THE
SEPOY EEYOLT:
Its &mm & its
BY HENRY MEAD.
LONDON:
G. ROUTLEDGE & CO., FARRINGDON STREET.
NEW YORK: 18, BEEKMAN STREET.
1858.
[The Author reserves the right of Translation.'}
V
LOXDOK :
SAVJLL AKD EDWARDS, PHINTZB8,
CHANDOS STUKET.
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
IN the following pages I have condensed, to the best of
my ability, the results of ten years' labour in the busy
tields of Indian journalism. My opportunities of acquir-
ing a knowledge of political and social affairs have been
great ; it is for the public to decide if I have made good
use of them.
Were my book to be written over again, I should like
to deepen the colours in which some pictures of Indian
life have been painted ; but the experience which enables
a man to write on the subject of Eastern government,
tends to blunt his sympathies, and in some degree to
injure his moral sense. Torture and lawlessness, and the
perpetual suffering of millions, are so familiar to me, that
I am conscious of not feeling as I ought to do when wrong
is done to individuals and nations. The man who lives
in the vicinity of the undertaker and boiler-maker, is not
likely to join in the agitation against barrel-organs and
street cries.
There is a malady common to savages in certain parts
of the world, which is termed " earth-hunger." It pro-
vokes an incessant craving for clay, a species of food which
fails to satisfy the appetite, and which impairs the power
of digestion. The East India Company have laboured
under its influence for a century [past ; and as yet the
A2
IV PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
disease shows no signs of abatement. A recent mail in-
formed us that 25,000 acres, in the districts recently-
assigned by the Nizam, had this season been thrown out
of cultivation j and current advices express the satisfac-
tion of the Indian Government at the prospect of new
confiscations. In Madras, Bombay, and the Punjaub, for
every acre that is cultivated, at least three remain un-
tilled j and still we continue to make nobles landless, and
to increase the sum total of Asiatic misery.
If Heaven had not a great work for us to do in the
East, the cruelty, the oppression, and the measureless folly
of our rule would before this have produced its natural
fruits, and we should have been cast out from India, a
scorn and example to the nations. We have been heavily
punished, and there is yet a fearful blow to be endured ;
but after awhile we shall comprehend the nature of our
responsibilities, and try to fulfil them. England's diffi-
culty is England's opportunity. If we are wise hence-
forth in dealing with India, the well of Cawnpore will so
fertilize the land, that every corner of it will yield a crop
of blessings*
H. M.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
THE task of preparing another issue of this work, affords
me the opportunity of thanking the public, and of setting
myself right, if possible, with certain of the critics who
have reviewed it. And first as to a matter entirely per-
sonal and apart from the merits of the publication. It is
insisted that I am a " martyr," and, as such, that I natu-
rally display all the heat and inconsistency of an injured
person. Now, the martyrs of whom I read when a child,
were said to be persons who suffered for truth's sake^
of whom the world was not worthy. Later in life, the
martyrs whom I saw and talked with, were folks who em-
ployed a small capital of conscience to great temporal
advantage, and at this moment, in my own person as a
representative martyr, I meet in some quarters with much
sympathy and little credence. It is thought sufficient to
say that I have been wronged as an Indian journalist, to
destroy belief in a portion of my statements as an English
author. At the risk of being found less interesting in
future, I beg to reiterate in these pages what I have taken
every reasonable opportunity of saying elsewhere, that
the Government of India has not damaged me to the
extent of a shilling, either in purse or prospects. I had
renounced newspaper editing for nearly two years, when
in April last I took temporary charge of the Friend of
India, with the distinct understanding that its gifted
editor would return from England in September, and set
2 PKEFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
me free to mind my own business. To save the property
from threatened ruin, I placed it in the hands of his
friends two months earlier, and they insisted on paying
the stipulated allowance for my services up to the date of
my leaving Calcutta. I hope, as an Eastern backwoods-
man, to return for a season to the jungles of Pegu, with
the consciousness that my last appearance as a journalist,
and my first as a political agitator, will not prove unplea-
sant to my friends, nor without service to the public.
But it is also said that I am a partisan ; that my
animus against Lord Canning and the Indian Government
is violent, and betrays itself in every chapter. The fact, I
submit, is a reason for calling upon me for proof, but
not for discrediting my statements. No one is more
alive than myself to the importance of 'conciliating the
favourable opinion of society in this case, but the vehe-
mence found in my book is not simulated, and I cannot
prevent its outbreak. In common with thousands of my
countrymen, I recognise in the East India Company the
power that has hindered alike the happiness of India and
the prosperity of England ; and in Lord Canning, the
ruler who is responsible for the massacre of Cawnpore
and the protracted horrors of Lucknow. The ease and
completeness with which troops were moved up from
Calcutta to the frontiers of Oude in November, show how
easy it would have been to relieve Wheeler and Lawrence
in June. Human life is still precious, and national pres-
tige is still worth preserving ; and the Governor-General
who was unable to guard either, is not too heavily pu-
nished when a writer paints his public character and
denounces his public conduct. Lord Canning may implore
in vain from this generation, and from posterity, the mercy
of oblivion.
A steadfast opponent of the corporation of Leadenhall-
street, I am proud of the long roll of eminent men whom
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 6
they have given to the country, and if my vote could
have availed for the purpose, one of their servants, the
gallant NEIL, should have commanded the Indian army,
and another, Sir JOHN LAWRENCE, should have governed
the Indian empire. But we want India for all the
English; not only for the NEILS and LAWRENCES, but
for all their schoolfellows — for the men who fight amongst
the snows as well as beneath the tropics. It is the
nation's heritage, and every man has a right to share in
it. The clay is at hand when the work will be thought
more of than the workman. The deep ploughing pro-
duces the richest crops, the deep mining the costliest ores,
the deep sea nets the greatest take of fishes. We shall
grow more aristocratic as a people when we have more
great men to be proud of, and more conservative when
all classes of the community owe more of privileges and
comfort to our institutions.
To the charge of being "inconsistent" I would say
that the critics who make it have not cared to study the
whole Indian question. I know that absorption of the
remaining native dynasties will inevitably take place in
the fulness of time ; but that is no reason why the East
India Company should anticipate the course of events.
To contemplate the sure succession of a certain individual
to an estate is not to justify him in making away with
the incumbent. The fact that the subjects of the King
of Oude are really interested in the triumph of our arms,
co- exists with another fact, that eighteen millions of souls
in Madras have only a penny a week each to subsist upon,
and the two do not clash together. The Government in
these days will tax the ryots of »Oude as they have taxed
Pegu and the Punjaub, and the population of the latter
provinces are almost to a man in our favour.
I have only another word to say with regard to a taunt,
that, like the rest of the Anglo-Indian public on the
4 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
subject of the Sepoy revolt, I was " wise after the event."
The news of the outbreak at Meerut was published in
Calcutta on the 16th May, and three days afterwards the
Friend of India said that we were " literally without a
native army," that we should "have to re-conquer Bengal,"
and that the East India Company's knell was to be heard
" over the rattle of musketry and the sound of tom-toms."
Two out of the three predictions have been already ful-
filled, and the accomplishment of the third is not far
distant.
H. M.
London, April 5tk, 1858.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
The Illusion. — The Reality. — Military Defences. — Cooking Ac-
counts.—Pretensions of Caste. — Lord Dalhousie and his Policy 9
CHAPTER II.
The Government of India. — Sketches of leading Statesmen. —
Strange Unanimity of Unfitness 19
CHAPTER III.
Composition of the Indian Armies. — Caste Prejudices of the
Brahmin. — Causes of the Revolt. — Condition of Oude . . 27
CHAPTER IV.
The Story of the greased Cartridges. — Government warned, but
uselessly, of the Growth of Disaffection. — The Berhampore
Outbreak 49
CHAPTER V.
The Outbreak at Meerut.— The March to Delhi.— Mr. Colvin's
Despatches, — Government keeping back Intelligence . . . 71
CHAPTER VI.
Stateof the Defences of Bengal. — The Government urged to obtain
Reinforcements. — Available Resources. — Facility of relieving
Cawnpore and Lucknow. — Jung Bahador and the Ghoerkas . 81
CHAPTER VII.
The March on Delhi. — The Defence of the Magazine. — The
Great Mogul and his Court. — Narratives of the Capture and
Condition of the City 89
6 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VIII.
PAGE
The Siege of Delhi.— Want of Guns.— Defective Intelligence. —
Unwise Clemency. — The Rebel Proclamation. — Lord Can-
ning's waste Papers 104
CHAPTER IX.
The First Troubles in Oude. — Weak Behaviour of Govern-
ment.— Revolt of the entire Army of the Province. — Compara-
tive Mildness of the Rebels 113
CHAPTER X.
The Revolt of Benares. — Panic amongst the Sikhs. — Defenceless
State of Allahabad.— Mutiny of the 6th N.I.— The Siege and
Massacre of Cawnpore 124
CHAPTER XI.
The Outbreak in Rohilcund. — Ingratitude and Hatred of the
Sepoys and Populace. — Strange Conduct of the 10th N.I. . 138
CHAPTER XII.
A convincing Orator. — Mr. Colvin's Proclamation and Death. —
Mutinies in Rajpootana 148
CHAPTER XIII.
The Administration of the Punjaub. — Lord Canning and Sir
John Lawrence. — The Organization of the Sikhs 156
CHAPTER XIV.
The Gwalior Rising. — Contradictory Conduct of the Mussulman
Cavalry.— Holkar and his Contingents.— The Revolt at Mliow
and Indore 161
CHAPTER XV.
The Revolt at Diriapore. — Refusal of Government to disarm the
Sepoys.— General Lloyd; his Tastes and Sympathies . . .170
CONTENTS. 7
CHAPTER XVI.
PAGE
The Indian Press. — Its Isolation, and natural Antagonism to
the Indian Government. — Hypocrisy of its Assailants. — Lord
Canning and Mr. Mangles. — The Gagging Act. — Apathy of
the Public at Home 181
CHAPTER XVII.
The End of the great Company.— The Financial Difficulty.—
Importance of an immediate Assumption of Government by
the Crown. — Native Princes and their Rights 191
CHAPTER XVIII.
The Nobles and Jaghiredars of India. — Their Wrongs and
miserable Condition. — The Inquisition in Bombay. — Case of
the Nawab of Woodiagherry. — Proposed Remedy . . . .212
CHAPTER XIX.
The Responsibility for Conquest. — Republican Notions of the
Rights of Mankind. — The fighting Instinct universal in all
Classes. — Value of American Lessons. • — The Rights of Con-
quest and the Claims of the Conquered 220
CHAPTER XX.
The Religious Question. — Noble Lords upon Christian Rulers.
— The Despotism of Knowledge. — The wise and good Man
always a Missionary. — False Ideas of Native Hostility to
Christianity 237
CHAPTER XXI.
Torture in the North-west. — How States are "protected." —
Examples of Indian Justice 243
CHAPTER XXII.
State Education in India almost wholly confined to the Upper
Classes. — Mistaken Notions as to its Results. — Purely secular
Character of the Instruction.— The Field for Christian Effort 279
CHAPTER XXIII.
Tendency of the Native Mind to Imitation. — Value to England
and India of an Extended System of Education 284
8 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXIV.
PAGE
The Land Revenues of India. — Explanations of the various
Modes of levying Taxes on the Soil. — The Zemindars and the
Police of Bengal. — Failure of the Village Communities in the
North-west 295
CHAPTER XXV.
The Ryotwarry System in Madras. — Melancholy Results of a
Century of Rule.— The hopeless Poverty of all Classes . . 305
CHAPTER XXVI.
Socialist Doctrines of Lord Harris and the East India Com-
pany.— Gradual Decay of every Form of national or class
Prosperity.— The future Aristocracy of the East . . . .312
CHAPTER XXVII.
The levelling Character of the Company's Rule. — Their Influence
purely destructive. — The Rajah and the Yeoman equally
ruined, without Profit to the Government 321
CHAPTER XXVIII.
The Condition of the Madras Ryot described by Authority. —
Folly of attempting to invest Capital in that Presidency . . 331
CHAPTER XXIX.
The Remedy. — Impossibility of raising more Revenue under the
present System of Government. — Difficulty of obtaining cor-
rect Information. — Cost of Cultivation and profitable Culture.
— Overthrow of the Slave-holding Interest. — The Balance of
Trade 336
CHAPTER XXX.
Political Changes required. — Necessity for throwing India open
to all the Queen's Subjects. — Organization of a Staff Corps. —
Monopoly of the Civil Service at an End 350
APPENDIX.— (A.) The Gagging Act. —The Firstfruits of the Act 359
• (B.) Addition to Chapter X 377
THE SEPOY REVOLT.
CHAPTER I.
THE ILLUSION.— THE REALITY. — MILITARY DEFENCES. — COOKING
ACCOUNTS. — PRETENSIONS OP CASTE. — LORD DALHOUSIE AND HIS
POLICY.
IN the course of an article on the disturbed state of feel-
ing in the native army, the Times of the 19th of May,
1857, had the following : —
" Now that the whole of India has been thoroughly
subdued, and that from Afghanistan to the borders of
Siam there is no power which even aspires to oppose us,
we may be humane while we are politic, and be content
to punish disobedience by loss of pay and pension, with-
out a resort to artillery or a charge of the bayonet. It is
reassuring, moreover, that the Mussulman, the Sikh, the
Ghoorka, has no share in the prejudices of the Hindoo.
The Government may always count on the votaries of
Islam for support in any tumult arising from the teaching
of an idolatrous creed. Still we could wish to see a
larger number of European troops at hand on such an
occasion. Our Indian empire is not what it was, and yet
the number of white regiments remains pretty nearly
stationary. Within the last fifteen years we have an-
nexed Scinde, and the Punjaub, and Pegu, not to speak
of Oude and half-a-dozen protected or tributary districts.
The cares and duties of the army are therefore largely in-
creased. Although the European force is costly and
sickly — although every man sent out is said to cost 100£,
and many are only sent out to be laid, before long, in the
10 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
barrack cemeteiy — yet we must not shrink from the
duties which our situation necessitates. We have con-
quered India by British hands, and by them it must be
retained. Nothing will render the improvement of the
country so difficult, nothing will so unsettle the minds of
a people easy to be impressed, and likely to find evil ad-
visers to impress them, as the suspicion that there is any
weakness in us. The belief that on any point, whether
ten miles or one thousand miles away, the authority of
England can be overthrown for a day by Asiatics of any
race or creed, will go far to nullify all our character of
superiority, and all the authority of civilization."
When this extract was first read in India, rebellion was
triumphant in the Sepoy army over the length and
breadth of Bengal, from the farthest corner of Peshawur
to the hills of Cuttack. The flame of insurrection had
been leaping from post to post throughout the vast extent
of country still nominally under British rule, until it had
become a point of honour to rebel with men who had no
previous thought of disloyalty ; who urged, in reply to
kind words and remonstrances, that they were bound to
do what all the rest of the Sepoys were doing. Away up
to the hills of Xopaul, along the wide plains of the North-
west, on through the Puujaub, and over the wastes of
Central India, the flag of revolt was flying, the mutineers
gaining strength and boldness with every hour. More
than 60,000 men, who had been trained to fight by the
side of English soldiers, were eagerly availing themselves
of every chance to murder the wives and little ones of
their defenceless officers and comrades in arms. They had
plundered more than a million sterling from the public
treasuries ; captured hundreds of guns ; they were in pos-
session of numerous places of strength ; they had won
intrenchments vainly defended for weeks by one of the
most gallant veterans in the service, and after admitting
the garrison to terms, had murdered man, woman, and
child. A wall as of fire impassable cut off communication
between Upper and Lower Bengal ; trade was at a stand- '
still, and the hopes of the best and bravest soldiers dared
not soar beyond the possibility of holding the ground
covered by their encampment. Relief was certain, but it
THE CONSOLATION OF TAX-PAYERS. 11
seemed far distant. Vengeance was the cry that rose
from every lip, but no sound of thunder was heard on the
horizon. The labours of the giants had disappeared. Six
weeks had sufficed to undo the work of a century.
Men in Calcutta ask of each other, What will they say
of this in England "? And the answer is, that our country-
men will take comfort in the thought, so consoling to a
certain class of prodigals, that India has been royally
spent, and that all have had a share in dissipating the
rich inheritance. The people's House of Commons have
scarcely ever bestowed a thought on Hindostan. Cabinets,
whether Whig or Tory, have sent out men to rule over us
just as faction or family interest ordained. The favourite
of the Army has seldom had a chance against the favourite
of the Court ; and hence it is that, at the close of a
century, we have to begin a new career in the East, with-
out money and without friends, backed only by our strong
right hand and indomitable hearts. Be it so ; the work
will be done, though the task is heavy : the labourer ask-
ing only for a competent overseer.
Had the apprehension to which the Times gave cur-
rency been entertained a few months back in the proper
quarter, either the mutinies would have never commenced,
or have never been successful. The following statement
of the means of defence in the shape of European regi-
ments provided for India, and our new possessions to the
eastward of the Bay of Bengal, will show how little
danger has been apprehended from internal foes or out-
ward aggression during the last three years.
1854. 1855. 1856.
Agra .... 8th Foot. Ditto. 3rd Eur.
Allahabad . . None. None. 6th Drag.
Burmah . . . j JJ^J* Ditto. 35th.
Chinsrah | ' ' 35th' 98tb' 35th' 3rd Eur- 53rd«
Cawnpore . . None. None. 1st Eur.
Dugshan . . . 53rd. Ditto. 1st Eur.
Dinapore . . . 3rd Eur. None. 10th.
Ferozepore . . 70th. Ditto. 61st.
Jullundm- . . COth. Ditto. 8th.
Kussowlie . . 32nd. Ditto. 75th.
Lahore . . . 10th. 10th, 81st. 81st.
12
THE SEPOY
REVOLT.
1854.
1855.
Lucknow . .
. None.
None.
Meerut . . .
J 14th Drag.
52nd.
( 81st.
Nowshera .
None.
None.
Peshawur
75th.
87th.
Rawul Pin dee
87th.
75th.
Sealkote . .
24th, 27th. "
27th.
Subathoo . .
52nd.
None.
Umballah . .
9th Lan.
Ditto.
Wuzeerabad .
61st.
Ditto.
Ordered home
22nd, 96th.
None.
Total . . .
( 2 Cavalry.
( 21 Infantry.
1 Cavalry.
18 Infantry.
1856.
32nd.
60th.
27th.
87th, 70th.
24th.
None.
2nd Eur.
Ditto.
None.
None.
2 Cavalry.
18 Infantry.
From the above, it will be seen that in December,
1854, before the annexation of Oude took place, we had
three more European regiments than we had when the
rebellion occurred. Of the English troops serving in the
country, it is considered that seven regiments should be
always stationed in the Punjaub, two in Burmah, one at
Calcutta, one at Dinapore, one at Agra, and one at
Meerut. This leaves us a balance of five regiments ; but
some of these are in absolute need of their customary rest
in the hills, so that our whole moveable force is actually
reduced to, say, three regiments. Of course, as in the in-
stance of the advance upon Delhi, a strong division can
be improvised at a few days' notice ; but the case is very
much like that of the citizen who abandons his house and
property to combat rebels in a different quarter of the
city. He cannot fight the enemy and protect his own
valuables as well. If Sepoys mutiny, or the rabble rises
at our great stations, there is not much to prevent them
from working their will for a season. Luck may serve
us as on many previous occasions. Those who have old
scores to settle with us may lack means or courage to im-
prove the tempting opportunity; but there is no counting
upon what is really before us in the way of work, and for
our means we have to thank both the Home and Indian
Governments that they were scarcely adequate to the
ordinary requirements of a state of profound peace. We
had eighteen European infantry regiments, giving perhaps
a total of fifteen thousand effectives, to occupy and defend
HOW INDIA WAS CARED FOR. 13
the whole country from Peshawur to Kangoon, a line of
sixteen hundred miles in length, with a population of not
less than eighty millions, including three countries re-
cently conquered — the Punjaub, Pegu, and Oude. An
outbreak surprised us with no European regiments at
Benares, Allahabad, Cawnpore, Furruckabad, Bareilly,
Fyzabad, or Delhi ; none at Dacca, Berhampore, or
Patna. Calcutta was protected by a single wing of the
53rd, whilst five native regiments lay fourteen miles off
in a state of disaffection, and the Commander-in- Chief
was shooting in the hills. We met the emergency by
withdrawing three regiments from Burmah — one of them
belonging to Madras — and so perilling Pegu ; by claiming
two more Madras regiments, and so leaving that Govern-
ment with only four European corps for the protection
of its widely extended line of defence ; by begging help
from Ceylon, which not many years ago was itself in a
state of rebellion ; and by stopping the expedition to
China. At this moment we have but one regiment in
Pegu, with 110 John Lawrence to serve in lieu of horse
and foot, and only a couple of thousand British bayonets
in the country of the Sikhs. It is said that Lord Dal-
housie, just before his departure, applied for more Euro-
pean troops. If so, he failed to obtain them, but never-
theless carried out his intention of annexing Oude, the
Cabinet at home approving of his policy, but neglecting
to give him the means of sustaining it. To the Board of
Control and the Court of Directors we owe the insuffi-
ciency of the army, but the blame must not be laid wholly
at the door of the Ministry. To the best of their ability
our military chiefs have made the worst of the means at
fcheir disposal. Of the old and worn-out men they make
generals of division and brigadiers ; of the able and
adventurous, administrators of civil affairs. Of course
there are men in the highest departments of the army
who are still able and vigorous; but, of the five major-
generals of the Company's service in command of divisions,
the youngest has been fifty years a commissioned officer.
Of four brigadiers commanding field forces, the junior has
been thirty-seven years in the service, and the oldest
forty-nine. Of our most distinguished soldiers, such men
B
14 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
as Chamberlain, Coke, Hodgson, and Lunisden are allowed
to grow old in minor posts on the frontier, whilst others
no less capable of doing the State service are shelved in
political employ. Why should we be hard then upon
General Hewitt for allowing the mutineers to escape at
Meerut ? Another Elphinstone, it is happy for us that
he was not in command at another Cabul. We owe him
and his incapacity to the system. Had he been only ten
years younger, he might have been as active as General
Gomm, and we dare say quite as useful to the country.
Lord Dalhousie quitted the shores of India in October,
1856. Before he reached home, he composed a State
paper, in which the whole of his policy during eight years'
occupation of the Government was reviewed and justified,
and in the main the public were disposed at that time to
adopt liis own estimate of the results of his administration.
He had done some harsh things, and had stooped to petty
reprisals upon personal enemies, or upon men who had
dared to exhibit an unpalatable independence. He was not
above the suspicion of having connived at jobs in favour
of his relatives and dependents ; but when his faults were
-all summed up and charged with the heavy interest which
the world adds in all cases where it has to deal with truly
able men, it was asserted that his merits far outweighed
his defects. He had dominated over all classes — as much
over the civilian as the soldier. He had borne down all
enmity from without, and claimed to have exacted respect
from within. It was said that he had given up the whole of
his talents and time to the public service ; that he
thought like a statesman, and worked like a secretary ;
that he had added two fair provinces to the dominions of
Britain, and extinguished a crying evil in the annexation
of Oude ; that he had spent the best years of his life
amongst the people of India, and was now going home
only to die.
But the truth must be told with regard to his conquests.
Perhaps they were made, in the first place, for the honour
of his country ; but it was the nature of Lord Dalhousie
'to make a policy that he was proud of, personal to him-
self, and after awhile he became interested more from
egotism than right feeling, more as an individual than as
PLAYING WITH FIGURES. 15
€i Governor-General, in the prosperity of his new acquisi-
tions. Prudence would have dictated that, with the in-
crease of territories, the increase of physical strength
should have gone hand in hand; for if the addition of
100,000 square miles of country required no extra troops
to guard it, it followed as a matter of course that the
previous military expenditure had been needlessly lavish.
The mode adopted by the late Governor-General to make
the Punjaub and Pegu appear self-supporting, was the not
very dignified process of " cooking accounts," by debiting
the whole military charge of the troops occupying these
provinces to the Bengal and Madras Presidencies. He
had pandered skilfully to the weakness of our countrymen,
for wherever it is possible to combine the merchant's love
of gain with the soldier's desire of distinction, the rule of
force is sure to dominate. The English are a Christian
nation, but they trust to the civilizing influences of com-
merce, rather than of creeds, and acknowledge a " mission"
to teach the Bible wherever the sword can find a ready
and profitable entrance. No one doubted the ability of
the British Government to retain a permanent hold of
Aifghanistan, had they chosen to put forth the strength of
the empire, but it was abandoned because it would not
pay to be constantly fighting with the inhabitants. Had
the latter been Bengalees or Cashmerians, it is quite cer-
tain that, whatever opinions might be entertained at home
with regard to our right of interference on behalf of Shah
Soojah, the majority of statesmen would have decided
that, having once advanced, we could not retreat with
safety to the rest of the Queen's dominions in the East.
Scinde was acquired by means not more nefarious than
those which have given us possession of half our Indian
Empire, but the gain was dubious at best, and the con-
queror was unpopular at the India House. So it was re-
solved to set down the province in the annual accounts at
its true commercial value, and there is no saying what
point a constant deficiency of revenue as compared
with expenditure in this instance may not have given
to the harangues of parliamentary orators, Avho think
that the career of conquest ought to be put an end to.
The Court of Directors have always deplored the achieve-
16 THE SEPOY KEVOLT.
Bient in question, as a merchant would annually sigh over
a branch of business which he was obliged to maintain at
a certain loss.
If the wars which gave us Pegu and the Pnnjaub were
shown to be as unproductive as those which planted the
British flag at Cabul and Hydrabad, it is quite certain
that the Court of Directors would no more honour Lord
Dalhousie than they honoured Sir Charles Napier, and
that in like manner the legislature would denounce his
evident passion for extending the boundaries of our rule
as strongly as they assailed Lord Auckland on the score of
a similar policy. The sole advantage which the marquis
has over the earl is in the superior commercial results ;
but that is sufficient to convert aggression into beneficence,
censure into glory. In the one case, blood has been trans-
muted into gold ; in the other, it was poured out on a
ban-en soil, and bore no harvest save that of unavailing
tears.
And it is not merely that the insane passion for terri-
torial extension is nourished by the deception resorted to ;
but it inflicts gross injustice on the inhabitants of the old
Presidencies. It is felt to be but right that the available
Indian surplus should be laid out in works of improve-
ment ; but when the distribution comes to be considered,
the districts that contribute the most to the fund will, of
course, put forward claims to the largest portion of outlay.
There is no part of our Eastern empire where profitable
employment cannot be found for all the sums that Go-
vernment and private capitalists combined are ever likely
to furnish : so that on no decent pretence could the sur-
plus taxation of the Punjaub be appropriated to public
works in Madras. Each part of India, then, is vitally
interested in guarding against attempts to saddle it with
the payment of charges that ought to be defrayed by
another portion of territory. "What would Middlesex say
if it were compelled to pay, in addition to its own share
of war taxes, the quota that ought to be contributed by
Scotland] How would our notions of equity be out-
raged, if a law were passed which compelled poor labourers
in Dorsetshire to defray the costs of a rural police in
Somersetshire ? Yet in neither case would more injustice
GLORY THAT YIELDS NO PROFIT. 17
be done than was perpetrated by Lord Dalhousie for the
benefit of his pet provinces.
It is not requisite that we should enter into arguments
to show the necessity of debiting each part of the British
dominions in the East with the cost of the troops employed
in it, so long as the revenue and expenditure of each pro-
vince is kept distinct. The English public acknowledges
the justice of the arrangement in the case of Scinde.
Taking, then, the annual cost of the 40,000 troops sta-
tioned in the Punjaub at 531. for each European, and 2SL
for each native soldier, an estimate which does not include
the expense incurred on account of the Commanders-in-
Chief and the army-staff, we find the whole amounts to
upwards of a million sterling ! Not an item of this charge
was allowed to appear in the accounts furnished to Par-
liament, the whole of the burden being thrown on the
other Presidencies ; and though the Madras Government
earnestly protested from time to time against being sad-
dled with the military charges of Pegu, the districts as-
signed by the Nizam, the Saugor and Nerbudda territories,
and the Straits Settlements, their remonstrances were of
no avail. Wherever a surplus revenue could be obtained,
it was paid, of course, into the Bengal treasury ; where a
deficit occurred, as in the case of Burmah and the country
of the five rivers, Bengal or Madras made things appear
pleasant. Meanwhile the Sepoys of the former Presi-
dency complained that they were harassed by long
marches, sent far away over the sea in one direction, and
in another, beyond the confines of Hindostan, where they
must expect to live in perpetual conflict with tribes of
men who surpassed them in physical power and daring.
A feeling compounded of the weariness that possessed the
Greeks of Alexander when they arrived from the path of
the setting sun on the banks of the Jhelum, and of the
insolence of the Boman Praetorians, filled their minds, and
the far-sighted Napier warned the Government that the
fidelity of the Indian host was not to be relied on. They
had come to despise authority, and felt themselves to be
objects of dread to their nominal masters, who anxiously
availed themselves of every chance pretext for enlarging
their immunities, and increasing their store of comforts.
18 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
The system under which they held together had grown
utterly unsuited to the maintenance of discipline ; age,
and not merit, constituted the only claim to promotion ;
strength of will and vigour of brain were of no use to the
man who could not show gray hairs and an increasing
stomach. The guards were relieved weekly, and when the
Brahmin was not on sentry, he took off his uniform, tied
a native cloth round his loins, and took his ease like any
Sybarite. Before he could cook his food, he must undergo
ablutions and say his prayers ; and if the shadow of a Sudra
or of a commanding officer was projected upon his brass
lotah or his heap of rice, the food and the utensil became
accursed.
The Mussulman Khitmutgar, who performs his daily
devotions before the shrine of the prophet, will bring the
flesh of the unclean beast from the kitchen, whe7*e it has
been boiled by the Mahomedan cook, and place it on the
table before the infidel, his master ; the punka-wallah will
fan the flies away from the joint of beef; the bearer will
throw away dirty water, though each of them in doing so
commits an offence against the prejudices of caste. A pros-
pect of good pay on the one hand, and a life of hardship
on the other, has sufficient weight with them to overcome
religious scruples, and if successive Governments had been
as firm with the Bengal Sepoy as necessity has obliged us
to be with our domestics, we should have heard nothing
of greased cartridges at the present moment, or of the
thousand insolent requirements of caste in times past.
Those who are acquainted with the inner life of the
Brahmins know that the bonds which they would fain
persuade Europeans are harder than adamant, and dearer
to them than life itself, are in realit}r but feeble strands,
which they break and reunite at will. We have tried to
ignore the differences of nature's creating ; we have made
a law of kindness which is only observed by ourselves,
and petted the dark-skinned mercenary to the top of his
bent, whilst soldiers of our own kith and kin have been
left to find a refuge for their heads, or food for their
families, as they best might. As usual, we have for-
gotten that charity properly begins at home, and, as
usual, have had our reward.
A GLIMPSE OF THE FUTURE. 19
And Lord Dalhousie is to be blamed for something
more than wilful blindness to the state of the native
army. He would ill deserve the credit which the world
gives him for sagacity if he had not foreseen the necessity
for a large addition to the European force ; and it is no
good defence of his reputation to allege, as may perhaps
be clone, that he urged the Court of Directors and the
Board of Control to send out reinforcements. Placed as
he was with the public opinion of England and India at
his back, and for a long while standing out amongst the
politicians of his time as the only man who could govern
India, he might have carried out his policy in spite of
all opposition ; but his heart was in the balance-sheet of
his administration. He cared more for results which
were favourable to his personal reputation, than for
strengthening the defences of the empire. He passed
away from the scene of his labours, and, following his
footsteps, we discern the shadows of the Company's Raj,
the mastership of the Brahmin, and the phantoms of
want and misery which, for a century past, have kept in
the wake of the conquerors of British India. We have
a terrible loss to repair, a mighty vengeance to inflict;
but when the twofold work is done, the brightest days of
the East will follow. Let us have fair play for the ener-
gies of England, and the desert places of Hindostan shall
flourish and blossom like the rose.
CHAPTER II.
THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA. — SKETCHES OF LEADING STATESMEN. —
STKANGE UNANIMITY OF UNFITNESS.
IN an evil hour for the country, Lord Canning was ap-
pointed to succeed the Marquis of Dalhousie. Such a
choice could only have been made under the supposition
that government in India was so purely a matter of
routine, that it was not of the least moment who oc-
cupied the vice-regal palace in Calcutta, and took the
wages of chief ruler. He had been more than twenty
years in the House of Peers, and had never exhibited a
sign of the capacity for empire. The impression which
20 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
he left on the minds of men who transacted business
with him was that of plaintive imbecility. He could
never acquire experience, and he had no insight into
character. One man's opinion was as good to him as
that of another. He took counsel from all, and received
help from none. The last man that encountered him on
his way to the council-chamber had him as a prey. He
was haunted with the idea that the secretaries were sup-
posed really to govern India ; and in order to disabuse
the public mind of that belief he would occasionally
reverse a conclusion which they had adopted for the best
of reasons, or substitute in the wording of a despatch
the term expedient in lieu of "necessary." An honest,
courageous English gentleman, he only wanted breadth
of understanding and the power of reliance. He would
have ruled with credit to himself, but the secret of how
to manage wisely was never disclosed to him.
The Supreme Government of India is earned on by
two councils, the first of which, with the assistance of
the Secretaries, forms the Indian Ministry. The Execu-
tive Council consists of the Commander-in-Chief for the
time being, who takes his seat, when in Calcutta, as an
extraordinary member, and four ordinary members ; at
present Messrs. Doiin, Peacock, Grant, and General Low.
Mr. Dorin is Vice- President, and what is familiarly termed
the Indian Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The Legislative Council is composed of seven members,
each Presidency having its representative. Mr. Dorin is
Vice-President, Mr. D. Elliot sits for Madras, Mr. Le
Geyt for Bombay, Mr. Currie for Bengal, Mr. Harrington
for the North-west Provinces. The Chief Justice and
Sir Arthur Buller are assumed to represent the law and
the general public.
The Honourable Mr. Dorin had been thirty-six years
in India. He had achieved reputation as the presumed
author of the financial measures which reflected so much
discredit on the closing years of Lord Dalhousie's ad-
ministration. Versed in statistics and skilful in the use
of figures, he would always acquit himself successfully in
times when there was a surplus revenue, a contented
population, and a reign of peace. So long as the quali-
MEMBERS OF THE INDIAN MINISTRY. 21
ties which made up the model official were sufficient to
uphold his prestige, Mr. Dorm took high rank ; but, like
his honourable masters, he has fallen on evil days. The
clay has come in contact with the brass, to the infinite
damage of the former.
Of General Low it is almost sufficient to say, that he
had been fifty- three years in the service. He was known
throughout India as a kind-hearted honourable man, ripe
in knowledge of the native character, and friendly to the
support of Asiatic dynasties. He was opposed to the
annexation of Nagpore, and looked with no friendly eye
on the absorption of Oude. His heart was with the
memories of the past, and his mind too feeble to sus-
tain the anxieties of State policy. Had his faculties
answered to his will, a vast amount of evil would have
been averted.
The Honourable Mr. J. P. Grant was a civilian of
thirty years' standing. He belonged to a family dis-
tinguished for obstructive ability, and, like some other
men, enjoyed a reputation which always outran his actual
performances. People valued him more for what he was
thought capable of doing, than for what he had done.
His stock of political capital, if small at first, had never
been diminished, though it would seem that the interest
could never be sufficient to maintain him. Thoroughly
schooled in forms and precedents, he walked by rules
which he seemed to despise, and obtained credit for
having the most liberal ideas, whilst no one could point
to acts which justified such a belief. Under Lord Dal-
housie, he would have been an accession to the strength
of Government; but acting with Lord Canning, he was
attracted by the vast bulk of mediocrity, and gravitated
to the dull level of his colleagues. He might really have
possessed great capacity, which he was too indolent to
exhibit to the world.
The guiding spirit in the Legislative Council, and who
exercised, we believe, no small influence as well in the
Executive, was the Honourable Mr. Barnes Peacock. This
gentleman, a barrister-at-law, became famous at the period
of Mr. O' Council's trial, when, to the bewilderment of
statesmen and judges, he found out a flaw in the proceed-
22 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
ings, which being duly commented upon through hundreds
of hours and thousands of pages, led to the liberation of
the arch-agitator. From that hour the fortune of Mr.
Peacock was achieved : he was at once acknowledged as
the first of special pleaders, the great master of quibbles.
His mind was a perfect microscope, incapable of taking
large views of the simplest and nearest objects, but making
all small things appear large. His precise knowledge of
the framework of legislation, and undeniable skill in the
more recondite mysteries of jurisprudence, gave him, as
a matter of course, commanding influence over his col-
leagues, who looked up to him with the same feelings of
respect that a martial volunteer feels for the accomplished
veteran who has seen unlimited service, and knows how
to make disposition of an army. Mr. Peacock was trans-
ferred in the decline of life from the Courts of West-
minster to make law for the vast population of British
India, composed of a hundred nations, all differing from
each other. We owe it to him that the Black Acts have
almost been promulgated, a calamity from which we have
been at least temporarily relieved by the scarcely greater
evil of rebellion. Had the plans of the Court of Direc-
tors been carried out, the Hindoos and Mussulmans might
have inaugurated the revolt by the previous imprisonment,
according to law, of every Englishman of wealth or influ-
ence in the country. Meanwhile Mr. Peacock earned his
salary by the quantity, if not by the quality, of his labours,
and scarcely a Saturday passed over, on which he did not
come down with a draft, which was made law in about
forty minutes. Of the rest of his colleagues in the Le-
gislative Council, it is needless to say anything. The
Queen's judges seldom or never cared to interfere against
the will of the Government, and no one thought of hold-
ing Messrs. Currie and Le Geyt responsible for what was
enacted.
Next, perhaps, to the Governor-Greneral, the Secretaries
take the most important part in the work of administra-
tion. It is their duty to rough-hew the business about
to be brought before the supreme authority ; to abstract
cases and reports, hunt up whatever has been done pre-
viously on the subject, and suggest what ought to be done
THE GOVERNMENT SECRETARIES. 23
on the current occasion. Such an office, of necessity,
gives its holder great power, and where the head of the
Government and Secretary understand the true require-
ments of their position, and have no desire to go beyond
it, the aid of the latter is almost invaluable. The task of
all others the most irksome and wearying, is that of
searching for acts and precedents ; whence it follows that,
if the Secretary can instil a feeling of reliance upon his
industry, impartiality, and judgment, he is enabled to in-
fluence most of the acts of Government. Under an idle
viceroy he is all powerful j under a foolish one, who has
not the capacity to understand the affairs submitted for
his decision, he may be unreasonably snubbed, and un-
wisely meddled with, but in the main he will have his
own way. It is of much importance, then, to the interests
of British India, that the persons who fill those respect-
able posts should be men of good capacity and enlarged
experience.
The Secretaries of the Indian Government are Mr.
Cecil Beadon, Home Department, Mr. G. F. Edmonstone,
Foreign, and Col. B. J. H. Birch, C. B., Secretary in the
Military Department. The two first named were intel-
lectual and painstaking, supposed to be always capable of
giving good advice, and we should hope equally disposed
to offer it. They had an intimate acquaintance with the
machinery of administration, and as workers up of the
raw material of government could hardly be superseded
with advantage to the State. How far they are respon-
sible for the present state of affairs is a matter that we
need not inquire into, seeing that the onus, if any, is
cheerfully taken by their superiors. No such thing as
resignation is ever contemplated by an Indian placeman
when balked in the attempt to carry out his views. He
has no public to appeal to who will do justice between
him and his opponents. He is a part of the machinery,
which, if worn out or broken, can at once be replaced, and
when thrown aside is forgotten by all men. The fact of
no responsibility serves the civilian in lieu of a conscience.
He advances no interest, public or private, by refusing to
execute an order of which he disapproves, or renouncing
the service when the policy of his masters offends his
24 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
moral sense. In our clays Sir Charles Napier afforded the
only instance of a voluntary surrender of rank and dignity
in obedience to the promptings of insulted ieeling, and he
was a Queen's officer, said to be avaricious, and known to
have an inordinate fondness for power. It has been
thought a matter of wonderment that Indian politicians,
who have acquired the widest reputation in that country,
fail without a single exception on the theatre of home
politics ; but does not the fact of their moral subjugation
furnish a key to the mystery ?
There is but little to remark on the subject of Col.
Birch. The public which extols the ability of Messrs.
Beadon and Edmonstone have no unjust predilections,
and their verdict must be taken as impartial in both
instances.
In a lottery there are sometimes two chances, one for
the highest and one for the lowest throw ; and in the
struggle for high office and consideration, the Military
Secretary had made a cast below which it was impossible
to score. But he held on to his salary of more than
4000£ per annum, with a tenacity of purpose that indi-
cated considerable strength of character. Of the Bengal
army as it existed, he knew nothing : he was barely con-
scions of the fact of the rebellion, and utterly ignorant of
the causes that led to it ; but his task is ended, and he lias
3iad his wages. The Indian army has abolished itself, and
Col. Birch will soon have to follow its example.
The Honourable Mr. Halliday was Lieut. -Governor of
Bengal. Mr. Halliday was a man who had a right to
consider himself aggrieved if any class of politicians spoke
ill of him. He was in the habit of denouncing with great
force abuses which, by some fatalit}^, never grew less
under his immediate rule. The Indian reformer quoted
his evidence, and the old civilian cited his practice. His
theories suggested freedom, and his policy upheld tyranny.
He had written against " boy magistrates," and against
the fearful iniquities perpetrated by thp police ; but
no youthful member of the civil service lacks employment
in Bengal ; no darogah, or chief constable, cares more, in
consequence, for the liberty of the subject. In July last
Mr. Halliday announced to the deputy-magistrate of
THE DEPUTY AT HIS WITS END. 25
Serampore, an Armenian gentleman who was content to
do at half-price the work of a covenanted officer, that he
should remove him from that station in consequence of
proved unfitness. There had been a holy fair at Seram-
j>ore, at which 80,000 pilgrims were present. It com-
menced on the -anniversary of Plassey, and lasted for a
week. The disarmed regiments at Barrackpore, on the
opposite bank of the river, were in a highly excited state,
and two or three men had been put to death for urging
thorn to mutiny. A general rising was expected, and at
the earnest request of the inhabitants, the deputy-magi s-
trute wrote to the brigadier at Barrackpore for the aid of
a few Europeans whilst the fair lasted ; whereas he should
have applied in the first instance to the magistrate, who
lived at Hooghly. The magistrate would have written to
the commissioner of the division ; the commissioner of the
division would have forwarded the request to the brigadier ;
the brigadier in due course would address the general
commanding at Barrackpore, who would write to the
military secretary; who, if he took the responsibility upon
himself, would tell the general to order the brigadier to
instruct the commanding officer of a certain regiment to
send a detachment across the river, at the same time
taking care that the commissioner, the magistrate, and
the deputy all had the opportunity of corresponding
again with each other on the subject. When the humbled
official meekly remarked that before all the above for-
malities were gone through every European might be
murdered, Mr. Halliday replied, " Well ! and what is that
to you ]" to which the deputy was obliged of course to
say, " Oh, nothing, sir," at the same time backing out of
the Presence.
Mr. Halliday had a strong dislike to the press, his anti-
pathy being as reasonable as that of a child who hates the
fire because it has had the misfortune to burn its fingers.
He was foolish enough to enter into a public controversy
with the private secretary of Lord Dalhousie, who was un-
accountably permitted by that nobleman to impugn the
veracity of the Lieut-Governor. Mr. Halliday was one
of the chief promoters of the act which gagged the Indian
journals, and took care to make use of the power with
26 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
which the law invested him. At the date of the revolt
he was not popular with any class of the Anglo-Indian
community, the members of his own service not excluded.
The Governor of Madras was the son of the man who
took Seringapatam. Lord Harris was polished, bene-
volent, and replete with a melancholy grace of person
and demeanour ; the kind of nobleman that a respectable
solicitor likes to have always on hand, for taking the chair
at public meetings, and reflecting credit on joint-stock
enterprises. He rather loved all mankind than other-
wise ; but if he had a dislike, it was to Roman Catholics,
and people who made a noise about things. Nature
had given him a liberal disposition, Christianity had made
him a socialist, circumstances had converted him into a
warm supporter of bureaucracy. He loved sincerity, and
was always to be influenced by the counsels of conscien-
tious persons. No trouble was too great which promised
to afford relief to oppressed multitudes ; no odium was
too formidable to be encountered in the discharge of duty.
He originated the famous Torture commission, and wrote
a long minute against the liberty of the press. He was
opposed to the private ownership of land in Madras, and
set on foot a survey of the soil, which will be completed
in about thirty-six years, if nothing occurs to interrupt
the work. His politics in August last were anti-Mahorne-
dan, but liable, of course, to modification.
Lord Elphinstone, who, about twenty years since, was
Governor of Madras, was the Governor of Bombay at the
time of the revolt. Whilst at the former Presidency his
hospitality and love of gaiety were remarkable ; but if he
had any chance of distinguishing himself at Bombay, it
was suffered to pass unimproved.
The North-west Provinces were under the rule of
Lieut. -Governor the Hon. J. R. Colvin, a distinguished
member of the civil service, Mr. Colvin commenced his
public life as the private secretary of Lord Auckland, was
afterwards commissioner of the Tenasserim provinces, and
Sudder Judge, being promoted from the latter post to his
present appointment. He was not fortunate in his mode
of dealing with the mutiny, and died on the 9th day of
September last.
THE ASIATIC PEIESTS AS SOLDIERS. 27
It was with such tools, good and bad, that the govern-
ment of India had to be carried on from January, 1857,
until such time as the good genius of England should decree
otherwise.
CHAPTER III.
COMPOSITION OP THE INDIAN ARMIES. — CASTE PREJUDICES OF THE
BRAHMIN. — CAUSES OF THE REVOLT. — CONDITION OF OUDE.
THE military force in India comprises four distinct armies,
made up of the Queen's regiments, and the separate armies
of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay. The services of the
Bengal troops are rarely required beyond the limits of
their own Presidency ; but it has occasionally happened^
that special emergency has demanded their aid, which
Las never been accorded without much dissatisfaction,
and in some instances the outbreak of mutiny. The sea
— Kalapawnee, or blackwater — is an object of special »
dread to them, involving damage to their caste and im-
pairing their efficiency as soldiers, since their religion
will not allow them to cook food on board ship, but
compels them to live on dry pulse, sugar, and stagnant
water. According to the strict rule of their faith, no
Brahmin can be a soldier, since the law forbids them to
take life ; but they overlook this vital principle for the
sake of pay and profit. The cow is a sacred animal in
their estimation, but they consent to wear shoes made of
leather rather than march barefoot, and have no objection
to relax the observance of any article of devout profes-
sion, whenever it stands in the way of repose or rupees.
Tall and handsomely made, with a love of idleness and
display which makes up in no slight degree the character
of a model soldier, they are to outward appearance the
beau ideal of a warrior race. The rules of the service
provide that only a limited number of Brahmins, put of
the thousand men- composing the regiment, shall be enter-
tained ; but it seldom happens that less than two-thirds
are really borne on the muster-roll, their custom being to
enrol themselves as Rajpoots or Chettryas, which they
may do with impunity, the Brahmin being permitted to
28 THE SEPOY EEVOLT.
take up and lay down his caste at pleasure. Where they
are really religious, their conscientious scruples interfere
with the performance of half the duties which a soldier
should perform ; and where otherwise, their idleness and
insolence make them even worse servants of the State.
They must live and mess by themselves, 110 man of any
inferior caste being allowed to come within a certain dis-
tance of their cooking-places, lest the wind should sweep
the taint of his pollution across the food intended to
nourish the stomachs of the twice-born. The strength
of discipline is materially impaired by the reverence
which the chief native commissioned officer entertains
for the rawest recruit who may happen to be a member
of the priestly class. The feeling in this respect is
exactly analogous to that which most London tradesmen
would entertain with regard to the son of a nobleman,
whom poverty or eccentricity might compel to serve
behind the counter. Whilst regiments belonging to tlio
other Presidencies will cheerfully take spade and pick-
fix e, and work when occasion calls for their services, the
Bengal Brahmin would rather submit to any incon-
venience than contaminate his hands with the m^rks of
labour. He is never more, but often less, than a fighting
man, who has been pampered till, as was natural to an
Asiatic under such circumstances, he lapsed into rebellion.
Happily, he has now abolished himself, and his family
traditions of pay and pension, enjoyed from father to sou
for generations, are brought to a close.
The nominal proportion of the various castes, as borne
on the books of the 34th Regiment, N.I., may be taken
as a fair index to the composition of the whole Bengal
army, it being always understood of men entered as
Eajpoots and Chettryas, that numbers belong in reality
to the superior class. The roll on the occasion of the
disbandment stood as follows : —
Brahmins 335
Chettryas 237
Lower Caste Hindoos 231
Christians ....... 12
Mussulmans 200
Sikhs 74
Total , 1089
SOLDIEKLY QUALITIES OF THE SIKHS. 29
The orders of Government provide for the enlistment
of 200 Sikhs in every regiment, and had the instruction
always been complied with, it might have fared better
with the army at large. The Sikh is a born soldier,
caring nothing whatever for caste, save in the instance
0f a veneration for the cow, and anxious above all things
to uphold his reputation as a genuine fighter. In the
field he is a match for any two or more Hindoos, and
prides himself upon his near resemblance to the Euro-
pean, whose prowess he regards with dread and admira-
tion. He messes with the rest of his comrades, cooks
with them at a common fireplace, eats pork and drinks
rum like an Anglo-Saxon, and will handle with equal
relish the musket and the pioneer's axe : but then he is
independent, and lacks the cringing spirit which too
many of our countrymen are fond of. He refuses to
cut his beard, and does not look seemly in the ranks
amongst the neat, smooth-shaved Brahmins, and so he
has got to be disliked by adjutants and commanding
officers, snubbed when offering himself for service, and
looked down upon if entertained, instead of being cared
for and led to identify himself with the feelings and
interests of the dominant race. Then his sect is dying
out in the Punjaub, and the spirit of the Khalsa no
longer lives in the sons of the men who shook our
power at Ferozeshah and Moodkee, and needed but the
aid of honest men as leaders to come to death grips with
us in the rice-fields of Bengal. With but one partial
exception, they have stood true to us throughout the
present troubles when embodied in separate corps, but
have been too weak to withstand the united influence
pf Brahmin and Mussulman. They despise the Hindoo
and hate the Mussulman, and we believe may be safely
trusted under wise restrictions for the future.
The Mahomedan element in the ranks of the native
army has hitherto been looked upon as a counterpoise to
the power of the Hindoos, but recent events have shown
how thoroughly they can fraternize with the latter when
ihe object is to destroy a common foe. There is nothing
/of the ennobling qualities which dignify the creed of the
Prophet in the persons of Turks and Arabs to be found
c
30 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
in the Mussulmans of India. Brutally ignorant and
superstitious, they have engrafted the idolatry of Asia
upon the tenets of the Koran, and look upon all Euro-
peans as being infidels and unclean, whom it is a duty to
slay whenever occasion serves. The bitter hatred with
which Orangemen and Roman Catholics used to regard
each other in Ireland has its intensified type in the feel-
ing entertained towards us by the whole Mussulman race.
Fierce antipathy to our creed, intense loathing of our
persons, and never-ceasing dread of English valour and
ability, make up the impression which is stamped on the
minds of their children in early infancy, and deepens
with every year of growth. We are a perpetual barrier
in their path in whatever direction their footsteps tend.
We will not let them win heaven by slaughtering Kafirs,
enjoy liberty by oppressing Hindoos, or achieve wealth
by plundering whoever is too weak to offer resistance.
Prophet, king, and noble, we are the enemies of all, and
the time is come when the Faithful perceive a chance of
avenging themselves. Here and there a man may be
heard of who, from interest, or through taking a more
enlarged view of public affairs, supports the English
Government; but the vast majority of all classes detest
us with a fervour which blood hardly suffices to allay.
The Madras and Bombay Sepoy armies, though com-
posed of men far inferior in appearance to the Bengal
regiments, are yet infinitely more efficient as soldiers,
because caste has little or no weight with them. They
will go anywhere and perform every part of a soldier's
duty, as cheerfully as Europeans. A large proportion of
the Madras regiments are composed of low-caste Hin-
doos, with whom no scruples on the score of religion
weigh against the performance of duty. In the Southern
Presidency the families of the men always accompany
them, a custom which, however inconvenient in general,
and at times productive of dissatisfaction, affords an
almost certain guarantee for the fidelity of the men.
Their sons, as they grow up, hang about the lines and the
officers' quarters, pick up a modicum of English, eagerly
avail themselves of every opening to play at servants or
soldiers, and by the time they arrive at manhood, or the
COMPARISON OF BENGAL AND MADRAS SEPOYS. 31
age at which they are permitted to "be taken on the
strength of the corps, have been thoroughly identified
with it. A certain number of them are enlisted under
the denomination of " recruit boys," and the sons of
Sepoys who have died in battle or on foreign service
receive a monthly allowance. Throughout the native
Indian army, the nearest relative of the soldier killed in
action or who dies abroad is pensioned.
It is hardly to be expected that men, however honest
and high-minded, should be found willing to denounce
the evils of a system from which they derive the means of
existence ; but never have Bengal and Madras troops
been brigaded together, that dislike and dissension have
not sprung up on the part both of officers and men. The
Bengal officer, proud of the magnificent appearance of his
troops, experienced, as his eye glanced along the line on
parade, the feeling with which a man of wealth contem-
plates the aristocratic air of his butler, and the glorious
calves of his footman. By the side of the small, meagre
Madrassee, mean in look, and low in moral estimation,
the Brahmin or Rajpoot from Oude suggested a com-
parison between the high-blooded racer and the drudg-
ing hack ; and if war was not another name for work
such as tasks the highest capacity both of body and will,
the superiority would be real as well as apparent. But
the comparison which holds good on the review-ground
halts in the trenches, on the nightly bivouac, or the
guarded post. The Madrassee will handle a spade as
readily as a musket. He eats and sleeps in his uniform
when on guard, crosses the sea without a murmur, and
cooks his food wherever he can obtain fire and water.
The handsome high-caste Brahmin lords it over him as
naturally as a member of the peerage dominates over a
Sheffield radical, and he avenges himself much after the
Yorkshire fashion, by vaunting his more useful gifts,
He can walk further, shoot straighter, and fight better,
according to Madras traditions, and we are not sure that
the boast is ill-founded. " Who will follow a damned
black fellow1?" was the exclamation of a little Madras
Sepoy, as he dashed into the open in the face of a wither-
ing fire. The implied sense of degradation and conscious-
c2
32 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
ness of bravery were shared in, perhaps, by the great
majority of his comrades.
Nearly a third of the Bombay army is made up of
Poorbeah Brahmins : from one to two hundred men in
each regiment are Mussulmans, and the remainder is
composed of low-caste Hindoos with a sprinkling of Jews.
The high-caste Sepoys are of course as factiously disposed
as their brethren in Bengal, and it is more than probable
that, but for the occurrence of the war with Persia, which
drew away so large a portion of the western army, and
their subsequent employment in small detachments scat-
tered over the whole of the Presidency, they would have
followed in a great measure the example of Bengal. He
would be a bold man who would venture to risk much
that he cared to lose on the fidelity at this moment of any
portion of the Sepoy army.
For Sepoys, as well as for English soldiers, discipline
must always have a certain force ; and before habits of
obedience, however slight, could be broken, and advan-
tages dearly prized be put to hazard, a powerful influence
must have long been at work. The sense of individual
wrong, the hope of individual gain, or a feeling of sym-
pathy for the victims of oppression, may in any part of
Europe turn the soldier into a rebel ; but we may put
the latter motive wholly aside where the Bengal Sepoys
are concerned. These men ever have been, and will con-
tinue to be, the willing tools of power, no matter how it
•was acquired, or in what way it was exercised. They
have no regard for deposed Kajahs, no pity for tortured
ryots. The word patriotism has no place in their vocabu-
lary. The leopard may refuse for a time to hunt for its
former master, but not from any kindly feeling towards
the helpless deer. It might be hard for us to make out
a claim to be considered the friends of the Indian peasant,
but the Sepoy is his hereditary enemy, in whose eyes the
gains of industry are always a lawful prey.
"The origin of the mutiny must be ascribed to various
causes : the want of discipline in the Bengal army, and
the general contempt entertained by the Sepoys for
authority ; the absence of all power on the part of
commanding officers to reward or punish; the greased
CAUSES OF THE REVOLT. 33
cartridges, and the annexation of Oude. The spread of dis-
affection was owing to the marvellous imbecility of
Government in Calcutta, and the supineness of the Board
of Control. The fire raged unchecked amongst the dry
wood, and at last attacked the green.
The notoriously relaxed state of military discipline
forbids the idea that ill-usage has anything to do with the
revolt. The general regulations for the government of
the army have been so constantly modified of late years
in favour of the Sepoy, that scarcely a trace of subordina-
tion remained in practice, and but little of it in theory.
Commanding officers had gradually been deprived of the
power of interfering, except in cases of extremity ; and
from head quarters came the constant admonition to
treat him tenderly and with exceeding care. There may
of course be isolated instances of regimental hardship, but
we are now dealing with an army of mutineers, and it is
beyond possibility that military grievances should be
heavy or general. And were it otherwise in a few iso-
lated instances, the cause is not sufficient to explain the
recklessness of consequences and fiendish barbarities of
the mutineers. So far from having given these men
cause of deadly hatred, we had gone into the opposite ex-
treme. We have never read a more touching passage
than the following, in which an officer writing from
Neemuch details his latest experience of Sepoy gratitude :
" I have been many years with my regiment ; I have
lived among the men, marched over the length and breadth
of the land with them ; I have fought with them, trusted
them, respected them, cared for them, treated them with
kindness and consideration always, attended to all their
wants, redressed as far as lay in my power their griev-
ances ; and yet these men have been hatching treason
against the State for months — perhaps years. While
coming to me and in daily intercourse with me, they have
been treacherously plotting against my life, and with the
foulest and blackest ingratitude I ever heard or read of,
they sent me away with such a shower of bullets over my
head as I never had before except at Chillian walla ; and
not content with this, they burnt my house to the ground,
and leave me and my family beggars."
34 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
We have not space to dwell upon the interior economy
of the Sepoy ranks in Bengal, but crowds of instances
might be cited in proof of the laxity of military rule
which prevailed amongst them ; and, to show the little
account that was made latterly of commanding officers,
we need only cite the minute of Lord Canning on the
subject of the Divisional Order issued by Major-General
Hearsey, on the 5th of April last, announcing the pro-
motion to the rank of havildar of Sepoy Shaik Phuttoo,
of the 34th N.I., who, to use the words of Government,
" gallantly defended his officer against the murderous
attack of the mutineer Mungul Pandy." His lordship
goes 011 to remark, " It is not in the power of the Major-
General commanding the division to make this promotion,
which can proceed only from the Government of India, and
therefore should not have appeared in a Divisional Order
without the sanction of the Government." The officer
thus reprimanded has attained all but the highest rank
in the service, which he entered before Lord Canning was
born ; and his offence was that he had elevated to the
rank of sergeant a man whose merit consisted in this,
that he had hindered individual murder, and perhaps
stayed for a season the mutiny of a regiment. We are
also cognizant of a case, wherein the commandant of an
irregular corps tried for a whole twelvemonth to get a
man, who had saved his life in action, promoted to the
rank of naick or corporal, and was obliged to give up the
attempt in the end. The officer in command of a corps
cannot advance a Sepoy to the lowest grade of promotion,
or sentence a non-commissioned officer to an hour's drill.
He is only like the private, a portion of the military
machine, and not its motive power. He cannot mark
his dislikes or show his sense of merit. One man is made
the same to him as another, and it is scarcely to be won-
dered at that in the day of trial he was found to have in-
spired but little respect, and to have no influence. The
Asiatic never rates a man as above the rank accorded to
him by their common superiors.
Of the officers of the Indian army in all the Presiden-
cies a full moiety are absent from their regiments. There
is one Bengal corps without a single captain, and six that
THE SYSTEM OP STAFF APPOINTMENTS. 35
have but one each. The battalion of artillery commanded
by the late Sir Henry Lawrence only musters three
officers for duty, two of whom are lieutenants. Two hun-
dred and forty-one officers at the head of the Bengal list
average forty years' service each ; two hundred and forty-
two at the bottom count but nineteen months and have
been with their regiments less than a year each. Of the
absentees, two hundred and twelve are in civil or political
employ.
It is a defective system which leaves an average of only
twelve officers present with their regiments out of a nomi-
nal complement of twenty-six, and which makes the corps
a penal settlement ; but it is not without its advantages,
and has certainly had no share in causing the mutinies.
There are very few men who display at an early age the
ability that is found to be so valuable in the East, and
hence it is of much importance to have a wide field from
which to select the men that are required for the various
posts unsuited to the habits or the expectations of the civil
service. A military or medical man is only too happy if,
at the end of ten years' service, he can draw 800 rupees
monthly, when the civilian will decline an appointment
below 1500 or 2000. Every office in Pegu is adminis-
tered by military men, and their law is not much worse
than that of the ordinary judicial department. If sitting
011 the bench were like sitting in the saddle, and the ad-
ministration of justice were a kind of fighting, we should
perhaps hear of the distinction between regular and irre-
gular judges, the real difference being a matter of uniform.
So far as the junior officers are concerned, we can reco-
gnise no benefit to discipline from their performance of
regimental duties. They can alter nothing and influence
nothing. They dare not enter a Sepoy's hut or even walk
down the lines at his feeding time. What little authority
was permitted by army head quarters the commanding
officer naturally engrossed, and the subaltern found him-
self in all respects a veritable cipher. And beyond the
range of regimental duty, what sympathy could there pos-
sibly be between himself and the native soldier, whether
Sepoy or subadar ? The latter had risen from the ranks,
and, if a Brahmin, was in five cases out of six unable to
36 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
read his own sacred books. A quarter of a century back
a state of things somewhat different prevailed. There
might have been seen at that time, in the officers' quar-
ters, a native female occupying the position of mistress of
the household ; the future Olive sitting on the floor in the
loosest of garments, eating pillau with his fingers ; Sepoys
coming to and fro with gifts of sweetmeats to their little
nephews and nieces, or bearing nuzzurs and petitions to
the " Bebee sahib" for pardon or promotion. Under such
circumstances there could have been no conspiracy hatched
of which the European would be ignorant. He had iden-
tified himself with native interests, albeit of the baser
sort, and was a brother in feeling, if not in features. But
should we sigh for a return of the days, which a few old
Indians still mourn? Should we exchange the task of
raising the Hindoo to the European, for the easier one of
lowering ourselves to the Asiatic level? Happily, the
growth of Christian feeling has left no alternative in the
matter. The officer must continue to comport himself as a
gentleman, even at the cost of allowing the Sepoy to for-
get that he is a soldier.
We have a change to propose with regard to the present
mode of officering the army and making staff appoint-
ments, but must for the present pass on to the considera-
tion of the greased cartridge question. In spite of all that
has happened of late years to make a state of disaffection
chronic on the part of the Bengal Sepoys, in spite of the
general enlistment order and the annexation of Oude, we
are firmly of opinion that the rebellion would never have
occurred, but for the introduction of a grievance which
united all classes in a bond of deadly and needful enmity
towards us. There was but one subject which concerned
all ranks and embraced all interests, and the men to whom
the destinies of India were intrusted made the worst of it.
It is scarcely credible that the Directors of the East India
Company should have deliberately sanctioned a measure
which was as certain to cause rebellion as the issue of a
decree of extermination. A child playing with gunpow-
der is a sight of terror only ; but here were the rulers of
a mighty empire carefully carrying the torch to the maga-
zine with no purpose of causing explosion.
INTRODUCTION OF THE GREASED CARTRIDGE. 37
The Enfield rifle was not introduced into the Indian
army until a recent period; but in November, 1853, we
are told by Colonel Birch, the present Military Secretary
to the Indian Government, that the Court of Directors
sent out to India, at the request of the Board of Ord-
nance, a supply of greased cartridges, which they desired
to submit to the test of climate. " The cartridges were
greased in England in four ways, with common grease,
laboratory grease, Belgian grease, and Hoffman's grease,
and in each there was a mixture of creosote and to-
bacco." The cartridges, placed in waggons, in maga-
zines, and the soldiers' pouches, were under trial m
Cawnpore, Rangoon, and Calcutta, until June, 1854,
when, it is stated, they were sent back to England, and
reported upon. The Adjutant-General, Colonel Tucker,
addressed the Military Secretary on the subject, pointing
out the mischief that would ensue if the Sepoys took it
into their heads that they would have to handle sub-
stances the touch of which was defilement; but no heed
was given to his representations. It was nobody's official
business to take notice of such matters. When the wind
was low and the sky cloudless, why speak of precautions
, against danger? -
So much pains have been taken by the Indian Govern-
ment to disavow all connexion with missionary efforts,
that the most bigoted and ignorant of Hindoos could
hardly suspect them of even a leaning towards Chris-
tianity. Piety has never been popular with the Court
of Directors, who are not in all respects an inconsistent
body of rulers ; but it has strangely enough happened
that the Sepoys have been enabled, as they fancy, to
discern a political motive of vast weight and influence
for the destruction of caste, both in the case of Hindoos
) and Mussulmans. It will be recollected that during the
Russian war the Government were frequently counselled
in the public prints to make the Indian army available-
in the struggle. Sometimes it was suggested that regi-
ments should be sent to the colonies to relieve the
Queen's troops, and on other occasions that cavalry and
artillery should be landed in the Crimea, the one arm.
to take outpost duties, and the guns to be brigaded with
38 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the royal artillery. By degrees the notion took root that
the Russians would be victorious unless the Sepoys could
be made use of in Europe, the latter result involving of
course the previous annihilation of caste. The Persian
war and the outbreak at Canton deepened the prevailing
impression that Sepoy aid was indispensable in localities
where they must starve or eat forbidden food ; and
Government being furnished with this powerful reason,
it was not loDg before the subtle Asiatic intellect dis-
covered the supposed method by which they sought to
accomplish their object. The employment of force was
out of the question, and neither bribes nor persuasion
would induce the devout masses to pollute themselves.
It was necessary to keep the design strictly secret, and
to carry it out in every station and camp as simul-
taneously as possible. The production of a new rifle,
involving the use of a new style of cartridge, afforded
the very means requisite for the success of the plot. It
was dipped in cow's grease for the Hindoos, and pork
fat for Mussulmans. Every man must bite it before
loading; and once his lips had touched the paper, his
honour was gone for ever, and he was the bond-slave of
Government, degraded in this life and ruined in the next.
The ignorant masses were frantic with rage and fear, and
there were not wanting men willing and able to turn
their madness to the account of worthless princes. These
latter took counsel together, and summing up the chances
of mutiny, found the Bengal Sepoy master of the situa-
tion.
It is more than probable that under a commander-in-
chief who knew his duty and took care to perform it, the
signs of discontent would have been confined to a small
area. The Sepoys would have allowed the explanations
of Government their due weight, and in time have owned
the folly of their suspicions; but matters of late had
come to such a pass, that it was the fact of mutiny, and
not the pretext for it, that they cared about. They had
become so insubordinate that outbreak was inevitable ;
only what would have been a slight emeufe under Sir
Charles Napier's regime, to be repressed on the spot with
merciless vigour, became under Sir George Anson a mill-
A GREAT ADMINISTRATIVE BLUNDER. 39
tary rebellion of such dimensions as to threaten the safety
of our Eastern empire.
Naturalists have a story of a horse who once overcame
a lion in single combat, and ever afterwards was untame-
able. Luckily for equestrians the fact is unknown to
horses in general, but otherwise we might hear of a great
many successful mutinies on the part of those useful
quadrupeds. When the 38th Regiment refused to embark
for Burmah, and escaped without punishment, the horse
overcame the lion, and the lesson has not been forgotten.
Government in that case committed the fatal error of
omitting to enforce obedience to its mandates, on the
ground that the order ought not to have been issued.
The Sepoy, allowed to choose for himself as to what por-
tion of the commands of his superior shall be obeyed, is
naturally led one day to take a step in advance and refuse
to own any mastership whatever. A Government can
commit no breach of faith to its soldiers so mischievous
as that which it commits to the public when it allows a
command to be disregarded. Had the order to the 38th
to go to Burmah never been issued, or never disobeyed, it
is not likely that at this moment their lives would be for-
feited to justice.
A narrative of the introduction of the greased car-
tridges would occupy too much space in these pages. They
were greased with a composition made of five parts tallow
and five parts wax and stearine, and were sent out last
year with the Enfield rifles by the Court of Directors.
It is believed that none of them got into the hands of the
Sepoys at the various schools of instruction ; but it hap-
pened that the cartridges prepared in India for the new
rifle were made of paper greased also at the ends, and
having a shiny appearance, which was supposed to be pro-
duced by the use of grease in its composition ; and, to
quote the words of the Inspector- General of Ordnance,
" no extraordinary care appears to have been taken to
ensure the absence of any objectionable fat." Whether
the rumour was invented for political objects, or was
merely one of the thousand bazaar reports that owe their
origin to the mere love of lying, it is impossible to say;
but it got abroad that it was by the aid of the new car-
40 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
tridge that the Government designed to make Christians
of the native army. The news spread like wildfire over
the face of the land. On the 23rd of January the first
report on the subject was made to Government, and in
little more than a month afterwards the 19th Regiment
had mutinied, and the Bengal army was converted into a
rabble.
Detach credibility from a lie in England, and, however
huge its proportions, it is as harmless as a snake deprived
of its fangs. But in India, if you draw the teeth, the
virus often remains, and is active and venomous as ever.
The Asiatic considers words as mere breath. If a thing
is worth having, it is worth lying for. If deceit is the
only coinage in which your biddings will be taken, or if
it is the cheaper currency, why make your payments in
it by all means, and swear if need be to the genuine ring
of the metal. Given a desire on the part of the English
Government to destroy caste, and it was certain that they
would set about the way to gratify it. It was the habit
of the Feringhee to compass his ends by force, that
method being most facile to him ; but if the " Zubber-
dustee" mode was either impossible or impolitic, surely
he would not hesitate to employ fraud rather than let the
design fail ? The Government would of course repudiate
any such intention, else how could they carry out the
scheme ? The more they were distrusted, the more anxious
they would naturally be to do away with unfavourable
impressions. They would make speeches, get books
written, despatch circulars and proclamations, and try by
every artifice to lull the nation into a sense of security.
It was only by such a line of proceeding that the great
object could be gained, and the English were not accus-
tomed to fail. All the protestations and assurances, then,
of the Govern or- General and his chief officers concerning
the cartridges went for nothing. The question presented
for Asiatic consideration was simply as follows : — Was
there a plot to make all the Sepoys break caste uncon-
sciously 1 and the query being answered in the affirma-
tive, the disclaimers were not worth a moment's notice.
The thousand men sent adrift at Barrackpore, had at
least on an average five persons dependent upon each of
SEPOY LOGIC AND ITS DEDUCTIONS. 41
them for the means of existence. What did they think
of themselves, and what was thought of them by their
relatives 1 Were they fools or martyrs ? had they flung
away their birthright, receiving no mess of pottage? or
were they the champions of the gods on whose side the
deities might be expected to fight in the day of battle ?
The answer is easily divined. They called themselves the
victims of principle, and spread everywhere the story of
their sufferings for conscience' sake. Their wives and
fathers in the villages of Oude were content to forego
their share of pay and pension, when the Sepoy had been
obliged to choose between rebellion and apostacy. The
disbanded men told how otta, in which bone-dust was
mixed, had been served out by Government as rations,
and how magistrates, under threats of the lash and gibbet,
Jiad compelled prisoners in many of the jails to eat pork
and cow's flesh. In several stations otta was refused by
the troops, and they encouraged each other to stand firm
if Government, as was intended, should persist in the
attack upon their religion. Everywhere the fuel was
gathered into heaps, and the torch was at hand to light
up the conflagration.
And if the mutiny of the 19th was defended as a reli-
gious act, it was equally clear that, as a military offence,
the Government held it in such light estimation that
honest Hindoos need not care for the consequences of
revolt. They might hold what erroneous opinions they
pleased with regard to the designs of superior authority ;
but they knew as well as the more enlightened English-
man that the crime of refusing to bite a cartridge was as
great as that of a disobedience of orders to storm a for-
tress. The course of the Government was as clear as their
own. The issue to be decided was one of life or death,
and it had gone against the Sepoy. Government had won
the game and demanded the stakes. A slight incident
will show what the losers must have thought of the wisdom
of their antagonists.
Tidings of the Berhampore outbreak and its conse-
quences had travelled all over India in the month of
April, and reached amongst other places a remote corner
of Oude, where two outlying companies of irregular
42 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
infantry were stationed, under the command of a young
and popular officer. It was his duty to read out the
general order of disbandment to the men of his detach-
ment, but when he came to the passage where the sen-
tence was promulgated, they burst out into a universal
shout of "Wah, wah, is that all ? Why, if we had
mutinied in the Nawab's service, we should have been
blown from guns, or had our heads cut off and stuck up
over the city." In the evening the subadar came to the
quarters of the commanding officer and said, " Is it really
true, sahib, that the 19th have been paid up and sent
away without punishment ?" The reply was of course in
the affirmative, on which he rose and took leave, but not
before assuring the lieutenant that the result would be
disastrous to the British rule. The young officer had
some further talk with his subordinate, and before going
to bed he sat down and wrote a letter to his father in
Calcutta, in which he predicted that within two months
from that date there would be mutiny from Calcutta to
Peshawur. All that he had to guide him in coming to
such a conclusion was an appreciation of native character,
a knowledge of general disaffection throughout the army,
and the example of an act of deplorable weakness on the
part of the executive in dealing with the first experiment
of revolt. Pity that the subaltern in Oude and the coun-
cillors in Government-house had not previously changed
places.
Neglect and incapacity have produced their unwhole-
some fruit in every portion of our Indian empire ; but in
no quarter was the example of supineness more glaring
than in that of the newly acquired province of Oude.
The quarrel between the deposed monarch and the East
India Company partakes of the nature of all other strife,
neither side is wholly right nor wholly wrong ; but it re-
quires more study of the subject than politicians generally
care to give to such cases to enable a member of the
Queen's Government or of Parliament to find out how
the scale of justice inclines. If a man cares for the strict
interpretation of treaties, for the separation of motives
pecuniary and patriotic \ if he looks upon a solemn agree-
ment to uphold a throne as an undertaking to be carried
THE ANNEXATION" OF OUDE. 43
out at any time, without reference to the happiness of
subject masses, he is bound to pronounce against the de-
thronement of the king of Oude. And if the rigid
moralist would have paused before deposing him on the
sole ground that he governed his people unwisely, the
statesman would have hesitated for politic reasons. It is
well known that the profession of arms is subject to the
same unchanging rules that govern all other kinds of
employment in India, wherever circumstances do not
interfere with its operation. In addition to the 40,000
men with which the province furnished our army, the
king's forces, at the time the country was annexed,
amounted to 60,000, and the troops employed by the
nobility and zemindars were quite as numerous. To
these men the musket and bayonet were heir-looms, the
service was their natural inheritance. They counted them-
selves the aristocracy of the land, the actual lords of the
soil. The country was in a chronic state of warfare ; the
tax-gatherer was always a Sepoy, the landlord a feudal
chieftain, who paid taxes only when forced to do so by
the employment of superior physical force, and the peasant
was always a partisan and slave. The country had been
for generations the paradise of adventurers, the Alsatia
of India, the nursing-place and sanctuary of scoundrelism,
such as is without a parallel on earth. When the fiat of
Lord Dalhousie went forth, there were left standing in
the country 246 forts, mounting 436 guns, and having
8000 gunners to work them. We took into our service
about 12,000 of the regular forces and 500 artillery men ;
and the rest, with arms in their hands, were sent adrift
to seek their fortune. Surveyors were sent throughout
the length and breadth of the land ; new laws were intro-
duced, and a new scale of taxation laid down ; and then,
having sold off the horses and elephants, dismissed the
dancing -girls, and put all the king's foppery up to public
auction, we left part of a solitary European regiment and
two companies of artillery to keep a country so tenanted
in good order. It was supposed that British rule would
yield an instantaneous crop of blessings, which all men
could behold, and which they were sure to be thankful for.
And if the happiness of the masses was the object alone
44 THE SEPOY KEVOLT.
to be secured, such a belief would not have been without
foundation. Men who have traversed Oude from one end
to the other since the Company's Raj has been established,
and whose testimony may be relied on, agree in stating
that everywhere the peasants were delighted with the
change ; and they had a right to express such opinions,
for under the native dynasty their lot was one of unmiti-
gated wretchedness. The exact measure of profit sufficient
to enable them to carry on cultivation had long been
ascertained by the Zemindars. The sum total of their
worldly wealth was known to the value of a pice, and
beyond what was needful to enable them to till the soil
and keep body and soul together, they were not permitted
to indulge the appetites of the flesh or the desires of the
soul. Their lot was that of stereotyped wretchedness ;
they had never heard of luxury, and stood daily face to
face with starvation. The man who possessed the smallest
superfluity looked upon his neighbours as being in conse-
quence his natural enemies.
When the Company's Sepoy came home on furlough, he
shut up his house at night ; unwound from the folds of his
cloth the ornaments of silver or gold which he had ma-
naged to purchase during his absence, and placing them
on his wife, contemplated his treasures with stealthy rap-
ture ; but he took care that the sight should never be
witnessed by others, and on the morning of his departure
the valuables were hidden in the ground, to be brought
forth again only on the occasion of his next visit. An
example of the style in which revenue was wont to be
collected in Oude is to be found in the following narrative
furnished to the present writer by a native correspondent
of the Delhi Gazette in 1850. The comments that follow
appeared at the same time, and are worth reprinting as a
sample of opinions entertained by an English editor on
the subject of Oude, long before Lord Dalhousie contem-
plated annexation : —
" ' The collection of the revenue of the districts of
Daowrayrah and of Eesanugger, situated in the northern
portion of Oude, was, from the commencement of the pre-
sent Fusli year, made over by the JSTazim of the Khyrabad
Elaka (in which are to be found both the districts above
COLLECTING THE KING'S TAXES. 45'
mentioned) to the care of Lieutenant P. Orr. The Rajah
of Eesanugger had, for some time past, shown himself
most reluctant to pay the portion of revenue due by him
to the Oude Government. After many unsuccessful ex-
postulations on the subject, Lieutenant P. Orr determined
on having a final interview with the Rajah before request-
ing the Nazim to have recourse to more stringent measures •
and with this intention he met the Rajah in a kutcherry
hut, situated in a mango tope, close under the bastions of
the fort of Eesanugger. The Rajah was accompanied by
his brother-in-law, his dewan, his vakeel, &c., and escorted
by about two hundred armed followers. Lieutenant Orr
had with him but a few men of his own corps, H.M.'s
1st Light Infantry Battalion, In the discussion which
ensued the Rajah's vakeel made use of most insolent
language, and was requested by Lieutenant Orr to leave
the kutcherry ; he did so, and shortly afterwards the Rajah
himself wished to withdraw without coming to any final
settlement as regarding the payment of money due. Lieu-
tenant Orr again urged on him the necessity of fulfilling
his engagement, but the Rajah seemed bent on leaving
the kutcherry, and had, in fact, risen from his chair, when
Lieutenant Orr seized him by the arm with the intention,
of detaining him, until he should come to terms. The
Rajah's brother-in-law and dewan now drew their swords,
and the latter struck Lieutenant Orr, inflicting a severe
wound on the right shoulder. Seeing the hostile aspect
affairs had taken, Lieutenant Orr felt his only chance of
life was to cling to the Rajah, whose followers, apprehen-
sive of wounding their master, feared to strike home. A
fearful struggle now ensued ; the Rajah's brother-in-law
inflicting a second wound of about seven inches on the
right thigh. Lieutenant Orr's jemadar, Rajonath Singh,
and a havildar, Ram Singh, took part in the affray and
behaved extremely well ; the former with one blow of his
sword struck off the head of the Rajah's brother-in-law,
and the havildar, seizing a formidable tulwar, made right
good use of it, cutting down the dewan and two others.
Lieutenant Orr, though covered with wounds, still retained
his hold on the Rajah, until, receiving a violent sword
cut on the head, he fell stunned. The Rajah immediately
D
46 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
rose, and, himself wounded (by whom it is not known),
was carried off by his followers to his fort. Lieutenant
Orr shortly afterwards regaining his senses, and thinking
the scoundrels would return after seeing the Eajah safe
in his fort, rose and reeled a few yards out of the
kutcherry, ordering his servant to place him on a bed
and carry him off as speedily as possible. Most fortu-
nately did he thus act ; for no sooner had he abandoned
the place than the guns from the fort bastions opened
out, and grape was fired at the kutcheny : by this two
of Lieutenant Orr s men fell. To the grape succeeded
round shot. Scarcely had his few men placed their
officer on the bed and oominenced their retreat, when a
strong gang of fellows armed with matchlocks issued from
the fort, and commenced following up Lieutenant Orr's
small party. Still that officer preserved his presence of
rnind, though faint and sick from the great loss of blood,
and suffering fearfully from the jolting of the bed and the
great heat of the sun (it was now about ten o'clock A.M.).
When hard pressed by the villains, he ordered his small
party to stand and return the fire. He thus gained a
little time, which his servants took advantage of by hur-
rying on with their burden as speedily as possible. Se-
veral times was this manoeuvre had recourse to, and for
three mortal hours did this retreat last, the enemy fol-
lowing up, and all the villagers on the road presenting
too hostile an appearance to allow of any hope of refuge.
Once, indeed, so close was the poor fellow pursued, that,
fearing he had no chance of life otherwise than by mount-
ing his horse, he, with supernatural strength, left the
charpoy and actually rode a short distance ; but again
staggering in his seat, he was obliged to abandon his
horse, and submit again to be placed on the charpoy.
Fortunately, one of the villains had during this momen-
tary halt fallen, struck dead by a ball from one of the
muskets of Orr's escort, and this event caused them to
pause and thus allow our harassed party to gain ground.
At last Orr, with wonderful presence of mind, steering
his course through the fields, avoiding all villages, gained
the village of Kuttowlee, belonging to the Rajah of Mul-
labpore ; and here a community of Gooshaen fuqueers
A NARROW ESCAPE. 47
received him, and to the number of about 300 (others
from the adjacent villages having joined) turned out, and
gallantly opposed the Eesanugger men, who, not daring
to attack them on the territory of a rival Rajah, at last
retraced their steps. The Gooshaens now turned their
attention to the wounded officer, whose state then may
be more easily imagined than described — seven very
severe, and three slight wounds I They immediately re-
lieved the burning thirst under which he was suffering,
and sewed up his wounds, applying their own remedies —
none the worse for being so simple ! Two whole days
and nights did they attend on him with the greatest care
and solicitude ; and on the third day the native re-
gimental doctor reached from the head-quarters of the
corps and co-operated with them. Lieutenant Orr is still
at Kuttowlee. being in too weak a sta,te for removal to
better quarters. His health and wounds, I am happy to
say, are improving, and soon, I trust, he will be able, if
not to resume his duties, at least to be entered on the
convalescent list.
" { Such, sir. is a succinct account of this most sad
affair. Lieutenant Orr's escape has been a miraculous
one — one in which we cannot but recognise the hand of
a kind and overruling Providence ! I may add, the brave
jemadar was severely wounded on the left shoulder, and
also a small fragment of his skull shattered ; but I am
glad to say he is recovering fast. The Rajah has aban-
doned his fort and district; the former is occupied by
men of Captain Barlow's corps, to which belongs Lieu-
tenant Orr.
" ' It is useless making any comments on the vile and
treacherous conduct of the Rajah's people. It is one of
the many sad episodes in the daily history of this most
unfortunate country !'
" Thus far our correspondent ; but much as we sympa-
thize with Lieutenant Orr and his gallant Sepoys, whose
valour is so graphically detailed in the above narrative,
we cannot hope for better results from the degrading part
which English officers are found willing to perform in the
territories of this king of fiddlers and females of the
household. They are compelled to assist in his quarrels,
48 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
no matter whether the service expected be the enforce-
ment of an unjust claim or the destruction of a band
of thieves. They are bound to work with the worst
of tools, often for the accomplishment of the worst of
ends. The ancient process of levying tithe in Ireland
was safe and pleasant as compared with the mode of col-
lecting rent in Oude. If European officers are to execute
the work of the king's Government, allow them to do the
business after their own fashion, and ensure a state of peace,
by making resistance an act of insanity. Some thirty-
five years since a Company's officer was sent to gather in
the rent of his majesty of Oude, and he demanded a cer-
tain sum from a zemindar, who was alwajTs accustomed to
stand a siege before he paid his tax. The agent selected,
however, on this occasion, was a man in the habit of
achieving his objects by the speediest methods, and he
assured the debtor, that if he injured one of his
men, he would carry his fort by escalade, and put
every living soul to the sword. The zemindar
laughed at his communication, and forthwith knocked
over two or three Sepoys by a well directed-fire. But
he had not so well calculated his means of defence as
his range of practice. In a very short time the place
was surrounded, and the threat fulfilled to the letter.
