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Full text of "Semitic studies in memory of Rev. Dr. Alexander Kohut"

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SEMITIC STUDIES 



IN Memory 



of 



Rev. Dr. Alexander Kohut 



Edited By 



George Alexander Kohut 



With Portrait and Memoir 




paltnom <]uimcntttfttat. 



BERLIN 

S. CALVARY & CO. 

1897. 



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To 
MY FATHER, TEACHER, AND FRIEND, 

who so lovingly guided me in life, 

and whose presence, far from being removed by death, 

still continues to lend me hope and inspiration 

to walk in the paths of righteousness, which he, 

like Samuel the Prophet, trod just fifty-two years; 

To him, whose delight was in the Law of the Lord 

therein to meditate by day and by night, without hindrance or restraint, 

until the final Sabbath brought him eternal peace; 

Whose pure and priestly lips were touched to eloquence 

by the live coal of truth taken from the altar of God, 

in Whose service before the Shrine he first received 

the summons to eternity; 

To my Father, 

whose whole life was gentle, whose heart was ever childlike, 

whose soul was ever great and lofty, 

upon whose brow was plainly writ the autograph of God, 

I inscribe these pages, 

— precious greetings from many minds and many climes — 

in filial love and piety 

Gteorge Alexander Eohnt. 



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And the teachers that be wise shall shine as the brightness of 
the firmament; and they that turn many to righteousness as the stars 
for ever and ever. 

Daniel, XII, 3. 

The law of truth was in his mouth, and unrighteousness was not 
found in his lips: he walked with me in peace and uprightness, and 
did turn many away from iniquity. 

Malachi, 11, 6. 



Rabbi Simeon said, Thqre are three crowns: the crown of Torah, 
the crown of Priesthood, and the crown of Kingdom; but the crown of 
a good name excelleth them all. 

Pirke Aboth, IV, 17. 



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EDITOR'S PREFACE. 

"Erect no memorials to the righteous", wrote our sages 
of old, ''for their works (words) are their monuments!" 

The memory of the righteous scholar, Alexander 
Kohut, who toiled with almost superhuman energy from 
youth to manhood, aye, even at the brink of his early 
grave, in the workshop of science, need not have been per- 
petuated by a monument as stately as this, which the 
greatest sculptors of thought have so ungrudgingly set in his 
honor. For he himself has placed his monument in all the 
great librai'ies of the world — ctere perennius. 

This gathering of noted bookmen must, therefore, not be 
regarded in the light of an apotheosis, though the united 
homage of such high-priests of intellect sheds a peculiar 
luster upon his name. He who exalts another, said the 
Rabbis, is himself exalted. Thus, indeed, the halo of dignity 
rests wholly upon them, whose scholarly sympathies are here 
crystallized into thoughts that make them all kindred with 
him, who has struggled and searched after truth, and in 
searching, died for it. This work is a monument of their 
learning and integrity ! 

The idea of compiling a memorial volume was not con- 
ceived by me. I deemed it my duty to interpolate my per- 
sonality only after the plan, as set forth by two of England's 
greatest scholars had matured. The task of editorship was 
too irksome to be enti'usted to any one of the noted con- 
tributors, and as my studies led me to Berlin, where the 
work was to be printed, it was but natural that I should 
assume a burden that was both sweet and sad for me. 



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VI 

The first impetus came from Professor S. 8chechter, 
M. A., the learued Reader in Rabbinics at the University of 
Cambridge. He it was who, some months after the decease 
of my lamented father, suggested the propriety of publishing 
such a collection, and acting upon his friendly advice, I in- 
vited the cooperation of several eminent scholars, among 
them the Nestor of Indo- Germanic studies, Professor F. Max 
Mil Her, of Oxford, who, I had hoped, would consent to 
write the Introduction to the book. His prompt and kindly 
offer to contribute an article, and his ready advice in matters 
pertaining to the literary remains of my sainted father are 
evidences not only of his unique greatness in science, but 
also of his warm and generous heart as we have learned to 
know it from his Deutsche Liebe and from the delightful 
recollections now publishing (in Cosmopolis, 1896—97), wherein 
he unbosoms an inner nature sublime and poetic, rightly in- 
herited from Germany's famous bard. I may be pardoned 
for quoting a few sentences from his letters, dated January 
1895, Which encouraged me to continue the work I had 
begim: 

"I answer your letter at once", wrote he in reply to my 
circular, "so as to prevent any delay in your plans. Allow 
me to say at once that I am not allowed at present to read 
or write much, and that it would be quite impossible for me 
to undei'take to write a preface to yoiu* Collection of Essays. 
I hope to be able to contribute an essay but even that must 
depend on the state of my health and the state of my eyes. 
What I can do, I shall do gladly, particularly now that I 
know that we shall have a collected edition of your learned 
father's papers" 

"I hope you will be able to go on with the literary 
labours you have undertaken in memory of your eminent 
father. I almost fear that my last letter did not reach 
you for I had explained in it that I could not under- 
take to write an introduction to the volume of Essays, as I 
am not sufficiently acquainted with the numerous works that 
have issued from his pen. I am glad to see from your letter 



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vn 

that you have not surrendered the idea of publishing a coUec- 
Hon of essays contributed by various writers in honor of your 
distinguished father^s memory. I saw a paragraph in a London 
paper that a collection of such essays , all exclusively on 
Semitic subjects, was in the press, and I thought in conse- 
quence that you had changed your original plan. Not hearing 
from you and being pressed for other work, I put aside what 
I had meant for your volume, but I shall now take it up 
again and try to finish it as soon as possible. Only please 
to remember I cannot work at 72 as I used to work at 27 !" 

The essay contributed by the great linguist shows aU 
signs of youthful health. He still writes with elastic vigor 
upon subjects which he alone knows how to vivify with the 
current of lofty thought and ingenious conjecture. I must 
add that his paper and that of Professor Steinschneider 
— the two pioneers of original research in Aryan and Semi- 
tic study — were the first to reach me and are placed first 
in the volume, as they embrace topics of general interest. 
Professor M tiller subsequently wrote me that had he had 
more time at his disposal, he would have made his article 
far more complete. 

Of the other contributions, which are alphabetically 
arranged, little need be said, for they tell their own message, 
and tell it well. Dr. Cyrus Adler, in his laudable zeal for 
science, retold it elsewhere (Jewish Quarterly Reciew, January 
1896), but that does not make it, we trust, a twice-told tale. 
Several scholars, among them, Dr. H. Adler, Chief Rabbi of 
England, Dr. Zadoc Kahn, Chief Rabbi of France, Prof. W. 
Bacher (Budapest), Dr. A. Berliner (Berlin), Salomon 
Buber (Lemberg), Prof. D. Chwolsohn (St. Petersburg), 
Canon S. R. Driver (Oxford), Prof. S. Fraenkel (Breslau), 
Dr. M. Gtid^mann (Vienna), Prof. Paul Horn (Strassburg), 
Prof. A. V W. Jackson (New York), Prof. D. Kaufmann 
(Budapest), Prof. E. Kautzsch (Halle), Dr. S. Maybaum 
(Berlin), Prof. F. Muhlau (Kiel), Prof. D. H. Muller 
(Vienna), Prof. Th. Noldeke (Strassburg), Prof. F. Prae- 
torius (Halle), Prof. James Robertson (Glasgow), Prof. 



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VIII 

A. H. Sayce (Oxford), Prof. B. Stade (Giessen), and Prof 
C. P. Tiele (Leyden), have attested their fullest sympathy 
with the undertaking and regretted, that owing to pressure 
of official duty they could not contribute to the work. Thus 
writes Prof. D. Chwolsohn: 

"Ich bedauere sehr Ihrem Wunsche nicht nachkommen 
zu konnen, so geme ich auch mein Scherflein zum wohlver- 
dienten Denkmal fiir Ihren unermiidlichen, mit so gl&nzenden 
Erfolgen arbeitenden seligen Vater beitragen mochte. Ich 
habe zwei sehr dringende Arbeiten vor mir, die zu einer 
bestimmten Zeit fertig sein miissen etc. etc." 

"Den vorzeitigen Hintritt Ihres Herm Vaters", writes 
Prof. S. Fraenkel, ^'eines rastlosen und erfolgreichen 
Arbeiters auf weiten Gebieten orientalischer Sprach- und 
Alterthumskunde, muss Jeder mit Ihnen beklagen, und es ist 
ein schoner Gedanke, ihm in einer SamnUung mssenschafUicher 
Abhandlungen mn Denkmal zu setzen, Wurde mir die Mit- 
theilung friiher zugegangen sein, so h&tte ich vielleicht Ihnen 
einen kleineu Beitrag senden konnen; aber bis zu dem an- 
gegebenen Termine ist es mir anderweitiger Arbeiten wegen 
nicht moglich." 

I can not forbear to cite the sympathetic lines of Prof. 
James Robertson, of Glasgow University, whose learned 
and ingenious exposition of the Early Beligion of Israel is a 
noble specimen of liberal and conservative scholarship: 

"You could not have sent me a gift more prized for 
itself", writes he, "than the Fourth Biennial Report of the 
Jewish "Theological Seminary, which reached me some time 
ago. Doubly precious for the few lines from your own hand 
inscribed upon it. Alas that the Report should contain your 
lamented father's last contribution to the learning he did so 
much to advance and to adorn. I value and • shall always 
treasure these gifts as memorials of one, who by his gen- 
tleness and sweetness of disposition shed a peculiar charm 
upon the wondrous lore he had accumulated. You do me 
much honour in asking me to contribute a short paper to 
the memorial volume which is in contemplation. K I can 



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IX 

at all carry out the intention, I should like to send something; 
and nothing I can think of could be more in keeping with 
the character of his own recent studies than some account of 
the Oriental manuscripts in the Hunterian Museum of this 
University. Not that the collection contains anything specially 
in his own field — for I do not think it does; but there is 
a miscellaneous gathering which has never been properly 
catalogued, or only catalogued in such a way as to mislead. 
And I have afken wished for an opportunity of making known 
among scholars what the museum actually possesses of this 
description. Unfortunately I am always very busy during the 
winter-months, as all our teaching work is compressed into 
a winter -session; and therefore I can only provisionally 
promise this paper. But I shall make all endeavours to fulfil 
my promise, though for no other reason than for the saiis- 
faction of being associated with those who combine to lay a 
little tribute on his tomb'^ 

"I should be very happy", writes Prof. C. P. Tiele, 
Holland's most distinguished scholar, "to write a paper for 
the Memorial Book you propose to publish, to do honor to 
the memory of your deceased father. But I am so over- 
burdened by official duties and literary work, and am so deep 
in debt to several Editors at home and abroad, that it is im- 
possible for me to cooperate, though I sincerely wish I could 
write a few pages for your interesting collection .... I 
know that I would be in exellent company and I honour the 
name of your deceased father . . . who was known to me 
since long by the suggestive articles he wrote on the relations 
between Judaism and Parsism, and by other works of his 

pen But indeed, at my time of life, with a rather 

delicate health and with so much work to be done, it is im- 
possible to do more. I am just suffering under the fulfilment 
of a promise inadvertently given! .... Pray don't ascribe 
my negative answer to your invitation, to a want of respect 
for your father's memory, as I think very highly of his 
tafents, erudition and character, and of the work he has 
done." 



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X 

These letters, and many more, which lack of space 
forbids me to cite, are indeed precious testimonials of 
esteem and reverence. Such praise, according to a quaint, but 
beautiful saying of the Rabbis, causes the lips of the dead 
to move in the grave! 

It is my painful duty to record the loss of one of the 
most important contributions written especially for this 
volume by Prof. Jules Oppert, Membre de Vhisti- 
tut, of Paris. The Ms., covering 18 pages 8®, entitled: Utie 
convention commerciale de Vepoque d' Abraham, was lost 
in transmittance to the printers in Kirchhain N.-L. (Ger- 
many) and despite a most thorough search conducted by 
the post-office authorities, it could not be located. I dare do 
no more than openly express my infinite regret over this 
imlucky circumstance and pray the distinguished veteran of 
Assyriology to consider it not his loss, but that of the scho- 
larly world. In a private letter, dated February 14th 1896, 
Prof. Oppert wrote as follows: 

''Sie haben an mich die fur mich sehr schmeichelhafte 
Bitte gerichtet, zu dem Gedenkbuch Ihres seligen Herm 
Vaters einen Beitrag zu liefem. Ich habe leider nicht die 
Ehre gehabt, den Verewigten selbst personlich zu kennen, 
und habe in ihm nur den Ilerausgeber des Aruch Completum 
schiitzen gewusst, so wie die tiefe Kenutniss, die derselbe in 
seinen Werken an den Tag gelegt. Die kindliche Pietat mit 
der Sie Ihres Vaters Gedachtniss ehren wollen, hat mich er- 
muthigt Ihrcm Wunsche zu willfahren. Freilich erkenne ich 
mir nicht die Autoritat zu, um eine Introduction zu den Ab- 
handlungen zu schreiben, da die specifisch rabbinische Gelehr- 
samkeit nicht mein besonderes Fach ist, und da zu eine solche 
Leistung die Kenntnis der Personlichkeit selbst unbedingt 
geboten ist. Aber ich sonde Ihnen einen ganz originalen an 
Entdeckungen reichen Artikel iiber eine alte Inschrift aus dem 
22. Jahrhundert vor der christlichen Zeitrechnung 

The letter needs no commentary beyond another emphasis 
of regret that so valuable a paper, of which the noted scholar 
had no copy, should be irretrievably lost to science. 



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XI 

A very learned and extensive monograph by the famous 
Arabian traveller and epigraphist, Dr. EduardGlaser, now 
sojourning in Muenchen, could not be included in this volume, 
as its publication necessitated the personal supervision of its 
author at the place of printing. It appeared separately, under 
the title: Die Abessinier in Arabien und Afrika (Muenchen, 
1895). Prof. Derenbourg's article (see p. 122 — 5) is based 
upon an inscription discovered by Dr. Glaser, to whose 
kindness we are indebted for the facsimile. 

I feel duty bound to state in this connection that two 
valuable articles by Dr. M. Giidemann, Chief Rabbi of 
Vienna, and Prof. Israel Levi of Paris reached me too late 
for publication. They were subsequently devoted to an 
equally noble purpose, that of doing homage to Prof. M. 
Steinschneider, on the occasion of his 80*^^ birthday (Of. 
Festschrift [Leipzig, 1896], pp. 1—15; T^hiUah VMoshch, pp. 
142-63). 

An article, forwarded to me by the venerable Rabbi Dr. 
Israel Hildesheimer, containing a few additions to the 
Sef^ Hassidim was considered by Dr. A. Berliner too 
fragmentary for publication. Two further interesting contri- 
butions, one by the learned librarian of Parma, Abb6 Pietro 
Perreau, on the Commentary of Immanuel ben Shelomo 
to Lamentations , published in 60 autographed copies in 
1881*), and the other, by the Rev. S. Roubin, formerly of 
San Francisco, entitled: A compendious description of the 
Hebrew -Arabic Manuscripts in the Sutro Library in San 
Francisco^ could not be included in this work on account 
of their extent (both circa 80 folio pages). The former, 
though worthy of republication, is still accessible, and the 
latter will most probably be incorporated in the author's larger 
Catalogtui, which is now ready for the press. It is to be 



\) Comento sopra il volume dt Trent (rwn n^»jD '»b) del Rabbi Itn- 
mantiel ben Sahmo romano inedito ed unico trascritto e publiccUo da Pietro 
Perreau, Secondo il codice ebreo-rabbinico derossiano No, 615. Parma 
1881 {auk>grafia\ edizione di 60 esemplari^ proprieta riservata. 1 page of 
preface in Italian and 76 of Hebrewtext in folio. 



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XII 

hoped that he will not follow up his arguments regarding 
the Mairaonidic authorship of the Midrash haggadol, 
to prove which he devotes 16 folio pages in his description 
of the 25 copies in the Sutro library. Mr. Schechter's 
edition of this Midrash is in the press and will appear shortly. 

Mr. Salomon Buber, the master of Midrashic studies, 
one of my lamented father's earliest friends, who has just 
reached his three-score yeare and ten of blessed activity, 
sent me early in 1895 his critical edition of Midrash Lekah- 
Tob to Lamentations, for publication in this work. Unfortunately, 
he was not aware that it has already been published as a doctor- 
dissertation in Berlin, 1895, by Nacht (Tdbia hen Elieser's 
Kommentar zu Thrmi), in a manner however which leaves room 
for Buber' s superior edition (cf. Steinschneider in DLZ.y 
1895, p. 1416 — 17). His subsequent offer to contribute his 
critical edition of Yemen-Midrashim to the Book of Esther, 
came too late for acceptance. To him and to the above named 
scholars I herewith extend my grateful acknowledgments for 
their kindness and courtesy. 

It has been thought appropriate to give, instead of an 
extentive biography, which is reserved for another occasion, 
a brief character-sketch of the deceased, written by one who 
knew and loved him well and whose delineation is indeed 
true to life. The photograveure has been prepared from a 
portrait taken in 1890, when suffering and disease had not 
yet written lines and furrows upon his face. I should have 
been glad to compile a bibliography of his writings, a resume 
of which, with other biographical facts, is given in a little 
memorial volume published in New York 1894, mentioned 
below (p. XVIII). But such a task demands more time than 
I had at my disposal this year, and besides, tbe necessary 
materials for a complete list of his literary labors were not 
within immediate reach. I hope to compile this bibliography 
in the near future. 

In conclusion I beg to state that the delay caused in the 
publication of the Semitic Studies is due to the fact that 
almost all the contributors, who live at no small distance from 



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XIU 

the place of printing, received proofs (some even 2 or 3) 
of their articles. It is to be regretted that despite a careful 
revision so many texts are disfigured by typographical errors, 
besides those noted in the list appended to this work. I 
ventured here and there, as also at the end of the work, 
to add a few notes of my own for which alone I hold myself 
responsible. They are usually marked by a square bracket 
in the text and by the initials G.A.K. in the notes. 

I can not close these prefatory remarks without ^ word 
of thanks to Mr. Hugo Bloch, the worthy chief of the 
publishing-house of S. Calvary & Co., who spared neither 
labor nor expense to make this volume a fitting memorial 
to the name and fame of Alexander Kohut. 

Gteorge Alexander Kohut. 

Berlin, January 1897. 



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CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Editor's Preface V— XIII 

Alexander Kohut. Ein Charakterbild von Dr. Adolph Kohut XVII-XXXV 
On Ancient Prayers (Extracts from Lectures delivered at Ox- 
ford) by Prof. F. Max MiUler 1-41 

Lapidarien, ein culturgeschichtlicbcr Versnch von Prof. Moritz 

Steinschneider 42—72 

The Cotton Grotto — an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. With 

notes on ancient methods of quarrying by Dr. Cyrus 

Adler 73-82 

Die POigl- Conjugation und die Pdlftl - Participien von Prof. 

Dr. J. Barth 83-93 

A Study of the use of ^h and 32^ in the Old Testament 

by Prof. Charles A. Briggs, D. D 94-105 

Die Ueberschrift des Buches Amos und des Propheten Heimat 

von Prof. Dr. K. Budde 106—110 

The Book of Psalms, its orgin, and its relation to Zoro- 

astrianism by Prof. T. K. Cheyne 111-119 

Le dieu Eimm5n sur une inscription himyarite par Prof. 

Hartwig Derenbourg 120—125 

Zur Bibel und Grammatik. 1. Kimchi oder Kamchi? 2. Er- 

kiarung von Amos VI, 10 von Rev. Dr. B. Felsenthal . 126—138 
Jehudah ha- Levi on the Hebrew language. Kuzri 11 § 67 

to 80 by Rev. Dr. M. Friedlander 139-151 

Spuren der paiastinisch-judischen Schriftdeutung und Sagen 

in der tJebersetzung der LXX von Dr. Julius Fuerst . 152 — 166 
The oldest version of Midrash Megillah published for the 

first time from a unique ms. of the X^ century by Rev. 

Dr. M. Gaster 167-178 

Quotations from the Bible in the Qor&n and the Tradition 

by Prof. M. J. de Goeje 179—185 



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XV 

PAGE 

Translation of a Targum of the Amidah by Rev. Hermann 

GoUancz, M. A 186-197 

The Diction of Genesis VI-IX by Prof. W. H. Green . . 198—225 

Kenan ilber die sp&teren Formen der hebr&ischen Sprache 

von Dr. Max GrCUibaum 226-234 

nb^*T] IX^yh ni*iyn by S. J. Halberstam 235—236 

L'enterrement de Jacob d'apres la Genese par Prof. J. 

Hal^vy 237-243 

CnnDH 12-1 hv pwa nnyo 31 by Prof. A. Harkavy . . 244- 247 
Notiz ilber einen dem Maim&ni untergeschobenen arabischen 

Commentar zu Esther von Dr. Hartwig Hirschfeld . . 248—253 
An analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and CI by Rev. Dr. Marcus 

Jastrow 254-263 

The Testament of Job. An Ensene Midrash on the Book of 

Job re&dited and translated with introductory and exe- 

getical notes by Rev. Dr. K. Kohler . 264—338 

Aegyptische und syrische G()ttemamen im Talmud von Dr. 

Samuel Krauss 839—353 

De la formation des racines triliteres fortes par Prof. Mayer 

Lambert 354-362 

Erklarung einer Talmudstelle von Geh. R. R. Prof. M. Lazarus 363—368 

by Dr. L. Lewysohn 369—372 

Marginalien zu Kohut's Amch von Dr. Imanuel LOw . . . 373—375 
On the Arabic version of Aristotle's Rhetoric by Prof. D. S. 

Margoliouth 376—387 

Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to R. Sa^^ya Gaon 

by Dr. A. Neubauer 388-395 

Ueber die juedischen Colonien in Indien von Prof. Dr. 

Gustav Oppert . , 396—419 

Correspondence between the Jews of Malabar and New 

York a century ago by George Alexander Kohut . . . 420—434 
Aus Qirqis&ni's „Kit5,b al-'anw&r w'al-mar&qib" von Dr. 

Samuel Poznafiski 435-456 

La deuxieme mine de Jericho par Theodore Reinach . . . 457—462 
Einiges iiber die Agada in der Mechilta von Dr. L. A. 

Rosenthal 463-484 

Notes on a Hebrew Commentary to the Pentateuch in a 

Parma manuscript by Prof. S. Schechter M. A. ... 485—494 _ 
Beitr&ge zur Geschichte der Bibel in der arabischen Littera- 

tur von Dr. M. Schreiner , . . . 495-513 •-- 

Mots grecs et latins dans les livres rabbiniques par Dr. 

Molse Schwab 514-542 -- 

Beitrage zur Lehre von dem zusammengesetzten Satze im 

Neuhebraischen von Prof. Dr. C. Siegfried 543—556 

Charakter der Semiten von Prof. Dr. H. Steinthal . . . 557—559 
(Jeber verloren gegangene Handschriffcen des Alten Testa- 

mentfi voi^ Prof. Dr. H. L. Strack 560—572 



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XVI 

PAGE 

The eleyenth chapter of the Book of Daniel by Rev. Dr. 

Benjamin Szold 673- 600 

On Codex de-Rossi 184 by Rev. C. Taylor, DD., LL. D. 601—604 
Die Hebr&er in den Tei-Amama-Briefen von Dr. Hugo 

Winckler 605-609 

Addenda et Oorriirenda 610—615 



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Alexander Eohut 

Ein Charakterbild 

von 

Dr. Adolph Kohut (Berlin). 



Gott vergiebt der Seele ihre Leiden und heilt ihre Krank- 
heiten, sagt der Psalmist. Noch jetzt, mehr als anderthalb 
Jahre nach dem am 25. Mai 1894 erfolgten Ableben meines 
innigstgeliebten Bruders Alexander, blutet zwar mein Herz, 
und mein Gemiith ist tief ergriffen, aber der Allerbarmer hat 
meine Seele getrostet und ich fange an zu gesunden, dass 
ich es liber mich bringen kann, mit wenigen Strichen das 
Charakterbild des Verewigten zu zeichnen. Oft setzte ich 
mich an den Schreibtisch , um liber das Wesen, die Per- 
sonlichkeit des ach ! so fruhzeitig Dahingerafften Einiges den 
Lesem dieses Gedenkbuches zu erzahlen, aber die seeUsche 
Erschiitterung war immer so gewaltig, dass ich nicht im 
Stande war, meines Amtes, des ruhigen und sachgemassen 
Beurtheilers, zu walten. Gepriesen seist du, trostbringende 
Zeit, versohnende gottliche Vorsehimg, dass nach und nach 
das Gefiihl einer gewissen Entsagung an Stelle des unertrag- 
Uchen Schmerzes imd der rasenden Verzweiflung getreten 
ist! Nun erst begreife ich die Mahnimg Leopold Schefers: 

Geduld, die seligste der Tugenden, 

Ist nicht umsonst! Da kaufst sie nur durch Dulden, 

Auch nicht auf einmal wie ein andres Gut; 

Allm^hlich wird sie dein dnrch Stillesein 

Und Tragen, Lieben, Hoffen nnd Verzeihen. 
Im wunderschonen MonatMai, wenn alle Knospen springen 
und die Natur sich verjiingt und ihr griines Feiertagskleid 



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XVni Adolph Kohut: 

anzieht, hat dieser wahrhaft grosse iind edle Mensch seine 
Seele ausgehaucht; sie kehrte zu den blauen Hinimelshohen 
zuriick, denen sie entstammte. Die irdische Hiille gehiirt der 
Verganglichkeit, der Vemiehtung an, aber seine Psyche, sein 
Genius, schwang sieh zum AUvater hinauf als ein gottUeh 
Lebendes, voll Friihlingsluft und Duft. Der Maimonat spielte 
uberhaupt eine gewisse Rolle im Leben Alexanders: Am 4. 
Mai 1842 erblickte er das Licht der Welt, im Mai 1886 
verlobte er sich mit seiner angebeteteu zweiten Frau Rebecca, 
der Tochter des Rabbiners Dr. Bettelheim in Baltimore, und 
im Mai 1889 wurde sein Lieblings- und Schmerzenskind, die 
susse „Qual", aber auch der stolze Ruhm seines Erdeudaseins, 
der ArtAch^ fertig. Sein Gemiith war iibrigens allezeit wie 
ein dufteuder Garten voll Maiblumen; es bliihten darin die 
Maiglockchen der Zufriedeuheit, des Gottvertrauens , der 
Friimmigkeit und Ergebung. . . . 

Was mein Bruder als Gelehrter, Forscher, Rabbiner, 
Prediger, Kanzelredner, Lehrer und Jugenderzieher geleistet, 
ist manniglich bekannt imd wurde auch in den pietats- 
vollen Bliittern, welche mein NefFe George Alexander, der 
iilteste Sohn Alexanders, zum Andenken seines Vaters zu- 
sammengestellt hat, eingehend gewurdigt*). Seine herrlichen 
menschlichen Eigenschaften, seine Tugenden und Charakter- 
ziige, sein Verhalten zu den Eltern und Geschwistern, seine 
Gattenliebe, sein innerstes Sinnen und Trachten, sein tiefes 
Empfindungsleben — all' das ist jedoch nur wenigen Ein- 
geweihten in seiner voUeu Pracht zur Erscheiuung gekommen, 
denn Alexander h'ebte es nicht, die Gefiihle seines Herzens 
auf den offenen Markt zu tragen. Nur 6 Jahre alter als ich, 
hat er mir, obschon wir Jahrzehnte laug von einander getrennt 
waren, doch allezeit sein Herz erschlosseu, so dass ich darin 
lesen konnte, wie in einem offenen Buch. 

Noch sehe ich ihn als Knaben und Jiingling vor mir. 



*) S. Tributes to the Memory of Rev. Dr. Alexander 
Kohut. Publiflhed by Congregation Ahawath Chesed. New- 
York, 1894. 8». S. VII + 64. 



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Alexander Kohut. XIX 

Er war bildschon, hatte ungemein treuherzige und ausdrucks- 
volle grosse, feurige Augen, eine schlanke Gestalt, eine gar 
sanfte Stimme und ein iiberaus anmuthiges Wesen. ,Es ist 
keiii Wonder, dass meine armen Eltern, die 13 Kinder be- 
sassen und an deren Tisch Frau Sorge taglicher Gast war, 
das Kind, welches nie klagte und nie unzufrieden war, sehr 
liebten. Aber auch in F^legyhdza in Ungarn, wo er ain 4. 
Mai 1842 geboren wurde, und in Kecskemet, wohin sp^ter 
meine Eltern mit dem Knaben zum dauemden Aufenthalt 
sich begaben, machte der Kleine, trotz der armliehen Kleidung, 
uberall Aufsehen. Gar oft erzahlte mir meine Mutter, welch 
fiirchterliche Ilerzensqualen sie durchmachen musste, weil 
der Junge ihr wiederholt gestohlen wurde, und sie sich des- 
halb stets furchtete, wenn Alexander einmal ohne Begleitung 
ausgehen musste. Auf dem Markt bekam er von den 
Weibem Obst und in den Conditoreien Kuchen geschenkt, 
kurz, er wurde von aller Welt verhatschelt, und es ist er- 
staunlich, dass er trotz alledem nie eitel war. Nur das eine 
wusste er freilich als junger Mann, sowie in der Bltithe des 
Lebens imd im reiferen Alter, ganz genau, dass ihn Apollo 
auf die Stime gekiisst, und es machte ihm eine — unschiddige 
— Freude, sich im Ornat, in der Studirstube, im Ejreise 
der Seinigen u. s. w. photographiren zu lassen. Selten 
hat wohl eine so hohe, majestatische Gestalt, ein solch edles, 
klassisch geformtes Gesicht, eine solche ideale Erscheinung 
iiberhaupt eine jiidische Kanzel geziert. Er, welcher im 
Ghetto aufgewachsen war, zu einer Zeit, als man noch dem 
Sohne Israels: Hep-Hep zurief und ihn mit Schmahworten, 
wie: Zsidokolyok (Judenbengel), tractirte, hatte in seinem 
Aeussern und in seiner ganzen Eigenart nichts, was an die 
ublen Gewohnheiten der Ghetto-Insassen erinnerte. Vielleicht 
lag das daran, dass Alexander, der meinem seligen Vater 
aufs Haar glich, von diesem die stramme Haltung geerbt 
hatte ; denn mein lieber Vater ging noch als Greis hoch auf- 
gerichtet und untemahm noch als Siebzigjahriger eine Fuss- 
wanderung von Kecskemet nach Wien, um den Kaiser und 
Konig zu sprechen; 12 Jahre lang hatte er namlich dem 



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XX Adolph Kohut: 

Kaiser Franz als Soldat gedient. Mein Bruder hUtte mit 
Goethe sagen konnen: 

Vom Vater habe ich die Statur. 
Dee Lebens emstes F^^hren . . . 

Das Sprachtalent, welches den genialen Orientalisten aus- 
zeichnete, hatte er gleichfalls von nnserem Vater geerbt, denn 
dieper sprach gelftufig ungarisch, deutsch, slavisch, pobiisch 
una hebraisch : genug, die Schonheit und die Wiirde, welche 
Alexander stets eigen waren, machten ihn zum Liebling der 
Mefischen; und wie einst arme Leute sich schon des Knaben 
erfolgreich bedienten, damit er ftir sie Almosen sammle, so 
umlagerten sie ihn auch spater, weil sie wussten, dass ein 
bittender Blick dieses Mannes nie seinen Zweck verfehlte. 
„Des Fleisses**, sagt Lessing, „darf sich jedermann 
riihnien". Von friihester Kindheit bis an sein im 52. Jahre 
seines Lebens erfolgtes Dahinscheiden arbeitete er rastlos, 
unentwegt, rucksichtlos, mit Hintansetznng seiner Bequemlich- 
keit, seiner Gesundheit, zuweilen auch seiner Familie. Ware 
dies freilich nicht der Fall gewesen, so hUtte er nicht so 
zahlreiche, grundlegende , von ungeheurer Belesenheit und 
Griindlichkeit zeugende Werke, Abhandlungen, Predigten etc. 
in den letzten drei Jahrzehnten schafFen konnen! Als hatte 
er geahnt, dass er in der VoUkraft seines Lebens vom Sturm 
der Welt entblattert werden soUte, war er unausgesetzt thatig, 
getreu dem Motto: Nulla dies sine linea. Dieser bienenhafte, 
tibermenschliche Fleiss musste schliesslich seine riesenhafte 
Constitution untergraben und ihn widerstandsunfUhig machen, 
als ihn ein tiickisches Leiden Jahre lang qualte und 
dem unheilbaren Siechthum uberlieferte. Angesichts eines 
solchen fast beispiellosen Eifers und Strebens war es kein 
Wunder, dass er schon als Jiingling als Sprachforscher, 
Prediger und Talmudist eine hervorragende Stellung einnahm 
und sich der Anerkennung der ausgezeichnetsten Gelehrten, 
Forscher und Theologen zu erfreuen hatte. Als er mit 22 
Jahren seine Doctordissertation : Ueber die judische Angdologie 
und Ddmonologie in ihrer Ahhdngighdt vom Parsismtis der 
Facidtat in Leipzig iiberreichte, war der beriihmte Professor 



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Alexander Kohut. XXI 

der morgenl&ndischen Sprachen an der dortigen Universitat, 
Heinrich Leberecht Fleischer, von dieser auf dem Ge- 
biete der persischen Theologie und Sprachforschung epoehe- 
machenden Sehrift so sehr entziickt, dass er dem Verfasser 
ein in den herzlichsten Ausdriicken gehaltenes, begliick- 
wiinschendes Schreiben mit dem Bemerken sandte, dass die 
Facultat ihm das £xamen erlasse und ihn zum Dr. der 
Philosophie honoris causa ernenne. Die Zeitschrift der 
Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft beeilte sich, die 
noch jetzt hochst bedeutsame Monographie in ihren Abhafid- 
lungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes^) zum Abdruck zu 
bringen. Professot Dr. Spiegel, der grosse Parsist, und 
zahlreiche andere Gelehrte imd Forscher traten mit ihm in 
einen regen Briefwechsel und wiirdigten ihn ihrer Freund- 
sehaft . . . Friihzeitig wurde er aueh autorisirter Rabbiner 
und Prediger, rascher als alle seine bisherigen Commilitonen, 
die an dem vom Director Dr. Zacharias Frankel s. Z. 
geleiteten Breslauer Rabbiner-Seminar ihre Ausbildung er- 
halten batten. Er brauchte keine sieben „magere" Jahre an 
der genannten jiidischen Hochschule zu dienen, um „ent- 
lassen" und amtsfUhig zu werden, sondem er lief schon friiher 
in den Hafen des Rabbinats ein. Als einst ein Zogling dieser 
Lehranstalt bei dem erwahnten Director sich dariiber be- 
schwerte, dass er so lange die Banke des Seminars driicken 
miisse, wahrend Dr. Alexander Kohut nur verhaltnissmassig 
wenige Jahre an der Breslauer cdma mater Frfinkelscher 
Stiftung studiert habe, meinte Dr. Frankel ironisch: „Ja, Dr. 
Kohut, das ist etwas ganz anderes! Sie zahlen bei ihm nur 
die Tage und haben die — Nachte vergessen!" 

Der schlagendste Beweis eines fast fieberhaften, marchen- 
haften Fleisses ist das Hauptwerk seines Lebens : -4rwcA 
Completum^) Ein voiles Vierteljahrhundert arbeitete er an 
diesem Riesenlexicon , dieser ColossalencyclopUdie des Tal- 
muds. Kaum hatte er die Reife des Mannes erreicht, machte 



^) Band IV, No. 3; erschien 1866 auch selbstHndig im Buchhandel 
bei F. A. Brockhaos in Leipzig. S. 105. 

*) Verlag von S. Calvary & Comp. in Berlin. 



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XXn Adolph Kobut: 

er sich schon mit Lust und Begeisterung, die schliesslich 
formlich in Fanatismus ausartete, an die Bewaltigung dieser 
die Krafte eines Mannes eigentlich iibersteigenden Aufgabe. 
Das im Jahre 1477 in Druck erschienene diirftige Lexicon 
aller nichthebrftischen Worter im Talmud, das Rabbi Nathan 
ben Jechiel verfasste, erweiterte Alexander Kohut zu einem 
gigantischen Monumentalbau der Wisseuschaft, dem sich nur 
wenige geistige Schopfungen unseres Jahrhunderts (iberhaupt 
an die Seite stellen lassen konnen. Das Werk besteht be- 
kanntlich aus 8 Banden, die mehr als 4000 doppelspaltige 
Folioseiten enthalten, einem Index und einem Supplementband. 
Das ist keine blosse Bearbeitung mehr, sondern eine selb- 
standige Schopfung, die erst durch das Aufgebot einer grenzen- 
losen Arbeitskraft ermoglicht werden konnte. Der auf 7 
Aruchhandschriften fussende Text ist mit seinen kritisch 
gesichteten Lesarten und der mit der Etymologic iiberein- 
stimmenden Fixirung des fremdsprachlichen Wortes darge- 
legt. Die biblischen und talmudisch-midraschischen Belege 
werden mit peinlichster Genauigkeit angegeben; die Sach- 
erklarungen, soweit sie den alteren Quellen entlehnt sind, 
haben eine griindliche Priifung erfahren. Zahlreiche Artikel 
von allgemeinem cidturgeschichtlichen Interesse sind mono- 
graphisch behandelt. Die Erklarung der Schulausdriicke und 
die Feststellung der Etymologic sind besondere Glanzseiten 
des Kohut'schen Aruch Compldum, Sclbst der Index bietet 
das Beispiel eines seltenen Gelehrtenfleisses; denn er ent- 
halt in 19 Kapiteln alle Bibel-, Talmud-, Targum- imd 
Midrasch-Stellcn , welche im Aruch vorkommen, sowie den 
Nachweis der Quellen, aus denen Rabbi Nathan schopfte. 

Nicht in Ruhe und behaglicher Musse hat mein Bruder 
diese talmudischc Encyclopadie geschaffen, er war vielmehr 
fortwahrend als amtirender Rabbiner, Kanzclredncr und Schul- 
mann (iber die Massen in Anspruch genommen und entfaltetc 
noch iiberdies eine sehr fruchtbare literarische Thatigkeit. 
Er sass gewohnlich bis 3 Uhr Nachts in Stuhlweissenburg, 
Fiinfkirchen, Grosswardein und Newyork — in diesen Stadten 
waltete er nacheinander als Seelsorger — an seinem Schreib- 



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Alexander Koliut. XXIII 

tisch und forschte xind schrieb mit ruhrender Emsigkeit. Mit 
ersfeaimlicher Willenskraft begabt, wurde er selbst in seinem 
letzten Lebeiisjahre noch seiner furchtbaren physischen 
Schmerzen Herr imd liess sich von seinen Qualen nicht ab- 
halten, vorwarts zu eilen auf dem Meere der rabbinisch- 
talmudischen Lexicographie. 

Jahr aus Jahr ein hatte der Beobachter im Hause meines 
Bruders ein reizendes, eigenartiges Sehauspiel wahrnehmen 
konnen. Eine graziose, jugendliche Madehengestalt, die dem 
rastlosen Forscher unverkennbar ahnlich sah, schlieh in der 
Nacht gegen 3 Uhr auf den Fussspitzen ins Studirzimmer 
und setzte, einen innigen, liebenden Blick auf den sie kaum 
beachtenden Gelehrten werfend, einige Erfrischungen auf den 
Schreibtisch ihres Vaters. Mechanisch griff er danach, liess 
sich aber im Uebrigen in seiner Arbeit nicht storen. Es war 
dies Valerie Kohut, eine seiner Tochter .... 

Doch die Berufsarbeiten waren es nicht allein, welche 
so oft hemmend in die Aruch-Thatigkeit Alexanders ein- 
griffen, sondern auch die Miihen und Sorgen, um Abonnenten 
und Macene zu finden, durch deren Hilfe es ermoglicht 
werden soUte, das kostspielige Werk erscheinen zu lassen. 
Er correspondirte zu diesem Behufe mit zahlreichen Gelehrten 
im Allgemeinen imd Orientalisten insbesondere, ferner mit 
Behorden und aUerlei Privaten, auch bereiste er Deutschland, 
Frankreich, Belgien, Holland, England und Amerika, um — 
„Menschen" zu suchen, d. h. Gonner der Wissenschaft, der 
jiidischen Wissenschaft! Er war nicht allein Verfasser, 
sondern auch sein eigener Buchhalter, Correspondent, Corrector 
und bis einige Jahre vor seinem Tode auch sein — Verleger! 
Ich wiirde ein dickes Buch schreiben miissen, woUte ich alle 
die Hindernisse schildern, welche er beseitigen musste, und 
alle die Entbehrungen andcuten, die er und seine Familie sich 
Jahrzehnte hindurch aufzuerlegen gezwungen waren, bis end- 
lich der Aruch nach und nach publicirt werden konnte. 
Infandum, regina, jubes renovare dolorem! .... Ach, die 
judische Wissenschaft ist ja noch immer das Aschenbrodel 
des Publikums und der Macene — die wenigen riihmlichen 



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XXIV Adolph Kohut: 

AuBQahmen bestftrken nur die Kegel! Anerkennung und Ehre 
gebiihrt daher u. A. der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissen- 
schaften in Wien, der konigl. imgarischen Akademie der 
Wissenschaften in Budapest, dem konigl. preuBsischen CiUtus- 
ministerium in Berlin, den Baronen Rothschild und Konigs- 
warter in Wien, dem Sir Moses Montefiore in London, J. H. 
Schiff Esq., imd anderen noblen Protectoren in Newyork fitr 
die hoehherzige Unterstiitzung, welche sie dem Herausgeber 
des Amch angedeihen liessen! Ohne sie wSre dieses Werk 
wahrscheinlich nie erschienen. 

Dieses Schmerzenkindes wegen verliess er sogar sein 
geliebtes Vaterland, wo man ihn mit Ehren iiberhJlufte, und 
wo er eben dem Vorschlag des ungarischen Cultusministers 
gemass, als der einzige unter alien Rabbinem Ungams, einer 
Allerhochsten Berufimg ins Magnatenhaus entgegensah, und 
siedelte mit seiner zahlreichen Familie nach Newyork uber, 
um als Seelsorger an die Spitze der dortigen Ahawath Chesed- 
Gemeinde zu treten. Der Ruf amerikanischer Liberalit&t und 
Noblesse lockte ihn nach der Hauptstadt der Vereinigten 
Staaten, um dort endlich sein Lebenswerk zu voUenden und 
es der Oeffentlichkeit zu iibergeben — und diese seine Hoff- 
nung hatte ihn nicht getHuscht. 

Die grosste Freude im Leben meines Binders bildete 
der 14. Mai 1889, als er um 1 Uhr Nachts seine Schatz- 
kanmier der jiidischen Wissenschaft handschriftlich vollendet 
vor sich sah. Obschon bereits leidend, erhob er sich dennoch 
elastisch von seinem Stuhle und betete, seiner Gewohnheit 
gemass, inbrtinstig zu Gott dem Allmachtigen und AUweisen. 
Seine Gestalt richtete sich, wie in den friiheren Jahren, als 
noch seine reckenhafte, imposante Erscheinung an den Konig 
Said gemahnte, der von Schulter aufwarts alles Volk 
iiberragte, hoch auf, seine Augen leuchteten, und ein 
Schimmer imaussprechlicher , grenzenloser Freude verklarte 
sein Antlitz. Dann rief er mit Stentorstimme : „ Kinder, 
Kinder, kommt zu mir herauf.** Und sie kamen alle, denn 
mit grosster Ungeduld batten sie schon den Moment erwartet, 
wo der geliebte Vater sie zu sich entbieten wiirde ; um 8 Uhr 



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Alexander Kohut. XXV 

Abends, naeh Tisch, hatte er sie gebeten, nicht eher ihr 
Lager aufzusuchen, als bis er ihnen von der bald erfolgten 
Fertigstellung des Amch erst Kunde geben wiirde .... 
Unvergesslich wird alien Theibiehmern jene weihevoUe, er- 
schiittemde Stunde sein, als er die Hand eines jeden seiner 
Kinder ergriff, damit sie die Sehlussworte mit der von ihm 
geftihrten Feder schreibe. Er sprach wunderbar geistvoll 
und tiefsinnig bei diesem Anlass, indem er das betreflFende 
Wort stets symbolisch erklarte und an jeden Einzelnen eine 
zu Herzen gehende Ansprache richtete. Er verstand es 
meisterhaft, daran die Eigenschaften seiner Knaben und 
Madchen zu kniipfen und zu erlfiutem. Natiirlich unterliess 
er es auch nieht hervorzuheben, dass bei all' seiner gewaltigen 
Liebe zu seiner Familie der Amch dennoch sein Erstlings- 
und Lieblingskind sei. Das letzte Wort schrieb Valerie, 
welche, wie gesagt, den Vater stets wie ein guter Genius 
umsehwebte. 

— Meine gute Valerie, du musst schon einen besonderen 
Lohn und eine besondere Ehre haben, denn du hast mehr 
gethan fiir mich als alle deine Geschwister: Dir gebiihrt 
das Schlusswort. 

Es lautete: Xinn = ^Brttcke**. 

— Ja, liebes Kind, fuhr ihr Vater fort, du hast sehr 
wahr geschrieben: „Brucke". Du bildest in der That die 
Briieke zwischen Leben und Tod, zwischen Materialismus und 
Idealismus ; hattest du nicht fiir meine leibliche Nahrung 
gesorgt, so wftre vielleicht mein Lebenslicht friiher er- 
loschen .... 

Er kusste dann innig seine Kinder und weinte, von seinen 
Erapfindungen iiberwaltigt, lange und schmerzlich .... 

Wie die Liebe zur Photographic eine klcinc Sehwachc 
meines Bruders war, so hatte er es ungcniein gern, wenn seine 
Werke gelobt wurden. Eine gute oder gar glanzendc Kritik, 
namentlich von berufener, beruhmter Feder, oder bricfliche 
Anerkennung machte ihn gliicklich, wahrend ihn eine ab- 
fiillige Besprechung Tage, ja sogar Wochen lang verstimmcn 
und niederschlagen konnte. Speciell wenn man seinen AriLch 



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XXVI Adolph Kohut: 

schlecht machte, wurde er ganz schwermuthig. Er, der nie 
Jemandem etwas Boses zufugen konnte, der stets geneigt 
war, eher zu loben als zu tadeln, und der nie die Grenzen 
der Sachlichkeit (ibersehritt, koimte es nicht begreifen, dass 
es boshafte, neidische und beschrankte CoUegen und Zunft- 
genossen giebt, die sich von ganz anderen als objectiven 
Griinden leiten lassen. Zum Gliick waren die Norgler und 
Krittler in der Minoritat: die hervorragendsten judischen und 
christlichen Gelehrten und Forscher der alten und neuen 
Welt reiehten ihm willig die Palme der Auerkennung fiir 
seine unsterblichen, selbstlosen, opferfreudigen und nur der 
Forderung und den Fortschritten der Wissensehaft gewid- 
meten Leistungen. 

Am Grabe des grossen Forschers und Menschen ver- 
stummte der Hass der kleinen Kritikaster, und seinen Hinter- 
bliebenen gewahrte es eine gewisse freudige Genugthuung, 
dass die politische und Fachpresse diesseits und jenseits des 
Oceans den Verdiensten Alexander Kohuts vollste Anerkennung 
zollte und besonders die literarisch-wissenschaftliche Trag- 
weite des Aruch gebiihrend hervorhob. Die VerehrUng, deren 
sich mein Bruder allenthalben erfreute, kam u. A. auch in 
den zahlreichen Condolationsschreiben an seinen Sohn George 
Alexander Kohut zum Ausdruck, und ich kann es mir 
nicht versagen, aus der grossen Fiille der schimen und liebe- 
voUen Brief e unserer Geisteshelden einige wenige Ausziige 
hier mitzutheilen: 

„Das grosse Werk Aruch^j schreibt Prof. Barth in 
Berlin, „hat keinen warmeren Verehrer als mich, und ich 
nehme sehr oft Veranlassung, diese grossartige Leistung 
meinen Ilorern in ihrer vollen Bedeutung zu prcisen". 

„Welche Gelehrsamkeit ist mit dem trefflichen Mann", 
ruft Prof. Kautzsch in Halle a. S. aus, „den ich mit dem 
weitesten Kreise der Fachgenossen seit Jahren — obwohl 
perscinlich unbekannt — verehrt habe, nach Menschengedenken 
zu friih zu Grabe gegangen!" 

„Vous avez perdu", sagt Graziadio Ascoli,, „le meilleiu' 



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Alexander Kohut. XXVTT 

des pferes et la science du Judaisme un repr^sentant des plus 
illustres. Les regrets en seront universels**. 

Auch das vorliegende Gedenkbuch, in welchem so viele 
weltberiihmte Forscher ihre Geistesschfttze niedergelegt haben, 
ist gleichsam eine CoUectivhuldigung unserer wissenschaft- 
lichen Celebritaten fiir die Manen dieses Helden der Wissen- 
schaft. 

Nachdcm das Lebenswerk meines Bruders fertig war 
und die ersten Zeichen eines inneren schweren Leidens sich 
gezeigt batten, drang seine Gattin wiederholt in ihn, sicb 
endlich Rube zu gonnen und sicb mehr seiner Familie zu 
widmen. Die Beredsamkeit seiner Lieben verfehlte ja in 
gewissem Grade ihre Wirkung nicht auf ihn, aber dies dauerte 
nur kurze Zeit: die Arbeit, d. h. die rastlose, nie stillestehende, 
leidenschaftliche Arbeit, war ihm bereits zur zweiten Natur 
geworden, und er konnte davon nicht mehr lassen. Er 
schrieb seitdem bekanntlich noch mehrere bedeutsame wissen- 
schaftliche Abhandlungen, die zumeist im Programm des von 
ihm mitbegriindeten Newyorker Rabbiner-Seminars enthalten 
sind, edirte Predigten und sammelte Material zu umfassenden 
Werken, die ihn sehr lebhaft beschaftigten, so z. B. eine 
Geschichte der neuhebrdischcn Idteratur, empersisch-talmtidisches 
Glossary u. m. a. 

Sein Fleiss zeigte sich auch in der Beantwortung von 
Privat- und wissenschaftlichen Briefen. Er h^tte die grossten 
Gewissensbisse empfunden, wenn er hterarische Anfragen, 
die aus aller Herren Lander an ihn . gerichtet wurden, nicht 
mit moghchster Hchnelligkeit erledigt hatte. Seine Antworten 
zeichneten sich durch grosse Griindlichkeit und Wahrhaftig- 
keit aus und batten zuweilen den Umfang von Monographien 
und Brosehiiren. Bewunderungswiirdig waren dabei seine 
Sprachkenntnisse. Er correspondirte in mehreren orientalischen 
und europaischen Sprachen. Als er 1885 nach Newyork kam, 
war er des Englischen nur mSssig machtig, aber schon nach 
wenigen Jahren schrieb und sprach er vorzuglich englisch 
und predigte vortrefflich in dieser Sprach e. 

Hand in Hand mit diesem beispiellosen Fleisse ging seine 



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XX Vm Adolph Kohut: 

Gewissenhaftigkeit, und nicht nur auf vissenschaftlichem Ge- 
biete, sondern auch im Leben. „Ein Mann — ein Wort" 
war bei ihm keine Phrase, sondern die voUste Wahrheit. 
Scin Wort war ihm heilig, und sein gegebenes Versprechen 
hielt er pedantisch genau. Unwahrheit, leere Ausfliichte, 
Nothlugen waren ihm in der tiefsten Seele verhasst, und sie 
konnten ihn aus seiner Gemuthsruhe bringen. Der kate- 
gorische Iniperativ der PflichterfuUung beherrschte ihn ganz 
und gar. Als er schon todtkrank war, schleppte er sich noch 
zum Newyorker Rabbiner-Seminar, um den jungen Theologen 
Unterrieht zu ertheilen, imd als er sein Krankenlager nicht 
mehr verlassen konnte, entbot cr die Herren Candidaten in 
sein Haus. Willig gab er einige seiner Amter auf, nur um 
die heranwachsende rabbinische Jugend im Tahnud, in der 
midrasehischen Exegese und in der Rcligionsphilosophie 
unterweisen zu kiiimen . . . Ach, die kranken Augen ver- 
sagten bereits den Dienst — aber sein Gedachtniss trotzte 
vielfach .dem schweren Leiden; wie der geniale Schach spieler, 
der blind spielt, so wusste er ganz genau, wo diese oder 
jene Stelle im Talmud, in der Mischna oder im Midrasch steht. 

Fiir seine Studenten opferte er sich auf. Die Vortrage, 
welche er ihnen hielt, waren ihm die liebsten, und wenn 
Einer sich in Noth befand, fand er seinen Meister stets bereit, 
mit Rath und That zu helfen. Genau und sparsam, gab er 
Talnmdisten und Gelehrten iiberhaupt dennoch stets mit 
vollen Ilanden, obschon er im Allgemeinen fiir seine Wohl- 
thaten nm' selten Dank erntete. 

Neben dem Aruch, seiner FamiBe und der Wissenschaft 
hatte er nichts auf Erden so gern wie das Buch. Er liebte 
die Biicher zartlich und innig, und es bcreitete ihm die gi'osste 
Freude, schone und gute Biicher zu sammeln, sie hiibsch 
einbinden zu lassen und sie mit verliebten Blicken zu be- 
trachten. Er steckte ein grosses Vermogen in seine Bibliothek, 
und die von ihm hinterlassene gehort zu den bedeutendsten 
Privatbibliotheken der Union. Mit Stolz und Freude zeigte 
er Gasten seine broschirten und gebundenen Sprosslinge und 
pflegte dann zu sagen: 



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Alexander Kohut XXIX 

— Sie sehen, ich habe ein negatives Kapital ! leh habe 
immer eine grosse Familie und kein Geld, dafiir aber stets 
viele Biicher gehabt. 

Er behiitete aber auch dieselben wie seiiien Augapfel. 
Er, der sonst keine neidische Ader besass, missgonnte Einem 
gewissermassen gute Biicher, und mich, der nur wenige 
Biicher sein eigen nannte, pries er, als er mich vor einigen 
Jahren, aus Karlsbad kommend, in Berlin besuchte, gliicklich, 
dass ich den von Dor6 illustrirten „Rasenden Roland'' besitze, 
da er ihn nicht hatte . . . 

Als die Aerzte im Jahre 1893 ihm erklarten, dass er 
operirt werden miisse, bat er sie instandigst, die Operation 
in seinem Studirzimmer vorzunehmen. 

— Ich habe hier, meine Herren, sagte er, meine grossten 
Freuden erlebt, ich will deshalb auch hier meine grossten 
Qnalen durchkosten. 

Leider konnte man seinen Wunsch nicht erfiiUen; aber 
kaum hatte er die Krankenstube verlassen, schleppte er sich 
schon auf zwei Kriicken in sein geliebtes Studirzimmer und 
weinte beim Anblick seiner Biicher wie ein Kind. 

Ich habe schon erwahnt, dass Alexander kein wahrer 
Sohn unserer Zeit war, da er sich durch ausserordontliche 
Bescheidenheit auszeichnete. Stets war er bcreit, Anderen 
Gerechtigkeit und Ehre, zuweilen in den iiberschwenglichsten 
Ausdriicken, zu Theil werden zu lassen, wahrend er sich 
schiichtem und zaghaft im Hintergrunde hielt. Gar manches 
Talglicht sah er fur ein lumen mtmdi an, und manchen mittel- 
massigen Gelehrten nannte er einen ?1"U Dm. Es hing 
dies mit seiner edlen, enthusiastischen Natur zusaromen, 
welche nur die Strahlen und den Glanz, nicht aber auch die 
Flecken der Sonne gewahrte. Moglicher Weise wirkten auch 
die Jugendeindriicke fort, da ich gleichfalls oft in diesen 
Fehler verfaUe. Wer nie sein Brod mit Thranen ass, wer 
nie die kummervoUen Nachte weinend an seinem Bette sass, 
der kennt nicht jenes gedriickte, zaghafte Gefiihl des Armen 
und Elenden, dessen Selbstbewusstsein in der harten Schule 



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XXX Adolph Kohut: 

des Lebens ordentlich in's Schwanken gerath, manchmal sogar 
zerrieben wird .... 

Mit dieser Charaktereigenschaft Alexanders hing auch 
sein besonders scharf ausgepragtes Pietatsgefuhl zusammen. 
Er war ein begeisterter Verehrer aller wahrhaft grossen 
Manner in Israel, deren Namen er stets mit Ehrfurcht nannte; 
und er zeigte sich immer als den pietiitvoUsten Sohn und 
SchCiler, welchen man sich nur denken kann. Wie abgottiseh 
liebte er seine Eltern! Wiederholt reiste er von Amerika 
nach Kecskemet zu unserer greisen Mutter, die leider im Sept. 
1895 im 88. Lebensjahre starb, um sich von ihr segnen zu 
lassen, und er schloss sich oft Stunden lang in seinem Zimmer 
ein, um vor dem Portrait unseres im 75. Lebensjahre uns 
entrissenen Vaters zu weinen. Die Tabaksdose unseres Vaters 
mit der Erde aus Jerusalem trug er stets als Amulet bei sich. 
Als er 1890 nach Europa ging, brachte er auch voni Grabe 
des Vaters Staub mit, welchen er gleichf alls pietsltvoU verwahrte. 
Er pflegte oft zu sagen, dass ihm das alte imd abgerissene 
Gebetbuch seiner Mutter kostbarer sei, als seine ganze 
Bibliothek. Ebenso ausserte er sich, wenn man sich daruber 
wunderte, dass er sich vor dem Bilde des Vaters schluchzend 
hinwerfe: „Tausend Meilen wiirde ich kriechen, um nur von 
ihm Schlage zu bekommen!" 

Fur seine Talmudlehrer in Kecskemet, den Rabbiner 
Fischmann und Rabbi Gerschom Levinger, hatte er eine 
grosse Verehrung, und nie besuchte er die Stadt seiner Eltern 
und Geschwister, ohne dem — einnehmenden Wesen dieses 
Pilpulisten nach Gebiihr Rechnung zu tragen. An Director 
Dr. Frankel und Prof. Dr. H. Graetz hing er allezeit mit 
schwarmerischer Liebe, und dass er anlasslich des 70. Ge- 
burtstages des Letztgenannten sein in Amerika gesamnieltes 
Scherflein zu dessen Ehrengabe beitragen konnte, gewahrte 
ihm eine ausserordentliche Freude. Ein lobendes Wort aus 
dem Munde seiner Lehrer machte ihu ubergliicklich. 

Mit sein en Lehrern der morgenliindischen Sprachen an 
der Breslauer Universitat, Schmolders und Magnus, war 
er bis zu deren Tod innig befreundet und stand mit ihnen 



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Alexander Kohut. XXXI 

in regem schriftlichen Verkehr; ebenso war er liirt mit dem 
Sanskritisten Benfey, dem phonizischen Sprachforscher M. 
A. Levy u. V. a. Mit deii beruhmten Orientalisteu Delitzsch, 
Haug, Krehl mid Professor Dr. M. Steiiischii eider und 
vor allem dem misterblichen Sprachforscher F. Max Mil Her in 
Oxford stand er auf bestem Fusse. 

Seiner Pietfit und Dankbarkeit gab er gem in Widmungen 
Ansdruck. So dedicirte er z. B. den dritten Band des Aruch 
dem gesegneten Gedlichtniss unseres geliebten Vaters; er 
nennt ihn ^tCi mCOJ, denn er sei sein Lehrer und sein Alles 
gewesen. Den einen Band widmete er Prof. Gratz und Dr. 
Zuckermann, den anderen L. Zunz, den achten seinem 
Schwiegervater Rabbi Dr. Bettelheim und seine letzte 
Schrift : Light of Shade and Lamp of Wisdom^ von Nathaniel 
Ibn Jesch^ja seinem Freund und Arzt Dr. Isaac Adler in 
Newyork. 

Seine Gelehrsamkeit, seine ungeheure Eloquenz, vor allem 
aber sein reiner, lauterer, makelloser Charakter verschaffien 
ihm treue Freunde in der ganzen Welt. Der grosse Roman- 
schriftsteller und Philosoph Baron Joseph von Eotvos, einst 
Cultusminister, und Graf Melchior Lonyay, einst Finanz- 
minister von Ungam, haben ihm ihre vollsten Sympathien 
bekundet, ebenso der ehemalige ungarische Ministerprasident 
Ko lorn an vonTisza, der KardinalimdErzbischof Haynald, 
der Bischof von Fiinfkirchen Ferdinand Dulansky, Geh. 
Regierungs - Rath Prof. Dr. M. Lazarus^ Oberrabbiuer Dr. 
Jellinek, Prof. Chwolson, Ernest Renan, u. v. a., 
deren Namen aufzuzahlen hier zu weit fiihren wiirde. 

Indem er jedera Ehre angedeihen liess, wem Ehre ge- 
biihrte, und die Eigenheiten und Eigenarten seiner Neben- 
menschen achtete, offneten sich ihm alle Herzen, und er 
konnte mit dem erhebenden Bewusstsein seine Augen schliessen, 
dass er absichtlich Niemand gekrankt und ein Leids zugefiigt 
hatte. Er war wie geschaflfen zum Verkiinder des Gottes- 
wortes und zum Hirten seiner Gemeinde, denn sein sanftes, 
mildes, versohnliches Wesen strebte nur nach dem Frieden, 
nach der Beruhigung der Gemiither, nach dem Ausgleich 



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XXXn Adolph Kohut: 

scharfer Gegensatze. Das ftirchterlichste war ihm eine Pole^ik, 
zu welcher er sich nur ausserst schwer und selten ent- 
schliessen konnte. In der Wissenschaft wie im Leben war 
er in des Wortes edelster Bedeutung ein Schiller Aarons: 

ab'^ p)-n-n a\h\t; 2m«. 

Seine Herzens- und Gemiithsstimmung war daher auch 
stets eine friedliehe und hcitere. Er liebte Scherz und Witz 
und konnte dabei so herzlieh lachen, dass ihm die Thranen 
in die Augen traten. Mit seinen Kindem, die ihn zuweilen 
umtummelten, wurde er dann auch zum Kinde, und deren 
Frohsinn und Ausgelassenheit bereiteten ihm manchmal sehr 
vergniigte Stunden. 

Ausser dem Rauchen, dem er freilich mit Masslosigkeit 
frohnte, besass er keine Leidenschaften. Da er nie Zeit zur 
Erholung hatte und sein Leben meistentheils am Schreibtisch 
seines Studirzimmers verbrachte, war ihm eine angenehme 
HHuslichkeit eine unbedingte Nothwendigkeit. Er war zwei- 
mal iiberaus glucklich verheirathet. Seine erste Gattin, Julia, 
welche ihm 10 Kinder schenkte, raubte ihm im Marz 1886 
in Newyork, zu seinem furchtbaren Schmerze der unerbittliche 
Tod, und die zweite, Rebecca, die bereits erwahnte Tochter 
des Rabbiners Dr. Bettelheim in Baltimore, eine hochbe- 
gabte und geistvolle Frau, war ihm allezeit eine liebende, 
aufopferungsvoUe und congeniale Gemahlin. Auf solche edle 
und gute Frauen hat Julius Rodenberg den Vers gedichtet: 

Die reinen Franen stehn im Leben 

Wie Rosen in dem dunklen Laub, 

Auf ihren Wflnschen, ihrem Streben 

Liegt noch der feinste Bliithenstaub. 

In ihrer Welt ist keine Pehle, 

Ist alles ruhig, voll nnd weich, 

Der filick iu eine Frauenseele 

Ist wie ein Blick in's Himmelreich . . . 

Im Jahre 1892 war sein Anich Completum fertig im Druck 
erschienen, und nun sollte der Verfasser die Friichte seines 
rastlosen Schaffens geniessen; aber in dem Buche des Schick- 
sals war es anders geschrieben. Vergebens suchte er wieder- 
holt Heilung in Karlsbad, vergebens unterwarf er sich einer 



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Alexander Kohut. XXXIH 

Operation in Newyork — die Sonne seines segenreichen 
Lebens neigte sich zum Niedergang. Heroisch wehrte sich 
zwar seine eiserne Willenskraft und sein herculischer Korper 
gegen die Miichte der tiickischen Vernichtung, doch er war 
leider nicht mehr zu retten! . . . 

Nun zeigte sich aufs Neue der antike Charakter dieses 
Mannes. Obschon die Gemeinde ihn vom Dienste beurlaubte 
und seine Familie und Freunde ihn dringend baten, sich zu 
schonen, schleppte er sich doch noch manchmal miihsam zum 
Tempel und predigte, so grossartig, so hinreissend, wie kaum 
schoner in seinen gesundesten Tagen. Seine geistige Kraft 
war eben intact geblieben, nur litt er hier und da an Ge- 
dachtnissschwache. Einst hatte er auf der Eanzel eine zu 
Hause kunstgerecht ausgearbeitete Rede — ein gewissen- 
hafter Kanzehredner, pflegte er zu sagen, miisse sich stets^ 
sorgfaltig vorbereiten — halten woUen, als er zu seinem 
Schrecken bemerkte, dass er sie ganz vergessen hatte. Rasch 
improvisirte er jedoch eine neue, die glanzend gelang. Ueber- 
haupt waren von jeher ziindende Improvisationen eine be- 
sondere Starke meines Bruders, der ein Redner von Gottes 
Gnaden genannt werden konnte. 

Mit beispielloser Geduld und Ergebung ertrug er seine 
namenlosen Schmerzen. Nie kam ein Laut der Klage iiber 
die Vorsehung aus seinem Munde. Er miisse, so meinte er 
vielmehr, ein grosser Sunder sein, imd er habe die Leiden 
gewiss verdient. Es machte ihm wahrend seiner traurigen 
Krankheit das lebhafteste Vergntigen, iiber das Jenseits und 
die Auferstehung mit seiner Familie sich philosophisch zu 
unterhalten. 

1892 sollte das 25jahrige Amtsjubilaum Alexanders statt- 
finden, — 1867 war er zum Rabbiner in Stuhlweissenburg 
(Ungam) gewShlt worden — , und alle Welt legte es ihm 
nahe, dieses Ereigniss festlich zu begehen. Er aber erklarte 
sich aufs Entschiedenste gegen eine solche Feier, welche zu- 
meist nur Eitelkeits- und Reclamezwecken diene. Sein be- 
scheidener Sinn striiubte sich eben gegen jede selbstherbei- 
gefuhrte Ovation oder Beweihriiucherung. Von Anfang seiner 



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XXXIV Adolph Kohut: 

Laufbahn bis an sein Lebensende huldigte er der Devise, 
welche er iinter seiner allerersten Photographie anbrachte: 
„Man hat dir verkundet, o Mensch, was gut ist, denn was 
fbrdert der Ewige, Dein Gott, von dir, als auf Recht halten, 
Liebe uben und demiithig wandeln vor Deinem Gott". 
(Micha VI, 8.) 

' Am 20. Marz 1894 starb bekanntlich Ludwig Kossuth, 
der Exgouvemeur von Ungam, der besonders in Amerika 
einen uberaus volksthiimlichen Namen hat. In meinem armen, 
todtkranken Bruder erwachte das schlummemde patriotische 
Gefuhl, und er liess es sich nicht nehmen, obschon er hin 
und her taumelte und nur uberaus qualvoll sich vorwarts be- 
geben konnte, an einem 8onnabend in seinen Tempel sich 
zu begeben, um der Trauerfeierlichkeit zu Ehren Kossuths 
beizuwohnen. Er versicherte seinen Angehorigen hoch und 
theuer, nicht sprechen zu woUen. Nach dem Gottesdienst 
wankte er zur Kanzel; statt des iiblichen Segens jedoch hielt 
er eine geistreiche, flammende Rede iiber Ludwig Kossuth 
und sein Verhaltniss zum Judenthum, die alle Zuhorer ent- 
ziickte. Kaum hatte er das letzte Wort gesprochen, brach 
er ohnmachtig zusammen und musste nach seiner Wohnung 
gebracht werden. Er war fast gelahmt. Es ging mit ihtn 
zu Ende. 

Wie ein Feldherr auf dem Schlachtfelde, so starb er 
gleichsam auf der geweihten Statte seiner Thatigkeit : er starb 
als Seelsorger und als Patriot. 

Er sollte sich von seinem Krankenlager nicht mehr er- 
heben — schon nach wenigen Wochen hatte das edle Herz 
des Lieblings der Gotter uud der Menschen zu schlagen auf- 
gehort. 

Seine Ziige nach dem Tode driickten unaussprechliche 
Ruhe und Verklarung aus. Er war so schon wie in seines 
Lebens Bliithezeit. In seiner geschlossenen Hand ruhte der 
Index des Artichj gleichsam eine symbolisch sinnige Be- 
deutung dafur, dass er alle seine Kenntnisse mit sich ge- 
nommen in*s Grab und den Lebenden von seinem Genius 
nichts hinterlassen babe. Als er so im Priestertalare auf der 



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Alexander Kohut. XXXV 

Bahre lag, erschien er als die Verkorpenmg der Wissenschaft 
und der edlen, reinen Menschlichkeit .... 

In seinem Testament bestimmte er^ daas jedes seiner 
Kinder an seinem Jahrzeitstage etwas Gates thun, und dass 
ein Student der Theologie unterstiitzt werden solle. So wird 
denn buchstablich wahr das Wort der Bibel: „Das Andenken 
des Gereehten gereicht zum Segen!" 

Nur et^'as iiber ein halbes Jahrhundert war es meinem 
^a*men Bruder vergonnt, zu wandeln frisch und froh im 
rosigen Licht; viel Arbeit und Mtihe und Rummer wurden 
sein Loos hienieden — das ist wahr! Doch auch eine FuUe 
^es Segens und Gluckes wurde ihm zu Theil. Er hat den 
Besten seiner Zeit genug gethan und hat deshalb gelebt fur 
aUe Zeiten; er hat mit dem Pfunde der Begabung und des 
Fleisses, welches ihm Gott verliehen, redlich gewuchert. 
Die Spuren von seinen Erdentagen werden selbst in Aeonen 
nicht untergehen, denn seine bahnbrechenden Schriften sind 
^in Gedenkbuch fur alle Zeiten, ein Aruch Completum noch 
in kommenden Jahrhimderten. 

Moge sein hehres Beispiel^ dem jiingeren Geschlecht 
besonders, zur Nacheiferung dienen! Alexander Kohuts Name 
steht fast einzig da! Seht: In unserer Zeit der Selbstsucht, 
des Streberthums, des Interessenkampfes lebte und wirkte 
ein Mann ausschliesslich im Dienste der Wissenschaffc und 
Wahrheit, selbst- und wunschlos, ein erhabener Hohepriester 
der idealen Gtiter des Lebens . . . E^lingt das nicht wie ein 
M&rchen aus tausend imd einer Nacht? Und doch ist es 
helle Wahrheit, nicht das Spiel einer ktlhnen Einbildungs- 
kraft .... 

Auch auf dich, verklarter Geist meines theuren Bruders, 
passt wohl das Wort des Dichters: 

Die einen hohen, himmlischen Gedanken 

Gen9.hret mit dem Marke ihres Lebens, 

Die sich ein wtirdig Ziel gesetzt des Strebens, 

In Wirken, Lieben, Leiden, ohne Wankeu, 

Sie waren selig, selig zum Beneiden, 

Und ihre Scbmerzen wogen tausend Freuden! 



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On Ancient Prayers 

(Extracts from Lectures delivered at Oxford.) 

by 
Professor F. Max Miiller (Oxford). 



There are few religions, whether ancient or modem, 
whether elaborated by uncivilised or civilised people, in which 
we do not find traces of prayer. As there has been of late 
much controversy on the subject of praying, I thought it 
might be interesting to look at some of the problems connected 
with prayer from a purely historical point of view. But in 
placing before you some of the facts, and some of the conclu- 
sions at which I have arrived in the course of my resear- 
ches on the religions of the world, let me say at once that 
these researches are for from being complete, far from being 
sufficiently trustworthy to enable us to draw very general 
or final conclusions from them. All I wish to do is to show 
you in how many different ways men and women have 
prayed, have approached the imseen powers in which they 
believed with petitions, with praise and thanksgiving. I must 
also warn you beforehand that some of these ancient prayers 
will sound very childish and insipid to you. Still they become 
all-important in proving the fact that God has never left Him- 
self without a witness, and that a relationship between the 
Human and the Divine was recognised even on the lowest 
stage of civilisation, by ,the simple fact that men prayed, that 
is, spoke to invisible powers, in their own human language. 

If you consult any work on the science or the history 

of religion, you will generally find prayer represented as 

something extremely natural, and almost inevitable. It is 

quite true that the custom of praying is universal, or almost 

Kohnt, Semitic Studies. ^ 



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2 F. Max Miiller. 

universal. But is it therefore natural, that is to say, 
is there anything in human nature which renders prayer 
an intelligible consequence, such as, for instance, eating 
is a natural consequence of hunger? Before we can answer 
this question in a satisfactory way, we must determine 
first of all, what we mean by prayer, and what was meant 
by prayer in ancient times. The best, if not the only 
way, to find out the original intention of a word, is always 
its etymology. The etymology of our own word prayer, 
is very clear, but it only leads us up to a certain point. 
Our word prayer is the mediaeval Latin word precaria, 
literally a begging. In Latin we have pre car i, to ask, to 
beg, but also to pray in a more general sense, as, for in- 
stance, in such expressions asprecari ad deos. to pray 
to the gods, which does not necessarily mean to beg from 
the gods or to ask for any special favours. We have also 
the substantive prex, mostly used in the plural preces, 
meaning a request, but more particularly a request addressed 
to the gods, a prayer or supplication. Procus also, a wooer, 
and procax, a shameless beggar, both belong to the same 
kith and kin. It is unfortunate that our word for prayer 
should always seem to imply that to pray means to beg. 
In precari, in prex and prayer we can discover 
the same root, praZ:A, which has the general meaning of 
asking or inquiring. We see this root in Sanskrit pra^na, 
a question, and in priA;A;Aami, I ask. According to well 
established phonetic rules, the same root appears in Gothic 
as fraih-nan, and in modem German as fragen, to ask 
In secondary form we have the same root in German for- 
schen, to inquire, which gives us Forschung, research, 
orSprachforscher, a student of language. If we were 
to say that therefore prayer must have meant originally 
petition, we should go far beyond the limits of our evidence 
All we are justified in saying is, that the Aryas in Italy 
conceived of prayer as a petition. If the same word with 
the same meaning could be discovered in all the other Aryan 
languages, we might go a step further back, and say that 
the Aryas, before their separation, knew of prayers as 
petitions addressed to their Devas. But this is not the case. 
In Sanskrit prayer is hardly ever called yafcna, petition, 



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On Ancient Pmyers. 3 

but either stotra, praise, or mantra, thought, or what 
onuses thought. The psalms of the Old Testament are called 
Tihillim, that is, songs of praise, not petitions. In Greek, 
prayer is eijjr, and seems to have meant originally a wish 
or a vow, while German Gebet and beten is connected 
with bitten, and meant therefore from the first to bid or 
rather to ask. 

"We see in this way that the radical idea of prayer was 
by no means always the same, even among the speakers of 
Aryan languages But restricting our observation to the 
languages in which prayer originally meant a petition, we 
ask once more: Was it really so very natural that people 
in almost every part of the world, in ancient as well as in 
modem times, should have asked beings whom they had 
never seen, to give them certain things, if only something 
to eat or to drink, though, as a matter of fact, they were 
fully aware that neither directly nor indirectly had they ever 
received anything of the kind from these invisible hands? 

In order to remove this apparent difficulty a well-known 
philosopher has stated that prayers were originally addressed 
to the spirits of the departed, and not to gods. But what 
should we gain, if it were so? Was it really so much more 
natural to ask the departed spirits for valuable gifts than the 
gods? As a matter of fact these spirits also had never been 
known to bestow a single tangible gift on their worshippers. 
They were mostly looked upon themselves as beggars rather 
than as givers. Of course, there may have been cases when, 
as soon as a son had prayed to the spirit of his father to 
send rain on the parched fields, rain came down from the 
sky, but so it might after a prayer addressed to the god of 
the sky, and the sky was at all events more likely to prove 
himself a giver of rain than a corpse or a departed spirit. 

To me it seems that prayer becomes in reality far more 
natural or at all events far more intelligible, if addressed, 
not to ancestral spirits, but to certain phenomena of nature 
in which man had recognised the presence of agents who 
became everywhere the oldest gods 

As the rain came from the sky and as the sky was 
called Dyaus in Sanskrit, Zeus in Greek, we may indeed 
call it natural that the Athenians when they saw their 



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4 F. Max Miiller. 

hai'vest — that is, their very life, destroyed by drought, 
should have said: 

5<yov 5<70v, & (fiXz ZeO, xarSc T^^g depo^pag tSv AB^vaCwv xa\ 

"Rain, rain, o dear Sky, down on the land of the Athen- 
ians, and on the fields."^) 

So natural is this Athenian prayer that we find it re- 
peated almost in the same words among the Hottentots. 
George Schmidt, a Moravian missionary', sent to the Cape 
in 1737, tells us that the natives at the return of the Pleiades 
assemble there, and sing together, according to the old 
custom of their ancestors, the following prayer: "0 Tiqua, 
our Father above our heads, give rain to us, that the fruits 
may ripen and that we may have plentj- of food, send us a 
good year." 2) 

But though prayers like these may, in a certain sense, 
be called natural and intelligible, they presuppose neverthe- 
less a long series of antecedents. People must have framed 
a name for sky, such as Dyaus, which originally meant 
Bright or Light, or rather the agent and giver of light*, they 
must have extended the sphere of action assigned to this 
agent so that he would be conceived, not only as the giver 
of light and warmth, but likewise as the giver of rain, and 
at the same time as the lord of the thunderstorm, as the 
wielder of the thunderbolt, as the most powerful among the 
actors behind the other phenomena of the sky. Only after 
all this had been done, could they think of calling that Zeus 
or that Dyaus, dear, <p£Xoq, and you can easily perceive how 
that one word dear at once changes the sky into a being 
endowed with human feelings, a being that could be dear 
to human beings, and was not altogether imlike them. 

Now with regard to the beUef of the ancient people in 
the efficacy of prayer and the fulfilment of their petitions 
if addressed to the gods of nature, it was really not so im- 
natural as it has been represented. We must remember that 
the chances between rain and no rain are about equal. If, 
then, after days of drought, a prayer for rain had been 



*) Sdtnce of Language, New Edition, 1892, II, p. 546. 
*) Inirod. to tJ^e Science of Beligion,> [). 282. 



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On Ancient Prayers. 5 

uttered, and there came rain, what was more natural than 
that those who had prayed to the sky for rain should offer 
thanksgiving to the sky or to Zeus for having heard their 
prayer, and that a belief should gradually grow up that the 
great gods of nature would hear prayers and fulfil them. 
Nor was that belief likely to be shaken if there was no rain 
in answer to prayer; for there was always an excuse. 
Either it might be said that he who offered the prayer had 
committed a mistake - this was a very frequent explanation 
— or that he was no favouiite with the gods; or, lastly, 
that the gods were angry with the people, and therefore 
would not fulfil their prayers. Hence we may understand 
the original meaning of precarious, that is prayer-like, or 
uncertain in its results. 

It might seem that it would have been just the same 
with prayers addressed to the spirits of the departed. But 
yet it was not quite so. The ancient gods of nature were 
representatives of natural powers, and in the same way as 
Zeus, the god of the sky, was naturally implored for rain, 
that is, for himself, the divine representatives of the sun 
would be implored either to give heat and warmth or to 
withold them. Lunar deities might be asked for the return 
of many moons, that is, for a long life, the gods of the earth 
for fertility, the gods of the sea for fair wind and weather, 
the gods of rivers for protection against invaders, or against 
the invasion of their own floods. But there was nothing 
special that the spirits of the departed would seem able to 
grant. Hence we find that the prayers addressed to them 
are mostly of a more general character. In moments of 
danger children would, by sheer memory, be reminded of 
their fathers or grandfathers who had been their guides and 
protectors in former years, when threatened by similar 
dangers. A few words addressed to the departed spirits for 
general help and protection might, therefore, in a certain 
sense be called natural; that is to say, even we ourselves, 
if placed under similar circumstances, might in moments of 
danger and anguish feel inclined to remember our parents, 
and call for their aid, as if they were still present with us, 
though we could form no definite idea in what way they 
should possibly render us any assistance. 



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6 F. Max Miiller. 

We must never forget that our ideas about most things, 
and about prayer in particular, may be in some respects, as 
we are told , like those of Papuans and Hottentots, but may 
possibly also be very differeut. There are some scholars 
who, when treating of savage and barbarous nations, seem 
to claim for themselves the gift of knowing exactly what 
those children of nature felt and thought, when they did 
cei*tain things which to us seem strange, or when they 
said things which convey no meaning whatever to ordinary 
mortals. Thus with regard to prayer and sacrifice we are 
told that those savage worshippers acted always on the 
principle of Do ut des — that is, *I give you this and you 
give me that' Yet in other transactions based on the Qive 
and Take principle the same savages exhibit very con- 
siderable acuteness. They will not barter their shells or 
their furs, unless they receive something tangible in return, 
whether a hammer or a sword, or brandy or tobacco. If 
then the same savages sacrificed a sheep or an ox, did they 
really believe that the ancestral spirits or gods, after eating 
their meat, would come down and bring them what they 
prayed for, say a large herd of cattle, a large number of 
children, or lumps of iron or steel to forge into weapons? 
We are assured that they did, and of course it cannot be 
proved that they did not; all one can say is that such a 
supposition hardly agrees with the general cunning of savage 
races, and that it is quite possible that they should have 
expressed their wants and wishes in what we call prayers, 
without expecting an immediate or palpable return; as a 
friend might express his wants and wishes to a friend, knowing 
quite well that his friend cannot possibly satisfy his wishes 
or remove his wants. This does not apply to all prayers. 
Prayers for uncertain things, such as sunshine or rain, 
health or a long life, even a good harvest or victory in 
battle might well have been addressed to unseen powers, 
if they were once believed to be powerful for good or for 
evil, and as the chances of their fulfilment or non-fulfilment 
were always about equal, there would be nothing altogether 
irrational in the continuance of such prayers, as in the con- 
tinuance of a belief in the existence and in the power of gods 
and ancestral spirits. There is one warning, however, which 



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On Ancient Prayers. 7 

students of ancient religions, or laws and customs should never 
forget, that if different races do the same things, it does not 
follow that they do them from the same motives. If it is 
often difficult to understand why a child cries, it is fai* more 
difl&cult to understand why a savage prays. 

Let us now see what we can learn about prayers from 
the accounts furnished to us of the religions of uncivilised, 
or 80 called primitive, people. We must always distinguish, 
between three classes of religion, called ethnic, national, 
and individual. The religions of mere unorganized tribes, 
in the lowest state of civilisation, have been called ethnic, 
to distinguish them from the religions of those who had 
grown into nations, and whose religions are called national, 
while a third class comprises all religions which claim 
individual founders, and have therefore been called indi- 
vidual religions. 

Nowhere can we find the earliest phase of prayer more 
clearly represented than among the Melanesian tribes, who 
have lately been so well described to us by the Rev. Dr. 
Codrington. It is generally supposed that the religion of 
the inhabitants of the Melanesian islands consists entirely 
of a belief in spirits. Nothing can be more erroneous. We 
must distinguish , first of all , betw:een ghosts and spirits. 
Ghosts, as Dr Codrington tells us, are meant for the souls 
of the departed, while spirits are beings that have never 
been men. The two are sometimes mixed up together, but 
th| are quite distinct in their origin. It seems that the 
spirits had always been associated with physical phenomena, 
and thus were more akin to the gods of the Greeks and 
Romans. We hear of spirits of the sea, of the land, of 
mountains and valleys; and though we are told that they 
are simply ghosts that haunt the sea and the mountains, 
there must have been some reason why one is connected with 
the sea, another with the mountains, nay, their very abode 
would have imparted to each a physical character, even if 
in their origin they had been mere ghosts of the departed. 
These spirits and ghosts have different names in different 
islands, but to speak of any of them, as missionaries are 
apt to do, as either gods or devils is clearly misleading. 

The answers given by natives when suddenly asked 



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8 F. Max MiiUer. 

what they mean by their spirits and ghosts are naturally 
very varying and very unsatisfactorj'. What should we 
ourselves say, if we were suddenly asked as to what we 
thought a soul, or a spirit, or a ghost to be? Still, one 
thing is quite cleai', that these spiritual and ghostly beings 
of the Melanesians are invisible, and that nevertheless they 
receive worship and prayers from these simple-minded people. 
Some of their prayers are cei'tainly interesting. Some of 
them seem to be delivered on the spur of the moment, others 
have become traditional and are often supposed to possess 
a kind of miraculous power, probably on account of having 
proved efficacious on former occasions. 

There is a prayer used at sea and addressed to Daula, 
a ghost, or, in their language, a tindalo: — 

"Do thou draw the canoe, that it may reach the 
land; speed my canoe, grandfather, that I may 
quickly reach the shore whither I am bound. Do 
thou, Daula, lighten the canoe, that it may quickly 
gain the land and rise upon the shore." 
Sometimes the ancestral ghosts are invoked together, as : — 
"Save us on the deep, save us from the tempest, 
bring us to the shore." 
To people who live on fish, catching fish is often a 
matter of life and death. Hence we can well understand a 
prayer like the following: — 

"If thou art powerful, Daula, put a fish or two 
into this net and let them die there." 
We can also understand that after a plentiful catch, 
thanks should have been offered to the same beings, if only 
in a few words, such as: — 

"Powerful is the tindalo of the net." 
This is all very abrupt, very short and to the point. 
It is an invocation rather than a prayer. 

Some of these utterances become after a time real 
charms handed down from father to son, nay, even sold, 
and taught to others for a consideration. They are then 
called lihungai. ^) 

Again if a man is sick, the people call out the name 



*) Codrington, The Melanesians, chap. IX. 



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On Ancient Prayers. 9 

of the sick man, and if a soirnd is heard in response, they 
say, "Come back to life", and then rim to the house, shout- 
ing, "He will live." 

All this to a strict reasoner may sound very unreason- 
able; still, that it is in accordance with human natm'e, in 
an uncivilised and even in a civilised age, can easily be proved 
by a comparison of the prayers of other people, which we 
shall have to consider hereafter. 

If it is once believed that the ghosts can confer benefits 
and protect from evil, it is but a small step to call on them 
to confound our enemies. Thus we read that in Mota when 
the oven is opened for preparing a meal, a leaf of cooked 
mallow is thrown in for some dead person. His ghost is then 
addressed with the following words: 

"0 Tataro!" (another name for the ghosts) "this 

is a lucky bit for your eating; they who have charmed 

your food, or have clubbed you — take hold of their 

hands, drag them away to hell, let them be dead." 

And if, after this, the man against whom this imprecation 

was directed meets with an accident, they cry out: — 

"Oh, oh ! my curse in eating has worked upon him 
— he is dead!" 
In Fiji, prayers generally end with these malignant 
requests: — 

"Let us live, and let those that speak evil of us 

perish ! Let the enemy be clubbed, swept away, 

utterly destroyed, piled in heaps! Let their teeth be 

broken. May they fall headlong in a pit. Let us 

live, and let our enemies perish!" 

We must not be too hard on these pious savages, for 

with them there was only the choice between eating or being 

eaten, and they naturally preferred the former. 

Before eating and drinking, the ghosts of the departed 
were often remembered at the family meal. Some drops of 
Kava were poured out, with the words: — 

"Tataro, grandfather, this is your lucky drop of 
Kava; let boars come to me; let rawe come in to 
me ; the money I have spent let it come back to me ; 
the food that is gone, let it come back hither to the 
house of you and me !" 



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10 F. Max Miiller. 

On starting on a voyage they say: — 

"Tataro, uncle! father! Plenty of boars for you, 

plenty of rawe, plenty of money; Kava for your 

drinking, lucky food for your eatiug in the canoe. 

I pray you with this, look down upon me, let me 

go on a safe sea!" 

Prayers addressed to spirits who are not mere ghosts 

or departed souls, but connected with some of the phenomena 

of nature, seem to enter more into detail. Thus the Mela- 

nesians invoke two spirits (vui), Qat and Marawa: — 

"Qat! you and Marawa^, they say, "cover over 
with your hand the blow-hole from me, that I may 
come into a quiet landing-place*, let it calm well 
down away from me. Let the canoe of you and me 
go up in a quiet landing-place! Look down upon 
me, prepare the sea of you and me, that I may go 
on a safe sea. Beat down the head of the waves 
from me ; let the tide-rip sink down away from me ; 
beat it down level, that it may go down and roll 
away, and I may come into a quiet landing-place. 
Let the canoe of you and me turn into a whale, a 
flying fish, an eagle; let it leap on end over the 
waves, let it go, let it pass out to my land." 
If all went well, need we wonder that the people be- 
lieved that Qat and Marawa had actually come and held the 
mast and rigging fast, and had led the canoe home laden 
with fish ! If, on the contrary, the canoe and its crew were 
drowned, nothing could be said against the spirits, Qat and 
Marawa, and the priests at home would probably say that 
the crew had failed to invoke their aid as they ought to have 
done, so that, as you see, the odds were always in favour of 
Qat and Marawa. 

Nowhere is a belief and a worship of ancestral spirits 
so widely spread as in Africa. Here, therefore, we find 
many invocations and petitions addressed to the spirits. Some 
of these petitions are verj' short. Sometimes nothing is said 
beyond the name of the spirits. They simply cry aloud, 
"People of our house." Sometimes they add, like angry 
children, what they want, "People of the house! Cattle!" 
Sometimes there is a kind of barter. "People of our house," 



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On Ancient Prayers. 11 

they say, "I sacrifice these cattle to you, I pray for more 
cattle, more corn, and many children; then this your home 
will prosper, and many will praise and thank you." 

A belief in ancestral spirits or fathers leads on, very 
naturally, to a belief in a Father of all fathers, the Great 
Grandfather as he is sometimes called. This grandfather 
may also be identified with the chief among the physical gods, 
the Zeus of the Greeks, the Jupiter of the Romans, the 
father of gods and men. He was known even to so low a race 
as that of the Hottentots, if we may trust Dr. Hahn, who 
has written down the following prayer from the mouth of a 
Hottentot friend of his: — 

"Thou, O Tsui-goa, 

Thou Father of Fathers, 

Thou art our Father! 

Let the thunder-cloud stream! 

Let our flocks live! 

Let us also live! 

I am very weak indeed 

From thirst, from hunger. 

Oh, that I may eat the fruits of the field! 

Art thou not our Father, 

The Father of Fathers, 

Thou Tsui-goa? 

Oh, that we may praise thee. 

That we may give to thee in return, 

Thou Father of Fathers, 

Thou, Lord, 

Thou, Tsui-goa!" 
This is not a bad specimen of a savage prayer; nay it 
is hardly inferior to some of the hymns of the Veda and 
Avesta. 

The negro on the Gold Coast, who used formerly to be 
classed as a mere fetish worshipper, addresses his petitions 
neither to the spirits of the departed, nor to his so-called 
fetish, but he prays, "God, give me to-day rice and yams; 
give me slaves, riches; and health! Let me be brisk and 
swift!" When taking medicine, they say, "Father — Heaven! 
bless this medicine which I take!" The negro on Lake 
Nyassa offers his deity a pot of beer and a basketful of 



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12 F. Max Miiller. 

meal, and cries out, ''Hear thou, God, and send rain", 
while the people around clap their hands and intone a prayer, 
saying, "Hear thou, God." 

The idea that the religion of these negro races consists 
of fetish worship is well nigh given up. It has been proved 
that nearly all of them address their prayers to a Supreme 
Deity, while their fetishes are no more than what a talisman 
or a horse-shoe would be with us. Oldendorp, a missionary 
of large experience in Africa, says: — 

"Among all the black natives with whom I became 
acquainted, even the most ignorant, there is none who does 
not believe in God, give Him a name, and regard Him as a 
maker of the world. Besides this supreme beneficent deity, 
whom they all worship, they believed in many inferior gods, 
whose powers appear in serpents, tigers, rivers, trees, and 
stones. Some of them are malevolent, but the negroes do 
not worship the bad or cruel gods; they only try to 
appease them by presents or sacrifices. They pray to the 
good gods alone. The daily prayer of a Watja negress was, 
*0 God, I know Thee not, but Thou knowest me. I need 
Thy help.'" This is a prayer to which even an Agnostic 
need not object. 

A Roman Catholic missionary, Father Loyer, who studied 
the habits of the natives of the Gold Coast, says the same. 

"It is a great mistake", he wi'ites, "to suppose that 
the negroes regard the so-called fetishes as gods. They are 
only charms or amulets. The negroes have a belief in one 
powerfid Being, to whom they offer prayers. Every morning 
they wash in the river, put sand on their head to express 
their humility, and, lifting up their hands, ask their God to 
give them yams and rice and other blessings."') 

So much for the prayers of races on the veiy lowest 
stage of civilisation. Dr. Tylor, whose charming works on 
Primitive Culture we never consult in vain, tells us, 
"that there are many races who distinctly admit the 
existence of spirits, but are not certainly known to pray to 
them, even in thought."^) I doubt whether there are many; 



») Clarke. Ten Great BeUgions, vol. II, p. 110. 
*) Primitive Culture, vol. II, p. 330. 



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On Ancient Prayers. 13 

I confess I know of none; and we must remember that, in 
a case like tbis, negative evidence is never quite satisfactory. 
Still, on the other hand, Mr. Freeman Clarke seems to me 
to go much too far in the other direction when, in his 
excellent work on The Ten Great Religions (part II, 
p. 222), he calls the custom of prayer and worship, ad- 
dressed to invisible powers, a universal fact in the history 
of man. It may be so, but we are not yet able to prove it, 
and in these matters caution is certainly the better part of 
valour. Nothing can well be lower in the scale of humanity 
than the Papuans. Yet the Papuans of Tanna oifer the 
firstfruits to the ghosts of their ancestors, and their chief, 
who acts as a kind of high priest, calls out: — 

"Compassionate Father! there is some food for 
you; eat it, and be kind to us on account of it!'^ 
After this the whole assembly begins to shout together, i) 
The Indians of North America stand decidedly higher 
than the Papuans; in fact, some of their religious ideas are 
80 exalted that many students have suspected Christian in- 
fluences in them."^) The Osages, for instance, worship 
Wohkonda, the Master of Life, and they pray to him: — 

"O Wohkonda, pity me, I am veiy poor; give 

me what I need; give me success against my enemies, 

that I may avenge the death of my friends. May I 

be able to take scalps, to take horses." 

John Tanner tells us that when the Algonquin Indians 

set out in their frail boats to cross Lake Superior, the 

canoes were suddenly stopped, when about two hundred 

yards from land, and the chief began to pray in a loud voice 

to the Great Spirit, saying: — 

"You have made this lake, and you have made 
us, your children; you can now cause that the water 
shall- remain smooth, while we pass over in safetj' ." 
He then threw some tobacco into the lake, and the other 
canoes followed his example. The Delawares invoke the 
Great Spirit above, to protect their wives and childi'cn that 
they may not have to mourn for them. 

^) Compare Turner, Polj/nesia, p. 88; Tylor, Fnmitive Culture, vol. 
n, p. 330. 

*) Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. 195. 



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14 F. Max Miiller. 

The Peruvians soar much higher in their prayers. 
M. Reville, in his learned work on the Religion of Mexico, 
tells us that prayers are very rare among the Peruvians. 
Mr. Brinton, on the contrary, in his Myths of the New 
World, p. 298, speaks of perfectly authentic prayers which 
had been collected and translated in the first generation 
after the conquest. One addressed to Viracocha Pachacamac 
is very striking, but here we can certainly perceive 
Christian influences, if only on the part of the trans- 
lator: — 

"0 Pachacamac", they say, "thou who hast existed 

from the beginning and shalt exist unto the end, 

powerful and pitiful; who createdst man by saying, 

'let man be*; who defendest us from evil, and 

preservest our life, and health; art thou in the sky 

or in the earth, in the clouds or in the depths? 

Hear the voice of him who implores thee, and grant 

him his petitions. Give us life everlasting, preserve 

us, and accept this our sacrifice." 

The specimens of ancient Mexican prayers collected by 

Sahagun are very numerous, and some of them are certainly 

very thoughtful and even beautiful: — 

Ts it possible", says one of them, "that this afflic- 
tion is sent to us, not for our correction and impro- 
vement, but for our destruction?" Or, "O merciful 
Lord, let this chastisement with which thou hast 
visited us, the people, be as those which a father 
or mother inflicts on their children, not out of anger, 
but to the end that they may be free from follies 
and vices." 
With regard to these Mexican prayers we must neither 
be too credulous nor too sceptical. Our first impulse is, no 
doubt, to suspect some influence of Christian missionaries, 
but when scholars who have made a special study of the 
South American literatures assure us that they are authentic, 
and go back to generations before the Spanish conquest, 
we must try to learn, as well as we can, the old lesson 
that God has not left Himself without witness among any 
people. To me, I confess, this ancient Mexican literature, 
and the ancient Mexican civilisation, as attested bv archi- 



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On Ancient Prayers. 15 

lecture and other evidence of social advancement, have been 
a constant puzzle. In one sense it may be said that not 
even the negroes of Dahomey are more savage in their 
wholesale butcheries of human victims than the Mexicans 
seem to have been according to their own confession. Not 
dozens, but hundreds, nay, thousands of human beings were 
slaughtered at one sacrifice, and no one seems to have seen 
any harm in it. The Spaniards assure us that they saw in 
one building 136,000 skulls, and that the annual number of 
victims was never less than 20,000. It was looked upon 
almost as an honour to be selected as a victim to the gods, 
and yet these people had the most exalted ideas of the God- 
head, and at the time of the conquest they were in possession 
of really beautiful and refined poetry. There are collections 
of ancient Mexican poems, published in the original, with what 
professes to be a literal translation.') No doubt, whoever 
collected and wrote down these poems was a Spaniard and a 
Christian. Such words as Dios for God, Angel for angel, nay 
even the names of Christ and the Virgin Mary occurring in 
the original poems, are clear evidence to that effect. But 
they likewise prove that no real fraud was intended. Some 
poems are professedly Christian, but the language, the 
thought, and the style of the majority of them seem to me 
neither Christian nor Spanish. I shall give a few specimens, 
particulary as some of them may really be called prayers: — 
"Where shall my soul dwell? Where is my home? 
"Where shall be my house? I am miserable on earth. 
"We wind and we unwind the jewels, the blue 

flowers are woven over the yellow ones, that we 

may give them to the children. 

"Let my soul be draped in various flowers, let 

it be intoxicated by them; for soon must I weep, 

and go before the face of our mother. 

"This only do I ask: Thou Giver of Life, be not 

angry, be not severe on earth, let us live with thee 

on earth, and take us to thy heavens. 

"But what can I speak truly here of the Giver 

of Life? We only dream, we are plunged in sleep 



') Ancient Poetry, by Brinton, 1887. 



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16 F. Max Muller. 

I speak here on earth, but never can we here on 
earth speak in worthy terms. 

"Although it may be jewels and precious oint- 
ments of speech , yet of the Giver of Life one can 
never speak here in worthy terms." 
Or again: — 

"How much, alas! shall I weep on earth? Truly 

I have lived in vain illusion. I say that whatever 

is here on earth must end with our lives. May I 

be allowed to sing to thee, the Cause of all, there 

in the heaven, a dweller in thy mansion; then may 

my soul lift its voice and be seen with thee and 

near thee, thee by whom we live, ohuaya! ohuaya!" 

There is a constant note of sadness in all these Mexican 

songs; the poet expresses a true delight in the beauty of 

nature, in the sweetness of life, but he feels that all must 

end; he grieves over those whom he will never see again 

among the flowers and jewels of this earth, and his only 

comfort is the life that is to come. That is was wrong to 

despatch thousands of human beings rather prematm'cly to 

that life to come, nay, to feed on their flesh, seems never to 

have struck the mind of these sentimental philosophers. In 

one passage of these prayers the priest says: — 

*Thou shalt clothe the naked and feed the hungr}', 
for remember their flesh is thine, and they 
are men like thee'; 
but the practical application of this commandment does not 
seem to have suggested itself to these Mexican philosophers. 
All the prayers which we have hitherto examined be- 
long to the lowest stage of ci^^lisation, and imply the very 
simplest relation between man and some unseen powers. If 
addi'essed to the ghosta of the departed, these invocations 
are not much more than a continuation of what might have 
passed between children and their parents while they were 
still alive. If addressed to the spirits of Heaven or other 
prominent powers of nature, they are often but petulant, 
childish requests, or mean bargains between a slave and his 
master. Yet, with all this, they prove the existence of a 
belief in something beyond this finite world, something not 
finite, but infinite, something invisible, yet real. This belief 



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On Ancient Prayers. 17 

is one of the many proofs that man is not a mere animal, 
though I am well aware that believers in the so-called mental 
evolution of animals have persuaded themselves that animals 
also worship and pray. But what is their evidence? Certain 
monkeys in Africa, they say, turn every morning towards 
the rising sun, exactly like the Parsees or sun-worshippers. 
It is no use arguing against such twaddle. 

We have hitherto examined the incipient prayers of 
uncivilised or semi-civilised races. For even the Mexicans 
and Peruvians, whose prayers and literature as well as their 
architectural remains point to what may be called civilisation 
before their conquest by the Spaniards, stand nevertheless 
lower than many savages when we consider the wholesale 
slaughter of human victims as their sacrifices, and the un- 
deniable traces of cannibalism to the latest period of their 
national existence. 

We have now to consider some of the religions which 
are called national. They have grown up at a time when 
scattered tribes had grown into compact nationalities, while 
their foimders are unknown and never appealed to as autho- 
rities. The most impoi'tant among them are the religions of 
China, of India, of Persia, of Greece and Rome. 

When we speak of the ancient religion of China, some- 
times called Confucianism, we often forget that Confucius 
himself protests most strongly against being supposed to have 
been the author or founder of that religion. Again and again 
he says that he has only collected and restored the old faith. 
In the sacred books of China which he collected there are 
hardly any prayers. Confucius himself sets little store on 
prayers. They cannot, he says, deliver a man from sickness and 
he who sins against heaven has no place to pray. It is not till 
quite modem times that we meet with prayers as an essen- 
tial part of public worship in China. It does not follow from 
this that the Chinese people at large were ignorant of, or 
opposed to private prayers, whether addressed to their an- 
cestors, or to the gods of nature, or to the Supreme Spirit 
in whom they believed; but it is curious to observe even 
in Confticius a certain reserve, a certain awe that would 
prevent any intimate or familiar intercourse between man and 

Kohnt, Semitic Studies. 2 



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18 F. Max Midler. 

God. Thus he says: ^Reverence the Spirits, but keep aloof 
from them''. 

There is a curious prayer recorded as having been 
o£Eered by an Emperor of China in the year 1538. It was 
on a memorable occasion when the very name of the Supreme 
Deity was to be altered. The old name for Gtoi in China 
was Tien, which means heaven, just as Dyaus and Zeus, 
according to their etymology, meant heaven. Even we can 
still say, ^I have offended against Heaven'', meaning, against 
Gbd. In the ancient books Shang-Tien also is used for 
Tien. This means High Heaven, and makes it quite clear 
that it was intended as a name of the Supreme Deity. 
Another name for spirit was Ti, and this name by itself or 
with Shang prefixed, became the recognised name for God 
as the Supreme Spirit, used often in the same sentences as 
interchangeable with Tien^). When the appointed day came, 
the Emperor and his court assembled around the circular 
altar. First they prostrated themselves eleven times, and 
then addressed the Great Being, as he who dissipated chaos, 
and formed the heavens, earth and man. As a rule it is 
the Emperor who prays to the Supreme Spii'it; the grandees 
pray to the Tis, the rest to the ancestral spirits. 
The proclamation was as follows: -— 

"I, the Emperor, have respectfully prepared this 
prayer to inform the spirit of the sun, the spirit of the 
moon, the spirits of the five planets, of the stars, of the 
clouds, the spirit of the four seas, of the great rivers, of the 
present years, &c., that on the first of next month we shall 
reverently lead our officers and people to honour the 
great name of Shang ti. We inform you before- 
hand, O ye celestial and terrestrial spirits, and will 
trouble you on our behalf, to exert your spiritual 
power, and display your vigorous efficacy, communi- 
cating our poor desire to Shang ti, praying him 
to accept our worship, and be pleased with the new 
title which we shall reverently present to him." 
We see here how the Chinese recognised between man 
and the Supreme Ti, a number of intermediate spirits or 

*) Legge, Sacred Books of the East, vol III, p. 24. 



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On Ancient Prayers. 19 

ti's, such as the sun^ moon, stars, seas, and rivers, who 
were to communicate the prayer of the Emperor to the 
Supr^ne Being. That prayer ran as follows: — 

**Thou, Ti, didst open the way for the form of 
matter to operate ; thou, O Spirit, didst produce the 
b^utiful light of the sun and moon, that all thy 
creatures might be happy. 

^Thou hast vouchsafed to hear us, O Ti, for thou 

regardest us as thy children. I, thy child, dull and 

ignorant, can poorly express my feelings. Honourable 

is thy great name." 

Then food was placed on the altar, first boiled meat 

and cups of wine, and Ti was requested to receive them 

with these words: — 

"The Sovereign Spirit deigns to accept our offering. 
Give thy people happiness. Send down thy favour. 
All creatures are upheld by thy love. Thou alone 
art the parent of all things. 

**The service of song is now completed, but our 
poor sincerity cannot be expressed aright. The sense 
of thy goodness is in our heart. We have adored 
thee, and would unite with all spirits in honouring 
thy name. We place it on this sacred sheet of 
paper, and now put it in the fire, with precious silks, 
that the smoke may go up with our prayers to the 
distant blue heavens. Let aU the ends of the earth 
rejoice in thy name.'' 
I doubt whether even in a Christian country any arch- 
bishop could produce a better official prayer. It is marked 
by deep reverence, but it also implies a belief that the close 
relationship between father and son exists between the 
Supreme Spirit and man. It is a hymn of praise rather than 
a prayer, and even when it asks for anything, it is only for 
divine grace. 

When we now turn fi:om China to the ancient religion 
of India, we find there a superabundance of prayers. The 
whole of the Rig- Veda consists of hymns and prayers more 
than a thousand; the Sama-Yeda contains many of the same 
prayers again, as set to music, and the Yagur-Veda contains 
verses and formulas employed at a number of ceremonial 

2* 



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20 F. Max Miiller. 

acts. Were th^se hymns spontaneous utterances, or composed 
simply and solely for the sake of sacrifice, both public and 
private? This question whether sacrifices comes first or 
prayer is one of those questions which may be argued a d 
infinitum, and which in the end produce the very smallest 
result. You remember how the Algonquins, when crossing 
Lake Superior, addressed certain prayers to Wohkonda, the 
Master of Life, and then threw a handful of tobacco into the 
lake. Now suppose we asked them the question, What was 
your first object? To throw tobacco into the lake or to 
invoke Wohkanda? What answer could they possibly give? 
Still that is the question which we are asked to answer in 
the name of the ancient poets of Vedic India. Yet one of 
these poets of the Rig- Veda (X, 88, 8) says very distinctly: 
*The gods created first the reciter of hymns, then Agni 
(the sacrificial fire) and then the saciificial oflferings.' 

Again, the Peruvian prayer addressed to Pachacamac is 
said to be recited at certain seasons. Suppose it was recited 
at a festival connected with the return of spring, we are 
asked once more. Was the festival instituted first, and then 
a prayer composed for the occasion, or was the prayer 
composed to express feelings of gratitude for the retui'n of 
spring, and afterwards repeated at every spring festival? 

No doubt, when we have such a case as the Emperor of 
China oflfering an official address to the Deity, we may be 
sure that the festival was ordained first, and the official ode 
ordered afterwards; but even in such an advanced state of 
civilisation, we never hear that the meat and the wine were 
placed on the altar by themselves, and as an independent 
act, and without anything being said. On the contrary, they 
were placed there as suggested by the poem. 

If, then, we find a Vedic hymn used at the full-moon 
or new-moon sacrifices, are we to suppose that the mysterious 
phases of the moon elicited at first nothing but a silent 
libation of milk, and that at a later time only hymns were 
composed in praise of the solemn festival? That there are 
Vedic hymns which presuppose a very elaborate ceremonial 
and a very complete priesthood I was, I believe, the first to 
point out (in 1858) ; but to say that all Vedic hymns were 
composed for ceremonial purposes is to say what cannot be 



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On Ancient Prayers. 21 

proved. At a later time they may all have been included 
as part of the regular sacrificial ceremonial, just as every 
psalm is now read in church on appointed days. There is 
one prayer older even than the Rig-Veda, the oldest, the 
simplest, and yet the most eloquent prayer of the whole Aryan 
world. It consists of two words, but think what these words 
imply! They are 

Dyaushpitar in Sanskrit, 
Zeug Tca-CTQp in Greek, 
Ju-piter in Latin, 
and they all meant originally the same thing, Heaven Father ! 
- — What child of man can say less, and what child of God can 
say more? When we begin our prayers, we utter the same 
thought which was uttered by our Aryan ancestors many 
thousands of years ago. We say *Our Father which art in 
Heaven*. When this is said and felt, all is said that need be said. 
Still as we are not satisfied with few words, the Vedic Aryas 
also delighted in pom*ing out all that was in their hearts. 
We have only to look at some of the best-known Vedic hymns 
and prayers, and we shall soon perceive that they are genuine 
outpourings of deep personal feelings, which had not to wait 
for the call of an officiating priest, before they found poetic 
utterance. One poet says: — 

"Let me not yet, O Varutia, enter into the house of 
clay (the gr^ve); Have mercy, Almighty, have mercy! 

"If I g6 along trembling, like a cloud, driven by the 
wind, Have mercy, Almighty, have mercy! 

"Through want of strength, thou sti'ong and bright god, 
have I gone to the wrong shore; Have mercy, Almighty, 
have mercy! 

"Thirst came upon thy worshipper, though he stood in 
the midst of the i^aters; Have mercy, Almighty, have mercy! 

"Whenever we men, O Vainiwa, commit an offence 
before the heavenly host, whenever we break thy law through 
thoughtlessness, Have mercy, Almighty, have mercy!" 

Now I ask, had a poet to wait till a poem was wanted 
for a funeral service; or for the sacrifice of a horse, before 
he could compose such verses? Is there a single allusion 
to a priest, or to a sacrifice in them? That they, like the 
rest of the Rig -Veda, may at a later time have been recited 



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22 F. ICax MilUer. 

during certain ceremonies, who would deny? But if we see 
how verses from different hymns, and from different Mandalas, 
or collections of hynms, have to be patched together before 
they become serviceable for sacrificial purposes, we can easily 
see that the hymns must have existed as poems, before they 
were used by the priests at certain sacrifices. Why should 
there have been a Rig-Veda at all, that is to say, a coUec- 
tioQ of independent hymns, if the hymns had been composed 
simply to fit into the sacrificial ceremonial? The hymns 
and verses as fitted for that purpose are found collected in 
the Ya^ur and Sama-Vedas. What then was the object of 
collecting the ten books of the Big -Veda, most of them the 
heirlooms of certain old families, and not of different classes 
of priests? Then, again, there is what the Brahmanic theo- 
logians call dha, that is, the slight modification of certain 
verses so as to make them serviceable at a sacrifice. Does 
not that show that they existed first as independent of cere- 
monial employment? However, the strongest argument is 
the character of the hymns themselves. As clearly as some, 
nay, a considerable number, of them were meant from the 
first to be used at well-established sacrifices, others were 
utterly unfit for such a purpose. At what sacrifice could 
there be a call for the despairing song of a gambler, for the 
dialogue between Sarama and the robbers, for the address 
of Vigvamitra to the rivers of the Penj4b, for the song of the 
frogs, or for the metaphysical speculations, beginning with 
"There was not ought, there was not nought!*' It is extra- 
ordinary to see what an lunount of ingenuity has been spent 
both by Vedic and Biblical scholars on this question of the 
priority of ceremonial or poetry! But what has been gained 
by it in the end? For suppose that in Vedic India a com- 
pletely mute ceremonial had reached as great a perfection 
and complication as the Roman Catholic or the Tibetan 
ceremonial in our time, would that prove that no one could 
then or now have composed an flaster-hymn or Christmas- 
carol spontaneously, without any reference to ceremonial 
employment? When there is so much real work to be done, 
why waste our time on disentangling such self-made cobwebs? 
When we consider that the Rig -Veda contains more 
than a thousand hymns, you will understand how constant 



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On Andent Prayers. 23 

and intimate the intercotu^se must have been between the Vedic 
poets and their gods. Some of these hymns give us^ no 
doubt, the impression of being artificial, and in that sense 
secondary and late, only we must not forget that what we 
call late in the lUg-Veda Samhita cannot well be later than 
1,500 B. C, unless some new discovery first upsets the pro- 
visional chronology which I put forward in my History of 
Ancient Sanskrit Literature. Here are some more verses 
from a hymn addressed to Varofta, the god of the all- 
embracing sky, the Greek Ouranos: — 

"However we break thy laws from day to day, men as 
we are, O god, Varuna, 

"Do not deliver ua unto deaths nor to the blow of the 
furious, nor to the wrath of the spiteful! 

"To propitiate thee, O Varuna, we unbend thy mind 
with songs, as the charioteer unties a weary steed. 

"When shall we bring hither the man who is victory to 
the warriors? when shall we bring Varuna the far-seeing 
to be propitiated? 

"He, who knows the place of the birds that fly through 
the sky, who on the waters knows the ships; 

"He, the upholder of order, who knows the twelve 
months, with the offerings of each, and knows the month 
that is engendered afterwards" (evidently the thirteenth or 
intercalary month); 

"He who knows the track of the wind, the wide, l^e 
bright, the mighty, and knows those who reside on high; 

"He, the upholder of order, Varuna, sits down among 
his people; he, the wise, sits down to govern. 

"From thence, perceiving all wondrous things, he sees 
what has been and what will be. 

"May he, the wise, make our paths straight all our 
days; may he prolong our life! 

"Varuna, wearing golden mail, has put on his shining 
cloak, the spies sat down around him''. (Here you see 
mythology and anthropomorphism beginning.) 

"The god. whom the scoffers do not provoke, nor the 
tormenters of men, nor the plotters of mischief; 

"He who gives to men glory, and not half glory, who 
gives it even to ourselves. 



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24 F. Max Muller. 

"Yearning for him, the far-seeing, my thoughts move 
onward, as kine move to their pastures. 

"Let us speak together again, because my honey has 
been brought: that thou mayest eat what thou likest, like a 
friend". (Now, here, people would probably say that there 
is a clear allusion to a sacrificial offering of honey. But why 
should such an offering not be as spontaneous as the words 
which are uttered by the poet?) 

"Did I see the god who is to be seen by all, did I see 
the chariot above the earth? He must have accepted my 
prayers". (This implies a kind of vision, while the chariot 
may refer to thunder and lightning.) 

"O hear this my calling, Varuwa, be gracious now! 
Longing for help I have called upon thee. 

"Thou, wise God, art lord of all, of heaven and 
earth; hasten on thy way. 

"That I may live, take from me the upper rope, loose 
the middle, and remove the lowest." (These ropes probably 
refer to the ropes by which a victim is bound. Here, however, 
they are likewise intended for the ropes of sin by which the 
poet, as he told us, felt himself chained and strangled.) 

These translations are perfectly literal; they have not 
been modernised or beautified. But do they sound like 
thehy mns of officiating priests? They seem to me 
conti^ary to display before our eyes buried cities of thought 
and faith, richer in treasures than all the ruins of Egypt, of 
Babylon, or Nineveh put together. 

Even what are called purely sacrificial hymns are by 
no means without a himian interest. One of the earliest 
sacrifices consisted probably in putting a log of wood on the 
fire of the hearth. The fire was called agni, and Agni 
became the god of fire. If any other gifl was thrown into the 
fire the smoke seemed to carry it up to heaven, and thus 
Agni became the messenger and soon the mediator between 
men and gods. He was called the youngest among the 
gods, because he was new every 'morning. Here is a hymn 
addressed to him, possibly a sacrificial hymn, but one that 
does not presuppose a veiy elaborate ceremonial. 

"Agni, accept this log which I offer thee, accept this 
my service; listen well to these my songs. 



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On Ancient Prayers. 25 

"With this log, O Agni, may we worship thee, the 
son of strength, conqueror of horses! and with this hymn, 
thou high bom god! 

"May we, thy servants, serve thee with songs, granter 
of riches, thou who lovest songs and delightest in riches. 

"Thou lord of wealth and giver of wealth, be thou 
i?\ase and powerful; drive away from us the enemies! 

"He gives us i*ain from heaven, he gives us inviolable 
strength, he gives us food a thousandfold. 

"Youngest of the gods, their messenger, their invoker, 
most deserving of worship, come, at our praise, to him who 
worships thee and longs for thy help. 

"For thou, O sage, goest wisely between these two 
creations" (heaven and earth, gods and men), "like a friendly 
messenger between two hamlets. 

"Thou art wise, and thou hast been pleased: perform 
now, intelligent Agni, the sacrifice without interruption, sit 
down on this sacred grass." 

That this hymn contains what may be called secondary 
ideas, that it requires the admission of considerable historical 
antecedents, is clear enougli. Agni is no longer merely a 
visible fire, he is the invisible agent in the fire; he has 
assumed a certain dramatic personality; he is represented 
as high-bom, as the conqueror of horses, as wealthy and 
as the giver of wealth, as the messenger between men and 
gods. Why Agni, the fire, sTiould be called the giver of rain 
is not quite cleai*, but it is explained by the fire ascending 
in a cloud of smoke, and by the cloud sending down the 
prayed-for rain. The sacred gi*ass (barhis) on which Agni 
is invited to sit down is the pile of grass on the hearth, the 
oldest altar. The gifts intended for the gods are placed on 
it, and the gods themselves are invited to sit down on it. 
All this shows no doubt an incipient ceremonial which be- 
comes more and more elaborate in time, but there is no 
sign as yet that it had begun to fetter the wings of poetical 
inspiration. 

The habit of praying, both in private and in public, 
continued through all the periods of the histoiy of Indian 
religion. In the Upanishads we find even what may be 
called philosophical prayers, such as: "Lead me from the 



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26 F- Max MftUer. 

illusory to the real, from darkness to light, from death to 
immortality!'' One phase only has to be excepted, that of 
Buddhism, and this will have to be considered when we 
examine what are called individual in contradistinction to 
national religions. We need not dwell here on those later 
prayers of the Brahmans, which we find scattered about in 
the epic poems, in the Puranas, and in the more modem 
sects established in every part of the country. They are 
to us of inferior interest, though some of them are decidedly 
beautiftd and touching. 

Some philosophers have maintained that every prayer 
addressed to an objective deity is idolatrous. But it is im- 
portant to remark how much superior the idolatry of prayer 
is to the idolatry of temple-worship. In India, more parti- 
cularly, the statues and images of the popular gods such as 
Siva and Durga are offensive, owing to their unrestrained 
symbolism and the entire disregard of a harmony with nature. 
Yet some of the prayers addressed to Siva and Dui^ are 
almost entirely free from these blemishes, and often show a 
conception of Deity of which we ourselves need not be ashamed. 

Nor need I dwell long in this place on the prayers of 
the ancient Greeks and Romans, because they are well 
known to you all from classical literature. We know how 
Priam prays before he sets out on his way to the Gh'eek 
camp to ask for the body of his son. We know how Nestor 
prays for the success of the embassy sent to Achilles, and 
how Ulysses offers prayers before approaching the camp of 
the Trojans. We find in Homer penitential prayers, to con- 
fess sins and to ask for forgiveness; suppliant prayers, 
to ask for favours; and thanksgiving prayers, praising the 
gods for having frdfilled the requests addressed to them. We 
never hear, however, of the Greeks kneeling at prayer The 
Greeks seem to have stood up erect while praying, and to 
have lifted up their hands to heaven or stretched them forth 
to the earth. Before praying it was the custom to wash the 
hands,!) just as the Psalmist says (XXVI, 6.): "I will wash 
my hands in innocency, so will I compass thine altar, O Lord*" 

That prayer, not only public, but private also, was 
common among the Greeks we may learn from an interestJng 

^) [This is also a Jewish custom, still in vogue. G.A.E.] 



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On Aodent Prayers. 27 

passage in Plato, where he says that children hear their 
mothers every day eagerly talking with the gods in the most 
earnest manner, beseeching them for blessings. He also 
states, in another place, that every man of sense before be- 
ginning any important work, will ask help of the gods. Men 
qoite above the ordinary superstitions of the crowd, nay, 
men suspected of unbelief, were known to pray to the gods. 
Thus Pericles is said, before he began his orations, always 
to have prayed to the gods for power to do a good work. 
May I mention here the name of another great statesman, 
Sir Robert Peel. The widow of Sir Robert Peel told Baron 
Bunsen, who told it me, that on the day when Peel was 
going to deliver his decisive speach on Free Trade, she 
found him in his dressing-room on his knees praying, before 
going to Parliament 

Most impressive are some of the prayers composed 
by Greek thinkers, whose religion was entirely absorbed 
by philosophy, but whose dependence on a higher power 
remained as unshaken as that of a child. Thus Aristolle 
(Ethics V, 1, 9) says that men should pray that diings 
simply good should be good to themselves also, and that they 
should chose what is good to themselves. What can be 
more submissive than Ihe prayer of Cleanthes as quoted by 
Epictetus? What can be more reverent and thoughtful than 
the prayer of Simplicius, at the end of his commentary on 
Epictetus: — 

"I beseech thee, O Lrord, the Father, Guide of our 
reason, to make us mindful of the noble origin Thou hast 
thought worthy to confer upon us; and to assist us to act 
as becomes free agents; that we may be cleansed from the 
irrational passions of the body, and may subdue and govern 
the same, using them as instruments in a fitting manner; 
and to assist us to the right direction of the reason that is 
in us, and to its participation in what is real by the light 
of truth. And thirdly, I beseech Thee my Saviour, entirely 
to remove the darkness ftx)m the eyes of our souls, in order 
that we may know aright, as Homer says, both God and 
men." (Farrar, Paganism and Christianity, p. 44.) 

EquaUy wise are the words of Epictetus himself (Dis- 
courses, 11. 16) : — 



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28 F. Max MtiUer. 

"Dare to look up to God and say : Do with me hence- 
forth as Thou wilt. I am of one mind with Thee, I am 
Thine. I decline nothing that seems good to Thee. Send 
me whither Thou wilt. Clothe me as Thou wilt. Will Thou 
that I take office or live a private life, remain at home or 
go into exile, be poor or rich, I will defend Thy purpose 
with me in respect- of all these." 

The Romans were more religious and more prayerful 
than the Greeks, but they were less fluent in expressing 
their sentiments. It is very characteristic that the Romans, 
when praying, wrapped the toga round their heads, so that 
they might be quite alone with their gods, undisturbed by 
the sights of the outer world. ^) That tells more than many 
a long prayer. That in praying they turned the palms of their 
hands backward and upward to heaven, shows that the 
Romans wished to surrender themselves entirely to the will 
and pleasui*e of their gods. In later times the- Romans 
became the pupils of the Greeks in their religious as well as 
in their philosophical views, so that, when we read a prayer 
of Seneca, it is really difficult to say whether it breathes 
Greek or Roman thought. Seneca prays (Clarke, Ten Great 
Beligions, p. 233): — 

"We worship and adore the framer and former of 

the universe; governor, disposer, keeper; Him on 

whom all things depend; mind and spirit of the 

world; from whom all things spring; by whose 

spirit we live; the divine spirit diffused through all; 

God all-powerful; God always present; God above all 

other gods; Thee we worship and adore!'* 

The religion of the Assyrians and Babylonians, as far 

as we know it from inscriptions, must likewise be classed as 

one of the national religions, whose founders are unknown. 

Many of their prayers have been deciphered and translated, 

but one almost hesitates to quote them or to build any 

theories on them, because these translations change so rapidly 

from year to year. Here is a specimen of an Assyrian 

prayer, assigned to the year 650 B.C.: — 

*) [The orthodox Jews also, in reciting their morning prayer, wrap the 
Talith about them, probably with the same feeling of exclusive devotion. 
G.A.K.] 



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On Ancient Prayers. 29 

''May the look of pity that shines in thine eternal 
face dispel my griefs. 

"May 1 never feel the anger and wrath of the God. 

''ilay my omissions and my sins be wiped out. 

"May I find reconcilation with Him, for I am the 
servant of His power, the adorer of the great gods. 

"May the powerful face come to my helpj may it 
shine like heaven, and bless me with happiness and 
abundance of riches. 

"May it bring forth in abundance, like the earth, 
happiness and every sort of good." 
If this is a correct translation, it shows much deeper 
feelings and much more simplicity of thought than the ordin- 
ary Babylonian prayers, which have been translated by some 
of the most tnisted of our Cuneiform scholars. Most of 
them are very stiff and formal, and evidently the work of 
an effete priesthood, rather than of sincere believers in 
visible or invisible gods. Here follows one short specimen: — 

"O my God, who art violent (against me), receive 
(my supplication). 

"0 my Goddess, thou who art fierce (towards me), 
accept (my prayer). 

"Accept my prayer (may thy liver be quieted). 

"O my Lord, long suffering (and) merciful (may 
thy heart be appeased). 

"By day, du'ecting unto death that which destroys 
me, O my God interpret (the vision). 

"O my Goddess, look upon me and accept my prayer! 

"May my sin be forgiven, may my transgression 
be cleansed. 

"Let the yoke be unbound, the chain be loosed. 

"May the seven winds carry away my groaning. 

"May I strip off my evil so that the bird bear 
(it) up to heaven. 

"May the fish carry away my trouble, may the 
river carry (it) alone. 

"May the reptile of the field receive (it) from me ; 
may the waters of the river cleanse me as they flow. 

"Make me shine as a mask of gold. 

"May I be precious in thy sight as a goblet of glass." 



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30 P. Max Mtdler. 

This is very barren poetiy, and you see at the same time 
how advanced and artificial, how really modem the sur- 
roundings are in which the thoughts of these Babylonian 
prayers move. There are cities and palaces, and golden 
masks and goblets of glass, of all of which we see, of course, 
no trace in really ancient or primitive prayers, such as those 
of the Veda. But for all that we find in these Babylonian 
hymns also, some of the essential elements of prayer. We 
see God or the gods displeased at the sins of their worshippers, 
but we see them likewise as filled with pity for the trans- 
gressors. The suppliant believes in the forgivenness of sin,' 
he hopes that his sins may be wiped out, and that the 
yoke of sin may be untied, just as the Vedic poet prayed 
that the three ropes might be removed from him, from his 
shoulders, from his heart, and from his feet. 

We have now even Accadian prayers, very old, we are 
told , older than those of Nineveh or Babylon, but even they 
smell of incense and temples rather than of the fresh air of 
the morning. 

I shall read only one Accadian prayer, which is more 
simple and more genuine than the rest: 

"God, my Creator, stand by my side. 

Keep thou the door of my lips, guard thou my hands, 

Lord of Light." 
The following recommendation to pray is also remarkable: 

"Pray thou, pray thou! Before the couch, pray! 

Before the dawn is light, pray! By the tablets and 
books, pray! 

By the hearth, by the threshold, at the sun-rising, 

At the sun-setting, pray!"^) 
We enter into quite a different atmosphere when we 
step into the ruined temples of Egypt. Here, too, the prayers 
strike us as the outcome of many periods of previous thought, 
but they possess a massiveness and earnestness which appeal 
at once to our sympathy. Here is a specimen: — 

"Hail to Thee, maker of all beings, Lord of law. Father 
of the Gods; maker of men, creator of beasts; Lord of 
grains, making food for the beasts of the field . . . The 

') W. Tallack, The Inward Light and Chrises Incarnation, p. 4. 



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On Andent Prayers. 31 

One alone without a second . . . King alone, sin^e among 
the Gods; of many names, — unknown is their number. 

^I come to thee, O Lord of the Gods, who hast 
existed from the beginning, eternal God, who hast made all 
things that are. Thy name be my protection; prolong my 
term of life to a good age; may my son be in my place 
(after me); may my dignity remain with him (and his) for 
ever, as is done to the righteous, who is glorious in the 
bouse of the Lord. 

"Who then art Thou, O my father Amon? Doth a 
fiither forget his son? Surely a wretched lot awaiteth him 
who opposes Thy will; but blessed is he who knoweth Thee, 
for Thy X, deeds proceed from a heart of love. I call upon 
Thee, my father Amon! behold me in the midst of many 
peoples unknown to me; all nations are united against me, 
and I am alone; no other is with me. My many warriors 
have abandoned me, none of my horsemen hath* looked 
towards me; and when I called them, none hath listened to 
my voice. But I believe that Amon is worth more to me 
than a million of warriors^ than a hundred thousand horse- 
men, and ten thousands of brothers and sons, even were 
tibey all gathered together. The work of many men is 
nought, Amon will prevail over them.'' 

This is a prayer full of really human feelmgs, and it 
therefore reminds us of ever so* many passages in other 
prayers. The desire that the son may outlive the father, or 
that the older people may not weep over the younger, meets 
us in a hymn of the Veda, when the poet asks, as who has 
not asked, that **the gods may allow us to die in order, so 
that the old may not weep over the young." 

The idea that the help of Amon is better than a thou- 
sand horsemen is re-echoed in many a psalm, as when we 
read (Ps. CXVIII. 9—10) : — ''It is better to trust in the 
Lord than to put any confidence in princes. All nations 
compassed me about, - but in the name of the Lord will I 
destroy them." 

If we now turn our eyes from what are called 
ethnic and national religions to those religions which claim 
to be the work of an individual founder, and are therefore 
called individual religions, we must not imagine that they 



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32 F. Max MiiUer. 

ever came ready-made out of the brain of a single person. 
If the name individual religion is used in that sense, the 
term would be misleading, for every religion, like every 
language, carries with it an enormous detritus of accumulated 
thought which the individual prophet may reshape and revive, 
but which he could not possibly create from the beginning. 
The great individual religions are, Mosaism, Christianity, 
Mohammedanism, and Buddhism. Zoroastrianism also 
was formerly classed as an individual religion, but after 
M. Darmesteter's recent researches, we can hardly do so 
any longer. These individual religions are all called after the 
name of their supposed founders, and the fact that they can 
appeal to a personal authority imparts to them, no doubt, a more 
authoritative character. Bu tif we take the case of Moses, the 
religion which he is supposed to have founded sprang from a 
Semitic soil prepared for centuries for the reception of his 
doctrines. We know now that even such accoimts as that 
of the Creation, the Fall of Man, the* Deluge, and the Tower 
of Babel have their parallels, if not their antecedents, in the 
clay tablets of A9syria, as first deciphered by George Smith 
and others, and that as there is a general Semitic type of 
language which Hebrew shares in common with Babylonian, 
Arabic, and Syriac, there is likewise a general type of 
Semitic religion which forms the common bfickground of all. 
In the case of Christianity, we know that Christ came not 
to destroy, but to fulfil; and in the case of Mohammedanism 
we may safely say that without Judaism and without Christi- 
anity it could never have sprung into existence. 

The ancient religion of Persia, which is called Zoro- 
astrianism after its reputed author, is in reality a continua- 
tion, in some respects a reform, of the ancient Aryan religion 
of which the Vedic religion is another branch; and exactly 
the same applies to Buddhism, which has all its roots, 
even those with which it breaks, in the earlier religion ol 
the Brahmans. In one sense, therefore, I quite admit that 
the classification into ethnic, national and individual religions 
may be misleading, imless it is carefully defined and unless 
we remember that there is no individual religion without 
antecedents that point back to a more ancient national faith. 

The first individual religion in India is Buddhism, which 



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On Anoient Prayers. 33 

sprang from Brahmanism, though on many points it stands in 
direct opposition to it. This is particularly the case with 
regard to prayer. There comes a time in the life of religions 
as in the life of individuals when prayer in the sense of 
importunate asking and begging for favours and benefits has 
to cease, and when its place is taken by the simple words, 
^Thy will be done." But in Buddhism there are, as we 
shall see, even sti'onger reasons why prayer in the ordinaiy 
sense of the word had to be surrendered. Some years ago 
I had two Buddhist priests staying with me at Oxford. 
They had been sent from Japan, which alone contains over 
thirty millions of Buddhists , to learn Sanskrit at Oxford. 
As there was no one to teach them the peculiar Sanskrit of 
the Buddhists, and I did not like their going away to a 
forige university, I offered them my services. Of com'se, 
we had many discussions, and I remember well their strong 
disapprobation of prayer, in the sense of petitioning. They 
belonged to the Mahayana Buddhism, and though they did 
not believe in a Supreme Deity as a creator of the world, 
they believed in a kind of deified Buddha, — while the 
Hinayana Buddhists think of their Buddha after his death 
as neither existent nor non-existent. The Mahayanists adore 
their Buddha, they worship him, they meditate on him, they 
hope to meet him face to face in Paradise, in Sukhavati. 
But such was then' reverence for Buddha, and such was 
their firm belief in the eternal order of the world, or in the 
working of Karma, that it seemed to them the height of im- 
piety to pray, and to place their personal wishes before 
Buddha. I asked one of my pupils whether, if he saw his child 
dying, he would not pray for his life, and he replied. No, 
he could not; it would be wrong, because it would show a 
want of faith! "And yet," I said to him, "you Buddhists 
have actually prayer- wheels. What do you consider the use 
of them?" 

"0 no," he said, "those are not prayer-wheels; they only 
contain the names and praises of Buddha, they remind us of 
Buddha, but we ask for no favours from Buddha." 

"But," I said, "are not some of these wheels driven 
by the wind like a wind-mill, others by a river like a 
watermill ?" 

KohQt, Semitin Studies. '^ 



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34 F. Max MiiUer. 

My friend looked somewhat ashamed at first. But he 
soon recovered himself and said: 

"After all, they remind people of Buddha, the law, and 
the Churchy and if that can be done by machines driven by 
wind or water, is it not better than to employ human beings 
who, to judge from the way in which they rattle off their 
prayers in your chiu-ches and chapels, seem to be no better 
than our praying wheels." 

But while we look in vain for suppliant prayers in the 
sacred literature of the Buddhists, we find in it plenty of 
meditations on the Buddha and the Buddhas, on saints, past 
and future. While Pallas (11., p. 168) tells us that the 
Buddhists in Mongolia have not even a word for prayer, he 
gives us himself (II., p. 386) specimens which in other 
religions would certainly be included under that name. ^) For 
instance : 

"Thou, in whom innumerable creatures believe, 
Thou Buddha, conqueror of the hosts of evil ! Thou, 
omniscient above all beings, come down to our world! 
Made perfect and glorified in innumerable by-gone 
revolutions: always pitiful, always gracious, lo, now 
is the right time to confer loving blessings on all 
creatures ! Bless us from thy throne which is firmly 
established on a truly divine doctrine, with wonderful 
benefits ! Thou, the eternal redeemer of all creatures, 
incline thy face with thy immaculate company to- 
wards our kingdom! In faith we bow before thee. 
Thou the perfecter of eternal welfare, dwelling in 
the reign of tranquillity, rise and come to us, Buddha 
and Lord of all blessed rest!" 
Very different from Buddhism with regard to prayer 
is Zoroastrianism. It encourages prayer in every form, 
whether addressed to the Supreme Spirit, Ahuramazda, or 
to subordinate deities. All that we know of ancient Zoro- 
astrian literature is, in fact, more or less liturgical and fidl 
of prayers, whether actual petitions or hymns of praise, or 
confessions of sin or expressions of gi'atitude for favours 
received. Some of these prayers belong to the most ancient 



') Koeppen, Religion des Buddha^ I, p. 555. 



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On Ancient Prayers. 35 

period of Zend literature, though attempts have lately been 
made to bring their age down to the first century of our 
era. But if that were so, how should we be able to accoimt 
for the fact that their archaic language was often unintelli- 
gible to the Pehlevi translators and commentators, who wrote 
in the third century. How difficult their language is, may 
best be seen by the widely diverging translations that have 
been published by Dr. Haug, Dr. Mills and Prof. Darmesteter. 
In giving a translation of the following specimens, I have 
availed myself chiefly of the most recent and most valuable 
work on the Yasna by M. Darmesteter. The verses are 
supposed to have been addressed to Ahura Ma.'!da by Zoro- 
aster himself. 

"1. This I ask thee, tell me truth, O Ahura! Fulfi 
my desire as I fulfil thine, Mazda! I wish to resemble 
thee, and teach my friends to resemble thee, in order to 
give thee pious and friendly help. to be with Vohu Mano !*' 
(the good spirit). 

"2. This I ask thee, tell me the truth, Ahura! What 
is the first of things in the world of good, the good which 
fulfils the desires of him who pursues it? For he who is 
friend to thee, O Mazda, always changes evil to good, and 
ndes spiritually in both worlds. 

"3. This I ask thee, tell me the truth, Ahura! Who 
was the creator, the first father of Asha (Right)? Who has 
opened a way for the sun and the stars? Who makes the 
moon to wax and wane? These are the things and others 
which I wish to know, O Mazda! 

"4. This I ask thee, tell me the ti-uth, Ahura! 
Who without supports has kept the earth from falling? 
Who has made the waters and the plants? Who has set 
winds and clouds to run quickly? Who is the creator of 
Vohu Mano, O Mazda? 

"5. This I ask thee, tell me the truth, O Ahura! What 
good artist has made light and darkness? What good artist 
has made sleep and waking? Who has made the dawn, 
noon, and night? Who has made the arbiter of justice? 

"6. This I ask thee, tell me the truth, Ahura! Who 
has created with Khshathra (royal power) aspiration for per- 
fect piety? Who has placed love in the heart of a father 



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36 F. Max MuUer. 

when he obtains a son? I wish to help thee powerfully, 

Mazda, O beneficent spirit, creator of all things!" (From 
6&tha Ushtavaiti, Darmesteter, Yasna, p. 286.) 

And again: — 

"1. Toward what country shall I turn? Where shfiJl 

1 go to offer my prayers? Relatives and servants leave 
me. Neither my neighbours nor the wicked tyrants of the 
country wish me well How shall I succeed in satisfying 
thee, Mazda Ahura? 

**2. I see that I am powerless, Mazda! I see that 
I am poor in flocks, poor in men. I cry to thee, look at 
me, O Ahura! I expect from thee that happiness which 
fiiend gives to friend. To the teaching of Vohu Mano (be- 
longs) the fortune of Asha. 

"3. WTien will come to us the increasers of days? 
When will the thoughts of the saints (the Saoshyants) arise, 
in order to support by their works and their teaching the 
good world? To whom will Vohu Mano come for prosperity? 
As to me, Lord, I desire thy instruction. 

"4. In the district and in the country the wicked pre- 
vents the workers of holiness from offering the cow, but the 
violent man will perish by his own acts. Whoever, Mazda, 
can prevent the wicked from ruling and oppressing makes 
wise provision for the flocks!" (From Gatha Ushtavaiti, 
Darmesteter, Yasna, p. 30.) 

In the Avestic religion prayer is no longer left to the 
sudden impulses of individuals. It has become part of the 
general religious worship, part of the constant fight against 
the powers of darkness and evil, in which every believer in 
Ormazd is called to take his part. A person who neglects 
these statutable prayers, whether priest or layman, commits 
a sin. Every Parsi has to say his prayer in the morning 
and in the evening, besides the prayers enjoined before each 
meal, a gain at the time of a birth, a marriage, or a 
death there are many prayers to be recited. Three times 
every day the Parsi has to address a prayer to the sun 
in his various stations, while the priest, who has to rise at 
midnight, has four such prayers to recite. These three 
prayers at sunrise, at noon, and at sunset, and possibly at 



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On Ancient Prayers. 37 

midnight, were not unknown to the people of the Veda, and 
they became more and more fixed in later times. 

Mohammed gave great prominence to prayer as an 
outward form of religion. After the erection of the first 
Mosque at Midinah he ordained the office of the crier or 
muezzin, who from the tower had to call the faithful five 
times every day to the recital of their prayers. The Muezzin 
cried : — 

"God is great! (four times) I bear witness that there 
is no god but God (twice). I bear witness that Mohammed 
is the Apostle of God (twice). Come hither to prayers 
(twice). Come hither to salvation (twice). God is great. 
There is no other god but God." 

In the early morning the crier adds: — 

"Prayer is better than sleep." 

The five times for this official prayer are : (1) Between 
dawn and simrise. (2) After the sun has begun to decline. 
(3) Midway between this and sunset (4) Shortly after sun- 
set. (5) When the night has closed in. 

These prayers are farz, or incumbent; all others 
are nafl, supererogatory, or sunnah, in accordance with 
the practices of the prophet 

It might seem as if statutable prayers five times every 
day were too much for a busy life and that too great fi*e- 
quency might degrade the value of prayer and reduce it to 
a mere routine. But any one who has lived in a Moham- 
medan country knows that it is not so. The call of the 
Muezzin still retains its startling character, and it is startling 
even to the traveller to see common people in the streets and 
the bazaars suddenly turning aside and saying their prayers 
without any display and without any apparent wish to be 
seen. According to Mohammed's own views to pray five 
times every day was the minimum that could be allowed. 
The prophet declared that originally the divine injunction 
which he received was to pray fifty tiipes a day. "As I 
passed Moses", he relates, "Moses said to me, *What have 
you been ordered ?' I replied Tifty times.' Then Moses said, 
Eerily, your people will never be able to bear it, for I 
tried the children of Israel with fifty times a day, but they 
could not manage it/ Then I returned to the Lord and 



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38 F. Max MuUer. 

asked for some remission. And ten prayers were taken ofF. 
Tiien I pleaded again, and ten more were remitted. And so 
on till at last they were reduced to five. Then I went 
to Moses and he said, ^And how many prayers have you 
been ordered?' And I replied Tive.' And Moses said, 
* Verily, I tiied the children of Israel with even five, but it 
did not succeed. Return to your Lord, and ask for a fiirther 
remission/ But I said, ^I have asked until I am quite 
ashamed, and I cannot ask again.' ^' 

"We see here the underlying idea that properly speaking 
the whole day should be one continuous prayer, not in the 
sense of repeating words or asking favours, but of feeling 
the presence of God and doing everything as it were in the 
sight of God. This is the best of all prayers, though it 
would often be a prayer without words. 

Besides these five statutable and more or less public 
prayers, private devotions are frequently recommended by 
Mohammed, but we possess few specimens of these pi-ayers. 
Mohammed, when speaking of the birds in the aii', says that 
each one knoweth its prayer and its praise, and God knoweth 
what they do. He recommends his followers to be instant 
not only in prayer, but in almsgiving also. "When the call 
to prayer soundeth on the day of congi'egation (Friday), then 
hasten to remember God," he says, '*and abandon business; 
that is better for you, if ye only knew; and when prayer 
is done, disperse in the land, and seek of the bounty of 
God." The following may serve as a specimen of a simple 
Mohammedan prayer. It has sometimes been called Moham- 
med's Paternoster: — 

"Praise be to God, the Lord of the Worlds! 

The compassionate, the merciful! 

King of the day of judgment! 

Thee we worship, and thee we ask for help, 

Guide us in the straight way, 

The way of those to whom Thou art gracious, 

Not of those upon whom is Thy wrath, nor of the erring !" 

There is no necessity for my saying anything about 
the two remaining individual religions, the Jewish and the 
Christian. Their prayers are well known and what has 
to be said about them has been said and well said by more 



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On Ancient Prayers. 39 

competent teachers in this Universitj'. It has sometimes been 
supposed that because the Jews also had fixed certain times 
of the day for prayer, generally morning, noon and evening, 
they had bon'owed this custom from Egj'pt, from Persia, nay 
even fi-om India. We have only to extend the horizon of 
our religious observations in order to see that there are a 
number of coincidences which imply no borrowing, but must 
be traced back to our common human nature. It required 
no special revelation to suggest the rising, the culminating 
and the setting of the sun as the most appropriate times for 
prayer. Even when we find four or five special times fixed 
for divine worship in two different religions, we need not 
admit borrowing, but should always remember that what 
was natural in one religion, may have been equally natural 
in another. It is irrational coincidences that require an 
historical explanation in the shape of boiTOwing, but a com- 
parative study of religions and mythologies teaches us again 
and again that there is often method even in madness, and 
that two nations that never had any historical contact, may 
arrive at the same opinions, however irrational and absurd 
they may seem from a more narrow point of view. 

Like the Greeks, the Jews were generally standing 
while saying their prayers, but we also hear of cases where 
they bent their knees, threw themselves down on the ground, 
lifted up their hands, smote their breasts, or in deep mour- 
ning placed their head between their knees. The proper 
place for their private prayers was the small chamber in the 
house, but we know how, when prayer had become statutable 
and ceremonial, pious people loved to pray standing in the 
synagogues and the comers of the streets. It is evidently 
against such prayers that Isaiah protests when he introduces 
Jehovah as saying (I, 15): "And when ye spread foith your 
hands, I will hide mine eyes from you: yea, when ye make 
many prayers I will not hear!" 

I have thus tried to show how much of what is good 
and true may be foimd in the prayers of all religions. We 
can point out prayers in all the Sacred Books of the world, 
prayers in which we ourselves could honestly join ; and the 
discovery of that common sacred ground is, 1 believe, the 
greatest benefit which a comparative study of the religions 



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40 F. Max Miiller. 

of mankind is meant to confer. It was a great event in 
the history of the world, to my mind the most important 
that I remember in the whole of my life, when at the gr eat 
Congress of Religions held last September (1893) in Chicago, 
representatives of the seven great religions of the world, 
Brahmans, Buddhists, Followers of Confucius, worshippers of 
Ormuzd, of Jehovah, of Allah, and Christians of all deno- 
minations. Delegates of the Pope, Bishops of the Episcopalian 
Church, Unitarians and Friends, were seen standing together 
on the same platform, and joining every morning in silent 
prayer, nay, receiving a blessing in whatever language it 
might be pronoimced, by whatever hands it might be offered. 
It was a new day of Pentecost, and who knows what its 
effects may he in the future. And yet in acknowledging a 
common fund of truth in all religions, no one present at 
that Great and tndy Oecumenical Council, was asked to give 
up what he cherished most in his own religion. Nor would 
it be right that our sympathy with what is good and true 
and beautiful in other religions should make us imcritical 
or undiscriminating. After reading the hymns and prayers 
of other religions, no unprejudiced critic would deny that 
the Hebrew Psalms stand out unique among the prayers of 
the whole world by their simplicity, their power, and the 
majesty of their language, though like all collections of 
prayers, the collection of the Psalms also, contains some 
which we should not be sorry to miss. 

Some of the private prayers of the Jews have been 
presented in the Talmud. They are very beautiful, and the 
Rabbis often pride themselves on being able to match from 
the Talmud every petition in what has become emphatically 
the prayer of Christianity, the Lord's Prayer, i) Why should 
they not? It would probably not be difficult to do the 
same from other Sacred Books of the East. The human 
soul when in a mood for prayer, has much the same to say, 
though the way of saying it, varies in different religions and 
different languages. To study these changes is one of the 
chief objects and charms of Comparative Theology. We can 

^) [See an article by Dr. A. Kohut on "The Talmud and the Gospels", 
in The Independent (New York), for Juno 2l8t, 1894, where parallals and 
a complete bibliography are given. G.A.K.] 



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On Ancient Prayers. 41 

studyreligions either genealogically, or analogically. In 
studjring religion genealogically, as when we try to understand 
Christianity in its development from Jewish faith and Greek 
philosophy, we learn that there is progress, or what it is 
now the fashion to call evolution, that is, historical 
continuity and growth in the great religions of the world. 

