiam" etc s. Wright p. XXXIV). Aus dem-
selben Buche ,,Tetrastichon de 7 lapidibus" ms. Bodl.
2067 (bei P. Leyser, Historia poetarum p. 993).
J ) Eine italienische Bearbeitung ist: Libro de le virtuti de le
pietre preziose volgarizzamento inedito fatto da Sire Zucchero Bencivenni
[um 1313] ora inesso in prima luce dal Cav. Enrico Narducd, Bologna 1869
(Estratto dal ... Propugnatore, vol. 11).
Lapidarien. 57
Outre me use, Jean de, Le tresorier de philosophic naturelle
des pierres precieuses, ms. in Paris, erwahnt Ferd.
Denis, Le Monde encliante, Paris 1843, p. 233.
Ptolemaeus (,,Ptholomeus") de lapidibus praet. et sigillis
Anf.: regi Pt. rex Acatingi scripsit; ms. Bodl. Ash-
mol. 1471, 3 ; in ms. Wien IV,98 n. 5311, 8 heisst es rex
Azarius (s. Zeitschr. f. Mathematik XVI, ,384 u. 396);
also ist Ptolem. nur Adressat des fingirten Konigs ; erne
Nachahmung Marbod s?
Thomas Cantimpratensis, auch Brabantinus genannt
(1201 70), verfasste ein unedirtes Werk: De natura
reruni (s. Histoire litteraire de la France XXX, 370),
welches einen Abschnitt iiber Edelsteine enthalt. Ich
benutze die Handschr. Hamilton 114 v. J. 1295, jetzt
in der hiesigen k. Bibliothek, und teile hier das Ver-
zeichnis der im 14. Kap. behandelten Edelsteine mit, in-
dem ich zur bequemen Yergleichung rnit anderen Werken
die einzelnen Artikel fortlaufend zahle.
1. Ametistus, 2. Achates, 3. Adamas, 4. Aleston,
5. Amantlys, 6. Allectorio, 7. Absantus, 8. Alabadia,
9. Andromeda, 10. Bcrillus, 11. Borax, 12. Carbunculus,
13.Calendon, 14. Corallus, 15. Crisopissus, 16. Calidonius,
17. Calcophanius, 18. Cristallus, 19. Crisoletus, 20. Dra-
contides, 21. Dionisia, 22. Dyadocos, 23. Emathides.
24. Echites, 25. Elytropia, 26. Elydros, 27. Granatus,
28. Gagatus, 29. Gelasia, 30. Gecolitus, 31. Geranades
[var. Gelatrici], 32. Geratorneus [Gagatromeus], 33.Jaspis,
34. Jacinctus , 35. Jiidaicus , 36. Iscistos , 37. Yrin
38. Yhena , 39. Liparea , 40. Ligurius , 41. Magnes,
42. Memphites , 43. Melonites , 44- Medus , 45. Onix,
46. Ouichnius. 47. Oscolanus, 48. Orices, 49. Perites,
50. Panthera, 51. Prasius, 52. Saphyrus, 53. Smaragdus,
54. Sardonix, 55. Sardites, 56. Syrius, 57. Syrophagus,
58. Samius, 59. Succinus, 60. Specularis, 61. Sylonitus,
62. Sartha, 63. Topasius.
Unter adamas (Magnet) heisst es wie folgt : ferrum
attrahit et magneti lapidi aufert ferrum si praesens sit.
stellarn etiam maris, quae maria dicitur ac arte inter
obscuras nebulas per diem et noctem prodit Nautae enim
cum inter obscuras nebulas vias suasdirigere non valent ad
r n Moritz Steinschneider.
portuin accipiunt acum et acumine eius adamantum in-
figunt per transversum in festuca parva immittuntque
vasi adarnantein lapidem moxque secundum motum la-
pidis sequitur in circuitu cacunien acus ro+atum ergo
perinde citius per circuitum lapidem subito retrahunt
moxque cacunien acus amisso ductore aciem dirigit
contra stellam maris subsistitque statim nee per punctum
movetur Nautae vero secundum demonstrationem factam
vias ad portuin dirigunt.
Eine Handschrift des Br. Mus. (Sloane 448) aus dem
XV. XVI. Jahrh. enthalt eine poetische Bearbeitung
des Abschnittes aus deni ,,Buch der Natur" von Konrad
v. Megenberg (gest. in Kegensburg 1374), aus dem
Latein. des Thomas Cant, ins Deutsche ubersetzt. S.
Fr. Pfeiffer: Das Buch der Natur v. Konrad v. Me
genberg, Stuttgart 1861. (Dieses Buch ist gedruckt:
zweimal 1475, dann 1488 u. 1499.) S. auch Jakob
Baechtold, deutsche Handschr. aus dem Br. Mus.
Schaffhausen 1873, S. 153 ff. Nach Baechtold i),
S. 171, findet sich ein ahnliches Gedicht in Von der
Hagen und Biisching s Museum fur altdeutsche Kunst
und Literatur 1811, II. Bd. S. 52 ff., nach einer Dres-
dener Hs. voni Jahre 1470 und einem Erfurter Druck
voin Jahre 1498. Der Dichter heisst Joseph. - - Die
Londoner Hs. niihert sich im 1. Abschnitt von den 12
Steinen dem Erfurter Druck.
Trithemius Jo., der ebensowohl beriihrnte als jetzt be-
riichtigte Abt (gest. 1516) ist zum Verf. eines plagia-
torischen Schriftchens gemacht worden: ,,Veterum so-
phoruni sigilla et imagines inagicae" [s. 1. ?] 1612, 8,
auch mit einern Anhange: Catalogus variorum magico-
cabbalistico Chymicorum, studio atque opera Frid. Roth-
Scholzii, in kl. 8 Herrenstadii ap. Sam. Roth-Scholziurn
1732. _ Das Blichelchen von 48 Seiten ist grossten-
theils wortlich aus Cam. Leonardus (s. d.) abgeschrie-
ben, fiihrt das Jahr 1608 und Scaligers Exercitt. an.
) w Zwolf Stain in kurtzem Zil . . . die Salomon der wyse Gab
besonder Jochem Bryse" . . . Almantus etc. Zuletzt Jaspis. S. 165. n Das
sind die zwolf stain die Aaron alle tag ... trug". Folgen die iibrigen
Steine. BJ. 67 des ms. beginnt das Thetelbiichlein (bei Pfeiffer S. 469 ff.).
Lapidarien. 59
S. raeinen Artikel: ,,Pseudo-Trithemius und Cam. Leo
nard! ", in der Zeitschr. fiir Mathematik etc. herausgegeben
v. Schlomilch u. Cantor, XX (1875) S. 2527. Ein
abnliches untergeschobenes Machwerk 1st wohl unter
dem Titel: ,,De annulis septeui planetarum et de decem
sigillis spirituum coelestiuni" dem Trith. beigelegt in
Ms. Wien V, 307 n. 11320 f. 10336, saec. XVII.
Volemar nennt sich einer der Bearbeiter von 4 deutschen
mss. bei Pannier p. 213.
b) Anonynie. 1 )
De lapidibns preciosis, Anf.: ,,Hec [Haec] de lap. pr. probata
scio: Dyamas inter alias"; ms. Aniplon in Erfurt, fol.
nQuaedam de lapidibus preciosis et aliis fortasse ex Isidori
originibus" (??). Anf.: ,,Adamas est lapis .... Ende: ,,ut
dicitur in lapidario". Folgt: de piscibus und de avibus
[ist also vvobl aus Kiraniden?]; ms. Auiplou. fol. 346, 2 .
Virtutes lapidarum. anf: ,,Novem sunt lapides"; ms. Aniplon
quarto 222, 7 .
Tractatus de certis gemmis. Anf: ,,Diversa legens collegi
labore nimis. . . Agathes quidam niger lapis"; ms. Aniplon
40. 365,8.
De lapid. praetiosis, niehr alcheinistisch; nis. Bodl., Ashniol.
1467, 4 (Catal. Black p. 1213). Zweifelhaft ist Lib. mine
ral. lib. I de mixt., lib. de lapid. pr. (aucli de iniag.
et sigillis) ib. 1384, 17 fp. 1071).
De lap. praet., Anf : ,,0nichius i; ; ms. Bodl. Canon, lat. (class.)
178 f. 132 (Catal. Coxe p. 191).
De gemmis, alphabetisch, zuerst Adauias; nis. ibid. Canon.
misc. 285 (Catal. p. 649).
Quoinodo gemmae lustrantur, in demselben nis. 2 .
De conservatione genimarum, in dems. ms 3
De modo praecipuos quosdam lapides consecrandi, in denis.
ms. 4 , beginnt niit Alectorius.
Tractatus brevis de lapid. pr., geschr. im XII. Jabrh. Dazu
Einiges von j lingerer Hand; ms. Bodl. Digby 13, 2 (Catal.
Macray 1883 p. 10).
J ) Die Angaben sind hier gekiirzt, Anfang und Ende nur ausnahms-
weise mitgeteilt.
aA Moritz Steinschneider.
bU
Tractatus de geminis, anf.: ,,0mnium gemmanim virentium
smaragdus principatum habet"; ib. .
Lapidarius, sen quaedam de lapid. praetiosor. virtutibus. Anf.:
novem sunt lapides, qui sunt in hostio Jerusalem qm
continentur in planetis; ms. Bodl. Laud. 203, (Coxe,
Catal. II, 1 p. 176).
Lib. de lap. praet. rams Magicus s. de sigillus] ms. Brit. Mus.
Harley 80, 18 .
De lap. fil. Israel. . 4 Teil des vorangehenden, also 16-19
zusainmenhangend (ob Cethel, oder Leonard!?).
De lapid., avibus et arboribus Indiae, Arabiae et Africae;
ms Harley, Nummer ? (Emanuel 260).
(Collections) ms. Br. Mus. Add. 15068 (Catal. 1841-45, gedr.
1850 p. 82).
De virtutibus gemmarum; ms. Miinchen 667 f. 73.
De lapid. praet., ib. 4394 f. 156, II, 159.
Virtutes quorundam lap. praetiosor., Anf.: Adamas est lapis;
ib. 8238 (Catal. IV, 1 p. 10 n. 78).
Descriptio crisoliti, iaspidis etc., ib. 14767 f. 38 (Catal. IV,
2 p. 231).
Benedictio super lapides praet., ib. 14851 f. 38 (ib. p. 242 -
cf. Rose, Arist. de Lap. 345).
De lapid. praet., ib. 16081 f. 102 (IV, 3 p. 50).
De lapid. praet. et farnosis; ib. 18444 f. 202 (ib. p. 164).
De lapid. praet., neben anderen Gegenstanden einer Kosmogiv,
ms. Oxford, Coll. Corp. Chr. 221 (p. 87).
Liber mineralium, de lapid, scil. et metallis; Anf.: de comniixt.
et coagul. (ist Avicenna?); ms. Oxford Exon Coll. 35. 18 .
Ein Gedicht, ms. Paris, s. Haureau, Notices et Extr. I (1890)
p. 76 n. 712.
De lapid., alphabetisch-, Anf.: ,,Exponamus autem mine",
Ende: ,,de omnibus est planum" ; Wien (Tabulae II, 52
n. 23031 5 ).
De lapid. Anf.: ,,Queritur quomodo Hunt lapides" --Ende:
,,transtulirnus in latin."; ms. Wien (II, 75 n. 2442 J ).
De sculpturis lapidum. Anf.: ,,In quocunque lapide sculptum
invenies geminos", Ende: ,,sanctificatis consistit" (ib. II,
75 n. 2442 ).
Fragmenta varia de lapid. praetiosis etc. (ib. VI, 216 n.
10646, XVI).
Lapidarien. 61
Ein Lapidariumi betreffend 125 Steine. welches ein
,,Aegidius magister liospitalis" (XIII. Jahrh.?) auszog
(extraxit); Guttmann, in Monatsschr. f. Gesch. u. Wiss.
d. Jud. 1894/5S. 214, scheint das von Avicenna (Berth. I,
302) citirte.
Italienisch. Uber Steine, XVIII. Jahrh. 78 BL, ins. in Florenz
(Pasinus II, 444 n. 115).
Lapidario, Anf.: ,,11 re dirnanda che virtude anno le pietre
preziose"; Ende: ,,il manzare quando la fame"; ms.
Bodl. Canon, ital. 263, XXI f. 13341 (Mortara Catal.
1864 p. 239).
S. auch unter Marbod.
Franzosiseh , eine gereimte Abhandlung [nach Marbod?];
ms. Cambridge, Coll. Caio Gonville 435, 5 (Catal. von
J. J. Smith, 1849 p. 201. - - Es folgt als 6 : De sigillis
et sculpturis super eas faciendis, Prosa. Defect.)
Le Lapidaire, aus dem Latein. iibersetzt. 21 Bl.; ms. in Florenz,
in der Medicea (Pasinus II, 494 n. 138).
Spanisch, liber Steine, deren Farbe, Gestalt und Krafte (vir-
tutes), ms. der Nationalbibliothek in Madrid. B. 3 XVI
(s. Rico y Synobas, Libros del Saber de Astronomia
del Eey Alfonso, V, 118).
Deutsch (XVI. Jahrh.), iiber Krafte der Edelsteine; Anf.:
r Zum ersten von Diamant; der kostbare Stein ist weiss".
Ende: ,,Verlogen Ding gesagt und gelert (so) hat"; ms.
Wien (VI, 293 n. 11235 f. 89 97 b).
IV. HebrSische Schriften und Bearbeitungen von Juden.
Wir konnten die hebraischen Behandlungeii der Steine
in solche teilen, deren fremdes Original bekannt, und in
solche, deren Ursprung nicht bekannt ist. Die Ubersetzer
und Bearbeiter fremder Orginale sind aber auch nicht voll-
standig bekannt.
Von fremden Autoren sind festgestellt: Pseudo-Aristo-
teles, Marbod (Evax) und der unbekannte Martin de
Lucena, iiber welche das Nahere in nieinem Werke: Die hebr.
*) Vielleicht aus dem ,,Libro di Sidrach"? (Ein ms. v. J. 1476 bei
Mortara, Catal. p. 220 n. 234, spanisch p. 289 n. 147). S mein: II libra
di Sidrach, Roma 1872 (Estr. dal Buonarroti), \vo p. 14 die Steine nut
denen im hebr. Rasiel und bei C. Leonard! verglichen sind.
g2 Moritz Steinschneider.
Ubersetzungen des Mittelalters, zu finden 1st. Ein
jiidisches, aus eigenem Studiuin der Sache, oder aus eigener
Erfahrung hervorgeganges Buch ist bis auf die neuesteZeit nicht
geschrieben, obwohl die Juden Gelegenheit genug batten, die
kostbaren und wirksamen Steine im kaufmannischen Ver-
kehr und in der medicinischen Verordnung kennen zu lernen.
Da die gesamte Literatur von geringem Umfange ist, so
mag hier eine kurze chronologische Aufzahlung zum ersten
Male versueht werden, wobei von den kleinen Eroterungen
iiber die XII Steine des Brustschildes abgesehen ist (siehe
Anhang I).
Die, nach klingenden Namen begierige Magie verberrlichte
die Weisheit Salomo s durch Schriften wie ^Basiel" und
vClaviculo Salomonis", in denen auch die magische Wirkung
der Edelsteine und der darauf angebrachten Gottes- und
Engelnamen gelehrt wird; sie erweitert gewissermaassen die
Legende von Salomo s Sie gelling. Excerpte aus dem ,,Lapi-
darius" des Salomo im Buche Rasiel giebt Cam. Leonardi. )
Jene Biicher sind aber hochst wahrscheinlich christlichen
Ursprungs; ihre hebraischen Bearbeitungen gehb ren jedenfalls
neuerer Zeit an. (Die hebr. Ubers. S. 937.) Das phantasie-
reiche Buch Sohar, am Ende des XIII. Jahrh., fabricirt
unter erdichteten Biichern auch eines des Salomo iiber die
Weisheit der Edelsteine (II, 172a, s. Die hebr. Ubersetz.
S. 936 A. 126, vgl. Wolf I p. 1049 n. 2 u. 5, eigentlich 6).
Das alteste bekannte Steinbuch eines Juden ist das des
Berachja ha-Nakdan, den ich noch immer fur einen Fran-
zosen des XIII. Jahrh. halte, 2 ) auch wegen der interessanten
Stelle iiber die Bereitung des Compasses, die wahrscheinlich
zu den iiltesten europaischen iiber diesen Gegenstand gehort
(Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. 964)-, iiber den Sinn der Stelle hat
mich Herr Schiick in Hamburg belehrt*, man vergleiche
damit die (oben Ilia) unter Thomas mitgeteilte Stelle. Das
Original Berachja s ist in der romanischen Literatur zu suchen.
Bald nach Berachja erscheint Jehu da b. Moses Kohen
als spanischer Ubersetzer des .,Abolays" (s. II), und dem
XIII. Jahrh. gehort vielleicht Jakob b. Reuben, der Uber
setzer des Marbod an (1. c. S. 957). Den Steinen ist eine
1 ) S. oben S. 61 Anm. 1.
-) S. Nachtrag.
Lapidarien. 63
Partie des encyklopadischen Schaar ha-Schamajim von Ger-
son b. Salomo gewidmet, der sicher in der 2. Hiilfte des XIII.
Jahrhunderts lebte und nur dahin passt. Gerson wird an-
gefiihrt in einem, leider sehr geringen Fragment einer alpha-
betischen Behandlung der Steine (ms. Miinchen 153, 4 ), welche
aus occidentalischer Quelle stammt.
Vor 1335 ist em ^Lapidario"" verfasst worden, woraus
35 Artikel von Heidenheim copirt sind in eineni Michaelschen
ms. der Bodl. (Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. XXXIV).
Simon Duran (1425) kommt in seiner grossen Ein-
leitung zuni Coinnientar iiber den Tractat Abot (Mayen Abot
in fol. f. 10) auch auf die Edelsteine; seine Quelle ist wahr-
scheinlich eine hebraische Bearbeitung des (Pseudo-) Aristo-
teles, den er citirt (s. meine Abhandl. Zur pseudepigr. Lit.
S. 82, wo ich seine Ausserung iiber die Nichtigkeit der
Alchemie hervorhebe.)
Nach einem Citate eine s j linger en Kariiers hatte ein ,,Elia b.
Moses Gallina" etwas iiber die Kriifte der Steine geschrieben;
es soil wohl Moses b. Eli a heissen, dessen Namen in der
Ausgabe eines Buches iiber Phy siogiioniik (XV. Jahrli) eben-
falls umgekehrt worden (Die hebr. Uebersetz. S. 964).
Auch in der neueren Zeit ist von schriftstellerischer
Thatigkeit der Judeii auf diesem Gebiete wenig bekannt.
Lazarus, ein jiidischer Arzt aus Mainz (1563, ob der
Leibarzt der Kinder des Kaisers Ferdinand? s. Hebr. Bi-
bliogr. IV, 42 n. 150; Carinoly, Hist, des medccins juifs,
p. 155, vgl. Die hebr. Uebersetz. S. 965) verfasste ein
deutsches Buch ,,Ehrenpreis ;i iiber Krafte von Edelsteinen;
ms. Wien (Tabulae VII, 124 n. 13008).
Aus einer ^Tarifa"- von Silber, Gold und Edelsteinen
von Meschullam aus Volterra (1571) excerpirt Abraham
Portaleone in seinem, von Antiquarbuchhandlern iiber-
schatzten Werke Shilte lia-GMorim (1612), welches wegen
Behandlung der 12 Edelsteine und gelegentlich einiger
anderer, einen Platz in H. E man u el s Bibliographic
(S. 254) gefunden hat. Letzterer diirfte selbst einen
wiirdigen Schluss unserer Uebersicht bilden , nachdem wir
noch M. Cohen, Beschreibendes Verzeichnis einer Samm-
lung von Diamanten, Wien 1822 (Em. p. 240) nachge-
tragen haben.
64 Moritz Steinschneider.
Was etwa von Juden in der Zeit ihrer Grleichstellung
uuter den Nationen geleistet worden, habe ich nicht zu er-
forschen getrachtet 1 ).
Es bleibt em merkwiirdiges Factum, dass die vielfach
,,steinreichen ; Juden der friiheren Zeit nur aus from-
ineni oder aberglaubischem Interesse sich dieser Literatur
zuwendeten.
Febriiar 1895.
A n k a n I.
Sehriften iiber die 12 Edelsteine des Brusts childes
uud der in der Apocal. Joh. erwahiiten (Cap. 21, 19:
J as pis . . . Amethyst).
Die nachfolgende Aufzahlung beanspruclit keines-
wegs irgend eine Vollstandigkeit ; es sollen hier nur
Beispiele gegeben werden , wie sie sicli mir ztifallig
dargeboten haben. Icli erwahne zuerst wenige griechische,
dann unter den lateinischen etc. diejenigen, welche einen
Autor angeben, olme hiermit die Aittoritat ohne Weiteres an-
zuerkennen; hierauf folgen die anonymen. Nahere Angaben
iiber Einzelnes findet man bei Leop. Pannier, Les Lapi-
daircs frangais etc. (s. hier Anhang II) p. 202216, wo zu-
letzt auf Pitra, Spidleg. Solemn. II, 346 verwiesen ist.
Unter den griechiscken Sehriften ist am bekanntesten die
des Epiphanius (s. Pannier p. 212 s. Nachtrag) ; vgl. ms.
Barocius 50,38 f. 3211 b ei Coxe, Catal. Bodl. I p. 74 u.
iniscell. 211,3 f. 322 (Coxe p. 765).
In andercn Spracken:
Arnatus, monachus Cassinensis (ca. 1080). De 12 lapidibus (Fa-
bricius, bibl. lat. med. s. v.).
Anselmus Leudunensis, Hymnus de XII gemmis apocal.
cum glossa deprompta ex Walafrido Strabone
(ms. Wien, Tab. L, 160 n. 946~ Denis II, n.
CCXIX).
[AllgUStinus ?] De interpretatione 12 lapidum et naturis et no-
mmibus. Anf. ,,Jaspis primus ponitur civitatis Dei,
*) Wenige unbedeutende Stiicke, fast nur iiber die 12 Steine, die
hier weggelassen sind, findet man in: Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. 964.
Lapidarien. Qfy
quitalem habet naturaru"; gedruckt (Opp. Augustini VI
App. col. 301); auch ins. Baliol 285 4 (p. 94) Sermo de
12 lapidibus. (anonym, Coxe erkennt es nicht); ms.
Coll. Corp. Chr. 137, * 2 f. 80 (Cat. p. 51); Lincoln
15 l hinter Apocal. mit Prolog u. Glossar; libellus de
12 lapidibus. Anfang ,,Jaspis viridis virorem."
Excerpte (Cambro- B rit. Dialect) aus FranciscilS [de Ma-
gronis], [Vincent. Bellov.], Bartholomews [Anglicus;
s. Die Hebr. Uebersetz. S. 814] ,,et forsan aliis." Ant.
,,Awen gyntaf a ymarverwyt."
Beda, De mystica signif. 12 lapiduin (in einzelnen mss.), oder
de XII lapidibus (in Operibus. Paris 1544, Col. 1688,
oder III, 491: s. auch oben S. 54 Anm. 1). Fabricius s.
v. im Index der Werke: de 12 lapidibus. Apocalypsis
rhytm., Anf. ,,Civis superne patriae. In Jhesu et civite"
(Coxe zu Cod. Merton 67 3 . Cat. p. 40). Vgl. oben III
Ende b, ms. Auiplon).
Marbod, Carinina de 12 lapidibus praet. Apocal. (Fabricius.
Bibl. ined. unter op. 20; - = filior. Isr.? Cat. Lugd. Bat.
p. 107); gedruckt hinter Marbod, s. oben.
Thomas Cantimpratensis, deutsch vonKonradvonMegenburg
s. weiter unten II.
Pannier (p. 212) nennt Hildebert, Bichard de St. Victor,
Hugues de St. Victor, Alexander Xeckam.
Bei Pannier (p. 216) sind folgende neuere Druckschriften
angegeben :
Andr. Bacci, Le XII pietre prez. . . Ronia 1587, latein.
von W. Gabelchover, Frankf. 1643. Jo. Braun, Vestit.
sacerd. Hebr. Anist. 1680. - - Matth. Killer, Tract, de XII
gemmis in pector., Tiib. 1698. Diaz Martinez, Tract, de
sacris lapidibus?? Schliesslich verweist Pannier auf Pitra.
Spicil. II, 346.
Anonym sind folgende Schriften :
Lapidum XII praetiosor. interpret, allegor. (ms. Bodl. Canon.
48, Cat p. 265), Anf.: Gives celestis patrie(so) -
J asp is colons viridis praefert nitorem fidei".
Lapidarius, incip. ..Duodecini sunt lapides qui continentur in
12 signis celestibus <; (ms. Laud. 203 11 f. 37; Coxe II.,
1 p. 176).
Kohuti Semitic Studies. 5
66 Moritz Steinschneider.
De 12 lapidibus (ma. Trinity Coll. Dublin 625 38 f. 191, Cat.
Mss. Angl. II, 2 p. 45).
De noniinibus XII filior. Israel, et quomodo per totidem gem-
rnas signifi canter, versus XXV heroici; Anf. ,,K,uben
precedens in origin e , Jaspis in ede [1. viride??] ;
Ende . ,,Benjamin et pariter Ametistus (so) uterque
supremus (ms. Coll. Corp. Chr. 43 3 , Coxe p. 16).
Xomina 12 lapidum praetiosor. cum interpretatione brevi.
Anf,: ,,Fundamentum primuna Intemeratae fidei homines
(nis. Coll. Jesu 51 2 g, Coxe p. 19).
De virtute lapidum 12 praetiosor. (ms Mtinchen 4688 f. 352,
lat. II, 191).
De lapidibus dllegoria (XIJ. Jahrh.), hinter Apocalypse (ib. n.
17045 f. 80, n. 19104; IV, 3 p. 77, 231).
De XII lapid. (ib. n. 17100 f. 102; IV, 3 p. 81).
Tractates mysticus: Moralizatio de XII lapidibus praet. (ib.
19133 f. 59 h , 1. c. p. 235).
De lapid. praet. (mystice) -- (ib. n. 19139 f. 35; ib. ib.).
Liber de XII lapidibus. Rubrica: qui lapidum vires et no-
inina seire requiris ex lege me lectorem cognoscas
ordine recto. Anf.: Gives celestis patrie regi regum
[vgl. Beda S. 65]. Zuletzt: Explicit liber secretes
de coloribus et virtutibus ac sculpturis praec. lap.; Ms.
Amplon. 295, 3 .
Degemmis,anf.: Jaspis virentis coloris,Ende: Ametistus purpurei
colons. . aureis interlitus; ms. Wien, Tab. II, 85 n. 2504, \
(Dentsch) ins. Miinch. lat. 536 f. 82, abgedruckt in Gennania
VIII, 300.
Ein lateinisches Grlossar aus dem IX. Jahrh., worin die 12
Steine, ms. Bern (be! Sinner, Catal. 1, 361; s. Pannier p. 212).
A n h an II
Allgemeine Schriften.
Weiss zu Pfaffen Lamprecht I, 546 ff. II, 599.
Steinschneider, Jewish Lit. p. 201,369; Catal. Codd. Lugd.
Bat. p. 107, 148 ; Zeitschrift fiir Mathematik XVI, 384,
386/7 396; Serapeum 1870 S. 306; Hebr. Bibliogr
/I, 93; XIII, 11, 84-5; XVI, 104 (Cethel); Pseudo-
Trithemius und Camillo Leonard! (Zeitschrift flir Ma
thematik 1875, hist.-lit. Abteilung S. 25).
Lapidarien. 67
E. Narducci, Libro de le virtudi di pietre preziose, Bo
logna 1869; s. Anm. 23.
V. Rose, Aristoteles und Arnold Saxo, de lapidibus (Zeit-
schrift fiir deutsche Altertumskunde n. F. VI. 1875
S. 321 ff).
H Emanuel, Diamonds and precious stones, 2. edition,
London 1867, enthiilt eine betr. Bibliographic.
Clement-Mullet, Essai sur la mineralogie arabe, 1868.
(Extrait du Journ. Asiat. t. XI p. 5 ff.).
A Pfitzmeier, Beitrage zur Geschichte derEdelsteine und des
Geldes (Sitzungsbericht der phil.-hist. Klasse der Wiener
Akad.), Bd. 58 (1868) ,aus altchinesischen Quellen.
Leo p. Pannier, Les lapidaires francais du nioyen age,
Paris 1882 (Bibliotheque de 1 ecole des hautes Etudes
N. 52; Gaston Paris, Lit. fr. p. X, hat 1881).
F. de Mely (vgl. S. 47 Anna. 1) voroffentlichte folgende, unser
Thema beriihrende Schriften in Sonderabdriicken aus
Zeitschriften, die hier in Parenthese angegeben sind, und
fiir deren freundliche Zusendung ich hiermit danke. Wo
kein Druckort angegeben wird, ist es Paris.
Les poissons dans les pierres gravees (Revue ar-
cheol.) 1889.
La table d or de Don Pedre de Castille (gedr. in
Toulouse) 1889 und nocbinals: trad, de Fespagnol (Bul
letin de 1 Acad. R. de 1 Hist. d Espagne) 1890.
Les reliques du lait de la Vierge et la galactite
(Revue archeol.) 1889.
Les pierres chald^ennes d apres le lapidaire d Alfons
le Sage (Comptes rendus de 1 Acad. des Inscr.) 1891.
Les cachets d Oculistes et les lapidaires etc. (Revue
philol) 1892.
Le traite des fleuves de Plutarque (Revue des Etudes
grecques) 1892.
Les lapidaires grecs dans la litterature arabe du
moyen age (Revue philol.) 1893.
Strabon et le phylloxera Tampelitis (Compte rendu
de la 24 session de la Societe des Agriculteurs de
France) 1893.
Du role des pierres gravees an moyen age (Revue de
1 Art Chretien) Lille 1893, 4 (mit Abbildungen). S. Nachtr.
5*
gg Moritz Steinschneider.
Anhang III.
Probenaus hebraischen und arabischen Lapidarien. ! )
a) aus meiner Copie der hebr. Ubersetzung von Pseudo-Aristot.
P&621 Tcir ft ipn p fL >2 icrr pNn ni i^ci? pis tr
pin pa* Him i\xc^ iy is^i n2in ip TO p^n ni
}y iniN DWI DNI n"2pn &rai& f c^xn t>2D vp P
paci ni2 tnia iic i2tr "jt> yn inpin HD 210 cn\s 12^ D^Z
12 pxn n? c^m ^"2n px npn "i2^nir nnirp2 C
n^n n^D^in moir imoi ]2^n HTI isen ic2 "12^ n2
nn\x i^-^i pxn HTD pin D^CINH in
cnva ^ro ^2 cn^y 12 inn^i c^2N*n 2 12
bc 0111:02^ HID x^in pxn nn
2^x n? r^
22 2N2
2B TS] ^201 i": |2Nn n^nu k x^ NI 12 pxn "ic
HID inp^i v"2^ mai DTi"!JD2^x HN"I 12 "in^i pi CIN p
2m pi ^12 1:21^ ^ in\x ictri
: ci.x p px pn ni
ni x "iuD2x iX2& ny^2i IND iy picy Ninir 121P2
N^ c v ^ n: ^ro 12 nxn mn\xi D^H^ c\x^ 12 nxi ^i:n
mn p k x2 son N^n nn cmc2 c^yo ci k s
2^ *i GIN cn^ ^2^ CNI ni^ ^ ^^i DIN cr6
ib v^yi nis 6 IE^ .xcr ins cn\x oni:D2^x nNiir ny^2i en
yi: f 2 >nn TH2 nn\x T^ m n^na [?NI] ( 2 \xi2 D^CINH
^x cn\x nxi 2"n^ rein cnc iro ni cmci c^ n:n
misnn2. rein JNS insn nis p.xn nra np^ ^12^ n^n ,x^
irin2n ii^zn in\x
n nisiyn vnu* T2i
vn 0111202 ^ON cn\x c\xn vnir nyt^ 2 cnnn
nn .c^2n ^x i^
i& 121^ NCI&* vs yr 10^:2^* ci ^NI ]\x
1 ) Die Abschriften fiir den Druck verdanke icli der Gefailigkeit des
Herrn Dr. S. Poznanski.
2 ) Es ist von dem Zauberspiegel die Rede, s. Die hebr. Ubersetz. d.
Mittelalt. S. 1066 s. v. Spiegel.
Lapidarien. gg
b) ans der Abschrift der hebr. Ubersetzung
des Marbod ms. Bern 200, 2 .
^oy NI^K n&npn [?c^pmc b x] c^rrac p&o E:IC\XN
2"! t>C5J21 ^"13 miE2 u2~1p2
21 2nn t>r22 pn m
pyn piNic^ ci\x teiynp PV21 crrano trete ^>ra 122
CN )n32i ni2pc2i ^" i t:?2 nin^n^ N^I c^D.xr, ^r by nirp NV
ncr^ p^n p^n^i r&zfr c^n cn^r ID ^y -1^2^ ir^n DID N
[Pcserc] n^nr nn\s % 12^ n^np TP ^ mww t& ^n Di2
N %>i ni nit p NTI T 112^2^ nnnN 0^2^ i2an
pci ^n2n C3 12" ^2 ni2^ cr ^ ci^rp ^21 nyi ^
ci ^2 ni2^3 N % ^ [?] nni*6 n^n^i n2ni 2iyn
p^2 ^"^ f pci ,mc2 H2ic: tab > % n:v^Ni2 r
cr^ ^n: n2 c^2Nn i^xi tt f% t?^!?5 n^it v p&c
: ncni ci^n ci^n^ b 122^2 rty ro.x^ iirNi cr^
^ NtJ n:m: nnn ^021 2ni2 n2ii ic ip^ i c^xxn
:n^xcirn T2
c) aus Berachja ha-Nakdan, ms. Bodl. Canon. 70f.73 8 b .
Die eiuzelnen Steine heissen (die Ziffer 1st zur Bequem-
lichkeit kiinftiger Citate hinzugefiigt, die Vocalpunkte sind
nicht immer richtig und aus typographischen Riicksichten
weggelassen) :
i^P^iN 5 Ni^cc N* 4 Nj^iEp^N 3 i^.xpx 2 i::c\x,x 1
L2^2N 10 ^L:C\X 9 NEIT2N 8 (so) NDH^N^XN 7 NL: V L:\X 6
WHO^N 15 Niy^c\x 14 NTP:N 13 xaniN 12 i^^ipirp^ 11
NLC^^N 20 I&V^BIN 19 w^x-n ni: 18 NJII^N 17 n^x 16
:J< 25 BflE^Dx 24 Niicip:^ 23 mbt:BiN 22 onp^ 21
siria 30 e^nna 29 ^1^2 28 ^L:J\XCN 27 ^^n^ir^ 26
34 ire^p^a 33 ( J en ton 32 |N"sDi^-ja 31
39 E:CKH 38 K^INI 37 N"npi.xn 36 ir.x^p^ 35
45 NJb" 44 NlC^n^ 43 13"^ 42 NDIT 41 NDS1IO 10
11T5 50 Nl^jB 49 N^"1^B 48 1TC 47 HtOIW 46
55 ^i 54 N^ir 53 *niz:nB 52 ^rn^D 51
l ) 1st etwa en als besonderer Artikel gezahlt? Herr Dr. P. zahlt
B:CHH als n. 39. Das Ende des Artikels scheint nicht ganz correct.
70 Moritz Steinschneider.
60 rap 59 N OiTp 58 Etrnp 57 Nrcmp 56
(t k xp^\x 66 kX-n;r 65 NIP-PIT 64 ^j^iir 63 Tr 62 pzn 61
p k x 71 -TIED btr p k x 70 tw?p 69 -n:r 68 WBOSIIB 67
.jikX"TB 73 kWiT^ 72 ZSD
is ipj ir"pn iitr^zi nnzz ^rzn nztrie IT E : c is" 1 1 (n. 38)
^IBZ rbrt cne tr p 3 ^xpirp] TEC pin TEITZ nzir Nim i c ir
[?...] ^r ^rs ^p py"? m: nspi r^Ha n:\s crctr n^i^rn (?)^i <)
mryt i ni D^ crsTO i! pi I^N nzD pun k x^ (so) n^sjiD^ ^^
TN en ci in\N2 rn^^i ninM^i en ^n c
"trie SCJCNHH T yii ! nr^"p^ zi^n p nn.xi (so) nirp
.c^^r^m ^n^u n^ br\v n:c^ z^n *n
21^ CN T $r ci^n c^n 1 j<^ izztrz rt>y
r^n -rt:r c~,xn r,y~ z^*c "6 (so) ^
nru f ^^ IN znizi ?]DZ2 nzc ic "ipyi c\x:ii: npn-ie jv;^ tr^
Nip:n p>n br.2 vpzb nbr^ ^n: ipTiirn zrrm ?)Drn r^zo p.xn
p):rz \x yn?z \x i^z npN^ 1 ? nnzi iz [?] niyz^i (acier) i^\x
sjp r^i: i:^ i ^ ^te rz p> k x"nrz P.XT p k xn nz Pirn i
,"ixe zrt: [?] vnir P^^p f ?pyr] i>z iz ^ itrxi arnx PD
(5<X)| sLoix?
d) Suweidi, Ms. or. fol. 1182 f. 156.
vg ixx> e 20
e) Hermes, Cod. Wetzstein II 1208.
u^^Lu.J! ^)LJf [F. 8 a
^LJl v^
[8 b]
f ) Bis zu n. 69 sind die Steine nach hebraischem Alphabet
geordnet; wonach sind n. 66, 67 zu berichtigen oder durch einen andoren
Namen zu erganzen? n. 70 73 scheinen Nachtrage.
Lapidarien.
7 1
ftJj fjf
jjo Lxiyo [9 a] ^
5*. ,-
W
rv
sf ..
Lj UT <
*-Lo
o iof
j- &JU!
c .
cX*J ^L^w
Lo
wij ! JJC
L^xlc.
(Der Abdruck der magischen Zeichen musstc aus typo
graphischen Riicksichten unterbleibcu).
J ) Man beachte diese Citationsforinel, welclie beweist, dass der Coin
pilator sich nicht fiir Hermes ausgab.
Moritz Steinschneider.
Nachtrag.
(S. 55) Lull, Raimundus (Pseudo-) ,,quaeras in Lapidario nostro,
in quo prolixe tractavimus de omnibus et ibi habebis omne complementum
(R. Luilii . . libelli aliquot Chemici, Basil. 1572 kl. 8 p. 387 Compen
dium animae secunda pars de compos, perlarum et aliorum lapidum p.
364, der spezielle Teil beginnt p. 370).
(S. 62) Bei der Correctur dieser Zeilen (Jan. 1896) sehe ich, dass
mein Freund Jacobs (Jew. Quart. VI, 375) meine Zweifel ,,nicht
geniigend erwiesen" [soil heissen, ,,begriindet"] findet. Darin liegt eben
unser verschiedener Standpunkt; ich verlange fiir geschichtliche
Conjecturen festere Grundlagen (wie ja auch Bacher 1. c. die
Haltlosigkeit mehrerer Conjecturen nachgewiesen hat). Hier geniige
eine Behauptung des flrn. Jacobs auf derselben Seite: ,,Berachja erwahnt
wirklicli (actually), dass er im Lande der Ins el (of the Isle!) schreibt"
(vgl. IV, 522); das schreibt Berachja nirgends; in der Vorr. der Fabeln
findet sich eine sehr dunkle, auch von Bacher (VI, 373) nicht aufgeklarte
Jeremiade (c ::). die zu der Verherrlichung der englischen Juden, auch
zu ihrer Vertreibung, nicht passt; gehort sie zu ,,the internal evidence
of his (Berachja s) works", welche Bacher (VI, 364) auf Treu und Glauben
anzunehmen scheint, ohne meine Bedenken zu beachten oder zu kennen;
Am Anfang der Vorrede steht cn *c ktanen . . . c^iyn ^J; Jacobs
(p. 269) missdeutet die ganze Stelle; Berachja s Fabeln handeln von
dem Weltrad, welches die Meeresinseln unikreist (Anspielung auf
c^ys Tinr Kin bsha Sabb. 151b und das stereotype Bild des Rades);
Jacobs versetzt das Rad ,,in the Isle" (sing., also England); kein
Wunder, dass er meine Zweifelsgriinde nicht begreift. Fiir ihn genugt
ja ein Familiennamen (p. 600, 614) urn mit Wahrscheinlichkeit einen
,,descendant" eines beriihmten Autors zu finden, wo noch nicht einmal
die Verwandtschaft bewiesen ist. Ervermag (p. 614) Almocatel (VeHpD^M)
mit Mocatta (etwa ytspe?) zu combiniren.
(S. 64) Epiphanius, Sanct., de duodecim gemmis, quae erant
in veste Aaronis, Graece et lat. Jola Hierotarantino interprete cum
corollario Conr. Gessneri; in Gessneri de omni rerum fossilium genere
lapidum et geimnarum maxime figuris, Tiguri 1565, 4. Nunc primum
ex antiqua versione latina, opera et studio Pet. Franc. Foggini, Romae
1743. 4. (Cat. BoJl., I, 800 col. 2.)
(S. 67 unten) De Mely, Le lapidaire d Aristote (Revue des Etudes
gr.) 1894; s. oben S. 52/3.
The Cotton Grotto an ancient Quarry
in Jerusalem.
With Notes on ancient Methods of Quarrying
by
Dr. Cyrus Adler ("Washington).
Librarian of the Smithsonian Institution.
In April 1891, while spending a short time in Jerusalem,
the writer became interested in the great subterranean
structure known to travellers as the Quarries of Solomon,
and to the Arabs as the Cotton Grotto.
The entrance to this structure 1st about 100 paces east
of the Damascus Gate, and some 19 feet below the wall. 1 )
The writer visited this place three or four times, making
such examinations as Avas possible by the light from the
torches of the servants of the American Consul, and of some
members of the so-called "American Colony" who kindly
placed their time at his disposal. 2 )
Note was made at the time to the effect that the quarry
proceeded 1000 feet, and was about 150 feet in depth. The
depth was obtained by the reading of a carefully compen
sated aneroid barometer, but the other dimension was the
result of a mere calculation.
Various measurements have been given at different
times. Dr. Barclay stated that the cavern "varies in width
a ) These are the figures given in Baedeker s Palestine and Syria,
1894. p. 136.
2 ) The "American Colony" is a party of religious enthusiasts who
have given up worldly goods and cares, and await the "second ad
vent." They visit the Mount of Olives every morning at daybreak.
74 Cyrus Adler.
from twenty to one or two hundred yards, and extends
about 220 yards in the direction of the Serai (barracks),
terminating in a deep pit." In another place Dr. Barclay
says that the quarry is from the entrance to the termination
in a nearly direct line 250 feet. Still another estimate
fixes "the length of the quarry to be rather more than a
quarter of a mile, and its greatest breadth less than half
the distance". The latest edition of Baedeker describes the
quarry as "stretching 213 yards in a straight line below
the level of the city, and sloping down considerably on the
South." From this diversity it may be inferred that a series
of accurate measurements would not be wholly superfluous.
Possibly an idea of the size of the quarry may be obtained
from the statement that it is "sufficiently large to have sup
plied much more stone than is apparent in all the ancient
buildings of Jerusalem gigantic though these are." 1 )
The roof is supported by huge pillars. These are, ac
cording to Sir William Dawson, in such good condition that
the quarry might be opened at any time with very little
expense. Bits of pottery were found actually cemented to
the rock by the action of water.
Two large chambers, unlike the rest of the quarry, which
was comparatively free from debris, were filled with small
stone clippings. The conclusion seemed inevitable that in
these places the stone had been dressed, 2 ) giving the clue
to the meaning of the Biblical passage which is referred to
later on.
It was assumed that if the workmen actually dressed
the stone here, they must have dropped some tools or other
objects; and after picking about among the chippings with
such rude implements as were at hand, some objects were
actually found. Dr. Herbert Friedenwald, who was of the
party, picked up a lamp plainly of Jewish pattern, being
one of a few recorded, and the only one found in this place,
as far as is known.
J ) By-Paths of Bible Knowledge VI, Egypt and Syria. Their
physical features in relation to Bible History, by Sir J. William Dawson,
Third edition, London. 1892, p. 95.
2 ) All observers seem to agree on this point. See Geike, The
Holy Land and the Bible, Vol. IT, pp. 16-19 ; New York. 1888.
The Cotton Grotto an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. 75
One foot below the surface of the chippings, the writer
found many fragments of pottery. One lot of these frag
ments have been restored at the United States National
Museum, but with the rest nothing could be done. Some
were unglazed and undeeorated, on others the glazing and
decoration were still intact. The greater portion of the frag
ments discovered, was left with Mr. Baurath Schick, of
Jerusalem, in the hope that they might be useful to some
future investigator.
There is no record of pottery having been found there
before, nor had Mr. Schick the chief local archaeologist, any
knowledge of such finds. One foot below the surface of the
two chippings, charcoal was found, indicating that the work
men had lighted a fire.
This underground quarry was chosen in preference to
the stone of the Zioii Hill or of the Mount of Olives, be
cause it offers "a thick bed of the pure white <M a 1 a k e
(stone) compact in quality and durable, yet easily worked.
This is a finely granular stone, and under the microscope,
is seen to be composed of grains of fine calcareous sand and
organic fragments cemented together. It is not, like some
of the limestones of the region, an actual chalk, composed
of foraminiferal shells, but is really a very fine grained white
marble." 1 )
There is a trickling spring on the right side, but the water
is unpleasant to the taste.
The history of this quarry is uncertain, and though
there is no good ground for doubting the tradition that it
was used by Solomon, still no evidence on this point has
thus far been discovered. It was no doubt in existence in
the time of Herod, and is perhaps referred to by Josephus
under the name of the Royal Caverns situated on the north
side of the city. 2 )
Its first mention in modern times is contained in the work of
Mujir ed-Din, who wrote his Uns al Jalil in 1496. 3 )
l ) Dawson, 1. c . p. 92.
-) 5 Wars IV, 2, cited in the Survey of Western Palestine, Jerusalem,
London, 1884, p. 6.
3 ) See von Hammer, Fundgruben des Orients cited by Edward
Robinson, Later Biblical Eesearches, Boston 1856, p. 191.
~jr> Cyrus Adler.
Robinson states (1. c.) that the quarry was open for a
short time in the days of Ibrahim Pasha, about 1844 and
rumor affirmed, he says, "that his soldiers entered and found
water within. A year or two since it was again open; and
Mr. Weber, a Prussian Consul at Beirut, with the Mussulman
whom we visited on Zion, and another, went in and follo
wed the passage a long way; but as they had neither lights
nor compass they could not be sure of the direction nor of
the distance. A few days afterwards, when they attempted
to repeat the visit with lights, they found the entrance
Availed up. The Mutsellim had learned that Franks had
entered the grotto. This account was afterwards confirmed
to me at Beirut by Mr. Weber himself."
The discovery of the quarry in modern times is due to
Dr. J. T. Barclay, who accidently found the entrance in 1854. 1 )
The origin of the name, "Cotton Grotto" (m a g h a r e t
el K e 1 1 a n) or rather linen grotto, is uncertain.
All of the signs of quarrying remain, including the
niches for the lamps necessary for lighting the subterranean
work place, and the soot from the lamps themselves. 2 )
The method of quarrying was as follows : The rock was
blocked out with a metal tool 3 ) all around; it was then de
tached by the insertion of small wooden wedges which when
swelled with water drive the rock apart. The traces of all
these processes are perfectly plain.
It may be useful to quote the words of an engineer in
describing this process. 4 )
Palestine under the Moslems, by Guy le Strange, p. 12, Compare also
Itineraires cle la Terre Sainte .... par E. Carmoly, Bruxelles 1847, p.
419; H. Sauvaire, Histoire de Jerusalem et d Hebron. Paris, 1876. [On
the work Una al Julil, see the learned notes of Professor Stein-
schneider in his Polemische und apoloyetische Litteratur, etc., (Leipzig
1877), p. 177. G.A.K.]
*) The City of the Great King, or Jerusalem as it was, as it is,
and as it is to be. By J. P. Barclay M. D. Philadelphia, 1858, pp.
456468.
2 ) See Sir William Dawson p. 95.
3 ) See "Chisel Marks in the Cotton Grotto at Jerusalem", by Baurath
Schick, and note on the above, by W. M. Flinders Petrie, Quarterly
Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, January, 1892, p. 24.
4 ) "Quarrying Methods of the Ancients," by W. F. Durfee, M.AM.
Soc. M. E., The Engineer s Magazinejnly 1894, Vol. 7, No. 4, pp. 474491.
The Cotton Grotto an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. 77
"The methods adopted for the horizontal quarrying of
the granite blocks of ordinary size was to cut a narrow
groove two or three inches deep, parallel with a vertical
face of rock, at such distance as the width of the desired
stone required; in the bottom of this groove rectangular
holes were made, about two inches long, one inch wide, and
two inches deep; these were usually placed about four inches
apart; dry wooden plugs were then driven tightly into these
holes, and the spaces between them in the groove first men
tioned, filled with water-, and the expansion of the plugs
as they absorbed the water split the stone in the lines ol
the holes. No more uniform and simple application of suf
ficient force for the purpose, could possibly have been desired".
Ample evidence exists of the use of this method of quarry
ing in ancient times, and its survival even to modern times is
attested. That it was and is still practised in Egypt, is affir
med by Professor Erman, the best authority on ancient Egypt.
"The procedure by which the old Egyptian stone masons
extricated the blocks can be distinctly recognized. At
distances generally of about 6 inches, they chiselled holes
in the rock, in the case of the larger blocks at any rate,
to the depth of 6 inches. Wooden wedges were forcibly
driven into these holes; these wedges were made to swell
by being moistened, and the rock was thus made to split.
The same process is still much employed at the present day." 1 )
The use of the expansive power of wedges when soaked
with water is not however confined in modern times to Egypt.
Mr. Talcot Williams, of Philadelphia informs me that
this method of quarrying is still carried on at Mardin in
Asiatic Turkey, although gun powder has been in use there
for four centuries. The quarries at Mardin like those in
Jerusalem, are underground and the dressing of the stone
is largely carried on within the quarry.
Professor George P. Merrill has pointed out that this
process either survived, or was re-discovered in the last cen
tury in New England. 2 )
J ) Life in Ancient Egypt, described by Adolf Erman. translated
by H. M. Ferard, Macmillan 1894, p. 471.
-) Stones for Buildings and Decoration, p. 325.
Y^ Cyrus Adler.
"In Pattee s History of Old Braintree and Quihcy,"
he says, "occurs this passage: - - On Sunday 1803 the
first experiment in splitting stone with wedges was made by
Josiah Bemis, George Stearns, and Michael Wilde. It proved
successful, aud so elated were these gentlemen on this me
morable Sunday that they adjourned to Newcomb s hotel,
where they partook of a sumptuous feast. The wedges used
in this experiment were flat, and differed somewhat from
those now in use".
As to who can justly claim to be the first to bring this
method of splitting into general use, the author has no
means of ascertaining. That none of the above can justly
claim to have invented the process is evident from the
following: -
"I told thee that I had been informed that the grind
stones and millstones were split with wooden pegs drove in,
but I did not say that those rocks about this house could
be split after that manner, but that I could split them, and
had been used to split rocks to make steps, door-sills, and
large window-cases all of stone, and pig troughs and water-
troughs. I have split rocks 17 feet long and built four
houses of hewn stone, split out of the rocks with my own
hands."
Dr. Daniel G. Brinton states that the quarries of West-
chester County, Pennsylvania, which have been in existence
for about 140 years, are worked by the same method.
Other methods of quarrying employed by the ancients
are described by Professor Merrill.
-It is stated, (Grueber, Die Baumaterialien-Lehre,
p. 60, 61) that in Finland, even at the present day, granite
is split from the quarry bed through the expansive force of
ice. A series of holes, from a foot to 15 inches apart, and
from 2 to 3 feet deep, according to the size of the block
to be loosened, is driven along the line of the desired rift
after the usual custom. These holes are then filled with
water and tightly plugged. The operation is put off until
late in the season and until the approach of a frost. The
water in the holes then freezes and by its expansion frac
tures the rock in the direction of the line of holes. Blocks
of 400 tons weight are stated to be broken out in this way.
Ihe Cotton Grotto an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. 79
A more ancient method consisted in simply plugging the
holes with dry wooden wedges and then thoroughly satura
ting them with water, the swelling wood acting in the same
way as the freezing water. Another ancient and well known
method consisted in building a lire around the stone and
when it was thoroughly heated striking it with heavy ham
mers or throwing cold water upon it."
In splitting stone the ancient Romans are said to have
sprinkled the hot stone with vinegar, though whether they
thereby accelerated the splitting or caused the stone to break
along the definite line is not known. Quartz rocks, it is
stated, can be made to split in definite directions by wetting
them while hot, or laying a wet cord along the line it is
desired they shall cleave. The wet line gives rise to a small
crack, and the operation is completed by striking heavy
blows with wooden mallets. According to M. Raimondi, the
ancient Peruvians split up the stone in the quarry by first
heating it with burning straw and then throwing cold water
upon it. To carve the stone and obtain a bas relief, the
writer contends that the workmen covered with ashes the
lines of the designs which they intended to have in relief,
and then heated the whole surface. The parts of the stone
which were submitted immediately to the action of the fire
became decomposed to a greater or less depth, while the
designs, protected by ashes remained intact. To complete
the work, the sculptor had but to carve out the decomposed
rock with his copper chisel."
The following communication in a recent number of
Nature (Jan. 17, 1895) gives a description of the practice of
quarrying by fire still employed in India.
"In one case, I observed the operation of burning over
an area. A narrow line of wood fire, perhaps 7 feet long,
was gradually elongated, and at the same time moved for
ward over the tolerably even surface of solid rock. The
line of fire was produced by dry logs of light wood, which
were left burning in their position until strokes with a hammer
indicated that the rock in front of the fire had become de
tached from the main mass underneath. The burning wood
was then pushed forward a few inches, and left until the
hammer again indicated that the slit had extended. Thus
80 Cyrus Adler.
the fire was moved on, and at the same time the length of
the line of fire was increased, and made to be convex on
the side of the fresh rock. The maximum length of the arc
amounted to about 25 feet. It was only on this advancing
line of fire that any heating took place, the portion which
had been traversed being left to itself. This latter portion
was covered with the ashes left by the wood, and with thin
splinters which had been burst off. These splinters were
only of about J /s mcn thickness, and a few inches across.
They were quite independent of the general splitting of the
rock, which was all the time going on at a depth of about
five inches from the surface. The burning lasted eight hours,
and the line of fire advanced at the average rate of nearly
6 feet an hour. The area actually passed over by the line
of fire was 460 square feet, but as the crack extended
about three feet on either side beyond the fire, the area of
the entire slab which was set free, measured about 740
square feet. All this was done with may be about 15 cwt.
of wood. Taking the average thickness of the stone at 5
inches, and its specific gravity as 2.62, the result is 301bs.
of stone quarried with 1 lb. of wood."
Between Mexico and Peru the use of the expansive
force of the wooden wedge was employed for purposes of
quarrying and there is abundant evidence of the employment
of fire for the same purpose on this continent.
Professor Graetz sums up what is known from Biblical
sources of the quarrying work done for the Temple in these
words : - "Eighty thousand of these unhappy beings worked
in the stone quarries day and night by the light of lamps.
They were under the direction of a man from Biblos (Gib-
lem) who understood the art of hewing heavy blocks from
the rocks, and of giving the edges the necessary shape for
dove-tailing. Twenty thousand slaves removed the heavy
blocks form the mouth of the quarry, and carried them to
the building site." 1 )
The Biblical statement is as follows: "And the King
commanded, and they hewed out (brought away, margin,
greatjtones, costly stones, to lay the foundation of the house
l ) History of the Jews, by Professor H. Graetz, Vol. I p 163
Philadelphia. The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1891.
The Cotton Grotto an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. g^
with wrought stone. And Solomon s builders and Hiram s
builders and the Gebalites did fashion them, and prepared
the timber and the stones to build the house" 1 )
The only place in which the word quarry actually oc
curs in the Old Testament is I Kings VI, I "And the house
when it was building was built of stone made ready at the
quarry ; 2 ) and there was neither hammer nor axe nor any
tool of iron heard in the house, while it was in building".
It is true that the authorized version renders C^DB in
Judges 3, 19 and 26 by quarries, but this is altered in the
revised version, and is no doubt incorrect; the term appar
ently means either stone images (its usual use) or locali
ties- where there was an especial cult of such images. 3 )
The passage in Kings, just cited, is fully explained by
the situation of the quarry and the undoubted fact that the
stones were quarried underground. The sound of the tool
could certainly not be heard on the Temple Hill from the
underground chambers at the Damascus Gate, probably not
in any part of the City.
It might seem at first sight that the underground quar
rying by wedges or fire would offer an explanation of the
statement concerning the stones to be used for the altar. In
Exodus 20,25, (R. V.) we read "And if thou make me an
altar of stone, thou shalt not build it of hewn stones ; for if
thou lift up thy tool upon it thou hast polluted it".
Further consideration however, shows that this is not
possible and that the stones referred to must have been
boulders. This view is amply confirmed by an historical ac
count in the Talmud kindly pointed out by Mr. S. Schechter
of Cambridge, England.
In tract Midoth 36% it is stated that the stones for the
altar were from the valley of Beth-Kerem, that they dug
down to the virgin soil (or unbroken ground) and that they
were perfect stones not touched by iron.
*) I Kings 5, 17 till 8; cf. also I Chronicles 22, 2 and 15; II
Chronicles 2, 17.
2 ) The Hebrew word translated quarry is JJQC
3 ) The authority of the Targum is, however, in favor of quarries;
still as it refers to a place in the neighborhood of Gigal it is not espe
cially significant in the present connection. The verb ^n in a number
of Targumic passages means to quarry.
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 6
82 Cyrus Adler.
The Beth-Kerem house of the vineyard mentioned here
does not seem to have been identified by the geographers.
One naturally thinks of the passage in Jeremiah 6 7 1 "Raise
up a signal on Beth-hakerem" (cf. also Neh. 3 7 14). This
place is usually identified with the so-called Frank mountain
near Jerusalem, but is more likely that it is the same as
the modern Ain Karem spring of the vineyard . On the
ridge above Ain Karem are cairns which may have been
used as beacons of old. One is 40 feet high and 130 feet
in diameter, with flat top 40 feet across. 1 )
The late Professor Robertson Smith fully demonstrated
the significance of cairns in connection with the altar among
Syrian tribes 2 ) and this significance is also found in America,
some of the North Coast Indians setting up cairns in place
of the ordinary totem-posts.
*) Quarterly Statement Palestine Exploration Fund, 1881, p. 171;
Palestine, by Rev. Archibald Henderson, Edinburgh, 1893, p. 190.
2 ) Fundamental Institutes of Semitic Religions, pp, 183. 185 if.
Die PSlel-Conjugation
und die POlal-Participien
von
Prof. Dr. J. Earth (Berlin.)
Tiber das Wesen der Polel-Conjugation, welche im He-
braischen sowohl bei den Verben med. w et j, als bei denen
mediae geminatae auftritt, gehen die Ansichten der Forscher
sehr auseinander und eine niihere Begriindung der vorge-
tragenen Meinungen ist selten erfolgt Die meisten neueren
Grammatiker des Hebr. geben dem Polel eine verschiedene
Deutung, je nachdem es bei den 1 jM) oder aber bei den y>
Verben erscheint So sieht Bottcher (Lehrgebdude,
1016) in 221C und alien entsprechenden Formen aus y"y-
Wurzeln Bildungen mit ,,vorderer Vocaldehnung" (eines a zn
a = = hebr. 6) also ein sdbib, dagegen in CElp und dessen V j?-
Correspondenzen solche ,,mit hinterer Wiederholung" (d. h.
des 3. Radicals), also ein qawmim. 2 ) Olshausen ( 251 b)
schwankt bei den fjj, ob CGlp = urspr. qatvmcm oder = urspr.
qdmcm sei, nimint dagegen bei den y"y gleichfalls das Ein-
treten eines langen d Linter dem 1. Guttural, also z. B.
= urspr. sdbeb an ( 254). In der Anmerkung zu
254 stellt er vermuthungsweise noch eine dritte Meinung auf :
vielleicht seien beide schwache Classen zuerst auf zwei Con-
sonanten zuriickgefuhrt (wie bei hlb? und b)b) von tD und
*?^), dann zum Zweck der Pielbildung d hinter dem ersten
Radical eingefiigt und zugleich noch der letzte Radical ver-
doppelt worden. Dieselbe Duplicitat, als liege einerseits
J ) Darunter sind hier und im Folgenden auch die i"y-Verba mit zu
verstehen.
2 ) S. 1020, 2.
6*
g4 J- Earth.
bei den Y J? eine Doppelung des letzten Radicals, dagegen bei
den y"V der Einschub eines 6 hinter dem 1. Radical vor,
welch letzteres aus semitischeni a getriibt sei, behaupten
auch Gesenius-Kautzsch ( 72 vgl. mit 67, 8 und 55,1),
Konig (Lehrgebdude I, S. 451 vgl. mit S. 349), Bickell
( 116 vgl. m. 135), Land ( 55 vgl. m. 217d ) und
Wright 2 ).
Wahrend von diesen Gelehrten angenommen 1st, dass die-
selbe Endform beider Wurzelclassen durch zweierlei ganz ver-
scliiedene Bildungsprocesse zu Stande gekommen sei, vertritt
Ewald 8 ( 125 a) die Meinnng, dass die Form urspriinglich
bei den J?"y gebildet worden sei, indem statt der hier schwie-
rigen Scharfung des 2. Radicals das vorangehen.de a zu a
(= hebr. o) gedelmt worden sei. Von ihnen aus sei der Polel
dann auf die Verba med. iv iibertragen worden. Er setzt
also hinter dem 1. Radical des urspr. Piels der y"y ein a
voraus, welches aber in der hebr. Periode dort nicht nach-
weisbar ist. Ahnlich auch M. Hartmann 3 ), der im Polel
die III. Conjg. der J?"j?-Verba sah, welcher sich die l"j? acco-
modirt hatten. - Umgekehrt lasst Stade ( 155 c, d) die
Form urspriinglich bei den Y y gebildet und dann durch
Analogic auf die >"J? iibertragen sein. Jener V y-Verbalart
soil es eigenartig sein, den Intensivstamm durch Wieder-
holung des 3. Radicals zu bilden, aus dein qdma des Qal ein
qdmama bezw. hebr. Clp (nach Eindringen des Impf.-e in
der 2. Silbe) zu entwickeln.
All diesen Aufstellungen gegeniiber, dass ein Polel von
221D ein urspr. d hinter dem 1. Radical hatte oder, was das-
selbe, dass in dieseni Polel eine der arab. III. Conju
gation entsprechende Form vorliege, wies Noldeke 4 ) auf
mehrere correspondirende syrische Bildungen hin, welche
zeigten, dass das hebr. 6 nicht aus a, sondern aus au ent-
standen sei, namlich jJoJlf , jjo^lf, -aJoslf, wA^oJ4 7 JJoolf,
abgesehen von C^lPK N Dan. 4, 16 und Formen aus dein
1 ) Die Citate aus Bickell und Land, deren Grammatiken mir nicht vor-
liegen, nach Konig a, a. 0.
2 ) Lectures on Comparative Grammar S. 203 vgl. m. 252.
3 j Die Phmliteralbildungen in den semitischen Sprachen I (einziger)
Theil, S. 2-3.
4 ) ZDMG 29, 326; 30, 1845.
Die Polel-Conjugation und die Polal-Participien. 85
Targumischen und Christlich-Palastinischen (ZDMG 22, 490),
die als Hebraismen beanstandet werden konnten. Wenn hier-
gegen Stade, 1 ) um die Abkunft eines CClp aus qamem zu
behaupten, einwandte: ,,syrisches au kann Zerdehnung aus
6 sein", so beruht das auf Uebereilung. Denn ein 6 wiirde
ja nach der von ihm nnd den Andern angenomnienen Natur
des Polel nur im Hebraischen in Folge der bier allein
iiblichen Triibung des a zu 6, nicbt aber im Syrischen, wo
das senritische a unverandert bleibt, vorgelegen haben, konnte
sich also auch bier nicbt in au zerdehnen.
Aus diesem Dissens der Ansichten moge es sicb recht-
fertigen, wenn im Folgenden das strittige Problem einer
kurzen Erorterung unterzogen und im Hinblick auf einige
verwandte semitische Erscbeinungen seine Losung versucht
wird.
Es ist unter alien Umstanden wahrscheinlicb, dass die
Bildung nicht bei den l"j?-Verben einen anderen Charakter
als bei der y"y-Classe hat, dass sie vielmebr bei einer dieser
beiden auf organiscbeni Wege zu Stande gekommen und
dann durch Analogic auf die verwandte scbwacbe Classe
iibertragen sein wird. 2 ) Es ist daber zunachst zu priifen,
bei welcher von beiden scbwacben Stammarten sie primar
bervorgebracbt sein mag. Dass dies nicbt bei den Verbis med.
gemin. der Fall gewesen, dafiir ist scbon ein wicbtiges Indiz
die Tbatsacbe, dass das Hebr. - wie alle anderen semi-
tischen Spracben - - sehr wohl im Stande war, aus denselben
regelrochte Pielbildungen bervorzubringen und in der Tbat
auch cine Reihe von Pielformen gebildet hat, 3 ) wogegen von
den V y-Verben in alter Zeit keine, und erst in der aramai-
sirenden Decadenz der Spracbe einige vereinzelte Formen
nach Art des Aramaischen gebildet worden sind (D^p, C.lp.
Esth. 9, 31, 32 u. s. n$y- Dan. 1, 10, Tgsn Jo s - 9 > 12 ?
daneben noch "^ Ps. 119, 61.). Das Hebr. hatte also nur
a ) Hebr. Gramm. S. 120, Anm. 3.
2) Wie dies auch bei anderen diesen beiden Classen gemeinsamen
Eigenthiimlichkeiten anzunehmen ist, z. B. der Hervorbringung von Eedu-
plicationsstammen wie ^^ (von y"y), ^S^ ( von V y) u. s. w., bei der
Einfiigung des sogenannten Bindevocals o im Perf., e im Impf. in PlSD^
u. s. w. einer , Pl^ri; Hc^in u - s - w - andererseits.
z. B.
86 J. Earth.
bei diesen letzteren Verben, wo es das regelrechte Piel nicht
bildete, well es das intervocalisch gescharfte w als erne zu
grosse Harte enipfand, ein Bediirfniss nach einem Ersatz des
Piels, nicht aber bei der y"j7-Classe.
Hierrnit ist es in Uebereinstimmung, dass eine formell deni
Piel entsprechende Bildung des Arabischen ebenfalls nur von
Verben med. tv et j, nicht aber von med. gemin. aus gebildet
ward, namlich die zahlreichen Infinitive xi^yo ,,weggehen" von
jU (med. .; ), xIlT,,sein" von (med. w\ &x< an-
^ ^
dauern" (med. w\ sJ^Juu ,,weggehen" von c>L a. v. A. 1 )
Im Arabischen hat sich diese Reduplication des letzten Radi
cals nur auf dem Gebiet des No men s, d. h. der Infinitiv-
bildung vollzogen, 2 ) nicht bei der Verbalflexion, und es ist
dort in Folge davon auch keine Verstarkungsbedeutung, so
weit wir sehen konnen, an sie gebunden. Aber der Process
der Forrnbildung ist derselbe wie beim hebr. Poel, und er
erscheint, was wichtig ist, nur bei den Verbis med. w et j.
Die genannten Infinitive sind iibrigens urspriinglich von der
Classe med. j aus gebildet 3 ) und durch Analogic auf die
med. w iibertragen worden. Auch sonst finden sich im Arab.
noch die zwei Infinitive mit verdoppeltem dritten Radical
4>J^w ,,herrschen", Jib^c ,,schwertrachtig sein" und die mit
diesen Infinitiven in Verbindung zn bringenden Formen von
Plurales fracti ioio^ ,,schwer trachtige" (zum Sing. JaSU)
Q i >
und JJ^ ,,langere Zeit unfruchtbare" (Kamelinnen, zuin Sg.
f*
JoL^) 4 ), wiederum nur von sogen. hohlen Wurzeln ? wahrend
von med. gemin. keine entsprechenden Formationen vorliegen.
Das Hebr. selbst bietet ausserhalb des Polels ebenfalls
zwei Nomina mit derselben Wiederholung des Schlussradicals,
und auch diese beiden gehen von sogen. hohlen Wurzeln aus:
J ) Vgl. meine Nominalbildung S. 21011.
2 ) Vermuthlich in Folge einer iautlichen Harte, die gerade der nor-
male Infinitiv aufwies ; vgl. a. a. 0. S. 211.
8 ) Vgl. das standige j hinter dem ersten Radical in bajnunat, kaj-
nunat u. s. w.
4) Nominalbildung S. 212, Anm. 2. - Die beiden begriffsverwandten
Plurr. fracti haben wohl in der Bildungsweise auf einander eingewirkt.
Die Polel-Conjugation und die Polal-Participien. 37
,,Annehmlichkeit (von v?lU, ^, % ,,gab Ruhe") und
TTP2 ,,Funke" (von 5(/ ,,brachte Feuer hervor") i) Nur das
vereinzelte jWj ,,Funke geht hier auf den ?-Stamm yju
.fankeb- Ez. 1, 7 zurtick, seine Bildung 1st vielleicht in
Analogic nach dem begriffsgleichen TJT2 erfolgt. Von diesem
zweifelhaften Einzelfall abgesehen, zeigt es sich also, dass
wo sonst im Semitischen dem Polel entsprechende For-
mationen aus den schwachen Wurzeln vorliegen, sie aus den
1> und vy-, nicht aus den Wurzeln mecL gemin hervor _
gegangen sind.
Dasselbe Ergebniss liefert eine Betrachtung der hebrai-
schen Participien der Form 221tf, hby, welche ebenfalls keine
Beriicksichtigung fur die Losung der Polel-Frage und auch
sonst noch keine befriedigende Erklarung gefimden haben^).
Sie sind nicht etwa aus dem Polel gebildet; denn im Ge-
brauch stellen sie sich zum Qalstainin. Sprachlich sind sie
um so werthvoller, weil ihre Entstehung und die des Polel
parallel und unabhangig nebeneinander licrgehcn und die Er
klarung des Processes bei der einen Art an deni der anderen
sich bewahren muss. Es sind folgende Participien:
a) 231tf ,,abtriinnig, abwendig", PL C^.221^ (im Ganzcn
3 Mai, der Sing, noch ofter als Norn, prop.), synonym
mit dem zum Qal gehorigen (^^)n^B^p (4 Mai), ent-
sprechend dem Qal Jer. 8,4; JosJ 23,12, auch mit
^L!^ ,,sich abwenden" (Jos. 22,16; 23, 29; 1 Sam.
15, 11, ohne Praepos. Jos. 23, 12; Jer. 8, 4); nur ein-
mal Jer. 8,5 entspricht rmtf 3 ). - - Him parallel geht
mehrfach ein Particip 221^ , ri221tf Jer. 31, 22; 49, 4;
Mi. 2,4.
J ) A. a. 0. S. 210.
2 ) Nach Ewald ( 160 a) waren sie aus 221^ , hh\$ gedehnt und
diese selbst Polel- Participien ohne ^. Aber sie gehoren im Gebrauche nicht
zum Polel, und warm ware im Hebr. je das e eines Particips so in a
gedehnt worden? Olsh. ( 187 a) und nach ihm Stade ( 233) stellen
sie neben |jy^ und |^j#, ohne dann aber erklfiren zu konnen, wieso
2211&* und tyyy parallel neben ihnen hergehen.
3 ) 1m Hinblick auf das sonstige Entsprechen des Qal und die ander-
weitig stets causative Bedeutung von 221 f ist dies als eine vereinzelte
Angleichung an 22llf anzusehen.
88 J- Earth.
b) bbty ,,Kind" (2 Mai), PI. c^ty (2 Mai), mit Suff.
75?W n^W- Zum Stamm vgl. >iy ,,Kind a Jes. 49, 15;
65, 20, C^iy. ,,Kinder" Hiob dreimal; syrisch ?fd
,,Kind iC , U^ ,,Flillen"; aethiop. ewdl ,,Fiillen" i). Als
verbaler Starnm 1st arab. U&jJ^ c-Jle. ,,sie saugte ihr
Kind" wovon Juui. Milch der Saugung", &JU ,,Saugen
wilhrend der Schwangerschaft" zu vergleichen. 2 )
Parallel daneben bbty (4 Mai), PI. D^ty.
c) Auch CEH ,,schweigend" rechne ich, wie schon an an-
derer Stelle bemerkt 3 ), zu diesen Participien, nur dass
hier das 6 zu u getriibt worden 1st, sei es durch den
folgenden Labial oder durch Angleichung an HE-I"!,
welches das entsprechende Abstract ist und rait jenem
zusammen auf |/CH zuriickgeht. Die etwaige Annahme,
dass am hier dieselbe Adverbialendung wie in C|H,
C|T"}., CJ^N* sei, wird ausgeschlossen durch den rein
adjectivischen, bezw. participialen Gebrauch in Dicn px
Hab. 2 7 19, ccrn ^n^ 21^ Klgl. 3 ? 26. Die einzige
sonst noch vorkommende \ 7 erbindung C^ 1 !"! ^2^* aber ist
in Hinblick hierauf wie bb}W "^1D u. s. w. zu erklaren.
d) bbW (Hi. 12, 17, 19, auch Mi. 1,8 im Qri; k th. bbw).
Mit diesem Particip steht es niisslich, weil die Bedeu-
tung unsicher und in Folge dessen die Wurzel, aus der
es abzuleiten, zweifelhaft ist. Hi. 12, 17: C^yv T^lO
bbTP C^DWI bbw fiihrt das parallels ^IPP und der
naturgemass hier geschilderte Gegensatz des zukunftigen
zu dem bisherigen Zustande der C^yv auf die Bedeu-
tung ,,verdummt, bethort" (Yulg. ,,mente captus"),
J ) Hierzu gehort aber nicht bbtyl? Jes. 3, 12. welches sonst dem
constanten Sprachgebrauch entgegenstehen wiirde; es ist v ielmehr Particip
von bbfly ,,nmthwillig handeln", wie auch das ihm in vs. 4 entsprechende
Qv ftgn ,,Muthwillen" (concret) bedeutet und zu bb% oder bbty gezogen
werden muss. So nimrnt es auch die LXX, die in vs. 12 oi rcpdwtTopsc, in
vs. 4 IjjtTraikTa!, iibersetzt
?l ?--
2 ) Nicht <JU^ und <>xfc, welches die Familie im Ganzen, die man
ernahren muss, bedeutet.
3 ) NominaMldung S. 352, Anm. 2.
Die Polei-Conjugation imd die Polal-Participien. 39
nicht auf ,,gefangen (LXX, Targ.) oder ,,ausgezogen
(Dillm.). In Hi. 12, 19: *p& c^n\S1 bb
wiirde diese Bedeutung nicht nothwendig, aber auch
nicht unpassend sein, well es besagen kann, die Priester,
als die Gesetzeslehrer und entscheider wiirden von
Gott bethort und rathlos gemacht. ) Als Verbum
wiirde sich vorziiglich bbtevx anschliessen in Ps. 76,6:
cnJl? 1C3 lb ^2N I^IPTO .bethort warden, die vorh er
muthigen Herzens gewesen waren (parallel b: ,,und
nicht fanden die Kriegsleute ihre Hande c; d. h. sie
waren rathlos.). Im Arabischen wiirde gut entsprechen :
jpj ,,thoricht, wahnsinnig- J(J U1K 1 jp nWa l ms i nnig
werden". Aber dem gegeniiber steht^Ii. 1,8: p,lXx
crjn (Qr. bbw) bbw, wo das parallele cnyi iin Hinblick
auf andere Stellen (wie Jes 20,3. 4. 5) cine Bedeutung
ahnlich Avie nackt, barfuss nahelegt. Es ware mr.g-
lich, dass wir zweierlei Worte in bbw und bbw
vor uns haben. In jedem Fall empnehlt es sich, ein
Wort so zweifelhafter Bedeutung nicht zur Grimdlage
grammatischer Schlussfolgerung zu machen. 2 )
Die drei klarliegenden Falle obiger Participieu gehen
zweifellos auf 1>Stamme zuriick. Wie mdgen sie wohl ent-
standen sein? Zur Polel- Conjugation kounen sie nicht ge-
horen; das ist ausgeschlossen sowohl durch ihre intransitive
Bedeutung, als durch den ihnen charakteristischen a -Vocal
der zweiten Silbe , welcher mit dem dem Polel durchweg
eignenden c der zweiten Silbe unvereinbar ist. Ebensowenig
ist die Moglichkeit eines Anschlusses an das passive Polal
gegeben, weil Participien wie 2?\W, bbty begrifflich sich nicht
in eine passive Conjugation einfiigen lassen und weil die
beiden Parallelformen 321K , bbty zeigen, dass auch die Sprache
jene nicht als Passive sondern als active Participien em-
pfunden hat. Nun zeigt es sich, class das gemeinsemitische
Vgl. auch den unmittelbar folgenden Vers: ,,Der die Sprache der
Wohlbowahrten beseitigt und den Verstand der Greise hinwegnimmt."
) Natiirlich gehort nicht hierher das ofters vorkommende ^*i^ , da
dies nicht auf ein ^jtf (dessen suffigirter Plur. *nniL^ heissen "miisste),
sondern *-i"11^ zuriickgeht. -- Ein Infinitiv oder Abstractum wie
Ps. 66, 17 passt schon seiner Bedeutung nach nicht in diese Reihe.
90 J. Barth.
Verstarkungsparticip qattdl, das sonst iin Hebr. nicht eben
selten ist *) und das auch von Stammen med. j. ausgebildet
wird und zwar so, als ware das j ein fester Consonant
(j;i> "P 2 ) bei den Wurzeln mit mittlerem nichtconsonanti-
schein IV B ) iiberhaupt nicht vertreten ist, auch nicht so, dass
sie die Form etwa nach der Analogic der letztgenannten
V y-Fornien bildeten 4 ) Diese hier vermissten Formen sind
es, welche durch die obenerwahntenersetzt und vertreten werden.
Das Hebraische, welches ein intervocalisches gescharftes w
starker scheute, als ein gescharftes j in gleicher Position 5 ),
liess statt der Scharfung des halbvocalischen mittleren w eine
Doppelung des nachfolgenden Radicals eintreten, indem es
im Ubrigen die sonstige Structur und die Vocale dieses
Steigerungsparticips unverandert beibehielt: statt *qawwam 6 )
trat qaivmdm ein, wo durch auch nach der sonstigen Art
dieser Wurzeln das iv sich wieder mit deni vorherigen a zu
dem Diphthong 6 verbinden konnte 7 ). Falls das etymologisch
zweifelhafte 77\W zu einem Stamm med. gemin. gehort, wiirde
es durch Analogic den obigen V j7-Participien nachgebildet
sein, da auch von den y"y aus das Hebr. keine Participien der
Form *^ entwickelt hat, in gleicher Weise wie dies zumeist
auch beim verbalen Steigerungsstanim geschehen ist.
Als qattdl-FormQii sind die obigen Bildungen Steigerungs-
participien aus deni Qalstamin 8 ), und so erklart es sich
ganz natiirlich, dass neben ^1j? zweimal bw (Jes. 49,15;
J ) z- B. n::, trnr, 2|j. mv u. A.
2 ) Nach diesem lotzteren wohl auch die Analogiebildung c^"" Jes.
19, 8, so auch Jer. 16, 16 im Qri, dagegen c^" im K th., wie Ez/ 47, 10
allein vorkommt.
8 ) AYie 21B , cip u. s. \v. Wurzeln mit durchweg consonantisch be-
handeltem w, die natiirlich auch in dieser Form das w als festen Consonant
behandelten (wie by_ von bty\ rbty, *n von p,p) gehoren nicht hierher.
4 ) Wie das Aramaische, z. B. c^p, 2TI u. s. w. von Vy-Stammen.
5 ) Auch das Syrische bildet von den beiden Classen der V y- urid Vy-
Verba Formen mit gescharftem mittleren Radical meist nach der Art seiner
ehemaligen V y ; V gl. die in Anm. 4 genannten Participien und den Pael,
der fast durchweg wie qajjvn lautet.
6 ) Die Annahme dieser Grundformen rechtfertigt sich durch pi,
7 ) Wie z. B. von Vr^ aus pjjj, aber
8 ) Vgl. Nominalbildung S. 48
Die Pol el-Conjugation und die Polal-Participien. 91
65,20) = syr. tfa hergeht, die ebenfalls ein actives Qal-
particip darstellen i). Eine weitere Folge war es, dass sich
in Analogic nach jenen Qalparticipien mit gedoppeltem
letzten Radical auch die gewohnliche Form eines Qalparticips
fep so entwickelte, dass es verdoppelten letzten Radical
zeigte, d. h. dass 22lltf und bbty durch Analogic ein 2211^, bbfy
nach sich zogen. Denn da die Sprache die ersteren Fonnen
mit Recht als Participien des Qalstamms empfand, so schien
die Doppelung des letzten Radicals, die in Wahrheit nur eine
Compensation fur die unterbliebene Scharfung des Mittel-
radicals war, dem naiven Sprachgefiihl auf y"5?-Wurzeln 222>,
bty zuruckzuweisen, und es war dann naturlich, dass man
auch ein normales Particip qptel aus diesen vermeintlichen
Stammen bildete. Haben ja auch ohne solchen Anlass ver-
einzelte V JJ-Wurzeln im Hebr. Qal-Participien wie von y"y
gelegentlich gebildet 2 ).
Derselbe Process wie bei obigen Participien hat nun
von denselben V y-Wurzeln aus auch zur Bildung des Polel
gefuhrt. Statt des regelmassigen qittel niusste zunachst bei
Cip n. s. w. wegen des w ein qawwem mit d der 1. Silbe
zu Grunde gelegt werden 3 ). Die Scharfung des intervocali-
schen w wurde aber auch hier vermieden und durch Doppe
lung des nachfolgenden Radicals vertreten : qatvmem fur *qaw-
wem u. s. w. Die so entstandenen Formen des V jJ-Steige-
rungsstammes haben die "y-Wurzeln durch Analogic ebenso
nach sich gezogen, wie ini Aramiiischen umgekehrt die med.
a ) Entsprechend dem arab. qatul, wie -fiE ,,sich abwendend, sich
trennend" Jer. 2, 21; Jes. 49, 21, ^ ,,abweichend u Prov. 14, 14, 2^
,,sich abwendend" Mi. 2, 8, C^n ,,eilende", Num. 32, 17 (NominalUldung
S. 180 unt.).
2 ) So C^^b Hos. 7, 5; npoll Ps. H8, 16. Zu trennen hiervon
ist es, wenn zu einem Polelstamm, wie -liyjyn Lev. 19, 26 neben dem
Partip. D^Jiyp (6 fter) auch das hieraus verkurzte D^j? ( 5 Mai) vorkommt;
denn die Anfangsgenannten gehoren nicht zu einem Polelstamm.
8 ) Wie 2^13 vgl. mit bvpj, 2WH v gl- ni. ^pn Zur Be-
ruhigung sei ausdriieklich bemerkt, dass die supponirte Grundform qawwem
liber die wurzelhafte Urspriinglichkeit des radicalen w nicht mehr aussagt,
als p|Q iiber die in j^m^ und ji-;, -p^ iiber die des j ihrer Wurzeln,
T\
iiber das j ihrer vy-Prototype.
92 J. Barth.
w- der Analogic der rned. j-Wurzeln gefolgt sind. Auch ein
betrachtlicher Theil der y"y-Stamme ist im Hebr. in diese
Analogic hineingezogen worden, wahrend andere bei ihrer
urspriinglichen Bildung verharrten (s.oben.).
Ob nun aber die wenigen syrischen Paulelbildungen
ihrer Entstehnng nach mit den hebraischen verglichen wer-
den dtirfen, bezweifle ich sehr. Fast alle gehen von y"y-
Wurzeln aus und haben ein ziini Paelstamm gehoriges nom.
act. \oJ> neben sich, aus dem sich das verbale cthqautal ] )
zwanglos als Denoniinativ erklart 2 ). CElfi& Dan. 4,16 ist,
wie seiner Wurzel, so wohl auch seiner Form nach Palasti-
nismus. Abgesehen davon finden sich ja auch bei star ken
Wurzeln Falle wie jJolZf ,,krumm sein" targ. "DID ,,ertra-
gen", nach deren Art sie sonst erklarbar waren. Das ganz
isolirte zu dem V y-Stamm ID gehorige jj aslf ,,besturzt
sein" 3), das jedenfalls ausserst selten ist, und auf BegriiFs-
aualogie beruhen kann-i) ? genfigt fur die V y-Stamme nicht,
im Syrischen diese Bildung zu sichern.
Dazu koinmt, dass im Syrischen sowohl die y"y- als die
V y-Wurzeln ihre normale, der des starken Verbs entsprechende
Flexion besitzen, mithin fur eine solche Intensivstamm-Neu-
bildung auch kein Anlass vorlag. Die aussere Aehnlichkeit
clieser Formen mit dem Polel wird durch die der l>Deri-
vate auf S. 86 7 geniigend aufgewogen.
Das Hebraische hat bei dem Passiv des Polel in
der ersten Silbe den Vokal unverandert gelassen. Das er
klart sich einfach daraus, dass das vocalische Verhaltniss der
ersten Silben von Activ und Passiv sonst immer der Gegen-
J ) Fiir sehr bedeutsam halte ich es, dass kein einziges actives qaute
sonderu immer nor das Passiv vorliegt, das so oft als Denominativ
erscheint.
^ ,,Wiederkauen u steht so neben ?? F aJZ
neben ^a^4 ,,hinschwinden", \^ - ^|j^J| wird B A 7323 reben
w^JoJzj iiberliefert, j, f , f a2 (Erkaltang) xaTi^ou ? neben j^oJ^f. Vgi
schon Noldeke a. a. 0. Weitere Falle von y"y sind im Syrischen nicht
nachgewiesen.
3 ) Vgl. J5oo, f?o^ stultus, arab. J^J homo nequam.
4 ) Es konnte z. B. dem CDin^ nachgebildet sein. Es ist von Psm.
nur aus einer Stelle bei Jacob von Serug belegt.
Die Polel-Conjugation und die Polal-Participien. 93
satz zwischen dein liellen i und dem dimkeln u, o war 1 ).
Nachdem nun aber hier schon im Activ atis dem urspr. aw
ein dunkles 6 in der ersten Silbe sich gebildet hatte, war
die iibliche Vocalgegensatzlichkeit in der 1. Silbe ausge-
schlossen und die Sprache beschrankte sich hier 2 ) auf das
in den zweiten Silben ebenfalls allgemein durchgefuhrte Vo-
calverhaltniss von e : a fur Activ und Passiv unseres Inten-
sivstamms.
J ) qittel: 2itaL hiqiil: koqtal bezw. huqt&l (2D
-} Obgleich dies in einem anderu Fall, bei den yp, nicht geschehen
ist, vgi. n^in: ibr\ u. A.
A Study of the use of ab and s
in the Old Testament
by
Prof. Charles A. Briggs DD. (New- York).
2 1 ? and 22 1 ? are treated in the Lexicons as one and the
same word, and no attempt has been made thus far, or as
far as I know, to distinguish them. In the preparation of the new
American and British edition of Robinsons Gesenius Hebrew
Lexicon edited by Francis Brown, S. R. Driver and myself, it
fell to my let to prepare the psychological terms. I made a
complete induction of the passages in the Hebrew Scriptures
in which these terms occur in the summer of 1891. I have
waited until we reached them in our publication of the Lexi
con, before giving the facts to the public. In the Lexicon a
summary of the facts will be given. The article of them will
be given in this paper.
(A) The usage of the Hexateuch.
(1) The code of sanctity uses only ab Lv. 19 17 26 36 - 4l
Nu. 15 39 fourtimes.
(2) The Deuteronomic code Dt. 1226 uses only -n^>
134 157.9.10 17 i 7 . 18 2i 19 e 203.8.8 26 i6 twelvetimes. The
Introduction to that code Chaps. 1-11 has the same
usage. P8 23049. 29. 39 5 26 6 5. 6 717 g2. 5. 14. 17 94. 5 1Q 12. 1 611 13. 16. 18
twentytimes. The only exception 4" C CBT! -^ -iy is an
error of the Massoretic text. The Samaritan codex gives
Ihe Conclusion of the code. Chaps. 2728 has
the same usage 2828-47.67. The exception 2 g 65 ^ ^ h
compared with 28* ff. can hardly be genuine? It is
ubtless a copyist s error. The later additions to Deuteronomy
Iseu rthe same usage. 29 17 - 18 30 1 - 2 - 6. 6. e. 10. 14. 17 32 46 The
A Study of the use of ^b and ;v^ in the Old Testament. 95
exceptions are 29 3 ny-ft & )PJ which is used by the Ke-
dactor after Je. 24 7 , and 29 18 ^b rvrn^G, only here in the
Hexateuch, taken from Jeremiah who uses the phrase 8
times. Je. 3 17 7 24 9 13 II 8 13 10 -16 12 18 12 23 17 . There can be
little doubt therefore that in the original of D. only ab
was used.
(3) The Deuteronomic sections of Joshua also use
2$ Jos. 2^1 51 75 14 7 22- 23^. The exceptions are (a)
ll^CJp-n^ pjrft. But this is so strictly a phrase confined to
E. and P. that it must be regarded as originally taken from
one of them; if by the Deuteronomic redactor it must have
been taken from a source of E underlying his present work;
if from P. it must be by a later redactor, (b) 14 8 VDEH
^ PK. The verb is an Aramaism of a word elsewhere only
T. 6 7 3912 14718 But Dt 128 has uiajrnN rcen. Inasmuch
as Jos. 14 8 refers to the incident described in Dt. I 28 and
depends upon its statement there, we should not hesitate to
correct the error and read in Jos. 14 8 also 2lb PN ^H. It
seems altogether probable that the usage of D. was uni
formly 22b.
(4) The Priestly code and its narrative always uses
25 Gen. 17 17 ; Ex. 1^.13.22.23 315 912.35 n io 144.8.1? 252
283- 29. 30. 30 316. 6 350. 10. 21. 22. 25. 26. 29. 34. 35 351. 2. 2. 2. 8.
(5) The Judaic writer always uses 2b Gen. 6 5 - 6 8 21 - 21
18 5 24 45 27 41 34 3 ; Ex. 4 14 7 14 8 11 - 28 97. 14. 21." 34 IQI. Xu. 16 28
2413 32 7 -9. The only possible exception Ex. 14 5 assigned by
Dillmann to E.; but by Wellhausen. Cornill, Kittel and Driver
to J. 22*? "BPPl 22b should be corrected after the Samaritan
codex to 2b.
(6) 2b is used in the ode of the Eed Sea. Ex. 15 8 .
(7) The usage of the Ephramitic writer is mixed.
We find 2b in Gen. 42 28 45 26 50 21 ; Ex. 4 21 10 20 - 27 . But Gen.
20 5 - 6 (^27) ^2>-CP2; Jos. 24 23 <~b$ C222^P^ IffiH; and Gen.
31 26 ^-PX 2^P1. But Gen. 31 20 has ZJS-flN 2:^1. One of
these latter must be a copyist s error. It is probable that the
longer form is original; because the tendency of JE is so
strongly in the direction of ib that 2> is the more difficult
reading. Making this correction there remain 6 uses of nb
and 5 of 22t> Our study of the Hexateuch makes it evident
that in JE the only use of 22^ is in the Ephramitic docu-
96 Charles A. Briggs.
ment; that the Deuteronomic code and the series of Deute-
ronomic editors used 22^. This usage was continued in the
Sanctity code. The Priests code the Priestly document and
the final editors of the Hexateuch use 2b - - 22^ is enclosed
between an earlier and a later usage of 2^,
(B) The Prophetic Histories.
(1) The main stock of the book of Judges chaps. 116
always uses 2>. Ju. 9 3 16 15 - 17 - . i& 25 an a a lso the Song of
Deborah 5 9 - 15 - !6. I n the Appendix Chaps. 17 29 there
is a mixed usage, ih is used 18 20 19 3 - 5 - 6 - 22 , but 19 8 - 9 ^b.
The comparison of 19 8 ?]22^ IJJD with 19 5 ^ nyo; and of
199 TjZ?2? 2tpi with 19 6 -52^1 makes it plain that one of
these sets has arisen from a copyist s error. It is more pro
bable that there has been a change of an original 2b into 22^
in two cases, than a change of 22^ into lb in four cases.
The change was probably made by one of the Deuteronomic
editors.
(2) The Narrative 7. Samuel - 1. Kings 2. is com
posed of Judaic and Ephramitic sources with Deuteronomic
redaction and occasional editing of later date.
(a) The Judaic sources (following on the main the
analysis of Budde & Kittel) use 2^ 1. S. 9 20 10 9 24 6
25 25 - 36. 37 271 28 5 . 2. S. 6 16 13 20 - 2&33 14 i 156 . 13 17 , 0p 10
3- 14 19 8. 20 2410. J agl . ee with Kitte] - n adding 2> ^
7 21 The exceptions are "22^2 ^WX ^2 1. S. 9 19 14 7 The
same phrase is used 2. S. ^ (assigned by Budde to ftJE
and by Kittel to the Deuteronomic redactor). Its parallel is
Chr. 17 2 . Compare ^2^2 "1^\X Dt. 8 2 ; ^22^2 1^\X ^2 2. K.
It seems altogether probable that this phrase always
comes from one of the Deuteronomic redactors.
139 1 ?:? I- S. 147 Compare 122>3 tf \x> 1. S. 13 14 assigned to
WJ2 by Budde, to Redactor by Kittel. Both of these are
probably Redactional.
22^-nN L-l 2. S. 19^ between 19*- which use 2b must
3 regarded as a doubtful reading. It has probably origi
nated though the influence of Jos. 24 23 .
1^ jnp?fc 1. K. ^ is unique. But in the Wisdom
Literature 2> jnj is used Pr. 14^. EC. 7 22 8*. It is probably
an editorial insertion of late date.
A Study of the use of 2^ and 22^ in tne Old Testament. 97
A review of the usage of the Prophetic Histories shows
that in the main there is remarkable agreement with the
Hexateuch. It is altogether probable that the Judaic sources
always use nb. The Ephrainitic source commonly use Z 1 ? also ;
but there are exceptions which seem to come from a later
Ephrainitic document. The Deuteronomic editor of Samuel
and Kings agrees with the code of D and the Deuteronomic
editor of the Hexateuch in the use of ZZ 1 ?. The exceptional
usage probably is due to copyist s mistakes or to editorial
changes that took place in the evolution ol the writings during
their long history before they attained their present form. It
is extremely improbable that the original of the Judaic
sources contained any us of ZZ 1 ?.
(b) The Song of Hannah uses zj? 1. S. 2 [ .
(c) The section Chap. 4 7 1 is assigned by Budde, Cornill
Kittel to E, the earliest Ephramitic source. But it seems to
me that it is a combination of a source of J with a source
of E. 2^ is used 4 13 - 20 which certainly belong to E. but in
6 6 both forms are used.
crnx ninsi cnje n?3 -WNZ czzz rn rcz rb
The historical reference is clearly to the story of J.
There can be no doubt that 2^ "P22H is a phrase of J.
Ex. 8 IL28 9 7 10 l and z ^00; also Ex. 10 2 . This verse is
therefore either from J. or by a redactor who used J. C222 1 ?
is used for an original C3?^ by a redactor. This usage may
be regarded as euphonic. There are but three examples of
C22t> in the Old Testament over against 38 of C22Z 1 ?- These
are Gen. 18 5 (J) Js. 66 14 W. 48 14 . These three examples
must be regarded as original to these writings. They have
escaped the assimilation to a later preod euphonic usage.
(d) 1. S. 17 12 - 3l is not in LXX. text. 17 28 gives ";2^ jn
a phrase used elsewhere only Ne. 2 2 . 2J? y l is in the Me
morials of Neheiniah. This passage is assigned by Budde &
Kittel to E, C~N~2^ is used in 1. S. 17 32 which is given in LXX
and belongs to E.
(e) zS is used in the Ephramitic passage 1. S. 10 27 in
the phrase C2^2 C^n\X y2j-"ll^N.
(fj I. S. I 13 is in a section ascribed by Budde & Kittel
to a later Ephramitic source. The phrase rl2^~^y.
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
98 Charles A. Briggs.
betrays a late confusion of ty for *?N which cannot by original.
We might suppose that a copyist misunderstood the phrase and
gave it the meaning of 2 1 ? ty "121. But that is not suited
to the context. If a copyist changed an original b$ into by
he would be still more likely to change FQ2? into r&b if that
were the usage with which he was most familiar.
(g) 22 1 ? is used in the following passages assigned by
Budde to a later Ephramitic source E 2 but by Kittel to
the Deuteronomic Redactor I. S. 1 s 7 3 - 3 12 20 - 24 ; 2. S. 7 3
(= 1. Chr. 17 2 ); also in the following passages recognised as
Deuteronomic by both critics 1. S. 2 35 ; 1. K. 2 4 .
(h) The following are in passages regarded by Budde as
late Midrashini I. S. 16 7 22 PINT "\
1. S. 21 13 122^2 Ctf elsewhere only Job 22 22 .
(3) In the Books of Kings I. K. 3 - 2. K. accor
ding to the analysis of Kamphausen, we find the following
usage.
(a) In the Judaic sources zb is used 1. K. 5 9 ; 2. K.
125 U io (= g. Chr. 25). 1. K. 3-V13 i s ascribed to
a Judaic source with an interrogation. It doubtless has many
redactional changes. 2.S is used vers. 9, 12; but ver. 6, has the
unique phrase 2? PT^2. The phrase 22^ "IB" is used I)t. 9 5 ;.
1. Chr. 29 17 ; V 119 7 and 22^ ^] 2. Chr. 29 34 ; but nowhere
else rnw\ It is a late form and the whole phrase is a
Postexilic addition. Pm p-CJJ "1& >H?2 1. K. 10 2 (= 2. Chr. 9 l )
is in a Judaic source but is evidently not original. It is a
phrase of the Chronicler, which has come into the Book of
Kings from the parallel passage in Chronicles.
(b) In the Ephramitic sources 2^ is used in the-
prophetic stories 1. K 18 37 21 7 ; 2. K. 5 26 6 11 . In a secondary
source 2. K. 10 15 "22^ C^ ^b ~*.W$3 1B> J "22^"n^ ^H is,
doubtless original. But in the same source "2.7 is used 2. K
9 24 i2?c ^nn ^.
(c) In the Eedactional sources chiefly Deuteronomic 22>
is used. 1. K. S- 38 -^ 9 4 II 2 - 4 - 9 148. 2 . K. lO 30 - 3 ! 23 25 alsa
in the phrase Ctf D>^ 22 1 ? H^H 1. K. 8 61 II 4 15 3 - 14 and in
the parallel passages: 1. K. 8 17 - 18 - 18 - 39 - 39 - 48 ( 2. Chr.
6 7. .. 30 c? i,38). 2> K. 203 (= 2> Is. 383) 2219 ( = 2. Chr. 34 27 )
Exceptional passages are
1. K. 8 23 D2^^2? wb l^H (= 2. Chr. 6 14 ) elsewhere and
A Study of the use of 3 and 22? in the Old Testament. 99
the Historical Books always C22~r^ excepting 2. Chr. G 38
(Q22 1 ? 1. K. S 48 ; and therefore probably a copyist s error
here ; but older than the Chronicler who found it in his
source.
1. K. 8 47 usb-b$ ^Tu = C22? 2. Chr. 6 37 . The reading
of the Chronicler is doubtless correct.
2. K. 23 3 irr L >22 ! i 2? -; ?22 ncir = 122^
2. Chr. 34 81 . The Chronicler is doubtless correct. 2? is
also used 1. K. 8 66 (= 2, Chr. 7 10 ) 9 3 (= 2. Chr. 7 16 ) 10 24
( 2. Chr. 9 23 ) 12 26 - 27 . But these phrases were probably in
the source used by the Redactor. II 3 between II 2 - 4 is
doubtless a copyist s error. The Qri of 1. K. 12 33 may also
be added. This is assigned by Kamphausen to a iate Postexilic
redaction.
(C) The Usage of the Chronicler.
The usage of the Chronicler embrace the two books of
Chronicles and the books of Ezra and Nehemiah.
(a) 2? is used in passages parallel with Samuel and
Kings where the term comes from the ultimate source. 1. C.
15 29 17 i9 (^ 2. S. 6 16 7 21 ); 2. Chr. 7 10 - 16 9 23 (= 1. K. 8 66 9 3
(10 24 ) 25 19 (= 2. K. 14 10 ).
. (b) 2 1 ? is used in the original sources. 1. Chr. 16 10
(= . 105 3 ) Memorials of Ezra: Ezr. 6 22 7 27 ? and the Me
morials of Nehemiah: Ne. 2 2 - 12 3 :38 5 7 6* T\
(c) 2^ is used in several phrases.
1. Chr. 12 34 2t>l 2^ after T. 12 3 .
1. Chr. 12 39 -, 2. Chr. 30 12 1HX ^) after Je. 3239.
2. Chr. 17* 26 16 32^- 26 12^ TQ1
2. Chr. 29 31 . ib DV-I: after P. Ex. 35 5 - 22 .
2. Chr. 3U 22 2^ h? -12-1 frequent Gen. 34 3 50 21 (E); Ju. 19 3 ;
Ru. 2 13 ; 2. S. 19 8 ; Is. 40 2 ; Hos. 2 16 . The only use of
22t> in this phrase is 2. Chr. 32 6 .
(d) zb is used by copyist s mistake.
l.Chr.28 9 29D^^ elsewhere oby 22> 1. Chr 12 39 29 19 ;
2. Chr. 15 77 (= 1. K. 15 14 ) 16 9 19 25 2 ; i. K. 8 61 II 4 15 3 ;
2. K. 20 3 (= lb Is. 38 3 ).
2. Chr. 12 l4 (lTl"nb) 12? pn only here in Historical Books
elsewhere 22? in this phrase 1. Chr. 29 8 ; 2. Chr. 19 3 20 33 30 19 ;
Ezr. 7 10 ; cf. 1. S. 7 3 .
7*
100 Charles A. Briggs.
2. Chr.24 4 2b-cy HV1 elsewhere always 2lb 1. Chr. 22 7 28 2 ;
2. Chr. I 11 6 7 - 8 - 8 (= 1. K. 8 17 - 18 - 18 ) 9 l (= 1. K. 10 2 ) 29 10 .
2. Chr. 6 38 (= 1. K. 8 48 C22^).
2. Chr. 6 14 (= 2b 1. K. S 23 )"
(e) 2^ is used 2. Chr. 7 11 in the unique phrase sorrel H5O
3?-by_= pB>rr52 PN1 1. K. 9 1 which last is verified" by \. K.
9 19 = 2. Chr. 8 6 and is a Deuteronoinic phrase. It cannot be
from the Chronicler who always elsewhere uses 22"? except
in source given above. It is either a copyist s error for 22^>
or else it came from a source intermediate between the Deu-
teronomic redaction of Kings and the Chronicles.
(f) The Chronicler uses 22.^ in his Deuteronornic sources.
1. Chr. 17 2 (= 2. S. 73).
2. Chr. 6 7 - 8 - 8 - 3- 30 - 37 9i ( 1. K. 8 17 - 18 - 18 - 39 - 39 - 47 - 48 io 2 ).
2. Chr. 15 17 (= 1. K. 15 14 ) 34 27 - 3l (= 2. K. 22 19 233).
(g) The Chronicler uses elsewhere always 22^ 1. C. 12 17 - 39
227.19 28 2 - 9 29 17 - 17 - is-18.19. 2. C. I 11 ll^ 137 1512.15 169
193.9 20 33 229 25 2 29 10 - 34 30 19 31 21 32 6 - 31 36 13 ; Ezr. 7 10 ;
Ne. 9 8 - - in all 31 times.
There can be no doubt therefore that the Chronicler uses
22"? with such a decided preference that we must regard the
exceptional usage of 2b which cannot be referred to earlier
sources either as older current phrases or copyists errors.
(D) The usage of the Prophets.
I. 2> is used (1) by Amos 2 16 .
(2) by Hosea 2 16 4 11 7 6 - u - 14 IO 2 II 8 136. 8,
^But 7 2 m^np^-b is a peculiar phrase of doubtful
originality. It is improbable that 25 appears in 7 6 - " 14
and everywhere else in this prophet but this single passage
where no reason can be assigned for change. We find the
phrase 2?2 1CN in Gen. 17* 7 and 22^Cp in W. 77 7 ; but nowhere
else 2^b 1CN. It is probably a later scribal addition in ex
planation of mE".
(3) Isaiah 15 5 in the ancient Dirge of Moab.
(4) The apocalypse Is. 2427 in Is. 241
(5) The apocalypse Is. 3435 in Is. 35*.
(6) Isaiah 4066. 22 times e. g. 40 2 41 22 42^ 4419.20
46 8 - < 47 7 - 10 517 571. 11. 15. 17 5913 61 l 63 4. 17 65 14. 14. 17 66 14
But. 22^2 -ICN 478 4921 Deuteronoinic phrase. This
A Study of the use of ^h an d 22^ i Q the Old Testament.
is singular when compared with "3^2 1EN 47 10 . They must
be regarded as copyists s errors. *?]22^ 2fP 60 5 and thy
mind be enlarged.
I can see no reason for the longer form; it also is
probably a copyist s error unless we may suppose that this
grand hymn was by another author.
(7) Jeremiah uses 2^ 57 times but
Je. 4 4 CJ22^ nfriy is doubtless due to Deut. 10 16 .
Je. 5 24 13 22 22^2 -1EN a Deuteronomic phrase. Dt. 7 17
8 17 9 4 18- >l etc.
Je. 15 16 22^ PuCk or Is. 30 29 ; Ez. 36 5 (2^ tr only
Eccl. 5 19 ; Song 3 11 ).
Je.29 13 D222^2?^-n; 32 4 0]PN ^N^-p{< D22?2 Deutero
nomic 4 29 because of heavy suffix; comp^PPj C2"^.p2 Ml^n DN31 32 .
(8) Ezekiel uses 2^ 39 times but
3 10 -22^2 np.
28 5 ^22^ n?r\
28 6 &rb$ 2^2 "227~rN "PP. This cannot be original in
view of &rh$ 2^2 "2^ ]PP Ver. 2.
31 10 122^ -} (del Cornill).
36 5 ^N?T2 22^-^ nn^pta possibly dittograpby.
38 10 "22^~^y_ en;" iVy\
(9) Obadaiah 3. 3.
(10) In Zec/i. 911. Zech. 10 7 - 7 .
(11) In Zcc/t. 1214. Zech. 12-1
(12) Mai 2 2 - 2 3 24 .
II. 22 1 ? is used in the following Prophets :
(1) Joel 2 12 - i*.
(2) .fcaiafc (a) 1& 6 10 7 2 - * 9 s 10 - 12 .
The exception 6 10 n-JH D^n"3J |p^u is doubtless a copyist s
error as compared with 6 l ]^ T ^22 "?
(b) 19 l 21*.
(c) 3029 32*.
29 13 ^ac pn*l i2^ is in a section Vers. 13 14, which is
not in any essential relation to the context and may be by
another hand.
32 6 ]1N-niyjP_ 12*? ) are regarded by Cheyne, Stade,
33 18 np N narij "2^ j Duhm and Cornill as Postexilic ad
ditions.
(3) Zepli. I 2 2 15 .
102 Charles A. Briggs.
The exception 3 14 CJKTP P2 2Jr^? Vty may have arisen
from the omission of the second 2 before P2
(4) In Is. 13 14 23 the apocalyse against Babylon : 13 7 14 18 .
(5) In Jer. 5051 the oracle against Babylon : 5 1 46 - 50 .
(6) Hag. I 5 - 7 2 15 - 18 - 18 .
(7) e/OMfl/l. 2*.
(8) In Zee*. 18. 7 10 8 17 .
The exception 7 12 Jjlci^ c *& D2 1 ? may be a variation of
usage or an error.
(9) Nahum 2*. The D3 lb 2 11 is probably due to the
assimilation of usage W 22 15 ; 2. S. 17 10 ; Ez. 21 12 .
A review of the usage thus far considered gives the
following summary of facts. (1) The earliest documents use 2b
e. g. all the ancient historical Poetry, the Judaic sources of
the Hexateuch and the Prophetic Histories, the earlier
Ephramitic sources of the Prophetic Histories, Amos, Hosea,
Zech. 911 and the Dirge of Moab. Is 15 5 . (2) 22? first
appears in Isaiah and in certain sections of the Ephramitic
sources of the Hexateuch and the Prophetic Histories.
This usage continues in Zephaniah, the Deuteronornic
code, the code of Sanctity and the Deuteronomic sections
of the Hexateuch and the Prophetic Histories. Nahum is
doubtful in usage but probably belongs to this group. (3) Je
remiah and Ezekiel return to the earlier usage although the
former was influenced by the Deuteronomic code and the latter
by the code of Sanctity. There are however a few exceptional
uses of 22b in these prophets Avhich reflect the usage of
these codes and also of current phrase from the inter
mediate period. (4) The second Isaiah is more decided in
his use of 2? than Jeremiah or Ezekiel and he is followed
by the apocalypse: Is. 24-27; 3435. The exilic usage is
so pronounced that we are not surprised to find that the
Priestly document of the Hexateuch invariably uses 2b. (5) 22^
is used by the apocalypse: Is. 13- 14 2 3 and by the oracle
against Babylon: Je. 5051 and then by the Prophets of
the Restoration: Haggai, Zechariah 18, Joel and the
book of Jonah. (6) But Obadaiah Malachi, Zech. 1214
and the Memorials of Ezra and Nehemiah use 2^. (7) The
Chronicler uses 22^.
A Study of the use of 2? and 22t> in the Old Testament. 1Q3
(E) The Psalter.
The Psalter gives an interesting variation of usage.
(1) In Psalms which bear the name of David in their
titles (which as I believe belonged with few exceptions to
the first minor Psalter gathered under the name of David
soon after the institution of worship in the synagogues), the
prevalent usage is 2? 7 11 9 2 10 6 - ll - 13 - 17 ll 2 12 3 14 l ( 53 2 )
16 9 173 199.15 213 26 2 27 3 - 8 - 14 32 11- 34 19 35 25 36 2 - u 37 4 - 15 - 3l
38 9 - 11 39 4 40 11 - 13 41 7 51 12 - 19 55 5 -. 22 57* 58 61 3 64 7 - ll 108 2
131 1 138 1 140 141 4 143 4 . This usage is so decided that
the exceptional uses of 22? cannot come from the Editor of
the collection, but must have been earlier, either in the
original Psalm or in an earlier version.
(a) 22? is used exclusively in 15 2 20 5 24 4 101 2 - 4 - 5 139 23
all Mizmorim, 86 11 - 18 a TepMlla, and 25 17 .
(b) Psalms show a mixed usage.
4 5 CJ22?2 TIEN is a common Deuteronomic phrase.
4 8 < >2?2 upE^ nnro is probably original.
31 25 C222? yvw is a Deuteronomic phrase.
3J 13 2?C is probably original.
22 27 69 33 C222? >iT is a phrase which has survived in
Psalms which in other respects under the influence of Jere
miah use 2? 22 15 69 21 -
In all these uses of 22^, the heavy suffix occurs which
might explain the usage as above and they are phrases which
might have survived in a prevalent use of 2?. There are no
such explanations for the 22? of 13 3 28 3 62 9 109 16 along
side of the 2? of 13 6 28 7 - 7 62 11 109 22 . It is most probable
that the 22? is original and that 2? is due to the assimilation of
an editor s usage-
(2) In Psalms which bear the name of Asaph constituting
originally a minor Psalter collected under this name there
is a variation of usage (a) 2? is used 74 8 76 6 81 13 83 fi .
(b) 22? 73 1 - 7 - 13 - 21. 26. 26 777 both Mismorim.
(c) 2;? is used 78 18 - 72 ; 2? 78 8 - 37 . This mashil depends
on JE. of the Hexateuch and especially upon J. who uses
2?. The prevalent usage of the psalter of Asaph is 2?. It
is moat likely therefore that 22? was in the original Psalm
and that it represents an intermediate usage which in two
places was destroyed by the assimilation of the editor.
104 Charles A. Briggs.
(3) In the minor Psalter of the Korahites 2> is used
4419. i 452. 6 46 3 48 i4 494 843< The variation 846 ig in a
doubtful text and can hardly be original.
(4) The Hallels use > 105 3 - 25 107 12 112 7 - 8 1473. The
use of 22t> 111 1 may have arisen from dittography.
(5) (a) 2b is used in the orphan Psalms. 33 11 - 15 - 21 66 18
the Tephillah 102 5 .
(b) in 119 2 10 - 11. 32. 34. 36. 58. 69. 70. 80. 111. 112. 145. 161. T ne ex _
ception 1197 zpS w j s probably due to Deuteronomic in
fluence.
(c) 22? is used in the creation Psalm 104 15 - 15 and in
the prayer of Moses 90 12 and is doubtless original.
(d) The Royal Group is mixed in usage. 2) is used
94 15 97 11 . But 958 C222t> Itrpn a phrase of P. Ex. ?3 (who
:^) 95^ 225 ^h eg. The probabilities are in favour
of an original 22 1 ? in all these cases.
(F) In the Wisdom Literature
2^ is predominant.
(1) it is used in Proverbs 92 times. The exceptions
may be due to rythmic correspondence
(2) In the Book of Job there is a variation similar to
that m Jeremiah and Ezekiel.
(a) In the Introduction 2^ is used I 8 2 3< but
I 5 C22^2 C^n ^N 1212.
(b) In the Poem 331. 2 1 ? is used 7 17 8 10 II 13 1?24 1^12
174 23 i6 29" 317- 9. 27. But
9^ 22? C2H.
I0 i3 22^2 JDS.
12 3 22t5 ^ c:.
17 11 ^22
276 , 7 j,
(c) In the section of Elihu 25 is used 33^ 34" 36>- is
37 1 - 2*. But. 34 10 - s 4 22^ ^:x.
(d) In the Appendix zb 41 16 .
In Ecclcsiastes 2? is used 41 times. But. 9*
^
A Study of the use of 2^ and ^b in the Old Testament. 1Q5
(4) In the Song of Songs ?h is used thrice.
(G) In the remaining sections of the Hagiographa,
2 1 ? is predominant.
(1) 2^ is used in Lamentations nine times. But. 34 *
C^SD SK 1322^ NEO. This may be an older liturgical formula
based on Deuteronomic usage. See Dt. 3 24 .
(2) 2.*p is used in Ruth twice.
(3) 2. 1 ? is used in Esther four times.
(4) In* Daniel D> is used 8 25 1 1 12 - 25 - 27 - 2 in the Vision.
But. I 8 ^b ty cry*
io 12 prt? -25 n jn;,
Both of these are in introductory sections.
The Hagiographa also show traces of the literary
preference of individuals as well as of the taste of the ages of
the authors and editors who produced them. (1) The ancient
usage before Isaiah may be reflected in some of the Psalms
and sentences of Wisdom; but there is no certainty about it.
(2) The usage of the age of Hezekiah and of writers under
the influence of Deuteronomy and the Sanctity code is pro
bably reflected in a number of Psalms in the Davidic Psalter
which use 22^ and also in the Psalter of Asaph. (3) The
usage of Job corresponds with that of Jeremiah and Ezekiel
in the preference for 2^ with frequent uses of 22t>. (4) The
exilic usage of 2^ is reflected in Lamentations and the exilic
Psalms. (5) The preference for 225 i n the earlier prophets
of the Restoration may be traced in some of the Psalms of
the Psalters of David and possibly also in Pss. 90, 104 7 and
the royal group 94 100. (6) The preference for Dt> of the
later writers of the Persian period may be seen also in the
Psalters of the Korahites and in the editors of the Psalters
of Asaph and of David as well as in the authors of not a
few Psalms in these Psalters also in Proverbs and in Ruth.
(7) The preference of the Chronicler for 22t> has its counterpart
in the Book of Daniel. (8) A later preference for nb
is reflected in Ecclesiastes, Esther and the latest Psalms.
The Song of Songs in its use of 2.^ would take its place
either under (1), (4), (6), or (8) in accordance with the
opinions as to its age.
Die Ueberschrift des Buches Amos und des
Propheten Heimat
von
Prof. Dr. K. Budde (Strassburg- i. B.).
Hit Recht sagt H. Oort (Theol. Tijdschr. 1891 S. 122):
,,Schwerlich hatte man jeuials Juda fur des Amos Vaterland
erklart. wenn nicht in c. 1, 1 Thekoa erwahnt wiirde." Fehlte
dort das JJlpDE, so lage die Sache genau wie bei Hosea. Man
wiirde dann als selbstverstandlich annehnien , dass er Nord-
Israelit war, sich mit deu Stellen, in denen eine Hinneigung
zu Juda spiirbar ist, ebenso wie dort in der einen oder
anderen Weise auseiuandersetzen, und in 7, 12 nicht den
Rat finden in die Heimat zu fliehen, soudern in das Ausland.
Aber nun steht das Wort da ? und ein Verdacht der Unecht-
heit kann gar nicht aufkonimen Es blieb die Auskunft, ein
sonst unbekanntes, nordisraelitisches Thekoa anzunehmen;
sie wurde friiher mit Graetz und Aelteren auch von Oort
(Theol T. 1880 8 122 ff.) vertreten. In dem oben ange-
fuhrten Aufsatz hat er sie aufgegeben, Thekoa ist nun auch
ihm das wohlbekannte judiiische Dorf ; aber statt yipnc liest
er nach dem sv des Vaticanus der LXX und dreier Minuskeln
bei Holmes und Parsons 1 ) jnpns. Nun ist ihm Amos aiis
dem Nordreiche geburtig, er hat deu Rat nach Juda zu fliehen
befolgt, sich in Thekoa niedergelassen und dort spater sein
Buch geschrieben. Kann man sich dabei beruhigen? Ich
bedaure, das bezweifeln zu niiissen. Nicht als ob ich der
Autoritat des Vaticanus zu nahe treten mochte ; vielmehr
kann darin recht wohl die echte Lesart erhalten, das |% des
Alexandrinus aus Correctur nach deni Hebraischen zu er-
l ] Dazu kommen, wenn man aus dem Stillschweigen bei Swete
schliessen darf, noch der Marchalianus (Q == XII, Parsons) und der
rescript Cryptoferratensis (F), zwei wertvolle Uncialcodices.