The vengeance was worthy of Cromwell, but it was per-
haps an act of mercy, for the district in which it waa
inflicted was converted into the quietest and most pro-
ductive portion of the royal territory. We do not advo-
cate such terrible measures of repression now-a-days, for
we grudge every rupee that is gathered for the support of
a Government which is a curse to millions, and an advan-
tage to none but the basest of mankind. What we con-
tend for is, that our countrymen should either govern
Oude or abandon its rulers to their fate. As it is, we
are powerless for good, and unwilling accomplices in evil.
We do infinite and perpetual wrong, because some of our
nation in times past made treaties which it is immoral to
observe. When the doctrine which prevails in Europe,
that the good of the people is the first, and, indeed, the
only end of government, shall be applied to the worn-out
dynasties of Hindostan, we may expect to see Oude and
THE DARK CLOUD 1ST THE HORIZON". 49
its king receive the justice to which they are entitled at
the hands of the British authorities."
When Oude is re-conquered, which will be accomplished
with much more difficulty than is counted upon, we may
rely upon it that no trouble will be found in reducing the
ryots to order. We may hear occasionally in the interim
of plundering on their part, since a sta,te of warfare is the
normal condition of the country, and the men who have
hitherto had nothing to do with rupees but hand them
over to a landlord and to fight in his quarrel from January
to December, are scarcely likely to forego the tempting
opportunity of doing a little business for themselves.
But when soldier and cultivator have been alike disarmed,
and security is once more established, the ryot will not
hesitate to prefer the safety of life, the chance of acquir-
ing property, and the certainty of obtaining more justice
than he could hope for at the hands of the rulers of his
own race. We know that, in some districts at least, the
assessment has been lowered to one-fourth the amount
exacted under the king's rule, and it is most likely that
the reduction has been universal. The progress of events
has made it impossible that the dynasty of Wajid Ally
should ever be restored ; and, were it otherwise, we should
earnestly deprecate such a result, for the sake of the toil-
ing millions.
CHAPTER IV.
THE STOEY OP THE GREASED CARTRIDGES. — GOVERNMENT WARNED,
BUT USELESSLY, OF THE GROWTH OF DISAFFECTION. — THE BER-
HAMPORE OUTBREAK.
IT is not possible that hurricanes should occur in the so-
cial or physical world without giving timely warning of
their growth. To sagacious minds, the tokens of great
impending changes always exhibit themselves. Unluckily
for the people of Calcutta, they had no handbook of
storms to guide the politician ; no barometer to note the
changes in public feeling ; but still the uneasy feeling pre-
vailed, which denotes that important disturbance is about
to take place. There was a vague inquietude in the
50 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
bazaar — a belief that all was not sound, in the minds of
Englishmen unconnected with the services ; every class,
except the members of the governing body, was impressed
with a foreboding of evil. No one, however, without the
pale of authority dreamt of the magnitude of the dangers
by which we were about to be assailed ; and inside that
potent circle not a soul had gained an inkling of the com-
ing horrors. The ship of the State was struck by a white
squall, with every sail set and not a man at his post to
warn the crew of their peril.
On the 22nd of January 1857, Captain Wright, of the
70th N.L, brought to the notice of Major Bontein, com-
manding the dep6t of musketry at Dum-Duni, the fact
that there was " a very unpleasant feeling among the na-
tive soldiers who were at the depot for instruction, regard-
ing the grease used in preparing the cartridges, some evil-
disposed person having spread a report that it consisted of
a mixture of the fat of pigs and cows." Captain Wright
added, " The belief in this respect has been strengthened
by the behaviour of a classic attached to the magazine,
who, I am told, asked a Sepoy of the 2nd Grenadiers to
supply him with water from his lotah ; the Sepoy refused,
observing he was not aware of what caste the man was ;
theclassie immediately rejoined, ' You will soon lose your
caste, as ere long you will have to bite cartridges covered
with the fat of pigs and cows,' or words to that effect.
Some of the depot men, in conversing with me on the
subject last night, said that the report had spread through-
out India, and when they go to their homes their friends
will refuse to eat with them. I assured them (believing
it to be the case) that the grease used is composed of
mutton fat and wax ; to which they replied, ' It may be
so, but our friends will not believe it : let us obtain the
ingredients from the bazaar, and make it up ourselves ;
we shall then know what is used, and be able to assure
our fellow soldiers and others that there is nothing in it
prohibited by our caste.' "
Major Bontein wrote next day to the station staff ad-
jutant, forwarding the above report. A rumour to the
same effect had attracted his attention for some days pre-
viously, but he had not thought it a matter of importance.
THE GREASED CARTRIDGES. 51
On receipt of Captain Wright's letter, he paraded all the
native portion of the depot, and called for any complaint
the men might wish to prefer. At least two-thirds of the
detachment immediately stepped to the front, including
all the native commissioned officers. In a manner per-
fectly respectful, they very distinctly stated their objec-
tion to the present method of preparing cartridges for the
new rifle musket : the mixture employed for greasing
cartridges was opposed to their religious feeling, and as a
remedy they begged to suggest the employment of wax
and oil, in such proportion as in their opinion would an-
swer the purpose required.
General Hearsey, commanding at Dum-Dum, was the
next link in the usual chain of communication ; and he
appreciated the gravity of the matter, losing not an hour
in addressing the Deputy Adjutant-General on the sub-
ject. "It will be hard," he wrote, " most difficult, to
eradicate this impression from the minds of the native
soldiers, who are always suspiciously disposed when any
change of this sort affecting themselves is introduced/'
As a remedy for the misunderstanding, General Hearsey
proposed that authority should be given for obtaining
from the bazaar whatever ingredients were necessary for
the preparation of the bullet patch, which the Sepoys
themselves should be allowed to make up.
The Deputy Adjutant-General took three days to con
over the affair, and then sent the correspondence to the
Military Secretary, who answered, on the 27th January,
that the Governor-General in council had adopted General
Hearsey's suggestion, which might be carried out as well
at Umballah and Sealkote, if the men wished it. The
Inspector-General of Ordnance was applied to for informa-
tion as to what the composition used in the arsenal for
greasing the cartridges of the rifle muskets consisted of,
" whether mutton fat was or is used, and if there are any
means adopted for ensuring the fat of sheep and goats only
being used ; also, whether it is possible that the fat of
bullocks and pigs may have been employed in preparing
the ammunition for the new rifled muskets which has
been recently made up in the arsenal." The reply was,
that the grease used was a mixture of tallow and beeswax,
52 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
in accordance with the instructions of the Court of Di-
rectors ; that the tallow was supplied by a contractor ;
but that " no extraordinary precaution appears to have
been taken to ensure the absence of any objectionable fat."
The first ammunition made in the arsenal was intended
for the 60th Rifles, and it was probable that some of this
was issued to the depot at Duni-Dum. The Inspector-
General regretted that " ammunition was not prepared
expressly for the practice depot, without any grease at all,"
but the subject did not "occur to him." He recom-
mended that the Home Government should be requested
not to send out any more made ammunition for the En-
field rifles.
On the 28th January General Hearsey again addressed
the Government on the subject of the greased cartridges.
He believed that members of the orthodox Brahminical
party had first spread the report that the Sepoys were to
be forced to embrace the Christian faith, and that on this
report was grafted, as an overt act to cause them to lose
caste, the distributing amongst them ball cartridges for
the new Enfield rifle, that had the paper forming them
greased with the fat of cows and pigs. The general con-
nected the rumours in question with the nightly acts of
incendiarism that had begun to take place in various
quarters. He thought the object of the fires was to ob-
tain the support of a party of the ignorant classes in the
ranks of the army. Parades had been held of the four
regiments at Barrackpore ; and their commanding officers
had declared their men to be " perfectly satisfied." Colo-
nel Wheeler, of the 34th, was told by his native officers
and men that they were satisfied ; but one native officer
respectfully asked if any orders had been received respect-
ing the new Enfield cartridges. Ten days afterwards
General Hearsey, in forwarding the proceedings of a court
of inquiry assembled to ascertain the " cause of their
continued objections to the paper of which the new rifle
cartridges were composed," wrote as follows : — " A perusal
of the several statements and opinions recorded in these
proceedings clearly establishes, in my judgment, that a
most unreasonable and unfounded suspicion has unfortu-
nately taken possession of the minds of all the native
INCENDIARY FIRES. 53
officers and Sepoys at this station, that grease or fat is
used in the composition of this cartridge paper ; and this
foolish idea is now so rooted in them, that it would, I am
of opinion, be both idle and unwise even to attempt its
removal. I would accordingly beg leave to recommend,
for the consideration of Government, the expediency (if
practicable) of ordering this rifle ammunition to be made
up of the same description of paper which has been,
hitherto employed in the magazines for the preparation
of the common musket cartridge, by which means this
groundless suspicion and objection could be at once dis-
posed of."
On the same day that General Hearsey stated his con-
viction that the idea of forcible conversion was so rooted
in the minds of the native soldiers, that it would be
" both idle and unwise even to attempt its removal," the Go-
vernment addressed the Court of Directors in a despatch
wherein it was stated that " the men were appeased on
being assured that the matter would be duly represented ;"
and again, that " they appear to be perfectly satisfied that
there existed no intention of interfering with their caste.5*
On the 8th April the Court of Directors were " gratified
to learn that the matter has been fully explained to the
men at Barrackpore and Dum-Dtim, and that they appear
perfectly satisfied that there existed no intention of in*
terfering with their caste ;" and on the same day the Go-
vernment of India addressed the Court of Directors,
detailing the mutiny and disbandment of the 19th Regi-
ment, who had refused to take the cartridges " in conse-
quence of the reports in circulation that the paper of
which they were made was greased with the fat of cows
and pigs."
General Hearsey wrote to Government on the llth of
February that they had been dwelling at Barrackpore " on
a mine ready for explosion." His belief was based on a
series of facts, which were duly set forth in his statement.
The taunt of the classic already alluded to had sunk
deeply into the minds of the Sepoys, Fires had taken
place at Raneegunge and Barrackpore, the combustibles
used being Santal arrows, which fixed suspicion on the
2nd Grenadiers, who had recently been stationed in that
54 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
district. A Sepoy of good character had reported to his
officer that there was to be a meeting of the men belong-
ing to all the regiments a night or two back, in continua-
tion of a* previous one, at which the Sepoys were to dis-
cuss the measures proper to be taken to prevent Govern-
ment from destroying their religion. On the 10th
February, a native lieutenant deposed before a European
court of inquiry, that on the night of the 5th instant
Sepoys had come to him and made him go with them to
the parade ground, where he saw a great crowd of men
assembled, with their heads tied up in cloths, so as to
expose only a portion of the face. They asked him to
join in a rising to take place next night, when they pro-
posed to kill all the Europeans, plunder the station, and
go where they liked. General Hearsey stated that he
had the regiments paraded on the 9th February, and
impressed upon them the absurdity of their conduct. He
pointed out to Government that there was great danger
in having a brigade of four or five native corps so close
to the capital, and went on to remark, " You will perceive
in all this business the native officers were of 110 use ; in
fact, they are afraid of their men, and dare not act : all
they do is to hold themselves aloof, and expect by so
doing they will escape censure as not actively implicated.
'This has always occurred on such occasions, and will con-
'tinue to the end of our sovereignty in India. Well might
Sir C. Metcalfe say, ' that he expected to awake some fine
morning, and find that India had been lost to the English
crown.' "
The day after the above was despatched, General Hear-
sey again wrote, to say that a native doctor had heard a
Sepoy of the 2nd Grenadiers tell another native that a
messenger had been sent by his regiment to Diiiapore, and
to the 19th N.I., asking if they would join in raising a
disturbance. Search was made for the messenger, but he
was not found ; and after a few days things appeared to
have settled down into something like calmness ; the
Sepoys were allowed to make up their own cartridges, and
a new method of loading was adopted, by which the men
-broke the cartridge instead of biting it, whilst the officers
were " confidentially" instructed to stop short of loading
THE MUTINY OP THE 19TH. 55
in the drill, and in this way the ulcer, destined so soon to
eat into the vitals of the body politic, was supposed to be
healed up for the present.
Matters continued without change till the night of the
19th February, when the call to arms was heard in the
lines of the 19th N.I. at Berhampore, and the men rapidly
breaking open the kotes in which the arms were kept,
seized their muskets, and with loud shouts assembled as if
on parade. A great many of them loaded, and when the
occurrence is studied by the light of after transactions, it
seems almost marvellous that the outbreak should have
been got under without bloodshed. There was not a
European soldier in the place. Moorshedabad, where the
descendant of Suraj-oo-Dowlah, who had lost Bengal just
a century before, resides, a city containing not less than a
hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, was distant but
five miles, and any amount of sympathy and perhaps of
aid might have been expected from its fanatic Mahomedan
population. The regiments at Barrackpore had invited
the 19th to co-operate with them, and a detachment of
the 34th sent on duty to Berhampore still lingered at the
station, waiting — it was supposed — for the news that the
work of mutiny had been commenced. On the report of
the disturbance being made to him, the commanding
officer, Col. Mitchell, ordered out the Irregular Cavalry,
consisting of 180 men, and two guns, manned each by 12
Golundauz or native gunners. The mutinous troops were
asked why they had paraded without orders, and replied
that they were told Europeans were being brought to
murder them, because they objected to receive the car-
tridge. Col. Mitchell expostulated with them on their
conduct, and ordered them to lay down their arms, which
after much hesitation they agreed to do, provided the guns
and cavalry were withdrawn. The latter were kept on
the ground until the greater portion of the regiment had
replaced the muskets in the kotes, and then, on the
assurance of the officers that the remainder were following
their example, but feared they might be set upon when
deprived of the means of defence, the artillery and troopers
were ordered to return to their quarters, and after four
hours of anxious suspense, quiet was restored. The next
56 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
day a parade was held, and the native officers with a few-
Sepoys were invited to inspect and test the cartridges.
Water was used as a test, and one kind of paper being
more highly glazed than the rest, as shown in imbibing
moisture, was decided to contain fat of some kind. The
glazed cartridges were put aside in deference to their pre-
judices, and they were told that no attempts would be
made to compel their use of them. A report was made
of the whole affair to superior authority, and the regiment
continued to perform its duties as usual with ordinary
regularity.
When the behaviour of the 19th was made known at
Calcutta, Lord Canning resolved to make a signal example
of the mutineers. The steamer Oriental was ordered
down to Rangoon, to bring up H.M.'s 84th, and it was
thought that a sentence of disbandrnent, carried out in
the case of the entire regiment, would put an effectual
stop to the progress of disaffection. But the resolve was
bruited abroad. There were nearly 4000 Sepoys brigaded
at Barrackpore and in Fort William, and though H.M.'s
53rd with a European battery would have made short
work of them in a conflict, what was there to hinder the
success of a rising, judiciously planned and carried out
simultaneously at both stations? There were neither
Europeans nor guns at Barrackpore. If the telegraph
wires were cut and the roads taken possession of, they
could march down to Calcutta without a soul being aware
of the movement, and at the moment that their comrades
in the fort assailed the Europeans, they could attempt a
surprise from without with every chance of success. By
a strange laxity of rule which deserves the most severe
reprobation, the pouches of the native soldiery are only
examined by their officers twice a week, and of course,
except upon these occasions, they may use their cartridges
without any fear of detection. We believe that in almost
every instance where the Sepoys have had cause to dread
punishment, or were waiting for the signal to mutiny,
their muskets if examined would have been found loaded.
There would have been no difficulty then in every armed
native shooting his fellow soldier on duty, without awaken-
ing suspicion or affording the opportunity of resistance.
THE FIRST SHEDDING OF BLOOD. 57
Now that we can look back and sum up the incentives to
rebellion, we feel abundant cause to rejoice that these
men, with arms in their hands and treason in their hearts,
could not find a leader, or muster up courage sufficient to
strike a blow which must have proved fatal.
Perhaps no actual conspiracy was formed to carry out
a plan of assault such as has been suggested, but it is
certain that an understanding, involving an attack upon
Fort William and the murder of the European officers
generally, was come to. The order to the 19th "N.I. to
march down to Barrackpore hastened the necessity for
action, and the 34th sent the men of that corps a mes-
sage, urging them to slaughter their officers on the road,
in which case they would be ready to effect a junction at
Barrackpore, and try conclusions with the Government.
Their overtures might perhaps have been successful, but
Col. Mitchell took the precaution of making an unexpected
lialt within fourteen miles of Barrackpore, and sending
for the native officers, kept them at his quarters for some
hours, the time chosen for the durbar being that supposed
to be fixed upon for the mutiny. Baffled by those simple
but efficacious measures, the 19th were unable to transmit
the expected signal to Barrackpore, and the rest of the
conspirators were afraid to begin without it. But Mungul
Pandy, a Sepoy of the 34th, was not to be balked of the
pleasure he had anticipated in shedding the blood of the
Feringhees. Housed to frenzy by the copious use of
bhang, he seized his musket, and rushed upon the parade
ground on the afternoon of Sunday the 29th of March,
calling upon his comrades to come forward and fight for
their religion. The serjeant-major of the regiment came
up at the time, and the fellow deliberately fired at him
but missed. The quarter-guard, consisting of nineteen
men of the same regiment, turned out to witness the
scene, but without exhibiting the smallest intention of
affording assistance. Whilst the struggle was going on
the adjutant made his appearance, and Mungul Pandy,
having carefully reloaded his musket, fired a second time,
and shot the adjutant's horse. A hand-to-hand fight now
ensued, the Sepoy hacking with his sword at both officers,
whilst numbers of men belonging to the regiment, who
58 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
had gathered round the spot, attacked them from behind
with the butt-ends of their muskets, repeating their blows
whilst the latter lay on the ground. The strife would
have soon been over, had not Major-General Hearsey
galloped up, and ordered the guard to move forward to
the rescue. The fellows hesitated to obey, on which the
General drew a revolver, and pointing at them, repeated
his commands, when they slowly advanced and rescued
the bleeding and insensible men. The jemadar, a high-
caste Brahmin, who had ordered them not to stir from
their post, was, with the rest of the guard, placed in close
arrest; and on the night following, the 19th Regiment,
weary with their march of fourteen miles, arrived at the
station. Next day they were disbanded with expressions
of regret on the part of the General commanding the
brigade, and apparently a little compunction on the side
of the Governor-General, who thought he would strike
terror by such an act to the hearts of their co-religionists.
Supported by H.M.'s 84th Eegiment and a wing of the
53rd, two troops of artillery, and the Body-guard, General
Hearsey pronounced the sentence contained in the fol-
lowing order : —
"The 19th Eegiment N.I. has been brought to the
head quarters of the Presidency Division, to receive, in
the presence of the troops there assembled, the decision
of the Governor-General in Council upon the offence of
which it has been guilty.
"On the 26th of February the 19th Regiment N.I.
was ordered to parade on the following morning for exer-
cise, with fifteen rounds of blank ammunition for each man.
" The only blank ammunition in store was some which
had been made up by the 7th N.I., the regiment pre-
ceding the 19th Regiment at Berhampore, and which had
been left at that station on the departure of the 7th Regi-
ment. This ammunition had been used by the recruits of
^the 19th Regiment up to the date above mentioned.
" When the quantity of ammunition required for the
following morning was taken to the lines, it appears that
the men objected to the paper of which the cartridges
were made, as being of two colours ; and when the pay
havildars assembled the men to issue the percussion caps,
THE OFFICIAL BILL OF INDICTMENT. 59
they refused to receive them, saying that they had doubts
about the cartridges.
" The men have since stated, in a petition addressed to
the Major-General commanding the Presidency Division,
that for more than two months they had heard rumours
of new cartridges having been made at Calcutta, on the
paper of which the fat of bullocks and pigs had been
spread, and of its being the intention of the Government
to coerce the men to bite these cartridges ; and that
therefore they were afraid for their religion. They admit
that assurance given them by the Colonel of their regi-
ment satisfied them that this would not be the case;
adding, nevertheless, that when on the 26th of February
they perceived the cartridges to be of two kinds, they
were convinced that one kind was greased, and therefore
refused them.
"The Commanding Officer, on hearing of the refusal,
went to the lines, assembled the native commissioned and
non-commissioned officers, and explained that the car-
tridges were unobjectionable, and had been left at Berham-
pore by the 7th Regiment. He instructed them to inform
their men that the cartridges would be served out in the
morning by the officers commanding companies, and that
any man who refused to take them would be tried by a
Court Martial and punished.
" This occurred at eight o'clock in the evening.
" Between ten and eleven o'clock a rush was made by
the Sepoys to the bells of arms ; the doors were forced
open ; the men took possession of their arms and accoutre-
ments, and carried them to their lines.
"On learning what had occurred, Lieutenant-Colonel
Mitchell ordered out the llth B/egiment of Irregular
Cavalry and the post guns.
" When the Cavalry reached the parade, the men of
the 19th Regiment rushed out of their lines with their
arms, shouting, and assembled near to the bells of arms,
where many loaded their muskets.
" Upon Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell and the European
officers approaching the men, they were warned not to go
on, or the men would fire.
" The native officers were assembled, and Lieutenant-
60 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
Colonel Mitchell, after addressing the men, directed the
officers to separate the companies, and to require them to
give up their arms.
" The men hesitated at first, but eventually gave up
their arms and retired to their lines.
" These are the principal features of the outbreak at
Berhampore on the 26th of February.
"The men of the 19th Regiment have refused obe-
dience to their European officers. They have seized arms
with violence. They have assembled, in a body, to resist
the authority of their Commander.
"The regiment has been guilty of open and defiant
mutiny.
" It is no excuse for this offence to say, as had been
said in the before-mentioned petition of the native officers
and men of the regiment, that they were afraid for their
religion, and that they apprehended violence to themselves.
" It is no atonement ot it to declare, as they have therein
declared, that they are ready to fight for their Government
in the field, when they have disobeyed and insulted that
Government in the persons of its officers, and have ex-
pressed no contrition for their heavy offences.
"Neither the 19th Regiment, nor any regiment in the
service of the Government of India, nor any Sepoy,
Hindoo, or Mussulman, has reason to pretend that the
Government has shown, directly or indirectly, a desire to
interfere with the religion of its troops.
" It has been the unvarying rule of the Government of
India to treat the religious feelings of all its servants, of
every creed, with careful respect ; and to representations
or complaints put forward in a dutiful and becoming
spirit, whether upon this, or upon any other subject, it
has never turned a deaf ear.
" But the Government of India expects to receive, in re-
turn for this treatment, the confidence of those who serve it.
" From its soldiers of every rank and race it will, at all
times and in all circumstances, enforce unhesitating obe-
dience. They have sworn to give it, and the Governor-
General in Council will never cease to exact it. To no
men who prefer complaints with arms in their hands will
he ever listen.
THE LOSERS PAYING THE STAKES. 61
"Had the Sepoys of the 19th Regiment confided in
their Government, and believed their commanding officer,
instead of crediting the idle stories with which false and
evil-minded men have deceived them, their religious
scruples would still have remained inviolate, and them-
selves would still be, as they have hitherto been, faithful
soldiers, trusted by the State, and laying up for future
years all the rewards of a long and honourable service.
" But the Governor- General in Council can no longer
have any confidence in this regiment, which has disgraced
its name, and has lost all claim to consideration and in-
dulgence.
" It is therefore the order of the Governor-General in
Council, that the 19th Regiment N.I. be now disbanded;
that the native commissioned and non-commissioned
officers and privates be discharged from the army of
Bengal ; that this be done at the head-quarters of the
Presidency Division in the presence of every available
corps within two days' march of the station ; that the
regiment be paraded for the purpose ; and that each man,
after being deprived of his arms, shall receive his arrears
of pay and be required to withdraw from the cantonment.
" The European officers of the regiment will remain at
Barrackpore until orders for their disposal shall be re-
ceived from his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief.
" This order is to be read at the head of every regiment,
troop, and company in the service."
The arms were piled, the colours deposited, and the 19th
N.I. was erased from the army list.
It is difficult to say how far the disbanded soldiers
really went in heart with the promoters of insurrection,
but before scattering themselves over the face of the land
they asked to be allowed one of two favours, either to be
re-enlisted for general service, or failing that request, to be
allowed the use of their arms for half an hour, and brought
face to face with the 34th, in which latter case they pro-
mised to avenge th6 quarrel of the Government as well as
their own. Perhaps their anger was felt against the men
who had brought them into temptation without having
had the courage to share their offence, rather than against
the evil advisers who had lured them to an act of folly.
E
62 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
Some alarm was entertained lest they should plunder the
villages on their way up-country, but they seem to have
conducted themselves peaceably. Many got employment
as durwans, or gate-keepers, and a few were entertained by
magistrates, for whom they have since done efficient service
in the capture of fugitive mutineers. Hundreds died of
cholera by the way-side, and a large proportion went into
the service of the Nawaub of Moorshedabad. It has not
been ascertained if any of the 19th have been found in the
ranks of the existing rebel army.
It took five weeks from the date of the occurrence last
mentioned to enable the Government at Calcutta to make
up their minds as to what they should do with the 34th.
The Commander-in-Chief was far away in the recesses of
the Himalayas, and justice must neither seem hurried nor
cruel. In the interval, Mungul Pandy and the jemadar
of the guard had been tried and hung, the former glorying
in his crimes to the latest moment, and asserting that he
was about to suffer for the good of religion. Two Sepoys
had also been transported as accomplices in a plot for
capturing the fort, and a native officer of the same regi-
ment, the 70th N.I., was dismissed the service for treason-
able practices. In the Executive Council Mr. J. P. Grant
appears to have been prepared to inflict capital punish-
ment, in the case at least of the quarter-guard of the 19th ;
but if so, the milder counsels of the Governor-General
secured a majority in favour of merely sending them about
their business. Lord Canning had a notion, which it
took two months of terrible experience to conquer, that
disbanding was a fearful punishment to the Indian Sepoy,
accustomed as he is to rely absolutely on the Government
for his own subsistence and that of his family in manhood
and old age. It was no use pointing out to him that
these men had committed the worst offence known to the
military code ; that they were mutineers in fact and
murderers in intention, saved only by their intense
cowardice from finishing a work which they undertook
con amore. He had got it fixed in his mind that a
mutiny was a mere strife of discontented labourers, which
a little coercion, a little persuasion, and much talk upon
the folly of the proceeding were sure to put down. It
THE RULE OF HAP-HAZARD. 63
wa,s true he might recognise a difference between the
Bengal Sepoy and the Manchester spinner, to the great
advantage however of the former, seeing that he kept his
tools and received his wages when on strike, whilst the
latter was entirely disbanded with very little chance of
re-enlistment. At one moment it appears to have been
thought advisable to overlook the conduct of the regiment
altogether. The Oriental, which was supposed to be lying
at Madras, was twice telegraphed for to convey the 84th
back to Burmah, and but for the accident that sent her
across to Rangoon, the capital would have been left as before,
with only the wing of a European regiment. It is hard
to say what might have occurred had either the steamer
been available when applied for, or the reports of growing
disaffection become less frequent. Fortunately neither
contingency occurred. The Government were roused to
a partial sense of duty, and on the 6th of May the whole
of the disposable troops in and around Calcutta were con-
centrated at Barrackpore, to carry out the order for dis-
banding such officers and men of the 34th N.I. as were
present in the lines on the 29th March, when Adjutant
Baugh was wounded. At daylight two sides of a square
were formed by ELM.'s 53rd and 84th, the 2nd, 43rd, and
70th 1ST. I., two squadrons of cavalry, consisting of the
Body-guard and the llth Irregulars, and a light field
battery with six guns. When the line was formed, seven,
companies of the 34th, about four hundred strong, were
halted in front of the guns ; the order for disbandment
was read out by the interpreter, Lieut. Chamier, and after
a few energetic remarks upon the enormity of their offence,
General Hearsey commanded them to pile their arms and
strip off the uniform which they had disgraced. Of course
they obeyed without a moment's hesitation. The work of
paying up their arrears was then commenced, and in two
hours the disorderly Sepoys, now converted into an orderly
mob, were marched off to Pulta Ghaut for conveyance to
Chinsurah, the grenadiers of the 84th and a portion of the
Body-guard attending their footsteps. When they left
their lines, order had been taken for sending their families
and baggage on to Chinsurah. Instructions were given,
to the various police authorities to hinder them from
E2
64 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
crossing the river, and it was hoped that the public had
heard the last of the second mutiny of the 34th B.N.I.
The following order appeared next day in the Govern-
ment Gazette : —
" Fort William, 4th May. — On the 29th of March a
Sepoy of the 34th Regiment of Native Infantry, stationed
at Barrackpore, armed himself with a loaded musket and
sword, advanced upon the parade ground in front of his
lines, and, after conducting himself in a violent and muti-
nous manner, and calling upon the men of the regiment
to come forth and to join him in resisting lawful authority,
attacked and wounded the adjutant and sergeant-major
©f his regiment, who approached to restrain him.
" This man has been tried, condemned, and hanged.
" On the same occasion the native officer, a jemadar in
eommand of the quarter-guard of the 34th Regiment
Native Infantry, refused to obey his superior, by whom
he was ordered to seize the above-mentioned Sepoy.
" After being tried by a court of native commissioned
officers, this man, himself a commissioned officer, has paid
the penalty of his mutiny by the same ignominious death.
" But these men were not the sole offenders upon that
occasion.
" The Governor- General in Council laments to say that
the conduct of the native commissioned and non-com-
missioned officers and men of the 34th Regiment who
were then present, has been shown to be such as to destroy
his confidence in them as soldiers of the State, and to call
for severe and exemplary punishment.
" The mutinous Sepoy was permitted to parade himself
insolently before his assembled comrades, using menaces
and threatening gestures against his officers without an
attempt on the part of any to control him.
" No such attempt was made even when he had de-
liberately fired at the sergeant-major of the regiment
" None was made when, upon the appearance of the
adjutant, Lieutenant Baugh, and after having reloaded
the nmsket unmolested, the mutineer discharged it at
that officer and shot his horse.
" When the horse fell, not a sign of assistance to
Lieutenant Baugh was given either by the quarter-
DESERVED REPROACHES. 65
guard or by the Sepoys not on duty, although this took
place within ten paces of the guard.
" During the hand-to-hand conflict which followed be-
tween the mutineer and Lieutenant Baugh, supported by
Sergeant-Major Hewson, the men collected at the lines in
undress looked on passively; others in uniform and on
duty joined in the struggle ; but it was to take part
against their officers, whom they attacked with the butts
of their muskets, striking down the sergeant-major from
behind, and repeating the blows as he lay on the ground.
" The Governor-General in Council deeply regrets that,
of the ruffians who perpetrated this cowardly act, the
only one who was identified has escaped his punishment
by desertion.
" There was, however, one amongst those who stood by,
•who set an honourable example to his comrades. Sheik
Pultoo Sepoy (now havildar), of the Grenadier company,
obeyed the call of his officer for assistance unhesitatingly.
He was wounded in the endeavour to protect Lieutenant
Baugh from the mutineer, and did all that an unarmed
man could do to seize the criminal. His conduct was
that of a faithful and brave soldier.
" When the adjutant, maimed and bleeding, was re-
tiring from the conflict, he passed the lines of his regi-
ment and reproached the men assembled there with
having allowed their officer to be cut down before their
eyes without offering to assist him ; they made no reply,
but turned their backs and moved sullenly away.
" For the failure of the quarter-guard to do its duty,
the jemadar who commanded it has already paid the last
penalty of death. In this guard, consisting of twenty
Sepoys, there were four who desired to act against the
mutineer, but their jemadar restrained them ; and when
eventually the order to advance upon the criminal was
given by superior authority, the majority yielded obedience
reluctantly.
" Upon a review of these facts and of all the circum-
stances connected with them, it is but too clear to the
Governor-General in Council that a spirit of disloyalty
prevails in those companies of the 34th Regiment Native
Infantry which are stationed at the head-quarters of the
66 THE SEPOY EEVOLT.
Presidency Division. Silent spectators of a long con-
tinued act of insolent mutiny, they have made no en-
deavour to suppress it, and have thereby become liable
themselves to the punishment of mutineers. The Go-
vernor-General in Council can no longer put trust in
them, and he rejects their services from this time forward.
" Therefore, it is the order of the Governor-General in
Council that the native commissioned and non-commis-
sioned officers and men of the seven companies of the
34th Regiment Native Infantry, now quartered at Bar-
rackpore, be disbanded and dismissed from the army of
Bengal, with the following exceptions in favour of those
who in the course of recent events have given the
Governor-General in Council good reason to believe in
their fidelity to their officers and to the Government : —
•* * * * * #
" There remains one point which the Governor- General
in Council desires to notice.
" The Sepoy, who was the chief actor in the disgraceful
scene of the 29th of March, called upon his comrades to
come to his support for the reason that their religion was
in danger, and that they were about to be compelled to
use cartridges, the use of which would do injury to their
caste ; and from the words in which he addressed the
Sepoys it is to be inferred that many of them shared this
opinion with him.
" The Governor-General in Council has recently had
occasion to remind the army of Bengal that the Govern-
ment of India has never interfered to constrain its
soldiers in matters affecting their religious faith. He
has declared that the Government of India never will do
so, and he has a right to expect that this declaration shall
give confidence to all who have been deceived and led
astray.
" But whatever may be the deceptions or evil counsels
to which others have been exposed, the native officers and
men of the 34th Regiment Native Infantry have no ex-
cuse for misapprehension on this subject. Not many
weeks previously to the 29th of March it had been ex-
plained to that regiment — first by their own command-
ing officer, and subsequently by the major-general com-
SAYING TOO MUCH. 67
manding the division — that their fears for religion were
groundless. It was carefully and clearly shown to them,
that the cartridges which they would be called upon to
use contained nothing which could do violence to their
religious scruples. If, after receiving these assurances,
the Sepoys of the 34th Regiment, or of any other regi-
ment, still refuse to place trust in their officers and in
the Government, and still allow suspicions to take root
in their minds, and to grow into disaffection, insubordi-
nation, and mutiny, the fault is their own, and their
punishment will be upon their own heads. That it will
be a sharp and certain punishment the Governor-General
in Council warns them."
It is no insignificant branch of the art of governing,
which teaches the right use of language with reference
to compositions intended for the eye of the public. The
vagueness and want of meaning charged against royal
speeches and ministerial statements in general, give those
utterances their chief value ; to say nothing now, is to
leave you the opportunity of saying anything hereafter.
When the case is thoroughly stated, and the argument
has been heard in support of it, the matter in question
is remitted to the sole cognizance of the jury, and the
ruler, who is always defendant, lies at their mercy.
The Governor-General forgot the lessons of State-craft
when he penned the above General Order. It was far
too explicit to be successful. It vindicated the mildness
rather than the wisdom of the executive ; it showed the
necessity for adopting a stern policy, and how very far
the fulfilment halted behind the purpose. The physician
details all the symptoms of a terrible disease and gives it
its right name. He knows the exact state of the patient;
he declares that violent remedies must be resorted to, and
winds up by prescribing fresh air, low diet, and an absti-
nence from labour, as a cure for the malady, and a panacea
against infection. In the above narrative, nothing is
omitted that could make the story of the mutiny more
effective. The universal complicity, the common blood-
thirstiness, the cruelty, and the cowardice are exhibited
in the strongest light. But for the Governor-General
the public would not have known how deep was the
68 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
offence of these men against law and humanity, and it
is much to be regretted that the intellect, which could
so clearly portray the crime, had not in this instance been
ioinecl with the strength of will that should have decreed
its proper punishment.
The position of the Governor-General is, however, with
regard to military affairs, a very anomalous one. If he
exercises the independent jurisdiction which the law has
vested in him, his situation is much like that of the
captain of a ship who supersedes the pilot. He may
have the best possible reasons for the step, but, if the
vessel is lost, the insurance is vitiated, and, under any
circumstances, he must expect to be blamed by the pilot
interest. On the first report of disaffection in Bengal,
it was the duty of the Commander-in-Chief to hasten to
Calcutta, and initiate the measures to be taken. Ease
and comfort are needful as well as pleasant in that
climate, and no one grudges such enjoyment to the
seniors of the service ; but emergency sometimes calls
on the old as well as the young, and the head of the
Indian army is not entitled to claim exemption from
the common lot of soldiers. We hope we are not doing
injustice to the memory of General Anson in imputing
the delay that occurred in dealing out what was called
" severe punishment " to the mutineers, to his personal
inactivity. We should indeed be sorry to hear that it
was owing to his deliberate counsels.
Pickpockets who have left us the story of their lives,
have recorded the feelings of terror with which the entry
of a police-officer into a den of thieves is regarded. He
is a common foe, and to a certain extent they are all in-
terested in preventing the capture of an offender, but it is
rare in the extreme that resistance is offered. The thief-
taker's warrant represents the whole authority of the
courts of justice ; his truncheon symbolizes all the physical
force of the country. The criminal who is "wanted,"
surrenders, not to the individual, whom a single blow
might dispose of, but to the law, which is enduring and
resistless. 'Had Government, instead of waiting till a
force of Europeans numerically superior to the mutinous
regiments could assemble, organized, at the first moment
INCAPABLE OFFICIALS.
of outbreak, a moveable column, consisting of a single corps
of English troops, a battery of guns, and such cavalry as
were available, they might have disarmed and punished
treason wherever it dared to lift its head. If authority
can only maintain itself by opposing man to man, it should
abdicate with as little delay as possible.
Delay and comparative impunity for crime had much
to do with the wide-spread growth of mutiny ; but it is
something to know that the whole military system in
Bengal is at an end. So long as the Brahmin dominated
in its ranks, so long might we expect to hear of plots
and disaffection, by means of their results. A native
officer of the 34th was complaining of his hard fate in
being ruined for a revolt in which he had no share. He
was reminded that he must have known what was going
on in the ranks ; and at once he admitted that such was
the case, but asked, in turn, how it was supposed he ought
to have acted 1 Had he reported the facts, the Brahmins
would most likely have murdered him, and, at any rate,
they would have brought forward hundreds of witnesses
to swear that he was either perjured or insane. There
was no denying the force of this plea ; the poor wretch
vowed that he was a martyr to our system, and we incline
to believe him.
An army has often been likened to a machine, and we
wish the comparison were thoroughly accepted. When
your engine goes wrong, it is found needful to have at hand
a man who understands every portion of it. Being able
to place his hand on the defective spot, he knows exactly
what is required in the way of reparation, and how to set
about the work. But we never, except by chance, have
a capable engineer in the person of the exalted official, who
has to guide the vast and powerful mechanism that holds
the soil and collects the revenues of India. It is hard to
divine in most cases the cause of his appointment, harder
still to justify the fact of it. It is a miserable thing to/
say that the State gains by the idleness of a Commander-
in-Chief ; and yet in most cases all ranks of the community
would join in wishing that he would fold his hands, and
only open them to clutch what ought to be the recompense
of zeal, intellect, and energy.
70 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
Show that your highest office might be a sinecure, and
ought never to task the body and brain, of the man who
fills it, and every general who is old or constitutionally
indolent will naturally imitate the example of his chief.
Wherever duty can be delegated, it will be done, if at all,
by deputy. The general of the division will rely on the
colonel, who will rely on his officers, who in turn will
rely on native subordinates, who of late could not rely
on their men. If the world would only stop for us, so
that we could all grow old together, what a pleasant state
of things might ensue : but it refuses to halt for a moment ;
it declines to accept age and idleness in lieu of vigour and
industry, however highly recommended to do so. And as
we cannot conquer the necessity, we had better submit to
it quietly. (Clearly enough, the Indian army requires
better guidance, and it will be wise to provide at once the
indispensable material.
The way to make men invincible is to place them in a
situation where they must gain the victory in order to
save their lives ; and if we made military rank the sole
reward of the Indian officer, it would soon be found that
he would both love and adorn his noble profession. But
so long as he finds the great prizes of his career in the
ranks of the civil' service, it is not likely that he will take
a pride in soldiership. He cannot fail to observe that his
superiors in general seem to lay it down as a maxim, that
lie is wisest who does the least work, and he the most
to be envied who gets the highest pay. It would ill beseem
him to ignore their example, and he imitates it. The day
comes when the Sepoy fancies that he discerns an injury
to his religion, or feels more than the usual strain upon
his loyalty. He refuses to recognise the authority of one
who is scarcely known to him, or to listen to a voice that
has never spoken kindly in his ear ; and the result is
mutiny and ruin on the one hand, disappointment and
shame on the other. We hold that rebellion can never
break out amongst a people, unless their rulers are greatly
in fault ; and we are equally convinced that mutiny
would never show itself in a regiment, where the officers
knew their duty, and performed it.
PUNISHMENT OF THE REBELS. 71
CHAPTER Y.
THE OUTBREAK AT MEERUT. — THE MARCH 'TO DELHI. — MR. COLVIN'S
DESPATCHES. — GOVERNMENT KEEPING BACK INTELLIGENCE.
ON the 8th of May the new cartridges were offered to the
3rd Cavalry. They refused to accept them, and on the
following day eighty-five of the mutineers were tried by
court-martial, and eighty of them sentenced to be impri-
soned for ten years with hard labour, and the remaining
five for six years. The offence had been grappled with
vigorously, and the display of force for the purpose of
carrying out the punishment was sufficiently imposing.
The Carabineers, 60th Rifles, the llth and 20th Regts.
N.I., a light field battery, together with the Horse Artil-
lery and the mutinous regiment, were drawn up on the
parade ground, and the prisoners were brought forward,
stripped of their uniform, and ironed on the spot. The
majority of them uttered loud cries of rage and despair,
and great agitation was evinced by the native soldiery ;
but no attempt at resistance was made, and the criminals
were marched off the ground under a strong guard, and
lodged in jail. It is reasonable to suppose that, for the
next thirty-two hours, they showed no signs of an inten-
tion to revolt, for not a single precaution was taken by
the authorities, though nothing would have been easier
than to have rendered mutiny impossible. The custom of
hutting the Sepoys would seem designed for the express
purpose of isolating them from outward control. Each
caste has its own quarter, and none- but Brahmins can
know what occurs in the Brahminical portion of the can-
tonment, where the low-caste man is not allowed to enter
except upon duty. There is no doubt that during the
night of the llth the whole plan of the rising was ma-
tured ; but the bare design implied in them a too well
founded reliance upon the incapacity of the general com-
manding, or a degree of daring which could only be the
result of fanaticism wrought up to the pitch of madness.
They were scarcely a match, numerically speaking, for the
European troops, and had never been taught that against
odds of two to one the Gora logue had failed to be victo-
72 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
rious. There were in "the station two troops of European
horse artillery, together with a field battery, whilst they
•were wholly destitute of guns. The Dragoons could have
fairly ridden down a couple of native cavalry regiments,
and the 60th Rifles were at least a match for 2000 Sepoys.
With such a prospect of speedy annihilation before them,
they rose at six o'clock on Sunday afternoon, and set the
first example of rebellion and murder. The sound of the
church-going bell was soon mingled with the roaring of
flames, the wild shouts of revenge and unavailing shrieks
for mercy. Whilst a party of the 3rd Cavalry rushed to
the jail, and liberated without the slightest difficulty
their comrades and the whole of the prisoners in confine-
ment, the rest were galloping about, cutting down their
officers and such other Europeans as came in their way.
Torches were everywhere applied to the bungalows ; the
ruffians from the jail and the thieves of the bazaar rushed
into every house; and, whilst some slaughtered the in-
mates with circumstances of shocking barbarity, the
others plundered whatever they could lay hold of, and
wrecked such valuables as they were unable to carry away.
For two hours the work of butchery and burning con-
tinued, though the authorities had it in their power to
have cut up within that time every living soul of the
mutineers. Whether the apathy, which it is more pain-
ful to contemplate than the scenes of bloodshed, was the
result of fear or imbecility, we have not the means of
judging ; and part of the vengeance invoked upon General
JHewett ought to fall on the heads of those who are respon-
sible for the appointment to such an important post of an
old man of seventy years and upwards. When the work
of destruction had been completed, and every English man,
woman, and child whom they could lay hold of were mur-
dered, the rebels prepared to leave the station, and were
allowed to do so without hindrance. They took the Delhi
road, and went on their way rejoicing ; when at last the
Dragoons and Rifles made their appearance and shot down
a few without in any way impeding the march of the rest.
Their place of refuge was forty miles distant, the highway
was level as a bowling-green the whole way, and they had
to cross two rivers to get into Delhi. A few guns placed
THE COST OP SENILITY IN HIGH PLACES. 73
on the road, a forced march of the Rifles, and smart gallop
of the cavalry, would have placed the British force in a
position to effect their total annihilation. The mischief at
Meerut had been done ; the safety of the station was past
praying for; and what had 2000 of her Majesty's choice
troops to do but to plant themselves in the path of the
bloodthirsty traitors and trample out the mutiny, so lar at
least as they were concerned ? But the chance, which
many a gallant heart must have prayed for all that night
in agony of spirit, was allowed to pass away, and the
cowardice or folly of a single man has entailed the slaughter
of countless thousands, and put to hazard the fairest domi-
nion that ever the sun shone upon. There is no punishment
great enough for such weakness, and we had better let it
rest under the shield of ignominy and universal execration.
For weeks afterwards the wrecks of what had once been
beautiful women and stalwart men straggled daily into
the station, adding fresh stock to the stories of horror and
disaster. The mutilated remains of the murdered were
collected and decently disposed of, and a sense of the pro-
priety of retribution began to dawn on the minds of the
authorities. Some of the assassins were arrested and
hung, and hopes were whispered abroad that in a few days
ample justice would be done on the mutineers. , Tidings
of the outbreak were sent off to the Commander-in-Chief,
who, however, could not be found for some time, having
gone on a shooting excursion amongst the hills, and for
the next three weeks no direct intelligence of his move-
ments was received at Calcutta. He reached Umballa
on the 18th of May, with the European regiment from
Sealkote, Dughsi, and Kussowlie, and pushed on to Kur-
naul, but halted for guns and carriage accommodation.
Neither artillery nor beasts of burden were to be had at
the head -quarters of the Queen's forces.
General Anson had sadly neglected his duty as Com-
mander-in-Chief of the Bengal army in the evil days that
he had fallen upon, but the spirit of a brave soldier was
strong within him, and he proposed to move on Delhi at
once, without waiting for reinforcements. The guns
might follow, as he •'-nought ; but it was pointed out to
him. that there was no commissariat, no camels, not a
74 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
day's allowance of provisions for troops in the field. Well !
he would supply his men in the villages on the route, and
make the military chests serve in lieu of gomastahs and
baggage- waggons. Such unwonted energy might have
borne down opposition ; but another reason for delay was
urged. There was not a single medicine chest available :
that objection was insurmountable, and the general bowed
to the influence of the military secretary. He remained
at Kurnaul till the 27th of May, and then succumbed to
a mightier influence, dying of cholera after a few hours*
illness.
On the llth of May Mr. Colvin telegraphed to Govern-
ment that a message had been received at Agra, at nine P.M.
the preceding evening, from the niece of the postmaster,
to the following effect : — " The cavalry have risen, setting
fire to their own houses, and several officers' houses, be-
sides having killed and wounded all European soldiers
and officers they could find near their lines." On the
12th, the Lieutenant-Governor telegraphed that the 3rd
Cavalry mutineers had been released, that guns were
heard all the night of the 10th and morning of the llth.
A young Sepoy, with his arms and a cavalry troop horse,
travelling down, it was believed, to acquaint other regi-
ments with the mutiny, had been arrested, and the Delhi
road was in possession of the mutineers; the villagers
had risen between Meerut and Haupper. The next day
Mr. Colvin urged that the troops from Persia should be
ordered to Calcutta, and sent up-country at once. He
stated that the villagers between Agra and Meerut robbed
and ill-used all passengers, that men of the llth and 20th
Regiments were apprehended at Allyghur, but "were
obstinately silent as to what has occurred." He suggested
the use of irregular cavalry in clearing the roads in the
disturbed districts.
On the 13th, Government telegraphed to Meerut to
know what had taken place, and on the same day Mr.
Colvin received a letter from that station, dated May 1 2th.
A detachment of carabineers might have easily escorted
a mail to Agra in twenty-four hours after the occurrence
of the outbreak, the distance being only fifty-six miles ;
but neither the faculties of the general commanding nor
LIFTING UP THE CURTAIN. 75
those of the commissioner of the division were equal to
such an effort. On the 14th, Mr. Cdvin informed Lord
Canning that he had received a letter from the king;
that the town and fort of Delhi and his own person were
in the hands of the insurgent regiments stationed there,
who had joined a hundred of the Meerut mutineers, and
opened the gates. The commissioner and his assistant, as
well as Miss Jennings, were reported to be killed. Mr.
Colvin recommended the proclamation of martial law, and
to show the state of feeling amongst the Sepoys about
English designs against their caste, he enclosed the extract
of a letter received that day from the collector of Muttra,
who wrote, " I have just heard what makes me doubtful
of the fidelity of our Sepoy guard here. The subadar told
one of the clerks to-day that he was convinced the Go-
vernment intended to take their caste, and had for that
purpose mixed ground bones in their flour." Scindiah had
offered the services of his body-guard, and a battery of
guns, which the Lieutenant-Governor proposed to accept
" for a short time only," remarking in his message, " though
we really do not want more troops."
On the following day, the 1 5th of May, the Lieutenant-
Governor announced that thirty Europeans had been
massacred, that all the troops had fraternized and pro-
claimed the heir-apparent king, and were apparently
organizing a regular Government, their supposed policy
being to " annex all the adjoining districts to their newly-
acquired kingdom." They were not likely, therefore, to
abandon Delhi, and would probably strengthen themselves.
They had secured, perhaps, 500,000?. Bhurtpore and
Gwalior were giving us hearty aid. The native regiments
in Agra were weak in numbers ; and, said Mr. Colvin,
" whatever their feelings may be, they are not likely to
rise of themselves without any other support. We do
not, therefore, show distrust of them. I have every con-
fidence that they will all be put to rights in a few days."
On the same day Mr. Colvin sent another message as fol-
lows : — " I have had a very satisfactory review of the
troops this morning. I had previously ascertained, from
undoubted authority of natives of confidence of all classes,
that a deep and genuine conviction, however absurd, has
76 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
seized the minds of the Sepoys of the army generally, that
the Government is steadily bent on making them lose
caste by handling impure things. Men of their own creed,
trusted by them, were sent by me into their lines, and the
most distinct assurances given them on the subject. I
spoke to the same effect at the parade, and the men said
this was all they wanted to be certain of. I believe that
under -the present circumstances the men are now staunch.
If mutineers approach in any force it is our determination
to move out the brigade and fight them. We shall go
with the brigade : a reinforcement of a battery of guns,
and some of the contingent cavalry, will be here from
Gwalior the morning after to-morrow. It is most ear-
nestly recommended, from the result of present experience,
that a proclamation to the army be at once issued by the
Supreme Government, saying, if it be so thought fit, that
the Lieutenant-Governor, North-west Provinces, has in-
formed them that he has found a gross misconception to
be prevalent ; that, being so informed, it at once declares
to its faithful troops that ifc would in every manner respect
and protect their feelings and usages of religion and caste,
as it has always scrupulously protected them ; that it de-
clares the notions which have got abroad on the point to be
an utter delusion, propagated by some designing persons
to mislead good soldiers; and the army may remain
thoroughly satisfied that no attempt whatever will be
made in any way to hinder in the least their religious
rites and practices. Armed with a simple and direct as-
surance of this kind, it would rapidly, I think, quiet the
minds of the troops. An inducement, too, is wanted for
not joining the mutineers and for leaving them. I am in
the thick of it, and know what is wanted. I earnestly beg
this to strengthen me."
Up to this date an apology may be suggested for the
conduct of Lord Canning. He had been but fourteen
months in the country, and there are powerful minds that
are slow to receive new impressions. His colleagues in
the executive, with one exception, were men of ripe Indian
experience, the picked statesmen of the entire civil service.
In the Legislative Council he had the advantage of the
advice of her Majesty's judges, and they had all been
THE REMEDY FOR REVOLT. 77
unanimous in support of the measures that were adopted.
To risk the chance of being wrong in company with his
council was a safer course than to aim at being right in
opposition to their opinions.
But what shall we say of the policy which, after the
receipt of Mr. Colvin's message, still trusted the native
army ? Blindness is no proper name for it, for there
were sounds as well as sights, the trumpets of alarm in the
ear as well as the handwriting on the wall. To give
point to General Hearsey's opinion, that argument and
remonstrance were hopeless, two regiments had been dis-
banded, seven were in open rebellion, many others had
been tampered with, and " a deep and genuine conviction,
had seized the minds of the Sepoys generally, that Govern*
ment were steadily bent on making them lose caste." But
Lord Canning was in no hurry to ^ict, and saw no occa-
sion to take a gloomy view of affairs. Lord Elphinstone
telegraphed, on the 17th of May, that he could at once
despatch a steamer to Suez, which would be in time to
catch the French steamer of the 9th of June at Alex-
andria, and thought that an officer sent off at once in a
swift vessel might even overtake the mail that left Bom-
bay on the 13th. The Governor-General answered that
he was not desirous of sending to England by an earlier
opportunity than the mail of the 18th of May from Cal-
cutta. Time was of course required for earnest consulta-
tion by the members of Government, and the result of
their deliberations was a communication to the Court of
Directors, dated the 19th of May, giving the first intima-
tion of the revolt, and embodying the following suggestions
of a remedy : — " The necessity for an increase of the sub-
stantial strength of the army on the Bengal establishment,
that is to say, of the European troops upon this establish-
ment, has been long apparent to us ; but the necessity of
refraining from any material increase to the charges of
the military department, in the present state of our
finances, has prevented us hitherto from moving your
Honourable Court in this matter. The late untoward
occurrences at Berhampore, Fort William, Barrackpore,
and Lucknow, crowned by the shocking and alarming
events of the past week at Meerut and Delhi, and taken
P
78 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
in connexion with the knowledge we have lately acquired
of the dangerous state of feeling in the Bengal native
army generally, strange, and, at present, unaccountable as
it is, have convinced us of the urgent necessity of not
merely a positive increase of our European strength, but
of a material increase in the proportion which our Euro-
pean troops bear to the native regular troops on the esta-
blishment. We are of opinion that the latter is now the
more pressing necessity of the two.
" We believe that all these objects, political, military,
and financial, will be immediately attained in a very
material degree by taking advantage of the present oppor-
tunity in the manner we have now the honour respectfully
to propose ; and we see no other way in which all the same
objects can be attained in any degree, now or prospectively.
We recommend that the six native regiments, which are
in effect no longer in existence, should not be replaced,
whereby the establishment of regular native infantry would
be reduced to sixty-eight regiments ; and that the Euro-
pean officers of these late regiments should be used to
officer three regiments of Europeans to be added to your
establishment at this Presidency.
" We confidently affirm that the Government will be
much stronger, in respect of all important internal and
external purposes, with three additional European regi-
ments of the established strength, than it would be by
embodying six native regiments of the established strength ;
and we anticipate no inconvenience in respect of minor
objects, in time of peace and tranquillity, from the conse-
quent numerical reduction of regular troops. Indeed, the
financial result of the measure, if carried out as we propose,
will leave a considerable surplus available, if it should be
thought fit so to employ it, for an augmentation of
irregulars, who, for all such minor objects, are much
better, as well as much cheaper, than regulars of any
description."
We have here at least one example on the part of Lord
Canning of a sense of the fitness of things. It was certainly
not worth while to send a special messenger with such a
very ordinary communication as the above. As the
emergency for European soldiers could wait until the
BREAKING THE NEWS. 79
Court of Directors had made up their minds to empower
the recruiting sergeant at home to act, the delay of a mail
on this side was of no moment whatever. The reader
will now be at no loss to understand the grounds on
which, when the news of the outbreak reached England,
the ministry and Mr. Mangles expressed their high admi-
ration of his lordship's firmness and capacity. When
did a nobleman acquit himself more ably than this Gover-
nor-General, who could afford to take such a hopeful
view of a troublesome affair ? When was mutiny made
so pleasant to the Court of Directors ? They would,
positively gain money by it ! No blame was imputed to
them for the parsimony which had left the country so
truly defenceless ; no reproaches were directed against
the folly which had sanctioned and sent out the greased
cartridges. There are doctors who, on system, make the
most nauseous medicine taste pleasant ; and Lord Canning
has gained their secret, though in this case he has prac-
tised it to the imminent danger of his patient.
With the same dislike to diminish the amount of human
happiness which dictated the tone and substance of his
correspondence with the Court of Directors, Lord Canning
withheld from the people of Calcutta the intelligence of
the Meerut and Delhi massacres, which reached the news-
papers as a mere rumour on the 14th of May. The native
merchants had full particulars the day previous, as a matter
of course. On the 15th the Hurkaru said : — "We hear
that some bad news was received from Meerut by the
Military Secretary to Government — the 3rd Cavalry had
mutinied and murdered their officers." " There is also a
report that the troops at Delhi have also risen, and, after
having overcome the Europeans, had taken possession of
the fort. It is to be hoped that this is a mere rumour,
but we have heard it on sufficient authority to justify
publication."
The Englishman was instructed to contradict this the
next morning, which it did in the following terms : —
"We can authoritatively contradict the statement in
yesterday's Hurkaru that a report of the murder of the
officers of the 3rd Cavalry has reached the Secretary to
Government in the Military Department, No such
F2
80 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
report has been received. Alarming reports were in cir-
culation yesterday as to the state of affairs in Meerut and
Delhi. We published all that was certain, believing there
must be great exaggeration in the rest. We are now in-
formed that all was tranquil at Meerut on the 12th instant.
The Cantonment and Treasury all right, and the troops
quite ready to meet any attack. The interruption to the
communication was caused by the refractory troopers of
the 3rd Cavalry, who had fled from Meerut, and their
villages being on the road, they persuaded their friends to
join them, and it is feared that some of their officers have
been killed.
" At Delhi there had been disturbances, and a party of
the marauders got possession of the fort, as it is called —
not a place of any strength. Two European gentlemen
have been murdered, but we refrain from mentioning
names till more positive information reaches us."
The same journal came out in its evening edition with
" authentic particulars from Government."
" There has been a rising of some of the native troops
at Delhi, some Europeans have been killed, but the names
and number not known. Meerut is quiet, and the troops
are ready. European regiments are on the march from
the hills."
The admission, on the • 1 6th of May, that " there had
been disturbances at Delhi," and the statement, that the
losses at Meerut were the work of those men of the 3rd
Cavalry who had fled from that place, reads oddly enough,
when we call to mind that Lord Canning knew, at the
time he allowed this information to be furnished, that six
thousand men had revolted and proclaimed a king. The
concealment of intelligence grew afterwards into a habit,
and gave the natives a handle for inculcating all kinds of
false rumours. When these inventions were met by denial
on the part of Europeans, the Bengalee would reply, " The
Government know that what we say is true, only they
don't choose to make the thing public." The rejoinder
was always felt to be unanswerable, for the authorities
had sole control of the telegraph, and daily experience
showed how unwilling they were that the whole truth
should be known by their countrymen. It was not long
WEAKNESS OF OUK MEANS OF DEFENCE. 81
after the outbreak of insurrection that the English popu-
lation, having to choose only between the tales of the
bazaar and the bulletins of Government, gave the largest
credence to the former.
CHAPTER VI.
STATE OP THE DEFENCES OF BENGAL. — THE GOVERNMENT URGED TO
OBTAIN REINFORCEMENTS. — AVAILABLE RESOURCES. — FACILITY OF
RELIEVING CAWNPORE AND LUCKNOW. — JUNG BAHADOR AND THE
GHOORKAS.
AMONGST the causes of the mutiny should be ranked, as
well, the notorious weakness of our means of defence at
the outset, and the ease with which revenge and plunder
were to be obtained at the subsequent stages of the revolt.
On the 10th of May there was not a single European
soldier at Delhi, Allahabad, or Cawnpore. Benares was
hurriedly reinforced by a company and a half of the 10th,
and General Wheeler obtained the aid of two companies
of the 32nd from Lucknow, which he sent back again on.
the arrival at Cawnpore of a detachment of the 84th. At
army head-quarters, as we have seen, there were neither
commissariat nor medical stores. At Meerut, on the 18th
of May, the commanding officer reported that the rein-
forcement for the army of Delhi must stand fast for the
want of carriage. At Allahabad there were guns in abun-
dance, but no men to work them ; Benares was wholly
without fortifications, and had only half a bullock-battery ;
Barrackpore had to depend upon sailors to man the six
guns sent up there from Calcutta, when the safety of the
capital was threatened. Often, during the months of
June and July, were the English prompted to thank their
stars that the rebels had neither a leader nor a plan of
action, but blundered almost as much as the Supreme
Government ; for, had it been otherwise, every living
soul in Bengal would have perished, or been forced to
abandon the country.
If we admit that Lord Canning, after a residence of
fourteen months in the country, could not be expected to
detect the signs of weakness, which all men now unite in.
02 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
deploring, and that the warnings of General Hearsey, and
the occurrences in the 19th and 3 4th regiments, were not
grave enough to induce fears for the safety of the empire,
the question of competency on the part of the Indian
Government is restricted to a single inquiry : — Did the
Governor-General use all possible exertions to obtain
more troops, and make the best use of them when they
arrived ?
The first portion of the query must be answered in the
affirmative. No means were left untried to collect rein-
forcements of English soldiers from the various stations in
the Indian and China seas ; but the credit of suggesting
such vigorous measures must not be allowed to rest with
the Calcutta authorities, to whom it has hitherto been as-
signed. On the 13th of May Mr. Colvin telegraphed to
Lord Canning as follows : —
u It will, no doubt, have been already thought of, but
I cannot do harm in suggesting that the force returning
from the Persian Gulf, or a considerable portion of it, be
summoned in straight to Calcutta, and thence sent up the
country. Necessarily it will give a powerful moveable
force free from local influences, and have an excellent
effect in showing that the Government has large means,
independent of the usual army here."
On the 16th Sir Henry Lawrence telegraphed from
Lucknow : — " All is quiet here, but affairs are critical ;
get every European you can from China, Ceylon, and else-
where ; also, all the Ghoorkas from the hills j time is
everything."
Lord Elphin stone offered, on the 17th, a regiment of
Beloochees, and the 1st Bombay Europeans, both of which
were accepted. On the same date Sir John Lawrence pro-
posed to embody 5000 men from the corps of Police and
Guides in the Punjaub, and to raise 1000 more if neces-
sary, both of which suggestions were adopted. The mes-
sage of Lord Canning to the Governor of Bombay was
dated May 16th, and is as follows : —
" Two of the three European regiments which are re-
turning from Persia are urgently wanted in Bengal. If
they are sent from Bombay to Kurrachee, will they find
conveyance up the Indus ? Are they coming from Bushire
DOING JUSTICE TO MEKIT. 83
in steam or sailing transports ? Let me know immedi-
ately whether General Ashburnham is going to Madras."
On the 17th the Governor-General asked Lord Elphin-
stone if he could send a steamer to Galle, to bring troops
from thence to Calcutta; and the Fusiliers at Madras
were called for on the 1 6th of May, after the receipt of
the message from Sir Henry Lawrence. We have thus
the whole of the reinforcements accounted for, and in no
single instance is the merit of having called them to
Bengal to be ascribed to the Supreme Government.
The question of the wise employment of means is
equally capable of solution.
At the outbreak of the mutiny there were in Calcutta,
and the adjoining stations of Dum-Dum and Barrack-
pore, two regiments of European infantry, the 53rd and
84th, mustering about 1700 effective men. These, with
the 10th at Dinapore, and a company of artillery in Fort
William, comprised the whole English force between the
capital and Agra, 900 miles distant. The native corps
consisted of the 2nd Grenadiers, 43rd and 70th N.I., the
Calcutta militia, and the remnant of the 34th, in all 4000
men, stationed within the limits of the Presidency divi-
sion. At Berhampore there was the 63rd N.I. ; at Dina-
pore, the 7th, 8th, and 40th, together with a regiment of
irregular cavalry. Benares was occupied by the 37th
and the Loodianah regiment of Sikhs. The 6th were at
Allahabad ; the 65th at Ghazepore; the 2nd Cavalry, 1st
and 53rd N.I., at Cawnpore. The total available force of
Europeans throughout this great extent of country was
not more than 2500, against 14,000 native troops ; vast
odds as seen upon paper, but not sufficient to alarm a man
of energy and decision as to the result of a struggle for
the mastery.
A thousand English volunteer infantry, 400 cavalry,
and 1500 sailors, were at the disposal of Government a
week after the revolt became known. It only needed the
utterance of a few words of ordinary sympathy and encou-
ragement to draw out the entire available European popu-
lation : no great price to pay for such service as they were
able and willing to perform ; but small as was the esti-
mated cost, Lord Canning grudged it. It was not until
84 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the 12th of June that he consented to the enrolment of a
volunteer corps ; and only then, after much misgiving as
to the propriety of showing special favour to any particular
class of the population. The use that might have been
made of such auxiliaries was pointed out at the time with
sufficient clearness ; but at this moment we can see that
it would have been literally invaluable.
The waters of the Ganges do not rise until the latter
end of June ; and it would have been scarcely advisable
to push troops up by that route, so long as there was a
prospect that the vessels might get aground. The railway
and the road offered the greatest facilities for the transit
of men, guns, and stores ; and both were in the best con-
dition. The line was opened to Raneegunge, a distance of
120 miles from Calcutta ; and up to that point there was
no difficulty in sending a couple of regiments by a single
train. Whilst the volunteers were learning how to load
and fire, and the merchant seamen were being instructed
in the use of artillery, Government might have placed
on the road from the terminus to Cawnpore a line of sta-
tions for horses and bullocks at intervals of five miles,
guarded, if necessary, by posts of armed men ; the studs
at Buxar and Ghazepore, the streets and the course of
Calcutta, could have supplied any number of horses. There
were 1600 siege bullocks at Allahabad, and 600 at Cawn-
pore ; carriages and commissariat stores of all kinds might
have been collected for the use of a division with seven
days' hard work ; and had Government only consented to
do just a fortnight beforehand what they were coerced to
do on the 14th of June, they might have had, on the first
day of that month, a force of 2000 Europeans at Ranee-
gunge, fully equipped with guns and stores ; the infantry
capable of being pushed on at the rate of 120 miles a day,
and the artillery, drawn by horses, elephants, and bullocks
in turns, following at a speed of two miles an hour, day
and night. The Madras Fusiliers had arrived, 830 strong.
The disbanded native troops could have been kept easily
in check by a detachment of 300 men at Barrackpore and
200 in Fort William, in addition to the volunteers and
seamen ; and by the 8th of June, at latest, a column of
1500 men would have reached Cawnpore ; the guns,
WATCHING THE TIDE RUN OUT. 50
escorted by half a wing, arriving seven days afterwards.
The 10th, after having disarmed the native regiments at
Dinapore, could have spared 200 men for Benares, and the
same number might have been detached from the column
as it passed through Allahabad. The attack upon Sir
Hugh Wheeler was not made until the 4th of June, and
only succeeded on the 27th ; and we have only to recall
the narrative of Havelock's raid to infer the result of a
march made six weeks, earlier.
The Englishman has said that there were two stamps
in the Calcutta post-office, one marked "insufficient," and
the other " too late f and that one or the other ought to
have been impressed upon every act of the Indian Go-
vernment. The arrangements suggested in the previous
paragraph were partially carried out when it was too
late ; when the veteran Wheeler with all his force and
their precious charge slept in their bloody shrouds ; when
the wives and children of the gallant 32nd had all been
massacred, and the gentle and gifted Lawrence had
perished miserably by the hand of a traitor. The volun-
teers were allowed to enrol themselves on the 12th of
June, and the native troops in Calcutta and Barrackpore
were disarmed on the 14th of that month. The Fusi-
liers, despatched in relays of twelve, fourteen, and on
one occasion of eight men, arrived at Allahabad in the
last days of June, when the 1600 bullocks offered by the
commissariat on the 27th of May were all dispersed, and
there was not a beast of burden or chest of medicine to
be had. On the 24th of May Lord Canning telegraphed
to Sir Henry Lawrence : — " It is impossible to place a
wing of Europeans at Cawnpore in less than twenty-five
days. The Government dawk and the dawk companies
are fully engaged in carrying a company of the 84th to
Benares, at the rate of eighteen men a day. The entire
regiment of the Fusiliers, about 900 strong, cannot be ex-
pected at Benares in less than nineteen or twenty days." The
plea of impossibility was not to be gainsaid, and hence it
occurred that General Havelock started from Allahabad
the day after the death of Sir Henry Lawrence ; twice
essayed to relieve Lucknow ; and twice returned, unable,
from numerical weakness, to accomplish the object. But
86 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the success obtained satisfied tlie minds of the autho-
rities. Every petty detachment reached its destination.
Benares was saved by a reinforcement of forty men;
Allahabad had been preserved by seventy decayed Euro-
pean gunners. The people at home would overlook the
neglect of prevention, when they heard of the rapidity
of the cure ; the chance of a relapse not being taken
into consideration.
Each of the large towns enumerated is situated oil
the banks of the Ganges or Jumna, the former stream
being navigable at all seasons for vessels of light draught
as far as Dinapore. There were hundreds of cargo boats
at Calcutta, which, furnished with mat roofs and partially
decked over, would have earned each a large gun, and the
men to work it. Steamers, of which there were numbers
available, would have towed them to Dinapore, where
they might have waited till the rivers rose, and then,
either by sailing and rowing, or tugged by steam, they
could have got up to the walls of Delhi. If it were
thought advisable to ascend the Jumna in the first of
the rains, the armament and stores could have been
transferred to boats built expressly for the navigation,
which are always to be found waiting at Benares and
Ghazepore for their upward cargoes at that season of the
year. These vessels, long, low, and heavily built, carry
forty tons on a draught of eighteen inches, and are ad-
mirably fitted to serve as gunboats. The notion of
taking advantage of the facilities afforded by steamers
and small armed vessels for attacking towns situated on
the banks of navigable rivers, appears to have been sug-
gested in an official way to Lord Canning early in August,
when it was settled that Captain Peel should ascend the
Ganges with a force of men and guns; but there were
difficulties in the way which required long deliberation,
and Captain Peel started when it was too late in the
season, and hence had to relinquish the main object of
the enterprise. There is an old maxim which recom-
mends that you should never put forth your hand with-
out being sure that you can draw it back again. The
Indian Government appear to value the advice, and
always to have acted upon it.
DOING ALL THINGS IN ORDER. 87
The column of 1500, arriving at Cawnpore in the
second week in June, could have been reinforced on the
25th of that month by at least 4000 men, even if a regi-
ment had been left behind to strengthen Calcutta. The
64th, 78th, and a company of the Madras Artillery, in all
nearly 1900 men, arrived at Fort William between the
1st and 10th of June. The 37th from Ceylon, with a
company of the Royal Artillery, the 29th and 35th from
Pegu, reached almost at the same time. The rebels in
heart at Calcutta wrote to their friends in the north-
west, that " the sea was throwing up soldiers every day ;'*
and the slightest knowledge of the Oriental character
would have suggested the propriety of benefiting by
their natural tendency to exaggeration. Had the regi-
ments, after a day's rest, been marched in each case to
the wide plain near the fort, and there, with all the pomp
and circumstance that could have been devised, been put
through the evolutions of a sham fight, the story of their
numbers and warlike appearance, magnified tenfold, would
have spread over the whole country. But the rulers of
British India have no idea of dramatic effect ; and except
when the occupants of carriages on the course stood up
as one man to cheer a passing troop-ship, and, with full
hearts, felt that they ought to be uncovered in the pre-
sence of the rudest soldier that wore the livery of Eng-
land, the gallant men passed on to their work of toil,
perhaps to sickness and death, with no sign of reco-
gnition from the Government they came to serve. Want
of food, bad lodgings, and pitiless exposure waited upon
them till they got clear of Calcutta.
The 5th and 90th arrived early in July, and two
Madras regiments in August ; yet Lucknow was not re-
lieved, but only strengthened on the 20th of October.
The elements of a force with which a Napier would
have undertaken to traverse the length and breadth of
the land, were scattered over the country, shattered in
brilliant but useless actions, worn down by incessant
toil, or decimated by disease and lack of sustenance and
shelter. God's curse lies heavy on the nations when it
takes the form of pestilence or famine ; but it is never,
perhaps, so deadly and terrible as when, in time of trial,
THE SEPOY REVOLT.
it visits the people with a Government such as that which
is presided over by Viscount Canning.
But there was still another means of saving the brave
and helpless of Cawnpore and Lucknow, apart from the
march of Europeans to their aid. At the outbreak of the
mutiny Jung Bahador, the virtual ruler of Nepaul, offered
the use of his army, and the services of 3000 were ac-
cepted. The best men of the Nepaulese forces were
picked out for the expedition; and the daring little
Ghoorkas, elated to the highest pitch at the prospect of
fighting by the side of the English, and plundering the
hoards of the hated Sepoys, came down from their hills
by forced marches, and expected to be in Oude about the
15th of June. Though the prime troops of Nepaul, they
•were the ugliest and dirtiest of warriors, not much amen-
able to discipline, nor fond of temperance in eating or
drinking ; but the Sikh, who cares nothing for Brahmin
and Mussulman, shrinks with dismay from a conflict with
the Ghoorka. They were a match in this case for more
than 10,000 Sepoys ; and had they been permitted to join
Sir Henry Lawrence at Lucknow, he would have raised
the siege in twenty-four hours after their arrival, and then,
clearing a road to the Ganges, have crossed over to Cawn-
pore and liberated Sir Hugh Wheeler. But the blight
of Calcutta was upon all concerned. When the Ghoorkas
had passed through the deadly jungle that surrounds
the base of their hills, Jung Bahador received a despatch
from Lord Canning, requesting that they might be recalled,
as their services could be dispensed with. They went
back to Katmandoo, heavy-hearted, and suffering greatly
from sickness, which broke out amongst them on their
return march ; but had scarce reached the capital, when
another despatch came from Lord Canning, asking Jung
Bahador to send them back again to Oude, where they
were now wanted. They left Katmandoo for the second
time on the 29th of June, two days after the massacre at
Cawnpore; and only arrived in the British territory,
much reduced by disease and death, when Sir Henry Law-
rence had been dead for a fortnight. There are widows
and orphans who have more need to complain than Jung
Bahador j but that chieftain considers that he has been ill
THE MUTINEERS IN DELHI. 89
used in the matter ; and writing to his friend Mr. Hodg-
son, late of the Bengal Civil Service, a narrative of the
affair, he wound up with the exclamation, " You see how
I am treated. How do you expect to keep India with
such rulers as these V
CHAPTER VII.
HE MARCH ON DELHI. — THE DEFENCE OF THE MAGAZINE. — THE
GREAT MOGUL AND HIS COURT. — NARRATIVES OF THE CAPTURE AND
CONDITION OF THE CITY.
WE left the Meerut mutineers on the night of the 1 Oth
of May, encamped on the road to Delhi. They made
good use of their time, performing the distance, thirty-six
miles, before noon the following day. They met several
Europeans on the road travelling in dawk carriages, who
were of course slaughtered ; and then hastening into the
city, the rebels set about their separate tasks of seducing
the men of the regiments stationed there, calling out the
thieves to plunder, and murdering every European that
could be laid hold of. Hiding furiously through the can-
tonment, the men of the 3rd Cavalry sought everywhere
for the officers, in whose faces they discharged their pis-
tols with shouts of savage triumph. The city was full of
munitions of war ; though, with a blind reliance upon
destiny, for which our race have only the excuse that they
believe in the Providence which watches over fools and
madmen, no Europeans have been stationed in Delhi for
many years.
The arsenal contained three siege trains and vast stores
of warlike material, the loss of which has been felt severely
by the troops of the avenging army ; but the rebels were
not permitted to reap all the benefits of Government
supineness. The magazine held a vast quantity of powder
and warlike stores, and they hastened to it in the hope of
a speedy capture ; but its little garrison of nine men were
of the true English mould, and the rebels obtained nothing
in the end but a speedy entrance into the Indian paradise.
Some days after the loss of Delhi, Lieutenant Willoughby,
the officer in charge of the magazine, made his appearance
90 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
at Meerut, blackened with gunpowder, and sinking rapidly
from the effects of wounds and exhaustion ; and it was
then learned that he had blown up the place to prevent it
falling into the hands of the mutineers. He died soon
afterwards, and it was thought that the story ol his gal-
lant conduct would never be told ; but, after an extraor-
dinary delay, the Government published a despatch from
Lieutenant Forrest, from which it appears that, on the
first alarm of the outbreak, he hastened to the magazine,
together with Messrs. Buckley, Shaw, Scully, and Crow,
warrant officers, and Sergeants Edwards and Stewart.
What followed had better be told in his own words.
" On Sir Theophilus Metcalfe alighting from his buggy,
Lieutenant Willoughby and I accompanied him to the
small bastion on the river face, which commanded a full
view of the bridge, from which we could distinctly see the
mutineers marching in open column headed by the cavalry ;
and the Delhi side of the bridge was already in the pos-
session of a body of cavalry. On Sir Theophilus Metcalfe
observing this, he proceeded with Lieutenant Willoughby
to see if the city gate was closed against the mutineers.
However, this step was needless, as the mutineers were
admitted directly to the palace, through which they passed
cheering. On Lieutenant Willoughby's return to the
magazine, the gates of the magazine were closed and bar-
ricaded, and every possible arrangement that could be
made was at once commenced on. Inside the gate lead-
ing to the park were placed two 6-pounders, double
charged with grape, one under acting sub-conductor Crow
and Sergeant Stewart, with the lighted matches in their
hands, and with orders that, if any attempt was made to
force that gate, both guns were to be fired at once, and
they were to fall back on that part of the magazine in
which Lieutenant Willoughby and I were posted. The
principal gate of the magazine was similarly defended by
two guns, with the chevaux-de-frise laid down on the in-
side. For the further defence of this gate and the maga-
zine in its vicinity, there were two 6-pounders so placed
that either would command the gate and a small bastion
in its vicinity. Within sixty yards of the gate and in
front of the office, and commanding two cross-roads, were
THE LIONS AT BAY. 91
three 6-pounders and one 24 -pounder howitzer, which
could be so managed as to act upon any part of the maga-
zine in that neighbourhood. After all these guns and
howitzers had been placed in the several positions above-
named, they were loaded with double charges of grape.
The next step taken was to place arms in the hands of
the native establishment, which they most reluctantly
received, and appeared to be in a state not only of excite-
ment, but also of insubordination, as they refused to obey
any orders issued by the Europeans, particularly the Mus-
sulman portion of the establishment. After the above
arrangements had been made, a train was laid by con-
ductors Buckley, Scully, and Sergeant Stewart, ready to
be fired by a preconcerted signal, which was that of con-
ductor Buckley raising his hat from his head, on the order
being given by Lieutenant Willoughby. The train was
fired by conductor Scully, but not until such time as the
last round from the howitzers had been fired. So soon as the
above arrangements had been made, guards from the palace
came and demanded the possession of the magazine in the
name of the King of Delhi, to which no reply was given.
" Immediately after this, the subadar of the guard on
duty at the magazine informed Lieutenant Willoughby
and me that the King of Delhi had sent down word to
the mutineers that he would without delay send scaling-
ladders from the palace for the purpose of scaling the
walls, and which shortly after arrived. On the ladders
being erected against the wall, the whole of our native
establishment deserted us by climbing up the sloped
sheds on the inside of the magazine, and descending the
ladders on the outside, after which the enemy appeared in
great numbers on the top of the walls, and on whom we
kept up an incessant fire of grape, every round of which
told well, as long as a single round remained. Previous
to the natives deserting us, they hid the priming pouches ;
and one man in particular, Kurreembuksh, a durwan, ap-
peared to keep up a constant communication with the
enemy on the outside, and keep them informed of our
situation. Lieutenant Willoughby was so annoyed at
this man's conduct, that he gave me an order to shoot
him, should he again approach the gate.
02 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
IC Lieutenant Raynor, with the other Europeans, did
everything that possibly could be done for the defence of
the magazine ; and where ali have behaved so bravely, it
is almost impossible for me to point out any particular
individual. However, I am in duty bound to bring to
the notice of Government the gallantry of conductors
Buckley and Scully on this trying occasion. The former,
assisted only by myself, loaded and fired in rapid succes-
sion the several guns above detailed, firing at least four
rounds from each gun, and with the same steadiness as if
standing on parade, although the enemy were then some
hundreds in number, and kept up a continual fire of mus-
ketry on us, within forty or fifty yards. After firing the
last round, conductor Buckley received a musket-ball in
his arm, above the elbow, which has since been extracted
here. I at the same time was struck in the left hand by
two musket-balls, which disabled me for the time. It was
at this critical moment that Lieutenant Willoughby gave
the order for firing the magazine, which was at once re-
sponded to by conductor Scully firing the several trains.
Indeed, from the very commencement, he evinced his
gallantry by volunteering his services for blowing up the
magazine, and remained true to his trust to the last
moment. As soon as the explosion took place, such as
escaped from beneath the ruins — and none escaped unhurt
— retreated through the sally-port on the river face.
Lieutenant Willoughby and I succeeding in reaching the
Cashmere Gate. What became of the other parties it is
impossible for me to say. Lieutenant Raynor and con-
ductor Buckley have escaped to this station. Severe in-
disposition prevented my sending in this report sooner."
It is little more than half a century since Lord Lake,
whilst engaged in a campaign against the Mahrattas, en-
camped near the city of Delhi, and, making his way into
the palace, found there the representative of the royal
house of Timor, in the person of an aged man, poor, help-
less, and blind, the plaything of fortune, the prize by turns
of numerous adventurers. His ancesters had by the law
of force at one time acquired the dominion of all India,
and the rule which had raised them to the pinnacle of
greatness had sunk him to the lowest depths of abasement.
THE HOUSE OF TAMERLANE. 93
He had lived to see the dominions over which he had
himself reigned, the prize of successive conquerors, his
wealth scattered, his wives dishonoured, and had reached
the climax of human misery when a brutal soldier scooped
his eyes out with a dagger, and left him without the hope
of better days. The English general seated him again in
the chair of royalty, and, in return for a parchment gift
of the countries which he had won and intended to keep
by the sword, allotted to him the first rank in the long
line of mockery kings that once reigned, but now who
merely live, in India. In public and private, the Padshah,
as he is called, received the signs of homage which were
considered to belong to his pre-eminent station. He has
never forgiven the English since a Governor-General in-
sisted upon having a chair in his presence ; and, until
recently, the agent of the latter, when vouchsafed the
honour of an audience, addressed him with folded hands,
in the attitude of supplication. He never received letters,
only petitions ; and conferred an exalted favour on the
Government of British India by accepting a monthly
present of 80,000 rupees. Merely as a mark of excessive
condescension, he tacitly sanctioned all our acts, withdrew
his royal approbation from each and all of our native
enemies, and fired salutes upon every occasion of a victory
achieved by our troops. Hitherto, it would have been
impossible to have found a royal ally more courteously
disposed ; and, we believe, it never entered the brain of the
most suspicious diplomatist, that the treaties between the
Great Mogul and the Honourable Company were in any
danger of being violated by his Majesty. To sweep away
the house of Tamerlane would not have added one jot to
our power. Outside the walls of his palace, the King of
Delhi, as he was termed, had no more authority than the
meanest of those whom he had been taught to consider
his born vassals ; but within that enclosure his will was
fate, and there were 12,000 persons who lived subject to
it. The universal voice of society ascribed to this popu-
lation the habitual practice of crimes of which the very
existence is unknown at home, except to the few who
form the core of the corrupt civilization of great cities.
Its princes lived without dignity, and its female aristo-
G
94 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
cracy contrived to exist without honour. The physical
type of manhood was debased, whilst the intellectual
qualifications of both sexes, with one or two exceptions,
did not reach even the Mahomedan standard of merit,
perhaps the lowest in the scale of modern humanity.
But a " Light of the World" could not exist even in
these days without experiencing earthly troubles. His
Majesty had no fear of Mahratta daggers, and his pension
was paid far more punctually than were the revenues of
his ancestors. Domestic troubles were more burdensome,
perhaps, to his effulgent shoulders than would be the cares
of the universe, and there were no less than 1200 little
lights which radiated upon him from all parts of Hindos-
tan, and required a great deal of oil to keep them burn-
ing. It was no uncommon thing for one of this celestial
race to be obliged to live on fifty shillings a month, but
in no case did he forget the dignity of his birth. A Mus-
sulman is obliged to settle a dowry upon his wife, and a
member of the Soolatun never endows her with less than
50,000£ Their sole occupation was confined to playing
on the Indian lute, and singing the King's verses. Too
proud to work with their hands, too ignorant to be useful
with their heads, they would have been content to con-
tinue for generations to come in their late miserable con-
dition— forlorn mortals, empty alike in pocket and sto-
mach, in heart and brain, and conscious only of the pos-
session of unsatisfied appetites. The evil had not escaped
the notice of Government, who felt that they must pull
down the nest, if they would have the young brood fly
abroad. When the title of the late heir-apparent was
recognised, it was arranged that, on the death of the late
occupant of the musnud, the palace should be evacuated,
and the family residence fixed at what is now the king's
country seat, situated about twelve miles from Delhi. His
Majesty consented to the terms with much reluctance,
and, his son dying before him, perhaps he felt morally
released from the bond. He has had his own little quar-
rels with his despised protectors on the usual score of
accounts ; but it is likely that all outstanding claims from,
the llth May last will find speedy adjustment.