But even in studying religions analogically, that is, 
in comparing religions which have no historical relationship, 
we learn to discover a certain independent parallelism of 
thought which sometimes helps us t^ understand what is 
obscure and seemingly without antecedents in one religion 
by the fuller light derived from another. The more perfect 
method is no doubt the genealogical which, wherever it is 
applicable, enables us to see bow slow and gradual changes 
may lead historically and without any break, from one point 
of the compass of thought to anothes, sometimes to the very oppo- 
site. The analogical method is less satisfactory, still, if we have 
once learnt to look upon humanity as a whole, as one great brother- 
hood, we may be justified in applying the solvents supplied 
by the religion even of mere savages, to problems that require 
solution in the religious doctrines of the most civilised races. 

Thus with regard to sacrifice we can see how savage 
tribes offer at first the entire animal to their gods, even 
when they themselves have to fast. After a time we see 
how the saci-ifice becomes a feast at which all the members 
of the sacrificer's family take their share, while the officiating 
priests claim the best morsels for themselves. This leads 
at last to the scandal of burning only the worst portions of 
the victim for the benefit of the gods, till a natural reaction 
sets in and God is made to declare ^that He will not take 
a bullock or a he-goat, and that the true sacrifice is a broken 
spirit and a contrite heart." 

It is the same with the historical development of prayer. 
It begins, as we saw, with "Give us food", "give us health," 
"give us children" "give us a long life," in fact — "Let our 
will be done." It ends, after many chances and chances, 
not indeed with the Buddhist condenmation of all prayer, but 
with the prayer of all prayers: 

Let Thy will be done! 



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Lapidaricn, 

ein culturgeschichtlicher Versncli 

von 
Moritz Steinsolineider (Berlin.). 



I. £ntwleklung, Tendenz, Qaellen. 

Mit der Frage: „Woher?^*, mit dem Aufsuchen der An- 
fange oder „Principien** trennt sich die Theorie von der 
Praxis, deren Frage: „Wozu?** lautet. Beide liaben eigent- 
lich ein xinendliches Ziel;''wir kennen ja die letzten Zwecke 
eben so wenig als die ersten Anfange; allein nach den 
letzten Zwecken fragen ist eben nieht ,,praktisch''; den 
practischen Menschen beschaftigen nur die nachsten Absichten, 
die allerdings fiir die Meisten zugleieh die letzten sind. Der 
Forscher nach den Aniangen ist nieht bios in der Natur- 
kunde, sondern auch in der Geschiehte der Menschheit, na- 
mentlich in der Geschiehte der Wissenschaft und Literatur, 
auf die Erganzung der Thatsachen durch Vermutungen und 
Annahmen (Hypothesen) angewiesen, welche in ihrem Rechte 
sind, oder wie der Franzose sagt, eine raison d'etre haben, 
so lange sie den Schein von Thatsachen vermeiden, sich nur 
fur das ausgeben, was sie sind. Diese notige Vorsicht mag 
auch uns leiten, wenn wir einen verbal tnismassig reichen 
Literaturzweig des Mittelalters einleiten durch einen Versuch, 
die Wurzeln desselben zu entdecken, ehe wir in einem kurzen 
Ueberblick einige Friichte zu iiberschauen streben. Wir 
denken uns die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Lapidarien 
in folgender "Weise. 

Als der Mensch anfing, die unorganische Natur, oder das 
Mineralreich, vom Reiche der Pflanzen undTiere zu unterschei- 
den, da erkannte er wohl zuerst seine natiirMche und nachste 



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Lapidarien. 43 

Umgebung, den Sand und Staub auf der Oberfliiche. Mit dem 
Graben, Hauen und Bauen lernte er Steine kennen, deren 
Hai*te und Dauerhaftigkeit sie zum Mittel iind Werkzeug fiir 
diese und andere Thatigkeiten empfahlen; die Anthropologen 
nehmen bekanntlich eine Steinzeit fur diese Culturstufe an. 
Spater verfolgte man die natiirlichen Erdschichten und 
baute Scbachte, worin man zunHchst ein Gemenge fand, 
das Erz (so viel als Elrstes, Gemenge = |jxt iXXa, franzosich 
fouille, von fouiller = iurohtvuhlen)'^^) im Erze fand man 
Schmelzbares, welches den Stein verdrangte, das fiihrte die 
Bronzezeit herbei^); erst spftter kommt das Eisen zur 
Geltung. AUmalig ergaben Glanz und Gewicht den Begriff 
der edlen Metalle, welche sich besonders durch ihr Gewicht 
zur Herstellung der Miinzen von hoherem Wert geeignet 
zeigen. In der That ist der hebraische ScheJcel zunUchst nur 
ein Gewicht, wie latein. libra (woraus lira ital., livre franzos. 
und pound englisch). Endlich beginnt man, nach Farbe, Fonn 
(Facetten) und Licht edle Steine (Abanim tobot) oder Edel- 
steine zu unterscheiden, die Metalle und Steine mit mytho- 
logischen und astrologischen Vorstellungen zu ver- 
binden^j und ihnen verborgene, magische Eigenschaften und 
Krafte (SeguHot, arabisch Khassa, Khawwas) beizulegen, 
welche man gewohnlich durch die Analogic des Magnets, 
wenn nicht zu erklfiren, doch durch die gleiche Unerklariich- 
keit zu beweisen suchte.*) So kamen denn die Edelsteine mit 
der Mineralogie in das Bereich der Heil mittel und in die 
alphabetischen Sammlungen von Namen der y,Simplicia^^j die 
man y^Synony^ma'^ betitelte^), allerdings nur in geringer Anzahl 



^) t'ber „Metalle" u. „Mineii" s. Berthelot, Introd. a I'iitude de la 
Cfdmie etc. Paris 1889 p. 26, wo ein Missvei-stiindnis bei Hofer {Hist., I, 
149) berichtet wii-d. Auch das arabische Mdadin bedeutet Mine und 
Mineral e, wio das syrische und hebr. kjcid 

^) Ceber die verschiedene Bedeutung von Bronze s. BertheJot, 
Introd., p. 228. 

^; Die Yerbindung von Metallen und Sternen ist nach Berthelot, 
Introd. p. 202, La CMmie etc. I, 326, altchaldaisch. 

*) Steinschneider, Intomo ad acluni pattsi etc. relatim alia calamita, 
Roma 1871. 

*) Steinschneider, Zur Literatur der Synonyma, — Sonderabdruck aus 
Pagel, Ckirurgi€ des H. von MondeviUe, Berlin 1892 S, 682 fT. Bei 
H. Emanuel {Diamonds), ist nur Serapion erwahnt, p. 256. 



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44 Moritz Steinschneider. 

gegeniiber den zahlreichen Pflanzennamen ; das Verhaltnis zu 
den A^tikeln au8 dem Tierreich habe ich nicht untersuclit. 

Die Elementarlehre des Aristoteles, welche das Mittel- 
alter beherrschte, und wonach alle Koi'per aus denselben 
4 Bestandteilen zusammengesetzt sind, erzeugte, oder unter- 
stiitzte die Idee von der Moglichkeit einer Verwandlung un- 
edler Metalle in edle, oder vom sogen. „Stein der Weisen^*, 
welcher so vielen Thoren zum Stein des Anstosses geworden. 
Der Stein wurde allmftlig mit anderen wunderthfttigen Krftften 
ausgestattet; die Geheimlehren der Alchem ie warden bei den 
spateren Griechen (Byzantinem) auf heidnische Gottheiten, na- 
mentlich Hermes (nach welchem man die „hermeti8che Kunst" 
benannte), ziiruckgefiihrt;*) an ilirer Stelle oder neben ihnen, 
erseheinen spftter fingirte hebrftische^) imd griechische 
Autoritaten; Philosophie und Mystik geben sich dem Betrug 
zum Missbrauch her. 

Eiinstliche Diamanten sind erst in neuester Zeit moglich ge- 
worden; f ruber kannte man auf diesem Gebiet nur nachabmende 
Tauschung, die bier nicht weiter berucksichtigt wird. 

Der judischen und christlichen Gelehrsamkeit bot 
sich ausser dem mercantilischen, naturhistorischen, mystischen 
und medicinischen Antrieb zur Erforschung von Edelsteinen 
noch ein exegetisch-archaeologischer. Das orakebide Brust- 
s child des Hohepriesters enthielt bekanntlich zwolf Edel- 
steine, worin die Namen der 12 Stamme IsraeFs, wie in einem 
Siegel eingegraben waren (cmn '»nins Exod. 28,20). 12Steine 
erwahnt auch die Apokalypse des Johannes. Hier war 

*) Berthelot, Collection des andens Alchimi^tes grecs. 2 voll. Par. 1888. 

*) Bei Berthelot vermisst man, wo es Juden betrifft, die sonstige 
kritische Voreicht, z. B. LUrocL p. 16: Jiidischer Gnosticismus, p. 18: 
Sprache der Juden, p. 2.36: Zosimus, der HebrSer (!), p. 234: Marie 
PHebreuse [eigentlich eine Confasion von Miijam, der Jungfran Maria und 
der koptischen Sklavin des Muhammed], p. 294: jiidische Schriften. — La 
Chimie I, 229: Cbersetzungen aus dem Habraischen, p. 232: jiidische An- 
spielungen, p. 333: bebr^sche Texte, p. 249: Zadith ben Hamuel, ein 
jiidisches Werk, p. 264 : die „Turba" aus dem Arabischen oder Hebi-slischen 
iibersetzt, p. 146 wird aus den Worten: „Gott hat dem Moses das Gesetz 
gegeben" auf jxidischen Ursprung geschlossen , p. 267 : aus dem Hebrluschen 
Oder Arabischen iibersetzt, vgl. 263, 267, p. 302: Jakob, der Jude und 
Pseudo- Moses, vgl. II, p. XXXVI.-II p. XXXV u. 264: Salomo schreibt 
ein agj'ptisches Buch gegen die Damonen; p. XXXVI u. 294 Esdras. — 
p. 267: ^Talisman" des Salomo ist ein hebraischer Ausdruck! 



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Lapidarien. 45 

Gelegenheit geboten, tiber Namen, Beschaffenheit, Eigentiim- 
lichkeit und symbolische Bedeutung der 12 Steine sich zu 
ergehen. Dennoch findet sich in der hebraischen Literatnr 
kaum eine Monographie daruber,^) wogegen eine grossere 
Anzahl betreffender cbristlicher Schriften existirt,^) darunter 
eine der altesten angeblich von Cethel — oder wie der 
Namen sonst verstilmmelt erscheint — der sie zur Zeit des 
Auszuges aus Aegypten verfasst babe. Ich babe in diesem 
Namen Bezalel erkannt, und dieser Name fand sich auch 
hinterher deutlich.') 

Die EdeUteine warden fiir magische Wirkungen mit 
Figuren und Inschriften versehen, nach Art der Steine in 
einem Siegelringe; ob hier die jiidische Tradition von 
der WirkuDg der Gottesnamen von Einfluss gewesen sei, lasse 
ich dahingestellt. Was ich dariiber in der hebraischen Lite- 
ratnr des Mittelalters gefuiiden babe, ist sehr unbedeutend 
und jang, meist aus nichtjudischen Quellen stammend; zu- 
letzt glaubte man auch, Steine mit natiirlich eingegrabenen 
Figuren und Zeichen entdeckt zu haben, und es bildete sich 
innerhalb der Steinkunde ein besonderer Kreis von den 
Steinen mit gravirten Zeichen, oder Figuren.^) 

Und nach alien diesen verschiedenartigen Ideenkreisen 
fand die Edelsteinkunde noch eine practische Anwendung, 
nilmlich eine moralische oder symbolische,^) in christ- 
1 ich en Predigten, ^hnlich, wie im sogenannten „Physiologus'*, 
welcher die Tierwelt und die damit zusammenhangende 
Fab el welt in den Dienst einer oft sehr gewaltsam symboli- 
sirenden Homiletik stellte.^j TCenn aber der „Physiologus** in 



») Mein: Die hebr. tbei-s. S. 964. 

•) S. Anhang I. 

^) Hebr. Bibliographie XVI, 104; Zeitschr. f. Mathem. XX, 26; Die 
hebr. Cbersetz. S. 963, Anin. 

*) Die hebr. tTbersetz. S. 968. Lapidum Pretiosorum usus Magicus, 
81 ve de Sigillis; ms. des Br. Mus. Hariey bei Emanuel p. 260. 

*) Felicie d'Ayzac in Annales archeologiques de Didron, t V; 1846 
p. 216 (liber die Symbolik der Edelsteine). — 60 Edelsteine bekleidon die 
„IntelUgenea", d. i. ein Gedicht, angeblich von Dino Compagni, aber 
wohl alter (XII. Jahrh.?); s. Spezi, Due traitati del goveitio degli ucceUi, 
p. XIV. 8. auch A n h. U : Schriften von de Mely, insbesondere die letzte. 

*) Bei Honunel, die athiopische tbersetz. des Physiologus, Leipzig 1877 
8. 64 n. 17 (Schildkrote) schlagt Susanna die Rabbiner! S. 72 (Krahe): 



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46 Moritz Steinschneider. 

keiner hebraischen Bearbeitung nachzuweisen ist, so lag es 
nicht an der verkCinstelten AuslegUDgsmethode, die sich als 
Consequenz der judischen Haggada betrachten durfte, son- 
dem an der durchgehenden christlichen Tendenz.*) 

Wenn eine der hier geschilderten Tendenzen bei der 
sehriftlichen Abfassung eines „Lapidarium*^ (Steinbuches) 
vorhen'schenden Einfluss ausiibte, so verdrSngte sie doch 
nicht leieht alle anderen gUnzIich; sondem es bildete sich 
allmaiig eine Art von Gleichgewicht in der Ausgestaltung der 
Steinbiicher; dennoch dai*f man annehmen, dass die allgemeine 
Gedankenrichtung des Mittelalters, insbesondere der mit dem 
Glauben an Teufel, Daraonen, Gespenstem vl dergl. zusam- 
menhUngende Aberglaube auch in den Edelsteinen am 
liebsten die dunkle Seite der Magie und der geheimen Krafte 
aufsuchte. 

Schliesslich warden Schilderungen merkwtirdiger Steine 
Best andteile kosmographischer Werke — wie in den 
lateinischen Schriften mit dem beliebten Titei: De natura 
(naturis) remm; Philologen der alten Schulen schrieben viel- 
leicht auch iiber die Namen der Steine lexicalisch. 

Der Geist der Menschen entwickelt sich aber nicht 
lediglich nach abstracten Kategorien; die Geschichte bietet 
oft ilberraschende Wirkungen Kusserlicher Erscheinungen, und 
die Literatur der einzelnen Volker entwickelt sich haufig 
unter dem Einfluss eines anderen, der eigenen Geistesrichtung 
fremden, ja sogar entgegengesetzten Schrifttums. Bei den 
Juden, welche mit Landern und Volkern auch die ver- 
schiedensten Culturen durchwanderten, ist die Aufnahme und 
Assimilation fremden Stoffes am leichtesten iiberhaupt wahr- 
zunehmen, am schwersten im Einzelnen zu durchforschen; 
es gilt hifer, fiir vieles anscheinend Elgentiimliche den 
fremden Ursprung aufzusuchen, selbst wenn ein solcher aus- 
drucklich angegeben wird, z. B. bei Uebersetzungen, 
wenn die Originale nicht genannt sind. In medizinischen und 
naturwissenschaftlichenWerken ist derfremde Einfluss am deut- 



„ Jerusalem, die Synagoge der Juden, die Morderin Jesus hat keinen zweiten 
Erloser mehr." 

*) Hommel, 1. c. S. 58 n. 12 (Ameise): „Du aber entferne das 
Alte Testament von Deiner Seele, damit Dich nicht der Buchstabe todte; 
Paulus sprach: Das Gesetz des Geistes ist Leben. 



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Lapidarien. 47 

lichsteu zu erkennen an den nichthebraischen Namen, und nach 
diesem E^riterium geh()ren samtliche hebraische Lapidarien 
einer fremden Literatur an. Es sind hier zwei Hauptquellen 
zu unterscheiden : arabische Namen in ihrer ursprUnglichen 
Orthographic (die diakritischen Punkte fehlen in der Kegel) 
und lateinische, welche wiederum teilweise aus dem 
Griechischen, teilweise aus dem Arabischen stammen, wie 
z. B. Hyacinth zu Persisch-Arabischem Jaktd wird. In den 
iateinischen Schriften des Mittelalters sind die fremden Aus- 
di'ucke oft schon in der Hand des Uebersetzers und des Co- 
pisten unkenntlieh geworden; die alten Drucke mit ihren weit- 
gehenden Abkurzungen haben die Verketzerung nur gesteigert, 
und es ist die vergleichende Namenkunde ebensowohl 
eine sachliche als spi*achliche Aufgabe geworden, der sich 
seit einiger Zeit Herr F. de M^ly mit grosser Energie nnter- 
zieht, wie aus den Proben seines umfassenden Materials 
hervorgehtJ) 

Wir beabsichtigen hier ratiirlich uicht die Edelstein- 
literatur erschopfend zu behandeln, oder auch n\ir biblio- 
graphisch aufzuzahleii, sondern nur diejenigen arabischen 
und europilischen Schriften des Mittelalters zusammenzustellen, 
welche wir auf dem Wege nach anderen Zielen gelegentlich 
kennen gelemt haben^ um mit eiuem Ueberblick der jiidischen, 
namentlich hebraischen Lapidarien zu schliessen. Ausser den 
speciellen Catalogen, welche bei den einzelnen mss. direct 
benutzt imd als Quelle angefiihrt sind, ist hier noch auf 
einige neuere Abhandlungen und Notizen hinzuweisen, welche 
die Lapidarien im Allgemeinen zur Kenntnis bringen und 
charakterisiren, teilweise in Einleitungen zu Ausgaben ein- 
zelner Steinbiicher.^) 



U. Arablsehe Schriften. 

Die nachfolgende Aufzfthlung stammt aus gelegentlichen 
Notizen vieler Jahre, und ich bin ausser Stande, jede Einzel- 
heit nochmals mit den Quellen zu vergleichen, oder neue 
Studien anzustellen; die hier erwfihnten Autoren iiber den 
Kreis der Steinschriften hinaus zu verfolgen konnte gar nicht 



^) Seine Schriften s. Ends Anhang II. 
') S. Anhang II. 



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48 Moritz SteinschDeider. 

meine Absicht sein. Ich darf annehmen, dase alle unter I 
besprochenen Beziehungen durch die folgenden Angaben belegt 
sind^ in welchen zuerst eine Reihe von Autoren chronologisch 
geordnet, dann eine Anzahl von Anonymen, schliesslich eiuige 
arabische XJbersetzungen oder Bearbeitongen von griechischen 
Quellen aufgezahlt werden. Eine genauere Bibliographie mit 
Angabe der arabischen Titel musste einem Fachblatte vor- 
behalten bleiben. 

[Ich habe inzwischen eine solche in der Zeitschr. der 
/Oeutschen Morgenl. GeseUsch. Bd. 49 (1895) und 
bier nur die Hauptsachen kurz gegeben.] 

a) Arabische Autoren: 

Djabir ben Hajjan (um 760), der angebliche Vater der 
arabischen Alchemic, soil ein „Buch der Steine" (Berth. 
Ill, 22) und ^Ursachen der Mineralien" verfasst haben. 

Al-Kasim b. Sallam (gest. 839), ein Philologe, verfasste ein 
„Buch der Steine", ob lexicalisch? 

Ali b. Rabban al-Thabari, ein zum Islam libergeti'etener Sohn 
des Rabbiners Sabl (um 850), Arzt und Schriftsteller, 
hat nicht ein Buch der „Edelsteine" geschrieben, wird 
aber fiir Mineralien citii't. 

Al-Dja*hiz (gest. 868 oder 869), ein Vielschreiber, ei-wahnt 
sein Werk ilber Mineralien, Edelsteine und Metalle 
u. 8. w., wie es scbeint, ebenfalls alchemistisch. 

Masaweih, ibn, der bertihmte Arzt (gest. 857), wird n\ir von 
Tifaschi als Verfasser eines Steinbuches angefiihrt. 

Al-Kindi, vulgo: Alchindus (gest. nach 864), ein Polyhistor, 
verfasste 2 Abhandlungen iiber Edelsteine. 

'Hon ein b. Is'hak (gest. 863), der bertihmteste IJbersetzer 
griechischer Werke, soil eine Schrift iiber die An- 
fertigung von Talismanen aus Edelsteinen in einem 
Pariser ms. verfasst haben. Eine Abhandlung Honein's 
iiber Alchemic citirt Sakhawi S. 77. 

0th arid (oder Utarid) b. Muhammed Rl-Hasiby der Rechner 
(oder a\'Katih, der Secretar), wahrscheinlich alterer 
Zeitgenosse des zu erwahnenden Razi, verfasste eine 
Schrift liber die Nutzen der Edelsteine, welche mit ver- 
schiedenem Titel in der Bodleiana, in Cambridge und 
Paris erhalten ist. 



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Lapidarien. 49 

Al-RazI, vulgo Rhazes (gest. 923 oder 932), einer der 
beriihmtesteD arabischen Arzte, verfasste Verschiedenes 
zur Verteidigung der Alchemic, darunter ein „Buch der 
Steine", vielleicht identisch mit dem „Bach vom Steine" 
nnd dem ^Buch vom roten Steine", auch ein zweifel- 
haftes Buch ^de mineris'^ 

Ibn alrHeitham, Abd al-Ra*hman (um 950), Arzt in Cordova, 
verfasste ein Buch liber Heibnittel, worin Kapitel iiber 
specifische (sympathetische); das Buch ist in hebraischer 
Ubersetzung erhalten und bietet auch Einiges liber Steine. 

Djezzar, ibn al-, Arzt (gest. um 1000), wird von Tifaschi 
als Verfasser eines Steinbuches angefiihrt. Der Namen 
ist in dei Ausgabe corrumpirt, die richtige Lesart hat 
das hebr. ms. Berlin 349 Oct. 

Maslama al-Madjriti (in Spanien gest. um 1004 — 7), ver- 
fasste eine Schrift iiber Magie, worin auch von Steinen; 
au8 einem angeblichen „Buch der Steine" desselben 
sind Ausziige in der Bodleiana und in Cambridge erhalten. 

Al-Biruni (durch Sachau als „al-Beruui" eingefUhrt), abu'l- 
Ref han, im Orient (1038), verfasste eine unter ver- 
schiedenem Titel im Escurial und in der Bodleiana 
erhaltene Monographic fiber die Steinkunde fiir den 
Herrscher Maudud, worin einige sonst unbekannte 
Autoren (vielleicht aus anderem Gebiete?) angefiihrt 
sind, wie dieses, leider wenig bekannte Buch sogar in 
einem medicinischen Werke von Suweidi (gest. 1292, 
s. unten) benutzt scheint. Leclerc {Hist, de la mSde- 
cine arabe I, 480) macht Mitteilungen aus dem ms. des 
Escurial, das er fiir ein Unicum halt, weil das Bod- 
leianische bei Wiistenfeld fehlt. Biruni wurde jiidischer 
Abkunft verdachtigt, wegen seiner Bekanntschaft mit 
der Bibel durch die Ubersetzung des Tlonein, meint 
Leclerc, nachdem er Biruni's Bemerkung iiber die 
„Kupferwaffen" zur Zeit Samuel's mitgeteilt hat. Die 
Chronologic Biruni' s, die man bisher fiir die Geschichte 
der jtidischen Chronologic noch nicht herangezogen 
hat, beweist aber einen Verkehr mit gelehrten Juden. 
IJbrigens kommt Leclerc gem auf seine vermeintliche 
^Entdeckung" der Bibeliibersetzung Honein's zuriick. 
Diese Ubersetzung aus dem Griechischen (der LXX) 
Ko but, Semitic studies. ^ 



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50 Moritz Steinschueider. 

ist bereits (nach Rodiger) in meinem Art. ^Jildische 
Literatur^ vor einem halben Jahrhundert erwahnt. 

Al-Tifaschi, vulgo: Teifaschi, Ahmed (gest. 1253/4), ist der 
bekannteste arabische Autor auf unserem Gebiete, 
Seine Monographic, in 25 Kapiteln, wovon wenigstens 
2 Recensionen existiren, ist unter verschiedenen Uber- 
schriften, auch anonym, in vielen mss. vorhanden. Erst 
ktirzlich entdeckte ich sie arabisch in dem hebr. ms. 
Berlin 349 Oct. Proben gab bereits Ravius (Utrecht 
1784), den Text mit italienischer IJbersetzung (Ahmed 
Teifascite etc.) A. Rainieri (Firenze 1818). Eine tiirkische 
Ubersetaung von Ma'hmud al-Scbirwani (um 1427/8) ist 
handschriftlich in der Leipziger Ratsbibliothek. — Ti- 
faschi war fur manchen Nachfolger massgebend. 

Beilak al-Kabdjaki verfasste eine sklavische Nachahmung 
des Tifaschi in 30 Kapiteln in einem Pariser ms. (Slane 
2779, Autograph). 

Kazwini, der bekannte Kosmograph (gest. 1283), hat in 
seinem Werke, betitelt „Weltwunder'', auch Manches 
liber unser Theraa, was besonders excerpirt wurde, z. B. 
in einem Pariser ms.; Slane (n. 2776, 5) scheint es dem 
Leser zu iiberlassen, den Automamen zu erraten. 

Bar H ebr^us (der Hebraersohn)Gregorius, bekannter syrischer 
Autor (gest. 1286), gab in seiner, aus dem Syrischen 
arabisch ubersetztenEncyklopadie(„Pharus derHeiligen") 
auch einen Abschnitt iiber die Mineralien. 

Al-Suweidi, Ibrahim (1203 — 1291/2), Arzt in Damaskus und 
in Agypten, verfasste eine Schrift iiber die specifischen 
Krafte der Edelsteine, weiche unter verschiedenen Titeln 
in der Bibliothek des agyptischen Khedive und der 
Berliner koniglichen handschriftlich vorhanden ist. 

Wat w at, Muhammed b. Ibrahim (gest. 1318/9) ist der Autor 
eines umfassenden Werkes, aus welchem ms. Paris (Slane 
2776*) Auszuge enthalt. 

Sakhawi, Schams al-Din Muhammed b. Ibrahim al-Ansari (die 
Namen sind verschieden entstellt und im Index von Hagi 
Khalfa unkritisch gegeben), Arzt (gest. 1348/9), der bei 
Wtistenfeld und Leclerc fehlt, und Encyklopadiker, iiber 
welchen Vieles zu bemerken ware, verfasste zwei hierher 
gehorende Schriften, einen „ausgewfthlten Schatz", aus 



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Lapidarien. 51 

alteren und jtingeren Autoritaten (iber Edelsteine, deren 
Eigenschaften, Fundorte, bekannte Preise, specif ische 
Krafte und Nutzen, za finden in Paris (Slane 2776,*-^ 
mit abweichendem Schlagwort und ohne nfthere Nach- 
weisung), und eine ilhnliche oder verwandte Abhandlung 
liber die mineralische und tierische Substanz, wahr- 
scheinlich mit Rttcksicht auf Alchemie, wortiber Hagi 
Khalfa eine Stelle im Namen Sakhawi's anf ilhrt. welche 
sich in dem encyklopadischem Werke (S. 77) nicht findet. 

Makrizi, Ahmed b. Ali (gest. 1441), der bekannte Kosmo- 
graph, verfasste ein Buch der „hohen Zwecke" uber 
die Kenntnis der metallischen Korper, welches von 
Hagi Khalfa erwahnt wird und in einem Leydener 
Sammelband gefunden worden ist. 

Sujuti (ungenau Asjuti), Djalal al-Din Abd ul-Ra'hman (gest 
1505), der eine ganze Bibliothek zusammengeschrieben 
hat, verfasste unter anderen Schriften „hyacinthische 
Makamen", worin ein Abschnitt tiber Edelsteine, arab. ms. 
361,-* des Vatican. 5 Arten von Juwelen bilden den 
letzten kurzen Abschnitt des Buches „De proprietatibus 
et virtutibus animalium, plantarum et gemmarum Hab- 
darrahmani Asiutensis, latin, don. ab Abraham Ecche- 
lensi", Paris 1647, 8^ 



Auf die neuere Zeit habe ich meine Notizen nicht aus- 
gedehnt, schliesse also (mit Ubergehung des wenigen mir 
Bekannten) mit einigen zweifelhaften Autoren und Biichem. 

Tiber die, ins Spanische libersetzte und von der Akademie 
in Madrid edirten Lapidarien des „Abolays und Muhammed ^ 
aben Quich"(?) verweise ich auf Z.D.M.G. Bd. 49 S. 266 ffJ) 
Ein Secretum (secretorum) uber Edelsteine von abu 1-Abbas 
Ahmed al-Kutubi (corrumpirt Abutigi?) ist vielleicht zwei-^ 
mal in der Bodleiana und in Paris (Slane 2780)? 

b) Anonyma: 
Ich muss mich hier auf eine Angabe des Titelwortes 
(nach dem arab. Alphabet geordnet) und der Quelle beschranken, 
unter Vorbehalt der Zeitbestimmimg. 



') Der „Zusatz", auf welchen in „Bie hebr. tFbors." S. 980 verwiesen 
ist, blieb wegen seiner Ausdehnung zuriick. 

4* 



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52 Moritz Steinschiieider. 

Bugjat dt-Tullab, Hagi Kh. V, 209. 

KUab al'Djawahir, ib. VII, 291 n. 1616. 

Djawahir ai-Jsrar, ib. 11, 670 n. 4264 (alchem.). 

Khatvwd's al-A'hdjar, Ahlwardt n. 6217, nach Anordnung 

des Tifaschi. 
? Khawds al- Djawahir, H. Kh. VH, 160 n. 1707, uDter 

medicinischen Schriften. 
Bisala . . fi^l-Alidjar, Bibliothek des Khedive, kleiner Catalog 

S. 213. 
Bisdla . . fil' Djawahir, Suppl. Paris 878 (Slane 2775,*), nach 

Cl6ment-Mullet, Joum. Asiat, 1868 (XI) p. 11 wird im 

^Catalog" diese Schrift dem Avicenna beigelegt 
Sirr dl'Asrar (s. oben amEnde der Autoren), liber 76Edel8teine. 
Ujun al'Hakdik, H. Kh. IV, 290 n. 8465. 
Al'Maddin (Kitab), Fihrist S. 318 Z. 2. 
Nujshat al'AVsar, ms. Paris, Slane 27763. 
Nur air Anwar, ms. Khedive V, 398. ^) 

Titellos. Fragment ? ms. Beriin, Ahlwardt V, 492 n. 6228. 
Unbekannt, ms. des Brit. Mus. (christl.?) n. 38 (Catal. p. 52). 
Zwei anonyme Lapidarien in spanischer Ubersetzung sind 

von der Madrider Akademie mit „Abolays" etc. heraus- 

gegeben, s. oben S. 51. 

c) Arabische Ubersetzungen und Bearbeitungen 
griechischer Quellen, 

Wir begegnen in arabischen Steinbtichem verschiedenen 
Citaten mit deutlichen Namen griechischer Autoren, oder 
unter entstellten Formen, welche auf griechische Quellen zu 
fiihren scheinen; doch ist nicht immer anzunehmen, dass 
ein griechisches untergeschobenes Steinbuch zu Grunde liege, 
wie z. B. in den verdachtigen Citaten bei „aben Quich". 

Obenan steht Alistoteles, dem ein grosses Steinbuch 
beigelegt wird, welches „Luka b. Serapion''(?) libersetzt habe. 
Es ist bisher davon nur ein arabisches ms. in Paris bekannt. 
Hingegen giebt es verschiedene hebraische und lateinische 
Bearbeitungen, iiber welche Valentin Rose Licht verbreitet 
hat. Eine Stelle liber die Anwendung der Magnetnadel ist 
vielfach besprochen (s. unten IV). Uber eine, dem Arist. oder 



^) Vergl. auch p. 377 u. 850. 



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Li^idarien. 53 

ATicenna beigelegte alchemistische Abhandlong s. F. de 
M61y, Le LapidcUre cFAristote. Par. 1894. (Extrait de la Bevue 
des Etudes grecqueSj t. VII.) Demn^hst kommt Hermes, 
arabisch auch Idris, hebrlUsch Chanoch (Hench).^) Die 
verschiedenen , meist superstitiosen Schriften, welche in 
arabischen Quellen ihm beigelegt werden, babe ich im IH. 
Abscbn. meioer Pariser Preisschrift liber die arabischen Uber- 
setztingen zusammengestellt, welcher in Z.D.M.Gr. 1896 zum Ab- 
druck kommt. Hier sei nnr eine Monographie fiber die eigentnm- 
lichen Erftfte etc. und iiber die Gravirung erwahnt, welche 
in Berlin (21 Eap.), in der Bodleiana and in Cambridge hand- 
schriftlich erhalten ist. 

Ballnas, den z. B. Beilak anftihrt, ist vielleicht Apollonius 
von Thyana, da Plinius nicht ins Arabische iibersetzt worden 
ist. ^Mnhammed aben Quich" citirt als Verfasser von Stein- 
biichem: Alexander, „Benfrec3rte8'' und ^Boortriates" — 
vielleicht beide aus Theophrastos verstiimmelt (dessen 
Schrift bei H. Emanuel S. 267, = 258), der auch von Bei- 
lak (als ^Ufimstas") angefuhrt wird — Anficitez, Zabor 
(Sabur, Schabur, ein jungerer Perser?j.^) 

Aus verschiedenen Schriften ergeben sich als Verf. von 
Steinbtichern: Finicinus (? Fininus? Funeus?), Linacus,^) 
Orpheus (Hymni de lapid., s. H. Emanuel S. 282), bei den 
Arabern Arkaus, imd Aros, welches Berthelot wiederholt 
und mit Entschiedenheit dui'ch Horus erklftrt, obwohl die 
Lautverllnderung eine ganz ungewohnliche ware; s. ^Die hebr. 
Ubersetz." S. 236, 604, 853. 

Die Namen Ptolemftus, Rosmus (Zosimus) und Zoro- 
aster geh5ren wohl alchemistischen Quellen an. 



*) Henoch lernt za J 3 Jahren 24 Steine kennen (Z.D.M.Q. 
XXn, 530). Dagegen scheinen die 12 Steine zu 7 Amuleten bei Bertiielot (La 
Cfdmie U, 15) mit denen des Brustschildes verwandt and die 10 Sterne etc. 
in ms. lat Miinchen 667 f. 66 mit den Ei ran id en, deren nene Ansgabe 
Hr. de Mely vorbereitet hat. 

•) Sabnr in „lapidario" citirt Rhazes; s. Virchow*s Archiv Bd. 39 
S. 394, ygl, 6d. 42 S. 172, wo Afobrocacisi in lib. lapidum anf grie- 
chische Herkonft zurdckzufiihren istV 

^ Varianten: Libarins, Libansus, Libarsus; Die hebr. T}l)ersetz. 
8. 798, vgl. S. 257. 



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54 Moritz Steinachneider. 

Von Psellus (H, Emanuel S. 254) habe ich bei Arabern 
keine Spur eines namentlichen Citats gefunden. 



III. EuropSisehe Schrlften. 

Diese Gruppe besteht meist aus Handschriften, die 
ich nur aus und nach Catalogen notirt habe. Ich kann 
daher keine sachlichen Kategorien unterscheiden und 
beschranke mich auf die Bemerkung, dass darunter einige 
nur Teile umfassender Werke sind, welche man als „kosmo- 
graphische'' bezeichnen konnte, und die haufig: de natura 
(oder de naturis, oder de proprietatilms) rertim betitelt werden; 
sie sind wohl nicht voUstfindig aufgezUhltf^) wie iiberhaupt 
auch hier nicht Vollstftndigkeit beabsichtigt sein kann. 

Bei mangelhafter Kunde der Schriften empfahl sich 
folgende Unterabteilung: 

a) Schriften von bekannten Autoren ohne Unterschied 
der Sprache, 

b) anonyme (zuerst lateinische, dann in anderen Sprachen) 
nach den Bibliotheken geordnet. 

a) Autoren: 
Albertus Magnus, der bekannte Philosoph, verfasste in 
der Keihe der Bearbeitung aristotelischer Biicher ein 
Buch de mineralihus , in der Ausgabe seiner Werke 
Bd. II; vgl. auch ms. Amplon (in Erfiirt) 320,® in 
fol , 293,*^ in Quarto. — Eine ihm untergeschobene 
Schrifk: y, Liber aggregationum seu secretorum de virtutibus 
herbarum, lapidum et animalium", wovon ich eine (in 
Hain's Repertorium n. 528 verzeichnete) Incunabel be- 
nutze, behandelt im 2. Buche 45 (nicht gezahlte) Steine, 
stets „si vis" beginnend. also von der Wirkung aus- 
gehend. Kurz vor dem Ende heisst es: „In libro mine- 



*) tfber das, unter dem Namen des Beda (Opp. VI, 99, oder 
Bd. II, auch in Migne's Tatrologia t. 90) gedruckte: De natwra rerum und 
ahnliche Schriften s. Histoire Litt. de la France XIX, 183; es ist von 
Wilhelm von Chonchis benutzt (K. Werner, Die Kosmologie und 
Naturlehre des scholastischen Mittelalters, in Berichten der 
Wiener Akad. 1873, Bd. 74, 75 S. 322). Das Bach ist vielleicht echt, nach 
Haureau, NoUces et Extr, II (1890) p. 26. 



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Lapidarien. 55 

ralium in aaron et evax [=Marbod] multa similia et 
alia invenies".*) 

Arnaldus Saxo, De virtuiibus lapidum^ edirt von V. Rose 
1875 (s. unten Anhang II), scheint teilweise hebraisch 
(ibersetzt, s. Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. 957. 

Boetius, Anselmus, „Tractatus de lapidibus et gemmis", bei 
H. Emanuel p. 236, ist Ans. Boethius de Boodt oder 
Boot aus Bruges, dessen gemmarum et lapidum historia, 
Hannover 1609 und sonst ersehien (Catal. impress, libr. 
in Biblioth. Bodl. I, 287). 

Cardanus, Hieron., De lapid- praet' (de substilitate) bei 
Emanuel p. 239, ist wohl: de gemmis et coloribuSy 
Basel 1585, hinter somniorum libri IV etc. (Catal. 
Bodl. I, 425). 

Galamazar (pseud.), De lapid. praet. Galem^zar, thesaur. 
Regis Babylon.; ms. Brit. Mus. Harley 80,'^. 

Isidorus pBispalensis] , de lapidibus, ms. Voss. lat. 48 
(s. Catal. Mss. Angliae II, 1 p. 64 n. 2373) ist wohl 
lib. 16 (de lap. et metallis) der ^Origines", gedinickt. 

Josef s. unter Thomas. 

Leonardus, Camillus, Speculum Lapidum etc. Ven. 1502, 4^, 
und Aug. Vindel. 1533 (diese Ed., die bei Emanuel 
p. 249 fehlt, besitzt die k. Bibliothek in Berlin). — 
Italienisch: Trattato delle Gemmey che produce la 
Natura traduzione di M, Ludovico Dobe^ Ven. 1563, 
go, _ Englisch; The mirror of Stones in which the 
Nature generates. Properties etc. of more than 200 . . 
stones J London 1750, 8^. — Eines der wichtigsten 
Werke auf diesem Gebiete (bei Emanuel p. 249). — 
Eine Art von Plagiat dieses Werkes ist Pseudo-Trithe- 
mius, 8. unter diesem weiter unten S. 58. 

Lull, a. s. Nachtrag, 

Mandeville, Jehan de, Lapidaire frangais (ei'w-ahnt von 
Rose, Aristot. de lapid. p. 45), bei Emanuel p. 250: 
Le Grand Lapidaire. oil sont declarer (so) les nofns de 
Pierres orientales, avec les Vertus et Proprietes d'icelles, 
et ties et pays on eUes croissent. Paris 1501 12"*<^ — 

*) Aaron und Josef stammen wahi-scheiulich zunachst aus alche- 
mistischen Quellen, und dort aus medicinischen, s. Die hebr. tibersetz. 
8. 238 (so lies fur 258 im Index unter Aaron). 



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56 Moritz SteinsohDeider. 

Die Ausgabe bei Pannier p. 202, die ich aus Autopsie 
kenne, hat den Titel: Le Lapidaire du XIV*"* Steele^ 
Description des pierres pricieuses et de leurs vertus 
magiquesy d'apres le traits da chevalier Jean de Monde- 
ville, avec notes, commentaire et im appendice sur les 
caracteres physiques des pierres precieuses, k Tusage 
des gens du monde, par Js. del Soto. Vienne 1862 
(XV, 213 pp.). Fiir die Geschichte der Edelsteine sehr 
interessant. 

Marbod (englischer Bischof, gest. 1123) gilt als Verfasser 
eines latein. Gedichts, anfangend: „Evax rex Arabum 
legitur scripsisse Neroni'S daher auch als Evax, de 
lapidibus, gehend, latein. gedruckt mit einer Abhandlung 
liber die 12 Steine (s. An hang I), in Beimen und in 
Prosa, auch hebrftisch iibersetzt; fiber alle Einzelheiten 
s. Die hebr. Uebers. S. 956 § 572. ») 

Martin de Lucena(?) ein sonst unbekannter Autor, hat 
vielleicht ein Buch fiber Krafte der Edelsteine verfasst, 
woraus Einiges hebraisch in ms. Mfinchen 214; s. 
Die hebr. Uebersetzungen S. 809. 

Megenburg, Conrad von, s. unter Thomas. 

Neckam, Alexander (gest. 1227), der bekannte Scholastiker, 
de naturis rerum. ed. Th. Wright, London 1863; Cap. 85 
beginnt: „In verbis et herbis et lapidibus multum esse 
virtutum compertum est a diligentibus naturarum in- 
vestigatoribus. . . AeneeLS Achatem socium habuisse" etc.; 
86 handelt von asbest, 87 chelidonius, 88 magnetes, 
89 alectorius, 90 beryllus. 91 smaragdus, 92 adamas, 
93 item de adamante [dieses und das folg. Elap. ist 
aus H. J. Solinus, de situ orbis etc., nach Wright 
p. 180, Note], 94 de adamante et magneto [wovon 
ich eine Abschrift genommen], 95 galactitus, 96 cry- 
stallus, 97 gagates, 96 de attractione (p. 183 die Stelle 
„nautae etiam" etc. s. Wright p. XXXTV). — Aus dem- 
selben Buche ^Tetrastichon de 7 lapidibus** ms. Bodl. 
2067 (bei P. Leyser, Historia poetarum p. 993). 

^) Eine italienische Bearbeitung ist: lAbro de le virtuti de le 
pietre prezioae volgarizzamento inedito fatto da Sire Zucchero Bencivenni 
[xxm 1313] ora messo in prima luce dal Cav. Enrico Narducci, Bologna 1869 
(Estratto dal . . . Propugnatore, vol. II). 



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LapidarieD. 57 

Outre me use, Jean de, Le tr^sorier de philosophie naturelle 
des pierres pricieuses, ms. ia Paris, erw&hut Ferd. 
IMnis, Le Monde enchante^ Paris 1843, p. 233. 

Ptolemaeus („Ptholomeus") de lapidibus praet. et sigillis 
— Anf.: regi Pt. rex Acatingi scripsit; ms. Bodl. Ash- 
mol. 1471,5; i^ ms. Wien IV,98 n. 5311,® heisst es rex 
Azarius (s. Zeitscbr. f. Mathematik XVI, 384 u. 396); 
also ist Ptolem. nur Adressat des fingirten Eonigs ; eine 
Nachabmung Marbod's? 

Thomas Cantimpratensis, auch Brabantinus genamit 
(1201 — 70), verfasste ein unedirtes Werk: De ncUura 
rerum (s. Histoire litteraire de la France XXX, 370), 
welcbes einen Abscbnitt liber Edelsteine enth&lt. Ich 
benutze die flandschr. Hamilton 114 v. J. 1295, jetzt 
in der biesigen k. Bibliothek, und teile bier das Ver- 
zeiebnis der im 14. Kap. behandelten Edelsteine mit, in- 
dem ich zur bequemen Vergleicbung mit anderen Werken 
die einzelnen Artikel fortlaufend zahle. 

1. Ametistus, 2. Achates, 3. Adamas, 4. Aleston, 
5. Amantlys, 6. AUectorio, 7. Absantus, 8. Alabadia, 
9. Andromeda, 10. Berillus, 11. Borax, 12. Carbunculus, 
IS.Calendon, 14. Corallus, 15. Crisopissus, 16. Calidonius, 
17. Calcophanius, 18. Cristallus, 19. Crisoletus, 20. Dra- 
contides, 21. Dionisia, 22. Dyadocos, 23. Emathides, 
24. Echites, 25. Elytropia, 26. Elydros, 27. Granatus, 
28. Gagatus, 29. Gelasia, 30. Gecolitus, 31. Geranades 
[var. Gelatrici], 32. Geratomeus [Gagatromeus], 33. Jaspis, 
34. Jacinctus , 35. Judaicus , 36. Iscistos , 37. Yrin 
38. Yhena , 39. Liparea , 40. Ligurius , 41. Magnes, 
42. Memphites , 43. Melonites , 44. Medus , 45. Onix, 
46. Ouicbnius, 47. Oscolanus, 48. Orices, 49. Perites, 
50. Pantbera, 51. Prasius, 52. Sapbjnms, 53. Smaragdus, 
54. Sardonix, 55. Sardites, 56. Syrius, 57. Syropbagus, 
58. Samius, 59. Succinus, 60. Specularis, 61. Sylonitus, 
62. Sartha, 63. Topasius. 

Unter adamas (Magnet) heisst es wiefolgt: ferrum 
attrabit et magneti lapidi aufei-t ferrum si praesens sit 
stellam etiam maris, quae maria dicitur ac arte inter 
obscuras nebulas per diem et noctem prodit. Nautae enim 
cum inter obscuras nebulas vias suas dirigere non valent ad 



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58 Moritz Steinschneider. 

portum accipiunt acum et acumine eius adamantum in- 
figunt per transversum in festuca pai-va immittontque 
vasi adamantem lapidem moxque secundum motum la- 
pidis sequitur in circuitu cacumen acus rotatum ergo 
perinde citius per circuitum lapidem subito retrahunt 
moxque cacumen acus amisso ductore aciem dirigit 
contra stellam maris subsistitque statim nee per punctum 
movetur Nautae vero secundum demonstrationem factam 
vias ad portum dirigimt. 

Eine Handschrift des Br. Mus. (Sloane 448) aus dem 
XV. — XVI. Jahrh. entbalt eine poetische Bearbeitung 
des Abschnittes aus dem „Buch der Natur" von Kom'ad 
V. Megenberg (gest. in Regensburg 1374), aus dem 
Latein. des Thomas Cant, ins Deutsche iibersetzt. S. 
Fr, Pfeiffer: Das Buch der Natur v. Konrad v. Me- 
genberg, Stuttgart 1861. (Dieses Buch ist gedruckt: 
zweimal 1475, dann 1488 u. 1499.) S. auch Jakob 
Baechtold, deutsche Handschr. aus dem Br. Mus. 
Schaffhausen 1873, S. 153 ff. — Nach Baechtold % 
S. 171, findet sich ein Mhnliches Gedicht in Von der 
Hagen und Busching's Museum ftir altdeutsche Kunst 
und Literatur 1811, 11. Bd. S. 52 ff., nach einer Dres- 
dener Hs. vom Jahre 1470 und einem Erfurter Druck 
vom Jahre 1498. Der Dichter heisst Joseph. — Die 
Londoner Hs. nfthert sich im 1. Abschnitt von den 12 
Steinen dem Erfurter Druck. 
Trithemius Jo., der ebensowohl benihmte als jetzt be- 
riichtigte Abt (gest. 1516) ist zum Verf. eines plagia- 
torischen Schriftchens gemacht worden: „Veterum so- 
phorum sigilla et imagines magicae" [si.?] 1612, 8^, 
auch mit einem Anhange: Catalogus variorum magico- 
cabbalistico Chymicoinim, studio atque opera Frid. Roth- 
Scholzii, in kl. 8® Herrenstadii ap. Sam. Roth-Scholzium 
1732. — Das Bilchelchen von 48 Seiten ist grossten- 
theils wortlich aus Cam. Leonardus (s. d.) abgeschrie- 
ben, fiihrt das Jahr 1608 und Scaligers Exercitt an. 



*) „Zwolf Stain in kurtzem Zil . . . die Salomon der wyse Gab 
besonder Jochem Bryse" . . . Aimantus etc. Zuletzt Jaspis. S. 165. ^Das 
sind die zwolf stain die Aaron alle tag . . . trug". Folgen die iibrigen 
Steine. Bl. 67 des ms. beginnt das Thetelbiichlein (bei Pfeiffer S. 469 ff.). 



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Lapidarien. 59 

S. meinen Artikel: „P8eudo-Trithemius und Cam. Leo- 
nardi^, in der Zeitschr. fiir Mathematik etc. herausgegeben 
V. Schlomilch u. Cantor, XX (1875) S. 25—27. — Ein 
^bnliches untergeschobenes Machwerk ist wohl unter 
dem Titel: „De annulis septem planetarum et de decern 
sigillis spirituum coelestium" dem Trith. beigelegt in 
Ms. Wien V, 307 n. 11320 f. 103—36, saec. XVII. 
Volemar nennt sich einer der Bearbeiter von 4 deutschen 
mss. bei Pannier p. 213. 

b) Anonyme.*) 
De lapidibus preciosis, Anf.: „Hec [Haec] de lap. pr. probata 

scio: Dyamas inter alias"; ms. Amplon in Erfurt, fol. 

303,32. 
„Quaedam de lapidibus preciosis et aliis fortasse ex Isidori 

originibus" (??). Anf.: „Adamas est lapis .... Ende: „ut 

dicitur in lapidario". Folgt: de piscibus und de avibus 

[ist also wohl aus Kiraniden?]; ms. Amplon. fol. 346,'^. 
Virtutes lapidarum. anf.: „Novem sunt lapides"; ms. Amplon 

quarto 222,^ 
Tractatus de certis gemmis. Anf.: „Diversa legens collegi 

labore nimis. . . Agathes quidam niger lapis"; ms. Amplon 

40. 365,8. 
De. lapid. praetiosis, mehr alchemistisch; ms. Bodl., Ashmol. 

1467,^ (Catal. Black p. 1213). Zweifelhaft ist Lib. mine- 
ral, lib. I de mixt., lib. de lapid. pr. (auch de imag. 

et sigillis) ib. 1384, i^ Tp. 1071). 
De'lap. praet., Anf: „Onichius"; ms. Bodl. Canon, lat. (class.) 

178 f 132 (Catal. Coxe p. 191). 
De gemmis, alphabetisch, zuerst Adamas*, ms. ibid. Canon. 

misc. 285' (Catal. p. 649). 
Quomodo gemmae lustrantm*, in demselben ms. 2. 
De conservatione gemmaram, in dems. ms ^ 
De modo praecipuos quosdam lapides consecrandi, in dems. 

ms. ^ beginnt mit Alectorius. 
Tractatus brevis de lapid. pr., geschr. im XII. Jahrh. Dazu 

Einiges von jungerer Hand; ms. Bodl. Digby 13,^ (Catal. 

Macray 1883 p. 10). 

*) Die Angaben sind hier gekiirzt, Anfang und Ende nur ausnahms- 
weise mitgeteilt. 



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go Moritz Stdnschneider. 

Tractatus de gemmis, anf.: „ Omnium gemmarum virentimn 

smaragdus principatum habet^; ib. \ 
Lapidarius, seu quaedam de lapid. praetiosor. virtutibus. Anf.: 

novem sunt lapides, qui sunt in hostio Jerusalem qui 

continentur in planetis; ms. Bodl. Laud. 203,'^ (Coxe, 

Catal. II, 1 p. 176). 
Lib. de lap. praet. unus Magicus s. de sigiUtiS] ms. Brit. Mus. 

Harley 80,1^. 
De lap. fil. Israel. . 4 Teil des vorangehenden, also 16- 19 

zusammenhilngend (ob Cethel, oder Leonardi?). 
De lapid., avibus et arboribus Indiae, Arabiae et Africae; 

ms. Harley, Nummer ? (Emanuel 260). 
(Collections) ms. Br. Mus. Add. 15068 (CataL 1841—45, gedr. 

1850 p. 82). 
De virtutibus gemmarum ; ms. Miinchen 667 f. 73. 
De lapid. praet, ib. 4394 f. 156, 11, 159. 
Virtutes quorundam lap. praetiosor., Anf.: Adamas est lapis; 

ib. 8238 (Catal. IV, 1 p. 10 n. 78). 
Descriptio crisoliti, iaspidis etc., ib. 14767 f. 38 (Catal. IV, 

2 p. 231). 
Benedictio super lapides praet, ib. 14851 f. 38 (ib. p. 242 — 

cf. Rose, Arist de Lap. 345). 
De lapid. praet, ib. 16081 1 102 (IV, 3 p. 50). 
De lapid. praet et famosis; ib. 18444 f. 202 (ib. p. 164). 
De lapid. praet, neben anderen Gegenstanden einer Kosmogr.; 

ms. Oxford, Coll. Corp. Chr. 221 (p. 87). 
Liber mineralium, de lapid, scil. et metallis; Anf. : de commixt 

et coagul. (ist Avicenna?); ms. Oxford Exon ColL 35,*®. 
Ein Qedicht, ms. Paris, s. Haur^au, Notices et Extr. I (1890) 

p. 76 n. 712. 
De lapid., alphabetisch; Anf.: „Exponamus autem nunc", 

Ende: „de omnibus est planum"; Wien (Tabulae II, 52 

n. 2303 >5). 
De lapid. Anf.: „Queritur quomodo fiunt lapides" — Ende: 

„transtulimus in latin."; ms. Wien (II, 75 n. 2442*). 
De sculpturis lapidum. Anf.: „In quocunque lapide sculptum 

invenies geminos", Ende: „sanctificatis consistit" (ib. 11, 

75 n. 2442 ^2). 
Fragmenta varia de lapid. praetiosis etc. (ib. VI, 216 n. 

10646, XVI). 



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Lapidarien. 61 

Ein Lapidarium betreffend 125 Steine, welches ein 

^Aegidius magister hospitalism (XIII. Jahrh.?) auszog 

(extraxit); Guttmann, in Monatsschr. f. Gesch. u. Wiss. 

d. Jud. 1894/5S. 214, scheint das von Avicenna (Berth. I, 

302) citirte. 
Italienisell. tJber Sterne, XVIII. Jahrh. 78 Bl., ms. in Florenz 

(Pasinus 11, 444 n. 115). 
Lapidario, Anf.: „I1 re dimanda che virtude anno le pietre 

preziose^; Ende: ^il manzare quando la fame''; ms. 

Bodl. Canon, ital. 263, XXI f. 133—41 (Mortara Catal. 

1864 p. 239).*) 

S. auch nnter Marbod. 
FranzOslsell , eine gereimte Abhandlung [nach Marbod?]; 

ms. Cambridge, Coll. Caio Gonville 435,^ (Catal. von 

J. J. Smith, 1849 p. 201. — Es folgt als «: De sigillia 

et sculpturis super eas faciendis, Prosa. Defect.) 
Le Lapidaire, aus dem Latein. (ibersetzt. 21 Bl.; ms. in Florenz, 

in der Medicea (Pasinus 11, 494 n. 138). 
Spaniscll, iiber Steine, deren Farbe, Gestalt und Krafte (vir- 

tutes), ms. der Nationalbibliothek in Madrid, B. 3 XVI 

(s. Rico J Synobas, Libros del Saber de Astronomia 

del Bey Alfonso, V, 118). 
Peutscll (XVI. Jahrh.), liber Krafte der Edelsteine; Anf: 

„Zum ersten von Biamant; der kostbare Stein ist Weiss'*. 

Ende : „ Verlogen Ding gesagt und gelert (so) hat" ; ms. 

Wien (VI, 293 n. 11235 f. 89— 97 b). 



IV. HebrSiselie Sehrlften und Bearbeitungen von Juden. 

Wir konnten die hebrftischen Behandlungen der Steine 
in solche teilen, deren fremdes Original bekannt, und in 
solche, deren TJrsprung nicht bekannt ist. Die Ubersetzer 
und Bearbeiter firemder Orginale sind aber auch nicht voU- 
standig bekannt. 

Von fremden Autoren sind festgestellt: Pseudo-Aristo- 
teles, Marbod (Evax) und der unbekannte Martin de 
Lucena, iiber welche das Nahere in meinem Werke: Die hebr. 

^) Vielleicht aus dem „Libro di Sidrach"*? (Ein ms. v. J. 1476 bei 
Mortara, Catal. p. 220 n. 234, spanisch p. 289 n. 147). S mein: II libro 
di Sidrach, Roma 1872 (Estr. dal Buonarroti), wo p. 14 die Steine mit 
denen im hebr. Basiel und bei C. Leonardi verglichen sind. 



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62 Moritz Steinschneider. 

Ubersetzungen des Mitte)alters, zu finden ist. Ein 
jiidisches, aus eigenem Studium der Sache, oder aus eigener 
Erfahrung hervorgeganges Buch ist bis auf die neueste Zeit nicht 
geschrieben, obwohl die Juden Gelegenheit genng batten, die 
kostbaren und wirksamen Steine im kaufinanniscben Ver- 
kehr und in der medicinischen Verordnung keniien zu lemen. 
Da die gesamte Literatur von geringem Umfange ist, so 
mag bier eine kurze chronologische Aufzablung zum ersten 
Male versucht werden, wobei von den kleinen Eroterungen 
tiber die XII Steine des Brustschildes abgesehen ist (siehe 
Anhang I). 

Die, nach klingenden Namen begierige Magie verherrlichte 
die Weisheit Salomons durch Schriften wie j^Basid^ und 
y^Claviculo Salomanis^j in den en auch die magische Wirkung 
der Edelsteine und der darauf angebrachten Gottes- und 
Engelnamen gelehrt wird; sie erweitert gewissermaassen die 
Legende von Salomons Siegelring. Excerpte aus dem „Lapi- 
darius" des Salomo im Buche Rasiel giebt Cam. LeonardiJ) 
Jene Biicher sind aber hochst wahrscheinlich christlichen 
Ursprungs; ihre hebraischen Bearbeitungen geboren jedenfalls 
neuerer Zeit an. (Die hebr. Ubers. S. 937.) Das phanteisie- 
reiche Bueb Sohar, am Ende des XIII. Jahrh., fabricirt 
unter erdichteten Buchem auch eines des Salomo uber die 
Weisheit der Edelsteine (II, 172a, s. Die hebr. Ubersetz. 
S. 936 A. 126, vgl. Wolf I p. 1049 n. 2 u. 5, eigentUch 6). 

Das alteste bekannte Steinbuch eines Juden ist das des 
Berachja ha-Nakdan, den ich noch immer ftir einen Fran- 
zosen des XIII. Jahrh. halte, '^) auch wegen der interessanten 
Stelle iiber die Bereitung des Compasses, die wahrscheinlich 
zu den Ultesten europaischen iiber diesen Gegenstand gehort 
(Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. 964); iiber den Sinn der Stelle hat 
mich Herr Schuck in Hamburg belehrt; man vergleiche 
damit die (oben Ilia) unter Thomas mitgeteilte Stelle. Das 
Original Berachja s ist in der romanischen Literatur zu suchen. 

Bald nach Berachja erscheint Jehuda b. Moses Kohen 
als spanischer Ubersetzer des „Abolays" (s. II), und dem 
XIII. Jahrh. gehort vielleicht Jakob b. Reuben, der Uber- 
setzer des Marbod an (1. c. S. 957). Den Steinen ist eine 

^) S. oben S. 61 Anm. 1. 
^) S. Nachti-ag. 



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Lapidarien. 63 

Partie des encyklopadischen Schaar ha-Schamajim von Ger- 
son b. Salomo gewidmet, der sicher in der 2. Halfte des XIII. 
Jahrhunderts lebte und nur dahin passt. Gerson wird an- 
gefiihrt in eineni, leider sehr geringen Fragment einer alpha- 
betischen Behandlung der Steine (ms. Mtinchen 153,*), welche 
aus occidentalischer Quelle stammt. 

Vor 1335 ist ein ^Lapidario'^ verfasst worden, woraus 
35 Artikel von Heidenheim copirt sind in einem Michaelschen 
ms. der Bodl. (Die hebr. Ubersetz. S. XXXIV). 

Simon Duran (1425) kommt in seiner grossen Ein- 
leitung zum Commentar fiber den Tractat Abot {Mayen Abot 
in fol. f. 10) auch auf die Edelsteine; seine Quelle ist wahr- 
scheinlich eine hebraische Bearbeitung des (Pseudo-) Aristo- 
teles, den er citirt (s. raeine Abhandl. Zur pseudepigr. Lit. 
S. 82, wo ich seine Ausserung fiber die Nichtigkeit der 
Alchemie hervorhebe.) 

Nach einem Citate eines jfingeren Karfters hatte ein ^Elia b. 
Moses Gallina" etwas fiber die Krafte der Steine geschrieben; 
es soil wohl Moses b. Elia heissen, dessen Namen in der 
Ausgabe eines Buches fiber Physiognomik (XV. Jahrh) eben- 
falls umgekehrt worden (Die hebr. Uebersetz. S. 964). 

Auch in der neueren Zeit ist von schriftstellerischer 
Thatigkeit der Juden auf diesem Gebiete wenig bekannt. 

Lazarus, ein jfidischer Arzt aus Mainz (1563, ob der 
Leibarzt der Kinder des Kaisers Ferdinand? s. Hebr. Bi- 
bliogr. IV, 42 n. 150; Carmoly, Hist, des medecins juifs^ 
p. 155, vgl. Die hebr. Uebersetz. S. 965) verfasste ein 
dents ches Buch „Ehrenpreis" fiber Krafte von Edelsteinen; 
ms, Wien (Tabulae VII, 124 n. 13008). 

Aus einer ^Tarifa^ von Silber, Gold und Edelsteinen 
von Meschullam aus Volterra (1571) excerpirt Abraham 
Portaleone in seinem, von Antiquarbuchhandlem fiber- 
schatzten Werke Shilte ha-Gibborim (1612), welches wegen 
Behandlung der 12 Edelsteine und gelegentlich einiger 
anderer, einen Platz in H. EmanueTs Bibliographic 
(S. 254) gefunden hat. Letzterer dfirfte selbst einen 
wfirdigen Schluss unserer Uebersicht bilden, nachdem wir 
noch M. Cohen, Beschreibendes Verzeichnis einer Samra- 
lung von Diamanten, Wien 1822 (Em. p. 240) nachge- 
tragen haben. 



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64 Moritz SteinsobD eider. 

Was etwa von Juden in der Zeit ihrer Gleichstellung 
unter den Nationen geleistet worden, habe ich nicht zu er- 
forschen getrachtet^). 

Es bleibt ein merkwiirdiges Factum, dass die vielfach 
^steinreichen** Juden der frtiheren Zeit nur aus from- 
mem oder aberglilubischem Interesse sich dieser Literatur 
zuwendeten. 

Februar 1895. 



A n h a n g I. 

Schriften (iber die 12 Edelsteine des Brustachildes 
und der in der Apocal. Job. erwahnten (Cap. 21, 19: 
Jaspis . . . Amethyst). 
Die nachfolgende AufzUhlung beansprucht keines- 
wegs irgend eine VoUstUndigkeit ; es soUen hier nur 
Beispiele gegeben werden , wie sie sich mir zufallig 
dargeboten haben. Ich erwUhne zuerst wenige griechische, 
dann unter den lateinischen etc. diejenigen, welche einen 
Autor angeben, ohne hiermit die Autoritat ohne Weiteres an- 
zuerkennen; hierauf folgen die anonymen. Nahere Angaben 
iiber Einzehies findet man bei L6op. Pannier, Les Lapi- 
daircs frangais etc. (s. hier Anhang II) p. 202 — 216, wo zu- 
letzt auf Pitra, Spicileg, Solemn, II, 346 verwiesen ist 
Unter den grieehlselien Schriften ist am bekanntesten die 
des Epiphanius (s Pannier p. 212 s. Nachtrag); vgl. ms. 
Barocius 50,38 f. 321^ bei Coxe, Catal. Bodl. I p. 74 u. 
miscell. 211,8 f. 322 (Coxe p. 765). 

In anderen Sprachen: 
Amatus, monachus Cassinensis (ca. 1080). De 12 lapidibus (Fa- 

bricius, bibl. lat. med. s. v.). 
Anselmus Leudunensis, Hymnus de XII gemmis apocal. 
cum glossa deprorapta ex Walafrido Strabone 
(ms. Wien, Tab. I., 160 n. 946^ — Denis II, n. 
. CCXIX). 
[Augustinus?] De interpretatione 12 lapidum et naturis et no- 
minibus. Anf. „Jaspis primus ponitur civitatis Dei, 

*) Wenige unbedeutende Stiicke, fast nur iiber die 12 Steine, die 
hier weggelassen sind, findet man in: Die bebr. "Cbersetz. 8. 964. 



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Lapidarien. 65 

quitalein habet naturam^* ; gedruckt (0pp. Augustini VI 
App. col. 301); auch ms. Baliol 285* (p. 94) Sermo de 
12 lapidibus. (anonym, Coxe erkennt es nicht); ms. 
CoU. Corp. Chr. 137,i^ f. 80 (Cat. p. 51); Lincoln 
15^ hinter Apocal. mit Prolog u. Glossar; libellus de 
12 lapidibus. Anfang ^Jaspis viridis virorem.^ 

Excerpte (Cambro- Brit Dialect) aus Franciscus [de Ma- 
gronls], [Ylncent. Bellor.], BartholomSus [Angllens; 
8. i)ie Hebr, Uebersetz. S. 814] „et forsan aliis.** Anf. 
„Awen gyntaf a ymarverwyt." 

Beda, De mystica signif. 12 lapidum (in einzelnen mss.), oder 
de XII lapidibus (in Operibus. Paris 1544, Col. 1688, 
oder III, 491; s. auch oben S. 54 Anm. 1). Fabricius s. 
V. im Index der Werke: de 12 lapidibus. — Apocalypsis 
rhytm., Anf. „Civis supeme patriae. In Jhesu et civite'' 
(Coxe zu Cod. Merton 678. Cat. p. 40). Vgl. oben III 
£nde b, ms. Amplon). 

Harbod, Carmina de 12 lapidibus praet. Apocal. (Fabricius, 
Bibl. med. nnter op. 20; = filior. Isr.? Cat. Lugd. Bat. 
p. 107); gedruckt hinter Marbod, s. oben. 

Thomas Cantimpratensis, deutsch von Eonrad vonMegenburg 
8. weiter unten II. 

Pannier (p. 212) nennt HUdebert, Biehard de St. Yietor, 
Hugues de St Yietor, Alexander Neekam. 
Bei Pannier (p. 216) sind folgende neuere Druckschriften 

angegeben : 

Andr. Bacci, Le XII pietre prez. . . Roma 1587, latein. 

von W. Gabelchover, Frankf. 1643. — Jo. Braun, Vestit. 

sacerd. Hebr. Amst. 1680. — Matth. Hiller, Tract, de XII 

gemmis in pector., Tub. 1698. Diaz Martinez, Tract, de 

sacris lapidibus ? ? Schliesslich verweist Pannier auf Pitra, 

Spicil. n, 346. 

Anonym sind folgende Schriften : 

Lapidum XII praetiosor. interpret, allegor. (ms. Bodl. Canon. 
48, Cat. p. 265), Anf.: „Cives celestis patrie(so) — 
J asp is coloris viridis praefert nitorem fidei". 

Lapidarius, incip. ,,Duodecim sunt lapides qui continentur in 
12 signis celestibus" (ms. Laud. 203 »> f. 37; Coxe II., 
1 p. 176). 

Kobnt, Semitic Studies. ^ 



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QQ Moritz Steinsohneider. 

De 12 lapidibuB (ms. Trinity ColL Dublin 62b^ f. 191, Cat. 
Mss. Angl. II, 2 p. 46). 

De nominibus XII filior. Israel, et quomodo per totidem gem- 
mas signiiicantur, versus XXV heroici; An£ „Ruben 
precedens in origine, Jaspis in ede [L viride??]; 
Ende: ,,Benjamin et pariter Ametistus (so) uterque 
supremus (ms. Coll. Corp. Chr. 43', Coxe p. 16). 

Nomina 12 lapidum praetiosor, cum interpretatione brevi. 
Anf.: „Fundamentum primum Intemeratae fidei homines 
(ms. Coll. Jesu 512g, Coxe p. 19). 

De virtute lapidum 12 praetiosor. (ms Munchen 4688 f. 352, 
lat. 11, 191). 

De lapidibus allegoria (XII. Jahrh.), hinter Apocalypse (ib. n. 
17045 f. 80, n. 19104; IV, 3 p. 77, 231). 

De Xn lapid. (ib. n. 17100 f. 102; IV, 3 p. 81). 

Tractatus mysticus: Moralizatio de XII lapidibus praet. (ib. 
19133 f. 59^ 1. c. p. 235). 

De lapid. praet. (mystice) — (ib. n. 19139 f. 35; ib. ib.). 

Liber de XII lapidibus. Rubrica: qui lapidum vires et no- 
mina scire requiris ex lege me lectorem cognoscas 
ordine recto. Anf.: „Cive8 celestis patrie regi regum 
[vgl. Beda S. 65]. Zuletzt: Explicit liber secretus 
de coloribus et virtutibus ac sculpturis praec. lap.; Ms. 
Amplon. 295,«. 

Degemmis,anf.: Jaspis virenti8Coloris,Ende: Ametistus purpurei 
colons. . aureis interlitus; ms. Wien, Tab. II, 85^n. 2504,''. 

(Deutscll) ms. Munch, lat. 536 f. 82, abgedruckt in Germania 
VIII, 300. 

Ein lateinisches Glossar aus dem IX. Jahrh., worin die 12 
Steine, ms. Bern (bei Sinner, Catal. 1, 361 ; s. Pannier p. 212). 

Anhang II. 

Allgemeine S chr if ten. 

Weiss zu Pfaffen Lamprecht L 546 ff. II, 599. 

Steinsohneider, Jewish Lit. p. 201, 369; Catal. Codd. Lugd. 
Bat. p. 107, 148 ; Zeitschrift fUr Mathematik XVI, 384^ 
386/7 396; Serapeum 1870 S. 306; Hebr. BibUogr. 
VI, 93; XIII, 11, 84—5; XVI, 104 (Cethel); Pseudo^ 
Trithemius und Camillo Leonardi (Zeitschrift ftir Ma- 
thematik 1875, hist.-lit. Abteilung S. 25). 



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Lapidarien. g7 

E. Narducci, Libro de le virtudi di pietre preziose, Bo- 
logna 1869; 8. Amn. 23. 

V. Rose, Aristoteles und Arnold Saxo, de lapidibus (Zeit- 
schrift ftir deutsche Altertomskunde n. F. VT. 1875 
S. 321 ff.). 

H. Emanuel, Diamonds and precious stones, 2. edition, 
London 1867, enthfilt eine betr. Bibliographie. 

Clement-Mullet, Essai sur la miniralogie arabe, 1868. 
(Extrait du Joum. Asiat. t. XI p. 5ff.). 

A Pfitzmeier, BeitrSge zurGeschichte derEdelsteine und des 
Geldes (Sitzungsbericht der phiL-hist Klasse der Wiener 
Akad.), Bd. 58 (1868) ,aus altchinesischen Quellen. 

Liop. Pannier, Les lapidaii'es fran^ais du moyen age, 
Paris 1882 (Biblioth^que de I'icole des hautes ]^tudes 
N. 52; Gaston Paris, Lit fr. p. X, hat 1881). 

F. de M61y (vgl. S. 47 Anm. 1) voroffentlichte folgende, unser 
Thema bertlhrende Schriften in Sonderabdrflcken aus 
Zeitschriften, die hier in Parenthese angegeben sind, und 
fur deren freundliche Zusendung ich hiermit danke. Wo 
kein Druckort angegeben .wird, ist es Paris. 

Les poissons dans les pierres gravies (Revue ar- 
ch6ol.) 1889. 

La table d'or de Don Pidre de Castille (gedr. in 
Toulouse) 1889 und nocbmals : trad, de Tespagnol (Bul- 
letin de I'Acad. R. de rffist. d'Espagne) 1890. 

Les reliques du lait de la Vierge et la galactite 

(Revue archiol.) 1889. 

Les pierres chaldiennes d'apres le lapidaire d'Alfons 

le Sage (Comptes rendus de TAcad. des Inscr.) 1891. 

Les cachets d'Oculistes et les lapidaires etc. (Revue 
philoL) 1892. 

Le trait6 des fleuves de Plutarque (Revue des fetudes 
grecques) 1892. 

Les lapidaires grecs dans la littirature arabe du 
moyen age (Revue philol.) 1893. 

Strabon et le phylloxera Tampelitis (Compte rendu 
de la 24 session de la Sociiti des Agricultem's de 
France) 1893. 

Du role des pien*es gravies au moyen age (Revue de 
r Art chritien) Lille 1893, 4^ (mit Abbildungen). S. Nachtr. 



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gg Moritz Steinschneider. 

Anhang III. 

Proben aus hebrSischen und arabischen Lapidarien.^) 
a) aus meiner Copie der hebr. Ubersetzung von Pseudo-Aristot. 

tjj; ini« D^irn dki n*2pn «"*.2tt^ D^:2«n ^ro vp r«^ "5? n2in 
pxn no ^"u 110 i2tr ih jni inpn hd 21d cm^ i2ir d^:2n 
iDDni 12 ]2ia ni D^B^ni ^nsn px npn •^Dtrnir nnirps c« 
i« ran noirn moiD imio-i p«n nn -pjsn im i2ir' nzpM 
trxi ^y nni« id^c^ pxn nic pin d^jdikh inp^i -nxiri: hidid 

D^^DiDDn« TD^n «ini pm^d om^Dr^iX mo «nnn ]2i<r] nn 
n^ni DDni 5<Bn •^na i^d prnjor^N ni n^ni ibdh ht in^Dir 
«2i nv^22 p^ 1^ i^:k^ ^^2c^2 vnv^::2 2«2 ^h rvrr\ ir« vo^d 
h^ ^h\r^ ]nir2 pvxn pm: itr« ly c^pirn inpc*ni omr^D^x bt< 
[nv^Do TK] ^i'?DDi ^na pxn n^nir tcr «^ 12 pxn iDjn i^:irD 
p«n niD inp^i v^zvh nw oniJosSw n{<i id in«i pn Dn« p 
nrnir nyirs 1^53^7: im^ nni« iD'»:rni pi tri^ c:dc^ t^y ini« iDin 
im« «51p:i ^ihd n^nir iy pfc<p ini« dd: di« p p{< p«n ni 
Di{< p ^Dv K^i nbna fco:2 i6 Dtjiy^ «!»^ «t) pxn nn :c^«n 
ni ^« -n^DDtJK ratt^ nyir2i i«d^ iy picy winir iDins ojsnS 
K^ D^K^n: '•j^D ID n«ii ninixi D^*?na c^«^5 12 nxi ^nan «^an 
DK D^BTi:n i^«i nin p«2 «in «^an nn cnios D^yo din nwi 
iniD> 1^ iD^3^ «^i C1N cn^ t:^2^ dni nio^ iS itc'^D^ di{< dh^ d^2'» 
1^ 1W1 niK 6 ico^2^ «cr ins oniN oniJor^N n«iir nytr2i on 
ifc<iK^ nycQ «>an ims nni{< T^o^m nt^n: [?\x-i] (^^nid c^:Di«n 
Dm:Dr^« Dm« ran rn«i nDin cnio iro ni omoi c^cn^n 
T^irm mcnnD. n2in ]ni: insn niK p«n htd np^^ ^id> n>n «^i 
DHD p2i:i D^:2Nn ^y iK^sn ^d:i «^an td^ cnnrn iir2n iniN 
vn p]w:^ni n{<ini onc^jn idd ini^ dwi nieiyn vhk^ piy\ 
bv ini« iD^^i^ i^\x2 c^niiBi irsn D^Ncn:i «^an n; *?« onir 
nnx D^Din vn Dm:DDt)« ^iton cn\x c^{<n vntr nytrs cnnn 
p«n nn •D^:2«n t^n isopb^ ixid'^ ii^'dh ir^^ir'tr cipo h^ msiyn 
:nn^ NDtt^ ^:irni v:^*^ i2ir «cc^ vd ^rh ^0'^:2^^ ui^h ^ni p^ 

:vhv "i^y^ D^K^n:n ^^dcc miN 

*) Die Abschriften fiir den Druck verdanke ich der Gefalligkeit des 
Herm Dr. S. Poznanski. 

*) Es ist von dem Zauberspiegel die Rede, s. Die hebr. tTbersetz. d. 
Mittelalt S. 1066 s. v. Spiegel. 



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Lapidarien. gg 

b) aus der Abschrift der hebr. Ubersetzung 
des Marbod ms. Bern 200,^. 

i::c^« ^:2« y^^D p ^r\^t<'^^ 21 bcv2^ ^na niiro2 nD-ip2 iitn 
D^nr«D D\x'«n'» ik^nd p]ddi snn ^r22 pwn nipcD cnmpDi 
ITn nwiD^ ciiN bi2\2ry pyri cn^xio b^di^jd ^ns ^CD c^:Dp 
CN p:ci m2pD2i \rr12t2 r^n^rwr ^h^ c^:2wn ^r by nrt^p «^ni 
ncrt) p^n phrih) n)iz:b c^iii cna^r p by ni^'^Dt:^ ir»^n 012 «^ 
[?D}i&nD] uKcnr nnite i2c^t) n^^np I'y tn mo''ir» i^'^'^n 012 n>pbn 
n^ip: NV11 nirp wr. o iisys^ nnn« d^:dn i2Kn'» onsirn ]di 
iRN poi .^nDu c: 121 ^2 ni2irr:-^ ^d^ n^br\'> c^2i nyi t>p 
c*^>n CI Nb ni2K^: «^ir [?]nn\xt) nt^nai n2ni 2ipn p^2 n«!fD:n 
Nis^a pN2 ^c^^c' 1^)01 .niD2 n2iD ^b it< n:i:rNi2 n^ hnidi 
T^iTib cn^ ^ii n2 c^:2Nn ^bt<^ t:r^?^^? n''2m^ p{<2 n^jn2ini 
^2N H'^bK bn2ri n2inc N^n ^2 jni^ ^^p;? niv^^^n p«i n^bi< bmn 
n'i5:tt'2C2 (?)^DT^ i2n n2ini ,ri:co't)n2n ^in^ norar Doonn 
D^rn: ncrn ci^n cftn'» «^ ^221^-2 vby n:Nir ik^wi cn^ ^^jn^ 
c^y^irsncn ntcpirci rcnci r.c^n n2zc'c it? i^z** n^j idp ^bm c^r:ni 
rcNiT' i^Nb n:ni: rim2i p|D21 2*12 rc^no ip'»jn D''2i«n npnioi 

:n^^fr5t:c^n t2 

c) aus Berachja ha-Nakdan, ms. Bodl. Canon. 70f.73 -8^ 
Die einzelnen Steine beissen (die Ziffer ist zur Bequem- 
lichkeit kiinftiger Citate hinzugefiigt, die Vocalpunkte sind 
nicht immer richtig und aus typographischen Riicksichten 
weggelassen) : 

i'»^P^:t« 6 wi^iciTN 4 w>''it:p^^fc< 3 ptcwpN 2 to:D'»«N 1 
^c^2N 10 b^i:d'»n 9 «Dr'2&< 8 (so) NDntCiN^iNN 7 ND^i:^N 6 
K:n6^« 15 «ir»tso'»N, 14 {<it:n 13 NcniN 12 . i20''t5c:ip-kr^p\x 11 
«t:^*2N* 20 ir«^^r:Di« 19 w^^x-n m:N 18 N:n^N 17 n«^r« 16 
{<id:« 25 inrorDte 24 NiL:ip:N 23 iti^jcbin 22 'onop'^^K 21 
cnsiri: 30 a'»^iria 29 ^nn 28 k^cojincn 27 irmL::^^ 26 

N^lOl^p^^: 34 K'rc^apt'a 33 (1 on DH 32 |«'K5llt*^1i 31 

impi'»D 39 t::cwn 38 c^^iiNi 37 NiipiNn 36 irN^jp^^ 35 
«J0>:'»^ 45 ^)ib^'» 44 «20^n'> 43 i:^\x^ 42 nsc^ 41 ^ddid 40 
iTDin^s 50 &<Tt::D 49 w^ji^d 48 itd 47 n«nir^ 46 
tnhyp 55 ^iip 54 t6p^^\p 53 Niit:nD 52 •^irt:>'»D 51 

*) 1st etwa en als besonderer Artikel gezahlt? Herr Dr. P. zfthlt 
ts^DMH als D. 39. Das Eode des Artikels scheict nicht ganz correct. 



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70 Moritz Steinsohadider. 

fcO^Dipbp 60 mop 59 «'jn^p 58 hi::w^p 57 JC^^iDl^p 56 
(^p^:i« 66 wi-iS' 65 ^cmtff 64 '^ID'^:^ 63 1>Dr 62 pn 61 
]2«< 71 lion Sir p« 70 irmn 69 -nc^ 68 w^b^:biis) 67 

.p«^-i^K 73 «'»:n'>^>s 72 2Kn 
«ip: tnpn pk62i hto^ hr\2r, r\zm2 it e:cK'»n (n. 38) 

^D n^-U DDD B^^ p 'a ^KpTIT] 1TSD pin ^^^2 'HDIT WlH^ I^CIT 

[?.-.] bz !?Ktrip ]t;^ nt:i: rapi n^ia n:^{< cnstr n^-um (?)^:it» 
mcT^i nsD3^ Q^iiTD p-^ iTK nro pun k^ (so) n^sins^ ^6 
\H cn en mira n^h2t2^ r\}rvm^ en ir^n on inp> c^nir nnfc<D 
ino :o30fcoin o jn-m nnoip^ siirn p nnfc<i (so) n^p t^^ 
c^Dx^Doni encr. n^ t^n:'* n:cD 2in inro co^cxnni i^x ^n^n 
21^ D« ^2 jn Di^n ci^n^ ^6 122BO 1^^ n:«ir» law n^ot: nip 
no^n iDiTD D-ixn njn ^nro 1^ (so) jt"^^ "ley ^^nir non k^i 
n^tt^ >D^ IK 2nT2i P1DD2 H^nc ipxn d^jciit npmo pyatr d^pctd 
«ip:n pm hr\2 ^'pzb c^w in: in^nc^i Dnm ^iDDn n^so pxn 
ppD2 i« ymo i« 1^2 nnKB^ nn^i 12 [?] niyst^ (acier) i^sjc 
1^ ^Dpcn z'JiH Ttt^n^ ps'^K^] 2iB^ pn:n inw nii3aVi ncnytJ ^^teoim 
DKp ncn: irjn rcste ^ns pj; «>nrD n«T pfc<n nD ni2n •^p^jn 
.T«D 21C0 [?] i^nir niD^bp [?rJ0] ^V2 ID tr "itrwi :nnx r\^^hp2 

d) Suweidi, Ms. or. fol. 1182 f. 156. 
^^^1^ U>AA^^t &^l^l ^y y***^ ^ vf^iJl sUa^ (J^'UI 

e) Hermes, Cod. Wetzstein II 1208. 
jOjuJuoj (j«.UI ^ &ijA>o ^ ^oLJl v«>LJ| [F. 8 a] 

Jii^l ^ ^Ujl 0^1 Mxb ^Ul v^. LT^y^ ^ JL^Jlj^ 
^y &j^La)| [8 b] JuiXJb rly^^l v^dwyLuuo xoU&jJt ^ 9^yi 

') Bis zu n. 69 sind die Steino nach hebraiscbem Alphabet 
geordnet; wonach sind d. 66, 67 zu beriohtigen oder dorch einen anderen 
Nanien zu erglUizen? n. 70—73 scheinen Nachti^ge. 



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Lapidarien. 71 

aJLo )ty &».M*.>j iUy} ^XmJ SjXaT ftUyi^l V^V»>I IJ^^ (5**^^ 

^5^ o^ \jh *** ^'^ J^4Xib ^i f(il^ &Ai Jl^jo* if ^LJf 

L^jjp^ U$jL4^ V^^9 Lp^^mm^ L4J Le ^I &3^^Ai^t |*L*:>»^f ^ 

^Ij^ifl ^^ Ljye [9 a] J^ au^ ^ *3f yif ItJjo 4^U, 
^f auMoJ ^^ &AJibLilf luJU t^JmJ ^^ mUJI k^L^j^ ^'''^^^ 

i^j^i^ ^ {Jt*jdjly w^6 |WL^ &^U^ <^ »|^^ ^ lj<Xu 

wi^^ 4XJiX^ LT^^ ^^^ ^' V^^ <J-^ U*M^ ^ (UaxJU 
j ^h>j l>i^ww jJljL^t fJiXS ajU b%5j U$^ U*H^^ (jmLJI Jd^ 

s^6 &^ 4X^1 ^ lOt (^ J^^y^ 1%^) r^f IJ^ tr*^^ ^^y 

y^^yCu l^^^^ 5L«.f Uy UT v;yU>f 545^ LjxJU wJcS^ iUWp 

(Der Abdruck der magbchen Zeichen musste aus typo- 
graphischen Racksichten uoterbleiben). 

^) Man beachte diese Citationsformel, welche beweisc, dass der Com- 
pilator sioh nicht fiir Hermes aosgab. 



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72 Moritz Steinsclmeider. 

Nachtrag. 



(S. 55) Lull, Raimundus ( Pseudo-) „ quaeras in Lapidario nostro, 
in quo prolixe tractavimus de omnibus et ibi habebis omne complementum 
(R. LuUii . . libelli aliquot Chemici, Basil. 1572 kl. 8« p. 387 Compen- 
dium animae secunda pars de compos, perl arum et aliorum lapidum p. 
364, der spezielle Teil beginnt p. 370). 

(S. 62) Bei der Correctur diescr Zeilen (Jan. 1896) sehe ich, dass 
mein Freund Jacobs (Jew. Quart. VI, 375) meine Zweifel „nicht 
geniigend erwiesen*" [soil heissen, „begrQndet''] findet. Darin liegt eben 
iinser verschiedener Standpunkt; ich verlange fiir geschichtliche 
Conjecturen festere Grundlagen (wie ja auch Bacher 1. c. die 
Haltlosigkeit mehrerer Conjecturen nachgewiesen hat). Hier genuge 
eine Behanptung des Hm. Jacobs auf derselben Seite: ^Beracbja erw&hnt 
wirklich (actually), dass er im Lande der Ins el (of the Isle!) schreibt" 
(vgl. IV, 522); das schreibt Berachja nirgends; in der Vorr. der Fabeln 
findet sich eine sehr dunkle, auch von Bacher (VI, 373) nicht aufgeklSi^ 
Jeremiade (c» ♦♦k2), die zu der Verherrlichung der englischen Juden, auch 
zu ihrer Vertreibung, nicht passt; gehdrt sie zu ^the internal evidence 
of his (Berachja's) works", welche Bacher (VI, 364) auf Treu und Glauben 
anzunehmen scheint, ohne meine Bedenken zu beachten oder zu kennen; 
Am Anfang der Vorrede steht o»n ♦♦hs bSjnen . . . c^iyn VjSj; Jacobs 
(p. 269) missdeutet die ganze Stelle; Berachja's Fabeln handeln von 
dem Weltrad, welches die Meeresinseln umkreist (Anspielung auf 
o^3?3 tmv Kin SjSj Sabb. 151b und das stereotype Bild des Rades); 
Jacobs yersetzt das Bad „in the Isle" (sing., also England); kein 
Wunder, dass er meine Zweifelsgrflnde nicht begreift. Fur ihn geniigt 
ja ein Familiennamen (p. 600, 614) um mit Wahrscheinlichkeit einen 
„ descendant" eines bertihmten Autors zu finden, wo noch nicht einmal 
die Verwandtschaft bewiesen ist. Er vermag (p. 614) Almocatel ('yaKpD'rK) 
mit Mocatta (etwa yopo?) zu combiniren. 

(S. 64) Epiphanius, Sanct., de duodecim gemmis, quae erant 
in veste Aaronis, Graece et lat. Jola Hierotarantino interprete cum 
coroUario Conr. Gessneri; in Gessneri de omni rerum fossilium genere 
lapidum et gemmarum maxime figuris, Tiguri 1565, 4^ — Nunc primum 
ex antiqua versione latina, opera et studio Pet. Franc. Foggini, Romae 
1743. 4«. (Cat. BoJl, I, 800 col. 2.) 

(S. 67 unten) De Mely, Le lapidaire d'Aristote (Revue des fitudes 
gr.) 1894; s. oben S. 52/3. 



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The Cotton Grotto— an ancient Quarry 
in Jerusalem. 

With Notes on ancient Methods of Quarrying 

by 
Dr. OyruB Adler ("Waehinfirton). 

Librarian of the Smithsonian Institution. 



In April 1891, while spending a short time in Jerusalem, 
the writer became interested in the great subterranean 
structure known to travellers as the Quarries of Solomon, 
and to the Arabs as the Cotton Grotto. 

The entrance to this structure ist about 100 paces east 
of the Damascus Gate, and some 19 feet below the wall.^) 

The writer visited this place three or four times, making 
such examinations as was possible by the light from the 
torches of the servants of the American Consul, and of some 
members of the so-called "American Colony" who kindly 
placed their time at his disposal.^) 

Note was made at the time to the effect that the quaiTy 
proceeded 1000 feet, and was about 150 feet in depth. The 
depth was obtained by the reading of a carefully compen- 
sated aneroid barometer, but the other dimension was the 
result of a mere calculation. 

Various measurements have been given at different 
times. Dr. Barclay stated that the cavern "varies in width 



*) These are the figures given in Baedeker's Palestine and Syria, 
1894. p. 136. 

^ The "American Colony" is a party of religious enthusiasts who 
have given up worldly goods and cares, and await the "second ad- 
vent." They visit the Mount of Olives every morning at daybreak. 



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74 Cyrus Adler. 

from twenty to one or two hundred yards, and extends 
about 220 yards in the direction of the Serai (barracks), 
terminating in a deep pit." In another place Dr. Barclay 
says that the quarry is from the entrance to the termination 
in a nearly direct line 250 feet. Still another estimate 
fixes "the length of the quarry to be rather more than a 
quarter of a mile, and its greatest breadth less than hali 
the distance". The latest edition of Baedeker describes the 
quarry as "stretching 213 yards in a straight line below 
the level of the city, and sloping down considerably on the 
South." From this diversity it may be inferred that a series 
of accurate measurements would not be wholly superfluous. 
Possibly an idea of the size of the quarry may be obtained 
from the statement that it is "sufficiently large to have sup- 
plied much more stone than is apparent in all the ancient 
buUdings of Jerusalem gigantic though these are."^) 

The roof is supported by huge pillars. These are, ac- 
cording to Sir William Dawson, in such good condition that 
the quarry might be opened at any time with very little 
expense. Bits of pottery were found actually cemented to 
the rock by the action of water. 

Two large chambers, unlike the rest of the quarry, which 
was comparatively free fix)m debris, were filled with small 
stone chippings. The conclusion seemed inevitable that in 
these places the stone had been dressed,^) giving the clue 
to the meaning of the Biblical passage which is referred to 
later on. 

It was assumed that if the workmen actually dressed 
the stone here, they must have dropped some tools or other 
objects; and after picking about among the chippings vdth 
such rude implements as were at hand, some objects were 
actually found. Dr. Herbert Friedenwald, who was of the 
party, picked up a lamp plainly of Jewish pattern, being 
one of a few recorded, and the only one found in this place, 
as far as is known. 



») By-Paths of Bible Knowledge VI, Effypt and Syria. Their 
physical features in relation to Bible History, by Sir J. William Dawson, 
Third edition, London, 1892, p. 95. 

') All observers seem to agree on this point. See Geike, The 
Holy Land and the Bible, Vol. IT, pp. 16—19, New York, 1888. 



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The Cotton Grotto — an ancient Quarry in Jemsalem. 75 

One foot below the surface of the chippings, the writer 
found many fragments of pottery. One lot of these frag- 
ments have been restored at the United States National 
Museum, but with the rest nothing could be done. Some 
were unglazed and undecorated, on others the glazing and 
decoration were still intact. The greater portion of the frag- 
ments discovered, was lefl with Mr. Baurath Schick , of 
Jerusalem, in the hope that they might be useful to some 
future investigator. 

There is no record of pottery having been found there 
before, nor had Mr. Schick the chief local archaeologist, any 
knowledge of such finds. One foot below the surface of the 
two chippings, charcoal was found, indicating that the work- 
men had lighted a fire. 

This underground quarry was chosen in preference to 
the stone of the Zion Hill or of the Mount of Olives, be- 
cause it offers ^'a thick bed of the pure white 'Malake' 
(stone) compact in quality and durable, yet easily worked. 
This is a finely granular stone, and under the microscope, 
is seen to be composed of grains of fine calcareous sand and 
organic fi-agments cemented together. It is not, like some 
of the limestones of the region, an actual chalk, composed 
of foraminiferal shells, but is really a very fine grained white 
marble." 1) 

There is a trickling spring on the right side, but the water 
is unpleasant to the taste. 

The history of this quarry is uncertain, and though 
there is no good ground for doubting the tradition that it 
was used by Solomon, still no evidence on this point has 
thus far been discovered. It was no doubt in existence in 
the time of Herod, and is perhaps referred to by Josephus 
xmder the name of the Royal Caverns situated on the north 
side of the city. 2) 

Its first mention in modem times is contained in the work of 
Mujir ed-Din, who wrote his Uns al Jalil in 1496.^) 



Dawson, L c, p. 92. 

•) 6 Wars IV, 2, cited in the Survey of Western Pakatine, Jerusalem, 
London, 1884, p. 6. 

•) See von Hammer, Fundgruben des Orients cited by Edward 
Robinson, Later Biblical Besearches, Boston 1856, p. 191. 



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76 Cyrus Adler. 

Robinson states (1. c.) that the quarry was open for a 
short time in the days of Ibrahim Pasha, about 1844 and 
rumor affirmed, he says, "that his soldiers entered and found 
water within. A year or two since it was again open; and 
Mr. Weber, a Prussian Consul at Beirut, with the Mussulman 
whom we visited on Zion, and another, went in and follo- 
wed the passage a long way; but as they had neither lights 
nor compass they could not be sure of the direction nor of 
the distance. A few days afterwards, when they attempted 
to repeat the visit with lights, they found the entrance 
walled up. The Mutsellim had learned that Franks had 
entered the grotto. This account was afterwards confirmed 
to me at Beirut by Mr. Weber himself" 

The discovery of the quany in modem times is due to 
Dr. J. T. Barclay, who accidently found the entrance in 1854.') 

The origin of the name, *^Cotton Grotto" (magharet 
el K e 1 1 a n) or rather linen grotto, is uncertain. 

All of the signs of quarrying remain, including the 
niches for the lamps necessary for lighting the subterranean 
work place, and the soot from the lamps themselves.^) 

The method of quarrying was as follows: The rock was 
blocked out with a metal tooP) all around; it was then de- 
tached by the insertion of small wooden wedges which when 
swelled with water drive the rock apart. The traces of all 
these processes are perfectly plain. 

It may be useful to quote the words of an engineer in 
describing this process.*) 

Palestine under the Moslems, by Guy le Strange, p. 12, Compare also 
Itineraires de la Terre Sainte .... par E. Carmoly, Bruxellea 1847, p. 
419; H. Sauvaire, Histoire de Jerusalem et d^ Hebron. Paris, 1876. [On 
the work Una al Jultl, see the learned notes of Professor Stein- 
schneider in his Folemische und apologetische Utteratur, etc., (Leipzig 
1877), p. 177. G.A.K.] 

*) The City of the Great King, or Jerusalem as it was, as it is, 
and as it is to be. By J. P. Barclay M. D. Philadelphia, 1858, pp. 
456—468. 

'} See Sir William Dawson p. 95. 

') See "Chisel Marks in the Cotton Grotto at Jerusalem", by Baurath 
Schick, and note on the above, by W. M. Flinders Petrie, Quarterly 
Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, January, 1892, p. 24. 

*) "Quarrying Methods of the Ancients," by W. F. Durfee, M.AM. 
Soc. M. E., The Engineer's Magazine,^\Aj 1894, Vol. 7, No. 4, pp.474— 491. 



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The Cotton Grotto — an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. 77 

"The methods adopted for the horizontal quarrying of 
the granite blocks of ordinary size was to cut a narrow 
groove two or three inches deep, parallel with a vertical 
face of rock, at such distance as the width of the desired 
stone required; in the bottom of this groove rectangular 
holes were made, about two inches long, one inch vride, and 
two inches deep; these were usually placed about four inches 
apart; dry wooden plugs were then driven tightly into these 
holes, and the spaces between them in the groove first men- 
tioned, filled with water; and the expansion of the plugs 
as they absorbed the water split the stone in the lines of 
the holes. No more uniform and simple application of suf- 
ficient force for the purpose, could possibly have been desired". 

Ample evidence exists of the use of this method of quarry- 
ing in ancient times, and its survival even to modem times is 
attested. That it was and is still practised in Egypt, is affir- 
med by Professor Erman, the best authority on ancient Egypt. 

"The procedure by which the old Egyptian stone masons 
extricated the blocks can be distinctly recognized. At 
distances generally of about 6 inches, they chiselled holes 
in the rock, in the case of the larger blocks at any rate, 
to the depth of 6 inches. Wooden wedges were forcibly 
driven into these holes; these wedges were made to swell 
by being moistened, and the rock was thus made to split. 
The same process is still much employed at the pi*esent day.'^*) 

The use of the expansive power of wedges when soaked 
with water is not however confined in modem times to Egypt 

Mr. Talcot Williams, of Philadelphia informs me that 
this method of quarrying is still carried on at Mardin in 
Asiatic Turkey, although gun powder has been in use there 
for four centuries. The quarries at Mardin like those in 
Jerusalem, are underground and the dressing of the stone 
is largely carried on within the quarry. 

Professor George P. Merrill has pointed out that this 
process either survived, or was re-discovered in the last cen- 
tury in New England.^) 

^) lAfe in Ancient Egypt ^ described by Adolf Erman, translated 
by H. M. Ferard, Macmillan 1894, p. 471. 

•) Stones far Buildings and Decoration, p. 325. 



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78 Cynw Adier. 

"In Pattee's History of Old Braintree and Quincy," 
he says, "occurs this passage: — K)n Sunday 1803 the 
first experiment in splitting stone with wedges was made by 
Josiah Bemis, Gteorge Steams, and Michael Wilde. It proved 
successful; and so elated were these gentlemen on tUa me- 
morable Sunday that they adjourned to Newcomb's hotel, 
where they partook of a sumptuous feast The wedges used 
in this experiment were flat, and differed somewhat from 
those now in use''. 

As to who can justly claim to be the first to bring this 
method of splitting into general use, the author has no 
means of ascertaining. That none of the above can justly 
claim to have invented the process is evident from the 
following: — 

"I told thee that I had been informed that the grind- 
stones and millstones were split with wooden pegs drove in, 
but I did not say that those rocks about this house could 
be split after that manner, but that I could split them, and 
had been used to split rocks to make steps, door-sills, and 
large window-cases all of stone, and pig troughs and water- 
troughs. I have split rocks 17 feet long and built four 
houses of hewn stone, split out of the rocks with my own 
hands." 

Dr. Daniel G. Brinton states that the quarries of West- 
chester County, Pennsylvania, which have been in existence 
for about 140 years, are worked by the same method 

Other methods of quarrying employed by the ancients 
are described by Professor Merrill. 

"It is stated, (Grueber, Die Baumaterialien-Lehre, 
p. 60, 61) that in Finland, even at the present day, granite 
is split from the quarry bed through the expansive force of 
ice. A series of holes, from a foot to 15 inches apart, and 
from 2 to 3 feet deep, according to the size of the block 
to be loosened, is driven along the line of the desired rift 
after the usual custom. These holes are then filled with 
water and tightly plugged. The operation is put off until 
late in the season and until the approach of a frost. The 
water in the holes then freezes and by its expansion frac- 
tures the rock in the direction of the line of holes. Blocks 
of 400 tons weight are stated to be broken out in this way. 



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The Cotton Grotto — an andent Quarry in Jerusalem. 79 

A more ancient method consisted in simply plugging the 
holes with dry wooden wedges and then thoroughly satura- 
ting them with water, the swelling wood acting in the same 
way as the freezing water. Another ancient and well known 
method consisted in building a fire around the stone and 
when it was thoroughly heated striking it with heavy ham- 
mers or throwing cold water upon it." 

In splitting stone the ancient Romans are said to have 
sprinkled the hot stone with vinegar, though whether Aey 
thereby accelerated the splitting or caused the stone to break 
along the definite line is not known. Quartz rocks, it is 
stated, can be made to split in definite directions by wetting 
them while hot, or laying a wet cord along the line it is 
desired they shall cleave. The wet line gives rise to a small 
crack, and the operation is completed by striking heavy 
blows with wooden mallets. According to M. Raimondi, the 
ancient Peruvians split up the stone in the quaiTy by first 
heating it with burning straw and then throwing cold water 
upon it To carve the stone and obtain a bas relief, the 
writer contends that the workmen covered with ashes the 
lines of the designs which they intended to have in relief, 
and then heated the whole surftice. The parts of the stone 
which were submitted immediately to the action of the fire 
became decomposed to a greater or less depth, while the 
designs, protected by ashes remained intact To complete 
the work, the sculptor had but to carve out the decomposed 
rock with his copper chisel." 

The following communication in a recent number of 
Nature (Jan. 17, 1895) gives a description of the practice of 
quarrying by fire still employed in India. 

"In one case, I observed the operation of burning over 
an area. A narrow line of wood fire, perhaps 7 feet long, 
was gradually elongated, and at the same time moved for- 
ward over the tolerably even surface of solid rock. The 
line of fire was produced by dry logs of light wood, which 
were left burning in their position until strokes with a hammer 
indicated that the rock in front of the fire had become de- 
tached from the main mass underneath. The burning wood 
was then pushed forward a few inches, and left until the 
hammer again indicated that the slit had extended. Thus 



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80 Cyriis Adier. 

the fire was moved on, and at the same time the length of 
the line of fire was increased, and made to be convex on 
the side of the fresh rock. The maximum length of the arc 
amounted to about 25 feet. It was only on this advancing 
line of fire that any heating took place, the portion which 
had been traversed being left to itself. This latter portion 
was covered with the ashes left by the wood, and with thin 
splinters which had been burst oflF. These splinters were 
only of about Vs ^^^ thickness, and a few inches across. 
They were quite independent of the general splitting of the 
rock, which was all the time going on at a depth of about 
five inches from the surface. The burning lasted eight hours, 
and the line of fire advanced at the average rate of nearly 
6 feet an hour. The area actually passed over by the line 
of fire was 460 square feet, but as the crack extended 
about three feet on either side beyond the fire, the ai'ea of 
the entire slab which was set free, measured about 740 
square feet. All this was done with may be about 15 cwt. 
of wood. Taking the average thickness of the stone at 5 
inches, and its specific gravity as 2.62, the residt is 30 lbs. 
of stone quarried with 1 lb. of wood." 

Between Mexico and Peru the use of the expansive 
force of the wooden wedge was employed for piirposes of 
quarrying and there is abundant evidence of the employment 
of fire for the same purpose on this continent. 

Professor Graetz sums up what is known from Biblical 
sources of the quarrying work done for the Temple in these 
words : — "Eighty thousand of these unhappy beings worked 
in the stone quarries day and night by the light of lamps. 
They were under the direction of a man from Biblos (Gib- 
lem) who understood the art of hewing heavy blocks from 
the rocks, and of giving the edges the necessary shape for 
dove-tailing. Twenty thousand slaves removed the heavy 
blocks form the mouth of the quarry, and carried them to 
the building site."*) 

The Biblical statement is as follows: — "And the King 
commanded, and they hewed out (brought away, margin, 
great stones, costly stones, to lay the foundation of the house 

*) History of the Jews, by Professor H. Graetz, Vol. I, p. 163, 
Philadelphia. The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1891. 



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The Cotton Grotto — an ancient Quarry in Jerusalem. 81 

with wrought stone. And Solomon's builders and Hiram's 
builders and the Gebalites did fashion them, and prepared 
the timber and the stones to build the house"*) 

The only place in which the word quarry actually oc- 
curs in the Old Testament is I Kings VI, I "And the house 
when it was building was built of stone made ready at the 
quarry;*) and there was neither hammer nor axe nor any 
tool of iron heard in the house, while it was in building". 

It is true that the authorized version renders D^^^DB in 
Judges 3, 19 and 26 by quarries, but this is altered in the 
revised version, and is no doubt incorrect-, the term appar- 
ently means either stone images (its usual use) or locali- 
ties where there was an especial cult of such images. 3) 

The passage in Kings, just cited, is fully explained by 
the situation of the quarry and the undoubted fact that the 
stones were quarried underground. The sound of the tool 
could certainly not be heard on the Temple Hill from the 
underground chambers at the Damascus Gate, probably not 
in any part of the City. 

It might seem at first sight that the underground quar- 
rying by wedges or fire would offer an explanation of the 
statement concerning the stones to be used for the altar. In 
Exodus 20,25, (R. V.) we read "And if thou make me an 
altar of stone, thou shalt not build it of hewn stones ; for if 
thou lift up thy tool upon it thou hast polluted it". 

Further consideration however, shows that this is not 
possible and that the stones referred to must have been 
boulders. This view is amply confirmed by an historical ac- 
count in the Talmud kindly pointed out by Mr. S. Schechter 
of Cambridge, England. 

In tract Midoth 36*, it is stated that the stones for the 
altar were from the valley of Beth-Kerem, that they dug 
down to the virgin soil (or unbroken ground) and that they 
were perfect stones not touched by iron. 

*) I Kings 6, 17 till 8; cf. also I Chronicles 22, 2 and 15; 11 
Chronicles 2, 17. 

') .The Hebrew word translated quarry is yDD* 

') The authority of the Targum is, however, in favor of quarries; 
still as it refers to a place in the neighborhood of Gigal it is not espe- 
cially significant in the present connection. The verb ^d© in a number 
of Targumic passages means to quarry. 

Kohnt, Semitio Studies. 6 



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82 Cyrus Adler. 

The Beth-Kerem 'house of the vineyard* mentioned here 
does not seem to have been identified by the geographers. 
One naturally thinks of the passage in Jeremiah 6, 1 "Raise 
up a signal on Beth-hakerem" (of. also Neh. 3, 14). This 
place is usually identified with the so-called Frank mountain, 
near Jerusalem, but is more likely that it is the same as 
the modem Ain Earem ^spring of the vineyard\ On the 
ridge above Ain Karem are cairns which may have been 
used as beacons of old. One is 40 feet high and 130 feet 
in diameter, with flat top 40 feet across.^) 

The late Professor Robertson Smith fully demonstrated 
the significance of cairns in connection with the altar among 
Syrian tribes*) and this significance is also found in America, 
some of the North Coast Indians setting up cairns in place 
of the ordinary totem-posts. 

^) Quarterly StaUment Palestine Exploration Fund, 1881, p. 171; 
Palestine^ by Rev. Archibald Henderson, Edinburgh, 1893, p. 190. 
'} Fundamental Institutes of Semitic Eeligions, pp, 183, 185ff. 



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Die Pdlel-Coujagation 
und die POlal-Participien 

von 
Prof. Dr. J. Barth (Berlin.) 



Tiber das Wesen der Polel-Conjugation, welche im He- 
braischen sowohl bei den Verben med. w et j, als bei denen 
mediae geminatae auftritt, gehen die Ansichten der Forscher 
sehr auseinander und eine n^here Begriindung der vorge- 
tragenen Meinungen ist Belten erfolgt Die meisten neueren 
Grammatiker des Hebr. geben dem Pdl6l eine verschiedene 
Deutungy je nachdem es bei den Ty*) oder aber bei den jTy- 
Verben erscheint So sieht Bottcher {Lehrgebdude^ § 
1016) in 25ID und alien entsprechenden Formen aus jTy- 
Wurzeln Bildungen mit ^vorderer Vocaldehnung" (eines d zu 
a — hebr. 6) also ein sdhib^ dagegen in Dipip und dessen 1*V-? 
Correspondenzen solche „mit hinterer Wiederholung" (d. h. 
des 3. Radicals), also ein qawmim.^) — Olshausen (§ 251 b) 
schwankt bei den f y, ob CDip = urspr. qawmem oder — urspr, 
qdmem sei^ nimmt dagegen bei den y'y gleichfalls das Einr 
ti-eten eines langen a hinter dem 1. Guttural, also z, B. 
2I!lD = urspr. sdbeb an (§ 254). In der Anmeifauig zu § 
254 stellt er vermuthungsweise noch eine dritte Meinnng auf ; 
vielleicht seien beide schwache Classen zuerst auf zwei Con- 
sonanten zuriickgefuhrt (wie bei ^r^D und ^:i^:i von t>^D und 
^^i), dann zum Zweck der Pielbildung d hinter dem ersten 
Radical eingefugt und zugleich noch der letzte Radical ver- 
doppelt worden. — Dieselbe Duplicitat, als liege einerseits 



') Damnter sind hier und ira Folgenden auch die ^^y -Verba mit zu 
verstehen. 

^ S. § 1020, 2. 

6* 



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84 J. Barth. 

bei den ^''y eine Doppelung des letzten Radicals, dagegen bei 
den ]fV der Einschub eines 6 hinter dem 1. Radical vor, 
welch letzteres aus semitischem d getrtibt sei, behaupten 
auch Gesenius-Kautzsch (§ 72 vgl. mit § 67, 8 und § 55,1), 
K6nig {Lehrgebdude I, S. 451 vgl. mit S. 349), Bickell 
(§ 116 vgl. m. § 135), Land (§ 55 vgl. m. § 217d0 und 
Wright^). 

Wahrend von diesen Gelehrten angenommen ist, dass die- 
selbe Endform beider Wnrzelclassen durch zweierlei ganz ver- 
schiedene Bildungsprocesse zu Stande gekommen sei, vertritt 
Ewald^ (§ 125 a) die Meinung, dass die Form urspriinglich 
bei den y'y gebildet worden sei, indem statt der hier schwie- 
rigen SchlUfung des 2. Radicals das vorangehende d zn a 
(«= hebr. 6) gedehnt worden sei. Von ihnen aus sei der P6l6l 
dann auf die Verba med. w (ibertragen worden. Er aetzt 
also hinter dem 1. Radical des urspr. Piels der y'y ein d 
voraus, welches aber in der hebr. Periode dort nicht nach- 
weisbar ist. Ahnlich auch M. Hartmann^), der im Polel 
die III. Conjg. der yp-Verba sah, welcher sich die I'y acco- 
modirt hatten. — Umgekehrt lasst Stade (§ 155 c, d) die 
Form urspriinglich bei den 1"^ gebildet und dann durch 
Analogic auf die yy ubertragen sein. Jener I'y-Verbalart 
soil es eigenartig sein, den Intensivstamm durch Wieder- 
holung des 3. Radicals zu bilden, aus dem qdma des Qal ein 
qdmama bezw. hebr. CClp (nach Eindringen des Imp£-e in 
der 2. Silbe) zu entwickeln. 

All diesen Aufstellungen gegenuber, dass ein P6l6l von 
221D ein urspr. d hinter dem 1. Radical hatte oder, was das- 
selbe, dass in diesem Polel eine der arab. III. Conju- 
gation entsprechende Form vorliege, wies Noldeke*) auf 
mehrere correspondirende syrische Bildungen hin, welcKe 
zeigten, dass das hebr. 6 nicht aus d, sondem aus au ent- 
standen sei, namlich jialL] , '^o^^^^l ? ^-nJo^zf) s^aa,oJ>L], Hoslj , 
abgesehen von DpiriK'N Dan. 4, 16 und Formen aus dem 



*) Die Citate aus Bickell und Land, deren Grammatiken mir nicht vor- 
liegen, nach Eonig a, a. 0. 

') Lectures on Comparative Grammar S. 203 vgl. m. 262. 

^} Die Phtriiiteralbildungen in den setnitischen Sprachen I (einziger) 
Theil, S. 2-3. 

*) ZDMG 29, 326; 30, 184—5. 



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Die Polel-Conjugation mad die Polftl-Participien. g5 

Targumischen und Christlich-Palastinisclieii {ZDMG 22, 490), 
die als Hebraismen beanstandet werden kSnnten. Wenn hier- 
gegen Stade,^) um die Abkunft eines CDlp aus qdmem zu 
behaupten, einwandte: ^syrisches au kann Zerdehnung aus 
6 sein", so bemht das auf Uebereilung. Denn ein 6 wiirde 
ja nach der von ihm und den Andem angenommenen Natur 
des P61el nur im Hebraischen in Folge der hier allein 
iiblichen Trubung des d zu o, nicht aber im Syrischen, wo 
das semitische d unverandert bleibt, vorgelegen haben, konnte 
sich also auch hier nicht in au zerdehnen. 

Aus diesem Dissens der Ansichten moge es sich recht- 
fertigen, wenn im Folgenden das strittige Problem einer 
kurzen Erorterung unterzogen und im Hinblick auf einige 
verwandte semitische Erscheinungen seine Losung versucht 
wird. 

Es ist unter alien Umstanden wahrscheinlich, dass die 
Bildung nicht bei den T'y-Verben einen anderen Charakter 
als bei der W-Classe hat, dass sie vielmehr bei einer dieser 
beiden auf organischem Wege zu Stande gekommen und 
dann durch Analogic auf die verwandte schwache Classe 
iibertragen sein wird.*) Es ist daher zunachst zu prtifen, 
bei welcher von beiden schwachen Stammarten sie primar 
hervorgebracht sein mag. Dass dies nicht bei den Verbis med. 
gemin. der Fall gewesen, dafiir ist schon ein wichtiges Indiz 
die Thatsache, dass das Hebr. — wie alle anderen semi- 
tischen Sprachen — sehr wohl im Stande war, aus denselben 
regelrcchte Pielbildungen hervorzubringen und in der That 
auch eine Reihe von Pielformen gebildet hat, 3) wogegen von 
den f J?-Verben in alter Zeit keine, und erst in der aramai- 
sirenden Decadenz der Sprache einige vereinzelte Formen 
nach Art des Aram^schen gebildet worden sind (D^pi Clf) 
Esth. 9, 31, 32 u. s. DM^n Dan. 1, 10, "Vmri Jos. 9, 12, 
daneben noch l^j; Ps. 119, 61.). Das Hebr. hatte also nur 



*) Hebr. Gramm. S. 120, Anm. 3. 

') Wie dies aach bei anderen diesen beiden Classen gemeinsamen 
Eigenthumlichkeiten anznnehmen ist, z. B. der Hervorbringung von Redu- 
plicationsstammen wie '^^'^^ (von y'j;), ^2^2 {^^^ 1*^) ^« s. w., bei der 
Einfugung des sogenannten Bindevocals S im Perf., f im Impf. in PISD 
nrjpn ^- s- W' ©i'lQr —1 nlC'pni n^^D^pn ^- s. w. andererseits. 

'8} z. B. ^^r\, bha \^3> 220, pn, jji' ^V ^- ^• 



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86 J. Barth. 

bei diesen letzteren Verben, wo es das regelrechte Piel nicht 
bildete, well es das intervocalisch geschiirfte w als eine zu 
grosse HMrte empfand, ein Bediir&iss nach einem Ersatz des 
Piels, nicht aber bei der jTy-Classe. 

Hiermit ist es in Uebereinstimmung, dass eine formell dem 
Piel entsprechende Bildung des Arabischen ebenfalls nurvon 
Verben med. to et jj nicht aber von med. gemin. aus gebildet 

ward, nftmlich die zahlreichen Infinitive it3^Juu ^weggehen" von 

^U(med. j), 'ijyLfjT „sem^ von ^1^ (med. u?), 'ij^y^S „an- 

dauem" (med. w), $5^Juu „weggehen" von 4>L a. v. A.*) 
Im Arabischen hat sich diese Reduplication des letzten Radi- 
cals nur auf dem Gebiet des No mens, d. h. der Infinitiv- 
bildong vollzogen,^) nicht bei der Verbalflexion, und es ist 
dort in Folge davon auch keine Verstarkungsbedeutung, so 
weit wir sehen konnen, an sie gebunden. Aber der Process 
der Formbildung ist derselbe wie beim hebr. Poel, und er 
erscheint, was wichtig ist, nur bei den Verbis med. w et j. 
Die genannten Infinitive sind iibrigens urspriinglich von der 
Classe med. j aus gebildet 3) und durch Analogic auf die 
med. w tibertragen worden. Auch sonst finden sich im Arab, 
noch die zwei Infinitive mit verdoppeltem dritten Radical 

0(>yZi ^hen'schen", ^icyA „schwertrachtig sein" und die mit 
diesen Infinitiven in Verbindung zn bringenden Formen von 

Plurales fracti ^^^^ „schwer trachtige^ (zum Sing. iaSL^) 

und jJ^ „langere Zeit unfimchtbare" (Kamelinnen, zum Sg. 

JjLi)4), wiederum nur von sogen. hohlen Wurzeln, wahrend 

von med. gemin. keine entsprechenden Formationen vorliegen. 

Das Hebr. selbst bietet ausserhalb des Polels ebenfalls 

zwei Nomina mit derselben Wiederholung des Schlussradicals, 

und auch diese beiden gehen von sogen. hohlen Wurzeln aus: 

») Vgl. meine NcminaXbildung S. 210—11. 

*) Yermuthlich in Folge einer iaatb'chen H&rte, die gerade der nor- 
male Infinitiv anfwies; vgl. a. a. 0. S. 211. 

") Vgl. das st&ndige j hinter dem ersten Radical in bt^unat, kaj- 
Dunat a. s. w. 

*) NominaOnldung S. 212, Anra. 2. — Die beiden begriffsverwandten 
Plnrr. fr&cti haben wohl in der Bildungsweise auf einander eingewirkt 



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Die Polel-Conjugation und die Polal-Participien. 87 

rniTJ ^Annehmlichkeit" (von VTV:, \Ll2, 2^ ^gab Ruhe") nnd 

T1TD „Funke" (von S\^ „brachte Feuer hervor").*) Nur das 
vereinzelte }^1H^3 „Funke'' geht hier auf den jTy-Stamm yu2 
^funkeln" Ez. 1, 7 zuruck, seine Bildung ist vielleicht in 
Analogie nach dem begriflsgleichen TTV^ erfolgt. Von diesem 
zweifelhaften Einzelfall abgesehen, zeigt es sich also, dass, 
wo sonst im Semitischen dem Polel entsprechende For- 
mationen aus den schwachen "Wurzeln vorliegen, sie aus den 
Yy- und ^'V-, nicht aus den Wurzeln med. gemin. hervor- 
gegangen sind. 

Dasselbe Ergebniss liefert eine Betrachtung der hebrai- 
schen Farticipien der Form SSIlt* , bSiy, welche ebenfalls keine 
Beriicksichtigung fur die Losung der Polel-Frage und auch 
sonst noch keine befriedigende Erkllbning gefunden haben^). 
Sie sind nicht etwa aus dem Polel gebildet; denn im Ge- 
brauch stellen sie sick zum Qalstamm. Sprachlieh sind sie 
um so werthvoUer, weil ihre Entstehung und die des Pdlel 
parallel und unabhftngig nebeneinander hergehen und die Er- 
klarung des Processes bei der einen Art an dem der anderen 
sich bewfthren muss. Es sind folgende Participien: 

a) 22W ^abtriinnig, abwendig", PI. cppiCt^ (im Ganzen 
3 Mai, der Sing, noch 5fter als Norn, prop.), synonym 
mit dem zum Qal gehorigen (^«"59^^)n3')^'p (4 Mai), ent- 
sprechend dem Qal Jer. 8,4; Jos. 23,12, auch mit 
rinyp «8ich abwenden'' (Jos. 22,16; 23, 29; 1 Sam. 
15, 11, ohne Praepos. Jos. 23, 12; Jer. 8, 4); nur ein- 
mal Jer. 8,5 entspricht DZCllt^^)^ — ihm parallel geht 
mehrfach ein Particip 2311^, npglK/ Jer. 31, 22; 49, 4; 
ML 2,4. 



») A. a. 0. S. 210. 

*) Nach Ewald (§ 160a) w^ren sie aus 32115^, ^jply gedehnt und 
diese selbst Polel- Participien ohne ^. Aber sie gehoren im Oebrauche nicht 
zum Polel, und wann wUre im Hebr. je das e eines Particips so in & 
gedehnt worden? — Olsh. (§ 187a) und nach ihm Stade (§ 233) stellen 
sie neben ]^ und U^W^ o^^n® ^^^ aber erkl&ren zu konnen, wieso 
35lK^ und ^^ly parallel neben ihnen hergehen. 

") Im Hinblick auf das sonstige Entsprechen des Qal und die ander- 
weitig stets causative Bedeutung von DJIl^ ist dies als eine vereinzelte 
Angleiohung an ^)'^ anzusehen. 



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88 J. Barth. 

b) hh)y ^Kind« (2 Md), PI. D^^iy (2 Mai), mit Suff. 
TX^'iy- T''))^^- Zum Stamm vgl/^iy ^Kind" Jes. 49, 16; 
66, 20, C^IJ. ^Kinder" Hiob dreimal; syrisch ^To^ 
„Kind", jL^ „Fullen"; aethiop. 'ewdl „Fiillen«0- Als 
verbaler Stamm ist arab. IpJJ^ oJLl ^sie saugte ibr 

Kind" wovon Jkl^ „Milch der Saugimg", &Xa^ „Saugeii 

*■• 

wfthrend der Schwangerschaft" zu vergleichen.^) — 
Parallel daneben hb)y (4 Mai), PL ohh^y. 

c) Auch CCn ^schweigend" redhne ich, wie schon an an- 
derer Stelle bemerkt^), zu diesen Participien, nur dass 
bier das o zu w getrubt worden ist, sei es durch den 
folgenden Labial oder durch Angleichung an no-ll, 
welches das entsprechende Abstract ist und mit jenem 
zusammen auf Ycn zuriickgeht. Die etwaige Annahme, 
dass dm hier dieselbe Adverbialendung wie in C^Hi 
Dfjn., D^C^5 sei, wird ausgeschlossen durch den rein 
adjectivischen, bezw. participialen Gebrauch in D)pn ]5^? 
Hab. 2, 19, ccni b^m 21c: Klgl. 3,26. Die einzige 
sonst noch vorkommende Verbindung C^ll ^?l?^ aber ist 
in Hinblick hierauf wie bh)\^ ^^^IC u. s. w. zu erklftren. 

d) bh^^ (Hi. 12, 17, 19, auch Mi. 1,8 im Qri; k^th. ^^^ir). 
Mit diesem Particip steht es misslich, well die Bedeu- 
tung unsicher und in Folge dessen die Wurzel, aus der 
es abzuleiten, zweifelhaft ist. Hi. 12, 17: C^^on^ T^ID 
tJ^ri^ C^CBlin hbw fuhrt das parallele hh)r\] und der 
naturgemftss hier geschilderte Gegensatz des zuktinftigen 
zu dem bisherigen Zustande der D^IO^^ auf die Bedeu- 
tung „verdummt, bethort" (Vulg. ^mente captus"), 



*) Hierzu gehort aber nicht ^h)yc •'©s. 3, 12. welches sonst dem 
oonstanten Sprachgebrauch entgegenstehen wrirde; es ist vielroehr Particip 
von bb)y „mjxthmilig handeln*', wie auch das ihni in vs. 4 entsprechende 
Q^^l^yn „MuthwiJlen" (concret) bedeutet und zu ^^y oder ^S^y gezogen 
werden muss. So nimmt es auch die LXX, die in vs. 12 o\ wpdtxTopec, in 
vs. 4 eixTTofixTai iibersetzt 

') Nicht wIa& und cH^, welches die Familie im Ganzen, die man 

ernahren muss, bedeutet 

») NominaXbUdung S. 352, Anm. 2. 



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Die PolSl'ConJTigation und die Pol&l-Partioipien. gQ 

nicht auf „gefangen" (LXX, Targ.) oder ^ausgezogen" 
(Dillm.). In Hi. 12, 19: p)^d^ D'»:n\xi hb^;r; c'»:niD t^id 

wiirde diese Bedeutung nicht nothwendig, aber auch 
nicbt unpassend sein, weil es besagen kann, die Priester, 
als die Gesetzeslehrer und — entseheider wtirden von 
Gott bethort und rathlos gemacht ^) Als Verbum 
wiirde sich vorzuglieh '?^in?^N anschliessen in Ps. 76,6: 
Dn:ir id: 2h n^2« i'^^HITN „bethort wurden, die vorher 
muthigen Herzens gewesen waren (parallel b: „und 
nicht fanden die Kriegsleute ihre Hande'' d. h. sie 
waren rathlos.). Im Arabischen wiirde gut entsprechen: 
<JIj1 wth^richt, wahnsinnig'' JU und JA „wahnsinnig 

werden". Aber dem gegenuber steht lli. 1,8: ^^'?^^< 

crjn (Qr. ^^1C^) ^t)''tr, wo das parallele cnjn im Hinblick 

auf andere Stellen (wie Jes 20,3. 4. 5) eine Bedeutung 

ahnlich wie nackt, barfuss nahelegt. Es ware mog- 

lich, dass wir zweierlei Worte in t^^ir und ^^ly 

vor uns haben. In jedem Fall empfiehlt es sich, ein 

Wort so zweifelhafter Bedeutung nicht zur Grundlage 

grammatischer Schlussfolgerung zu machen.*) 

Die drei klarliegenden Falle obiger Participien gehen 

zweifellos auf fy-Stamme zurtick. Wie mogen sie wohl ent- 

standen sein? Zur Polel- Conjugation konnen sie nicht ge- 

horen; das ist ausgeschlossen sowohl durch ihre intransitive 

Bedeutung, als durch den ihnen charakteristischen a -Vocal 

der zweiten Silbe, welcher mit dem dem Polel durchweg 

eignenden e der zweiten Silbe unvereinbar ist. Ebensowenig 

ist die Moglichkeit eines Anschlusses an das passive Polal 

gegeben, weil Participien wie 2211^, ^j>iy begrifflich sich nicht 

in eine passive Conjugation einfugen lassen und weil die 

beiden Parallelformen 2?1c^*, hh)y zeigen, dass auch die Sprache 

jene nicht als Passive sondem als active Participien em- 

pfunden hat. Nun zeigt es sich, dass das gemeinsemitische 



^) Vgl. auch den unmittelbar folgenden Vers: „Der die Sprache der 
Wohlbowahrten beseitigt und den Verstand der Greise hinwegnimmt" 

*) Natiirlich gehort nicht hierher das ofters vorkommende v^^^j^, da 
dies nicht auf ein ■^"ill^ (dessen suffigirter Plur. *ni^Kf heissen miisste), 
sondem ♦111|^ zunickgeht — Ein Infinitiv oder Abstractum wie QOII 
Ps. 66, 17 passt schon seiner Bedeutung nach nicht in diese Reihe. 



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90 J. Barth. 

Verstarkungsparticip qattdl, das sonst im Hebr. nicht eben 
selten ist ^) und das auch von Stammen med. j. ausgebildet 
wird und zwar so, als ware das j ein fester Consonant 
(Ijn, T3f2), bei den Wurzeln mit mittlerem nichtconsonanti- 
schem tv^) iiberhaupt nicht vertreten ist, auch nicht so, dass 
sie die Form etwa nach der Analogic der letztgenannten 
^•p-Formen bildeten*). Diese hier vermissten Formen sind 
es, welche durch die obenerwMhntenersetzt und vertreten werden. 
Das Hebrftische, welches ein intervocalisches geschftrftes w 
starker scheute, als eiti gescharftes j in gleicher Position^), 
liess statt der Sch^rfung des halbvocalischen mittleren w eine 
Doppelung des nachfolgenden Radicals eintreten, indem es 
im Ubrigen die sonstige Structur und die Vocale dieses 
Steigerungsparticips unverandert beibehielt: statt *qawwam^) 
trat qawmdm ein, wodurch auch nach der sonstigen Art 
dieser Wurzeln das w sich wieder mit dem vorherigen a zu 
dem Diphthong 6 verbinden konnte'^). Falls das etymologisch 
zweifelhafte b^lt^ zu einem Stamm med. gemin. gehort, wiirde 
es durch Analogic den obigen l^y-Participien nachgebildet 
sein, da auch von den W aus das Hebr. keine Participien der 
Form *^^t&' entwickelt hat, in gleicher Weise wie dies zumeist 
auch beim verbalen Steigerungsstamm geschehen ist. 

Als ga/^dZ-Formen sind die obigen Bildungen Steigerungs- 
participien aus dem Qalstamm^), und so erklMrt es sich 
ganz naturlich, dass neben b^)y zweimal *?'^y^(Jes. 49,15; 



') z. B. n;::, c^hd, 232. n2C0 u. a. 

T - TV T • T - 

') Nach diesem lotzteren wohl auch die Analogiebildung C'3'*l J^s. 
19, 8, so auch Jer. 16, 16 im Qn, dagegen C^J1"1 im K'th., wie Ez. 47, '10 
allein vorkommt. 

•) "Wie 2^]l'1 Op u- s. w. Wurzeln mit durchweg consonantisch be- 
handeltem tr, die Datiirlich auch in dieser Form das to als festen Consonant 
behandelten (wie ^ij; von ^^y^, H^iy^ — ^1 von n^l) gehoren nicht hierher. 

*) Wie das Aramftisohe. z. B. 0^*5 1 D'n ^' s. w. von ^'w-Stftrnmen. 

Tl- T- ' 

*) Auch das Syrische bildet von den beiden Classen der Yy- ^^^ ^*y- 
Yerba Formen mit gesch&rftem mittleren Radical meist nach der Art seiner 
ehemaligen i*j;; vgl. die in Anm. 4 genannten Participien und den Pael, 
der fast durchweg wie qajjem lautet 

•) Die Annahme dieser Grundformen rechtfertigt sich duroh pi, n^jj. 

^) Wie z. B. von Vr^ aus nid a*>er ^HlO- 

«) Vgl. NominaUnldung S. 48 ' 



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Die Polel-Coi^'agatioii und die Pol&l-Participien. 91 

65,20) = syr. \io^ hergeht, die ebenfalls ein actives Qal- 
particip daratellen ^). Eine weitere Folge war es, dass sich 
in Analogie nach jenen Qalparticipien mit gedoppeltem 
letzten Radical auch die gewohniiche Form eines Qalparticips 
^p so entwickelte, dass es verdoppelten letzten Radical 
zeigte, d. h. dass 22W und ^^iy durch Analogie ein 22^, hbijf 
nach sich zogen. Denn da die Sprache die ersteren Formen 
mit Recht als Participien des Qalstamms empfand, so schien 
die Doppelong des letzten Radicals, die in Wahrheit nur eine 
Compensation f&r die unterbliebene Sch&rfung des Mittel- 
radicals war, dem naiven Sprachgeftlhl auf y*y-Wurzeln 223^, 
7^* znriickznweisen, und es war dann naturlich, dass man 
auch ein normales Particip qotel aus diesen vermeintlichen 
Stammen bildete. Haben ja auch ohne solchen Anlass ver- 
einzelte I'y-Wurzeln im Hebr. Qal-Participien wie von p'J? 
gelegentlich gebildet'^). 

Derselbe Process wie bei obigen Participien hat nun 
von denselben 1"y-Wurzeln aus auch zur Bildung des PolBl 
gefuhrt. Statt des regelmassigen qUtel musste zun'dchst bei 
Clp u. s. w. wegen des w ein qawwem mit d der 1. Silbe 
zu Grande gelegt werden^). Die Scharfung des intervocali- 
schen w wurde aber auch hier vermieden und durch Doppe- 
lung des nachfolgenden Radicals vertreten : qatomem fur *gaw- 
icem u. 8. w. Die so entstandenen Formen des I'y-Steige- 
rungsstammes haben die ^'y-Wurzeln durch Analogie ebenso 
nach sich gezogen, wie im Aram&ischen umgekehrt die med. 



^) Enteprechend dem anb. qatiil, wie n^o ii^^^^ abwendend, 8ich 
trennend** Jer. 2, 21; Jes. 49, 21, y^Q „abweichend" Prov. 14, 14, 2^\tf 
„8ich abwendend*' Mi. 2, 8, C^PI ^eilende**, Num. 32, 17 (Nominalbildung 
8. 180 unt.). 

•) So D^JJlfl^ Ho8. 7, 6; HrpD 1*8. 118, 16. Zu trennen hiervon 
ist es, wenn zu einem Polelstamm, wie IJjiyn ^^- ^^i ^^ neben dem 
Partip. D^iJ^yp (Sfter) auch das hieraus verktirxte D^Jj'y (5 Mai) vorkommt; 
denn die Antangsgenannten gehoren nicht zu einem Polelstamm. 

•) Wie Sffi: vgl. mit ^^pj, anflH vgl. m. h'^tcpT)- — Zur Be- 
ruhigung sei ausdnicklich bemerkt, dass die supponirte Orundfonn qawwem 
uber die wurzelbafleUrsprungliohkeit des radicalen w nicht mehr aussagt, 
als mp uber die in VniD ^^^ fT? T^ ^^r die des j ihrer Wurzoln, 
>alJ, - ^'^^p uber das j ihrer ^'y-Prototype. 



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92 J. Barth. 

w- der Analogie der med. j-Wurzeln gefolgt sind. Auch ein 
betrachtlicher Theil der yp-StHmme ist im Hebr. in diese 
Analogie hineingezogen worden, w&brend andere bei ihrer 
urspriinglichen Bildung verharrten (s.oben.). 

Ob nun aber die wenigen syrischen Paulelbildungen 
ihrer Entstehung nach mit den hebraischen verglichen war- 
den diirfen, bezweifle ich sehr. Fast alle gehen von y'y- 
Wurzeln aus und haben ein znm Paelstamm gehdriges nom. 
act. V^^^ neben sich, aus dem sich das verbale 'ethqautal ^) 
zwanglos als Denominativ erklart^). C5in9^{< Dan. 4,16 ist, 
wie seiner Wurzel, so wohl auch seiner Form nach Pal^ti- 
nismus. Abgesehen da von finden sich ja auch bei star ken 
Wurzeln FftUe wie ^ollj „krumm sein" targ. 13ID „ertra- 
gen", nach deren Art sie sonst erkl^rbar wfiren. Das ganz 
isolirte zu dem I'y-Stamm 112 gehorige w a»lf „bestiirzt 
sein" 3)^ das jedenfalls ausserst selten ist, und auf Begriffs- 
analogie beruhen kann*), geniigt fur die I'V-Stilmme nicht, 
im Syrischen diese Bildung zu sichem. 

Dazu kommt^ dass im Syrischen sowohl die jTy- als die 
T'y- Wurzeln ihre normale, der des starken Verbs entsprechende 
Flexion besitzen, mithin fur eine solche Intensivstamm-Neu- 
bildung auch kein Anlass vorlag. Die ^ussere Aehnlichkeit 
dieser Formen mit dem Polel wird durch die der I'y-Deri- 
vate auf S. 86—7 geniigend aufgewogen. 

Das Hebraische hat bei dem Passiv des P6l6l in 
der ersten Silbe den Vokal unverandert gelassen. Das er- 
kl&rt sich einfach daraus, dass das vocalische Verhaltniss der 
ersten Silben von Activ und Passiv sonst immer der Ghegen- 



^) Fiir sehr bedeutsam halte ich es, dass kein einziges actives qaute, 
sondeni immer nor das Passiv vorliegt, das so oft als Denominativ 
erscheint 

') j^Co-^T ,,'Wiederkauen" steht so neben jjoJlf, \AjLa^ = jJ^ 

neben ^.AAodl) ,Jiinschwinden", ]^ ^i^^ = v^ftLxAJI wird BA 7323 neben 

- ^ <^i;| iiberliefert, jJjo-D (ErMtung) xa-cdfSfou? neben JjCLOlf. VgL 
schon Noldeke a. a. 0, Weitere FlUle von y'y sind im Syrischen nicht 
nachgewiesen. 

^) ^^' Ko^t K^^^ stultus, arab. sy^ homo nequani. 
*) Es konnte z. B. dem DClnC^l^ nachgebildet sein. Es ist von Psm. 
nur aus einer Stelle bei Jacob von Serug belegt 



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Die Polel-CJonjugation and die Polftl-Participien. 93 

satz zwischen dem hellen i und dem dunkeln u, o war'). 
Nachdem nun aber hier schon im Activ aus dem urspr. aw 
ein dtmkles 6 in der ersten Silbe sich gebildet hatte, war 
die libliehe Yocalgegens&tzlichkeit in der 1. Silbe ansge- 
schlossen und die Sprache beschrluikte sich hier^) auf das 
in den zweiten Silben ebenfalls allgemein durchgefiihrte Vo- 
calverhaltniss von e : & fur Activ und Passiv unseres Inten- 
sivstamms. 



*) jtttel: quttal, — Aiqtil: Aogtal bezw. huqtal (^gn)* 
*) Obgleich dies in einem andem Fall, bei den i^r, nicht geschehen 
ist, v^ -i^^in: "iSn u. A. 



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A Study of the use of nh and m^ 
in the Old Testament 

by 
Profl Charles A. Briff^s DD. (New-7ork). 



2h and 2^? are treated in the Lexicons as one and the 
same word, and no attempt has been made thus far, or as 
far as I know, to distinguish them. In the preparation of the new 
American and British edition of Robinsons' Gesenius Hebrew 
Lexicon edited by Francis Brown, S. R. Driver and myself, it 
fell to my let to prepare the psychological terms. I made a 
complete induction of the passages in the Hebrew Scriptures 
in which these terms occur in the summer of 1891. I have 
waited until we reached them in our publication of the Lexi- 
con, before giving the facts to the public. In the Lexicon a 
summary of the facts will be given. The article of them will 
be given in this paper. 

(A) The usage of the Hexateneh. 

(1) The code of sanctity uses only 22b Lv. 19^7 2636. *i 
Nu. 15^ fourtimes. 

(2) The Deuteronotnic code Dt 12 — 26 uses only 22h 
134 157. 9. 10 1717. 20 1821 196 203. 8. 8 2616 twclvetimes. The 
Introduction to that code Chaps. 1 — 11 has the same 
usage. 1^ 2^i'^' ^' ^ 6^ 6^- ^ 717 82. 5. u. n 94. 5 1012. 161113. le. is 
twentytimes. The only exception 4^^ D^Ctt^ 2^ ty is an 
error of the Massoretic text The Samaritan codex gives 
22^/ The Conclusion of the code. Chaps. 27 — 28 has 
the same usage 2828- 47. 67. The exception 28^ ir) 2) when 
compared with 282^- *^- ^ can hardly be genuine. It is 
doubtless a copyist's error. The later additions to Deuteronomy 
ndseu rthe same usage. 29^7. is 301. 2. 6. 6. 6. 10. i4. 17 3246 The 



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A Study of the use of 2^ and ^^ in the Old Testament. 95 

exceptions are 29^ njn*? 2^ |ru which is used by the Re- 
dactor after Je. 24^, and 29^8 ^^h nnn?^?, only here in the 
Hexateuch, taken from Jeremiah who uses the phrase 8 
times. Je. S^^ 72* 9^3 11« 131^ W^ t8^^ 23i7. There can be 
little doubt therefore that in the original of D. only 25.^ 
was used. 

(3) The Deuteronomic sections of Joshua also use 
2?!? Jos. 211 51 75 147 22^ 23^^ The exceptions are (a) 
ll^CS^'HN j>jn^. But this is so strictly a phrase confined to 
E. and P. that it must be regarded as originally taken from 
one of them; if by the Deuteronomic redactor it must have 
been taken from a source of E underlying his present work; 
if from P. it must be by a later redactor, (b) 14^ ^^PCH 
-.^"ns« The verb is an Aramaism of a word elsewhere only 
W. 6^ 3912 147W But Dt. 1® has 1J5?^n« ^CT). Inasmuch 
as Jos. 14® refers to the incident described in Dt. 1^ and 
depends upon its statement there ^ we should not hesitate to 
correct the error and read in Jos. 14® also 22^^ HN '^DCH. It 
seems altogether probable that the usage of D. was uni- 
formly 22^. 

(4) The Priestly code and its narrative always uses 
25 Gen. 1717; Ex. 73- 13-22.23 gib 912.35 ijio 144.8.17 252 

283. 29. 30. 30 316. 6 355. 10, 21. 22. 2a. «6. 29. 34. 35 351. 2. 2. 2. 8 

(5) The Judaic writer always uses 2^ Gen. 6^- « 82i- 21 
18^ 24« 27*1 343. Ex. 4^* 71* S"- 28 97.14.21.34 iqI; Nu. 16» 
2413 327. 9^ The only possible exception Ex. 14'* assigned by 
Dillmann to E.; but by Wellhausen, Comill, Kittel and Driver 
to J. 25S "BH^l — 22^ should be corrected after the Samaritan 
codex to 2S. 

(6) 2S is used in the ode of the Red Sea. Ex. 16«. 

(7) The usage of the Ephramitic writer is mixed. 
We find 2h in Gen. 42^8 45^6 502i ; Ex. 421 lO^o. 27. But Gen. 
20'^- ^ (^22?) ''2?^-cn2; Jos. 2423 "»-^^ c;22^-nN lisn; and Gen. 
3128 '??^"riN 2i?ni. But Gen. 312^ has 25"^^ 2':}]]. One of 
these latter must be a copyist's error. It is probable that the 
longer form is original; because the tendency of JE is s6 
strongly in the direction of 2^ that 22? is the more difficult 
reading. Making this correction there remain 6 uses of 2^ 
and 5 of 22t> Our study of the Hexateuch makes it evident 
that in JE the only use of 22S is in the Ephramitic docu- 



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96 Charles A. Briggs. 

ment; that the Deuteronomic code and the series of Deute- 
ronomic editors used 2pS. This usage was continued in the 
Sanctity code. The Priests' code the Priestly document and 
the final editors of the Hexateuch use 2h — 22^ is enclosed 
between an earlier and a later usage of 2h. 

(B) The Prophetic Histories. 

(1) The main stock of the hook of Judges chaps. 1 — 16 
always uses nh, Ju. 9^ 16*^ *''• i^- ^^ ^ and also the Song of 
Deborah 5«- ^s- 1«. In the Appendix Chaps. 17—29 there 
is a mixed usage. 2^ is used IS^o 19-''- ^- «• ^, but lO^- 9 22^. 
The comparison of 19^ 5|52^ lyo with 19-^ ^p lyO', and of 
19® ?|22> 2PV^ with 19^ 1?? ^tg^l makes it plain that one of 
these sets has arisen from a copyist's error. It is more pro- 
bable that there has been a change of an original 2*? into 22^ 
in two cases, than a change of 22^ into 2*? in four cases. 
The change was probably made by one of the Deuteronomic 
editors. 

(2) The Narrative I. Samuel — 1. Kings 2. is com- 
posed of Judaic and Ephramitic sources with Deuteronomic 
redaction and occasional editing of later date. 

(a) The Judaic sources (following on the main the 
analysis of Budde & Kittel) use 2> 1. S. 9^0 10» 24« 
2525. 31. 36. 37 27^ 28^. 2. S. 6^6 IS^o. 2a 33 141 156. 13 1710. 10 
183. 3. 14 198. 20 24i(>. I agree with Kittel in adding 2. S. 
72»- 27. The exceptions are ?i22*?2 ^^m ^'3 L S. 9^^ 141 The 
same phrase is used 2. S. 7^ (assigned by Budde to RJE 
and by Kittel to the Deuteronomic redactor). Its parallel is 
1. Chr. 172. Compare ?j?2^2 1K'>? Dt. 82 ; ^2?^2 1^8 ^2 2. K. 
10^. It seems altogether probable that this phrase always 
comes from one of the Deuteronomic redactors. 

^22^2 I. S. 147 Compare 122^2 K^^N 1. S. 13^* assigned to 
WJ2 by Budde, to Redactor by Kittel. Both of these are 
probably Redactional. 

22^-n« m 2. S. 191^ between 19^- 20 which use 2^ must 
be regarded as a doubtful reading. It has probably origi- 
nated though the influence of Jos. 242^. 

1??^ VT, ^^^^ 1. K. 2^ is unique. But in the Wisdom 
Literature 2> vy^ is used Pr. W^. Ec. 722 8^ It is probably 
an editorial insertion of late date. 



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A Study of the use of 2^ and 22^ in the Old Testament 97 

A review of the nsage of the Prophetic Histories shows 
that in the main there is remarkable agreement with the 
Hexateuch. It is altogether probable that the Judaic sources 
always use 2.^. The Ephramitic source commonly use 2^ also ; 
but there are exceptions which seem to come from a later 
Ephramitic document. The Deuteronomic editor of Samuel 
and Kings agrees with the code of D and the Deuteronomic 
editor of the Hexateuch in the use of ^S*?. The exceptional 
usage probably is due to copyist's mistakes or to editorial 
changes that took place in the evolution of the writings during 
their long history before they attained their present form. It 
is extremely improbable that the original of the Judaic 
sources contained any us of 22*?. 

(b) The Song of Hannah uses 2.^ 1. S. 2\ 

(c) The section Chap. 4 — 7* is assigned by Budde, Comill 
Kittel to E, the earliest Ephramitic source. But it seems to 
me that it is a combination of a source of J with a source 
of E. 2|? is used 4^^- ^^ which certainly belong to E. but in 
6^ both forms are used. 

«f?n D2^-n.x njn?-'^ cnifp n?? n^ss c222^-nN nsrrp nrsh 

The historical reference is clearly to the story of J. 
There can be no doubt that 2^ ^^?n is a phrase of J. 
Ex. 811-28 97 iQi and '? ^yOH; also Ex. IO2. This verse is 
therefore either from J. or bv a redactor who used J. 0222*? 
is used for an original C227 by a redactor. This usage may 
he regarded as euphonic. There are but three examples of 
C22^ in the Old Testament over against 38 of C222>. These 
are Gen. 18'^ (J) Js. 66^* W. 48^*. These three examples 
must be regarded as original to these writings. They have 
escaped the assimilation to a later preod euphonic usage. 

(d) 1. S. 1712. 31 is not in LXX. text. 17^ gives ?|r2^ yj-l 
a phrase used elsewhere only Ne. 22. 2'? g"! is in the Me- 
morials of Nehemiah. This passage is assigned by Budde & 
Kittel to E. DntJ"2^ is used in 1. S. 17^2 which is given in LXX 
and belongs to E. 

(e) 2S is used in the Ephramitic passage 1. S. 102^ in 
the phrase C2b2 C^nhn ya^-llTN. 

(f; I. S. 1^'^ is in a section ascribed by Budde & Kittel 
to a later Ephramitic soui'ce. The phrase n2-J"'?J?. nn2n?? 
Kohat, Semitic Studies. 7 



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98 Charles A. Briggs. 

betrays a late confiision of by for *??: which cannot by original. 
We might suppose that a copyist misunderstood the phrase and 
gave it the meaning of zh hv "121. But that is not suited 
to the context If a copyist changed an original *?« into "TV 
he would be still more likely to change ro?^ into ns'? if that 
were the usage with which he was most familiar. 

(g) 22^ is used in the following passages assigned by 
Budde to a later Ephramidc source E^ but by Kittel to 
the Deuteronomic Redactor I. S. 1^ 7^-3 12»-24; 2. S. 7» 
(= 1. Chr. 17^); also in the following passages recognised as 
Deuteronomic by both critics 1. S. 2^; 1. K. 2*. 