Die Uberschrift des Buches Amos und des Propheten Heimat. 107
klaren sein. Aber wenn selbst Wellhausen in seiner Ueber-
setzung ,,in Thekoa" gibt. olme in den Anmerkungen eine
Textanderung vorzuschlageu, so kann auch die alte griechische
Uebersetzung niit ihrem sv (die Urspriinglichkeit vorausge-
setzt) lediglich demSprachgebrauchRechnimg getragenhaben. 1 )
Und fiiglich ist das, worauf es fiir Oort ankomint, auch in deni
hergestellten Wortlaut nicht ausgedriickt. Denu da sich das
|E nicht auf Amos, sondern auf die CHpJ bezieht, so bedurfte
es nicht dafiir, sondern f iir das rpn eines auderen Ausdrucks,
am besten i; wie Richt. 17, 7 ff. u. s. w. Wir mvissen also
im Gegenteil, wenn wir den Knoten loseu wollen, bei dem
schwierigen Jfippc stehen bleiben und daraus die richtigen
Schliisse ziehen.
Der vorliegende Wortlaut Jjippc cnp:z rvn ll& N kann
uberhaupt nicht lediglich dazu dienen sollen, des Amos
Hehnat und Stand anzugeben Das wiirde, wie Oort richtig
hervorhebt, uach Jer. 1, 1 lauten niiisseu j/lprz ^3\s C Hpjn jC;
das nTi ware ganz iiberniissig, ja talsch, das 1C\S % nicht zu
Anfang, wohl aber vor deni Ortsuamen, erwiinscht. Was
hier steht, konnte etwa heissen, dass Amos zu einer Schaar
von Viehziichtern aus Thekoa geliort habe, die sich zu irgend
einer bestininiten Zeit an eineni anderen Orte einfanden oder
aufhielten, so etwa, wie sich bei der Belagerung Jerusalem s
die Rekabiten h inter die Maueru der Hauptstadt fliichteten
(Jer. 35). Da aber cine solche Gelegenheit nicht zu ersinnen,
noch weniger geuannt ist, kann diese AufFassung nicht in
Betracht konimen. Eine andere versucht Wellhausen (Skizzen
und Vorarbeiten V, 1892) init der Uebersetzung ,,der ein
Schafzuchter in Thekoa gewesen ist." Dabei steht ,,ein
Schafziichter" statt ,,unter den Schafziichteru" 7 ,,in" statt
,,aus" ohne Unterschied des Sinnes, aus berechtigter Riick-
sicht auf den deutschen Sprachgebrauch; dagegen wird das
,,gewesen ist" dem rpn ")t^N gerecht: ,,Die Ueberschrift, der
Buchtitel, sieht auf Amos zuriick als einen Gewesenen
(Jonas 3, 3); doch ru hrt sie von einem Zeitgenossen her."
Gewiss sehr fein; aber inir scheint, man sollte die An-
nahme eines jeden perfect-urn praesens in einer geschicht-
) S. aber zum Texte der LXX noch die Bemerkungen am Schlusse
dieses Aufsatzes.
108 K, Budde.
lichen Darstellung, das nicht in der direkten Rede einer
handelnd eingefuhrten Person auftritt, mit dem grossten Miss-
trauen betrachten. Und das gilt gewiss in verstarktem Maasse
von einer blossen Ueberschrift, mit der ihr Verfasser ein
Buch der Nachwelt iibergeben will. Das Naturliche war hier
unmittelbar hinter D1CJ? ein Jfipp? "Ifc N Clpin |E oder fc lpnc "Ipiu ;
das Missverstandnis, dass Amos noch am Leben sei. lag bei
einer so gebrauchlichen Ausdrucksweise viel zu fern, urn es
durch eine ungewohnliche Fassung zu beseitigen, die selbst
erst recht binneii kurzer Zeit missverstandlich werden musste.
Zu dem alien kommt noch, dass man auch bei dieser Auf-
fassung ein "}\N vor J/ lpnE vermisst. Man wird daher auch
sie als allzu fein ablehnen miissen.
Es ist auffallend, dass noch niemand, wie es scheint,
daran gedacht hat, das rpn TiTN plusquamperfectisch zu
verstehen. Und doch liegt das im Hinblick auf 7, 14 f. naher
als alles andere. Denn nicht urn sich zu legitimieren sagt
Arnos dort dem Oberpriester zu Betel, dass er seines Zeichens
ein Viehzuchter sei. Er will vielmehr beweisen, dass er nicht
durch Erziehung und Handwerk Prophet sei, sondern durch
ausdriickliche Berufung Jahwe s aus einem anderen Stande,
dem er bis dahin angehort habe. Also dass er bis zu seiner
Berufung Viehzuchter gewesen ist, darauf kommt es an,
nicht auf seine jetzige oder zukimftige Hantierung. Wohl
kann er spater dazu zuriickgekehrt sein, aber wir wissen es
nicht, und fur den Zusammenhang von c. 7, ja fur das ganze
Buch, liegt nichts daran. Dasselbe gilt von der Ueberschrift.
Sie fiigt zu dem Namen die biographisch wertvolle Nachricht
aus 7, 14 f. : ,,der [ehedem] ein Viehzuchter gewesen war".
Dies CHp:2 PiTl bei demPropheten isteben eine Merkwiirdigkeit,
ein umgekehrtes Seitenstiick zu dem CWM bei dem Kriegs-
mann und Konig Saul (Sam. I, 10, 12). ] )
*) Wie sich das nnp:a 1, 1 zu dem npu 7, 14 verhalt, ist eine Frage
von untergeordneter Bedeutung. Man erinnere sich, dass Oort (1880)
dieses npu nach LXX akdXo; in npu verbessern wollte, sodass dann 1, 1 un
mittelbar daraus entnommen ware. Schnurmans Stekhoven (Theol
Studien 1889 S. 223) lehnt das ab und sieht vielmehr in ockoXoc eine
gute Uebersetzung von npn, auf die das nachfolgende ]N*n Einfluss geiibt
Natiirlich kann ebensogut der Verfasser der Ueberschrift durch
eem onp:a die in 7, 14 gebrauchte Wendung unmissverstandlich um-
schrieben haben.
Die Uberschrift des Buches Amos und des Propheten Heimat. 1Q9
Aus dieser Auffassung der Worte, wohl der allein anstoss-
freien und natiirlichen, folgt aber welter, dass JJipnc gar nicht
in so unmittelbarem Zusanimenhaug mit dein vorhergehenden
Worte steht, wie man anzimehrnen pflegt. Denn nur darin,
dass Amos Viehzuchter gewesen 1st, besteht die Aussage; ob
zu Thekoa oder anderswo, hat fiir die Sache gar keine Be-
deutung, und wirklich schweigt 7, 14 f. davon vollig. Man
hat sich durch diesen engen Anschluss das richtige Ver-
standnis ganz ohne Not verbaut. Lost man ihn auf, so er-
kl art sich das schwierige ] von selbst. Es ist eben das ]c
der Herkunft, der Heimat , unmittelbar an den Eigennarncn
anschliessend, wie D"6 P CE fc 2N Richt. 12, 8, vgl. Kon. II,
21, 19. 23, 36, gleichbedeutend mit dem Gentilicium ""yipnn,
das sich in Ueberschriften von Prophetenbuchern in T\2^
^WlEn und l& p^Kn C^n: findet. Man muss also iibersetzen:
,,Die Worte des Amos der ehedein Viehzuchter gewesen
aus Thekoa". Oortfi Vorschlag >lpfD zu lesen wird damit
vollends hinf allig; will man nicht zugeben, dass Amos Judaer
von Geburt war, so mag man zu der friiheren Annahme eines
zweiten Thekoa zuriickkehreu, oder allenfalls auch das ,,aus
Thekoa" von des Amos zweiter, vielleicht langjahriger, Heimat
verstehen, die den Verfasser der Ueberschrift seine eigent-
liche Herkunft hatte vergesseu lassen. Die Sykomorenzucht
von 7, 14 knnnte man dann auf diese erste Heimat unter
giinstigerem Himmel beziehen. Immerhin sollte man das
daraus entlehnte Bedenken gegen das judaische Thekoa
nicht iibertreiben. Wenn diese Biiume zu Thekoa nicht fort-
kamen, so wissen wir aus Kon. I, 10, 27, dass sie in der
Sephela in Menge wuchsen ; die Sephela aber ist, wie Geo.
A. Smith (The Histor. Geogr. of the Holy Land S. 201 ff.
u. s. w.) wieder nachgewiesen hat, 1 ) nicht die Kiistenebene,
sondern das dem Gebirge vorgelagerte Hiigelland. Nichts,
was wir wussten, steht der Moglichkeit ini Wege, dass ein
Heerdenbesitzer zu Thekoa zugleich einen Sykomorenhain in
einem der Taler von Juda erworben oder gepachtet hatte.
Zur Reise dahin, zum Ritzen, Reifen, Einsammeln der Friichte
und zur Heimkehr nach Thekoa konnte eine Abwesenheit von
2 3 Wochen hochstens geniigen. Dem gegeniiber bleibt
l ) Wesentlich richtig aber auch z. B. Stade, Gesch. I, 157.
110 K. Budde.
also das judaische Thekoa als einzige Heiinat des Amos
inoglich, und man wird ferner gut tun, was Schnurmans
Stekhoven a. a. 0. S. 228 sonst noch dafur aufgefuhrt hat,
reiflich zu erwagea.
Das richtige Verstandnis von 1, l a zwingt uns aber, die
Textgeschichte noch niiber ins Auge zu fassen. Der Relativ-
satz C"Hp32 PPH "ItJ N treunt in storender wenn auch nicht
vollig unzulassiger Weise die eng zusammengehorigen Worte
jnpHE Dicy. Da er nun aus 7, 14 f. entlehnt ist, wahrend
das Jjlpnc unabhangig dasteht, so konnte er auch nachtrag-
lich hinzugesetzt, ja selbst vom Eande her an falscher Stelle,
vor statt hinter Jflpnc, eiugeruckt sein. Das wird zur Wahr-
scheinlichkeit wenn nicht zur Gewissheit durch den folgenden
Eelativsatz 131 n*n IITN. Denn dieser kniipft nicht \vie der
erste an D^p an ,,welcher geschaut hat", sondern uber jenen
himveg an das nomen regens ^DT ,,[die Worte], welche
er geschaut hat". Dieser Wechsel der Anknupfung ist so
ungeschickt, so unerwartet, dass er den LXX das Verstandnis
der Stelle verdorben zu haben scheint; sie beziehen auch das
erste Itt N auf ^Dl, iibersetzen dann ein 1T1 statt eines PPu
und gewinnen aus cnpj einen Eigenamen: OL sysvovTO Iv
Axxapstjj. sv sxoLls. Natiirlich kann dieses Verstandnis recht
wohl eine Vorgeschiehte haben; jedenfalls ist die starke Ent-
fernung von MT eine weitere Warming gegen Oort s Vor-
schlag nach LXX zu andern. Dass aber derselbe Schrift-
steller die beiden Relativsatze hintereinander niedergeschrieben
hatte, wahrend es Mittel genug gab, diese Harte zu ver-
meiden, ist kaum glaublich. Somit ist der erste ein spaterer
Einschub, und als urspriinglicher Wortlaut von Anm. 1, l a er-
gibt sich:
The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its
relation to Zoroastrianism
Professor T. K. Cheyne (Oxford).
The scholar Avhose memory so many Fachgenossen have
combined to honour was specially interested in the question
of the relation of Zoroastrianism both to the earlier and to
the later Judaism. His famous Essay Ueber die jitdische
Angelologie und Daemonologie in ihrer AbhanyigJceit vom Par-
sismus (Leipzig 1866) *); his article on anti-Parsic utterances
in II Isaiah 2 ); his paper on the Book of Tobit 3 ); his article
on Asmodeus (^CE N) in the Aruch Completum; and his two
essays in the Jewish Quarterly Review for 1890 and 1891, are
proofs of this eminent scholar s constant and progressive study
of a difficult subject. 4 ) One of the most probable results
of recent research is the reciprocity of action between Jewish
and Zoroastrian thought. This was by no means unforeseen
by Dr. Kohut and in the two last named articles, he shows
how, most probably, the second Fargard of the Vendidad
*) [Forming vol. IV, no. 3 of the AbhancUungen fur die Ktmde des
3/o ryenlandes. ]
2 ) [Antiparsiscke Ausspriiche in Deuteroj esajas, in Z. d.
D. M. G.. vol. XXX (1876) pp. 709-22.]
3 ) [Etwas tiber die Moral und Abfassungszeit des Buches
Tobias, in Geiger s Judische Zeitschrift fur Wissenschaft und Leben,
vol. X (1872) pp. 49-73.]
4 ) [For a brief summary of Dr. Kohut s literary activity and especially
Ms contributions to comparative Parsic-Jewish theology, see a memoir by
his son in the Fourth Annual Report of the Jewish Theological Seminary
Association in New York (1894); reprinted in Tributes to the Memory of
Rev. Dr. Alexander Kohut, (New York 1895) pp. 49-64.]
112 T. K. Cheyne.
in its present form is influenced by the narratives in
Genesis, while, on the other hand, the Talmudic and Mid-
rashic statements on the First Man exhibit strong Persian
elements. This appears to me to be very probable, though
Darmesteter (whose loss we cannot deplore too much)
has shown, that under the Sassanid kings Jewish influence
again began to assert itself upon the worship of Ormazd.
(See Une prierc judeo-persane, Paris, 1891.) The whole question
of the later religious intercourse between Jewish and Iranian
religion will doubtless some day be more thoroughly explored.
The points of affinity become the more numerous and the
more perplexing, the further one compares them; but when
will Avesta scholars show as much critical zeal as their Old
Testament colleagues?
There are only two of the Hebrew Scriptures which I
an speak of on this occasion; they are two to which
Dr. Kohut has not in print given his attention, viz. Proverbs
and Psalms. First, as to Proverbs: If Darmesteter is
right, the conception of the heavenly wisdom found in the
Avesta and in the (very late) M in 6k hired is of Greek
origin. Certainly it is vain to attempt to prove, with
Dastur Jamasp Asa, that Hellenism borrowed from
Zoroastrianism. But what of the conception of the heavenly
Wisdom found in Proverbs VIII? Is that a Hebraized
form of the Greek idea? Or, if we can show that the
fundamental idea of the dsnya Jchratu is Zoroastrian, may
not Jewish sages in the post-exilic period (to which Prov. VIII
probably belongs) have borrowed directly, or (better) in
directly from Zoroastrianism?
When we read in Ya sna XXII, 25, "For the propitiation
of the Zarathustrian law, and of the understanding which is
innate and Mazda-made," we are not in a Greek, but in a
Persian atmosphere. Such at least is one s first impression.
Darmesteter indeed, I suppose, while admitting that the
idea of the heavenly wisdom belongs to the same circle of
ideas as the other personified divine attributes, would insist
that these personified attributes must be of Greek origin.
But is there any <must ? about the matter?
The Gathas seem to be adverse to this view, and to
Darmesteter s view of the Gathas as composed in a neo-
The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its relation to Zoroastrianism. H3
Platonic atmosphere I venture, even though no Zendist,
to express a strong objection.
Next, as to the Psalms: Here, however, some con
sideration must first be given to the question of the date of
thePsalms. Dr. Kohut fixed his latest home inAmerica, and
from America has come one of those disparaging criticisms
of my own latest works on the Psalter which have poured
in upon me from English and especially Anglican writers. 1 )
And certainly if it could be shown that Dr. Peter s s treat
ment of the traditional groups of Psalms, and his views of
what is historically probable, were right, the disparagement
might not be too strong. Note these points among others:
1. The form of lectures was adverse to the due presen
tation of critical and theological theories. In criticism, it was
needful to assume to a considerable extent what had been
done by others (summed up in his Encyclopaedia llritannica
article by Robertson Smith). In Biblical theology (if the
expression be admissible), it was important to emphasize
those points, which to a highly conservative audience were
most likely to be palatable, even though (as was sufficiently
indicated) they belonged to a still uncertain historical hypo
thesis. To accuse me of neglecting what I knew long ago,
viz. the facts respecting the traditional groups of the Psalter,
was only possible by confounding a book of annotated
lectures with an introduction.
2. As to method. First, the weakness of all recent
critics has been that they have not fully realized the extent
of the editorial work carried on in the post-exilic period.
We have henceforth to assume that in a Biblical record
assigned by tradition to the pre-exilic ages, there are some,
and perhaps large, post- exilic elements, even if the whole
work be not counted pre-exilic by mistake. Next, the Psalter
is not a chaotic anthology, but based upon a number of
minor collections. Before Robertson Smith s article, and
my own Lectures 2 ), this principle had not been grasped with
sufficient firmness. It was however a weakness incident to
*) See an article by Dr. J. P. Peters in the New World. June, 1893.
2 ) [The origin and religious contents of the Psalter (Bampton Lectures
1892).]
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
114 T. K. Cheyne.
the form of that acute scholar s work that he did not under
take the researches comparative work required for distinguishing
other groups than the traditional ones, vis. those which are
proved to exist virtually by close affinities of language and
ideas, not to mention a number of other most important
problems, notably the linguistic. Next, it is necessary to
have a clear and critical, though not a complete view of
the development of Israelitish literature apart from the Psalter,
and of course, there must be a constant search for points of
affinity with books, which have been, in their component
parts, satisfactorily dated.
One compensation, however, is not denied me. Dr.
Peters fully admits that the Psalter is on the whole a monu
ment of the pi( ty of the Second Temple, so that he who would
study Jewish religion not the religion of a few exceptional
men, but that of believers in general, must work hard at the
Psalms. This is surely an important result. It is one which
no critic had proved half as completely as I had done, and
Dr. Peters is strangely forgetful in not noticing this. It is
also very insufficiently recognised in the ordinary textbooks
of -Old Testament Theology", such as those of Oehler,
Briggs, and Hermann Schultz, and I therefore had to
establish it securely before proceeding to the second and
more difficult part of my work -- the treatment of the main
religious ideas of the Book of Psalms.
Dr. Peters makes a good deal of my bold attempts to
date individual psalms. But his own attempts are much
bolder, and have an unsound theory and method behind them.
I do not indeed deny that pre-exilic (but post-Davidic) ele
ments are possible in the abstract. But, putting all the evidence
together, it seems more reasonable to assume a new depar
ture in psalm composition, either after, or contemporaneously
with the Second Isaiah.
I do not see that one need assume that all the psalms,
in their earliest form, were written for the temple-services.
But I do not think at present that any purely private lyrics
been converted by editors into church-psalms. The
who speaks in so many of the psalms is either a real or
imaginary representative Israelite or Israel itself regarded as
an organic whole. Nothing that Budde orWildeboer
The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its relation to Zoroastrianism. H5
has written has convinced me that this is a mistake ; I fancy,
however, that it is but a hair s breadth which separates us.
It seems not impossible that some of the psalms (in an
earlier form) were written in Babylonia before the Return
(i. e. between 538 and 432, the date of the return of the
Gola, according to Kosters.).
I am quite willing to admit that a fuller expression of
my real meaning was necessary and that friendly criticisms
like those of the two scholars mentioned were needed to
make me conscious of this. Also that in the matter of
temple-music I followed Robertson Smith too closely (see
Religion of the Semites 2 , p. 261); this scholar still draws the
same inference as myself (Psalter, p. 194 ) from Lam. II, 7.
Also that there was very possibly a class of temple-singers
before the Exile, though this cannot be proved fromNeh. VII, 44
(= Ezra II, 41); Am. VIII, 3 (if with Wellhausen we read
niTtf) suggests this at any rate for Northern Israel.
I should also like to admit that, though my main thesis
(vis. that both the Psalter as a whole and the psalms, so
far as we can tell at present, are post-exilic), seems to me
secure, the Maccabean, or Greek pre-Maccabean, origin of
some of the psalms in the list in my first appendix has
become doubtful to me. Perhaps the very best thing in
Robertson Smith s revised edition of his Encyclopaedia
article (see 0. I. J. 6 . 2 ) *) is his more persuasive setting of
Ewald s early theory respecting Psalms XLIV, LXXIV,
LXXIX. It is a great mistake when Dr. Peters and Prof.
Baethgen pass these remarks over so lightly. At first, I
hesitated to fellow my friend as regards Ps. XLIV. but my
doubts are nearly dissipated And if Ps. XLIV belongs to
the late Persian period, it becomes a question whether
Psalms XLII, XLIII, and XLV should not be also carried
up a little way to meet it.?) Ps. LXXIII of course may
easily be a psalm of the close of the Persian age.
Passing to the religious ideas of the Psalms, it is probable
that, though I myself extended the range of the Messianic
J ) [The Old Testament in the Jewish Church, 2nd edition, New York 1894.]
2 ) See my Introduction to the Book of Isaiah [1895] Section onLXIII
7-LXIV.
116 T. K. Cheyne.
hope more than most recent critics, a still further extension
may be desirable. Stade indeed (Zeitschrift fur Theologie
und Kirche, 1892) seems to me to go rather too far. But
I think it quite worth considering whether Psalms XLV
and LXXII may not be accounted for on the principle which
I have adopted (Psalter, p. 239) for Ps. II. In other words,
the psalmists may perhaps paint the Messianic king in colours
derived from the life of Salomon. This is not indeed an
easy view. If any psalm appears to refer to a contemporary
king, it is the 45th, and Sin end still adheres to the view
given in my Psalter. But a pre-exilic date being excluded
by the linguistic evidence, and not required by that from
ideas, and there being no other even plausible pre-exilic
psalm in Book II. it is possible that the view now offered
may be correct. Certainly still stronger demands are made
on us by Robertson Smith s explanation of LXXII, 1:
cc lt seems a prayer for the reestablishment of the Davidic
dynasty under a Messianic king according to prophecy." ] )
Wildeboer and Baethgen may also have a claim to be
listened to on Ps. XVI. That two such scholars should agree
in making this one of the specially Deutero-Isaianic psalms,
is interesting. I can not say, however, that I am convinced.
As to Zoroastrian influences on the ideas of the Psalter.
The subject was worth opening; it is not yet closed. I said
m 1891, in speaking of possible Zoroastrian influence, that
1 wished rather to claim too little than too much. I started
from three points: (1) that from 536 B. C onwards the Jews
were in constant intercourse with the Persians; (2) that Per
sian influence upon the Eastern and finally upon the Western
world was both wide and lasting, and (3) that there was a
strong natural affinity between the higher Jewish and the
higher Persian religion. I have been made painfully aware
that the emphasis which I gave to this hypothesis, so far as
the Psalter is concerned, was needless, for all but a very
few devout readers of the Psalms. I thought it in 1892
worth saying that some of the psalms were intended, not (as
Dr. Peters thinks I meant) to "quicken" in the individual
the consoling hope of continuance of life", but at least to
) O.T.J.C.\ p. 439.
The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its relation to Zoroastrianism. 117
give words to those who had this hope, words in which they
might, if they pleased, read this hope, and worth proving that
by the beginning of the Greek period such a hope might
have arisen. I might have spared my pains. The habit of
reading the psalms as forms of prayer or praise seems to
leave no room for an intelligent appreciation of their meaning.
I can therefore argue the point with all the more impartiality.
Something of what I said still remains good; a part is such a
mere possibility that it is hardly worth contending for Still
every atom of even possible truth should be gathered up.
"If", as the Jewish scholar Isidore Loeb remarks, "there
be psalms of the Maccabean age, they would certainly agree,
as to the immortality of the soul, with the Pharisees", and, as
Wellhausen has pointed out, the foundations of Pharisaism
were laid by Ezra. Reuss too has frankly confessed that
the psalms being nearly all post-exilic, he would not feel
embarrassed ("ne nous generait pas") if they contained
references to a future life. And finally, as Mr. Wicks teed
informs us 1 ) Kuenen s "last notes on Ps. XVI admit that
it contains at least a presentiment of the belief in Immortality".
The question is therefore by no means unreasonable. It
is not materially affected by the researches of Darme-
steter, for this bold critic plainly asserts that "theAchsemenid
Mazdeism already believed in the defeat of Ahriman and
knew the doctrine of the resurrection and the limited
duration of the world." 2 ) He would hardly therefore agree
with M. Halevy 3 ) that the Persians borrowed the doctrine
of the resurrection from the Babylonians (?) after 538 B. C.
What I mainly sought to show was that there is a strong affinity
between the religion of Ahura Mazda and that of Jahwe,
and that Zoroastrian ideas were in the air in the Persian
period of Jewish history, and must have circulated freely
throughout the empire. This would be facilitated, so far as
Israel was concerned, by the constant intercourse which
existed between the Jews of Persia and Mesopotamia and
those of Palestine. This is undeniable. The basis of the
J ) Cf. his article on "Abraham Kuenen", in Jewish Quarterly Review,
IV, (1892) p. 595.
2 ) Le Zendavesta T. Ill (1893), p. LXXIII.
:! ) Revue seniitique, juillet 1894.
118 T. K. Cheyne.
Zoroastrian Scriptures is ancient, and we can safely assert
that the best Mazda-worshippers must have been sympathetic
to the best servants of Jahwe. It is true we have no evidence
of early Zoroastrian influence such as that presented by the
name Asmodeus (see Kohut, Arucli Completum, s. v. Hcirx)
and probably the seven archangels in the Book of Tobit. 1 )
But it is very difficult to believe, knowing all that we do of
the opposition to strict legalism even in Palestine, that
Orientalism, both Babylonian and Persian, failed to exert some
influence on Jewish religion. It is natural enough that we
should find it difficult to prove this; the Jewish writers had
far other objects than enlightening the historical students of
future ages. Dr. Peters, it is true, quotes (p. 306) a
fragment of a Babylonian psalm on a glass axe dedicated to
Bel of Nippur by a Babylonian king in the 14th century
B. C., and adds that "it might have been addressed to Jahwe
by a pious Hebrew at any period covered by our Psalms".
If, however. Dr. Peters interprets this (as Schrader would,
I doubt not, interpret it) as a prayer for a happy second
life, I would submit that there is as yet no clear evidence
that any except kings, or at any rate grandees, in Babylonia
cherished this hope (see Psalter, p. 391), though M Halevy
and Prof. Sayce have both ventured to claim the royal
inscriptions at Senjirli as favouring the early existence of a
general Israelitish belief in immortality. I thought therefore
that, supposing that any impulses from outside assisted the
eminently receptive Jewish people in developing the germs
which were present in their inherited religion, it was natural
to seek them chiefly in Iran rather than in Babylonia. Today
[ should rather emphasize the general mixture of ideas in
the East, so that it is not merely one single source from
which Israel drew (or may have drawn), but at least two.
Only we must not think of separating them; the two sources
are but one.
The possibility then, for which I pleaded with arguments
and details which it would be tedious to repeat, remains.
Bu^the^ possibility is not worth getting hot about in the case
*) [See Kohut s essay in (Niger s JM. Ztft. f. Wiss. u. Leben etc ,1 c]
1 admit most willingly that the Persian belief is developed from Babylonian
germs. (Cf. Gunkel, Die Schopfung, etc., 1894 )
The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its relation to Zoroastrianism. H9
of the Psalter. We may at any rate all of us profitably
compare the Gathas, which are "the utterances of Zarathustra
in presence of the assembled Church", and a repertory of
the spiritual elements in Mazdeism, with the Psalms, which
are the utterances of the prophetic nation Israel, and (if Well -
ha us en will permit) are on the whole one of the noblest
products of theistic religion. I cannot, so far as I am able
to weigh the evidence, follow the new Darmesteter 1 ) in
preference to the old, and I look forward with deep interest
to further discoveries in the field of Gatha-criticism.
That Christian scholars should so much neglect such a
noble revealed religion as that of Zarathustra is to me a
subject of regret, and 1 notice with surprise that even
Gunkel, in discussing the origin of the conceptions of the
12th chapter of the Apocalype of John (undoubtedly Jewish
in origin), 2 ) confines himself to those Babylonian germs which,
though they count for much, can scarcely altogether explain
the strange forms of thought in that chapter.
May the great religion of Ahura Mazda find in our own
time a more and more historical and therefore a more and
more appreciative treatment from English and American
students !
l ) See Tiele. Jets over de Oudheid van het A vest a (Verslagen
der K. Akadenne van Wetenxchappen. Afd. Letterkunde, 3, Deel XL.
1895). [The late Prof. Darmesteters change of view concerning the tra
ditional literature of the Parsees has been ably criticised and set forth by
Prof. F. Max Miiller in various articles published in the Contemporary
Beview and Nineteenth Century for 1894 95. and in a sympathetic sum
mary of his researches which appeared in the Jewish Quarterly Review for
January, 1895. See also his reference to it in this memorial volume,
p. 34-5. G. A. K.]
J ) [This has been proven to be of Essenic origin by the Rev. Dr. K.
Kohler of New York, in a series of articles on the -Cradle of Christianity",
published in the Menorah Monthly, (New York) 1892. G. A. K.]
Le dieu Rimmon sur une inscription
himyarite
par
Prof. Hartwig Derenbourg (Paris).
Mon savant maitre et ami, M. Jules Oppert, 1 ) vient de
porter un rude coup au pretendu dieu assyrien Ramman, qui
ne parait pas devoir se relever de cette decheance, a moins
que des textes nouveaux, des documents exhumes, substituent
une charte authentique aux pretextes de sa longue usur
pation. L entrainement provenait en partie de la lecture f Ps[X[xav,
par laquelle les Septante ont rendu le nom de Fidole syrienne
Rimmon (jlsn 2 Rois V, 18); de meme Ta(3p [ xa = J1B12B,
roi de Syrie (1 Rois XT, 18)2.
Le culte de la Grenade divinisee (Rimmon), de la
pomme punique (malum punicum), comme disent les
Latins, assurement un rite d origine semitique, s est rami-
fie et s est transforme sur le sol fecond de la Grece mytho-
logique.3) Au cours de ses migrations, nous le rencontrons
en Arabie meridionale, ou Rimmon a eu sa clientele
d adorateurs, comme en temoigne une inscription himyarite,
deja signalee per 1 explorateur, qui Ta decouverte, M. Eduard
Haser,*) et par un maitre qui excelle a interpreter ces
Oppert. A dad, dans la Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, IX (1894),
2j |11"?in (Zacharie, XII, 11), probablement un nom de viile, est.
non pas transcrit, mais traduit par les Septante XOTISTOC powv.
197_T iCt r B6rard De l ricjine des cultes Arcadiens (Paris, 1894)
*) Ed. Glaser, Skizee der Geschichte Arabiens (Munchen. 1889)
p. 9 ( .
Le dieu Rimmon sur une inscription hirnyarite. 121
vieux textes, M. Fritz Hommel. 1 ) Peut-etre un fragment
rudimentaire, conserve au Musee Britannique sous la cote 72,
renferme-t-il egalement la mention de cette divinite. 2 ) La
statue d or qui, sans aucun doute, surmontait la pierre ou
notre texte etait inscrit, a ete enlevee par les maraudeurs,
plus avides des metaux precieux quedesri chesses epigraphiques.
Celles-ci n ay ant pour eux aucune valeur venale sont
dedaignees par ces amateurs de butin, comme d un transport
difficile, d une vente aleatoire La connaissance des peuples
et de leurs religions, la litterature historique et la linguistique
recueillent, s approprient et interrogent les documents inscrits
sur les blocs ainsi abandonnes, tandis que Tarcheologie.regrette
de ne pouvoir pas utiliser les representations figurees, vi )lemment
arrachees des piedestaux, sur lesquels la consecration subsiste
seule pour denoncer la profanation. Les trous de scellement
sont d autres temoins de la mutilation sacrilege : ils apparaissent
au sommet de certains monuments, comme une marque
indeniable des idoles sculptees qui les surmontaient. 3 )
Puisque I inscription, au moins dans ses elements principaux,
a ete sauvee, cherchons a determiner les evenements auxquels
elle se rapporte. D apres M. Eduard Glaser, 4 ) ce texte qui
occupe le numero 119 dans sa collection relaterait des
victoires remportees a Khaulan par Ilscharah Yahdoub, futur
roi de Saba et de Raidan. centre une coalition des Himyarites,
des Hadramautites et d autres adversaires innommes. Bien que
les questions de chronologic Yemenite soient encore recou-
vertes d un brouillard epais, j essaye d en degager un point
lumineux, en supposant que notre Ilscharah Yahdoub est
identique a Fllasaros de Strabon, chef des Rammanites,
contemporain de Texpedition d Aelius Gallus en Tan 24 avant
notre ere. 5 ) Quant aux Rammanites ( r Pajj.[j.aviTai) 7 je les
l ) Fr. Hommel, Aufsatze und Abhandlunyen arabisch-semitologischen
Inhalts (Miinclien, 1892), p. 98; du meme, Sud-Arabische Chrestoma-
thie, p 60.
) Hartwig Derenbourg, Yemen Inscriptions; The Glaser Collection in
the British Museum (London, 1888), p, 24.
3 ) Corpus inscriptionum semiticarum, Pars quartet inscriptions himya-
irticas et sabceas continens I, tab. Ill et XVIII.
4 ) Ed. Glaser, Skizze, p. 97.
5 ) Strabonis Geogmphica. XVI. IV, 24; Joseph et Hartwig Derenbourg.
Etudes sur V tpiyraphie da Yemen, I. p. 30 33.
J9-) \[. Hartwig Derenbourg.
assiinile avec M. Sprenger aux Radmanites de Pline 1 ),
malgre les objections de M. Glaser. 2 ) Si ma restitution de
inscription, fruste en certains endroits, a evoque la realite
de la redaction primitive, le general en chef, propose par
Ilscharah a ses troupes, cominandait aux forces reunies des
Himyarites et des Radmanites. faisant cause commune centre
Farmee du Hadramaut. Les Radmanites (Rhadamaei) et
les Himyarites (Homeritae) 3 ) sont nomines par Pline. les
uns a la suite des autres, dans la liste des populations qui
habitaient le sud-ouest de P Arabic. II y avait la peut-etre
comme un echo de 1 alliance contractee, un demi-siecle aupara-
vant, entre les deux peuplades pour refouler les attaques des
Hadramautites centre Ilscharah Yahdoub , gouverneur de
Schibam Akyan. lieutenant dans cette ville de son pere Fari c
Yanhoub, rei de Saba .
Cette inscription, inspires par un evenement grave dans
1 histoire locale, par la reconnaissance des vainqueurs envers
le dieu Rinimon, ne nous est parvenue, ni dans un estampage
que 1 etat de la pierre n aurait pas peruiis de prendre, ni
dans une photographic dont 1 execution a du etre contrariee
par les circonstances. Nous n avons eti a notre disposition
qu une copie, d ailleurs excellente, de M. Eduard Glaser,
dont nous publions ici le facsimile, en attendant qu elle soit
reproduite sur la planche XXII du Corpus inscrip tionum
Semitic a ruin. Le texte y portera le numero 140. Quant
a roriginal, il est conserve chez un habitant de Schibam
Akyan et mesure en hauteur 60 centimetres, en largeur 50
centimetres.
La discussion philologique des questions douteuses
soulevees par certains passages, le justification des mots
ajoutes on corriges sont reserves au troisieme fascicule du
Corpus hhnyarite, qui paraitra en 1896. Nous n apportons
ici que les resultats : un texte presque partout complete,
x ) Plini Secundi Historia naturalis. VI, 28, 158; A. Sprenger. Die
alte Geographic Arabiens, p. 160.
2 ) Ed. Glaser, Geographic Arabiens, p. 59 et 147. qui prefere
identifier Ra ban. En depit de 1 assonance, il serait temeraire de voir
dans les Rammanites de Strabon des Arabes voues au culte de Kimmon.
3 ) Ibid., p. 140, M. Ed. Glaser fait justice de la lecture No merit as
adoptee par A. Sprenger, Die alte Geographic Arabiens, p. 241.
Le dieu Rimmon sur une inscription himyarite.
123
transcrit en caracteres hebraiques, et une traduction qui,
pour provisoire qu elle soit. pretend, sur plusieurs points, a
etre acceptee comme plausible :
Copie cle M. le Dr. Eduard Glaser
p | ^:pn[i | ] jc-i |
si | CPSCN [ | in]i[c]ri
^ | i[ncys
; | s 2
NI | ] 3
NI | na 4
| j[ ]s 5
| iy 6
in^s 9
cm 10
124 M. Hartwig Derenbourg.
]n I -is I 1221 | jet> 12
yip | rn[> |]ic [es]inB [| p-n | D]nD[n> | r.p |]]wn 13
ci[^n | ] vj^ne-iNt) | j c y jni [ | ] n[ c 14
Apres avoir loyalement separe dans la transcription ce
qui a ete einprunte a la copie de M. Glaser et ce qui provient
de mon essai de restitution, je m abstiens, en traduisant. de
faire le depart entre les traits primitifs et la retouche,
dans Tespoir que celle-ci se dissimulera dans la teinte uni-
forme de 1 ensemble:
1- N ..... ; A . . . . , le chef des Himyarites, le
general en chef d llscharah Yah-
2. doub, gouverneur de Schibam Akyan. a consacre a
leur patron Rimmon, maitre de c Alam,
3. 1 Aksarite, cette statue, parce que Rimmon lui a
accorde des car-
4. nages et des captifs importants dans la guerre entre
les Himyarites, avec les Radmanites. et
5. les Hadramautites, dans la province ...... et sur
le territoire de Khaulan, lorsque ceux-la preterent
6. secours a leur prince Ilscharah Yahdoub, gouverneur
de Schibam Akyan. Et ils ont
7. offert un temoignage de leur foi a leur patron Rimmon,
et ils ont consacre cette sta-
8. tue a Rimmon comme leur present, parce qu il lui a
accorde des captifs, et parce que pro
tection lui est venue de Rimmon dans tons les voeux,
dont il lui avait demande 1 accomplissement (et puisse-t-il
10. leur accorder la grace de son coeur et la faveur
de leur prince Ilscharah!), et parce que
11. Rimmon 1 a comble d une autorite pour rernplacer
son pere dans cette pro-
12. vince, et parce qu il a rendu victorieuse la campagne
BKmyarites, et de tons ses vassaux et de ceux qui re-
13. connaissent quelle est sa superiorite. Et quant a
Rimmon, il les a proteges, parce qu il y a eu du bon-
Le dieu Rinimon sur une inscription himyarite. 125
14. heur. et afin qu il y ait du bonheur pour ses vassaux,
les Himyarite s.
Paris, le 11 noveinbre 1894.
P. S. La date qui precede me justifie suffisainment de
n avoir pas connu d avance ^interpretation de ce monument
par le Docteur Eduard Glaser, Die Abes sin ier in Arabic n
und Afrika (Mtinchen, 1895), p. 105107. Elle arrive juste
a temps pour que je puisse en profiter dans la redaction
definitive du Corpus ins criptionum semiti caruin. pars
quarta, p. 206 211. Je livre an public sans changement
mon manuscrit de 1894, en rappelant que c est un premier
essai, pour lequel je sollicite Indulgence de nies confreres.
Us ne sauraient non plus me reprocher d avoir ignore la
notice de M. Francois Tbureau-Dangin dans le Journal
asiatique de 18!) 5, II, p. 385893, ainsi que les obser
vations de M. Jules Oppert, son ..eminent maitre", iinprimees
a la suite, ibid., p. 393 396.
A plus forte raison. je n ai pas pu me servir de la
traduction donnee par M. J. Halevy dans la Revue s e mi
ll i que de Janvier 1896, p. 82 et 83.
Zur Bibel und Grammatik
1. Kirnchi oder Karachi ? 2. Erklarung von
Amos VI, 10
von
Rev. Dr. B. Felsenthal (Chicago).
Vorbemerkung. (Aus einem Brief e an Geo. A. Kohut.)
- Sehr geehrt haben Sie rnich durch Ihre freundliche Ein-
ladung, auch meinerseits fur die Sammelschrift, die dem An-
denken Ihres verewigten Vaters gewidmet warden soil, einen
Beitrag zu liefern. Nun imichte ich allerdings sehr gerne
dem grossen Gelehrten und dern edlen Manne, der uns durch
Alexander Kohut s Scheiden entrissen worden 1st, und der
iiberdies mir em theurer Freund gewesen war, offentlich durch
eine seinem Gedachtnisse zu widmende Abhandlung meine
Huldigung darbringen. Aber trotzdem, niein lieber Freund,
muss ich mich auf die Uebersendung einiger Kleinigkeiten
beschranken. Vorrathig besitze ich keine zu verwerthende
grossere Abhandlung. Gewohnliches, schou neun und neun-
zigmal Gesagtes und Allbekanntes mochte ich nicht zum
hundertstenmal wiederholen. Bei der Beschranktheit der mir
zu Gebote stehenden literarischen Hiilfsmittel kann ich
abgesehen von allein Andern ohnehin es nicht wageu,
mit weitergreifendeu literarischen Forschungen vor ein gelehr-
tes Publikum zu treten So verstatten Sie es mir denn, dass
ich Ihnen die beifolgenden Notizen sende, die wenigstens
das Gute haben, dass sie kurz sind. und von denen ich
glaube, dass darin einiges Neue, bisher nicht Vorgebrachte
den Lesern zu geneigter Priifung werde vorgelegt werden.
B. Felsenthal.
Zur Bibel mid Grammatik.
127
1. Kimchi Oder Kamchi? 1 )
Der Name ^ncp, den seit Jahrhunderten so viele eminente
jiidische Gelehrte gefiihrt haben, Gelehrte, unter denen
besonders der im 12. Jahrhundert lebende Joseph Kirochi und
dessen zwei Sohne Moses und David Kimchi am meisten her-
vorragen, 1st bis auf unsere Zeit allgemein Kimchi aus-
gesprochen worden, und von der iiberwiegenden Mehrheit
der Gelehrten wird er immer noch so gelesen und gespro-
chen. Doch seit etwa dreissig Jahren erscheint auch in ei-
nigen gelehrten Werken und Zeitschriften die Schreibung
Kanichi, und es wird diese Schreibung, resp. Lesting von
einigen sehr prominenten Forschern unserer Zeit vertreten
und befiirwortet. Obwohl die Sadie cine wenig bedeutende
ist, so liegt doch nun einmal im Menschengeiste der Drang,
auch in Kleinigkeiten nach Erkenntniss des Wahren und
Richtigen zu streben. 8<> mag denu hiermit eine Erorterung
der Frage unternommen werden : Was ist richtigcr, Kimchi
oder Kainchi ?
Priifen wir, was bisher ffir die Neuerung vorgebracht
worden ist.
Die erste offentliche Stimnie fiir ,,Kamchi" wurde im
Jahre 1862 im Journal Asiatique laut : Herr Dr. A d o 1 p h
Neubauer hatte im Anfang der 60er Jahre eine ausserst
lehrreiche Abhandlung ..Sur la lexicographic hebraique" ge-
schrieben und in mehrere Fortsetzungen in den Uanden 18,
19 und 20 der 5. Seric des genannten Journal erscheinen lassen.
Am Ende der Artikelreihe (im Hefte fiir Sept.-Oct. 1862) fiigte
der gelehrte Verfasser Folgendes hinzu :
Indem wir die Aussprache K a m c h i anstatt der
bisher ublich gewesenen Kimchi angenommen haben,
sind wir dem Rathe des Herrn Derenbourg gefolgt, der
den Namen des Rabbi David in mehreren Handschrif-
ten des Michlol in der kaiserl. Bibliothek in Paris in
l ) [Vgl. auch S. Schiller-Szinessy, Catalogue of the Hebrew Mss.
in Cambridge, Bd. I (1876), S. 195, Anm. 2; seine Ausgabe v. Kimchi s
m^Mp n^C pC Niri "iron (1883). Einleitung, Anmerk. 1; ferner s.
Artikel ii. Kimchi in Encyclopaedia Britannica, (9. Auflage), Bd. XIV,
S. 77; und Revue des Etudes Juives, T. Vil (1883;, p. 290. G. A. K.]
128
B. Felsenthal.
dieser Weise gelesen hat. Man vergleiche iiberdies die
Familiennamen ^2 und ni-2 (Num. XXVI, 35 u. 38.)
Es existirt auch heute noch in Hebron eine Familie
Karachi, welche von den Grammatikern dieses Namens
abzustamnien behauptet.
Hr. J. Derenbourg war um jene Zeit in der Na-
tionalbibliothek in Paris init dem Amte eines Gustos in der
Abtheilung fur semitische Handschriften angestellt gewesen,
und so war ihm, dem exacten Gelehrten, allerdings Gelegen-
heit gegeben, seine Entdeckung zu machen. Dass dieselbe
auf einer richtigen Wahrnehmung beruhte, fand seine Bestatti-
gung im Jahre 1866. Es erschien namlich danials der von
H. Zotenberg angefertigte Catalogue des Mamiscrits
Hebreux cle la BiUiotlieque Imperials und bei der Beschrei-
bungvon einigen Michlolhandschriften (Nos. 1229, 1230, 1231)
fiigte Hr. Zotenberg bei, der Name des Verfassers sei in den
Handschriften punctirt. und zwar stehe unter deni Buchsta-
ben Koph ini Pathach. Zwei Jahre sp ater veroffentlichte Hr.
Neubauer seine Notes" tiber hebraische Handschriften in
Spanien und Portugal (s. Steinschneider s Hebr. Bibl. XI, 133)
und wie darin berichtet 1st, ist in mehreren daselbst aufge-
fundenen Handschriften der Name "TOp rait Kamez punktirt,
und auch das soil die Aussprache ,,Kainchi" beweisen. Dazu
bemerkte Steinschneider, a. a. 0.: ,,Sollte der Name mit dem
arabischen K a m c h , Weizen, Getreide, zusammenhangen ?
Joseph ben Todros iiennt Kimchi David ^nri." Man sieht,
Steinschneider wollte ,,Kamchi" nicht geradezu abweisen, aber
er stiniint auch nicht bei. Die Frage blieb ihm eiue offene.
(Der Brief, in welchem Joseph b. Todros den David Kimchi
als N v L:nri ~^\X1 N:n "l^\s % ^nn "I" bezeichnet, ist abgedruckt
in dem von Halberstamm herausgegebenen C^HDE D^2p
(s. das. S. 46, 47.).
Der nachste Befiirworter der Aussprache Karachi Hess
sich iin Jahre 1884 vernehmen. Es war dies Professor
Paul de Lagarde, der in den Gottinger Gelehrten An-
zeigen in jenem Jahre (I. p. 257 if.) cine langere, auch im
ersten Band seiner Mittheilungen" \viederholt abgedruckte
Kritik der 9. Auflage von Gesenius Hebr. Worterbuch ver
offentlichte. Darin sagte er (p. 270): ,,Statt Kimchi schreibe
Qarnhi; schon Mercier schrieb stets Camius."
Zur Bibel und Grammatik. 129
Nur noch eine, iibrigens sehr unentschieden auftretende
Aeusserung in dieser Beziehung haben wir hier zu registri-
ren. In seinem neuesten grossen Werke Die hebr. Ueber-
setzungen des Mittelalters, [Berlin, 1893], nennt Stein-
schneider auf S. 384, den Joseph Kimchi, und in Klam-
mern und mit einem Fragezeichen fiigt er bei: ( w oder Karachi?)".
Wie ersichtlich, steht Hr. Prof. St. der neuen Lesung irnmer
noch zweifelnd gegenliber.
Den hauptsachlichen Inhalt des Vorstehenden hatte ich
vor etwa einem Jahre in Folge eines ausserlichen Anlasses
brieflich an Hrn. Pro f. G. D e u t s c h in Cincinnati initge-
theilt, und mein Brief wurde damals in der in Cincinnati er-
scheinenden Deborah vom 1. Februar 1894 veroffentlicht.
Der thatsachlichen Darlegung aller mir bekannt gewordenen
Aeusserungen fiir oder gegen Karachi" iiigte ich iibrigens
danials Folgendes bei: Dafiir, dass Kimchi das Riehtigere
sei, spricht doch der Umstand sehr, dass diese traditionell
iiberkommene Aussprache bisher so allgemein und so unbe-
anstandet als die wahre gegolten hat Und ferner - - und
das ist ein Punkt, der mir entscheidend zu sein scheint -
haben wir ein bis jetzt giinzlich unbeachtet gebliebenes Zeug-
niss, das gar schwer fiir ,,Kimchi" in s Gewicht fallt. Etwa
ein Jahrhundert nach David Kinichi lebte in Roin der be-
riihmte Dichter Immanuel ben Salomon, und dieser, der wohl
noch viele Glieder der danials auch in Italien weitverzweigten
Kimchifaniilie personlich gekannt haben mag, spricht den
Namen als Kimchi aus. In seinen Machberoth, in der
18. Makame, riihmt sich der Dichter seiner immensen Bele-
senheit in der jiidischen Literatur, und im Verlaufe dieses
Selbstlobes, sagt er, er hatte auch ^h C v ^ f "!KTn pnpin pb\l
T.Cl& l j") ilt Cjb C^\N % u ,TiCp H" gelesen. Sollte nun dieser
Reim Kimchi und Siinchi nicht die Frage endgiiltig ent-
scheiden ?
Und noch etwas lasst sich fiir diese Meinung hier an-
fiihren. Es ist bekannt, dass man friiher schon den Namen
Kimchi mit dem hebraischen Wort Keinach in Verbindung
setzte, ihn gleichsam als ein Derivat dieses Wortes betrach-
tete. Man erinnere sich nur an das schon friihe auf den
Grammatiker angewandte Mischnahwort: PHin pN ncp ]^ CX.
Wie aber bilden sich von "Cp die Derivate? Darf man nach
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 9
130 B . Felsentkal.
Analogieu schliessen vgl. Sibhchi (Exod. 23, 18), Likchi
(Deut. 32, 2), Nizchi (Klagel. 3, 18), Zirnchi (ahnlich wie in
Jes. 61, 11), abgeleitet von POT/ up! / riiu/ ncii u. s. w.
dann erscheint es mehr als wahrscheinlich, dass man auch
Kimchi gesprochen haben wird.
Soweit die beziigliche Stelle in deni in der Deborah"
abgedruckten Brief. Die Deborah-Nummer, in der meine No-
tizen abgedruckt waren, war auch einigen unserer gelehrte-
sten jiid. Zeitgenossen in Europa zu Gesicht gekommen, und
ich hatte die Freude, in Bezug auf ineine Vertheidigung von
,,Kinichi" von diesen theils ablehnende, theils zustimmende
Antwort zu erhalten.
Hr. Dr. A. N e u b a u e r in Oxford schrieb mir : ,,Aus-
ser Spanien findet man in eineni Horn, ms. Tp (Hist. Litt.
de la France, XXXI, p. 530, auch besonderer Abzug niit
Titel: Les ecrtiains frang. du 14. siccle.) Ich habe. als ich
in Pal astina war. eine Familie Kamchi in Hebron gekannt.
Es steht test, dass die Spanier Kamchi ausgesprochen haben,
da nur Tip oder TOp sich in den Handschrr. findet. Ferner
hat man David Kimchi irn Streit der Orthodoxen gegen Mai-
monides ^n genannt, was nur aus deni arabischen Kamch
(Weizen) gebildet werden konnte. Der Reim ^HEp und TiCir
ist nicht schlagend, da der Reim sich auf ^~ beziehen kann.
Dass man in Italien und Deutschland das gelaufigere Kimchi
geleseu. ist wahrscheinlich, da man sich Karachi ohne ara-
bisch nicht grammatisch erklaren konnte".
Dagegen schrieb mir Hr. Prof. W. B a c h e r in Budapest :
,,Ich stirnme Ihnen beziiglich der Aussprache von T!Ep voll-
stiindig bei und finde Ihr aus Immanuel genomnienes Argu
ment vortrefflich. In meiner Geschichte der hebr. Sprach-
wissenschaft verweise ich nur in einer Anmerkung auf die
Aussprache mit a."
Hr. Dr. A. Berliner in Berlin ausserte sich folgen-
dermassen : w lhrer Ansicht liber die Aussprache des Nainens
^ncp kann ich nur beipflichten ; ich habe von jeher nicht
verstanden, warum Kamchi gelesen werden. sollte. Hier
in Rom 1 ) existirten Viele mit dieseni Namen, und er wurde
immer Kimchi geschrieben."
r ) Dr. Berliner s Brief war in Rom wahrend eines Aufenthalts des
Schreibers daselbst am 4. April 1894 geschrieben worden.
Zur Bibel und Grammatik.
Und nun noch eine Aeusserung von Herrn Prof. D r.
Chwolson in St. Petersburg: ,,0b TiCp oder TOp rich-
tig sei, bleibt wohl so lange unentschieden, bis ein Document
mit lateinischen Buchstaben gefunden werden wird, in wel
ch eni dieser Name vorkommt. Die Juden vocalisirten ilm
T!?;p wohl in der Voraussetzung, dass der Name von np
herstammt. Derselbe kann aber auch arabischenllrsprungssein,
aus der Wurzel ~p, nnd daraus ^PiCpj npp heisst ble, fr o-
m e n t. So viel mir bekannt ist, nannten Juden im Osten
sich TCp_ und nicht TiCp Die Stelle in m2n beweist,
glaube ich, nichts; denn es kann da auch T!Ci& gelesen wer
den Immanuel anderte ja den Text nach Bedarf, und er
machte z. B. Genesis 49, 25 cntP aus CV: V , wodurch der
betreffende Yers einen recht pikanten Sinn erhielt."
Im Vorstehenden habe ich alles bisher in der bespro-
chenen Frage laut und mir bekannt gewordene den Lesern
vollstandig vorgelegt, und nun sei es, riickblickend, mir
noch verstattet, zu einem und dem anderen einige Randglos-
sen zu machen.
1. Wohl kouimen in der Bibel Namen wie ^2 2
vor; doch lindet sich auch "HZS (II. Sam. Kap. 20, - - 8
mal). Ferner finden wir Namen wie Tip 5 ? (I. Chr. 7, 19);
^ (I. Ron. 22, 42); ^w (Exod. 6/17); nctf (I. Chr.
4, 37); nci (Num. 25, 14), und viele ahnliche mehr. Bibli-
sclie Analogien beweisen also nichts, da sich fiir die eine
wie fiir die andere Form Parallelen finden.
2. Die Punctation des Namens mit einem Kaniez oder
Pathach, die Herr Neubauer in etlichen Manuscripten gefun-
den hat, ist freilich ein starkes Argument fiir ^Kanichi".
Wenn diese Manusripte siimnitlich aus Spanien stammen, so
diirfte vielleicht daraus zu folgern sein, dass in Spanien die
Aussprache ,,Kamchi" ja die iibliche gewesen war. Aber
auffallend bleibt es doch, dass und warum gerade der Name
T^p ganz gegen alien Usus der Copisten des Mittel-
alters, von einigen derselben mit Vocalzeichen versehen wor-
den ist.
3. Was in Bezug auf den bei Immanuel vorkommenden
Reim Kimchi und Simchi von Neubauer und Chwolson ge-
sagt werden ist, namlich der Reim beruhe bios auf der gleich-
artigen Sylbe ^n (Neub.), oder Immanuel, der ja so viele
132 B. Felsenthal.
Freiheiten in Aenderung von Bibelworten sich genonmien
hat, hatte vielleicht aucli hier TiEfc gelesen(Chw.), das wird
schwerlich von iiberzeugender Kraft gegeniiber der Thatsache
sein, dass in Italien heute noch die Aussprache Kimchi die
gebrauchliche ist, und dass sie es wohl auch ini 14. Jahr-
hundert gewesen war.
4. Der von Lagarde vorgebrachte Grund fur Karachi
verdient kaura eine Beachtung. Was beweist es, dass ein
christlicher franzosischer Orientalist im 16. Jahrhundert ent-
weder desswegen, weil er keinen jiidischen, die beziigliche
Tradition kennenden Gelehrten zu befragen Gelegenheit
hatte, oder weil ihm irgend eine Caprice dazu bestimrate,
C a mius schrieb? Mit ebensoviel Recht, d. h. mit gar keinem,
hatte der Gb ttinger Professor den Herren Volk und Miihlau,
welche die 9. Anflage des Gesenius schen hebr. "Worterbuches
besorgten, auch noch in seiner bissigen Weise sagen konnen:
Die Herren Staatsrathe schreiben in ihrer Ignoranz Raschi;
wissen Sie denn nicht, dass schon Sebastian Minister Jarchi
geschrieben hat? oder er hiitte ihnen ebensogut, d. h. ebenso
ungerechtfertigt, es derb vorhalten konnen, dass sie nur aus
Unwissenheit Jahve schrieben; denn mit solchen und
[ihnlichen Schlussfolgerungen laborirt Hr. Lagarde nur allzu-
haufig - - hat nicht der Franziskanerpater Petrus Galatinus
schon 1518 Jehova geschrieben? 1 ) Wahrlich, der Hr.
J ; Sebastian Miinster soil, wie Zunz nachgewiesen (Jost s Annalen, 1839,
335; Ges. Schr. Ill, 104), der erste gewesen sein, welcher den Commen
tator Raschi inthiinilicher AVeise deu Namen Jarchi beig-elegt hat. Ebenso
soil der Franziskaner Petrus Galatinus der erste gewesen sein, welcher das
Tetragrammaton als ,,Jehova" ausgesprochen und fiir dasselbe die Schreibung
?hova eingefuhrt hat (Bottcher s Lehrb. d. hebr. Spr I, 49;. Bei dieser
Gelegenheit mdchten wir Folgendes beifiigen. Unser grosser Meister Zunz
hat, a. a. 0., gesagt, Schabthai Bass sei unter den Juden der erste gewesen,
der in seinem Siphthe Jeschenim (1680) Easchi als Salomon Jarchi be-
ichnete. er aber sei hier Buxtorf und Bartolocci gefolgt, und diese Letztern
atten sich durch Sebastian Miinster irre leiten lassen. Aber Schabthai war
nicht der erste jiid. Gelehrte, der " W in Rabbi Salomon Jarchi aufloste
Einhundert und vierzig Jahre vor ihm gebrauchte bereits der beriihmte
mmatiker Elias Levita diesen Namen als Bezeichnung fiir Raschi. In
emem im Jahr 1541 erschienenen Methurgeman, und das zwar in der
Vorrede zu deraselben, spricht der Verf. zweimal von unserm mehrgenannten
Commentator {ibid. p. 2 Zeile 3 v. u. und p. 4 Z. 7 v. u.). Einige Monate
spater, im Marz 1542, wurde Levita s Hakdamah zum zweitenmal gedruckt
Zur Bibel und Grarnmatik. 133
von Lagarde war doch zuweilen ein recht sonderbarer Katiz.
Er hatte mit seinein Camius ganz won! zu Hause bleiben
diirfen.
5. Als Schlussergebniss obigerDarlegungendiirfte vielleicht
Folgendes als das Wahrscheinlichste sich herausstellen. In
Spanien, dem ursprfinglichen Heiinathlande der Kimchiden,
mag man vielleicht deren Familiennamen Karachi" ausge-
sprochen haben. Aber selbst wenn dies der Fall geweseii
war, so ist dann doch friihe schon in der Provence, wie
spater iiberhaupt in alien nichtarabischen Landern, die Aus-
sprache eine dialectisch verschiedene geworden und rasch
wird dann die Aussprache ,,Khnchi" sich verbreitet haben.
Inimanuel hat ohne Zweifel ,,Kirnchi" gesprochen. In der
Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft finden sich ja Beispiele
in sehr grosser Zahl, dass Bewohner verschiedener Lander
viele Worter trotz ihrer gleichen Schreibung dtirch eine ge-
anderte Aussprache sich mundgerecht gcmacht haben. Man
vergleiche z. B. die Narnen Isaac, David etc. und deren
verschiedene Pronuncirung in England und auf deui euro-
paischen Continent, oder Namen wie Henry (Henri) u. v. A
und deren Aussprache in England und Frankreich. Soldi
einen Lautwandel hat fast ein Jeder wahrzimehmen Gelegen-
heit, der nur einigermassen in der Welt sich unigesehen hat.
2. Zur Erklarimg von Amos G, 10.
Von weit grosserer Bedeutung als die Feststellung der
richtigen Aussprache des Namens Tip ist ohne Zweifel eine
Erorterung, in der es sich uin die Wiedergewinnung der Be-
und mit ihr eine von Paul Fagius angefertigte lateicische Uebersetzung der-
selben. Auch in diesem zweiten Druck hat der Text, wie ich aus Autopsie
weiss, in den beiden Stellen m r\ttv un. Hierzu ist zu bemerken, dass in
diesem Falle der christliche Uebersetzer nicht fiir das ,,Jarchi" verantwortlich
ist; denn merkwiirdiger Weise hat er in beiden Stellen einfach ,,Rabbi
Schelomo", ohne irgend welchen Beinarnen. Ferner ist zu bedenken, dass
die beiden Ausgaben des Textes (die von 1541 u. die von 1542) von Levita
selbst corrigirt worden sind. Denn in jenen Jahren war er von Paul Fagius
iu seiner Druckerei in Isuy als Corrector der hebr. Drucke angestellt ge-
wesen. "Wieso kam nun Elias Levita. zu seinem Jarchi? Hat auch er von
seinem Zeitgenossen. dem christl. Gelehrten Sebastian Miinster, auf falschen
Weg sich fiihren lassen?
134 -B. Felsenthal.
deutung eines in der Bibel vorkommenden hebraischen Wortes
und des richtigen Verstandnisses eines Schriftverses handelt.
Wie ist derVerstheil 1ST1DE1 HH INlTjl (Amos 6, 10) zu ver-
stehen und was ist die Bedeutung des darin vorkommenden
Wortes P]1DE?
Das Wort fpDC, welches nur ein einzigesmal im A. T.
vorkommt, ist von dem LXX und dem Peschito im Sinne
von Verwandter genommen und demgemass ubersetzt
worden. Allein Vulgata und Targum haben dem "Worte einen
anderen Sinn beigelegt. Nach ihnen bedeutet PpDD einen
Verbrenner. Offenbar glaubten Hieronyrnus und Jonathan,
welche Beide im lebendigen Sprachgebrauch das Wort rpDQ
nieht mehr vernahmen, das im masorethischen Text mit einem
Saniekh geschriebene Wort sei gleichbedeutend mit dem
Wort rpE C (mit einem Sin) und sie ubersetzten demgemass.
Die rabbinischen Commentatoren des Mitt el alters wussten
auch nicht mehr rpDE mit Sicherheit zu deuten. Irn talmu-
dischen und midraschischen Sprachschatz ist, so viel ich weiss,
das Wort nicht zu finden. Und so schwanken die Commen
tatoren. Raschi folgt dem Jonathan. Ibn Esra und David
Kimchi z. St. erwahnen die beiden Bedeutungen. David
Kimchi sagt: in bezeichnet den Vatersbruder, und fpDC
bezeichnet den Mutterbruder ; so erklart ein Teil der Com
mentatoren; aber Einige erklaren rpCC als von der Wurzel
*pD = ^"li^ (verbrennen) abstainmend u. s. w. Fast mit den
namlichen Worten aussert er sich in seinem Worterbuch s. v.
Wer seine C^UHDC tt 1 sind, das sagt er uns nicht. Sehen
wir aber bei Ibn Esra nach, so finden wir mindestens einen
Vorganger genannt, der ^"ICC als Onkel miitterlicher Seits
ubersetzt haben will, namlich den Juda Ibn Koreisch. Spatere
jiidische und nichtjiidische Commentatoren fithren meistens
die beiden Bedeutungen an, ohne sich gerade mit Sicherheit
fur die eine oder die andere zu entscheiden.
Doch in neuerer Zeit haben die Mehrheit der Exegeten
und Lexicographen, wie es scheint, es ganz und gar aufge-
geben, pjIDC als Onkel miitterlicher Seits zu ubersetzen und
haben sich fur Verbrenner entschieden. So Siegfried- Stade
und die neueren Bearbeiter von Gesenius Worterbuch; so
die Commentatoren Ewald, Hitzig, Keil, Orelli, Schnioller,
Herxheimer, der Englander Pusey, Winer in seinem Eeal-
Zur Bibel und Grammatik. 135
worterbuch, auch der hebraisch schreibende feine Sprach-
kenner Malbim und Andere. 1 ) Recht hat man allerdings, nur
Eine Erklarung zu geben, wenn man derselben sicher ist
und wenn man sich vergewissert hat, dass die andere Er
klarung unstichhaltig ist. Aber mir scheint es, man habe
sich gerade fur das Unstichhaltige entschieden und das
Richtige verworfen. Flirst in seinem Worterbuch, und er
allein unter den Neuern, hat wenigstens hier die bessere
Seite erwahlt. Ebenso Luther im 16. Jahrhundert, der die
Worte in Amos so tibersetzt: ,,Dass einen Jeglichen sein
Vetter und sein Ohm nehmen muss,"
Die Gleichung epcc rpra ist eine von der Verzweif-
lung eingegebene Hypothese, ein Tappen, ein Rathen. Aber
ist denn die andere Bedeutung eine besser begriindete, eine
mehr sichere? Worauf basiren denn die Befiirworter der
selben ? Die nach David Kimchi Schreibenden copiren eben
einfach Kimchi und Ibn Esra. Und worauf basiren denn
Kimchi und Ibn Esra? Auf Friihere, von denen uns aber
nur Einer genannt wird, namlich der im Anfang des 10. Jahr-
hunderts lebende Ibn Koreisch. Und so sind, wenn wir den
Stammbaum dieser Erklarung riickwarts verfolgen, Alle, die
bisher fur rpCC die Bedeutung Onkel, Mutterbruder auch
anfuhrten oder nur anfuhrten, mittelbar oder unmittelbar von
Ibn Koreisch abhangig gewesen. Aber wie kam Ibn Koreisch
zu seiner Erklarung? Hat auch er bios gerathen?
Bekannt ist, dass dieser in Marokko lebende Grammatiker
schon vor nahezu tausend Jahren gesunde sprachvergleichende
Methoden in der Eruirung des Sinnes hebraischer Worter
selber anwandte und von Anderen angewandt sehen wollte.
Er drang, wie wir aus seinem im Jahr 1857 veroffentlichten
Pi^ND"! wissen, auf Vergleichung des Hebraischen mit dem
Talmudischen, Aramaischen und Arabischen, und er selber
schrieb und sprach das Arabische als seine Muttersprache.
Mochte er vielleicht im Arabischen einen Schliissel fur das in
JFrage stehende hebraische Wort gefunden haben? Oder hatte
er eine aus noch alterer Zeit ihni iiberlieferte gute Tradition?
J ) [S. die Erklarungen von Delitzsch in Onomasticon, S. 312 (=
maritus uxoris}- Gesenius in Hall. Allgem. Zeituny, 1841, No. 221, "Col.
550; Steinschneider in Ltbttt. d. Orients, 1842, No. 15, S. 226; No. 43,
S. 680, Anm. 39. G. A. K.l
136 B - FelsenthaL
Das Letztere 1st ofFenbar richtig. Es ist bisher ganz
und gar iibersehen worden, dass auch bei den Karaern das
Wort rpcc fur Mutterbruder gelaufig war. Und es kommt
bei ihnen das Wort nicht in eineni Coninientar zu Amos vor,
sondern in einem Zusammenhang, welcher beweist, dass sie
von Ibn Koreisch vollkommen u Dab ban gig sind, dass sie von
ihm vielleicbt gar niclits gewusst haben. Eine Stelle, die
sich in einer exegetischen Schrift des Karaers Joseph ben
Ali Hallevi findet, ist yollkommen klar bieriiber. 1 ) Sie besagt
Folgendes: In Levit. 18, 18 schliesst das Wort niriN
(Schwester) die Tochter des Bruders einer Mutter oder der
Schwester einer Mutter ebensowohl ein als die Tochter des
Bruders eines Vaters oder der Schwester eines Vaters
(mnm inn ni IE! DBHtPErn *pDcn n2), dagegen meint das
Wort CTIX (Briider) in Deut. 25,5 nicht die Sohne eines
Oheims oder einer Tante nilitterlicherseits, sondern nur die
Sohne eines Oheims oder einer Tante vaterlicherseits (j\x*
"2^5 Tl- ^2 CN ^r reicrnl pp& cn ^2). 2 ) Zum besseren Verstand-
niss ist beizufugen, dass die Karaer in den gesetzlichen Theilen
der heil. Schrift unter ,,Bruder" und Schwester" nicht bloss
die leiblichen Geschwister verstehen, wie die rabbinischen
Juden es thun, sondern dass sie darunter Verwandte inner-
halb engerer oder weiterer Schranken verstanden haben
wollen, und dass daher bei ihnen die auf Verwandtschafts-
graden beruhenden Eheverbote ganz in s Ungemeine sich
ausdehnen. -
Auch das Hauptsachlichste dieser Notiz war in jener
obengenannten Deborah -Nunimer, in welcher meine Bemer-
kungen iiber T^p abgedruckt waren, verofFentlicht worden.
Bezug darauf nehmend, machten niich sowohl Herr Dr. Bacher
als auch Herr Dr. Chwolson auf die fur Ibn Koreisch zeu-
gende Erklarung des Abulwalid giitigst aufnierksam. Herr
Bacher schrieb: ,,Was ?]^D^ betrifft. so erwahnt Abulwalid
im Worterbuch ohne weitere Bemerkung zwei arabische
Wiedergaben des Wortes: nc^H und n^xi (in Ibn Tibbon s
hebr. Uebersetzung desWB: 12H%S % und ic TIN). Es scheint
eine willkiirliche , aus dem Zusammenhang geschlossene
*) [In einem friiheren karaitischen Werke. mm* ^NK;, S. 32 a, 69 b,
lesen wir : mn ncics. G. A. K.]
2 ) Vgl. Pinsker s Likknte Kadmonijjoth, Anhange, S. 67.
Zur Bibel und Grammatik. 137
Worterklarung zu sein, wie sie z. B. bei Saadia nicht selten
sind." Was aber Herra Backer als ,,eine willkiirliche ,
aus dem Zusammenhang geschlossene Erklarung" erscheint,
das erklart Herr Chwolson entschieden als das Richtige.
Herr Chwolson schrieb: w ln Bezug auf ^DC haben Sie un-
bedingt recht. Zu den von Ihnen angefuhrten Zeugen fiige
ich noch R. Jonah Ibn Granach hinzu, der in seinem 2NPI
bwxbx s. v. sagt: n*6r ^pi nc^n rr? cirn, d. h. Es wird
erklart: sein Verwandter; nach Andern: der Bruder seiner
Mutter. Da schon iTTp p nTUr 1 diese letztere Bedeutung
kennt, und die Kariier hnmer dieses Wort in dieseni Sinne
gebrauchten, so muss man wohl eine Tradition dafiir gehabt
haben."
Werden nun wohl die hebraischen Lexicographen und
Bibelexegeten in Zukunt t sich dazu verstehen, die Debatte
u ber das Wort ^]"!DC und iiber den wahreu Sinn des Wortes
in Amos 6,10 iDICd Hi" \XC*:i neu zu eroffneii? Die Au-
toritat des Ibn Koreisch, des Abulwalid und der Karaer ist
doch wohl so gewichtig, dass sie beachtet werden niuss und
dass man init hochmiithigem Iguoriren sie nicht beseitigen
kann. Ueberdies ist zu bemerken, dass der Si nn und der
Zusammenhang der prophetischen Rede viel eher die Ueber-
setzung des ID^DCl durch ,,und sein Oheim" oder ,,und sein
Verwandter" fordert als die Wiedergabe durch ,,und sein
Verbrenner" oder etwas deni Aehnliches. Das Waw copu-
lativuui vor 12^CC liesse sich auch statt durch ,,und". durch
,,oder a iibersetzen, ,,oder sein Oheiin", etc. Belege
hierfur giebt es bekanntlich unzahlig viele.
Nachschrift.
Der vorstehende Artikel iiber die Aussprache des
Namens ^HCp ist vor etwa drei Monaten geschrieben und
abgesandt worden. Indess ist mir dieser Tage das Jewish
Quarterly Eeview fur April 1895 zu Gesicht gekomrnen, und
in demselben fand ich in einein sehr instructive!! Artikel
unseres gelehrten Dr. A. Neubauer einiges weitere Material,
das ich, der Vollstandigkeit halber, hier nachtragen niochte.
Iin genannten Hefte S. 402 theilt Herr Neubauer Aus-
ztige aus einem Briefe mit, den Alfonso da Zamora an die
138
B. Felsenthal.
Juden in Rom gerichtet hatte. Darin tindet sich der Name
TICp "in das Koph mit einem Pathach punctirt.
Ibidem p- 405 beschreibt Neubauer ein im Jahr 1516
geschriebenes ins., das sich in der Universitatsbibliothek in
Salamanca befindet, und das unter Anderem eine Abhandlung
von Gabirol enthalt, welche Abnandlung iibrigens irrthum-
licher Weise dem Moses Kamchi zugeschrieben ist. In der
beigefiigten lateinischen Uebersetzung ist der Name durch
C a m c h i wiedergegeben.
Ibid. p. 416 beschreibt Neubauer ein anderes, in der
Nationalbibliothek in Madrid befindliches ms. (undatirt), welches
die Grammatik und das Worterbuch des RDK enthalt. ,,Kam-
chi ist hier TlEp geschrieben", das Koph mit einem Kamez.
Ibid. p. 409 gibt uns Neubauer die Beschreibung eines
weiteren, vom Jahr 1527 datirten ms., welches in der Natio
nalbibliothek in Paris aufbewahrt ist, und welches RDK s
Grammatik enthalt. ,,Dieses ms. - - so sagt hier Neubauer
- hat auch die Schreibung TOjX Es unterliegt keinem Zwei-
fel, dass die spanischen Juden diesen Nam en als Kamchi
aussprachen. Wirklich lasst sich auch der Scheltname ""CSnn
womit der bekannte provencalische Rabbi unsern David be-
nannte, nur aus dem arabischen K a m c h (Weizen) erklaren.
Es hatte keinen Sinn, wenn der Name als Kim c hi ausge-
sprochen und von ncp. (Mehl) abgeleitet worden ware. Es
gibt nun auch im Orient Familien, von denen einige Kamchi,
andere Kimchi sich nennen. Die erstere Aussprache ist die
spanisch-arabische , die andere ist die franco-germanische.
Den Franco- Germanen war bloss das Wort ncp., nicht aber
das arabische K a m c h bekannt."
Da es sich hier bloss um unparteiische Sammlung des
einschliigigen Materials handelt, und nicht um die eigensinnige
Verfechtung einer von niir ausgesprochenen Meinung, so
glaubte ich, in vorstehender Nachschrift das neuerdings von
Dr. Neubauer beigebrachte Material ebenfalls den Lesern
vorlegen zu miissen. Ueberhaupt kann ich meinerseits ja
auf nichts Weiteres Anspruch machen, als dass ich meines
Wissens zuerst auf den bei Immanuel sich vornndenden Reim
Kimchi und S i m c h i aufmerksam machte.
Chicago, 30. Mai 1895.
Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew
Language
Kuzri II 67 to 80,
by
Dr. M. Fried lander (London).
Notwithstanding the several translations and expositions
of Rabbi Jehudah ha-Levi s Kuzri that have appeared from
time to time, there are some sections in the book which have
not yet been explained satisfactorily. One of these sections
is Book II 6780. The following is an attempt to clear
up what previous expounders have left in darkness. In the
notes which accompany the translation I avoided, for the
sake of brevity, all reference to the views of others. 4 )
g 67. K. (= King of the Kuzrites): Has the Hebrew
language any merit, that is not possessed by the Arabic?
The latter is, as we clearly see, more perfect and richer in
words than the former.
68. j. (= Jewish scholar): The Hebrew shared the
fate of those who spoke it. It deteriorated when the power
of the Israelites was broken, and became narrow when their
numbers diminished. But in its original state it was the
noblest of all languages. This is confirmed by Tradition and
by common sense.
According to Tradition Hebrew is the language in which
God addressed Adam and Eve ; and which the latter spoke
to each other. That this was the case is evident 2 ) from the
derivation of Adam from adamah "earth" (Gen 11, 7.);
J ) [See especially the article of Prof. W. Bacber on the same subject,
in the American journal Hebraica, edited by Prof. W. R. Harper, Chicago
1893, vol. VIII, p. 136-49. G. A. K.]
2 ) Comp. Bereshith Rabba ch. 18.
140 M. Friedlander.
is h shall "woman" from ish "man" (ib. 23); Hawaii "Eve"
from hay "living", (ib. Ill, 20); Cain from Can it hi "I
have gotten" (ib. IV, 1); Sheth from shath "he hath ap>
pointed" (ib. 25); and Noah from yen ah menu "he will
comfort us" (ib. V, 29). We have for this statement the
evidence of the Pentateuch, and of a tradition which could
be traced from generation to generation, back to Eber, Noah
and Adam. It was the language of Eber, who retained it after
the division and confusion of languages ; it is therefore called
ibrith ("Hebrew"). Abraham, however, spoke 1 ) the Aramean
language when he lived in the land of the Casdhn, Aramaic
being the language of the people. Aramaic was his language
in ordinary conversation, and Hebrew was his peculiar, holy
language. In the same manner 2 ) did Ishrnael carry the
language to the Arabs. These three languages Hebrew, Aramaic
and Arabic, are partly equal and partly similar in their vocabu
lary, syntax and inflexion, but Hebrew is the noblest of these
languages. Common sense assigns a high place to Hebrew
on account of the distinction of those who spoke it; for they
must have possessed a high degree of eloquence, espe
cially the prophets who were numerous. Eloquence was
undoubtedly indispensable in their exhortations, songs and
poems. Or is it likely that their chiefs, men like Moses,
Joshua, David and Solomon, could ever have been at a loss
to rind a suitable expression for what they desired to say, as
we are at present, when Hebrew has ceased to be a living
language? Have you noticed how in the Pentateuch, in the
description of the Tabernacle, the ephod, the breastplate etc..
the author had always the right words even for the rarest
things, and how beautiful the style is in that description?
The same is the case in the lists of the nations, the birds and the
) According to R. Jehudah ha-Levi, Aramaic and Arabic are modified
arms of Hebrew. It seems that he ascribes to Abraham the merit of havino-
originated the Aramaic in the land of the Casdim, and to Ishmael that of having
originated the Arabic in Arabia. With regard to Arabic the author says
clearly, but not so with regard to the Aramaic. But if he did not intend to
imply that Abraham was the father of the Aramaic, there would be no
explanation for the mention of Aramaic in connection with Abraham.
*) The Arabic has ^^ therefore "; but Ibn Tibbon appears to have
I t?1I, which is most probably the correct reading; f,-^ gives no sense.
Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 141
stones, in the songs of David, the complaint of Job and his
discussions with his friends, the rebukes and the comforting
addresses of Isaiah, and in other sections of the Bible.
69. K. By these and similar arguments you only
show that the Hebrew is as perfect as any other language.
Where is its excellence? Other languages seem rather to excel it
by their metrical poems, the forms of which vary according
as the melody varies.
70. J. It is well-known that melodies do not require
a certain number of words, the line 21 T h HI" may
be sung by the same melody as HZ 1 ? m^Ha n\X^j "ISty 1 ?;
(Ps. CXXXVI, 1, 4); the tune remains the same,
whether words are supplied or not. This is the case
when the melodies are accompanied by actions 1 ) (ex
pressing the feelings of the singer). But the poems called
inshedia for which the metrical form is chosen, were
neglected by the Hebrews, because their language possessed
a far more useful and a much higher peculiarity.
71. K. And what is this peculiarity?
72. J. The object of speech is to cause that which
agitates the mind of the speaker, to enter into the mind of the
listener. This object can only be attained in direct, viva voce
communication-, for spoken words are in this respect better
than written words. Our Sages advise therefore CHE1D ^C
CHED ^E N^l "Learn from the mouth of the teachers rather
than from their writings". In a viva voce address the speaker
facilitates the understanding of his words by pausing at the
end of a phrase, and continuing without interruption in the
middle of it-, by raising the voice or lowering it; and by nodding
and winking; he can thus indicate surprise, question,
affirmation, hope, fear, submissiveness and excitement: things
which are not sufficiently indicated in ordinary compositions.
The speaker can make use of the movements of his eyes or
eyelids, or of the whole head, and of his hands, when he
desires to express a certain degree of anger, pleasure, solicitude
) Songs are called r. v VE~ ^JJ2 Accompanied actions", i. e.
the actions of the singer in moving the body or part of the body; in
dancing, jumping, weeping, laughing etc., or expressing his feelings by
singing certain vowels or syllables apart from the text of the song. Com p.
end of 12: CHH
142 M - Friedlander.
or pride. Even in the small remnant that we still possess of
the divine language ! ), we find an excellent and clever system
of signs, devised both as a help for those who desire to
comprehend the sense of the Biblical text, and as symbols
representing the speaker s actions which generally accompany
his spoken words ; I mean the accents, our guide in reading
the Scriptures. They indicate whether we have to pause or
to run on; they distinguish the question from the answer,
the introductory phrase from the communication itself; 2 ) they
indicate whether we have to hurry on or to read slowly ; they
distinguish the command from the request; important elements
included in every literary composition. 3 ) A writer that aims at
this effect, avoids undoubtedly metrical compositions, which
can only be read in one way, 4 ) and in which it frequently
happens that words are joined which ought to be separated,
and a pause is made, where continuity is required: mistakes
that can be avoided, but only by great care.
73. K. The merit of merely pleasing the ear must
give way to the merit of pleasing the intellect. For the ob
ject of metrical compositions is to please the ear, whilst the
Hebrew system of accents 5 ) concerns the sense of the text.
I notice, however, that you Jews seek now distinction
in writing metric verses, and imitate the ways of other nations
by forcing the Hebrew into the forms of metric verse.
74. J. This is just our fault and sin-, thereby we
*) Lit : the created one, and the formed one (probably sv 8ia 8uow)
i. e. the language which God had created and fashioned; the opposite of
this is rnijj^ MN1~)2 the language fashioned by men (riCZDrn)? wno
agree to call certain things by certain words.
2 ) Tims the disjunctive accent, of 1CN"! (Gen. 18, 3.) indicates that
the name which follows is not the subject to the verb, but the beginning
of the speech.
3 ) In Hebrew C H Ci"! C~2 "miTli - The pronoun in Pi2 refers
to all the things enumerated before.
4 ) i. e. the way indicated by the metre, regardless of the accent of
the word and of the length of the vowels or syllables.
5 ) Altough pi^2p i s frequently used in this book for Tradition. fHlDE
is the right term for Tradition with regard to the Biblical text; especially
with regard to the accentuation and vocalisation. The original 2^^ "the
binding" may likewise refer to the traditional accents, that indicate the
connection between two words.
Jehudab. ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 143
not only neglect the peculiarity of our language, but corrupt its
character; it is qualified to be the means of union, and
we make it the means of disunion.
75. K. How is that?
76. J. Have you not observed, how a hundred per
sons read the Bible simultaneously like one man, all stopping
or running on at the same time?
77. K. I noticed the fact, and I have never seen
anything like it among the Christians 1 ) or the Mohammedans.
Metric verse cannot be read in this way. Tell me how the He
brew attained such excellence, and how metric verse tends
to destroy it.
78. J. Because we allow two vowelless letters 2 ] to
follow one after the other, and only allow in exceptional
cases the sequence of three open syllables without intervening
vowelless letters. 3 ) Long syllables 4 ) become thus predominant,
and this feature facilitates united and spirited reading, assists
the memory, and produces impressiveness. The first thing
that metric verse destroys is the effect of the sequence of two
vowelless letters; there disappears besides, the difference
between accentuating the penultima and accentuating the ultima,
so that och e lah is read like ochelah, 5 ) ain e ru like amaru, 5 )
) In Hebrew CHX2; in some editions C?2 which is probably the
result of the censure.
-) In Hebrew CTu- The consonant which begins a syllable is called
J/ j or HjJWi tae consonant which follows the vowel and is itself without a
vowel, is called fij "resting"; this letter is either perceivable in pronunciation
(H5O3 j) or (if silent v\r\&) sot perceivable (D21 j), and merely serves to
prolong the vowel (-p :). Such a lengthening letter follows every long-
vowel, and when it does not follow in the text, the reader has to supply it.
As regards the length of the vowels our author assumes the following grades:
the sh va, the short vowel, the short vowel followed by a fu or vowelless
consonant, a long vowel followed by a -p HJ "a vowelletter", and a long-
vowel followed by two CTu-
3 ) e. g. the Arabic tyJE, corresponds to the Hebrew ^JJS; in the He
brew form the sequence of three short vowels is avoided ; in the form *?yp
the first vowel is followed by a -p 3, the second by a H5OJ j-
4 ) i. e. syllables with one rij or with two CTO; these are far more
numerous than open syllables with a short vowel.
5 ) In this instance there is no difference in meaning; pfclN is
pausalform; this condition is neglected by many writers of verse. The
same is the case with the second instance -"HEX an d -"PCX-
144 M. Friedlander.
oiner like Omer; ) so also does the difference of
accentuation in shabhti and ve-shabhti 2 ) disappear,
although the accent marks the one as past and the other as
future. We should, however, allow a certain licence in the
composition of the piyyutiin, which if used with discretion,
would not corrupt the language. As to our practice of writing
metric compositions, the words of the Psalmist, uttered against
our forefathers, apply to us, viz. They were mingled among
the nations and learnt their works (Ps. 106, 35).
79. K. I wish to ask you whether you know why
the Jews move their bodies when they read Hebrew.
80. J. It has been said that they do so in order
to produce physical heat in the body. I do not think so,
but find the cause of the shaking in the peculiarity under
discussion. As several persons can read the Scriptures
together like one person, ten or more used to meet and read
together out of the same book. The books were therefore
of a large size Each of the ten had frequently to bend for
ward, in order to look more closely to some words, and to
turn back again, 3 ) when this was done, the book lying on
the ground. This was originally the cause of the shaking;
but in course of time it became a habit, because it was
constantly seen and observed, and we imitate naturally that
which is always before our eyes. Among other nations every
one reads out of his own book, and either brings the book nearer
to his eyes, or moves himself towards the book, according
to his own convenience without his neighbour s interference.
There is therefore no occasion for him to move forward and
backward.
Another excellence of the Hebrew language is to be
found in its system of vocalisation , in the traditional pro
nunciation of the seven kings (i. e. vowels), and the peculiar
rules concerning each of them; in the advantages resulting from
the difference between kamets and pat hah or tsere and
) ")N is a segolate noun, having the accent on the first syllable,
is participle and has the accent on the second syllable; the accent of
the metre does not always coincide with the masoretic accent.
2 ) "TO&H is past, < >rci f l is future.
3 ) Probably in order to allow another to look into the book.
Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 145
segol As regards the sense of the words, they help to
distinguish between past and future, e. g. PEtf 1 ) and ^ptT>
or ^nr-p^l (Js. 51, 2) and in?"12^1 (Gen. 27, 33), between
the interrogative he and the demonstrative he, e. g. n piyn
(Ecc. 3, 21) 2 ) They help, besides, to produce euphony
by the combination of two vowelless letters, and this pecu
liarity enables a whole congregation to read together harmoni
ously. 3 ) As regards the accents, there are again separate ru
les. 4 ) The different ways of pronouncing the vowels in the Hebrew
language can be divided into contraction [of the lips], opening
[of the lips] and breaking [of the sound with the teeth] ; and
by further divisions we get the large 5 ) contraction or ka-
mets, the middle contraction or holem and the small con-
U-action or shurek-, the large opening or pathah and the
small opening or segol; the large breaking of the sound or
hirek and the small one or tsere. The sheva is sounded
with all these vowels according to certain conditions-, it is a mere
sounding of a consonant without any such prolongation, that
) As regards the form "j^itf comp. Kerem C/iemed, IX, p. 64. The
accent is here counted as an addition to the length of the vowel, equal in
value to one pj3 ; so long as ^PCtt nas tne accent on the penultima, there
are 2 (or even 3) CTG m tae nrs ^ syllable and no H3 i n the second;
when the ultima has the accent there would be two syllables with 2 CTIJ
each following one after the other ; such a sequence is avoided in the
second relation.
2 ) Comp. Ibn Ezra on Eccl. 3, 21.
3 ) This is probably the meaning of the Hebrew my V?2C which
means literally "without mistake". It is, however, possible, that the phrase
refers to "mistakes" in the ordinary sense of the word, as according to
our author the frequent occurrence of a syllable with two QiplJ ia Hebrew
makes it easier for the reader to retain in memory what he has read.
4 ) In addition to the causes mentioned, the accent modifies the original
vowels of a word according to certain rules.
5 ) The author cannot have intended to say that kamets requiies
the highest degree of contraction, and shurek the smallest amount of
contraction, because in reality shurek requires the greatest contraction.
By kimmutz gadol we have to understand the widest opening of
the contracted lips, kimmuts benoni is a narrower opening, and kim-
muts katan is the smallest opening of the contracted lips. Kamets gadol
may therefore be called path ha gedholah, that is, the wide opening
of the contracted lips. As regards the pronunciation of kamets it seems
that it was a compound of a and o, perhaps like a in all. Comp. Ibn Ezra
Sefer Tsahoth, in the beginning.
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
M. Friedlander.
might demand the addition of a vowelless letter. 1 ) Kamets is
followed by a vowelletter, but cannot in its original relation,
be followed by dagesh:, if dagesh follows, it can only be
due to the conditions of the second or the third relation. 2 )
The vowelletter which follows Kamets is he or aleph, e. g.
N"p, nJi5 ; the vowelletter may again be followed by a vowel-
less consonant, e. g. CNpl (Hos. 10, 14). -- Hplem is followed
by a vowelletter, viz. vav or aleph e. (j. t> N 1 ?; the vowel-
letter may again be followed by a vowelless consonant e. g.
"W, ^KEtT. Tsere is followed by a vowelletter, vie.
aleph or yod e. g. NSV, \^ s ; in its original state and by
the first relation it is not followed by he, but by the second
relation he may follow. - - Shurek occurs in three ways:
it is followed either by a vowelletter, or by dagesh, or by
a vowelless consonant; its vowelletter is vav alone; e. g.
^N, tfbb, ~S*b- Hirek occurs like shurek in three
ways; c. g. ^, j^, ^. Pat hah and segol, in their
first state, are not followed by any vowelletter, but they
can be lengthened by the second relation, if the reader
desires to accentuate the vowel, either because of the accent,
or because of a pause at the end of a paragraph.
The conditions of the first relation are obtained by con
sidering each letter and each word independently of the
sequence of the words in a sentence, in which words are con
nected in one place and separated in another and in which there
must be a variation of long and short words, and similar other
variations: then you have the original, unchanged state of the se
ven vowels, and the natural form of shev a without ga ya. The
second relation takes account of the appropriate arrangement
and sequence of words in the sentence*, the original vowels
are then modified in accordance with the demand of the
second relation. The third relation takes note of the
1 ) According to the Hebrew: a mere sounding of a vowel, whilst
every other vowel may be followed by a f]j- The sense seems to be the
same as that of the original, namely, that sh va cannot be followed by a
HJ, whilst every vowel, whether short or long, may be followed by a
vowelless letter.
2 ) i. e. if note is taken of the relation of a word to the neighbouring
words, or of the relation of one syllable in the word to the other syllables.
Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 147
accents and may modify the vowels determined by the first
and the second relations.
The sequence of three open syllables without an
intervening vowelless letter or dagesh is not a strange
thing according to the first relation*, there may be, as in
Arabic, three sheva sounds, in close sequence one after the
other; but it would be a strange thing according to the second
relation. When therefore the first relation demands the sequence
of three short open syllables, one of the vowels is lengthened
in accordance with the demands of the second relation and is
thus followed by a vowelless letter, e. g. ^IIK C (Song 1, 4),
O-tr p (Ex. 29, 46) ; for the sequence of three open syllables
without any vowelless letter intervening, is awkward in
Hebrew, except in the case of a letter being repeated,
e. (j. r ,TT (Song 7, 3), or in the case of guttural letters,
9- "nijJj ^ul? an d you may in these cases pronounce the
first syllable long or short. 1 ) - - So also may two syllables
with two vowelless letters follow one after the other according
to the first relation, but as such a sequence would disturb
the flow of speech, the second relation removes one vowelless
letter from one of the syllables. - - You have surely noticed
that tyB and similar forms are not pronounced in harmony
with the vocalisation, the c ayin which has a path ah is
pronounced more fully than the pe with a kamets:, the
fuller pronunciation of the c ayin is only due to the accent,
and not to any prolongation of the vowelsound. The vowels in
^~^KX (Gen. 20, 5.) and *k~r\wy r (ib. 21, 6), remained there
fore in their original form, because the small word ( ?) has
the accent. We meet also with a verb in the past tense
(third person sing, masc.) having kamets in both syllables,
and on searching for the cause thereof we find it in the
accent athnah or sof-pasuk, and say that the second
relation found this change necessary on account of the pause
and stop. This change is regularly adhered to. We find also
a verb, having a zakef, with kamets in both syllables;
and on seeking the cause thereof, we find that according to
the sense of the verse the word is to be followed by a pause
) That is, like a full short vowel, or as a half vowel (sheva or
hatef).
10*
148 M. Friedlander.
and should have an athnah or sof-pasuk, were it
not for other cogent reasons, that made here athnah or
sof-pasuk impossible. On the other hand there are also
instances of pathah taking the place of kamets notwith
standing athnah or sof-pasuk, e. g. "5.?] 0^- 24, 61),
-1CN1 T (Ex 30, 14), ip,:ip_? (Gen. 27, 2), H^2f n (B. 36, 15).
The patha h in "ictf l is due to the regard taken of the
sense of the passage, because the verb 1EN % cannot be
followed by a pause, something being still required as a
complement to the verb; only in a few exceptional cases
can it have a pausal accent; e. g. ~1X (Gen. 21, 1); here
the verb refers to what precedes; the sentence is complete,
a pause follows and kamets is in its right place. In the
case of "5:11 an d rij":c^P pathah is retained because the
change of tsere into kamets, 1 ) without any intermediate
stop, is unusual; it has therefore been changed into patha h.
The pathah in ""PjpT is perhaps due to the same cause, the
root beeing ]pT, the tsere is changed into pathah on account
of the pause, [and not into kamets]. We wonder also why
^J/P and words like it, have the accent on the penultiina,
and give undue length to the segol of the pe. But we
think that if the first syllable were not lengthened in this
way, the genius of the Hebrew language would have de
manded the lengthening of the second syllable; the accent
would be on the ultima, and a silent letter would have to
be supplied after segol, between c ayin and lamed; it
would be a very strange formation; such an addition is less
strange in the first syllable; the vowel must be lengthened,
but there is room for it, the syllable being open; the ad
ditional length of the vowel corresponds to a vowelless
letter, and tyz corresponds to by }$, *) not to ^JN; for only
with athnah and sof-pasuk is the word changed into
*) Comp. supra, p. 145, note 5 -- nt HJ JinrB is here identical
with
2 ) The open syllable pe has the same length which a closed syllable
has (that is, long by position), but the segol remains short With a pausal
accent the word is changed into ^p, the pause and accent giving to the
syllable the length of two CTO- . Thus the comparison with the change in
T.Cfc and ip is fully explained. See supra, p. 145, note 1.
Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 149
TJJ2, which corresponds to tyjD. We have also seen the
necessity of lengthening a vowel in the above mentioned
case of Ttr and TCfc !. - - Similarly we wonder at the
lengthening of the path ah in the first syllable of "^B>, "ijtt
and the like, but we find that they have the form "?$?
path ah taking the place of segol on account of the
guttural; and therefore they do not change in the construct
state like IMJ or ^np which follow "CT in their inflexion.
In the same way does the segol in nif yN, utt JP, nj2N, HJpN,
followed by a vowelletter, seem strange; from the paradigm
ty-* 1 ) *?J>5K it would appear that the second syllable should
be a closed syllable with path ah, and not an open syllable
with a long vowel. But there is an explanation why we say
ni^J?X instead of ntt J/X, for pathah must not be followed by
a silent he; kamets ] ) may precede the silent he, but
kametz is a long vowel, and a long vowel is out of place
after the second radical, except when demanded by the
pause, 2 ) or when followed by aleph e. g. N^ N. Segol is
the appropriate vowel for nii J/N, it is the shortest vowel; it
interchanges with tsere, when the second relation necessitates
the change because of a pause. 3 ) The he in nc ^N is almost
superfluous except when the word is by itself, 4 ) and
the second syllable has the accent; 5 ) it can therefore be
followed by dagesh e. g. 1?Titrj;x (Ex. 33, 5), ^Tlptf
(Jer. 22, 14.), in which cases the he is altogether ignored.
This is not the case with the aleph in N^N, frGu (Ex. 4, 6), 6 )
"/"NZ l (Gen. 27, 33); here we have no dagesh; tsere is
) In the Hebrew version VCpD fc^ty ""17122 j nere again ka-
mets seems to be treated as belonging to the second group of vowels
(Opening of the lips). See supra, note 5 on p. 145.
2 ) e. (j. rftlTN (Is- 42. 19) $&$ (Ps. 38, 14).
3 ) i. e. when the speaker finds it necessary, for the sake of emphasis
and effect, to pause a little although the word has no pausal accent, in order
to lay more stress on the word which follows.
4 ) In Hebrew pC2n2; m other places the word denotes "pause", but
here it means "separate" from the pronoun; having no suffix, and not
being joined by makkef to the next word.
~ a ) e - ( j- nj j;.jsj (= irj/ Ni) Ez - 2 , 14 ; ~i? f r_l (Lev - 9 i 16 )-
*) The text has ^Nl which is probably a mistake for &O~jOiT ^- ne
instance serves to show the absence of dagesh from j after the silent {<.
M. Friedlander.
preferred on account of the aleph which is perceptible. 1 )
He was considered unimportant, and therefore it was dropped
in speaking and in writing in pi, JITl, C JPV, how then could
it be preceded by tsere? the shortest vowel, that is, segol,
is required, at least according to the first relation , the second
relation may, in case of a pause, 2 ) demand a change of
segol into tsere. It appears strange to us that words like
r.5pE, MtrVE, PupE have tsere in the construct state, and segol
in the absolute; we should have expected the reverse. But
when we consider that the third radical, a silent h e, is treated
as if it were altogether absent, and as if these words were
JO:, ITJ7E, ]p, we are satisfied, that segol is the right vowel,
except when it becomes necessary to pronounce the syllable
with a long vowel as in C*PC, Ctt JJO, 3 ) ]r?XT\l2 irppyrj; and
tsere takes (in the construct state) the place of segol;
it corresponds to kamets in c$pc, Cfc J?C. 8 ) -- In the word
p we have an instance of a vowel being left by the second
relation 4 ) in its original state in so far as the writing is
concerned, though in the pronunciation it may have been
modified; it has a tsere in the absolute state and a segol
in the construct state; but the accent perhaps lengthens the
segol in 1W p (Est. 2, 6), the original segol, however, re
mains; on the other hand, tsere may be shortened if the
syllable is without accent.
The originator of this wise system of vowelsigns had
principles unknown to us, though we may have discovered
some of them. They are intended to indicate certain inter
pretations, as we have pointed out with regard to ntnyn
rbytt NVr, they assist in distinguishing between past and
1 ) when a suffix is added "jj<^ 5 tnis is not tae case waen the
radical is p,.
2 ) The Hebrew has pDu2- See supra, p. 149, note 4.
:! ) The two words CipC, ClfJJO do not occur; probably
V&T1C are meant. In the four instances given, the fc< of ri&T!D and the
VJ of niTJJO Dave a lon S vowel, because the noun is joined to a suffix;
therefore the author thinks the tsere in the construct state of these
words justified.
4 ) The second relation is here in reality the third; it is the second
relatively, p in the absolute, and p in the construct being considered in
each case as original.
Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 151
future, between the participle and the past (3rd sing.) of the
Niphal; thus in ^cjj h$ *]M (Gren. 49, 29) the saniech has
kamets, but pathah in npw 1B\X2 (Num. 27, 13); the heth
in toni^l has kamets r although it has no pausal accent, be
cause the sense requires here a pause : there are many
instances of segol after zarka having the force of athnah,
sof-pasuk or zakef as regards the changes of the original
form of the vowels.
Even if I were to enlarge on the subject I would in
crease the length of the book, but could not give you more
than a taste of this wonderful system-, which is by no means
without method; it is based on common sense and tradition.
Spuren cler palastinisch-jtidischen Schrift-
deutimg und Sagen in der tjbersetzung
der LXX
von
Dr. Julius Fiirst (Mannheim).
Dass die Ubersetzung der Bibel in die griechische Sprache
nicht auf Konigs Befehl, sondern durch das religiose Be-
diirfnis hervorgerufen worden, ist jetzt wohl allgernein an-
erkannt. Es bekundet sich dies insbesondere auch in der
Art der Ubersetzung, welche hiiufig nicht wortlich ist. son
dern die Deutungen und Sagen beriicksichtigt, mit welchen
zu homiletischen, rituellen und sittlichen Zwecken die Bibel-
erzahlungen ausgeschmiickt wurden. Das jerusalemische
Targiiin ist noch ein Rest jener Ubersetzungen, wie sie dem
Volke neben dem hebraischen Bibeltext, mit Sagen und Er-
klarungen bereichert, vorgelesen und vom Volke gerne gebort
wurden. Spater, als diese Erklarungen und Ausfiihrungen
drohten, das reine Bibelwort zu verdrangen ; eiferte man
gegen diese Art Ubersetzungen, wie dies Geiger nacligewiesen.
Im Folgenden sollen die Spuren der an den Bibeltext
gekniipften Sagen und Deutungen nachgewiesen werden, wie
dieselben in der Ubersetzung der Siebzig sich zeig-en.
Beim ersten Vers der Genesis, wo der Talmud eine
Anderung bei den LXX aninerkt, hat schon Geiger (Ur-
schrift, S. 344) gezeigt, dass die Anderung darin bestand,
dass der erste Vers unabhangig hingestellt ward, damit man
nicht iibersetze: ,,Im Anfange, da Gott Hirnmel und Erde
schuf, und da die Erde noch wiist und leer war etc , sprach
Gott: es sei Licht." Dies hatte dem Glauben an eine uner-
schaffene Materie Vorschub geleistet. Aquila und Theo-
Spin-en der palastinisch-jiidischen Schriftdeutung. 153
dotion, um den Gedanken der Schopfung aus Nichts noch
nachdriicklicher zu betonen, iibersetzen 5O2 nicht durch
7;oiY]<7, welches ihnen diesen Begriff nicht deutlich genug
ausdrtickte ; sie wahlen dafiir das Wort SXTKTEV, welchem sie
erst diese Bedeutung aufpragten. Aquila und Theodotion be-
tonen die Erschaffung der Welt aus Nichts auch weiter,
indern sie in v. 2 1H21 1HP mit xivcojxa (x,sv6v) xod o5Bsv iiber
setzen um jedem Gedanken an eine unerschaffene Materie
vorzubeugen.
Cap. 1 v. 6 wird jPp? (Ausdehnung) mit <77pto[j.a (Feste)
iibersetzt und ebenso der Saraaritaner 3rfiiA3P. Die Erklarung
davon giebt Bereschith rabba zur Stelle : ,.ein sterblicher
Konig, der einen Palast baut, balkt ihn mit Steinen und
Holz ; Gott balkt seine Welt mit Wasser. Als Gott gesprochen:
,,es sei eine Ausdehmmg in Mitten des Wassers", l ) da gerann
der mittlere Tropfen, und ans ihm ward der oberste
und der unterste Himmel geschaffen. Rab sagte: am ersten
Tage waren die Himmel fliissig*, am zweiten wurden sie fest."
v. 27. IPX ^2 cv^x c^2 icS^2 ciNrrpN &rhs jom
Symrnachus iibersetzt hier ^^2 mit Iv sixovt Biacpopco*, C^i D
1PN ^2 CTi^N, opO-iov 6 8 sos SXTWSV CXUTOV. Th. Jer. 1 N?2^2
n <i n 1 x">2 n, wo n Subject ist. Dies 1st, wie Geiger nach-
gewiesen, im Sinne Akiba s, welcher das Anthropomorphische
vermeiden wollte, und daher iibersetzte : Gott schuf den
Menschen in seiner (dem Menschen eigenthiimlichen) Gestalt,
in aufrechter Gestalt schuf Gott den Menschen So iibersetzt
auch Th. Jer. zu Gen. 9, 6. NITJN IV 12 JT Ti WpV"2 cr k \%
denn in der Gestalt schuf Gott den Menschen. Das ist auch
der Sinn, wenn Akiba sagt: DN EJ/ CC 1^N2 C^C" "BV^ t: b?
mc"n, wo mc"in bedeutet: die den Menschen auszeichnende
Gestalt. Nicht minder ist so zu verstehen die Stelle Sanhedr.
37 a. r*b n?
^. Auch Syrer und Samaritaner iibersetzen so ? dass
X Subjekt ist-, Samar. n"lVi2 :P,TSJ2 C~NM P" 1 nbN*)1D1
J12 r,Sx, Syrer: Pi^2 T^N* C^i 2 und nicht XPi^NI C^ 2.
Kap. 2 v. 1 wird CN 2U *?21 (ihr ganzes Heer) wiederge-
Julius Fiirst.
geben init n%r 6 x6(7[xo$ atkfiiv (ihr ganzer Schniuck). Das
entspricht dein Worte des R. Josua b. Levi in Chullin 60
und in Roschhaschana 11: ,,alle Werke der Schopfung
wurden in ihrer vollen Grosse, nach ihrer Einsthnmung, und
in ihrer Schonheit (^S) geschaffen." 4 )
Und auch die Dinge, die du fiir iibeifLussig halten inochtest,
heisst es in Ber. rab., wie Fliegen, Ungeziefer, auch sie ge-
horen zuui Weltganzen, und sie miissen Gottes Sendung er-
fiillen. Das Wort xocr^or (Ausschmiickung) vereinigt beide
Erklarungen.
In v. 2 inerkt der Talmud in der bekannten Stelle in
Megilla 9 die Anderung der LXX an: ,,Und Gott vollendete
am sechsten Tage". Diese Anderung, welche auch der
Samar. und die Peschito haben, sollte den Widerspruch aus-
gleichen, dass Gott ja am siebenten Tage geruht, was nicht
der Fall sein konnte, wenn er das Werk am siebenten Tage
vollendet hatte. Dies sucht R. Isniael in Ber. r. dahin aus-
zugleichen, dass er sagt: das ist wie der letzte Haininer-
schlag auf das Werk: am Ende des sechsten Tages war
der letzte Schlag, und unniittelbar darauf 7 wo der siebente
Tag eintrat, geschah das Aufheben des Hammers. Simon ben
Jochai sagt: weil der Mensch die kleinsten Zeitteilchen nicht
so genau abgrenzen kann, muss er vom Wochentag zum
Sabbat hinzufiigen. (muss den Sabbat vorher beginnen; fiir
ihn war also die Vollendung am siebenten Tage): Gott, der
die kleinsten Zeitteilchen abgrenzt, geht nicht um eines
Haares Breite davon ab, (fiir ihn war also die Vollendung
am sechsten Tage).
v. 3. nztm iibersetzt der Svrer: mit N % n^j HPNi, ebenso
P2L^ f 12 ^1 ,,es kam Ruhe", um anthropomorphistische Miss-
deutung fernzuhalten, wie auch Ber. r. sagt : nicht rait Miihe
und Anstrengung hat Gott die Welt geschaffen, wie kann
man nun sagen dass er geruhet? Was ist noch ge
schaffen w or den? Sicherheit, Ruhe, Erholung und Sorglosig-
keit" also die Ruhe ist geschaffen worden, ist einge-
treten NiTj HPN, nach deni Worte: ^DH C^iyn PPH HD
Daselbst heisst es auch : ? SD
Spuren der palastinisch-jiidischen Schriftdeutung.
irair JIT pr^n pnrra vn jm proirrE crpjip ^ vnir
nr\ MMJU Dr6 jrVJ crpJlp, also ebenfalls der gleiche
Gedanke.
v. 3 iibersetzen die LXX mvyh DTi^N N12 11TN mil
&v YJP^OCTO 6 0-so^ Tuoir^ai. Dazu sagt 13. r. : Es steht desshalb
nicht: ,,was Gott geschaffeii und gernacht", sondern: ,,um zu
machen". well angedeutet werden soil, dass Gott das Werk
des sechsten Tages verdoppelt, indeui er an jenem Tage
auch schuf, was am siebenten hatte geschaffen werden sollen.
R. Pinchas sagte: Der Ausdruck will sagen, dass Gott
vom Werke der Weltschopfuug geruht, nicht aber voui
Werke der Vergeltung der Rechtschaffenen und der Siinder.
v. 6 ist "IN* ubersetzt niit ^Tiyy;, Syrer: ^lo^^oo, (dagegen
Sana. : ^Vt, Wolke). Dies ist die Meinung R. Eliesers in
Taanith 9: ,,die Erde saugt von deni Wasser des Oceans,"
wie aus 1. B. M. 2, 6 zu erselien. Auf den Einwand, dass
das Meerwasser salzig sei ? erwidert Elieser, der Salzgehalt
werde ihm von den Wolken entzogen. So wird auch in
Sukka 11 gesagt: p k xn ]C ^H^l nNC^ ^zpc ]\sr 121 IN HC,
also IX komnit aus der Erde: Quelle.
In dem Worte IN schien nauilich ein Widerspruch mit:
,,er stieg auf von der Erde", daher erklarte man es als
Quelle". Targ. Jerusch. vereint beide Ubersetzungen, in-
deni er sagt: ,,Und eine Wolke stieg herab von unterhalb
des Thrones der Herrlichkeit, f iillte sich mit Wasser aus dem
Ocean, stieg wieder von der Erde auf und liess Regen
herabfliessen".
v. 21 ist uElin mit sxffraffi; wiedergegeben ; das
hebraische Wort wird in B. r. zu unserer Stelle zwar mit
,,Schlaf, Ohnmacht" erklart, dabei aber hinzugefugt, dass es
an anderer Stelle: prophetische Verzuckung bedeute HEIIf!
PiN12j, doch konnte hier s>t<n:a<yi? auch: ,,tiefe Ohnmacht" be-
detiten.
In c. 3 v. 12 ist ^1 % ; nn: 1^\X uirNu von Symni. uber
setzt Y]V (juvcoxr^a? [xoi, welchem Hieronym. folgt. Sam. Targ.
ubersetzt ^57 ^ HujPNI NHPN, nur ein Codex hat ^y HDnH
s. Kohn, a. a. 0. S. 167, welcher zeigt, dass ^ PHjilNI eine
spatere Correktur ist, urn von Gott den Vorwurf abzuwenden,
dass er ihm das Weib gegeben, das ihn zur Siinde ver-
156 Julius Furst.
leitet; ">> ist aus dem rechten Text noch stehen geblieben,
obgleich zu PujfiN nur ^ passt; s Aboda sara 5 b.
In v. 15 ist IjEltrn riPNl - - "l^lty &0n iibersetzt ataos
TYjpvjffEt - - xat <7& TY)pY)(7t (auflauern und nicht verwunden).
Das ist die agadische Erklarung, wie sie Targ. Onkelos giebt
NEiDtJ nV? IE: Nrin PNI ]^"p^ rr6 m2jn nc i? ^-^ ^ LSID
,,er wird dir ge den ken (aufbewahren), was du ihm friiher
getban, und sie wird dir es aufbewahren (racben) zuletzt".
Annlicli Targ. Jer. : ,,wenn die Kinder der Frau die Gebote
der Thora beobachten, "jn 11 JTiCT j^j^rp jlu" 1 werden sie mit
Vorbeda^cbt dich auf den Kopf schlagen, und wenn sie die
Gebote der Thora verlassen, pnn 1 H^Zjl ]^2O NnP, wirst du
mit Vorbedacht sie in der Ferse verwunden". Die Vulg.
hat: ipsa conteret caput tuum, et tu insidiaberis . . .,
also nur iin zweiten Teil = T/jp^ffsi^-
v. 17. ,,Weil du von dem Baume gegessen, von dem
ich dir befohlen, von dem sollest du nicht essen". Hier
ubersetzen die LXX hinzu: ,,von ihm allein sollst du etc."
Dies entspricht dem Worte in Talmud Sabbat 55 und Jalkut
Deuteron. 821: ,,Die Engel fragten den Allheiligen: Warum
hast du Adam mit dein Tode bestraft?" Er antwortete: ein
leichtes Gebot habe ich ihm gegeben, und er hat es iiber-
treten".
v. 16 ist "]Ppl f n mit ^ocyrpocpTj iibersetzt: ebenso c. 4
v. 7 inplBTl T^- Hierzu ist zu vergleichen Ber. i\ S. 20:
,,Mulier parturiens, doloribus cruciata, vovet, se nunquam
coituram cum conjuge ; Deus vero ei dicit : redi ad desideri-
um tuum: redi ad desiderium conjugis tui. Vgl. auch Erubin
100 b (Jebam. 62 b). Und in Kidduschin 30 wird inpltrn mit
,,Verkehr" iibersetzt: ,,Der ganze Verkehr desselben (des
siindlichen Triebes) ist mit dir," ~lK:ir ^"2 UP^l
ipplL^n l^NI. Ebenso iibersetzt es Aquila mit
societas; und Symmachus mit 6p[x^. appetitus (Hieronym.
Quaest. in Genesin; Frankel, Einfluss der paldstin. Exegese, 10.
Uber die Ubersetzung 1112^2 in v. 17 mit Iv ToTc Ipyois
(70L ist Geiger, Urschrift, S. 456 das Notige benierkt
Die Ubersetzung von 2^r\ tih CN1 PNlt f 2^?} CN* .N^H
^2": r^Sun nPS 1 ? in 4, 7 bietet grosse Schwierigkeit 5 sie
Spuren der palastinisch-jiidischen Schriftdeutung. 157
lautet : sav op^co; jcpo<j
Yj<7!j)(a<7ov. Frankel vermutet, sie beruhe auf einem uns un-
bekannten sprichwortli chen Ausdruck.
Wahrscheinlicher steht diese Ubersetzung in Bezug init
einem Meinungsstreit zwischen R. Elasar, u. R. Jose, Sebachim
116 a, Jeruschalini Megilla I, 13. in NOT "12 S D"P 11 "ttjT^N "1
nci I:NS riTczc k xin cj ^zr, zm ZMII n: ^:z
2Dp uVi rmn jnc c"np rn^ ""c? . . . in cv^ir rj
nj ^32 iZ^lpn. Der Erstere sagt: vor der sinaitischen Gesetz-
gebung seien nur Friedensopfer geschlachtet worden, gegen
den Ausspruch Elasars, dass nur Brandopfer geschlachtet
worden. Als der Erstere ihm 2. B. M. 24, 5 entgegenhalt,
sagt Jose, das C^ir hier heisse nicht : Friedensopfer, sondern
bedeute : ganz, unzerstuckt. gegen die Vorschrift in 3. B. M.
1, 6 ? wo beim Ganzopfer die Abziehung des Felles mid die
Zerstiickung vorgeschrieben ist. J )
In Sebachim 115 a ist eiue Meinimgsverschiedenheit ;
nach R. Adda b. Ahaba bedurften die Ganzopfer, welche die
Israeliten in der Wiiste dargebracht, nicht der Abziehuug
der Haut und der Zerstlickelimg; nach der Baraitha war
beides aber auch danials notig.
Die LXX deuten also den Text: ,,wenn du (das Ganz
opfer) recht geopfert, aber nicht recht (nach der Vorschrift)
zerstiickt hast, so hast du eine Siinde; nun schweige". Wenu
nun gleich Kain gar kein Tieropfer dargebracht, so benutzte
man doch die Ahnlichkeit von "P2 und nn: urn eiue ha-
lachisch-agadische Deutung daran zu kniipfen. Hieraus ist
deutlich zu ersehen, dass unsre Ubersetzung aus den her-
meneutisch-exegetischen Vortragen der officiellen Ubersetzer
in den Synagogen hervorgegangen ist. Wenn man der
Art ahnliche Worte benutzte, wie PIPS und THj, oder wie
L^^ und DlpSlj , um halachische Deutungen daran zu
kniipfen; so war man weit entfernt, desshalb wirklich die
Lesart des Textes fur unrichtig zu halten. Es hangt mit
diesem Streitpunkt noch ein anderer zusauimen : nach R. Is-
mael war es vor der Gesetzgebung nicht erlaubt, Fleisch zu
r ) Siehe auch Sebachim 115.
158 Julius Furst.
essen, ausser wenn das Tier geopfert war, also musste man,
um Fleisch zu essen, Friedensopfer darbringen-, erst init dem
Einzug in das heilige Land war PONH ""ltt 2 erlaubt: darum
miissen die Noachiden auch D^7^ geopfert haben. Nach
R Akiba war niNP "11P2 nie verboten, daher brauchten die
Noachiden nicht C^IP zu opfern; und wenn sie opferten, so
waren es nur Ganzopfer, die nicht gegessen warden.
v. 15. p^ ist mit ofy OUTW? wiedergegeben, entsprechend
den Worten in Ber. r. ,.nicht so, wie das Urteil der Morder
ist Kain s Urteil; die Spateren konnten von Kain lernen;
darum ist ihre Strafe der Tod. und Rain s Strafe nur Ver-
bannung." Um diese Deutung anznbringen, sagte man: p 1 ?
liisst sich trennen in p NA So ubersetzt es auch die Vul-
gata: ..nequaquam ita fiet; sed oinnis qui occiderit Cain etc"
v. 2Q. " ct 2 frOp*? tTliri 7N, OOTOC Y,}jut<j iTctxaXswyQ-ai TO
ovojxa xuptou TOL Q-sou. Das Wort ^niu ist wie im Midrasch
im Sinne von ^n ,,entweihen" genomnien; .,damals entweihte
man, indem man Menschen mit dern Namen Gottes benannte".
So Targ. Jerusch.: ,,In seinen Tagen begann man auf Irr-
w e g e z u gerathen . sich Trugbilder zu machen , und die
Trugbilder mit dem Namen Gott zu benennen." Das Targum
behalt die richtige tlbersetzung ,,anfangen* bei, will aber
dabei ausdriicken, dass das hebriiische Wort auch den Sinn
hat ..auf Irrwege gerathen". In ahnlicher Weise wollen die
LXX in der schillernden Ubersetzung .,er erwartete angerufen
zu werden mit dem Namen Gott", die Bedeutung ,,anfangen"
und ,,entweihen", ,,auf Irrwege geraten" zu verbinden suchen.
Auch Raschi kommentirt, tTliri habe die Bedeutung von pin
,,profan" 5 ,,man begann, die Namen der Menschen und die
Namen der Trugbilder mit dem Namen zu bezeichnen, der
nur dem Hochheiligen gebiihrt, sie Gotter zu nennen".
Tiber die Veranderung der Zahlen in den Lebensjahren
der Sethiten hat Geiger in seiner Judisclie Zeitsclirift, I,
S. 174 ff. das rechte Licht verbreitet.
v. 24. ,,Und Chanoch wandelte vor Gott, und er ward
nicht gefunden (ij^Nl); denn Gott hatte ihn versetzt CJJLSTS-
0-^xsv). Der erste Teil des Satzes giebt die einfache Uber
setzung wieder; im zweiten Teil ist auf eine Agada Bezug
gekommen, wonach Chanoch, wie Elia, bei Lebzeiten in das
Paradies gekommen sei (Jalkut I 42). So auch Targ.