THE SYMBOL CONVERTED INTO A REALITY. 9t>
In spite of the utter subjection in which the Padshah
lived for well nigh a hundred years, the Mussulmans still
continued to regard him as being the fountain of honour,
the rightful monarch of Hindostan. This belief is easily-
accounted for, since, with the exception of the princes of
Kajpootana and a few insignificant rajahs, there are no
dynasties which can lay claim to a much greater antiquity
than that of the British rule in the East ; whilst, again,
there is hardly a single monarch who has not at some time
sworn fealty to the house of Tamerlane, and received in-
vestiture at its hands. The Mogul is the only person to
whom the Mahomedans can look up as their natural head.
The founders of the royal houses of the Deccan, Carnatic,
and Oude, of Holkar and Scindiah, were the deputies and
servants of his ancestors. His divine right to universal
dominion still exists ; only in the East, as elsewhere,
Toryism, however sincere, is seldom able to bring the law
and the fact into complete harmony. Nothing was more
natural than the proclamation by Mussulmans of the
Delhi Raj when they fancied they saw a chance of throw-
ing off the English yoke ; but a rebellion requires some-
thing more than a name to make it successful, and the
adherents of the new rulers have not failed to recognise
the fact. They used the King of Oude as they have used
the credulous Hindoo. The deposed prince has vast
hoards of money, and unbounded influence amongst the
Sepoys ; and hence, when it became possible to employ
the pretensions of the Padshah, the wrongs of the King
of Oude, and the superstition of the Hindoos, a confede-
racy was created, the strength of which we have scarcely
yet ascertained. Meanwhile the king of the Sepoys'
choice has shown himself worthy of his Tartar progenitors.
At an early date of the mutinies he caused letters to be
sent to various regiments, requesting them to seize the
treasuries and loot all they could find, bringing, in every
case, the plunder to his royal receiving-house. Favour
and twenty-four shillings per month would reward the
obedient Sepoy ; punishment sure, but not specified, was
to overtake him who elected to remain honest. Some of
his Majesty's ancestors were emphatically the greatest
G2
96 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
thieves in the world, and their descendant has availed
himself of this the only opportunity he has had of pur-
suing the family vocation.
The complicity of the Sepoy King of Delhi in the rebel-
lion was evident from the first moment of alarm. The
corps that commenced the revolt were Mussulmans almost
to a man ; and the place of their destination, with the
nature of the welcome that would be given to them, was
not for an instant in doubt. They made for the palace at
once on entering the city, the king having it in his power
to shut the gates against them, without any danger to his
own personal household. The mutineers would not have
dared to shed blood within those sacred precincts without
his previous authority to do so ; and had he chosen to give
shelter to the helpless fugitives who implored his protec-
tion, not a finger would have been lifted against them. It
rested with him to give the word which would have con-
verted the revolt to a mere strife between men of oppos-
ing races — Sepoy against European, Mussulman and Brah-
min against Christianity and civilization ; but the descen-
dant of Tamerlane inherited the ancestral thirst for blood,
and thought, perhaps, like a chief of pirates, it was neces-
sary to make forgiveness hopeless. Ladies and others who
had sought shelter in the palace were dragged before him,
their captors asking what should be done with them. The
royal answer, " Do what you like to them," was of course
a sentence of death ; and the brief reign of the heir-ap-
parent, whom his majesty gave them as a sovereign, was
inaugurated with the blood of English women and chil-
dren whose lives had wrought him no harm, and whose
death could yield him no profit. Later still the last of
the Great Moguls issued a decree of extermination against
the Sikhs as well as the hated Feringhee, and in both
cases committed what politicians say is worse than moral
guilt — a deplorable blunder. For every drop of the inno-
cent blood spilt at Delhi and .elsewhere, a tide has poured
from the veins of his adherents ; and the act of H.M.'s 5th
Fusiliers, who scratched a crucifix on their bayonets, and,
kissing the weapon, swore to wash out the mark in the
hearts' blood of the rebels, only embodied the feelings of
every man of British extraction. To win back our losses and
A NATIVE WRITER ON THE REBELLION. 97
vindicate our ancient reputation, were felt to be but small
matters. The cry was for vengeance, full and complete ;
and nothing short of that will satisfy our countrymen.
Narratives of what took place after the mutineers got
possession of Delhi have been furnished by native writers,
whose habit of chronicling minute facts gives great value
to their descriptions of passing events. We subjoin trans-
lations of two Hindoo letters, which throw great light
upon the state of feeling in the city at the time of the re-
volt, and show how little reason there is to suspect that
the commercial and trading classes had anything to do
with it. The extract now given is from a communication
to the Eajah of Jheend by his newswriter in Delhi, dated
May 17th, six days after the arrival of the mutineers : —
"On the 16th Ramzan, on Sunday, eighty -five sowars
of the cavalry were sentenced to imprisonment at Meerut.
The regiments proceeded to the gaol, and released the pri-
soners, and took them away, slaying the European sen-
tries : they then set fire to the houses in the lines, and
slew old and young. Some 300 Europeans and natives
were killed in the conflict ; some cavalry and a regiment
of infantry have arrived at Delhi. Mr. Eraser and some
other gentlemen went with some sowars to quell the dis-
turbance : the cavalry attacked and killed all the Euro-
peans, and then went down to cantonments, and burnt
the artillery and infantry lines, and the blackguards of the
city looted the shops. In the afternoon the sowars offered
their services to the king, and said they would place him
on the throne, and that he should take the opportunity,
and give up to them his guns and magazine. What they
required, he did. He promised, and gave up his son to
them. They attacked the Government magazine, when
they knocked down the wall of the magazine, which caused
much injury to the people. There were, many Europeans
killed ; in short, only those of the English who concealed
themselves escaped, but none others. The king has ap-
pointed one Meer Nawab as kotwal. The whole place is-
in disturbance. The king has sent his son to inspire con-
fidence, but the ill-disposed are plundering everywhere.
The king has encamped outside the city with six regi-
ments ; he is old. The officials are those of a worn-out
'98 THE SEPOY KEVOLT.
Government. The Jahgeerdars, in deference to the Eng-
lish, have not girded their loins. There are no arrange-
ments for any provision, much less for anything else. The
Sepoys are ready to give their lives, and to take the lives
of others. To-day, Wednesday, some fifty odd Europeans,
•who had secreted themselves, were killed. They are hunt-
ing for more, and if any be found they will be killed. If
they have escaped, so much the better. It is like the
atrocities of Nadir Shah. On Tuesday the king rode
through the city, and encouraged the people to throw open
their shops ; but the people would not be comforted ; many
shops have been deserted. The civilization of fifty-three
years has been destroyed in three hours ; good men have
been plundered, scoundrels enriched. A regiment has
come from Allyghur ; they have not spared their officers.
Three regiments and one battery of artillery of Delhi, two
regiments and 500 troops from Meerut, and a regiment
from Allyghur, are now in Delhi. All the magazine has
been placed in the fort. The king has summoned dif-
ferent principal men of Delhi to make arrangements j they
have pleaded sickness and incompetency, and sowars have
been despatched to Utwur and Jaipoor. It remains to
be seen what will come of it. The Delhi people have
fallen into difficulties : God's will be done. This has been
composed with care, and in a spirit of loyalty. The state
of the people is not to be described. They are alive, but
they despair of their lives. There is no cure for such a
curse. The Sepoys are without a leader."
The story of the second eye-witness is even more cir-
cumstantial, the writer having had opportunities of wit-
nessing all that occurred in the place from the commence-
ment of the outbreak.
"On the morning of the llth instant we were pro-
ceeding in a bhylee from Delhi to Mussoorie, and after
we had crossed the bridge of boats and had proceeded
200 yards we were met by eighteen troopers with drawn
swords; they asked us who we were? We replied,
1 Pilgrims proceeding to Hurdwar.' They desired us to
turn back to Delhi, or they would murder us j we ac-
cordingly returned. On arriving at the bridge of boats,
the troopers plundered the toll-chest ; and a regiment of
AUTHORITY AT A DISCOUNT. 99
Sepoys crossed the bridge and entered the city, after
having killed a European whom they met on the bridge.
The regiment had crossed, but the troopers were on the
other side of the river, when the boatmen broke the
bridge ; the troopers crossed the river on horseback, and
entered the city by the Delhi gate, and cantered up to
the Ungooree Baugh (under the palace), to murder the
* Burra Saheb.' The kotwal, on hearing of this, sent
word to Mr. Simon Fraser, the commissioner, who imme-
diately ordered the records of his office to be removed
into the city, and, getting into a buggy, with a double-
barrelled gun loaded, with two orderly horsemen, pro-
ceeded towards the mutineers. The troopers advanced
upon him ; Mr. Fraser fired, and shot one dead through
the head, and with the second barrel killed a trooper's
horse j he then got out of the buggy, and entered the
palace at the 'Summun Boorj,5 closing the gate, and pro-
ceeded to the Lahore gate of the palace, and there called
out to the subadar on duty to close the gate (i.e., the
palace-guard gate), which he immediately did. A trooper
then rode up, and called out to the subadar to open the
gate. He asked, £ Who are you 1 ' and on his replying,
' We are troopers from Meerut,' the subadar observed,
'Where are the other troopers?' The man replied, 'In
the Ungooree Baugh;' when the subadar desired the
troopers to bring them all, that he would open the gate,
and on their arrival did so, when all the troopers entered
the palace.
" Mr. Simon Fraser and Captain Douglas, the com-
mandant of the Palace Guards, called out to the subadar,
* What treachery is this? Desire your men to load' (an
entire company, if not more, was on duty at the palace
guard gate). The subadar abused the commissioner, de-
siring him to go away ; on hearing which both Mr. Fraser
and Captain Douglas left the quarters, and ran towards
the interior of the palace, and were pursued by the
troopers, one of whom fired a pistol at Mr. Fraser, on
which he staggered and leant against a wall ; when
another trooper went up, and with a sword severed his
head from his body at a single blow, and also in a similar
manner killed Captain Douglas, the commandant of the
100 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
palace, and then proceeded to the king's hall of audience,
where they killed two more Europeans, and then pro-
ceeded to Durreeougunge, and set fire to all the houses
there. Another regiment of Sepoys arrived into the city,
and desired all the budmashes to plunder the houses,
since they (the mutineers) considered it ' huram,' and
would nob condescend to touch the booty themselves.
The troopers then murdered five gentlemen and three
ladies in Durreeougunge, and the remainder took shelter
in the Kishunghur Raja's house. They then came to the
Delhi bank, set fire to it, and killed five gentlemen ; they
then went up to the kotwalee, desiring the budmashes to
commence plundering ; on hearing which the kotwal
absconded, and took no steps to protect the people, and
even allowed the kotwalee to be plundered. The muti-
neers then came to the late CoL Skinner's house, which
they did not touch, but set fire to all the houses in the
vicinity of the church, killing all the gentlemen, ladies,
and children therein.
" After this five troopers galloped to the cantonments,
and on their approach all the Sepoys set fire to their
officers' houses, murdering all the gentlemen, ladies, and
children they could find in cantonments ; the remainder
of the troopers proceeded to the magazine in the city.
On their approach four officers were standing before the
magazine gate, which they closed, and from inside fired
two shots at the troopers, and then set fire to the maga-
zine : aD the four officers, and upwards of a thousand men
of the city, were blown up with the magazine. Two regi-
ments from the Delhi cantonments joined the mutineers
at the Delhi kotwalee, and commenced plundering the
city. The two Delhi regiments then went and encamped
near the Ellenborough tank before the palace. A guard
was sent to the Kishunghur Raja's house, on suspicion of
his having given refuge to Europeans. Upwards of
thirty-four Europeans (men, women, and children) were
concealed in the house. The mutineers set fire to the
house, and it kept burning all day and night ; but the
Europeans were safe in the i tykhana.' The next morn-
ing the troopers brought two guns from the magazine,
and kept firing at the house all day, but without effect.
ATROCITIES OF THE MUTINEERS. 101
They then took to plundering the city in every direction*
The late Colonel Skinner's house, which the mutineers
did not touch, was regularly plundered by the scamps of
Delhi. On the 13th the mutineers again attacked the
Europeans that had taken shelter in the Kishunghur
Raja's house. The Europeans commenced to fire, and
shot thirty of the mutineers ; but on their ammunition
and supplies being out, thirty Europeans came out, and
four remained in the ' tykhana.' The heir-apparent now
rode up to the house, and begged the mutineers would
deliver them into his custody, and that he would take
care of them ; however, paying no attention to what he
said, they put all the Europeans to death. Mr. George
Skinner, his wife, and children had taken refuge in the
palace ; spies gave information ; they were seized, taken
to the kotwalee, and there most cruelly put to death.
Dr. Chimmun Lall, the sub-assistant surgeon, was also
killed at the dispensary. For three days the dead bodies
were not removed, and on the fourth day the mutineers
caused them all to be thrown into the river.
" The mutineers then asked the king either to give them
two months' pay, or their daily rations. The king sum-
moned all the shroffs and mahajuns, telling them if they
did not meet the demands of the mutineers they would
all be murdered ; on which the shroffs agreed to give
them dall rotee for twenty days, adding, they could not
afford more. The mutineers replied, ' We have deter-
mined to die ; how can we eat dall rotee for the few days
we have to live in this world V Whereupon the king
ordered four annas a day. The mutineers have placed
two guns on each gate in the city, and have brought a
thousand maunds of gunpowder from the cantonment
magazine, and have taken possession of all the shot and
shell in the city magazine. Supplies have been stopped,
and everything becoming exceedingly dear, viz., attah
thirteen seers, wheat eighteen seers, ghee o'ne and a half
seers, &c. All the neighbouring villages are up and
plundering : the king has accordingly burnt five Goojur
villages. The late Col. Skinner's house at Balaspore has
also been plundered. After plundering Delhi, 200
troopers proceeded to Goorgaon, and set fire to the houses,
102 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
murdered the collector, and plundered the treasury,
bringing away 7 lakhs 84,000 rupees ; and, with the
Delhi treasury, the mutineers have in their possession
21 lakhs 84,000 rupees, which is kept in the palace,
guarded by them and the king's troops. The troopers
have also advanced towards Allyghur and Agra, with the
intention of persuading the troops there to join them and
set fire to houses and murder all the Europeans there.
At Delhi there are three regiments, one from Meerut and
two of the Delhi regiments, and two hundred troopers ;
the rest have all proceeded towards Allyghur and Agra.
The great banker, Lutchmee Chund Sett, from feeding
the mutineers daily, has saved his firm from sharing
the fate of the others, and is the only shroff who has not
been plundered."
We think that a careful perusal of the above narratives
will strengthen the theory that there was no plot to create
a rebellion, but that the outbreak was the result of a
sudden impulse, hardened into purpose and plan by the
sense of general disaffection. The relatives and adherents
of the Delhi family were spread all over the country, and
had tampered, no doubt, with the major part of the Mus-
sulman Sepoys, urging them to seize the first favour-
able opportunity to rise for the recovery of their ancient
dominions. They would say that, although the Padshah
was too old to place himself at the head of such an enter-
prise, his son was willing to be declared their king and
leader ; and that the enormous military arsenals and com-
mercial wealth of Delhi, totally undefended by European
troops, would give them such a start at the outset of a
rebellion, that they might reasonably expect the adhesion
of all the surrounding country. Still, however, it is un-
likely that the revolt would have happened but for the
local grievance of the greased cartridges. The Meerut
rebels knew that the heir- apparent was not a soldier, and
they had never heard that rebellion had prospered against
the British power. The most sanguine spirit could
scarcely expect to have escaped alive from the cantonment
where 2000 English soldiers, guns, cavalry, and infantry
were brigaded. And when, beyond their wildest hopes,
they reached Delhi, the same sense of impending doom
THE BOND OF A COMMON IMPULSE. 103
weighed upon them. They talked of themselves as men
who had fulfilled a sacred duty at the certain cost of
speedy extinction. They thought, with all the English,
that a very short time must witness the capture of the
city, when, of course, they would be annihilated to a man ;
and murmured at having nothing better than " dall
rotee" to feed upon for the few days that remained to
them. " Let us," they said, in the emphatic language of
Scripture, " eat and drink, for to-morrow we* die."
The cries of a mob, hotly engaged in the work of
destruction, are the heart's genuine utterances. There is
no deceit in impulse — no mode of artifice, by which you
can employ the tiger instincts in an unnatural way. The
shout of the Mussulman troopers was " Deen, deen L" — a
word of fear equally to Hindoo and Christian under ordi-
nary circumstances. It was the battle-cry of Mahomed
of Ghuznee and Nadir Shah, and had been heard over the
din of falling pagodas and the death-shrieks of thousands
of Hindoo worshippers in many a dark cycle of Eastern
history. To suppose that Mahomedan soldiers would
raise it now, merely to excite the Hindoo Sepoys to join
them against the Feringhees, is as reasonable as to believe
that the officers of an English army 'would, if Ireland
were invaded by a foreign power, seek to animate the
loyalty of the Roman Catholic population by marching
through the villages with shouts of " Down with the
Pope and the priests I" The Mussulman, in this instance,
roused the Hindoo to aid him in warding off an evil
which threatened both equally. They had a common
cause to defend, and coalesced as a matter of course, just
as Archbishops Sumner and M'Hale would unite if
Christianity were in the last stage of peril. That the
rebels are using cartridges against us, which they chose
rather to mutiny than accept at the outset, is no argument
against their foolish sincerity of belief. Once get the con-
viction firmly established in your mind that your servant
intends to murder you in your sleep, and you are likely
enough to seize him when he enters the chamber on an
errand of service. The mistake may be discovered, but
the distrust remains. In the identical case of the car-
tridges actually in use, the Sepoys might see cause to
104 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
alter their first impressions ; but, after all, their forcible
conversion was only a matter of time and opportunity.
The majority of them, at this moment, think that their
religion was in imminent danger ; and if they regret the
past, it will be that they have not made a wise use of
their chances of salvation.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE SIEGE OP DELHI. — WANT OP GUNS. — DEFECTIVE INTELLIGENCE. —
UNWISE CLEMENCY. — THE REBEL PROCLAMATION. — LORD CANNING'S
WASTE PAPERS.
ON the death of General Anson the command of the army
devolved on the senior officer present, General Sir H.
Barnard, K.C.B. This officer had served in the Crimea
as chief of the staff under Lord Raglan, and was fully
entitled, we suppose, to whatever honours had been con-
ferred upon him in consequence of that appointment. His
march from Umballa was a rapid one ; but the immediate
result was not unlike that of a workman who proceeds in
haste to his task, and then has to sit down and wait for
his tools. The troops arrived before Delhi on the 8th
June ; but the siege train had not come up, and when it
reached the camp a close examination of the means of
attack disclosed the fact that there were no men to work
the guns. Two modes of assault were open to General
Barnard. He could in half an hour have made a breach
in the walls of Delhi sufficient to admit of the passage of
any number of troops ; or, before proceeding to storm, he
might batter the place with shot and shell, till king,
mutineers, and inhabitants were buried in the ruins. The
public, of course, were not aware of the obstacles that
stood in the way of the latter course, and the least hopeful
minds looked upon it as a matter of certainty that the
place would be taken in a fortnight after our army sat
down before it. This sanguine view of matters was en-
couraged by the conduct of Government, who promulgated
from time to time stories of the capture of Delhi, some-
times gleaned from a newspaper, at other times from
THE OLD STOEY OF TOO MUCH HEART. 105
private messages; and once, on the 12th of June, from
" a great banker at Indore."
But the day rolled by without bringing the event
prayed for by so many thousands, and at last an anecdote
oozed out through the columns of a Bombay journal
which justified a very humble estimate of General Bar-
nard's fitness. The general, it appears, had ordered a
parade of the forces before leaving Umballa, at which
the 5th and 60th N.I. showed unmistakeable signs of
mutiny. The tale of their disaffection reached Calcutta,
and it was said that, on their refusal to obey orders, they
had been cut to pieces. Granted the fact of the revolt,
and there was nothing more likely than the infliction of
the subsequent punishment ; for the insolence and daring
could know no bounds which did not hesitate to defy a
British officer at the head of four or five thousand English
soldiers. It turned out, however, that the crime had
been committed, and was pardoned. The general soothed
the malcontents into good humour, and hushed up the
matter so far as they were concerned.
The sequel may be imagined : the 5th were left behind
to do garrison duty, but the 60th marched under British
protection to Delhi, and reached the rebel fortress
stronger in men, and richer in pocket, than if they had
been simply dismissed the service, like so many thousands
of their countrymen, and left to get to Delhi as they best
could. We have not heard whether they ever fired a
shot on our side ; but if so, they took the earliest oppor-
tunity of apologizing for the mistake by going over in a
body to the rebels, and heading, a day or two afterwards,
one of the fiercest assaults made on our position.
People who knew nothing of the science of war, except
so far as common sense teaches its rudiments, recognised
in this fatal facility of pardoning, and its consequences, a
melancholy likeness between the Governor-General and
the Commander-in-Chief. With Lord Canning in Cal-
cutta, and Sir Henry Barnard at Delhi, the prospect of a
speedy termination to the rebellion seemed gloomy in the
extreme.
It took twenty-six days to bring the main army from
(Jmballa, and the auxiliary force from Meerut, before the
106 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
walls of Delhi. The Guides accomplished the longer
inarch in three days; the rebels performed the shorter
distance in eighteen hours. The men literally pined with
impatience to get at the enemy; but there were no guns,
no artillerymen, no commissariat, and no medicine chest.
They were held fast, as if labouring under nightmare,
with the Government of India clutching at their throats.
The rebels swarmed up at leisure from all parts of the
country as to a safe asylum. They kept the roads open
for themselves, but entirely closed to the British authori-
ties, and went and came at discretion. In time, the
mastiffs arrived, and watched the movements of the tiger.
The artillery followed after a season, and at some interval
of space the gunners. The labour commenced: the tides
of life began to ebb and flow in the British camp : battles
were won daily, but the siege never progressed : reinforce-
ments continually arrived, but the army grew no stronger.
Death was fed sparingly, but the table was always spread.
General succeeded general, and engineers followed each
other in the direction of the attack, with the rapidity
of the changes in a pantomime, and still the batteries
remained at almost extreme range, and the enemy came
out to fight us almost daily on our own ground. General
Barnard had taken the place of General Anson ; General
Heed superseded the former by right of seniority. Gene-
ral Barnard was restored to the command by order of the
Supreme Government ; General Barnard died, and General
Reed again x took the command of the force, to be again
superseded in favour of General Wilson. Three or four
chief engineers had been appointed, and at one time the
direction of siege operations was vested in a lieutenant of
artillery. Fighting became at last the soldiers' daily
work, from the performance of which neither wages nor
profit were expected. The Government grew tired of an-
nouncing the fall of Delhi, and were content to hear occa-
sionally from remote quarters that sickness, the sun, and
the sword had not absorbed more than the total of the rein-
forcements sent from time to time. The natives pro-
claimed all over the country that we had at last met more
than our match. -With the aid of our Sepoys we had cap-
tured the impregnable Bhurtpore, but fighting against
AN IMPERIAL AFFIDAVIT. 107
them we could not take the almost defenceless city of
Delhi. The " so-called fort, a place of no strength," as the
military secretary phrased it, had resisted all the might
of the Company Bahadoor : who could doubt that the Haj
had passed away from it for ever 1
In the latter part of May, his Majesty of Delhi circu-
lated the following proclamation in all directions. It was
published by a Mahomedan paper in Calcutta, and, by
means of religious mendicants and other agencies, dis-.
persed over the whole country : —
" Be it known to all the Hindoos and Mahomedans,
the subjects and servants on the part of the officers of the
English forces stationed at Delhi and Meerut, that all the
Europeans are united in this point — first, to deprive the
army of their religion ; and then, by the force of strong
measures, to Christianize all the subjects. In fact, it is
the absolute orders of the Governor-General to serve out
cartridges made up with swine and beef fat. If there be
10,000 who resist this, to blow them up; if 50,000, to
disband them.
" For this reason we have, merely for the sake of the
faith, concerted with all the subjects, and have not left
one infidel of this place alive ; and have constituted the
Emperor of Delhi upon this engagement, that whichever
of the troops will slaughter all their European officers,
and pledge allegiance to him, shall always receive double
salary. Hundreds of cannon and immense treasure have
come to hand j it is therefore requisite that all who
find it difficult to become Christians, and all subjects,
will unite cordially with the army, take courage, and not
leave the seed of these devils in any place.
" All the expenditure that may be incurred by the
subjects in furnishing supplies to the army, they will take
receipts for the same from the officers of the army, and
retain them by themselves — they will receive double price
from the Emperor. Whoever will at this time give way
to pusillanimity, and allow himself to be overreached by
these deceivers, and depend upon their word, will experi-
ence the fruits of their submission, like the inhabitants of
Lucknow. It is therefore necessary that all Hindoos and
Mahomedans should be of one mind in this struggle, and
10S THE SEPOY REVOLT.
make arrangements for their preservation with the advice
of some creditable persons. Wherever the arrangement
shall be good, and with whomsoever the subjects shall be
pleased, those individuals shall be placed in high offices
in those places.
" And to circulate copies of this proclamation in every
place, as far as it may be possible, be not understood to be
less than a stroke of the sword. That this proclamation
be stuck up at a conspicuous place, in order that all
Hindoos and Mahomedans may become apprised and be
prepared. If the infidels now become mild, it is merely
an expedient to save their lives. Whoever will be deluded
by their frauds, he will repent. Our reign continues.
Thirty rupees to a mounted, and ten rupees to a foot
soldier, will be the salary of the new servants of Delhi."
The proclamation summed up the entire argument in
favour of mutiny. It was the work of a rnan who tho-
roughly understood the Asiatic character, and appealed to
all the subject masses. Our rule was about to be distin-
guished by the practice of an iniquity as comprehensive
as if we had poisoned all the rivers and wells, or infected
the universal air. Hitherto, the worst of Governments
had spared the great bulk of the people, from the impossi-
bility of reaching them ; but there was no man so poor or
insignificant as to escape terrible loss at the hands of the
English, if we were allowed to carry out our meditated
design. We " were all united on the point," and " the
orders " of the " Governor- General " were " absolute."
The people had the " Emperor's " word for the fact, and
his wisdom had devised the best method of averting the
threatened calamity. He had killed all the conspirators
within reach, and recommended all who cared to preserve
their faith to follow his imperial example, and " not leave
the seed of those devils in any place," Double pay was
to be the never-ending reward of those who murdered
their officers ; unavailing regret would perpetually haunt
those reprobates who were foolish enough to give credence
to our promises. If we were " mild," it was " merely an
expedient to save our lives." We had shown, in the case
of Lucknow, what we thought of pledges.
Whilst the monarch of the Sepoys de facto was taking
A PREACHER WITHOUT AN AUDIENCE. 109
the short cut to the hearts and understandings of his
new subjects, the ruler de jure was complacently issuing
proclamations, which were read only by the few, and
listened to by none. A manifesto was put forth warning
all classes against the deceptions that were practised on
them, and asserting that the Government of India had
invariably treated the religious feelings of all its subjects
with careful respect. The Governor-General in Council
had declared that it would never cease to do so. He
now repeated that declaration, and emphatically pro-
claimed that the Government of India entertained no de-
sire to interfere with their religion or caste, and that no-
thing had been or would be done by the Government to
affect the free exercise of the observances of religion or
caste by every class of the people.
" The Government of India," said Lord Canning, " has
never deceived its subjects :" therefore the Governor-
General in Council now called upon them " to refuse their
belief to such seditious -lies." This paternal remonstrance
was expected to effect much good. No Sepoy can blame
the Governor-General for being precipitate to condemn or
stern to punish. Rebels with arms in their hands would
hardly expect to be reasoned with, and treated as erring
mortals, whose morals were to be mended by argument
and admonition, and the Asiatic mind failed to imagine
the real drift of the document. They saw in it a mere
confession of weakness. If the Government had the
power to act, they would never have condescended to dis-
cuss the question of the folly of disaffection. With them
the time had gone by for talking and writing ; and it
would have been well for England and India both, had
Lord Canning either possessed the usual sagacity of Eng-
lishmen or the never-failing cunning of the Asiatic. In
either case he would have given a single emphatic denial
to the rumour of intended interference with the native
religions, and spoken out the rest of his mind in salvoes
of great guns and volleys of musketry. Something more
tangible than words was offered to the men who remained
true to their salt. A list of functionaries was published,
who were empowered even to bestow commissions in the
Company's service for deeds of valour and fidelity ; and
110 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
every officer in charge of a detachment was authorized to
promote deserving Sepoys to the non-commissioned grades.
Great crimes might and did go unpunished ; but the
smallest act performed in the cause of law and order was
certain to find approval and reward.
Only a month had passed away since the officer highest
in rank at Barrackpore had been censured by Govern-
ment for promoting a most deserving Sepoy to the rank of
sergeant ; and now General Hearsey could bestow com-
missions, and officers in command of detachments were
empowered to conter the non-commissioned grades. So
long as the Sepoy was orderly and obedient he was un-
noticed by the State, but when he became turbulent and
unruly his merits were acknowledged Whatever the
Government dreaded they were willing to conciliate ; the
geueral order made no mention of the Queen's troops, be-
cause their fidelity was unquestionable. Being in fear for
our lives, we had become " mild," and were trying to
" overreach" the Sepoys. The Padshah had warned the
people that attempts would be made to deceive them, and
advised them not to put trust in the faithless Feringhee.
It was in this sense that the natives interpreted what
Lord Canning considered a master-stroke of policy. He
spoke of clemency and gratitude, which they translated
as meaning weakness and attempted corruption. About
the same time he was obliged to repeal an order which had
been issued, empowering all general officers, and officers com-
manding stations, to appoint courts-martial, composed of not
less than five native officers, for the trial and instant punish-
ment of any offence which in their judgments required
to be punished without delay. It was felt to be too bad
to call upon the subadars and jemadars of the army to up-
hold Sepoy loyalty under existing circumstances. It was
patent to the Governor-General, as well as to the rest oi
the world, that the native officers in each regiment could
not by possibility be ignorant of what was going forward
amongst the men ; and that if, with their commissions and
lives at stake, not a man amongst them could be induced
to tell what he knew, it was the wildest folly to suppose
that they would have found by court-martial their accom-
plices guilty of treason. It has been Lord Canning's
NO FEAR FOR CALCUTTA. Ill
misfortune throughout his brief Indian career to be in-
capable of distinguishing between Europeans and natives ;
but the Legislative Council in this instance corrected his
error, and passed an act by virtue of which the court-
martial might be composed of European officers alone, if
the officer commanding thought proper. Some weeks
afterwards, when our prospects seemed hopeless to native
eyes, his lordship thought proper to recall the powers he
had unconditionally vested in the civil authorities, for
reasons which have not met the approbation of the think-
ing portion of society.
Of course, with a thousand stories floating about of
mischief and murder, the popular feeling in Calcutta took
the shape of an alwm for the safety of the capital. The
public journals advocated the formation of volunteer
corps, and the Trades Association went up to Government
on the 20th of May, offering " every assistance in their
power towards the preservation of order and the protec-
tion of the Christian community of Calcutta, either by
serving as special constables or otherwise in such manner
as may appear most desirable to Government, and at the
same time suggesting to Government that their services
should be availed of in some manner, as they deemed the
present crisis a most serious one, and one in which every
available means should be brought into action for the
suppression of possible riot and insurrection." In con-
veying the above offer to the authorities, the secretary
of the association described it in his letter " as a copy of
proceedings and resolutions held on the subject of the
present disaffection evinced by the Sepoy regiments
throughout India," a remark which his lordship took
instant pains to repudiate. The Trades Association was
thanked, and advised to register their names at the office
of the Commissioner of Police, who would write to them
if their services were required. " But," said Lord Can-
ning, " the Governor-General in Council desired to assure
the Calcutta Trades Association that he has no apprehen-
sion whatever of riot, insurrection, or disturbance amongst
any class of the population of Calcutta ; and that if, un-
fortunately, any should occur, the means of crushing it
utterly, and at once, are at hand.
H 2
112 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
" The Governor-General in Council begs the members
of the association to believe that he is not on this account
less thankful to them for the ready and spontaneous tender
of their aid. Nothing gives greater strength to a Govern-
ment in a large community than the cordial support and
co-operation of the influential classes represented by the
Calcutta Trades Association.
" The Governor-General in Council is sorry to see that,
in the letter of the secretary of the association, it is as-
sumed that disaffection has been evinced by the Sepoy
regiments throughout India. His lordship in Council
would greatly regret that such an impression should go
abroad. Not only is it certain to lead to exaggerated
fears amongst the civil population of the country at large,
but, without speaking of the armies of Madras and Bom-
bay, it is not just as regards the army of Bengal. There
are in the army of this Presidency many soldiers and many
regiments who have stood firm against evil example and
wicked counsels, and who at this moment are giving un-
questionable proof of their attachment to the Govern-
ment, and of their abhorrence of the atrocious crimes
which have lately been perpetrated in the North-west
Provinces.
" It is the earnest desire of the Governor-General in
Council that honourable and true-hearted soldiers, whose
good name he is bound to protect, and of whose fidelity
he is confident, should not be included in a condemnation
of rebels and murderers."
When this reply was given, the mutiny, so far as Go-
vernment information went, was confined to the six
regiments at Delhi and Meerut, and the abortive attempt
of the 7th Oude Irregulars. A month afterwards, and
Lord Canning had to inform the Court of Directors that
half the Bengal army were in open rebellion ; had to in-
form the Trades Association that he would gladly accept
their offered aid ; had to guard the Mint and Treasury
with Europeans, and exhibit to all the world that he was
unable to see any of the signs of the times, and had been
labouring, however unconsciously, as much to discourage
the loyal subjects of her Majesty as to afford heart of
grace to their enemies. Again, on the 25th. of May, Mr.
THE ttlSIXG IN OUDE. 113
Cecil Beadon replied to the address of the French inha-
bitants of Calcutta as follows : — " The Governor-General
in Council desires me to return his sincere acknowledg-
ments for your address of the 23rd instant, in which you
evince your attachment to her Majesty the Queen by
placing your services at the disposal of the Government for
the common safety, in consequence of the partial revolt of
some of the native regiments in the North-west Provinces.
" His lordship in Council regards this expression of
the sentiments of tfee French community with lively
satisfaction, and feels assured that, in case of necessity,
their sympathy with the British Government and their
active co-operation in the cause of order may be entirely
relied on ; but he trusts there will be no occasion to call
for their services. Everything is quiet within 600 miles
of the capital. The mischief caused by a passing and
groundless panic has already been arrested, and there is
every reason to hope that, in the course of a few days,
tranquillity and confidence will be restored throughout the
Presidency."
CHAPTER IX.
THE FIRST TROUBLES IN OUDE. WEAK BEHAVIOUR OP GOVERNMENT.
REVOLT OF THE ENTIRE ARMY OF THE PROVINCE. — COMPARATIVE
MILDNESS OF THE REBELS.
THE force in Oude at the commencement of the outbreak
consisted of the following troops : — H.M.'s 32nd, a troop of
Horse Artillery, two companies of Foot ditto, the 7th Light
Cavalry, seven regiments of Native Infantry, three field
batteries of the Oude Irregular Force, three regiments of
Oude Irregular Cavalry, ten regiments of Oude Irregulat
Infantry, and three ditto of Police ; in all about 900
Europeans and 22,000 natives. The last revolted almost
in a body ; but it is noticeable that the irregulars, who
had but lately taken service with us, were far less blood-
thirsty than the troops of the Bengal army. If, as natives
of Oude, they had grievances peculiar to themselves,
their conduct as mutineers certainly betrayed no special
signs of it.
114 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
On the 2nd of May the 7th Oude Regiment, stationed
about seven miles from Lucknow, refused to bite the car-
tridge when ordered to do so by the officer commanding ;
and again when the order was repeated by the brigadier.
The next day the corps showed signs of mutiny in an un-
mistakeable way, and measures were at once taken to deal
with it. A field battery, a wing of H.M.\s 32nd, and
several regiments of native cavalry and infantry marched
against it. and the disaffected troops were drawn up in
columns facing the guns. They expressed sorrow for
what had occurred, and asked for forgiveness, at the same
time giving up two prisoners and offering to surrender
forty more ; but when the port-fires were lighted, they
imagined that the strong measures usually adopted against
mutiny in the king's time were about to be employed,
and, throwing down their arms, fled for their lives. They
were pursued, and a number taken prisoners ; but 110
blood was shed, and the runaways came back to their
lines at night, and were told on the following day that
Government would be asked to disband the corps, but
that the innocent men might be re-enlisted. When the
matter came before Government for consideration,
Lord Canning proposed that the disbandment should be
real to whatever length it might be carried. He disliked
discharging men one day to take them back the next,
and would therefore keep the good soldiers, and get rid
of the bad characters. Mr. Dorm was of opinion that
disbandment was not a sufficient punishment. "The
sooner," he wrote, " this epidemic of mutiny is put a stop
to, the better. Mild measures wont do it. A severe
example is wanted. It is little or no punishment to a
Local on five rupees monthly pay to be disbanded in his
own country. In many instances, it might be a conve-
nience to him than otherwise. I would rather try the
whole of the men concerned for mutiny, and punish them
with the utmost rigour of military law. I am convinced
that timely severity will be leniency in the long run."
Mr. Dorin was of opinion that no corps mutinies that
is well commanded. General Low thought it probable
that the main body, in refusing to bite the cartridges, did
so refuse, not from any feeling of disloyalty or disaffeo
COUNCIL PUTTING THEIR HEADS TOGETHER. 115
tion towards the Government or their officers, but from
an unfeigned and sincere dread, owing to their belief in,
the late rumours about the construction of those car-
tridges, that the act of biting them would involve a serious
injury to their caste and to their future respectability of
character. In short, that if they were to bite these car-
tridges they would be guilty of a heinous sin in a religious
point of view.
He would try the ringleaders by court-martial, and dis-
band the main body of the regiment ; and " if it came to
light that want of zeal, good judgment, or short-comings
of any kind had been evinced by European officers, he
would have them punished with the utmost rigour." This
last sentence was in allusion to the fact that the drill in-
structions by which biting the cartridge was dispensed
with had not been brought into operation at Lucknow.
Mr. Grant penned a very voluminous minute on the
subject. He thought it very likely that the men had
been influenced by an unfeigned dread of losing caste,
engendered by the stories which had been running like
wildfire through the country. " Sepoys," he went on to
say, " are in many respects very much like children \ and
acts which, on the part of European soldiers, would be
blackest disloyalty, may have a very different significance
when done by these credulous and inconsiderate, but gene-
rally not ill-disposed, beings. These men, taken from the
late Oude army, can have learned as yet little of the
vigour of British discipline ; and although there can be
no doubt that the cartridges which they refused to bite
were not the new cartridges for the Eiifield musket, which,
by reason of the very culpable conduct of the Ordnance
Department, have caused all this excitement, yet it may
be presumed that they were the first cartridges that these
men were ever required to bite in their lives."
Mr. Grant's remedy for the evil shown in this case was
to suspend the order for disbandment till there had been
time for making a full inquiry into all the circumstances.
He thought the " dismissal of the bad characters, with
the triai by court-martial of a few of the worst men a
month hence," was the best plan to adopt ; but four weeks
after the date of his minute the honourable member would
116 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
be disposed to look on the mutiny, which consisted only
in refusing to bite the cartridges and then runniog away,
as a military act which deserved commendation rather
than otherwise.
When the despatch-box came round again, Lord Can-
ning wrote a minute, in which he said : — " 1 know no
instance in which the punishment of any individual
could, with unquestionable justice, have been made more
severe ; and I am not disposed to distrust the efficacy of
the measures because the present ferment, in running its
course over the land, after being checked in the Presi-
dency, has shown itself in Oude and in the North-west.
I would meet it everywhere with the same deliberately
measured punishments — picking out the leaders and pro-
minent offenders, wherever this is possible, for the severest
penalties of military law — visiting the common herd
with disbandment, bub carefully exempting those whose
fidelity, innocence, or, perhaps, timely repentance, is
proved. This has been the course hitherto pursued, and
I earnestly recommend that it be adhered to steadily."
The rest of the council concurred; but Mr. Dorin, in
whose mind misgivings had sprung up, said there would
" seem to be more in the present case than has yet tran-
spired. It is to be hoped that the news from Meerut (in
the telegraph message from Agra in this box) is not true."
The knell of the Great Company had tolled, and his ear
caught the faint sounds that were soon to reverberate
throughout the universe. The straw on the surface of
events, he was guiltless of having caused the tide.
After the fall of Delhi, it was universally felt that if
the mutiny spread it would be in the direction of Oude,
where the irregular force, lately in the service of the
king, might be expected to rise against us to a man. Sir
Henry Lawrence, the Chief Commissioner of the Pro-
vince, asked for " plenary powers," as soon as the intelli-
gence reached Lucknow, and obtained them. He was
made Brigadier- General, which enabled him to assume
the direction of military affairs, and commenced to fortify
himself against accidents. But his anxiety was fbr Alla-
habad, Benares, and Cawnpore, with regard to which he
was constantly communicating with the Government. On
THE SEPOYS AT THEIR LABOUR OF LOVE. 117
the 20th of May lie telegraphed, "All very well at Luck-
now and in the district. Our position is now very strong.
In case of necessity no fears are entertained." On the
23rd he announced that he had secured his magazine
stores, and had ten days' supplies for 500 men. He had
30 guns and 100 Europeans in a fortified post called the
Muchee Baun, and 291 Europeans with a European bat-
tery in cantonments, and was safe except from external
influences. All his dread was for Cawnpore, and he tele-
graphed without ceasing to spare no expense in sending
up Europeans to reinforce the place. On the 29th he
intimated that there was great uneasiness, and that tran-
quillity could not be maintained much longer at Lucknow,
except Delhi were captured. On the 30th he received
back the fifty Europeans that had been lent to Sir Hugh
Wheeler, and the next day the troops broke out in mutiny.
During the last days of May he was constantly assured
by his spies each night that the troops intended to rise
that evening, and each morning of course showed that the
tale was unfounded. The sentries, however, were doubled,
and every precaution taken to avoid surprise, and such
was the effect produced by the admirable nature of the
arrangements and the well-founded reliance on the skill
and bravery of the Chief Commissioner, that the people
began to think there would be no mutiny after all, and
the authorities at Calcutta would have backed the opinion
freely. But on the night of the 30th May firing was
heard in the lines of the 71st N.I., and it was evident
that the tragedy had begun. From every quarter of the
native encampments the fire of musketry rained hotter
and hotter; bungalows were seen blazing in all directions,
and officers, galloping here and there with such irregular
cavalry as they could muster, were seen engaged hand-to-
harid with the mutineers, or trying to persuade their men.
to remain true to their salt. The Brigadier, Col. Hands-
combe, a brave old soldier, who had served at the capture
of Ghaznee during the campaigns in Affghanistan, and
been present in all the desperate battles of the first Sikh
war, was shot as he rode up to the lines in the hope of
being able to persuade the tigers who had already tasted
blood not to thirst for more of it. Lieut. Grant, son of
118 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the Commander-in-Chief of Madras, was killed at his
picket. The rebels charged his men, who turned and fied,
and one of them shot the poor youth, who tottered into
the guard-house, and was hidden by the subadar under
his charpoy. The ruffians returned to the place, and were
told that he had got away, but; a scoundrelly havildar of
the guard pointed out his hiding-place, and it is need-
less to say lie was murdered with circumstances of savage
cruelty. The firing continued throughout the night,
the mutineers receiving occasional reinforcements from the
ranks of the 71st, 13th, and 48th N.I., but being unable
to make the smallest impression on the weak body opposed
to them. At daybreak they had traversed the length of
the encampments, the whole of which was in a blaze, and
had set fire to the lines of the 7th Cavalry, nearly the
entire of whom then turned and made common cause with
th( Retracing their steps, they made a show of
giving battle to Sir H. Lawrence ; but a few round shot
from the artillery sent them flying in all directions, and he
returned to cantonments with a hundred prisoners, having
chased the rebels till the sun became too hot to continue
the pursuit. During the next thirty-four days he remained
cooped up in Lucknow, the circle of fire gradually closing
round him, and his tone of correspondence slowly chang-
ing from a sense of complete security to that of utter hope-
lessness. It seemed so impossible, both to the world out-
side and to himself, that he could be left in Lucknow to
perish. Surely Delhi would fall, and aid would come from
Calcutta. With a European regiment in addition to his
own force, he believed he could reconquer Oude, and, after
the marvels performed by our troops, we can hardly ven-
ture to doubt that lie would have forced a way through
all opposition. But the vital error which pervaded all
our military operations was the attempt to hold fortresses
instead of merely looking to the saving of lives. Lord
Canning had made it a war of posts. He woiild give up
nothing, and yet could defend nothing. At the outset,
Meerut and Agra might have put down the insurrection,
even after the mutineers had possession of Delhi, if the
Government had only disarmed the Sepoys, trusted the
defence of the women and children to volunteer guards,
A NOBLE LIFE WASTED. 119
and made forced marches on the rebel capital. Again,
had Luckiiow been given up for the time, Wheeler and
Lawrence combined could have held their own at Cawn-
pore. and we should have been spared the worst of the
Indian tragedies. The junction of the two detachments,
the easy advance of Neill with a flying column in June, or
the aid of the Ghoorkas, each or any, would have sufficed,
in all human probability, to save us bitter and unavailing
regret. But it was fated to be otherwise, ISTo succour
came through all the weary June, and on the 2nd of July
Sir Henry Lawrence inarched out against the mutineers
with nearly all his force. He reasoned that, if the native
troops were staunch, he might even succeed in raising the
siege ; and if they joined the rebels, he should have so
many less of useless mouths to feed from his slender stock
of provisions. The event justified his fears. The traitors,
artillery and infantry, turned upon him as soon as they
got well outside the defences, and it was with difficulty
that he got back to cover, seriously wounded, and with
heavy loss to his little band, who, however, by springing
a mine, blew up a great number of the enemy. On reach-
ing his quarters he sat down and wrote to Government,
detailing the particulars of the action and the perilous
state of affairs, but making no mention of his own hurt.
Two days afterwards he died, to the infinite loss of the
public service, and the sorrow of all ranks of Englishmen.
The 17th N.I., stationed at Goruckpore, and the 22nd
at Fyzabad, agreed to rise at an early date ; but the latter
resisted the solicitations of the 17th either to kill their own
officers or send them away on the road by which it was
arranged that the 17th should march on Fyzabad. A
company of the latter was sent to Azimgurh with 50,000?.
in silver, and on arriving at that place they killed a couple
of their officers, marched into the lines, and there being
joined by the rest of the regiment, they plundered the
treasury, containing, we believe, about 70,000?. in addi-
tion, and then broke away for Fyzabad, slaughtering, as ~a
matter of course, every European who came in their way.
Their approach to that station was duly announced, and on
the night of the 8th June a couple of guns fired by the
6th Oude Irregular Infantry warned the Sepoys of the
120 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
22nd that the time had arrived for fulfilling their contract.
For several nights previous Major Mills, commanding the
battery with Lieutenants Currie and Perceval, had slept
at the quarter-guard with their guns in readiness ; and
Colonel Lennox, commanding the 22nd N.I., slept amongst
his men. On hearing the alarm, Major Mills started off
to the battery.; but the company of Sepoys which had
been placed to flank the guns closed round the field-pieces,
and, presenting their bayonets, refused to allow any of
the artillery to approach. It was then considered useless
to stay any longer, and the officers assembled and sent for
boats. The rebels were divided into two parties — the
Mussulmans, who wished to slaughter all the Europeans,
and the Hindoos, who inclined to moderate counsels.
Ultimately the advice of the latter prevailed, and the mu-
tineers not only assisted in providing them with the means
of transport, but made them a donation of Us. 900, the
money being taken from the regimental chest. When the
officers tried to induce them to pause, they answered re-
spectfully that the Company's raj was at an end. That
the subadar major of the corps had been appointed to the
command of the station, and that each regiment had chosen
its own colonel. The subadar major, willing to do all
things in order, requested the late colonel of the 22nd to
produce his dress-uniform coat, and, having tried it on in
his presence, observed, " it would fit very well if let out a
little underneath the arms." The property of all belong-
ing to the station was of course looted, but nothing was
taken of much value, except by arrangement with the
owners. An officer's wife, who was rich enough to possess
a handsome service of plate, was requested by her butler
to give it to him : somebody, he said, must have it, and he,
as chief servant, was best entitled. Discussing the state
of affairs with his mistress, he said he knew that the rebels
could only hold the country while the rains lasted : with
the cold weather, the Europeans would of course return
as conquerors ; but in the meantime they would have
plenty of loot and European lives. Mutiny carried on
after this fashion is perhaps less unpleasant than exciting,
and there are extant notes of various conversations with
.the chiefs of the mutineers at Fyzabad. One of the
A MILITARY POLITICIAN. 121
officers states that, in a conversation with a subadar of
his regiment, the latter said, " As you are going away for
ever, I will tell yon all about our plans. We halt at
Fyzabad five days, and march vid Dvuniabad upon Luck-
now, where we expect to be joined by the people of the
city." He added, " proclamations have been received from
the King of Delhi, informing all that he is once more on
the throne of his fathers, and calling upon the whole army
to join his standard. Also that Rajah Maun Singh, under
whose guardianship the ladies at Fyzabad placed them-
selves, had been appointed Commander-in-Chief in Oude."
The subadar further said, " You English have been a long
time in India, but you know little of us. We have
nothing to do with Wajeed Ali or any of his relations ;
the kings of Lucknow were made by you. The only ruler
in India empowered to give sunnuds is the King of Delhi ;
he never made a King of Oude, and it is from him only
that we shall receive our orders."
When the whole of the European officers had stepped
into the boats, the station resumed its usual aspect. The
subadar major, as chief of the station, drove about in .the
late commanding officer's carriage, and each sable hero, pro-
moted after this summary fashion to be captain or lieu-
tenant, annexed the cattle and vehicle of his predecessor;
the rule of entail was pursued, the estates going with the
title. The band played nightly at mess for them, the
extra pay of the musicians being defrayed from, the Com-
pany's treasury. Guards were planted and parades ordered
as usual, and perhaps the Sepoy would have been puzzled
to tell what he had gained by the change of masters. The
fugitives started for Dinapore in several boats, but there
appears to have been a sad want of concert between them.
They were numerous enough to have made a stout resis-
tance had they kept together ; but they left at various
times, and lost the advantage of company and counsel.
The majority of the hapless souls were killed, some by the
revolted troops, and others by the villagers, and the nar-
ratives of the escape of those who survived teem with
examples of exquisite suffering and unexpected succour.
The Rajah Maun Singh, whom the English had imprisoned
and the King of Delhi had promoted, showed himself a
122 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
fast friend to our race, and not only made advances of
money to various officers, but repeatedly supplied escorts
to bring them to a place of safety, much against the will
of his own adherents, who seldom omitted to taunt them
with their failure in the attempt to destroy the native
religion.
At Sultanpore the 15th Irregulars gave notice to their
commanding officer, Colonel Fisher, that they intended to
mutiny, in company with the 12th N.I. and Oude Police
Corps. The colonel was one of the most popular mem-
bers of a service in which all commanding officers who
succeed arc favourites with their men. Above all native
troops, the fidelity of the Irregulars would have been
vouched for ; and above all commanding officers, " Sain
Fisher," as he was popularly termed, would have been
voted the last man to lose his corps by mutiny. A lieu-
tenant only in H.M.'s 29th, he had won his rank of
brevet lieutenant-colonel three years since by dint of
desperate bravery. The record of his services shows that
he was present through all the Affghanistan campaigns
in 1842, the occupation of Cabul,and capture of Istaliif ;
in the battles of the Sutlej in 1845-6, where he was
severely wounded, and in the second Punjaub war. All
these dangers he had passed through, and was now to die
by the hands of miserable traitors. Finding that his ex-
postulations were of no avail with his men, he turned
sorrowfully away from the groups he had been address-
ing, and rode in front of the 6th Oude Locals, who were
breaking up, with loud shouts to seize the Treasury. A
volley saluted his arrival, and he fell riddled with balls,
but survived to be carried off in a palanquin, in which it
is said he was finally killed by his own men, who cut up
their second in command, Captain Gibbings, and frater-
nized with the rest of the mutineers. Messrs. Black and
Strogan, civilians, took refuge in a native house, but were
turned out, and also cut down. Captain Bunbury, com-
manding the 6th Oude Locals, had taken the precaution
to have a boat in readiness, and, hastily pushing off, es-
caped the fate of many of his brother officers and friends.
Another popular officer who fell by the hands of the
rebels was Lieutenant Joseph Clarke, second in command
THE RULE OF VENGEANCE. 123
of the 3rd Oude Irregulars. He had distinguished him-
self by killing the notorious Fuzil Ali, a dacoit, who had
set at defiance for years the police and the troops of the
King of Oude, and had at last displayed his indifference
to consequences by the murder of a Bengal civilian.
Lieutenant Clarke was stationed at an outlying post dur-
ing the mutiny, and the tidings of defection throughout
the province reached him before his men got to hear of
it. As a matter of course, he knew they would vise as
soon as they received the news, and his first care, there-
fore, was to send off his brother officer at the station,
with the women and children, to a place of safety. That
done, he waited quietly till the Sepoys came forward, and
said they must follow the example of the rest of the
regiment. They went on to assure him that they would
not allow a hair of his head to be harmed, and that of
course he could take what things he pleased away with
him. The parting was arranged in the most amicable
manner, and Lieutenant Clarke, with a couple of servants,
who remained by him, started off to the nearest station
of Europeans. On their way down they were crossing
the Gogra, when they saw, on the opposite bank, a regi-
ment of infantry, and, looking back to the shore they had
just quitted, a squadron of cavalry was observed occupying
the river's edge, and effectually cutting off their retreat.
There was no help for it but to go forward, and in a few
minutes they were surrounded by the rebels. The native
commanding officer merely inquired his name, and ordered
a dozen men to take him out and shoot him. The ser-
vants threw themselves on their faces, and, with passion-
ate tears, implored his life. They spoke of his bravery
in battle and unvarying kindness of heart, and how loath
the corps were to part with him. The rebel leader gave
his assent to all that was said in his prisoner's favour.
He, too, had heard of " Clarke Sahib," and would have
been glad to save him, but the English were killing every
black man who fought against them, and his orders were
to retaliate in every instance. The poor young lieu-
tenant knew that his doom was fixed, and made no ap-
peal himself to move their compassion. He only begged
that his sword and medal might be sent to his father, and
124 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
that he might die a soldier's death. His captor promised
compliance with his request, and was as good as his word.
He took the life which he considered forfeit, and went on
his way of evil. The sword and medal were safely de-
livered, and perhaps, before this, the executioners have
joined their victim.
CHAPTER X.
THE REVOLT OP BENARES. PANIC AMONGST THE SIKHS. DEFENCE-
LESS STATE OP ALLAHABAD. — MUTINY OF THE 6TH N.I. THE SIEGE
AND MASSACRE OF CAWNPORE.
ONE evening about the latter end of May a river steamer,
filled with soldiers belonging to the 1st Madras Fusiliers,
arrived alongside the railway wharf at Calcutta. They
had been sent for in great haste from Madras, and were
now on their way to Benares. The night train to Ranee-
gunge, distance 120 miles from Calcutta, was just about
to start ; and one of the officials told Colonel Neill, the
commanding officer, that unless he could get his men on
shore in two or three minutes, it would start without
them. The reply of Colonel Neill was an order for a file
of men to take his informant into custody. The man
shouted for assistance ; and the stokers, guard, and station-
master crowded round to see what was the matter, and
were each in turn stuck up against the wall with a couple
of bearded red-coats standing sentry over them. The
colonel next took possession of the engine, and by this
series of strong measures delayed the departure of the
train until the whole of his men were safely stowed away
in the carriages. The occurrence furnished a great deal
of amusing gossip in Calcutta ; and there were men who
saw in this act of Colonel Neill indications of a vigour
and decision of purpose to which they had hitherto been
unaccustomed. The Friend of India said, " We would
back that servant of the Company as being equal to a
case of emergency." But no one knew the real value
of this example of Zubberdustee, the phrase for small
tyrannies, till some weeks after, when it was found that
the safety of the fort and city of Benares was entirely
THE WAVES ASSAILING THE BOCK. 125
•owing to the stoppage of tlie railway train. Colonel
Neill arrived at Benares just as the mutinous elements
in the fort had drawn to a state of fusion. The native
corps consisted of the 37th N.I., the Loodianah Sikhs,
and the 13fch Irregular Cavalry, opposed to which there
were only three guns of Major Olphert's battery, 150 of
H.M.'s 10th, and a detachment of forty Madras Fusiliers.
It had transpired that the 37th N.I. intended to rise on
the night of the 4th June ; and the authorities took their
measures accordingly. A parade was ordered at five
o'clock for the purpose of disarming them, the whole of
the troops being in attendance. Brigadier Ponsonby
commanded the station, his appointment a short time
previous having been the subject of much heartburning
in the Bengal army, and of a reference from the Supreme
Council to General An son as to the reasons for it.
Luckily for himself, but hardly so for the public and the
service, the brigadier fell ill when the moment for decisive
action arrived ; and the command then devolved upon
Colonel Gordon, of the Sikh regiment, who was in turn
superseded by Colonel Neill in the course of the after-
noon of the 4th. At first there seemed no cause for
apprehending resistance on the part of the 37th ; a por-
tion of them appeared on the parade without arms, ac-
cording to order ; but one or two companies were piling
their muskets, when a few men of the corps opened fire on
their officers. The rest followed their example ; and the
fight commenced in earnest. The Sikhs were counted
upon as being loyal ; but they were seized with an unac-
countable impulse, and poured in a volley upon the Euro-
peans. The little band sustained the English reputation.
Eighteen or twenty rounds of grape were delivered from
each gun in the course of a few minutes, a crashing dis-
charge saluting the Sikhs as three times in succession
they dashed up to the muzzles. The Irregulars ranged
themselves on the side of the mutineers, and the boldest
spirit might well have shrunk from that unequal contest ;
but native daring, with the advantage of ten to one in
numbers, quailed before the indomitable courage of the
English. Lieutenant-Colonel Spottiswoode, of the 37th,
took a couple of port-fires, and set fire to the Sepoy lines ;
126 „ THE SEPOY REVOLT.
and the wind being strong at the time, the hiding-places
of the mutineers were speedily in a blaze. In a few
minutes the affair was over, and the men of the three
regiments were swarming out of the fort in crowds, with
the loss of 100 killed and 200 wounded, the casualties on
our side amounting only to eight. Major Guise, of the
13th Irregulars, was murdered by one of his own men
while he was hastening to the parade ; and two officers,
Ensigns Chapman and Hayter, were severely wounded.
During the mutiny a portion of the Irregular Cavalry and
Sikhs stood firm; and next day 250 of the latter, and a
considerable number of the cavalry, returned to the fort
and begged to be forgiven. Their statement was that
they had acted in supposed fear of their lives, and had
not the slightest intention of disobeying orders. The
excuse was accepted ; and the Loodianah regiment, like
the rest of the Sikhs, have since done good service and
performed all that could be expected from brave and
loyal soldiers. A company of them were on guard over
the collectors' cutcherry, where the families of the Euro-
peans had taken refuge, and the treasure was kept • but
Soorut Singh, one of the prisoners taken by us in the
last Punjaub campaign, went amongst them and per-
suaded them not to rise in mutiny, which they were
strongly inclined to do on hearing that their bhaees had
been so severely dealt with. A reward of Us. 10,000
was distributed amongst them for their behaviour on this
occasion ; and by dint of unlimited hangings and other
measures of a quieting character, Colonel Neill contrived
in two or three days to dissipate all fears for the safety
of Benares. Whilst he was engaged in the work of
pacification, the Government, true to its instinct of con-
founding time and place, sent orders to him to push on
to Allahabad ; but the reply conveyed by telegraph was,
"Can't move — wanted here." Lord Canning needed
somebody who could think for himself and the Govern-
ment as well ; and in Colonel Neill he found the requi-
site individual. We shall find him afterwards performing
for Allahabad services almost as signal as he had ren-
dered at Benares.
The mutiny at Jaunpore was the result of the mis-
MUTINY BY MISTAKE. 127
understanding which had so nearly proved fatal to our
gallant countrymen at Benares. A couple of the Sikhs,
who had seen their countrymen mowed down by the
volleys of grape, reached the station and informed the
guard of 150 men how the English had dealt with them.
This intelligence, added to the exhortations of the fugitive
sowars, who came crowding in to Jaunpore, turned the
hearts of the Sikh detachment, who fired upon their officer,
Lieut. Mara, while he was standing in the verandah of
his house, and mortally wounded him. The station was
up and the Europeans crowded to the cutcherry, for a
planter fresh from the rout of Benares hastily rode in
and told what had occurred. The handful of Europeans
barricaded themselves in the house of Lieut. Mara, and
expected nothing but instant death ; but the Sikhs were
evidently not thirsting after blood. They contented
themselves by firing a few shots through the windows,
and then made off to plunder the treasury, and were seen
no more. The magistrate, Mr. Cuppage, was shot as he
was returning from visiting the jail-guard, and Mr.
Thriepland and his wife were murdered the next day by
the sowars, under circumstances of great brutality. The
country was all up in arms on the instant, and some of
the zemindars threatened their people that if they con-
cealed a Feringhee their own lives should pay the forfeit.
The suppression of the mutiny at Benares, however, had
the effect of staying the progress of revolt in that quarter ;
and an aspiring Hindoo, who one afternoon proclaimed
himself independent, and set up his banner as Rajah of
Jaunpore, came the following morning to the head of the
relieving party from Benares, and made his salaam. The
Sikhs, in conjunction with the 37th, carried away the whole
of the treasure ; but it has not been stated that, as a proof
of their loyalty, they brought it all back again.
Some two or three days after the news had arrived in
Calcutta of the Meerut outbreak, the attention of Go-
vernment was drawn to the state of Allahabad. This
city, which is situated at the confluence of the Ganges and
Jumna, is considered the key of the Lower Provinces.
The inhabitants, amounting to about 75,000, are made
up chiefly of Mussulmans, priestly Brahmins, and reli-
i 2
128 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
gious mendicants. The arsenal, situated in the fort, is
one of the largest in India, having arras for about
40,000 men, and numerous cannon. Under a wise
administration, such a place would be rightly looked upon,
as a post of strength and importance j but a fort can
scarcely be called impregnable that has no gunners to
defend it, and at the period in question there was not a
single artilleryman in Allahabad.
The steps to be taken under the circumstances formed
the subject of anxious debate at Government House.
Benares could afford no help, having only men enough to
work a single battery; and Cawnpore was distant twelve
marches. The native troops in the fort numbered about
€00 men, of whom 500 were Sikhs, and the remainder
belonged to the 6th N.I., the rest of the latter regiment
being quartered in cantonments. With the exception of
the magazine staff, there was not a single European soldier
in the place. The treasury offered a tempting prize;
and what would the Court of Directors and the world at
home say, if fortress, guns, arsenal, and money were
lost under such circumstances ? The Governor-General
acknowledged the magnitude of the danger; the Mili-
tary Secretary saw no means of arresting it. Nowhere
could help be looked for, except at the cost of sacrifices
not to be thought of. The Supreme Council had no
suggestions to make, and the official conclave was broken
up in despair, when it occurred to a non-military gentle-
man that he had seen, when going up the Ganges some
years back, European artillerymen belonging to the
veteran battalion at Chunar, a place less than sixty miles
from Allahabad. The Military Secretary was informed of
this feat of memory, and poured out his blessings on the
wondrous head which contained such a store of knowledge.
The valuable reminiscence was communicated forthwith
to Lord Canning, who recognised its importance ; and on
the 19th of May sixty-nine old veterans, the youngest of
whom was probably not less than fifty years of age, were
hurried off in a steamer under Captain Haslewood, and
arrived in due course at Allahabad. Their guns, on the
night of the mutiny, saved the fort and all that it con-
tained ; and for three weeks the dilapidated old soldiers
SEPOY HEADINGS OF THE WORD FIDELITY. 129
manned their batteries every night, thus justifying our
countrymen at home, who occasionally adopt phrases
which imply a belief that the English empire in India
owes more to good fortune than to ability for its con-
tinuance.
On the afternoon of the 6th of June a parade of the
6th 1ST. I., who had volunteered to fight the Delhi muti-
neers, was ordered, for the purpose of reading out to the
men the General Order of Lord Canning, conveying his
thanks for their loyalty and good feeling. When the
paper was finished the Sepoys gave three cheers ; and in
less than four hours afterwards they had murdered seven-
teen officers, and all the women and children they could
find, and marched off to Delhi, the band playing "God
save the Queen."
The commanding officer, Colonel Simpson, had exercised
all his authority and powers of argument to persuade his
subalterns and the public that the men were what they
pretended tc be ; and hence the amount of loss sustained.
Perhaps he scarcely thanks destiny for having preserved
his own life and that of his family under such circum-
stances ; but it was not the fault of his faithful Sepoys
that his name has not been erased from the Army List.
He was saluted, like the rest, with a perfect storm of
bullets, but managed to get into the fort unhurt. Mean-
time the officer in command there acted with promptitude
and decision. The guard at the main gate was composed
of eighty men of the 6th, who of course longed to give
entrance to their rebel comrades ; but a detachment with,
two guns were sent to guard the bridge of boats until a
couple of 6-pounders could be brought up to the main,
gate and loaded with grape-shot ; and then, the veterans
facing them with port-fires lighted, they were summoned
to give up their arms. At first they hesitated ; but an
intimation from Captain Haslewood that only a few mo-
ments' grace would be allowed them, had the desired
effect. They laid down their muskets, and marched out
to join in the work of destruction. Thanks to the energy
of this invalid captain and of the unattached Lieutenant
Brayser, in command of the Ferozepore Sikhs, not a soul
inside the fort was injured. They had taken the precau-
130 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
tion of closing the gates against egress for the last two
days ; and it was well they did so, for the rebels at"
Benares had sent a man to inform the Sikhs how their
countrymen of the Loodianah corps had been shot down
by Colonel Neill, and had he gained admittance there is
but little doubt that they would have joined the mutineers,
and thus insured the destruction of all of European blood.
We hope that, when justice is administered to our brave
defenders, the service of these gallant men will meet
reward as well as appreciation.
For miles around Allahabad the country during the
next two or three days presented nothing but scenes of
devastation. Every house belonging to the English resi-
dents was burnt or gutted, and property to an enormous
amount destroyed. What the city thieves andr Sepoys
left was looted by the Europeans and Sikhs, who appa-
rently could recognise no difference between friend and
foe in this respect. The work of destruction was carried
on with impunity under the very guns of the fort ; and
supplies which would have enabled General Havelock to
reach Cawnpore a week earlier, were utterly destroyed or
scattered. There were 1600 siege bullocks belonging to
the commissariat available on the 27th of May ; and on
the 20th of June the Military Secretary was obliged to
write to the officer commanding at Benares to do his ut-
most to collect carriage for Havelock's force ; 150 bullocks
would be required, which must be taken off the road
where they were employed at that time in assisting the
bullock train. The valuable godowns of the India Gene-
ral Steam Navigation Company were thoroughly sacked ;
and costly furniture, of no value to the plunderers, was
smashed to pieces for the mere love of mischief. These
did for private what the enemy had done for public pro-
perty. Drunkenness was all but universal, and riot
reigned supreme. The Sikhs, having no taste for cham-
pagne or wine in general, sold all they could lay hands
on, at prices varying from threepence to eighteenpence a
bottle ; but the brandy they seized for regimental use.
Whatever was unsuited to their appetite was parted with
for the merest trifle ; but, except for edibles, there were
no buyers, and the losses which had ruined many persons
THE WORTH OF A SINGLE HEAD. 131
benefited none. The works of the railway were almost
^entirely destroyed for many miles. The rebels tore up
the rails, burnt the stations, and, fearing to approach the
locomotives, lest they should "go off" and blow them up,
they fired iiito.them from a safe distance till the engines
were battered to pieces. The " lightning dawk," as a work
of magic and mischief, was especially the object of rage
and hatred. This state of things lasted till the llth of •
June, when Colonel Neill arrived from Benares with half
the Madras Fusiliers, and all classes of men felt that a
master had been placed over them. His first act was to
adopt sanitary measures in the fort, where cholera was
raging to that extent that fifty persons had died in a
single day ; and the result was so successful as to enable
him to dismiss from his mind the dread of a lengthened
pestilence. A couple of hours were given for the restora-
tion of plundered property, after which persons found
with any portion ,of such in their possession were to be
incontinently hung.
The authorities had very wisely passed Colonel Simp-
son over; and his successor had full opportunities for
carrying out his daring and energetic plans. The next
morning at daybreak he opened fire with shot and shell on
a portion of the city suburbs where the worst and most
turbulent Brahmins resided. At the same time a body
of fifty Fusiliers, three companies of the Sikhs, a few of
the 13th Irregulars, and a number of volunteers, railway
men and others, marched into the open country. About
two thousand of the rebels, under the command of a
fanatic Moulvie, had strongly entrenched themselves and
held the garrison in siege since the night of the 6th.
Seeing the small band of Europeans, they hastily left
cover ; but at five hundred yards a volley from fifty En-
field rifles carried dismay into their ranks. They ad-
vanced a little nearer, and received a second discharge,
after which they turned and fled back again, the assailants
being prevented only from storming their position by the
heavy fire of the guns inside. The rebel Sepoys had ex-
hausted all their cartridges, and had cut the telegraph
wires into slugs, the peculiar sound of which rather tried
the nerves of some of our brave Irregulars. Finding it
132 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
hopeless to assault the rebel works, the small force slowly-
retired, inflicting as much mischief in the retreat as in
the advance. All this while the volunteers had been
doing their portion of the combined work in the most
satisfactory manner ; and it is hard to say whether as
incendiaries or soldiers their services were most useful.
In an incredibly short time they had set fire to the whole
of the disaffected portion of the town, and destroyed some
hundreds of the enemy, fighting their way back to the
fort without the loss of a single man. For the next four-
days advantage was taken of the cool hours in the morn-
ing and evening to harass the rebels, until the Moulvie
found that .the place was too hot to hold him, and made oft
with his forces. His nephew was taken prisoner by the
Sikhs, who had been wrought up to the utmost exaspera-
tion by cruelties committed on two or three of their
comrades who had strayed into the town. T,hey brought
the captive into the fort, when the fellow made a snatch
at an officer's sword, with the intention of cutting him
down. This was provocation enough to induce his captors
to set at nought the rules of war ; and they literally
trampled him to death.
Up and down the line of road from Allahabad, the gallows
and the musket were employed from morning to night.
Reinforcements, as they hastened to join the garrison,
were continually halted for the purpose of dispersing
bands of marauders, the prisoners taken having merely the
advantage of an hour's extra existence.
The philosophic native merchants of Calcutta, who may
be supposed to know what style of policy is most likely to
overawe their countrymen in this emergency, have been
heard quietly to observe "that four lacs of people must
be killed, after which there will be peace and security as
heretofore." There is a large margin of human life as yet
to be. drawn upon before the slain number four hundred
thousand ; but we are bound to say that our countrymen
are lessening it as industriously as possible.
Fbr several days previous to the outbreak at Cawnpore
the Sepoys were evidently unsettled and ripe for mischief.
Bungalows were occasionally burnt ; and threats of mutiny
became so rife in the bazaar, that many of the Europeans
A TIGER OF TASTE AND SENTIMENT. 133
left the station. The merchants and shopkeepers, How-
over, remained, with a few exceptions, to watch over their
property; and the place contained a large number of
women and children belonging to the families of officers
and soldiers serving in Lucknow or tip-country, stations.
General Wheeler was warned of his danger, arid took such
steps to meet it as were in his power.
Within two or three miles of Cawnpore stood the fort
and palace of JSTana Sahib, the Rajah of Bhitoor, the
adopted son of the late Bajee Rao, the ex-Peishwa of the
Mahrattas. This man -had tried to obtain, on the death
of his adoptive parent, the reversion of the enormous
pension which the latter received from the British Go-
vernment, and the continuance in his person of the jaghi re
of Bhitoor. His request has been rejected • and though,
the enormous wealth left by Bajee Rao, amounting to
more than four millions sterling, placed him amongst the
first nobles in the country, he conceived a deadly hatred,
in consequence, to the British. Having received an Eng-
lish education, he was a frequent visitor at the tables of
Europeans of rank, and was in the habit of entertaining
them in turn at Bhitoor. With the usual craft of his
tribe, he was most profuse in his professions of. sympathy
and friendship at a time when he had made up his mind
to earn for himself the reputation of being the most blood-
thirsty enemy of our race ; and so far did he impose upon
General Wheeler, that the latter, thinking the treasury
somewhat unsafe under the care of Sepoys, applied 'to him
for a guard for its protection. This desire was promptly,
complied with ; and a detachment of the Nana's troops,
consisting of two guns and two hundred nujeebs armed
with matchlocks, were stationed as a guard over the treasury.
The Sepoys had previously refused to allow the general to
remove the treasure to the intrench ments, assuring him
that he need not be apprehensive of an attack upon it by
the Budmashes of the surrounding country, as they would
defend it with their lives. Declarations of loyalty on the
part of Sepoy regiments have been construed by experience
to imply a settled intention to rebel at the first favourable
moment ; but if poor Sir Hugh Wheeler read the cha-
racter of his men truly, the knowledge could be of no
134 THE SEPOY KEVOLT.
s. .vrice to him. He had but two companies of Europeans
M ml eight guns, was short of provisions, and hampered
\\ ith the presence of a helpless multitude. He took, then,
in good part the refusal of the Sepoys to give up the
treasure to the collector, and, looking about for such
means of defence as were at hand, sat down to await the
Doming of what might be in store for him. He was not
kept long in suspense. On the morning of the 5th of
June the whole of the native troops broke out in open
mutiny. They began by burning their lines, and then
made for the cutcherry where the treasure was. one of the
regiments staying behind to hold Sir Hugh Wheeler in
check, and prevent him from sending assistance to the
collector. After awhile the treasure, amounting to
170,000^., was packed on elephants and carts, the reserve
came up, and about mklday the whole force, together
with the nujeebs and the Nana Sahib's two guns, moved
off in the direction of Delhi. Up to this time they had
committed no act of violence, and it would appear that
the Nan a had first meditated a rapid retreat with his
plunder to a place of safety ; but if so, he soon changed
his mind, and returned next morning to Cawnpore, halt-
ing within two miles of the intrenchments. His own
force was now increased to 600 men with four guns ; and
the whole body of the mutineers ranged themselves under
his authority. Detachments of cavalry were sent into
the town and cantonments to slay all the Europeans,
East Indians, and native converts, and set fire to the
place. The wind was blowing furiously at the time ; and
when the houses were fired a few moments sufficed to set
the whole in a blaze. The noise of the wind, the roaring
of the fire, the wild cries of the mutineers maddened with
excitement and raging for blood, these, mingled with oaths
and prayers and shrieks of anguish, formed an atmosphere
of devilry which few of our countrymen would wish to
breathe again. A few of the residents fought with the
fury of despair ; but they were a handful against many
thousands of enemies, and silence gradually settled over
the place which a few hours previously was fair and
flourishing.
The Nana proclaimed himself by beat of drum sovereign
THE PREY IN THE TOILS. 135
of the Mahrattas, and planted two standards, one for Ma-
homed and the other for Huneyman, the monkey god of
the Hindoos. Some 2000 Mussulmans repaired to the
former ; but only a few Budmashes took service under the
latter. Their next step was to proceed to the palace of
the Nawab of Cawnpore, wh9 was suspected of being well
affected towards the Europeans. The gates were blown,
open with cannon, the palace thoroughly ransacked, and
the nawab made prisoner; after which they took up a posi-
tion in front of the intrenchments, and began to cannonade
Sir Hugh Wheeler. But one feeble gun was able to reply
to the increasing weight of artillery daily brought against
the beleaguered garrison ; but every time that the rebels
attempted an assault, they were invariably beaten back
with heavy slaughter. The heroic band daily expected
relief, and fought as if the safety of the empire depended
on their individual bravery.
Whilst the main body of the Nana's troops closed round
the intrenchments, and cut off every avenue of escape, the
Nana Sahib whetted his hopes of revenge by daily morsels
of pleasant taste and flavour. He was accustomed to send
out parties in the district to search for Europeans ; and
when these were brought in, no matter what their age or
sex, the boon of speedy death was never granted.
An English lady with her children had been captured by
his bloodhounds, and was led into his presence. Her
husband had been murdered on the road, and she implored
the Nana for life ; but the ruffian ordered them all to be
taken to the maidan and killed. On the way the children
complained of the sun, and the lady requested they might
be taken under the shade of some trees ; but no attention
was paid to her, and after a time she and her children
were tied together and shot, with the exception of the
youngest, who was crawling over the bodies, and feeling
them, and asking them why they had fallen down in the
sun. The poor infant was at last killed by a trooper.
To cut off nose and ears, and hang them as necklaces
on his poor miserable victims, was one of the mildest
punishments inflicted by this gentle and highly educated
Hindoo, who, if sufficient time had been allowed him,
would have no doubt invented over again all the modes of
136 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
ancient and modern cruelty. Amongst other strokes of
his good fortune was the arrest of a band of fugitives,
numbering about 126 souls, who were making their way
from Futtyghur in boats on the Ganges. He compelled
them to come on shore, promising, as usual, protection for
life and property, and, when they were collected together,
ordered his men to commence the work of slaughter. The
women and children were despatched with swords and
spears, the men were ranged in line, with a bamboo run-
ning along the whole extent and passing through each
man's arms, which were tied behind his back. The
troopers then rode round them and taunted their victims,
reviling them with the grossest abuse, and gloating over
the tortures they were about to inflict. When weary of
vituperation, one of them would discharge a pistol in the
face of a captive, whose shattered head would droop to the
right or left, the body meanwhile being kept upright, and
the blood and brains bespattering his living neighbours.
The next person selected for slaughter would perhaps be
four or five paces distant ; and in this way the fiends con-
trived to prolong for several hours the horrible contact of
the dead and the living. Not a soul escaped ; and the
Nana Sahib thanked the gods of the Hindoos for the sign
of favour bestowed upon him.
For twenty- two weary days the little garrison held their
own, full of heart and hope. It was impossible to believe
that aid would not come before the hour when the last
round should have been fired, and the last ration of food
consumed. Lucknow was but fifty miles off; and Law-
rence might give up the almost hopeless task of preserving
it, and bring a reinforcement sufficient to raise the siege.
Delhi, it was thought, must have fallen within a few days
after our troops appeared before it ; and the first rumour
of the approach of the victorious column would scatter the
Mahratta and his followers to all points of the compass.
Allahabad was but 120 miles distant; and the tramp of
British soldiers would be heard some glorious night, hur-
rying forward to the rescue. Yain hopes ! The days
went and came, and brought no help ; and one morning
towards the close of June men whispered to each other
in Calcutta that the struggle had terminated, and none
NIGHT AND SILENCE CLOSING AROUND. 137
were left to tell the tale. The news was carried to Go-
vernment, who at first affected incredulity, though it
afterwards turned out in this, as in other cases, that they
were fully informed of the catastrophe, but shrank from
revealing it to the public. For the next ten days we were
taunted by expectations, continually renewed, that the re-
port would be found untrue, until, on the morning of the
7th of July, Lord Canning permitted the following notice
to appear in the Calcutta papers : — " Allahabad, July 5th.
Colonel Neill reports that he had received a note, dated
night ot the 4th, from Major Kenaud, of the Madras
Fusiliers, commanding the advance column sent towards
Cawnpore, that he had sent men into that place, who re-
ported on their return that, in consequence of Sir Hugh
Wheeler being shot through the leg, and afterwards mor-
tally, the force had accepted the proffer of safety made by
the JSTana Sahib and the mutineers. The JSTana allowed
them to get into boats, with all they had, and three and a
half lacs of rupees ; that after getting them in boats fire
was opened on them from the bank, and all were destroyed.
One boat got away ten miles down the river, was pursued,
brought back, and all in her taken back into barracks and
shot. One old lady was alive on the 3rd, at Futtehpore."
Later intelligence furnished some particulars of the last
days of the ill-fated garrison. The fire of the enemy was
kept up for fourteen days and nights without inter-
mission.
Nunjour Tewarree, a Sepoy belonging to the 1st N.I.,
was at Banda with his regiment when the mutiny broke
out, and he saved the lives of a clerk and his wife, named
Duncan. Subsequently he marched with his regiment to
Cawnpore, and falling under suspicion on account of his
liking for the English, he was confined by Nana Sahib in the
same house with the Europeans. His account of the de-
struction of the party brought back from the boats should
never be perused by those who have the power of in-
fluencing the fate of the rebels who may be captured by
our troops. To our mind, the story of the Roman sena-
tors, sitting at the close of their long lives, each in his
post of honour, waiting for the stab of the approaching
barbarian, has far less of the heroism of self-sacrifice than
138 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the example of those English women at Cawnpore, who,
clasping their husbands tenderly, sat ready, with white
lips and still hearts, to share with them the first moments
of the life beyond the grave.
Relief was sent at last, but too late. The fiery Neill,
having quelled mutiny at Benares and punished it at Alla-
habad, chafed impatiently till a force of men, properly
equipped, could be got together for the relief of Cawnpore,
but he was not allowed in this instance to follow the im-
pulse of his daring nature. Colonel Havelock had arrived
in Calcutta, and the rules of the service would not allow
a junior officer to be at the head of an enterprise, however
fit he might be to carry it to a successful conclusion.
Time was lost to enable Colonel Havelock to join at Alla-
habad, and on his arrival there a further delay of some
days occurred consequent on the receipt of news that
Cawnpore had fallen. There were reports of serious mis-
understandings between the two officers, but these were
got over. Both Havelock and Neill were made brigadier-
generals, and the first division of the force, under the
command of the former, left Allahabad on the 2nd July,
the day on which General Wheeler was murdered and Sir
Henry Lawrence mortally wounded.
_ iv/(,J
_
CHAPTER XL
THE OUTBREAK IN ROHILCUNB. INGRATITUDE AND HATRED OP THE
SEPOYS AND POPULACE. — STRANGE CONDUCT OP THE 10lH NATIVE
INFANTRY.
THE revolt of the troops stationed in Rohilcund was dis-
tinguished by instances of singular baseness and treachery.
The force consisted of the 8th Irregular Cavalry, 16th and
68th N.I., 6th company 8th battalion Native Foot Artil-
lery, and No. 15 Light Horse Field Battery, stationed at
Bareilly ; a detail of Native Foot Artillery, and the 29th
Native Infantry, at Moradabad ; the 28th Native Infantry,
and a detail of Native Artillery, at Shahjehanpore ; the
66th Ghoorkas, and the 3rd company 8th battalion Native
Artillery, at Alrmich ; the whole amounting to about six
THE TIGERS COUCHAIST. 130
thousand men. Of these, all but the Ghoorkas at Almorah
rebelled on the 30th and 31st of May.
The news of the outbreaks at Meerut and Delhi caused,
of course, great excitement amongst the Sepoys in every
station throughout India; and Bareilly, which is only
152 miles from the first-named place, felt the full force of
the mutinous wave. The 8th Irregulars were nearly all
Pathans from the neighbourhood of Delhi, and caught
the infection at once j but still the authorities were con-
vinced that, should the service of the troops be required,
they "would act as good and loyal soldiers." Brigadier
Sibbald wrote to Calcutta on the 23rd of May that they
"were labouring under a great depression of spirits,
caused by the fear of some heavy punishment they
imagined Government was about to inflict upon them."
He remarked that no open act of theirs had rendered
them liable to punishment ; and at a general parade ad-
dressed them on the subject, spoke of the good and sus-
tained intentions of Government towards them, and
begged of them to dismiss from their minds the causeless
dread that pervaded them. The brigade received these
assurances with the greatest apparent satisfaction. The
native officers told him that they had " commenced a new
life," and in the fulness of his heart he added in a post-
script to his despatch, " I cannot say too much in praise
of the 8th Irregular Cavalry ; their conduct is beyond
praise, and I should feel much gratified should Govern-
ment consider them worthy of their thanks." The Go-
vernment did thank them. Mr. Colvin authorized the
brigadier to assure them publicly, that " nothing that had
happened since the commencement of the recent agitation
had at all shaken his solid confidence in their fidelity and
good conduct." He was glad that the strength of the
cavalry had been increased, and wished to know what
officers and men could be recommended for promotion.
The despatch was sent off in due course, and twenty-four
hours afterwards, 'whilst the Sunday chimes were ringing,
the brigadier was lying heedless in the sun, shot through
the heart by the very men whose welfare he was so
anxious to promote.
The European officers, with one exception, shared
140 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
unanimously in the confidence felt by the brigadier, until
the very moment of the outbreak. It was but of little
use for military men to encourage misgivings, for they
were tied to the stake, and must wait till the signal was
given for their massacre. The Sepoys took every pre-
caution that they could think of, both to avoid giving
alarm and to increase the number of their victims.