(h) The following are in passages regarded by Budde as 
late Midrashim I. S. 16*? 2:^hh H^l^. '\ 

1. S. 21 »3 122^5 n\^ efse where only Job 22^2. 

(3) Jn the Books of Kings I. K. 3 — 2. K. accor- 
ding to the analysis of Kamphausen, we find the following 
usage. 

(a) In the Judaic sources 2*? is used 1. K. 5^; 2. K. 
125 1410 ( - 2. Chr. 25i»). 1. K. 3^^^ is ascribed to 
a Judaic source with an interrogation. It doubtless has many 
redactional changes. 2.*? is used vers. 9, 12; but ver. 6, has the 
unique phrase 22^ nit&*^2. The phrase 25S ir^ is used Dt 9^; 
1. Chr. 2917; ijr {197 a^d 22^ n^'^. 2. Chr. 29^; but nowhere 
else rPW\ It is a late form and the whole phrase is a 
PostexUic addition. n^^'p-Cl? I^^S"^? 1. K. 10^ (^ 2. Chr. 9»> 
is in a Judaic source but is evidently not original. It is a 
phrase of the Chronicler, which has come into the Book of 
Kings from the parallel passage in Chronicles. 

(b) In the Ephramitic sources 2*2 is used in the 
prophetic stories 1. K IS"^^ 21^; 2. K. b'^ 6*^ In a secondary 
source 2. K. 10*^ *52^-Cj; ^22^? "^If'NJ I^J 1??^"^^? ^^ ^^ 
doubtless original. But in the same source 2^ is used 2. K 

9^ l2-)9 ^ijnn X5pi. 

(c) In the Redactional sources chiefly Deuteronomic 2^5 
is used. 1. K. 8^-^ 9^ 112.-*. » 14^; 2. K. 10^- 3^ 23^5 aW 
in the phrase CJ? C^^ 22^ H^H 1. K. 8«i 11^ 15^- 1* and ia 
the parallel passages: 1. K. 8»7. 18. is. ae. 39. 48 (^ 2. Chr. 
67. 8. 8. 30. 30 c;^38). 2. R. 20'» (= 2.^ Is. 383) 22i9( -. 2.Chr.3427). 

Exceptional passages are 

1. K. 823 c2>-':'22 ^:r^ l^n (-- 2. Chr. 6^4) elsewhere and 



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A Study of the use of 2^ and 22^ '^^ the Old Testament 99 

the Historical Books always C^'p'^r? excepting 2. Chr. 6-* 
(D2?7 1. K. 8^; and therefore probably a copyist's eiTor 
here; but older than the Chronicler who found it in his 
source. 

1. K. 8*7 C2^^^ 'iZTH -- c;^h 2. Chr. &^\ The reading 
of the Chronicler is doubtless correct. 

2. K 233 ircr^DD^ ^h'hz'z loc^ = i23^ 

2. Chr. 34^^ The Chronicler is doubtless correct. 2*? is 
also used 1. K 8^ (- 2. Chr. V^) 93 {= 2. Chr. 7»«) lO^* 
(= 2. Chr. 923) i22». 27. But these phrases were probably in 
the source used by the Redactor. 11* between 112- * is 
doubtless a copyist's error. The Qri of 1. K. 12^ may also 
be added. This is assigned by Eamphausen to a late Postexilic 
redaction. 

(C) The Usage of the Chronicler. 

The iisage of the Chronicler embrace the two books of 
Chronicles and the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. 

(a) 2^ is used in passages pai*allel with Samuel and 
Kings where the term comes from the ultimate source. 1. C. 
152»17>» (= 2. S. 6»« 720 ; 2. Chr. V^- 1« 9^3 (^ 1. K. 8^ 9^ 
(10^) 2519 (= 2. K. I410). 

(b) 2h is used in the original sources. 1. Chr. 16*^ 
(= ¥. 1058) Memorials of Ezra: Ezr. 622 V^^ and the Me- 
morials of Nehemiah: Ne. 22- 12 338 57 gs 75. 

(c) 2.*? is used in several phrases. 
1. Chr. 1234 2h^ 2^ after ^. 128. 

1. Chr. 123»; 2. Chr. 30^2 -in.>< 2") after Je. 3239 

2. Chr. 176 26^ 32-^^- 26 12^ TO:. 

2. Chr. 29^^ 2S 2n: after P. Ex. 355- 22. 

2. Chr. 3j22 2^ tjy -121 frequent Gen. 34^ bO'-^ (E); Ju. 193; 
Ru. 2>3; 2. S. 198; Is. 402; Hos. 21«. The only use of 
22J? in this phrase is 2. Chr. 32«. 

(d) 2*? is used by copyist's mistake. 

1. Chr. 28»299 c!?r 2^ elsewhere ohp 22^ 1. Chr. 12^9 2919; 
2. Chr. 1577 (= 1. K. 15^4^ 169 19« 252; i. k. 8«i 11* 153; 
2. K. 203 (= i? Is. 388). 

2. Chr.l2i^(B^-n.^) 12^ ]^2n only here in Historical Books 
elsewhere 22*? in this phrase 1. Chr. 29^^; 2. Chr. 19^ 2033 30i9; 
Ezr. 710; cf, 1. S. 73. 

7* 



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100 Charles A. Briggs. 

2. Chr. 24-* ^S-cy rm elsewhere always 22h l.Chr. 227 28'-^; 
2. Chr. 1^1 67- 8. 8 {^ i] K. 817. i8. i8) 91 (^ 1. k. lO'^) 29^0. 
2. Chr. 63» (^ 1. K. 8*8 C22^). 
2. Chr. 6>* (-- 2^ 1. K. 8^y 

(e) zh is used 2. Chr. 7'^ in the unique phrase {<2n*^5 n{<^ 
zh'hy, —- |Wn-^2 HNI 1. K. 9^ which last is verified by 1. K. 
9*^ 2. Chr. 8^ and is a Deuteronomic phrase. It cannot be 
from the Chronicler who always elsewhere uses 22^ except 
in source given above. It is either a copyist's error for 22^ 
or else it came from a source intermediate between the Deu- 
teronomic redaction of Kings and the Chronicles. 

(f) The Chronicler uses 22.*? in his Deuteronomic sources. 
1. Chr. 17^ ( 2. S. 73). 

2. Chr. 67-8- ^ 90. 90. si 91 (-.- 1, k. 8»' ^8. la 39. 39. 47. 48 io2). 
2. Chr. 15^7 (__ 1. K. 15") 3427. 31 (_ 2. K. 22>» 23»). 

(g) The Chronicler uses elsewhere always 23.^ 1. C. 12^"^'^ 
227-i» 282 » 29»7i7. iai8. 19. 2. C. V^ IV^ 13' 15^2,15 igs 
193.9 2093 22» 252 29>o-94 3019 ar^i 32«- 9i 36i9; Ezr. 7^0; 
Ne. 98 — in all 31 times. 

There can be no doubt therefore that the Chronicler uses 
2zh with such a decided preference that we must regard the 
exceptional usage of 2^ which cannot be refeiTed to earlier 
sources either as older current phrases or copyists' errors. 

(D) The usage of the Prophets. 

I. 2S is used (1) by Amos 2^^. 

(2) by Rosea 2i« 4^1 7^ '^- 1* 10^ 11^ 138- ». 

But 72 C22^^ npfc<^*^3 is a peculiar phrase of doubtful 
originality. It is improbable that 2? appears in 7^- ^'- ^* 
and everywhere else in this prophet but this single passage 
where no reason can be assigned for change. We find the 
phrase 2^2 ICN in Gen. 17^^ and 22^-cy in ^. 77^ ; but nowhere 
else 2^^ 1CN. It is probably a later scribal addition in ex- 
planation of niCT. 

(3) Isaiah 15^ in the ancient Dirge of Moab. 

(4) The apocalypse Is. 24—27 in Is. 241 

(5) The apocalypse Is. 34—35 in Is. 35*. 

(6) Isaiah 40—66. 22 times e. g. 402 4122 4225 4419.20 
468. 12 477. 10 517 571. 11. 15. 17 5913 611 63*- ^7 651*- 1*. n 66^4. 

But. 22^2 "ICN 478 4921 Deuteronomic phrase. This 



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A Study of the use of ^h and ^h ^ the Old Testameut. IQl 

is singular when compared with T|5^5 -ict< 47*^. They must 
be regarded as copyists*s errors. 'Tg^h 2fT1 60^ and thy 
mind be enlarged. 

I can see no reason for the longer form; it also is 
probably a copyist's error unless we may suppose that this 
grand hymn was by another author. 

(7) Jeremiah uses 2^ 57 times but 

Je. 4* 0p33^ ni^iy is doubtless due to Deut. W^ 

Je. 5^^ 13^ 22^3 1CN a Deuteronomic phrase. Dt V^ 
8^7 9* 18^1 etc. 

Je. 151^ 22^ r\nc\p or Is. 302»; Ez. 365 p^ ^^ only 
EccL 5i»; Song 3i'). 

Je.29i3c222t?-^r2ir"n. 32'*0|r%>< TINT-nN 022^3 Deutero- 
nomic 4^ because of heavy suffix; comp.^nno C2")p2 \niin £1^31^^. 

(8) Eeehiel uses 2^ 39 times but 
3W r,52^? np. 

2%^ ?1?2^ n2??\ 

286 C^n^« 2>2 •52?"nN •(PP. This cannot be original in 
view of D^n^« 2'?2 12^5 ]nn Ver. 2. 
3110 125^ c-J (del Comill). 
365 j;^^/>2 22^*^9 nn?fc9 possibly dittography. 
38^0 125^-^1;" cn2n 5)%" 

(9) OftadaiaA 3. 3. 

(10) In Zech, 9—11. Zech. lO^- 7. 

(11) In Zech, 12—14. Zech. 12^. 

(12) Mai. 22. 2 324. 

II. 2p.^ is used in the following Prophets: 

(1) Joel 2^2. 18. 

(2) Isaiah (a) 1^ e^^ 72- 4 gs lo^- r >2. 

The exception 6^^ PrTn Cj;n"2i' jC^'n is doubtless a copyist's 
error as compared with 6^^ ^5^22^ 

(b) 191 21^ 

(c) 30«9 32^. 

29^3 i3^jp pj-p ^12^, is in a section Vers. 13—14, which is 
not in any essential relation to the context and may be by 
another hand. 

32^ |1i<-nfeT;i 12b 1 are regarded by Cheyne, Stade, 
33^8 np>« nan;; ?|2^ J Duhm and Comill as Postexilic ad- 
ditions. 

(3) Zeph. V'^ 2'\ 



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102 Charles A. Briggs. 

The exception 3** nblthn"! n? zh'h^^ ^T>j; may have arisen 
from the omission of the second 2 before P? 

(4) In 1$. 13 — 14^ the apocalyse against Babylon: 13^ 14^\ 

(5) In Jer, 50—51 the oracle against Babylon : 51^-^. 

(6) Ha(j. 1^' 7 2^^ 18- 18. 

(7) Jonah. 2*. 

(8) In Zech. 1—8. V^ 8^\ 

The exception 7^2 yjjci?^ ^72}^ Clh may be a variation of 
nsage or an error. 

(9) Nahutn 2^. The Dd: 25 2" is probably dne to the 
assimilation of usage W 22^*; 2. S. IT^^'; Ez. 21»2. 

A review of the usage thus far considered gives the 
following summary of facts. (1) The earliest documents use 2^ 
e. g. all the ancient historical Poetry, the Judaic sources of 
the Hexateuch and the Prophetic Histories, the earlier 
Ephramitic sources of the Prophetic Histories, Amos, Hosea, 
Zech. 9—11 and the Dirge of Moab. Is. lb\ (2) 22^ first 
appears in Isaiah and in certain sections of the Ephramitic 
sources of the Hexateuch and the Prophetic Histories. 
This usage continues in Zephaniah, the Deuteronomic 
code, the code of Sanctity and the Deuteronomic sections 
of the Hexateuch and the Prophetic Histories. Nahum is 
doubtful in usage but probably belongs to this group. (3) Je- 
remiah and Ezekiel return to the earlier usage although the 
former was influenced by the Deuteronomic code and the latter 
by the code of Sanctity. There are however a few exceptional 
uses of 22^""' in these prophets which reflect the usage of 
these codes and also of current phrase from the inter- 
mediate period. (4) The second Isaiah is more decided in 
his use of 2*? than Jeremiah or Ezekiel and he is followed 
by the apocalypse : Is. 24 - 27 ; 34 — 35. The exilic usage is 
so pronounced that we are not surprised to find that the 
Priestly document of the Hexateuch invariably uses 2^. (5) 22^ 
is used by the apocalypse: Is. 13- 14^3 and by the oracle 
against Babylon: Je. 50 — 51 and then by the Prophets of 
the Restoration: Haggai, Zechariah 1 — 8, Joel and the 
book of Jonah. (6) But Obadaiah Malachi, Zech. 12—14 
and the Memorials of Ezra and Nehemiah use 2^. (7) The 
Chronicler uses 22^. 



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A Study of the use of sjp and 22^ ^^ t^® ^^^ Testament 103 

(E) The Psalter. 

The Psalter gives an interesting variation of usage. 

(1) In Psalms which bear the name of David in their 
titles (which as I believe belonged with few exceptions to 
the first minor Psalter gathered under the name of David 
soon after the institution of worship in the synagogues), the 
prevalent usage is zh V^ 9^ 10«- ^i- ^^- i^ 112 i23 141 (- 5^2) 
16» 173 199- 15 218 262 273. 8. 14 32U 34i» 352^ 362- n 37^- 1^- »i 
38»- 11 39* 40"- 13 417 5112. 19 555. 2^2 578 533 ep 64- ^ 108^ 
1311 1381 140^ 1414 1434 This usage is so decided that 
the exceptional uses of 22*? cannot come from the Editor of 
the collection, but must have been earlier, either in the 
original Psalm or in an earlier version. 

(a) 3dS is used exclusively in 15^ 20* 24* IOI2. *• ^ 1392^ 
all Mizmorim, 86ii- '^ a Tephilla, and 251^. 

(b) Psalms show a mixed usage. 

4'' Cr237? ^^^^ is a common Deuteronomic phrase. 

48 ^3"^3 nVXCip T\^r^^ is probably original. 

3125 C223^ Y'O^K^ is a Deuteronomic phrase. 

31 13 3^ is probably original. 

222^ 69^ C3337 ,Ti^ is a phrase which has survived in 
Psalms which in other respects under the influence of Jere- 
miah use 3> 2215 6921. 

In all these uses of 33tJ, the heavy suffix occurs which 
might explain the usage as above and they are phrases which 
might have survived in a prevalent use of 3S. There are no 
such explanations for the 33> of 13^ 28^ 62» 109i« along 
side of the 3^ of 13^ 287- 7 62ii IO922. It is most probable 
that the 33.7 is original and that 3^ is due to the assimilation of 
an editor's usage- 

(2) In Psalms which bear the name of Asaph constituting 
originally a minor Psalter collected under this name there 
is a variation of usage (a) 3.^ is used 74® 76^ 81 1^ 83^. 

(b) 33^ 731- 7. 13. 21. 28. 26 777 both Mizmorim. 

(c) 33^ is used 7813- ^2; 3> 78^ ^\ This masUl depends 
on JE. of the Hexateuch and especially upon J. who uses 
3a The prevalent usage of the psalter of Asaph is 3^. It 
is most likely therefore that 33^ was in the original Psalm 
and that it represents an intermediate usage which in two 
places was destroyed by the assimilation of the editor. 



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104 Charles A. Briggs. 

(3) In the minor Psalter of the Korahites 2^ is used 
4419.22 452.6 463 4814 494 841 The variation 84« is in a 
doubtful text and can hardly be original. 

(4) The Hallels use ih lOb^ 25 io7»2 1127. 8 1473. The 
use of 32^ 111* may have arisen from dittography. 

(5) (a) i? is used in the orphan Psahns. 33^^ ^^ ^i qqxs^ 
the TephiUah 1025. 

(b) in 1192- ^^- 11- 32. 34. 36. 5a 69. 70. 80. 111. 112. 145. 161. The ex- 
ception 119'' 22h njp'^ is probably due to Deuteronomic in- 
fluence. 

(c) 2^b is used in the creation Psalm 104*^- *^ and in 
the prayer of Moses 90*^ and is doubtless original. 

(d) The Royal Group is mixed in usage, dh is used 
941^ 9VK But 96» 0233^ lirpn a phrase of P. Ex. 7» (who 
uses 3S) 95*^ 23*? ^yh CJ. The probabilities are in favour 
of an original 33^ in all these cases. 

(F) In the Wisdom Litentore. 

3^ is predominant. 

(1) it is used in Proverbs 92 times. The exceptions 
may be due to rythmic correspondence. 

421 rg^) Tjins ji ?I7J;!)5. 

6^ ^133^3 n^E?; -ibnn-:)« || n'-eyjpj;?. 

(2) In the Book of Job there is a valuation similar to 
that in Jeremiah and Ezekiel. 

(a) In the Introduction 3^ is used 1® 2^] but 

1^ 033^3 O^n'^N 13-13. 

(b) fn the Poem 3—31. 3> is used 7*7 310 iii3 1224 1512 
174 23i« 29*^ 317. 9. 27^ But 

9* 33^ C3n. 
W^ 33^*3 ]M. 

12» 33^ ^h c:. 
171^ '•33^ '»Bnic. 
2222 rg2h2 CiS^. 
276 v^^^^ ^22) Fiin;; i6. 

(c) In the 'section of Elihu 3S is used 33^* 34 1* 36^- ^^ 
3V-^Bxit3i^^-^22h ^ir5«. 

(d) In the Appendix 3.^ 41^^. 

(3) In Ecclestastes 2h is used 41 times. But 9' ni/Sln 
D33^3. 



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A Study of the use of ^ and ^h in the Old Testament 105 
(4) In the Song of Songs 2h is used thrice. 

(G) In the remalniDg sections of the Haglographa. 

2*? is predominant. 

(1) 35 is used in Lamentations nine times. But. 34* 
0^3 Sk ^222b tc^^^. This may be an older liturgical formula 
based on Deuteronomic usage. See Dt. S^\ 

(2) ::.*? is used in RtUh twice. 

(3) 2h is used in Esther four times. 

(4) lii Daniel 2?> is used 82^ ll^^- 25. 27. 28 {^ the Vision. 
But. 18 )3h bv Dir. 

1012 pn^ 'i?^ HK ]r\:. 

Both of these are in introductory sections. 

The Hagiographa also show traces of the literary 
preference of individuals as well as of the taste of the ages of 
the authors and editors who produced them. (1) The ancient 
usage before Isaiah may be reflected in some of the Psalms 
and sentences of Wisdom; but there is no certainty about it. 
(2) The usage of the age of Hezekiah and of writers under 
the influence of Deuteronomy and the Sanctity code is pro- 
bably reflected in a number of Psalms in the Davidic Psalter 
which use ^h and also in the Psalter of Asaph. (3) The 
usage of Job corresponds with that of Jeremiah and Ezekiel 
in the preference for 2"^ with frequent uses of 23^. (4) The 
exilic usage of 3"? is reflected in Lamentations and the exilic 
Psalms. (5) The preference for 22^ in the earlier prophets 
of the Restoration may be traced in some of the Psalms of 
the Psalters of David and possibly also in Pss. 90, 104, and 
the royal group 94-— 100. (6) The preference for 3S of the 
later writers of the Persian period may be seen also in the 
Psalters of the Korahites and in the editors of the Psalters 
of Asaph and of David as well as in the authors of not a 
few Psalms in these Psalters ; also in Proverbs and in Ruth. 
(7) The preference of the Chronicler for 32^ has its counterpart 
in the Book of Daniel. (8) A later preference for 3*? 
is reflected in Ecclesiastes, Esther and the latest Psalms. 
The Song of Songs in its use of 3^ would take its place 
either under (1), (4), (6), or (8) in accordance with the 
opinions as to its age. 



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Die Veberschrift des Bnehes Amos und des 
Propheten Heimat 

von 
Prof. Dr. K. Budde (Strassburff L B.). 

Mit Recht sagt H. Oort (Theol Tijdschr, 1891 S. 122): 
^Schwerlich hatte man jemals Juda fiir des Amos Vaterland 
erklart, wenn nicht in c. 1, 1 Thekoa erwahnt wurde." Fehlte 
dort das Vypr:Cy so lage die Sache genau wie bei Hosea. Man 
wiirde dann als selbstv^erstSndlich annelimen, dass er Nord- 
Israelit war, sieh mit den Stellen, in denen eine Hinneigung 
zu Juda spiirbar ist, ebenso wie dort in der einen oder 
anderen Weise auseinandersetzen , und in 7, 12 nicht den 
Rat finden in die Heimat zu fliehen, sondem in das Ausland. 
Aber nun steht das Wort da, und ein Verdacht der Unecht- 
heit kann gar nicht aufkommen Es blieb die Auskunft, ein 
sonst unbekanntes, nordisraelitisches Thekoa anzunehmen; 
sie wurde friiher mit Graetz und Aelteren auch von Oort 
{Theol T. 1880 S 122 ff.) vertreten. In dem oben ange- 
fiihrten Aufsatz hat er sie aufgegeben, Thekoa ist nun auch 
ihm das wohlbekannte judaische Dorf ; aber statt jnpPD liest 
er nach dem lv des Vaticanus der LXX und dreier Minuskeln 
bei Holmes und Parsons^) jnpPZ. Nun ist ihm Amos aus 
dem Nordreiche geburtig, er hat den Rat nach Juda zu fliehen 
befolgt, sich in Thekoa niedergelassen und dort spater sein 
Buch geschrieben. Kann man sich dabei beruhigen? Ich 
bedaure, das bezweifein zu mussen. Nicht als ob ich der 
Autoritat des Vaticanus zu nahe treten mochte; vielmehr 
kann darin recht wohl die echte Lesart erhalten, das Ix des 
Alexandrinus aus Correctur nach dem Hebraischen zu er- 



*) Dazu kommen, wenn man aus dem StilUchweigen bei Swete 
Bchliessen darf, noch der Marckalianxis (Q =^ XII. Parsons) und der 
rescriptus Cryptoferraterms {T), zwei wertvolle Uncial codices. 



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Die Uberechrift des Baches Amos und des Propheten Heimat. 107 

klaren sein. Aber wenn selbst Wellhausen in seiner Ueber- 
setzung „in Tbekoa" gibt. ohne in den Anraerkungen eine 
TextS,nderung vorzusehlagen, so kann auch die alte griechiscbe 
Uebersetzung mit ihrem £v (die Urspriingliehkeit vorausge- 
setzt) lediglich dem Sprachgebrauch Reehnung getragen haben. ^) 
Und fuglich ist das, worauf es fiir Oort ankommt, auch in dem 
hergestellten Wortlaut nicht ausgedriickt. Denn da sich das 
]D nicht auf Amos, sondern auf die cnpj bezieht, so bediirfte 
es nicht dafur, sondern fur das TVn eines anderen Ausdrucks, 
am besten 13 wie Richt. 17, 7 ff. u. s. w. Wir mussen also 
im Gegenteil, wenn wir den Knoten losen wollen, bei dem 
schwierigen V^prw stehen bleiben und daraus die richtigen 
Schlusse Ziehen. 

Der vorliegende Wortlaut y^p^\C D''np:2 rm IITN kann 
iiberhaupt nicht lediglich dazu dienen sollen, des Amos 
Heimat und Stand anzugeben Das wiirde, wie Oort richtig 
hervorhebt, nach Jer. 1, 1 lauten mussen y^pr\2 "ICTN D^lp^u |C; 
das Ti^n ware ganz iiberflussig, ja falsch, das IC'N nicht zu 
Anfang, wohl aber vor dem Ortsnamen, erwiinscht. Was 
hier steht, kdnnte etwa heissen, dass^ Amos zu einer Schaar 
von Viebziichtem aus Thekoa gehort babe, die sich zu irgend 
einer bestimmten Zeit an eineni anderen Oi*te einfanden oder 
aufhielten, so etwa, wie sich bei der Belagerung Jerusalem's 
die Rekabiten hinter die Mauem der Hauptstadt fliichteten 
(Jer. 35). Da aber eine solche Gelegenheit nicht zu ersinnen, 
noch weniger genannt ist, kann diese Auffassung nicht in 
Betracht kommen. Eine andere versucht Wellhausen (Skizzen 
und Vorarbeiten V, 1892) mit der Uebersetzung „der ein 
Schafziichter in Thekoa gewesen ist." Dabei steht „ein 
Schafziichter" statt „unter den Schafziichtera", „in" statt 
^aus" ohne Unterschied des Sinnes, aus berechtigter Ruck- 
sicht auf den deutschen Sprachgebrauch; dagegen wird das 
„gewesen ist" dem TVT] "^ITN gerecht: „Die Ueberschrift, der 
Buchtitel, sieht auf Amos zuruck als einen Gewesenen 
(Jonas 3, 3)*, doch ruhrt sie von einem Zeitgenossen her." 
Gewiss sehr fein; aber mir scheint, man sollte die An- 
nahme eines jeden perfedum p^-aesens in einer geschicht- 



*) S. aber zum Teste der LXX noch die Bemerkungen am Schlusse 
dieses Anfsatzes. 



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108 K. Budde. 

lichen Darstellung, das nicht in der direkten Rede einer 
handelnd eingefuhrten Person auftritt mit dem grossten Miss- 
trauen betrachten. Und das gilt gewiss in verstftrktem Maasse 
von einer blossen Ueberschrift, mit der ihr Verfasser ein 
Buch der Nachwelt iibergeben will. Das Natiirliche war hier 
unmittelbar hinter Dicy ein JTlpr? ^ptf C^pin JC oder i'^rr? "*!?>" *' 
das Missverstandnis, dass Amos noch am Leben sei, lag bei 
einer so gebrUuehliehen Ausdrucksweise viel zu fern, nm es 
durch eine ungewohnliche Fassung zu beseitigen, die selbst 
erst recht binnen kurzer Zeit missverstHndlich werden musste. 
Zu dem alien kommt noch, dass man auch bei dieser Auf- 
fassung ein IC'N vor y)pr\C vermisst. Man wird daher auch 
sie als allzu fein ablehnen miissen. 

Es ist aufFallend; dass noch niemand, wie es scheint, 
daran gedacht hat, das n^n '^.Z*^ plusquamperfectisch zu 
verstehen. Und doch liegt da<» im Hinbliek auf 7, 14 f. nSher 
als alles andere. Denn nicht um sich zu legitimieren sagt 
Amos dort dem Oberpriester zu Betel, dass er seines Zeichens 
ein Viehztichter sei. Er will vielmehr beweisen, dass er nicht 
durch Erziehung und Handwerk Prophet sei, sondern durch 
ausdriickliche Berufung Jahwe's aus einem anderen Stande, 
dem er bis dahin angehort habe. Also dass er bis zu seiner 
lierufung Viehztichter gewesen ist, darauf kommt es an, 
nicht auf seine jetzige oder zukunftige Hantierung. Wohl 
kann er spater dazu zuruckgekehrt sein, aber wir wissen es 
nicht, und fur den Zusammenhang von c. 7, ja fur das ganze 
Buch, liegt nichts daran. Dasselbe gilt von der Ueberschrift. 
Sie fugt zu dem Namen die biographisch wertvolle Nachricht 
aus 7, 14 f. : „der [ehedem] ein Viehztichter gewesen war". 
Dies C^1p:r TiVi bei demPropheten isteben eine Merkwurdigkeit, 
ein umgekehrtes Seitensttick zu dem C^N^232 bei dem Kriegs- 
mann und Konig Saul (Sam. I, 10, 12).') 

^) Wie sich daa cnp:3 1. 1 zu dem ipu 7. 14 verhalt. ist eine Frage 
von untergeordneter Bedeutung. Man erinnere sich, dass Oort (1880) 
dieses "ipi2 nach LXX oLlniXo^ in ipu verbesnem wollte, sodass dann 1, 1 un- 
mittelbar daraus entnommen ware. Schnurmans Stekhoven {Theol. 
Sttidiiin 1889 S. 223) lehnt das ab und sieht vielmehr in olI^oIoz eine 
gute Uebersetzung von ipia, auf die das nachfolgende ]Kxn Einfluss geilbt 
bat. Natiirlich kann ebensogut der Verfasser der Ueberschrift durch 
sein cnp:3 die in 7, 14 gebrauchte Wendung unmissverstandlich lun- 
schrieben haben. 



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Die tjberschrift des Baches Amos und des Propheten Heimat 109 

Aus dieser AufFassung der Worte, wohl der allein anstoss- 
freien und natiirlichen, folgt aber weiter, dass jnpPD gar nicht 
in so unmittelbarem Zusammenhang mit dem vorhergehenden 
Worte steht, wie man anzunehmen pflegt. Denn niir darin^ 
dass Amos Viehziichter gewesen ist, besteht die Aussage; ob 
zu Thekoa oder anderswo, hat fur die Sache gar keine Be- 
deutung, und wirklich schweigt 7, 14 f. da von vSllig. Man 
hat sich durch diesen engeii Anschluss das richtige Ver- 
stlindnis ganz ohne Not verbaut. Lost man ihn auf, so er- 
klart sich das schwierige ]0 von selbst. Es ist eben das |C 
der Herkunft, der Heimat, unmittelbar an den Eigennamen 
anschliessend, wie cn*? n'»2C iH2« Richt. 12, 8, vgl. Kon. II, 
21y 19. 23, 36, gleichbedeutend mit dem Gentilieium ^npOD, 
das sich in Ueberschriften von Prophetenbiichern in r\yc 
^nancD und n&'p^&<n C^n: findet. Man muss also iibei-setzen: 
„Die Worte des Amos — der ehedem Viehziichter gewesen — 
aus Thekoa". Oortfj Vorschlag jnpn2 zu lesen wird damit 
vollends hinfallig; will man nicht zugeben, dass Amos Judaer 
von G^burt war, so mag man zu der friiheren Annahme eines 
zweiten Thekoa zurtickkehren, oder allenfalls auch das „aus 
Thekoa'' von des Amos zweiter, vielleicht langjahriger, Heimat 
verstehen, die den Verfasser der Ueberschrift seine eigent- 
liche Herkunft hatte vergessen lassen. Die Sykomorenzucht 
von 7, 14 konnte man dann auf diese erste Heimat unter 
giinstigerem Himmel beziehen. Immerhin soUte man das 
daraus entlehnte Bedenken gegen das judaische Thekoa 
nicht iibertreiben. Wenn diese Baume zu Thekoa nicht fort- 
kamen, so wissen wir aus Kon. I, 10, 27, dass sie in der 
Sephela in Menge wuchsen ; die Sephela aber ist, wie Geo. 
A. Smith (The Eistor, Geogr. of the Holy Land S. 201 ff. 
tu s. w.) wieder nachgewiesen hat,*) nicht die Kustenebene, 
sondem das dem Gebirge vorgelagerte Hugelland. Nichts, 
was wir wiissten, steht der Moglichkeit im Wege, dass ein 
Heerdenbesitzer zu Thekoa zugleich einen Sykomorenhain in 
einem der Taler von Juda erworben oder gepachtet hatte. 
Zur Reise dahin, zum Ritzen, Reifen, Einsammeln der Fnichte 
und zur Heimkehr nach Thekoa konnte eine Abwesenheit von 
2 — 3 Wochen hochstens geniigen. Dem gegentiber bleibt 



*) Wesentlich richtig aber auch z. B. Stade, Gesch. I, 157. 



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110 K. Budde. 

also das judaische Thekoa als einzige Heimat des Amos 
moglich; und man wird ferner gut tun, was Schnurmans 
Stekhoven a. a. 0. S. 228 sonst noch dafur aufgefiihrt hat, 
reiflich zu erwagen. 

Das richtige Verstandnis von 1, 1* zwingt uns aber, die 
Textgeschichte noch n^her ins Auge zu fassen. Der Relativ- 
satz cnp32 n^n IC'N treunt in storender wenn auch nicht 
vOllig unzulassiger Weise die eng zusammengehorigen Worte 
jnpPC Dicy. Da er nun aus 7, 14 f. entlehnt ist, wfthrend 
das jnpnc unabhangig dasteht, so konnte er auch nachtrag- 
lich hinzugesetzt, ja selbst vom Rande her an falscher Stella, 
vor statt hinter jnpPC, eingeriickt sein. Das wird zur Wahr- 
scheinlichkeit wenn nicht zur Gewissheit durch den folgenden 
Relativsatz '121 nirj "ICM* Denn dieser kniipft nicht wie der 
erste an Dicy an ^welcher geschaut hat", sondem fiber jenen 
hinweg an das nomen regens ^"^21 „[die Worte], welche 
er geschaut hat". Dieser Wechsel der Ankniipftmg ist so 
ungeschickt, so unerwartet, dass er den LXX das Verst&ndnis 
der Stelle verdorben zu haben scheint ; sie beziehen auch das 
erste Itt'N auf ^"^21, iibersetzen dann ein vn statt eines H^n 
und gewinnen aus cnp^ einen Eigenamen: ol iy^vovro iv 
A)cxape£[Ji iv ©exoOe. Natiirlich kann dieses Verstandnis recht 
wohl eine Vorgeschichte haben; jedenfalls ist die starke Ent- 
fernung von MT eine weitere Wamung gegen Oort*s Vor- 
schlag nach LXX zu Undern. Dass aber derselbe Schrift- 
steller die beiden Relativsatze hintereinander niedergeschrieben 
hatte, wUhrend es Mittel genug gab, diese Harte zu ver- 
meiden, ist kaum glaublich. Somit ist der erste ein spaterer 
Einschub, und als ursprunglicher Wortlaut von Anm. 1, 1* er- 
gibt sich: 

jnpnc Dicy nsi. 



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The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its 
relation to Zoroastrianism 

by 
Professor T. K. Cheyne (Oxford). 



The scholar whose memory so many Fachgenossen have 
combined to honour was specially interested in the question 
of the relation of Zoroastrianism both to the earlier and to 
the later Judaism. His famous Essay Ueber die jiidische 
Angelologie und Daemonologie in ihrer Abhdngigkeit vom Par- 
^mti^ (Leipzig 1866)^); his article on anti-Parsic utterances 
in II Isaiah 2)-, his paper on the Book of Tobit^j; his article 
on Asmodeus (^CCV) in the Aruch Completum\ and his two 
essays in the Jewish Quarterly Review for 1890 and 1891, are 
proofs of this eminent scholar's constant and progressive study 
of a difficult subject.*} One of the most probable results 
of recent research is the reciprocity of action between Jewish 
and Zoroasti*ian thought. This was by no means unforeseen 
by Dr. Kohut and in the two last named articles, he shows 
how, most probably, the second Fargard of the Vendidad 



*) [Forming vol. IV, no. 3 of the Ahhandlungen fur die Kunde de» 
MorgetUandes,] 

*) [Antiparsische Ausspriiche in Deuterojesajas, in Z. d. 
D, M. G., vol. XXX (1876) pp. 709-22.] 

^) [Etwas iiber die Moral und Abfassungszeit des Buches 
Tobias, in Geiger's Jiidische Zeitschrift fur Wissemchaft und Leben^ 
vol. X (1872) pp. 49—73.] 

*) [For a brief summary of Dr. Kohut's literary activity and especially 
his contributions to comparative Pareic-Jewish theology, see a memoir by 
his son in the Fourth Annual Report of the Jewish Theological Seminary 
Association in New York (1894); reprinted in Tributes to the Memory of 
Bev. Dr. Alexander Kohut, (J^ew York 1896} pp. 49-64.] 



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112 T. K. Cheyne. 

in its present form is influenced by the narratives in 
Genesis, while, on the other hand, the Talmudic and Mid- 
rashic statements on the First Man exhibit strong Persian 
elements. This appears to me to be very probable, though 
Darmesteter (whose loss we cannot deplore too much) 
has shown, that under the Sassanid kings Jewish influence 
again began to assert itself upon the worship of Ormazd. 
(See Une priere judSO'persane, Paris, 1891.) The whole question 
of the later religious intercourse between Jewish and Iranian 
religion will doubtless some day be more thoroughly explored. 
The points of affinity become the more numerous and the 
more perplexing, the further one compares them; but when 
will Avesta scholars show as much critical zeal as their Old 
Testament colleagues? 

There are only two of the Hebrew Scriptures which I 
can speak of on this occasion; they are two to which 
Dr. Kohut has not in print given his attention, viz. Proverbs 
and Psalms. First, as to Proverbs: If Darmesteter is 
right, the conception of the heavenly wisdom found in the " 
Avesta and in the (very late) Minokhired is of Greek 
origin. Certainly it is vain to attempt to prove, with 
Dastur Jamasp Asa, that Hellenism borrowed from 
Zoroastrianism. But what of the conception of the heavenly 
Wisdom found in Proverbs VIII? Is that a Hebraized 
form of the Greek idea? Or, if we can show that the 
fundamental idea of the dsnya khratu is Zoroastrian, may 
not Jewish sages in the post-exilic period (to which Prov. VIII 
probably belongs) have bon-owed directly, or (better) in- 
directly from Zoroastrianism? 

When we read in Y a s n a XXII, 25, "For the propitiation 
of the Zarathustrian law, and of the understanding which is 
innate and Mazda-made,'^ we are not in a Greek, but in a 
Persian atmosphere. Such at least is one's first impression. 
Darmesteter indeed, I suppose, while admitting that the 
idea of the heavenly wisdom belongs to the same circle of 
ideas as the other personified divine attributes, would insist 
that these personified attributes must be of Greek origin. 
But is there any 'must' about the matter? 

The Gat has seem to be adverse to this view, and to 
Darmesteter's view of the Gathas as composed in a neo- 



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The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its relation to Zoroastrianism. \\$ 

Platonic atmosphere I venture, even though no Zendist, 
to express a strong objection 

Next, as to the Psalms: Here, however, some con- 
sideration must first be given to the question of the date of 
the Psalms. Dr. Kohut fixed his latest home in America, and 
from America has come one of those disparaging criticisms 
of my own latest works on the Psalter which have poured 
in upon me from English and especially Anglican writers, i) 
And certainly if it could be shown that Dr. Peters's treat- 
ment of the traditional groups of Psalms, and his views of 
what is historically probable, were right, the disparagement 
might not be too strong. Note these points among others: 

1. The form of lectures was adverse to the due presen- 
tation of critical and theological theories. In criticism, it was 
needful to assume to a considerable extent what had been 
done by others (summed up in his Encyclopaedia Britannica 
article by Robertson Smith). In Biblical theology (if the 
expression be admissible), it was important to emphasize 
those points, which to a highly conservative audience were 
most likely to be palatable, even though (as was sufficiently 
indicated) they belonged to a still uncertain historical hypo- 
thesis. To accuse me of neglecting what I knew long ago, 
viz. the facts respecting the traditional groups of the Psalter, 
was only possible by confounding a book of annotated 
lectures with an introduction. 

2. As to method. First, the weakness of all recent 
critics has been that they have not fully realized the extent 
of the editorial work carried on in the post-exilic period. 
We have henceforth to assume that in a Biblical record 
assigned by tradition to the pre-exilic ages, there are some, 
and perhaps large, post- exilic elements, even if the whole 
work be not counted pre-exilic by mistake. Next, the Psalter 
is not a chaotic anthology, but based upon a number of 
minor collections. Before Robertson Smith's article, and 
my own Lectures 2), this principle had not been grasped with 
sufficient firmness. It was however a weakness incident to 



*) See an article by Dr. J. P. Peters in the New World. June, 1893. 
•) [The origin and religious contents of the Psalter (Bampton Lectures 
1892).] 

Kohvt, Semitio Studies. 8 



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114 T. K. Cheyne. 

the form of that acute scholar s work that he did not under- 
take the researches comparative work required for distinguishing 
other groups than the traditional ones, viz. those which are 
proved to exist virtually by close affinities of language and 
ideas, not to mention a number of other most important 
problems, notably the linguistic. Next, it is necessary to 
have a clear and critical, though not a complete view of 
the development of Israelitish literature apart from the Psalter, 
and of course, there must be a constant search for points of 
affinity with books, which have been, in their component 
parts, satisfactorily dated. 

One compensation, however, is not denied me. Dr. 
Peters fully admits that the Psalter is on the whole a monu- 
ment of the pi( ty of the Sec(md Temple, so that he who would 
study Jewish religion — not the religion of a few exceptional 
men, but that of believers in general, must work hard at the 
Psalms. This is surely an important result. It is one which 
no critic had proved half as completely as I had done, and 
Dr. Peters is strangely forgetful in not noticing this. It is 
also veiy insufficiently recognised in the ordinary textbooks 
of "Old Testament Theology'*, such as those of Oehler, 
Briggs, and Hermann Schultz, and I therefore had to 
establish it securely before proceeding to the second and 
more difficult part of my work — the treatment of the main 
religious ideas of the Book of Psalms. 

Dr. Peters makes a good deal of my bold attempts to 
date individual psalms. But his own attempts are much 
bolder, and have an unsound theory and method behind them. 
1 do not indeed deny that pre-exilic (but post-Davidic) ele- 
ments are possible in the abstract. But, putting all the evidence 
together, it seems more reasonable to assume a new depar- 
ture in psalm composition , either after, or contemporaneously 
with the Second Isaiah. 

I do not see that one need assume that all the psalms, 
in their earliest form, were written for the temple-services. 
But I do not think at present that any purely private lyrics 
have been converted by editors into church-psalms. The 
*r who speaks in so many of the psalms is either a real or 
imaginary representative Israelite or Israel itself regarded as 
an organic whole. Nothing that Budde or Wildeboer 



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The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its relation to Zoroastrianism. 115 

has written has convinced me that this is a mistake •, I fancy, 
however, that it is but a hail's breadth which separates us. 
It seems not impossible that some of the psalms (in an 
earlier form) were written in Babylonia before the Return 
(i. e. between 538 and 432, the date of the return of the 
Gola, according to Kosters.). 

I am quite willing to admit that a fuller expression of 
my real meaning was necessary and that friendly criticisms 
like those of the two scholars mentioned were needed to 
make me conscious of this. Also that in the matter of 
temple-music I followed Robertson Smith too closely (see 
Religion of the Semites'^ ^ p. 261); this scholar still draws the 
same inference as myself {Psalter^ p. 194) from Lam. II, 7. 
Also that there was very possibly a class of temple-singers 
before the Exile, though this cannot be proved fromNeh. VII, 44 
(= Ezra II, 41); Am. VIII, 3 (if with Wellhausen we read 
rT'JV) suggests this at any rate for Northern Israel. 

I should also like to admit that, though my main thesis 
{viz that both the Psalter as a whole and the psalms, so 
far as we can tell at present, are post-exilic), seems to me 
secure, the Maccabean, or Greek pre-Maccabean, origin ot 
some of the psalms in the list in my first appendix has 
become doubtful to me. Perhaps the very best thing in 
Robertson Smith's revised edition of his Encyclopaedia 
article (see 0. T, J. C,^) ^) is his more persuasive setting of 
Ewald's early theory respecting Psalms XLIV, LXXIV, 
LXXIX. It is a gi'eat mistake when Dr. Peters and Prof. 
Baethgen pass these remarks over so lightly. At first, I 
hesitated to fellow my friend as regards Ps. XLIV, but my 
doubts are nearly dissipated And if Ps. XLIV belongs to 
the late Persian period, it becomes a question whether 
Psalms XLII, XLIII, and XLV should not be also carried 
up a little way to meet it.^) Ps. LXXIII of course may 
easily be a psalm of the close of the Persian age. 

Passing to the religious ideas of the Psalms, it is probable 
that, though I myself extended the range of the Messianic 

*) [The Old Testament in t/ie Jewish Church, 2nd edition, New York 1894.] 
*j See my Introduction to the Book of Isaiah [1895], Section oiiLXIll, 
7-LXIV. 

8* 



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116 T. K. Cheyne. 

hope more than most recent critics, a still further extension 
may be desirable. Stade indeed {Zeitschrift fur Theologie 
und KirchCj 1892) seems to me to go rather too far. But 
I think it quite worth considering whether Psalms XLV 
and LXXII may not be accounted for on the principle which 
I have adopted {Psalter, p. 239) for Ps. 11. In other words, 
the psalmists may perhaps paint the Messianic king in colours 
derived from the life of Salomon. This is not indeed an 
easy view. If any psalm appears to refer to a contemporary 
king, it is the 45th, and Smend still adheres to the view 
given in my Psalter. But a pre-exilic date being excluded 
by the linguistic evidence, and not required by that from 
ideas, and there being no other even plausible pre-exilic 
psalm in Book II, it is possible that the view now offered 
may be correct. Certainly still stronger demands are made 
on us by Robertson Smith's explanation of LXXII, 1: 
^'It seems a prayer for the reestablishment of the Davidic 
dynasty uiider a Messianic king according to prophecy." >) 
Wildeboer and Baethgen may also have a claim to be 
listened to on Ps. XVI. That two such scholars should agree 
in making this one of the specially Deutero-Isaianic psalms, 
is interesting. I can not say, however, that I am convinced. 
As to Zoroastrian influences on the ideas of the Psalter. 
The subject was worth opening; it is not yet closed. I said 
in 1891, in speaking of possible Zoroastrian influence, that 
1 wished rather to claim too little than too much. I started 
from three points: {!) that from 536 B. C onwards the Jews 
were in constant intercourse with the Persians; (2) that Per- 
sian influence upon the Eastern and finally upon the Western 
world was both wide and lasting, and (3) that there was a 
strong natural affinity between the higher Jewish and the 
higher Persian religion. I have been made painfully aware 
that the emphasis which I gave to this hypothesis, so far as 
the Psalter is concerned, was needless, for all but a very 
few devout readers of the Psalms. I thought it in 1892 
worth saying that some of the psalms were intended, not (as 
Dr. Peters thinks I meant) to "quicken" in the individual 
"the consoling hope of continuance of life'', but at least to 



') O.T.J.C.\ p. 439. 



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The Book of Psalms, its origin, and its relation to Zoroastrianism. 117 

give words to those who had this hope, words in which they 
might, if they pleased, read this hope, and worth proving that 
by the beginning of the Greek period such a hope might 
have arisen. I might have spared my pains. The habit of 
reading the psalms as forms of prayer or praise seems to 
leave no room for an intelligent appreciation of their meaning. 
I can therefore ai^gue the point ¥rith all the more impartiality. 
Something of what I said still remains good; a part is such a 
mere possibility that it is hardly worth contending for Still 
every atom of even possible truth should be gathered up. 
"If", as the Jewish scholar Isidore Loeb remarks, **there 
be psalms of the Maccabean age, they would certainly agree, 
as to the inmiortality of the soul , with the Pharisees", and, as 
Wellhausen has pointed out, the foundations of Pharisaism 
were laid by Ezra. Reuss too has frankly confessed that 
the psalms being nearly all post-exilic, he would not feel 
embarrassed {^ne nons generait pds'^) if they contained 
references to a future life. And finally, as Mr. Wicksteed 
informs us^) Kuenen's "last notes on Ps. XVI admit that 
it contains at least a presentiment of the belief in Immortality". 
The question is therefore by no means imreasonable. It 
is not materially affected by the researches of Darme- 
steter, for this bold critic plainly asserts that "theAchsemenid 
Mazdeism already believed in the defeat of Ahriman and 
knew the doctrine of the resurrection and the limited 
duration of the world." 2) He would hardly therefore agree 
with M. H[al6vy3) that the Persians borrowed the doctrine 
of the resurrection from the Babylonians (?) after 538 B. C. 
What I mainly sought to show was that there is a strong affinity 
between the religion of Ahura Mazda and that of Jahw6, 
and that Zoroastrian ideas were in the air in the Persian 
period of Jewish history, and must have circulated freely 
throughout the empire. This would be facilitated, so far as 
Israel was concerned, by the constant intercourse which 
existed between the Jews of Persia and Mesopotamia and 
those of Palestine. This is undeniable. The basis of the 



') Cf. his aiiicle on "Abraham Euenen'\ in Jewish Quarterly Review, 
IV, (1892) p. 695. 

») Le Zendavesta T, Ul (1893), p. lAXIII, 
') Revue seniitique, juillet 1894. 



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118 T. K. Cheyne. 

Zoroastrian Scriptures is ancient^ and we can safely assert 
that the best Mazda-worshippers must have been sympathetic 
to the best servants of Jahw6. It is true we have no evidence 
of early Zoroastrian influence such as that presented by the 
name Asmodeus (see Kohut, Aruch Completum, s. v. ncC'N) 
and probably the seven archangels in the Book of Tobit.^) 
But it is very difficult to believe, knowing all that we do of 
the opposition to strict legalism even in Palestine, that 
Orientalism, both Babylonian and Persian, failed to exert some 
influence on Jewish religion. It is natural enough that we 
should find it difficult to prove this; the Jewish writers had 
far other objects than enlightening the historical students of 
future ages. Dr. Peters, it is true, quotes fp. 306) a 
fragment of a Babylonian psalm on a glass axe dedicated to 
Bel of Nippur by a Babylonian king in the 14th century 
B. C, and adds that "it might have been addressed to Jahw6 
by a pious Hebrew at any period covered by our Psalms^'. 
If, however, Dr. Peters interprets this (as Schrader would, 
I doubt not, interpret it) as a, prayer for a happy second 
life, I would submit that there is as yet no clear evidence 
that any except kings, or at any rate grandees, in Babylonia 
cherished this hope (see Psalter^ p. 391), though M Halevy 
and Prof. Sayce have both ventured to claim the royal 
inscriptions at Senjirli as favouring the early existence of a 
general Israelitish belief in immortality. I thought therefore 
that, supposing that any impulses from outside assisted the 
eminently receptive Jewish people in developing the germs 
which were present in their inherited religion, it was natural 
to seek them chiefly in Iran rather than in Babylonia. Today 
I should rather, emphasize the general mixture of ideas in 
the East, so that it is not merely one single source from 
which Israel drew (or may have drawn), but at least two. 
Only we must not think of separating them; the two sources 
are but one. 

The possibility then, for which I pleaded with arguments 
and details which it would be tedious to repeat, remains. 
But the possibility is not worth getting hot about in the case 

*) [See Kohut's essay in Geiger\s Jiid. Ztft. f. Wiss. u. Leben etc., I c] 
I admit most williiiglj' that the Persian belief is developed from Babylonian 
geitns. (Cf. Gunkel, Die Schopfung, etc., 1894.) 



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"Rie Book of Psalms, its origin, and its relation to Zoroastrianism. HQ 

of the Psalter. We may at any rate all of us profitably 
compare the Gath as, which are "the utterances of Zarathustra 
in presence of the assembled Church", and a repertory of 
the spiritual elements in Mazdeism, with the Psalms, which 
ai'C the utterances of the prophetic nation Israel, and (if Well- 
hausen will permit) are on the whole one of the noblest 
products of theistic religion. I cannot, so far as I am able 
to weigh the evidence, follow the new Darmesteter') in 
preference to the old, and I look forward with deep interest 
to further discoveries in the field of Gatha-criticism. 

That christian scholars should so much neglect such a 
noble *revealed* religion as that of Zarathustra is to me a 
subject of regi'ct, and 1 notice with surprise that even 
Gunkel, in discussing the origin of the conceptions of the 
12th chapter of the Apocalype of John (undoubtedly Jewish 
in origin), 2) confines himself to those Babylonian germs which, 
though they count for much, can scarcely altogether explain 
the strange forms of thought in that chapter. 

May the great religion of Ahura Mazda find in our own 
time a more and more historical and therefore a more and 
more appreciative treatment from English and American 
students! 



') See Tiele, Jets over de Oudheid van het Avesta (Verslagen 
der K, Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afd. Letterkunde, 3, Deel XL. 
1895). [The late Prof. Darmesteter's change of view concerning the tra- 
ditional literature of the Parsees has been ably criticised and set forth by 
Prof. F. Max MuUer in various articles published in the Cofttemporory 
Beview and Nineteenth Century for 1894 — 95. and in a sympathetic sum- 
mary of his researches which appeared in the Jexoiah Quarterly Beview for 
January, 1895. See also his reference to it in this memorial volume, 
p. 34-5. G. A. K.] 

*) [This has been proven to be of Essenic origin by the Rev. Dr. K. 
Eohler of New York, in a series of articles on the ''Cradle of Christianity". 
published in the Menorah Monthly, (New York) 1892. 0. A. K.] 



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Le dieu Rimindn sur une inscription 
himyarite 

par 
Prof Hartwiff Derenbourff (Paris). 



Mon savant maitre et ami, M. Jnles Oppert,*) vient de 
porter un rude coup au pr^tendu dieu assyrien Ramman^ qui 
ne pandt pas devoir se relever de cette dich^ance, k moins 
que des textes nouveaux, des documents exhum^, substituent 
une charte authentique aux pr^textes de sa longue usur* 
pation. L'entrainement provenait en partie de la lecture Te[i4idcv, 
par laquelle les Septante ont rendu le nom de Tidole syrienne 
Rimmon dial 8 Rois V, 18)-, de meme Ta|3£pe[wt = I'te'Pe, 
roi de Syne (1 Rois XV, 18)2. 

Le culte de la Grenade divinis^e (Rimmon), de la 
pomme punique (malum punicum), comme disent les 
Latins, assur^ment un rite d'origine simitique, s'est rami- 
fii et s'est transform^ sur le sol fScond de la Grece mytho- 
logique.3) Au cours de ses migrations, nous le rencontrons 
en Arabic m^ridionale, oil Rimmon a eu sa clientele 
d'adorateurs, comme en t^moigne une inscription himyarite, 
d^ji signal^e per Texplorateur, qui Ta dicouverte, M. Eduard 
Glaser,*) et par un maitre qui excelle a interpreter ces 



M J. Oppert Ad ad, dans la Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie^ IX (1894), 
p. 310-312. 

') (ItSllin (Zacharie, XII, U), probablement un nom de viile, est, 
non pas transcrit, mais traduit par les Septante xotuctoc pofiSv. 

^) Victor Berard, De Porigine des cuUes ArcacUena (Paris, 1894) 
p. 197-199. 

*) Ed. Glaser, Skizze der GescMchte Arabiens (Miinohen. 1889), 
p. 97. 



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Le diea Rimmon sor xme iascription hirayarite. 121 

vieux textes^ M. Fritz HommeU) Peut-eti'e un fragment 
rudimentairef conserve au Mas6e Britannique sous la cote 12, 
renferme-t-il egalement la mention de cette divinity.*) La 
statue d'or qui, sans aucun doute^ surmontait la pierre ou 
notre texte itait inscrit, a itk enlev^e par les maraudeurs, 
plus avides des m^tauxpr^cieux quedesrichesses ^pigraphiques. 
Celles-ci n'ayant pour eux aucune valeur v6nale sont 
d^daign^s par ces amateurs de butin, comme d'un transport 
difficile, d'une vente aUatoire. La connaissance des peuples 
et de leurs religions, la litt^rature historique et la linguistique 
recueillent, s'approprient et interrogent les documents inscrits 
sur les blocs ainsi abandonn^s, tandis que Tarchiologie regrette 
de ne pouvoir pas utiliser les representations figur^es, vi >lemment 
arrach^es des pi^destaux, sur lesquels la consecration subsiste 
seule pour d6noncer la profanation. Les trous de scellement 
sont d'autres t^moins de la mutilation sacrilege : ils apparaissent 
au sommet de certains monuments, comme une marque 
ind^niable des idoles sculpt^es qui les surmontaient.^) 

Puisque I'inscription, au moins dans ses elements principaux, 
a m sauv^e, cherchons & determiner les ev^nements auxquels 
elle se rapporte. D'aprfes M. Eduard Glaser,*) ce texte qui 
occupe le num6ro 119 dans sa collection relaterait des 
victoires remport^es k Ehaulan par Ilscharah Yal^doub, futur 
roi de Saba' et de Raidan, contre une coalition des HimyariteSi 
des Hadramautites et d'autres adversaires innomm^s. Bien que 
les questions de chronologic Y^m^nite soient encore recou- 
vertes d'un brouillard ^pais, j^essaye d'en d^gager un point 
lumineux, en supposant que notre Ilscharal^ Yahdoub est 
identique k Tllasaros de Strabon, chef des Rammanites, 
contemporain de Texp^dition d'Aelius Gallus en Tan 24 avant 
notre ere. 5) Quant aux Rammanites (Ta(X[wcvtTaOj je les 

^) Fr. floinmel, Aufsdtze und Abhandlungen arabisch-seniUologischen 
InhaUs (Muncben, 1892), p. 98; du me me, Sild-Arabische Chrestoma- 
ihie, p 60. 

*) Hartwig Derenbourg, Yemen Inscriptions; The Olaser Collection in 
the British Museum (London. 1888), p, 24. 

') Corpus inscriptionum semiticartun. Pars quarta inscriptiones himya- 
irticas et sabaas continens L, tab. Ill et XVIII. 

*) Ed. Glaser, Skizze, p. 97. 

*) Slrabonis Geographica, XVI, IV, 24; Joseph et Hartwig Derenbourg, 
Etudes sur Vepigraphie du Yemen, I, p. 30— :i3. 



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122 ^- Haitwig Derenbourg. 

assimile avec M. Sprenger aux Radmanites de Pline*), 
malgri les objections de M. Glaser.^) Si ma restitution de 
Finscription, fruste en certains endroits, a evoqu6 la realite 
de la redaction primitive, le g^n^ral en chef, prepose par 
Ilscharah k ses troupes, commandait aux forces r^unies des 
Himyarites et des Radmanites, faisant cause commune contre 
I'armee du Hadramaut. Les Radmanites (Rhadamaei) et 
les Himyarites (Homeritae) 3) sont nomm^s par Pline, les 
uns k la suite des autres, dans la liste des populations qui 
habitaient le sud-ouest de FAi-abie. II y avait \k peut-etre 
comme un icho de I'alliance contract^e, un demi-siecle aupara- 
vant, entre les deux peuplades pour refouler les attaques des 
Hadramautites contre Ilscharah Yaljdoub, gouvemeur de 
Schibam Akyan, lieutenant dans cette ville de son pere Fan* 
Yanhoub, roi de Saba . 

Cette inscription, inspiree par un ^v^nement grave dans 
rhistoire locale, par la reconnaissance des vainqueurs envers 
le dieu Rimmon, ne nous est parvenue, ni dans un estampage 
que r^tat de la pierre n'aurait pas permis de prendre, ni 
dans une photographic dont Tex^cution a du etre contrari^e 
par les circonstances. Nous n'avons eu k notre disposition 
qu^une copie, d'ailleurs excellente, de M. Eduard Glaser, 
dont nous publions ici le facsimile, en attendant qu^elle soit 
reproduite sur la planche XXII du Corpus inscriptionum 
semiticarum. Le texte y portera le num^ro 140. Quant 
k Toriginal, il est conserve chez un habitant de Schibam 
Akyan et mesure en hauteur 60 centimetres, en largeur 50 
centimetres. 

La discussion philologique des questions douteuses 
soulev^es par certains passages, le justification des mots 
ajout6s ou corrig^s sont r^servis au troisifeme fascicule du 
Corpus himyarite, qui paraitra en 1896. Nous n apportons 
ici que Jes r^sultats : un texte presque partout complete, 

*) Plini Secundi Hutoria naturaUs, VI, 28, 168; A. Sprenger. Die 
aUe GeograpMe Arabiens^ p. 160. 

*) Ed. Glaser, Geographic Arabiens, p. 59 et 147, qui prefere 
identifier Ra^ban. En depit de I'assonance. il serait tem^raire de voir 
dans les Rammanites de Stra^on des Arabes vou6s au oulte de Kimmon. 

') Ibid., p. 140, M. Ed. Glaser fait justice de la lecture Nomeritae 
adoptee par A. Sprenger, Die aUe Geographie Arabietut, p. 241. 



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Le dieu Rimnion sur une inscription himyarite. 123 

transcrit en caracteres h^braiques, et une traduction qui, 
pour provisoire qu'elle soit. pretend, sur plusieurs points, a 
etre acceptie comme plausible: 



Copie de M. io Dr. Eduard Glaser. 

n^ I ] nii^[^]x I ^npo | ci[^cn | . . . . | 1 

chv I XP- I i]'^"^ I '^cnc^it' I ^:pr\ \ crpx | i^r | 2k 2 

nno I jc-i I mvc \ rhz \ p^K | p | ii&'rxi | i 3 

1 I ]]ch]"^^ I ci^cn [ ; p I o]i[k]2 | npn)i \ ^2cxi | n: 4 

itt^] I p2 I pin I pn[i I .... I ]«i^n3 I noiiin 1 1[^]2 5 

hr\]\ I d:^pn | izd | [32in]^ | niit^^s | icHNno | iy 6 

d]^ I p I v:pn[i I ] IC1 I icnc^ir^ | d^cnp | id 7 

i]n I ni3i I D^2DK [ I in]n[c]ri [ I ri2 | ] icnn^o | p^ \ [j 8 

PD I ^ I i[ncy3 I N^cno] | n^jck | ^^2 | jon | ri^D 9 

ni]Di I mi&-[^K I lOHNic | ^cjm [ | ] r,2[^ | ii:-i | ]icrn 10 

n|] p[3 I mpN I pc I cncpc2 | )cn | innsir 11 



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124 M. Hartwig Derenbonrg. 

^1] I in^ I ppn I h2[^ \ ] D-)[^D]n I ik I -)2ri | )etJ 12 

y]: I ni[^ |JiD^[M]inD [| p-)i | D]nE)[-)]e' | in[2 |]p»m 13 

cn['»cn I ] ^:2inDiN'? | py:rvt [ | ] n[o 14 

Aprfes avoir loyalement s^par^ dans la transcription ce 
qui a £t^ empront^ k la copie de M. Glaser et ce qui provient 
de mon essai de restitution, je m'abstiens, en traduisant, de 
faire le depart entre les traits primitifs et la retouche, 
dans Tespoir que celle-ci se dissimulera dans la teinte uni- 
forme de Tensemble: 

1. N A .... , le chef des Himyarites, le 

g^n^ral en chef dllscharal^ Yah- 

2. doub, gouvemeur de Schibam Akyan, a consacr^ i 
leur patron Rimmon, maitre de 'Alam, 

3. TAksarite, cette statue, parce que Rimmon lui a 
accord^ des car- 

4. nages et des captifs importants dans la guerre entre 
les Himyarites, avec les Radmanites, et 

5. les Hadramautites, dans la province et sur 

le territoire de Khaulan, lorsque ceux-li prit^rent 

6. secours 4 leur priace llschara^ Ya^doub, gouvemeur 
de Schibam Akyan. Et ils ont 

7. offert un t^moignage de leur foi k leur patron Rimmon, 
et ils ont consacr^ cette sta- 

8. tue k Rimmon comme leur present, parce qu'il lui a 
accord^ des captifs, et parce que pro- 

9. tection lui est venue de Rimmon dans tons les voeux, 
dont il lui avait demand^ raccomplissement (et puisse-t-il 

10. leur accorder la grace de son coeur et la faveur 
de leur prince Ilscharah!), et parce que 

11. Rimmon Ta combli d'une autoriti pour remplacer 
son p^re dans cette pro- 

12. vince, et parce qu*il a rendu victorieuse la campagne 
des Himyarites, et de to us ses vassaux et de ceux qui re- 

13. connaissent quelle est sa superiority. Et quant k 
Rimmdn, il les a proteges, parce qu'il y a eu du bon- 



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Le dieu Rimmon sar une inscription himyarite. 125 

14. hear, et afin qu'il y ait du bonheur pour aes vassaux, 
les Himyarites. 

Paris, le 11 novembre 1894. 

P. S. La date qui precede me justifie suffisamment de 
n'avoir pas connu d'avance I'interpr^tation de ce monument 
par le Docteur Eduard Glaser, Die Abessinier in Arabien 
und Af rika (Miinchen, 1895), p. 105 — 107. EUe arrive juste 
k temps pour que je puisse en profiler dans la redaction 
definitive du Corpus inscriptionum semiticarum, pars 
quaxta, p. 206 — 211. Je livre au public sans changement 
mon manuscrit de 1894, en rappelant que c'est un premier 
essai, pour lequel je sollieite Tindulgence de mes confreres, 
lis ne sauraient non plus me reprocher d' avoir ignore la 
notice de M. Francois Tbureau-Dangin dans le Journal 
asiatique de 1895, II, p. 385—393, ainsi que les obser- 
vations de M. .lules Oppert, son ^eminent maiti^e", imprim^es 
k la suite, ibid., p. 393—396. 

A plus forte raison, je n*ai pas pu me servii* de la 
traduction donn^e par M. J. Hal^vy dans la Revue s6mi- 
tique de Janvier 1896, p. 82 et 83. 



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Zur Bibel und (jrammatik 

1. Kimchi oder Kamchi? 2. Erkiarung von 
Amos VI, 10 

von 
Bev. Dr. B. Felsenthal (Ohioaffo). 



Vorbemerkung. (Aus einem Briefe an Geo. A. Kohut ) 
— Sehr geehrt haben Sie mich durch Ihre freundliche Ein- 
ladung. auch meinerseits fiir die Samraelschrift, die dem An- 
denken Ihres verewigten Vaters gewidmet werden soil, einen 
Beitrag zu lief era. Nun miichte ich allerdings sehr gerne 
dem grossen Gelehi ten und dem edlen Manne, der uns durch 
Alexander Kohut's Scheiden entri.ssen worden ist, und der 
tiberdies mir ein theurer Freund gewesen war, offentlich durch 
eine seinem Gedachtnisse zu widmende Abhandlung meine 
Huldigung darbringen. Aber trotzdem, mein lieber Freund, 
muss ich mich auf die Uebersendung einiger Kleinigkeiten 
beschranken. Vorrathig besitze ich keine zu verwerthende 
grossere Abhandlung. Gewohnliches, schon neun und neun- 
zigmal Gesagtes und Allbekanntes mochte ich nicht zum 
hundertstenmal wiederholen. Bei der Beschranktheit der mir 
zu Gebote stehenden literarisehen Hulfsmittel kann ich 
abgesehen von allem Andern — ohnehin es nicht wagen, 
mit weitergreifenden literarisehen Forschungen vor ein gelehr- 
tes Publikum zu treten So verstatten Sie es mir denn, dass 
ich Ihnen die beifolgenden Notizen sende, die wenigstens 
das Gute haben, dass sie kurz sind, und von denen ich 
glaube, dass darin einiges Neue, bisher nicht Vorgebrachte 
den Lesern zu geneigter Priifung werde vorgelegt werden. 

B. Felsenthal. 



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Zur Bibel und Granunatik. 127 

1. Kimeht Oder KamehiV') 

Der Name '>ncp, den seit Jahrhunderten so viele eminente 
judische Gelehrte gefiihrt haben, Gelehrte, unter denen 
besonders der im 12. Jahrhundert lebende Joseph Kimchi und 
dessen zwei Sohne Moses und David Kimchi am ineisten her- 
vorragen, — ist bis auf unsere Zeit allgemein Kimchi aus- 
gesprochen worden, und von der iiberwiegenden Mehrheit 
der Gelehrten wird er imraer noch so gelesen und gespro- 
chen. Doch seit etwa dreissig Jahren erscheint auch in ei- 
nigen gelehrten Werken und Zeitschriften die Schreibung 
K a m c h i, und es wird diese Schreibung, resp. Lesung von 
einigen sehr prominenten Forscheni unserer Zeit vertreten 
und befui'wortet. Obwohl die Sache eine wenig bedeutende 
ist, so liegt doch nun einmal im Menschengeiste der Drang, 
auch in Kleinigkeiten nach Erkenntiiiss des Wahren und 
JR-ichtigen zu streben. So mag denn hierrait eine Erorterung 
der Frage untemommen werden : Was ist richtiger, Kimchi 
oder Kamchi ? 

Priifen wir, was bisher fiir die Neuerung vorgebracht 
worden ist. 

Die erste offentliche Stimme fiir „ Kamchi'* wurde im 
Jahre 1862 im Journal Asiatique laut ; Herr Dr. A d o 1 p h 
Neubauer hatte im Anfang der 60er Jahre eine Russerst 
lehrreiche Abhandlung „Sur la lexicographic h^braique" ge- 
schrieben und in mehrere Fortsetzungen in den Banden 18, 
19 und 20 der 5. Serie des genannten Journal erscheinen lassen. 
Am Ende der Artikeh-eihe (im Hefte fur Sept.-Oct. 1862} fiigte 
der gelehrte Verfasser Folgendes hinzu : 

Indem wir die Aussprache Kamchi anstatt der 
bisher iiblich gewesenen Kimchi angenommen haben, 
sind wir dem Rathe des Herm Derenbourg gefolgt, der 
den Namen des Rabbi David in mehreren Handschrif- 
ten des Michlol in der kaiserl. Bibliothek in Paris in 



*) [^gl- ft^ch S. Schillei-Szinessy, Catalogue of the Hebrew Mss, 
in Cambridge, Bd. I (1876), S. 195, Anm. 2 ; seine Ausgabe v. Kimchi^s 
ri^riP ^l^l^'C j^C*N"ir; ?E>Cn (1883), Einleltung, Aninerk. 1; ferner s. 
Artikel ii. Kiincbi in Encyclopaedia Britannica, (9. Auflage), Bd. XIV, 
S. 77 ; und Bevue des Etudes Junes, T. Vil (1883;, p. 290. G. A. K.] 



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128 B. Felsenthal. 

dieser Weise gelesen hat Man vergleiche uberdies die 
Familiennamen ^yh^ und nz? (Num. XXVI, 35 u. 38.) 
Es existirt auch heute noch in Hebron eine Familie 
Kamcfai, welche von den Grammatikern dieses Namens 
abzustammen behauptet. 

Hr. J. Derenbourg war um jene Zeit in der Na- 
tionalbibliothek in Paris mit dem Amte eines Gustos in der 
Abtheilung fiir semitische Handschriften angestellt gewesen, 
und so war ihm, dem exacten Gelehrten, allerdings Gelegen- 
heit gegeben, seine Entdeckung zu machen. Dass dieselbe 
auf einer richtigen Wahrnehmung beruhte, fend seine BestHtti- 
gung im Jahre 1866. Es erschien nM.mlich damals der von 
H. Zotenberg angefertigte Catalogue des Manuscriis 
m^eux de la BibliotJieque Impericdc, und bei der Besehrei- 
bung von einigen Michlolhandachriften (Nos. 1229, 1230, 1231) 
filgte Hr. Zotenberg bei, der Name des Verfassers sei in den 
Handschriften punctirt, und zwar stehe unter dem Buchsta- 
ben Koph im Pathach. Zwei Jahre spater veroffentlichte Hr. 
Neubauer seine ^Notes" iiber hebrftische Handschriften in 
Spanien und Portugal (s. Steinschneider's Hebr. BibL XI, 133) 
und wie darin berichtet ist, ist in mehreren daselbst aufge- 
fundenen Handschriften der Name ^ncp mit Kamez punktirt, 
und auch das soil die Aussprache „Kamchi" beweisen. Dazu 
bemerkte Steinschneider, a. a. 0.: „Sollte der Name mit dem 
arabischen K a m c h , Weizeii, Getreide, zusammenhangen ? 
Joseph ben Todros nennt Kimchi David ^tcnn.'' Man sieht, 
Steinschneider wollte „Kamchi" nicht geradezu abweisen, aber 
er stimmt auch nicht bei. Die Frage blieb ihm eine offene. 
(Der Brief, in welchem Joseph b. Todros den David Kimchi 
als N'^JCnn •^D'N'i Nt:n ^Z*^ '•crnn in bezeichnet, ist abgedruckt 
in dem von Halberstamm herausgegebenen D^3n2D DITSp 
(s. das. S. 46. 47.). 

Der nachste Befiirworter der Aussprache Kamchi liess 
sich im Jahre 1884 veniehmen. Es war dies Professor 
Paul de Lagarde, der in den Gottinge}* Gelehrteti An- 
zeigen in jenem Jahre (I. p. 257 ff.) eine ISngere, auch im 
ersten Band seiner „Mittheilungen" wiederholt abgedruckte 
Kritik der 9. Auflage von Gesenius' Hebr. W5rterbuch ver- 
offentlichte. Darin sagte er (p. 270): „Statt Kimchi schreibe 
Qamhi; schon Mercier schrieb stets Camius.^ 



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Zur Bibel imd Grammatik. . 129 

Nur noch eine, iibrigens sehr unentschieden auftretende 
Aeussernng in dieser Beziehung haben wir hier zu registri- 
ren. In seinem neuesten grossen Werke Die hebr, Ueber- 
setzungen des MittelcdterSy [Berlin, 1893], nennt Stein- 
schneider auf S. 384, den Joseph Kimchi, und in Klam- 
mern und mit einem Fragezeichen fiigt er bei: (^oderKamchi?)". 
Wie ersichtlich^ steht Hr. Prof. St. der neuen Lesung immer 
noch zweifelnd gegentiber. 

Den hanpts&chlichen Inhalt des Vorstehenden hatte ich 
vor etwa einem Jahre in Folge eines ^usserlichen Anlasses 
brieflieh an Hna. Prof. G. Deutsch in Cincinnati miige- 
theilt, und mein Brief wurde damals in der in Cincinnati er- 
scheinenden Deborah vom 1. Februar 1894 veroffentlicht. 
Der thats'dchlichen Darlegung aller mir bekannt gewordenen 
Aeusserungen fiir oder gegen „Kamchi" fiigte ich fibrigens 
damals Folgendes bei: Dafiir, dass Kimchi das Richtigere 
sei, spricht doch der Umstand sehr, dass diese traditionetl 
iiberkommene Aussprache bisher so allgemein und so unbe- 
anstandet als die wahre gegolten hat. Und ferner — und 
das ist ein Punkt, der mir entscheidend zu sein scheint — 
haben wir ein bis jetzt ganzlich unbeachtet gebliebenes Zeug- 
niss, das gar schwer ftir ^Kimchi" ins Gewicht fUUt Etwa 
ein Jahrhundert nach David Kimchi lebte in Rom der be- 
riihmte Dichter Immanuel ben Salomon, und dieser, der wohl 
noch viele Glieder der damals auch in Italien weitverzweigten 
Kimchifamilie personlich gekannt haben mag, spricht den 
Namen als Eomchi aus. In seinen Machberoth, in der 
18. Makame, ruhmt sich der Dichter seiner immensen Bele- 
senheit in der jiidischen Literatur, und im Verlaufe dieses 
Selbstlobes, sagt er, er hatte auch ''h CttHCTil p^p-^ p^n 
TiCir) '^n ^CT:^ C^Cixn jTiCp "TT gelesen. Sollte nun dieser 
Reim Kimchi und Simchi nicht die Frage endgiiltig ent- 
scheiden ? 

Und noch etwas lasst sich fiir diese Meinung hier an- 
fiihren. Es ist bekannt, dass man frilher schon den Namen 
Kimchi mit dem hebraischen Wort Kemach in Verbindung 
setzte, ihn gleichsam als ein Derivat dieses Wortes betraeh- 
tete. Man erinnere sich nur an das schon fruhe auf den 
Grammatiker angewandte Mischnahwort: rn^P ]^N r\Cp ]^^< CN. 
Wie aber bilden sich von WCp die Derivate? Darf man nach 

Kohat, Semitic Studies. ^ 



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130 . B. Felsenthal. 

Analogien schliessen — vgL Sibhchi (Exod. 23, 18), Likchi 
(Deut. 32, 2), Nizchi (Klagel. 3, 18), Zimchi (ahnlich wie in 
Jes, 61, 11), abgeleitet von TOT/ np^ mH:. nciJ u. s. w. — 
dann erscheint es mehr als wahrscheinlich, dass man auch 
Kirachi gesprochen haben wird. 

Soweit die beziigliche Stelle in dem in der ^Deborah" 
abgedruckten Brief. Die Deborah-Nummer, in der meine No- 
tizen abgedruckt waren, war auch einigen unserer gelehrte- 
&ten jttd. Zeitgenossen in Europa zu Gesicht gekommen, und 
ich hatte die Freude, in Bezug auf meine Vertheidigung von 
^yKimchi" von diesen theils ablehnende, theils zustiramende 
Aptwort 2u erhalten. 

Hr. Dr. A. Neubauer in Oxford schrieb rair : „ Aus- 
&er Spanien findet man in einem Rom. ms, ^ncp {Hist. Litt 
de la France, XXXI, p. 530, auch besonderer Abzug niit 
Titel: Les ecrivains frang. du 14, siecle.) Ich habe, als ich 
in Palastina war, eine Familie Karachi in Hebron gekannt. 
Es steht fest, dass die Spanier Karachi ausgesprochen haben, 
da nur ^ncp oder ^ncp sich in den Handschrr. findet. Ferner 
hat raan David Kirachi im Streit der Orthodoxen gegen Mai- 
monides ^ISn genannt, was nur aus dera arabischen Kanich 
(Weizen) gebiidet werden konnte. Der Reim ^rcp und ^ncc* 
ist nicht schiagend, da der Reim sich auf ^n beziehen kann. 
Dass man in Italien und Deutschland das gelaufigere Kirachi 
gelesen, ist wahrscheinlich, da raan sich Kamchi ohne ara- 
bisch nicht grararaatisch erklaren konnte". 

Dagegen schrieb rair Hr. Prof. W. B a c h e r in Budapest : 
„Ich stirame Ihnen bezuglich der Aussprache von "^nCp voll- 
s.tandig bei und finde Ihr aus Imraanuel genoramenes Ai'gu- 
raent vortrefflich. In raeiner Geschichte der hebr. Sprach- 
wissenschaft verweise ich nm* in einer Anmerkung auf die 
Aussprache mit a.^ 

Hr. Dr. A. Berliner in Berlin ausserte sich folgen- 
dermassen : „Ihrer Ansicht iiber die Aussprache des Namens 
^ncp kann ich nur beipflichten ; ich habe von jeher nicht 
verstanden, warum Karachi gelesen werden sollte. Hier 
in Rom*) existirten Viele mit diesem Namen, und er wurde 
iraraer Kirachi geschrieben." 

M Dr. Berliner's Brief war in Rom wahrend eines Aufenthalts des 
Schreibeis daselbst am 4. April 1894 geschrieben worden. 



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Zor Bibel und Grammatik. 131 

Und nun noch eine Aeusseiiing von Herrn Prof. D r 
Chwolson in St. Petersbui^g: „0b ^ncp oder ^ncj? rich- 
tig sei, bleibt wohl so lange unentschieden, bis ein Document 
mit lateiiiischen Buchstaben gefunden werden Avird, in wel- 
ch em dieser Name vorkommt. Die Juden vocalisirten ihn 
^nr.p wohl in der Voraussetzung, dass der Name von ncp 
berstammt. Derselbe kann aber aucfa arabischenUrsprungssein, 
aus der Wurzel ncj^' und daraus T\Cpj ncp heisst bl6, f r o - 
ment. So viel rair bekannt ist, nannten Juden im Osten 
sich ViCp. imd nicht '»ncp Die Steile in nn^nc beweist, 
glaube ich, nichts; denn es kann da auch ^ncfc* gel esen wer- 
den. Immanuel anderte ja den Text nach Bedarf, und er 
machte z. B, Genesis 49, 25 D^"JiC^ aus C^ct^*, wodurch der 
betrefiende Vers einen reclit pikanten Sinn erhielt." 

Im Vorstehenden habe ich alles bLsher in der bespro- 
ohenen Frage laut und mir bekannt gewordene den Lesem 
vollstandig vorgelegt, und nun sei es, riickblickend, mir 
ndch verstattet, zu ein em utid dem anderen einige Randglos- 
sen zu machen. 

1. Wohl kommen in der Bibel Namen wie ^ir? 
vor; doch findet sich auch "^ID? (11. Sam. -Kap. 20, — 8 
mal). Femer finden wir Namen wie ^npS (I. Chr. 7, 19); 
-^ny {L Kon. 22, 42); >yctr (Exod. 6/l7); nc&T (I. Chr. 
4, 37); nCT (Num. 25, 14), und viele ahnliche mehr. Bibli- 
sche Analogien beweisen also nichts, da sich fur die eine 
wie fiir die andere Form Parallelen finden. 

2. Die Punctation des Namens mit einem Kamez oder 
Pathach, die Hen* Neubauer in etlichen Manuscripten gefun- 
den hat, ist, freilich ein st^rkes Argwnent fiir „Kamchi". 
Wenn diese Manusripte sammtlich aus Spanien stammen, so 
dCirfte vielleicht daraus zu folgern sein, dass in Spanien die 
Aussprache „Kanichi^ ja die libliche gewesen war. Aber 
aufEallend bleibt es doch, dass und warum gerade der Name 
^ncp ganz gegen. alien Usus der Copigten des Mittel- 
alters, von einige ri derselben mit Vocalzeichen- versehen wor- 
den ist. 

3. Was in Bezug auf den. bei Immanuel vorkommenden 
Reim Kimchi und Simchi von Nei^bauer und Chwolson ge- 
sagt werdeu ist, pamlich der Reim beruhe bios auf der gleich- 
artigen Sylbe '^n (Neub.), oder Immanuel, der ja so viele 

9* 



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132 B. Felseathal. 

Freiheiten in Aenderuug von Bibelworten sich genommen 
hat, hiitte vielleicht auch hier "'Jicip gele8en(Chw.), das wird 
schwerlich von fiberzeugender Krafk gegeniiber der Tbatsache 
sein, dass iu Italien faeute noch die Ausspraohe Kimchi die 
gebrftuchliche ist, und dass sie es wohl auch im 14. Jahr- 
hundert gewesen war. 

4. Der von Lagarde vorgebrachte Grund fur Kamchi 
verdient kaum eine Beachtong. Was beweist es, dass ein 
christlicher franzosischer Orientalist im 16. Jahrhundert ent- 
weder desswegen, weil er keinen judischen, die beziigliche 
Tradition kennenden Gelehrten zu befragen Gelegenheit 
hatte, oder weil ihm irgend eine Caprice dazu bestimmte, 
Camius schrieb? Mit ebensoviel Recht, d. h. mit gar keincm, 
hatte der Gottinger Professor den Herren Volk und Miihlau, 
welche die 9. Auflage des Gesenius'schen hebr. Worterbuches 
besorgten, auch noch in seiner bissigen Weise sagen konnen: 
Die Herren Staatsrathe schreiben in ihrer Ignoranz Raschi; 
Avissen Sie denn nicht, dass schon Sebastian MUnster Jarchi 
geschrieben hat? oder er hatte ihnen ebensogut, d. h. ebenso 
ungerechtfertigt, es derb vorhalten konnen, dass sie nur aus 
Unwissenheit Jahve schrieben; denn — mit solchen und 
ahnlichen Schlussfolgerungen laborirt Hr. Lagai'de nur allzu- 
haufig — hat nicht der Franziskanerpater Petrus Galatiiius 
schon 1518 Jehova geschrieben?*) — Wahrlich, der Hr. 



') Sebastian Miinster soil, wie Zunz nachgewiesen (Josf s Annakn^ 1839, 
335; Ges. Schr, III, 104), der erste gewesen sein, welcher den Commen- 
tator Raschi irrthuuilicher Weise den Namen Jarchi beigelegt hat Ebenso 
soil der Franziskaner Petrus Galatinus der erste gewesen sein, welcher das 
Tetragi-ammatoa als „Jehova" ausgesprochen und fiir dasselbe die Schreibung 
Jehova eingefiihrt hat (Bottcher's Lehrh, cL hebr. Spr I, 49). — Bei dioser 
Gelegenheit mochten wir Folgeudes beifugen. Unser gix>sser Meister Zunz 
hat, a, a. 0., gesagt, Schabthai Bass sei unter den Juden der erste gewesen, 
der in seinem Siphthe Jeschenim (1680) Raschi als Salomon Jarchi be- 
zeichnete. er aber sei hier Buxtorf und Bartolocci gefolgt, und diese Letztern 
batten sich dui*ch Sebastian Miinster irre leiten lassen. Aber Schabthai war 
nicht der ei-ste jiid. Geiehrte, der ^'vn in Rabbi Salomon Jarchi aufloste. 
Einhundert und vierzig Jahre vor ihm gebrauchte bereits der beriihnite 
Graramatiker Elias Levita diesen Namen als Bezeichnung fur RaschL In 
seinem im Jabr 1541 erschienenen Methurgeman, nnd das zwar in der 
Vorrede zu demselben, spricht der Vert zweimal von unserm mehi^enannten 
Commentator (ibid. p. 2 Zeile 3 v. u. und p. 4 Z. 7 v. u.). Einige Mouate 
spater, im Alarz 1542, wurde Levita^s Hakdamah zum zweiteomal gedruckt 



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Zur Bibel and Grammatik. 133 

von Lagarde war doch zuweilen ein recht sonderbarer Kauz. 
Er hfltte mit seinem Camius ganz wohl zu Hause bleiben 
diirfen. 

5. Als Schlussergebniss obigerDarlegungendiirfte vielleicht 
Folgendes als das Wahrscheinlichste sich herausstellen. In 
Spanien, dem ursprfinglichen Heimathlande der Kimchiden, 
mag man vielleicht deren Familiennamen ^Kamchi^ ausge- 
sprochen haben. Aber selbst wenn dies der Fall gewesen 
war, 80 ist dann doch friihe scbon in der Provence, wie 
spater iiberhaupt in alien nichtarabischen Lftndern, die Aus- 
sprache eine dialectisch verschiedene geworden und rasch 
wird dann die Ausspraohe „Kimchi" sich verbreitet haben. 
Immanuel hat ohne Zweifel „Kimclii" gesprochen. In der 
Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft finden sich ja Beispiele 
in sehr grosser Zahl, dass Bewohner verschiedener Ltoder 
viele Worter trotz ihrer gleichen Schreibung durch erne ge- 
^nderte Aussprache sich mundgerecht gemacht haben. Man 
vei^leiche z. B. die Namen Isaac^ David etc. und deren 
verschiedene Pronuncirung in Fngland und auf dem euro- 
paischen Continent, oder Namen wie Henry (Henri) u. v. A. 
und deren Aussprache in England und Frankreich. Solch' 
einen Lautwandel hat fast ein Jeder wahrzunehmen Gelegen- 
heit, der nur einigermassen in der Welt sich umgesehen hat. 



S. Zor ErkUrong von Amos 6^ 10. 

Von weit grosserer Bedeutung als die Feststellung der 
richtigen Aussprache des Namens ^ncp ist ohne Zweifel eine 
Erorterung, in der es sich um die Wiedergewinnung der Be- 

und mit ihr eine von Paul Fagius angefertigte lateioische Uebersetzung der- 
selben. Anch in diesem zweiten Drack hat der Text, wie ich aus Autopsie 
weiss, in den beiden Stellen mv nthv ♦an. Hierzu ist zu bemerken, dass in 
diesem Palie der christliche Uebersetzer nicht fiir das „Jarchi" verantwoitlich 
ist; denn merkwiirdiger Weise bat er in beiden Stellen einfach „Kabbi 
Schelomo'', ohne irgend welohen Beinamen. Ferner 1st zu bedenken, dass 
die beiden Anagaben des Textes (die von 1641 n. die von 1542) von Levita 
selbst oorrigirt worden sind. Denn in jenen Jahren war er vod Paol Fagius 
iD seiner Diniokerei in Isuy als Corrector der hebr. Drucke angestellt ge- 
wesen. Wieso kam nun Elias Levita zu seinem Jai'chi^ Hat auch er von 
seinem Zeitgenossen^ dem christl. Gelehrten Sebastian Miioster, auf falschen 
We^ sich fohren lassen? 



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134 B. Felsenthal. 

dentung eines in der Bibel vorkommenden hebraiscben Wortes 
imd de» richtigen Verstftndnisses eines Schriftv^rses handelt 
Wie ist derVerstheil IS'^DCI nn ^^i^:^ (Amos 6, 10) jsu ver- 
stehen und was ist die Bedeutung des darin vorkommenden 
Wortes F)1DC? 

Das Wort ^"IDD, welches nur ein einzigesmal im A. T. 
vorkommt, ist von dem LXX nnd dem Peschito im Sinne 
von Verwandter genommen nnd demgemass iibersetzt 
worden. AJlein Vulgata nnd Targnm baben dem Worte einen 
anderen Sinn beigelegt. Nach ihnen bedeutet ^1012 einen 
Verbrenner. OflFenbar glaubten Hierouymns nnd Jonathau, 
welche Beide im lebendigen Sprachgebrauch das Wort ^"IDD 
nicht mehr vernahmen, das im masorethischen Text mit einem 
Samekh geschriebene Wort sei gleichbedentend mit dem 
Wort P|1i:*C (mit einem Sin) nnd sie libersetzten demgemass. 
Die rabbinischen Commentatoren des Mittelalters wnssten 
anch uicht mehr ^IDC mit Sicherheit zu deuten. Im talmu- 
dischen nnd midraschischen Sprachschatz ist, so yiel ich weiss^ 
das Wort nicht zu finden. Und so schwanken die Commen- 
tatoren. Raschi folgt dem Jonathan. Ibn Esra und David 
Kimchi z. St. erwilhnen die beiden Bedeutungen. David 
Eimchi sagt; m bezeichnet den Vatersbruder, und PjiDG 
be^eichnet den Mutterbruder ; so erklftrt ein Teil der Com- 
mentatoren; aber Einige erklaren p]1CC als von der Wurzel 
FjiD = rpi^ (verbrennen) abstammend n. s. w. Fast mit den 
namlichen Worten aussert er sich in seinem W5rterbuch s. v. 
Wer seine O^ttHSD Z*^ sind, das sagt er uns nicht. Sehen 
wir aber bei Ibn Esra nach, so finden wir mindestens einen 
Vorganger genannt, der p]1DC als Onkel mutterlicher Seits 
iibersetzt haben will, nftmlich den Juda Ibn Koreisch. SpStere 
jiidische und nichtjiidische Commentatoren fiihren meistens 
die beiden Bedeutungen an, ohne sich gerade mit Sicherheit 
fur die eine oder die andere zu entscheiden, 

Doch in neuerer Zeit haben die Mehrheit der Exegeten 
und Lexicographen, wie es scheint, es ganz und gar aufge- 
geben, p)1DC als Onkel mutterlicher Seits zu iibersetzeh und 
haben sich fur Verbrenner entschieden. So Siegfried- Stade 
und die neueren Bearbeiter von Gesenius' Worterbuch; so 
die Commentatoren Ewald, Hitzig, Keil, Orelli, Schmoller, 
Herxheiraer, der Englander Pusey, Winer in seinem RecU- 



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Zar Bibel and Orammatik. 135 

worterbuchf auch der hebraisch schreibende feine Sprach- 
kenner Malbim irnd Andere.*) Recht hat man allerdings, nur 
Eine Erklarung zu geben, wenn man derselben sicher ist 
und wenn man sich vergewissert hat, dass die andere Er- 
klarung imstichhaltig ist. Aber mir scheint es, man habe 
sich gerade fiir das Unstichhaltige entschieden und das 
Richtige verworfen. Fiirst in seinem Worterbuchy und er 
allein unter den Neuern, hat wenigstens hier die bessere 
Seite erwahlt. Ebenso Luther im 16. Jahrhundert, der die 
Worte in Amos so ubersetzt: ^Dass einen Jeglichen sein 
Vetter und sein Ohm nehmen muss," 

Die Gleichung p)*1DD = ^*ltra ist eine von der Verzweif- 
lung eingegebene Hypothese, ein Tappen, ein Rathen. Aber 
ist denn die andere Bedeutung eine besser begrundete, eine 
mehr sichere? Worauf basiren denn die Befurwoi'ter der- 
selben ? Die nach David Kimchi Schreibenden copiren eben 
einfach Kimchi imd Ibn Esra. Und worauf basiren denn 
Kimchi und Ibn Esra? Auf Frtihere, von denen uns aber 
nur Einer genannt wird, namlich der im Anfang des 10. Jahr- 
hunderts lebende Ibn Koreisch. Und so sind, wenn wir den 
Stammbaum dieser Erklarung riickwarts verfolgen, Alle, die 
bisher fur ^*1DD die Bedeutung Onkel, Mutterbruder auch 
anfuhrten oder nur anfuhrten, inittelbar oder unmittelbar von 
Ibn Koreisch abhangig gewesen. Aber wie kam Ibn Koreisch 
zu seiner Erklarung? Hat auch er bios gerathen? 

Bekannt ist, dass dieser in Marokko lebende Grammatiker 
schon vor nahezu tausend Jahren gesimde sprachvergleichende 
Methoden in der Erairimg des Sinnes hebraisoher Worter 
selber anwandte und von Anderen angewandt sehen wollte. 
Er drang, wie wir aus seinem im Jahr 1857 verofferitlichten 
fl^NDI wissen, auf Vergleichung des Hebrftischen mit dem 
Talmudischen, Aramaisohen und Arabischen, und er selber 
schrieb und sprach das Arabische als seine Muttersprache. 
Mochte er vielleicht im Arabischen einen Schlussel fiir das in 
Frage stehende hebrSische Wort gefunden haben? Oder hatte 
er eine aus noch alterer Zeit ihm liberlieferte gute Tradition? 

8, ^ 



*) [S. die Erklarungen von Delitzsch in Oncmasticon, S. 312 (= <-ft V *«> , 
marUus uxoris)] Gesenius in HaU. AUgem. Zeitung, 1841, No. 221,''CJol. 
550; Steinschnelder in UbUt. d. Chients, 1842, No. 15, S. 226; No. 43, 
S. 680, Anm. 39. G. A. K.] 



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136 B. Felsenthal 

Das Letztere ist offenbar richtig. Es ist bisher ganz 
nnd gar iibersehen worden, dass auch bei den Earfiern das 
Wort pj'TOD for Mutterbruder gel&ufig war. Und es kommt 
bei ihneu das Wort nicht in einem Commentar zu Amos vor, 
sondem in einem Zusammenbang, welcher beweist, dass sie 
von Ibn Koreiseb voUkonimen unabb&ngig sind, dass sie von 
ibm vielleicht gar nichts gewosst baben. Eline Stelle, die 
sieh in einer exegetischen Schrift des Earaers Joseph ben 
Ali Hallevi findet, ist voUkommen klar biertiber.^) Sie besagt 
Folgendes: In Levit. 18, 18 schliesst das Wort nTlK 
(Schwester) die Tocbter des Bruders einer Mutter oder der 
Schwester einer Mutter ebensowohl ein als die Tocbter des 
Bruders eines Vaters oder der Schwester eines Vaters 

(n-nnni nnn n2 icr nsiircni ^•^Dcn nr), dagegen meint das 

Wort C^nK (Brfider) in Dent. 25,5 nicht die Sobne eines 
Oheims oder einer Tante mutterlicherseits, sondem nnr die 
Sobne eines Oheims oder einer Tante vaterlicherseits (;^^ 
"2^ nn ^:2 CN ^2 renircm PjniS^n '32).^) Zum besseren Veretand- 
niss ist beizufUgen, dass die Kar^r in den gesetzlichen Theilen 
der heil. Schrift unter „Bruder** nnd ^Schwester" nicht bloss 
die leiblichen Geschwister verstehen, wie die rabbinischen 
Juden es thun, sondem dass sie darunter Verwandte inner- 
halb engerer oder weiterer Schranken rerstanden baben 
woUen, und dass daher bei ihnen die auf Verwandtschafts- 
graden beruhenden Ebeverbote ganz in's Ungemeine sich 
ausdehnen. — 

Auch das Hauptflftchlicbste dieser Notiz war in jener 
obengenannten Deborah • Nummer, in welcher meine Bemer- 
kungen uber ^ncp abgedruckt waren, veroffentlicht worden. 
Bezug darauf nehmend, machten mich sowohl Herr Dr. Bacher 
als auch Herr Dr. Cbwolson auf die flir Ibn Koreisch zeu- 
gende Erklarung des Abulwalid gutigst aufmerksam. Herr 
Bacher schrieb: „Wa8 p)"?DD betriflft. so erwahnt Abulwalid 
im Worterbuch ohne weitere Bemerkung zwei arabische 
Wiedergaben des Wortes: nc^n und n^KD (in Ibn Tibbon's 
bebr- Uebersetzung desWB: ^2Tn^ und 1C« ^rw). Es scheint 
eine willkurliche, aus dem Zusammenhang gescblossene 

*) [In einem fruheren karaitischen Werke, min* ijw, S. 32 a, 69 b, 
le§en wir: thm neiDO. G. A. K.] 

*) Vgl. Pinsker's Likkute Kadmonijjotfi, AiihlUi)?e, S. 67. 



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Zur Bibel UDd Grammatik. 137 

Worterkl^mng zu sein, wie sie z. B. bei Saadia nicht selten 
sind." — Was aber Herm Bacher als „eine willkiirliche , 
9MS dem ZnsammenhaQg geschlossen^ EriilaruDg^ erscheint, 
das erkUlrt Herr Chwolson entschieden als das Bichtige. 
HeiT Chwolson schrieb: „In Bezug auf p)1DC haben Sie un- 
bedingt reeht. Zu den von Ihnen angefiihrten Zeugen fuge 
ich noch B. Jonah Ibn Ganach hinzu, der in seinem 2^rw 

irutt^K g. V. sagt: n«^i b^p) nc^cn n^ cinn, d. h. *Efi wird 

erklart: sein Verwandter; nach Andem: der Bruder seiner 
Mutter.' Da schon Z'^li^p ]2 TtDTV '^ diese letztere Bedeutung 
kennt, und die KarHer immer dieses Wort in diesem Sinne 
gebrauchten, so muss man wohl eine Tradition dafiir gehabt 
haben." 

Werden nun wohl die hebraischen Lexicographen und 
Bibelexegeten in Zukunft sich dazu verstehen, die Debatte 
fiber das Wort ^DD imd uber den wahren Sinn des Wortes 
in Amos 6,10 IBICOI ITn ^^\ffy\ neu zu eroffiien? Die Au- 
torit^t dea Ibn Eoreisch, des Abulwalid und der Karaer ist 
doch wohl so gewichtig, dass sie beachtet werden muss imd 
dass man mit hochmuthigem Ignoriren sie nicht beseitigen 
kann. Ueberdies ist zu bemerken, dass der Sinn und der 
Zusammenhang der prophetischen Bede viel eher die Ueber- 
setzung des 1S10D1 durch ,,und sein Oheim^ oder ,,und sein 
Verwandter" fordert als die Wiedergabe durch „und sein 
Verbrenner" oder etwas dem Aehnliches. Das Waw copu- 
liitivTmi vor 1B"1DD liesse sich auch statt durch „und", durch 
^oder" iibersetzen, — „oder sein Oheim", etc. Belege 
hierfur giebt es bekanntlich unzfihlig viele. 



Nachschrlft. 

Der vorstehende Artikel liber die Aussprache des 
Kamens ^HDp ist vor etwa drei Monaten geschrieben und 
Abg^andt worden* Indess ist mir diese^ Tage daa Jewish 
Quarterly Review fiir April 1895 zu Gesicht gekommen^ und 
in demselben fand ich in einem sehr instructiven Artikel 
unseres gelehrten Dr. A. Neubauer einiges weitere Material, 
das ich, der Vollstandigkeit halber, hier nachtragen mochte. 

Im genannten Hefte S. 402 theilt Herr Neubauer Aus- 
z(ige aus einem Briefe mit, den Alfonso da Zamora an die 



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138 B. Felsenthal. 

Juden in Rom gerichtet hatte. Darin findet sich der Name 
^ncj5 nn — das Koph mit einem Pathach punctirt 

Ibidem p. 405 beschreibt Neubauer ein im Jahr 1516 
geschriebenes ms., das sich in der Universitfttsbibliothek in 
Salamanca befindet, und das unter Anderem eine Abhandlung 
von Gabirol enthftlt, welche Abhandlung iibrigens irrthiim- 
licher Weise dem Moses Kamchi zugeschrieben ist. In der 
beigefugten lateinischen Uebersetzung ist der Name durch 
Came hi wiedergegeben. 

Ibid. p. 416 beschreibt Neubauer ein anderes, in der 
Nationalbibliothek in Madrid befindliches ms. (undatdrt); welches 
die Grammatik und das WSrterbuch des RDK enthWt. „Kam- 
chi ist hier ^ncp geschrieben", — das Eoph mit einem Kamez. 

Ibid. p. 409 gibt uns Neubauer die Beschreibung eines 
weiteren, vom Jahr 1527 datirten ms., welches in der Natio- 
nalbibliothek in Paris aufbewahrt ist, und welches RDK's 
Grammatik enth&lt. ^Dieses ms. — so sagt hier Neubauer 
— hat auch die Schreibung ^TOp. Es xmterliegt keinem Zwei- 
fel, dass die spanischen Juden diesen Namen als Kamchi 
aussprachen. Wirklich Iftsst sich auch der Scheltname ^ISnn 
womit der bekannte proven9ali8che Rabbi unsern David be- 
nannte, nur aus dem arabischen K a m c h (Weizen) erkl&ren. 
Es hatte keinen Sinn, wenn der Name als Kimchi ausge- 
sprochen und von ncp. (Mehl) abgeleitet worden ware. Es 
gibt nun auch im Orient Familien, von denen einige Kamchi, 
andere Kimchi sich nennen. Die erstere Aussprache ist die 
spanisch-arabische , die andere ist die franco-germanische. 
Den Franco- Germanen war bloss das Wort niQp,, nicht aber 
das arabische Kamch bekannt." 

Da es sich hier bloss um unparteiische Sammlung des 
einschlSgigen Materials handelt, und nicht um die eigensinnige 
Verfechtutig einer von mir ausgesprochenen Meinung, so 
glaubte ich, in vorstehender Nachschrift das neuerdings von 
Dr. Neubauer beigebraclite Material ebenfalls den Lesera 
vorlegen zu miissen. Ueberhaupt kann ich meinerseits jk 
auf niehts Weiteres Anspruch raachen, als dass ich meines 
Wissens zuerst auf den bei Immanuel sich vorfindenden Reim 
Kimchi und S i m c h i aufmerksam machte. 

Chicago, 30. Mai 1895. 



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Jehudah ha-Leyi on the Hebrew 
Language 

Kuzri II § 67 to 80, 

by ■ 

Dr. M. Friedlftnder (London). 



Notwithstanding the several translations and expositions 
of Habbi Jehudah ha-Levi's Kuzri that have appeared from 
time to time, there are some sections in the book which have 
not yet been explained satisfactorily. One of these sections 
is Book II § 67 — 80. The following is an attempt to clear 
up what previous expounders have left in darkneefs. In the 
notes which accompany the translation I avoided, for the 
sake of brevity, all reference to the views of others.*) 



§ 67. K. (= King of the Kuzrites): Has the Hebrew 
language any merit, that is not possessed by the Arabic? 
The latter is, as we clearly see, more perfect and richer in 
words than the former. 

§ 68. J. (= Jewish scholar): The Hebrew shared the 
fate of those who spoke it. It deteriorated when the power 
of the Israelites was broken, and became narrow when their 
numbers diminished. But in its original state it was the 
noblest of all languages. This is confirmed by Tradition and 
by common sense. 

According to Tradition Hebrew is the language in which 
God addressed Adam and Eve; and which the latter spoke 
to each dther. That this was the case is evident 2) from the 
derivation of Adam from adamah "earth" (Gen 11, 7.); 



*) [See especially the article of Prof. T^'. Bacher on the san>e subject, 
in the American jonnial Bebraicay edited by Prof. W. R. Haiperi Chicago 
1893, voL VIII. p 136-49. G. A. K.] 

*) Comp Bereshith Rabba ch. 18. 



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140 M» Friedlander. 

ishshah "woman'' from ish "man" (i6. 23); Havvah "Eve'^ 
from tay "living", («fc. Ill, 20); Cain from Can it hi "I 
have gotten" (ib. IV, 1); Sheth from sh&th "he hath ap- 
pointed" (ib, 25); and Noal^ from yenabmenu "he will 
comfort us" (ib, V, 29). We have for this statement the 
evidence of the Pentateuch^, and of a tradition which could 
be traced from generation to generation, back to Eber, Noah 
and Adam. It was the language of Eber, who retained it after 
the division and confusion of languages ; it is therefore called 
*ibrith ("Hebrew"). Abraham, however, spoke') the Aramean 
language when he lived in the land of the Casdim, Aramaic 
being the language of the people. Aramaic was his language 
in ordinary conversation, and Hebrew was his peculiar, holy 
language. In the same manner 2) did Ishmael carry the 
language to the Arabs. These three languages Hebrew, Aramaic 
and Arabic, are partly equal and partly similar in their vocabu- 
lary, syntax and inflexion, but Hebrew is the noblest of these 
languages. — Common sense assigns a high place to Hebrew 
on account of the distinction of those who spoke it ; for they ^ 
must have possessed a high degree of eloquence, espe- 
cially the prophets who were numerous. Eloquence was 
undoubtedly indispensable in their exhortations, songs and 
poems. Or is it likely that their chiefs, men like Moses, 
Joshua, David and Solomon, could ever have been at a loss 
to And a suitable expression for what they desired to say, as 
we are at present, when Hebrew has ceased to be a living 
langai^? Have you noticed how in the Pentateuch, in the 
description of the Tabernacle, the ephod, the breastplate etc., 
the author had always the right words even for the rarest 
things, and how beautiftil the style is in that description? 
The same is the case in the lists of the nations, the birds and the 



*) According to R. Jehudah ha-Levi, Aramaic and Arabic are modified 
forms of Hebrew. It seems that be ascribes to Abraham the merit of having 
originated the Aramaic in the land of the Casdim, and to Ishmael that of having 
originated the Arabic in Arabia. With regard to Arabic the aathor says 
so clearly, bat not so with regard to the Aramaic. But if he did not intend to 
imply that Abraham was the father of the Aramaic, there would be no 
explanation for the mention of Aramaic in connection with Abraham. 

*) The Arabic has ']h'b ^therefore" ; but Ibn Tibbon appears to have 
read "j^i^, ^hich is most probably the correct reading; 'fyih P^es no sense. 



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Jehadah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 141 

stones, in the songs of David, the complaint of Job and his 
discussions with his friends, the rebukes and the comforting 
addresses of Isaiah, and in other sections of the Bible. 

§ 69. K. By these and similar arguments you only 
show that the Hebrew is as perfect as any other language. 
Where is its excellence? Other languages seem rather to excel it 
by their metrical poems, the forms of which vary according 
as the melody varies. 

§ 70. J. It is well-known that melodies do not require 
a certain number of words, the line Z^C ^2 ^^*7 mn may 
be sung by the same melody as ^^2h ni^lTJ ni«^5)a nwvb; 
(Ps. CXXXVI, 1, 4); the tune remains the same, 
whether words are supplied or not. This is the case 
when the melodies are accompained by actions') (ex- 
pressing the feelings of the singer). But the poems called 
inshedia for which the metrical form is chosen, were 
neglected by the Hebrews, because their language possessed 
a far more useful and a much higher peculiarity. 

§ 71. K. And what is this peculiarity? 

§ 72. J. The object of speech is to cause that whicl^ 
agitates the mind of the speaker, to enter into the mind of the 
listener. This object can only be attained in direct, viva voce 
communication; for spoken words are in this respect better 
than written words. Our Sages advise therefore DHDID ^ED 
C^ISD ^SD N*?! "Learn from the mouth of the teachers rather 
than from their writings". In a vivd voce address the speaker 
facilitates the understanding of his words by pausing at the 
end of a phrase, and continuing without interruption in the 
middle of it; by raising the voice or lowering it; and by nodding 
and winking; he can thus indicate surprise, question, 
affirmation, hope, fear, subraissiveness and excitement: things 
which are not sufficiently indicated in ordinary compositions. 
The speaker can make use of the movements of his eyes or 
eyelids, or of the whole head, and of his hands, when he 
desires to express a certain degi'ee of anger, pleasure, solicitude 



') Songs are called C^lTyCn ^"^yz „accoinpanied actions**. L e, 
the actions of the singer in moving the body or part of the body; in 
dancing, jumping, weeping, laughing etc., or expressing his feelings by 
singing certain vowels or syllables apait from the text of the song. Com p. 
end of § 72: OPin O^irym. 



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142 M. Friedlfinder. 

or pride. Even in the small remnant that we still possess of 
the divine language *), we find an excellent and clever system 
of signs, devised both as a help for those who desire to 
comprehend the sense of the Biblical text, andi as symbols 
representing the speaker's actions which generally accompany 
his spoken words; I mean the accents, our guide in reading 
the Scriptures. They indicate whether we have to pause or 
to run on; they distinguish the question from the answer, 
the introductorj' phrase from the communication itself;^) they 
indicate whether we have to hurry on or to read slowly ; they 
distinguish the command from the request; important elements 
included in every literaiy composition. 3) A writer that aims at 
this effect, avoids undoubtedly metrical compositions, which 
can only be read in one way,^) and in which it frequently 
happens that words are joined which ought to be separated, 
and a pause is made, where continuity is required: mistakes 
that can be Avoided, but only by gi^eat care. 

§ 73. K. The merit of merely pleasing the ear must 
give way to the merit of pleasing the intellect/ For the ob- 
)ect of metrical compositions is to please the ear, whilst the 
Hebrew system of accents 5) eonceras the sense of the text. 
I notice, however, that you Jews seek now distinction 
in writing metric verses, and imitate the ways of other nations 
by forcing the Hebrew into the forms of metric verse. 

§ 74. J. This is just our fault and sin; thereby we 

^) Lit: the created one, and the formed one (probably cv 8ia duoiv) 
i. e. the language which God had created and fashioned; the opposite of 
this is rni^Ji^ nN1"^2^ the language fashioned by men (riCrDn2)j ^^o 
agree to call ceitain things by ceitain words. 

') Thus the disjunctive accent of hCJ^"^ (Gen. 18, 3.) indicates that 
the name which follows is not the subject to the verb, but the beginning 
of the speech. 

^) In Hebrew c^-^l^H Cr2 "!2in^t5*- — The pronoun in tn3 refers 
to all the things enumerated before. 

*) i, e. the way indicated by the metre, regardless of tho accent of 
the word and of the length of the vowels or syllables. 

*) Altough nt>2p Js frequently used in this book for Tradition, nilDD 
is the right term for Tradition with regaid to the Biblical text; especially 
with regai-d to the accentuation and vocalisation. The original JC^i^N "^he 
binding" may likewise refer to the ti*aditional accents, that indicate the 
connection between two words. 



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Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 143 

not only neglect the peculiarity of our language, but corrupt its 
character; it is qualified to be the means of union, and 
we make it the means of disunion. 

§ 76. K How is that? 

§ 76. J. Have you not observed, how a hundred per- 
sons read the Bible simultaneously like one man, all stopping 
or running on at the same time? 

§ 77. K. I noticed the fact, and I have never seen 
anything like it among the Christians ^ or the Mohammedans. 
Metric verse cannot be read in this way. Tell me how the He- 
brew attained such excellence, and how metric verse tends 
to destroy it. 

§ 78. J. Because we allow two vowelless letters ^j to 
follow one after th^ other, and only allow in exceptional 
cases the sequence of three open syllables without intervening 
vowelless letters. 3) Long syllables *) become thus predominant, 
and this feature facilitates united and spirited reading, assists 
the memory, and produces impressiveness. The first thing 
that metric verse destroys is the effect of the sequence of two 
vowelless letters; there disappears besides, the difference 
between accentuating the penultima and accentuating the ultima, 
so that och«lah is read like ochelah,*) am«ru like araaru,^) 



*) In Hebrew CHNS; in some editions ©"IBS- wWch is probably the 
result of the censure. 

*) In Hebrew C^nj. The consoDant which begins a syllable is called 
Vi or npl^n^ the consonant which follows the vowel and is itself without a 
vowel, is called nO "resting"; this letter is either perceivable in pronunciation 

(riN^lJ 'i) or Of silent ^MTiiO ^^^ perceivable (nCI 'j)t ^^ merely serves to 
prolong the vowel (^ItJ'C '3)- Such a lengthening letter follows every long 
vowel, and when it does not follow in the text, tha reader has to supply it. 
As regards the length of the vowels our author assumes the following gi-ades : 
the sh'va, the short vowel, the short vowel followed by a n^ or vowelless 
consonant, a long vowel followed by a "jl^^D nO **a vowelletter", and a long 
vowel followed by two O^HJ.— 

^) e. g. the Arabic ^j;^, corresponds to the Hebrew "pj;©; in the He- 
brew form the sequence of three short vowels is avoided ; in the form "pppi 
the fii-st vowel is followed by a llt&'D 'J3, the second by a n5<"!3 '3- 

*) i. e. syllables with one Pii or with two C^n^i these are far moro 
numerous than open syllables with a short vowel. 

*) In this instance thei*e is no difference in meaning; nS^lN J^ 
pausalform; this condition is neglected by many writers of vei-se. The 
same is the case with the second instance 11C5< and IICN- 



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144 M. Friedllbider. 

oin^r like 6raer; <) so also does the difference ot 
accentuation in shibhti and ve-ahabliti 2) disappear, 
although the accent marks the one as past and the other as 
future. We should^ however, allow a certain licence in the 
composition of the piyyutim, which if used with discretion, 
would not corrupt the language. As to our practice of writing 
metric compositions, the words of the Psalmist, uttered against 
our forefathers, apply to us, viz. They were mingled among 
the nations and learnt their works (Ps. 106, 35). 

§ 79. K. I wish to ask you whether you know why 
the Jews move their bodies when they read Hebrew. 

§ 80. J. It has been said that they do so in order 
to produce physical heat in the body. I do not think so, 
but find the cause of the shaking in the peculia^tj under 
discussion. As several persons can read the Scr^tures 
together like one person, ten or more used to meet and read 
together out of the same book. The books were therefore 
of a large size Each of the ten had frequently to bend for- 
ward, in order to look more closely to some words, and to 
turn back again, 3) when this was done, the book lying on 
the ground. This was originally the cause of the shaking; 
but in course of time it became a habit, because it was 
constantly seen and observed, and we imitate naturally that 
which is always before our eyes. Among other nations every 
one reads out of his own book, and either brings the book nearer 
to his eyes, or moves himself towards the book, according 
to his own convenience without his neighbour's interference. 
There is therefore no occasion for him to move forward and 
backward. 

Another excellence of the Hebrew language is to be 
found in its system of vocalisation, in the traditional pro- 
nunciation of the seven kings (i. e. vowels), and the peculiar 
rules concerning each of them; in the advantages resulting from 
the difference between kamets and path ah or tsere and 



*) "^CN is A segolate noon, having the accent on the first syllable, 
"^plK is participle and has the accent on the second syllable ; the accent of 
the metre does not always coincide with the masoretic accent 

*) ^rStfh is past, 'nilTI is future. 

') Probably in order to allow another to look into the book. 



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Jehudah ba-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 145 

segol. As regards the sense of the words, they help to 
distinguish between past and future, e. g. ^PCC'^) and ^PCfc'^ 
or "^r^D-yitO (Js. 51, 2) and m5-!2><1 (Gen. 27, "33), between 
the interrogative h6 and the demonstrative h6, e. g. T\b)yr\ 
(Ecc. 3, 21) 2) — They help, besides, to produce euphony 
by the combination of two vowelless letters, and this pecu- 
liarity enables a whole congregation to read together harmoni- 
ously .•) — As regards the accents, there are again separate ru- 
les.*) The different ways of pronouncing the vowels in the Hebrew 
language can be divided into contraction [of the lips], opening 
[of the lips] and breaking [of the sound with the teeth] ; and 
by further divisions we get the large 5) contraction or ka- 
mets, the middle contraction or l^olem and the small con- 
traction or shurek; the large opening or pathah and the 
small opening or segol; the large breaking of the sound or 
hirek and the small one or tsere. The sheva is sounded 
with all these vowels according to certain conditions; it isamere 
sounding of a consonant without any such prolongation, that 



*) As regards the form *noiy comp. Kerem Chemed, IX, p. 64. The 
accent is here counted as an addition to the length of the vowel, equal in 
value to one rO ; so long as ^nOD* ^^ the accent on the penultima, there 
are 2 (or even 3) c^no in the first syllable and no nj in the second; 
when the ultima has the accent there would be two syllables with 2 C^n^ 
each following one after the other; such a sequence is avoided in the 
second relation. 

«j Comp. Ibn Ezra on Eccl. 3, 21. 

*) This is probably the meaning of the Hebrew niptt ^2C which 
means literally "without mistake'*. It is, however, possible, that the phrase 
refers to "mistakes" in the ordinary sense of the word, as according to 
our author the frequent occurrence of a syllable with two C^flJ ^^ Hebrew 
makes it easier for the reader to retain in memory what he has read. 

*) In addition to the causes mentioned, the acceut modifies the original 
vowels of a word according to certain rules. 

*) The author cannot have intended to say that kamets requiies 
the highest degree of conti'actiou, and shurek the smallest amount of 
contraction, because in reality shurek requires the greatest contraction. 
By kimmutz gadol we have to understand the widest opening of 
the contracted lips, kimmuts benoni is a nan*ower opening, and kim- 
muts katan is the smallest opening of the conti-acted lips. Kamets gadol 
may therefore be called patbha gedholah, that is, the wide opening 
of the contracted lips. As regards ^e pronunciation of kamets it seems 
that it was a compoimd of a and 0, perhaps like a in all. Comp. Ibn Ezra 
Sefer Tacihoth^ in the beginning. 

Kohnt, Semitic Studies. 10 



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146 ^- Friedl&nder. 

might demand the addition of a vowelless letter.') Kamets is 
followed by a vowelletter, but cannot in its original relation, 
be followed by dagesh; if dagesh follows, it can only be 
due to the conditions of the second or the third relation.^) 
The vowelletter which follows Kamets is h6 or aleph, c. g. 
vrZt rui5 J the vowelletter may again be followed by a vowel- 
less consonant, e, g, ONp; (Hos. 10, 14). — Hoi em is followed 
by a vowelletter, vijs. vav or aleph e. g, 1*? ti^\ the vowel- 
letter may again be followed by a vowelless consonant e. g. 
■^^, '^M'CV' — Tsere is followed by a vowelletter, vie. 
aleph or yod e, g, NS?, ^NS^; in its original state and by 
the first relation it is not followed by he, but by the second 
relation hi may follow. — Shurek occurs in three ways: 
it is followed either by a vowelletter, or by dagesh, or by 
a vowelless consonant; its vowelletter is vav alone; e. g. 
^^^j |l^S, nj?')'?. — Hirek occurs like shurek in three 
ways; €. g, ^7> Vii ^^^- — Pathah and segol, in their 
first state, are not followed by any vowelletter, but they 
can be lengthened by the second relation, if the reader 
desires to accentuate the vowel, either because of the accent, 
or because of a pause at the end of a paragraph. 

The conditions of the first relation are obtained by con- 
sidering each letter and each word independently of the 
sequence of the words in a sentence, in which words are con- 
nected in one place and separated in another and in which there 
must be a variation of long and short words, and similar other 
variations: then you have the original, unchanged state of the se- 
ven vowels, and the natural form of sheva without ga'ya. — The 
second relation takes account of the appropriate arrangement 
and sequence of words in the sentence; the original vowels 
are then modified in accordance with the demand of the 
second relation. — The third relation takes note of the 



*) According to the Hebrew: a mere sounding of a vowel, whilst 
every other vowel may be followed by a n3« The sense seems to be the 
same as that of the original, namely, that sh'va cannot be followed by a 
n3, whilst every vowel, whether short or long, may be followed by a 
vowelless letter. 

') i. e. if note is taken of the relation of a word to the neighbouring 
words, or of the relation of one syllable in the word to the other syllables. 



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Jehudah ha-Levi od the Hebrew Language. .147 

accents and may modify the vowels determined by the first 
and the second relations. 

The sequence of three open syllables without an 
intervening vowelless letter or dagesh is not a strange 
thing according to the first relation; there may be, as in 
Arabic, three sheva sounds, in close sequence one after the 
other; but it would be a strange thing according to the second 
relation. When therefore the first relation demands the sequence 
of three short open syllables, one of the vowels is lengthened 
in accordance with the demands of the second relation and is 
thus followed by a vowelless letter, e.g. V^tf'C (Song 1, 4), 
"^jDK^^ (Ex. 29, 46) ; for the sequence of three open syllables 
without any vowelless letter intervening, is awkward in 
Hebrew, except in the case of a letter, being repeated, 
^- 9- ^\Tl^' (Song 7, 3), or in the case of guttural letters, 
^- 9' "^"^D^j ^!?D5> and you may in these cases pronounce the 
first syllable long or short.') — So also may two syllables 
with two vowelless letters follow one after the other according 
to the first relation, but as such a sequence would disturb 
the flow of speech, the second relation removes one vowelless 
letter from one of the syllables. — You have surely noticed 
that ^VB and similar forms are not pronounced in harmony 
with the vocalisation, the *ayin which has a pathah is 
pronounced more fully than the p6 with a kamets; the 
fuller pronunciation of the *ayin is only due to the accent, 
and not to any prolongation of the vowelsound. The vowels in 
^b— ^CX (Gen. 20, 5.) and ^-ntpT; {ib. 21, 6), remained there- 
fore in their original form, because the small word (^'?) has 
the accent. We meet also with a verb in the past tense 
(third person sing, masc.) having kamets in both syllables, 
and on searching for the cause thereof we find it in the 
accent athnah or sof-pasuk, and say that the second 
relation found this change necessary on account of the pause 
and stop. This change is regularly adhered to. We find also 
a verb, having a zakef, with kamets in both syllables; 
and on seeking the cause thereof, we find that according to 
the sense of the verse the word is to be followed by a pause 



*) That is, like a full short vowel, or as a half vowel (sh«va or 
hatef). 

10* 



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148 ^* Friedl^der. 

aud should have an atbnah or sof-pasuk, were it 
not for other cogent reasons, that made here athnah or 
sof-pasuk impossible. On the other hand there are also 
instances of pathah taking the place of kamets notwith- 
standing athnah or sof-pasuk, e. g. ^^.y (ti. 24, 61), 
ncNi^ (Ex 30, 1*4), t;P4 (Oen. 27, 2), n:"}?^? (B. 36, 15). 
The pat ha* h in "15«^1 is due to the regard taken of the 
sense of the passage, because the verb "1CN cannot be 
followed by a pause, something being still required as a 
complement to the verb; only in a few exceptional cases 
can it have a pausal accent; e. g. '^^^ (Gen. 21, 1); here 
the verb refers to what precedes; the sentence is complete, 
a pause follows and kamets is in its right place. In the 
case of T]5^l an.d np^^P pathah is retained because the 
change of tsere into kamets,') without any intermediate 
stop, is unusual; it has therefore been changed into patha'h. 
The pathah in ^PjpT is perhaps due to the same cause, the 
root beeing |pT, the tsere is changed into pathah on account 
of the pause, [and not into kamets]. We wonder also why 
•^JJD and words like it, have the accent on the pen ultima, 
and give undue length to the segol of the pi. But we 
think that if the first syllable were not lengthened in this 
way, the genius of the Hebrew language would have de- 
manded the lengthening of the second syllable; the accent 
would be on the ultima, and a silent letter would have to 
be supplied after segol, between *ayin and lamed; it 
would be a very strange formation; such an addition is less 
strange in the first syllable; the vowel must be lengthened, 
but there is room for it, the syllable being open; the ad- 
ditional length of the vowel corresponds to a vowelless 
letter, and by^ corresponds to ^KJO,^) not to hjlj^^j for only 
with athnah and sof-pasuk is the word changed into 



*) Comp. supra, p. 145, note 5. — n'^T'ii nnnB is here identical 
with ':)iia y^cp. 

*) The open syllable p6 has the same length which a closed syllable 
has (that is, long by position), but the segol i-emains short. With a pausal 
accent the word is changed into '?j;pD, the pause and accent giving to the 
syllable the length of two C^n> Thus the comparison with the change in 
^ncC' and ^n?25* is fully explained. See supra^ p. 145, note 1, 



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Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 149 

Tj?5, which corresponds to t^JJi©. We have also seen the 
necessity of lengthening a vowel in the ahove mentioned 
case of ^ncC' and *nc?'1. — Similarly we wonder at the 
lengthening of the pathah in the first syllable of "IJIT, "ig: 
and the like, but we find that they have the form "^gB 
pathah taking the place of segol on account of the 
guttural; and therefore they do not change in the construct 
state like in: or "pnp which follow ^21 in their inflexion. 

T T T It T t 

In the same way does the segol in D^N, D^, njDN, njpN, 
followed by a vowelletter, seem strange; fi*om the paradigm 
*^3d5^5 '^&^^ it would appear that the second syllable should 
be a closed syllable with pathah, and not an open syllable 
with a long vowel. But there is an explanation why we say 
n^N instead of nj*j;x, for patha^ must not be followed by 
a silent hi; kamets^) may precede the silent hi, but 
kametz is a long vowel, and a long vowel is out of place 
after the second radical, except when demanded by the 
pause ,2) or when followed by aleph e. g, n;^N. Segol is 
the appropriate vowel for Htt^yN, it is the shortest vowel; it 
interchanges with tsere, when the second relation necessitates 
the change because of a pause. 3) The hi in ncVJ< is almost 
superfluous except when the word is by itself,*) and 
the second syllable has the accent; 5) it can therefore be 
followed by dagesh e. g. l^'ng^N (Ex. 33, 5), ^i>"npN 
(Jer. 22, 14.), in which cases the hi is altogether ignored. 
This is not the case with the aleph in ?<lfN, N5n (Ex. 4, 6).*) 
tJ"X5^1 (Gen. 27, 33); here we have no dagesh; tsere is 



*) In the Hebrew vei-sion TOp3 ^'\i^ ••• nnHM; l^e^e again ka- 
niets seems to be treated as belonging to the second group of vowels 
(Opening of the lips). See «fpra, note 5 on p. 145. 

') e. g. n'jrx (Is. 42. 19) y^jr^N (Ps. 38, 14). 

') i. e, when the speaker finds it necessary, for the sake of emphasis 
and effect, to pause a little although the word has no pausal accent, in order 
to lay more stress on the word which follows. 

*) In Hebrew pDBn2» ^^ other places the word denotes "pause", but 
here it means "sepaiate'* from the pronoun; having no suffix, and not 
being joined by m a k k e f to the noxt word. 

*> e. g- nrjjNj (= z*v^^) Ez. 20, 14; r>t!V!!). 'i^^- ^^ i^^- 

®) The text has X3N1 which is probably a mistake for xi"NDri- The 
instance serves to show the absence of dagesh from 3 after the silent {<• 



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150 M. Friedlander. 

preferred on account of the aleph which is perceptible. ^) 
H 6 was considered unimportant, and therefore it was dropped 
in speaking and in writing in p^l, inv, ::*y^l; how then could 
it be preceded by tsere? the shortest vowel, that is, segol, 
is required, at least according to the first relation ; the second 
relation may, in case of a pause,*) demand a change of 
segol into tsere. It appears strange to us that words like 
nxic, np'yc, r\;pc have tsere in the construct state, and segol 
in the absolute; we should have expected the reverse. But 
when we consider that the third radical, a silent h 6, is treated 
as if it were altogether absent, and as if these words were 
N'^.O, ttTC, ]pc, we are satisfied, that segol is the right vowel, 
except when it becomes necessary to pronounce the syllable 
with a long vowel as in CN'IC, Ctt'yc, ^) in'^Knc |n'»-^'j;D; and 
tsere takes (in the construct state) the place of segol; 
it corresponds to kamets in CN"10, Cfe*yo.^) — In the word 
]3 we have an instance of a vowel being left by the second 
relation*) in its original state in so far as the writing is 
concerned, though in the pronunciation it may have been 
modified; it has a tsere in the absolute state and a segol 
in the construct state; but the accent perhaps lengthens the 
segol in 1W ]2 (Est. 2, 6), the original segol, however, re- 
mains; on the other hand, tsere may be shortened if the 
syllable is without accent. 

The originator of this wise system of vowelsigns had 
principles unknown to us, though we may have discovered 
some of them. They are intended to indicate certain inter- 
pretations, as we have pointed out with regard to n'^iyn 
T]':fV^'^ X^H; they assist in distinguishing between past and 

*) when a suffix is added ■]5<^2^ ; this is not the case when the third 
radical is pi- 

•) The Hebrew has pODHZ- See supra^ p. 149, note 4. 

*) The two words D&<"1C CC^D ^^ not occur; probably VC^yD* 
V&<"1C *i*G nieant. In the four instances given, the {< of nxiD ^^^ the 
t^ of no??D have a long vowel, because the noon is joined to a guffix; 
therefore the author thinks the tsere in the construct state of these 
words justified. 

'*) The second relation is here in reality the third; it is the second 
relatively, p in the absolute, and n in the construct being considered in 
each case as original. 



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Jehudah ha-Levi on the Hebrew Language. 151 

future, between the participle and the past (3rd sing.) of the 
Niphal; thus in '»cj; h^ ^IDW (Gen. 49, 29) the samech has 
kamets, but pathah in F)PW IITND (Num. 27, 13)-, the heth 
in tont^^l has kamets, although it has no pausal accent, be- 
cause the sense requires here a pause: there are many 
instances of segol after zarka having the force of athnal^, 
sof-pasuk or zakef as regards the changes of the original 
form of the vowels. 

Even if I were to enlarge on the subject I would in- 
crease the length of the book, but could not give you more 
than a taste of this wonderful system ; which is by no means 
without method; it is based on common sense and tradition. 



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Spuren der palSlstinisch-jUdischen Schrift- 
deutung und Sagen in der Ubersetzung 

der LXX 



Dr. Julius FUrst (Mannheim). 



Dass die Ubersetzung der Bibel in die griechische Sprache 
nicht auf Konigs Befehl, sondern durch dae religiose Be- 
diirfnis hervorgerufen worden, ist jetzt wohl allgemein an- 
erkannt Es bekundet sich dies insbesondere auch in der 
Art der Ubersetzung, welche h&ufig nicht wortlich ist. son- 
dern die Deutungen und Sagen beriieksichtigt, mit welchen 
zu homiletischen, rituellen und sittlichen Zwecken die Bibel- 
erz^lungen ausgeschmuckt wurden. Das jerusalemische 
Targum ist noch ein Rest jener Ubersetzungen, wie sie dem 
Volke neben dem hebraischen Bibeltext, mit Sagen und Er- 
klUrungen bereichert, vorgelesen und vom Volke gerne gehort 
wurden. Spater, als diese Erkliirungen und Ausfiihrungen 
droliten, das reine Bibelwort zu verdrangen, eiferte man 
gegen diese Art Ubersetzungen, wie dies Geiger nachgewiesen. 

Im Folgenden soUen die Spuren der an den Bibeltext 
gekniipften Sagen und Deutungen nachgewiesen werden, wie 
dieselben in der Ubersetzung der Siebzig sich zeigen. 

Beim ersten Vers der Genesis, wo der Talmud eine 
Anderung bei den LXX anmerkt, hat schon Geiger {Ur- 
schrift, S. 344) gezeigt, dass die Andei-ung darin bestand, 
dass der erste Vers unabhUngig hingestellt ward, damit man 
nicht iibersetze: „Im Anfange, da Gott Himmel und Erde 
schuf, und da die Erde noch wiist und leer war etc., sprach 
Gott: es sei Licht." Dies hfttte dem Glauben an eine uner- 
schaffene Materie Vorschub geleistet. Aquila und Theo- 



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Spuren der paldstinisch-jiidischen Schiiftdeutang. 153 

dotioD, um den Gedauken der Schbpfuiig aus Niehts noch 
nachdriicklicher zu betonen, ubersetzen N12 nicht durch 
Ixo{y)<7s, welches ihnen diesen Begriff nicht deutlich genug 
ausdriickte*, sie wUhlen dafur das Wort exTuiev, welchem sie 
ei^st diese Bedeutung aufpragten. Aquila und Theodotion be- 
tonen die Erschaffung der Welt aus Niehts auch weiter, 
indem sie in v. 2 IPIDI inn mit x^vcojxa (x6v6v) xal o65iv uber- 
setzen nm jedem Gedanken an eine unerschaffene Materie 
vorzubeugen. 

Cap. 1 V. 6 wird J?^p"l (Ausdehnung) mit <rrep£a)[xa (Feste) 
libersetzt und ebenso der Samaritaner ^niAJP. Die Erklluiing 
davon giebt Bereschith rabba zur Stelle: „ein sterblicher 
Konig, der einen Palast baut, blllkt ihn mit Steinen und 
Holz; Gott balkt seine Welt mit Wasser. Als Gott gesprochen: 
^es sei eine Ausdehnung in Mitten des Wassers", *j da gerann 
der mittlere Tropfen, und aus ihm ward der oberste 
und der unterste Himmel geschaffen. Rab sagte: am ersten 
Tage waren die Himmel fltissig; am zweiten wurden sie fest." 

V. 27. IPN XID CM'PN €h)i2 M2h)i2 ClXn-PN C^n^X N12^1 
Symmachus iibersetzt hier M2^2 mit £v elxdvi Btacpipo); C^H2 
inx X"1D CTi^v, Sp&iov 6 btbz IxTKTsv a^Tiv. Th. Jer. 1 XC^M 
rpp^ N"12 'n, wo 'n Subject ist. Dies ist, wie Geiger nach- 
gewiesen, im Sinne Akiba's, welcher das Anthropomorphische 
vermeiden wollte, und daher iibersetzte: Gott schuf den 
Menschen in seiner (dem Menschen eigenthiimlichen) Gestalt, 
in aufrechter Gestalt schuf Gott den Menschen So iibersetzt 
auch Th. Jer. zu Gen. 9, 6. «iy:« n^ ISJ? 'H Wpin2 CIIN, 
denn in der Gestalt schuf Gott den Menschen. Das ist auch 
der Sinn, wenn Akiba sagt: PN tcycc 1*?Nr CDl 1^^UZ* h2 
mcin, wo niCin bedeutet: die den Menschen auszeichnende 
Gestalt Nicht minder ist so zu verstehen die Stelle Sanhedr. 

37 a. p6 ni men p^2 inx cninz m2^c ncr V2M^ cinit 
ncn in« i\xi pirNnn din ^i^ i)cnin2 cin bz V2M^ n'zm 

lisnt'. Auch Syrer und Samaritaner ubersetzen so, dass 

cn^S Subjekt ist; Samar. ni1H2 :rry^^2 C"lNn n^ Ti^N pri 

r.n'» pr r\bt<, Syrer: nnz *rh^ C^iJ2 und nicht NH^Sl C^!i2. 

Kap. 2 V. 1 wird CN2H i2^ (ihr gauzes Heer) wiederge- 



o'iinnnn D»DB7n w^i^ r»ywKn ne»o rrhi c»on -pra y»p-i »n» n^zn idkb? nyrn (* 



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154 Julius Fiirst. 

geben mit xfi^ 6 x6<t(xo? ai-rfiiv (ibr ganzer Schmuck). Das 
entspricht dem Worte des R. Josua b. Levi in Chullin 60 
und in Roschhaschana 11: „alle Werke der Schopfiing 
wurden in ihrer vollen Grosse, nach ihrer Einstimmung, und 
in ibrer Schonbeit (^2K) gescbaffen." *) 

Und aucb die Dinge, die du for iiberflussig balten mochtest, 
beisst es in Ber. rab., wie Fliegen, Ungeziefer, aucb sie ge- 
boren zum Weltganzen, und sie miissen Gottes Sendung er- 
fiillen. Das Wort x6<t(xo^ (Aussebmiickung) vereiuigt beide 
Erklarungen. 

In V. 2 merkt der Tahnud in der bekannten Stelle in 
Megilla 9 die Anderung der LXX an: „Und Gott vollendete 
am secbsten Tage". Diese Anderung, welcbe aucb der 
Samar. und die Pescbito baben, soUte den Widersprucb aus- 
gleicben, dass Gott ja am siebenten Tage gerubt, was nicbt 
der Fall sein konnte, wenn er das Werk am siebenten Tage 
voUendet batte. Dies sucbt R, Ismael in Ber. r. dabin aus- 
zugleicben, dass er sagt: das ist wie der letzte Hammer- 
scblag auf das Werk; am Ende des secbsten Tages war 
der letzte Scblag, und unmittelbar darauf, wo der siebente 
Tag einti'at, gescbab daa Aufbeben des Hammers. Simon ben 
Jocbai sagt: weil der Menscb die kleinsten Zeitteilcben nicbt 
so genan abgrenzen kann, muss er vom Wocbentag zum 
Sabbat binzufiigen, (muss den Sabbat vorber beginnen; fur 
ibn war also die Vollendung am siebenten Tage): Gott, der 
die kleinsten Zeitteilcben abgrenzt, gebt nicbt um eines 
Haares Breite davon ab, (fur ibn war also die Vollendung 
am secbsten Tage). 

V. 3. n2l!^l iibersetzt der Syrer: mit Nn^3 nrxi, ebenso 
r2\l/ ^2 ^2 „es kam Rube", um antbropomorpbistiscbe Miss- 
deutung femzubalten, wie aucb Ber. r. sagt : nicbt mit Miihe 
und Anstrengimg bat Gott die Welt gescbaflFen, wie kann 
man nun sagen dass er gerubet? — Was ist nocb ge- 
scbaffen worden? Sicberbeit, Rube, Erbolimgund Sorglosig- 
keit" also die Rube ist gescbaffen worden, ist einge- 
t re ten «n'»: HPN, nacb dem Worte: -^DH cStyn H^H HD 
nniJO nN2 r\2Z' «2 :nniJD. Daselbst beisst es aucb : |CT Sd 



V-wm o»Djrn iVri noHJs? imaj prajt^ w"iaj ]nyih ima: ]noip^ nnwra rnr^D 73 (^ 



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Spuren der palastinisch-judischen Schriftdeatung. 155 

1C^lj6 n:?. nn:n cn^ p^: cn^:ip, also ebenfalls der gleiche 
Gedanke. 

V. 3 tibersetzen die LXX mC'y^ D^PI^N NIS "1i:\x mil 
&v T^p^a'f^^ 6 &66^ 7:ot9;<yat. Dazu sagt B. r. : Es steht desshalb 
nicht: „was Gott geschaffen und gemacht", sondern: „uin zu 
machen", well angedeutet werden soil, dass Gott das Werk 
des sechsten Tages verdoppelt, indem er an jenem Tage 
auch schuf, was am siebenten hatte geschaffen werden sollen. 

R. Pinchas sagte: Der Ausdruck will sagen, dass Gott 
vom Werke der Weltschophing geruht, nicht aber vom 
Werke der Vergeltung der Rechtschaffenen und der Sunder, 

V. 6 ist IX iibersetzt mit Trrjy}), Syrer: V^assoo, (dagegen 
Sam.: JJVt, Wolke). Dies ist die Meinung R. Eliesers in 
Taanith 9: „die Erde saugt von dem Wasser des Oceans," 
wie aus 1. B. M. 2, 6 zu ersehen. Auf den Einwand, dass 
das Meerwasser salzig sei, erwidert Elieser, der Salzgehalt 
werde ihm von den Wolken entzogen. So wird auch in 
Sukka 11 gesagt: pxH ]0 i^n>:i nxcit: hzpc JWIT "121 "l« HC, 
also "IN kommt aus der Erde: Quelle. 

In dem Worte IN schien namlich ein Widerspruch mit: 
„er stieg auf von der Erde", daher erklSrte man es als 
„Quelle". Targ. Jerusch. vereint beide Ubersetzungen, in- 
dem er sagt: „Und eine Wolke stieg herab von unterhalb 
des Thrones der Herrlichkeit, fiillte sich mit Wasser aus dem 
Ocean, stieg wieder von der Erde auf und liess Regen 
herabfliessen". 

V. 21 ist ncim mit 2x<rra<Tt$ wiedergegeben ; das 
hebraische Wort wird in B. r. zu unserer Stelle zwar mit 
„Schlaf, Ohnmacht" erklftrt, dabei aber hinzugefiigt, dass es 
an anderer Stelle: prophetische Verziickung bedeute noilP 
nN12^, doch konnte hier Ixerraai^ auch: „tiefe Ohnmacht" be- 
deuten. 

In c. 3 V. 12 ist ncy nn: "IITN nct'^n von Symm. uber- 
setzt ^v <Tuv<oxY)(Ta<5 (xoi, welchem Hieronym. folgt. Sam. Targ. 
tibersetzt ^OJ? ^h Pn^nNl NnnN, nur ein Codex hat ^OJ? nZP.n 
8. Kohn, a. a. 0. S. 167, welcher zeigt, dass ^*? rnin&<"l eine 
spfttere Correktur ist, um von Gott den Vorwurf abzuwenden, 
dass er ihm das Weib gegeben, das ihn zur Siinde ver- 



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156 Julius Fiirst. 

leitet; ^CV ist aus dem rechten Text noch stehen geblieben, 
obgleich zu nniPN nur ^'^ passt; a Aboda sara 6 b. 

In V. 15 ist lOBttt^n nrxt — leiir «in abersetzt fxinbi; 
TY)pi^(Tei — xal at) Tf\pi^(jz%z (auflauem tind nicht verwunden). 
Das ist die agadische Erklaning, wie sie Targ. Onkelos giebt 

„er wird dir gedenken (aufbewahren), was du ihm friiher 
gethao, und sie wird dir es aufbewahren (rftchen) zuletzt". 
Ahnlich Targ. Jer. : „wenn die Kinder der Frau die Gebote 
der Thora beobachten, in^ j^nci j^j^irp ^^rv werden sie mit 
Vorbedacht dich auf den Kopf schlngen, und wenn sie die 
Gebote der Thora verlassen, pnn^ D^22> p2C «nn, wirst du 
mit Vorbedacht sie in der Ferse verwunden". Die Vulg. 
hat: ipsa conteret caput tuum, et tu insidiaberis . . ,, 
also nur im zweiten Teil = nfjpi^dei^- 

V. 17. „Weil du von dem Baume gegessen, von dem 
ich dii' befohlen, von dem soUest du nicht essen". Hier 
iibersetzen die LXX hinzu: „von ihm allein sollst du etc." 
Dies entspricht dem Worte in Talmud Sabbat 55 und Jalkut 
Deuteron. 821: „Die Engel fragten den Allheiligen: Warum 
hast du Adam mit dem Tode bestraft?" Er antwortete: ein 
leichtes Gebot habe ich ihm gegeben, und er hat es iiber- 
treten". 

V. 16 ist "IPplC^n mit ^Tcodrpo^p-f, ubersetzt: ebenso c. 4 
v. 7 inpltrn 'Vb^\ Hierzu ist zu vergleichen Ber. r. S. 20: 

ir^« npic^n^ >2iirr, inpttrnS ^3itrn n^ icx ra'pni nnyo 

„Mulier parturiens, doloribus cimciata, vovet, se nunquam 
coituram cum conjuge; Deus vero ei dicit: redi ad desideri- 
um tuum: redi ad desiderium conjugis tui. Vgl. auch Erubin 
100 b (Jebam. 62 b). Und in Kidduschin 30 wird inplC'H mit 
^Verkehr" ubersetzt: „Der ganze Verkehr desselben (des 
sundlichen Triebes) ist mit dir." ICWtT 12 IJPCI INtTC ^215^ 
inp^C^n Tt^Ni. Ebenso ubersetzt es Aquila mit (ju\L^jioLy 
societas*, und Symmachus mit 6p[X'^. appetitus (Hieronym. 
Quaest. in Genesin; Frankel, Einfluss der paldstin. Exegese, 10. 

Uber die Ubersetzung T^lZW in v. 17 mit 2v tow; Ipyoig 
(jou ist Geiger, Urschrift, S. 456 das Notige bemerkt 

Die Ubersetzung von 2'»t:n i6 CN1 n«ir 2^:0>n DN N^n 
yz^ PNtcn nr^th in 4, 7 bietet grosse Schwierigkeit ; sie 



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Spuren der pal&stiniscb-judiscbeD Schriftdeatang. 157 

lautet: i&v 6p6»fi){ ^upoasviyxTfl^t op&fii? Bs [jly] Bi^Xyj^, •^(xotpre^- 
•})(rt5j[affov. Frankel vermutet, sie beruhe auf einem uns un- 
bekannten sprichwortlichen Ausdruck. 

Wahrsclieinlicher steht diese Ubersetzung in Bezug mit 
einem Meinungsstreit zwischen R. Elasar, u. R. Jose, Sebachim 
116 a, Jeruschalmi Megilla I, 13. in N^jn 13 '»DV '11 ITjP^vX n 

nCiXi jisci «cyi: \xc n: •:2 (d'^c^) i2ip «^ icn ini isnp ncvs 
ps^nci i:«K rnizDc Nin C3 N'^rn ^2m 2'»nzi n: ^:2 C'o^ir i2ip 
ici« >in n2TD ^2atJ 2ip itnr |\s'i nzio '•sai? Dip iz^nc* i2"i inr« 
CD^ i2Dp rr^n rnin pc Diip nn'' i";::^ . . . "izi c^c^ir ht 

no ^32 I2^")pn. Der Erstere sagt: vor der sinaitischen Gesetz- 
gebung seien nur Friedensopfer gescblachtet worden, gegen 
den Ausspruch Elasars, dass nur Brandopfer gescblachtet 
worden. Als der Erstere ihm 2. B. M. 24, 5 entgegenhalt, 
sagt Jose, das C^cStT bier heisse nicbt : Friedensopfer, sondem 
bedeute : ganz, unzerstuckt. gegen die Vorscbrift in 3. B. M. 
1, 6, wo beim Ganzopfer die Abziehung des Felles und die 
Zerstuckung vorgescbrieben ist. *) 

In Sebacbim 115 a ist eine Meinungsverschiedenbeit ; 
nach R. Adda b. Ababa bedurften die Ganzopfer, welcbe die 
Israeliten in der Wiiste dargebracht, nicbt der Abziebung 
der Haut und der Zerstiickelung; nach der Baraitha war 
beides aber auch damals notig. 

Die LXX deuten also den Text: „wenn du (das Ganz- 
opfer) recht geopfert, aber nicht recht (nach der Vorscbrift) 
zerstiickt bast, so hast du eine Silnde*, nun schweige". Wenn 
nun gleich Kain gar kein Tieropfer dargebracht, so benutzte 
man doch die Ahnlichkeit von nPD und nno um eine ha- 
lachisch-agadische Deutung daran zu knfipfen. Hieraus ist 
deutlicb zu erseben, dass unsre Ubersetzung aus den her- 
meneutisch-exegetiscben Vorti'ftgen der officiellen IJbersetzer 
in den Synagogen hervorgegangen ist. Wenn man der 
Art ^hnliche Worte benutzte, wie nPD und PDi, oder wie 
C^bt^ und C^p^K', um halacbische Deutungen daian zu 
kniipfen; so war man weit entfemt, desshalb wirklicb die 
Lesart des Textes fur unrichtig zu halten. Es htogt mit 
diesem Streitpunkt noch ein anderer zusammen : nach R. Is- 
mael war es vor der Gesetzgebung nicht erlaubt, Fleisch zu 



1) Siehe auch Sebachim 115. 



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158 Joliu8 Fiitst. 

essen, ausser wenn das Tier geopfert war, also musste man, 
um Fleisch zu essen, Friedensopfer darbringen •, erst mit dem 
Einzug in das heilige Land war niXH 1C*2 erlaubt: darum 
miissen die Noachiden auch C^c'^tt^ geopfert haben, Nach 
R Akiba war n^NH "IIJ'Z nie verboten, daher brauchten die 
Noachiden nicht C^C'^'t^ zu opfem; und wenn sie opferten, so 
waren es nur Ganzopfer, die nicht gegessen wnrden. 