Spuren der palastinisch-jiidischen Schriftdeutung. 159
Jer.: ,,Und Chanoch diente in Wahrheit vor Gott, und
er war nicht mehr bei den Erdbewohnern-, denn er ward
hinweggenonimen und stieg zuni Hhnmel auf durch das Wort
Gottes, und Gott nannte seinen Xamen Metatoron, grosser
Schreiber".
Targ. Onkelos iibersetzt : ..Und Chanoch wandelte in der
Furcht Gottes, und er war nicht, denn Gott liess ihn nicht
sterben". Frankel bemerkt zwar, die richtige Lesart sei
PiT" 1 ITCN "HN und nicht r"i\"P [TON N % *? ^"!N ; das ist aber nach
dem Zusammenhange unrichtig: ,,weil er in der Furcht
Gottes wandelte. liess ihn Gott nicht sterben". Auch bei der
Abhiingigkeit des T. 0. vom Targ. Jer. ist unsere Lesart
vorzuziehen.
Spater, als man von christlicher Seite fur die Hirnrnel-
fahrt Christi sich auf unsre Stelle als Pracedens beriel, nahm
man jiidischerseits an, Henoch sei schwankcnd gewesen, bald
fromm, bald gottlos, er gehore weder zu den Frommen, noch
zu den Ruchlosen. Desshalb ward in Onkelos Ubersetzung
in PPrV ^ <l C^s N 1 ? ^N % das N^ gestrichen. In einer Discussion
mit Christen berief sich daher R. Abalm darauf 7 dass nph
,,sterben lassen" heisse, (Jecheskel 24, 16: ,,siehe, ich nehme
von dir die Lust deiner Augen durch die Pest") und unser
Vers sage : Gott habe den Ch. sterben lassen, wahrend die
Anderen sich auf 2. Konige 2, 5 beriefen: (..weisst du, dass
Gott heute deinen Herren von deinern Haupte nimint?"),
dass also Chanoch, wie Elia nicht gestorben sei. Weil nun
Ch. nicht iu der Zahl der Rechtschaffenen und nicht in der
Zahl der Gottlosen gewesen. habe Gott gesagt: ich will ihn
wegnehmen (sterben lassen), wahrend er in seiner Recht-
schaffenheit ist; R. Aibu sagte : Chanoch sei ein Heuchler
gewesen, darum habe Gott ihn am Roschhaschana gerichtet
(dem Tage des Gerichtes, wo die vollkommen Fromrnen
und die vollkommen Ruchlosen gerichtet werden, wahrend
nach Chama er, als weder vollkommen fromm, noch voll
kommen schlecht am Versohnungstag mit den Mittelmassigen
und nicht am Roschhaschana als vollstandig Ruchloser ge
richtet worden ware). Nach der spiiteren Anschauung iiber
setzt Symm. ibnw mit &vs<nrpscpsiro. S. Geiger, Nachgel. Schr.,
IV, 90.
v. 29. i:cn: t| HI OOTO^ Biava:rau(7i %<;. Die Ubersetzung
Julius Fiirst.
will den Nainen m etyniologisch erklaren, wahrend der Text
den Nauien niclit von n: ,,aufhoren inachen", ableitet, sondern
in Beziehnng setzt zu CPU ,,trosten". Dies sagt auch Ber. r.
,,der Name passt nicht zur Auslegung, und die Auslegung
nicht znui Namen". Demnach sind dort Auslegungen, welche
den Namen von nJ ,,ruhen machen" iin Sinne von ,.aufhoren
machen" zu erklaren.
Cap. 6 v. 3. ^BC xin cjirz cW CINI ^m ji-n S
"PC" 1 V!~fl ist iibersetzt: 06 JXYJ xocTa[j.ivYj TO juvsOjxa jxou sv ToTc
dcvfrpwrcot? TOUTOI? sic T. aicovcc Bia TO sTvat a-jTO-j; (jap/woe;- scrovTai
Bs at -f)[xspai a^Twv. Schon Frankel liat aufmerksam daraut
geinacht (1. c. S. 47), dass der Plural und der Zusatz TOUTOI;
sagen wolle, dass hier nicht Menschen im Allgemeinen ge-
nieint seien, sondern nur dieses bose Geschlecht, welches
sich Gottersohne nannte, wie auch Sanhedrin 104 und 105
diese Worte nur auf das Geschlecht der Siindfluth bezogen
werden, und wie Targ. Onk. iibersetzt ,.es soil nicht bleiben
dieses bose Geschlecht vor mir"; das auiFallende JH" 1 wird in
der angefiihrten Stelle dahin erklart: es soil ihre Seele nicht
mehr in ihre Hulle (j~j) zuriickkehren. welchen Sinn unser
Ubersetzer wiedergab mit den TVorten: ,,rnein Gottesgeist (die
Seele) soil nicht bleiben in diesen Menschen fiir die Ewig-
keit oder: fiir die (zukiinftige) Welt".
v. 5. ciVi hi >"1 p"; inh PlZtt nc "IS 1 ^ ist tibersetzt:
xal ^a; BiavosT-rai sv TYJ xapBta CCUTOU 7ui[j.},6)? IK\ ira TuovYjpa.
Diese Ubersetzung ist zu vergleichen mit Kidduschin 30:
,,der siindliche Trieb des Menschen erneuert sich gegen ihn
jeden Tag".
v. 6. ^ cnn Ivs^ujJLYJO Yi, ebenso v. 7 Mnj 7 um das
Anthropopathische zu entfernen-, in gieicher Absicht ist 2UyrW
mit xai Bievoi^&Y] wiedergegeben, wie auch Targ. Onk. und T.
Jer. das Anthropopathische in beiden Ausdriicken beseitigen.
S. Frankel, a. a. 0., S. 21.
Cap. 9, 4. 1-i iirs:2 "ltt 2, xpsa? sv aijxaTt fyuyr& die
Ubersetzung giebt die Bestiminung in Sanhedr. 59 wieder,
dass Fleisch und Blut von noch lebenden Tieren genommen ?
verboten ist zum Essen.
In cap. 11 v. 8 fiigen die LXX hinzu: xol TOV 7:6pyov.
Schon friih war es atiffallend, dass der Text nur sagt: ,,sie
horten auf, die Stadt zu bauen", uud dass des Turmes dabei
Spuren tier palastinisch-judischen Schriftdeutung. 161
nicht erwahnt wird. In Ber. r. wird die Meinung ausge-
sprochen, den Turm hatten sie ausgebaut, ,,die Stadt nur
horten sie auf, zu bauen" ; vom Turm sei aber dann das
obere Drittel verbrannt, das unterste Drittel in die Erde ver-
sunken und nur das mittlere Drittel sei erhalten geblieben.
Vgl. auch Sanhedr. 109 a. Uber die Verschiedenheiten in
der Semitentafel zwischen unserm Text, LXX, Samaritan er
und Josephus hat Geiger, die Lebensjahre der zwei iiltesten
Geschlechterreihen (Judische Zeitschr., I, 99 if.) die Griinde
angegeben.
v. 31. Hier scheint unser Text einer Verbesserung zu
bediirfen; die richtige Lesart diirfte sein CPN N2^ ,,Und
Therach nahm seinen Sohn Abram, und Lot, Sohn Harans,
seines Enkels . . . und ging mit ihnen"-, wiihrend unser Text
hat INIPI (und sie gingen mit ihnen). Die LXX losen die
Schwierigkeit in andrer Weise, indem sie lesen CHN N^l
,,und er fiihrte sie hinaus": ebenso der Samaritaner.
Cap. 12 v. 6. miC ;i/N "1JJ ist iibersetzt: im TYJV BpSv
TYJV 6 jY]^v, Vulg. usque ad convallem illustrem. Die LXX
kniipfen bei rmc wie 22, 2 bei rTHlE an n&O an, also: weithin
sichtbar ? oder: woher man weitsehen kann: hoch. Aquila:
/.aracpavY] ; ebenso Symm. TT ( ? 07:Ta(Jiac. Auch nannten die
Samaritaner den Ort ihres Tempels, entsprechend dem Morija
der Judaer, ebenfalls More (den Ort des Schauens) "ll^" 1 ^
N1TD, und so ist in T. Jer. zu unserer Stelle: n " 1 ^ mrn, woher
die Belehrung gekommen, wie eine der Deutungen von Moria
lautet: Ber. r. 55. cbtyb nWP riNmnir Clp^.
Cap, 13 v. 10. C^ pNr v " > pr w? 6 TuapdcBeLdo? 8-sou
xai; dieses xai ist distributiv und entspricht der Deutung
in B. r.; Sodom glich dem Paradiese an Baumwuchs, und
dem Lande Agypten an Saatfrucht; so auch Targ. Jer.
Cap. 14 v. 5. C2 C^ilill s8-vY) t^upa a[ia auToT? , C" 1 "!!
ist als Appellativum genommen, wie Ber. r. pPD"! niPVT, die
Glanzenden unter ihnen 5 Targ Jerusch. wie Ber. r. und wie
LXX. Die Vulg. nimmt C^ilT als Volksnarne und CPD wie
LXX. et Zuzim cum eis.
C^rmp Ml^ 2, sv Sa-jYJ irfi TuoXsi ist nicht nach Frankel
eine sorglose und oberflachliche Ubersetzung, sondern giebt
die Deutung Ber. r und Targ. Jer. II wieder, welche p als
Appellativum nehmen zu HltT. Dagegen ist die IJbersetzung
Kohut, Semitic Studies. H
162 Julius Fiirst.
von ^pyn PHI? >2 mit Tudcvra? To6? apyovTa? allerdings eine
Sorglosigkeit.
v. 7. ETO py TTYJYYJV 7% xpfesws; LXX geben hier ent-
weder die Auslegung des Midr. r v der Zweck des Kriegs-
zug.3 gegen Sodoin sei eigentlich gegen Abram gerichtet ge-
wesen, welch er G eric lit iibte, sie wollten das Auge der (py)
Welt blenden, welches Gericht iibte; oder wahrscheinlicher
eine andere Auslegung, welche Raschi und Targ. Jer. geben,
,,sie kamen an den Ort, wo an Moses Gericht geiibt
ward wegen der Quelle am Haderwasser.
Cap. 15 v. 2. ni5? l^in CJNl, dHuoMojJiai, entsprechend
Targ. Jer. I NCty JC T2J7 und Targ. Jer. II xvhy 1JE Xx,
ich ,gehe dahin, sterbe.
v. 11. C"^2N CHN 2*^1 xai (ruvsxa^tffsv a-jToT^ Appaji; die
LXX lasen, wie R. Asaria in Ber. r. CPN 2K "1 ,,wenn deine
Kinder Leichen sein werden olme Sehnen und Gebeine, wird
dein Verdi enst ilmen beistelieii". So auch Targ. Jer. I
iir.^5? N*::?: cni2X" n\-n2i mm ,,und das Verdienst Abrahams
schutzet sie c; , sitzt schiitzend mit oder bei ihnen. S. auch
Geiger, Urschr.j 457.
v. 14. H2JP IITN, & lav Bo j>,s j(yoi)<7i. Dieses lav, in Ver-
bindung mit clem Vorhergehenden TO Bs I^vog soil andeuten,
dass die 400 Jahre sich nicht auf die Sklaverei allein be-
ziehen, und dass Gott auch die andern unterdriickenden
Volker strafen werde; so Ber. r. HIT^C "1 P12"l^ cr, und
Raschi.
v. 15. "!2pn Tpacpst^, Schreibfehler fur TOC^SI^. wie Frankel
schon benierkt.
Cap. 16 v, 13 scheint ira Urtext eine Anderung vor-
genommen^ um das Schauen Gottes durch Menschen zu ver-
wischen, da solche Ausdriicke der Unkorperlichkeit Gottes
zu widerstreiten scheinen mochten; jedenfalls wollte man
dem Missverstandnis beim Volke vorbeugen. Auch ist bei
der Fassung unsres Textes nicht abzusehen, wie Th motivirt
ist. Vielleicht lautete die urspriingliche Lesart CTi\S % CiH
"nn Tim Tl^Nl. Davon scheint auch in Ber. r zur Stelle eine
Spur zu sein: .,Siehe den Unterschied der Kraft bei den
Friiheren von der der Spateren. Manoach sagte zu seinem
Weibe: ,,wir miissen sterben, weil wir Gott geschaut haben",
und Hagar sah funf Engel nach einander 7 und hat sich nicht
Spuren der palastinisch-jiidischen Schriftdeutung.
gefurchtet". Audi dass die Siebzig C/n, ebenso wie Tti mit
evcomov iibersetzen, zeigt, dass im ersten Teil des Verses
ebenfalls der Begriff ,,Leben" ausgedriickt war.
Auch das Wort in Ber. r. .,Nicht genug, dass ich einen
Engel gesehen habe, wahrend ich bei meiner Herrin war,
habe ich ihn auch gesehen, als meine Herrin ihn nicht ge
sehen", setzt TVN1 CVi^S* can voraus.
Cap. 17 v. 1. "HIT b$ 6 freos (jou. Weil in b$ und frso;
schon der Begriff ,,Allmacht" enthalten ist (Frankel, S. 29),
iibersetzen die LXX "Hli* *?N mit 6 6>so <jou ,,dein Schutz-
gott", so auch Exod. 6, 3. Ber. r. 46. """ TTi^K ^Nfc T" 1 "
i:nD "oxtr ^i$ft in vn^s ^xtr vbwb v" ^n^D ^ k si& f . Es
liegt in dieser Auslegung zugleich die Betonung der Einheit
Gottes. So auch Raschi : nni bib ^rbx2 n ir"ir NTn ^N.
An anderen Stellen ist es niit [xavo?, wavToxpaTtop wieder-
gegeben. Nach Ber. r. 46 hatte es Aquila ubersetzt CVDZN
DIpJNl, nach Frankel ixavoc, von Kohut berichtigt in icr/upo?
xat ixavo?.
v. 14 ist eingeschaltet ,,am achten Tage u , ein antiphari-
saischer Zusatz, niimlich die Meinung, dass unter keiner Be-
dingung die Circumcision diirfte aufgeschoben werden; so
auch der Samaritaner. (S. Geiger, Nachgel. Schriften, Bd. 3
S. 286.)
In v. 16 ist n\"C"121 corrigirt in 1M2121, s. Geiger,
Urschr.j S. 458, so auch Th. Jer. n^2"12N\
v. 20. Wenn C\X^ f J niit I9vY) iibersetzt ist, so ist deni
Sinne nach ubersetzt : 12 Fiirsten sanimt Volkern werden
von ihm abstammen; es ist synonym mit C^> T^C in v. 16.
Das am Ende von v. 27 bei den LXX weggelassene 1DN fej
scheint in unsreni Texte urspriinglich nicht gestanden zu
haben, wie es in der That liberfltissig ist ? und v. 16 und 17
bilden nur einen Vers.
Cap. 18. j^, Kupis, nach Baba Mezia 86: ,,Als Elieser,
hinausgesendet, keinen Fremden draussen sah, ging Abraham
selbst hinaus, und sah den Allheiligen, das ist die Be-
deutung des Wortes: gehe du doch nicht voriiber vor deinem
Knechte. Ebenso Schebuoth 35. CPH2N2 cmc^n ni^^ f ^2
nDJ2n brt 121 ir~p n* ^N 121 ^"x "icx^ ^n Ninir nic fin imp
121 ^IN HC^V 1CWI& nr2l! ^5 P^pnc prniN und ferner
Sabbath 126 : Anders ist die Eigenschaft Gottes als die der
11*
*n 4 Julius Fiirst.
Menschen. Bei Menschen darf der Geringe nicht zum Vor-
nehmen sagen: warte auf mich, bis ich zu dir komme; aber
zu Gott sagte Abraham : gehe doch nicht voruber vor deinem
Knechte u. s. w." So iibersetzen die 70 hier immer, wenn
auch ncK 1 steht, die Einzahl: auf Gott bezogen.
v 4 liTil 1 , vi M-uMffav, andere Panctation: 13VOT1, xoc-
Ta<|>u?aT, dem Siime nach iibersetzt.
v. 10. mnK Kini ofoa STUWJ&SV auToii. Die 70 haben hier
richtig Kin als Femininum ubersetzt, wie durchgangig in
der alten Sprache das Wort commune ist, und man punktirte
desshalb an vielen Stellen Kin in spaterer Zeit. In den
anderen Biichern ausser dem Pentateuch iinderte man in
solchen Fallen Kin in aon. Hier in unsrer Stelle ist die
Feminin-Punktation unterblieben, und doch kann offenbar nur
das Femininum (Sara) passen. Es scheint kaum, dass man
absichtlich hier die Anderung der Punktation unterlassen. In
dieser Verlegenheit helfen sich Ber. r. und nach ihm Th. Jer.
und Raschi durch die Erklarung: Ismael (der garnicht er-
wahnt ist) stand hinter dem Engel (statt: sie war hinter ihm,
Sara war hinter dem Engel, wie die 70 richtig wiedergeben).
Eine andre Auskunft in Ber. r. ist: der Engel, merkend, dass
Licht von ihr ausging, schaute hinter sich. Diese Erklarung
zeigt eine Ahnung des Richtigen : der Engel blickte hinter
sich zu Sara: also sie war hinter ihm.
v. 12. \1^2 "HnK o jTuco [J.sv [ioi ysyovsv IMC, TOU vDv. Hier
hat Geiger (Urschrift, 415 ff.) den Grand der geanderten
Wiedergabe genligend erklart und nachgewiesen, dass in
Megilla 9 bei Anfuhrung des Verses, den die 70 anders uber
setzt, n21p2 nirr pr^ni eben nur die oben angefiihrten Worte
gemeint sind, nicht der Anfang des Verses.
v. 19. ^^by 121 Itt K, i koCk- Trpo^ OCUTOV. Dies ist offen
bar das Richtige. Ber. r. findet eine Auskunft fur l^V not-
wendig; das vby wolle sagen, dass wer einen Sohn hinter-
lassen, der Thora studire, sei nicht als gestorben zu be-
trachten.
v. 21. nVIK tib CKl n^2 *\wy, <7uvrs>.oQvTai- si Ss [JLYJ, iva yvw.
Siehe dariiber Geiger, Urschrift, 336 ff., welcher ausfuhrt,
dass die urspriingliche Lesart war nV"!50 K^ DK 2 y. Th.
Jer. I und Jer. II geben diese Lesart und nehmen nyiKl n*?2
Spuren der palastinisch-jiidischen Schriftdeutung. 165
wie die 70, verbinden aber damit aucli die andere Erklarung,
wonach rfa Nachsatz ist, und Vernichtung bedeutet; auch
njHN ist dort in der Bedeutung: wissen. Th. Jer. I sagt:
ob nach ihrem zu mir gedrungenen G-esclirei sie voll-
standig gethan haben, sind sie schuldig (n*?3 also doppelt
ubersetzt); und wenn sie Busse thun, seien sie rein vor mir,
als wenn ich es nicht wiisste, und ich werde nicht strafe n
(ny"1K ebenfalls doppelt iibersetzt; ebenso Th. Jer. II und
Onkelos). So auch Ber. r.: ,,Gott hat ihnen den Weg der
Busse eroffnet: haben sie v oils tan dig so gethan, sind sie
des Untergangs schuldig, und wo nicht, will ich an ihnen
wissen lassen (kund thun) die Gerechtigkeit.
v. 25. rwyo "p H^n, p]Ba[x65g <yu r^i^iq. Die naive
Ausdrucksweise des Textes fand spater Anstoss ; daher Aboda
sara 10 und Ber. r. rtr^n erklart wird "]b NlH ]^in ,,das ist
dir unheilig, das thust du nicht"; oder: -]b N1H Nn3 das ist
ausserhalb von dir, fern von dir". So iibersetzt auch Th.
Jer. "p NIH pin. Onkelos geht noch weiter, und iibersetzt
l^ycbc IJH ]lj\S NEtrip, und auch das 2. Mai 1^1 ]lj\X KZCtt lp,
,,wahrhaft sind deine Gerichte, du thuest nicht dergleichen".
Cap. 19 v. 2. rTN : n:n, iBou, xupioi nach der Punkta-
tion und nach Schebuoth 35: n ^n ^
v. 16. ncnEiTl. xa\ Tapa/^o-av gemiiss der Erkliirung
des Wortes in Ber. r. ]inon "1HN pnpn.
v. 18. ^1N NO b$, Bo[j.ai, x6pis, s, Vers 2.
v. 33 u. 35. H!p:n HDr^2, sv TW xoi^Y]Q>Y]vai atj-rov x.
TW dtvadTYivau Die 70 haben das suffixuui masc. In Nasir
23 ist angemerkt. dass das 1 in HClp21 rnit einem Punkt be-
zeichnet sei. Ein solcher Punkt bedeutet, dass die Lesart
streitig sei-, vielleicht sollte es heissen 121p21 122^2. Freilich
ist der Punkt nur auf dem 1 des letzten Wortes und nur in
diesem Vers; der eine Punkt geniigte aber, urn dem Zweifel
iiber niD 2 und iiber die gleichen Worte in v. 35 Ausdruck
zu geben. Denn wahrscheinlich ist nicht die voile oder
defective Schreibung der Anstoss gewesen.
Cap. 20 v. 4. nnn pHS ca ^lan, s^vo? ayvooilv xal Bixaiov
aTuo^sT?. Hier hat Geiger Urschr., 365 die urspriingliche
Lesart nnn pHS c:n hergestellt, und die Griinde der
Julius Fiirst.
Anderung, sowie der Ubersetzung (resp. Einfugung von
ayvoouv) angegeben; auch nachgewiesen, dass ^ in dem
spatereii Sinn als pCCV "12 eingefiigt ist.
In Makkoth 9 sagt R. Jonathan, dass Abimelech nicht
unschuldig gewesen, da er nicht zu fragen hatte, ob es seine
Fran oder seine Schwester sei.
The oldest version of Midrash Megillah
published for the first time from a unique manuscript
of the X th century
by
Rev. Dr. M. Gaster,
Chief Rabbi of the Spanish and Portuguese Congregations of England.
The history of the miraculous delivery in the times of
Hainan and Mordecai held a prominent place in the affec
tion of the people, during all the years of dispersion and
persecution. It was constantly almost contemporary history,
and conveyed to the people the message of comfort and con
solation, of which they stood so much in need in those
periods of dire hatred and threatening danger. Hence the
innumerable versions of Agadic interpretations and Midra-
shim to this special book, which have come down to us, and
which surpass by far the number of Midrashim to any
other book of the Bible, the Song of Songs not excepted.
In reprinting the extremely scarce edition of Constan
tinople 1519, Ch. M. Horowitz added to it not only a very
valuable commentary, in which he referred to the sources
and parallels to this version, but also an elaborate introduc
tion dealing with the various then known Midrashim and
Targumim to the book of Esther. Since then, the indefa
tigable Buber has published the other Midrashim which were
known only to exist in manuscripts, and has enriched his
edition with the usual literary apparatus, which distinguishes
his editions so favourably.
Another addition is made now by me by the discovery
of the text which I am publishing here for the first
time, in the volume intended to mark the high esteem
M. Gaster.
and the great appreciation in which Dr. Kohut was held by
the world of letters, and to express the feeling of the great
loss which Jewish science has suffered by the untimely de
mise of the author of the "Aruch completum". It is a small
mite which I contribute to the memory of the man who had
made the Midrash his own domain, and who would have de
lighted in this new find.
The text which appears here for the first time, is taken
from my Codex hebr. No. 83. It is a quarto volume, com
posed of various Midrashim, most of which, if not all, are to
tally unknown. The various portions which go to make up
this volume, were written by different hands at various ti
mes, but all in the East. The portion which contains our
Midrash, although placed at the end of the volume, owing
no doubt to the carelessness of an ignorant binder, is in
fact the oldest document, and judging by the peculiar form
of writing and by the archaic style of paper and type of
letters, it must be assigned to the ninth or tenth century.
Dr. Neubauer, than whom there is now no greater authority
in hebrew palaeography, agrees with me, in assigning so
high an antiquity to this Ms. It is thus the oldest Ms. extant
of any Midrash, and deserves as such, great consideration.
The great antiquity of this version is demonstrated by
the text itself, especially when compared with the other
known versions. In fact its simplicity and the Talmudic
elements contained therein, enable us to study the growth
and development of these Midrashim, in countries outside
of Palestine.
We have here the archetype of the Midrash to Esther,
which in all the other texts has gradually been embellished
by borrowing from every available source, in honiiletical
literature. Haggadoth of various origins were successively
added to the old stock, and thus there exists an internal con
nection between these diverse texts, which, however, differ
from almost every one separately. The individuality of the
compiler, the literature at his disposal, the surroundings and
other circumstances which had more actuality for his hea
rers or readers, are reflected in each of these versions suf
ficiently clearly, to enable us to discover by its form, the date
and local origin of each text.
The oldest version of Midrash. Megillah. 159
As has been already remarked, we have in this text
probably the oldest form of the Midi-ash to Esther, following
upon the close of the Talmud, and based, I am inclined to
say, exclusively on it. Should this be the case, and I have
no reason to doubt it, judging by nine tenth of its contents,
we may incidentally also learn something about the literary
tradition of the Talmud. As it will be seen, not a few
very characteristic legends which are in our Midrash, will
be looked for in vain in the Talmud. It is not impossible
that the author of this compilation may have had access
also to other sources, from which he took those legends, but as
the bulk is evidently borrowed from the Talmud, it is much
more likely that also the other portions were borrowed from
the same source. These were afterwards excluded from our
text of the Talmud for the same reasons for which many
more were left out in later times: vig. the fear of giving
umbrage to captious readers.
The home of this text, judging by the peculiarities
which distinguish it, seems to be Babylon or Persia. Among
other things we find that special stress is laid on Niddah
(cf. C. I. v. 12; II. v. 9) A prominent place is assigned in
this text to Daniel. Two legends are related which, as
far as I have been able to ascertain, are not to be found
elsewhere. Thus in Cap. I. v. 12. where Vashti refuses to
obey the command of Ahasveros out of hatred to Daniel,
and again C. IV. v. 5, where he is identified with the "Sa-
risim" of the Prophet Isaiah (LVI, 4); a peculiar rea
son is given for that mutilation. (As remote parallels, but
by mo means similar, cf. Tr. Sanhedrin, fol. 93b ; Pirke de
R. Eliezer, end of chap. 52; and Yalkut Machiri ad loc., p.
213.) None of these are found in the Talmud. Proselytes
seem to be viewed favourably by the author of this version.
The legend of "Bithyah" daughter of Pharoah (II, 5) and
the handmaids of Esther whom she is said to have conver
ted to Judaism are mentioned. The latter also has no other
parallel in ancient literature! That Haman should have sold
himself as a slave to Mordecai in the desert, where he was
dying of hunger, is again one of the legends peculiar to this
text. I have a faint recollection of having seen or read this
legend somewhere, but have not been able to discover it
170
M. Gaster.
again. Remarkable is further the interpretation of Ps.
X, 16 and Ps. XXXIII, 10 (C. Ill, 9) which is placed in
the month of Haman to mean prayers against the other
nations. In the mediaeval revival of the ancient calumny,
I have thus far not found it based upon these verses of the
Psalms.
Twice direct reference is made to the Talmud in I, 12
and IV, 11, both under the form: "Megillath Gemara".
The subject is treated, as in all the Midrashim, by con
stantly heaping various interpretations on one and the same
verse, each commencing with: K"1. There is no special
prooemion, nor other introduction, as is the case for instance
in the Midi-ash Rabba.
This much concerning the text proper, which, as will
be seen by the accompanying notes, was by no means
unknown to later compilers. The copy which we have here
is therefore undoubtedly not the original but a later trans-
scription of an older original. As this copy belongs, in every
probability, to the IXth, or latest, the Xth century, we may
assume a much higher antiquity for the original. We shall
not be far from wrong, if under these considerations we as
sume it to have been composed about the Vllth or VHIth
century, not very long after the close of the Babylonian
Talmud.
The Ms. is written, as already remarked, in a very ar
chaic hand. The character of the script is Syriac-rabbinic,
big bold letters, written on oriental thick paper. 7x5 with 19
lines on each page, and on the average 7 words on each line.
A second and somewhat later hand has added a number of mar
ginal glosses in Persian. These, and the fact that I have
obtained this manuscript from central Persia, the ancient
Babylon, prove the local Persian origin of this manuscript.
With the exception probably of my "Tittled Pentateuch",
which so far is the oldest copy of the Pentateuch extant,
(VHIth or IXth century) this manuscript of the Midrash
Megillah is the oldest specimen of Hebrew writing from that
part of the world. I regret that I am not able to add a
photographic facsimile of the original.
I reproduce the text exactly as it stands in the Ms.
On more than one occasion vowelpoints have been added to
The oldest version of Midrash Megillah. 171
the text. It is difficult to determine whether these have
been added by the first writer or by a later hand. I am
more inclined to ascribe them to the second source. I
have not omitted to put them also in my copy. They are
peculiar and point to a pronunciation which was current in
Persia. I have ascertained this fact from comparison with
other Hebrew texts of Persian origin, which have a similar
form of vocalisation. The Persian glosses have also been
reproduced here. They are with one exception, merely ver
bal renderings and require no further translation into Eng
lish. That however to VI, 1, being of an explanatory cha
racter, has been translated by me. I have further added
the indication of the chapters and verses of all the Biblical
references.
In footnotes, which I have striven to reduce to the
shortest form, without impairing their completeness, I have
given all the parallels available. I start with the Talmud
and refer then to the following versions of the Midrash to
Esther.
I. Buber: viz. his edition of 1) Abba Gorion; ("HED
KrrttN", Wilna 1886, p. 1 42.) mere reference to Buber
means this text. A 1 is the text published by Buber under
the title of \x HDU cnns C^E tr"HC (ibid. p. 4551). A 2 is
the other published by him as 2 HDi: C^nN CTjD ITH (ib.
p> 55_82). Lekah Tob, is the fourth text published by
Buber (ibid. p. 85112; and refers to that edition. In each
case I quote the page, as the passages can there be found
under the same verse as in our text.
II. Horowitz: is the reprint of the very scarce edition
of Constantinople 1519 with notes and an introduction (n":N
mTIN, I, Berlin 1881, p. 4775). As these notes and those
of Buber cover the whole field of literary references, it would
have been superfluous to reproduce them in this place. I
have pointed out only those that throw some light on our
text. Further reference has been made to the Midrash Es
ther in the Rabba collection. Chapter and mean the
chapters and smaller subdivisions introduced into the modern
editions of the Rabba.
As desiderata I have left those, not unfrequent passa
ges, for which I have thus far, not been able to find
M. Gaster.
the source or the parallel, and I trust that others may suc
ceed in filling up the lacuna I was forced to leave, and com
plete the literary history of the oldest Midrash to the Book
of Esther.
One point is still to be noted, and that is, the writing
or rather the spelling of the Ineffable name of God in this
text, which is equally characteristic and one proof more of
its antiquity. It is written ^ instead of HIPP. l ) This is the
orthography retained by the Karaites, who, as is well
known, hail originally from that country. This spelling is no
less instructive for the history of the writing of the name
of God in various countries and at various times. I am en
gaged in a special study of this spelling, which I trust will
prove a valuable aid, for determining the epoch and place
of writing of Hebrew manuscripts. Suffice it to state, that
this writing is the very oldest that obtained in Babylon and
ancient Persia, although it may be of Palestinian origin.
Another no less interesting point is the absence of any
parallel with the second Targuni to Esther, which, as well
known, is of comparatively late, and moreover, Palestinian
origin. It was probably inaccessible or unknown to the au
thor of our text. This might be adduced as a further proof
of the Babylonian origin of this text.
) [This spelling, as also the following forms : \ "i, may be found
in all Yemen Mss. On a Babylonian cup, inscribed with magic formulae,
recently discovered, three Jods are used. See on this point and others in
the same connection, Kohut s Mansur al-Dhamdri s J^axJ! ^^
(New York 1892), p. 15, n. 3; his pX^f f**) p^bX )?-> Light of
Shade & Lamp of Wisdom by Nathanel Ibn Yeshaya [1327],
(New York 1894), p. 25; and especially Steinschneider s article: "Abbreviate
des Tetragrammatons durch drei Jod", in Monatsschrift , Neue Folge, vol.
40, (1896) p. 130-4. (>. A. K.]
f. 265
""^3 TPI .nt^p P&6 N*?N ""iT* PN* BnTBTiN ^3 TPI 3T3 I, 1.
\Ti (Ruth. 1,1) D^CDIET! LTiQ&r ^3 TPI .VKHJl JCD .TH ^"nifcTIN
J-T N 1 ? | y "iCN 11 * (Gen. VI, 2) 3 n 1 ? CINH bnn ^ TPI (I, 1) .3jn
(Gen. XIV, 1) ^D-iCN ^3 TVi (Gen. VI, 3) .D1N3 im
rurnn pn^ ]pi ^ \-^ (Gen. XIV, 2) DIID -j^c yn^ rs % 266 a.
I( Gen. XXVII,!)
> (Exod.XIII, 17) .CM^N cnj N^I nyiD n^o \TI (v. 7.) .n^py
(Jos. VII, 1) .C^PD ^NIE" s :n -6yc v i (Jos. VI, 27) y^n^ TN
^N M 11 * (v. 5) .nom ^;D ^ v i (I. Sam. 1, 1) CTCIH J
^ ipi ^r \TI (Judg. XIII, 1) .n~^ N^! nipy TB^NI
D^ -ill \T1 (v. 3) .TOl-D VJ2 ID^I N^i (I. Sam. V, 1)
(I. Sam. XVIII, 9) ,TH TN ]^iy ^ N^ \TI (I. Sam. XVIII, 14)
.ran HJDP N^ HPN pi (II. Sam. VII, 1) T^S "^n n^ ^ \T*
(Is. VII, 1) THN ^^ M^ (I. Kings, VIII, 19)
TN T^NI (Jerem. I, 3) crp^rp ^^ ^n v i (Is. IX, 11) .TH
r \TI Nscr^ cipn ^3r (Jer. IV, 23) /inir
13 n:r: (Gen. XXXIX, 3) nscn VJ^IN r^
.(ib. v. 10) :n cv c* 1 pp-ii
KIDK ^^ TT 1 ! J^SD |D *?2D .B^m^nN JS^D ^n 1 * N"~i
13 "iJ^D N""i .Cn^3N ~it>E^Ni |*^D1 jl^HD -IPCl^ (Ruth I, 1)
nNDtr msr, ntrp p^ (Levit. IX, 1) ^j^^n D^D ^n v i 266 b.
ms HND .tm^ns % ^^3 TPI p "^3 ,vj3 ^^ roB
10.
no .n^y -ITJJ itrN TNI nr^y ~I^N PN* T&TI TN IDT (II, 1)
S Cf. Tr. Megillah f. 10 b v. Petihata to Esther Rab. No. 11 and
rpr T ; Buber, mjKn neo p. 55, n. 4. This text here seems the most complete,
agrees more closely with Talmud than Midrash; cf. also Number Rabb.
ch. X 11.
2 ) Cf. Tr. Megillah f. 12 b, but shorter. Ed. Horowitz, p. 60, n. 32;
Targum Esther I. 10.
174
.mo -UJ3 mo .ruKQ ncny jnnnty why ITJJ
ny P3KQ ruin: NM *v .P3EG p
.K* nun P*DDP jr3>n DV3 moiN npnty .anT^riN "ion 3?
n3t>on (NOP.i (1, 10) . :n j"3 -j^on 3^ 3*^3 w .31^ -3^ np^ rrn I
nNJitr nn^n^ "inx .0^31 *w ^3^3 .i^on 1313 ruN^o nai? .T
267 a. ")^Ji3i3J^ ir3 nn\i ^r^ N\I^ irnxn^ n^i3^ nn^n N^ n"
D 1 nn^n N> nru Tpo nn.DJB 3^3 .nsn N
nu3i . V .N"ID jrnj TID^ ^vn^ nu3 nnjo
INDHI IONJ nr ^ ,^^3 ruca ynsj rapm ~ino3
3T3 NJ^m ^Ni^ 11 ?33n i^v D^3n^ "i^an ION^ (12) :n T.^ HD^DH
.rc^sa ^3N i nT.Ts *^N nnncy (^^.n-n 1 r\x IF, 5 (!)NIDJ r^JC3
N^ H nT 1 "N ( 4 N"1 .,13^31 HIIHS i?N"l^ Ty l^H^ ( 3 .I^N^ p
m3^3 133^ ^3^3 ^Trr 1 *?2^ Nipj nob 1 ; H3 IDDI n^r miy^ mnr^n
mi m3^3 iD3^ n3y Nipjzy n"y IJ^N D.i"i3N3 IJ^D 12^ ..mr
-N-ipj- n"y "i ntt ot? n^i^ nyiD n3 rrrcn "J^a pi y^nn
267 b. .nm.Tn IP^NI jty .TON*?^ mi 1113^3 niD3^ ^3^3
nr ^s v . Ni3^ ^NS^ njrn ^snty ^ .13 pn IDN (I. Chron., IV, 18)
P3 n^P3 .IT N^H ^Q 5 3Nin TO Nyn
TO INSH IT TST* x*i3^ jN % y nyii ^rw ^ n"3pn "ION ..TT.TH
^3oi .?oiT tyiTtynN TO nin jNsn PN ^&w ^h Ntyjn N 3p 3^1,1
: ruiD 11 p 3 l ?3 i ? ,,TP3 PN^J ^o^* ^3110 rpn .TJ3
( 6 PN IM Jin ^I TN pc^ab m.T na y no INI nirp ^N N"I
jon Njppj N^ NU p ^DB> []"")P nD Li Persian gloss]
n N^ TI nK yo ^3^3 TT ty\v snpj py, U3 p N n^
:NU p
THE* ^3^3 ^J^O 1 ^N "lOtr N"ipj HO 1 ? [read: ^^O 1 ^N] m,T ^\N N"l
.^on ^Nst buy 1"1" .TH* po^a L:3a o rpn N"IJ p ^yo^* .po^3 D3 o
268 a. N3 N^ J:N PN b*ttw :^n %! 7^N (i&^.) ^ro 1 K S N p^o* 1 ^N N^pj "p^i
n\n^ n^yoi : ^^o 1 LTN .IONJ p 1 ? ^3-103 soppj N^ nyiy 1 ? y^nn ion
ion *oy ,T.T -p-i3 i^n .TT n^on cy n.Tto ^3-10
*) No parallel for this passage, down to II, 5.
2 ) Tr. Megillah f. 32 b.
3 ) Ed. Horow. p. 63.
4 ) Of. Tr. Megillah 13 a; v. Esther R. ch. VI, 4; and ed. Horow. I.
c , but all much shorter.
5 ) In the Talmud a different argument is used.
6 ) Cf. Tr. Megillah /. c.
.rtao Brno 175
in iDDjm bnjn csrn Tnjn -6 "taxi .en 1 ? -6 fp^ D-TID^ ^NEW *:n
^D NSD Nt?* runsn t>DD en 1 ? inn t^pD IJK> cv ,cr6 ^ IPJ* .cr6 ^b
\3\v ""D-no it> IEN rpriNE* HD cr6 ^ jn *t> ~IEN /DTD cy ex
^D*J njp /D-nr^ jan "6 -)EN /osy PN p-rsn -JPIN rpnKtr rm^E
PN nap pn ^ "ICN .IHN "ODD TT PN n:p^ D
J^J"i ty D PDN /D11Q ^ 1DN .P*"lDD ^P^D
^DEQI /DTiDt 5 iDy xncn p ]vnw i^ji ^y znz : 2inz IDN ,^p
PN JEN \T * 7. : Hl.T E>\V "IQNJ p^ .O-i^b }DH NJpPJ IDIH HT
N^N PD^ jopr. ^N .PD^ "^ ^Di-iQ ( nnp 1 ? HCNI n^N P^D* noin
nnx nt^DD DN ^D hi PN Kn*?". :t& .CIN^ TL^N NIH r* 1 ^ .r^^
(II. Sam. XII, 3) ( 2 PD^ ^ MP DDBT ".p -nai nrtyn ID^DI ^DNP irsa 268 b,
HD rnyj yDtr n^ ]r: ( 3 n^ rrb p^ Nnn p nyjn yn^ PN* 9.
( 4 N"l .N*iH HT\V PDLT DV CH2 l^DP^ HD yOET! <I C 1 DHD PuCn?
^^D nriDEM jp N 1 ? njDD nr\i^ .nb rrb nviNin P*I^" V^K PN*
rvi^ffm /J^ .T j^m .r^ Ni cv HP*N N^lp nr^ Nin nr\T .yai^n
pi^Nin p-nyjn yDtr PN* N"I : nyiw -y ID /v^i P^^Dini /^^
rayT.o .IPM* .HTD ^jn ^n^ n 1 ? rr 1 ? r;. v .N"in NIH n?2 .n 1 ? PP^
vn^ .rh rrb p^ N~in ICNJ "Dt> .nrru ^r: 1 PI^DD nj^c np n* .c^y
: n CD nb p *N^
DPIN ni^ J* PHin^ N^ntr npiN nyTntf ^ r r n^Dn -ncN i-y
:nb PP"? nv.Nnn riiyjn VDL^ PN*I "IDNJ ir^ "^PCZ
Hj 1HD NP1DH p pn PN EnTiKTIN l^SH ^"IJ n ^NH CnD H 1HN III ? 1
nnp^^ HD i^ Dt>sn rms IHD ,TH^ c^ o^a ^ n^v* c^ss ( 5 hjr
A mnr-ffa 01^ HM N^ ( 6 nc^ . J* i^n bij ICNJ "p 1 ? ^ 269 a.
t^iD^ Ni.~!^ ^DlfD IHNi , lDy NiHl^ ^ Dtt D "PIN .CnD~i ^^ ^ DU D
: rnnpir* N^I ynD^ N 1 ? "DUD* ."IONJ ID*? .n^T msy PIISJ IHD K^K* DH:D
""Dl /D"I1D Dy .^IDD* ( ilD^ ^Din?2D I 1 Hbvh VJ^D ID 1 (6.)
: D^TuTH ^D .^iDD i /DlID^ pD l ]r\W D^DH."! I^N /21"!2 Cy CM
-11N ni^D I D ^ bvM P^D (Sp^-ilJ* I D ^DH^ ^HPH (7.)
oy p *D P?D^ nn^D T,D ^ ^E3J ."ICNI n^nj nnsjy n?o^
IDN (8) .^^^ nyw nnosi DIDV p ib j *Dtr y-i* 1 n^n N T
*) Tr. Megillah f. 13 a.
-) In Bible: rar.
3 ) ibid. , v. Targum ad loc.
4 ) No parallels for all the rest up to III. 1.
5 ) Cf. Pirke de K. Eliezer ch. 50; Esther rabb, ch. 7 No. 6. (ad loc.)
Ed. Horow. p. 64 (Targum Esther III. v. 2.); cf. Buber p. 46. (A. 1).
6 ) In this form no parallels.
7 ) Tr. Megillah 13 b.
8 ) ibid. I c.- cf. Lekah Tob ed. Buber p. 99. ib. p. 100. Horow.
p. 65 (more elaborate in the last 2 places).
176 ^
prs DNI ."]bon T~n PTTID jn^ 1.2^2 nriN JIDIN
DN* .ID pjrnrc p\v sni nn ^bt* t]b& oy "jnriN *N "jr
.cn ptr p DiD2 yrj nrx CNI ,~p"D prw p^N "jrva^o ^n cnt> ir
TN p^STO .1RN TQT ^ CN1 .iHiN pD!K> N^N T iN |T^ P
269 b. ^E" 1 1 CN nryi .HDINH ba pjitrD }n nnnm pM HN pn^i D ai
^12 i^cn ^ DN (9) Jtr .D-DN^ men ^ ]rn .T- 3
.D-,b JHD ir.iD^o "ion
IN "iD ity ]""i "inx cnc HJDP CN ^DNI .nDnto iniD
or^sra D^^sro c^ bn cm ."Qin nr ni^^ r
M3N ~> i C^^ -J^D v >^ J^ D P ijnfc T CiNH PN ^SN^
(Ps. XXXIII, 10) ;i ryy TDH ^v nyi (Ps. X, 16) .
rynan ( 4 r"ion NM ny~; ,( 3 y
7]b iN^jr:^ riN^
rionn NN .raw *^y N* nm^n i^y 1 ^
y^i .^i jcnb n-T i 11^ ^ya TJDD
270 a. ( 6 irn^ IPDN Nipr- (IV, 5) : ( 5 -iNC ,-Dt>cn ^n^nrn (IV, 4) j^ ni:
iu:-D*3J ^^ [ir;n2i irra^ ."jrn ID^ Nipj no^ ( 7 bN s J- ini "jrn
NJ*^ jn^v "ij^bntr rys .nmy, ^NE^D n^jn *n^n* NTH .
r*nD^ ny rx cr > TN^n^ cm.Tn I^N .
miyi ^N^D n^:n in^m ^N^JI yvv "^ .on^n
, ;n Tir^^ rx iia^ "I^N crono^ ^v IDN ~D j^
S ID cruN N^n 1 ? msi cir^y ncn "ISJJID^J N^rj TD (Is. LVI, 4)
bx-\ur r" 3 ^ nrn imn r*^vo "j 1 ? n^bn "jbon IJ^ -IN .ib TIDN .D:in^
.cr.roi i 1 ? N"im (Exod. XX, 14) p]Njn N^ J^ rum ^N^U TON
( 9 N"I : irn *?2^ N"ipj ID
i^ii 1 * n^ ,( IO ^D ^ prm mD^a nni ^ty inn I
. , n y r:n^u i^rn: in^-D^ -jrn *
J ) Megiilah I c, 13 b etc.
2 ) From here on no parallels.
*) Megiilah f. 14 a.
4 ) Persian gloss: pi: in.
5 ) Ibid. f. 15 a ; cf. Buber p. 51. A 1 ; -Horow. p. 70 (cf. No. 98).
6 ) Ibid. Esther ch. VIII 3 etc.
7 ) Only this small point in Midr. Esther ch. VIII 4. Tr. Megiilah
15 a, B. Bathra f . 4 a. all the rest missing. Pers. gloss.
8 ) T:::I YC n.
9 ) Ib. f. 15 a, much shorter & Lekah Tob ed. Buber p. 102, here more.
10 ) Pers. gloss : IN ;CIB (?) -ine. The first word is almost obliterated.
n\ ^
amis 177
DV?tr. OH .1PDN niDN ( ] JITO ty* HTO ny (5) 270 b.
(Exod. XXXII, 15) .D^mn.:: an niai n;o D..-D TIPD^ niip nzn ^ tNiB
n^N* t^N ^2 IPN D^IV i^on m:na ay* "j^an H2y b (11.)
npiND ipDN 1 ? "jaiu D^DN^O na^p ( 2 NiDj nbjon N^JP (V, 2) . :n
( 3 npDir inNi niNis PN iTSjnzy IHNI n^y ~ Dn ^*n 1^0^ IHN nytf
nnifv D ^ r ^ ~V *npDi niDN T^ .THB IQ^D inno naDi D^IKTI PN
pm jt on N Q 1 IPDN HIDN ^ IPJ^I IP.^N^ no (6) n^n i:tr .PION
nD jan 1 ? IJJBTN HIDN ( 4 N"I : NI^ nj;"i- HNIN ^NI
CNI Dn 1 ? in^DNn vji^ ny-i DN .DDHH ICN 2 o
Sx (Prov. XXV ? 21. 22) ^ n^ 1 ^i I^NI ^y nmn HPN a^m o
,13 iTD^ N^ HD N"1 : ( 5 1^ JD^ ^Vl N^N 1^ D^ ^V Nipn
( 6 N"~ /ji nm^ia PNI nay P,N ~>PDN m^n N^ JIT nmn 1 N\itr 27 la.
Pm^N T13N ItfND , J^ NiMi NM JinPi PID^ C^JD ^ nNIP^ ^D
why IDDD V I "j^cn P^n PIRN *ib w ^viit" 1 naN 1 N 1 ?^ HD ( T N"I
: DJ nb rwyb HD mb rnpn" "IDN JEW n ON : D^oni *vpy ^
vby *<ry- nnDj -|t>on cy inDNt> JDITD N*ntf pn nN^ty po
^I (11) zrnD-D *p^n nDP^n 1 ? iSi* it>on Tjn ^JIDD ^o ^DN
II P pn iDD 11 ! Tiyi r. vjn yo* *n^ T.3D n.N jon an 1 ?
v" 1 ^nt^ IJDD nni 1 ny^n nn^n "P^N % EHT PJNI :* ^n N ^3^1
: ji noN D^an mn: yy wy (14)
t D N^N 1^0 PN ( 8 ~; i 7Dn PJL^ mu N-.nn n^^ VI 7 1
pip n^DN P*or nn^ may n^Si P".N^ .N*n "j in D D^n
n^ "j^on PJ^ mu Ninn rb^ ( IO N"I 271 b.
^ /DV |on PN IPDN nja" 1 ^ .C^ ^Q nr n* 1
IDNI iin Tij; .pn PN* IPDN PN j .int* HD *a^ N3i /j ljin 1 *
IDN V I n^PDi N*n Nin .T^V N^" n^iD nn^ mt& f >^ ^ n\i NC^ n^nna
J ) Cf. Tr. Megillah f. 15 a.
2 ) Ib. f. 15 b. The whole passage in a somewhat altered order, of.
Lekah Tob ed. Buber p. 104; Horowitz p. 71 No.
3 ) Pers. gl. 1^23 (vXuSwXa).
4 ) Cf. Buber A-, p. 71.
5 ) Lekah Tob. ib. p. 104.
e ) Megillah I. c.
7 ) Horowitz p. 71, No. 110.
8 ) Cf. Buber A 2 p. 74 f No. 165. Here alone in our text is the passage
clear.
9 ) Pers. gl. : -ru nas asr 2 ; ia TS (It is evident from here that it
was the night of Pesah).
10 ) Tr. Megiliah f. 15 b. a little different; cf. Buber A 2 , p. 74; Lekah
Tob ib. p. 106; Horowitz 71 (ut 115).
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 12
178
V.T 1 ! . JTi lOH % JD D JOpJ VST! .D DTl nm r jrOTn ")DD TN
CWpJ ITM "IDt D .D NIpJ Vim N^N 1DNJ N 1 ?
rrn n^ntr I^ PC ann NjrjD <I DI"ID TJH "I^N 3*n2 NSID V I 2
i N nr\i onin^ (VIII, 16) .NTipi i^p Nt
^iNn^ PJDI ^sfj mT.n nsn^ mir IT n"
niinn JD r Dn ?n <| T ^n^ ^JDE (Prov. VI, 23) T.N m % .m mac
HDN^DH JD ovn THN >iDN oj n^jKf jToi nia.i in^v HND nsan
I .B^ I nnDtri ntiN nr^n D -nn^ DTDI N nn .n^.u nnctr in i
272 a. ")D3*i "jJ3i nrx -j^nn rnc^i .^TDI mo c*^ N^N nna^ PNI ip^i
DIN s^n N^n : mo D^I nr^Di nnot^ IDNJ ID^ (Deuter. XVI, 14)
nnOB l HT!N ."IDNJ p^ .JDH THNtJ ^1")?2 "] i~^ T 3 y" 1
Ps.) |in ^D ^D TT.1DN ^ ""DJN K Cy DTD"! H^D IT
niaj 11 "ir nm IT.ICN "no^ ^ jty n^D N^N IT^DN PNI (CXIX, 162
rnN HJPD .in^nb ^N n:a m^oi IX, 19. (Dent. XXXIII, 9)
bN-w -"m: v r n^n^ njin : CIN ^3 w 1 ? nuo T^I .IHN DIN^
: D J N (Ps. CXLVII, 2) DJIT
4 ) Tr. Megillah f. 16 b; cf. Lekah Tob ed. Buber p. 109; Horow.
p. 74 (141).
Quotations from the Bible in the Qoran
and the Tradition
by
Prof. M. J. de Goeje (Leyden).
Noldeke wrote in his ,,Greschichte des Qorans" (1860)
p. 6 7 : ,,Es kann aber keinem Zweifel unterworfeu sein,
dass er (Mohammed) die heiligen Biicher der Juden und
Christen nicht selbst gelesen hatte, sondern dass er bloss
durch mimdliche Nachrichten mit ihrem Inhalt bekannt ge-
worden war. Daher gleichen die alttestamentlichen Erzah-
lungen imQoran weit mehr den haggadischen Ausschmiickungen
als ihrenllrbildern; die neutestamentlichen sind ganz legenden-
haft and haben deshalb einige Aehnlichkeit mit den Berichten
der apokryphischen Evangelien. Die einzige, ganz kurze
Stelle, welche ini Qoran wortlich aus dem alten Testament
citiert wird, Sur. 21, 105: ,,Und wir haben in den Psalmen
geschrieben, dass die Gerechten die Erde ererben sollen",
vergl. Psalm 37 ? 29, muss Muhammed daher aus dem Munde
eines Juden gehort haben. Aehnlich horte er von einem un-
gelehrten Christen, dass Christus seinen Anhangern ver-
sprochen habe ? nach ihm werde Einer kommen, der sie in
alle Wahrheit leiten werde (Joh. 16, 7); er bezog dies auf
sich, und nannte den Verheissenen, einerlei ob er den Namen
7uapdbtXY)TO kannte oder nicht, cX+^J mit Anspielung auf seinen
Namen ^f 6 ^^ Es ist iiberhaupt sehr zweifelhaft, ob die
Araber damals irgend eine Bibel in ihrer Sprache besessen
haben .... Was sich von Gelehrsamkeit und kirchlicher
Einrichtung unter ihnen land, war syrisch, wie wir denn
noch jetzt syrische Schriften alter arabischer Kleriker haben.
Wenn es iiberhaupt schon hochst zweifelhaft ist, dass es
12*
M. J. de Goeje.
vor dem Qoran ein arabisches Buch gegeben habe, so gilt
dies besonders von der Bibel."
Nevertheless Sprenger in his excellent work w Das Leben
und die Lehre des Mohammed" (1869), I p. 132, maintained his
opinion that already at the time of Mohammed parts of the
Bible existed in Arabic translation. Sheer want of time pre
vents me from examining whether this topic has been since
the subject of a special study. If not, the following pages
may afford a small contribution towards it.
When examining the state of Mohammed s knowledge
of ancient (Biblical) history in the Qoran, we perceive distinct
ly its gradual increase or development. Sprenger demon
strated this in his psychological treatise ,,Mohammed und der
Koran" published (at Hamburg 1889) in Virchow s Sammlung
gemeinverstdndlicher Vortrage, Vierte Serie, Heft 84/85, and
Dr. Snouck Hurgronje, the author of ,.Mekka", gave an
example of it concerning the history of the patriarchs Abraham,
Isaac, Jacob and Ishmael in his dissertation ,,Het Mekkaansche
feest" (Leiden 1880), p. 29-40. Sprenger thought that the
Prophet had behind the scenes a Jewish- Christian mentor,
who taught him what to say to his adversaries, and from
whom he derived his historical information. 1 ) In his great
work on Mohammed, II, p. 366 seq., he had conjectured that
l ) [Besides Geiger s famous thesis: Was hat Mohammed cms d. Juden-
thum aufgenommen? (Bonn 1833), cf. Dr. J. Gastfreund: Mohammed nach
Talmud and Midrasch (Wien 1875); Dr. H. Hirschfeid s essays: Judische
Elemente im Koran (Berlin 1878) ; Beitrdge zur Erkldrung des
Kordns (Leipzig 1885); The spirit of Islam, in The Jewish Quarterly
Review (London 1893), vol. V, pp. 212-30; Essai sur Vhistoir
des Juifs de Medine, in Eevue des Etudes- Juives, VII (1883). pp. 167
93; X (1885) pp. 1031; Hughes Dictionary of Islam (N. Y. &
London 1885). pp. 235-242, s. v. Jews: Dr. J. M. Arnold: Islam and
Christianity .(London 1874), p. 116 seq.; Steinschneider: Polemische und
apologetische Literatur in arabischer Sprache (Leipzig 1877); Goldziher:
Proben muhammedanischer Polemik gegen den Talmud in Kobak s Je
schurun (1871) VIII, pp. 76104; IX (1878) pp. 1847; Bibel und bibli-
sche Geschichte in der muhammedanischen Literatur, ibid., VIII, pp.
129; Ueber muhammed. Polemik gegen Ahl al-Kitab, in Z. D. M. G.
XXXII (1878) pp. 341387 (cf. also pp. 388 95); Schreiner: %ur Gesch.
d. Polemik zwischen Juden u. Muhammedanem. in ibid., pp. 591675;
Dr. A. Kohut: Haggadic Elements in Arabic Legends, in The Independent
(N. Y.) Jan. 8th, 15th, 22th & 29th, 1891, etc. etc. G. A. K.]
Quotations from the Bible in the Qoran and the Tradition. 181
the well-known monk Bahira from Tayma was his adviser.
But in the psychological essay, cited above, he calls him a
Presbyter who came back to Mekka from Abyssinia in 616,
together with the first Moslem refugees. I doubt whether
either of these conjectures can be backed by sufficient evidence.
By predicating as divine inspiration what had just been
dictated to him by a man, Mohammed would have played an
awkward and dangerous part, and would have proved himself
a deliberate impostor. The one and the other are alike in
credible. Besides, if Mohammed from 616 downwards received
regular communications from a Presbyter, we ought to find
traces of biblical words in the Qoranic parts of this and the
following periods, whereas in fact we have only the two
verses cited by Noldeke, which are derived, according to all
probability, from very different sources, the former having been
transmitted, directly or indirectly, by a Jew in Mekka, the
other by a Christian in Medina. 1 ) I cannot agree with
Sprenger that in Qoran 46 vs. 9 a single person is meant
as witness. But granted that Sprenger s assumption be correct,
how could Mohammed call a Presbyter "a witness from the
children of Israel"? No, Mohammed counted amongst his friends
more than one who had either professed or got acquainted
with the Jewish or Christian religion, but what he learned from
them fermented in his own mind and grew to become real
inspiration in his estimate. 2 )
Let us now return to the principal question. The quotation
from Psalm 37 vs. 29 could have been taken from an Arabic
translation of the Psalms, but this supposition is far from
being necessary. The passage is short and simple, such as
could easily be translated from memory. This is confirmed
by the translation not being literally exact. Moreover, there is
*) [Cp. Noldeke s essay: Hatte Muhammed christliche Lehrer? in
Z. D. M. G. XII (1858), pp. 699708; and Sprenger s remarks in his
article: Mohammed s Zusammenkunft mit dem Einsiedler Bahyrd, ibid.
XII, pp. 238-49. G. A. K.]
-) On the relation of the teachings of Islam to Judaism, see the bibliography
in Dr. A. Kohut s last monograph: p^f ^s-y^ pikJl ^jJ Light of
Shade and Lamp of Wisdom, being Hebrew-Arabic Homilies composed by
Nathanael Ibn Jeshdya (1327) New-York 1894, pp. 45; 6870; 79-87
and the sources there cited. G. A. K.J
M. J. de Goeje.
no proof whatever that Mohammed knew more of this psalm
than these three words. As for the quotation from John
16 vs. 9, it is evident, that it is only a reminiscence, and here
the tendency is very perspicuous, its purpose being to
show that the advent of Mohammed had been prophesied by
Jesus.
Sprenger cited in support of his hypothesis of an old
Arabic translation of the Bible the quotation by Ibn Ishaq
(Ibn Hisham ed. Wiistenfeld, p. 150) from John 15 vs. 25
- 16 vs. 1. There is not, however, the slightest ground
for the supposition, that this quotation was made from an Arabic
translation of the Gospel. The importance of this text for
proving the mission of Mohammed as the Paraclete accounts
fully for its separate translation from the Syriac text.
There are, however, two more quotations from the Bible 1 )
which if I am not mistaken, have not yet been drawn into
account. The former is to be found in Bokhari s Collec
tion of authentic traditions, III p. 309 of KrehTs edition, in
the commentary on Qoran 32 : "Aboo Horayra tells that the
Prophet said: Allah, exalted is He above all, has spoken:
I have prepared for my servants, the righteous, what no eye
has seen, nor ear has heard, nor did it occur to the mind
of man." These words have been borrowed with slight varia
tions from 1 Cor. 2 vs. 9, which again has been derived from
Isaiah 64 vs. 4, 65 vs. 17. In another tradition, also given
on the authority of Aboo Horayra, the following words are
added : "as a treasure for the future, besides that with which
ye have become acquainted". I don t think that the word
,,besides" indicates a reminiscence of "H^T, as the subsequent
words have no connection with the Biblical text. In many
sources the expression "as a treasure for the future" is wan
ting, and instead of "with which ye have become acquainted",
others have "with which I have acquainted them." (So in
Zamakhsharfs Faik, I p. 140 of the Leyden manuscr.,
and in Harawfs K i t a b a 1 - g h a r I b a y n sub &-b). Th e
tradition is to be found in the works on those traditions
) [See an interesting article: Bibel und Biblische G-eschichte in der
muhammedanischen Liter atur, in Kobak s Jeschurun VIII (1871), p. 1 29;
and Goldziher s Ueber Bibelcitate in muham. Schriften, in Stade s Zeit-
schrift fur AlUestam. Wissenschaft, vol. XIII, pp. 31521. G. A. K.]
Quotations from the Bible in the Qoran and the Tradition.
that contain strange words or expressions (g ha rib al-ha-
dith) because of the use of the word balha (besides).
Lane gave it in extenso in his Dictionary together with
the grammatical observations of the native interpreters.
The second, as far as I am aware, has not yet been
published. Therefore I will give the text with commentary,
as it is to be found in Zamakhsharl s just named work, I
p. 44 seq. :
i6yo XiJLo
S tX*j s
v
uJ *JUSLjiJ! ; JU^J! iuuXU! Jj a&Jj UTyo ^5! j
ab^L >MJ Joo !*-*! ^Jb ib^l Jwjo^ l&fr ^
[marg.
so
C-J.-0 * M> t i
The Prophet said: Allah revealed to Isaiah: "lo, I
will send a blind man amid the blind, and an illiterate amid
the illiterate ; upon him I will let down sedateness and I
will assist him with wisdom. Should he pass closely by a
wick, he would not extinguish it, or by the tall reeds, its
sound would not be heard." m m I (illiterate) has been for-
M. J. de Goeje.
ined from ommat al-arab (the people of the Arabs),
when this had not yet acquired the art of writing, at a time
when other peoples could write. Though they learned to write
afterwards, the adjective kept its old meaning. Others derive
the word from o m m (mother) and explain it by "such as
his mother bore him." - - S akin a (sedateness) is gravity
and calm;,it is a faila-form of sakana (to rest) as g h a-
f I r a (forgiveness) of g h a f a r a (to pardon). Therefore the
token of the children Israel (marginal gloss: the ark of the co
venant) is called s a k I n a , because they found rest with it.
- The word ra ra (tall) is tall and movable-, it conies from
t a r a c r o c a c, - Q a b i (the growing up of the boy), i. e. his
being in motion and becoming tall ; or from t a r a r o c a s -
s arab (the motion of the mirage). - - The description means:
his gravity and sedateness (sokoon tairihi, if a
bird alighted upon him, it would be still. This is a prover
bial locution, which has been explained by Lane in v. ^.SLb.
The glossary on Tabarl will contain some additions to it)
are such, that should he pass closely by a burning wick, he
would not extinguish it, or by the tall reeds, that are put
in motion even by the most trifling cause, he would not
put it in motion, so that its sound could be perceived.
It is clear that this tradition contains an allusion to
Isaiah 62 vs. 3 (and perhaps vs. 2) Matth. 12 vs. 20.
The word r a c r a c explained from the Arabic, responds to the
Hebrew ragooQ-, the Aramaic ra c i c , which is translated
commonly by broken or fragile, but by many inter
preters (also in the Vulgata) is rendered by quassatus.
Harawi has under (/^): "al-Qotaybi says a r - r a e r a c is
that which is tall, hence t a r a c r a a Q - Q a b I (the boy
shoots up)." The Arabic explication does not render the mea
ning of the Hebrew or Aramaic, but the form of the word,
a reduplicated form from r a c seems to prove that it has been
translated from an Aramaic text by a man who was better
versed in Arabic than in Syriac, because he renders the Ara
maic word by the externally corresponding Arabic word, though
this has another meaning. Now Harawi names as authority
for this tradition Wahb ibn Monabbih, a Jewish professor
from Yemen, converted to Islam, not, however of Israelitish
descent, but of Persian origin. In him we can admit just such
Quotations from the Bible in the Qoran and the Tradition.
a degree of learning. Nor did he understand the real pur
pose of Isaiah s words, whether he quoted them from the Old
or from the New Testament. This seems to prove likewise
that the passage has been translated separately, not taken from
an entire translation, as in that case such a misunderstan
ding would be inexplicable. Both traditions are assigned to
the Prophet, but I have not the least doubt that they have
been fabricated after his death, and must be classed among
the products of the fertile schools of Aboo Horayra and Ibn
c Abbas. The former tends evidently to confirm by the au
thority of Isaiah the promise of the great bliss and happiness
that await the righteous in Paradise. The other must belong
to the class of predictions about Mohammed in the Bible.
The Arabs consider sedateness and gravity as the indispen
sable adornment of a gentleman ; therefore, the Prophet ought
to possess that quality in a high degree. The words of vs.
2 "he will not quarrel, nor cry, nobody shall hear his sound
in the streets" would certainly have been applicable. The
fact that the not being heard of the sound has been trans
ferred in the tradition to the reeds, is a palpable proof that the
passage has not been taken from an entire Arabic transla
tion, but translated from memory. Consequently, until new
evidence to the contrary be forthcoming, which is not very
likely, we may feel justified in sharing Noldeke s views, and
in maintaining that no Arabic version of the Bible, or parts
of the Bible existed either at the time of the Prophet or at
that of the fathers of the Mohammedan church.
Leyden, Dec. 27, 1894.
Translation of a Targum of the Amidah
by
Rev. Hermann Gollancz, M. A. (London).
It affords ine a melancholy satisfaction to be permitted
to contribute a leaf, in the form of a humble literary effort, to
the wreath about to be placed by colleagues and friends at the
foot of the altar erected to the memory of the distinguished
Oriental scholar, Dr. Alexander Kohut.
I feel sure that I shall be acting in the spirit of our late-
lamented teacher, if I endeavour in the following pages to
make accessible to a wider circle of readers the remarkable and
unique Targum of the Amidah , which, thanks to my esteemed
friend, the Rev. Hahain Dr. Gaster, has recently been brought
to light in the Monatsschrift. I venture to think, that
an English translation of this Targum, hitherto unknown,
will be welcome to many, coming, as it does, as a surprise
that, in addition to Targurnim until now associated only with
the Scriptures, there should have existed an Aramaic para
phrase of so important a portion of the Prayer-Book as the
Amidah .
The importance of this Targum cannot be over- estimated:
for, in its light, it is almost possible in several instances to
discover the text of the Prayer in its original form.
But I am not concerned on the present occasion with a
critical analysis of this important find; my part is simply that
of a translator. To give a better idea of the Aramaic, I have
avoided paraphrase, and translated as literally as the English
idiom permitted.
In a few foot-notes, I have mainly indicated the cases in
which I found it necessary, to deviate from the reading in
Dr. Gaster s text.
Translation of a Targum of the Amidah. 187
Translation.
In the name of the Merciful One, 1 will, with the help
of the God of Abraham, begin to write a Targum on the
Eighteen Benedictions of the Prayer .
I beseech thee, Lord, give unto rne the proper speech
(lit. the opening of the mouth J to shew forth thy praise, and
to worship before thee, as our ancestors with a perfect heart
worshipped before thee. Thou art he, the God of Abraham,
the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, the mighty and tre
mendous God, for there is no fear according to the fear of
thee. Thou, indeed, art able to preserve by thy might the
people crushed between the seventy nations of the world.
God, the Most High, who bestowest gracious favours
upon all thy possessions, for thou possessest, all things
above and below, thou didst create them, and all things rejoice
before thee. Thou, in thy mercy, doest kindnesses unto them,
remembering unto thy people Israel the merits of their ancestors
Abraham Isaac and Jacob; and thou hast, in thy mercy,
redeemed their descendants from Egypt, out of the house
of bondage. And as thou hast redeemed them from the hand
of all those who rose up to do evil unto them, so wilt
thou in future bring the redemption of the Messiah, the son
of David, to deliver their children s children for the sake
of thy name, which is joined to them in loving- kindness.
O merciful King, Supporter, Redeemer and Strength of the
righteous who give thanks unto thee and bless thy name, and who
will thus in future give thanks unto thee, and bless thee ; Lord,
who hast been the Strength of Abraham, thy friend.
} nnN Might and power belong unto God, the Lord of the
universe, and his might endureth for ever. There is not one of
all those who dwell upon the earth, who can do as thy
works and as thy might. For thou wilt quicken the dead, and rouse
those who are asleep among his people, to reward with loving-
kindness and truth the righteous who have departed from this
world, for the sake of their works by which they made them
selves perfect before thee: thus wilt thou once raise them up.
But as for the wicked, thou wilt revive them, to make known
unto them thy might. For thou wilt reward the righteous
ones, who have walked willingly in thy paths with love;
and for the sake of this, thou wilt deliver them, and quicken
188
Hermann Gollancz.
them with that dew which is treasured up in the store-house
above, namely, the dew of life, by which the angels and souls
are fed.
Thine, indeed, is the might: for thou doest good to the
living in this world, and sustainest them in goodness ; quickening
the dead in abundant mercy, supporting the needy, raising
up the fallen, loosening all the bonds of those who are
bound, healing those who are sick upon their couches, and
preserving the faithfulness and the oath established with
those who sleep in Hebron, who humbled themselves as dust
in their own eyes. There is no one beside thee, Lord of
might; and who can be compared unto thee, O King, causing
man to die for the sake of his sin, and quickening the dead
for thy name s sake? even bringing forth from captivity Israel
who are likened to the dead, who have neither strength
nor power: like 1 ) to those dead, which, if one smites them,
have no power, to strike for their honour. Thus is it with
Israel in captivity: they may be compared to the man, who
has no hearing of the ears, when they hear the reproach
of the nations; nor is there in their hands any strength, to
strike in return for the shame with which the peoples make them
ashamed.
Therefore thou wilt revive those who are like unto the
dead, and wilt cause thy redemption to spring forth for
them-, and unto thee is the faithfulness to revive them and
to raise up their dead ; and they will sing praises before
thee, and bless thy name, saying:- May his great name be
blessed, who has the power to quicken the dead.
p"tf Verily all above and bellow know that thou art holy,
arid thy holiness is unlike the other holy things on earth :
for thy holiness is an exalted holiness, unlike the holiness of
the human being who ceased after a time, whose body is of
clay, with more or less imperfections , and who is deficient
by reason of the bodily desires of eating, drinking and
sleeping, on which account his holiness is imperfect; and in
like manner, thy holiness is unlike the holiness of the angels
on high who have quality, finality, and form, known to all,
so that it might be adequately marked in the heart. Thy
holiness, however, Lord of the universe, is free from the
) 1 prefer to read v^PC with 2-
Translation of a Targum of the Amidah. 189
holiness of man, and the holiness of angels, who minister
before thee in holy form: for thy holiness is exalted above
the holiness of all, not one being able to attain it adequately,
for all such as are created are too weak to attain that
holiness, nor are the holiest ones clothed in thy holiness.
Therefore the great Kedusha ( Sanctification ) is pronounced.
n"K Before man sees the light of the world, the angel
that is appointed over the generation of man takes the foetus
and places it before the Sovereign of the universe, addressing
him thus: Lord of the universe! What will be (the lot
of) this man? Will he be wise or wily, a wicked or a
worthy person? But the Sovereign of the universe does not
answer him: for if he were to answer him, its character
would necessarily be fixed, while he (man) is to have the
option in his hand to turn to the South (sc. if he would), so
that that decree should not influence a man to turn to one side
(sc. more than another). Accordingly, God does not answer
him (the angel), so that man should desire for himself spirit,
understanding, and knowledge. That is why he should say
in his prayers before the Lord of the universe: --Thou art
he who graciously bestoweth upon humankind knowledge,
and teacheth him understanding and knowledge. Give thou
unto us out of thy goodly treasure understanding, know
ledge, and wisdom, so that we may know with a perfect
knowledge the path of goodness, and bless thee, for having
lovingly bestowed upon us the spirit of knowledge.
USn&Ti When Israel sinned, and the Temple was destroyed,
they came to Babylon, and the Law was forgotten out of their
mouths. They were unable to pray to, implore, and propitiate
their God, the Lord of the universe - the Living and Eternal
God, to have compassion on them, and to. turn then-
captivity from the land of Shcshak, for their tongue was con
fused and they could not in a proper manner utter the words
of the Law, as it is written: And their children, half of them
spake in the language of Ashdod, and half spake the Jews
language 1 : i) and they could not properly utter words of prayer.
At that time, Jehoiaehin, King of the house of Judah, was
) Cf. Nehemiah XIII, 24 which is as follows: And their children
spake half in the speech of Ashdod, and could not speak in the Jews
language, but according to the language of each people .
Hermann Gollancz.
with them in captivity : for Nebucadnezzar, servant of the King
of Babylon, a wicked servant, brought him by the hand of
N ebuzaradan , chief executioner, and carried to Babylon the
captivity of Judah and Benjamin together with Jehoiachin,
their King. At that time, the instruction of the Law was
forgotten in Sheshak to the lowest degree; even Jehoiachin,
King of the house of Judah, who in those days was a wise and
pious man, and returned in repentance to the Lord of the universe
and knew the sublime secret, i. e. the Work of the Chariot , even
he had forgotten the fundamental mysteries of the expressions
of the Chariot, But when Merodach did lift him up, his mind
was stirred to study the secrets of the expressions of the
Chariot, and he decreed unto the sons of the priests who were
at that time, such as Ezekiel and his companions priests and
prophets of the Lord, that they should study the mysteries
of the words-, and he appointed a time for them, and
Ezekiel and his companions who were righteous in
those days , and in that generation , proclaimed a fast.
And after that time, when they had fasted and remained in
prayer and supplication before the Lord of the universe, after
that, they came down to Babylon for they had gone up to
the land of Israel by permission of the King. Now while they
were coming down on that occasion a second time, as he
reached the bridge which was over the river Chebar, the
spirit of prophecy from the Lord rested upon Ezekiel the
priest, the son of Buzi, in the land of the Chaldeans; and in
the prophetic spirit which rested upon him, he saw the hidden
and secret mysteries of the Work of the Chariot ; and he went and
taught Jehoiachin the mysteries of the King and handed over (?)
to him his teaching in a proper manner. 1 ) And the holy
spirit rested in the midst of Israel, and they prayed unto their
God that, by reason of their penitence, he would turn and gather
their captivity, and redeem them from their troubles and restore
unto them the Law, and they prayed: Restore us, our Father,
unto thy Law . This was the prayer appointed until they
came up out of the land of captivity 5 whereupon Ezra, the
priest, and his companions rose in the Great Assembly, and
J ) Read, instead of &QP !rr"u\ &OH1 PiUjV This passage seems corrupt:
we have endeavoured to give a meaning to it.
Translation of a Targum of the Amidah. 191
fixed that prayer, which is the essence of all prayers and pe
titions; and it was familiar in the mouths of all Israel, and
became current in (lit. the mouths of) that generation. Thus
do we also pray unto the God which is in Heaven, that he
may restore the Word to compassionate us as in the days
of yore, that he may work a miracle and bring about for us a
redemption, as he redeemed us from Babylon: and we suppli-
catingly beseech Him, that the words of the Law may not be
forgotten of our heart, so that we may be comforted amid the
captivity.
Thus do we pray : Restore us, our Lord, unto thy
Law, draw us near unto thy service, and cause us to return unto
thee with a perfect repentance: may the repentance be one
of favour, that thou mayest receive us, so that we may bless
thee, our Lord, who receivest repentance.
S rftD And as, when we sinned against thy law, thou
didst compassionate us and forgive our sins, so do we pray
for ourselves unto our Lord, that he may pardon us, just as he
did pardon us for the many sins which we sinned before him,
from the day when we stood by the Red Sea, and while we
were in the wilderness; similarly, when we went up to the
land of Israel and sinned before him, and we prayed unto
him, he forgave us, redeeming us by the hand of the judges
who judged Israel. And thus is it also, through our iniquities,
that we are in captivity; wherefore we beseech Him that He,
in his mercy, may pardon our iniquities.
The Associates (i. e. Sanhedrin) have fixed it (the
prayer) as follows: May our Lord forgive us, for we have sinned;
pardon us our Lord, for we have transgressed; thou art a good
God to pardon the sins and iniquities of all who turn in re
pentance before thee. Blessed is he, the Lord, who hath
compassion, and forgiveth all who return unto him.
2 n&O The inhabitants of Babylon sent word to those
who dwelt in the land of Israel, that they ought to weep
for the destruction of the Temple, and to mourn the fact, that
the holy nation had been carried captive from their land, and
that they were left without the Shechina ( Divine Presence ) ;
that they were carried about from place to place, like unto
a beggar that called at every door and gate ; while even
here (in captivity), the Divine Presence had been reduced to
Hermann Gollancz.
misery in common with them, nor was there anything now
(left) of her (the Shechina) that had not been exceedingly
changed with regard to them. We therefore pray before our
Lord, that he may look from his holy habitation to have
compassion upon the Shechina which is in captivity with
us ; and as the Almighty, blessed be he, had pity with his
daughter Bathsheba, the mother of King Solomon, so may
he have pity with us his people 1 ).
Thus do we repeat: See now, we beseech thee, see our
affliction, and judge our cause at the hands of those who
carried us captive ; exact punishment from them on earth, and
from their princes in heaven, and have compassion on thy
poor daughter and son ; deign to (lit. would that God) 2 )
redeem us, for thou art a God mighty in redemption. Blessed
be the Lord, whose Word redeemeth Israel.
ijW? The Assembly of Israel sayeth: Heal me, Lord,
for I have been stricken by my sins among the nations which
thou hast caused to have dominion over me, in consequence
of my former sins which I have sinned before thee; and now that
I have returned unto thee, it beseenieth thee to compassionate
me. Reveal thy might unto me to redeem me ; we 3 ) hope but
for the healing alone which conieth from thee. Redeem us
with a perfect redemption, that there be no later trouble nor
exile ; redeem us with an everlasting redemption from among
the peoples which have enslaved me. Make manifest before
thee what they have wrought unto me, and cause perfect
health to come unto all those who are scattered and sick
on account of their misdeeds ; for thou art a God who hea-
leth in compassion and faithfulness, wherefore every creature
is bound to bless thy name and say : Blessed art thou,
O Lord, from whom cometh health to heal his people Israel
who are sick.
1^212 When Israel went into exile from their land to
a strange land, and their sacrifices ceased, and the blessings
ceased, the Assembly of Israel thereupon prayed before the
*) Read pPCJ? w^h \
*) ^Tiltf probably = i^nN (Ps. CXIX 5) or ^nx (H Kings V. 3).
Cf. Syr.
3 ) Read instead of ^, ^; or perhaps ^ tf,
Translation of a Targum of the Amidah.
Lord of heaven, from whom blessings come, He being the
fountain of the blessings and praises, through whose Provi
dence the world is blessed: and thus did she pray unto the
Lord our God: Blessed art thou who providest for us by thy
blessing, as in the days when thou wast wont to bless us :
when I used to offer in thy Temple a half-shekel to atone
for our souls before thee; bless the years for us with the dew
and rain of favour, as the year in which I offered before thee
in the Temple the Omer and the two loaves, in which I presented
to the priests the heave- offering and to the tribe of Levi the
tithe; also on account of the second tithe which I did eat
at the time when I appeared before thee three times a year
-and on account of the gifts to the poor and needy, such as
the gleanings, the forgotten sheaf, and the corner of the field,
as also the tithe for the poor. For as soon as the precept
concerning the shekel was abolished, all commercial dealings
were abolished : as the libation of water was abrogated, the
dew and rain of blessing also went ; as the two loaves and
the Omer ceased, the blessing departed from the produce of the
field. Therefore do we implore and beseech thee, bless unto
us, Lord our God, the works of our hands; bless the years
unto us with the dew and rain of blessing and favour, as
the good years which were of old, and we will bless thy
name, who blesseth the years for us, for thou will bless our
years.
3 2 J?pn The Assembly of Israel speaketh : Sove
reign of the universe ! Thou hast covenanted with us by
thy right-hand and mighty arm, that thou wilt redeem and
bring us up out of captivity: and now, when will thy word
be fulfilled unto thy captive assembly? Thus doth she say:
Sound the great trumpet to gather us to freedom ; and, verily,
come to gather our captivity from the four corners of the
earth unto our own land, as it is written by the hand of the
prophet : And it shall come to pass in that time [when the
Lord shall return to gather the captivity of his people] 1 ) that
the great trumpet shall be blown, and they shall come which
were ready to perish in the land of Assyria, of the outcasts
*) Vide original Hebrew and Targum of Isaiah XXVII. 13. The words
enclosed [ ] do not occur.
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 13
194
Hermann Gollancz.
in the land of Egypt, and shall worship the Lord in the holy
mount at Jerusalem. They say, therefore: Blessed be the Lord,
who gathereth the captivity of his people Israel.
l^trn Thus saith the Assembly of Israel : - - while we
were in the Holy Land, we had the Great College in the
court of the Temple, which judged us according to the words
of the Law, which was dear to me as the apple of my eye r
and as cherished as our own soul; but now that I am in
exile, the seventy members of the Sanhedrin, who were
beloved in 1 ) the circular seat in front of the altar, establishing,
as they were the precepts of the Law, the principle of the
precepts of thy Law, these are no more with me ; wherefore,
we beg and beseech thee: Restore our judges as at the first,
and our counsellors as at the beginning, as thou hast written
for us at the hand of Isaiah, thy prophet (I. 26) : And I will
appoint among you judges of truth, established as at first,
and counsellors as at the beginning. Remove from us, too,
sorrow and sighing, and reign thou over us in thy kingdom
speedily, alone in mercy, truth, and justice: Blessed be the
name of the Lord, the King who delighteth in truth and
justice.
C^Cltrc 1 ? Verily, woe unto the wicked who have trans
gressed thy command, and gone and served the idols of the
nations and as for all the nations who have trusted in
idols, woe unto them, in the day in which the Lord of the
universe will reveal himself to take judgment upon them,
because they considered not their latter end, what would
befall them-, in the day when the Lord of the universe shall
exact punishment of them for his righteous servants, and they
will have no support nor hope in that day , of which it is
said (Is. LXIII 4.) : For the day of vengeance is before me,
and the year of my people s redemption is come ; and the
wicked of the world shall rely upon, but shall not find
any good works that will protect them, while the house of
Israel shall say before the Lord of the universe : woe unto
these transgressors, let them have no hope before thee 5 and
as for all those that go astray and act wickedly, let them
perish in a moment, and let the kingdom of wickedness be
*) I prefer
Translation of a Targum of the Amidah. 195
speedily rooted up and broken to pieces ; mayest thou cause
them to be destroyed and broken from before thee immedi
ately, so that our eyes may see it: as King David exclaims
(Ps. LVIII, 11) . The righteous shall rejoice when they see
the vengeance ; they shall wash their feet in the blood of
the wicked.
Thus shall the righteous give thanks unto thee and say:
Blessed be the Lord, who destroyeth the adversaries, the
enemies and the wicked together.
C^p^nun by But as for those who are righteous in their
course and pious in their actions, and those who rely upon them
in truth, and the remnant of thy people Israel, may thy tender
mercies, Lord our God, be turned unto them; give unto us
a goodly portion, and a good reward unto all those who rely
upon thy name in truth, and set our portion with them in
the Garden of Eden in the world to come, with those souls,
on l ) that day of great light, so that we may never be put to
shame before thee; for we have trusted in thy name, and
hoped for thy salvation. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who art
the support and trust of the righteous.
"! [C& P. The Assembly of Israel repeateth in its prayer:
Lord of heaven! Make thy might manifest upon us, and
suffer thy Divine Presence to dwell in the midst of Jeru
salem thy city, which thou hast chosen from all the lands,
and cause us speedily to dwell in safety, as thou hast said
(I. Kings VI 13): And I will cause my presence to dwell
among the children of Israel, and I will not cause my people
Israel to be far off. build and establish it as an ever
lasting building and work of perfection; and I will give
thanks unto the Lord in our days; and may our eyes
behold it, and may we rejoice in her before thee, for thou wilt
establish the throne of King David in the midst of her.
Blessed art thou, Lord who wilt 2 ) rebuild Jerusalem.
DCU DN. Cause, we beseech thee, salvation to arise unto
the house of David, and by thy salvation exalt thou its
strength. Blessed shalt thou be, Lord, who causest strength
to arise for the salvation of his people.
*) Repeat "tfpG after the words
2 ) The word rpHj} i Q this connexion is hopeless.
Hermann Gollancz.
yi2W. The Assembly of Israel speaketh before the
Holy One, blessed be he: Sovereign of all the worlds! O
merciful God, we beseech thee, at all times when we pray
unto thee, receive thou our prayers, for tliou art the Lord
our God. Have pity with us in thy mercy, and receive our
petition in mercy and favour. May we not return empty,
our Lord, from before thee, for thou receivest the prayer
of all those that pray unto thee. Blessed art thou. O Lord,
who receivest prayer.
nsn The Assembly of Israel exclaims: We implore thee,
Lord our God, that thy favour may be with thy people
Israel, that thou mayest receive their supplications with favour,
and that thou mayest restore for us the service of thy
name unto the innermost part l ) of thy House. Mayest thou
receive with favour their offerings and petitions, and may the
service of thy people Israel, with which they shall
serve thee, be acceptable continually, that thou mayest be pleased
with us. May also our eyes behold when thy Divine Presence
shall return in mercy to thy place, unto Zion, as at the time
when thy Divine Presence did dwell in their midst. Blessed
art thou, Lord, who restorest thy Divine Presence unto
Zion.
C" 1 "^. Saith the Assembly of Israel: Words of thanks
giving will we render unto thee, Lord! thou hast created
our life for us, and art the strength of our salvation; thou
reinainest for everlasting generations. We will give thanks
unto thee and discourse of thy praise for our lives which are
entrusted in thy hand, and for our souls which are within us
in trust for thee, 2 ) for thy beneficence (?) and for the gifts
(lit. distribution) of thy bounty, 3 ) which at all times, evening
and morning, are dealt out unto us: good God, for thy mercies
do not cease. We beseech thee, merciful One, for thy kind
nesses do not end, and every living creature praises thy great
name, for thou art an exceedingly good God. Blessed art
thou, Lord, whose name is good continually.
*) msr rpD i take --= rmsD i.
>e ) Cf. Pirke Aboth III. 20. ]12*1J?2 jlfO ^-Pi- Everything is given
on pledge.
3 ) Read, instead of iniD
Translation of a Targuin of the Amidah. 197
c6fc CW. Thus saith the Assembly of Israel: My
Sovereign Lord! Grant peace, welfare, and blessings, along
and goodly life, grace, loving-kindness and mercy unto us and
unto all Israel, thy people. Bless us, (3 our God, even all
of us together, with the light of thy Divine Presence: for, by
the light of thy Divine Presence, thou hast given us, O Lord
our God, the Law which is life, compassion and goodness,
loving kindness and righteousness, mercy, and blessing, and
peace altogether. We beg thee to bless thy people at all
times with thy peace, praise, and blessing. Blessed art thou,
O Lord, who blessest thy people Israel with peace.
J1STP TTi\ May the word of my mouth and the medi
tation of my heart be acceptable before thee, Lord our God,
my strength and my salvation, who rnakest peace among thy
heavenly host (Lat. familia) between Michael and Gabriel,
and who in thy mercy will make peace between us and all
thy people Israel, O faithful God !
The Diction of Genesis VI-IX
by
William Henry Green,
Professor in the Theological Seminary at Princeton. New Jersey
I can offer no more fitting tribute to the eminent
Hebrew scholarship of Dr. Alexander Kohut, his devotion
to the religion of his fathers and his assured conviction that
the books of Moses were really the production of the great
Hebrew lawgiver than this brief specimen of a line of argu
ment, to which he expressed in flattering terms his unquali
fied approval.
It is asserted by many eminent critics that the language
of the Pentateuch gives evidence of having been drawn from
separate sources, each of which is characterized by the use
of certain words and forms of speech peculiar to itself.
And this is one of the main supports of the modern hy
pothesis that the Pentateuch is not the work of any single
writer, but that it consists of extracts from different docu
ments ingeniously woven together. I am persuaded that an
unprejudiced examination will show that the above mentio
ned assertion is unfounded and consequently the hypo
thesis of Pentateuchal documents is built upon a mistake.
It is the purpose of this essay to test it in a single passage,
the account of the flood in Gen VI IX, which is commonly
reckoned by the divisive critics are of the strongest bul
warks of their hypothesis.
Dr. Dillmann in his Commentary on Genesis gives the
following distinctive marks of the document P in the chap
ters now before us. viz. in addition to the divine name
Elohim, (1) the title VI. 9; (2) reckoning hy the years of
Noah s life; (3) the exact statements of time respecting the
The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 199
course of the flood; (4) the measurements of the ark; (5)
weaving in a law, IX. 1 7, and its referring back to I. 27
sqq; (6) the covenant and its sign, IX. 8 sqq. ; (7) diffuse-
ness and constantly recurring formulae; (8) the antique
description of the sources of the flood, VII. 11, VIII. 2; (9)
the image of God IX. 6 ; (10) the mode of speaking of Noah s
family, VI. 18, VII. 7. 13, VIII. 16. 18, (on the contrary
VII. 1 J); (11) -IBQ-^? VI. 12 sq., 17. 19, VII. 15 sq., 21,
VIII. 17, IX. 11, 1517; (12) rapji IDT VI. 19, VII. 9. 16;
(13) cr,\-ineroS VIII. 19 ; (14) r.^ j? VI. 22 ; (15) r.zni rns>
VIII. 17, IX. 1, 7; (16) nn? D^pn or JP: VI. 18, IX. 9, 11
sq., 17 ; (17) you and your seed after you, IX. 9; (18)
yi_; VI. 17, VII. 21 ; (19) pintr n and prifc (not nn J) VI.
13. 17, IX. 11. 15 ; (20) -p rjn VI 10 ; (21) n JIN VI. 21,
IX. 3 ; (22) n^n wild beast VII. 14, 21, VIII. 1. 17. 19, IX.
2, 5; (23) pc VI. 20, VII. 14; (24) CSJJ self-same VII.
13; (25) pjr and p# VII. 21, VIII. 17, IX. 7; (26) frc-j
and TC-] VI. 20, VII. 14. 21, VIII. 17. 19, IX. 2 sq. (see
VL 7, VII. 8. 23); (27) ita? IJtt? VII. 19; (28) 2 used
distinctively VII. 21, VIII. 17, IX. 10. 15 sq.
This certainly has the appearance of a very formidable
list. But such lists may prove very delusive. It should be
remembered that no piece of composition can be so divided
that precisely the same words and phrases and ideas shall
occur in each of the parts, and that neither shall contain
any that are not to be found in the other. II any such
piece should be divided at random, and an elaborate and
exhaustive search be instituted to discover what there was
in one of the parts that was missing in the other and vice
versa, no doubt large lists could be made out of what might
be called the characteristic peculiarities of each part. Ne
vertheless these would not have the slightest significance,
and would have no tendency to prove that these sundered
parts ever had a separate and independent existence, and
were the primal sources from which the composition in ques
tion was derived.
More especially is this the case when the partition is
made on the basis of certain assumed characteristic differen*
ces. For instance, let it be assumed at the start that a given
production is a composite one, formed by the combination of
200 William Henry Green.
two preexisting documents. Two sections respectively assigned
to these documents are then compared, and the resulting
differences noted as severally characteristic of one or the other.
The documents are then made out in detail by the persistent
application of the criteria thus furnished. Every paragraph,
sentence or clause, in which any of the one class of charac
teristics is to be found, is regularly and consistently assig
ned to the one document; and with like regularity and con
sistency all, in which any of the other class of characteris
tics appear is referred to the other document, the number
of the criteria growing as the work proceeds. When now
the process is completed, each document will be found to
have the assumed series of characteristics for the simple rea
son that it was throughout constructed by the critic himself
upon that pattern. He is arguing in a circle which of course
returns upon itself. He proves the documents by the
criteria, and the criteria by the documents; and these
match as far as they do, because they have been adjusted to
one another with the utmost care. But the correspondence
may be factitious after all. It may show the ingenuity of
the operator without establishing the objective reality of his
conclusions. The documents, which he fancies that he has
discovered, may be purely a creation of his own, and
never have had an independent existence.
We shall noAV examine the alleged marks of P seriatim
with the view of discovering what significance is to be
attached to them.
It is urged that the alternation of the divine names in
successive paragraphs of this narrative attests its composite
character. This, it is affirmed, requires the assumption of
two different writers, who were in the habit of using
different terms to designate the most High. One (P) always
spoke of him as Elohim (God), the other (J) as Jehovah
(Lord). The narrative, as we possess it, has been made up
from the combination of the accounts in these two docu
ments 5 and hence the alternation of these two names , as
they are here found. But this is a superficial and mechanical
explanation of what is really due to a different and more
satisfactory cause. The names of God, though often used
interchangeably, are not precise equivalents. Elohim is the
The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 201
general designation of the most High, in his relation to the
world at large and to all mankind, as the Creator, Preserver
and Governor of all. Jehovah is his name in the strict and
proper sense, by which he has made himself known to the
chosen race; it is his designation as the God of his own
people, the God of revelation and of redemption.
There are two aspects, under which the flood can be
contemplated, and two points of view from which its place
and function in the sacred history may be regarded. It
may be looked upon as the act of the Creator, destroying
the work of his hands, because it had become corrupt and
so perverted from its original intent, and at the same time
providing for the perpetuation of the several species of
living things. Or on the other hand it may be considered
in its relation to the work of redemption. The wickedness
of man threatened to put an end to the scheme of grace and
salvation. In order to prevent his merciful designs from
being thwarted thus the most High resolved to destroy the
ungodly race, and rescue the one surviving pious family to
be the seed of a new race, amongst whom true religion
might be nurtured until it should ultimately fill the whole
earth. The sacred writer has both these aspects of this
great catastrophe in mind, and he suggests them to his
readers by the alternate use of the divine names. When he
has regard to the divine government and providential care
as manifested in it, he speaks of it as the act of Elohim.
When he has regard to his special guardianship over the
pious, or to aught that concerns divine worship, he uses the
sacred name Jehovah. Thus it is Elohim, who sees with
displeasure the disorder introduced by the corruption of
mankind, and makes known his purpose to destroy them,
but institutes measures for preserving the various species
of animals by means of an ark to be built for this end,
VI. 9 22. It is Elohim , agreeably to whose command
creatures of both sexes went in unto Noah into the ark,
VII. 9. 16. It is Elohim, who remembered Noah and every
living thing that Avas with him in the ark, and who made a
wind pass over the earth to assuage the waters, VIII. 1.
It is Elohim , who bade Noah go forth of the ark, and bring
forth with him every living thing that they may multiply,
2Q2 William Henry Green.
upon the earth, VIII. 15 17. It is Elohim, who blessed
Noah and his sons, as he had blessed man at his creation,
1.28, bidding them: "Be fruitful, and multiply and replenish
the earth", IX. 1. It is Elohim, who established his covenant
with Noah and with every living creature, pledging that
there should be no flood in future to destroy all flesh,
IX. 817.
On the other hand it is Jehovah, in whose eyes Noah
found grace, VI. 8, and who was resolved to put a sudden
end to the downward progress of growing wickedness,
which infected every imagination of the thoughts of man s
heart, and threatened to banish piety from the earth, vs. 57.
It is Jehovah, who bade righteous Noah to come with
all his house into the ark , and to take with him victuals
fit for sacrifice in larger numbers than the rest, VII, 13.
It is Jehovah, who shut Noah in, after he had entered the
ark, ver. 16, though in the very same verse it is Elohim
who commanded that the beasts of both sexes should enter
in. It is Jehovah, to whom. Noah builds an altar and offers
sacrifice, and who graciously, accepts the offering, vs. 20, 21.
It thus appears that the divine names are discriminatingly
used throughout the entire narrative. We accordingly pass
to the other marks adduced by Dillinann in their order.
1. <The title, VI. 9 .
(a) A like title These are the generations etc. occurs
besides in Gen. II 4, V. 1, X. 1, XL 10, 27, XXV. 12, 19,
XXXVI. 1, 9, XXXVII. 2, Num. III. 1. and once out of
the Pentateuch in imitation of the phrase as there used.
(b) The word generations m^P occurs, apart from the
titles just cited, Gen. X. 32, XXV. 13 ; Ex. VI. 16, 19,
XXVIII. 10; Num. I. 2042, and out of the Pentateuch Ruth
IV. 18; 1. Chron. v. 7, VII. 2, 4, 9, VIII. 28, IX. 9, 34,
XXVI. 31.
These titles are so far from, lending any support to the
document hypothesis, that they can only be classed as belon
ging to P on the prior assumption of the truth of the hypo
thesis. That in Gen. II. 4 is assigned to P, not by reason
of its environment , but notwithstanding the fact that it
is the title of a J section, to which it is assumed that it
has been transferred from a former imaginary position at the
The Diction of Genesis VI -IX. 203
beginning of ch. I, for which it is not suitable and where it could
never have stood. In XXXVII. 2 it introduces a section
composed of alternate paragraphs of J and E, in which there
is not a single sentence Ironi P until XLI. 46, and then not
another till XL VI. 6. In XXV. 19 it is followed by long
passages from J, interspersed with paragraphs from E. and
with scarcely anything from P. Ch XXXVI. 9. stands at
the head of a section, about which critics are divided; some
refer it to P., others in large part to R, or te JE. The
natural inference would seem to be that these titles prefixed
alike to J and to P sections, were suggestive of the common
authorship of those sections, or at least that the titles
proceeded from him, to whom Genesis owes its present form,
be he author or compiler.
And the other passages, in which the word n"6m is
found, look in the same direction. Gen. X. 32 occurs at
the close of what is considered a J section of a genealogy.
Ex. VI. 16, 19 is in a genealogy, which Kayser assigns to
R, which in the judgment of Wellhausen and Kuenen, does
not belong to P, but is a later interpolation, and which
Dillmann merely refers to P on the general ground that gene
alogies as a rule are to be so referred, while nevertheless
he claims that the entire context has been seriously mani
pulated. Gen. XXV. 13 is in a genealogy, which is referred
to P on the same general ground, but is embedded in a J
context. It would seem consequently that there is no very
solid ground for the claim that this word is peculiar to P.
2. Reckoning by the years of Noah s life 7 .
The arbitrary character of the critical rule that state
ments of age are to be referred to P appears from the fact
that in repeated instances this is done in defiance of the
context. Thus Isaac s age at his marriage and at the birth
of his children is cut out of a J context, XXV. 20, 26; so
that of Joseph when feeding the flock with his brethren,
XXXVII. 2, and when he stood before Pharaoh, XLI. 46,
and the length of time that Jacob lived in Egypt and his age at
his death, XL VII. 28, are all severed from a foreign context
either J or E. Moreover the age of Joseph, Gen. L. 26, of
Caleb, Josh. XIV. 7, 10, and of Joshua, Josh. XXIV. 29,
is by common critical consent attributed to E.
204
William Henrv Green.
3. The exact statements of time respecting the course
of the flood .
(a) P reckons 150 days until the flood began to subside,
VII. 24, VIII. 3. But time is noted with similar exactness
in passages referred to the other documents. Thus in J
seven days until the flood was to begin, forty days that it
was to continue, VII. 4, 10, 12 ; after forty days Noah opened
the window of the ark, VIIT. 6, after seven days he sent
forth a dove, vs. 10, 12; three months XXXVIII. 24-, in E
twelve years, XIV. 4, 5 (referred to E by Dillmann), seven
years, XXIX. 20, 27, 30; twenty, fourteen, and six years
XXXI. 38, 41; two years, XLI. 1; seven years, XLI. 48, 54;
two and live years, XLV. 6.
(b) P notes the month and the day, which marked certain
stages of the flood, VII. 11, VIII. 4, 5, 13, 14. But nothing
sufficiently momentous to call for such notation occurs in
the rest of Genesis whether in JE or in P sections. And
in the remainder of the Hexateuch it is limited to two things,
viz. the annual sacred seasons as described in detail in the
ritual law. and for that reason assigned to P, and the most
signal occurrences in the march of Israel from Egypt to
Canaan. Thus the month and day of their leaving Egypt are
indicated, Num. XXXIII, 3; of the first gift of Manna, Ex.
XVI. 1: of the arrival at and departure from Sinai, Ex. XIX.
1; Num. X 11; of setting up the sacred Tabernacle, Ex. XL.
2, 17; of numbering the people and organizing the host,
Num. I, 1, 18: of the return to Kadesh in the last year of
the wandering, Nurn XX. 1; of the death of Aaron, Num.
XXXIII. 38; of Moses final exposition of the law, Deut. I.
3, and of the passage of the Jordan just when the predicted
term of wandering was complete, Josh. IV. 19. These are
all assigned to P in spite of the fact that Ex. XIX. 1; Num.
XX. 1; Deut. I. 3; and Josh. IV. 19 are not in a P
context; yet they are severed from their connection and
attributed to P because of the prior assumption that he alone
reckons by months and days.
4. The measurements of the ark.
There is but one other structure, of which measures are
given in the Pentateuch, viz. the Tabernacle and its vessels.
And the reason why such detailed statements are made re-
The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 205
specting them is not because P had a fancy for recording
measures , but because these structures were built by
divine direction and on a divine plan which was minutely
followed. And this is not the peculiarity of a particular
writer, for the author of Kings and the Prophet Ezekiel
detail in like manner the measures of the temple.
5. Weaving in a law, IX. 1 7, and its referring back
to I, 27 sq.
But the same thing occurs in passages assigned to the
other so-called documents , thus in J, the law of marriage is
woven into II, 23, 24, that of levirate marriage XXXVIII,
8, intermarriage with Canaanites disapproved XXIV, 3, and
the institution of sacrifice, ch. IV, VIII, 20, 21; in E, the
payment of tithes, XIV, 20 (referred to E by Dillmann),
XXVIII. 22. And if the reference of IX. 6 to I. 27 links
it to P, the reference of XXVII. 45 J to IX. 6 links it
equally to J, and is thus suggestive of the common origin of
what the critics consider separate documents.
6. The covenant and its sign, IX. 8 sqq.
Three covenants with their appointed signs are spoken
of in the old Testament, viz. the covenant with Noah and
the rainbow as its sign, the covenant with Abraham and his
seed and circumcision as its sign. XVII. 10. 11, and the
covenant with Israel and the sabbath as its sign Ex. XXXI.
13-17. These are all referred to P; and no sections of P
but these three make mention of a covenant sign. If now
the absence of this expression from all the rest of the P
sections does not imply difference of authorship, why
should such a significance be attributed to its absence from
the J sections V But in fact both the name and the thing-
are found in sections attributed to J. Thus Gen. XV. 18
Jehovah made a covenant with Abraham granting him the
land of Canaan; and as he asked for something, ver. 8,
whereby he might know that he should inherit it, a symbol
of the divine presence, fire and smoke, passed between the
pieces of the slaughtered victims, as was customary for con
tracting parties among men, Jer. XXXIV. 18, 19. The word
sign does not occur in the passage, but Dillmann (comment.
in loc.) correctly calls this the sign by which the covenant
engagement was concluded . In Ex. III. 12 E God gives
206 William Henry Green.
Moses a sign of his divine commission to deliver Israel. In
Ex. IV. J lie gives him a series of signs to confirm the
faith of the people in the same. The critics assign to P
with the exception of a few refractory clauses Ex. XXXI.
12 17, which makes the sabbath the sign of God s cove
nant with Israel. And they avow as one of their chief
reasons for doing so, (Dillmann in loc.\ that P must have
recorded the sign of the Mosaic covenant as he did those
of the covenants with Noah and Abraham. And yet they
attribute the entire account of the contracting of the Mosaic
covenant, Ex. XXIV. 1 11 to JE, thus separating what
manifestly belongs together. How can P report the sign of
the Mosaic Covenant, if he has said nothing of such a cove
nant being formed?
7. Diffuseness and constantly recurring formulae .
But the emphatic iteration of the historian, who would
impress his readers with the magnitude of the world-wide
desolation wrought by the flood is not to be confounded with
the aimless diffuseness of a wordy writer. The enlargement
upon special features and the repetitions are due to the
vastness of the theme, not to needless verbosity. Thus
Delitzsch commenting upon VII. 1720 says: The descrip
tion is a model of majestic simplicity, of exalted beauty with
no artificial expedients . . . The tautologies of the account, as
it lies before us, picture the frightful monotony of the illi
mitable watery surface, and the refuge floating securely
above it, though encompassed by the terrors of death . And
Dillmann says of VII. 16, in which the author repeats for
the third time the entry into the ark, It is as if the author,
moved by the momentous character of the day, could not do
enough in the way of detailed portraiture of the event .
These surely are not unmeaning platitudes.
8. The antique description of the sources of the flood,
VII. 11, VIII. 2, reminding one of I. 68.
The expression windows of heaven occurs twice in the
account of the flood, and nowhere else in the Hexateuch.
In both passages it is associated with rain, wich is only
sundered from it by the arbitrary tradition of the critics *,
and the form of the verb used in both implies that the rain
was consequent upon the opening of these windows, and the
The Diction of Genesis XI IX.
207
stoppage of the rain upon closing them. There is not the
slightest suggestion of two different conceptions, whether
the windows of heaven be interpreted as literal sluices
through which the waters of a supernal ocean pour, or as a
figurative representation of deluging rains proceeding from
the clouds which are spoken of as waters above the firma
ment. And that waters from the great deep were united
with torrents from the sky in producing the flood can be no
ground of literary partition, while it is in exact accord with
geologic phenomena.
9. The image of God, IX. 6 .
This expression is here used with explicit allusion to
I. 26, 27, where it occurs in the account of the creation of
man-, and it is found nowhere else in the old Testament.
This cannot surely be urged as a characteristic of the writer.
10. The mode of speaking of Noah s family, VI. 18, VII.
7, 13, VIII. 16, 18, as opposed to VII. 1 .
But why should diversity of authorship be inferred be
cause VI. 18 has Thou and thy sons, and thy wife, and thy
sons wives with thee and VII. 1: Thou and all thy house
any more than from XLV. 10 : Thou and thy children and
thy children s children, and thy flocks, and thy herds, and
all that thou hast while ver. -11 has Thou and thy house
and all that thou hast , which plainly belong together and are
by the critics commonly assigned alike to E. Wellhausen
indeed ascribes XLV. 10 with its detailed enumeration to
J, thus precisely reversing the characteristic brevity imputed
to J in VII. 1. Moreover the detailed statement of Noah s
family occurs VII, 7 in a passage alleged to contain J s account
of the entry into the ark, and in connection with expressions
claimed to be characteristic of J, waters of the flood , clean
beasts and beasts that are not clean ; so that the critics
find it necessary to resort to the evasion that the text has
been manipulated by R, who substituted the present reading
for the presumed original Noah and his house . And if
slight variations in the form of expression are to be made
the pretext for assuming a diversity of writers, it may be
observed that VII. 13 is peculiar in giving the names of
Noah s sons and the number of their wives, and VIII. 16
208
William Henry Green.
in mentioning the wife before the sons. Must these verses
be referred to a distinct author on this account?
11. -lir;-^ all flesh, VI. 12 sq., 17, 19, VII. 15 sq. 21,
VIII. 17, IX. 11, 15-17.
This expression occurs thirteen times in the passages
just recited in the account of the flood to indicate the uni
versality of corruption and death and the measures for pre
serving the various species of living things. As there was
no occasion to use it elsewhere in Genesis, it occurs besides
neither in P. nor in J sections. It is found three times in
Lev. XVII. 14 blood the life of all flesh , which Dilhnann
says (Comment, p. 535) is a mixed passage, and he adds
hat all flesh , is no sure proof of P. It further occurs in
Num. XVI. 22, XXVII. 16: God of the spirits of all
flesh , and in a law of the consecration of the firstborn of
all animals, Num. XVIII. 15, and nowhere else in the Hexa-
teuch. J passages offer no substitute for it, and do not
employ it for the simple reason that they have no occasion
to express the idea. It is further found repeatedly in other
books of the Bible, so that it is no peculiar possession of P.
12. rep; 5 ! irj male and female VI. 19, VII. 9, 16.
These words can only be expected where there is some
reason for referring to the distinction of sex. They are
found together I. 27, V. 2, where the creation of man is
spoken of, and VI. 19, VII. 3, 9, 16 in the measures for
the preservation of the various species at the time of the
flood but nowhere else in Genesis. They are also found
together in the ritual laws respecting sacrifice Lev. III. 1, 6;
childbirth, Lev. XII. 7-, uncleannes, Lev. XV. 33; Num. V.
3 ; and vows, Lev. XXVII. 3 - 7 ; and nowhere else in the
Hexateuch except Deut. IV. 12, referring to objects of ido
latrous worship. And it is almost exclusively in ritual con
nections, that the words indicative of sex are used at all,
even separately. Thus male occurs in Genesis only in rela
tion to circumcision, Gen. XVII. 10, 12, 14, 23, XXXIV.
15, 22, 24, 25; and besides in a like connection in Ex.
XII. 48 (Josh. V. 4 R). It is further found in the Hexa
teuch in relation to sacrifice, Ex. XII. 5; Lev. I. 3, 10, IV.
23, XXII. 19 ; hallowing the first born (Ex. XIII. 12, 15 J;
Deut. XV. 19 D); directions concerning the priests, Lev.
The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 209
VI. 11 (Eng. Version ver. 18), 22 (E. V. 29), VII. 6; Num.
XVIII. 10; childbirth, Lev. XII. 2; copulation, (Lev. XVIII.
22, XX. 13 J so Dillm.); Num. XXXI. 17, 18, 35; the
<*msus, Num. I. 2, 20, 22, ch. Ill, XXVI. 62 (Josh. XVII.
2 JE., except only the word males, so Dillm.); and war,
Num, XXXI. 7, 17. Female occurs separately in connection
with sacrifice, Lev. IV. 28, 32, V. 6; childbirth Lev. XII.
5; and war, Num. XXXI. 15. As the creation, flood (for
the most part), and ritual law are assigned to P, it is not
surprising that nearly all the allusions to sex are in the
sections and paragraphs attributed to P. And yet in the
limited references, which J. is supposed to make to matters
that admit of an allusion to sex, the word male finds
entrance there also, as appears from the above recital. It
is alleged that J. uses a different phrase, IPfc ao LPis* man
and his wife, VII. 2, instead of male and female.
Nevertheless male and female occur VII. 3, 9 in para
graphs assigned to J. The critics say that these words
were inserted by R. the only evidence of which is that
they are at variance with critical assumptions. And why
E. should have been concerned to insert them here, and not
in VI F. 2 does not appear.
13. crpPnB^C? according to their families VIII. 19.
This particular form of expression occurs once of the
various species of animals that came forth from the ark.
With that exception it is limited to genealogies, viz. of the
sons of Noah, X. 5, 20, 31; of Esau, XXXVI, 40; and of the
Levites, Ex. VI. 17, 25; the census of the tribes, Num. I TV,
XXVI; and the division of Canaan, Num. XXXIII, 54: Josh.
XIII etc. As these are for the most part given to P by
rule, the word is chiefly found in P sections as a matter of
course. Yet it is classed as belonging to P in X. 20, 31,
though the preceeding genealogy, to which it relates, is given
to J. The word itself is found in J. Gen. XII. 3, XXVIII.
14, and JE Josh. VI, 23; and with the same preposition
according to your families Ex. XII, 21 J, according to his
families 1 Num. XL 10 JE.
14.<rwj; |3 so did he VI, 22.
This is part of an emphatic declaration that the divine
directions were punctually obeyed. Such statements are
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 14
210 William Henry Green.
mostly found in connection with the ritual, and naturally
have their place in P, to which ritual passages are regularly
assigned. In Ex. XII, 28 it is preceded and followed by a
J context, with the former of which it is intimately united, to
which it evidently refers, and from which its meaning is
derived. And yet it is torn from this connection, and linked
with a distant P paragraph solely and avowedly because it
contains the formula in question. It occurs but once in the
book of Genesis, where it describes the exactness, with which
Noah heeded the injunctions given him. The expression in
VII, 5 is less full, but this is no indication that it is from
a different source. The emphatic formula connected with the
general statement in Ex. XXXIX, 32 is preceded, and that
in Ex. XL, 16 is followed by numerous particular statements
with a briefer formula, but no one suspects a difference ot
authorship on this account.
15. <nri] PHD be fruitful and multiply, VIII, 17,
ix, i, i:
This phrase occurs ten times in Genesis, and once in
Exodus, and in all of them is referred to P. This looks
like a strong case at first sight ; but all its seeming strength
is dissipated upon examination. The phrase is an emphatic
combination designed to express exuberant fertility; and its
meaning is repeatedly heightened by the addition of other
synonymous words or of intensifying adverbs. *) It is used
in the Pentateuch of three things, and of these only. 1. The
blessing of fruitfulness pronounced upon animals and men
at their creation, Gen. I, 22, 28, and after the flood, VIII. 17,
IX. 1, 7. 2. The promise to the patriarchs of the multipli
cation of their descendants. 3. The actual multiplication
of the children of Israel in Egypt, Gen. XL VII. 27; Ex. I. 7.
Since the entire account of the creation and almost all of
the account of the flood are given to P., the blessings then
pronounced take the same direction as a matter of course.
Of the two statements of the multiplication of the Israelites
i) Thus Gen. I. 22, 28, IX. 1 urn inni nfi .
VIII. 17 in-n IIBI . . . isnan.
IX. 7 mi . . . IXIK; mi IIB.
XLVII. 27 TKD mi n >i.
Ex. I. 7 -JNfc TNI22 1)2SJ?1 1Z1T1
The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 211
in Egypt, Gen. XLVIL 27 stands in a J context, and Ex. I. 7
in an E context 5 and both are sundered from their proper
connection and referred to P principally on account of the
phrase in question
In the blessing upon Abraham and his descendants in
Gen. XVII these two verbs are first used separately, mul
tiply ver. 2, make fruitful ver. 6, and then both are com
bined in ver. 20. This climactic promise of offspring to
Abraham after long years of waiting, and when every natural
expectation had vanished, was confirmed by the announce
ment that it came from the Almighty God, ver. 1, who was
able to fulfil what nature could not accomplish. 1 ) This promise
was repeated with explicit allusion to this occasion by Isaac
to Jacob, XXVIII. 3; by God himself to Jacob, XXXV 11;
by Jacob to Joseph, XL VIII. 3, 4. In all these cases the
emphatic words of the original promise, Almighty God , be
fruitful , multiply are repeated together. There are uni
formly assigned to P, not because of the connection, in which
they stand, but because of the critical assumption that these
words are characteristic of P, and must always be attributed
to him. These comprise all the instances in the Hexateuch,
in which be fruitful and multiply occur together except
Lev XXVI. 9, which Driver assigns to another than P, and
Dillmann gives to J.
16. *D^2 C^pn or |P3 establish or ordain a cove
nant VI. 18, IX. 9, 11 sq., 17.
These expressions are said to be characteristic of P,
while J habitually uses instead PP")? m_3 conclude a cove
nant. The fact is that there is a difference in the signi
fication of these terms, which should be noted, and which is
the true and sufficient explanation of their usage, without
the need of having recourse to the proclivities of distinct
writers. The first two expressions are used exclusively of
God instituting covenants with men; establish (lit. cause
to stand ) indicates the permanence and stability of the
arrangement divinely made*, ordain (lit. give ) suggests its
Gen. XVII. 1, 2 HMD "wes ini
ver. .6 a TNEI I
ver. 20 -ING iNon in* nanm in vinem.
14
212 William Henry Green.
divine appointment a bestowment. These are applied to
two covenants granted in perpetuity, that to Noah (establish
VI. 8. IX. 9, 11, 17; ordain E. V. make IX. 12); and
to Abraham (establish XVII. 7.19. 21; Ex. VI. 4;
ordain, E. V. make IX. 12); and ordain, E. V. give is
once besides applied to the covenant of a perpetual priest
hood granted to Phinehas, Num. XXV. 12. Conclude (lit.
cut. E. V. make ) according to its original signification al
ludes to the sacrificial rites attending the ratification of a
covenant, and the cutting of the victim asunder for the con
tracting parties to pass between the separated pieces,
Jer. XXXIV. 18. 19. It properly refers, therefore, to the act
of concluding a covenant with predominant allusion in some
instances at least to the accompanying ceremonies. It is
accordingly used
(a) Of covenants between men; thus between Abraham
and Abimelech, Gen. XXI. 27, 32 E; Isaac and Abimelech,
XXVI. 28 J; Laban and Jacob, XXXI. 44 E; Israel and
Canaanites, Ex. XXIII. 32 E, XXXIV. 12, 15 J; Deut. VII. 2 D;
Josh. IX. 6 sqq. E; Joshua and Israel. Josh. XXIV. 25 E.
(b) Of the covenants of God with men, when the attention
is directed to the ratification rather than to the perpetuity
of the covenant. It occurs once of God s covenant with
Abraham on the occasion of its formal ratification in condes
cension to the customs of men, when a symbol of the Divine
Being, by whom the engagement was made, passed between
the parts of the slaughtered victims, Gen XV. 18 J. But
when the climax was reached, and the faith of childless
Abraham had been sufficiently tried, the covenant conveying
the land of Canaan was more explicitly unfolded as a cove
nant, in which the Almighty God pledged himself to be a
God unto him and to his seed; a covenant, that was not
merely entered into, but declared to be everlasting, and the
stronger word establish is henceforth used in relation to
it, XVII. 7. Conclude (lit. cut ) is invariably used of God s
covenant with Israel, ratified by sacrifice, Ex. XXIV. 8 J.
and solemnly renewed. Ex. XXXIV. 10, 27 J; Deut. IV. 23,
V. 2, 3, IX. 9, XXVIII. 69, XXIX. 11, 13, 24, XXXI, 16.
Establish is never used in speaking of this covenant with
Israel, as of that with Abraham, because the element of
The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 213
perpetuity and inviolability was wanting. It was liable to
be broken. It was once actually ruptured by the crime of
the golden calf, and again by their rebellion, when the spies
brought an evil report of the promised land, and they were
in consequence condemned to die in the wilderness. The
people were ever afresh reminded that its persistence was
conditioned on their own fidelity. Only once in Pentateuch
is its perpetuation set before them as a blessing of the
future; 1 ) if they will walk in the Lord s statutes, he will
establish his covenant with them, Lev. XXVI. 3. 9 (J
Dillm.). It is quite likely, however, that the phrase is here
used in the secondary sense of performing or fulfilling, as it
is in relation to the covenant with Abraham in Deut. VIII. 18.