When they had laid all their plans, and placed men
under a bridge to murder such of the English as might
chance to pass that way, had blocked up the Futteghur
road, and told off two companies to surround the house
of the commanding officer of the GSth, they spoke to
their officers about bringing back the women and chil-
dren who had been sent to the hills on the first symptoms
of discontent being visible. All was quiet now, they said,
and signs of distrust injured the good name of the regi-
ment ! There were not, however, wanting some who
were faithful to their oaths. The havildar-inajor of the
•CSth was sent by the subadar-major on the 29th of May
to inform Colonel Troup, his commanding officer, that,
whilst bathing in the river that morning, the men of the
18th and 68th had sworn to rise at two o'clock that day,
-and murder their officers. The Commissioner of Rohil-
cund, Mr. Alexander, had news to the same effect, and all
the Europeans in the station were duly warned of their
danger. The cavalry were assembled ; they seemed ap-
parently well affected, and the day passed over without
any disturbance. The next day Colonel Troup was in-
formed that the troopers had sworn not to act against the
artillery and infantry, but that they would not harm, nor
raise their hand against any European. Still his tidings
and his apprehensions were ridiculed. The commanding
officer of the artillery was certain that there was no
cause to doubt his men, though he wr.s told that his
pay-havildar had addressed a letter to tl, -j 18th and GSth,
calling upon them in the most vugent terms to rise and
murder their officers. If they neglected this sacred duty,
the writer said, the Hindoos were to consider that they
had eaten beef, and the Mussulmans that they had tasted
pork. "With equal blindness, Major Pearson, command-
ing the 18th N.L, asserted, at eight A.M. on the 31st, that
GOVERNMENT BLINDNESS AGAIN. 141
his men " were all right, and that he had every confidence
in them." At eleven o'clock he had shared the fate of
Brigadier Sibbald.
Neither the Government at Calcutta nor Mr. Colvin
saw any mischief in allowing thousands of disbanded
soldiers to wander about the country. It was so much
money saved in the monthly pay accounts, and the ap-
pearance of the men in the stations and villages, instead
of being an incentive to mutiny, would be a warning
against the consequences of it. The fugitives from other
corps passed through Bareilly in great numbers just
before the outbreak, and influenced the minds of the
men by all kinds of stories with reference to the in-
tended destruction of caste, and the advance of Euro-
pean troops to destroy all who refused to obey. These
rumours were confirmed by the Sepoys of the Bareilly
regiments on their return from furlough about the same
time, and at last a rising* was determined upon. On the
Sunday morning appointed for the revolt the Sepoys
abstained from going to bathe as usual, on the avowed
plea that they would be wanted in their lines at eleven
o'clock, and precisely at that hour a gun was fired by
the artillery, and the whole of the cantonment was at
once in arms. The guns were turned on the officers'
houses, and the Sepoys spread themselves in skirmishing
order with the view of hindering the escape of any
whom they had marked for slaughter. The sentry over
the mess-room of the 18th fired at the officer whom he
had just saluted. Those who were fortunate enough to
make their way to the cavalry lines thought they were
safe ; and after a time spent in deliberation, during which
the work of murder and destruction was going on, it was
decided that they should make their way to the hill
station of Nynee Tal, distant about ninety miles. The
cavalry accompanied them for some miles, and then,
asked to be allowed to turn and charge the mutineers.
Permission was given as a matter of course, and under
the command of Captain Mackenzie they rode back till
they reached the rebels, who had a gun and a green flag.
They were ordered to charge, but the sight of the symbol
of their faith was too much for their lingering feelings of
K
142 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
loyalty. They halted and began to murmur, ending the
parley by turning their horses' heads and ranging them-
selves on the side of the mutineers. The gun was now
brought to bear on the little group that still closed round
their officers, and they were told to ride for their lives, a
suggestion which they were not slow in obeying. When
the mutiny was complete, an artillery subadar was made
comuiander-in-chief of Rohilcund, and a rajah was found
in the person of a retired company's judge, Khan Baha-
door. This man, who was in receipt of a considerable
pension, turned to account, like the Sepoys, the know-
ledge he had obtained whilst in the service of Govern-
ment. He seized Messrs. Raikes and Robertson, the
judges of Bareilly, and having tried them in due form,
had them found guilty of heinous offences, and hung.
The same fate was inflicted on Mr. Wyatt, the deputy
collector, author of " Panch Kouri Khan," the Indian
Gil Bias, and upon many others.
The 19th rose at Shahjehanpore on the same day, and
surrounding the church whilst divine service was being
performed, they butchered the greater part of the congre-
gation, and murdered the remainder in the course of their
flight from the station. The 29th, at Mooradabad, re-
mained quiet till the 3rd June, and then followed in the
wake of rebellion. They had previously done excellent
service against the mutineers throughout the district, but
the cause of the Sepoys liad become national, and they
were bound to support it. A little while, and they would
neither have pay nor plunder ; the sahib logue would be
driven out of the country, and rational Sepoys would
enjoy their wealth. Actuated, then, by considerations of
religion and rupees, they made for the treasury on the
morning in question, but finding only 25,000£, they were
about to blow the treasurer away from a gun, when the
judge and the collector interfered. Balked of their
plunder and prey at the same moment, the Sepoys were
fiirious. They presented their muskets at the two civi-
lians, and would have shot them, had not two native
officers rushed forward and reminded them that they had
sworn on the Ganges water not to touch a hair on the
her.cl of any European. The sanctity of the oath was
A SAFE COMMANDER. 143
sullenly admitted, and the Sepoys retired with their booty,
giving the residents two hours to leave the station. A
detachment of the 8th Irregulars formed part of the troops
at Mooradabad, but these, instead of imitating the example
of the rest of the regiment, mounted, and rode off with the
civilians and ladies to Nynee Tal. The officers of the
29th were afterwards escorted by a part of the regiment
to the same station, not a man being injured in any way.
The Bareilly mutineers were six weeks on their way to
Delhi. They made for the Ganges at Gurmuckteser, but
the river was swollen, and they had to wait for the means
of crossing. They had with them 700 carts laden with
treasure, the plunder of all the treasuries of Rohilcund,
and twelve miles off lay more than a thousand English
soldiers, but under the orders of General Hewitt. It is
said that an officer offered to prevent them from crossing,
if the general would only give him fifty men ; but that
would have left only eleven hundred and fifty for the de-
fence of the station against the bad characters of the
surrounding country, and the gallant chief felt that he
could not run such a risk. After staying some days at
the Ghaut, one of the rebels swam across, and seized a
small boat. By the aid of the party whom he ferried
over, two more boats were gained, and the three sufficed
to transport the whole three thousand men, with their
wealth and stores. The work was done leisurely, there
being no need to hurry the operation.
In no instance, perhaps, has the waywardness and in-
explicable nature of the Bengal Sepoys been more fully
exhibited than in the case of the 10th "N.I., stationed at
Futtyghur. Children in impulse and tigers at heart,
swayed by a breath and deaf to the most exciting appeals,
we find them at one moment standing up for their officers
against all comers, and willing to incur all risks in their
behalf ; and at the next, without an atom of provocation,
readily joining to murder them and their helpless little ones.
The following striking narrative from the pen of a cor-
respondent of the Mofussilite will enable our readers to
gain an idea of the labour and anxiety requisite to keep
a " stanch " regiment in the right path. The conclusion
of the story, which we supply from other sources, is no
144 THE SEPOY HE VOLT.
less tragical than that of a score of other episodes of Sepoy
fidelity : —
" All was right at Futtyghur up to the 3rd June. The
residents were much alarmed, and many had provided
boats in which to slip away after the regiment had muti-
nied and were looting the place, which they appeared to
think an inevitable event. The slightest rumours were
believed, and repeated with additions, and as the news
reached of mutiny at Lucknow and massacre at Shahjehan-
pore, the panic was at its height, and many families
slept in their boats on the evening of the 1st and 2nd.
On the afternoon of the 3rd information was received of
the arrival of a party of insurgents at Goosaingunge, where
they burnt the Dak bungalow and the house of the Teh-
seeldar. The civil residents all rushed to the boats.
CJolonel Smith and the officers of the 10th N.I. went into
the lines to be with their men, and resolved not to leave
them a moment. The roads were blocked up with hacke-
ries, &c., and the regiment was ready to turn out, and
proceed to any point at which danger might appear. The
night passed over quietly. When the sun rose, the station
was deserted, and the fleet of boats was gone. About
twelve P.M. a village was seen burning on the other side of
the river, and the natives say that then were the anchors
weighed and the sails shaken out to the wind. It was
necessary to make arrangements for the care of public
property. The treasury, with two and a half lacs, was
taken care of and removed to the fort. The clothing
agency, containing stores of cloth worth several lacs of
rupees, was looked after, as well as the jail, containing
upwards of a thousand prisoners. News came in during
the day that the mutineers had advanced about six miles
towards Futtyghur ; but on hearing that the ' old Duffels,'
•who are looked upon almost as infidels for having volun-
teered to proceed to Burmah, were anxious t to look them
in the face,' they turned off towards Chilbranow for Delhi.
The treasure was conveyed to the fort about nine A.M.,
•when, from some misunderstanding, contrary orders, or
something, we cannot tell what, there was a little distur-
bance in the lines, and down rushed a party to bring it
back vi et armis, the officers accompanying, trying ix>
THE SEPOY MANAGING HIS OWN AFFAIRS. 145
restrain them. Colonel Smith had ridden down with the
treasure ; when he saw the excited state of the men, he
very wisely gave way ; they merely said, they would pro-
tect it and the regimental colours in the open air, but
would not be cooped up in a fort. All went back, men,
officers, and treasure, without any mischief having been
done, but not without creating alarm, as we shall see pre-
sently. It had been arranged between the magistrate
and colonel that the men should have an advance of pay,
but Monday and Tuesday having been native holidays,
they had not received it.
" Captain Vibart, of the 2nd Light Cavalry, who was
on his way from the hills to Cawnpore, volunteered his
services to Colonel Smith, and he was put in charge of
the treasury and jail. The business of getting an advance
of pay gave employment to the minds of the men, and
when they were a little quiet the colonel mounted a ros-
trum, and addressed them on their conduct in the morning.
The old Sepoys hung their heads with shame, and laid
the blame on the young lads of the regiment. All pro-
mised nothing of the kind should occur again. Towards
afternoon the men were once more shaken, by discovering
that during the tamasha in the morning no less than four
of their officers had disappeared, deserted their posts in
the hour of danger, when the commanding officer required
all the assistance which could be rendered to him. The
Sepoys became suspicious of being deserted by all their
officers, and watched their movements like cats watching
mice. Everything was done to reassure them ; the officers
walked about and talked. Some of the ladies drove on to
the parade, to show that they were not gone with the
fleet, and the men became satisfied once more. Had this
regiment behaved ill, it would have been caused by the
civilians deserting their posts ; and that they were kept
quiet was entirely through the admirable coolness, tact,
and discretion shown by Colonel Smith, and the fact of
the officers having never left their men for a moment
since Wednesday evening. We have had alarms and re-
ports without end, but through the blessing of God, all
is quiet ; and if He gives quietness, who then can make
trouble ? We expected that the budmashes, from across
146 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the river and the neighbouring villages and the city,
would take advantage of the unprotected state of the
station, and fire the bungalows. Nothing of the kind
has occurred. A few things from Maharajah Dhuleep
Sing's estate have been plundered, as the park-ranger
bolted, leaving everything to its fate ; and we have sus-
tained an irreparable loss in our poet, who is gone we
know not where. Perhaps our fugitive may turn up in
time at Cawnpore, and they may be glad to hear through
your columns that their property is, up to the present
moment, all safe. We have had no Daks in for several
days, and know nothing of what is going on in the neigh-
bouring stations.
" June 6th. — All right. Sepoys this morning, of their
own accord, on the parade, swore on Gunga Panee and
Koran respectively to be true to their salt, never to
desert their four colours, and to protect the officers who
have been faithful to them with their lives.
" The names of the four officers have been removed
from the rolls of the regiment, as being f absent without
leave.' A considerable quantity of the Maharajah's pro-
perty has been found in the possession of his mootsuddie ;
he stole the property, and then reported that the place
had been looted by the Sepoys. Six P.M., all quiet. The
old Sepoys have come to an understanding with the
young hands, informing them that, if they do anything
to injure the character and name of the regiment, they
will themselves shoot the youngsters without ceremony.
"Sunday passed over quietly. Heard that some of
the fugitives had taken refuge with Hurdeo Buxsh, a
zemindar of Kussowra, and that the rest had gone on to
Cawnpore.
" Monday morning, 8th. — The prisoners have refused
for several nights to be locked up. Many have got rid
of their irons, and some of the worst characters were
exciting the rest to resist authority. They pulled down
some brickwork, and were pelting the Sepoys, when
Captain Vibart went down. He told them to go into
their sleeping-cells, or he would make them. They
begged him to try it on, saluted him with a shower of
bricks, and called down blessings on himself and family
THE CONCLUSION OF THE MATTER. 147
in the native fashion. The Sepoys fired; and after com-
pelling them to take refuge inside, they brought out the
ringleaders and shot them. Two were under sentence of
death — and the object was attained at the smallest pos-
sible expenditure of life : only sixteen killed ; but these
were the greatest budmashes in the gaol. The prisoners
are all quiet, submitting to be re-ironed; happy, and
looking as if nothing had occurred. The Sepoys were as
obedient as a well-ordered family. They fired when
ordered, ceased firing when bidden, and would have shot
every prisoner there at the command of their officer.
"Jail continues quiet. We are all, Sepoys, officers,
ladies, and children, in good health and spirits, and are
truly grateful to God for all his late mercies vouchsafed
to us."
Ten days after the last entry in the above journal, the
faithful 10th had joined the 40th. Many of them, after
sharing the plunder of the regimental-chest and the
treasury, went to their homes, but a part of both regi-
ments united in an attack upon the entrenchment in
which the Europeans took refuge. For eight days the
little band of Englishmen fought without an hour's in-
termission, and had they continued the defence their
lives would probably have been saved, as they had
thoroughly cowed their assailants, whose ammunition
also failed ; but want of rest and the loss of their best
men disheartened them, and on the night of the 4th of
July they left the fort and dropped down the river.
Their flight was perceived, and the enemy followed in
large boats. Numbers were killed by the fire of the
rebels, or drowned in the attempt to escape ; but the
bulk of the party got away, and were induced by the
promises of Nana Sahib to land at Bhitoor. We have
already chronicled their fate in one of the darkest pages
of the catalogue of Hindoo iniquity.
i /I
148 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
CHAPTER XII.
A CONVINCING ORATOR. — MR. COLVIN'S PROCLAMATION AND DEATH. —
MUTINIES IN RAJPOOTANA.
THE 9th N.I., stationed at Allyghur, about thirty miles
south of Delhi, revolted on the 19th of May. They had
been tempted to rise by a religious mendicant ; but two
of the men to whom he addressed himself took him pri-
soner, and carried him before the commanding officer,
who ordered a court-martial to sit upon him instantly.
The proofs of guilt were clear, and the sentence of death
was ordered to be carried out next morning. At the
appointed time the regiment paraded, and the criminal
was brought out and hung, no man appearing to feel
aggrieved at his fate ; but before they were marched off
the ground the rifle company, which had just been re-
lieved from the outpost of Bolundshur, made their appear-
ance, and a Brahmin Sepoy, stepping out from the ranks,
began to harangue his comrades on their cowardly wicked-
ness in having betrayed to death a holy man, who came
to save them from disgrace in this world and eternal
perdition in the next. Some commanding officers would,
perhaps, have shot the incendiary on the spot ; but in
this case the fighting priest was allowed to finish his speech,
and when he had made an end the whole corps were
converted to his way of thinking. They seized the
treasury, broke open the jail, and ordered all their
officers to decamp instantly on pain of death, doing,
however, no bodily harm to any of them. The next that
was heard of them was communicated from Delhi, where
the regimental number of the 9th was found on the bodies
of some of the most daring assailants of the British army.
The regiments stationed at Agra were the 3rd Europeans,
and the 44th and 67th N.I. The Lieutenant- Governor,
writing on the 22nd of May, was of opinion that things
would remain quiet in the capital of the North-west,
though he believed that if they were left to themselves, or
were to meet with the mutineers, the Sepoys would sym-
pathize, and unite themselves with the revolt. There had
been a great deal of excitement amongst them, and they
THE MACHINE GIVING WAY. 149
had undoubtedly been inflamed by a deep distrust of our
purpose. " The general scope of the notion by which
they have been influenced," said Mr. Colvin, " may be ex-
pressed in the remarks of one of them, a Hindoo, Tewarree
Brahmin, to the effect that ' men were created of different
faiths, and that the notion attributed to us of having but
one religion, because we had now but one uninterrupted
dominion throughout India, was a tyrannical and impious
one.' " Mr. Colvin, who saw even clearer than General
Hearsey the character of the prevailing delusion, enter-
tained a different opinion from that of the gallant officer
with regard to the possibility of eradicating it. He held
a parade of the troops on the 13th of May, and spoke to
them in a familiar way several times afterwards upon the
subject of the mania that had seized them, and offered to
give discharges to any who were still dissatisfied on the
subject. " They all at the moment" declared themselves
content with the explanations given, but little impression
was made upon them in reality, as was shown eight days
afterwards, when a company of each regiment rose at
Muttra, thirty-six miles from Agra, murdered their officers,
burnt the cantonments, and plundered the treasury of
70,000?. This occurrence put an end of course to any
doubts concerning the course that ought to be pursued ;
and next day the two regiments were assembled on the
parade-ground at Agra and disarmed, an indignity to
which they submitted with great reluctance. Mr. Colvin
was weak enough to grant furloughs to such as chose to
ask for them, which of course included the whole body.
Three days' march brought them to Delhi, where there
were arms in abundance, so that the saving of two thou-
sand muskets was all that could be claimed for the cause
of law and order.
This appears to have been the last public service that
Mr. Colvin performed. Under the pressure of a great
emergency, which he saw no means of meeting, his ener-
gies gave way, and he ceased to influence the character of
public events. He took no pains to keep open a commu-
nication with Delhi, which could have been easily arranged
for, or to knit together the severed strands of authority
in any portion of the extensive country under his care.
]50 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
He felt deeply the censure cast upon him by Lord Can-
ning for issuing his famous proclamation of pardon to the
mutineers ; but if he erred on the side of mercy, his policy
had at least this advantage over that of Lord Canning,
that it was suggested fourteen days, and not three months,
after the first outbreak of rebellion. On the 24th of May
lie wrote : — " On the mode of dealing with the mutineers,
I would strenuously oppose general severity towards all.
Such a course would, as we are unanimously convinced by
a knowledge of the feelings of the people, acquired
amongst them from a variety of sources, estrange the
remainder of the army. Hope, I am firmly convinced,
should be held out to all those who were not ringleaders
or actively concerned in murder and violence. Many are
in the rebels' ranks because they could not get away ;
many certainly thought we were tricking them out of
their caste ; and this opinion is held, however unwisely,
by the mass of the population, and even by some of the
more intelligent classes. Never was delusion more widi;
or deep. Many of the best soldiers in the army, amongst
others, of its most faithful section, the Irregular Cavalry,
show a marked reluctance to engage in a war against men
whom they believe to have been misled on the point of
religious honour. A tone of general menace would, I
am persuaded, be wrong. The Commander-in-Chief
should, in my view, be authorized to act upon the above
line of policy ; and, where means of escape are thus open
to those who can be admitted to mercy, the remnant will
be considered obstinate traitors, even by their own country-
men, who will have no hesitation in aiding against them.
I request the earliest answer to this message. The subject
is of vital and pressing importance."
The following day Mr. Colvin, alarmed by the defection
of a part of the 1st Gwalior Cavalry, his only effective
horse, whose flight to Delhi " severely complicated his
position," impressed by his knowledge of native feelings,
and " supported by the unanimous opinion of all officers
of experience" in Agra, took upon himself to issue the
following proclamation, "under the belief that severity
would be useless, and with the view of giving a favour-
able turn to the feelings of the Sepoys who had not as yet
A DISTINCTION WITHOUT A DIFFERENCE. 151
entered against us." A weighty reason was the total dis-
solution of order, and the loss of any means of control in
every district. His latest letter from Meerut was seven
days old, and he had not received a line from General
Anson.
"Soldiers engaged in the late disturbances, who are
desirous of going to their own homes, and who give up
their arms at the nearest Government civil or military
post and retiie quietly, shall be permitted to do so
unmolested.
"Many faithful soldiers have been driven into resis-
tance to Government only because they were in the ranks
and could not escape from them, and because they really
thought their feelings of religion and honour injured by
the measures of Government. This feeling was wholly a
mistake, but it acted on men's minds. A proclamation of
the Governor-General now issued is perfectly explicit, and
will remove all doubt on these points. Every evil-minded
instigator in the disturbance, and those guilty of heinous
crimes against private persons, shall be punished. All
those who appear in arms against the Government after
this notification is known, shall be treated as open
enemies."
The Governor-General telegraphed the next day to
stop the issue of the proclamation and do everything to
check its operation, except in the cases of those who
might have already taken advantage of it. An improved,
proclamation was substituted, consisting of a preamble
and three paragraphs, as follows : — " The Governor-
General of India in Council considers that the proclama-
tion issued at Agra on the 25th instant, and addressed to
those soldiers who have been engaged in the late disturb-
ances, might be so interpreted as to lead many who have
been guilty of the most atrocious crimes to expect that
they will be allowed to escape unpunished. Therefore, to
avoid all risk of such misinterpretation, that proclamation
is annulled by the Governor-General in Council, who
declares as follows : —
" Every soldier of a regiment which, although it has
deserted its post, has not committed outrages, will receive
free pardon, if he immediately deliver up his arms to the
152 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
civil or military authority, and if no heinous crimes be
shown to have been perpetrated by himself personally.
" This offer of free and unconditional pardon cannot
be extended to those regiments which have killed or
wounded their officers or other persons, or which have
been concerned in the commission of cruel outrages. The
men of such regiments must submit themselves uncon-
ditionally to the authority and justice of the Government
of India.
" All who before the promulgation of this present pro-
clamation may have availed themselves of the offer con-
tained in the proclamation issued at Agra on the 25th
instant, will enjoy the full and unreserved benefit thereof."
In his reply to this message, Mr. Colvin begged that
the preamble of the amended proclamation might be
omitted, on the plea that openly to undo any public act
of his, where really no substantial change was made, as
in this case, would fatally shake his power for good.
" His time," he said, " was torn by a thousand distrac-
tions," and he could not always frame his words as per-
fectly as he could wish. The request was acceded to, and
a mere notification made at the end of the new proclama-
tion that all former offers of pardon by local authorities
were cancelled ; but, as it turned out, both announce-
ments were only waste paper. Not a man ever came for-
ward to claim the benefit of the greater or the lesser act
of grace. Two months later, Lord Canning, when he had
exhausted the utility of hanging and blowing away from
guns, tried his sole hand at conciliation, and was not more
successful than Mr. Colvin had been. It was his lot never
to excite gratitude or fear.
The framework of society in the North-west fell to
pieces, and men held life and land by the law of the
strongest. The zemindars and the village communities,
who had been dispossessed of their estates or holdings by
civil suits, entered again into possession. Old feuds were
recollected and avenged. Old landmarks were every-
where obliterated. Settlements and title-deeds, the record
of the decree and the property which it represented, were
swept away. Government had no existence, and order
no rallying-point. The ruler of thirty millions of souls
DEATH OF MR. COLVIN. 153
had no voice for good or evil, except within the boundaries
of Agra, and those were soon to be contracted to the nar-
rowest space. After leading for some weeks a harassed
life in the city, and virtually losing a battle without the
walls, Mr. Colvin saw the jail opened and its population
of three thousand let loose over the country, the canton-
ment burnt, and the town sacked ; and then, betaking
himself to the fort, was doubtless glad when death came
and brought oblivion of the world's troubles. He died
on the 9th of September last, loved and respected as an
individual, but not missed as a statesman.
The 15th and 30th N.I. mutinied at Nusseerabad on
the 28th of May. They were counted amongst the most
faithful soldiers of the State, and there was not an officer
with them who would not have vouched for their honesty
tinder any circumstances. That quality had been often
praised by their superiors ; but it was not of a very
durable kind, seeing that the two corps rose in rebellion
a fortnight after the news of the Delhi outbreak had been
received at the station. The 15th were the first to com-
mence, and seized the guns, which were charged by the
1st Bombay Lancers, but without effect. Four officers of
the latter were killed and wounded, but none of the men
— a fact which can only be accounted for under the idea
that it was understood that the cavalry should not take
the guns, and that the Sepoys should not fire on the horse-
men. After the 15th had been firing at their officers for
a couple of hours, and had burnt the cantonment and
threatened to attack the 30th, whom they adjured by
every sacred tie to fight for their religion, the latter got
tired of holding out, and took part in the revolt. The
colonel summone-1 the European and native officers to the
front, and the latur beg.v3d of them to fly with all haste.
There was no other course to pursue ; and the Europeans
made off to Beawr, where some of the 30th came a few
days afterwards and laid down their arms. When the
officers left, the villagers made their appearance in armed
gangs, and plundered the station. The two regiments,
with six guns, subsequently made their way to Delhi.
The Neemuch brigade mutinied on the 3rd of June.
They consisted of the 4th troop, 1st brigade of Native
154 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
Horse Artillery, the left wing of the 1st Cavalry, 72nd
N.I., and the 7th Regiment of the Gwalior Contingent.
For some days the force had been in a state of great agi-
tation ; and the people in the bazaar fled in crowds on the
30th, believing that the Sepoys had risen. Their fears
were, however, quieted ; and Colonel Abbott, commanding
the 72nd, held a durbar on the 2nd of June, which was
attended by all the officers of the native regiments. In
answer to his remonstrances, they assured him that the
effervescence had entirely subsided and that all were per-
fectly quiet, including the artillery, who had repacked the
ammunition which they took out of the limbers that
morning. They were dismissed with injunctions to take
care of their men ; but, at eleven o'clock the next morn-
ing, the signal-guns were fired, and in a very short time
the cantonment was in flames. The Sepoys closed round
the officers and their families, who were advised to go into
the house of a jemadar in the lines, with a view, as they
afterwards thought, of keeping them together till the word
was given to murder them ; but one of the native officers
came into the place, from which he turned them out, and
told them to hasten away for their lives. They took the
advice, and, accompanied by a handful of faithful men,
reached a place of safety. The rebels joined the Nnsseer-
abad troops, and carried the guns and the treasure to
Delhi.
At Nagpore a plot, which had been in agitation for three
months, for the murder of every European in the station,
was discovered just as it was about to be carried into exe-
cution. The conspirators had organized all the details of
the rising, and posted the men who were to carry out the
design.
One of the Rissalah, the authors of the plot, had been
sent to endeavour to induce the 1st N.I. to join them ;
but they, true to their salt, resisted the temptation, seized
and confined the tempter, and spread the alarm. The ring-
leaders were instantly apprised of the discovery, and two
of them hastened to the houses of the European officers to
give the alarm, hoping by this stratagem to elude detec-
tion. The alarm was given on the night of the 13th of
June, and the massacre was to have commenced an hour
NIPPED IN THE BUD. 155
or two afterwards. Of course, immediate steps were taken
to guard against the consequences of an. attack. The 32nd
jST.L, which had marched to Kamptee, together with de-
tachments of artillery and cavalry, was recalled. The
arsenal, which contained an immense quantity of arms and
warlike stores, was guarded by only fifty Madras Sepoys,
who were now strengthened, and guns, double-shotted with
canister, were placed in position. Thirty thousand pounds
of powder were destroyed, to prevent its falling into the
hands of the insurgents. The Seetabuldee hill, which the
Commissioner had wished to dismantle, was hastily occu-
pied ; and its guns, commanding the city as well as the
treasury and arsenal, overawed the conspirators, who had
counted upon finding the Europeans an easy prey. So
confident were they of success, that they had allotted
amongst themselves the wives of their intended victims,
and settled the proportion in which the treasure, amount-
ing to about 150,000£, should be distributed. On the
17th of June the irregulars were disarmed without re-
sistance ; and a proclamation was issued, ordering the
inhabitants to give up their arms within five days. More
troops arrived at the station soon afterwards, and the
leaders were tried and hung, not a hand being raised in
their behalf, though there could be no doubt that they
had the sympathies of nearly the entire population. No
further attempt at revolt was made in the capital of
Nagpore.
At Saugor the 3rd Irregular, 31st and 42nd N.I., were
stationed under the command of Brigadier Sage. He had
a company of European artillery, and a number of officers,
unable of course to make any effectual resistance. On the
29th of June the brigadier moved into the fort with his
guns and the whole of the European population. The
native soldiery took advantage of the absence of control
to loot the treasury and cantonments. The brigadier was
too weak to go out and attack them, and was afraid that
if he fired from the fort the walls would fail down from
the concussion. In this emergency he called in all the
officers, the Sepoys of the 31st loudly complaining of the
desertion of their natural leaders. They said they were
desirous of doing their duty, and gave the most signal
156 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
proof to that effect by attacking the 42nd ten days after-
wards. Not an officer of the corps was present ; but with
the aid of forty troopers who remained faithful, and four
Englishmen, who joined them and brought some chupras-
/ sies to assist, the 31st utterly routed the rest of the rebels,
. inflicting great loss upon them, and captured a large gun
and some elephants, which they gave up to the authorities.
The Sepoy character is inexplicable enough at all times,
but here was a new phase of it.
CHAPTER XIII.
•THE ADMINISTRATION OP THE PUNJAUB. — LORD CANNING AND SIR JOHN
LAWRENCE. — THE ORGANIZATION OP THE SIKHS.
THE difference between Lord Canning and Sir John Law-
rence lies simply in this, that the one never succeeded,
and the other never failed, in anything he undertook.
The contrast of the two men exhibits something marvel-
lous. But for Sir John Lawrence, Delhi would not have
been taken ; but for Lord Canning, Cawnpore would not
have fallen. The one creates means, the other only dissi-
pates them. The one finds everything within his own
brain, the other can glean nothing from the whole out-
side world.
At the time of the Meerut revolt there were eight
British and twenty-five native regiments in the Punjaub.
The former were nearly all sent on to Delhi, the latter
entirely broken up or disarmed, and not above a dozen
European lives have been taken by mutineers except in
fair fight with our countrymen.
Three days after the outbreak at Meerut the 45th and
57th N.I. rose in mutiny at Ferozepore. They had pre-
viously avowed their determination not to use any more
of the cartridges, and the news of what had occurred found
them ready to be up and doing in imitation of their gal-
lant black brethren ; but happily there was no second
General Hewitt to be dealt with on this occasion. The
signs of insubordination had not escaped the notice of the
military chiefs, who wisely prepared at once for the worst.
There was only one corps of Europeans in the station,
THE RIGHT WAY OF PACIFICATION. 157
H.M 's 61st; but this, with the European artillery, was
quite sufficient to vindicate the claims of justice. As a
preliminary step, the wives and children of Europeans were
ordered into the entrenched magazine ; and this being done,
the two regiments were paraded and ordered to march to
their respective cantonments. They refused to obey, and
made for the magazine, a company of the 57th N.I., on
duty inside, throwing over ladders and ropes to assist them
in scaling the outer walls. Three hundred of the rebels
made their way to the interior, and with loud shouts
rushed to the ordnance stores ; but a company of the
Queen's troops stood in the way. A detachment of five
files fired, and knocked over six of the assailants ; and the
remainder required no second reason for getting out of
harm's way. They next tried to get in the rear of the
little band, but with no better success, and were soon
flying in all directions. Now and then clusters of the
Sepoys outside would be seen crawling on the top of the
walls like beetles, but only to be brushed away with the
butt- ends of the European muskets. The party inside,
who had invited their appearance, were of course disgusted
with this summary mode of extinguishing a plot that had
cost some trouble in hatching, and prepared to do battle
with the delighted Englishmen ; but the sight of the
levelled muskets, backed by Lieut. Angelo's two guns
loaded with grape, quelled their ardour, and they promptly
flung down their arms and were marched out. Before the
night set in the contest was over ; the magazines of the
mutineers were blown up by the artillery. The 57th were
entirely disarmed, and 200 of the 45th sent in their arms
and colours. The next day the rebels avenged themselves
by recommencing the task of burning the bungalows ; but
that was soon put a stop to. The 10th Cavalry, who stood
firm throughout the affair, and the 61st, cut them up in
all directions. The country round about Ferozepore is a
level plain for many miles, and afforded no cover to im-
pede the pursuers. For weeks after the occurrence of the
mutiny fugitives from the 45th were either killed daily,
or brought in to meet the scarcely less inevitable doom.
The last notice in connexion with the above corps is that
of a general parade being ordered at Ferozepore, when
158 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
twenty-four mutineers were brought out to undergo the
punishment for their crime. Twelve of them purchased
life by consenting to give information against their accom-
plices ; and of the remaining moiety, two were hanged,
and the rest blown away from guns. A few of the rebels,
no doubt, made their way to Delhi ; but between the
Queen's troops and the 45th and 57th KI. the balance of
mischief inflicted was vastly on the side of the former.
At Mean Meer, where the 16th, 26th, and 40th KL,
with the 8th Cavalry, plotted to murder the Europeans
and obtain possession of the fort, the plan of operations
for their defeat was carried out whilst the wives and
daughters of the good folks of Lahore were enjoying
themselves at a ball. Europeans were marched down to
the fort instead of the expected native relief ; the guards
were turned out and disarmed, and the rest of the bewil-
dered conspirators were deprived of the means of doing
mischief before they could realize the fact that their plot
had got wind. At Peshawur Colonel Edwards disarmed
the 21st, 24th, 27th, 51st KL, and the 5th Cavalry,
without a drop of blood shed. The 55th mutinied, and
took possession of Murdaun, which they were soon glad
to evacuate. A hundred of them, flying to the Swat hills
for protection against the proselytizing English, Avere
compensated by being forcibly converted to Mussulmans
at the hands of their humorous entertainers. The revolt
of the 3rd 1ST. I. at Phillour completed the catalogue of
Sepoy crime in the Punjaub for the month of May, and
up to that period not a single European had been mur-
dered.
June opened in the Punjaub with the revolt of the 64th
at Peshawur, who were disarmed without difficulty, the
good work being followed by the disarming of the 62nd
and 69th at Mooltan. The Jullunder force, consisting of
the 36th and 61st KL and the 6th Cavalry, rose on the
8th of June. At Phillour they were joined by the 3rd
KL, and the united force made off to Delhi by forced
marches. Brigadier Johnstone, commanding at Jullunder,
left the station after the rebels quitted it, and took the
same road ; but it would be wrong to say that he pur-
sued them. He made slow marches, whilst they went at
SEARCHING BUT NOT WISHING TO FIND. 15 D
the top of their speed. He was able to miss his way
once or twice, and finally ceased to go in the same direc-
tion. After a day or two the mutineers turned towards
Delhi, the Europeans went back to their posts, and Bri-
gadier Johnstone retired to the hills to take the repose
that was needful for him. Mr. Ricketts, of the civil
service, attacked the rebel column with a few Sikhs and
newly-raised levies, but could only exhibit on a small
scale the effect that might have been produced by vigorous
measures on the part of the brigadier. The fugitives held
on their way with unabated speed, and finally reached Delhi.
Whilst the Sepoys of the Barrackpore division were
offering their red coats for sale in the streets of Calcutta
opposite the very windows of Government House, and
were deserting unmolested in batches, Sir John Lawrence
was blowing their fellow-soldiers away from guns for no
heavier offence. He adopted, at the very outset, the line of
policy which has made his name as famous amongst the
people of England as it had hitherto been famous amongst
the Indian nations. No trust in professions of loyalty,
no mercy for signs of disaffection, were the axioms which
he had laid down for the guidance of his subordinates.
He knew that the Hindostanees were not to be relied
upon, and that the British troops were far too few even
to hold the Funjaub in the face of a rebel population in
arms. The only course then was to call upon the Sikhs
and exhibit to them an enemy whom they despised as
well as hated. Fierce as was the animosity with which
the soldiers of Runjeet Singh regarded the terrible race
who had scattered to the winds their hopes of universal
mastery in Hindostan, they regarded the Brahmin and
Rajpoot Sepoys with a far deeper antipathy. The Sikh
felt that these men, who for bravery and endurance were
not to be compared with himself, were the natural aristo-
cracy of his race, who looked upon himself as an unclean
thing • and he hated them, as democrats hate a scornful
noble, as sectarians in religion hate each other. The
value of such antagonism was soon developed. When
the 55th mutinied, the whole regiment were of course
deprived of their arms ; but the Sikh recruits, only a
hundred in number, offered to fight the rest of the corps,
L 2
160 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
if the officers would let them have their muskets back
again. They were immediately reinstated, and from that
.hour to the present there has been no cause to regret the
reliance placed on Sikh fidelity. The occupation of hunt-
ing down Sepoys in the Punjaub or elsewhere has, to be
sure, been a profitable one. Where the mutineer had
shared in the plunder of the treasuries, he paid his heirs
and executors liberally enough for their trouble of killing ;
^tfhen he had merely broken bounds and went off to join
the main body, the Government gave 51. for him if caught
with arms, and half that sum if captured without them :
and the King of Delhi was silly enough to aid our policy
by inflicting cruel tortures on the Sikhs who fell into his
hands. Some of these were sent into General Barnard's
camp, frightfully mutilated, as a challenge and a warning
to the inhabitants of the Punjaub. The Sikhs, who feel
as one man, swore to have vengeance ; and they have
kept their oaths.
The 10th Irregulars were disarmed at Nowshera on
the 26th of June. Their arms and horses, the latter their
own property, were taken from them, and, under a guard
of levies, they were dismissed to their homes, remorseful
and ruined. At Jheluni the 14th were summoned to
lay down their arms, but resisted and fought desperately,
inflicting a heavy loss upon the detachment of Europeans
who attacked them. They were, however, driven out of
the station, and cut to pieces in a great measure by the
people of the country ; but very few finding their way to
the rebel head-quarters. The mutiny of the 46th at
Sealkote was more signally punished. The corps rose as
if by an uncontrollable impulse, killed the Brigadier-
Colonel Brind and some other officers, and took to flight.
On the 12th July they were encountered by the moveable
column under Brigadier Nicholson, routed after a short
engagement, and compelled to betake themselves to an
island in the Ravee, from which they escaped only to be
hunted to death by the armed Sikhs or the eager population
of the district. The corps was literally exterminated.
The mutiny of the 10th Cavalry at Peshawur, on the
10th of August, was the last instance of rebellion in the
Punjaub. They killed a single officer, and wounded two
TOO LATE TO BE WELCOME. 161
or three European soldiers, and got away, after some loss,
to Delhi, where it is said they were but coldly received ;
for they had killed, during the time they remained loyal,
more of their own countrymen than they could expect to
slaughter of the English in future, let their prowess be
ever so great. A force intended to be augmented to
30,000, and composed of two-fifths Sikhs, one-fifth hill
races, and two-fifths Mahornedans, Punjaubees, and Pa-
thans, now occupies the place of the Bengal regiments,
and as yet the result of the experiment has been eminently
successful. Of all those public servants who in this ge-
neration have deserved well of their country, not one
man ranks truly higher than the Chief Commissioner of
the Punjaub.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE GWALIOR RISING. — CONTRADICTORY CONDUCT OP THE MUSSULMAN
CAVALRY. — HOLKAR AND HIS CONTINGENTS. — THE REVOLT AT MHOW
AND INDORE.
THE Mahratta states of Gwalior and Indore are each
bound by treaty to support a body of troops officered
from, the Company's army, and under the sole orders of
the British residents at their respective courts. Scindiah's
Contingent consists of five companies of artillery with
thirty guns, two regiments of cavalry, and seven of in-
fantry, in all about seven thousand three hundred men.
Holkar's Contingent is made up of two companies of
artillery with twelve guns, a thousand cavalry, and fifteen
hundred infantry. The material of which these troops
were composed differed in no respect from that of the
Bengal army. The men were recruited from the same
districts, wore the same uniform, and were disciplined
exactly like the regular forces. The Government perhaps
relied upon them as a check to the insubordination of
their own proper forces, but in the time of trial it was
found that the Contingents were neither more loyal nor
the reverse, neither more bloodthirsty nor kind-hearted
than the ordinary Sepoy. That they have hitherto been
so little heard of arises we believe from the fact, that
162 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
their nominal masters have not been able to make up their
minds whether to declare for or against us. The dread of
losing their dominions in case we are successful in putting
down the rebellion, has of course considerable weight with
them; but then, on the other hand, the Government of
India has taken such pains to make that result appear
unlikely, that we could hardly blame them if they made
their selection finally in favour of independence. To a
Mahratta the prospect of turmoil and plunder must be
almost irresistible ; and even when brought up, as Scindiah
and Holkar have been, at the feet of the Honourable
Company, he must feel as the young pet tiger feels when
a flock of chickens first falls in his way. Holkar, we
believe, has hitherto done his best to uphold the con-
nexion of Indore with the British, but it is no secret that
tempting offers had been made to him to place himself at
the head of the Mahrattas, and convert them once more
into the dominant race. Scindiah's own troops have
already fraternized with the Contingent, and having no
apparent means of enforcing even the observance of neu-
trality towards the British, he will perhaps either abdi-
cate or go with the stream. It will be a fortunate thing
for him if he can postpone his decision till Christmas
next, as by that time he will find no difficulty in deciding
where his interest lies.
The Gwalior Contingent was paraded on the 17th of
May to hear the Governor-General's proclamation, which,
we are told by one who was present, was read to them
most impressively by Brigadier Ramsay, who took the
same opportunity of addressing the troops. This he did
most clearly and pointedly, conveying as distinctly as
words could convey it to the minds of native soldiery
the utter absurdity of the rumours that the British
Government wished to interfere with native caste or
native religion in any shape or form. The speech was
well delivered by a man well acquainted with the native
language, and had a most excellent effect.
A day previous to the mutiny a number of houses were
set on fire, and though the Sepoys readily lent a hand in
conveying the furniture to a place of safety, their tone
and bearing showed plainly what might be expected from
MAHRATTA IDEAS OF SPORT. 163
them when the needful incentive to revolt should be sup-
plied. There were Europeans of course on the spot, and
a Sepoy talking to them said, " You have come to see to-
day's sport, but to-morrow you will behold a different kind
of fun." The remark was significant, and had its effect
on the minds of the hearers ; but they could only sit with
hands folded, and wait the course of events. The next
day was Sunday, the favourite day for mutiny, and, as
threatened, the Sepoys got up their " tamasha." Towards
nightfall a bugle sounded, and the troops turned out on
parade, and when the officers made their appearance they
were assailed. A party made for the brigadier's quar-
ters, and with loud shouts called upon him to come forth,
but a faithful Sepoy had anticipated them. This man.
rushing into the house laid hands on him, and hurried
him out of the compound to a place of safety : the muti-
neers, baulked in this instance of their prey, avenged
themselves by setting fire to the bungalows, and carrying
away the whole of the property. Another officer wag
roused out of bed by his guard, and one of them coming
up quietly said, "Sahib, fly; all is lost." As the man,
walked away the rest of the guard came up, and said,
"The houses are on fire, shall we loadT The officer
replied that it was useless to load muskets to put out a
fire, on which they marched back to the guard -house;
but watching them through the window, he saw the whole
of them deliberately loading, and felt that it was time to
get away. A couple of shots were fired at him, and he
turned to escape in another direction, but only succeeded
in getting into a place of shelter by running under fire
from the whole guard. By this time the whole station
was in an uproar ; men, women, and children were flying
from all quarters towards the Rajah's palace, whilst the
rebels were eagerly searching the houses in cantonments
for victims. Upwards of twenty-seven persons were
murdered, but the thirst for blood was not universal.
Several instances occurred where pains were taken to pre-
serve life ; in one case three Sepoys saved a lady and her
children by conveying them to, the roof of a house, where
they remained whilst the search was going on for them
below, and then escaped when the mutineers had quitted
164 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the premises. The survivors were sent forward next day
to Agra, under an escort furnished by Scindiah ; but they
had only gone a short distance when a sowar rode up to
say that there was mutiny in the durbar, on which the
escort turned back again. The poor fugitives, footsore
and bleeding, trudged on over beds of kunkur and through
thorny ravines till they reached the jaghire of a friendly
rajah, who sent a few sowars with orders to see them safe
to Agra. They reached that place at last, after being
in hourly danger from the men of the escort, who ridi-
culed and abused them every step of the way.
The rest of the Contingent at Neemuch, Augur, Sepree,
and Sultanpore mutinied soon after the revolt of head
quarters. The 7th were the last to join the rebels at
Neemuch. They guarded the treasure for twenty-four
hours, but at the end of that time the Horse Artillery
approached to attack them : they saw the station in
flames, and felt themselves powerless to resist the rebels
or to help their officers. The subadar ordered the gates
of the fort to be thrown open, and the 7th marched out
to join the Bengal Sepoys. Before the crowd of muti-
neers approached they induced their officers to seek safety
in flight, and many of them accompanied the fugitives
for a considerable distance, showing genuine grief for what
had taken place. But the conduct of the 7th, though it
exhibited as much good feeling as we had a right to ex-
pect, was not to be compared to that of the 1st Irregular
Cavalry, upwards of 200 of whom, under Lieutenant
Cockburn, marched out of Gwalior on the 13th of June
at an hour's notice. They knew what had taken place at
Meerut and Delhi, and that they were called upon to
fight if need be on the side of Government ; but without
a murmur, they marched twenty-seven miles a day for
seven days in succession ; no slight task in the North-
west of India at that season of the year. They reached
Allyghur a few hours before the mutiny of the 9th N.I.
took place, and not being led against the rebels, it is hard
to say what their conduct would have been if brought
into actual conflict with their co-religionists. They
escorted, however, all the officers, women, and children to
Hatrass in safety. Two days after they arrived at that
PATIENCE WOKN OUT AT LAST. 165
place a hundred of the party mounted their horses to
desert, and called upon the rest of the detachment to
join them, and fight for their religion. If they refused,
they were false to the prophet, and would be beggars for
the rest of their days. Neither persuasion nor menace
had any effect, and friends of long standing and relatives
shook hands and parted, the one moiety to slaughter the
Feringhees, and the other remaining to protect them, and
punish their enemies. For weeks afterwards the faithful
few remained and performed the most essential service to
the State, of which the following is only a single in-
stance. A party of five hundred villagers had got to-
gether about three miles from Hatrass, where they had
been robbing and murdering all passengers, and Lieu-
tenant Cockburn resolved to attack them. He put four
men in a covered bullock-cart, such as is used for convey-
ing respectable females, and sent them on ahead of his
party of forty troopers, who dodged amongst the trees so
as to be out of sight. Of course when the marauders
saw the bullock-cart they made a dash at it, and lifting
up the curtains received the contents of four carbines
from the supposed ladies. This was followed by a charge
from the troopers in ambush, who rode at the insurgents,
and cut down fifty of them, without injury to a man on
their own side. The surprise was complete, and the
neighbourhood was cleared at once of the entire band of
rebels. On the day following they rescued upwards of
twenty Europeans from a village where they had been
kept in confinement, and continued to perform the like
services, until Asiatic nature could hold out no longer
against the inducements to join the cause of the Bengal
army, when they made their way to the main body of
their countrymen. Such examples, which might be mul-
tiplied to almost any extent, shows beyond all question
that there never was any plot, even amongst the Mussul-
mans, to rise against the English Government. Each
man found at last a reason to his liking for mutiny and
murder, but assuredly there was neither a unity of feeling
nor a common purpose amongst them at the outset of the
insurrection.
Holkar's troops remained steady through the whole of
166 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the month of June, and it was thought that reliance
could be placed upon their loyalty ; but on the morning
of the 1st of July a couple of guns passed rapidly through
the cantonments of Mhow. The circumstance created
some excitement amongst the officers, more especially as
heavy firing had been heard previously in the direction
of Indore ; but queries as to their destination were soon
set at rest, intelligence being received from the Resident,
Colonel Durand, that the Contingent was in mutiny and
had attacked the Residency. Colonel Platt, commanding
the station, was requested to despatch a battery of guns
immediately to assist in putting down the revolt, which
he did> at the same time ordering Captain Brooke to take
a detachment of Light Cavalry and two companies of
infantry, and bring back the fugitive artillery. Captain
Brooke soon returned with the two guns, but reported
that he had been obliged to shoot one of the gunners,
who attempted to open fire on his party. A few minutes
after his return the battery that had been despatched to
Indore came back, an express having met it on the road
with counter orders. Colonel Durand had considered it
expedient to abandon the Residency, and retire on Sehore.
There was nothing then to be done but to provide for the
safety of the cantonment. Patrols and pickets were ap-
pointed, and in the evening the officers sat down to mess
as usual, but not in their own bungalows ; the example
of the 6th at Allahabad was before them, and the caution
was not a vain one, for the mess-house was on fire shortly
afterwards, and most likely the intention of their men
was to murder them as they were trying to escape from
the building. In the lines the men had been talking
about the hard fate of the King of Oude, and of the
trooper who had been shot by Captain Brooke ; and their
officers, finding how ticklish matters stood, were going
about amongst them, and trying to sooth them into good
humour. Lieutenant Martin was conversing with some
men of the cavalry, who were loud in their expressions of
fidelity to the Government, when a shot was heard, and
the trooper whose professions of loyalty had been most
vociferous suddenly wheeled round, and fired at his
officer's head : the fellow missed, and Martin, putting
THE RESULT OF MISPLACED CONFIDENCE. 167
spurs to liis horse, galloped for his life, the guard giving
him a parting volley as he passed their post. Colonel
Platt had been warned of the intended rising, but a reli-
ance upon what he had done for the regiment, and belief
in the assertions of the leading men, who told him that
it was only a few turbulent spirits who were disaffected,
made him blind to the plainest signs of impending mutiny.
That evening a trooper had warned his officer not to ap-
pear in the lines, and a coolie reported that a Sepoy had
asked him to join in the outbreak, which was to take
place at ten o'clock. But neither Colonel Platt nor
Major Harris, commanding the 1st Cavalry, would listen
to statements against their faithful soldiers, and both paid
for their incredulity with their lives. When the firing
from the lines became general the officers galloped off
under a shower of bullets, went to the arsenal, and dis-
armed and turned out the native guard, armed themselves
with muskets, and manned two bastions of the fort. Ad-
jutant Fagan, of the 23rd, had ridden up to the quarter-
guard of his regiment and ordered the Sepoys to turn
out, but their reply was a shower of musketry. Colonel
Platt ordered out the artillery, and insisted upon the ad-
jutant returning back with him to the lines, not being
able to realize to his imagination that his men were
traitors. Neither of them came back again ; they were
hacked to pieces, together with Major Harris, who was
found next morning lying dead by the side of his horse.
Lieutenant Dent and Dr. Thornton had narrow escapes ;
the former had been with the cavalry picket on the In-
dore road, and when the firing commenced his men re-
mounted their horses, and were about marching to canton-
ment, when three troopers rode up, one of whom dis-
charged a pistol at him j his guard, who might have shot
him. with the greatest ease at any moment during the
previous hour, now shouted out, " Kill him, kill him."
The speed of his horse saved him from a second attack,
which might not have been so harmless. Dr. Thornton
had been concealed in a drain all night, affording not the
first example of hunted fugitives who have been saved
from death during the rebellion by taking advantage of
the Hindoo superstition with regard to these places.
168 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
Lieutenant Simpson owed his life to two of his men, who
remained with him all night in the bazaar. The next
morning they asked permission to look for some of their
things in the lines, and returned to join the rebels. Had
the outbreak been delayed an hour all the officers might
have been easily murdered in their beds, and the fort per-
haps captured : the women and children had been sent
there the previous day, and it was five o'clock upon the
evening of the mutiny before Captain Hungerford, com-
manding the artillery, could persuade Colonel Platt to
allow him to move his guns into the fort. Upon such
slight incidents rested the lives of the whole body of Eu-
ropeans at Mhow.
The morning after the mutiny found the station entirely
deserted ; the rebels had moved off in a body in the direc-
tion of Lucknow, but some of the Maharajah's men re-
turned, and were taken again into pay. It appears that
the rascals had quarrelled about the division of spoil ; the
Bengal renegades asserted that the Contingent had no
right to share in the loot taken in the regular way from
the Company. For some days previous to the outbreak
reports of disaffection had been floating about, to the great
scandal of the regiment and their officers. On the 4th of
June a man of the 23rd came running into the cavalry
lines with a story that the artillery were coming down to
blow them away; the native officer on duty arrested him,
and his " comrades " called for his punishment. Nothing
could be more satisfactory, especially when it was borne
in mind that, at the morning parade on the 6th, the
different companies to a man, through their own officers,
petitioned Colonel Platt to accept their offer of fighting
against the mutineers at Delhi. The colonel thanked
the men, and promised to report to Government their
tender of services. An officer, narrating the latter fact to
a newspaper, properly remarked, " This does not look like
mutiny."
The Bhopal Contingent, stationed at Indore, mutinied
in concert with the Mhow force : they consisted of a bat-
tery of six guns, four troops of cavalry, numbering 2oO
sabres, and eight companies of infantry, amounting to
700 men. In addition to this force there were the Malwa
A LEADER WITHOUT FOLLOWERS. 169
Bheels, consisting of 250 men, and two companies of
infantry belonging to the Meliidpore Contingent. The
outbreak scarcely seems to have been concocted by any
portion of the Indore troops. Contrary to the usual state
of feeling, the cavalry were well affected in the main, but
they were disliked and suspected by the infantry and
artillery ; a portion of the latter, under Holkar's officers,
being stationed at the opium godowns, in which two com-
panies of the Maharajah's infantry were lodged. On the
morning of the 1st Holkar's guns opened the ball by
firing a volley of grape into the square where the horses
of the Bhopal cavalry were picketed, and the infantry
assembled and began firing at the officers. There were
two guns at the Residency, which replied to the muti-
neers j and if the Bheels, who were staunch enough, could
have been persuaded to fight, the former would have most
likely got the worst of it. But they were afraid to stir
in advance, and could not be persuaded to remain in a
post of danger. Colonel Travers, commanding the force,
did all that a loyal soldier could accomplish, but the in-
surgents were too powerful for him. At the head of only
five troopers he charged the Bhopal artillery and rode
into the battery, the gunners lying down under their
guns. Had half a troop been at his back he would have
captured the battery ; but though the charge gave time
for the horsemen to come up and form in position, they
appeared bewildered, and galloped wildly about the sta-
tion, neither receiving nor doing harm. An officer went
to the treasury, where the infantry, to support the Resi-
dency guns, were posted, but was told that if he did not
go away they would shoot him. It soon became apparent
that fighting was hopeless : the artillery, unsupported,
could make no effectual resistance ; more guns were coming
up from the city, and the rabble were assembling in great
numbers, so that there was nothing left but to retreat.
Colonel Durand gave a reluctant order to that effect, and
the small body of Europeans moved off, the ladies seated
on the gun-carriages, a small party of Sikh cavalry,
which had remained neutral, covering the flanks, the two
9 -pounders bringing up the rear, and the Bheels following
in marching order. A few round shots were fired at
170 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
them, but the mutineers were too glad to get them
quickly out of the way, that they might more safely carry
out their schemes of plunder. After the departure of the
English they quitted the Residency, carried off 95,000£, and
joining next day the mutineers at Mhow, the whole body
marched off towards Agra, after having murdered thirty-
five Europeans, men, women, and children. The fugitives
got safely to Hoosingabad after seven days' travelling.
Of the horrible tortures inflicted on our countrymen,
and their families, both in Central India and elsewhere,
we dare not trust ourselves to speak ; but the imagina-
tion which can paint the worst of torments that revenge
and malice can devise, will attain to the best idea of the
realized atrocities. And in many cases it fared as bad
with those who escaped the first burst of rebel ferocity.
The troops marching on Delhi from Umballa could have
found their way without a guide by the mutilated frag-
ments that met their gaze on each few miles of road. At
one place they came across a band of plunderers, amongst
whom was a fellow having the dress of an European lady
tied round his body. He was seized with his companions,
and marched on in the rear of the column, which a short
distance in advance came upon the body of the murdered
woman from whom he had taken the spoil. A few paces
further, and the boots of a child apparently about ten
years old were found, with the feet in them, the legs
having been cut off just about the ankles. In the above
instance it was felt to be a small measure of atonement
which the hanging of the murderer afforded. The private
soldier yearned for a retaliation, and his better-taught
officer could scarcely refrain from sharing his feelings and
affording the opportunity of gratifying them.
CHAPTER XY.
THE EEVOLT AT DINAPORE. — REFUSAL OF GOVERNMENT TO DISARM THE
SEPOYS. — GENERAL LLOYD ; HIS TASTES AND SYMPATHIES.
THE force at Dinapore consisted of six guns; H.M.'s 10th
and two companies of the 37th ; the 7th, 8th, and 40th KL
The Sepoys were about three to one as compared with the
FONDLING THE DUSKY PETS. 171
English ; but had it been thought advisable to reduce the
odds before attempting £o disarm the native regiments,
there were numerous opportunities of doing so during the
months of June and July, when reinforcements of Queen's
troops were passing the city almost daily. But in Dina-
pore, as elsewhere, argument and entreaty were of no
avail against the policy of illusion. Always blundering
at leisure and always obliged to repent in haste, the
Government insisted that the Sepoys were "staunch,"
and pooh-poohed each attempt to get things made safe.
Upon the fidelity of those men depended vast interests,
public and private. The opium godowns, the treasur}^ of
Patna, and the indigo works of Behar, would most likely
be looted and destroyed by successful mutineers. Why
should such risks be incurred when there was not a
shadow of benefit to be gained thereby? Why care to
keep in a condition of fighting efficiency soldiers who had
to be themselves guarded by fighters still braver and
more skilful? Why? because Lord Canning had told
the Home Government that the " panic" was not only
"groundless," but temporary; that , he could put it down
without great difficulty, and had no fear for the army en
masse. And hence the Calcutta merchants, a deputation
of whom waited upon him in July to beg that the Sepoys
at Dinapore might be disarmed, were coldly told that
their apprehensions were not shared in by the autho-
rities, who were satisfied with regard to the trustworthi-
ness of the native corps. A statesman weighing the
comparative value of evidence would have taken time to
consider whether the reports of two or three officials,
who, if they were no better informed than the majority
of their class, looked at the outer world only through the
spectacles of their native subordinates, ought to outweigh
the remonstrances of men whose very means of reputable
existence were perhaps staked on the correctness of their
information and their ability to turn it to good account.
Not less than a million sterling has been advanced this
season in Calcutta on the standing crops of indigo in Behar ;
and surely those who had embarked so much property,
under the belief that their ventures were safe from the
hand of violence, might consider themselves entitled to
172 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
consideration. It was not as if compliance with their
request entailed loss upon the Government or disgrace
to the Sepoy. Twelve hundred British troops, whose
presence elsewhere would have been invaluable, were de-
tained at the station on the sole ground that the native
corps could neither be left to take care of Dinapore nor
sent to perform duty elsewhere. They were of no use as
soldiers; and as for the sentimental part of the question,
so many thousands who had been lauded as " staunch to
the backbone" had become traitors and murderers — so
many hundreds who had been specially praised by the
Governor-General had been compelled to give up their
arms under the pressure of British bayonets — that the
Dinapore Sepoys might have found sufficient consolation
for their loss of the means of doing mischief. But the
cause of mutiny has derived more support from Govern-
ment House, in Calcutta, than from the royal palace of
Delhi: of all Indian potentates, Lord Canning has been
the most efficient ally of the Great Mogul.
General Lloyd, the brigadier commanding at Dinapore,
is an officer of fifty-four years' standing, a twelvemonth
older than General Hewitt ; but, neither in that respect
nor any other point of personal merit, had he the advan-
tage of his imbecile junior. Asa matter of duty, no less
than as the utterance of an article of belief, General Lloyd
sent constant assurances to Calcutta of the " staunchness"
of his men ; but towards the end of July he appears to
have had misgivings on the subject, and at last, on the
24th of that month, he issued orders to have the percussion-
caps taken out of the magazine which was under the care
of the Sepoys. This was done in the early morning, but
not without signs of mutiny on their part. The 8th
made a kind of rush towards the tumbril in which the
caps were removed, but drew back before they reached it,
and retired, shouting, to their lines. It might have been
supposed that, having shown distrust to such an extent,
the general would have scarcely thought it worth while to
consult the feelings of his Sepoys with regard to subse-
quent movements ; but no one can map out the course
that is likely to be pursued in cases of emergency by
Bengal brigadiers of seventy and upwards. General
WASTING THE QUEEN'S AMMUNITION. 173
Lloyd told the native officers to collect the fifteen rounds
of ammunition in the pouches of the men, and, leaving
a quantity of ball ammunition in the magazine, he sent
word to the Sepoys that he would allow them till four P.M.
to consider whether they would give up the building
quietly, ordered an afternoon parade, and then went to-
enjoy himself on board the steamer. General and Sepoys
profited by the opportunity to accomplish their hearts'
desires. The former took his daily siesta and slumbered
quietly; and the latter, assembling in regiments, hastily
filled their pouches with ammunition, removed their
families, and deliberately prepared for the march to Delhi.
The European pickets noticed the movement in their
lines, and the 10th and 37th, together with the artillery,
were immediately under arms ; but the general was no-
where to be found; and the second in command was absent
looking for him. A number of the officers of the Sepoy
regiments went down to their lines, in the vain hope of
quieting their men : however, they were there but a short
time when the Sepoys began firing at them ; even the
loyal 40th blazed away at every European they saw.
The sick men that were in the 10th hospital, and the
guard; mounted on the roof, and immediately opened fire
on the mutineers, who now began to fly in every direction.
Fortunately none of the native infantry officers were
touched, though several of them had very narrow escapes.
The 10th then advanced with the battery of artillery, the
whole covered by about a hundred men of the 37th foot,
who were en route to Benares and armed with new Enfield
rifles. By the time they got to the native parade-ground,
the mutineers had got almost beyond range ; but the guns
opened on them with round shot, and the Enfield rifles
were also plied ; but few, if any, were touched. They fled
at the first discharge, and never attempted to rally. The
only person hurt was a man of the 37th, who was wounded
accidentally by a comrade* The lines were then fired by
the Europeans, and the camp followers and others gutted
the huts in a very short time. The mutineers left nearly
everything they had behind them ; and had there been
but a hundred dragoons in the station they might have
cut the fugitives to pieces.
ar
174: THE SEPOY EEVOLT.
The rebels had to cross a deep nullah, and did it
leisurely enough ; but orders came to act before the day
was over, and they had scarcely got out of range before
the guns opened upon them with round shot, and mate-
rially quickened their movements, if 110 further results
were obtained. Once across the nullah, the Sepoys sat
down in some mango topes and rested themselves, firing
at intervals upon the Europeans. Groups of the fugitives
amused themselves in this manner till two P.M. next day,
and decamped ultimately without injury. We cannot
help admiring the reliance on destiny which enabled three
regiments of Sepoys, with only a scanty supply of ammu-
nition, to beard 1000 English soldiers in this style, men
who longed to be at them, and who would scarcely, if
allowed to fight, have left a soul of them alive. Had the
affair been the consequence of previous arrangement, it
could not have been managed more harmlessly. The
Sepoys fired on their officers, but hit nobody. On an
officer of the 40th addressing an old acquaintance, who
aimed at him in the most deliberate style, the latter ex-
claimed, " Yes, Sahib, what else would you have ?" What
else, indeed, under the guidance of the Lloyds and others
whom it is needless to mention ?
When the Sepoys left Dinapore they made their way to
Arrah, a place about fourteen miles off. The three corps
were in hail of the station till three o'clock on Sunday
morning the 26th, but no effort was made to pursue them.
There were plenty of elephants which could have carried
a detachment out in pursuit, and driven the miscreants
beyond Arrah or dispersed them • but no move was made.
Sunday passed, and the rebels reached Muneer (about
twelve miles 011 the Arrah road), stayed to plunder and
burn, the railway engineer's houses, <fec., still without any
hindrance from Dinapore. Monday passed, and though it
was known where the mutineers were, still the idea of
pursuit or of saving Arrah was never entertained by the
general. Having neither guns nor cavalry, they might
liave been pursued and overtaken without difficulty; but
it took General Lloyd two whole days to recover his
senses, and not a man was moved till the evening of the
27th, when a hundred and ninety of the 37th started in
THE MIDNIGHT AMBUSH. 175
the Hoorungotta steamer to the relief of the handful of
Europeans besieged at Arrah. After proceeding some
distance the vessel grounded, and they remained fast till
midday of the 29th, when the Bombay steamer came up
with 150 men of the 10th and 70 Sikhs, and took the 37th
on board. The whole force, now amounting to 400 men,
disembarked about twelve miles from Arrah about four
P.M., and commenced their march on that place. On
their way they were informed that the enemy had evacu-
ated Arrah — a falsehood which unhappily prompted
Captain Dunbar, who commanded the force, to push on,
though the night was growing very dark and ihey were
ignorant of the road. Eager to wipe out the discredit
attaching to the Europeans for allowing the mutineers to
escape, and holding his enemy in contempt, he thought of
nothing but getting over the ground, and marched
without picket or advanced guard to the edge of a mango
tope, where the rebels were planted in ambush. A
crashing fire from both sides of the road was the first
intimation of the presence of an enemy, and before any
measures could be taken to extricate the force, volley
after volley was poured into them, throwing the men into
inextricable confusion. Unable to advance or retreat,
afraid of firing lest they should hit their own comrades,
and totally bewildered as to the whereabouts of the foe,
our brave fellows remained the whole night mere helpless
targets. When the morning dawned order was restored,
and about half the number that had left Dinapore closed up,
shoulder to shoulder, and began their retreat. In this
movement no lack of military skill was exhibited. Skir-
mishers covered the retiring column, and made a stand
whenever it was possible ; but the Sepoys followed them
up, taking advantage of every spot of cover ; and all the
wounded unable to march were left behind to be ruth-
lessly slaughtered. The survivors succeeded in reaching
Dinapore at noon, their appearance adding to the dismay
of the station, and to the bewilderment of the wretched
general, who lost no further time in going on the sick list.
Amongst the list of killed were : Captain Dunbar, H.M.'s
10th ; Ensign Erskine, ditto; Lieut. Sale, H.M.'s 39th;
Lieutenants Ingilby and Anderson, 7th and 22nd B.N.L
M2
176 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
Volunteers ; mate of steamer, ditto ; railway engineer,
ditto ; and about 150 men ; hardly one of the rest escap-
ing untouched. The rebels, about two thousand strong,
with some small guns which had been supplied by a neigh-
bouring rajah, pursued them to the very edge of the can-
tonments, though their own ammunition was so scant
that they were obliged to lire buttons and stones. It was
something for them to boast of that they had routed a
British force, and killed or wounded nearly the whole of
them, with a loss to themselves of only half-a-dozen men.
Of course it was everywhere expected that the little
band at Arrah would now be overwhelmed before aid
could reach them from other quarters ; but, however un-
lucky the chances that have superinduced a Johnstone
upon a Hewitt, and a Lloyd on a Johnstone, the present
crisis has shown that the officers of the Sepoy army have
amongst them men who are equal to any emergency.
Tidings of the perilous condition of Arrah reached Major
Vincent Eyre at Buxar ; and, knowing from experience
in Affghanistan what mischief might be wrought by the
delay and incompetence of a worn-out general, he started
at once for the place with 150 of H.M.'s oth Fusiliers and
three guns. He found the party whom he came to relieve
still holding out against the whole force of the enemy.
There were but fifteen Europeans in all, civilians, railway
staff, and indigo planters, with fifty of Rattray's Sikhs.
They had knocked over no less than fifty of the rebels
without the loss of a man to themselves. When the be-
siegers attempted to mine, they ran a countermine : their
water fell short, and they sank a well : provisions failed,
and they made a sortie, coming back laden with proven-
der. The advance of Major Eyre was made just in the
nick of time. He attacked the rebels as soon as he could
get within range, and utterly dispersed them. The siege
was of course raised at once, and the garrison liberated.
They had nothing but the preservation of life to be thank-
ful for, since the mutineers had burnt or plundered all the
houses and property, public and private, on their route
from Dinapore. The whole of the railway works and
bungalows on both sides of the Soane had been destroyed,
and what the Sepoy spared the liberated convicts wrecked.
ALARM FOR THE OPIUM GODOWNS. 177
The cost iii blood and treasure of the outbreak at Dina-
pore cannot be summed up for many months to come ;
but it will be enormous, and has been incurred solely that
an elderly brigadier might have time to eat his luncheon
in quiet.
The mutiny at Dinapore paralysed for awhile the ener-
gies of all classes of our countrymen in the fertile province
of Behar. The ruin, of the vast interests scattered over
the country appeared imminent, and the authorities
thought only of securing safety by abandoning their sta-
tions. The Commissioner of Patna, Mr. Tayler, who had,
up to this time, displayed great activity and courage,
ordered all the civilians to come in at once to Dinapore.
He was obeyed in every case but that of the collector of
Gya, Mr. Alonzo Money, who refused to abandon the
treasury under his charge, containing a large sum, and
ultimately brought it in to Dinapore under charge of a
company of H.M.'s 37th. There was valid cause for
alarm : the troops from Dinapore — three regiments of
infantry, with the greater portion of the 12th Irregulars
— and many thousands of liberated convicts were spread
over the face of the country; and there was not for a
season, except in Dinapore, a single European between
Benares and Kaneegunge, the latter place distant but 120
miles from Calcutta. Patna with its opium godowns, con-
taining perhaps poison to the value of 2,000,000£. sterling,
was distant but two hours' march ; the Mahomedans of
Bankipore, one of the city suburbs, would have been only
too happy to join in the work of plunder ; and if it were
sacked, the commissariat supplies for the force at Allaha-
bad would be cut off. Patna was defended solely by
Jvattray's Sikhs without guns ; and, if that was captured,
Dinapore must surrender, leaving Calcutta without any
channel of communication between Bengal and the North-
west. Had the rebels in their exodus shown as much
skill as daring, they would have been masters of Patna
and had the whole of Behar at their mercy before General
Lloyd had got back his recollections.
We have no heart to chronicle the massacre of Jhansi,
and no space to devote to the outbreaks in Madras and
Bombay. It must suffice to say, that at Nagode and
378 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
Jubbulpore the 50th and *)2nd imitated at a late period
the example of mutiny, and completed the defection of the
Bengal army.
Marvellous are the ways by which Providence works
out its ends. The leopard that we have trained to hunt
for us has turned upon his master, whilst the poor dumb
beasts of burden, who are cruelly oppressed, bear their
heavy loads in silence. Had the Sepoys not rebelled, the
wrongs of India might have gone on accumulating until
God grew utterly weary of us ; and had the ryots risen at
this time there would have been no future for us in the
East. As it is, we can atone as a nation for the past. We
have no apology to offer to the Brahmin, no injustice to
own in the case of the Sepoy ; but to ruined noble and
miserable peasant we acknowledge a debt of repentance,,
and trust that the first instalment of it may be paid with-
out an hour's delay.
For twenty-one weeks, counting from the first receipt
of intelligence of the Meerut revolt, the Government of
India was on its trial. It was subjected to a strain which
tested every joint and searched every flaw, and the result
was most disastrous. Not a bolt remained in its place,
not a rivet but was started, not an inch of surface but was
found to be decayed and rotten. It disclosed neither the
wisdom that could foresee danger nor the strength that
could overcome it.
If the order of things could have been reversed, and the
last acts of the Government made their first, matters
would have now worn a very different aspect. They have
done all that could be desired, but not at the right times.
Volunteers were enrolled, troops massed, enterprises un-
dertaken, and foreign aid enlisted, but all at the wrong
seasons. Calcutta was wisely left to the chief care of the
civic force and the navy, but not until the rebel fires had
blazed out in a dozen stations, and it was seen that the
Sepoy army had transferred its allegiance. " Too late !"
was inscribed on the banner of the Ghoorkas, when for the
second time they turned their faces towards Lucknow ;
"too late !" was graven on the lids of the empty chests in
the treasury, when a loan was called for, and a second bid
was made for the hoards of the capitalist ; " too late !" was
WITHOUT MEANS AND MONEY. 179
shouted* by the public when the order was given to disarm,
the regiments at Dinapore ; " too late !'' was shrieked from,
the well at Cawnpore ; " too late I" was echoed by the
breeze that swept over the battlements of Lucknow. We
saw in those days the story of Sisyphus enacted. The
ceaseless striving, and the sure defeat ; the hand con-
stantly striking, but the foe still remaining in front ; the
feet always marching, but the goal as far off as ever ; the
Sibyl's price paid, but the book of fate not forthcoming.
It seemed as if a single faculty had swallowed up every
other quality of national greatness. Never did English
courage shine out so gloriously, never was English want of
capacity so thoroughly displayed. We were giants in the
field and dwarfs in the council. Our soldiers surpassed in.
heroism all who had gone before them ; their rulers tran-
scended all previous notions of weakness and imbecility.
The least glimmer of good sense is sufficient to light a
Government to a knowledge of the fact that it must have
money, but the Calcutta authorities were wanting even in,
the instinct of pecuniary self-defence. It was not until
the 20th of July, when the cause of order seemed almost
hopeless, that they thought of taking means to supply
themselves with funds. Lord Dalhousie and the present
administration of India had inflicted a fatal blow to
public credit in 1855 by reducing the interest of a
large portion of the Indian debt to four per cent. ; open-
ing a loan at three and a half per cent., on the plea that
the rate of interest in future would not rule above that
figure; and crowning a series of financial measures by
announcing a Public Works Loan at five per cent., all
within the space of a few months. It was said to be a
clever stroke of policy ; it turned out to be a sorry trick.
The four per cents, went down to a heavy discount,
and great numbers of natives, who had invested in the
stock at par, found themselves stripped of a large portion
of their capital. The press took up the subject, and
showed beyond all question that the term " Public Works
Loan" was a mere pretence. The Government wanted
money to carry on the current business of the State, and
so far from having a surplus on hand when they an-
nounced the first reduction, sufficient to pay off the
180 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
whole of the bondholders, they would have been obliged
to suspend the operation had a large number disbelieved
their professions and demanded cash. Hence the attempt
to raise large sums during a period of general alarm,
with such memories fresh in men's minds, was a perilous
experiment, but with the exercise of ordinary sagacity it
would have succeeded. With the fact patent to all men
that money was daily growing dearer, and that doubts as
to the continuance of our rule would soon more than
neutralize the tendency to invest in Government securi-
ties natural to a period of general stagnation in trade,
they should have advertised a six per cent, loan, and
taken the four per cents, at par value, to the extent of
half the sum subscribed. The money received into the
treasury would then have cost seven per cent., but the
announcement would have caused a rush of contributors,
and, by adding to the number and interest of the public
creditors, have served to strengthen our hold of the
country. But the idea of giving a bonus of two per
cent, to the fundholders, on condition of their doubling
their stake in the permanence of English rule, was not to
be thought of, and the Government proposed a five per
cent, loan, the subscribers having the option of paying
one-half in four per cents, at par. Two months earlier
the scheme would have answered, and it had been pressed
on the Government, of course without success ; but now
it failed, and the worst of the matter was that every
person had the means of finding out the result. If the
loan were popular, capitalists, who were not holders of
four per cents., or who wished to speculate, would come
into the market, and the price of that stock would go up.
In this instance the quotations sank lower, and the
sagacious men who could have helped the State in its sore
need saw that their time had come, and that the Govern-
ment must increase their biddings. A week after the
first announcement a second notice appeared, to the
effect that forty per cent, of the new subscriptions would
be taken in the three and a half per cents. ; but the tide
ran out whilst the financiers were sitting on the banks of
the stream counting the cost of getting their loan afloat.
Every step taken was too late ; the money power fol-
CONSISTENT TO THE LAST. 181
lowed the military power ; when Government ceased to
command the obedience of the soldier it ceased to possess
the confidence of the citizen. The physical force melted
away, and moral influence could never at any time be
said to exist. It was only in dealing with English rights
that the Government felt it was still a power in the land.
It sought compensation for defeat and measureless in-
dignity, and found it in trampling on the press and im-
prisoning the King of Oude. The victims were equally
lofty, but not equally helpless. Lord Dalhousie is safe
from the ex-monarch, but his successor, in destroying
the liberty of printing in India, has wrought the over-
throw of the more powerful dominion of the East India
Company.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE INDIAN PRESS. — ITS ISOLATION, AND NATURAL ANTAGONISM TO
THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT.-— HYPOCRISY OP ITS ASSAILANTS. LORD
CANNING AND MR. MANGLES. — THE GAGGING ACT. — APATHY OP THE
PUBLIC AT HOME.
THERE is no sadder proof of the hopeless ignorance of
our countrymen upon all matters of Eastern politics
than that afforded by the restraints imposed on the
Indian press. They have consented to look upon it as
a mere engine of mischief, a force inimical to the proper
influence of Government and the true welfare of the
people. They would have resented as a national insult
an attempt to gag the Times during the war in the
Crimea, and yet how much more needful was it to have
had a free press hi the great dependency where bad go-
vernment has well nigh lost us an empire, and incoin-
petency sits supreme ? What would have been the bare
money's worth to the nation of a dozen leading articles
disclosing at the outset of the insurrection the real state
of affairs ? Our home journals furnish many a country
gentleman, and many a leading politician, with argu-
ments as well as facts ; but the Times cannot help
Mr. Yernon Smith, nor tell the public that which it
wants to know about India. Yet the nation which
would not trust ministerial capacity nor believe minis-
182 <THE SEPOY REVOLT.
terial statements during the campaign before Sebastopol,
is content to trust Lord Canning, and to believe in the
bulletins of Colonel Birch. In the one case it demanded
more light than the press, the parliament, and the
London Gazette could throw upon the state of affairs;
in the other, it is satisfied to see the few tapers ex-
tinguished which enabled it at least to discern the sur-
rounding darkness.
" But surely," it will be said, " the press of India is
licentious in its strictures and low in point of morals, or
else it is strangely belied." Perhaps it is, but at any rate
it must be assumed to suit the wants of its public. If
it contemns authority, the members of the service main-
tain the libellers ; if it is depraved in taste, they take no
care to screen the examples from the notice of their wives
and daughters. Being gentlemen all, they must care for
decency, yet they voluntarily pay for its opposite ; they
cannot like what is low, and yet no one will cater for the
gratification of their better impulses. And the vicious
journalism has not even the attraction of low prices.
If the editor is to be bought cheaply, his paper is a dear
commodity. Brain and soul are perhaps reasonable
enough, but types and paper inflict a heavy tax upon
moderate incomes.
There are three daily papers in Calcutta : the English
man, Hurkaru, and P/icenix. The Friend of India and
the Dacca News are published weekly, making a total of
five separate publications for Bengal. In the North-west
Provinces there are the Delhi Gazette and the Mofms-
silite; in the Punjaub, the Lahore Chronicle ; in Scinde,
the Kossid. Bombay has three daily papers, the Times,
Gazette, and Telegraph, together with the Guardian and
the Poona Observer. Madras has but one daily journal,
the Spectator ; and three, the Athenceum, Examiner, and
Crescent, published every other day. The Bangalore
Herald completes the list of Indian newspapers, and
amongst all these journals there is not one that gives
even general support to the Government, and is spoken
well of by the Indian authorities. The fact tells for
something more than the hostility of the press : it shows
that advocacy of the ruling policy will not find a paying
IMITATING THE DEAF ADDER. 183'
audience. At least six out of seven of the whole body
of subscribers are in the Company's service; and in India,
as elsewhere, the readers determine the policy of the
paper. The wares, we take it, are made for the market.
A selection might be made in England of journals
which advocate principles that are considered in some
quarters subversive of the well-being of society. Every
interest that pays can get itself recognised, and whatever
is worth supporting is worth attacking, so that in time
each has its enrolled corps of assailants and defenders;
but in India there is no scope for antagonism of intel-
lect, and journalism languishes under the influence of
enforced unanimity, so far as public affairs are con-
cerned. The press is always railing at Government,
because it is the sole representative of the rights of
humanity, and stands in lieu of a people and a parlia-
ment. Civilians and soldiers dare not meddle in politics,
and merchants are too busy making money to interfere ;
but God has given each of these men a conscience, and
they contend by proxy against the wrongs of the country.
An old writer avers that, if an infant child were left to
itself, it would be found after the lapse of a few years
speaking Hebrew. We are not sure that the language
of the Jews is the natural speech of mankind, but are
quite certain that, to the unfettered journalist in India,
abuse of the Company and its rule is a necessity of his
existence.
It is somewhat superfluous to dwell upon the advan-
tages of a free press in England, but if the right of free
utterance is needful in a country where every man knows
his rights, and most persons are able to maintain them,
how much more are we bound to uphold it in India, where
Government, from the very necessity of things, must be
despotic ; where the law is administered by men who have
had no judicial training ; where millions of public money
are expended in works over which the State can exercise
no real control ; where there is no public opinion, no force
of any kind to interpose between authority and the people?
If our countrymen would make up their minds to cut
India adrift, if they felt no interest in its growth, no re-
morse for its misery, and no responsibility for its general
184 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
welfare, their indifference to the liberty of the press would
be rational enough ; but whilst they hold to the East as
they would to Kent or Cornwall, their conduct is inex-
cusable. They insist upon making laws for India, and
cut off from the legislature the sources of information.
They would gladly extend the operations of trade and
commerce, and yet lock up the knowledge of Indian re-
sources. They would like to improve the spirit and the
details of legislation, and yet destroy the only antagonism
to the existing order e f things that is at the same time
useful and harmless.
For proof of the respectable character and eminent
ability of the Indian journals, we refer to their columns ;
for argument as to their utility, we need only appeal to
the English common sense. The great plea, however, in.
favour of the Gagging Act passed by the Indian Govern-
ment, rests upon the fact of the revolt. It is said that
the liberty of the press is incompatible with a state of in-
surrection. Freedom of publication was dangerous to the
well-being of the State, and had to be suppressed in con-
sequence for a season.
If the above plea is made out, it is evident that com-
plaint on the part of the Indian press is idle, and redress
for their declared grievance quite out of the question. If
the newspapers have been damaged for the public good,
they must put up with their losses, and hush their outcries.
We are content to rest their case upon the completeness
•with which this assertion on the part of the Government
can be met and refuted.
A journal contains only news and opinions. Indiscre-
tion, or the desire to steal a march on rival prints, might
occasionally induce an editor to publish information which
ought to be withheld; and we know of one instance
where the garrulity of the members of the Government
allowed a secret to escape, which was published to the
possible detriment of the public service. But there is no
other example on record, and the pretence that rebellion
would suffer in the intelligence department by the
gagging of the press, was either foolish or dishonest.
Every department of the public service, every branch of
business, is throughout India virtually in the hands of
STOPPING UP THE LEAK WITH PUTTY. 185
natives, who are cognizant of all that transpires in the
Government offices, or the counting-houses of the mer-
chants. They knew to an ounce the weight of powder in
every magazine, the number and calibre of our guns, what
means of defence we had, and how we proposed to increase
them. The treasuries, the arsenals, the whole public cor-
respondence were in their hands : pains and patience,
with the occasional expenditure of a few rupees, would
put an inquirer in possession of every fact that he wished
to know, or gain him an inkling of whatever was going
forward. The natives are always taking stock of us : the
writer knows your resources and those of your correspon-
dents, the servants watch your conversation, and treasure
up what they suppose to be your secrets. Such knowledge
may be found useful some day, and it costs nothing to
preserve. The Government employe knows the butler or
the valet of the official under whom he serves ; the one
copies despatches, and the other hears remarks made in
familiar intercourse, and both of them are acquainted
with persons who can turn information to account. And
then as to their machinery for transmitting intelligence !
it was perfect before our forefathers understood the art
of writing. It is only in the use of the " lightning dawk"
that we surpass them, and all our working signallers are
native. Every man of rank has his newswriter in the
capital, and his reporter in the nearest English station.
The native merchants employ their own messengers : there
are 2000 runners always travelling between Calcutta and
the Upper Provinces. The last resolution of the Execu-
tive Council, the names of the guests at a dinner-party,
the particulars of a shipment, the number of troops in a
garrison — all are at your service if you are concerned to
learn such matters. To an Englishman who knows the
East, the assertion that it was needful to restrict the free-
dom of the press, in order to prevent the circulation of
certain items of news amongst the people, appears not
merely in the light of an untruth ; — he knows that it is
hypocritical as well as false, and that the men who made
it knew in their hearts that they were inflicting needless
oppression upon the public in India, and wilfully deceiving
the public at home.
186 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
And then with regard to the publication of opinions !
What shall we say of the legislature which gags the score
of editors who write in India, and are amenable to its
laws and its social influences, and leaves free, as a matter
of necessity, the hundreds of busy pens that are at work
on the subject of India and its government at home 1 —
that bullies the Friend of India, and is obliged to tolerate
the Sepoy articles of the Dublin Nation, and the glad
homilies of the Paris Univers ? Surely its experience in
opium smuggling might have taught a lesson in this re-
spect, if one were needed. It was of little use that the
Emperor of China blocked up two or three ports, if the
rest of the seaboard were left open.. The drug was in re-
quest, the Company were there to sell, and the poison
was circulated through every vein of the body politic,
without the slightest difficulty.