V. 15. p*? ist mit o6)( o5t(oc wiedergegeben, entsprechend 
den Worten in Ber. r. „nicht so, wie das Urteil der Morder 
ist Kain^s Urteil; die Spateren konnten von Kain lemen; 
darum ist ihre Strafe der Tod, und Kain's Strafe nur Ver- 
bannung." Um diese Deutung anzubringen, sagte man: ]2h 
liisst sich trennen in ]2 ^b. So ubersetzt es auch die Vul- 
gata: „nequaquam ita fiet; sed omnis qui Occident Cain etc " 

V. 26. "»^ Ctt'S inph '^nin ^^<, ol-voq ^Xxwjs ^mxaXeuye-at t6 
Svojwc xupfoy ToO &eoO. Das Wort ^nVi ist wie im Midrasch 
im Sinne von ^^n „eniweihen" genommen; „damals ent\veihte 
man, indem man Menschen mit dem Namen Gottes benannte". 
So Targ. Jerusch.: „In seinen Tagen begann man auf Irr- 
wege zu gerathen. sich Trugbilder zu machen, und die 
Tnigbilder mit dem Namen Gott zu benennen." Das Tai^um 
behalt die richtige tjbersetzung ^anfangen** bei, will aber 
dabei ausdrucken, dass das hebraische Wort auch den Sinn 
hat „auf Irrwege gerathen". In iihnlicher Weise wollen die 
LXX in der schillemden Ubersetzung „er erwartete angerufen 
zu werden mit dem Namen Gott", die Bedeutung „anfangen'' 
und „entweihen'', „ auf Irrwege geraten" zu verbinden suchen. 
Auch Raschi kommentirt, *pmn habe die Bedeutung von i^t'in 
„profan" ; „man begann, die Namen der Menschen und die 
Namen der Trugbilder mit dem Namen zu bezeichnen, der 
nur dem Hochheiligen gebtihrt, sie Gutter zu nennen". 

Uber die Veranderung der Zahlen in den Lebensjahren 
der Sethiten hat Geiger in seiner Judische Zeitschriftj I, 
S. 174 ff. das rechte Licht verbreitet. 

V. 24. ;,Und Chanoch wandelte vor Gott, und er ward 
nicht gefiinden (IjOW); denn Gott hatte ihn versetzt (^xi- 
&Yix£v). Der erste Teil des Satzes giebt die einfache Uber- 
setzung wieder; im zweiten Teil ist auf eine Agada Bezug 
gekommen, wonach Chanoch, wie Elia, bei Lebzeiten in das 
Paradies gekommen sei (Jalkut I § 42). So auch Targ. 



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Spuren der palastinisch-jtidischen Schriftdeutung. J 59 

Jer.: „Und Chanoch diente in Wahrheit vor Gott, und 
er war nicht mehr bei den Erdbewohnem; denn er ward 
hinweggenommen und stieg zum Hunmel auf durch das Wort 
Gottes, und Gott nannte seinen Namen Mctatoron, grosser 
Schreiber". 

Targ. Onkelos ubersetzt : „Und Chanoch wandelte in der 
Furcht Gottes, und er war nicht, denn Gott liess ihn nicht 
sterben". Frankel bemerkt zwar, die richtige Lesart sei 
r.'»n'^ n'»CN n^ und nicht ri\T P^DN ^h nx; das ist aber nach 
dem Zusammenhange unrichtig: ^weil er in der Furcht 
Gottes Wandelte. liess ihn Gott nicht sterben". Auch bei der 
AbhSngigkeit des T. 0. vom Targ. Jer. ist unsere Lesart 
vorzuziehen. 

Spater, als man von christlicher Seite fur die Himmel- 
fahrt Christi sich auf unsre Stelle als Pracedens berief, nahm 
man jiidischerseits an, Henoch sei schwankend gewesen, bald 
fromm, bald gottlos, er gehore weder zu den Frommen, noch 
zu den Ruchlosen. Desshalb ward in Onkelos Ubersetzung 
in n^n^ n^C5< N*? ^1N das iS gestrichen. In einer Discussion 
mit Christen berief sich daher R. Abahu darauf, dass nph 
„sterben lassen" heisse, (Jecheskel 24, 16: „8iehe, ich nehme 
von dir die Lust deiner Augen durch die Pest") und unser 
Vers sage: Gott habe den Ch. sterben lassen, wahrend die 
Anderen sich auf 2. Kcinige 2, 5 beriefen: (^weisst du, dass 
Gott heute deinen Herren von deinem Haupte nimmt?"), 
dass also Chanoch, wie Elia nicht gestorben sei. Weil nun 
Ch. nicht in der Zahl der Rechtschaffenen und nicht in der 
Zahl der Gottlosen gewesen, habe Gott gesagt: ich will ihn 
wegnehmen (sterben lassen), wahrend er in seiner Recht- 
schaffenheit ist; R. Aibu sagte: Chanoch sei ein Heuchler 
gewesen, darum habe Gott ihn £un Roschhaschana gerichtet 
(dem Tage des Gerichtes, wo die vollkommen Frommen 
und die vollkommen Ruchlosen gerichtet werden, wahrend 
nach Chama er, als weder vollkommen fromm, noch voll- 
kommen schlecht am Versohnungstag rait den Mittelmassigen 
und nicht am Roschhaschana als vollstandig Ruchloser ge- 
richtet worden ware). Nach der spateren Anschauung uber- 
setzt Symm. l^nn^l mit ivedrp^cpsTO. S. Geiger, Nachgel. Schr., 
IV, 90. 

V. 29. i:on:'» ni o5to(; 5tavaxat><Tet ii\idt(;. Die Ubersetzung 



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160 Julius Fiiret. 

will den Namen no etjTuologisch erkliiren, wtthrend der Text 
den Namen nicht von n: „aufhoren machen", ableitet, sondern 
in Beziehung setzt zu cn „tro8ten". Dies sagt auch Ber. r. 
„der Name passt nicht zur Auslegung, und die Anslegung 
nicht zum Namen". Demnach sind dort Anslegungen, welche 
den Namen von n: „ruhen machen'* im Sinne von „anfhoren 
machen" zu erklaren. 

Cap. 6 V. 3. '^z^z {<^n c:c*3 d7)yh cnj<2 ^nr iit* x^ 

VD^ y^n^ ist iibersetzt: o6 [x*^ xaTa[xe(vti tS rveOixa [xou £v toi^ 
iv&pcoiroi^ TouTOt^ tl4 t. aiS^va 5ta Ti eTvat a^Toi? aopxcc^- e(TOvTai 
Ji al •Jifxipai airSv. Schon Frankel hat aufmerksam daraut 
gemacht (1. c. S. 47). dass der Plural und der Zusatz toiJtoi^ 
sagen wolle, dass hier nicht Menschen im AUgemeinen ge- 
meint seien, sondern nur dieses bose Geschlecht, welches 
sich G5tters()hne nannte, wie auch Sanhedrin 104 und 105 
diese Worte nur auf das Geschlecht der Siindfluth bezogen 
werden, und wie Targ. Onk. iibersetzt „es soil nicht bleiben 
dieses bose Geschlecht vor mir'' ; das aufFallende p*^ wird in 
der angefiihrten Stelle dahin erklart: es soil ihre Seele nicht 
mehr in ihre Htille (pO) zuriickkehren. welchen Sinn unser 
Ubersetzer wiedergab mit den Worten: „mein Gottesgeist (die 
Seele) soil nicht bleiben in diesen Menschen fur die Ewig- 
keit oder: fUr die (zukiinftige) Welt^. 

V. 5. DVi ^2 p p^ ^zh mzCTiC ^U^ ^21 ist tibersetzt: 
xal izdL^ StavosTrai iv T9i xap^Ca a6To!3 lm|xeXG^( liA Ta Trovyjpdl. 
Diese Ubersetzung ist zu vergleichen mit Eidduschin 30: 
„der siindliche Trieb des Menschen erneuert sich gegen ihn 
jeden Tag''. 

V. 6. 11 on:^ ive&tjijn^j&t), ebenso v. 7 ^HCno, um das 
Anthropopathische zu entfemen; in gleicher Absicht ist 2!Wn^^ 
mit xa\ ?Stevoi^&ir) wiedergegeben, wie auch Targ. Onk. und T. 
Jer. das Anthropopathische in beiden Ausdrucken beseitigen. 
S. Frankel, a. a. 0., S. 21. 

Cap. 9, 4. 1C-I 1K^:3 -itt'Z, xp£a$ iv uI^olxi ^ux%^', die 
Ubersetzung giebt die Bestinimung in Sanhedr. 59 wieder, 
dass Fleisch und Blut von noch lebenden Tieren genommen, 
verboten ist zum Essen. 

In cap. 11 v. 8 fugen die LXX hinzu: xal xdv wtipyov. 
Schon friih war es auffallend, dass der Text nur sagt: „sie 
horten auf, die Stadt zu bauen", und dass des Tui'mes dabei 



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Spuren der paUistinisch-judischeQ Schriftdeutung. 161 

nicht erw&bnt wird. In Ber. r. wird die Meinung ausge- 
sprochen, den Turm batten sie ausgebaut, „die Stadt nur 
borten sie auf, zu bauen^; vom Turm sei aber dann das 
obere Drittel verbrannt, das unterste Drittel in die Erde ver- 
sunken und nur das mittlere Drittel sei erbalten geblieben. 
Vgl. aucb Sanbedr. 109 a. Tiber die Verscbiedenbeiten in 
der Semitentafel zwiscben onserm Text, LXX, Samaritan er 
und Josepbus bat Geiger, die Lebensjabre der zwei altesten 
Gescblecbterreiben {Judische Zeitschr., 1, 99 ff.) die Griinde 
angegeben. 

V. 31. Hier scbeint unser Text einer Verbessenmg zu 
bediirfen; die ricbtige Lesart diirfte sein CPJ5 XIT^ „Und 
Tberacb nabm seinen Sobn Abram, und Lot, Sobn Harans, 
seines Enkels . . . und ging mit ibnen^; w&brend unser Text 
bat ^(Cn (und sie gingen mit ibnen). Die LXX losen die 
Scbwierigkeit in andrer Weise, indem sie lesen CHN X?f1^ 
^und er fiibrte sie binaus^: ebenso der Samaritaner. 

Cap. 12 V. 6. nniC p^ "IJ? ist ubersetzt: iiA -rtjv JpOv 
TYjv 6^Xt)v. Vulg. usque ad convallem iilustrem. Die LXX 
kniipfen bei m^C wie 22, 2 bei n^"1lJ0 an n^'l an, also: weitbin 
siebtbar, oder: wober man weitsehen kann: booh. Aquila: 
xaTa^av^i; ebenso Symm. t^J^ STrratrfo^. Aucb nannten die 
Samaritaner den Ort ibres Tempels, entsprecbend dem Morija 
der Judaer, ebenfalls More (den Ort des Scbauens) 1t^V2 
NTTD, und so ist in T. Jer. zu unserer Stelle: n^^C Hin*, wober 
die Belebrung gekommen, wie eine der Deutungen von Moria 
lautet: Ber. r. 55. Qh^yh PIN^T nxnini^ Cipc. 

Cap. 13 V. 10. cniiO px:: ^"^ pr 6$ 6 ^copaSewjo? freoO 
xai; dieses xa( ist distributiv und entspricbt der Deutung 
in B. r.; Sodom glicb dem Paradiese an Baumwucbs, und 
dem Lande Agypten an Saatfrucbt; so aucb Targ. Jer. 

Cap. 14 V. 5. Cn2 D^nm I&vy] {(jxupot 4jxa a^ToTi; C^DT 
ist als Appellativum genommen, wie Ber. r. J\T\21 H^nVT, die 
Glanzenden unter ibnen*, Targ Jeruscb. wie Ber. r. und wie 
LXX. Die Vulg. nimmt C^ni als Volksname und cr\2 wie 
LXX. et Zuzim cum eis. 

Cn'^'^p nVi:'2, b SauTJ t^ ;c6Xsi ist nicbt nacb Friankel 

eine sorglose und oberfl'dcblicbe tjbersetzung, sondern giebt 

die Deutung Ber. r und Targ. Jer. II wieder, welcbe *p als 

Appellativum nebmen zu r^B^. Dagegen ist die IJbersetzung 

Kohttt, Semitio Stadiei. 11 



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162 Jttli^ Furet. 

von ^p'^oyn mc* "yz mit Tcavra^ tou^ ip^ovro^ allerdings eine 
Sorglosigkeit 

V. 7. eeiTG py ^^TQY*i^ ^i? xptoM*c> LXX geben hier ent- 
weder die Auslegong dee Midr. r,, der Zweck des Kriegs- 
zugd gegen Sodom sei eigentlich gegen Abram gerichtet ge- 
wesen, welefaer Gericht tlbte, sie wollten das Auge der (py) 
Web blenden, welches Gericht ubte; oder wahrscheinlicher 
eine andere Auslegong, welche Baschi und Targ. Jer. geben, 
^sie kamen an den Ort, wo an Moses Gericht geiibt 
ward wegen der Quelle am Haderwasser. 

Cap. 15 V. 2. n"iy l^n ^r^to, dcwcXtiofJiai, entsprechend 
Targ. Jer. I «cSy p T^V und Targ. Jer. II Hchy liC h'^t^, 
ich gehe dahin, sterbe. 

V. 11. C"13N CHN DlT'n xal (Xtivcxdc&MTsv a6ToT<; 'A(3pi[x; die 
LXX lasen, wie R. Asaria in Ber, r. C^^{ 2Z*J^ „wenn deine 
Kinder Leichen sein werden ohne Sehnen und G^beine, wird 
dein Verdienst ihnen belstehen'^. So auch Targ. Jer. I 
J\r?by nUC cn"12X"l mnci nin^ „und das Verdienst Abrahams 
schiitzet sie^, sitzt schfitzend mit oder bei ihnen. S. auch 
Geiger, Urschr.y 457. 

V. 14. 1"I2P IITN, & £dtv ^ouXeudwdi. Dieses £av, inVer- 
bindung mit dem Vorhergehenden Ti Si Ibyo^ soil andeuten. 
dass die 400 Jahre sich nicht auf die Sklaverei allein be- 
Ziehen, und dass Gott auch die andem unterdnickenden 
Volker strafen werde; so Ber. r. nVZ^C n ni21^ cr, und 
Raschi. 

V. 15. 12pn Tpa(p6((;, Schreibfehler fur TaysCg, wie Frankel 
schon bemerkt. 

Cap. 16 V. 13 scheint im Urtext eine Anderung vor- 
genommen, um das Schauen Gottes durch Menschen zu ver- 
wischen, da solche Ausdriicke der Unkorperlichkeit Gottes 
zu widerstreiten scheinen mochten; jedenfalls wollte man 
dem Missverstandnis beim Volke vorbeugen. Auch ist bei 
der Fassung unsres Textes nicht abzusehen, wie ^rh motivirt 
ist. Vielleicht lautete die urspriingliche Lesart C^H^N CiH 
>m"l ^nm ^H^NI. Davon scheint auch in Ber. r zur Stelle eine 
Spur zu sein: „Siehe den Unterschied der Kraft bei den 
Friiheren von der der Spateren. Manoach sagte zu seinem 
Weibe: „wir milssen sterben, weil wir Gott geschaut haben", 
und Hagar sah funf Engel nach einander^ und hat sich nicht 



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Sparen der pal&stioisoh-jiidiscfaen Schriftdeatung. Ig3 

gefiirchtet". Auch class die Siebzig C^H, ebenso wie ^n^ mit 
^vcimov iibersetzen, zeigt, dass im ersten Teil des Verses 
ebenfalls der Begriff ^Leben'^ ausgedriickt war. 

Auch das Wort in Ber. r. „Nicht genug, dass ich einen 
Engel gesehen habe, wahrend ich bei meiner Herrin war, 
habe ich ihn auch gesehen, als meine Herrin ihn nicht ge- 
sehen", setzt '»n'»{<n C^n^« D:n voraus. 

Cap. 17 V. 1. HB' h^ 6 b^6<; doo. Weil in hi< und 6»e6? 
schon der BegriflF „AUmacht" enthalten ist (Frankel, S. 29), 
iibersetzen die LXX Htt* hi< mit 6 &s6^ <tou „dein Schutz- 
gott", so auch Exod. 6, 3. Ber. r. 46. Tn TH^K ^:«tr T^T 

im::D ^:ni5^ ^o^iy^ in vrh^ >:«<rr 'i2b)vh in i:nr:& ^^nb^. Es 

liegt in dieser Auslegung zugleich die Betonung der Einheit 
Gottes. So auch Raschi: nn2 ^2^ '•nm^M n i:-'»B^ «Tn ^:«. 
An anderen Stellen ist es mit lxav6c, xavroxpocTcop wieder- 
gegeben. Nach Ber. r. 46 hatte es Aquila iibersetzt DVD2N 
DipONi, nach Frankel Ixavo^ von Kohut berichtigt in i(T)[ijpbi 
xat Ixavoc. 

V. 14 ist eingeschaltet „am achten Tage", ein antiphari- 
saischer Zusatz, namlich die Meinung, dass unter keiner Be- 
dingung die Circumcision diirfte aufgeschoben werden; so 
auch der Samaritaner. (S. Geiger, Nachgel. Schriften, Bd. 3 
S. 286.) 

In V. 16 ist n^riDIDI corrigirt in vnD")21, s. Geiger, 
Urschr.y S. 458, so auch Th. Jer. n'':^21DX1. 

V. 20. Wenn C^X^B'i mit £6^ iibersetzt ist, so ist dem 
Sinne nach iibersetzt: 12 Fiirsten sammt Volkem werden 
von ihm abstammen; es ist synonym mit C^cy ^D"?© in v. 16. 

Das am Ende von v. 27 bei den LXX weggelassene IHN i^C3 
scheint in unsrem Texte ursprunglich nicht gestanden zu 
haben, wie es in der That iiberfliissig ist, und v. 16 und 17 
bilden nur einen Vera. 

Cap. 18. ^J^^c, Kupie, nach Baba Mezia 86: „Als Elieser, 
hinausgesendet, keinen Freroden drausseu sah, ging Abraham 
selbst hinaus, und sah den Allheiligen, das ist die Be- 
deutung des Wortes: gehe du doch nicht voriiber vor deinem 
Knechte. Ebenso Schebuoth 35. cn-)2«D cniCNH mciT bz 

HDODn bna '121 znp ni p|n 'oi ^:n« -ic«^^ ^in «inc^ rwz fin np 
'in ^:tn -)c«<>i icx^b^ n:^rr '»:® n^sprio ]^nni« und femer 

Sabbath 126 : „ Anders ist die Eigenschaft GotteS als die der 

11* 



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164 Julius Furst. 

Menschen. Bei Menschen darf der Geringe nicht zum Vor- 
nehmen sagen: warte anf raich, bis ich za dir komme; aber 
zu Gott sagte Abraham : gehe doch nicht voriiber vor deinem 
Knechte u. s. w." So tibersetzen die 70 hier immer, wenn 
auch ncN^l steht, die Einzahl: auf Gott bezogen. 

V. 4. isn"l\ vt^ccTwcyav, andere Panctation: l^yt^Tl^ xa- 
Ta^J^ulJaTc, dem Sinne nach iibersetzt 

V. 10. ^nn« Nim o5(ya Sitwrfrev aOToO. Die 70 haben hier 
richtig ton als Femininum tibersetzt, wie durchg&ngig in 
der alten Sprache das Wort commune ist, und man punktirte 
desshalb an vielen Stellen Nin in spftterer Zeit. In den 
anderen Btichem ausser dem Pentateuch iinderte man in 
solchen Fallen «in in N^n. Hier in unsrer Stelle ist die 
Feminin-Punktation unterblieben, und doch kann offenbar nur 
das Femininum (Sara) passen* Es scheint kaum, dass man 
absichtlich hier die Anderung der Punktation unterlassen. In 
dieser Verlegenheit helfen sich Ber. r. und nach ihm Th. Jer. 
und Raschi durch die Erklarung: Ismael (der gamicht er- 
wkhnt ist) stand hinter dem Engel (statt: sie war hinter ihm, 
Sara war hinter dem Engel, wie die 70 richtig wiedergeben). 
Eine andre Auskunft in Ber. r« ist: der Engel, merkend, dass 
Licht von ihr ausging, schaute hinter sich. Diese Erklfirung 
zeigt eine Ahnung des Richtigen: der Engel blickte hinter 
sich zu Sara: also sie war hinter ihm. 

V. 12. ^n'?2 nn« oStcw |i£v [lot Y^Y^vfiv £«og toO vOv. Hier 
bat Geiger (Urschrift, 415ff.) den Grund der geanderten 
Wiedergabe geniigend erklart und nachgewiesen, dass in 
Megilla 9 bei Anfiihnmg des Verses, den die 70 anders tiber- 
setzt, HD^pD Tl'W pnsni eben nur die oben angeftthrten Worte 
gemeint sind, nicht der Anfang des Verses. 

V. 19. vby 13-1 ntr«, iXoik. 7cp6(; a6T6v. Dies ist offen- 
bar das Richtige. Ber. r. findet eine Auskunft fur vhv not- 
wendig; das V*^y woUe sagen, dass wer einen Sohn hinter- 
lassen, der Thora studire, sei nicht als gestorben zu be- 
trachten. 

V. 21. njnN t6 C«1 r\b2 irry, <rovTeXoOvTat. tl ll (li), tva Yv6i. 
Siehe daniber Geiger, Urschrift, 336 ff., welcher ausfiihrt, 
dass die urspriingliche Lesart war njHXl t<h CX 'D 'JJ. Th. 
Jer. I imd Jer. II geben diese Lesart und nehmen ny"l«<l H^D IBV 



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SpnreD der pal&stlnisch-judisohen Schriftdeutung. 165 

wie die 70, verbinden aber damit auch die andere Erklftrang. 
wonach Tt^2 Nachsatz ist, und Veraichtung bedeutet; auch 
njnN ist dort in der Bedeutung: wissen. Th. Jer. I sagt: 
ob nach ihi*em zu mir gedrungenen Gescbrei sie voll- 
standig gethan haben, sind sie schuldig (D^D also doppelt 
iibersetzt); und wenn sie Busse thun, seien sie rein vor mir, 
als wenn ich es nicht wiisste, und ich werde nicht strafen 
(ll]ni< ebenfalls doppelt iibersetzt; ebenso Th. Jer. II und 
Onkelos). So auch Ber. r.: „Gott hat ihnen den Weg der 
Busse er5ffhet: haben sie v oils tan dig so gethan, sind sie 
des Untergangs schuldig, und wo nicht, will ich an ihnen 
wissen lassen (kund thun) die Gerechtigkeit. 

V. 25. nv»ryD 1^ n^^^n, [jLY)5a|j.G(; (rt 7con^<Tti(;. Die naive 
Ausdrucksweise des Textes fand sp^ter Anstoss ; daher Aboda 
sara 10 und Ber. r. H^^^n erklart wird lib MH p^in „das ist 
dir unheilig^ das thust du nicht"; oder: 1^ fcOH N^")D „das ist 
ausserhalb von dir, fern Von dir". So iibersetzt auch Th. 
Jer. 'p Nin p"?in. Onkelos geht noch weiter, und ubersetzt 

■i2yD'?D i:n p:>N xtcnp, und auch das 2; Mai i:n pr« t<^\:np, 

„wahrhaft sind deine Gerichte, du thuest nicht dergleichen". 

Cap. 19 V. 2. "»:-;« W r\T\, l8o6, xuptoi nach der Punkta- 

tion und nach Schebuoth 35: fin h^r\ ^t>2 cniDNn mcc' hj 

^^-iN w h^ avht< ^^h ncN^ ':ir inp winr htc. 

V. 16. ncnDn''t. xol JTopaxQ^^rav gemass der Erklarung 
des Wortes in Ber. r. Jincn inx jinon. 

V. 18. ''ilN «: ^«, J£o|l.a^ xtipts, s, Vers 2. 

V. 33 u. 35. ncip^l r\22W2, h t© xotfiYia^vat aSxiv x. 
tG ivowrrtlvau Die 70 haben das suffixum masc. In Nasir 
23 ist angemerkt. dass das 1 in HDIpDI mit einem Punkt be- 
zeichnet sei. Ein solcher Punkt bedeutet, dass die Lesart 
streitig sei ; vielleicht soUte es heissen IDIpDI ID^lt^D. Freilich 
ist der Punkt nur auf dem ^ des letzten Wortes und nur in 
diesem Vers; der eine Punkt geniigte aber, um dem Zweifel 
liber nD2C^2 und fiber die gleichen Worte in v. 35 Ausdruck 
zu geben. Denn wahrscheinlich ist nicht die voile oder 
defective Schreibung der Anstoss gewesen. 

Cap. 20 V. 4. annn P^TK ca ^^T\, efrvot; iyvooOv xa\ Sbtatov 
iTcoXeife. Hier hat Geiger Urschr.j 365 die urspriingliche 
Lesart a^nn p^^ CT\ hergestellt, und die Griinde der 



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166 Julias Fiirst. 

Anderang, sowie der Ubersetzung (resp. Einfiigung von 
iyvooOv) angegeben; auch nachgewiesen, dass ^3 in dem 
spfttereii Sinn als pccy "ID eingefiigt ist. 

In Makkoth 9 sagt R. Jonathan, dass Abimelech nicht 
unschuldig gewesen, da er nicht zu fragen hatte, ob es seine 
Frau oder seine Schwester sei. 



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The oldest version of Midrash Megillah 

published for the first time from a unique manuscript 
of the X*^ century 

by 
Rev. Dr. M. Qtuiter, 

Chief Rabbi of the Spanish and Portuguese Congregations of England. 



The history of the miraculous delivery in the times of 
Haman and Mordecai held a prominent place in the affec- 
tion of the people, during all the years of dispersion and 
persecution. It was constantly almost contemporary history, 
and conveyed to the people the message of comfort and con- 
solation, of which they stood so much in need in those 
periods of dire hatred and threatening danger. Hence the 
innumerable versions of Agadic interpretations and Midra- 
shim to this special book, which have come down to us, and 
which surpass by far the number of Midrashim to any 
other book of the Bible, the Song of Songs not excepted. 

In reprinting the extremely scarce edition of Constan- 
tinople 1519, Ch. M. Horowitz added to it not only a very 
valuable commentary, in which he referred to the sources 
and parallels to this version, but also an elaborate introduc- 
tion dealing with the various then known Midrashim and 
Targumim to the book of Esther. Since then, the indefa- 
tigable Buber has published the other Midrashim which were 
known only to exist in manuscripts, and has enriched his 
edition with the usual literary apparatus, which distinguishes 
his editions so favourably. 

Another addition is made now by me by the discovery 
of the text which I am publishing here for the first 
time, in the volume intended to mark the high esteem 



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168 M. Gaster. 

and the great appreciation in which Dr. Kohut was held by 
the world of letters, and to express the feeling of the great 
loss which Jewish science has suffered by the untimely de- 
mise of the author of the ^Aruch completum''. It is a small 
mite which I contribute to the memory of the man who had 
made the Midrash his own domain, and who would have de- 
lighted in this new find. 

The text which appears here for the first time, is taken 
from my Codex hebr. No. 83. It is a quarto volume, com- 
posed of various Midrashim, most of which, if not all, are to- 
tally unknown. The various portions which go to make up 
this volume, were written by different hands at various ti- 
mes, but all in the East. The portion which contains our 
Midrash, although placed at the end of the volume, owing 
no doubt to the carelessness of an ignorant binder, is in 
fact the oldest document, and judging by the peculiar form 
of writing and by the archaic style of paper and type of 
letters, it must be assigned to the ninth or tenth century. 
Dr. Neubauer, than whom there is now no greater authority 
in hebrew palaeography, agrees with me, in assigning so 
high an antiquity to this Ms. It is thus the oldest Ms. extant 
of any Midrash, and deserves as such, great consideration. 

The great antiquity of this version is demonstrated by 
the text itself, especially when compared with the other 
known versions. In fact its simplicity and the Talmudic 
elements contained therein, enable us to study the growth 
and development of these Midrashim, in countries outside 
ol Palestine. 

We have here the archetype of the Midrash to Esther, 
which in all the other texts has gi-adually been embellished 
by borrowing from every available source, in homiletical 
literature Haggadoth of various origins were successively 
added to the old stock, and thus there exists an internal con- 
nection between these diverse texts, which, however, differ 
from almost every one separately. The individuality of the 
compiler, the literature at his disposal, the surroundings and 
other circumstances which had more actuality for his hea- 
rers or readers, are reflected in each of these versions suf- 
ficiently clearly, to enable us to discover by its form, the date 
and local origin of each text. 



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Tbe oldest version of Midrash Megillah. 169 

As has been already remarked, we have in this text 
probably the oldest form of the Midrash to Esther, following 
upon the close of the Talmnd, and based, I am inclined to 
say, exclusively on it. Should this be the Case, and I have 
no reason to doubt it, judging by nine tenth of its contents, 
we may incidentally also learn something about the literary 
tradition of the Talmud. As it will be seen, not a few 
very characteristic legends which are in our Midrash, will 
be looked for in vain in the Talmud. It is not impossible 
that the author of this compilation may have had access 
also to other sources, from which he took those legends, but as 
the bulk is evidently borrowed from the Talmud, it is much 
more likely that also the other portions were borrowed from 
the same source. These were afterwards excluded from our 
text of the Talmud for the same reasons for which many 
more were left out in later times: vie, the fear of giving 
umbrage to captious readers. 

The home of this text, judging by the peculiarities 
which distinguish it, seems to be Babylon or Persia. Amoni; 
other things we find that special stress is laid on Niddah 
(cf. C. I. V. 12; II. V. 9) A prominent place is assigned in 
this text to Daniel. Two legends are related which, as 
far as I have been able to ascertain, are not to be found 
elsewhere. Thus in Cap. I. v. 12. where Vashti refuses to 
obey the command of Ahasvero§ out of hatred to Daniel, 
and again C. IV. v. 5, where he is identified with the "Sa- 
risim" of the Prophet Isaiah (LVI, 4); a peculiar rea- 
son is given for that mutilation. (As remote pai*allels, but 
by mo means similar, cf. Tr. Sanhedrin, fol. 93b; Pirke de 
R. EUezer, end of chap. 52; and Yalkut Machiri ad loc, p. 
213.) None of these are foimd in the Talmud. Proselytes 
seem to be viewed favourably by the author of this version. 
The legend of "Bithyah" daughter of Pharoah (II, 5) and 
the handmaids of Esther whom she is said to have conver- 
ted to Judaism are mentioned. The latter also has no other 
parallel in ancient literature! That Haman should have sold 
himself as a slave to Mordecai in the desert, where he was 
dying of hunger, is again one of the legends peculiar to this 
text. I have a faint recollection of having seen or read this 
legend somewhere, but have not been able to discover it 



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170 M. Gaster. 

again. Remarkable is further the interpretation of Ps. 
X, 16 and Ps. XXXHI, 10 (C. lU, 9) which is placed in 
the mouth of Haman to mean prayers against the other 
nations. In the mediaeval revival of the ancient calumny, 
I have thus far not found it based upon these verses of the 
Psalms. 

Twice direct reference is made to the Talmud in I, 12 
and IV, 11, both under the form: "Megillath Gemara''. 

The subject is treated, as in all the Midrashim, by con- 
stantly heaping various interpretations on one and the same 
verse, each commencing with: N*n. There is no special 
prooemion, nor other introduction, as is the case for instance 
in the Midrash Rabba. 

This much concerning the text proper, which, as will 
be seen by the accompanying notes, was by no means 
unknown to later compilers. The copy which we have here 
is therefore undoubtedly not the origmal but a later trans- 
scription of an older original. As this copy belongs, in every 
probability, to the IXth, or latest, the Xth century, we may 
assume a much higher antiquity for the original We shall 
not be far from wrong, if under these considerations we as- 
sume it to have been composed about the Vllth or Vlllth 
century, not very long after the close of the Babylonian 
Talmud. 

The Ms. is written, as already remarked, in a very ar- 
chaic hand. The character of the script is Syriac-rabbinic, 
big bold letters, written on oriental thick paper. 7x5 with 19 
lines on each page, and on the average 7 words on each line. 
A second and somewhat later hand has added a number of mar- 
ginal glosses in Persian. These, and the fact that I have 
obtained this manuscript from central Persia, the ancient 
Babylon, prove the local Persian origin of this manuscript. 
With the exception probably of my "Tittled Pentateuch", 
which so far is the oldest copy of the Pentateuch extant, 
(Vnith or IXth century) this manuscript of the Midrash 
Megillah is the oldest specimen of Hebrew writing from that 
part of the world. I regret that I am not able to add a 
photographic facsimile of the original. 

I reproduce the text exactly as it stands in the Ms. 
On more than one occasion vowelpoints have been added to 



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The oldest version of Midi-ash Megillah. 171 

the text. It is difficult to determine whether these have 
been added by the first writer or by a later hand. I am 
more inclined to ascribe them to the second source. I 
have not omitted to put them also in my copy. They are 
peculiar and point to a pronunciation which was ctUTcnt in 
Persia. I have ascertained this fact from comparison with 
other Hebrew texts of Persian origin^ which have a similar 
form of vocalisation. The Persian glosses have also been 
reproduced here. They are with one exception, merely ver- 
bal renderings and require no further translation into Eng- 
lish. That however to VI, 1, being of an explanatory cha- 
racter, has been translated by me. I have further added 
the indication of the chapters and verses of all the Biblical 
references. 

In footnotes, which I have striven to reduce to the 
shortest form, without impairing their completeness, I have 
given all the parallels available. I start with the Talmud 
and refer then to the following versions of the Midrash to 
Esther. 

I. Buber: vijs, his edition of 1) Abba Gorion; (nSD 
«<m:Nn, Wilna 1886, p. 1 — 42.) mere reference to Buber 
means this text A 1 is the text published by Buber under 
the title of 'N HDi: cnnx C'»:s WUC (ibid. p. 45—51). A 2 is 
the other published by him as '2 HDi: cnnx D^:t miD (ib. 
p. 55 — 82). Lekah Tob, is the fourth text published by 
Buber {ibid. p. 85 — 112) and refers to that edition. In each 
case I quote the page, as the passages can there be found 
under the same verse as in our text 

II. Horowitz: is the reprint of the very scarce edition 
of Constantinople 1519 with notes and an introduction (rn:iN 
nnafr<, I, Berlin 1881, p. 47 — 75). As these notes and those 
of Buber cover the whole field of literary references, it would 
have been superfluous to reproduce them in this place. I 
have pointed out only those that throw some light on our 
text Further reference has been made to the Midrash Es- 
ther in the Rabba collection. Chapter and § mean the 
chapters and smaller subdivisions introduced into the modem 
editions of the Rabba. 

As desiderata I have left those, not unfrequent passa- 
ges, for which I have thus far, not been able to find 



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172 M. Gaster. 

the source or the parallel, and I trust that others may suc- 
ceed in filling up the lacuna I was forced to leave, and com- 
plete the literary history of the oldest Midrash to the Book 
of Esther. 

One point is still to be noted, and that is, the writing 
or rather the spelling of the Ineffable name of God in this 
text, which is equally characteristic and one proof more of 
its antiquity. It is written ^V instead of n^n\^) This is the 
orthography retained by the Karaites, who, as is well 
known, hail originally from that country. This spelling is no 
less instructive for the history of the writing of the name 
of God in various countries and at various times. I am en- 
gaged in a special study of this spelling, which I trust will 
prove a valuable aid, for determining the epoch and place 
of writing of Hebrew manuscripts. Suffice it to state, that 
this writing is the very oldest that obtained in Babylon and 
ancient Persia, although it may be of Palestinian origin. 

Another no less interesting point is the absence of any 
parallel with the second Targum to Esther, which, as well 
known, is of comparatively late, and moreover, Palestinian 
origin. It was probably inaccessible or unknown to the au- 
thor of our text. This might be adduced as a further proof 
of the Babylonian origin of this text. 



*) [This spelling, as also the following forms : '^>, 'i>, may be found 
in all Yemen Mss. On a Babylonian cup, inscribed with magic formulae, 
recently discovered, three Jods are used. See on this point and others in 
the same connection , Kohut's Mansur al - Dhamans J^it*JI ^'r-*** 
(New York 1892), p. 15, n. 3; his |%Xi-l ,^-«a^^ (JUaif )y^ Light of 

Shade dt Ijomp of Wisdom by ^athanel Ibn Yeshftya [1327], 

(New York 1894), p. 26; and especially Steinschneider's article: "Abbreviatur 
des Tetragrammatons durch drei Jod", in Monatsschrift, Neue Folge^ vol. 
40. (1896) p. 130-4. (>. A. K.] 



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♦<.st?aa «rno f. 265b. 

''D''D \Ti .ntffp ]*wh tSn M''i TNI n-)iB'nN '•©'•a %ti aiPD I, 1. 
M''! (Ruth. 1,1) D''DDwn DiDB^ ''D''2 M'^'i .ymn jon .th Bn-»wnN 
]iT N*? ^v -^CN^". (Gen. VI, 2) Dn!? dinh bnn ^d m^i (1, 1) oy-) 
non^o iB^y (Gen. XIV, 1) h^^cn ^c^ M'*-. (Gen. VI, 3) .din2 ^nn 
.r.-.N^o vj'^y njHDri pns'' ]p "d m''- (Gen. XIV, 2) diid i^o jn2 pn 266 a. 
TN. vjiiN r^N NB^ri (Gen.XXXIX,2) ^Di'' tn -"V ^^^^ (Gen.XXVn,l) 
'•1'' \T'i (Exod.XIII, 17) .DM^N on: Nt>i njnD n^nco nti (v. 7.) ..TJ'^y 
'•n^i (Jos. VII, 1) .D-^ro b^-^jtr ^ja i^yo^i (Jos. VI, 27) yen.T nw 
iRN r»N NT I (v. 5) .nom njo 'vi (I. Sam. 1, 1) cnonn ]o irn b^'^n 
.^NiDB' jpT ^z '•n'»i (Judg. XIII, 1) .mb'» n^^ n")py inc^Ni njnsra 
h'zvro I'^D-)! b^ in \ti (v. 3) .1^3-^12 vj2 iD^n n!?i (L Sam. V, 1) 
(L Sam. XVni, 9) .in ^^e j^^y y.NC^ m^t (1. Sam. XVm, 14) 
.n2n nj3n n^ nnN pn (II. Sam. VII, 1) ir^aa i^n air ^d nti 
DTB^Di Dipo D-)N (Is, VII, 1) THN ^D-'a NT*"! (I. Kings, VIII, 19) 
y^tin TN T^Ni (Jerem. I, 3) D^p'»in'» '•D''a M'»i (Is. IX, 11) .trnd 
•ma mnN Nsran nti Nyonc' c'lpo bac (Jer. IV, 23) .imr njni 
M^i 'JB^ .-T'j^y D njpj (Gen. XXXJX, 3) ^-^ur^n i^jiin naa nt'i 

.(ib. V. 10) 'ji Dv Dv ^Dv ^N niaiD 

ia ij^yo N'l .DH^aN i^d'-^ni jv^ai p^no in^^ (Ruth I, 1) 
pr]ti ^y HNae^ msi ne^p Iik6 (Levit. EX, 1) ''rown uv2 nt'i 266 b. 
^y my nsa .kti-jbtin ^©""a ^ti p loa .Tija '•jb^ inoK^ 
Tjr. n«'»pn^ id^d .th nac^ dt* (^^y^ac^n o-^'a ^"0^2 ^Nir* 10. 
.raBQ naN^ ina nrK^y) niony ]D''17D.Ti ^N-^Bn^c^ nT.i:a nytcnn 
mu no ..T!?y -^nj ib^n tni nnc^y ■)B'n tni '•m tn ■)aT (II, 1) '2\ff 



S Cf. Tr. MegUlah f. 10 b v. Petihata to Esther Rab. No. 11 and 
fpv n« ; Baber, ufrrtjun nsD p. 55, n. 4. This text here seems the most complete, 
agrees more closely with Talmud than Midrash; cf. also Number Rabb. 
ch. X § 11. 

») Cf. Tr. Megillah f. 12 b, but shorter. Ed. Horowitz, p. 60, n. 32; 
Targum Esther I. 10. 



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174 '"^Jo rrto 

nenDnttfJK^ b'-DBQ .mo -ujd mo .naeo nc^ny :i"!vni? n^^v nuj niuj 
TNI noNj 13^ .noiiv rac'D nj")nj n'^h ^n ,r3BQ nony '^Nnep^c' irpriB^ja 

nDbon iNom (1, 10) /ji i"2 I'ron 2b sidd 'jb? .did n^- ncp hm id^ 
HNjiB' nnMB^ lav .onai ""jb^ ^'•dbo .it^on -)did hjx^d no^ .^pb'i 
267 a. "is:iDi3:^B^ ir3 nnM (\-^B't) s-^njff ip.in-i^ n^o^ nn%-i n!?^ n'y ^n^j-i^ 
'•jB'm .HNiDj nnn h^dn^ -)3TBf .msv ^N^jibr v-i3i b}f h^dn ro^ci 
.nmj i^non^ nb^^" nn'^n n^i nm: nipo nnDJB^ b^^ttn .nobn N^rr 
mjDT .''INID jmj I'.DB'b !?^<lBn niJD nn:D nn^n n^b' "n^yD nn 
INoni -iDNj ni ^y .^-^ja .1:00 y^w napni -iroa r.noB^ vn ^n-^b^ 

DTD NJM1 ^NIB^^ '•DDH I^N C^ODR^ it^On "ICN''1 (12) 'Ji TBT nr^on 
.rO^JSO "i^DNi m-l.TD 'ON nr^HB' (^.n-.T B^^N 11,5 (I)NnDJ r^JD3 

N^ n%-;^ r^^< (^n'i ..idS-idi nnira ^nib^^ ""j^y n-^NnBr (^.i^'n^ p 
niDya iddb' ^'•dbq n-.n^ ".ob^ s'sp: no^i hd "iddi n-^i r[i2];b ninrrn 
niT msyD -^ddb^ n^y Nipjr n^y 'j^sx d.-iidnd u'^sd idb^ .rpi 
HN-^p:! .Ty '1 HB^o^ nHjr nyiD ro n^ras irsra pi yBnn inoj^r 

267 b. .nni.-iM •PB'N''. 'JB' .n^D{<e^B^ rrw nnayD niDDr ^^SB^a nnin^ 

HT ^'•a^i N'D^ '•JN^^B' ny^-) b'^urw '•o nSpn idn (I. Chron., IV, 18) 
n"]) *^ rwffr^b n'^^'sriB^ ,r\}nii ra n^a .it nm '•di (^^nth to jnsh 
iPB^i 'JB^ .T'DNt^r mr mayD hiddb^ ^''2bq nn-n^ nN-)pj'i iniN nb-ij". 
1^0 jNyn HT ^^^'•1 N'3'' '»:ns^b' nyii t>^snB^ ''d n'apn idn .nm.Tn 
"•jDOi .ion'5 Bniirnx •t'd nin ]siir[ rt^ "^^tv ^ob nb^jpi N-an 2NTn 
: njiD^ p 3b^ .nT2 rxr: '•o^i .'•s-no .th .t:2 
(fipN m j-^n &hs rc'^^ib ni.T HB^y no "ni ni.T* b^n n't 
••D-nDa jon N:pn: n^ n-^: p ^yoB' [IT^? "'^^ Persian gloss] 
'•yoB' Jin N^B' in nB^yo b-'i^t^i ""Tin^ b^n Nip: id^i ijd p NinB' 

nMB^ b''DBQ '•J^c B^w lOB^ Nip: no^ [read: '•i^D'* b^n] mn'' b^'^n n't 
•l^on ^'*Nr b\t; nn nMi td^jd ddbhd nM nij p '•yor^ .^cja ddb^d 

268 a. N2 N^ .JJN TN b^^^ Jin •t'l'?^ {ibid.) '':''0^ b^n p:^o'' b^n Nip: iD^i 

nMB' nBryoi : '•:''0'' b^'-n .ion: id*? '•dudd N:pn: n^i D'7"iyb yenn ion 
1112 ayi:"! yBon jon loy nMi 1112 i^.n nMi n^jn cy n?U ••dud 



*) No parallel for this passage, down to II, 5. 

») Tr. Megillah f. 32 b. 

^ Ed. Horow. p. 63. 

*) Cf. Tr. Megillah 13a; v. Esther R. ch. VI, § 4; and ed. Horow. I. 
but all much shorter. 

^) In the Talmud a different argument is used. 

«) Cf. Tr. Megillah /. c. 



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-tVjd mo 175 

"•D Nsra N^i n:nDn bji Dnt> jon K^pD '•jb^ c^ .Dn^ i^ pji .cn^ ^b 
^r^ ^DiiD 1^ 1DN n^HNB^ nD cn^ ""^ jr. ^b icn .-d-hd c^ ck 

TKO '•'"sn HN r]2p |on i^ noN nnN idd2 in'» tn njpN o-no ^b "icn 
roTo^ nottf i'?:-) hv stdn .'•mo i^ idn •hiidd tbo v»n n:p .nnsD 
b''2\m^ .'•Dnio^ lay Nncn p ]Dnv ".^Ji ^y 2nr : Sirr it> ion .ypyp 
TN jch M^"i 7. : n-n^ r^N -idw p^ .'•D-nc^ pn t^2pn iDin ni 
N^N ra^ H'^pr ^n .ra^ "^ onio (^nnp*? hdni iTdn tiddi nonn 
rriN nfcDD dn ""d b pN kh^i 'jb^ .din^b' tb^n n-.h no". .rD^ 
(II. Sam. Xn, 3) {^rob ^b Mni ddb^p ip'^nai nrB^n ".dodi "^DNn ipdd 268 b. 
nD rnyj yDB^ n^ jr: (^n^ rn'? n^iNin nnyjn vdb' pni 9. 
(*N'i .Nin nPN r^B^ dv dhd tdpb^ nD yisB^n ^o^ ona n^pnr 
'•D''D nnDB^n jp-n^ hjdd npMr .n'? pp'? pi^'nih pny:n ^db^ pni 
p^B^^B^ni .''jc^' n'^JB^m .p^Ni di'' hpin N'lip n^iB^Nin r]^n^ •yiDB^n 
pi^iNin pny:n pim pn i n"! : nysB' ly id .t^** pt^ihi .^b^^b^ 
rup^ro nPMi •mto '•^ys vnr n^ pp^ pvinih n-.h no .n*? pp^ 
VHB' .nb pp.^ pviNin iDNJ p^ .npij '•d^ pi'^dd nj'o npMi .coy 

t.TDD nb p-.Ni 
DPiN ni''UT pmn^ N^'HB^ DPtN Hyninr rr d'^ddr noN i-yi 

:nt> ppt> pviNin my2n yDB^ pni idnj 1^5 "^^"^55 
Hj ino .NP-ion p ?on pn BniiB^nN i^on ^nj rhsn cnsnn ihn HI, 1 

linPBT'BmD I^B^ D^HH Plltf JHD HMB' D^^ia^O 1^ Hryi D^SS (•'^•hjB^ 

.1^ .THPrO ''D-no .TH N^ (^HD^I .'J1 l^DH Hj 1CNJ ID^ ^b 269 a. 

ria^ Ninr '?''3BQ inNi .iiDy nihb' ^''dbo ihn .cnDi '•jb' •?''dbo 
: mnPBn n^i yiD^ n*? '•dudi .idnj id^ .hit mny pi's jhd b^b^ DnjD 

^D". .'•D-HD Dy .^I'DDI (''TIS^ ^21103 1^ m'?B''? VJ^yS D^l (6.). 

: Dn'in''n ta •pjiddi .'•dhid^ pon jnr D'-ODnn ".^n .'•diid cy on 
-nN m''3 T.D lb ^DJB^ r\v2 (SpiHui niD '?''Dnb ^'•npn (7.) 
yBnn joni .Dioy p 'a pdb' ni^a -iid '•b b^2 •idni nbiu nnoB^ noB^ 
ion iDN (8) .t'NiB^^b nyiBr» nnosi Diay p ibij idb' ]nv hm n^ 

») Tr. Megillah f. 13 a. 

*) In Bible: ns:. 

') iftid.; V. Targom ad loc, 

*) No parallels for all the rest up to III, 1. 

*) Cf. Pirke de R. Eliezer ch. 50; Esther rabb, ch. 7 No. 6. (ad he) 
Ed. Horow. p. 64 (Targum Esther III, v. 2.) ; cf. Buber p. 46. (A. 1). 

•) In this form BO parallels. 

Tr. Megillah 13 b. 

*) ibid. I c; cf. Lekah Tob ed. Buber p. 99. — ib, p. 100. Horow. 
p. 65 (more elaborate in the last 2 places). 



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176 -tSjio mo 

]rr DN1 .it>Dn ttd ]ny\o jmc^ ijj''2 thn hd^n tr •(^Bn-^ieriN tVd^ 
.DH^B' p"* D1D2 yjij nrN DN1 .i:"D pniB' p^N iriD^D '•Hn Dnt> ]rr\ 

TN PD''^BTD ,inN 312T ^•3'' DNI .iniN pDIB^ N^N TIN ]^r\Mff ]2^^ 

269 b. "^K''''* DN nryi .rioiNn ^dd j'^jibtd jn raini .^nt rv< rnn aiDin 

'jr DT}Nt> SPD^ 31D iTcn by dn (9) 'jb^ .ni2t6 ntn ^b jrn .TJ'ys 
D^^'^yiD d:^n '•2 .Dib ]nD '{n^bD ■)Dnr ndb' i^on ^jiin idn^ (^^ni 
j:''N !?nD IN -iDw rn irn dho njor dn ''•dni •non^oD iniD^oa 

(Ps. XXXlil,'lO) 'Ji Ti^y -i^DH ^v iiyi (Ps. X, 16) /.riND d^ij 
cym "it^ prj ^iddh 'Jt& it> j^jipj on nn ennirnN it>Dn ^^dn t^ 
ryDon (*riDn nm n^i-ij ,(3^1 'ddh noN .t^'V^ 2idd "o ne^^ 
nD .^Nien^ }nb ind^pjc^ r^H'22 y^n cn^'SJ njoen D''y3-wD nn'' 
TN 7t>Dn -iD^i ':v ny^DH n-^on^ n^n .rD'iB^r le^y n^i raie^n ic^ye^ 
nfc-^Di n^n!?nrj ipdn nyoiw ry^i /ji pn^ n:r'''i n^ ^yo irysD 

270 a. {^irnb -)rDN Nnpri (IV, 5) : (*ind nDt^on !?n^nrri (IV, 4) 'jr nu 

nsjiD-oj "^0^2 [innDT irnttf .inn idk' N^^pj no^. (^!?n'':i ••ni '^rn 
'•NJir j.T^y ij^'K^nc' ry2 .nniyi W'^d iT::n in^^m Nin .v^tnn 
l^on nnDK' oy r-^^o on PNanr D''T)^^^ i^n .nyjiDiDjb noNi ^niic^ 
iDPm nnryi ^Nr'D .tjjh vi^^m ^n^ji ycr t'd .onrn '•k': cyi 
/ji ^rinar pn noer^ ib^n D'^ono^ n'' ■)dn hd 'jr .(^dp'^^dt 
nD DP1N s^inb msi cn'^^y rijpn -^sjiDin: n^dpj t'd (Is. LVI, 4) 
bNir» riac' nin •^2in piBfyo i:^ n^'^'n i^n 'u'^jiin ^b noN .DJin'^ttf 
,DpnDT 1^ iN-^ni (Exod. XX, 14) ^)n:p ^b 'jr pijdi ^jin^j^ -noN 
nob (9 N"! : ipn 'dk^ N-^pj id^ nbnj nnofc^ ia:-oiDJ nofe^ t-o 
n^nr ryii^ vrw .(^^vd ^y jopn: pid^ n^i br ^p^ lor Nipj 

HD^ (^»N'1 :in213 p:'»DND 'SM'> .IDI^n lB0r •^»:iD12J '•D'^D N'^aj 

. . n b]f n')^u iDPn: inaiar ^ipn idb^ Nipj 



') Megillah 2. c , 13 b etc. 
*) From here on no parallels. 
') Megillah f. 14 a. 
*) Persian gloss: pns in. 

*) Ibid. f. 15 a; cf. Buber p. 51. A^ Horow. p. 70 (cf. No. 98). 
^ Ibid. Esther ch. Mil § 3 etc. 

') Only this small point in Midr. Esther ch. VIII § 4. Tr. Megillah 
15 a, B. Bathra f. 4 a. all the rest missing. Pers. gloss. 

®) lb, f. 15 a, much shorter & Lekah Tob ed. Buber p. 102, here more. 
^®) Pers. gloss: nn jMonB (?)-ino. The first word is almost obliterated. 
") ? 



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mT^jio an-ro 177 

-)3yBf -iK^'»N d'Sk'i dh .iroN moN (> HTo ^yi niD nyi^ (5) 270 b. 
(ExocLXXXn, 15) .csiPD on htdi hid dhd D^rDc^ m-n nai ^y ^Nir^ 
HB^Ni r»N b ")rN D'^yTJ' I'^OH n-^no oyi i^on n^y b (11.) 
nnM "iroN^ udit: d'^dn'td nr^c^ (^nidj r^jo2 N'':n (V, 2) /ji 
(^nroB' iRNi niN^a tn .Tn^nc^ ^^^<1 n^^y ion Din ibtdb^ inN nye^ 
nna^y DTB' ly ".nroi niON T.r hmb' lote inro noDi D^'S'^rn tn 
jom i^n Nia'' ipdn hidn i? pj^i in^NC' to (6) 'ddh ijb' •pidn 
ijji.Ti ]cn3i '•n Njp'^B' nD ny-) (!)i^d2 id d'-jdn hton .nre^Dn ^n 
n^3 biD^r nD pn*? ijjdtn hidn (^n"! :^nii5^ r.y-)D hnin *?ni 
D'^D inprn Noy dni dr^ in^'^DNn iwib^ ay-) dn .Dsnn ion id ""d 
!?N (Prov. XXV, 21. 22) i^ ub^tr ''v^ "iB^ni by nnn nnN D^'?m ^d 
HD 1TD'' ^bv nD N"! : (5-ib ^2Dbw'^ ''•'•I N^N 1^ D^r'* '•vi br\pr\ 
(^N"! /Ji nmbiD TN-. noy tn ^pdn htjh n^ 'jc' rn-.n^ nmk^ 271a. 

l^r'ilb^ TIDN nBfNDI 'JBT NIHI N^H J^^nn HID'' DUD 1^ HNirK^ nD 

n^t>y DDD^i i^DH rDD nmN 'ob B'^ i>N-^tr» noN^ t6m ns (^n"! 
: 02 nb niffvb ^d id^^d napn -)dn jitdb' 'i 'dn : D^om 1293^ n^i 
vt>y iryi nr]!: i^n oy •^noNt' piro «inB^ jon .iNir ii^d 
-)DD^i (11) DToiD •n'-DD RDnrnb I'^ni ibon u'»yD uidd '•d -»dn"i 
irrN KHT^ pn -iDD''t iiyi 'ji vjd di-)*! ntt^y tidd pn jon Dnb 
1PIN n»yi^ NMK^ UDD •^Pi'' nyicn nrn ipk^n bht ^jni 'ji vdhin bbi 

:'j'i HON D'^BTDH niDj }^y "iBfy^ (14) 
-D^D ibo ^b^ nbo TN (^ibon r.2\ff mu N-.nn n^^^^D VI, 1 
: (^D'^noD ]2'ip p^'^DN piDT unb moy nb^'bn ipinb^ .nih inn d^d^oh 
no .-^DNi ubi B^niB^nx -imne^ i^on p:r mu Ninn nb^b (^^n't 271b, 
onDi pit>''^y '•by ifc^y ndk^ /oy jon pn ipdn n:D'"Te^ •d^di'^d ht di^ 
nN-)N 10N1 iin iiy .jon pni ipdn pn ynrh nD "ob ndi .'•ju-^n^i 
iDN'»'i d''pdi Nin Nnn ,^n\i;]; Ny. hdid dh^ piryb ^b hm Ncr nbnPD 



») a Tr. MegiUah f. 15 a, 

') lb. f. 15 b. The whole passage in a somewhat altered order, cf. 
Lekah Tob ed. Buber p. 104; Horowitz p. 71 No. 

«) Pers. gl. 1^22 (iXUXXj). 

*) Cf. Baber A«, p. 71. 

*) Lekah Tob. ib. p. 104. 

«) Megiiiah /. c. 

^) Horowitz p. 71, No. 110. 

^ Cf. Buber A'^ p. 74 f No. 165. Here alone in our text is the passage 
clear. 

•) Pers. gl. : -na tob 2V 'd ]h 'ma w (It is evident from here that it 
was the night of Pesah). 

") Tr. MegiJlah f. 15b. a little different; cf. Buber A*, p. 74; Lekah 
Tob ib. p. 106; Horowitz 71 (ut 115). 

Kohnt, Semitic Stadiea. 1^ 



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178 '^^^ '^'"'* 

v.T". .':". i^on *JD^ o'^ny: vn'^ .o^o^n nan ro'-om -^dd.tn ti^2rh 

VKOy •pyyO CN-^pj IMB^ 1D^ •D''N"ipj VrT'l N^N -USNJ nS D''N")'ip 
n^n -"JD^ D''N->pj %T1 'J0 .1N-^pJ J.T^ND N^N jriN 1K-^p N^ >3 TJjH^ 

DHDH n%ir i^bo enn NJnn t>j; ••D-no nun ■)Bw dto nhd'^'i 2 
(*np''i Jim nnoen miN nr^i onin'^b (VHI, 16) .Niipi i^ip Niru 
••D 'J0 mm HNnpj m^HTw ]^:c^ i^y^j mirn niSD^ rmn it miN 
minn p ?''D") jnn^ vnr '•jdd (Prov. VI, 23) iin mini nisro ij 
HDN^Dn JO Dvn iniN noN dj nry^ttf ji''di myn ]rrh]; nM niyon pi 
jiwc'i nnctn miN nn\i omn'^b dtdi Ninn .nt>i"u nnoir in mon 
272 a. iroi 7:21 nrN T^nn rnon .dtdi 31d dv n^n nnor r^i -^p^i 
D-iN 3>^n H^iPi : 31D Di''i HTB^i niTofc^ 10NJ 13^ (Deuter. XVI, 14) 
nnoe^i n-»iN •-)dnj p^ .ion thn^ '•Dmo ii^d ^d ]rv nb^ ny mrr!? 
Ps.) pn ^D byD TH'^DN ^y ojn iw 3TD"i nb^o it ]^\m .jitwi 
niyj^ inn3i T'moN i-)DBr '•d 'je^ n^^o n^n itidn i'»ni (CXEX, 162 
rnN n2rc •injnb b^n ruo ni'^twsi IX, 19. (Deut XXXTTT, 9) 
bNnicr> ••mj '•1'' D^enn^ hjid :d"in ''J3 ''jb6 nuo Tw nnt* din'? 

: D'^N (Ps. CXLVII, 2) DJD^ 

*) Tr. Megillah f. 16 b; cf. Lekah Tob ed. Buber p. 109; Horow. 
p. 74 (141). 



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Quotations from the Bible in the Qoran 
and the Tradition 

by 
Prof. M. J. de G-oeje (Leyden). 



Noldeke wrote in his ^Geschichte des Qor&ns^ (1860) 
p. 6—7: „E8 kann aber keinem Zweifel unterworfen sein, 
dass er (Mohammed) die heiligen Biicher der Juden und 
Christen nicht selbst gelesen hatte^ sondern dass er bloss 
dorch miindliche Nachrichten mit ihrem Inhalt bekannt ge- 
worden war. Daher gleichen die alttestamentlichen ErzMh- 
lungen im Qoran weit mehr denhaggadischen Ausschmfickungen 
als ihrenUrbildern; die neutestamentlichen sindganz legenden- 
haft und haben deshalb einige Aehnlichkeit mit den Berichten 
der apokryphiBchen Evangelien. Die einzige, ganz karze 
Stelle, welche im Qoran wortlich aus dem alten Testament 
citiert wird, Sur. 21, 105: „Und wir haben in den Psalmen 
geschrieben, dass die Gerechten die Erde ererben soUen", 
vergl. Psahn 37, 29, muss Muhammed daher aus dem Munde 
eines Juden gehort haben. Aehnlich horte er von einem un- 
gelehrten Christen, dass Christus seinen Anhangem ver- 
sprochen habe, nach ihm werde Einer kommen, der sie in 
alle Wahrheit leiten werde (Joh. 16, 7); er bezog dies auf 
sich, und nannte den Verheissenen, einerlei ob er den Nameu 
7capdlx>.Y)T0$ kannte oder nicht, Jk^i^t mit Anspielung auf seinen 
Namen c^t**^^ Es ist iiberhaupt sehr zweifelhaft, ob die 
Araber damals irgend eine Bibel in ihrer Sprache besessen 
haben .... Was sich von Gelehrsamkeit und kirchlicher 
Einrichtung unter ihnen fand, war syrisch, wie wir denn 
noch jetzt syrische Schriften alter arabischer Kleriker haben. 
Wenn es iiberhaupt schon hochst zweifelhaft ist , dass es 

12* 



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180 M. J. de Goeje. 

vor dem Qoran ein arabisches Buch gegeben habe, so gilt 
dies besonders von der Bibel.^ 

Nevertheless Sprenger in his excellent work „Das Leben 
und die Lehre des Mohammed^ (1869), I p. 132, maintained his 
opinion that already at the time of Mohammed parts of the 
Bible existed in Arabic translation. Sheer want of time pre- 
vents me from examining whether this topic has been since 
the subject of a special study. If not, the following pages 
may afford a small contribution towards it. 

When examining the state of Mohammed's knowledge 
of ancient (Biblical) history in the Qoran, we perceive distinct- 
ly its gradual increase or development. Sprenger demon- 
strated this in his psychological treatise „Mohammed und der 
Koran" published (at Hamburg 1889) in Virchow's Sammlung 
gemeinverstancUicher Vmirdge, Vierte Serie, Heft 84/85, and 
Dr. Snouck Hurgronje, the author of „Mekka", gave an 
example of it concerning the historj- of the patriarchs Abraham, 
Isaac, Jacob and Ishmael in his dissertation „Het Mekkaansehe 
feest" (Leiden 1880), p. 29-40. Sprenger thought that the 
Prophet had behind the scenes a Jewish-Christian mentor, 
who taught him what to say to his adversaries^ and from 
whom he derived his historical information.*) In his gi-eat 
work on Mohammed, II, p. 366 seq., he had conjectured that 



') [Besides Geiger's famous thesis: Was hcU Mohamtned aus d. Juden- 
Hnum aufgenomnien? (Bonn 1833), cf. Dr. J. Gastfreund: Mohammed nach 
Talmitd and Midrasch (Wien 1875); Dr. H. Hii-schfeld's essays*. Judische 
Elemente im Koran (Berlin 1878) ; Beitrdge zur Erkl&rung des 
Kordns (Leipzig 1886); T?ie spirit of Islam, in The Jewish Quarterly 
Beview (London 1893), voL V, pp. 212—30; Essai sur Fhistoir 
des Juifs de Medine, in Bei^ue des iJtudes Juii^es, VII (1883), pp. 167 
—93; X (1885) pp. 10-31; Hughes* Dictionary of Islam (N. Y. & 
London 1885), pp. 235—242, s. v. Jetcs: Dr. J. M. Arnold: Islam and 
Christianity (London 1874), p. 116 seq.; Steinscbneider: Polemische und 
apologeUsche Uteratur in arabischer Sprache (I^ipzig 1877); Goldziber: 
Froben muhammedanischer Polemik gegen den Talmud in Kobak's Je 
schurun (1871) VHI, pp. 76-104; IX (1878) pp. 18-47; Bibel und bibU- 
sche GescJnchte in dei' muhammedaniscfien Literaiur^ ibid., VIII, pp. 
1—29; Ueber muhammed, Polejuik gegen Ahl al-Kitdb, in Z. D. M, G. 
XXXII (1878) pp. 341—387 (cf. also pp. 388-95); Schreiner: Zur Gesch. 
d. Polemik zxciscfien Juden u. MuJMmmedanern, in ibid., pp. 591—675; 
Dr. A. Kohut: Haggadic Eletiients in Arabic Legends^ in The Independent 
(N. Y.) Jan. 8th, 15th, 22th & 29th, 1891, etc. etc. G. A. K.] 



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Quotations from the Bible in the Qorftn and the Tradition. 181 

the well-known monk Bahir^ from Tayma was his adviser. 
But in the psychological essay, cited above, he calls him a 
Presbyter who came back to Mekka from Abyssinia in 616, 
together with the first Moslem refugees. I doubt whether 
either of these conjectures can be backed by sufficient evidence. 
By predicating as divine inspiration what had just been 
dictated to him by a man, Mohammed would have played an 
awkward and dangerous part, and would have proved himself 
a deliberate impostor. The one and the other are alike in- 
credible. Besides, if Mohammed from 616 downwards received 
regular conununications from a Presbyter, we ought to find 
traces of biblical words in the Qortoic parts of this and the 
following periods, whereas in fact we have only the two 
verses cited by Noldeke, which are derived, according to all 
probability, from very different sources, the former having been 
transmitted, directly or indirectly, by a Jew in Mekka, the 
other by a Christian in Medina.^) I cannot agree with 
Sprenger that in Qoran 46 vs. 9 a single person is meant 
as witness. But granted that Sprenger's assumption be correct, 
how could Mohammed call a Presbyter "a witness from the 
children of Israel"? No, Mohammed counted amongst his friends 
more than one who had either professed or got acquainted 
with the Jewish or Christian religion, but what he learned from 
them fermented in his own mind and grew to become real 
inspiration in his estimate. *^) 

Let us now return to the principal question. The quotation 
from Psalm 37 vs, 29 could have been taken from an Arabic 
translation of the Psalms, but this supposition is far from 
being necessary. The passage is short and simple, such as 
could easily be translated from memory. This is confirmed 
by the translation not being literally exact Moreover, there is 



*) [Cp. Noldeke's essay: HaUe Muhammed christMche Lehrer? in 
Z. D. M. O, XII (1868), pp. 699—708; and Sprenger's remarks in his 
article: Mohammed? 8 Zusammenkunft mt dem Einsiedler Bahyrd^ ibid. 
Xn, pp. 238-49. G. A. K.] 

') On the relation of the teachings of Islam to Judaism, see the bibliography 
in Dr. A. Eohut's last monograph: i^^^t aa^q ^^ ^Jjbi\ \^ Light of 

Shade and Lamp of Wisdom^ being Hebrew-Arabic HomiUea composed by 
Nathanad Ibn Jeshdya (1327) New-York 1894, pp. 4—5; 68—70; 79-87 
and the sources there cited. G. A. K.J 



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182 M. J. de Goeje. 

no proof whatever that Mohammed knew more of this psalm 
than these three words. As for the quotation from John 
16 vs. 9, it is evident, that it is only a reminiscence, and here 
the tendency is very perspicuous, its purpose being to 
show that the advent of Mohammed had been prophesied by 
Jesus. 

Sprenger cited in support of his hypothesis of an old 
Arabic translation of the Bible the quotation by Ibn Ishllq 
(Ibn Hishftm ed. Wtistenfeld, p. 150) from John 15 vs. 25 
— 16 vs. 1. There is not, however, the slightest ground 
for the supposition, that this quotation was made from an Arabic 
translation of the Gospel. The importance of this text for 
proving the mission of Mohanmied as the Paraclete accounts 
frdly for its separate translation from the Syriac text. 

There are, however, two more quotations from the Bible*) 
which if I am not mistaken, have not yet been drawn into 
account. The former is to be found in Bokhari's Collec- 
tion of authentic traditions^ III p. 309 of KrehFs edition, in 
the conunentary on Qorftn 32 : '^Aboo Horayi'a tells that the 
Prophet said: Allfth, exalted is He above all, has spoken: 
I have prepared for my servants, the righteous, what no eye 
has seen, nor ear has heard, nor did it occur to the mind 
of man.'^ These words have been borrowed with slight varia- 
tions from 1 Cor. 2 vs. 9, which again has been derived from 
Isaiah 64 vs. 4, 65 vs. 17. In another tradition, also given 
on the authority of Aboo Horayra, the following words are 
added : "as a treasure for the ftiture, besides that with which 
ye have become acquainted". I don't think that the word 
^besides" indicates a reminiscence of "P*?^!, as the subsequent 
words have no connection with the Biblical text. In many 
sources the expression "as a treasure for the future" is wan- 
ting, and instead of "with which ye have become acquainted", 
others have "with which I have acquainted them." (So in 
Zamakhshari's Ffiik, I p. 140 of the Leyden manuscr., 
and in HarawT's Kitab al-gharibayn sub «JLj). The 
tradition is to be found in the works on those traditions 



M [See an interestiug article: Bibel und BibUsche G^cMchte in der 
muhammedanischen Literatur, in Kobak's Jeschurun VIII (1871), p. 1 — 29; 
and Goldziher's Ueber Bibekitate in muham. SchrifUn, in Stade's Zeit- 
8ckrif% far AlUestam. Wissenschafl, vol. XIII» pp. 316—21. 0. A. K.] 



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Quotations from the Bible in the Qoran and the Tradition. 183 

that contain strange words or expressions (gharib al-ha- 
d i t h) because of the use of the word b a 1 h a (besides). 
Lane gave it in extenso in his Dictionary together with 
the grammatical observations of the native interpreters. 

The second, as far as I am aware, has not yet been 
published. Therefore I will give the text with commentary, 
as it is to be found in Zamakhsharl's just named work, I 
p. 44 seq. : 

(5^' ^jH w^*«*j 'ij^ /*i*»4 (J d'P^r" s,,A^ g .t( ^^JLft ^ ^^ 

&ju«i sjjjjii\, jupi iJujCJi «f ijjJ, ur yD ^1 j::iff 

^i^Ul Jb^t ^tr^pl 'l-S^t l^r'^ &aa3Cw [marg. v^^^Ul 
^ 1^1 BoUb ^jyS^^y syy ^ aL x^b vuLo^ 'julJx^l 

.x^vs^ o«^ jt»wj ^^A^ &MfcAAj (iCsvyj) 4>UC) (cJJl 

The Prophet said: Allah revealed to Isaiah: "lo, I 
will send a blind man amid the blind, and an illiterate amid 
the illiterate; upon him I will let down sedateness and I 
will assist him with wisdom. Should he pass closely by a 
wick, he would not extinguish it, or by the tall reeds, its 
sound would not be heard." — m m i (illiterate) has been for- 



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184 M. J. de Goeje. 

med from omtnat al-arab (the people of the Arabs), 
when this had not yet acquired the art of writing, at a time 
when other peoples could write. Tboagh they learned to write 
afterwards, the adjective kept its old meaning. Others derive 
the word from o m m (mother) and explain it by "such as 
his mother bore him.'' — S a k i n a (sedateness) is gravity 
and calm; it is a fa'da-form of sakana (to rest) as gba- 
f i r a (forgiveness) of gh afar a (to pardon). Therefore the 
token of the children Israel (marginal gloss: the ark of the co- 
venant) is called s a k I n a , because they found rest with it. 
— The word ra'ra* (tall) is tall and movable*, it comes from 
tara'ro* a<j-<jabi (the growing up of the boy), i. e. his 
being in motion and becoming tail ; or from tara'ro*as- 
8 a r ^ b (the motion of the mirage). — The description means : 
his gravity and sedateness (sokoon tairihi, if a 
bird alighted upon him, it would be still. This is a prover- 
bial locution, which has been explained by Lane in v. wSLb. 
The glossary on Taban will contain some additions to it) 
are such, that should he pass closely by a burning wick, he 
would not extinguish it, or by the tall reeds, that are put 
in motion even by the most trifling cause, he would not 
put it in motion, so that its sound could be perceived. 

It is clear that this tradition contains an allusion to 
Isaiah 62 vs. 3 (and perhaps vs. 2) — Matth. 12 vs. 20. 
The word r a * r a * explained from the Arabic, responds to the 
Hebrew raQOoQ, the Aramaic ra'i*, which is translated 
commonly by broken or fragile, but by many inter- 
preters (also in the Vulgata) is rendered by quassatus. 
Harawi has under i^))' "al-Qotaybi says a r - r a ' r a * is 
that which is tall, hence tara'ra' a(j-<jabi (the boy 
shoots up)." The Arabic explication does not render the mea- 
ning of the Hebrew or Aramaic, but the form of the word, 
a reduplicated form from r a* seems to prove that it has been 
translated from an Aramaic text by a man who was better 
versed in Arabic than in Syriac, because he renders the Ara- 
maic word by the externally corresponding Arabic word, though 
this has another meaning. Now Harawi names as authority 
for this tradition Wahb ibn Monabbih, a Jewish professor 
from Yemen, converted to Islam, not, however of Israelitish 
descent, but of Persian origin. In him we can admit just such 



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Qaotations hoin the Bible in the Qoran and the Tradition. Ig5 

a degree of learning. Nor did he understand the real pur- 
pose of Isaiah's words, whether he quoted them from the Old 
or from the New Testament. This seems to prove likewise 
that the passage has been translated separately, not taken from 
an entire translation, as in that case such ^ misunderstan- 
ding would be inexplicable. Both traditions are assigned to 
the Prophet, but I have not the least doubt that they have 
been fabricated after his death, and must be classed among 
the products of the fertile schools of Aboo Horayra and Ibn 
'Abbas, The former tends evidently to confirm by the au- 
thority of Isaiah the promise of the gi'eat bliss and happiness 
that await the righteous in Paradise. The other must belong 
to the class of predictions about Mohammed in the Bible. 
The Arabs consider sedateness and gravity as the indispen- 
sable adornment of a gentleman ; therefore, the Prophet ought 
to possess that quality in a high degree. The words of vs. 
2 "he will not quarrel, nor cry ; nobody shall hear his sound 
in the streets" would certainly have been applicable. The 
fact that the not being heard of the sound has been trans- 
ferred in the tradition to the reeds, is a palpable proof that the 
passage has not been taken from an entire Arabic transla- 
tion, but translated from memory. Consequently, until new 
evidence to the contrary be forthcoming, which is not very 
likely, we may feel justified in sharing Noldeke's views, and 
in maintaining that no Arabic version of the Bible, or parts 
of the Bible existed either at the time of the Prophet or at 
that of the fathers of the Mohammedan church. 
Leyden, Dec. 27, 1894. 



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Translatioii of a Targum of the Amidah 

by 
Rev. Hermann OoUanos, H. A. (London). 



It affords me a melancholy satisfaction to be permitted 
to contribute a leaf, in the form of a humble literary effort, to 
the wreath about to be placed by colleagues and friends at the 
foot of the altar erected to the memory of the distinguished 
Oriental scholar, Dr. Alexander Kohut. 

I feel sure that I shall be acting in the spirit of our late- 
lamented teacher, if I endeavour in the following pa^es to 
make accessible to a wider circle of readers the remarkable and 
unique 'Targum of the Amidah*, which, thanks to my esteemed 
friend, the Rev. Habam Dr. Gaster, has recently been brought 
to light in the Monatsschrift. I venture to think, that 
an English translation of this Targum, hitherto unknown, 
will be welcome to many, coming, as it does, as a surprise 
that, in addition to Targumim until now associated only with 
the Scriptures, there should have existed an Aramaic para- 
phrase of so important a portion of the Prayer-Book as the 
'Amidah\ 

The importance of this Targum cannot be over- estimated: 
for, in its light, it is almost possible in several instances to 
discover the text of the 'Prayer* in its original foim. 

But I am not concerned on the present occasion with a 
critical analysis of this important find; my part is simply that 
of a translator. To give a better idea of the Aramaic, I have 
avoided paraphrase, and translated as literally as the English 
idiom permitted. 

In a few foot-notes, I have mainly indicated the cases in 
which I found it necessary, to deviate from the reading in 
Dr. Gaster's text. 



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Translation of a Targom of the Amidab. Ig7 

Translation. 

In the name of the Merciful One, I will, with the help 
of the God of Abraham, begin to write a Targum on the 
Eighteen Benedictions of 'the Prayer'. 

I beseech thee, Lord, give unto me the proper speech 
(lit the opening of the mouth'; to shew forth thy praise, and^ 
to worship before thee, as our ancestors with a perfect heart 
worshipped before thee. Thou art he, the God of Abraham, 
the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, the mighty and tre- 
mendous God, for there is no fear according to the fear of 
thee. Thou, indeed, art able to preserve by thy might the 
people crushed between the seventy nations of the world. 
God, the Most High, who bestowest gracious favours 
upon all thy possessions, for thou possessest, all things 
above and below; thou didst create them, and all things rejoice 
before thee. Thou, in thy mercy, doest kindnesses unto them, 
remembering unto thy people Israel the merits of their ancestors 
Abraham Isaac and Jacob; and thou hast, in thy mercy, 
redeemed their descendants from Egypt, out of the house 
of bondage. And as thou hast redeemed them from the hand 
of all those who rose up to do evil unto them, so wilt 
thou in future bring the redemption of the Messiah, the son 
of David, to deliver their children's children for the sake 
of thy name, which is joined to them in loving-kindness. 

merciful King, Supporter, Redeemer and Strength of the 
righteous who give thanks unto thee and bless thy name, and who 
will thus in future give thanks unto thee, and bless thee ; Lord, 
who hast been the Strength of Abraham, thy friend. 

'3 r\r\^ Might and power belong unto God, the Lord of the 
universe, and his might endureth for ever. There is not one of 
all those who dwell upon the earth, who can do as thy 
works and as thy might. For thou wilt quicken the dead, and rouse 
those who are asleep among his people, to reward with loving- 
kindness and truth the righteous who have departed from this 
world, for the sake of their works by which they made them- 
selves perfect before thee: thus wilt thou once raise them up. 
But as for the wicked, thou wilt revive them, to make known 
unto them thy might. For thou wilt reward the righteous 
ones, who have walked willingly in thy paths with love; 
and for the sake of this, thou wilt deliver them, and quicken 



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Igg Hermann GoUancz. 

them with that dew which is ti'easured up in the store-house 
above, namely, the dew of life, by which the angels and souls 
are fed. 

Thine, indeed, is the might: for thou doest good to the 
living in this world, and sustainest them in goodness ; quickening 
the dead in abundant mercy, supporting the needy, raising 
up the fallen, loosening all the bonds of those who are 
bound, healing those who are sick upon their couches, and 
preserving the faithfulness and the oath established with 
those who sleep in Hebron, who humbled themselves as dust 
in their own eyes. There is no one beside thee, Lord of 
might ; and who can be compared unto thee, O King, causing 
man to die for the sake of his sin, and quickening the dead 
for thy name's sake? even bringing forth from captivity Israel 
who are likened to the dead, who have neither strength 
nor power: like^) to those dead, which, if one smites them, 
have no power, to stiike for their honour. Thus is it with 
Israel in captivity: they may be compared to the man, who 
has no hearing of the ears, when they hear the reproach 
of the nations; nor is there in their hands any strength, to 
strike in return for the shame with which the peoples make them 
ashamed. 

Therefore thou wilt revive those who are like imto the 
dead, and wilt cause tliy redemption to spring forth for 
them; and unto thee is the faithfulness to revive them and 
to raise up their dead ; and they will sing praises before 
thee, and bless thy name, saying : - May his great name be 
blessed, who has the power to quicken the dead. 

p"^ Verily all above and bellow know that thou art holy, 
and thy holiness is unlike the other holy things on earth: 
for thy holiness is an exalted holiness, unlike the holiness of 
the human being who ceases after a time, whose body is of 
clay, with more or less imperfections, and who is deficient 
by reason of the bodily desires of eating, drinking and 
sleeping, on which account his holiness is imperfect; and in 
like manner, thy holiness is unlike the holiness of the angels 
on high who have quality, finality, and form, known to all, 
so that it might be adequately marked in the heart. Thy 
holiness, however, Lord of the universe, is free fi'om the 

*) I prefer to read >^t<nD ^^^ 2- 



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TraDslation of a Targum of the Amidah. IgQ 

holiness of man, and the holiness of angels, who minister 
before thee in holy form: for thy holiness is exalted above 
the holiness of all, not one being able to attain it adequately, 
for all such as are created are too weak to attain that 
holiness, nor are the holiest ones clothed in thy holiness. 
Therefore the great Kedusha (*Sanctification*) is pronounced. 

r]"^ Before man sees the light of the world, the angel 
that is appointed over the generation of man takes the foetus 
and places it before the Sovereign of the universe, addressing 
him thus:— 'Lord of the universe! What will be (the lot 
of) this man? Will he be wise or wily, a wicked or a 
worthy person?' But the Sovereign of the universe does not 
answer him: for if he were to answer him, its chai'acter 
would necessarily be fixed, while he (man) is to have the 
option in his hand to turn to the South (sc. if he would), so 
that that decree should not influence a man to turn to one side 
(sc. more than another). Accordingly, God does not answer 
him (the angel), so that man should desire for himself spirit, 
understanding, and knowledge. That is why he should say 
in his prayers before the Lord of the universe: — Thou art 
he who graciously bestoweth upon humankind knowledge, 
and teacheth him understanding and knowledge. Give thou 
unto us out of thy goodly treasure understanding, know- 
ledge, and wisdom, so that we may know with a perfect 
knowledge the path of goodness, and bless thee, for having 
lovingly bestowed upon us the spirit of knowledge. 

l32^C*ri When Israel sinned, and the Temple was destroyed, 
they came to Babylon, and the Law was forgotten out of their 
mouths. They were unable to pray to, implore, and propitiate 
their God, the Lord of the universe — the Living and Eternal 
God, to have compassion on them, and to turn their 
captivity from the land of Sheshak, for their tongue was con- 
fused and they could not in a proper manner utter the words 
of the Law, as it is written : — * And their children, half of them 
spake in the language of Ashdod, and half spake the Jews* 
language':*} and they could not properly utter words of prayer. 
At that time, Jehoiachin, King of the house of Judah, was 



*) Cf. Neheiniah XIII, 24 which is as follows: 'And their children 
spake half in the speech of Ashdod, and could not speak in the Jews' 
language, but according to the language of each people'. 



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190 nermann Gollancz. 

with them in captivity: for Nebucadnezzar, servant of the King 
of Babylon, a wicked servant, brought him by the hand of 
Mebuzaradan, chief executioner, and carried to Babylon the 
captivity of Judah and Benjamin together with Jehoiachin, 
their King. At that time, the instruction of the Law was 
forgotten in Sheshak to the lowest degree; even Jehoiachin, 
King of the house of Judah, who in those days was a wise and 
pious man, and returned in repentance to the Lord of the universe 
and knew the sublime secret, i. e. the 'Work of the Chariot', even 
he had forgotten the fundamental mysteries of the expressions 
oi the Chariot. But when Merodach did lift him up, his mind 
was stirred to study the secrets of the expressions of the 
Chariot, and he decreed unto the sons of the priests who were 
at that time, such as Ezekiel and his companions — priests and 
prophets of the Lord, that they should study the mysteries 
of the words; and he appointed a time for them, and 
Ezekiel and his companions who were righteous in 
those days , and in that generation , proclaimed a fast 
And after that time, when they had fasted and remained in 
prayer and supplication before the Lord of the universe, after 
that, they came down to Babylon for they had gone up to 
the land of Israel by permission of the King. Now while they 
were coming down on that occasion a second time, as he 
reached the bridge which was over the river Chebai', the 
spirit of prophecy from the Lord rested upon Ezekiel the 
priest, the son of Buzi, in the land of the Chaldeans; and in 
the prophetic spirit which rested upon him, he saw the hidden 
and secret mysteries of the*Work of the Chariot'; and he went and 
taught Jehoiachin the mysteries of the King and handed over (?) 
to him his teaching in a proper manner.^) And the holy 
spirit rested in the midst of Israel, and they prayed unto their 
God that, by reason of their penitence, he would turn and gather 
their captivity, and redeem them fi'om their troubles and restore 
unto them the Law; and they prayed: 'Restore us, our Father, 
unto thy Law'. This was the prayer appointed until they 
came up out of the land of captivity; whereupon Ezra, the 
priest, and his companions rose in the Great Assembly, and 



*) Read, instead of ^jn innj\ t<jn^ Pn^V This passage seems corrapt: 
we have endeavoured to give a meaning to it. 



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Jracslation of a Targum of the Amidah. 191 

fixed that prayer, which is the essence of all prayers and pe* 
titions; and it was familiar in the mouths of all Israel, and 
became current in (lit. ^the mouths of) that generation. Thus 
do we also pray unto the God which is in Heaven, that he 
may restore the Word to compassionate us as in the days 
of yore, that he may work a miracle and bring about for us a 
redemption, as he redeemed us from Babylon: and we suppli- 
catingly beseech Him, that the words of the Law may not be 
forgotten of our heart, so that we may be comforted amid the 
captivity. 

Thus do we pray : — Restore us, our Lord, unto thy 
Law, draw us near unto thy service, and cause us to return unto 
thee with a perfect repentance: may the repentance be one 
of favour, that thou mayest receive us, so that we may bless 
thee, O our Lord, who receivest repentance. 

'h Jlho And as, when we sinned against thy law, thou 
didst compassionate us and forgive our sins, so do we pray 
for ourselves unto our Lord, that he may pardon us, just as he 
did pardon us for the many sins which we sinned before him, 
from the day when we stood by the Red Sea, and while we 
were in the wilderness; similarly, when we went up to the 
land of Israel and sinned before him, and we prayed imto 
him, he forgave us, redeeming us by the hand of the judges 
who judged Israel. And thus is it also, through our iniquities, 
that we are in captivity, wherefore we beseech Him that He, 
in his mercy, may pardon our iniquities. 

The Associates (i. e. Sanhedrin) have fixed it (the 
prayer) as follows: *May our Lord forgive us, for we have sinned; 
pardon us our Lord, for we have transgressed; thou art a good 
God to pardon the sins and iniquities of all who turn in re- 
pentance before thee. Blessed is he, the Lord, who hath 
compassion, and forgiveth all who return unto him.' 

'2 n«1 The inhabitants of Babylon sent word to those 
who dwelt in the land of Israel, that they ought to weep 
for the destruction of the Temple, and to mourn the fact, that 
the holy nation had been carried captive from their land, and 
that they were left without the Shechina ('Divine Presence') ; 
that they were carried about from place to place, like unto 
a beggar that called at every door and gate ; while even 
here (in captivity), the Divine Presence had been reduced to 



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192 Hermann Gollanoz. 

misery in common with them, nor was there anything now 
(left) of her (the Shechina) that had not been exceedingly 
changed with regard to them. We therefore pray before our 
Lord, that he may look from his holy habitation to have 
compassion upon the Shechina which is in captivity with 
us ; and as the Almighty, blessed be he, had pity with his 
daughter Bathsheba, the mother of King Solomon, so may 
he have pity with us his people*). 

Thus do we repeat: See now, we beseech thee, see our 
affliction, and judge our cause at the hands of those who 
carried us captive ; exact punishment from them on earth, and 
from their princes in heaven, and have compassion on thy 
poor daughter and son ; deign to (lit. would that God) *) 
redeem us, for thou art a God mighty in redemption. Blessed 
be the Lord, whose Word redeemeth Israel. 

irwe"! The Assembly of Israel sayeth: Heal me, Lord, 
for I have been stricken by my sins among the nations which 
thou hast caused to have dominion over me, in consequence 
of my former sins which I have sinned before thee; and now that 
I have returned unto thee, it beseemeth thee to compassionate 
me. Reveal thy might unto me to redeem me ; we ^) hope but 
for the healing alone which cometh from thee. Redeem us 
with a perfect redemption, that there be no later ti'ouble nor 
exile ; redeem us with an everlasting redemption fi'om among 
the peoples which have enslaved me. Make manifest before 
thee what they have wrought unto me, and cause perfect 
health to come unto all those who are scattered and sick 
on account of their misdeeds ; for thou art a God who hea- 
leth in compassion and faithfulness, wherefore every creature 
is bound to bless thy name and say : Blessed art thou, 
O Lord, from whom cometh health to heal his people Israel 
who are sick 

1J^2"12 When Israel went into exile from their land to 
a strange land, and their sacrifices ceased, and the blessings 
ceased, the Assembly of Israel thereupon prayed before the 

^) Read ri^Dy with \ 

*) >n)^ probably = ^hm (Ps. CXIX 5) or ^-«_n^ (O Kings V. 3). 

Cf. Syr. ^o?'' 

') Read instead of j\}^, p^i or perhaps p^^ = pt<. 



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Ti-anslation of a Targum of the Amidah. 193 

Lord of heaven, from whom blessings com6, — He being the 
fountain of the blessings and praises, through whose Provi- 
dence the world is blessed: and thus did she pray unto the 
Lord our God: — Blessed art thou who providest for us by thy 
blessing , as in the days when thou wast wont * to bless us : 
when I used to offer in thy Temple a half-shekel to atone 
for our souls before thee; bless the years for us with the dew 
and rain of favour, as the year in which I offered before thee 
in the Temple the Omer and the two loaves, in which I presented 
to the priests the heave-offering and to the tribe of Levi the 
tithe; also on account of the second tithe which I did eat 
at the time when I appeared before thee three times a year 
and on account of the gifts to the poor and needy, such as 
the gleanings, the forgotten sheaf, and the comer of the field, 
as also the tithe for the poor. For as soon as the precept 
concerning the shekel was abolished, all commercial dealings 
were abolished : as the libation of water was abrogated, the 
dew and rain of blessing also went ; as the two loaves and 
the Omer ceased, the blessing departed from the produce of the 
field. Therefore do we implore and beseech thee, bless unto 
us, O Lord our God, the works of our hands ; bless the years 
unto us with the dew and rain of blessing and favour, as 
the good years which were of old, and we will bless thy 
name, who blesseth the years for us, for thou will blpss our 
years. 

':i '2 ypn The Assembly of Israel speaketh: — Sove- 
reign of the universe ! Thou hast covenanted with us by 
thy right-hand and nughty arm, that thou wilt redeem and 
bring us up out of captivity: and now, when will thy word 
be fulfilled unto thy captive assembly? Thus doth she say: 
Sound the great trumpet to gather us to freedom; and, verily, 
come to gather our captivity from the four corners of the 
earth imto our own land, as it is written by the hand of the 
prophet: 'And it shall come to pass in that time [when the 
Lord shall return to gather the captivity of his people]^) that 
the great trumpet shall be blown, and they shall come which 
were ready to perish in the land of Assyria, of the outcasts 



*) Vide original Hebrew and Targum of Isaiah XXVII. 13. The words 
enclosed [ ] do not occur. 

Kohnt, Semitio Stadtes. 13 



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194 Hermann Gollancz. 

in the land of Egypt, and shcJl worship the Lord in the holy 
mount at Jerusalem.' They say, therefore: Blessed be the Lord, 
who gathereth the captivity of his people Israel. 

IjZ^CTl Thus saith the Assembly of Israel : — while we 
were in the Holy Land, we had the Great College in the 
court of the Temple, which judged us according to the words 
of the Law, which was dear to me as the apple of my eye, 
and as cherished as our own soul; but now that I am in 
exile, the seventy members of the Sanhedrin, who were 
beloved in*) the circular seat in front of the altar, establishing, 
as they were the precepts of the Law, the principle of the 
precepts of thy Law, these are no more with me ; wherefore, 
we beg and beseech thee: Restore our judges as at the first, 
and our counsellors as at the beginning, as thou hast written 
for us at the hand of Isniah, thy prophet (I. 26) : *And I will 
appoint among you judges of truth, established as at first, 
and counsellors as at the beginning.* Remove from us, too, 
sorrow and sighing, and reign thou over us in thy kingdom 
speedily, alone in mercy, truth, and justice: Blessed be the 
name of the Lord, the King who delighteth in truth and 
justice. 

C^IClC^cb Verily, woe unto the wicked who have trans- 
gressed thy command, and gone and served the idols of the 
nations ; and as for all the nations who have trusted in 
idols, woe unto them, in the day in which the Lord of the 
universe will reveal himself to take judgment upon them, 
because they considered not their latter end, what would 
befall them; in the day when the Lord of the universe shall 
exact punishment of them for his righteous servants, and they 
will have no support nor hope in that day, of which it is 
said (Is. LXIII 4.): Tor the day of vengeance is before me, 
and the year of my people's redemption is come' ; and the 
wicked of the world shall rely upon , but shall not find 
any good works that will protect them, while the house of 
Israel shall say before the Lord of the universe : woe unto 
these transgressors, let them have no hope before thee; and 
as for all those that go astray and act wickedly, let them 
perish in a moment, and let the kingdom of wickedness be 



*) I prefer {<"inN3 ^^th 2- 



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Translation of a Targum of the Amidah. I95 

speedily rooted up and broken to pieces ; mayest thou cause 
them to be destroyed and broken from before thee immedi- 
ately, 80 that our eyes may see it: as King David exclaims 
(Ps. LVni, 11) : *The righteous shall rejoice when they see 
the vengeance ; they shall wash their feet in the blood of 
the wicked/ 

Thus shall the righteous give thanks unto thee and say: 
Blessed be the Lord, who destroyeth the adversaries, the 
enemies and the wicked together. 

C^p^TZJn iy But as for those who are righteous in their 
course and pious in their actions, and those who rely upon them 
in truth, and the remnant of thy people Israel, may thy tender 
mercies, Lord our God, be turned unto them; give unto us 
a goodly poiiion, and a good reward unto all those who rely 
upon thy name in truth, and set our portion with them in 
the Garden of Eden in the world to come, with those souls, 
on^) that day of great light, so that we may never be put to 
shame before thee; for we have trusted in thy name, and 
hoped for thy salvation. Blessed art thou, Lord, who art 
the support and trust of the righteous. 

*1 pDKTI. The Assembly of Israel repeateth in its prayer: 
Lord of heaven! Make thy might manifest upon us, and 
suffer thy Divine Presence to dwell in the midst of Jeru- 
salem thy city, which thou hast chosen from all the lands, 
and cause us speedily to dwell in safety, as thou hast said 
(I. Kings VI 13): ^And I will cause my presence to dwell 
among the children of Israel, and I will not cause my people 
Israel to be far off/ build and establish it as an ever- 
lasting building and work of perfection; and I will give 
thanks unto the Lord in our days; and may our eyes 
behold it, and may we rejoice in her before thee, for thou wilt 
establish the throne of King David in the midst of her. 
Blessed art thou, Lord who wilt 2) rebuild Jerusalem. 

nc2i HN. Cause, we beseech thee, salvation to arise unto 
the house of David, and by thy salvation exalt thou its 
sti'ength. Blessed shalt thou be, Lord, who causest strength 
to arise for the salvation of his people. 



^) Repeat ^^j^PO after the words j^nDlS'^ ^^NH^- 
') The word n^n^H in ^s connexion is hopeless. 



13* 



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196 Hermaim GoUancz. 

^:'^h^p ycz\ The Assembly of Israel speaketh before the 
Holy One, blessed be he: Sovereign of all the worlds! O 
merciful God, we beseech thee, at all times when we pray 
unto thee, receive thou our prayers, for thou art the Lord 
our God. Have pity with us in thy mercy, and receive our 
petition in mercy and favour. May we not return empty, 
our Lord, from before thee, for thou receivest the prayer 
of all those that pray unto thee. Blessed art thou. O Lord, 
who receivest prayer. 

r\)n The Assembly of Israel exclaims: We implore thee, 
O Lord our God, that thy favour may be with thy people 
Israel, that thou mayest receive their supplications with favour, 
and that thou mayest restore for us the service of thy 
name unto the innermost part *) of thy House. Mayest thou 
receive with favour their offerings and petitions, and may the 
service of thy people Israel, with which they shall 
serve thee, be acceptable continually, that thou mayest be pleased 
with us. May also our eyes behold when thy Divine Presence 
shall return in mercy to thy place, unto Zion, as at the time 
when thy Divine Presence did dwell in their midst. Blessed 
art thou, O Lord, who restorest thy Divine Presence unto 
Zion. 

C^n^C. Saith the Assembly of Israel: Words of thanks- 
giving will we render unto thee, O Loid! thou hast created 
our life for us, and art the sprength of our salvation; thou 
remainest for everlasting generations. We will give thanks 
unto thee and discourse of thy praise for our lives which are 
entrusted in thy hand, and for our souls which are within us 
in trust for thee, 2) for thy beneficence (?) and for the gifts 
(lit. distribution) of thy bounty, 8) which at all times, evening 
and morning, are dealt out unto us : good God, for thy mercies 
do not cease. We beseech thee, merciful One, for thy kind- 
nesses do not end, and every living creature praises thy great 
name, for thou art an exceedingly good God. Blessed art 
thou, Lord, whose name is good continually. 



') nicr P'^D I take « r\^,)^D i- e. D^trip ITIp- 
*) Cf. Pirke Aboth III. 20. ]12"iy2 ppi ^iH- 'EverythiDg is given 
on pledge.' 

^) Read, instead of ■]niD^C'\ im2*tO» 



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Trauslation of a Targmn of the Amidab. 197 

nhz* C^tr. Thus saith the Assembly of Israel: My 
Sovereign Lord! Grant peace, welfare, and blessings, along 
and goodly life, grace, loving-kindness and mercy unto us and 
unto all Israel, thy people. Bless us, O our God, even all 
of us together, with the light of thy Divine Presence: for, by 
the light of thy Divine Presence, thou hast given us, O Lord 
oar God, the Law which is life, compassion and goodness, 
loving kindness and righteousness, mercy, and blessing, and 
peace altogether. We beg thee to bless thy people at all 
times with thy peace, praise, and blessing. Blessed art thou, 
O Lord, who blessest thy people Israel with peace. 

pm^ Vri\ May the word of my mouth and the medi- 
tation of my heart be acceptable before thee, Lord our God, 
my strength and my salvation, who makest peace among thy 
heavenly host (Lat familia) between Michael and Gabriel, 
and who in thy mercy will make peace between us and all 
thy people Israel, O faithful God! 



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The Diction of Genesis VI-IX 

by 
William Henry Oreen, 

Professor in the Theological Seminary at Princeton, New Jersey. 



I can offer no more fitting tribute to the eminent 
Hebrew scholarship of Dr. Alexander Kohut, his devotion 
to the religion of his fathers and his assured conviction that 
the books of Moses were really the production of the great 
Hebrew lawgiver than this brief specimen of a line of argu- 
ment, to which he expressed in flattering terms his unquali- 
fied approval. 

It is asserted by many eminent critics that the language 
of the Pentateuch gives evidence of having been drawn from 
separate sources, each of which is characterized by the use 
of certain words and forms of speech peculiar to itself. 
And this is one of the main supports of the modem hy- 
pothesis that the Pentateuch is not the work of any single 
writer, but that it consists of extracts from different docu- 
ments ingeniously woven together. I am persuaded that an 
unprejudiced examination will show that the above mentio- 
ned assertion is unfounded and consequently the hypo- 
thesis of Pentateuchal documents is built upon a mistake. 
It is the purpose of this essay to test it in a single passage, 
the account of the flood in Gen VI — IX, which is commonly 
reckoned by the divisive critics are of the strongest bul- 
warks of their hypothesis. 

Dr. Dillmann in his Commentary on Genesis gives the 
following distinctive marks of the document P in the chap- 
ters now before us, viz. in addition to the divine name 
Elohim, (1) the title VI. 9; (2) reckoning hy the years of 
Noah's life; (3) the exact statements of time respecting the 



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The Diction of Genesis VI— IX. 199 

course of the flood; (4) the measurements of the ark; (5) 
weavmg in a law, IX. 1 — 7, and its referring back to I. 27 
sqq; (6) the covenant and its sign, IX. 8 sqq.; (7) diffuse- 
ness and constantly recurring formulae; (8) the antique 
description of the sources of the flood, VII. 11, VIII. 2; (9) 
the image of God IX. 6 ; (10) the mode of speaking of Noah's 
family, VI. 18, VII. 7. 13, VIII. 16. 18, (on the contrary 
VIL 1 J); (11) ir;-^? VI. 12 sq., 17. 19, VII. 15 sq., 21, 
VIII. 17, IX. 11, 15—17; (12) n;p:^ -l?T VI. 19, VII. 9. 16; 
(13) nr^finB\i;r;b VUI. 19; (14) r,^ j? VI. 22; (15) M;ni rnB 

VIII. 17, IX. i, 7 ; (16) nn? c^pn or |n: VI. 18, IX. 9, li 

sq., 17; (17) you and your seed after you, IX. 9; (18) 

y\: VI. 17, VII. 21 ; (19) n^nt^n and nn^' (not nnc J) VI. 
13. 17, IX. 11. 15 ; (20) Tt^P VI. 10 ; (21) P.^r.V VI. 21, 

IX. 3; (22) n^n wild beast VII. 14, 21, VIII. l.^H. 19, IX. 
2, 5; (23) ]'r:Yl. 20, VII. 14; (24) Mj; self-same VII. 
13; (25) pr and n?' VII. 21, VIII. 17, IX. 7; (26) iron 
and iw?-; VI. 20, VII. 14. 21, VIII. 17. 19, IX. 2 sq. {see 
VL 7, VIL 8. 23); (27) Ite Ite VII. 19; (28) ? used 
distinctively VII. 21, VIII. 17, IX. 10. 15 sq. 

This certainly has the appearance of a very formidable 
list. But such lists may prove very delusive. It should be 
remembered that no piece of composition can be so divided 
that precisely the same words and phrases ^nd ideas .shall 
occur in each of the parts, and that neither shall contain 
any that are not to be found in the other. II any such 
piece should be divided at random, and an elaborate and 
exhaustive search be instituted to discover what there was 
in one of the parts that was missing in the other and vice 
versa, no doubt large lists could be made out of what might 
be called the characteristic peculiarities of each part. Ne- 
vertheless these would not have the slightest significance, 
and would have no tendency to prove that these sundered 
parts ever had a separate and independent existence, and 
were the primal sources from which the composition in ques- 
tion was derived. 

More especially is this the case when the partition is 
made on the basis of certain assumed characteristic differen- 
ces. For instance, let it be assumed at the start that a given 
production is a composite one, formed by the combination of 



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200 William Henry Green. 

two preexisting documents. Two sections respectively assigned 
to these documents are then compared, and the resulting 
differences noted as severally characteristic of one or the other. 
The documents are then made out in detail by the persistent 
application of the criteria thus furnished. Every paragraph, 
sentence or clause, in which any of the one class of charac- 
teristics is to be found, is regularly and consistently assig- 
ned to the one document; and with like regularity aiid con- 
sistency all, in which any of the other class of characteris- 
tics appear is referred to the other document, the number 
of the criteria growing as the work proceeds. When now 
the process is completed, each document will be found to 
have the assumed series of characteristics for the simple rea- 
son that it was throughout constructed by the critic himself 
upon that pattern. He is arguing in a circle which of course 
returns upon itself. He proves the documents by the 
criteria, and the criteria by the documents; and these 
match as far as they do, because they have been adjusted to 
one another with the utmost care. But the correspondence 
may be factitious after all. It may show the ingenuity of 
the operator without establishing the objective reality of his 
conclusions. The documents, which he fancies that he has 
discovered, may be purely a creation of his own, and 
never have had an independent existence. 

We shall now examine the alleged marks of P seriatim 
with the view of discovering what significance is to be 
attached to them. 

It is urged that the alternation of the divine names in 
successive paragraphs of this nan-ative attests its composite 
character. This, it is affirmed, requires the assumption of 
two different writers, who were in the habit of using 
different terms to designate the most High. One (P) always 
spoke of him as Elohim (God), the other (J) as Jehovah 
(Lord). The naiTative, as we possess it, has been made up 
from the combination of the accounts in these two docu- 
ments; and hence the alternation of these two names, as 
they are here found. But this is a superficial and mechanical 
explanation of what is really due to a different and more 
satisfactory cause. The names of God, though often used 
interchangeably, are not precise equivalents. Elohim is the 



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The Diction of Genesis VI— IX. 201 

general designation of the most High^ in his relation to the 
world at large and to all mankind, as the Creator, Preserver 
and Governor ^f all. Jehovah is his name in the strict and 
proper sense, by which he has made himself known to the 
chosen race; it is his designation as the God of his own 
people, the God of revelation and of redemption. 

There are two aspects, under which the flood can be 
contemplated, and two points of view from which its place 
and function in the sacred history may be regarded. It 
may be looked upon as the act of the Creator, destroying 
the work of his hands, because it .had become corrupt and 
so perverted from its original intent, and at the same time 
providing for the perpetuation of the several species of 
living things. Or on the other hand it may be considered 
in its relation to the work of redemption. The wickedness 
of man threatened to put an end to the scheme of grace and 
salvation. In order to prevent his merciful designs from 
being thwarted thus the most High resolved to destroy the 
ungodly race, and rescue the one surviving pious family to 
be the seed of a new race, amongst whom true religion 
might be nurtured imtil it should ultimately fill the whole 
earth. The sacred writer has both these aspects of this 
great catastrophe in mind, and he suggests them to his 
readers by the alternate use of the divine names. When he 
has regard to the divine government and providential care 
as manifested in it, he speaks of it as the act of Elohim. 
When he has regard to his special guardianship over the 
pious, or to aught that concerns divine worship, he uses the 
sacred name Jehovah. Thus it is Elohim, who sees with^ 
displeasure the disorder introduced by the conniption of 
mankind, and makes known his purpose to destroy them, 
but institutes measures for preserving the various species 
of animals by means of an ark to be built for this end, 
VI. 9—22. It is Elohim, agreeably to whose command 
creatures of both sexes went in unto Noah into the ark, 
VIL 9. 16. It is Elohim, who remembered Noah and every 
living thing that was with him in the ark, and who made a 
wind pass over the earth to assuage the waters, VIII. 1. 
It is Elohim, who bade Noah go forth of the ark, and bring 
forth with him every living thing that they may multiply. 



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202 William Henry Green. 

upon the earth, VIII. 15 — 17. It is Elohim, who blessed 
Noah and his sons^ as he had blessed man at his creation, 
1.28, bidding them: ''Be fruitful, and multiply and replenish 
the earth'', IX. 1. It is Elohim, who established his covenaHt 
with Noah and with every living creatui'e, pledging that 
there should be no flood in future to destroy all flesh, 
IX. 8—17. 

On the other hand it is Jehovah, in whose eyes Noah 
found grace, VI. 8, and who was resolved to put a sudden 
end to the downward progress of growing wickedness, 
which infected every imagination of the thoughts of man's 
heart, and threatened to banish piety from the earth, vs. 5 — 7. 

It is Jehovah, who bade righteous Noah to come with 
all his house into the ark , and to take with him victuals 
fit for sacrifice in larger numbers than the rest, VII, 1 — 3. 
It is Jehovah, who shut Noah in, after he had entered the 
ark, ver. 16, though in the very same verse it is Elohim 
who commanded that the beasts of both sexes should enter 
in. It is Jehovah, to whom Noah builds an altar and offers 
sacrifice, and who graciously, accepts the offering, vs. 20, 21. 

It thus appears that the divine names are discriminatingly 
used throughout the entire narrative. We accordingly pass 
to the other marks adduced by Dillmann in their order. 

1. ^The title, VI. 9'. 

(a) A like title *These are the generations etc' occurs 
besides in Gen. II 4, V. 1, X. 1, XL 10, 27, XXV. 12, 19, 
XXXVI. 1, 9, XXXVII. 2, Num. III. 1, and once out of 
the Pentateuch in imitation of the phrase as there used. 

(b) The word ^generations' rn^r\ occurs, apart from the 
titles just cited. Gen. X. 32, XXV. 13; Ex. VI. 16, 19, 
XXVIII. 10; Num. I. 20—42, and out of the Pentateuch Ruth 
IV. 18; 1. Chron. v. 7, VII. 2, 4, 9, VIII. 28, IX. 9, 34, 
XXVI. 31. 

These titles are so far from lending any support to the 
document hypothesis, that they can only be classed as belon- 
ging to P on the prior assumption of the ti'uth of the hypo- 
thesis. That in Gen. II. 4 is assigned to P, not by reason 
of its environment, but notwithstanding the fact that it 
is the title of a J section, to which it is assumed that it 
has been transfeiTcd from a former imaginarj' position at the 



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The Dictioa of Genesis VI -IX. 203 

beginniDg of ch. I, for which it is not suitable and where it could 
never have stood. In XXXVIL 2 it introduces a section 
composed of alternate paragraphs of J and £, in which there 
is not a single sentence Irom P until XLI. 46, and then not 
another till XLVI. 6. In XXV. 19 it is followed by long 
passages from J, interepersed with paragraphs from E. and 
with scarcely anything from P. Ch XXXV^I. 9. stands at 
the head of a section, about which critics are divided ; some 
refer it to P., othei*s in large part to R. or te JE, The 
natural inference would seem to be that these titles prefixed 
alike to J and to P sections, were suggestive of the common 
authorship of those sections, or at least that the titles 
proceeded from him, to whom Genesis. owes its present form, 
be he author or compiler. 

And the other passages, in which the word m^^D is 
found, look in the same direction. Gen. X. 32 occurs at 
the close of what is considered a J section of a genealogy. 
Ex. VL 16, 19 is in a genealogj-, which Kayser assigns to 
R, which in the judgment of Wellhausen and Kuenen, does 
not belong to P, but is a later interpolation, and which 
Dillmann merely refers to P on the general ground that gene- 
alogies as a rule are to be so referred, while nevertheless 
he claims that the entire context has been seriously mani- 
pulated. G^n. XXV. 13 is in a genealogy, which is referred 
to P on the same general ground, but is embedded in a J 
context. It would seem consequently that there is no very 
solid ground for the claim that this word is peculiar to P. 
2. *Reckoning by the years of Noah's life^ 
The arbitraiy character of the critical rule that state- 
ments of age are to be referred to P appears from the fact 
that in repeated instances this is done in defiance of the 
context. Thus Isaac's age at his marriage and at the birth 
of his children is cut out of a J context, XXV. 20, 26; so 
that of Joseph when feeding the flock with his brethren, 
XXXVII. 2, and when he stood before Pharaoh, XLI. 46, 
and the length of time that Jacob lived in Egypt and his age at 
his death, XL VII. 28, are all severed from a foreign context 
either J or E. Moreover the age of Joseph, Gen. L. 26, of 
Caleb, Josh. XIV. 7, 10, and of Joshua, Josh. XXIV. 29, 
is by common critical consent atti-ibuted to E. 



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204 William Henry Green. 

3. 'The exact statements of time respecting the course 
of the flood'. 

(a) P reckons 150 days until the flood began to subside, 
VII. 24, VIII. 3. But time is noted with similar exactness 
in passages referred to the other documents. Thus in J 
seven days until the flood was to begin, forty days that it 
was to continue, VH. 4, 10, 12 ; after forty days Noah opened 
the window of the ark, VIIT. 6, after seven days he sent 
forth a dove, vs. 10, 12; three months XXXVIII. 24; in E 
twelve years, XIV, 4, 5 (referred to E by Dilhnann), seven 
years, XXIX- 20, 27, 30; twenty, fourteen, and six years 
XXXI. 38, 41; two years, XLI. 1; seven years, XLI. 48, 64; 
two and five years, XLV. 6. 

(b) P notes the month and the day, which marked certain 
stages of the flood, VII. 11, VIII. 4, 5, 13, 14. But nothing 
sufficiently momentous to call for such notation occurs in 
the rest of Genesis whether in JE or in P sections. And 
in the remainder of the Hexateuch it is limited to two things, 
viz. the annusd sacred seasons as described in detail in the 
ritual law, and for that reason assigned to P, and the most 
signal occurrences in the march of Israel from Egypt to 
Canaan. Thus the month and day of their leaving Egypt are 
indicated. Num. XXXIII, 3; of the first gift of Manna, Ex. 
XVI. 1 ; of tha andval at and departure from Sinai, Ex. XIX, 
1; Num. X 11; of setting up the sacred Tabernacle, Ex. XL. 

2, 17; of numbering the people and organizing the host, 
Num. I, 1, 18: of the return to Kadesh in the last year of 
the wandering, Num XX. 1; of the death of Aaron, Num. 
XXXIII. 38; of Moses' final exposition of the law, Deut. I. 

3, and of the passage of the Jordan just when the predicted 
term of wandering was complete, Josh. IV. 19. These are 
all assigned to P in spite of the fact that Ex. XIX. 1; Num. 
XX. 1; Deut. I. 3; and Josh. IV. 19 are not in a P 
context; yet they are severed from their connection and 
attributed to P because of the prior assumption that *he alone 
reckons by months and days.' 

4. *The measurements of the ark.' 

There is but one other structure, of which measures are 
given in the Pentateuch, viz. the Tabernacle and its vessels. 
And the reason why such detailed statements are made re- 



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The Diction of Genesis VI— IX. 205 

specting them is not because P had a fancy for recording 
measores, but because these structures were built by 
divine direction and on a divine plan which was minutely 
followed. And this is not the peculiarity of a particular 
writer, for the author of Kings and the Prophet Ezekiel 
detail in like manner the measures of the temple. 

5. ^Weaving in a law, IX. 1 — 7, and its refen*ing back 
to I, 27 sq/ 

But the same thing occurs in passages assigned to the 
other so-called documents; thus in J, the law of marriage is 
woven into II, 23, 24, that of levirate marriage XXXVII 1, 
8, intermarriage with Canaanites disapproved XXIV, 3, and 
the institution of sacrifice, ch. IV, VIII, 20, 21; in E, the 
payment of tithes, XIV, 20 {referred to E by Dillmann), 
XXVin. 22. And if the reference of IX. 6 to I. 27 links 
it to P, the reference of XXVII. 45 J to IX. 6 links it 
equally to J, and is thus suggestive of the common origin of 
what the critics consider separate documents. 

6. 'The covenant and its sign, IX. 8 sqq.' 

Three covenants with their appointed signs are spoken 
of in the old Testament, viz. the covenant with Noah and 
the rainbow as its sign, the covenant with Abraham and his 
seed and circumcision as its sign, XVII. 10, 11, and the 
covenant with Israel and the sabbath as its sign Ex. XXXI, 
13 — 17. These are all referred to P; and no sections of P 
but these three make mention of a covenant sign. If now 
the absence of this expression from all the rest of the P 
sections does not imply diflFerence of authorship, why 
should such a significance be attributed to its absence from 
the J sections ? But iu fact both the name and the thing 
are found in sections attributed to J. Thus Gen. XV. 18 
Jehovah made a covenant with Abraham granting him the 
land of Canaan; and as he asked for something, ver. 8, 
whereby he might know that he should inherit it, a symbol 
of the divine presence, fire and smoke, passed between the 
pieces of the slaughtered victims, as was customary for con- 
tracting parties among men, Jer. XXXIV. 18, 19. The word 
*sign' does not occur in the passage, but Dillmann (comment. 
in loc.) correctly calls this *the sign by which the covenant 
engagement was concluded'. In Ex. HI. 12 E God gives 



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206 William Henry Green. 

Moses a sign of his divine commission to deliver Israel. In 
Ex. IV. J he gives him a series of signs to confirm the 
faith of the people in the same. The critics assign to P 
with the exception of a few refractory clauses Ex. XXXI. 
12 — 17, which makes the sabbath the sign of God's cove- 
nant with Israel. And they avow as one of their chief 
reasons for doing so, (Dillmann in loc.\ that P must have 
recorded the sign of the Mosaic covenant as he did those 
of the covenants with Noah and Abraham. And yet they 
attribute the entire account of the contracting of the Mosaic 
covenant, Ex. XXIV. 1 — 11 to JE, thus separating what 
manifestly belongs together. How can P report the sign of 
the Mosaic Covenant, if he has said nothing of such a cove- 
nant being formed? 

7. 'Difiuseness and constantly recurring formulae'. 

But the emphatic iteration of the historian, who would 
impress his readers with the magnitude of the world-wide 
desolation wrought by the flood is not to be confounded with 
the aimless difluseness of a wordy writer. The enlargement 
upon special features and the repetitions are due to the 
vastness of the theme, not to needless verbosity. Thus 
Delitzsch commenting upon VII. 17—20 says: *The descrip- 
tion is a model of majestic simplicity, of exalted beauty v^ith 
no artificial expedients . . . The tautologies of the account, as 
it lies before us, picture the frightful monotony of the illi- 
mitable watery surface, and the refuge floating securely 
above it, though encompassed by the terrors of death'. And 
Dillmann says of VII. 16, in which the author repeats for 
the third time the entry into the ark, 'It is as if the author, 
moved by the momentous character of the day, could not do 
enough in the way of detailed portraiture of the event'. 
These surely are not unmeaning platitudes. 

8. *The antique description of the sources of the flood, 
VII 11, VIII. 2, reminding one of I. 6^8.' 

The expression Windows of heaven' occurs twice in the 
account of the flood, and nowhere else in the Hexateuch. 
In both passages it is associated with rain, wich is only 
sundered from it by the arbitraiy tradition of the critics ; 
and the form of the verb used in both implies th^it the rain 
was consequent upon the opening of these windows, and the 



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The Diction of Genesis XI— IX. 207 

stoppage of the rain upon closing them. There is not the 
slightest suggestion of two different conceptions, whether 
the windows of heaven be interpreted as literal sluices 
through which the waters of a supernal ocean pour, or as a 
figurative representation of deluging rains proceeding from 
the clouds which are spoken of as waters above the firma- 
ment. And that waters from the gi'eat deep were united 
with torrents from the sky in producing the flood can be no 
ground of literary pai*tition, while it is in exact accord with 
geologic phenomena. 

9. 'The image of God, IX. &. 

This expression is here used with explicit allusion to 
I. 26, 27, where it occurs in the accoimt of the creation of 
man; and it is found nowhere else in the old Testament. 
This cannot surely be urged as a characteristic of the writer. 

10, The mode of speaking of Noah's family, VI. 18, VII. 
7, 13, VIII. 16, 18, as opposed to VII. 1\ 

But why should diversity of authorship be inferred be- 
cause VI. 18 has *Thou and thy sons, and thy wife, and thy 
sons wives with thee' and VII. 1 : *Thou and all thy house' 
any more than from XLV. 10 : *Thou and thy children and 
thy children's children, and thy flocks, and thy herds, and 
all that thou hast' while ver. 11 has *Thou and thy house 
and all that thou hast', which plainly belong together and are 
by the critics commonly assigned alike to E. Wellhausen 
indeed ascribes XLV. 10 with its detailed enumeration to 
J, thus precisely reversing the characteristic brevity imputed 
to J in Vn. 1. Moreover the detailed statement of Noah's 
family occurs VII, 7 in a passage alleged to contain J's account 
of the entry into the ark, and in connection with expressions 
claimed to be characteristic of J, ^waters of the flood', clean 
beasts and beasts that are not clean'; so that the critics 
find it necessary to resort to the evasion that the text has 
been manipulated by R, who substituted the present reading 
for the presumed original *Noah and his house'. And if 
slight variations in the form of expression are to be made 
the pretext for assuming a diversity of writers, it may be 
observed that VII. 13 is peculiar in giving the names of 
Noah's sons and the number of their wives, and VIII. 16 



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208 William Henry Green. 

in mentioning the wife before the sons. Must these verses 
be referred to a distinct author on this account? 

11. nfe^-^p aU flesh, VI. 12 sq., 17, 19, VII. 15 sq. 21, 
VIII. 17, IX. 11, 15—17; 

This expression occurs thirteen tiroes in the passages 
just recited in the account of the flood to indicate the uni- 
versality of corruption and death and the measures for pre- 
serving the various species of living things. As there was 
no occasion to use it elsewhere in Genesis, it occurs besides 
neither in P. nor in J sections. It is found three times in 
Lev. XVn. 14 *blood the life of all flesh', which Dillmann 
aays (Comment, p. 535) is a mixed passage, and he adds 
hat *all flesh', is no sure proof of P. It further occurs in 
:Num. XVI. 22, XXVII. 16: *God of the spirits of all 
flesh', and in a law of the consecration of the firstborn of 
aU animals. Num. XVIII. 15, and nowhere else in the Hexa- 
teuch. J passages offer no substitute for it, and do not 
employ it for the simple reason that they have no occasion 
to express the idea. It is further found repeatedly in other 
books of the Bible, so that it is no peculiar possession of P. 

12. 'r\2p;'\ -^rj male and female VI. 19, VII. 9, 16.' 
These words can only be expected where there is some 

reason for referring to the distinction of sex. They are 
found together I. 27, V. 2, where the creation of man is 
spoken of, and VI. 19, VII. 3, 9, 16 in the measures for 
the preservation of the various species at the time of the 
flood but nowhere else in Genesis. They are also found 
together in the ritual laws respecting sacrifice Lev. III. 1, 6; 
<5hildbirth, Lev. XII. 7; uncleannes. Lev. XV. 33; Num. V. 
3; and vows, Lev. XXVII. 3-7; and nowhere else in the 
Hexateuch except Deut. IV. 12, referring to objects of ido- 
latrous worship. And it is almost exclusively in ritual con- 
nections, that the words indicative of sex are used at all, 
even separately. Thus male occurs in Genesis only in rela- 
tion to circumcision, Gen. XVIL 10, 12, 14, 23, XXXIV. 
15, 22, 24, 25; and besides in a like connection in Ex. 
XII. 48 (Josh. V. 4 R). It 18 further found in the Hexa- 
teuch in relation to sacrifice, Ex. XII. 5; Lev. I. 3, 10, IV. 
23, XXII. 19 ; hallowing the first born (Ex. XHI. 12, 15 J; 
Deut. XV. 19 D); directions concerning the priests, Lev. 



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The Diction of Genesis VI— IX. 209 

VI. 11 (Eng. Version ver. 18), 22 (E. V. 29), VII. 6; Num. 
XVIII. 10; chUdbirth, Lev. XIl. 2; copulation, (Lev. XVIII. 
22, XX. 13 J 80 Dillm.); Num. XXXL 17, 18, 35; the 
census, Num. I. 2, 20, 22, ch. Ill, XXVI. 62 (Josh. XVII. 
2 JE., except only the word males, so Dillm.); and war, 
Num, XXXI. 7, 17. Female occurs separately in connection 
with sacrifice. Lev. IV. 28, 32, V. 6; childbirth Lev. XII. 
5; and war, Num. XXXI. 15. As the creation, flood (for 
the most part), and ritual law are assigned to P, it is not 
surprising that nearly all the allusions to sex are in the 
sections and paragraphs attributed to P. And yet in the 
limited references, which J. is supposed to make to matters 
that admit of an allusion to sex, the word male finds 
entrance there also, as appears from the above recital It 
is alleged that J. uses a different phrase, inr??l ^^^ ^lan 
and his wife, VII. 2, instead of male and female. 
Nevertheless male and female occur VIL 3, 9 in para- 
graphs assigned to J. The critics say that these words 
were inserted by R. the only evidence of which is that 
they are at variance with critical assumptions. And why 
R. should have been concerned to insert them here, and not 
in VI r. 2 does not appear. 

13. *cn^nn©Bfe^ according to their families VIII. 19.' 
This particular form of expression occurs once of the 

various species of animals that came forth from the ark. 
With that exception it is limited to genealogies, viz. of the 
sons of Noah, X. 5, 20, 31; of Esau, XXXVI, 40; and of the 
Levites, Ex. VI. 17, 25; the census of the tribes, Num. I — IV, 
XXVI; and the division of Canaan, Num. XXXIII, 54; Josh. 
XIII etc. As these are for the most part given to P by 
rule, the word is chiefly found in P sections as a matter of 
course. Yet it is classed as belonging to P in X. 20, 31, 
though the preceeding genealogy, to which it relates, is given 
to J. The word itself is found in J. Gen. XII. 3, XXVIII. 
14, and JE Josh. VI, 23; and with the same preposition 
"according to your families' Ex. XII, 21 J, 'according to his 
families' Num. XI. 10 JE. 

14. 'nCT; ]3 so did he VI, 22.' 

This is part of an emphatic declaration that the divine 
directions were punctually obeyed. Such statements are 
K o h n t « Semitic Studies. 1^ 



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210 Wiliiani Henry Green. 

mostly found in connection with the ritual, and naturally 
have their place in P, to which ritual passages are regularly 
assigned. In Ex. XII, 28 it is preceded and followed by a 
J context, with the former of which it is intimately united, to 
which it evidently refers, and from which its meaning is 
derived. And yet it is torn from this connection, and linked 
with a distant P paragraph solely and avowedly because it 
contains the formula in question. It occurs but once in the 
book of Genesis, where it describes the exactness, with which 
Noah heeded the injunctions given him. The expression in 
VII, 5 is less full, but this is no indication that it is from 
a different source. The emphatic foimula connected with the 
general statement in Ex. XXXIX, 32 is preceded, and that 
in Ex. XL, 16 is followed by numerous particular statements 
with a briefer formula, but no one suspects a difference ot 
authorship on this account. 

15 '^'.2^^ rpg be fruitful and multiply, VIII, 17, 
IX, 1,7.' ' 

This phrase occurs ten times in Genesis, and once in 
Exodus, and in all of them is referred to P. This looks 
like a strong case at first sight ; but all its seeming strength 
is dissipated upon examination. The phrase is an emphatic 
combination designed to express exuberant fertility; and its 
meaning is repeatedly heightened by the addition of other 
synonymous words or of intensifying adverbs. *) It is used 
in the Pentateuch of three things, and of these only. 1. The 
blessing of fruitfulness pronounced upon animals and men 
at their creation, Gen. I, 22, 28, and after the flood, VIII. 17, 
IX. 1, 7. 2 The promise to the patriarchs of the multipli- 
cation of their descendants. 3. The actual multiplication 
of the children of Israel in Egypt, Gen. XL VII. 27; Ex. I. 7. 
Since the entire account of the creation and almost all of 
the account of the flood are given to P., the blessings then 
pronounced take the same direction as a matter of course. 
Of the two statements of the multiplication of the Israelites 

») Thus Gen. 1. 22, 28, IX. 1 ih^i um m, 

YIII. 17 1211 r*i . . . «-sB?i. 

IX. 7 1311 . . . ixi^r U11 nc. 

XLVII. 27 iKO lai'i i'tbm. 

Ex. I. 7 1KD nKDa leuyM 12-sn i^turi i"». 



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The Diction of Genesis VI-IX. 211 

in Egypt, Gen. XLVII. 27 stands in a J context, and Ex. I. 7 
in an E context; and both are sundered from their proper 
connection and referred to P principally on account of the 
phrase in question 

In the blessing upon Abraham and his descendants in 
Gen. XVII these two verbs are first used separately, *mul- 
tiply' ver. 2, 'make fruitful' ver. 6, and then both are com- 
bined in ver. 20. This climactic promise of offspring to 
Abraham after long years of waiting, and when every natural 
expectation had vanished, was confirmed by the announce- 
ment that it came from the Almighty God, ver. 1, who was 
able to fulfil what nature could not accomplish J) This promise 
was repeated with explicit allusion to this occasion by Isaac 
to Jacob, XXVIII. 3; by God himself to Jacob, XXXV 11; 
by Jacob to Joseph, XL VIII. 3, 4. In all these cases the 
emphatic words of the original promise, *Almighty God', *be 
fruitfur, 'multiply' are repeated together. There are uni- 
formly assigned to P, not because of the connection, in which 
they stand, but because of the critical assumption that these 
words are characteristic of P, and must always be attributed 
to him. These comprise all the instances in the Hexateuch, 
in which *be fruitfuF and 'multiply* occur together except 
Lev XXVI. 9, which Driver assigns to another than P, and 
Dillmann gives to J. 

16. *n^2 Cpn or jHi establish or ordain a cove- 
nant VI. 18, IX. 9, 11 sq., 17.' 

These expressions are said to be characteristic of P, 
while J habitually uses instead n^? ^13 conclude a cove- 
nant. The fact is that there is a difference in the signi- 
fication of these terms, which should be noted, and which is 
the true and sufficient explanation of their usage, without 
the need of having recourse to the proclivities of distinct 
writers. The first two expressions are used exclusively of 
God instituting covenants with men; establish (lit 'cause 
to stand') indicates the permanence and stability of the 
arrangement divinely made; ordain (lit. 'give') suggests its 



^) Gen. XVn. 1, 2 thd nKCa im« nanm ....♦■!» Vh ♦:!«. 
ver. 6 nKD nwsa irw ♦nnem. 
ver. 20 tkd imm inn ♦n^anm inn 'rmBn). 

14* 



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212 William Henry Green. 

divine appointment a bestowment. These are appUed to 
two covenants granted in perpetuity, that to Noah (establish 
VI. 8. IX. 9, 11, 17; ordain E. V. ^make' IX. 12); and 
to Abraham (establish XVII. 7. 19. 21; Ex. VI. 4; 
ordain, E. V. *make' IX. 12j; and ordain, E. V. 'give' is 
once besides applied to the covenant of a perpetaal priest- 
hood granted to Phinehas, Num. XXV. 12. Conclude (lit. 
*cut.* E. V. 'make') according to its original signification al- 
ludes to the sacrificial rites attending the ratification of a 
covenant, and the cutting of the victim asunder for the con- 
tracting parties to pass between the separated pieces, 
Jer. XXXIV. 18. 19. It properly refers, therefore, to the act 
of concluding a covenant with predominant allusion in some 
instances at least to the accompanjring ceremonies. It is 
accordingly used 

(a) Of covenants between men; thus between Abraham 
and Abimelech, Gen. XXI. 27, 32 E; Isaac and Abimelech, 
XXVI. 28 J; Laban and Jacob, XXXI. 44 E; Israel and 
Canaanites, Ex. XXIII. 32 E, XXXIV. 12, 15 J; Deut. VIL 2 D; 
Josh. IX. 6 sqq. E; Joshua and Israel, Josh. XXIV. 25 E. 

(b) Of the covenants of God with men, when the attention 
is directed to the ratification rather than to the perpetuity 
of the covenant. It occurs once of God's covenant with 
Abraham on the occasion of its formal ratification in condes- 
cension to the customs of men, when a symbol of the Divine 
Being, by whom the engagement was made, passed between 
the parts of the slaughtered victims. Gen XV. 18 J. But 
when the climax was reached, and the faith of childless 
Abraham had been sufficiently tried, the covenant conveying 
the land of Canaan was more explicitly unfolded as a cove- 
nant, in which the Almighty God pledged himself to be a 
God unto him and to his seed; a covenant, that was not 
merely entered into, but declared to be everlasting, and the 
stronger word establish is henceforth used in relation to 
it, XVII. 7. Conclude (lit. *cut') is invariably used of God's 
covenant with Israel, ratified by sacrifice, Ex. XXIV. 8 J. 
and solemnly renewed. Ex. XXXIV. 10, 27 J; Deut. IV. 23, 
V. 2, 3, IX. 9, XXVni. 69, XXIX. 11, 13, 24, XXXI, 16. 
Establish is never used in speaking of this covenant with 
Israel, as of that with Abraham, because the element of 



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The Diction of Genesis VI— IX. 213 

perpetuity and inviolability was wanting. It was liable to 
be broken. It was once actually ruptured by the crime of 
the golden calf, and again by their rebellion, when the spies 
brought an evil report of the promised land, and they were 
in consequence condemned to die in the wilderness. The 
people were ever afresh reminded that its persistence was 
conditioned on their own fidelity. Only once in Pentateuch 
is its perpetuation set before them as a blessing of the 
future;^) if they will walk in the Lord's statutes ^ he will 
establish his covenant with them, Lev. XXVI. 3. 9 (J 
DiUm.). It is quite likely, however, that the phrase is here 
used in the secondary sense of performing or fulfilling, as it 
is in relation to the covenant with Abraham in Deut. VIII. 18. 
The occurrence of what is claimed as a P phrase in J and 
D shows that it is not the peculiar property of any one of 
the so-called Hexateuchal documents. And the superficial 
exegesis^ which finds here only an unmeaning difference of 
usage in different writers, overlooks the profound significance, 
which underlies the constant employment of these several 
terms. 

17. *You and your seed after you, IX. 9.' 
This or the like phrase with a simple change of the 
pronoun is uniformly ascribed to P. It occurs in the promise 
to Noah, IX. 9, Abraham, XVII. 7 bis, 8, 9, 10, 19, Jacob 
XXXV. 12, repeated by Jacob to Joseph, XLVIII. 4, the 
injunction to Aaron, Ex. XXVIII. 43, and the promise to 
Phinehas, Num. XXV. 13. But the expression is not uniform 
even in passages assigned to P, e. g. Ho thee and to thy 
seed with thee* Gen. XXVIII 4; Num. XVIII. 19; Ho him 
and to his seed throughout their generations' Ex. XXX. 21. 
Why then should a slight additional variation in three other 
passages be thought to indicate a different author? viz. 'to 
thee and to thy seed for ever' Gen. XIII. 15 J.; 'unto thee 
and unto thy seed', XXVI. 3 R, XXVill. 13 J. Especially 
as one author in Deuteronomy uses all these phrases; *unto 
them and to their seed after them' I. 8; *unto them and to 
their seed' XL 9; Hhee and thy seed for ever' XXVIIL 46. 

') And once besides in the Old Testament, Ezek. XVI. 60, 62, where, 
however, it is based not on the fidelity of the people, but on the prevenient 
grace of God. 



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214 William Henry Green. 

18. ^yi: die, expire (for which J is said to use Pic), 

VI. 17, VII. 2V 

This word is only found in poetry except in the Hexa* 
teuch, where it is an emphatic word, only used of the death 
of venerated partriarchs or of great cata8ti*ophes. It occurs 
twice in relation to those that perished in the flood, VI. 17, 

VII. 21; also of those who were cut off by divine judgment 
for the rebelUon of Korah Num. XVII. 27, 28 (E. V. 12, 13), 
XX. 3 bis; or the trespass of Achan, Josh. XXII. 20. It 
is used in connection with D^C died of the death of Abraham, 
Gen. XXV. 8; Ishmael, ver. 17; Isaac, XXXV. 29; and with 
the equivalent phrase Vas gathered to his people' of Jacob, 
XLIX. 33 ; also of Aaron, Num. XX. 29, where the preceding 
verse has r\^i2. 

The critics improperly sunder Gen. VII. 22, which 
has n^'C from its connection with ver. 21, which has 
yi^, assigning the former for this reason to J and the latter 
to P; although ver. 22 directly continues ver. 21, and is a 
comprehensive restatement in brief, added with the view of 
giving sti'onger expression to the thought. Num XX. 3 b 
is cut out of an E connection and referred to P on account 
of this word JPi, though the similar passage Num. XIV. 23 
shows that it belongs where it stands. This word could 
not be expected in the passages assigned to J., since they 
record no death in all the Hexateuch except those of Haran, 
Gen. XI. 28; Shuah the wife of Judah, XXXVIII. 12; and 
a king of Egypt, Ex. II. 23; in all which the word D^c is 
appropriately used. The passages assigned to P in like 
manner use r\^C of Terah Gen. XL 32; Sarah XXIII. 2; the 
kings of Edom XXXVI. 33—39 (referred to P by Dillm.); 
Nadab and Abihu Lev. X. 2, and several times besides as 
an emphatic addition to yi^. There is in all this no difference 
of usage whatever, and certainly nothing to suggest diversity 
of authorsliip. 

19. *n''nrn and nn?^ destroy (not HTO blot out J^, 
VI. 13, 17, IX. 11, 15.' 

What is here claimed as a P word occurs but once in 
P outside of the account of the flood, Gen. XIX. 29; while 
it occurs repeatedly in J, Hiphil form : Gen. XIII. 10, XIX. 13, 
XXXVIII. 29; Ex. XXXII. 7; Deut. XXXII. 5; and in E 



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The Diction of Genesis VI— IX. 215 

Ex. XXI. 26; Num. XXXII. 15; Josh. XXII. 33. Piel form: 
in J Gen. XVUI. 28, 31, 32, XIX. 13, 14; Ex. XII 23. 
And the alleged J word riDC occurs four times in the nar- 
rative of the flood, VI. 7, VII. 4, 23 bis; and five times 
besides in the Hexateuch, twice in J Ex. XXXII. 32, 33;- 
twice in E Ex. XVII. 14; and once in P Num. V. 23. The 
writer is led to use r\np in VI. 13, 17 because of the two- 
fold significance of the word, which may have respect to 
character or condition, and may mean *to coiTupV or *to 
destroy.' All flesh had corrupted their way, wherefore God 
was resolved to destroy them. In VII. 23 DnC, though 
referi'ed to J, is in connection with the enumeration of ^man, 
beast, creeping thing, and fowl of heaven', which is reckoned 
a characteristic of J, and can only be accounted for by the 
assumption that it has been inserted by R. 

20. *T?in beget VI. 10 (for which J is said to use ^]y 
As is remarked by Dillmann (Comment on Gen. V. 3), 
n^^in said of the father belongs to greater precision of style. 
Hence this is uniformly used in the dii*ect line of the genealogies 
leading to the chosen race, which are drawn up with special 
fulness and formality, Gen. V, VI. 10, XI. 10 sqq., XXV. 19, 
Num. XXVI. 29, 58. And 1^^ is as uniformly used of the 
side-lines, thus IV. 18 (in the line of Cain), X. 8, 13, 15, 
24, 26 (line of Ham and that of Shem outside of the chosen 
race); XXII. 23 (Bethuel); XXV. 3 (Keturah). The only 
apparent exceptions are not really such; X. 24 Arpachshad, 
Shelah, Eber here head a divergent line proceeding with 
Joktan, cf. XI. 12—17. In XI. 27 Haran begat ip^t^Ti) Lot, 
but this is included in the genealogy with Abi*aham, just as 
XI, 26 Terah begot ("I'l^in) three sons, and Noah v. 32, VI. 10 
begot (T^in) three sons, these being included in a genealogy 
of the direct line. In XVII. 20 the promise that Ishmael 
shall beget (T*?V) twelve princes is not in a genealogy, and 
besides it is part of a promise to Abraham. The variation, 
which the critics attribute to distinct winters, is simply the 
carrying out of a consistent and uniform plan by the same 
writer. Besides it is only by critical legerdemain that It 
is restricted to J. Gen, XXII. 23 is referred to J notwith- 
standing the allusion by P in XXV. 20, which makes it 
necessary to assume that P had stated the same thing in 



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216 William Henry Green. 

some other passage now lost This carries with it XXII. 20, 
whose allusion to XI. 29 requires the latter to be torn from 
its connection and referred to J. And in XXV. 3 1^ alter- 
nates with ^.55% which is made a criterion of P in ch. X, 
cf. also XLVi. 9 sqq.; Ex. VI. 15 sqq. 

21. 'n^?« eating (E. V. food) VI. 21, IX. 3' 
Delitzsch {Comment, on Gen. Vi. 21) says '^rj?!? to eat 

and Srj<5^ for food\ and quotes with approval from Driver 
'a thing is given h^^ on a particular occasion , it is given 
rhzt^h for a continuance\ It is said that J uses *55t<p as 
its equivalent; but 72^ and T]7DH occur together in Gen. 
VI. 21 P, where the difference is plainly shown; b^ViU de- 
notes that which is eaten, n^pN the act of eating. ^^^^( 
occurs seven times in the Hexateuch. In each instance some 
particular article of food is prescribed for constant eating; 
and these are the only passages in which this is done. In 
Gen. I. 29, 30 to man and beast at the creation; VI. 21 to 
Noah and those that were with him in the ark during the 
flood; IX. 3 to man after the flood; Ex. XVI 15 to Israel 
manna during their abode in the wilderness; Lev. XL 39 to 
Israel animal food allowed by the law; XXV. 6 to man and 
beast during the sabbatical year. 

As all these verses are assigned to P, and these com- 
prise all the passages of this description, it is not surprising 
that T\^r^ does not occur in J. But some nice critical work 
is necessary to effect this. Ex. XVI. 15 has to be split in 
two; its first clause is said to belong to J. but its last 
clause is attributed to P because of this very word (so Dilhn.) 
Kayser .(Dew vorexilische Buck p. 7&) refers Lev. XXV. 1 — 7 
to another than P; Kuenen {Hexateuch, p. 286) refers it 
to P,^ who is distinguished from P, or as he prefers to call 
him P^ the author of'the historico-legislative work extending 
from the creation to the settlement in Canaan.' (p. 288). 

22. 'rm wild beast, VIL 14, 21, VIIL 1. 17, 19,IX.2. 5.' 
There is no difference in this between the passages 

respectively assigned to the so-called documents. T)Ti beast 
is distinguished from n^P^ cattle in P 1. 24, 25, VII. 14 21, 

VIII. 1, IX. 10 ; but so it is in J. II. 20. In I. 30, VIII. 19, 

IX. 2, 5 P it is used in a more comprehensive sense and 
includes domestic animals precisely as it does in 11. 19 J. 



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The Diction of Geneeis IV— IX. 217 

In VL 20 P n)fri5 cattle is used in a like comprehensive 
sense and embraces all qaadrupeds as in VII. 2. J. In the 
rest of Genesis and of the Hexateuch while njn beast 
occurs in the sense of wild beasts in Gen. XXXVII. 20, 33 JE, 
Ex. XXm. 29 E, Deut. VII. 22 D, it is nowhere used in 
this sense in P, to which it is conceded that Lev. XVII. 13, 
XXV. 7, XXVI. 6, 22 do not properly belong, and in Num. 
XXXV. 3, where 'beasts^ are distinguished from *cattle' it is 
nevertheless plain that domesticated animals are meant. 

23. ']>r? kind VI. 20, VII. 14/ 

This word is only used when there is occasion to refer 
to various species of living things, as in the account of the 
creation Gen. I (10 times), and of the preservation of the 
animals in the ark VI. 20 (4 times), VII. 14 (4 times), and 
in the law respecting clean and unclean animals Lev. XI 
(9 times), Deut. XIV (4 times). It occurs but once besides 
in the entire Old Testament, Ezek. XLVII. 10, where reference 
is made to the various species of fish. As the creation, the 
flood (in large part) and the ritual law are assigned to P, 
and there is no occasion to use the word elsewhere, it cannot 
be expected in passages attributed to J ; not even in VII. 2. 
3, 8, where attention is drawn to the distinction maintained 
between clean and unclean rather than the variety of species 
preserved, which is sufficiently insisted upon VI. 20 and VII. 14. 

24. *CSj; self same VIL 13.' 

This is an emphatic form of speech, which was but 
sparingly used, and limited to important epochs, whose 
exact time is thus signalized. It marks two momentous days 
in the history, that on which Noah entered into the ark. 
Gen. VII. 13, and that on which Moses the leader and 
legislator of Israel went up Mount Nebo to die, Deut. 
XXXII. 48. With these exceptions it occurs mainly in 
ritual sections. It is used twice in connection with the original 
institution of circumcision in the family of Abraham, Gen. 
XVn. 23, 26; three times in connection with the institution 
of the passover on the day that the Lord brought Israel out 
of the land of Egypt, Ex. XIL 17, 41, 51 ; and five times 
in Lev. XXIII, the chapter of ordaining the sacred festivals, 
to mark severally the day on which the sheaf of the first 
fruits was presented in the passover week, ver. 14 (which 



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218 William Henry Green. 

is emphasized afresh on the observance of the first passover 
in Canaan, Josh. V. 11); also the day on which the two 
wave loaves were brought at the feast of weeks, ver. 21; 
and with triple repetition the great day of atonement, 
vs. 28 - 30. Since ritual passages are regularly assigned to 
P, and the two emphatic moments in the historj' calling for 
the use of this expression have likewise been given to him, 
it might not seem surprising if it had been absolutely limited 
to P. And yet it is found once in an admitted JE section, 
Josh. X. 27, showing that it can have place in these sections 
as well as others, if there is occasion for its employment. 

25. ^Y^Z' creep or swarm, ^"jt^' creeping or swar- 
ming things, VII. 21, VIII. 17, IX. i: 

yw creeping things occurs among other species of 
animals at the creation, I. 20, in the flood, VII. 21, and in 
the ritual law as a source of defilement, Lev. V. 2, XXII. 5, 
or prohibited as food. Lev. XI (10 times), Deut XIV. 19; 
and it is found nowhere else in the Old Testament. 

The verb y^^p is used with its cognate noun at the 
creation, I. 20, 21, and flood, VII. 21, and in the law ot 
unclean meats, Lev. XI. 29, 41, 42, 43, 46; and in the sense 
of swarming or great fertility in the blessings pronounced 
upon animals and men after the flood, VIII. 17, IX 7; the 
immense multiplication of the children of Israel in Egypt^ 
Ex. I. 2; and the production of countless frogs, Ex. VII. 28 
(E. V. VIII. 3); repeated Ps. CV. 30; and it is used but once 
besides in the entire Old Testament. In the creation, flood 
and ritual law it is given to P as a matter of course; but 
it occurs in J in Ex. VII. 28, and in Ex. I. 7 it is only 
saved for P by cutting it out of an E connection. 

26. 'B^C'3 creep and fc^*) creeping thing.' 

These words occur in the account of the creation, 
I 21, 24, 25. 26, 28, 30, and in the flood VI. 20, VIL 14. 
21, 23, Vm. 17. 19, IX. 2. 3 P (also VI. 7, VII. 8, 23 in 
a J connection); in the ritual law respecting clean and un- 
clean beasts, Lev. XI, 44, 46 P, XX. 25 J (so Dillm.); and 
in the prohibition of making an image of anything for wor- 
ship, Deut. IV. 18; and in but three passages besides in 
the Old Testament, Ps. LXIX. 35, CIV. 20, Ezek. XXXVIIl. 
20. Their signification limits their occurrence to a class of 



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The Diction of Genesis VI— IX. 219 

passages that are mostly assigned ta P, though the noun is 
likewise found in D, and both noun and verb are only 
excluded from J by critical legerdemain. 

27. *-!Np -INip exceedingly, VII. 19.' 

This duplicated intensive adverb is referred to P also 
Ex. 1. 7, Num. XIV. 7, and with a preposition prefixed, 
Gen. XVII. 2, 6, 20 But it is admitted to belong to J Gen. 
XXX. 43. 28. 

28. *? used distributively, Vil. 21, VIII. 17,IX. 10, 15 sq.' 
But it occurs in JE likewise Ex. X. 15. 

It appears from the above examination of these words 
and phrases that they are for the most part found in the 
other so-called documents as well as in P; when they are 
limited to P or preponderate there, it is due not to the 
writer s pecularity, but to the nature of the subject, and in 
many cases to critical aii;ifice. 

Dr. Dillraann notes the following as characteristics of J. 
In VI. 1, 2. 

(1) mn\ (2) ^nn, (3) nci^fn ^j^-^g, (4) o-j.sn, (5) 31:: 

in a physical sense. 

In VI. 5—8. 

mn^ as (1), (6) is.^. VIII. 21. (7) p-], (8) 2^Vjr}r^ III. 16. 
17, XXXIV. 7. (9) nnc. npiN as (3), (10) |n nhc, (11) Human 
feelings attributed to God, ver. 8. 

In ch. VII, VIII. 

niH'' as (1). Anthropomorphism, VII. 16-, VIII. 21 as (11), 
(12) Distinction of clean and unclean beasts, mention of altar 
and sacrifice, VIII. 20, 21 cf. IV. 3, 4. (13) Prominence 
given to inherent sinfulness of men, VII. 21. Pinp VII. 4, 
23 as (9). (14) iniri<i ir^N VD. 2. nijlNH 03©-^j;)'viI. 4, 8. 
23, VIII. 8, 13, 21 as (3). (15) uxf? VIL 4, 10. (16) 12^"^$; 
VIII. 21. cf.VL 6. (17) ^C»3VIIL21. ^H^ VIII. 21 as (6). 
(18) ^rrh^ VIII. 21, m. 20 contrary to VI. 19. 

These will be examined in the order in which they are 
nimibered, and in addition a few verbal differences noted by 
Dillmann in the course of his exposition of these chapters. 

1. n^rr' Jehovah. The divine names have been already 
explained. 



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220 William Heury Green. 

2. bnn begin, also in P Num. XVII. 11. 12 (E. V. 
XVI. 46, 47). 