The occurrence of what is claimed as a P phrase in J and
D shows that it is not the peculiar property of any one of
the so-called Hexateuchal documents. And the superficial
exegesis, which finds here only an unmeaning difference of
usage in different writers, overlooks the profound significance,
which underlies the constant employment of these several
terms.
17. You and your seed after you, IX. 9.
This or the like phrase with a simple change of the
pronoun is uniformly ascribed to P. It occurs in the promise
to Noah, IX. 9, Abraham, XVII. 7 bis, 8, 9, 10, 19, Jacob
XXXV. 12, repeated by Jacob to Joseph, XLVIII. 4, the
injunction to Aaron, Ex. XXVIII. 43, and the promise to
Phinehas. Num. XXV. 13. But the expression is not uniform
even in passages assigned to P, e. g. % thee and to thy
seed with thee Gen. XXVIII 4; Num. XVIII. 19; to him
and to his seed throughout their generations Ex. XXX. 21..
Why then should a slight additional variation in three other
passages be thought to indicate a different author? viz. ; to>
thee and to thy seed for ever Gen. XIII. 15 J.; unto thee
and unto thy seed , XXVI. 3 R, XX VII L 13 J. Especially
as one author in Deuteronomy uses all these phrases; unto-
them and to their seed after them I. 8; unto them and to-
their seed XL 9; thee and thv seed for ever XXVIII. 46.
J ) And once besides in the Old Testament, Ezek. XVI. 60, 62, where,
however, it is based not on the fidelity of the people, but on the prevenient
grace of God.
William Henry Green.
18. <yij die, expire (for which J is said to use
VI. 17, VII. 21.
This word is only found in poetry except in the Hexa-
teuch, where it is an emphatic word, only used of the death
of venerated partriarchs or of great catastrophes. It occurs
twice in relation to those that perished in the flood, VI. 17,
VII. 21; also of those who were cut off by divine judgment
for the rebellion of Korah Num. XVII. 27, 28 (E. V. 12, 13),
XX. 3 bis; or the trespass of Achan, Josh. XXII. 20. It
is used in connection with PIC died of the death of Abraham,
Gen. XXV. 8; Ishmael, ver. 17; Isaac, XXXV. 29; and with
the equivalent phrase was gathered to his people of Jacob,
XLIX. 33; also of Aaron, Num. XX. 29, where the preceding
verse has JTPE.
The critics improperly sunder Gen. VII. 22, which
has n*C from its connection with ver. 21, which has
yij, assigning the former for this reason to J and the latter
to P; although ver. 22 directly continues ver. 21, and is a
comprehensive restatement in brief, added with the view of
giving stronger expression to the thought. Num XX. 3 b
is cut out of an E connection and referred to P on account
of this word yi2, though the similar passage Num. XIV. 23
shows that it belongs where it stands. This word could
not be expected in the passages assigned to J., since they
record no death in all the Hexateuch except those of Haran,
Gen. XI. 28; Shuah the wife of Judah, XXXVIII. 12; and
a king of Egypt, Ex. II. 23; in all which the word PIC is
appropriately used. The passages assigned to P in like
manner use TO of Terah Gen. XI. 32; Sarah XXIII. 2; the
kings of Edoni XXXVI. 3339 (referred to P by Dillm.);
Nadab and Abihu Lev. X. 2, and several times besides as
an emphatic addition to 5?i:. There is in all this no difference
of usage whatever, and certainly nothing to suggest diversity
of authorship.
19. rVn^ n and nntf destroy (not nnc blot outJ,
VI. 13, 17, IX. 11, 15.
What is here claimed as a P word occurs but once in
P outside of the account of the flood, Gen. XIX. 29; while
it occurs repeatedly in J, Hiphil form : Gen. XIII. 10, XIX. 13,
XXXVIII. 29; Ex. XXXII. 7; Deut. XXXII. 5; and in E
The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 215
Ex. XXI. 26; Num. XXXII. 15; Josh. XXII. 33. Piel form:
in J Gen. XVIII. 28, 31, 32, XIX. 13, 14; Ex. XII 23.
And the alleged J word Pine occurs four times in the nar
rative of the flood, VI. 7, VII. 4, 23 bis; and five times
besides in the Hexateuch, twice in J Ex. XXXII. 32, 33;
twice in E Ex. XVII. 14; and once in P Num. V. 23. The
writer is led to use nnB> in VI. 13, 17 because of the two
fold significance of the word, which may have respect to
character or condition, and may mean to corrupt or Ho
destroy. All flesh had corrupted their way, wherefore God
was resolved to destroy them. In VII. 23 PinC, though
referred to J, is in connection with the enumeration of man,
beast, creeping thing, and fowl of heaven , which is reckoned
a characteristic of J, and can only be accounted for by the
assumption that it has been inserted by R.
20. "T^in beget VI. 10 (for which J is said to use 1>).
As is remarked by Dillmann (Comment, on Gen. V. 3),
"P^in said of the father belongs to greater precision of style.
Hence this is uniformly used in the direct line of the genealogies
leading to the chosen race, which are drawn up with special
fulness and formality, Gen. V, VI. 10, XL 10 sqq.. XXV. 19.
Num. XXVI. 29 , 58. And 1^ is as uniformly used of the
side-lines, thus IV. 18 (in the line of Cain), X. 8, 13, 15,
24, 26 (line of Ham and that of Shem outside of the chosen
race); XXII. 23 (Bethuel); XXV. 3 (Keturah). The only
apparent exceptions are not really such; X. 24 Arpachshad,
Shelah. Eber here head a divergent line proceeding with
Joljtan, cf. XL 1217. In XL 27 Haran begat (T^u) Lot,
but this is included in the genealogy with Abraham, just as
XI, 26 Terah begot (Ttnn) three sons, and Noah v. 32, VI. 10
begot (T7in) three sons, these being included in a genealogy
of the direct line. In XVII. 20 the promise that Ishmael
shall beget ("P TP) twelve princes is not in a genealogy, and
besides it is part of a promise to Abraham. The variation,
which the critics attribute to distinct writers, is simply the
carrying out of a consistent and uniform plan by the same
writer. Besides it is only by critical legerdemain that "6j
is restricted to J. Gen. XXII. 23 is referred to J notwith
standing the allusion by P in XXV. 20, which makes it
necessary to assume that P had stated the same thing in
216 William Henry Green.
some other passage now lost. This carries with it XXII. 20,
whose allusion to XL 29 requires the latter to be torn from
its connection and referred to J. And in XXV. 3 "l^ 1 alter
nates with \jZP, which is made a criterion of P in ch. X,
cf. also XLVI. 9 sqq.; Ex. VI. 15 sqq.
21. <n^N eating (E. V. food) VI. 21, IX. 3
Delitzsch (Comment, on Gen. VJ. 21) says bzxh to eat
and b^X cb for food , and quotes with approval from Driver
a thing is given bixh on a particular occasion , it is given
iTCNp for a continuance . It is said that J uses ^2NE as
its equivalent-, but ^INC and rfc N occur together in Gen.
VI. 21 P, where the difference is plainly shown; tCNC de
notes that which is eaten, njr-K the act of eating. ujrx
occurs seven times in the Hexateuch. In each instance some
particular article of food is prescribed for constant eating;
and these are the only passages in Avhich this is done. In
Gen. I. 29. 30 to man and beast at the creation; VI. 21 to
Noah and those that were with him in the ark during the
flood; IX. 3 to man after the flood; Ex. XVI 15 to Israel
manna during their abode in the wilderness; Lev. XL 39 to
Israel animal food allowed by the law; XXV. 6 to man and
beast during the sabbatical year.
As all these verses are assigned to P, and these com
prise all the passages of this description, it is not surprising
that rppx does not occur in J. But some nice critical work
is necessary to effect this. Ex. XV L 15 has to be split in
two; its first clause is said to belong to J. but its last
clause is attributed to P because of this very word (so Dillm.)
Kayser (Das vorexilische Bucli p. 76) refers Lev. XXV. 1 7
to another than P; Kuenen (Hexateuch, p. 286) refers it
to P, 1 who is distinguished from P, or as he prefers to call
him P 2 the author of the historico-legislative w r ork extending
from the creation to the settlement in Canaan. (p. 288).
22. <r,T! wild beast, VII. 14, 21, VIII. 1. 17, 19,1X.2. 5.
There is no difference in this between the passages
respectively assigned to the so-called documents. HTI beast
is distinguished from Her? cattle in P I. 24, 25, VII. 14 21,
VIII. 1, IX. 10 ; but so it is in J. II. 20. In I. 30, VIII. 19,
IX. 2, 5 P it is used in a more comprehensive sense and
includes domestic animals precisely as it does in II. 19 J.
The Diction of Genesis IV IX. 217
In VI. 20 P n^ri2 cattle is used in a like comprehensive
sense and embraces all quadrupeds as in VII. 2. J. In the
rest of Genesis and of the Hexateuch while PiT) beast
occurs in the sense of wild beasts in Gen. XXXVII. 20, 33 JE,
Ex. XXIII. 29 E, Deut. VII. 22 D, it is nowhere used in
this sense in P, to which it is conceded that Lev. XVII. 13 7
XXV. 7, XXVI. 6, 22 do not properly belong, and in Num.
XXXV. 3, where beasts 7 are distinguished from cattle it is
nevertheless plain that domesticated animals are meant.
23. <pp kind VI. 20 7 VII. 14
This word is only used when there is occasion to refer
to various species of living things, as in the account of the
creation Gen. I (10 times), and of the preservation of the
animals in the ark VI. 20 (4 times), VII. 14 (4 times), and
in the law respecting clean and unclean animals Lev. XI
(9 times), Deut. XIV (4 times). It occurs but once besides
in the entire Old Testament, Ezek. XL VII. 10, where reference
is made to the various species of tish. As the creation, the
flood (in large part) and the ritual law are assigned to P,
and there is no occasion to use the word elsewhere, it cannot
be expected in passages attributed to J; not even in VII. 2.
3, 8, where attention is drawn to the distinction maintained
between clean and unclean rather than the variety of species
preserved, which is sufficiently insisted upon VI. 20 and VII. 14.
24. q# self same VII. 13. ?
This is an emphatic form of speech, Avhich was but
sparingly used, and limited to important epochs, whose
exact time is thus signalized. It marks two momentous days
in the history, that on which Noah entered into the ark,
Gen. VII. 13, and that on which Moses the leader and
legislator of Israel went up Mount Nebo to die, Deut.
XXXII. 48. With these exceptions it occurs mainly in
ritual sections. It is used twice in connection with the original
institution of circumcision in the family of Abraham, Gen.
XVII. 23, 26; three times in connection with the institution
of the passover on the day that the Lord brought Israel out
of the land of Egypt, Ex. XII. 17, 41, 51 ; and five times
in Lev. XXIII, the chapter of ordaining the sacred festivals,
to mark severally the day on which the sheaf of the first
fruits was presented in the passover week, ver. 14 (which
218 William Henry Green.
is emphasized afresh on the observance of the first passover
in Canaan, Josh. V. 11); also the day on which the two
wave loaves were brought at the feast of weeks, ver. 21;
and with triple repetition the great day of atonement,
vs. 28 - 30. Since ritual passages are regularly assigned to
P, and the two emphatic moments in the history calling for
the use of this expression have likewise been given to him,
it might not seem surprising if it had been absolutely limited
to P. And yet it is found once in an admitted JE section,
Josh. X. 27, showing that it can have place in these sections
as well as others, if there is occasion for its employment.
25. <pjfc creep or swarm, p creeping or swar
ming things, VII. 21, VIII. 17, IX. 7/
P.? creeping things occurs among other species of
animals at the creation, I. 20, in the flood, VII. 21, and in
the ritual law as a source of defilement, Lev. V. 2, XXII. 5,
or prohibited as food, Lev. XI (10 times), Deut. XIV. 19;
and it is found nowhere else in the Old Testament.
The verb ptf is used with its cognate noun at the
creation, I. 20 ? 21, and flood, VII. 21, and in the law ot
unclean meats, Lev. XI. 29, 41, 42, 43, 46; and in the sense
of swarming or great fertility in the blessings pronounced
upon animals and men after the flood, VIII. 17, IX. 7; the
immense multiplication of the children of Israel in Egypt,
Ex. I. 2; and the production of countless frogs, Ex. VII. 28
(E. V. VIII. 3); repeated Ps. CV. 30; and it is used but once
besides in the entire Old Testament. In the creation, flood
and ritual law it is given to P as a matter of course; but
it occurs in J in Ex. VII. 28, and in Ex. I. 7 it is only
saved for P by cutting it out of an E connection.
26 fc cn creep and frcn. creeping thing.
These words occur in the account of the creation,
I 21, 24, 25. 26, 28, 30, and in the flood VI. 20, VII. 14
21, 23, VIII. 17. 19, IX. 2. 3 P (also VI. 7, VII. 8, 23 in
a J connection); in the ritual law respecting clean and un
clean beasts, Lev. XI, 44, 46 P, XX. 25 J (so Dillm.) ; and
in the prohibition of making an image of anything for wor
ship, Deut. IV. 18; and in but three passages besides in
the Old Testament, Ps. LX1X. 35, CIV. 20, Ezek. XXXVIII.
20. Their signification limits their occurrence to a class of
The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 219
passages that are mostly assigned to P, though the noun is
likewise found in D, and both noun and verb are only
excluded from J by critical legerdemain.
27. "i&p -Ifcc exceedingly, VII. 19.
This duplicated intensive adverb is referred to P also
Ex. 1. 7, Num. XIV. 7, and with a preposition prefixed.
Gen. XVII. 2, 6, 20. But it is admitted to belong to J Gen.
XXX. 43. 28.
28. s used distributively, VII. 21, VIII. 17,IX. 10, 15 sq.
But it occurs in JE likewise Ex. X. 15.
It appears from the above examination of these words
and phrases that they are for the most part found in the
other so-called documents as well as in P; when they are
limited to P or preponderate there, it is due not to the
writer s pecularity, but to the nature of the subject, and in
many cases to critical artifice.
Dr. Dillmann notes the following as characteristics of J.
In VI. 1, 2.
(1) mn\ (2) ^n-, (3) nc-wn *>&-?%, (4) Q->xn, (5) 210
in a physical sense.
In VI. 58.
mrr as (l), (6) ->?. VIII. 21. (7) p-i, (8) zsgp- ill. 16.
17, XXXIV. 7. (9) Pine- nc>x as (3), (10) ;n NSC, (11) Human
feelings attributed to God, ver. 8.
In ch. VII, VIII.
miT as (1). Anthropomorphism, VII. 16, V1I1. 21 as (11),
(12) Distinction of clean and unclean beasts, mention of altar
and sacrifice, VIII. 20, 21 cf. IV. 3, 4. (13) Prominence
given to inherent sinfulness of men, VII. 21. nnc VII. 4,
23 as (9). (14) 1Pt?Ni i& \x VII. 2. nc-JNn (\&^y) VII. 4, 8.
23, VIII. 8, 13, 2l as (3). (15) D cVviI.4, 10. (16) la rty.
VIII. 21. cf. VI. 6. (17) -rasp VIII. 21. ISP VIII. 21 as (6).
(18) TrS; VIII. 21, III. 20 contrary to VI. 19.
These will be examined in the order in which they are
numbered, and in addition a few verbal differences noted by
Dillmann in the course of his exposition of these chapters.
1. HIPP Jehovah. The divine names have been already
explained.
220 William Heury Green.
2. bnn begin, also in P Num. XVII. 11. 12 (E. V.
XVI. 46, 47).
3. ncikSn VZrby. on the face of the ground.
Though nplfc* is made a criterion of J, and its presence
in a passage is held to warrant its ascription to J, it never
theless occurs in P Gen. I. 25, VI, 20, iX. 2. And it is
only by critical artifice that npnj$ ViB VIIT. 13 b is excluded
from P, though it is enclosed between ver. 13 a and ver. 14,
which are both attributed to P, and it is the direct con
tinuation of ver. 1 3 a, and is in structure conformed to
VI. 12 P. The occurence of pN in ver. 13 a and !"!
in 13 b does not justify the assumption of different sources
any more than the same change in VII. 3, 4 or in VIII 7, 8;
see also vs. 9, 11, where no one dreams of a difference of
sources.
4. O"1Nn.
Though Adam is used as a proper noun in P, it is also
treated as a common noun, and as such has tho article in
I. 22, VII. 21, IX. 5, 6.
5. 21E in a physical sense.
So in P Gen. I. 4, XXV. 8, Lev. XXVII. 10, 12, 14,
33; Num. XIV. 7, XXXVI. 6. If it is not applied to per
sonal beauty in P, the simple reason is that the critics do
not assign to P any passage in which this idea is expressed.
6. *!SP imagination.
This word occurs but three times in the Hexateuch,
Gen. VI. 5, VIII. 21: Deut. XXXI. 21, and is uniformly by
the critics referred to J.
7. p^ only.
This word, which occurs repeatedly in J, E and D, does
not chance to be found in the passages attributed to P.
8. DSgnri to be grieved.
This verb is here found in a J passage, VI. 6. It
occurs twice besides in the Hexateuch, once in the same form
(Hithpael) XXXIV. 7, and once in a different species (Niphal)
XIV. 5. The critics claim them all for J, but in so doing
have to resort to a somewhat violent procedure. Ch.XXXIV.7
is in a P connection, the preceding verse and the following
verses being given to P; but ver. 7 has this J word, an E
phrase which ought not to be done XX. 6, and a D phrase
The Diction of Genesis VI XL 221
wrought folly in Israel , Deut. XXII. 21; a combination, which
is readily explained on the assumption of the unity of the
Pentateuch, but on the principles of the divisive critics is
sufficiently puzzling. So without more ado the refractory
verse is cut out of the connection, to which it manifestly
belongs, and the entire conglomerate is made over to J.
Gen. XLV. 5 is in an E connection, and contains what are
regarded as E characteristics, but is split in two in order to
give this verb to J.
9. nnp blot out, destroy. See above under marks
of P, no. 19.
10. ]H NSC find favour.
It is not surprising that this expression, which naturally
has its place chiefly in narrative sections, does not occur
in P, to which only occasional scraps of ordinary narrative
are assigned. And yet it requires some nice critical surgery
to limit it to J. Gen. XXXIV. 11 is in a P connection.
Shechem there continue.* the entreaty begun by his father,
vs. 8 10 P, and the sons of Jacob make reply to Shechem
as well as to his father, vs. 13 -18 P. And yet this verse
is sundered from its connection and given to J on account
of this very phrase.
11. Human feelings attributed to God VI. 8.
Elohim is the general term for God, and describes him
as the creator of the world and its universal governor, while
Jehovah is his personal name, and that by which he has
made himself known as the God of a gracious revelation.
Hence divine acts of condescension to men and of self mani
festation are more naturally associated whith the name Je
hovah-, whence it follows that aiithropopathies and anthro
pomorphisms occur chiefly in Jehovah sections. But there
is no inconsistency between the ideas which these are in
tended to suggest and the most spiritual and exalted notions
of the Most High. The loftiest conceptions of God are
throughout the Scriptures freely combined with anthro
pomorphic representations. His infinite condescension is no
prejudice to his supreme exaltation. These are not different
ideas of God separately entertained by different writers, but
different aspects of the Divine Being, which enter alike into
every true conception of him. The writer of 1. Sain. XV. 35
222 William Henry Green.
does not hesitate to say Jehovah repented , though he had
said but a few verses before, ver. 29, He is not a man that
he should repent . The prophet Amos describes Jehovah s
majestic greatness in lofty terms, V. 8, and yet speaks of
his repenting, VII. 3, and of his smelling the odours of
Israel s offerings. Jehovah smelled a sweet savour Gen.
VIII. 21 J is identical in thought and language with the
constant phrase of the ritual a sweet savour unto Jehovah
Lev. I. 13 P; cf. Lev. XXVI. 31. There is accordingly no
incompatibility between the representations of God as Jehovah
and as Elohim. These supplement and complete each other;
and there is not the slightest reason for imputing them to
the variant conceptions of distinct writers.
12. Distinction of clean and unclean beasts , mention
of altar and sacrifice , VIII. 20, 21; cf. IV. 3, 4.
For the reason given under the preceding number it
was as Jehovah chiefly that God was worshipped, that prayer
was addressed to him , and offerings made to him. Hence
it is almost exclusively in Jehovah sections that mention is
made of altars and sacrifices; and the distinction of clean
and unclean beasts here made had relation to sacrifice.
The notion of the critics that according to P sacrifice
was first introduced by Moses at Sinai is utterly pre
posterous and altogether unwarranted. It is preposterous to
suppose that the pious patriarchs, who were honoured with
special divine communications, and were in favour with God,
engaged in no acts of worship. And it is wholly without
warrant, for there is no suggestion of any such idea in the
paragraphs assigned to P. This is one of those perverse
conclusions which are drawn from the absolute severance of
what belongs together, and can only be properly understood
in combination. The prevalent absence of allusion to sacrifice
in passages where God is spoken of as Elohim simply arises
from the circumstance that Jehovah is the proper name to
use in such a connection.
13. Prominence given to the inherent sinfulness of
men , VII. 21.
Jehovah s gracious revelation has for its object the
recovery of men from sin, and their restoration to the divine
favour. Now since the disease and the remedy go together,
The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 223
it is quite appropriate that human sin should be chiefly
portrayed in Jehovah sections.
14. iPBW IC^N a man and his wife; used of beasts
<a male and his female VII. 2. See above, marks of P no. 12.
As these terms are nowhere else applied to the lower
animals in J, it is not strange that they are not so applied
in P sections. But a fairly parallel case occurs in Ex. XXVI.
3* 5, 6, 17 P, where terms strictly denoting human beings
receive a wider application, curtains and tenons being said
to be coupled a woman to her sister i. e. one to another,
as it is in Ex. XXXVI. 10, 12, 13, 22. Moreover, in Gen.
VIII. 19 nnE^C is used to denote species in animals, while
pip is always used in this sense elsewhere. Yet both are
alike referred to P by the critics. With what consistency
then can a difference of writers be inferred from the fact
that 1PW1 ITN is used in one verse, VII. 2, instead ot
rcpji -el?
15. D*C^> in days or at the completion of day s VII. 4, 10.
This expression occurs nowhere else in the Hexateuch
in this sense; but the preposition is similarly used XVII. 21 P;
see Dillmann on Gen. III. 8, to which he refers VII. 4 as
a parallel.
16. ^"^ at or unto his heart VI. 6, VIII. 21.
Nowhere else in the Hexateuch.
17. -ra$J2 because of VIII. 21.
This occurs only in narrative passages, viz. 15 times in
Genesis, 7 times in the first 20 chapters of Exodus, and
nowhere else in the Hexateuch. It is three times attributed
to R Ex. IX. 14, 16 bis; and with this exception the pas
sages in which it is found are divided between J and E. to
whom the great bulk of the narrative in the Hexateuch is
ascribed.
18. TT52 every living thing, VIII. 21, III. 20,
contrary to VI. 19 T.rrtG all the living things.
These words do not occur together again in the Hexa
teuch, whether with the article or without it. The insertion
or the omission of the article in such a phrase is a very
slender ground, on which to base the assertion of a difference
of writers, especially as its insertion in VI. 19 appears to-
224: William Henry Green.
be due to the qualifying expression that follows, all the
living things of all flesh .
19. HSW was overspread, IX. 19.
Dillmann says that P writes Tip; X. 5, 32; and then
he annuls the force of his remark by adding not quite in
the same sense . If the sense is not the same, why should
not the word be different?
Dillmann further calls attention to the fact that different
expressions are used for the same thing in different parts of
the narrative of the flood. Thus 20. P in VI. 16 speaks of
in* a light, but J VIII. 6 of j^n a window in the ark.
There is some obscurity in the description of the former,
which makes its precise construction doubtful. Dillmann
thinks that it was an opening a cubit wide, extending the
entire length of all the four sides of the ark just beneath
the roof, for the admission of light and air, and only inter
rupted by the beams, which supported the roof. The window
was a latticed opening, whose shape and dimensions are not
given. There is nothing to forbid its exact correspondence
and identity with the opening before mentioned. And there
is nothing strange in the use of one term to describe it
when considered simply as intended for the admission of
light, and another term when reference is made to the lattice,
which Noah had occasion to unfasten.
21. Ci|T> living substance VII. 4, 23.
This is found but once besides in the Old Testament,
Dent. XI. 6. In both the former passages it is given to J,
notwithstanding the mixed state of the text, as the critics
regard it, in ver. 23. It there stands in combination with
man, cattle, creeping things and fowl of the heaven , also
with r$ only and who were with him , all which are
accounted marks of P.
7j5 lightened or abated VIII. 8, 11.
As this word is nowhere else used in a like sense by
, it is not strange that it does not occur in P. And as
two different words are employed in VIII 1. 3 to express
similar thought, both being referred by the critics to the
same writer, why should the use of a third word bearing an
analogous sense compel us to think of a different writer
altogether ?
The Diction of Genesis VI IX. 225
23. r,;n (Piel) keep alive VII 3 J, while VI. 19,
20 P has HTin (Hiphil).
But this can be no indication of a diversity of writers,
for both forms occur repeatedly in passages assigned to J
elsewhere; thus, Piel Gen. XII. 12, XIX. 32. 34; Hiphil
XIX 19, XLVII. 25. Both occur in the same connection
Num. XXXI. 15, 18, and are referred to the same writer.
The Hiphil is but once again referred to P, Josh. IX. 20,
and the Piel which occurs in the same connection, ver. 15,
is only given to another by a critical dissection of the verse.
The Piel and Hiphil of this verb are used indiscriminately
as those of PulP are, which are both given to P; see above,
marks of P, no. 19.
24. ^pn i waters of the flood VII 7. 10 (not
so ver. 17).
The attempt to create a distinction between the so-
called documents in the mode of speaking of the flood is
not succesful. When the flood is first mentioned, the unusual
word >12C is defined by the added phrase waters upon the
earth VI. 17, VII. 6 P. We then read VII. 7, 10 J of
1 waters of the flood , and the same in IX. 11 P. Then
VII. 17 J of the flood simply, and so in IX 15, 28 P.
After this examination of all that the critics have to
adduce upon this subject I think that it may be safely said
that there is nothing in the diction of these chapters that
tends in any way to disprove their common authorship, or
to create any presumption in favour of the critical hypothesis
that different documents have here been combined.
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
Renan tiber die spateren Formen der
hebraischen Sprache
von
Dr. Max Griinbaum (Miinchen).
In der vierten Auflage seiner Histoire generale et systenie
compare des langues semitiques (p. 158 fg.) ? spricht Renan
von den spateren Fornien des Hebraischen sowohl in den
biblischen wie in den nachbiblischen Schriften. der Mischna
nnd den beiden Talmuden. P. 164 spricht er von dem
Gebrauch des Hebraischen in den Ubersetzungen der ur-
sprtinglich arabisch geschriebenen Schriften mit folgenden
Worten :
La connaissance de Fhebreu devint generale quand les
Juifs de FEspagne niusulmane, chasses par le fanatisme des
Alniohades, se refugierent dans FEspagne chretienne, en
Provence, en Langnedoc. L arabe alors cessa de leur etre
faniilier, et ime nuee de patients traducteurs, a la tete des-
quels il faut nonimer les Aben-Tibbon de Lunel, s attachent,
durant tout le XIII 6 siecle, a faire passer en hebreu les
ouvrages arabes de science, de philosophic, de theologie ; qui
avaient servi aux etudes de Tage precedent. Pour conserver
le caractere de ces ouvrages, les traducteurs se trouvaient
ainenes a aj outer aux proprietes de 1 hebreu ancien une foule
de formes et de inots enipruntes de Farabe, entre autres les
inots techniques de science et de philosophic. Les ecrivains
originaux du XIII rt et du XlV e siecle y introduisirent, de
plus, presque tout le vocabulaire de la Mischna et du Tal-
inud. Telle est Forigine de la langue qu on a nominee le
rabbinico-philosophicum. Cette langue est restee jusqu a nos
jours la langue litteraire des Juifs, on pourrait y distinguer
des varietes infinies, selon que les auteurs ont modele leur
Renan iiber die spateren Form en der hebraischen Sprache. 227
style de preference sur la bible, la Mischna, la Geinare,
selon qu ils y out meles plus ou moins de mots etrangers.
Vers la fin du dernier siecle, et de notre temps, quelques
Israelites en Allemagne et en Italie, ont essaye de revenir
a 1 hebreu biblique le plus pur, et o nt compose dans cet
idiome des pastiches ingenieux.
L hebreu rabbinique est done, a beaucoup d egards, ce
qu on peut appeler une langue factice, et il justific un tel
nom par ses difficultes et ses anomalies. Cette langue est,
pour les formes grammaticales comme pour le dictionaire,
bien plus barbare que Fhebreu mischnique, et il serait ditfi-
cile de sournettre a une classification exacte des mots de toute
provenance qu on y rencontre. Lors meine que les vocables
sont de bon aloi, ils sont souvent detournes de leur sens et
appliques a des notions metaphysiques par les procedes les
plus arbitraires. Grace a de nombreux barbarismes, les
rabbins ont ainsi reussi a se former un vocabulaire scolastique
as^ez complet. Exeniples: *]*} (corps) = = substance, personne;
11 /"H (5Xv)) -= inatiere; PElC preuve syllogistique ; 22C =
etat; bhz -- la sonime; ni^? = I lmiversalite; F]^"] == le
consequent; fff == sens; "INl^ = = forme; ^j? == condition
(\XjP2 -- couditionellement); de N:H donner etc. Une foule
de substantifs et d adjectifs abstraits, derives des racines
anciennes, completent ce singulier language: n\X? -- beaute:
NCTN et fVE jN == humanite; prn^i: - - solitude, ^nl"! -
spirituel, etc.
Die hier aufgezahlten Worter gehoren keineswegs in
eine und dieselbe Kategorie (wie auch ,,Rabbins" eine nicht
zutreffende Bezeichnung ist), da viele derselben nur in den
religionsphilosopliischen Scbriften, deren Sprache von der
des Talmud verschieden ist, vorkonimen; auch die Bezeichnung
mit langue factice, vocabulaire scolastique ist nicht zutreffend.
^3 in der Bedeutung substance, personne, kommt im Talmud
nicht vor; eigenthiimlich ist deniselben der Ausdruck ND^
fiir ,,an und fiir sich, die Sache selbst". ^iVi entspricht dem
arabischen ^J.xJO, von welcheni es irn Kited) dltd rifdt (p. ?\^)
heisst . soUJlj J^o^l (S ^^? ^^^ -^ &?*^ > ^ m ^ u ^ c
de figares (I, 396, N.) kommt auch die Form ^i^.xJfc vor
(die iibrigens auch, wie aus Buxtorf s. v. zu ersehen, in den
jiidischen Schriften vorkommt). Unrichtig ist es iibrigens,
15*
228 ^ ax Griinbaum.
wenn bei Payne-Smith s. v. \om das Wort ^VH, mit Berufung
auf Buxtorf col. 605, ein chaldaisches Wort genannt wird.
Bei Buxtorf heisst es vielmehr: ^Vn, 3>rt], materia, materia
prima, apud Philosophos et Physicos. R. Bechai scribit in
principiis Geneseos : ^IT! C BlD1^>Bi1 ]1& S2 &OpJ HIM ICinm.
Da librigens sowohl bei Payne-Smith (I, 1004) als auch bei
Castell-Michaelis die Form ^o^m angefiihrt wird, so liegt
der Gedanke nahe, dass das arabische Wort nicht direct
dem Griechischen sondern dem Syrischen entnommen sei,
wie dasselbe wohl auch von anderen Wortern gilt, so z. B.
<pXY]ey[j.a, p*Jb, C&2 (Zunz, ZDMG, X, 507), bei Thomas a
Novaria (ed. Lagarde, p. 7) ^ia^s. nE>l komnit nur in den
philosophischen Schriften vor. In der Bibel wird es, gewohn-
lich in Verbindung mit PIN 1 , von den Wundern gebraucht,
die - - wie Gesenius im Handworterb. (8. A . p. 445) sagt -
als Zeichen und Beweis gottlicher Machtvollkommenheit be-
trachtet wurden. Ini Thesaurus f iihrt Gesenius (p. 143 a)
unter der Bedeutung von P1 auch die von signum, argu-
mentuni an, dazu in Parenthese: apud Rabbinos deinonstra-
tio, probatio evidens. Das zuweilen in den philosophischen
Schriften vorkommende "mn n^iD eutscheidender (schlagender)
Beweis entspricht dem arabischen jJoU ^^^?, wie auch
franz. tranche? in diesein Sinne gebraucht wird. Den philo
sophischen Schriften eigenthiimlich ist auch das Wort 2SJE,
das genau dem franz. etat entspricht, denn so wie etat,
status von stare, so ist 2SC von 2^ gebildet. In der Bibel
kommt es in der Bedeutung Station vor. fe kommt auch im
Talmud sehr oft vor, im Gegensatz zu "l, wie denn dieser
Ausdruck auch von Abulwalid (s. v. LnE, p. 586, 2. 24, cf.
Ges. Thes., p. 1127 a) angefiihrt wird. Dieses fe steht also
dem biblischen J2 nicht sehr feme, das dazu gehorige m^>2
kommt in den philosophischen Schriften vor ^1 kommt irn
Talmud zumeist in der Bedeutung ,,auf einander folgend"
vor, z. B. c Din C^^ W, zwei auf einander folgende Tage,
welcher Ausdruck aber nichts AuiFallendes hat. "IND kommt
in der Bedeutung Forma ofter in der Bibel vor-, Abulwalid
erklart dasselbe mit &Lo, in welcher Bedeutung dasselbe -
wie aus Buxtorf col. 2552 zu ersehen in grammatischen
Schriften vorkornrnt (ixnn Cir), py kommt in Koheleth ofter
vor. Zu dem wsy DV^ (Koh. 2, 23) bemerkt Abulwalid
Renan iiber die spateren Formea der hebraischen Sprache. 229
(p. 537, 1) *JU* ^( sLlxx) SjxWxs, was also der von Renan
gegebenen Erklarung mit ,,sens" entspricht. Auch in Ges.
Thes. (p. 1050b) wird zu pjj bemerkt . . . apud Rabbinos
res, ens ; it. sensus, significatio. "WP koniint in den tal-
niudischen, wie in den jiidischen Schriften iiberhaupt sehr
haufig vor, so namentlich ^&OP ty, syrisch ^ojZ. ^>X, unter der
Bedingung. ^oJl, wie ^jfl stanimen wahrscheinlich (nicht voi?
WD geben, sondern) von }jZ., fcOP, hebr. rw, iteravit, repetit.
duplicavit, da jeder Bedingnngssatz aus zwei Siitzen besteht,
wie ahnlich das arabische Uxx^f (Sur. 68, 18) von ^Jo.
PIN" 1 wird unter der Form NfW - - Talm. 1^ n\S %1 , decet
te als chaldaisches Wort von Gesenius s. v. r\W (Thes.,
p. 557 b) angefiihrt und mit dem entsprechenden syrischen
Ausdruck verglichen. N % ^1J{< diirfte schwer nachweisbar sein,
wahrend miWK bei Buxtorf (col. 150) rnit humanitas (d. h.
Menschheit) iibersetzt und eine betreiFende Stelle angefiihrt
wird. Im- Talmud kommt keines dieser Worter vor. Statt
nm^D, das jedenfalls unrichtig ist, heisst es in der zweiten
Ausgabe nTT"D, das wahrscheinlich ein Druckfehler ist statt
mT"12, das Buxtorf (s. v. "H2, col. 260) mit Solitudo wiedergiebt.
^m*l ist das arabische ^iLa.*^ das bei Maimonides (Guide
des Egares, Text f. 81 b) vorkommt, zu welcheni Worte
Munk (ibid., p. 281, N.) bemerkt: Par k-oL^s on entend
1 e sprit qui preside a un astre on a ime constellation, ainsi
que 1 apparition de cet esprit. In demselben Sinne kommt
"Oni") auch in Schemtob Ibn Palquera s lTp2D mehrfach vor;
so heisst es (ed. Haag f. 38 a) : (Mercur) 22CE yc^" 1 T nCN 1
.^m"1 nr, welcher Ausdruck auch bei den iibrigen Planeten
wiederkehrt. In der Bedeutung ,,geistig" kommt ^HII auch in
Charizi s (Honein b. Ishak s) C^ICI^DH nDIO vor (MS. der
Miinchener Hof- und Staatsbibliothek f. 83 a), wahrscheinlich
als Ubersetzung von ^iU^. Es wird namlich ein Spruch
des Euklides angefiihrt, dass die Arithmetik (Np^CtCnx) etwas
Geistiges (p^nn HJ1DP) sei ? das aber durch die Schrift als
dessen korperlicher Dolmetscher anschaulich gernacht werde
- p|ian Y^bft ^ by nxnn, was ganz dem Spruche des Eukli
des in Arnold s Arabischer Chrestomathie (p. 3) entspricht.
iJlj ^>v^Js auoT^.^> auwJuJC ia^uJf. Dieses k-oL4-w^ ? korper-
lich, kommt als *>EVft auch oft in den philosophischen
230 Max Griinbaum.
Schriften vor. Ein andres Wort fiir ,,geistig" ist "1^23, so
in C^E Dju C^ inn, x-oLMAxJf ^f^sxJf in Kaufmann s Theoloyie
des Bachja ibn Fakudak, p. 15, in welcher Stelle auch
x-ola^ fur ,,iibersinnlich u vorkommt Mit Bezug auf letzteres
Wort beinerkt Steinschneider (Zur pseudepiyraphisclien Lite-
ratur, p. 69, N.), unter Hinweisung auf das Literaturblatt
des Orient 1842, No. 51, p. 811 woselbst wiederum auf
Ewald s Gram. crit. I arabc, p. 155, 264 verwiesen wird
es kilme zumeist in Ubersetzungen aus dem Syrischen
vor, und sei ein dem aramaischen nachgebildeter Ausdruck.
An einer andern Stelle (p. 161), in welcher von der
Sprache der Mischna die Rede ist, heisst es unter Andrein :
. . . le futur, s exprirne souvent par Fadjonction du mot -pp,y
([xeXXw, all. werden)-, des relations des temps sont marquees
avec plus de precision que dans Fancienne langue, de tres
nombreux particules, formes avec reflexion (^2 2, a cause
de, i-? , vers etc.) rendent possible Fexpression des choses
ratio nelles et abstraites.
Mit Bezug hierauf ist folgendes zu bemerken: Das Fu
turum wird in der Mischna - - ebenso wie in der Bibel und
alien hebraischen Buchern - - mit den gewohnlichen Priifixen
ausgedrtickt. Tn> wird nnr in emphatischem, feierlichem,
gleichsam prophetischem Sinne gebraucht. wenn von der
fernen Zukunft (die selbst mit 02^ "?nyb bezeichnet wird)
die Rede ist, und namentlich das hervorgehoben wird, was
Gott alsdann thun wird; tibrigens ist es eine Eigenthumlich-
keit mehrerer Sprachen, namentlich Volkssprachen, dass sie
auch hier statt der Endung eine Umschreibung anwenden
und das Zeitwort in seiner ursprnnglichen Form beibehalten.
So ist im Neugriechischen frsXco mit dem Innnitiv die ge-
wohnliche Form des Futurum. Auch die jetzige Form des
Futurum in den ronianischen Sprachen ist eine Zusamnien-
ziehung der friiheren Form, in welcher das Futurum durch
das Hilfszeitwort haben mit. dem Infinitif ausgedriickt ward,
dar he, dar ho, donner ai == dare, claro, Je donnerai. ij wie
man auch in der s. g. cimbrischen Sprache sagt: Ich kann
l ) Cf. ZDMG XLIV (1890), p. 460. N. Die alteie Form konnnt zu-
weilen auch in der neueren Sprache, namentlich in Sprichwortern vor, so
im Don Quijote: Dime con quien andas, decirte he quien ores.
Renan liber die spateren Formeu der hebraischen Sprache. 231
zu machen, entsprechend dem altitalienischen far ho -- faro.
(Schmetter, Uber die s. g. Cimbern, u. s. w., p. 694).
Was das Wort ^2BG betrifft, so 1st dasselbe weit weniger
abstract als das franzosische a cause de. ^2tt 2, vom hebr.
b**2W Pfad, Weg entspricht dem deutschen ,,wegen, von
wegen" vom Weg hergenommen. ^2 ware besser mit en
face, vis a vis zu iibersetzeu 5 ^2 1st nach Luzzatto (Ele-
menti grammaticali del caldeo biblico e del dialeto talmudico,
21) das contrahirte ""SN t>2, von *]N Gesicht, mit zwei
Prafixen, die auch sonst oft im Talmud vorkommen. Die
hier erwahnten Worter kommen librigens nicht nur in der
Mischna sondern auch in der Gemara vor. An einer andren
Stelle (p. 233 fg.), in welcher von der Sprache des Talmud
die Rede ist, sagt Renan: Une scolastique tenebreuse y mul-
tiplie les conjunctions cornposees (...."12: ty ^N, quoique,
.... "I H"N parceque etc.) et les substantifs abstraits.
Les particules surtout offrent de nombreuses singulari-
tes (Nlia 2:N. a cause de, DWrvnx, suO^c, d abord, N21"l, au
contraire etc.) Quant aux formes grammaticales . . . elles
echappent souvent a toutes les analogies, et semblent justifier
jusqu a un certain point, ]e nom de langue artificielle, qui a
etc donnu a la langue du Talmud comme a la langue rabbi-
nique (voir ci-desus p. 164).
Die angefiihrten Beispiele sind nun aber weit mehr sinn-
lich-concret und volksthiimlich zu nennen als scholastisch-
kiinstlich. Dem Ausdruck 2: by *>S liegt das Wort 23,
Riicken zu Grunde, in welcher Bedeutung das Wort auch
im Hebraischen vorkommt, wie auch syrisch --i-i ^ ^sl fiir
super gebraucht wird (Ges. Thes., s. v. 22i, p. 256a; Diet
rich, Abhandlungen fur semitische Wortforschungen, p. 161).
2: by ^N bedeutet also: Auch das zu Grunde gelegt, wort-
lich : Auch auf dem Riicken jener Sache, wie z. B. in der
Stelle Megilla 3 a: ^in H^TC ^n Nt? 1PWI 2: by ^ ,,Wenn er
es auch nicht gesehen, so hat es doch sein Schutzgeist
(nach Raschi s Erklarung) gesehen." Nach der Bedeutung des
Wortes r.B (aram. Cl, CIS? 1 ?) und ^ by (Ges. Thes., p. 1088 b)
als ,,auf Grund von", wird auch ^ by *]$ in demselben Sinne
gebraucht, wie z. B. tfiPI ^W NCniy ^ by *}X (Sanhedrin
44a, mit Bezug auf blTW cr, Jos. 7, 11) ,,wenn es auch ge-
siindigt hat, so ist es doch immer rnein Volk Israel." Wie
232 Max Griinbaum.
die sen Wo rtern Rucken und Mund, so liegt dem H^X das
Wort "P zu Grunde, entsprechend dein "> ^7, Jo _JLfc und
dem syrischen ^^ == ope, per et propter, ^ ^1 = juxta
(Roediger, Chrest. syr., 2. A., Gloss, p. 54 b). H"K ist eines
der vielen von Luzzatto (1. c. 21) angeftihrten Worter, in
in denen N fur ty steht. Hierher gehort dann auch 23N
N*n:, von "n:i, nach sich ziehen, nachschleifen, wie in deni
Satze: m2J7 mTU rnDyi TOD m-m niSD ,,Eine gottgefallige
Handlung zieht eine andere nach sich, wie eine Sunde eine
andre." *n3 23N wird also von einer Sache gesagt 7 die
gleichsain in s Schlepptau genommen wird und bedeutet also
a propos de, nicht a cause de. SOTIN (bei Luzzatto 97,
p 87) von N21 ,,viel", entspricht dem franzosischen mais, dem
spanischen mas von magis, es bedeutet sed magis, wie man
mittellat. fur sed potius sagte (Diez, Et. WB., s. v. Mai).
DlNimiN oder Dl^miN im Aruch und bei Buxtorf wird
bereits im Aruch als ein griechisches Wort erklart (bei
Buxtorf s69tfq)-, es ist eines der vielen griechischen Worter,
die im Talmud vorkommen, und ist also nicht besonders be-
merkenswerth.
Die obigen Ausdriicke, sowie noch viele andre derselben
Kategorie, gleichen denen der Volkssprache auch in so fern,
als viele Abkurzungen und Contractionen dabei vorkommen. ! )
Was aber die grammatischen Formen betriiFt, so kehren diese
so regelmassig wieder, dass man daraus allerdings eine
Grammatik construiren kann, wie es ja auch Grammatiken
einzelner Volkssprachen giebt, trotzdem dass diese in Ver-
gleich zu der Schriftsprache viele Anomalien darbieten.
Die Sprache des Talmud ist keineswegs ,,une langue fac-
tice", wie denn auch Luzzatto in der Vorrede zu dem er-
wahnten Buche diese Bezeichnung fur unrichtig erklart. Die
l ) In Folge der Verkurzungen und Abschleifungen verliert die ur-
spriingliche Sprache, wie sie in der Schrift zu Tage tritt, in der Volks
sprache oft ihren ursprunglichen Charakter. So haben mehrere italienische
Dialekte durch das Ausstossen der Vocale etwas Rauhes und Hartes er-
halten, wahrend siiddeutsche Mundarten in Folge des Abwerfens der Con-
sonanten etwas Weiches und Wohllautendes haben, wie im folgenden
Schnadahiipfel: Annamarie wendi Annamarie dradi Annamarie wannidi
nit het, Annamarie was tati - d. h. Anna Marie wende dich, A. M. dreh*
dich, A. M. wenn ich dich nicht halt , A. M. was that ich.
Renan iiber die spateren Formen der hebraischen Sprache. 233
talinudische Sprache ist keine kiinstlich gemachte Sprache,
das ist sie schon nicht in ihrer Eigenschaft als vorherrschend
gesprochene, leidenschaftliche, dialectisch debattirende Sprache.
Eher noch lasst sich die Benennung auf die Sprache der
jiidisch-philosophischen Schriften anwenden, in Wahrheit aber
passt sie auf a lie philosophischen Ausdriicke, die ihrem
Wesen nach eine ,,langue factiee" sind. Denn die Sprache
iiberhaupt, die Sprache wie sie gewohnlich gesprochen wird,
ist urspriinglich sinnlich concret, leidenschaftlich. Hass und
Liebe, Leid und Freud, Schinerz und Lust, Furcht und
Hoffnung sind die Erzeuger der Sprache.
Es giebt wohl keine Sprache, die fur diese verschiedenen
AfFecte nicht die entsprechenden Ausdriicke besasse, keine
von der man sagen konnte, sie sei fur G-efiihlsausserungen
nicht geeignet, wohl aber giebt es Sprachen, denen die
philosophische Teruiinologie fehlt. So klagt z. B. Lucrez
mehrmals (I, 137, 31, III, 260) iiber die Egestas patrii ser-
monis, wie denn in der That die lateinische Sprache sich von
der griechischen auch darin unterscheidet, dass ihr fur philo
sophische Begriife die Worte fehlen, wie das auch Seneca
(Epist. 58) sagt.
Eben desshalb kommen auf diesem Gebiete ani meisten
Lehn- und Fremdworter, sowie Nachbildungen freinder Aus
driicke vor. Dasselbe ist nun auch bei den jiidisch-philo
sophischen Schriften der Fall. So ist z. B. das Wort Ei& SJlE
fur ,,abstract" wahrscheinlich Nachbildung des arabischen
t>*Js\x>, wie man auch im Deutschen neben ,,abstracte" auch
,,abgezogene" Begrifte sagt, wahrend als Hauptwort nur Ab
straction" (Acpocipsffis ) gebraucht wird. Dem arabischen Worte
lautlich und sachlich ahnlich ist das Tahnudische 113 scal-
pere, decorticare, N % ""^3 -- cortex, N"" 1 "]: W2W2 iibersetzt Bux-
torf (col. 472) rnit Nomine nudo, wie auch Sachs (Beitrage,
I, 102) damit das syr. n\snnp ,,die nackte Wahrheit" ver-
gleiche.
Deutlicher als bei ic^sic ist bei andren Wortern die
Kachbildung des arabischen Wortes erkennbar, wie bei
letzterem die Nachbildung des griechischen Wortes. So z. B.
V2EH mnNlT HE - - x-ouJaJf Jou - TOC [isira Ta <pu<Jixa fiir
Metaphysik, die Ubersetzung von ( j*x 4 -Luo mit C^2"IC, in
234 Max Griinbaum.
den lateinischen Ubersetzungen Loquentes (Guide des fiyares,
I, 335 N ), die von J^AJf >*ys\Jf m it men CSJ7u (ibid., I,
186 N.), die von v*y*- niit ^D (Steins chneider, Alfarabi,
p. 65, N. 9b).
Nachbildungen arabischer Ausdriicke finden sich ubrigens
auch auf andrem als dem philosophischen Gebiete, namlich
da, wo im Hebraischen kein entsprechender Ausdruck vor-
handen ist. Dahin gehort das, friiher (ZDMG., XXIII, 630)
von mir angefiihrte :m Pu^r im Kuzari (II, 23, ed. Cassel,
1. A. p. 129, 2. A. p. 125). r\lV2 das gewohnlich wie in
deinselben Satze (ujlir T\^2 ^Hj^) die Richtung aller Gedanken
auf einen Punct, die Andacht, bezeichnet ist hier Nachbildung
des ar. ^-Ui , wahrend 3n im Sinne von ^^, gebraucht wird. 1 )
Hebraische Nachbildungen arabischer Ausdriicke habe
ich an einer andren Stelle derselben Zeitschrift (XXXIX,
1885, p. 587 fg.) angefuhrt. Eben daselbst und in der An-
nierkung (XL, p. 286) habe ich mehrere Nachbildungen aus
andren Sprachen erwahnt. Diese Xachbildungen haben in
der That immer etwas kunstliches, denn sie sind nicht or-
ganisch aus dem Leben der Sprache hervorgegaugen, sie sind
Nachahmungen fremder Ausdriicke. Zu den in dieser Be-
ziehung merkwiirdigen hollandischen Wortern (XL, ibid )
gehort auch Schouwburg, das - wie das deutsche Schau-
biihne im vorigen Jahrhundert fiir Theater" gebraucht wird.
) Hirschfeld s Textausgabe steht mir nicht zu Gebote.
chvn 1:6 rrnsn
PND
S. J. Halberstam (Bielitz).
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D2nnt> PSNJNCD. Dioj) C2nn v"c ^y : ^TN.-I pnsr -i
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(,n: jCT 1 ? Diip M^ 127 -icy -^ D^JD^DH
pom^ N2*ctr no DJ ^^DIH P B noa 21 i*ny ~"y XX mo
^j^ ^;DO N"Dn 11^2 r-w no^ 21 ;<i s p- : 200 noy
XXX --
.^Di" 1 r~i*D ^DD2 b"s ,^DD2 : 18 rnitt* XXXVI ~?2
Vo n j"a i D^jsn^n N*202 y r r "n K "O ^y .D J^ CJN .145 ~i^
.279 -noy 1878 -^otJ nsisa Y^ o"jn t^o cj ^yi
n:^ E E J y v i*y~i TS"S y"02 *r2r2tr no /(| y .DIOICDISN 222 -noy
54 ~*oy N
niio -HDD r ( iD2 p"ji 2"^ 2P2 p .n2N*Kn p^2 85 Toy . 2 p rn
"a ni "jny .D"^ n by2 .149 n o
v 2n ^22 ^ j"jp ^i pnnjo 1 ? ^ "NJ^NI
.291 Toy 1875 n:^ -i^o^ ns-.sD J"2 csnn ^"o v y ^2^2 .183 Toy
TNjn T22 .vj2i T n ^n ^y2 ]V2 N t! ? t ^y 1 ? .T^n r^T2 .215 Toy
c>po 01^2 p TIN nj2^ xb ^ n"i ^y
Nn 21 by TJVO
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rnano rn^y n:ty r-^bn T222 T2P2ir no y .TH .279 Toy
233 Toy 40 *o 1881 T:cn ^ .15 Toy n 1 :^
236 > ir) nnyn
T333 T3P3P no ^y non nsipp.3 * * * * nan .426 nay
,235 ,230 noy "Din FMW
*"b *p nsra ^33 no^p DJ ^y .TC : 12 nTifc> .205 nay i pbn
.^ 3 .T3 p\vi : N"yo
^POP no DJ ^y .u^on n3P3j DN ni^pnn j^jy3 .279 -nay n p rn
HN^m 7 nay n^j^ pinna nn^y rw I JD^n 1*333
n^jo onsio s pnpi3 -^ MNJ^NI J"in N^n^ no ^y .Npip^a 84 nay
.46 nay J"n nan DIDD i" 1 ^ o ^n ^"a ;i y ,^np3 Nparu i .238 nay
n"tr pi&^3 <i n3P3^ no ^y .D3p DHIDN i 3 niyn 31 nay i p rn
y op nay
.15 nay n"^ i^jnn ^P3P3^ no 7i y .^JDPoa .6 niyn 51 nay
i^job .1D15J3 :"3 D3nn 133 i yn ni by /.TOJ = ^Jioay .316 nay
,527 nay 1870 pyi:i CDnn 1 ? ^in 3P30 /<! yi .170 nay 1858
D3 ^NID^ a"in ^"o ^y .D"O i n"
PN ^Nitr 1 pjrooi :NSJOJ n"i3 .4 ,3 niyn 259 nay
PN D&2 N^.I N^ N3"u:n,n .mao3 pipu ij^y PD^D nay 1 NOB^
^a^ i^a mpi? nr p^bi) ppoy |.T ) D i o^3 ION :^Di,n niyn
: p mthb PNT ^D * p^pyn Dnin3Nm (3"y 3" 1 ? *p n"io N3ion
.nypn mso o^p 130
njoi? .iD*s3 1 P3P3B no yi ,^Nniy i b"x .^ynry i 304 noy
.395 nay i" 1
n.333 <i P3P3fc > na ^y ,D ^ i^ 3 i*ay ."jiyn pn n p
.313 nay n"3in
] v o^ ^^3 pini .JP-D 11 nay ,c
3nn PNT nyi N^n 133 .N^DN |a lyy ay ,29 nay
,701 noy rn
"piyn* 335 nay i" s nw i^a 1 ? nDis3 P.i^yn^ no ^y .JIDTD .66 noy
(*.307 iiay 1870 r\w T.yn 13P3D3 N"^ iyr^
35 myn 519 rji 1843 coiyn oyi BBiAaiiBmye^a oypn /: ? snn y] (*
[.p .N .J .122124 ^ (1859) r n pS
L enterremcnt de Jacob d apres la Genese
(XLIX,29 L,14)
par
Prof. J. Hal^vy (Paris).
Ce recit contient trois divisions formant autant de cour-
tes periodes, sur lesquelles quelques remarques ne seront pas
superflues.
1. Jacob mourant manifesto le desir d etre enterre a
Hebron, en Chanaan, dans la grotte de Makpela, qu Abra
ham avait achetee a Ephron FHeteen, a titre de caveau
sepulcral de sa famille (XLIX, 2932). La redaction
ne demande que pen d observations. Le singulier ^ag a
lieu d etonner en presence du pluriel vaj? du verset 33;
cependant 1 antiquite de cette lecon ressort des Septante
.qui ont le suffixe singulier meme au verset 33 (rcpoq
TOV Xaov auTOii = Vulgate : ad populum suum). L incon-
sequence des ponctuateurs vient probablement de 1 orthographe
defective qui affecte souvent les suffixes du pluriel, tandis
que la consequence des Septante doit etre assignee a la
repugnance d imaginer les patriarches reunis dans 1 autre
monde a des peuples etrangers. Dans la realite, cette diffi-
culte n existe pas aujourdhui, sachant d une part que le mot
hebreu C^ designe aussi, comme c est le cas ordinaire eri
arabe, les proches parents, et de 1 autre que les anciens
Semites imaginaient les habitants du Seol, groupes en families.
Au verset 30, miyn PN doit etre traduit ,,avec le
champ (Delitzsch) "conformenient au recit de la Genese
XXIII, 13, 17, 20.
La troisieme personne, du pluriel l"12fj est probablement
employee par cette raison que Rebecca mourut pendant le
sejour de Jacob a Paddan-Aram , aux funerailles d Isaac,
238 J. Halevy.
Jacob etait assiste d Esaii (XXXV,29). C est a Fenterre-
inent de Lea que Jacob etait seul Orp?p) et cet acte exe
cute en presence des habitants d Hebron confirmait son droit
sur la grotte. C est le sens du verset 32 que les critiques
inodernes considerent a tort comrne superflu ; le mot n:p^
signifie ,,acquisition" en general et nil ^2 PNJ2 visenit
Feventualite d une contestation de la part des heritiers d Ephron ;
alors les autres citoyens pourront constater ses droits devant
les juges.
II y a fort pen a dire sur la deuxierne division du recit,
qui relate la mort de Jacob, son embaurneinent et la per
mission demandee et obtenue par Joseph de se rendre dans
le Chanaan afin d y enterrer son pere (XLIX,33 L,6). ?p*01
DECPl hx vbr, nx rappelle XLV1I1,2 qui signale Feffort fait
par Jacob de rester assis sur le lit durant les dernieres
paroles qu il adressa a ses enfants en presence de Joseph.
Cet effort avait pour but de leur inspirer du respect a Fegard
du frere hai autrefois et devenu actuellement le seul soutien
de la famille. Quand il eut fmi de parler. il se recueillit et
attendit tranquillenient la mort; apres une courte agonie Qnri)
son ame se reunit avec les siens dans le Seol (voj? btt P]D^l);
cette expression constitue un euphemisine au lieu de nc^l;
celle de n:\xtr 1^^ a toujours un sens pejoratif.
L 7 5. > \i^r -r^ N ,,que j ai creuse pour moi" savoir
dans rinterieur de la grotte qui est le lieu de sepulture des
ancetres, DH^p (XLVIf,30). La plupart de exegetes moder-
nes out confondu -^fj avec PH-^p et se sont lances dans des
speculations iinaginaires en croyant qu il s agissait d un torn-
beau different situe a Sicheni. La troisieme partie qui decrit
la solennite du convoi, sa marche et son retour en Egypte
(L 7 7 14) ne demande aucune remarque au point de vue de
1 exegese, mais presente d enormes difficultes geographiques
qui n ontpas ete levees jusqu a^ce jour. Voici en quoi elles
consistent. Le convoi parti d Egypte s arrete dans une loca-
lite nomniee ie k xn p: pour celebrer un deuil de sept jours.
La raison de cet arret n est pas claire; la ceremonie aurait
du avoir lieu apres la sepulture et a Tendroit ou elle avail
ete faite. Encore moins incomprehensible est ce fait que la
locality qui vient d etre riommee etait situee de Tautre cote
du Jourdain, pi^n -nj?2 (v. 10); le convoi a done fait le tour de
L enterrement de Jacob d apres la Genese. 23 9
la nier Morte du cote de 1 est et le cercueil de Jacob a ete ensuite
transporte de la jusqu a Hebron en traversant le Jotirdain. On se
demande a quoi servait ce long tour inutile? N aurait-il pas ete
plus simple d aller directement a Hebron ou du moins de s arreter
a une petite distance de cette ville, si les Egyptians ne pouvaient
pas ou ne voulaient pas y penetrer? Ces difficultes sont
deja assez grandes pour qu on cherche a les aggraver encore
en acceptant 1 avis de Saint Jerome qui identifie Goren-Haatad
avec la localite nonimee rr^n rP3 a une lieure de F embouchure
du Jouidain du cote de Fouest et faisant partie du territoire
de la tribu de Juda (Josue XV, 6). En presence de pareils
einbarras. quelques uns des critiques ont, suivant leur usage,
coupe le noeud an lieu de le delier. Bunsen suppose que
le texte portait primitivement an lieu de jV^ri ,,le Jourdain"
^UsU c est-a-dire cn^ C b~j, le torrent d Egypte ou le AVad-
el- Aris pres de Gaza. Mais ^~:M *!2J? est purement oiseux
puisqu il est notoire que la Palestine ne va pas au dela.
Les autres qui maintiennent la localisation fournie par Saint
Jerome considerent les mots pTn "!2>2 comme une inter
polation bien qu ils soient mis deux fois 7 aux versets 10 et
11. Dillmann qui se rend coinpte de la violence dc ce pro-
cede, prefere prendre le mot "L^jTn pour une glose afin
d ecarter la difficulte qui resulte de ce fait qu il n y avait
pas de Chananeens au dela du .lourdain. Quant au fond
meme de Fenigme, a savoir la singularite de Fitineraire, il se
contente de repousser Fidee emise par MM. Kautzsch et Socin
que Goren-haatad etait peut-etre d apres une ancienne tradi
tion le lieu de sepulture de Jacob, mais il n est pas loin de
voir dans la description de la marct.e un manque de reflexion
de la part du narrateur. (AVie freilich der iigyptische Zug
dazu gekonimen sein soil, statt des geraden Wegs itber
Rhinocolura und Beerseba die Richtung uni das todte Meer
herum einzuschlagen, dariiber giebt Verfasser keinen Auf-
schluss und hat wohl nicht weiter reflectirt). Le subterfuge
est ingenieux mais pen vraiseinblable. Pendant quelque
temps je croyais que le narrateur avait voulu creer un precedent
typique a la sortie d Egypte et a F entree des Israelites en
Palestine qui s est faite a la suite du tour de la Mer morte
et le passage du Jourdain. mais cette idee ne tient pas de-
bout, car cette lougue tournee est toujours consideree comme
240 J. Halevy.
une punition de la desobeissance du peuple et n etait pas prirni-
tivement prevue. (Nombres XIV, 1 10. Deuteronome 1,26).
Un nouvel examen m a montre que la difficulte est siinple-
ment due a une erreur d exegese traditionelle qui prend la
locution pTH ~!2J7 dans le sens de ,,au-dela du Jourdain".
J ai prouve depuis longtemps que in:r, "DP tout seul peut
designer Tune et 1 atitre rive du fleuve; il en est de ineme de
P")Ti "Op et ^ comme il ne viendra a 1 idee de personne de
se reiidre d E<rypte a Hebron autrement que par la voie di-
recte de Rhinocolura, il faut entendre par pTH 12V la Pales
tine cisjordanique. Or, la Palestine proprement dite est un
pays de montagnes borne de plaines du cote du sud et de
Pouest. Le convoi, qui se composait d une division de cava-
lerie et de chars de guerre, el ait done oblige non seulernent
de faire halte au pied du haut plateau, sans pouvoir avancer
avant de prendre des mesures particulieres, mais, reflexion
faite, de s y arreter tout-a-fait, de crainte que 1 arrivee subite
des detachements egyptiens ne causat un soulevement des
habitants et n apportat par consequent un grave trouble
dans 1 execution de Tenterrement. Grace a cette reflexion,
la recit devient d une clarte parfaite. Les Egyptiens empe-
ches d assister a Tenterrement a Hebron, celebrent un deuil
de sept jours a la derniere station qui est Goren-haatad
(v. 10). Les Chananeens indigenes contemplent la ceremonie
funebre du haut de leurs montagnes et perpetuent cet evene-
ment par le nom qu ils donnent a la vallee ou il a eu lieu
(v. 11). Enfin, les Hebreux seuls portent a Hebron le
cercueil de Jacob, le deposent dans la grotte de Makpela et
reviennent aussitot aupres des Egyptiens avec lesquels ils
retournent en Egypte (versets 1214). Rien n est plus
simple ni plus conforme a 1 etat des relations anciennes qui
existaient reellement entre TEgypte, suzeraine legale de la
Palestine, et ses vassaux chananeens toujours prets a se
revolter quand ils soupgonnaient qu on voulait changer 1 etat
de choses et s introduire militairement dans leur pays.
II reste un seul point a elucider, savoir 1 identite de la
localite appelee par la Genese -ipxn pi Je crois y parvenir
a Taide des considerations suivantes. La signification de ce
nom est des plus claires.
II signifie ,,1 aire aux epines", visiblement a cause de
L euterrement de Jacob d apres la Genese. 241
nombreux buissons d epines qui se trouvaient dans le
voisinage. Ces arbrisseaux qui ne sont bons qu a faire
du feu (Juges IX, 15. Psaumes LYIII, 10) sont tres repan-
dus dans les terres arides du sud de la Judee. neanmoins
pour qu une localite leur emprunte son nom, il faut croire
qu ils s y sont fait renmrquer par une abondance extra
ordinaire et cette circonstance donne a penser que, peut-
etre, la localite en question n est pas restee tout-a-fait inconnue
dans la geographic ulterieure de la Palestine. II est vrai
qu un nom de lieu "1ENH p3 ou lEX tout court ne figure dans
aucune nomenclature geographique de la Bible, ni chez les
auteurs posterieurs, mais pour pouvoir afiirmer sa disparition
reelle, il faut encore s assurer qu il ne se cache pas sous
une forme synonyme, quoique inateriellenient differente. Au
cours de nos etudes bibliques, nous avons eu souvent 1 occa-
sion de constater que plusieurs noms de lieu, au fond iden-
tiques, n ont etc differencies que par suite de la diversite de
forme qu ils revetent chez les auteurs qui les mentionnent.
Quoi de plus curieux que les localites censees introuvables
np ^ et ujC"C (Isaie X, 30 ? 31) qui, grace au principe de
synonymic, ont ete reconnues comnie identiques avec celles
plus connues sous les formes respectives M*] 1 ?3 et !~H;J?
Cememe fait s est produit en effet, a notre grande satis
faction pour le nom que nous etudions. Si une villc nominee
"iipN ne se trouve pas dans les textes qui sont a notre portee,
nous y constatons une ville synonyine et le hasard veut que
nous pnissions les identifier Tune avec 1 autre sans grands
frais d erudition.
Le livre de Josue XV, apres avoir enumere les villes
de!la Philistie depuis Accaron ou Eqron jusqu a Gaza, s eten-
dant sur la plaine qui forme la limite occidentale du plateau
montagneux de la Judee (versets 44 47) precede immediate-
ment a enregistrer les villes de la rnontagne. IHS. La
premiere ville qu il cite s appelle Samir, "l^tt*, mot qui est
absolument synonyme de I^N et signifie ,,epines, buisson
d epines." Comuie Tauteur vient de parler du territoire de
Gaza, il est presque certain que Samir est situe dans le
voisinage imniediat, et par consequent au coin sud-ouest
de la Judee, c est-a-dire, justement sur le passage des cara-
vanes qui venant d Egypte et ayant traverse le Wad-el- c Aris
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 16
242 J. Halevy.
veulent se rendre en Judee, surtout dans la Judee du sud,
par le chemin le plus court. Par bonheur, le nom de cette
ville s est conserve jusqu a nos jours dans la ruine Umm-
Saumera (Rob. Ill, 862) ou Sumra (Guerin, Judee III, 364),
situee a 5 heures au sud-ouest d Hebron et c est dans la plaiue
adjacente utilisee par les montagnards de Samir pour la culture
du ble comme semble Findiquer le titre de p; grange, aire",
qu a ete probablement celebre le deuil de Jacob.
Le sens et Funite interieurs une fois etablis, nous pro-
cedons a Fexamen de Topinion de 1 ecole critique qui trouve
dans ce recit un amalgame de trois documents differents.
La premiere piece, XLIX 2933 est attribute a A, a cause
du style diffus et de certaines expressions qui seraiant propres
a cet auteur, mais surtout par cette raison que d apres C,
1 ecrivain presume de XL VII, 2930, Jacob confia a Joseph
seul la charge de Fenterrer en Chanaan. La faiblesse de ces
arguments apparait facilement : les marques du style ne tirent
pas a consequence nieme dans les literatures plus rappro-
chees de notre temps et le plus souvent 1 insistance de Tau-
teur sur un point donne ne nous parait fatigant que parce
que nous ignorons 1 importance qu il avait a cette epoque.
Quant a la contradiction avec XL VII, 2930, elle est pure-
ment imaginaire: c est Joseph seul, comme haut fonctionnaire
de Pharaon, qui pouvait etre charge de cette delicate mission
consistant a obtenir la permission de transporter le cercueil
de Jacob au dehors de TEgypte, mais cela n exclut nullement
la recommandation collective faite dans le meme sens dans
XLIX, 29 et suivants, car, si Joseph etait venu a disparaitre a
ce moment, ses autres freres auraient du se charger de cette
mission dont ils etaient egalement informes.
II y a plus, I expression CHIN 1^1, dont Tauthenticite,
malgre son absence dans la version des Septante, est garantie
par L, 12, est la suite naturelle du verset 28 qui resume
le recit relatif aux dernieres paroles et benedictions de Jacob;
or, ce verset contient la locution r^2 irc"p3 w>x qui dans
laGenesen a d analogie que dans celles de >oAp" W0 "rfMlp? ^\S
et in riril &x de XLI, 11 et 12 qui font partie du do
cument B d apres 1 avis unanime des critiques eux-niemes.
Au contraire le rapprochement essaye par quelques uns avec
Genese I, 27 et V, 12 se borne au verbe -pn seul et est
L enterrement de Jacob d apres la Genese. 243
partant tout-a-fait insignifiant. Voila, je crois, une preuve
convaincante qiie la distinction des sources ne repose sur
aucune base solide ; et, comme d autre part la double nature
d exhortations et de benedictions du discours de Jacob, indi-
quee au verset XLIX, 28 repond exacteraent a la teneur des
versets 1 (prediction = benediction) et 2 (,,ecoutez votre pere"
= exhortation), nous avons le droit d admettre que tout le
chapitre XLIX, en reservant la question de savoir si le
discours existait deja auparavant, est 1 oeuvre d un seul nar-
rateur, naturellement le meme qui a ecrit Tepisode L ? 1 14
qui s y rattache intimement. Devant 1 integrite de 1 ensemble
disparait naturellement aussi la pretendue ingerence du re-
dacteur final dans XLIX, 29 a, passage que d autres critiques
assignent d ailleurs au premier Elohiste ou A.
16*
n nm ha w mso
mirp inn Yimo "nn cinn inn m^s NI py IVOTE)
- "6 "ny pN 1t&&gt;N "!2Djn ISDn ty2 ,n"n^T I n N p Dr. Alexander
.(Hc^irn inyn
HND
Dr. A. Harkavy (St. Petersburg).
csjn cnron p. Dto HPTI S DVD?N nnyo m PNJJH "n ^u
nan D^myn C^D^DH rb^DD ]^i n:^ nisD ncn^o iM "i^m ,nDpn
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rjB ? T jcn irx^n 1231 .c^nyn rx insji nj.^^n by DT nr,M ir D
DID i ^m ^t^i 1 Cn-HM O (I, 2) DTilJ P]DN021 (357 11D^) 1877
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T ir*D^ N*? Ifc N , D ^^D HPN DnrOH PN T
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nt nnN c niirs ^"j-.n n:tra ]Vna NBO D"inn nN^m ^ p^n^ ni rss nx n:p r
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.nnnrn in ty p*o ?VIJ?D an 245
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n IDN^ ryn p IDSI , n ^N Dyn nm TN n^o in p nnNi .pyn
246 .onnan nm ty pjo nnyo m
rmEtfi iHT* .^D in bN Pibyb nyn bri 1 Nb ITEM o l-Djn ~yn 11
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n ms -as Nbn mbjn amp bNi^ PID IDJDJ
.annsn "an H ;uo nnyc 21 247
irinj jnn DIP r\& "un -u -IB^N BDKQ .T.T, "HDND .^NI^ I JD "pra
.(J"D T"O Sspin )
:( j J"D nnm) y"nxin HNUH ^DD ]V,D T.Nnn ni ^N ^ I^NI]
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[ponp \x-ipn np^ ^ PDD ^NI
.n"jnn 1 :
Notiz iiber eiuen dem JUaimuni unterge-
schobenen arabischen Commentar zu Esther
von
Dr. Hartwig Hirschfeld (Ramsgate).
Im J. 1759 wurde durch Abraham b. Daniel Lombroso
in Livorno ein Buch zum Drucke befdrdert, das den Titel
fuhrt: ifc :nt> TOE^S mir Nip:n ^my JIB^U IPCK rbm LTITD
c n ra "en npityr^ GDI: y* c"2Ein n^:n 211 c^:rn -px ^njn
^rnv? r.D inr^i nvj irnc^ unzc^ ^s^i ^"22 crnzN Tro
.p"^ 2^ ni:" 1 ^2 IjOTn n:i: f ^y - - Das Buch scheint ziemlich
unbekannt zu sein, da es weder in Steinschneider s Catdl.
Bodl., noch in Benjacob s Thesaurus aufgefuhrt ist; hingegen
ist es bei Zedner, CataL of the Hebr. books of the Br. Mus.
(p. 587), als Pseudepigraph verzeichnet. Dem Vorworte des
Herausgebers (M^^M) zufolge ist der Druck in Hinsicht auf
die Vorschrift des Schulhan Aruch 1 ) vorgenomnien worden,
dass es Frauen und Kindern gestattet sei, die Pessah-Haggadah
in der Landessprache zu lesen. Wenn es schon an sich un-
wahrscheinlich ist, dass Maimuni fiir dieses Publicum einen
Commentar geschrieben haben soil, schwindet jeder Zweifel
an der Unechtheit unseres Buches, wenn man die Methode
und besonders die Sprache dieses ,.Commentars" betrachtet.
Er ist namlich in ziemlich moderneni rnaghribinischen Vulgar-
Arabisch und sehr verderbter Orthographic geschrieben und
gehort in die Reihe der jiidisch-arabischen Erbauungsschriften,
zu denen unter anderen auch Sa adjah s angeblicher Commentar
zum Decalog zu rechnen ist. 2 )
r ) Or. H. 473, 7 Schol. Jss.
") Ohne Kritik nebst hebr. und deutscher Uebersetzung lieraus-
gegeben von "W. Eisenstadter (nKB^s^N wybt* icsn) Wien 1868. Bereits ab-
gedruckt in "mretrrn nn,, p"np (Livorno 1851) in der Liturgie des Wochen-
Xotiz liber einen arabischen Com men tar zu Esther. 249
Der vorwiegend liturgische Character des Buches erhellt
ganz besonders den angehangten Pijjutim, von denen einer,
deni Abraham Chajjiin b. Salomo angehorend, bei Zunz,
Literaturgeschiclite S. 544, aufgefiihrt 1st. Er endet wie in dem
das. genannten Ms. Jer. VT"ttH 2SZn "ll^X. Die iibrigen Stiicke
nnden sich bei Zunz nicht, weshalb ich sie hier kurz beriihre.
l. PINE bi2 bwiz ]r6 cms cvb EVE Anf. ^rpir 2^:2 TITN Akr.
pin p j2 \SN. 2. s. oben. 3. MIT N2SJ1 C 1 PIC Akr. pin DIPD
viell. identisch niit Verf. von N. 5. 4. pp"121 PnEE Akr. ">;}"]}
vielleicht identisch rait deni bei Zunz das. 550 genannten
Faradschi. 5. ~N % ::12 Pitt C ^N* D EVE Anf. V2N 1C\X "jn>N.
6. iNtc:ip ii"p i^c?j\N % ]nb yn nc^c ^ ^y ID^C 12^5; ptr62 ^T>C
Anf. CVp^X p5^N2t>N DDN % . Dieser Pijjut giebt in 24 Strophen
eine poetische Bearbeitung des Commentary und scheint, nach
Str. 2 zu schliessen, von deinselben Verfasser herzuriihren.
7. cvry^n ?y ii2n pin ^E) ">D Anf. nccn ^:i \n^p "N^S.
8. C *21 D2 (Din PinlS von dems.
Den StofF zu seinem Commentar hat der Verfasser aus
den agadischen Glossen zu Esther im Talmud, Tract. Megillah,
entnommen; dem Targum II hat er eine noch vveiter ausge-
schmiickte Beschreibung des Salomonischen Thrones entlehnt,
er hat selbstverstandlich auch die Midraschim benutzt, und-
endlich hat er aus den apokryphischeii .,Stticken in Esther"
das Edict Hanians, das Gebet Esthers und das Rundschreiben
Mordechai s wiedergegeben. Das Edict Hamans will er aus
dem. Syrischen iibersetzt haben, fur alles andere giebt er am
Schlusse der kurzen Einleitung den Kalam der Weiseu (wohl
Midrasch) und die beiden Talniude als Quellen an 1 ). Zur
weiteren Orientirung geniigt die folgende Uebersicht der er-
kliirten Verse.
Cap. I 1, 2 (Beschreibung des Thrones), 4, 815.
II 5 (Genealogie Mordechai s s. Jalqut. 1053) , 7, 8,
10, 16, 17, 21, 22.
III 1 (Genealogie Hamans), 2, 4, 7, 8 (Edikt Hainan s).
IV 13, 15, 16, 17.
V 1 (Esther s Gebet), 3, 11, 12.
festes f. 24 v 32 v. E. halt, allerdings ohne einen Beweis zu versuchen,
den Comnientar fiir echt; er 1st aber. wie Inhalt, Siil und Sprache zeigen,
eine spate Mache.
250 Hartwig Hirschfeld.
Cap. VI 1, 10, 11, 13, 14.
VII 7, 9, 10.
VIII 1 (vor VII, 10) 3, 8 (Edikt Mordechai s).
IX 20.
Was die Abfassimgszeit des Buches betrifft, so fehlt in
demselben jede nahere Angabe. Wir sind soinit auf die
Sprache und Orthographic als Bestimmungsmittel angewiesen.
Beide sind offenbar Jung. Maghribinische Sprachproben aus
dem 14. Jahrhundert weisen noch nicht den hohen Grad von
Vertauschung und Verwischung von Consonanten auf 1 ), den
wir hier antrefFen. Grosser ist die Aehnlichkeit mit dem von
mir veroffentlichten Elias 2 )- und Hannah 3 )-Liedem, von denen
das erstere 1569 geschrieben wurde 3 ). Audi die Wortformen
byibx fur ?ybbx, b&l u. a. in.*) (Ueberschrift des Ediktes)
weisen auf dieselbe Zeit bin. Endlich stimnit damit auch
die Form der angehiingten Qinnah iiberein, vorausgesetzt,
dass sie wirklieh von deinselbeu Verfasser herriihrt. Man
wird daher diesen angeblichen Commentar des Mainiuni wohl
schwerlich iiber den Anfaug des 17. Jahrhunderts zuru ck-
schieben konnen.
Als Sprachprobe habe ich das Edikt Hainan s 5 ) nebst
Uebersetzung beigegeben. Man wird den oben angegebenen
Ursprung desselben trotz der sehr freien Bearbeitung leicht
erkennen. Da der Text eineni gedruckten Buche entnommen
ist, habe ich gleich die Umschrift in die klassische Sprache
vorgenominen, und nur besonders aufFallende oder zweifelhafte
Worter in den Anmerkungen besprochen.
Das Edikt Hainan s.
jan axna naoa snm M. 24-
,x;n rbbx rtyb
1 ) S. meine Bearbeituug der SaVmiyya in Fourth Report of the
Montefiorc College, London 1894.
2 ) JEAS 1891. 293-310. [cf. also ZDMG. XLVEI 22 if- XLIX
560-7. G. A. K.]
3 ) JQE VI, 119135.
4 ) JEAS ib., p. 309.
5 ) Ein anderes ,,Rundschreiben Hamans" von etwas grosserem Umfange
ist von Perreau in Steinschneider s Hebr. Bibliogr., Ill, 46 f. abgedruckt.
Notiz iiber einen arabisehen Commenlar zu Esther. 251
"IB: criby t>ip Nin ( 2 ji!N]p tc 1 ? (VmBNirt N^y DTUN n
2? HN CN1N
N:n:nc p N^I wnfe ]c
^ixyc yv
n^ p r^y -1122 p
n^oni n5Ec
no ^B "i^c ]c iSU.ii
N NJN 1^2^ ^y cnpnsi cr^cir H^N* TID en
2^ cnn;r,c ( 7 ny2i
( 9 nnNi 2 cn^niN
^I C2nin^ y c2"rnDi D22^c f
N2^ ]N2
N^I CH^NBL:N icni NI riNiD IN Nn:2 Ny^n IN
rbyy\ cnci nr>2N NJN cniv^ ^y pBi
nny 1^:
1 ) nnnsNi^ suff. plur. wahrscheinlich mit Bezug auf den Collectivbegriff
in n;i.
, Dehnungsbuchstabe ausgelassen.
4 ) nwm
5 ) ^n maghr. pron. poss.
8 ) fiir beide Geschlechter und Zahlen haufig in Vulgartexten.
7 ) n> m.
8 ) ]NDN2 wahrs. t\Jif in Gleichheit.
9 ) pnn s. Anm. 3.
10 ) N^N viell. = Jl das aber keinen guten Sinn geben wiirde.
") nNH.
12 ) JNU^N, ? des Artikels vor dem Sonnenbuchstab ausgelassen s. JEAS
1891, S. 307, ausserdem steht das N in JB fiir. s. ebendas. 308.
252 Hartwig Hirschfeld.
\x -HIPP r? ":i ^*ic \x HNi2t>Ni ( l WINI jisrN
nmzv^ NrccE "p "nN ijy, rnzyncc rn^r- IN r
nnj; ^y CHIPIJ/T^ rnEp ]N2E^N iBp i CHIN * 2N12N i:y
Ec rfcJ ^ N^N JTIPP -on Np2" D^ IN N:^^I NJmxiN
ci^y (2 C^CNI
Uebersetzung.
Folgendes 1st der Wortlaut des Schreibens Hamans des
Verfluchten den Gott verdamme das er zum Zwecke der
Vernichtung Israels schrieb. Ich habe es aus dem aramaischen
Originale vollstandig ins Arabische iibertragen, nm es jedem
Leser zuganglicn zu machen. Es 1st ein strenger Ukas ? der
iiber uns von dem machtigen Konige Ahasveros an alle
Volker, Spraclien, Zungen und sein gesammtes Reich ausge-
gangen ist.
Gott schenke euch dauerndes Heil.
Wir wenden uns an einem hochgestellten Mann, der
weder unserem Glauben nocli unserem Lande angestammt.
aber bestrebt ist uns Gehorsam zu leisten, in die Reihe
unserer Heifer zu treten und sich mit unseren Feinden zu
beschaftigen. Wir haben ihn gepriift und in ihm einen grossen
Mann gefunden. Wir haben ihn in seiner Hoheit 7 Wichtigkeit
und seinem einnussreichen Posten bestiitigt 7 Haman den
Inder, den Sohn des Hamdatha, Nachkoramen des Konigs
Agag, Sohnes des Fiirsten Amaleq, Sohnes des durchlauchten
Elifaz b. Re uel, des erstgeborenen Sohnes des Esau, des
Sohnes Isaks. der (namlich Haman) ebenso beruhmt ist durch
seine Ahnen als (ausgezeichnet) durch Bildung, Reichthum
und den ihm vom Konige verliehenen hohen Rang. Er
unterbreitete uns einen geringen, keirierlei Schwierigkeiten
verursachenden Yorschlag, den zu erfiillen wir geruhten, und
der uns wohlgefallt. Er bezieht sich auf jene zerstreute
Nation, die 60000 Mann stark (einst) aus Egypten zog; dann
aber hat Gott sie liber alle Lander zerstreut. Ich der Konig
Ahasveros erklare ihr Blut fiir vogelfrei und gebe ihr Herz-
blut jedermann preis. Ich der Konig freue niich sie zu
sing. .UX> (Dozy, Suppl.}
Notiz uber einen arabischeu Commentar zu Esther. 253
achten und gebe ihr Blut jedermann ohne Unterschied und
fiir ewig preis. Ich erklare sie dein Schwerte verfallen und
iiberlasse sie alle, sainmt ihren Gotzen jedem so viel er ver-
langt, fiir euch zu Speise und Trank und zur Freude nach
Herzenslust. Niemand soil fiir etwas, das er in dieser Saclie
nach seinen Willen thut, zur Verantwortung gezogen werden,
sondern ani 13. des Monats Adar soil man uber sie herfallen.
Ihr sollt keinen Juden, Greis, Mann oder Jiingling, Kind oder
Saugling, Madchen oder Weib schonen. Man zeige weder
Mitleid ihren Kindern, noch Erbarinen ihren Kleinen, noch
Wohlwollen ihren Greisen. Ich gebe ihr Blut preis und ge-
statte euch ihre Habe zu pliindern. Mein Edikt ergeht Ge-
horsam heischend an alle Fiirsten, Statthalter, Stadte, Burgen,
Dorfer und Wiisten. Wo ein Jude oder eine Jiidin, klein
oder gross oder als Sclaven jemandes . der sie in seinen
Dienst gebracht hat, gefunden wird, so sollen diese Leute an
den Thiiren ihrer Hiiuser geschlachtet und der Platz zur
Einode umgewandelt werden, weil sie unseren Feinden Vor-
schub geleistet haben. Denn es ist unser "Wunsch und Zweck,
dass das Andenken keines einzigen Juden in unserein ganzen
Reiche iibrig bleiben soil - - und ich griisse Euch.
An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and CI
by
Rev. Dr. Marcus Jastrow (Philadelphia).
I.
The Eighty-fourth Psalm.
The situation of the poet of Ps. LXXXIV is made clear
by reference to another psalm (Ps. XI), written under the
most adverse circumstances, and I have no doubt but that
both psalms under consideration may lay claim to king David
himself as their author.
We shall, therefore, analyze the eleventh psalm first
Friends told the wrongly persecuted young man David
to flee a country the foundations of which are being torn
down. These foundations are: justice and personal liberty;
their deadliest foes are arbitrariness and tyranny. What, do
David s friends say, what can an individual under the perse
cution of a government s power do, but flee? What can
the bird do, when the fowlers are out with their arrows and
snares, but retire to the mountains?
The poet answers by referring to his stronghold of pro
tection , which is faith, to his protector s high castle from
which a constant watch is held on the doings of the travellers
below; that watch-post is called in the poetical language
of the singer: the eye of the Lord; modern language calls
it Providence.
Tradition, continues the singer, knows of times when the
earth was filled with violence , but there was one righteous
man in that generation, and the Lord saved him, for him
he had seen righteous be.forfe him in that generation . Yea,
the Lord proveth the righteous, but the wicked and him
that loveth violence his soul hateth .
An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and CI. 255
There was also , tradition says , a city with its districts
beautiful and rich like the garden of the Lord , but the
men of Sodom were wicked and sinners before the Lord
exceedingly , and destruction was their lot. The snares to
capture those birds came from above: it is the Lord that
raineth snares upon the wicked; fire and brimstone and glowing
wind are their allotted cup which they must drink.
Observe the parallel between these passages of our
Psalm XI and Genesis VI, 11, 13 and VII, 1, and XIX, 24
respectively. Here and there the righteous (p 1 "^), and the
lover of violence (CCH) are placed in contrast; here and there
the Lord raineth fire and brimstone (iV^CJ and l& tf, "ViCpH
and ~O;?).
Therefore, says the poet, to his friends, fear not for me,
for the Lord is righteous, he loveth righteousness, his coun
tenance sees the upright.
But after all, the bird does retire to the mountains.
Circumstances stronger than principles force young David to
be a fugitive, at first in the glens and caves of his own
mountainous country, and finally even in the enemy s land.
Now after many years of hardships and struggles, during
which it had been his aim never to betray his country and
never to forget the sacredness of the royal head of his per
secutor, he comes back again to his home and its divine
associations; the restless bird has found her nest again.
Remember what exile meant to a Hebrew of olden days.
Every country had her own god or gods , and though the
faithful Hebrew worshipped in Jehovah the Only One, the
creator and master of the whole Universe, the owner of
heaven and earth; though the true believer in the One God
knew that the gods of the nations were EliUm, that is
nothings : yet he could not help looking upon exile from home
as a banishment from all divine associations, and so David
says to Saul, For they have divorced me now from a share
in the divine inheritance, as if saying, "Go and worship
other gods ".
And now he is home again; grace and honor surround
him; he is himself the anointed of the Lord whose life he
regarded as inviolable when Saul was his king and persecutor
at once; he greets again the residences of the Lord of Hosts;
256 Marcus J astro w.
Jehovah is again his king and his god: the altars of the
Lord again offer him protection and safety, the courts of the
Lord after which he had been longing, and yearning for so
many years, again keep him in their sacred enclosure, and
rejoicingly he exclaims, "How lovely are thy residences
Lord of hosts 5 nay soul has been longing, nay fainting for
the courts of the Lord, and now my heart and my flesh
shout with joy unto the living God" He is no longer among
the lifeless gods of the heathens; he greets again the living
G-od and offers thanks to him both for the preservation of
his heart from wrong-doing and of his body from the dangers
of a homeless warrior s life.
Yes, at last the fowl has found a house, the roving bird
has found a nest where to lay down its brood; the homeless
vagrant has found thine altars , where he can lay down the
dearest emotions of his heart. Once they warned him off
these altars, saying, Flee to your mountains, birds! , and
now the bird has found its nest again. Oh, how happy are
the dwellers of thy house who continually praise thee !
Happy are those whose life is a smooth road-bed of peace,
with the sunshine of prosperity overhead. But what about
those travellers and stragglers on earth? What about those
who have to pave their way through the deserts and dark
glens of adversity, trial, temptation and snare? - - How can
the journeyer over life s solemn main find his way? AYhere
will he find protection, escort and leader?
A brief description of the traveller s life in the East of
to-day will here be necessary for the understanding and due
appreciation of the beautiful imagery of our poet.
Up to this day, the traveller who desires to traverse
certain portions of Eastern countries for purposes of trade
or of scientific exploration has to hire a guide and escort
who are subjects and followers of the Sheikh of that region.
Placing himself under the protections of that chief, the traveller
is safe from his tribe; if he is attacked, he need only cry
out the name of his protector, and point to the castle on top
of the mountain where he is seated, and his assailers are turned
into friends ; and if the attack comes from a hostile tribe,
that cry of distress is heard in the castle, and the answer
comes down promising help and delivery. By keeping in
Au Analysis of Psalms LXXXiV and CI. 257
view this custom of the East 1 ) you will understand many an
expression in the psalms otherwise subject to misconception.
"My voice is raised unto the Lord, I call, and He answers
me from his holy mountain. The Lord is my rock and my
fortress and my deliverer , my god is my strength, I trust
in Him; my buckler and the horn of my salvation, my high
tower. Praised be the Lord, I cry out, and I am saved from
my assailers."
These and many other metaphors in Hebrew poetry are
raised from their vagueness, and begin to alight upon us
like new revelations, when we can place ourselves amid the
poet s surroundings and conditions. Willst Du den Dichter
recht verstehen, so musst Du in des Dichters Lande gehen.
And now, after this not unnecessary digression , let us
return to our psalm. - - Happy are those who dwell in thy
house, who continually praise thee. - - With these words the
singer closes his song of joy over his return to his country
and his God. And now he continues, by comparing human
life on earth to a journey over roads, not always even, through
valleys not always slacking the travellers thirst, on pathways
often winding and misleading , between people not always
friendly and hospitable: Where is man s guide? Where is
man s escort? Where is his high tower, where the rock of
refuge? Where the sheikh whose name is a protection?
Where his deliverer on whom to call, anxiously waiting for an
answer? Where is there a station where to rest his head
safely when night sets in? Who looks out from his tower for
the journeyer s safety? Happy those who dwell in thy house,
but happy, too, is he who has in thee his tower of strength,
happy those who carry the pathways in their hearts. They
will not fear, they will not go astray. Passing through the
valley of entanglement they make it a well, and the guide too
is covered with blessings (of gratitude). Passing through
the valley of trouble, they make it a well other travellers
will come after them , thirsty and outworn like themselves,
x ) [Illustrations of Arab hospitality are given in Rev. H. C. Trumbull s
charming Sketches of Oriental Social Life (Philadelphia, 1894) a work
which throws much light upon obscure Bible-texts by its description of the
customs and manners of the East. G. A. K.]
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 1?
258 Marcus Jastrow.
and will find a well to slacken their thirst. Who is not
reminded here of our poet s [Longfellow s] words:
"Footprints which perhaps another
Sailing o er life s solemn main,
A forlorn and shipwrecked brother
Seeing will take heart again."
Passing through the valley of trouble, they make it a
well, even the guide that led them into it is covered with
thanks. We need only remember the frequent murmurings
of the Israelites in the desert against their leader, and we
see the beauty of this passage finer than any commenting
words can make it appear. And it is true up to this day,
that even in trouble those who have the pathways leading
to God in their hearts will bless the guide of their journey
even when passing through the valley of trouble. - Thus
they walk from station to station : it is all seen and observed
before God in Zion. - - There is the chief s tower of obser
vation; from there He looks down upon the travellers on earth.
The poet, too, has been through the valley of trouble,
has more than once looked up to the tower of his strength,
has felt the protecting hand of his escort and guide, and
now appearing again in the sanctuary of the Lord, the bird
of passage having found his nest again , he lays down his
brood upon the altars of his king and God : *O Lord of hosts,
hear my prayer, listen, God of Jacob! Look God,
our shield, receive graciously thy anointed. He is no longer
the migratory bird, he is now the anointed of the Lord. But
were he even the lowest of his subjects, he would be con
tented, for better is one day in thy courts, than a thousand
(outside) . He would rather sit at the threshold in the house
of God, than have a dwelling among the tents of wickedness.
Yea, the traveller s sun by which he is guided , and the
traveller s protection is the Lord; He gives grace and honor;
what popularity and glory now are his, they are gifts of the
Lord who denies no good to those who walk in uprightness.
Lord of hosts, happy the man who trusts in thee!
Take away everything personal, and there remains still
in this most beautiful psalm enough to be a well and a
blessing to mankind journeying over this earth for all time
to come.
An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and 01. 259
II.
The One hundred and first Psalm.
A royal programme has this psalm justly been named
by the great Jewish historian who ascribes it to king Ezekiah ;
a prince s mirror is the title given it by the great reformer
and still greater translator of the Bible, Martin Luther, who
believes in the inscription and assigns the psalm to David
himself. There is, to my mind, no reason to doubt David s
authorship of our psalm, whose style and thought are in
every respect Davidic.
But I have always maintained that for practical purposes,
that is to say for the appreciation and enjoyment of a
literary production like ours , it matters little when and by
whom it was composed. What difference is it to the reader
or hearer of Hamlet whether Shakespeare or Bacon be the
author? - - Let the critics go on battling on the field of
theories and speculations; only let them not disturb our
pleasure. David or Ezekiah, or whoever else may be in
vented yet as the composer of our psalm , has given us the
programme, the mirror, the ideal of a king at a time when
such a thing as a ruler guided by moral principles was un
known outside of Israel, and when statesmanship had as
much connection with righteousness and justice, as, in our
blessed country, so called politics has with truth and integrity.
Measured by this standard, in fact, our psalm has not
yet been excelled by any declaration of principles of any
ruler in the world down to our days.
Let us then take the psalm by its own word and con
sider David as its real author.
After a career of adventures of the most distracting
nature, after being hunted like game for years, after being
maligned and denounced and abused by those heroes of the
tongue of whom our books have so often occasion to com
plain, David at last becomes the ruler, the absolute ruler both
of those who had honored and upheld him in his hours of
degradation and those who had instigated persecutions against
him which embittered his life and forced him to seek refuge
with the Philistean enemy of his country.
And now that the former rebel was the rightful king
17*
26Q Marcus Jastrow.
seated on the throne at Zion, what was more natural than
that a host of pick-thanks and parasites, flatterers and
sycophants, office-seekers and favor-seekers, would try to
force themselves upon the young ruler and offer their ser
vices as bloodhounds for the tracking up of the king s former
enemies and traducers, and all this in the name of justice,
the highest and noblest royal privilege and duty.
Formerly, when the tempters to violence approached him,
he repulsed them with the argument that you have no right
to take the law in your own hand, that the anointed of the
Lord, the rightful king was inviolable. But what now? He
is now clothed with the majesty of royalty, justice is now
entrusted to his charge; what will his conduct now be?
Who will be his counsellors and advisers? Who will have
his ear now? How will he be able to repress the throng of
false friends? How will he check the flood of accusations
and denunciations, if once its gates are opened and the dam
broken into?
These are the thoughts that occupy the royal singer s
mind. He looks out for guidance on the right path. What
is his foremost duty now? Is it justice, strict unmitigated
justice and retribution? Who will guard the limits where
justice ceases and revenge takes its place? Who will con
trol the informers and spies, those detectives who invent
crime and provoke wrongs in order to earn the tale bearers
fees ?
Is it to be kindness and forbearance? Is the past to be
forgotten? Shall murder arid bloodshed and depredations
committed under the pretext of political actions go forth
boasting of their impunity?
The king looks out for divine guidance in his perplexity.
He thinks of one in olden days that has been visited by the
Lord who said to him, Walk before me, and thou shalt be
perfect . - - He remembers him who sat at the gate of his
house by the roadside looking out for subjects of hospitality
in the heat of the day, and to whom the Lord appeared in
the disguise of three wearied travellers. He remembers
Abraham whom the Lord has chosen for the mission of be
queathing to his children and his house after him, to guard
An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIY and CI. 261
the way of the Lord, to do tsedakah and misJipat , that is,
as near as it can be translated, like the Lord to combine
equity and judgment, mercy and justice, to hold equally far
from that stern justice which denies the claims of forbearance,
and that morbid leniency which blunts the sense of right.
Our poet, too, is seated at the gate of his house, looking
out, as I said, for divine guidance; he tunes his harp, ex
claiming, "Of kindness and of justice will I sing; for thee,
Lord, will 1 chant." He desires to invite the Lord, to
serenade Him enthroned in the heavens, that He might
appear in answer to his call. "I will look out on the way
of the perfect One, when wilt thou come to me?" I look
out, like my ancestor, on the roads of life to find the way
of the perfect shall I, too, be granted the privilege of
thy visit? - - He, Abraham, was admonished to walk before
the Lord and be perfect; he was chosen to bequeath justice
and kindness to his house ; I, too, shall walk in the integrity
of my heart within my house.
The house of David shall likewise receive from its
founder a legacy of truth and justice; the house which the
Lord had promised to build up for him , shall rest on the
foundations of true righteousness which he, David, is deter
mined to lay; the throne which the prophet had predicted
to him would be established for ever, shall be built on royal
virtues. I shall walk before the Lord in the integrity of
my heart within my house.
I shall not set before my eyes the word of the worth
less . He intends to have the Lord constantly before him,
to follow His advice ad example, and not be guided by what
the worthless and the mean may whisper into his ear.
I hate the making of seducers . The poet knows that
a ruler who lends his ear to worthless informers, creates
that class of detectives that we in our days call provoking
agents . Who that ever read the history of a single country
knows not the misery produced by the overzealous menials
of a vindictive government?
<I hate the making of seducers and intriguers; it shall
not cling to me . It shall never be said that in king David s
days informers flourished and sycophancy was rife.
252 Marcus J astro w.
A perverse heart shall keep aloof from me, evil I will
not know. - - He will ward off those who approach him under
the shield of loyalty with hearts perverse and corrupt, and
who come to denounce the ill-doings of others. His answer
will be ; I will not know evil, I receive no informers/
Whoso in secrecy informs against his neighbor - - him
I will cut off; whoso is of haughty eyes and a greedy heart,
hint I will not bear.
Not him will he cut off and remove against whom secret
information is offered, but the cowardly sycophant who thinks
he will insinuate himself into the graces of his king. Nor
will he appoint as executors of his will the haughty and
greedy who abuse the power put into their hands for domi
neering and for oppression. Who shall be the trusted go
vernors of the land? Who shall sit with him in council?
I shall have iny eyes on these entrusted with the
charge of the land to sit with me; he who walketh in the
way of the perfect One, he it is that shall serve me.
We know what is meant by the way of the perfect One
- it is the way of the Lord doing tsedakah and mishpat,
acting with righteousness and justice, combining the kindness
and the justice which the poet started to celebrate with his
song. Judgment belongs to God is a Mosaic principle, and
he who pronounces judgment is a trustee of divine power
which he must wield in accordance with the instructions of
him who commissioned him; he must walk in the way of the
perfect One.
I will walk with integrity of the heart within my house
was the first article of his proclamation, and taking up this
sentiment, the royal poet continues, Not shall dwell within
my house he that worketh deceit; one who tells falsehoods
shall not be stationed (in office) before my eyes ; not, as far
as I can see and discover human intricacies, shall deceit
and falsehood have a dwelling in my house, in my govern
ment.
Every morning will I cut off all the oppressors of the
land, removing from the city of the Lord all doers of
iniquity.
He will be none of those indolent kings who from a
morbid softness of the heart allow wrongs and crimes to go
An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and CI. 263
unpunished. He will sit in judgment every morning, he will
investigate every case brought before him; he will rule in
kindness and in justice, in hesed and mishpat. His land, his
government is to him a city of the Lord, he is merely the
viceroy, the deputy of the Lord, and is commissioned to
administer justice, and to guard the way of the perfect One.
Thus he hears the word of the Lord again ; he has asked
for a divine visit, the Lord has come to him and told him:
Walk before me, and be thou perfect.
The Testament of Job.
An Essene Mid rash, on the Book of Job
reedited and translated
with Introductory and Exegetical Notes
by
Rev. Dr. K. Kohler (New York).
Introduction.
In an edict on canonical and spurious books issued by
Pope Gelasius I about 496, a book called the Testament of Job
is mentioned among the apocrypha, This is the only place
in patristic literature in which mention of such a work occurs.
This singular fact induced Fabricius, the great authority
on apocryphical writings, to substitute the name of Testa
ment of Jacob for that of Job. This emendation having been
once adopted by other scholars, the very existence of the
book in question was forgotten. It was, strange to say, of
little avail that Angelo Mai published our apocryphon in
his Scriptorum Veterum Nova Collectio. vol. VII, pp. 180 191
[Roniae 1833], referring in a footnote to the edict of Pope
Gelasius as proof of the high antiquity of the work. None
of the recent writers on Old and New Testament Apocrypha
took cognisance of it, until Montague Rhodes James in his
valuable edition of "the Testament of Abraham", (Cambridge
1892) again called attention to the same (see his note on p.
155). [Cf. also Kohler: Pre-Talmudic Haggada, in Jewish
Quart. Bev., V (1893), p. 419. G. A. K.] The only other
reference to the Testament of Job I found since was in S.
The Testament of Job. 265
Baring-Gould s Legends of the Patriarchs [New York 1872],
where on pp. 245 to 251 a few fragments of the story of
Job are given from this source after A. Mai s edition. Beyond
this the book is scarcely known to scholars ; so little, in fact,
that a writer of the vast erudition of Max Gruenbaum could
in his Neue Beitraege zur SemitiscJien Sagenkunde (Leyden
1893), pp. 262 271, reproduce the entire story of Job after
Arabian sources without once referring to the Greek apo-
cryphon as the original, as he certainly would have done
had he been aware of the existence of our book
The Testament of Job belongs to a class of writings
which are so pronouncedly Essene in character that the
late Rabbinical schools felt more or less forcibly called upon
to disown or ignore them, while those sects which gradually
merged into Christianity treasured them as precious deposi
tories of great mysteries. To this class belong the Books
of Enoch, Noah and of Adam, the Testament of Abraham,
the Visions of Moses, of Elijah, of Zephaniah and Jeremiah
and the Testaments of the Patriarchs. Our Rabbinical
scholars, as a rule, start from the fragmentary traditions
preserved in the Midrash and fail to see that the beginnings
of the Haggadah point back to the second and third centuries
preceding the Christian era. Our Rabbinical Midrash is the
product of the school, artificially obtained by hermeneutic
skill. The ancient Midrash as reflected in the older Helle
nistic literature has all the natural vividness and fascination
of folklore. It originated at the time when both Greek and
Hebrew still felt the stimulus of Eastern lore, when the
Chaldean and the Mazdean sages competed with the student
of Egyptian mysteries in the knowledge concerning the
world s beginning and end, when all that is above and beyond,
behind and before, was the study of the "wise", later called
Gnostics, Mandaeans and Kabbalists.
The Targum on Job.
Already previous to the destruction of the Temple we learn
of the existence of a Targum scroll on the Book of Job. But
singularly enough, Rabban Gamaliel the Elder ordered that
it should be hidden away in the wall of the Temple hall.
That is, he declared it to be an apocryphon. (See
266 K. Kohler.
Tosefta Sabbath, ch XIV). Why this and similar Targums
were to be concealed, or declared to be apocrypha, has been
a matter of dispute and conjecture. (See Zunz, Grottesdienstl.
Vortraege 1 , 62; Berliner, Tar gum Onkelos, p, 89 ; P. Frankl
in Graetz s Monatsschrift, 1872, p. 314.) *) But with all
due deference to the learning of these scholars, we can not
but say that they failed to enter into the true spirit of the
tradition. What caused the Targum of Jonathan ben Uziel,
the pupil of Hillel, who is said to have received his Biblical
interpretations in direct line down from the last prophets, to
fill the whole land of Judea with trembling and awe (Me-
gillah 3 a) so that, when he wanted to write the Targum on
the Hagiographa - - of which Job is the first , a heavenly
voice cried forth : "Enough ! Thou hast reached the limit
beyond which thou shouldst not go?" "He disclosed the
mysteries of God to the children of Israel", is the answer
given by the Rabbis. And another tradition says that, as
he sat interpreting the Torah. the fire that emanated from
his soul consumed every bird flying above his head. This
is but further testimony that the ancient Targum contained
mysteries too holy for the common people to know or to
read. (See Sukkah 28 a). This certainly accounts better for
the Rabbinical injunction to conceal it than what Zunz or
Frankl offer, as reason. The book of Job especially supplied
a large store of the mysteries of Essenic lore concerning
cosmogony TO\X?2 Hl^C. Says Midrash Shir ha-
shirim rabba to imn ^CM W2u : "Elihu ben Buzi shall -
one day disclose to Israel the secret chambers of the
Leviathan and Behemoth, and Yehezekiel ben Buzi shall
disclose those of the heavenly chariot - - n2Z1!2 ntrj/ E".
(Compare Rabbi Meir at the close of Midrash Vayikra Rabba
22, also Bereshith Rabba 26 at the close [and several
other interesting parallels in NE17 C^irn TIT tmc, ed. Buber,
Berlin, 1894, pp. 1112 and notes. G. A. K.])2)
*) [See also T. B. Shahbath 115a ; cp. furthermore on the Targum on Job:
Backer in Frankel s Monatsschrift (1871), vol. XX. pp. 208-23; Weiss,
De libri Mi Paraphrasi Chaldaica (Vratisl. 1873); W. H. Lowe, An
Early Targum on Job, in Hebraica (a monthly suppl. to Jewish Messen
ger, N. Y. 1871), No. 10; B. Pick in Me. Clintock & Strong s Theological
Cyclopaedia, s. v, Targum, vol. X, pp. 21213. G. A. K.]
-} fCf. also Kohut, Uber die judische Anyelologie und Daemo-
The Testament of Job. 267
Job as teacher of mystic lore.
Naturally the question suggested itself to these ancient
mystics, engaged with the study of Job, why were he
and his friends, who were at best God-fearing sages of
Arabia, privileged to behold these sacred mysteries? And
the answer was not far to find : In order to be bearers
of such precious secrets they must have been of the chosen
seed of Abraham. A search in the Scriptures supplied them
with the required genealogy. There was Uz the land of
Job; there was Eliphaz, and his land of Teman, and there
was Bildad of the land of Shuah - - names which clearly
proved a connection with the family of Abraham according
to Genesis, ch. XXXVI, 11 to 28 and Genesis XXV, 2. But the
very list of Edomite Kings given in Genesis ch. XXXIV, 31 ff.
seemed to be invested with new interest, if brought into rela
tion with the circle of Job. The first King in the list is Bela
ben Beor. Is he not identical with Moses great heathen
contemporary, Balaam ben Beor, who& prophecies have
found a place in the Books of Moses ? And should not have
Moses, whom tradition regards as the author of the book of
Job, (See Baba Bathra 14 b) when mentioning Jobab the son
of Zerah as next king, had Job in mind? Jobab, the
son of Zerah and great-grandson of Esau, was he not the
man of Uz, called Job "the assailed one" on account of
martyrdom ? To be sure, Eliphaz must be identified with
Eliphaz, the son of Esau !
This mode of argument did not, as Frankel, Vorstudien
zur Septuaginta, p. 79, thinks, spring from "ignorance"
ein unwissender Leser verwechselte Job mit Jobab . The
writer of the appendix to the LXX translation of Job,
simply followed the same tradition, as did Aristeas in the
second pre-Christian century, quoted after Alexander Poly-
histor, by Eusebius, Prepar. Evangelic., IX, 25. Freudenthal
in his Hellenistische Studien, I, p. 136 141, thinks that the
LXX postscript is simply a copy of the words of Aristeas !),
nolocjie (Leipzig 1866), p. 71; his article in the Z. d D. M. G., vol. XXI
(1867), p. 586 ff; and Arfikh Completum, s. v. jfp> vol. V, p. 23 a.
G. A. K.J
A ) [Cf. C. Mullen Fragm. Hist. Graec., vol. Ill, p. 207 sqq. ; Herz-
268 K. Kohler.
but he is certainly mistaken, if he makes the Alexandrian
writer the author of the whole genealogical legend, after he
himself had observed that the LXX translators have already
the three friends of Job introduced as "Kings of the Tema-
nites, the Sanchites and the Minaeans". Here is the
evidence given that the Haggadists had at an early date
begun enlarging on the life of Job in the same direction.
P. Frankl in the Monatsschrift for 1872, p. 313, calls atten
tion to the words in the LXX postscript "The fifth
generation from Abraham", which are intended to lead us
down to the time of Moses, where the Rabbinical Haggada
placed Job and Balaam as being the counsellors of King Pharaoh
at the birth of Moses. [Cp. also Griinbaum in Z. d. D. M. G.
XXXI, 299, no. 15: Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthum, vol. II,
439 and Gould, /. c., p. 245. G. A. K.] There are many
traces, besides, of this Haggadic tradition in Rabbinical
literature, although the tendency to belittle Job is gaining
gradually the upper hand in Talmud and Midrash. As to
Eliphaz, we find in Midrash Debarim rabba 2, that "Eliphaz
was brought up by Isaac as a righteous man", and Targum
Jerush. to Genes. XXXVI, 12 identifies him with the friend of Job.
Likewise does the Midrash Mayan Gannim, edited by
Buber, which draws upon many unknown Haggadic sources,
state on p. 9, that Eliphaz was the son of Eliphaz the son
of Esau, and that Bildad of Shuah was, according to Genes.
XXV, 2, also of Abrahamitic descent ; only for Zophar the
commentator knows no genealogical connection j\x isi^l
On the other hand, the same commentator
p. 103, points to the Targum as to the genealogy of Elihu
the Buzite, connecting him with Abraham while referring to
Genes. XXII, 21. But the real name and identity of Elihu has
been a matter of dispute already between R. Akiba and
Eleazar ben Azariah, the former identifying him with
Balaam, the latter with Isaac, the son of Abraham
(see Jerushalnii Sota 20 d). In fact, the farther back we
follow the Rabbinical tradition, the more we find Job placed
fold, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, 488 sqq., 577-9; Ewald, Geschichte
Israels, VII, 92 ; Scimrer s History of the Jewish People in the time of
Jesus Christ (English ed., New York 1891). II Division, vol. Ill p
208209. G. A. K]
The Testament of Job. 269
into close connection with Abraham and Moses and on a
level with them as regards his religious life. It is Rabbi
Yishmael who makes him one of Pharaoh s courtiers (Jerusli.
Sota, eodeni). Another old tradition given in Babli Sota 35 a,
Midrash Bereshith Rabba 57 and Baba Bathra 15 b, connects
the number of years of Job s life 210 with the 210 years
which the Israelites spent as slaves in Egypt. They thus
arrive at the following legendary tale : Satan tried to oppose
the work of Israel s redemption, probably on the ground that
a man like Job proved the superfluity of a people identified
with the cause of the monotheistic faith, when God turned
his attention to Job, the . God-fearing servant of Pharaoh
for the sake of silencing ms antagonism to Israel. And
when the spies entered the holy land, Job s funeral took
place which preoccupied all the inhabitants of Canaan to
such a measure that none noticed their espionage. But they,
in their blindheartedness, brought the impression home that
the land was eating up its inhabitants while, in fact, Job
was the great pillar - - yy PiZC Ti - - who but for his death
would have protected the heathen tribes. (See Numbers XIII,
20, 32 and Midrash Shemoth Rabba 1, 21.)
Another Rabbinical tradition preserved in Baba Bathra,
eodem, points in the same direction: "Seven prophets did God
raise for the heathen nations, and these are Balaam and his
father (?) Job and Eliphaz, Bildad, Sophar and Elihu, his
friends. It is not unlikely that these seven and Baal Chan on
as son of Job were meant to correspond with those Edomite
Kings who reigned before "Moses ruled over Israel". (Genes.
XXXVI, 31 ; SQQ Ibn Ezra, eodeni) Cf. Jalkut I, 766: "All the
seven heathen prophets were sons of Milkah and Nahor :
Uz^Job; Buz = Elihu 5 Kmuel = Balaam".
Part of this tradition also is that Dinah the daughter of
Jacob, was the wife of Job. This is not merely based on
the verbal analogy, the charge of "folly" - nte, made alike
against her and against Dinah (Job II. 10 and Genes.
XXXIV, 7), as Rabba Bar Kahana says in the Talmudical
passages quoted, but the very words of Job s wife: "Curse
God and die!" seemed offensive enough to attribute them
only to the black sheep in Jacob s fold, Dinah, about whom
we hear nothing after her affair with Shechem. Here then
270 K - Kohler.
seemed the solution given. She married Job, but her piety
was not pure enough to offer resistance to the seducer.
[Cp. Talm. B. Bathra 15 b; Midr. Ber. Rabba 57; Griin-
baum, Neue Beitrage zur Semit. Sagenlmnde (1893), p. 266,
n. 3. G. A. K.]
Job in Folklore.
Thus far we have only followed the current school
tradition about Job. But at closer observation we find that
Job, - - who like Daniel and Noah lived in popular legend
before his story was recorded in the book bearing his name
(vSee Ezekiel XIV, 14, 20) - - continued to be a subject
of folklore long afterwards [cf. also Cheyne s Job and Solo
mon (1893), p. 60. G. A. K.]. Not only was his dwelling-
place and the spring in which he was cured from his
leprosy ] ) pointed out by the people of Hauran, as is shown by
Wetzstein in his appendix to Delitzsch s Commentary to Job.
[cf. also Niebuhr s Eeisebesclireiljung Arabiens, II, 291;
G. Fliigel in Ersch & Gruber s Encyclopaedie, s. v. Hiol>,
II, 8, p. 299. G. A. K.] but, like Abraham, he became the
type of a saint, the very model of a grand philanthropist.
The picture drawn in Talmud B. Bathra 15 16 ; Aboth
de R. Nathan ch. 7 (see Schechter s edition p. 33 ; cf. 8, 12
and 164) and Mayan Gannim, pp. 92, 101 sq., is so full of
charm and grandeur that it is almost impossible to believe
that the same rabbis should have invented it who constantly
betray their jealousy lest Abraham the Hebrew patriarch be
eclipsed by his pagan rival. The fact is that these ancient
Midrashic legends extol Job s philanthropy beyond that of
Abraham. According to them he had like Abraham an inn
built on the crossing of the roads, opened on all sides to
receive the strangers and the needy. His time was entirely
occupied with works of charity. He went about visiting the
sick and providing the poor with a physician, now comforting
and cheering their wives and furnishing them support until
their full recovery, and then again sustaining the widows in
J ) [Tabari (I, p. 263, ap. S. B. Gould, Legends of the Patriarchs.
etc., p. 250) says : every person who goes there (to the fountain) affected
by internal or external maladies, and washes and drinks of that water, is
healed of his disease. G. A. K.I
The Testament of Job. 27]
case of death. He had his servants employed for baking-
bread and cooking the ineals for the poor. His looms were
made to run to provide the naked with clothes, his sheep
furnished the wool and his ships the silk or cotton. His
money worked blessing in a most wonderful way, so that
"he who had received his alms once was no longer in need
of support". Indeed, "he tasted the bliss of the future in
this world", says Rabbi Johanan (B. Bathra, eodem). No
wonder if in a time when heathenism was as cruel as it
showed itself to the Jews under Roman oppression. Rabbi
Johanan ben Zakkai would feel prompted to declare that, after
all Job did all his good deeds only from fear of God, while
Abraham was actuated by love 1 ) (Mishna Sota V p. 27 b).
All the Biblical heroes of the pre-Abrahamitic age, Enoch,
Noah, Malkizedek and Adam had in these times of Roman,
and partly already of Syrian, persecution to step down from
the high pedestal of ideal perfection and holiness upon which
the broad-minded Hellenestic era, with its cosmopolitan ten
dency, had placed them. Job made no exception to the rule.
And R. Chiyah, one of the Amor aim went so far as to make
God say: "I had one righteous man among the heathen who
received all his reward at the close of his earthly life and
he has no longer any claim upon me in the future" (see
Jerush. Sota, eodem , Bereshith Rabba 57). This very asser
tion of the Babylonian Rabbi casts light upon the note at the
close of the LXX version : "Job shall have a share in the
resurrection." The question whether the righteous among the
heathen will share in the future world or not, was in the time
of the war of Barkochba, and no less so during the Roman oppres
sion, one of more than mere theoretical significance. It was a
question of political regeneration for Judea. The national
hope for a Messiah hinged on it. In this light must the con
troversy between the Shanimaite or Essene saint R. Eliezer
and that of Joshua ben Chananiah regarding the future of
the just ones among the heathen (Tosefta Sanhedrin ch 13
and parallels 2 )j, as well as that regarding Job, be read.
*) [Cf. also Jerush. Berachoth CIX, 5 and Cbeyne s Job and Solo
mon, p. 645; Syrians called him the lover of the Lord; cp. Delitzsch
Job, p. 7, quoted by Cheyne, I. c., n. 1. G. A. K.]
2 ) [Cf. Castelli in Jewish Quart. Review, vol. I, p. 328; Kohut, Was
272 K. Kohler.
The ancient Haggadists, anxious to show the original
connection and intimate relation between the pagan and the
Biblical saints of remote antiquity, insisted that Malkizedek,
Enoch and Job were as spotless and as lofty types of saintly
life as was Abraham. Nay more, they maintained, as can still
be learned from a passage in Midrash Thillim to Psalm 37, that
Malkizedek instructed Abraham in the law of charity. Conse
quently, like Enoch, Job might have, by his great virtues,
been chosen by God as teacher of the great mysteries of the
world. And as he in chs. 29 and 30 speaks of his great love
for man, Job must have been held up in the very oldest
popular view as a type of a generous Bedouin saint whose
nomadic tent is the joy of God and of men. [See also H. G.
Tomkins Studies on the Life & Times of Abraham, London
1878, p. 61. G. A. K.]