At the same time that the Indian Government were
threatening the press with suppression, for expressing
hopes that Christianity might reign, supreme in Bengal a
hundred years hence, Mr. Mangles, the chairman of the
Court of .Directors, was telling the House of Commons
that the East India Company held the country under
Providence for the propagation of the gospel. Whilst
Indian newspapers were forbidden to speak in disparaging
or doubting terms of native princes, to impugn the
motives and designs of Government, or to bring into con-
tempt any of its officers, the columns of the home journals
were converted into a kind of French Flanders, where
every man, whether friend or foe of the existing order of
things, was allowed to fight his own battles. Every
phase of the religious question, every plausible theory
of the causes of revolt, was ventilated in the Times.
Clemency and coercion for the rebels ; absorption or resti-
tution for the native dynasties and nobles ; contempt or
admiration for the actual as well as the nominal rulers in
India, were all suggested at once. On " mail nights " a
score of dusky faces might be seen in the hall of the
General Post-Office in St. Martin's-le-Grand, one perhaps
sending out to his principal or chief a file of papers in
which Mr. Spurgeon preached against the toleration of
Hindooism, and the editor of the Morning Post wrote
IGNORING THE NECESSITY FOR BRAINS. 187
against the continuance of native dominion : whilst an
Irish journal howled with delight over our difficulties, and
a French writer recognised in the rebellion God's judg-
ment upon us as a wicked nation. Another would be
posting a speech in the House of Commons against the
inhuman practice of blowing away rebels from guns ; a
score of articles against Lord Canning and the existence
of the Company, and paragraphs of unmeasured contempt
for every member of the Indian administration. What-
ever men might be disposed to say in ignorance or anger,
under the influence of fear or the promptings of self-
interest, was allowed to be said without hesitation in
speeches, sermons, letters, and leading articles. India
was the universal topic ; its affairs came home to the
business of many, to the bosoms of all.
And the Gagging Act was an injury to the feelings, as
well as an insult to the patriotism of the English in India.
When the revolt broke out, the sense of a common cala-
mity seemed to inspire journalists with a common pur-
pose, so far as the Government was in question. One and
all they supported Lord Canning to the full extent of
their ability, and far beyond the limits suggested by their
consciences. The Council was known to be impracticable,
the Commander -in-Chief was feared to be deficient in the
required ability for the crisis ; but the Governor-General
had the power of uncontrolled action, and the public tried
to believe that he would exert it. Credit was given to
him for every sign of vigour, silence was observed with
reference to obvious defects of policy ; but the sham broke
down at last, the empty bag could not be made to stand
upright. When weeks rolled on, and it was seen that
Government were without a policy or a plan, that they
were content to depend for information from the seat of
i war to the chances of the day, and the agency of remote
newspapers and stock-jobbers ; when danger was ridiculed,
loyal offers put coldly aside, and natives of influence, who
could not possibly be ignorant of the rebel designs, were
soothed and caressed, the general patience gave way, and the
newspapers echoed faintly the universal discontent. But
as no one could foresee how much of suffering and dis-
grace there were in store for us, so no one dreamed of
188 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
setting on foot a systematic opposition to the measures of
Government. Never was a community more willing to
submit to absolute control. They felt the full need of
guidance, and would only have been too happy to obey a
dictator who could give the help of which all classes were
in want. They were soon to feel that Government had a
heel, if it had no head ; that it was content to be feared,
well knowing that it could not possibly be respected.
On the 13th June Lord Canning went into the Council
Chamber, and in a speech of half-an -hour's duration pro-
posed a Gagging Act, to be applied to all Indian news-
papers, European and native. He was obliged to own that
the English journals had exhibited no signs of disloyalty
to her Majesty's dominion ; but the reason he was in-
structed to assign for classing them with her enemies was,
that he had read articles which might, if perverted by
translation, have a very mischievous effect. The Legisla-
tive Council saw, with the Governor-General, that there
was no difference between European and Asiatic pens, and
by a parity of reasoning it might be said, no distinction
between European and Sepoy bayonets. But the law-
givers made the proper allowance in fact, if not in theory.
It was right to disarm the English journalist, who was
certain, if tolerated, to pull down the Company's Govern-
ment ; and right to strengthen the British soldier, who
would fight just now to preserve it. The Bill passed
through the second and third stages in ten minutes, and
Lord Canning assented to it with unwashed hands. Not
a man of those present had a word of objection to offer to
the measure. They went home, and rejoiced that, by a
vigorous effort, they had got rid ot responsibility ; and
each feeling like the person who, being worried by his
tailor, gave an acceptance for the amount of his bill, and
exclaimed, as he threw down the pen, " There, thank God,
the fellow's paid at last !"
At midnight on the 17th June, four days after the
press law was enacted, the Commissioner of Police in
Calcutta, with a strong force, well armed, sallied out to
make a seizure of three native presses. No resistance
was offered, and next day the culprits, two Mussulmans
and one Hindoo, were brought before the chief magistrate,
LAWYERS SETTING SOCIETY ON ITS LEGS. 189
and on tlie information of the Secretary of the Home De-
partment, Mr. Beadon, and other witnesses, committed
for trial, on charges of having published seditious libels.
In due course, bills of indictment were offered to the
grand jury, and the puisne judge of the Queen's Court,
Sir Arthur Buller, spoke a column and a half of news-
paper type against the Doorbin and the Sooltan el Akbar,
charged with having reprinted the proclamation of the
King of Delhi, that document which every English journal
republished in the next issue after it came to hand. Judges
eminent for their learning, ability, and high moral worth,
had in other times seconded the acts of arbitrary power ;
and his lordship saw no reason why judicial functionaries
of that class alone should be reckoned, in trying times, as
the friends of Government. He charged then heavily for
true bills, and the grand jury found them, and hence
brought the matter fairly to issue. But when the trial
came off Lord Canning shrank from the contest which
he had invited. The Advocate-General had gone to
Madras to defend the Government in an action brought
against them for withholding the property of the Ranees
of Tanjore ; and the junior counsel came into court, and
entered into a compromise in the cases of the two Mus-
sulmans. But the case of the Bengalee was proceeded
with. Three libels were charged against the defendant ;
and it was proved that he had taken the first of these to
the Home Secretary in person, as evidence of the respect-
ability of his paper, and on the strength of it asked to be
allowed to have the Government orders to publish. The
Secretary gave directions that the paper should be taken
in at the office, and successive numbers were regularly re-
ceived and filed. Three leading articles were picked out
by the Under- Secretary, on which Lord Canning, it was
sho\v~n, ordered a prosecution to be founded. The most
virulent of these was a statement that the Governor-
General had his Venetian blinds regularly drawn down at
nine P.M. for fear of the Sepoys, to whom he now gave
sweet words, which they refused to care for. The upshot of
the case may be imagined. The jury, composed chiefly of
East Indians — men as unlikely, under ordinary circum-
stances, to give a verdict against Government as twelve
190 THE SEPOY EEVOLT.
" Castle tradesmen" — acquitted the defendant without he-
sitation ; and no more was heard of prosecutions under the
common law for libel and sedition. It was known to
every man in Calcutta that the violent tone of the native
press had been brought especially to the notice of the
Home Secretary months before the breaking out of the
revolt, and that he had then wisely let it pass unnoticed.
"No man knew better than Mr. Beadon that treason
amongst natives was not hatched by leading articles, the
rebels being as much influenced by Calcutta newspapers
as Welsh miners are by the Quarterly Review. He knew
that in their private intercourse with each ©ther the
natural wealth of the Eastern languages was all too poor
to express the contempt or hatred with which men of in-
fluence regard us ; and that as to the mass, they were not
able to read or meditate. Our true policy was, to take
no heed of that which we could scarcely punish, to be
deaf to scurrility, and scornful of threatening. When the
Marquis Wellesley rode through Benares, a Brahmin
reviled him in the name of all the gods of India, and re-
ceived, by way of punishment, the lowliest of reverences
from the proudest of viceroys.
What kind of writing it is that the Indian Government
punishes, we have shown in the Appendix to this book ;
but the working out of the Act is another matter again.
At Akyab, where 150,000 tons of shipping annually take
their departure, the mercantile houses find it convenient
to prepare lithographed circulars containing shipping
lists, the price of the great staple of Arracan, and specu-
lations with regard to crops, present and future. No one
knows what amount of contempt might be expressed for
Government in those enigmatical phrases, with which the
commercial class puzzle, and perhaps sometimes delude,
the community at large ; and hence, to guard against such
a contingency, Major Yerner, who represents law, justice
and revenue in those parts, refused to license the stones,
and the whole rice literature of Arracan was extinguished
at a blow. The order will be a source of great annoyance
to merchants in the busy season, when they require every
available hand in the godowns, rather than in the count-
ing-houses ; but our countrymen are very quiet on the
A SORE SUBJECT FOR THE ANGLO-SAXO^T. 191
subject. There are Dutch and French houses at Akyab,
and the Englishman would rather not allude to the topic.
The military authority who presides over the destinies
of Pegu has improved upon the law. Pending the orders
of the Governor-General, he has permitted the proprietor
of the Rangoon Chronicle to receive an " ad interim
order of protection" for the publication of his newspaper,
but requires that every article of news or comment on
the mutinies shall be submitted to the acting magistrate,
a lieutenant of the Madras artillery, previous to publica-
tion. The editor chafes at the condition, and chooses,
rather than comply with it, that his subscribers should
be without any intelligence on the subject which fills all
minds and engrosses all attention.
Englishmen who have cast their lot in the East feel,
perhaps, more acutely at this moment the indifference of
their countrymen to the continuance of the Gagging Act,
than the wrong inflicted upon them by the East India
Company in imposing it. They could not believe that
tyranny so senseless would be tolerated for an hour at
home. They thought that, even for the sake of their own
enlightenment, legislators and editors would uphold the
freedom of the Indian press. Had the Times, which
leads captive the mind of the English nation, been worthy
of its influence, or true to its high vocation, the fetters
would have been removed before the iron had eaten into
the flesh. But perhaps it has taken the proper course ;
the leading journal of the world writes for freemen, and
the Anglo-Indian population never deserved that proud
title. Let us change the subject, the prisoners may
escape when the jail is battered down, and the crowbars
and sledge-hammers are being got ready.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE END OF THE GREAT COMPANY. — THE FINANCIAL DIFFICULTY.—
IMPORTANCE OF AN IMMEDIATE ASSUMPTION OF GOVERNMENT BY
THE CROWN. — NATIVE PRINCES AND THEIR RIGHTS.
THE goodly ship that in the mid-watch of the night goes
down suddenly, when the crew are either asleep or lying
listlessly on the deck gazing at the stars, is a type of the
N 2
192 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
government of the East India Company. Leadenhall-
street has foundered in deep water, and left only a spar or
two floating on the surface. The catastrophe is complete,
but we can hardly realize the fact of it. Power 'and
prestige, the headship of great armies, and the control of
illimitable resources, all gone in three short months ! —
helplessness and insolvency taking the places of the
strength that seemed invincible, and the wealth supposed
to be exhaustless ! The events seem to belong to the
world of dreams. To be a crowned king one clay and a
fugitive the next, is no uncommon destiny in this gene-
ration ; but in the case of the East India Company, we
have not only a dynasty deposed, but a dominion shat-
tered to pieces. The Raj and the Rajahs are equally at
an end. With the blessing of heaven we shall reconquer
India, but it will be only by the aid of the Queen's troops,
brought over in the Queen's ships, and paid out of the
revenues of England. Even if it were possible, or
thought desirable, to revive the late order of things, with
as few modifications as need be, there is no quarter in
India to which we can look for the means of carrying on
the Government. The latest Parliamentary returns show
an average annual excess of expenditure, as compared
with income, for the last three years, of 1,574,758^. ; and
the estimate for 1856-7 provides for an expected defi-
ciency of nearly two millions. Out of the total land
revenues, 4,753,1 251. is contributed by the North-west
Provinces, of which we hold at this moment as much
ground only as is covered by the guns of our European
troops. Vegetation after the rains is scarcely more rapid
than the growth of prosperity under favourable circum-
stances in the East ; but it will take some years to fill up
the gaps in the population, to rebuild the factories, replace
the capital destroyed, and efface the marks of the present
war and the coming famine. When we take into account
the wide area of ravage and the ruthless character of the
contest, the universal unsettling of men's minds and the
blocking up of so many channels of trade, it will be con-
ceded that we take a very moderate estimate of the
damage to the pecuniary interests of Government when
we set down the loss of revenue from present sources, for
ESTABLISHING A NEW FIRM. 193
some years to come, at four millions sterling. Here,
then, is a deficit of six millions sterling, in relation to
the ordinary scale of expenditure — it being taken for
granted that opium will continue to furnish sixteen per
cent, of the gross income.
But it is not only on one side of the account that the
Indian balance-sheet will show a different result in future.
The cost of reconquest will make an enormous addition
to the burthens of the country. The fifty thousand addi-
tional troops just sent out may not be all required three
years hence ; but no prudent statesman would recom-
mend that less than half that number should form the
permanent increase to the strength of the European army
in Bengal and the Upper Provinces. Under the head of
irregular soldiers or armed police, a force equal in num-
ber to that of the late army must be kept up ; and looking
at the great advance all over the country in the cost of
living, it is not likely that less than the Sepoy's rate of
pay and allowances will attract good men to the service.
The cost of maintaining twenty-five thousand Europeans
will be upwards of a million and a quarter per annum,
making, with the interest of the new loan, a total annual
deficit of eight millions sterling.
The loan required by the Indian Government will not
be less than fifteen millions. The winter harvest in the
North-west will be totally lost ; and the spring crops will
not produce enough for the subsistence of the people,
even if our arms are so successful as to leave the culti-
vator at peace by the end of January next. The zemin-
dars of Bengal will of course be called upon for their rent
as usual, though, if the Lower Provinces were harried to
any great extent, we could hardly put up their estates to
auction for non-payment. Two-thirds of the ordinary
customs' receipts at Calcutta may be looked upon as lost
for the present year : the damage done to the East Indian
Hailway is estimated at a million, and the loss by the
plunder of treasures at a million and a half. There are
the stores and public buildings destroyed by the Sepoys
to be replaced, and new barracks to be built for the
Queen's troops. Five millions will be required for trans-
port charges, every soldier costing, all charges being taken
194 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
into account, a hundred pounds from Chatham to Calcutta.
The deduction that must be made from the revenues of
Madras, Bombay, and the Punjaub, the increased cost of
the army, and the expense of carrying on the war, we have
not attempted to estimate ; but in the above enumeration
we have accounted for twelve and a half millions.
The overthrow of the Company's rule has long been felt
to be only a question of time. It could not possibly have
survived many years longer ; but the Sepoys have simpli-
fied the labours of orators and journalists. The imme-
diate proclamation of the Queen's Government throughout
India would be worth fifty thousand men on the side of
law and order. Of the princes and nobles who have
taken up arms against us, there is not a man but is fully
conscious of the overwhelming might of England, and
who is not impressed, in the main, with a belief in the
desire of the imperial authority to do justice to the people
of Hindostan. Only by such a change can we safely
temper justice with mercy. An amnesty on the part of
the East India Company, however narrow in its provi-
sions or distant in date, would be attributed to fear. The
fighting class would have no respect for the Government
which they had once overturned; the native capitalists
would never forget that, even in Calcutta, the bonds of
the public debt had been almost unsaleable at 25 per cent,
discount. The trading millions would shrink from em-
barking their means in ventures beyond the reach of their
own supervision and control ; the servants of the State
would have no reliance on the permanence of their means
of livelihood. Ever in the minds of all men would sur-
vive the memory of past events, and the thought that
what had been might be again.
But if we look upon government by the East India
Company as an impossibility in the future, are we pre-
pared to show that the Queen's servants can rule Hindostan
in a way that will give content to the natives, and entail
no loss on the imperial exchequer? The chance of another
rebellion, or the steady recurrence of a deficit, would not
be tolerated in England. The time has arrived when we
must either assume the direct responsibility of the Govern-
ment, or abandon the country altogether. If we refuse
THE WORK THAT LIES BEFORE US. 195
to let go our hold of the glorious East, we shall be answer-
able in the sight of the world for its welfare. Its poverty
will accuse, its sufferings will shame us. We must pay
its debts and insure its safety. The screens, both moral
and physical, have been rudely torn away ; substitution
is at an end, and we stand face to face with the Hindoo
and Mussulman, accountable henceforth for every act and
deed of our countrymen.
In gauging the feelings with which we are regarded by
the people of India, we may divide the latter into two
classes — those who, under any regime, must yield up the
greater portion of their earnings to the ruling power;
and those who, by the force of position or prestige, might
hope in a great measure to escape taxation. The ryots
would generally vote for us ; because, although our system
of land revenue is oppressive in the extreme, it displays a
blind rapacity which frequently misses its aim. The
native zemindar knows how to work the screw to a
terrible nicety, and takes care that every portion of ex-
tractable surface is exposed to its action. TJnder his eye
there is no such thing as " concealed cultivation," no pos-
sibility of bribing the revenue officer to furnish false
measurements of fields or make untrue estimates of the
harvest. He has no sympathy with the sons of toil : the
ryot is one of his beasts of burden, no more — having
thews and sinews that are the property for the time being
of his employers, and a soul that it rests with himself to
get saved if he pleases. When we hear of the peasants
helping the insurgents to rob and murder, it may be taken,
for granted that they are avenging some local quarrel or
fighting for the livelihood of which the insurrection has
deprived them. Our rule has been cruel and unjust, but
in setting up native domination the working masses know
that their condition would not be made more tolerable.
They care much for religion, but nothing for rajahs, except
in isolated instances. If we conferred upon them again,
the blessings of peace, and would be content to take only
a fair share of the produce of their land, they might not
be disposed to pray for our welfare, but they would cer-
tainly never aid in expelling us from the country.
The rajahs and nobles frate us as men hate evil destiny.
196 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
They are the food for which we have always an appetite ;
each counts upon his destruction as a thing certain to
follow sooner or later ; and it is not to be wondered at if
the fiery spirits amongst them should long for a chance
of winning honour and safety by joining the ranks of our
open enemies. As applicable to jaghiredars and princes,
we have laid down a code of rules which embraces every
case of ownership or succession. If a Mussulman pleads
that his rent-free estate was given to him a century and
a half ago in perpetuity, he is told that it was notoriously
the custom of the Mogul monarch s to resume such grants
at will, no matter though his title-deeds show that the
land was alienated from the State for ever. Our Govern-
ment, then, being inheritors of the sovereign rights exer-
cised by former emperors, are entitled to treat him as his
predecessors would have done. In dealing with such
claims we prefer to rank as Mussulman rulers, the practice
of civilized States and the precepts of Christianity not
being applicable to the circumstances. Where the slice
of country in question was possessed by a Hindoo who
has left no heirs of his body, we disallow the adoption of
a son, because, being an English Government, we can
recognise no such law of inheritance. The fact, adduced
by friends, relatives, and neighbours, that the defunct was
obliged to adopt a son for the sake of his soul's happiness
in the next world, which said heir by immemorial custom
had forfeited all natural rights and could now only claim
under his adoptive parent, is of course acknowledged ;
but the claimants are told that the supposed necessity
does not exist. We know as Christians that the welfare
of spirits is nowise dependent upon the mode in which
their property when in the flesh is distributed. The late
owner can show no equitable right tha-t can be affected
by the scheme of succession ; and his pretended descen-
dant has no legal claim. If the deceased had been a
Christian noble, living in England, he might have made a
will and left his estates to the sweeper of a crossing ; but,
as a Hindoo subject of her Majesty, he has no such privi-
lege. The one may bequeath his lands to a stranger who
has corrupted his disposition through life, and who may
dishonour his memory after death. The other is not per-
THE RESIDUARY LEGATEE. 197
mitted to purchase with his wealth, after the customs of
his faith, the inheritance of heaven.
The sovereigns of what are called Independent States
live in a state of abject dependence upon the will of the
British agency at their various courts. The whole func-
tions of Government are in most cases exercised by the
Resident, in fact, if not in appearance ; and the titular
monarch sighs in vain for the personal freedom enjoyed
by his subjects. To know the character of his rule, and
the seeming tendencies of his disposition, it is sufficient to
have a knowledge of the capacity and likings of the
British representative. Thus General Cullen is a savant,
and the Rajah of Travancore builds an observatory and
maintains men of science ; the Resident of Indore is a
person of elegant tastes, and the Maharajah surrounds
himself with articles of vertu. The durbar surgeon at the
Mysore court, who fulfils the duties of Government agent,
is passionately fond of the sports of the turf, and the
Rajah keeps a large stud of horses, gives gold cups and
heavy purses at races, wears top-boots, and has pictures of
the "great events" of past and present days. These are
all Hindoo princes ; but the Mussulmans are not so various
and flexible in their tastes. The latter shut themselves
up in their zenanas, the home of their infancy, manhood,
and old age, and pass their time in occupations such as
Englishmen scarcely care to inquire about. As pious
Mahomedans, they detest us for the sake of the Prophet ;
as monarchs, whether good or bad, they hate us for reasons
of their own.
Whether the next generation of Englishmen interfere
or otherwise with the existence of native dynasties, is a
matter which scarcely concerns us at this moment. It
will be the fault of Eastern princes alone if their domi-
nion does not last our time; but what concerns every
man of us at this moment is the necessity of giving free-
dom to native sovereigns, and the means of existence to-
native nobles. At every court our influence is paramount,
and we use it neither for the rajah's power nor for the
people's benefit. The example of the King of Oude is
just in point. We had made treaties with his ancestors
without the slightest stipulation as to the character of
198 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
their rule. We had profited more by their vices than by
their virtues. We knew that the hoards of treasure
which more than once afforded us assistance, of which we
stood in great need, were wrung from the tears and blood
of miserable peasants ; and yet we spoke not of his mis-
government, except to contrast it with our own beneficent
system of rule. We waited in the case of the " sick man"
of the East till his complaint was past remedy. We
entered his palace as undertakers, and not as physicians.
As guardians to an improvident heir, we winked at ex-
cesses which could not but lead to ruin ; and when the
estates were hopelessly involved, we took possession with
the view of administering the property for the benefit of
the tenants at large.
It will be admitted that such policy is not over-credi-
table to the English reputation amongst Asiatic princes,
while it is cruel in the extreme to their subjects. We
ought to make tyranny as rare as treason, and do our best
to secure the perpetuity of native dynasties by making
bad government on their part impossible. The change
would hardly interrupt for a day the natural process of
absorption, and we need hardly say how much it would
conduce to the happiness of millions who have no protec-
tors save Heaven and the Honourable Company.
The worth of the last-named influence is not much in
the case of the State of Travancore, one of the naturally
richest tracts of India, and under the nominal rule of an
independent Hindoo Rajah. The Resident at the Court of
Trevandrum has occupied the post for many years ; and
his wondrous power of floatation has kept him on the
surface, though a dozen hurricanes of public wrath have
spent all their force upon him. Nine years since, the
Madras Athenaeum bent itself steadily to the task of pro-
curing redress for the wrongs of Travancore, and employed
to that end every weapon within reach. The facts of the
administration of public affairs were almost too horrible
for recital ; the causes of the misgovernment could only
be darkly hinted at ; but they were laid bare so far as a
sense of loathing and a regard for decency permitted ex-
planation. There was no shrinking from responsibility ;
the law of libel was transgressed a score of times, under
THE LABOUR OF SISYPHUS. 199
the belief that if the aid of the courts of justice were in-
voked, the journalist would establish a claim to the grati-
tude of his countrymen. The public, after awhile, got
over the usual dislike to the occurrence of constant at-
tacks on the conduct of a single official, and joined heartily
in the hope that the Government would compel the Resi-
dent either to prosecute the newspaper by indictment or
resign his appointment. But striving and sympathy were
equally unless. They were only potent enough to pro-
cure an order for the abolition of slavery, which existed
in its most frightful form throughout Travancore. But the
attempt to purify the courts of justice, to soften down the
social scandals which disgraced the British name, to re-
form the police, to abolish torture, and to call out the re-
sources of the country, were wholly fruitless. The Rajah
of a subordinate principality on the coast tried his best to
strengthen the hands of the seekers after justice. He told
the Madras Government how he had been refused permis-
sion by the Resident to dismiss his minister, though the
latter had supplanted him in the affections of one of his
wives ; but the authorities at Madras treated the com-
plaint as a question of internal administration, with which
they ought not to interfere. In the end, the Resident ef-
fectually wore out the perseverance, if he could not shake
the purpose of his assailant, and the harvest of misrule
grew without ripening.
In the abstract, it appears singular that so much toil
should be requisite to redress the wrongs of society, in any
quarter of the globe. The spider feels at once an injury
done to the remotest filament of its web, and starts on the
instant to repair it. A man suffers inconvenience from
the smallest pain, and is anxious to get rid of it as soon
as possible. But in the case of a community oppressed
by a bad Government, it is ever a task of the utmost diffi-
culty to get reparation for the mischief inflicted. A year
would probably elapse before the Supreme authority would
take notice of the state of things in Travancore. A period
of equal duration would then be wasted in debating the
matter ; and under the most favourable circumstances, it
must be many years before a mere popular outcry in India
can force itself upon the attention of the Court of Directors.
200 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
It is this long and inevitable delay between the vindication
of a right and the hour of its acknowledgment, which para-
lyses the efforts of Indian reformers. The opportunity is
lost, or the inclination to strive for it suffers diminution.
The hand grows stiff, or the heart grows cold ; and as no
institutions are founded for the progressive emancipation
of the people, the last philanthropist finds that he must
not only tread in the footsteps, but also do over again the
work of his predecessor. So far as the government of the
country is concerned, it would appear that the last cen-
tury has done little or nothing for the improvement of
its character. It is still a matter of chance as to whether
the most responsible posts are filled by a man of talent or
an imbecile, a Christian or a tyrant ; and when the ruling
authority is vested in the hands of one who is unfit to
exercise it, no checks exist to mitigate the hardships of
its most oppressive exercise. A British Resident at Tra-
vancore is at this moment more independent of control,
more absolutely the disposer of life and fortune, than the
Prime Minister of Great Britain ; and it is a knowledge
of this debasing fact which might prompt him to defy
alike the efforts of public writers, and the indignant re-
monstrances of an outraged people.
The following list of the tortures current in Travan-
core was prepared, in 1848, by an English gentleman of
the highest respectability, at that time, and for many
years previous, residing in the country. It will be seen
that the operator had an extensive choice in his modes of
treatment, and could deal with any kind of subject, in any
locality. Some of the kinds of torture were constantly
practised, others with less frequency ; but there were a few
of the Government servants who had learnt the whole sys-
tem, and could apply any example of persuasive treatment
that might be required. Beating hardly comes under the
head of torture, though the Burmese method of laying the
patient down on his face, and kneading his back with the
elbows of a strong man, approaches very near to it. Our
catalogue should commence with racking the arms back-
wards with cords tightened with increasing severity.
While the arms are thus tied, bearing down the neck by a
heavy weight pressing on the nape. In several ways
PERSUASIVE INFLUENCES. 201
wrenching various parts of the body, even to the disloca-
tion of bones. Using an instrument called the " kitti,"
formed by two sticks connected by a loose joint at one
end, which serves as a fulcrum, the two sticks being levers
between which the fingers, &c., are squeezed , the degree
of tightness is not limited, but increasing according to the
nature of the case, and the will of the torturer. Whipping
with a. species of stinging-nettle. Tying two women to-
gether by their long hair, and suspending a weight on that
hair between them. Using a long iron rod, with rings
which slide on it, each one fitted to contain a leg ; when
these are filled, pulling the rod with violence, through a
hole in the wall or wooden frame, by one end, so that all
the legs are jammed up together at the other end. Sus-
pending by the hands on a pole, for a lengthened time. It
is not needful to tie the hands together ; they can be con-
stituted self-suspenders in this manner : — while holding
the hands in front with the palms inwards, towards the
chest, and the fingers extended, turn them inward, and
then lock them one in the other, so that the ends of the
fingers on one hand rest in the palm of the other ;
then a pole passed across them inside will suspend the
body, its pressure preventing the fingers from slipping out.
While suspended in this manner, lighting a fire beneath
the victim. Adding to his sufferings by throwing the
strongest red pepper on the fire, so that its severely pun-
gent fumes assail his eyes, nose, and throat. Shutting up
in a close room, and then smoking the sufferer. Apply-
ing hot pincers, and that to parts of the body which cannot
be mentioned. Enclosing a number of pinching beetles
in half a cocoa-nut shell, and tying it over the navel, so
that the horrid sensation of digging into the bowels is in-
flicted. Rubbing the arm from the wrist to the elbow with
salt and sand, then applying longitudinally a number of
eekil, or ribs of the cocoa-nut leaf, and tying them on
firmly ; then forcibly drawing them out one by one, the
finer end first, so that each one, by its own increasing
thickness, and aided by the salt underneath, cuts burn-
iiigly into the flesh, and leaves its smarting sting.
The first impression on the reader's mind will perhaps
be, that the members who were in office at Madras ten
202 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
years since were culpably remiss in not causing inquiry
to be made into such dreadful practices as the above ; but
let him be reasonable. Two years since, the report of the
Madras Torture Commission was put into the hands of
the whole English public ; and what has come of it ?
What party do the ten members of Parliament belong to
who have taken the pains to read it 1 Men who live in
India have lost the power of being moved by the recital
of such atrocities ; and those who sit at home at ease
need the occurrence of a rebellion to induce them to give
even a passing thought to the subject.
If the princes of India have not made common cause
against us, the fact is in no degree owing to the kindness
of the treatment which they receive from the hands of
the Government. A species of surveillance is exercised
over them, compounded of the watchfulness exercised
with regard to a lunatic and to a dangerous State prisoner.
No European can visit them without permission of the
Company's agent. We have known a medical man denied
access to the Nabob of the Carnatic, who, it was said,
expressed a wish to see him upon unimportant matters.
None of them dare correspond openly with England, and
they take especial care to do nothing that can possibly
offend their keepers. The pupils of Dotheboys Hall
would willingly tell the story of their wrongs when away
from school ; but the poor souls whom we dignify with
the titles of " Maharajah," and " Highness," scarcely dare
utter their complaints, even in the recesses of their
zenanas. The Rajah of Mysore sent an agent to the
editor of a Madras newspaper, about four years since,
with an earnest request that some articles should be in-
serted, with a view to procure the removal of an English
officer attached to the Presidency. The agent was re-
minded that the Rajah had the power of refusing to re-
ceive the gentleman in question. " Oh, he dare not do
that," was the reply. "Well, but," rejoined the editor,
" will the Rajah, if he is referred to on the subject of the
charges, support and justify them ?" " Why, no," said
the ambassador. " You see, the Rajah will be obliged to
say that they are all lies, if the Resident asks him ; and
that is the reason why he wants the paper to take up his
ADDRESS FROM THE DEAD-LETTER OFFICE. 203
case." In theory, the Rajah of Mysore is at least master
of his court ; in practice, he is scarcely on a level with his
humblest retainer. The rights of sovereignty and the
rights of manhood have both departed from him.
And it is not alone the " mockery kings" that expiate
in bondage the crime of their weakness. It is no secret
that Holkar, who might if he had chosen have been at this
moment at the head of a hundred thousand Mahrattas,
has been addressed, since the late outbreak at Indore,
both by the officiating Resident and the officer in com-
mand at Mhow, in a style which would have driven any
proud or passionate man into open insurrection. The
servants of the Government, which is powerless to pre-
vent the deeds of Cawnpore and Delhi, tell the Mahratta
chieftain that he is responsible for the conduct of his
troops, and they require explanations for the use of the
Governor-General, which they warn Holkar are very
likely to be thought unsatisfactory. If the maharajah is
very sensible or very timid, no harm may come of this
mode of treating the master of armed multitudes, at such
a critical season as the present. But we usually rely on
our right hand to cancel the mistakes of the brain.
Holkar would thrive none the better for having a good
cause of battle, and we trust that he will continue to sit
and wait, like the rest of us, for better times.
Five years since, Lord Dalhousie threatened the King
of Ava that he would dismember his dominions if he re-
fused to pay the sum of 90£, at which sum his lordship
assessed the damage that had been sustained by certain
merchants at the hands of the Burmese ; but a hundred
and sixty years ago one of his predecessors, Nathaniel
Higginson, Esq., addressed the lord of the white elephant
as follows : — " To his Imperiall Majesty, who blesseth the
noble city of Ava with his prescence, Emperour of em-
perours, and excelling the kings of the East and of the
West in glory and honour, the clear firmament of virtue,
the fountain of justice, the perfection of wisdom, the
lord of charity, and protector of the distressed : The first
mover in the sphere of greatness, president in council,
victorious in warr ; who feareth none and is feared by
all : centre of the treasures of the earth, and of the sea,
204 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
]ord proprietor of gold and silver, ruby's, amber and all
precious Jewells, favoured by Heaven, and honoured by
men, whose brightness slimes through the world as the
light of the sun, and whose great name will be preserved
in perpetual memory." The paragon of princes has as
many titles now as formerly, and his notions of greatness
are no doubt equally justified by facts ; but the balance of
power has been strangely altered, and the nobleman who
now sits in Nathaniel's chair expresses his admiration in
less glowing language. Talk about the smooth adulation
of shopkeepers, what draper's "assistant" ever conde-
scended, in order to sell his wares, to such abasement as
the Governor of Fort St. George, who goes on to say : —
" The fame of so glorious an emperour, the lord of power
and riches, being spread through the whole earth, all na-
tions resort to view the splendour of your greatness, and
with your Majesty's subjects to partake of the blessings
which God Almighty hath bestowed upon your kingdoms
above all others ; your Majesty has been pleased to grant
your especial 1 favours to the Honourable English Com-
pany, whose servant I am ; and now send to present be-
fore the footstool of your throne a few toys, as an ac-
knowledgment of your Majesty's goodness ; which I beg
your Majesty to accept ; and to vouchsafe an audience to
my servants, and a gracious answer to my petition.
" I humbly pray your Majesty's fountain of goodness
to continue your wonted favours to the Right Honour-
able English Company, and to permit our factors to buy
and sell, in such commoditys, and under such priviledges,
as your royall bounty shall please to grant ; and allow us
such conveniencys as are necessary for the repair of shipps,
whereby I shall be encouraged to send my shipps yearly
to your Majesty's port, having orders from the Honour-
able Company to send shipps and factors into all parts of
India, when their service requires it, and pray your Ma-
jesty to give me leave to send a factor, next monsoon, to
reside at Syrian."
When the renowned Turpin wished the bishop's coach-
man to come to a halt, it is said that
Dick put a couple of balls in his nob,
And perwailed on him to stop.
DOCTORS COMMONS IN THE EAST. 205
"We invite attention to the passage in the following
paragraph, where a kindred act on the part of the King
of Ava is told in language equally soft and graceful. The
guileless Nathaniel treats piracy as a pleasant hospitality,
and thanks his majesty for robbery and murder.
" About three years agoe I ordered Bartholomew Kodri-
gues, master of a small sloop called fit. Anthony and
St. Nicholas, to go from Acheen to Bengali, laden with
divers commodity's ; while I was expecting to hear from
my factors in Bengali of her arrival there, the ship that
came hither the last year from Syrian, brought me advice
that the said sloop was fortunately arrived within your
Majesty's kingdoms, and calling there for wood and
water, your officers not knowing who she belonged to,
' had taken care, by your Majesty's order, for the safe keep-
ing the sloop and cargoe, which great favour I thought
myself obliged to acknowledge, and therefore by the first
opportunity sent your Majesty a letter of thanks, with a
small present, by a shipp that went last year from hence
for Syrian : but unfortunately lost by the ignorance of
the pilott. I have now sent this by my factors Edward
Fleet wood and James Lesly, and humbly pray your Ma-
jesty to cause Bartholomew Rodrigues and his people, and
that sloop and cargo, to be delivered to my said factors ;
who have orders to bring all to me ; and fearing the sloop
may be imcapable of going to sea, I have sent a ship to
bring away the cargoe and men."
The devout humility of honourable John, when in hisf
teens, is well shown in the remaining paragraphs of this-
unique epistle.
" Several Englishmen, who, in former years, have been
in your Majesty's kingdoms, and have obtained liberty of
returning, doe declare the greatness of your Majesty's-
glory. If there be any now remaining under the misfor-'
tune of captivity, I humbly beg your Majesty will please-
to grant their liberty, that they may spread the fame of
your Majesty's splendid greatness ; from the rising sun to
the setting sun.
" Adrian Tilbury, a merchant of this place, was my
servant for many years. He made a voyage from hence
to Mortavan, and there dyed. His widow hath acquainted
206 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
me that your Majesty's governours have, according to the
usuall justice of your Majesty's laws, secured his estate,
being a stranger. I humbly pray your Majesty will be
pleased to order the same to be delivered to my factors,
for the use of his widow and orphan.
" I humbly pray your Majesty to permit the speedy
repair and return of the ship which I now send, and that
my factors may be permitted to return by the same ship
this monsoon. And if your Majesty will grant me leave
to build a small ship or two, I will send my people next
year for that purpose.
" Your Majesty's most humble and devoted servant,
"NAT. HIGGINSON.
"Dated in Fort St. George, the 10th Sept., 1695."
If the golden-footed monarch can boast of a family
library, it is possible that he sometimes recreates himself
with the perusal of a document which shows how, a cen-
tury and a half ago, our fathers "ate dirt" in the pre-
sence of his ancestors. Nor was the crawling, pedlar-
like style in which we went to work to get in the small
end of the wedge, at all a matter of mere verbal degra-
dation in the presence of royalty. What would our
modern commodores and high civilians say, if the present
Governor of Madras sent them on an embassy to Burmah,
with the following instructions : —
" If you receive any affront, or injury, from any native,
you must not revenge it by any means : if it be of such a
nature as you think requires satisfaction, you must apply
yourselves to the Government, who will do you right ;
and your prudence must direct you to avoid the offering
an}r affront, or injury, to the natives, for they are exces-
sive proud, and will not bear it ; but will either seek an
opportunity of revenge, or complain to the Government ;
one imprudent action of that nature may give you a great
deal of trouble, and overthrow your whole business. At
your first arrival at Syrian, inform yourselves in the cus-
tom of the country relating to strangers."
There appears to have been no need for uneasiness as
to the possible effect of Mr. Fleetwood's high spirit. All
his thoughts were directed towards accomplishing the
BOBBING AKOUKD. 207
object of his mission, and getting as much, as possible in
return for the governor's present. We have heard in
what order Commodore Lambert presented his credentials,
as plenipotentiary for the marquis ; let us note how the
like ceremony was performed for the merchant by his
countrymen a hundred and sixty years since. Mr. Eleet-
wood is describing the manner of his reception.
" When we came to the garden gate, where the king
was, we alighted, where we were met by one of the ovi-
dores, who was there, ready to conduct me in, and to
direct me in the manner of approaching the king • here
I took the letter from Mr. King, and stayed almost a
quarter of an hour before the gates were opened, when
we fell down upon our knees and made three bows, which
done, we entered the garden, the present following ; and
having gone about half way from the gate to the place
where the king was seated, we made three bows again as
before ; when we were gott within fifteen yards of the
king we made three bows again, as we had done before,
and were ordered to sit down ; after we were sat down,
the king ordered the ovidore to receive the letter, and
about half a quarter of an hour after asked me the three
usual questions : viz., how long I had been in my passage
from Madrass to his port of Syrian ? how many days from
Syrian to A va ? and, at -my departure from Madras, if I
had left my governour in good health? I told his Majesty
that I had been about thirty days in my passage from
Madrass to Syrian ; about forty-two days from Syrian to
Ava j and that at my departure from Madrass (thanks to
God) I had left my governour in good health, supplicating
the Divine power for the continuation of his Majesty's
health and happiness. After this I sat about half a quar-
ter of an hour longer, and then was dismissed."
Counsellor Phillips wept for Courvoisier, and Serjeant
Wilkins cried on behalf of Mr. Hamshay, but the tears of
the lawyers were not half so affecting as the prayers of
the governor. Now-a-days, instead of " supplicating
the Divine power" for the welfare of kings, we pray for
their territories, and usually get what we piously ask for.
We may have, as a people, opposite opinions as to the
propriety of modifying or abrogating certain forms of
o 2
208 THE SEPOY KEVOLT.
agreement between the Indian Government and the worn-
out despots who continue to increase the sum of mortal
evil ; but nothing that can be said for or against such,
measures can possibly do more than retard their sure
effect. Absorption will take place, whether we wish it
or not : it is in the order of things ; the handwriting is
on the wall, in a language familiar to all, and which he
who runs may read. It is fated that in time the remain-
ing Mussulman and Hindoo dynasties shall be subverted
at least for a season, and in those cases where the main-
tenance of a puppet sovereignty involves the perpetual
misgovernment of millions we would fain aid the work
of extinction.
It is true that treaties exist, by which we are cove-
nanted to uphold the existing framework of power ; but
we deny, with the British Parliament and with the peo-
ple of every European nation, that one generation has
the power of binding all the future races of mankind.
And there is this broad and never-to-be-forgotten distinc-
tion between the agreements made with native princes
and those which are entered into by the potentates of the
Western world. In the one set of instances they are
personal only, whilst the other are national, or. at the
worst, broadly political. An arrangement in the one
case is made with the individual, in the other with the
State. The people are not known in India. They are
the payers of taxes, the veritable slaves of the soil or the
loom ; but there is no power in the masses, and neither
right nor justice, except such as can be won by force.
To think that the overthrow of any particular sovereignty
to-morrow would offend the patriotic prejudices of the
multitude, as folks are apt to imagine at home, is to fall
into a grievous mistake. Provide for the ruler and his
court as pensioners of the State, and the change would not
cause a murmur of disaffection, but, on the contrary, be
hailed as the greatest of blessings.
It has been held by writers of great influence, that we
are responsible " before God and man" for the govern-
ment of the whole of India, and that, in refraining to ap-
propriate the whole of its revenues out of a foolish regard
for the " letter of treaties," we make " a scandalous mis-
THE EQUITY OF TREATIES. 209
use of those opportunities which Providence has given us."
This declaration of rights and duties is at least compre-
hensive enough, and if acted upon would put an end to a
great deal of bribing and petitioning on the part of native
supplicants, for what is still considered in some quarters
bare justice.
If Providence would sanction our seizure of the reve-
nues of Hyderabad, where a monarch de facto still exer-
cises an admitted right to do what he likes with his own,
its approval may be certainly counted upon for the stop-
page of the pensions now paid to deposed princes and
dispossessed proprietors of estates. We take ^t that the
Nizam has a better claim to his revenue than the Nabob
of Moorshedabad has to his annual allowance ; and if the
one is a camel which we \ are prepared to swallow, the
other is not a gnat to be strained at. Since the magni-
tude of the payment made constitutes the reason for re-
pudiating the treaty by which it is secured, it must be
frankly owned that an honorarium amounting to 160,000£.
a year cannot be left out of the category of sins against
Providence.
The least gifted amongst us may become acquainted
with the events which. Heaven permits, but the very
wisest cannot distinguish all those which it looks upon
with approbation. The only guide to our researches on
this important point is a certain volume which in. theory is
supposed to lay down rules for the conduct of nations as
well as individuals. A contract made by a community in
one hemisphere with a people residing in another, through
the rulers or representatives of both, is as binding as an
agreement concluded between individuals. The English
Government, in its relation to the people of India,
stands precisely in the position of a strong man, who
had forcibly possessed himself of the management of an
estate, giving bonds at the outset of his usurpation for
the payment of perpetual annuities to the parties pre-
viously exercising the rights of ownership. Now, ad-
mitting that there was no redress for the wrongful entry
upon the land, or that the persons ousted had renounced
their claims, the obligations imposed upon the holder
would be restricted to the duty of seeing that the soil was
210 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
properly cultivated, the tenants amply cared for, and the
rent-charges duly paid. If the estate produced less than,
was sufficient to pay the expenses, it is clear that no sur-
plus would be left for the annuitants, who would lose all
the benefits recited in their various securities, without
having more grounds of complaint against the manager
than a merchant has against a shipowner, when the cargo
which he counts upon is lost at sea. But if the admi-
nistrator of the property had taken under the head of
necessary expenses more than the reasonable costs of
management ; if he had ruined some farms by a system
of rack-rents, and suffered others to go out of cultivation
by neglect of repairs, and inattention to the reasonable
wants of the peasantry; whilst at the same time his own
private expenditure was most lavish and uncalled-for, a
Court of Equity would doubtless afford relief to the bond-
owners, and, if need be, appoint a receiver of rents for
the general benefit. Upon the same principle, if the
Indian Government is able to show that, in spite of the
utmost care and frugality, the income of the State is not
sujfficient to discharge the whole of its obligations, the
treaties made from time to time with various parties
must remain suspended. Putting out of sight the ques-
tion as to the duty of making ourselves responsible for
acts that we are unable to perform, it is clear that one
class of obligations may have a weightier significance as
compared with another. It is more binding on us to pro-
mote the prosperity of the toiling ryot than to feed the
luxury of a deposed prince, who would most probably, but
for our career of conquest, have been reduced by some
one amongst his own countrymen, long ere this, to a state
of destitution. But if we have agreed to do both things,
to cherish the worker and maintain as well the useless
drone, the force of our duty is only to be measured by
the extent of our means. In either case performance
must equally wait on promise. We are no more justified
in refusing to continue the payment of subsidies, because
they are applied to no good purpose and are inconvenient
to be raised, than in declining, as private individuals, to
discharge a debt justly due to a miser, or to furnish the
means for reckless profligacy to the worthless scion of an
GIVING EFFECT TO THE BOXD. 211
ancient house. It was beyond all question a foolish policy
which dictated the majority of our stipulations with the
native princes of India, but hardly more unwise than,
that which prompted the twenty years' war with France,
and entailed upon Great Britain a debt of some six hun-
dred millions sterling. Few venture to justify the con-
duct of our rulers during that period, which has be-
queathed a burden that will be felt by our native posterity,
but the man who talks of applying a sponge to the list
of national creditors is looked upon as a public enemy.
It was wrong to contract the debt, and it was very in-
convenient to discharge it ; but the obligation is clear, and
until the means of fulfilment are wanting, we are bound
in the sight of the universe to comply with its terms,
both in the letter and the spirit.
The dogmas frequently uttered with regard to the uses
of Oriental revolutions, and the extent of our rights as
lords paramount of India, are miserably unsound and
hardly specious. To contend that a nation is benefited
by the frequent recurrence of civil wars and foreign
invasions, terminating in a change of dynasty, is as rea-
sonable as it would be to assert that a man's life was best
preserved by the periodical accession of disorders which
should bring him each time to the verge of the grave.
As to our dormant claims, under the plea of being lords
paramount of the entire country, it is hard to say what
these may amount to, since the extent has never yet been
defined by any competent authority; but we venture to
assert that they stop short of a title to the whole of the
revenues collected at present by the various independent
and protected States. We have taken a great deal, and
may possibly obtain more ; but are very properly chary
of putting forward the doctrine of abstract right. If we
are entitled to claim the revenues of every district, we
are bound as well to distribute universally the blessings
of internal peace and good government. In India, as
elsewhere, property has its duties as well as its rights ;
and if we do not fulfil the one, we have no title at all
to the other. If our dignity as lords paramount is ex-
pected to bring us solid advantages, let us show that we
are willing to make a proper return for them. In those
THE SEPOY REVOLT.
parts of Hindostaii arid the Deccan where th'e worst
occupation is that of honest industry, the most powerless
office that of the minister of justice, and the greatest
enemy of the public the absolute monarch, a very slender
amount of coin will satisfy the just demands of the Bri-
tish Government on the score of tribute. The ultimate
absorption of every native State is, perhaps, merely a
question of time. They are always weak and prone to
give opportunities for being despoiled : we are always
strong, and usually found willing to take advantage of our
good fortune. But these are reasons why the work of
years should not be precipitated. With destiny on our
side, we may be surely content to await the appointed
hour. It is enough to acquire riches and glory whilst
we are advancing the cause of civilization and true
religion, without acting so as to raise doubts with
regard to the honesty of our motives and the reality of
our mission.
CHAPTER XVIII.
•THE NOBLES AND JAGHIREDARS OP INDIA. — THEIR WRONGS AND MISER-
ABLE CONDITION. — THE INQUISITION IN BOMBAY. CASE OP TUB NA-
WAB OP WOODIAGHERRY. — PROPOSED REMEDY.
Bur besides the inheritors of empty kingships, there is
the numerous and daily increasing class of their families
and those of their chief retainers, who are yoked to us
by bonds which they have neither the energy nor the
means to sever, nor we the honesty and wisdom to make
pleasant or profitable. The family and adherents of the
Great Mogul, of the house of Tippoo Sahib, and of the
late Nabob of the Carnatic, would alone make a goodly
army, at least in point of numbers ; and we know not how
many thousands of able-bodied men are vitally interested
in the overthrow of our dominion, by which alone they
can hope to retain the means of existence. During the
half century that we have had control over the destinies
of the members of the three great families alluded to,
"whilst we have been steadily encroaching on the fund set
apart originally for their maintenance, we have done
Slothing whatever in the way of training their children,
PLUNDER WITHOUT PROFIT. 213
or affording them the opportunities of employment. There
is no opening for them in the army except as private
soldiers ; no room for them on the bench except they
mingle with the mass of witnesses that haunt our courts,
and are content to crawl upwards, all dirt and servility.
Without land they cannot live by agriculture, and without
capital they cannot embark in trade. Not a year passes
over which does not make large additions to the stock of
misery and discontent, in the shape of disinherited heirs
who have licked the dust in vain for the chance of being
allowed to retain the estate or the pension enjoyed by
their fathers. In Bengal and Madras the work of re-
trenchment is well nigh over, and aristocratic pauperism
is as wretchedly fed and clothed as need be j but in Bom-
bay, at this moment, a commission is sitting, which has
been in existence since 1843, charged to inquire into the
validity of all titles to rent-free lands held in hereditary
occupation. The total claims in the southern Mahratta
country up to the date of a Parliamentary return, issued
on the 28th of August last, amounted to upwards of
108,000, and less than 7000 decisions had been given in
the course of the fourteen years past. This leaves more
than 100,000 claims standing over, which at the same
rate will be settled A.D. 2058. The gain in revenue
from the resumptions is 15,846?. per annum at present,
and a further sum of 27,000?. after the lapse of one, two,
or three lives. The cost of the survey was, perhaps,
100,000?. in cash, and how much in good will and loyalty?
The case of the jaghiredars of the Carnatic, most of
whom are related to the family of the late nabob, may be
taken as an example of the wrongs inflicted generally
throughout India upon men of their class.
A thousand arguments might be adduced to show the
impolicy and cruelty of the conduct pursued towards the
Mahomedan nobility of Madras, but they can afford to
rest their case upon the ground of admitted rights. Their
dignities and estates were created in the most valid way
by the Mussulman sovereigns of the Carnatic, and have
been publicly and officially recognised by the English
Government times out of mind. In the treaty which was
made by the Marquis Cornwallis with Mahomed Ally, the
214 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
possessions of the jaghiredars were declared exempt from
interference, even in the worst extremity. The rights of
the sovereign power, which extended over all the rest of
the country, were barred with respect to their estates.
In the third article of the treaty it was stipulated " that
in the event of war breaking out in the Carnatic and
countries appertaining to either party, and dependent on
the Carnatic, or contiguous thereto " — for the better pro-
secution of it, and as long as it should last — "the Company
should possess full authority over the Carnatic, except
the jaghires belonging to the family of the said nabob,
amounting to star pagodas 213,911, which on condition of
the good behaviour of the jaghiredars of the said jaghires,
and of their fidelity to the said nabob, and to the said
Company, shall be continued to them, subject to the
pleasure of the said nabob only."
No clearer proof can be required to show that the jag-
hires were perfect alienations from the property of the
State, which could not be made subject to the provisions
of a treaty between sovereign powers. Mahomed Ally
himself renounced all legal claim, and he could not share
or transfer that of which he was not in possession or ex-
pectancy. It is true the words " subject to the pleasure
of the said nabob only," serve to indicate the possibility of
his resumption of grants made in perpetuity ; but the law
of his country and religion would not justify him in so
doing ; and the European inheritors of his throne were
not able to vindicate a wider range of lawless power.
Oaths might be broken, and all the conditions of trust
between monarch and subject openly violated, but the
wrong would be palpable to earth and heaven. And
there is this marked distinction to be drawn between the
examples of native and British violence, where the Indian
aristocracy are in question, that in the one case the class
rarely suffers by the loss of the individual. The aggre-
gate wealth is not diminished ; what is taken from the
disgraced favourite is given to his successor ; and the
caprice which ruins a man to-day, may restore him with
added possessions to-morrow. But the water which the
English ruler diverts from the stream is never restored to
the fountain, or distilled in clew over the surrounding
THE GRADATIONS OF GIFTS. 215
country. It is carried away to fertilize a foreign soil.
Under Christian sway, the ryot and the noble are tending
to the same result of lowest poverty, only the one has
nearly reached the firm ground of ultimate wretchedness,
whilst the other has still the rags and the recollection of
better days clinging to his mind and person.
The jaghiredars of the Carnatic place great reliance upon
the abstract validity of their titles, and the repeated pro-
clamations in which the British Government pledged
itself to respect them ; but there is extant a paper, which
shows what the very administration that subverted the
dynasty of Mahomed Ally thought of their claims. It is
a report from the Board of Revenue " On the Jaghires in
the Carnatic," dated 26th March, 1802, only eight months
after the annexation of the country. The writer, Mr.
Falconer, after narrating the difficulties which stood in
the way of getting at a thorough knowledge of the subject,
gives the results of his investigation of the titles by which
ninety-five persons held their estates. Most of the holders,
he remarks, had a " plurality," and many of them a multi-
tude of Suniids. After proving that the united annual value
amounted to nearly five and a half lakhs of pagodas, he
says, " The jaghires may be arranged into three classes.
" The first class comprises the Altumgha tenures, of
which the deed of gift expressly and emphatically de-
scribes them to be hereditary." The reporter enumerates
the various individuals included in the first rank, and goes
on to say : —
" The second class comprises those which had originally
been conferred by padshahi grants, or grants so termed :
— and which, though not specified to be hereditary, have
nevertheless been suffered to remain in the hands of the
original grantee (the extent of the jaghire being sometimes
curtailed), until the death of the late nabob. This class
being generally killadars, were expected originally to per-
form military service as such, and the jaghires were
bestowed to defray their personal expenses, and those of
their garrisons. They latterly however became sinecures."
At the head of the list of jaghiredars of the second class
stands the name of Syed Abbas Khan, of Woodiagherry,
who held, under various Suniids, the most ancient bearing
216 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the seal of the Soubahs of the Deccan. For five genera-
tions the estate had been in the possession of the same
family. It yielded 10,OOOZ. per annum ; and they had
independent jurisdiction within its limits. In 1839 the
holder of the estate was an old bedridden man who had
lost the use of his limbs for twenty years. Such a condi-
tion of physical impotence is unfavourable to the nurture
of ambitious hopes ; and it will be reasonably concluded
that a petty Indian raj all, who had conceived the design,
of making himself master of the Carnatic, must possess
many rare gifts both of body and mind. The poor jag-
hiredar in question had never been suspected of genius or
insanity ; but, at the time we speak of, the collector of
Xellore took it into his head that lie intended to carve
out for himself an independent kingdom. The merit of
the discovery, though ascribed to the collector, is claimed
by a moonshee, who has since had his deserts, and upon the
representation of the former to the Government of the day,
a commission, consisting of a single individual, was ap-
pointed to take evidence in the case ; and the result of it
lies before us. It is our earnest hope to have it laid some
day on the table of a committee of the House of Commons,
as a sample of the machinery by which men obnoxious on
account of their wealth are ruined in India. It is the
hearsay scandal of menials and policemen anxious to con-
ciliate the minister of justice. It is so worthless that
disgust at the open villany of the swearers is neutralized
by the contempt for the intellect which could accept it as
the revelations of honest men. There was not a single
question put in the way of cross-examination. It was
assumed from first to last that the witnesses knew all
that they had to say, and had come prepared to say it.
The nawab begged for a hearing. He said it would be
a, boon for which he should feel ever grateful if they would
allow him to confront his accusers. His request was
denied : such a form was thought needless in the way of
helping the collector and commissioner to a knowledge of
the truth. People who are averse to toil look with natural
reluctance upon the prospect of labours overthrown ; and
had the nawab been heard, according to the fashion that
prevails in the civilized world, a new hypothesis of guilt
THE REWARD OF TREASOX. 217"
would have been required to ensure his deposition. So
they gave him, in answer, a message delivered by the
officer of a Sepoy guard, and sent him in custody to Cbin-
gleput, where a broken heart finished his career. His
estate was confiscated, and a pension of a hundred rupees
a month granted by the charitable clemency of the Govern-
ment to two of the surviving sons. The net profit on the
transaction is 67601. per annum. We have heard of the
gain of godliness ; but here are undeniable proofs of the
gain of guilt.
For examples of broken faith, violated laws, and
systematic oppression, the Government of India is able
to challenge the universe. In the main, things are done
very quietly in that part of the world. We hear of the
decay of a district only when a civil servant is sus-
pended. A member of the Madras Board of Revenue
is imprisoned in the common jail for perjury ; and forth-
with the public ear is filled with stories of how justice
had been put up to sale for many years past, and the
practice of corruption universally known, if not openly
avowed. The people are timid and ignorant. They are
afraid to clamour for redress, and know not where it is
to be obtained for the asking. The press is deficient in a
knowledge of facts, and the Government officials, with but
few exceptions, are a band of brothers.
Mr. Falconer closes his catalogue of grants of the
above description with the remark that " these were
conferred for services performed by the ancestors of the
present claimants, who were all descended from families
of some distinction."
" The third class," says Mr. Falconer, " comprises all
other jaghires, which may be considered as life grants
merely; or tenures depending on the goodwill of the
donor." In the course of his inquiries, the reporter dis-
covered that " a tract of territory, to the amount of
168,806 star pagodas," in addition to the recognised
estates, "had been granted in jaghire tenure, but by the
death of the occupants, or other circumstances, had re-
verted to the State." We draw attention to the reasons
which Mr. Falconer assigns for this concealment.
"It is natural to suppose that these escheats would
218 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
Lave been re-annexed to the khalisah or State lands.
They however retained their denomination of jaghires,
and were kept under a distinct management, the re-
venues being remitted to the exchequer's general trea-
sury. The policy of this may be traced to the immunity
provided for the jaghire lands of the family in the event
of the Company assuming the country, and the advantage
of reserving as large a proportion as possible of their
resources from the peril of eventual sequestration."
The poor jaghiredars had laid up for the rainy day
which they dreaded was in store for them ; but no man
in that generation knew the full force of the storm, and
that half a century would elapse before its worst ravages
would be felt. Lord Olive and his councillors and revenue
officers never intended that their policy should be in-
terpreted as a series of covert and cruel confiscations, or
they would not have left on record these damning
proofs of their wilful dishonesty. The document from
which we have quoted was not intended for the public,
and is not only conclusive as to the rights of the jaghire-
dars, but it affords the most convincing evidence of their
full recognition by the British Government.
It suited the policy of the Company, when they an-
nexed the Carnatic, to take the jaghires into their pos-
session with few exceptions, and grant pensions in lieu of
them. The lands were freehold, and of course the allow-
ance should have been hereditary; but, after the lapse of
a few years, the Government found it inconvenient to
continue such heavy and perpetual burdens on the re-
sources of the State. So they began to talk of the
annuity being only granted for the lives of the existing
incumbents, whose children must look to the bounty of
the ruling power. When the lapse occurred, half the
rate of pension was paid, as being all to which the family
were entitled " under the orders of Government." Un-
ruly or ill-treated members applied occasionally to the
agent for assistance or justice, and by degrees a practice
grew up of dividing the allowance heretofore paid to the
head of the family into a certain number of shares, the
amount of each being fixed by the agent, in conjunction
perhaps with one or two Mussulman officials. As time
AN ARISTOCRACY IN RAGS. 219
wore on the recipients grew more numerous, and the
rupees were diminished. There were descendants of
nobility living perhaps on forty shillings a month, and
allowances were divided until some of those high-born
people had but a couple of shillings weekly to subsist
upon. And all this while there were millions of acres
of land lying waste in Madras, with no prospect of being
"brought into cultivation under the Company's rule. That
which had not enriched us had made them miserable.
Our remedy for this state of things is the universal
recognition of all titles to land for which even bare
colourable testimony can be adduced; the return of jag-
hires instead of the payment of pensions, and the im-
position of an income-tax in all cases of rent-free lands.
If posterity has no claim upon jaghiredars, it will be
admitted that jaghiredars have 110 claim on posterity;
and since they cannot do without government, we must
make them pay at least a share of the cost of it. The
measure of a Government's requirements must be the
measure of its income ; and whatever expectations a
man may have been led to form with regard to the small-
ness of the sums that he would have to pay in taxes, it
is clear that the State can take no heed of them.
Of the right of Government to impose an income-tax
on State pensioners and holders of rent-free lands, there
cannot be the smallest question ; and if a legacy duty
were added, the heirs of those persons would not be a
whit worse off than the Englishman who is taxed from
Ms cradle to his grave. If the Nabob of Moorshedabad
were compelled to return some 10,000£ to the treasury of
Calcutta, we, who uphold the necessity for paying his
pension whilst there are funds sufficient to furnish it,
should not say that he was hardly dealt with. Three
years ago the British landowner or merchant paid seven
per cent, upon their several incomes in the shape of
direct taxation, exclusive of imposts upon every article
of consumption or needful appliance : and looking at the
almost perfect exemption from fiscal charge which is
enjoyed by the titular sovereigns and nobles of India,
we assert that an income and property-tax of ten per
cent, would not be an unreasonable compensation to the
220 THE SEFOY REVOLT.
State for the peculiar privileges that are bestowed upon
them.
There are various opinions as to the proper mode of
our future Dealings with the princes of India, but there
can only be one opinion as to the propriety of making a
change in the state of our existing relations with them.
We have indicated the course that in our judgment
ought to be pursued, having a due regard to the mitiga-
tion of Indian burthens and the care of English honour.
We would maintain unimpaired the substantial portions
of every treaty, but abrogate without scruple those
stipulations which acknowledge rights and titles of
which not a vestige actually remains. The heir of a
deposed dynasty should rank in the first class of Eastern
nobles, thus faring better than the Bourbons of our time,
and they should be treated as an English Parliament
would treat the English aristocracy. The period has
arrived when we are bound to legislate on general prin-
ciples for this numerous class of persons, and we trust
that the nature of the enactments will not expose us to
the reproach of mankind.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR CONQUEST. — REPUBLICAN NOTIONS OP THE
EIGHTS OP MANKIND. THE FIGHTING INSTINCT UNIVERSAL IN ALL
CLASSES. — VALUE OF AMERICAN LESSONS. — THE RIGHTS OP CONQUEST
AND THE CLAIMS OF THE CONQUERED.
WE are half tempted to smile at the earnestness with
which some of our countrymen in the East repudiate the
charge of being favourable to the farther extension of the
Anglo-Indian Empire. The blame of conquest must rest
somewhere, but they prefer that it should be ascribed to
some score or so of men who from time to time have held
the reins of Government. It follows of course that these
rulers did not represent the views or embody the passions
of the British people. The latter were pacific and just,
and would not have held a single acre of the soil in abso-
lute possession, had they been consulted on the matter.
They are the receivers of stolen property, but they did not
authorize the theft. The robbers, from the days of Olive
TU QUOQUE. 221
to tliose of Gough, have been feted and rewarded at home
on account of their spoils, but it was not the nation that
honoured them. A few guilty aristocrats in Downing-
street and grocers at Leadenhall-street are at the bottom,
of the whole matter.
It is hard to say what might have been the aspect of
affairs at this moment had every man in England, for the
last century, been referred to for his vote on all public
occasions ; but we are afraid that our countrymen might
have appeared less wise, and scarcely more honest. Two
centuries ago a few of them emigrated to the Far West, and
laid the foundation of a mighty dominion in peace and
justice. Their descendants invented a form of govern-
ment for themselves ; they abjured kingship, prelacy, and
hereditary rank and title, and set up, as the sole rule and
standard of authority, the sovereignty of the people.
Well ! do the republicans regard the rights of their neigh-
bours ? Are they better in this respect than the nomi-
nees of our aristocracy ? The Red Indians will not reply
in the affirmative, nor the millions of domestic slaves, nor
the Mexicans, nor the Spaniards, nor the weak with whom
they have come in contact in any part of the world. The
nominal heads of the Government have sanctioned aggres-
sive wars as readily as the " legitimate" powers of Europe ;
ind when there are no State plans of hostility to be carried
out, Jonathan gets up an invasion in shares, as you would
a joint-stock bank, and starts off to annex Central America
as a private speculation. If conquest is as bad as robbery
from the person, the Americans are worse than the Spar-
tans of old, for they steal universally, with no pretence of
a moral end in view.
Do we justify aggressive wars then ? 3STo ! for they are
clearly opposed to the genius and precepts of Christianity ;
but we look upon them as the natural fruits of civiliza-
tion— of the vices or the strength, whichever you please
to term it, of the whole European race. As well say to
the fire, do not burn the stubble, as to the Englishman, do
not subject the Asiatic if you come in contact with him.
Their intercourse is sure to end in the mastership of the
former ; but the result is not the consequence of a dogma
— it is the effect of an instinct. The natives will not
p
222 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
adopt our religion, because they are convinced that it is not
so good as their own. They have no relish for our literature
or music, but in the depths of their hearts they acknow-
ledge the controlling force of the white man. The belief
is mutual, for the meekest professor of the Gospel feels
that he condescends when he treats the Asiatic as a
" brother." We have only to bear in mind the additional
fact that, even amongst missionaries, there is a per-centage
of worldly-mindedness, and the theoretical fairness, with
which some folk contend we ought to treat the dusky
tribes, is seen to be past praying for.
Were the nations to turn honest, there would be a very
extensive exchange of valuables : and unless they make full
restitution, the sense of abstract right will still be out-
raged. Who shall define the just claims of separate juris-
dictions ? Can England retain even the Channel Islands ?
We doubt it ; for the sea is her natural boundary. She
tas no right to Ireland, and ought to poll the Welsh and
the North Britons, to ascertain if they are willing to obey
the Queen. As for the kingdoms of the Continent, we
are at a loss to conceive upon what ground, except that of
universal popular agreement, their just limits could be
marked out. They have stolen from each other little or
much, according to the strength of their opportunities.
Not a gem in any diadem but has been obtained as ques-
tionably as the last bright ornament of the British Crown,
for which her Royal Majesty neglected to reward the
captors.
We are aware that the members of the Peace Society
are ready with a method of solving the difficulty which
stands in our way. They wish England to turn over a
new leaf, and give up entirely the military occupation of
foreign parts.
We are to work, write, and pray for all the world, but
to fight with nobody, white or black. The national faith
should inculcate the sole duty of providing for the greatest
happiness of the greatest number; the common creed
should consist of a single article, that it is proper to buy
in the cheapest and sell in the dearest market. In the
latter sentence lurks the error of the theory. Justice be-
tween man and man requires that there should be no
THE BUMP OF COMB ATI VENESS. 223
advantage taken of poverty or ignorance. The fair day's
work should always be rewarded by the fair day's wages,
and the buyer of an article should never be asked to pay
more than its intrinsic worth. If capital be allowed on
the one hand to take advantage of the necessities of labour,
and the workmen, on the other, are permitted to combine
whenever they see a chance of forcing a higher rate of
payment, we can only recognise in such a state of things
the alternate struggles and triumphs of contending ene-
mies. Honesty and good feeling are out of the question.
The law which rules is the right of the strongest, and the
Society of Friends is not a whit less belligerent than the
Board of Control.
All over the world there is a never-ceasing contest for
mastery, and it will not begin to be ended in our time,
unless we are near the latter days. In the century which
has witnessed the triumph of Mormonism and other kin-
dred impostures, we ought not to feel surprised at the
efforts of the Peace Society. The doctrine that all men
are mad upon some point or other would seem to derive
confirmation from the speeches and writings of the leaders
of the anti-fighting association. It may be very proper
to form a league for the extirpation of a single political
evil ; but why should we combine with such labour and
cost for the vindication of a single moral precept 1 Why
not organize for the purpose of making all men veritable
Christians, instead of the mere advocates of peace, which
only forms a single clause in the Divine code ? It has
been well observed that the pursuit of riches is as strongly
denounced in Scripture as the levying of war; but unless
the principle of selfishness can be eradicated from the
human heart, and the pure love of mankind implanted in
its stead, what hope is there of hindering men from mak-
ing war upon their fellows'? Less than the universal
practice of Christianity will not suffice to destroy the
belligerent feeling ; and if innumerable teachers have only
succeeded, after the lapse of eighteen hundred years, with
a small portion of the children of men, what prospect of
usefulness is there in store for the Peace Society 1
No doubt it is abhorrent to the best feelings of hu-
manity that soldiers should wish for an opportunity of
224 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
slaughtering their fellow creatures, and of turning as much
of this beautiful earth as their feet can traverse into a
howling wilderness ; but when a class of men profit by
the misery of others, we must expect them to rejoice in
the spread of evil. Ask the lawyer if the absence of liti-
gation amongst a civilized people is not a cheering sign of
progress, and he will reply in the affirmative ; but for all
that, if his bag be empty of briefs, he will curse his hard
lot. A rich client and a long suit are the chief sources of
his happiness. As a member of the human family he
would rejoice at the cessation of strife, but as an advocate
he must live by his profession, arid is anxious to gain
reputation. Just so with the physician, whose vocation it
is to cure diseases. He will do his utmost to alleviate the
ills which flesh is heir to, but it would task his philosophy
to bear with patience a universal freedom from sickness.
Is it not then unreasonable to expect that a soldier should
obey a nobler class of impulses, and look upon his occupa-
tion as being designed for the benefit of the mass and not
of the individual? We talk to him of the "God of
battles," consecrate the flag under which he serves, and
teach him to look to renown and the death of his seniors
as the only roads to the enjoyment of a quiet competence
in old age ; and, in spite of those incentives, he is to up-
hold the dogmas of universal brotherhood whilst the rest
of the world are fighting with brain and heart — eacli man
trying to wrest an advantage from his fellow and keep it
for his own especial use. Competition is the soul of trade,
almost the sole spring and source of human effort, yet
what is it but a state of perpetual antagonism of interests ?
To say nothing of the indifference as to the welfare of
others, which is the necessary consequence of such a state
of things, the business of life is so carried 011 that the
prosperity of one man must be built mainly upon the ill for-
tune of others. But little of the trade of a thriving shop-
keeper is created out of nothing. If customers crowd in
upon him, it is at the expense of his fellow tradesmen ;
but who complains of him for doing his best to make
money 2 Who says it is criminal in the merchant prince
to absorb the small speculator 1 in the successful advocate
to overshadow and keep in the background numbers as
THE WORLD A BATTLE-FIELD. 22-5
well educated as himself, and as keenly desirous of fame
and profit ?
These members of the Peace Society, dealers in mer-
chandise and money ! is there one of them who will part
with his wares for less than the market value 1 or, in other
words, for less than the highest price that opportunity
enables him to demand '? Surely not, and yet each great
advance in the nominal worth of commodities is to many
productive of mischief, to some of absolute ruin. We
recollect when Cajeput oil was declared to be a specific for
the cholera, at that time raging in England : there was
but one holder of the drug in the kingdom, and he stood
out till the price advanced from. 9d. an ounce to 30s.
Here was a profit of four thousand per cent, made upon an
article which Christianity would have prompted him to
vend at the rate at which it bestows the highest of all
gifts — without money and without price. But the world
had no blame for the transaction ; it was a lucky hit —
the reward of mercantile shrewdness and sagacity. It
is not likely that the fortunate individual was a Quaker ;
but at any rate there was no reason why he should not
have been an active member of the Peace Society, and set
forth on platforms and in newspapers the blessings of
universal brotherhood.
For one short year, if we could sum up the killed and
wounded in the daily battles of our countrymen with each
other, the sum of misery inflicted in the course of a cam-
paign would appear very small in proportion. To slaughter
a man, it is not absolutely needful to encounter him with
wrathful brow and armed hands. Dry up by whatever
means the source of his income, and he is as effectually
disposed of as if he were laid face upwards on a field of
slain. Shylock, when told that his existence would be
spared but that all his estate was confiscated, spurns the
partial clemency, and exclaims : —
Nay, take my life and all, pardon not that :
You take my house, when you do take the prop
That doth sustain my house ; you take my life,
When you do take the means whereby I live.
We wish that the Anglo-Indian were colonist as well
as conqueror. It is an evil thing for the people of India
226 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
that he leaves his household gods and his sympathies behind
liiui in the land of his fathers. Had he chosen to take
root in the Indian soil fifty years ago, we should by this
time have had railways in some districts, and good roads
everywhere. We should have supplied England with
cotton, and been independent of the law commission in the
matter of legislation. Stores of exhaustless wealth, which
now lie unheeded, would have been opened up ; duties,
which are now only getting faintly recognised, would have
been the practice of men in authority ; and, in short, the
India of the twentieth century would have been realized
at this moment. A plentiful crop of heroisms may always
be raised on the spot which a man inhabits, to console
Kim for the fading memories of his distant birthplace. It
is but ninety years since the inhabitants of America only
shared in the glories of Britain ; and now they have a roll
of chivalry, on which are inscribed the names of deathless
men, the product of the Western world ; they have a
growing literature, and a dominion which is every hour
enlarging its wide boundaries. Had the " pilgrim fathers"
taught their children to look upon the land of their birth
as a place of exile, in which they were to cherish above
all things the memories of the past, it is more than likely
that Washington would have died a retired officer in the
royal army, and the affairs of New York and Pennsyl-
vania been administered just now by Mr. Labouchere and
the Colonial Office.
Ask the physiologist of nations what it is that prompts
our schemes of foreign conquest ; and he will answer, " a
restless love of acquisition." We would pour the world's
wealth into a goblet, and drink it off at a draught. We
would anticipate the course of time, and enjoy, in our
generation, the treasures of futurity ; but in the instance
of our Indian dominion, we seemed to have gained with-
out any desire to enjoy the usual fruits. Whenever we
have encountered opposition, our track has been like that
of the desolating lava ; but, like that molten wave, we
have congealed to stone when the strength of the fire-birth
is expended. The wealth which we acquire is obtained
by the exercise of the commonest appliances of labour ;
the exertions which we make are the result not of great
GOING WESTWARD TO SCHOOL. 227
thoughts or of noble emotions, but are prompted by the
mere animal instinct of self-preservation. The land is
teeming with wealth which we never use, and apparently
never covet — for the simple reason, that we are ignorant
of its existence. Two hundred millions of human souls
wait' patiently, from father to son, for deliverance from
mental and moral bondage ; and we, who might almost
be gods in our distribution of blessings, feel that we have
performed our duty if we always rank a little above the
fallen angels.
Every man is conscious of having at various times re-
ceived new impressions, such as have totally altered his
views and feelings upon particular subjects. The profound
thinker can trace in his own mind the constant action of
change, and follow in their proper sequence the influences
which have moulded his opinions ; and the mass of the
people, though they do not consider these matters curi-
ously, become aware at certain periods that a new light
has dawned upon them. When feudalism was forced to
acknowledge that the tiller of the ground was not a
divinely-appointed slave — when priests were led to own
that their mission was to convert heretics, and not to
burn them — when the source of political power was de-
clared to reside in the people — when the bonds of com-
merce were loosened and the entire freedom of international
intercourse finally asserted, our English kindred saw they
were about to open fresh chapters of history. They have
taught themselves and the world some of the noblest
lessons ; but for the present it seems that they must put
off the pedagogue and go to school again. The Americans
have set them a few exercises, which we hope will soon
be learned and extended by the pupils.
We do not owe to our Transatlantic friends any im-
proved ideas of religion, morals, or freedom. We are con-
tent with our monarchy, our church, and our share of
liberty ; but we have to thank them for the most decisive
proofs of the omnipotence of common sense. They have
shown us the monstrous absurdity of the rule of Red Tape,
and the folly of allowing a Government to regulate the
social arrangements of a nation. Their progress is the
most wonderful in the annals of the world, because they
228 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
have hindered it from being interfered with. As soon as
they have satisfied themselves that a thing ought to be
done, they go and do it. The men who resolve are the
men who execute. There is no waiting for sanction, or
presentation of humble petitions to persons who are most
likely known to be profoundly incompetent to give any
opinion, much less an authoritative one, on the matter.
The notion that a useful scheme could be set aside at the
mere will of a State servant is incomprehensible to them.
They would as soon think of allowing the veto of the
Emperor of China. The Yankee, who has so much in
common with ourselves, looks at politico-social questions
from a totally different point of view. He judges the
acts of Government by the same criterion that he would
judge the conduct of a body of traders. They ought to
accomplish whatever lies in the compass of their ability,
and in the cheapest and most satisfactory manner. The
fool ought neither to be trusted nor rewarded ; and the
idler should be punished without mercy. Now, take an
Englishman who happens to be both merchant and East
India director, watch his conduct in both capacities, and
you will note his application of two different rules to cir-
cumstances which are precisely alike. As a merchant he
will only employ men to do the tasks they are fit for, and
has proper notions of responsibility and power. He will
not, as a member of a railway board, ask Mr. Stephenson
to submit his plans to the approval and control of the
secretary's department ; but as a director of the East
India Company, he insists that Colonel Cotton shall
obey the Madras Revenue Board, the Governor, and the
authorities in Bengal. Tell him as a merchant that his
workmen, whom he is bound to take care of, are many of
them starving, but that, if he merely gives the word,
abundant employment can be found for them, and his
own income thereby largely increased, and see how
readily his humanity and interest will dovetail in each
other ; but in his capacity of manager at Leadenhall-
street such considerations are mostly disregarded. Why
questions of a purely social kind should be dealt with so
differently is what brother Jonathan cannot comprehend.
If we had the " 'cutest" of all Yankees in Bombay or
WHAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN. 229
Madras at this moment, we should find it utterly im-
possible to make him understand why we keep up Go-
vernors and Councils under present circumstances — why
certain men in certain offices, who merely sign a few
papers in the course of a week, are paid higher wages
than English judges in. Westminster Hall — why the roads
in the interior are impassable and the cities unsewered.
He would ask us if we approved of such a state of
things ; and being answered in the negative, and farther-
more assured that the power, wealth, and information at
the disposal of the State were unbounded, he would
emphatically tell us we were " the darndest fools in all
creation." And it is difficult to say how the imputation
could be got rid of.
If India had been only for the last ten years an
appanage of the United States, all its capabilities would
be known by this time, and most of them improved to the
utmost. Wherever iron could be laid down or water
made to flow with advantage, railways and canals would
be made. In every town a Yankee trader would be found
selling idols, and a Yankee missionary giving away Bibles.
Spittoons and a Senate would be introduced into Calcutta.
A House of Representatives would be located somewhere
on the Strand ; and colonels at the head of commission
houses would, hold forth therein on the blessings of liberty
and cheap rule. If resistless energy and never-failing
shrewdness were the highest national gifts, it would be a-
glorious day for the East if it passed under the dominion
of the younger branch of the Anglo-Saxons.
But something more than profound selfishness on the
part of the governing class is requisite to promote the
well-being of subject millions. The American admits no
rivalry of interest, and tolerates no admixture of races.
No gifts of nature or position can, in his estimation, atone
for a darker skin. He is the Western Brahmin, and looks
upon all Asiatics as men of a lower order of being. We
will content ourselves, then, with wishing that our coun-
trymen may adopt American modes of performing public
duties, but retain their own standard of social rights. We
would ask Jonathan to show us how to deal with our
courts of directors and legislative councils, but decline to-
230 THE SEPOY BEVOLT.
take his advice as to the proper treatment of the dusky
millions.
It cannot be denied that the natives lost rather than
gained by the last change in the government of India.
In theory, they stand upon the same footing with the
Europeans ; but who does not see that now and hence-
forth the latter will continue to engross for a time all the
higher posts in the government of the country? The
necessity of being educated in England, and of standing a
competition with the whole body of the English educated
youth, is iatal to the hopes of the Hindoo student, how-
ever naturally gifted, and though left entirely free to
enter the lists as a candidate for the rich prizes of the
civil service. It is true that hitherto the Company have
fil ways acted as though there had been no recognition of
the equal right of all the Queen's subjects to aspire to
high employment in the service of the State. We have
no natives on the bench of the Zillah Courts, or dark-
skinned engineers. Policy shuts them out from high
command in the army ; and interest has effectually pre-
vented them from effecting an entrance into the ranks of
the civil branch. But there was a change which appeared
to effect all that coidd be desired. The monopoly of office
was utterly overthrown ; all distinctions of caste were
abolished ; rank and wealth were to be the sure rewards
of the ablest. You cannot find a flaw in the scheme
which is to ransack all the broad dominions of Britain in
search of the most gifted intellects, and which gives to the
service of the public the concentrated talent of the whole
array of nations which own the sovereignty of Queen
Victoria. And yet, the direct exclusion, by name, of the
natives of India could not have hindered their advance-
ment in the way of self-government more completely than
this liberal measure. In the race which is thrown open to
half the world, they will never be the victors. They might
have extorted, under the old system, some concessions
from the remorse and shame of the Indian Government ;
but, in future, they can hope nothing from the justice of
the examiners at home. The latter are bound to select
the best-instructed of the youth that offer to undergo the
ordeal ; and how can the poor Asiatic, weighed down with
CRABS AND GOLDEN PIPPINS. 231
the prejudices of caste, and forced to unlearn, by way of a
commencement, the foolishness of his previous lifetime,
pass through the furnace with triumph ? It is a pity that
those to whom the guidance of afiairs were entrusted should
not have had the courage to stand on the great truth
which lies at the bottom of all this contradictory legisla-
tion for India. The Asiatic can never occupy the same
platform with the European ; and it is a cruel mockery to
teach him to the contrary. So long as the value of his
learning and capacity is tested by an Eastern standard, he
may obtain, in reputation at least, the full measure of
their worth ; but when opposed to Western ability, he
fails as much in the comparison of mental as of bodily
power. The law that affected to put the two races on a
level would be at variance with the decrees of nature,
which has ordained that there should be an eternal wall
of separation between them. The time has again come
round in which India must be legislated for ; but we pro-
test beforehand against any attempt to establish equality
by Act of Parliament, in the teeth of the wiser legislation
of Providence. There is a great debt owing to India, of
which it is time to commence at least the payment of the
first instalment ; but those who would tender, for that
purpose, a declaration of equal rights on the part of Hin-
doos and Englishmen, and practically enforce it, would
create a balance on the other side, which would have to
be adjusted again in an inconvenient way. The cry of
" Justice to India," will receive various interpretations ;
but no honest politician can lend the slightest countenance
to the notion which appears to be uppermost in the minds
of leading Hindoos, that English institutions can be esta-
blished in that part of the Queen's dominions, or that the
country can be governed by and for the people. We
may as well attempt to assimilate the natural productions
of the two hemispheres, as strive to naturalize in the East
the growth of Anglo-Saxon civilization. Even where the
soil is fitted for its reception, the tree of liberty will not
flourish as a transplanted root. It must be raised from,
the seed, and not the graft. Instead of being inaugurated
with pomp and ceremony, its silent up-springing must be
watched and tended by anxious generations, ready at all
232 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
times to water it with blood and tears. India created,
thousands of years since, her own peculiar system of
civilized existence. It is worn out, and now wants replac-
ing ; but the new law must grow out of the old — you
cannot change the national character. The Hindoo is
always a " man ;" but he will never be a " brother," in the
sense which implies an identity of feelings and interests
with the Englishman.
If the native reformers had the option to-morrow, they
would reject the British constitution as a model. What
they ask is, to be allowed to pick out a bit here and there ;
to have the means of being on an equal footing with
Europeans, at the same time that they preserved their
. own class privileges to the fullest extent. They would
like a House of Lords composed of Brahmins, and a House
of Commons to which Sudras might be admitted; but if
a barber's son claimed to lead the first, and the child of
an apostate was appointed to rule the second, they would
forego all the benefits of legislative authority rather than
acknowledge them as superiors. The keystone of British
freedom is the equality of all men beneath the law, whereas
the fundamental principle of Hindooism is the irreversible
subordination of classes. To the Englishman, the past
and present teaches the grand lesson of the people's sove-
reignty. To the Brahmin, the voice of Deity ever incul-
cates the right of despotism on the one hand, and the
duty of obedience on the other. Before the smallest frag-
ment of a true representation is found in India, the exist-
ence of caste must be wholly annihilated.
And if it is vain to expect that the country can be
governed by the native aristocracy, it is equally idle to
imagine that it will be ruled by foreigners, for the popu-
lation at large. As well may the servant expect to be
allowed to labour for his own profit instead of his master's.
The English exercise sway from purely selfish motives;
and if Heaven so ordains it that we are made the instru-
ments of good, the merit is not to be ascribed to us.