3. ncngn ^;)©"^g on the face of the ground. 
Though n)pn(< is made a criterion of J, and its presence 

in a passage is held to warrant its ascription to J, it never- 
theless occurs in P Oen. I. 25, VL 20, IX. 2. And it is 
only by critical artifice that npng ^J© VIII. 13 b is excluded 
from P, though it is enclosed between ver. 13 a and ver. 14, 
which are both attributed to P, and it is the direct con- 
tinuation of ver. 13 a, and is in structure conformed to 
VI. 12 P. The occurence of p.^ in ver. 13 a and r.pn« 
in 13 b does not justify the assumption of different sources 
any more than the same change in VII. 3, 4 or in VIII 7, 8; 
see also vs. 9, 11, where no one dreams of a difference of 
sources. 

4. Diwn. 

T T T 

Though Adam is used as a proper noun in P, it is also 
treated as a common noun, and as such has tho article in 
I. 22, VII. 21, IX. 5, 6. 

5. 2)ID in a physical sense. 

So in P Gen. I. 4, XXV. 8, Lev. XXVII. 10, 12, 14, 
33; Num. XIV. 7, XXXVI. 6. If it is not appUed to per- 
sonal beauty in P, the simple reason is that the critics do 
not assign to P any passage in which this idea is expressed. 

6. ^^l imagination. 

This word occurs but three times in the Hexateuch, 
Gen. VI. 5, VIII. 21 ; Deut XXXI. 21, and is uniformly by 
the critics referred to J. 

7. pi only. 

This word, which occurs repeatedly in J, E and D, does 
not chance to be found in the passages attributed to P. 

8. 2?jynn to be grieved. 

This verb is here found in a J passage, VI. 6. It 
occurs twice besides in the Hexateuch, once in the same form 
(Hithpael) XXXIV. 7, and once in a different species (Niphal) 
XIV. 5. The critics claim them all for J, but in so doing 
have to resort to a somewhat violent procedure. Ch. XXXIV, 7 
is in a P connection, the preceding verse and the following 
verses being given to P; but ver. 7 has this J word, an E 
phrase ^which ought not to be done' XX. 6, and a D phrase 



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The Diction of Genesis VI—XI. 221 

Sn*ought folly in Israel', Deut XXII. 21; a combinatioDy which 
is readily explained on the assumption of the unity of the 
Pentateuch, but on the principles of the divisive critics is 
sufficiently puzzling. So without more ado the refractory 
verse is cut out of the connection, to which it manifestly 
belongs, and the entire conglomerate is made over to J. 
Oen, XLV. 5 is in an E connection, and contains what are 
regarded as E characteristics, but is split in two in order to 
give this verb to J. 

9. HTO blot out, destroy. See above under marks 
of P, no. 19. 

10. ]n K»J find favour. 

It is not surprising that this expression, which naturally 
has its place chiefly in narrative sections, does not occur 
in P, to which only occasional scraps of ordinary narrative 
are assigned. And yet it requires some nice critical surgery 
to limit it to J. Gen. XXXIV. 11 is in a P connection. 
Shechem there continues the entreaty begun by his father, 
vs. 8 — 10 P, and the sons of Jacob make reply to Shechem 
as well as to his father, vs. 13 - 18 P. And yet this verse 
is sundered from its connection and given to J on account 
of this very phrase. 

11. 'Human feelings attributed to God' VI. 8. 
Elohim is the general term for God, and describes him 

as the creator of the world and its universal governor, while 
Jehovah is his personal name, and that by which he has 
made himself known as the God of a gracious revelation. 
Hence divine acts of condescension to men and of self mani- 
festation are more naturally associated whith the name Je- 
hovah; whence it follows that anthropopathies and anthro- 
pomorphisms occur chiefly in Jehovah sections. But there 
is no inconsistency between the ideas which these are in- 
tended to suggest and the most spiritual and exalted notions 
of the Most High. The loftiest conceptions of God are 
throughout the Scriptures freely combined with anthro- 
pomorphic representations. His infinite condescension is no 
prejudice to his supreme exaltation. These are not different 
ideas of God separately entertained by different writers, but 
different aspects of the Divine Being, which enter alike into 
every true conception of him. The writer of 1. Sam. XV. 35 



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222 William Henry Green. 

does not hesitate to say * Jehovah repented', though he had 
said but a few verses before, ver. 29, 'He is not a man that 
he should repent^ The prophet Amos describes Jehovah's 
majestic greatness in lofty terms, V. 8, and yet speaks of 
his repenting, VII. 3, and of his smelling the odours of 
Israel's offerings. * Jehovah smelled a sweet savour' Gen. 
VIII. 21 J is identical in thought and language with the 
constant phrase of the ritual *a sweet savour unto Jehovah' 
Lev. I. 13 P; cf. Lev. XXVI. 31. There is accordingly no 
incompatibility between the representations of God as Jehovah 
and as Elohim. These supplement and complete each other; 
and there is not the slightest reason for imputing them to 
the variant conceptions of distinct writers. 

12. ^Distinction of clean and unclean beasts, mention 
of altar and sacrifice', VIIL 20, 21; cf. IV. 3, 4. 

For the reason given under the preceding number it 
was as Jehovah chiefly that God was worshipped, that prayer 
was addressed to him, and offerings made to him. Hence 
it is almost exclusively in Jehovah sections that mention' is 
made of altars and sacrifices; and the distinction of clean 
and unclean beasts here made had relation to sacrifice. 

The notion of the critics that according to P sacrifice 
was first introduced by Moses at Sinai is utterly pre- 
posterous and altogether unwarranted. It is preposterous to 
suppose that the pious patriarchs, who were honoured with 
special divine communications, and were in favour with God, 
engaged in no acts of worship. And it is wholly without 
warrant, for there is no suggestion of any such idea in the 
paragraphs assigned to P. This is one of those perverse 
conclusions which are drawn from the absolute severance of 
what belongs together, and can only be properly understood 
in combination. The prevalent absence of allusion to sacrifice 
in passages where God is spoken of as Elohim simply arises 
from the circumstance that Jehovah is the proper name to 
use in such a connection. 

13 'Prominence given to the inherent sinfulness of 
men', VH. 21. 

Jehovah's gracious revelation has for its object the 
recovery of men from sin, and their restoration to the divine 
favour. Now since the disease and the remedy go together, 



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Tho Diction of Genesis VI— IX. 223 

it is quite appropriate that human sin should be chiefly 
portrayed in Jehovah sections. 

14. 'lPd<1 K'^N a man and his wife: used of beasts 

... 1 ^ 

*a male and his female* VII. 2. See above, marks of P no. 12. 
As these terms are nowhere else applied to the lower 
animals in J, it is not strange that they are not so applied 
in P sections. But a fairly parallel case occurs in Ex. XXVI. 
3, 5, 6, 17 P, where terms strictly denoting human beings 
receive a wider application, curtains and tenons being said 
to be coupled ^a woman to her sister* i. e. one to another^ 
as it is in Ex. XXXVI. 10, 12, 13, 22. Moreover, in Gen. 
VIII. 19 nn^lC^ is used to denote species in animals, while 
]^ is always used in this sense elsewhere. Yet both are 
alike referred to P by the critics. With what consistency 
then can a difference of writers be inferred from the fact 
that ini5^5<l C^N is used in one verse, VII. 2, instead ot 

15. C^^ in days or at the completion of days VII. 4,10. 
This expression occurs nowhere else in the Hexateuch 

in this sense; but the preposition is similarly used XVII. 21 P; 
see Dillmann on Gen. III. 8, to which he refers VII. 4 as 
a parallel. 

16. yiT^^ at or unto his heart VI. 6, VIII. 21. 
Nowhere else in the Hexateuch. 

17. yas:^ because of VIU. 21. 

This occurs only in narrative passages, viz. 15 times in 
Genesis, 7 times in the first 20 chapters of Exodus, and 
nowhere else in the Hexateuch. It is three times attributed 
to R Ex. IX. 14, 16 bis; and with this exception the pas- 
sages in which it is found are divided between J and E. to 
whom the great bulk of the narrative in the Hexateuch is 
ascribed. 

18. ^Trh^ every living thing, VIIL 21, III. 20, 
contrary to VI. 19 ^nn"^3 all the living things. 

These words do not occur together again in the Hexa- 
teuch, whether with the article or without it. The insertion 
or the omission of the article in such a phrase is a very 
slender ground, on which to base the assertion of a difference 
of writers, especially as its insertion in VI. 19 appears to 



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224 William Henry Green. 

be due to the qualifying expression that follows, *a11 the 
living things of all flesh'. 

19. n^fW was overspread, IX. 19. 

Dillmann says that P writes Tis;) X. 5, 32; and then 
he annals the force of his remark by adding ^not quite in 
the same sense'. If the sense is not the same, why should 
not the word be diflFerentV 

Dillmann further calls attention to the fact that different 
expressions are used for the same thing in different parts of 
the nari'ative of the flood. Thus 20. P in VI. 16 speaks of 
ini a light, but J VIII. 6 of p^n a window in the ark. 

There is some obscurity in the description of the former, 
which makes its precise construction doubtful. Dillmann 
thinks that it was an opening a cubit wide, extending the 
entire length of all the four sides of the ark just beneath 
the roof, for the admission of light and air, and only inter- 
rupted by the beams, which supported the roof. The window 
was a latticed opening, whose shape and dimensions are not 
given. There is nothing to forbid its exact correspondence 
and identity with the opening before mentioned. And there 
is nothing strange in the use of one term to describe it 
when considered simply as intended for the admission of 
light, and another term when reference is made to the lattice, 
which Noah had occasion to unfasten. 

21. Dp^ living substance VII. 4, 23. 

This is found but once besides in the Old Testament, 
Deut. XL 6. In both the former passages it is given to J, 
notwithstanding the mixed state of the text, as the critics 
regard it, in ver. 23. It there stands in combination with 
*man, cattle, creeping things and fowl of the heaven', also 
with T]^t *only' and Vho were with him', all which are 
accounted marks of P. 

22. hp^ lightened or abated VIII. 8, 11. 

As this word is nowhere else used in a like sense by 
J, it is not strange that it does not occur in P. And as 
two different words are employed in VIII 1. 3 to express 
a similar thought, both being referred by the critics to the 
same writer, why should the use of a third word bearing an 
analogous sense compel us to think of a different writer 
altogether ? 



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The Diction of Genesis VI— IX. 225 

23. r^in (Piel) keep alive VII 3J, while VI. 19, 
20 P has njnn (Hiphil). 

But this can be no indication of a diversity of writers, 
for both forms occur repeatedly in passages assigned to J 
elsewhere; thus, Piel Gen. XII. 12, XIX. 32. 34; Hiphil 
XIX 19, XL VII. 25. Both occur in the same connection 
Num. XXXI. 15, 18, and are referred to the same writer. 
The Hiphil is but once again referred to P, Josh. IX. 20, 
and the Piel which occurs in the same connection, ver. 15, 
is only given to another by a critical dissection of the verse. 
The Piel and Hiphil of this verb are used indiscriminately 
as those of Pn?^' are, which are both given to P; see above, 
marks of P, no. 19. ' 

24. ^'i^pn ^0 waters of the flood VII 7. 10 (not 
80 ver. 17). , 

The attempt to create a distinction between the so- 
called documents in the mode of speaking of the flood is 
not succesful. When the flood is first mentioned, the unusual 
word 'IJ'tZO is defined by the added phrase *waters upon the 
earth' VI. 17, VH. 6 P. We then read VII. 7, 10 J of 
'waters of the flood', and the same in IX. 11 P. Then 
VII. 17 J of Hhe flood' simply, and so in IX 15, 28 P. 

After this examination of all that the critics have to 
adduce upon this subject I think that it may be safely said 
that there is nothing in the diction of these chapters that 
tends in any way to disprove their common authorship, or 
to create any presumption in favour of the critical hypothesis 
that different documents have here been combined. 



K h n t , Semitic Stodies. 1^ 



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Benan ttber die spSteren Formen der 
hebiiiischeii Sprache 

VOD 

Dr. Max GrOnbaum (Miinohen). 



In der vierten Auflage seiner Histoire generak et systenie 
cotnpare des langues semitiques (p. 158 fg.), spricht Benan 
von den spftteren Formen des Hebrftischen sowohl in den 
biblischen wie in den nachbiblischen Schriften, der Mischna 
und den beiden Talmuden. P. 164 spricht er von dem 
Gebrauch des Hebrilischen in den Ubersetzungen der nr- 
spHinglich arabisch geschriebenen Schriften mit folgenden 
Worten : 

La connaissance de Th^breu devint g^nirale quand les 
Jnifs de FEspagne musulmane, chassis par le fanatisme des 
Almohades, se refugi^rent dans FEspagne chr^tienne, en 
Provence, en Languedoc. Uarabe alors cessa de leur etre 
familier, et une nuie de patients traducteurs, k la tete des- 
quels il faut nommer les Aben-Tibbon de Lunel, s'attachent^ 
durant tout le XIII* siecle, k faire passer en hibreu les 
ouvrages arabes de science, de philosophic^ de thiologie, qui 
avaient servi aux etudes de I'age pr^cident. Pour conserver 
le caractere de ces ouvrages, les traducteurs se trouvaient 
amends k ajouter aux propriet^s de I'h^breu ancien une foule 
de formes et de mots empruntes de Tarabe, entre autres les 
mots techniques de science et de philosophic. Les 6crivains 
originaux du XIIP et du XIV® siecle y introduisirent, de 
plus, presque tout le vocabulaire de la Mischna et du Tal- 
mud. Telle est Torigine de la langue qu'on a nomm^e le 
rabbinico-philosophicum. Cette langue est rest^e jusqu'k nos 
jours la langue litteraire des Juifs, on poun*ait y distinguer 
des variet6s infinies^ selon que les auteurs ont models leur 



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Reoan iiber die sp&teren .Formen der hebraischen Spracbe. 227 

Style de priKrence sur la bible, la Mischna, la Gemare, 
selon quails y ont mel^s plus ou moins de mots Strangers. 
Vera 1& fin du dernier siecle, et de notre temps, quelques 
Israelites en Allemagne et en Italie, ont essay^ de revenir 
k Th^breu biblique le plus pur, et ont compost dans cet 
idiome des pastiches ing^nieux. 

L'hibreu rabbinique est done, k beaucoup d'^gards, ce 
quW pent appeler une langue factice, et il justific un tel 
nom par ses difficult^s et ses anomalies. Cette langue est, 
pour les formes grammaticales comme pour le dictionaire, 
bien plus barbare que ITiebreu mischnique, et il serait dilfi- 
cile de soumettre k une classification exacte des mots de toute 
provenance qu'on y rencontre. Lors meme que les vocables 
sout de bon aloi, ils sont souvent d^toum^s de leur sens et 
appliques k des notions m^taphysiques par les proc^dis les 
plus arbitraires. Grace k de nombreux barbarismes, les 
rabbins ont ainsi r^ussi k se former un vocabulaire scolastique 
assez complet. Exemples: ^'^3 (corps) = substance, personne; 
^>'^^71 (SXtj) = matifere; nSlD = preuve syllogistique ; 2-^2 = 
6tat; t^S? — la somme; r\^hh2 = runiversalit^; p]'»K'^ = le 
consequent; Jj^y — sens; IXiCn = forme; ^Wri = condition 
(^?53n2 — conditionellement); de NjH donner etc. Une foule 
de substantifs et d'adjectifs abstraits, derives des racines 
anciennes, complfetent ce singulier language : P'^x^ = beauts ; 
W^3N et nia^:iX — humanity; pnin^ = solitude, >:nn ^ 

v: TV. ' : ' 

spirituel, etc. 

Die hier aufgezkhlten Worter gehoren keineswegs in 
eine und dieselbe Kategorie (wie auch „Rabbins'' eine nicht 
zutreffende Bezeichnung ist), da viele derselben nur in den 
religionsphilosophischen Schriften, deren Sprache von der 
des Talmud verschieden ist, vorkommen; auch die Bezeichnung 
mit langue factice, vocabulaire scolastique ist nicht zutreiFend. 
^■li in der Bedeutung substance, personne, kommt im Talmud 
nicht vor; eigenthiimlich ist demselben der Ausdruck ^<?l: 
fCir „an und fiir sich, die Sache selbst". '»'?l^n entspricht dem 
arabischen ^^y^1 von welchem es im KHdb alta^rifdt (p. fAl) 
heisst*. 8(>UJf^ Jud^t ^J^Jf^ ^^T^' ^^ f^T^^'^ ^^ Guide 
de £gares (I, 396, N.) kommt auch die Form ^if^jje vor 
(die tibrigens auch, wie aus Buxtorf s. r. zu ersehen, in den 
jiidischen Schriften vorkommt). Unrichtig ist es iibrigens, 

15* 



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228 ^^ Giiinbaimi. 

wenn bei Payne-Smith s. v. \cn das Wort ^^vn, mit Berufang 
auf Buxtorf col. 605, ein chaldaisches Wort genannt wird. 
Bei Buxtorf heisst es vielmehr: ^^Tl, SXt), materia, materia 
prima, apud Philosophos et Physicos. R. Bechai scribit in 
principiis Geneseos: ^:vn C^CiC1':'^en pi:'*?! 5<1p: nn ICImmI. 
Da iibrigens sowobl bei Payne-Smith (I, 1004) als auch bei 
Castell-Michaelis die Form ^q^'ti angefiibrt wird, so liegt 
der Gedanke nahe, dass das arabische Wort nicht direct 
dem Griechischen sondem dem Syrischeii eutnommen sei, 
wie dasselbe wohl auch von anderen Wortem gilt, so z. B. 
^XYieYixa, (jJu, Q^hz (Zunz, ZDMG, X, 507), bei Thomas a 
Novaria (ed. Lagarde, p. 7) \^ ^^,. HDIC kommt nur in den 
philosophischen Schriften vor. In der Bibel wird es, gewohn- 
lich in Verbindung mit H^N, von den Wunderu gebraucht, 
die — wie Gesenius im Hundwortcrb. (8. A . p. 445) sagt — 
als Zeichen und Beweis gottlicher Machtvollkommeuheit be- 
trachtet wurden. Im Thesaurus fuhrt Gesenius (p. 143 a) 
uiiter der Bedeutung von ^\t^C auch die von signum, argu- 
mentum an, dazu in Parenthese; apud Rabbinos demonstra- 
tio, probatio evidens. 13as zuweilen in den philosophischen 
Schriften vorkommende ^pin H^^C eutscheidender (schlagender) 
Beweis eutspricht dem arabischen AbU ^^y^, wie auch 
franz. (rancher in diesem Siniie gebraucht wird. Den philo- 
sophischen Schriften eigenthiimlich ist auch das Wort 2KC, 
das genau dem franz. etat entspricht, denn so wie ^tat, 
status von stare, so ist 2KC von 2K3 gebildet. In der Bibel 
kommt es in der Bedeutung Station vor. 'P^^r koqamt auch im 
Talmud sehr oft vor, im Gegeusatz zu JC*1P, wie denn dieser 
Ausdiuck auch von Abulwalid {s. v. t:"lP, p. 586, 2. 24. cf. 
Ges. Thes.y p. 1127 a) angefuhrt wird. Dieses !)^r steht also 
dem bibliscben ^2 nicht sehi* feme, das dazu gehorige . ni'^T^ 
konmit in den philosophischen Schriften vor ^SP kommt im 
Talmud zumeist in der Bedeutung „auf einander folgend'' 
vor, z. B. C^ClKI C^C^ ^^IT, zwei auf einander folgende Tage, 
welcher Ausdinick aber nichts Auffalleudes hat. "^NH kommt 
in der Bedeutung Forma ofter in der Bibel vor; Abfilwalid 
erklart dasselbe mit kJuCj in welcher Bedeutung dasselbe - 
wie aus Buxtorf col. 2552 zu ersehen — in grammatischen 
Schriften vorkommt (l^^^nn CC*), p>? kommt in Koheleth ofter 
vor. Zu dem ^:'^:y DJ?I1 (Koh. 2, 23) bemerkt Abulwalid 



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Renan iiber die si^ftteren Formen der hebrftischen Sprache. 229 

(p. 537, 1) «JL^ ^^\ rshjuo luju^fcAxi, was also der von Renan 
gegebenen Erklarung mit „seiis" entspi*icht. Aucli in Ges. 
Thes, (p, 1050 b) wird zu py bemerkt . . . apud Rabbinos 
res, ens, it sensus, significatio. '^WP kommt in den tal- 
miidischen, wie in den jiidisehen Schriften liberhaupt sehr 
hiiufig vor, so namentlich ^fc<:n hy, syrisch siojl %^ unter der 
Bedingiing. ^oJl, wie ^NjH stammen wahrscheinlidh (nicht vor 
wn geben, sondern) von ]jL, fc<3n, hebr. n^C*, iteravit, repetit. 
duplicavit, da jeder Bedingnngssatz aus zwei Satzen besteht, 
wie ahnlich das arabische UiXwut (Sur. 68, 18) von ^-xS. 
n^N^ wird unter der Form' NP^N'' — Talm. 1^ P^{<% decet 
te — als chaldaischea Wort von Gesenius 5. v. TN^ {Thes., 
p. 557 b) angefShrt und mit dem entsprechenden syrischen 
Ausdruck verglichen. ^<C^3^< diirfte schwer nachweisbar sein, 
wahrend P1ir3N bei Buxtorf (col. 160) mit hnmanitas (d. h. 
Menschheit) ttbersetzt und eine betreffende Stelle an^eftihrt 
wird. Im Talmud kommt keines dieser Worter vor. Statt 
Pni^"12, das jedenfalls unrichtig ist, heisst es in der zweiten 
Ausgabe ni1^"12, das wabrscheinlieh ein Druckfebler ist statt 
PITIS, das Buxtorf {s. v, 112, col. 260) mit Solitudo wiedergiebt. 
^3mi ist das arabische ^^La^^, das bei Maimonides {Guide 
des £gare.% Text f. 81b) vorkommt, zu welchem Worte 
Munk (iWd., p. 281, N.) bemerkt: Par iujl^v on entend 
Te sprit qui preside k un asti-e ou a une constellation, ainsi 
que I'apparition de cet esprit. In demselben Sinne kommt 
^3ni1 auch in Schemtob Ibn Palquera's ^p2D mehrfach vor; 
so heisst es (ed. Haag f. 38 a): (Mercur) 21120 ysit*^ ^2 nc*x'» 
^3rni n2, welcher Ausdruck auch bei den iibrigen Planeten 
wiederkehrt. In der Bedeutung „geistig" kommt ^:nn auch in 
Charizfs (Honein b. Ishak's) C^DID^BP nolD vor (MS. der 
Miinchener Hof- und Staatsbibliothek f. 83 a), wahrscheinlich 
als tJberdetzung von ^[^^y Es wird nilmlich ein Spruch 
dea Euklides angefuhrt, dass die Arithmetik (Np^lCCvCnN) etwas 
Geistiges (p^:nn n3l2P) sei, das aber durch die Schrift als 
dessen korperlicher Dolmetscher anschaulich gemacht werde 
— «^ian Y^hc n'* hy n^jflP, was ganz dem Spruche des Eukli- 
des in Arnold's Arahischer Chrestotnathie (p. 3) entspricht. 
iJb y:i9y^ lUil^.x LwjOit .b^mJl. Dieses juJUam^, korper- 
lich, komimt als "*12Z*li auch oft in den philosophischen 



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230 Max Gninbaum. 

Schriften vor. Ein andrea Wort flir „gei8tig" ist ^iTBi, so 
in C'^irwn cnrinn, jLuLjLlJI ^I^^I in Kaufmann's Theoloyie 
des Bachja ibn Pakudah, p. 15, in welcher Stelle auch 
iuuLa^^ f'Ur ^ttbersinnlich^ vorkommt Mit Bezog aaf letzteres 
Wort bemerkt Steinschneider (Zur pseudepigraphischen Lite- 
ratur, p. 69, N.), unter Hinweisung auf das LUercduri>latt 
de$ Orient 1842, No. 51, p. 811 — woselbst wiederum auf 
Ewald's Gram, crit I arabe, p. 155, § 264 verwiesen wird 
— es klUne zumeist in Ubersetzungen aus dem Sjrischea 
vor. und sei ein dem aramaischen nacbgebildeter Ausdruck. 

An einer andern StelVe (p. l6l), in welcber von der 
Sprache der Mischna die Rede ist, heisst es unter Andrem: 
. . . le futur, s'exprime souvent par Tadjonction du mot Try 
([liXXo), all. werden); des relations des temps sont marquees 
avee plus de precision que dans Vancienne langue, de tr^s 
nombreux particules, formes avec reflexion ('T^?!^'?, k cause 
de, ^§^2, vers etc.) rendent possible Texpression des choses 
rationelles et abstraites. 

Mit Bezug hierauf ist folgendes zu bemerken: Das Fu- 
turum wird in der Miscbna — ebenso wie in der Bibel and 
alien hebraischen Btichern — mit den gew5hnlichen Prilfixen 
ausgedrtickt. TPy wird nur in emphatischem, feierlichem, 
gleichsam prophetiscbem Sinne gebraucht, wenn von der 
femen Zukunft (die selbst mit «12^ THV*? bezeiehnet wird) 
die Rede ist, und nfimnontlich das hervorgehoben wird, was 
Gott alsdann thun wird; librigens ist es eine Eigentbiimlich- 
keit mehrerer Sprachen, namentlich Volkssprachen^ dass sie 
auch hier 'statt der Endting eine Umschreibung anwenden 
und das Zeitwort in seiner ursprunglichen Form beibehalten. 
So ist im Neugriechischen WXco mit dem Infinitiv die ge- 
wohnliche Form des Futurum. Auch die jetzige Form des 
Futurum in den romanischen Sprachen ist eine Zusammen- 
ziehung der friiheren Form, in welcher das Futurum durch 
das Hilfszeitwort haben mit dem Infinitif ausgedriickt ward, 
dar he, dar ho, donner ai = dar6, daro, Je donnerai, *j wie 
man auch in der s. g. cimbrischen Sprache sagt: Ich kann 



*) Cf. ZDMG XLIV (1890), p. 460, N. Die aiteie Form kouimt zu- 
weilen auch in der neueren Sprache, namentlich in Spiichwortem vor, so 
im Don Quijote: Dime con quien andas, decirte he quien eres. 



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Renan tlber die sp&teren Formeu der hebi&ischen Spraohe. 231 

zn machen, entsprechend dem altitalienischen far ho = far6. 
(Schmetter, Uber die s. g. Cimbem^ tu s. w., p. 694). 

Was das Wort ^2ir2 betriflft, so ist dasselbe weit weniger 
abstract als das franzosische k cause de. ^21SQ, Yom hebr. 
*7»2C^ Pfad, Weg entspricht dem deutschen ^wegen, von 
wegen** vom Weg hergenommen. ^D^r w&re besser mit en 
face, vis k vis zu tibersetzen; ''B^r ist nach Luzzatto {Ele- 
menti grammaticali del caldeo biblico e del dialeto taJmudicOy 
§ 21) das contrahirte ^St< ^D, von ^^( Gesicht, mit zwei 
Prftfixen, die anch sonst oft im Talmud vorkommen. Die 
bier envfthuten Worter kommen librigens nicht nur in der 
Mischna sondern auch in der Gemara vor. An einer andren 
Stelle (p. 233 fg.), in welcher von der Sprache des Talmud 
die Bede ist, sagt Renan: Uue scolastique t^n^breuse y mul- 
tiplie les conjunctions compos^es (. . . . 1 23 ^V «T«, quoique, 
. . • . 1 ^^^^< parceque etc.) et les substantifs abstraits. 
. . . Les particules surtout ofirent de nombrenses singulari- 
t^s (>nia za«, k cause de, DiNinr)«, e6W<;, d'abord, ^<21•W, au 
contraire etc.) Quant aux formes grammaticales . . . elles 
echappent souvent k toutes les analogies, et semblent justifier 
jusqu'k un certain point, le nom de langue artiiicielle, qui a 
^t^ donnu k la langue du Talmud comme k la langue rabbi- 
nique (voir ci-desus p. 164). 

Die angefiihrten Beispiele sind nun aber weit mehr sinn- 
lich-concret und volksthtimlich zu nennen als scholastisch- 
kiinstlich. Dem Ausdruck 2:i by ^K liegt das Wort 2^ 
Riicken zu Grande, in welcher Bedeutung das Wort auch 
im Hebraischen vorkommt, wie auch syrisch - *^*^^ ^^ ^^ 
super gebraucht wird (Ges. Thes.y s, v. 223, p. 25oa; Diet- 
rich, Abhandlungen fur semitische Wortforschungen^ p. 161), 
23 ^ ^IK bedeutet also: Auch das zu Grande gelegt, wort* 
lich : Auch auf dem Riicken jener Sache, wie z. B. in der 
Stelle Megilla 3 a: >]n PP^TC ^Tn ^b irT'^l 23 hy ^« „Wenn er 
es auch nicht gesehen, so hat es doch sem Schutzgeist 
(nach Raschi's Erklftrung) gesehen.** Nach der Bedeutung des 
Wortes HB (aram. CIS, CIB^) und ^D Sy (Ges. Thes.y p. 1088 b) 
als „auf Grand von", wird auch ^D hv ^^ in demselben Sinne 
gebraucht, wie z. B. NIH '?fc<"^.ir^ Ntcnit* ^D hv p)N. (Sanhedrin 
44a, mit Bezug auf ^fc<1tr fr^cn Jos. 7, 11) „wenn es auch ge- 
sttndigt hat, so ist es doch immer mein Volk Israel." Wie 



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232 Max Griinbaum. 

diesen W5rtern Riicken und Muud, so liegt dem ^T^X daa 
Wort y zu Gnmde, entsprechend dem T "py, Ju ^JL^ und 
dem syrischen ^^a =^ ope, per et propter, ^ ^^5^ = juxta 
(Roediger, Chrest. syr,^ 2. A., Gloss, p. 54 b). n^'x ist eines 
der vielen von Lnzzatto (1. c. § 21) angefiihrten Worter, in 
in denen « fur •?? steht. Hierher gehort dann auch 23N 
t<'T13, von 113, nach sich ziehen, nachschleifen, wie in dem 
Satze: ni2y TTTM msjn mac PT^.i: niSO „Eine gottgeftUige 
Handlung zieht eine andere nach sich, wie eine Siinde eine 
andi'e." «1i:i 2DN wird also von einer Sache gesagt, die 
gleichsam in's Sehlepptau genommen wird und bedeutet also 
k propos de, nicht k cause de. WliN (bei Luzzatto § 97, 
p 87) von «21 wviel**, entspricht dem franzosischen mais, dem 
spanischen mas von magis, es bedeutet sed magis, wie man 
mittellat. fiir sed potius sagte (Diez, Et WB.^ s, v. Mai). 
DlN^miN oder D^«'»ni^N im Aruch und bei Buxtorf wird 
bereits im Aruch als ein griechisches Wort erklart (bei 
Buxtorf eiWq); es ist eines der vielen griechischen Worter, 
die im Talmud vorkommen, und ist also nicht besonders be> 
merkenswerth. 

Die obigen Ausdrttcke, sowie noch viele andre derselben 
Kategorie, gleichen denen der Volkssprache auch in so fern, 
als viele Abktirzungen und Contractionen dabei vorkommen. ') 
Was aber die grammatischen Formen betriffl;, so kehreii diese 
so regelmassig wieder, dass man daraus allerdings eine 
Grammatik construiren kann, wie es ja auch Grammatiken 
einzelner Volkssprachen giebt, trotzdem dass diese in Ver- 
gleich zu der Schriftsprache viele Anomalien darbieten. 

Die Sprache des Talmud ist keineswegs „une langue fac- 
tice'', wie denn auch Luzzatto in der Vorrede zu dem er- 
wahnten Buchie diese Bezeichnung fiir unrichtig erklart Die 



*) In Folge der Verkiirzungea und Abschleifungen verliert die ur- 
spriingliche Sprache, wie sie in der Schrift zu Tage tritt, in der Volks- 
sprache oft ihren urspiiinglichen Charakter. So haben mehrere italienische 
Dialekte durch das Ausstossen der Vocale etwas Rauhes und Hartes er- 
halten, wfihrend siiddeutscho Mundarten in Folgo d&s Abwerfens der Con- 
sonanten etwas Weiches und Wohllautendes haben, wio im folgenden 
Schnadahiipfel: Annamarie wendi — Annamarie dradi — Annamarie wannidi 
nit het, Annamarie was tati — d. h. Anna Marie wende dich, A. M. di'eh' 
dioh, A. M. wenn ich dich nicht hM.t\ A. M. was th^t' ich. 



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Renan ilber die spftteren Formen der hebr&isohen Spi:ache. 233 

talmudische Sprache ist keine kiinstlich gemachte Sprache^ 
das ist sie schon iiicht in ihrer Eigenschaft ale vorherrschend 
gesprochene, leidenschaftliche, dialectisch debattireude Sprache. 
Eher noch Iftsst sich die Benennung auf die Sprache der 
jiidisch-philosophisehen Schriften anwenden, in Wahrheit aber 
passt sie auf a lie philosophischen Ausdriicke, die ihrem 
Wesen nach eine ^langue factice" sind, Denn die Sprache 
tiberhaupt, die Sprache wie sie gewohnlich gesprochen wird, 
ist urspriinglich sinnlich coneret, leideuschaftlich. Hass und 
Liebe, Leid und Freud, Schmerz und Lust, Furcht und 
Hoffiiung sind die Erzeuger der Sprache. 

Es giebt wohl keine Sprache, die fur diese verschiedenen 
AflFecte nicht die entsprechenden Ausdrticke besSsse, keine 
von der man sagen konnte, sie sei ftir Geftihlsftusserungen 
nicht geeignet, wohl aber giebt es Sprachen, denen die 
philosophische Teiminologie fehlt. So klagt z. B. Lucrez 
mehrmals (I, 137, 31, III, 260) tiber die Egestas patrii ser- 
monis, wie denn in der That die lateinische Sprache sich von 
der griechischen auch darin unteracheidet, dass ihr ftir philo- 
sophische Begriffe die Worte fehlen, wie das auch Seneca 
(Epist. 58) sagt. 

Eben desshalb kommen auf diesem Gebiete am meisten 
Lehn- und Fremdworter, sowie Nachbildungen fremder Aus- 
drticke vor. Dasselbe ist nun auch bei den jiidisch-philo- 
sophisehen Schriften der Fall. So ist z. B. das Wort tci&'^ic 
fiir ^abstract" wahrscheinlich Nachbildung des arabischen 

J«^\>e, wie man auch im Deutschen neben „abstracte^ auch 
„abgezogene'* BegiiflFe sagt, wahrend als Hauptwort nur „Ab- 
straction" (AcpaCpetTK;) gebraucht wird. Dem arabischen Worte 
lautlich und sachlich ahnlich ist das Talmudische Ti:i = scal- 
pere, decorticare, ^?■T^D - cortex, ^^mi 5<Cl^2 ubersetzt Bux- 
torf (col. 472) mit Nomine nudo, wie auch Sachs {Beitrdgej 
I, 102) damit das syr. n\snnp „die nackte Wahrheit" ver- 
gleiche. 

Deutlicher als bei COC'BID ist bei andren Worteru die 
Nachbildung des arabischen Wortes erke unbar, wie bei 
letzterem die Nachbildung des griechischen Wortes. So z. B. 
j;2C:n mn^C^ nc — aUju^t Jou — toc [xeTo: toc cpixTixa fur 
Metaphysik, die Ubersetzung von ^^jk^JUCx^ mit C^"^no, in 



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234 Max Oronbaam. 

den lateinisclien Ubersetzungen Loquentes (Guide des £gar^, 
I, 335 N ), die von JyJl f^f^\ mit men OffD (*«., I, 
186 N.), die von y^^ nait '»:^JB (Steinschneider, Alfarabi, 
p. 65, N. 9 b). 

Nachbildungen arabiscber Aosdriicke finden sich fibrigens 
auch auf andrem als dem philosophiscben Gebiete, ndjnlich 
da, wo im Hebrftiscben kein entaprechender Ansdruck vor- 
handen ist. Dahin gehOrt das, fruher (ZDMG.y XXIII, 630) 
von mir angefilhrte am rui^2 im Kozari (II, 23, ed, Cassel, 
1. A. p. 129, 2. A. p. 125). nn^D das gewohnlicb wie in 
demselben Satze {^\y)^2 ^rhz an3D) die Richtung aller Gedanken 
auf eioen Punct, die Andacht, bezeichnet ist bier Nachbildung 
des ar. &JLfi, w^hrend :in im Sinne von ^^a> gebraucht wird.^) 

Hebr&ische Nacbbildungen arabischer Ausdriicke babe 
ich an einer andren Stelle derselben Zeitschrift (XXXIX, 
1885, p. 587 fg.) angeftlbrt. Eben daselbst und in der An- 
merkung (XL, p. 286) babe ich mehrere Nacbbildungen am 
andren Sprachen erwfthnt. Diese Nachbildungen baben in 
der That immer etwas ktinstliches, denn sie sind nicht or- 
ganisch aus dem Leben der Sprache hervorgegangen, sie sind 
Nacbahmungen fremder Ausdrticke. Zu den in dieser Be- 
ziehung merkwiirdigen hoUandiscben Wortern (XL, ibid.) 
gebort auch Schouwburg, das — wie das deutsche Schau- 
biihne im vorigen Jahrbimdert — fur ^Theater" gebraucht wird. 

') fiirschfeld's Textausgabe steht mir nicht zu Gebote. 



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D^n "p"^ nn3?n 

8. J. Halberstam (Bielits). 



.p-)sn B^nD B^n^D iDDi i^s .psn e^n^s -odi :6 n-^isr XII iioy 'n pbn 

.''jb-^iNn : mDD raioD dj p ysnc' 79 iioy /n hjb^ lyj^^a 
mipn pi» DDnn ryiD n^b^) dhjo -)d pnu^ 'i nih inyibi 
(•nr pi^ Diip 'mb^ 127 noy i^b^ d^jlj^^dh 
D^B^n j'^onvD H2^c\ff no cu ^i^Dinb Br» nos ni iny Ty XX iioy 

IB^y D^JBf -IJDD N'DH "pyn pW HDS Dl "'D pi : 200 "IIDV 

b]; I'iDn '>D3 B^'D DJ r]''D^rh vr .-)iDn ^y^ ^pr '"^ XXX iioy 

•nj nBHD niirn 

.^D*0 miD IDDD ys .IDDD : 18 HIIB^ XXXVI TOy 
Yop ^1^ ya ^1 '•D^Bfl-^M N1DDD ^"l P)'^"^ ^"^ '''V .D')J''J'IDJN .146 l)Dy 

.279 iioy 1878 i^jd^ nsisn -I'^B' D'jn b^'d dj ""yi .hn^b^j 
njB^ RE J riiyi TDis yoD T^TDBf HO ''•y .DiDiDDiSN 222 iioy 

54 iioy 'n 
n"^iD insD pjiDn p'j-) D'j DPD p .HDN-.B^n p^'D 86 nioy /D p^n 

.pin oiDj 
j'l DiHD onDiD '•piipi ''•y .pino^ y^u ni i^y .d'b^ '•^vd .149 nioy 

.D'B^ ^byn POB^n ND iiTjysn p pm 
.291 iioy 1875 hjb^ tjd^ hdisd j'd ddhh b^d '•"y .'•^-^n .183 tidv 
pwn -iiDD •"'UDT Tiivn ^V3 p^D N^ Tjj?^ .l1^^^\ n^^ra .215 Tidv 

DID iBn-)'»D np^ n'-^ dj djdn onpo "^'•dthb^ '•nh 3-^ ^y tjv.d 

•N'^nj.y^ :W .-)y"«njN^ ,16 myv 164 Toy 'J p^n 
niDHD nn-'B^y hjb^ pjd^h tddd '•ranDB^ no "»); .iin .279 Toy 
233 T.Dy 40 'iJ 1881 TJDH '^yi .15 -nov n^JB^ 



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236 -o^n T^P ^^^'1 

r\2w pjD^n TI3DD \'^DrDr no '^y .nor rs-ppD • • • • non .426 t-dv 

•235 ,230 noy ."Dir n^B^ 
1"^ fji ns^D ^^D -iiD'?r DJ '^v /rr : 12 mir .205 t-ov '"» p^^ 

^2rD\ff no DJ '^y njron hspd: dn ni^nn j'-jvd ,279 -noy 'n p^n 

•HN^ni 7 -I10V n^:r r-i3no rn^e^v hjb' y^^^'^r] tods 
n^jo onD'D ^npiD |^^hnj^2n-i r-in n^dhit no '^v .xp'reo 84 niov 

•T'jo^ nD'SD d; nd^d' -i^^r o'jn cc^s (n"^ f\ih) 'j ^ii 
.46 Tov J'n ion did2 -I'^r o^an ir"o ''•y .rnp^ Nronji .238 niov 
nv jntT'n \'^3rDr no '^v .o^p cn-^^N '-^ 3 n-^yn 31 niov "i p^n 

j'op nioy 
.15 nioy n'e^ iK^jns TDr^e^ no "•y .j^jDroo* .6 n-^yn ol I'oy 
n^:ob nD^aD :"2 DDnn idd n^yn nr ^y .ito; = ^jidov .316 Toy 
.527 moy 1870 yv^: n^nnh rnn dpdo t- .170 Toy 1858 
'DD ^^^^f"»^55' 0""*^ B^'o 'V' 'tD^o H"' 2*n pN'iB' Fjoi^ nm ^yi 
.•"Dp n"» i^J^'SJ^^yj^iiNp n's-ib D^^y m^n 
ono'.Ni DDt> TN ^N-^r^ pjiiDO' : NSOJ n'-^3 .4 ,3 n-iyn 259 T:cy 
TN DKG N^Dn N^ ND'Dnn*. .pisoD pipij -j^^y rt^K^ "» 'Cy' ^^^ 
^o^e^n^o mp^ nr rr^^) rpoy in''D^o^j2 -ion r^'Dini inyn 
ipME^^ TNT ''•D1 p\-yn Dn-^T2Nnt {ly D"^ nn n'-^o NDion 

.ny^pr riyo d''^ -idd 
njB' T^ab nDian \'^DrDr no 'yi .^Nniy 'n ^s .^ynry -n 304 Toy 

.395 Toy r^ 
pjD'^n TODD TDPDr no ""y .c.^tr ntr 3 i-oy .i*nyn pn n p^n 

.313 Toy n''D-^r n^'jr njB' 
n^o^ ^ir"-^no r-^^B' '^'y^ p^nn .jpid 11 Toy .o^rn iny ro^e^n 

.rDiy 
nDDD ]^y"^j DDnn r^r nyn N^nn idd .n^dn ]o -lyy cy .29 n^oy 

.701 Toy J'n 
^'""^yni 335 Toy r^ njtr n^jo^ noiaD rn^yne^ no '•y .i-oiD .66 Toy 
(*.307 Toy 1870 njc' Tyn brDOD n"^^ •^yj''^a p\-yn 

35 myn 519 rp 1843 ooajnK 03n oai^amtsinyD^^a ojpn 'S 'rnn '♦y] (• 

[.p .M .J .122—124 tjT (1859) 'n phn hpitnsh u»nrDai«KDm 



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L'enterremcnl de Jacob d'apr^s la Gen^se 

(XLIX,29 — L,14) 



par 
Prof. J. Hal^vy (Paris). 



Ce r^cit contient trois divisions formant autant de cour- 
tes piriodes, sur lesquelles quelques remarques ne seront pas 
superflues. 

1. Jacob mourant manifeste le d6sir d^etre enterri k 
Hebron, en Chanaan, dans la grotte de Makp^la, qu' Abra- 
ham avait acbet^e a Ephron THet^en, k titre de caveau 
sepiilcral de sa famille (XLIX, 29 — 32). La redaction 
ne demande que pen d'observations. Le singulier ^pg a 
lieu d*6tonner en presence du pluriel vpj: du verset 33; 
cependant Tantiquit^ de cette le^on ressort des Septante 
qui ont le suffixe singulier meme au verset 33 (xpSq 
t6v Xaiv a^ToO — Vulgate : ad populum suum). L'incon- 
s^quence des ponctuateurs vient probablement de Torthograpbe 
defective qui aflfecte souvent les suffixes du pluriel, tandis 
que la consequence des Septante doit 6tre assignee k la 
repugnance d'imaginer les patriarches r^unis dans Fautre 
monde k des peuples Strangers. Dans la r^alit^, cette diffi- 
culte n'existe pas aujourdhui, sachant d'une part que le mot 
hebreu CJ? d^sign^ aussi, comme c'est le cas ordinaire en 
arabe, les proches parents, et de Fautre que les anciens 
Semites imaginaient les habitants du Seol, groupfes en families. 

Au verset 30, niBTTPX doit etre traduit ,,avec le 
champ (Delitzsch) "conformiment au r^cit de la Genfese 
XXIII, 13, 17, 20. 

La troisifeme personne, du pluriel ^'^.2p^ est probablement 
employee par cette raison que Rebecca mourut pendant le 
s^jour de Jacob k Paddan-Arani ; aux fun^railles dlsaac, 



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238 J. Halevy. 

Jacob 6tait assists d^i^satt (XXXV,29). C^est k Fenterre- 
ment de Lia que Jacob 6tait seul (^P")3j:j) et cet acte ex6- 
cut4 en presence des habitants d'H^bron confirmait son droit 
sur la grotte. C'est le sens du verset 32 que les critiques 
modernes considerent k tort comme superflu; le mot rijpO 
signifie ^acquisition^ en g6n6ral et nn ^22 DJ^D visent 
r^ventualitfe d'une contestation de la part des hSritiers d'Ephron ; 
alora les autres citoyens pourront constater ses droits devant 
les juges. 

n y a fort peu k dire sur la deuxifeme division du ricit, 
qui relate la mort de Jacob, son embaumement et la per- 
mission demand^e et obtenue par Joseph de se rendre dans 
le Chanaan afin d'y enterrer son pfere (XLIX,33 — L,6). ^OiC^ 
ntoon bn l^r r\^ rappelle XLV1II,2 qui signale Teffort fait 
par Jacob de rester assis sur le lit durant les demieres 
paroles qu'il adressa k ses enfants en prteence de Joseph. 
Cet effort avait pour but de leur inspirer du respect k Ffegard 
du fr6re hai' autrefois et devenu actuellement le seul soutieu 
de la famille. Quand il eut fini de parler. il se recueillit et 
attendit ti*anquillement la mort; aprfes une courte agonie (yin) 
son ame se rfeunit avec les siens dans le Sfeol (VDJ? h^ ^D«^l); 
cette expression constitue un euph^misme au lieu de 00^; 
celle de n'^NlT TV a toujours un sens p6j6ratif. 

L,5. ^b ^nnr ^\:;^ „que j'ai creus6 pour moi" savoir 
dans Tiutferieur de la grotte qui est le lieu de sepulture des 
ancetres, DH'iSp (XLVII,30). La plupart de ex^gfetes moder- 
nes ont confondu ISp avec T^'yi2p^ et se sont lances dans des 
speculations imaginaires en croyant qu'il s'agissait d'un tom- 
beau different situ6 a Sichem. La troisieme partie qui d6crit 
la solennit^ du convoi, sa marche et son retour en Egypte 
(L,7 — 14) ne demande aucune remarque au point de vue de 
Texfegfese, mais prisente d'6normes difficultfes gfeographiques 
qui n'ont pas 6t6 levies jusqu^k ce jour. Voici en quoi elles 
consistent. Le convoi parti d'Egypte s'arrete dans une loca- 
lity nomm6e "ItO&^n p2 pour celibrer un deuil de sept jours. 
La raison de cet arret n*est pas claire; la c6r6monie aurait 
dfi avoir lieu aprfes la s6pulture et k Tendroit ou elle avail 
6t6 faite. Encore moins incomprehensible est ce fait que la 
locality qui vient d'etre nomm6e ^tait situ^e de Fautre c6t6 
du Jourdain, ]"!"lVi lipD (v. 10); le convoi a done fait le tour de 



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L-enterrement de Jacob d'apres la Oenese. 239 

la mer Morte du c6te de Feat et le cercueil de Jacob a 6t6 ensuite 
transports de li jusqu' A Hebron en traversant le Jourdain. On se 
deinande k quoi servait ce long tour inutile? N'aurait-il pas ^t^ 
plus simple d'aller directement k Hebron ou du moins de s'arrSter 
k une petite distance de cette ville, si les Egyptiens ne pouvaieiit 
pas ou ne voulaient pas y p6n6trer? Ces difficult^s sont 
d^ji assez gi*andes pour qu'on cherche i, les aggraver encore 
en acceptant Favis de Saint JSrdme qui identifie Goren-Haatad 
avec la locality nommSe n?an n^2 k une heure de Tembouchure 

r : T 

du Jourdain du c6tS de Fouest et faisant partie du territoii*e 
de la tribu de Juda (Josui XV, 6). En presence de pareils 
embarras, quelques uns des critiques ont, siiivant leur usage, 
coupi le noeud au lieu de le duller. Bunsen suppose que 
le texte portait primitivement au lieu de ]TVn „le Jourdain^ 
Snin c'est^i-dire cnsc ^n:, le torrent d'Egypte ou le Wad- 
el-' Aris prfes de Gaza. Mais ^n^r\ n2p est purement oiseux 
puisqu^il est notoire que la Palestine ne va pas au deli. 
Les autres qui maintiennent la localisation foumie par Saint 
JirSme considferent les mots pyn 12^2 comme une inter- 
polation bien qu'ils soient mis deux fois, aux versets 10 et 
11. Dillmann qui se rend compte de la violence de ce pro- 
ced6, preffere prendre le mot ^^gJjn pour une glose afin 
d'icarter la difficult^ qui rSsulte de ce fait qu'il n'y avait 
pas de Chanan6ens au del4 du tlourdain. Quant au fond 
meme de F^nigme, k savoir la siugalarit^ de Fitin^raire, il se 
contente de repousser Fid6e Smise par MM. Kautzsch et Socin 
que Goren-baatad Stait peut-etre d'apr^s une ancienne tradi- 
tion le lieu de s^ptdture de Jacob, mais il n'est pas loin de 
voir dan» la description de la marcr.e un manque de reflexion 
de la part du narrateur. (Wie freilich der agyptische Zug 
dazu gekommen sein soil, statt des geraden Wegs uber 
£hinocolura und Beerseba* die Richtuug um das todte Meer 
herum einzuschlagen, dariiber giebt Verfasser keinen Auf- 
schluss und hat wohl nicht weiter reflectirt). Le subterfuge 
est inginieux mais peu vraisemblable. Pendant quel que 
temps je croyais que le narrateur avait voulu cr^er un pr6c6dent 
typique k la sortie d'Egypte et k F entree des Israelites en 
Palestine qui s'est faite k la suite du tour de la Mer morte 
et le passage du Jourdain, mais cette id6e ne tient pas de- 
bout, car cette longue tourn^e est toujours consid^r^e comme 



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240 J- Halevy. 

une punition de la d^sob^issance du peuple et n*6tait pas primi- 
tivement pr^vue. (Nombres XIV, 1 — 10. Deut&onome 1,26). 
Un nouvel exameD m'a montr6 que la difficult^ est simple- 
ment due h uue erreur d'ex^gese traditionelle qui prend la 
locution pTJl '^.2V dans le seus de „au-del4 du Jourdain*'. 
J'ni prouv^ depuis lougtemps que "^riyTi ^2y tout seul peut 
designer Tune et Tautre rive du fleuye; il en est de meme de 
pn^n "isy et comme il ne viendra k Tid^e de personne de 
se rendre d'Esypte k Hebron autrement que par la voie di- 
recte de Rbinocolura, il faut entendre par JT^^n 12? la Pales- 
tine cisjordanique. Or, la Palestine propreroent dite est un 
pays de montagnes bomi de plaines du c6t6 du sud et de 
Touest Le convoi, qui se composait d'une division de cava- 
lerie et de cliars de guerre, ^(ait done oblig^ non seulement 
de faire halte au pied du haut plateau, sans pouvoir avancer 
avant de prendre des mesures particulieres, mais, reflexion 
faite, de s'y arreter tout-a-fait, de crainte que Tarrivie subite 
des d^tachements igj'ptiens ne causat un soulevement des 
habitants et n'apportat par consequent un grave trouble 
dans Tex^cution de Fenterrement. Grace k cette reflexion, 
la r^cit devient d'une clart^ parfaite. Les Egyptiens empe- 
ch6s d'assister k Tenterrement k Hebron, c^librent un deuil 
de sept jours k la demiere station qui est Gorcn-haatad 
(v. 10). Les Chananeens indigenes contemplent la c^rimonie 
funebre du haut de leurs montagnes et perpituent cet ivene- 
raent par le nom qu'ils donnent k la vallee ou il a eu lieu 
(v. 11). Enfin, les H^breux .seuls portent k Hebron le 
cercueil de Jacob, le d^posent dans la gi'otte de Makp^la et 
reviennent aussitot auprfes des Egyptiens avec lesquels ils 
retoument en Egypte (versets 12 — 14). Rien n'est plus 
simple ni plus conforme k T^tat des relations anciennes qui 
existaient r^ellement entre I'Egypte, suzeraine legale de la 
Palestine, et ses vassaux chananeens toujours prets k se 
revolter quand ils soup^onnaient qu'on voulait changer T^tat 
de choses et s*introduire militairement dans leur pays. 

II reste un seul point a eiucider, savoir Tidentite de la 
localite appel^e par la Gen^se "^^NH pi Je crois y parvenir 
a Taide des considerations suivantes. La signification de ce 
nom est des plus claires. 

11 signifie ^Taire aux Opines", visiblement k cause de 



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L'euterremeDt de Jacob d'apres la Genese. 241 

Dombrenx buissons d'^pines qui se trouvaient dans le 
voisinage. Ces arbrisseaux qui ne sont bons qui faire 
du feu (Juges IX, 15. Psaumes LVIII, 10) sont trfes r^pan- 
dus dans les terres arides du sud de la Jud^e, neanmoins 
pour qu'une locality leur emprunte son nom, il faut croire 
quails s'y sont fait remarquer par une abondance extra- 
ordinaire et cette circonstance donne k penser que, peut- 
etre, la locality en question n'est pas restie tout-k-fait inconnue 
dans la g^ographie ult^rieure de la Palestine. H est vrai 
quW nom de lieu "ICOXH pa ou ICX tout court ne figure dans 
aucune nomenclature g^ographique de la Bible, ni chez les 
auteurs post^rieurs, mais pour pouvoir affirmer sa disparition 
rielle, il faut encore s'assurer qu'il ne se cache pas sous 
une forme synonyme, quoique matiriellement difESrente. Au 
cours de nos etudes bibliques, nous avons eu souvent Focca- 
sion de constater que plusieurs noras de lieu, au fond iden- 
tiques, n'ont itk diff(Srenci6s que par suite de la diversity de 
forme qu'ils rev^tent chez les auteurs qui les mentionnent. 
Quoi de plus curieiix que les localit^s cens6es introuvables 
ntt*?5 et roc"? (Isaie X, 30, 31) qui, grace au principe de 
synonymie, ont 6t^ reconnues comme identiques avec celles 
plus connues sous les formes respectives 7'\y^3 et nn?JJ? 
Cememe fait s'est produit en effet, k notre grande satis- 
faction pour le nom que nous Studious. Si une ville nomm^e 
l^N ne se trouve pas dans les textes qui sont k notre port^e, 
nous y constatons une ville synonyme et le hasard veut que 
nous puissions les identifier Tune avec Tautre sans grands 
frais d'irudition. 

Le livre de Josu6 XV, aprfes avoir 6num6r6 les villes 
de la Philistie depuis Accaron ou Eqron jusqu' k Gaza, s'^ten- 
dant sur la plaine qui forme la limite occidentale du plateau 
montagneux de la Jud6e (versets 44—47) procfede imm^diate- 
ment k enregistrer les villes de la montagne, inz. La 
premifere ville qu'il cite s'appelle Samir, 'VCp, mot qui est 
absolument synonyme de l^X et signifie „6pines, buisson 
d'ipines." Comme Tauteur vient de parler du territoire de 
Gaza, il est presque certain que Samir est situ6 dans le 
voisinage immSdiat, et par consequent au coin sud-ouest 
de la Jud6e, c'est-k-dire, justement sur le passage des cara- 
vanes qui venant d'^gypte et ayant traverse le WS.d-el-*Ari§ 

Eohat, Semitic Studies. ^^ 



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242 J- Halevy. 

veulent se rendi'e en Judie, surtout dans la Jud6e du sud, 
par le chemin le plus court. Par bonheur, le nom de cette 
ville 8*est conserve jusqu'k nos jours dans la mine Umm- 
gaumera (Rob. Ill, 862) ou Sumra (Gu6rin, Jud6e III, 364), 
situ^e k 5 heures au sud-ouest d'Hebron et e'est dans la plaine 
adjacente utilisie par les montagnards de Samir pour la culture 
du bl6 comme semble Tindiquer le titre de |"j.2 ^grange, aire", 
qu'a 6t^ probablement c616br6 le deuil de Jacob. 

Le sens et Tunit^ intirieurs une fois etablis, nous pro- 
c6don8 k I'examen de Topinion de Ticole critique qui trouve 
dans ce r6cit un amalgame de trois documents difS^rents. 
La premiere piece, XLIX 29 — 33 est attribute k A, 4 cause 
du style diflFus et de certaines expressions qui seraiant propres 
a cet auteur, mais surtout par cette raison que d'aprfes C, 
Tecrivain presume de XL VII, 29 — 30, Jacob confia k Joseph 
seul la charge de Venterrer en Chanaan. La faiblesse de ces 
arguments apparait facilement : les marques du style ne tirent 
pas k consequence meme dans les Httiratures plus rappro- 
ch6es de notre temps et le plus souvent Tinsistance de Tau- 
teur sur un point donn6 ne nous parait fatigant que parce 
que nous ignorons Timportance qu'il avait a cette ^poque. 
Quant a la contradiction avec XLYII, 29 — 30, elle est pure- 
ment imaginaire: c'est Joseph seul, comme haut fonctionnaire 
de Pharaon, qui pouvait etre chargi de cette delicate mission 
consistant k obtenir la permission de transporter le cercueil 
de Jacob au dehors de TEgypte, mais cela n'exclut nullement 
la recommandation collective faite dans le meme sens dans 
XLIX, 29 et suivants, car, si Joseph ^tait venu k disparattre k 
ce moment, ses autres freres auraient du se charger de cette 
mission dont ils ^taient ^galement inform6s. 

II y a plus, I'expression CHIN ^§^1, dont T authenticity, 
malgri son absence dans la version des Septante, est garantie 
par L, 12, est la suite naturelle du verset 28 qui resume 
le r6cit relatif aux demieres paroles et benedictions de Jacob; 
or, ce verset contient la locution Tj"]5 ini")?? l^^X qui dans 
la Genfese n'a d'analogie que dans celles de i^p^n iD^n pIPM C^^X 
et IPD iD^nj t:''»N de XLI, 11 et 12 qui ifont partie du do- 
cument B d^aprfes Tavis unanime des critiques eux-memes. 
Au contraire le rapprochement essay6 par quelques uns avec 
Genfese I, 27 et V, 1 — 2 se borne au verbe 112 seul et est 



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L'enterrement de Jacob d'aprds la Genese. 243 

partant tout-k-fait insignifiant. Voilk, je crois, une preuve 
convaincante que la distinction des sources na repose sur 
aucune base solide ; et, comme d'autre part la double nature 
d'exhortations et de benedictions du discours de Jacob, indi- 
quie au verset XLIX, 28 r6pond exactenient k la teneur des 
versets 1 (prediction = benediction) et 2 („ecoutez votre pfere** 
= exhortation), nous avons le droit d'admettre que tout le 
chapitre XLIX, en reservant la question de savoir si le 
discours existait dejk auparavant, est Toeuvre d'un seul nar- 
rateur, naturellement le meme qui a ecrit Tepisode L, 1 — 14 
qui s*y rattache intimement. Devant Tintegrite de Tensemble 
dispar^dt naturellement aussi la pretendue ingerence du re- 
dacteur final dans XLIX, 29 a, passage que d*autres critiques 
assignent d'ailleurs au premier Elohiste ou A. 



16» 



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♦Dnnsn nan bv pio rrnsD si 

— 1^ iny px nr« niDJn nSOn ^y2 ,n'n^t'T 20 1 n « p Dr. Alexander 
Dr. A. Harkavy (St. Petersburg). 



nn D''3-)yn d^d^^h nt^icTDD r^' n:''3 rii^D rion^o 'i\t T'om ,nDpr 
TN nsji p^oy "12J CD^D^i ,Di!Np"»ipn nn m^noDi d-)D3 onTiNns 

rJK^ lUDD irNDH -)DDi .D'»D'^;;n tn -nsji nai^^yn ^v di^ nnM -1T12 

D1D1j^,b3 ^2^V Dn'.iTn '•3 (I, 2) D^mj P1DND31 (357 T.Dy) 1877 

D^D^bn rbrDD tn i^db^h^ d'-^toh t* nbar ^d c^jioip d^jdtd "p 

DnT(Dn pCtt' TN '^JDD TNJn yOtt^ O pDD TN HT b r.NDD .D''D-)yn 

F)''Din^ yo") nDD3 Dnpinn- c'lm-in ihn ")ni;;n cn ncrNi ; inN Dipcn 

.'•^ i^jnj N^ -irN cnnN nioipo i^v 
niTiN nin mpon tn TNsra nD^r n^nut^ t^nh ib^'h-'dd .n 

"itsn^ l^D ^D*. robD jj[nd] d"i^i niro indt '•d pb :jn '•dd'' p^cy^i 
[]Db^] nd'?i ynn'' dn^n '•d jnd jot? ddn^n nih njiji sdd pn'' '•oc 
Dn^n "rNp NHJD D")''n n^ tJNp'* -^is^ it>D ^di .h-iidi DN''N ""D jnd 

ns"''?D"N-ip: D'-^iy^ i^d btr icd in; n:ni :m3y^ inDi pTpi 
DnsD^ l*?© b- .(Chakan) jNpxD Nipj cnriD^ l^D ^Dl .(Chalif) 

,('t nnano D'jwm^ p-cr) D»:i*an mairn^ 'nnyna uyt2 0702 i»n-i2Tn nh yno m ncDi: 

•pnyn '0 hk ntT no»pn Dnoort n^« dj nap mnn pin Tiyai .".wb b^in D»ai*an nnia^n 
^inm D»»na mya hj: mm S7 h"i nanonS ♦nn^o nasi .ncBH ♦ko ib^bh i'jt j»hi ,DSrn 



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.onnsn -an hy pio rtnyo an 245 

inyiD rnon ^y ii^*^'i Iod'^] ''^^d JJ^*^ ^"^'^ ^^^ P^^ [^V^^] ^^^^ 
^h^s IN ;jjN p Dj Nipa t>NiDKfi ^iNK^ jDD n\-r iniNi : □'•^^nb 
1DD ,j''3^ N-)pj -iisn^ I'^D bi [pT.yon rjJBO ni^ ht'^n hd njionn 
'•D''3 .TH n57N i^D^T yi^.n^ ''0^3 n\ir i^D^ nrn dk^h tn ijnhdk^ 
."•3N D^'^n^ -)ia i^D D-^^n -iDN pt» ,DTn Nipj "nsb i^D b pi .nii3i 
^b "• N'D r^^iffsiih yDN^^i D'^mn nhdp. rNtb non niym] 

^SN non "^DND TNITC) D''JlD-|pn D'^DiyH nSIDDI .inD '•d'?D jllDT 

iiDN^ D^iDi pyi ^jn^3^N niyoo in^^d J3n naiNiib pN 

.[iNJJND'iN JNpND DKf3 N-)pj OnnDH l^DB^ 

nin np%T -^DNon pn tn^d nk^h '•d hbod^ ht •.Kn-)''Dn .n 
'•^ na jN ^^N njy nayaroD tjnd i -dn njin^dn ^d mji ^jnd 

b*pi< N^'^ID JNDT ropN '•JN 1^1 JDD •|NDT'?N NIH ""D TJID NH^rO JN 
HDDJ '•D NHDDH^ JN H^^N ^"^N n^NDl!?N ^NTJ ''D HBTD "^^^D JND IN 

DNb nKTD yop'' IN ]^^ D^'t? ini /jNn^N '•m^N n^^y T)'' rpi '•^n 
'•Dino^ IN ''!?N itirj^ nini!?N3 ".hd ^^in'^n nt'NDit>N 3Nt:3 ^mi^N 
[Nt>N] D^h ^Nij^N n'' nmr^N Nip'' h'tnd onu^n -)dt on ""m^N 

HKTD n-^DT NDJND 3Nli '3^N TOn"?^ IND IND .^.N^N "II^I^N DNU 
,^^ ^N DVn n31 [Pn] ^N HK^ ^K^I ^JO^y NODI /jj^N ni^nt'N iy3 
HETD TJ^I TJ^'H IJ^H 2^2 l^'^N N3 OJN .UH HK^ ^N '^^ 1DN>1 I^n 

nnNJN 'iji Dy3 lyn "n n^^N ^Np pn ns'^ni /'•^ '^n oyn n^i tn 
TN n'r^jm nbnp hd 3nu in nd:ni ."•j''d in ^n n^y^ oyn ''?dv n^ 
njy p'' D^i .IIP'' yDcni i^'ddp '»d NJmic^ nc ^^yi ."iDNt> d^dd oyn 
nin nibtJN HD^CD IN [^t) ns^] ^pn T'^^d'^n Vp*? rin^o nin in 
»lpiD Nji Nnapi [nd nJNra] n^Np in ^^0^2 i^d^n pp nin Nnp'^''D 
nD lyr* TH [-iDPj''] njD^i !hJNn^N p^sip np n^^D n"* b^p^ t6 nn^ pn 

[l]pi TJ'-n ^ip'' -»DN^N PD1PDN NIND ^DN [nJNHD] nJHD n"iDN''1 

ND "|i^D [ni^D] rr\^o nin in ^t> to nd^d .^in^n idn^n p^ppdn 

.NDDDP n''DDPa PITON 

^^ rnKf Dn3"! nnipn mso^ tni^d '•djni : niD \t n^y duip^i 

OnOI .n^ND 0^31 INSD'' UJDTD DJ '•D '•^ yiU lE^N "ly I'^^n^ O'^p 

pniN 'n^ iP3iirpa nts^ jn:D nM ""d thdn 3-1 idtd o .ntn nann 
PNDD1 •n'^jr nNiDJ 131 i-'^N N12 IDT ly i^SN n^Dyo n\nB^ in^tw innn 
PPDID njia^Nin pin'^btt^n^ ipairPD nNi3jn pn nK^D p'^dd'^e^ pn^ n^ o 
n-)iP3 Niipni .iPDitt^p yttn^ nM tni nNi3jn dipp ik^n -iy pidh^ n^'^ 
'•jEf ii3ib n^iB^p Naop DN1 .iiiTN-in 1131^ n2iE^pn pn [pi] nNi'' 
PN nK^ 3ttr>i 2iPDn uymntsf idd •'•i£^'''?B^n 113-in nnN ntro niCN 
Dyn 7!?N n3 ""DJN'njn ncro ^n 'n idn'^i nr ihni /n ^n nyn n^n 
'n iDNBf py3 p "'DDi /n ^n Dyn nsn pn ntsfD nj''i p nnNi .pyn 



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246 .onnan nai Vp piu fmyo ai 

-IK^N ly DO^DHD ni^'N JJHJD ^nW ^h yiU HM N^ D^IN .iin^ yoK^i 

'•JD^ 2^\er^ -i2-in tn N'.nn 'iK'n r\w^^ [no i3i titin] nos -)Bf in nc6 
DN ^D ! "'•jn^tswf -i2in TN ^n^Kfy n^D I^^cno ^n^ :-idn^ n^ i^on 
TN ^bD^ nilpD nnNi .nnN -)3i3 inia"**! i^on i^ N-^p'' ')vs ly mrr 
^b jni: HTDi — ."TN^D -)nD T'K^N'^n T''''^ tn,, : -ic'n idn^ via -oi 
.Do^ jnjo rcN3 Nin Tjrn '•d ^y n"i^D3 Toipnc^ no '•d 
3") ri^iB^n pn TNjWBf THN map roiB^n nih '•r^^tyn oipon j 

••nnoi: nn ,nnyD 
ra^en^ hjidh] Nn^TDi n32^ pDnpN p ^rrN irNi NJj^jn'snD 
.T'DKH N-)DJ in jiDrjno3 nim noN pDm [jiwn nric oipo n-^id 
Jnu n"?"!] ,[278 'i D^jiB^Nit> jnDT] irb^ n'^b pwi Dnn^N na pna^ 
^^iNi •DnnDn j^in^ pna"" icf'^Nn hns tn pNJjn ynin n"iDD nr^^ 
0^3571 onDivD n^p nnN ronni w^')l^\ ^d n:uy inrN \in n^ jyot? 

.[rNTn pN3 

nm^e mn Dipo dj nD N'^anb m^ "^nio^ n!? n^N '»Dipt)^ f)'»jddt 
^N-^pno] cnDi 'D^ n^D"iy tobo m^M •^jio-ip ^N"ipD D^-)nDn 
'•:iDy "^TOD ^jn3 J'D nir)D3 ^nNsra [min^ p nyiBr> in ^by p ns^ 

:n^Nn onaiD ^dnidi 
ID DD^et>^e N^3^e1 "^hjidjdj nj jn ^3p ddn^n d-)K^ ^e■^n l^e i^'tnji 
iTDDtJN DDn bro ^inJo^N DDn pD^ IN nrD }^vnD Dniy3 D^nijND omb 
yj-^no D^un rtnoE^ rnno d"»u!?n bu^"^ p '•r in '•'?n '•Jioyi '•dnidi 
INT^^y 1^1 ^iD nnrND iTDD nr'i ^Npi .njND no bro ^t^N on^Nn 

•^TD^N DnJN 3np'»1 .Dn^D I'tJDD'' Nn'TNDyNl THK^N Dnb P'nD'' ^N-^B^V 

in ^by 1JND in^^N NDN1 .ni^j^N '•d ^n-^k^^ in "^d ibbi pi^N 
^N'lr' pa pjDD^ IN nnb bh ly n'^^N "ryi ipD ri^j'^N bp ^«"i87^ 
.ir'rnj ijrn Dir ir« -un nj -ib^n ddbo nMi n^ipD 
i^DVBf b"'^] n^Nn noiNn in ""d -)N3Ji : ntD m^ n^y Dij-irai 
n^jm laj-iDDJ n^b^ omp Nin [n^B^yi ^b^^^b^ -^n nnN "Pi^-wtr b7]p2 Ni^b 
in o n-)DnnD [p nnN d^in] .hd ht iniyrji DHTinND D^oyn tn 
•^BfN ly ['n bnpn n^y^ init n^b^] ^jiDyi '•dnidi -^TDcn inD pDon 
^N iDiB^ DnnDB^ y-iirri [n-'^jh in^^N] D^ijjn ^n^^ ib^n \trHn nd^ 
nil •('! 'D nnDT) inB^ND -)tdd ^b^i idnt •njiB'NnD vn "ib^nd DDao 
3npi .ajDE^b nTD^'DDi in^N n^yn hn nn^ lan^ ^n-)B^^ '•ja ^d n-n'* 
D^iN .nii^jn IDT3 ^N-)Bf^ rn3 idjdj ib^n onmn on ^d "^di^ 
iJDB^ ^D 'n nia -)3d N^n ni^jn Diip '?n"^b''» ma idjdj -^ddb^ D^oyn 



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.D»Tnsn nan ^ pw nnyo 21 247 

^rhn2 ^:^r\ nrt; -nN ijn nj -ik^n cd^eo hmi (Iond ^n-iit^ 03 lira 

:('j j'D Dnni) y':^Nin hn-^jh '•dd p-^ "^in^h ni ^n '•d n^yNi] 
^2D0 Diip iiyi ."TnEfND *^tcd iw^^ ""U dk^ nih '•d yiDi< onnNi,, 
p'.DDb n^DT^ i-nNDD ".DEO ;;''3Nin idt ib'nd Dvb p min^ 'n nr n^dh 
by2 inp^ □'•jiDipn D"»N"ipnD ^.n y^^Nino*. .or pT^nn dj hnii .iduh 
njttf^ "!'»JD3'; .(D'y i'd p)i nnni^) nnir -)ro ^yni (n'y T''Dn p)"i) nnDon 
^Nprn^!? "lE^vn 'dd piN-^ p Dpy^ •'N-»pn '•d tndh (357 T.oy) 1877 
□ '•'•ntDn !?N roT itia^Nn -^tdd 3r«i nnDi idn "i3dv mtd ■^dn'* 
bD Dyi [?nnnN] nnw y^^c o^r en d^ini .ni^ja ''•^ mn ini^'* "ie^n 
nn-iE^i niD^D ^^^21 om^j on '•d •m^jn h^v ine^j n^ ht 

(D'-pon EOHE^J N'yr^ ^ll DD-IJDT HDl ^"DH ''d'?) "D^IJJ'? DD IJil^ Nt)l 

.[pDip ^NipD npt) ^D pDD TNI 



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Notiz Uber eiuen dem Maimuni unterge- 
schobeiien arabischen Commentar zu Esther 

von 
Dr. Hartwiff Hirsohfeld (Ramsffate). 



Im J. 1759 wurde durch Abraham b. Daniel Lombroso 
in Livomo ein Buch znm Drucke befordert, das den Titel 

fuhrt: ni^'jn^ n^iio'?&< n-^tt^ ^y:r\ ^snp pir^i -^nox rhv2 itn-^^© 

.p'StJ St* ni:'^ ^2 i:^jini n:ir W — Das Buch scheint ziemlich 
nnbekannt zu sein, da es weder in Steinschneider's Caial. 
Bodl.^ noch in Benjacob^s Thesaurus aufgefiihrt ist; hingegen 
ist es bei Zedner, CataL of the Hebr. books of the Br. Mus. 
(p. 587), als Pseudepigraph verzeichnet. Dem Vorwoi-te des 
Herausgebers (n^iCPl) zufolge ist der Druck in Hinsicht auf 
die VorschiTft des Schulhan Aruch') vorgenommen worden, 
dass es Frauen und Kindem gestattet sei, die Pessah-HaggSrdah 
in der Landessprache zu lesen. Wenn es schon an sich un- 
wahrscheiniich ist, dass MaimQni fiir dieses Publicum einen 
Commentar geschrieben haben soil, schwindet jeder Zweifel 
an der Unechtheit unseres Bucbes, wenn man die Methode 
und besonders die Sprache dieses ,.Commentars" betrachtet. 
Er ist n^mlich in ziemlich modemem maghribinischen Vidgar- 
Arabisch und sehr verderbter Orthographic geschrieben imd 
gehort in die Reihe der jiidisch-arabischen Erbauungsschriften, 
zu denen unter anderen auch Sa'adjah's angeblicher Commentar 
zum Decalog zu rechnen ist. 2) 



') Or. H. 473, 7 Schol. Jss. 

*) Ohne Kritik — nebst hebr. und deutscher Uebersetzung — heraus- 
gegeben von W. Eisenstadter (rwe^sSM 'wyhn n»DBn) "Wien 1868. Bereits ab- 
gedruckt in "ninarm nn»r„ p'np (Livomo 1851) in der Litnrgie des Wochen- 



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Notiz iiber einen arabischen Commentar zu Esther. 249 

Der vorwiegend liturgische Character des Bucbes erhellt 
ganz besonder8 den angeh'dngten PijjQtim, von denen einer, 
dem Abraham ChajjQn b. Salomo angehorend, bei Zunz, 
Literaturgeschichte S. 544, aufgefiihrt ist. Er endet wie in dem 
das. genannten Ms. Jer. ^T^^)i 3Kn 1ir&<. Die librigen Stiicke 
finden sich bei Zunz nicht, weshalb ich sie hier kurz beriihre. 

1. piND ^r2 b^c ]rh oniD c^b t:vE) Anf. '»nnr 2^:2 i^c^x Akr. 
pm i>c^:2 ^:&<. 2. s. oben, 3. '»::r xsin ^c'* nic Akr. pm r.i^D 

viell. identisch mit Verf. von N. 5. 4. npiai mCD Akr. '•^IS) 
vielleicbt identisch mit dem bei Zunz das. 550 genannten 
Faradschi. 5. n&<lll2 nirc >:« 'D CVD Anf. T2^ 1C1« "|nyvX. 

6. nN:::ipx nrp i^Ds:r&< pb yn ncND ^d ^p noi^D '»2-^y )w^2 ccvd 

Anf. DVp^N p^tJ^i^N CCN. Dieser Pijjut giebt in 24 Strophen 
eine poetische Bearbeitung des Commentars und scheint, nach 
Str. 2 zu schliessen, von demselben Verfasser herzuriihren. 

7. D^cytCu hv nsn pin ^:-)d '^d Anf. r\72CM ^hn "^ny iNt)D. 

8. C^2n ra |E)intnniD von dems. 

Den Stoff zu seinem Commentar hat der Verfasser aus 
den agadischen Glossen zu Esther im Talmud, Tract Megillah, 
entnommen; dem Targum II hat er eine noch weiter ausge- 
schmiickte Beschreibung des Salomonischen Thrones entlehnt, 
er hat selbstverstandlich auch die Midraschim benutzt, und 
endlich hat er aus den apokryphischen „Stucken in Esther" 
das Edict Hamans, das Gebet Esthers und das Rundschreiben 
Mordechai's wiedergegeben. Das Edict Hamans will er aus 
dem Syrischen iibersetzt haben, for alles andere giebt er am 
Schlusse der kurzen Einleitung den *Kalam der Weisen' (wo hi 
Midrasch) und die beiden Talmude als Quellen an^). Zur 
weiteren Orientirung genugt die folgende Uebersicht der er- 
kldrten Verse. 

Cap. I 1, 2 (Beschreibung des Thrones), 4, 8—15. 

„ II 5 (Genealogie Mordechai's s. Jalqut. 1053), 7, 8, 
10, 16, 17, 21, 22. 

„ m 1 (Genealogie Hamans), 2, 4, 7, 8 (Edikt Haman's). 

„ IV 13, 15, 16, 17. 

„ V 1 (Esthers Gebet), 3, 11, 12. 



festes f. 24 V — 32 ▼. E. Mit, allerdings ohne einen Beweis zu versuchen, 
den Ck)mmentar fur echt; er ist aber, wie Inhalt Stil und Sprache zeigen, 
eine sp&te Mache. 



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250 Hartwig Hirschfeld. 

Cap. VI 1, 10, 11, 13, 14. 

, VII 7, 9, 10. 

„ VIII 1 (vor VII, 10) 3, 8 (Edikt Mordechars). 

„ IX 20. 

Was die Abfas8imgszeit des Buches betriffl;, so fehlt in 
demselben jede nahere Angabe. Wir sind somit auf die 
Sprache und Orthographic als Bestimmungsmittel angewiesen. 
Beide sind offenbar jung. Maghribinische Sprachproben aus 
dem 14. Jahi*hundert weisen noch nicht den hohen Grad von 
Vertauschung und Verwischung von Consonanten auf*), den 
wir hier antreflfen. Grosser ist die Aehnlichkeit mit dem von 
mir veroffentlichten Elias^)- und Hannah 3)-Liedem, von denen 
das erstere 1569 geschrieben wurde^). Auch die Wortformen 
^>Wt)N ftir J'Vhh^, t'N''"^ u. a. m.*) (Ueberschrift des Ediktes) 
weisen auf dieselbe Zeit hin. Endlich stimmt damit auch 
die Form der angehftngten Qinn3,h iiberein, vorausgesetzt, 
dass sic wirklich von demselben Vcrfasser herruhrt. Man 
wird daher diesen angeblichcn Commentar des Maimdni wohl 
schwerlich iiber den Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts zuriick- 
schieben konnen. 

Als Sprachprobe habe ich das Edikt Haman's^) nebst 
Uebcrsetzung beigegeben. Man wird den oben angegebenen 
Ursprung desselben ti'otz der schr freien Bearbeitung leicht 
erkennen. Da der Text cinem gedruckten Buche entnommen 
ist, habe ich gleich die Umschrift in die klassische Sprache 
vorgenommen, und nur besonders auffallende oder zweifelhafte 
Worter in den Anmerkungen besprochen. 

Das Edikt Hainan's. 

h'vhi< jan sKns hx: Knm foi. 24^0 

N^3N'»")D ]Nr ^N"^ir'» n-NZt^ '»D zpr n^N '»^fc<yr rhh^ ri:yh 

*) S. meine Bearbeitung der Sab'lniyya in Fourth Beport of the 
Monte fiore College, London 1894. 

») JEAS 1891, 293-310. [of. also ZDMG, XLVHI, 22 ff ; XLIX, 
560-7. G. A. K.] 

•) JQR VI, 119—135. 

*) JEAS ib., p. 309. 

*) Ein anderes „Rund8chreiben Hamans" von etwas grosserem Umfange 
ist von Perreau in Steinscbneider's Hebr. Bibliogr., HI, 46 f. abgedruckt 



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Notiz liber einen arabischen Commenlar zn Esther. 251 

-»sp t^in^no p «^i wnfe jc d^^ n^''^} Nt)}-i &<:-i2ip w:n 

p^oy c^Sn^{< p i^ot'N o^n p xrncn p ^un^x pn nn^Tio ctryi 
NDN^D« -iinirotJN pnrr p iiry 1122 p Swiyi p td^^&< -in:st)« ]2 
2^10 iN^2^« ^D i^tJ&< p HNj^Ni ht<i:h^^ nixnt^Ni nnni^ (^'^x^n 
^ni nrnNi« n:Dni n2^£:c N:i:y *i: "i^oy n^i ni^d^ N2^eD n:d 
p)^N n^ND PD ^D "ISC p ^u-^f («n^N rit:i2cc^N fic^^N rhcb^ 
i^nii&'nN "f?D^N w&< ■inS2^« "hy cnp*iDi cnt'ctr n^t>N 112 en bp 
i^D^N N3« ^op ^2^ cnnjno (^ny2i nr2 tJ2'? cno-i n2N 
rn«2Nt'^ (^iSm ^^2p ^2^ cnnjHD ny2i ompra rmo irniirnN 
nn^ p Pinxi ^2^ cn:NniNi cnn^c: ^oino ipi pi^Dt) nnn2&<i 
int< >tjy nw^ n^i D2ninir ^y 0211101 D22ni&^Di 02^2x0 no>d 
D«:^« ]i^2-p niN inr ]i2 y* Di^N O^xt'N Hin^ ^^ 1^1 p ^ir '»d 
i{< fc<^2{ Hbr\2 i{< N2^ir ]N2 iirri^N p O^NinN i^>pn n'ti Drr^y 
'•tjy ipBK'^ N^i on^NDON icm' Hb^ f\tnc in t<r\:2 {<y>i-i in Ni^is 
Dn'?NiDN n^y^i cnoi nn2N wn cnivir ^^y psT n'^i omasN 
y'»)03i ^N5yt?Ni (^2|icofc<i:jD^x y^cj^ yNOo^N '•iny nwi 02^ N2nNi 



^) DnnfiMT^ saff. plur. wahrscheinlich mit Bezug auf den Collectivbegriff 
in T\^H, 

^ napM, Dehnongsbncbstabe aosgelassen. 

*) ^imi maghr. pron. poss. 

') fiir beide Geschlechter and Zahlen h^lufig in Yalg^rtexten. 
'') nyiai. 

^ |KfiK3 wabrs. ^IjlT in Gleicbbeit. 
•) pmi 8. Anm. 3. 

'•) hSk vieil. = tfJl das aber keinen guten Sinn geben wiirde. 
") nun. 

*•) iKoSxH, ^ des Artikels vor dem Sonnenbucbstab ausgelassen s. JBAS 
1891, S. 307, ausserdem stebt das h in ]ho far. s. ebendas. 308. 



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252 Hartwig Hirschfeld. 

icrizhcv rca ^b n^sn ;ivi^ nii Np2> d''^ ]« Nii:iii wm^-iN 

cz'hy (2c5cSi 

Uebersetznng. 

Folgendes ist der Wortlaut des Schreibens Hamans des 
Verfluchten — den Gott verdamme — das er zum Zwecke der 
Vemichtung Israels schrieb. Ich habe es aus dem aramSischen 
Originale voUsttodig ins Arabische (ibertragen, um es jedem 
Leser zuganglich zu machen. Es ist ein strenger Ukas, der 
liber uns von dem machtigen Eonige Aba§v6ros an alle 
Volker, Spraehen, Zungen und sein gesammtes Reich ausge- 
gangen ist. 

Gott schenke euch dauemdes Heil. 

Wir wenden uns an einem hochgestellten Mann, der 
weder unserem Glauben noch unserem Lande angestammt, 
aber bestrebt ist uns Gehorsam zu leisten, in die Reihe 
unserer Heifer zu treten und sich mit unseren Feinden zu 
beschafdgen. Wir haben ihn gepriifk und in ihm einen grossen 
Mann gefunden. Wir haben ihn in seiner Hoheit, Wichtigkeit 
und seinem einflussreichen Posten bestatigt, Haman den 
Inder, den Sohn des Hamd&tha; Nachkommen des Ednigs 
Ag^g, Sohnes des Fiirsten Amal^q, Sohnes des durchlauchten 
Elifaz b. Re'ael, des erstgeboreneu Sohnes des Esau, des 
Sohnes Isaks, der (namlich Haman) ebenso beriihmt ist durch 
seine Ahnen als (ausgezeichnet) durch Bildung, Reichthum 
und den ihm vom Eonige verliehenen hohen Rang. Er 
unterbreitete uns einen geringen, keinerlei Schwierigkeiten 
verursachenden Vorschlag, den zu erfiillen wir geruhten, und 
der uns wohlgefallt. Er bezieht sich auf jene zerstreute 
Nation, die 60000 Mann stark (einst) aus Egypten zog; dann 
aber hat Gott sie iiber alle Lander zerstreut Ich der Eonig 
Ahasveros erklare ihr Blut far vogelfrei und gebe ihr Herz- 
blut jedermann preis. Ich der Eonig freue mich sie zu 



*) yii^, sing. .U50 (Dozy, Suppl.) 



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Notiz tiber eiDen arabisohen Commentar zu Esther. 253 

^chten imd gebe ihr Blut jedermann ohne Unterschied und 
fiir ewig preis. Ich erklfire sie dem Schwerte verfallen und 
iiberlasse sie alle, sammt ihren Gotzen jedem so viel er ver- 
langt, fur euch zu Speise und Trank und zur Freude nach 
Herzenslust. Niemand soil fiir etwas, das er in dieser Sache 
nach seinen Willen thut, zur Verantwortung gezogen werden, 
sondern am 13. des Monats Adar soil man fiber sie herfallen. 
Ihr soUt keinen Juden, Greis, Mann oder Jiingling, Kind oder 
Saugling, MMchen oder Weib schonen. Man zeige weder 
Mitleid ihren Kindem, noch Erbarmen ihren Kleinen^ noch 
WohlwoUen ihren Greisen. Ich gebe ihr Blut preis und ge- 
statte euch ihre Habe zu pltindem. Mein Edikt ergeht Ge- 
horsam heischend an alle Ftirsten, Statthalter, St^dte, Burgen, 
Dorfer und Wiisten. Wo ein Jude oder eine Jtidin, klein 
oder gross oder als Selaven jemandes, der sie in seinen 
Dienst gebracht hat, gefunden wird, so sollen diese Leute an 
den Thiiren ihrer Hauser geschlachtet und der Platz zur 
Einode umgewandelt werden, weil sie unseren Feinden Vor- 
schub geleistet haben. Denn es ist unser Wunsch imd Zweck, 
dass das Andenken keines einzigen Juden in unserem ganzen 
Reiche iibrig bleiben soil — und ich griisse Euch. 



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An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and CI 

by 
Rev. Dr. Marcus Jastrow (Philadelphia). 



I. 
The Eighty-fourth Fsalm. 

The situation of the poet of P8. LXXXIV is made clear 
by reference to another psalm (Ps, XI), written under the 
most adverse circumstances, and I have no doubt but that 
both psalms under consideration may lay cleum to king David 
himself as their author. 

We shall, therefore, analyze the eleventh psalm first 

Friends told the wrongly persecuted young man David 
to flee a country the foundations of which are being torn 
down. These foundations are: justice and personal liberty; 
their deadliest foes are arbitrariness and tyranny. What, do 
David's friends say, what can an individual under the perse- 
cution of a government's power do, but flee? What can 
the bird do, when the fowlers are out with their arrows and 
snares, but retire to the mountains? 

The poet answers by referring to his stronghold of pro- 
tection , which is faith, to his protector's high castie from 
which a constant watch is held on the doings of the travellers 
below; that watch-post is called in the poetical language 
of the singer: the eye of the Lord; modem language calls 
it Providence. 

Tradition, continues the singer, knows of times when 'the 
earth was filled with violence^ but there was one righteous 
man in that generation, and the Lord saved him, for 'him 
he had seen righteous before him in that generation'. Yea, 
*the Lord proveth the righteous, but the wicked and him 
that loveth violence his soul hateth'. 



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An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and CI. 255 

There was also, tradition says, a city with its districts 
beautiful and rich 4ike the gai'den of the Lord^, but *the 
men of Sodom were wicked and sinners before the Lord 
exceedingly', and desti-uction was their lot. The snares to 
capture those birds came from above: it is the Lord *that 
raineth snares upon the wicked; 'fire and brimstone and glowing 
wind ai'C their allotted cup' which they must drink. 

Observe the parallel between these passages of our 
Psabn XI and Genesis VI, 11, 13 and VH, 1, and XIX, 24 
respectively. Here and there the righteous (png), and the 
lover of violence (Dcn) are placed in contrast; here and there 
the Lord 'raineth fire and brimstone' (nn?2 and ;^N, "I'^CCpH 
and "leP!). 

Therefore, says the poet, to his friends, fear not for me, 
'for the Lord is righteous, he loveth righteousness, his coun- 
tenance sees the upright.' 

But after all, the bird does retire to the mountains. 
Circumstances stronger than principles force young David to 
be a fugitive, at first in the glens and caves of his own 
mountainous country, and finally even in the enemy's land. 

Now after many years of hardships and stiniggles, during 
which it had been his aim never to betray his country and 
never to forget the sacredness of the royal head of his per- 
secutor, he comes back again to his home and its divine 
associations; the restless bird has found her nest again. 

Remember what exile meant to a Hebrew of olden days. 
Every country had her own god or gods, and though the 
faithful Hebrew worshipped in Jehovah the Only One, the 
creator and master of the whole Universe, the owner of 
heaven and earth; though the true believer in the One God 
knew that the gods of the nations were Elilim, that is 
nothings : yet he could not help looking upon exile from home 
as a banishment from all divine associations, and so David 
says to Saul, *For they have divorced me now from a share 
in the divine inheritance, as if saying, "Go and worship 
other gods"^ 

And now he is home again; grace and honor surround 
him; he is himself the anointed of the Lord whose life he 
regarded as inviolable when Saul was his king and persecutor 
at once ; he greets again the residences of the Lord of Hosts ; 



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256 Marcus Jastrow. 

Jehovah is again his king and his god; the altars of the 
Lord again offer him protection and safety, the courts of the 
Lord after which he had been longing, and yearning for so 
many years, again keep him in their sacred enclosure, and 
rejoicingly he exclaims, "How lovely are thy residences O 
Lord of hosts; my soul has been longing, nay fainting for 
the courts of the Lord, and now my heart and my flesh 
shout with joy imto the living God " He is no longer among 
the lifeless gods of the heathens; he greets again the living 
God and offers thanks to him both for the preservation of 
his heart from wrong-doing and of his body from the dangers 
of a homeless warrior's life. 

Yes, at last the fowl has found a house, the roving bird 
has found a nest where to lay down its brood; — the homeless 
vagrant has found thine altars, where he can lay down the 
dearest emotions of his heart. Once 'thev warned him off 
these altare, saying, Flee to your mountains, birds!', and 
now the bird has found its nest again. *0h, how happy are 
the dwellers of thy house who continually praise thee!' — 
Happy are those whose life is a smooth road-bed of peace, 
with the sunshine of prosperity overhead. — But what about 
those travellers and strugglers on earth? What about those 
who have to pave their way through the deserts and dark 
glens of adversity, trial, temptation and snare? — How can 
the joumeyer *over life's solemn main' find his way? Where 
will he find protection, escort and leader? 

A brief description of the traveller's life in the East of 
to-day will here be necessary for the understanding and due 
appreciation of the beautiful imagery of our poet. 

Up to this day, the traveller who desires to traverse 
certain portions of Eastern countries for purposes of trade 
or of scientific exploration has to hire a guide and escort 
who are subjects and followers of the Sheikh of that region. 
Placing himself under the protections of that chief, the traveller 
is safe from his tribe; if he is attacked, he need only cry 
out the name of his protector, and point to the castle on top 
of the mountain where he is seated, and his assailers are turned 
into friends ; and if the attack comes from a hostile tribe, 
that cry of distress is heard in the castle, and the answer 
comes down promising help and delivery. By keeping in 



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All Analysis of Psalnis LXXXIV and CI. 257 

view this custom of the East^) you will understand many an 
expression in the psalms otherwise subject to misconception. 
"My voice is raised unto the Lord, I call, and He answers 
me from his holy mountain. The Lord is my rock and my 
fortress and my deliverer, my god is my strength, I trust 
in Him; my buckler and the horn of my salvation, my high 
tower. Praised be the Lord, I cry out, and I am saved from 
my assailers/' 

These and many other metaphors in Hebrew poetry are 
raised from their vagueness, and begin to alight upon us 
like new revelations, when we can place ourselves amid the 
poet's surroundings and conditions. *Willst Du den Dichter 
recht verstehen, so musst Du in des Dichters Lande gehen.' 

And now, after this not unnecessary digression, let us 
return to our psalm. — Happy are those who dwell in thy 
house, who continually praise thee. — With these words the 
singer closes his song of joy over his return to his country 
and his God. — And now he continues, by comparing human 
life on earth to a journey over roads, not always even, through 
valleys not always slacking the travellers' thirst, on pathways 
often winding and misleading, between people not always 
friendly and hospitable : Where is man's guide ? Where is 
man's escort? Where is his high tower, where the rock of 
refuge? Where the sheikh whose name is a protection? 
Where his deliverer on whom to call, anxiously waiting for an 
answer? Where is there a station where to rest his head 
safely when night sets in? Who looks out from his tower for 
the joumeyer's safety? Happy those who dwell in thy house, 
but happy, too, is he who has in thee his tower of strength, 
happy those who carry the pathways in their hearts. They 
will not fear, they will not go astray. Passing through the 
valley of entanglement they make it a well, and the guide too 
is covered with blessings (of gratitude). — Passing through 
the valley of trouble, they make it a well — other travellers 
will come after them, thirsty and outworn like themselves. 



*) [Illustrations of Arab hospitality are given in Rev. H. C. TrumbuU's 
charming Sketches of Oriental Social Life (Philadelphia, 1894) — a work 
which throws much light upon obscure Bible-texts by its description of the 
customs and manners of the East. G. A. K.] 

Kohat, Semitio Stadies. 17 



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258 Marcus Jastrow. 

and will find a well to slacken their thirst. — WTio is not 
reminded here of our poet's [Longfellow's] words: 

"Footprints which perhaps another 

Sailing o'er life's solemn main, 

A forlorn and shipwrecked brother 

Seeing will take heart again/' 
Passing through the valley of trouble , they make it a 
well, even the guide that led them into it is covered with 
thanks. — We need only remember the frequent murmurings 
of the Israelites in the desert against their leader, and we 
see the beauty of this passage finer than any commenting 
words can make it appear. — And it is true up to this day, 
that even in trouble those who have the pathways leading 
to God in their hearts will bless the guide of their journey 
even when passing through the valley of trouble. — Thus 
they walk from station to station ; it is all seen and observed 
before God in Zion. — There is the chiefs tower of obser- 
vation; from there He looks down upon the travellers on earth. 

The poet, too, has been through the valley of trouble, 
has more than once looked up to the tower of his strength, 
has felt the protecting hand of his escort and guide, and 
now appearing again in the sanctuary of the Lord, the bird 
of passage having found his nest again , he lays down his 
brood upon the altars of his king and God : 'O Lord of hosts, 
hear my prayer, listen, O God of Jacob! — Look O God, 
our shield, receive graciously thy anointed/ He is no longer 
the migratory bird, he is now the anointed of the Lord. But 
were he even the lowest of his subjects, he would be con- 
tented, for ^better is one day in thy courts, than a thousand 
(outside)'. — He would rather sit at the threshold in the house 
of God, than have a dwelling among the tents of wickedness. 
Tea, the traveller's sun by which he is guided, and the 
traveller's protection is the Lord; He gives grace and honor; 
what popularity and glory now are his, they are gifts of the 
Lord who denies no good to those who walk in uprightness. 
Lord of hosts, happy the man who trusts in thee! 

Take away everything personal, and there remains still 
in this most beautiful psalm enough to be a well and a 
blessing to mankind journeying over this earth for all time 
to come. 



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An Analysis of Psalms LXXXIV and CI. 259 

II. 

The One hundred and first Psalm. 

A royal programme has this psalm justly been named 
by the great Jewish historian who ascribes it to king Ezekiah ; 
a prince's mirror is the title given it by the great reformer 
and still greater translator of the Bible, Martin Luther, who 
believes in the inscription and assigns the psalm to David 
himself. There is, to my mind, no reason to doubt David's 
authorship of our psalm, whose style and thought are in 
every respect Davidic. 

But I have always maintained that for practical purposes, 
that is to say for the appreciation and enjoyment of a 
literary production like ours, it matters little when and by 
whom it was composed. What difference is it to the reader 
or hearer of Hamlet whether Shakespeare or Bacon be the 
author? — Let the critics go on battling on the field of 
theories and speculations; only let them not disturb our 
pleasure. David or Ezekiah, or whoever else may be in- 
vented yet as the composer of our psalm, has given us the 
programme, the mirror, the ideal of a king at a time when 
such a thing as a ruler guided by moral principles was un- 
known outside of Israel, and when statesmanship had as 
much connection with righteousness and justice, as, in our 
blessed country, so called politics has with truth and integrity. 

Measui'ed by this standard, in fact, our psalm has not 
yet been excelled by any declaration of principles of any 
ruler in the world down to our days. 

Let us then take the psalm by its own word and con- 
sider David as its real author. 

After a cai'eer of adventures of the most distracting 
nature, after being hunted like game for years, after being 
maligned and denounced and abused by those 'heroes of the 
tongue' of whom our books have so often occasion to com- 
plain, David at last becomes the ruler, the absolute ruler both 
of those who had honored and upheld him in his hours of 
degradation and those who had instigated persecutions against 
him which embittered his life and forced him to seek refuge 
with the Philistean enemy of his country. 

And now that the former rebel was the rightful king 

17* 



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260 Marous Jastrow. 

seated ou the throne at Zion, what was more natural than 
that a host of pick- thanks and parasites, flatterers and 
sycophants, office-seekers and favor-seekers, would try to 
force themselves upon the young ruler and offer their ser- 
vices as bloodhounds for the trackbig up of the king's former 
enemies and traducers, and all this in the name of justice, 
the highest and noblest royal privilege and duty. 

Formerly, when the tempters to violence approached him, 
he repulsed them with the argument that you have no right 
to take the law in your own hand, that the anointed of the 
Lord, the rightful king was inviolable. But what now? He 
is now clothed with the majesty of royalty, justice is now 
entrusted to his charge; what will his conduct now be? 
Who will be his counsellors and advisers? Who will have 
his ear now? How will he be able to repress the throng of 
false friends? How will he check the flood of accusations 
and denunciations, if once its gates are opened and the dam 
broken into? 

These are the thoughts that occupy the royal singer's 
mind. He looks out for guidance on the right path. What 
is his foremost dutj^ now? Is it justice, strict unmitigated 
justice and retiibution ? Who will guard the limits where 
justice ceases and revenge takes its place? Who will con- 
trol the informers and spies, those detectives who invent 
crime and provoke wrongs in order to earn the tale bearers* 
fees? 

Is it to be kindness and forbearance ? Is the past to be 
forgotten? Shall murder and bloodshed and depredations 
committed under the pretext of politicttl actions go foijth 
boasting of their impunity? 

The king looks out for divine guidance in his perplexity. 
He thinks of one in olden days that has been visited by the 
Lord who said to him, 'Walk before me, and thou shalt be 
perfect'. — He remembers him who sat at the gate of his 
house by the roadside looking out for subjects of hospitality 
in the heat of the day, and to whom the Lord appeared in 
the disguise of three wearied travellers. He remembers 
Abraham whom the Lord has chosen for the mission of be- 
queathing to his children and his house after him, 'to guard 



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An Analysis of Psalms LXXXTV and CI. 261 

the way of the Lord , to do tsedakah and mishpat , that is, 
as near as it can be translated, like the Lord to combine 
equity and judgment, mercy and justice, to hold equally far 
from that stem justice which denies the claims of forbearance, 
and that morbid leniency which blunts the sense of right. 
Our poet, too, is seated at the gate of his house, looking 
out, as I said, for divine guidance; he tunes his harp, ex- 
claiming, "Of kindness and of justice will I sing; for thee, 
O Lord, will I chant." He desires to invite the Lord, to 
serenade Him enthroned in the heavens, that He might 
appear in answer to his call. "I will look out on the way 
of the perfect One, when wilt thou come to me?'' I look 
out, like my ancestor, on the roads of life to find the way 
of the perfect — shall I, too, be granted the privilege of 
thy visit? — He, Abraham, was admonished to walk before 
the Lord and be perfect; he was chosen to bequeath justice 
and kindness to his house; I, too, shall walk in the integrity 
of my heart within my house. 

The house of David shall likewise receive from its 
founder a legacy of truth and justice; the house which the 
Lord had promised to build up for him, shall rest on the 
foundations of true righteousness which he, David, is deter- 
mined to lay; the throne which the prophet had predicted 
to him would be established for ever, shall be built on royal 
virtues. *I shall walk before the Lord in the integrity of 
my heart within my house.' 

*I shall not set before my eyes the word of the worth- 
less'. He intends to have the Lord constantly before him, 
to follow His advice ad example, and not be guided by what 
the worthless and the mean may whisper into his ear. 

'I hate the making of seducers'. The poet knows that 
a ruler who lends his ear to worthless informers, creates 
that class of detectives that we in our days call *provoking 
agents'. Who that ever read the history of a single country 
knows not the misery produced by the overzealous menials 
of a vindictive government? 

'I hate the making of seducers and intriguers; it shall 
not cling to me'. It shall never be said that in king David's 
days informers flourished and sycophancy was rife. 



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262 Marcus Jastrow. . 

*A perverse heart shall keep aloof from me, evil I will 
not know.' — He will ward off those who approach him under 
the shield of loyalty with hearts perverse and coiTupt, and 
who come to denounce the ill-doings of others. His answer 
will be 'I will not know evil, I receive no informers.' 

*Whoso in secrecy informs against his neighbor — him 
I will cut off; whoso is of haughty eyes and a greedy heart, 
him I will not bear.' 

Not him will he cut off and remove against whom secret 
information is offered, but the cowardly sycophant who thinks 
he will insinuate himself into the graces of his king. Nor 
will he appoint as executors of his will the haughty and 
greedy who abuse the power put into their hands for domi- 
neering and for oppression. Who shall be the trusted go- 
vernors of the land? Who shall sit with him in council? 

*I shall have my eyes on these entrusted with the 
charge of the land to sit with me; he who walketh in the 
way of the perfect One, he it is that shall serve me.' 

We know what is meant by *the way of the perfect One' 
— it is the way of the Lord doing tseddkah and mishpat^ 
acting with righteousness and justice, combining the kindness 
and the justice which the poet started to celebrate with his 
song. 'Judgment belongs to God' is a Mosaic principle, and 
he who pronounces judgment is a trustee of divine power 
which he must wield in accordance with the instructions of 
him who commissioned him; he must walk in the way of the 
perfect One. 

1 will walk with integrity of the heart within my house' 
was the first article of his proclamation, and taking up this 
sentiment, the royal poet continues, *Not shall dwell within 
my house he that worketh deceit; one who tells falsehoods 
shall not be stationed (in office) before my eyes; not, as far 
as I can see and discover human intricacies, shall deceit 
and falsehood have a dwelling in my house, in my govern- 
ment.' 

'Everj' morning will I cut ofi all the oppressors of the 
land, removing from the city of the Lord all doera of 
iniquity.' 

He will be none of those indolent kings who from a 
morbid softness of the heart allow wrongs and crimes to go 



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An Analysis of Psalms LXXXTV and CL 263 

unpunished. He will sit in judgment every morning, he will 
investigate every case brought before him; he will rule in 
kindness and in justice, in hesed and mishpat. His land, his 
government is to him a city of the Lord, he is merely the 
viceroy, the deputy of the Lord, and is commissioned to 
administer justice, and to guard the way of the perfect One. 
Thus he hears the word of the Lord again 5 he has asked 
for a divine visit, the Lord has come to him and told him: 
Walk before me, and.be thou perfect.' 



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The Testament of Job. 

An Essene Midrasli on the Book of Job 

refidited and translated 

with Introductory and Exegetical Notes 

by 
Rev. Dr. K. Kohler (New Tork). 



Introdnction. 



In an edict on canonical and spurious books issued by 
Pope Gelasius I about 496, a book called the Testament of Job 
is mentioned among the apocrypha. This is the only place 
in patristic literature in which mention of such a work occurs. 
This singular fact induced Fabricius, the great authority 
on apocryphical writings, to substitute the name of Testa- 
ment of Jacob for that of Job. This emendation having been 
once adopted by other scholars, the very existence of the 
book in question was forgotten. It was, strange to say, of 
little avail that Angelo Mai published our apocryphon in 
his Scriptorum Veterum Nova CoUectiOj vol. VII, pp. 180 — 191 
[Romae 1833], referring in a footnote to the edict of Pope 
Gelasius as proof of the high antiquity of the work. None 
of the recent writers on Old and New Testament Apocrypha 
took cognisance of it, until Montague Rhodes James in his 
valuable edition of "the Testament of Abraham", (Cambridge 
1892) again called attention to the same (see his note on p. 
155). [Cf. also Kohler: Pre- Tdlmudic Haggada^ in Jewish 
Quart. Rev., V (1893), p. 419, G. A. K.] The only other 
reference to the Testament of Job I found since was in S. 



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The Testament of Job. 265 

Baring-Gould's Legends of the Patriarchs [New York 1872], 
where on pp. 245 to 251 a few fragments of the story of 
Job are given from this source after A. Mai's edition. Beyond 
this the book is scarcely known to scholars ; so little, in fact, 
that a writer of the vast erudition of Max Gruenbaum could 
in his Neue Beitraege zwr Semitischen Sagenkunde (Leyden 
1893), pp. 262 — 271, reproduce the entire story of Job after 
Arabian sources without once referring to the Greek apo- 
cryphon as the original, as he certainly would have done 
had he been aware of the existence of our book 

The Testament of Job belongs to a class of writings 
which are so pronouncedly Essene in character that the 
late Rabbinical schools felt more or less forcibly called upon 
to disown or ignore them, while those sects which gradually 
merged into Christianity treasured them as precious deposi- 
tories of great mysteries. To this class belong the Books 
of Enoch, Noah and of Adam, the Testament of Abraham, 
the Visions of Moses, of Elijah, of Zephaniah and Jeremiah 
and the Testaments of the Patriarchs. Our Rabbinical 
scholars, as a rule, start from the fragmentary traditions 
preserved in the Midrash and fail to see that the beginnings 
of the Haggadah point back to the second and third centuries 
preceding the Christian era. Our Rabbinical Midrash is the 
product of the school, artificially obtained by hermeneutic 
skill. The ancient Midrash as reflected in the older Helle- 
nistic literature has all the natural vividness and fascination 
of folklore. It originated at the time when both Greek and 
Hebrew still felt the stimulus of Eastern lore, when the 
Chaldean and the Mazdean sages competed with the student 
of Egyptian mysteries in the knowledge concerning the 
world's beginning and end, when all that is above and beyond, 
behind and before, was the study of the "wise", later called 
Gnostics, Mandaeans and Kabbalists. 

The Targnm on Job. 

Already previous to the destruction of the Temple we learn 

^of the existence of a Targum scroll on the Book of Job. But 

singularly enough, Rabban Gamaliel the Elder ordered that 

it should be hidden away in the wall of the Temple hall. 

That is, he declared it to be an apocryphon. (See 



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266 K- Kohler. 

Tosefta Sabbath, ch XIV). Why this and similar Targums 
were to be concealed, or declared to be apocrypha, has been 
a matter of dispute and conjecture. (See Zimz, GottesdiensU. 
Vortraege^y 62; Berliner, Targum Onkelos, p. 89; P. Frankl 
in Graetz's Monatsschrifty 1872, p. 314.) J) But with all 
due deference to the learning of these scholars, we can not 
but say that they failed to enter into the true spirit of the 
tradition. What caused the Targum of Jonathan ben Uziel, 
the pupil of Hillel, who is said to have received his Biblical 
interpretations in direct line down from the last prophets, to 
fill the whole land of Judea with trembling and awe (Me- 
gillah 3 a) so that, when he wanted to write the Targum on 
the Hagiographa — of which Job is the first — , a heavenly 
voice cried forth: "Enough! Thou hast reached the limit 
beyond which thou shouldst not go?" "He disclosed the 
mysteries of God to the children of Israel", is the answer 
given by the Rabbis. And another tradition says that, as 
he sat interpreting the Torah, the tire that emanated from 
his soul consumed every bird flying above his head. This 
is but further testimony that the ancient Targum contained 
mysteries too holy for the common people to know or to 
read. (See Sukkah 28 a). This ceiiainly accounts better for 
the Kabbinical injunction to conceal it than what Zunz or 
Frankl offer, as reason. The book of Job especially supplied 
a large store of the mysteries of Essenic lore concerning 
cosmogony — n^l^*X"^2 ni^C Says Midrash Shir ha- 
shirim rabba to inin "pCn ^JN^ZH: "Elihu ben Buzi shall 
one day disclose to Israel the secret chambers of the 
Leviathan and Behemoth, and Yehezekiel ben Buzi shall 
disclose those of the heavenly chariot — n22nc Htt'yc". 
(Compare Rabbi Meir at the close of Midrash Vayikra Rabba 
§ 22, also Bereshith Rabba § 26 at the close [and several 
other interesting parallels in NlCIT C^'^^lT'n "l'»C* tt'lic, ed. Buber, 
Berlin, 1894, pp. 11—12 and notes. G. A. K.])^) 

*) [See also T. B. Shabbath 115a; cp. furthermore on the Targum on Job: 
Bacher iu FrankePs Monatsschnft (1871), vol. XX. pp. 208-23; Weiss, 
De Uhri Jobi Faraphrasi Clialdaica (Vratisl. 1873); W. fl. Lowe, An 
Early Targum on Job^ in Hebraica (a monthly suppl. to Jewish Messen- 
ger, N. Y. 1871), No. 10; B. Pick in Mc. Clintock & Strong's Theological 
Cyclopaedia, s. i\ Targum, vol. X, pp. 212—13. G. A. K.] 

'^\ [Cf. also Kohut, Uber die jUdische Angelohgie und Daettu^ 



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The Testament of Job. 267 

Job as teacher of mystic lore. 

Naturally the question suggested itself to these ancient 
mystics, engaged with the study of Job, why were he 
and his friends, who were at best God-fearing sages of 
Arabia, privileged to behold these sacred mysteries? And 
the answer was not far to find: In order to be bearers 
of such precious secrets they must have been of the chosen 
seed of Abraham. A search in the Scriptures supplied them 
with the required genealogy. There was Uz the land of 
Job; there was Eliphaz, and his land of Teman, and there 
was Bildad of the land of Shuah — names which clearly 
proved a connection with the family of Abraham according 
to Genesis, ch. XXXVI, 11 to 28 and Genesis XXV, 2. But the 
very list of Edomite Kings given in Genesis ch. XXXIV, 31 ff. 
seemed to be invested with new interest, if brought into rela- 
tion with the circle of Job. The first King in the list is Bela 
ben Beor. Is he not identical with Moses* great heathen 
contemporary, Balaam ben Beor, whore prophecies have 
found a place in the Books of Moses ? And should not have 
Moses, whom tradition regards as the author of the book of 
Job, (See Baba Bathra 14 b) when mentioning Jobab the son 
of Zerah as next king, had Job in mind? Jobab, the 
son of Zerah and great-grandson of £sau, was he not the 
man of Uz, called Job "the assailed one" on account of 
martyrdom? To be sure, Eliphaz must be identified with 
Eliphaz, the son of Esau ! 

This mode of argument did not, as Frankel, Vorstudien 
zur Septuaginta, p. 79, thinks, spring from "ignorance" — 
ein unwissender Leser verwechselte Job mit Jobab — . The 
writer of the appendix to the LXX translation of Job, 
simply followed the same tradition, as did Aristeas in the 
second pre-Christian century, quoted after Alexander Poly- 
histor, by Eusebius, Prepar. EvangeliCy IX, 25. Freudenthal 
in his Hellenistische Studien, I, p. 136 — 141, thinks that the 
LXX postscript is simply a copy of the words of Aristeas ^), 



mlogie (Leipzig 1866), p. 71; Ms article in the Z. d D. M. 6r., vol. XXI 
(1867), p. 586 ff; and Arakh Completum, s. v. \r\^S7^ vol. V, p. 23 a. 
G. A. K.] 

') [Cf. C. Muller. Fragm. Hist. Graec., vol TTl, p. 207 sqq. ; Herz- 



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268 K- Kohler. 

but he is certainly mistaken, if he makes the Alexandrian 
writer the author of the whole genealogical legend, after he 
himself had observed that the LXX translators have already 
the three friends of Job introduced as "Kings of the Tema- 
nites, the Sanchites and the Minaeans''. Here is the 
evidence given that the Haggadists had at an early date 
begun enlarging on the life of Job in the same direction. 
P. Prankl in the Monatsschrift for 1872, p. 313, calls atten- 
tion to the words in the LXX postscript — "The fifth 
generation from Abraham'', which are intended to lead ns 
down to the time of Moses, where the Rabbinical Haggada 
placed Job and Balaam as being the counsellors of King Pharaoh 
at the birth of Moses. [Cp. also Griinbaum in Z. d. D, M, G. 
XXXI, 299, no. 15; Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthum, voL II, 
439 and Gould, l. c, p. 246. G. A. K.] There are many 
traces, besides, of this Haggadic tradition in Rabbinical 
literature, although the tendency to belittle Job is gaining 
gradually the upper hand in Talmud and Midi*ash. As to 
Eliphaz, we find in Midrash Debarim rabba § 2, that "Eliphaz 
was brought up by Isaac as a righteous man", and Targum 
Jerush. to Genes. XXXVI, 12 identifies him with the friend of Job. 
Likewise does the Midrash Mayan Gannim, edited by 
Buber, which draws upon many unknown Haggadic sources, 
state on p. 9, that Eliphaz was the son of Eliphaz the son 
of Esau, and that Bildad of Shuah was, according to Genes. 
XXV, 2, also of Abrahamitic descent; only for Zophar the 
commentator knows no genealogical connection — pN ISIIP 
Cn^ )h — On the other hand, the same commentator 
p. 103, points to the Targum as to the genealogy of Elihu 
the Buzite, connecting him with Abraham while referring to 
Genes. XXII, 21. But the real name and identity of Elihu has 
been a matter of dispute already between R. Akiba and 
Eleazar ben Azariah, the former identifying him with 
Balaam, the latter with Isaac, the son of Abraham 
(see Jerushalmi Sota 20 d). In fact, the farther back we 
follow the Rabbinical tradition, the more we find Job placed 



feld, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, 488 sqq., 577—9; Ewald, Geschichte 
Israels, Vn, 92; Schiirer's History of the Jewish People in the time of 
Jesus Christ (English ed., New York 1891), II Division, vol. ill, p, 
208-209. G. A. K ] 



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The Testament of Job. 269 

into close connection with Abraham and Moses and on a 
level with them as regards his religious life. It is Rabbi 
Yishmael who makes him one of Pharaoh's couiiiers (Jerush. 
Sota, eodem). Another old tradition given in Babli Sota 35 a, 
Midrash Bereshith Rabba § 57 and Baba Bathra 15 b^ connects 
the number of years of Job's life 210 with the 210 years 
which the Israelites spent as slaves in Egypt. They thus 
arrive at the following legendary tale : Satan tried to oppose 
the work of Israel's redemption, probably on the ground that 
a man like Job proved the superfluity of a people identified 
with the cause of the monotheistic faith, when God turned 
his attention to Job, the God-fearing servant of Pharaoh 
for the sake of silencing his antagonism to Israel. And 
when the spies entered the holy land. Job's funeral took 
place which preoccupied all the inhabitants of Canaan to 
such a measure that none noticed their espionage. But they, 
in their blindheartedness, brought the impression home that 
the land was eating up its inhabitants while, in fact, Job 
was the great pillar — yy riDtt'^n — who but for his death 
would have protected the heathen tribes. (See Numbers XIII, 
20, 32 and Midrash Shemoth Rabba § 1, 21.) 

Another Rabbinical tradition preserved in Baba Bathra, 
eodem, points in the same direction: "Seven prophets did God 
raise for the heathen nations, and these are Balaam and his 
father (?) Job and Eliphaz, Bildad, Sophai* and Elihu, his 
friends. It is not unlikely that these seven and Baal Chanon 
as son of Job were meant to correspond with those Edomite 
Kings who reigned before "Moses ruled over Israel". (Genes. 
XXXVI, 31 ; see Ibn Ezra, eodem) Cf. Jalkut I, 766: ''All the 
seven heathen prophets were sons of Milkah and Nahor : 
Uz = Job-, Buz = Elihu; Kmuel — Balaam". 

Part of this tradition also is that Dinah the daughter of 
Jacob, was the wife of Job. This is not merely based on 
the verbal analogy, the charge of ''folly" — DI'PD:, made alike 
against her and against Dinah (Job II. 10 and Genes. 
XXXIV, 7), as Rabba Bar Kahana says in the Talmudical 
passages quoted, but the very words of Job's wife: "Curse 
God and die!" seemed offensive enough to attribute them 
only to the black sheep in Jacob's fold, Dinah, about whom 
we hear nothing after her affair with Shechem. Here then 



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270 K. Kohler. 

seemed the solution given. She married Job, but her piety 
was not pure enough to oflFer resistance to the seducer. 
[Cp. Talm. B. Bathra 15 b; Midr. Ber. Rabba § 57; Grun- 
baum, Neue Beitrdge zur Seniit, Sagenhunde (1893), p. 266, 
n. 3. G. A. K.] 

Job 111 Folklore. 

Thus far we have only followed the current school 
tradition about Job. But at closer observation we find that 
Job, — who like Daniel and Noah lived in popular legend 
before his story was recorded in the book bearing his name 
(See Ezekiel XIV, 14, 20) — continued to be a subject 
of folklore long afterwards [cf. also Cheyne's Joh and Solo- 
mon (1893), p. 60. G. A. K.]. Not only was his dwelling- 
place and the spring in which he was cured from his 
leprosy ^) pointed out by the people of Hauran, as is shown by 
Wetzstein in his appendix to Delitzsch's Commentary to Job, 
[cf, also Niebuhr*8 Beisebeschreibung Arabiens, II, 291; 
G. Fliigel in Ersch & Gruber's Encyclopaedie, s. v. Hiob, 
II, 8, p. 299. G. A. K.] but, like Abraham, he became the 
type of a saint, the veiy model of a grand philanthropist. 
The picture dra^m in Talmud B. Bathra 15—16; Aboth 
de R Nathan ch. 7 (see Schechter s edition p. 33 ; cf. 8, 12 
and 164) and Mayan Gannim, pp. 92, 101 sq., is so full of 
charm and grandeur that it is almost impossible to believe 
that the same rabbis should have invented it who constantly 
betray their jealousy lest Abraham the Hebrew pati*iarch be 
eclipsed by his pagan rival. The fact is that these ancient 
Midrashic legends extol Job's philanthropy beyond that of 
Abraham According to them he had like Abraham an inn 
built on the crossing of the roads, opened on all sides to 
receive the sti'angers and the needy. His time was entirely 
occupied with works of charity. He went about visiting the 
sick and providing the poor with a physician, now comforting 
and cheering their wives and furnishing them support until 
their full recovery, and then again sustaining the widows in 



') [Tabari (I, p. 263, ap. S. B. Gould, Legends of the Patriarchs, 
etc., p. 250) says : every pereou who goes there (to the fountain) affected 
by interaal or extenial maladies, and washes and diinks of that water, is 
healed of his disease. G. A. K.l 



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The Testament of Job. 271 

case of death. He had his servants employed for baking 
bread and cooking the meals for the poor. His looms were 
made to run to provide the naked with clothes, his sheep 
furnished the wool and his ships the silk or cotton. His 
money worked blessing in a most wonderful way, so that 
"he who had received his alms once was no longer in need 
of support'\ Indeed, "he tasted the bliss of the future in 
this world", says Rabbi Johanan (B. Bathra, eodem). No 
wonder if in a time when heathenism was as cruel as it 
showed itself to the Jews under Roman oppression, Rabbi 
Johanan ben Zakkai would feel prompted to declare that, after 
all Job did all his good deeds only from fear of God, while 
Abraham was actuated by love^) (Mishna Sota V p. 27 b). 
All the Biblical heroes of the pre-Abrahamitic age, Enoch, 
Noah, Malkizedek and Adam had in these times of Roman, 
and partly already of Syrian, persecution to step down from 
the high pedestal of ideal perfection and holiness upon which 
the broad-minded Hellenestic era, with its cosmopolitan ten- 
dency, had placed them. Job made no exception to the rule. 
And R. Chiyah, one of the Amor aim went so far as to make 
God say : "I had one righteous man among the heathen who 
received all his reward at the close of his earthly life and 
he has no longer any claim upon me in the future" (see 
Jerush Sota, eodem '^ Bereshith Rabba 57). This very asser- 
tion of the Babylonian Rabbi casts light upon the note at the 
close of the LXX version : "Job shall have a share in the 
resurrection." The question whether the righteous among the 
heathen will share in the future world or not, was in the time 
of the war of Barkochba, and no less so during theRoman oppres- 
sion, one of more than mere theoretical significance. It was a 
question of political regeneration for Judea. The national 
hope for a Messiah hinged on it. In this light must the con- 
troversy between the Shanmiaite or Essene saint R. Eliezer 
and that of Joshua ben Chananiah regarding the future of 
the just ones among the heathen (Tosefta Sanhedrin ch 13 
and parallels 2)), as well as that regarding Job, be read. 

*) [Cf. also Jerush. Berachoth CIX, 6 and Cheyne's Job and Solo- 
man^ p. 64—6; Syrians called him the lover of the Lord; cp. Delitzsch 
Job, p. 7, quoted by Cheyne, /. c, n. 1. G. A. K.] 

«) [Cf. Castelii in Jewish Quart, Beview, vol. I, p. 328; Kohut, Wa^ 



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272 ^- Kohler. 

The ancient Haggadists, anxious to show the original 
connection and intimate relation between the pagan and the 
Biblical saints of remote antiquity, insisted that Malkizedek, 
Enoch and Job were as spotless and as lofty types of saintly 
life as was Abraham. Nay more, they maintained, as can still 
be learned from a passage in Midrash Thillim to Psalm 37, that 
Malkizedek instructed Abraham in the law of charity. Conse- 
quently, like Enoch, Job might have, by his great virtues, 
been chosen by God as teacher of the great mysteries of the 
world. And as he in chs. 29 and 30 speaks of his great love 
for man, Job must have been held up in the very oldest 
popular view as a type of a generous Bedouin saint whose 
nomadic tent is the joy of God and of men. [See also H. G. 
Tomkins' Studies on the Life & Times of Abraham^ London 
1878, p. 61. G. A. K] 

What wonder, then, if especially that class of Jews who 
made of brotherly love a specialty and a life-purpose, if the 
Essene brotherhoods who lived in such parts of the country 
where the old Bedouin hospitality could be practised, and who 
cultivated the very science of natural and supernatural 
things about which Job was so eloquent, should have por- 
trayed the life of Job con amore as one of their own! 
All the great secrets they had received from the remote past 
they found in the book of Job. It is quite natural that they 
should have spun out the life, the martyrdom and the end 
of Job in a more dramatic, a more striking form, (betraying 
the true Essene spirit) than the Biblical account does. 

This is presented in the so-called Testament of Job. It 
is in conception and spirit perfectly Jewish, but it bears 
the stamp of Essenic life and thought. It has many traits 
in common with the Kabbinical tradition, but it reflects a 
stage of Gnostic, or mystic, reasoning and practice which is 
peculiarly un-Talmudical and reminds the reader more of 
Christian views and practises. And yet it is the product 
of a purely Jewish monotheist. Its eschatology and its 
Messianic belief are Jewish. It is like the book of Tobit tinged 



hat die talmudische EschatcUogie aus dem Parsismus aufgenommen^ in 
Z. d, B. M. G. XXI, 561, 568; his Notes on Dhaman's J^uJl Jy^ 
(New York 1892), p. 50 and the sources there mentioned. G. A. K.] 



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The Testament of Job. 273 

with magic notions. Its mode of administering charity to the 
poor and the widow is specifically Essene. It is an 
Essene Midrash on Job ; indeed a very interesting book, which 
casts new light on the ancient Haggadah, as well as on the 
origin of many Christian practices. 

Contents of the Book analyzed and compared wltk 
Rabbinical parallels from the Haggadah. 

Like the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and the 
Testaments of the three Patriarchs, our book gives the story 
of Job in the form of an address of the dying father to the 
children. This practice of giving one's children the last 
instruction before death is reconmiended by the Essene saint 
Joshua ben Levi. See Midrash Tanchuma ed. Buber, Bo 2. 
In Tanchumah Vayechi 8 the same is ascribed to the patri- 
archs Isaac and Jacob. 

1. Job first informs his children that he is of the 
generation of Abraham ''the blessed one'', a descendant of 
Esau, and that their mother, his second wife is Dinah, the 
daughter of Jacob. Oiu* author would have the first wife die 
after having yielded to the temptation of Satan in advising 
her husband to blaspheme God, and so Dinah, the mother of 
the new generation, is represented as the second wife. In 
regard to her age, the difficulty grows certainly not less when 
Job the grandson of her cousin Esau is to marry her. But 
we are, at any rate, in the realm of the Haggadah and in an 
age of marvels. 

As regards the name of his first wife Sitis, it may have 
been suggested by the verb HCCD — "to stray away", if not 
by some relation to Satan, which name, by the way, the 
Biblical author seems to have derived fi'om vCllC^ "roaming 
about" pN2 C:=^rD (Job I, 7), the Northern Hebrews having 
been wont to identify Sin with Shin, as is seen in Shibboleth 
or Sibboleth, Yisrael and Yishrael = Yeshurun [cf. Kohut's 
Aruih, VI, 38 b]. 

At any rate the name of 2VX seemed transparent enough 
to every Hebrew, as signifying "him who is antagonized". Of 
course, Satan is the antagonist, Job the antagonized one. 
There the question suggested itself: Why was Job antagoni- 
zed and persecuted so relentlessly by Satan? To this the 

K o h u t , Semitic Studies. 18 



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274 K. Kobler. 

Rabbinical Haggadah oflfered no answer. The Testament of 
Job famished the desired reason in a story which strikingly 
reminds us of the Abraham legend: Job, King of the Land 
of XJz, had an idol near his residence to which the people 
offered continual sacrifice. . Dissatisfied with this deity^ he 
recognized that there must be a higher "God who made 
heaven and earth, the sea and man". A prophetic voice 
disclosed to him in a dream ^) that this idol is the work of 
Satan, and when he resolved to destroy it and purify the 
place, God prepares him for a hard, life-long struggle 
with Satan who will not spare him nor his children. But, 
says God reassuringly, if thou wilt persist in wrestling like an 
athlete, thy name shall become renowned throughout all the 
ages, and at the time of the resuiTCCtion thou shalt sit among 
the pious with the crown of Amaranth on thy head (cf. 

nrrc^n VTO pn:i cn'^rNnz nnc:yi c^2;:n^ uyra Berachot 17 a 

and I Peter 5, 4). Whereupon Job answers: "I shall from 
love of G^od endure until death." — Here is the very term 
ron^^C emphasized to which Rabbi Johanan ben Zakkai 
objected! It was in all likelihood found in the Targum of 
Job — 2V{< D2")n 1SD — which his contemporary Gamaliel I 
had hidden away! 

2. No sooner is the idol desti*oyed than Satan begins 
his warfare. The first thing he does is to make the highest 
virtue of Job, his charity, the means of exerting his malign 
influence upon him. He comes as a beggar asking for bread 
from his own hand. Job declares his bread to be — Cin 
or p'^in — forbidden to him and sends him burnt and ashy 
bread. Satan quickly seizes upon this opportunity of cursing 
Job, saying: "Like this peace of bread, will I make thy 
body." He then goes up to the highest heaven to obtain 
power — men — from God (compare Targum I, 12 and 
Midrash to take away all his possessions. 2) 

3. Job now relates to bis children how he had spent all his 
wealth. And here the author is not at all satisfied with the 
modest description of the Bible which has seven thousand sheep, 



*) Cf. Midrash Bemidbar Rabba § 14 : nmsM pi n''3pnS -i»2n lOxpD sr«. 
*) [Cf. S. Baring Gould, Lege^ids of tJ^e PaiHarchs, p. 246-47. 
O. A. K.] 



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The Testament of Job. 275 

three thousand camels, five hundred yoke of oxen and five hun- 
dred she-asses, but ascribes to him one hundred thirty thousand 
sheep, three hundred forty thousand asses, and three thousand 
five hundred yokes of oxen^); yet ot the first we are told he 
separated seven thousand to have their wool used for the 
clothing of orphans and widows of the poor and the sick ; of 
the second he set aside five hundred to have their offspring 
sold every year and the proceeds given to the poor; and of 
the third he had five hundred selected to do ploughing for 
the benefit of the unfortunate. But we are also told that 
he had mills working and ships carrying goods, bakeries 
established, and slaves selected for the service of the poor, 
so that these slaves, employed in the fields and the stables 
for the help of the poor, would often rebel against the great 
burden which Job imposed on them in his zealous phi- 
lanthropy. Then we are informed that he had the four doors 
of his house opened to receive the needy, thirty tables being 
set at all hours for the strangers and twelve for the poor 
widows, and besides his own sons he had many wait on these 
for payment. Also his money he lent out to some to enable them 
to earn their livelihood without taking interest; nor even when 
they lost their goods would he take the money back. Nor 
would he ever defer paying the wages to his laborers for a 
single night. And when he had treated the poor guests of 
his house to festive meals, he had them, under the sound of 
instruments, offer praise to the Lord, musicians being employed 
for this purpose all day, and when they were tired he took 
himself the cithara and played sacred music for the guests. 
Now this fantastic description of his charity is far from 
being a mere invention of our author. It is the Haggadic 
exposition of chapters 29 - 30. See Jalkut and Mayan 
Gannim, as well as Aboth di R. Nathan, ed. Schechter, p. 
164. Every feature of the picture presented in our book is 
suggested by the Bible. In fact, where our text is somewhat 
obscure or corrupt, there the Bible with the Midrashic 
comments helps to elucidate it, to an extent as to make us 
feel certain that this portraiture of Job's philanthropy is only 



*) [Tabari's (I, p. 256) enumeration differs from the above, cf. Gould's 
book, I c, p. 245. G. A. K.] 

18* 



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276 K. Kohler. 

an idealized copy of real Essenic life as carried on by the 
brotherhood in those hospices on the borders of the desert. 
The Midrash and our book supplement and explain each 
other. Compare for instance Mayan Gannim to ch. XXXI, 31 
and 32; and the words of Raba (Baba Bathra 15) about his 
almsgiving. S. Buber^ the editor of the Midrash Mayan 
Gannim is often at a loss to find the Haggadic source for 
the Rabbinical sayings quoted as such. (See Introd. p. XTTI). 
Here we have a Midrash far older than any other. In all 
probability Job became the type of a philanthropic receiver 
of strangers, the pattern of a Bedouin prince of hospitality in 
the popular tradition, long before Abraham was rendered such. 

4. The Bible text simply records that, after the seven 
day's feasting of his sons at their various homes was over, 
Job offered burnt offerings according to the number of them 
all. How many he offered, whether seven or ten or seven 
times as many, is a matter of dispute among the Rabbis 
(Midr. Vayikra Rabba 7 and Buber's Mayan Gannim, p. 3.) 
where the number 70 (= 7 times 10) seems to be traditionaL 
Our Testament relates that Job offered fifty rams and nine- 
teen sheep as sin-offering of which probably the rams were in- 
tended to expiate for the sons (= 7 times 7 = 49) and the 
sheep (= 6 times 3 = 18) for his daughters, besides one 
ram for himself and one sheep for his wife. And what was 
left of the offering — the twentieth sheep? — was handed 
over to the poor in order that they should pray for their 
son^s expiation in case they had been derelict in the duty 
of charity! No one can deny that here prevails a system 
which shows original Jewish thought — a thing that cannot 
be said of the late Midrashim. 

5. The misfortune, which according to our book befell 
Job, does not fully tally with the Bible story. Not enemies 
only but such as had received benefits from him captured 
his herds, and the Sabaeans and Chaldeans are transformed 
into a Persian army led by Satan himself in the guise of a 
Persian King. Compare with this the war Job waged with 
his army against these hostile hosts, deserted, undoubtedly 
after popular legend, in connection with certain localities in 
the North of Palestine (see Pesiktha Rabbathi to Vaychi 
Bachatzi hallailah, ed. Friedman, p. 88 b; Vayikra Rabba 17 ; 



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The Testament of Job. 277 

Pesiktha di R. Kahana, ed. Buber, p. 65 b) — another proof of 
the antiquity of this Haggadah of Job! 

There is a strange tradition in Jerush. Beraehoth 19 d 
and Midrash Bereshith Rabba 24 that the storm which 
overthrew the houses of Job's children and buried them 
under the ruins was one of the three world-wide (p|TCDip = 
[x6qjLixov] cosmical) storms restricted miraculously for the 
single object for which they were created [cf. Kohut's 
Arukhj VII, 76 a]. In other words, the storm was the work 
of supernatural interference. Our Testament ascribes it directly 
to Satan, the cosmocrator, "the ruler of this world'^ and 
portrays the pillage of the houses and the mortification of 
Job in a most drastic foim. We also find the ancient for- 
mula of ]nn pn2i, the praise of justification of God's dispen- 
sations when the sad tidings of his son's death reach him: 
^\2^d^ IT c:i, "As it was deemed best to the Lord thus it has 
come to be''. Compare with this R. Meir's, or R. Akiba's 
comment on the text in Beraehoth 60 b. — Then we learn 
that Satan appeared as a large hurricane to Job and threw 
him down from his throne. The antiquity of the Rabbinical 
tradition is here again verified. The Midrash Mechiltha 
Beshallach (Exodus XIV, 24) says, with reference to Job IX, 
17: The plague which struck Job came in a storm. 
Especially striking is the parallel in Aboth di R. Nathan, ed. 
Schechter, p. 164, where Satan appears in the guise of Job 
when capturing his sheep and cattle. 

Concerning the plague of Job the Midrash Aboth di R. 
Nathan (eodem) tells us that the worms were perforating 
his body, quarrelling with each other, when Job took them 
from the ground and put each back in its own cavity, saying : 
"Is there no mediator between us that might lay his hand 
upon us" (Job 9, 33) and then he broke forth in humble 
praise of God for all His doings, so that all the inhabitants 
of the earth acknowledged with one voice that there is no 
man like Job on earth. In the very same strain Job in our 
Testament says that, when a single worm crept oflf his body, 
he put it back saying : "Remain there where thou hast been 
placed until He who sent the will order thee elsewhere." 

Also in the Syrian Apocalypse of Paul (See Visio Pauli 
in M. R. James', Apocrypha 41 and Tischendorf, Apocalypses 



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278 K. Kohler. 

Apocryph.j p. 67.) Job in Paradise says: "I am Job who 
endured many temptations from Satan. Thii'ty years he left 
me prostrated smitten with boils. Woi*ms swarmed upon me, 
every one of them of the size of three (or four) fingers. 
And Satan daily uttered threat over me saying: Cui'se thy 
God and die . . . But I would not cease from blessing His 
name." The time of Job's ordeal is in our book seven years, 
while the Mishnah Idioth II, 10, speaks only of twelve 
months. The Midrash Tanchuma, Kedoshim XV, knows however 
of seven kinds of plagues. 

6. Very dramatic is the description in oar Testament 
of the mfinner in which Job's wife succumbs to Satan's trial 
in tempting Job to blaspheme God. She had been compelled 
to work as a slave in order to obtain bread for him and 
herself, and when only one share of bread was allowed her, 
she divided it between him and herself. Finally Satan, 
disguised as a breadseUer, made her sell the hair of her head 
for three loaves of bread. ^) But by her very acceptance of 
this bread from Satan she fell into his power, and he followed 
her until she reached the dung-hill where her husband sat. 
A touching speech follows in which she upbraids Job for his 
blind adherence to his vain hope, recalling all the luxurious 
wealth in which she used to live, and the boundless charity 
she was wont to exhibit toward the unfortunate. And she 
winds up in saying: "This is the last I could, do for thee, 
Job. Take these loaveB of bread and enjoy them and then 
blaspheme God and die, for I, too, have had enough of this 
troublesome existence and long for death." 

The author plainly ascribes this wicked advice of liers 
to the influence of Satan who still stood near her as she 
spoke, and whose bread seems to exert some such malign 
power over her. 

Job, however, rebukes her for such faithlessness. For 
these seven years, he says, my faith did not falter, in spite 
of all the ruin that I endured; How dare we now renounce 



*) [cf. Gould, fWd., p. 247 — 49; Griinbaum also records from Moorish 
legends a strikiDgly similar account of R a h m a h's (= Arabic name of 
Job's wife) temptations through Iblis (= demon) and even mentions the 
exchange of bread for her beautiful hair. It is a remarkably close parallel! 
See his Neite Beitrdge z. semit. Sagenkunde, p. 266—69. G. A. K.] 



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The TestameDt of Job. 279 

God and surrender our soul to Pluto, the God of the nether 
world. Pluto is the Greek name for the r\T]b2 I'^C "the king 
of terrors" «niir:i lbl2 — mentioned in ch. XVIII, 14: His 
confidence shall be rooted out of his tabernacle, and it (she) 
shall bring him to the King of terrors". This is referred by 
the Rabbis (see Mayan Gannimj p. 58 and Targum) to the 
wife — inir« 1i i^nt< — The words al-na paaiXix?! in the LXX 
seem to be a corruption of sl^ 'AiSou PacnXeuv. 

Job then turns to Satan, who had all this while been 
hiding himself behind his wife, and challenges him, saying: 
"Only a coward fights with a frail woman. No lion enters 
a weasel-cage to display his strength towards such tender 
creatures. Come forth and fight with me!" Satan, however, 
is quite overpowered at the sight of this great wrestler and 
yields to him in awe and shame, confessing his defeat. 

We have here the same idea expressed in dramatic form 
which the Rabbis utter when saying: r\V£t2 Jicr 'PC' T\V^ PPH HlC^p 
Dl^« h^ "Greater was the grief of Satan than that of Job" 
(Baba Bathra 16 a). But it still has in our book all the 
freshness and striking force of an original conception. We see 
the Satan, powerful like the one in Milton's Paradise Lost, 
at once crushed and defeated. 

Job pauses here in his narrative to impress upon his 
children the duty of wrestling with the Evil One. To be an 
"athlete" of godliness is often recommended in Alexandrian 
writings (IV Mace. VI, 10; XVII 15, 16, and in Philo, passim^, 
cp. Hebr. X, 32.) 

The advice of Job^s wife to curse God gave already the 
Greek translators offence, and they have in Ch. II, v. 9 a 
long sentence inserted which reads as follows: "After a long 
time had passed, his wife said to him: How long dost thou 
take courage saying: I endure yet a little time waiting for 
the hope of my salvation ? Behold, thy memory has vanished 
from the earth; thy sons and daughters, the (fruit of the) 
pains and labors of my bowels, whom I have brought up with 
troubles yet in vain. Thou thyself sittest here in the free air 
in a state of putrefaction and worms day and night, and I 
wander about as a hireling from place to place and from 
house to house, waiting for the sun when it will set so that 
I may rest from my troubles and pains which befall me now. 



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280 K:. Kohler. 

But now say some word to [against] the Lord and die." 
We have here, then, the basis of the whole Haggadab given 
in our Testament. 

The Rabbinical literature did not preserve any trace. 
But the Mohammedan tradition did. About this we shall 
have a few words to say afterwards. 

The legend however of a faithful wife selling the hair 
of her head to support herself and her husband occurs in 
the story told by the Rabbis of Akibah. ^) Here it is 
Rachel; the daughter of the rich Jerusalemite Ben Kolbah 
Shebuah, who in her great poverty sold her hair in order 
that her husband might be enabled to study the law, to 
be rewarded afterwards by a golden diadem with the 
wall of a city engraved upon it — the same which Pallas 
Athene or the goddess Thirgata — NDjnn — wore, an IT? 
2TW ^2^ — bought for her by Akiba when he had become 
rich (see Sabbath Jerush. VI, 1; Babli 69 a), i) One sin- 
gular trait in the Akiba story strikingly recalls our Job legend. 
The name of Akiba^s father-in-law Ben Kolbah Shebuah 
is explained in the Tabnud Gittin 56 a : 2jn in^D^ D:r:B^ h2 
y)2*^ C^ D^^r "He was so generous with his wealth that 
whosoever entered his house hungry like a dog, left it 
satiated/' Whether this is to be identified with Joshua ben 
Sapphias, the associate of Nikodemon ben Gorion, mentioned 
by Josephus (Jewish War II, 20, 4) as Derenbourg thinks, 
or not, the name Ben Kolbah Shebuah poin,ts to a peculiar 
attribute given him by the people. Now Job, the prototype 
of a generous-hearted host says in our Testament of himself: 
"I did not allow any body to turn away from my door with 
an empty stomach — ita xdXTcco x^vw" (ch. Ill, S). This is 
the exact parallel to the name "the man who made every 
body leave his house only bekolbo shebuah '*with a 
satiated stomach''. 

7. Job's three or four friends formed also the subject 
of popular legend. An ancient Boraitha (Baba Bathra 16a) 
tells us that they lived each 300 Persian miles from each 
other and by the trees of ever green planted by each in his 



*) [Cf. Dr. Alex. Kohut, R. ^Idba hen Josef, in Menorah Monthly 
.(New York 1887), p. 344—61; cf. esp. p. 345. G. A. K.] 



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The Testament of Job. 281 

garden for friendfy remembrance they learned at once, if 
such misfortune would befall any of them, as the tree of 
the respective friend would indicate it by its withered leaves. 
Through this they learned of Job's misfortune, and at this 
summons they came with their armies, entering the city of 
Job at the very same time and by the same gate. Beyond 
this the Rabbinical tradition is silent. All the more lavishly 
is the story given in our book. 

First the consternation of the royal friends is described 
as they, after many years of absence, meet Job in such a 
state of distress. Overcome with grief, they lay on the ground 
like dead for three hours. They ai'e at a loss to realize 
that it is their old opulent and mighty friend. Seven days 
they spend in investigating the causes which may have led 
to his ruin — a much better way to employ seven days than 
the Bible text has which represents them as remaining per- 
fectly mute for a whole week. Finally having verified the 
fact, they break forth into a song of lamentation in 
which their soldiers join. Here follows a remarkable piece 
of poetry, full of pathos, Eliphaz the oldest leading, the rest 
responding in the same sad strain with the refrain: 

'^Whither then hath thy glory gone!" 
Says Eliphaz: "Art thou hQ who hast done this and 
that for the poor?" 

"Whither hath thy glory gone!" 
"Art thou he who possessed so many couches of gold 
and silver?" 

"Whither hath thy glory gone!" 

Compare the description of the Therapeutes in Philo's 
book De Vtta Contemplativa and you can not fail to re- 
cognize the circle in which a song of lamentation like ours 
could be conceived of. 

Job, however, is not unmanned when hearing these 
outbursts of grief and pity from his royal friends of former 
days. He, though formerly their superior in rank and riches 
and their equal in religious belief, now boldly scorns their 
pity and compassion, pointing to the greater glory that 
awaits him in a higher world than this. He tells his world- 
ly-minded visitors that he is in no need of their consolation; 



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282 K. Kohler. 

for he sees his throne erected among those of the saints 
around the throne of God near the hearenly chariot. 

Here we are confronted with the Essene lore about the 
nsr'^D HBTC. We encounter Kabbalistic ideas at an age 
and in a species of Jewish literature which clearly prove the 
incorrectness of the views of all our historians from Zunz 
to Graetz concerning the origin of the Kabbalah. 

Job contrasts the perishable glory of this world with 
the glory of the saints who are to the right of the Saviour 
in heaven, that is of 6od. The Kingdom of mortal rulersy 
he says, may be flooded away (like the Garden of Iram in 
the Mohammedan legend or the Paradise of Hiram in the 
Midrashic Haggadah)^), but the Kingdom of God in which he 
will share, shall last forever. "Its glory and beauty is in 
the chariot of my Father." To be sure, only an adept 
of the lore of the Essenes regarding the theophany of Eze- 
kiel could have written this. The expressions "my Father^' 
and "Saviour in Heaven" may sound Christian-like to some, 
but they are actually Essenic terms and point to a pre- 
Christian era. Obviously verse 25 of chapter XIX has served 
here as text for this Midrashic expansion. 

The whole debate of the Bible text has here been 
transferred to a higher ground. Job, the saintly sufferer, 
contends for his Essene belief, whereas his friends are 
wordly Sadducees, or Epicureans, men who believe only in 
the life that now is. 

8. Quite naturally these royal friends, unable to follow 
Job in his spiritual conception of life, grow angry at his 
conduct. Eliphaz proposes to the others to leave him in his 
misery. Bildad pleads for leniency, believing him to have 
lost his sense, owing to his great affliction. But he soon 
finds out, when engaging him in a conversation, that his 
reason is not affected, but that his religious belief totally 
differs from theirs. He challenges him to explain the myste- 
ries of Creation, the same about which Noah and Enoch 
had 80 much to say in the Essene works bearing their 

') [A fantastic elaboratiou of the Jewish and Arabic accounts of Himm's 
palace is to be found in an article by Dr. A. Kohut: "^ Biblical legends 
from an ancient Yemen Ms.", in the Independent (New York) of Oct 29th 
and Nov. 6th, 1891. G. A. X] 



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The Testament of Job. ^ 283 

names. But Job peremptorily refuses, saying, like the Rabbis 
when interrogated on these topics: ni"^nD32 pDV 1^ fN — 
**Thou art not fit to be initiated into these secrets about 
the heavenly constellations." He challenges Bildad to solve 
for him the problems of human physiology, about which the 
Essenes had many theories of their own (compare the Bene- 
diction Cixn ON "12r ■^C'K Berachoth 60 b; B. Bathra 75 a; 
TargumtoEzekiel XXVIII, 12, 15; Apostolic Consiiiutions,YIIyS4: 
and 38) partly after Greek, partly after Egyptian and Eastern 
traditions. And as Bildad declares his inability to answer 
his question, he dismisses him saying: "How canst thou expect 
to understand the celestial mysteries!" 

Then Sophar takes up the challenge offering him the 
service of their physicians. But Job proudly refuses the 
offer, as he trusts only in God, "the Maker of physicians." 
Perhaps originally the Maker of Medicaments, n^NlS") N113, 
as God is called in the Essene Benediction 11N "?!r^ — com- 
pare Apostolic Constitutions, VIII, 12. Some of the Essenes 
identified the C^fc<&1 doomed giants of the netherworld with 
the C^NSn = "the physicians." See Isaiah XXVI, 14, LXX 
and hence Mishnah Kiddushin : CJH'':^ C^N^n^C' 21CC [cf. also 
Talmud Kiddushin 82a]. 