What wonder, then, if especially that class of Jews who
made of brotherly love a specialty and a life-purpose, if the
Essene brotherhoods who lived in such parts of the country
where the old Bedouin hospitality could be practised, and who
cultivated the very science of natural and supernatural
things about which Job was so eloquent, should have por
trayed the life of Job con amore as one of their own!
All the great secrets they had received from the remote past
they found in the book of Job. It is quite natural that they
should have spun out the life, the martyrdom and the end
of Job in a more dramatic, a more striking form, (betraying
the true Essene spirit) than the Biblical account does.
This is presented in the so-called Testament of Job. It
is in conception and spirit perfectly Jewish, but it bears
the stamp of Essenic life and thought. It has many traits
m common with the Rabbinical tradition, but it reflects a
stage of Gnostic, or mystic, reasoning and practice which is
peculiarly un-Tahnudical and reminds the reader more of
Christian views and practises. And yet it is the product
of a purely Jewish monotheist. Its eschatology and its
Messianic belief are Jewish. It is like the book of Tobit tinged
hat die talmudische Eschatalogie aus dem Parsismus aufgenommen, in
Z. d. D. M. G. XXI, 561. 568; his Notes on Dhamaris JyUJj ]^
(New York 1892), p. 50 and the sources there mentioned. G. A.K.]
The Testament of Job. 273
with magic notions. Its mode of administering charity to the
poor and the widow is specifically Essene. It is an
Essene Midrash on Job ; indeed a very interesting book, which
casts new light on the ancient Haggadah, as well as on the
origin of many Christian practices.
Contents of the Book analyzed and compared with
Rabbinical parallels from the Haggadah.
Like the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and the
Testaments of the three Patriarchs, our book gives the story
of Job in the form of an address of the dying father to the
children. This practice of giving one s children the last
instruction before death is recommended by the Essene saint
Joshua ben Levi. See Midrash Tanchuma ed. Buber, Bo 2.
In Tanchurnah Vayechi 8 the same is ascribed to the patri
archs Isaac and Jacob.
1. Job first informs his children that he is of the
generation of Abraham "the blessed one", a descendant of
Esau, and that their mother, his second wife is Dinah, the
daughter of Jacob. Our author would have the first wife die
after having yielded to the temptation of Satan in advising
her husband to blaspheme God, and so Dinah, the mother of
the new generation, is represented as the second wife. In
regard to her age, the difficulty grows certainly not less when
Job the grandson of her cousin Esau is to marry her. But
we are, at any rate, in the realm of the Haggadah and in an
age of marvels.
As regards the name of his first wife Sitis, it may have
been suggested by the verb PiED - - "to stray away", if not
by some relation to Satan, which name, by the way, the
Biblical author seems to have derived from W& "roaming
about" V1N2 ZWC (Job I, 7), the Northern Hebrews having
been wont to identify Sin with Shin, as is seen in Shibboleth
or Sibboleth, Yisrael and Yishrael == Yeshurun [cf. Kohut s
AruM, VI, 38 b].
At any rate the name of 21\N % seemed transparent enough
to every Hebrew, as signifying "him who is antagonized". Of
course, Satan is the antagonist, Job the antagonized one.
There the question suggested itself: Why was Job antagoni
zed and persecuted so relentlessly by Satan? To this the
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
274 K Kohler.
Rabbinical Haggadah offered no answer. The Testament of
Job furnished the desired reason in a story which strikingly
reminds us of the Abraham legend: Job, King of the Land
of Uz, had an idol near his residence to which the people
offered continual sacrifice. Dissatisfied with this deity, he
recognized that there must be a higher "God who made
heaven and earth, the sea and man". A prophetic voice
disclosed to him in a dream *) that this idol is the work of
Satan, and when he resolved to destroy it and purify the
place, God prepares him for a hard, life-long struggle
with Satan who will not spare him nor his children. But,
says God reassuringly, if thou wilt persist in wrestling like an
athlete, thy name shall become renowned throughout all the
ages, and at the time of the resurrection thou shalt sit among
the pious with the crown of Amaranth on thy head (cf.
nrrryn TO pn:i crvtr*n2 rm^ i C^T* cyra Berachot 17 a
and I Peter 5, 4), Whereupon Job answers : "I shall from
love of GrOd endure until death." - Here is the very term
PiZriNC emphasized to which Rabbi Johanan ben Zakkai
objected! It was in all likelihood found in the Targum of
Job - - 2VN Clpn "I ED -- which his contemporary Gamaliel I
had hidden away!
2. No sooner is the idol destroyed than Satan begins
his warfare. The first thing he does is to make the highest
virtue of Job, his charity, the means of exerting his malign
influence upon him. He comes as a beggar asking for bread
from his own hand. Job declares his bread to be C"in
or ji^n forbidden to him and sends him burnt and ashy
bread. Satan quickly seizes upon this opportunity of cursing
Job, saying: "Like this pace of bread, will I make thy
body." He then goes up to the highest heaven to obtain
power Him from God (compare Targum I, 12 and
Midrash to take away all his possessions. 2 )
3. Job now relates to his children how he had spent all his
wealth. And here the author is not at all satisfied with the
modest description of the Bible which has seven thousand sheep,
x ) Cf. Midrash Bemidbar Rabba 14 : C.
2 ) |Cf. S. Baring Gould, Legends of the Patriarclis, p. 246-47.
O. A. K.I
The Testament of Job. 275
three thousand camels, five hundred yoke of oxen and five hun
dred she-asses, but ascribes to him one hundred thirty thousand
sheep, three hundred forty thousand asses and three thousand
five hundred yokes of oxen 1 ); yet ot the first we are told he
separated seven thousand to have their wool used for the
clothing of orphans and widows of the poor and the sick ; of
the second he set aside five hundred to have their offspring-
sold every year and the proceeds given to the poor; and of
the third he had five hundred selected to do ploughing for
the benefit of the unfortunate. But we are also told that
he had mills working and ships carrying goods, bakeries
established, and slaves selected for the service of the poor,
so that these slaves, employed in the fields and the stables
for the help of the poor, would often rebel against the great
burden which Job imposed on them in his zealous phi
lanthropy. Then we are informed that he had the four doors
of his house opened to receive the needy, thirty tables being
set at all hours for the strangers and twelve for the poor
widows, and besides his own sons he had many wait on these
for payment. Also his money he lent out to some to enable them
to earn their livelihood without taking interest; nor even when
they lost their goods would he take the money back. Nor
would he ever defer paying the wages to his laborers for a
single night. And when he had treated the poor guests of
his house to festive meals, he had them, under the sound of
instruments, offer praise to the Lord, musicians being employed
for this purpose all day, and when they were tired he took
himself the cithara and played sacred music for the guests.
Now this fantastic description of his charity is far from
being a mere invention of our author. It is the Haggadic
exposition of chapters 29 - 30. See Jalkut and Mayan
Gannint, as well as Aboth di R. Nathan, ed. Schechter, p.
164. Every feature of the picture presented in our book is
suggested by the Bible. In fact, where our text is somewhat
obscure or corrupt, there the Bible with the Midrashic
comments helps to elucidate it, to an extent as to make us
feel certain that this portraiture of Job s philanthropy is only
l ) jTabari s (I, p. 256) enumeration differs from the above, cf. Gould s
book, I c., p. 245. G. A. K.]
276 K. Kohler.
an idealized copy of real Essenic life as carried on by the
brotherhood in those hospices on the borders of the desert.
The Midrash and our book supplement and explain each
other. Compare for instance Mayan Gannim to ch. XXXI, 31
and 32, and the words of Raba (Baba Bathra 15) about his
almsgiving. S. Buber, the editor of the Midrash Mayan
Gannim is often at a loss to find the Haggadic source for
the Rabbinical sayings quoted as such. (See Introd. p. XIII).
Here we have a Midrash far older than any other. In all
probability Job became the type of a philanthropic receiver
of strangers, the pattern of a Bedouin prince of hospitality in
the popular tradition, long before Abraham was rendered such.
4. The Bible text simply records that, after the seven
day s feasting of his sons at their various homes was over.
Job offered burnt offerings according to the number of them
all. How many he offered, whether seven or ten or seven
times as many, is a matter of dispute among the Rabbis
(Midi*. Vayikra Rabba 7 and Buber s Mayan Gannim, p. 3.)
where the number 70 (= 7 times 10 ) seems to be traditional.
Our Testament relates that Job offered fifty rams and nine
teen sheep as sin-offering of which probably the rams were in
tended to expiate for the sons ( 7 times 7 49) and the
sheep (= 6 times 3 = : 18) for his daughters, besides one
ram for himself and one sheep for his wife. And what was
left of the offering - - the twentieth sheep? was handed
over to the poor in order that they should pray for their
son s expiation in case they had been derelict in the duty
of charity! No one can deny that here prevails a system
which shows original Jewish thought - - a thing that cannot
be said of the late Midrashim.
5. The misfortune, which according to our book befell
Job, does not fully tally with the Bible story. Not enemies
only but such as had received benefits from him captured
his herds, and the Sabaeans and Chaldeans are transformed
into a Persian army led by Satan himself in the guise of a
Persian King. Compare with this the war Job waged with
his army against these hostile hosts, deserted, undoubtedly
after popular legend, in connection with certain localities in
the North of Palestine (see Pesiktha Rabbathi to Vaychi
Bachatzi hallailah, ed. Friedman, p. 88 b ; Vayikra Rabba 17 ;
The Testament of Job. 277
Pesiktha di R. Kahana, ed. Buber, p. 65 b) another proof of
the antiquity of this Haggadah of Job!
There is a strange tradition in Jerush. Berachoth 19 d
and Midrash Bereshith Rabba 24 that the storm which
overthrew the houses of Job s children and buried them
under the ruins was one of the three world- wide (pp^CDlp =
[xoffjJLWtov] cosmical) storms restricted miraculously for the
single object for which they were created [cf. Kohut s
Arukh, VII, 76 a]. In other words, the storm was the work
of supernatural interference. Our Testament ascribes it directly
to Satan, the cosmocrator, "the ruler of this world", and
portrays the pillage of the houses and the mortification of
Job in a most drastic form. We also find the ancient for
mula of p"in plljf, the praise of justification of God s dispen
sations when the sad tidings of his son s death reach him:
r}2Mlb IT CJ, "As it was deemed best to the Lord thus it has
come to be". Compare with this R. Meir s, or R. Akiba s
comment on the text in Berachoth 60 b. Then we learn
that Satan appeared as a large hurricane to Job and threw
him down from his throne. The antiquity of the Rabbinical
tradition is here again verified. The Midrash Mechiltha
Beshallach (Exodus XIV, 24) says, with reference to Job IX,
17 : The plague which struck Job came in a storm.
Especially striking is the parallel in Aboth di R. Nathan, ed.
Schechter, p. 164, where Satan appears in the guise of Job
when capturing his sheep and cattle.
Concerning the plague of Job the Midrash Aboth di R.
Nathan (eodein) tells us that the worms were perforating
his body, quarrelling with each other, when Job took them
from the ground and put each back in its own cavity, saying :
"Is there no mediator between us that might lay his hand
upon us" (Job 9, 33) and then he broke forth in humble
praise of God for all His doings, so that all the inhabitants
of the earth acknowledged with one voice that there is no
man like Job on earth. In the very same strain Job in our
Testament says that, when a single worm, crept off his body,
he put it back saying : "Remain there where thou hast been
placed until He who sent the will order thee elsewhere."
Also in the Syrian Apocalypse of Paul (See Visio Paitli
in M. R. James , Apocrypha 41 and Tischendorf, Apocalypses
278 K- Kohler.
Apocryph., p. 67.) Job in Paradise says: "I am Job who
endured many temptations from Satan. Thirty years he left
me prostrated smitten with boils. Worms swarmed upon me,
every one of them of the size of three (or four) fingers.
And Satan daily uttered threat over me saying: Curse thy
God and die ... But I would not cease from blessing His
name." The time of Job s ordeal is in our book seven years,
while the Mishnah Idioth II, 10 , speaks only of twelve
months. The Midrash Tanchuma, Kedoshim XV, knows however
of seven kinds of plagues.
6. Very dramatic is the description in our Testament
of the manner in which Job s wife succumbs to Satan s trial
in tempting Job to blaspheme God. She had been compelled
to work as a slave in order to obtain bread for him and
herself, and when only one share of bread was allowed her,
she divided it between him and herself. Finally Satan,
disguised as a breadseller, made her sell the hair of her head
for three loaves of bread. 1 ) But by her very acceptance of
this bread from Satan she fell into his power, and he followed
her until she reached the dung-hill where her husband sat.
A touching speech follows in which she upbraids Job for his
blind adherence to his vain hope, recalling all the luxurious
wealth in which she used to live, and the boundless charity
she was wont to exhibit toward the unfortunate. And she
winds up in saying: "This is the last I could do for thee,
Job. Take these loaves of bread and enjoy them and then
blaspheme God and die. for I, too, have had enough of this
troublesome existence and long for death."
The author plainly ascribes this wicked advice of hers
to the influence of Satan who still stood near her as she
spoke, and whose bread seems to exert some such malign
power over her.
Job, however, rebukes her for such faithlessness. For
these seven years, he says, my faith did not falter, in spite
of all the ruin that I endured; How dare we now renounce
*) [cf. Gould, ibid., p. 247 49; Griinbaum also records from Moorish
legends a strikingly similar account of R a h m a h s (= Arabic name of
Job s wife) temptations through Iblis (= demon) and even mentions the
exchange of bread for her beautiful hair. It is a remarkably close parallel !
See his Neue Beitrdye z. semit. Sagenkunde, p. 26669. G, A. K.]
The Testament of Job. 279
God and surrender our soul to Pluto, the God of the nether
world. Pluto is the Greek name for the pirte ibv "the king
of terrors" NPlim "jt>E - - mentioned in ch. XVIII, 14: His
confidence shall be rooted out of his tabernacle, and it (she)
shall bring him to the King of terrors". This is referred by
the Rabbis (see Mayan Gannim, p. 58 and Targum) to the
w if e IPtt N IT "6riN - The words afoioc paffiXntT} in the LXX
seem to be a corruption of dc, AiBo j (3a<7tAuv.
Job then turns to Satan, who had all this while been
hiding himself behind his wife, and challenges him, saying:
"Only a coward fights with a frail woman. No lion enters
a weasel-cage to display his strength towards such tender
creatures. Come forth and fight with me!" Satan, however,
is quite overpowered at the sight of this great wrestler and
yields to him in awe and shame, confessing his defeat.
We have here the same idea expressed in dramatic form
which the Rabbis utter when saying: "nysc pir ^V njtt DTI Pi& p
2VN b\V "Greater was the grief of Satan than that of Job"
(Baba Bathra 16 a). But it still has in our book all the
freshness and striking force of an original conception. We see
the Satan, powerful like the one in Milton s Paradise Lost,
at once crushed and defeated.
Job pauses here in his narrative to impress upon his
children the duty of wrestling with the Evil One. To be an
"athlete" of godliness is often recommended in Alexandrian
writings (IV Mace. VI, 10; XVII 15, 16, and in Philo, passim;
cp. Hebr. X, 32.)
The advice of Job s wife to curse God gave already the
Greek translators offence, and they have in Ch. II, v. 9 a
long sentence inserted which reads as follows: "After a long
time had passed, his wife said to him: How long dost thou
take courage saying: I endure yet a little time waiting for
the hope of my salvation ? Behold, thy memory has vanished
from the earth; thy sons and daughters, the (fruit of the)
pains and labors of my bowels, whom I have brought up with
troubles yet in vain. Thou thyself sittest here in the free air
in a state of putrefaction and worms day and night, and I
wander about as a hireling from place to place and from
house to house, waiting for the sun when it will set so that
I may rest from my troubles and pains which befall me now.
280 K. Kohler.
But now say some word to [against] the Lord and die."
We have here, then, the basis of the whole Haggadah given
in our Testament.
The Rabbinical literature did not preserve any trace.
But the Mohammedan tradition did. About this we shall
have a few words to say afterwards.
The legend however of a faithful wife selling the hair
of her head to support herself and her husband occurs in
the story told by the Rabbis of Akibah. *) Here it is
Rachel, the daughter of the rich Jerusalernite Ben Kolbah
Shebuah, who in her great poverty sold her hair in order
that her husband might be enabled to stud^ the law, to
be rewarded afterwards by a golden diadem with the
wall of a city engraved upon it - - the same which Pallas
Athene or the goddess Thirgata NTO IP wore, an *py
2u? bw - - bought for her by Akiba when he had become
rich (see Sabbath Jerush. VI, 1; Babli 59 a). 1 ) One sin
gular trait in the Akiba story strikingly recalls our Job legend.
The name of Akiba s father-in-law Ben Kolbah Shebuah
is explained in the Talmud Gittin 56 a : 2JD in^ DJ2JIT b?
^22 C*P 2722 "He was so generous with his wealth that
whosoever entered his house hungry like a dog, left it
satiated/ Whether this is to be identified with Joshua ben
Sapphias. the associate of Nikodemon ben Gorion, mentioned
by Josephus (Jewish War II, 20, 4) as Derenbourg thinks,
or not, the name Ben Kolbah Shebuah points to a peculiar
attribute given him by the people. Now Job, the prototype
of a generous-hearted host says in our Testament of himself:
"I did not allow any body to turn away from my door with
an empty stomach - - | w xotauw xsvco" (ch. Ill, 8). This is
the exact parallel to the name "the man who made every
body leave his house only bekolbo shebuah "with a
satiated stomach".
7. Job s three or four friends formed also the subject
of popular legend. An ancient Boraitha (Baba Bathra 16a)
tells us that they lived each 300 Persian miles from each
other and by the trees of ever green planted by each in his
L ) [Cf. Dr. Alex. Kohut, E. Akiba ben Josef, in Menorah Monthly
(New York 1887), p. 344-51; cf. esp. p. 345. G. A. K.]
The Testament of Job. 281
garden for friendly remembrance they learned at once, if
such misfortune would befall any of them, as the tree of
the respective friend would indicate it by its withered leaves.
Through this they learned of Job s misfortune, and at this
summons they came with their armies, entering the city of
Job at the very same time and by the same gate. Beyond
this the Rabbinical tradition is silent. All the more lavishly
is the story given in our book.
First the consternation of the royal friends is described
as they, after many years of absence, meet Job in such a
state of distress. Overcome with grief, they lay on the ground
like dead for three hours. They are at a loss to realize
that it is their old opulent and mighty friend. Seven days
they spend in investigating the causes which may have led
to his ruin - - a much better way to employ seven days than
the Bible text has which represents them as remaining per
fectly mute for a whole week. Finally having verified the
fact, they break forth into a song of lamentation in
which their soldiers join. Here follows a remarkable piece
of poetry, full of pathos, Eliphaz the oldest leading, the rest
responding in the same sad strain with the refrain:
"Whither then hath thy glory gone!"
Says Eliphaz: "Art thou he who hast done this and
that for the poor?"
"Whither hath thy glory gone!"
"Art thou he who possessed so many couches of gold
and silver?"
"Whither hath thy glory gone!"
Compare the description of the Therapeutes in Philo s
book De Vita Contemplativa and you can not fail to re
cognize the circle in which a song of lamentation like ours
could be conceived of.
Job, however, is not unmanned when hearing these
outbursts of grief and pity from his royal friends of former
days. He, though formerly their superior in rank and riches
and their equal in religious belief, now boldly scorns their
pity and compassion, pointing to the greater glory that
awaits him in a higher world than this. He tells his world-
Iv-minded visitors that he is in no need of their consolation;
282 K. Kohler.
for he sees his throne erected among those of the saints
around the throne of God near the heavenly chariot.
Here we are confronted with the Essene lore about the
riDr^C rwyfc. We encounter Kabbalistic ideas at an age
and in a species of Jewish literature which clearly prove the
incorrectness of the views of all our historians from Zunz
to Graetz concerning the origin of the Kabbalah.
Job contrasts the perishable glory of this world with
the glory of the saints who are to the right of the Saviour
in heaven, that is of God. The Kingdom of mortal rulers,
he says, may be flooded away (like the Garden of Irani in
the Mohammedan legend or the Paradise of Hiram in the
Midrashic Haggadah) 1 ), but the Kingdom of God in which he
will share, shall last forever. "Its glory and beauty is in
the chariot of my Father." To be sure, only an adept
of the lore of the Essenes regarding the theophany of Eze-
kiel could have written this. The expressions "my Father"
and "Saviour in Heaven" may sound Christian-like to some,
but they are actually Essenic terms and point to a pre-
Christian era. Obviously verse 25 of chapter XIX has served
here as text for this Midrashic expansion.
The whole debate of the Bible text has here been
transferred to a higher ground. Job, the saintly sufferer,
contends for his Essene belief, whereas his friends are
wordly Sadducees, or Epicureans, men who believe only in
the life that now is.
8. Quite naturally these royal friends, unable to follow
Job in his spiritual conception of life, grow angry at his
conduct Eliphaz proposes to the others to leave him in his
misery. Bildad pleads for leniency, believing him to have
lost his sense, owing to his great affliction. But he soon
finds out, when engaging him in a conversation, that his
reason is not affected, but that his religious belief totally
differs from theirs. He challenges him to explain the myste
ries of Creation, the same about which Noah and Enoch
had so much to say in the Essene works bearing their
J ) [A fantastic elaboration of the Jewish and Arabic accounts of Hiram s
palace is to be found in an article by Dr. A. Kohut: "Biblical legends
from an ancient Yemen Ms.", in the Independent (New York) of Oct. 29th
and Nov. 5th, 1891. G. A. K.l
The Testament of Job. 283
names. But Job peremptorily refuses, saying, like the Rabbis
when interrogated on these topics: nmD:2 pop t? ?K -
-Thou art not fit to be initiated into these secrets about
the heavenly constellations." He challenges Bildad to solve
for him the problems of human physiology, about which the
Essenes had many theories of their own (compare the Bene
diction C-wr, n* ISP -!fc N Berachoth 60 b; B. Bathra 75 a ;
Targum to Ezekiel XXVIII, 12, 15 ; Apostolic Constitutions, VU, 34
and 38) partly after Greek, partly after Egyptian and Eastern
traditions. And as Bildad declares his inability to answer
his question, he dismisses him saying: "How canst thou expec
to understand the celestial mysteries!"
Then Sophar takes up the challenge offering him the
service of their physicians. But Job proudly refuses the
offer, as he trusts only in God, "the Maker of physicians.
Perhaps originally the Maker of Medicaments, n\xisn *ni=,
as God is called in the Essene Benediction "W
pare Apostolic Constitutions, VIII, 12. Some of the Essenes
identified the C\X^ doomed giants of the netherworld with
the C\X5>n = "the physicians." See Isaiah XXVI, 14, LXX
and hence Mishnah Kiddushin : c:r,^ C\SBT12C -^ [ci
Talmud Kiddushin 82a].
9 While the Kings were thus conversing with Job,
his wife Sitis comes, dressed in rags, having left her master
against his will, and both she and the kings break forth m
weeping as they recognize each other. Eliphaz take his
purple mantle from his shoulder to cover her, because they
are ashamed to look at her. But she asks of them as an
especial favor that they should send their soldiers to dig
among the ruins of her house for the relics of her children
that they mav find a decent burial. But, when the order
is given, Job interferes, assuring them that the chile
ren are "in the keeping of their Maker and Ruler" and no
longer to be found on the ground. These startling words
of the saint furnish the kings with another proof of his mad
ness and again they challenge him to verify his statement
Whereupon Job begs to be assisted in order to be abl
to stand up and recite a mysterious formula of prayer, and
having done so, he tells them to look towards the East,
284 K. Kohler.
where lo! the children of Job were seen adorned
with crowns standing near the glory of God.
We have here the crowns with which the righteous in
the future world are adorned while sitting and feeding upon
the radiant bliss of the Shechinah (Berachoth 17a), pro
bably based in our story upon the word rfllEy (Job ch. XXXI,
36). But especially does the entranced state of vision
point to Essene circles. It is brought about by a mystic
formula Cl?i"i mr-iPi, as all the miraculous works per
formed by Essenes were done by means of some invocation
of the name of God. Compare Onias the Rain-Maker
WEPi ^in praying: I bind thee, Lord, by an oath taken
by thy great name (Taanith 19a, 23a). As to the standing
up while reciting the holy name compare Jerush. Berachoth
4a; Midrash Tanchunia, ed. Buber, to Lech Lechah.
Sitis, overcome by the wondrous disclosure, prostrated
herself in worship of God and then went back to her master,
but fell down dead, when she reached the manger of her
master s cattle. The animals around her cried, as they saw
her lying there dead. The whole city, then, buried her
amidst great lamentation right by the house which had
fallen upon her children, and the poor of the city mourned
her death, remembering in gratitude their great benefactress
of former days. Their song of lamentation, says our book,
is found in the records. Of course the records of the
land of Uz are referred to, as if the story of Job were de
rived from an old authentic source.
10. The royal friends of Job, however astonished they
were at the strange things they saw, were not yet willing to
yield to him, and the controversy lasted yet for twenty-seven
days. Our author undoubtedly has the debate in our Bible
text in view, giving it another meaning altogether. But here
Elihu steps forth and gives the conversation a different
turn. He is imbued with the spirit of Satan while speaking
hard, offensive words to Job. Finally, when he had finished,
God appeared to Job in a storm and in clouds and revealed
to him that it was not Elihu, the man, who spoke but Satan
himself "the wild beast Beliar or Ahrimanius (Arrnillus)
the Dracon", had spoken through him.
Strange as this story sounds, it has its trace left in
The Testament of Job. 285
Rabbinical tradition. While on the one hand the Targum
makes Elihu of the family of Ram-, ch. XXXII, 2 a descen
dant of Abraham; R. Elazar ben Azariah explaining the
name Ben Berachel the son of Isaac "him whom God
blessed", we find, on the other hand, Akiba identifying him
with Balaam the one who desired to curse the people of
Israel but pronounced against his will blessings over them
(see Jerush. Sota V, p. 20 d).
Obviously the problem vexed our author, what became
of Elihu after he had spoken, or where was he before he is
introduced in our Bible? And the answer proposed in our
Testament is genuinely Essenic: He was cast out of the
circle of the saints and handed over to the power of Satan,
while the three royal friends became adherents of the faith
of Job. Job brought a sin-offering for them and God par
doned them, but would not pardon Elihu.
Here follows a most singular song, sung by the kings
and their soldiers in chorus, full of Essenic notions of hell,
Satan s realm, and of Paradise, the seat of the blessed. We
almost hear a real anathema, such as was hurled against men
like Nicanor by the Congregation of Chasidim in the Macca-
bean days. Or let us say, we feel as though we heard a
song recited on the Day of Nicanor when some new members
were after the ablution-rites admitted into the number of
the saints to become "sons of light," while others were cast
out to become "sons of darkness." It is a psalm such as
only these Essene brotherhoods could have composed, to
whom the names of Satan "the Dracon, ; the Northern One,
"01ESZ or "the Adder" and again "the crowns of victory for
the saints in the Kingdom of God", were familiar terms,
and with whom songs of praise, of lamentation and of execration
were matters of daily practice.
There is, however, a perceptible gap in our story. We
are not told how Job recovered his health. Job simply
says: When Eliphaz had finished the hymn, we all went
back to the city, each to the house where they lived.
Here is undoubtedly a very interesting part of our story
omitted. Perhaps intentionally so, because it did not seem
to tally with the story given afterwards about the miraculous
powers of the three daughters of Job.
286 K - Kohler.
11. Job on his return to the city fully restored, is
welcomed by the people in feasting and praise of God. He
at once begins his former work of benevolence by making
the people his contributors as long as he himself is in a state
of poverty. But, just as the Rabbis teach in accordance
with Malachi III. 13: IIW P. PIT h*>2W2 ^T "Give your tithes
well in order that thou inayest obtain riches" (Shabbath
119a), so does Job meet with success in his merchandise, in
his ships and flocks owing to the charity he performs.
Soon he possesses twice as much wealth as he had owned
before. Also his seven sons and three daughters he sees
brought back again, but here our book differs from the
Bible. He now marries Dinah, and through her becomes the
father of the ten children whom he addresses on his death
bed. His first wife Sitis had to die, because she had been
imbued with the spirit of Satan when she advised Job to
blaspheme God.
Job, having finished his story, addresses words of admo
nition to his children. And here our Testament falls in line
with that whole class of literature to which the Book of
Tobit, the Book of Enoch (compare chs. 94 to 104), the
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and the Testaments
of the Three Patriarchs belong, and gives clear evidence of
its Jewish origin. First comes the duty to God: "Forsake
not the Lord," then the duty to the fellow- man: "Be
charitable towards the poor, and despise not the feeble."
And finally the duty to the family: "Take not unto
yourselves wives from strangers!" By this last command
is not merely implied the prohibition of intermarriage with
heathen tribes, but the ancient Essene practice of the
marriage of kinship after the example the patriarchs re
commended.
I have elsewhere (see my article on the pre-Talmudic
Haggada, in Jewish Quarterly Eevieiv. 1893, p. 407, note)
called attention to this Essene rule as expressed in the
Books of Tobit, the Jubilees, the Book of Adam, and will
add here, that the Talmud and Midrash endorse this view.
See Boraitha Jebamoth 62b: IPIHN P2 PN NlS i:n and Bereshith
Rabba 18. R. Tanchurna says: "Bone of my bones", this
The Testament of Job. 287
is especially the case if one marries a wife from amongst
his own relatives. 1 )
At any rate we have here the convincing proof that
our Testament originated in pre-Christian circles of
Hellenistic Jews belonging to the Essene brother
hood.
We are now prepared for the surprising scenes which
are presented to us at the close of our book.
Job divides his large fortune among his seven sons,
impressing upon them the duty of doing good with their
ample means. To his three daughters, however, he gives
nothing. This gives them sufficient cause for complaint,
whereupon he tells them that they were to receive a far
more precious boon. He, then, hands his oldest daughter,
named Jeinirnah = Day, a ring used as key and tells her
to go to the treasure house and bring him the golden cas
ket out of which he takes three three-stringed girdles which
flash forth supernatural light like the radiance of the orb of
day. Having given one to each of his three daughters, he
says: "Let these encircle you all the days of your life, and
you will be endowed with bliss." The second daughter
named Kassiah =: Perfume, then says to her father: c: Is
this the means by which we can live? Job replies: "By
this you have not only sufficient means to live by here on
earth, but also in the better world above." For behold,
when the Lord deigned to show compassion on me and heal
me of my plague. He handed me these three strings and
told me to gird them around my loins. And no sooner had
I put them around my loins than the worms and the plagues
left me, and my body took on new strength and freshness,
and I beheld the great vision of God in His great power,
and the mysteries of the past and the future I saw. And
now, my children keep these phylacteries as a spell against
the Evil One and all his plots, and girding them around
*) [The idea of consanguineous marriages, advocated in the book of
Tobit, has been shown by Dr. Kohut to be of Persian origin. See his
essay: Etwas uber die Moral und Abfassungszeit des Buches Tobias, in
Geiger s Jiid. Zeitschrift f. Wissensch. u. Leben, vol. X, p. 61, 62. It is this
practice which Philo denounced so vehemently. G. A. K.]
288 K. Kohler.
you, you will see the wonders of the angelic world at the
time of my parting "
Accordingly the oldest, Jemimah, girt herself and lo, she
became entranced and sang angelic hymns in praise of God,
dancing while she sang in the voice of the angels (com
pare mi^n i-xhv rw 1102).
Kassiah, the second, followed and in her entrancement
she sang hymns such as the heavenly rulers (the
Arch outs " niN % 2ii "HIT = C^lt ) sing, full of the majesty
of the High Place = " mpc ClpC [UT^PE C11E TGD KDD
(Jerein. XVII, 12). Her songs, says our Testament, are known
as the hymns of Kassiah and deal with the mysteries of the
heavenly work (uICTE uirjJC). Finally the third daughter,
named Keren Happuch in the Bible, but in our book
Amalthea s Horn, came forth and girt herself with these
magic strings, and in her entrancement she sang in the lan
guage of the Cherubim, hymns full of the praise of the
Ruler of the cosmic powers Adonai Zebaoth, and
extolling the glory of the Father of the World. Her hymns,
says our author, are also preserved by the name of
Prayers of Amalthea s Horn.
To be sure, this is a strange world into which we are
ushered here. And we are at first sight inclined to see in
all this nothing but heathen gnosticism and superstition. But
after due analysis of all the elements which compose this
part of our story, we find them to belong to the ancient
sphere of Essenic thought and practice. To begin with the
very last name, we find in the LXX already the translation
A|xa7^sta xspag, in some manuscripts alongside of Kccpvacpou^.
This name "Horn of plenty" is given in Greek mythology to
the goat which nursed the infant god Zeus on the isle of
Crete, afterwards transferred to the stars. It is undoubtedly
of Semitic origin HXvCn pp (cf. Preller, Griech. Mytliol.,
I, 30 sq., 105; II, 244 and Sayce, Hibbert Lectures, 1887, p.
284 f) and finds its illustration on many a Babylonian and
Persian basrelief. But the same name Amalthea occurs
also in the Rabbinical legend of Abraham (Baba Bathra 91 a ;
cf. Beer s Leben Abraham, pp. 96 97 and 120) as that of
Abraham s mother - -- Amthelai daughter of Carnebo. 1 )
l ) [Cf. also Pirke de B. Eliezer, ch. XXVI ; Sefer Hajashar to Noah
The Testament of Job.
Beer is probably not far from the truth when he suggests
that the names Amalthea Karnaphuk of our Greek
Book of Job may have given rise to this strange Rabbinical
tradition. And I will add that the miraculous legend of Job s
goats having been able by their horn to knock down the
wolves that came near them: Q^IJJ pyc n"Dpn l^Eut^ "!Ct>E
&GPI (Baba Bathra 15 b), identical with the Essene legend about
Chanina Ben D o s a (Berachot 33), shows traces of a
belief in a supernatural goat "Amalthea", prevalent in these
circles.
About the extraordinary beauty of the three daughters of
Job (SVTYJ UTU o jpocvov compare the LXX; Job XLII, 15:
pkXrrtOD 2VK H1J22 m^ CTO NSEJ ^Sl), there existed a
Rabbinical tradition to the same effect, for both Targum. and
Talmud dwell on the "day like" beauty of Jemirnah, the
perfume of K a s s i a h and the miraculous unicorn-like radi
ance of Keren H o p p u k h (B. Bathra 16 b. [Kohut
Arukh, Vir, 176 b].)
But what our Testament tells concerning the magic
strings with which the daughters of Job were transformed
into heavenly spheres is exceedingly interesting. Though it
has no exact parallel in Rabbinical literature, it casts new
light upon a number of Rabbinical traditions. In Graetz s
Monatssclirift (edited by Brann und Kaufniann) , vol. 37
(1893), p. 445, I tried to explain the origin of the Tephillin
or Phylacteries, laying especial stress on the knot with
which the sacred sign was tied around arm and head to serve
as charm. The knot ]^DP ^W ""l p being the most
essential thing, is ascribed even to God himself (Berachot
6 and 7 a) ; and the knot of the fringes of the garments fPSZSZ
belongs to the same category. Both have a talismanic
character, (see Targmn Shir Hashirim VIII, 3.) Accordingly
these Tephillin were kept as charms or amulets for many
generations. So does Shamniai the Elder boast of wearing
his Tephillin as an heirloom of his maternal ancestor
(p. 9 b, ed. Prague, 1840) ; Kohut s Arukh Compktum, I, 131 b ; IV,
333 b; and his last dissertation: pXil ^*a*j p-Ua-Jf ^ Light of
Shade and Lamp of Wisdom .... composed by Nathanel Ibn Yeshaya
(1327), New York 1894, p. 58, note 2. G. A. K.]
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 19
290
K. Kohler.
(Mechiltha Bo, ch. 18), and Jehuda ben Bathyra said that
his Tep hill in came down from the men resuscitated from death
by the prophet Ezekiel after his vision of the Valley of Dry
Bones (Sanhedrin 92 b) ; by which he meant to say that they
were used as a sacred charm at their resurrection in the
very same manner in which Job according to our Testament
used his magic strings for his recovery. *)
Quite interesting appears in this connection the Rabbi
nical tradition that Michael the daughter of King Saul, who
is often represented by the Rabbis as a pattern of Essen e
holiness (Pesiktha Rabbathi ch. XV, p. 68 ed. Friedman; Jerus.
Sukka V, p. 55 c; Targ. II Sam. I, 10), and the wife of
Jonah the prophet used to wear Tephillin (Mechiltha Bo
17). Also Christian women had little gold caskets containing
New Testament chapters tied around their necks as amulets, as
may be learned from the Catacombs and Patristic writings.
Some such usage underlies also the story of R. Johannan
(Baba Bathra 74 a, b) that a casket of precious stones and
pearls of uncommon lustre was seen carried along by a
big monster of the sea, and when a mariner wanted to seize
it, a heavenly voice was heard in warning, saying : "These
jewels belong to the wife of Hanina ben Dosa, the saint, who
will tie them with strings of the sacred blue wool (rP-D)
around the righteous ones in Paradise." 2 )
How striking, then, is the resemblance of the Rabbinical
tradition concerning Job s recovery by the magic of Tephillin
as preserved in Schechter s Aboth de R. Nathan, p. 164 :
"The angels of heaven in compassion with Job, seeing that
he had stood all the trials of Satan so bravely, tied a magic
knot of the Tephillin before God - - for this alone can be the
meaning of n"2pn ij*b rfen ITtfpl rccy - - and he was healed
from his disease !"
Why the three daughters of Job were endowed with
i) [Cf. on the magic value of ^un, which is equivalent to neeus and
yep, Grunbaum s excellent remarks in Z. I). M. G. XXXI, 334 ff. ; Kohut,
Kritische Beleuchtung d. persischen Pentateuch-Uebersetzung d. Jacob b.
Josef Tavus (1871), p. 12930; Arukh, ed. Kohut, VII, 123 a, s. v.:
yep. Cp. furthermore Griinbaum, I. c., p. 335, n. 66. G. A. K.]
2 ; [Of. Kohut: Was hat die talmud. Eschatalogie aus d. Parsismus
aufgenommen? in Z. D. M. G. XXI, p. 591. G. A. K.]
The Testament of Job. 291
angelic powers, our Testament does not say. But there is
one sentence at the beginning of chapter XI which now
stands abruptly and in no connection with the preceding or
following part of the story, saying that all were astonished
to see three (female musicians ?) at the house of Job after
his restoration. Now in his former state of happiness Job
had his female musicians singing the praise of God at the
table in order to inspire his guests to join in the thanks
giving and praise of Him who is the Giver of all good.
Undoubtedly this was also the function of the three musicians
at the time of his restored bliss and prosperity. We are,
therefore, justified in assuming that these three musicians
whose appearance astonished the people, were the three
daughters of Job of whose exceeding beauty both the Bible
and tradition speak. They aided their father in his work
of benevolence, and were thus rewarded. The passage rela
ting this part has been omitted by our writer, together with that
containing the story of his recovery. Or was the story of
the three daughters added by another scribe ?
12. The closing part of our narrative consists of a record
given by Neros, the brother of Job, of the death of the
saintly sufferer. Xeros is the same as Nahor. Here, too,
attention may be called to the fact that the wife of Nahor,
the father of Abraham, bears in Rabbinical tradition the name
of Amalthea, these two names standing in our Testament
quite closely to each other. J ) Neros tells us that he himself
wrote the hymns of the three daughters of Job down in a
book as containing mighty secrets. Only the letters of the
Holy word or Name of GrOCl would he not consign to writing
as these were too holy Wl^N "6 minDju. Job, when in the
shadow of death, suffered no agony because he had the
sacred girdle, the p^n or JPCp, wound around his body.
But when after three days he saw the angels coming to take
his soul, he gave to Jemima, the oldest daughter, the
cithara, to Kassiah a censer (with perfume == njPSfp), and
to Amalthea s Horn "pen pp, a timbrel to play, so that they
) Abraham s daughter ^ra and the miraculous precious stone with which
Abraham cured the sick must also be connected with our Job legend. See
Baba Bathra 16 b.
19*
292
K. Kohler.
should welcome the holy angels with praise. And they sang
and glorified God in the holy dialect -- r~pn ?%*- [Cf.
S. B. Gould s Legends, etc., p. 251. G. A. K.] Then
came "He who sitteth upon the great chariot" - this is not
God himself, but -the angel of his face r \rEtz Mithra l ).
called ril-~r ";z "the Driver of the heavenly chariot"
(see Hechaloth and Othioth di R. Akiba) - - and kissed Job,
thus taking his soul rp^I (compare Targuni Deuteronomy
XXX TV. 5 ~p % r:i " TV: Moed Katon 28 a). Our description
is certainly more dramatic and more original than the late
Moses legend-), but comes near to the Abraham legend. The
soul is taken by the arm and carried to the Eastern part of
heaven upon the chariot of God. Mithra. or "^r^, has
here a well-defined function like Hermes, the Psycho -
pompos "Soul-carrier", with whom he was identified
during the three centuries preceding Christianity.
Xahor or Xeros. then with the three daughters of Job
and his hosts of beneficiaries, held a great mourning over
the body for three days, and then they buried him.
Of the great mourning of the people of Canaan over the
body of Job. the Talmud also preserved a tradition (see
Sota 35 a).
Of his age our Testament says that he had lived 85 years
before the plague had come upon him and twice as long after
that - - which would give him an age of 255 years. This is
after the LXX which has 170 years. Our Massoretic
text has 140 which would, by adding a half of this for the
time preceding his plague.; make 210 years as the life-time
of Job. This is the view of the Talmud iB. Bathra lob).
Job ill Mohammedan tradition,
Mohammed mentions Job twice (Sura 21, 83 and 38, 40),
and this in a manner which shows that legend had woven
J ) [See Kohut s Jiidische AngeMogie (1866. p. 3642; Arukh
Completion, s. v. p-^us:; and his article Metatron-Hitra. in the Hun
garian Jewish monthly Magyar Zsido Szernle, I (1884). p. 98100. G. A. K.]
2 j [In a beautifully elaborate version of the Haggadic legends recording
the death of Moses, preserved in a Yemen Midrash, we read : nz pn ?vi
npr:2 :r,er: TJ:I i2 nre?. For text. English translation and sources of this
story, see Kohut, Xotes on a hitherto unknown .... Commentary on the
The Testament of Job. 293
tales around the ancient hero altogether different from the
Bible. It is the wife that plays a more important role as
seducer, and also his recovery is dwelt oupon as an object of
wonder. The Koran commentators tell us [according to Sale] that
he was of the tribe of Esau and his wife of the family of Jacob
(Rahmah daughter of Ephraim). She had supported him by her
labor and attended him with great patience, until Satan
appeared to her one day, promising her the restoration of
her prosperity, if she would worship him. When she came to
propose this to Job, he was so angry at her that he swore
that, if he ever recovered, he would give her a hundred
stripes as punishment for this sin of hers. Finally the angel
Gabriel raised Job from the dung-hill and said to him:
u Strike the earth with thy feet!" and there, behold! a foun
tain sprang up at his feet of which he drank, when at
once the worms left his body. And when he bathed in it,
he recovered his former health. His wife, too. became young
and handsome again. And, in order to fulfil his vow, Job
took, at the bidding of God, a hundred branches of the palm-
tree and with these he gave his wife one lash. Of. S. B.
Gould, I. c.. p. 250: G. Fliigel. I. c.. p. 299 a; Sale s Koran,
5 tn ed. Philad. 1874. pp. 271, 375: Dr. Giideinann: Ein
3Iidrasch im Koran, in Graetz s Monatsschrift, XXIX, 134 (cp.
also Yalkut 635). G. A. K.]
Now this legend of Job is given more extensively in a
Moorish collection of legends, abstracts of which are presen
ted in M. Gruenbaum s Xeue Beitraege zur Semitischen
SagenJcunde. Leyden 1893 ? p. 262 ff. - - [See also Ersch and
Gruber s Allgemeine Encyclopaedic, s. v. Hiob, II Section,
Band VIII, S. 298299; D Herbelot, BiUiofli. Orientals, s. v.;
Assemani B. 0., t. I, p. 585: Chardin, Voyages, II, 138 ;
Wahl s Koran, p. 454: T. P. Hughes. Dictionary of Islam
(1885), s. v. V of p. 2489. G. A. K.]
Job is there also represented as a great benefactor, who
provides for all the needy and makes them offer their thanks
to God after each meal. When he had lost everything,
Pentateuch . . . by Aboo ILansur al-Dhamari. etc., (New York, 1892) pp.
XI V XX of the Appendix : and his article in the Independent, cited above,
Oct. 29th and Nov. 5th, 1891, no. 5. G. A. K.]
294 K- Kokler.
Satan came to his wife in the guise of a beggar asking for
alms and when she told him of the state of poverty they
were in he promised to restore her wealth as soon as she
would cease to worship God. Job, then, curses Satan and
remains faithful, whereupon Satan, obtains permission to strike
his body with plagues. But Job does not flinch, praising
God in his affliction. Satan, then, sends two men with food
to Job who, though near starvation, refuses to take it saying,
it should be forbidden to him - - char am. After this
Satan comes in the guise of a physician to Job s wife,
promising to cure him, if she would kill a bird after heathen
usage, without invoking the name of God. But when his wife
comes to persuade him to do so, Job, in his anger, swears
that, as soon as he would by the help of God recover, he
would forthwith give her a hundred stripes.
Satan, then, excites the people of the city against Job,
until his wife is compelled to carry him upon her shoulder
into the country of the children of Israel, who treated the
poor sufferer with great sympathy, but could not endure his
stench any longer. She, then, put him down in an open
place and supported him by the wages she received from the
people for her laundry work.
Finally, at the instigation of Satan, the people refused to
give her work, and the baker s wife asked her to give her
beautiful hair as price for the bread. She gave up her
hair and brought the bread to her husband. But when she
went back to obtain bread for herself and failed to return,
then at last, the measure of Job s sufferings was full. Gabriel
carried him towards a fountain and bathed him, and he rose
with renewed youth and vigor. Job s wife, returning at last,
would not recognize him, but he wept as he saw her. He
recalled the oath to give her a hundred stripes. Whereupon
Gabriel advised him to take a bunch of hundred bulrushes
and lash her with it. After having restored his fortune, the
Lord asked Job whether he should also restore his dead
children to life ; but Job said : "If they are to die again,
O Lord, leave them rather in the better world in which
there is no longer death." And Job became the same gene
rous-hearted benefactor of the poor, the orphans and widows
that he had been before.
The Testament of Job. 295
We recognize here in the main the same story as is
found in our Testament, only some of the features are distorted
by Mohammedan narrators. Evidently the Arabian or
Ethiopian Jews had preserved the legend, as they did
many other tales no longer found in Rabbinical literature. 1 )
See my article in the Jewish Quarterly Review, quoted above.
The stripes which Job s wife received are understood
only as a penalty to be paid for the wicked advice given
Job to blaspheme God. They are intended to expiate her,
before she recovers her youth, to become again the mother
of ten children. In our Testament she has to pay the
penalty of death, and another wife has to take her place.
We see here how busy popular tradition was to make
the Bedouin story of Job interesting and rich in lore.
Undoubtedly our story originated in the outskirts of
Palestine in the land of Hauran, where the Nabatheans lived,
and the Essene brotherhoods spread it all over the Arabian
lands. Thus only can we account for every feature of our
legend The Therapeutes, with their male and female
choruses and their strange mode of life, are vividly enough
portrayed in our Testament, to betray the authorship of our
weird book.
Note : In republishing the text from A. Mai s edition,
the present editor has ventured to divide the same for
convenience s sake into chapters and verses. The alterations
made are but few and noted on the margin. [The initials
Gr. A. K., and all remarks in square brackets, are those of
the Editor of this volume.!
J ) [Fliigel, on the authority of Assemani (Bibl Orient., I, 585,
III, 286) states, that an Arabic and Syriac biography of Job is extant in
manuscript (cf. Ersch & Gruber, L c.}. Could it be the original or trans
lation of Job s Testament? G. A. K.]
AlASEKE
TOT AMEMTITOT KAl nOATASAOT KAI MAKAPIOT
IQB
Btfi kog /ob/9 iov xakovfitvov Icofidfi, xal fit og aviov, xal dviiy^atpov
dia&rjxtjg aviov.
I, 1. Ev r, dv IJ^QK voarjGas, xal tyvooxoog ii]v dnodr^iiav aviov
ix IQV (Tobftaiog, ^xd^eGs iovg snia viovg aviov xal idg iQsiq avrov
OvyaitQWs) xal s77isv avrotg. 2. nsQixvxhcoGavB, izxra, 7iSQixvxl.(*)(ja.i&
(At, xal dxvvoars xal diyyrjGoncu vpTv a tnolqvs xvyiog pei UpoH xal
id (jvpfidrra p.oi ndvtn. 3. "Eyro ya.Q sipi 7oo/9 6 yiarrjQ vp&v, oo
iviixva. IJLOV, 4. On ytvos tx^sxroi) taxf, xal TTjgr jGaTf ir/i/
5. Eyw JO.Q sifAi x rc>:v vitiv Hvav, ddftybs Naoog
% cw tytvvqaa v(Jidg. 6. // ydg 7i(jort(ja (JLOV yvvrj trs-
peid Toof dHwv dtxa itxvwv iv TIIXQQ davdrcp. 7. Axovaais
ovv ttxva, xal dyhooffa) vfAiv ia crvfAfiefiyxoTa /not.
8. Eyoi ydy imyv akovmog nqbdoa i&v dq* r^lov dvarolwv iiv
XOOQU iff AvGtiidi, xal TTQt) iov xahtvai pe 6 xvQi.og 7oo/9 ?
loofidfi. 9. C H $6 dQyj] TOV Tii-tQacffiov ytvsTQ OVTCQI; r\v y
TOV ol xov fi dwhov tivog dQrjGXfvofisvov vno TOV haov. 10. Kal avvsyti^ i-fi-
oloxavTcopaTa avT& TiQoaqsobusva tig Of.a>. 11. /JishoyitofiTjv fyavTQ
&eyov aQa. ovTog KGTW I nou .Gag TOV OVQUVOV xal Tt]v yr\v xal
ddhaGGav xal Tidvrag fjpag; aQa n&g yrwGOfiai TO d
12. Kal v Tfl VVXT) IxKivrj xoifi(x>n&ov \JLQV fa&t fioi
dfi, lojfidfij dvaGTydi xal vnodsi^o) GOI iig SGtlv oviog ov yvwvai
13. OvTog TQI VVV, o> id okoxavicouaia nyogqityovGtv oi dv-
xal GntvdovGtv , vvx 8Gii Ofbg, dW SGTI dvvafjiig avir\ xal
ia iov diafiblov, tv f/ viraiy iovg dvOgwiovg. 14. Kdyoj iavia
dxovGag STTSGOV sig ir t v yrjv. 15. Kaf TzyoGsxvvijGa Ifywv, xvyit pov 6 inl
Gcoirjotct ij]g tfiijg tpv///^ fioi lahwv, dtopat GOV, ti neQ oviog tGiiv b
ivnog iov 2aiava, dtofiai GOV x&tuGov fie aTisk&fiv xal dyaviGai
aviw, xal xadagiGat ibv ibnov loviov. 16. Ovx eatw b XCOJLVCOV ^e
/IIA9HKH, 297
TOVTO noifjGCLi, fiaGtta ovia T^ %toQag TavTyg, v
oi v avTfi.
17. Kal dnsxQidr] fjioi i] cpojvrj tx TOV quaTog ktyovaa, oil xad-
TOV lonov dvvr/Gfig. 18. "AW idov dnodttxvviJn GOI navia.
tv8T8i/MTO pot xvQiog sinfiv GOI y( ydg etfii o dg%ayy&og TOV
deov. 19. Kayoo sJnov 611 Tidvta OGO. tvisfaliai TQ d^anovxi aviov
20. A< sink poi o dyxdyysA.og tads ki-ysi xvQtotj si 0.710-
xai xaOalQSti; TOV ivnov tov 2aiava, dvct.Giir}G&ial
GOI [Ai J ogyvg sfg noikn^iov xal ^vdsi^siai sv GOI Traaav tr t v
avToi . 21. ETIOIGSI GOI Tiok^dg akiflttt; xal ^aksnaq^ xcd
dno GOV ndvxa id vnaQyovra. 22. Ta TS ncudia GOV avaiQtt, Y.CU
d xaxd GOI noii]Gi. 23. Kal inel obg ddl^tt/g TZVXTSVCQV Y.OA,
jrovovg, Kal xds%o[J.tvog tov HIG&OV, v.a\ rovg
ag 6M\jjtg. 24. *A\X sdv lavi
GOV TO ovo^ia ovouaGiov iv TiaGatg raig ysvsaTq irjg yqg a^Qi ftjg GVV-
vskeiag TOV atwog. 25. Kal ndliv wavaxdpipco GI tn\ TO. vnaQ^ovid
(TOV^ Y.a.1 dnodo&rjGtTat GOI dmlaGia ndvTa KV dnoMfffis iva yvtig GTI
dTTQOGKt^o^rjTiTog GTIV 6 deoc, dnodtdovq txdaTco TOJ vnaxovovTi dyadd.
26. A xai GOI dco(jr]G8Tai, xra GTtqavov dfiaQavTwov xopiGsig. 27. EysQ-
dtjGSi fit xal sv ifj dvaGTaGti fig Cw^ at&vtov TOTK yvdweig OTI dfxatog
xal d^rfdrjg x? iGyyQog 6 xvQiog.
28. 700 dfj imva. pov, diTani-xQi driv avT^j, OTI vTiofttvo) Ht%oi
davdvov ndvTa td 67To%6[i8vd pot vnty T dyaJirjQ TOV Ofor^ xal ov
jury dvanrjd rjGM. 29. TOTS 6 dyy&oq GtyQay iGd^avng {* dtir/We? nd tpov.
II, 1. TJj de &tjg dvaGrdg Tf t VVXT\ tlaflov n^VTrjy.ovTa natdag,
dn^Wov ig TOV vdov TOV ei dco^fiov Kal okodQSVGCt avrov /(>/?
2. Kctl ovTOjg dvs^KtofjGa tig TOV o?xov fiov, xs
Tag frvgag, tvTtsddfievog ToTg nQo&vQoig pov. 3. "OTI ti Tig
ps, prj Gr)[iavft) ]Tw pot. dW fi naTS avTy, Gyold^si ntQ\
dvayxatow, svdov BGTIV. 4. Tors 6 2aTavag ^tTaG^fiaTt
fig $7ia(Tr}v WQOVGS T)J Ovyct, Mywv Tfj dvycoQcp 5. 2wavov TO
MyovGa. OTI fioikofAai GVVTV^UV avToj. 6. Kal rj dvywobg
Myfi pot TavTa Kal yxovGS nag ^of, OTI G%okd(o.
7. y^GTo^Gag iv TOVTCO o novygog, dn^&wv tiatdqxev tal Tovg
ojftovg avTOv aGGakiov gaxxwdri. Kal (iGsWwv kfhdkyxs TIJ
JiiyoDV finov TOJ 7ro/9 LTI d( ,g (JLOI CLQTOV sx TWV ^eigoav GOV iva
8. Kal dxovGag ly<a Tawa, H?OOX avTfi O.QTOV gxxexavptvov dovvai
xal tdrfhoxja avTa) OTI. [tyxtTt tyayt-Tv ngoGdoxa tx TOOV
, OTI dnrfk koTQiK>drjv GOI. 9. Kal f] QvQMQog aideGdeiGa
298
J1A&HKH
vqi ibv dxxsxavpwov aQiov xal Gnodoi dr], fif) IdovGa oil 2aiavag
dx iwv avitjg aQiwv iwv xAw^, xal edwxev ai tcp. 10. e O ds
w, xal yvovg 10 ysyovog, s?ns tf f naidtGxff dnsWoixja, xaxy dovlrj,
ibv dodtvia GOI dodr^vai fioi aQtov 11. Kal sxkavGsv y
naig fJistd kvnrig Uyovaa. dkyd&g liysn; tlvcti. fis xaxyv dovtyv, oti
ovx ^noir}Ga xaOmg TiQOfftTn^drj fioi vnb TOV dsanotov fiov. 12. Kal
civvy ror xexavptvov aoiov, "ktyovaa avim lads
xvQiog ^ov, oil ov w cp tyyg ^ Tc&y agvwv fiov hi, oil 0.71^-
drjv (jot. 13. Kal loviov GQI edowa iva py tyxltKJ&w oil, TOJ
ad rjd -avii tyOQty ovdev nag^iov. 14. Kal lavia dxovaag o 2aiavag,
pot ii\v naida Mywv , oil ooc oQqq lov aQiov lovtov lov
ovi(a TToirjGw iv idyei YMI 10 awfia aov loioiiov! 15. Kal
o noisTg noi rjaov, Kal oia fiovlri dywyfi (jya<jov
yo flfii vnoGir t vai ansQ nQoa^itQSig [toi.
16. Tavia dxovaag o didfiolog an^Hf\ da tyov xal
V7to 10 ffisQKGJpa, oooxoaffg lov KVOIOV iva kdfir] Qovetav low inaQ%ov-
iwv fioi. 17. Kal lafiwv naQd Osov ii t v Qovalav, ?>Ws xal TjQt fiov
lov (jvfjiTiavia nkoviov 7iaQa%Qjj[ia.
III. 1. Elypv ydo Q^ %diddag nQoffdwov xal ^ aviwv dcpwoHJa |
ydiddag lov Bivai fiq Hvdvvtv ogyavtiv xa/ MQKn> xal n^vi\i^v YM\
ddvvdiwv. 2. Hv $6 poi dytty xvvwr w, oi qsvkdaeovisg id noipvict:
s7%ov a cpvkaGffoviag lov OIY.OV. 3. E?%ov ds xat
xatd naaav nbliv xal yo^ovg xopl&adcu dyadan*
xal ant cit-M-ov xaid ndaav nokiv xal fi g idg xcbpag lofg advvaioig
xal ioig aQowcriorg xal loig vaifQovptvoig. 4. E7%ov de xal jjp %ili-
ddag ovow vofiddcov xal 3% avi&v dywQtaa cp, xal iqv 4% aviwv yovqv
7ii7i()d(jxe(j&ai, xal itjv uprjv eTvai loig ntvyvi xal deo-
5. "HQ^OVIO ydy sig dvavirjciv dno navtiv iwv XGJQCOV oi
6. ^vscoypsvai yctQ i/aav ai itvaaQsg OvQai lov ol xov vnlg
lov loioviov axonov , /M^} aQa eWmalv iiveg &srjpoavwjv fyiovvifg,
xal idmaf (is TiaQaxaOt&pevov sig [*iav i&v OVQWV, dwridwoi did irg
ak^.rjg dnnWeiv xal ^a^nv OGCDV ^Qrfcovai v.
1. ^Haav dt fioi xal iQane^cu idgvptvcu I dxivrjioi naaav WQO.V
loig &vois /novofg. E?%ov ds xal low MQ&V t p iQane&g xeiphag.
8. Kal si iig TIQ^BIO aiiwv &eij[Jioavvyv , stys iQttySG&ai v ifj IQCL-
n&^ct ILQV lov "kafti-Tv iijv ^Qstav xal ovdtva snsiQsnov e&WsTv irp
OvQav (Jiov xttnco XSVQ. 9. Elyov ds iQlg faicx. nsviaxoGia
fiowv xal Qele^dftrjv til* aviwv qp xal sia%a si g lov
10. T Qde ndvia noiflv v navil dygq i&v nQOGkafibviwv aviovj xal
if]v siGodov iwv xaQnwv avz&v dcpWQi&v ioTg nivqGiv sig ir/v
y.ni
JIAQHKH. 299
aiiwv. 11. Elyov dl y.a\ aQioxbnia v, <jp oov siaZa sig ir t v iQa-
Tis^av 1&V nivj^mv. 12. Elyov dl dovkovg Qaighovq sig iqv VTI^QS.
Giav iavir}V. 13. ^Hoav ds xal t-tvoi nvlg idovifg ifjv efiqv noodv-
fitav xt aviol faedvprjaav vnrjQeifjGai if} diaxovtq. 14. xa d
iivlg rjGar dnogovviig, xai ^.i) ^vvnfifvot avakoMai^ J/Q^OVTO
xt kfyovtsg. 15. /tso^i-da. GOV, $7iKidt] x //jiisTg
dxisktcrai ir ( v diaxovfav, y.al ovdlv "/.wirfiizQct., noirjGov
xal ngo%iQi(TOV r^iTv ygvaiov, iva dn&Otonsv slg rag paxoag
xal fpnoQevGcbfisda. 16. Kal 10 neQiitbv rljg IfinoQi aq dv-
v toig nivriGi noirj(ja<jftai dtaxovi av xal fitrd rovro dnoxaia-
GOI TO t diov Gov. 17. Km i-yo) xctvxa dxovojv
OTI ohwg nnQ* i!(wi> l.ctfifidvovGiv fig oixovoptctv iwv niwyfav. 18.
n^odvfiKtg edfdoi v avioig OGOV r t ds^ov^ de%6[tevog TO jQafiiJi
fjitj kapfidvcav TiaoJ avion fafyvgov, it jU// fioi ov TO syyQatyov. 19. KcCi
ttOQev6[*evoi STIOQSVOVIO xcri o tuwvy^ctvov edfdovv loig 7iKo%o?g,
20. rio^dxig iivsg dn^m^av &, aviwv iv o^w, 77 v Oaktt.GGf^ rj GV-
"kovvio $% avTtiv. 21. Kal ^Q^ofisvoi naQtxdkovv [AS fayoweg* deo*
fjif-dd Gov 7 fiay.QodvfitjGor ^qp ?)JM^ iva idcofiav nag dnoxaiaGirjGodpi-T
GOI id Ga. 22. Eym ds lavia nxovcw xJ Gi fATzaftow aviotg noot-
(ptQov aviow TO xftooyyaqiOV) x/ avsyivwaxov Hvmntov avtw> xal dt-
ctQi)r]l*ag &8V&4QOW aviovg lov ^Q^ovg^ "kiycov oviwg 23. "OGOV TTQO-
tyaatt law TZfvrjiwv niGi?v(ja vfiiv, ovdlv A.yipo[tai nao vftajv. 24. Ka\
ovdlv ^da^ofirjv nagd iov ocpeiMjiov [tov.
25. Kai fi Tioie rjQyfio dvrjQ i^agog ITJ xotQdfq ktycov, ovdlv
dnooG) faixovorfGai loig ntvqGiv. 26. JBov^ofiai filv diaxovr>(jai loTg
7Tia>%oig iv i\ t iQctnt^u GOV. xai Gvyy^Qrfdsig vaijQS ifiv, xal sopaysv.
27. Kai ir) G7itQq tdldovv aviy iov niadiv aviov y.al tnnQtvtio tig
ilv olxov aviov %aiQO)v. 28. Kal si f-ir] tfiovfaio lafiftv, r
nay fyov keyoviog agog aviov ^liGia^tai on toydiyg s? d
TzyoGdoxtiv xal dvctfifymv GOV iov [uadov, y.al dvdyy.qv fyeig
29. Kat ovx vGitQrjGa noil ^iiadov fjuadwiov ?} aV.ov uvbg,
iov fjuGdov aviov dffoftsvov naoj fyo) fifav tGntoav v if/ ohJtf. i*ov.
30. disqiGovovv dl ol dpttyovisg idg fibag r] Kal id ngofiaia
lovg naQodfiag v if/ bdco o^oog [teiakdfiaiGiv $ aviov. 31. Kai
yaka 10 fiovivoov tv loTg oQfGi y.al iv iaTg odotg dno iov
dv dl lai g TitiQait; xai loig OQfGtv ^xoiid^ovio diakoy^svo-
f.ifva. 32. -^Ti^xafiov dl oi dovkol {JLOV ol id iwv fflowv xdi id iwv
Tisvijiwv dGfiiaia ilvfyovifg y.al ohtyogovvieq. 33. KaiaQovial fjioi
Ibyovitt? iig dv doirj t/py ^x i&v Gagxtiv aviov tyyogydfjvai xal 3[i-
atya&fjvat ; Mar -^QIJGIOV oviog (tov TIQOC. aviovg.
300 MAQHKB
34. E?yov de xal tyatyovg xal dzxdyoQdov xiddgav, xal du*
xQOvoftTjv TO xa& f/fttyav. 35. Kal &dfij3avov irp xiddgav xal dv&-
vfivovv al lf)ocx.i, ptTa TO ea&iew amdg. 36. Kal ex TOV tyafaqoog
dvefju pvqtrxov avTag TOV Osov, i va. dca^dacoai TOV XVQIOV. 37. Kal st
TIOTI syoyyi&r ai QsQomatviq fiov, Hdp^avov TO ^a^Tr^iov, xal TOV
fiia&ov Ttjg dvTaTiodoGiag iipafoov avraig, y.al xaTtnavov avrag T^
Qias TOV yoyyvapov.
IV, 1. Td ds f jtta TXVK ptTa TIJV vatjQeaiav TT/g dtaxovfaf
ov xct& fjfitgav TO dsiavov avTwv xal Tag TQSig UVT&V ddekcpdg,
inoQsvoiTO Tiaod Tcp ddekycp avrmv TO) nQ<jftvTtQ<$, Kal tnoiovv TIOTOV.
2. AviGTaiAtvog ovv lyon TO HQWI dve tptQOV VTTBQ a^Trm> Ovaiag, QI-
yovg aly&v v, xt nQofima 16 TavTa &x TZSQITTOV fig dvdkmpa Totg
7iTK>%oig. 3. Kal t&vyov avTOtg ^/co ravTa la[*{3dvT ntQiTta. xal
deydrjTe vn\Q TWV Ttxvcov pov. 4. Mrj dga oi viol fiov r^aQTOV tvcb-
niov xvQlov, Myovres psTa. xaTaqoorrjfrswg, ZTI ^fAsTg $G(A.lv Ttxva TOV
nlovGiov Tovds drdgbs r\\Liv daTi: T ^QJipatct TavTa. did ii ds xal
diaKovovpsv 5 5. TavTa Myovreg ^ vTZforjqiavi ag, naQtagyifyw TOV &eov
xal fan ftd&vyiMt Ivnvxiov KVQIOV rj vnso^dvsia. 6. MvtcpeQO* ds
xal poG^ovg TQJ tnl TO ftvaiaatriQiov faywv, \ni] TIOTB oi viol fiov xaxd
tworjaav TiQog TOV dsov tv TI] xagdiq avrcov.
7. TOVTCO TO) TOOTTCO fiiovvTog fiov^ 6 diafiokog ovx yvsyxf TO
dyct&ov. dtJkd dns k&wv QfiTrpaTO XT ^iov TOV no kspov naQa TQ> &&
8. KaTr^&zv sn Ipl dvqhtmg. 9. Kal nywov plv tcployrjoe TO nkrftoq TOW
TToo^aTcav^ tneiTa Tag xafifaovg, siTa Tovg fioag xal ndvTa, TO. XTrjvrj
Ta ptv q>1i6yi]a, TO. ds fjyfiakcoTia&yaav, ov povov nag 1 ty&Q&tv dUd
xal dno i&v naoj tyov sveQysTq&tvTWV. 10. Kal k&oi>Teg oi noi-
ftt vfg dvrjyysddv poi TavTa. 11. Eyoa d& dxovaag do%aaa TOV
xal ovx s-f&aGtyrjfiyffa.
12. TOTS 6 didfiokog syvajxmg fiov xayTSQt av, xaT[Mj%av/iaaTo
tfjtov m 13. MsTaayrjuaTia&e ig *?g ftaaiMa T&V fltQawv tntaTr)
tyfj nolei, xal avvayaywv ndvTag Tovg v avTfi navovQywg fka
avToTg, psTa dnedrjg Mycav. 14. OvTog 6 dvqp 6 7w/5 6 dvakcaaag
TidvTa TO. dyafta Trjg yrjg xal [ttjdtv xaTa/.s/ncov^ o dyaviaag xal xaTa-
TOV vaov TOI &sov. 15. dio xal iyw aTiodaxjo) avTO) xa& a xal
sv [tTa TOV ol xov TOV [Atydkov &eov. 16. Nvv ovv dn&&tTB
avv ft[Aol, xal axv%.sv(j(a(j.8v navTa TO. vnaQ^ovTa dv T$ O/XQJ avTOv.
17. Kal aTzoxQi&tvTsg SITIOV avTcp s%et vlovg xal ftvyaTtQag y.
18. My aQa xaTa<fvyco(jii> sfg STtgag %WQag, xal ivTvywai xa& fipav
obg TVQavvowTCW, xal "komol tnuvti&CQOiv tf r/fidg
xal dnoxTti vcoaiv ifiag. 19. Kal sJnsv avToig /*t]
301
avTOv xal TO n\q&os aviov dnwktaa iv TIVQ^ in dl dU.a
xal idov xal id rt xva aviov ;zo/.H7cu.
20. Kal lavTa finoyr avioTg dnskftow xctitfials TOV oJxov In}
Ta lixva IJLOV xal uvsfl.ev avTa. 21. Kal GVf.inol.iiai idovTfg oil
a).rj&7j ytyovs id tiorjuiva vn aviov, tnfhftovTfg idion^dv ^^, y.o,\
ndvrn ia. tv i\\ oh.tht. fiov difjonaZov. 22. Kal f?dov iol$ oy&eduoT^
fiov ir,v nQnnynv tov oi xov (Jiov xai tndvco roof toan^&v uov xai
ia)! KQCtffidiw [AOV drdoag dtekft^ YM\ dri^ovg YM\ ovx
i it Y.O.I avicnv. 23. HrortjfJtvog ydo r^tijv m^ ywi]
ana TOV nkyftovg tcov wdvvcov, [tvtjffO flg [id^iora TOV TTQO-
Q [tor 7io7.bfj.ov iTio lov y.vfjiov Sid TOV dyy&ov aiTov.
24. Kal iffvonifv ojg f-i cfOQTiov tyfiakkoftfvov iv
y.al fisnonf^ajiffac, Idaw ir t v tQtxvpfav x) ir^v tvaviiwviv TWV dv
fit; ftdkaaaav TO cpogTt ov, /fyoov 25. Qtlco dnohsaat id
OVOV ffoekftfiv efg irji ai.^iv, iva xfQdafvoo TO n^oTov (jeooorr-
fitvov xal id y.QZtiTova lojr axevocv. 26. OVTCO xyoo rjyriffdfJiriv id
B(.id. 27. TOTS 7,P.#y ttf()Q$ dyyri.oi;, xal av^didd^L ^8 itjv TCOV
Ttxvwv dnwhutav xal tt(X()(x%&ijv usydkrjv iaoayi]v. 28. Kal
id ifAwttd pov, xal Kinov.^ o XVQIOS sdooxsv^ 6 xvoioq
iro, oo g TO) XVQI CO sdo^e, OVKD xal sytvsio s t"r/ TO
xv Q ( ov f v A o y q (i t v o v.
V, 1. Idwv oi-v b 2aiavaq OTI ovdlv dvvaial fis fig okiyo-
Qiav iittWai, dntlftmv f^rjaaro TO GW(id ^ov nayd TOV xvo/ov y iva
inevsyxfl pot n\r\y}\v^ dion ovx rjvs yxev 6 novrjooq trjv vn tfAovyv [tov.
2. TOTA; naQtdwxt [At 6 xvQtog fig idg %tiQag aviov %Qrj(ra<jftai TW
(jwfiaTi fwv ag {Jovl.fTat, ir t g dl tyv%tjg (tov ovx tdmxfv aviw t^ovcrfar.
3. Kal n()oJ]k&s xa&ijiiivqt 1*01 tm &QOVOV xal TifvftovvTt id Ttxra
jMOv. 4. Kal (IjMOfcoi^T/ nfjdkri xaiaiyidi, xal TOV &QOVOV (tov xaif-
GTQ\p, TiyoGXQOiGag (AS 1m Tqv y^j . 5. Kal faofyffa woag Tosig
xsffifvog inl tddcpovg xal i-naTa^f [tf nkr\yi]V (Txkrjodv, ano xo-
Qvtyyg fcog dvv%K>v TOW nodixrv [wv. 6. Kal tv usyal.ri taoayji xdi
ddaifjiovt ci $*r^d-ov ir t v nbt.iV xal xaOsa&slg In! ir\4 xonQiag,
TO (j&fAa. 7. Kal GVV^QB-/^V it]V yrjv ex
xal i^ooQfg TOV (jcafAaiog tQQfOV, xal axwl.TjXfg nollol
iv avTK). 8. Kal si TZOTS dtytQTaio dxoaA^^ f*x TOV GMViaiog [iov,
OIQOV aviov xal xatojxi^ov eig TO avio l.tycov naodftfivoi fv IM avTw
iv 4j itot^dri^ d^Qig ov int6id\&r\ GOI vno TOV xskf-vaaviog cot.
9. Kal oviwg diygxeva hr\ t, xatft^opfvoQ iv xonQici e%(
l ) Note LXX, Job I, 21.
302
l?ig n 6). tag iv raig 7i*/.t]yaig. 10. Kal idov roig oq&as.uoig pov
iiv.v<f. fiov no&Tpd. 11. TTJV tanuvrp fiov /watxa ir t v nocarp> iv T#
vovyfj xal doQWfOQlq OdJuifUvopbnp, idov aiirp i-dooyooov-
tig olxov iivog aGyt /povog fc naidi <7y.j]r, icog or -dfa U.QIQV xal
.r] {JLOi. 12. Kal fym xatavevv/uttog tit /of w ir,$ ds.ct Zoviag
iwv dQjwrwv ifjq noleoog vaimjg, ovg ovdi dZiovg eJvai y.vvmv
rmv l^imv 10/j.ddwv y y o v p a i^), or< nw$ /omiiai tf t yapfTfj uov
mg dov/Jdt. 13. Ka) utid tavia. dvu.aftov luojiapov
14. Kai (JtTot. iy.arov yoovor^ xat ainov tov aorov aq.tfi,amo tov
ngoosvey&rivcLl /MO/, [*6s.ig fntTotwavrig t /tn ainrp rr t v Idfav ro
15. Kal avTt] /.apfidvovea difpto&v iavrfi ie y.at tyoi /.tyovaa
Oval poi. idya ov yoord^frai tov aorow xai orx
iv iv if t dyooa 7iQoaairr,aai O.QTOV Tiaod
ov nQOGtvtyxfl /noi y.ai tydyoj.
16. Kai 6 2ctiavdg rovto yvovg, utrsfjyTjuari G&T} fig
rov y.al iytitTO y.utd ffVfXVQ/a* uTze/.&eTv noog avrov irp yvvaixd
IJLOV, aforjffai nnuv dorov, rofit^owrav tlvai ai-rbv dv&ocoTiov. 17. Kal
6 2aravag fa yfi ainf, 7zaod(J%f \JLQI TO T/fCi/fue, y.al /.afe n &&fig
18. -AnoxQi&ffaa dl rrw l.tyti no&sv pot doyvoiov ; r, u /yot?g id
pot wdf 7iovr,od; ti fitv &tr](jOi , f/.tr]Gov fi dt {tfy ffv
19. Kal dnsy.Qi&rj nd),iv t.iywv fi pif d$ioi r t iB root xxwr,
oux av dn&d{jti aiid. 20. Avy ovv fi uri iv ^fQol GOI doyi-oiov,
vno&nv IJLOI rr/v tQi y^a irjg y.etya/.^g GOV, y.al /.afie TQfig
i cojg dvvrjdrfitG&e ^aai iv rarg xoiclv tut oaig" 21. Tor*
Iv tavrfj it ydo fioi toiiv 77 &Qi$ tr.g xfcpas.ijg pov noog tbv
rd (j.ov avdQa ; 22. Kal owcog y.aia^QorrjGaaa lavrrjr,
dq y.fToov us. 23. Tor^ JLaftiov ifjal.ida, ^ tag
ai-rrjg naviwv oofWTtoy, xa/ tdcoxsv avrfj TQfTg dgvovg.
24. *H d& lafiovGa, fads xai nnoGtysQ* pot y.al 6 2aiavdg guUfrf
OTitG&fv ai-rrig Iv if odea nfQinarwv y.fXQvpptvog, y.al ri.ayid C.tov
avtrjg ir^v xagdiav.
\ 7 I ? 1. Kal d/ua if JiyyiGK ngbc fit f} yvvri [iov, dvaxod$aGa
v&uov ).iyei fio/ J /co/9, /cb/?, ^) fi^Qt rlvog
tc irjg ^oP.fto?, koyi&pevog in\ fitxpov, xal
vq g cwtyQiag GOV. 2 A ^ /co 7i).avjjiic xal
TOTIOV x IOTTOV jifQte^yo^tvT]. 3. Jdoi 1 /(> a^oP.co^.fy nnb
x ) Words missing here.
2 ) LXX to Job XXX, 1.
3 ) After LXX to Job II, 9.
JIA&HKH.
303
*<> pvypoavvov ffov ol viol pov xai at ftvyartysg
xoi&fag xal nbvoi xal wdvvai ot>c slg TO
psrd uo/tfov; 4. 2v ds xd&y Iv aanQia
diavvxrsQtvtov ai &Qiog- 5. Kdym ndliv r ( nava&lia
xal Ktivwofifrq rjpfQag xal vvxrbg, fag dv
(XQTOV TZQoasvfyxw Got. 6. OvxtTt yo.Q fioi dldoiai 6 TtSQiriog
fafftog fnetdtj fioyig xal rrjv tyyv TQocpr/v la^dvm x/
do/ T xat ^o?, svvoovfifvrj tv rf t xctQdlq, /*ov, oti ovx dpxerov tlral
as ev Tiovoig xal tv ).ipcp HQIOV. 7. Evolprjva dvat(j%vvTwg ek&etv slg
tip dyoQKV, xal tov ngmov einwrog pot, dbg doyvQiov, xal "^r^sig
aQiovg, edei%a aviq) irjv dnoQiav rjftmv. 8. Kcu faovara, nag avrov"
si prj fyeig agyvQiov, 7iaoda%ov \JLOI ir ( v tQiya rrjg ttecpalfjs aov, xal
iQftg ttQtovg, iff cog ffotff&t tv IQIGW rjfitQaig. 9.
ffaov airicp dvafffdg xsioov jut xal ovuag dvanic&c
dog diifitog sxeigt pov tr t v tofya tfjg xstyctl7}<; h ifi
rov o%kov xal ftav/ud^ovioe.
10. Tig ovv ovx i-^enkdyri keycnv, oil avtrj tail ^ing r t yvvv inv
/cJi/9, fyiig e7%fv GxsnaCovra avrrjg ro xadrjotr/Qiov ftfjha dexaitvcjaoa,
xal &vQag wdo&SV &VQWV, fwg av oloog xaia&mfltj rig efoa%&yvat
Jiyog avtrjv- xal vvv ids xaraMdvaei rr/v toi %a avirjg aril O.QIOV ;
10. O2 rjffav xdfidoi yffAiGptvoi dya&Gtv, xat a7Zs<pt()ovTO sfg %(Qa$
toTg 7iTaj%oTg, vvv dldmaw avvr/v T(>(%a dvrl UQIOV 11. "Ids ryv
fyovvav em a iQani^ag dxivrjiovg ml rf]g olxtag wv ya&iev nag
Tirm-yog xal nnq Ztvog, vvv xaiantTTQaaxfi rr\v igfya avTrjg dvxl
UQTOV. 13. Bl.tns re rpig sfys ibv vintfjQa. t!xv nodwv ^QVGOVV xal
aQyvQovv, vvvl dt noai fiadf&i enl ^doqiovg 14. Eiders bit
avrr] kailv rptg (?%s TO wdvpa tx fivvaov ^vyaaptvov %Qvaa), xal
agti dvrixaia)2d(7crsi irp igfya avvrjq dvrl &QTOV 15. Bfa nsrs rrjv
rovg XQaftpdtovg ^Qvatovt; xal agyvQ^ovg Bypvaav, vvvl de
rrjv TQi%a avrTjg dvrl dgrov. 16. Kal anas, anl&g, 7co/9,
ovrcov r&v sfQrj^vcov /uoi, ffvvrofiKig Ityw nor ilasl fj aod&fia rrjg
xaQdt ag pov avvtrgiipt ftov rd oard" dvaar^Ot ovv as xal la flow rovg
dgrovg ^oordffdrjrt -., xal sinwv ri (jjjfia nQog XVQIOV,^) xal
rslsvra. 18. Kaym de ndkiv dnaHayti dxrjdiag did nbviov rov
ffov.
19. Kal fy<x> dnsy.Qi di]v avrfj idov tyto STird f rrj /oo v ratg
, vffiardfisvog rovg Gxca}.7jxag rovg v TW ffcoparl (tov, xal ovx
ryv tyvyfy fiov did rovg nbvovg. 20. "Offov did TO (j
LXX to Job II, 9.
304 41AQHKH.
o fiTiag, on slnov ii (nuia TiQog XVQIOV xal istevia ofiwg id xaxd
tavia dnKQ bong vTioytgoo xal vno<]pe()eig t xal irjv TOO? vnaQybviwv
dnG&siav V7io[tevoj t ufv 21. Kal flovkei fjftag O.QII kod.f]<7ai it
nQog XVQIOV xal aTirj^oorQicodrJiat lov fusydkov n^ovlov ;*) 22. Iva
vi dl ovx tf^vt fff&rj^ ta)V (JLsynkcov XEI VOJV ayn&&v, v oig vTir /Q^ofisv^
et ovv rd dyafta x %eiobg KVQI OV sde^diisda , id d& xaxd
nd\iv ov% v Hop tv ops v;2^ xal fiaxgoOvftrjaoiitv v na.vi\, ?<n<;
ov 6 xvoioq Gn\c*.y"fvi6&f}$ ^rj<jfi rjftug; 23. AQGL GV ov% OQng lor
didftoknv oTiiadtv aov fdr^xora, xJ laQdaaovia tovg diakoyi<Jnov$
<jov oncog xJ eps dTiarr/nsig^ 24. Kal aiQ^slg yw ngbg rbv
2atavav sTnov dia il oi 1 / Q%ov in\ ta ^TtQonOsv TiQoq ^K\ navacu
g rakat THUGS 25. Mr/ 6 l^cnv vrjv ia%i>v dsixvvvst iv ifi
nsistvov dviniarai v x(>Tft/.P.co ; xal vvv aoi
26. Tot? fi^ottiffO Sv T^C yvvaixbq pov i^rfiftsv, xal
juov xkalcnv y.al Afcyoo^ 1 * /fo, Vooj5, diacpawaj x/ vno^wQw GOI
ffaoy.ivK) ovii lym sipi nvsvfia , 27. Ka.} GV [ttv iv n^ffi V7ido%ig,
i ycb de sfal Ivoy^r^^i (jiiydhri 28. ^EyKvo^iriv ov VQOJlQV
ndkaitov psr M&hrjiov. y.ni fig rev Zvot. xat^oorj^fv Ttl.rjaag to
avTov dppov, y.al nctv p&og avtov (jv*/xkd<7ag o df vnoxdico avroi
xal Ivzyxctvios avrov xrjv %a(JTQt av, d f.ij] diaqxnvTJGavTog,
ds axfirjv $ndvW OVTCO xal G-J , /co/9, vnoxdtcn s?g } xal Iv
xal r nova d) evfxrjaag id nalaiaTQixd uov d
(JOl, YM\ idol V7TO%COQK) (70V.
30. Tor* y.avai<Tyvvft?lg 6 2avat>ag dvs^oofjrjffsv a
31. i\ r vv ovv i?Kva [tov iiaxoo&vut jcrKTs xal vpslg v anvrl a
vfiiv kvnrjQw oil xgefaffov earl ndvxwv f] paxQO&Vfu a.
VII, 1. Tors rjxovaav ol fiamksig id avfjtfisfitjxoTa [tot, xal
dvaffrdvrsg fa&ov Tioog {is sxaarog in ir"]g tdi ag %cooag
x/ Ttaoapv&rjcroftfvoi fit 2. Hv/xa $s rjyyiadv pot
qxavfj fiKydl,!} d it q yrj^av f y.aaroq ryv savtov at o). rjv,
3. Kal x aTao~7Tao~d/u,voi yH]v in\ rdg tavtwr x(pa7.dg,
TiaQsxddrjGdv fioi tnid ^fi^Qag y.al kmd vvxzag, xal ovdslg
avt&v kfl.dlyxs pot (jfjtia 1 4. *Haav ds vfoGaQeg r^j dQi&pqf
o @ao~il.tvg QsfAavcov^ xal Bo^ddd^ xal ^GjcpaQ, xal
5. Ka&^bpsvoi diel.oyl^ovio id TISQ\ fyov 6. Kal yaQ
1 ) I read thus for
2 ) After LXX to Job II, 10.
3 ) LXX to Job II, 1213.
305
TO nymiov oV dv VjgyQVio noog fif, xal tjod[ir]v dvacftfQfiv avioTg
rove nol.vrsl.tlg Mftovg, aTie&avfja^ov. 7. Kal fhsyov, on lav I,(JLMV
in. %()T}[iaia avvayO)} fig fi> i-nl TO avro, ov jttf/
lovg IfQovc lovg HvfioZovg tt-g fiaodfiag /oo/ftx/? wysyfoifgog
yd() BI icov g/ fjMov dvaio7.uv. 8. Hv/xa ydQ fa&ov TOT? tm T//V
Avoitida. OTiojg tintaxftyoofft [*f, rfQwrrjaav iv Tfi nofai, TTOV 3 /co/?^ o
trig %(nQag Tavrtjg okyg {Jaffilfvow ; 9. Kal Jiprpvaav avtoTg ntQi
tfiov on xaftrpiMi Inl r-fjg xongfag %w tt/g no^ecog^ idov yag tii]
[A,rj nv&&(&v tv it, nofai, 10. Kal nakiv rj(>ayii](7av nsol TOJV vaaQyov-
IG)V pot xal i-dqkw&Ti avtoig fa ffV(J,@e@qxova uoi ndvxa.
11. Kal axowfaweg ^rjk&ov trjv noktv dfta. roig nokltaic Y.QLI
ol [itv nokiicti \iov vTZidfi^dv fif avroig 12. Oi dl uwtfaftvov
Myovvsg JM?/ flvaf. [is tov /w/?^ 13. Kal fit di*(j)i@aM.6vTcov aiiwv,
Myf.t. *E)ii(fdg o QsfAavmv fictGiksvq fit-vie tyytGmntv YMI i fi<x>[j.sv.
14. Kal Igypufvinv avrcov, tifiijvv&f] poi TISQI cti vajv xctl fyco t xhavaa
ffq)odQ&g [Mt&mv tt]v efavGiv ainonv. 15. Kal yffV Inl it]v
[iov dvtdrjxa xal xa&f6[J.svog tixfoow irjv xecpaktjv fwv xal
avTt,v i-dfocoffa oil $yw eifit 16. Idovreg 3s xtvovvia rtjv xfCful.t jv
[iov, xartTisaov tm ii]v yf^v s xkvftdvtpg 17. Kal foinii&oov raw
(jTQaTV[idiojv avtwVj ff&7iov tovg ipt-rg @aGil.fTg xaiegQiptvovg fv if t
yft wrrtl rexyovg tnl ojQag igsig 18. TOTS dvafftdvitg
on ov TZiGttuofisv on oviug tanv Icofinfi. 19. Kai
iaTg fjfipQaig diax^fvovifg id xai ifj.e ? didkoyitoiit-voi. id if
xal id vnagyovKx. fiov^ lifyoifeg 20. Mr ovx oifiaftev id
d dya&n. id daoGlt^ofitra vn j aviov fig lag Jiidtig Y.n.\ fig
idg xvx^aj xcafiag dindtdoG&ai iofg niw^oig, TtagexTog y.n\ iwv tv ir\
oixia aviov fiffiofifvcov; n&g rvv fig ir ( v loiaviyv vexQotqia, xal
21. Kal field idg fjpfQag dnoxgidtfig Elfovg f7nf loig
, nooGfvvfffcofitv avi(l> xnl dgSTaGtiifJtsv axQifitig ff oAoog f(7iiv
Icofidfi r) ov 22. Oi fif [iov ovioq wg f/fiKTtcog aiadiov dia ir/v
fiv(7K>fiiav iov Gmpaiog [iov, dvaaidvifg nyoGriyytadv fiot fyovifg
evwfifag v lalg ^fQ^lv avt&v, Gvvovtcov avion i&v GiQanwitii , xal
i[iara fittkhovimv [toi xvxkcoftkv, onwg dv dvvtjO&Gi
23. Kal notf GctVTfg wtrfl wgag iQfig, ^tog^yovvTfg ia
[iov tyirovio 24. Kal nnoxQi&flg E^Kfd^ flnt [ior GV
f7 7w/? 6 GVfifiaffdfig vfiwv ; GV 6 f%wv iois itjv [ifydkrjv do S.av _
25. 2v ei 6 (f)G3iiL.G)v wg ifiiog iT/g i l [if f Qag tnl ndarjg ifjg y?ig; 2v ff
^g Gfkt tVi] xal of aGifQtg t-v TOJ (Aeffovvxifip qia/vovitg 26. Kal
dnoKQidflg sinov aviat t-ydi sifir xcu ovicag xkavGavieg xbavftfirv
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
306
ufyav GVV &Qrjvco fiaffdixw, avsyobvyGsv xal 6 GiQaing avi&v
27. Kal Tidhv vTTokaftoijv ^Aigwif 1 ) My si pot 2v si 6 id snidxig
%lha nybfiaia svid^ag sig iyv i&v 7iia>%6jv svdvGiv ; nov vvv
/) do$a iov 0()6^ov GOV; 28. 2v si, o id^ag iQiG^lkia sig iov
[iov iov imv nsvrjiwv; nov vvv ivy^avsi rj do^a GOV ; 29. 2v si 6 lovg
XyvGsovg x(>a{3fidiovg s%cov, vvv ds xadqusvoQ snl xongiag
30. 2v si 6 idg idQVftt vag $tjxovia i^an^ag loTg 7Zico%oig GiyQi ^ag^
GV si o id &v(juair t oia irjg wdfjg sx \(&tav svdo^wv fywv ; nov vvv
ivy^dvst tj doa GOV^ oil sv dvGwdt q vvv vndi)^sig\ 31. ^t* tsi 6
%QVGSovg snl idg aQyvydg fyoav, vvv ds TiyoGdoxqg i^v tyvGiv iov
(fODioi; irjg Gshyvyg 32. 2v si 6 dliftfia tymv sx iov ktfidvoVj
vvvl ds sv GaTiyt q wv 33. v si o xaiayskwv icor ddtxovv-
103V xal dpaoiavoviwv, vvvl tytvov favq naai.
34. Tor ds Ekicpat, [taxQvvoviog iov xkavd^iov, vJiOtycovovviwv
avic!) itiv fiaGiktwV) COGIS ysvtGftai fisydhrjv ia()a^t f v avicai , slnov
avioig 35. 2iQ)nais, xal vnodsi^co vjuv iov &QQVOV [iov xal iqv
do^av iT/g srnosnsi ag aviov tfiov o Sgbvog au .vibg SGIIV 36. O
xoG^og ohog TtayslsvGSiai^ xal ?/ do^a aviov tyftatsTjffsiai, xal oi
aincp SGOviat, vTioxaico aviov sviov 6 Oyovog sv 10)
SGil xal fj loviov doa xal ij svnQtnsia x ds^iaiv iov
ilGiiv sv oi Qavoig 37. Epov 6 ftgovog vndo^si sv irj
dylq ^cof/, xal rj do^a zv ico alm i ico d?ia()aHdxico SGII V. 38. Oi.
[isv TioiafAol y()av&/ l Goviai xal ia ya^Qta^aia aviojv
sig id fidftrj itjg dfivGGOv, oi dl Troia^iol ifjg tyTig yijg y &
[iov ov ^rjQalvoviai dH tGQiiai sig zr> dwjvsxsg 39. Oi
; TfaQslsvGoviai j xal oi yyovfisvoi 7ra()tQ%oiiai xal // do%a
:avyr]na tGiai (ag dv SGOTIIQW^ spov ds fj fiaaiksi a sig
aitiwa aitivog, xal /} do%a xal ?} svngineia avifjg sv loTg dgfiaGi iov
VIII, 1. Kal fyo v lavia sinoviog nttbg aviovg,
f?7is nQog lovg aklovg <p/kovg ii %QrjGi[iov on oviwg
iv io7g GigaisvpaGiv oodf, iva TiaQainv&ijGOf^s&a aviov
idov oviog eyxahi r^iv did dva%oo()r]GG)[isv sig idg tdiag
2. Oviog v lakamcoQt a Gxcolrjxwv xddrjTai v dvawdict, xal
syBi Qf-iai xaO- 1 i]^m> "kkycav fiaGiksiai naQ^Q^oviai xal oi i)yov[ivoi
aviow, rj ds dur] fiaGdeta, qujGlv, SGiai fcog lov aitivog 3. ^ivaGidg
ds iv fisydkr] ixga%fl Elitpd^ tfyxlivsv an aviwv sv iiayd krj "kmir\
Itymv syc*) noQKVGO^ai s^lvda^isv ydy iva 7iaQaf4.v6f]G(o^s0a aviov,
l ) Eliov? is a copyist s error.
JTAQHKH. 307
xal airtog XKI&VJKV f/pag dntvavii imv GTQaiiGjimv fjft&v. 4. TOTS
tx()dir]Gtv avtbv tfjg % ()cg Hyoov oi>% o vrwg $H lakijaa
wncp ntvOovvn, ov pwov dt H xal tv no)J.aig nhflaig ovn
5. Idov ?/juefi; okoog vyia/vowsg ovx ia^vGafisv TiQoasyyiGai avi& din
ir\v dvawdlaVj si [it] did nhsiovog svoadiag (TV ds oAcog dfiv^fioav s7g t
/iA/qpa^ dnktig ysvov 6. Nvv ovv fiaxfjoOvfiyaojfiav tva yv&(ji8v i>
iivi EGTO.I . ; iii] it uQa fitfivijffxofievog avtov if/g svdaiftoviag itjg
sfidvrj xaza ipv^ijv 7. Tig yag OVK nv
viov roiovtov $vv7ifQ@aM.oV ia xaxofg xal
ectffov [is TiQoasyyiGai, avra) not yvcocrofMU *V tivi Sffiai.
8. Kal sysgOitg Bagdad nQoariyyiG& p.ot Itywv GV tl 7oo/9; xa/
slnoVj vai teal slnsv <*.QO, v TOJ xadefftwri iatvv r\ xaydi a aov j
9. Kuyw ulnov, iv fi&v toig ytfl voig ov (jvvtGirjxi-v, tns
// yy xal Tidvrsg oi xaioixovvTsg iv avij { tv ds voTg ovgavotg
rj xaydia /nov, dion ovy v7iaQ%ti v ovoavw vaya^ii. 10.
ds BakdnS Myst, on p.tv yiv^Jxo^ii-v ity y7 t v dxa idaia iov ov
rj xara xnioov dKkoioviai, tviotf xai eiyrjvsvti, t(rft OIK xal
i nsol Ss rov ovgavov uxovoptv on svGva&ef 11. silX
dtl dlydtig iv IM xadsaiMi Ti>j>%dvtig tycovrjaco dl h yw xal sav
dTtoxQidfjg f^oi TiQog tov TiQwiov vovv, t-%K) (js ^(jooifjfjni v i(t) dtvn-ow,
xal av (/noxQiOtjg pot svataOtg , drfiov on fj xaQdia aov ovx
^tarrjxfv 12. Kal f?7iW sr iivi av $.HI&I$\ xa] tinrtv Km TW
TO) t,wvii 13. Kal siTTt [tor tic, dcpsfaavo aov ia vndo^ovia., // Uny
aoi rag 7i"kr)yaq tavvag; xuyod tmov, o Oeog 14. Kal slnsv, si TO)
6kcp JULal&igj n&g ddixTjGai XQtvsig, tnsvsyxajv GOI rag n^riyaq xal
GvpcpoQag vavrag, r\ dcpfliopfvog GOI in vnaQ^ovia 15. Et 81 xal
dcpsikato, fypyv avrbv firj dtdvvai ti^ ovdt nove ftaathnvg d
avtov, xaktig avtov doQvqtOQOvvKx. 16. Kal d
i] ng nois xaiakrjtytiai ra fiddr] vov XVQ/OV xal t7]g Goqu ag
avrov, IVGL Tokftag nQoadmsiv iw xvpfoj adixrjfia ^ 17. Kal Bal.dad
s?7isv dnoxQivov not 7ro/9 TTQog ntvra xal ndkiv ^tyou GOI^ si tv TOJ
xaOsGrtin v7id(>%sig, didct^ov fit fi tan Got qjQovyatg 18. dia ii
i fiiov fis-v oo&fjsv dvaithkovza tm dvarol.ag dvvovra dl tv ifj dvasi 5
xal nakiv dviavdftfvot xard TTQMI BVQfGxofJitv avvov tv dvaiol.aig
; vovdtrqGov fte ayog Tavva.
19. Einor ds 6700 did t! ovv fj-tj kal^Ga rd (isyaksTa toi
in v if] xaydiq pov ; ^ olmg av niaiGri pov TO Gic^a slg
tov dsGnbiriv; [it] ytvoiio 20. Tivsg ydo tGplv Tto^vn^ay^iovovvisq
TO) nov<)avi($, Gagxivoi ovitg xal fyovteg ii]v psQi da tv yi] xal Iv
G7todi$; 21. "Iva ovv yv&ts on Gw^Girfxtv fj xagdla jitov, dxovffars
20*
308 MA&H.KH.
o x f-Tisyootob vpag 22. /Jid tov atofia^og ovv i] tQoy n, xal Tidhv to
vdwQ did tov atlftatog 7/vstai teal opov xatty%ovtat did tov cpdgvyyog
otav ds xatafifj td dvo sig tov dysdyowa tots dyoQi&rtai an
n k kiikwv tig ovv tavta /e0/; 23, EJns ds o Balddd, dyvoti. Eyw
ds vnokapoov tJnov avtcp el (TV ii\v TOV ffapatog vov noytav oc
xataka[i{3dvig, Ti&g td tnovQavia xatcdrjyjeig; 24. c Tno"ka^oyv ds
2w(fdQ My si* ov%l td vnsf) TJUOOV SQSvv&fiftr, dkkd fiovk6[4sda yvmvai,
tdv v tm ffavtov xadsatuti v7icf()%eig v.n\ idov dtydms tyvwusv oti f]
(7ov ovx t]M.oia6t] 25. 1Y ovv fiovlti fjpai; Iv aol dia-
j Idov ynQ nayovteg /*td fj^cov avtojv tovg latQovg tow
sfaaydyopw xal si fiovlti frsQansvOqii nay avtow.
26. AnoxQidelg ds syw elnov, q ^rj iacng xal deQansia naga XVQIOV
t(Jtlv tov xal tovg tatQovg xti <javtog.
IX ? 1. Kal Ifjiov tavtn nyog avtovg Myowofy iSov r\ yvvr] fiov
2t tig i-v ifiatloig (jaxxcbdeo~iv dnodfjaaaGa. i?x tyg tov dsffnotov
dovMag o> IdovkevcreVj e nii sxcolvtto ti&Wstv, iva fir] Idovtsg avtijv
oi fiuvdtig dQTtdcfcoffiv 2. "Ore ds tydev, iggiifiev saviijv nayd tovg
Tiodag avtwv xha iovna xal hsyovaa {ivtjfrftrjti FAityut xul oi (flXoi
brzoia tig qfiyv /Jsd vjucov, xui nwg <7tohi^6[.ir]i> vvv ds oQats trjv
(jfv [iov tl svdvofjiai 3. Tots xkavaavtsg oi. fiaadsig
xal ysvoiiKvoi v 8inl.fi dxr}dtq sviwTiyGav wars tov
dgavta tijv nogyvQida nvtov TisQiyQ/Wai in* avtrjv
4. H 3s ?dt : sto avtov ItyovGa naoaxa^m vftag, XVQIOL ^ov, oncog
xskevffijts toTg (rtQutiwTai,g vfjicjv i va (JxdtyKxrt tj]v ntaxsiv tt]g oixt ctg
fl fiwr ti]v TTSffovactv indvw toTg ti-xvoig fiov net xal ta oat a avt&v
m fji fyata 5. *Enit i]fjng ovx fa^vaa^sv did td
oncog i^suijco^sda xdv td oatd avtatr. 6. Mt] aou ds
w ./} xtTjvcbdyg yatrvtya Q-TIQIOV f/co, oti td ttxva [ii>v dtxu ovtu
v fiui qiitQct. xal ovdsv avt&v dxydsaa 7. Kal
oi fiaffdfig tov Gxatyrivai t)]v oixfav t /co ds Ixcokvaa avtovg
8. My xdpetf sixfr ov ydi) iv^tai td naidia fiov, tTistdi]
sial naQa tov drmiovQyov avtmv xal fiatjikt cog 9. Kal dnoxQid&vtsg
oi ftaaikfTg slnov pot tig ndliv ovx t\jfT oti ^fffijg xal fiai vsi ;
10. "Oti fiovkoptvovg fjfiag dyaytlv to do~td toov Tiaidcov dov, xoo^vsig
Mywv^ oti dvskr/qj&tjaav xal ilcf)v)d%&r](7av nagd tov drj^iov^yov avt&v
dio sxcpavov r\\uv to dkydtg.
11. *Eyw ds tfnor avtoTg, tnsystQstt jus tva Gtw, oi ds qyetqdv
ps sxattQwftsv tovg @()a%fovag vnoGtrioi^ovtfg 12. Kal ataftiig
tc7) &soi TiQootov xal pttd tr>v fvyr> t v sinov avtoTg
toTg otyfiakftoig v^mv TiQog dvatoldg 13. Kal dva-
JIA9IIKH. 309
ipavte g e/i T Ttxva jMOi faT8(pavK)fj,tva nay Ttg o?7 rot;
inov Qavi ov flaodscog 14. c /f <? yvy^ /^ow 2i nq tdovaa tavta
fig rrjv yrjv nQoaxvvovaa TM &cp xal kfyovaa Nvv s
poi iivy/uovvvov naod xvyiov 15. Kal Tavra
xaTaka^ovGrjg tnoQEvOrj tig vrp nokiv nQog lovg
) olq Idovfavw, xal txoifit]&ij 7iQ\ ii]v (pdwijv xcov
kfvrijGev dftvprjffaaa. 16. Kal 6 fiev df(77ionxog ci()%<x>v
avttjg enii]lT]ffa$ avr^v xal fir] SVQOW sfa^k&sv slg ti]v snavhijv iwv
wv xal f.v(jfv avitjv VKXQO.V i]nk(x>iAh r\v sn) r^g (pdrvrjg^ in ds
wnc xkulovia. bTi avirjv. 17. Kal TTavifg Idovisg avii]v
dvxQa,av [isiu xhuv&fiov, xal fj qpcor^ disdo&i] did Tzdcrrjg r7]g nokecog
18. Kal ovewg ngoxofJifoavieg IxydeGav &d\paweg airrp snl rr]v
oixi av tr]v avfjiTiTw&f-iGav i-m ra vtxva avtfiq, 19. Kal enofyaav
ol JTToa/ot trig nofarvg xonribv ntyav inl n\)ir]v Ifyovteg "Idsis r t
2faic s&tlv avrijt yg tov xav^fiarog xal irjg dotyg ov% vnt^s yvi t]
xal ovx fj^itodij laqiijg dvayxalng 20. Tov psv ovv Oor t vov 10 v VTT
ainov ysvoftwov fvorjoi-tK t<v roig naQaksino^voiq.
X, 1. E^Kfd^ ds xal 01 JUT avtov &a[ji@i]&4vvg tm tovroig
dvtKHOHQivofJLBVoi (ioi xal ^if.yal.oorjvovvtsg XT Ipov
2. ( Dd(7xotisg on dixaicog tavra nbnov&a v
TToMmv xal on &n)g ovx dns kffffOrj poi, syw tie
3. Kal OQyiG&foieg dvilaTtjGav noQtv&rivai petd ftvpov xal rots
COQXOWW avrovg [jifTvai fiixoov ?cog xal nem tovtov dfi^ai avvoig, ii
eonv. 4. Elns ds on toaaviag fjptQag snoirjo a ie dvs^ofisvoi TM /co/?
xav%aj[itrco slvai dixaiov, eyw dl ovx riv^Oftai. 5. "Ao^f^fv ydg
xkatwv dtsT&fGa h avraj dvafJUfivijGxo^fVog rrjg wdatpovfag avrov
t% TiQortoag, xal idov [tfyar xal vntofidl. kovr.u loyov &c&ijGe Mycov
TOV tavrov &QOVOV t-v ovQavoTg. 6. Tolvov fyov dxovGats xal
GG* v/jitv vr]v peQt da avrov sv nvi vnaQ^ovnav 7. Ton- 3 ELovg
s[ini>8Vff&eig dno tov 2aiava i&ine (tot Myovg fl-QUGtig 01 nvsg
dvayfyQaii^ avoi utGiv tv tofg naQa^Kinoiin oiq TOV Ekiovg.
8. Mfta de TO aavGaG&ai avrov dvayavefg [ioi 6 Kv Q log
did "kafkanoq xal vty&v t7?ie ptptydpevog TOV ELovg, xai
vnodst^aQ pot TOV gv avT$ ka kovvra fir] s/vai avOgwnov dU.d dyqlov.
9. Kal [isrd TO navGOG&at TOV xvoiov hahovvrd pot, finer o xvgtog
TW Eh<fd, fyaQTsg <rv xal ol yttoi vov^ ov ydg ghalrjGare dlyftsg
xaTa TOV d-SQaTiovTog fiov 7w/S. 10. dio dvaardvrsg noifjeats avtov
VTTSQ vpwv dvacptyeiv rJvfft ag onwg dq>s&ij r] apagrfa avTr h si n^ yaQ
dt avrov, dnu&ftta av vfjtag. 11. Kal avrol de agoarpsyxw [*oi T
&vatav xal yo> kafiav dvyvsyxa vnlg avrwv rrjv &vGtav xal
310
J149KKH.
o xvoioi TiooGfaSdufros dqrp.tr rrof$ tip dpapTi af 12. Tor*
EJ.iqd~ xai Ba/Jdd xat Scaq.do jvoarifs or/ iyao(<jaiQ avtoTg *rp
(fuaoriur avrcar din zof fttodxovTO* avvov 7oi^, Tor 81 E/.IOT+ ov
TWT rl/J.tor xi TWF aiQaitvui&r mr/Gior tov
13. Aai t/.f/fv OITOJC Elufdli
ntoirorjrai rjuwr ff duamia, xai dntait] tjuwr fj d
14. E uorz dl 6 woroc 7inrr t oo^ firtjuofn ror 017 ?zei tr Tofj p
AJ 6 /.r/ro, t Tof ijpta&fit rjydriaf TO fyiffoz arrof*
15. c // & 7/7,:
Or< 17 c TT/ TO rrxoroiv x/ or^ Tor (f&yrog.
16. O/ & ftvowoo i rr^ nwrtfai M.rjoorourjGOWJtv aiiov tip
y.ai TM ti xotxnav
rror o Voorog,
/.(< T///r TOT fj-/rH".TO~ CtlTOV fF IMl
17. ^H dn^fJt if- ror r.g^co. 1 y.r t.u.n^ xai TfJ t.tnt dcti TO?
18. Oi x iy.f^fjnrn iniiM ror Kioior ovdi tyo{lr t &r l avr
ru.t.a y.t .i rofj irti uor* aiTov nao
19. E.7/.rtfttTQ rti TOi <> A l C /OJ X) O/
orx
ir t tj. Ttifo? 10%** f 7 f.iaftr
20. J *nir\i ^nt o A roioj. /.;# arror r xQiuara,
n < .h I orx CTT/ ^poTco,70/.>/U . xgtrtf yap
21. / -V,i Aro/o. nriQt ftrfTO idoi oi dyioi
Tionrflovu-rcov rojr <7rerfttrcor y.n.\ TtJjr tyxcoufwr.
22. _Y/(>i-Tcorri o/ ^yio/, ^yJ./T^w7r i xaodfat
or/ aTifiJir^aai ir,v ^orr, r Tio
23. 7 Hoi(u rd n^nfrtrjuain r^/dii x
6 o*f norqtioi; E/Joi-g fr rnfc ZGJGI prrj[i6<jwo* orx ^rjr**.
24. V*T-e ^ TO TiavGandai Euyd^ior furor, drrzurdrTtz
utv ffi rrjv TZO/JV tf^ rj oixoiut* oixiar 25. Aa/ 7iexoir t xct9
fi6J%ia9 tr ir t ifoxtf tTTjTi rov xvgfov, xai naoijitono noog pt
oi qfi.oi pov. 26. Aai oo^o/ tidrjndr pi tvnoiorrza, jjpoorjyrrar /
^. TI ^ap ^awr rrr oi Tp*r.;.
XI, 1. 703 & v.ToAa^aw tvTioifiv TIOJJV 101$
l ) Cf. Job XLH, 11.
4IAQUKH. 311
2. d&Tf pot txaerog dp tad a piar fig tvdvffir To>r
TGJT (r jVfMfAan orro>r xai rorf txaarog noocfrjrsjxt
pot dpvada ftia* xai rfroddoa%uor yovatov xai doyvot ov.
3. Kal TOT* 6 xvoiog tfaoftjffE xdrra pot caa V7if]0%f, xai n).T]dovr
& nfjywf tiptow dno rf yoqudrcov xai xrr.vtiv Kal tun- "i.oiTiwv
a>r O,-TQV.*O-, dniMifiov xai ettoa fig TO din f.ovv. 4. Ektfiov dl xa l
tip prfTf oa vuoar xai tyiwriGci i^ag rovg dtxa drrl TOJT
um fiixa T/xrcor 5. Kal rri. rtxra uov, irTt7J.ofiai
vuiv fdoi? *7W Tt/.evroy i-ftfig rvt tcftr&e drrl fuov 6. Mo for fJij
rov Kvoiov tvnoirjaatj&f rotg xt(%oi+ ur t xageidtTf rovg
nr, ).afitT( fcmoig *fvvaTy.ag fx Tojr rt/J.oro/a>f
i. Idor orr, rtxt-a uov. diapfoia) vutr xdrra O Trt vTtdo-^ti poi
agog TO dtGxo^siv ixaarog xai uovaiav fjff/r aja&onoi^ocu Ix lov
pionvg at-ror dxeolvrtog.
8. Kal roi TO tlncov, ivtyxa$ id fur^aia. ai.voi ndrra dif[*ioi<jfv
avra rofg txra viofg loig doofnxorg, xai dxb ron- ygrjudrcov or
rafg frtjlvau;. 9. Kal fJnov TW nntoi aivcaf xvotf xmro
rj xai i^fig ovx Ifiufv riy.rrt (>ov- dtori ovx tticoxag r t utr ir.
To>r en-raw vot xi.rjnnroufav; 10. E7ne dt /ox? rf s * &t"/aTodf7n atror*
pi] raoay&riif, ftiyartoit pov, ov ydo tufJLa&Gpijr riicor. Idov yt(Q
vpTr x t.r^jovouiav xnfiTrora aittjg r t v t).aj3<n- 01 ixid ddt s.qoi.
11. Kfil xa).t<7ug T/:r frujattna ai-rov tyr /,tjnut9r t r Hpt nar
aiif, fM^ovaa TO diaxiv t.iov, inayt tU TO tauftov xa}
MO/ TO jfOi G ofr rrx^r^for, ira dox7fa vpiv rr t r xi.^ootoui av vpojv.
12. Kal ami&ovffa rjrtyxev aiio), xai diofcag atvo Qq
TQIU yipQdaiV nfoi^Kuma oj. Hfj dvraadal nva dr&ocoxor /.a/.raai Titol
T^e fdta<s ainoar 13. *Enit prj dl l t <Jav tgynv yfoov, <t/J. oiQartoi
tzaGToaxroi Kaig frntv&roatg (jontrurg cog axfirtg tor if/Jov.
14. Ai didctjxt joodr* piar txaffTfl Ta>r ftvyattntov avrnv
~*.dfitte avrag y.al ntfiuoxraTf, ira rag rjpt gag rt-g ~(rg vucov
^oir^ojutv vpdg xai lun /.r^mai nanog d-ya&ov. 15. E7xt dt J TOJ
17 aiijy ftvydirjo rj }.tfOfttvr t Ka<7(7t a ndreo. aivtj foriv r t xt.rjnoropfa
t7rai xQtfitova rng rear ddt/.<ftor rpwr: ri orr pi- ix
Qopcr- TO 3jfr, 16. Kal tlntv avrofg o nair ( Q airwv ov woror
tx roi-rov TO ^r,y /"ifTf, d/J.d xai ai-rai efod^oww ritdg fig rqr
ufuora aiwta ^rjai tv roTq nvnavotg 17. "H dyrofrf, rtxra pov,
iipr rtprp row nanonw. r t q uf y.arr^I&vw o xvoiog t/.tfjGai ue xai
ix rov atoparog pov rag n).r,yag xai rovg axo^.r^xag- xai
M T.XX to Job XL. 2.
312
yd() xaUcrag fts naQtOsto poi tag tpeig tavtag yoQddq "kf ywv
18. Avdatng ^cocrai COCTTISQ dvr t Q tr}v oayvv crov docotvcrco ds
(jv ds pot aTioxQidrjti 19. Eyco ds haftcov 7if.QtffcoadfjiijV xal w
dyavsig lytvovto ol axcio^xsg ano tov Gcbfjtatog pov, opoicog ds xal
ai nt.riyou xal komov to acofid fiov iGyyfv din KVQIOV xal owmg
dtij-yov caffnsQ, ore ovtf olcog mtnov&d ti. 20. MZXa x i&v iv vrj
xctfjdiq. (iov wdvv&v kr j&yv ff%ov 5 6 ds Kvyiog Af^aJl^xff fioi v dvvdfAfi
%al vnods/^ag fioi rd ytvoftsva y.al ta [i&kovza. 21. Nvv ovv^ iiy.va
oltf tag jivdvprjcreig v ir\ diavoia vftaw, dioti <^vka.v.ii}^iQV i-frn rov
Kvoiov. 22. E^syfQ ft slaai ovv nsQL^Mffnts euvtdg nmv
i vu dvvj?&fjt &fd(?aG&at tovg 3%8(>%o[ievovg dyytlovg fig tr/v
s^odov, Incog &avfid<W]i:s tag tov &sov dvvdfisic.
23. ^Ivaatdaa tolvvv ?/ [tia avtwv i] xakovfjiwij ^H^tQa
savTfjV YMI naoa%()fj[ia t ^oo ytyovs tTjg avtyg GaQXog xadag
6 TiatrjQ avrfg^ y.al dv&afiev d^^v xaQdtav dig [i
td z7ig ytjg. 24. */tn8(f>i}y l (x.to tovg dyyzkixovg vftvovQ iv d
cpcovfj %al vuvov dv^fif^ns tw dfqj xatd tyv dyyskfxtjv
25. Kal tots xai dU.r/ avtov dvydtrjQ rj Kavfrt a ntyi^GjVato xal
?cr%e trjv y.a(>dtttv d^oicoftsfaav wg nrjxtti tiv&VfJMj&rjvat td xoo~[*ixd.
26. Kal to (ilv (rtofia avfrjg A^i tr^v didfaxvov tcov aQ^ortcov^
f!do$ok6yr]r>e ds tov viprjkov tonov to noirjiia^ dioti i tig ftovkttai
yvwvai to noir^a. tcov ovoavmv, dvvtjcjftai tvvozTv tv toTq vpvoig
KavcJtag.
27. Tote TifQis^cocjato xal ?/ nk"kri r/ xakovpi-vt]
xfyag, xal f (T/ atopa dnocf&i-yyo^svov tv tj] diaMxtco twv iv
87i fid t] xcd avtyg // xaydia r/)J^oiovto 28. ^fcfiGta/jibvy dno tcov
kshakrjxg ds kv tt] diaktxtco twv Xegovfilft do^okoyovcra tov
t&v dystcov, Ivdei^a^vi] tr t v do^uv avtcov. 29. Kal o
fiovloftevog "kotnov fyvog xatakafisiv tqg natQtxrjg dofyg SVQTJGSI
dvayfyyafjftt vov tv tuig sv^atg trig ^dfAak&tiag xtyag.
XII, 1. Mstd ds to naixjav&at, tag tQfig vfivo^nyovaag tyco
Nijgsbg 6 ddf-lcpbg Yro/S fxa&itofjirjv nhiaibv tov /co/9 xeiptvov avtov.
2. Kal tjxovaa td [Afyal.fia tmv tQvcov tivyattQcav tov ddf^ffov pov,
ptdg v7ioaiG)7T(a[j,vr]g tfj [uq. 3. Kal drsyQaivdfjrjv to {ttjfkiov tovto,
nkr\v taw v/uvcov xal twv ayfieicov tov Pi] pat o c, oti tavtd tcrti
td fLityal.tTu tov &sov. 4. Keifi&ov ovv tov 7ca/? vocsiv em tfjg
y^tvtjg avfv novov xal cuftvvcov, tnel fj,r] i cjyvs nbvog dntfo&ai avtov,
LXX to Job XL, 2.
MAQHKH. 313
dux 10 vyfieiov itjg jreoi^ooaeoig i]g nsQif^waaio. 5. Kal
g sldfv /ro/? lovg f^&oviag til ify ipv^fjv aviov dyiovg
dyyelovg, xal tv&tcog dvaaidg shafts xi&doav xa i sdmxt irj ftvyaiol
aviov Hfjeoq 6. Tfj ds Kaaafq sdwxs &apiair]()iov , ifi ds
Idpctk&sfai, KsQag s dooxs iviinavov, oncag tUoj ?;<7G007 lovg tk&oviac
snl -xrjv ifjv%rjv aviov nyfovg ayy/Aovg 7. Ai 81 hafi
y,al i tyalkov xai wkopjaav xa) sdo^o^opjffav lov &tot> h iff t
8. Kal fJtia ictvia *%ij).&cv o t n ixa& rjfjis vo g
k(j> agnail xal tjoTidaaio lov /w^, filsnovGwv xal im>
aviov ftvyaitoGov, a^cov ds fir] fihtftovKov. 9. Kal eJiafis irjv
lov /Cf>^ xal dveneTttff&ij snaiayxaki^oiievog aviriv y.al
ai>ii]v km TO aftfin xal wdtvas in? dvaiohdg. 10. To de
aviov dnrivtyftr] tm lov idqiov nQorjyov^Kvmv imv IQIMV
aviov xal TifQif^wff^tvojv idg yoQddg xal vfjivokoyovviwr tv
11. Kal rore NrjQeog o ddekfpog aviov xal of mid
aviov GVV loig koiTtoig haoig xal niw%olg xal OQtyavoig, xal ddwdrotg
xoTifiov pt yav in\ aviov kfyoweg. 12. Oval r]\nlv on
fjQtftj dq> fjpwv f] dvvafjLig iwv ddvvditor, TO qpwe To5f ivylaw^
o nairiQ iwv oQyavwv. 13. ^Hgiai o %vodo%og, itiv nenhavijpevaw
i] bdbg, i&v yvfjivmv to (jxpnav^a, imv fflQ&p o vavyaaTiiGirig. Tig
lotnov [it] xhavaaie lov UV&QWTIOV lov &eov; 14. Tavia xal id
loiavia dnoxkavoviarv 9 sxcokvov aviov is&fjvai tnl lov id(f)OV
15. Meid ovv iofig fjfjeQag sit&y sv iw idycp wg h xakw vnvw
hafibvia ovofja xakov ovopaaiov iv naaaig laig jsvsaTg lov aiwvog
16. Kaiakeiifjag viovg xal &vyai? ()ag iQeig, xal ov%
8VQ8&i]ffav xaia idg ftvyaityag Yw/? fiskiiovg aviwv iv
roig vn OVQUVOV 17. flQOvn rJQ%x ovo(j,a IM 7w/9 /w^/?