Every member of the alien race will try and extract as
much individual profit as he can honestly obtain. To
sow where they have not reaped, is the privilege of con-
querors throughout all time. But, in addition to the
SETTING OUT TASKS. 233
good of which, we are unconscious instruments, we are
willing, as a body, to soften the inevitable evils of dominion
over a strange land. We niust have money — we will not
part with power: but if the one can be raised with less
of suffering to the people, and the other may be exerted
to better results, there is abundant inclination on the part
of the English people at home to make such changes as
are requisite for both ends. It is usually admitted that
inordinate taxation is injurious to the Government as
well as to the community, and that a defective adminis-
tration of justice is a scandal to all those who have autho-
rity to effect its reformation.
The revision and abatement of taxation, the cheapening
of law, which costs so much of the poor man's time, the
legal education of judges, and the universal boon of
English teaching — these are the objects for which native
associations might exert themselves with effect, and to
which we should like to see them voluntarily restricted.
Their neglect of the great social questions tells most
unfavourably on the interests of their countrymen. If
some of their complaints are voted unreasonable, it will
be concluded that no grievance has been forgotten. When
the patient appears unconscious of suffering, the State
physicians will hardly act on the diagnosis of disease
drawn up by one who will be set down as an over-zealous
friend.
It frequently happens, however, that whole races, as
well as individuals, are unmindful of their true interests,
in which case it is the more imperative that they should
be cared for by the rest of the world. It is the lot of
society in the East to be moulded into new forms in spite
of itself; to have freedom thrust upon it, and knowledge
made a conquering power. Never in the history of man-
kind did a nation take such pains to subvert its own
dominion, as the English have taken to destroy their
empire over the goodly regions of Hindostan,
We can sum up at this moment all the results of at-
tempts which may be made by the natives of India to
extort political privileges; but it would be hard to say
what might not be gained for the country, if they would
daguerreotype the face of the land, and present in colo urs
234 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
its worn and melancholy features. We can at best only
give a profile — they could furnish a full portrait, and
attest its fidelity.
The Baboos of Bengal, the Chetties and Moodeliars of
Madras, claim to be entitled to equal privileges with the
Englishman; but they have to learn that, although free-
dom has no geographical limits, and the gift of liberty is
a heirloom of all others the most precious, it must never
be bestowed on those who would cut off the entail. To-
entitle themselves to be joined with the Englishman, and
allowed to share in his privileges, they must adopt the
covenant which binds him to look on the whole human
race with sympathy. To the members of that undivided
family freedom is a property in common, and to claim
the right of enjoying is to acknowledge the obligation to
share it. But will the sticklers for caste accept the
liberty they demand on those equitable terms] Will
they allow the barber's son to preside over their legisla-
tive chamber, and see without murmur a pariah promoted
to the highest offices? We are afraid that it is not in
that spirit they would recognise the uses of power. They
would exercise it not as trustees, bound to act for the
common benefit, but as the members of a sect claiming
the right of exclusive enjoyment and the opportunity of
persecution for conscience' sake. They wish to get pos-
session of freedom that they may assassinate her. In
proportion as their licence is extended, the just privileges
of others must be abridged. The consistent assertors of
equal rights demand in the same breath that they may
stand on a level with the English Christian, and be
allowed to trample the Hindoo believer under their feet.
We are to confer upon them the giant's strength, with
the full knowledge that they intend to use it as tyran-
nously as a giant.
Under the heads of civilization, literature, and com-
merce, our countrymen are not justly chargeable with
having diminished the sum total of Hindoo blessings. If
it is said that Suttee, Infanticide, and Thuggee, are amongst
the comforts of civilization, it will be allowable to charge
us with Vandalism; but the Churruck Poojah is still left
to console the devotees of the East. Every year they
SUMMING UP THE GAINS. 235
hang up, without molestation from the authorities, a dozen.
or so of civilized persons, who rejoice in the polished
pastime of revolving round a huge pole by means of iron
hooks passed through their quivering flesh. Not a temple
has been thrown down by the English, not a single deity
removed by proclamation from the calendar. They are at
liberty to practise any of the arts for which their fore-
fathers were famous, as well as those for which the Euro-
pean is renowned. In literature they have not lost Menu,
but they have gained Milton. They can study their own
shastras as well as our sciences, and read Shakspeare
along with the Yedas and Puranas. As for commerce,
our friends the Baboos, Moodeliars, and Chetties will
hardly pretend that their fathers' sons have anything to
complain of on that score. They are at liberty to tradr
with all the world, and when they have counted their
gains, may rely on being permitted to keep them. They
are fast making India an unprofitable place of residence
for the British merchant, and might, if they chose, en-
tirely monopolize the commerce of the country. The
noble has become a pauper, the ryot barely contrives to
keep body arid soul together; but in every part of India
the native trader thrives and fattens. It is he who gathers
up the crumbs that fall from the Company's table, and
gleans in the fields which have been ravaged by the col-
lector and his locust brood. Our government and laws
have been, and continue to be, full of evil; but they will
certainly sustain a comparison with those of the native
sovereigns to whose annals we can point with any degree
of historic certainty. We know little about what was
said and done in the remote periods of history ; but the
forefathers of the present generation can hardly be said
to have experienced the qualified happiness which the
Greek poet ascribed to his ancestors under the rule of
Miltiades, when he sang —
Our tyrants then
Were still at least our countrymen.
They lived and suffered under the changing rule of despo-
tism. In one generation the Hindoo rajah killed pigs in
the sacred places of the Mahomedans j and in the next,
236 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the descendants of the Arabian slaughtered cows on the
hallowed floors of the pagoda. Life and property were
the toys of authority, and liberty a blessing equally un-
known to monarch and to slave.
Englishmen who have a proper sense of their responsi-
bility to God and mankind, feel that they have not done
justice to India ; but the ruler who wishes to escape cen-
sure is only too glad to institute a comparison between
the acts of his own government and those of his native
predecessors. To come to modern times, there are men
now living in the territory of Mysore who remember
Tippoo Sahib, and have paid obedience to the heir of the
ancient Hindoo dynasty who was set up in his room : if
their suffrages could be taken, they would not be inclined
to vote in favour of native sovereigns, however orthodox
in their practice of idolatry or sincere in their profession
of respect for Allah and the Prophet.
For the people of India, the down-trodden masses — for
the beggared rajah whose patrimonial estate has been
wrested from him — for the Brahmin who sighs over the
decay of a religion which, in his heart, he believes to be
of divine origin — we can feel respect and sympathy ; but
we have not much regard for the majority of Hindoo
politicians, who talk of wrongs which they have not suf-
fered, and aspire to the enjoyment of privileges to which
they have as yet no rightful claims. Let them first earn
a title to freedom, and understand the uses to which they
would be bound to apply it. When they are of the same
heart and mind with the Anglo-Saxon, they may be
allowed to share in the fruits of his centuries of toil, and
labour with him in the great field of human improvement.
The terms of the partnership may be arranged with our
descendants.
Though daily losing ground amongst their own people,
the advocates of caste are still a power in India ; but
what share can they have in the triumphs of European,
civilization ? They would retain the old forms of society,
the ancient exclusiveness of rank. They would still
punish heresy as a crime, and make belief a fixity. We,
on the contrary, wrestle daily with the few remaining bar-
riers that remain on the social highway. It is long since
STANDING UP FOR FAIR DIVISION. 237
the peasant was shown how he might rise to be a noble ;
ages ago, the poverty-stricken scholar learned to tread the
path which led to the highest seats in the tabernacle. We
have made the expression of thought as free as the thought
itself. We have introduced the horny-handed craftsman
to the saloons of greatness, and everywhere proclaimed
the universal brotherhood of mankind. How then can
we sympathize with those who seek to perpetuate social
and religious distinctions of the most intolerant class,
who would press down the lowly, and set up again the
broken images of pride and power ? The Englishman
who fights, in the same ranks with the champions of caste,
the opponents of the lex loci, is a traitor to his name and
birthplace, who will meet with no respect and obtain no
support amongst his own countrymen. For every social
hardship which presses on the people of India unfairly,
for every act of administration which sets at nought their
just rights, thousands of disinterested men at home will
be found willing to provide a remedy, or set up a shout of
execration ; but the great dogmas of civil and religious
liberty claim respect equally in Calcutta and London.
We must uphold them in every clime under the sun where
our influence has penetrated. They will flourish under
every kind of temperature, and dispense enjoyment to
every class of mortals. When we have taught the people
of India as much as we know ourselves of the nature and
extent of political rights, we shall have accomplished the
most glorious part of our mission. As soon as they have
learnt that lesson, we may feel less apprehensive as to the
future of the East. The natives will know their own
wants and the means of supplying them. The collector and
the Brahmin may do their worst, in the face of an enlight-
ened public,
CHAPTER XX.
THE RELIGIOUS QUESTION. — NOBLE LORDS UPON CHRISTIAN RULERS.- —
THE DESPOTISM OF KNOWLEDGE. — THE WISE AND GOOD MAN ALWA1:-
A MISSIONARY. — FALSE IDEAS OF NATIVE HOSTILITY TO CHRISTIANITY.
IN the House of Lords, on the 9th of June last, Lord
Ellenborough spoke on the subject of the disaffection in
238 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the Bengal army. The former Governor-General of India
said, in the course of his speech, " I can scarcely believe
it now to be true, though I saw it distinctly stated in the
papers, that the Governor-General himself, Lord Canning,
subscribed largely to a Missionary Society, which has for
its object the conversion of the natives. I deem that fact
of these subscriptions of Lord Canning, the Governor-
General of India, to societies having for their object the
conversion of the natives, if it be true, to be one of the
most dangerous things that could possibly have happened
to the security of our Government in India." The Pre-
sident of the Council, the Marquis of Lansdowne, followed
Lord Ellenborough, and said that, " having the strongest
public and private friendship for Lord Canning, he was
yet prepared to state that if by any error or mistake in
judgment, which he did not believe, and he would not
believe without proof, Lord Canning had so acted as to
give countenance to such belief as the noble earl inferred,
he would no longer deserve to be continued in his office
as Governor-General of India (hear, hear)."
It is held in substance by his lordship and those who
agree with him, that a small body of men have no right
to endeavour the subversion of an ancient faith which
fills and satisfies the mind of a nation ; but if this rule of
action be correct, Sir James Brooke was not warranted in
putting down head-hunting in Sarawak. The Dyaks had
practised it from time immemorial. It was, at the same
time, a religious duty and a custom of chivalry. They
believed that it brought increase of riches as well as
honour. The English civilizer murdered, then, the man
who was put to death by a virtual ex post facto law for
only abiding by the law of his priests, and the traditions
of his fathers. And the like measure of disapproval
must be awarded to every man who has suppressed foreign
customs alien to his own preconceived notions, no matter
whether cannibalism, human sacrifices, or self-immolation.
It will only be necessary to prove, what no one will
attempt to deny, that the said customs were agreeable to
the habits and feelings of the people ; and forthwith it is
.made a crime to disturb them. According to this doc-
THE RESPONSIBILITY OF INTELLECT. 239
trine, civilization could only be advanced by supernatural
meaus, and the idea of superior wisdom is absurd.
It is surely not necessary to employ argument to show
the folly of idol- worship, or the miserable vices of the
Hindoo character in a national point of view. Those
who sneer at Christianity will hardly vaunt, as a proof of
their better appreciation of the ideas most worthy of
man's homage, their own reverence for Hindoo symbols
of divine power. The hatred of priestcraft, the recogni-
tion of the universal rights of mankind, and the acknow-
ledgment of the just superiority of great powers — no
matter in what station of life the possessor may be found
— are altogether incompatible with the support of Brah-
mins and the advocacy of the division of castes ; nor will
any man uphold the superior advantages of Indian pro-
gress, unless he is prepared to deny the uses of knowledge
and the benefits of science. Such a man must avow his
desire to roll back the tide of time, and wholly erase the
fairest pages of the world's history.
We repudiate then altogether the idea that the Hindoos
are competent to offer valid opposition to the march of
European ideas in religion or science, just as we would
the resistance of a child to the projects of the matured
intellect. The fact of an enlightened Englishman ration-
ally espousing the cause of Hindoo hatred to innovation,
is not capable of belief. Such a man can no more in his
heart uphold the doctrines of native theology, or the
follies of native pretensions to science, than he can prefer
the bullock-tracks to the railway, or the tappal to the
electric telegraph. We claim the right, by virtue of
superior power, acquired from the incessant exercise of all
the faculties of mind and body, to pronounce upon the value
of mental efforts, and map out the course of the nation's
travel upon the great highway of human improvement.
But then comes the question, how far are men, in their
individual capacity, bound to spread abroad the superior
knowledge which has been imparted to them ? In physi-
cal affairs the question is easy of solution. The man who
by chance discovers a remedy for a disease hitherto deemed
incurable, and which annually swept off great numbers of
240 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the population, would be deemed a public enemy if he
confined the secret to his own breast. The fate of almost
every discoverer reflects but little honour upon his con-
temporaries. Opposition, contempt, and obscurity — ne-
glect in the market-place and homage in the tomb — make
up the common lot of the world's greatest benefactors ; but,
could Jenner have foreseen with the clearness of prophetic
vision that he should have been spurned as a quack, and
treated as a cheat, alike by the men of his own profession
and the untaught public, would that knowledge have jus-
tified him in the estimation of posterity in withholding
his glorious discovery of vaccination ? According to the
magnitude of a gift, just so is the extent of our obligation
to share its blessings with others. He who knows most,
must work hardest. The knowledge which is not com-
municated loses nearly all its inherent value. And if
such is the case with regard to mere temporal affairs, how
much stronger is the obligation in spiritual matters ! The
man who would cure an aching finger, or as a matter of
duty increase the enjoyments of the passing hour, would
hardly deem himself justified in withholding the know-
ledge of immortality.
We hold that the Government of India have no right
whatever to interfere with the private missionary efforts
of their highest officers, and that the natives have no cause
to complain, so long as these efforts are not backed by the
coercive power of the State. The employment of force
defeats its own object, and is, besides, wholly unchristian;
but what restrictions can the Court of Directors really
place upon the efforts of their servants to disseminate the
light of a purer faith ? Granted, that they could prohibit
a governor-general or a secretary from appearing upon a
missionary platform, they could not prevent them from
subscribing for the maintenance of a Schwartz or a Carey ;
• they could not, without imminent danger to their own
miserable and narrow interests, hinder them from found-
ing Christian schools, or from exhibiting, in a thousand
ways, the force of Christian example. And what, on the
other hand, should induce any man, holding in his heart
the inevitable belief that truth will always prevail, to
hinder the conflict of the opposing principles of reason
FORCING THE REMEDY ON THE PATIENT. 241
and folly ? We absolutely deny the right of the State to
prohibit any man, however high or humble his station,
from doing his utmost to obtain, with the weapons of
mind, victory for his own peculiar opinions. We give
toleration to all creeds, and equal external power to all
forms of belief. It is as competent to the Hindoo as to
the European to battle with pen and tongue in defence of
his faith ; and this claim of liberty, which is held to be
undeniable in the case of the humblest, we cannot surely
withhold from the highest in the State. A ground of
complaint exists when the power which is held in trust
for the common benefit of the community is exerted to
forward the objects of a few. To say that the apparent
bias of members of the ruling authority, exhibited only in
speech or writing, is held to be equivalent to a demand of
obedience, is to declare the absolute slavishness of the
multitude — an inference which would most probably be
repudiated by those who uphold what are called the rights
of the Hindoo.
Upon these broad grounds, then, that the opposition
offered to the growth of European thought is not rational,
and that the State has no right whatever to proscribe the
moral influence of truth, or even of error, if we may be
pardoned the seeming paradox, we hold that the Hindoos
have no just ground of complaint when the peaceable sub-
version of their religion is contemplated, and that the offi-
cers of Government are entitled to exert themselves to pro-
mote missionary objects, on all occasions, in. their private
-capacity. As servants of the State, they are bound to protect
•3.11 ; as heirs of immortality, they are bound to enlighten all.
There are questions upon which the laws and opinions
of the Hindoos ought not to have any weight whatever.
If an innovation sought to be made is in accordance with
the true interests of civilization (and of that the dominant
race only are qualified to judge), we are authorized to
carry it into effect. On what other grounds can we jus-
tify our forcible interference with so many cherished cus-
toms and religious duties ? The Rajpoot thought it was
for the benefit of his race that female infants should be
murdered. The Khond believed that the blessing of
Heaven would attend him if he offered up human sacrifices.
242 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
The Hindoo widow anticipated a glorious hereafter, if she
were permitted to burn with her dead husband. Well,
our people converted all these meritorious acts into crimes.
They debarred heaven from, the widow. They exposed
the Khond to famine and pestilence. They punished in-
fanticide with the penalty of murder. Whence did they
get authority to do this 1 not from the Shasters or the
lips of Brahmins. Not from Rajahs or the native com-
monalty. They walked by the light, and acted by the
force of civilization. They imposed humanity and liberty
upon the ignorant and weak. There was no waiting for
the national sanction. If darkness were not better than
light, the natives would bless them by and by ; and mean-
time they were prepared to encounter all the consequences
of hatred and misunderstanding.
The priests and teachers of the Hindoos regard us with
a feeling which is not to be conciliated by any act of
apostacy on the part of our rulers. They care nothing
about the subscriptions of the Governor-General in aid of
religious societies, or the preaching of the Gospel. It is
our civilization, and not our Christianity, that they dread ;
not the doctrine that the Saviour died for all men, but
the teaching of the fact that the earth is round. Banish on
the morrow all who take an interest in the spread of the
glad tidings ; pull down the pulpits and scatter the con-
gregations, and so long as a school remained open, or a
Hindoo child recollected the first lessons in geography, we
should fail to satisfy them. Wherever our footsteps pene-
trate, tlje pundit finds that his income lessens and his in-
fluence withers. His defeats are not to be measured by
our victories. The deist is a rebel to Hindooism, though
he refuses to fight under the Christian banner. Young
Bengal is not gained by the missionary ; but he is lost to
the Brahmin.
Let no man of our race harbour the foolish thought
that the example of the Emperor Julian might well be
imitated by our chief ruler in India, or that we can win
the affection of the orthodox Hindoo by hindering the
growth of Christianity. From the highest to the lowest,
they will gladly tolerate us if we will only consent to
tolerate them. They have not sought the life of the mis-
A WORTHY ALLY. 24:3-
sionary or the holdings of the planter. They wish to re-
tain their lands and religion, and believe in their hearts
that we intend to deprive them of both by violence. Let
us give them assurance to the contrary, and our Sovereign
will have no firmer allies than the princes of Hindostan, no
subjects more peaceful than the Brahmin and his followers..
CHAPTER XXI.
TORTURE IN THE NOKTH-WEST. — HOW STATES AKE "PROTECTED." —
EXAMPLES OF INDIAN JUSTICE.
IN dealing with the subjects of Indian law and police, one
cannot help giving way to occasional bursts of uncon-
trollable laughter. You are obliged to indulge either in
cursing or cachinnation, and the latter is the more harm-
less, if the less satisfying, mode of venting your feelings.
The tyranny is so unrestrained, the illegality so out-
rageous, as to be really comic. Neither are matched by
any species of rule under the sun. We are not going to
quote examples from the report of the Madras Torture
Commission, which is three years old, nor from Mr.
Halliday's minute on the condition of the police in Bengal,
but will begin with citing instances from a Parliamentary
return ordered by the House of Commons on the 22nd of
June last, nine days after the Gagging Act was passed in
Calcutta. The public must please not to murmur, if we
ask them to turn back with us at the end of a few pages.
Amongst the chief allies of the British Government is
the Rajah of Puttialah. The territories of this prince,
who is a Sikh, form a portion of what are called the
" Protected States," and are situated on the south side of
the Sutlej. When the rebellion broke out, Lord Canning
called upon him for assistance ; and he met the claim
halfway, sending his troops amongst the very first rein-
forcements to Delhi, and affording, by word and deed, the
greatest proof of zeal and friendship. It is reported, on
good authority, that he has lent the Government of the
Punjaub large sums ; and it is more than likely that if,
instead of aiding us, he had raised the standard of the
Khalsa, and called on the Sikhs to make a second fight
for their independence, he would have been joined by
244 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
thousands of the men who are now fighting on our side,
and whose numbers and bravery enabled us to capture
Delhi. How needful it has always been to avoid giving
this influential chief just ground for offence, is a point
that need not be dwelt upon.
Among the list of civilians attached to the North-west
Provinces, is Mr. Henry Brereton. This gentleman has
been fourteen years in the service, and in April, 1854,
and for some time previously, was Deputy-Commissioner,
in charge of the Loodianah district. He is described by
Sir John Lawrence as being a man of vigorous ability.
In October, 1854, certain native petitions were addressed
to the Chief Commissioner, complaining against some pro-
ceedings in the criminal department, and making various
statements, which he ordered to be inquired into. The
result was a report from Mr. Barnes, superintendent of
the Cis-Sutlej States, the greater portion of which we
must give in that gentleman's own words. After stating
his arrival in Loodianah in November, Mr. Barnes pro-
ceeds as follows : — " Before your communication, I had
visited the jail, in company with the Deputy-Commis-
sioner. I had found all the wards crowded with pri-
soners, some of whom, for want of accommodation, were
placed in tents. I was surrounded by men who com-
plained loudly of the means by which they had been
arrested and confined. I had also heard that Mr. Brere-
ton maintained informers, some on a fixed salary, who
were always with him, and some on special duty,
who were only in occasional employ. I heard also nume-
rous complaints against Moosahib Khan, and his brother
Futteh Jung ; and petitions from zemindars of Jugraon,
belonging to castes who have not a good name, had been
presented to me, complaining of the police measures
adopted by the acting tehsildar, Moosahib Khan. Deedar
Sing and Lukh Sing declare that their houses were
searched last May, on suspicion of being concerned in the
Koop robbery case, but that none of the stolen property
was found therein. Nevertheless, all the valuable articles
found in their houses were carried off to the cutcherry,
and still lie there. The property was paraded in the
bazaar, and people were invited to inspect and claim it, if
REWARDING A LOYAL SUBJECT. 245
their own ; but no man has appeared to identify the pro-
perty. The search was instituted at the instance of a
prisoner in the jail, who had a cause of enmity with these
sahookars, and with the Sirdar of Kuneitch, whose house
was simultaneously searched. There appeared to me no
sufficient grounds why they were subjected to this indig-
nity, nor any reason why their lawful property has been
so long withheld from them.
" On the same information, the house of Sirdar Chim-
mun Sing, of Kuneitch, a jageerdar of this district, was
searched. On the 29th April last Mr. Brereton commis-
sioned Futteh Jung Khan Perwanah Navees, the brother
of Moosahib Khan, to undertake this duty. The Sirdar
came into Loodianah, and, at my request, has furnished a
narrative under his own seal of all that occurred. He is
a respectable native gentleman, and has always borne a
good character. He has the testimony of Lieutenant
Lake, then assistant agent at Loodianah, that he behaved
with great loyalty in the campaign of 1845-6. One
evening, late in April last, Futteh Jung Khan came with
a posse of sowars and footmen to his residence. The
Sirdar was treated with great violence ; and shortly after
the Deputy-Commissioner himself made his appearance,
and began the search. The floors were all dug up, and,
according to the Sirdar, his houses at Raepoor were
thrown down. All the property found was carried away ;
he mentions also that eight respectable zemindars of the
village were seized at the same time. They were imme-
diately placed in irons, and made over to Futteh Jung
Khan. Three months they were kept in arrest, and sub-
jected to treatment which he ' cannot describe.' These
eight men were also sent for ; they are Jats, and I believe
perfectly innocent of this crime ; they were severally sub-
jected to torture, and kept in confinement in Futteh
Jung's own house, which is in a secluded part of the city.
The hair of the head (they are Sikhs) was tied to their
leg irons ; wooden pegs were driven into the joints of their
elbows and other sensitive parts. Others were merely
bound tightly and beaten with fists, so that no marks
might remain. I inspected two men, Ham Ditta and
Dittoo ; they bear large scars on their elbows, and on
246 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
other parts of their arms. The cicatrix in each wound
is recent ; and they all solemnly state that these pegs were
forcibly inserted, so as to lacerate the flesh. The man
who operated in all these cases was a wretch called Allah
Buksh, a servant belonging to Futteh Jung. Ham Ditta
and Dittoo were so severely wounded with these pegs, that
they were sent to the jail hospital, and were cured there.
" Eventually, although there was nothing whatever
against them except the malicious statement of a convict,
all these men were required to furnish heavy securities of
200 rupees each, and they were not released till these
securities were produced.
" After I had taken these depositions I went to the
Hawalut, where I found fifty-seven men under confine-
ment. In one case of robbery of 8700 rupees, at Rae-
poor, six men and women were under arrest. Some of
these were arrested in August last, and some in September
last ; yet in two instances only had the defence been taken.
The other four did not know on what grounds they had
been seized. They had not been called upon for their
defence, and had been in Hawalut for many weeks. The
arrests were made by Futteh Jung, on the information of
a single ' Goindah.' Dewa Sing, one of the prisoners,
declares he was tortured by Futteh Jung into a partial
confession. On his testimony, Hurnam Singh, a Jat of
the Puttialah territory, near Thaneysm, was seized, and
also Roopa, his mother. Hurnam declares that he was
confined at Futteh Jung's quarters in the city. A tent-
peg was driven into his anus, and eventually he was sent
to hospital ; he was never confronted with his accuser,
nor was his defence even taken. I found him in the jail
hospital ; and he appears a young Jat, with a countenance
that does not indicate crime. There is no proof against
him. His mother, E-oopa, states that Futteh Jung and
Allah Buksh, and a third man, seized her at her home in
Puttialah, and wanted to strip her. They placed her
under an August sun, and gave her nothing to drink.
Futteh Jung tied a bag of filth over her mouth and nose,
and endeavoured to get her to confess. Roopa also de-
clares that her house at Puttialah was dug down in the
search for stolen property, none of which was discovered.
AGENCY FOR THE COLLECTION OF DEBTS.
247
Money found concealed there, belonging to herself, was
appropriated by Futteh Jung.
" Boodh Sing, Jat, made a partial confession in this case.
He declares it was extorted from him by false representa-
tions and torture. His statement is that Kheema, an in-
former, and Sheik Chimd, a burkundaz in disguise, came
to his house. He entertained them. A month after, Futteh
Jung came to his village, placed a guard round his house,
dug up the floors and walls, and destroyed it. He him-
self was absent, but was seized shortly afterwards. Red
pepper was stuffed in his nose, and a peg driven into his
anus. In his agony he was induced to make a false con-
fession. He has been under confinement since 27th July;
but no order has been passed in his case. He lent out
money to his neighbours, and the list of his debtors was
seized by Futteh Jung, who realized and appropriated
the money. The two men who confessed partially have
had their statements taken down. The other four were
cast into prison; they have never seen their accusers, nor
have their defences been written. They do not all state
that they were tortured. Hurnam Sing and Hoopa state
that torture was employed against them in vain; the
other two simply state that they were arrested, the reasons
thereof they know not. I found two men under arrest
on a charge cf highway robbery, value 48 rupees ; there is
no proof whatever against them. The extra assistant re-
commended their release on the 29th October last, but
they are still in custody. There were two persons seized
by Ahmed Yar Khan, of the same party as Futteh Jung;
their offence is alleged bad livelihood. Ahmed Yar is not
a police-officer; he holds an unauthorized appointment as
1 provider of supplies' to troops marching; he seized
these two men on 12th October last, a month ago; they
are in strict arrest; no proof has appeared against them,
and their defence has not been taken. I found also four
men arrested since 7th August last, at the instance of art
informer called Mootsuddie, on the charge of false coin-
ing; there is no proof whatever against them, and no
defences have been recorded, although these men have
been under arrest three months. There are other instances
of injudicious arrests and illegal treatment among the per-
548 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
sons in the Hawalut, but I have noticed only those cases
in which mention was made of Futteh Jung and Ahmed
Yar Khan, or in which the circumstances were more
flagrant than in others.
" There were six men in the Hawalut at the city Kot-
wallee. Some of these had been there several weeks, none
less than twenty days, and their defence had not been
recorded. While I was visiting the jail four men com-
plained to me of Futteh Jung and Ahmed Yar Khan, and
I took their depositions; they are imprisoned for no spe-
cific crime, but for alleged bad livelihood. Two of these
men are subjects of foreign States arrested by Futteh Jung ;
and a third is a resident of Dhurm Kote, Zillah Feroze-
pore. Their arrest and confinement in the Loodianah
jail on such charges is unjustifiable. Futteh Jung and
Ahmed Yar appear to have had a commission to rove in
foreign territory. They were at Maleir Kotta, Puttialah,
and Nabha, at different periods from last January till the
present time. Futteh Jung is perwanah navees in the
Fouzdarry office. Ahmed Yar was specially employed
in the Koop robbery case on your recommendation, sug-
gesting that a special party should be deputed to investi-
gate the particulars of this crime. No clue whatever has
been obtained, and the establishment sanctioned was dis-
charged on the 30th September last; subsequent arrests
made by Ahmed Yar were entirely illegal, as he had no
police powers whatever."
These are the particulars of the cases represented to
the Chief Commissioner in which these men have been
employed. Allowing for some exaggeration, I feel con-
vinced that Futteh Jung Khan has held almost unlimited
power, which he has grossly and most cruelly abused.
Holding a subordinate appointment in the Fouzdarry
office, he has been commissioned by Mr. Brereton to inves-
tigate crimes, with permission almost to do what he liked,
to go where he pleased, and to arrest any one upon whom
his suspicions might fall ; he has also been allowed to hold
a separate court as it were, prisoners having been kept
for weeks at his quarters ; and, as he was directly inte-
rested in eliciting confessions, I most firmly believe that
he exercised great oppression for this object, particularly
AMIABLE TRAITS OF CHAEACTER. 249
in the instance of the zemindars of Kuneitch; I am con-
vinced that the wounds their bodies show were caused by
the torture he applied. During his long sojourns in
foreign territory it is reasonable to suppose, as alleged by
the victims, that such a man, armed with such power,
committed many atrocities and levied much money. The
chiefs themselves did not complain; it is not etiquette to
mention such matters, and oppression might proceed to
almost any length before the Commissioner would hear of
it from the chiefs themselves. Futteh Jung Khan entered
the district with Mr. Brereton; he had accompanied him
for some years; he is own brother to Moosahib Khan, and
is a villain of the deepest die. Ahmed Yar Khan is one
of the same clique, but he is no relation to the other two ;
there are complaints against him, but he appears to be
milder and more humane than Futteh Jung. I have no
doubt he has extorted much money in his long forays into
foreign territory; but he was not so active nor so cruel
in torture as Futteh Jung : he should simply be dismissed
from employ, a light punishment for the numerous crimes
he has doubtless committed. There have been many com-
plaints preferred against Moosahib Khan for the surveil-
lance he has imposed upon certain villages in his jurisdic-
tion, supposed to have a bad name. The means employed
to prevent the occurrence of crime are very harsh, and the
remedy appears far worse than the evil. A burkundaz is
stationed in every suspected village; he is ordered to
assemble every man, woman, and child residing therein
three times a day. A fourth " parade," as the people call
it, is taken about eleven at night ; any person found ab-
sent from these roll-calls is fined two rupees, ten annas, and
on a repetition of the offence he is fined twenty- five rupees.
Moosahib Khan admits the truth of this account, and
gives as his authority the verbal orders of the Deputy-
Commissioner. He states that on the second offence, not
a fine, but a recognisance of twenty-five rupees is taken.
If so, the first fault is punished more severely than the
second, which seems unlikely. These villages are in-
habited by a race called Harnees, and one or two by
communities of men called Rajpoots. They are the pro-
prietors of mouzahs, paying revenue to Government, and,
250 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
as far as I know, bear a terrible character. Many of
them are in the service of the Rajah of Kupoorthulla, and
hold high rank on his establishment. Admitting, how-
ever, that the race generally is predatory, I think so in-
discriminate and severe a system. as that enforced by Mr.
Brereton and Moosahib Khan is quite indefensible ; a
people might be driven into rebellion by measures like
these. Harnees, like other men, have legitimate calls
upon their time which oblige them to leave their homes :
to interdict them, and to deprive them entirely of their
liberty, is a measure far exceeding the exigencies of the
case. Besides, to place a single burkundaz in that posi-
tion, with leave to compel the attendance of every soul
four times within twenty-four hours, is to give him a
licence to bully, extort, and plunder at his discretion.
Mr. Brereton is actuated by undoubted zeal ; he pursues a
system which he thinks will suppress crime, and be for-
midable only to the worst of mankind. But his judgment
is entirely defective. In order to punish and prevent crime,
he creates a hundred evils, which in my opinion cause more
mischief than the offences he would put down. In his pur-
suits after the ducoits of the Koop robbery he has seized nu-
merous persons quite innocent of the crime. He has allowed
men like Futteh Jung to roam over the protected States
without control ; he has alarmed the respectable section
of the people by the injudicious and causeless searches he
has instituted for stolen property ; and, lastly, he has been
entirely deceived in the character of his agents, who have
robbed, and tortured, and bullied guiltless men in his name.
Another phase in Mr. Brereton's system is, his depen-
dance upon spies. To hear Mr. Brereton himself speak
on the subject one is impressed with a belief that he is
fully aware of the abuses and evils to which a reliance on
such sources will lead. Yet he has three informers con-
stantly about him. I may say they are domesticated in
his house ; they live in his compound, and act occasion-
ally as private servants. Their names are Mootsuddie,
Shurfoo, and Jowahir. Mootsuddie has seized several
persons, and many unjustly; he has received rewards,
and all three draw fixed salaries from Government. They
are soucars, and, I believe, coiners of false coin ; they
THE NARRATIVE TRANSLATED. 251
should be remanded to the Thuggee department, and re-
moved from this district without loss of time.
I have heard numerous complaints against these men,
and especially against Mootsuddie.
I forgot to mention in the body of the letter, that no
less than eighty men have been apprehended since the
commencement of the year on the charge of " bud-
raashee." Of these, thirty have given in their sureties,
and have been allowed to return to their houses ; but
fifty men still remain in jail on this charge. I am en-
gaged in looking over the records of their cases. In
many instances, I have found that the accused have been
thrown into jail on the bare report of the thaunahdar.
There is no proof whatever against them, and yet they
have been imprisoned in default of heavy security, far be-
yond their means, for one year. They are all in irons,
although the law as construed by the Sudr Nizamut ex-
pressly forbids this aggravation of their punishment. In
the neighbouring zillah of Ferozepore, with the same ag-
gregate of prisoners, and within the same time, viz., 1st
January to 31st October, with much the same population
and the same amount of crime, the district officer has
arrested only five men ; and yet in Loodianah eighty men
have been seized. This fact alone indicates the indiscri-
minate severity with which Mr. Brereton employs the
means at his disposal for the criminal administration of
his district.
We have reproduced the exact words of the report in
this instance, because it would have been impossible to
•obtain credence for any other form of statement in which
such facts might be embodied. The knock at the portals
of the English ear must be an official one, or the truth
will not be allowed an entrance. Let us try to realize in
a more familiar way the state of things which prevailed
in Loodianah three years since. The Emperor Napoleon
is not the chief of a " protected State," and is bound to
take care of himself, but he is a neighbour and ally. He
has helped us in our wars like the Rajah of Puttialah,
and gives shelter to a portion of our rascaldom. The
magistrate of Dover had a character for vigorous ability,
and deserved it. Spies served him at table, and informers
252 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
followed his footsteps wherever he moved. The head of
the latter was the magistrate's copying-clerk, " a villain
of the deepest dye," coiner by profession, and thief by the
accident of his position. A respectable inhabitant of
Dover complained that the people living in the same
street with him " could not sleep at night for the cries of
his victims." At times he would have the latter operated
upon under his own immediate inspection, and in one in-
stance he arrested eight respectable tenant farmers, took
them to his own house, and tortured them for a period of
three months, the men being totally guiltless of crime
and accused only by a convict. Bankers, retired officers,
and landed proprietors, whoever had money, were liable
to be seized without a warrant, thrown into jail, and
their assets collected for the benefit of the clerk afore-
said. In all the villages near Folkestone he ordered his
brother, who was a police inspector, to station a police-
man, who assembled the whole population, man, woman,
and child, three times a day during daylight, and again
at ten o'clock at night, the fine for absence being five
shillings and threepence, the sum of three weeks' wages.
Whenever he required change of air, or wanted to
make up the price of some little property that he had
set his mind on, he wTas accustomed to run over to Paris
and invigorate himself in health and pocket. An elderly
French lady deposed that he knocked her house down, and
stole the money that she had concealed on the premises.
He placed her in the sun with the thermometer at 125°,
kept her without water, and tied a bag of filth over her
inouth. Her son was taken to the clerk's house in Paris,
and tortured so horribly, that they were obliged to send
him to the hospital. A third brother, having no official
appointment whatever, roved about Calais, and ran across
into Belgium or Germany " without control." Owing to
the disregard of " rules regarding returns and reports,
supervision on the part of superior authority became im-
possible ; as the detectives worked only on verbal
orders, or no orders at all, they eluded all the usual
checks ; no one knows the number of arrests they made
and did not report, and the amount of property they
seized, and did not account for." Neither the Emperor,
WEAKNESS WHICH EXCITES SYMPATHY. 253
the magistrates of Antwerp, or the burgomasters of Brus-
sels ever complained. The Dover official and his robber
retinue might have gone to any length before our Govern-
ment would hear of it from those gentlemen. " It is not
etiquette to mention such matters."
India is still the land of romance, but men who have
resided there for years and are familiar with its social life
feel, on reading the story of Mr. Brereton, much as a boy
who lays down the book of The Arabian Nights , to
take up a report of the performances of Mr. Anderson.
Sir John Lawrence, who knew that the detailed iniqui-
ties might only be a tithe of what had been perpetrated
under Mr. Brereton's authority, was " sorry to declare his
opinion that a mere warning cannot be depended upon to
prevent any future recurrence of these evils under Mr*.
Brereton's administration. He seems possessed with a
species of infatuation in regard to the use of espionage,
the employment of personal attaches, and the application,
of indiscriminate severity ; from this vicious system ex-
perience does not seem to deter him, nor advice dissuade.
It will be observed from the papers, that some of the
very employe's now arraigned had attracted some kind of
notice in connexion with Mr. Brereton at various periods
and places. The late Board had reason to fear that lat-
terly these abuses had even crept into the Thuggee depart-
ment ; of these suspicions Mr. Brereton was made fully
aware ; indeed, a circular was afterwards issued on the
subject. These circumstances, however, seem to have left
but a transient impression on Mr. Brereton's mind, and
the same men who, as he himself says, have followed him
for years, are now figuring in the present report. The
Chief Commissioner considers that some mark of the se-
vere displeasure of Government is necessary, which may
operate as a stern lesson to Mr. Brereton, and may serve
to keep his judgment straight in these matters for the
future. Moreover, the Chief Commissioner would submit,
that when great faults are clearly brought home to an
officer, some example is called for to vindicate the admi-
nistration before the people, and to preserve it pure from
the like scandal hereafter. The Chief Commissioner would
further be disposed to suggest, that after what has oc-
254 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
curred Mr. Brereton is not suited for employment in the
Punjaub. That officer needs more supervision than can
well be given by any of our commissioners, whose duties
are so numerous. In the older provinces there are judges
to supervise and restrain as well as commissioners. It has
been suggested that Mr. Brereton should be appointed to
some station which forms the head-quarters of a commis-
sionership. But there are many practical difficulties in
this course. Such stations usually require the best offi-
cers ; and there are usually reasons why those districts
should continue to be held by their present incumbents.
Indeed, with this very view of securing supervision, the
Chief Commissioner had contemplated transferring Mr.
Brereton from Loodianah to Lahore ; but waived this in-
tention in consequence of the judicial commissioner urg-
ing that this officer's peculiar system would be particu-
larly mischievous at the capital, as calculated to irritate
and distress a large city population. If Mr. Brereton
should remain in the Punjaub, it will be undesirable,
after all that has happened, that he should reassume
charge of Loodianah."
Sir John Lawrence felt towards Mr. Brereton as an
^English overseer feels towards a troublesome pauper. He
was anxious to get him carted into the adjoining parish,
and cared nothing about the trouble he might give the
next board of guardians that had to deal with him. But
Lord Dalhousie, to whom the papers in the affair were
transmitted in due course, objected to this method of
getting rid of the difficulty of " how to punish a civilian."
" The Commissioner," said the Governor-General, " has
suggested no specific measure ; but he casually hints that
he wishes that Mr. Brereton should no longer be employed
in the Punjaub. I cannot accede to this wish. The faults and
irregularities of Mr. Brereton have n o partic ular heinousness
in the Punjaub. They would be open to the same degree
of objection if committed anywhere else in the Indian
territories. If Mr. Breretou is unfit to be employed in
the Punjaub, he is equally unfit to be employed in the
North- west Provinces. I should object to his being sent
back to those Provinces. I do not consider it fit that the
rest of the Presidency of Bengal should be used as a pre-
LORD DALHOUSIE'S OPINION. 255
serve, whence very many of the best men have been
drafted to the Punjaub, and that it should be made use
of also as a penal district, to which every offending officer
in the Punjaub should be immediately transferred."
Lord Dalhousie pronounced upon the case as follows : —
" I am of opinion that the Government of India, consis-
tently with a due regard to its own character arid to the
protection which it owes to those who are placed under
its charge, cannot consent to leave in Mr. Brereton's
hands the power which he has so grievously abused. I
am of opinion that Mr. Brereton cannot, for the present,
be fitly entrusted with the authority of a Deputy-Commis-
sioner j that he ought to be removed from that grade to
the grade of a first-class assistant ; and that he ought not
to be restored to the grade of a Deputy-Commissioner, or
to any corresponding authority, until his conduct shall
have satisfied his superiors that he better appreciates the
responsibility of a British officer in this country, and can
better use the civil powers with which he has heretofore
been entrusted."
The case had still to go before the Court of Directors,
and the consummate tact with which they managed it
was worthy of their reputation in the East. In an un-
wise moment Sir James Hogg, standing counsel for the
Company in the House of Commons, had allowed his
sympathies to get the better of his judgment, and know-
ing that torture had never been sanctioned by the
Government, he went to the length of asserting that
it was wholly unknown in India. The lapsus was
most unfortunate ; the enemies of the Company per-
suaded Lord Harris, the Governor of Madras, to ap-
point a commission of inquiry, and the subject was
busily agitated at the very time that Mr. Barnes made
his report. The Torture Commission did not send in its
report till the loth of April, 1855, and it would have
been madness to let it be known in the previous January,
that in the territory recently acquired from the Sikhs
torture was so common that its application by men having
no authority to make arrests disturbed the nightly sleep
of quiet inhabitants ; whilst hope of redress was so
idle, that the people never complained to Mr. Brereton
256 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
on the subject. What would Parliament say if they
heard of the atrocious outrages perpetrated on the sub-
jects of foreign States by servants of the Government
that annexed Chide? If this state of things prevailed
in the country of the warlike Sikhs, what might be
reasonably assumed with regard to the treatment of
the cowardly Bengalee, and the do\vn-trodden peasantry
of Madras 1 " Hush ! gentlemen of the chairs and com-
mittees ; let the sleeping dog lie : tide over the perilous
time, and remember that you have to be ' astonished
and pained' when the Torture Commission makes its
' statement."
Eighteen months after the date of Mr. Barnes's re-
port, the Court of Directors addressed the Grovernor-
General in Council on the subject. They approved of
the decision by which Mr. Brereton had been removed
from the grade of Deputy-Commissioner to that of as-
sistant, " not to be promoted until his superiors are
satisfied of his being fit to be entrusted with higher
authority." Their delay in pronouncing on the matter
was, it may be inferred, the result of their having " hesi-
tated whether official misconduct so glaring, and the
cause of so much injury and suffering, ought to be
visited with a punishment less severe than dismissal
from the public service." The directors go on to say —
" Mr. Brereton's superiors acquit him of any knowledge
of the cruelties which were inflicted by the worthless
agents whom he employed. We observe his assurance,
' So utterly was I in ignorance of the truth, that even to
the last I could not realize the fact that any atrocities
had been committed. When the veil was once lifted
from my eyes, I perceived at once the whole occurrence,
and need hardly observe the distress of mind and horror
which I have suffered at the bare thought of being, how-
ever unconsciously, the cause of misery to others ;' and
are of opinion that, however much, therefore, Mr. Brere-
ton is condemned for acts in excess and in abuse of legal
authority, both on his own part and on that of the un-
principled agents in whom he placed a blind and unlimited
confidence, we are nevertheless persuaded that he fully
participates in the abhorrence with which acts of wilful
cruelty and oppression are regarded by the European
PAYING WAGES. 257
officers of Government in India. Under this impression,
we are induced to refrain from carrying the punishment
of Mr. Brereton's misconduct further than you have done.
We desire, however, that you will inform Mr. Brereton
that any similar misconduct will result in his immediate
dismissal from the public service." To show that they
were in earnest, the directors pointed out that the doctor
of the Loodianah jail had two of Mr. Brereton's victims
under his care for two months in a private room, their
injuries arising from torture. The doctor must have
seen the wounds and ascertained how they were inflicted.
Why did he not report the facts ? They desired that his
conduct, and that of everybody in the jail at all con-
cerned, should be made the subject of general inquiry.
Mr. Brereton took his furlough and went home, re-
ceiving of course the usual allowance paid to a civilian in
England. At the end of three years from the date of
" leaving the pilot " he will come back, and find no diffi-
culty in satisfying his superiors that he is fit to be en-
trusted again with power ; so that the entire measure of
his punishment will be the amount of salary that he lost
whilst under suspension. Futteh Jung was sentenced to
eight years' imprisonment, and his brother was dismissed
from Government employment, and their victims were
compensated out of the public treasury for their sufferings
by torture. The Loodianah jailer, who received the pri-
soners with only a verbal order, and the doctor who
attended them, were " warned," and at the end of two and
a half years the whole matter was rounded off. The
Puttialah Jats will perhaps exhibit their scars to match
those which their countrymen may show who fought
for us before Delhi, and the rest of the late prisoners
will of course pray for the continuance of the Company's
Eaj.
There are now thirty thousand Sikhs in the service of
the East India Company. We believe they will be true
to their salt ; but when the disciples of Nanuk meet in
the sacred city of Umriosur, there will not be wanting,
amongst the stories of English greatness and Sikh courage,
narratives of the cruel mode in which we have occasionally
dealt with the rich noble and the humble retainer. We have
seen how Sikhs have been treated in the Punjaub : let us
258 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
now tell of the way in which law has been administered
to them in the North-west.
Some forty-eight years ago, a Brahmin from Saharun-
poor made his appearance at the Court of Runjeet Singh.
He was of handsome person and winning address, and
accomplished as most Brahmins are in the arts of pleasing.
His religion stood in the way of his advancement, but not
for long. Khoushal Singh became a Sikh, and in time
rose to be Jemadar of the Deoree, or Lord of the Entry,
the virtual prime minister of the Punjaub. His two
brothers hastened to share his fortunes, and rose to offices
of distinction. One of them had a son named Tej Singh,
the traitor who sold his country to the British in the first
Sikh campaign ; the other is represented by a boy of whom
more will be said in season.
The influence of Khoushal Singh lasted for many years,
during which time he amassed enormous wealth ; but a
youth, named Goolab Singh, was one day accepted as a
recruit in his regiment of horse, who soon caught the eye of
the Maharajah, and rapidly mounted the ladder of ad-
vancement. He, too, called his relatives about him, and
the Rajpoot faction in time gained paramount sway.
Khoushal Singh sank quietly into a subordinate position ;
but it was not until the life of his master was drawing
visibly to an end that he began to put in practice a
long-meditated resolution of transporting his family and
riches into the British territory. He fixed one portion of
his household at Hurdwar, and commenced building a
magnificent palace at Ekree, near Sirdhana, in the Meerut
district. The house was built under the superintendence
of an Italian architect, Signor Reghelini, who had designed
the cathedra, and the Begum Sumroo's palace at Sird-
hana ; and when finished, it was inhabited by the favourite
wife of Khoushal Singh, and the two wives of his eldest
son, Kishen Singh, for whom the chief part of his wealth
was intended. Treasure to the amount of 300,000£ was
said to be deposited in the vaults at Ekree, in gold mohurs,
ingots, and jewels. The money for building the Ekree
palace was entirely disbursed by Motee Ram, a Hindu of
the writer caste, who, during the lifetime of Khoushal
Singh, managed his domestic affairs. At that place he
RESPONSIBILITY WITHOUT POWER. 259
paid the pensions and salaries of all the servants, and was
even entrusted with the superintendence of the house-
hold ; the females of the family being authorized to enter
the zenana, and see that matters were properly conducted
in the absence of the lord. Dewan Kour, the wife of
Khoushal Singh, with her daughters-in-law, received their
allowances at his hand, and, in every respect, Motee Ram
acted as the representative of the head of the family.
Khoushal Singh died in 1844, and his son Kishen
Singh, then at Lahore, performed the funeral ceremonies of
his parent, and claimed the property. But the troubles
in. the Punjaub hindered him from coming to take posses-
sion. On the application of Motee Ram, who was con-
firmed in his position of steward, he sent down a reinforce-
ment to the Sikh guard at Ekree, from the retainers of
the family at Lahore, with orders that they were to obey
his cousin, a boy of twelve or thirteen, and Motee Ram.
The force now amounted to nineteen men, under the com-
mand of Jemadar Kyroddeen, a Mahomedan of good family,
and a zealous adherent of the house of Khoushal Singh.
In the latter end of 1844 the magistrate and collector
of Meerut was informed that there were two parties con-
tending for the right of possession at Ekree — the one
representing the interests of Kishen Singh, and the other
being a Brahmin of Deobund, named Bhugwan Singh,
who married a daughter of Khoushal Singh's, by Dewan
Kour. Motee Ram gave in a petition, and claimed pro-
tection, which was opposed by a counter-petition from the
widow, who affirmed that she wished to be placed under
the guardianship of her son-in-law. The magistrate or-
dered the Kotwal of Sirdhana to inquire into the facts of
the case. He did so, and reported that the family of
Motee Ram were living in the house, as they had done
for years past, and that there had been no breach of the
peace.
Here was a case for the sole intervention of the civil
tribunal, but the nature of rights and the claims of juris-
diction are sometimes confounded in courts which claim
to be ruled by equity and conscience, rather than by
statutes and precedents. The matter was again brought
before the magistrate, who bound both parties, under
260 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
heavy recognizances, not to go near the house ; but on re-
ference to the judge, Mr. Begbie, that functionary decided
that the order should be relaxed in favour of Bhugwan
•Singh, who it was considered had a right, in consequence
of his near relationship, to visit the widow and offer her
advice and consolation. As for Motee Ram, he was de-
barred from all access, and induced to beg that he might
be formally released from his responsibility. " Since it is
the pleasure of the Sirkar" — such was the purport of his
petition — " that I should not be allowed to look after my
master's property, let Bhugwan Singh, or the servants of
the Great Company, come and take an inventory of every-
thing, and give me a receipt for it. How else shall I
look my master in the face, when his wealth, which he left
in my care, is carried away and ruined ?"
Does not the reader already divine how affairs will ter-
minate ? Some thirty lakhs are in dispute ; the rival
claimants are a Brahmin residing close at hand, the other
an unknown Sikh at Lahore, who is represented by a
writer and a boy, and who will soon be a national enemy
of the British ! The contest is carried on in an obscure
corner of the East, where journalism has no influence, and
public opinion is unknown. We feel that the defeat of
Motee Ram is certain, but no one can guess the fate which
is in store for him.
A word or two of necessary digression at this point of
the narrative. Fourteen years since the collectorate of
Meerut had a very bad reputation, as any one may find
out who will take the trouble to read the reports upon
the civil and criminal administration of justice in the
North-west at the period in question. It was declared
that more fraudulent suits were instituted in that district
than in any other. Great numbers of persons were
arrested, and subsequently dismissed without apparent
cause; and the highest authorities debated upon the most
effectual means of enforcing the execution of the decrees
of the civil courts, which in the Meerut district were little
better than waste paper in most instances. A man might
get his verdict, but to realize the fruits of it was alto-
gether another matter. If the law had favoured the
plaintiff, the fact was a good reason why the native offi-
cials should favour the defendant, except, indeed, the
PICKING A WAY THROUGH THE BOG. 261
former could show better reasons than he dared to produce
in court for being allowed to get execution. Hence the
course of justice was impeded, and a host of evils en-
couraged j the growing prosperity of the Omlah being the
only signs that any class of men in a zillah, containing a
population of nearly a million of souls, were reaping
benefit from the mode in which it was governed.
The native officers in the district were remarkably
unanimous, and strictly co-operative in carrying on their
business. There were thirty-four who belonged to a single
family, the head of which, a Kajpoot, some few genera-
tions back embraced the Mahomedan faith, to which
his descendants have since adhered. A Hindu proverb
has immortalized a striking trait of the family character ;
the treachery of a Kumbo is set down as a fact which the
Asiatic world may take for granted. At the time we
speak of, they held every post of importance at Meerut.
The magistrate and collector was very fond of society,
and society in turn was very fond of him. In the hot
seasons he was an invaluable acquisition to the sporting
circles at Simla and Mussouri, inasmuch as he played for
large sums, which he always lost and always paid. No
one ever suspected him of unfair play, since the longer he
sat at table, and the higher the stakes were raised, the
more money he had to pay at settling time. Folks pitied
his ill-fortune; but since somebody must lose, it was
agreed on all sides that the lot could not fall upon one
who was likely to bear it with more good temper, and
repair it with greater facility.
We must now pick our way over a very difficult bit of
ground, which requires to be trodden with much care and
circumspection. In May, 1851, a small band of prisoners
might have been seen on the road from Agra to Meerut.
Their guards were strictly enjoined to prevent them hold-
ing communication with any person whatever, and, to that
end, they closed up round them at meal times, and dili-
gently watched them as they slept. One of the criminals
was a Hindoo of mature age, with a broken and dejected
air, who seemed to have abandoned all hope of change.
The other was a fine-looking, courtier-like man, whom
chains and a felon's garb had not robbed of a natural
grace and dignity. They were Motee Earn and Kyroddeen,
262 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
who liadbeen sent for from the Agra jail to give evidence
in the inquiry then pending, and the object of the jealous
precautions observed during the journey was to satisfy
the mind of the Commissioner that they had not been in-
structed or informed in any way as to how they should
act, or what was expected from them.
The testimony on which the collector and magistrate's
conduct was sifted, must be taken just for what it is
worth. It charged two of the Kumbos with corruption,
and we had better not say what else it pretended to show.
Motee Ram was declared to have given one of these men
10,000 rupees, and a promissory note for 40,000 rupees,
on condition of being allowed to hold Ekree, which coming
to the ears of Bhugwan Singh, that shrewd individual,
who knew the influence of ready cash, offered half a lakh
down, which was accepted. Most likely there is not a
word of truth in either case. What follows is beyond the
reach of doubt and cavil.
Some days after the judge had decided that Bhugwan
Singh had leave to visit the house at Ekree, word was
brought to Motee Ram that the treasure was in the course
of removal to Deobund, and would soon be entirely car-
ried away. As stated beforehand, his request to be fur-
nished with a receipt for the delivery of the property to
the magistrate or Bhugwan Singh had not been complied
with, and in an unlucky moment he addressed himself to
Kyroddeen and the Sikh guard, and asked if they intended
to prove unfaithful to their salt by allowing their mas-
ter's property to be made away with 1 The Sepoys re-
plied that of course they would obey the orders of himself
and Dabee Sehaee ; on which the whole party marched
over to Ekree, and finding the entrance defended by the
servants of Bhugwan Singh, forced their way in, one man
being wounded in the scuffle. The ejected faction has-
tened to give the alarm that a band of dacoits had stormed
and held possession of the house ; but first they took the
precaution to lock the outer doors on the declared ruffians,
a proceeding which evinced a great deal of reliance on the
mildness of their demeanour to the inmates of the zenana,
and an equally anxious wish to take care of their persons
till the arrival of assistance from without.
STRETCHING A POINT. 263
The entrance into Ekree was effected about nine P.M.,
and soon after daylight the following morning a portion of
the police battalion, under Captain Chiene, and a large body
of men, headed by the magistrate, reached the spot, which
is twelve miles from Meerut. Captain Chiene, who inarched
with an advanced guard, and all due military precaution,
was surprised, on coming up, to see Motee Ram at one of
the verandahs. " What are you doing there T said the
captain. " I ani taking care of the house," replied Motee
Ram ; " but Bhugwan Singh's people have locked us in.'*
There is reason to believe that the captain was puzzled
what to make of the matter ; but he summoned the party
inside to surrender, and the doors being unfastened,
twenty men, each armed with a musket and sword, came
out, and fell in as prisoners, in regular rank and file.
Motee Ram, and the child, Dabee Sehaee, were also seized,
and the captives being marched some distance out of the
village, were seated on the ground and searched. In the
sand near them were found some articles of jewellery, said
to have been taken from Ekree. The Sepoys denied all
knowledge of them ; but of course they were not believed.
They proved that, on entering the house, they had placed
guards over the apartments of the females and the trea-
sury, and found that the latter contained only 25,000
rupees. Perhaps they urged that robbers, after having
had the opportunity of ransacking houses, were always
anxious to make their escape; whilst, if they found that
hopeless, and knew that a force was coming to capture
them, they would take care that none of the plunder should
be found on them. What their line of argument really
was we cannot say ; but in due time they were committed
to the sessions, and sentenced by Mr. Begbie, as dacoits, to
periods of imprisonment varying from fourteen to ten
years, in the Agra jail. Here is the definition of the
offence with which they were charged : — " Dacoity : rob-
bery by open violence ; — any person or persons who in
the day or night go forth with any offensive weapons, or
in a gang, with or without an offensive weapon, with the
criminal intent of committing a robbery."
Thus those poor foreigners, the Sikh Sepoys, for their
fidelity to their master, were punished as burglars. Their
264 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
sole duty in this life was to render obedience to the man
who fed them. What did they know of decrees of ejection,
and bonds of recognizance 1 Their chiefs said to them,
" Go," and they had gone. They did the work which they
had covenanted to perform, and their English judge esti-
mated and rewarded it.
It was an effective way of terminating a lawsuit and
creating a title. To charge Motee Ram, the original
" man in possession," with the offence of dacoity ; with
stealing that which, in the eye of the law, was his own
property ! Mr. Begbie scorned the aid of John Doe and
Richard Roe. His law was as swift as that of Judge
Lynch, and almost as much to be venerated.
Years rolled away, many of the Sepoys died, and the
rest might have been seen grinding otta daily, with fetters
on each limb. Dabee Sehaee, who was released on account
of his tender age, lives at Hurdwar. His uncle, Kishen
Singh, died in 1850; and in the attempt to have the case
re-opened, Dabee Sehaee brought forward the evidence
that we have detailed. Tej Singh, the present head of
the family, enjoyed the reward of having given Lord
Hardinge a victory, and a step in the peerage, and was
not likely to trouble himself with the fate of the poor
retainers of his house. But at last Motee Ram and
Kyroddeen were released. The collector died a judge ;
Bhugwaii Singh bought a zemindary, and no one was
greatly discontented, except it might be the people who
are too low, or Providence which is too high, to interfere
in such matters.
Our next illustration is drawn from the Madras Presi-
dency. It contains a greater variety of incident, and shows
how powerless even the Privy Council and the Queen are
to enforce the doing of justice in India.
The northern districts of Madras bear a marked resem-
blance to the Highlands of Scotland, both in physical
conformation and the social condition of the people, as
both existed a hundred years since. The head men were
feudal chiefs owning large tracts of land partially re-
claimed, and paying but a nominal tax to the sovereign
power. When the English found their way to this remote
part of the country, they thought it advisable to deal
A NABOB OF THE OLDEN TIME. 265
liberally with the petty rulers of the Northern Circars,
both from the difficulty of coercing them, and the unpro-
fitable results of severe measures. They settled the land-
tax, therefore, at sixty per cent, of the nett income realized,
and allowed the landholders to levy certain petty dues
and customs. The latter were afterwards abolished, but
the revenue demand was unaltered, sunnuds having been
given to the zemindars at the outset of our connexion
with them, in confirmation of those granted by the pre-
vious rulers of the country.
Amongst the most distinguished of those great landed
proprietors was Yencatreddy Naidoo, the Rajah of Vasa-
reddy. His estates stretched for more than a hundred
miles along the fertile banks of the Kistnah, and con-
sisted of many hundred villages swarming with inhabi-
tants, and rich in every kind of tropical cultivation.
His father and himself had helped the English in their
attempt to get a footing in the country, and of all their
tenants, none paid so well and regularly. There were
frightful famines in Guiitoor and other northern districts
in 1791 and 1802, arising in a great measure from the
total neglect by Government of the tanks and water-
courses built by former possessors of the land ; a great
fall in prices occurred in 1796-7, and in 1816 the Pindar-
ries swept like a combined whirlwind and pestilence over
the whole face of the land, but the Rajah paid up in all
cases the full revenue claim of 68,000/. per annum, and
this in spite of the most lavish personal outlay during
his whole lifetime. He had built palaces and pagodas
without number, and spared no cost in the way of buying
power in this life, and a title to heaven in the next. The
Nizam gave him the title of Munnay Sultan in exchange
for an offering of 35,000?. Bajee Rao, the ex-Peishwa of
the Mahrattas, took his money and gave compliments in
return. He weighed himself once against gold, and twice
against silver, and each time emptied the scales into the
yawning pockets of the Brahmins. He maintained the
largest following, purchased the most devout prayers and
the most beautiful wives, and at his death died the pos-
sessor of wide-spread fame, and of half a million in hard
cash. It was needful to dwell upon this example of Eastern
266 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
wealth and extravagance, that the reader might realize
the full significance of what is about to follow.
The Rajah Vencatreddy died in 1815, and his son, who
succeeded to the estates, lived ten years, during which
time the greater portion of the half million in money dis-
appeared. Rajah Jugganatha left two wives and two
adopted sons. The one, Lutchmeputty Naidoo, who was
first chosen, was a child of only six years ; the other,
Ramanadha Baboo, had reached the age when, according
to Hindoo law, he might enter into the possession of pro-
perty. The wives, who had procured the respective
adoptions, took, of course, separate sides : a lawsuit was
commenced in 1829, and pending its settlement the Govern-
ment officers took possession of the land. In other words,
the estates were put into Chancery, only that, in Madras,
it is the Board of Revenue that appoint the receiver. In
this case the property passed under the control of the
authorities, not only unincumbered, but with a surplus of
nearly 50,00 0£. in the public treasury.
If vultures have any sense of gratitude for fat carcases
vouchsafed to them, we may infer that the revenue officers
thanked the gods for this glorious opportunity of plunder.
The tenures of subordinate posts in the districts where the
estates lay became materially shortened. The hungry
Brahmins came from all quarters, fed, grew fat, and dropped
off, to make room for friends and relations, all keen of
appetite, and skilled in tearing \ip the corpus, from which
law and industry, the life and soul, had departed. No
more was heard of surplus revenue, and the estates soon
ceased to yield even the amount of the Government tax.
The reserved fund was attacked, and vanished almost in
an instant. It was a race against litigation, which might
possibly be terminated at any moment, when the lands
would revert to the management of the proprietor. To
guard against the consequences of such a calamity was the
ceaseless occupation of the collector's establishment.
The result of the suit in the Company's Court was fa-
vourable to the pretensions of Ramanadha Baboo, who was
declared the lawful heir to the zemindary, and petitioned
to be put in possession. But the guardians of Lutchme-
putty had appealed to the king in council, and a law,
SECOND THOUGHTS BEST. 267
passed by the imperial legislature, specially provided for
such cases. Either the appellant or the respondent might
have the management of the estates, on giving full security
for the satisfaction of the final decree. It was but fair
that Ramanadha should have the control of the property ;
but since the decision of the highest tribunal might be
against him, when he would be liable for every shilling of
profit that he had received, he must place in the hands of
the Court the most complete security for the amount of
surplus rent. In answer to an application, the Sudder
Court fixed the security at the sum of 25,000£. per annum.
The finding of such an amount at the end of every
twelvemonth suited neither the means nor the inclinations
of Ramanadha, but a shrewd man in the East is seldom at
a loss how to get over such a difficulty, when in such a
position. The Court's decree had given him possession of
the personal property of Jugganatha, and he could raise
money without trouble. At this crisis of his fortunes he
sent a sum of 17,000£ to the Presidency, and soon after it
reached the capital instructed his vakeel to renew his ap-
plication for possession without giving security. In the
teeth of the clear letter and spirit of the law, and of the
Court's previous decision, it seemed little else than an im-
pertinence to the judges and a waste of money to the
client ; but, strange to say, the Sudder reversed their pre-
vious conclusion, and in spite of King's and Company's law
they now decided that Ramanadha should have the estates.
Nothing, it must be understood, is ever considered to be
finally settled in the Company's highest Court. The judges,
some of whom, perhaps, have never sat on a bench of jus-
tice until the day when they were placed at the head of
the civil and criminal jurisdiction over the teeming mil-
lions of Hindostan, are enlightened enough not to care
for precedents. It was no matter for wonderment, there-
fore, in Madras or Bengal, that a " final order" should be
reconsidered and reversed ; but in this instance it was
thought to be rather stretching a point to set aside an
Act of Parliament which was in accordance with the
simplest principles of equity. However, that was a mere
matter of opinion, nothing more !
The interests of Lutchmeputty were considerably da-
268 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
maged by this last decision. Hitherto, Ramanadha had a
common cause with himself in guarding against the spoli-
ation of the estates ; but henceforth the latter would only
seek to make a purse for himself, so as to be independent
of the final disposition of the property. The Sudder Court,
in assigning reasons for allowing him to get possession,
said no security was required, because the zemindar's pro-
fits had disappeared, whilst, as to the Government revenue,
the public officers would of course take care to realize that
as it fell due. The reckless dishonesty of this statement
was patent to themselves, and to all who were acquainted
with the revenue system of Madras. The regulations gave,
to be sure, the most ample powers for the recovery of the
State dues, either by the immediate seizure and confine-
ment of the defaulter, the sale of personal property, or the
attachment of the land ; but, owing to the frightful pres-
sure of the Government demand, it was found expedient,
in the case of all settled estates, to take what could be had
from the zemindar, and allow the arrears to accumulate at
twelve per cent, interest. Ramanadha, it was known,
would exact all that he could get from the ryots, and hand
over as little as the collector's people would consent to
take. The goose had merely changed hands ; the mode of
obtaining the golden eggs was the same under the rule of
either party.
The assigned reasons of the Sudder Court for its last
order gave Lutchmeputty, of course, a right to come for-
ward at any time, if he could show that they were not con-
sistent with the state of the facts. This privilege he
availed himself of by frequent remonstrances, until at last
the judges were worried into addressing a letter to the
Revenue Board, in which they asked whether it was true,
as the appellant repeatedly asserted, that Ramanadha was
wasting the property for his own gain ? The public de-
partments in question are located four miles apart, but it
took seventeen months to get an answer to this communi-
cation. At the end of that period the Revenue Board
replied, that all which had been alleged on the subject was
quite true. The estates were now heavily indebted on
account of arrears, and they had just given an order to
attach the zemindary.
HELP IN THE DISTANCE. 269
It is but a small leap from the frying-pan into the fire.
The collector's men were again in possession, and there
were still some good pickings on the bones. The Govern-
ment authorities had first swallowed up the 50,000£. a
year that used to find its way into the pockets of the
zemindar, next they got rid of the balance in the treasury,
and thirdly they accumulated a debt of 140,000£. for ar-
rears. Ramanadha's addition to the latter reached 76,000?.,
so that at the time of the second attachment the en-
tire arrears standing against the estate amounted to
216,000£. The stone had now got to the middle of the
descent, and was sure to reach the bottom.
In 1842 the Court of Directors were induced to make
one of those benevolent interpositions in favour of their
Indian subjects which read to such advantage in Blue
Books and speeches in Parliament. They wished to save
from utter ruin those fine old families whose estates were
now hopelessly involved, mainly, of course, through their
own dissipated course of life and want of business habits,
but owing, perhaps, in a small degree, to hard times and
a very little of undue pressure on the part of the local
government. The Madras authorities were directed to
call on the zemindars to surrender their title-deeds, so as
to enable Government to deal with the estates as effec-
tually as if they had been acquired at public auction. The
collectors were then to set on foot a detailed survey of
each property, to execute works of irrigation and general
improvement, and finally to make liberal agreements with
the cultivators before giving back possession to the owners.
Attributing in some degree the depressed condition of the
estates to the frequent changes of management, arising
from the constant transfer of collectors from one district
to another, they proposed that these gentlemen should be
tempted, by the offer of higher salaries, to remain in their
appointment. The zemindars were to have a suitable
allowance, and the discharge of their private debts should
be left to the discretion of the authorities.
The Government of Madras handed the above instruc-
tions to the Board of Revenue, and the latter passed them
on to the collector, directing that " Mr. Stokes should, in
the first instance, ascertain from the zemindars whether
s
270 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
they are willing to surrender their estates on the terms
proposed by the Honourable Court, which he should take
especial care to have explained to them ; and," said the
Board, with a touch of grim humour, " considering the
alternative, the application is not likely to be refused."
Karnanadha Baboo did, however, hold out for a time ; but
on being threatened with a sale he gave up his title-deeds,
received a pension of 12001. a year, and waited, with the
rest of the Guntoor landholders, for the good times which
the Honourable Company had in store for them.
The collector received the instructions of the Board, and
acted thereupon as the Company's servants have been in
the habit of proceeding since the days of Warren Hastings
with regard to similar documents. He filed them, and
took no further notice. Whenever he drew the increased
allowance suggested as the proper compensation for the
increased labour imposed upon him ; when the zemindars
sent in their quarterly petitions; when he saw the cattle
of the peasantry dying in the beds of the dry water-
courses; or passed in his palanquin through the roofless
and deserted villages, he might possibly think of his duty
of promoting works of irrigation — of giving comfort to
the ryot, and restoring wealth to the ruined noble; but
such reflections would only have a temporary effect. The
district must send forward its usual quota of revenue, and
those who left him without a surplus were answerable for
the neglect of public works and the breach of private
obligations. And hence it was that the zemindaries pro-
gressed from bad to worse for four years longer. No
single step had been taken in the path chalked out in
1 S-1 2 ; and at last the Marquis of T weeddale, a pious,
conscientious governor, gave his consent to the absolute
sale of the estates. There was no one near him who had
cared to say that Government had already obtained pos-
session of the lands as absolutely as if they had acquired
them by purchase; that improvements could be made
neither cheaper nor better by a change of title ; and that,
above all, the estates had been surrendered on the express
condition that they should be given back. Such conside-
rations concerned no one in office, and so the Vasareddy
zemindary in Guntoor, the debt upon it increased by the
COMING IK SIGHT OP LAND. 271
sum of 38,000£ since the title-deeds and responsibility
had been transferred to the State, was put up to auction,
in 1846, and bought by the Government for 500£. Now
they had got rid of the rival Rajahs and their claims, and
could see their way in the matter of making paying im-
provements.
All this time the appeal to the King in Council was
pending. The papers had gone home in 1832, and four-
teen years had elapsed without the slightest notice being
taken of the matter. There were no witnesses to be
examined, and the lower courts had taken care to exact
the deposit of what was considered a sufficient sum to
cover costs. But the East India Company were not con-
cerned in the settlement of such causes, and what could
women and children in India know of the way to proceed ?
What would a Leicestershire squire of the old school be
likely to make of a suit which must be carried on in a
strange tongue, in courts sitting fifteen thousand miles
off? Perhaps the Yasareddy appeal might have been
unheard at this moment, had not Lord Brougham, with
that practical sagacity which has made him so truly
famous, discerned a mode of redressing one of the evils
of Indian administration of justice. A bill was passed
compelling the Company to prosecute all such appeals as
were then on hand, and making provision for the proper
disposal of such cases in future. Under the provisions of
this Act, the Yasareddy suit was brought to a hearing
before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in
1848. The decision of the Sudder Court was reversed,
and Lutchmeputty Naidoo declared sole heir to the entire
zemindary.
There was much feasting in the halls of Lutchmeputty
Naidoo, now a man of twenty-three, when the Queen's
decree was made known. Old ryots thought of the days
of Yencatreddy, and believed that they might come round
again, and his friends lauded the justice of the Queen's
courts, where a man's rights could only rest in abeyance
for a season. In due course, Lutchmeputty presented a
petition to the Sudder Court, and, filing the decree of the
Privy Council, prayed to be put in possession. The
judges took the matter into consideration, and, reciting
s 2
272 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
in their proceedings the absolute title now vesting in the
petitioner to the property left by Jugganatha, they decided
to collect the costs of the appeal in the first instance. The
Company's bill for bringing the case to hearing amounted
to 32,000£., which they required to be paid as a prelimi-
nary measure. The securities deposited in the first
instance might realize perhaps, with interest, 10,000£, and
he had now to find the balance. The Rajah, though rich
in parchments, had no cash, and the judge of the district
where he resided was instructed to seize his horses, ele-
phants, and whatever personal property could be laid hold
of. Lutchmeputty remonstrated against a proceeding
which seemed to imply that he was rather worse off than
before, and had made a heavy loss by being declared the
heir to 50,000£ a year. The judge consented to stay the
sale of his household gear for a short time, but asked
what hu wanted with elephants and their trappings ?
They were only for rich men, and he was not of that class.
The lapse of another month enlightened the landless
Rajah to the true worth of the decree for which 32,000£.
had been charged. When the Company's Courts had sold
him up entirely, he was told that there was nothing to be
handed over to him. The Government had bought his
Guntoor estates two years back, and as for the Masulipa-
tani villages, he might have them upon payment of the
arrears, amounting to 280,000£. Neither oyster nor
shell came into his possession. The Revenue Board cared
nothing for the decree of the Privy Council, of which he
should have speedy proof. It declared him the sole owner
of the estates, and nothing could divest him of that title
short of new legal proceedings, or of his own act of aliena-
tion. The decree was filed in the Sudder Court in
October, 1848 ; and in April, 1849, the Board put up to
auction the Masulipatam property, as the estates of Ra-
inanadha Baboo, and bought it as such on behalf of
Government. There ! let him tell that to the Queen and
the Judicial Committee.
It was told to the Queen and the Judicial Committee ;
and in July, 1854, the members of that august body,
after hearing the Rajah's petition, which perhaps startled
them somewhat, recommended her Majesty to make
A CONSOLING IDEA. 273
-another order for putting Lutchmeputty in possession.
The second mandate was issued, and it was now thought
justice would be done at last. Two hundred pounds
more were spent in getting the matter argued in the
Sudder Court, which finally dismissed the petition for
execution of the Queen's decree, and told the Rajah that,
if he wanted the estates, he must begin by filing suits
against the Company in the Zillah Courts. There must
be a suit for each estate, and a third for the sum originally
deposited in the treasury. The first sheet of paper used
in each cause would cost 100£, and each separate page of
the proceedings would cost four shillings. In time the
cases would come to the Sudder in appeal, when the same
expense would be incurred over again ; and, at last, it
would be appealed to the Privy Council, when the Rajah
must deposit in hard cash security for the full amount of
the estimated costs. Lutchmeputty, who is a fine speci-
men of the Hindoo gentleman, still occasionally visits
Madras, vaguely fancying that changes of ministry in
England might help him ; but he has given up that hope
since the last appointment of a secretary to the Board of
Control. In reply one day to a remark of condolence, he
said, " You think it is a hard case ? I can assure you
that there are a hundred stories much worse than mine."
We have spoken of suits and suitors ; let us now speak
of judges. The highest judicial tribunal under the Com-
pany's government is called the Sudder Adawlut on the
civil, and Sudder Nizamut on the criminal, side. It con-
sists of three judges, who sit regularly, and a member of
Council, who is ex officio, and only takes his seat on very
rare occasions. Every civil cause, except the very lowest,
may come in appeal before the court, and every criminal
sentence passed by a judge or magistrate is reviewed as a
matter of course. It has the privilege of enhancing as
well as mitigating punishment, and can order a man to be
hanged whom the judge below only considered deserving
of transportation, or it may release him unconditionally.
A single judge sitting on either side of the court has the
same power as if the whole were present. If the entire
.authority of the courts of assize throughout England were
vested in the Court of Queen's Bench, the judges would
274 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
have no wider jurisdiction than is exercised by the Sudder
Courts in India.
Exactly ten years since the Marquis of Tweeddale,
then Governor of Madras, suspended the three judges of
the Sudder Court in that Presidency, and the Court of
Directors, on being appealed to, made the removal perma-
nent. Of course the circumstance excited much local
comment, and gave rise to a lengthened correspondence
between the Government and the judges ; but when the
latter had spoken their minds with regard to the conduct
of Lord Tweeddale, they proceeded to give their opinions
of each other. The first judge, speaking of the third,
asked the Court of Directors as follows : — " Why should
the responsibility of such an appointment, which placed
the disposal of landed and other property, and of sums of
money unlimited in value and amount, together with the
powers of life and death, in the hands of an incompetent
person — or, to speak more correctly, why should the results
of such an appointment, and which, as evinced by the
memorial, followed as a matter of course, attach in any
way, direct or indirect, by inference or otherwise, to your
memorialist?" Of the second judge, the same weighty
authority wrote, that " he was in a state which had pro-
strated his judgment to a degree subversive of official
usefulness ;" and the third judge wrote of the first, that
he was " a canting hypocrite, a pitiful scoundrel — held in
the lowest repute, and incapable of adhering to the truth
in any statement, verbal or written." We have tried to
fancy what the public would say in England if Sir
Samuel Coleridge drew such a pen-and-ink portrait of
Lord Campbell ; but the imagination refuses to compass
it. In Madras the statement scarcely provoked notice ;
it seemed to be in accordance with the system of things ;
a little too violent, perhaps ; but then allowance must be
made for excited feelings. Any astonishment that a
stranger might have felt on the subject would have been
mitigated a few months afterwards, when a member of
the Board of Revenue, who had repeatedly officiated for
months as a Sudder judge, was sentenced by the Queen's
Court to six months' imprisonment for the crime of
perjury.
EMPLOYING STRANGE WORKMEN. 275
The fool, the firebrand, and the judge denounced by
his colleague as something worse, had sat on the highest
seats of justice for years ; and, if what they said of each
other were true, what an amount of mischief and misery
they must have wrought amongst twenty-three millions
of people ! Yet neither in their cases, nor in that of the
official who was so terribly punished, did the Government
ever think of interfering to check the scandal, of the
existence of which they could not possibly be ignorant.
The judges were removed because they had quarrelled
with the local authorities, and not on the score of their
proved untitness for office. They were degraded as civi-
lians, but not as judiciaries ; for being insubordinate, and
not for being destitute alike of wisdom and self-respect.
Too bad at last for Lord Tweeddale, they had always been
good enough for the people.
A similar result was exhibited in Bombay, where, in
1853, Lord Falkland removed two of the Sudder judges
on account of comments made upon their private cha-
racters in a Bombay newspaper. Had the welfare of the
public or the purity of the judicial bench been objects of
the smallest regard, the Government would have saved
themselves much pain and the service much discredit.
Men asked why it was that a measure, which ought to
have originated with the highest authority, was allowed
to become the work of a journalist 1 It was honestly
enough avowed that the articles in the newspaper formed
the grounds upon which the judges had been deposed from
their high places ; but the editor neither created the
public scandal nor intensified it, so far as Bombay was
concerned. He merely related to persons at a distance
facts which everybody in the Western Presidency were
long acquainted with. It was impossible not to see that
the judges were in reality punished, not for indebtedness,
immorality, or for exposing the Sudder Court to the
chances of contempt and suspicion, but for having been
written about in a public journal. Whatever of actual
mischief resulted from their conduct existed indepen-
dently of newspaper comments. All the circumstances
which had been treated as a bar to their continued em-
ployment as dispensers of justice, must have been cur-
276 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
rently talked of in English drawing-rooms and native
bazaars long before the Gazette dared to allude to them.
It was an error, in fact, to assert that the scandal grew
out of the leading articles, as it was a blundering policy
to let people see that the press took better care of the
public interests than the Government. If the judges
were innocent of offences which deserved so severe a
punishment, no difficulty in the way of convicting their
slanderers could justify the Government in disgracing
them ; and if they were guilty, it should not have been
left to a private individual to ordain and ensure their
downfall.
The Court of Directors approved in each instance of the
removal of the judges ; but the latter had to be provided
for in future, and it is in the mode of caring for them that
we detect the true character of Indian rule. Of the
Madras officials, two had served their time, and accepted
retiring pensions; but the third judge had no desire to
leave the service, and, by prescription, the Government
were bound to give him a salary equal to that which he
had last enjoyed. There were no posts, except in the
Revenue Board, to which such a rate of income was at-
tached ; and, under any kind of administration, it was
thought indispensable to have none but clever men in that
department. It was needful, then, to secure the main
object in view, that he should go into the judicial line
again, and so they gave him a sessions judgeship, and, in
due time, his decisions came up to the Sudder Court to
be reviewed by the men whom he had reviewed five or
six years beforehand. One of these decisions concerned
the right of certain parties to a piece of ground. Wit-
nesses for the plaintiffs deposed that to their knowledge
the ground sued for had been in the possession of the
claimants' ancestors, on which the moonsiff gave it in their
favour. The defendants appealed to the judge. They
said these witnesses are all men of middle age, and it is
proved beyond doubt that we have held possession against
one part of the family claiming for sixty, and against the
other for forty years — how can they speak, except from
hearsay? The judge saw no force in such a statement,
and affirmed the judgment, observing that " the decision
THE ABUSE THAT HAS NO ADVOCATES. 277
of the district moonsiff had been based on the evidence
adduced, and that the Court cannot discover any sub-
stantial reason advanced against it in the appeal to ques-
tion its correctness." It was nothing that what the wit-
nesses swore to happened before they were born, nor did
he stop to consider a plea based on the adverse possession
for at least forty years by the defendants, though but a
month before the Government defeated a suit against
themselves by pleading the Statute of Limitations !
On a second occasion, the Sudder judge then extant
said, of his predecessor's verdict, that " he was wrong oil
every point of law save one, and that was immaterial."
We might multiply to utter weariness examples of the
thorough degradation of law and justice in India, and the
chances would still be, that every man who has resided for
a few years in the country could, from his own experience,
tell of some instance more strange and grotesque. There
are differences of opinion with regard to every topic of
Eastern reform, except upon the subject of the Company's
judicial system. It provokes no discussion, since it has no
defenders. It is incapable of improvement, and therefore
no one suggests plans of amelioration. Young men, when
they are placed on the Bench, have had no opportunities
of acquiring a knowledge of the principles of jurisprudence ;
and persons of mature age find common sense a guide suf-
ficiently reliable to serve in lieu of law, statute or common.
It was one of the oldest judges in Madras who fined a
man 5,5001. for bringing a civil suit, which the Sudder
Court afterwards decided in his favour ; and it was the
civilian who is called the ablest man on the Bench who
gave validity to a Papal bull, and decided that his Holi-
ness had dominion in India.
The reforms needed are, the appointment of trained
lawyers to sit as judges, and the use of English as the
language of the courts. If the choice to be made lay be-
tween retaining as judges the men who at least knew the
language of the country, in preference to replacing them
by men who only knew the law, we should still advocate
the change, because it is infinitely better that the j udge
should be able to give a sound decision, than that the
suitor should understand the words in which he pro-
278 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
nounced it. But it is not true that in the majority of
cases the judges know the language of the district over
which they preside. In Bengal and the North-west the
greater number may be able to converse with their She-
ristadars, but of the dialects familiar to the people they
know next to nothing ; whilst in Bombay and Madras no
heed is taken of such a test of fitness. The civilian who
speaks Mahratta is perhaps promoted to a judicial post
in the Guzerattee country. The apt scholar in Tamil is
appointed to a court where people only speak Telogoo.
We happen to know an instance where the utter ignorance
on the part of the judge of even the rudiments of the
native tongue was apologized for by the plea that " the
defect was of no consequence, since he was as deaf as a
post." He was thought no worse of by the rest of his
judicial contemporaries, and for the best of reasons.
Of course it would be better that a judge should know
the native languages, but there is not the slightest ground
for supposing that the barrister whose whole life is de-
voted to the legal profession will be less anxious to fit
himself in every respect for the discharge of his duties
than the civilian, who may be taken any day from the
Bench to the Revenue Board, sent over the country with
a roving commission, or comfortably lodged in the secre-
tariat. The one man shines or fails as a judge, and is
always exposed to the severe criticism of the legal profes-
sion : the other scarcely knows the meaning of the term
"responsibility;" is sure of pay, and careless of censure.
He accepts the office which binds him to dispose of
human life and liberty as a labourer would undertake
a new job, trusting that in time he may learn to handle
his tools well, and get accustomed to the work placed
before him.
If provision be made for the settlement of small disputes
by native punchayets, and the right of appeal is abridged
to the limits which regulate it in England, we shall be
quite content to know that the suitor in the superior
courts is obliged to have the judge's English translated to
him in future, as he is now compelled to get translations
of his Hindostaiii or Tamil. There are few of us in Eng-
land who care to comprehend the meaning of what is said
INEFFICIENCY OF NATIVE EDUCATION. 279
on our behalf in a court of justice. We take law as we
take physic, a nauseous draught, about the composition, of
which we had better not be too curious.