9. While the Kings were thus conversing with Job, 
his wife Sitis comes, di-essed in rags, having left her master 
against his will, and both she and the kings break forth in 
weeping as they recognize each other. Eliphaz take his 
purple mantle fi'om his shoulder to cover her, because they 
are ashamed to look at her. But she asks of them as an 
especial favor that they should send their soldiers to dig 
among the ruins of her house for the relics of her children 
that they may find a decent burial. But, when the order 
is given, Job interferes, assuring them that the child- 
ren are ''in the keeping of their Maker and Ruler" and no 
longer to be found on the ground: These startling words 
of the saint furnish the kings with another proof of his mad- 
ness and again they challenge him to verify his statement 
Whereupon Job begs to be assisted in order to be able 
to stand up and recite a mysterious formula of prayer, and 
having done so, he tells them to look towards the East, 



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284 K. Kohler. 

where lo! the children of Job were seen adorned 
with crowns standing near the glory of God. 

We have here the crowns with which the righteous in 
the future world are adorned while sitting and feeding upon 
the radiant bliss of the Shechinah (Berachoth 17a), pro- 
bably based in our story upon the word D^icy (Job ch. XXXI, 
36). But especially does the entranced state of vision 
point to Essene circles. It is brought about by a mystic 
formula — Cim nim, as all the miraculous works per- 
formed by Essenes were done by means of some invocation 
of the name of God. Compare Onias the Rain-Maker 
Wen ^iin praying: I bind thee, O Lord, by an oath taken 
by thy great name (Taanith 19a, 23a). As to the standing 
up while reciting the holy name compare Jerush. Berachoth 
4a; Midrash Tanchuma, ed. Buber, to Lech Lech ah. 

Sitis, overcome by the wondrous disclosure, prostrated 
herself in worship of God and then went back to her master, 
but fell down dead, when she reached the manger of her 
master's cattle. The animals around her cried, as they saw 
her lying there dead. The whole city, then, buried her 
amidst great lamentation right by the house which had 
fallen upon her children, and the poor of the city mourned 
her death, remembering in gratitude their great benefactress 
of former days. Their song of lamentation, says our book, 
is foimd in the records. Of course the records of the 
land of Uz are referred to, as if the story of Job were de- 
rived from an old authentic source. 

10. The royal friends of Job, however astonished they 
were at the strange things they saw, were not yet willing to 
yield to him, and the controversy lasted yet for twenty-seven 
days. Our author undoubtedly has the debate in our Bible 
text in view, giving it another meaning altogether. But here 
Elihu steps forth and gives the conversation a different 
turn. He is imbued with the spirit of Satan while speaking 
hard, offensive words to Job. Finally, when he had finished, 
God appeared to Job in a storm and in clouds and revealed 
to him that it was not Elihu, the man, who spoke but Satan 
himself "the wild beast Be liar or Ahrimanius (Armillus) 
the Dracon", had spoken through him. 

Strange as this story sounds, it has its trace left in 



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The Testament of Job. 285 

Rabbinical tradition. While on the one hand the Targum 
makes Elihu of the family of Ram; ch. XXXII, 2 a descen- 
dant of Abraham; R. Elazar ben Azariah explaining the 
name Ben Berachel the son of Isaac "him whom God 
blessed", we find, on the other hand, Akiba ideatifying him 
with Balaam the one who desired to curse the people of 
Israel but pronounced against his will blessings over them 
(see Jerush. Sota V, p. 20 d). 

Obviously the problem vexed our author, what became 
of Elihu after he had spoken, or where was he before he is 
introduced in our Bible? And the answer proposed in our 
Testament is genuinely Essenic: He was cast out of the 
circle of the saints and handed over to the power of Satan, 
while the three royal friends became adherents of the faith 
of Job. Job brought a sin-offering for tliem and God par- 
doned them, but would not pardon Elihu. 

Here follows a most singular song, sung by the kings 
and their soldiers in chorus, full of Essenic notions of hell, 
Satan's realm, and of Paradise, the seat of the blessed. We 
almost hear a real anathema, such as was hurled against men 
like Nicanor by the Congregation of Chasidim in the Macca- 
bean days. Or let us say, we feel as though we heard a 
song recited on the Day of Nicanor when some new members 
were after the ablution-rites admitted into the number of 
the saints to become "sons of light,^' while others were cast 
out to becoifle ^sons of darkness." It is a psalm such as 
only these Essene brotherhoods could have composed, to 
whom the names of Satan "the Dracon," the Northern One, 
^:i52J or "the Adder" and again "the crowns of victory for 
the saints in the Kingdom of God'', were familiar terms, 
and with whom songs of praise, of lamentation and of execration 
were matters of daily practice. 

There is, however, a perceptible gap in our story. We 
are not told how Job recovered his health. Job simply 
says: When Eliphaz had finished the hymn, we all went 
back to the city, each to the house where they lived. 
Here is undoubtedly a veiy interesting part of our story 
omitted. Perhaps intentionally so, because it did not seem 
to tally with the story given afterwards about the miraculous 
powers of the three daughters of Job. 



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286 ^ Kohler. 

11. Job on his return to the city fully restored, is 
welcomed by the people in feasting and praise of God. He 
at once begins his former work of benevolence by making 
the people his contributors as long as he himself is in a state 
of povei'ty. But, just as the Rabbis teach in accordance 
with Malachi III, 13: "^IW PPrr ^^2::*2 •^BT "Give your tithes 
well in order that thou mayest obtain riches" (Shabbath 
119a), so does Job meet with success in his merchandise, in 
his ships and flocks owing to the charity he performs. 
Soon he possesses twice as much wealth as he had owned 
before. Also his seven sons and three daughters he sees 
brought back again, but here our book diflfers fi'om the 
Bible. He now marries Dinah, and through her becomes the 
father of the ten children whom he addresses on his death- 
bed. His first wife Sitis had to die, because she had been 
imbued with the spirit of Satan when she advised Job to 
blaspheme God. 

Job, having finished his storj', addresses words of admo- 
nition to his childi'en. And here our Testament falls in line 
with that whole class of literature to which the Book of 
Tobit, the Book of Enoch (compare chs. 94 to 104), the 
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and the Testaments 
of the Three Patiiarchs belong, and gives clear evidence of 
its Jewish origin. First comes the duty to God: "Forsake 
not the Lord," then the duty to the fellow-man: "Be 
charitable towards the poor, and despise not the feeble.'' 
And finally the duty to the family: ^Take not unto 
yourselves wives from strangers!" By this last command 
is not merely implied the prohibition of intermarriage with 
heathen tribes, but the ancient Essene practice of the 
marriage of kinship after the example the patriarchs re- 
commended. 

I have elsewhere (see my article on the pre-Talmudic 
Haggada, in Jewish Quarterly Review^ 1893, p. 407, note) 
called attention to this Essene rule as expressed in the 
Books of Tobit, the Jubilees, the Book of Adam, and will 
add here, that the Talmud and Midrash endorse this view. 
Se e Boraitha Jebamoth 62b : ininN PD PN ^irijn and Bereshith 
Rabba § 18. R. Tanchuma says: "Bone of my bones", this 



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The Testament of Job. 287 

is especially the case if one marries a wife from amongst 
his own relatives.^ 

At any rate we have here the convincing proof that 
our Testament originated in pre-Christian circles of 
Hellenistic Jews belonging to the Essene brother- 
hood. 

We are now prepared for the surprising scenes which 
are presented to us at the close of our book. 

Job divides his large fortune among his seven sons, 
impressing upon them the duty of doing good with their 
ample means. To his three daughters, however, he gives 
nothing. This gives them sufficient cause for complaint, 
whereupon he tells them that they were to receive a far 
more precious boon. He, then, hands his oldest daughter, 
named Jemimah = Day, a ring used as key and tells her 
to go to the treasure house and bring him the golden cas- 
ket out of which he takes three three-stringed girdles which 
flash forth supernatural light like the radiance of the orb of 
day. Having given one to each of his three daughters, he 
says: "Let these encircle you all the days of your life, and 
you will be endowed with bliss." The second daughter 
named Kassiah ~: Perfiime, then says to her father: "Is 
this the means by which we can live?'' Job replies: "By 
this you have not only sufficient means to live by here on 
earth, but also in the better world above." For behold, 
when the Lord deigned to show compassion on me and heal 
me of my plague. He handed me these three strings and 
told me to gird them around my loins. And no sooner had 
I put them around my loins than the worms and the plagues 
left me, and my body took on new strength and freshness, 
and I beheld the great vision of God in His great power, 
and the mysteries of the past and the future I saw. And 
now, my children keep these phylacteries as a spell against 
the Evil One and all his plots, and girding them ai-ound 



*) [The idea of ccnsangoineous marriages, advocated in the book of 
To bit, has been sho\\'n by Dr. Kohut to be of Persian origin. See his 
essay: Etwas Hber die Moral und Ahfassungszeit des Buches Tobias, in 
Geiger's JUd. Zdtschrift f. Wissemch. u. Leben, vol. X, p. 61, 62. It is this 
practice which Philo denounced so vehemently. G. A. K.] 



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288 K. Kohler. 

you, you will see the wonders of the angelic world at the 
time of my parting " 

Accordingly the oldest, Jemimah, girt herself and lo, she 
became entranced and sang angelic hymns in praise. of God^ 
dancing while she sang in the voice of the angels (com- 
pare nic^n ^r«t)D rw Ttc2). 

Kassiah, the second, followed and in her entrancement 
she sang hymns such as the heavenly rulers (the 
Archonts ^^ ni«32i ntt' -= C^BIIT) sing, full of the majesty 
of the High Place — ""^ ir"lpC Cipo pi^'N'IC cno "n2D HDD 
(Jerem. XVII, 12). Her songs, says our Testament, are known 
as the hymns of Kassiah and deal with the mysteries of the 
heavenly work (PiD-lC r.tt^yi!:). Finally the third daughter, 
named Keren Happuch in the Bible, but in our book 
Amalthea's Horn, came forth and girt herself with these 
magic strings, and in her entrancement she sang in the lan- 
guage of the Cherubim, hymns full of the praise of the 
Ruler of the cosmic powers Adonai Zebaoth, and 
entolling the glory of the Father of the World. Her hynms, 
says our author, are also preserved by the name of 
Prayers of Amalthea's Horn. 

To be sure, this is a strange world into which we are 
ushered here. And we are at first sight inclined to see in 
all this nothing but heathen gnosticism and superstition. But 
after due analysis of all the elements which compose this 
part of our story, we find them to belong to the ancient 
sphere of Essenic thought and practice. To begin with the 
very last name, we find in the LXX already the translation 
A(xaX&6(a<; x£pa<;, in some manuscripts alongside of Kapvacpoux- 
This name "Horn of plenty'' is given in Greek mythology to 
the goat which nursed the infant god Zeus on the isle of 
Crete, afterwards transferred to the stars. It is undoubtedly 
of Semitic origin nxt'cn pp (cf. Preller, Griech. Mythol.y 
I, 30 sq., 105; II, 244 and Sayce, Hibhert Lectures, 1887, p. 
284 f) and finds its illustration on many a Babylonian and 
Persian basrelief. But the same name Amalthea occurs 
also in the Rabbinical legend of Abraham (Baba Bathra 91 a ; 
cf. Beer's Leben Abraham, pp. 96 — 97 and 120) as that of 
Abraham's mother — Amthelai daughter of Carnebo.*) 

1) [Cf. also Pirke de R. Eliezer, ch. XXVI ; Sefer Hajashar to Noah 



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The Testament of Job. 289 

Beer is probably not far from the truth when he suggests 
that the names Amalthea Earnaphuk of our Greek 
Book of Job may have given rise to this strange Rabbinical 
tradition. . And I will add that the miraculous legend of Job's 
goats having been able by their horn to knock down the 
wolves that came near them: D^y pyo n^^pn IDWHIT nct^O 
(<3n (Baba Bathra 15 b), identical with the Essene legend about 
Chanina Ben Dosa (Berachot 33), shows traces of a 
belief in a supernatural goat ^Amalthea'', prevalent in these 
circles. 

About the extraordinary beauty of the three daughters of 
Job (Ivrtj oi; oSpocvov compare the LXX; Job XLII, 15: 
p«n-^D3 2VH ro:22 niS^ O^tr: «»2: N^), there existed a 
Rabbinical tradition to the same efiFect, for both Targum and 
Talmud dwell on the "daylike'' beauty of Jemimah, the 
perfume of Eassiah and the miraculous unicorn-like radi- 
ance of Keren Hoppukh (B. Bathra 16 b. [Kohut 
Arukh, VII, 176 b].) 

But what our Testament tells concerning the magic 
strings with which the daughters of Job were transformed 
into heavenly spheres is exceedingly interesting. Though it 
has no exact parallel in Rabbinical literature, it casts new 
light upon a number of Rabbinical traditions. In Graetz's 
Monatsschrift (edited by Brann und Kaufinann), vol. 37 
(1893), p. 445, I tried to explain the origin of the Tephillin 
or Phylacteries, laying especial stress on the knot with 
which the sacred sign was tied around arm and head to serve 
as charm. The knot — p^DH '?ir "IB^p — being the most 
essential thing, is ascribed even to God himself (Berachot 
6 and 7 a) ; and the knot of the fringes of the garments n^!CJ 
belongs to the same category. Both have a talismanic 
character, (see Targum Shir Hashirim VIII, 3.) Accordingly 
these Tephillin were kept as charms or amulets for many 
generations. So does Shammai the Elder boast of wearing 
his Tephillin as an heirloom of his maternal ancestor 



(p. 9 b, ed. Prague, 1840); Kohut's Arukh Completum, I, 131b; IV, 
333 b; aud his last dissei-tation : fX^) ^^^^^ |U^I \yi light of 

Shade cmd Lamp of Wisdom .... composed by Nathanel Ibn Yeshaya 
(1327), New York 1894, p. 58, note 2. G. A. K.] 

Kohut, Semitic Studies. 39 



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290 ^- *^oWer. 

(Mechiltha Bo, ch. 18), and Jehuda ben Bathyra said that 
his Tephillin came down from the men resuscitated from death 
by the prophet Ezekiel after his vision of the Valley of Dry 
Bones (Sanhedrin 92 b) ; by which he meant to say that they 
were used as a sacred charm at their resurrection in the 
very same manner in which Job according to our Testament 
used his magic strings for his recovery. *) 

Quite interesting appears in this connection the Rabbi- 
nical tradition that Michael the daughter of King Saul, who 
is often represented by the Rabbis as a pattern of Essene 
holiness (Pesiktha Rabbathi ch. XV, p. 63 ed. Friedman; Jerus. 
Sukka V, p. 55 c ; Targ. II Sam. I, 10), and the wife of 
Jonah the prophet used to wear Tephillin (Mechiltha Bo 
17), Also Christian women had little gold caskets containing 
New Testament chapters tied around their necks as amulets, as 
may be learned from the Catacombs and Patristic writings. 
Some such usage underlies also the story of R. Johannan 
(Baba Bathra 74 a, b) that a casket of precious stones and 
pearls of imcommon lustre was seen carried along by a 
big monster of the sea, and when a mariner wanted to seize 
it, a heavenly voice was heard in warning, saying : "These 
jewels belong to the wife of Hanina ben Dosa, the saint, who 
will tie them with strings of the sacred blue wool {rOZd) 
' around the righteous ones in Paradise." *) 

How striking, then, is the resemblance of the Rabbinical 
tradition concerning Job's recovery by the magic of Tephillin 
as preserved in Schechter*s Aboth de R. Nathan, p. 164 : 
"The angels of heaven in compassion with Job, seeing that 
he had stood all the trials of Satan so bravely, tied a magic 
knot of the Tephillin before God — for this alone can be the 
meaning of r]'2pr\ '•:b^ nh^D niTpl ncy — and he was healed 
from his disease I'' 

Why the three daughters of Job were endowed with 



1) [Cf. on the magic value of ]»VBn, which is equivalent to n»eio and 
y»ep, Griinbauiu's excellent remarks in Z. I), M. G. XXXI, 334 fif.; Kohut, 
Kritische Btleuchtung d. persischen Pentateuch-Uebersetzung d. Jacob b. 
Josef Tavus (1871), p. 129—30; Arukh, ed. Kohut, VII, 123 a, «. v.: 
rep. Cp. furthermore Griinbaum, I. c, p. 336, n. 66. G. A. K.] 

^) [Cf. Kohut: Was hat die talmud. Eschataiogie aus d, Parsismus 
attfgenommen? in Z. D. M. Q. XXI, p. 591. G. A. K] 



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The Testament of Job. 291 

angelic powers, our Testament does not say. But there is 
one sentence at the beginning of chapter XI which now 
stands abruptly and in no connection with the preceding or 
following part of the story, saying that all were astonished 
to see three (female musicians ?) at the house of Job after 
his restoration. Now in his former state of happiness Job 
had his female musicians singing the praise of God at the 
table in order to inspire his guests to join in the thanks- 
giving and praise of Him who is the Giver of all good. 
Undoubtedly this was also the function of the three musicians 
at the time of his restored bliss and prosperity. We are, 
therefore, justified in assuming that these three musicians 
whose appearance astonished the people, were the three 
daughters of Job of whose exceeding beauty both the Bible 
and tradition speak. They aided their father in his work 
of benevolence, and were thus rewarded The passage rela- 
ting this part has been omitted by oui* writer, together with that 
containing the story of his recovery. Or was the story of 
the three daughter added by another scribe ? 

12. The closing part of our narrative consists of a record 
given by Neros, the brother of Job, of the death of the 
saintly sufferer. Xeros is the same as Nahor. Here, too, 
attention may be called to the fact that the wife of Nahor, 
the father of Abraham, bears in Rabbinical tradition the name 
of A maltha, these two names standing in our Testament 
quite closely to each other. ^) Neros tells us that he himseli 
wrote the hymns of the three daughters of Job down in a 
book as containing mighty secrets. Only the letters of the 
Holy word or Name of God would he not consign to writing 
as these were too holy — )T7t>^ 'ih nnnOJn. Job, when in the 
shadow of death, suffered no agony because he had the 
sacred girdle, the j^^BH or JPCp, wound around his body. 
But when after three days he saw the angels coming to take 
his soul, he gave to Jemima, the oldest daughter, the 
cithara, to Eassiah a censer (with perfume = ny^p), and 
to Amalthea's Horn "p&D ]'1p, a timbrel to play, so that they 



') Abraham's daughter hzz and the miraculous precious stone with which 
Abraham cured the sick must also be connected with our Job legend. See 
Baba Bathra 16 b. 

19* 



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292 K. Kohler. 

should welcome the holy angels with praise. And they sang 
and glorified God in the holy dialect — cnpn pE^*?3. [Cf. 
S. B. Gould's Legends, etc., p. 251. G. A. K.] Then 
came ^He who sitteth upon the great chariot'' — this is not 
Grod himself, but "the angel of his face" jTiCttD Mithra ^), 
called nsricn hV2 "the Driver of the heavenly chariot" 
(see Hechaloth and Othioth di R. Akiba) — and kissed Job^ 
thus taking his soul r\p'^}2 (compare Targum Deuteronomy 
XXXIV, 5 np'^ir^^^ ^'» >D hV] Moed Katon 28 a). Our description 
is certainly more dramatic and more original than the late 
Moses legend^), but comes near to the Abraham legend. The 
soul is taken by the arm and carried to the Eastern part of 
heaven upon the chariot of God. Mithra, or p*1S2C0C, has 
•here a well-defined function like Hermes, the Psycho- 
pomp OS = "Soul-carrier", with whom he was identified 
during the three centuries preceding Christianity. 

Nahor or Neros, then with the three daughters of Job 
and his hosts of beneficiaries, held a great mourning over 
the body for three days, and then they buried him. 

Of the great mourning of the people of Canaan over the 
body of Job, the Talmud also preserved a tradition (see 
Sota 35 a). 

Of his age our Testament says that he had lived 86 years 
before the plague had come upon him and twice as long after 
that — which would give him an age of 255 years. This is 
after the LXX which has 170 years. Our Massoretic 
text has 140 which would, by adding a half of this for the 
time preceding his plague, make 210 years as the life-time 
of Job. This is the view of the Talmud (B. Bathra 15 b). 

Job in Mohammedan tradition* 

Mohammed mentions Job twice (Sura 21, 83 and 38, 40), 
and this in a manner which shows that legend had woven 



') [See Kohut's Judiache Angdologie (1866), p. 36—42; Arukh 
Completum, s. v. jnaoD; and his ai-ticle Metairan-MUra, in the Hun- 
garian Jewish monthly Magyar Zsido Szende^ I (1884), p. 98^ — 1(X). G. A. K.] 

') [In a beautifully elaborate version of the Haggadic legends recording 
the death of Moses, preserved in a Yemen Midrash, we read: r\^'pn pvj 
np»rj3 inoffj Saai i»Ba rwth. For text, English translation and sources of this 
story, see Kohut, Notes on a hithm'to unknown .... Commentary on the 



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The Testament of Job. 293 

tales around the ancient hero altogether different from the 
Bible. It is the wife that plays a more important role as 
seducer, and also his recovery is dwelt oupon as an object of 
wonder. The Koran commentators tell us [according to Sale] that 
he was of the tribe of Esau and his wife of the family of Jacob 
(Rahmah daughter of Ephraim). She had supported him by her 
labor and attended him with great patience, until Satan 
appeared to her one day, promising her the restoration of 
her prosperity, if she would worship him. When she came to 
propose this to Job, he was so angry at her that he swore 
that, if he ever recovered, he would give her a hundred 
stripes as punishment for this sin of hers. Finally the angel 
Gabriel raised Job from the dung-hill and said to him: 
"Strike the earth with thy feet!'' and there, behold! a foun- 
tain sprang up at his feet of which he drank, when at 
once the worms left his body. And when he bathed in it, 
he recovered his former health. His wife, too, became young 
and handsome again. And, in order to fulfil his vow, Job 
took, at the bidding of God, a hundred branches of the palm- 
tree and with these he gave his wife one lash. [Cf S. B. 
Gould, I c, p. 250; G. Fltlgel, I c, p. 299 a; Sale's Korm, 
5th ed. Philad. 1874, pp. 271, 375; Dr. Giidemann: Ein 
Midrasch im Koran^ in Graetz's Monatsschrift, XXIX, 134 (cp. 
also Yalkut § 635). G. A. K.] 

Now this legend of Job is given more extensively in a 
Moorish collection of legends, abstracts of which are presen- 
ted in M. Gruenbaum's Netie Beitraege zur Semitischen 
Sagenkunde^ Ley den 1893, p. 262 ff. — [See also Ersch and 
Gruber's Allgemeine Encyclopaedie, s. v. Hiobj II Section, 
Band VIII, S. 298—299; D'Herbelot, Biblioth, Orientale, s. v.; 
Assemani jB. 0., t. I, p. 585 5 Chardin, Voyages j II, 138 5 
Wahl's Koran, p. 454; T. P. Hughes, Dictionary of Islam 
(1885), s. V. y^l p. 248—9. G. A. K.] 

Job is there also represented as a great benefactor, who 
provides for all the needy and makes them offer their thanks 
to God after each meal. When he had lost everything, 



Pentateuch . , . by Ahoo Mansur al-Dhamdri, etc., (New York, 1892) gp. 
XIV— XX of the Appendix ; and his article in the Independent, cited above, 
Oct 29th and Nov. 5th, 1891, no. 5. G. A. K.] 



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294 K. Kohler. 

Satan came to his wife in the guise of a beggar asking for 
alms and when she told him of the state of poverty they 
were in he promised to restore her wealth as soon as she 
would cease to worship God. Job, then, curses Satan and 
remains faithful, whereupon Satan, obtains permission to strike 
his body with plagues. But Job does not flinch, praising 
God in his affliction. Satan, then, sends two men with food 
to Job who, though near starvation, refuses to take it saying, 
it should be forbidden to him — char am. After this 
Satan comes in the guise of a physician to Job's wife, 
promising to cure him, if she would kill a bird after heathen 
usage, without invoking the name of God. But when his wife 
comes to persuade him to do so. Job, in his anger, swears 
that, as soon as he would by the help of God recover, he 
would forthwith give her a hundred stripes. 

Satan, then, excites the people of the city against Job, 
until his wife is compelled to carry him upon her shoulder 
into the country of the children of Israel, who treated the 
poor sufferer with great sympathy, but could not endure his 
stench any longer. She, then, put him down in an open 
place and supported him by the wages she received from the 
people for her laundry work. 

Finally, at the instigation of Satan, the people refused to 
give her work, and the baker's wife asked her to give her 
beautiful hair as price for the bread. She gave up her 
hair and brought the bread to her husband. But when she 
went back to obtain bread for herself and failed to return, 
then at last, the measure of Job's sufferings was full. Gabriel 
carried him towards a fountain and bathed him, and he rose 
with renewed youth and vigor. Job's wife, returning at last, 
would not recognize him, but he wept as he saw her. He 
recalled the oath to give her a hundred stripes. Whereupon 
Gabriel advised him to take a bunch of hundred bulrushes 
and lash her with it. After having restored his fortune, the 
Lord asked Job whether he should also restore his dead 
children to life; but Job said: "If they are to die again, 
O Lord, leave them rather in the better world in which 
there is no longer death.'' And Job became the same gene- 
rous-hearted benefactor of the poor, the orphans and widows 
that he had been before. 



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The Testament of Job. 295 

We recognize here in the main the same story as is 
found in our Testament, only some of the features are distorted 
by Mohammedan narrators. Evidently the Arabian or 
Ethiopian Jews had preserved the legend, as they did 
many other tales no longer found in Rabbinical literature^) 
See my article in the Jewish Quarterly Review, quoted above. 

The stripes which Job's wife received are understood 
only as a penalty to be paid for the wicked advice given 
Job to blaspheme God. They are intended to expiate her, 
before she recovers her youth, to become again the mother 
of ten children. In our Testament she has to pay the 
penalty of death, and another wife has to take her place. 

Wee see here how busy popular tradition was to make 
the Bedouin story of Job interesting and rich in lore. 

Undoubtedly our story originated in the outskirts of 
Palestine in the land of Hauran, where the Nabatheans lived, 
and the Essene brotherhoods spread it all over the Arabian 
lands. Thus only can we account for every feature of our 
legend The Therapeutes, with their male and female 
choruses and their strange mode of life, are vividly enough 
portrayed in our Testament, to betray the authorship of our 
weird book. 



Note : In republishing the text from A. Mai's edition, 
the present editor has ventured to divide the same for 
convenience's sake into chapters and verses. The alterations 
made are bu); few and noted on the margin. [The initials 
G. A. K., and all remarks in square brackets, are those of 
the Editor of this volume.] 



*) [Fhigel, on the authority of Assemani {Bibl, Orient., I, 685, 
III, 286) states, that an Arabic and Syriao biography of Job is extant in 
manascript (cf. Erech & Gruber, /. c). Could it be the original or trans- 
lation of Job's TestamerW^ G. A. K.] 



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JIASHKH 

TOT AMEMHTOT KAI nOATASAOT KAI MAKAPJOT 

IQB 

B/fiXog 'loDfi toif KoXovftirov Imfiafif koI fifog avtovt xal artljQntpov 
Sut&rptijg avtov, 

ly 1. 'Ep fj nv ^fiigff roar/trag, xal iywcoxosg tt/f inodijfjUaf avtov 
ix rot) afifAatog^ ixaXitre jovg inta viovg airo^ xal tag tQitg airro^ 
dvyatigag, xal tlntf aitoTg, 2. IlfQtxvxXwTatt, tfxra^ ntQiKVxXaxrati 
119 f xal axolxfntB xal Sttfytiaoficu vfilf a ino/tjai xvQtog fin ifiov xal 
ta avfi^dfta fioi narta, 3. *Eyii yoQ eifii 'I<i)fi 6 natijQ ifiStv, A 
ivtixfa fAov, 4. 'Oti yivog ixXixtov iati, xal tijQj^ati tifp tvyhiaw 
XffM^, 5. 'Eyo) jig tifAi ix taip vIm^ 'Htrav, ddeXq>og Ncuoq' firjtri(j SI 
tllitj9 Jljpaj ^S if iyiwrjaa v/idg, 6. *// yog ngot^ga fiov yvr^ itS' 
ltitij<T8 (iita tm aXXeov Sixa tixv(09 iv nixq^ Oapattp, 7. AxowratB 
0V9 tfxfa^ xal dfjhxxro) vfitf ta trvfifiifiiixota fioi, 

8. 'Eyi) yuQ tjfAijp nXovatog *T(f>bdQa t&p aqp* riUov avatoXm it 
XeoQ(f tf( AMtidif xal rtQo toff xaXJtrai fii 6 xvQwg 'loltfi, ixaXoifafw 
*In§a^. 9. *H dl agyij rot; nugatriiov iyhno oSroo^' iff yaq nXTfcfof 
toff otxov fldtoikof twog dQTjffXivofiivof vno tov Xaofj, 10. Kal (Twty[jS>g f^ 
Xinov bXoxavtdmata avt^ TtQoatftQOfjieifa as Oi^, 11. Jaloyi^ofAtiv ifiavt^ 
xal fkiyov' aga ovtog iattf o notraag tof ovgafbv xal tff9 yffv xcd 
trjf dakaaaav xal namag riiAag; aga n&g yreaaoiiai to iXtfiig\ 

12. Kal iv tfj fvxtl ixeirjj xoififofihov fiov ^&t ftot q>o)p}f kiyowra, 
^IwfiaPf 'Impifiy araffttfOi xal vnodii^oi aoi tig iatlv oi:tog of yv&poi 
dileig' 13. Ovro^ tolrw, ^ td oXoxavtoofiata ngogqtigovciv oi ip- 
&g(onoi xal cnhdovaip ^ vvx fcti Oeog, aXX eati dvvafi4g avtrj xal 
igyaafa tov Sia^okoVy ip fj Anat<l tovg dpOgdmovg, 14. Kdyii tavta 
dxowrag smaop iig Ttjv yf}p. 15. Kaf ngotrexvprjaa )iyo>p, xvgii fiov 6 inl 
(Tontjgltj^ tfjg ifAfjg rpv^yg f*oi XaXmp, diofiai <tov, itneg oi^og iatip 6 
tvnog tov £atapd, diofiai aov xtXivaop fii dneX&etp xal dqwp/aat 
art 09^ xal xaOaghat tot tonop tovtop. 16. Oifx http 6 xanXvcDv fit 



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jijieuKH, 297 

tovto noiqaaty fiaat}Ja ofta tfj< xdgag tavrijg, Ira (iijxitt fiXanidwnv 
oi if aiftfj. 

17. Kai aniXQidij iaoi ij <pamj ix rov fptnog Xiynvaa^ 6tt xad* 
OQhou top tOTtov dwr^tiq, 18. //^' idov dnod^/xpvfii aoi ndpta 
oniQ iwitiCkato fwi xvQiog iimit aor ifoi joq $i(u 6 aQxiyyf^oi; tov 
diov, 19. Kdyi) %lnw ofi nivta oaa imXittai r j> dBqinovxi avto^ 
ixoiaofAcu, 20. Kal Blni (tot o agjiiyytkoq* tddi Ujti xvQiog' ii airo- 
}J(rai iniiUQfiaBtg xal xadaiQug tot tvnof tov £atardj at€urti^9tcU 
Goi fiit* OQyfig iig noLifiop xai Mii^iteu iv aoi naaav tijf nonjQktp 
avto^, 21. *EnoicBi aot ndXag ffXtiydg xal }^a>l«fra(^ xal dqtaiQiHai 
dno cov ndfta td vndQxofta. 22, Td tt natdia oov dpargft, xal 
ftoXXd xaxd aoi na^Bi, 23. Kal in$l ng dOltiti/g nvxtiimp xal 
xa(ftiQ6af n6fovg^ xal ixdijipiihfog tov fiia&ov^ xal tovg nhiQaoiiovg 
ftQOtJxaQ^tQw xn) tag dkixpaig, 24. yiU,* idv tavta vnofiiivfig^ noi^trn 
aov to orofia ovofiaatot h ndaaig taXg yepeatg t^^ yl^g ij^Qi tfjg avf* 
teliiag tov aiok^og. 25. Kal ndXtw ^navaxdfixpm ae inl td vndQxond 
(Tov^ xal dnodo&ftcitai (TOi dinXdaia ndfta oiv dnoX4<THi* iva yp^g ori 
dnQOGmTfoXijntog ictiv 6 Oeog^ dnodidovg ixdct<p t^ vnaxovortt dyadd. 
26. ^ xoU (TOi dwQi^itcUy xal at4<favof dfrngdrtifOf xofiitrug, 27. ^^y^Q- 
drjKfBi dl x€d kv tfj dvaatdati tig ^mijv a/cortof tote yvdtffBig oti d/xatog 
xal dX:iidijg xal hyvgog 6 xvQtog. 

28. *Eyo) d^, tixva fiov, dvtamxQfdfjf avt^ oti vnofuho) fifXQi 
dafdtov nana td inB^ypiitrd fiot vnlg t dydnijg tov diovy xal ov 
fAtf dfanrfiijoia, 29. TotB 6 dyyeXog agfQayitrdfAevag fi§ dnijXdsv dn^ ifiov. 

n, 1. T7( dh il^Jjg dtaatdg tfj pvxrl iXafiop nevxf}xofta natdag, 
dnfjXdov eig tov vdov tov efdaXiiov xal oXoOgsvffa avihf i^Qig iddqiovg' 
2. Kal ovtQog dvByiuiQfiaa tig tov olxow fAoVj xtXtvnag dacpccXiaO/fVai 
tag ^vgag^ ivttiXdftevog totg ngo&vQOig fiOv, 3. 'Oti ei tig arjfitgov 
fTT^^y fitj fATf ovfMtp^fjto) fjioi. dXV tinate avt^ ayoXd'Cti ntgl ngay- 
fidtODP dvayxalnavy ivdov iath, 4. Tott 6 Zatavag lAttaGyrnAatiadtlg 
tig inaftriv txQOvat tjj dvQCff Xiyoop tfj Ovqcdq^' 5. 2vuapop rq 7ai^ 
Xiyovtfa oti ^vXofiai avptv^tiv avt^ 6. Kal rj dvQfAQog tiatXdovaa 
Xiyti fioi tavta* xal rixovct nag* iftov, ott (TxoXd^co, 

7. ^atoyriisag iv tovti^ 6 noptfQog, dntX&m inidrjxtv inl tovg 
cofAOvg avrotf daadXwp gaxxddtj. Kal tiatXOiaf XtXdXrixf tfj &vgnQ^ 
Xtywp' tinop t^ ^Imfi Iti dog fioi agtop ix tmp x^iq&v gov ipa qtdyoa. 
8. Kal dxovffag iyd tavta^ edooxa avtjj agtop ixxtxavfjiipop dovvcu 
avt^ xal idf/Xwra avt^ ott fttpdti q^aytTp n^oadoxa ix t&v f/iiop 
dgttop, ott dnfjkXotQWjdriP oot, 9. Kal ri Ovgngog aidtaOtXaa intdovveu 



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298 JiAeuKH 

avf^ tor ixKexavft^vot' igtop xa} anodoldf/^ fiij idovna oti 2atavdg 
itrmtf f^Q9r ix rw airij^ o^oor twf xctXw^ xal id<oxef aifq\ 10. *0 dh 
hxfiwj xal yfovq rb yynfoq^ fJm tf/ natdltncfi' imlJdowTa^ xaxtj dovXri^ 
qi^Qi fioi top dodina aoi dodf,fal fUH igtof 11. Kal hlavctf if 
natg fteta Ximtjg Uyowrw dlrfio^ ^/«i( f?ira/ ft$ xaxi/p dovhpf^ ott 
ovx ino(fi<Ta xaOotQ nQOtfktajflri ftoi vnb rov dffffiotov ftov, 12. Kcd 
vnuatgixpaaa ijvtyxtf avt^ tbf • xtxavfih'Of OQtop^ Xiyovaa ait^* tidt 
Xiyti xvQioq fAOv, ott oif ftrj qiiyfiq ix t&v igteor fiov m, ort aTnjX- 
XotQiidrfv ffoi, 13. Kal rovtot aoi idcoxa iwa fiij iyxXfi<T&& oti r^ 
aitrjaarti ijfig^ oidif nagie^or, 14. Kal tavra dxowag b Satataq^ 
anintfAXpi fiot tijf natda Xiytov^ oti Ag ogqq tbf Agrof tovtor tbf 
bXbxavtOTj ovtw ifoi^aoo if taxti xai tb a&fjid (rov towitofl 15. Kal 
aftantxQldfjf^ o noi^Tq noiijaof, xal oit^ fiovXfj dytoyfj fgyaaof ftotftog 
yoQ tifu vnoctfifai amg nQocqiQuq fiOi, 

16. Tavta axovaaq b didfioXog ant*<Jtfi M ifioif' xal dneXOajf 
vnb tb fTttgicofiaj &qx<o(t$ tbf xvqiop ifa Idfifj il^owriaf tow InaQyof- 
to}f fAOi, 17. Kal htfiojf nagd Oeoff tr;f iiowr/af^ ^16$ xal fjgi fiov 
tbf (TVfinafta nXovtof nagaj^g^fia, 

III, 1. Elj^of yog gX xiXidSai figofidto}9' xal /§ avtm aqnigiffa | 
j[tXidSag tol^ ilfai tig Ifdvaif ogq^afonf xal ytlQ^ *^*^ nBftjftoif xal 
advfdtoyf, 2. '//r di fiOi dyiXij xvf&f «, oi q>vXaa<Tofteg ta noififia* 
xal aXXovQ xvfag %lypf <r f^vXdaaoftag tbf olxof, 3. EJxof di xal 
fivXovg & igyaCicdai xata naaaf nohf xal yofAovg xofilH^iadai dyadw' 
xal dniateXXof xatd n&aaf noUw xal fig tag xtofiag totg advrdftotg 
xal totg dggwjtotg xal totg vategovfihoig. 4. Elxof dl xal gfi x'^' 
ddag ofcof fOfiddoof xal i^ aitdif dq)a)Qica g), xal tijf i^ avtm yofiff 
ixiXivof mfigdaxe<T&atf xal tijf tifirjf ilfai totg nifTftri xal dtO' 
fuvoig. 5. ^Hgxofto ydg tig dfdftijaif ano natrfyif tw }^OD(»dor oi 
niftfrtg, 6. !/ifi(oyfihai yag J^aaf ai tifraagtg dvgat tov olxov vnlg 
tov totovtov axonov ^ firj aga eXdcoalf tiftg iXtrfftotriftff ^ijto^^igt 
xal idfocl fie nagaxadt^^oftifOf »ig ftlaf t&f Ovgw, dvftfi&ai did tr,g 
aXXfig dneXditf xal Xafietf octof XQ*]^^^*^*^* 

7. Haaf di fiOi xal tgdm^ai idgvfiifai X dxifijtoi naaaf Stgaf 
totg ^hotg fAOfoig, Elxof dh xal t!bf XVQ^ *P tgani^ag xitfiifag, 
8. Kal ii tig r^gx^'^o aitatf iXitffioavfijf ^ ilx^ tgiqjtff&at if tfj tga- 
niliq, iiov tov Xafietf ttjf XQ^^^^' ^^^ ovdifa intigtnof e^fXOitif ti^f 
dvgaf fAov xiXn^i^ xif^, 9. Elxof dl tglg jf/iUa ntftaxieia ^Bvyri 
fiocof* xal f^eXi^dfitjf il^ avt&v g) xal ttal^a fig tbf dgotgiaafibf, 
10. ^Q^« ndfta noiftf if rtartl dyg^ tw ngocXafiortwf avtov^ xal 
trjv eiaodov t&if xagnoof avt&v dqaagit^of totg nipt^tf tig tr/f tgdnt^af 



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JIAGHKU, 299 

ovrcor. 11. Eljipf Si xai OQtoxinia f, ag)' i/9 Ita^a iiq ti^f tgd- 
nf^a9 tm ntnj[w, 12. Eliof Sk doiikovq i^cughovg i/g tijf vnfjQf^ 
alav tavnjf, 13. ^Haav di xal ^^oi ttvhi idomg trjr iftf/v ftgodv- 
fttar xal av^oi iniOvfAffeav vnfiqitltrai rfj dmxov/q, 14. xal a)Jio( 
ttflg fl<Taf dnoQOvnfij xal fiii ^vfifiivoi avalcaacUy ffQxorto naQaxa- 
Xohrtig xai X^yortig, 15. JeofitOa aov^ ineidij xal rfntg dvfdfteOa 
tavfTjp ixttXkcai t\v diaxof lav ^ xal ovdlf xixtrifttda^ no/tjcoy fied^ ^fAcbv 
fXiog^ xal TtQOX$/Qi(JOP ifiif iQ^^^ '^ dniXOnfttv sig tag fiaxgag 
noXiig xal ifAnoQitxrAfAeOa, 16. Kal to ftiQtttof tljg ifinogfag dv^ 
vrfi^w toXg nin^i noiffCaa&ai diaxofiav xal fietd to^o dnoxata- 
iTjfiacDfi^v (Toi to tdtov (Tov, 17. Kftl iyit tavta dxotmr ^aXkwfAtjv 
ori oX€og nag* ifAof) hzfifidpowrtv elg oixovofdav t&f ntoox&p, 18. Kal 
ftQodvfMog Idldovf avTotg oaof ^deXoVj dt^ofAivog to yQafifJUCtitov avtw, 
fiij htfifidvatv nag* avtcov ivijvQOf^ ti fi^ iaovov to Byyqai^ov, 19. Kal 
no^ivofAt^oi inoQ^vofto' xal o imtvyxavov hd/dovf toig ntooxoTg. 
20. UolXixig tiflg dniXnhtf i% avtm if 6d^ ^ if daXdcafi^ ri iav- 
Xovfto i^ avtcaip, 21. Kal iQioiAtfot naqfxdXow fis ityoftig' dio- 
fAtdd aov^ fAaxQodviirjcov iqi* W^^y ^^^ idvifitv ncog dnoxataatrifftofAit 
aoi ta ad, 22. ^Eyii Sh tavta nxovoDV xal avftna&oov avtoTg nqoi' 
qffQov avtcov to xstgoygaqioVj xal dviy/vaxTKOV irdmov avt6f xal di- 
aQ^rj^ag ikw&iQOW avtovg tov XQiovg^ Xiyoov ovtoog' 23. *0<toi' ftgo- 
q)d<TH t&v ftfv^cDf inhtBvaa vfAtv, ovdlv Xi^xpofiat nag* vfAi&v. 24. Kal 
oidlv idexofjifiv naga tov 6(^BiX^tov fiov, 

25. Kal H Tioti Tfgxtto dvrjg iXagog tji xagdi(^ Xiytcav^ ovdfv 
dnoQ& imxovgffffai tolg nhrja^v. 26. BovXofiai ftlv diaxovfjcai toTg 
nt»xofg iv tji tganeXfj^ *JOV, xal avyyxmgrjdtlg vftrjgttfiv, xal tq^aytv, 
27. Kal T^ icrnigq idldow avt^ tov (iiadlv avtov* xal iaogevtto tig 
ttv olxov avtov jfa/jpoof. 28. Kal fi ftrj i^oiXtto Xafiitv^ tivayxd^eto 
nag* ifioi Xiyovtog ngog avtov inhtaiAai oti igydt^g eJ avdgoanog 
ngocdoxdiv xal dvafiivcov aov tov fiKrOov, xal avdyxtj^ i^^ig Xa§(Vv, 
29. Kal ovx vatigt^ad noth fitadbv fAiadwtov 7} dXXov tivog, tj dcp7,xa 
tov fiiadov avtov itrofiivov nag* ifiol fifav kcnigav iv tfj olxir^ ftov, 

30. Juqimvow dl oi dfJiiXyovteg tag fioag y xal ta ngofiata 
tovg nagoditag iv rg od^ oncog fotaXdfiayaiv ili avtov, 31. Kal 
dtfx^Ho yaXa to fiovtvgov iv totg ogta xal iv taVg odoTg dno tov 
nXrfiovg* iv dl taXg n/tgaig xal toig ogftriv ixoitd^ovto diaXoxivo- 
f^iva, 32. l4nixafiov SI oi Soi^Xoi fiov oi ta tAv XVQ^ ^^' ^'^ ^^ 
ntvijtwv idicfjutta ivixovteg xal 6Xtyogovvteg, 33. Katdgovtal fioi 
Xiyovtfg* tfg iv dotri fjfitv ix tcav aagxcav avtov ifiqiogrjdfjvni xal ifi- 
nXtja&fjvai '^ X(av xQ^fov ivtog fiov ngog avtovg. 



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300 JiAeuKU 

34. Elxw di Hal iS ^HxXfAOvg xoi dexaxogSoif KidaQav, xaX du- 
HQOvofiiiv to xa& fjfA^Qav. 35. Kal Hififiawv trif KtOoQav nal a9&- 
fifivovf ai x^Q^* f*^^ ^^ hcMnv avtai, 36. Kal in Tof) yfoXti^QO^ 
AfifAifAftfaxof avtii tov (?«0Vy Iva dcD^aamffi tov xvi^iav. 37. Kal ai 
notl iyiyyitiof at diganatfiq fiov, ihififiafov to ipalt^ffiof, xal tof 
fuff&ov T^^ arnznodoffiag iifwtXkop avtaTg^ xal aatinavov avtitg r^ 
&XiyoQla(i to^ yofpxfitov. 

IV, 1. Ta Sk ilia tixva futa T^r vntiQ$aiap tf^g diaxopfag 
iXafi§avov xaff fjfiiQav to dilnfof avtAif xal tag tgitg avtm aSsX(fagf 
inoQBvofto naqa t^ AdA(f^ avt&nr rqi ngBff^vtigfp^ xal inolovr notof. 
2. lAvMtaiiBvog ovv iyii to ngfot dvi'<pfQ09 vfthg aittm dwrCag^ iQi-- 
q^ovg aiy&9 f^ xaX ngo^ata id' tavta ix negittov tig aval»fia tolg 
fitnxotg, 3. Kal tliyop avtoTg iyvf raf^a Xafjifiaynt nsQitta^ xal 
d9rfirit9 ^nlQ t^ tixvmv fiov, 4. M^ aga oi vioi (lov iffm^Of ivA- 
niof xvgiovy kiyovreg fma xataq)Qorri<Temi, on ^futg itrfilv tix^a tov 
nXovclov tovde avdQog' iffttp Sana ta xQiifiata tavta. did ti Sh xal 
diaxovovfA9P] 5. Tadta Xiyartag ili vjnQT/qtapiag, nagrnqyiCnv to9 ^BOf' 
xal iatt §diXvyim hamlop xvq/oV ^ infQri<papeia. 6. /49iqi$go9 ik 
xal fi6<Txovg t^ M to &v(ftaat^iov ^)'««', A*iJ »ot« oi vioi fwv xaxa 
ifvotjaaf nqog tov daov iv tfj xagditf avtAv. 

7. Tovtijp f^ tgonm fiiovftog ftov^ 6 Stofi^i owe ^eyxa to 
dya&ov, aXka dml&w i^^r^aato xat^ i/io^ tov nokaflS^ ^^Q^ ^V ^^^ 
8. KatfjX&9v in* iftl dvriUfog. 9. Kal nQdkof fdf iqiXoyijaeS^ nX^og Twr 
ftQOpdtwf, tnaita tag xafjt^jXovg^ tlta tovg ^oag xal ndvt^ *« ^^ 
td fMif iq)X6Yii(Jtf td d^ jijuiiaXanla&iiaav^ oi fAovov noQ^ h^^ ^^ 
xal dno t&v nttdf ifioh iVBQyttfi&ivtfOf. 10. Kal iX&ofteg €^^^*' 
Hivag dvijyyiiXdf fioi tavta. 11. *Eyio dl dxovaag iSo^atra rovd^* 
xal ovx i^aGqfi/iijaa. "* 

12. Tott 6 didfioXog iyvooxiog fjiov xa{)tBQ(av^ xatBiAtnavifdato jweO 
ifMv. 13. MttaayrifiatiaOalg fig ^aiXia twf UtQaw inictti in- 
ififj noXsi^ xal awayaym ndvxag tovg ip avtjj navovqy^g iXdXijcep 
avtotg, find dnBiXfjg Xiy<ov. 14. Ovtog 6 dvijQ b *Iojfi 6 dpaXdxrag 
ndpta td dya&d trig 7?tf xai lATjdh xataXsintop^ b dq^aviaag xal xata- K 
Xwag top paop tot &eov. 15. Jio xal iyA dnodcoaoo avt^ xa&' a xal 
sngal^ip find toi? oixov tov fnydXov &eov, 16. Nvp ovp dntX&na 
avv ifAolf xal (TxvXimmfiev ndpta td vndgxovta ip t$ oix<p aitov, 

17. Kal dnoxQi&ipteg tlnop avt^' ex^i f viovg xal &vyatigag y", 

18. Ml} aga xata^vytaaiv fig Mgag x^^^^i *«* iptixtoci xad^ ^ft&p 
dtg tvgappovptcaPf xal Xomol inaptX&oxTip iq>' ^fidg find dvpAfiamg 
xal dnoxtfiptaatv ifiag. 19. Kal iJnev a%*toig' fiij q)ofiftiT&B oXoog. 



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JijieuKH. 301 

•ra Mrjffi avrov xat rb nXij&Oi; avtov dntaXeaa it nv(})^ tn dl aXXa 
flXf^cdaifiWTct xeu idov >.a\ ta t^xfa airrov anokiao), 

20. Kal tavta iinmr avtoii; dnelf^m xwti^aXi %hf olxof inl 
fa tixva iiov xa\ avetlfv aira. 21. Kal cvfAnoXttai idovttg oti 
a).ij&^ yiyovi rd BiQfifiita vti* avtov^ knsk&oniq idico^dp fif, xa) 
ndrta rd ip tfj oixi((^ fxov diTj(»na(^of. 22. Kal fidov toTg oqt&aXfAott; 
fiov tij^ dQnayrjv rot) oixov ftov xal indfoo ro&r tQone^wv uov xal 
T<5f xgafifidtCDP fiov ardQai dteXiii; xal dtifjiovg' xal ovx {jdwdiirpf qt&iy- 
|«rT^«/ ti xaT* avttSv, 23. *Htnrtjfi^voQ ydq ^fiijr d>g yvfij na^itfA^rtj 
Tag offqiiag dnh tov nli^&ovg ToSr (idvpoow^ fAvrfff&ilg fjidlujta tov nqo- 
atjuav&fvtog ftoi ftoX^fiov vno tov xvqIov did tov dyyAov avroD. 
24. Kal iynfoiAtiv mg ti q}ogthf i(A^alX6fiivo9 iv &aht<Ta/(^ nXo/tpf 
xal fiMOoneXayhagf iSm tiff tgixvfAiaf xal ttjf ivavtitoaiv tm df^ficov, 
(Q^itpev tig &dXaaaav to qtogt/of^ liyajf 25. &ila) dnoXicai td 
ndrta fwtof $i<r$k&etv tig tijv nlhv, Ufa xtgdaivm to nXotof (Tcaoxr- 
fiivov xal td xQtittova tmv axtvdi/9, 26. Ovtta x^yo) ^yrjtrdfiijv td 
if*d. 27. Tott IfX^tv (ttQog dyyiXog^ xal dptd/da^i fit trjv tm i/mp 
tixvwv dftcoXtiav xal itagax^rj^ fitydXijv taQaxrjt. 28. Kal ditQ^jjia 
td ifjidtid fioVy xal tlnov,^") 6 xvgiog tdoDxtt, 6 xvQtog dq^ti- 
Xato, d)g r$ xvgifj^ tdol^t, ovtoo xal iyivtto* titj to ovofia 
xvgiov tvXoyfjfiivov, 

V, 1. ^IddtP ov9 b 2cnavag ott ovdlv dvfatai fit tig oXtyo- 
qiav tQtxpaiy dntX&m fitrjtrato to <s&iid fiov nagd tov xvq/ov, iva 
intviyxfi fAoi nXf^ijVy diott oix f/vtyxtf 6 novr/Qog t!jv vn'tfiori^ fiov, 

2. Tot p. naQidmxi fit 6 xvQiog tig tdg ^^tgag avtov iQ^^^^^^*^ ^^ 
(Jiofiati fiov mg (iovXttai, ifjg dh i//t;}f5$ f^ov ovx tdcaxtf avT^ i^ovaiav, 

3. Kal nQofjXO't xa&rjfAhfp fioi inl &g6vov xal fttv&ovvti td tixva 
fiov, 4. Kal ^oim&Tj fAtydXfj xataiyfdt, xa) tov ^govov fiov xati- 
ctgtxptj ngoaxgoiaag fit Inl trfv ytjf, 5. Kal inoirjaa mgag tgttg 
xtifAtvog inl iddqtovg' xal indta^i fit nXrjyijv axXijgdv, dno xo- 
gvqt^g mg orvyoov tm nod&v fiov. 6. Kal tv fitydXff taQayJi xa) 
ddatfioviff il^^X^ov tffV no^uv xn't xa&ta&t)g in) tfj; xonglag, axay- 
Xrjxo^genov tlypv to acbfia, 7. Kal Gwl^gtyjov trjv yfjv ix nolXf^g 
vygafflac xal i^cogtg tov trcofiatog tggtoVj xal oxdXtfxtg nolXol rjcav 
iv avt^ 8. Kal ti nott aqjltrzato (Txtakrjl^ ix tov aajfiatog fiov, 
algof avtof xal xaz(^xi^ov tig to avto Xiycov' nagdfittvov iv t^ «vt$ 
t6n<^ iv ^ itiidrig, d^Qig ov intatdl^rj aoi vno tov xtXtvaavtog trot, 

9. Kal ovtoog dif/gxtaa itrj ^ xaO^^ofitvog iv xongiq. t^ta 



») Note LXX, Job I, 21. 



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302 M^SHKH. 

tfjg noXemg iv taXq nXtjyatq. 10. Kai Hof totg ofp^aXiAOtg /wv 
tixva (Aov no&tjta. 11. Tijv rccnawi^ fwv yvfixhia trif nqwiw if %fi 
toaavtfi r^q)fj xal doQwpogiq &ctkafA8vofihrp', tdwf av'iriP vdQOf^OQOv- 
<saf iig oJxor ufog cuTxrjfAOfog mg naid/axrjVj ?mg ov Idfifj a^w xal 
ngoaeviyxji fAOi. 12. Kal ijA xatavBtvfiihog iXayw At^g dXal^of^cig 
jw OQxiftCDV tfjg nokifog tavrt^g^ ovg oidh al^iovg tJpui xvpAp 
tm9 ifi&v vofiddcDP ^Y^^f^^^^)* ^* nmg XQ€ovt€U tfj fccfut^ fwv 
(0$ dovUdt. 13. Kal fitra tavra aviXafioif loyicfiop fiaxQO&vfior, 

14. Kal fAttd ixatw iqifor^ xaX air op top a(^op at^tCkapto tov piri 
nQ0<T8P9x^t]pai fioi, fitiug imtgitpaptig f^eip avtrjp tijp Idfap tgoq^rfp. 

15. KaX aitrj kafifiapowra dufidQi^ep iavt^ t$ xal ifiol Xiyowsa fMt' 
ndvrtjg' Oval /aoi^ td^a ov ji9(^c^itat tov aQtov xal ovx iqnidtto 
i^ik&iTp ip tfi dyogq. nQoaaitr,aai agtop nagd t&p a^onqdtnp itog 
ov nQ0(Jtf4yxji A^' ^^ qidyco. 

16. Kal 6 Saxapag tovto ypovg, fietetrxijfMtth&Tj iig d^onqd- 
top xal iyipsto xatd (Tvyxvgiap dntk&etp nqog aitop tijp yvpatxd 
fAoVf aitijffai ndXip aqtop, pofxl^ovaap iJpcu avtop ap&qmnop, 17. Kal 
6 JSatapag Xs'yit avtfh naqatrxB fwi to tifiijfjut^ xal Xafii o ^dXiif 
18. j4noxQt^iTaa dh avtqp Xiyn' n6&9P fAOi dqyigiop; ^ uypotlg td 
avfifii^ijxota fioi <wJ« noprjgd; ai (jAp ilitjcoPy ikhfaop* bI dl fi^^ <tv 
oxpH. 19. Kal dfiBXQi&ri ndXip Xtymp' ti fiij il^ioi ^i tS)P xaxS>p^ 
ovx ap dneXd^ete aitd, 20. ^fvp ovp ei piv ip X^qgI aoi dgyvqiop^ 
vno&ov fAoi tIjp tQl^a trig xaapaXrig ffov, xal Xdfii tgetg agtovg' 
iGtog 9vpridrjce<T&i Zfjacu ip tali: tgiclp ^fAsgaig' 21. Tott ilnBP 
ip kavtff ti ydq iao( iattp rj &qili tTjg xiqutXijg fAov nqog tov nttwip- 
td fAOV apdga\ 22. Kal ovtmg xataqiQOprjaaca iavtifp^ ainep avt^' 
dpaatag xai^op iab, 23. Tot£ Xafim xpoOJda tjQS tag tgi^^g tTjg 
xa<paXTJg avtiig ndrtatp oQtiptooPj xal idenxap avtjj tgstg agtovg. 
24. *H dh Xafiovtraj ^X&e xal nQOtricpeqi fioi' xal 6 JSatapag yX&ap 
omff&8P avtrig ip t^ odq^ nsQinatSip xexgyfAfxipog, xal nXaytaCoiP 
avtrjg tipf xagd/ap, 

VI, 1. Kal dfia te rjyyias ngog (it 7 ypvri fwv^ dpaxqa^aaa 
(And xXav&fiov Xiyat (loi: *Itofi,*Ia)fi^^) M'^XQ^ tlpog xa^i^ng inl t'l^g 
xongiag S^OD t'^g ftiXaoDg^ XoyiJ^dfttPog inl (iixgop, xal ixdex6(iBPog 
tijp iXnlda trig acotrigiag ffov, 2. K4yi> ftXaPtjtig xal 
Xdrgig tonop ix tonov n€gt6gxo(Aiprj. 3. 'Idov ydg dfioXcDXep dno 



*) Words missing here. 
«) LXX to Job XXX, 1. 
») After LXX to Job II, 9. 



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JIASUKH. 303 

fTjq yriq to fivrnAotfvvof (ToV oi viol fAOv xai «/ ^vyati(jBq 
ifATji xotklag xal novpi xa\ mdvpat ovg ei^ to xs¥09 
ixoniaca fieta fA6x&ov\ 4. £v dh xa&fj h cangiq afioXtj' 
xmv, diavvxtiQtvcof ai&giog* 5. Kdym nctXiif ^ nava&XIa 
fgya^ofi/nf xal a)dvf mfidvtj ^fAfgag xal fvxtoQf mg ap 9vnoQr,caaa 
agtof ngociviyxoi aor 6. Ovxiti yag fiot dldotai 6 nagittog agrog 
ixeVvog' knBidri fioytg xal t^ ifiijv tgoipifv Xa/i^afn xal diafugl^to 
<sol It xal IfAolf iffoovfAiffj h tff xagdlq fiov^ oti ovx agxnof thai 
(ji iv novoig xal Iv Xifi^ igtov, 7. 'Et6Xfjifi<Ta dvaiayincig iX&tir tig 
ti^ dyogav^ xal tov ngmov eiftwtog fiot^ dog dgyvgioff xal Xtixpsig 
agrovg^ sdnl^a avtqi tiff dnoglat ^fimv, 8. Kal rixowra nag* aitov' 
ti fjiij ix^ig dgyvgiof, nagda^ov fioi tijv tgixa rrjg xBqialtjg aoVy xal 
Xdfi^avt tgfig agtovg, hong ^^aeadi h tgialp tifiigatg. 9. Kqyii 
lyxaxfjffaffa ilnov avt^* dfaatdg xetgov fA%' xal ovttog dvaatdg (Mta 
yjccX/dog dt/fjioiig ixttgi fjiov tijv tglxa tfjg xaqtecX/jg if tfj dyogq, 
nagBOxSyiog tov ojiXov xal &avfuil^oftog. 

10. T/g oiv ovx H^snXdyif Xiymv, mi avtrj iatl 2(ttg ij ywh tov 
*liop^ fftig filxiv axsna^ovta avt^g to xadrfatrigiof fi^Xa dtxat^aaagay 
xal &vgag swdoO'if ^gWj fco^ at oXoog xatal^infiij ttg 8ha%^ff9at 
nghg avt^; xal vvw idi xatalXdfjcei tfiv tgl^a avtijg dftl agtov; 
10. Ot fiaaf xdfiiXot ytfUff/jUvoi dya&cbv^ xal dft$qtigofto tig ^digag 
toXg ntwupXg^ 9vv didtoatv avtifv tglya dftl agtov* 11. 'idt tijf 
ixovffaf intd tgan^^ag dxinitovg inl ti^g oixiag if ^a&itf n&g 
nttoypg xal nag ^hog^ fvf xatanmgdaxti tijf tgixa avtf^g dftl 
agtov, 13. BXf'nttt r^tig tixe tbf fmtfjga Twf nodStf XQ^*^^^ ^^^^ 

dgyvgo^y vvfl de noai fiadiXti tnl ido(povg 14. Etdttt w 

avttj hatlf ffttg tJxt to IvdvfAa ix §va<sov i^q^aafiSfOf x^wr^, xal 
agti dftixataXXdatTti trjf tglxa avtrfg dftl agtov 15. BXtnnt tiff 
tovg xgafifidtovg xgvciovg xal dgyvgiovg e^ovcaVy fvfl dl ningdcxovijav 
tiff tgix^ avttjg dftl agtov. 16. Kal anali dnXdigy *Id)fit noXXof 
Oftwf tcov tigrjfihoyf fioi, (TvftOfiODg Xiy<o aor inel ^ acdivna tr^ 
xagdiag fiov avfhgixp^ fiov td 6<Ttd' dfairtrjOt ovf at xal Xafiw tovg 
agtovg jfO^Tcfer^iTri, xal tinmf ti ^fjf^a ngog xigiof,^) xal 
ttXtvta, 18. Kr^ym dl ndXtf dnaXXaym dxr^Siag Hid fiofmf tov 
fftofjiatog (TOV. 

19. Kal iym dfitxgidfjf avtfj' idov iyia kntd itij exoo if tatg 
fiXjjyatg, vqmrtdfitfog tovg axdiXrixag tovg if t^ adjfiatl fiov^ xal ovx 
ifiagvfdrjf trjf yrvx^ i^ov did tovg nofovg. 20. 'Ocof did to ^^f*a 



') LXX to Job n, 9. 



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304 JIABHKH 

uma^j iti thtov tl ^fifut, nffo^ xvgtor xa\ tiktitm' Ofjuo^ ta xmua 
tmHm oatBQ bgnq vno(^4Qm WMk vnoapfQBi^t ^^ ^^ ^^ vnafpxivtafr 
i7^A^ ondJiMm^ wrofi^flo^^* 21. Kal fioiXii ^fA&g a^t Xaltldat tl 
Qfffta n^ X9Q199 Mx) i^UMTi^iO)dijfm to% fuydXov mXoitov ; l) 22. "I^a 
t/ M aim ifApifG^ t«r ii9yakmp intCvmf iqwMr, it oU vniiQfoiuf] 
si oiv td iya&a in x^^9^9 KvqIov ids^apada^ ta Sh xani 
ndXiP ovf vwofAtPOfASP;^) xcd inaxQodvfiricopLSf it napti, mc 
ov 6 xvQto^ anXaffPtaM^ ikftftrti ^fidg; 23. ^/^Qa <tv oix Sgi^g tor 
diifiolop omadh aov katfixita^ xal tagmairopta rotv Sinkoyi(TiMvg 
ao9 inmg xa\ ifil dftat^iii\ 24. Kal otQaqulg iyin nQo^ tip 
Smtmp&» tilnop* did tl ovx Iqxov ^< ^^ fftngotrdw ngot; ifu] ma^mt 
'x(fVfit6fi9POi; taXalnwQi* 25. Mij 6 X^wp tijp icjyv Sbixpvph h tfl 
jalidygq; fiipim netupip dpfntitttu h x€i^dXhifi\ xal pvp aoi Xiym^ 
i^$l^m nok^fAijiTor fit^ ifiov. 

26. Tot9 'ilionur&ip vl^ yvpatuog fMV ^fjX^iP, xal iotfj lfifigo<T&4p 
fwv xXalmp xal Xiyeup* <%, '/ai^» dmf^topA xal vnoxcogn aot dr&gdmtp 
ffOQxlpip ivtr iyv} sifu /nevfia' 27. Kal <rv filt ip nXfjyfi vnaQxtti^ 
iym di tlfil SpoxXrjiTet f^Bydlfj' 28. ^Eyivofiffp op tQ6not d&Xfft^q 
naXalnf ftet' i&XrjtoVj xal fig tcp fpa xatiqgffiif nXtfoaq to tnofjia 
avtod ififWP, xal ndp ft^Xog aitoh avyxXdaai;' 6 dl inoxdten avtoi 
onogj xal hiyxmptoi avtov tlfv xagttQlaPy a fAtj dia<pmp^aptog, 
iqxoptlfff dl dxfAtjP innpct}* Ovtn xal (rt\ 'Infif vnoxdtn tlg^ xal ip 
ftXijYJj xal ip fioptio' dXX* iplxyaag ta naXaunqixd uov a infjjayip 
(Foij xa4 idov vfioxcogA (Tov, 

30. Tots xatai(rxvp&ftg 6 JSatapdg dpexngifCiP dn^ ifMv' 
31. l^vp 0^ tfxpa f40v fMcxoo&vfiijffate xal vfMtg ip nartl avfifiairoptt 
ifitp XvTT^g^' oti xQet(T(T09 iatl adptcD^ ^ fiaxgoOvfila. 

VI L 1. Tott ^xovoap oi ^affiXitg ta trvfjifis^tixota iioi^ xaX 
dpaatdpteg fjX&op ngog f4« Bxatnog ix trig Idlag x^^^ iftiaxiiffOfAiPot 
xal nccgafiv&ijiTOfAiPol fAi' 2. *Hp/xa dh rjyyiadv fioi xgd^apttg 
ifnp^ fi^ydXfj dtiggtj^ap txaatog tijp iavtoH atoXtjp^ 
3. Kal xa taan aadfjitpoi yfjp inl tag invtmp xeq^aXag, 
nagsxadTjadp fioi kntd i^fitgag xal kntd vvxtag, xal ovdslg 
avt&p XeXdXijxi fioi g^f^a' 4. ^H<sap dl tioffageg t^ dgi&fA^* 
'EXtq)dg 6 fiaatXBvg &€fiav&p^ xal BoXSadj xal JSmqidg, xal 
^EXiovg* 5. Ka&€^6fA8Poi duXoylt^opto td mgl iftov' 6. Kal ydg 



>) I read thus for IUovtov, 
») After LXX to Job H, 10. 
5) LXX to Job II, 12—13. 



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jijieHKH. 305 

to JtQcotov ot' nv TiQiorro nQOi fif, xal tf(^^afAtj9 aifaq>bQHif avrot*; 
tovg nolkfteletg U&ovg, dnBO-avfJUt^oy, 7. Kal iliyor, oti iav j,fiwp 
tm tQim ^aaditof id ^qiiiAata (rvtajfiij %it; if Im to at to, ov ixt} 
dfcddxTH tovg XiOovc tovg irdo^ovg tr^g fiaadf/ag '/mfiafi' hvytviGtf()og 
yoQ il TOW ag)' ^A/ov atatoXditf. 8. 'Hvlxa yag J/X^or totf im tf^f 
Avatt(da onmg iniaxfxpfaoi fie, t^giinriaay if tfj noktt^ frov ^loofid^ b 
tyg looQag tavttjg oXtjQ ^a<fikiv(af\ 9. Aai iiir\waaf aitotg nfgl 
ifio^ oti kd&fjtai im t^$ aongfag fl^oo ttjg noXeoogy idov ydg etrj C 
^17 dftX&m if tj} fioXti, 10. Kal ndXiv ^Qdotrjcaf n8(jl t&i^ xnaQyot" 
tfof HOI xa\ idijXi&rj avtoig td evfipefirjxita iaoi nana, 

11. Kal dxovoaftig i^riX&of tijf noXif dfta toig noXitcug' xal 
oi filf noXXtal (aov vm'dfi^dv fiB avtoig' 12. Oi dl drthfifOf 
X^yotteg ft^ thai fie tof *Io)fid^ 13. Kal fti dfiqit(faXX6ft<»f aitm, 
Xiyei 'EXtqidg 6 SffiafSsf paatXevg' dfvte iyy/acofief xal idoafief, 
14. Kal iQypiihvif avtm, ifiipfvOtj fiot ntql aitm' xal iyia txXavaa 
cqfodQ&g fut&dnf trjv fXevaif avtan', 15. Kai y^v tm trjp xeqiaXr/f 
fiov dfidrpta xal xa&i^ofiffog ixifovv trjf xeqiaXifp fiov xai xiff,aag 
avti,f idrjXmaa oti iyta tifii' 16. 'Idomg dh xivovfta trjf xfqaX^p 
fiov, xatineaov inl trjf yffv ixXv^ineg' 17. Kal iatafiifoof tw 
atgatevfidtoof avtm^ !(iXenof tovg tgfTg §aaiXeXg xateq^ifihov^ if tfj 
yjj WTfl vexQovg enl igag tgstg' 18. Tote dvantdvteg (TVfeXdXovf 
dXXtfXoig ott ov mattvofitf oti ovtug iatif 7fti/tf«/5. 19. Ka) Xoinhf^ 
if taXg C yfi/gaig diaxg/fovttg td xat* ifil , dtaXoyil^ofiffoi td te 
xtrjfrj xal td vndqyipvtd fxov^ Xiyoiteg' 20. Mi, ovx oidafitv td 
noXXd dya&d td dnoateXXofiifa in* avtov tig tag noXtig xal efg 
tag xvxJUp xtofiag dmdidoa^ai to7g ntmypTg, naqtxtog xal tcov if tfj 
oixifj^ avtov didofiifoof ; Tidig rvf e/g tr^f toiavtijf fexQottjta xal taXdi- 
moQiaf i^ineae ; 

21. Kal flit a tag f tjfi^Qag dnoxQtdtlg 'EXiovg fine toXg 
^atriXevnty nooneyyhcofief avti^i xal H^etdao^fief dxQt^mg ei oXoDg iatlv 
ito§d§ ri Off 22. Oi de fiov optog co$ iifiia^cog atad/ov did tr^f 
dvG(odlaf tov atifiatog fiov, dfaatdfteg nQotrjjyyicdv fioi tyofteg 
evtodfag iv taXg yieqaif attStv, avvovtcof avtm ttitv atgatiaotm, xal 
O'Vfitdfiata fiaXXovtcof fioi xvxXoi>t9ef, onmg df dvyfjOdtai ngoceyyicai 
fior 23. Kal noitjaafteg wrel ^gag tgeXg, yviQrjyovvteg td Ovfiidfinta 
nXrjnfof fiov iy/rotto' 24. Kal dnoxgt&elg 'EXiq)d}^ elni fior av 
el 'Imfi 6 avfi^aaiXevg vfiojv ; av 6 e^nf tote tijf fieydXijv doiaf ^ 
25. 2lv el 6 quotf^oDf d)g tjXtog tijg r^fiigag im ndatjg tfjg yTjg; 2v ej 
^ (TeXrjftj xal oi dategeg if T^ fieaofvxt(<^ (faffOfteg\ 26. Kal 
dnoxgidelg elnof avtCji' iyo) eifir xal ovroog xXavaansg xXav^fitv 
Kohat, Semitio Studies. 20 



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306 JIA^UKH. 

fiiyav (Tvv &g^Pip fiatrtliK^^ ivB^pAmrftrif wxX 6 atQato^ aif&9' 
27. Kal nakw vtrohz^ *Ehq^aC^) Xiyu fior £i tJ 6 ta kntanug 
xOua ftQofiata ivta^ag sig tiff twf mwiw h^vaip ; nov 9vp tvyxct^tt 
7 do^a tov &g6*ov aov; 28. £v %l 6 To^ag tQiaxOUa iig top dgotQiaa' 
fiov tof t&9 nBfrj^ifOf; nov fvf tvfxdpit ^ do^a aov] 29. £v eJ 6 tovg 

j^Qwrdovg xQa^fiarovg ^o^y ^vf d^ xadrnuvoQ in\ KOftQ/ag 

30. £v tJ 6 rig idgvfihag f^r^xofta rgaft^^ag tOTg nta^xoti; (Ttfigil^ag\ 
av bJ 6 ta &vfnat^()ia tijg cid^g ix Xi&wf ipdo^mf fyiw; nov f^ 
tvy)iaP9t ri dO^a <tov^ itt h dvc&)d(r^ H>r vna^Btg\ 31. 2v tl 6 
XQiiaiovg inl tag a^yvQag tjiw^ wif dl n(}oadoxqg tfjw ^i<si9 to^ 

<p«»foc tJfg (TiXtfnjg 32. ^v c7 o aXififia f^wf ix Te9 Xifiaifov^ 

tvpl dl iv aanQlt^ w 33. 2v it o xcnaytlw tw adixowh- 

toof xaX iiMQtapiptwf^ pvf\ iyifov j^^vfi ndat, 

34. Tov di *Ehq)aZ fiaxQVforrog top xXavdfiov, vnoqjcowowto^r 
avt^ tcbv paaiXicop^ Sxrtt y$fi<T&ai fiByaXt^ tagaxtif avt&p^ tlnof 
avtotg' 35. Suon&ti^ xa\ vnodei^co vfApp tof &g6vov fiov xal trjf 
So^ap tfig BvnQineiag avtov' ifjiov o Qgipog aidwiog itJttv 36. 'O 
xofffAog oXog noQeXtvanai^ xal y do^a avtov f^&aQt^itai^ xaX oi 
nQOcixofteg avt^ icomtu vnoxatco avtov' ifMB 6 Ogopog h t^ 
vn9Qxo<TfA/(p iatl xal ^ tovrov dol^a xal rj iinqiniia ix di^iUm toft 
anotfjQtg iatiP if ovQafoTg' 37. ^EfAOv 6 Ogofog vna^xti if eg 
dy/ff ^mij, xal 17 do^a h rq) ai6»i t^ dnaQaXXaxt(p iatip. 38. Oi 
(»ip notaftol ^gap&ffOo^ai xal ta yafiginftara avt&P xatmfialpH 
iig ta fia&i] tijg dfiwrtrov^ oi SI notafAol t!jg iinTjg y^g^ ip ^ iattp 6 
dgirog fJivv ov ^gahoptat aXX* fcottai tig to ditjvixkg' 39. Oi 
fiaatXiig naQiXivaovtai ^ xal oi yyovfopoi nagiQiOPtai xal y) di^a 
avtmp xal to xaix^fjia 8(Ttat dig ip icrontQi^, ifiofj dl 17 ^atXiia ifg 
aidopa ai&vog^ xal ^ dol^a xal ^ ivnginaa avtijg ip totg aQftcuji tov 
ncttQog vnaQXit, 

Vm, 1. Kal ifjiov tavta einoptog nQog avtovg, ogyur&tlg 
*EXiqfi}^ fim ngog tov$ aXXovg (plXovg* t( xQ^^^f^^^ ^^ ovtoig naqa- 
ytyopafAiv iv totg atQativfuaaip ide^ ipa naQafjtv&tjffofAi&a aitop; xal 
idov ovtog iyxaXtt iJfiTr dto dvax<OQt](T(o/AiP itg tag idiag ^oo^C' 
2. Ovtog ip taXatncoQUf axmXrixcop xadrjiat ip dviftodif^y xal axfAffp 
iyi/Qitai xad^ vfMav Xiyoop' ^aaiXiXat naqiQXOPtat xal oi ^yovfiipot 
avtcoPf 17 dl ifAtf §aaiXi(ay qiffalp, iatai mg tov aimog' 3. lApactag 
'Sh ip fuydXrj tagax^ *EXiqid^ i^ixXiPiP an* avtm ip fuydXfi Xvttfj 
Xiyc9P' iy<i noQivffOfAar sXrjXvdafMP yog ipa nagafAvOtjtrmfiida avtop, 



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jueHKH. 307 

xal aMg uatUkwsw ^fA&Q anharti toof (TtQauonm rjfidjf. 4. Tore 
BaXdad dxgatijatw av^of trjg xnQog Xhyixif ovj[ ovtmg dft XaX^aa 
dfOqianii^ nefOovyrty ov fiotop dl a^a xal iv noXXatg nlrjyntg onr 
5. 7i^otf ^fiitg Shog vyia/pomg ovx iayiyaaiMv ngoaiyylaou di%^ dia 
trif dwTcadiaVj ti iiti dia nXi(ofog Bvmd/ag' trv di oXoag afAfnfMov elg^ 
'Eh(^a^ anXmg jivo^ 6. N^ ow fjiax(}odvfjifi<T<afi9f if a yv&fJLtv iv 
tin iatat; fir} u aga fiifAvijirxofiepog ttvrov rr/g tv^atftopiag t^g 
nQH/tiqag ifjidtij xata tpv^riP' 7. T^g yoQ ovx at ixnXayfj naw^ 
fiX/nmv kavthv toio^av ivvntQ^aXXofza xaxoig xal nXtjyatg'^ dXX' 
iaaif 119 nQoaiyylcai <xvt^ xal ypwrofKU iv tin itrrai. 

8, Kal iyigdiig BaXdad nQoariyyiai fiot Xiymf <rv el 'Icafi; xal 
thtoff pal* xal tJnkP* iga iv t$ xadear&ii iatip rj xagdia aov] 
9. Kffjfia klnop^ iv fjdp totg yytfoig ov avfiattjxtp, imidri axataatatvg 
fi yfi xai natttg oi xatoixovpteg ip avtf,' ip dl zotg ovQapoXg avpi<Tti]XB 
y xagdia ftoVf dioti ov^ vnagiH ip ovgapt^ tagay^h. 10. 'TnoXafim 
dh BaXdad Xiyn^ oti filv yipwrxofiiP t^ yl^ axaxaaxatop ovaap^ 
ineidfj xata xaigop dXXoiof?tat, ip/ots xal eigypevet, f<Ti>' oti xal 
noXi§iBHar ntgl Sh tov ovgavov dxovofiep on Bvata^Bt 11. j4l}! 
ifl dXtjdojg ip t^ xaOiotmi tvyyapBig' igfatriao) dl Xfyanf xal idp 
AnoxgiOfig iioi agog top ng&top povp, txoo ae igonij^at ip t6}dBvtig(pj 
xal iap dnoxgtO^g fiot ewrtaOlg , dT/Xop ott ^ xagdia aov ovx 
i^iattpifp' 12. Kal elnep* if tifi av iXni^fig\ xal elnop' inl t^ &eq> 
t^ ^mvtr 13. Kal ilni fwr tig dqaiXato gov ta vnagyppta^ Jj inriPtyxi 
aoi tag nXifyag tavtag; xilyia elnof, 6 deog' 14. Kal bItibv^ si t$ 
db^ iXni^Bigj fi&g ddixf^as xgipsig, imvtyxm aoi tag nXrjyag xal 
ffvftqiogag tavtag^ ^ aqieXofJiepog aoi ta vnagyppta^ 15. Ei dl xal 
dq^eiXato, ixgfjp aitop iat} didopat t/, ovdinott ^aaiXevg dtifjid^ei 
atgofiimijf avtovy xaXmg avtop dogvcpogovfta, 16. Kal daoxgt&Big 
eJftop' fi tig note xat€tX^\petai ta fiadij tov xvgiov xal tTjg aoa^iag 
avtoVj iva toXfidg ngoadntetp tt^ xvgif^ ddixruAa] 17. Kal BaXdad 
elnep' dnoxgivov ftoi *la)fi ngog taita' xal ndXip Xiym aoi^ ei ip t^ 
xadeatooti indgxeig^ dida^op fte ei ecti aoi qigopijffig' 18. ^la ti 
i^Xwp flip og&fisp dpatiXXopta inl dpatoXag di^opta dl ev tfi diaei ; 
xal ndXtp dviatdfiepoi xata ngm' evgitrxofnv avtop ip dpatoXatg 
dpateXXopta; povdittjadp fie ngog tavta, 

19. Elnof dl iyi)' dtd ti ovv fAf/ XaXTjcm ta fteyaXeta tov 
&fov td ip tfi xagdl(j^ fiov; fjirj oXiog ap nta/afj fiov to (Ttofia eig 
top deanottiP] (itj yirotto' 20. Tipsg ydg icfilp noXvngayfAOPOWteg 
Tq) inovgapi(p, adgxipoi opteg xal e^opteg tr^ fiegida ip yfj xal ip 
anod^; 21. "ha ovp ypoate oti cvpiatijxep ^ xagdia ftov, dxovaate 

20* 



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308 JIAGHKH, 

o ineqmtSi vfidg' 22. ^la tov otofMXog ow ^ tgo(ph, xal naXir to 
vd<o(f dia rov <Tt( fiarog nif^tcu ntd oftov xatigjioptat dia tov q^aQvyyo^ 
ifav dh xatafifj ta dvo iig tor iiftdQwa ror« dq>OQ{l^ortai an* 
iiXXrjloif' tig oif tavta }^a»^/C£<; 23. Elnt dl 6 BaXditd^ ajtotx 'Eyi} 
dh vnoXafiiw tJnov ait^' fi ai r^ tov aifiatog cov noqlav ov 
xatctXafifidvBig^ ficbg ta movqafia xataXijtpitg ; 24. ^Tnoht^w dl 
JSoaqtoQ X^yer oifxl ta vnhg iifAw hQavtajfJur^ nXla (hvXofuda yna^ai^ 
iav it t^ aavtov Kadiotoki vnaQ^ng' uai idov aXtficag fyfcofiiv oti fj 
(Tvv€<T/g (TOV ovH rjHouidtj' 25. T( ovt (iovksi ^fiag iv col dia- 
^Qtt^a<T&ai'j idov yag naQOVtig fjitd' ^f4^ avtdi¥ tovg iatgovg tw 
t()fm paaik^cw siaayiyoiMV xa< e/ (iovXn ^iganevdijti nag avrdor. 
26. 'AnoKQtOtig dl iyoD ilno%\ ^ ififj laatg uai dtgamia naga xvglov 
i(7t\v tov x«i tovg iatgovg xthavtog. 

IX, 1. Aai i^ov tavta ngog avtovg ktyonog, idov ^ yvft; fiov 
2itig iv ifiatloig gaxxoodiaiv 'anodgaaaaa in tijg tov deanotov 
dovUag 4> idovXivatf, inn ixoDXvtto il^$Xdatf^ tpa fif] idofttg avtf^ 
oi pactXtlg dg/idaaHnf 2. "Or* dl rjXdiVy (ggi\p$9 iavrrjr nagd tovg 
nodag aitw xXuiovau xa\ Xfyovaa* fAvf;a&fiti *EXiqid^ xa\ oi qtiXot 
ortoia tig rjfitjv fJid* t'/u<Sr, xal nihg intoXt^ofitir' vvv dl dgdt€ tijf 
ngoil^alf ftov ti ivdvofuiw 3. Tote xXamaptsg oi fiaciXelg xXavdfiOP 
f/^iyaff xal ysfofitfot if dtnXfi axridlq iaiwnjaar' Sjon top 'Ehqjd^ 
agaita trjv nogqivgida avtov ntgiggiipat in* avtr^ ifdvdijvai, 
4. 'H dl idtito avtov Xtyowra* nagaxaXeb vfiag, xvgioi fiov^ on€9g 
xBXevarjtt totg fftgatuotatg vfioif Ufa (Txdxpootri t^f ntwjtp t^g oixiag 
fifiw ttjv nraovaaf indvm totg t^xvotg fiov Ha xal ta oat a avtfyf 
d<T(paXi<Tdfj inl fip^fiata' 5. *Enii fjfiftg ovx icfiaafAW did td 
dvaXomata* ontag &ea<Toof£(da xar ta oatd aitSir, 6. Mrj aga i/l 
iyo) ij xtipftodrig yaatigu {hjg/ov ijfoi, oti td tixpa inkv dixa orta 
tiOvrjxaaif iv fita ^i*^gn xal ovdlf avtw ixrjdiffa' 7. Kal ixfXfvaav 
oi fiaaiXeig toif ffxaqt^at tipf oix/uv iym dl ixoAvaa avtovg Xk'yonf 
8. /^/^ xd/itti iixtj' ov ydg fvgrjtai td naidfa fwv, inetdrj ntqnfXayfiifu 
fiat nagd tov di^fiiovgyov uvtm xal ^aaiXimg' 9. Kal dnoxgidirreg 
oi ^arnXttg eJnov fAOt' rig ndXtr ovx igtt oti iliiattjg xal f^aiwBi; 
10. "On ^ovXofiifovg ^fidg dyayftv to oatd t&v naidaw aov^ xfalXvug 
XiyooVj oti dviX^&ijaav xal iqivXdj^&tjaaf nagd tov drjfiiovgyov avtm* 
dio fxqiafov fjfAif to dXtfiig. 

11, 'Eyi) dl iJnor avtoTg^ ineyiigfti /m Fpa trrw, oi dl r^iigdv 
fii ixat^gto&iff tovg ^gaytovac vnoatrjgi^orteg' 12, Kal cta&iig 
H^ofJtoXoyrjqdfiijf tih ^eo) ngmof xal fittd tf^ evyh^ tJnof aitotg' 
dva^XixpatM totg 6<f&aXfioTg vfidir ngog dratoXdg' 13. Kal dra- 



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fii^tparteg tldov tit tinva fiov latetfavcofiifa naqa jriq dil^i tov 
ifiovgavfov fiaatXico^' 14. *// Si yvvii (mv 2(tiq Idoma ra^ta 
Harinaaev eig rrjv yfjf ngotrxwovaa tia &i^ xat Xiyowra' N^v iyfco 
oti vnaQiBi i»oi fAvrjuoavfOf naqit kvqiov' 15. Kal ravta iinojha^ 
ianiQoq xatakafiownig inoQivdij hiq ti^ nokiv ngoq tovf xvQ^ovq 
avtfjg (iv) oig tdovXeviVj xal Ixotfi^&fj mgl tijt q^aivrfv tS)V fiooop 
xqxtt heXtvtijffBV dOvfArjffaffa. 16. Kal 6 fU9 SftTftattxog ag^mf 
avtfjg im^tjtfitTag avtijw xal fiij iVQw eiff^k&ev eig tiyy inaiXrjf Te5r 
xtrjfw xal ev(tif avtfjv vtxgav fjnXfofAhfjv in) tfjg qfdtnjg^ ta dh 
niQi8(TtcS/ra fwr xXoUorta in aitijp, 17. Kal ndpteg iSovttg aitfjf 
avixQO^af futa xXav&fiOVj xal fi qfooffj difdod^ diet ncurrjg trjg noktcog' 
18. Kal ovtcog nqoxoiihartig bxrjdsaav &(i\pavttg atttjv in) tijf 
olxlaf tr^v (TVfAntw&ei&av Inl ta t^xta avtfjg. 19. Kal ino/rjtrav 
ol nttoxol t^g noXef^g xonttov ptiyav inl aitfjr Xiyovtsg* ^Jdets fj 
2(ttQ iffttf avtrjf ijg tov xav^rifMitog xal t^g So^g ovx vn^Qie yvprj 
xal oix ii^Mndti taqirig avayxalag' 20. Tov filw ovf d'QfifOf tov vn* 
aiftov yev6fievo9 ivQrjaete iv to^g nagaXeinofiivotg, 

X, 1. 'EXiqia^ dh xal oi fASt* avtov &a(Afiri&ivtig inl toinotg 
nagexadtftrav avtanoxQivofJiavoi fAOt xal fJieyaXoatfvovvteg xat^ ifiov 
xf rjftigag' 2. <PaaxottBg oti dixa/tog tavta ntnovOa vnlg dfiagtioov 
noXXnp xal oti IXnlg oix aneXf/qiOi^ fiot, iyoa dl dvtequXove/xovv, 
3. Kal ogyia&ivtig dvi(Ttijaav noQtv&rivai fiftu ^vfiov* xal toti *EXiovg 
SiQxmcBv avtov g fiftvai fAixgov mg xai mgl tovtov dti^at avtoCg^ tl 
iativ, 4. Elm dl oti toaavtug ^fiigag inoirjaati aviyipfABvoi tot */(o/9 
xavxiOfiir<p eJrai dlxaiov^ iyo) SI ovx ipil^ofiat. 5. j^Qx^fffv ydg 
xXaiayv SutiXfaa iv avtf dpafiifivtitrxofifvog t^g fvdatfiov/ag avtov 
tfjg nqotigag^ xal idov ftiyav xal vnsgfidXXovta Xoyov iXaXijae Xiycov 
iy^Biv tov iuvtov &q6vov iv ovQavoXg, 6. Tolvov ifiov dxovaats xal 
yvcuQlcDD vfAtv tTjv fAsg/Sa avtov iv tivi vnag^ovtraV 7. Tot a 'EXiovg 
ifinviWT&iig dno tov £atavd ihlna fioi Xoyovg ^gatrttg oi ttveg 
dvayaygafAfAivoi ahlv iv toTg nagaXainofiivoig xov *EXiovg, 

8. Mtfd di to nawraa&ai avtov dvaqiuviig fAoi 6 Kvg log 
dia XalXanog xal vsqicHv iJns fitf4\pdfA(vog tov ^EXiovg^ xal 
vnodii^ag fioi tov iv avt^ XaXovvta fiij thai avOg^nov dXXd d'Viglov, 
9. Kal fAtrd to nav(Ta<T&ai tov xvgtov XaXovnd fioi^ alnav o xvgiog 
t(^ ^EXiqid^f fifiagtag av xal oi qjiXoi aov^ ov ydg iXaXrjaata dXrj&hg 
xatd tov ^egdnovtOQ fiov Vci/?. 10. /^lo dvaatdvteg noifj^rate avtov 
vnlg viAmv avacpigeiv {>v<j(ag oncng d(pa^fj fj dfiogtia avtij, ei f^rj ydg 
di! avtov f dndXeaa av vfidg, 11. Kal avtol dl ngoa^ayxdv ftoi ta 
ngog &valav xai iym Xafiatv dvi^ayxa vnlg avtdiv tf]v &wTiar xal 



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310 JljiBHKH. 

6 MVQiOf; nQoode^dfiirog dq^^xif avtotg tij^ dfi4t^/ap' 12. Tot 9 
'EAiqpaC ^^^^ BaXdad xn$ JSeaq^ixQ ypmnff oti ijaQinato avtotg tijf 
dfiogtlav avtw did tov OtQanopjoq avtov ^Id)fi, top dl *EhovQ ov 
x«r^|«W« <Tvyx^Qfl<^f^i* dfaXafidv *EXiqfo^ fintf vfifOf inKpvnovrtvtw 
avt^ Toir oiUoor xa« fdr atQcttevfidtoir ftAtftriop tov ^wricumjoiov, 
13. Kai iXiyiP ovftog *EXtqidC 

ntgiftQfjrat tifAfyf 17 dfiaQt/a, nal dftiattj iiftm 7 dfOfi/a' 

14. *Ehovq dh 6 f/6fog novrjQOi; fivrjftwTvvof ov^ f^ti h totg l^&or 
Kal 6 Ivxvog avtov afitaOilg tjqidfKTe to ^^yyog aito^ 

15. *H dl tl^g lafATtddog avtov dol^a dno^ri(79tcu avc$ ffg 
ng/fjut. 

"On vlcg hoti fov GKOtovg xai ovxl tov q^catog, 

16. Oi di OvQfagol t^ axottfag xXtjQ090(AriaowTip avtov ti^v 
doT^ap xai tifV iVJtginfmp' 

^ ^nfjiXtta ainov nagfjXOfv, aitrrjntat avtov 6 ^gSpog, 
xal f} ttfitj tov (Tx^fiatog avtov tp tS^^/^idfj cvj^arei. 

17. ^Hy antic B to tov oqucog xdXlog xal tag XifilSag toD 
Sgdxoftog^ 17 dl x^Xij avtoB xal 6 log avtov Big fioggdp, 

18. Oix ixtfjcato iavtw tow Kvgwp ovdl iapo^rjOii aitop' 
dXXd xal tovg iptffMvg avtov nagmgyrfaBP, 

19. *EneXdf>fto ainov 6 Kvgtog xai oi ayioi iyxatiXtnop avtop' 
*H dl ogytj xal &vfi6g itrtai avf^ slg xfpcofia^ 

xal oix iy^Bi fX$og ip xagdff} avtov ovdi tigriptip^ 
iop dan f dog laifp ip tfj yXaxTrrji avto^' 

20. /ifxaiog iatip 6 Kvgiogj dXy&ipa avtol^ td xgifiata^ 
nng* ^ ovx lati ngoaoanoXrixpfa^ xgipet ydg ^fidg biio&Vfiadop. 

21. ^Idov KvQiog nagtyhtto' idov oi dyioi ^otfidff&iiaap 
ngojjyovfAhvwf t&w atitpatrnp xal tfyr iyxmfi/cop. 

22. Xaigitxaaap oi ayiot^ dyaXXtdtT&oaffap at xagS/at avt&p, 
oti dnetXriqiaffi tijp do^ap, t.p ngoaedoxijirap. 

23. ^Hgtai td dftagti^ftatn rf^im xal xBxa&dgitrtai ^/aoop fi dpofUa' 
6 Ss nopfjoog *EXiovg ip toTg J(5(ti fiprjfiotrvpop ovx l^ryiv, 

24. Mitd dl to Ttavaan&ai *EXtq}d^ top v/apop, dpaatdpteg eh^X&O' 
fitp fig trjp noXip s/g ijt oixoipiP oixlap 25. Kal nsnoitixap ftoi 
Bimx/ap ip tfj tegnpottjti tov xvgfov, xal nagtyipopto ngog f«e napteg 
oi (ffXot fiov, 26. Kal oaoi iidrjodp lit evnoiovpta, i^gAtffadp /ab 
XiyoptBg. t( nag^ ijfAcop pvp oi tgBtg, 

XI, 1. *Eym dl vnoXa^wfP Bvnoulp ndXip toVg ntmyipVg^ rjtiitTdfAiiP 



») Cf. Job XLH 11. 



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JIjieBKH. 311 

Xd^wr 2. Jeke fioi t naff tog dfkvada fiiap tig Mvait rdov 
Ttte^xm Twr h yviAVWJii oftwf xal tort ixaatog nqoativtyx i 
fiot dfifdda filav nal tetQadgaxf^op XQvaiov xal agyvQlov, 
3. Ka\ tint 6 xvQtog tvkirpiat nifta ftot oaa vntfQ^^f xal inl^Oavv 
i^ oXiywf ffiMQw ino tt yj^miMWf xal xttifidp' Kdi ttbp Xom&p 
«r aniUitcaf dfttlafiop nal ett(pa tig to dinXodv, 4. *EXafiof SI xa* 
yvpalxa tip fi^tQa vfmp xal iyhyfjira vfi&g tovg dixa irti T«r 
ttXtvxriaafttap fioi Sixa ttxfwT 5. Ka\ rvr, tixva fiov, ivtWiofiai 
ilfiA" idov iyc9 ttltvtm' vfittg pvp ecta&t artl ifw9' 6. Mopof fiij 
intXi&tcdt tov Kvq/ov ivnotiiaaad't toTg nttayp^' f^ij nttQtldttt tovg 
ddvrdtovg' fifj Idfittt ^avrotg ywatxag ix t&v dlXotQlmr 

7. *ldov ovf^ tixva fAOVj SmfitQiSi vfdf ndvta hra vfidQ%tt pioi 
ngog to dtunoCtiv sxafftog xal i^ovaiav t^ttp dya&onoiija€u ix tov 
lUQOvg avtov dxtoXvtoog, 

8. Kal tovto tiniiVf iviyxag tn fQ^fAttta avtov nana ditfi/giatf 
avta totg kTttd viotg toig a^Qtvixtftg, xal dno tw XQ^fidtnt ov 
nagiaxt tatg &tjXvaig, 9. Kal finof tlj^ natqi aine^* xvQit nat^g 
^fA&f' fiij xal t,fAtlg ovx ifff^tp tixfa <tov; dtoti oix tSoixag qfitv ix 
t&P opttsiP <roi xXrjgopOfAiap 'j 10. Elnt dh ^Im^ tatg dvyatgdatp aitov' 
fit] tagax&ijtfy &vyatiQtg fiov, ov yoQ ifttXa&Ofitjp vfim^ *ldov ynQ 
ii^vXa^a vfiTp xXfjgopofilap XQtlttopa avtrjg ^ fXafiof oi kntd ddtX(poi\ 

11. K(U xaXeaag ttjp ^vyatfqa avtov trjp XtyofAiptjp 'HfiiQap 
Xiytt avtff' Xa^ovtra to diaxtvXiOP, vnayt tig to tan tXop xal htyxt 
fMi to XQWTOVP (TxtptUiPy Ipa dmco vfitv tijp xXrfQOPOfJap vfMop, 

12. Kai dfitXdovTa ijvtyxtp avtqt, xai dpoil^ag aitb i^^tyxt 
tgla xoQddiP rttgi^difiota mg firi dvtaffdai ttipa ap&gmnop XaX^aai ntgl 
tljg idtag avtm' 13. ^Entl lArj di tjtrap iqyop yiiVpop^ aXiJ ovgdviov 
i^actQamovaaig amp&rjQaig qiOitiPotTg o)g axttpti tov f}Xiov, 
14. Kal didoixt x^Q^^^ f^'^* ixaatfj cdJf 0vyatd(to)v avtov finm' 
Xdfittt avtag xal ntgi^matf^ ipa tag ijfiiQag tf/g ^to^g vftm ntQi" 
noiijcmaiP vfAag xal ifATtXtjamffi naptog dya&ov, 15. E7nt dl avt^ 
ij aXXtf ^vydtfiQ rj XtyofJiiprj Kaatria* ndttg, avtij iffttp ij xXrjQOPOiiia 
vp eXtytg tlpai xQfhtopn r^g tm ddtXqidjv ^f*atP] ri owj fArj ix 
tovtoup B^ofAtP to tfjp^ 16. Kai tintp avtoVg o natriQ avtm' ov fiopov 
ix tovtov to ^p fh'^fj dXXd xal avtai tiaa^ovaip vptag tig top 
fiti^ora atma J^Tjtrat ip toTg ovgapotg' VI, ^H dypotjttf tixpa fiov^ 
tr/p tifAtfP tdfp 7ia(f6ptti)P \ fig {it xatij^iaxTtP 6 xvQtog iXtrjaai fit xal 
fttQiag&ijpcu ix tov aifjiatog iiov tag nXriyag xal tovg axoaXtpiag ; xal 



«) LXX to Job XL, 2. 



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312 JiAeHKU. 

jitQ xaliaaq /ta ndtgidito fwt tag fQtti tavtaq xoQditq Xiywf fMor 
18. L^fdfTtag ^&aai Sacnag avr-fQ t^v otrqfvr aov" iQfotvcoi di <r«, 
(TV di fioi inoKQldfitc 19. ^Eyia dh Xafiw TifQitJ^totrafAipf xal tv&4tOfi 
d(pavetg iyhorto oi axdjlrpctg anh rot; aoSj^aro^* juov, ofAoiatg dh xai 
ai nXfjyal^ xal Xotnif to aebfia ftov hjiyff dik KvQiof xat ov%mg 
dtrjyof SxTitBQj otB aid* okoog ninof&a tt, 20. !/4Xka xal T«f if r^ 
xa{idl(i, fAOv mdvpihv Xrj&ifP iajipf ; b dl KvQtog XihiXtpci ftoi if dvpafitt 
xal vnodst^ag fioi ta ytvoftafa xal ta fiiXXona. 21. Nvv ow, ttxra 
fiovy tioTiit; atJCLi ovx t^sti oXcag amtaaaousfOf tof ix^QOf^ dlX^ 
oitB tag ifdvftfj<T8ig if tij diafoiq. vfim^ dicti (pvlaxttj^tof i<Ttt tov 
Kvgfov, 22. * El^tyBQ&Bi&ai ovv ntgiliwatt kavtag nqlf tflevt/jam 
tfa dvfvO'^e ^iiaaaO'at tovg i^egj^ofUfovg dyyeXovg eig tfff ifJ^ff^ 
P^odofy Imag &avfidarjt8 tag tov &iov dvfdfiBiQ, 

23. \*ivaatdaa toivtff t) fiia ainZf ^ xaXovfiivri 'Hfi^Qa 
nfQtfX^*^^ iavrrjp xal naQUj^Qtifia i^m ytyovB triq avtfig aagxog xadtog 
ilntv 6 natijQ avtlig, xal dfflafief aXX^ xaqdlaf &g fAfjxiti qiQordr 
td tl/g yf^i, 24. 'Amqt&iy^ato tovg dyyekixovg vfifovg if dyythx^ 
qfooffj xal vufOf dfifithti tw df^ xatd tr^ dyytXixfff ififoloyiav 

25. Kal tote xat aXXfi avtov ^vydtt^Q rj Katrtrla fttgie^wrato xai 
f(Txe trjv xa(tdlav dXXotoid'eicaf d)g fitpcitt if&vftij&ijfai td xofffitxd, 

26. Kal to fih tTtofta avt^g iXa^e tijf didXextof t&f dqywtmf^ 
ido%oX6yfi<Ti dl tov vtpr^lov tonov to nolrnia^ dioti u" tig (hvXitai 
yfmai to nolriiAa tcbv ovgaffof^ dvvrjattai ifwoetf if toig vfjifoig 
Kaaa/ag, 

27. Tot 8 mguJ^wrato xal rj AlXtf rj xcdovfiFfrj l^/MtX&f^ag 
xfQaq^ xal layiB (Ttofia dnoqi&eyyofABVOf iv tfj diaXixttp tSf if tnpH' 
ineidtj xal avtijg t) xugSia ^XXoiovto 28. ^qnctafxify dfio tw 
xoGfiixS)fy XiXdXrjxt dh kv tji diaXixt(a tw Xtgovfiifi do^oXoyovca tov 
dtffnotrjv t&y dgitm, ifdei^afiiftj tijf Sol^af avtZf. 29. Kal 6 
^ovXofiifOi Xotnof tyfog xataXafistf t^g natgix^g dol^tjg evQtjaei 
dfayeygafifjiifoy if taig ivxatg tfjg ^j4fjiaX&iiag xigag. 

XII, 1. Mitd dh to nav<jatT&ai tag tgttg vftfoXoyovaag iyoj 
NrjQeoi; 6 udeXqioq Vco^ fxa&i^ofAijp nXtfatov tov ^Icofi xeifihov avtov, 
2. Kal iixovan td fiiyaXiXa Tc3r tgvcof dvyatigmf tov ddfXqfOv fwv^ 
fudg vnotrioifKofiivtjg tfj fut}. 3. Kal dveyQaxpdfitjf to ^fiXiov tovto^ 
nXijf tSyp vfAvcov xat tibv my/w/wi' tov Prj fAatog, oti tavtd tatt 
td fwyaXitu tov &tov, 4. Ketfuivov ovf tov 'Ia)fi fotniv tnl t^ 
vXhrjg nvtv novov xal djdvfoif, inn fArj layvi nofog antea&ai avtov^ 



>) LXX to Job XL, 2. 



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jiAeuKH, 313 

£Ti dia TO (TfffMtop tifg niQtCwanoq i^ negif^waato. 5. Kal futa 
tgetf ri(ifQag tJdtw *Ioofi fov^ eX&onag i*rl ttjp %pvxif9 avrov dyiavg 
dyyilovg, xou h&ioag dtotarag ikafit xi&OQav xal edmHf tfj ^vyatgl 
avtov 'HfUQif' 6. Tfj dh Kaaaiq, edoaxe O^afAtar^iov j tfl di 
jifiaX^ilai, Kigag idmxe tifinm^ov^ anong 9vXoyri<TOiai tovg ik&orrag 
enl tijf xpvx^P avrov dy/ovg aYylXovi' 7. j4i dh Xafiovaou fidovto 
xal Ixpalkov xal tvXoytiaav xa) ido^oXiynaav rov ^iov h tfj il^ougitm 
diaXixtoy. 8. Kal fitita tavta t^^X&iv o in ixa&^fAepog t m 
^tydko) aQfAuti xal ^(fniaato %ov 7(i/9, ^sTiowrwf xal To5r tgidiif 
avtov ^vyarigcav^ aXkiav dl fJirj fiXinovi<av. 9. Kal eXafie %riv rfw^fiv 
rov 'loafij xal dveneroff&rj inataYxahl^ofiwog avtiip xal dvffi/fia(Tt9 
avtfjv enl to agfAa xal mdivas in* dvatoXdg. 10. To di amfMt 
avtov dnijv^x^V ^^^ ^^^ tdqtov ngotjyovfjUvajp tw9 tgiotv ^vyategmw 
avrov xal mgii^oHTfAiviOP tag xogddg xal vfAfoXoyovncar iv vfAVoig 
top &e6v. 

11. Kal tors Ntjgeog 6 dSeXqiog avrov xal oi knra naXdtg 
avrov (Tvv roig Xomotg Xaotg xal nrcox^i^ ^^^^ ogqiavotg^ xal ddvpdtoig 
ixoxpapro xomrov i^iyav inl avrov Xfyovng. 12. Oval fifiXv on 
(Ttififgov figffrj dq>* rjficap rj dvpa/ug rdop ddwdrWj to gjcSfe To5f rwpXm^ 
6 narijg rmv og^favwp. 13. ^Hgrai 6 l^evodoxog, rw fieftXafr^fievaiv 
fj odog, rm yvfAvm ro axenaafM^ rmv x^g&p 6 vnegaanKTrrjg, Tig 
Xomov fit} xXavaaiB rov avOgwnov rov ^«ov; 14. Tavra xal rd 
roMvra dnoxXavovrtov ^ hxdaXvov avrov nO^^ai inl rov rdtpov' 
15. Mird ovv rgetg ^fisgag hrf^ kv tw rdqn^ ong h xaXw vnvip 
Xa^vra ovo/mc xaXov ovofiaffrov iv ndaaig roCCg ysveaig rov ai&vog' 

16. KaraXiixpag viovg f xal ^vyarffgag rgfig, xal ovx 
evgi&ijuav xard rag ^vyarigag 7fli/9 ^iXriovg avroiv iv 
roig vn^ ovgavov' 17. Hgovnrjgxn ovofAa r& 7ci^ *Iwfidfi' 
fiir<avo(Ad<T&t] dh nagd Kvgiov *Ioi^, 18. "E^ijai ds nglv r^g 
TiXijyrjg irtj nr furd dl rrjv nX^yfiv Xa^oyv ndvra dinXd eXafie 
xal rd irrj dmXd rovr* eari go' rd dh ndvra arrj r^g fcoij^ 
avrov fffAti, 19. Kal eJdiv viovg rcSy vioyv avrov etog 
rerdgrtjg yevedg' Fiyganrai xal dvatrrrjaia^ai avrov fisff 
iw b Kvgiog dviarrjoev r^ di &a^ ^fA&v Htj do^a,*) 



') LXX to Job XLIl, 15. 
') LXX to Job XLIII, 17. 
«) LXX: gfi. 

*) [The Editor desires herewith to express his thanks to Dr. Leo BlU;k 
in Berb*n, for his assistance in revising the Greek text] 



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Testament of Job, 

tlie blameless, the sainted, the conqueror in 
many contests. 

Book of Job, called Jobab, his life and the transcript of 
his Testament 



Chapter I. 

1. On the day he became sick and (he) knew that he 
would have to leave his bodily abode, he called his seven 
sons and his three daughters together and spake to them as 
follows : 2. **Form a circle around me, children, and hear, and 
I shall relate to you what the Lord did for me and all that 
happened to me. 3. For I am Job your father. 4. Know 
ye then my children, that you are the generation of a chosen 
one^) and take heed of your noble birth. 

5. For I am of the sons of Esau. My brother is Nahor, 
land your mother is Dinah. By her have I become your 
father. 6. For my first wife died with my other ten chfldren 
in bitter death. 7. Hear now, children, and I will reveal 
unto you what happened to me. 

8. I was a very rich man living in the East in the land 
Ausitis, (Utz) and before the Lord had named me Job, I was 
called Jobab. 

9. The beginning of my trial was thus. 10. Near my 
house there was the idol of one worshipped by the people; 
and I saw constantly burnt-offerings brought to him as 
a god. 

10. Then I pondered and said to myself: ^Is this he who 
made heaven and earth, the sea and us all? How will I 
know the truth T 



^) Abraham. 



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Testament of Job. 315 

11. And in that night as I lay asleep, a voice came and 
called: **Jobab! Jobab ! rise up, and I will tell thee who is 
the one whom thou wishest to know. 12. This, however, to 
whom the people bring burnt-offerings and libations, is not 
God, but this is the power and work of the Seducer (Satan) 
by which he beguiles the people". 

13. And when I heard this, I fell upon the earth and 
I prostrated myself saying: 14. "0 my Lord who speakest 
for the salvation of my soul, I pray thee, if this is the idol 
of Satan, I pray thee, let me go hence and destroy it and 
purify this spot. 15. For there is none that can forbid me 
doing this, as I am the king of this land, so that those that 
live in it will no longer be led astray". 

16. And the voice that spoke out of the flame >) answered 
to me: ^'Thou canst purify this spot. 17. But behold, I 
announce to thee what the Lord ordered me to tell thee. 
For I am the archangel of God". 18. And I said: ^Whatever 
shall be told to his servant, I shall hear". 19. And the 
archangel said to me : ^'Thus speaketh the Lord : If thou 
undertakest to destroy and takest away the image of Satan, 
he will set himself with wrath to wage war against thee, 
and he will display against thee all his malice. 20. He will 
bring upon thee many and severe plagues, and take from 
thee all that thou hast. 21. He will take away thine children, 
and will inflict many evils upon thee. - 22. Then thou must 
wrestle like an athlete and sustain pain, sure of thy reward, 
and overcome trials and afflictions. 

23. But when thou endurest, I shall make thy name 
renowned throughout all generations of the earth until to 
the end of the world. 24. And I shall restore thee to all 
that thou hadst had, and the double part of what thou shalt 
lose will be given to thee in order that thou mayest know 
that God does not consider the person but giveth to each who 
deserveth the good. 25. And also to thee shall it be given, 
and thou shalt put on a crown of amarant. ^) 26. And at 
the resurrection thou shalt awaken for eternal life. Then 
shalt thou know that the Lord is just, and true and mighty". 



') Compare Exodus IIT, 2. 
•) L Peter V, 4. 



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316 K. Kohler. 

27. Whereupon, my children, I replied: "I shall from love 
of God^) endure until death all that will come upon me, 
and I shall not shrink back". 28. Then the angel put his 
seal upon me^ and left me. 

Chapter IL 

1. After this I rose up in the night and took fifty slaves 
and went to the temple of the idol and destroyed it to the 
ground. 2. And so I went back to my house and gave orders 
that the door should be firmly locked; saying to my door- 
keepers : 3. "If somebody shall ask for me, bring no report 
to mC; but tell him : He investigates urgent affairs. He is 
inside", 

4. Then Satan disguised himself as a beggar and 
knocked heavily at the door, saying to the door-keeper: 

5. ^Report to Job and say that I desire to meet him". 

6. And the door-keeper came in and told me that, but 
heard from me that I was studying. 

7. The Evil One, having failed in this, went away and 
took upon his shoulder an old, torn basket 3) and went in 
and spoke to the door-keeper saying: "Tell Job: Give me 
bread from thine hands that I may eat". 8. And when I 
heard this, I gave her burnt bread to give it to him, and I 
made known to him : "Expect not to eat of my bread, for 
it is forbidden to thee".*) 9. But the door-keeper, being 
ashamed to hand him the burat and ashy bread, as she did 
not know that it was Satan, took of her own fine bread and 
gave it to him. 10. But he took it and, knowing what 
occurred, said to the maiden: "Go hence, bad servant, and 



*) See Introduction namto naiy ai»K. 

*) D'*n in D'^^"; c^- Ezekiel IX. 4. In Christian writings the word 
applied to the cross as seal, the in having originaJly had the shape of a 
cross. [On this and similar signs of symbolic meaning, see H. K. : Greschichte 
des hebraisch. Bwihstaben Thaw in Rahmer*s JucUsche LUeraiurblaU^ Jahiig. 
IX. nos. 32 — 33; Dr. A. Kohut: Arukh Compleium, s. v. ♦s; and his last 
monograph: iv^l /^^^y iwUoll \y^ — JUght of Shade and Lamp 

of Wisdom; being Hebrew-Arabic HomiUes composed by Nathand Ibn 
Yeshdya, 1327 (New York 1894), p. 77-78. G. A. K.] 

») ioOXa for iaaXXiov k^dk. [cp. Kohut's Arukh, s. v. ^DN, ^ P. 182.J 

*) Din aTwjXXodpiw^v aoi — i^ mn fSin. 



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Testament of Job. 317 

bring me the bread that was given thee to hand to me''. 
11. And the servant cried and spoke in grief: "Thou 
speakest the truth, saying that I am a bad servant, because 
I have not done as I was instructed by my master". 12. And 
he turned back and brought him the burnt bread and 
said to him: "Thus says my lord: Thou shalt not eat of my 
bread anymore, for it is forbidden to thee. 13. And this he 
gave me [saying : This I give] in order that the charge may not 
be brought against me that I did not give to the enemy who 
asked".^) 14. And when Satan heard this, he sent back tlie 
servant to me, saying: "As thou seest this bread all burnt, 
so shall I soon bum thy body to make it like this".*) 15. And 
I replied: "Do what thou desirest to do and accomplish whatever 
thou plottest. For I am ready to endure whatever thou 
bringest upon me". 3) 16. And when the devil heard this, he 
left me, and walking up to under the [highest] heaven, he 
took from the Lord the oath that he might have power, 
over all my possessions. 17. And after having taken the 
power*), he went and instantly took away all my wealth. 

Chapter III. 

1. For I had one hundred and thirty thousand sheep, and 
of these I separated seven thoudand ^) for the clothing of 
orphans and widows and of needy and sick ones. 2. I had 
a herd of eight hundred dogs who watched my sheep and 
besides these two hundred to watch my house. ^ 3. And I 
had nine mills working for the whole city and ships to carry 
goods, and I sent them into every city and into the villages 
to the feeble and sick and to those that were unfortunate. 
4. And I had three hundred and forty thousand nomadic 
asses, and of these I set aside five hundred, and the off- 
spring of these I order to be sold and the proceeds to be 
given to the poor and the needy. 5. For from all the lands 
the poor came to meet me. 



*) Cf. Proverbs XXt, 25: urn ynh^znn im;w ayn dk. 

•) Barnt = |»nr, skio. 

^) Compare the Rabbmical expression: nann 4^ pio vhy Sap. 

*) mm Sip* compare Targum*. 

*) Instead of two read seven aft«r cfe. VI; 26 and the Bible text. 

*) Compare ♦«» 'ab Job XXX, 1. 



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318 K. KoUer. 

6. For die four doors of my house were opened, each^ 
being in charge of a watchman who had to see whether 
there were any people coming asking akns, and whether they 
would see me sitting at one of the doors so that they could 
leave through the other and take whatever they needed J) 

7. I also had thirty immovable tables set at all hours 
for the strangers alone, and I also had twelve tables 
spread for the widows. 8. And if any one came asking for 
alms, he found food on my table to take all he needed, and 
I turned nobody away to leave my door with an empty 
stomach. ^) 

9. I also had three thousand five hundred yokes of oxen, 
and I selected of these five hundred and had them tend to 
the ploughing. 10. And with these I had done all the work 
in each field by those who would take it in charge *) and the 
income of their crops I laid aside for the poor on their 
table. 11. I also had fifty bakeries from which I sent [the 
bread] to the table for the poor. 12 And I had slaves 
selected for their service. 13. There were also some strangers 
who saw my good will; they wished to serve as waiters 
themselves. *) 14. Others, being in distress and unable to 
obtain a living, came with the request saying: 15. "We pray 
thee, since we also can fill this office of waiters (deacons) 
and have no possession, have pity upon us and advance 
money to us in order that we may go into the great cities 
and sell merchandise. 16. And the surplus of our profit we 
may give as help to the poor, and then shall we return to 
thee thine own (money). 17. And when I heard this, I was 
glad that they should take this altogether from me for the 
husbandry of charity for the poor. 18. And with a willing 
heart I gave them what they wanted, and I accepted their 
written bond, but would not take any other security from 
them except the written document. 19. And they went abroad 
and gave to the poor as far as they were successful. 



*) Cf. w»an»B^ ¥hv 'tod p^»K on-oK; cf Bereshith Rabba 48, 69; Aboth de 
R, Nathan, ed, Schechter, I ch. 7, II ch. 14. 

*) MXizifi xiv^; cf. pnv wnVs Aboth de R. Nathan, ch. 6. 

^) The sense of the sentence in the Qreek text is not clear. 

*) Here must be compared the work of the diacones in the New 
Testament The Rabbis, too, speak often of the great privilege of u^rrvm v^nv. 



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Testament of Job. 319 

20. Frequently^ however, some of their goods were lost on the 
road or on the sea^ or they would be robbed of them. 

21. Then they would come and say: "We pray thee, act 
generously towards us in order that we may see how we 
can restore to you thine own'\ 22. And when 1 heard this, 
I had sympathy with them, and handed to them their bond, 
and often having read it before them tore it up and released 
them of their debt, saying to them: 23. ''What I have con- 
secrated*) for the benefit of the poor, I shall not take from 
you". 24. And so I accepted nothing from my debtor. 
25. And when a man with cheerful heart came to me saying: 
"I am not in need to be compelled to be a paid worker for 
the poor. 26. But I wish to serve the needy at thy table", 
and he consented to work, and he ate his share. 27. So I 
gave him his wages nevertheless, and I went home rejoicing. 
28. And when he did not wish to take it, I forced him to 
do so, saying: "I know that thou art a laboring man who 
looks for and waits for his wages, and thou must take it." 

29. Never did I defer paying the wages of the hireling 
or any other, nor keep back in my house for a single 
evening his hire that was due to him. 2) 30. Those that 
milked the cows and the ewes signaled to the passers- 
by that they should take their share. 31. For the milk 
flowed in such plenty that it curdled into butter on the hills 
and by the road side; and by the rocks and the hills the 
cattle lay which had given birth to their offspring. 3) 32. For 
my servants grew weary keeping the meat of the widows 
and the poor and dividing it into small pieces. 33. For they 
would curse and say: ^Oh that we had of his flesh that we 
could be satisfied" *), although I was very kind to them. 

34. I also had six harps [and six slaves to play the 
harps] and also a cithara, a decachord, and I struck it 
during the day. ^) 35 And I took the cithara, and the 
widows responded after their meals. 8) 36. And with the 

M as nm;i mi. 
«) See Leviticus XLX, 13. 
*) After Job XXIX, 6; sense not dear. 
*) Compare Midrash to yarai nwao p» ♦» Job XXXI, 31 
*) Compare Job XXX, 31. 

•) Compare Midrash Bereshith Rabba 49, 54 and Abotb de R,^ 
Nathan 7 (14). 



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320 K. Kohler. 

musical instrument I reminded them of God that they should 
give praise to the Lord. 37. And when my female slaves 
would murmur, then I took the musical instruments and 
played as much as they would have done for their wages, 
and gave them respite from their labor and sighs. 

Chapter IT. 

1. And my children, after having taken charge of the 
service, took their meals each day along with theii* three 
sisters beginning with the older brother, and made a feast. 
2. And I rose in the morning and offered as sin-offering for 
them fifty rams and nineteen sheep, and what remained as 
a residue was consecrated to the poor. 3. And I said to 
them: "Take these as residue and pray for my children. 
4. Perchance my sons have sinned before the Lord, speaking 
in haughtiness of spirit: 'We are children of this rich man. 
Ours are all these goods; why should we be servants of 
the poor?' 5. And speaking thus in a haughty spirit they 
may have provoked the anger of God, for overbearing pride 
is an abomination before the Lord." 6. So I brought oxen 
as offerings*) to the priest at the altar sajring: "May my 
children never think evil towards God in their hearts." 

7. While I lived in this manner, the Seducer could not 
bear to see the good [I did], and he demanded the warfare 
of God against me. 8. And he came upon me cruelly. 
9. First he burnt up the large number of sheep, then the 
camels, then he bui*nt up the cattle and all my herds; or 
they were captured not only by enemies but also by such 
as had received benefits from me. 10. And the shepherds 
came and announced that to me. 11. But when I heard it, 
I gave praise to God and did not blaspheme. 

12. And when the Seducer learned of my fortitude, he 
plotted new things against me. 13. He disguised himself as 
King of Persia and besieged my city, and after he had led 
off all that were therein, he spoke to them in malice, saying 
in boastful language: 14 "This man Job who has obtained 
all the goods of the earth and left nothing for others, he has 



') Both sacrifice and charity offerings are brought by Job. This was 
the old Essene practice. 



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Testament of Job. 321 

destroyed and torn down the temple of god. 15. Therefore 
shall I repay to him what he has done to the house of the 
great god. 

16. Now come with me and we shall pillage all that is 
left in his house." 17. And they answered and said to him: 
"He has seven sons and three daughters. 18. Take heed 
lest they flee into other lands and they may become our 
tyrants and then come over us with force and kill us." 
19. And he said: ^Be not at all afraid. His flocks and his 
wealth have I destroyed by fire, and the rest have I captured, 
and behold, his children shall I kill " 20. And having spoken 
thus, he went and threw the house upon my children and 
killed them. 21. And my fellow-citizens, seeing that what 
was said by him had become true, came and pursued me 
and I'obbed me of all that was in my house. 22. And I saw 
with mine own eyes the pillage of my house, and men without 
culture and without honor sat at my table and on my couches, 
and I could not remonstrate against them. 23. For I was 
exhausted like a woman with her loins let loose from multi- 
tude of pains, remembering chiefly that this warfare had been 
predicted to me by the Lord through His angel. 24. And I 
became like one who, when seeing the rough sea and the 
adverse winds, while the lading of the vessel in mid-ocean is 
too heavy, casts the burden into the sea, saying: 25. "I wish 
to destroy all this only in order to come safely into the city 
so that I may take as profit the rescued ship and the best 
of my things." 26. Thus did I manage my own affairs. 

27. But there came another messenger and announced 
to me the ruin of my own children, and I was shaken with 
terror. 28. And I tore my clothes and said: "The Lord 
hath given, the Lord hath taken. As it hath deemed best 
to the Lord, thus it hath come to be. May the name of the 
Lord be blessed." 

Chapter V. 

1. And when Satan saw that he could not put me to 
despair, he went and asked my body of the Lord in order 
to inflict plague on me, for the Evil one could not bear my 
patience. 2. Then the Lord delivered me into his hands to 
use my body as he wanted, but He gave him no power over 

K h a t , Semitic Studies. 21 



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322 K. Kohler. 

my 80ul. 3. And he came to me as I was sitting on my 
throne still mourning over my children. 4. And he resembled 
a great hurricane >) and turned over my throne and threw 
me upon the ground. 5. And 1 continued lying on the floor 
for three hours. And he smote me with a hard plague irom 
the top of my head to the toes of my feet. 6. And 1 left 
the city in great terror and woe and sat down upon a dung- 
hill, my body being worm-eaten. 7. And I wet the earth 
with the moistness of my sore body, for matter flowed off my 
body, and many worms covered it. 8. And when a single 
worm crept off my body, I put it back saying: ^Remain on 
the spot where thou hast been placed until He who hath 
sent thee will order thee elsewhere." 9. Thus I endured for 
seven years, sitting on a dung-hill outside of the city while 
being plague-stricken. 10. And I saw with mine own eyes 
my longed-for children [carried by angels to heaven?]-) 
11. And my hiunbled wife who had been brought to her 
bridal chamber in such great luxuriousness and with spear- 
men as body-guards ^), I saw her do a water-carrier's 
work like a slave in the house of a common man in order to 
win some bread and bring it to me. 12. And in my sore 
affliction I said: "Oh that these braggart city-rulers whom I 
would not have thought to be equal with my shepherd dogs*) 
should now employ my wife as servant!" 13. And after this 
I took courage again. 14. Yet afterwards they withheld even 
the bread that it should not be brought to me, insisting 
that she should only have her own nourishment. 15. But 
she took it and divided it between herself and me, saying 
woefully: "Woe to me! Forthwith he may no longer feed 
on bread, and he can not go to the market to ask bread of 
the bread-sellers, in order to bring it to me that he may 
eat?" 16. And when Satan learned this, he took the guise 

*) Cf. Jerush. Berachoth 13, Midrash Bereshith Rabba 24 pp»ODip nn 
and Mechiltha Beshallacb, £xodus 14, 24 [q). Eobut: Arukh Compleium, 
VII, p. 76 a, 8. V, pp»onp.J 

') Some words like these ai'e missing in the text 

^ Such wedding processions were still in fashion in the middle-ages 
among the Jews, as is seen in Tosafoth. [Succah 45 a, s. v. poD)v nipi^ td. 
8ome interesting parallels are given by Dr. J. Perles in his essay: Die 
Judi8che Hochzeit, in Giatz's Monatsschrift 1860, p. 344, n. 9. G. A. K.] 

*) Cf. Job Ch. 30, 1. 



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Testament of Job. 323 

of a bread-seller, and it was as if by chance that my wife 
met him and asked him for bread thinking that it was that 
sort of man. 17. But Satan said to her: "Give me the 
value, and then take what thou wishest". 18. Whereupon she 
answered saying: "Where shall I get money? Dost thou not 
know what misfortune happened to me. If thou hast pity, 
show it to me; if not, thou shalt see'*.*) 19. And he replied 
saying: "If you did not deserve this misfortune, you would 
not have suffered all this. 20. Now, if there is no silver 
piece in thine hand, give me the hair of thine head and take 
three loaves of bread for it, so that ye may live on these 
for three days". 21. Then said she to herself: "What is the 
hair of my head in comparison with my starving husband?" 
22. And so after having pondered over the matter, she said 
to him : "Rise and cut off my hair". 23. Then he took a 
pair of scissors and took off the hair of her head in the 
presence of all, and gave her three loaves of bread. 24. Then 
she took them and brought them to me. And Satan went 
behind her on the road, hiding himself as he walked and 
troubling her heart greatly. 

Chapter VI. 

1. And immediately my wife came near me, and crying 
aloud and weeping she said: "Job! Job! how long wilt thou 
sit upon the dung-hill outside of the city, pondering yet for 
a while and expecting to obtain your hoped-for salvation!" 
2. And I have been wandering from place to place, 
roaming about as a hired servant, behold thy 
memory has already died away from earth. 3. And 
my sons and the daughters that I carried on my 
bosom and the labors and pains that I sustained 
have been for nothing? 4. And thou sittest in the 
malodorous state of soreness and worms, passing 
the nights in the cold air. 5. And I have undergone all 
trials and troubles and pains, day and night until I succeeded 
in bringing bread to thee. 6. For you surplus of bread is 
no longer allowed to me; and as I can scarcely take my 



*) Supply: God*8 punishment 

') All this is taken from LXX to Job II, 9, or vice versa ! 

21* 



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324 ^- Kohler. 

own food and divide it between us, 1 pondered in my heart that 
it was not right that thou shouldst be in pain and huuger 
tor bread. 7. And so I ventured to go to the market without 
bashfubiess, and when the bread-seller told me: **Give me 
money, and thou shalt have bread'\ I disclosed to him our 
state of distress. 8. Then I heard him say: "If thou hast 
no money, hand me the hair of thy head, and take three 
loaves of bread in order that ye may live on these for three 
days". 9. And I yielded to the wrong and said to hun: 
^Kise and cut off my hair!" and he rose and in disgrace cut 
off with the scissors the hair of my head on the market place 
while the crowd stood by and wondered. 10. Who would 
then not be astonished saying: "Is this Sitis, the wife of Job, 
who had fourteen curtains to cover her inner sitting room, 
and doors within doors so that he was greatly honored who 
would be brought near her, and now behold, she barters off 
her hair for bread! 

11. Who had camels laden with goods, and they were 
brought into remote lands to the poor, and now she sells 
her hair for bread ! 

12. Behold her who had seven tables immovably set in 
her house at which each poor man and each stranger ate, 
and now she sells her hair for bread! 

13. Behold her who had the basin wherewith to wsish 
her feet made of gold and silver, and now she walks npon 
the groimd and [sells her hair for bread !] ^) 

14. Behold her who had her gaiments made of byssus 
interwoven with gold, and now she exchanges her hair 
for bread ! 

15. Behold her who had coaches of gold and of silver, 
and now she sells her hair for bread!" 

16. In short then, Job, after the many things that have 
been said to me, I now say in one word to thee : 17. **8ince 
the feebleness of my heart has crushed my bones, rise then 
and take these loaves of bread and enjoy them, and then 
speak some word against the Lord and diel^) 

18. For I too, would exchange the torpor of death fi>r 
the sustenance of my body". 

*) These words are missing. 

•) After LXX text. All this is Satan's work ! 



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Testament of Job. 325 

19. But 1 replied to her : "Behold I have been for these 
seven years plague-stricken, and I have stood the wonns of 
my body, and I was not weighed down in my soul by all 
these pains. 20. And as to the word which thou sayest: 
*Speak some word against God and die !*, together with thee 
I will sustain the evil which thou seest, and let us endure 
the ruin of all that we have. 21. Yet thou desirest that we 
should say some word against God and that He should be 
exchanged for the great Pluto [the god of the nether 
world.] *) 22. Why dost thou not remember those great goods 
which we possessed ? If these goods come from the lands 
of the Lord, should not we also endure evils and be high- 
minded in everything until the Lord will have mercy again 
and show pity to us? 23. Dost thou not see the Seducer 
stand behind thee and confound thy thoughts in order that 
thou shouldst beguile me T^ 24. And he turned to Satan and 
said: "Why dost thou not come openly to me? Stop hiding 
thyself, thou wretched one. 25. Does the lion show his 
strength in the weasel-cage? Or does the bird fly in the 
basket? I now tell thee: Go away and wage thy war 
agetinst me''. 

26. The he went off from behind my wife and placed 
himself before me crying and he said : "Behold, Job, I yield 
and give way to thee who art but flesh while I am a 
spirit. 27. Thou art plague-stricken, but I am in gi-eat trouble. 
28. For I am like a wrestler contesting with a wrestler who 
has, in a single-handed combat, torn down his antagonist and 
covered him with dust and broken every limb of his, whereas 
the other one who lies beneath, having displayed his bravery, 
gives forth sounds of triumph testifying to his own superior 
excellence. 29. Thus thou, Job, art beneath and stricken 
with plague and pain, and yet thou hast carried the victory 
in the wrestling-match with me, and behold, I yield to thee". 
30. Then he left me abashed. 31. Now my children, do you 
also show a firm heart in all the evil that happens to you, 
for greater than all things is firmness of heart. 



') TotJ jxeydiXou. Read nXoutCSvoc for TotJ \ixr(dh\i IIXoutou, which has no 
sense; cf. nin^a ^*?tt. 



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326 K. Kohler. 

Chapter VII. 

1. At this time the kings heard what had happened to 
me and they rose and came to me, each from his land to 
visit me and to comfort me. 2. And when they came near 
me, they cried with a loud voice and each tore his clothes. 
3. And after they had prostrated themselves, touching the 
earth with their heads, they sat down next to me for seven 
days and seven nights, and none spoke a word. 4. They 
were four in numbers: Eliphaz, the king of Teman, and 
Baldad, and' Sophar, and Elihu. 5. And when they had 
taken their seat, they conversed about what had happened 
to me. 6. Now when for the first time they had come to 
me and I bad shown them my precious stones, they were 
astonished and said: 7. **If of us three kings all our 
possessions would be brought together into one, it would not 
come up to the precious stones of Jobab's kingdom (crown?). 
For thou art of greater nobility than all the people of the 
East''. 8. And when, therefore, they now came to the land 
of Ausitis (Uz) to visit me, they asked in the city : "Where 
is Jobab, the ruler of this whole land?" 9. And they told 
them concerning me: "He sitteth upon the dung-hill outside 
of the city; for he has not entered the city for seven years". 

10. And then again they inquired concerning my possessions^ 
and there was revealed to them all that happened to me. 

11. And when they had learned this, they went out of the 
city with the inhabitants, and my fellow- citizens pointed me 
out unto them. 12. But these remonstrated and said: 
"Surely, this is not Jobab". 13. And while they hesitated, 
there said Eliphaz, the King of Teman: "Come let us step 
near and see." 14. And when they came near I remembered 
them, and I wept very much when I learned the purpose 
of their journey. 15. And I threw earth upon my head, 
and while shaking my head I revealed imto them that I was 
[Job]. 16. And when they saw me shake my head they 
threw themselves down upon the ground, all overcome with 
emotion 17. And while their hosts were standing around, 
1 saw the three kings lie upon the ground for three hours 
like dead. 18. Then they rose and said to each other: "We 
cannot believe that this is Jobab". 19. .And finally, after 



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Testament of Job. 327 

they had for seven days inquired after everything concerning 
me and searched for my flocks and other possessions, they 
said : 20. "Do we not know how many goods were sent by 
him to the cities and the villages round about to be given 
to the poor, aside from all that was given away by him 
within his own house? How then could he have fallen into 
such a state of perdition and misery!*' 21. And after the 
seven days Elihu said to the kings : "Come let us step near 
and examine him accurately, whether he truly is Jobab or not?'' 
22. And they^ being not half a mile (stadium) distant from 
his malodorous body, they rose and stepped near, carrying 
perfume in their hands, while their soldiers went with them 
and threw fragrant incense round about them so that they 
could come near me. 23. And after they had thus passed 
three hours, covering the way with aroma, they drew nigh. 
24. And Eliphaz began and said : "Art thou, indeed, Job, 
our fellow-king? Art thou the one who owned the great 
glory ? 25. Art thou he who once shone like the sun of day 
upon the whole earth? Art thou he who once resembled 
the moon and the stars effulgent throughout the night?*' 
26. And I answered him and said: "I am*', and thereupon 
all wept and lamented, and they sang a royal song of 
lamentation, their whole army joining them in a chorus. 

27. And again Eliphaz^) said to me: "Art thou he who 
had ordered seven thousand sheep to be given for the 
clothing of the poor ? Whither, then hath gone the glory 
of thy throne ? 

28. Art thou he who had ordered three thousand cattle 
to do the ploughing of the field for the poor? Whither, 
then hath thy glory gone I 

29. Art thou he who had golden couches, and now thou 
sittest upon a dung hill? ["Whither then hath thy glory 
gone !*'] 

30. Art thou he who had sixty tables set for the poor? 
Art thou he who had censers for the fine perfume made of 
precious stones, and now thou art in a malodorous state? 
Whither then hath thy glory gone ! 2) 



M Kead Eliphaz instead of Elibu. 

') The refrain is misplaced here in the original and omitted in 
other places. 



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328 K. KoWer. 

31. Art thou he who had golden candelabras set upon 
silver stands, and now must thou long for the natural gleam 
of the moon ? ["Whither then hath thy glory gone !"] 

32. Art thou the one who had ointment made of the 
spices of frankincense , and now thou art in a state of 
repulsiveness ! ["Whither then hath thy glory gone !"] 

33. Art thou he who laughed the wrong doers and 
sinners to scorn, and now thou hast become a laughing** 
stock to all!" ["Whither then hath thine glory gone!" J 

34. And when Eliphaz had for a long time cried and 
lamented, while all the others joined him, so that the 
commotion was very great, I said to them: 35. "Be silent 
and I will show you my throne, and the glory of its splendor : 
My glory will be eyerlasting. 36. The whole world shall 
perish, and its glory shall vanish, and all those who hold 
£ast to it, will remain beneath, but my throne is in the upper 
world and its glory and splendor will be to the right of the 
Saviour in the heavens. 37. My throne exists in the life of 
the "holy ones ' and its glory in the imperishable world. 
38. For rivers will be dried up and their arrogance*) shall 
go down to the depth of the abyss, but the streams of my 
land in which my throne is erected, shall not dry up, but shall 
remain unbroken in strength. 

39. The kings perish and the rulers vanish, and their 
glory and pride is as the shadow in a looking glass, but my 
Kingdom'-^) lasts forever and ever, and its glory and 
beauty is in the chariot of my Father^). 

Chapter Vlll. 

1. When I spoke thus to them, Eliphaz, became angry 
and said to the other friends : "For what purpose is it that 
we have come here with our hosts to comfort him ? Behold, 
he upbraids us. Therefore let us return to our countries. 
2. This man sits here in misery worm-eaten amidst an 
unbearable state of putrefaction, and yet he challenges us 
saying : 'Kingdoms shall perish and their rulers, but my 



*) Cf. the same word ya^piOLfia-sa in Job IV, 10 LXX. 

') D»Djr nis^D. The saints are all crowned in the kingdom of heaven. 

•) nasno nryo = opiiaTcu 



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Testament of Job. 329 

Eingdom, says he, shall last forever'". 3. Eliphaz, then, 
rose in great commotion, and, turning away from them in 
great fiiry, said : ^I go hence. We have indeed come to 
comfort him, but he declares war to us in view of our 
armies'*. 4. But then Baldad seized him by the hand and 
said : ''Not thus ought one to speak to an afdicted man, and 
especially to one stricken down with so many plagues. 
5. Behold, we, being in good health, dared not approach him 
on account of the offensive odor, except with the help of 
plenty of fragrant aroma. But thou, Eliphaz, art forgetfril oi 
all this. 6. Let me speak plainly. Let us be magnanimous 
and learn what is the cause ? Must he in remembering ^) 
his former days of happiness not become mad in his mind? 
7. Who should not be altogether perplexed seeing himself thus 
lapse into misfortune and plagues ? But let me step near him 
that I may find by what cause is he thus ?" 8. And Baldad 
rose and approached me saying : "Art thou Job ?'' and he 
said : "Is thy heart still in good keeping ? 9. And I said : 
"I did not hold fast to the earthly things, since the earth with 
all that inhabit it is unstable. But my heart holds fast to 
the heaven, because there is no trouble in heaven^'. 10. Then 
Baldad rejoined and said : "We know that the earth is 
unstable, for it changes according to season. At times it is 
in a state of peace, and at times it is in a state of war. But 
of the heaven we hear that it is perfectly steady. 11. But 
art thou truly in a state of calmness ? Therefore let me ask 
and speak, and when thou answerest me to my first word, 
1 shall have a second question to ask^), and if again thou 
answerest in well-set words, it will be manifest that thy 
heart has not been unbalanced". 12. And he said: "Upon 
what dost thou set thy hope ?'' And I said : "Upon the living 
Qod!\ 13. And he said to me : "Who deprived thee of all 
thou didst possess? And who inflicted thee with these 
plagues?'' And I said: "God". 14. And he said: "If thou 
still placest thy hope upon God, how can He do wrong in 
judgment, having brought upon thee these plagues and mis- 
fortunes, and having taken from thee all thy possessions? 



*) Read : |jLifjLVT^a;i:o[jievoc instead of oi. 

') y^fHQ i»"VTOi ]WHr\ \\ctn a»irD. 



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330 K. Kohler. 

15. And since He has taken these, it is clear that He has 
given thee nothing. No king will disgrace his soldier who 
has served him well as body-gaard ?" 16. [And *) I answered 
saying] : '*Who understands the depths of the Lord and of 
His wisdom to be able to accuse God of injustice'' ? 17. [And 
Baldad said]: "Answer me, o Job, to this. Again I say to 
thee : 4f thou art in a state of calm reason, teach me if thou 
hast wisdom: 18. Why do we see the sun rise in the East 
and set in the West ? And again when rising in the morning 
we find him rise in the East ? Tell me • thy thought about 
this?" 19. Then said I: "Why shall I betray (babble forth) 
the mighty mysteries of God? And should my mouth stumble 
in revealing things belonging to the Master? Never! 20. Who 
are we that we should pry into matters concerning the upper 
world while we are only of flesh, nay, earth and ashes ! ^) 
21. In order that you know that my heart is sound, hear 
what I ask you : 22. Through the stomach cometh food, and 
water you drink through the mouth, and then it flows 
through the same throat, and when the two go down to 
become excrement, they again part; who effects this 
separation", 3) 23. And Baldad said: "I do not know'^ And 
I rejoined and said to him : "If thou dost not understand 
even the exits of the body, how canst thou understand the 
celestial circuits?" 

24. Then Sophar rejoined and said : "We do not inquire 
after our own affairs, but we desire to know whether thou 
art in a sound state, and behold, we see that thy reason 
has not been shaken. 25. What now dost thou wish that we 
should do for thee ? Behold, we have come here and brought 
the physicians of three kings, and if thou wishest, thou mayest 
be cured by them". 26. But I answered and said : "My 
cure and my restoration cometh from God, the Maker of 
physicians". 

Chapter IX. 

1. And when I spoke thus to them, behold, there my 
wife Sitis came running, dressed in rags, from the service - 



^) These are missing in the Oreek text. 
*) Essene ni-inoaa pcy i? ]«. . 
') See Introduction. 



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Testament of Job. 331 

of the master by whom she was employed as slave; though 
she had been forbidden to leave, lest the kings, on seeing 
her, might take her as captive. 2. And when she came, 
she threw herself prostrate to their feet, crying and saying : 
^^emember, Eliphaz and ye other finends, what I was once 
with you, and how I have changed, how I am now dressed 
to meet you'^ 3. Then the kings broke forth in great 
weeping and, being in double perplexity, they kept silent. 
But Eliphaz took his purple mantle and cast it about her to 
wrap herself up with it. 4. But she asked him saying: ^*I 
ask as favor of you, my Lords, that you order your soldiers 
that they should dig among the ruins of our house which fell 
upon my children, so that their bones could be brought 
in a perfect state to the tombs. 5. For we have, owing to 
our misfortune, no power at all, and so we may at least 
see their bones. 6. For have I like a brute the motherly 
feeling of wild beasts that my ten children should have 
perished on one day and not to one of them could I give a 
decent burial ?" 7. And the kings gave order that the ruins 
of my house should be dug up. But I prohibited it, saying : 
8. ^T)o not go to the trouble in vain; for my children will 
not be found, for they are in the keeping of their Maker 
and Ruler'\ 

9. And the kings answered and said : "Who will gainsay 
that he is out of his mind and raves? 10. For while we 
desire to bring the bones of his children back, he forbids 
us to do so saying: They have been' taken and placed the 
keeping of their Maker\ Therefore prove unto us the truth". 

11. But I said to them: "Raise me that I may stand up, 
and th^y lifted me, holding up my arms from both sides. 

12. And I stood upright, and pronounced first the praise of 
God^) and after the prayer I said to them : ''Look with your 
eyes to the East". 13. And they looked and saw my 
children with crowns near the glory of the King, the Ruler 
of heaven. 

14. And when my wife Sitis saw this, she fell to the ground 
and prostrated [herself] before God, saying: ''Now I know 



*) Compare m*ova nvn nn n^n. See Tanchuma ed. Buber to i: iS; 
cp. hMsn 7Djra ♦aw ^^a^^D. 



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332 K. Kohler. 

that my memory remains with the Lord". IB. And after 
she had spoken this, and the evening came, she went to the 
city, back to the master*) whom she served as slave, and lay 
herself down at the manger of the cattle and died there from 
exhaustion. 16. And when her despotic master searched 
for her and did not find her, he came to the fold of his 
herds, and there he saw her stretched out upon the manger 
dead, while all the animals around were crying about her.^) 
17. And all who saw her wept and lamented, and the cry 
extended throughout the whole city. 18. And the people 
brought her down and wrapt her up and buried her by the 
house which had fallen upon her children.^ 19. And the 
poor of the city made a great mourning for her and said : 
^'Behold this Sitis whose like in nobility and in glory is not 
found in any woman. Alas ! she was not found worthy of 
a proper tomb !" 20. The dirge for her you will find in the 
record. *) 

Chapter X. 

1. But Eliphaz and those that were with him were 
astonished at these things, and they sat down with me and 
replying to me, spoke in boastful words concerning me for 
twenty seven days. 2. They repeated it again and again 
that I suffered deservedly thus for having committed many 
sins, and that there was no hope left for me, but I retorted 
to these men in zest of contention myself. 3. And they 
rose in anger, ready to part in wrathful spirit. But Elihu 
conjured them to stay yet a little while until he would have 
shown them what it was. 4. "For*', said he, "so many days 
did you pass, allowing Job to boast that he is just. But I 
shall no longer suffer it. 5. For from the beginning did I 
continue crying over him, remembering his former happiness. 
But now he speaks boastfully and in overbearing pride he 
says that he has his throne in the heavens. 6. Therefore, 
hear me, and I will tell you what is the cause of his destiny. 



') The plural is a mistake of the copyist. 

*) Cf. Apocalypse of Abraham, where the trees are announcing 
Abraham^s approaching death. 

*) This seems to rest on a popular legend. 
*) Translation of D»D»n nana. 



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Testament of Job. 333 

7. Then, imbued with the spirit of Satan, Elihu spoke hard 
words which are written down in the records left of Elihu. 

8. And after he had ended, God appeared to me in a stoiin 
and in clouds, and spoke, blaming Elihu and showing me 
that he who had spoken was not a man, but a wild beast.*) 

9. And when God had iinished speaking to me, the 
Lord spoke to Eliphaz: ^'Thou and thy j&riends have «nned 
in that ye have not spoken the truth concerning my sei-vant 
Job. 10. Therefore rise up and make him bring a sin- 
offering for you in order that your sins may be forgiven; for 
were it not for him, I would have destroyed you". 11. And 
so they brought to me all that belonged to a sacrifice, and 
I took it and brought for them a sin-offering, and the Lord 
received it favorably and forgave them their wrong. 12. Then 
when Eliphaz, Baldad and Sophar saw that God had graciously 
pardoned their sin through His servant Job, but that He 
did not deign to pardon Elihu, then did Eliphaz begin to 
sing a hymn, while the others responded, their soldiers also 
joining while [standing by the altar. 13. And Eliphaz 
spoke thus : 

"Taken off is the sin 

and our injustice gone; 

14. But Elihu, the evil one, shall have no remembrance 
among the living; 

his luminary is extinguished and has lost its light. 

15. Tlie glory of his lamp will announce itself for him, 
for he is the son of darkness, and not of light. 

16. The doorkeepers of the place of darkness 2) shall 
give him their glory and beauty as share; 

His Kingdom hath vanished, his throne hath mouldered, 
and the honor of his stature is in (Sheol) Hades. 

17. For he has loved the beauty of the serpen t^), and 
the scales {skins) of the dracon 

his gall and his venom belongs to the Northern One 
(Zphuni = Adder)*). 



') Sataa = Belial, darkness of hell. 

*) WW compare \n>ih the nii>»Vp. [Kohut in Z. d. 2>. U, G. XXI, 586 ff.] 

^) This is the translation of ui^fin = uigvt. 



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334 K. Kohler. 

18. For he did not own himself unto the Lord nor did 
he fear Him, 

but he hated those whom He hath chosen (known). 

19. Thus God forgot him, and ''the holy ones"') for- 
sook him, 

His wrath and anger shall be unto him desolation^) 
and he will have no mercy in his heart nor peace, 
because he had the venom of an adder on his tongue* 

20. Righteous is the Lord, and His judgments are true^), 
With him there is no preference of person, 

for He judgeth all alike. 

21. Behold, the Lord cometh ! 

Behold, the "holy ones" have been prepared ! 

The crowns and the prizes of the victors precede them! 

22. Let the saints rejoice, and let their hearts exult in 
gladness ; 

for they shall receive the glory which is in store for 

them. 

Chorus. 

23. Our sins are forgiven, 

our injustice has been cleansed, 

but Elihu hath no remembrance among the living". 