(ieiwvo(j,d(T&r] dt naud KvQi ov /co/5. 18. "El^rjGK de ugly i fj g
7i"kriyr { g til] 718 fifid de irjv nkrjyriv ^a^oov ndvia dinkd
xal id sir] dmkd iovi ecu go id de ndvia eiy irjg
aviov Gfj^rj. 19. Kal s7dev viovg iwv vfwv aviov swg
leidoiyg ysvidg Ftyganiai xal d vaaitj as o&at aviov
&w o Kvoiog dvs fftyffev iw dt &&&&gt; fjfiwv si y do%a. *)
J ) LXX to Job XLI1, 15.
2 ) LXX to Job XLIII, 17.
n ) LXX: Q p.
*) [The Editor desires herewith to express his thanks to Dr. Leo Back
in Berlin, for his assistance in revising the Greek text.]
Testament of Job,
the blameless, the sainted, the conqueror in
many contests.
Book of Job, called Jobab, his life and the transcript of
his Testament.
Chapter I.
1. On the day he became sick and (he) knew that he
would have to leave his bodily abode, he called his seven
sons and his three daughters together and spake to them as
follows : 2. "Form a circle around me, children, and hear, and
I shall relate to you what the Lord did for me and all that
happened to me. 3. For I am Job your father. 4. Know
ye then my children, that you are the generation of a chosen
one 1 ) and take heed of your noble birth.
5. For I am of the sons of Esau. My brother is Nahor,
and your mother is Dinah. By her have I become your
father. 6. For my first wife died with my other ten children
in bitter death. 7. Hear now, children, and I will reveal
unto you what happened to me.
8. I was a very rich man living in the East in the land
Ausitis, (Utz) and before the Lord had named me Job, I was
called Jobab.
9. The beginning of my trial was thus. 10. Near my
house there was the idol of one worshipped by the people;
and I saw constantly burnt- offerings brought to him as
a god.
10. Then I pondered and said to myself: "Is this he who
made heaven and earth, the sea and us all? How will I
know the truth?"
Abraham.
Testament of Job. 315
11. And in that night as I lay asleep, a voice came and
called: "Jobab! Jobab ! rise up, and I will tell thee who is
the one whom thou wishes! to know. 12. This, however, to
whom the people bring burnt- offerings and libations, is not
God, but this is the power and work of the Seducer (Satan)
by which he beguiles the people".
13. And when I heard this, I fell upon the earth and
I prostrated myself saying: 14. "0 my Lord who speakest
for the salvation of my soul, I pray thee, if this is the idol
of Satan, I pray thee, let me go hence and destroy it and
purify this spot. 15. For there is none that can forbid me
doing this, as I am the king of this land, so that those that
live in it will no longer be led astray".
16. And the voice that spoke out of the flame ] ) answered
to me: "Thou canst purify this spot. 17. But behold, I
announce to thee what the Lord ordered me to tell thee.
For I am the archangel of God". 18. And I said: "Whatever
shall be told to his servant, I shall hear". 19. And the
archangel said to me : "Thus speaketh the Lord : If thou
undertakes! to destroy and takest away the image of Satan,
he will set himself with wrath to wage war against thee,
and he will display against thee all his malice. 20. He will
bring upon thee many and severe plagues, and take from
thee all that thou hast. 21. He will take away thine children,
and will inflict many evils upon thee. 22. Then thou must
wrestle like an athlete and sustain pain, sure of thy reward,
and overcome trials and afflictions.
23. But when thou endurest, I shall make thy name
renowned throughout all generations of the earth until to
the end of the world. 24. And I shall restore thee to all
that thou hadst had, and the double part of what thou shalt
lose will be given to thee in order that thou mayest know
that God does not consider the person but giveth to each who
deserveth the good. 25. And also to thee shall it be given,
and thou shalt put on a crown of amarant. 2 ) 26. And at
the resurrection thou shalt awaken for eternal life. Then
shalt thou know that the Lord is just, and true and mighty".
*) Compare Exodus III, 2.
2 ) I. Peter V, 4.
316 K. Kohler.
27. Whereupon, my children, I replied: "I shall from love
of God 1 ) endure until death all that will come upon me,
and I shall not shrink back". 28. Then the angel put his
seal upon me 2 ) and left me.
Chapter II.
1. After this I rose up in the night and took fifty slaves
and went to the temple of the idol and destroyed it to the
ground. 2. And so I went back to my house and gave orders
that the door should be firmly locked; saying to my door
keepers : 3. "If somebody shall ask for me, bring no report
to me, but tell him : He investigates urgent affairs. He is
inside".
4. Then Satan disguised himself as a beggar and
knocked heavily at the door, saying to the door-keeper:
5. "-Report to Job and say that I desire to meet him".
6. And the door-keeper came in and told me that, but
heard from me that I was studying.
7. The Evil One, having failed in this, went away and
took upon his shoulder an old, torn basket 3 ) and went in
and spoke to the door-keeper saying : "Tell Job : Give me
bread from thine hands that I may eat". 8. And when I
heard this, I gave her burnt bread to give it to him, and I
made known to him : "Expect not to eat of my bread, for
it is forbidden to thee". 4 ) 9. But the door-keeper, being
ashamed to hand him the burnt and ashy bread, as she did
not know that it was Satan, took of her own fine bread and
gave it to him. 10. But he took it and, knowing what
occurred, said to the maiden : "Go hence, bad servant, and
l ) See Introduction narwo -raiy mN.
a ) n"n if) Dnin; cf. Ezekiel IX, 4. In Christian writings the word
applied to the cross as seal, the in having originally had the shape of a
cross. [On this and similar signs of symbolic meaning, see H. K. : Geschichte
des hebrdisch. Buchstaben Thaw in Rahmer s Jiidische Litemturblatt, Jahrg.
IX. nos. 32 33; Dr. A. Kohut: Arukh Completum, s. v. s; and his last
monograph: pXif f~*u*) fJJel\ ^ - - Light of Shade and Lamp
of Wisdom; being Hebrew- Arabic Homilies composed by Nathanel Ibn
Yeshdya, 1327 (New York 1894), p. 77-78. G. A. K.]
3 ) dcaiXXa for daaUiov N^CN. [cp. Kohut s Arukh, s. v. ^DN ^ P- 182. J
*) Din a7tY)XXoapuot>T)v aoi == V nn
Testament of Job. 317
bring me the bread that was given thee to hand to me".
11. And the servant cried and spoke in grief: "Thou
speakest the truth, saying that I am a bad servant, because
I have not done as I was instructed by my master". 12. And
he turned back and brought him the burnt bread and
said to him : "Thus says my lord : Thou shalt not eat of my
bread anymore, for it is forbidden to thee. 13. And this he
gave me [saying : This I give] in order that the charge may not
be brought against me that I did not give to the enemy who
asked". 1 ) 14. And when Satan heard this, he sent back the
servant to me, saying: "As thou seest this bread all burnt,
so shall I soon burn thy body to make it like this". 2 ) 15. And
I replied: "Do what thou desirest to do and accomplish whatever
thou plottest. For 1 am ready to endure whatever thou
bringest upon me". 3 ) 16. And when the devil heard this, he
left me, and walking up to under the [highest] heaven, he
took from the Lord the oath that he might have power,
over all my possessions. 17. And after having taken the
power 4 ), he went and instantly took away all my wealth.
Chapter III.
1. For I had one hundred and thirty thousand sheep, and
of these I separated seven thousand 5 ) for the clothing of
orphans and widows and of needy and sick ones. 2. I had
a herd of eight hundred dogs who watched my sheep and
besides these two hundred to watch my house. b ) 3. And I
had nine mills working for the whole city and ships to carry
goods, and I sent them into every city and into the villages
to the feeble and sick and to those that were unfortunate.
4. And I had three hundred and forty thousand nomadic
asses, and of these I set aside five hundred, and the off
spring of these I order to be sold and the proceeds to be
given to the poor and the needy. 5. For from all the lands
the poor came to meet me.
1 ) Cf. Proverbs XXI, 25: err? in^sn INJIIP njn DN.
2 ) Burnt = )nw, skin.
3 ) Compare the Rabbinical expression: runs hv pio vty Sap.
4 ) man ^ap ; compare Targum.
5 ) Instead of two read seven after ch. VI, 26 and the Bible text.
a ) Compare JBX a^ Job XXX, 1.
318 K. Kohler.
6. For the four doors of my house were opened, each,
being in charge of a watchman who had to see whether
there were any people coming asking alms, and whether they
would see me sitting at one of the doors so that they could
leave through the other and take whatever they needed. 1 )
7. I also had thirty immovable tables set at all hours
for the strangers alone, and I also had twelve tables
spread for the widows. 8. And if any one came asking for
alms, he found food on my table to take all he needed, and
I turned nobody away to leave my door with an empty
stomach. 2 )
9. I also had three thousand five hundred yokes of oxen,
and I selected of these five hundred and had them tend to
the ploughing. 10. And with these I had done all the work
in each field by those who would take it in charge 3 ) and the
income of their crops I laid aside for the poor on their
table. 11. I also had fifty bakeries from which I sent [the
bread] to the table for the poor. 12 And I had slaves
selected for their service. 13. There were also some strangers
who saw my good will; they wished to serve as waiters
themselves. 4 ) 14. Others, being in distress and unable to
obtain a living, came with the request saying: 15. "We pray
thee, since we also can fill this office of waiters (deacons)
and have no possession, have pity upon us and advance
money to us in order that we may go into the great cities
and sell merchandise. 16. And the surplus of our profit we
may give as help to the poor, and then shall we return to
thee thine own (money). 17. And when I heard this, I was
glad that they should take this altogether from me for the
husbandry of charity for the poor. 18. And with a willing
heart I gave them what they wanted, and I accepted their
written bond, but would not take any other security from
them except the written document. 19. And they went abroad
and gave to the poor as far as they were successful.
!) Cf. w2n xhv -IDG pVN o.mN; cf Bereshith Rabba 48, 69; Aboth de
R. Nathan, ed. Schechter, I ch. 7, II ch. 14.
2 ) xoXrtw xevw; cf. jna Nnb Aboth de R. Nathan, ch. 6.
:! ) The sense of the sentence in the Greek text is not clear.
4 ) Here must be compared the work of the diacones in the New
Testament. The Rabbis, too, speak often of the great privilege of DWIIN
Testament of Job.
319
20. Frequently, however, some of their goods were lost on the
road or on the sea, or they would be robbed of them.
21. Then they would corne and say: "We pray thee, act
generously towards us in order that we may see how we
can restore to you thine own". 22. And when 1 heard this,
1 had sympathy with them, and handed to them their bond,
and often having read it before them tore it up and released
them of their debt, saying to them: 23. "What I have con
secrated 1 ) for the benefit of the poor, I shall not take from
you". 24. And so I accepted nothing from my debtor.
25. And when a man with cheerful heart carne to me saying:
"I am not in need to be compelled to be a paid worker for
the poor. 26. But I wish to serve the needy at thy table",
and he consented to work, and he ate his share. 27. So I
gave him his wages nevertheless, and I went home rejoicing.
28. And when he did not wish to take it, I forced him to
do so, saying: "I know that thou art a laboring man who
looks for and waits for his wages, and thou must take it."
29. Never did I defer paying the wages of the hireling
or any other, nor keep back in my house for a single
evening his hire that was due to him. 2 ) 30. Those that
milked the cows and the ewes signaled to the passers-
by that they should take their share. 31. For the milk
flowed in such plenty that it curdled into butter on the hills
and by the road side; and by the rocks and the hills the
cattle lay which had given birth to their offspring. 3 ) 32. For
my servants grew weary keeping the meat of the widows
and the poor and dividing it into small pieces. 33. For they
would curse and say: "Oh that we had of his flesh that we
could be satisfied" 4 ), although I was very kind to them.
34. I also had six harps [and six slaves to play the
harps] and also a cithara, a decachord, and I struck it
during the day. 5) 35 And I took the cithara, and the
widows responded after their meals. 6 ) 36. And with the
) as n
z ) See Leviticus XIX, 13.
3 ) After Job XXIX, 6; sense not clear.
4 ) Compare Midrash to yac?:i nae p D Job XXX [, 31
5 ) Compare Job XXX, 31.
6 ) Compare Midrash Bereshith Rabba 49, 54 and Abotb de R.
Nathan 7 (14).
320 K. Kohler.
musical instrument I reminded them of God that they should
give praise to the Lord. 37. And when my female slaves
would murmur, then I took the musical instruments and
played as much as they would have done for their wages,
and gave them respite from their labor and sighs.
Chapter IY.
1. And my children, after having taken charge of the
service, took their meals each day along with their three
sisters beginning with the older brother, and made a feast.
2. And I rose in the morning and offered as sin-offering for
them fifty rams and nineteen sheep, and what remained as
a residue was consecrated to the poor. 3. And I said to
them: "Take these as residue and pray for my children.
4. Perchance my sons have sinned before the Lord, speaking
in haughtiness of spirit: We are children of this rich man.
Ours are all these goods; why should we be servants of
the poor? 5. And speaking thus in a haughty spirit they
may have provoked the anger of God, for overbearing pride
is an abomination before the Lord." 6. So I brought oxen
as offerings 1 ) to the priest at the altar saying: "May my
children never think evil towards God in their hearts."
7. While I lived in this manner, the Seducer could not
bear to see the good [I did], and he demanded the warfare
of God against me. 8. And he came upon me cruelly.
9. First he burnt up the large number of sheep, then the
camels, then he burnt up the cattle and all my herds; or
they were captured not only by enemies but also by such
as had received benefits from me. 10. And the shepherds
came and announced that to me. 11. But when I heard it,
I gave praise to God and did not blaspheme.
12. And when the Seducer learned of my fortitude, he
plotted new things against me. 13. He disguised himself as
King of Persia and besieged my city, and after he had led
off all that were therein, he spoke to them in malice, saying
in boastful language: 14 "This man Job who has obtained
all the goods of the earth and left nothing for others, he has
*) Both sacrifice and charity offerings are brought by Job. This was
the old Essene practice.
Testament of Job. 321
destroyed and torn down the temple of god. 15. Therefore
shall I repay to him what he has done to the house of the
great god.
16. Now come with me and we shall pillage all that is
left in his house." 17. And they answered and said to him:
"He has seven sons and three daughters. 18. Take heed
Jest they flee into other lands and they may become our
tyrants and then conie over us with force and kill us."
19. And he said: "Be not at all afraid. His flocks and his
wealth have I destroyed by fire, and the rest have I captured,
and behold, his children shall I kill." 20. And having spoken
thus, he went and threw the house upon iny children and
killed them. 21. And iny fellow-citizens, seeing that what
was said by him had become true, canie and pursued ine
and robbed me of all that was in my house. 22. And I saw
with mine own eyes the pillage of my house, and men without
culture and without honor sat at my table and on my couches,
and I could not remonstrate against them. 23. For I was
exhausted like a woman with her loins let loose from multi
tude of pains, remembering chiefly that this warfare had been
predicted to me by the Lord through His angel. 24. And I
became like one who, when seeing the rough sea and the
adverse winds, while the lading of the vessel in mid-ocean is
too heavy, casts the burden into the sea, saying: 25. "I wish
to destroy all this only in order to come safely into the city
so that 1 may take as profit the rescued ship and the best
of my things." 26. Thus did I manage my own affairs.
27. But there came another messenger and announced
to me the ruin of my own children, and I was shaken with
terror. 28. And I tore my clothes and said: "The Lord
hath given, the Lord hath taken. As it hath deemed best
to the Lord, thus it hath come to be. May the name of the
Lord be blessed."
Chapter V.
1. And when Satan saw that he could not put me to
despair, he went and asked my body of the Lord in order
to inflict plague on me, for the Evil one could not bear my
patience. 2. Then the Lord delivered me into his hands to
use my body as he wanted, but He gave him no power over
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
322 K. Kohler.
my soul. 3. And he came to me as I was sitting on my
throne still mourning over my children. 4. And he resembled
a great hurricane 1 ) and turned over my throne and threw
me upon the ground. 5. And I continued lying on the floor
for three hours. And he smote me with a hard plague from
the top of my head to the toes of my feet. 6. And 1 left
the city in great terror and woe and sat down upon a dung
hill, my body being worm-eaten. 7. And 1 wet the earth
with the moistness of my sore body, for matter flowed off my
body, and many worms covered it. 8. And when a single
worm crept off my body, I put it back saying: "Remain on
the spot where thou hast been placed until He who hath
sent thee will order thee elsewhere." 9. Thus I endured for
seven years, sitting on a dung-hill outside of the city while
being plague-stricken. 10. And I saw with mine own eyes
my longed-for children [carried by angels to heaven?]-)
11. And my humbled wife who had been brought to her
bridal chamber in such great luxuriousness and with spear
men as body-guards 3). I saw her do a water-carrier s
work like a slave in the house of a common man in order to
win some bread and bring it to me. 12. And in my sore
affliction I said: "Oh that these braggart city-rulers whom I
would not have thought to be equal with my shepherd dogs 4 )
should now employ my wife as servant!" 13. And after this
I took courage again. 14. Yet afterwards they withheld even
the bread that it should not be brought to me, insisting
that she should only have her own nourishment. 15. But
she took it and divided it between herself and me, saying
woefully: "Woe to me! Forthwith he may no longer feed
on bread, and he can not go to the market to ask bread of
the bread-sellers, in order to bring it to me that he may
eat?^ 16. And when Satan learned this, he took the guise
, ) Of. Jerush. Benichoth 13, Midrash Bereshith Rabba 24 pp B cip nn
and Mechiltha Beshallach, Exodus 14, 24 [cp. Kohut: Ariikh Completum,
VII, p. 76 a, s. v. jipnsnp.J
) Some words like these are missing in the text.
3 ) Such wedding processions were still in fashion in the middle-ages
among the Jews, as is seen in Tosafoth. [Succah 45 a, s. v. JBDW mpun ins.
Some interesting parallels are given by Dr. J. Perles in his essay: Die
Judische Hochzeit, in Gratz s Monatsschrift 1860 p 344 n 9 G A K 1
4 ) Of. Job Ch. 30, 1.
Testament of Job.
323
of a bread-seller, and it was as if by chance that my wife
met him and asked him for bread thinking that it was that
sort of man. 17. But Satan said to her: "Give me the
value, and then take what thou wishest". 18. Whereupon she
answered saying: "Where shall 1 get money? Dost thou not
know what misfortune happened to me. If thou hast pity,
show it to me; if not, thou shalt see". 1 ) 19. And he replied
saying: "If you did not deserve this misfortune, you would
not have suffered all this. 20. Now, if there is no silver
piece in thine hand, give me the hair of thine head and take
three loaves of bread for it, so that ye may live on these
for three days". 21. Then said she to herself: "What is the
hair of my head in comparison with my starving husband?"
22. And so after having pondered over the matter, she said
to him : "Rise and cut off my hair". 23. Then he took a
pair of scissors and took off the hair of her head in the
presence of all, and gave her three loaves of bread. 24. Then
she took them and brought them to me. And Satan went
behind her on the road, hiding himself as he walked and
troubling her heart greatly.
Chapter VI.
1. And immediately my wife came near me, and crying
aloud and weeping she said: "Job! Job! how long wilt thou
sit upon the dung-hill outside of the city, pondering yet for
a while and expecting to obtain your hoped-for salvation! 77
2. And I have been wandering from pla ce to place,
roaming about as a hired servant, behold thy
memory has already died away from earth. 3 And
my sons and the daughters that I carried on my
bosom and the labors and pains that I sustained
have been for nothing? 4. And thou sittest in the
malodorous state of soreness and worms, passing
the nights in the cold air. 5. And I have undergone all
trials and troubles and pains, day and night until I succeeded
in bringing bread to thee. 6. For you surplus of bread is
no longer allowed to me; and as I can scarcely take my
*) Supply: God s punishment.
2 ) All this is taken from LXX to Job II, 9, or vice versa!
21*
324 K. Kohler.
own food and divide it between us, I pondered in ray heart that
it was not right that thou shouldst be in pain and hunger
for bread. 7. And so I ventured to go to the market without
bashfulness, and when the bread-seller told me: "Give me
money, and thou shalt have bread", I disclosed to him our
state of distress. 8. Then I heard him say: "If thou hast
no money, hand me the hair of thy head, and take three
loaves of bread in order that ye may live on these for three
days". 9. And I yielded to the wrong and said to him:
"Rise and cut off niy hair!" and he rose and in disgrace cut
off with the scissors the hair of my head on the market place
while the crowd stood by and wondered. 10. Who would
then not be astonished saying : "Is this Sitis, the wife of Job,
who had fourteen curtains to cover her inner sitting room,
and doors within doors so that he was greatly honored who
would be brought near her, and now behold, she barters off
her hair for bread!
11. Who had camels laden with goods, and they were
brought into remote lands to the poor, and now she sells
her hair for bread !
12. Behold her who had seven tables immovably set in
her house at which each poor man and each stranger ate,
and now she sells her hair for bread!
Behold her who had the basin wherewith to wash
her feet made of gold and silver, and now she walks upon
the ground and [sells her hair for bread !] >)
14. Behold her who had her garments made of byssus
interwoven with gold, and now she exchanges her hair
for bread !
15. Behold her who had couches of gold and of silver,
and now she sells her hair for bread!"
16. In short then. Job, after the many things that have
been said to me, I now say in one word to thee : 17. "Since
the feebleness of my heart has crushed my bones, rise then
and take these loaves of bread and enjoy them, and then
speak some word against the Lord and die! 2 )
18. For I too, would exchange the torpor of death for
the sustenance of my body".
l ) These words are missing.
3 ) After LXX text. All this is Satan s work !
Testament of Job. 325
19. But 1 replied to her : "Behold I have been for these
seven years plague-stricken, and I have stood the worms of
my body, and I was not weighed down in my soul by all
these pains. 20. And as to the word which thou sayest:
Speak some word against God and die ! , together with thee
I will sustain the evil which thou seest, and let us endure
the ruin of all that we have. 21. Yet thou desirest that we
should say some word against God and that He should be
exchanged for the great Plato [the god of the nether
world.] !) 22. Why dost thou not remember those great goods
which we possessed ? If these goods come from the lands
of the Lord, should not we also endure evils and be high-
minded in everything until the Lord will have mercy again
and show pity to us ? 23. Dost thou not see the Seducer
stand behind thee and confound thy thoughts in order that
thou shouldst beguile me ?" 24. And he turned to Satan and
said: "Why dost thou not come openly to me? Stop hiding
thyself, thou wretched one. 25. Does the lion show his
strength in the weasel-cage? Or does the bird fly in the
basket ? I now tell thee : Go aw r ay and wage thy war
against me".
26. The he went off from behind my wife and placed
himself before me crying and he said : "Behold, Job, I yield
and give way to thee who art but flesh Avhile I am a
spirit. 27. Thou art plague-stricken, but I am in great trouble.
28. For 1 am like a wrestler contesting with a wrestler who
has, in a single-handed combat, torn down his antagonist and
covered him with dust and broken every limb of his, whereas
the other one who lies beneath, having displayed his bravery,
gives forth sounds of triumph testifying to his own superior y
excellence. 29. Thus thou, Job, art beneath and stricken
with plague and pain, and yet thou hast carried the victory
in the wrestling-match with me, and behold, 1 yield to thee".
30. Then he left me abashed. 31. Now my children, do you
also show a firm heart in all the evil that happens to you,
for greater than all things is firmness of heart.
*) Tou {j.ydXou. Read rUoutwvoc for Tou [xeydUou UXouTOu, which has no
sense; cf. rnnta ^ ! ?)2.
326 K. Kohler.
Chapter VII.
1. At this time the kings heard what had happened to
me and they rose and came to me. each from his land to
visit me and to comfort me. 2. And when they came near
me, they cried with a loud voice and each tore his clothes.
3. And after they had prostrated themselves, touching the
earth with their heads, they sat down next to me for seven
days and seven nights, and none spoke a word. 4. They
were four in numbers: Eliphaz, the king of Ternan, and
Baldad, and Sophar, and Elihu. 5. And when they had
taken their seat, they conversed about what had happened
to me. 6. Now when for the first time they had come to
me and I had shown them my precious stones, they were
astonished and said: 7. "If of us three kings all our
possessions would be brought together into one, it would not
come up to the precious stones of Jobab s kingdom (crown?).
For thou art of greater nobility than all the people of the
East". 8. And when, therefore, they now came to the land
of Ausitis (Uz) to visit me, they asked in the city: "Where
is Jobab, the ruler of this whole land?" 9. And they told
them concerning me: "He sitteth upon the dung-hill outside
of the city; for he has not entered the city for seven years".
10. And then again they inquired concerning my possessions,
-and there was revealed to them all that happened to me.
11. And when they had learned this, they went out of the
city with the inhabitants, and my fellow-citizens pointed me
out unto them. 12. But these remonstrated and said:
"Surely, this is not Jobab". 13. And while they hesitated,
there said Eliphaz, the King of Ternan: "Come let us step
near and see." 14. And when they came near 1 remembered
them, and I wept very much when I learned the purpose
of their journey. 15. And I threw earth upon my head,
and while shaking my head I revealed unto them that I was
[Job]. 16. And when they saw me shake my head they
threw themselves down upon the ground, all overcome with
emotion 17. And while their hosts were standing around,
1 saw the three kings lie upon the ground for three hours
like dead. 18. Then they rose and said to each other: "We
cannot believe that this is Jobab". 19. And finally, after
Testament of Job. 327
they had for seven days inquired after everything concerning
me and searched for my flocks and other possessions, they
said : 20. "Do we not know how many goods were sent by
him to the cities and the villages round about to be given
to the poor, aside from all that was given away by him
within his own house ? How then could he have fallen into
such a state of perdition and misery !" 21. And after the
seven days Elihu said to the kings : "Come let us step near
and examine him accurately, whether he truly is Jobab or not?"
22. And they, being not half a mile (stadium) distant from
his malodorous body, they rose and stepped near, carrying
perfume in their hands, while their soldiers went with them
and threw fragrant incense round about them so that they
could come near me. 23. And after they had thus passed
three horn s, covering the way with aroma, they drew nigh.
24. And Eliphaz began and said : "Art thou, indeed, Job,
our fellow-king? Art thou the one who owned the great
glory ? 25. Art thou he who once shone like the sun of day
upon the whole earth? Art thou he who once resembled
the moon and the stars effulgent throughout the night ?"
26. And I answered him and said: "I am", and thereupon
all wept and lamented, and they sang a royal song of
lamentation, their whole army joining them in a chorus.
27. And again Eliphaz 1 ) said to me: "Art thou he who
had ordered seven thousand sheep to be given for the
clothing of the poor ? Whither, then hath gone the glory
of thy throne ?
28. Art thou he who had ordered three thousand cattle
to do the ploughing of the field for the poor? Whither,
then hath thy glory gone!
29. Art thou he who had golden couches, and now thou
sittest upon a dung hill? ["Whither then hath thy glory
gone !"]
30. Art thou he who had sixty tables set for the poor?
Art thou he who had censers for the fine perfume made of
precious stones, and now thou art in a malodorous state?
Whither then hath thy glory gone ! 2 )
1 ) Read Eliphaz instead of Elihu.
2 ) The refrain is misplaced here in the original and omitted in
o ther places.
328 K. Kohler.
31. Art thou he who had golden candelabras set upon
silver stands, and now must thou long for the natural gleam
of the moon ? ["Whither then hath thy glory gone !"]
32. Art thou the one who had ointment made of the
spices of frankincense, and now thou art in a state of
repulsiveness ! ["Whither then hath thy glory gone !"]
33. Art thou he who laughed the wrong doers and
sinners to scorn, and now thou hast become a laughing
stock to all!" ["Whither then hath thine glory gone!"J
34. And when Eliphaz had for a long time cried and
lamented, while all the others joined him, so that the
commotion was very great, I said to them: 35. "Be silent
and I will show you my throne, and the glory of its splendor:
My glory will be everlasting. 36. The whole world shall
perish, and its glory shall vanish, and all those who hold
fast to it, will remain beneath, but my throne is in the upper
world and its glory and splendor will be to the right of the
Saviour in the heavens. 37. My throne exists in the life of
the "holy ones" and its glory in the imperishable world.
38. For rivers will be dried up and their arrogance 1 ) shall
go down to the depth of the abyss, but the streams of my
land in which my throne is erected, shall not dry up, but shall
remain unbroken in strength.
39. The kings perish and the rulers vanish, and their
glory and pride is as the shadow in a looking glass, but my
Kingdom-) lasts forever and ever, and its glory and
beauty is in the chariot of my Father 3 ).
Chapter VIII.
1. When Fspoke thus to them, Eliphaz, became angry
and said to the other friends : "For what purpose is it that
we have come here with our hosts to comfort him ? Behold,
he upbraids us. Therefore let us return to our countries.
2. This man sits here in misery worm-eaten amidst an
unbearable state of putrefaction, and yet he challenges us
saying : Kingdoms shall perish and their rulers, but my
*) Of. the same word vaj3pia^aTa in Job IV, 10 LXX.
2 ) ce xnrte. The saints are all crowned in the kingdom of heaven.
8 ) nnre ntryo =
Testament of Job. 329
Kingdom, says he, shall last forever ". 3. Eliphaz, then,
rose in great commotion, and, turning away from them in
great fury, said : "I go hence. We have indeed come to
comfort him, but he declares war to us in view of our
armies". 4. But then Baldad seized him by the hand and
said : "Not thus ought one to speak to an afflicted man, and
especially to one stricken down with so many plagues.
5. Behold, we, being in good health, dared not approach him
on account of the offensive odor, except with the help of
plenty of fragrant aroma. But thou, Eliphaz, art forgetful of
all this. 6. Let me speak plainly. Let us be magnanimous
and learn what is the cause ? Must he in remembering l )
his former days of happiness not become mad in his mind?
7. Who should not be altogether perplexed seeing himself thus
lapse into misfortune and plagues ? But let me step near him
that I may find by what cause is he thus ?" 8. And Baldad
rose and approached me saying: "Art thou Job?" and he
said : "Is thy heart still in good keeping ? 9. And I said :
"I did not hold fast to the earthly things, since the earth with
all that inhabit it is unstable. But my heart holds fast to
the heaven, because there is no trouble in heaven". 10. Then
Baldad rejoined and said : "We know that the earth is
unstable, for it changes according to season. At times it is
in a state of peace, and at times it is in a state of war. But
of the heaven we hear that it is perfectly steady. 11. But
art thou truly in a state of calmness ? Therefore let me ask
and speak, and when thou answerest me to my first word,
] shall have a second question to ask 2 ), and if again thou
answerest in well-set words, it will be manifest that thy
heart has not been unbalanced". 12. And he said: "Upon
what dost thou set thy hope?" And I said: "Upon the living
God". 13. And he said to me : "Who deprived thee of all
thou didst possess ? And who inflicted thee with these
plagues?" And I said: "God". 14. And he said: "If thou
still placest thy hope upon God, how can He do wrong in
judgment, having brought upon thee these plagues and mis
fortunes, and having taken from thee all thy possessions?
l ] Read : (jufjivT)a;to}ji.vo instead of 01.
2 ) pne pni
330 K. Kohler.
15. And since He has taken these, it is clear that He has
given thee nothing. No king will disgrace his soldier who
has served him well as body-guard ?" 16. [And i) I answered
saying]: "Who understands the depths of the Lord and of
His wisdom to be able to accuse God of injustice"? 17. [And
Baldad said]: "Answer me, o Job, to this. Again I say to
thee : <Jf thou art in a state of calm reason, teach me if thou
hast wisdom: 18. Why do we see the sun rise in the East
and set in the West ? And again when rising in the morning
we find him rise in the East ? Tell me thy thought about
this?" 19. Then said I: "Why shall I betray (babble forth)
the mighty mysteries of God? And should my mouth stumble
in revealing things belonging to the Master? Never! 20. Who
are we that we should pry into matters concerning the upper
world while we are only of flesh, nay, earth and ashes! 2 )
21. In order that you know that my heart is sound, hear
what I ask you : 22. Through the stomach cometh food, and
water you drink through the mouth, and then it flows
through the same throat, and when the two go down to
become excrement, they again part; who effects this
separation 7 . 3 ) 23. And Baldad said: "I do not know". And
I rejoined and said to him : "If thou dost not understand
even the exits of the body, how canst thou understand the
celestial circuits ?"
24. Then Sophar rejoined and said : "We do not inquire
after our own affairs, but we desire to know whether thou
art in a sound state, and behold, we see that thy reason
has not been shaken. 25. What now dost thou wish that we
should do for thee? Behold, we have come here and brought
the physicians of three kings, and if thou wishest, thou mayest
be cured by them". 26. But I answered and said : "My
cure and my restoration cometh from God, the Maker of
physicians".
Chapter IX.
1. And when I spoke thus to them, behold, there my
wife Sitis came running, dressed in rags, from the service
*) These are missing in the Greek text.
2 ) Essene nrnwa poy -p JN.
8 ) See Introduction.
Testament of Job. 331
of the master by whom she was employed as slave ; though
she had been forbidden to leave, lest the kings, on seeing
her, might take her as captive. 2. And when she came,
she threw herself prostrate to their feet, crying and saying :
"Remember, Eliphaz and ye other friends, what I was once
with you, and how I have changed, how I am now dressed
to meet you" 3. Then the kings broke forth in great
weeping and, being in double perplexity, they kept silent.
But Eliphaz took his purple mantle and cast it about her to
wrap herself up with it. 4. But she asked him saying : "I
ask as favor of you, my Lords, that you order your soldiers
that they should dig among the ruins of our house which fell
upon my children, so that their bones could be brought
in a perfect state to the tombs. 5. For we have, owing to
our misfortune, no power at all, and so we may at least
see their bones. 6. For have I like a brute the motherly
feeling of wild beasts that my ten children should have
perished on one day and not to one of them could I give a
decent burial ?" 7. And the kings gave order that the ruins
of my house should be dug up. But I prohibited it, saying :
8. "Do not go to the trouble in vain; for my children will
not be found, for they are in the keeping of their Maker
and Ruler".
9. And the kings answered and said : "Who will gainsay
that he is out of his mind and raves ? 10. For while we
desire to bring the bones of his children back, he forbids
us to do so saying: They have been taken and placed the
keeping of their Maker . Therefore prove unto us the truth".
11. But I said to them: "Raise me that I may stand up,
and they lifted me, holding up my arms from both sides.
12. And I stood upright, and pronounced first the praise of
God 1 ) and after the prayer I said to them : "Look with your
eyes to the East". 13. And they looked and saw my
children with crowns near the glory of the King, the Ruler
of heaven.
14. And when my wife Sitis saw this, she fell to the ground
and prostrated [herself] before God, saying: "Now I know
J ) Compare maj?a ntwi nw -crn. Sec Tanchuma ed. Buber to f? -p;
cp. Vnj,-! ia : -jyaBB.
332 K. Kohler.
that my memory remains with the Lord". 15. And after
she had spoken this, and the evening came, she went to the
city, back to the master 1 ) whom she served as slave, and lay
herself down at the manger of the cattle and died there from
exhaustion. 16. And when her despotic master searched
for her and did not find her, he came to the fold of his
herds, and there he saw her stretched out upon the manger
dead, while all the animals around were crying about her. 2 )
17. And all who saw her wept and lamented, and the cry
extended throughout the whole city. 18. And the people
brought her down and wrapt her up and buried her by the
house which had fallen upon her children. 8 ) 19. And the
poor of the city made a great mourning for her and said:
"Behold this Sitis whose like in nobility and in glory is not
found in any woman. Alas ! she Avas not found worthy of
a proper tomb!" 20. The dirge for her you will find in the
record. 4 )
Chapter X.
1. But Eliphaz and those that were with him were
astonished at these things, and they sat down with me and
replying to me, spoke in boastful words concerning me for
twenty seven days. 2. They repeated it again and again
that I suffered deservedly thus for having committed many
sins, and that there was no hope left for me, but I retorted
to these men in zest of contention myself. 3. And they
rose in anger, ready to part in wrathful spirit. But Elihu
conjured them to stay yet a little while until he would have
shown them what it was. 4. "For", said he. "so many .days
did you pass, allowing Job to boast that he is just. But I
shall no longer suffer it. 5. For from the beginning did I
continue crying over him, remembering his former happiness.
But now he speaks boastfully and in overbearing pride he
says that he has his throne in the heavens. 6. Therefore,
hear me, and I will tell you what is the cause of his destiny.
) The plural is a mistake of the copyist.
2 ) Cf. Apocalypse of Abraham, where the trees are announcing
Abraham s approaching death.
3 ) This seems to rest on a popular legend.
4 ) Translation of BBH nnz.
Testament of Job. 333
7. Then, imbued with the spirit of Satan, Elihti spoke hard
words which are written down in the records left of Elihu.
8. And after he had ended, God appeared to nie in a storm
and in clouds, and spoke, blaming Elihu and showing me
that he who had spoken was not a man, but a wild beast. 1 )
9. And when God had finished speaking to me, the
Lord spoke to Eliphaz: "Thou and thy friends have sinned
in that ye have not spoken the truth concerning my servant
Job. 10. Therefore rise up and make him bring a sin-
offering for you in order that your sins may be forgiven; for
were it not for him, I would have destroyed you". 11. And
so they brought to me all that belonged to a sacrifice, and
I took it and brought for them a sin-offering, and the Lord
received it favorably and forgave them their wrong. 12. Then
when Eliphaz, Baldad and Sophar saw that God had graciously
pardoned their sin through His servant Job, but that He
did not deign to pardon Elihu, then did Eliphaz begin to
sing a hymn, while the others responded, their soldiers also
joining while ^standing by the altar. 13. And Eliphaz
spoke thus :
"Taken off is the sin
and our injustice gone;
14. But Elihu, the evil one. shall have no remembrance
among the living;
his luminary is extinguished and has lost its light.
15. The glory of his lamp will announce itself for him,
for he is the son of darkness, and not of light.
16. The doorkeepers of the place of darkness 2 ) shall
give him their glory and beauty as share;
His Kingdom hath vanished, his throne hath mouldered,
and the honor of his stature is in (Sheol) Hades.
17. For he has loved the beauty of the serpent 3 ), and
the scales (skins) of the dracon
his gall and his venom belongs to the Northern One
(Zphuni == Adder) 4 ).
3 ) Satan = Belial, darkness of hell.
3 ) m compare ;np the nis^p. [Kohut in Z. d. D. M. G. XXI, 586 if.]
4 ) This is the translation of jij?Bsn =
334 K. Kohler.
18. For he did not own himself unto the Lord nor did
he fear Him,
but he hated those whom He hath chosen (known).
19. Thus God forgot him, and the holy ones" 1 ) for
sook him,
His wrath and anger shall be unto him desolation 2 )
and he will have no mercy in his heart nor peace,
because he had the venom of an adder on his tongue.
20. Kighteous is the Lord, and His judgments are true 3 ),
With him there is no preference of person,
for He judge th all alike.
21. Behold, the Lord cometh !
Behold, the "holy ones" have been prepared !
The crowns and the prizes of the victors precede them!
22. Let the saints rejoice, and let their hearts exult in
gladness ;
for they shall receive the glory which is in store for
them.
Chorus.
23. Our sins are forgiven.
our injustice has been cleansed,
but Elihu hath no remembrance among the living".
24. After Eliphaz had finished the hymn, we 4 ) rose and
went back to the city, each to the house where they lived.
25. And the people made a feast for me in gratitude
and delight of God, and all my friends came back to me.
26. And all those who had seen me in my former state
of happiness, asked me saying : "What are those three things
here amongst us ?"
Chapter XI.
1. But I, being desirous to take up again my work of
benevolence for the poor, asked them saying : 6 ) 2. "Give me
each a lamb for the clothing of the poor in their state of
*) Chasidim
2 ) Anathema.
8 ) This is inn pm.
4 ) Here is the part missing which relates Job s recovery
5 ) Cf. Job XLII, 11.
6 ) Cf. Job Text.
Testament of Job. 335
nakedness, and four drachmas (coins) of silver or gold" .
3. Then the Lord blessed all that was left to me, and after
a few days I became rich again in merchandise, in flocks
and all things which I had lost, and I received all in double
number again. 4. Then I also took as wife your mother
and became the father of you ten in place of the ten children
that had died.
5. And now, my children, let me admonish you: "Behold
I die. You will take my place.
6. Only do not forsake the Lord. Be charitable towards
the poor; Do not disregard the feeble. Take not unto
yourselves wires from strangers. l )
7. Behold, my children, I shall divide among you what
I possess, so that each may have control over his own and
have full power to do good with his share". 8. And after
he had spoken thus, he brought all his goods and divided
them among his seven sons, but he gave nothing of his goods
to his daughters.
9. Then they said to their father : "Our lord and father !
Are we not also thy children ? Why, then, dost thou not
also give us a share of thy possessions ?" 10. Then said
Job to his daughters : "Do not become angry my daughters.
I have not forgotten you. Behold, I have preserved for you
a possession better than that which your brothers have
taken". 11. And he called his daughter whose name was
Day (Yemima) and said to her: "Take this double ring used
as a key and go to the treasure-house and bring me the
golden casket, that I may give you your possession". 12. And
she went and brought it to him, and he opened it and took
out three-stringed girdles about the appearance of which no
man can speak. 13. For they were not earthly work, but
celestial sparks of light flashed through them like the rays
of the sun. 14. And he gave one string to each of his
daughters and said: "Put these as girdles around you in
order that all the days of your life they may encircle you
and endow you with every thing good".
*) TWV aW.oTpiwv This shows both Jewish and E s se n e origin :
Jewish Kinship.
336 K. Kohler.
15. And the other daughter whose name was Kassiah 1 )
said : u ls this the possession of which thou sayest it is better
than that of our brothers ? What now? Can we live on this?"
16. And their father said to them : "Not only have you here
sufficient to live on, but these bring you into a better world
to live in, in the heavens. 17. Or do you not know, my
children, the value of these things here? Hear then! When
the Lord had deemed me worthy to have compassion on me
and to take off my body the plagues and the worms, He called
me and handed to me these three strings. 18. And He said
to me: Rise and gird up thy loins like a man 1
will demand of thee and declare thou unto me .
19. And 1 took them and girt them around my loins,
and immediately did the worms leave my body, and likewise
did the plagues, and my whole body took new strength
through the Lord, and thus I passed on, as though I had
never suffered. 20. But also in my heart I forgot the pains.
Then spoke the Lord unto me in His great power and
showed to me all that was and will be.
21. Now then, my children, in keeping these, you will
not have the enemy plotting against you nor [evil] intentions
in your rnind because this is a charm (Phylacterion)
from the Lord. 22. Rise then and gird these around you
before I die in order that you may see the angels come at
my parting so that you may behold with wonder the powers
of God". 23. Then rose the one whose name was Day
(Yeminia) and girt herself, and immediately she departed her
body, as her father had said, and she put on another heart,
as if she never cared for earthly things. 24. And she sang
angelic hymns in the voice of angels, and she chanted forth
the angelic praise of God while dancing.
25. Then the other daughter, Kassia by name, put on
the girdle, and her heart was transformed, so that she no
longer wished for worldly things. 26. And her mouth
assumed the dialect of the heavenly rulers (Archonts) and
she sang the donology of the work of the High Place and
if any one wishes to know the work of the heavens he may
take an insight into the hymns of Kassia.
Perfume = nyxp.
Testament of Job. 337
27. Then did the other daughter by the name of
Amalthea s Horn (= Keren Happukh) gird herself and
her mouth spoke in the language of those on high; for her
heart was transformed, being lifted above the worldly things.
28. She spoke in the dialect of the Cherubim, singing the
praise of the Ruler of the cosmic powers l ) (virtues) and
extolling their (His?) glory.
29. And he who desires to follow the vestiges of the
"Glory of the Father" will find them written down in the
Prayers of Ainalthea s Horn.
Chapter XII.
1. After these three had finished singing hymns, did I
Nahor (Neros) brother of Job sit down next to him, as he
lay down. 2. And I heard the marvelous (great) things
of the three daughters ot my brother, one always succeeding
the other amidst awful silence. 3. And I wrote down this
book containing the hymns except the hymns and signs of
the [holy] Word, for these were the great things of
God. 4. And Job lay down from sickness on his couch,
yet without pain and suffering, because his pain did not take
strong hold of him on account of the charm of the girdle
which he had wound around himself. 5. But after three
days Job saw the holy angels come for his soul, and
instantly he rose and took the cithara and gave it to his
daughter Day (Yemima). 6. And to Kassia he gave a censer
(with perfume == Kassia), and to Amalthea s Horn (= music)
he gave a timbrel in order that they might bless the holy
angels who came for his soul.
7. And they took these, and sang, and played on the
psaltery and praised and glorified God in the holy dialect.
8. And after this came He who sitteth upon the great
chariot and kissed Job, while his three daughters looked
on, but the others saw it not. 9. And He took the soul of
Job and He soared upward, taking her (the soul) by the
arm and carrying her upon the chariot, and He went towards
the East. 10. His body, however, was brought to the grave,
*) apeiTTf] nwan x^n.
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 22
338
while the three daughters marched ahead, having put on
their girdles and singing hymns in praise of God.
11. Then held Nahor (Nereos) his brother and his seven
sons, with the rest of the people and the poor, the orphans
and the feeble ones, a great mourning over him, saying:
12. "Woe unto us, for to-day has been taken from us
the strength of the feeble, the light of the blind, the father
of the orphans ;
13. The receiver of strangers has been taken off, the
leader of the erring, the cover of the naked, the shield of
the widows. Who would not mourn for the man of God !
14. And as they were mourning in this and in that form,
they would not suffer him to be put into the grave.
15. After three days, however, he was finally put into the
grave like one in sweet slumber, and he received the name
of the good (beautiful) who will remain renowned throughout
all generations of the world.
16. He left seven sons and three daughters, 1 ) and there
were no daughters found on earth, as fair as the daughters
of Job. 17. The name of Job was formerly Jobab, and he
was called Job by the Lord. 18. He had lived before his
plague eighty five years, and after the plague he took the
double share of all; hence also his years he doubled, which
is 170 years. Thus he lived altogether 255 2 ) years. 19. And
he saw sons of his sons unto the fourth generation. It is
written that he will rise up with those whom the Lord will
reawaken. To our Lord by glory. Amen.
) Text Job.
2 ) Here the text has 245 by mistake of Midrash, which has 140
70 = 210 yars. But LXX has 170 (-1- 65) = 240.
Aegyptische und syrische (rfltternamen
im Talmud
von
Dr. Samuel Krauss (Budapest).
Im Talmud, dieser unerschopflichen Fundgrube fur die
KenntDiss des antiken Lebens, sind auch die Gotter Aegyp-
tens und Syriens zu finden, wenn man sich die Milne gibt,
dieselben aufzusuchen und wenn man mit diesem eigenartigen
Schriftthum vertraut genug ist, um mit Erfolg darin suchen
zu konnen. Es werden jedoch leider Forschungen angestellt,
ohne von diesen Voraussetzungen auszugehen ; man schreibt
iiber die Culturverhaltnisse Palaestina s im Anfange des christ-
lichen Zeitalters ohne sich die Muhe zu geben, die beste
Schilderung dieser Culturverhaltnisse, den Talmud und Mi-
drasch, gehorig durchzuforschen; man beruft sich oft auf
den Talmud, ohne den Sinn seiner Worte richtig erschlossen
zu haben.
Die Talmudlehrer, denen man gewohnlich einen be-
schrankten, halachischen Standpunkt vorwirft, hatten in Wirk-
lichkeit einen weiten klaren Blick und waren aufmerksame
Beobachter der Zeitverhaltnisse. Es konnte ihnen nicht un-
bekannt bleiben, dass in ihrer nachsten Nahe, zurn Theil
auf dem geweihten Boden Palaestina s, sich Stadte befinden,
welche ihr Gemeinwesen ganz heidnisch einrichteten und
umfassende heidnische Culte erhielten. Die Stadte Rap hi a,
Gaza, Askalon, Azotus, Caesarea, Dora, Ptolomais,
Gerasa, Skythopolis und andere, hatten im ganzen tal-
mudischen Zeitalter einen ausgesprochen heidnischen Charakter
und die Talmudlehrer mussten diesem Umstande Rechnung
tragen. Das Verhaltniss dieser Stadte zum iibrigen Palaestina,
der personliche Verkehr zwischen Juden und den heidnischen
22*
Samuel Krauss.
Einwohnern dieser Stadte musste iin Geiste dieser Zeit ge-
regelt werden, und wir finden im Talmud in der That eine
Menge Verordnungen daruber. 1 )
Diese Art Nachrichten nun, eben darum, weil sie La-
lachischer Natur sind, sind ftir uns von der grossten Wich-
tigkeit, denn sie lassen an Klarheit und Precision nichts zu
wunschen abrig. Sonst ist es nur die lebhafte und phantasie-
reiche Agada, welche die mythologischen Gebilde fremder
Volker in ihre eigene Ideenwelt zu verpflanzen und in ihren
eigenen Vorstellungskreis heriiberzunehmen pflegt. Aber die
Agada hat irnmer etwas Verschwomrnenes, etwas Unsicheres
im Gefolge, und so haben auch die Schlusse, die man etwa
aus ihren Angaben folgern wollte, nur einen bedingten Werth.
So z. B. bewegt sich die sonst sehr lehrreiche Untersuchung
..Myfienmischung" von Giidemann (Monatsschrift fur Ge-
schichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums, 1876) nur auf
dem lockeren Boden der Agada; das beriihmte Werk
Alexander Kohut s: Ueber die judische Angelologie und
Daemonologie in Hirer Abhangigkeit vom Parsismus (Leipzig
1866), hat es mit Phantasiegebilden, nicht rnit der Schil-
derung der Wirklichkeit zu thun. Die Ausfiihrungen jedoch,
die welter unten folgen, beruhen, wie schon bemerkt, auf
rein halachischen Partien im Talmud, sie gehen also von
thatsachliehen Zustanden aus und verdienen die weitgehendste
Wiirdigung.
Ich will hier noch bemerken, dass ich dieses Thema
bereits vor drei Jahren in der ungarischen Zeitschrift Magyar-
Zzidi) Szemle (IX, 170176) behandelt habe; der Umstand
jedoch, dass jene Zeitschrift im Auslande nicht gelesen wird,
der Umstand ferner, dass ich hier wesentlich neues Material
beibringen kann, veranlasst niich meine Untersuchung noch
einmal zu veroffentlichen in der Hoffnung, dass ich dadurch
zur Altertiiumskunde einen Beitrag liefere und auch zum
! ) Ueber die Culturverhaltnisse der angegebenen Stadte siehe die aus-
fiihrliche Scliilderung bei Schiirer, Geschichte des judischen Volkes im
Zeitalter Jesu Christi, zweite Aufl. II, 9-26; die talmudischen Nachrichten
findet man bei Neubauer, Geographic du Talmud, S. 68 und 232; zu
vergleichen ist auch Migne, Histoire ecclesiastiqiie, XV, 34; einige Daten
habe i c h zusammengestellt in dem Aufsatze The Jews in the Works of
the Church Fathers (Jewish Quarterly Review, VI, 226).
Aegyptische und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 34 ]_
talmudischen Worterbuche. der Hauptarbeit des seligen Dr.
A. Kohut, mein Schernein beitrage.
1. Apis und Serapis.
Serapis wird erwahnt in Toseftha Aboda zara V, 1
pag. 468 ed. Zuckermandel: D"1D . . . H1C1 . . . PP^J/ I nj?2E ein
Siegelring, auf welchem ein Serapisbild 1st. Wenn ein Jude
einen solchen Siegelring findet, heisst es daselbst, muss er ihn
in s Meer werfen, d. h. er darf weder den Ring, noch auch
dessen Erics fur sich behalten, weil ein solcher Ring Gegen-
stand des heidnischen Cultus ist. Diese aegyptische Gottheit
war, wie bekannt, in der romischen Kaiserzeit auch ausser
Aegypten stark verbreitet und die Talmudlehrer batten Ge-
legenheit genug ihren Cultus auch aus uninittelbarer Nahe
beobachten zu konnen, derm in den vorwiegend heidnischen
Stadten Palaestina s, namentlich in Caesarea, Ptolomais, Flavia,
Neapolis, Aelia Capitolina und wohl auch in anderen Stadten
ist der Serapis-Cult inschriftlich bezeugt. 1 )
Der babylonische Talmud hat iiber den Serapis eine
hochst sonderbare Vorstellung. Wir lesen namlich in b. Az.
43a: fe C^iyn hi f\X D^CCl 1DLT rpv C^ hy D^N^D Serapis 2 )
ist eigentlich Joseph, der da regiert hatte und mit der ganzen
Welt Gutes that. Der Talmud findet deinnach in volks-
etymologischer Weise in Serapis folgende zwei Worter: "ID
(= "It^) = H e r r und D^N Apis, insoferne man namlich
den Apis init Joseph identincirte. Veranlassung hiezu bot
die Art und Weise, wie Joseph in der heiligen Schrift be-
zeichnet wird-, er heiss c figurlich 111^ Gen. XLIX, 6 und
IV^ lirD Deuteron. XXXIII, 17, also = Ochs. In den Tal-
muden und Midraschim wird darum auf mehreren Seiten be-
richtet ? dass die LXX Dolmetscher in ihrer griechischen
Uebersetzung an dieser Stelle (Genes. XLIX, 6) geflissentlich
eine Aenderung eintreten liessen, damit der aegyptische
Konig Ptolomaeos (^O^n) indenWorten: ,,sie lahniten den
Ochsen" auf seinen Gotzen Apis keinen Schinapf erblicke
!) Schiirer, a. a. 0., H, 15. 16; I, 546, 536.
2 ) Die Orthographie C^ENHD (einige Ausgaben irrthiimlich D*SN ID in
zwei Wortern) lasst auf die Betonung SapdcTitc (nicht lapaTti?) schliessen;
doch hat Manuscript Miinchen CBIC.
342 Samuel Krauss.
) Es ging also die Sage unter den Juden, dass Josef,
der Wohlthater Aegyptens, unter deni Nanien Apis der
Gegenstand gottlicher Verehrung war und der Name Serapis
sei bloss aus Apis erweitert. Damit ist ein wesentlicher
Zug der aegyptischen Mythologie klar ausgedriickt: em-
pfangene Wohlthaten werden gewissen gottlichen Wesen zu-
gesclirieben und daraufhin diese \Vesen gottlich verehrt. 2 )
Aehnlich heisst es auch im Midrasch, der Erzvater Jakob
habe befiirchtet, dass man ihn wegen gewisser Wohlthaten 3 )
nach seinem Tode gottlich verehren wiirde, und darum wollte
er nicht in Aegypten begraben werden. 4 ) Diese Ziige be-
ruhen auf einer genauen Kenntniss des aegyptisch-heidnischen
Wesens und der damaligen Zeitverhaltnisse.
) Siehe daiiiber Sachs, Beitrage zur Sprach- und Alterthumsfor-
schung aus judischen Quellen. II. Heft, Berlin 1854, S. 99; N. Brull,
JahrMcher fur judische GescMchte und Litteratur (Frankfurt a/M.), I. 144 ;
Levy, Neuhebndsches Worterbuck. Ill, 533 b; Kohut, Aruch completum.
I. 15 a. In Mechiltha zu Exod. XII. 40 lautet der Bericht : t unn DSJO a
o>2N npy cjisim, ahnlich auch in Genesis rabba c. 98, 5 cnx npy (Tanchuma
II nietr 22 ist nach den Talmuden geaudert), wonach also die Veranderung
sich auf das eine Wort -,i beschrankte; in j. Megilla 72 d und b. Megilla
9 a (Sopherim V, 8) heisst es jedoch: DSN rpy aiisini iw unrr DSND a, wo
nach sie also zwei Worter: ^ und w verandert batten. Es ist dies
eine bis jetzt ungeloste Schwierigkeit. Es muss nun zunachst bemerkt
werden, dass die Meinung nicht sein kann, die Siebzig batten statt nit? das
Wort Apis geschrieben, da sie dadurch den Konig nur noch mehr gereizt
hatteu; vielmehr scheint der Sinn abweichend von den iibrigen Veran-
derungen der zu sein, dass sie bier eine Aenderung welcbe? wird
nicht gesagt eintreten liessen, damit der Konig den Ausdruck nicbt auf
den Apis beziehen konne; nun ware aber dem Konig auch der Ausdruck
WN vielleicht, weil er an Isis und Osiris anklingt , verdachtig gewesen,
darum haben sie auch bier etwas geandert (unsere Septuaginta hat iv&pt&irouj
im Plural). Eine merkwiirdige Beschreibung yom Apis findet man im Jalkut
Eeubeni zu ran = p. 106 c ed. Amsterdam; s. aucb Biicbler in Magyar-
Zsido-Szemle, IX, 249.
2 ) Nach Movers, Die P/wnizier (Bonn 1841), p. 544, hat das Bild
des Osiris-Adonis, etwas Giitiges an sich"; G. Ebers. Aegypten und die
Bucher Hose s (Leipzig 1868), p. 239, findet in Isis und Osiris die Idee
Mutter und Vater."
3 ) Ihm zu Lie be soil die Hungersnoth aufgehort haben und der Nilus
seg enbringend ausgetreten sein.
4 ) Genesis rabba c. 96, 5, Jalkut Genes. 156, Lekach tob und
Easchi zu Genes. XLYIT. 20.
Aegyptische und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 343
2. Madbachos.
Madbachos, auch Machbelos genannt. gehort zu
den syrischen Gottheiten l ) sein Cult wird auf mehreren In-
schriften erwahnt, welche in Syrien gefunden worden; so in
Palmyra Beroia C I Gr. No. 4480, 4450, 4451.
Diese Gottheit wird erwahnt in einer alten Boraitha (b.
Az. lib.) welche wir ihrer Wiohtigkeit wegen in extenso hier-
her se^zen: 12JJ2E PC2"j ^22 j^IT TT . . . JH p^2p ?"y Pltt En
12JJ2B TT N2E\s ^:P Tnn:E ^H r i2$?2tr N"cn: ncxi n\xi
^22 py2D u22"j fiinf Gotzenculte sind stiindig . . ., der Markt
in En-Bechi, Nadbachah in Acco, nach Einigen Nathbrak in
Acco*, R. Dimai aus Nehardea tradirte es umgekehrt: der
Markt in Acco, Nadbachah in En-Bechi. - Was nun zu-
nachst das Wort n22"u anlaugt, so bezeichnet dasselbe ohne
Zweifel diejenige Gottheit, welche in griechischer Umschrift
MaBpa^og = Madbac hus heisst; der Wechsel zwischen den
Liquiden M und N hat weiter nichts zu bedeuten.
Was nun den Ausdruck m" 1 anlangt, so ist zu bemerken,
dass niit dem Markt immer em Gotterfest verbunden war,
oder vielmehr niit den Gotterfesten war gewohnlich ein Markt
verbunden.-) Der Markt in En-Bechi nun wurde regelmassig
abgehalten, also gab es daselbst einen regelmassigenGotzencult.
Schwieriger halt es den Ortsnanien ^C py zu erklaren.
Neubauer, Geographie chi Talmud, pag. 298, halt diesen
Ortsnanien fur identisch init einem anderen Ort, der uuter
der Benennung 22 ^^2 vorkommt. Diese Benennung ist
sehr verdachtig: Quell des Weinens" oder ,,Gotze des
Weinens" sind zu gekiinstelt, als dass sie wirkiiche Namen
sein konnten. Diese Nanien erinnern vielmehr an das tal-
mudische Princip, wonach die Gotzennanien in in a lam
part em zu verballhornen sind; wir konnen also ohne Wei-
teres annehmen, dass der Name dieser Ortschaften urspriing-
lich anders, und zwar gliickv erheissend gelautet haben
mochten. Wir linden in der That einen Ort namens ^2 ]ty
(T. Oho loth II, 6, p. 599), der init ^22 pj? identisch zu sein
scheint; dieselbe Ortschaft heist auch ein wenig modificirt
J ) Stark, Gaza (Jena 1852), S. 571.
2 ) F ii r s t in Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenldndischen Gesellschaft,
Band XLVI1I, 685, Anm. 1.
344 Samuel Krauss.
in b. Chullin 57 b; s. Neubauer S. 271. Es 1st nun
sehr leicht inoglich, dass b)2 der Name einer uralten Gottheit
ist (aber nicht Belns, wie man vielfach meint), welche in
Syrien seit jeher einheimisch war; vielleicht ist zwischen
diesem bin und dem Monatsnamen t>12 (I. Re gum VI, 38)
sogar ein realer Zusammenhang. Die Ortschaft selbst und
die in ihr verehrte Gottheit miissen eben darum, weil sie
dem Namen nach rein hebraisoh sind und bei Profan-
schriftstellern nicht vorkommen, zur alteren Geschichts-
periode Palaestina s gehoren.
3. Neith-Phre.
Der Name X")2HJ an der oben citirten Stelle aus b. Az.
lib, scheint die aegyptischen Gottheiten Neith* Phre be-
deuten zu wollen; Neith ist die aegyptische Minerva,
Phre der aegyptische Helios; in dieser Zeit des religiosen
Synkretismus niochten die beiden aus irgend einem Grunde
zu irgend einem Symbol vereint gewesen sein; siehe die
Quellen iiber Phre bei Stephanus, Thesaurus, ed. Paris,
VIII, 1049. Diese Erklarung gewinnt an Wahrscheinlichkeit
durch den Umstand, das n: = Neith schon in dem biblischen
n:CN vorkonmit; siehe Geseriius kleineres Worterbtich, 9.
Auflage, 5. v.] insoferne namlich Neith mit Minerva identisch
ist, bedeutet HjCN ungefahr das ; was wir auf griechisch mit
AO^voffspr^ ausdriicken wiirden. Dieses Neith-Phre (Stand-
bild oder Heiligthum) war in A ceo errichtet, in derselben
Stadt ? in welcher nach Mischna Az. Ill, 4 in den Badern
ein Aphrodite -Monument zum Zierrat angebracht war.
Wir verhehlen es uns jedoch nicht, dass die Gleichung
fcTDD: == Neith-Phre nicht ganz zufriedenstellt, da die
Verbinduog Neith-Phre sonst nicht bekannt ist. Moglich
also, dass in N^DDJ in der That nichts mehr steckt, als das,
wofiir es ausgegeben wird: also ein anderer Name fur Mad-
bachos; combinirt man die beiden Namen, erhalten wir eine
Form *Madbelos; dies mit N12P: zusammengestellt, ergibt
sich ein Wechsel zwischen dem M- und N-Laut wie oben
H221J, die Transcription n fur d und 1 fur I lauter Er-
scheinungen, weiche bei Lehnwortern aus fremden Sprachen
auch. sonst im Talmud vorkommen und bei einem solch
fremdartigen Namen, wie *Madbelos fur die Juden ohne
Aegyptisohe und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 345
Zweifel war, sogar sehr natu rlich sind; dabei mag die ge-
flissentliche Verzerrung des Namens in malam par tern mit
in Rechnung genommen werden.
Beide Erklarungen haben, wie man sieht, zu Bedenken
Anlass gegeben; vielleicht gelingt es Anderen, eine einleuch-
tendere Erklarung des Wortes zu geben. ] )
4. Arueris.
Im Talmud wird die Frage aufgeworfen, ob ein Jude
an einem Gotzenbilde vorbeigehen diirfe? Im Zusammen-
hange damit wird folgende Geschichte erzahlt: R. Jacob b.
Idi lehnte sich beim Spaziereiigehen auf R. Josua b. Levi
an; sie gelangten bis zurn Gotzen Aruri. Da sprach [R.
Jacob]: Nachum der heiligste unter den heiligen Mannern
(C^Hpn ISHp tr\x), ging an ihm vorbei, und du willst nicht
an ihm vorbeigehen? geh nur und stich ihm das Auge aus
(d. h. bekiimmere dich nicht um ihn)!" - - So oft diese Ge
schichte erzahlt wird, lautet der Name des fraglichen Gotzen-
bildes immer anders: j. Az. Ill, 43 b, Zeile 75 (ed. Krotoschin):
Kobs mix; j. Berachoth II, 4 b, Z. 38: NE^S nnriN;
j. Schekalim 11, 47 a, Z. 18: NcS^ N^HN; j. Moed katon
III, 83 c, Z. 49: NC^ mix; ferner Midrasch Samuel c. 19,
4: cnn" NC^* (ed. Buber p. 2j; alte Ausgaben CHn^n, im
Manuscript CHl"in), Jalkut Samuel 124: CH^H N % ^^ % ;
endlich in b. Az. 51 a: miltf (so im Aruch s. v. "IN III, in
den Ausgaben *">). Die richtige Lesart ist gewiss rpPN
und dieses ist nichts anderes als Arueris. Arueris ist in
der aegyptischen Mythologie ungefahr das, was den Griechen
ihr Apollo war; er wird ubrigens auch mit Horus identili-
cirt, so bei Plutarch, De Is. et Osir. c. 12; s. auch Par-
they, Aeyyptisclie Personennamen S. 20, CIGr. 4726 e, 4859,
4860. Der Cultus des Arueris war also in Palaestina im
3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. alJgeinein verbreitet. 2 )
J ) Vielleicht Anspieiung auf nan = ^L = na fregit; nanj frac-
tus est. Ueber die Namensform Moadxi^o?, lat. Malagbelus, s. die
Bemerkung von Muss-Arnolt, Semitic Words in Greek and Latin, in
Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1892, Vol. XXIII,
p. 67, note 3.
2 ) Die bisherigen Erklarungen des Wortes treffen nicht das Eichtige ;
346 Samuel Krauss.
5. Isis.
Isis, die Mutter des Horns, diese machtigste Gottin
Aegyptens, befindet sich ebenfalls auf dem Parnass des
Talmud. Der Talmud bezeichnet diese Gotter nicht bei
ihrem wahren Namen, sondern nach der Abbildung: np^D
die saugende Frau. Dieser Name findet sich dem Apis und
Serapis beigesellt in der oben citirten Tosefthastelle Az. V, 1
pag. 468 ed. Zuckermandel jp^c P.1C" lies mit den alteren
Ausgaben Pip^jC; so lautet der Name auch in b. Az. 43 a,
mit dem wichtigen Zusatze: Pp^C Npl p PEpn >N">P1 Pp^D PIE"!
das Bild der ,,Siiugenden" ist (von judisch-religiosem Stand-
punkte aus) nur dann als Gotzendienst anzusehen, wenn sie
ein Kind ini Schoosse halt und es saugt. Also, die Gottes-
frau Isis mit dem saugenden Horuskinde. Die Isis wurde
in der That so abgebildet, dass ihr ganzer Korper mit vollen
Briisten bedeckt erschien (als Ceres niammosa, Arnob. Ill
p. 133), aber auch den Horus haltend und saugend (Descript.
de VEgypte, I, pi. 22, n. 2, 3, 4, 5). Der Umstand, dass
fiir diese Gottin der specielle Name Pp^c aufkani, ist ein
Beweis dafu r, dass man sich im Kreise der Talmudlehrer
haufig mit dieser Gottin beschaftigen musste; in der That
diirfte in der romischen Kaiserzeit kein Cult verbreiteter
gewesen sein, als der der aegyptischen Isis und es ist in-
schriftlich bezeugt, dass er auch in der Hauran-Gegend ver-
breitet war. 1 )
6. Apophis.
Apopis oder Apophis ist der Bruder des Helios, der
mit Zeus-Amon in einen Krieg verwickelt war (Plutarch,
De hide et Osiride, c. 36). Apophis ist iibrigens auch
der Name eines Hyksos-Konigs (Josephus c Ap. 1 7 14) 2 ).
Dieser Name kornint in einer Schwurformel vor (j. Ne-
darim 42 c, Z. 12) : Jemand ging zu R. Jose, dass dieser
ihn seines Geliibdes entbinden mochte. Dieser nahm seinen
Mantel und setzte sich [wie vor Gericht]; er sprach zu ihui:
man dachte an die Aurora, auch an den Koloss von R hod us etc.
J as trow, Dictionary of the Targumim etc., p. 16 r iibersetzt : procession.
J ) Schiirer, a. a. 0., 21.
2 ) Auf aegyptisch hiess der Gott A p e p i , weiche Form ganz mit
.Bi iibereinstimmt.
Aegyptische und syrische Gotternarnen iin Talmud. 347
Was hast du geschworen ? Jener antwortete : x
irTO 1 ? rbhy *&i bxr\w w&x r\>b -ICN TV::^ rbhy beim Apophis,
dem Kainpfer mit Gott, sie [die Frau ? mein Weib] koinmt
mir nicht inehr in s Hans! Da sprach dieser: [Du hast ge
schworen] beim Apophis, dem Kampfer mit Gott 7 und sie
[Deine Frau] sollte Dir nicht ins Haus gehen diirfen?"
Ich halte namlich die Antwort R. Jose s fur eine Frage:
Du hast bei einem solch nichtigen Dinge geschworen und
Dein Schwur sollte Rechtskraft haben? Nimmermehr ! So
wird die Stelle auch von den alten Cornnientatoren aufgefasst
und so verlangt es auch der Zusaniuienhang. Ich bin ferner
der Meinung, dass das Wort btf^UP in etymologischem Sinne
gebraucht ist: Streiter mit Gott. eine Anspielung auf des
Apophis Kampf mit Zeus-Aiumon. Auf solche Weise ist
alles in Ordnung.
Dagegen bietet die Stelle nach den gangbaren Auf-
fassungen viele Schwierigkeiten. Seit Mussafia. der iibrigens
BIS liest, ist man der Meinung, dass das Wort gleich III HI
sei, dem bekannten Fehler fur das hebraische Tetragrammaton,
s. J. Perles, Monutschrift, XIX, 525. Danach iibersetzt
auch Levy (Neuhehr. Wb, I, 68 b): ,,o Popi Israel s (ist
ein giiltiger Schwur == bei dem Gott Israel s!), Du darfst
also nicht in Dein Haus gehen." Diese Auffassuug leidet
an mehreren Fehlern. Denn danach ware "% des erste
Mai die erste, das zweite Mai die z weite Person, wo doch
die Form in beiden Fallen dieselbe ist; auch kaun rthy
weder die erste, noch die zweite, sondem nur die dritte
Person seiu und zwar feiuinm. 1 ) Zudem ist an der beziig-
lichen Stelle von Zwistigkeiten die Rede, welche zwischen
Mann und Weib vorkonmien, also miissen jene Worte einen
Bezug habeu auf das Weib. Auch fehlt nach Levy s Auf-
fassung aus der Antwort R Jose s der Hauptsatz, dass nam
lich jene Redensart einen zu Recht bestehenden Schwur
bilde! Die beste Widerlegung dieser Auffassung liegt in
dem Worte selbst: II I II I ware ^B r hochstens ^B .E geschrieben,
nicht aber ^S1B\N % . Auch ist es unwahrscheinlich, dass man
auch in jiidischen Kreisen das Tetragrammaton ,,pipi" aus-
) J as trow hilft dem durch eine Emendation ab; er liest das
zweite Mai rhhy.
348 Samuel Krauss.
sprach, der Gesetzeslehrer R. Jose zumal konnte auf diesen
Blodsinn gewiss nicht eingehen. -- Kohut (Aruch completum,
I, 228 a) schliigt den bekannten Ansruf y Qrco7uoi vor; 1 ) dann
hatte aber das Wort ^N1l" gleich daneben keinen Sinn,
Mehr ansprechend 1st die AufFassung Jastrow s (p. 58 b),
dass <I 1D I N ein verstiiinmeltes Wort sei fiir den Namen Vi/N,
also ,,Efofe Israel" == ,,Gott Israels"; doch kann Jastrow
fiir eine solche Schwurforniel kein sicheres Analogon bei-
bringeri, wahrend nach unserer Auffassung das Schworen
bei eineni Gotzen, wie wir weiter unten ersehen werden,
auch bei Juden vorgekomnien ist.
7. Derketo.
In Toseftha Sabbath VII, 2, pag. 118, lesen wir wie
folgt: pi IEIN mrp i mcNn ^IIIE m nn pipi pi i\xn
cnVi^X p:i 1N:tr mi nilSJ? Cir ^ wenn Jemand sagt
[schwort]: Dagon und Kadron! so ist dies etwas von der
Art der Amoriter [ist also verboten]; R. Juda sagt: Dagon
klingt an einen Gotzendienst an, denn so heisst es: ,,Dagon
ihr Gott" (Judicuni XVI, 23). In den alten Drucken steht
lip und pip statt jlllp. - - In der Parallelstelle, j. Sabb.
VI, 8c ? Z. 47, lautet der Satz wie folgt:
pi i:\xii icNji:* 7"y pi ciit c ic\s nnn^
ir. Offenbar ist an beiden Stellen von denselben Gottheiten
die Rede. Welche sind diese?
Levy I. 423 a, gibt das Etymon des Wortes nicht an,
er sagt bloss: ,,ein Zauberspruch", ebenso Jastrow p. 321 a::
,,a charm formula". Kohut III, 141 b, sucht sich damit zu
helfen, dass er fiir lip und pi gleiehmassig die Bedeutung
dunk el festsetzt, also: ein dunkler Gotze. N. Briill,
Jdhrbiicher, VII, 111, gibt fiir pllp Kp6vo<;, Diese Erklarungen
werden gewiss Niemanden zufriedenstellen.
Ich denke, dass H2^11 in Jeruschalmi ziemlich deutlich
AspxsTo j ist. Die Nebenformen dieses Namens sind A^rapYccTY),
und A-c-apyocTK;, auch J.O apa, siehe Ktesias bei Strabon XVI r
4. 2 ) Demnach ist ^11 verkurzte Form fiir [ A]Tapya[irfJ, vgl.
1 ) Siehe jedoch Kohut s. v. BIB (VI. 390 a).
2 ) Ueber die verschiedenea Formen des griechischen Namens, s.
Mordtmann, in Zeitschrift der deutscli. morgenldnd. Gesellschaft, XXXIX,
42 f. Eben diese Verschiedenheit der Namen bringt es auch mit sich,
Aegyptische und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 349
>A<ppto= A<ppofciTY] bei Pape-Benseler, Worterbuch der griechi-
schen Eigennamen, 3. Aufl., I, 184 5 fiir nz:m wird wohl nrpm
oder richtiger rvnnn zu lesen sein == [ AJTapyaTicT, der T-
Laut ist wegen des stiinmiiaften R-Lautes ebenfalls zum
stimmhaften D-Laut geworden; n fiir T 1st ganz in Ordnung 1 ),
wahrend die Endung wohl nur nach Analogic der rein he-
braiscken Forinen auf fT sich gebildet hat - Jetzt bleibt
nur nock die Toseftha zu erklaren. Was nun zunachst das
Wort ji~np anlangt, so schlage ick dafiir *jl"p~H =: AspxsTw[v]
vor; der N-Laut ini Auslaute 1st dem Worte nach Analogic
der vielen Worter auf jr angehangt Was nun aber das
Wort \r\ oder jin anlangt, so ist es gewiss identisck mit ^T1
im Jerusckalmi. nur haben unwissende Copisten infolge der
Bezugnakme auf den biblischen Dagon den Buchstaben 1
gleick von vornherein ausgelassen, was dock gar nicht noth-
wendig ist, denn es wird nicht gesagt, das ^m, beziehungs-
weise *jirn, mit Dagon identisck ist, sondem dass dieser
Name an Dagon eriimert oder anklingt, was dock in der
That der Fall ist-, im Jeruschalnii ist es ja ausdriicklich so
zu lesen. Es ist iibrigens bekannt, dass die Derketo als
eine Fran mit eincin Fiscksckwanz abgebildet wurde und
also auck in dieser Hinsickt dem Dagon entsprickt, welche
Gottkeit, der Etymologic nach, ebenfalls etwas fischartiges
haben musste. Es liegen Bcrichte daruber vor, dass bcide
Gottheiten, Dagon und Derketo, in einer und derselben Stadt,
das7wir im Talmud keinen Namen erwarten diirfen, der den laudlaufigen
aufs Haar ahnlich ist; die Orthographie solcher aus der Fremde heriibe
genommener Namen muss immer fluctuiren. Es erging auch den G
nicht besser, wenn sie z. B. aegyptische Gotternamen in ihrer Sprache
auszudriicken batten, s. iiber den Namen Ap^oxpdnjc Wilh ^olinli6
in Kubn s Zeitschrift fiir vercjleichende Sprachforsckung , XXXIII, ,
Schulze selbst ist nicht im Eechte, wenn er immer Apou W (mit
Spiritus asper) schreibt; wir haben oben talmudische Formen dieses
Namens gesehen, welche auf ein Schwanken zwischen Sp. aspe
1 e n i s schliessen lassen. ,
) Ewald, Sebr. Gramm. 8 47 und Lagarde, GemmmeUe
Abhandlungen, S. 255 und 256, stellen das Gesetz auf, dass vor c
Alexande,/n nur durch ,, B nur durch ft wiedergegebeu werde, wah.end
nach der Zeit Alexanders das Verhaltniss sich nmkebre (qm. = Aepxe.
also nwn = [A]tip Y a,, { vor Alexander); s. auch Muss-Arnolt a.aO
S. 47 n. 48, dagegen H. L e w y , Die semitiscken Fremdworter t ,n Gnech,-
schen (Berlin 1895), S. 15.
350 Samuel Krauss.
in Askalon verehrt wurden 1 ) ein Beweis mehr, dass die
beiden Gottheiten in einander iibergehen und dass die talmu-
dische Bemerkung von ihrer Identitat auf richtiger Wahr-
nehmung beruht.
Wir bemerken schliesslich, dass hier ebenfalls von einem
Schwure die Rede ist, wie oben bei Apophis.
8. Dione.
In T. Sabb. VII, 3, p. 118, lesen wir femer Folgendes:
cir ty p -ic\x mirr -i nickel OTID ni nn >n ^n -ic\sn
P THtK -iCMtf mi mi2J? wer da sagt (schwort): Doni,
Doni! so ist das etwas von der Art der Amoriter; R. Juda
sagt: Dan klingt an Gotzendienst an, denn so heisst es
(Amos VIII, 14): ,,Beim Leben Deines Gottes, "Dan!"
An den Parallelstellen, in j. Sabb. VI, 8 c, Z. 49 und b.
Sabb. 67 b (oben), ist mit einigen imwesentlichen Aenderungen
derselbe Satz zu lesen ; der Gotze heisst im Jeruschalmi UH
:-i, im Babli vp ^H (bei Aruch jedoch ^1 ^1 wie in der
Toseftha, 2 ) Manuscript Erfurt T 1 " i: k si
Von dieser letzteren Form ausgehend, nehmen wir als
richtige Lcseart die Form \XNH oder J1H(=djoni) an; dies
scheint ganz deutlich Aicovy) 3 ) zu sein, ein Name, welcher
der Demeter und auch der Persephone beigelegt und
auch AYJMOVYJ und Ar ; oS geschrieben wird. Ein Heiligthum der
Persephone gab es im talmudischen Zeitalter in Gaza und
A ceo, 4 ) diese alten orientalischen Culte waren also urn
diese Zeit in griechischer Form noch im Schwunge.
Die bisherigen Erklarungen des Wortes befriedigen
nicht; Levy I, 415 a, ubersetzt (nach Aruch): ,,mogen fest
werden die Fasser!" Kohut III. 94 a, denkt an das arabische
U J flustern (als Zauberei); Jastrow p. 315 a, wieder:
a charm formula. Das Wort ist aber unzweifelhaft ein
Eigenname.
^Schiirer, a. a. 0., II. 12 u. 13 und auch iu den Nachtragen,
2 ) Aruch hat den auffallenden Fehler: mon ^r-n mra n JN, in den
Quellen iiberall 12 v, nur in Manuscript Erfurt u px ; s. Dikduke Sopherim
3 ) Siehe iiber diesen Namen Muss-Arnolt, a. a. 0., S 55, Anm. 13.
4 ) Schiirer, a. a. 0., S. 11 und 16.
z.
3
Aegyptische und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 351
9. Gad -- Tychc.
Im Zusammenhange mit der soeben hehandelten Schwur-
formel lesen wir in b. Sabb. 67 b (oben), noch folgenden
Satz: "i niENM ^"H CITO 12 w .. . ^ p">-i "ft "
wenn Jemand sagt: ,,Erstarke inein Stern und erlahine
nicht!", so ist das etwas von der Art der Amoriter; R. Juda
sagt: Gad kann nur einen Gotzendienst bedeuten, 1 ) denn
so heisst es (Jesaja LXV, 11): ,,Die da bereiten einen
Tisch fur Gad". Man sieht, diese Stelle ist den fruher be-
handelten zwei Piecen vollkommen gleich, behandelt also wie
jene eine besondere Art des heidnischen Cultus. Das Wort
-0, aueh iin Biblisch-hebraischen gebrauchlich, 2 ), muss in
der alten Religion der kanaanitischen Volker Eigenname
eines Gotzen gewesen sein 3 ) und wird dasselbe erst spater
zu dem mehr allgemeinen Begriff w Gliicks stern", Genius"
abgeschwacht worden sein.*) In dieser letzteren Bedeutung
lebte das Wort noch weiter fort sowohl in dem aramaischen
Idiom des Talmud und Targum, 5 ) als auch in der Sprache
der christlichen Syrer, 6 ) und zwar in ganz harmloser Weise,
ohne dass man an dem Gebrauche desselben Anstoss ge-
nommen hatte. Wenn nun die oben angefiihrte talrnudische
Stelle dennoeh ausdriicklich erklart, dass der Gebrauch dieses
Wortes -- oder wohl das Schworen vermittelst desselben )
^"D. h. mit mown "i ist noch nicht gesagt, dass der Gebrauch
dieses Wortes den Gotzendienst involvire, sondern nur, dass er an Gotzen
dienst anstreift und darum zu unterlassen ist; erst R. Juda behauptet
dass damit eine Gotzenverehrung stattfindet. Man hat auf diesen Untei
schied nicht geachtet und darum statt u willkiirlich 12 ]x eingeschoben,
um zwischen den beiden Ansichten einen Unterschied herauszufinden.
2 ) Genes. XXX, 11 nach K ri -a na, Jonathan x^ S^TD ww, Peschittha
( V], Septuaginta jedoch nach Ch tMb TM ev T%, Vulgata feliciter;
genesis rabba c, 71, 9 mehr nach KTi :HC^I HIJ *n* tn^ ma Knn.
3 j Siehe die Commentatoren zu Jesaja LXV, 11.
4 ) Beide Bedeutungen kommen vor; siehe die Lexica. An d
riihmten Stelle j Az. I, 39 d. welche von Rapoport so schon erklart wurd.
(Ereeh Mittin, S. 230), bedeutet c^pnm nn. ,,Genius des Herculius", wie
Fiirst (ZDMG, XLVIII, 685) richtig nachgewiesen und nicht ,,Tyche, G
5 ) Siehe -das erschopfende Verzeichnis bei K o h u t II, 234, s. v. -TJ.
*) Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 649; auch arabisch J^.
7 ) Nach dem Sinn der zwei fruher behandelten Stellen.
352 Samuel Krauss.
dem Gotzendienste gleichkomme. so muss sie das Wort
auch in einem veriUnglichen Sinne gekannt haben, d. h. 13
war auch das no in en proprium eines Gotzen, und that-
sachlich wird das Wort auch in diesern Sinne gebraucht. 1 )
Nun wissen wir aber, dass in Syrien und Arabien uni diese
Zeit der Cultus der Tyche sehr verbreitet war, 2 ) dasselbe
gilt aber auch von den heidnischen Stadten Palaestina s, 3 )
und da der Begriff von 13 rnit deni von Tyche zusarnmen-
fallt, so liegt es nahe, den ruit "ft bezeichneten speciellen
heidnischen Cult auf den der Tyche zu beziehen. Das
Wort Tyche selbst wird genannt in j. Az. Ill, 42 d, Z. 32:
cr- [lies ^i:] 4 ) ^E mm ppnp m? mn k s2 12 Kn 01
m32 rr\* - - R. Chijja b. Abba hatte Schalen (xauxioc), auf
welchen die Tyche Roms gemalt war.
10. Abi.
Esau spricht seinen Vater Isaak mit den Worten an:
^2N dp 1 (Genes. XX VII, 31). Der Midrasch z. St. (Genesis
rabba c. 65 7 18) erblickt in deni Worte "CN den Namen eines
Gotzen: c^zni r,^CN- ,N": ^N cip^ mcx wyh r,2"pn
VZ^N isjie 11 cn^s cip" 1 ib yms : ywbz 12 ^x FJN i^n c\\*p
Gott sprach zu Esau: Du sagtest: ,,Steh auf, Vater!" Das
ist der Genius des Gotzen, den du einst aufstellen wirst;
wohlan denn! mit denselben \\ orten werde auch ich dich
strafen: ,,Gott stehe auf, es mogen zerstreut werden seine
Feinde (Psalm LXVIII, 2)." Die Commentatoren Isachar
Bar (PulPC nijp^) und Pseudo-Raschi z. St., berufen sich
. Genesis ralla c. 65, 18: cn:is n-nr;i NTJ; j. Az. 43 a (oben): MHJ
^"hs nr,N ;np (in T. Az. VI, 4 corrumpirt NHJIJ). Im Syrischen hat das
"Wort diesen Sinn nicht mehr. Aus ft. Sanhedrin 63 b folgert Aruch (bei
K o h 11 1 II, 239 b) richtig: wn t"y TJcr f jni. Der Ortsname ^i TJ in Jf.
Zafoim I, 5 (T. Zabim I, 10 ;rn), der von Schiirer a. a. 0., II, 20,
Anm. 81, hieher bezogen wird, hat mit denvGotzen Gad schwerlich etvvas
gemein; sonst siehe noch Mo r d t m a n n in ZDMG (1877), XXXI, 99101.
2 ) Waddington, Inscriptions Greques et Latines de la Syrie,
p. 500 b.
3 ) Schiirer, a. a. 0., II, 20.
4 ) Diese Emendation ist von F ii r s t in Revue des fitudes Juives, XX,
303, von H. Lewy in ZDMG XLVII, 118 und von mir in Magyar-Zsido
Szemk, IX, 176 unabhangig von einander ausgesprochen worden und darum
schwerlich abzuweisen.
Aegyptische und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 353
auf die Worte des Jereniias (II, 27) nr\S % ^2N yy
urn fur abi die Bedeutung eines Gotzen herauszubekommen ;
auch muss das Schlnsswort "PITIX des citirten Psalmverses
an den Namen des vermeintlijhen Gotzen anklingen. Es 1st
jetzt nur fraglich, welcher Gotze wohl gemeint 1st? 1 ) Es
ist dies erne Frage, auf die wir 1 eider keine Antwort zu
geben vcrinogen, und so miissen wir diesen Aufsatz mit
einein non liquet beschliessen, doch nicht ohne vorher den
Wnnsch ausgesprochen zu habeii, dass es Auderen gelingen
mochte, die hier dunkel gelassenen Punkte aufzuliellen,
1 ) Kohut II, 234 b, donkt an "AjSai, don Beinamon des Apollo.
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
De la formation des racines triliteres fortes
par
Prof. Mayer Lambert (Paris).
Le present travail se rattache par certains cotes aux
reclierches lexicographiques, auxquelles le regrette Alexandre
Kohut a consacre la plus belle part de sou activite. Si les
resultats auxquels nous sommes arrives dans 1 etude des
racines triliteres fortes sont confirmes, ils contribueront afournir
une base solide aux questions etymologiques, en permettant
de determiner d une nianiere plus rigoureuse le sens primitif
des racines seinitiques.
Quand on examine des series de racines triliteres cornine
HE, znE\ ns, p2, pis on n:: ? > :;, p;, to, IP::, <>u apercoit
un element constant "]} ou ij et des lettres ad v entices "I,
2C, \, *, p; n ? > 7 E 1 , it , K 1 . On en a coiiclu avec raisun que
les racines triliteres proviennent de racines biliteres. Que
sont ces lettres adventices, grace auxquelles les racines sont
devenues biliteres ? Pour les consonnes N % ? \ 1 la reponse
s ofFrait d elle-meme: Les racines biliteres avaieut une voy-
^31e (a, i, u), qui s est transformed en consonne. Suivant
que la voyelle precedait, separait on suivait les deux con-
sonnes 7 il en est resulte des racines avec premiere, dcuxieme ou
troisieme radicale ^s, 1 ou ">: abd i;st dcvenu 12N 7 pri "H5,
qum Clp. Notons deja ici qu uii tres giand nombre de
biliteres sont devenus triliteres par le redoublement de la
deuxieme radicale, et sans que la voyelle jouat aucun role
dans cctte transformation, ex 22D, CEP. On pent appeler
les racines telles qne "CX, ns, dp vocaliques 1 ) et les
racines geminees telles que 22D, CH a vocaliques.
La nature des consonnes autres que N % , 1. et ^ est plus
l ) Bien eutendu, nous voulons dire par vocalique qa nne des radicales
provient d une voyelle, 11011 pas qu elle soit une voyelle.
I)e la formation des racines triliteres fortes. 355
difficile a determiner. Bien des hypotheses ont ete faites au
sujet des racines triliteres fortes. Les uns ont pense que ces
raciues etaient une coiubinaison de racines bilitcres, d autres
qu elles etaient eomposees d une racine bilitere et d une pre
position ou d une postposition, etc. Mais avant de formuler
aucune theoric, il iniporte de determiner cxactemcnt la place
que peuvent occnper les consonnes adventioes dan^ les ra
cines triliteres. On s epargnera de la sorte des suppositions
peut-etre ingenieuses, niais qni ne s accorderaient pas avec
1 emploi reel deces consonnes. II faut done etudier, sans idees
preconcues, les families de racines triliteres, separer de 1 ele-
ment bilitere les consonnes adventices ct grouper ensuite
les racines triliteres (|ui sont formees a 1 aide d une memo
consonne. En procedant ainsi nous avons obtenu une liste
de racines qui montre la place des lettres adventices. r ) Nous
avons laisse de cote toutes les racines qui ne decelaient pas
avec une clarte suffisante leur consonne adventice, niais ii n y
a pas de raison pour ([ueles conclusions auxquelles nous sonnnes
arrives pour les unes ne soient pas valables pour les autres :
N est initial dans 12N, ^2vX, ]2N, C3N % , ^N 1 , C"I. ^IX, InN,
CES, hzs, cX r\hs, bvx, rcN. P]JN % , IT:**, jsx, C?N, "is:^, rnx,
medial dans 1N2, lt N2, *$, 2N1, Cti, ~\$. Cs. "INC.
pc, DNC, INSJ, INP.
final dans N"2, NE2, N12, vS 4 2^, N2"i, vX-i\ ,X1T, N2". NiC",
sbr\, ^cn, en, W:E, WL:, xbz, ^NDZ, NE*?, xnc, N2:, NT:, vxir*:,
XCD, sb?, X2X, NCi , NBp, Nip, NST1.
2 est final dans 21:, 2X\ 2J7, 2 % i:n, 2^n, 21H, 2i: f n, 2P2,
2;j, 2i:, Up:, 2nD, 2py, 2^p, 2Sp, 2C p, 2n1, 2pl, 231T, 2M.
: est final dans ^, :CC, ^NIT , :H, 3in, SSI, :Pu, iDl
1 est final dans 13s<, "CN, ""12, "to, "H3, "Cn, ~Cn, ~n^,
"122, "n2, "2% i^, "11:6, "lie, "::, "p:, npy, ins, nps:, -IE.
ica, "i^, "isp, lyi, >2i, IHI, "ipi, ipi^.
P. est medial dans 2"N, 1H2, 2uT, "IPiT. 1"^, 2u^ EM%
J ) Pour reduire lo travail, nous n avons pris que les racines usitees
en hebreu. D ailleurs, en nous bornant a une seule langue, nous risquions
inoins de nous laisser egarer par des rapprochements seduisants, niais qui
opuvaient ne pas etre fondes.
) Ji seinble quo le n medial soit une variante du i medial, comparez
23*
356 Mayer Lambert.
final dans n23.
1 est initial dans CNl, ^21, 21, 2r,l, ini, ^ni, n21, bl\
\ -IDI, pDi, -IDI, 2yi, -rai, -ipi, ypi, ipi, irpi, "ni, nm, im,
medial dans 112. 7.2, D12. 112, B"I2, 113, 713, in:, m, nil,
in, DTI, in, int, -nn, Din, 21?, "IT. X yi7, 11?, nn, in, inn, cm,
cm, pin, .mn, 2i. -IE, ^IE, ^12, 112, EiS, yi% in% :ic, ire,
lie, tJic, pic, me, i& ic, me, 21:, m:, m:, ci:, ci:, xn:, ^:, yi:,
aiD, -IID, niD, TD, niD, 2iy, rv, my, w, ^jj, n^ 7 pv, ^ T- ?
pi^ ? me, ^15, ms, ms:. ^sj, pvj, ma, Eip, ^p, mp, nn, en,
vn, ^n, pn, Tii 7 cvi: , mir, 2ir, tntt , yii:- , piK- 1 , mt&*, mn.
final dans in:, T,2, m^, inti 1 , i:y, ny, iap, i^ir 1 ).
T est tinal dans TIN, i^, 6>, TnD, 715, T5p, 731.
n est final dans nJN, nLT2, n2!l, n Pa, n27, MJI, n~17, PCtC,
ncE, nit:, nDr, np^, nit e, nne, "2:, n::, nr:, no:, nw, na:,
nn:, n^c, n^c. nDC, nas, np?, me. nrs, nea, nip, nep, nnp,
nirp, nan, np^, net:*, nz^, n^ , nir.
L: est final dans t22n, tC2% E:^, ^p% ^C, E1C, 2C2j, ^E?,
KIC, r^ e, t:ep, t:^p, t:itr, 2:21^.
^ est initial dans 2\ fp\ ItrX
medial dans 1^, pi, ^H, 1^, "i^a, 1^, f p, mp, nn,
^n, pn.
final dans ^2N % , ^\X, ^, "OK, ^DN 4 , nN, V2, ^2, ^2, n2,
^:, n:, rn, \n, ^i, s ei, ^n, ^en, ^i, m, ^i, TT, :, n7,
S 2n, vn, ^n, ^n, ^:n, ^Dn, ^n, ^an, ^pn, nn, wi, ^nn,
nt:, nt:, n\ <| ^, re, ^2. ^2, ^2, ^D2. ^2, nr, T.O, ^e, ^ac,
nc, ^ e, n:, TO, ^:, T:, ^a:, ^p:, ^:, ^D, ^D, ^2y, ny, ny,
^y, ^y, s :y, ^ay, ny, v ^y, nc, ^s?, :?, ^ys, ^as, ns, \ns, ^a,
-a, na, ^na, ^a, ^a, ijp, ^p, np, ^ p, ^i, ni, rn, ^ci, ^BI,
nn, ^p, ->yn.
2 est final dans rii n, -]trn, inn, "n^, lire, i^ j, IP:, ICD,
121, 12i , 1^.
b est final dans ^BN, ^\N, ^12, ^ 2, ^P2, ^23, ^":. ^73,
ea, ya, ^21, ^2n, :?cn, ^27, ^2n, ^en, ^e, bzz, ^22. ^nr,
anr et ^n, ^ne et ^itt, etc. I)e 1 hebrou a 1 aranieen le changement de i in
n est frequent: * t n et em, ru et nnn.
x ) Beaucoup de racines ^ sont devenues B: T.
De ia formation des racines triliteres fortes. 357
: est initial clans t>2:, t>E:, pi
rinal dans JCK, ]n2, pi, pi, jDn, ]Bn, ]Pn, p*, JCZ:, 1B2,
itcty, JBS, ]z:p, pp, pfc*, ptf.
D est final dans D^2, D1J, Din, Den, D22 7 DC2, D:2, DV2,
DP:, DIB, DtJp, Dip, D21, DC1, DEI, D2tf.
y est final dans jta, S/ S2, Vp2, 5721 V"0, V73, J?t>3, y"U, VC1,
y:s, yiB, JB, vpB, m virs, v^s:, yns, vp, jrap, V"ip ? ysi,
wi, jnn, ypi, yiy i, V2te ? , yzir, wt& , W.
D est rinal dans ^, ^ ?)""!, f]^l, P]p, ?]PT, ?)Z:n, ^n,
1J est rinal dans ^CN, p- n > V cn ? V nc F n:! T
pp, PP, P^ pir.
p est rinal dans p:s, p12, p^2, p*12, pP2, prn, p^l, pBl,
pyi, p:i, pj??, p-ii, p2n, p-in, pin, pen, p:n, pte, pro, pvi, pn:,
PBD, piv, pirj?, ptfy, p-iB, pirs, pis, pns, pcs, p:s, pys, pan,
1 est medial dans tiHn (se taire), H12, C"1J? (entasser).
final dans "UN, 11N, inx, "IICN. ^CN % , 1DN, ^^N, 112, "In2,
ip2, 1P2, 12:, "n:, in, ic:, iw, 121, ipi, nn, 121, i2n, i:n,
inn, ii:n, ^en, icn, i^n 7 ian, ipn, ipn, 122, 1^2, 1B2, ioe ?
"n:, 12:, ip:, lit 1 :, IP: I:D, ISD, ICD, IBD, ^rc, ^2y, iiy, it:y,
1CJ?, IJjy, Ipy, it^T, ll^J?, ^E, IT?, ^u? ? 1VE, 1JJB, 1PE, 12S,
ins, ics, i:s, i2p, lyp, isp, ist p, nit*, 121^, it:it , "^yir,
IplT, IBP.
fr est final dans i^i:, tt En, tt f :: t^ IB, ttri, tt EI. fc EP.
V est final dans K 2, ^ "1 tt ^, K- W IT i:^ 21, 2n, ty in,
:, I& E:, ^:, ^P:. ir:>%
P est initial dans 2NM. ]2P, J?P, 2V P, J?K P.
medial dans 1P2.
rinal dans P2H, PB^, PED, P2J7, P^ , P^V, P^ 5?, P2S, PCS,
Par cette liste on voit quo toutes les lettres peuvent
etre adventices a la fin des racines. An milieu, N, 1 et "> le
sont trcs frequemment, Pi quelquefois, 1 et P exceptionnelle-
358 Mayer Lambert.
merit 1 ); les autres consonnes, quand elles sont deuxieme ra-
dicale, appartiennent a I element bilitere. Coiumc" initiales
adventices on a de nouveau N, 1 et \ Les consonnes j et p
panni les consonnes fortes se mettent devant les racines bili-
teres. Mais il est probable que les quelques racines formees
avec J et n sont secondaires, c est-a-dire qu elles derivent
de mots dejk triliteres: pn vient de p2, yhfi de 5,^1. y^n
de y& l.
Ces remarques nous aideront a trouver 1 origine des
lettres adventices. 11 semble qti en coinparant les racines
terminees par une meme letfcre adventice, on devrait dcoiwir
une idee commune a ces racines. Et, en effet, si les lettres
adventices etaient elles-memes des racines abregees, elles
devraient donner une nuance de sens particuliere aux racines
bilitcrcs avec lesquelles elles se seraient combinees. Mais
il n en est rien. II est impossible, a nioins de posseder
beaucoup d imagination, de trouver quel est le sens du 2 dans
les racines mx Ujfl, 2:?, 2^n, etc., on du ; dans les racines
3*n, 5"in, ri"l, etc. II en est done des racines fortes comme
des racines faibles. Pas plus qu on ne cherche le sens que
donnent F x, le 1 on le \ il n y a a chereher celui que pourrait
donner 1111 2 on un :, C est dejk un indice que les con
sonnes adventices fortes doivent s expliquer de la ineine ma-
niere que les consonnes faibles, ou pour mieux dire, c est
dans les consonnes faibles qu il faut chercber, selon nous,
Torigine des consonnes fortes. Nous croyons que, une fois
devenues consonnes, les voyelles a, i, u out donne naissance
non pas seulenient a N, 1, "> mais a toutes les gutturales, la-
biales et palatales qui terminent les racines triliteres. On
peut considerer les consonnes fortes comme des consonnes
faibles renforcees. C est le besoin de multiplier les racines
qui a pousse a differencier ainsi les finales. On comprend
que ce phenomena se soit produit a la tin des mots, ou la
prononciation des consonnes est moins tranchee. D ailleurs,
la transformation d une consonne faible an commencement ou
au milieu d un mot eut amene des confusions perpetuelles
de racines: rrr:, p. e. n aurait pu devenir n-2~: sans se
J ) II pent y avoir d autres exceptions, mais nous n avons pas cm devoir
en tenir compte.
De la formation des racines triliteres fortes. 359
confondre avec n~2j de 21 Si notrc supposition est juste,
des verbes els quc =]"" ct pni viennent, coininc 1H1 et T!1,
de dhu ot dhi. Of. *pp ct ISp, C^IT et lt>tr, cn2 et 1P2, C15?
(ruse) et 113?, :^ ct ^E, p:? et ^7, pr.E et TO, n^2 et NE2,
n23 et fcOj, etc-. II va sans dire quo les racines d une meme
famille une fois separees, leurs significations arrivent souvent
a s eloigner les unes des autres au point qu on a de la peine
a trouver Fidee qui les reunit. Ainsi, Nip lire et nip etre
chauve viennent tons deux de qra, TO etre brillant
et pntf rire, de shi. II n est pas ctonnant qu on ait quelque
difticulte pour trouver le lien qui unit les sens de ces mots.
L hypotbese qui vient d etre emise, explique la formation
des gutturales, des labiales et des palatalcs. II rcste a
inontrcr 1 origine des dentales ct des sifflantes. La aussi
nous aurons reeours aux racines faibles, mais aux racines
avocaliques on geminces. On sait (^ue dans les langues se-
mitiques le redoublement d une consonne est souvent remplace
par 1 intercalation d une liquide, p. e. dans ND2 ct ^2, C est,
a not.r(i avis, par un phenomcne scmblablc quc les racines
geminees out donne naissance aux racines augmentecs d une
liquide, principalement du resell. Un grand nombre de
racines terminees par un 1 sc rapprocbent remarquablement
pour le sens des racines geminces tirees du memo element
bilitere, p. e. 172 et 772 7 17: et 77:, 12"! et 221, ^:n et ::n ?
Ipn et ppn, 12p et 22p, Ili p et TO p. Les racines en 1
represented done une variete des racines geminees.
II en est de mcine des racines en *? et 1 Ces consonnes
se permutent fre(juemment avec le 1, de sorte qu on pent y
voir la transformation du 1, on bien les rattacher directement
aux racines geminees, p. e. CEn et ^EH, "J21& et ]2*ii . Le
sens des racines en ^ et : est souvent semblable a celui des
racines en 1, Que Ton compare, par exemple, *?~a et 11:,
^7: et 17:, btt et 10:, ^2n et 12H. ^*: et It?:, ^:D et i:D, ]H2
et in2, JPH et inn, etc.
C est enlin le 1 qui sert de trait d union entre les racines
geminees et les raciues avec dentales et sifflantes. Entre le 1 et
le 1 il existe une affinite tres grande, cf., par exemple, ^ iti f et
^""IIT. On pent meme se deniander si dans 1 alphabet pbcnicien
priniitif on ne s est pas servi d un meme signe pour les deux
360 Mayer Lambert.
lettres, ce qui en expliquerait 1 extraordinaire ressemblance.
On est done autorise a croire que le "1 adventice n est qu une
transformation du 1. On comprend par la que des racines
comme "ID" (en arabe) et ID". 122 et 122, Ipj et 1pj, aient
des significations tres voisines. Le 1 a du surtout remplacer
le "1 dans les racines qui avaient deja une liquide, connne
112, -6:, 11;, ii, 12^, ic 1 ?, -IB^ i S, -nc, in?, -ijn, isn,
Le 1 s est, a son tour, change on 12 on en r; cf. 115
et LOIS, assyrien liy l S et E& B, 1ES et DC* , cf. aussi 12^
et top 1 ?, 1p; et top:, re: (arabe), etc.
Les dentales enfin se sont souvent aspirees et sent deve-
nues les sifflantes T, D, *, et it , compares "11? et DB,
DIB, pB; ip: et jp; ; zocp et yep; IBp et ^Bp; 1H2 et n^ 2 ;
i:: et ti f ::, ^j ; tOp^5 et l^pb, etc. Les sifflantes sont done le
dernier ternie de 1 evolution des racines biliteres avocaliqucs.
En partant, par exemple, de 222 (usite en arabe) on obtient
"122, 122, D22 et LT22.
La theorie que nous avons exposee facilite beaucoup la
recherche dc Telement bilitere dans les racines semitiques,
parce qu elle laisse bien moins de place a une decomposition
arbitraire des racines triliteres. Les consonnes fortes ne
pouvant guere etre adventices que comme troisieme radicale,
il s en suit que dans les racines on les deux premieres con
sonnes sont fortes, on est certain que c est la troisierne lettre
qui est ajoutee; ainsi, 22l ne peutotre que 2~2^ , et appar-
tient a la famille de i12 , 12K , ^2^ , pit ; cette racine n a
done rien a faire avec le latin cubo.
II reste toutefois bien des racines oil Ton ne pent degager
Felement bilitere par ce procede mecanique. Ce sont tout
d abord celles qui ont une lettre initiale faible. Dans les
racines commencant par x, 1 ou \ on a toujours a se de-
mander si ces lettres sont adventices ou si elles appartiennent
a 1 eleinent bilitere. Ainsi dans 1HX, cf. im, 11n, F x est
surement adventice; dans inx cf. 1HN, il est primitif. Dans
21^1 Felement bilitere est 2& v , dans 2:*1 c est yv, dans Yp^ le
yod est adventice, dans ^ le yod initial est primitif. Avec
de telles racines, ou ne pent reconnaitre la consonne addi-
tionelle qu en les comparant an point de vue de la signi-
De la formation des racines triliteres fortes.
iication avec les racines triliteres qui pourraient etre de la
meine famille.
Comme lettres mediales les consonncs N, 1 et 1 sont le
plus souvent adventices. II ne pent guere y avoir de diffi-
cultes que lorsqu il y a deux lettres faibles, comme dans fcoa,
\s*l II est possible que dans ce cas les deux consonnes
faibles repesentent deux ancieimes voyelles.
Le 1 est beaucoup plus embarrassant coinnie modiale,
parce qu il peut alors etre adventice. II est, p. e., plus na-
turel, de rattacher ni2 a P2, qui signifie couper, qu a 12,
qui signifie ere user et arrondir. 1 ) Dans irin la signi
fication etre muet s explique mieux par la racine bilitere
IT n fermer que par in (cf ^ M, 2trn, pB- Tt) ; D1J? amasser
- CEJ7; dans p il est difficile de decider si nous avons
Telement bilitere "1C ou us, etc,
Pour le *?, il n est pas certain qu il soit adventice au
milieu de la racine. On cite generalement ^x, ([u on com
pare a yiN, mais on pourrait tout aussi bien le comparer a
1 arabe pU7 attache r. Le n parait ajoute dans inr, qui
appartient surement a la racine 12-. ^lais ""pr est probable-
ment tine racine secondaire tiree de 112.
On ne saurait etre trop prudent, quand, pour degager
Telement bilitere, on compare la signification des racines qui
se ressemblent phonetiquement. En effet, il senible que lors-
que des racines out une assonance rneme fortuite, elles
tendent a se rapprocher pour le sens. On est alors porte a
reunir des racines qui n ont, en realite, aucun rapport entrc
elles. On devra se garder de mettre ensemble 1~i\N* en-
fermer et 11U serrer; IP -}: approcher et ly-yz rencon-
trer; b~*V etre has et hz j tomber ? 1~p: et 1"p1 percer.
Les racines exercent une sorte d attraction les unes sur les
autres, et il est possible aussi, en sens inverse, que 1 analogie
d une racine exerce une influence phonetique sur d autres
racines ay ant une signification voisine. Ainsi, pour tWJ et
l^ aD il se peut que la concordance de la terminaison soit due
a 1 analogie de Fidee que ces racines exprinient; de rneme
pour 57:0 et ^5,
J ) Les idees de cavite et de rondeur sont etroitement liees dans les
idees des anciens; cf. ^n et ^in,
362 Mayer Lambert.
En outre, il faut compter avec les metatheses possibles
des lettres radicales; p. e. tO^p ne parait pas etre autre chose
que la metathese de Bp^. On trouvera bien d autres exemples
de ce phenomene dans les grammaires hebraiques et, en
particulier, dans les Etudes etymologiques de M. Earth.
Entin, il faut avoir bien soin de distinguer des racines pri-
maires les racines secondaires, qui derivent de mots ayant
deja une racine trilitere. Notamment le n du feminin sert
parfois a former de nouvelles racines. Ainsi,. nnttf derive
tres vraiserablablement de nnir, qui lui-meme vient de TO\
De meme, n^ doit deriver d un substantif my tombe en de-
suetude, et qui vient de ^y- r\2W tire, sans aucun doute, son
origine de P2^ , second infinitif de 2l^\
On voit que, nieme en sachant comment se ferment les
racines triliteres, on doit user de beaucoup de precautions
dans Tetucle etymologique de ces racines. Mais, du nioins, si
notre theorie est juste, elle restreint le champ des suppositions
possibles, et etablit des regies qui, bien souvent, pemiettront
dc^ degagcr avec une certitude presque absolue 1 idee fon-
damentale que Teleinent bilitere exprime dans les mots se-
mitiques.
Erklarung einer Talmudstellc
von
Prof. Dr. M. Lazarus (Berlin).
Als ,,jener Tag 1 " wird derjenige bezeichnet, an \velchern
Schamioai und seine Schule iiber Hillel und die seinige
einen Sieg errungen, indem sie achtzehn verschiedene Ver-
ordnungen zur Verscliarfung drs Gesetzes iiberhaupt und xur
starksten Absonderung der Juden von den Nichtjuden fest-
setztcn. Auf dein Allan eines gewissen Chiskia ben Cha-
nanja baben die Schammaiten (wie mebrfacb berichtet wird)
niit List nnd Gewalt die Mehrheit erlangt und die Satze ziini
Beschluss erhoben. Uber diesen. Tag findct sich spiiter ein
Ausspruch, welcber der Deutung dringend bedarf; ieh habe
eine solche bei Anderen, wie ieh glaube, vergeblich, gesuoht
und tbeile desbalb meine eigene Vermutbung mit. Der Aus-
spruch, ohne Angabe eines Autors, lantet:
bwr\ 12 i&w CIT btrwb niip rpn c^n in\x
,,Jener Tag war hart fur Israel, wie jener an welcbem
sie das (goldene) Kalb gemacht baben." 1 )
Wird nun aucb der IJrheber des Ausspruclies uicht ge-
genannt, so erscheint dieser doch im unmittelbaren Zusam-
menbang mit einer Contro verse, wclche fiber eben ., diesen
Tag" zwisclicn Rabbi Elieser ben Hyrkanos und Rabbi
Josua ben Chananjab, also etwa nacb zwei Menschenaltern,
stattgefunden hat. und man darf annehmen , dass er
von Josua selbst, oder einem Gesinnungsgenossen her-
stammt. Der Dialog lautet, nach der Tradition des Jems.
"Rabbi Elieser sagt, an jeneni Tage haben sie das Mass ge-
gehauft. Rabbi Josua dagcgen, an jenem Tage haben sie das
Mass abgestrichen. Rabbi Elieser sagt, ,,in einer mit Ntissen
1 ) S. Jerus. 1, 4 und Tosiphtali Sabb. 1.
364 M. Lazarus.
gefullten Kufe findet sich fur Sesamkornchen noch immer
Raum genug." Rabbi Josna dagegen : ,.sie habcn das Mass
der Beschrlinkungen iiberschritten. Giesse Wasser in eine
mit 01 gefiillto Kufe,, da gcwinnst du Wasser, aber du ver-
lierst ebensoviel an 01. Es ersclieint mir nun beachtens-
werth, nieht bios, dass dieser Dialog in der Misehnah des
Rabbi Jehuda garniclit, in der Tosiphtah ganz und gar ver-
kiirzt, ohne Hervorhebung der verschiedenen Stoffe iiber-
lieiVrt ist; sondern - - dass der Babli (Sabb. 153 b) an die
Stelle jcnes Gleichnisses des Josua ein anderes setzt, nam-
lich: -Fiille ein Gefass mit Honig, thust du Granateu und
Niisse dazu, so verdrangen sie den Honig. ;t Dieses Bild,
das gleichwerthige StoiFe als die einander verdrangenden
nennt, ist weit weniger treffend ; die Opposition Josua s und
ihr Grund sind fast verwischt. 01 und Wasser aber, das trifft,
das ist klare und scbarfe Kritik. Man wird diesen Dialog
fiber den wogenden Kampf der beiden Richtungen, der nie
zur Ruhe kommen sollte, vielfach nicht bios in den Schulen
Paliistinas, sondern auch Babylons berum getragen haben;
wie aber konnte es geschehen, dass an die Stelle des schar-
fen und kennzeichnenden Gleichnisses von 01 und Wasser,
das matte und fast irreffihrende 1 ) von Granaten und Honig*
getreten ist V Ich werde den Verdacht nicht los, dass es
ebenso wie die Weglassung in der Misehnah mit Bewusstsein
und Absicht geschehen ; die Kritik beides, der Verordnungen,
die doch nun einmal thatsachlich Geltung erlang-t hatten, als
auch der Schammaitischen Eichtung, welche trotz aller gegen-
theiligen Versicherungen und Bestimniiingen, die siegreiche
geworden war, die Kritik von beiden, sage ich, erschien in
dem Gegensatz von Ol und Wasser doch allzuscharf, und
man suchte ihm aus dem Wege zu gehen.
Nunmehr konnen wir uns die Frage vorlegen, was bedeutet
es, dass dieser Tag der achtzehn Verordnungen. als ebenso hart,
nB p (nachtheilig, schlimm, folgenschwer) bezeichnet wird
wie der des goldenen Kalbes? Worm, oder wodurch ist er
gleich ,,hart?" Wo steckt das eigentliche tertium coin-
parationis? Schon vor Jahreu fragte ich einmal einen jungen,
aber sehr gewiegten Talmudisten, es Avar einer von den stark
) S. B. Sabb. 153 b, Tosaphot z. St.
Erklarung einer Talmudstelle.
schainm&itisch Gesinnten ; ihm passte die harte Verurtheilung
schlecbt, und or meinte : es heisse nichts Anderes als der
Tag sei ein ,,grosser Ungluckstag" gewesen. Stilistische
Schonheit und Genauigkeit ist nicht gerade ein Vorzug der
Tannaitischen Sprache ; wenn man aber ein so hervorstechen-
des Grleichniss brauchte, so hatte es auch seine bestimmte
Bedeutung. Und brauchte Jeniand, urn einen ,,Ungliickstag"
zu bezeichneD, nach der Zerstorung Jerusalems und des Tern-
pels auf den Tag des goldcnen Kalbes zuriickzugreifen? Das
Wichtigste aber, und deshalb nenne ich den Namen des
Mannes nicht, erscheint mir dieses: es ist erne ganz unjiidische
und untalinudische Antwort. Ein Tag grossen Vergehens ist
niemals nach judischer Anschauung ein blosser Unglucks
tag". - - Neuerdings nun habe ich ineine Frage an unseren
grossen Talmudisten, Herrn Dr. Israel Lewy in Breslau ge-
richtet Er meint: ,,der (Irund, weswegen jener Tag dem
Hilleliten wenigstens so unheilvoll erschien, diirfte ungeachtet
des Inhalts (!) der am genannten Tage gefassten Beschliisse
und abgesehen von etwaigen Hypothesen, in dem Ilmstande
bereits zu linden sein, dass ..." (und nun folgt das Citat aus
Sabb. 17 a und Jems. Fol. 3 a, wo von List und Gewalt der
Schammaiten berichtet wird). 1 )
Weshalb in aller Welt der Urheber des Ausspruches
wegen dieses Benehmens der Schammaiten gerade auf den
Vergleich mit deni goldenen Kalbe verfallen sollte, ist nicht
ersichtlich; man wird den Grund desselben, glaube ich, iiber-
haupt nicht entdecken konnen, wenn man nur auf das Ver-
fahren der Beschlussfassung, und nicht auf den Inhalt
der Beschliisse achten Avill ! - - Der Meister der Aus-
legung der Agada, M. Friedmann in Wien dagegen,
an den ich meine Frage ebenfalls gerichtet, meint: ,,die
Folgen des ?ty zeigten sich in der Spaltimg bei der
Theilung des Reiches . . . Die Divergenz der beiden Schulen
gelangte an diesein Tage zu ein em blutigen Kampfe. Auch
\) Ich will beilaufig bemcrken, dass die Vermutlmng des Herrn Dr.
J. L. zur St., dass es vielloicht c:r* ^N c:::n heissen miisste, am besten
durch Scbillers Fiesko, 4 Act, 1. Scene, widerlegt wird. Die eifervollen
Schammaiten und der weltklugo Schiller wussten es besser; wenn man die
Leute vergewaltigen will, danu liisst man sie herein, aber nicht hinaus, bis
sie gedemiithigt und iiberwunden sind.
366 M. Lazarus.
beklagte man, dass die Lehre zu zwei Lehren wurde". Sollte
wirklicli der Tannai vom Tage des goldenen Kalbes gespro-
chen haben, wenn er in Wahrheit nur die spate Folge des-
selben, die Trennung Israels und das Kalb des Jerobeam im
Sinne hatte ? - Uni das Grleichniss zu verstehen, meine ich,
miissen wir uns die Geschichte des goldenen Kalbes etwas
genauer ansehen. Dass Ahron es gemacht, darauf lege ich kein
Gewicht, er wurde gezwungen; auch was etwa em heutiger,
zuinal bibelkritischer, Leser von dem ganzen Ereigniss denkt,
Jiegt uns hier durchaus fern, - - nur wie es dem Tannaiten
erscheinen mochte, indem er sich ganzlich an der wortlichen
Darstellung halt, miissen wir zu verstehen suchen.