CHAPTER XXII.
STATE EDUCATION IN INDIA ALMOST WHOLLY CONFINED TO THE UPPER
CLASSES. — MISTAKEN NOTIONS AS TO ITS RESULTS. — PURELY SECULAR
CHARACTER OP THE INSTRUCTION. — THE FIELD FOR CHRISTIAN
EFFORT.
THE Court of Directors, in a letter to the Madras Go-
vernment of the year 1833, observe: — "The improve-
ments in education which effectually contribute to elevate
the moral and intellectual condition of a people are those
which concern the education of the higher classes, of
those persons possessing leisure and influence over the
minds of their countrymen. You are moreover ac-
quainted with our anxious desire to have at our disposal
a body of natives, qualified by their habits and acquire-
ments to take a larger share and occupy higher stations
in the civil administration than has hitherto been the
practice under the Indian Governments. The measures
for education which have been adopted or planned at
your Presidency have no tendency to produce such per-
sons." They subsequently add : — " We consider this as
the scope to which all your endeavours with respect to
the education of the natives should refer." In another
letter of the Court, quoted by Lord Auckland in his
minute of 24th November, 1839, they observe :— "That,
with a view to the moral and intellectual improvement
of the people, the great primary object is the extension,
among those who have leisure or advanced study, of the
most complete education in our power. By raising the
standard of instruction among these classes, we should
eventually produce a much greater and more beneficial
change in the ideas and feelings of the community than
we can hope to produce by acting more directly on the
more numerous masses."
We entirely concur in the objects sought to be ob-
tained by the Court of Directors, but utterly deny the
wisdom of the mode by which they seek to achieve them.
280 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
Upon what grounds is it asserted that the best way to
advance the moral and intellectual welfare of the people
is to raise the standard of instruction amongst the higher
classes ? The history of the past affords no warranty for
it. The universities of England are nearly five hundred
years old ; in every age they produced distinguished
men : but did the enjoyment of these facilities for learn-
ing elevate the morals and intellects of the people ?
Why, it seems but yesterday when women were burned
for witchcraft ; and at this moment there are millions of
people in England and Wales wholly unable to read the
letters of the alphabet. So strange a doctrine we have
not heard for many years ; and yet it has survived
through the journey from Leadenhall-street to India,
and has still some signs of life remaining in it ! There
is not a writer whose vocation is to deal with the exist-
ing questions of morals and politics, who does not believe
that, so far from its being necessary to retrace our steps,
we must march forward on the great highway to change
with accelerated speed. And what is it that has so en-
tirely altered the aspect of the thinking and acting
world ? Is it the greater spread of knowledge amongst
the higher classes, or the greater intensity of moral feel-
ing amongst them ? Are there more well- educated per-
sons in their ranks than at any former period ; so that,
observing the close connexion which has always existed
between the increase of their knowledge and the pro-
gressive amelioration of the people, we can say that the
latter are better off because the former are more wisely
instructed ? A glorious argument this for aristocracy,
were it only tenable. To show the growth of the
national happiness, it would only be necessary to refer
to the number of pupils at the colleges, and the lists of
academic degrees. Each wrangler would be accounted
<i national benefactor ; and the existence of deans and
proctors would be associated, like the game-laws and
the ten-pound franchise, with the best interests of the
Constitution.
Man}7- ages have elapsed since peculiar resources were
-afforded to the Brahmins ; but the most considerate cos-
mopolite would hesitate to enroll them amongst the
THE FLUID THAT WILL ONLY ASCEND. 281
benefactors of the world. They boast of vast stores of
ancient learning. They have amassed great riches, and
been invested with unbounded power ; but to what good
end ? They have cherished the most degrading supersti-
tions, and practised the most shameless impostures. They
have arrogated to themselves the possession and enjoy-
ment of the rarest gifts of fortune, and perpetuated the
most revolting system known to the world. It is only
from a diminution of their abused power that we can
hope to accomplish the great work of national regenera-
tion. Amongst the various arguments by which the Go-
vernment have from time to time advocated their favourite
plan, they have never once appealed to examples furnished
in the history either of the past or the present.
They have bought scholars who, it is thought, would in
time vend learning " without money and without price."
"If we can only inspire the love of knowledge in the
minds of the superior classes, the results will be, it is
contended, a higher standard of morals in the cases of
the individuals, a larger amount of affection for the
British Government, and an unconquerable desire to
spread amongst their own countrymen the intellectual
blessings which they have received." We have never
heard of philosophy more benevolent — and more Utopian.
It is proposed by men who witness the wondrous changes
brought about in the Western world, purely by the
agency of popular knowledge, to redress the defects of
the two hundred millions of India by giving superior
education to the superior classes, and to them only. It
is admitted that the attempt to implant religious feelings
would be wholly abortive ; and yet it is thought that,
by making the few more powerful, the welfare of the
many will be cared for ! We expect that the result of
our system of intercourse and Government will be to
pull down, in a great measure, the religious superiority
of the higher class ; but we propose to make atonement
by setting up fresh claims on their behalf, which shall at
all times be backed by our authority ! We will give
them strength of intellect without the soft humanities of
religion ! When they have renounced the gods of their
fathers, whilst disbelieving the faith of the stranger —
282 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
when they are armed with exclusive privileges, and own
no tie binding them to their humble fellow men — we
expect that they will surpass ourselves in moderation,
and form an aristocracy of worth such as the world in
every age has vainly sighed for.
Power instinctively knows its rights, and always re-
conciles the assertion of them with abstract notions of
justice ; but it never originates the knowledge of its
duties. Whilst learning was confined to the upper
classes at home, they governed for their own sakes.
When the folios of literature gave way to the octavos,
and the author was patronized by the bookseller instead
of the nobleman, opinion questioned the theory that
Heaven had intended one law for the rich and another
for the poor ; but when the last change had been effected,
and the flying sheets, which uttered the noblest thoughts
of great men, were read by the labourer at his fireside,
then it was that the revolution of power was accom-
plished, and the solemn truth proclaimed that all men
were equal in the sight of the law, and that all authority
should be exercised only for the benefit of the multitude.
The learning of the few has enlarged the bounds of
human speculation and refined the manners of its vota-
ries ; but the crude knowledge of the masses, rude and
imperfect as it is, has added to the empire of truth and
brightened the prospects of the future1.
We ask the friends of Indian universities to favour us
with a single example of the truth of their theory from
the instances which have already fallen within the scope
of their experience. They have educated many children
of wealthy men, and have been the means of advancing
very materially the worldly prospects of some of their
pupils; but what contribution have these made to the
great work of regenerating their fellow men? How have
they begun to act upon the masses ? Have any of them
formed classes at their own homes, or elsewhere, for the
instruction of their less fortunate or less wise country-
men? Or have they kept their knowledge to them-
selves, as a personal gift not to be soiled by contact with
the ignorant vulgar? Have they in any way shown
themselves anxious to advance the general interests and
BEGGAKS OF A SUPERIOR ORDER. 283
repay philanthropy with patriotism ? Have the few in-
telligent heads of Hindoo families, as they grew more
and more acquainted with the nature of the disinterested
exertions made in their behalf, given any help to the
good cause ? Has any party amongst the natives, rich or
poor, urged on the scheme ? That they are not in-
different to the necessity of offering opposition to the
success of missionary effort in the cause of education, we
admit. But five years since the middle classes of the
great district of Bellary forwarded a petition to the
Madras Government, which discloses fully their notions
of what a national education should be, and what is the
nature of their expectations from the State. The peti-
tioners say: — "We deem it proper here to notice that
our schools at Bellary, being founded by the respectable
portion of our community, are adapted for the higher
classes ; and, consequently, admission is given therein,
not only to Hindoo youths, but also to the children
of respectable families of the Mahomedan population.
Having schools of our own, we scarcely have any con-
nexion with the school recently established by the
mission at Bellary, in which the lowest classes form
the majority of the pupils ; and neither do we wish to
have any concern whatever therewith."
This, it must be known, is an extract from a letter
requiring the assistance of the Government. The "re-
spectable portion of the community" at Bellary have main-
tained their own schools for eight years ; but hearing that
at Madras 10,000£. is annually expended in the great
cause of teaching the higher classes, they naturally desire
to be placed on an equal footing. Education of itself
is good, but education for nothing is better. They are
proud of the fact, and allege it as a recommendation, that
they have no connexion with the lower classes ; but they
are not above begging. They will part with their inde-
pendence, but not with their rupees. They are the low-
liest servants of the Government, but they will not tole-
rate the acquisition of knowledge by their own countrymen.
Let the State, which is upheld by all, found schools and
support them out of the common funds, but in the recep-
tion of scholars only consider the " respectable portion of
THE SEPOY KEVOLT.
the community," and adopt free teaching to the higher
classes ! We have asked for an illustration on the other
side of the question, but will manage to make shift with
the present for want of a better.
It is not well that the existing system should be upheld.
An age may, perhaps, elapse before the light of a better
faith sheds its equal rays over the land ; for after the
demolition of a creed there is a time during which the
ruins must cumber the soil, and, until those are cleared
away, the task of the restorer cannot be commenced ; but
the action of political and social wrongs is never for a.
moment intermitted. The unjust rule and the frequent
privation are felt equally by the Christian and the idola-
ter; and though we may fail to teach the natives the
truths of our theology, we may easily acquaint them with
the nature of our legislation. Our object should be to
protect them against the better knowledge of their own
countrymen, who charge upon British authority their
own acts of monstrous oppression. We want to see the
Hindoo armed by his knowledge against the assaults of
power, and made as impervious to an illegal act as the
European or East Indian. We cannot teach him Socrates
and Shakspeare ; but we can make him acquainted with
the powers of native officials, and instruct him in the
method of procuring redress for injustice. We may fail,
for some generations to come, in making him a moralist,
patriot, or Christian ; but we may convert him into a
contented subject : we can train his selfishness in the
right direction, and enable him to curb the exercise of
inimical power by showing him the secret of his own.
CHAPTER XXIII.
TENDENCY OF THE NATIVE MIND TO IMITATION. — VALUE TO ENGLAND
AND INDIA OF AN EXTENDED SYSTEM OF EDUCATION.
AMOXGST great multitudes of people the elements of
strength are invariably found more or less abundantly,
and it only requires skilful management to evolve them.
Granted that the natives of India are averse to change,
and therefore indifferent to the acquisition of foreign
LAYING THE FOUNDATION'S. 285
knowledge, they are also imbued with the most intense
love of wealth, and their avarice will always overcome
their apathy. Show them by palpable evidence that they
can get more power and profit by adopting European
modes of action — make it plain to them that change will
produce the most beneficial results — and they will not
hesitate to follow the example of the Western world.
Their faculty of imitation is proverbial for its excellence £
and wherever the means of advantage have been fairly
exhibited to them, they show no lack of inclination to
avail themselves of opportunity. It is a mistake to sup-
pose that their conservatism is the result of inaptitude or
indifference. They follow the ways of their fathers be-
cause they believe in their sufficient excellence. They are
incapable of originating new ideas ; and hitherto it has
not been thought worth the while of those having means
and authority to teach them the absurdity of existing
modes of thought and action. In ten years a judicious
scheme of national education would effect an almost entire
revolution in the habits and condition of the people. In-
stead of adapting instruction to the use of the higher
classes, we would address it to the capacities and selfish-
ness of the multitude. A board of competent persona
should be formed in each Presidency, to whom ought to
be confided the tasks of rendering into the vernacular lan-
guages the simplest forms of European knowledge. To
the agriculturists should be distributed tracts showing the
best methods of increasing the riches of the soil. To the
workers in metals and manufactures, the most approved
processes of labour ought to be explained. Each trade
and branch of industry should be furnished with the in-
formation best calculated to increase the worth of the
various products of industry ; and when it was once
thoroughly understood that the land could be rendered
more fertile, the sources of employment more abundant,
and the general value of all articles greatly increased, we
might easily depend upon the strength of the selfish im-
pulse in urging forward the great work of improvement.
Within the reach of all persons, and clothed in the very
simplest garb, should be placed the knowledge which it
most concerned them to obtain j and to each and all we
T
286 THE SEPOY EEVOLT.
would afford the means of arriving at a correct under-
standing of the relative powers and duties of the various
officers entrusted with the work of administering the go-
vernment of the country. It would be absurd to attach
as much value to the influence of publicity in India as is
properly awarded to it in England, and we do not expect
that Asiatics would be as prompt as our own countrymen
to resist the arbitrary exercise of authority ; but by de-
grees a feeling of opposition to injustice — at all times
existing in a latent state — would be brought into action,
and, at the very worst, the sins of actual commission only
would be charged upon the British Government. We
have no belief whatever in the patriotism of the Hindoos,
and therefore think it unwise to place any reliance upon
the supposed good intentions of the superior classes ; but
perhaps the surest guarantee of good government in any
country whatever is the consciousness, on the part of the
rulers, that the people are acquainted with the nature and
extent of their own privileges. As it is the interest of
the many to be well governed, it naturally follows that
the best way to keep rulers honest is to array the instincts
of the masses in opposition to the corrupt impulses of the
few. When oppression becomes dangerous to the chief
actors in the work, a great advance in the march of liberty
is gained ; but if it is made almost impossible, it is astonish-
ing what service is rendered to the cause of public virtue.
A great incidental advantage would also accrue from the
performance of this work of national education. Whilst
teaching the lessons of European civilization, we might our-
selves acquire a knowledge of Indian resources. Perhaps
no race of conquerors ever occupied, for so long a time, a
vast territory with so little advantage, in the way of adding
to their own stock of information. The English character,
in this respect, offers the strangest contradictious. In all
other parts of the globe we rake the depths of the sea and
shore in quest of the riclies which in India we refuse to
scrape off the surface with our nails.
At home the art of the chemist is employed to conquer,
by the most refined combinations of capital and skill, the
difficulties of nature. In India, where the most costly
products might be created at the expense of a little time
TURNING KNOWLEDGE INTO NUTRIMENT. 287
and knowledge, the outlay is often considered too great.
We are the most skilful artisans in the world, but our
tool-chests are invariably left at home. We complete our
education in the land of the setting sun, and think life
too short to make any additions to our stock of knowledge
when we have quitted its shores for the East.
The world has never yet seen an example of a well-
governed people becoming vicious and insubordinate, and
we have no fear that the Hindoos would prove an excep-
tion to the rule. There are opportunities given to the
humblest classes in Britain which the people of India
have never been permitted to hope for, but to the use of
which they could never be insensible, whilst wealth, and
fame, and power have charms which are worth struggling
for. It should be our policy to assimilate, in this respect,
the condition of all British subjects — to give ambition
the hopes of advancement, enterprise the means of employ-
ment, and talent of every kind the opportunity of growth,
in whatever part of the soil its roots are found implanted.
A future in which these objects should be realized is
not shut out from the Indian vision ; but to render it
possible it is requisite that the education we propose to
impart should not be confined to the superior classes.
It is not supposed by the present heads of the univer-
sities that the study of knowledge for its own sake, however
great the opportunities afforded for its acquisition, can
prove an incentive strong enough in the minds of the
native youth to induce them to enrol themselves as
scholars. This circumstance, considered by itself, pro-
vokes some mortifying reflections, but it also gives rise to
some serious inconveniences, which in a great measure
detract from the utility of educational projects. It is all
very well to hold out as an incessant bribe the prospect
of Government pay, as a reward for the inhalation of the
weakest portion of Locke, Bacon, Pin nock, and other
kindred spirits ; but there is such a thing as over-cram-
ming public offices, as well as scholars ; — added to which,
the aspiring alumni, who have scraped away some portion
of the shell of knowledge, and written essays almost as
good as new, are prone to institute comparisons between
their salaries of thirty and forty rupees as writers, and the
T2
288 THE SEPOY HE VOLT.
huge sums melted by men, their superiors, as they are
willing to admit, in all things except intellectual culture.
They have been taught that the tree of knowledge always
bears fruit of a kind sufficient to satisfy the most craving
appetite ; and they find that, like the famous apples of
the Dead Sea, though pleasant to the sight, it turns to
ashes in the mouth. Men are ever prone to consider
themselves undervalued and underpaid ; and it seems
strange to imagine that a system of culture which sets up
material benefit as the chief, nay, almost the sole reward
of exertion, whilst the means of satisfying the hope are so
notoriously small, should be thought likely to increase the
amount of affection entertained for the present rulers of
the country. We believe that, so far from having brought
about this desirable result, it has prompted those who
have been trained under its influence to reason in the
spirit of the worst philosophy upon the curses of refine-
ment and the evils of intellectual superiority.
We are not weak enough to separate the wish for learn-
ing from the desire of ultimate benefit, nor to seek to
hinder the educated portion of the Hindoo community
from reaping the just reward of superior ability ; but, in-
stead of drafting them in crowds to the public offices,
there to waste existence in fruitless repinings and object-
less efforts, they should be taught to combine the love of
gain with feelings of a higher and worthier cast. We
would have the colleges changed into great normal schools,
and the students ^trained for the work of teaching their
countrymen throughout the length and breadth of the
land. The first step in the great work of general educa-
tion must evidently be the training of a body of competent
teachers ; but it is altogether out of the question to sup-
pose that European agency can be employed, except upon
the most limited scale. A great plan which, beginning
with the establishment of village schools, after a compe-
tent body of teachers had been formed, would afford the
opportunity of filtrating the native intellect till the rarest
products were found in a university, would command the
cordial support of all classes. It is a question by no means
decided, whether the instruction now afforded in the
highest schools is really the best calculated to advance the
PREPARING THE YEAST FOR LEAVENING. 289
mental or moral condition of the pupils ; but, putting this
aside, as a needless subject of discussion, it is clear that
the results obtained are not worth the cost, either in the
estimation of Europeans or Hindoos. In no country in
the world do class interests and class prejudices obtain so
much as in India ; and it is the plain duty of a Govern-
ment which is paid by all, and which exists nominally for
the benefit of all, to bring to bear in their fullest force all
the levelling principles of education. It should be the
especial duty of our people to afford equal facilities to all
ranks. They ought, above all other things, to proclaim
the republicanism of knowledge, and that Nature makes
no distinction of castes in bestowing her gifts of intellect
and beauty. So far is such an idea from obtaining accep-
tation, that we believe it has never been enunciated by
the supporters of the existing state of things. The
scholars of the universities are at this moment almost ex-
clusively composed of the superior classes, and above one-
half of them are remunerated in hard coin for their at-
tendance. The one fact telling somewhat against the
catholicity of the system, and the other militating as
strongly against the feeble belief in its popularity.
The establishment of boards of English and native pro-
fessors, who should be instructed to prepare for universal
distribution elementary tracts, conveying the wisdom of
Europe in the language of the East, would be the first
step in the right direction. Unless we anticipate that the
impoverished Hindoo, to whom the progress of the world
is all a mystery, should make greater advances in mental
study than the nations amongst whom knowledge has
grown up from infancy to maturity, we cannot expect
that our language and literature will become extensively
familiar to him. What the dead languages are to our
own countrymen, our own tongue is to the Indian ; and
how few of the former are familiar with them ! To the
few who enjoy great opportunities or are prompted by
strong inclination, the obstacles in the way of gaining even
an ordinary acquaintance with the higher branches of
study may not prove insuperable ; but we shall have
done much if, in the course of the next fifty years, we can
. succeed in imparting even the rudest outlines of know-
290 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
ledge to the dusky masses. To make any sensible pro-
gress, however, it will be necessary to begin in another
direction, and look upon a university, not as a starting-
point, but as a final halting-place — the goal of the best
and wisest amongst two hundred millions of human beings.
We have not lost sight of the fact that the point at
issue is not what should be the character of a truly
national scheme, but what is the best use to which the
limited resources at the command of the Government shall
be applied. We do not oppose colleges, but we more
strongly advocate village schools. The best interests of a
community require that each of its members should be
educated to the top of his bent ; but if we are to choose
between the system whith turns out annually, at an enor-
mous cost, a half dozen " practically" uneducated " pro-
ficients," whose intellects add nothing to the general stock
of knowledge, and whose cultivated moral sense has scarcely,
in each Presidency, produced a Christian in theory or a
patriot in practice, and the system which should teach the
masses the great simple truths which lie at the very foun-
dation of all human learning ! — why, we have no hesita-
tion in coming to a conclusion on the subject. So far as
eleemosynary aid extends, we would rather bestow it in
teaching twelve ryots the truths which our English boys
become acquainted with in the nursery, than in the vain
endeavour to impart European wisdom or modes of
thought to members of the upper class. We are not
dealing with a question upon which freedom of choice is
permitted ; we have only a poor alternative — a little for
the many of that which is surely useful, or much for the
few of that which often neither benefits nor adorns.
Had we proposed that the State education now given
should be abolished in favour of a plan which gave instruc-
tion in mechanical vocations, we should have been pre-
pared to defend the suggestion. We contend that hitherto
the Government have not succeeded in making even a
fraction of the population, morally or intellectually, wiser,
and we see no encouragement to hope for a different con-
clusion in times to come. Amongst the alurnni of the
universities, past and present, are to be found the greatest
sticklers for caste, the bitterest haters of Christianity, the
SURFACE-PLOUGHING EVERYWHERE. 291
most prejudiced and exclusive, in short, of the Hindoo
population. Are we then to care for the upholding of
such a system of " national education as this T Would it
not be a thousand times better to advance the national
welfare of the masses, in the rear of which ever advances
the incalculable blessings of an improved morality and
general enlightenment ?
We are weary of reference to the regenerating influence
of Socrates, Milton, and mathematics. W^hat we seek is
to cultivate amongst this people the existence and know-
ledge of Power. Instead of aiding the Brahmin and the
upper classes generally, we want to raise a counterpoise
to their baneful influence — to defend the Hindoo against
the assaults of the native aristocracy. If we saw any
signs, however remote, of the growth of patriotic feeling
amongst the higher ranks, we might be content to witness,
for a few years longer, the further trial of the present ex-
periment ; but so far from inducing a better feeling to-
wards their destitute and low-caste countrymen, the
instruction which they imbibe seems only to sharpen the
natural appetite for the power to exert oppression. It is
universally admitted, by those who have studied the sta-
tistics of crime, that education has the happiest effect in
diminishing the amount of evil ; but it is not necessary to
impart the higher branches of study to realize the moral
benefits of training. The ability to translate Euripides,
or master the hardships of the differential calculus, affords
no superior guarantee for the moral worth of its possessor.
The harvest of piety to be reaped at the university is not
more abundant than that which the despised grammar-
schools afford ; and hence, until it is universally held that
the State is equally bound to maintain policemen and
schoolmasters, no case can be established, either in favour
of universities or Protestant colleges. We know that the
immortal part of one man is as precious as that of another
in the sight of Heaven ; and the good behaviour of the
many ought to be infinitely more valuable to the State
than the mere intellectual superiority of the few. The
moral value of education lies in the first few lessons, and
not in the recondite truths of learning. Teach a whole
people to read, and cheapen all access to knowledge, and
292 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the consequences will be visible in the decay of gaols and
the increase of churches ; but found colleges and sneer at
grammar-schools and village tuition, and you will have
the pedant at the top of your pyramid of society, and a
broad basis of crime at the bottom.
It must not be supposed that we are hostile, or even
indifferent, to the existence of the highest seminaries of
learning ; but we have to deal practically with a question
of comparisons. Here is a little money to be laid out
upon national education, in the way most conducive to the
public benefit ; and how can the end be best achieved ?
Our opponents contend that, by training a few youths in
the knowledge of the highest branches of human wisdom,
we are creating a force which, in time, will penetrate to
the remotest parts of the body politic. We, on the con-
trary, argue, not that their wish is improper or their ma-
chinery intrinsically useless, but that they are pursuing
the wrong path and embracing the smaller instead of the
greater good. It is certain that the principle of evil is
active in all minds, and requires repression ; hence the
necessity of universal education : but it is not true, either
that moral beauty resides in the mysterious depths of na-
ture, or that, to induce a youth to exert for the public
good some rare faculty with which he may be gifted, it is
necessary to found universities at the public expense.
Whatever genius resides in him may be developed in a
grammar-school ; — if the innate power is there, it will be
seen to defy obstruction, rather than require forcing. If
all men could receive such a measure of education as is
afforded at grammar-schools, the question as to the exis-
tence of " mute inglorious Miltons" would be set at rest for
ever. A cursory examination would show that few authors
of prize poems and gainers of mathematical prizes have
made for themselves places in the world's estimation, in
comparison with the host of men who obtain their know-
ledge from the parish pedagogue, and earn their living by
the sweat of their daily toils.
It is no more just to call upon the State to found uni-
versities than to demand that it should support workshops,
rice depots, and fever hospitals in every locality. Labour
is good, and rice not to be despised, but the task of pro-
MAKING AN ELECTION. 293
viding either of them is not the duty of a Government ; and
we should not incur the odium of being thought indifferent
to human welfare, were we to resist the proposal of looking
to the State for due supplies. The very restricted task
which we would impose upon the guardians of the com-
munity is perhaps open to challenge on the part of those
who contend that, of all aids to happiness, self-help is the
most efficacious ; but we are disposed to make an excep-
tion in this instance to an otherwise valuable rule. The
masses do not understand the value of education ; and
where the knowledge of its uses and the will to improve it
exist, the means are often wanting ; it becomes therefore
a duty on the part of the Government to provide that, so
far as their power extends, the task appointed to every
human soul, of working out with Heaven's help its own
regeneration, shall not be left undone for want of the
necessary tools. But it is not in the universities that the
manufacture of implements can be carried on successfully ;
and we are not therefore concerned, so far as Government
grants are required, to prolong the existence of the one
or help the other into being. As the brick-and-mortar
results of extended education, we should rejoice in their
prosperity ; but as a portion of the means whereby know-
ledge may be universally spread abroad, our judgment
honestly refuses to acquiesce in their propriety.
On the great subject of religious teaching, we must do
justice to the Indian Government. It hinders no man
from teaching and preaching Christianity. It does not
seek to plant its foot within the circle of missionary
influence. It merely adds to the list of State obligations
a duty hitherto imperfectly recognised ; and as Hindoos,
Mussulmans, Jews, and Christians, have always been
declared equally entitled to the benefits of civilized govern-
ment, it has resolved to give all classes the advantage of
that training which is deemed requisite to fit them to
discharge their several duties to society. It holds that
worldly knowledge is good, though religion is better, and
that an educated heathen is better than an ignorant one,
just as an educated Christian is better than one who knows
nothing but theology, and perhaps but little of that. It
cannot, if it would, coerce men's consciences, but it can
294 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
inform their intellects and refine their manners. It looks
upon the Khoud as being lower in the scale of humanity
than the Brahmin, and the latter again as inferior to the
schoolboy who understands astronomy and the use of the
globes. It recognises God's handwriting on every leaf
and wave ; in the caverns of the earth and the motions of
the stars, as well as in the inspired volume ; and leaving
to the ministers of religion their appointed tasks, claims
to work only a portion of the machinery by which the
Almighty deigns to reveal His wisdom and goodness to
mankind. The founders of our faith, whose example we
ought to follow, preached everywhere, and to all people,
the sublime truths of religion ; but they never levied
taxes for the support of their mission, and had no doubts
as to the right solution of much that is classed by ourselves
amongst the mysteries which pass human understanding.
The precepts and the doctrines of Christianity have
remained unchanged for nearly two thousand years, but
the interpretation of them is different in every age. At
this moment the wisest and best of men are to be found
professing opposite creeds, and drawing from the plainest
texts irreconcileable inferences. Some of the highest dig-
nitaries of our Church are warm friends of secular educa-
tion, whilst others believe that when you teach the Bible
you teach everything ; that learning and intellect, strength
and prosperity, are the results of Bible training ; that to
know all which can be known, and enjoy all that can be
gained in the temporal world, it is only necessary to read
and obey ; to meditate in silence, and reap all the fruits
of industry.
A union between the State and the missionary is not
possible ; antagonism, real or apparent, is not wise ; but
what should prevent the friends of Christian knowledge
from taking over the whole of the existing Government
machinery of education, and making the Bible a class-
book in every school ? Government might retain the
colleges for the study of medicine and civil engineering,
and fulfil all the functions performed for the British Isles
by the Royal Society of Arts. It might enhance in many
ways the social welfare of the people, and direct the aims
of the trained intellect, whilst abandoning to the care of
A QUESTION OF SOLEMN IMPORT. 295
the missionary the interests of literature and religion. It
would thus give in native estimation full value for taxa-
tion, and, by tolerating all religions, secure in time the
supremacy of a solitary creed, the triumph of the highest
and holiest interests of mankind.
The entire nett sum paid by Government in India for
the maintenance of colleges and schools is in round num-
bers about 120,000£. per annum; bub under missionary
supervision perhaps half that sum would suffice. The
latest returns give a total of 14,319 scholars receiving in-
struction in the State schools of Bengal, at a cost, after
deducting school-fees and the sums received for the sale-
of books, of more than 50,000£, or 4J. 10s. each. We do
not think the average cost of tuition is less than that sum
in the other Presidencies, and it is for the missionary
societies to say whether they will undertake the contract
at a lower rate, with Bible instruction included. The
English public need have no fears on the score of slack
attendance at missionary schools, or of the growth of a
feeling hostile to missionary effort. In 1853 there were
two thousand pupils receiving daily instruction in three
missionary schools at Madras. Not fifty of the number
were of low-caste origin. Many of the boys came in car-
riages, and each and all had to read a portion of the Scrip-
tures daily. Is it worth adding, say, another 100,000^
to the income of missionary societies to secure the like
results in the case of rich or poor, Brahmin or Mussul-
man, in eveiy quarter of the East ? That is the question
for the consideration of the Christian people of England.
CHAPTER XXIY.
THE LAND REVENUES OF INDIA. — EXPLANATIONS OF THE VARIOUS
3IODES OF LEVYING TAXES ON THE SOIL. THE ZEMINDARS AND THE
POLICE OF BENGAL. — FAILURE ^OF THE VILLAGE COMMUNITIES IN
THE NORTH-WEST.
AND now we have to consider the gravest portion of this
subject. Can we make India pay? It has been shown
that the East India Company would be unable to conduct
the future government of the country, were it only on
296 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the score of financial difficulties ; and we should fare no
better under the Imperial rule, if the system of taxation
were not wholly revolutionized. Nothing more can be
had from land, nothing from salt, nothing from opium.
And we see no prospect of reducing expenditure whilst
the present need for the supremacy of force continues to
exist. Under the present system, we cannot do without
the bayonets of Europeans, the honesty of the civilians,
or the numbers of the revenue officers; and hence we
must continue to maintain an enormous army, pay high
salaries, and support a countless multitude of native
subordinates. Our income is derived, not from surplus
profits, but from capital ; not from luxuries, but from the
poorest necessaries. It is the product of sin and tears.
The Chairman of the Court of Directors told the
House of Commons, on the anniversary of the battle of
Plassey, that " there was a cuckoo cry about the miserable
condition of the people. It was said that the people
were so miserably poor that they could not develop their
resources ; but how did that assertion agree with the fact
that the balance was always against us, and that we were
always under the necessity of exporting silver for what
we received (hear) ? The truth was, the manufacturers
of Manchester were altogether careless about Indian
tastes and fancies ; but if they would not give themselves
any concern about the wishes of the people, they must
not expect them to become customers (hear, hear)."
We must not be angry with Mr. Mangles, or with the
members of Parliament who cheered him. The one
spoke and the others applauded according to their convic-
tions, and it is a positive gain to the cause of good govern-
ment when men in high places give vent to their real
views and feelings. But light is not more opposed to
darkness than the statements of the Chairman of the
Court of Directors to honest truth. We hope that he is
only ignorant; blindness from whatever cause is bad
enough in the case of a man so placed, but we will not
assume that it is wilful, an example of social malingering.
Of the entire revenues of India, amounting in round
numbers to 29,000,000^. per annum, 16,000,000^. is de-
rived from the rent of land, Government being at the
COLLECTION OF LAND RENT. 297
same time sovereign and landowner. The land rent is
collected under three different fiscal systems : — The Per-
petual Settlement, which prevails only in Bengal; the
Village Partnerships, which obtain in the Punjaub,
Sciride, and a part of Bombay; and the Hyotwarry, under
which nearly the whole of the Madras and a portion of
the Bombay tax is collected. The perpetual settlement
had its origin in 1793, when the Marquis Cornwallis
fixed in perpetuity the annual rent payable by the pre-
sumed owners of the soil. The village partnerships
sprang out of the desire of the authorities in the North-
west Provinces to keep up what was considered the old
framework of village society. Tracts of land were sur-
veyed and leased to certain castes, or persons having
what was thought the right of occupation. The rent
was fixed latterly for a term of thirty years, and each
member of the partnership was bound to pay his share of
a defaulting member's proper contribution. The ryot-
warry, as its name implies, was a form of holding direct
from Government. The cultivator paid at the close of
the official year for the land he had in possession, and re-
newed, relinquished, or altered his holding at pleasure.
The tenure was a yearly tenancy, to be undisturbed so
long as the peasant paid the rate agreed upon.
In spite of what our Government has chosen to assume,
it is an undeniable fact that, in every part of India, land
under cultivation was in the private ownership of some
one or other previous to the English conquest. Where
violence and general insecurity prevailed, there would of
course be frequent mutations of property. The estates
of the nobles would experience the consequences of their
changing fortunes; and the village communities, made
up of what we should call peasant-yeomen, were occa-
sionally scattered abroad, but always to reappear and
unite when the wave of ruin had subsided. The land
furnished nearly the whole of the State's revenue ; and
the tax was raised or lowered, paid or evaded, .according
to the character of the ruling power and the dexterity of
the agricultural interest. To simplify the collection of
the Government dues, a class of agents was created all
over the country, called Zemindars — literally, landmen,
208 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
not landlords — who received all the tax, and paid it into
the public treasury, less their commission, which was
usually fixed at about 40 per cent. It is the tendency of
all official employment in India to perpetuate itself, and,
in the course of time, the zemindar claimed and was
allowed a vested right, as permanent as that of the owner
of the soil. It was to these men that Lord Cornwallis, in
1793, made over the whole territory of Beiigal, rent-free
estates excepted, which they were to hold for ever on
payment of the tax then existing. The outcry against
this act has never been intermitted ; but the civilian
condemns it because it excludes the Government from any
share in the growing value of the soil, the just cause of
complaint being that the rights of the proprietors were
entirely sacrificed by the law. If the ownership had
still remained with the cultivator, it would have been of
no moment to him that Government had agreed to give
the zemindar 40 per cent, of the amount which the former
was obliged to pay; but what happened was this — the
zemindars complained to the Government that they could
not gather in the rents unless they were vested with
summary powers of imprisonment and distraint, which
were granted ; and from that hour to the present the ryot
has remained in a state of hopeless slavery. The law took
no note of under-tenures or leasehold rights. If the rent
due by the zemindar was not paid at sundown on the ap-
pointed day, the estate was sold, and the buyer received it
clear of all claims. The default of the proprietor was
ruinous to all beneath him, and that law is unaltered at
this moment. Of course every estate was purged at once
of village proprietors ; and though there is hardly a
holding which is not let and sublet many times over, the
speculation involves risks which none but a Bengalee
would undertake. English planters strive of course in
all cases to obtain an independent footing on the soil ;
but the task is a hard one, and neither money nor cudgels,
which are the influences next in potency throughout
Bengal, will at times suffice to uphold them.
Take the case of a public common, or a public orchard,
if the latter could exist in England, and either would
bear an exact resemblance to the condition of the Bengal
THE POOH ASS WITH TWO MASTERS. 299
ryot. Cattle would nip tlie herbage almost before the
blades reached the surface of the soil ; children would
gather the apples before they were ripe. The fear lest
others should appropriate exclusively what each man feels
he has a right to share in, effectually hinders growth and
maturity in the case of the grass and the fruit ; and just so
with the miserable Bengalee under the common owner-
ship of the zemindars and policemen. The one does his
best to prevent the growth of property, the other is always
on the watch to detect the signs of it. The peasantry
are born and die in debt ; somebody owns them from the
cradle to the grave ; and what matter for the colour of
the master's skin or the nature of his profession] With
the rich soil at their feet, and the burning sun over head,
possessing nimble fingers and willing hearts, the ryots
have all the elements of a prosperous strength ; but
faculty lies within them, like the vigour of a man who is
worn down to the last stage of weakness by famine. The
nourishing food and the refreshing drink are spread out
only a short mile from the spot where he lies, and yet he
must die of hunger, from sheer inability to crawl the dis-
tance. No one has an interest in the ryot, except for his
performance of tasks for their benefit. The missionary
would clothe him in righteousness for the next world,
but is obliged to leave him in rags during his stay in the
visible portion of the universe. In this state of existence
he has literally no friends, and is so drained of manhood
as to have few or no enmities. Since the harrow and the
roller must pass over him, why should he care who guides
and drives them ?
To award the ryot the very smallest share of the wealth
derived from the soil, is the never-ceasing object of the
zemindar ; and when he has reaped all that he can in that
field, the police come in and pick up the scattered ears.
They are ready at any moment to convert a murder into
a case of cholera, or a death by disease into an atrocious
homicide. They will tie up and torture, without hesita-
tion, a whole village, for the sake of a few rupees. It is
a matter of mere chance whether they make the subject
to be operated upon a culprit or a witness, and there is
scarcely any difference in the consequences. Crime cannot
300 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
be detected, if the criminal is willing to pay; innocence
cannot escape, if it is poor, and believed to have the means
of bribing. Upon such a subject declamation is so facile,
and therefore so suspicious, that it is necessary to quote
authority for the character of two important classes of
Hindoos. Here is what the present Lieutenant-Governor
of Bengal, Mr. Halliday, says of the police and the magis-
trates appointed to watch over and dispense justice to
forty millions of people. " For a long series of years,
complaints have been handed down from administration
to administration, regarding the badness of the Mofussil
Police under the Government of Bengal, and as yet very
little has been done to improve it ;" that, " throughout
the length and breadth of the country, the strong prey
almost universally upon the weak, and power is but too
commonly valued only as it can be turned into money ;"
that " it is a lamentable but unquestionable fact, that the
rural police, its position, character, and stability as a pub-
lic institution, have, in the Lower Provinces, deteriorated
during the last twenty years;" that "the criminal judi-
catories certainly do not command the confidence of the
people ;" that, " whether right or wrong, the general
native opinion is certainly that the administration of cri-
minal justice is little better than a lottery — in which,
however, the best chances are with the criminal — and
this is also very much the opinion of the European Mo-
fussil community ;" that " a very small portion of heinous
offenders are ever brought to trial ;" that " it now appears
that half of those brought to trial are sure to be ac-
quitted;" and that "peculiar and accidental circumstances,
partly temporary and partly arising out of the constitu-
tion of the Civil Service, have, at this moment, made the
inexperienced condition of the magistracy more observable
than it has ever been before ; while it seems certain that
the evil during several successive years is likely very
seriously to increase."
The missionaries, speaking of the Bengal zemindars, in
their petition to the House of Commons presented last
session, say — " It is manifest that the tenants suffer from a
lax administration of laws passed for their protection ; that
they are oppressed by the execution of other laws, which
THE REGIMEN THAT CUKES CORPULENCY. 301
arm the zemindars with excessive power ; that they do
not share with the zemindars in the advantages derived
from the development of the resources of the country ; that
the profits thus monopolized by the zemindars are already
incalculably valuable ; and that, year after year, the con-
dition of the tenants appears more and more pitiable and
hopeless. Other evils increase the wretchedness of the
condition to which a tenant is thus reduced. The village
chowkeydars are the servants of his landlord ; the govern-
ment police are corrupt, and he cannot vie with his land-
lord in purchasing their favour; the courts of justice are
dilatory and expensive, and are often far distant from his
abode, so that he has no hope of redress for the most cruel
wrongs ; and he is frequently implicated in affrays respect-
ing disputed boundaries in which he has not the slightest
personal interest. Ignorant of his rights, uneducated, sub-
dued by oppression, accustomed to penury, and sometimes
reduced to destitution, the cultivator of the soil, in many
parts of this Presidency, derives little benefit from the
British rule beyond protection from Mahratta invasions.
The area of Bengal is 149,000 square miles, or 97,000,000
of acres, and on the productive surface of 64,000,000 of
acres the taxation amounts but to a fraction more than Is.
per acre, the total paid to Government being 3,333,150?.
The value of the exports for 1856-7 was not less than
18,000,OOQZ. sterling ; and, as very little of skilled labour
enters into the price of Bengal produce, it may be esti-
mated that at least 16,000,000?. is represented by ra\r
material. Calcutta, however, is the principal outlet for the
seaboard exports of the North-west, and perhaps it will
only be fair to add to the Government demand on account
of the total shipments, 25 per cent, of the land-tax paid
by the latter territories. This will bring up the revenue
of the whole of Bengal and a fourth of Upper India to
4,500,000?., which is about 28 per cent, of the worth of
raw produce exported. The rent of land leased by the
zemindars varies from 8s. to 14s. per acre, averaging per-
haps 1 Os. Wages, over the whole country, average, for an
able-bodied ryot, not more than Is. a week ; and we have
been assured by the head of a firm in Calcutta, having
extensive dealings with the interior, that in some portions
U
302 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
of Tirhoot, where the great indigo factories are situated,
twenty-seven men had been contented to work the entire
day for 2s.
In the North-west Provinces, which cover an area of
72,000 square miles, without including the non-regulation
districts, the Bengal system was everywhere adopted on
the country first coming into our possession; but subse-
quently the talookdar, or Government agent, was com-
pelled to show his title, and where that was found to be
defective he was set aside, and the village proprietors
treated with alone. A broad distinction was, however,
always preserved between the mode of dealing with the
cultivators in Northern and Southern India. The sum to
be paid as rent being defined, Government, under the
ryotwarry system, took the whole of it, as a private indi-
vidual would have done ; but in the North-west no less
than 38 per cent, was set apart, 20 per cent, of which was
returned to the proprietors, and 18 per cent, to the talook-
dar. But it sometimes occurred that the latter was pro-
prietor as well as Government agent, in which case he
received 30 per cent, of the nett rental ; and in cases
where the Government collected the rents which he had
a right to realize they paid him a commission of 22^ per
cent, free of all risks and charges. In broad terms, it
may be stated that the Government returned, all over
the country, one-third of the nett rental to those in whom
the right of cultivation and the right of collecting the
tax were vested.
Of course, under such a system, land grew very valuable;
and though it was never so difficult to purchase estates in
the North-west as in Bengal, owing to various social
causes, the soil never lacked eager buyers. But whilst
the village settlement favoured the views of capitalists
and traders, who availed themselves of every opportunity
of buying out or ejecting by force of law the village pro-
prietors, it was not calculated to secure the great aim of
its founders. The scheme was unsound in its essence, as
every attempt must be to regulate by law arrangements
which depend for success on the exercise of free-will and
the indulgence or restraint of passions.
If an English Parliament were to attempt to restore
THE HOUSE OF CARDS. 303
the ancient guilds and corporations, on the ground that
in old times they were the nurseries of trade and the
strongholds of liberty, it would not commit a greater
mistake than that which the Government of India fell
into in this respect. No doubt, in the turbulent centu-
ries, when the tillers of the soil suffered almost equally
from the ravages of the foreigner and the protection of
their lawful chiefs — when the distinctions of caste were
rigidly observed, and the village boundaries were the
peasant's horizon — it was good to establish and maintain
brotherhoods of labour; there was a common interest to
support and a common danger to repel : but when peace
is the natural inheritance of the ryot, and the bonds of
prejudice are falling from every limb, why should we
yoke him in these new fetters'? why seek to restrain the
course of free effort, and map out by authority the tasks
that he shall perform and the way that he must go? We
may be sure that the instincts of selfishness are wiser in
these matters than the dictates of authority. Long before
the outbreak of the rebellion it was visible that the scheme
was crumbling to ruin. In the North-west the suits to
obtain possession of lands were continually on the increase,
and every decision against the right of a shareholder was
scarcely less hurtful to his copartners than a judgment
against the property of a merchant would be to the firm
of which he might chance to be a member. The author
of Modern India is so impressed with the gravity of
this result that he deprecates the application of the law
of sale to landed property in the Punjaub. The system
will not stand the wear and tear of litigation ; the muta-
tion of proprietors is everywhere fatal to it. If the culti-
vator indulges in the natural desire for selling, mortgaging,
or devising, except amongst the limited circle of his co-
proprietors, the law must refuse to give validity to his
acts, or the fabric of society, which has been built up at
so much cost, will avowedly tumble to pieces !
As affecting the existence of village communities, the
North-west system entirely failed; but, as regards the
general public,' the objections to it were, the perpetual
interference of the Government officers, its cost to the
Government and to the people, and the inefficiency of the
u 2
304 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
tenure as a means of developing the resources of the
country. If a man took new land, which could be very
seldom obtained of late, he had only a term of thirty
years to count upon ; but in general the lease of property
available for a new comer would not have more than
fifteen years to run : and who would undertake extensive
works, build factories, or make great embankments, with
the knowledge that at the end of his lease Government
would assess the rent for the next term upon the current
value of the property ] The interest of the tenant, during
the last years of his term, tended in the way of deprecia-
tion and not of improvement. The system was for a time
much better for the interests of the cultivator than either
the perpetual settlement or the ryotwarry, because it gave
him a share of the rent ; but in the long run he found it
impossible to remain suspended between the condition of
a capitalist and that of a mere labourer. Extravagance
and bad seasons worked* his sure ruin : and when this
happens, and he is ousted by the decree of a court, " his
enmity," according to Mr. Thomason, late Lieutenant-
Governor of the North-west, " is transferred from the
individual to the State. He feels that there is no hope
for him but in the downfall of the system. He becomes
ns much a disaffected man as though he had been ruined
by some direct act of the Government." Without any
idea of showing the unsoundness of the system, Mr. Thoma-
son, in the next paragraph of the paper from which the
above quotation is taken, tells us that " it is not many
years ago that an insurrection was occasioned in Ramghur
and the Cole country from the unrestrained operations of
the courts of justice. The Government perceived the evil,
and at once, by excluding the regulations, put a check on
the obnoxious proceedings." The Coles evidently knew
how to deal with the Honourable Company : but a system
which requires the occasional suspension of laws and the
shutting up of courts of justice could hardly advance the
welfare of any people, whether civilized or barbarous.
The poverty of the Bengal ryot is not to be attributed
to the direct action of the East India Government, who
are responsible only for so much of the misery that pre-
vails amongst the forty millions inhabiting the great Gan-
SOCIAL KEFORM NEEDED. 305
getic valley as may be traced to the appointment of those
whom the Deputy -Governor of Bengal terms " boy magis-
trates," to the nomination of inefficient judges, and the
support of the police. To ascertain the true character of
the Company's government, we must turn to that portion
of their dominions where their influence, both social and
political, has been absolute for a hundred years past,
where there is no middleman to intercept the profits of
the cultivator, where peace has been uninterrupted, and
obedience has never failed. The condition of Madras is
the true touchstone of the value of that Government
which, according to Mr. Mangles, needs no teaching to
understand its duties and no additional incentive to per-
form them.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE RYOTWARRY SYSTEM IN 3IADRAS. — MELANCHOLY RESULTS OP A
CENTURY OF RULE. — THE HOPELESS POVERTY OP ALL CLASSES.
IN a Parliamentary paper, dated May, 1857, there is printed
a copy of a despatch from Lord Harris, the Governor of
Madras, upon the proposed general survey and assessment
of that Presidency. " Much has been published of late,"
says his lordship, "respecting the unsatisfactory state of
this Presidency, of the poverty of the inhabitants, of the
hopeless position in which they are placed, and of the
exorbitant taxation; and all this misery has been stated
to be the result of British misgovernment. I have serious
doubts of the correctness of these assertions. That the
majority of the cultivators of the soil are poor is certainly
true ; but that is almost certain to be the case where the
.soil is divided into innumerable small holdings, each
insufficient to provide for the most ordinary wants of a
family of the lowest class.
" That the position of the ryots is not very hopeful,
may be attributed to many circumstances; but I am in-
clined to think that their depressed condition is as much
the result of moral as of economic causes.
" That the taxation which they have to pay is excessive
may, in some instances, be the case; but I cannot allow
306 THE SEPOY KEVOLT.
that the amount of public funds contributed by the Pre-
sidency is exorbitant. Neither am I prepared to admit
that the state of the country, generally, is deteriorating.
I believe, on the contrary, from all I can leam, that there
is a marked improvement in many districts, though pro-
bably not to the extent which might have been attained
had circumstances permitted more active measures for
improvements on an extensive scale to have been under-
taken by the Government.
" That the general state of the country has not become
less prosperous is sufficiently shown by this one fact —
that, though remission of taxation has been made to some
extent within the last few years, the general income has
not diminished.'*
The views enunciated by his lordship in the above
passages were shared by his colleagues in the Govern-
ment; they have been approved of by the Court of Direc-
tors ; and we propose to examine and test their real value.
In dealing with the great social questions of India, the
inquirer is materially aided by the simple and permanent
character of Eastern life. The tides of nature and of
human existence flow in the channels which were worn
for them in remote ages. Whatever was true of a thou-
sand years past, is almost literally true of the present
day. A change of masters, a little more wealth or poverty,
and you have all that mark, for the teeming millions of
Hindostan, the progress of time. Now, as heretofore,
the records of the tax-gatherer furnish an index to the
state of the nation : when we know what is paid to the
Government, it is easy to find out what has been earned
by the people.
This absence of complexity in the business of life, which
is characteristic of every part of the country, is especially
so in Madras, where government, trade, and tillage are all
carried on upon a scheme of first principles as naked as
need be. In that highly favoured Presidency there are
neither nobles nor landlords; the priests are maintained
on the voluntary system; and for every acre of cultivable
land under the ryot, there are five or six lying fallow. In
other words, it is an Eden of the mind, with many thou-
sands of good angels keeping watch inside the boundaries.
BOILED DOWN TO NOTHING. 307
Such an innumerable multitude of persons — many of
them able, and most of them, honest — have written in
praise of the Revenue system of Madras, that were it not
for the reflection that the Corn and Navigation Laws
have been repealed scarce ten years since, we should be
tempted to doubt the accuracy of returns and the evidence
of the senses. Still it could hardly escape observation,
that whether the Government of the day was painstaking
or otherwise, whether the " Board " had ruled in favour
of zemindars or direct holdings, the upshot to all con-
cerned was the same. The ill wind blew nobody good.
The superstructure of society gave way and was over-
turned, without in the least relieving the foundations.
Where the zemindars were absorbed, the district yielded
no more profit to Government, frequently less ; whilst the
wages of labour and the prospects of employment were
decreased as well. The class disappeared, and with them
vanished not only pomp and extravagance of living, but
the means whereby their state had been upheld. The
hut and the starved bullock took the places of the palace
and the elephant. The rich man became a beggar, and
the ryot remained a slave. The working of the machinery
is rather different now, since there are no more wealthy
proprietors to be amalgamated. The fire must needs go
out when the fuel is exhausted. Poverty must be allowed
to live, because it is required to toil; but, truly speaking,
no other reason can be assigned as the cause which has
hindered the depopulation of the Southern Presidency.
In the last report of the Madras Government, the
inhabitants are set down as amounting to nearly twenty-
three millions, three-fourths of whom are engaged in agri-
cultural pursuits. At the usual rate of five persons to a
family, this gives, say, three and a quarter millions of
able-bodied ryots ; and since the peasant's wife works as
hard as her husband, and the children are put to labour
as soon as they can crawl, we shall be far within the mark
when we assume that the work of two labourers is done
by each family of five persons. We have then six and a
half millions of workers diligently toiling on the land,
and more than ten millions depending for food upon their
exertions. Now what do they earn from January to
308 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
December 1 Never was problem more easily solved, and
never did the result of a few simple figures so put to
shame the working of a Christian Government. The
official estimate of Land Revenue for 1856-7 gave a total
under three and a half millions sterling ; and we have to
find out what proportion of the gross produce of the land
is represented in that sum. Colonel Baird Smith says,
that in Tanjore, the most favoured district in the Pre-
sidency, the Government share is two-fifths of the gross
produce.
We doubt if in any part of Madras the amount actually
taken by the servants of the State is less than one-half ;
and know, from personal investigation, that over the
greater portion of the country the tax swallows up two-
thirds. But let us take Tanjore as the standard by which
the impost is assessed, and the entire value of the cultiva-
tion is shown to be eight and three quarters millions. If
no portion of the above sum were taken by Government
— if the crops grew spontaneously, and the reaping were
done by fairies — the sum to be divided amongst the
people would not amount, for each household, to five shil-
lings monthly. But, inasmuch as the Government in their
mildest mood take two-fifths, and the cost of cultivation,
excluding labour, cannot be set down at less than one-
fifth, we have for distribution amongst the people as many
pounds sterling as there are heads of families, or about
half that sum as the annual wages of each labourer. Did
the bitterest denunciation of the Company's rule ever
reach the accusing height of these simple facts ] Think
of it, conquering countrymen of ours ! Fivepence a week
for the joint labour of man, wife, and children, or two
shillings and a penny in the currency of London and
Liverpool, where money is said to be worth only a fifth of
what it will buy in India ; in the shape, however, of food
and shelter only ! What interest can Manchester have
in the living or dying of any conceivable number of
fathers of families, whose incomes are but twenty shillings
yearly ? They do their best to encourage British trade,
for they consume of yarn, cotton, wool, and piece goods,
imported from all quarters, as much as amounts to two-
pence per head per annum. Our friends at home can judge
TREADING UPON NUGGETS. 309
for themselves how far that sum will go in the purchase
of their wares, and may form a lively idea of what the
seventeen millions have to spare for food, education, and
pastime, when they can afford to lay out on their ward-
robes just twopence a year.
There are upwards of ninety millions of acres in Madras,
and, including rent-free lands, not above twenty per cent,
of the whole area is cultivated. Indigo, sugar, cotton,
oil-seeds, and coffee grow to perfection ; but they are only
produced by fits and starts, as the agents of exporters come
forward with advances and select the crop to be sown.
Excellent raw sugar can be laid down at the sea-board for
8s. 6d. per cwt. ; cotton gives a capital return when the
grower obtains 2d. per pound. It is said that 70,000
niaunds of indigo will be shipped this year ; and to the
production of oils there is literally no limit. And for
every ounce of produce there are eager buyers ; and if the
field were increased twenty times over no portion of it
would be left on hand. Yet this is the land of which the
richest tracts lie waste ; which furnishes the Honourable
John Peter Grant with the following illustration when
combating the arguments of the Calcutta missionaries : —
" There are no such contentions and affrays about land in
Madras, as are justly complained of by the memorialists
here. But this is not due to a good police and judicial
administration, a survey and registration, or the absence
of a zemindary system in the greater part of that Presi-
dency ; it is due to the fact that in most Madras districts
land is valueless by reason of the revenue system there in
force ; the contentions there being when a ryot is forced
not to give up, but to take land." Mr. Grant might have
stated his instance even more forcibly. Thousands of men
labour on the public works, and prefer leaving the acres
untouched for which they are obliged to pay rent, expe-
rience having taught them to select the least of two evils.
And under present circumstances there is not the most
remote chance of the waste lands being taken up, for emi-
gration absorbs more than the annual increase of the
population. The labour that might find such profitable
returns at home is drafted off to a dozen ready markets.
The man who should raise sugar on his own plot of ground,
310 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
is only too glad to hire himself out to the planter in Mau-
ritius. Wealth lies at his feet, yet he is obliged to ex-
patriate himself to procure the means of existence.
And if ancient zemindar and modern ryot have been
equally ruined by the operation of the Madras system, it
has not proved in the least favourable to European enter-
prise. No great amount of capital has, perhaps, been sunk
in agricultural or manufacturing operations ; but whatever
has been ventured has either been lost entirely, or is so
unproductive that the parties concerned would gladly re-
treat were it possible to do so without sacrificing all. We
are not aware of a single instance where a European has
gone home with a competence achieved by planting or
manufacturing operations. The attractions of more than
a thousand miles of sea-board, and of a climate suited to
the growth of every kind of tropical vegetation, would
inevitably draw capitalists to settle in Madras, were it not
that the long catalogue of disastrous results warns them
off a coast which is fatal alike to all the producing classes.
Even if an energetic man can overcome the natural jea-
lousy of the authorities, who look upon him as an enemy
to the ryots and the Government in virtue of his position
— if he can contrive to do without roads, and has no neces-
sity for law — his ultimate defeat is certain. The weight
of bad seasons falls upon him, though he may not rent a
single acre. It is his money in that case that pays the
tax ; for though remissions are sanctioned by Government,
they are granted not on account of the ryot's loss, but in
view of his inability to pay. Like the Borderer of old, the
collector says to the planter, "Thou shalt want, ere I
want ;" and unhappily for the latter, the raid is always
resistless. What death is to life, the Government demand
is to capital ; it swallows up all, sooner or later.
As a consequence of this state of things, the prepara-
tion of raw produce for the European market is, with the
most trifling exceptions, left wholly to the natives, whose
will and poverty combine to make them prefer an inferior
and adulterated, to a good and therefore costly article.
They are able to make indigo as good as the finest Bengal
sorts ; but the great bulk of the Madras production is
wretched stuff, much of it mere clay veneered with the
GOING DOWN THE HILL. 311
real drug. The greater part of their sugar comes to
market in such a state that the pumps of the vessels in
which it is shipped are often choked with the drainings of
the cargo, the loss from deliquescence being usually ten
per cent. Cotton is wetted, and mixed with rubbish and
stones. Oils are mixed without scruple, often to the
serious detriment of the buyer, though the adulteration
increases the seller's profit perhaps by the poorest trifle*
These facts will explain the cause of the standing inferio-
rity of Madras products in the markets of Europe, and
help to show how it was that the mere increase last year
in the exports of Bengal amounted to forty-two per cent,
of the whole trade of the former Presidency.
We contemplate, in the case of Madras, a population
whose growth has been everywhere obstructed, which is
always miserable, always decrepid, neither wiser, nor
stronger, nor wealthier than it was a century since, but,
on the contrary, more weak, more ignorant, more poverty-
stricken ; — a population which declines in everything ;
which is losing its hold of an ancient religion, without
adopting a new creed in the place of it, since the pagodas
are destroyed faster than new chapels are built. The
Hindoo schoolmaster is usually extinguished, not sup-
planted. The traditions of national prosperity are dying
out ; the consciousness of power which was always suffi-
cient to avenge tyranny in the past, if it could not render
it impossible in the future, is no longer entertained.
Where else on the face of the globe shall we find peaceful
millions so cruelly dealt with 1
Growth is the necessity of nations. In numbers, in
knowledge, in material prosperity, a people must inevitably
increase in every generation. Not more surely do the
houses of the dead outnumber those of the living, than
the evidences of past labour overshadow those of the
present. But in Madras the only surplus is that of the
Government revenue. Nature and industry in all else
are but barely equal to the requirements of present exis-
tence. The country teems with mineral wealth, but there
is not a mine sunk in it ; the mechanical dexterity of the
natives is not to be surpassed, but there is not a single
factory the property of native capitalists. The sugar is
312 THE SEPOY KEVOLT.
crushed by wooden mills, and drained in earthen pots.
The rice is ground by hand, the cotton cleaned by the
rudest of all machines, the indigo prepared by the cheap-
est instead of by the best process. The increase of popu-
lation, instead of augmenting the general wealth, is felt
to be an evil ; and thousands of the hardiest and ablest
men annually expatriate themselves to countries where,
inferior natural advantages being turned to better account,
their labour enriches their masters, and secures a compe-
tency for themselves. The ryot, who would gladly stay
at home to cultivate his ancestral fields, leaves the rich
sugar soil untilled, and wends his way to the coast, where
a discriminating Government has kindly provided machi-
nery for putting his industry in motion. In the course of
time he finds himself in a distant island, engaged by a
master, who has had to compete for his services, at three
times the rate of wages he would have been content to
receive at home. He still makes sugar, only now by the
aid of the most costly appliances. He learns that God's
rain and sunshine, and man's careful toil, are all valuable,
if rightly understood and dealt with.
We have all need of Heaven's help ; but if any class of
mortals more than another require their eyes to be couched,
their ears to be opened, and their hearts to be softened, it
is surely those who administer the affairs of the Indian
Government.
CHAPTER XXVI.
SOCIALIST DOCTRINES OP LORD HARRIS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.
GRADUAL DECAY OP EVERY FORM OP NATIONAL OR CLASS PROS-
PERITY. THE FUTURE ARISTOCRACY OP THE EAST.
LORD HARRIS has a doubt as to whether the burdens of
the peasantry have been fairly distributed ; but without
discussing at this moment the relative incidence of taxa-
tion in various districts, we assert without hesitation that,
in all the ryotwarry talooks, it is imposed solely with re-
ference to the amount that can be obtained from the peo-
ple. In every other part of the world the cultivator
benefits by the natural or social advantages of his posi-
COLD COMFORT AT THE BEST. 313
tion. Land which is well watered by running streams,
or which is in the vicinity of great markets, brings a
larger profit to the farmer as well as to the proprietor ;
but in Madras all the profit goes to the Government, the
risk only falls to the lot of the ryot. Whether he culti-
vates largely or otherwise — whether he grows sugar,
indigo, or dry grains — the result is precisely the same.
The State leaves him but the barest subsistence. If he
digs in North Arcot, he pays forty shillings an acre, be-
cause produce fetches a high price as compared with the
inaccessible villages of the interior. If the land yields a
double crop, he is taxed twice over; if it is poor in
quality, his own gain is not the less in reality. If bad
harvests occur, remissions are made, not on account of his
loss, but in consideration of his inability to pay. When
a country is ravaged by invaders, the poor rejoice in their
immunity from mischief; when famine rages in Madras,
the ryot thanks his gods that ruin has long since done its
worst by him.
In no other country can the condition of the people be
described in a few generalizing sentences. Everywhere
else there are diverse orders of society, with opposite in-
terests and varying fortunes ; sources of wealth which
are hidden from curiosity ; armories of strength that
only require to be properly handled to save or regenerate
the life of nations. But in Madras, the story of the
merits of the Government and the misery of the popula-
tion fills less than a dozen lines of narrative. The native
aristocracy have been extinguished, and their revenues
lost equally to the rulers and the multitude. The native
manufacturers are ruined, and no corresponding increase
has taken place in the consumption of foreign goods.
Not a fourth of the cultivable land is taken up for tillage,
and yet 20,000 men annually leave these shores to seek
employment on a foreign soil. The taxation of all kinds,
and the landlord's rent, amounts but to five shillings per
head ; and yet the surplus production of twenty-three
millions is but two shillings and sevenpence, and the im-
ports but one shilling and sixpence each person. The
exports of the slave state of Brazil amounted, in 1852,
to upwards of eight millions sterling. Madras, with a
314 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
population three times as great, never produces a third of
the amount.
Railways, roads, and canals will not cure the evil, and
we should be sorry to see it made more bearable. What
we require is an abstinence on the part of Government
from interference with the operations of agriculture, as
absolute as that which they are compelled to observe with
regard to the workings of trade. A man should be as
free to buy and sell land as to deal with any ordinary
chattel. The belief that it is to the advantage both of
the State and the public that the soil should be declared
the property of the former, is one of the most fatal errors
that ever prevailed. Does any one believe that if the
British rulers had been compelled, from the outset of their
career of conquest, to levy taxation by the ordinary me-
thods, Madras would be now in its present miserable state
of poverty and degradation ? Is it credible that from the
industry of twenty-three millions of souls, living under a
tropical sun, and raising, almost without effort, the costliest
products of the world, a sum of five and a half millions
stiTling — but one-tenth of the taxation of Great Britain
— coul^L not be raised without difficulty ? The statistics
of Crown colonies and of slave States furnish the best
answer to such a query !
The Governor of Madras is a member of the British
Peerage, an estated noble who has a " place" and a rent-
roll which we suppose he would not wish to have dimi-
nished. Yet we find him, in the forty-fifth year of his
age and the fourth year of his Governorship of Madras,
addressing the grave bankers and landlords who sit in
Leadenhall-street as follows : —
" I consider that the land of a country belongs to the
Government de facto, and should be held by it, and should
be distributed by it amongst the population in such a
manner as is likely to cause it to be most beneficially
cultivated, both as regards the interests of the cultivators
and of the whole community. There may be, and we
know there are, many hindrances to this principle being
even openly allowed, much more to its being fully carried
out in all countries ; but in those cases wherein the op-
portunity is afforded of starting from first principles, it
THE INDIAN PKOCRUSTES. 315
should not be neglected. I think this opportunity exists
in the ryotwarry districts of this country."
It will not do to identify the Anglo-Indian Conservative,
Lord Harris, with a member of the upper or middle classes
of England who wishes to maintain the aristocracy as an
institution, nor with a Birmingham Radical who would
destroy the House of Peers and abolish hereditary titles.
The principles which he advocates are neither more nor
less than socialism : his apostle and teacher is M. Proudhon,
who advanced in Europe the theory that Lord Harris
enunciated, and which his honourable masters have re-
duced to practice in Southern India for a period beyond
the memory of the oldest man living.
A hundred years since we found an aristocracy existing
in every part of the East. They were not more en-
lightened, perhaps, than the nobility of England in the
days of the Plantagenets ; not more moral than the
courtiers of Charles II., or those of Louis XV. ; not more
thrifty than certain model peers ; in fact, not more
loveable or useful, in the main, than the highest classes of
Europe have shown themselves to be in ancient or
modern history. But the Indian aristocracy oppressed
and governed, attained wealth and lavished it, fought and
intrigued as passion prompted or ability served, and so
satisfied what the majority of people, even in these en-
lightened days, are prone to term " a real social and poli-
tical want." As a governing class, the remorseless English
heel has long since trampled them out of existence. So
far from realizing the European ideal of a ruling minority,
which makes laws by prescriptive authority, fills the
highest posts in Church and State, and influences the
public weal without regard to considerations of fitness or
respectability, they have been reduced to a state of abject
dependence. The parish constable would feel himself
degraded were he made to change stations with the rajah.
Every private soldier in the Queen's service has the pro-
spect of a higher destiny before him than the head of the
noblest Asiatic family. The title which adorns the
beggar, and the phrases of respect that greet the ears of
the slave, are all that remain to the descendants of the
masters of the East.
316 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
We recognise and sanction the penalties of weakness.
There are no political rights for the nation which has
suffered itself to be vanquished, except those allowed by
the grace of the victors. But the question with which
we have to deal is one apart from politics — it is the light
of the State to confiscate the wealth of the upper classes
upon no pretext of crime or proof of public utility.
We know of no right which a Government has to pre-
vent the growth of large estates, which does not as readily
apply to the creation of small ones. We can think of no
reason that can be urged against allowing a man to become
the owner of half a county, which may not just as forcibly
be applied to his acquisition of a score of acres. Our
Indian socialists, with the same objects in view as their
co-thinkers in Europe, have not had the sagacity to per-
ceive, or the boldness to cany out, their principles to the
full extent. The latter recognised and acted upon the
dogma, that property, to be interfered with, must be de-
clared altogether illegal and opposed to the best interests
of the community. They saw that the rule must be made
universal ; that accumulations in every form, and to what-
ever extent, must be made subject to the same law of inter-
ference. Men must be allowed to keep all or nothing. If
individual action were allowed, no limits could be set to it.
For the last thirty years the British Government in
India have been steadily uprooting the landed gentry of
the country, on the sole ground of their inutility. They
are no worse than the common run of aristocracy; on the
contrary, are much better ;. but it is said society can do
without them. They neither grow the rice nor milk the
cows. The young children are taught, if taught at all,
without their assistance ; and old men go down to their
graves with a sound persuasion that it is God's blessing,
and not the zemindar's, to which they were always in-
debted for food and health. No one can question the
justice of premises that have grown axiomatic in Europe,
but the difficulty to be reconciled is the opposite cha-
racter of the conclusions which are drawn from them.
Human nature in the East has its shades of variance, but
hardly affords such contradictions as are implied in the
policy of the Honourable Company.
CARTING AWAY RUBBISH. 317
Why should the supreme authority, having most at
heart the greatest possible welfare of the greatest possible
number, care to maintain a class whose members are
sometimes dissolute, sometimes tyrannical, sometimes
idiotic, and in almost every case mere burdens on the in-
dustry of the people 1
Why should so large a portion of the stream of wealth
be diverted to flow over those barren sands which yield
neither herbage nor flowers'? No one is able to give
satisfactory answers to such queries — on paper ; and so
the socialists in these parts have it all their own way.
They have set up a standard of bare utility, and would
compel all men to pass under it. He that refuses to work
shall not be suffered to eat. The only poor which a Go-
vernment can recognise is the present generation of
princes and nobles, who may be allowed to receive out-
door relief for a season.
The first member of the Madras Council was for three
years at the head of a revolutionary tribunal in the
Northern Circars, and in that capacity he destroyed more
ancient families and confiscated more estates than any
member of the National Convention could boast of having
ruined in his day of republican triumph. Now, if M.
Proudhoii were to claim him as a zealous practical dis-
ciple, would Mr. Elliot give him the kiss of fraternity?
He could hardly help doing so, for the Frenchman would
assail him with remonstrances something like what fol-
low:—
" Fellow- worshipper of the great mystery of the right
of nations ! you acknowledge with myself the claim of
the producers of wealth to its full enjoyment, less the
cost of cheap and good government. The study of the
past has led us both to the only rational conclusion. Your
rajahs are the exact counterparts of our grand seigneurs ;
your zemindars are our farmers-general ; the Indian ryot
is the very image of Jacques Bonhomme. Our common
object is the abolition of all middlemen. We would have
but one class of rights — those which spring from th#
exercise of industry; and but one kind of power — that
which is necessary for the public safety. You have no
peers, no chamber of deputies, no aristocracy; but only
x
318 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the ryot at one end, and an executive of retired trades-
men at the other. Go on and prosper, in the name of
the friends of a regenerated world !"
We should not agree with M. Proudhon in the above
tribute of praise, but confess that we do not see how the
zealous champions of the Company can avoid being iden-
tified with the advocates of democratic equality. If you
pull down all above, it does not follow that you must
elevate all who are below ; and there is not, to our mind,
a single reason for the overthrow of the landed gentry in
India which would not apply with tenfold force in the
case of England. Is it that they are a heavy drain upon
the productive resources of the country? Why, the
rental of real property at home is more than all the
annual profits of trades and professions.
There are three noblemen whose united incomes amount
to more than a million sterling a year, and hundreds may
be counted who receive at least a tenth of that sum. But
the Indian aristocrat is useless ; his proper place is occu-
pied by another ; the community are able to do without
him, and should therefore cease to pay a double rate for
the services of which it stands in need. Well, what does
the Marquis of Westminster or his " order" do for our
countrymen, that the latter need care to support " Co-
rinthian pillars" that require so much gilding? The
weaving and ploughing would go on just as well if they
were all banished to dig in Australia. Their castles are
no longer places of shelter for helpless serfs and burghers.
They are no longer relied upon for security against foreign
invasion and domestic plunder. It is not they who in-
vent steam-ploughs and reaping-machines, and make
pathways for the spirit of man over and around the globe.
Manchester asks no assistance from lords or ladies to fulfil
its mission of making cloth for all mankind. Birmingham
is wholly plebeian ; Liverpool essentially low. Every
great interest is cared for by busy brains and willing
hands, who work from necessity and not from choice ; and
of the amateur labourers, the most distinguished are men.
of humble note. The agriculturist relies much on Mechi,
the owner of the " toy-shop," and parson Huxtable, and
half suspects that his landlord is a worse enemy than
THE WORM THAT IS ALWAYS BUSY. 319
Cobden. Why maintain, then, a set of drones at such a
frightful cost ? If the landlords' rent throughout England
were confiscated, it would pay all the taxes, and leave a
large surplus to defray the expense of national education.
In India rent is devoted entirely to public objects. If
you abolish your landed gentry here, where wealth is
scarce, learning confined to a few, and dignified employ-
ment almost wholly engrossed by a race of foreigners, how
much more readily ought you to vote for the destruction
of aristocracy at home, where property, knowledge, and
industry are all independent of its aid ! To our thinking,
the civil servant who would hand over all the soil of
India to Government and the peasants, ought to take his
place, when in England, amongst the Cuffeys and O'Con-
nors. He should have no thought of the danger of dislo-
cating society, after having uprooted "houses" to whose
antiquity the Norman baron is a creature of yesterday.
For the reckless extravagance of the zemindar he can find
parallel examples in the condition of half the peerage.
The gaming-table and the Opera do the work of ruin as
effectually as the overgrown suwarry and the dancing-girls
of the East. For the tyrannical interference with ryots,
of which so much is said, he will find kindred illustrations
in the conduct of men who avow that they will " do what
they like with their own ;" and when the race of folly is
at an end the collector steps in to manage the zemindary,
and the solicitor to nurse his lordship's estate. The
rajah goes on a pilgrimage, and the peer travels on the
continent. In the next generation the evil will reappear ;
the vice is in the blood. Your only remedy is to compel
the spendthrift to live on sixpence a day — and earn it.
But in proportion as our Government are destroying
the landed proprietors, they are calling into existence the
class of rich native traders, who will be the future aristo-
cracy of the East. So would democracy at home foster
the progress of the bourgeoisie. If the House of Lords
were voted useless and dangerous, and all the property of
the peerage confiscated to-morrow, the cotton-spinners and
growers would undergo, perhaps in still greater numbers,
•the process of transmutation into gentlemen entitled to sit
at home at ease. And there is this striking difference
320 THE SEPOY EEVOLT.
between the class of new men in the two countries — that
whereas the native shopkeeper merely changes from young
Hunks to old Hunks, and will cheat for pice after he has
accumulated a fortune, the Englishman marches abreast
of his destiny, and outwardly, at least, becomes the livery
of greatness. The father of the first Sir Eobert Peel wore
a patched coat and wooden shoes — his grandson was a
member of the Privy Council before he reached the age of
thirty, and at his death his family had intermarried with
the noblest of the land. We sneer at the aristocracy of
wealth in enlightened Britain, and have many a bitter
word for cotton lords and rich parvenus, but what could
be said for the bunneahs and soucars of India as samples
of the " best and bravest" of the country 1 Will they
command the respect of the people ? Can they create that
sentiment of veneration which an aristocracy ought to in-
spire, and wanting which they are fated to suffer speedy
extinction ? We fear the answers must be in the negative.
We look with dismay on a system of rule which is
wholly destructive, and which, if successful, will leave
two hundred millions of human beings without a religion,
without an aristocracy, and with but the scantiest por-
tion of wealth. We are undermining at the same
moment every part of the social edifice. The priest,
the noble, and the rich man of whatever denomination,
are threatened with the same fate. The great ends of
civilized teaching are the filling of the pockets, the
heart, and the head ; but the masters of India neglect
two-thirds of their duty, and perform the rest in a very
unsatisfactory manner.
For the effects of Godless colleges a cure will be found
at last in the strong necessity of belief. When Hin-
dooism has been thoroughly wrecked, and the ruins are
cleared away, a nobler creed will spring up in its room ;
but with the Brahmin degraded from his high place, and
the zemindar lost in the ranks of the peasantry, where
will the nation find the materials to build up an aris-
tocracy ? It will not always consent, as now, to find its
masters and guides in the youth of the Civil Service.
It will yearn for the excellence of home growth, and
the lordship that is not a sign of servitude ; and Heaven
THE DESTRUCTIVES OF LEADENHALL. 321
forgive us for having done our best to render the craving
a hopeless one.
Men who have studied natural phenomena tell us that,
if all the earth were levelled and made smooth as a lawn,
the uniformity would be purchased at the price of per-
petual barrenness hereafter. It is the mountains and
forests that bring down the fertilizing rains ; and so
they counsel that the tall trees should be suffered to
remain for the sake of the indirect good to be derived
from them. In like manner we would urge that the
axe should be withdrawn from the roots of the few re-
maining specimens of native aristocracy. If they do
not yield the best of fruits, they serve to invite the
refreshing showers. Let the levelling process cease for
awhile, till we note the tendency of our wayward
experiment.
CHAPTER XXVIL
THE LEVELLING CHARACTER OP THE COMPANY'S RULE. — THEIR INFLU-
ENCE PURELY DESTRUCTIVE. — THE RAJAH AND THE YEOMAN EQUALLY
RUINED, WITHOUT ^PROFIT TO THE GOVERNMENT.
WE acquit the opponents of property in India of any
design to uproot the foundations of society. It is their
misfortune to apprehend but rarely the consequences of
their policy. Civilians who have been all their lifetime
engaged in annihilating every interest interposed betwixt
the State and the cultivators of the soil, would deem it an
insult to be classed with the lowest order of democrats in
Europe. They will each go home in due season, and, if
fortunate, either inherit or purchase estates, which they
will bequeath to their children in the full assurance that
the Legislature will permit their lands to pass unchallenged
to the latest posterity. The fate which they have decreed
to Hindoo and Mussulman will not descend on £he heads
of their own children — the public welfare in Great Britain
not being so well cared for.
But let us ignore principles, and deal merely with the
question of profit. The socialist only advocates the de-
struction of private rights, in order to increase the sum
total of the general happiness ; and we will not suppose
322 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
that he would willingly destroy the native zemindar, to-
whom, wealth and the importance that it brings are natu-
rally very dear, unless he felt assured that his ruin would
be a blessing to the community. We are content to-
narrow the discussion to this single point, and to give up
the case of the ancient landholders, if it can be shown
that their loss has been a gain to others.
With the facts patent to the world that in Cuddapahy
Bellary, and Guntoor, three of the naturally richest dis-
tricts in the Madras Presidency, land is wholly unsaleable,
whilst in Chingleput it is only worth six months' pur-
chase ; we shall take it for granted that the ryot is not
richer now than he was fifty years since. Proof to that
ettect has already been furnished, and we shall content
ourselves with disclosing the results of the overthrow of
the zemindary system, so far as Government, the universal
landlord, is concerned.
The permanent settlement was made in 1802, and
founded on the basis that 30 and in some cases 40
per cent, of the rental should be allowed to the zemindars.
If we may believe Mr. Walter Elliot, whose authority in
such cases must be entitled to great weiglft, the landowners
took care to exact even a more liberal allowance for them-
selves, by means of false measurements, and the use of
corrupt artifices. We have not been able to get the
revenue returns for the twelve years immediately follow-
ing the settlement of the proprietary estates ; but, from
1814 to 1818, the average yearly revenue in pounds ster-
ling was 3,339,666£, the last year of the series being that
in which the ryotwarry system was first introduced. The
subsequent collections are as follows : —
1819 to 1824 £3,285,592
1825 to 1829 3,291,832
1830 to 1834 2,996,999
1835 to 1839 3,124,530
1840 to 1844 3,259,948
1845 to 1849 3,528,022
1850 to 1853 3,579,231
We should of course be fully justified in taking the
average of the thirty-five years during which the ryot-
warry system has been in operation, and comparing them
with the five years ending in 1818; but we elect the
APPEALING TO COCKER. 323
mode of comparison that gives the largest share of advan-
tage to our opponents, and test the results of the latest by
those of the earliest period.
From 1814 to 1818 the annual revenue was £3,339,666
From 1850 to 1853 3,579,231
Increase . . . £239,565
Let us now see how this increase has been obtained, and
whether any portion of it is owing to ithe absorption of
the zemindars.
Since 1814 the revenue of the single district of Tanjore
has been raised by upwards of 150,000?. Kurnool, an-
nexed in 1844, yields a surplus of 85,000?. Various
works of irrigation executed since 1836 give an annual
revenue of 40,000?. ; so that whilst the income of 1853
only exceeds that of 1814 by
£239,565
The sums due to the above sources amount to 270,000
Showing an annual loss of . £30, 435
If we take the increase of population as equivalent to
that of Ireland — 12^ per cent, in ten years — we have an
addition of forty in the hundred to the number of workers
and consumers, a loss of from 30 to 40 per cent, to the
zemindars, and a decline in the four most prosperous
years in the sum realized by Government ! We chal-
lenge the world to match the mournful picture !
The Company has always estimated its successful col-
lectors above jurists and men of science, and yet in this
department its failure is notorious, simply because it has
always ignored the lessons of civilization.
Neither of the great modes of settlement, the zemindary,
village, or ryotwarry, has succeeded, nor can possibly do
so, for in no case are the natural laws which affect the
distribution of property allowed to have free action. The
zemindar is over-taxed and always hampered by the inter-
ference of the Government officers. The village cultivator
is a member of a compulsory partnership, which is not
founded upon stable grounds ; and the Madras ryot is a
beggar and a slave, who can never be a capitalist or an
honest man. And the various systems react upon the
324 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
rulers. They damage public as well as private morals.
If the people have no sense of obligations, the Govern-
ment has no regard for rights. The one cheats like a
bondsman, and the other oppresses like a despot who
owns no law but his own will ; and if we may trust
public despatches and speeches in Parliament, the onus of
the admitted failure of the zemindary system rests entirely
with the rajahs and the bad seasons. It is shared between
Providence and the proprietors, sometimes in equal pro-
portion, but the responsibility generally varying according
to the nature of the object to be served, and the position
of the writers or speakers. Some useful information on
the subject is to be found in a return made by the India
House to an order of the House of Lords in May, 1852,
which states the case on behalf of the Government.
In 1802 settlements were made on the zemindary
tenure to the amount of 1,079,250Z. Of these estates,
five belonged to ancient families, who shared between
them the district of Guntoor, and paid 122,548Z. The
amounts thus specified formed two-thirds of the nett
rental, which must therefore have reached 1,539,675£
on the total zemindary settlement, and 1S4,822£. in the
case of Guntoor. There is no reason to believe that the tax
then imposed was based upon a wrong calculation of the
gross produce of the estates, for in 1813-14-15 the posses-
sions of the Yasareddy family, amounting to 383 villages
in that district, yielded an average revenue of 83,230£,
from which deducting the Government tax of 54,730^., the
remainder, or landlord's profit, is shown to be 28,500£
The Guntoor estates have all, without exception, passed
into the hands of the Company ; and whereas we are
assured, on the authority of the first member of the Board
of Revenue, that they once produced magnificent incomes
to their proprietors, the Parliamentary return shows that
the present revenue is only 70 per cent, of the amount
fixed by the permanent assessment in 1802.
In other words, the Government, standing in the place
of the landholders, receives no more than the share of
profit taken by the latter after the tax was paid, so that
the zemindaries yield less by upwards of a million sterling
than they did fifty years ago. The barbaric pomp that
THE PHAEISEES OF POLITICS. 325
disgusted the collector so much has passed away, and the
heirs of the ancient chieftains of the Northern Circars may
be seen occasionally hanging round the doors of the
Revenue Board Office, waiting with anxious looks for
permission to present begging petitions. And who has
benefited by their destruction ? Not the Government, as
we have seen ; not new men who have come forward to
occupy their places, for their lands do not bring by a third
the amount of tax fixed upon them, and have therefore no
value in the market ; not the ryots, for they are amongst
the most wretched in the Company's dominions. The
wealth thus coveted, and which nature so liberally ren-
dered up to despised natives, is lost as absolutely as if it
had never been realized. The test of the superior excellence
of the Company's rule will ill bear such a commentary.
But we have yet to see the cause of this vast deteriora-
tion in the resources of a district. A paternal Govern-
ment which knows its duty, and has ample means to fulfil
it, waits for more than fifty- eight years before it under-
takes a work of proved necessity — till it kills off, in one
famine out of many, five times the number of British
that perished at Waterloo, and curses the land with
barrenness : this Government, at the end of a few after
years, when the bones of the dead have been gathered
into heaps, and the sites of ruined village's are over-
grown, sternly taunts the proprietors of Guntoor with
neglect of the duties that belonged to their position !
Poor wretches ! they have paid the penalty of their im-
providence. Their debt has been liquidated ; but
justice has still to enforce, either in this world or the
next, its heavier claim on the East India Company.
Upon their plea of exemption, that of their superior
management of the zemindaries as compared with the
results of Government rule, we have but to cite a single
instance, which is commented upon at length in another
portion of this volume. For twenty-five years the re-
venue authorities held possession of those estates which
Vencatreddy Naidoo, the Rajah of "Vasareddy, bequeathed
to his descendants. They came into the hands of the col-
. lector without a rupee of liability, and at the end of that
time they were saddled with arrears due to the Govern-
326 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
ment, and created by its own acts, to the extent of no less
than 460,OOOZ., exclusive of interest. From 1790 to
1815, the period of his death, Vencatreddy held posses-
sion ; the records of Government tell how he feasted and
revelled, and what store of wealth he gave away. The
wise and strong English Government took this property
into its care, in trust for the lawful owner. It erected
neither temples nor palaces ; it made no pilgrimages, and
gave away no hundredweights of gold and silver ; and
when called on to surrender its charge, instead of having
half a million sterling to hand over to the heir, it handed
him its own little bill for a trifle more than that amount,
or 588,666Z.
As compared with the balance-sheet of Vencatreddy
Naidoo, the accounts of Government management showed
a loss of more than 108 lacs, or 1,080,000^. sterling, in the
case of a single zemindary, to say nothing of the ruin in-
flicted on the ryots and the country.