24. After Eliphaz had finished the hymn, we*) rose and 
went back to the city, each to the house where they lived. 

25. And the people made a feast for me in gratitude 
and delight of God, and all my fiiends came back to me. 

26. And all those who had seen me in my former state 
of happiness, asked me saying : "What are those three things 
here amongst us?" 

Chapter XL 

]. But I, being desirous to take up again my work of 
benevolence for the poor, asked them saying : ^) 2. "Give me 
each a lamb for the clothing of the poor in their state of 



*) Chasidim DnjDimi. 

*) Anathema. 

•) This is ]nn pM^. 

*) Here is the part missing which -relates Job's recovery. 

•) Cf. Job XLII, 11. 

«) Cf. Job Text 



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Testament of Job. 335 

nakedness, and four drachmae (coins) of silver or gold" . 
3. Then the Lord blessed all that was left to me, and after 
a few days I became rich again in merchandise, in flocks 
and all things which I had lost, and I received all in double 
number again. 4. Then I also took as wife your mother 
and became the father of you ten in place of the ten children 
that had died. 

5. And now, my children, let me admonish you: "Behold 
I die. You will take my place. 

6. Only do not forsake the Lord. Be charitable towards 
the poor-, Do not disregard the feeble. Take not unto 
yourselves wives from strangers. ^) 

7. Behold, my children, I shall divide among you what 
I possess, so that each may have control over his own and 
have full power to do good with his share". 8. And after 
he had spoken thus, he brought all his goods and divided 
them among his seven sons, but he gave nothing of his goods 
to his daughters. 

9. Then they said to their father : "Our lord and father ! 
Are we not also thy children ? Why, then, dost thou not 
also give us a share of thy possessions?" 10. Then said 
Job to his daughters : "Do not become angry my daughters. 
I have not forgotten you. Behold, I have preserved for you 
a possession better than that which your brothers have 
taken'*. 11. And he called his daughter whose name was 
Day (Yemima) and said to her: "Take this double ring used 
as a key and go to the treasure-house and bring me the 
golden casket, that I may give you your possession". 12. And 
she went and brought it to him, and he opened it and took 
out three-stringed girdles about the appearance of which no 
man can speak. 13. For they were not earthly work, but 
celestial sparks of light flashed through them like the rays 
of the sun. 14. And he gave one string to each of his 
daughters and said: "Put these as girdles aroimd you in 
order that all the days of your life they may encircle you 
and endow you with every thing good". 



*) Twv otXXoTptwv This shows both Jewish and £ s s e n e origin : 
Jewish Kinship. 



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336 K. Kohler. 

15. And the other daughter whose name was Kassiah^) 
said : **I8 this the possession of which thou sayest it is better 
than that of our brothers ? What now V Can we live on this?" 
16. And their father said to them : **Not only have you here 
sufficient to live on, but these bring you into a better world 
to live in, in the heavens. 17. Or do you not know, my 
children, the value of these things here? Hear then! When 
the Lord had deemed me worthy to have compassion on me 
and to take off my body the plagues and the worms, He called 
me and handed to me these three strings. 18. And He said 
to me: *Rise and gird up thy loins like a man I 
will demand of thee and declare thou unto me\ 
19. And I took them and girt them around my loins, 
and immediately did the worms leave my body, and likewise 
did the plagues, and my whole body took new strength 
through the Lord, and thus I passed on, as though I had 
never suffered. 20. But also in my heart I forgot the pains. 
Then spoke the Lord unto me in His great power and 
showed to me all that was and will be. 

21. Now then, my children, in keeping these, you will 
not have the enemy plotting against you nor [evil] intentions 
in your mind because this is a charm (Phylacterion) 
from the Lord. 22. Rise then and gird these around you 
before I die in order that you may see the angels come at 
my parting so that you may behold with wonder the powers 
of God". 23. Then rose the one whose name was Day 
(Yemima) and girt herself, and immediately she departed ber 
body, as her father had said, and she put on another heart, 
as if she never cared for earthly things. 24. And she sang 
angelic hymns in the voice of angels, and she chanted forth 
the angelic praise of God while dancing. 

25. Then the other daughter, Kassia by name, put on 
the girdle, and her heart was transformed, so that she no 
longer wished for worldly things. 26. And her mouth 
assumed the dialect of the heavenly rulers (Archonts) and 
she sang the donology of the work of the High Place and 
if any one wishes to know the work of the heavens he may 
take an insight into the hymns of Kassia. 



*) Perfume = nyitp. 



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Testament of Job. 337 

27. Then did the other daughter by the name of 
Amalthea's Horn (= Keren Happukh) gird herself and 
her mouth spoke in the language of those on high; for her 
heart was transformed, being lifted above the worldly things. 
28. She spoke in the dialect of the Cherubim, singing the 
praise of the Ruler of the cosmic powers^) (virtues) and 
extolling their (His?) glory. 

29. And he who desires to follow the vestiges of the 
"Glory of the Father" will find them written down in the 
Prayers of Amalthea^s Horn. 

Chapter XII. 

1. After these three had finished singing hymns, did I 
Nahor (Neros) brother of Job sit down next to him, as he 
lay down. 2. And I heard the marvelous (great) things 
of the three daughters of my brother, one always succeeding 
the other amidst awful silence. 3. And I wrote down this 
book containing the hymns except the hymns and signs of 
the [holy] Word, for these were the great things of 
God. 4. And Job lay down from sickness on his couch, 
yet without pain and sufiering, because his pain did not take 
strong hold of him on account of the charm of the girdle 
which he had wound around himself 5. But aflter three 
days Job saw the holy angels come for his soul, and 
instantly he rose and took the cithara and gave it to his 
daughter Day (Yemima). 6. And to Eassia he gave a censer 
(with perfume = Kassia), and to Amalthea's Horn (= music) 
he gave a timbrel in order that they might bless the holy 
angels who came for his soul. 

7. And they took these, and sang, and played on the 
psaltery and praised and glorified God in the holy dialect. 

8. And after this came He who sitteth upon the great 
chariot and kissed Job, while his three daughters looked 
on, but the others saw it not. 9. And He took the soul of 
Job and He soared upward, taking her (the soul) by the 
arm and carrying her upon the chariot, and He went towards 
the East. 10. His body, however, was brought to the grave, 



Kohot, Setnitio Stodie*. ^ 



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338 K. Kohler. 

while the three daughters marched ahead, having pat on 
their girdles and singing hymns in praise of God. 

11. Then held Nahor (Nereos) his brother and his seven 
sons, with the rest of the people and the poor, the orphans 
and the feeble ones, a great mourning over him, saying: 

12. "Woe imto us, for to-day has been taken from us 
the strength of the feeble, the light of the blind, the father 
of the orphans ; 

13. The receiver of strangers has been taken off, the 
leader of the erring, the cover of the naked, the shield of 
the widows. Who would not mourn for the man of God ! 

14. And as they were mourning in this and in that form, 
they would not suffer him to be put into the grave. 

15. After three days, however, he was finally put into the 
grave like one in sweet slumber, and he received the name 
of the good (beautiful) who will remain renowned throughout 
all generations of the world. 

16. He left seven sons and three daughters,^) and there* 
were no daughters foimd on earth, as fair as the daughters 
of Job. 17. The name of Job was formerly Jobab, and he 
was called Job by the Lord. 18. He had lived before his 
plague eighty five years, and after the plague he took the 
double share of all; hence also his years he doubled, which 
is 170 years. Thus he lived altogether 2552) years. 19. And 
he saw sons of his sons unto the fourth generation. It is 
written that he will rise up with those whom the Lord will 
reawaken. To our Lord by glory. Amen. 

') Text Job. 

') Here the text has 245 by mistake of Midrash, which has 140 4- 
70 = 210 yars. But LXX has 170 (4- 65) = 240. 



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Aegyptische und syrische GOtternamen 
im Talmud 

von 
Dr. Samuel Elrauss (Badapest). 



Im Talmud^ dieser unerscbopflichen Fundgrube fiir die 
Kenntniss des antiken Lebens, sind auch die Gotter Aegyp- 
tens und Syrians zu finden, wenn man sich die Miihe gibt, 
dieselben aufzusuchen und wenn man mit diesem eigenartigen 
Schriftthum vertraut genug ist, um mit Erfolg darin suchen 
zu k5nnen. Es werden jedoch leider Forschungen angestellt, 
obne von diesen Voraussetzungen auszugehen*, man schreibt 
liber die Culturverhaltnisse Palaestina's im Anfange des christ- 
lichen Zeitalters ohne sich die Miihe zu geben, die beste 
Schilderung dieser Culturverhaltnisse, den Talmud und Mi- 
drasch, gehorig durchzuforschen ; man beruft sich oft auf 
den Talmud, ohne den Sinn seiner Worte richtig erschlossen 
zu haben. 

Die Talmudlehrer, denen man gewohnlich einen be- 
schrankten, halachischen Standpunkt vorwirft, hatten in Wirk- 
lichkeit einen weiten klaren Blick und waren aufmerksame 
Beobachter der Zeitverhaltnisse. Es konnte ihnen nicht un- 
bekannt bleiben, dass in ihrer nachsten Nahe, zum Theil 
auf dem geweihten Boden Palaestina's, sich Stadte befinden, 
welche ihr Gemeinwesen ganz heidnisch einrichteten und 
umfassende heidnische Culte erhielten. Die Stadte Raphia, 
Gaza, Askalon, Azotus, Caesarea, Dora, Ptolomais, 
G eras a, Skythopolis und andere, hatten im ganzen tal- 
mudischen Zeitalter einen ausgesprochen heidnischen Charakter 
und die Talmudlehrer mussten diesem Umstande Rechnung 
tragen. Das Verhaltniss dieser Stadte zum tibrigen Palaestina, 
der personliche Verkehr zwischen Juden und den heidnischen 

22* 



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340 Samuel Krauss. 

Einwohnem dieser Stadte musste im Geiste dieser Zeit ge- 
regelt werden, und wir finden im Talmud in der That eine 
Menge Verordnungen dariiber.') 

Diese Art Nachrichten nun, eben darum^ well sie ha- 
lachiscber Natur sind, sind fiir uns von der grossten Wich- 
tigkeit, denn sie lassen an Klarheit und Precision nichts zu 
wiinschen abrig. Sonst ist es nui* die lebhafte uud phantasie- 
reiche Agada, welche die mythologischen Gebilde fremder 
Volker in ihre eigene Ideenwelt zu verpflanzen und in ihren 
eigenen Vorstellungskreis heriiberzunehmen pflegt. Aber die 
Agada hat immer etwas Verschwommenes, etwas Unsicheres 
im Gefolge, und so haben auch die Schliisse; die man etwa 
au8 ihren Angaben folgern wollte, nur einen bedingten Werth. 
So z. B. bewegt sich die sonst sehr lehrreiche Untersuchung 
^Myt^ienmischimg" von Gtidemann {MontUsschrift fur Ge- 
schichte und Wissenschaft des Judenihums, 1876) nur auf 
dem lockeren Boden der Agada; das beriihrnte Werk 
Alexander Kohut's: Ueber die judische Angdologie und 
Daemonologie in ihrer Ahhdngigkeit vom Parsismus (Leipzig 
1866), hat es mit Phantasiegebilden, nicht mit der Schil- 
derung der Wirklichkeit zu thun. Die Ausfuhrungen jedoch, 
die weiter imteu folgen, beruhen, wie schon bemerkt, auf 
rein halachischen Partien im Talmud, sie gehen also von 
thatsS.chlichen ZustHnden aus imd verdienen die weitgehendste 
Wiirdigung. 

Ich will hier noch bemerken, dass ich dieses Thema 
bereits vor drei Jahren in der ungarischen Zeitschrift Magyar- 
Zzido Szemle (IX, 170 — 176) behandelt habe; der Umstand 
jedoch, dass jene Zeitschrift im Auslande nicht gelesen wird, 
der Umstand femer, dass ich hier wesentlich neues Material 
beibringen kann, veranlasst mich meine Untersuchung noch 
einmal zu verofientlichen in der Hoffnung, dass ich dadurch 
zur Altertliumskunde einen Beitrag liefere und auch zum 



*) Ueber die Culturverhaltnisse der angegebenen St&dte siehe die aas- 
fiihrliche Schilderunt; bei Schiirer, GescMchie des jUdischen Volkes im 
ZeUcUter Jesu Christi, zweite Aufl. II, 9— -26 ; die talmudischen Nacbnchten 
iindet man bei Neubauer^ GiograpMe du Talmud, 8. 68 und 232; zu 
vergleichen ist auch Migne, Histoire ecclesiastique, XV, 34; einige Daten 
babe i c h zusainmengestellt in dem Aufsatze T?he Jews in the Works of 
the Church Fathers (Jeicish Quarterly Beview, VI, 226). 



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Aegyptische und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 341 

talmudischen Worterbuche, der Hauptarbeit des seligen Dr, 
A. Kohut, mein Scherflein beitrage. 

1. Apis und Serapis. 

Serapis wird erwahnt in Toseftha Aboda zara V, 1 
pag. 468 ed. Zuckermandel: DD1D . . . HlOl . . . H^t^jn nyzcc ein 
Siegebnng, auf welchem ein Serapisbild ist. Wenn ein Jude 
einen solchen Siegelring findet, heisst es daselbst, muss er ihn 
in's Meer werfen, d. h. er darf weder den Ring, noch auch 
dessen Erlos fur sich behalten, weil ein solcher Bing Gegen- 
stand des heidnischen Cultus ist. Diese aegyptische Gottheit 
war, wie bekannt, in der riimischen Kaiserzeit auch ausser 
Aegypten stark verbreitet und die Talmudlehrer hatten Ge- 
legenheit genug ihren Cultus auch aus unmittelbarer Nahe 
beobachten zu konnen, denn in den vorwiegend heidnischen 
StMten Palaestina's, iiamentlich in Caesarea, Ptolomais, Flavia, 
Neapolis, Aelia Capitolina und wohl auch in anderen Stadten 
ist der Serapis-Cult inschriftlich bezeugt.^) 

Der babylonische Tabnud hat (iber den Serapis eine 
hochst sonderbare Vorstellung. Wir lesen namlich in b. Az. 
43a: itJID CtJijn h2 PN D'»B01 IDIT pjDV CIT ^V D^S?N1D Serapis') 
ist eigentlich Joseph, der da regiert hatte und mit der ganzen 
Welt Gutes that. Der Tahnud findet demnach in volks- 
etymologischer Weise in Serapis folgende zwei Worter: ID 
(= "112^) = Herr und D^SN = Apis, insofeme man nlUnlich 
den Apis mit Joseph identificirte. Veranlassung hiezu bot 
die Art und Weise, wie Joseph in der heiligen Schrift be- 
zeichnet wird; er heisst figurlich "lltt^ Gen. XLIX, 6 und 
-11C' y22 Deuteron. XXXIII, 17, also = Ochs. In den Tal- 
muden und Midraschim wird danim auf mehreren Seiten be- 
richtet, dass die LXX Dolmetscher in ihrer griechischen 
Uebersetzung an dieser Stelle (Genes. XLIX, 6) geflissentlich 
eine Aenderung eintreten liessen, damit der aegyptische 
Konig Ptolomaeos (^ctT) indenWorten: „sie lahmten den 
Ochsen" auf seinen Gotzen Apis keinen Schimpf erblicke 



») Schiirer, a. a. 0., U, 16, 16; I, 546, 586. 

') Die Orthographie o^wno (einige Ausgaben irrthumlich D'fiw no in 
zwei Wortern) iSsst auf die Betonung lapdizv; (nicht Sdpaiuc) schliessen; 
doch hat Manascript MiincheD o^cnc. 



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342 Samuel Kraons. 

(D13N).^) Es ging also die Sage unter den Juden, dass Josef^ 
der Wohlthater Aegyptens, unter dem Namen Apis der 
Gegenstand gottlieher Verehrung war und der Name Serapis 
sei bloss aus Apis erweitert Damit ist ein wesendicher 
Zug der aegyptischen Mythologie klar ausgedriickt: em- 
pfangene Wohlthaten werden gewissen gottlichen Wesen zu- 
geschrieben und daraufhin diese Wesen gottlich verehrt*) 
Aehnlich heisst es auch im Midrasch^ der Erzvater Jakob 
habe befiirchtet, dass man ihn wegen gewisser Wohlthaten^) 
nach seinem Tode gottlich verehren wtirde, und darum wollte 
er nicht in Aegypten begraben werden.*) Diese Ziige be- 
ruhen auf einer genauen Kenntniss des aegyptisch-heidnischen 
Wesens und der damaligen Zeitverh&ltnisse. 



') Siebe daiiiber Sachs, Bdtrdge zur Sprach- und AUerthumsfor- 
echung aus judischen QueUen. II. Heft, Berlin 1854, 8. 99; N. Brull, 
JahrbUcher fur judische Geschichte und Utteraiur (Frankfort a/M.), I. 144 ; 
Levy, Neuhebrdischea Worterbuchj III, 583 b; Kohut, Ar%u^ completum, 
I, 15 a. In MechiUha zu ExocU XII. 40 lautet der Bericht : c*m utt ofinn »3 
D»ajt )'\^y oj)xiai, ahnlich auch in Genesis rabba c. 98, 6 mm* np»p (Tanchuma 
II nifiv § 22 ist naoh den Taimuden geilndert), wonach also die Yerftuderung 
sich auf das eine Wort niv beschrlmkte; in j. MegiUa 72 d und 5. MegiUa 
9 a (Sopherim V, 8) heisst es jedoch : cm* rpy ojirtai -nw unn Dbio ♦s, wo- 
nach sie also zwei Worter: v^n und -nr ver&ndert hfttten. Es ist dies 
eine bis jetzt ungeloste Schwierigkeit. Es muss nun zun&chst bemerkt 
werden, dass die Meinung nicht sein kann, die Siebzig hfttten statt niv das 
Wort Apis geschrieben, da sie dadurch den Konig nur noch mehr gereizt 
h&tteu; vielmehr scheint der Sinn — abweichend von den ubrigen Ver&n- 
derungeu — der zu sein, dass sie hier eine Aenderung — welche? wird 
nicht gesagt — eintreten liessen, damit der Konig den Ausdruck nicht auf 
den Apis beziehen konne; nun ware aber dem Eonig auch der Ausdruck 
w^H — vielleicht, weil er an I sis und Osiris anklingt — , verdSchtig gewesen, 
darum haben sie auch hier eb^'as ge&ndert (unsere Septoaginta hat (ibvdp<&:cou; 
im Plural). Eine merkwiirdige Beschreibung vom Apis findet man im Jalkut 
Beubeni zu Mvn 's p. 106c ed. Amsterdam; s. auch Biichler in Magyar- 
Zsidd'SzenOe, IX, 249. 

*) Nach Movers, Die Phonizier (Bonn 1841), p. 544, hat das Bild 
des Osiris- Adonis, „etwas Outiges an sich""; 0. Ebers, Aegypten und die 
Backer Moseys (Leipzig 1868), p. 239, findet in Tsis und Osiris die Idee 
„Mutter und Vater." 

") Ihm zu Liebe soil die Hungei-snoth aufgehort haben und der Nilus 
seg^ enbringend ausgetreten sein. 

*) Genesis rabba c. 96, 5, Jalkut Genes. § 156, Lekach tab und 
BascM zu Genes, XLVIT, 20. 



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Aegyptische und syrisohe Gotternamon im Talmud. 343 

2. Hadbaehos. 

Madbachos, auch vMachbelos genannt. gehort zu 
den syrischen Gottheiten *) ; sein Cult wii'd auf mehreren In- 
schriften ei'wahnt, welche in Syrien gefunden worden; so in 
Palmyra Beroia C I Gr. No. 4480, 4450, 4451. 

Diese Gottheit wird erwahnt in einer alten Boraitha (b. 
Az. lib.) welche wir ihrerWJchtigkeit wegen in extenso hier- 
her seizen: ^ZV2Z* nr2i: '•rz J^VZZ* •'•T . . . p \'y^2p Vj? P.rcn 

irprir in^ NrB\x '>:nc '»j?inn:c '^cn n cwir «"i2n: '^•icni n\>o 

^rz ppZB' n22i: funf Gotzenculte sind standig . . ., der Markt 
in En-Bechi, Nadbachah in Acco, nach Einigen Nathbrak in 
Acco; R. Dimai aus Nehardea tradirte es umgekehrt: der 
Markt in Acco, Nadbachah in En-Bechi. — Was nun zu- 
nachst das Wort T)221j anlangt, so bezeichnet dasselbe ohne 
Zweifel diejenige Gottheit, welche in griechischer Umschrift 
Ma^jiaj^o^ =*Madbac hus heisst; der Wechsel zwischen den 
Liquiden Al und N hat weiter nichts zu bedeuten. 

Was nun den Ausdruck m^ anlangt, so ist zu bemerken, 
dass mit dem Markt immer ein Gotterfeat verbunden war, 
oder vielmehr mit den G5tterfesten war gewohnlich ein Markt 
verbunden/-^) Der Markt in En-Becbi nun wurde regelmassig 
abgehalten, also gab es daselbst einen regelmassigenGotzencult 

Schwieriger halt es den Ortsnamen ^2Z pj? zu erklaren. 
Neubauer, Geographie du Talmud, pag. 298, halt diesen 
Ortsnamen fiir identisch mit einem anderen Ort, der unter 
der Benennung ">22 '^V2 vorkommt. Diese Benennung ist 
sehr verdachtig: „Quell des Weinens" oder „Gotze des 
Weinens^ sind zu gekunstelt, als dass sie wirkliche Namen 
sein konnten. Diese Namen erinnern vielmehr an das tal- 
mudische Princip, wonach die Gotzennamen in ma lam 
partem zu verballhornen sind; wir koonen also ohne Wei- 
teres annehmen, dass der Name dieser Ortschaften ursprung- 
lich andei^s, und zwar gliickverheissend gelautet haben 
mochten. Wir finden in der That einen Ort namens '7^2 pj? 
(T. Oho loth II, 6, p. 599), der mit ^22 pj? identisch zu sein 
scheint; dicselbe Ortschaft heist auch ein wenig modificirt 



») Stark, Gaza (Jena 1852), S. 571. 

*) F ii r 8 1 Id Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenldndvfcl^en Gesellschaft, 
Band XLVIII, 685, Anm. 1. 



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344 Samuel Krauss. 

^2:y in b. Chullin 57 b; s. Neubauer S. 271. Es ist nun 
sehr leicht moglich, class ^12 der Name einer uralten Gottheit 
ist (aber nicht Bel us, wie man vielfach meint), welche in 
Syrien seit jeher einheimisch war; vielleieht ist zwiscben 
diesem y\2 und dem Monatsnamen ^2 (I. Regum VI, 38) 
sogar ein realer Zusammenhang. Die Ortschaft selbst und 
die in ihr verehrte Gottbeit miissen eben darum, weil sie 
dem Namen nach rein hebraiscb sind und bei Profan- 
schriftstellern nicht vorkommen, zur filteren Geschichts- 
periode Palaestina's gehoren. 

S. NelthPhre. 

Der Name tC\2r\^ an der oben citirten Stelle aus b. Az. 
lib, scheint die aegyptischen Gottheiten Neith*Phre be- 
deuten zu wollen; Neith ist die aegyptische Minerva, 
Phre der aegyptische Helios; in dieser Zeit des religiosen 
Synkretismus mochten die beiden aus irgend einem Grunde 
zu irgend einem Symbol vereint gewesen sein; siehe die 
Quell en iiber Phre bei Stephanus, Thesaurus^ ed. Paris, 
VIII, 1049. Diese Erklarung gewinnt an Wahrscheinlichkeit 
durch den Umstand, das Hi = Neith schon in dem biblischen 
nJD{< vorkommt; siehe Gesenius' kleineres Worterbuehy 9. 
Auflage, s. v. ; insofeme n^mlicb Neith mit Minerva identisch 
ist, bedeutet ^iD^< ungefahr das, was wir auf griechisch mit 
'A8^vo<ye(JYi^ ausdrucken wiirden. Dieses Neith -Phre (Stand- 
bild oder Heiligthum) war in A ceo errichtet, in derselben 
Stadt, in welcher nach Mischna Az. Ill, 4 in den Badem 
ein Aphrodite- Monument zum Zierrat angebracht war. 

Wir verhehlen es uns jedoch nicht, dass die Gleichung 
tn2n3 = Neith-Phre nicht ganz zufriedenstellt, da die 
Verbindung Neith-Phre sonst nicht bekannt ist. Moglich 
also, dass in Kisni in der That nichts mehr steckt, als das, 
wofur es ausgegeben wird: also ein anderer Name fur Mad- 
bachos; combinirt man die beiden Namen, erhalten wir eine 
Form *Madbelos; dies mit K12ni zusammengestellt, ergibt 
sich ein Wechsel zwiscben dem M- und N-Laut wie oben 
nrzii, die Transcription n fur d und "^ fur i — lauter Er- 
scheinungen, welche bei Lehnwortem aus fremden Sprachen 
auch sonst im Talmud vorkommen und bei einem solch' 
fremdartigen Namen, wie *Madbelos fur die Juden ohne 



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Aegyptisohe and syrisohe Gotternamen im Talmud. 345 

Zweifel war, sogar sehr natiirlich sind; dabei mag die ge- 
flissentliche Verzerrung des Namens in malam partem mit 
in Rechnung genommen werden. 

Beide Erklarongen haben, wie man sieht, zu Bedenken 
Anlass gegeben; vielleicht gelingt es Anderen, eine einleuch- 
tendere Erklfirung des Wortes zu gebenJ) 

4. Aruerls. 

Im Talmud wird die Frage aufgeworfen, ob ein Jude 
an einem Gotzenbilde vorbeigehen diirfe? Im Zusammen- 
hange damit wird folgende Geschichte erz^hlt: R. Jacob b. 
Idi lehnte sich beim Spazierengehen auf R. Josua b. Levi 
an; sie gelangten bis zum Gotzen Aruri Da sprach [R. 
Jacob]: Nachum der heiligste nnter den heiligen Mannem 
(D^lt^lpn \inp ir»«), ging an ihm vorbei, und du willst nicht 
an ihm vorbeigehen? geh' nur und stich' ihm das Auge aus 
(d. h. bektlmmere dich nicht um ihn)!" — So oft diese Ge- 
schichte erzahlt wird, lautet der Name des fraglichen Gotzen- 
bildesimmer anders: j. Az. Ill, 43 b, Zeile 75 (ed. Krotoschin) : 
ND^H "^^^^^^ j. Berachoth II, 4 b, Z. 38: ND^^H '>'\^^r]t<'^ 
j. Schekalim II, 47a, Z. 18: iXcS^' «nn{<; j. Moed katon 
III, 83 c, Z. 49: NC^ nnx; femer Midrasch Samuel c. 19, 
4: onm KC^2i (ed. Buber p. 20; alte Ausgaben cnn^H, im 
Manuscript cnnn), Jalkut Samuel § 124: DlTin ^cb)i; 
endlich in b. Az. 51 a: rmiK (so im Aruch s. v. IK III, in 
den Ausgaben fy). Die richtige Lesart ist gewiss niPK 
und dieses ist nichts anderes als Arueris. Arueris ist in 
der aegyptischen Mythologie ungefahr das, was den Griechen 
ihr Apollo war; er wird iibrigens auch mit Horus identifi- 
cirt, so bei Plutarch, De Is. et Osir. c. 12; s. auch Par- 
they, Aegyptische Personennamen S. 20, ClGr. 4726 e, 4859, 
4860. Der Cultus des Arueris war also in Palaestina im 
3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. allgemein verbreitet.^) 



*) Vielleicht Anspielung auf nan = ^L = lair fregit; mana frac- 
tii8 est — Ueber die Namensfonn MaX(£xii»i5ioc, lat. Ma lag be! us, s. die 
Bemerkung von Muss-Arnolt, Semitic Words in Crreek and Latin, in 
Transactions of the American Fkilological Association, 1892, Vol. XXIII, 
p. 67, note 3. 

') Die bisherigen Erklarungen des Wortes treffen nicht das Richtige; 



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346 Samuel Krauss. 

5. Isls. 

I sis, die Mutter des Horus, diese m^chtigste Gottin 
Aegyptens, befindet sich ebenfalls auf dem Pamass des 
Tabnud. Der Talmud bezeichnet diese Gotter nicht bei 
ihrem wahren Namen, sondern nach der Abbildnng: np^3C 
die saugende Frau. Dieser Name findet sich dem Apis und 
Serapis beigesellt in der oben citirten Tosefthastelle Az. V, 1 
pag. 468 ed. Zuckermandel JjTiC mcT lies mit den alteren 
Ausgaben rj|T3C; so lautet der Name auch in b. Az. 43 a, 
mit dem wiehtigen Zusatze: np'^^C Np ]2 r^l^py^ j<^ni r\p^yc nicn 
das Bild der „Saugenden** ist (von jtidiseh-religiosem Stand- 
punkte aus) nur dann als Gotzendienst anzusehen, wenn sie 
ein Kind im Schoosse hillt imd es sUugt. Also, die Gottes- 
frau Isis mit dem sftugenden Horuskinde. Die Isis wurde 
in der That so abgebildet, dass ihr ganzer Korper mit vollen 
Brilsten bedeckt erschien (als Ceres mammosa, Amob. Ill 
p. 133), aber auch den Hoiois haltend und sMugend (Descript, 
de VEgypte, I, pi. 22, n. 2, 3, 4, 6). Der Umstand, dass 
fiir diese Gottin der specielle Name rip"'Z72 aufkam, ist ein 
Beweis dafiir, dass man sich im Kreise der Talmudlehrer 
h^ufig mit dieser Gottin beschaftigen musste; in der That 
dtirfte in der romischen Kaiserzeit kein Cult verbreiteter 
gewesen seiu, als der der aegjT)tischen Isis und es ist in- 
schriftlich bezeugt, dass er auch in der Hauran-Gegend ver- 
breitet war.^) 

6. Apophls. 

Apopis oder A pop his ist der Bruder des Helios, der 
mit Zeus-Amon in einen Krieg verwickelt war (Plutarch, 
De hide et Osiride, c. 36). Apophis ist ilbrigens auch 
der Name eines Hyksos-Konigs (Josephus c Ap, 1, 14)^). 

Dieser Name kommt in einer Schwurformel vor (j, Ne- 
darim 42 c, Z. 12) : „Jemand ging zu R. Jose, dass dieser 
ihn seines Geliibdes entbinden raochte. Dieser nahm seinen 
Mantel und setzte sich [wie vor Gericht]; er sprach zu ihm: 

man dachte an die Aurora, auch an den Koloss von R hod us etc. 
Jastrow, Dictiotiary of the Targumim etc., p. 16, iib«rsetzt: procession. 

») Schurer, a. a. 0., 21. 

*) Auf aegyptisch hiess der Gott A p e p i , welche Forra ganz mit 
♦Bic»K iibereinstimmt. 



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Aegyptisohe and syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 347 

Was hast du geschworen ? Jener antwortete: i<h bvH^^ ^CID^N 

"in^2^ rbhv «^i hir\^'> ^cid^« n^ ic« '»n^2'? rhhv beim Apophis, 

dem Kampfer mit Gott, sie [die Frau, mein Weib] kommt 
mir nicht mehr in's Haus! Da sprach dieser: [Du hast ge- 
schworen] beim Apophis, dem KSmpfer mit Gott, und sie 
[Deine Frau] soUte Dir nicht ins Haus gehen diirfen?" 

Ich halte nftmlich die Antwort R. Jose's fur eine BYage: 
Du hast bei einem solch' nichtigen Dinge geschworen und 
Dein Schwur soUte Rechtskraft haben? Nimmermehr! So 
wird die Stelle auch von den alten Commentatoren aufgefasst 
und so verlangt es auch der Zusammenhang. Ich bin ferner 
der Meinung, dass das Wort ^KIC^ in etymologischem Sinne 
gebraucht ist: Streiter mit Gott. eine Anspielung auf des 
Apophis Kampf mit Zeus-Ammon. Auf solche Weise ist 
alles in Ordnung. 

Dagegen bietet die Stelle nach den gangbareii Auf- 
fassungen viele Schwierigkeiten. Seit Mussafia, der iibrigens 
^BID liest, ist man der Meinung, dass das Wort gleich mil I 
sei, dem bekannten Fehler fiir das hebraische Tetragrammaton, 
s. J. Perles, Monatschrift, XIX, 525. Danach iibersetzt 
auch Levy {Neuhebr. TTft., I, 68b): „o Popi Israel's (ist 
ein gultiger Schwur = bei dem Gott Israel's!), Du darfst 
also nicht in Dein Haus gehen." Diese AuflFassung leidet 
an mehreren Fehleni. Denn danach w'are r\':>^y des erste 
Mai die erste, das zweite Mai die zweite Person, wo doch 
die Form in beiden Fallen dieselbe ist; auch kann rt>':fV 
weder die erste, noch die zweite, sondem nur die dritte 
Person sein und zwar feminin. ^) Zudem ist an der beziig- 
lichen Stelle von Zwistigkeiten die Rede, welche zwischen 
Mann und Weib vorkommen, also miissen jene Worte einen 
Bezug haben auf das Weib. Auch fehlt nach Levy's Auf- 
fassung aus der Antwort R Jose's der Hauptsatz, dass n^m- 
lich jene Redensart einen zu Recht bestehenden Schwur 
bilde. Die beste Widerlegung dieser AufFassung liegt in 
dem Worte selbst: 11111 1 ware ^D^C, hochstens ^CiC geschrieben, 
nicht aber ^C^B^N. Auch ist es unwahrscheinlich, dass man 
auch in jiidischen Kreisen das Tetragrammaton „pipi'' aus- 



') J as trow hilft dem durch eine Emendation ab; er liest das 
zweite Mai nWy. 



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348 Samuel Krauss. 

sprach, der Gesetzeslehrer R. Jose zomal konnte auf diesen 
filodsinn gewiss nicht eingehen. — Kohut {Aruch completunty 
I, 228 a) schl%t den bekannten Ansruf "Q^co^coi vor;') dann 
hatte aber da8 Wort hiCWLP gleich daneben keinen Sinn. 
Mehr ansprechend ist die Auffassong J as t row's (p. 58 b), 
dass ^CiD^5< ein verstummeltes Wort soi fiir den Namen ^H/N, 
also „Efofe Israel" = „Gott Israels" ; doch kann Jastrow 
fiir eine solche Schwurfoimel kein sicheres Analogon bei- 
bringen, wfthrend nach unserer Auffassung das Schworen 
bei einem Gotzen, wie wir weiter unten ersehen werden, 
auch bei Juden vorgekommen ist. 

7. Derketo. 
In Toseftha Sabbath \'II, 2, pag. 118, lesen wir wie 

folgt: pi nci« min^ o mcNH ^riic ni ^'^n pnipn p"i nc\xn 

Cn^n^x pan 1C«:r rni rn}2V or hv wenn Jemand sagt 
[schwort]: Dagon und Kadron! so ist dies etwas von der 
Art der Amoriter [ist also verboten]; R. Juda aagt: Dagon 
klingt an einen Gotzendienst an, denn so heisst es: ^Dagon 
ihr Gott" (Judicum XVI, 23). In den alien Drucken steht 
T^p und p-ip statt piip. — In der Parallelstelle, j. Sabb. 
VI, 8e, Z. 47, lautet der Satz wie folgt: DD^m ^m 

pi tt^Nii icwc* ry ]^n c\z'c ic\x min^ o nic^n '•m citrc 

'ir. Oifenbar ist an beiden Stellen von denselben Gottheiten 
die Rede. Welche sind diese? 

Levy I, 423a, gibt das Etymon des Wortes nicht an, 
er sagt bloss: „ein Zauberspruch", ebenso Jastrow p. 321a: 
„a charm formula". Kohut III, 141 b, sucht sich damit zu 
helfen, dass er fur lip und pi gleichmassig die Bedeutung 
dunk el festsetzt, also: ein dunkler Gotze. N. Briill, 
Jahrbiicher, VII, 111, gibt fiii* jnp Kp6vog, Diese Erkl'arungen 
werden gewiss Niemanden zufriedenstellen. 

leh denke, dass n2^i"n in Jeruschalmi ziemlich deutlich 
AepxeTCt) ist. Die Nebenformen dieses Namens sind ^AroLpyoLvfi 
und 'ATapyaTK;, auch *J.&apa, siehe Ktesias bei Strabon XVI, 
4.'^) Demnach ist ^il"! verkiirzte Form fiir [*A]TapYa[TTQ], vgl. 

>) Siehe jedooh Kohut «. v. ♦bib (VI, 390a). 

') Ueber die verschiedenea Formen des griechischen Namens, s. 
Mordtmann, in Zeitschrift der deutsch. margenldnd, CreseUschaft^ XXXIX, 
42 f. Eben diese Verschiedenheit der Namen bringt es auch mit sich. 



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Aegyptische unci syrische Gotternamen ira Talmud. 349 

'A<pp(6=*A(ppo?(TY) beiPape-BcDseler, Worterbuch der griechi- 
schen Eigennamen, 3. Aufl., 1, 184 ; fur PD'^im wird wohl nn^im 
oder richtiger n^ni*in zu lesen sein = ['AjTopya'cxg; der T- 
Laut ist wegen des stimmhaften R-Lautes ebenfalls zmu 
stimmhaften D-Laut geworden ; n fiir t ist ganz in Ordnung ^), 
wahrend die Endung wohl nur nach A^nalogie der rein he- 
br^lischen Formen auf D" sich gebildet hat — Jetzt bleibt 
nur noch die Toseftha zu erklaren. Was nun zunachst das 
Wort p"1^p anlangt, so schlage ich daftir *jnp"n = Aepx6T(o[v] 
vor; der N-Laut imAuslaute ist dem Worte nach Analogie 
der vielen Worter auf ]r angehangt. Was nun aber das 
Wort pn oder ]1il anlangt, so ist es gewiss identisch mit ^:i"n 
im Jeruschalmi, nur haben unwissende Copisten infolge der 
Bezugnahme auf den biblischen Dagon den Buchstaben 1 
gleich von vornherein ausgelassen, was doch gar nicht noth- 
wendig ist, denn es wird nicht gesagt, das ^TH^ beziehungs- 
weise *pi"n, mit Dagon identisch ist, sondem dass dieser 
Name an Dagon erinnert oder anklingt, was doch in der 
That der Fall ist; im Jeruschalmi ist es ja ausdnicklich so 
zu lesen. Es ist iibrigens bekannt, dass die Derketo als 
eine Frau mit einem Fischschwanz abgebildet wurde und 
also auch in dieser Hinsicht dem Dagon entspricht, welche 
Gottheit, der Etymologic nach, ebenfalls etwas fischartiges 
haben musste. Es liegen Berichte darliber vor, dass beide 
Gottheiten, Dagon und Derketo, in einer und derselben Stadt, 



dass wir im Talmud keinen Namen erwarten diirfen, der deu landl&ufigen 
aofs Haar abnlich ist; die Orthographie solcher aus der Fremde heruber- 
geuommeiier Namen muss immer floctuiren. Es erging auch den Griechen 
nicht besser, wenn sie z. B. aegyptische 05ttemamen in ihrer Sprache 
auszudriicken batten, s. tiber den Namen 'ApTcoxpdtr.c Wilhelm Schulze 
in Euhn's Zeitschrijf't fUr vergUichende Sprachforachung, XXXIII, 242. 
Schulze selbst ist nicht im Rechte, wenn er immer 'Apour^pic (mit dem 
Spiritus asper) schreibt; wir haben oben talmudische Formen dieses 
Namens geseben, welche auf ein Schwanken zwischen Sp. asper und 
I e n i s schliessen lassen. 

*) Ewald, Hebr. Oramm, 8 § 47 und Lagarde, GesammeUe 
Abhandlungen, S. 255 und 256, stellen das Oesetz auf, dass vor der Zeit 
Alexanders n nur durch t, nur durch b wiedergegeben werde, wahrend 
nach der Zeit Alexanders das Verh&Itniss sich umkebre {in\y\r\ = AepxerriS, 
also n»wm = [A]T4pYa'^ ^or Alexander); s. auch Muss-Arnoit a. a, 0., 
S. 47 u. 48, dagegen H. Le wy, Die aemiUschen Fremdwdrter im GriecM- 
schen (Berlin 1895), S. 15. 



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350 Samuel Kiauss. 

in Askalon verehrt wurden^) — ein Beweis mehr, dass die 
beiden Gottheiten in einander iibergehen und dass die talma- 
dische Bemerkung von ihrer IdentitSt auf richtiger Wahr- 
nehmung bernht. 

Wir bemerken schliesslich, dass hier ebenfalls von einem 
Schwure die Rede ist, wie oben bei Apophis. 

8. DIone. 
In T. Sabb. VII, 3, p. 118, lesen wir feraer Folgendes: 

p THI^N ICWB' HIT nni2j; wer da sagt (schwort): Doni, 
Donil so ist das etwas von der Art der Amoriter; K, Juda 
sagt: Dan klingt an Gotzendienst an, denn so heisst es 
(Amos VIII, 14): „Beim Leben Deines Gottes, Dan!" — 
An den Parallelstellen, in j. Sabb. VI, 8 c, Z. 49 und b. 
Sabb. 67 b (oben), ist mit einigen unwesentlichen Aenderungen 
derselbe Satz zu lesen ; der Gotze heisst im Jeruschalmi Ijn 
^ii, im Babli ^il '•in (bei Aruch jedoch ^il "*y\ wie in der 
Toseftha,'-) Manuscript Erfurt ^r^ 1:^-1 

Von dieser letzteren Form ausgehend, nehmen wir als 
richtige Leseart die Form '•ixn oder ^:in(=djoni) an; dies 
scheint ganz deutlich Awovtq^) zu sein, ein Name, welcher 
der Demeter und auch der Persephone beigelegt und 
auch AtjtwvY) und Ar^w geschrieben wird. Ein Heiligthum der 
Persephone gab es im talmudischen Zeitalter in Gaza und 
A ceo,*) diese alten orientalischen Culte waren also um 
diese Zeit in griechischer Form noch im Schwunge. 

Die bisherigen Erklarungen des Wortes befriedigen 
nicht; Levy I, 415a, iibersetzt (nach Aruch): „mogen fest 
werden die Fasser!" ; Kohut III, 94 a, denkt an das arabische 
(j^ fliistern (als Zauberei); Jastrow p. 315 a, wieder: 
a charm formula. Das Wort ist aber unzweifelhaft ein 
Eigenname. 



*) Schiirer, a. a. 0., II. 12 u. 13 und auch iu den Nachtrftgen, 
L 742. 

') Aruch hat den auffallenden Fehler: '^nsMn ♦sn oicD la pit, in den 
Quellen xiberall ia i»; nur in Manuscript Erfurt )z ;♦•«; s. Dikduke Sopherim 
z. St. 

') Siehe fiber diesen Namen Muss- A molt, a. a. 0., S 55, Anm. 13. 

*) Schiirer, a. a. 0., S. 11 und 16. 



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Aegyptiscbe und syrische Gotternrihien im Talmud. 351 

9. Gad = Tyche. 

Im Zusammenhange mit der soeben hehandelten Schwur- 
formel lesen wir in b. Sabb. 67 b (oben), noch folgenden 

Satz: '1 nicxn ^r*^*! citrc 12 t^*^ ... n*? pwci na "1:1 "iokh 
]rh\^ i:^ c^r-^iyn •^c«:ir n^ii misp pir^ xt^N '):\s -1: -)c\s rn^rr 

wenn Jemand 8agt: „Erstarke mein Stem und erlahme 
nicht!", 80 ist das etwas von der Art der Amoriter; R. Juda 
sagt: Gad kann nur einen Gotzendienst bedeuten, ') denn 
80 heisst es (Jesaja LXV, 11): „Die da bereiten einen 
Tisch fur Gad". Man sieht, diese Stelle ist den frtlher be- 
handelten zwei Piecen volikommen gleich, behandelt also wie 
jene eine besondere Art des heidnischen Cultus. Das Wort 
li, auch im Biblisch-hebraischen gebrauchlich, ''^), muss in 
der alten Religion der kanaanitischen Volker Eigenname 
eiiies Gotzen gewesen sein^) und wird dasselbe erst spater 
zu dem mehr allgemeinen Begriif ^Gliicksstem", „Genius" 
abgescbwScht worden sein.*j In dieser letzteren Bedeutung 
lebte das Wort noch weiter fort sowohl in dem aram&ischen 
Idiom des Talmud und Targum,*) als auch in der Sprache 
der christlichen Syrer,®) und zwar in ganz harmloser Weise, 
ohne dass man an dem Gebrauche desselben Anstoss ge- 
nommen hatte. Wenn nun die oben angefiihrte talmudische 
Stelle den noch ausdriicklich erklilrt, dass der Gebrauch dieses 
Wortes — oder wohl das Schworen vermittelst desselben*^) 



^) D. h. mit niDRi »rTr ist noch niclit gesagt, daj>s der Gebrauch 
dieses Wortes den Gotzendienst involvire, sondem nur, dass er an Gotzen- 
dienst anstreift und darum zu unterlassen ist; erst R. Juda behauptet 
dass damit eine Gotzenverehrung stattfindet Man hat auf diesen Unter- 
schied nicht geachtet und darum stalt u a^ wiUkurlich ia |»m eingeschoben, 
um zwischen den beiden Ansichten einen Unterschied herauszu&nden. 

*) Genes. XXX, 11 nach K*ri iji m3. Jonathan Maw m^to ktih, Peschittha 
j^ ^I^} , Septuaginta jedoch nach Ch'thib ii2 ev Ty^tj, Vulgata feliciter; 
Genesis rabba c. 71, 9 mehr nach K'ri iMoSyi h-t;i trrw Kn»m htj M»nM. 

^) Siehe die Commentatoren zu Jesc^a LXV, 11. 

*) Beide Bedeutungen kommen vor; siehe die Lexica. An der be- 
riihmten Stelle j. Az. I, 39 d, welche von Rapoport so schon erkiSit wurde 
{Erech MiUin, S. 230), bedeutet z^bpiHi nnj „Genius des Herculius", wie 
Ftirst {ZDMG, XLVni, 685) richtig nachgewiesen und nicht „Tyche, Gliick." 

*) Siehe das erschopfende Verzeichnis bei K o h u t II, 234, s. v. ij. 

*) Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 649; auch arabisch ^L^^ 

') Nach dem Sinn der zwei friiher hehandelten Stellen. 



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352 Samuel Ei-aoss. 

— dem Gotzendienste gleichkomme, so muss sie das Wort 
auch in einem verfanglichen Sinne gekannt haben, d. h. 13 
war auch das nomen proprium eines Gotzen, und that- 
sachlich wird das Wort auch in diesem Sinne gebraucht.^) 
Nun wissen wir aber, dass in Syiien und Arabian um diese 
Zeit der Cidtus der Tyche sehr verbreitet war, 2) dasselbe 
gilt aber auch von den heidnischen Stolen Palaestina's,^) 
und da der Begriff von 13 mit dem von Tyche zusammen- 
fallt, so liegt es nahe, den mit 13 bezeichueten speciellen 
heidnischen Cult auf den der Tyche zu beziehen. Das 
Wort Tyche selbst wird genannt in j\ Az. Ill, 42 d, Z. 32: 

'•cm [lies '•r^c]*) ^cc nini i^piip p;tJ nin x2 i3 «^n on 

m32 ni^'^H — R. Chijja b. Abba hatte Schalen (xotixia), auf 
welchen die Tyche Roms gemalt war. 

10. Abi. 

Esau spricht seinen Vater Isaak mit. den Worten an: 
^2N C1|T (Genes. XXVIl, 31). Der Midrasch z. St. (Genesis 
rabba c. 65,18) erblickt in dem Worte ^2« den Namen eines 

G5tzen: D^2rir nicj^i {<-i3 '•SN cy nic« iry^ ns'pn ic« 
V2^\x iKiD'» cn^K ap^ ih pis ^:« |ib^^2 13 ^:« p)n t^ c^j^p r\tn 

Oott sprach zu Esau: Du sagtest: „Steh' auf, Vater I" Das 
ist der Genius des Gotzen, den du einst aufstellen wirst; 
wohlan denn! mit denselben Worten werde auch ich dich 
strafen: „Gott stehe auf, es mogen zerstreut werden seine 
Feinde (Psalm LXVIII, 2)." Die Commentatoren Isachar 
Bar (niinr nijnc) und Pseudo-Raschi z. St., berufen sich 



*) Genesis rahba c. 66, 18: o»3:is miap iru; j. Az. 43 a (oben): M^nj 
M^'hi nn»M p-»*p (in T. Az. VI, 4 corrampirt Knju). Im Syrischen hat das 
Wort diesen Sinn nicht mehr. Aus h, Sanhedrin 63 b folgert Araoh (bei 
K h u t 11, 239 b) richtig: mn T'y isv ,»jdi. Dor Ortsname Vt» -u in M. 
Zabim I, 6 (T. Zabim I, 10 nn;i), der von Schiirer a. a. 0., II, 20, 
Anm. 81, hieher bezogen wird, hat mit dem:Qotzen Gad schweriioh etwas 
gemem; sonst siehe noch Mordtmannin ZDMG (1877), XXXI, 99—101. 

*) Waddington, Inscriptions Greques et Latines de la Syrie, 
p. 600 b. 

») Schiirer, a. a. 0., 11, 20. 

*) Diese Emendation ist von F ti r s t in Revue des £tudes Jtdves, XX, 
303, von H. Lewy in ZDMG XLVII, 118 und von mir in Magyar-Zsidd 
SzemU, IX, 176 unabhfingig von einander ausgesprochen wordcn and darom 
«chwerlich abzuweisen. 



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Aegyptische und syrische Gotternamen im Talmud. 353 

auf die Worte des Jeremias (II, 27) HflN ^2« yyb onciN, 
um fur a b i die Bedeutung eines Gotzen herauszubekommen ; 
auch muss das Schlusswort V3^1N des citirten Psalmverses 
an den Namen des vermeintliohen Gotzen anklingen. Es ist 
jetzt nur fragb'ch, welcher Gotze wohl gemeint ist?^) Es 
ist dies eine Frage, auf die wir leider keine Antwort zu 
geben vermogen, und so miissen wir diesen Aufsatz mit 
einem non liquet beschliessen, doch nicht ohne vorher den 
Wnnsch ausgesprochen zu haben, dass es Anderen gelingen 
mochte, die hier dunkel gelassenen Punkte aufzuhellen. 

*) Kohut II, 234 b, donkt an "AjJat, den Beinamen des Apollo. 



Kohnt, Semitic Studies. ^^ 



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De la formation des racines triliteres fortes 

par 
Prof. Mayer Lambert (Paris). 

Le present travail se rattache par certains cot^s aux 
recherches lexicographiques, auxquelles le rogi'ette Alexandre 
Kohut a consacr^ la plus belle part de sou activite. Si les 
resultats auxquels nous sommes arrives dans T^tude des 
raeiuos triliteres fortes sont confirmes, ils contribueront Jifouniir 
une base solide aux questions etymologiques, en penuettant 
de determiner d'une maniere plus rigoui'euse le sens primitif 
des racines semitiques. 

Quand on examine des series de racines trilitt*res comuie 

-lie, c-^?, n?, pc, pic ou n:i:, w:, p:, i^^:, r::, ou aper^oit 

un ^l^ment constant "ID ou ^3 et des lettres adventices 1, 
\2f % 2k, p; n, Vy r, t% Z\ On en a conclu avec raisun que 
les racines triliti'res proviennent de racines biliteres. Que 
sont ces lettres adventices, grace auxquelles les racines sont 
devenues biliteres? Pour les consonnes N, ^, ^ la reponsc 
s'offrait d'elle-meme: Les racines biliteres avaient une voy- 
elle (a, i, u), qui s'cst transforraee en consonne. Suivant 
que la voyelle pr^cedait, separait ou suivait les deux con- 
sonnes, il en est r^sultfe des racines avec premiere, deuxieme ou 
troisieme radicale N, 1 ou ^: abd est devenu 12N, pri ^IB, 
qum Dp. Notons deju ici qu'un tres grand nombre de 
bilitfcres sont devenus triliteres par le redoublement de la 
deuxieme radicale, et sans que la voyelle jouat aucun role 
dans cette transfoinnatlon, ex 22D, CCP. On pent appeler 
les racines telles que IZN, ^"^C, Dp vocaliques^) et les 
racines geminees telles que Z2D, CCH avocaliques. 

La nature des consonnes autres que N, 1, et ^ est plus 

'; Bieii cutcnda, nous voulons dire par vocalique qu'une des radicalcs 
provieiit d*un« voyeilo, iioa pas qu'eile soit une voyelle. 



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De la formation des racines triliteres fortes. 355 

difficile k determiner. Bien des hypotheses ont 6t6 faites au 
sujet des racines trilitferes fortes. Les uns ont pense que ces 
racines ^taient une combinaison de racines bilitfcres, d'autres 
qu'elles 6taient compos^es d\me racine bilitere et dWe pro- 
position oil d'une postposition, etc. Mais avant de formuler 
aucune thiorie. il importe de determiner exactement la place 
que peuvent occuper les consonnes adventices dan^ les ra- 
cines triliteres. On s^Opargnera de la 80ii;e des suppositions 
peut-etre ingOnieuses, mais qui ne s'accorderaient pas avec 
Temploi riel deces consonnes. 11 faut done 6tudier, sans idOes 
pr6con9ue8, les families de racines triliteres, siparer de Ve\&- 
ment bilitfere les consonnes adventices et grouper ensuite 
les racines triliteres qui sont formees k I'aide d^une meme 
consonne. En procfedant ainsi nous avons obtenu une liste 
de racines qui montre la place des lettres adventices. *) Nous 
avons laissO de cot^ toutes les racines qui ne decelaient pas 
avec une clarte suffisante leur consonne adventice, mais il n'y 
a pas de raison pour que les conclusions auxquelles nous sommes 
arrives pour les unes ne soient pas valables pour les autres : 
N est initial dans -I2N, SzN, px, C^N, pj^N, C1«, ^TK, riN, 

ct:x, ^r«, c\y, «^Sx, br:^, rcvs. p]:n% c':n, j^x, c^x, nex, rnx, 
T1X, iirx, nirvS. 

medial dans 1X2, It'xr, Sxa, 2X1, tCN^ IN^. CX^ IXC. 

]xc, Dxc, nx2i, "ixn. 

final dans X12, Xt:2, X'12, X2a, XD1, XID, X1T, X2n, XiCn, 

xbn, xcn, xen, x)::l:, x:::, xtr, xor, xt:*?, xnc, X2:, xr:. xt&o, 

XDD, X^D, X22i, XC2i, XS)p, X"ip, XD1. 

2 est final dans 21:, 22n, 2JT, 2L:n, 22in, 2nn, 2C'n, 2Pr, 

2::, 2i:, 2p:, 2nD, 2py, 2t:p, 2Kp, 2C'p, 2n-^., 2pi, 2:ir, 2:1^- 
: est final dans iS^, icc, ixr, iH, m, yn^ iPo, :d:. 
1 est final dans -i:x, i&x, "112, "i^i, iii, "cn, ncn. lit:, 

122, in2, -2':', iD% -it^'^ lie, -::, ip:, npy, ins, -ipr, tie, 

-iD^, "is:;, "isp, in, 1B1, "i2ii. "ipi, "iptr. 

n est medial dans 2nx, 112, 211, 11?, II::, 21^ \2rh, 

jr\c, 11c, 211;, 11^*'^). 



') Pour reduire lo travail, nous n'avons pns que les racines usitees 
en hebreu. D'ailleurs, en nous bornant a uno seule langue, nous risquions 
nioins de nous laisser egarcr par dcs mpprochements soduisants, mais qui 
opuvaient ne pas etre fondes. 

*) li semblo quo le n medial soit uno varianto du i medial, comparez 

23' 



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356 Mayer lAmbert 

final dans 712^, 

1 est initial dans CN% h2\ z*2\ 2r,\ im, bn\ rc\ hz\ 
yb\ 1C1, pDi, 10% 2V\ i:n, y\ vp\ y\ cp% -i% ni\ ii% 

medial dans r\2, "I'2, D12, 112, C'lZ, 113, ri:, Cli, an, nn, 

Til, on, in, rn, nn, Din, 21t, tit, t^iT, yiT, ii?, nn, Lin, ^in, rin, 
cm, fin, iin, 2il, mc, ^il:, ^ir, nr, l:iS, jn% i&n% an:, trie, 
Tc, ^ic, pic, lie, i&ic, nic, 2i:, -n:, ni:, l:i:, cij, jn:, pji:, \n:, 
aiD, -I1D, niD, TD, lie, ziy, aiy, my, Tiy, t^iy, ^iiy, piy, up, ^nr, 
piB, 115, ::nr, ii2i, nij;, tn:;, pi^j, nis, t:ip, }^ip, up, mi, cii, 
V^'^j V'^7 p'^'^j Ttt', cir, life', riK', L:it&^, yir, pii:', iiit', -^in. 
final dans ma, m2, mc, mt:*, ijy, lip, i^p, ^bz*^). 

T est final dans n.S, ly^ iSy, mD, TIC, TBp, Til. 

n est final dans n3x, nt:2, n2a, n^a, n2T, n:T, niT, nr::, 
net}, nit:, no?, np^ ntrc, nnc, ns:, na:, nr:, no:, nw, ns:, 
nn:, nco, n^c, noc, nj;©, npc, me, nn?, ncii, nip, ncp, nip, 
nic^p, nni, npi, nets', nrir, rhz% nci:% 

t: est final dans cczn, 1:2^ tcy^ t:p% tc^c, t:ic, t:2:, t:t>5, 
t2iB, ris'B, ecp, Dtt'p, L:iir, L:2t&^. 

'• est initial dans 212\ Yp\ ir\ 

medial dans Ti, pn, "pm, Ty, I^H, 1^2i, y'l), Tp, nn, 

^■1, pn. 

final dans ^2N, 1«, '^^N, ^:x, ^DN, nN, '>T2, ^:2, ^y2, n2, 

^^a, na, mi, ^21, ^^1, ^di, ^:r,, ^cn, ^:i, m, .^t\ ^2t, ^:t, nT, 
^2n, ^Tn, ^2n, ^Sn, ^:n, ^cn, ^cn, ^ot, ^pn, nn, ^rn, mn, 
ic:, nt:, n\ ^i^\ mc, ^12, ^^2, ^:2, ^02, '•k, n2, TiD, ^:c, ^hc, 
nc, ^rc, n:, m:, ^t::, ^2:, ^2i:, ^p:, ^ir:, mo, ^ed, ^2y, ny, iy, 
^ey, ^^y, ^:y, >2iy, ^iv, "^'^^y ns, ^Ss, ^:d, ^yc, ^k&, ns, me, >25J, 
i2i, ^i2i, m2i, ^^2i, ^ck, ^:p, ^2ip, np, ^irp, ^21, ni, mi, >di, ^di, 
^:;r, nir, '•2ts*, nr, \Nii', ^21:', ^air, ^ci:', ^:t&^, '•or, '•yis^, '^di^*, '•in, 
nn, ^:n, ^yn. 

2 est final dans IZTi, llS'n, inn, in% IK^C, lit':, IPJ, ICC, 
121, 12t:', l^B'*. 

h est final dans ^E?iX, h)i^, t?12, t?2i2, tJn2, t?2:, H:, t^T:, 

t^c:, t^y:!, tjpi, t?2n, ^cn, ^2t, ^2n, t^cn, t?2t:, ^Dt:, ^22, ^n2, 
^D2, tJS2, t5T:, ^m, ^2:, ^5^;:, Sp:, Sc:, ^:d, t>2D, ^liy, hpv, h:z, 
hot, h';iE}, h2p, t^cp, bi2pj br.j ^21, ^yi, ^ctr, ^2r. 

nnr et air, hnc et ^it:, etc. De Th^brou a Parameen le changeoient de i in 
n' est frequent: }»n et em, cis et nna. 

*) Beaucoup de racines )'b sont de venues ^'^ 



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De la formation des racines triliteres fortes. 357 

: est initial dans ^3:, t^W, y^:. 

final dans JCN, ]n2, p:i, ipi, jon, |cn, pp, jHS:, jci:, ]Br, 
|:^'% ii&% id:;, pp, np, j-tcr, pt:\ 

D est final dans 0^2, D^^a, D"^n, DC" 022, DC2, D:r, DJ?r, 
D2J, Cn:, D-^e, D^p, D-^.p, D2-^, D?:i, Ct'l, DZtT. 

y est final dans J?^2, V)i2, Vp2, VZ:. J?i:i, VU, V% V^^, W:n, 

Wi, rn, ym, J?5i, yiT, yit:, wr, i?:c, j?2:, ya:, yc:, yn:, y^D, 
WD, j;iD, p^D, ppD, j?-iD, ytTD, yiTD, yns, yt^p, y^p, yip, y2i, 
yn, ym, vp'^; y^^'i, yir, yz:^, y:ii:', ysr. 

D est final dans p)i:, p)-i:i, p)n-i, ^1^1, ^lyT, s^PT, p]t:n, pi:n, 
^l-in, pjtrn, pjnn, p]-^::, p]a:, pi"«3, ^inD, ^-ly, ^t:y, f^::;, fii:p, pj^^p, f]-!-!, 
f)3n, pjt)::', p)DK^, «^p;r. 

x est final dans f CvS, yi:n, y^n, ^nc, ^n:, i^tjy, py, p©, 
pp, v^p, r^^p, p", pc'. 

p est final dans p:N, p-;2, pt'Z, piZ, pn2, pm, pH, pDI, 

p2i% p:T, pyT, p-iT, pzn, pin, pin, pen, p:n, p'i)c, prj, pir:, pn:, 
pDD, piy, ptry, piry, piD, ptrD, p-n;, pnii, poii, p:2f, pyy, pDi, 
pni, pniif. 

"1 est medial dans t^'in (se taire), nir, C"iy (entasser). 
final dans 1a^<, UN, invX, TtCN. 1CN, 1DN, 12iN, 1T2, "in2, 

ip2, 1P2, 12:1, 1-1:1, in. lea, iy:, 121, ipi, iin, in, i^n, i:n, 
iin, iL:n, len, ion, isn, i2in, ipn, irn, 122, ler, iDr, idc, 
11:, ir:, ip:, itt^:, in: i:d, i:id, icd, idc, ire, izy, i7y, it:y, 
loy, iKy, ipy, ifcT, iK^y, i^d, 1]d, i^iTD, lys, i2iD, ipd, i22i, 
inii, icK, i:2i, -)2p, lyp, -^^p, itt'p, iir, i2t:*, iter, -^yr, 

ipr, IDP. 

ir est final dans tn:. iTn, fc*2:. fc'ID, fcri^ tt'DI. t^En. 
It* est final dans i:'p2^ ITU t:'^!!^ ry> IT'^^ l^'21i l^'2n, irm. 

s^'^n, ir^n, i^sc:. i:*22^ i:'n2. rnr. cc^ K'n^ i:'::^ ;^^p^ ira:. 
i^'l::, i^'d:, ic'p:, ::r:^ ir:y. K^py, iras, itrD, riD, "krip, r:i. ir::i. 
K^2l7 B^yi. 

n est initial dans 2Nn. pP, yt>r, 2yr, VZT.. 

medial dans in2. 

final dans n2n, HD^, HDD, n2y, Hiy, PCy, ni^'V, P2K, PCX, 

P2ir, pni^', PDi^. 

Par cette liste on voit qne toutes les lettres peuvent 
etre adventices k la fin des racines. Au milieu, N, 1 et ^ le 
sont tres friquemment, P qnelquefois, 1 et P exceptionnelle- 



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358 Mayer Lambert. 

inent^); les autres consonnes, quand elles sont deuxieme ra- 
dicale, appartiennent k T^l^ment bilitere. Coinme initiales 
adventices on a de nouveau N, ) et \ Les consonnes j et P 
parmi les consonnes fortes se mettent devant les racines biH- 
teres. Mais il est probable que les quelques racines fornixes 
avec i et P sont secondaires, c'est-k-dire qu'elles d^rivent 
de mots d6jk triliteres: pp vient de pr, ybr, de y^\ j;d'P 

de yzx 

Ces remarques nous aideront a trouver Torigine des 
lettres adventices. 11 semble qu'en comparant les racines 
tenuin^es par une menie lettre adventice, on devrait dcouvrir 
une id6e commune k ces racines. Et, en efFet, si les lettres 
adventices ^taient elles-memcs des racines abrig^es, elles 
devraient donner une nuance de sens particuliere aux racines 
biliteres avec lesquelles elles se seraient combinees. Mais 
il n'en est rien. II est impossible, a moins de possider 
beaucoup d*imagination, de trouver quel est le sens du 2 dans 
les racines 213? 2iD, 2jT, 2Jrn, etc., ou du Z dans les racines 
3'?n, :iin, Oir, etc. II en est done des racines fortes comme 
des racines faibles. Pas plus qu*on ne clierche le sens que 
donncnt V N, le 1 ou le \ il n'y a a cliercher celui que pourrait 
donner un 2 ou un 1 C'est dejk un indice que les con- 
sonnes adventices fortes doivent s'expliquer de la meme ma- 
niere que les cfmsoniies faibles, ou pour mieux dire, c*est 
dans les consonnes faibles <iu'il faut chercher, selon nous, 
I'origine des consonnes fortes. Nous croyons que, une fois 
devenues consonnes, les voyelles a, i, u ont donne naissance 
non pas seulement a N, 1, ^ mais k toutes les gutturales, la- 
biales et palatales qui terminent les racines triliteres. On 
peut consid^rer les consonnes fortes counue des consonnes 
faibles renforcees. C'est le besoin de multiplier les racines 
qui a pousse k differencier ainsi les finales. On comprend 
que ce phinomene se soit produit k la fin des mots, ou la 
prononciation des consonnes est moins tranchie. D'ailleurs, 
la transformation d'une consonne faible au commencement ou 
au milieu d'un mot efit amene des confusions perp^tuelles 
de racines: n"1":, p. e. n'aurait pu devenir n"2"3 sans se 

*) II peut y avoir d'autres exceptions, mais nous n'avons pas cm devoir 
en tenir compte. 



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De la formation des racinos triliteres fortes. 359 

confondre avec n"2i de 21 Si notice supposition est juste, 
des verbes els (pie p)m et pm viennent, eomme ^^^ et ^H", 
de dhu et dhi. Of. ^)ip et li'p, C^l^• et ^hz% Cm2 et 1^2, C^V 

(ruse) et np, :ht et ^Sc, p:i et '»:t, pnc et >nc, njc2 et n::2, 

n23 et N23, etc. 11 va sans dire que les raeines d'une uieme 
famille une fok s^parees, leurs significations arrivent souvent 
k s^eloigner les unes des auti'es au point qu'on a de la peine 
k trouver Tid^e qui les r^unit. Ainsi, N"?!*? lire et rnp etre 
chauve viennent tons deux de qra, ^TO etre brillant 
et pnii rire, de shi. II n'est pas etonnant quW ait quelque 
difficult^ pour trouver le lien qui unit les sens de ces mots. 

L'hypotbese qui vient d'etre 6niise, explique la formation 
des gutturales, des labiales et des palatales. II reste a 
monti'er Toriginc des dentales et des sifflantes. Lk aussi 
nous aurons recours aux racines faibles, mais aux racines 
avocaliques ou geminees. Ou sait que dans les langues s^- 
mitiques le redoublement d'uue consonne est souvent remplaci 
par Tintercalation d'une liquide, p. e. dans «52 et ^D12. C'est, 
a notre avis, par un phenomene semblable que les raeines 
gimin^es out donn6 naissance aux racines augraentees d'une 
liquide, principalement du resch. Un grand nombre de 
raeines terminees par un 1 se rapprocbent remai*quablement 
pour le sens des racines gfemint^es tiroes du meme element 
bilitfere, p. e. 112 et 7T2, in et iH, ■)2-| et 221, I^H et ::n, 
•^pn et ppn, n2p et 22p, "irp et l^'irp. Les racines en 1 
reprfesentent done une variete des racines gemin^es. 

II en est de meme des racines en *? et 3. Ces consonnes 
se permutent fr^quemment avec le 1, de sorte qu'on pent y 
voir la transformation du 1, ou bien les rattacher directement 
aux racines gimin^es, p. e. ccn et tJCH, "i2l&* et ]2\t\ Le 
sens des racines en ^ et ^ est souvent semblable a celui des 
racines en 1. Que Ton compare, par exemple, t^ia et 113, 

hu et in, hr^: et 103, hzn et i2n, t^i^: et nz% h:D et i:d, ]n2 
et in2, inn et inn, etc. 

C'est eniin le 1 qui sert de trait d'union entre les racines 
g^minees et les racines avec dentales et sifflantes. Entre le 1 et 
le 1 il existe une affinity tres grande, cf., par exemple, p)"1'i* et 
^"IIT. On pent meme se demander si dans Talpbabet pbenicien 
primitif on ne s'est pas servi d'un meme signe pour les deux 



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360 Mayer Lambert. 

lettres, ce qui en expHquerait T extraordinaire ressemblance. 
On est done autoris6 a croire que le 1 adventice n'est qu'une 
transformation du 1. On comprend par \k que des racines 
comme "IDH (en arabe) et lOn, 122 et 122, "Ip3 et *)p:, aient 
des significations tres voisines. Le T a dii surtout remplacer 
le 1 dans les racines qui avaient deja une Ijquide, commc 

-112, -1^:, -in:, til:, -12% -let), -it% -i-^S, -lie, -I1D, -in, len, 
iri, -ipi. 

Le 1 s^est, i, son tour, chang6 en 12 ou en D; of. lie 
et J21S, assyrien "lim"© et tClTD, "IDl^ et PCS, of. aussi 12b 
et JCp^, -Ip: et t:p:, n2: (arabe), etc. 

Les dentales enfin se sont souvent aspir^es et sont deve- 
nues les sifflantes 1, D, 5^, B^ et C', comparez 115 et T1&, 
DID, p5; ipietip:; JCCp et }^cp; 1?p et ^&p; in2 et HK^^; 
lOJ et tr:i:, B^OJ ; I2ph et C'p^, etc. Les sifflantes sont done le 
deraier terme de revolution des racines biliteres avocaliques. 
En partant, par exemple, de 222 (usit6 en arabe) on obtient 
122, 122, D22 et ^^22. 

La thiorie que nous avons exposee facilite beaucoup la 
recherche de Tel^ment bilitere dans les racines semitiques, 
parce qu*elle laisse bien moins de place & une decomposition 
arbitraire des racines triliteres. Les consonnes fortes ne 
pouvant guere etre adventices que comme troisit'me radicale, 
il s'en suit que dans les racines 011 les deux premieres con- 
sonnes sont fortes, on est certain que c'est la troisieme lettre 
qui est ajout^e; ainsi, 22ir ne peutetre <jue 2*2t^*, et appar- 
tient k la faraille de n2l^, 12^', ^^21^*, I2K'; cette racine n'a 
done rien k faire avec le latin cubo. 

II reste toutefois bien des racines oil Ton ne pent d^gager 
Feliment bilitere par cc proc^de mecanique. Ce sont tout 
d'abord celles qui ont une lettre initiale faible. Dans les 
racines commen^ant par N, 1 ou \ on a toujours k se de- 
mander si ces lettres sont adventices ou si ellos appartiennent 
a rei6ment bilitere. Ainsi dans inx, cf. ini, 1in, 1' N est 
siirement adventice; dans IHN cf IPX, il est primitif. Dans 
2irt reiement bilitfere est 2K^, dans 2K1 c'est SI; dans yp^ le 
yod est adventice, dans n^ le yod initial est primitif Avec 
de telles racines, ou ne pent reconnaitre la consonne addi- 
tionelle qu'en les comparant an point de vue de la signi- 



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De la formation des racines triliteras fortes. 361 

fication avec les racines trilitferes qui pourraient etre de la 
lueme famille. 

Coinme lettres m^diales les consonnes N, 1 et ^ sont le 
plus souvent adventices. II ne peut guere y avoir de diffi- 
eultes que lorsqu'il y a deux lettres faibles, comme dans K^3, 
^S<1 II est possible que dans ee cas les deux consonnes 
faibles rep^sentent deux anciennes voyelles. 

Le *1 est beaucoup plus embarrassant comme mediale, 
parce qu*il peut alors etre adventice. II est, p. e., plus na- 
turel, de rattacher 0*12 k D2, qui signifie couper, qu*k ir, 
qui signifie ere user et arrondir.^) Dans I^nn la signi- 
fication etre muet s'explique mieux par la racine bilitfere 
K^n former que par in (cf ^K'H, 2l^*n, plt'n); CDV amasser 
-'-- CCJ?; dans ^HD il est difficile de dfecider si nous avons 
Teliment bilitfere "^B ou 2iD, etc. 

Pour le *?, il n'est pas certain qu'il soit adventice au 
milieu de la racine. On cite generalement y^^, qu*on com- 
pare k y^i, mais on pourrait tout aussi bien le comparer k 
Tarabe p26 attache r. Le n parait ajout6 dans "^nr, qui 
appartient sfli'ement a la racine "ir. Mais "^nr est probable- 
ment une racine secondaire tir^e de 1")r. 

On ne saurait etre trop prudent, quand, pour d^gager 
rfel6ment bilitere, on compare la signification des racines qui 
se ressemblent phonetiquement. En effet, il semble que lors- 
que des racines ont une assonance meme fortuite, elles 
tendent k se rapprocher pour le sens. On est alors port^ A 
rfeunir des racines qui n'ont, en r6alit6, aucun rapport entre 
elles. On devra se garder de mettre ensemble 1"!iN en- 
fermer et in^f serrer; ^L^'^ approcher et Z*'^^ rencon- 
trer; ^'^^ etre bas et h^'^ tomber, 1"pj et 1"p1 percer. 
Les racines exercent une sorte d'attraction les unes sur les 
autres, et il est possible aussi, en sens inverse, que Tanalogie 
d'une racine exerce une influence phon^tique sur d'autres 
racines ayant une signification voisine. Ainsi, pour K^:0 et 
B^a© il se peut que la concordance de la terminaison soit due 
a Tanalogie de I'id^e que ces racines expriment; de meme 
pour J?aJ et WE?. 



*) Les idees de cavite et de rondeur sont etroitement liees dftns les 
idees des anciens; cf. r?n et ^n. 



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362 Mayer Lambert. 

En outre, il faut compter avee les in^tatheses possibles 
des lettres radicales; p. e. i^^p iie parait pas ctre autre chose 
que la mitathese de LDp^. On ti'ouvera bien d^auti'es exemples 
de ce phinonione dans les grammaires hibraiques et, en 
particuHer, dans les Etudes 6tymologiques de M. Barth. 
Eniin, il faut avoir bien soin de distinguer des racines pri- 
maires les racines secondaires, qui derivent de mots ayant 
deja une racine trilittre. Notamment le n du f&minin sert 
parfois k fonuer de nouvelles racines. Ainsi, nnc^ derive 
tres vraiserablablement de Pn?^, qui lui-meme vient de rw. 
De meme, n?JJ doit diriver d'un substantif niy tombe en de- 
suetude, et qui vient de ^iy; n^l^' tire, sans aucun doute, son 
origine de P?^', second infinitif de 2Z\ 

On voit que, meme en sachant comment se forment les 
racines triliteres, on doit user de beaucoup de precautions 
dans retude etymologique de ces racines. Mais, du moins, si 
notre theorie est juste, elle restreint le champ des suppositions 
possibles, et etablit des regies qui, bien souvent, permettront 
de d^gager avec une certitude* presque absolue Fidie fon- 
damentale que Teiement bilitere exprime dans les mots sfe- 
mitiques. 



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Erklilning einer Talmudstelle 

von 
Prof. Dr. M. Lazarus (Berlin). 



Als „jener Tag'' wird derjenige bezeichnet, an welchem 
Schamwai uud seine Schnle uber Hillel und die seinigc 
einen Sieg errungen, indem sie achtzelin verschiedene Ver- 
ordnungen zur Versch'arfung drs Gesetzes iiborhaupt und zur 
starksten Absonderung der Juden von den Nichtjuden fest- 
setzten. Aiif deni Altan eincs gewissen (.liiskia ben Cha- 
nanja haben die Sehammaiten (wie nielirfaeb berichtet wird) 
mit List und Gewalt die Mebrheit erlangt und die Siitze zum 
Beschluss erhoben. Tiber diosen Tag Hndet sich spater ein 
Ausspruch, welcher der Deutung dringend bedarf; ich habe 
eine solche bei Anderen, wie ich glaube, vergeblieh, gesncht 
und theile deshalb meine eigene Vermuthung mit. Der Aus- 
spruch, ohne Angabe eincs Autors, lautet: 

^:yn 12 itt^yir cvr h^^.^^h nc'p n^n cvn imx 

„Jener Tag war hart fiir Israel, wie jener an welchem 
sie das (goldene) Kalb gemacht haben."*) 

Wird nun auch der Urheber des Ausspruches nieht ge- 
genannt, so erscheint dieser doch im unmittelbaren Zusam- 
menhang mit einer Controverse, welche fiber eben „diesen 
Tag" zwischen Rabbi Elieser ben Hyrkanos und Rabbi 
Josua ben Chananjah, also etwa nach zwei Menschenaltern, 
stattgefunden hat, und man darf annehmen , dass er 
von Josua selbst, oder einem Gesinnungsgenossen her- 
stammt. Der Dialog lautet, nach der Tradition des Jerus. 
"Rabbi Elieser sagt, an jeneni Tage haben sie das Mass ge- 
gehauft. Rabbi Josua dagegen, an jenem Tage haben sie das 
Mass abgestrichen. Rabbi Elieser sagt, „in einer mit Niissen 

') S. Jerus. 1, 4 und Tosiphtah Sabb. 1. 



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364 M. Lazarus. 

gefilllten Kufe findet sich fiir Sesamkornchen noch immer 
Raum genug.** Rabbi Josiia dagegen: ^sie haben das Mass 
der Beschrilnkungeii uberschritten. Giesse Wasser in eine 
mit Ol gefullte Kufe, da gewinust du Wasser, aber du ver- 
lierst ebensoviel an 01." Ks erscheint mir nun beachtens- 
werth, nicht bios, dass dieser Dialog in der Mischnah des 
Rabbi Jehuda ganiiclit, in der Tosiphtah ganz und gar ver- 
kiirzt, ohne Hervorhebung der verschiedenen Stoffe uber- 
lieffrt ist; sondem — dass der Babli (Sabb. 153 b) an die 
Stelle jenes Gleichnisses des Josua ein anderes setzt, niim- 
lich : „ P^iille ein Gefass mit Honig, thust du Granaten und 
Niisse dazu, so verdrangen sie den Honig. ^ Dieses Bild, 
das gleichwerthige StofFe als die einander verdrangenden 
nennt, ist weit weniger trefFend ; die Opposition Josua's und 
ihr Grund sind fast verwischt. (3l und Wasser aber, das trifft, 
das ist klare und scharfe Kritik. Man wird diesen Dialog 
tiber den wogenden Kampf der beiden Riehtungen, der nie 
zur Ruhe kommen sollte, vielfach nicht bios in den Sehulen 
Paliistinas, sondern auch Babylons herum getragen haben-, 
wie aber konnte es geschehen, dass an die Stelle des schai'- 
fen und kennzeichnenden Gleichnisses von 01 und Wasser, 
das matte und fast irrefiihrende ') von Granaten und Honig 
getreten ist? Ich werde den Verdacht nicht los, dass es 
ebenso wio die Weglassung in der Mischnah mit Bewusstsein 
und Absicht geschehen ; die Kritik beides, dor Verordnungen, 
die doch nun einmal thatsachlich Geltung erlangt batten, als 
auch der Schammaitischen Richtung, welche trotz aller gegen- 
theiligen Versicherungen und liestimmungen, die siegreiche 
geworden war, die Kritik von beiden, sage ich, erschien in 
dem Gegensatz von 01 und Wassca* doch allzuscharf, und 
man suchte ihm aus dem Wege zu gehen. 

Nunmehr krmnen wir uns die Frage vorlegen, was bedeutet 
es, dass dieser Tag der achtzehn Verordnungen, als ebenso hart, 
r\]l*p (nachtheilig, schlimm, folgenschwer) bezeichnet wird 
wie der des goldenen Kalbes? Worin, oder wodurch ist er 
gleich „hart?" — Wo steckt das eigentliche tertium com- 
parationis? Schon vor Jahren fragte ich einmal einen jungen, 
aber sehr gewiegten Talmudisten, es w^ar einer von den stark 

') S. B. Sabb. 153 b, Tosaphot z. St. 



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Erklarung einer Talmudstelle. 365 

schammaitisch Gesinnten ; ihm passte die harte Verurtheilung 
schlecht, und er meinte: es heisse nichts Anderes als der 
Tag sei ein ^grosser Ungliickstag" gewesen. Stilistische 
Schonheit und Genauigkeit ist nicht gerade ein Vorzug der 
Tannaitischen Sprache ; weim man aber ein so hervorstechen- 
des Gleichniss brauchte, so hatte es auch seine bestimmte 
Bedeutung. Und brauchte Jemand, urn einen „Ungluckstag" 
zu bezeichnen, nacU der Zerstorung Jerusalems und des Tem- 
pels auf den Tag des goldenen Kalbes zurlickzugreifen? Das 
Wichtigste aber, uud deshalb nenne ich den Namen des 
Mannes nicht, erscheint mir dieses: es ist eine ganz unjiidische 
und untalmudische Antwort. Ein Tag grossen Vergehens ist 
niemals nach jiidischer Anschauung ein blosser „Unglticks- 
tag". — Neuerdings nun habe ich raeine Frage an unseren 
grossen Talmudisten, Herm Dr. Israel Lewy in Breslau ge- 
richtet Er meint: „der Grund, weswegen jener Tag dem 
Ililleliten wenigstens so unheilvoU erschien, diirfte ungeachtet 
des Inhalts (!) der am genannten Tage gefassten Beschliisse 
und abgesehen von etwaigen Hypothesen, in dem Umstande 
bereits zu iinden sein, dass ..." (und nun folgt das Citat aus 
Sabb. 17 a und Jerus. Fol. 3 a, wo von List und Gewalt der 
Schammaiten berichtet wird).') 

Weshalb in aller Welt der Urheber des Ausspruches 
wegen dieses Benehmens der Schammaiten gerade auf den 
Vergleich mit dem goldenen Kalbe verfallen sollte, ist nicht 
ersichtlich ; man wird den Grund desselben, glaube ich, iiber- 
haupt nicht entdecken konnen, wenn man nur auf das Ver- 
fahren der Beschlussfassung, und nicht auf den Inhalt 

der Beschliisse achten will ! Der Meister der Aus- 

legung der Agada, M. Friedmann in Wien dagegen, 
an den ich nieine Frage ebenfalls gerichtet, meint: „die 
Folgen des hy]J zeigten sich in der Spaltung bei der 
Theilung des Reiches . . . Die Divergenz der beiden Schulen 
gelangte an diesem Tage zu einem blutigen Kampfe. Auch 



*j loll will beilaufig beiiicrkcu, dass die Vonnutbuug des Herm Dr. 
J. L. zur St., dass es vifelleicht tiv hn Disin heissen musste, am besten 
durch Scbillers Fiesko, 4 Act, 1. Scene, widerlegt wird. Die eifervollen 
Scbammaiten und der weltklugo Schiller wnssten es besser; wenn man die 
Leute vergewaitigen will, dann lasst man sie herein, aber nicht hinaus, bis 
sie gedemiithigt und tiberwunden sind. 



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366 M. I^azai-QS. 

beklagte man^ dass die Lehre zu zwei Lehren wurde". Sollte 
wirklich der Tannai vom Tage des goldenen Kalbes gespro- 
chen haben, wenn er in Wahrheit nur die spate Folge des- 
selben, die Trennung Israels und das Kalb des Jerobeam im 
Sinne hatte ? — Urn das Gleichniss zu verstehen, lueine ich, 
miissen wir uns die Geschichte des goldenen Kalbes etwas 
genauer ansehen. Dass Ahron es gemacht, darauf lege ich kein 
Gewicht, er wurde gezwungen; aueh was etwa ein heutiger, 
zumal bibelkritischer, Leser von dem ganzen Ereigniss denkt, 
liegt uns hier durchaus fern, — nur wie es dem Tannaiten 
erscheinen mochte, indem er sich g&nzlich an der wortlichen 
Darstellung halt, mussen wir zu verstehen suchen. 

Die Kinder Israels sind in ihrer Art fromuie Leute ; sie 
fiihlen ein starkes religioses Bediirfniss und woUen es be- 
friedigen. Alio Menschen haben ihren Gott, sie wollen auch 
einen Gott haben und zwar ihren Gott, der sie aus Miz- 
mini herausgefQhrt. Nun hatte Moses, ihr grosser, wunder- 
thktiger Befreier, sie gelehrt: dass er nur der Diener dieses 
(iottes 801, und die Offenbarung hatte den Gedanken be- 
stiltigt: dass Gott cwig, reingeistig, dass er unsichtbar und 
ohne jegliche (iestalt sei; diese Lehre iiber Gott batten sie 
vernommen und aueh angenomuien, — aber sie in Wahrheit 
zu erfassen, vermochten sie noch nieht. Ach! noch viele 
Generationen mussten hingehen, bevor die grossere Masse 
des Volkes sie fassen konnte. Und wie viele Millionen uuter 
den heutigcn Menschen, nicht bios von jenen, die wir Wilde 
oder Heiden nennen, haben sie noch nicht erfasst! — — 
Sie aber glaubten an (iott, weil sie an seinen Diener Moses 
glaubten (s. II. B. Mose, XIV, 31). Jetzt aber waren vierzig 
Tage vorgangen, dass „dieser Mann Moses" (II. B. M. XXXll, 2), 
und er war doch nur ein Meusch ! von ihuen fortging und 
fortblieb. „Sie wissen nicht was ihm geschehen-," (Das.) 
der Gew'ahrsmann ihres neuen Glaubeus war verschwunden 
und der Glaube selbst begann zu schwinden. Sie aber woll- 
ten nicht ohne Gott, in des Wortes strenger Bedeutung nicht 
gottlos und nicht gottverlassen sein, und sie thaten — nun, 
was alle Menschen in aller Welt zu ihrer Zeit thaten; sie 
brauchten einen Gott und so machten sie sich einen ! Mit 
Eifer und Opferfreudigkeit bringen sie ihr Gold daher, um 
sich den Gott ihres Volkes, der sie aus Agypten gefuhrt (2 



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Erklarung einer Talinudstelle. 367 

B. M. XXXII, 5) zu schaffeu. Sie meinten es gut, die Arrnen ; 
aber aus Irrwahn schufen sie das Trugbild. Aiich Rabbi 
Acha bar Aba, der viel iiber den Charakter seines Volkes 
naehgedacht zu haben scheint, hebt mit Nachdiiick (Jerus. 
Schekalim 1. 3) den problematischen Zug hervor, dass sie 
auch fur den Wahnglauben, wie fiir den wahren Glauben 
opferfreudigen Eifer gezeigt batten. 

Nun, die Schammaiten haben es auch gut gemeint ; aber 
sie sind in einen blinden Eifer gerathen ; sie meinten, die Re- 
ligion zu vertiefen und zu befestigen, wenn sie deren Satzun- 
gen noch vermehrten und verschMrften, wenn sie namentlich 
streng trennende Absonderung der Glaubensgenossen von alien 
Andersglaubigen herbeifiihrten ; gleieh Jos. ben Chananja, er- 
kennt unser hillelitischer Tannai, dass dies ein Irrthum sei; 
er sieht die Gefahr, dass aussere Satzung mit ihrer Haufung 
und Hartung die innere Hingebung vermindert, wenn nieht 
vc^rdriingt. Insbesondere aber erkennt er, dass der Seham- 
maitiselien Richtung in der AufFassung der eigenen Religion 
die prophetischen Ideale der Zukunft abhanden gekommen: die 
Hoffnung, die ganze Menschheit einst im wahren (jottes- 
glauben vereinigt zu sehen, weicht in den Kampfen der 
Gegenwart zuriick und die erhabene Weltweite des Gottes- 
begi'iffes schrumpft zur Enge und Einseitigkeit eines National- 
gottes, dem „sein" Volk allein als solehes zu dienen hat, zu- 
sammcn. Sie haben es auch gut gemeint, aber, in den Kampfen 
und Drangsalen der Zeit kleingeistig geworden, sind sie von 
blindem Eifer bethort und sinnen statt auf Veredelung des 
Gemuths. auf Verscharfung der Satzung . . . Unser Tannai 
wusste recht gut, dass diese achtzehn Verbote an sich nicht 
so schlimm sind, wie die Aufrichtung des goldenen Kalbes; 
aber der Unmuth seines Herzens und die tiefe Sorge seiner 
Seele steigt empor und er lasst sich zu den Worten hin- 
reissen : fromm seid ihr, aber es gab auch einen frommen 
Gotzendienst, wie es einen frommen Gottesdienst giebt. Ihr 
seid gleieh den Bildnem des goldenen Kalbes! Das Gute, das 
ihr sucht, ist auch nur ein Wahngebilde. Euer Thun schaflft 
nicht Religion, sondem nur das Afterbild derselben! 

Und wenn dieses Urtheil des unbekannten Autors uns 
zu hart erscheint ; ist es denn von dem des Josua wesentlich 
verschieden? Hat dieser nicht die Satzungen ebenfalls als 



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368 M. Lazartis. 

das gemeine Wasser bezeichnet, welches das 01 wahrer re- 
ligioser Erhebung verdrfingt? 

leh enthalte mich jeder Nutzanwendung auf die heutige 
Zeit; aber ich will wenigstens die Worte noch folgen lassen, 
welche seiner Zeit Leopold Low der Darstellung des obigen 
Dialogs (Ges, Schriften, II, 306) hinzuftigte: „Iii diesen 
Worten R. Josua's ist wirklich mehr psychologische Wahr- 
heit und mehr religiose Weisheit als in alien iibersehweng- 
liehen Deuteleien der neuorthodoxen Roinantik, deren Wort- 
fiihrer zu den nicht ganz ausgestorbenen Alchimisten ge- 
hiiren, die sich die vergebliche Miihe geben, Wasser in (>1 
zu verwandeln!" 



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Dr. L. Lewysohn (Stookholxn). 



it^ov '1 ^lON jD-)N r^"'JJ"^^ TNisra (n^DHn rycQ) j^'^n-^D rnoNj 

ryaj-)nn PN ronOD DEf ^D) DIIN y-^SO D^NDH D^DIIN ?^^1JJin enDD 

iD»y ^lyn ^y (a'y ,1*0 riairDa c^''d riy^ njn dun myn Dniytca 

jy'^jNDEf^ ^lyn N3in 1524 rJBOi p^n p9»3 NpnyoN Nin nrn 
N''ij\nD H2 ^^v^m 2rj (de^) t'oh hr\s '^ynn .(un^jj^^ dic^i 
rNpnyoN ni^jp.n nnN 3-) pr ie^o u^b^ ^iiyn Nipj roNm jynJ'N) 

N*? '^DN ,JVnj''N DBQ NpnyON pN TN IN-^pC^ DyOHD nynJ''N lyi 

'j p-iD3 'i nJiwD py ivun ^v iNin ^iiyn m^.a pN njnnNn tnt 
'ij'?tr p)vn PN nJDD (v'l niN 'j ^b db^) din ^^n ^ynn .'sovh 
.(-iyjrrnyB6v'ii)-iyjyn yK^'^^yii in Indyk tt^'^j^ND pe^o) DypT'j''N 
DCQ ipiN HT^p (': '^VD /J '^D ncD^HB^n "jn *?y) pna^ pc^p"? ^ynn 
Pc^aiiWD N\T IN HinnNH n^on) b^'^jn'*'' pap pyi^ in ,pnj''N 
jopn »}iyn Nin '•^in in ^bt^j^nd pwhi -^Nuy* np Je, dor nhcno 
GuinAe n^noi La poule de Guin6e iNHono r^yj^^^p yB^^JN'''?MN-^3 
ruDD (140 'y -)tpy py) pna'' ihd ^yan .(bt^jn'''' r\bor\ hbopb^j 

riPIN P'\^p DnnBD3 ptlN0N-)3Nl pNiUyC' D''DDnni 11213 CBQ ^nti 
/D^1M2 CDITN p'^IJJlP DB^n PN IND*? ir^y ^3N PlIH '•IDBf 
■pi NDI-n N3n ^D'y '•D PODH^ b'N N^ ^I BHH nDH BHI'^D^ — 

iDD B^ BnoB^n P1N3 B^PB^n^ Nin ipi^id de^ ^y '•n byi n:Dh ^iDn 
,.To^J3B^ njna ,3''nn2B' aipy ^'^nibt* pn3e^ b^hj ,Dnso pn2b^ d'ot 

^JNSra DJ DN1 T1D1D NT'V IDD y^^ri D^ PIDTH^ E'lO^m PIN 'bl '.N 
fD^ ^HNISTD Nlip ,P''D^Bni'' NJni'» 1DD INT De6 pNH DB^ PDDHH 
Kohat, Semitio Stadies. 24 



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370 L. Lewysohn. 

PN -iN3^ ^t> HNij D'y^ •j^r 'I'iyn ntJio Nin d'-in Nt) n^ ^d "obtji 
D'^onNH f)"iyn rN-^31 -^N'.isD (pypJ'^p) riyiajDNH -^3i ^y le* nvn 
(N''ib N^''^) rra» run nnn: ryco "d (opyDDy) Nnrn ryco ytJiro 

on-oi^n ^jc^or (Dtr) pna** ihd bv2r\ dtid p-) ^^on nson min 
D'yi ^riD'.yn ^nc^d d'd co^or npnNS cmyo dj^'n (on* ,r\2p) 
pDD n\T' N^ lyc^ HD'^nc^n rycQ v*?jn pim" n"? fjiynB' ">nTn^ er 
iRN^ IN ^:^b *-^pp 'N iDcrj dn) HD^ncfn ryicQ "^ipT- hd^dc^ 
ran Nin) ''^jv.ndh •)<3">3^ rcnn hnt -oncn hn") d-^d3i (no^rucfn 

JN.TJnO N''1DD : DCQ N^pjl NpnyDN ^NnCjyS pNH yaCN3 NSJOJil JDpH 

inDDB? I'^yN SJN pi .(ovDHD D^DD HD^ NiHC' Gallopavo ocellato 
T^Ni :Tai3 ,ysi DiDin r-yo rNri "xindh man ddu pns'' 
rN-) TN T\'^n'? jnncci □'•'•DnN njn nrojDNnB^ iniwn rue^ ponner 
(Dr) pna^ rD^p^ ^ynn -^din pis^i no^nE^n "-^rn to ci-npa fjiyn 
^y DJ njni .DnDNHD Din y^nrj ^p:3 my^nn '••y o tnt nc^^ 
npimn nsnNn ib^n ^lyn pn ^'n ""ddr i-^'-dh tin ^inc6 bij ij^iy p)*); 
c'^n ^y3 ^y ij-)DNr no 3''e^nt^ hd dj ^Di:r la^o ^3n — ?iri*?iQ 
DM by nrDJHB^ '^'•ynb r* "iiy (24 f)i n'h /^-^yon u p'^y) nriN 
,''JND i:yTBf -QD ,Dnn CD'-s ID b mp'' vn tS □'•pimn D'''»Nn byi 

IN 'dSt pBD '•^D'i jyiJ'»N'? NpnDND NIH' HD^ir ''D'»3 "I^DIN^ r^BOP 

Dnp'' ccia -nMnm iD^bini ripm-^n ris'^N r^ b'njn dm by ti'^jn 
^bn nNr ^N Dirci lynjwb hjik^n-^d n3 uby »)'.y d:i dm ''D-^dd 

.jyiN pbrh dim- pnh 
(N'y ,a'D) rbM3 (nann nyi yT'cbyD^.D) HDni br |nin 
"•JB^DD D"; ^^^"^pJ n:m nan-^ by jnTn by n^m n N-)iDNn -^3tq 

riTN-).! Drn TN -)N3D •:''N b'l D^lNp l'"l HH .(^'y ,Dr) '•J^'^SIX 

•bND ,n3n-) Dyi lyD^iDbycT-D ': pMyo (njbqid -pya) b'l '••lyb b^N 
3"^n '^i^ND'; ,10^ by rN"^pJ r'^'rni ihn r^'Nb ••did db^ nam hm 
"ns : '•ncNO TN Nip D^bB^n^a '»": nyo^MD-^yr. p.iN ncbr '") laajn 
(db' pib 'nn '•"y bvM) "D'bm\ T:rn noDna DNJ^DoybxD nj^is 
"^NaN a'y '•d'id b'^n cb^ nm nam Tyib dji i^in arao ""bN inyn 
•ID baT Nb Myib .•jbB' ^I'yn db' rN"^M ynMbi yi'^b ^r]n hd pnnN'j 
Nb Db-yo (n : ibbn D''DyDo ^b'^n hz' ""d-^d db' riMb nam nbcn 
rn^Da TNia iDiD^r idd in'r bnjn nam dbq irn b^'nb' ycB^i 
ni^N (a .(njron B^'n^-aa db^ Da^c-^n* .a'y /j^bp i-'bin) omin ibonn 
(Dr) NPDi-iJN '^•ar (db^) r'omn ^2v -oa N'a Dr by r^-^p: ris^y 
n"^anna in ir b'^cbm rwa iBrrB'n Nb nbN baai (db^) NranuN rn^a 



.n''y3 cjp kVi c^pe cc mn (i-y ,r'r 'i «Kei »o^n») ]»»nc»p Swiini (* 



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D»»n ♦^a nn^n 371 

(449 ^"^003) B^Nl ^ r^lDNQ 1DD .INy^.D DipD DB^ ^y Nipj nyDH CN 

i-.N^ ^Bf -)Mn (170, DIP) a-icir* ^b^ tthi (450, db') ^i^j ^b^ t^idnd 
NiB^ai ^jii (D'y i""" '1 TDB^ ''D'?B'n^) 12 ^^ inn (xb d I'n ni^N) 
nnmDB^ jmn idd nih nam ^b^ jnin dj D'yi .11^' (437 nsoa) 
Brn^D^ ''j'»'»aiy D"j rs^p: ^bi<n pnrn (1 .nam mpon ^b^ ij''Mi 
jr*N iNip n^N D'Ni iDipo DB^ ^y ''B^i B^ii'^D^* pN'.r DB' '^v Tiiyn 
D'^NSio UN nNTDi p'^yis ^Dipo Dm *?y n^Ni nam '•Dipo cm ^y 
n^'' nspa ib^n aiai "pn'^d,, Bnain pn jnip n^N DnnN n'ya ni^Na 
imp n^N (427 nDoa) Dnso p^aB^ aiai : nhs^ (n"*' 't n'-yB^'') Dnsio 
n3n''y n^Ni (db^ ,n''yB^^) iib^n pNa ib^n mian "D''jiNn,, B^sin tn 
jiiyn Bni^D^ ^n .'•"bh Bfii^DtJ pnt ^ai (406, db^) mjuaB' ib^n 
n^Ni pipe DB^ ':>v (nam hv) jmrn tn iNip n^NB^ Dib^d iri'' Nin 
?nam Dipon Nin ni^Ni nm ""d nj nNU nry .nNin db^ ^y (r^ais) 
(124 'y) /SeieiYa c& Zictona Halebi iDon^ iTiiyna :)nd''''id 'DNiDn 
riDipo nainBf Sojuthi 'nno "iiaiyoi^ii iB^yMDNUNyj^no pTyo 
vr-ib^a iiDoa ly^^'^cjyTNi 'nn ry inxnBf no p'^yi) nam DB^a vn 
nam dbq i^yn (112 niyna 313 'y '3 P^n 'n idd -lyoMciyDSv 
THN ^B^ DB^ 'DJna nD laij Tyn^i .rianwa Bf''y aiya nNUOJ 
DB^n laij N^ no^i no hv ! ip"" Niip ''j'^nb^h dni ,nTn DB^a onyn 
la^'B^N Piyia'*'': I'n nn^'t? nnio'^nn MDNiJiNyn hv "^p^n "^Doa nam 
loa I'D^rna Dnaun d^rn niDipo dj lat n'? nin naajn lanonB^ 
DB^ NinB' '••'Bn BHDD nD'' .N'y n": naia .a'y ry ndi'') ''J''D'» lay 
'D'.nn '""D '•s''y) ^dn jip (db^ ,ncv) nsn .(did ^b^ loma '•jno 
uwi N^ DNI — ".n^Ni n:^N ij^ni n^„ Nin ib^^ ^bi (a"y a''a ruyr 
h^]h "^aua irn Dipoa miN i:''ni bfr\ unn^ ^^n nam Drn tn 
naa 1? ry^.r bv Tara dj dn (ys'^njyTn) ^C'cn ny^m 
B^Din .nrn pjya a''nN TBnnB^ no n-a fj^din (': mam) "naaona,, 
^B*o D'^B^iyn D'^yy.r in (a""- '•yo i"aB' '-"o m'N yB') '•B^n ry^-r Nipj 
rn'^p: ^]?pp^*p) V^-rn nsd: na ib^n nsDyon .(N''y i''d nairaa '•'ri) 
(KoukouHon r'-jv iir'?a) N^pip in (a"y 'a naB^ '•b^'i) ny'pirn r^a 
IN ^ynj''ajyT''r) '•b'C ^b^ n^^nn . . . c^aNn : nana na^N nai rv 
(naa^n ram iDot^ noipnn p)'0 v^v) 't^'cn ni^ DiNipj (y'?''''jp:y"i^n 

♦BTMni ,m»m niern tmd ^ui V» srictpn ^aK n»K oipea wn 'w mnn yius (* 
.Ktwm i6w:nn /Ki»n i:n ,K»nir»T »: na /KS»y ♦an .t^m ^oa (^» ifwninp) 'i m^ri 
D»Hn i:m n^M Vro .1171 p^yv iibt Niary ,Kanr ♦an nns ,Kon Hn^*J ,i«a-ia ♦an Hn*:»a 

.(ir^nDM'WMVJ njw *'?«p*?^) •"'^"■^ ''^r ]mn Darn cj 
24* 



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372 L. Lewysohn. 

D^^nn m^T3 pnhjvt r'J^) ''nan rr» *?y -isu hd :nDsrorQ oef 
NDD BTD-iD wr r'3 ,?3Bn3n PJD.-D ^BHO inp^ N*? ^N-)r»ef (196 ;rsvn 
yppyjtr -)idi')d) d''nod d'»ct3-^!D d'Md '•jr ry^.n p:")N inp^ no^ ^dn 
onsra iJTiSN^ ]n2 nb m ^CTon Eno^ear hn^j ^^i ? (n^^jvtnp — 
,D''->aijn rn''DD ^JD*? 2600 pjcq won nn\T ^iran rNsion ;-otddi 
nb Dy f'T HNsrano yoB' n*? iiy j'no ^jd^ 1500 n^jff ^n -«tfN niws'! 
PN '•D .joD •)mNDn ^Npin'' -^ddd p^ rmnn nDD3 ^cto n!?o hnscj 
u^\ni) yr^'^yi nm ('d ,o'' n^yir) r'pne^ r^o TN-^'snef poo b iiy 
nDD3 b^ (yr'T -py ?Np^Dpy^ - ^Ny^ -^yj^'t r^y) ,r»"T (yr^tyjo 

r'^DIPD) '•Bf'-I' pra^D ^CT3 ^"y INISOn metax n^JV.'' J-B^DI rD3D0 

-^"•jntr -)DiD'' (N'y D'D '1 n2];r) "^ob^trn^yi : '•cto k^3^ iotq (n'y ,n'D 
non D^KnDD r^p ryi^ ,dj^d ^j^in ^b^ rvjn d^'Joo^ 1%! N^'^yns Hjd 
N\T djW ^s^t oinNpi '••ly^ DnN3D pisa ^3N •)jDyiijr»"'» 
enpon 'h^ "?n npinn i^ nson c'so-^nr -i^^n njN i-)i3 — •jyDyn^rjp 
-^irnoDNTO .Tnn oi nih onto ^"y piran pts^jd -^duh iid cnso n'd 
p'y'i ,nND£: n^no wn nod idi n'h .tt ditw i'»^y j^cto i^'n-^hi 

NC^JD N^DyD Nl.T ^IB^JH NIH Dl O DS'O-^n PN HJCTO ^DDH pnXQ 

.in^n^? Qipa TN nsi T*y TDne<en 



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Marginalien zu Eohut's Aruch 

von 
Dr. Immanuel L5w (Sze^redin). 



Das Mass der Bedeutong einer wissenschaftlichen Leistang 
ist nicht das Lob, das ihr erteilt wird, sondem die nach- 
haltige Wirkung auf die Fachgenossen, der Massstab der 
Kritik, der an sie angelegt wird, das eingehende Studium, 
das man ihr widmet. 

Auch die folgenden, aus der Fiille des StofFes heraus- 
gegriffenen Bemerkaugen wollen Beweise der Achtung sein, 
die ich dem Gelehrtenfleisse des verewigten Bearbeiters des 
Aruch zoile. 

1. Aruch III, 267b: nn'iST {Monatsschrifty Marz 1887). 
Das syrische l^osl bedeutet nicht ansa, GriflF, Henkel. 
V& l"n ist nicht zu streichen. 

1) n^i2J, die handschriftliche Ueberlieferung n^"113^, 
auch Maim. Tohoroth, Dernbg., Hai Gaon nn31T (?) 
(s. Jastrow s. v,) Schale, schalenformige Vertiefung am 
Boden von Gefassen. {Pflanzennamen^ S. 162, Anm.) 
Dies die richtige Erklarung, die Maim meint. Es ist 
= }ja=>i, nestorianisch s^f (Bar BahMl 4204, 425 15, 
PSmith 2007, BA zu K^^ und I^Jos^i, Schale, z. B. 
IsnjS! U^G^1 Httftpfanne, patella coxae, wie ich zu 
Brock elmann s. v. berichtigt habe, ganz wie hebr. ^2, 
6?(5Pa(pov, xotuXy). Es ist von jj©i xotuXy), pugillus, ^ao ILd 
kaum zu trennen. Diese Bedeutung erklart, wie Monats- 
schrift, a. 0. angegeben, die Stelle Tanch. Toledoth 4, 
Buber: nni2T opp. HT-p. 

2) nni2T Git. 5, 1. 2. (j. u. b. z. St. j. Svuoth VII, 
38a35 33) TKet. XII, 274u (j. IX, 33b 52. Bk. 6b flF. 
Ket. 110a). TBm I, 3734: Feld dritten Ranges. Die 



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374 Iramaaael Low. 

etymologischen Erkl^lrungen Levy's und Barth*s sind 
unbefriedigend. 

2. Aruch III, 293: 3^1. Die Stellen stehen sammtlich 
bei Levy. Jastrow noch: Sota 7, 8: Hiyc"! vy^ la^T (dafiir 
Sifre II, 105, 157 niycn vry ^Sa^:r ly, richtiger bei Jalkut : 
mpDI v:t; nia'^ITtr iy.) Dazu: TJad. II bei R. Simson zu 
Jad. 4, 3 (Pesikta. r XX, 97a. Friedm., wahrend das. 
XII, 54a steht : Hiyoi n^ i^i:). Sifre II, 80, 91»^ : cn^:V l&pi 

cn'»nipcT i5^n. Midr. TiUim 80: ma^iT cn^o^y. 

3. Aruch IV, 241 : ^h^2 Grabstichel, Meissel von y^'^^pi? 
= Y^^^^^* ^^ ^^^> ^^ schon bei Levy s. v. zu lesen ist und 
icb bei Gesenius s. r. bemerkt habe, das biblische niB^^r. Dies 
steht auch in der angeblieh g a n z 1 i c h umgearbeiteten 
zwolften Auflage des Gesenius'schen Worterbuches, das 
mcine Beitrage ohne mein Vorwissen mit derselben Rube 
abgedruckt hat, wie die des Hen^n Prof/s D. H. Miiller. Die 
deutsche Biederkeit hat Herm Prof. F rants Buhl nicht 
gehindert, unsere Namen auch in der Vorrede mit Still- 
schweigen zu iibergehen. 

4. Aruch V, 290b: WHIO. Mischn, |niC Sifra Bechukk. 
4f. 111c Weiss. 

5. Aruch VI, 256b: 7^y Stadt. Plur. mischn. niljg 
(Dem. 5, 7 Maas. 2, 3. Bik. 3, 2 und sonst oft.) aus- 
nahmsweise C^y Einib 5, I. TEmb. VI, 1449 Cnnw TTaan. 

IV, 219i8 und wie ich bei Gesenius ^^ bemerkt habe in alteren 
Ausdriicken biblischen Ursprungs : jmic np TSota XIII, 318i9, 
ncin 'V TBm. IV, 379io, TPara I, 631i, ht^^^jm 'V TArach, 

V, 5516, ^"^pr: 'V Sifre I, 159, 60b und sonst. I^yn urbs. 
Jerusalem, bibl. = TTaan. IV 22O22 und sonst. 

6. Aruch VI, 205a: 'h b"hv disponirt, empfanglich sein, 
zu den Stellen bei Levy und Kohut: TOhol. XV, 613;, Sifre 
I, 126, 45bi4, TMikv. I, 65221, TNeg. IV, 62225- 

7. Aruch VI, 210a Anm. 10: ^pCl^niB ist nicht feroce 
sondern forestico. 

8. Aruch VI, 222b: 2}V nicht schniiren, sondern eine 
Schleife oder Masche schiirzen, schlingen opp. "^C'p 
Knoten schiirzen. Zu den Stellen noch : Mech. 63b vorl. 
TErub. XI, 154io. 

9. Aruch VI, 292: C3D mit Levy auf ilD verwiesen. 
Anzufuhren ist das syr. Uok^^ Scharte, BBahlAl 1487 



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Marginalien zu Kohufs Aruch. 375 

Duval : V^t\- (tlolooI oiSn^ ^dl ^l \'^L Das ent- 

sprechende arabische J^^fU hat Fleischer zu Ly. angefuhrt. 

10. Aruch VII, 106b: nPD^p. Stellen: Targum bei Levy 
TWB., die iibrigen bei Levy : C^:S) inD':5p Ber. 7a. Bm. 87a. 
Nid. 31a. Vaj. r. 18, 1. Koh. r. 12, 2. v:E) IPDtJp Pes. 
drK. 37a, lOla (JlK. I, 78bi5. H, 113 Nr. 811. II, 187b9. 
Beth Talmud, V, 203). Pes. r. XIV, 62a Vaj. r. 20, 2. 
Koh. r. 8, 1. Tanch. Achare 2, Buber 3 Chukkath 17, 
Buber. M. Mischle 31, 30 p. 110, Buber. — Ber. r. 41, 6. 
60, 7. Jellinek, Beth Hamidr. VI, 24. v:p> h^ in^JCD^p Schem. 
r. 28, 1. LA. -^HD^p. (JlK. I, 109d Nr. 396). Die LA. 
"IHD'Pp ist meistbezeugt, Ar. : "ICD^p. 

Das Wort hat eine lange Leidensgeschichte. Schonhak : 
xa>.6^, INr! Levy im Tdrg. WB. xoXa^w, im Nhbr. WB.: 
x>.euTTpov, Kohut: caelatura, Briill: charistia, Kraus: cala- 
mister. Das Richtige wird Fraenkel getroffen haben : er 
denkt an *j[apa(rrf)p, eine vorauszusetzende volkstiimliche Form 
zu j^otpocxTTQp.') Die sachliche Uebereinstimmung mit 'D "IHD^p 
ist frappant. 

11. Aruch VIII, 67b: hv\i; HoUe ist bekanntlich aus 
dem Hebrfiischen *?1NI^ entlehut. Diesem Worte „unbekannter 
Etymologic* (Gesenius*^) stehen wir ratios gegeniiber. Ein 
giinstiger Zufall hat aber bei B. Bahlul den Schliissel des 
Wortes erhalten. B. Bahlul 1979 Duval hat folgende Glosse: 

^ ^jS\jyJ\ i^i^^:^ >^m ^*m! inSi^. ^^aI! cm U^^ • 8\Uu 
S>LiLj|. Dieses jji^A^, jol^Hohle bietet die ungezwungene und 
einzig richtige Erklarung fiir ^iNli' Holle, wobei allerdings 
zu bemerken ist. dass die Bedeutung Hohle ffir ^ji^A^ vor- 
laufig nur durch die mitgeteilte vereinzelte Glosse B. BahlM's 
belegt ist Vgl. Gesenius ^% s. v. "?l«ir und hvi^. 

12. Zu streichen sind: Aruch IV, 121a: TdcSs^;, von 
welchem NHV nicht hergeleitet werden darf, VI, 59b: 
xbTcd^oi; (!) zu HBC: und III, 518a i^fif^ zu . . . . nnn ! 

*) [So emendirt auch Bacher in s. Agada d. pcUdst Amordei', II (1896), 
p. 344. G. A. K.] 



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On the Arabic Yersioii of Aristotle's Rhetoric 

by 
Prof. D. 8. Marjffoliouth (Oxford). 



The Arabic Version of the Rhetoric of Aristotle exists 
in the same volume that contains the Poetics (Paris, Bibl.- 
Nationale, 882 a). The name of the translator is not given ; 
but a number of subscriptions tell us something of the history 
of the book. It was written in the year of Alexander 1339, 
agreeing with A. D. 1016, and collated in the year of the 
Hijrah 418 (1027 A. D.). The Ms. of Ibn Sam^^ whence 
this was copied contained a subscription stating that the 
copyist had before him two Arabic copies, one faulty, the 
other fairly correct ; from these two copies he had made his 
own, correcting the one by the other; where they were both 
wrong, he had recourse to the Syriac original. On fol. 18b 
(p. 1371 a 25 of the Berlin ed.) a marginal note by Ibn 
Samb himself is quoted, stating that in one of the Arabic 
copies Bk. I ended there, but that in the other Arabic copy 
and the Syriac there was a great deal more. Another anno- 
tation there states that the Greek text confirmed the Syriac. 
A further subscription states that the Paris MS. had been 
collated with one in the hand of Abu 1- Abbas. 

It will be seen then that the Arabic MS. is of the early 
Xlth century, the century to which the most important of 
the Greek MSS (Ac) belongs; the MSS. of which it was a 
copy were doubtless much earlier; Ibn Samh is certainly 
the celebrated logician of Baghdad, to whom the poet Abu 
'1-Ala Al-Ma'arri alludes in a verse of his Lueumiyyat 
(Egyptian edition, p. 235), and whose floruit may be 
put about 300 A. H. or 900 A. D.; the Syriac to which 
they referred probably takes us back a century earlier; 



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'.J 



On the Arabic Version of Aristotle's Rhetoric. 377 

and the underlying Greek copy to a yet earlier date. 
The interest attaching to its readings should therefore be 
as great as that of the Vetus Translatio Latina, of which 
accurate accounts have been given by Spengel, Dittmeyer, 
and others. The treatise is practically intact with the 
exception of a lacuna from 1412 a 15 to 1415 a 5, caused 
apparently by the loss of a leaf It occupies 65 leaves 
large folio. The writing, though destitute ordinarily of 
diacritic points, is easily legible, except where the paper is 
damaged; this has happened to leaves 41 and 52, and to not 
a few lines and words. 

Much of what Spengel has written of the Old Latin 
Translator will apply to his Oriental colleague. The treat- 
ment of the quotations from Homer shows that the Syriac 
translator possessed some acquaintance with Greek literature; 
thus in 1378 b 32 a verse of Homer is quoted by Aristotle 
in the following form: Si6 li^xti dcTiixalJojxevot; 6 ^Aii^ktiq 
"TiTiiXYidev £Xd)v yap ^X^i Y^P*^' • ^^® Arabic renders this "this 
is why Homer says that Agamemnon despised Achilles when 
he robbed and spoiled him of his honoui* i. e. his con- 
cubine''. In 1400 b 13 after ^Idcdova the Arabic adds L^Jju 
i e. t6v $v%pa a^T^g- In 1415 a 17 the quotation fivBpa 
[jLOi £w6X6 [xoOda is filled up as follows: va^X)! J^JI ,j^ 
iUjJlJI <aO y S Le Juu yjx iyJ^iS' Uye\ j^a^^ v5<^' >2lCJ| 
^•jJbl syoUf "concerning the man of many shifts who 
decided many things, after that the populous city of Ilion 
had been destroyed." In these three passages it is probable 
that the additions to the Greek are the work of the Syriac 
translator. In 1378 b 7 where to the half line given by the 
Greek MSS. ivSpSv iv (j-nqOedrnv i£itxoLi the Arabic adds tjuts 
xa7cv6^ (from Ihiad 2 109), the addition was probably to be 
found in the translator's copy of the original 

This acquaintance with Greek literature did not how- 
ever extend very far; and in 1380 b 29 Hector himself is 
made to say the words : xwcptjv y^p ^% youav aJtxC^si^ [xeveaCvMV 
"saying to the dead man 'you are now embracing the brute 
earth wherein you are for ever'" ([xsveaCvwv = [U^^fiiy osC; 
"embracing" probably a guess). The Syriac translator frequently 
confuses common nouns and proper names, whence the number 



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378 D. S. Margoliouth. 

of transliterated words is veiy considerable. A curious case 
occurs in 1418 a 7 where toO 7c6<you Spog 5 (pCX' irce\ Tooa 
is transliterated and regarded as a couple of proper names : 
(jM^JiAi^kxi ^)\f***i ^1. Other cases are Lw^iamJuJ (1616 a 
32) for %ixa<rnQpia, o^jJxywl for £<rreia with gloss LU^^ 
(1611 b 22), ;j.^^f and cyU^^ for Ipox; and lp5)[v]Te(;(1401 b 12, 
1402 b); (t6(; (xiv otxTpig (1397 b 19), ippuOixov (1408 b 26), 
TeTpaytovov (ibid. 27), xaX>.o)xt(mf)<; (1401 b 24) etc. are repre- 
sented in this way. The opposite error is almost equally 
frequent; e. g. TYwcCvovTa (1416a 28) is rendered ^.x^RJt dUj 
'^that healthy person", Kpiirfa^; by "the judge'' etc In 1393 b 
22 a^TOxpiTopa is transliterated, accompanied by the gloss: 
&MAi3 {j^ H ySt^ ^i. e. the self-restraining". 

Of the copious errors which deform this ti'anslation it 
is not always easy to say whether the fault lies with the 
Syriac or the Arabic translator. The former however must 
have done his work unintelligently. The treatment of the 
difficult word veixsdfiv p. 1386 b 9 — 1387 b 15 illustrates 
this. In 1386 b 14 and 16 he confuses it with jji^dov; 
\yioj^yJt ^j\ V5*^ stands for M V6|jie<yat>, oUa-«»j-Jl ^^Ol^ for 
iTcoXCBofJiev xo\t\u(7dt\f. Ibid- 18 t© vsfjiedav is rendered ^j ^ 
iaMiy}\ "it is in the middle". In 22 t6 p^ev v£[X6<Tt<; is trans- 
lated "distribution", ^JjSjJl jl Ju JaXi H , i. e. vi(iT)<iu;. Apparently 
then the translator so mr has no idea of the subject of the 
section. But by 1387 a 6 he has learned the meaning and 
uses a very fair equivalent |va3 for some lines, occasionally 
substituting for it ^^1. Yet by 1386 b 32 the meaning is 
forgotten and "distribution'^ again employed; and in 35 
ve|j.e<Ta<rx^ is rendered "excused": ^yuiUil ^ *J KJut^ Iwd ^K', 
and this rendering is retained in 1387 b 3 and 4; while in 
8 sqq. the true signification is again given. A less intelligent 
procedure it is difificidt to conceive. 

One other example may be quoted. In 1380 b 2 a list 
is given of the states in which men are not inclined to 
anger: £v xat^StS 2v yil^Ti iv iopr^ Iv ltiY)|jLepwt. The ti'anslator 
renders this "in culture (TcaiSeCot), in mirth, in anger, in sporf 
He therefore misread £v 6(rf[i ^^*' ^^ iop-^ and puts down 
without hesitation as Aristotle's opinion that the state of 
anger is one of those in which men are not angry! 



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On the Arabic Version of Aristotle's Rbetoric. 379 

Many more errors are probably due to the Arabic 
translator, whom the difficulty of Syriac syntax partly 
excuses. Occasionally the source of the error is fairly obvious. 
In 1360 b 5 0K07c6g is represented by JiJLA jj| the ordinary 
rendering of 7:a0o(;; V*^ of the Syriac was misread \jl^' 
In 1388 a 1 Ipyoi^ is rendered (Xaa^ "slaves" ; \^^ accounts 
for this. In 1401 b 25 Iv toT-; t£poT(; is rendered syAjii\ ^j 
**in the castles"; the SjTiac ILs^rri would stand for both. 

Although then neither translator worked intelligently, 
the translation which results is not so literal that we can 
always be cei^tain of the nature of the original. They feel 
no scruple about putting down what is clearly false; yet 
occasionally they expand and paraphrase. Such has been 
the treatment of the verses of Sappho, quoted p. 1367 a 
10 — 14, which Avicenna has turned into an edifying homily. 
Where therefore the Arabic gives a better sense than the 
Greek, it is ordinarily probable that it represents a better 
text than om's, but not always certain. Two examples of 
this uncertainty may be taken from p. 1367 b. The paragraph 
(1. 21) begins: im S' ix tSv TcpaJ^scov 6 licatvoc. An English 
scholar has suggested that we should omit £x. The Arabic 
has: Jlfti^l ^^ ^(Xjl /^. Uil the praise falls only on 
the actions. It is hard to say whether this confirms the 
conjecture quoted, or is itself merely a guess. 

In line 17 of the same page there are the words \ [i^C^wv 
Yiyvofxevct; PeXxwov xat xaTaXXaxTtxwTspo^; *'or, when he becomes 
greater, is better and more reconcileable*'. For xaxaXXaxTt- 
xwTspo<; the Arabic has Jo Juul larger -minded. This 
seems at least as appropriate an idea as the Greek (of 
which there is a variant 7cpaxTtx(uTepo(;), but may be merely 
a guess at a hard word. Quite at the beginning of the book 
the same uncertainty exists in two passages. 1354 a 15 
"they say nothing about enthymemes", Sxep i<5x\ (y6)|xa TTjg 
7c£<yTe(og. That (ySp.a here was difficult was seen by Victorius, 
who substituted an impossible word ^6>jxa The Arabic has 
column, ^M^f a singularly felicitous rendering. In the next 
line: JtajJoXt] y^P "^^^ th^oq xal SpyJ] xat toc TotaOTa tcocOy) T?i<; 
t|iU)(9j<;. Cope observes that ^taj3o>.'^ is improperly classed with 
such tuocSy) as Vkto^ and SpyTr,; the Arabic has fear, pity 



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380 ^' S. Margoliouth. 

and anger, w'*a*Hj ^U^JIj w9^I, the ordinary trio.^) It 
is not however probable that any alteration should be made 
in the text on the ground of these renderings. For this first 
page shows many signs of free rendering, and though 
successful in these two places, the translator has failed in 
the others. 

Lastly the Paris MS. is not fi-ee from errors, in spite 
of the subscriptions that have been quoted. Thus in p. 60 b 2 
(=- 1416 a 15) J^^^yi\ for 6 5iapa>.X(ov should clearly be 
corrected ^c^tJl* In not a few cases the margin offers 
variants, which ai'C not always better than the readings of 
the text. There are also some marginal notes, of which the 
following may serve as a specimen : in 1372 a 5 for to SI 
Yeyovog tovq Tiixavixou; the Vorlage of the translation had the 
same corruption as Ac yi'^q'^, on this the margin has the 
following note: yx^ Axi iJUCaj ^JJI we^l (JmJL^ *^yi '^^ 
sys^ J yt JJl^ www 1*1 y& ^he seems to mean the genus 
of the matter talked about, good or bad, just or unjust". 

There are, as is well known, two families of MSS. of the 
Rhetoric, one represented by Ac, followed in all the best 
editions, and the other by the "deteriores". . Distinct from 
these is the MS. underlying the Old Latin Translation, as 
Dittmeyer has shown. The MS. underlying the Arabic 
is again a distinct recension, probably superior 
to all the others, and agreeing regularly with no 
other source. With the vet. latin Arab, (as we shall hence 
forth call our vei*sion) agi'ees in one remarkable case, 1379 a 
20 : 6(i.o(w$ 8e xat toT? iXXotg .... xpo(o7io7c6iY)Tai yap 5>ca<JTcg, 
where Roemer marks a lacuna, which he thinks may be 
supplied from* the vet. Lat. : Si autemnon, et quodcunque 
aliud parvipendat quis. Arab, has here precisely 
the same addition: (^6 ^jJLi Sd^ ^a «^^ sj^ iJ to'i 
^jLjaJI aui ^jLj-X^ Ujo "And if there be none of this, then 
some other thing such as any one [literally "the despiser"] 
despises". A fair number of passages might also be cited 
where the two agi-ee (e. g. (p6j3ov for q)66vov 1354 a 25, (jxcoicrwv 

*) These two readings will be found represented in the Hebrew 
translation of Averroes's Commentaiy on the Rhetoric, ed. Goldenthal, 1842. 
p. 6, lines 16 and 21. 



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On the Arabic Version of Aristotle's Rhetoric. 381 

for (jxcoxrei 1405 b 30, xal vo(n)|JiaTiov omitted ibid 32), but the 
list of important readings, collected by Spengel p. 170 sqq., 
shows that the affinity between the two versions is very slight. 

Nor again is the relation between Arab, and Ac very 
close. It is true that many of those good readings which 
have given Ac its fame are to be found in Arab., as well as 
some of its en-ors; e. g. iXiYwpwg for bp^iX(i>q 1388 a 3, fiTuavra 
for dtTcocvrSv 1416 a 7. Yet frequently it agrees with the 
*'deteriore8". It has, e. g. the characteristic addition in 
1360 b 23: (ipsrJjv) ^^ xat toc (xopia ai-rtjg <pp6vrj(nv — G<i)<ppo<rivY)v; 
and in 1378 b 23 jJXaTcreiv xa\ XutoTv for which Ac gives 
xpdtTTsiv xa\ Jiyetv; in 1383 a 10 xoijq b\Loiorj<; for which Ac has 
To6g TOtouToyg. Indeed in many pages Arab, seems to agr^e 
with Ac and the "deteriores^' alternately. 

Roemer (p. XXV) quotes cases in which words that have 
dropped out of Ac by homoeoteleuton are preserved in some 
of the "deteriores". In the first of these cases, 1374 b 31, 
Arab, represents the missing words; in the second, 1383b 22, 
it omits them with Ac; in the third, 1398 b 21, it represents 
them. In the fourth 1376 b 9 it omits them; in the fifth 
1403 a 25 there would seem to be a somewhat larger lacuna 
in Arab, than in Ac. In the sixth 1399 b 34 where the words £Av Sfe 
[JLY] 6:wapxfi, [xij TCpaTreiv are inserted by Spengel and others 
from two of the "deteriores'', i and the margin of Y**, these 
MSS. are supported by Arab, against Ac and the rest. From 
these facts then, and those which will presently be adduced, 
it is evident that if ever the readings of this version were 
made accessible to scholars, it should count as an independent 
witness of importance. Yet the feet that in 1416 b 29 it, 
like all the MSS., repeats the passage from 1367 b 27 — 
1368 a 9 on panegyric, shows that the underlying Greek was 
derived from the same archetype to which all our MSS. can 
be traced. That archetype must therefore go back to an early 
centuiy in our era. 

Striking agreement of Arab, with Ac may be noticed in 
the following passages: 

a. The aiTangement of 1388 a 17. After xal xspa[xs6(; 
xfipa[X6T all MSS. but Ac insert the words (there read after 
line 24): xal xoig xoL^b ol jjuqtcw Tti)(6vTe^ xtX., where Ac con- 
tinues: xal 5v ^ xex-TYjpivwv. Arab, mistranslates the Greek 



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382 1^1 ^- Uargoliouth. 

badly, but clearly had the same order as Ac, as it goes on: 

in those things, which, when they accrue to them, 
or they have gained, they become like them; while 
the passage xa\ xoTg xocfi etc. is found lower down, as in Ac. 

b. In 1397 b 15 — 20 the same passage is given in a 
shorter form in the "deteriores", in a longer form in Ac, The 
Arab, seems clearly to represent the longer form: JUb U5l 

161 sj\ L^ ^ 1^X43 ^j^\ SV^ *^y^^ ^rV^ v5^' \J 
^y6 Js [read L^j] Uj^l ^ ySt ^JJf Juff ye ^JJl ^1^ 

*j| ouJb Ji Uy ^ y> ^ JJl ^1^ J5l ye v5^ c)!^ J 
Lcf v:^^* c;^ ^'^^'^ ^^^'^ '-^^ liXS"^ »J^vi>Js? (vJ J 
U^ lo' '*^'^ ^'- And as is said that he who beats 
his parents beats his relations; for this is inasmuch 
as if that which is rarer come to pass, that which 
is more frequent comes to pass also. For the 
beating of parents is rarer among men than the 
beating of relations. Either then he proves that if 
that which is rarer come to pass, that which is 
more frequent comes to pass; or he proves that if 
such and such did not happen, such and such did 
not happen. He will only prove one of two, either 
the affirmative or the negative. 

c. In 1361a 14 (in the definition of wealth): vo(iX(j[JLaTog 
TcWjGog, Y^^g, yis>pib>y XT7,(n^ Tzkrfiti xat ]kzyi^zi xai xaXXci Biowp^povrwv 
the words TuXVjGei — BiacpepovTtov are omitted by all except 
Ac, the Vet. lat., and certain other authorities quoted by 
Roemer. Arab, here agrees with Ac, though its renderings 
are rather curious : ^jjl^^^I^ «jub JJI s JUo ^LmjJI »k^l teli 
ASXS\ |W (J-AA^i^ XjJJjJ\ ^^ x iJUi Sv Jl <^(ju&^| M.K%,yy \J^h 

^j^\ ^ xAJbufeuJf 'ij>,iS3\ ^\fJ\, *jUuo5»l^ JLuLUI, ^U1 
SyiS3\y the parts ot wealth are quantity of coins and 
lands and money and estates and all things that 
differ in value and beauty; then the acquisition of 
furniture and bric-a-brac and goods and cattle, 
many, varying in beauty and quantity. The three 
words employed to represent £juxX(ov accord with these 



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On the Arabic Version of Aristotle's Rhetoric. 383 

translators' methods; in the Poetics (iifxeurOat is ordinarily 
given a double translation, and sometimes a treble one. That 
which is characteristic in the reading of Ac is the repetition 
of the clause ending ^ia<pep6vTa)v, and this clearly the ti'ans- 
lators had before them. — Some examples may now be given 
of the alternation of Ai*ab. between the readings of the two 
families. 

p. 1377 a 27: ouB^v Set aiixiv SXktu^ T^ixacxTfiiv SewrGai Ac, 
&Xk(a^ xpiTfiSv the rest; Arab. : *^ Jf ^^^ ^^ *J (5^^^. ^ 

Ijje ijjo jL«dil y^\ he ought not to need anything 
better than this; "better'^ clearly represents xpsiTTOv, a 
misreading of xpiroiv. 

A few lines below 1377 b 7: £av ih tS dcvTiBUw ^ 67cevavTiO(; 
xai 6p.(o(i.o<y|x£vog is given by Ac, followed by Spengel and 
others, whereas the "deteriores" omit the wofds 67r6vavT£oc xa\. 
Arab, shows the same reading as Ac: x,i.»fl4. LiJUtf ^\^ Ijf 

^jjyijJU fJuL4UMge Jjuk^Suc if he be opposed to his adver- 
sary, prepared ready to swear. 

Similarly on the preceding page 1376 b 18 Arab, agrees 
with "deteriores'' in reading i^a::aT(3aiv for l!^a|X(xpT(o(ytv of Ac, 
while in line 25 it agrees with the reading of Ac: tGv 
YSYpa[jL(i.sv(ov yj xotg olxsCoi^ ■?, toTi; StXkoxpioiz against toT(; xaXoT<; 
il Zouxioiq of the others. 

It is not probable that many new readings of importance 
are to be obtained from this version. The following seem of 
interest: 

1372 b 15: ol yap lY^poLXtiQ xa\ (ppovi(i.a)TaTOt to: TotaOTa 

for persons of soundness and sense only ii^ure in 
this sort. ^^Injure" must stand for dcT^ixotJdt rather than 
Jiwxoudt. The philosopher is speaking of the kinds of people 
who do injuries; and classes among them: oT<; iv t6 [Jiev XL>;n)p6v 
y]Sy) ?] fl "^ ?^P-fa, t6 8e if)8i^ xa\ o>cp£Xi(i.ov 3<TTepa xat j^povtwTepa, 
then follows the sentence that has been quoted. 

1377 a 6 T^sT — paddcvoK;. Of this passage, which many 
MSS. omit and most editors bracket, Arab, has all but the 
first clause Set Sfe Xeyetv d)^ o6x eldv ilrfi&Xq cd [ia(yavoi. 



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384 ^- S. Margoliouth. 

In the last sentence, which Cope asserts to be devoid 
of meaning the Arabic gives some help: oi Zi ^t(ko\ xa\ 
ciXa(3eI(; izpb toO tA^ i^Ayi^ouQ J8etv airSv xaTaOappoUaiv, 
6<TT6 oO?i£v 2<m m<rrtv £v Pa<Tavoig. Arab. : ^j^*^' }^^ ^'^ 

and as for the cowardly and timid they, so to speak, 
confess against themselves before they see the 
tortures. That this is what the writer intended to say seems 
very clear. Should we restore xaTayope'Jotxnv? Cobet, Variae 
Lectiones, p. 87, quotes from Lysias a passage dealing with 
this very subject in which that word occurs. 

In 1371 b 16 some proverbs are quoted, among them 
lyvco Vk 09)p 6^pa. Spengel obsei*ves that in the Eudemian 
Ethics VIII, the proverbs quoted are: lyy<a ^l (pcip tc (pSpa 
xol Xwcog >.U)cov, but he does not think (pa>p cpftpa should be 
restored here. The Arabic of the Rhetoric however evidently 
represents the same Iambic line as appears in the Eudemian 
Ethics: ^a^JI JI ^jXmo ^u^I^ utoJLJI oy^ uoJUl the thief 
knows the thief and the wild beast retreats to the 
wild beast. The word rendered ''retreats to" may be 
a reminiscence of the parallel passage in Ecclesiasticus. 

In another proverb 1383 b 24: SQev xa\ ^ ^apoi(i.Ca t6 a^ 
vexpoO cp£peiv Arab, has an interesting variation: oulJI ^^ yiy 
^\JS] and even from' the dead his grave-clothes. 

A curious proverb is quoted in 1399 a 27 : t6 IXo^ ^(aoOai 
xa\ Toa(; (SXag. Arab, renders this: L^xi Uj {j^)^\ JlA J -a J let 
him buy the land with what is in it. This seems correct 
in sense, but is probably merely a paraphrase, if indeed the 
Arabic be not corrupt. 

In the fable narrated in 1393 b 25 the translators might 
•seem to have had before them rather more than our present 
texts. The Greek is : deXcoTcexa 8ta[ia£vou(Tav 7C0Ta|xiv ixaxrO^Jvat 
-tl^ cpapaYY«> ^^ 8uva[iivT)v S^ £x(J91vai xoXi^v )^6vov xoxoTcaScTv. 

Arab, renders this: auc^ J| mjS 61 j^aJI ^am^ wJUiaJI Luu 
84>J»^ ^ lUMbAJb ^«J ^y^ j^^ <X^ Juu l^Juc v;;Jj| LJLi 
iju^ LjjJ i3^i\Ai while the fox was crossing the 
river, he got pushed into a mass, and when he had 
'escaped from it after long trouble, he flung himself 



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On the Arabic Version of Aristotle's Rhetoric. 385 

into a ravine, and weltered there some time. It is 
probable however that the word "mass" represents a reading 
(fi'koL'^oLj or else a false interpretation of ©apayY^? *^^ ^Bt 
the lengthened form of this passage is due to an attempt to 
reconcile both renderings. 

In 1382 a 8 after xai xb (xev Xirfiq ecpscn^, xb ^l xaxoO 
the Arab, adds: Uf^ i^^^ iS^yrt ^^ Jl Or^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ 
r-^ <j' J' [^ y ^^ *<^^y^ ^^ l<j^ for the former wishes 
merely to annoy and vex, whereas the latter rather 
wishes to hurt 

Ibid 1. 19 after ^cpoaipeTraC xi<z fiyetv Arab, adds: ^5> 
^ Uj^ ^^f ^y^ ^iXJl ^^ Ljj ^'ifl ^j (•JiUJl Jyiil 

for the previous discussion on those things wherein 
he that desires to injure injures holds good here. 

In 1385 b 2 after fj y^P ^xt a&Tfiiv 2vexa 6xTQpeToO(nv ij 
6in)p£TY)(;av Arab, adds: ou^ ^1 y..>ag U^ J^if I^JUi f^^^ jf 
^i> Jl •-Las^ ^ or may have done less than is 
proper or where it was not needed. 

In 1396 a 5 : iv Tig 8i>vT)Tat xb 6|xoiov bpSN bnzp {b^6v i<mv 
ix (f{ko(JO(flxQ — f>aov is the reading of all the MSS., ^dcSiov was 
restored by Bekker from the Vet. Tr. The Arabic omits the 
words: UmJLaJI y.^\(Xio ^ ^^^d^ fjoe this is a process 
of the processes of philosophy. 

In 1397 b 22: xal el \x.^ ol Tuv8ap»ai o6»' 'A>i?avXpoc Arab, 
adds after TuvSapCSai E)ivTiv: ^5^^^^ ^\y]^dJ^ ^\ Jlju 5I|^ 
^^sOiXmf*3\ Jjti yjSisi |J. This gloss is a correct one, see 
Cope's note; but whether it comes from a MS. or not 
seems doubtfuL 

In 1609 b 25 : 6[JLo(ft)g Vi xal al xepCoSoi al [juxxpal o5<Tai 
X6yo(; Y^verai xal dcvajJoXfi Sixotov Arab, has: oLkti^f i^dSy 
\i\A\ sJ^ LojI ouJLxJI^ xJl^g^ v^y^ ^l?^ '^^'^ '"^^ ^^^ 
likewise the annexions when they are long become 
loose, and the pause is of this nature. The word 
rendered loose J^4^ can scarcely stand for Xfr^ot^i in 
1410 b 32 it is is used for (iXX6Tpio(;. Ac has iXoYO(;: its 
most natural Greek equivalent would be dcvsipivog* 

In 1411 a: 5 o5x £fiv weptiTisTv t?)v 'EXXdcBa £Tep6cpOa>.|Jiov 
Kohat, Semitic Stadief. 25 



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386 ^- S. Margoliouth. 

Ysvo[iivT)v Arab, has: ^s\ ^ ^JJLi&l I fear to see. The Arabic 
word would correspond well with ixvcTv. 

Doubtless there are other passages where a skilled 
Aristotelian scholar would be able to correct the text from 
this version; and some places may be noticed in which its 
readings strikingly confirm the conjectures of By water, Spengel 
and Vahlen. 

1393 a 31 : Itrv, ^\, -ri (liv TcapaBeiYlA-^ \i^i^ TOiivSe ti. so 
Ac: "quod sensu caret et rectissime emendavit Spengel 
;:paY[Ji^Ta Xiyetv' (Romer). Arab, has: oJli' JuJ syt\ Si^ LoU 
and as for the narration of things which have 
happened. This clearly confirms Spengers conjecture. 

1377 a 28: xal el tS ::6xov66ti Ti xaXSg \ SixaCwg G^depxei 
xal Tfii xonf;(yavTi. xal Tfii ^reCdavn \ :rorf,(7avn Ac; the other 
MSS. corrupt this still further. Spengel corrected as above. 
Arab, has the true reading: ^ LaJ^X^ jI Lum^ fjj» ^ ^Li 
(iCJj^ Ldjf jLeLftJf ^jo y^ JjLAxJf if this be fair or 
just on the part of the sufferer it is so also on the 
part of the doer. 

1356 a 19: 8ta 81 toS Xoyou m<TTe'Jou«Ttv; t6v Xiy^v Ac ; tGv 
>.6ywv Dett ; Spengel corrected 8t' ai-rotl 81 toQ Wyoii, and this 
Arab, has: &Juju |*^UCI| Juj ^^ ^^^JciajJI ^^ vJI?^ ^ ^' 
as for the belief that is produced by language 
itself. 

1356 a 20: Jrav iCkt^z'^ ^, (paivip^vov 8e£?(o[jiev, Spengel 
added iXr^Oe^ aftet (paiv6(jLcvov. Compare Arab.: 



La^ (57?> L^ j' L*^ when we demonstrate a truth or 
what seems true. 

1356b 4 Spengel added to the text the words: -r6 81 
cpaiv6[xevov lv9'j[iir)[ia cpatv6[X£V0(; <TuW.0Yi<r(J.6<; from Dionysius. 
Arab, read them: ^J» 3umu^..a<w ^o (^JJI wJCaaJI^ and the 
apparent enthy meme is an apparent syllogism. 

In 1366 b 15 the words [jLwcpo'>j>'j/£a 8e Touvavriov which 
are bracketed by Spengel are omitted by Arab, 

In 1386 a 12 : xal TO 56ev ::po<TYjX£v iyaOov ti ::pg^ai xax6v 
Ti <Ti>[jLp7,vat. Vahlen corrected Gxap^ai for ::pfi|ai, and both 
Spengel and Romer approve this correction. Arab, has: ^f 

wk^ ^La?) ^I JJoU c;aa^ ^^ ^^1 Jl ^^1 vA^ that a 
man should come to mischief thence whence he 



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On the Arabic Version of Aristotle's Rhetoric. 387 

hoped that good would befall him. It is improbable 
that this represents xpfil^ai; more likely it stands for (iYa06v 

In 1388 b 6: dx; yap 7upo(riiKov aSmt; dtyaQot^^; sTvat, 8x1 xpo(J7))cs 
tow; dtyaOGg ex^^^rt, iCy\ko'Q<7i toc TOtaOxa t6)v Ay*^^^ ^^'^ ^'^^^ 
emended by Vahlen: dx; yap xpo(r9ixov aiToTi; dcyaOolli; eTvai, 8n 
& 7cpo<y9jxe ToTt; dcyaOoi;, sxou(Tt, Z,r{koZ(5i xtX. Arab, represents 
this emendation: ^y^y^, ^j' ,j;^ V^r* 1^ \J^.*^^ (^^ 

aU^^I A^I.'^cVV Ju» 1%-^ 'ii>y^yo for they, as being near 
to being good, inasmuch as they have the things 
which are near (or appropriate) to the good, feel 
jealousy. Had not the translators had this reading before 
them, they could never suo Marte have made such good 
sense of the passage. 

Another conjecture of Vahlen that is remarkably confii'med 
by Arab, is in 1402 b 30: e<yTi il o6 xajTi XO<Tat 9; 8ti o6x 
elx6g ij Sti o6x ivayxotov, iel %' s^ei Sv(jTa(Tiv t6 ox; £m t6 ttoX^J. 
oi yAp iv ?;v <($><; l%\ to xoW xal> slx6g iW isl xa\ dtvayxo^ov. 
Arab, has: J^b ^0 (5JJI aLc^UU tiJuLft c^^^- <j' i5^^^ ^^ 

^jj^ J^ vj r)^' (^^lyla^^f now he must have (AEI for 
AEI) as an objection that which is more frequent; 
and say it is not more frequent than the likely 
[n«a^U in this translation regularly stands for elx6(; — 
inadequately], but the likely is the necessary, which 
is constant at all times. 

Bad as this translation is, it is clear that the Syriac 
translator had before him the words inserted by Vahlen. 

In 1397 a 23 : el yap OaT^pco 6xap)^ei t6 xaXfiSg 9; StxaCw^ 
%oi%(soLij GaT^po) TO 7cexov6£vai. Bywater {Journal of Philologyj 
XVII, p. 72) observes that xaC shoidd be inserted before the 
second OaT^pw. Our translator seems clearly to have read 
this xaC as he renders the passage : U^^&iX^I J^*i ^l5 l6Li *3U 
^jS Ldjf J U ^Loj JLjub^U LJcXx ^t \Jum a and if the 
action of the one be fair or virtuous, then the 
suffering in the case of the other must also be so. 



25* 



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Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to 
B. Sa'lidya Gaon 

by 
Dr. A. Neubauer (Oxford). 



My lamented friend's literary career had much resem- 
blance to mine. His life work was a critical edition of the 
leading dictionary of the Talmudic literature, by Nathan ben 
Yehiel of Rome, whilst I edited the first dictionary of the 
Bible according to the system of triliteral roots, compiled 
by R. Jonah (Abul Walid ibn Janah). We both were 
unjustly taken to task by an acute critic in the same perio- 
dical. After having completed his edition of the Amch 
Completum and the prolegomena to it, the late Dr. A. Kohut 
devoted himself to the Arabic - Hebrew literature of the 
Yemen Rabbis, of which he brought out in a short time extens- 
ive monographs on Dhamari's (1892) and Ibn Isaiah's (1894) 
commentaries (the latter rather homilies) on the Pentateuch. 
Both were reviewed by the present writer in the Jewish 
Quarterly Beview, vols. V and VH (1893—1895). 

I also tried to take up the same studies from a general 
side. Besides the two essays, my lamented friend devoted 
attention to Sa'adya Gaon's liturgical productions, from which 
he published, also almost posthumously, the beautiful Hos- 
hanah psalms^) ascribed to that prolific pionneer in Jewish sci- 
ence. In this brief article, I shall follow his steps, with the 
purpose of filling up some lacunae in the aforementioned 
essay, which I devote with sorrow and grief to his memory: 

I. Sa'adya's rijpB^in. 

*) [The learaed S. J. Halberstam has recently published in the new 
issue (vol. XXXIX, p. 111—112) of Graetz's MonatsschHft, some additions 



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Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to R. Sa*adya Oaoa. 389 

Addition to vol. XXXVII, p. 210, of the Monatsschrift 
fur die Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums, The 
Ms. of the Bodleian Library No. 2498 of my catalogue 
has the following introduction to the nuvB^in: [fol. 137] IJHJ 

. . • HDpnn rv^2 d-^on^ n'-tr iniD n^junrn i^nd dv ^d^ ppnn 

The Ms. of the Bodleian Library Hebr. e. 11 (not yet 

catalogued), fol. 90, reads as follows: Toyn'? Njyc^in noiJ 

HDpn D'."' '^DD NjyK'in QiNi nHvV D^D jn'»D'?'.t'D HHiN j''9''po'! H^^^y n^^in 
jno'N HDpnn r^y^ w^^r^h -idt nnron pn rD'^po vhk' piD bf t Dvm 
nnyo u''di ip\'^B^ [nrJoj i'tn' bn r-^-B' o-'ni dv b-^b D'^junn nai 

.D1'' ^DD Sir jiw 

Finally the Ms. 1145 (fol. 37 b) of my catalogue has the 

following superscription: iHT^aKno niD'po bn btr\W'' b2 ijhj 

bm • NJ ny^K^'ui "'• NJN jnoiNt tn''2'?i'?D nniN r^'p^'' '"I'^V ^"^""^ '^^^ 
HN TD^o vne^ "j"^iD D'^oyD i nn.N pD^'po i Dvai hrn j^d''pd dv 

noitDD noDno t^'^^.^pN Sf jinj nnyo i 2n-^ ipi K^ipo'? -^dt naion 
mni y^DJ^N iDn'» 6n di^'^ni ^sd d'.^ ^^ddi idid'* nd ijy '?Np'' njd'pn 

We see that all three Mss. attribute the nuyc^in to 
Sa^ftdya, which are identical with those given in the Monats- 
schrift, according to three Mss. in America, described by Rev. 
Dr. Alex. Kohut. 