Die Kinder Israels sind in ihrer Art fromnie Leute ; sie
fiihlen ein starkes religioses Bediirfniss und wollen es be-
friedigen. Allc Menschen habcn ihren Gott, sie wolleu auch
einen Gott haben und zwar ihren Gott, der sie aus Miz-
raim herausgefuhrt. Nun hatte Moses, ihr grosser, wunder-
thatiger Befreier, sie gelehrt : dass er nur der Diener dieses
Gottes sei, und die Offenbarung hatte den Gedanken be-
statigt: dass Gott ewig, reingeistig. dass er unsichtbar und
olme jegliche Gestalt sei; diese Lehre iiber Gott batten sie
vernommen und auch angeuommen, - - aber sie in Wahrheit
zu erfassen, vermochten sie noch nicht. Ach! noch viele
Generationen mussten hingehen, bevor die grossere Masse
des Yolkes sie fassen konnte. Und wie viele Millionen unter
den heutigen Menschen, nicht bios von jeuen, die wir Wilde
oder Heiden nennen 7 haben sie noch nicht erfasst ! -
Sie aber glaubten an Gott, weil sie an seinen Diener Moses
glaubten (s. IL B. Mose, XIV, 31). Jetzt aber waren vierzig
Tage vcrgangen, dass ,,dieser Mann Moses" (II. B.M. XXXII, 2),
und er war doch nur ein Mensch ! von ihuen fortging und
fortblieb. ,,Sie wissen nicht was ihm geschehen;" (Das.)
der Gewahrsmann ihres neuen Glaubens war verschwunden
und der (ilaube selbst begann zu schwinden. Sie aber woll-
ten nicht ohne Gott, in des Wortes strenger Bedeutung nicht
gottlos und nicht gottverlassen sein, und sic thaten - - nun,
was alle Menschen in aller Welt zu ihrer Zeit thaten: sie
brauchten einen Gott und so machten sie sich einen ! Mit
Eifer und Opferfreudigkeit bringen sie ihr Gold daher, urn
sich den Gott ihres Volkes, der sie aus Agypten getuhrt (2
Erklarung einer Talmudstelle. 357
B. M. XXXII, 5) 7,n schaffen. Sie meintcn es gut, die Ariiien;
aber aus Irrwalm schufen sie das Trugbild. Audi Rabbi
Acha bar Aba 7 der viel liber den Charakter seines Volkes
nachgedacht zu liaben scheint, hebt mit Naclidruck (Jerus
Scliekalim 1. 3) den problematischen Zug hervor, dass sie
auch fur den Wahnglauben, \vie fiir den wahren Glauben
opferfreudigen Eifer gezeigt hatteii.
Nun, die Schainmaiten haben es auch gut genieint ; aber
sie sind in einen blinden Eifer gerathen 5 sie meinten, die Re
ligion zu vertiefen und zu befestigen, wenn sie deren Satzun-
gen nocli vermelirten und verscharften, wenn sie namentlich
streng trennende Absonderimg der Glaubensgenossen von alien
Andersglaubigen herbeiftihrten ; gleich Jos. ben Chananja, er-
kem.it unser hillelitische:* Tannai, dass dies ein Irrthuin sei;
er sieht die Gefahr, dass aussere Satzung niit ihrer Haufung
und Hai tung die innere Hingebung vermindert, wenn nieht
verdrangt. Insbesondere aber erkennt er, dass der Scliain-
niaitischen Richtung in der Auffassung der eigenen Religion
die prophetischen Ideale der Zuknnft abhauden gekommen: die
Hoffnung, die gauze Mensehheit einst iin wahren (iottes-
glauben vereinigt zu sehen, weicht in den Kampfen der
Gegenwart zuriick und die erhabene Weltweite dts (iottes-
begriifes selirumpft zur Enge und Einseitigkeit eines National-
gottes, dem ,,sein" Volk allein als solclies zu dienen hat, zu-
sammen. Sie haben es auch gut gemeint, aber, in den Kampfen
und Drangsalen der Zeit klemgeistig geworden, sind sie von
blindem Eifer bethort und sirmen statt auf Veredelung des
Geniuths. auf Vcrscharfung der Satzung . . . Unser Tannai
wusste recht gut, dass diesc achtzehn Verbote an sich nieht
so schliinm sind, wie die Aufrichtnng des goldenen Kalbes ;
aber der Unmuth seines Herzens und die tiefe Sorge seiner
Seele steigt enipor und er lasst sich zu den Worten hin-
reissen : froinni seid ihr, aber es gab auch einen frommen
Gotzendieust, Avie es einen frommen Gottesdienst giebt. Ihr
seid gleich den Bildnern des goldenen Kalbes! Das Gute, das
ihr sucht, ist auch nur ein Wahngebilde. Euer Thun schafft
nicht Religion, sondern nur das Afterbild derselben!
Und wenn dieses Urtheil des unbekannten Autors uns
zu hart erscheint ; ist es denn von deni des Josua wesentlich
verschieden? Hat dieser nicht die Satzungen ebenfalls als
368 M. Lazarus.
das gemeine Wasser bezeichnet, welches das (")1 wahrer re-
ligioser Erhebung verdriingt?
Ich enthalte mich jeder Nutzanwendung auf die heutige
Zeit; aber ich will wenigstens die Worte noch folgen lassen,
welche seiner Zeit Leopold Low der Darstellung des obigen
Dialogs (Ges. Schriften, II, 306) hinzufugte: ,,In diesen
Worten R. Josua s ist wirklich mehr psychologische Wahr-
heit und mehr religiose Weisheit als in alien tiberschweng-
lichen Deuteleien der neuorthodoxen Romantik, deren Wort-
fuhrer zu den nicht ganz ausgestorbenen Alchimisten ge-
horen, die sich die vergebliche Miihe geben, Wasser in Ol
zu verwaiideln!"
o v n ^sn nnbin
DJH rs^NNs -ieDt> meD
PNQ
Dr. L. Lewysohn (Stockholm).
(i"y ,V v i i mD-n) ^tfms (-lyjirnLrnD) CRETIN j^UJ
:NB*I^ -} ,PHCN y3"iN pbu-np rx s
PD1P3 nna-.N r^ m"3 N"y ~"3
nan r>n JD N. ,HDMN HNIJ; nj*on^ HJ^
r.N ^DICC D^ o C*-IN N % a c\\on D^MN
iyn N3*n 1524 r-j^3*. pxn ]iDSf3 Npn^cN N*H nin
O N3 ^lyn&r 3r3 (Dty) "i^r br\& byzn .("imbttyh ctyci
^jnn nnx 31 IDT I^D u^ ^ *yn sopj noN3* ^VU^N)
: piD3 r njt?c j^y j^un ^ INIH H ^n nD PN nrnnxn TNT
*0^ Pj^n PN HJ3a (T 1 " ! PIN J ^3 Dt^) DIN 4 "R ^3H .{NDI^
n Vt^V ) ^V^^n y^^yi 1 *N Indyk K"J^ND ]v^c) Byp-p J- N
-PIN Ni-p ( : ^D /J D nc^nrn ^:H by) pnif p^^p 1 ? ^3n
P^ 3 i^D N T! IN ."IJiinNH H^.l) ^ JN 1 1 PHp F.y~\b "N ,pnj\V
ppn ^yn NIH ^IN IN ,^J^ND pwbi INU^ np Je, dor n^ano
Guinee n^DHDi La poule de Guinee INHWI
nj3s (140 v -npy i~iy) pny ins ^3n .
n N p i j j ~> p c^n PN 1N3? oy 3N p 11 n ^ 1 3 ^
^D"y ^ ,c^3Dn^ ^3iN N^ y r inn nsn ^n^s^
1C3 ir ^a^n p.iN3 t^^p^n^ Nin ipi^ia Btr by ^n by3 pur^ y T3n
,mj J3^ nyis ,3^-in3tr 3-)py ^NIE^ pN3ty ^m ,Dn^.pN3^ 3*31
1JN3D B: BNl T,3-13 NT y *iD3 pNH Ci7 P13TH3 UTWWn P.N ^3 IN
!"33 ,riN")yD N")*p ; P <l D^"n <l NJnT 1 1D3 "IN P Dtfb pNH DL^ P3DHH
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 24
370 L. Lewysohn.
^DilN ^biJUIP *iN DriNDtf rburin ^"H DVi bum N ul p
PN iNDb ^b nNU ^ y 1 "jbtp rpyn pi rift Nin DUN Nb nbN bi) inbm
D^llN.I rpyn lPN~O*i INn^U (pJJpJl^p) myOJDNn ~Q1 by IN DEM
(N v ibn Nb^b) ryas run NPIHJ pytso *D (upyDDy) NHPII nyKQ ybipn
Nb nin ^yn yna ^y njm ^J^D moiiNn jn^j"! im ^y IN
TO^D^ (D^) pna^ ino by^n DrnD pi , y on noon nznn
D"yi f riD*yn HN^D D"D Doipo^ mp
pDD n\T N^ lycb nBTityn ryi^D v
"inxb IN "osb *npy: IN VLDQ^J DN)
ron Nin) " juNDn "rom,, ponD TNT IDHDH .INI u^Dm
INn^ ni: N V IDD : DL^D Nipj* NpnyoN "?N"iDjys
DJN 111 .(ov^nD DVDD HD^ Nint^ Gallopavo ocellato
: Tain ,y ^i DiD-ri r.iya rNn ^JMNDH 11 inn DD-J pn^
r,N rrrh innDDi D^DIN run ny
prur rD^pb pynn ID*N piaai n^n^n nnx TD D
c~n y^n: ^p:n myinn v y S
no n^n 1 ? .ID DJ biw "30 t>3N - - ? IPI^ID
crn ^y piy^Djn^ i^ynb ^ i-y (24 FJ-J N"n /niyDn "ij j^y) IHN
;JN?D ijyi^ ICD ,nnn D^D^D p b p-np ^n. N^ D^pinnn D^N.I V
IN ID^.I pDD ^n* |y"lJ\S %i ? NpnDND N nTi tickiy " ^D I^DIN P ^^~P
nnp^ D^D-D "n^nni iD^n* pipinnn P.^HN pn y.un DM ^y PVJN
DI |y--j\s^ nj.^N^ ND vhy "y DJI D^n
-iy- yn^
snpj n:ni nsni ^y p .pn by rani "i xnc
PN "IN % DD IJ^N *?"! D i n N p i ~i nn ,(3"y ,n^) ^
I^ND ,nDni oy- jyzpiD^yD-nD : p^pyD (NJ^DID "jiyn) y r ^yb
^ ND i , ity by ]\vipj jmpn * IHN ur-xb ^ID DL^ n^ni
cND PN Nip D^iTD v j lyc MDiy i * p.iN no^ i IDD
ib nn v y bi v n) "D^I^IT,, ^PJI^.I isonn DW^DD^WS xwi
D"y -DID ^N LW N*n n^ni ipyib DJI THN DPOD ^N inyn
no ^DIP N^ *pyib /ob ^ F)*yn D^ pNi.n ymnbi yi^b ^pyi .ID pvnN*
N^ cbiyD (N : ibbn D^yaD ,^N bw ^ID n^ pi\ib n^ni nbcn
^il^DD PND ^DiD 1 ^ IDD >P ^IJ.I H2H1 D^3 1HN
NPD11JN TOP Dtyj PiDII.1 ^Ji 1 i?OJ N"D DB y
nn *N tr ^i^^n PINO -pcp^n Nb nbN ^DD*I (n^) NPDIIJN
371
.P.TD ,~n:3t? Nr.D"HJN ,D-mn W DUT" I
rviN HN ,-nm nan ^"y nrn n3N~UNj;j DP by n"jn DP Nnp 1 ?
n:n,-6 NSJOJ ^ Bfio^n i?3N cnpn ICNOD uw ~WND ( l ty tyio
(449 nDDD) PNI tw rVoNO IDD .INSTD mpo DP by Nipj ny"un
TN^ ^ Tin (170, DKO D ljy ^ Tim (450,
j-n (3"^ T 1 "i raa <) D^n <i ) ID b^ Tin (i"b D ]"">i HI
jmn IDD NIH n^ni ^ jmn DJ D ^I .Tyi (437
n^s ^"ais D"J jwpj I^N.I jnirn (i .nani D*pcn ^ f "
IN *N~ip n^x D"N* }DipD D^ ^y w"~\ ^n^sbi jiNT. Dt^ b^ "j
UN n.NTDI j^S iS DIpD C
p n^N (427 nson) onso PNDP DUT : n^xi (n" 1 T
i (nw ,wyw) II^N pN3 IB N rmzn "
^n^t? TNT ^DT (406,
) jmrn PN *Nnp nW LO^D "in* 11 Nin
Dip?on N n nrNi N^n ^ NJ ,IN"IJ nry .nNir. n^ ^ (J^STIS)
(124 v) Seleita & Zictona Halebi -\2Dnb iTnyn
^ Sojutln nna "luiyuixvi jp
^^DjyTNi nn T"J? "jnNnty no r^*) nsm
nsm D^D ^^n (112 .~nyn3 313 v n pbn N ~IDD i^rwDi^D^
c.inD HD ^DTJ TV"^ .nDnN2
* no y ip 1 Ni p u>Nfcr. CNI ,nrn D^D c
- n <i T? r.morrn
un DnnN mmo a; ^DT Nt> nrn IDDJH ~i^
jip (a^ jNDT 1 ) nsn .(D~ID r *cm3
U^NI iV 1 ? DNI ",n\xi n:\x u\sn N^,, Nin JE" b^r* (2"v D"D r
.^y 1 ? "IDTJD -inN C PDD iniN U^NI bfn uin^ bsN ran~i DL^M
i2D ir rv^n by -rnrr c; DN (yD v n:v~" ) s tt f cn ny^
tyD"in .nin pj^n D"nx T^in^ no HD P]^DIN (
s^D o^iyn D^y^n IN (s" 1 ^D T Dty o m"N V"B
rNipj (]NppNp) v^rn NSOJ TD "IITN nsD^on ,(N"V VD nr.roa v ^~)j
(Koukoulion ruv JI^D) Nt>p*p *.N (n"y D TD^ ^"i) r^y t rn r^
IN byu^ajyi^O "wo -^ r ^ann . . . C^DXH : i*an2 nD N 4 nan ] v y
(raaSn rmn -isot? noipnn ^o r y) 2 cn vib
"i nsi: ni ;> ;ci (tpnfiKTJK)M T/IS T TBT;) im^ia cip IN ,INXIC cipr: "> Nip: nj ai
24*
372 L. Lewysohn.
mnn p.
n p"6ipa pNnjy&r py) "ron p.jn ty -au ns : noscm
f^D ,pfc>Dn PJ3i"D ^D *np^ N^ ^Nl^^ (196
C\VDD D^DID D^NDH ^B^ nyb n i JDJHN inpt> no!?
^1- N^P TN ^DH ^ift 1 ^ HN^J ^1 ?
,cnx,"ijn ni^DD ^JD^ 2600 P.JEO NJ^DD nnM
*&b 1500
i n"i*nn
T NM ( D / o" >i n^^) ripna^ nba PNTH^ DD
nni p^NiDn -.DD D^yD HDD ^DH "IDTJ c
metax
: ^D ^n 1 ? T DTD (n"y ,n"D
ncn C^IDD p.sp
n npinn T> IIDDD D"3a"injy "I^N SJN -p-o -- .jvo
NPD ,Tnn m N n DNT^D v y pa Dn piinjn IDUH TD BHDD N"D
r"y\ , HNDU n^nD NDH NDB ~m Nin n* mnt^ i^y J^D i
NC^ N")QVD N n* PpEUn NIH Cl ^ C3"0"in PN nJ^!2 P]DDH
1DDD * /J^D yilJ -IB^ND DNmn P1HD PN "^T 1 N^ H^NH D^*
Marginalien zu Kohuf s Aruch
von
Dr. Immanuel Low (Szegedin).
Das Mass der Bedeutung einer wissenschaftlichen Leistung
1st nicht das Lob, das ihr erteilt wird, sondern die nach-
haltige Wirkung auf die Faehgenossen, der Massstab der
Kritik, der an sie angelegt wird, das eingehende Studium,
das man ihr widmet.
Auch die folgenden, aus der Fiille des Stoffes heraus-
gegriiFenen Bemerkungen wollen Beweise der Achtung sein,
die ich dem Gelehrtenfleisse des verewigten Bearbeiters des
Aruch zolle.
1. Aruch III, 267b: nn^T (Monatsschrift, Marz 1887).
Das syrische j?o^| bedeutet nicht ansa, Griff, Henkel.
V "p"! ist nicht zu streichen.
1) rPTGJ, die handschriftliche Ueberlieferung rViOT,
auch Maim. Tohoroth, Dernbg., Hai Gaon P I "1D17 (?)
(s. Jastrow s. v.) Schale, schalenformige Vertiefung am
Boden von Gefiissen. (Pflanzennamen, S. 162 ; Anm.)
Dies die richtige Erklarung, die Maim, meint. Es ist
- (?ai, nestorianisch ^\ (Bar Bahlul 4294 ? 425i5,
PSmith 2007. BA zu \a^o und i^a^i , Schale, z. B.
^
V^A! jlja^l Hiiftpfanne, patella coxae, wie ich zu
Brockelmann s. v. berichtigt habe, ganz wie hebr. ^2,
6?upa<pov, XOTU^Y). Es ist von j!c i xoTuXr j? pugillus, \*zz> $x>
kaum zu trennen. Diese Bedeutung erklart, wie Monats-
schrift, a. 0. angegeben, die Stelle Tanch. Toledoth 4,
Buber : mi2T opp. m^ip.
2) nni2T Git. 5, i. 2 . (j. u. b. z. St. j. Svuoth VII,
38*35.38) TKet. XII, 274 n (j. IX, 33b 52 - Bk. 6^ ff.
Ket. llOa). TBm. I, 3734: Feld dritten Ranges. Die
374 Immanuel Low.
etymologischen Erklarungen Levy s und Earth s sind
unbefriedigend.
2. Aruch III, 293: fr\. Die Stellen stehen sainmtlich
bei Levy. Jastrow noch : Sota 1, 8 : mj?E1 VJ>y 1:6? (dafiir
Sifre II, 105, 157 niycn l^y ^^^ "IV, richtiger bei Jalkut:
PW! V^y m:6l?ir ~y.) Dazu: TJad. II bei R. Simson zu
Jad. 4, 3 (Pesikta r XX, 97. Friedm. , wahrend das.
XII, 54a steht : myci WJJ te). Sifre IT, 80, 91b : cr
CnTOE"! 1^71. Midr. Tillim 80: D^l? CPOT.
3. Aruch IV, 241 : F)Sl2 Grabstichel, Meissel von
= yXucpavov. Es ist, wie schon bei Levy 5. v. zu lesen ist und
ich bei Gesenius s. t . bemerkt habe, das biblische PIB^Z. Dies
steht auch in der angeblich g a n z 1 i c h umgearbeiteten
zwolften Auflage des Gesenius schen Worterbuches, das
meine Beitrage ohne uiein Vorwissen niit derselben Ruhe
abgedruckt hat 7 wie die des Herrn Prof. s D. H. Miiller. Die
deutsche Biederkeit hat Herrn Prof. F rants Buhl nicht
gehindert, unsere Nainen auch in der Vorrede niit Still-
schweigen zu iibergehen.
4. Aruch V, 290b: x:mc. Mischn. ]n^ Sifra Bechukk.
4f. lllc Weiss.
5. Aruch VI. 256b : -^ Stadt. Plur. mischn. ni?^
(Dem. 5 7 7 Maas. 2, 3. Bik. 3 ? 2 und sonst oft.) aus-
nahmsweise C % iy Erub. 5, 1. TErub. VI, 144 9 cnny2 TTaan.
IV, 219]8 und. wie ich bei Gesenius 10 bemerkt habe in alteren
Ausdrucken biblischen Ursprungs: IT13C ny TSota XIII, 318i 9 ,
ncin y TBm. IV, 379i , TPara I, 631 b bx~\W y TArach,
V, 551 6 , E TpC ^ Sifre I, 159, 60^ und sonst. Tyn urbs.
Jerusalem, bibl. == TTaan. IV 220 2 o nnd sonst.
6. Aruch VI, 205^: b b by disponirt, ernpfanglich sein,
zu den Stellen bei Levy und Kohut : TOhol. XV, 613-. Sifre
I, 126, 45b 14 , TMikv. I, 652 2b TNeg. IV, 622 25 .
7. Aruch VI, 210a Anm. 10: ^pEtniB ist nicht feroce
sondern forestico.
8. Aruch VI, 222b : 2jy nicht schniiren, sondern eine
S c h 1 e i f e oder Masche schiirzen, schlingen opp. "ll^p
Knoten schiirzen. Zu den Stellen noch : Mech. 63 b vorl.
TErub. XI, 154 10 .
9. Aruch VI, 292 : C3C niit Levy auf }1 verwiesen.
Anzufuhren ist das syr. ^.Lokls: Scharte, BBahlul 1487
Marginalien zu Kohut s Aruch. 375
Duval : l^>-? crua^oal <ru\*a^ .d^ ? ]L Das ent-
sprechende arabische /v^XJ hat Fleischer zu Ly. angefuhrt.
10. Aruch VII, 106b : IPD^p. Stellen: Targum bei Levy
TWB., die librigen bei Levy : C-:B IPD^p Ber. ?a. Bm. 87*.
Nid. 31. Vaj. r. 18, 1. Koh. r. 12, 2. V:D inc^p Pes.
drK. 37a, lOla (J1K. I, 78b 15 . II, 113 Nr. 811. II, 187b 9 .
Beth Talmud, V, 203). Pes. r. XIV, 62a Vaj. r. 20, 2.
Koh. r. 8, 1. Tanch. Achare 2, Buber 3 Chukkath 17, -
Buber. M. Mischle 31, 30 p. 110, Buber. - - Ber. r. 41, 6.
60, 7. Jellinek, Beth Hamidr. VI, 24. VJD ^ m^D^p Schem.
r. 28, 1. LA. -IHD^p. (J1K. I, 109d Nr. 396). Die LA.
c^p ist meistbezeugt, Ar. : lECD p.
Das Wort hat eine lange Leidensgeschichte. Schonhak:
?, INT ! Levy ira Tan/. WE. xoXa?w, im Nhbr. WB. :
, Kohut : caelatura, Briill: charistia, Kraus : cala-
mister. Das Richtige wird Fraenkel getroffen haben : er
denkt an *x<xpa<7Tr ( p, eine vorauszusetzende volkstumliche Form
zu yapaxTYip. 1 ) Die sachliche Uebereinstimniung mit D "^PD^p
ist frappant.
11. Aruch VIII, 67b : hw Holle ist bekanntlich aus
dem Hebraischen ^ND* entlehnt. Diesem Worte ,,unbekannter
Etymologic (Gesenius 12 ) stehen wir ratios gegeniiber. Ein
giinstiger Zufall hat aber bei B. Bahlul den Schlussel des
Wortes erhalten. B. Bahlul 1979 Duval hat folgende Glosse:
om
Dieses $\A., ioi^Hohle bietet die ungezwimgene und
einzig richtige Erklarung fur I /\SC* Holle, wobei allerdings
zu bernerken ist. dass die Bedeutung Hohle fur flV^ vor ~
laufig nur durch die mitgeteilte vereinzelte Glosse B. Bahlul s
belegt ist Vgl. Gesenius 10 , s. v. ^Xiy und hyw.
12. Zu streichen sind: Aruch IV, 121a; c raBsg, von
welchem N PT 1 nicht hergeleitet werden darf , VI, 59b :
(!) zu " und III, 518a a<jaw zu . . . . nnn !
^ [So emendirt auch Bacher in s. Agada d. paldst. Amoraer, II (1896),
p. 344. G. A. K.]
On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric
by
Prof. D. S. Margoliouth (Oxford).
The Arabic Version of the Ehetoric of Aristotle exists
in the same volume that contains the Poetics (Paris, Bibl.-
Nationale, 882 a). The name of the translator is not given ;
but a number of subscriptions tell us something of the history
of the book. It was written in the year of Alexander 1339,
agreeing with A. D. 1016, and collated in the year of the
Hijrah 418 (1027 A. D.). The Ms. of Ibn Samh whence
this was copied contained a subscription stating that the
copyist had before him two Arabic copies, one faulty, the
other fairly correct ; from these two copies he had made his
own, correcting the one by the other; where they were both
wrong, he had recourse to the Syriac original. On fol. 18b
(p. 1371 a 25 of the Berlin ed.) a marginal note by Ibn
Samh himself is quoted, stating that in one of the Arabic
copies Bk. I ended there, but that in the other Arabic copy
and the Syriac there was a great deal more. Another anno
tation there states that the Greek text confirmed the Syriac.
A further subscription states that the Paris MS. had been
collated with one in the hand of Abu 1-Abbas.
It will be seen then that the Arabic MS. is of the early
Xlth century, the century to which the most important of
the Greek MSS (Ac) belongs; the MSS. of which it was a
copy were doubtless much earlier; Ibn Samh is certainly
the celebrated logician of Baghdad, to whom the poet Abu
1-Ala Al-Ma arri alludes in a verse of his Lusumiyyat
(Egyptian edition, p. 235), and whose floruit may be
put about 300 A. H. or 900 A. D.; the Syrian to which
they referred probably takes us back a century earlier;
On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric. 377
and the underlying Greek copy to a yet earlier date.
The interest attaching to its readings should therefore be
as great as that of the Vetus Translatio Latina, of which
accurate accounts have been given by Spengel, Dittmeyer,
and others. The treatise is practically intact with the
exception of a lacuna from 1412 a 15 to 1415 a 5. caused
apparently by the loss of a leaf It occupies 65 leaves
large folio. The writing, though destitute ordinarily of
diacritic points, is easily legible, except where the paper is
damaged 1 , this has happened to leaves 41 and 52, and to not
a few lines and words.
Much of what Spengel has written of the Old Latin
Translator will apply to his Oriental colleague. The treat
ment of the quotations from Homer shows that the Syriac
translator possessed some acquaintance with Greek literature 5
thus in 1378 b 32 a verse of Homer is quoted by Aristotle
in the following form : Bio )>sysi *Ti[xa?6}j.svo^ 6 Ay^TJ.s Jg
"/)Tip)<7v &wv yap s/si yspa?". the Arabic renders this "this
is why Homer says that Agamemnon despised Achilles when
he robbed and spoiled him of his honour i. e. his con
cubine". In 1400 b 13 after lasova the Arabic adds LgJju
i e. TOV avBpcc aft-rTfe In 1415 a 17 the quotation avBpoc
(xot, lvv7U [j.oScra is filled up as follows : **!( J^v-
^Ov^ ^ JotJ ^/O 5>-\X5" UyOJ JV^UL^ ^jJl j
olxJj "concerning the man of many shifts who
decided many things after that the populous city of Ilion
had been destroyed." In these three passages it is probable
that the additions to the Greek are the work of the Syriac
translator. In 1378 b 7 where to the half line given by the
Greek MSS. avBpwv v <7TYj9s<r<Jiv ascsTcci the Arabic adds YJUTS
XOCTUVOC (from Ihiad 109), the addition was probably to be
found in the translator s copy of the original
This acquaintance with Greek literature did not how
ever extend very far-, and in 1380 b 29 Hector himself is
made to say the words : xtocpY]v yap BY] yalav aiwtisi [j-svsaivwv
"saying to the dead man you are now embracing the brute
earth wherein you are for ever " (^svsatvwv == [isvwv ast ;
"embracing" probably a guess). The Syriac translator frequently
confuses common nouns and proper names, whence the number
378 D. S. Margoliouth.
of transliterated words is very considerable. A curious case
occurs in 1418 a 7 where TOU Tuodou opog w cpiX STUSI TOOOC
is transliterated and regarded as a couple of proper names :
{j^iixi^Lo (jwj^jjbJ ^jf. Other cases are L^LuJbJ (1616 a
32) for $ixa<m/)pia, o^xk^f for a^rsTa with gloss LLwwc*.
(1611 b 22), j^f and oL^f for Ipto^ and Ip4v]irs<;(1401 b 12,
1402 b); (jog jj.lv ofciTpos (1397 b 19), appuO[j.ov (1408 b 26),
TTpay&&gt;vov (ibid. 27), xaXXtoJuwrTfe (1401 b 24) etc, are repre
sented in this way. The opposite error is almost equally
frequent; e. g. TytoavovToc (1416 a 28) is rendered ^s-^2&Jf dl)3
"that healthy person", Kpnrias by "the judge" etc In 1393 b
22 aJjTOXpaTOpa is transliterated, accompanied by the gloss:
iu^ftj <*Lw^Jf yDj "i. e. the self-restraining".
Of the copious errors which deform this translation it
is not always easy to say whether the fault lies with the
Syriac or the Arabic translator. The former however must
have done his work unintelligently. The treatment of the
difficult word vs^cav p. 1386 b 9 - - 1387 b 15 illustrates
this. In 1386 b 14 and 16 he confuses it with pidov;
^5*^0 stands for 5s? vsjxscau, cjlk^jj! ^\* for
TO vsp.scrav. Ibid- 18 TW vs[xs<iSv is rendered ^ ^o
a it is in the middle". In 22 TO ijiv vs[j.<7^ is trans
lated "distribution", o)^ ^ ^2AJI, i- e. viy.rpiq. Apparently
then the translator so far has no idea of the subject of the
section. But by 1387 a 6 he has learned the meaning and
uses a very fair equivalent pj& for some lines, occasionally
substituting for it ^f. Yet by 1386 b 32 the meaning is
forgotten and "distribution" again employed; and in 35
is rendered "excused": ccLj! .jc xj
x ,
and this rendering is retained in 1387 b 3 and 4; while in
8 sqq. the true signification is again given. A less intelligent
procedure it is difficult to conceive.
One other example may be quoted. In 1380 b 2 a list
is given of the states in which men are not inclined to
anger: Iv TraiBia Iv y^coTi Iv lopTY] v lur][xspia. The translator
renders this u in culture (TuaiBsia), in mirth, in anger, in sport."
He therefore misread Iv dpyfj for Iv OpT?j and puts down
without hesitation as Aristotle s opinion that the state of
anger is one of those in which men are not angry!
On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric. 379
Many more errors are probably due to the Arabic
translator, whom the difficulty of Syriac syntax partly
excuses. Occasionally the source of the error is fairly obvious.
In 1360 b 5 OXOTTO? is represented by yC*x> ,J| the ordinary
rendering of roxOog; \A.*J of the Syriac was misread \JL*-
In 1388 a 1 spyoi? is rendered tX-u^fc "slaves" ; f r dLL accounts
for this. In 1401 b 25 iv TTOU; ispoT? is rendered ^aJiJf 3
"in the castles"; the Syriac HsJri would stand for both.
Although then neither translator worked intelligently,
the translation which results is not so literal that we can
always be certain of the nature of the original. They feel
no scruple about putting down what is clearly false; yet
occasionally they expand and paraphrase. Such has been
the treatment of the verses of Sappho, quoted p. 1367 a
10 14, which Avicenna has turned into an edifying homily.
Where therefore the Arabic gives a better sense than the
Greek, it is ordinarily probable that it represents a better
text than ours, but not always certain. Two examples of
this uncertainty may be taken from p. 1367 b. The paragraph
(1. 21) begins: Ircsi B Ix TWV rcpafcswv 6 srcaivo?. An English
scholar has suggested that we should omit sx. The Arabic
has: Jlxs^f ^c. _<Xj! *&* Ujf the praise falls only on
the actions. It is hard to say whether this confirms the
conjecture quoted, or is itself merely a guess.
In line 17 of the same page there are the words yj (jxi^tov
ytyv6[xsvG (BsXTfoov xai xaTaXXaxTixc&Tspo^ li or, when he becomes
greater, is better and more reconcileable". For xa~aXXaxTi-
the Arabic has *Xi cXx^f larger-minded. This
seems at least as appropriate an idea as the Greek (of
which there is a variant rcpaxTtXtoTspoq), but may be merely
a guess at a hard word. Quite at the beginning of the book
the same uncertainty exists in two passages. 1354 a 15
"they say nothing about enthymemes", orcsp s<rd (j&ya TYJ^
TuttfTscoc;. That <7a>[j,a here was difficult was seen by Victorius,
who substituted an impossible word pS[j.a The Arabic has
column, Jj-*-fc, a singularly felicitous rendering. In the next
line : Bta(3oXv] yap xai I kzoc, xal opyv] xai Ta TOLaura TuaOv] TYJ^
4uxr^. Cope observes that Swc(3o)/r] is improperly classed with
such TudcOY) as IXsoq and dpyrj; the Arabic has fear, pity
380 D. S. Margoliouth.
and anger. ^-CLXJ^ iUa^Jlj ^if, the ordinary trio. 1 ) It
is not however probable that any alteration should be made
in the text on the ground of these renderings. For this first
page shows many signs of free rendering, and though
successful in these two places, the translator has failed in
the others.
Lastly the Paris MS. is not free from errors, in spite
of the subscriptions that have been quoted. Thus in p. 60 b 2.
(= 1416 a 15) t5 ku,f r !f for 6 Bta(3aUwv should clearly be
corrected ^fjJf. In not a few cases the margin offers
variants, which are not always better than the readings of
the text. There are also some marginal notes, of which the
following may serve as a specimen : in 1372 a 5 for TO Be
ysyovoc ToTg BwtavifcoTs the Vorlage of the translation had the
same corruption as Ac ysvos; on this the margin has the
following note : ^ *xi jJjCo ^ jjf ^ (J ^j^ Jo^j &$
)?^ ^ 2 s * JJ-ftj y& |*| yo "he seems to mean the genus
of the matter talked about, good or bad, just or unjust".
There are, as is well known, two families of MSS. of the
Rhetoric, one represented by Ac, followed in all the best
editions, and the other by the "deteriores". Distinct from
these is the MS. underlying the Old Latin Translation, as
Dittmeyer has shown. The MS. underlying the Arabic
is again a distinct recension, probably superior
to all the others, and agreeing regularly with no
other source. With the vet. latin Arab, (as we shall hence
forth call our version) agrees in one remarkable case, 1379 a
20 : 6|j.oico Bs xat ToTc aXXoic .... zpocoBoTCOiY]Tai yap sxa<7TC,
where Roemer marks a lacuna, which he thinks may be
supplied from the vet. Lai: Si autemnon, et quodcunque
aliud parvipendat quis. Arab, has here precisely
the same addition : ^J j> ^ | jje ^ *^ ^^Jo J ^L .
^Lgjcjf ^ ^Lg-o Ux? "And if there be none of this, then
some other thing such as any one [literally "the despiser ]
despises". A fair number of passages might also be cited
where the two agree (e. g. ? 6p ov for ? Qovov 1354 a 25, (ntwwrwv
: ) These two readings will he found represented in the Hebrew
translation of Averroes s Commentary on the Rhetoric, ed. Goldenthal, 1842,
p. 6, lines 16 and 21.
On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric. 381
for <7xo)7UTi 1405 b 30, xod VOGT^.^IOV omitted ibid 32), but the
list of important readings, collected by Spengel p. 170 sqq.,
shows that the affinity between the two versions is very slight.
Nor again is the relation between Arab, and Ac very
close. It is true that many of those good readings which
have given Ac its fame are to be found in Arab., as well as
some of its errors; e. g. bJ.iyvpMC for opytXcog 1388 a 3, obcavTa
for aTuavTav 1416 a 7. Yet frequently it agrees with the
"deteriores". It has , e. g. the characteristic addition in
1360 b 23: (apTY;v) r t xai Ta p.6pta afoYfe cppov^criv (joxppoffUVYjv;
and in 1378 b 23 pXdMcrsiv xoci 7, j^sTv for which Ac gives
TTpaTTSLv xai Isystv, * n 1383 a 10 TO-JC 6[j.oiouc for which Ac has
To6g TOtoUTOug. Indeed in many pages Arab, seems to agree
with Ac and the "deteriores" alternately.
Eoemer (p. XXV) quotes cases in which words that have
dropped out of Ac by homoeoteleuton are preserved in some
of the "deteriores". In the first of these cases, 1374 b 31,
Arab, represents the missing words; in the second, 1383 b 22,
it omits them with Ac; in the third, 1398 b 21, it represents
them. In the fourth 1376 b 9 it omits them; in the fifth
1403 a 25 there would seem to be a somewhat larger lacuna
in Arab .than in Ac. In the sixth 1399 b 84 where the words sav Bs
IJ.YJ 6;tapy;f,, p; Tcpdhratv are inserted by Spengel and others
from two of the "deteriores", i and the margin of Y b , these
MSS. are supported by Arab, against Ac and the rest. From
these facts then, and those which will presently be adduced,
it is evident that if ever the readings of this version were
made accessible to scholars, it should count as an independent
witness of importance. Yet the fact that in 1416 b 29 it,
like all the MSS., repeats the passage from 1367 b 27
1368 a 9 on panegyric, shows that the underlying Greek was
derived from the same archetype to which all our MSS. can
be traced. That archetype must therefore go back to an early
century in our era.
Striking agreement of Arab, with Ac may be noticed in
the following passages :
a. The arrangement of 1388 a 17. After xai xspajjis&s
xspajxeT all MSS. but Ac insert the words (there read after
line 24): xod ToTg T<X/;J oE [rfjTrco ^ j^ov^zc, XT>.., where Ac con
tinues: xod cov in XSXTT.ULSVWV. Arab, mistranslates the Greek
382 D , S. Margolioutk.
badly, but clearly had the same order as Ac, as it goes on:
in those things, which, when they accrue to them,
or they have gained, they become like them; while
the passage xod TOI Tap etc. is found lower down, as in Ac.
b. In 1397 b 15 20 the same passage is given in a
shorter form in the "deteriores", in a longer form in Ac. The
Arab, seems clearly to represent the longer form: JUb 1*51
[read Lojf] Ufcjf jT| y* ^jjf Ju>f yc
^j| LcU ioLftJf ^>^ ^^o j^LJf
^f Uf^ ; ^! yc ^jj| Jf JLS! yc
Lo! jjj^o! ^./o j$c\^f; o^
U-wjJ ,j! LoU &j|. And as is said that he who beats
his parents beats his relations; for this is inasmuch
as if that which is rarer come to pass, that which
is more frequent comes to pass also. For the
beating of parents is rarer among men than the
beating of relations. Either then he proves that if
that which is rarer come to pass, that which is
more frequent conies to pass; or he proves that if
such and such did not happen, such and such did
not happen He will only prove one of two, either
the affirmative or the negative.
c. In 1361 a 14 (in the definition of wealth): vo[j.icr(j.airo
~Xr,Qo, yyjc, ycopicov K,T?;<7t TT^YjOsi xai [J-sysOst xai xaX7.si BiacpspovTwv
the words TuMjGsi Bia<pspovT(ov are omitted by all except
Ac, the Vet. lat. , and certain other authorities quoted by
Roeiner. Arab, here agrees with Ac, though its renderings
are rather curious : jolj *jobjJ| S
HwiXJU the parts of wealth are quantity of coins and
lands and money and estates and all things that
differ in value and beauty; then the acquisition of
furniture and bric-a-brac and goods and cattle,
many, varying in beauty and quantity. The three
words employed to represent ifiwuXwv accord with these
On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric. 383
translators methods; in the Poetics [xijjisfoGai is ordinarily
given a double translation, and sometimes a treble one. That
which is characteristic in the reading of Ac is the repetition
of the clause ending Bia<pep6vT<ov, and this clearly the trans
lators had before them. Some examples may now be given
of the alternation of Arab, between the readings of the two
families.
p. 1377 a 27: ouBsv BsT ocfaov aB.cov BixacjT&v BsfoOat Ac,
iTwv the rest; Arab.: *^i Jf ^^ ^ ^ cS*^ ^
J^di! jj=T| he ought not to need anything
better than this; "better" clearly represents xpsnrov, a
misreading of xpiTtov.
A few lines below 1377 b 7: sav Bs T& avTiBbuo f, urcevavTtog
xai djx&)!JLO(T[JLsvo(; is given by Ac, followed by Spengel and
others, whereas the "deteriores" omit the words 6~svavTio? xai.
Arab, shows the same reading as Ac : x*xii UJl-S? ^ 131
^^xJU fJoLX^jo LlygJCo if he be opposed to his adver
sary, prepared ready to swear.
Similarly on the preceding page 1376 b 18 Arab, agrees
with "deteriores" in reading s^owuaTwoiv for ga[i.depTb>aiv of Ac,
while in line 25 it agrees with the reading of Ac: TOW
ysypa^ivcov YJ Tofo olxsioic vj TO!- (iXXoTrpioi? against ToTg xaloTg
T, Bwaioi? of the others
It is not probable that many new readings of importance
are to be obtained from this version. The following seem of
interest:
1372 b 15: 01 yap syxpaTsTq xai cppcvi[j.coTaToi TOC
for persons of soundness and sense only injure in
this sort "Injure" must stand for aBtxoScn, rather than
Biwxoudi. The philosopher is speaking of the kinds of people
who do injuries; and classes among them: ol? av TO jxsv "XuTUYjpov
fftvi f, Y] T, rrj[XLOC, TO Bs t^-j xai axpsTujxov -JCTTspa xai /poviwirspa,
then follows the sentence that has been quoted.
1377 a 6 BsT - - ^acravoic:. Of this passage, which many
MSS. omit and most editors bracket, Arab, has all but the
first clause BsT Bs Xsysiv w; o6x stdv a^GsTg ai (3ac7avoi.
384 D. S. Margoliouth.
In the last sentence, which Cope asserts to be devoid
of meaning the Arabic gives some help: O r t BS Bs&oi xai
uXaj3sIc; Tupo TOU TOCC; avayxag JBsTv OC JTCOV xaTaOappoEiffiv,
COSTS o jBsv IffTi TTicTTov Iv {3ac7avot. Arab. : ..v^f j LoL
JJfJy&Jf fjjj ^f J^o p^AJf J^t ^.^Jb Jo j^jf v^A^xJ^
and as for the cowardly and timid they, so to speak,
confess against themselves before they see the
tortures. That this is what the writer intended to say seems
very clear. Should we restore xaTayopdouaiv ? Cobet, Variae
Lectiones, p. 37, quotes from Lysias a passage dealing with
this very subject in which that word occurs.
In 1371 b 16 some proverbs are quoted, among them
syvto BS Ovip 6r,pa. Spengel observes that in the Eudemian
Ethics VIII, the proverbs quoted are: gyvw BS (pup T owpa
xai ?Jw> 7^xov, but he does not think cpwp cpSpa should be
restored here. The Arabic of the Rhetoric however evidently
represents the same Iambic line as appears in the Eudemian
Ethics: j*J| J| ^jX^j ( *^ l f^ u^AJ! oyu u^JUf the thief
knows the thief and the wild beast retreats to the
wild beast. The word rendered "retreats to" may be
a reminiscence of the parallel passage in Ecclesiasticus.
In another proverb 1383 b 24: 6 Osv xod Y] reapoijiia TO arco
vsxpou ospsiv Arab, has an interesting variation: oy^Jf ^x> J.
xiU5l and even from the dead his grave-clothes.
A curious proverb is quoted in 1399 a 27: TO sAor rcpioccjOai
*od TO jr aXa^. Arab, renders this: L^i LJ (jc>!^| .JCcLj let
him buy the land with what is in it. This seems correct
in sense, but is probably merely a paraphrase, if indeed the
Arabic be not corrupt.
In the fable narrated in 1393 b 25 the translators might
seem to have had before them rather more than our present
texts. The Greek is : aXcojusxa Bwc[3aivou<jav 7UOTa[j.
sic cpapayya, o5 Buvajxsvyjv Bs sxpYJvat, rcoMv xpovov
Arab, renders this : &c Jf *i j j(
Juu LAXI oJU! LJU
while the fox was crossing the
river, he got pushed into a mass, and when he had
escaped from it after long trouble, he flung himself
On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric. 385
into a ravine, and weltered there some time. It is
probable however that the word "mass" represents a reading
(pd&ayya, or else a false interpretation of cpapayya , and that
the lengthened form of this passage is due to an attempt to
reconcile both renderings.
In 1382 a 8 after xai TO JJLSV X&UYJS s<ps<7i, TO Bs
the Arab, adds: Lcf^
if ill i v.xoJLs s Jbvj &jU fcX# for the former wishes
/ W7 "T 7
merely to annoy and vex, whereas the latter rather
wishes to hurt.
Ibid 1. 19 after TupoatpsTrat Tt aytv Arab, adds: ^
&u> LL$*> ^4>! (5^j ^jJf ^ L^J ^j^t |*4XxJt JyL!|
for the previous discussion on those things wherein
he that desires to injure injures holds good here.
In 1385 b 2 after ?] yap OTI OC-JTWV sva^a &rcY)pTOu<7iv Y]
6:uYipTT|(7av Arab, adds: vixx^ 5^ v^ ^ ^ !^J** ^^? ^^
<Si3sJ3 Jt r" to ^ ^ or ma y h^ ve done less than is
proper or where it was not needed.
In 1396 a 5 : av TI^ BuvY]Tat TO 6[xoiov opav OTrsp paov SCTTIV
sx cpiXoaocpiag paov is the reading of all the MSS., paBtov was
restored by Bekker from the Vet. Tr. The Arabic omits the
words: *A,*JlftJ! ^^!^ ^ ^J&j^o fj.^ this is a process
of the processes of philosophy.
In 1397 b 22: xa! d JXYJ ol T-jvBapiBai o-5B A^avBpo? Arab.
adds after T jvBaptBat EASVT;/: ^^j j^^j^cXxb ^f Jxi ^J
jjw^tX-Lw^T^I Jots ^X.> jj. This gloss is a correct one, see
Cope s note; but whether it comes from a MS. or not
seems doubtful.
In 1609 b 25 : 6[xotto? Bs xa\ at TispioBot at jxaxpai ouaat
^6yo? ytvsTat xat ava(3o>,9i optov Arab, has: oLk.^f ^tX5^
Jlil sjc^j LOJ! ^uJUJlj kJU^c ^^XJ Jl^ic ooK 13! and
likewise the annexions when they are long become
loose, and the pause is of this nature. The word
rendered loose J-t-g* can scarcely stand for ^oyog : in
1410 b 32 it is is used for aXXoTptog. Ac has aXoyo^: its
most natural Greek equivalent would be
In 1411 a: 5 oux lav 7rpttBtv TY]V EXXaBa Tpocp6aX(j.ov
np.
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
386 D. S. Margoliouth.
YSVOJJ.SVYJV Arab, has: ^f ^| <jjL&| I fear to see. The Arabic
word would correspond well with oxvsTv.
Doubtless there are other passages where a skilled
Aristotelian scholar would be able to correct the text from
this version; and some places may be noticed in which its
readings strikingly confirm the conjectures of By water, Spengel
and Yahlen.
1393 a 31 : I<JTI Bs TO |xsv rcapaBsiyjxa Xsysiv ToiovBs TI. so
Ac: "quod sensu caret et rectissime emendavit Spengel
TCpay[j,aTa Xsystv" (Romer). Arab, has: oofc Jo N^O| r & Lois
and as for the narration of things which have
happened. This clearly confirms Spengel s conjecture.
1377 a 28: xat d TO> TusTrovOoTt, TO xaXwc yj Bixaicoc S^ap^si
xal TW ^oivjaavTi. xal TCO TusisavTt, Y, TuotYJffavri Ac; the other
MSS. corrupt this still further. Spengel corrected as above.
Arab, has the true reading: ^ LJj^ ; | L^^ (J^c Jg ^U
(^tXT Uijf J^LaJ! ^ ^j JotAAjf if this be fair or
just on the part of the sufferer it is so also on the
part of the doer.
1356 a 19: Bi& Bs TOU Xoyo-j TTKTTS JOIKTIV; TOV Xoyov Ac; TWV
7,6ywv Dett; Spengel corrected BL ? atkoS Bs TOL ^oyou, and this
Arab, has : *XXAJ ^jOj JxJJ ^o ^ JuajJf ^ ^^o Lx> Le|
as for the belief that is produced by language
itself.
1356 a 20: OTOCV aXvjOsc; YJ ^aivo^svov Bsi^w^sv; Spengel
added a7.Yj9s? aftet (paivojjisvoy. Compare Arab.: ou.o ^y^
L^^- V5^>. ^ ;l La^ when we demonstrate a truth or
what seems true.
1356 b 4 Spengel added to the text the words : TO Bs
cpouv6(j.svov v6^ay i [j.a cpaivoijxvog (yuXXoyiff^o^ from Dionysius.
Arab, read them: ^J XA*^^U; ^o ^JJf wJCftx)!^ and the
apparent enthy nienie is an apparent syllogism.
In 1366 b 15 the words [uxpo^y/ia Bs irouvav-iov which
are bracketed by Spengel are omitted by Arab.
In 1386 a 12 : xai TO SOsv Trpocy.xsv ayaGov TL ^pacat xaxov
TI cru^rjvai. Valilen corrected 6~ap>oa for ^pa^ai, and both
Spengel and Romer approve this correction. Arab, has: ^1
;*==* *-JLo ^1 JJ5U ooy^. ^o ^ccJf j| ^J| oudj that a
man should come to mischief thence whence he
On the Arabic Version of Aristotle s Rhetoric. 387
hoped that good would befall him. It is improbable
that this represents Tupo^ai; more likely it stands for ayaOov
TI ftaOsTv-
In 1388 b 6: h$ yap rcpO(JY]xov aL>To!> ayaOoTs slvai, OTI TcpodYJxs
ToTc; ayaOwg X oucri > ?Y]XoQ<Ji Ta Toiatka TOW ayaQwv are thus
emended by Vahlen: &g yap irposTjXOv auToT<; ayaOoT? stvai, OTI
a rcposYJxs Toi> ayaOotQ s^ousi, $qXoQ<Ji XT^. Arab, represents
this emendation:
Jo |1 i>^^ for they, as being near
to being good, inasmuch as they have the things
which are near (or appropriate) to the good, feel
jealousy. Had not the translators had this reading before
them, they could never suo Marte have made such good
sense of the passage.
Another conjecture of Vahlen that is remarkably confirmed
by Arab, is in 1402 b 30 : s<ra Bs 06 TOC-JTO XUtfai YJ cm otk
sfaoq Y) OTI o5x avayxaTov, asl B sjrsi IvG^adiv TO 6<; sro, TO TTO^U.
ou yap dv ? ( v <cog sd TO 7:0X6 xa\> sixog aXX asl xa\ avayxaTov.
Arab, has:
now he must have (AEI for
AEI) as an objection that which is more frequent;
and say it is not more frequent than the likely
[^s.^ in this translation regularly stands for dxoc;
inadequately], but the likely is the necessary, which
is constant at all times.
Bad as this translation is, it is clear that the Syriac
translator had before him the words inserted by Vahlen.
In 1397 a 23 : si yap OaTspco u^ap/^i TO xa7.wg r\ Bixafox;
Tuotffcai, GaTspo) TO rcsTcovGsvai. Bywater (Journal of Philology,
XVII, p. 72) observes that xai should be inserted before the
second OaTspw. Our translator seems clearly to have read
this xai as he renders the passage : U^tX^t J*i ^ !<3Ls xiU
^CJcX^ LOJ! iu^UiJ JLxAJ^IU LJcX* ; f \J^^ and if the
action of the one be fair or virtuous, then the
suffering in the case of the other must also be so.
25*
Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to
B. Sa adya Graon
by
Dr. A. Neubauer (Oxford).
My lamented friend s literary career had much resem
blance to mine. His life work was a critical edition of the
leading dictionary of the Talmudic literature, by Nathan ben
Yehiel of Rome, whilst I edited the first dictionary of the
Bible according to the system of triliteral roots, compiled
by R. Jonah (Abul Walid ibn Janah). We both were
unjustly taken to task by an acute critic in the same perio
dical. After having completed his edition of the Aruch
Completum and the prolegomena to it, the late Dr. A. Kohut
devoted himself to the Arabic - Hebrew literature of the
Yemen Rabbis, of which he brought out in a short time extens
ive monographs on Dhamari s (1892) and Ibn Isaiah s (1894)
commentaries (the latter rather homilies) on the Pentateuch.
Both were reviewed by the present writer in the Jewish
quarterly Eeview, vols. V and VII (1893-1895).
I also tried to take up the same studies from a general
side. Besides the two essays, my lamented friend devoted
attention to Sa adya Gaon s liturgical productions, from which
he published, also almost posthumously, the beautiful Hos-
hanah psalms 1 ) ascribed to that prolific pionneer in Jewish sci
ence. In this brief article, I shall follow his steps, with the
purpose of filling up some lacunae in the aforementioned
essay, which I devote with sorrow and grief to his memory :
rosun.
I. Sa adya s
*) [The learned S. J. Halberstam has recently published in the new
issue (vol. XXXIX, p. 111112) of Graetz s Monatsschrift, some additions
Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to E. Sa adya Gaon.
Addition to vol. XXXVII, p. 210, of the Monatsschrift
fur die Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums. The
Ms. of the Bodleian Library No. 2498 of my catalogue
has the following introduction to the p jy^in : [fol. 137] "JJHJ
Di 1 ^33 PDJ3H P-2 y3SN3 n3T "P!2yr6 DiTP*3tfl!3 ^33 btTVF 1 bl
111 NJN Q1N* j!T l 3t > * ?3 nP N fD^pE JHH <l !2 ! P^B^O D^* D* 1 ^33i
$T PNJ myo "ii .BHJpo3 ipiN PD^D VHB roia 1 ? -or NO nytsnn
. . . nDpnn py^3 cns^ -VB? -p-ia DTjnpn -S^NE c* 1 ^D^ j^pnn
The Ms. of the Bodleian Library Hebr. e. 11 (not yet
catalogued), fol. 90. reads as follows: TDyrp NJy^ n riDU
IDG pn^s en p. 3 on :n <I D <! pjnps c* 1 ^331 pDJ3n p^3 j;saN3 ns^nn
nDpn Qr ^33 wy^ H o N i P.RN DVD in^^i^ np N i^D-p^; rsby niip
]n^N nDpnn pj;2* tyipob nrr n^r^n PN ]^D^pc ^nt^ I^-D D; T n^m
nnyo -j^i jpTcy [NH]DJ ^N ^n p:*^ 0^31 D^ t>3^ D^IJHP n3i
.D* 11 "?33 SyT j NJ
Finally the Ms. 1145 (fol. 37 b) of my catalogue has the
following superscription: jiTP^iS P S pS ha bx~\W bi MHJ
pn^JD :nn ^^ PV3tya D^I D 1 br- PDJDH p.^3 v^N3 ra^r n^n^
^33" . NJ ny^in "^ NJN psiN i jn^y^D np*N ^372* n^y n^*p.
P.N D^D ^M^ T~0 D^VD 1 "P vX D^O T C?3" PRN D^D
nosna NpN J-NJ myD 3P"> ip t^np^ IDT
mn* y D^x "OP; ibx D ^N- biD D^ ^331 DiD 1 NC uy ^xp^
.l^V
We see that all three Mss. attribute the P-jyt^n to
Sa^adya, which are identical with those given in the Monats-
schriftj according to three Mss. in America, described by Rev.
Dr. Alex. Kohut.
In another Ms. of a Yemen Siddur belonging to the Rev.
Salomon A. Wertheimer in Jerusalem, which I had an oppor
tunity to see, we read the following pieces, besides the Hoshanoth
to be found in the Bodleian Ms. No. 2498 of the Bodleian
Catalogue, before wn D ^: "D^ xb bw |.NJ nnyo W2-\w yn
and emendations to Dr. Kohut s article, I. c. He informs us that S. Sachs,
in vol. IV, p. 109, of the Hebrew annual Ozar ha-Sifroth, calls atten
tion to these prayers from a printed Mahsor, scarcely known. He also
possesses a Yemen MS, of prayers in which the following superscription is
to be read in the section containing the Hoshanoth :
jnw itti? Daifii C",BO T ;i*o
. . . nuytrinn nou nn . . . I ; N noa. The order is just the same in Halber-
stam s MS. The variants communicated bv him are of interest. G. A. K]
390 A- Neubauer.
rvpn 1 ? jn 1 ?^ P^NI DID DVK> ^JDD yiw DTH -w a rujwin
DV pi D^? jro I^LTO PNI rujwin DHD one .N PN D^nJD n^ni? PDE> IN
^D jr.iN "noN^ ruyEnnn *?D pis? vn ra"i njyt^n c^ Ninty ^Dty
PDIN PN rD^D riTfr Jn ^ PPNI r>o ci" 1 ^n DN p <) Dt> ;nn no 1
. DnoiN ^J^ f 2 D D-P Ninsr ra^D "HND* ^^D r^tr nriN3 nj^in
2 DV mspn DnoiNi N DV nspnn D^Hoi N n^ btr nj^in
..... ^ty DV ^^ nuyt^in r")D N :r6 j D-PD p * c^n TIN^ ND^^H
.D^IV^ D^ pOn NJN ^^^ D ^ , . , . ID^y NTOn NJN * Ci^
This agrees with the Seder according to Sa adya in
the Ms. of the Bodleian Library No. 1996 of the Catalogue.
Next come the following liturgies for Hoshana Rabba,
which are attributed to R. Sa adya Gaon:
rilD^N3 Dlp N"ltr^ p"p l uH
DINH ^n r^m: >DI DT.nn DV Nin^ ^ c^ onn
iniDib HT C^D r njD rap r-aint? IJHJ pb "DDH^ |n DILJ^ in VND IDI
^DD* D^n ^ D ! JM I J jrrn ^D n^cn ^v D^junr cnno cmsD c^b
i D ND D^CH ID D^HH "j"nS
^" 1 - 3 ri D * 1 - 1
sron ^"r v. p nr u iro y nr c - non D
no ^ v~ njNi HJN ^Dn 1 ? poa 1 N T. cc^r "y pio
D" DD N H nr cv ^ f nspnn IIDD U^D DT-D*? u
p"p
n n^j-oi JHJO N m ry:a " ra r-
nspn
rnn . c^n "I OT CVN n 1
I^HD I.DDT . T^n^D -OTI-ID IDT mp joni DN . T?:IN^ n npro
nairm Nsom . ^11- BH-IJ ,TH y
~iDy v i . . , p "IDIN NJCHI "JIIDT ,
.(all D^PIDD) u^y
nb ipyj -I^N "pDJ rnn . pn^ rvjp nspn
yii pni *yTJ nai . 7rjn DIDH r*^ f y IDDJ DJI IDNJ
.unDT : 70^ ]yo^ r\wy ^ CD n:y DD H DN*
b ^NU TS ^N "vein . HTGJH TIDD oirn pnt^D pns 1 r % OT
D^ corn . Nip: ID^D ay 1 ? 71^0 inp^i iri^py . nniy IQD ^N^
. Njonn . T onn nSDn N^ "jn^JDi "jr^njo . n*nDJiD ^TN: ^N HDUD
. N"npo "j 1 ? ^NIL^ iin* 1 DJI "j~iD^ , Dpy 1 rwbv nspn
Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to R. Sa adya Gaon. 39]
* NTO HD 10N v i , "!HD ~*\ "HN N , NTD " Di")Q3 DIE* J.T
HDD HT HNE J ~iK f N HN^HJ . m.SEO pnNE>t> . INJ DJ1 it^ TOT
PDN no , PDNDP niD2 oirn . pnp nn rnx TDT
. iPTsn inon . pntrpj "6 Ton . inDipa IPHNDP . PTTIDI *b
"iJ^D 1 D3 hy roty DPHJ IQ^D nn E^N NIH . rnoj;3 np pn
vjy ^"i^ HD^JI no^or n"nr 1:^31 , TDOI~) cy oni ny
. mm ^nj~b v ,^ cy n^ IDV D*" 1 D ^DIN DI S N ^N cy *J^D 1,12
* irrnrvi inpia . UONJ cyb ^^n^n TON t>x . ^yD ^L^D mm HDT
.Njoni . jnDT . T DE o NJ TOT
. Njy^ .n DIDN^ ipy ]w p PHN noa . prw r-i^cn nDpn
^3^ ptT 1ND 1 ? ^ND nJD . nJTOD ^D^ . HNJ rDJSD3 TOD3
(marg. HJI^DD) nJiDN2 p^ Di HNDJ cy p HNIH "" n . H
HM
"no 1 pna riDD . on^on DHJD nDT . DD:D r^ t^ -D
tyj b ^ DD^OD N Qon. n::p cy ^D V . wp
D"I^ rnn c^n DJH . c^y cnn "lasrj N*.T ^
.ijnDT i^j^ 1 ^p Dip . inyt> a-iDD* . cb iv
n ^N nan . i^Tipo DV ry ^ . nj.y HM wpa r*rn
^av . N"IIQ^ ^ rrtiTD HE * . T^N^ cnb ^mp
HI^ ruyrann . lE ipcb cmpi nbna n ? 1 :^ corn .
.Njcm . -"or : T- Q" 1 ^r^-
DJ DJ i "^lE V % . JJJ HE N pO TOT . TH PT3E HDpH
NIE J . HE> 11JJ1 rTOJ I 1 ? . ^3r bDD "p JMiH 1 .T T GTl VP
v^n 5 ? . ^n DJ i nbm "b nxTa HNDJ ms . ^D DJ
DHJP. DJ1 omp -jT1Dt>D "IPD3 DPHJ I 1 " 1 ^N T~ P.-OT2
P OTI . ^PIJ i "JP.^D j^D HNDJ Dy 1 ? HNTTI IPIDDI ,
/onDT : "pew nysE P*OD DNE JI D^JI i^riyb N: TJI p
PN ppb IDiH 1SJP 1VTJD1 . v ^ 1J3 T"! PiD! "UM^N ijt> TOT
n"o^D3 n^JJi . ^: PNI ^2 PNI irnj P*DN IPIDDI .
II. Liturgy on the Ten Commandments.
We know now from a fragment reproduced in the
392 A. Neubauer.
Jewish Quarterly Review, vol. V, p. 708, that Sa adya, in
a liturgy concerning the ten commandments, included the 613
precepts; we mentioned as such the liturgy beginning with
the words nb^ X E N DJX, There is another liturgical piece
written by Sa adya, which contains the commandments
and the 613 precepts. The Ms. Hebr. f. 20 (not yet cata
logued, coming from Egypt; many letters are provided with
vowel points) , contains such a liturgy (alphabetical),
which we deem worthy to be published, if only for the
name of the author.- The title is the following (fol. 57) "no
irons vybfc (so) PD^K> pxjn >T-yo *r:nb mmn iK>y ^by rnsyb
:ih is DT *\DV p
"Order for Shabuoth concerning the ten commandments
by R. Sa adya the Gaon[?J 7 of Mehasyah. son of Joseph, the
memory of the righteous is for blessing." Next follows (fol.
57b) the liturgy, which we reproduce according to a copy made
by Dr. Adolf Biichler, Professor at the Seminary of Vienna
(Austria), during his stay at Oxford:
DTD! :D-Q . "2*22i Tyc srrp rams xrx . bm -JOBO
:" -pp * &*bvr{ c ps . -.rsxb n-n ryn CDH IDJ . "JXJB>
. T j r~ ^D^D^ 1 ? IIDI y^K n . ^*yo r.no -u?y
D^jpD . i^^o ya^s "yriji *N~I^ nnn K NI by ^J*D in N "
: nK f o T) V I . n^nn vrin^o zuinu c^^ . ntt na cya "?N r
"iDc^o c ybo r*n^n by ppn: , -am n\n py
:-QT -it^N bD TN rt N "imr rx . i^-isn b.p y
. nsj ^ "it^ nnD "it^N nriinD . nmj TN I^N cnnm .yc-
N"ip JiiD" "I^N D^n . *n2 D *DD croD N^D^ nyn *
o^yn QT.yfc . IH^^ s n* cs ^n ri">*r ^^ . IH^J: VT
br BTT :^Ton bs % * *a bx c*b^ m* 1 ^D . IHID ^yn^ n*
. nb Ds nnx b^b T^I DTHD^ . nb bon
rnbo nniay P:DP ^JN . nboD* ^a^ s r.D ^^nn ^yix nyipi
p* b p bib b*iv r^* . s ny2p cays n^in n^ip
n 1 ! Trun ^DJN . ^ryun TNC n^riNi nn^py
so DD nr^ic TD^D . pyn rn^ipo nao n oiyo \ n D"iy
: pxn rx T^y *DJX . pnn T.Tun n J3 by t^y n^nj . pns
nn*njn ^DD ryb . ^nx HID S ibni
Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to R. Sa adya Gaon. 393
ip bsi D^b^N TJ^S ijjir 1 . crjn n^on bN p-nnyb HE?
nE>yD non bun . D^DIP Nbi D\XII Nb nn^y c^ino
PiDipsD i-ya 1 Nbi .TIP bzi P,T . DPTOJ; nann IE>N o^on
ID IOEM :DPN PN san cr, . DPBJD:: iyT Nbi ibziDi^ PJPD
v i iiyir on D^biyj] n.Tuni piNib HJDP bNi cm . c,T:r,;rn::
ionnx DM^N ^ rprp N^ onn^o en 1 ? I^N i:ny, inx . nnnm
r^yu ID^ ^DTHD . np*s ^SD "JTS N~P D\I^N TN
HID yn^jn ^DI . np^yi? ^0^ nsys j-i^j nia DJU
nbr. ip^ ry *iw brri .* ncnnsi n^?o ^NH PN^ cnm
J NIB^ NB- J N^ ^^N . -HD^^ in*2f?2 23^ 131 D^DD ipJI
inn , DMISJ i^yi NBT N*? IONJD 1*21 :n:2iDt>
mm ^i . DMCD naii HQ^ -jfe ^ ny^ n^nbra
N ^ IQB^ r.N 1D2D . H^^ " 1 ^ 1 I
. HDI D^iip "ion pyji IHN DE N*.E NET N
Nini pinn by t:n . pna n^i^i IIID DE NiE b NET Nt> : TDD N-m
Nini bib in by IDTJH . D^yji 113; y.-jj D^ NIE^ NET xb :pnao
N\~i 1 npi naoi by IDT:H . DHNI na TI CE* N*^b NET Nb : n^yiD
na cm Dnnn by TJM . c^piN ipn n^ N^b NET Nb : nnr
:N^ Nini -bin by tjn . nan n^niE Nini CE Ni^b NET Nb
Nb :rrra Nini pnan by i:n . nnia iini nr CE* Ni^b NETI
NiE b NET Nb . NDino Nim nbinn by TJM . nwm pon CE NiE b
DE* NiE b NET N % b : ibv?2 Nini bon by IJM . ibr.D^ ninDDi iino
D^JD by ?:n . nipiET3 V IDD DE Ni^b NET by fan . ypn no 1 la 1
n iv ib by fan . IE O nbipi cn^b DE* NiE b NET Nb rnp^o am
Nini ran by fan . n nD* r^oo DE Nit^b NET Nb IIE CJ Nini
Nini E njn by fan . nrbE>i2b nb^aa jru CE NiE b NET Nb : n^n
TJITJ N\TI nDion by fan . nE nss PDD DE* Ni^b NETI Nb : n^bwn
by fan . nynE i anE y nniND -piy DE* NiE b NET Nb :nE p PI
. a^njyiDD moE D x^s DE* Ni^b NET Nb :nyiw mbr NMI nipy
Nnan yua DE* NiE^b NET Nb rDTinsj cm iiyi n^m HD^D by fan
, iau ^HpQi E np DE NiE b NET. s % b :Kmpn i;j ps by fan . Enip
aim DE* NiE b NET Nb :iayn?2 Nini nian iNbo pjsp by fan
NET, Nb :nnDiy nni jii^i NIDI by fan . c^-nya bD by
Nit^b NET, Nb . raiDHD Nini ybo JE by fan . pau D^^E DE* N
bNiE/ 1 DE DI 3py^ DE D TDH fan . njiy n^junn nbon
TQEM DV PN TGI , lE Hn paE DI blH3 , lE l DE> NETi
J niinn nuaan DD pE ia . ra^D naji IDIDQ - 1 E np
INI . ra^a niaD mcty DPJND HJN ny NJ . nn^nn D
394 A. Neubauer.
yp nmy . niNi2J2 DLID njins po tra^n
iKn Tir2!p riN* . nN^DJD 12032 c^inn ^DD nob-D TIN
p . .TPNC ri2 T>no 1310 jy : r *.Nt> vm
r.Ni . (NipDD N^D 7 marg.) NipD2 112^ N^D niao .12
: rn*ri n^p rii r . IISD cn^ rv"*n
T 1 rx ^IDT . rmr "la .ri T^ r^ n D - nraDP .
T DVJD ^D*r Dip^p ^ .TD NPD "j"nni r^binr
p ^rs^p :-|DN niT ^cr ^NI "J^N noiQ ^J
IDlpCD nni Ni .DlpCD Dr 1 Ni iT-iy . ID^p T1ND
roT; ^DD PI ^N n?2^ n DDH p . -GNJ "I a^i v^" 1 t
DD TJ3S IK N HD^ .
np^ ran UN 1 ? :ybr py , cNDn 1
N "3D . T nsin^ TDDH -J^N^ . DDN IDP. m^D CN :C
21 D p *D j^" 1 , HDTC2 HN^r DJ ^D
^JD^ np-pn :HDD^ nai 1 "jn . na
N^l ^r?20 Cl ^D"^ T .NID* . CD ! ^S 21N i^ N D .
^zb n3*rD n:n :CD^D ^nsir ^s % ^y Trinr. HJN
^DIDO -PDnt "Dnj . D nyu NDH N^r. c^p^yn r^o
PMMD ^12 snc rcMinc nrv* nn i ^ pia . D
:nsir Nt> , naj 1 ? pn no^n CN pj^x . n^p
. DID % i2in ^J D TI~IN . c~2 pN ^""jnn I^DJ iDNn nsir. N^
VJiD THN . mj DID 3"in yj D JHDi . D^ PD DID Gin yjiD 111N
Din y::D THX . nil ~^ND % ain yj D ^ID* . ni*oj ib mvD "am
mn yriD 7.12 : nnu: pM pnno IDIH y:*D 7.121 n^n nnso
:p)Njr N 1 ? FIND ^jnb 112;; . f]ni 7: DID
i npisi nis 1x2 . trDiin rm^ NM |ii2N
D.l D^lll : D^DIN 11 : ntQ 1 ? 1D1N1 . D^DIl jb n^N
N2 DD^D 1 ? ^Dlp Dl^l . D^Dl J ,lDn Lim t>2ni
. 2biy JIN lap 1 n^y yin JD^DNJ^I D^DL^DDD IDDD i^
nr^n D^D ^D^D , 2^^ n
n^2iNi ?r ^D^D . fin: ^nr N riD 1 :
nu D ^D N12" 1 2jji . pnir i <i 322 pin ^N nr sti p^j . firfl
n ^iiy . np^iN Jin^> I^DJ 21:^ DD
ma
) I. e. era of the destruction of the second temple, = 920 A. D.
Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to E. Sa adya Gaon. 395
vcnpi vyi ^p33 nj>yn ry- D.TOD D^p . wrnD I^T
: IK DJ Njitf 3jj cy ^in
im D ?y ^ y~ip
: npJ 1 N 1 ? o^pty ~iy . np^n ^DN^ ID N^ST ^N nnn yi .
mon ^D ^r.^s . -ipyN "Din PDD IHIDS . np~ipN IN
pm Dim ^co . ip^ no
"J1TH ipin b D^pb IDiD , ^11?2D DTD^D i.TD
D ^^ PJ^V "ijjb pD" 1 Nt DnpK/ ID l . ""JVTn ^
iy">- n:yn N^ . ipn^ m n:n ^j^n n v ^ . ip^^
iip rvuibm r^DDD no 1 . c^pip* n u TDI icn *DID
^ DN niJD DIDTI :D^I nao yran ion . D^ SVS nt^vo
. T D iNDOD ^iinn bnn INI . p^oi "JNI^D TN iiDir I DT .
i> c^pno JH . Dn i^s^ T^n 11 : ^:N ]n I^DD^D rrD 1 i
Dij;n i^i "prim nDi "ii^n nnon cy DJ . DIN % DD D^DIIN
iDjr IN lyiri I^N . Tio^r. n IMD DI :DI IDD* DHTD onom
^VS npipn Diy TIPDI i^jnDD rm.p ^N :"*0i r*iD N
^ c^imn TN nDt^r ID , ^wvb ^rrai i^y HD D^D i^
in r.T-nn c^Djn . nwroa T NDS^ Nip 1,1
ip Tn TN ^ yott m . .INID
. n^r inn B NI ^y D ji^vn DT*IT
N TN "jNin PN.I by* . n^Dipa r^DCD T^y vn D
niNID "HN ^D TN V !~D ^DD . TlNU HS^HD JD^O
rbt* bi TINID rriNiin DD j^y ^D , riNiDJ crb^p
^D y-Ni T IDD . in: pin b ^y MDJ VD^JI
D . vion ID *ib mpN p py : IT N^ i INI ^^y i .
bi iNii " HDD nbw . vnnD DD *r^j <i nD m^ VNDSJ . im
mm iiD^ . rrbpbpy iion N^I i^ji . nbpo ^DD r6np : n
.
:ni^pn TN D^NII Dyn b^ . r^pi mnon
Ueber die judisclien Colonien in Indien
von
Prof. Dr. Gustav Oppert (Berlin).
Wann und wie die jiidischen Colonien in Indien ge-
griindet wurden, koniien wir jetzt schwer bestimmen, denu
sichere historische Angaben hieriiber besitzen wir nicht, wohl
aber existiren einige unbeglaubigte Traditionen, und wenige
allerdings iichte, chronologisch aber schwer festzustellende und
iiber diese Fragen keine Auskunft ertheilende Docurnente im
Besitze der syrischen und jiidischen Gemeinden.
Als Ausgangspunkt fiir die Einwanderung der Juden
nach Indien sind drei Ereignisse von Wichtigkeit: 1. Die
Zerstorung des Reiches Israels und die Abfiihrung der zehn
Stainine in die assyrische Gefangenschaft durch Salmanassaq
uni 721 v. Chr.; 2. die Einnahnie von Jerusalem, die Zer
storung des ersten Tempels und die Abfiihrung der Juden
in die babylonische Gefangenscbaft durch Nebukadnezar um
586 v. Chr. ; und 3. die Zerstorung Jerusaleins und des zweiten
Tempels durch Titus im Jahre 70 n. Chr.
Mit alien diesen drei Ereignissen haben Legende und
Geschichte die Griindung jiidischer Colonien in Indien ver-
kniipft.
Der Weg nach Indien lag den Juden offen sowohl zu
Lande wie zu Wasser. Es ist wohlbekannt, dass Konig Sa-
lomo alle drei Jahre im Verein rait seinem koniglichen Freunde
Hiram von Tyrus Meerfahrten nach dern Lande Ophir unter-
nahm. ,,Und SchifFe machte der Konig Salomo in Ezion
Geber, bei Eloth am Ufer des Schilftneeres im Lande Edom
(26). Und Chiram sandte zu SchifFe seine Knechte, Schiffs-
leute, kundig des Meeres, mit den Knechten Salomo s (27).
Und sie kamen nach Ophir, und holten von dort das Gold,
Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 397
vierhundert uud zwanzig Talente, und brachten es dem Konige
Salomo (28). Und auch das Schiff Chiranrs, das Gold her-
beibrachte von Ophir, brachte von Ophir sehr viel rothes
Sandelholz und seltne Steine (X, 11). Und alle Trinkgefasse
des Konigs Salomo waren von Gold und alle Gerathe des
Hauses im Walde Libanon von gediegenem Golde, das Silber
wurde in den Tagen Salomo s durchaus nicht geachtet (21).
Denn ein Tarschisch-SchifF batte der Konig im Meere mit dem
Schiffe Chiram s, einmal in drei Jahren kam das Tarschisch-
SchiiF beladen mit Gold und Silber und Elfenbein und Affen
und Pfauen" (22) ).
Die oben angefiihrten Waaren weisen auf Indien, denn
Gold, Sandelholz, seltne Steine, Elfenbein, Affen und Pfauen
sind indische Produkte. Sandelholz und Gold weisen aber
speziell auf Siidindien. Sandelholz kornint mirnlich von der
Malabar Ku ste, und unfern von dort und im benachbarten
Mysore besassen die alten Indier Goldbergwerke. Merkwur-
digerweise enhalt 1. Kon. X, 22 die alteste Erwahnung eines
alten Dravidischen Wortes. Das biblische Wort fur Pfauen, ttik-
Jciyylm im Hebriiischen, ist Dravidischen Ursprungs und von
togai, toka, Pfauenschweif und auch Pfau abgeleitet. Muziris
war der bedeutendste Hafen Malabar s, von wo das Sandel
holz verladen wurde 5 es ist identisch mit Muyiri-kottai oder
Cranganore, wo sich, wie wir sehen werden, die Juden spiiter
niederliessen.
Fiir den Handelsverkehr nach Indien bestand schon friih-
zeitig auch ein Weg iiber Land. Die der Konigin Serniramis
und dem Konige Sesostris zugeschriebenen Eroberungsziige
nach Indien gehoren allerdings in das Gebiet der Mythe,
aber setzen doch die Kenntniss eines Landweges dorthin vor-
aus, das persische Reich des Darius Hystaspes grenzte aber
an Indien. Alexander der Grosse unternahm nach dorthin
semen berlihmten Kriegszug, und Jahrhunderte nach ihm be-
herrschten grako-baktrische Konige Nordindien. Griechische
und judische Kaufleute standen in intimen Handelsbeziehungen
zu Indien und besassen an vielen Orten daselbst Comman-
diten. Schon damals beklagte man, wie aus Plinius hervor-
geht, den Abgang der edlen Metalle nach Indien. Die Namen
l ) S. 1 Kon. IX, 26-28; X, 11, 21, 22; II Chr. VIII, 18; IX, 10.
398 Gustav Oppert.
mancherdergewb hnlichsten Handelsartikel bezeugen ihren indi-
schen Ursprung. So 1st das Wort Reis, opu?a im Griechischen,
dem Dravidischen arm entlehnt, denn dieses Korn stainmt
aus Indien und wurde zuerst im hulsenlosen Zustand nach
Europa versandt. Indigo, das Indikon der Griechen, 1st, wie
schon sein Name sagt, indischer Herkunft. Juden sollen es nach
Sicilien verpflanzt haben, weil dieser Anbau aber nicht gliickte,
gab man ihn spater auf. Caravanen mil indischen Waaren
passirten schon in Urzeiten die Grenzen von Palastina, und
an mit Grewurzen, Balsamholz und Ladanharz handelnde Mi-
dianitische Kaufleute wurde Joseph von seinen Briidern nach
Mizraim verkauft.
Geographische Hindernisse standen also einer Einwande-
rung iiber Land nach Indien nicht im Wege, wohl aber wurde
es den von Tiglat Pilezar, Salmanassar und Nebukadnezar
aus Palastina in die Verbannung gefuhrten Juden sehr schwer,
wenn nicht unmoglich, geworden sein, in grosseren Massen
aus der Gefangenschaft, wo sie streng iiberwacht wurden, zu
entfliehen. Einzelne Individuen und Familien diirften aller-
dings die beschwerliche Reise angetreten und Indien erreicht
haben, wie sich auch schon fruhzeitig Juden in Central Asien
und China ansiedelten 1 ).
Der Seeweg war dagegen leichter zuganglich. Wir horen
in der That vielfach von grosseren Landungen, jedoch ist es
hochst unwahrscheinlich, dass wegen der Schwierigkeit des
Transports und der Bekostigung solche Masseneinwanderungen
haben stattfinden konnen.
Aus eineni Excerpte einer angeblichen Chronik von
Cochin entnehmen wir die Angabe, dass ein Jahrhundert vor
Chr. die Xachkommen der von Salmanassar nach Mokka in
Tehaina bei Yemen verbannten Ephrai niiten unter Fiihrung
ihres Rabbi Simcha von Arabieii nach Guzarat und Puna
zu ihren dort ansiissigen Landsletiten sich gefluchtet hatten.
Eine andere Legende besagt, dass die Nachkomrnen von
Israeliten aus dem Stamme Manasse, welche Nebukadnezar
fortgefuhrt hatte ? sich in Malabar niederliessen. In Cochin
erzahite man sich, dass u ber 10 7 000 Seelen. Manner, Frauen,
J ) S. I. Chronik V, 26 ; II. Chr. XXXVI, 10, 20 ; II. Kon. XVII,
XXIV, 15; XXV, 6, 11, 21.
Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in indien. 399
Priester und Leviten sich nach der Zerstorung des zweiteu
Tempels nach Malabar in das Gebiet des Herrschers von
Cranganore gefliichtet batten, und in den Notisias dos Judeos
de CocJum findet sich die Angabe, dass die Abkommlinge von
Juden, welche sich 70 nach Chr. nach der Insel Majorca be-
geben hatten, 70 80,000 an der Zahl, im Jahre der Welt
4130 oder 369 nach Chr., nach Indien auswanderten und an
der malabarischen Kiiste sich niederliessen. Die Bene Israel
versichern ihrerseits vor 1700 Jahren nach Indien gekommen
zu sein.
Aus diesem Geniisch von Sage und Geschichte das Rich-
tige herauszufinden, ist schwierig, vor Alleni aber ist es nothig,
sich an Thatsachen zu halten.
Was nun die Juden in Indien betrifft, so theilen sie sich
in weisse und schwarze Juden. Erstere haben ihre Race
rein, ohne Beimischung niit Hindus, erhalten. Zu den weissen
Juden gehoren vor Allen die sogenannten Jerusalenier Juden
in Cochin, die sich stets durch Heranziehung weisser Juden
aus deni Westen, aus Jerusalem, Spanien, Deutschland etc.,
regenerirt und gestiirkt haben, und auch ein Thuil der Bene
Israel in der Bombay Priisidentschaft, welche niehr abgesondert
lebten.
Die schwarzen Judeu sind theils die Nachkomnien von
Mischehen zwischen Juden und Eingebornen, theils zuni
Jtidenthum bekehrte Hindu und deren Abkonmilinge. Wie
die euro-asiatischen Nachkomnien der Portugiesen in Goa den
Eingebornen in der Schwarze der Hautfarbe gleichen, so thun
dieses auch die Mischlinge der jiidischen Race.
Die jiidischen Niederlassungen in Indien werden haufig
von den Reisenden im Mittelalter erwiihnt, u. a. von Benja
min von Tudela, Marco Polo, dent Araber Abulfeda und dem
Franciscaner Monch Odoricus.
Die in der Bombay Prasidentschaft ansassigen Bene
Israel besitzen leider keine Documente und konnen iiber ihre
Abkunft auch nur ungeniigende Auskunft ertheilen. Sie be-
haupten vor ungefahr 1700 Jahren ihre nordlich gelegene
Heiniath verlassen und als Schiffbriichige bei Chaul, 30
Meilen slidlich von Bombay gelandet zu sein. Die Zahl der
Geretteten betrug nur 14, 7 Manner und 7 Frauen, und von
diesen sollen die heutigen Bene Israel, nach deni neuesten
400 Gustav Oppert.
Census 13 7 336 Personen, abstammen. 1 ) Die indischen Prinzen
nahmen die Freuiden gastlich auf und liessen ihnen ihren
Schutz angedeihen. Sie zogen anfanglich in die Dorfer von
Konkan und an die Ktiste zwischen Bankote und der Bhor-
ghat; spater als Bombay englisch geworden, liessen sich viele
in der Stadt daselbst nieder, und wohnen dort jetzt in
grosserer Zahl.
Im Aeussern ahneln die 13ene Israel den arabischen
Juden, sie kleiden sich aber wie Hindus, tragen jedoch, wie
die Muhamraedaner, Beinkleider. Ihre Hautfarbe ist heller
als die der Hindus, ihre Haare scheeren sie nicht ab wie
letztere, die nur einen Haarbiischel in der Mitte stehen
lassen, dagegen tragen sie Seitenlocken fiber den Ohren.
Ihre Wohnungen gleichen in Bauart und Einrichtung denen
der iibrigen Einwohner, mit welchen sie zwar aus denselben
Gefassen trinken, aber nicht zusanimen essen. Bei ihren
Mahlzeiten beten sie in hebraischer Sprache, ini gewohnlichen
Leben aber sprechen sie meistens Marathi, manchmal auch
Guzarati und Hindustani.
Sie feiern jetzt alle jiidischen Feste, was sie friiher
nicht gethan haben, und ein Drittheil der Gemeinde beobachtet
streng den Sabbath. Auf den Dorfern leben sie unter ein-
ander recht gesellig; wenn in einer Familie eine Geburt statt-
findet, besuchen alle Nachbaren das betrefFende Hans und
werden daselbst init siissen Leckerbissen bewirthet. Sie
heirathen sehr friihzeitig wie die Hindus, die Eltern reguliren
alles, und die Hochzeitsfeierlichkeiten, wobei sie viele Ge-
brauche den Hindus entlehnt haben, wlihren fiinf Tage. Den
ersten Tag darf der Briiutigana nicht ausgehen, er wird ge-
badet, seine Hande werden mit den Blattern der Memli
(Laivsonia inermis) roth gefarbt, sein Turban wird mit
gelben und weissen papierenen Champaka (Michelia
champdka) Blum en geschmiickt, und er empfangt den
Besuch seiner Verwandten, die sich im Hause regaliren.
Am zweiten Tage werden alle Nachbaren ohne Ausnahme
ins vaterliche Haus geladen. Der Brautigam reitet schon
frisirt, im besten Anzuge und reich geschmiickt, von eirfer
Menge umgeben, nach dem Bethause, wo die Hochzeitsgebete
) Diese Zahl scheint auch andere Juden miteinzuschliessen.
Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 401
theilweise verlesen werden, und der Geistliche seinen Segen gibt.
Dann reitet er nach dem Hause der Braut, wo ihn ihr Vater
empfangt, und er sich mitten in die Versammlung hinsetzt.
Hierauf iiberreicht er dem Brautvater die seiner Verlobten
geschenkten Kleider und Schmueksachen, welche diese sogleich
anlegt. Das Brautpaar setzt sich auf-ein reines Tuch, und
die Gaste stellen sich vor ihm auf. Der Geistliche fiillt ein
Glas mit Rebensaft, reicht es mit Segensworten erst dem
Brautigam und dann der Braut zum Kosten. Der Heiraths-
contract wird nun producirt, verlesen 7 von dem Schreiber
und drei Zeugen unterzeichnet und von dem Brautigam der
Braut iiberreicht. Sie halt das Document an einem Ende,
und er es am andern, er erklart es fur legal, faltet und itber-
gibt es seiner Braut, die es ihr em Vater einhiindigt. Dann
wird noch einmal das Weinglas herumgereicht, die iiblichen
Gebete und Psalmverse werden gesprochen, und der Brautigam
steckt den Ring auf den Zeigefinger der rechten Hand seiner
Braut. Mit dem ausgesprochenen Segen endet die religiose
Ceremonie, der Brautigam empfiingt die Geschenke seiner
Freunde und Bekannten, und Festlichkeiten beschliessen den
Tag. Am Abend des dritten Tages verlasst das junge Ehe-
paar das Brauthaus, er zu Pferde, sie in einem Wagen
sitzend, und wahrend Raketen und Feuerwerk abgebrannt
werden, zieht es auf seinem Wege beim Bethaus vorbei,
wo der Geistliche von Neuem es segnet, nach dem Hause des
Brautigams, wo es mit den eingeladenen Freunden das Mahl
einnimmt. Die beiden folgenden Tage werden mit Festlich
keiten ausgefullt.
Ehebruch komnit selten vor, trotzdem er nur gelinde
bestraffc wird. Der unschuldige Theil erh alt die Scheidung
und darf sich wieder verheirathen ; doch kann dies
auch der Schuldige thun, wenn er das nbthige Kleingeld
besitzt, um sich die Bewilligung zu erkaufen. Polygamie
findet sich in vielen Familien, aber selten heirathet ein
Mann mehr als drei Frauen. Sonst haben die Frauen im
Ganzen eine ziemlich angesehene Stellung, sie diirfen aller-
dings nicht die Synagoge besuchen.
Dem Tode folgt rasch das Begrabniss. Die Leiche wird
ohne Sarg, mit dem Kopfe nach dem Osten gerichtet, drei bis
vier Fuss tief vergraben. Manchmal werden dem Todten,
2fi
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
402 Gustav Oppert.
wie bei den Hindus, Reis, Milch und Kokusniisse geopfert,
wird und niit Mehl gemischtes Wasser gesprengt.
In ihren Synagogen batten die Beve Israel bis vor
Kurzem keine Thora, docb sind ibnen solche inzwischen von
auswartigen, jiidiscben Gemeinden zugekommen, eben so
wie auch Bibeln. Von den arabischen Juden haben sie fur ihren
Grottesdienst die Liturgie der Sephardim angenonmien, auch
besitzen sie Exeniplare des ani Ende des siebzehnten Jahr-
hunderts in Amsterdam gedruckten Cochinischen Gebetbuchs.
Viele tragen auf ihrem Korper kleine mit Bibelspriichen be-
schriebene Pergarnentrollen, und noch unlangst waren sie der
Zauberei sehr ergeben, und verehrten vornehmlich die bos-
willigen Gottheiten der Hindus. Der sogenannte M-uJcadam
leitet ihre weltlichen, ein Geistlicher ihre religiosen Angelegen-
heiten; diesen beiden stehen gewohnlich vier Aelteste zur Seite,
die Gemeindeversammlung, zu der alle Erwachsene gehoren,
entscheidet entgiiltig alle wichtigen Fragen.
In Bombay befinden sich unter den Bene Israel auch
Kaufleute und Ladeninhaber. aber viele sind Handwerker
vorzugsweise Maurer und Tischler, doch sind sie ebenfalls
Grobschmiede, Goldschmiede und Schneider. Im Konkan
beschaftigen sie sich rait Ackerbau und Oelpressen. Ganz be-
sonders zeichnen sie sich als Soldaten aus. Sie dienen in
fast alien Regimentern der Bombay- Arinee und stehen in dem
Heere im besten Ruf, so dass sehr viele als einheimische
Offiziere ihren Abschied nehmen.
Gewohnlich ftihren die Bern Israel zwei Namen, eiuen
hebraischen und einen indischen. Unter Mannern begegnen
wir Namen wie Abraham, Isaak, Jakob, Ruben (am haufigsten
vorkommend), Naphtali, Sebulon, Benjamin, Samson. Moses,
Aaron, Elieser, Phincha, David, Salomo, Elias, Hesekiel,
Daniel, Zadik, Hajim, aber nie einen Jehuda. Von Frauen-
namen sind die gebrauchlichsten : Sara, Rebekka, Rahel, Lea,
Saphira, Milka, Mirjain, Hannah, aber nie eine Esther. Die
hebraischen Namen werden bei der Beschneidung oder bald
nach der Geburt, die indischen aber einen Monat spater ge-
geben.
Die Bene Israel weisen mit Entriistung die Benennung
Jelmd oder Jude zuriick, und nennen sich nur Bene Israel.
Aus diesern Grunde, sowie aus der Abwesenheit der Thora
Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 403
bei ihrem Gottesdienste bis vor kurzer Zeit und dern Um-
stande. dass sie die sp ateren Biicher des hebraischen Kanons
nicht besassen, meinen Viele, und ich glaube nicht mit Un-
recht, dass wir in den Bene Israel Ueberbleibsel der zehn,
in die assyrische Gefangenschaft gerathenen, Stamme erblicken
diirfen. Jetzt haben sie sich allerdings in ibrem Ritus und
Gebrauchen den iibrigen Juden mehr angeschlossen. 1 )
Die andere Gemeinde der weissen Juden befindet sich
in Cochin, ebenfalls an der Westkiiste Indiens. Cochin liegt
in Malabar ini 9 58 n. Breite und 76 18 o. Lange von
Greenwich. Dorthin kamen die Juden von Cranganore, das
18 Meilen nb rdlich von Cochin liegt.
Nach einer Ueberlieferung sollen ini 3828 sten Jahre der
Welt und ini 68 sten nach Chr. ungefahr 10,000 Juden beider-
lei Geschlechts von Jerusalem nach Malabar gekominen und
sich bei Cranganore, Palur, Mahdam, Pulutto und anderen
Ortschaften niedergelassen haben. Bei Weitem der grosste
Theil, gegen 7500 Personeu, blieb in Cranganore, wo ihnen
der regierende Vicekb nig Cerainan Perumal mit Nanien Bhas-
kara Ravi Varma, ini 4139 sten Jahre der Welt und 379 sten
Jahre nach Chr. Ehren und Privilegien ertheilte, und Joseph
Rabbaan unter dem Titel firi Ananda Mapla als erbliches Haupt
iiber sie einsetzte. Diese Vorrede und Schenkung wurde auf
einer Kupferurkunde niedergeschrieben. Derselbe Peruinal
theilte nachher sein Reich in acht Gebiete. 2 )
Auf Verlangen wissbegieriger Hollander sanmielte am
Ende des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts Rabbi David in Cochin
die historischen Angaben iiber die friihe Vergangenheit seiner
Glaubensgenossen in Malabar und sandte einen hebraischen
Brief nach Amsterdam, der zwar seitdem verschwunden, in
einem lateinischen Excerpte uns aber gedruckt vorliegt. 3 )
Dort heisst es : Nachdem der zweite Tempel zerstort worden
war, mb ge er in unseren Tagen wieder errichtet werden,
! ) Yergleiche iiber die Bene Israel: The Land of the Bible, by Dr.
John Wilson, vol. II pp. 66768.
-} S. Dr. John Wilson s The Land or the Bible, 1867, II, p. 678, wo
ein Auszug aus dem Manuscripte des verstorbenen Bombay Civilisten T.
H. Baber sich vorfindet.
3 ) Bibliotheca librorum novonim collecta a L. Xeocoro et Henrico Sikio.
Tomus II, pp, 868-872 Trajecti ad Khenum MDCXCVIII.
26*
404 Gustav Oppert.
wander-ten von dort, aus Furcht vor der Wuth des Feindes,
unsere Vorfahren, Manner, Frauen, Priester und Leviten,
mehr als 10,000 der Zahl nach, und sic kamen in diese Re-
gionen, ins indische Land, iind es befanden sich unter ihnen
sehr weise Manner. Und Gott verlieh dieseni Volke Gnade
in den Augen des Konigs, der in jenen Zeiten in Indien
herrschte, dieser bewilligte ihnen namlich eine Provinz mit
Nanien ^^W Singili, die auch linnr Cranganore heisst, nahe
bei der Stadt "Olp Koni (d. h. Cochin), die sie allein ohne
Beimischung von Fremden, bewohnten. Er verlieh ihnen
auch ein konigliches Fiirstenamt, damit ihnen auf alle Zeiten
in fortlaufender Reihefolge Konige vorstanden. Dies ist Alles
niedergeschrieben und init dern Siegel des Konigs gezeichnet
und mit eisernen Griffel mit der Scharfe eines Diamants auf
eherner Platte eingravirt, damit uns seine Nachfolger nie
der Luge zeihen, oder die Vertrage abandern konnten. Dies
geschah iin Jahre der ErschafFung der Welt 4250, und diese
eherne Tafel ist noch heute unseren Augen sichtbar. Diese
Form der Regierung erhielt sich ungefahr 1000 Jahre, so
dass Jedermann zufrieden unter seinem Wein- und Feigen-
baum lebte. Es herrschten aber 72 Konige in dem Lande
Singili. Wahrend dieser 1000 Jahre kamen zu ihnen einige
Juden von den Verbannten Spaniens, dieweil sie von diesem
Fiirstenthum gehort hatten, das den Juden bewilligt worden
war. So kam R. Abraham ben Ezra , gleichfalls der sehr
weise R. Samuel Levi von Jerusalem, und sein Sohn R.
Jehuda Levi. Sie brachten mit sich nach Singili silberne
Jubileumstrompeten , die nach der Zerstorung des zweiten
Tempels iibrig geblieben waren, und wir horten von unseren
Vatern, dass der unaussprechliche Name, Schem hamphorasch,
auf diesen Trompeten eingegraben war. Endlich brach unter
Briidern aus dem koniglichen Geschlechte Zwietracht aus>
weil ein jeder die konigliche Gewalt an sich reissen wollte.
Einer von diesen ging zu einem der machtigeren Konige In-
diens, um seinen Beistand zu erflehen. Dieser zog mit einem
zahlreichen Heer heran, das alle Hauser, Palaste und Be-
festigungen zerstorte, die Juden welche daselbst waren,.
vertrieb; auch viele todtete und in die Gefangenschaft fort-
fuhrte, so dass ihre Zahl bedeutend abnahm, und nur sehr
"Wenige von ihnen iibrig blieben. Und von diesen Verbannten
Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 405
erkoren Einige Koni, d. h. Cochin als ihren Wohnsitz ; und
wir wohnen heute in dieser Stadt, nur Wenige an Zahl. Es
befinden sich auch unter uns von den Sohnen Israel s solche,
die aus Castilien, Constantina, Aschkenas, Aegypten und aus
der Stadt Tzoba herzogen, ausser denen, welche schon friiher
in dieser Gegeud wohnten.
Ferner berichtet dieser Auszug, dass sich die Cochin-
juden der spanischen Gebetsordnung bedienen, unter sich
gewohnlich hebraisch, uiit fremden aber deren Landessprache
reden; dass der indische Konig, welche ihren Vorfahren die
Privilegien gegeben, Cerani Perumal geheissen, und dass ihreni
Ftihrer aus Jerusalem, Joseph Rabana. die Konigswiirde ge-
geben worden, dass sich diese auf seinen Sohn, seine Tochter
und sein gauzes Geschlecht vererben solle. so lange die Soime
und der Mond besteheu wiirde.
Dieser Erlass des Ceranian Perumal besteht aus 3 Kupfer-
tafeln, von denen eine ungeschrieben ist. Der hollandische
Gouverneur Adrian Moens nahni ein Facsimile, niachte mit
Hiilfe eines Brahmanen eine Transcription, und sandte zwei
ungenaue Uebersetzungen 1771 und 1773 nach Europa. Das
Facsimile mit Transcription und Uebersetzung ist im 14 ten
Bande von Dr. Biisching s Mayas m fur die nene Historic and
Geographic zu Seite 132 abgedruckt. l ) Auquetil du Perron,
welcher 1757 Cochin besuchte, veroffentlichte einen uncorrecten
Abdruck im ersten Bande seines Zend Avesta. 2 ) Dr. Claudius
Buchanan verschaffte sich ein Facsimile der zwei Flatten im
Jahre 1807, und deponirte diese spater in der Universitatsbi-
bliothek von Cambridge. Mr. F. W. Ellis vom Madras Civil
Service iibersetzte die Inschrift 1819, seine Uebersetzung
mit Facsimile erschien aber erst 1844, lange nach seinem
Tode, im zweiten Theile des 13. Bandes des Madras Journal
of Literature and Science (pp. 111), im ersten Theile des-
) ,,Nachiichten von den vveissen und schwarzen Juden zu Codschin,
auf der malabarischen Kiiste, gesammelt aus dem Briefwechsel mit dem
Gouverneur und Director dieser Kiiste Herrn Adrian Moens, damals extraordi-
nairen jetzt aber ordinairen Rath des niederlandischen Indiens, und mit anderen
Nachrichten verschiedener Schriftsteller verglichen durch Adrian Gravezande
Predigern zu Mittelburg in Zeeland nun aus dem Hollandischen ins Hoch-
deutsche iibersetzt."
2 ) Siehe Zend Avesta, ouvrage de Zoroastre. Traduit en Francois,
par Anquetil du PeiTon, Paris 1771, 3 Bande. 4. Vgl. I, p. 170.
406 Gustav Oppert.
selbeu Bandes hatte Dr. Gundert die Inschrift in Tamil
Buchstaben mit Uebersetzung und Coinmentar abgedruckt.
Vordem hatte Mr. C. M. Whish, ein anderer Madras Civil-
beamter ein Facsimile und Uebersetzung hergestellt, welche
1839 nach seinem Tode im Oriental Christian Spectator zu
Bombay erschien. Eine Uebersetzung und ein getreues Fac
simile hat der verstorbene Dr. A. C. Burnell im dritten Bande
des Indian Antiquary veroffentlicht, und Dr. Eugen Hultzsch
gab 1894 in der Epigmpliia Indica eine neue Transcription
mit Uebersetzung heraus.
Die Sprache des Documents ist Tamil, wie es friiher an
der Westkiiste gesprochen wurde, und die Schrift ist Vatte-
luttu. Die Schenkungsurkunde tragt kein Datum. Nach jii-
dischen Angaben soil sie im Jahre der Welt 4139, A. D.
379, oder auch urn 4250 der Welt und 490 A. D. erlassen sein.
Das Jahr 379 hat viele Wahrscheinlichkeit fur sich; 378 soil
der letzte Peiumal, der einzige, welcher langer als 12 und
sogar uber 36 Jahre herrschte, zu regiren aufgehort haben.
Die verschiedenen, als Zeugen handelnden Eaja konnen um
diese Zeit alle in Cranganore zugegen gewesen sein, und
dies 377 vom letzten Perumal bewilligte Privilegium aner-
kannt haben, die uns vorliegende Schenkungsurkunde mag
jedoch erst spater niedergeschrieben sein, wodurch aber die
Schenkung selbst nicht invalidiert wird. Das Diplom lautet
transcribirt folgendermassen :
Svasti S rl Kokonmai Jconddn, Ko S rl ParJcaran Jravi
Vanmar tiruvadi palanurayirattandum senkol nadattiyalaninra
yandu irandamandaiJcJcedir muppattardmandu Mttymkkdttu
irundamliya nal pimsadiccaruliya pirasadam avadu. Issuppu
IrabbanuMu Anjuvannamum pediyalum vayanat talum pa-
Jcudamum Anjuvannapperum paged v dakkum pavadaiyum an-
doldganum Jcudaiyum
cadugappamiyum MMlanmm idupadiyum toranamum
tdranaudanamum saravum mikfaim elubattiranadu vidupenim
MdakJcoduttotn. Ulkun tulakkuliyum viftom marrum naga-
rattd Jcudigal JcoyilJcku iruMamaru lean irdmaiyum perumaru
peravumdgacceppettodum seydu Jwduttoni . Anjuvannam udaiyu
Issuppu Irabbanukhum ivan santati anmaJckalkfaim penmdk-
kalkkum ican marumaJcJcalMum penmakkalaikonda maruma k-
Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 407
santatippirdkiriti ulaguncandiranum ullalavum An-
juvannam sa -
ntatippiraUriti. \\S rl\\ Ippari ariven Venadudaiya Govar-
ttana Mattandan, Ippari ariven Venapalinad udaiya Kotai
Sirikandan, ippari ariven Eralanad udaiya Mana Vepala
Manaviyan, ippari ariven Valluvanad udaiya Imyaran S attan
ippari ariven Nedumpuraiyurndd udaiya Kotai Ytravi, ippari
ariven Kllappadai ndyagam seyyinra MurKkan S attan Van-
ralaiserikkandan Kunrappolanaya kilcayk Kclappan eluttu.
In deutscher Uebersetzung lautet es etwa wie folgt:
Heil und Gliick! Der KiJnig der Konige, seine Heilig-
keit Sri Bhaskara Ravi Varma, der in vielen 100,000 Platzen,
das Scepter fiilirt, hat an dem Tage als er im zweiten Jahre
gegen das 36. Jahr in MuyirikOdu sich aufzuhalten geruhte,
diesen Gnadenakt erlassen.
Wir haben dem Joseph Rabban Anjuvannan (als Fiirsten
thum) verliehen, so wie die 72 Besitzrechte, die Abgaben
auf weibliche Elephanten und Reitthiere l ), die Einkiinfte von
Anjuvannan, Taglampe, und brcites Tuch, und Siinfte, und
Sonnenschirm, und nordische Trommel, und Troinpete, und
kleine Trommel, und Portale und Guirlanden iiber den
Strassen und Krauze, und dergleichen mehr. Wir haben
ihm die Grand- und Wagesteuer erlassen. Uberdies haben
wir durch diese Kupferplatten bewilligt, dass, weiin die Hauser
der Stadt dem Palaste Steuerii zahlen, er nicht zu zahlen
braucht, und er die iibrigen Privilegien wie dieselben geniesst.
Dem Joseph Rabban, dem Fin-ten von Aiijuvarman und seiner
Nachkommenschaft, seinen Sohnen und Tochtern, Neffen
und Schwiegersohnen seiner Tochter in naturlicher Folge, so
lange die Welt und der Mond besteht, sei Anjuvannan ein
erbliches Besitzthum.
So weiss ieh Govardhana Marttanda von Venae!;
So weiss ich Kotai Srikanda von Venapalinad,
So weiss ich Manavepala ManavTyan von Eralanad,
So weiss ich Rayaran Sattan von Valluvanad,
So weiss ich Kotai Jravi von Nedumpuraiyurnad,
>) Die Bedeutung dieser Stelle, so wie auch die des Endes der Inschrift
ist sehr schwer festzustellen. Ich habe mich in der ErklSrung von pedi-
yahim vayanattalum, der Auslegung des Herrn Dr. E. Hultzsch an-
geschlosscn.
408 Gustav Oppert.
So weiss ich Murkkan Sattan, Unterbefehlshaber des
Heeres.
Die Schrift des Untersekretars Van Talaiseri Kandan-
Kunrappolan. 1 )
Obenerwahnter Bhaskara Eavi Varnia soil der letzte
Perumal oder Vicekonig von Malabar, und der einzige ge-
wesen sein, der mehr als 12 Jahre, in diesem Fall sogar
liber 36 Jahre regirt hat. Die Perumale wurden narnlich nur
auf 12 Jahre erwahlt, am Ende dieses Zeitabschnittes be-
reiteten sie ein grosses Festniahl, und nachdem dies beendigt
war, bestiegen sie eine besonders errichtete Tribune, wo sie
sich vor ihren Griisten den Hals abschnitten. Die Leiche
wurde dann verbrannt, und ein neuer Perumal erwahlt.
Nicht alle Perumtlle endigten ubrigens ihr Leben in dieser
Weise, denn einige zogen sich vor Beendigung ihrer Eegie-
rungszeit in einen Tempel zuriick. Nach Bhaskara Eavi
Varma s Hinscheiden wurde Malabar unter die verschiedenen
Vasallen des Perumal, die spateren Eajas von Kerala ver-
theilt. Der Eaja von Cochin, welcher unter den Zeugen
nicht erwahnt ist, wurde der Haupterbe. Die ubrigen Fursten,
welche in der Zeugenliste erscheinen, sind die Prinzen von
Travancore oder Venadu, von Beuibali (Venapalinadu), der
Samorin (Tamudiri) von Calicut, der Fiirst von Valluvanadu
und der von Palghat oder Nedumpuraiyurnadu. Die beiden
erstgenannten Prinzen reprasentiren den Suden, die beiden
nachstkomnienden den Norden und der Furst von Palghat den
Osten. Es sind deninach die bedeutendsten Eaja des Siidens,
Nordens und Ostens die Zeugen dieses Diploms, was wohl
als Anzeichen fur die hohe Wichtigkeit der TJrkunde gelten
kann, und auch auf die angesehene Stellung des neuen Haupt-
lings Joseph Eabban hindeutet. Das ihm geschenkte Gebiet
soil drei englische Meilen hn Urnfang gewesen sein.
Ausser diesen jiidischen auf zwei Kupferplatten eingra-
virten Schenkungsurkunden, welche zusammen uiit einer vor
uiehreren Jahrhunderten angefertigten, uncorrecten hebraischen
Uebersetzung beim jeweiligen Eabbiner von Cochin deponirt
sind, existiren noch zwei andere ahnliche Urkunden, welche
andere Perumale zu Grunsten der in Malabar ansiissigen sy-
x ) Siehe Dr. E. Hultzsch.
Ueber die jiidiscken Colonien in Indien. 409
rischen Christen ausgestellt haben. Da die jiidische Schen-
kimg die alteste und der dieselbe machende Perumal der
letzte gewesen sein soil, so ist noch Manches der Aufkla-
rung bedurftig. Die erste syrische Dotation befindet sich
auf einer laugen und breiten, auf beiden Seiten mit Vatteluttu
und Grantha Buchstaben beschriebenen Platte, geniass welcher
der Chakravarti Vira Raghava deui syrisclien Grosskaufrnann
Iravi Korttan von Mahodeverpattnam und dessen Erben ein
kleines Gebiet Manigramani einraunite. Als Zeuge erschienen
hier vor den Fiirsten von Venadu, Odonadu und Valluva-
riadu die Hiiupter der zwei brahmanischen Gemeinden von
Panraiyur und Cokirain (Chovaram). Die audere besteht aus
fiinf kleineren mit Tamil und Malayalam auf 7 Seiten be
schriebenen Kupfertafeln, in denen ein syrischer Priester Maru-
van Sapir Iso um 825 A. D. einer syrischen Gerneinde
und einer von Tsa data virai erbauten christlichen Kirche
(Tarisapalli) ein Grundstiick an der Seekiiste bei Quilon
schenkt. Der Palastvorsteher des Perumal Sthanu Ravi Gupta
hat die Schenkung genehmigt, sowie der zweite Fiirst (Ayyan
Adigal) von Venadu und die beiden jiidischen und christ
lichen H&upter Aiijuvannan und Manigramani. Dieser
schwer zu entziffernder Urkunde sind noch viele, theilweise un-
leserlichellnterschriften beigefiigt, 11 Nanien sind in kufischen,
10 in sassanischen Pehlevi und 4 in seinitisch- Pehlevi Cha-
rakteren geschrieben.
Bemerkenswerth ist r dass der jiidische Prinz von Afiju
vannan als Garant der christlichen Kirchenstiftung agirt, was
wie schon Dr. Gundert bemerkt hat, auf ein freundschaftliches
Verhaltniss zwischen der jiidischen und christlichen Gemeinde
schliessen liisst. Uebrigens wohnten in Quilon Juden. Dr.
W. Germann (pp. 266267) hat in seinem trefflichen Werke
liber die Kirche der Thoniaschristeu bezweifelt, das die von den
Jaden besessene Urkunde diesen gehort habe und dieselbe den
syrischen Christen zugesprochen, zumal der 1549 verstorbene
syrische Bischof Mar Jacobus dem damaligen portugiesischen
Gouverneur von Cochin, Don Pedro de Sequeira eine dem
Thomas von Jerusalem (Thomas Cane) ertheilte, mehrere
Metalltafeln umfassende Privilegienurkunde iibersandt hatte ?
die aber verloren gegangen sei; iiber dies sei, wie er raeint,
der Name Joseph Rabban nicht bloss den Juden eigenthurnlich,
410 Gustav Oppert.
er komme auch bei den syrischen Christen vor. Diese Einwen-
dungen sind aber nicht stichhaltig, zudem findet sich nirgends
ein Beleg fiir die Annahme, dass die Juden von Cochin eine
ihnen nicht gehorige Urkunde sich spater angeeignet batten,
vielmehr behaupten sie von jeher im Besitz derselben ge-
wesen zu sein. Mit Bezug auf dies verloren gegangene , dem
Mar Thomas gewabrte Diplom scheint es unmoglich, dass
dasselbe auf Joseph Rabban lauten konne, wenn es zu Gunsten
des Mar Thomas ausgestellt worden ware.
Dr. Gundert hat zuerst in dem Worte Anjuvannan einen
Namen verrnuthet, und zwar den des Joseph Rabban ange-
priesenen Gebiets, das unweit Cranganore sich beftinden, ob-
wohl sich dort kein so benannter Ort findet. Die jiidische
Uebersetzung erklart den Ausdruck, wie auch andere Aus-
leger, in der Bedeutung von "ftinf Klassen". Anjuvannan
ist unstreitig als Name aufzufassen und konnte den Juden als
der daselbst ansassigen fiinften Race gegeben sein, wie z. B.
die nmhainmedanischen Lubbay denselben Titel fiihren. In
der Urkunde bezieht er sich auf die Juden, wie auch aus der
dritten Urkunde ersichtlich ist, wo der jiidische und christ-
liche Regent von Anjuvannan und Maiiigramam respective Ga-
ranten der Kirchenstiftung sind. Obschon demnach Anju
vannan urspriinglich kein Ortsnauie gewesen zu sein scheint,
rnag es in der Folgezeit als soldier gebraucht worden sein.
Dass zwischen den jiidischen und christlichen Gemeinden
zeitweilig freundschaftliche Beziehungen bestanden haben, er-
giebt sich unter anderen aus einer bei Whitehouse in seinem
Lingerings of Light titulirten Werke, wo sich die Notiz vor-
findet (auf p. 76), dass die Juden und Christen alliirt gegen
die Muhammedaner gekriegt batten.
Das in der Inschrift vorkomrnende Muyirikotta ist iden-
tisch mit dem alten von Ptolemaeiis angefiihrten Muziris, das
am Ausfluss der Periar gelegen, einen ausgezeichneten Binnen-
hafen besitzt. Plinius nennt es primum emporium Indiae, wo-
laus schon ersichtlich ist, dass es den Juden wohl bekannt war,
und sie nicht zufallig dahin kamen. Der Ort heisst auch
Mahadevapattana und Kodungalur (Cranganore), aus letzfcerem
ist Cangalur durch Contraction entstanden, und bier aus ist das
Gingalan (N % ^:^) des Benjamin von Tudela, der daselbst
1000 Juden vorfand, das Shinkala des arabischen Schrift-
Ueber die judischen Colonien in Indien. 411
stellers Abulfeda, uiid das Cyncilum des Franciscanermb nchs
Odoricus entstanden.
1523 wurde Cranganore von den Portugiesen genominen
und befestigt. Im folgenden Jahre griffen nach dem Berichte
des Zeireddin Mukhdom dieMuhammedaner die Juden bei Cran
ganore an, zerstb rten ihre Hauser und Synagogen, todteten
eine grosse Anzahl, und vertrieben in Grenieinschaft mit dem
Samorin von Calicut die Portugiesen aus letzterer Stadt. Dies
geschah im Jahre d. Heg. 931 oder 15 24 /25 n. Chr. l ) Von den
Thronstreitigkeiten, die zwischen den jiidischen Thronpraten-
denten, den beiden koniglichen Briidern, stattgefunden haben
sollen, erwahnt Zeireddin, so wie auch spater Moens, Nichts.
Die fortwahrenden inneren Zerwiirfnisse der sich bekanrpfenden
weissen und schwarzen Juden, welche letztere ihre Abhangig-
keit von den ersteren nicht langer ertragen wollten und gleiche
Rechte beansprucbten, wozu sie die benachbarten Staaten
zur Einmischung einluden, so wie die Angriffe und Kriege
der ausseren Feinde, vornehmlich der Muhammedaner, fuhrte
endlich den Ruin des jiidischen Staates von Cranganore herbei.
Was sich dort zugetragen und wie es sich ereignet hat,
ist uns unbekannt. So viel ist sicher, dass die endliche Ein-
nahme und Zerstorung der jiidischen Colonie in Cranganore
fur die Ueberlebenden ein so erschiitterndes Ereigniss war,
dass sie dieselbe rnit der Zerstorung Jerusalem s und des
zweiten Tempels verglichen. Nur Wenigen gelang es zu ent-
kommen. Die einst bliihende Stadt - - nach Hamilton sollen
dort 80,000 Familien gelebt haben 2 ) war eine Euine
geworden; und noch jetzt wird der Ort so von den Juden
gemieden, dass kein Jude daselbst seine Mahlzeit einnimmt,
und falls er sich am westlichen Ufer der Periar, wo das
jiidische Cranganore gestanden, zur Mittagszeit befinden sollte,
so begiebt er sich an das andere Ufer und kocht und verzehrt
d.iselbst sein Essen. Der letzte und 72ste jiidische Herrscher
Joseph Azar fliichtete sich 1565 mit wenigen Getreuen zuerst
nach Nabo, und ging dann nach Cochin, wo ihn der regierende
Raja giitig aufnahm, und ihm rechts von seinem Palaste ein
^ Siehe Asiatick Researches, vol. V, pp. 8 und 22, London 1807, in
Jonathan Duncan s Historical remarks on the coast of Malabar.
2 ) Siehe Alexander Hamilton, An account of the East Indies. Edin
burgh, 1727, p. 321.
412 Gustav Oppert.
Stiick Land zur Niederlassung schenkte; die kleine Ortschaft
Mottancheri sudwestlich von Cochin ward die neue Heiinath
der Juden. Der Ort uahni einen raschen Aufschwung, ueue
Wohnungen wurden erbaut, wo friiher nichts gestanden, imd
die damaligen Vorsteher Samuel Castil, David Belilia, Ephrairn
Salla und Joseph Levi errichteten auf ihre Kosten eine Syna-
goge. Von dern obenangeftihrten Konige Joseph lebten noch
am Ende des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts 5 Nachkommen in
Cochin, 2 Manner und 3 Frauen, erstere sollen seine Urenkel
gewesen sein. auch existirte noch eine von Ahron Azar
stammende, aus einer Wittwe, zwei Tochtern und einem Sohne
bestehende Familie. Xach einem andern Bericht soil Josia,
der letzte Abkommling aus deni Geschlecht des Rabban Joseph
im Jahre 5410 d. Welt, 1650 n. Chr. als Nasi zu Calicut
gestorben sein. 1 ) Die Grossmuth des Raja von Cochin ist des-
halb uui so holier anzuschlagen, weil kurz vorher zwei seiner
Vorganger und niehrere Prinzen seiner Familie im Kampfe
gegen muhammedanische und indische Feinde geblieben waren,
so waren ein Raja uud zwei Prinzen in der Schlacht ani
27 sten Januar 1565 auf deni Felde der Ehre gefallen.
Der Hollander Johann Hugo von Lindschotten 2 ) besuchte
bald nach der Ankunft der Juden Cochin in den achtziger
Jahren des 16 ten Jahrhunderts und schreibt hieriiber wie
folgt: 7 ,Von Calecut bis nach Cranganor sind 10 Meilen,
. . und daselbst haben die Portugaleser eine Festung. Von
o o
Cranganor bis nach Cochin sind 10 Meilen, und diese Stadt
liegt unter dem 10. Grad, in der Stadt Cochin wohnen die
Portugaleser und das einheiniische Volk, als da sind die
Malabarn und andere Indianer des christlichen Glaubens
durcheinander. Sie ist beinahe so gross als Goa, sehr volk-
reich und wohl erbaut mit schonen Hausern, Kirchen und
Klostern. Ausserhalb Cochin unter den Malabarn wohnen
auch viele Mohren, so des Mahomets Glauben, und ihre
*) Siehe F. G. C. Riitz, aus einem Extract von L. J. J. van Dort,
in der Attgemeinen Bibliothek von J. G. Eichhorn, 2. Band, p. 583,
Leipzig 1789.
2 ) Vgl. Ander Theil der orientalischen Indien . . erstlich im Jar 1596
ausfuhrlich in holldndischer ^prach beschrieben durch Joan Hugo von Lind
schotten auss Holland . . jetzo aber von neuem in Hochteutsch bracht,
Franckfurt am Main 1598.
Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 413
Kirchen Moscheen genannt. Auch sind da grosse Mengen
der Juden, welche sehr reich sind, und in ihrem Judenglauben
leben, wie andere. Man findet an alien Orten in India Juden
und Mohren in grosser Menge, als nemlich in Goa, Cochin
und auf dem fussfesten Lande, deren etliche sind rechte Juden,
etliche aber haben ihr Herkommen von den Indianern, welche
vor Zeiten durch die Gemeinschaft der Juden und Mohren,
zu denselben Secten gefallen sind. Sic halten sich in ihrer
Haushaltung und Kleidung wie der Landbrauch des Orts, da
sie sich niedergelassen haben, erheischt. Sie haben ihre
Kirchen, Synagogen, Moscheen unter den Indianern und halten
ihre Ceremonien wie ihr Gesetz ausweist. In der Portugalesen
Stadten und Orten wird es ihnen nicht offentlich gestattet,
ob er schon ein Indianer ware, wie wohl sie mit ihrer Haus
haltung, Weib und Kindern unter den Portugalesern wohnen,
und taglich unter einander handeln und wandeln heimlich
aber in ihren Hiiusern mogen sie thun wie sie wollen, Avenn
sie nur Niemand Aergerniss dadurch geben. Ausserhalb der
Stadt und auf den Oertern, da die Portugesen Nichts zu ge-
bieten haben. ist ihnen ihre Superstition und Ceremonien frei
zugelassen, nach dem es einem Jeden beliebt ohne einiges
Einreden oder Hinderniss. Daselbst (in Cochin) haben die
Juden sehr schone steinerne Hauser gebaut, sind vortreffliche
Kaufleute, und des Konigs von Cochin nachste Rathe. Sie
haben ihre Synagoge daselbst, sammt der hebraischen Bibel
und dem Gesetz, dergleichen ich selbst in nieinen Handen
gehabt habe. Von Farbe sind sie meistentheils weiss, wie
die in Europa, sie haben sehr schone Weiber. Man findet
etliche unter ihnen, welche sie im Land Palastina und zu
Jerusalem zur Ehe genomrnen. Sie reden alle durch die
Bank gut spanisch. halten den Sabbath und andere jiidische
Ceremonien und hoffen auf die Ankunft des Messias."
Die Portugiesen erschienen 1500 zuerst mit ihrer Flotte
unter Cabral vor Cochin, und drei Jahre spater erbaute der
beriihmte Francesco de Albuquerque zum Schutze der neuen
Factorei das Fort von Cochin. Im Jahre der Welt 5272,
1511 nach Chr., kamen die ersten spanischen Juden nach
Cochin nnd erbauten sich daselbst eine prachtige Synagoge.
Die Portugiesen zeigten sich aber immer sehr grausam und
unduldsam gegen die Hindus und Juden und syrischen Christen,
414 Gustav Oppert.
die sie als Ketzer verfolgten. Als demnach die Hollander
1662 Cochin belagerten, verhehlten die Juden nicht ihre
Sympathie fur die Belagerer. Aber diese waren zu schwach
urn die starke, gutvertheidigte Festung einzunehmen, ausser-
dem karn die Zeit des Monsuns heran , und sie niussten die
Belagerung aufgeben. Die List ernes Juden ermoglichte ilmen
einen ungehinderten Abzug. Hieriiber erstattet der Pastor
Philippus Baldaeus, 1 ) welcher dies Heer als Caplan begleitete,
folgenden Bericht:
,,Mit guter Gesundheit verliessen wir die Stadt
Cochin, wie wohl zwar ohne Troininelschlag , gaben
einem gewissen Juden ein gut Stuck Geldes, dass
er die iibrige Zeit von der Nacht bis frtih zu 6 und
7 Uhr die gewohnlichen Glockenschlage sollte thun,
den Feind wach zu halten, welcher wenig wusste,
dass wir Landmude waren, und unserer Gesundheit
zum Besten ein Seeliiftlein schopfen wollten, dies
Werk verrichtete der Jude getreulich. Dem Feinde
war von unserer Abreise nichts wissend, zumal wir
nicht einuial Abschied genommen batten, und er
ward auch unseres Hinwegseins nicht eher gewahr,
bis die Sonne mitten im Hiramel stand."
Die erbosten Portugiesen liessen ihren Zorn und ihre
Rache an den Juden aus, sie fielen fiber sie her, viele wurden
getodtet, andere fliichteten sich in die benachbarten Berge.
Die Judenstadt wurde zerstort, die Synagoge gepliindert und
verbrannt. Bei dieser Gelegenheit soil die alte Chronik von
Cochin, das Seplier Hajascliar, welche seit ihrer Ankunft in
Cochin geftihrt sein soil, verloren gegangen sein , auch die
Thora wurde aus der Synagoge fortgeschleppt, diese wurde
spater wiederaufgefunden, und zuriickgebracht.
Sehr lange sollten indessen die Juden nicht in ihrer
Bedrangnis bleiben. Schon im November desselben Jahres
ankerte die hollandische Flotte wieder rnit einem ansehnlichen
Heere vor Cochin, uud es nmsste sich die Festung am 8 ten
Januar 1663 ergeben. Am Tage nach der Uebergabe erschien
eine portugiesische Fregatte im Hafen von Cochin mit der
) Siehe Beschreibung der ostindischen Kusten Malabar uud Coroman-
del . . . durch Philippum Baldaeum . . Amsterdam, 1672, p. 115.
Ueber die jiidiscken Colonien in Indien. 415
Nachricht, dass schon am 24 sten December des vorigen Jahres
zwischen Portugal und den Generalstaaten Frieden geschlossen
sei, und verlangte die Zuriickgabe der Stadt. Obwohl der
hollandische Befehlshaber ohne Zweifel etwas davon gewusst,
und wegen des nahe bevorstehenden Friedensschlusses seinen
Angriff beschleuuigt hatte, verweigerten doch die Nieder-
lander die Zuriickgabe, indeni sie sich auf ein ahnliches Ver-
fahren der Portugiesen bei der Eroberung Pernambuco s in
Brasilien beriefen. l )
Die Hollander zogen demnach triumphirend in Cochin
ein, und als Text fur die Festpredigt diente der Psalmvers
CXLVII,12: ,,Preise Jerusalem den Herrn, lobe Zion deinen
Gott." Dies war die letzte religiose Feier, welch e in der Jesuiten-
kirche vorgenommen wurde, denn unmittelbar darauf, wurde
sie mit alien anderen katholischen Kirchen und Klostem deni
Erdboden gleich gemacht, die Franciscanerkirche blieb alleiri
stehen. Die katholische Geistlichkeit wurde des Landes ver-
wiesen, sie durfte aber ihre Reliquien und ihr personliches
Eigenthum mit sich nehmen.
Freie Religionsiibung wurde nun den bisher unterdriickten
Juden und syrischen Christen zu Theil, obwohl der katholische
Karmeliterbischof von Cochin seine Intriguen gegen letztere
noch nicht aufgab. Cochin war nach Goa die bedeutendste
Besitzung der Portugiesen in Indien. In Goa war der Sitz
der schauerlichen Inquisition, der viele Juden und syrische
Christen fielen, und noch 1654 der syrische Bischof Athalla zum
Opfer gefallen war. Von deni Verluste Cochin s hat sich Por
tugal nie erholt. Die Kunde von deni Bestehen der jiidischen
Gemeinde in Cochin erregte das lebhafteste Interesse unter
ihren Glaubensgenossen in Amsterdam, und im November 1685
verliess eine aus vier Kaufleuten, den Sephardim Moses Pereira
da Silva, Isaak Munkat [Mucata "?] , Isaak Urgas und Abraham Vort,
"oestehende Commission Holland, uni sich nach Cochin zu begeben.
Sie verweilte hier eine Woche vom 21 27 sten November,
und stellte sofort Nachforschungen iiber die friihere Geschichte
und die zeitweiligen Verhaltnisse der Cochiner Juden an.
Auch versprach sie Hiilfe, beschenkte die Gemeinde mit vielen
l ) [Siehe dariiber G. A. Kolmt : ,,Les Juifs dans les colonies Hollan-
daises", in Revue des Etudes Juives, T. XXXI, p. 2937].
416 Gustav Oppert.
Exeinplaren von Bibeln, Gebet- und Rechtsbiichern, besorgte
auch eine eigene Liturgie , die in Amsterdam gedruckt
wurde. Ihre Sendung war sehr erfolgreich ; zumal sich
auch der hollandische Gouverneur GiJmar Vosburg ihrer
freundlichst annahm. Der Bericht dieser Commission erschien
1687 unter dem Titel Notts las dos Judeos de Cod dm man-
dadas por Mosseh Percy m de Paiva, acuya Costa se impri-
meraro. [Em Amsterdam, Estampado, em caza de Ury Levy
em 9 de Ilul 5447, in 4to.]
Unter der hollandischen Verwaltung genossen die Juden
in Cochin die Gunst der Regierung, als besondere Gonner
sind zu erwahnen ausser dem vorgenannten Gelmar Vosburg
seine beiden Nachfolger Heinrich Adrian von Rheede imd
Adrian Moens. Ersterer Avar Commandeur in Malabar von
1671 76. Schon bei der ersten Belagerung hatte er sich
ausgezeichnet, als er die alte mit den Portugiesen verbiindete
Rani gefangen nahin. Er war wohl auch der erste, welcher
eingehende Studien iiber das alte Reich von Cranganore an-
stellte und hieriiber nach Holland referirte ; der vorher er-
Avahnte hebraische Brief nach Amsterdam wurde auf seine
Veranlassung geschrieben.
Adrian Moens bekleidete ein Jahrhundert spater, von
1771 82, denselben Posten, auch er stellte besondere Unter-
suchungen an iiber die alten jiidischen Colonien in Malabar^
er stand rnit verschiedenen jiidischen Familien im freund-
schaftlichsten Verkehr, und nahm grossen Antheil an ihreni
Leben und Treiben. Er correspondirte iiber diese Angelegen-
heiten viel mit europaischen Gelehrten, und seine Notizen
sammelte der Prediger Adrian Gravezande in Mittelburg
und diese erschienen deutsch im 14 ten Bande von D. Anton
Friedrich Busching s Mayazin fur die neue Historic und
Geographic, wie schon oben bemerkt. 1 )
Cochin wurde 1795 von den Englandern genommen.
Anfanglich Avar dieser Herrenwechsel fur die Verhaltnisse der
Juden nicht vortheilhaft ; denn der friiher von ihnen beinahe
monopolisirte Handel blieb nicht ferner in ihren alleinigen
- 1 ) [Verschiedene interessante Notizen iiber die Juden in Malabar von
Moens und Gravezande verfasst, sind handschriftlich vorhanden in der Columbia
College Library in New- York. G. A. K.]
Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien.
Handen, da sicli viele Englander jetzt niederliessen und eifrig
Geschafte betrieben. Doch haben sich allmalig die j iidischen
Kaufleute von dieser Krisis erholt, die Sachlage ist fur sie
zusehens gtinstiger geworden, und die Gerneinde fangt an an
Zahl und Vermogen wieder zuzunehinen.
In den Vorstadten Kalvati und Mottancheri siidlich von
deni Palaste des Raja von Cochin laufen eine halbe Meile
lang die Strassen der Judenstadt. Den obern Theil haben
die weissen, den niedern die schwarzen Juden iune 7 jede
dieser Gemeinden hat ihre Synagoge. Die der weissen Juden
wurde 1663 kurz nach derVertreibungderPortugiesen durchdie
Hollander von Shemtob Castil. dem derzeitigen Vorsteher oder
Mudaliar restituirt. Hundert Jahre spater liessEzechielRachabi,
derFreund undRathgeber des Gouverneur Moens den Bodender
Synagoge rait weissen und blauen chinesischen Porcellanplatten
auslegen. Im Innern, hinter einem reichen Vorhange und den
Fliigelthuren stehen fiinf sehr schoii geschricbene Pergament-
rollen der Thora in silbernen Hiillen niit reichen Brocat be-
deckt. Eine derselben schmuckt eine goldene Krone, die vor
beinahe einem Jahrhundert der dortige Resident Colonel
Macauley der Synagoge zum Geschenk machte. Das Gottes-
haus ist ungefahr 40 Fuss lang und 30 Fuss breit, und mit einem
kleinen Glockenthurm versehen. Vor der Frauentribiine lauft
ein holzernes Gitter. In der Schule sassen bei meinem Be-
suche weisse und schwarze Jungen und Madchen zusammen,
wahrend ein schwarzer Jude den Unterricht ertheilte.
Die meisten Hiiuser sind aus Baekstein und ahneln im
Innern wie Aeussern den portugiesischen Wolmungen. Aus
Kalk gefornite Pfaue, doppelk(">p%e Adler, kampfende
Hiihne, Tiger jagdscenen und Krokodile sind beliebte Wand-
verzierungen.
Der Teint der weissen Juden ist sehr, beinahe krank-
haft weiss, weisser als der der meisten Europaer, und fallt
deshalb besonders auf. Viele sind blondhaarig und blau-
augig. Den alten Miinnern geben ihre langen, weissen Barte
ein recht patriarchalisches Ansehen. In seinem Benehmen
ist der Cochiner Jude sehr hoflich und zuvorkommend.
Die Frauen verlieren bald ihre Schonheit, sie altern friih
und kleiden sich nachlassig, ausser bei grossen Gelegenheiten,
wie Hochzeiten, fiir die sie prachtige Gewander aus Gold
Kohut, Semitic Studies. 27
418 Gustav Oppert.
und Silberfiligran anziehen und sich init Juwelen und Gold-
schmuck bedecken.
Die jungen weissen Jiidinnen trugen friiher einen der
malabarischen Frauenkleidung ahnlichen Anzug, seitdein aber
die scliwarzen Jiidinnen denselben auch anlegten, zogen erstere
seit 1860 die Bagdader Mode vor. Hierzu kaui noch, dass
die jungen Manner die unkleidsame inalabarische Tracht nicht
leiden konnten, und ihre Braute nicht in Cochin, sondern voii
auswiirts holten. l )
Es existiren jetzt in Cochin eigentiich drei jiidische
Geineinden, die der weissen Juden, die der Halbjuden
oder Mischlinge und die der schwarzen einheimischen
Juden. Die Gesarnmtzahl derselben ist sehr gering. Nach
dem letzten Censusberichte von 1891 befinden sich nur 1142
Juden in Cochin, freilich eine betrachtliche Abnahuie gegen
friiher. wenn man den alten Angaben iiber die grosse Anzahl
der J uden auch nur annahernd Glaubeu schenken darf. Aller-
dings liaben Biirgerkriege. Verfolgungen und sonstige Cala-
mitaten zu dieser Verringerung das ihrige beigetragen.
Benjamin von Tudela s Reisebeschreibung enthalt eine
der 1 riihesten Notizen iiber die schwarzen Juden von Indien,
Nach seiner Angabe wohnten ungefiihr 1000 Familien in dern
Lande, wo Pfeffer, Kaiieel und Ingwer wachsen. Er beschreibt
sie als ehrliche Leute, welche die zehn Gebote und die mosa-
ischen Yorschriften beobachten, die Propheten lesen, gute
Talniudisten sind und alle Gebrauche streng halten. Merk-
wiirdigerweise hat man jedoch sonst bei den schwarzen Juden
weder Manuscripte der heiligen Schriften noch andere Werke
gefunden, mit Ausnahnie allerdiiigs von den schwarzen Juden
in der Stadt Cochin, von denen Dr. Claudius Buchanan viele auf
Baumwollenpapier, Pergament und Fellen geschriebene Manu-
scripte erhielt. Auch erwarb er sich ein auf 37 rothgefarbten
Ziegenfellen bestehendes, 48 Fuss langes und eine Elle breites
Exemplar der Thora. welchem der Leviticus und ein grosser
Theil des Deuteronomium fehlte, das daher anfanglich 90 Fuss
lang gewesen sein muss.
Im Inlande befinden sich noch in Angikaymal, Parur,
J ) Ueber die Juden in Cochin vergleiche besonders Francis Day, The
Land of the Permauls, Madras 1863, p. 336 ff.
Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 419
Tritur, Muton, Maleh, Chenotta und Chennamangalam Ge-
meinden von schwarzen Juden.
Einen wirklich grossen Staat haben die Juden von Cran-
ganore wohl nie gebildet. Die iiberzahlreichen Einwanderungen
konneii, wie sie angegeben werden. auch nicht stattgefunden
haben. Die Judenschaft von Cranganore bildete wahrscheinlich
schon im grauen Alterthum, eine reiche, geachtete und einfluss-
reiche Corporation, die sich durch ihr solides, intelligentes
und anstiindiges Benehnien die Gunst und das Wohlwollen
des regierenden Pennnale erwarb, und welchen Bhaskara
Ravi Varina durch seinen Gnadenact Ausdruck verlieh.
Der wesentliche Unterschied, der in socialcr Beziehung
zwischen den weissen Juden von Cochin und den Bene Israel
existirt, liegt darin, dass erstere vorwiegend Kaufleute, letztere
"besonders Handwerker und Soldaten sind. Beide gelten jedoch
in ihren verschiedenen Spharen als ordentliche und gewissen-
hafte Menschen, und geniessen als solche eines guten Rufs
und einer angesehenen Stellung in der Bevolkerung.
Obivohl somit die Geruchte und Ansichten, welche iiber
die Bedeutung der jtidischen Ansiedlungen in Indien verbreitet
sind, sich als ubertrieben erwiesen haben, so enthalt trotzdem
ihre Geschichte, so weit sie sich noch feststellen lasst, genug-
sam interessante Thatsachen um Theilnahme zu erwecken und
wach zu erhalten. Die augenblicklich noch bestehenden
Genieinden sind in besseren Verhiiltnissen, und zeigt der
neueste Census von Indien, eine vielversprechende Vermehrung
in der Zahl der Familienangehorigen, vomehmlich ist dies
bei den Bcne Israel der Fall.
Hoffen wir, dass diese Besserung der Verhaltnisse eine
bleibende sein moge, wie denn von der Gerechtigkeit und
dem Wohlwollen der jetzigen Verwaltung und Regieruiig in
Indien das Beste zu hoffen ist.
Correspondence between the Jews of Ma
labar and New York a century ago
by
George Alexander Kohut (New York).
The following paper, read some four years ago before the
American Jewish Historical Society, may serve to supplement
Prof. Oppert s data on the Jews of India in the last few
centuries.
The East Indies from time immemorial, remarks Mr. J.
J. Benjamin II, have been inhabited by many different tribes.
Of the most influential the following six are briefly sum
marized in his rather dubious itinerary . 1 )
1) The ~Beue Ixrael, or the white Jews.
2) The Canarinz (derived from "njjjl-?).
3) The Black Jews of Cochin.
4) The Banians.
5) The Par sees.
6) The Hindoos
Many attempts have hitherto been made to prove the
lineage of the Bene Israel, who, according to tradition, claim
to have been transferred to Halah, Habor, the shores of the
Ganges, and the cities of the Medes in the ninth year of
Hoshea s reign by the king of Assyria 2 ). The arguments of
*) Eight years in Asia and Africa, from 18461855, with a Preface
by Dr.BtSeeman, etc. (Hanover, 1859), p. 143; of. however the excellent
essays of Dr. A. K. Glover in the Menorah Monthly, vol. IV, p. 239 49;
359365; 436441; 520 524, and Dr. Neubauer in Jeio. Quart. Review,
I, p. 22 sq.
2 ) Cf. II K. XVII, 6; XVIII, 11, and Dr. Neubauer s remarks in
J. Q. .R., vol. I, p. 15.
The Jews of Malabar and New York. 421
the successor of the famous Benjamin Tudela are conviucing
in this one instance and will throw more light upon the
history of their claim, than some learned theories advanced
by recent writers on Malabarian antiquities, who assume an
apologetic attitude in discussing the much disputed subject,
as if the origin of a timeworn fable were in question. The
literature on the Jews of India, which includes adjacent
localities, generalized by the name given to the entire Indian
district: Malabar, is too extensive to be collected in this place. *)
1 ) For fuller details concerning the Jews in Cochin, see the following
authorities, of whom only the most important are here mentioned :
Jewish Intelligence of Feb. 1840; H. Wessely: P1^ "iri T3C " i?:Nf:
Tractatus; Annuncians nova, i. e. Chronica Judaeorum Cochin etc.. in the
periodical ^{<?2 VI, 129; M. Paulus. in Eichhorn s Allgemeiuc Bibttothek
der Ublischen Litteratur, I (1787). pp. 925934; F. G. C. Riitz: Von einer
hebrdischcn Chronik der Juden sit Cochim. ibidem, II (178!)), pp. 567 583;
Weitere Nachricht von der vorgeblichen liebrdischen Chronik zu Cochim,
ibid., Ill (1790), p. 182; Joel Lowe: Any einei C/iroiuk, ibid., pp. 183 5;
Erne Duplik, die hebrdische Chronik der Juden zu Cochin betreff end, ibid.,
Y, (1792; pp. 399419; Busching. in his Jlagazix fur die neneste Historic und
Geographic, XIV, pp. 123 152; P. J. Brims: Beitrag zu den Nachrichten
von den Juden zu Codschin in Eichhorn s Repertorium filr biblische und
morgenldndische Litteratur. IX (1781), pp. 269 270 ; M. II. E. G. Paulus:
Ueber ein Schreiben von Hrn. Joel Lotce in Berlin, des Herausgeber s
Nachricht ron der hebr. Clironik der inalabaritclien Juden betreff end, in
Neues Repertorium f. bibl. H, inorg. Litter, III (1791). pp. 393400;
L. 1. J. van Dort: Chronica Judaeorum Cochin Belgica versa, e.c qua Germ.
per Eitz, exque eo hebr. (cum Annott.) per X. H. AVessely (1790/93) ;
Appendix, scil, Epistola Jecheskiel [sen Ezechiel] Ttachdbi ad Tobia Boas
(a. 17U <) cum notis Wessely . in =]{< 5 VI. 258; A. sGravezande :
Geschiedk. nanchten betr. de blanke en zwarte Jooden te Cothim. Kust v.
Malabar, opgemaakt uit brief icissel. m. A. Moen* en met and. schnjrers
vergelek (Middelb. 1778), reprinted fiom vol. VI, pp. 51786 of the
Verhandelingen van het Zeeuivsche Ge,iootsch. v. Kunsten en Wetensch.;
Vervolg der Geschiedk. narichten em. (ib., 1782). from vol. IX. pp.
515__74 of the same periodical; Notisia* dos Judeos de Cochim, inandados
par Mosseh Pereyra de Paiva (Amst., 1687); |i^np ]12 C^ T, 1 "!J7" D^jJJp:
Kennis der Jehudim von Kochin geschickt dwelt, M. P. de P., sen ^lE njj
Nn^N i^N ; praef. est Isak Aboab. (Amst. 1687). - For lack of space
we must forbear mentioning more references to the older sources. They
are noted with admirable exactness in Prof. Steinschneider s valuable Cata
log us librorum Hebraeorum in Bibl. Bodleiana (Berolini 1852/60), s. v.
Wessely, col. 27212724. The writer has in preparation a complete bibliog
raphy, comprising about 1000 items. There are many hitherto unpublished
documents relating to the Jews of Malabar, as may be seen from the sub-
422 George Alexander Kohut.
Only a few items relating to their history need here be
summarised. The erudite archaeologist A. K. Glover, in an
important series of articles, published in several volumes of the
Menorah Monthly and the Babylonian & Oriental Record, referred
to below, maintains that the first settlement of the Jews in Sou
thern India(Malabar)dates back as far as 68 A. D. In their inscrip
tions at Kai Fung, bearing the date 1489, it is expressly stated
that they came from Tieu-tschuh or India. Very characteristic
is the sarcasm of a modern author on India, that the Jews must
have slipped into China without being observed, wherefore
the silence of authentic history on the subject. This remark
is as unfounded as the attempt of the same writer to read the
prosperity and material welfare of that Jewish community from
a suggestive word in one of their inscriptions, indicating
happiness. Of their numerous conflicting claims and chronological
conceits, we may mention the views of the socalled "middle king
dom" Jewish colony, who confidently believed to have arrived
during the Han-period, i. e. between 202 B. C. & 220 A. D.;
this date, however, is positively refuted by archaeological evi
dence. Some fragmentary inscriptions from 1489 and 1511
A. D., found at Kai-fung-fu, inform us that they came during
the dominion of Mingti, namely between 58 and 76 A. D.
(Cf. Condier, Les Juifs en Chine, in Ifanthropologie, Sept.-
Oct. 1890, p. 549, where a full bibliography is given.) Even
joined notes taken from Roest s Catalogue of the Libraries of G. Almanzi,
Jacob Emden & M. J. Lowenstein (Amst. 1868), pp. 354, 355:
No. 5179 : Moens, Adriaan : Fragen an einige Juden in Cochin iib. ihre
heiligen Biicher, Sprache, Gebrauche, Sitter* etc., nebst Be-
antwortung, in hollandischer Sprache. 25 Bll. Fol. Unedirt.
- Sehr interessant.
Moens Mittheilungen, die Juden in Cochin betreffend, sind
v. s Gravezande in seinen Geschiedlc. narichten etc. [v. supra,
p. 421.] benutzt. Vorliegende Fragen sind jedoch nicht ge-
druckt. Ausserdem befindet sich hier 1. die Abschrift des
Patents des Kaisers Cheran Peroemel an Joseph Rabby [see
supra, p. 405 sq.], wonach der Abdruck in Gravezande s erste
Abhandlung; 2. ein von Moens eigenhandig unterzeichueter
Brief an s Gravezande, datirt Cochim 1. Oct. 1780. (7 SS. 4.)
No. 5187: Pereira cle Paiva. Mosseh: Eelasion de las notizias delo.s
Judeos de Cochin. 9 SS. Unedirt. Hochst selten.
Some of these MSS. are now in the library of Columbia College (New York),
and they seem most valuable and interesting.
The Jews of Malabar and New York. 423
the doubts of Mr. Glover are dissipated upon a careful pe
rusal of their ancient records, which reveal the fact that the
golden age of Judaism in China spans three centuries, from
13681640 A. D. i)
The Jews of New York, it appears, interested them
selves in the history of their eastern coreligionists towards
the latter half of the XVIII century as the subjoined corres
pondence shows. Whilst no actually new facts are recorded
in these letters, some importance may still attach to this
Hebrew translation of the Royal Patent granted to Joseph
Rabban about the end of the 4th century C. E. The
original text is here much abbreviated.
Anquetil du Perron s transcription varies from the other
published versions of the original, which even the natives
could not interpret intelligibly. 2 )
This charter of privileges, reproduced in Hebrew in the
letter of the Jews in Malabar to the Jews in New York has a
history :
It has been translated into Hebrew by a Rabbi Ezekiel 3 )
under the personal supervision of a Brahman. The original text,
of course, was transcribed into the square characters. Of this M.
Anquetil took a copy(pp. 171 & 396 of hisZendavesta edition), with
the desire to edit a French version, which plan, however, ap
pears not to have materialized. Daniel de Castro, a Jewish
merchant in London, likewise took along with him a copy
) The literature on the Jews of China, their history, ritual and
customs, is equally large. Suffice it to refer the reader to the following
important sketches (besides the notes in the standard Histories of Graetz,
Jost etc.): Frankl-Graetz s Monatsschrift, VII, pp. 462-7; several articles
in Leeser s Occident, vols. I, 183-7; X. 37-39; XXII. 510-13; Dr.
A. K. Glover s essays in the Menorah Monthly, vol. IV, 23949;
359-365; 436-41; 520-4; V, 10-19; 144-151 -, VI, 91-7; 179-83;
24851- 2938- the same author s notes in the Babylonian and Oriental
Record, vol. V, 138-41; 161-164; 179-182; 211-212; 229; 249; VI,
153-6 (cf. also, ibid. V, 131-34; VI, 274-6; 288); 209-13 and the
sources there cited, such as the writings of Finn, Martin and others. The
ritual has been well described by Zunz, Saphir, Geiger & Neuhauer. (Cf.
esp. J. Q. E. for 18956.)
a ) Cf. Dr. Buchanan s Christian Researches in Asia, etc.. p. 224 ;
Graetz, History of the Jews, IV 2 . p. 405 ; Schechter in Jew. Quart, lleview,
VI, 142 sq.; Oppert, supra, p. 4056.
3 ) See bibliography on p. 421.
424 George Alexander Kohut.
and translation of the inscription from Cochin, and submitted
it to the eminent Hebraist, Dr. D. Kennicott. The text was
in Hebrew square characters and punctuated. It is to be
regretted that in the reproduction the words are not suffi
ciently separated from each other, so as to enable us to deter
mine positively which Hebrew word corresponds to the Mala-
barian or Tamul version. To illustrate the variants in the co
pies made by M. Anquetil & de Castro, the following must
suffice. The passage according to the original decree: cttf
tOfon"to ~N NT?K ">>3 - M. Anquetil reads: Birri barmen
tirvaddi palleh (jour airte adde - - Maaoderikot. These are
evidently in Tamul, although some points of resemblance
between the words here mentioned and in the Alphabet-urn
Grandonico - Malabaricum sire Samscrudonicum (Romae, 1772,
8 VO ), undoubtedly exist. (For other notes, cf. Itepertorium,
ibid., p. 271.)
The superscription in AnquetiPs version again differs
from ours. His reads: Pli irij CL: im "NSfc ^nppyn
- Translation of the Shefeed ivhich is a
copper-tablet, (jiren by Sheran Perimal. The title in our
document (Appendix I), runs: nmruPi CE bw PipPJ?n (PTl)
P2.C / pP>jtt This is the translation of the
copper-tablet from the Malabarian into the holy tongue. Of
the copper-plate-text many translations exist. Busching, (/.
c.) Brims, (/. c.) Benjamin, (in Drei Jalire in Amerika, p. 24
-25) Frankl, (in Monatsschrift fur die Gesch. u. Wiss. d.
Jud th., XII, 1863, p. 371) and others, have given German
versions, none of which agree. l ) For a full list of other
attempts at transcribing and translating, see the bibliography
of Prof. Oppert. supra, p. 405-406. It will doubtless interest
many to collate our version, as contained in the epistle of
the Malabar Jews, with the very faulty text published in Eich-
horn s Repertorium, I c.. which runs as follows:
n m\x n cnp2 H^ MX^JI pxz i^ 1:1^12 [read: r\vyw]
3 ) See particularly Graetz, IV 2 , p. 406 ; Jezow/* Intelligence, February,
1840 and Neubauer in J. Q. R. I 22.
The Jews of Malabar and New York. 425
\wv Tirol ircc an:
ran p-i ?pv6 f EK mi2:i2 cvn HT -m
p cn:i mir^i Tnn m:cb Toe 1 ? n^npi hm IK ^s \s DID ny\
psi mien
x n^in: * DI:
,
2 l^CT "!12N2Nn 1^ WtiM^Z "^ C^JJ Hl^ N 2"1
cmm
4961 cwbzb ^-^ 22pnn n:^ i^ ( 2>-i 3439 n:^bib ni^y: n7i
c^j y ^ f 1552 ij"rn
A tolerably good translation with commentary is then
given by Brims, /. c.
The reply from the Jews of New York, we regret not to
have been able to obtain till now. It has most likely been lost
with other documents of a similar nature, which Mr. Benja
min (in his travels in America, pp. 27. 31) mentions as con
taining references to this correspondence.
The following is a copy of a business letter which has
been preserved and might prove of interest:
"Cochin, 13 Jan y, 1790.
Mr. Solomon Simsoii. New York,
Dear Sir:
I embrace the opportunity of acknowledging the reception
of Your favor of December 88, and duplicate of Yours of
January 87, the original not having come to hand.
Jan. 87. Am obliged for Your generous offer of service
and am sorry that I had not the pleasure of seeing Mr. Haley
to whom and Capt. Moore I think myself much indebted for
their recommending me to Your acquaintance. As Mr. Haley is
not here to refer to for the particulars concerning the trade
of Your place, I shall say little on that subject, except ac
quainting You that trade here is declining so fast as puts it
beyond any hopes of its answering to our mutual or even to
one of our advantages.
Dec. 88. Am happy to learn that Mr. Haley has reco-
426 George Alexander Kohut.
vered. My respects to him. My respects also to Capt. Helme,
am obliged for all the information You gave and agreeable
to request enclose here the particulars of our persuasion.
Should Cap n. Sarly touch at this port, he shall meet every
attention from
Dear Sir
Your most obedient and devoted H. Servant
y^ i crn2N % Trine p twciy
P.S. Saleth [?], the sort You required is not procurable
here. Best compliments from my son Abraham Samuels and
his spouse and Mr. Salomon Norden from London to You
and all Your friends."
The words in italics probably allude to the letter
in Hebrew, containing the account 1 ) of the Jewish settlements
in Malabar, drawn up by this CPPSN p ^frflOlP of Cochin.
The document bears no date however; it left Malabar
per steamboat for London, whence it was forwarded to
New York by mail, on the 13th of January 1787, as the
postmark indicates. Another epistle, dated January 13th
1790, addressed to the Jews in New York, discusses chiefly
commercial questions.
Seven years later, in 1794, the Portuguese Jews of New
York desirous of procuring further information concerning
their fellow-believers in China, entrusted a letter to a Captain
Ho well, with the following directions, no doubt written in
English :
"New York, Jan y 22, 1795.
Sir : You have herewith a letter in Hebrew directed to
the Elders of the Jewish Congregation at Cac-fong [Kai-
FungV] or Cac-fongford [Kai-Fung-Fu?], in the province of
Honan ; these people are not called Jews by the Chinese but
are called TiaoMn Kiao by which name you will please to
inquire for them. If you should not meet with any of them,
then please to get some person to direct it to them in Chinese,
agreable to the above. Your compliance may bring some accounts
from this people that may serve to amuse the literati and will
A ) The data recorded in our letter contradict the facts in Menasse ben
Israel s Mikwe Yisrael and the remarks in the Meassef, for 5550 (1790).
The former originates the immigration of the Jews into Malabar from
Hammogel (Mongolia), the latter from Theman (Yemen).
The Jews of Malabar and New York. 427
in a particular manner oblige ine. Sincerely wishing you
a prosperous voyage and safe return, I am,
Sir,
Your H. & H. Servant
Solomon Simson."
This letter was directed to :
"Capn Howell
Sound for China"
But it seems that the curious literati were never to be
gratified by a line of recognition from the Jews of China, for
the MS. was returned with the remark: "Gdpn. Howell could
not discover them".
Appendix I.
The Jews of Malabar to the Jews of Neiv York. 1 )
22"in w rp2 DIIE
1x21 ntrxi D"N CHIIT rain
:3:22 rm C2iii . . nEis HC . . IT?P \XD . .
"i rotrzi ."one n "! 1 ^* n^trcc nnn r^m
ip
" L: ^ f npnyn
^c xin ni^sn
2 .IT:
c .cvn i: .mcix n p i^i ."j^-in ni:?:
r)in .nnszisn .JNCI .^ .misn t>i:ci ^i:^ c^v^-p
J ) The entire text has been published by Dr. Frankl I. c. and Benja
min 1. c. Dr. Kayserling in his Gesch d. Juden in Portugal (1867), p. 165,
n. 2, publishes a portion.
2 ) Cp. Oppert, supra, p. 41011.
3 ) Perhaps "!N^ f , as above, p. 424.
428
George Alexander Kohut.
bv PIN 1 ? ]n:i ntrn:n DC: ntyy -iijnjn
^52 .nt52i jnn nuzi c^2 ijnT^i -6 pi ^c
cur ^21
Kin
n:t: f 2
2u iT2
z \x2i ctrc
Bt cn nri
n2tr
2 v
^ nm cnyi r-in;i
c D V ^:N % " ^i KB K2 c^-si:
rnniD
rein C^BD r.B i:^
.C^BDH 1^X2 12 ^2
rp cm .^5 ID
D[K]^ i2n2i incc i C <| -IM <>
p"p p in
K nrnK cnBD M*\XT iny
c^n "V c^ns
pips IjK |\XT
CTiir in> in
^ JK cr, cmn^* c
K ]\x *">i .^2i2^>
[cn T,i:2] cn^mr:
2 c 1^2 22"in
c\xip:n c <i "in < ! SSK . . .^
^ ^21 "inntt i nn: p "i"2
I:K \xi crb
2 K
:c /2K
2 p
J 1C2 ^ P^KE
no:zn n^2 \x[i]
*) Dr. Kayserling s version in his Gesch. d. Juden in Portugal (1867),
c., has : r:.
The Jews of Malabar and New York. 429
^21 jiikXPi ^D nc t\x i2:p 21EP| ctrn i^
^x -\y IEI
.f imp ifti
Appendix II.
Jews of New York to the Jews of China.
cm
in,x nj? ni\xci :cr k x r%
r ^ CNI :cnsD iNitn nmn nee crnx ^ c.xi :c23n:c n
2H2 1j^2 1j k xr 1E2 : C2 l r>E 7,^1 : Pl^ \X ul
cn:n i^ ^2 ^2 by
irnirc: \ri JP m:cc ^:n pip ^y cij? cy
n^Nt: .xnp:p 2"P2 i:^ ^i C\P2 ^> 2 2" % ; 1^2 r> 1x22
1 ? :
P2 ij
V T pt& Etr P)DV "12 PiC
J2 C22H2 i^tr ^ % :p2i^n vb 2ir2^ C2ir f
iP2E 2in2 PD\X 17 n^x
tt EE Ij"^ W \X1121
.[sic]
430 George Alexander Kohut.
Appendix III.
Translation : l )
A.
"This is the history of the Jews who came into the land of
Malabar :
At the time of the exile, after the destruction of the
second Temple, which happened in the year 3828 after the
creation of the world, many Jews, male and female, entered
the country Malabar and settled in four different places,
namely: Kangnur, Paklur, Modi and Puluta.
The majority established themselves in Kangnur also
called Singili, which was under the dominion of the Sira
Primal.
In the year 4139 after the Creation, ? . e. 379 according
to Christian chronology, they were presented by King Sira
Primal, whose name was Irwi Barmin with laws and
statutes engraved upon a copper-tablet, called Sepuru, [given
in conformance] with their customs and for their exaltation.
They had at the time seventy- two houses in Kangnur; their
chief was named Joseph Eabban. This is the King Sira
Primal, who divided his land and gave it to eight monarchs;
they are called respectively: Tirbangur, (Travankore?), Kirch-
angur, (Cranganor?), Klichut, Argut, Plaktshiri, Kulastiri,
Kurbint and King of Cochin (pip-).
The following is a translation of the copper-tablet from
the Malabarian into the holy tongue:
"In the peace of God, the King, who created the earth
according to his will ! To this God, I, Jrwi Barmin, raise
my hand in oath, [to him] who reigns since so many hundred-
thousand years, [whilst] 1 preside about two years and a half
in Kangnur (Cranganor), in the thirty-sixth year of my
sovereignty. 3 ) I have decreed with mighty authority, and
J ) It will be observed that there is a great difference between this
account and that of Prof. Oppert. printed above, p. 406 sq.
-) Cochin in other Hebrew documents is written: jvpp; see Schechter
in J. Q. E. VI, 141.
:i ) Mr. J. J. Benjamin II, in his Drei Jahre in Amerika (185962),
Hannover, 1862, vol. I, p. 24, finds in the above quoted phrase an evidence
of the Chinese belief in the Creation of the world.
The Jews of Malabar and New York. 43 1
have permitted with strong power to Joseph Rabban [the
wearing of] five various colors 1 ), Tuta, the riding upon
elephants and horses, and the crying of the heralds to make
way for him, to gain converts from the five nations 2 ], who
reside here, to lay carpets, [to use] divans as ornament, flying
steeple 3 ); flute 4 ), trumpets, tymbal, which is struck with two
sticks; all this have I granted to him and to the seventy-
two families, [even] ground-rent and balance 5 ) [for farming].
Over the other provinces, where there are colonists and
synagogues, he should be leader and governor. Without any
alteration or objection he prepared this brass-tablet and con
signed it to the charge of Joseph Rabban, the lord of the
five colors 6 ), for him and his progeny, sons and daughters,
son-in law and daughter-in law^. as long as his descen
dants shall abide in the world, and as long as the moon
endures. May God bless and maintain his successors. To
this the eight mentioned Kings bear witness and Kulapis
(Kilafis: PB N^D) the scribe, who penned this, and here is
his seal." \
The Jews remained in Kangnur, until the arrival of the
Portuguese. These were offensive and annoying to them-, there
fore they emigrated from there and went to Cochin in the
year 5326 of Creation. The King of Cochin set apart for
them land for. houses and a synagogue, in the vicinity of his
place, that he may [the better] protect them [in case of need].
And in the year 5000, C. E. 1567, a synagogue was built by [the
*) The text is very obscure, consequently our rendering here and
elsewhere can not be literal, as at times the meanings must be supplied.
As Dr. Frankl already observed (in Monatsschrift f. d. Gesch. u. Wiss. d.
Judentk., 1. c , p. 370, note), the author does not seem to be very familiar
w:th the sacred tongue, for his style is faulty.
j The Hebrew is unintelligible. As regards the privileges accorded
them such as riding in the public thoroughfares (to this day forbidden in
Persia) and the decoration of homes (likewise unpermitted in several African
localities), see Benjamin s itinerary: Acht Jahre in Asien und Afrika,
p. 263; Drei Jahre in America, I, p. 25.
3 ) Probably a litter, suggests Dr. Frank!. (L c.)
4 ) Benj. (1. c.} amends Vs^s, not knowing how to read the text. Dr.
Fr. (I. c.) leaves it unexplained.
5 ) Most likely a certain tax.
6 ) Perhaps a distinction of some sort, emblematic of royal dignity.
432 George Alexander Kohut.
aid of] four eminent men: Samuel Kastial, David Belila
(or Blilia?), Ephraim Selach, Joseph Levi. [But] they
were still persecuted by the Portuguese, [so that] they
could not live according to the law and cany on trade (their
living) with the district inhabited by the Portuguese [Only
after] the Hollanders came on the 8th O f January 1663, were
their spirits (condition) alleviated. Thus they lived peacably
with the natives of Malabar.
With help [of God] in Cochin, which may the Highest
One protect. 1 )
In the year 1686 of the Christian era, four men came
hither from Amsterdam: Moses Pereira, Isaac Urgas,
O "
Abraham Burton (Burr ata?), Isaac Mucata. They were
Sephardic Jews, tradesmen who saw all the regions populated
by Israelites 2 ), and rejoiced, and wrote to Amsterdam [des
cribing] the whole situation and the scarcity of books. And
when the congregation in Amsterdam heard of it, they sent
the community of Cochin a donation of Pentateuchs, Prayer-
books, Shulchan Arucli and other books, and the whole con
gregation were very glad. Ever since that time we have
friends in Amsterdam, we correspond with them and to this
day they supply us with whatever books we need. Thus
we now possess many books, the Talmud, Midrash and Cab
balistic works, yet we are still inexperienced [unlearned] in
them. But we conduct ourselves according to the Shulchan
Arucli, composed by Joseph Karo, and our rites are those
of the Sephardim.
In Cochin we are called the white Jews, namely: the
men, who came from the Diaspora of the holy land - - may
it be soon resettled and built up! We have about forty
houses and one synogogue ; there are no more in the land
of Malabar. There are, however, other Jews, who are
styled the black Jews. 3 } They are the lineage of those who
) "; jMipr -- Benjamin, 1. c., p. 26, left the abbreviated formula
"; untranslated, since evidently he did not understand it. In Mr. Scheeh-
ter s notes (J. Q. E.. VI, 142 ff.) "; ;<:np occurs often. It is perhaps an
abbreviation of: ;CN n^y p ]\]ay He guard it, Amen!
-} The clause: cmn c2irw meipen *z wci is left untranslated by Dr.
"Frankl. (I. c.)
3 ) There is a very extensive literature on the origin and existence of these
The Jews of Malabar and New York. 433
embraced the Jewish faith in Malabar as freemen or slaves,
therefore we do not allow our daughters to marry them (we
do not give our daughters to them for wives) and take not
their women from them. Their customs and (religious) ways
are exactly like ours; they live in seven cantons.
In Cochin there are about 150 houses [families] and three
synagogues; in Angi Kemil about 100 houses and two synago
gues; Parur has about 100 houses and one synagogue; Sinut
has 50 houses, one synagogue; Malah has about 50 houses,
one synagogue; Tirtur has about 10 houses, one synagogue ;
Mutes (or Muts?) has 10 houses one synagogue.
To the hands of the honorable <utd wise (/cntlemart, Kal>l>i
Salomon Simson, from the city of Cochin to the city of Neiv York."
Appendix IV.
B.
"New York, New Moon Shevath, 5555 in
the sixth thousand of Creation.
I greet you, children of Israel with peace, [may] only
happiness and the grace and fulness of peace [be your in
heritance]! We have seen and read in the itineraries, which
were recently edited by a Christian prelate , named
Alexander Christian, who travelled in your land. China,
that he found Jews there. He was in their synagogues, saw
thirteen entrances to the holy tabernacle, wherein a scroll
of the law was placed. We therefore request you to inform
us whether he reports the truth, and to give us at the same
time the number of the children of Israel who reside there;
[to communicate to us] of which tribe you arc ; at what time
after the destruction have you wandered there; what is your
custom (srttD)} whether you are in possession of books of the
Torah and other works; whether you abide in peace or in
oppression and with what arc you engaged. In a .similar
manner we have receired a letter from our brethren, the Jews
tribes. Accounts may be consulted in Benjamin s interesting travels Eight
Years in Asia and Africa and in the excellent work of J. Saphir, entitled:
Ibn Safir (18661874), which contains precious information on the customs
and ritual of the Oriental Jews. It is an authoritative index of Eastern
Judean antiquities.
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
434 George Alexander Kohut.
in the land of Malabar, who are in flourishing circumstances;
they have a prince (&W3) named Joseph Rabban; the King
of Malabar allowed him four colors, permitted him to make
converts from the five nations; he is the first and foremost
[ruler] over all the Jews who dwell there, as long as his
generation exists, as long as the moon endures.
Simultaneously, I inform you, that we here in America
at New York and other places, live in great prosperity
(peace) ; that Jews as well as Christians officiate as judges,
in monetary disputes as in capital crimes. There are about
seventy-two families here, we possess one synagogue, which
is called "Shcarith Israel", in other localities there are
other synagogues ; all live in perfect harmony (peace). If it
is possible for you to communicate to us information about
the custom and rite of your province, it will afford us great
pleasure ; we are entirely at your disposal.
Such are the words of the writer, who wishes you well.
Alexander Hirsch.
Solomon, son of Josef Sinison.
If you desire to answer us, then place your letter in
the enclosed envelope, which is addressed in English, [that]
it may arrive [at its destination] in safety.
To the city Kaifung, in the province of Honan, for the
President and elders of that city in China"
Aus Qirqisani s
,,Kitab al- anwttr w al-maraqib"
von
Dr. Samuel Poznai iski (Berlin).
Durch Harkavy s Edition des ersten Abschnittes des
Kitdb al-anwdr w al-mardqib (das Buch der Leuchten und
der Aussichtstiirme) des Abu-Jusuf Ja qub al-Qirqi-
sani 1 ) und durch die jetzt feststehende Thatsache, dass
dieser karaische Autor in der ersten Hiilfte des X. Jahrh.
gebliiht hat, 2 ) ist das Interesse fiir ilin und seine Schriften
von Neuem erwaclit. Besondere Beachtung aber verdient
das oben genannte AVerk. Abgeselien davon, dass es das
"alteste vollstiindige karaische Gesetzbuch (*2LxiJf ^^5) ist, 3 )
so hat es noch einen ganz besonderen Wort dadureh , dass
es viele bisher unbekannte Ansiehten der ersten karaischen
Fiilirer, wie c Anan. Benjamin al-Nahawendi. Daniel al-Qumisi
u.s.w., enthiilt und dass in den ersteu vier Abschnitten aueh
Gegenstande, die nicht zur Gesetzeskunde gehoren, eri ; rtert
werden. So handelt der erste Absehnitt von den jiidischen
Secten, der zweite von der Notwendigkeit des Korschens
und des Speculirens [in Betreff der Vorschriften der Thora]
) Memoiren d. oriental. AMeilimg d. archaoloy. Geseltechaft zu
Petersburg, Bd. VIII (181)4) p. 247321. Vtfl. dazu Baoher, Jewish
Quart. Review VII, 687711.
-} S. Harkavy, Studien u. Mittheilmujen III. 46. Vgl. Neu-
bauer, Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles II, 249.
:! ) Aus Anun s nixisn IBD besitzen wir nur Bruchstiicke (s. Harkavy,
Zur Entstehunfi d Karaismus in Graetz s Geschichte d. Juden, Bd. V,
3. Aufl.) und wir wissen nicht, ob es alle Gebiete der Gesetzeskunde um-
fasst hat. Benjamin Nahawendi s nin nso erstreckt sich nur auf das Civil-
recht. wiewohl es moglich ist dass es urspriinglich auch andere Teile ent-
halten hat.
28*
Samuel Poznanski.
und von der Berechtigung der Beweisfuhrung ex ratione et ana-
logia, im dritten werden die Ansichten der Sectirer widerlegt und
im vierten die Wege. welche zur Erkenntnis der Gebote fiihren,
gezeigt. 1 ) Es ist daher nur zu wiinsclien, dass Harkavy,
dern die jiidische Literatur im Allgeineinen und die karaische
im Besonderen schon so viel verdankt, nun auch die weiteren
Abschnitte herausgebe.
Den ersten Abschnitt hat Harkavy nach zwei Hand-
schriften der Petersburger Bibliothek, die sich gegenseitig
erganzen und controlliren. edirt. Aber ausser dieser Bibliothek
beherbergt aucli das British Museum in London eine grossere
Anzahl von Fragmenten des Kitdb al-anwar wal-maraqib,
aus deneii Hirschfeld eiri einziges Capitel veroffentlicht
hat, ohne jedoch noch den richtigen Namen des Buches ge-
kannt zu haben. 2 ) An einer anderen Stelle 3 ) gebe ich eine
ausfuhrliche Beschreibung dieser Fragment e, iiber die bisher
wenig Klarheit geherrscht und von denen nur ein Teil als von
*) Die Ueberschriften dieser 4 Capitel lauten iin Original (Memoiren
p. 249): ^jL^xpJ ^3 Nd
Jy! ^3 N*Jl*Jl - -
i
-) Arabic Chrestowathy (London 1892) p. 116121. Vgl. dazu
Backer, Bev. (I Et. juiv. XXV, 155; XXVI, 311 u. Jew. Quart. Bev.,
1. c. 689.
3 ) Steinschneider-Festschrift (Leipzig 1896) p. 195218. Gelegentlioh
sei bemerkt, dass zu den von mir dort (p. 214-218) ervvahnten karaischen
Antoren, welche das Kital) al- ftmv(ir mit Nam en citiren, noch einer liin-
zuzufugen ist. Ms. Brit. Mus. or. 2478 enthalt ein Bruchstiick einer iin
J. 1351 verfassten karaischen Compilation zu Deuteronomium in arabischer
Sprache. Zu 33, 4 (fol. 141 b- 143 a) wird ein grosser Teil von Jefet b.
Ali s Comin. z. St., der eine Polemik gegen die Geltung der miindlichen
Lehre (B"ya mm) enthalt, wortlich excerpirt und dann heisst es zum Schluss:
mm m a rnitr> ^*^
^3 ^usjJi a ^ AS
NI irnm
Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 437
Qirqisani herriilirend crkaimt worden ist, und will hier nur
kurz bemerken, dass sich iin British Museum Stiicke aus
Absch. II VI. VIII. X XII linden. Ich teile nun im
Folgenden wcitcrc drei Capitel nach den Londoner Hand-
schriften mit und will dazu Einiges vorausschieken.
Die ersten zwei Capitel, das 17. und 18. des III.
Abschnittes, sind ms. or. 2524, fol. 50a 58a, entnommen.
Sie sind in hebraischen Quadratlettern geschrieben und von
inir in arabische transcribirt. Ihr Inhalt ist eine Polemik
gegen die Anhanger der Lelirc von dor Seelcnwanderung.
Der Name dieser Anhanger ist nicht angegeben, doch er-
fahren wir ihn aus Absch. I Capitel 13, wo es heisst: ,,Aueh
wird von ihm | c Anan] er/ahlt, dass er eine Seelenwanderung
angenommen und dariiber eine Schrif t verfasst hat. Wir
werden nun diese Lehren im Folgenden anfuhren und widcr-
legen." 1 ) Es unterliegt also keinein /weif el, (lass wenigstens
ein Teil der in dicsen Capiteln angefiihrten Argumente fur
die Seelenwanderung von r Anan selbst herrlihrt.
In Cap. 17 werden zunaehst die dogmatischen Griinde an-
gefuhrt. Der Hauptbeweis, aut den sich auch die mu tazilitischen
Anhanger dieser Lehre gestiitzt haben, ist die Bestrafung der
kleinen Kinder, cine Fragc, die fast in jedem Kalamwerke
erortert wird. 2 ) Gott kann doch nur t fir bcgangenc Sunden
bestrafen, sonst ware er ungerecht, wcnn (;r also die kleinen
Kinder, die doch nicht gesundigt haben, bestraft, so kann
das nur fur Sunden sein, die ihre Seelen in andercn Korpern
begangen haben. Qir([isani antwortet nun darauf, dass es
) Ed. Harkavy, p. 313: JyM ^
:!^ AS U! j Ll
UxJ J Ji ^
. Vor l Anan iinden wir keino Spur von dioser Lohre bei den
Juden und es ist daher am wahrscheinlichsten, dass er sie zuerst den
Muhammedanern entnonunen hat. Diese haben sie vvohl direct den Indern
entlehnt. Bemerkenswert sind die Worte Alboruni s (India, Cap. V Anf.),
dass die Metempsychose gerade so charakteristisch ist fiir die indische
Religion, wie der Sabbath fur das Judentum, die Trinitat fiir das Christen-
tum und wie der Ausruf n Es giebt keinen Gott ausser Gott und Muhammed
ist sein Prophet" fiir den Islam.
2 ) Vgl. Frankl, Ein mu-taziMxclwr Kaldm aus d. X. Jahrh. p.
3841; Schreiner, Der Kaldm in. d. jud. Literatur p. 29.
438 Samuel Poznanski.
ebenso von Gott gerecht sei zu strafen und dann dem Be-
schadigten daftir seine Gnade zuzu wenden, der Kinder harrt eben
fiir ihre Leiden die Gliickseligkeit im Paradiese. Denselben
Gedankengang tinden wir auch bei dem karaisehen Religions-
philosophen des XI. Jahrh., Josef b. Abraham al-Basir, dem
Qirqisani ohne Zweifel als Quelle gedient hat. 1 )
Im folgenden 18. Capitel werdcn die Beweise der An
hanger der Seelenwanderung aus der Schrift angefuhrt. Hier
hatte Qirqisani keine grosse Miihe sie zu wideiiegen, da die
meisten geradezu geschmack- und sinnlos sind. So wird z. B.
von Jcnen der Vers Gen. IX, 6 folgendennassen erklart:
,,wer das Blut eines Menschen, das in einein Menschen vor-
handen 1st, vergiesstu.s.w.", 2 ) also 1st es moglich, dassMenschen-
blut sich auch in einem Nicht-Menschen linden soil (namlich
wenn einc mcnschliche Seele in einen Tierkorper wandern
muss). a ) Auch die anderen Beweise sind nicht viel besser.
Die Lehre von der Seelenwanderung wird bekanntlich
auch von Saadja erwahnt und ihre Anhanger als ,,Leute, die
Judeii genannt werden" (oder ,,dic sich Juden nenrien") be-
zeichnet. 4 ) I eh habe bereits die Vermtitung ausgesprochen, 5 )
dass man unter diescn ,,Namensjuden" Anan und seine ka
raisehen Anhanger zu verstehen hat, und diese meine Ver-
mutung wird hier zum Teil bestatigt. Saadja fiihrt namlich
) S. Prankl, I. c.
-) Merkwiirdiger Weise findet sich eine ahuliche Deutung dieses
A r ei-ses im Talmud (Balli Sanhednn 57 b): as-isn ^ya niT neyo *XK .....
I&M yes iaiy nt IIN i.i ma w\r\v DIN imN IB^ % * IT DI^ mun on isitr, also
wird auch hier ma als ,,im Menschen" erklart.
y ) Die von Qirqisani bekampften Anhanger der Seelenwanderung
haben also geglaubt, dass die menschliche Seele auch in einem tierischen
Korper Platz finden konne. Dieser Ansicht waren auch einige Araber, s.
Schreiner, /. c. 62. Vgl. auch d. folgende Anm.
4 ) Kitab al- amanat p. l"v : ^^*.^^Xp. ^^o Leys ^
5 ) Monatsschrift fur d. Gesch. u. Wissensch. d. Judent. XXXIX,
441_446.
Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab ai- anwar w al-maraqib". 439
atich einige Verse an, auf die sich jene Namensjuden sttitzen,
und darunter sind auch solche, die Qirqisani erwahnt, undzwar
Ps. XXIII, 3 und Hi. XXXVIII, 14.
Das letzte der hier abgedruckten drei Capitel ist das
35. des V. Abschnittes, welcher liber den Sabbath handelt.
Es ist ms. or. 2579, fol. 42a- 45a, entnommcn und durchweg
mit arab. Lettern geschrieben. Ich habe nun die Bibelcitate
und sonstige hebr. Worter iu Quadratlettern transcribirt. In
diesem Capitel wird die Fragc erortert, ob man am Sabbath
ein mit nichthebraischen Lettern geschriebenes Werk lesen
darf. Dieses Capitel ist insofern von grossem Intcresse, als
man daraus sieht, dass es zur Zeit Qirqisani s Gewohnheit
war, die Bibcl und andere hebraische Bucher mit arabisehen
Lettern zu schreibcn und sie mit hebraischen Vocalen und
Accenten zu versehen. Bekanntlich besitzt das British Museum
eine grosse Anzabl Fragmeute von Bibclteilen, Bibel-
commentaren und sonstigen Schriftcn , die in dioscr Weise
gesehrieben und die samtlich karaischen (Jrsprungs sind. 1 )
Ich kann mich nicht der Ansicht IlirschfeldV-) anschliessen,
nach der die karaischen Copisten die arabische Schrift
wahlten, um den Rabbaniten das Lesen ihrer Werke zu er-
schweren oder gar unmoglich zu machen. Denn erstens,
fallt ja dieser Grund bei Bibelhandschriften wcg, da liier die
Rabbaniten auf die Earlier nicht angewiesen waren. Zweitens,
hatten doch die karaischen Copisten ihren eigenen Glaubens-
genossen auf solche Weise das Leben erschwert. Ich glaube
daher die Ursache darin zu finden , dass es dem karaischen
Vulgus in manchen Gegendcn wirklich Icichter war arabisch
als hebraisch zu lesen, wie es ja umgekehrt auch bei Karaern
vorkommt, dass sie ebenso wie die Rabbaniten arabische
Werke mit hebraischen Lettern schrieben. Auch sonst bietet
dieses Capitel manches Interessante , so die Bemerkung
Qirqisani s ,,dass die Vocale und Accente nicht als hebraische
Schrift zu betrachten und dass sie nur Kennzeichen fiir das
Lesen und die Melodien sind." Diese Ansicht erinnert an
die Worte der Geonim: D^mn "C WD2 "lip: )H^ xhl
) Sechs solcher Handschriften sind sehr eingehend bei Hoerning,
Description and collation of six Karaite Manuscripts (London 1889),
beschrieben.
2 ) ZI)MG, XLV (1891), 332.
440 Samuel Poznaiiski.
Die Karaer huldigen sonst der Ansicht, dass
die Vocale und Accente uralt sind und dass sogar die
Bundestafeln darait versehen waren. 2 ) Von den spateren
Karaern beruhrt die diesem Capitel zu Grunde liegende Frage,
soweit mir bekannt, nur noch Samuel b. Mose Magribi
in seinem Gesetzbuch al-Mursid II, 4 (Ms. d. Kgl. Bibl. zu
Berlin, or. oct. 351, f. 13 a):
ri^ Jls
[ ) MacJwor Vitry ed. Hurwitz i>. 91. Vgl. auch das Responsum Hai s
cJiwn i2 nipi=e ni^n Nr. 189 (oil. Mil Her pag. 91).
-) S. z. B. Joliuda Hadassi, Eschkol Hakkofer, Alfab. 168, Buohst. i
(f. 60c): n:r mm nso wi . . . coj?tsi nipja ;npai nnnn mm 1 ? GJ in p 3 . . .
^:i :myn ^^ rmn^rn i ; -;n> n^sn c:n: N 1 ? en N^ s Deyai nipJr nrm Dwn
1:1 mr;n ;nii nsn nean sh en cncn anp:: ah can::n cneDn. An einer
aiidern Stelle (Alfab. 173, Buchst y, f. 70 a) vorsteigt er sich sogai- m der
Behauptung: nyt;ni npm jw^m nnn2.ii nrmsn i:n: mNi. Vgl. Monatsschrift
XL, 120.
3 ) Ex. 20, 8.
4 ) Jer. 17, 24.
5 ) Vielleicht aber hat auch suhon Jeschiia b. Jehu da iiber dieses Thema
gehandelt, s. Steinschneider, Catal. Lmjd. 109; Pokm. u. apologet. Lite-
ratur 348. Vgl. auch noch Qirqisani Absch. I Cap. 19 (ed. Harkavy
p. 318 Z. 16).
A.US Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 44}
JU
JUWU
UJi ; |
ye ,JLk!! ^K j|
U ^
Juu
IJ>f ;
o^ft
u f r^) r- 1 r^ 1 ^ u f ^^ A
LuJ dUcXS LJLb JJii
^f wX.
l+JUO
442 Samuel Poznanski.
JoLfc dl)j jjK ^JO jJ^JJ pjutt ^^X? ,jl
^o ,J fjf j^J (j^Lb iui
j ^15 |3 U
f Ui &AO ^ LJLb c
^J iJLJl ,Jp.
LJ Ju*J| ^.AW~V *x>
U,
Lo ^PUf fv^Jlxi; |?*>^M uJjJl vo^b ^1 ^ 6f
Lfc dUtX.J l^tXAOAJ jj fyK I jf ^X^ (?Lo^
jfjjf 131 !y>yo ^! ^ La.)! dUtX5^
oJl
Ms. an^i,
e JU&yL
i U
Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 443
v fyJf ^ *j JLb U *?
flj LuJLT Lo UJLxs I j| ^>Lo bl
le ^U JUis^f r ^U jo
UxIa*J!
JLo ! r >l^l ^| l^JLs ^li
N
i JJjJj
j wJu JUftxJl viLb
*A^J ^1 &J
U3| v j^f ; ,JLJf
U ,Jf ^xw JL<3 Jl J^i LJ
JU! L^JL*^ 1 ^SI LcU l^JLk! LL^AJ
yiT| yc Uxk^ LA3 dUJJ (jCxxkcf f^o U. 1 !
. ^jCvukflj! ujLju U L^j*-yliaji ^-XJI j
!3f
\J& ^1 J^xJ!
*JU! ^LT f Jf I^Ls ^U
JJixJf ^ ^^^^ JuiftxJf ^b^ JL^AJ Jo
Ms. raon.
444 Samuel Poznanski.
<b Lo
>JJb Lo
>. ^j \=* Jo
f x) ^L^ U5^|J^| f JL^J XA;O L^JyLSXwwo J Lx>
J *j xXx) iJ jsL^Lwwwo xi. lajLS" of
..xxj v
io f^i
fib
Cj Lo
: jV^J *Juo ^ JUic^U idJf
aJJl
JuuLLjf 3 ; i5l ; ^ viAJj J6
b Lo
*AJ
Jj ^ ooLc. Lg-U JcTf kxaxx> ^JLc. (2 s<Xaj ^JLO
^U! dUJ^ JUfc^l ^L^J ^JUf ^JL^ ^yQ ^f
Jo ^ &Mj (V)^f iJUf ^ fjojf yft ^jf^-^f oLuo!
o^Jf f jjc J^jj f4&L^ tXi
yc JLO xJiJU* (^o f J^.f iJUj
x ) Ms. ^in.
2 ) Vielleicht
Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitiib al- anwar w al-maraqib". 445
sbUs?
idUl
( (*-
UU
^ JUb
*^?^ ^) v^ 1 ^ ^5^^ ^)
!J>U f >U>
Jo\
IJf xJuo L^Xxi x3rjjf wx soUU
dUj> JOLOJ jj y xil (vXJyj **
Lx ^Uoj Xxi xxi Jw*oJ ^ Lx
jo Ju* lydL^ I^Xj ,J ^j! 5 ^b! ^JJl
: ; !JJ!
io bjc^f v^^dj ^| p^* f^JUi b
JjixJf ^ sbl &j-o ^.AAJ ^ ^J JxS Lo
*.^ 3 X-ix> X^LoJ ^jO
) Ms. i 5 ?.
2 ) Ms. oy:o.
446 Samuel Poznafiski.
^fj *4-*J
NW jj ^ ^jis
=v ;JUf JuS ^ Lj^j dUJo (Jl^uo ^t U| AAJ dU^ ^ LJ
5wx
fti c. ^JJjo *i*j
Jf\ |j
^jw,oJ! cJO x jj^j jj wx ^j^o iUuLftxj OJ
J Juki!
AiLLjl L^Jt ^-Jj^
Lx> I
*
J6) (2 U>Lx^? LjJLs ^K U xjU ^Lwoblf UU
*3
sx>
>L*o^| iUji ^^ LXOJ
! ) Ms.
2 ) Ms.
Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 447
06^ ljjf 3 KJTjJf stX*> xJUr: JUT
Jo (j^Jl^ jv^J Jui* o^jl dU3 sLuof f^JU ^U xfjjj
CD^-^ Ci)-
^o Lo [*JJLJ ^j Lof ^i Lc xLoj jioLt *j Lx-> c^Lx? J *AJ!>
l (V^JJ^f ^ l r J U ^U cj^jl JLO auo
Jof |^U Sv-^ LxLf Uxi i
X4^
^1 j*L>( s^cLt j! LX>^J cube ^1 dUt\5" ,*jxJf JLO xxi ^15^ Lo
JuS ^i Lt (J^^o ^Lf Jo ^Lwwoblf ^LT ^JU c
: xiLs? s
JLfiLo Lcul
U ^13 *i\ (J<ju>j idjLs Lo
i l LJ *.$1o wet
l^ JuuJ! ^ ^
O* ^
*i ^ iuyi*J! dUb* ^L jJLt |^| J Jlo w^ yfcj xx-Lt
*) Ms. vo |-
2 ) Ms.
448 Samuel Poznansld.
Jus
Joii
iuJf ejo* Lo
JU ^
) Ms. n^Ny N?, -i:*n TJ im.
2 ) Hi. 13, 2H.
:? ) /ft. 10, 2.
) 17,. v. 3.
) Mai. 1, 7.
6 ) II). 3, 8.
7 ) Ms. Mnn B.
JLftio^f ^;Li
cU*J|^ (^Ja-Jf d?iX^ y iv^XxJjAb JL^
LoO Ovxftj jj JUiol bf I^JyiJ jj! jwgJ ^^o (Jl [V^J ^
^ o! ^U^)f scX# Lo J^vj l UJLiLsx^l fi
slOf
>*J [J
i Jl
! Jl* 53!
Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 449
nc c"^ TJCI JU [nn] NIDI cm ism n:n ^ J^s
yi r.i2-iNi ^y nj/w JU "in CV^N ^N
13 Lo
Lo ^ n*Jl
^ f*^ 5 <
u C" 12^ JJ L-vx) VtXx k^ 3 ^c Jjo Lo
*jcfi.
yc. Jjc* U5^ ^Jl i^^o 3 yc^ ^f JJCJL 1 ! JJ jo JJCAJ
,.vo{ yc Uj| PTN^zJ bwywuAj ^ LJU
C"NZ
Ui!
X^iAA- L^JLff !^JU*A^o ^ ^5! dLJj C5 xx^ JyL 1 !
crwo cnii ippm aJ^
jl
) Am. 4, 13.
-} Ps. 50. 1, 7, 8, 16.
3 ) Gen. 9, 6.
4 ) Lev. 11, 43.
" ) Ms. cnncj:m.
t; ) Lev. 11, 44.
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
450 Samuel Poznanski.
nw ^2 nx vty niinm *J> s^&s JJ! (1 :n
vm **
U JS! ! o
,jjo ioojjlj U j-vlaj xj Ol^f Ujf fj
JL^ U
uj* Jo
*
JLs
|Jof x^ b L^>f Sj ^sZ UjU soLb J^e.
L^U r.c^B n^c
Lxt
l ) Lev. 16. 16.
3 ) Hos. 9, 10.
4 ) Ms. N:-;N. 5 ) -Ms.
6 ) Lev. 11, 43. 7 ) Ib. 20, 25.
8 ) Ps. 49, 12.
9 ) S. Ibn Ezra und Kimchi z. St.
10 ) Vor oUlitJl scheint etwas ausgefallen zu sein , oder es muss
heissen.
n ) Dariiber handelt das 7. Cap. des III. Absch. S. Steinschn eider-
Festschrift p. 198.
Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 451
f ^o s*>l*J! <^U> J^ -DpJJ s^/jj
*Jyb lyUju* dU j JcLc^ : ^jXb^l J^ dU j ;
3,.j Jo! sLxxj [^t] 1^.^ ;3 :i {c-
yb v^
o xi ^5 z^i:" C E: jy>
r, -> \\ % i"i k s %i ? ^ (j^JU 3 J|
xi Jus ! iuXil Jooc cyJjLjuJL) c LJ!
(t i: 5:j ni^ c
JU iu
M Jer. 17, 13.
-) Ms. n:i>*B.
3 ) Ps. 90, 3. 4 ) J/>. 23, 3.
5 ) Jer. 44, 10.
6 ) Ps. 19, 8.
7 ) I. Sam. 30, 12.
8 ) Hi. 9, 18. f ) I^>. 14, 14.
10 ) Ms. r;.
") Hohel. 2. 11.
l ) Ps. 102, 27.
29
452 Samuel Poznanski.
sxs < 2 cmn ncrc i^nnn &Jy
Tn^ JU &j
L^J
>,.A^
u Jo s
* C^
nz CN xoj* ^ JyiJ! UU
v *
c^tt JyiJ b^Tj J<.A: dU3^ ^UxJ^I ^!^.xJf ^ JyiJf
^! ,j! ^ (10 3i c^^nn rr^ycr crAs < 9 rae i^s c
^
JUb xj
J ) Ps. 102, 27.
2 ) Hi. 38, 14.
;! ) Ms. nnN 1 :.
4 ) Hi. 38, 13.
5 ) Aehnlich iibersetzt Saadja unseren Vers:
G ) Lev. 26, 3.
7 ) Deut. 7, 12.
8 ) Jer. 12, 1.
9 ) Ms. ^ep.
10 ) Koh. 8, 14.
Aus Qirqisani s ,,Kitab al- anwar w al-maraqib". 453
N
o dl! jo |JLfi.T j^xj
-
icUJf jj,. JL*j iU/o ^^sxxj ^ viUo wXif
3! ^LuJf &3Ju LJ
y^Jf Jou LgJl OM!^ J
wx^f iXai ^^ LoU x^jXj *J
^xlxJ.
. ;
^LJU! ^ yc
Jjo i
LJUi ^IJUt ,UJt
Joui
Ex. 20, 2.
Ms. tll. wohl gleich
Luojji
JyJj wJu LoL^Pl ^o iLcU^ aw^ cXi Lo LOJ!
1 dU3
454 Samuel Poznanski.
LJ
JjyJ ou*J! rjJ dL*SJ! viyi b!
!c>! viJUjJo
,J ^r:,x
j^fljt St x
b!
*
vX**fcAJ* y^ Lo
lMJ! XiiJb r ^X3!
Jail sV.U dUj^ ou^J! auJf _Us; LJ
luJ! U^ LJ o^*J! ^ r; ^
Job* Jb b dU3 iuxi! Lx>
U.J v
vXA*^ft ^ Ux>
aUJUl -x& iUJLj p^jOf ,j^o o^-s JJLs
1^ LJ
vA-^Aj ^A .xi o jyoJ Ux>
cj\^ x/o|wxc
S bob
Ms
Aus Qircjisani s ,,Kitab al- amvar w al-maraqib". 455
Uycit oyv=- ^ L?>** ^ U XJVlyi ^
^( Jls u b
JuJ jJ! r ls Lc bit ss
, _
LO ^ U ^ J
L .o-Aj
Lc oj
<_>lo UJ
U3I Je^it ^ ^ iuoy. ! o^S! oolT U
l LjJl sui^li
Us!
LJ -jsi r r-p o,^- 1 ! rr > ^^ U i
Jail
JuJjJl , ^ <*TEC HTT, n-,lPr, -C BHff
r u L * V 3 ^ Ul >*
) Ms. Li jl.
) Eigentlich musste es auoh hier L^*.x^o heissen, uberhaupt
cler ganze Passus von Jyii ^ (Z. 2) bis Ende von /. 6 nicht
verstandlich. /Tr i
3) Das ist eine Arabisirung der hebr. Worter ^ und cy, (Vocal-
zeichen und Accent). Den Ausdruck ;r- ^r Vocalzeichen hat auch E
Ascher, s. Bacher, Anf tinge d. hebr. Gramm., p. 26.
4 ) Ex. 23, 12.
5 ) Jos. 1, 8.
456 Samuel Poznanski.
JLkJ
c JuJjJl *x
JC U.^ xLw^O. SJL$ pjo Ljf
dLJ j xL^I ^U dJ j g*|j> ^ J^c dLJj wji ^! iuov^ Lo!
LJ| JuJjJl ^1^ j| tX^ J| ; &JU JuJjJb
oLxr. &LL auul^xD o^*.^ LycXx> ^K Lo S^jJJ
*! J5 y-o* ^ ^jf xX-Lc J^c **yJb.
JuJjJ) [ r U] ^ JJ! Jf 6! ^Of^ &
Jj
; LL<I
1 ) Liicke in der Handsckrtft, wahrscheinlick ist zu erganzen:
Jl.
2 ) Jos. 1, 8.
3 ) Das folgende, 36 Capitel beginnt mit den Worten: pj. i
.../c. s. Steinschneider-
|*^.. ^
Festschrift p. 205. Zum Schlusse mache ich noch auf die versckiedenen
orthographischen und grammatischen Eigentiimlichkeifcen aufmerksam, von
denen ich nur die augenscheinlich fehlerhaften verbessert habe.
La deuxieme ruine de Jericho
par
Theodore Beinach (Paris).
Le grammairien Solin dans le chapitre de ses Collec
tanea consacre a la Judsee 1 ) s exprime ainsi : Judsee caput
fuit Hierosolyina, sed excisa est; successit Hieri-
chus; et hgec desivit, Artaxerxis bello subacta. ,,La
capitals de la Judee fut Jerusalem, mais elle a ete detruite
de fond en comble ; Jericho lui succeda ; cette ville aussi a
disparu, reduite pendant la guerre d Artaxerxes/
A la difference de la plupart des renseigneuients de ce
chapitre, empruntes a I Histoire Naturelle de Pline, eette
derniere information appartient en propre a Solin; on ne la
retrouve nulle part ailleurs. Quelle en est la source? Qnelle
valeur doit on lui attribuer V
Saumaise , tout le commentaire sur Solin fait encore
autorite, a rapproche notre texte d une phrase de Pline sur
Macherous, forteresse situee a 1 Est de la Mer Morte. Pline 1
appelle cette place forte: secunda quondam arx Judseae
ab Hierosolymis. 2 ) Solin aurait nial interprete le texte de
Pline, change par inadvertance Machaerus en Hiericus,
puis cousu a la phrase ainsi alteree la mention d un fait
historique beaucoup plus ancien, relatif a Jericho, qu il avait
lu ,,on ne sait oil." 3 )
1 ) Solin, 2me ed. Mommsen, p. 154 (C. XXXV, 4) == Th. Reinach,
Textes relatifs au Judaisme. ]). 339.
2 ) Pline, Hist. nat.. V, 72 Jan.
:i ) Salmasins, Exerdtationes Pliniana in Solimun (od. Utrecht 1689).
p. 408. II ne saurait, en effet, s agir de la chute de Macherous qui suc-
comba sous les coups de Lucilius Bassus dans la guerre de Titus (Josephe,
Sell, .jud., VII, 0).
458 Theodore Reinach.
Cette explication fait a la fois trop d injure a 1 intelli
gence de Solir,., et trop d honneur a sou erudition. Si confus
que fut 1 esprit de ce cornpilateur, si hatit son mode de tra
vail, on ne peut lui imputer gratuitement une pareille mon-
struosite - - horribilis exer ratio pour parler comine Sau-
rnaise lui-meme - - s il se presente une autre interpretation
possible.
Presque tous les cominentateurs de notre texte, depuis
Prideaux et Eollin jusqu a Graetz et Stade, *) ont adniis que
la destruction de Jericho a laquelle fait allusion Solin avait
eu lieu sous Artaxerxes III Ochus, roi de Perse. On sait,
en effet, par une notice isolee des chroniqueurs ecclesias-
tiques 2 ) que ce roi, au cours de son expedition centre TE-
gypte revoltee (vers 340 av. J. C.) reduisit en captivite un
certain n ombre de Juifs et les deporta partie en Hyrcanie
au bord de la Caspienne, partie en Babylonie. Conime Solin
semble attribuer la mine de Jericho a un Artaxerxes, on en
conclut qu il s agit d Ochus et que les deux faits son connexes
et contenrporains.
Cette combinaison souleve de graves objections.
Tout d abord, on ne voit guere pas quelles voies Solin,
savant des plus mediocres, aurait eu connaissance d un detail
aussi minuscule de 1 histoire juive, vieux de six cents ans et
ignore de Josephe lui-rnenie.
Ensuite, en placant cette mine de Jericho a 1 epoque
d Ochus, on violente le texte de Solin. Ce compilateur vient
de rappeler la mine de Jerusalem, c est a dire, tout le monde
est d accord la-dessus, la destruction de cette ville par Titus
en 70 ap. J. C. D apres lui Jericho succede a Jerusalem
dans son rang de capitale. Puis, Jericho est detruite a son
tour, bello Artaxerxis. C est dire clairement que la ca
tastrophe en question se place apres celle de Jerusalem, et
*) Prideaux. Histoire des Juifs (ed. Paris, 1742), III, 103; Rollin,
Histoire ancienne (ed. Beres), II, 131; Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes Israel,
IV, 230; Munk, Palestine, p. 481; Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, H, 2, 210;
Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, II, 196. Rien chez Renan.
-) Hieronymus ad. ann. Abraham 1658 (Eusebe Schone, II, 112;;
Syncelle, p. 486, 10; Grose III, 7, 6. Pseudo Hecatee fr. 14 (C. Apion,
I, 22) parait faire allusion a cet evenement, dout Syncelle seul precise
Foccasion. Cp. Judeich, Kleinasiatische Studien, p. 176, note 1.
La deuxieme mine de Jericho. 459
que le be Hum Artaxerxis de Solin ne pent avoir rien de
commun avec la guerre d Ochus centre les Juifs, quatre
siecles auparavant.
Cherchons done autre chose.
Le renseignement que Jericho succeda a Jerusalem comme
capitale de la Judee doit etre interprete cum grano salis.
Cette ville ne tut pas detruite par les Romains pendant la
guerre de Vespasien ; evacuee par ses habitants, elle fut
occupee sans resistance et recut une garnison roniaine. 1 ) Les
textes de Pline, posterieurs a cet eveneinent, ne laissent
aucun doute sur la prosperite dont Jericho et sa banliene
continuerent a jouir, grace a ses magnifiques plantations de
dattiers et de baumiers. Aueune ville purement juive n etait
plus celebre en Occident-, elle renfermait uu palais bati par
Herode, un chateau-fort eleve par Vespasien, et Ton coin-
prend que dans un langage un pen figure on 1 ait qualifiee
de seconde capitale de la Judee. Cette ville mentionnee par
Ptolemee an milieu du II e siecle, par Galien a la fin du
meme siecle, 2 ) existait encore sous Caracalla 3 ), mais ne figure
plus dans remuneration des principales villes de Judee que
fait Ammien Marcelliu a la fin du IV e4 ). II est done a pre-
sumer qu elle a subi dans 1 intervalle quelque mesaventure.
Or precisement entre ces deux epoques nous trouvons
un Artaxerxes, - - posterieur a Titus et anterieur a Solin -
qui fit la guerre aux Eomains. Je veux parler cV Ardaschir,
le fondateur de la dynastie des Sassanides, qui, en montant
sur le trone de Perse, prit le nom d Artaxerxes pour raviver
les souveniers de 1 ancienne grandeur nationale. Artaxerxes-
Ardaschir ite tarda pas a entrer en lutte avec Alexandre
Severe (en 230 ap. J. C.) Le detail de cette lutte nous est
mal connu, car Dion Cassius s arrete en 229, et les ren-
) Josephe, Bell, jud., IV, 8, 2; 9, 1. Au debut de I msurrection les
Juifs y avaient envoye comme gouverneur Joseph ben Simon (II, 20, 4) II
est incoucevable que 1 P.uteur de 1 article Jericho dans le Dictionary of the
Bible de Smith transfere ;t Jericho la mention de 1 incendie chez Josephe
IV, 9, 1. qui s applique si manifestement a Gerasa.
2 ) De simplic. medicam. facultatibus, IV, 20, 6. (ed. Kuhn XI, 691).
8 ) D apres Origene ap. Eusebe, Hist. eccl. IV, 16 (une ancienne tra-
duction grecque de la Bible aurait etc decouverte ev UptxoT ev 7u6w
TOU? ypovou? AVTWVIVOD TOU utou
) Ammien, XIV, 8, 11.
460 Theodore Reinach.
seigneinents soit de la Vita d/ Alexandra, soit d Herodien
sont suspects a plus d un titre. Nous savons cependaut que
les Perses reclamerent forinellement la Syrie et FAsie-
Mineure comine un heritage de leurs ancetres, qu ils prirent
ToiFensive et que leurs eclaireurs se montrerent en Syrie ou
eclaterent des seditions inilitaires. l )
C est a cette invasion Perse, bientot arretee par les
arnies romaines, que je propose de rapporter Fepisode con
serve par Solin.
Jericho fut-elle a cette occasion detruite par les envahis-
seurs, ou au contraire chatiee par les Romains de sa conrpli-
cite avec rennemi? I/ expression vague bello Artaxerxis
subacta desivit s acconimodo de Tune on 1 autre hypo-
these, 2 ) mais la seconde est de beaucoup la plus plausible.
On ne voit pas bien, en effet, comment des bandes de cava
liers - - le gros de Farmee perse ne franchit pas la fron-
tiere - - auraient pu s emparer d un place aussi forte que
Jericho, munie d un caste Hum, ni surtout quel interet elles
auraient eu a la detruire. Au coutraire nous savons et
c est le sujet du dernier meinoire du regrette James Darme-
steter - - que 1 attente du liberateur perse, du nouveau Cy
rus, fut un des reves les plus longteinps et les plus chere-
ment carresses par les patriotes juifs. Rien d etonnant a ce
que la brusque revolution qui substitua a la race degeneree
d^Arsace la vigoureuse dynastic de Sassan, ait vivement
frappe les imaginations juives. L apparition de Tavant-garde
d Artaxerxes sux les coufins de la Palestine put reveiller des
esperances mal eteintes et provoquer quelques defections dans
un pays ou le poids oppressit des impots, la profanation du
site du temple, et la rigueur des lois coutre le proselytisine,
perpetuaient 1 impopularite du gouvernement romain, malgre
la bienveillance personnelle d Alexandre Severe. Si Jericho
J ) Horodien YI, 4, 7. Pour cette guerre en general voir Dion LXXX,
4; Zonaras XII, 15; Herodien VI, 26; Lampride, Al. Sev. 55; Eutrope
VIII, 23; Aur, Victor. Casares , 24; Orose, VII, 18. Outre Tiliemont,
Schiller, Mommsen, Duruy, Gutschmid, on peut consulter la monographie de
J. Krebs De Seven Alexandri bello contra Persas gesto (Bonn, 1848).
2 ) C est a tort que le traducteur Agnan (Solin. ed. Panckoucke, 1847,
p. 267) traduit : ,,Puis vient Hierique (!). qui succomba sous les ar-
mes d Ar taxerxes."
La deuxieme mine de Jericho
461
ouvrit ou medita d ouvrir ses portes a 1 envahisseiu- ,
empereur une fois le peril conjure, se sera conform! aux
traditions de la politique romaine en ordonnant la destruction
de la ville rebelle.
Je ne serais pas eloigne de croire qu un autre ^cho de
> catastrophe s est conserve dans un texte embarrassant
de Saint Jerome. Dans I article Jericho" de son traite de
toponymie hebraique, traduit d Eusfebe, ce pere de 1 Eo-lise
apres avoir rappele la premiere destruction de Jericho au
temps de Josue, et son relevement au temps des rois, ajoute
que] : a etc prise et detruite une seconde fois, a cause de
la perfidie de ses habitants, a 1 epoque ou les Remains
assiegeaient Jerusalem, i) Plus tard les Romains auraient
rebati la villu et c est eette troisic-me Jericho, probable-
ment assez insignifiante pour avoir ete omise par Animien
Marcellin - qui subsistait au timps de Jerome. Quc Je
richo ait etc detruite par les Romains a Fepoque du siege
de Jerusalem, c/est ce qui n est pas crovable en presence
du texte de Josc-phe citr plus ham, qui atteste la paisible
occupation de cette ville par Vespasien ; mais le fait menie
de la destruction ne pent giu re avoir ete imagine par Eu-
scbe ou Jerome et parait bien se confondre avec Tevenement
nientionne par Solin. Ce dernier compilateur qui a ecrit,
en toute probabilite, vers le temps meme d Alexandre Severe. 2 )
a du connaitre, sans le moiudre effort d erudition, un fait
aussi rapproche de lui: on comprend qu il ait saisi avec em-
pressement Foccasion d enrichir d un detail ..inedit" un cha-
pitre d ailleurs extrait entierement de Inline. C est le procede
ordinaire des ? ,demarqueurs. k
Ce ne sont la, avouons le, que des conjectures, mais il
me senible qu elles se tiennent assez bien et qu elles ont,
sur Tinterpretatiou traditionnelle, le grand avantage de ne
1 ) Hieronymus, Ue situ et nominilus locorum hebraicorum (ed. Migne
HI, W4. ( -d. Lagarde, 1887): sed et liaec eo terapore quo Jerusalem
oppugnabatur a Romains propter perfidiam civium capta atque destructa est.
Pro qua teitia aedificata est eivitas quae usque hodie permanet, et
ostenduntur utriusque urbis vestigia usque in praesentem diem (la nouvelle
ville avait doja ses oveques au IVe sit-cle, Lequien; Or. Christ. Ill, 654).
- ) Mommsen, dans son edition p. VJJ, le fait descendi e pis qu an
ivgne de Valorien.
462 Theodore Reiuach. ,
pas faire violence aux textes et de ne pas presumer chez
un auteur d inutiles absurdites. Sans parler du supplement
de lumiere que nous obtenons ainsi sur une des periodes les
plus obscures de 1 histoire de la Palestine, cette petite dis
cussion nons enseigne deux choses: Tune ? qu il y a du nou-
veau a glaner meme dans les ecrits des compilateurs les plus
serviles; 1 autre, que pour bien comprendre un renseignement
historique, il faut avant tout le replacer dans son contexte,
et qu a Fenvisager isolenient on risque de s egarer.
Einiges liber die Agada in der Mechilta
von
Dr. Ludwig A. Rosenthal (Preuss.-Stargard).
Ein halachischer Midrasch hat vorzugsweise deu Zweck,
die Halacha aus dem Schrit tworte herzuleiten; daher be-
giunen Mechilta und Sitri nieht mit den erstcn Kapitelu der
betr. Thorabucher, smidern mit den ersteii halachisch zu ver-
werthenden Schriftstellen derselben. Trotzdem linden wir
agadische Bestandtheile sowohl zerstreut unter den hala-
chischen Erorterungeu, wie ancli besondere, grosse, den
Uinfang von ganzen Midraschim erreiehende Theile, zuuial in
der Mechilta. Von ihreii iieun Massechtot sind nnr 4 hala
chisch (Pis-cha, Nesikin, Kaspa, Sabbathaj, die nbrigen da-
gegen vorwiegend agadisch (Beschalach, Schiratha, Wajassa,
Amalck, Bachodesch). Unberiicksiehtigt liess dieser ^lidrasch
nur die dem Abschnitte Hachodesch vorausgehenden Erzah-
lungen des Exodus, den Sclihiss der Mischpatimparascha, die
Bimdesschliessung am Sinai, die Erzahhmg vom goldenen
Kalbe nnd die Schilderungeii des Stiftszeltes. Zum Schluss
greift er aus diesen nur die den Sabbat betreffenden Stellen
heraus. Wie es nun gekommen, dass die Erzahlungen mitten
im Exodus, von der Einsetzung des Passah an bis zum Ne-
sikintheile, vollkoinmen und ausgiebig agadiseh behandelt
worden sind?
Man konnte hierin einen Zufall sehen, als wiiren gewisse
Midraschim, soweit sie die Lticken fiillen konnten, hierher
verschlagen werden. Aber die Mechilta des Rabbi Simon
ben Jochai hat die gleichen Agadot in sich, und der Auszug,
den derTanchuma davoii bietet, zeigt uns. dass man von je-
her in ilmeii Bestandtheile unseres Midrasch gesehen hat.
Soweit sie mitten in den halachischen Theilen stehen, lassen
464 Ludwig A. Rosenthal.
sie sich daran gar nicht trennen (vgl. Pis-cha 5 Anfang und
Ende, z. Th.; 6 Anf., 7 zuin grossten Theile; 11 Anfang und
letztes Drittel; 12 mit geringen Ausnahmen ; 13, 14, 16 mitt-
lerer Theil und Ende; Einzelnes in 17 und 18), und die
Tanaitennamen, die wir dabei nnden, bekunden uns das hohe
Alter sowohl dieser Satze, als auch ihrer Verbindung mit
der Halacha. Ihr Ton ist von dem jener selbstandigen aga-
dischen Massechtot nicht verschieden. Ja, viele mischnisehe
Zusammenhange oft ganzer Traktate sind nur aus dieser
Verquickung von Hagada und Halacha verstandlich. So finden
wir Pis-clia 16 unter Nil"! ^ die Schlussinischna und beziig-
liche Tossefta von Beracnot I, unter "^CfrOl die Herleitung der
Teffilla oder doch ihrer Anfangsberacha, sodann die Begriin-
dung des Tischgebetes : Da haben wir die Hauptbestand-
theile des Traktats Berachot zusamnien , und zwar in ihren
Beziehungen zum Auszuge aus Egypten. Und doch horen
wir kein Wort davon, dass hicr etwa ein solcher Traktat
vorausgesetzt wird.
Das Gleiche ist auch in den reinagadischen Theilen der
Fall. Beschalach unter ritt C "p^ und dann unter CPPJB^ I^IH "11
linden wir die Wiedervergeltung ini Guten an Mirjain, Joseph
und Moses und nachher an Abraham und dem gesanimten
Israel bewiesen. Diese Stellen gehoren gewiss ganz und voll
zu unserem Midrasch, und doch bilden sie einen Theil der
agadischen Siitze Sota I, 7, 8, 9; was hier daran fehlt. das
zeigt uns die Tossefta Sota IV, so dass sie nur von hier
aus in die Mischna iibergegangen sein konnen. Auch die
sonderbaren Mischnas Sota V 7 4, 5 sind aus Schiratha I
~!E&6 11CN 1 ! und anderen Orten daselbst am besten zu ver-
stehen.
Demnach sind diese tanaitischen Agadas als Betrach-
tungen liber Exodus so alt ? dass Vieles von ihnen in die
Mischna iibergegangen ist, ja, das Vieles, was in Mischna
Tossefta uns eigenthiirnlich vorkommt, wie der gauze in der
Sotatossefta folgende grosse Agadatheil, seine einfachste Er-
klarung dadurch findet, dass man Bestandtheilen eines tanai
tischen Midrasch, und wahrscheinlich des altesten in aga-
discher Form, ebenso in der Mischna und Tossefta Aufnahme
gewahrte, wie die Halacha, die der JMidrasch als Erorterung
bietet, in die Mischna als Gesetz eingezogen ist.
Einiges iiber die Agada in der Mechilta. 465
Wir haben es hier also mit nichts ZuMligem zu tliun,
sondern mit einem wahrscheinlich der geschichtlichen Noth-
wendigkeit entsprossenen Erzeugnisse des tanaitischen Geistes.
Vielleicht bietet uns diese Agada in sich selbst die Hand-
habeu, uin die Thatsaclien zu erkennen, die ihr zu Grunde
liegen und als deren kriiftigster Ausdruck sie uns hoffentlich
erscheinen wird. Und zwar werden uns solche Midrasch-
satze vorzugsweise dazu dienen, die einen sonderbaren, oft
unbedeutenden Inhalt zu haben scheinen und das Zeitgeschieht-
liche als fiir die Zcitgenossen selbstverstandlieh zumeist un-
ausgesprochen lassen.
I.
Die Theile Wajassa und Amalek sincl merkwiirdiger
Weise von Satz.-n des R. Josua und des Elieser aus Mo-
diim, wie aueh (an ein/elnen Stellcn) des R. Elieser erfiillt.
Die beiden Letzteren sind in ihren Ansichten einander so almlich,
dass es vollknimm ii -U ic-h-ulti- 1st, ob man sie als erne
Person ansielit oder als von einander beeinnusste Tanaiten.
R. Josua seheint die wiirtliehc Deutung vorzuziehen,
wahrend der Mudai d<-n Wassi-nnangel in der Wiiste als ein
Sinnbild allgemeincr lauternder Loiden oder als Mangel an
Belehrung (wie die- WBH im) aufzutassen sclieint (Wa-
jassa r^l) AViilnvnd IJ. Josua in ~: P- wirklieh nur erne
Sehilderung des Mannah sieht, seheint es dem Mudai ein Bild
der Agada zu sein (3. 7 P ==l). Nach R. Josua meint Moses,
er habe ,,im frenuh-n Lande gewi-ilt; naeh dem 1
einem Lande des Gotzendienstes. (Amalek b I
Ausserdem sieht die Agada des Letzteren finsterer und
strenger aus, als die des 1!. Josua. Wahrend dieser das Mannah
urn des Volkes selbst willen kommen lasst, ist beim Mudai
nur dasVerdienstderVater die Ursaehe (Waj. 2 CWH p.)
Nieht nach der Wttste wendet sieh das Volk sondern
wiederuin dem Verdienst der Vater zu (ib. ^ ). Nioht aul
das eigne Verdienst stiitzt sieh Moses, da er fastend
Hande hcbt, sondern auf das Verdienst der Vater - (Am -
inp^.). Nicht den Sabbat oder die Verehrung der Eltern hat
Moses bei Marah dem Volke geboten, sondern vorzugswei
auchdie Arajot, die Keusehheitsgesetze (Wajass
ou
Kohut, Semitic Studies.
466 Ludvvig A. Rosenthal.
Wir wissen aus anderen Quellen, wie R. Josua ein ab-
gesagter Feind aller selbstqualerischen Weltanschauung war,
wogegen R. Elieser aus Modiin bis in seine letzten Tage in
Bethar uns stets im Bilde eines Biissers erscheint. Hier will
R. Elieser die Kraft der Belehrung darin sehen, dass man
Israel nach dem Falle des Tempels auf die Niedrigkeit und
Schwa chheit des Menschen hinweist, wie er ohne das Ver-
dienst der Vater keine Gnade linden konne, wahrend R. Jo
sua den Muth seiner Zeitgenossen zu heben suchte und im
Sinne des R. Jochanan ben Sakkai ihnen eine selbstbewusste
und moglichst gefasste Stimmung beibrachte.
Horen wir andere Agadot dieser Tanaiten an: Nach
R. Josua hat Moses nach eigenem Entschlusse die Israeliten
voin Schilfnieere weitergefuhrt, wahrend R. Elieser diesen
Aufbruch, wie alle anderen, auf gottliche Offenbahrung zu-
ruckfuhrt. (Waj. Anf.) Als sie murrten, war dies nach R.
Josua ein Widerstand gegen Mose s Willen, nachdem Mudai
eine Widersetzlichkeit gegen den Willen Gottes selbst (ib.
Ijl 1 ^!.). R. Josua meint (im Gegensatze zum einfachen Wort-
sinne), das Manna hatte jedesmal auf zwei Tage gesamrnelt
werden rnussen; R. Elieser sieht darin eine Zweifelsucht,
einen Mangel an Gottvertrauen (2 lEp^l.)- Es scheint, als
wenn riach R. Josua das Yolk das Manna erst hatte kochen
oder backen mussen-, der Mudai lehrt, dass ohne dies das
Manna jeden beliebigen Geschmack nacb dem Wunsche jedes
Einzelnen luitte annehmen konnen (4 "ll!/ f N PiK.). R. Josua
lasst den Josua auf Mose s Befehl wirkliche Kriegshelden
wahlen, der Mudai dagegen Manner, welche die Siinde scheuen.
(Am. 1 ~iri2.) Wahrend nach R. Josua der jiidische Feldherr
zum Kampfe die gottliche Schutzwolke verlassen sol! 7 hat
vielleicht der Mudai gelehrt, er hatte in der en Bereiche bleiben
mussen (ib. Nlfl.). Auf den nachsten Tag wollen wir ge-
riistet sein, lasst R. Josua den Moses sagen, wahrend der
Mudai dies auf Ansetzung eines Festtages bezieht (ib. Tup 1 !.).
Bei R. Josua folgt Moses bei Einsetzung der Richter dem
Rathe Jetro s; beim Mudai der gottlichen Offenbarung (Am.
b 2 bipb n&r yctr^.)-
Auch diese Satze zeigen uns die verschiedenartigen
Lebensauffassungen, mit denen die Weisen auf jene ernste
Uebergangszeit einwirken wollten. Der Mudai vertritt die
Einiges liber die Agada in der Mechilta. 467
Ansicht derer," die dem Menschen jede Selbstbestinrmung
nehmen wollen und injedem selbstiindigen Schritte desselben,
in jeder Sorge fiir das eigene Gliick ein Misstrauen gegen
die gottliche Leitung sehen. Nicht einmal fiir den niichsten
Tag soil, der Meusch sorgen; alle irdischen Seiten der Schrift
werden zu etwas Anderein uiugedeutet, und R. Josua, der
friedliebende Weise, ist gezwungen, nachzuweisen, dass Moses
wirkliche Krieger zum Kampf genommen hat. Wieviel er
fiir die Thora getlian hat, ist bekannt. Und doch empfahl
er im Allgemeinen, wenige Halachot tiiglich zu lernen, sich
aber der Arbeit fiir sein Hans hinzugeben.
Hat er so den Rlick seiner verzweifelnden Zeitgenossen
auf die irdische Seite des Daseins mit hingewiesen, so musste
er sie auch von jedeni Hasse gegen die nichtjiidische Aussen-
welt abbringen und ihnen zeigen, wie man ein richtiges Ver-
hiiltniss zu derselben zu wahren hat.
Wird Ainalek (lurch s Schwert bcsiegt, so lehrt R. Josua,
dass Moses die Feinde mild behandelt habe (Am. 1 Ende.).
Der Vernichtungsbefehl gegen Amalek hat naeh ihm nur auf
Amaiek, hnchstens noch auf Hainan s Zeit Bezug (2 HuC T.).
In alien diesen Punkten denkt der Mudai auders. R. Josua
hat ja auch a in lo h<ij<nn gegiMi li. Gamaliel den Gedanken
siegreich durchgcfochten, dass naeh den Kriegen Sanheribs
die alten Volker sich vermiseht hatteu und heute nicht mehr
vorhanden seien, so dass die Ausnahmegesetze auf sie ilire
Geltung vollkoniinen eingebiisst hatten.
Auf welche Kunde kam Jitro zu Closes? fragt der Mid-
raseh am Anfang des Jitroabschnittcs. R. Josua meint 7 der
Kampf mit Amalek habe ilm herbeigezogen; der Mudai da-
gegeu die Gesetzg eb ung (Am. 6 Anf.)- Naeh R. Josua war
Jitro ein heidnischer Priester; naeh dem Mudai ein Fiirst
(//>. pc.).
Gott niihert sich den Ferustehenden, sagt R. Elieser,
Moses hat deshalb dein Jitro Geschenke gegeben, hat ihn
zum Juden gemacht (Am. b 2 rbw\). R. Josua meint, er
habe den Schwiegervater wieder naeh seineni Lande ziehen
lassen, dainit er dort ferner furstliche Ehren geniesse; R. Eli
eser dagegen, er sei dorthin gezogen, urn die anderen Heiden
auch zum Judenthum zn bekehren. (ib.)
Die hier behandelte Frage war dainals brennend: Sollen
30*
468 Ludwig A. Eosenthal.
wir die Heiden zum Judenthum bekehren? Da regten sich
bejahende Stimmen, uin dem Volke, das an Seelenzahl so
zusammengeschmolzen war, neue Mitglieder zuztifiihren. Aber
gerade R. Josua, derselbe, der die Liebe gegen alle Menschen,
auch gegen die Heidenwelt, lehrt - - er sieht dieselbe nicht
in der Bekehrung Andersglaubiger bestatigt. Nach seiner
Ansicht hat Moses selbst seinein eigenen Schwiegervater gegen-
iiber der Versuchung widerstanden, eine Seele fiir den eigenen
Glauben zu retten.
So zeichnet sich hier eine besondere Schicht der Me-
chilta in ganz eigenartiger Weise ab. Wir benierken, wie
zwei Richtungen mit einander kampfen, beide in der Absicht,
der jiidischen Glaubensgenossenschaft Bahnen fiir die Zu-
kunft, fiir die Zeit ohne Tempel und Staat zu bahnen. Wir
lernen den Ernst nnd die tiefe Glaubensinnigkeit des R. Eli-
eser aus Modiim achten, die in den Zeiten noch schlinimerer
Leiden von den Spateren, wie wir sehen werden, als geistige
WafFe zur Erhaltung der Gesammtheit angewandt wurde.
Aber wir miissen ausserdem den klaren Blick des R. Josua
bewundern, der init Sicherheit die Pfade gefunden hat, auf
denen der Fromme zum gedeihlichen Wirken auf Erden ge-
langen kann, auf denen er besonders bei alleni Gottvertrauen
und bei aller Treue gegen das Eigene ein thatkraftiger Ar-
beiter wird und in allgemeinmenschlichem Sinne wirken kann,
fern von Unduldsamkeit und Bekehrungssucht. So ist er der
wiirdige Schiller des R. Jochanan ben Sakkai, der die Friedens-
liebe (Ende Bachodesch) und die Selbstandigkeit des thatigen
Menschen (Nesikin 2 I:?N) in eindringlichen Worten ge-
prieseii hat.
II.
In der Einleitung (NnrPDD) wird eine Gleichheit zwischen
Moses und Aaron in ihrem Verhaltniss zur Offenbarung her-
gestellt; nur um die Ehre Mosis zu erhohen, wird das Gottes-
wort an ihn all ein gerichtet. Und Parascha 3 112"! wird
von R. Ismael, R. Achi bar Rabbi Jaschia und R. Simon ben
Jochai die Einheit zwischen beiden gepriesen, wie Aaron sein
Ohr dem Mose neigt, wie sie einander Ehre erweisen. Ebenso-
wird Parascha 11 Nip 1 ! ein Streit der Schiiler R. Ismaels mit-
Einiges uber die Agada in der Mechilta. 459
getheilt, ob Moses selbst an Israel das Wort zu ricliten hat
oder ob es der Aeltesten dabei bedarf. E. Jaschia spricht
dem Mose allein das Recht zu, an die Aeltesten wendet dieser
sich nur der Ebre wegen: R. Jonathan will, das Wort solle
nur durch die Vermittelung der Aeltesten zu dem Volke ge-
laugen.
Aus diesen Andeutungen wiirde sich schon etwas machen
lassen, wenn wir an irgend einer Stelle Beziehungen zwischen
diesen vorzeitlichen Personen zu irgend welchen, die Tanaiten-
zeit bewegendeu Fragen entdeckcn, ja, wenn wir zeigen
konnten, dass die Mischnazeit gewohnt war, unter ihnen sich
irgend etwas Greii bares zu denken. Nun heisst es Amalek
Parascha I gegen Ende (N2V): ..Moses stand und bedicnte
seine Gaste, wie er es von Abraham gelernt." Und ini An
schluss daran bcrichtet K. Jizchak (R. Zadok oder R. Elieser
ben Zadok?), wie Habban (Gamaliel den Weisen stehend bei
der Mahlzeit auf^ewartct liat. R. Josun will darin keine
iibergrosse Herablassung sehen, weil auch Abraham Gleiches
gethan hat: und nneli K. Isaak ( R. Zadok) dart wolil ein
Nassi die Weisen bediencn. da doch Gott selbst alle Lebe-
wesen ernahrt. Am Schlusse werdeu Aaron und die Ael
testen Israels geradezu als die so wohl aufgenommenen
Weisen bezeichnet.
Sollte Closes iiberliaupt der Nassi, R. Gamaliel, sollte
Aaron der Ab-bet-Dhi, der sanfte H. Josua sein, und sollte
es sich hier um die Rangstreitigkeiten zwischen beiden handeln?
Die Einen wiirden nur dem Nassi den Vorrang iiberliaupt
gonnen, in dessen Belieben es lage, die Weisen zu beriick-
sichtigen; die Anderen wiederum sprechen von grosseren
Riicksichten, welche beide gcgen einander zu nehmen hiitten.
Sie sollen gegenseitig ihr Ausehen erhb hen, das Wort soil
als gemeinschaftlicher Ausspruch aus ihnen hervorgehen, und
Beide sollen das Yolk bei Ilofe vertreten (s. Pethichatha).
Letzteres war cine grosse Nothwendigkeit und hat bei der
Wahl des K. Eleasar ben Asarja, wie wir aus Berachot 28
und der verwandten Jeruschalmistelle ersehen, mit den Aus-
schlag gegeben. Nun ist es begreiflich, dass R. Josua kein
solches Entziicken iiber R. Gamaliel s Herablassung bei jener
Mahlzeit zeigen will, urn die Wiirde des Gelehrtenthums nicht
zu gefahrden. Es wird dem Moses (Amalek 2 N T 1 !) als
470 Ludwig A. Rosenthal.
Stolz gedeutet, dass er wie ein Konig dasitzt und das ganze
Volk stehen liisst; dieses Volk sind aber (ib. nriN C3) die
siebzig Aeltesten, also die Mitglieder des Synhedriums. "ley
T^H hy lautete der scharfe Ausspruch des R. Gamaliel, als
er den Streit wegen des Maariwgebetes mit R. Josua hatte,
und er rief den Unwillen des Volkes hervor, ,,dass R. Gama
liel sitzend lehrte, wahrend R. Josua stand."
Als nun (Bachodesch 9 vti niTEl) Moses in das Dunkel
emporsteigt, um die Lehre zu empfangen, da wird das Lob
des bescheidenen Moses und der Bescheidenheit selbst
gesungen. Der Hochmutli vertreibt die Gottheit, die Demuth
des Nassi zieht sie zum Volke herab und lasst sie unter dem-
selben weilen.
Fiihren uns also diese Siitze der Mechilta mitten in die
Kampfe des bo bajom hinein, so begreifen wir es wohl, dass
die Erklarungen, welche R. Eleasar ben Asarja an jenem
Tage als neu gewahlter Nassi gegeben hat, in unserem Mid-
rasch einen solchen Rauni gewonnen haben. Dazu gehoren
die von uns oben schon bezeichneten Stellen Pis-cha 16
(Nlu "6). R. Josua, urn den der Streit sich gedreht hat, weilt
nicht in Jabne, dem Orte des Kampfes. Aber seine Schiller
besuchen ihn, und er will erfahren, welche neuen Entschei-
dungen im Lehrhause aufgetaucht sind. R. Gamaliel hatte
namlich die Erdrterungen beschranken wollen -- was Wunder,
dass sie dem R. Josua, der fur die Lehrfreiheit gekampft
hat, besonders am Herzen liegen. Damals war R. Eleasar
ben Asarja an der Reihe, es war nicht die Woche des Rab-
ban Gamaliel. Und da erklarte der junge Nassi, weshalb
bei der grossen Thoravorlesung im Tempel man auch Kinder
hatte mitbringen miissen; hatte doch R. Gamaliel sich sehr
gegen die Aufhahnie neuer Mitglieder uberhaupt gestraubt,
und das war zum Theil die Ursache des Unischwungs ge-
wesen. In der Sotatossefta, die, wie wir schon gezeigt haben,
gleich der Mischna sehr viel aus der Mechilta entnonimen
hat, nnden wir noch weitere Aeusserungen R. Eleasar ben
Asarja s liber wichtige Fragen, die das Lehrhaus bewegten.
Die Worte der Thora miissen, gleich dem Stachel, anregend
sein, ohne Stillstand, beweglich; es ist ein Meinungskampf
nothwendig, der Eine mag immerhin einen Gegenstand fur
rein erkliiren, der Andere fur unrein - - trotz alledem ent-
Einiges iiber die Agada in der Mechilta. 47 ^
spring-en ihre Worte einer und derselben Quelle. Und R. Ga
maliel hatte durch den Meinungskampf die Einheit des Juden-
thums gelahrdet geglaubt. Da ruft E. Josua vertrauensvoll
aus: Das Geschlecht ist nicht verwaist, das eineii K. Eleasar
ben Asarja in sich hat.
Die Mechilta hat also in ihren agadischen Theilen viel-
lach die Zeit der jamneusischen Kampfc zwischen Nassi und
Ab-Bet-Din, zwischen der alten Wurde der Lehrversamm-
lungen und dem jugendlichen Eifer der neu urn die Thora sich
schaarenden J linger im Auge. Dieser Midrasch zeigt uns
auch, dass hier nicht etwa niederer Ehrgeiz gekainpft,
sondern dass eine tieferkannte Nothwendigkeit Jeden zur Ver-
tretung seiner Ansicht gebracht hat.
III.
In der Pethichatha wird nodi (C^i C V"" ;s -) betont, dass
ausserhalb der gotzendienerischen agyptischen Stadt das
erste offenbarende Wort an Moses gerichtet worden ist. ,,l)a
doch Moses das Gebct, etwas viel Geringeres, ausserhalb
der Stadt verrichtetc, sollte da das Gotteswort, etwas viel
Bedeutungsvolleres, mitten unter den Gratieln jenes Ortes
von ihm vernominen werden?" ^\Ian sielit, wie sich das Volk
iiber den gesunkenen Tenipel zu tr<isten sucht. u^D erinnert
an den Tempeldienst, er ist dahin. Wie gering ist aber da&
verlorene nicht gegeu das geoffenbarte Wort, das Israel ge-
blieben ist!
Was soil nun mit der Wiirde des heiligen Landes werden?
Ist diese mit dem gesunkenen Heiligthume geschwunden?
Gewiss nicht! Denn das lleiligere, das Wort selbst 7 soil
im Lande gewahrt bleiben. ,,Ehe Palaestina auserkoren wurde,
waren alle Lande zur Prophezeihung geeignet; ehe Jerusalem
die heilige Stadt wurde, durften iiberall im Lande Altare
stehen; ehe der Teuipel zum Wohnsitz Gottes wurde, war
ganz Jerusalem dazu geeignet; vor David waren alle Israe-
liten des Konigthums wiirdig, wie vor Aaron Alle des Priester-
thums theilhat tig werden konnten." (ih.)
Mit diesen Worten der Mechilta ist die Frage beant-
wortet! Das Davidische Konigshaus (also das hillelitische)
ist a lie in befugt, den Nassi in seiner Mitte zu haben, und
472 Ludwig A. Rosenthal.
dessen Belehrung 1st auch an Palastina gekettet. Nicht dem
Auslande darf das heilige Wort angehoren, das Synhedrium
darf sich nicht aus den Grenzen Palastinas fortbewegen.
Wir sehen also, die Frage des Seins oder Nichtseins trat
einer feindlichen Welt gegeniiber an das Judenthuni heran,
und es gait, einen Mittelpunkt der Glaubensgenossenschaft
zu wahren.
Diese Midraschsatze hangen niit dem Abschnitte Hacho-
desch zusammen, also mit dem Gebote der Monatsheiligung.
Dass der Anfangsvers dieses Thoraabschnittes, wo sich Gott
an Moses und Aaron wendet, auf Nassi und Ab-Bet-Din
und auf ihre Stellung zur Monatsheiligung von jeher gedeutet
worden ist, ersehen wir aus der Erklarung R. Levi s (Rosch
Haschana 22 a).
Auf Pis-cha 1 und 2 beruhen denn auch grosse Be-
standtheile des Traktats Rosch Haschana, sowohl seiner
Mischna und Tossefta, als auch seiner ainoraischen Erorte-
rungen in beiden Talinuden; dieser Traktat selbst beruht aber
in seinen ersten Abschnitten wesentlich auf Kiddusch Hacho-
desch und auf die dabei dem Ah-bct-Din (bezw. dem Nassi)
zustehenden Befugnisse, ja, der Streit zwischen beiden wird
am Ende des zweiten Abschnittes genau erzablt.
So ist das ,.Wort", Diblmr, wovon die Petichatha spricht,
zunachst allerdings die Belehrung, welche voin Synhedrium
ausgeht; es ist rnehr als der Tempeldienst, es gibt dem hei-
ligen Lande seine ewige Wiirde und Bedeutung. Aber der
Inhalt dieses zuerst an Moses gerichteten Dibbur ist das
Gebot der Monatsheiligung, ,,Euer ist der Mond, Euer
das Zeugniss des Mondes!" Diese Bestimmung ist Israel
eigenthurnlich (ib. I Mitte) ; von Nissan, dem Monate der Be-
freiung, werden die Jahre der israelitischen Konige gezahlt.
Allerdings musste man sich nun mit Wehmuth daran erinnern,
wie Israel gesunken war (Bachodesch I Anfang): ,,Einst
zahlte es vom Auszug aus Egypten an die Jahre, selbst zur
Zeit des salonionischen Tempelbaues ist dies noch geschehen.
Dann durften sie den Tenipelbau selbst ihrer Zahlung zu
Grunde legen; sodann wurden sie gezwungen, vom Tage der
Zerstorung an zu zahlen, und statt der Regierungsjahre ihrer
eigenen Konige wurden die eines Nebuchadnezar oder eines
Darius zu Grunde gelegt." Wir ersehen aus diesen und ahn-
Einiges iiber die Agada in der Mechilta. 473
lichen Midraschworten, aus welchen spaterhin die scharf-
sinnigsten halachischen Berechnungen in beiden Talnmden
emporgewachsen sind, welche wehmuthigen mid zugleich
stolzen Empfindungen diese Reste einstiger staatlicher Selb-
stiindigkeit, diese Befugnisse des Naxsi und Ab-bct-Din her-
vorriefeu. Geradezu sagt es (Pis-cha 2, Ende) R. Jaschia,
dass diese Handlungen an keiner anderen Static, als ,,beim
grossen Gerichtshole in Jerusalem" (d. h. in Jabne) vorge-
noininen werden diirfen, und er ist es ja auch, der deui Nassi
all ein, wie wir geselicn haben, das Recht des Dibbur thora-
ma ssig zuspricht. An den obigcn Satz aus Bachodesch I
kniipt t sich eine Erziihlung aus dcm Lebcn des Rabban Jo-
clianau ben Sakkai, in dcssen Geiste, wie wir sehen, auch
unser angefiihrtes Midraschwort ausgesprochen ist.
So zeigt uns die Mechilta, in welcher Weise die jiidische
Glaubensgenossenscliaft sich iiber den Fall des Teuipels er-
hoben hat und welche ncucn Ziele sie an Stollo der einstigen
staatlichen Selbstiindigkeit sich sctzen musste. An R. Jocha-
nan ben Sakkai s im Roschhaschanatraktat geschilderte Tha tig-
keit richtete sie sich ant , sic fand von Neueiu ihr Selbstbe-
wusstsein wieder. der tanaitischc Scharfsinn beniaclitigte sich
mit neuer Kraft d<T Halacha, und an Stelle des Tempels aus
Stein und des sichtbaren Priesterthums wuchs ein nnsicht-
bares Gotteshaus, ein Priesterthum des Geistes enipor.
IV.
Aber so schnell kann man der einstigen Herrlichkeit
sich nicht entwohneu. Die welimiithigen Erinnerungen, das
Griibeln liber Israel s glorreiche Vergangenheit und der An-
blik der traurigen Gegenwart brachten R. Jochanan ben
Sakkai s Friedensworte (liachodesch 11 lirn r) in Vergessen-
heit vielinehr uahm man an (ib. njIP tih), dass doch
das Eisen, und zwar wortlich das Schwert geschwungen
werden darf, urn den Altar wieder erstehen zti lassen.
Ri(?hteten nicht die obigen Betrachtungen, die zum Theil
agadische Behandlung des Hachodesch, das Auge auf Pharao
auf das aegyptische Reich mit seinem Drucke? Und konnte
man, in die Gegenwart blickeud, nicht ein Spiegelbild Rorns
darin sehen?
474 Ludwig A. Rosenthal.
Wenn Beschalach 5 (^pt^l) Gottes Zornblick auf Aegypten
und dessen heilende Kraft fur Israel geschildert wird, wenn
das Auge des Agadisten auf Hiob s Priifungen und sein wieder-
kehrendes GKick f allt, so ist dabei am Ende von der giinsti-
gen Erhebung Israels und von der dereinstigen Vernichtung
des Aegypters die Rede. Von C^ISC kani man zu dem Wort-
spiele (il. Ende) nm"6 ^"6 ]rb jni En, das auf die spate r en
Dranger und deren zu erhoffende scliimpfliche Flucht hin-
wies. Ebenso ib. 6 1211^1 und die folgenden Stellen, die sich
be senders aus der Schiratha stark vermehren lassen. Da
finden wir jene beriihmten Priameln, deren Endpunkt innner
,,Edom", ..das Reich des Frevels", ,,Babel" ist, unverkenn-
bare Andeutungen, dass die HofFnungen auf eine baldige
Wiederherstellung des Reiches sich ebenso vermehrten, wie
der Hass gegen die rornische Gewalt znnehmen musste.
Auch das Lehrhaus, selbst das jamnensische, konnte
sich diesem Geiste nicht entziehen, und wenn die Gelehrten
auch vielleicht nicht an ein thatsachliches Eingreifen dachten,
so nahm ihr Gefiihl doch Theil an dem, was Alle bewegte.
Wie ich im zweiten Theile meines ,,Zusammenhanges der
Mischna u gezeigt, hat sich dies niischnische Zeitalter vorzugs-
weise niit dem Zusammentragen der Opfer- und Reinheits-
gesetze befasst, uni sie vor Vergessenheit zu bewahren.
AYar das Sinken des Tempels die Veranlassung dazu gewesen,
so wies die Beschaftigung niit diesen Satzungen imnier auf
die einstige Herrlichkeit hin, und gerade dadurch konnte die
Wunde sich nicht schliessen. 