In another Ms. of a Yemen Siddur belonging to the Rev. 
Salomon A. Wertheimer in Jerusalem, which I had an oppor- 
tunity to see, we read the following pieces, besides the Hoshanoth 
to be found in the Bodleian Ms. No. 2498 of the Bodleian 
Catalogue, before '•E^c^n uvh: yy t6 b^i pxJ nnyo ^r2'\]ff yn 



and emendations to Dr. Kohut*s article, I c. He informs us that S. Sachs, 
in vol. IV, p. 109, of the Hebrew annual Ozar ha-Sifroth, calls atten- 
tion to these prayers from a printed Mahsor, scarcely known. He also 
possesses a Yemen MS. of prayers in which the following superscription is 
to be read in the section containing the Hoshanoth : 

pw TDi^ B»3i»fii onoHO ^'t pRj.T nnyo u»m j^pnn lasi .... nuyiPirrn -no 
. . . nijytnnn nou nn . . . 'h\K o»o»a. The order is just the same in Halber- 
stam's MS. The variants communicated by him are of interest. G. A. E.] 



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390 -A.. Neubauer. 

r3B^3 n'r\':> jn^e^ TK'N"^ y>^ d-'c' '':dd t^k^ di'i 'Jw di*'^ nij^enn 
Dv pi 3^1^ inn r^DU rN"> njvirin dhd cnciN r^ c^tjd nW tdk^ in 

poiN TM raito r'M^ jn ^k^ jib^n-) did d^'* *?n dm id''d^ Jinn niD'» 
onoiN "JB^ D'D D-!^ Nine' rsB^D inNDi ^^b TDB^ nriND nuyonn 
'3 D1'' riDpn DnoiNi 'M Dv riDpnn cjHdi 'n di'* '?k' ni:vtrin 

'•:b^ dv t^tr njyrm r"^o '^< ^"^ '^ d'''^ ?=>'» oi'^n in^b HD^'^vn 

.D^iv^ cnpon NJM '•^DB' Di''^ .... iDy-y N-^inn njn "i dv^ 

This agrees with the Seder according to Sa'^dja in 

the Ms. of the Bodleian Library No. 1996 of the Catalogue. 

Next come the following liturgies for Hoshana Rabba, 

which are attributed to R. Sa^adya 6aon: 

.N3-^ N:yB'in ]^p^r 
-^Dib ND-> NjyB'in h'b^ -^pin ri'orw cip'? ^n-^b^^ py b unj 
iDsy DiNH '•'•n rorm ^2^ oirnn dv nihb^ ''Dt> cjunri nn'^'po 
imon^ ni d'.^d rnjD rap nD-^n^ i:nj pt> 'odh^ jn d'd^ ;n vwidi 
'•DD1 con ^y c:'"!": jrd -"d c^on ^y D''j'jnr D''DnD'i dhidd Di^b 
nD")2 ■'db'J iDinrfr cb^pdd ly^b^ d^iv*? cnd c^cn id c^nn pis 
pD'^poi ri:yB^.n b d t-^'B^i d^-^^db^ nD"iy -at>D HD-iy j'^^d'.j ni di'^di 
.•n'yD ir:D^ dtd:b^ 'dd mD t-^^d h^db^ tot in-Dioi rvDpn ]Ov 
b^Dron f B^ ^v ^pn^ nD i: idd ^y ni nv b\t/ "iion dtd^ t^nii 
no 'pDB' ]ni'' njNi hjn b^dh^ ']'\ot n^i ccir ly pio bv n:]m;^r\ -)Dib 
ijinjB^ jnjon ""dd n'h hi dv '^b' nDpnn "^-idd ^y^^b 2^r2b ijn:^ 
bn r-)TyD bn i-io Nin n^y cjionp :n:D Mu-it ry:jj py hd dipd'? 

n''DN ij^CDi i:''''nD ^:b w'y b^')\ir 
:yaT pNJ nnyo i:^d-)^ |iotd dhidn n:iB'Nin n^pn 
rPN -iB'N n"^TN rnD . T'cor ryDB^ r^D . cvn iidt Di'^n .t 

PSPD tJ-^DT . T'On-ID U\'"nD |0T Dip JOn-^ DN . "|'»D1N''J n mpHD 

.•jnDi : T»Dy 
'•pDi-i Dy^ ns-irni Nscm . T'Brni'? bh-ij hm biD'» bi ^d ^^ino 
. DD-^pnD DD''j nyB^ . inon ^d rpii^i d"^dn riDi d-^'^dthd . yrbi 
. . . ij^DPn . . . -)Dri ... 1^5 -iDiN NJon-^ UiiDT . i^nB^^ dd^pi'td 

.(all d^idd) ij'^jy 
HBO . i'':sb n^n^ ipy: ib^m -ipD: rnD . pny^ .•t'Jb^ n^pn 
y^Db DN1D ryD ly^i ]^n^ lyu nsn . i'':^yD didh riB^y "^ddj dji -)Dnj 
.ijnDT : i^'OE^ jyo^ hb^ ""i^ dd n:]; DDin dni 
Dyb '•^Nij -^la '•^N iiDir . m^2:in tidd dth pnEO pna'* mDi 
hdid:* Dorn . Nip: toc^d dv^ i'bhd irpiai tnT'py . niiy idd ^nib^ 
• . . Njoni . T^m nb^r sb -jr^uoi ir'?n:D . hiidjd itnj ^n hdijd 

IB^N . Nlipo l^ ^NIB^'' 1-in'' DJI T^D^ . Dp^ T^B^'^^B' HDpn 



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Some anpablished Litargica attributed to K. Sa'adya Gaon. 391 

• N-^IJ no -1DN''1 . IRD 1^ "inw bs . N-)1D ^b DT^DD D^.^ JHI D*?n 
HDD HT HNC': "^C'N HN^HJ . HINK'J mNtT^ . ipNJ DJ1 ipiS IIDT 

• POND no^< no . nNon noD mrn . }^di7 dji TiRn "^idt 

. ims;"i TiDii . nB'pj 1^ Tor . iroirn tindp . r')ro^ ^b nttm'^ 
. . . Njon-^ . i:''D'' DD hv -rDtr cm: iceo dp b^n nih . rnoyD npipn 

• najn no^ mrn ntrjr b^ nro ror . hbt: r^r^-) n^pn 

v:v EH^ no^pi ncor mT ^r^2] . Tocn cy oni nwt^ nsj ^n 

• m^p ^'•njn^ . '•i'' cy db^ loy dt* d^vd-in di^n ^n cy • '•j'^d -^nn 
. imiri ^rpm . ijon: ny^ t>''njn ton ^n . '•jiyo '•dbt: nim hdt 

.won-) . ijnDT . ■j'»DirD n: "^idt 

• NjyB^in D-^DNK^ loy jn' ?'»"^ PHn tod . pnN r'-c'-Dn nspn 

(marg. n:iyoD) n:iDND piK' u^ hndj oy^ nN"^n i-nn . njiONn 

.'jnDT . TDiyb ye^ir irt>Dr'. irnDTDi 
. DK^ 1N13D cra^T . •':Db D'^JD^ DD r"^B6 Bnp'? itd'? tcnp nj2 
vni'pDr • ij^y ^y iddo ^^•^ •iTi^iyi •t^od'^pd '•I'' in^dd trnpD 

• j'^oiin KnpoD oy^j-^n oyDri . "jidn cy^ dim iidt . vm:'ijnn 

.Njon-^ ijnDT 
D^iy -I1D'' pns no3 . Dni''Dn drjd tidt . dhjd r'^ire^ nspn 
-)ayT.i . Dtjyj '^d 'py ddk^d n^'DDH. ny^ oy t>'?9''T N:p nnD^? . 
Dib'^yi o'l^n Di'pB^ nnn di^h djh . D^iy Dnn nsDrj n^.t; ns^ nn^c^D 
.unDT iTO'' \^p Dip . inyt> T'om . ot^iy njinD^ 
. '•mn'^jD •'n t>N ny"^ . T'tr-npo oy ryie^^ . n:'.y ^^^ Njpo rim 

iTJ '^N lt5''DV . N"^10^ '•B^ n-)1TD niTT . I'^CN^ '•Ont? ''JDip d'^h 

njDb Nj Dm'' HjyB^in . ']jtnpi2b DSDpi nt^nsi n'?''Jt? Dorn . ittnp 

•NJon-) • ijnDT : t':''d'' nyDJ -^b^n 

• b2: d:*! -)'iB'y -"^y . p: -^b^n po iidt . th r^yDr nopn 

nb NiB^j . nr i-i::i htoj it> . ^dp bn i^ ji-iin^ •.''r'n'"Dn i^n-'n^Bo 
. nrj"^n^ nyBnn^ . ^dh dji nt^nj ■]*? nN"^ipo hndj ms . ^dd dji ^ly 

.i:nDT : -i^onoD r\b:'r\ 
py Dmn dji Dmn • thd^d "^hdd dpr: tt b^''n in tidtd 
niDN niDTi . TTiJi ir^D p:D hndj oy'? hn-^h inDm . yrhn:^ 
.i:nDT : T'D-'on nyDr ron dnb'ji d^dji iTiy^ n: idt mD"^yD 
nx ppb "^Din tsn lyuoi ♦ ""b^ ijd th tidt tj\-ibN 'j^ iidt 
nDii iniD^DD n^^jji . "-b^: tni ^:2 pni im: f)idn tiddt . ••Bnijo 

.Njom . i:nDT : i^niN^D^ 
n. Liturgy on the Ten Commandments. 
We know now from a fragment reproduced in the 



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392 A. Neubauer. 

Jewish Quarterly Review, vol. V, p. 708, that Sa'^dya, in 
a liturgy concerning the ten commandments, included the 613 
precepts; we mentioned as such the liturgy beginning with 
the words n^DiM tCN '♦DJN. There is another liturgical piece 
written by Sa^4dya, which contains the commandments 
and the 613 precepts. The Ms. Hebr. f. 20 (not yet cata- 
logued, coming from Egypt; many letters are provided with 
vowel points) , contains such a liturgy (alphabetical), 
which we deem worthy to be published, if only for the 
name of the author. The title is the following (fol. 57) iiD 
»i'»Dno i'»vt>c^ (so) ro^'^c^ v^^:i>7\ nnyo ^y-y^b r'r\'2'^7[ iry "hv m^v^ 

:ih is 5t p)dv p 
"Order for Shabuoth concerning the ten commandments 
by R. Sa'adya the Gaon[?], of Mehasj'ah. son of Joseph, the 
memory of the righteous is for blessing/' Next follows (fol. 
57 b) the liturgy, which we reproduce according to a copy made 
by Dr. Adolf Btichler, Professor at the Seminary of Vienna 
(Austria), during his stay at Oxford: 

".VDr'i . ij^jp ni '•^D^D?:^ moi yoB^n . uiyo :nnD "^ry nnm 

-)Bfy D''JtrD . v^.^o yDscD 'iyriji in-^'' \^r\n wtr\ hv 'ro ^r\ bn " 
vby :*.''t>y '»'• ii'^ ik^n '•jso . v^djj mni '•ro jryi id^ . ^^"h^^n idj '?''d 
: HBTD -nn . ninn^ -^riD^Do it'DJinD D'-DDr . HB^na D^-yo "tn pjob' nnitf 
• "^3B^ D'^y^D r^m^n '?y ppnj . -^mn n'^n ps^J ^nh iino 

P-D'^DO DNip :i-)Dl -^B'N D'^DH . nD''D 1DD DIDD N^D^ Hyn 1» 

-)-D''yD DT.yB^ . imo''^ -p-i- dd^sph n'r^r^ '•sn . t^tj: vtt w^to 
brhr^ on tin'-on '?^<'; ^oy ^n di^b^ -isi^ '•d . imo ^yii'' ni di^ 
^h^h^\ :d\-i^n idt'i . DM^ajt D'^piN m loni ^pPB^ . d\'tijj p'^nao 

. n'?'»DD IRN ^D^ ""PB^l D''P-)D''B^ . n^l'TDH DP^nJDI □"J'SyQ ny2Bf 

tn'^D nmoy \-*jdp '•djn . h^ddi pB' ^a:^ ^u^iro E^yiN nyipn 
nijyD . ^r\v:^'o b^'p^ b^p b'? ^^db^ jvs . ""pyap D'-nya r^^rsn r^b^^ 
ppyDB^nt ''pyB^iHi ""PiJin ^2:^ . '•py-i-n tno pi'^pini r^yrr^)) 
pinpiDD ^^DD p^rBno ''po''''d . y^v^ pnB^ipo no^D pijiyo ^ra^v 
NH :pNn PN ^p^B^y ojn . pna T^'mn n'':3 bv B^y P'^^nj . ppa 
:" '•DJN . ''^jnob '•'^inj idb^p mi2jn '•dd py^ . ^r\^ mo'' I'pni hdd 



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Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to R, Sa*adya Gaon. 393 

V' • Dn'^Dipot: nvs'' n^i it^.p bn tit . crT'oy hdhd ik^n d'^jdr 

obi HID DHD IDHD HDIS -)K^N b D.TCny Vn'» OmOD . DiTlDiy 

tDniTN D^n^N i'? n\"i^ n^ • Dnnira on^ iitn dh^i 13n . onnm 

:np^j moD nra yncrjn bi . npi^y^ -^ddji nsyD jitj hid djij 
. no^m nbDn "^ptr ryiDtr brr\ . nonmoi n^Do ^nh tnk' onm 

T 

M^l '•BfDJ N'.K^*? NB^J N^ "^tTN . HD^^tr imOK^ DDt> ^Dl D^DD ^pjl 

Dmj^n inn . dmidj iB^yi nb^h n^ idn:d tdt rno-io^ yar: 
nyor mDi ^yi . dmod nan -^iqk' i^o ^d Dyo • D'^nbro Dns'^ni 
.NB^n N^ . nooy^ nie^^ idb^ tn insrD . ne^''^^'' i^^yi pJB^ : dm^n 

B^Nn b]f nDun . n^i D''B^'np tdd pyji -l^^< db^ nib^^ nb^p. n^ 
Nim p"^Dn ^y t:n • pns nD-^m thd db^ a^^b nbti n^ :n3D nmi 
N'.m bj^Jin ^y "^Dun . D^yji -)idj "^n; db^ n'b^'? nb^p n^ rpnno 
N%Ti npi noDn ^y -iDun . diini njj in db^ n-b^^ nb^p ^b : D'»y-)D 
: D^iDPo Dm onnn ^y t:n . d^in ipn db' nib^*? nb^p sb : Dnp 
N^ iNr Mini i^in t>y t:n . n»n d'-ddib' Nint db' nib^^ nb^p n^ 
NB^p N^ lnn^2 N'nt p'^ion 'py •::! . nnro nni ni db^ ^^\^b nb'p 
nib6 nb^p n^ • ND-)Po Nim n^inn by t:n . nDvoi pon db^ n'b6 
DB' Nirb ^<B'p N^ rn^PD Nin' bon by t:n . ibpoo n"^nD3i -^ino 
D^DJD by t:n • pipiB^PD ^idd db' NiB^b nb^p by t:n . yp'\^ no^ -^^^ 
P''''ib by t:n . ib^ pibipi Dn'»Db db^ Nwb nb^p Nb :p;.p'»B^ Dm 
Nim pon by t:n . n^noi p''dd db^ NiB^b nb^p Nb :ib^j Nim 
Nim B^mn by t:n . D'-bBnob nba^a jpij d^ NiB^b t<vn Nb :n^n 
pjit: N'^m noion by t:n . nB^noa p^o u^ ^wb iwn Nb :D''bB^ 
by i:n . nyari n^^i[;y nn^si iny db^ NiB^b nb^p Nb inB^p jn 
• D'^njyiDD PiOB^ x'^bs Dr NiB'b NB^p Nb rnyDr pnbv N\m n"^py 
NDa2 yoa db' NiB^b nb^p Nb :D''npDj Dm -iiy. DbMi no^D by t:n 
. -)s;ij '•B^npDi B^np db^ n'b6 nb^p Nb : B^mpn "^r: yii by t:n . Bmp 
Dinn DB^ NiB^b NB'P Nb nsyPD Nim pion iNbo p)yp by t:n 
NB'P Nb CDnmy Dni ]^^y^ nidi by t:n • Dnayo bD by Dnioi 
nib6 nb'p Nb • i^s^iDPa Nim ybo jb^ by t:n . ^^su d''D''3b^ or NiB^b 
rnJDPD bN'^B^'' DBoi Dpy dbo top t:n . njiy D'^junpi nbDP db' 
:iBnpb PDB'n dv pn hdt • iB^npn p3b^2i bma • iB^ip db^ nb^p Nb 

d''n^dj nmra piiaon bjD bpa^iQ . P33D m»ji i^idd ""^ B^npb 
"•■» ■'D IN1 . r\yrtn2 piao iicc' dpjnq nJN ny nj . n3''n2 d'^dipdi 



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392 ^' Neubauer. 

Jewish Quarterly Review, vol. V, p. 708, that Sa'^dya, in 
a liturgy concerning the ten commandments, included the 613 
precepts; we mentioned as such the liturgy beginning with 
the words nt>D iN tPN ^DJN. There is another liturgical piece 
written by Sa'4dya, which contains the commandments 
and the 613 precepts. The Ms. Hebr. f. 20 (not yet cata- 
logued, coming from Egypt; many letters are provided with 
vowel points) , contains such a liturgy (alphabetical), 
which we deem worthy to be published, if only for the 
name of the author. The title is the following (fol. 57) "no 
iT'ono i^y^cf (so) ]''^'h\ff ]^^^:n nnyo ij^di^ r\'^2'[r\ -^tc^ -hv nisp'? 

:ib is 5t ^dv p 
"Order for Shabuoth concerning the ten commandments 
by R. Sa'adya the Gaon [?], of Mehasj'ah. son of Joseph, the 
memory of the righteous is for blessing." Next follows (fol. 
57b) the liturgy, which we reproduce according to a copy made 
by Dr. Adolf Biichler, Professor at the Seminary of Vienna 
(Austria), during his stay at Oxford: 

"ivcr^*! . -j^jp r.i ^bohor^h -^-lo". roc^n . u^yo j'sno le^ nn^i 

-ii''i . ini: '•^Jt' ^^^ pDin d'd . -imp" b^^d nDicn jtn ntDn*? i3»in 
iB'v CJTO . v'^i'td yoK^ typ-^ji ini'' nnn b^ni ^y ^:'»d nn *?« " 
v^y : v^y '>'• -i-^'» -icfN ''JD3 . v'^Djj n-^ni '•j'^d jtpyi id^ . vb^^n id: S^d 
: nBT3 i-^^i . r\}inrh '!TD''dd '.^sjinD D''DDtr . rwna D^iyo "tn pjok' p-^k^ 
• "^DB^ c'ly^TD pinion ^y ^y^n^ . -^mn hm psu b^nh tpd 

nDT* -IB'N ^D PN i:'''?N "^31P PN* . ISlOn ^ip yOB^ "^''JJ^ 1»D D'»'?'IJD 

. i-)3J ""D iB^ nnD iB^N DpnnD . i-^su tn -irN onnsi lyoBO |v^y 

PO^DD DNip rilS"! "^B^N ID'^DH . n3''D IDD D"^DD N^D^ Hyn is; 

-^iD^yn cj^yB^ . mio^^ "•P"ii DD^s"^n pnip '•nn . in^jj vtt D''jnD 
bp^p dtT :in''Dn W^ loy bx Dt^B^ 'yyv ^d . imo ^yiv nr m^ 
■•^i^p :d\"i'?n idti . DMiDJ"! D''p"^N m -ioni 'spPB' . D''nuj p%"aD 
. n'p^DD inN ^D^J ''PB^- cpiD'^B^ . n^i^DH Dp'?njD'i D'^jiyo nyDBf 
'.rho n^'ir^'ov tjdp ^djn . n^DDi pB' '•pq ''D''3n2 Er»y-)N t\'^^^'\ 
ni:yD . ""pysD 'ripT bip ^d^ ^'•db' i^a . ^r\]^'p n^ny^ nnin pi'pip 
ppyoB^ni ^rv^^r\^ ^rn:^^ '^djn . '•pyi'n tno p^p'sni piT'py 

PinpiDD '?'»DD P^CB^D '•PO''''D . py3 PIB'ipO HD'^D PlJiyO "'PD'^y 

NH :pNn PN ''P^B^y '»djn . pn3 T,'»njn n^js '^y B^y P''^n: . if^r^ 
:" OJN . '•^ji-iob ^'^im idbt:5 m-DJn '•so rvb • '•^"in '"Jid^ I'pm noo 



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^ 



ij. 



Some unpublished Liturgica attributed to R, Sa*adya Gaon. 393 

:D^Vinyn ntcya non bn . o^ir^w N^t own n^ nn'^y c^'^ino 

nbD^ nilD DHD tDHD HDI^ "IB^M ^D D.Tny Vn'» DHIDD . DHnSiy 

ronav dm^n i*? n^n^ ^b • onnicnD dh^ i^n ony. idn . onnni 

:np^j niDD mo ynic^jn '?d'i . np'i'?vt> -^dd:- nsya p-i": nia djij 
. no^ra nbn "^pe^ ry'DK^ brr\ . nonnoi nbo c^nh r^*^^ d''"^3"» 

y T 

N^l '•BfDJ NIB''? N^J N^ "^E'N • niD^b^ irilDK^ 33^ "^D1 D^DD ^2) 

ry'OB' mDi 'pyi . D%nDD nan I'-otr ib^ ^d nyo • o'^nbro Dn»\-n 
.N57n N^j . nooy'pD i<^^b ^d^ pn iid^d . nr^K^t ^^^yi pj^n : dm^n 

K'Nn ^y -)DTJn • hd-i D^c^np i-.dd pyji -^hn db^ n'b^^ nicp n^ 
Nini piDH bv t^n . pno nD"^Di i^d db^ n'b^'? Ncrn n^ inu nmi 
Ntni '^J^jn ^y "^dtjh . D^yj". -^'gj "^nji db^ nib^^ nb^p n^ :pn3D 
N\"n npi noDi by "^Dr:n . diini ns^ in db' nib^^j nb^p n^ : D''y")D 
: D^-^DPo Dm Dnnn by tjH . cp-^N ipn db^ nib^^ nb^p n^ : mip 
Nb :N3r Nim ibin by i:n . nj^n D''3D"iBf Nini db' NiB^b nb^p xb 
NB^p Nb :mi3 N^m p^'ion by i:n . nnio nnr ni db^ NiB^b nb^p 
nib6 nb'p Nb . ND1PD Ni.T. nbiRH by t:n • nDPoi pon db' NiB^b 
DB' Nwb NB^p nb :ib''PD Nini bun by t:n ♦ -ibpoo ninD^i "^ihd 
d''d:d by t:n . pipiB^ps '•idd db^ NiB^b nb^p by t:n . yp-^i id^ "^»^ 
p^''ib by t:n • ib^ p^b-p- on^Db db^ N-iB^b nb^p Nb ip^p^b^d am 
Nim pon by t:n . n^nm p''oq u^ NiB^b nb^p Nb hb^oj Nim 
Nim B^mn by ^:n • D^bBnob nba^D jp'j db^ NiB^b nb^p Nb :n^n 
p:it: N\"n HDion by t:n . nB^noa p^o uitr NiB^b ^b^p Nb in^bB^D 
by t:n . nysB^i cnB^y pipind yn^j or NiB^b nb^p Nb rnB^p jn 
. D''njy'DD piDBHD ^''bg) DB' NiB'b NE'P Nb : HyDB' pibi^ N\T. mpv 
NDM yus DB' Nirb NB'p Nb CD'^HP-Dj Dm "^"iyi obMi no'^D by t:n 

. ISIJ ^B^ipOl B^lip Dr N'.B^b NB'P Nb CB^TtpH IIJ \^''» by tiPI • B'lip 

D^m DB' Nirb NB^p Nb :'\]i];ro Nim ir^or^ iNbo p)»p by t:n 
NB'P Nb ronoiy Dm jv^") nidi by i:n . un^vo b2 by Dnnoi 
Nwb NB^p Nb . i^siispo wvim ybo jb^ by t:n . ^^ai: d^'D'^db^ db^ Nwb 
:njDPD bN-^B''' DBQi Dpy^ dbq tqp t:n . njiy D''junpT nbop or 
:iBnpb PDB^n di'' pn -itDi • iB^ipn pdb^dt bin3 • iB^ip db^ nb^p Nb 

D^N''DJ nmpQ piison bjD bpBno . m2D -^isji i3idq " rnpb 

'•'• ^D INI . PTBHD PiJTD IICP* DPJNO HJN ly NJ . nD^'TO D'^DIPDI 



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394 -A.. Neubauer. 

. r-)D "iip-'D^ y'Tnb nir.T'p . h-i^nd nn imq -^d'd j» :r'N^ vni 
roiff TNI . (NipcD N*?D S marg.) NipoD hd^ n^d ri'iaD nn Dcn 
TOp^'' 1^^^^ W ^^^^ -^^^n D^^m r-isDi nr\h nyiin icnp 
:r3c^n di"* pn i'ot . rsDr -is^in td' K^n 'o'^ n:^:DP . n^ni 
bn yon . T'Dy:o ^'•dt Dip^^ ""b^ •i^o'^Nro itiHi r^^inn 
p \'^3K'''p :iON rn",r tr.Dr ^ni tdn -^d'o •'jd yoe^ • tdnjd p)v?r 

pjir ^''DD p"i DN noc^" DDn p . ^.cnj -^-db^''i lynD'' b- T.cy^ vjs 

DP1DN nDDcb T^DS "^tt^N "^DB^ . DNIH^ H'' HB^yO '•D'Cy : ICN 

pnp^^ rapT dn^ :ybr vv • dndh*?- I'pjb bnj ^niivi p : dk^d*? 

m -IDD • T»D'' P1D"^nb PDDH T^N^ . T^^DN pDP Pl^lD DN t DN 

:iDN PNI T3N 

D^ '•b^d'-l: . noDn idi b jd ^d ly^ • noTon hn-^p ib^s: -jb^jd 

• D^p* nyn PNDH ■'jDt5 npipn :ncDB^ •nsp'' i-^i • r\D^b tff^n '•drd 

"•JD^ HD'.PD njn rDD^o inmp b'''n ^y •pp'snp n:N ly • dd'^^n 
O'lDO TDH^ ion; . D''nin: ndh n^i cpiB^yn rvot . □'•toj^ 
Bni^HD ''E^nD )r)C rcnsno npyi hd r^' p"i» . D''n''j^DD DPiB^nnt^i 
rnmp ^b . ns:^ pn "^idb^p dn ^^JB^^< . nsp 
. DID iD-in yjiD i^ON . D-Q y^^ fy^^nn roj idnpi nmp tS 
yjio -i-HN . mj DID iD"^n yjio inni . d''^ip3 did i3"^n yjiD "^nx 
iDin yj'.D "ii")N . n")T hb^nd ^2in ];:ir2 inni . niiDJ i*? pb^nd iD"^n 
iD-)n ];:^r2 inD : nnDj p''n psnD i^in yj^.D it)Di ♦ n^2i^ nnoo 

:fl^<JP Nb ^iND b}i2r\b -iiDy . p)ni ^pj did 

. D^DB^N.T. D''D''Nn JD DH D'^BHIl : D"'D1^<•'J H^D^ "^D iNI . D''D1TJ^ p-'B^N 
T.''''ni • D''91B^J '•BnND DDB^*? "^D^p D^^b^ • D^'DTJ HDH IHIPI ^SHI 

m'!'' I^n • Dt>iy p^ ""Sp' n^iy yiir :d''dnjd3i d'^dbodd "^dod ly 

• 2b:rh iDDN'' N^ n5i-)N Dnj'ijn d'^d '•d'^d . D^rb hd^b^h^ '^dv n^i 

^N RN fl-^D P-ID • P)yr ^N1 ''piRD lt> %T 3^ Id'? "^DH HB^ P)NU 

:^n:p ^<^ • fjnb'P 
HB^ni nyD-^Ni ^er "^D^rD . y^n2 "^nr ^n pid^jj ynB^ phn^ 
t^^inD -i-i-i; Dro nid'' d:ji . \^inB^ i'^ddd p'ln ^n nj''r. pB^j . }^in^ 
py-iD • np''byN '•dbh^ j^dhd i^dh '•D-^iy . npnN j-^n'? b^dj di:ji'? dd 
nv'^ 2^::h hd'.s :np''j hidd nio DJiJin b ^d . np'':Nn^ r\z>v ^n^x 



*) I. e. era of the destruction of the second temple, = 920 A. D. 



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Some UDpublished Liturgica attributed to R. Sa'adya Oaon. 395 

: Dijjp N^ 4 DijT^ '•^D niDtrtJ 1^ '>r''vsi , Di:r^ oipo t-)D57 iitdj 

DirD^ Til'?'' ^ZN^D '•Jir • np3D ^'•D IKfN "^D"I b ^V ""D V"in 

-)''P : np:"* n^ Dnptr iy . np^^n '•dnd jd ti''}i^r ^n nsn yn . npnh^ 

npK^ -i;; ininn njiy lr^< iijr fni 3-^m \^gD • ipc^ no t.n"^d 

''JDNJ3 niE}DiBT3 '•j'^y pj''^ ijj'? yo^ N*? DnpBf -^si-j . '•Jinn b IDJ 
npK' -ly ijPD n:vn n^ . ipni nn n:n ^j''n r:^ * ^p^-^b y-^t* 
'•D'^D . D'^ynp r^ji^ni ti^ddd iid'» . cypipi ru tdi icn ''D"^d 
iin'' DN n:D did'^h ro'^jn ti»d yen ion . D^yisys^ nc'vci cnos 

• Diyn 1^1 T'min nni -non nnon d;; dj . dindd cd-^inh 

monn n^ 
. y2'^^}f2 npipn '^D'^y TiPdi t^tod rn-np icfN r'tji r*nD '•j^'^n 
: T^'y 'N-^ "^t^^* DnD-in tn nDc^r jd . T:]^h "tt^si icry m d''Di^j 
T^bo TDb^ . nNjnn*? -^n rTnn D'?''3jn ♦ nwroo ')''NDa^ N-^p im 
:nNT lym nn:i ibip -iin pn '•'' yoK'ni . hnidd hnidi 
. nbnj'? in^y.T innic^ ion . n*?r -^nn c^ni ^y D'':i''^yn DTni 
in'p'njn istn pn in-^h pNn ^yi . n^Dipo pyDDD v'^y vn D''n'!DD 

^DD N^ . P1N-)D inN b PN IRD ""DD . PINIJ PlS^'iRD y^B^ Dnn*' 

• -)Tyj ''Dyi n^N b '•pin-^d : pixnn DD^j'»y ""d . pinidj dp^d'»p •t'jd 
miDJD ipbiT ^N ""D yiNT "PiDD • iTjij piR "^D by "Po: yDK'ji nc^j 
onnD piNib v:d . v-ion -^dit^ nipN p by : it n^i '.ni '•j'^yi • "^tn: 

p.mp "noe^ . pibpbpy ion n^i wd . pibpo baDO pibnp :^'\n^ 
:pibipn PN D''Ni-) Dyn ^di . pibpi piiion 



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Ueber die jttdischeu Oolonien in Indien 

von 
Prof. Or. Qustav Oppert (Berlin). 



Wann und wie die jiidischen Colonien in Indien ge- 
griindet warden, konnen wir jetzt schwer bestimmen, denn 
sichere historische Angaben hieruber besitzen wir nicht, wohl 
aber existiren einige unbeglaubigte Traditionen, und wenige 
allerdings fiehte, chronologisch aber schwer festzustellende und 
tiber diese Fragen keine Auskunft ertheQende Documente im 
Besitze der syrischen und jiidischen Gemeinden. 

Ala Ausgangspunkt fiii* die Einwanderung der Juden 
nach Indien sind drei Ereignisse von Wichtigkeit: 1. Die 
Zerstorung des Reiches Israels und die Abfiihrung der zehn 
Stfimme in die assyrische Gefangenschaft durch Salmanassar, 
um 721 V. Chr.; 2. die Einnahme von Jerusalem, die Zer- 
storung des ersten Tempels und die Abfiihrung der Juden 
in die babylonische Gefangenschaft durch Nebukadnezar um 
586 V. Chr. ; und 3. die Zerstorung Jerusalems und des zweiten 
Tempels durch Titus im Jahre 70 n. Chr. 

Mit alien diesen drei Ereignissen haben Legende und 
Geschichte die Grundung jiidischer Colonien in Indien ver- 
kniipft. 

Der Weg nach Indien lag den Juden offen sowohl zu 
Lande wie zu Wasser. Es i^t wohlbekannt, dass Konig Sa- 
lome alle drei Jahre im Verein mit seinem koniglichen Freunde 
Hiram von Tyrus Meerfahrten nach dem Lande Ophir unter- 
nahm. „Und SchifFe machte der Konig Salomo in Ezion 
Geber, bei Eloth am Ufer des SchUfineeres im Lande Edom 
(26). Und Chiram sandte zu Schiffe seine Knechte, Schiffs- 
leute, kundig des Meerea, mit den Knechten Salome's (27). 
Und sie kamen nach Ophir, und holten von dort das Gold, 



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Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 397 

vierhundert uud zwanzig Talente, und brachten es dem Konige 
Salomo (28). Und auch das Schiff Chiram's, das Gold her- 
beibrachte von Ophir, brachte von Ophir sehr viel rothes 
Sandelholz und seltne Steine (X, 11). Und alle Trinkgefksse 
des Konigs Salomo waren von Gold und alle Gerathe des 
Hauses im Walde Libanon von gediegenem Golde, das Silber 
wurde in den Tagen Salomons durchaus nicht geachtet (21). 
Denn ein Tarschisch-SchiflF hatte der Konig im Meere mit dem 
Schiffe Chiram's, einmal in drei Jahren kam das Tarschisch- 
Schiff beladen mit Gold und Silber und Elfenbein und AfFen 
und Pfauen" (22) ») 

Die oben angefdhrten Waaren weisen auf Indien, denn 
Gold, Sandelholz, seltne Steine, Elfenbein, AfFen und Pfauen 
sind indische Produkte. Sandelholz und Gold weisen aber 
speziell auf Sildindien. Sandelholz konmit nlUtnlich von der 
Malabar Kiiste, und unfem von dort und im benachbarten 
Mysore besassen die alten Indier Goldbergwerke. Merkwiir- 
digerweise enhalt 1. Kon. X, 22 die alteste Erwfthnung eines 
alten Dravidischen Wortes. Das biblische Wort far Pfauen, tuk- 
hiyyim im Hebraischen, ist Dravidischen Ursprungs und von 
togaiy toka, Pfauenschweif und auch Pfau abgeleitet. Muziris 
war der bedeutendste Hafen Malabar's, von wo das Sandel- 
holz verladen wurde; es ist identisch mit Muyiri-kottai oder 
Cranganore, wo sich, wie wir sehen werdeu, die Juden sp^ter 
niederliessen. 

Fur den Handelsverkehr nach Indien bestand schon friih- 
zeitig auch ein Weg liber Land. Die der Eonigin Semiramis 
und dem Konige Sesostris zugeschriebenen Eroberungsziige 
nach Indien gehoren allerdings in das Gebiet der Mythe, 
aber setzen doch die Kenntniss eines Landweges dorthin vor- 
aus, das persische Reich des Darius Hystaspes grenzte aber 
an Indien. Alexander der Grosse untemahm nach dorthin 
seinen beriihmten Kriegszug, und Jahrhunderte nach ihm be- 
herrschten gr^ko-baktrische Konige Nordindien. Griechische 
und jtidische Kaufleute standen in intimen Handelsbeziehungen 
zu Indien und besassen an vielen Orten daselbst Comman- 
diten. Schon damals beklagte man, wie aus Plinius hervor- 
geht, den Abgang der edlen Metalle nach Indien. Die Namen 



») 8. 1 Kon. IX, 26-28; X, 11, 21. 22; II Chr. VIII, 18; IX. 10. 



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398 Gustav Oppert 

mancherdergewohnlichsten Handelsartikel bezeugen ihren indi- 
schen Ursprung. So ist daa Wort Reis, lpu%a im Griechischen, 
dem Dravidischen arisi entlehnt^ denn dieses Kom stammt 
aus Indien und wurde zuerst im hiilsenlosen Zustand nach 
Europa versandt. Indigo , das Indikon der Grieehen, ist, wie 
schon sein Name sagt, indischer Herkunft. Juden soUen es nach 
Sicilien vei'pflanzt haben, weil dieser Anbau aber nicht gllickte, 
gab man ihn spUter auf. Caravanen mit indischen Waaren 
passirten schon in Urzeiten die Grenzen von Palllstina, und 
an mit Gewilrzen, Balsamholz und Ladanharz handelnde Mi- 
dianitische Kaufleute wurde Joseph von seinen Brtidem nach 
Mizraim verkauft. 

Geographische Hindemisse standen also einer Einwande- 
rung liber Laud nach Indien nicht im Wege, wohi aber wiirde 
es den von Tiglat Pilezar, Salmanassar und Nebukadnezar 
aus Paliistina in die Verbannung gefiihrten Juden sehr schwer, 
wenn nicht unmogiich, geworden sein, in grosseren Massen 
aus der Gefangenschaft, wo sie streng iiberwacht wurden, zu 
entfliehen. Einzelne Individuen und Famiiien durften aller- 
dings die beschwerliche Reise angetreten und Indien erreicht 
haben, wie sich auch schon friihzeitig Juden in Central Asien 
und China ansiedeiten ^). 

Der Seeweg war dagegen leichter zuganglich. Wir horen 
in der That vielfach von grosseren Landungen, jedoch ist es 
hochst unwahrscheinlich, dass wegen der Schwierigkeit des 
Transports und der Bekostigung solche Masseneinwanderungen 
haben stattfinden konnen. 

Aus einem Excerpte einer angeblichen Chronik von 
Cochin entnehmen wir die Angabe, dsiss ein Jahrhundert vor 
Chr. die Nachkommen der von Salmanassar nach Mokka in 
Tehama bei Yemen verbannten Ephraimiten unter Fiihrung 
ihres Rabbi Simcha von Arabien nach Guzarat und Puna 
zu ihren dort ansassigen Landsleuten sich gefliichtet batten. 

Eine andere Legende besagt, dass die Nachkommen von 
Israeliten aus dem Stamme Manasse, welche Nebukadnezar 
fortgefiihrt hatte, sich in Malabar niederliessen. In Cochin 
erzahlte man sich, dass liber 10,000 Seelen, Manner, Frauen, 



') S. L Chronik V, 26; U. Chr. XXXVI. 10, 20; U. Kon. XVII, 6; 
XXIV, 16; XXV, 6, 11, 21. 



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Ueber die judischen Colonien Id Indien. 399 

Prie8ter imd Leviten sich nach der Zerstorung des zweiten 
Tempels nach Malabar in das Gebiet des Herrechers von 
Cranganore gefltichtet h'atten, und in den Notisias dos Judeos 
de Cochim findet sich die Angabe, dass die Abkommlinge von 
Juden, welche sich 70 nach Chr. nach der Insel Majorca be- 
geben batten, 70 — 80,000 an der Zahl, im Jahre der Welt 
4130 oder 369 nach Chr., nach Indien auswanderten und an 
der malabarischen Kiiste sich niederliessen. Die Bene Israel 
versichem ihrerseits vor 1700 Jahren nach Indien gekommen 
zu sein. 

Aus diesem Gemisch von Sage und Geschichte das Rich- 
tige herauszufinden, ist schwierig, vor Allem aber ist es nothig, 
sich an Thatsachen zu halten. 

Was nun die Juden in Indien betrifft, so theilen sie sich 
in weisse und schwarze Juden. Erstere haben ihre Race 
rein, ohne Beimischung mit Hindus, erhalten. Zu den weissen 
Juden gehoren vor Allen die sogenannten Jerusalemer Juden 
in Cochin, die sich stets durch Heranziehung weisser Juden 
aus dem Westen, aus Jerusalem, Spanien, Deutschland etc., 
regeneriii; und gestarkt haben, und auch ein Theil der Bene 
Israel in der Bombay Prasidentschaft, welche mehr abgesondert 
lebten. 

Die schwarzen Juden sind theils die Nachkommen von 
Mischehen zwischen Juden und Eingebomen, theils zum 
Judenthum bekehrte Hindu und deren Abkommlinge. Wie 
die euro-asiatischen Nachkommen der Portugiesen in Goa den 
Eingebomen in der Schwarze der Hautfarbe gleichen, so thun 
dieses auch die Mischlinge der judischen Race. 

Die jiidischen Niederlassungen in Indien werden haufig 
von den Reisenden im Mittelalter erwahnt, u. a. von Benja- 
min von Tudela, Marco Polo, dem Araber Abulfeda und dem 
Franciscaner Monch Odoricus. 

Die in der Bombay Prasidentschaft ansassigen Bene 
Israel besitzen leider keine Documente und konnen iiber ihre 
Abkunft auch nur ungentigende Auskunft ertheilen. Sie be- 
haupten vor ungefahr 1700 Jahren ihre nordlich gelegene 
Heimath verlassen und als Schiffbriichige bei Chaul, 30 
Meilen sudlich von Bombay gelandet zu sein. Die Zahl der 
Geretteten betrug nur 14, 7 Manner und 7 Frauen, und von 
diesen soUen die heutigen Bene Israel^ nach dem neuesten 



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400 Gostav Oppert. 

Census 13,336 Personen, abstammen.^) Die indischen Prinzen 
nahmen die Fremden gastlich auf und liessen ilmen ihren 
Schutz aBgedeihen. Sie zogen anfHnglich in die Dorfer von 
Eonkan und an die Kuste zwischen Bankote und der Bhor- 
ghat; spftter als Bombay engliscb geworden, liessen sich viele 
in der Stadt daselbst nieder, und wobnen dort jetzt in 
grosserer Zabl. 

Im Aeussem ^hnein die Bene Israd den arabiscben 
Juden, sie kleiden sicb aber wie Hindus, tragen jedoch, wie 
die Mubammedaner, Beinkleider. Ibre Hautfarbe ist beller 
als die der Hindus, ibre Haare scbeeren sie nicbt ab wie 
letztere, die nur einen Haarbiiscbel in der Mitte steben 
lassen, dagegen tragen sie Seitenlocken iiber den Obren. 
Ibre Wobnungen gleicben in Bauart und £inriebtung denen 
der iibrigen Einwobner, mit welcben sie zwar aus denselben 
Ge&ssen trinken, aber nicbt zusammen essen. Bei ibren 
Mablzeiten beten sie in bebraiscber Spraebe, im gewobnlicben 
Leben aber sprecben sie meistens Mar&tbi, mancbmal aucb 
Guzarati und Hindustani. 

Sie feieru jetzt alle jiidiscben Feste, was sie friiber 
nicbt getban baben, und ein Drittbeil der Gemeinde beobacbtet 
streng den Sabbatb. Auf den Ddrfem leben sie unter ein- 
ander recbt gesellig^-wenn in einer Familie eine Geburt statt- 
findet, besucben alle Nacbbaren das betreffende Haus und 
werden daselbst mit sussen Leckerbissen bewirtbet. Sie 
beiratben sebr friibzeitig wie die Hindus, die Eltern reguliren 
alles, und die Hocbzeitsfeierlicbkeiten, wobei sie viele Ge- 
brftucbe den Hindus entlebnt baben, wabren fiinf Tage. Den 
ersten Tag darf der Brautigam nicbt ausgeben, er wird ge- 
badet, seine Hande werden mit den Blattem der Mendi 
(Lawsonia inermis) rotb gefarbt, sein Turban wird mit 
gelben und weissen papierenen Cbampaka (Michelia 
champaJca) Blumen gescbmiickt, und er empfkngt den 
Besucb seiner Verwandten, die sicb im Hause regaliren. 
Am zweiten Tage werden alle Nacbbaren obne Ausnabme 
ins vaterlicbe Haus geladen. Der BrUutigam reitet scbon 
frisirt, im besten Anzuge und reicb gescbmiickt, von einer 
Menge umgeben, nacb dem Betbause, wo die Hocbzeitsgebete 



') Diese Zahl scheint anch andere Juden miteinzaschliessen. 



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Ueber die jiidischen ColoDien in IndieD. 401 

theilweise verlesen werdeD,Tmd der Geistliche seinen Segen gibt. 
Dann reitet er nach dem Hause der Braut, wo ihn ihr Vater 
empfUngt, und er sich mitten in die Versammlung hinsetzt. 
Hierauf liberreicht er dem Brautvater die seiner Verlobten 
geschenkten Kleider und Schmucksachen, welche diese sogleich 
anlegt. Das Brautpaar setzt sich auf ein reines Tuch, und 
die Gaste stellen sich vor ihm auf. Der Geistliche fiillt ein 
Glas mit Rebensaft, reicht es mit Segensworten erst dem 
Br&utigam und dann der Braut zum Kosten. Der Heiraths- 
contract wird nun producirt, verlesen, von dem Schreiber 
und drei Zeugen unterzeichnet und von dem Brautigam der 
Braut liberreicht. Sie halt das Document an einem Ende, 
und er es am andern, er erklart es fur legal, faltet und iiber- 
gibt es seiner Braut, die es ihrem Vater einh&ndigt. Dann 
wird noch einmal das Weinglas herumgereicht, die tiblichen 
Gebete und Psalmverse werden gesprochen, und der Brautigam 
steckt den Ring auf den Zeigefinger der rechten Hand seiner 
Braut. Mit dem ausgesprochenen Segen endet die religi5se 
Ceremonie, der Brautigam empfangt die Geschenke seiner 
Freunde und Bekannten, und Festlichkeiten beschliessen den 
Tag. Am Abend des dritten Tages verlSsst das junge Ehe- 
paar das Brauthaus, er zu Pferde, sie in einem Wagen 
sitzend, und wahrend Baketen und Feuerwerk abgebrannt 
werden, zieht es auf seinem Wege beim Bethaus vorbei, 
wo der Geistliche von Neuem es segnet, nach dem Hause des 
Britutigams, wo es mit den eingeladenen Freunden das Mahl 
einnimmt. Die beiden folgeuden Tage werden mit Festlich- 
keiten ausgefUllt. 

Ehebruch kommt selten vor, trotzdem er nur gelinde 
bestraft wird. Der unschuldige Theil erhalt die Scheidung 
und darf sich wieder verheirathen ; doch kann dies 
auch der Schuldige thun, wenn er das nothige Kleingeld 
besitzt, um sich die Bewilligung zu erkaufen. Polygamic 
findet sich in vielen Familien, aber selten heirathet ein 
Mann mehr als drei Frauen. Sonst haben die Frauen im 
Ganzen eine ziemlich angesehene Stellung, sie dtirfen aller- 
dings nicht die Synagoge besuchen. 

Dem Tode folgt rasch das BegrS.bniss. Die Leiche wird 
ohne Sarg, mit dem Kopfe nach dem Osten gerichtet, drei bis 
vier Fuss tief vergraben. Manchmal werden dem Todten, 

Kohnt, Semitic Stadiea. 26 



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402 Gusfcav Oppert 

wie bei den Hindus, Reis, Milch nnd Kokusniisse geopfert, 
wird und mit Mehl gemischtes Wasser gesprengt. 

In ihren Synagogen hatten die Bene Israel bis vor 
Knrzem keine Thora, doch sind ihnen solche inzwischen von 
auswilrtigen ; jiidischen Gemeinden zugekommen, eben so 
wie auch Bibehi. Von den arabischen Juden haben sie fiir ihren 
Gottesdienst die Liturgie der Sephardim angenommen, auch 
besitzen sie Exemplare des am Ende des siebzehnten Jahr- 
hunderts in Amsterdam gedruckten Cochinischen Gebetbuchs. 
Viele tragen auf ihrem Korper kleine mit Bibelspriichen be- 
schriebene Pergamentrolien, und noch unlUngst waren sie der 
Zauberei sehr ergeben, und verehrten vomehmlich die bos- 
willigen Gottheiten der Hindus. Der sogenannte Mukadam 
leitet ihre weltlichen, ein Geistlicher ihre religiosen Augelegen- 
heiten; diesen beiden stehen gewohnlich vier Aelteste zur Seite, 
die Gemeindeversammlung, zu der alle Erwachsene gehoren, 
entscheidet entgtiltig alle wichtigen EYagen. 

In Bombay befinden sich unter den Bene Israd auch 
Kaufleute und Ladeninhaber, aber viele sind Handwerker 
vorzugsweise Maurer und Tischler, doch sind sie ebenfalls 
Grobschmiede, Goldschmiede und Schneider. Im Eonkan 
beschaftigen sie sich mit Ackerbau und Oelpresaen. Ganz be- 
sonders zeichnen sie sich als Soldaten aus. Sie dienen in 
fast alien Regimentem der Bombay- Armee und stehen in dem 
Heere im besten Ruf, so dass sehr viele als einheimische 
Offiziere ihren Abschied nehmen. 

Gewohnlich ftihren die Bene Israel zwei Namen, einen 
hebraischen und einen indischen. Unter Mannern begegnen 
wir Namen wie Abraham, Isaak, Jakob, Ruben (am haufigsten 
vorkommend), Napbtali, Sebulon, Benjamin, Samson, Moses, 
Aaron, Elieser, Phincha, David, Salomo, Elias, Hesekiel, 
Daniel, Zadik, Hajim, aber nie einen Jehuda. Von Frauen- 
namen sind die gebrauchlichsten : Sara, Rebekka, Rahel, Lea, 
Saphira, Milka, Mirjam, Hannah, aber nie eine Esther. Die 
hebraischen Namen werden bei der Beschneidimg oder bald 
nach der Geburt, die indischen aber einen Monat spater ge- 
geben. 

Die Bene Israel weisen mit Entriistung die Benennung 
Jehtid oder Jude zuriick, und nennen sich nur Bene Israel, 
Aus diesem Grunde, sowie aus der Abwesenheit der Thora 



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Ueber die judischen Colonien in Indien. 403 

bei ihrem Gottesdienste bis vor kurzer Zeit und dem Um- 
stande, dass sie die spateren Biicher des hebraischen Kanons 
nicht besassen, meinen Viele, und ich glaube nicht mit Un- 
recht, dass wir in den Bene Israel Ueberbleibsel der zehn, 
in die assyrische Gefangensehaft gerathenen, StUmme erblicken 
diU-fen. Jetzt haben sie sich allerdings in ihrem Ritus und 
Gebrauchen den iibrigen Juden mehr angeschlossen.^) 

Die andere Gemeinde der weftssen Juden befindet sich 
in Cochin, ebenfalls an der Westkiiste Indiens. Cochin liegt 
in Malabar im 9^ 58 n. Breite und 76^ 18' o. Lange von 
Greenwich. Dorthin kamen die Juden von Cranganore, das 
18 Meilen nordKch von Cochin liegt. 

Nach einer Ueberlieferung sollen im 3828 sten Jahre der 
Welt und im 68 sten nach Chr. ungefahr 10,000 Juden beider- 
lei Geschlechts von Jerusalem nach Malabar gekommen und 
sich bei Cranganore, Palur, Mahdam, Pulutto und anderen 
Ortschaften niedergelassen haben. Bei Weitem der grosste 
Theil, gegen 7500 Personen, blieb in Cranganore, wo ihnen 
der regierende Vicekonig Ceraman Perumal mit Namen Bhas- 
kara Ravi Varma, im 4139 sten Jahre der Welt und 379 sten 
Jahre nach Chr. Ehren und Privilegien ertheilte, und Joseph 
Rabbaan unter dem Titel Sri Ananda Mapla ala erbliches Haupt 
fiber sie einsetzte. Diese Vorrede und Schenkung wurde auf 
einer Kupferurkunde niedergeschrieben. Derselbe Perumal 
theilte nachher sein Reich in acht Gebiete.^) 

Auf Verlangen wissbegieriger Hollander sammelte am 
Ende des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts Rabbi David in Cochin 
die historischen Angaben uber die friihe Vergangeuheit seiner 
Glaubensgenossen in Malabar imd sandte einen hebrliisehen 
Brief nach Amsterdam, der zwar seitdem verschwunden, in 
einem lateinischen Excerpte uns aber gedruckt vorliegt. 3) 
Dort heisst es : Nachdem der zweite Tempel zerstort worden 
war, moge er in unseren Tagen wieder errichtet werden, 



*) Vergleiche iiber die Bene Israel: The Land of the Bible, by Dr. 
John Wilson, vol. II pp. 667—68. 

^) S. Dr. John Wilson's TJie Land or the Bible, 1867, 11, p. 678, wo 
ein Auszug aus dem Manascripte des verstorbenen Bombay Civilisten T. 
H. Baber sich vorfindet. 

') Bibliotheca librorum novorum coUeda a L. Neocoro et Henrico Sikio. 
Tomus II, pp, 868-872 Trajecti ad Rhenum MDCXCVIII. 

26* 



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404 Gustav Oppert. 

wanderten von dort, aus Furcht vor der Wuth des Feindes, 
unsere Vorfahren, Manner, Frauen, Priester und. Leviten, 
mehr als 10,000 der Zahl nach, und sie kamen in diese Re- 
gionen, ins indische Land, und es befanden sich unter ihnen 
sehr weise Manner. Und Gott verlieh diesem Volke Gnade 
in den Augen des K(5nigs, der in jenen Zeiten in Indien 
herrscbte, dieser bewilligte ihnen n^mlich eine Provinz mit 
Namen ^b^^i^C* Singili, die^uch 1i:a:i2 Cranganore heisst, nahe 
bei der Stadt ^^1p Koni (d. h. Cochin), die sie allein ohne 
Beimisehung von Fremden, bewohnten. Er verlieh ihnen 
auch ein konigUches* Fiirstenamt, damit ihnen auf alle Zeiten 
in fortlaufender Reihefolge Eonige vorstfinden. Dies ist Alies 
niedergeschrieben und mit dem Siegel des Eonigs gezeichnet 
und mit eisernen GriiFel mit der Scharfe eines Diamante auf 
ehemer Platte eingravirt, damit uns seine Nachfolger nie 
der Liige zeihen, oder die Verti'age abandern konnten. Dies 
geschah im Jahre der Ersehaffung der Welt 4250, und diese 
eherne Tafel ist noch heute unseren Augen siehtbar. Diese 
Form der Regierung erhielt sich uDgefHhr 1000 Jahre, so 
dass Jedermann zufrieden unter seinem Wein- und Feigen- 
baum lebte. Es herrschten aber 72 Konige in dem Lande 
Singili. Wfthrend dieser 1000 Jahre kamen zu ihnen einige 
Juden von den Verbannten Spaniens, dieweil sie von diesem 
Fiirstenthum gehort batten, das den Juden bewilligt worden 
war. So kam R. Abraham ben Ezra, gleichfalls der sehr 
weise R. Samuel Levi von Jerusalem, und sein Sohn R. 
Jehuda Levi. Sie brachten mit sich nach Singili silbeme 
Jubileumstrompeten , die nach der Zerstorung des zweiten 
Tempels tibrig geblieben waren, und wir horten von unseren 
Vatem, dass der unaussprechliche Name, Schem hamphorascfi, 
auf diesen Trompeten eingegraben war. Endlich brach unter 
Briidern aus. dem koniglichen Geschlechte Zwietracht aus, 
weil ein jeder die konigliche Gewalt an sich reissen wollte. 
Einer von diesen ging zu einem der machtigeren Konige In- 
diens, um seinen Beistand zu erflehen. Dieser zog mit einem 
zahlreichen Heer heran, das alle Hauser, Palmate und Be- 
festigungen zerstorte, die Juden welche daselbst waren^ 
vertrieb; auch viele todtete und in die Gefangenschaft fort- 
fiihrte, so dass ihre Zahl bedeutend abnahm, und nur sehr 
Wenige von ihnen iibrig blieben. Und von diesen Verbannten 



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Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 405 

erkoren Einige Koni, d. h. Cochin als ihren Wohnsitz; und 
wir wohnen heute in dieser Stadt, nur Wenige an Zahl. Es 
befinden sich auch iinter uns von den Sohnen Israers solche, 
die aus Castilien, Constantina, Aschkenas, Aegypten und aus 
der Stadt Tzoba herzogen, ausser denen, welche schon friiher 
in dieser Gegend wohnten. 

Femer bench tet dieser Auszug, dass sich die Cochin- 
juden der spanischen Gebetsordnung bedienen, unter sich 
gewohnlich hebraisch, mit fremden aber deren Landessprache 
reden; dass der indische Konig, welche ihren Vorfahren die 
Privilegien gegeben, Ceram Perumal geheissen, und dass ihrem 
Fiihrer aus Jerusalem, Joseph Rabana, die Konigswurde ge- 
geben worden, dass sich diese auf seinen Sohn, seine Tochter 
und sein ganzes Geschlecht vererben solle, so lange die Sonne 
und der Mond bestehen wiirde. 

Dieser Erlass des Ceraman Perumal besteht aus 3 Kupfer- 
tafebi, von denen eine ungeschrieben ist. Der hollandische 
Gouverneur Adrian Moens nahm ein Facsimile, machte mit 
Hulfe eines Brahmanen eine Transcription, und sandte zwei 
ungenaue Uebersetzungen 1771 und 1773 nach Europa. Das 
Facsimile mit Transcription und Uebersetzung ist im 14 ten 
Bande von Dr. Biisching's Magazin fur die nem Historie tmd 
Geographie zu Seite 132 abgedruckt. ^) Aiiqu^til du Perron, 
welcher 1757 Cochin besuchte, veroffentlichte eiiien uncoiTCcten 
Abdruck im ersten Bande seines Zend Avesta. 2) Dr. Claudius 
Buchanan verschaffte sich ein Facsimile der zwei Platten im 
Jahre 1807, und deponirte diese spater in der Universitatsbi- 
bliothek von Cambridge. Mr. F. W. Ellis vom Madras Civil 
Service iibersetzte die Inschrift 1819, seine Uebersetzung 
mit Facsimile erschien aber ei*st 1844, lange nach seinem 
Tode, im zweiten Theile des 13. Bandes des Madras Journal 
of Lite^'ature and Science (pp. 1 — 11), im ersten Theile des- 



') „Nachrichten von den weissen und schwarzen Juden zu Codschin, 
auf der malabarischen Kiiste, gesammelt aus dem Briefwechsel mit dem 
Gouverneur und Director dieser Kiiste Herrn Adrian Moens, danials extraordi- 
nairen jetzt aber ordinairen Hath des niederl&ndischen Indiens, und mit anderen 
Nachrichten verschiedener Schriftsteller verglichen duroh Adrian Gravezande 
Predigorn zu Mitteiburg in Zeeiand nun aus dem Holiandischen ins Hoch- 
deutsche iibersetzt." 

') Siehe Zend Avesta, ouvrage de Zaroastre. Traduit en Francois, 
par Anquetil du Perron, Paris 1771, 3 Bande. 4^ Vgl I, p. 170. 



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406 Gustav Oppert 

selbeu Bandes hatte Dr. Gundert die Inschrift in Tamil 
Bnchstaben mit UebersetzUng und Commentar abgedruckt. 
Vordem hatte Mr. C. M. Whish, ein anderer Madras Civil- 
beamter ein Facsimile und Uebersetzung hergestellt, welehe 
1839 nach seinem Tode im Oriental Christian Spectator zn 
Bombay erschien. Eine Uebersetzung und ein getreues Fac- 
simile hat der verstorbene Dr. A. C. Bumell im dritten Bande 
des Indian Antiquary veroffentlicht, und Dr. Engen Hultzsch 
gab 1894 in der Epigraphia Indica eine neue Transcription 
mit Uebersetzung heraus. 

Die Sprache des Documents ist Tamil, wie es fruher an 
der Westkiiste gesprochen wurde, und die Schrift ist Vatte- 
lutlu. Die Schenkungsurkunde tragt kein Datum. Nach ju- 
dischen Angaben soil sie im Jahre der Welt 4139, A. D. 
379, oder auch um 4250 der Welt und 490 A. D. erlassen sein. 
Das Jahr 379 hat viele Wahrscheinlichkeit fur sich; 378 soil 
der letzte Perumal, der einzige, welcher langer als 12 und 
sogar liber 36 Jahre herrschte, zu regiren aufgehort haben. 
Die verschiedenen, als Zeugen handelnden Raja konnen um 
diese Zeit alle in Cranganore zugegen gewesen sein, und 
dies 377 vom letzten Perumal bewilbgte Privilegium aner- 
kannt haben, die uns vorliegende Schenkungsurkunde mag 
jedoch erst spS,ter niedergeschrieben sein, wodui'ch aber die 
Schenkung selbst nicht invalidiert wird. Das Diplom lautet 
transcribirt folgendermassen: 

Svasti S'rl Koionmai Tcondan, Ko Sri Pdrkaran Jravi 
Vanmar tiruvadi paJanurdyiratfan^tim senlol nadattiydUxninra 
yRndu irandam&n^aikkedir muppatidrdmdndu Muyirikkottu 
irundaruHya ndl pirasddiccaruliya pirasHdam dva^u. Issuppu 
Irabhdnuklm Anjnvannamum pediydlum vdyanat tdlum pdr 
kudanmm Anjuvannapperum pagal vilakkum pdvd<Jlaiyum an- 
ddldgannm kudaiyum 

vadugapparaiyum kdkdlamum idiipadiyum tdranamum 
tdranariddmmttm saravum- mikkum elnhattiranadu vi^upertitn 
kudakkoduftom. Ulkun ttddkkuh'yum t'ittom marrum naga- 
rattil kudigal koyilkku irukkamaru ivan irdmaiyum peruntap^ 
peravunidgacceppettodum seydu koduitom. Anjuvannam tidaiyu 
Issuppu Irabbdntd'kum ivan santati dnmakkalkJctim penmah- 
kalkhan ivan marumakkalkkum penmakkalaikonda ma/rumak- 



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Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 407 

JcalJckum santatippirakiriti ulaguncandiramim ullalavutn Ail- 
juvannam sa — 

ntatippirakiriti. \\S'ril Ippari arivm Venddudaiya Govar- 
ttana Mdttdndan, ippari ariven Venapalindd udaiya Kotdi 
S'irikandan, ippari ariv^ Erdlandd udaiya Mdna Vepala 
Mdnaviyanj ippari ariven Valluia^md udaiya Irdyaran S'dttan 
ippari ariven Ne(fumpuraiyiirndd udaiya Kotai Yiravi, ippari 
ariven Kllappadai ndyagam seyyinra Murkkan S'dttan Van- 
ralaiserikkandan Kunrappolandya kllvdyk Kelappan eluttu. 

In deutscher Uebersetzung lautet es etwa wie folgt: 

Heil und Gliick! Der Konig der Konige, seine Heilig- 
keit Sri Bhaskara Ravi Varma, der in vielen 100,000 Platzen, 
das Scepter fuhrt, hat an dem Tage als er im zweiten Jahre 
gegen das 36. Jahr in MuyirikOdu sich aufzuhalten genihte, 
diesen Gnadenakt erlassen. 

Wir haben dem Joseph Rabban Afijuvannan (als Fiirsten 
thum) verliehen, so wie die 72 Besitzreehte, die Abgaben 
auf weibliche Elephanten und Reitthiere ^), die EinkiLnfte von 
Anjuvannan, Taglampe, und breites Tuch, und Sanfte, und 
Sonnenschirm, und nordische Trommel, und Trompete, und 
kleine Trommel, und Portale und Guirlanden iiber den 
Strassen und Krauze, und dergleichen mehr. Wir haben 
ihm die Grund- und Wagesteuer erlassen. Uberdies haben 
wir durch diese Kupferplatten bewilligt, dass, wenn die Hauser 
der Stadt dem Palaste Steuem zahlen, er nicht zu zahlen 
braucht, und er die librigen Privilegien wie dieselben geniesst. 
Dem Joseph Rabban, dem Fiirten von Anjuvannan und seiner 
Nachkommenschaft, seinen Sohnen und Tochtem, Neflfen 
und SchwiegersShnen seiner Tochter in natiirlicher Folge, so 
lange die Welt und der Mond besteht, sei Anjuvannan ein 
erbliches Besitzthum. 

So weiss ich Govardhana Marttanda von Venad; 
So weiss ich Kotai Srikanda von Venapalinad, 
So weiss ich Manav8pala ManavTyan von EralanSd, 
So weiss ich Rayaran Sattan von Valluvanad, 
So weiss ich Kotai Jravi von Nedumpuraiyurnad, 



*) Die Bedeutung dieser Stelle, so wie auch die des Endes der iDSchrift 
ist sehr schwer festzustellen. Ich habe mich in der Erklarung von pedi- 
yalum vayanattalum, der Ausiegung des Herm Dr. E. Hultzsch an- 
geschlosscn. 



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408 Gustav Oppert. 

So weiss ich Murkkan Sattan, Unterbefehlshaber des 
Heeres. 

Die Schrift des Untersekretars Va© TalaiSeri Kandan- 
Kuurappojan.^) 

Obenerwahuter Bhaskara Ravi Varma soil der letzte 
Perumal oder Vicekiinig von Malabar, und der einzige ge- 
wesen sein, der mehr als 12 Jahre, in diesem Fall aogar 
fiber 36 Jahre regirt hat. Die Perumale wurden namlich nur 
auf 12 Jahre erwahlt, am Ende dieses Zeitabschnittes be- 
reiteten sie ein grosses Festmahl, und nachdem dies beendigt 
war, bestiegen sie eine besonders errichtete Tribtine, wo sie 
sich vor ihren Gas ten den Hals abschnitten. Die Leiche 
wurde dann verbrannt. und ein neuer Perumal erwahlt. 
Nicht alle Perumale endigten librigens ihr Leben in dieser 
Weise, denn einige zogen sich vor Beendigung ihrer Regie- 
rungszeit in einen Tempel zuriick. Nach Bhaskara Ravi 
Varma's Hinseheiden wurde Malabar unter die verschiedenen 
Vasallen des Perumal, die spftteren Rajas von Kerala ver- 
theilt. Der Rftja von Cochin, welcher unter den Zeugen 
nicht erwahnt ist, wurde der Haupterbe. Die iibrigen Fiirsten, 
welche in der Zeugenliste erscheinen, sind die Prinzen von 
Travancore oder Venadu, von Bembali (Venapalinadu), der 
Samorin (Tamudiri) von Calicut, der Ftirst von Valluvanadu 
und der von Palghat oder Nedumpuraiyumadu. Die beiden 
erstgenannten Prinzen reprasentiren den Siiden, die beiden 
njlchstkommenden den Norden und der Ftirst von PalghUt den 
Osten. Es sind demnach die bedeutendsten Raja des Sudens, 
Nordens und Ostens die Zeugen dieses Diploms, was wohl 
als Anzeichen fur die hohe Wichtigkeit der Urkunde gelten 
kann, und auch auf die angesehene Stellung des neuen Haupt- 
lings Joseph Rabban hindeutet. Das ihm geschenkte Gebiet 
soil drei englische Meilen im Umfang gewesen sein. 

Ausser diesen jiidischen auf zwei Kupferplatten eingra- 
virten Schenkungsurkunden, welche zusammen mit einer vor 
mehreren Jahrhunderten angefertigten, uncorrecten hebraischen 
Uebersetzung beim jeweiligen Rabbiner von Cochin deponirt 
sind, existiren noch zwei andere ahnliche Urkunden, welche 
andere Perumale zu Gunsten der in Malabar ansassigen sy- 



Siohe Dr. E. Hultzsch. 



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Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 409 

rischen Christen ausgestellt haben. Da die jiidische Schen- 
kung die alteste irnd der dieselbe machende Perumal der 
letzte gewesen sein soil, so ist noch Manches der Aufkla- 
rung bediirftig. Die erste syrische Dotation befindet sieh 
auf einer langen und breiten, auf beiden Seiten mit Vatteluttu 
irnd Grantha Buchstaben beschriebenen Platte, gemass welcher 
der Chakravarti Vira Raghava dem syrisehen Grosskaufmann 
Iravi Korttan von Mahodeverpattnam und dessen Erben ein 
kleines Gebiet Manigramam einraumte. Als Zeuge erschienen 
hier vor den Fiirsten von Venadu, Odonadu und Valluva- 
nadu die Haupter der zwei brahmanischen Gemeinden von 
Panraiyur und Cokiram (Chovaram) Die andere besteht aus 
fiinf kleineren mit Tamil und Malayalam auf 7 Seiten be- 
schriebenen Kupfertafeln, in denen ein sjTischer Priester Maru- 
van Sapir Iso um 825 A. D. einer syrisehen Gemeinde 
und einer von Isa data virai erbauten christlichen Kirche 
(Tarisapalli) ein Grundstiick an der Seekiiste bei Quilon 
schenkt. Der Palastvorsteher des Perumal Sthanu Ravi Gupta 
hat die Schenkung genehmigt, sowie der zweite Furst (Ayyan 
Adigal) von Venadu und die beiden jiidischen und christ- 
lichen Haupter Afijuvannan und Manigramam. Dieser 
schwer zu entziffernder Urkunde sind noch viele, theilweise un- 
leserlicheUnterschriften beigefiigt, 11 Namen sind in kufischen, 
10 in sassanischen Pehlevi und 4 in semitisch- Pehlevi Cha- 
rakteren geschrieben. 

Bemerkenswerth ist, dass der jiidische Prinz von Afiju- 
vannan als Garant der christlichen Kirchenstiftung agirt, was 
wie schon Dr. Gundert bemerkt hat, auf ein freundschaftliches 
Verhaltniss zwischen der jiidischen und christlichen Gemeinde 
schliessen lasst. Uebrigens wohnten in Quilon Juden. Dr. 
W. Germann (pp. 266 — 267) hat in seinem trefflichen Werke 
tlber die Kirche der Thomaschristen bezweifelt, das die von den 
Juden besessene Urkunde diesen gehort habe imd dieselbe den 
syrisehen Christen zugesprochen, zumal der 1549 verstorbene 
syrische Bischof Mar Jacobus dem damaligen portugiesischen 
Gouvemeur von Cochin, Don Pedro de Sequeira eine dem 
Thomas von Jerusalem (Thomas Cane) ertheilte, mehrere 
Metalltafeln umfassende Privilegienurkunde iibersandt hatte, 
die aber verloren gegangen sei; liber dies sei, wie er raeint, 
der Name Joseph Rabban nicht bloss den Juden eigenthumlich, 



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410 Oustav Oppei-t 

er komme auch bei den syrisehen Christen vor. Diese Einwen- 
dungen sind aber nicht stichhaltig, zudem findet sich nirgends 
ein Beleg fiir die Annahme, dass die Juden von Cochin eine 
ihnen nicht gehorige Urkunde sich spater angeeignet h^tten, 
vielmehr behaupten sie von jeher im Besitz derselben ge- 
wesen zu sein. Mit Bezug auf dies verloren gegangene , dem 
Mar Thomas gewahrte Diplom scheint es nnmoglich, dass 
dasselbe auf Joseph Rabbto lauten konne, wenn es zu Gunsten 
des Mar Thomas ausgestellt worden ware. 

Dr. Gundert hat zuerst in dem Worte Anjuvannan einen 
Namen vermuthet, und zwar den des Joseph Babban ange- 
priesenen Gebiets, das unweit Cranganore sich befunden, ob- 
wohl sich dort kein so benannter Ort findet. Die jiidische 
Uebersetzung erklart den Ausdruck, wie auch andere Aus- 
leger, in der Bedeutung von "fiinf Klassen". Anjuvannan 
ist unstreitig als Name aufzufassen und konnte den Juden als 
der daselbst ansassigen fiinften Race gegeben sein, wie z. B. 
die muhammedanischen Lubbay denselben Titel fiihren. In 
der Urkunde bezieht er sich auf die Juden, wie auch aus der 
dritten Urkunde ersichtlich ist, wo der jiidische und christ- 
liche Regent von Afijuvannan und Mamgraraam respective Ga- 
ranten der Kirchenstiftung sind. Obschon demnach Anju- 
vannan urspriinglich kein Ortsname gewesen zu sein scheint, 
mag es in der Folgezeit als solcher gebraucht worden sein. 

Dass zwischen den jiidischen und christlichen Gemeinden 
zeitweilig freundschaftliche Beziehungen bestanden haben, er- 
giebt sich unter anderen aus einer bei Whitehouse in seinem 
Linger ings of Light titulirten Werke, wo sich die Notiz vor- 
findet (auf p. 76), dass die Juden und Christen alliirt gegen 
die Muhammedaner gekriegt batten. 

Das in der Inschrift vorkommende Muyirikotta ist iden- 
tisch mit dem alten von Ptolemaeus angefuhrten Muziris, das 
am Ausfluss der Periar gelegen, einen ausgezeichneten Binnen- 
hafen besitzt. PUnius nennt es primuni emporium Indiae, wo- 
raus schon ersichtlich ist, dass es den Juden wohl bekannt war, 
und sie nicht zufallig dahin kamen. Der Ort heisst auch 
Mahadevapattana und Kodungalur (Cranganore), aus letzterem 
ist Cangalur durch Contraction entstanden, imd hieraus ist das 
Gingalan (n^2:^:) des Benjamin von Tudela, der daselbst 
1000 Juden vorfand, das Shinkala des arabischen Schrift- 



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Ueber die judischen Colonien in Indien. 411 

stellers Abulfeda, und das Cyncilum des Franciscanermonchs 
Odoricus entstandeu. 

1523 wurde Cranganore von den Portugiesen genommen 
und befestigt. Im folgenden Jahre griffen nach dem Berichte 
des Zeireddm Mukhdom dieMuhammedaner die Juden bei Cran- 
ganore an, zerstorten ihre Hauser nnd Synagogen, todteten 
eine grosse Anzahl, und vertrieben in Gemeinschaft mit dem 
Samorin von Calicut die Portugiesen aus letzterer Stadt. Dies 
geschsdi im Jahre d. Heg. 931 oder 15^/25 n. Chr.^) Von den 
Thronstreitigkeiten, die zwischen den jiidischen Thronpraten- 
denten, den beiden koniglichen Briidem, stattgefunden haben 
sollen, erwahnt Zeireddin, so wie auch spater Moens, Nichts. 
Die fortwahrenden inneren Zerwiirfnisse der sich bekampfenden 
weissen und schwarzen Juden, welehe letztere ihre Abhangig- 
keit von den ersteren nicht langer ertragen woUten und gleiche 
Rechte beansprucbten , wozu sie die benachbarten Staaten 
zur Einmischung einluden, so wie die Angriffe und Bjiege 
der ausseren Feinde, vornehmlich der Muhammedaner, fuhrte 
endiich den Ruin des judischen Staates von Cranganore herbei. 
Was sich dort zugetragen und wie es sich ereignet hat, 
ist uns unbekannt. So viel ist sicher, dass die endliche Ein- 
nahme und Zerstorung der judischen Colonic in Cranganore 
fur die Ueberlebenden ein so erschtittemdes Ereigniss war, 
dass sie dieselbe mit der Zerstorung Jenisalem^s und des 
zweiten Tempels verglichen. Nur Wenigen gelang es zu ent- 
kommen. Die einst bluhende Stadt — nach Hamilton sollen 
dort 80,000 Familien gelebt haben 2) — war eine Ruine 
geworden; und noch jetzt wird der Oii; so von den Juden 
gemieden, dass kein Jude daselbst seine Mahlzeit einnimmt, 
und falls er sich am 'westlichen Ufer der Periar, wo das 
jiidische Cranganore gestanden, zur Mittagszeit befinden sollte, 
so begiebt er sich an das andere Ufer und kocht und verzehrt 
daselbst sein Essen. Der letzte und 72 ste jtidische Herrscher 
Joseph Azar fliichtete sich 1565 mit wenigen Getreuen zuerst 
nach Nabo, und ging daun nach Cochin, wo ihn der regierende 
Raja giitig aufnahm, und ihm rechts von seinem Palaste ein 



') Siehe AsioHck BesearcTies, vol. V, pp. 8 und 22, London 1807, in 
Jonathan Duncan's Htstoiical remarks on the coast of Malabar. 

*) Siehe Alexander Hamilton , An account of the East Indies^ Edin- 
burgh, 1727, p. 321. 



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412 Gustav Oppert. 

Stiick Land ziir Niederlassung schenkte •, die kleine Ortschaft 
Mottancheri siidwestlich von Cochin ward die neue Heimath 
der Juden. Der Ort nahm einen raschen Aufsehwung, neue 
Wohnungen wurden erbaut, wo friiher nichts gestanden, und 
die damaligen Vorsteher Samuel Castil, David Belilia, Ephraim 
Salla und Joseph Levi emehteten auf ihre Kosten eine Syna- 
goge. Von dem obenangefiihrten Konige Joseph lebten noch 
am Ende des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts 5 Nachkommen in 
Cochin, 2 Manner und 3 Frauen, erstere sollen seine Urenkel 
gewesen sein, auch existirte noch eine von Ahron Azar 
stammende, aus einer Wittwe, zwei Tochteni und einem Sohne 
bestehende Familie. Nach einem andem Bericht soil Josia, 
der letzte Abkommling aus dem Geschlecht des Rabban Joseph 
im Jahre 5410 d. Welt, 1650 n. Chr. als Nasi zu Calicut 
gestorben sein.^) Die Grossmuth des RSja von Cochin ist des- 
halb um so hoher anzuschlagen, weil kurz vorher zwei seiner 
Vorganger und mehrere Prinzen seiner Familie im Kampfe 
gegen muhammedanische und indische Feinde geblieben waren, 
80 waren ein Raja und zwei Prinzen in der Schlacht am 
27 sten Januar 1565 auf dem Felde der Ehre gefallen. 

Der Hollander Johann Hugo von Lindschotten^j besuchte 
bald nach der Ankunft der Juden Cochin in den achtziger 
Jahren des 16 ten Jahrhunderts und schreibt hieriiber \vie 
folgt: „Von Calecut bis nach Cranganor sind 10 Meilen, 
. . und daselbst haben die Portugaleser eine Festung. Von 
Cranganor bis nach Cochin sind 10 Meilen, und diese Stadt 
liegt unter dem 10. Grad, in der Stadt Cochin wohnen die 
Portugaleser und das einheimische Volk, als da sind die 
Malabarn und andere Indianer des christlichen Glaubens 
durcheinander. Sie ist beinahe so gross als Goa, sehr volk- 
reich und wohl erbaut mit schonen Hausem, Kirchen und 
Klostern. Ausserhalb Cochin unter den Malabarn wohnen 
auch viele Mohren, so des Mahomets Glauben, und ihre 



*) Sieho F. G. C. Riitz, aus einem Extract von L. J. J. van Dort, 
in der AUgemeinen Bihliothek von J. G. Eichhorn, 2. Band, p. 583, 
Leipzig 1789. 

') Ygl. Ander Theil der arientaUschen Indien . . erstUcJi im Jar 1596 
ausfiihrlich in hoUdndiscker Sprach beschrieben durch Joan Hugo von Und- 
schotten omss HoUand . . jetzo aber von neuem in Hochteutsch bracht^ 
Franckfurt am Main 1598. 



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Ueber die judischen ColoDien in Indien. 413 

Kirchen Moscheen genannt. Auch sind da grosse Mengen 
der Juden, welche sehr leich sind, und in ihrem Judenglauben 
leben, wie andere. Man findet an alien Orten in India Juden 
und Mohren in grosser Menge, als nemlich in Goa, Cochin 
und auf dem fussfesten Lande, deren etliche sind reehte Juden, 
etliche aber baben ihr Herkommen von den Indianem, welche 
vor Zeiten diu*ch die Gemeinschaft der Juden und Mohren, 
zu denselben Secten gef alien sind. Sie halten sich in ihrer 
Haushaltung und Kleidung wie der Landbrauch des Orts, da 
sie sich niedergelassen haben, erheischt. Sie haben ihre 
Kirchen, Synagogen, Moscheen unter den Indianem und halten 
ihre Ceremonien wie ihr Gesetz ausweist. In der Portugalesen 
Stadten und Oi*ten wird es ihnen nicht offentlich gestattet, 
ob er schon ein Indianer ware, wie wohl sie mit ihrer Haus- 
haltung, Weib und Kindem unter den Portugalesern wohnen, 
und tiiglich unter einander handeln und wandeln; heimlich 
aber in ihren HSusem mogen sie thun wie sie wollen, wenn 
sie nur Niemand Aergerniss dadurch geben. Ausserhalb der 
Stadt und auf den Oerteru, da die Portugesen Nichts zu ge- 
bieten haben, ist ihnen ihre Superstition und Ceremonien frei 
zugelassen, nach dem es einem Jeden beliebt ohne einiges 
Einreden oder Hindemiss. Daselbst (in Cochin) haben die 
Juden sehr schone steinerne Hauser gebaut, sind vortreffliche 
Kaufleute, und des Konigs von Cochin nachste RUthe. Sie 
haben ihre Synagoge daselbst, sammt der hebraischen Bibel 
und dem Gesetz, dergleichen ich selbst in meinen HSnden 
gehabt habe. Von Farbe sind sie meistentheils weiss, wie 
die in Europa, sie haben sehr schone Weiber. Man findet 
etliche unter ihnen, welche sie im Land Palastina und zu 
Jerusalem zur Ehe genommen. Sie reden alle durch die 
Bank gut spanisch, halten den Sabbath und andere jiidische 
Ceremonien imd hoffen auf die Ankunft des Messias." 

Die Portugiesen ei*schienen 1500 zuerst mit ihrer Plotte 
unter Cabral vor ^Cochin, und drei Jahre spater erbaute der 
beriihmte Francesco de Albuquerque zum Schutze der neuen 
Factorei das Fort von Cochin. Im Jahre der Welt 5272^ 
1511 nach Chr., kamen die ersten spanischen Juden nach 
Cochin nnd erbauten sich daselbst eine prachtige Synagoge. 
Die Portugiesen zeigten sich aber immer sehr grausam und 
unduldsam gegen die Hindus und Juden und syi'ischen Christen, 



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414 Gustav Oppert. 

die sie als Ketzer verfolgten. Ala demnach die Hollander 
1662 Cochin belagerten, verhehlten die Juden nicht ihre 
Sympathie fiir die Belagerer. Aber diese waren zu schwach, 
urn die starke, gutvertheidigte Festung einzunehmen, ausser- 
dem kam die Zeit dee Monsuns heran; und sie mussten die 
Belagerung aufgeben. Die List eines Juden ennoglichte ihnen 
einen ungehinderten Abzug. HierCiber erstattet der Pastor 
Philippus Baldaeus, ^) weleher dies Heer als Caplan begleitete, 
folgenden Bericht: 

,,Mit guter Gesundheit verliessen wir die Stadt 
Cochin, wie wohl zwar ohne Trommelschlag, gaben 
einem gewissen Juden ein gut Stiick Geldes, dass 
er die librige Zeit von der Nacht bis friih zu 6 und 
7 Uhr die gewohnlichen 61ockeiischl%e sollte thun, 
den Feind wach zu halten, weleher wenig wnsste, 
dass wir Landmude waren, und unserer Gesundheit 
zum Besten ein Seeliiftlein schopfen wollten, dies 
Werk verrichtete der Jude getreulich. Dem Feinde 
war von unserer Abreise nichts wissend, zumal wir 
nicht einmal Abschied genommen hatten^ und er 
ward auch unseres Hinwegseins nicht eher gewahr, 
bis die Sonne mitten im Himmel stand." 

Die erbosten Portugieseu liessen ihren Zom und ihre 
Rache an den Juden aus, sie fielen iiber sie her, viele wurden 
getSdtet, apdere fluchteten sich in die benachbarten Berge. 
Die Judenstadt wurde zerstort, die Sjmagoge gepliindert und 
verbrannt. Bei dieser Gelegenheit soil die alte Chronik von 
Cochin, das Sepher HajaschaVy welche seit ihrer Ankunft in 
Cochin gefiihrt sein soil, verloren gegangen sein, auch die 
Thora wurde aus der Synagoge fortgeschleppt, diese wurde 
spftter wiederaufgefunden, und zurtickgebracht. 

Sehr lange sollten indessen die Juden nicht in ihrer 
Bedrangnis bleiben. Schon im November desselben Jahres 
ankerte die hollSndische Flotte wieder mit einem ansehnlichen 
Heere vor Cochin, und es musste sich die Festung am 8 ten 
Januar 1663 ergeben. Am Tage nach der Uebergabe erschien 
eine portugiesische Fregatte im Hafen von Cochin mit der 



*) Siehe Beschreibung der ostindiscJ^en Kiistm Malabar und Coroman- 
del . ,. durch Philippum Baldaeuin . . Amsterdam, 1672, p. 115. 



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Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 415 

Nachricht, dass schon am 24 sten December des vorigen Jahres 
zwischen Portugal und den Generalstaaten Frieden geschlossen 
sei, und verlangte die Zuriickgabe der Stadt. Obwohl der 
hollandische Befehlshaber ohne Zweifel etwas davon gewusst, 
und wegen des nahe bevorstehenden Friedensschlusses seinen 
Angriff beschleunigt hatte, verweigerten doch die Nieder- 
l^Dder die Zuriickgabe, indem sie 8ich auf ein ahnliches Ver- 
fahren der Portugiesen bei der Eroberung Pernambuco's in 
Brasilien beriefen.^) 

Die Hollander zogen demnach triumphirend in Cochin 
ein, und als Text fur die Festpredigt diente der Psalm vers 
CXLVII,12: yjPreise Jerusalem den Herrn, lobe Zion deinen 
Gott." Dies war die letzte religiose Feier, welche in der Jesuiten- 
kirche vorgenommen wurde, denn unmittelbar darauf, wurde 
file mit alien aaderen katholischen Kirchen und Klostem dem 
Erdboden gleich gemacht, die Franciscanerkirche blieb allein 
steben. Die katholische Geistlichkeit wurde des Landes ver- 
wiesen, sie durfte aber ihre Reliquien und ihr personliches 
Eigenthum mit sich nehmen. 

Freie Religionsubung wurde nun den bisher unterdruckten 
Juden und syrischen Christen zu Theil, obwohl der katholische 
Karmeliterbischof von Cochin seine Intriguen gegen letztere 
noch nicht aufgab. Cochin war nach Goa die bedeutendste 
Besitzung der Portugiesen in Indien. In Goa war der Sitz 
der schauerlichen Inquisition, der viele Juden und syrische 
Christen fielen, und noch 1654 der syrische Bischof Athalla zum 
Opfer gefallen war. Von dem Verluste Cochin's hat sich Por- 
tugal nie erholt. Die Kunde von dem Bestehen der jiidischen 
Gemeinde in Cochin erregte das lebhafteste Interesse unter 
ihren Glaubensgenossen in Amsterdam, und im November 1685 
verliess eine aus vier Kaufleuten, den Sephardlm Moses Pereira 
daSilvaJsaakMunkat pVIucata?],l8aakUrgas und Abraham Vort, 
bestehende Commission Holland, um sich nach Cochin zu begeben. 
Sie verweilte hier eine Woche vom 21 — 27 sten November, 
und stellte sofort Nachforschungen iiber die friihere Geschichte 
und die zeitweiligen Verhaltnisse der Cochiner Juden an. 
Auch versprach sie Hiilfe, beschenkte die Gemeinde mit vielen 



^) [Siehe dariiber G. A. Kohut: „Les Juifs dans les colonies Hollan- 
daises", in Berne des Etudes Juives, T. XXXI, p. 293—7]. 



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416 GuslAv Oppert. 

Exemplaren von Bibeln, Gebet- und Rechtsbiichern, besorgte 
auch eine eigene Liturgie, die in Amsterdam gedruckt 
wurde. Ihre Sendung war sehr erfolgreich ; zumal sich 
auch der faoUandische Gouverneur GDmar Vosburg ihrer 
ii*eundlichst annahm. Der Bericht dieser Commission erschien 
1687 unter dem Titel Notisias dos Judeos de Cochim man- 
dados par Mosseh Pereyra de Paiva, actiya Costa se impri- 
nwraro. [Em Amsterdam, Estampado, em eaza de Ury Levy 
em 9 de Ilul 5447, in 4to.] 

Unter der hoUandischen Verwaltung genossen die Jaden 
in Cochin die Gunst der Regierung, als besondere Gonner 
sind zu erwahnen ausser dem vorgenannten Gebnar Vosburg 
seine beiden Nachfolger Heinrich Adrian von Rheede und 
Adrian Moens. Ersterer war Commandeur in Malabar von 
1671 — 76. Schon bei der ersten Belagei'ung hatte er sich 
ausgezeichnet, als er die alte mit den Portugiesen verbiindete 
Rani gefangen nahm. Er war wohl auch der erste, welcher 
eingehende Studien iiber das alte Reich von Cranganore an- 
stellte und hieriiber nach Holland referirte; der vorher er- 
wfthnte hebraische Brief nach Amsterdam wurde auf seine 
Veranlassung geschrieben. 

Adrian Moens bekleidete ein Jahrhundert spater, von 
1771—82, denselben Posten, auch er stellte besondere Unter- 
suchungen an iiber die alten jtidischen Colonien in Malabar, 
er stand mit verschiedenen jiidischen Familien im freund- 
schaftlichsten Verkehr, und nahm grossen Antheil an ihrem 
Leben und Treiben. Er correspondirte uber diese Angelegen- 
heiten viel mit europaischen Gelehrten, und seine Notizen 
sammelte der Prediger Adrian Gravezande in Mittelburg 
und diese erschienen deutsch im 14 ten Bande von D. Anton 
Friedrich Biisching's Magazin fur die neue Historie und 
Geographie, wie schon oben bemerkt.^) 

Cochin wurde 1795 von den Englandern genommen. 
Anfslnglich war dieser Herrenwechsel fur die Verhaltnisse der 
Juden nicht vortheilhaft; denn der ftiiher von ihnen beinahe 
monopolisirte Handel blieb nicht ferner in ihren alleim'gen 



*) [Verschiedene interessaDte Notizen iib^r die Jaden in Malabar von 
Moens und Gravezande verfasst, siud handschrif tlich vorhanden in der Columbia 
College Library in New- York. G. A. K.j 



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Ueber die jiidischen Colonien in Indien. 417 

Handen, da sich viele Englander jetzt niederliessen ixnd eifrig 
Geschafte betrieben. Doch haben sich allmalig die judischen 
Kaufleute von dieser Krisis erholt, die Sachlage ist fur sie 
zusehens giinstiger geworden, und die Gemeinde fengt an an 
Zahl und Vermogen wieder zuzunehmen. 

In den Vorstadten Kalvati und Mottancheri siidlich von 
dem Palaste des Raja von Cochin laufen eine halbe Meile 
lang die Strassen der Judenstadt. Den obem Theil haben 
die weissen, den niedem die schwarzen Juden inne, jede 
dieser Gemeinden hat ihre Synagoge. Die der weissen Juden 
wurde 1663 kurz nach derVerta^eibungderPortugiesen durchdie 
Hollander von Shemtob Castil, dem derzeitigen Vorsteher oder 
Mudaliar restituirt. Hundert Jahre spater liess Ezechiel Rachabi, 
derFreund undRathgeber des Gouverneur Moens den Bodender 
Synagoge mit weissen und blauen chinesischen Porcellanplatten 
auslegen. Im Innern, hinter einem reichen Vorhange und den 
Fliigelthiiren stehen fiinf sehr schon geschriebene Pergament- 
rollen der Thora in silbernen Htillen mit reichen Brocat be- 
deckt. Eine derselben schmiickt eine goldene Krone, die vor 
beinahe einem Jahrbundert der dortige Resident Colonel 
Macauley der Synagoge zura Geschenk machte. Das Gottes- 
haus ist ungefahr 40 Fuss lang und 30 Fuss breit, und mit einem 
kleinen Glockenthurm versehen. Vor der Frauentribune lauft 
ein holzemes Gitter. In der Schule sassen bei meinem Be- 
suche weisse und schwarze Jungen und Madchen zusanmaen, 
wahrend ein schwarzer Jude den Unterricht eHheilte. 

Die moisten Hauser sind aus Backstein und ahneln im 
Innem wie Aeussem den portugiesischen Wohnungen. Aus 
Kalk gefonnte Pfaue, doppelkopfige Adler, kampfende 
Hahne, Tigerjagdscenen und Krokodile sind beliebte Wand- 
verzierungen. 

Der Teint der weissen Juden ist sehr, beinahe krank- 
haft weiss, weisser als der der meisten Europaer, und fellt 
deshalb besonders auf. Viele sind blondhaarig und blau- 
augig. Den alten Mannern geben ihre langen, weissen Barte 
ein recht patriarchalisches Ansehen. In seinem Benehmen 
ist der Cochiner Jude sehr hoflich und zuvorkommend. 

Die Frauen verlieren bald ihre Schonheit, sie altern friih 
und kleiden sich naehlassig, ausser bei grossen Gelegenheiten, 
wie Hochzeiten, fur die sie prachtige Gewander aus Gold 

Kohat, Semitic Stadies. ^'^ 



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418 Gustav Oppert 

und Silberfiligran anziehen und sich mit Juwelen und Gold- 
schmuck bedecken. 

Die jungen weissen Jiidiimen trugen friiher einen der 
malabarischen Frauenkleidung ahnlichen Anzug, seitdem aber 
die schwai'zen Jiidinnen denselben auch anlegten, zogen erstere 
seit 1860 die Bagdader Mode vor. Hierzu kam noch, dass 
die jungen MUnner die onkleidsame malabariscfae Tracht nicht 
leiden konnten, und ihre Braute nicht in Cochin, sondern von 
auswarts holten. ^) 

Es existiren jetzt in Cochin eigentlich drei jiidische 
Gemeinden, die der weissen Juden, die der Halbjuden 
oder Mischlinge und die der schwarzen einheimischen 
Juden. Die Oesammtzahl derselben ist sehr gering. Nach 
dem letzten Censusberichte von 1891 befinden sich nur 1142 
Juden in Cochin, freilich eine betrachtliche Abnahme gegen 
friiher, wenn man den alten Angaben iiber die grosse Anzahl 
der Juden auch nur annHhemd Glauben schenken darf. AUer- 
dings haben Biirgerkriege, Verfolgungen und sonstige Cala- 
mitaten zu dieser Verringerung das ihrige beigeti'agen. 

Benjamin von Tudela s Reisebeschreibung enthalt eine 
der friihesten Notizen iiber die schwarzen Juden von Indien, 
Nach seiner Angabe wohnten ungefahr 1000 Familien in dem 
Lande, wo Pfeffer, Kaneel und Ingwer wachsen. Er beschreibt 
sie als ehrliche Leute, welche die zehn Gebote und die mosa- 
ischen Vorschriften beobachten, die Propheten lesen, gute 
Talmudisten sind und alle Gebrauche strong halten. Merk- 
wiirdigerweise hat man jedoch sonst bei den schwarzen Juden 
weder Manuscripte der heiligen Schriften noch andere Werke 
gefunden, mit Ausnahme allerdings von den schwarzen Juden 
in der Stadt Cochin, von denen Dr. Claudius Buchanan viele auf 
BaumwoUenpapier, Pergament und Fellen geschriebene Manu- 
scripte erhielt. Auch erwarb er sich ein auf 37 rothgefarbten 
Ziegenfellen bestehendes, 48 Fuss langes imd eine Elle breites 
Exemplar der Thora, welchem der Leviticus und ein grosser 
Theil des Deuteronomium fehlte, das daher anfenglich 90 Fuss 
lang gewesen sein muss. 

Im Inlande befinden sich noch in Angikaymal, Parur, 



*) Ueber die Juden in Cochin vergleiche besonders Francis Day, The 
Land of the Pennmils, Madras 1863, p. 336 if. 



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r 



Ueber die judischen Colonien in Indien. 419 

Tritui', Muton, Maleh, Chenotta und Chennamangalam Ge- 
meinden von schwarzen Juden. 

Einen wirklich grossen Staat haben die Juden von Cran- 
ganore wohl nie gebildet. Die iiberzahlreichen Einwanderungen 
konnen, wie sie angegeben werden, auch nicht stattgefunden 
haben. Die Judenschaft von Cranganore bildete wahrscheinlieh 
schon im grauen Alterthum, eine reiche, geachtete und einfluss- 
reiche Corporation, die sich durch ihr solides, intelligentes 
und anstSndiges Benehmen die Gunst und das WohlwoUen 
des regierenden Perumale erwarb, und welchen Bhaskara 
Ravi Varma durch seinen Gnadenact Ausdruck verlieh. 

Der wesentliche Unterschied, der in socialer Beziehung 
zwischen den weissen Juden von Cochin und den Bene Israel 
existirt, liegt darin, dass erstere^vorwiegend Kaufleute, letztere 
besonders Handwerker und Soldaten sind. Beide gelten jedoch 
in ihren verschiedenen Spharen als ordentliche und gewissen- 
hafte Menschen, und geniessen als solche eines guten Rufs 
und einer angesehenen Stellung in der Bevolkerung. 

Obwohl somit die Geriichte und Ansichten, welche iiber 
die Bedeutung der judischen Ansiedlungen in Indien verbreitet 
sind, sich als iibertrieben enviesen haben, so enthalt trotzdem 
ihre Geschichte, so weit sie sich noch feststellen lasst, genug- 
sam interessante Thatsachen ura Theilnahme zu erwecken und 
wach zu erhalten. Die augenblicklich noch bestehenden 
Gemeinden sind in besseren Verhilltnissen, und zeigt der 
neueste Census von Indien, eine vielversprechende Veimehrung 
in der Zahl der Familienangehorigen, vomehmlich ist dies 
bei den Bene Israel der Fall. 

Hoffen wir, dass diese Besserung der Verhaltnisse eine 
bleibende sein moge, wie denn von der Gerechtigkeit und 
dem WohlwoUen der jetzigen Verwaltung und Regierung in 
Indien das Beste zu hoffen ist. 



27* 



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Correspondence between the Jews of Ma- 
labar and New York a century ago 

by 
George Alexander Kohut (New York). 



The following paper, read some foiu* years ago before the 
American Jewish Historical Society, may serve to supplement 
Prof. Oppert's data on the Jews of India in the last few 
centuries. 

The East Indies from time immemorial, remarks Mr. J. 
J. Benjamin II, have been inhabited by many different tribes. 
Of the most influential the following six are briefly sum- 
marized in his rather dubious itinerary: M 

1) The Bene Israel ^ or the white Jews. 

2) The Canarinz (derived from li:::-?). 

3) The Black Jews of Cochin. 

4) The Banians. 

5) The Parsees. 

6) The Hindoos 

Many attempts have hitherto been made to prove the 
lineage of the Bene Israd, who, according to tradition, claim 
to have been transferred to Halah, Habor, the shores of the 
Ganges, and the cities of the Medes in the ninth year of 
Hoshea's reign by the king of Assyria^). The arguments of 



M Eight years in Asia and Africa^ from 1846—1855^ voUh a Preface 
by Ih\ B. Seeman, etc. (Hanover, 1859), p. 143; af, however the excellent 
essays of Dr. A. K. Glover in the Menorah MonMy, vol. IV, p. 239— 49^ 
359—365; 436—441 ; 520—524, and Dr. Neubauer in Jew. QuaH. Review, 
I, p. 22 sq. 

') Cf. n K. XVII, 6; XVm, ll, and Dr. Neubauer's remarks in 
/. Q. K, vol. I, p. 15. 



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The Jews of Malabar and New York. 421 

the successor of the famous Benjamin Tudela are convincing 
in this one instance and will throw more light upon the 
history of their claim, than some learned theories advanced 
by recent writers on Malabarian antiquities, who assume an 
apologetic attitude in discussing the much disputed subject, 
as if the origin of a timewom fable were in question. The 
literature on the Jews of India, which includes adjacent 
localities, generalized by the name given to the entu-e Indian 
district: Malabar, is too extensive to be collected in this place. ^) 



*) For fuller details concerning the Jews in Cochin, see the following 
authorities, of whom only the most impoi-tant are here mentioned : 

Jewish Intelligetice of Feb. 1840; H. Wessely: filCnn TiC "^^^^ — 
Tractatus; Annuncians nova, i. e. Chronica Judaeoi^m Cochin etc., in the 
periodical r^DNC ^I' 129; M. Paulus, in Eichhom's AUgemeine Bihlioihek 
der hiblischen Litteratur, I (1787), ])p. 925—934; F. G. C. Riitz: Von einer 
hebrmschen Chronik der Juden zu Cochim, ibidem, II (1789), pp. 567—583; 
Weitere Nachricht von dtr vorgeblichen hebrdiscJ^en Chronik zu Cochim^ 
ibid., Ill (1790), p. 182; Joel Lowe: Aus einetn Chronik^ ibid., pp. 183—5; 
Eine Duplik, die hebrdisciw Chronik der Juden zu Cochin betreffend^ ibid., 
Y, (1792) pp. 399—419 ; Biisching, in his Magazin fur die iveueste Historie und 
Geographic, XIV, pp. 123 — 152; P. J. Bruns: Beitrag zu den Nachnchten 
von den Juden zu Codschin in Eichhom's Bepertorium fUr biblische und 
morgmUindische Litteratur, IX (1781), pp. 269— 276 ; M. H. E. G. Paulus: 
Ueber ein Schreiben von Hm. Joel Lowe in Berlin, des Herausgeber's 
Nachricht von der hebr. Chronik der malabarischen Juden betreffend, in 
Neues Bepertorium f. bihl. u. morg. Litter^ III (1791), pp. 393—400; 
L. I. J. van Dort: Chronica Judaeorum Cochin Belgica versa, ex qua Germ, 
per Bitz, exque eo hebr. (cum Annott.) per N. H. Wessely (1790/93) ; 
Appendix, scil. Epistola Jecheskiel fseu EzechielJ Bachabi ad Tobia Boas 
(a. 176 1) cum notis Wessely, in fjDNCj ^I^ 258; A. 'sG ravezande : 
Geschiedk, narichten betr. de blanke en zwarte Jooden te Cochvn, Kust v. 
Malabar, opgemaakt uit brief wissel. m. A. Moens en met and. schryvers 
vergelek (Middelb. 1778), reprinted from vol. VI, pp. 517—86 of the 
Verhandelingen van het ZeeuwscJie Genootsch. v. Kunsten en Wetensch.; 
Vervolg der Geschiedk. narichten enz. (ib., 1782), from vol. IX, pp. 
515—74 of the same periodical; Notisias dos Judeos de Cochim^ mandados 
par Mosseh Pereyra de Paiva (Amst., 1687) ; Yi;^)p V)^ CH^n^ iyi D'^jVp* 
Kennis der Jehudim von KocMn geschickt durch M. P. de P., seu ;iJ1CC^^2i 
5<^"j^5< PIN ♦ jjrac/'. est Isak Aboab. (Amst. 1687). — For lack of space 
we must forbear mentioning more references to the older sources. They 
are noted with admirable exactness in Prof. Steinschneider's valuable Cata- 
logs Ubrorum Hebraeorum in Bibl. Bodleiana (Berolini 1852/60), s. v. 
Wessely, col. 2721—2724. The writer has in preparation a complete bibliog- 
raphy, comprising about 1000 items. There are many hitherto unpublished 
documents relating to the Jews of Malabar, as may be seen from the sub- 



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422 George Alexander Eohut. 

Only a few items relating to their history need here be 
summarised. The erudite archaeologist A. K. Glover, in an 
important series of articles, published in several volumes of the 
Menorah Monthly and the Babylonian rf' Oriental Becard, referred 
to below, maintains that the first settlement of the Jews in Sou- 
thern India(Malabar)dates back as far as 68 A. D. In their inscrip- 
tions at Kai Fung, bearing the date 1489, it is expressly stated 
that they came from Tieu-tschuh or India. Very characteristic 
is the sarcasm of a modem author on India, that the Jews must 
have slipped into China without being observed, wherefore 
the silence of authentic history on the subject This remark 
is as unfounded as the attempt of the same writer to i*ead the 
prosperity and material welfare of that Jewish community from 
a suggestive word in one of their inscriptions, indicating 
happiness. Of their numerous conflicting claims and chronological 
conceits, we may mention the views of the socalled "middle king- 
dom" Jewish colony, who confidently believed to have arrived 
during the Han-period, i. e. between 202 B. C. & 220 A. D. ; 
this date, however, is positively refuted by archaeological evi- 
dence. Some fragmentaiy inscriptions from 1489 and 1511 
A. D , found at Kai-fimg-fu, inform us that they carae during 
the dominion of Mingti, namely between 58 and 76 A. D. 
(Cf Condier, ie^* Juif's en ChinCy in L' anthropologies Sept.- 
Oct 1890, p. 549, where a full bibliogitiphy is given.) Even 

joined notes taken from Roest's Catalogue of the Ubrariea of G. Ahnamiy 

Jacob Emden d' 3f. /. Lowenstein (Amst. 1868), pp. 354, 355: 

No. 5179 : Moens, Adriaan: Fragen an einige Juden in Cochin iib. ihre 

heiiigen Biicher, Sprache, Gebrauche, Sitten etc., nebst Be- 

antwortung, in hoilandischer Sprache. 25 Bll. Foi. — Unedirt. 

— Sehr interessant. 

Moens' Mittbeilungen, die Juden in Cochin betrefifend, sind 
V. 'sGravezande in seinen Geschiedk, narichten etc. [v. supra^ 
p. 421.] benutzt. Vorliegende Fragen sind jedoch nicht ge- 
druckt Ausserdem befindet sich hier V. die Abschrift des 
Patents des Kaisers Cheran Peroeinel an Joseph Rabby [see 
supra^ p. 405 sq.], wonach der Abdruck in Gravezande's erste 
Abhandlung; 2^ ein von Moens eigenhandig untei'zeichneter 
Bi-ief an 's Gravezande, datirt Cochim 1. Oct. 1780. (7 SS. 4«.) 
No. 5187: Pereira de Paiva, Mosseh: Eelazion de las notizias delos 

Judeos de Cochin. 9 SS. — Unedirt. — Hochst selten. 
Some of these MSS. are now in the library of Columbia College (New York), 
and they seem most valuable and interesting. 



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The Jews of Malabar and New York. 423 

the doubts of Mr. Glover are dissipated upon a careful pe- 
rusal of their ancient records, which reveal the fact that the 
golden agp of Judaism in China spans three centuries, from 
1368—1640 A. D. i) 

The Jews of New York, it appears, interested them- 
selves in the history of their eastern coreligionists towards 
the latter half of the XVIII century as the subjoined corres- 
pondence shows. Whilst no actually new facts are recorded 
in these letters, some importance may still attach to this 
Hebrew translation of the Royal Patent granted to Joseph 
Rabban about the end of the 4th century C, E. The 
original text is here much abbreviated. 

Anquetil du Perron's transcription varies from the other 
published versions of the original, which even the natives 
could not interpret intelligibly .2) 

This charter of privileges, reproduced in Hebrew in the 
letter of the Jews in Malabar to the Jews in New York has a 
history : 

It has been translated into Hebrew by a Rabbi Ezekiel 3) 
under the personal supervision of a Brahman. The original text, 
of course, was transcribed into the square characters. Of this M. 
Anquetil took a copy (pp. 171 &396 of hisZendavesta edition), with 
the desire to edit a French version, which plan, however, ap- 
pears not to have materialized. Daniel de Casti'o, a Jewish 
merchant in London, likewise took along with him a copy 



') The literature on the Jews of China, their history, ritual and 
customs, is equally large. Suffice it to refer the reader to the following 
important sketches (besides the notes in the standard Histories of Graetz, 
Jost etc.): Frankl-Graetz's Monatsschrift, VII, pp. 462—7; several articles 
in Leeser's Occident, vols. I, 183-7; X, 37-39; XXII. 510—18; Dr. 
A. K. Glover's essays in the Menorah Monthly, vol. IV, 239 — 49; 
369-365; 436-41; 520-4; V, 10-19; 144-151 ; VI, 91-7; 179—83; 
248—51 ; 293—8 ; the same author's notes in the Babylonian and Oriental 
Becord, vol. V, 138—41; 161—164; 179—182; 211-212; 229; 249; VI, 
153-6 (cf. also, ibid. V, 131-34; VI, 274—6; 288); 209-13 and the 
sources there cited, such as the writings of Finn, Martin and othei-s. The 
ritual has been well described by Zunz, Saphir, Geiger & Neubauer. (Cf. 
esp. J. Q, B. for 1895—6.) 

*) Cf. Dr. Buchanan's Christian Besearches in Asia, etc., p. 224 ; 
Graetz, History of ike Jeios, IV^ p. 405 : Schechter in Jew. Quart. Beview^ 
VI, 142 sq.; Oppert, supra, p. 405-6. 

^) See bibliography on p. 421. 



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424 George Alexander Kohut. 

and ti'anslation of the inscription from Cochin, and submitted 
it to the eminent Hebraist, Dr. D. Kennicott. The text was 
in Hebrew square characters and punctuated. It is to be 
regretted that in the reproduction the words are not suffi- 
ciently separated from each other, so as to enable us to deter- 
mine positively which Hebrew word corresponds to the Mala- 
barian or Tamul version. To illustrate the variants in the co- 
pies made by M. Anquetil & de Castro, the following must 
suffice. The passage according to the original decree: CC 
^*?? "^^rT- (C"15 ^1T^^ "^'5^- — "^tt' ^i^.s riNc rc-^r rr:^ "i^c 
Cinili? "^N Ns:":''?N •^''i - M. Anquetil reads: Birri barmen 
tirvuddi palleh your airte adde — Magoderikot, These are 
evidently in Tamul, although some points of resemblance 
between the words here mentioned and in the Alphabetftm 
Grandonico - Mulaharicum sire Samscrudofiicum (Romae, 1772, 
S^^), undoubtedly exist (For other notes, cf. RepertoHum, 
ibid., p. 271.) * 

The superscription in AnquetiFs version again differs 

from ours. His reads: PC'in: D12 ^m TvX^r ':5r npryn 
'^ N C n C ]yc* ] r : C* — Translation of the Shefeed which is a 
copper-tablet , given by Sheran Perimal, The title in our 
document (Appendix I), runs: P'^T'inj- CC h\l' nppyn (r,n) 
'pr\ 'Z'hb -^Z^C'hr: pr,v:z* — Tins is the translation of the 
copper-tablet from the Malabanan into the holy tongue. Of 
the copper-plate-text many translations exist. Busching, (/. 
c.) Bruns, (/. c) Benjamin, (in Ihei Jahre in Amerika, p. 24 
— 25) Frankl, (in Monatsschrift fiir die Gesch. w. Wiss. d. 
Judith., XIIj 1863, p. 371) and others, have given German 
versions, none of which agree. ^) For a full list of other 
attempts at transcribing and translating, see the bibliography 
of Prof. Oppert. supra, p. 405-406. It will doubtless interest 
many to collate our vei-sion, as contained in the epistle of 
the Malabar Jews, with the veiy faulty text published in Eich- 
hom's BepeHorium, L c, which runs as follows: 

nc'Nir r\)b^h '^c^'?z*2 ^:n "tic nc^inj cc Nine' dtn wck^ noi: 
cnipn nit^N r\6 o-npz n> \nNi:':i p&<2 i^c ijiir 2 [read: new] 

') See particularly Graetz, IV*, p. 406 ; Jexcish Intelligence, February, 
3840 and Neubauer in J. Q. B, 1, 22. 



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The Jews of Malabar and New York. 425 

n^''^ Dj:iyD2i ^ro n**rcn pi p^dv^ }^^cn nii2:i2 cvn ni imi 
p cna miryh Tnn m:D^ v^s^ n^npi ^d:i in ^^& \x did oai 
•pin niiDn 'piaoi y^^^ Dmo) mn: i:iinr i2t?cj hu nioi^* 
c^yDtrn c^jc'^ pN ny\ ici ^:^o 'ijri nbna^ c^^nw niiryt^i niiinsini 

Dir r^'^ ^b^ ^ino n^n^ pi ^dv ub^Dh nvD:r ^nni onin^ cir 
ni^ ^nn:i:* nrr^inj tJir dj: tpd ^n^iryir ninn no iijnyi ^i^ic^ 
c^'iy iy cyiT yin id'':i \x m:2 in c^:2 lyn^ oii pi ^idv pi^n 
^icv Nin c'»j;2i; nt^rn hz* r^^i^n ni^ >nnj pvX2 h\Lr\r2 ni^nit' ly 
DiN^tJO •»t5r itJDi iirNr^n it?;:: scia^Nn^^ ite cny ht^i pN 121 
pN^D^^>2 2n2ir IDIDHl n-'CDNt'lD i^ci nicD I'rci CCIilN i^ci 

cmm 
4961 D^v^bDb H^r\z* iipnn n:e' i^r^cyi 3439 mv^t^r^ niry: nn 

c'JK' 1552 i:^^ni 

A tolerably good translation with commentary is then 
given by Bruns, /. c. 

The reply from the Jews of New York, we regret not to 
have been able to obtain till now. It has most likely been lost 
with other documents of a similar nature, which Mr. Benja- 
min (in his travels in America, pp. 27, 31) mentions as con- 
taining references to this correspondence. 

The following is a copy of a business letter which has 
been preserved and might prove of interest: 

'^ Cochin, 13 Jan^y, 1790. 
Mr. Solomon Simson, New York, 
Dear Sir: 

I embrace the opportunity of acknowledging the reception 
of Your favor of December '88, and duplicate of Yours of 
Januaiy '87, the original not having come to hand. 

Jan. '87. Am obliged for Your generous offer of service 
and am sorry that I had not the pleasure of seeing Mr. Haley 
to whom and Capt. Moore I think myself much indebted for 
their recommending me to Your acquaintance. As Mr. Haley is 
not here to refer to for the particulars concerning the trade 
of Your place, I shall say little on that subject, except ac- 
quainting You that trade here is declining so fast as puts it 
beyond any hopes of its answering to our mutual or even to 
one of our advantages. 

Dec. '88. Am happy to leara that Mr. Haley has reco- 



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426 George Alexander Kohut. 

vered. My respects to him. My respects also to Capt. Helme, 
am obliged for all the information You gave and agreeable 
to request enclose here the particulars of our persuasion. 
Should Cap'n. Sarly touch at this port, he shall meet every 
attention from 

Dear Sir 
Your most obedient and devoted H. Servant 

P.S. Saleth [?], the sort You required is not procurable 
here. Best compliments from my son Abraham Samuels and 
his spouse and Mr. Salomon Norden from London to You 
and all Your friends." 

The words in italics probably allude to the letter 
in Hebrew, containing the accoimt^) of the Jewish settlements 
in Malabar, drawn up by this DHIZX p h^c::^ of Cochin. 

The document bears no date however; it left Malabar 
per steamboat for London, whence it was forwarded to 
New York by mail, on the 13th of January 1787, as the 
postmark indicates. Another epistle, dated January 13th^ 
1790, addressed to the Jews in New York, discusses chiefly 
commercial questions. 

Seven years later, in 1794, the Portuguese Jews of New 
York desirous of procuring further information concerning 
their fellow-believers in China, entrusted a letter to a Captain 
Howell, with the following directions, no doubt written in 
English : 

""New York, Jan'y 22, 1795. 

Sir : You have herewith a letter in Hebrew directed to 
the Elders of the Jewish Congregation at Cac-fong [Kai- 
Fung?] or Cac-fongford [Kai-Fung-Fu?], in the province of 
Honan ; these people are not called Jews by the Chinese but 
are called Tiaokin Kiao by which name you will please to 
inquii'e for them. If you should not meet with any of them, 
then please to get some person to du'ect it to them in Chinese, 
agreable to the above. Your complyance may bring some accounts 
from this people that may serve to amuse the literati and will 



*) The data recorded in our letter contradict the facts in Menasse ben 
Israel's Mikwe Yisrael and the remarks in the Meassef^ for 5550 (1790). 
The former originates the immigration of the Jews into Malabar from 
Hammogel (Mongolia), the latter from Them an (Yemen). 



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The Jews of Malabar and New York. 427 

in a particular manner oblige me. Sincerely wishing you 
a prosperous voyage and safe return, I am, 

Sir, 
Your H. & H. Servant 
Solomon Slmson." 
This letter was directed to: 

''Ca'pn Howell 

Bound for China,'' 
But it seems that the curious literati were never to be 
gratified by a line of recognition from the Jews of China, for 
the MS. was returned with the remark: "-Ca'pn, Howell could 
not discover them'\ 

Appendix I. 
The Jews of Malabar to the Jews of New York.^) 

\><2r rry^s'h n'rnn ^i^jn '3 n:tr2 n^nir 22'"in ^:ir n^2 nitJ^c 
ni:i:r2 nvi cam . . nct^^^ nc . . nT^p'^s* . . -nj:;:''r .cmci^ 

(^n/g^;?' ^np::] rinn: t?::' 02:2 nwc^cici c^pin r''c-i2 ^"t^^ icirn 
fc<^ir:ni -1111:22 D^n2 2"}; cn^ n'^n pin imN2i .cn^na^i oanj)::^ 
]r\y\ is-^N t>2 pt5>nr ^^^'cns: r^-i^ir i^cn nn .pi s^ci^ icir cn^ir 
. . ::T'2'»^2 . . r?-i'!ii:irj iiaj2n2 . . n::''2n^c i^c cni:* d^2^d n:iort) 
. . pip i^ci . . cr2ii2 . . ''TC''DNt»i2 . . n^tt^L:2^c . . ciyi?< 
.••&nipn pir^t) i*'2^c ji^^^c pny:c' ni:'in:n cc Si:' npnyn nn 
^-p ^HNtt^: ni^N PitSi .i:ii;-i2 pxn ntrpi:* it^c xin ni^xn 01^)^2 
:nj D^:i:' ^Sn ni«c n2ir;C' ni wcc'»"ic2 in:i:' ]^''):ji2 ^''i\>< 
c^riT -."t) cnr:' inr -!iio*'22 2t:n'» ciri nT2 d-'JK' ^Jirn n:i:^ nSrrocn 
1"^ DPr^ imi ii::3''22 2in^ cvn r.T2 cjr '':c'i ror r^crcn an: 
^^••CN nii2:2 .in 7''CN riii2a2 .ini2ScS D'»:tt^ 
.DID1 b"^^ r2''2i .NPin .y22i ^rc 'n ]2i ^uvb nirin 
.p«2 mwc .cvn 13 .mcifc< ri ]c i^^^Si .inn Pi:Bt' n«npi 
n2cir ^ip .piiiTiKn .jnoi .t^i; .niisn bi:ci ."^n*:) c^ciir'pn piy!iD 
c^:TNcni p« piicn c^P2 2''ySi iS ^pp: S2n pni .cn^y >:i5*2 



^) The entire text has been published by Dr. Frankl I c. and Benja- 
min I, c. Dr. Kayserling in his Gesch d, Juden in Portugal (1867), p. 165, 
n. 2, publishes a portion. 

') Cp. Opport, supra, p. 410—11. 

^ Perhaps tx^tt^, as above, p. 424. 



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428 George Alexander Kohut. 

hz .^hz^ jnn m:2i c^32 ^y^^h^ ^h jzi f^ct'' «in c^vz^ '^rc T 
1-^2^1 n^Y Dyin .c'^'^p n-^'»n'^* ;ct hz^ ,^h^vz c'»'^p ijnn:* ict 
inn re'^^'^D Dnrr^' "i&icm 'T:n n^zhr: *n cnyn nt5i .niTN- 

riic^^iE) NIC* ]vri r:ic:ii5 Nr iv '^^:i':zz Dnirr^n izis'''^nr 
c^D^N Ti n:ir2 pipD 1^21 ciT'c iwiPi t?ii:*rc^i npietJ cr,^ rm 
licD nD:rn d'^dSi c\n2^ cipc ont? jn: ('•aip i^ci rn^:;^^ Trr 
n:r2 nD:2n n^2 ns: roz^i .n-^iy^ on^ rvpiS nr i^::* |^l:«*:52^ 
.^N^^c'p t?«ic;:' c^t^n: c''i:*:?c n '•"y n*^^^ nTi:* c^s^s 'r. 

mcipc2 cn'^^np^S !'?'•':> ^ri" n^i i^'^pinz it?^^ ^ri^ N^ir w^^niD 
p]^N n3i:'2 p:ip2 n:':'\s \x2::* "ip n^:; nz^n cn^ n^n cn^r 
oy D^n:i ct^p::' iini cryn i":-^pn:i nxi:** 'n cn^n:^ yc-:n 

[?|CN rr'^y ]r] iX'T pip2 ^t;z 

p D^is*:« 'n pip NC N2 c>-^5{'i:S rein p]^n n:i:*2') 
pn:;^ -ic:ii2 cr,-i2N x'^iin pni^^ -i^^n^c r.ir'D Di-ic:rc[.x] 
c''2Kn'»ir mcipcn hz ^i^^ cnmc cnicD cnin^ cni .C2ic 
cnron iron oai c^r:iJn ^2 ciic:t:'c[vx]^ i2n2i inci:n c^i^n^ 
c^is'cin p:ip p'pt? n:rc cticitcn p'p jc int^ir* lycc^ p^2i 
.'^npn ^2 incc'i [cnn.x] pnn« c^icc nrNi my jn^icn o^iiinc 
cn^ c^2m2 ij«i c-;ic:t:*CvX2 c^zr\M< i:S vn jcin ipinci 
nnc:i ri2in crro nc n cvn ny c^2ni; ^:^z' cnsc d^n^zci 
^2N .cncDH ^bi<z 12 ^2 ]^:iip2 "i:^< jw ni^2p ncDi n^cniD 
:injc ij^:n:ci n^vp «^dv i2^nr:' iry jn^iirn ^B2 co^in us 
mS:o iN2r c^ir:N cnr c^:2^ cmn> c^^ip:n i:n prp2 .cnico 
t)22 iiy tr*^ N^i nD:2n n''2 \xi c^n2 'd ic2 22"^ nrnpn pw 
D^ir:N cr, cnin-r Dmn'» CNipjn cn^n'' tJ2t< . . I'z'^c p^s 
13 « p^< V)r\ .«'»2i2iy2 irn^r '••:'2i innri nna p i''2Sc2 ibt^i^ 
.[cnT.i:2] cri\-iv^': c^npi^ ''j.s |w cn^ [1^1:2] irnitt^j c^n: 
.mcipc ny2it'2 c^2isn^i ^:t,ic2 ^2n on^L^^cn cn^^roc '?2« 
1^2 ir** ^D^N2 ^i:vX2 .rc32n n^2 ':i c\n2 :"p ic2 i^*^ r:iip2 
norn n>2 '«[i] c^n2 'p ic2 r'» iiyiD nD:2n n''2 '21 c^n2 *p 
DM2 '^ 1D2 r^ "I'lCTc nDJ2n n'»2 'n[i] c\":2 ': 102 t^*'' n'PN)^ 
nD:2n n'»2 'n[i] ^02 '^ ic2 ::"• ct:ic nD:2n n''2 \s[i] 

*) Dr. Kayserling's version in his Gesch. d. Juden in Portugal (1867), 
/. c, has : ra». 



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The Jews of Malabar and New York. 429 

]WDZ* not't^* ^21 pn^xn ^jd ^id ^x |i2jn 2it:n di^'h t^ 

nmo N'y Ti«''v: Ty^ pijip Tyc Y^rx nj?^ loi^ 

4*''2np -11*?^ 

Appendix II. 

The Jews of New York to the Jews of China. 

"^z^zTi ^^ND n":pn c^ir nn piN^ n^^: n''^ 

ci^tr 211 -loni 
inN nt?: (C irinc iccnj itt^t< niyoo n5:Dc i:npi irxn ini 
^:yiyc: Nip: Kn:nc2 rpr.tr :]N^c:D^ia ii:Dr^vX icir t^ij; 
:"> DK^ nxn cnt^r^' 3"n22 n^n Nini :cnr.^ c^^* N!ici :[icpn] 
DDPNO i:c'pD p^ :nirc niin inn^ ii&\x impn pix^ D^nns) 

:Dir^ c^^i: cn« piin in« ny nrNDi :[DnN] pn c^c' nwDi 
D2^ r^ c«i :DnBD iNcn nmn n^D c^pn tt^*^ dni :Dr:n:o noi 

N'^irj cnt) r>i :t?n: mtJ^^D otr c^2r)'» ncn I'^x p"^ i:>nN ]d 
i^'^atJi :y22i ^ro 'n it) iz^jd ibcn ni:nni :pi p]dv icitd in« 
:d2^ cnan t?iXiir» ^:2 t>D ^y ^trici c^ni nvi^ ^^im :mD\>< 'n ]o 
D'^Dcn^ i:^<::' C2t? ymc ujn 2i«i .D^'^p ni'»i c^^p lyiTit' ]a bD 
:^ii m'^irD niDipc iNC'Di piN^ i><^'»:2 Npnyc&< njno 1^23 
rnic'cj '':n p ni:cc >:n pn -jj; o'^^iy cy d^2OT D'»^«iir»i 
: t)Nirr> nn?<:r' «ip:n r'n^ 1:^ :r^i c^hd ^^y2 D'y iod ^^ |xr2 
DN p^ :^ni m^-^Q D>2irv DtJin nvD:D ^hd oy nicipD ixiri 
i:t? n^ni DDnnc t^tr dio^:! nino cy n^ir^n 2inD^ crt? iitdn ^^ 
HD irtjy iji!in i-iTN ^2D CDPitt't' i:^t)yi :c*5}j DD^t^'DtJi ^ii: nn:^ 

rj"! ^2i: 12 ii:Dr^« ppn 
^T iic'Dtt^ ^Di^ 12 nctJtt^ |t2pn 
i^^32 c22nD iD'^rr ^N rriDv^n 1:^ DirrS crrr^c: n« :r^ dn O 
^ctr^ ni>t:^::i>< pirt^^ fin2o didd ic^n it di^n p^riD njicn pt?n 

•^CD i:i>^ rr ^«ii3i 
lN:«n n^ncD ^JNcyp i^y^ 
.[sic] ^:yi^t22 tJjn i^yz o^jpn d^d:id t*^ 



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430 George Alexander Kohut 

Appendix III. 

Translation : ^) 

A. 

"TAw is the history of the Jews who came into the land of 

Malabar : 

At the time of the exile, after the destruction of the 
second Temple, which happened in the year 3828 after the 
creation of the world, many Jews, male and female, entered 
the country Malabar and settled in four different places, 
namely: Kangnur, Paklur, Modi and Puluta. 

The majority established themselves in Kangnur also 
called Singili, which was under the dominion of the Sira 
Primal. 

In the year 4139 after the Creation, /. e. 379 according 
to Christian chronology, they were presented by King Sira 
Primal, whose name was Irwi Barmin with laws and 
statutes engraved upon a copper-tablet, called Sepuru, [given 
in conformance] with their customs and for their exaltation. 
They had at the time seventy-two houses in Kangnur; their 
chief was named Joseph Rabban. This is the King Sira 
Primal, who divided his land and gave it to eight monarchs ; 
they are called respectively: Tirbangur, (Travankore?), Kirch- 
angur, (Cranganor?), Klichut, Argut, Plaktshiri, Kulastiri, 
Kurbint and King of Cochin (pip-). 

The following is a translation of the copper-tablet from 
the Malabarian into the holy tongue: 

**In the peace of God, the King, who created the earth 
according to his will ! To this God, I, irwi Barmin, raise 
my hand in oath, [to him] who reigns since so many hundred- 
thousand years, [whilst] 1 preside about two years and a half 
in Kangnur (Cranganor), in the thirtj^-sixth year of my 
sovereignty. 3) I have decreed with mighty authority, and 

*) It will be observed that there is a great difference between this 
account and that of Prof. Oppert. pnnted above, p. 406 sq. 

*) Cochin in other Hebrew documents is written: pip; see Schechter 
in J. Q. E. VI, 141. 

^ Mr. J. J. Benjamin II. in his Drei Jahre in Amertka (1859—62 », 
Hannover, 1862, vol. I, p. 24. finds in the above quoted phrase an evidence 
of the Chinese belief in the Creation of the world. 



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The Jews of Malabar and New York. 431 

have permitted with strong power to Joseph £,abban [the 
wearing of] five various colors^), Tuta, the riding upon 
elephants and horses, and the crying of the heralds to make 
way for him, to gain converts from the five nations ^j, who 
reside here, to lay carpets, [to use] divans as ornament, flying 
steeple^); flute*), trumpets, tymbal, which is struck with two 
sticks; all this have I granted to him and to the seventy- 
two families, [even] ground-rent and balance^) [for farming]. 
Over the other provinces, where there are colonists and 
synagogues, he should be leader and governor. Without any 
alteration or objection he prepared this brass-tablet and con- 
signed it to the charge of Joseph Rabban, the lord of the 
five colors^), for him and his progeny, sons and daughters, 
son-in law and daughter-in law, as long as his descen- 
dants shall abide in the world, and as long as the moon 
endures. May God bless and maintain his successors. To 
this the eight mentioned Kings bear witness and Kulapis 
(Kilafls: rD'N^O) the scribe, who penned this, and here is 
his seal.'* 

The Jews remained in Kangnur, until the arrival of the 
Portuguese. These were offensive and annoying to them; there- 
fore they emigrated from there and went to Cochin in the 
year 5326 of Creation. The King of Cochin set apaii; for 
them land for houses and a synagogue, in the vicinity of his 
place, that he may [the better] protect them [in case of need]. 
And in the year 5000, C. E. 1567, a synagogue was built by [the 



*) The text is very obscure, consequently our rendering here and 
elsewhere can not be literal, as at times the meanings must be supplied. 
As Dr. Frankl already observed (in Monatsschrift f. d. Gesch. u. Wise. d. 
Judenth., 1. c , p. 370, note), the author does not seem to be very familiar 
with the sacred tongue, for his style is faulty. 

'} The Hebrew is unintelligible. As regards the privileges accorded 
them such as riding in the public thoroughfares (to this day forbidden in 
Persia) and the decoration of homes (likewise unpermitted in several African 
localities), see Benjamin's itinerary: Acht Jahre in Asien und Afrika, 
p. 263; Drei Jahre in Amerika, I, p. 25. 

^) Probably a litter, suggests Dr. Frankl. (I. c.) 

*) Benj. {I. c.) amends 'yxVx, not knowing how to read the text. Dr. 
Fr. (I, c.) leaves it unexplained. 

*) Most likely a certain tax. 

®) Perhaps a distinction of some soit, emblematic of royal dignity. 



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432 George Alexander Kohut. 

aid of] four eminent men: Samuel Kastial, Uavid Belila 
(or Blilia?), Ephraim Selach, Joseph Levi. [But] they 
were still persecuted by the Portuguese, [so that] they 
could not live according to the law and carry on trade (their 
living) with the district inhabited by the Portuguese [Only 
after] the Hollanders came on the 8th of Januaiy 1663, were 
their spirits (condition) alleviated. Thus they lived peacably 
with the natives of Malabar. 

With help [of God] in Cochin, which may the Highest 
One protect.^) 

In the year 1686 of the Christian era, four men came 
hither from Amsterdam: Moses Pereira, Isaac Urgas, 
Abraham Burton (Burrata?), Isaac Mucata. They were 
Sephardic Jews, tradesmen who saw all the regions populated 
by Israelites 2), and rejoiced, and wrote to Amsterdam [des- 
cribing] the whole situation and the scarcity of books. And 
when the congregation in Amsterdam heard of it, they sent 
the community of C'ochin a donation of Pentateuchs, Prayer- 
books, Shulchan Aruch and other books, and the whole con- 
gregation were very glad. Ever since that time we have 
friends in Amsterdam, we correspond with them and to this 
day they supply us with whatever books we need. Thus 
we now possess many books, the Talmud, Midrash and Cab- 
balistic works, yet we are still inexperienced [unlearned] in 
them. But we conduct ourselves according to the Shnlclian 
Aruoh^ composed by Joseph Karo, and our rites are those 
of the Sephardim. 

In Cochin we are called tlie white Jews, namely: the 
men, who came from the Diaspora of the holy land — may 
it be soon resettled and built up! We have about foiiy 
houses and one synogogue; there are no more in the land 
of Malabar. There are, however, other Jews, who are 
styled the black Jews.^) They aie the lineage of those who 



') M'y» pipa - Benjamin, I. c, p. 26, left the abbreviated formula 
k"?' untranslated, since evidently he did not understand it. In Mr. Schech- 
ter's notes [J. Q, R, VI, 142 ff.) k''^ ;»jVp occurs often. It is perhaps an 
abbreviation of: pM n»^y p» — May He guard it. Amen! 

*) The clause: cnin» c»an»Er neipon hz iKn is left untranslated by Dr. 
Frankl. {I c.) 

') There is a very extensive literature on the origin and existence of the«e 



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The Jews of Malabar and New Tork. 433 

embraced the Jewish faith in Malabar as freemen or slaves, 
therefore we do not allow our daughters to marry them (we 
do not give our daughters to them for wives) and take not 
their women from them. Their customs and (religious) ways 
are exactly like ours; they live in seven cantons. 

In Cochin there are about 150 houses [families] and three 
synagogues; in Angi Kemil about 100 houses and two synago- 
gues ; Pamr has about 100 houses and one synagogue ; Sinut 
has 50 houses, one synagogue; Malah has about 50 houses, 
one synagogue; Tirtur has about 10 houses, one synagogue ; 
Mutes (or Muts?) has 10 houses one synagogue. 

To the hands of the honorable and wise gentleman^ Rabbi 
Salonion Simson, from the city of Cochin to the city of New York.*' 

Appendix lY. 

B. 
^^New Yorhy New Moon Shevath, 5555 in 
the sixth thousand of Creation. 
I greet you, children of Israel with peace, [may] only 
happiness and the grace and fulness of peace [be your in- 
heritance]! We have seen and read in the itineraries, which 
were recently edited by a Christian prelate, named 
Alexander Christian, who ti'avelled in your land. China, 
that he found Jews there. He was in their synagogues, saw 
thirteen entrances to the holy tabernacle, wherein a scroll 
of the law was placed. We therefore request you to inform 
us whether he repoi*ts the truth, and to give us at the same 
time the number of the children of Israel who reside there; 
[to communicate to us] of which tribe you are ; at what time 
after the destruction have you wandered there; what is your 
custom (^n^C)); whether you are in possession of books of the 
Torah and other works; whether you abide in peace or in 
oppression and with what are you engaged. In a similar 
manner we have received a letter from our brethren^ the Jews 



tribes. Accounts may be consulted in Benjamin's interesting travels Eight 
Years in Asia and Africa and in the excellent work of J. Saphir^ entitled : 
Ibn Safir (1866—1874), which contains precious information on the customs 
and ritual of the Oriental Jews. It is an authoritative index of Eastern 
Judean antiquities. 

K o h II t , SemiUo Stadles. ^^ 



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434 Oeorge Alexuider Kohot 

in the land of MoUabar, who are in flourishing circumstances; 
they have a prince (k^J) named Joseph Rabban; the King 
of Malabar allowed him four colors, permitted him to make 
converts from the five nations; he is the first and foremost 
[ruler] over all the Jews who dwell there, as long tm his 
generation exists, as long as the moon endures. 

Simultaneously, I inform you, that we here in America 
at New York and other places, live in great prosperity 
(peace) ; that Jews as well as Christians officiate as judges, 
in monetary disputes as in capital crimes. There are about 
seventy-two families here, we possess one synagogue, which 
is called ^Shearith IsraeP^'^ in other localities there are 
other synagogues ; all live in perfect harmony (peace). If it 
is possible for you to communicate to us infoimation about 
the custom and rite of your province, it will afford us great 
pleasui*e; we are entirely at your disposal. 

Such are the words of the writer, who wishes you well. 

Alexander Hirseh. 

Solomon, son of Josef Simson. 

If you desire to answer us, then place your letter in 
the enclosed envelope, which is addressed in English, [that] 
it may arrive [at its destination] in safety. 

To the city Kaifung^ in the province of Honan^ for the 
Pi'esident and elders of that city in China,'^ 



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Aus Qirqis&nf 8 
.KitSb al-'anwSr w'al-marSqib 

von 
Dr. Samuel Poznanski (Berlin). 



Durch Harkavy's Edition des ersten Abschnittes des 
KUdb al-anwdr w'al-mardqib (das Bach der Leuchten und 
der AnsBichtsturme) des *Abu-Jusuf Ja'qfib al-Qirqi- 
sani*) und durch die jetzt feststehende Thatsache, dass 
dieser karaische Autor in der ersten flHlfte des X. Jahrh. 
geblilht hat, 2) ist das Interesse fiir ihn und seine Schriften 
von Neuem erwacht. Besondere Beachtung aber verdient 
das oben genannte Werk. Abgesehen davon, dass es das 
al teste voUstandige karaische Gesetzbuch ( ^SfwiJl v-^Lx^ ist, ^) 
so hat es noch einen ganz besonderen Wert dadurch, dass 
es viele bisher unbekannte Ansichten der ersten karaischen 
Fiihrer, wie 'Anan, Benjamin al-Nahawendi, Daniel al-Qumisi 
U.S.W., enthalt und dass in den ersten vier Abschnitten auch 
Gegenstande, die nicht zur Gesetzeskunde gehoren, erortert 
werden. So handelt der erste Abschnitt von den judischen 
Secten, der zweite von der Notwendigkeit des Forschens 
und des Speculirens [in BetreflF der Vorsehriften der Thora] 

^ Memoiren d. oriental. Ahteilung d. archdolog. GeseUschaft zu 
Petersburg, Bd. VIII (1894) p. 247-321. Vgl. dazu Bacher, Jewish 
QuaH. Betnew VII, 687-711. 

*) S. Harkavy, Studien u. MiUheilungen III, 46. Vgl. Neu- 
bauer, Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles II, 249. 

') Aus *Anan's mxon nco besitzen wir nur Bruchstiicke (s. Harkavy, 
Zur Entstehung d Karaismus in Graetz's Geschichte d. Juden, Bd. V, 
3. Aufl.) und wir wissen nicbt, ob es aile Gebiete der Gesetzeskunde um- 
fasst hat. Tienjamin Nahawendi's D»in ico erstreckt sich nur auf das Civil- 
recht, wiewohl es m5glich ist, dass es urspninglich auch andere Telle ent- 
halten hat. 

28* 



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436 Samuel Poznaiiski. 

und von der Berechtigung der Beweisfiihning ex ratione et ana- 
logia^ im dritten werden die Ansichten der Sectirer widerlegt und 
im vierten die Wege, welche zur Erkenntnis der G^bote fohren, 
gezeigt.^) Es ist daher uui* zu wiinschen, dass Harkavy, 
dem die judische Literatur im AUgemeineu und die karaische 
im Besonderen schon so viel verdankt, nun auch die weiteren 
Abschnitte herausgebe. 

Den ersten Abschnitt hat Harkavy nach zwei Hand- 
schriften der Petersburger Bibliothek, die sich gegenseitig 
ergtozen und controUiren, edirt. Aber ausser dieser Bibliothek 
beherbergt auch das British Museum in London eine grossere 
Anzahl von Fragmenten des Kitab al-anvoar wai-maraqih^ 
aus denen Hirschfeld ein einziges Capitel veroflfentlicht 
hat, ohne jedoch noch den riehtigen Namen des Buches ge- 
kannt zu haben.^) An einer anderen Stelle^) gebe ich eine 
ausftihrliehe Beschreibung dieser Fragmente, iiber die bisher 
wenig Klarheit geherrscht und von denen nur ein Teil als von 

*) Die Ueberschrifien dieser 4 Capitel lauten im Original (Memoiren 
p. 249): vL^?^l' ^ ^L^' — IvUXJl jO^ ^j ^j^l i^lJUJl 

Jyl ^ Wdljdl — ;,j^LfiJlj JJUJI &JSV5^ oUSlj JajJ\^ .-^:s^Jl 

*) Arabic Chrestmyuxthy (London 1892) p. 116—121. VgL dazu 
Bacher, Bev. d. £t. juiv, XXV, 156; XXVI, 311 u. Jew. Quart. Rev,. 
I c. 689. 

») Sieinschneider-Festschrift (Leipzig 1896) p. 195—218. Gelegentlich 
sei bemerkt, dass zu den von mir dort (p. 214—218) erwUhnten karaischen 
Autoren, welche das Kitab al-^anwdr mit Namen citiren, noch einer hin- 
zuzufugen ist. Ms. Brii Mas. or. 2478 enth^t ein Bruchstiick einer im 
J. 1351 verfassten kar&ischen Compilation zu Deoteronomium in arabischer 
Sprache. Zu 33, 4 (fol. 141b -143 a) wird ein grosser Teil von Jefet b. 
'Ali^S Comm. z. St., der eine Polemik gegen die Geltung der miindlichen 
Lehre (D'yaar min) enthalt, wortlich excerpirt und dann heisst es zum Sohluss: 

^1 ==) ois ^^ j\yi) vLo ^ ^U^yLfl oi-M.j^ ^1 ^-V^^Jl 
niin ^ .♦,»M.4 J l s^lxS ^ y: (?nin» p nyw ,;X*«I ^ o'^J^ T-^' 
(so) ^y:.M^Jl ^^ ^J\ ^ 3yl ^ ^yUSj-il ^ji r^^ u^ ni» 



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Aus Qirqisani's „Kitab al-'anw^r w'al-maraqib". 437 

Qirqisani herriihrend erkannt worden ist, und will hier nur 
kurz bemerken, dass sich im British Museum Stiicke aus 
Absch. II— VI. VIIL X— XII finden. Ich teile nun im 
Folgenden weitere drei Capitel nach den Londoner Hand- 
schriften mit und will dazu Einiges vorausschieken. 

Die ersten zwei Capitel, das 17. und 18. des IIL 
Abschnittes, sind ms. or. 2524, foL 50a — 58a, entnommen. 
Sie sind in hebraisehen Quadratlettern geschrieben und von 
mil* in arabische trauscribirt. Ihr Inhalt ist eine Polemik 
gegen die Anhanger der Lehre von der Seelenwanderung. 
Der Name dieser AnhUnger ist nicht angegeben, doch er- 
fabren wir ihn aus Absch. I Capitel 13, wo es heisst: „Auch 
wird von ihm pAn&n] erzahlt, dass er eine Seelenwanderung 
angenommen und dariiber eine Schrift verfasst hat. Wir 
werden nun diese Lehren im Folgenden anfuhren und wider- 
legen."*) Es imterliegt also keinem Zweifel, dass wenigstens 
ein Teil der in diesen Capiteln angefiihrten Argumente fur 
die Seelenwanderung von *Anan selbst herriihrt. 

In Cap. 17 werden zunachst die dogmatischen Grtinde an- 
gefiihrt. Der Hauptbeweis, auf den sich auch die mu tazilitischen 
Anhanger dieser Lehre gestiitzt haben, ist die Bestrafung der 
kleinen Kinder, eine Frage, die fast in jedera Kalamwerke 
erorteii; wird.^) Gott kann doch nur fur begangene Siinden 
bestrafen, sonst ware er ungerecht, wenn er also die kleinen 
Kinder, die doch nicht gesiindigt haben, bestraft, so kann 
das nur fiir Siinden sein, die ihre Seelen in anderen Korpem 
begangen haben. Qirqisani antwortet nun darauf, dass es 



») Ed. Harkavy, p. 313: JyM ^^ ^il (^^^ ^J^ v-^l) »^ ^^^j 

L^aJLc 3jJI^ jh^^) ^w<*.UxJL Jl3 ^yt Jy5 jfsXk^^ ^lyl IlX^ 

<Ajg U^. Vor ^AuSn finden wir keine Spur von dieser Lehre bei den 
Juden und es ist daher am wahrsoheinlicbsten, dass er sie zuerst den 
Muhammedanem entnommen hat. Diese haben sie wohl direct den Indem 
entlehnt Bemerkenswert sind die Worte Alberuni's (India, Cap. V Anf.), 
dass die Metempsychose gerade so obarakteristisch ist fur die indische 
ReDgion, wie der Sabbath fur das Judentum» die Trinit8.t fiir das Christen- 
tum und wie der Ausruf ^Es giebt keinen Gott ausser Gott und Muhammed 
ist sein Prophet^ fiir den Islam. 

•) Vgl. Frankl, Ein mu'taziUiischer Kaldm aus d, X. Jahrh. p. 
38—41; Schreiner, Der Kaldm in, d, jiid, lAteratur p. 29. 



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438 Samuel Poznaiiski. 

ebenso von Gott gerecht sei zu strafen und dann dem Be- 
schadigten dafiir seine Gnade zuzuwenden, der Kinder harrt eben 
fur ihre Leiden die Gliickseligkeit im Paradiese. Denselben 
Gedankengang linden wir auch bei dem karaischeu Religions-, 
philosophen des XI. Jabrh., Josef b. Abraham al-Basir, dem 
Qirqisani ohne Zweifel als Quelle gedient hat^) 

Im folgenden 18. Capitel werden die Beweise der An- 
hUnger der Seelenwanderung aus der Schrift angefdbrt Hier 
hatte Qirqisani keine grosse Miihe sie zu widerlegen, da die 
meisten geradezu geschmack- und sinnlos sind. So wird z. B. 
von Jenen der Vers Gen. IX, 6 folgendermassen erklart: 
„wer das Blut eines Menschen, das in einem Menscheu vor- 
handeni8t,vergiesstu.8.w,",2)also ist es moglich, dassMenschen- 
blut sich auch in einem NichtrMenscben linden soil (namlich 
wenn eine menschliche Seele in einen Tierkorper wandern 
muss). ^) Auch die anderen Beweise sind nicht viel besser. 

Die Lehre von der Seelenwanderung wird bekanntlich 
auch von Saadja erwfthnt und ihre Anhanger als „Leute, die 
Juden genannt werden" (oder „die sich Juden nennen**) be- 
zeichnet."*) Ich babe bereits die Vermutung ausgesprochen,^) 
dass man unter diesen ^Namensjuden" 'Anan und seine ka- 
raischeu Anhanger zu verstehen hat, und diese meine Ver- 
mutung wu-d hier zum Teil bestatigt. Saadja fiihrt namlich 



») S. Frankl, L c. 

•) Merkwiirdiger Weise findet sich eine ahuUcho Deutung dieses 

Verses im Talmud {Babli Sanhedrin 57 b): avisn *?KyB»» 'sin rreyo ♦!«: 

iDK ♦yD3» "laiy m toim na onna «inw mn wt^k ner* mi d-ho dikh dt ^6w, also 
wird aach hier oTMn als „im MeDSchen*^ erkl&rt. 

■) Die von Qirqisani bekampften Anhanger der Seelenwanderung 
haben also geglaubt, dass die menschliche Seele auch in einem tierischen 
Korper Platz finden konile. Dieser Ansicht waren auch einige Araber, s. 
Schreiner, L c. 62. Vgl. auch d. folgende Anm. 

*) Kitdb al-'amandt p. f.v : ^^ vp. ^-.^ L«j3 ^^1 Jjil ^^^^ 

sJ^yXkx. vUa^j ^s^LuCJl sJkj^^^^li^ jiJli ^M^J^ |»g'iAjvj S^O^^ajU 
fnin» ^ ^^6 v>J4j '^^ ^ ^t^^ ^-^j pyOB^ ^ jtV^* Pwn -5^ ^,1 

*) Monatsschrift fUr d. Gesch. u. Wissensch. d. Judent. XXXIX, 
441-446. 



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Aus Qirqisani^s „Kitab al-'anw&r w'al-maraqib''. 439 

auch einige Verse an, auf die sich jene Namensjuden stiitzen, 
und daranter sind auch solche, die Qirqisani erwahnt, und zwar 
Ps. XXni, 3 und Hi. XXXVIII, 14. 

Das letzte der hier abgedruckten drei Capitel ist das 
35. des V. Abschnittes, welcher iiber den Sabbath handelt. 
Es ist ms. or. 2579, fol 42a — 45a, entnommen und dui'chweg 
mit arab. Lettem geschrieben. Ich habe nun die Bibelcitate