Of course if rajahs will keep elephants, maintain large
folio wings, make presents to nautch girls, and take no
heed of their affairs, they must expect that Government
will sell them up and utterly extinguish their pretensions
to lordships and honours. If the folks in authority at
home had had the honesty to do their duty like the East
India Company, there would have been no House of Lords,
nor great landed gentry in England, by this time. Where
the heir came into possession at a ripe age and succeeded
to an encumbered estate, a few years of heavy taxation
and loose living would bring the property to the hammer.
Where he was an infant, out of debt, and the title was
litigated, they could take the estates into their own
management by way of nursing and protecting them, as
in the case of the Vasareddy estates. It would come to
the same thing in the end. So, if you please, we will
say nothing against the policy which the Company has
pursued, and the Queen's Government ought to have
imitated, save this, that had the landlord's profit been
abolished at home, somebody would have been the better
for it. The Company have pursued the right course, and,
as is often the case in this strange world, their virtue has,
been an unprofitable one.
SADDLED WITH BAD BAEGAINS. 327
But it is not alone the great families that have been
steadily rooted out of their ancient places. The class of
mootahdars or " gentlemen farmers," as men of a corre-
sponding rank would be called in England, have shared
the fate of poligars and rajahs. In 1803 twenty-six
small estates in R-ajahmundry were put up for sale, and
bought from Government for 33,494?. Forty years
afterwards not a single acre remained in the possession
of the original holders or their descendants. " They
had not been more fortunate," says the Parliamentary
Report from which the facts are taken, "than the
thirteen ancient zemindars" of Rajahmundry, of whose
possessions only one-sixth remained in 1843. Purchase-
money, working capital, the produce of mortgages, all
had been swallowed up by the inexorable landlord, and
still the demand was not satisfied. As the last efforts of
despair, the resources of nature were anticipated. The
soil, tasked beyond its strength, refused to yield its
treasures to the cultivator ; and in fifty-one estates, re-
purchased by Government up to the close of 1843, in
Rajahmundry, the resources of the villages had decreased
upwards of 40 per cent, per annum. Government, it
will be seen, never exceeded its just demands, but these
unfortunately happened to be 407. in the hundred more
than the land could pay. Nobody could say that they
confiscated the estates ; they only asked for their own ;
but to get that, it was necessary that the mootahdars
should be sacrificed, as their betters before them had
been — that the pucka-house and the bullock-coach should
follow the palace and the elephants, and nothing but the
mud hut of the ryot be left to cumber the ground.
There is a story told of a man who sold his dog when-
ever he required money, the sagacious animal always
finding its way back to his old master, a little lean
perhaps and tired on some occasions, but only wanting
rest and food to get into flesh and look as well as ever.
It is likely the dog's master had been in the service of the
Company, and had studied the operation of the zemindary
settlement.
The marvellous increase that has taken place in the
value of Eastern exports during the last three years has
328 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
revolutionized to some extent the commerce of Madras,
and of every other part of the world with which we have
dealings. There is now a small balance in favour of the
Presidency — that is to say, more money and goods are
brought in than are sent out of the country. The value
of the imports for the year ending 30th of April last was
3,645,057?. 4s., including treasure ; against 3,358,9 651. 10s.,
the value of the merchandize and treasure exported. But
to see how the revenue system of Madras has operated on
the well-being of the country, we must look to the records
of past years, and watch the gradual drain of capital into
the coffers of the State.
During the eighteen years from 1834 to 1852, both in-
clusive, the exports from Madras amounted to 25,506,197?.
12s., in round numbers about 1,400,000?. per annum. The
imports in the same period reached only 14,439,449?. 6s.,
or 800,000?. per annum. We naturally look for the
balance under the head of treasure imported ; but, strange
to say, more money was sent out of the country than was
brought into it, and in the list of exports we have not
included the precious metals. Still dealing with the same
period of time, we find that 3,338,810?. 10s. was shipped
from Madras in the shape of treasure, and but 3,190,767?.
10s. brought back again. The total of money and mer-
chandize put on board, or sent across the frontier by land,
was 28,445,008?. 2s., and the total imports 17,630,217?. 4s.
A sum, then, of 11,214,798?. 18s. is wholly unaccounted
for; and if we allow the merchant a profit of 10 per cent,
on exports, we shall find that for every two-shillings'
worth sent out of the country, whether in the shape of
produce, manufactures, or the precious metals, but thirteen
pence halfpenny came back again. But the value sent
forward and the traders' profit must return to Madras
through some channel or other. The London banker
would remit to his correspondents the amount which the
latter had advanced on bills of lading, either by paying
their drafts upon him in cash, making advances on goods
shipped to them in return, or remitting bullion. Every
merchant or agent who received money's worth, had to
pay for it in some shape or other ; but there was one firm
that neither paid money nor sent out a shilling's worth of
COST OF THE SLEEPING PARTNER. 329
goods, who yet demanded and received every year the
seven annas in the rupee that we have found missing. In
the four years ending 1851, the East India Company
carried off from the Southern Presidency nearly 2,470,000£
of coined money, exclusive of the sums raised by advances
on goods and the sale of bills. In 1851-2 they shipped
from Madras 651,200Z.? and obtained money on bills to
the extent of 303,OOOZ. If this sum be added to the im-
ports of that year, the whole will amount to 2,854,965£.
10s., against a total export of 2,670,444£ 8s. merchandize
and treasure in 1850-1, and gives Madras back the worth
of its ventures and a profit of more than 7 per cent.
No one will quarrel with us for saying that the above
statistics are strange and melancholy beyond all concep-
tion. Here is an English Government, which takes all
the State tax and all the landlord's profit upon 140,000
square miles ; which exists in perfect peace ; and yet is
obliged, in order to defray its expenses, to seize and carry
off half the surplus profits of twenty-three millions of
souls ! The Madras ryot, growing the most valuable pro-
ducts of agriculture ; the native manufacturer, with his
curious examples of patient industry; and the European
capitalist, sugar-refiner, indigo-maker, and cotton-grower
— each and all surrounded with illimitable space for ex-
pansion and improvement — pay 5s. a head in taxes ; create,
as the combined product of their daily lives, a surplus of 3s.
yearly, and consume of imported goods as much as amounts
to Is. 9d. each person ! The negroes of Africa are wealthier
by far than the Madras Hindoo ; the beggars of Europe
are better customers to the rest of mankind.
There is hardly a fact more thoroughly recognised than
that of the successful competition of English mill-
owners with the cotton manufacturers of the East. The
most prosaic of statists is apt to warm into enthusiasm when
dilating on the wondrous results of that union of energy,
skill, and capital which has enabled the costly workman
of Lancashire to supplant the exquisite fabrics of Dacca,
and undersell the labour which considers 2d. a fair day's
wages for a fair day's work. We are constantly reminded
that the art of weaving had its rise in India, and that the
term " calico" is derived from Calicut, a town in Madras.
330 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
It is not our present business to discuss the question,
whether Madras derives as much comparative benefit from
imported cottons as England is said to do from foreign
corn ; but that the substitution of Manchester goods for
those of native make is an advantage to the bulk of the
community, cannot be denied. With all the willingness
of the labouring class to encounter any amount of risk
And fatigue in the hope of procuring profitable employ-
ment, there is no increase in the number of weavers. The
very lowest rate of wages is still too high for the man
who has to compete with the work of the iron fingers
that never tire, and can be multiplied to any extent.
The use of English thread or cloth is only limited by the
means of the consumers.
We stipulate beforehand against any expressions of in-
credulity with regard to the fact we are about to disclose.
Disbelief would be natural, but not proper. This is a
land of wonders ; and the story of the Indian Govern-
ment, and of the real condition of the people, is of all
others the most difficult of comprehension. But it is
nevertheless true that the whole extent of cotton-twist
•and manufactured goods, printed and plain, imported into
the Madras territories, by sea and land, amounts but to 2d.
per head.
We have searched for a proper standard of comparison,
but without success. The Crown colonies within the
tropics, which are said to be wretchedly governed as con-
trasted with the countries under the sway of the East
India Company, are so small in comparison with Madras,
that the disproportion is ludicrous. Ceylon and Mauritius
receive about a third more than the total imports of Madras,
-and pay about one-eighth of its revenue. We prefer,
therefore, to quote the South American States, where the
]S"egro works for a bare maintenance, where the rulers
have never been trained for the duties of government, and
the hunter wears a dress of deer-skin, and seldom requires
the aid of the dhobie. Our authority is the Parliamentary
return of " British cotton manufactured goods exported
in the year 1851," from which it appears that Brazil and
nine South American Republics, having in the whole a
population of less than twenty-two millions, took more
FACTS FOR MANCHESTER FOLKS. 331
than four millions' worth of manufactures, or a trine less
than four shillings per head. One can account for slight
discrepancies in the working of human institutions, but
how the slaves and niestijos of South America should be
able to purchase of one single class of English manufac-
tures twenty-four times as much as the free, enlightened,
and happily-guided Hindus, is a problem which we ask
the public at large to assist us in solving. It is not com-
patible with any notion of honesty and wisdom on the
part of the governors, or of any comfort on the side of the
people.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE CONDITION OP THE MADRAS RYOT DESCRIBED BY AUTHORITY.
FOLLY OF ATTEMPTING TO INVEST CAPITAL IN THAT PRESIDENCY.
IT requires thirty-seven thousand men to collect the
revenue of Madras, or more than three-fourths of the
whole force of the fifty-two regiments composing the
native infantry of the southern army. The cost of main-
taining them is close upon half a million sterling, a sum.
which, if rateably distributed, gives about fourteen shil-
lings a month to each individual employed. It is of course
hard to say how much is contributed by the country in
addition. Folks who pretend to have accurate informa-
tion on these points assert that the rupee obtained from
the ryot is always divided into two equal parts, one going
into the general treasury, and the other remaining in the
pouch of the subordinate tax-gatherer ; but the estimate
is most likely exaggerated. Where the knavery is greatest,
and where poverty is most utter and desolate, the native
tax-gatherer will reap the greatest harvest ; he will be
bribed heavily for allowing the rich man to cheat and the
poor man to live.
The state of things disclosed in the foregoing pages
might still be thought reconcileable with the existence of a
race of peasant-farmers elevated above the sphere of labour-
ing wretchedness • but such is not the case. The present
Secretary for Government in the Revenue Department,
Mr. Bourdillon, published a pamphlet in 1852, in which
he showed, from the official list of holdings for the revenue
332 THE SEPOY KEVOLT.
year 1848-49, that out of 1,071^,588, the total number of
leases, excluding joint holdings in the fourteen principal
ryotwarry districts, no fewer than 589,932, being con-
siderably more than half, were under 20s. per annum each,
averaging in fact only a small fraction above 8s. each :
201,065 were for amounts ranging from 20s. to 406?.,
averaging less than 28s. 6d. ; 97,891 ranged between 40s.
and 60s., averaging 49s. 6d. In other words, nearly
900,000 leases out of a total of less than 1,100,000 were
for amounts under 60s., and averaging less than 19s. 6d.
per annum.
Upon the general condition of the people, Mr. Bour-
dillon remarks as follows : —
" Now it may certainly be said of almost the whole of
the ryots paying even the highest of these sums, and
even of many holding to a much larger amount, that they
are always in poverty, and generally in debt. Perhaps
one of this class obtains a small sum out of the Govern-
ment advances for cultivation ; but even if he does, the
trouble that he has to take, and the time he loses in getting
it, as well as the deduction to which he is liable, render
this a questionable gain. For the rest of his wants he is
dependent on the bazarman. To him his crops are gene-
rally hypothecated before they are reaped ; and it is he
who redeems them from the possession of the village
watcher, by pledging himself for the payment of the
kist. These transactions pass without any written en-
gagements or memoranda between the parties, and the
only evidence is the chetty's own accounts. In general
there is an adjustment of the accounts once a year, but
sometimes not for several years. In all these accounts
interest is charged on the advances made to the ryot on
the balance against him. The rate of interest varies with
the circumstances of the case and the necessities of the
borrower ; it is probably seldom or never less than 12
per cent, per annum, and not often above 24 per cent.
Of course the poorest and most necessitous ryots have to
pay the highest.
" A ryot of this class of course lives from hand to mouth ;
he rarely sees money, except that obtained from the
chetty to pay his kist ; the exchanges in the out villages
DEBTOR TO ENGLISH CHRISTIANITY. 333
are very few, and they are usually conducted by barter.
His ploughing cattle are wretched animals not worth
more than from three and a half to six rupees each (seven
to twelve shillings), and those, perhaps, not his own,
because not paid for. His rude and feeble plough costs,
when new, no more than two or three shillings ; and all
the rest of his few agricultural implements are equally
primitive and inefficient. His dwelling is a hut of mud
walls and thatched roof, far ruder, smaller, and more
dilapidated than those of the better classes of ryots above
spoken of, and still more destitute, if possible, of anything
that can be called furniture. His food, and that of his
family, is partly thin porridge made of the meal of grain
boiled in water, and partly boiled rice with a little condi-
ment ; and generally the only vessels for cooking and
eating from are of the coarsest earthenware, much inferior
in grain to a good tile or brick in England, and unglazed.
Brass vessels, though not wholly unknown among this
class, are rare. As to anything like education or mental
culture, they are wholly destitute of it. Even among the
more wealthy ryots, and indeed among all ranks through-
out the country, with the few and rare exceptions where
there is a missionary school, the whole education consists in
learning to read and write, with a little arithmetic. The
only books read are foolish and trifling, not to add im-
moral, legends. There is no true knowledge communicated
even on matters of physical science, or any useful training
of the mind."
When we look on the Indian ryot, we see one upon
whom man's curse presses harder than the Deity's; when
we contemplate the Madras Government, which, if it has
not helped to make him what he is, takes care to keep
him in the wretchedness which he inherits from his fore-
fathers, we are led to wonder at the combination of cir-
cumstances which confers authority, and prompts obe-
dience. Why the man who works and creates good
should pine in misery, whilst the useless member of
society, the drag on the wheels of time, receives wealth
and honour, is a strange and humbling mystery.
At present, with the aid of a little concealed cultivation,
a few prayers and entreaties, occasional sore bones, much
Y
334: THE SEPOY REVOLT.
lying and chronic abjectness of soul, the ryot manages to
live ; but the way of it is unknown to himself, and un-
happily as well to the good people of England.
Wide as is the range of the English dominion in the
East, various and exceptional as are the modes of raising
revenue, costly and desirable as are the products raised
within its borders, it is beyond all doubt that, under the
present system of taxation, the public revenue can obtain
no increase. A vast addition everywhere to the breadth
of land cultivated, would add both to rent and customs ;
but the soil of Bengal has been sold in fee simple. Bom-
bay, settled mainly on the ryot worry basis, must, in the
nature of things, pass from bad to worse. In Madras, the
annual emigration more than balances the natural increase
of the population. In the North-west, the village system
is tumbling to pieces, and the land revenue has for years
been stationary. Only one-fourth of the Punjaub is culti-
vated ; the country requires outlets for trade, and recent
events have drawn away a large portion of the male popu-
lation for military service.
There are many millions of acres of the finest land in
the world lying fallow in Pegu since the days, perhaps,
when first upheaved above the waters ; but the country
lacks population, having only a million of souls through-
out its whole extent of 30,000 square miles. Not one-
fifth of the cultivable area of British India is turned to
account ; and yet the limits of cultivation appear to have
been reached. God has made the land fertile ; but man
has reversed his decree, and consigned it to hopeless
sterility.
Where is the remedy ? Under the Company, or the
Company's Government, there is none to be hoped for.
The most cursory examination might have satisfied the
Court of Directors, any time within the last quarter of a
century, that the sole cause of the vast and permanent
prosperity of Bengal is the perpetual settlement which
they never cease to denounce and lament. The commerce
of India has increased from two and a half millions in
1813, to sixty -five millions in 1856-7, and there is no
limit to its further expansion. Crowds of the native
landholders and merchants accumulate princely fortunes ;
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES. 335
and maiiy a fair estate in England and Scotland has grown
up from the savings of the few years' labour at the desk
or by the side of the indigo vats. There is no lack of the
enterprise which would achieve results as favourable else-
where. Calcutta is not the best outlet for trade, nor
Bengal the only rich soil : the land is everywhere in
India, the men and the capital are waiting at home ; and
why are they not brought together 1
The answer is; simply because, beyond the limits of the
Bengal Presidency, there is no permanency of tenure. In.
the North-west Provinces and Bombay, the settlement is
made for a short term ; in Madras and Pegu, the tenancy
is only yearly. In the Gis and Trans-Sutlej States, leases
are given for twenty or thirty years \ in the Punjaub
proper the term is ten years, with a promise that it may
be further prolonged. The tenant is in the situation of a
leaseholder whose property does not absolutely pass away
from him at the end of his term, but which may be
assessed at a rate which amounts to virtual confiscation.
He may then be called upon to pay, not merely an en-
hanced rate for the soil, but an assessment upon the full
value of his improvements. The capital that lie has sunk
becomes a part of the fixed property of the landlord ; and
lie must either abandon it, or pay what is demanded of
him. Such a state of things is never contemplated in the
theory of the Court of Directors. They profess to see
nothing which can possibly prevent the employment of
British capital in any part of India, though we have
shown that four-fifths of the cultivable area of Madras
lies waste, and is not likely to experience change. The
fact of its fertility, the extent of its mineral resources, the
general excellence of the climate, the almost perfect
security of property from violence, are generally known ;
yet moneyed men forbear to build mills or dig mines, or
become great landholders.
The opportunities seem tempting, the facilities are
perfect ; why do not people avail themselves of the chance
of getting rich without much trouble '? Simply because
the Company's system is a perpetual lion, in the path of
the settler. What is his energy, however great, in the
midst of universal wretchedness and apathy 1 What can
336 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
his example effect, when there are none to imitate it?
What marvels can his wealth exhibit, when all around are
poor to destitution ? To take land in his own person and
improve it, would be to court certain defeat. If he
quarrelled with a collector, his rent would probably be
raised, and his plans of amelioration thwarted in every
possible way. If he offended the great man's subordinates,
he might count upon being harassed by scores of false
suits, and exposed to a thousand losses and humiliations.
On the other hand, if he merely sat down and gave out
that he was willing to purchase produce, his task would
be easy enough for the first twelve months, after which
difficulties would occur. He could not obtain a measure
of rice or a cake of indigo without previously making
advances; or, in other words, taking a mortgage upon
Providence, with only one signature to the bond. If the
next season turned out favourable, he would get back a
portion of his money, and perhaps make a fair profit upon
it, but a goodly balance would remain to be accounted for;
next year, if bad harvests occurred, he must make up his
mind to get a new set of books, and begin with fresh
accounts and altered expectations. If he perseveres for
some years, he finds it profitable to maintain a native
lawyer at a fixed salary, and keep a staff of permanent
witnesses. The occupation is neither pious nor profitable;
and the most enduring and reckless speedily become
tired of it.
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE REMEDY. — IMPOSSIBILITY OF RAISING MORE REVENUE UNDER THE
PRESENT SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT. — DIFFICULTY OF OBTAINING COR-
RECT INFORMATION. COST OF CULTIVATION AND PROFITABLE CUL-
TURE.— OVERTHROW OF THE SLAVE-HOLDING INTEREST. — THE BALANCE
OF TRADE.
THE task that we have to perform is the changing of a
rebellious into a contented people, of a deficient into a
surplus revenue, to abolish the slave-trade and slavery,
and enable England to be the mistress of her own destiny.
The work seems heavy enough ; but harder labour has
been undertaken by Englishmen before now — for less
THE TASK BEFORE US. 337
wages than can be paid in this case — and with the cer-
tainty of no eventual profits.
Let us thoroughly comprehend our present position.
India must be held by the English, that is a point about
which no discussion can be tolerated; but by no State
device can we equalize, under the present system of
taxation, its income and expenditure. If we could re-
store to-morrow the land, the loyalty, and the fixed
capital that have been destroyed, still with the necessity for
keeping up an additional force of twenty-five thousand
Europeans, the annual deficit would amount to some
millions, with no prospect whatever of a change for the
better.
The only fiscal resource as yet untried is a property and
income-tax ; but it would utterly fail, owing to the in-
superable difficulties in the way of getting at the know-
ledge of what your supposed rich man possesses. On in-
quiry, his land would be found nominally in the hands
of a score of holders, his Company's paper all mortgaged
for advances. He would bury his coin, and hide his
securities \ and all that we should gain by the attempt to
make income contribute to the State, would be measure-
less ill-will from the only class that now wish for the con-
tinuance of our rule. The Hindoo and Mussulman method
of accusing a man of riches, and torturing him into con-
fession, is the sole mode of raising direct taxation in the
East ; and our civilization objects to it.
We must increase our deficit if we would vastly aug-
ment our surplus. We must lay out English capital if
we would have English profits. We must look upon
India as a great joint-stock property, of which all the
Queen's subjects are entitled to have a share. We have
but to yoke sun, soil, and human efforts together, and in
hopefulness of heart and brain wait the outturn.
We have done nothing whatever for Bengal, except to
bestow the land in perpetuity at a fixed rate of taxation.
We have steadily opposed the settlement of Europeans,
and upheld the worst judicial and police system in the
known world ; and yet the sole fact that the zemindar
holds his property in fee simple, at a mere nomiual rent,
has made the soil so valuable, that estates are scarcely
338 THE SEPOY BE VOLT.
ever to be obtained by OUT countrymen on any terms,
whilst the export tonnage has increased twelvefold within
the last sixty years. The land-rent on the cultivated area
only amounts to a shilling per acre ; and the zemindar at
least obtains six times that amount. The ryot on the
average gets a shilling a week : and the native traders
make enormous gains. Bengal wants an Encumbered
Estates Act, and a law of Tenant Right ; and then, with
English judges and a reasonably honest police, we discern
no limit to the growth of trade and prosperity. As
matters stand, the soil of Bengal is far too valuable. The
zemindar lords it in reality over all the trading interests
of India, and has the English merchant and the native
peasant equally underfoot. We want a counterpoise in
the shape of an increase in the labourers' earnings, and of
a value given to land elsewhere. We are equally con-
cerned in cheapening the cost of produce; and raiding the
rate of wages.
have seen that, after paying the Government land-
t«-ix and the cost of cultivation, the five and a half mil-
lions of Madras families engaged in agricultural employ-
ment have only one shilling and eightpence per month
each to subsist upon. We want to raise that sum to ten
shillings, a range of income beyond their wildest dreams,
which would give them seven millions sterling to lay out
in the purchase of our manufactures, and still leave a con-
siderable surplus for extravagance or hoarding. Four
shillings monthly suffice to maintain a household in riotous
profusion, so far as food is concerned ; and after laying
out forty shillings in imports, the ry ot would have a yearly
balance of one- third more than his present total income.
We propose to effect this change by reducing the land-
tax over the whole of India to two shillings per acre, and
selling the fee simple of it for twenty shillings. We
should then be better off in the matter of revenue than
the colonies of the Crown, where the land is disposed of
outright for a pound an acre. There should be no dis-
tinction of soils recognised, the object being to induce a
rush for investment, and so draw out the hoards of the
capitalist. Land held in proprietary right would of course
only pay the annual assessment, the owners, if their title
HOW TO CREATE A NEW CALIFORNIA. 339
was clear, standing in the same category with the new
purchasers. Works of irrigation should be kept up under
the supervision of trusts, as in England we maintain the
turnpike roads and other corporate conveniences, the Go-
vernment selling or leasing such as they have hitherto
maintained. Roads and canals should be made and re-
paired at the cost of the country, rates being levied for
that purpose, and the inhabitants encouraged to look to
the proper application of the funds.
The cultivator should in every case have, during twelve
months, the right of pre-emption in the purchase of the
land actually held by him under tillage, on paying the five
per cent, which Government would gain by closing at
once with the offer to buy. At the end of that period no
further impediment should be offered to the entrance of
the capitalist, whose co-operation in the work is a matter
of the utmost importance. The ryot would find plenty of
favourable localities in which to labour whilst earning the
small sum requisite to make him a landed proprietor.
The cost of the reduction would be, in the case of
Madras, taking the assessed area at fourteen millions of
acres, just two millions sterling. In Bombay it is diffi-
cult to say what the exact sum would reach ; but a mil-
lion and a half would cover it. The North-western
deficiency would be nil as yet ; Nagpore, Oude, the Pun-
jaub, and Pegu only pay in the aggregate 1,655,000£, and
are scarcely assessed at three shillings per acre. An al-
lowance of a million is ample in the instances of the
countries alluded to, which brings up the total reduction
to four and a half millions.
With regard to the North-west there is the certainty
that in the new arrangements for taking land, necessary
in consequence of the numerous confiscations that must
ensue from the rebellion, and the destruction of title-
deeds and records, most men would prefer to receive the
fee simple of their holdings, and pay a reduced scale of
taxation, instead of re-entering under the old system of a
terminable lease, subject to an enhanced rental at each
renewal. Whenever this occurred, Government would
only be selling one-third of their annual rent at twenty
years' purchase ; but if the tenant elected to remain on
340 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
the old tooting, of course the terms of the agreement
must be carried out. It is not likely that extensive pur-
chases would be made, for a time, by the ryots in Oude
or Pegu ; but in the old Presidencies and the Punjaub, we
calculate that every rupee would be drawn from the
earth for the purpose of being laid out in the purchase of
land. It is almost the only mode in which men of capi-
tal can turn their savings to account ; and once assured,
as they soon will be, of the permanence of our rule, we
shall see land as scarce and valuable in all parts of India
as it is now in Bengal, and as it was but lately in the
North-west Provinces. There will be an end to emigra-
tion after the first six months of the new system of land
tenures.
Less than 40,000,000 of acres additional brought into
cultivation would make up the whole deficiency of re-
venue ; for at least 1,000,000£. sterling would be saved
in the reduction of revenue establishments. Madras, in
proportion to its population, should have 30,000,000 of
acres under tillage ; and many thousands of disbanded
Sepoys and Government servants of all kinds will be
available for field labour in 1858. Crowds of ryots
would flock in from all the native States, anxious to
share in the blessings of the new rule ; and every man
would have a real interest in the preservation of law and
order. We hardly expect to create a Paradise on the
site of what is now Pandemonium ; but at any rate we
should succeed in making happiness a possibility, and put
future revolt utterly out of the question.
And now to come to the question in which the two
hemispheres are vitally interested — the prospect of get-
ting cheap and abundant supplies of cotton, sugar, and
other tropical produce. It is beyond all doubt that India
can grow any kind as well as any quantity of cotton.
Every variety of climate, every degree of moisture, is to
be found within her ample borders. Sugar, silk, tea,
seeds, rice, and wheat can be raised to the full level of
the demand for them, if that reached to the exclusion of
Southern America and the Slave Islands from the mar-
kets of Europe. Let us weigh a few agricultural and
financial facts, and then make the fitting comparisons.
CROSS ROADS AND CROSS PURPOSES. 341
A man and his family can do the work of two la-
bourers, and they will be rich if in the receipt of 61. per
annum. They can cultivate with ease five acres of land,
growing, say, one acre of sugar-cane, one of cotton, and
three of rice or oil-seeds. To avoid the chance of error,
we will take each acre separately, both for cost, product,
and outturn of cultivation.
We must premise by saying that the difficulty of ob-
taining reliable information for general use upon ques-
tions of Indian social economy is as great as that which
stands in the way of acquiring political knowledge. An
Anglo-Indian, who fancies that he thoroughly understands
the state of affairs in the East, stumbles perhaps upon a
body of evidence upon Indian topics which utterly con-
founds him. He vows honestly, on being questioned,
that the secretary to Government is not such a person as
is represented by the witnesses, that he is incapable of
doing anything so foolish or tyrannical as the act ascribed
to him. The army, instead of being discontented, and in
a state of disorganization, is well satisfied, and in the
highest state of efficiency. The land-tax is by no means
oppressive ; the collectors have nothing to say to the
standing crops. The Sudder Court has a couple of able
judges in it ; and the English functionaries in the lower
tribunals are not all ignorant of law, as would seem to be
inferred. The indignant critic goes on, perhaps, till out
of breath and scant of charity, and then discovers that
the testimony impugned relates to Bombay or Madras,
whilst his own experience is wholly confined to Bengal.
The machinery of government is nearly alike in construc-
tion, and the parts are called by the same names — a ryot
in Bengal is identified with the class of ryots all over the
surface of the English dominions ; but in other respects
the Company's servants and subjects in one Presidency
know as little of each other as Spaniards know of French-
men, and transact the business of their lives in entirely
different ways. The diversity tells heavily against the
interests of the people when questions have to be decided
at home which demand, for their wise settlement, the
attention of more than a single individual. There is at
this moment but one man in the East India direction
342 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
who can pretend to the slightest knowledge of Madras
affairs ; and he is a general who retired from the country
some years since. Men who have achieved reputation as
able administrators in one part of the East will honestly
admit their ignorance of the state of things which prevails
elsewhere ; and how should it be otherwise, if their plea
of a special aptitude for the performance of their own
proper tasks is a valid one ? The languages spoken, the
methods of raising taxation, the habits and manners of
the natives, are all peculiar to each great section of the
Queen's Eastern possessions, and require, on the part of
the Englishman, facilities for learning, and an interest in
rightly understanding them. Take from the Court of
Last Appeal the elements which are either hurtful or
innocuous in the way of arriving at a just decision, and,
when your body of Directors is dwindled down to a soli-
tary person, add the influence of the fact that he has been
several years away from India, and only knew it as an
official ; and the conclusion must be, that great things as
well as small ones are left to the rule of thumb. The
persons charged to decide upon matters of vital concern-
ment to India may have the will to do justice in most
cases ; but it is beyond their power to administer it, if
knowledge of the subject is requisite for that purpose.
In assigning credence to official statements, equal care
must be taken to ascertain the character of the facts upon
which they are based. The mode in which averages are
struck is one of the most fruitful sources of erroneous im-
pressions. In preparing statements on the incidence of
taxation, the Indian authorities adopt a principle which
gives results that are as correct as those of a process
which, adding the wages of half-a-dozen farm-labourers to
the rental of the Duke of Bedford, would make out that
each had an income of 30,000£ per annum. The Madras
statists put down the area of cultivation in that Presidency
at twenty millions of acres, and show that the tax only
amounts to 3s. 6d. per acre, whilst, according to the state-
ments of the Revenue Board, sugar in Madras is not cul-
tivated, "in general," on lands assessed below 2 Is. or
above 48s. per acre ; the plain English of which is, that
the collector takes care that sugar land shall not pay less
GETTING AT THE NUGGETS. 343
than the smaller amount ; and the range of prices in the
English market forbids attempts on the part of the ryot
to raise it under the higher scale of taxation. It is a
positive fact, that in 1832 the tax imposed upon sugar
lands varied in Tinnivelly from 13s. to SI. 3s. 6d. The
Government have, within the last twelvemonth, reduced
the assessment in Bellary with regard to five classes of
land, fixing the highest at 18s., and the lowest at 1 5s. per
acre. Facts tending to the same result crop out with
reference to the North-western Provinces. The average
of taxation, which, according to Thornton's Gazetteer, is
3s. 3d. on the total assessed area, gives no clue to the real
extent of the Government demand, which, as in all other
parts of India not permanently settled, was merely regu-
lated by the ability of the cultivator to pay. Take from
the North-west system its distinguishing characteristics,,
of a return of one- third of the gross produce to the
holders of the proprietary right and the granting of thirty
years' leases, and it would be found scarcely to differ in
essentials from the ryotwarry, which the advocates of the
former condemn and repudiate.
An acre of land will grow, with careful irrigation,
200 Ibs. of clean cotton and a ton of oil-seeds. The cost
of cultivation will be as follows : —
£ s. d.
Rent and interest of purchase money .040
Seed, hire of bullocks, and cost of water .0140
Proportion of annual income . . .140
£220
And the outturn will be —
200 Ibs. of clean cotton @ 2d. per Ib. . 1 13 4
One ton of oil- seeds @ 4s. per cwt. .400
£5 13 4 £ s. d.
Profit on the cultivation of one acre . . . 3 11 4
Sugar cultivation will yield the following result : —
£ *. d.
Rent and interest . . . . .040
Cost of cultivation and water . . .100
Proportion of annual income . . .140
£280
344 THE SEPOY KEVOLT.
The product in this case, single crop, will be —
1500 Ibs. of ordinary Madras sugar @ 8s. £ s. d.
per cwt. . . . . . .540
£ s. d.
Profit upon one acre . . . . . 2 16 0
Rice and oil-seeds mixed, a double crop, will show the
following : —
£ s. d.
Rent and interest 040
Cultivation 0 10 0
Proportion of annual income . . .140
£1 18 0
And the outturn will be —
£ *. d.
Clean rice, 10 cwt. @ 3s. 6d. per cwt. . 1150
Oil-seeds, 1 ton @ 4s. per cwt. . .400
£5 15 0 £ s. d.
The profit in this instance being . . . 3 17 0
Implicit reliance may be placed on the above figures,
which show, in round numbers, a profit of more than 31.
per acre upon the four articles of produce cultivated, after
the ryots' income has been deducted. Cotton grown in
the North-western Provinces has yielded as much as
380 Ibs. to the acre; sugar raised in Madras has given
considerably over two tons. The experience of a China-
man would put these statistics to shame, as affording
proof of what might be made from such an area of soil ;
and in due time we shall have India as well irrigated,
and almost as densely peopled, as the Celestial Empire.
The difference between barrenness and the most glorious
fertility is merely a question of water; and between
wretchedness and prosperity, a matter of low rent and
permanent tenure.
Let us now see what would be the cost of the above
commodities to the people of Europe, allowing for all
charges incurred, and profits expected. If we assume
that the produce is raised at an average distance of 200
miles from the port of shipment, and the cost of carriage
is 2d. per ton per mile, we shall surely cover all the
expenses of transit. The cotton and the grain of Pegu
PROFITS OF THE PARTNERSHIP. 345
will not cost a tenth part of that amount ; and along the
1600 miles of seaboard belonging to the Madras Presi-
dency, there is land enough to supply all the requirements
of England far within the limits now assigned. But
we are content to let the figures stand; they show as
follows: —
Cotton. d.
Cost of raw material per Ib. . , . . .2
Carriage to the coast
Baling and screwing
Shipping charges
Freights @ 20s. per bale of 500 Ibs.
01
0|
04
Insurance and other charges
Cost in Liverpool on shipper's account per Ib. . 3c^
We assert, without hesitation, that at the above rate,
and under the conditions laid down, any quantity of
excellent cotton can be produced in India and Pegu,
yielding the profit stated to the growers.
Sugar. 8. d.
Cost of raw material per cwt. . 8 0
gunny bag
Carriage to coast per cwt.
Charges @ 10 per cent.
Freight @ 80s. per ton, and insurance
London charges ....
0 3
1 8
1 0
4 6
1 6
Cost to sell without profit or loss . . . 16 11
Rice. s. d.
Cost of clean rice per cwt. . . . . .36
Gunny bag and shipping . . . . .10
Freight @ 80s. per ton 40
Insurance and London charges, average . .13
Cost to the shipper . . . . . .99
Oil Seeds. £ s. d.
Cost of mustard or gingelly per quarter . .0190
Gunny bag, insurance, and shipping charges .046
Freight @ 90s. per ton 126
London charges . . . . .040
Cost to the shipper £2 10 0
On the 7th of November last, under great depression
346 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
•<»s, Madras native sugar averaged in bond 'los. 6<£;
in 'July the same quality was worth 37s. The lowest
rate would give the merchant a profit of more than 61.
per ton; and at what maybe called, under the present
state of things, the natural value, he would realize at
least double that amount, or more than a hundred and
seventy per cent, on his outlay of capital. Adopt at
once our proposed scale of taxation in Madras ; and despite
the want of roads and machinery for crushing the cane,
sugar could be made at a profit to the grower when the
native merchant only obtained from the shipper 5s. 6d.
per cwt., which would reduce the cost of the article, laid
down in London, to 14s. 5d.
Madras cotton was quoted at Liverpool on the 7th of
November at 4fd. The advance of a farthing in the
price of cotton adds a million sterling to the outlay of
the manufacturers ; but what would be the gain when we
could not only import cotton of the present quality at an
aggregate reduction of 5,000,000/., but suit at the same
rate all the requirements of the spinner? It needs but a
glance at the samples on view at the India House, to
convince the public that water and tendance only are
requisite to raise from the indigenous seed nearly all the
varieties of cotton now in use. Three years of English
culture would set the question of Indian sufficiency in
this respect at rest for ever.
How cheaply rice can be grown, and how pleasant
annexation may be made to a people who as yet scarcely
know us except as traders, may be ascertained from a
glance at the present condition of the inhabitants of the
eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal, as compared with
what it was under the rule of the Burmese. The taxation
fixed by the Court of Ava consisted of an impost of about
ten shillings sterling levied on each homestead, and an equal
amount charged upon each yoke of buffaloes, in lieu of
land-rent. Our Government has retained the capitation-
rax, but has substituted for the charge on cattle a land-
tax of two, three, and four shillings an acre, according to
the quality of soil. The aggregate sum now levied is hardly
greater than the regular taxation fixed by the Burmese ;
but, whereas the hundred baskets of table rice, weighing
THE WEAKNESS OF WEALTH. 347
7400 Ibs., formerly sold at Rangoon for 18s. on the ave-
rage, the same quantity now realizes 51.
It would pay us well, as a nation, to dispense entirely
with taxes in the case of a people who would consent to
give us rice at threepence per cwt. We compensated the
Hughs of Arracan and the Karens of Pegu for the loss of
their independence, if they ever had or cared to preserve
such a gift, and might safely go to a popular election in
that part of the world on the question of the maintenance
of British sovereignty.
The objects that we have kept steadily in view, apart
from the improvement of the condition of the ryot, are
the incentives to the employment of capital in the culti-
vation of land, and a vast increase of production. As
matters now stand, every mill that is built tends to make
cotton dearer; for, toil as it may, production cannot
overtake consumption. The buyers increase faster than
the sellers ; and so long as that is the case, it is hopeless
to expect a diminution in the price of the raw material.
The manufacturer is obliged to pay far more than the
worth of the inferior article, because he cannot get
enough of the better sort. Every advance in the price
of American cotton, which the grower improves to the
best of his ability, is a bounty to the Asiatic agriculturist,
who will make no change in his modes of culture or
dressing if he can help it. The Englishman is obliged to
take the adulterated stuff, whether he likes it or not,
simply because that, bad as it is, it is better than nothing.
The effect of high prices in the home market for East
India produce tends more to change the nature of the
cultivation, than to increase the breadth or improve the
quality. Cotton lands are made to grow sugar, or vice
versa. Advances are made by the native traders to the
ryots during the time that high rates rule in Europe ;
and the article is delivered perhaps at a period of
great depression, when value has been forced down
below its natural level. All trading under such cir-
cumstances partakes more or less of a gambling cha-
racter ; and the European merchant is mainly the
loser. If demand is active, buyers compete with
• each other, and prices go up enormously; and if it
348 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
flags, the native middleman has made so much profit by
his previous transactions, and lives at such a trifling cost,
that he can afford to hold on, and wait till the necessity
for fulfilling charters, or of finding freights for vessels
consigned on commission, compels the English house to
buy on the native's terms, as an alternative preferable to
that of sending ships away in ballast. In Calcutta, where
the supply is enormous, and the native merchants are
more acquainted with the true principles of commerce, the
latter state of things can scarcely prevail ; but it is quite
common at Akyab or Rangoon for merchants to be forced
to pay a great deal more than the real market value of
grain, because the first holders, being few in number, and
very wealthy, are enabled to keep back supplies till the
ships' laying days have run out, when the merchant is
either obliged to surrender at discretion, or lose the full
amount of freight. That mischievous power is, of course,
at an end when the proper balance between supply and
demand is obtained, and commerce can be carried on to
the mutual benefit of all parties engaged.
The result of imparting a high value to cultivation
will be, of course, to improve the quality as well as to
increase the quantity of all Eastern products. English-
men will grow cotton, sugar, and rice as they now grow
indigo, and with the same good effects. Care and con-
tinual irrigation will entirely change the character of the
great staples ; and capitalists will be encouraged to make
advances when they are sure of obtaining what they have
bargained for. The grower would never want a market ;
the shipowner would never lack a freight ; and the mer-
chant might count upon always realizing a profit.
The profit of more than three pounds per acre, allowed
everywhere to the proprietors of the soil, will doubtless
be objected to in some quarters ; but we hold that, if the
production of raw material can be doubled or quadrupled,
no amount of gain should be grudged to the men who ac-
complish it. We can never cheapen produce, so long as
the demand is greater than the supply. The cup must be
filled in the first instance ; and what runs over goes to
the share of the public. When the existing vacuum is
entirely filled up, the next ounce tells in favour of the
SLAVERY ABOLISHED IN TWO WORLDS. 349
buyer. From getting the same rate of prices as the
owners of slave labour, the Indian grower would be gra-
dually brought into competition with the former. After
awhile a struggle would commence as to which interest,
that of free or servile labour, should supply the world's
markets ; and the contest must of necessity terminate on
the side of civilization. No efforts of slavery could avail
against the countless millions of willing labourers, happy
in the enjoyment of family earnings amounting to four-
pence-halfpenny a day, Sundays excluded. What they
now want in the way of useful knowledge, will be im-
parted to them. No men are more industrious or more
desirous to earn money. We have only to show them
how a competency is to be realized, and they are sure to
achieve it.
Until the world can stumble on another India, or we
are false to ourselves and our forefathers, we shall be
able, under the new social system, to occupy the foremost
place amongst the nations, in reality as well as in appear-
ance. At this moment our condition resembles that of
the Hindoo universe, which is supported on a snake,
which rests on a tortoise, which latter rests upon nothing.
Our prosperity has no solid foundation. It could scarcely
exist, and perhaps we should scarcely care to uphold it, if
national independence were wrenched from it; and so
long as we are dependent on a single foreign nation for
the means whereby alone millions of our best citizens are
enabled to exist, we cannot be said to be actually masters
of our own fate. There is a choice left to us. In a period
of hostility, which may one day overtake us, we must cast
our lot either with the beggar or the slave; but the
alternative is not a pleasant one.
Members of Parliament and directors in Leadenhall-
street ask what becomes of the immense supplies of bullion
that go forward by every mail to India; and the question
is easily answered. The average value of Indian exports
is doubled ; but the ryot gets little or none of the increase,
and rain and sunshine cost no more to the grower than of
old. Such portion of the middleman's profit as he can
employ with advantage in extending production, is directed
to that end ; and after he has clothed himself according
350 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
to the custom of his tribe, and decked his wife with
jewels, the rest returns to the soil from whence it origi-
nally came. He has no opera to subscribe to, no turf to
patronise, no wine- merchant's or milliner's bills to pay.
His sons' education may cost him perhaps twenty pounds
a year, if his family is numerous. His daughters' accom-
plishments are taught, from first to last, in what we should
term the nursery. He makes and spends money, lives,
and is buried after the fashion of his fathers.
Level the houses of our Manchester operatives, and let
each family reside in a mud hut, with a grass mat for bed
and bedding, a couple of three-legged stools for furniture,
and for cooking utensils an earthen pot. For clothing, let
the worker have a cotton rag round his waist, for food a
handful of the cheapest grain — let himself, his wife and
family exist from infancy to old age without comfort,
knowledge, or religion — without a sense of decency or a
hope of amelioration more than is possessed by the beasts
that perish; and then, if the work of his hands brought
the same price as now in the world's markets, and the
mill- owners spent each but a hundred a year, we should
have no trouble in finding out why gold and silver were
more largely imported, and where the greater portion
went to. Do we wish to restore what a certain section
of political economists call " the balance of trade" in favour
of England? We have only to give the Indian ryot an
equal interest with the Manchester spinners in the fruit
of his labour. To contend that the former has no desire
to be well fed and clothed, that his wife has no love of
finery, and his children no capacity for instruction, is to
mock common sense, and despise the responsibilities of
civilization.
CHAPTER XXX.
POLITICAL CHANGES REQUIRED. — NECESSITY FOR THROWING INDIA OPEN
TO ALL THE QUEEN5 S SUBJECTS. ORGANIZATION OF A STAFF CORPS.
— MONOPOLY OF THE CIVIL SERVICE AT AN END.
LET us have the right to buy lands anywhere in India,
and with lawyers for judges, and Englishmen for zemin-
dars, we should take little heed as to the composition of
THE RIGHT MEN WANTED. 351
the governing power. That portion of the Anglo-Indian
population which has the largest amount of interest in
the well-being of the country, only cares to interfere in
public affairs for self-defence ; but, from the nature of
things, Government in the East has so much to do with
social questions, and has done its work so badly, that men,
who would as soon think of meddling with State matters
in Calcutta as of neglecting their business for parish poli-
tics at home, have been obliged to come forward and agi-
tate for a total change in the system of rule. Their aims
are solely directed to the advancement of the English in
India ; but inasmuch as they cannot benefit their own im-
portant class without at the same time serving the in-
terests of the people, they deserve the support of the home
public.
In dealing with this great matter we put classes and
cliques equally aside. We have no respect for the Indian
Government because its members belong to the middle
ranks, and no abstract dislike to the wider influence of the
imperial authority on the score that it is usually exercised
by titled persons. It is said with justice that appoint-
ments made by the ministry of the day are rarely bestowed
with reference to the capacity of the individual promoted ;
but there is no reason to suppose that in the selection of
candidates for the highest offices the Court of Directors
are a whit more considerate ; and it is not always that
lucky indiscretions protect the public from the conse-
quences of unwise partiality. Fools and firebrands have
sat in the highest seats before now, and will do so again,
whether the choice of selection rest with the Crown or
the Company. One day your ablest man is a soldier, and
the grey-headed civilian a type of imbecility. The next
you are called upon to admire a Dalhousie or a Thomason,
the choice of each and all being equally the result of acci-
dent. It is the merest chance whether the Commander-
in-Chief is a Napier or a Godwin ; fate and the exigencies
of party dominate over all.
Even if we could obtain a guarantee that the ablest
member of the services should always be at the head of
the Government, it would by no means follow that we
should witness the adoption of a liberal and enlightened
z 2
352 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
policy. Long residence in India narrows the understand-
ing and strengthens the prejudices of a man, however
gifted he may be by nature. Obliged to enact the despot
for the better part of his lifetime, he becomes incapable
at last of identifying himself with the broad principles of
popular progress. He has never been accustomed to deal
with the rights of the people ; the good and the evil that
he has done have proceeded from his own volition, or the
mandate of his superiors. Remonstrance displeases and
opposition provokes him. He abhors publicity, and chafes
at the strictures of the press. We know members of the
service to whom none of these objections apply, who
sympathize with every plan of improvement, and would
make Government, instead of being, as it is. the mystery
of quacks, a thing to be understood and reverenced. But
they are sadly few in number, and labour under the dis-
ability of not being admired in high places.
No one can deny the soundness of the axiom, that it is
for the general good that the ablest man should always be
appointed to office, without reference to the class he be-
longed to ; and all we contend for is, that no body of men,
however well selected, shall be allowed to monopolize the
government of an empire.
At forty years of age, a man of good character may
enter the church, the law, or the army. Bishops, chief-
justices, and generals of approved ability, have commenced
even later in life the career in which they were destined
to be famous ; and why should not similar facilities for
the exercise of genius, learning, and enterprise be afforded
in the Civil Service of India 1 No one expects that the
outsider should be planted at once in the front ranks. It
is only governors that are made out of the purely raw
material ; but just as you allow a Wilde to exchange his
profession of attorney for that of advocate, which chance
shall, in due time, enable him to become Lord Chancellor
— just as a Graham, sorrowing for the loss of his wife, is
permitted to become an ensign at fifty, and afterwards
Lord Lynedoch, the victor of Barossa — should a capable
man be suffered to make his way to an Indian judgeship.
Providence, which has not made ability the sole pro-
duct of a single country, or the attribute of a particular
THE WAY TO DO THE WOKK. 353
class, punishes, in the prevalence of foolish counsels, the
attempt to support such a monopoly as that of the East
India Company. Of course, there will be many to point
out the dangers of such a policy, but only a few years
since it was as vigorously contended that the interests of
India and England were intimately bound up with the
Company's trading system. If tea was bought by any
other than covenanted servants, and carried home by any
other than Company's vessels, you might enrich a few
grasping speculators, but it would be at the expense of
British supremacy in the East.
Since that change was effected which the ablest ser-
vants of the East India Company, including Sir Thomas
Munro and Sir Charles Metcalfe, so much deprecated, the
Indian trade has increased from two and a half millions
annually to sixty millions ; and there is reason to suppose
that, by opening up the service to the competition of the
whole empire, men as well as youths, the profit in politics
will be as great as the benefits in commerce. In India,
a,t this moment, there are scores of first-rate men available
for the public service, of all classes and colours \ and why
should the State be denied the benefit of their labours 1
We have no objection to the maintenance of the present
system of recruiting the ranks of the Civil Service ; but
it does not exhaust the stock of ability, and in many in-
stances fails to disclose the presence of it. The dunce at
school often turns out a successful administrator, and the
winner of the prize at the examinations a poor bookworm.
There is work to be done in India, such as mere scholar-
ship can hardly forward. The tasks are various, and let
us, if such are to be found, everywhere entrust them to
fitting hands.
It is rank cowardice on the part of the public to give
way to the fear of making the minister of the day too
powerful. Such an objection to the overthrow of the
India House was valid enough when Parliament was a
close assembly ruled by class influences, and the news-
paper was made up of advertisements and gossip. If the
nation is true to itself, why should it dread a lord ? If
men are too idle to qualify themselves to pronounce a just
verdict on the conduct of those placed above them, or too
354 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
timid or dishonest to say what they know ought to be
said, no scheme that the wit of mortals can devise will
obtain for them the blessings of good government. Under
any system of rule, the fool will creep into the post of
honour, and the knave will get to be trusted, unless a
never-ceasing watch is maintained by the people. Let us
cast our lines everywhere, on the surface, and in the
depths of society, and take for public use the best of the
haul. The capable man will need to be looked after as
well as his opposite ; but the one in that case is sure to
achieve good, the other can only be kept from doing harm.
The late change, by which entrance into the Civil Ser-
vice was made the prize for competition amongst the
pupils of the great seminaries of learning, was a great
step in advance of that system which maintained a dozen
families for the sole purpose of raising the future gover-
nors of the East, and left the general public dependent on
female sterility. But another great reform is needed.
We require, as well, that appointments in the army should
be thrown open to all the adventurous and able. Let
Government take a fourth of the whole number of nomi-
nations, to be dealt with as human infirmity may suggest,
and let us bestow the rest upon the most deserving appli-
cant for military distinction.
The employment of more European agents in India
will be a necessity under the new system of rule. There
will be less work for the politician, but more for the
magistrate and overseer. When the civilian has nothing
to do with law, and the collector merely sits in his
Cutcherry to regulate the receipt of revenue, the labour
of governing will be materially simplified, and officials
will be sufficiently paid at half their present rates of
income. We shall find in the army a large reserve of
practical ability ; and can at any time lay our hands
upon men who have been acclimatized, and obtained a
certain knowledge of the country. Their constant sense
of the impossibility of achieving civil distinction without
much study, would call forth whatever of faculty they
had within them. The boatman who would contend in
the race takes care that his oar shall never be ]ong out of;
the water.
FITTING THE PEGS IN PROPER HOLES. 355
A list should be opened in London, wherein every
young man amongst the Queen's subjects, who had passed
a preliminary examination, should be permitted to inscribe
his name. At stated seasons a number of candidates
should be drawn by ballot, and examined as to their
proficiency in the course of study laid down, the most
competent being selected to receive commissions. On
arriving in India they should be posted to regiments,
and made to do duty for not less than two years, at the
end of which time they would be eligible for staff employ-
ment, on passing in the language of the district in which
they were to labour. We would do away with the
present evil of taking an officer from his regiment, to
spend the prime of his days in staff duties, and sending
him back to command the corps when both intellect and
activity were either gone altogether or greatly deteriorated.
At the end of three years the absentee should elect to
remain on the staff, or go back to his regiment. If he
chose the former, his place should be filled up by the
junior next in succession, and henceforth his military
rank would be purely nominal. He should be styled
Captain or Major when he would have attained those
grades in the corps ; but if obliged to leave the stan^
either from sickness or incapacity, he should never be
allowed to return to the army. Whatever interest he
could make should only be available to get him returned
to civil employment. If he was unfit, either morally or
intellectually, for the one set of tasks, he should not be
declared good enough for the performance of the other.
Under such a system men who had interest enough to
get appointed, would hesitate as to their use of it, and
take more heed of their conduct when they had abandoned
the worse paid but surer position of a subaltern in the
army. Officers who had no friends to push them forward,
or who had a love for the military profession, would
rejoice in the appointment of a senior to the staff
Every such case would be as profitable to their interests
as a death-vacancy, and far more pleasant, we would hope,
to their feelings. They would rejoice at what is now
considered usually a hardship, and often an insult to them.
Those who did the work of soldiering would get its
356 THE SEPOY KEVOLT.
rewards ; and we should have no more instances of men,
after spending a lifetime in civil employment, and in the
receipt of high pay, coming back to command their corps
over the heads of majors who had never left their regi-
ments, or received more than mere army allowances.
Both classes would be greatly benefited by being restricted
to the choice of a profession, and secured in the enjoy-
ment of the privileges which properly belong to it.
But whilst we hold out this immense boon to the
middle classes, who find it so difficult to get employment
for their younger branches — whilst we provide for a large
accession to the stock of available administrative ability,
and do away with the heart-burnings which now prevail
in the army — we must not ignore the existence of in-
digenous capacity in the East. There are crowds of men
— European, East Indian, and native — who seek em-
ployment, and can exhibit proofs of fitness for it ; and we
must remember, too, that whilst the home-bred candidate
for office has all the world before him wherein to pick out
a sphere for exertion, those men are restricted to the
opportunities afforded in the place of their birth. A
great many of them actually perform the tasks for which
civilians draw high salaries, and some possess an aptitude
for work which defies rivalry. We would allow them in
all cases to come in and prove their claims to share in
•whatever was held out as the reward of proved fitness in
India, and abolish altogether the prevailing distinction
between covenanted and uncovenanted employment. The
men appointed at home should always have work and
pay ; but we would do away at once, and for ever, with
the system which makes certain offices the sole heritage
of those who hold civil or military commissions. It is
not difficult to detect the interest which such persons have
in the continuance of the present monopoly ; but what
compensates the public for its existence ? If the official
at the head of financial affairs is totally ignorant of all
that he should know, it is surely no set-off against a de-
ranged money-market and a damaged state of public
credit, to show that he is a member of the Civil Service,
and not a mere adventurer, East Indian, or native, se-
lected only because he possessed knowledge and ability.
SPECIMENS FOR THE MUSEUM. 357
In Ceylon, seven years since, the Queen's Advocate, and
member of the Legislative Council by virtue of his posi-
tion, was a gentleman of the darkest shade of colour, yet
no one grumbled at an appointment which in this case
was filled by the ablest man in the island. If East
Indians can collect customs in Rangoon and elsewhere,
why should they not do so in Bengal and Madras'? If
adventurers are good enough to be Deputy-Commis-
sioners on rare occasions in Pegu and the Punjaub, why
should they be kept in general upon a lower scale of pay,
and taught that the rich prizes of the service are exclu-
sively for those who have received their appointments at
home ? If one man is set to do certain tasks, and
steadily and ably gets through them, upon no principle of
fairness to tbe individual or advantage to the public can
we withhold from him the rate of remuneration which is
given to others employed in like manner.
The system of promotion in the navy bears some re-
semblance to the state of things which prevails in the
East : but though a lieutenant is often allowed to grow
grey in the Queen's service, he is never made to believe
that a positive class inferiority is the cause of his being
passed over for promotion. He accounts himself as good
a gentleman as the post-captain, and never regards his
own elevation as a sheer impossibility. Were it other-
wise, the nation might raise an outcry, and the efficiency
of the fleet would be in danger; but the injustice which
would not be tolerated for a moment in the one hemi-
sphere is universally inflicted in the other. The civil and
military servants of the East India Company form literally
two castes, who, by virtue of their covenants or com mis-
sions, engross, to the absolute exclusion of all other
Englishmen, all the dignified and lucrative offices in the
East. The wife of the high civilian may look down upon
the family of the military man as being " trash from the
fort;" but both unite in the feeling of unmeasured con-
tempt for all without the pale of privilege. And they
have a right to be proud of their position as matters are
managed and worth estimated in that part of the world;
for, let the emergency be ever so great, or the stock of
capacity ever so small, no " uncovenanted" person has a
358 THE SEPOY REVOLT.
chance of holding high rank even for an hour. If he is
thrust in, like a handful of tow, to stop a leak which
would otherwise speedily send the ship to the bottom,
every one knows that he is but a temporary plug, to be
thrown aside at the first convenient moment.
This state of things will of course be abolished under
the Queen's Government; it could only exist under a cor-
poration like the East India Company, and makes the
cost and the result of ruling exhibit very different results
from what ought to be produced. Some men find it hard
enough to bear with the existence of an aristocracy ; but
merit in every quarter of the globe can find an entrance
into the ranks of the nobility. It was reserved for a
knot of merchants to establish a system of exclusiveness
such as the world never saw before, and is not likely to
witness again.
APPENDIX,
(A.)
THE GAGGING ACT.
From the CALCUTTA GAZETTE.
Legislative Council, 13th June, 1857.
THE following Act, passed by the Legislative Council of India, received
the assent of the Right Honourable the Governor-General this day, and is-
hereby promulgated for general information.
ACT No. XV. OF 1857.
" An Act to regulate the Establishment of Printing Presses, and to re-
strain in certain Cases the Circulation of Printed Books and Papers."
Whereas it is expedient to prohibit the keeping or using of printing-
presses, types, or other materials for printing, in any part of the territories
in the possession and under the government of the East India Company,
except with the previous sanction and license of Government, and under
suitable provisions to guard against abuse ; and whereas it may be deemed
proper to prohibit the circulation, within the said territories, of newspapers,
books, or other printed papers of a particular description : It is enacted as
follows : —
I. No person shall keep any printing-press or types, or other materials or
articles for printing, without having obtained the previous sanction and li-
cense for that purpose of the Governor-General of India in Council, or of
the Executive Government of the Presidency in which such printing-press,
types, or other materials or articles for printing are intended to be kept or
used, or of such other person or persons as the Governor-General of India
in Council may authorize to grant such sanction or license ; and any per-
son who shall keep or use any printing-press, or types, or other materials or
articles for printing, without having obtained such licenses, shall be liable,
on conviction before a magistrate, to a fine not exceeding five thousand
rupees*, or to imprisonment not exceeding two years, or to both.
II. If any person shall keep or use any printing-press, or types, or other
materials or articles for printing, without such sanction or licenses aforesaid,,
any magistrate, within whose jurisdiction the same may be found, may seize
the same, or cause them to be seized, together with any books or printed
papers found on the premises ; and shall dispose of the same as the Gover-
nor-General of India in Council, or the Executive Government of any Pre-
sidency, or such other person as the Governor-General in Council shall
authorize in that behalf, may direct ; and it shall be lawful for any magis-
trate to issue a search-warrant for the entry and search of any house,,
building, or other place, in which he may have reason to believe that any
such unlicensed printing-press, types, or other materials or articles for
printing are kept or used.
* 5001.
360 APPENDIX.
III. Whenever any person or persons shall be desirous of keeping or
using any printing-press, or types, or other materials or articles for printing,
he or they shall apply by writing to the magistrate within whose jurisdic-
tion he proposes to keep or use such press or other such materials or articles
as aforesaid, or to such other persons as the Governor-General in Council,
or the Executive Government of the Presidency, or such other person as
the Governor-General in Council shall authorize in that behalf, may ap-
point for that purpose. The application shall specify the name, profession,
and place of abode of the proprietor or proprietors of such printing-press,
types, or other materials or articles for printing, and of the person or per-
sons who is or are intended to use the same, and the place where such
printing-press, types, or other materials or articles for printing are intended
to be used; and such application shall be verified by the oath, affirmation,
or solemn declaration of the proprietors and persons intending to keep or
use such printing-press, types, or other materials or articles for printing, or
sucli of them as the magistrate or other person to whom the application
shall be made shall direct: and any person wilfully making a false oath,
affirmation or declaration shall be deemed guilty of perjury.
IV. The magistrate shall forward a copy of such application to the
Governor-General in Council, or to the Executive Government of the Pre-
sidency, or to such other person as may be authorized to grant the license ;
and the said Governor-General in Council, or such Executive Government,
or other person as aforesaid, may at his or their discretion grant such
license subject to such conditions (if any) as he or they may think fit, and
may also at any time revoke the same.
V. If any person or persons shall keep or use, or cause or allow to be
kept or used, any such printing-press, types, or other materials or articles
for printing, contrary to the conditions upon which the license may have
been granted, or after notice of the revocation of such license shall have
been given to, or left for, him or them at the place at which the printing-
press shall have been established, he or they shall be subject to the same
penalties as if no such license had been granted; and such printing-press,
types, and other materials or articles for printing may be seized and dis-
posed of in the manner prescribed in Section II. of this Act.
VI. All books and other papers, printed at a press licensed under this
Act, shall have printed legibly thereon the name of the printer and of the
publisher, and the place of the printing and publication thereof; and a copy
of every such book or printed paper shall be immediately forwarded to the
magistrate or to such other person as the Government or other persons
granting the license may direct ; and every person who shall print or pub-
lish any book or paper otherwise than in conformity with this provision, or
who shall neglect to forward a copy of such book or paper in manner here-
inbefore directed, unless specially exempted therefrom by the Governor-
General in Council, or other person granting the license, shall be liable, on
conviction before a magistrate, to a fine not exceeding one thousand rupees,
and in default of payment to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six
calendar months.
VII. The Governor-General of India in Council, or the Executive Go-
vernment of any Presidency, may, by order to be published in the Govern-
ment Gazette, prohibit the publication or circulation, within the said
territories, or the territories subject to the said Government, or within any
particular part of the said territories, of any particular newspaper, book, or
other printed paper, or any newspaper of any particular description,
whether printed within the said territories or not ; and whoever, after such
prohibition, shall knowingly import, publish, or circulate, or cause to be
imported, published, or circulated, any such book or paper, shall be liable
THE GAGGING ACT. 361
for every such offence, on conviction before a magistrate, to a fine not ex-
ceeding five thousand rupees, or to imprisonment not exceeding two years,
or to both ; and every such book or paper shall be seized and forfeited.
VIII. The word "printing" shall include lithographing. The word
" magistrate " shall include a person exercising the powers of a magistrate,
and also a justice of the peace ; and every person hereby made punishable
by a justice of the peace may be punishable upon summary conviction.
IX. Nothing in this Act shall exempt any person from complying with
the provisions of Act XI. of 1845.
X. No person shall be prosecuted for any offence against the provisions
of this Act within fourteen days after the passing of the Act, without an
order of the Governor-General in Council or the Executive Government of
the Presidency in which the offence shall be committed, or the person
authorized under the provisions of this Act to grant licenses.
XI. This Act shall continue in force for one year.
W. MORGAN,
Clerk of the Council.
From the CALCUTTA GAZETTE Extraordinary, Saturday, 20th June, 1857.
NOTIFICATION.
Fort William, Home Department, 18th June, 1857.
With reference to the provisions of Act No, XV. of 1857, it is hereby
notified that applications for licenses to keep or use any printing-press, or
types, or other materials or articles for printing within the town of Calcutta,
are to be made to the commissioner of police.
The Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal is authorized to grant licenses under
the said Act, and to appoint any person or persons to receive applications
for such licenses in any part of the Lower Provinces of the Presidency of
Bengal except the town of Calcutta.
The Lieutenant-Governor of the North-western Provinces is authorized to
grant licenses under the said Act, and to appoint any person or persons
to receive such applications in any part of the North-western Provinces of
the Presidency of Bengal.
The Governor of the Straits Settlements, the Chief Commissioners of the
Punjaub and Oude, and the Commissioners of Mysore, Coorg, Nagpore, Pegu,
and the Tenasserim and Martaban provinces, are authorized severally to
appoint any person or persons to receive such applications within the pro-
vinces, districts, and settlements under their control.
The conditions upon which licenses to keep or use any printing-press, or
types, or other materials or articles for printing, will ordinarily be granted,
are as follows : —
1. That no book, newspaper, pamphlet, or other work printed at such
press, or with such materials or articles, shall contain any observations or
statements impugning the motives or designs of the British Government,
either in England or India, or in any way tending to bring the said Govern-
ment into hatred or contempt, to excite disaffection or unlawful resistance
to its orders, or to weaken its lawful authority, or the lawful authority of
its civil or military servants.
2. That no such book, pamphlet, newspaper, or other work shall contain
observations or statements having a tendency to create alarm or suspicion
among the native population of any intended interference by Government
with their religious opinions and observances.
3. That no such book, pamphlet, newspaper, or other work shall contain
observations having a tendency to weaken the friendship towards the
British Government of native princes, chiefs, or States in dependence upon
or alliance with it.
362 APPENDIX.
The above conditions apply equally to original matter, and to matter
copied from other publications.
A copy of every book, pamphlet, newspaper, or other work published
in the town of Calcutta is to be immediately forwarded to the commissioner
of police.
By order of the Right Hon. the Governor-General in Council.
CECIL BEADON,
Secretary to the Government of India.
THE FIRST FRUITS OF THE ACT.
From the SECRETARY TO THE GOVERNMENT OF BENGAL, to J. C. MURRAY,
ESQ., Printer and Publisher of the " Friend of India:''
Dated Fort William, 29th June, 1857.
Sir, — I am directed to forward for your information the accompanying
copy of a letter No. 1202, dated 29th of June, 1857, from the Secretary to
the Government of India in the Home Department relative to an article
which appeared in your paper of the 25th instant.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient Servant,
A. R. YOUNG,
Secretary to the Government of Bengal.
No. 1202.
From CECIL BEADON, ESQ., Secretary to the Government of India, to
A. R. YOUNG, ESQ., Secretary to the Government of Bengal.
Dated the 29th June, 1857.
Sir, — The attention of the Governor-General in Council has been given
to the first leading article, headed " The Centenary of Plassey," which ap-
peared in the Friend of India of the 25th inst., and especially to the two
last paragraphs, which, in the judgment of his lordship in Council, are
fraught with mischief and calculated at the present time to spread disaffec-
tion towards the British Government, both among its native subjects and
among dependent and allied States.
The article in question infringes every one of the three conditions upon
which licenses to keep a printing-press are now to be granted. It tends
to excite disaifection towards the British Government amongst great
masses of the people ; it tends to create alarm and suspicion among the
Hindoo and Mahomedan population of intended interference by Govern-
ment with their religion ; and it tends to weaken the friendship towards
the Government of native princes, chiefs, and States in dependence upon
and alliance with it.
Whatever the intentions of the writer may have been, the tendency of
the article is as above described, and the publication of such remarks, even
if innocent and admissible in ordinary times, is now, under the critical
circumstances which rendered the passing of Act No." 15 of 1S57 necessary,
most dangerous not only to the Government, but to the lives of all Euro-
peans in the Provinces not living under the close protection of British
bayonets.
I am directed, therefore, to request that, with the permission of the Lieu-
tenant-Governor, the views of the Government of India may be communi-
cated to the Publisher of the Friend of India, and that he may be warned
that the repetition of remarks of this dangerous nature will be followed by
the withdrawal of his license,
The Governor-General in Council has no intention of interfering with
THE GAGGING ACT. 363
the fair discussion of public measures, but he cannot now permit the circu-
lation in India of writings so framed as to excite popular disaffection. —
I have, &c., (Signed) C. BEADON,
Council Chamber, 29th June, 1857. Secretary to the Government of India.
(True Copy.) A. R. YOUNG,
Secretary to the Government of Bengal.
From the FRIEND OF INDIA, June 2oth.
THE CENTENARY OF PLASSEY.
We have glided into the second centenary of English rule in India, and
Hindus and Mussulmans who study the mysteries of fate are well nigh in
despair. The stars and scriptures told them that on Monday last we had
completed our allotted term of mastership, when the strength which had
hitherto been resistless, the courage that never faltered, would pass away,
and we should become in turn the easy prey of our vassals. The favour of
the gods is not a perpetual gift, and though sire and son have witnessed
so often what must to them appear supernatural results, it was but reason-
able to suppose that our store of miracles would be exhausted at last. We
share with them the belief in hidden influences, only what they look upon
as being natural and common-place, is to us the domain of the marvellous.
It is easy to understand how we gained power, and wealth, and glory at
the commencement of the cycle, but hard beyond measure to find out how
we have lost all three at its close. When you can succeed in realizing to the
imagination the most foolish thing, the most improbable thing, and the
most timid thing, and have blended all these together, and multiplied
them, and worked them into what is called a policy, you may perhaps
get some clue to the solution of the problem ; but all other modes of induc-
tion will hopelessly fail.
The qualities of mind which enable a man to accumulate wealth are
often those which hinder him from making a proper use of it. It was
necessary, for the conquest of Hindustan, that the East India Company
should exist, for it is only the intense greediness of traders that could
have won for us the sovereignty of the country. The enemies of the Com-
pany's rule assert that they made and broke. treaties, planned and fought
battles, for the mere love of gain. Whateyer degree of interference with
private or public rights was needful for the purpose of collecting revenue,
received instant and eager sanction ; whatever concerned merely the wel-
fare of Asiatic souls, or the social interests of the great body of English-
men and Hindus, was either coldly ignored or bitterly assailed. They im-
ported for their own use the might of civilization, but never cared to
exhibit to the nations its beneficent features. Wealth embodied all the
attributes of their good deity, to whom was rendered with cheerful devo-
tion the homage of heart and brain. The evil principle was symbolized by
power, and where they failed to vanquish they fell down and worshipped.
Without a spark of patriotic feeling, they set on the brow of England a gem
of priceless value ; without care for Christianity, they paved.the way for
the overthrow of idolatry. Be it so, but the evil which they wrought has
well nigh passed away ; the good of which they have been the not uncon-
scious instruments will go on multiplying for ever.
A hundred years is but a small point in the lifetime of a nation. It
may be a period of sowing or of reaping the harvest, of giant labours
such as shall influence the destiny of remote generations, or of utter
folding of the hands to sleep. We found India destitute of invention and
enterprise ; ignorant of liberty, and of the blessings of peace. We have
placed her face to face with the forces of our civilization, and have yet to
see if there are no subtle invigorating influences that can be transmitted
364 APPENDIX.
through her aged frame. We have given her liberty such as she has not
enjoyed for centuries, and never save by brief and long-interrupted
snatches. The Hindu stands upon the same platform with the English-
man, shares equal privileges with him, and challenges for himself as great
a measure of the protection and immunities accorded by the State. He
has no political enemies, and his grievances are all social. There is much
to be remedied within, but without, all is quiet and secure. If he has a
new part to play in the world's history, the stage is clear for him, and
there is an audience ready to sympathize and applaud. Whatever he has
in him of creative ability may find easy vent and ready acceptance. We
have swept away the obstacles which stood in the path of intellect and
courage; it rests only with Nature and himself whether he achieves
success or otherwise. A second Sevajee is happily impossible, but another
Luther would find an easier task than that which was imposed upon the
monk of Wittenberg. The inventor, the author, the man of science will
meet ready welcome and sure reward. We spread out before the dormant
Asiatic soul all the mental treasures of the West, and feel only too happy
in being allowed to distribute them.
It is a great crime in some instances to trample out a nationality ; to
strangle in infancy what might have grown up to be one of the fairest
births of Time ; but, except in the case of the Sikhs, there is no example of
the kind to be alleged against our countrymen. The Mussulman power
was effete long before the battle of Plassey, and such as Clive found the
Mahomedans in the days of Surajah Dowlah, we encounter them in the
time of the deposed King of Oude. Cruel, sensual, and intolerant, they are
unfit to rule, and unwilling to serve. Claiming to exercise sway as of
Divine right, and yet destitute of every gift with which Nature has en-
dowed the races meant by destiny to dominate over the world, they fell by
necessity under the power of a nation replete with energy and resolution,
and loathe with all the bitterness of bate the infidels who have subdued
them. They will never tolerate our gifts or forgive our supremacy. We
may load them with blessings, but the reward will be curses. We stand
between them and a fancied earthly paradise, and are not classed in their
list of good angels.
The Mahrattas have none of the elements of greatness in their character,
and, speaking in the interests of the dusky millions, we do not regret
Assye, Deeg, and Maharajpore ; but it is otherwise with regard to the
Sikhs, who, had they flourished as we have seen them two centuries back,
or never come in contact with the might of England, would perhaps have
uprooted the tenets of Hindu and Mussulman, and breathed a new spirit
into the followers of Mahomed and Brahma. Humanity, however, will be
content with their overthrow. The Bible is a better book than the Grunth,
and Christianity is superior to the Khalsa. Regenerated Hinduism might
have obtained a new lease of existence, but it would have gained nothing
in morals, and effected but little for human happiness. Its sole gain
would have been power, and the example of universal destruction.
It may also be alleged against us that we have deposed the kings, and
ruined the nobles of India ; but why should the world sigh over that result ?
Monarchs who always took the wages, but seldom performed the work, of
Government, and aristocrats who looked upon authority as a personal
right, and have never been able to comprehend what is meant by the
sovereignty of the people, are surely better out of the way. No English-
man in these days deplores the wars of the Roses, and would like to see
the Cliffords and Warwicks restored again to life. France bears with
calmness the loss of her old nobility ; Europe at large makes steady con-
tributions to the list of kings out of employment. Had princes and
THE GAGGING ACT. 365
rajahs in Hindustan been worth conserving, they would have retained their
titles and power. The class speedily dies out in the natural course of mor-
tality, and it is not for the benefit of society that it should be renewed.
Array the evil against the acknowledged good; weigh the broken
pledges, the ruined families, the impoverished ryots, the imperfect justice,
against the missionary and the schoolmaster, the railway and the steam-
engine, the abolition of Suttee, and the destruction of the Thugs, and
declare in which scale the balance lies ! For every anna that we have
taken from the noble we have returned a rupee to the trader. We have
saved more lives in peace than we have sacrificed in war. We have com-
mitted many blunders and crimes ; wrought evil by premeditation and
good by instinct ; but when all is summed up, the award must be in our
favour. And with the passing away of the present cloud, there will dawn
a brighter day both for England and India. We shall strengthen at the
same time our hold upon the soil and upon the hearts of the people ;
tighten the bonds of conquest and of mutual interest. The land must
be thrown open to the capital and enterprise of Europe ; the ryot lifted
by degrees out of his misery, and made to feel that he is a man if not a
brother;* and everywhere Heaven's gifts of climate and circumstance made
the most of. The first centenary of Plassey was ushered in by the revolt
of the native army, the second may be celebrated in Bengal by a respected
Government, and a Christian population.
The Madras Athenceum was '* warned," and the Bangalore Herald sup-
pressed, for reprinting the above article before the Government notification,
appeared. The latter journal was afterwards allowed to reappear on con-
dition of the editor being dismissed.
No. 329.
From tJie SECRETARY TO THE GOVERNMENT OF BENGAL to J. C. MURRAY,
ESQ., printer and publisher of the " Friend of India," Serarnpore.
Sir, — I am directed by the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal to forward
for your information the accompanying copy of a letter from the Secretary
to the Government of India in the Home Department, No. 54, dated the
3rd inst., relative to the article which appeared in your paper of the 2nd
idem, headed " The First Warning."
I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient Servant,
A. K. YOUNG,
Fort William, 3rd July, 1857. Secretary to the Government of India.
NO. 54.
From C. BEADON, ESQ., Secretary to the Government of India, to A. B.
YOUNG, ESQ., Secretary to the Government of Bengal.
Sir, — In consequence of the article which appeared in the Friend of
India of the 2nd inst., headed " The First Warning," the Governor hi
Council would have felt it necessary to direct the revocation of the license
which had been granted to the publisher of that paper. His lordship in
Council only abstains from adopting this course in consequence of an assur-
ance he has received on the part of the representatives of the absent pro-
prietor, that the newspaper shall, during his absence, be carried on so as to
avoid all cause of complaint, and within the terms of the license.
The Governor-General in Council desires me to request that this may be
conveyed to the publisher.
I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient Servant,
CECIL BEADON,
Secretary to the Government of India.
Council Chamber, the 3rd of July, 1857.
A A
366 APPENDIX.
!•'/•< >ni the FRIEND OF INDIA, July ind.
THE FIRST WARNING.
Lord Canning lias done us the honour to select the Friend of India as
the subject of his fii>t experiment under the Gagging Act. We are, it
appears, an impf-riinu in impc-rio, studied by the native masses, watched with
anxiety by Moollah and Brahmin, stronger than the East India Company.
We have only to insert a couple of paragraphs, and the rebellion1 broadens
and deepens. The chief priests amongst Hindoos and Mussulmans tremble
for the safety of their creeds, and allied and dependent princes, looking
upon their treaties as so much waste paper, turn a deaf ear to Governor-
General and Ke.-ident, and prepare to array their fighting men against the
Sirkar Bahadoor. Say that our power is complimented at the expense of
our patriotism, yet what journalist could resist the temptations that beset
us ? What would even the Times give to possess such vast means of doing
mischief? Who else is there of all the tribe of editors that has authority
over a hundred and liity millions of souls, that stirs equally the ryot in his
hut, the devotee in his temple, and the ruler on his throne ? A few words,
and we can subvert the allegiance of the people. The servants of the sacred
shrines, dear to all races of Asiatics, seek their destiny in these columns ;
wherever the English soldier is absent, we hold the lives of Europeans in
the hollow of our hand. So says Lord Canning, and we may not question
the truth of his statement. Here is the Governor-General's opinion of an
article in our last which we dare only refer to, except for home purposes.
*******
If we were on our defence in a trial for libel, we should be allowed to
reprint the obnoxious paragraphs ; but it will be sufficient to say that they
occurred in the course of a rapid sketch of the results of a century of
British occupation, and formed the best apology that we were able to make
for the East India Company. We had to speak of a policy which has swept
away monarchies and aristocracies in all parts of the land, as if they cum-
bered the earth ; a policy which \ore its firstfruits in 1757, and its latest just
a century afterwards. We advocated it as has been the habit of this journal
for a score of years, and, however prepared for hostilities on the part of the
present administration, we certainly never expected that the grounds of
indictment would be found in the first leading article of our last issue. We
have no objection to recant one of the obnoxious paragraphs, but must
-land by the hope expressed in the other. We will say, if required, that
from Suraj ool Dowlah to the King of Oude, the princes of India have been
vilely dealt with ; but we cannot forego the pleasing vision that in 1957 a
Christian people may live happily under a respected Government.
But what is the use of beating about the bush, and assailing us under
false pretences ? Our fault is no question of orthodoxy, or want of sym-
pathy with mockery kings. It is that, whilst doing our utmost to keep eyes
and ears closed to much that we were bound to receive, we were forced to
denounce the vacillation of purpose, the utter want of organization, and the
wretched crop of results which have given such a melancholy character to
the proceedings of Government since the commencement of the mutinies.
We had to choose between the utterance of unpleasant censures or a dis-
honest silence. Between saying what, in the interest of England, it were
traitorous to suppress, and what it was for the reputation of a few high
officials should never have been written. The time had come when it was
needful to take a side, and without hesitation we fell into the imperial ranks.
As it turns out, we had not counted the cost, but such as our course seemed
to entail we were willing to defray. On the score of public support we have
no martyrdom to boast of, having gained a hundred and eleven subscribers
gince the 1st May, after allowing for all the deaths and withdrawals.
THE GAGGING ACT. 367
We venture to say that there is not a man in Calcutta, or elsewhere, who
will put upon the excepted paragraphs the construction which Lord Can-
ning has chosen to fix on them, or who will adopt any other conclusion
than the palpable one, that it is thought more desirable to gag the Friend
of India at once, than to waste time in finding a sufficient reason for the
act. But we submit to his lordship the following matter for consideration.
The people of all classes, who are said to read and study this journal,
know as a matter of course that it has always been the advocate of an-
nexation and of Christianity. But all of a sudden it is silent upon those
important topics. The shrewd Asiatic need not ask the reason, for he can
see for himself that the Government has interfered to prevent their discus-
sion ; but he will carry the inquiry a step further, and ask what it is that
has prompted the interference. If they intend to reverse the policy of
their predecessors, why let them reinstate Kings, restore Jagheers, and
deport Missionaries. But if they are not repentant, but merely timid ; if
they do not abjure the acts, but only shrink from enduring the conse-
quences ; why what a dullard he must be, to be duped into inaction by such
shallow artifices ! Either we advocate what is always injurious to the body
politic, or it is the poorest cowardice to coerce us into silence. No man,
Mussulman or Hindu, if he has half the brains that the Governor-General
allots to him, can fail to recognise in this open tabooing of subjects hitherto
left free for comment, the newest and most damning proof of the mistrust,
which the Government entertains of the allies and native subjects of the
Crown of England and the Honourable Company.
Three weeks since, Lord Canning had the sympathy and support of every
man of European birth or parentage. To-day there are not half-a-dozen
who would lift up their hands in his favour. But why should he do for
himself what he has failed to do for England ? Why care to retain per-
sonal when public reputation is irrecoverably gone ? When the goodly
ship goes down with all her rich freight on board, it is better that the cap-
tain should exhibit no anxiety to save his cabin furniture.
And now a word as to the policy of this journal — say for the next three
months. We have no intention of testing the ability of Government to put
down a rebellion at Serampore. To-day is the last of our independence,
and we will not write under compulsion, or invite, for interests which have
been created by industry and intellect exerted for a quarter of a century,
the ruin which it will now cost Lord Canning nothing to decree. We
accept the situation that is made for us, and take leave of political discus-
sion— till the times mend.
THE DACCA NEWS "WARNED."
No. 393.
To A. FORBES, ESQ.
Dacca.
Sir,— I have the honour to forward herewith a copy of a letter, No. 456,
dated the 7th instant, from the Secretary to the Government of Bengal, re-
ferring to an article published in the Dacca News of the 1st instant, and
headed " The Tenure of Land by Europeans in India."
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient Servant,
C. F. CARNAC,
Foujdary Adawlut, Zfflah of Dacca, Officiating Magistrate,
the 10th August, 1857.
AA2
368 APPENDIX.
No. 456.
From the SECRETARY TO THE GOVERNMENT OF BENGAL to tfa
MAGISTRATE OF DACCA.
Dated Fort William, the 7th August, 1857.
Sir, — The attention of the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal has been given
to an article in the Dacca Hews of the 1st instant, headed " The Tenure of
Land by Europeans in India," which, in his honour's judgment, manifestly
infringes the conditions on which the license to the publisher of that paper
was granted. I am directed, therefore, to request that you will warn the
publisher that a second infringement of these conditions on his part will
compel the Lieutenant-Governor to withdraw his licence.
I have, &c.,
(Signed) A. K. YOUNG,
Seci Government of Bengal.
(Copy.) " 0. F. CAHNAC,
Officiating Magistrate.
From the DACCA NEWS. Avfjnat \.<i.
THE TENURE OF LAND BY iUlUM'EANS 1> INDIA.
Mr. Ewart has moved in the I louse of Commons for a return showing on
what tenure land is allowed to be held by Europeans in India, whether in
fee simple, for life or lives, or for years ; and if so, for what terms of years,
and whether renewable on payment of fines or otherwise. — As we may
expect that the Court of Directors, which first denied that it had received
a copy of Mr. Halliday's police minute, and then furnished, as the police
minute, a minute which was not the police minute — as we may expect
that Court to <rive a false return to Mr. E wart's motion, we shall give a
return of our own, us to the terms on which Europeans hold land in the
perpetually settled districts. But before doing so we would remind our
readers, that the Perpetual Settlement is a bargain entered into between
Lord Cornwallis on the part of the British Government, and for which he
staked the good faith of England — not of the Court of Directors, or the
" Company Bahadoor," for that is nil — and the landholders, that as long
as they paid a certain rent to the Government they were to enjoy in per-
petuity the possession of the lands contained within certain boundaries
specified in the books compiled at the time of the settlement by the various
collectors, and which had been sanctioned with regard to each particular
district by the Government. This is the theory of the Perpetual Settle-
ment. The practice has been very different, especially with regard to
Europeans, who about twenty years ago were allowed to hold land on the
same terms as natives. The practice is as follows : —
A European is allowed to hold lands as long as these lands do not
excite the concupiscence of the Government of the East India Company,
administered by a Civil Service whose salaries depend upon the amount of
revenue that can be realized, per fas aut ncfas, from the country. — Ex-
ample : Mr. George Lamb, a gentleman well known for many years in the
Dacca district, purchased an estate called Chur Doopooriah, paying, under
the aforesaid Perpetual Settlement, a rent to Government of two hundred
and ninety odd rupees. By the encroachment of a large and rapid river,
the whole of this estate was carried away. Mr. Lamb, aware, from long
observation of the oscillations of the rivers in Bengal, that the land would
re-form, continued to fulfil his part of the bargain entered into with the
Government — that is, to pay the revenue during eight or ten years, while
the estate in question formed a part of the bed of the river, which is from
four to five miles broad. He of course expected that, when the river
THE GAGGING ACT. 369
retired, he would be allowed to take possession of the lands re-formed.
There is a law, however, in connexion with the Settlement, which states,
that if an island is thrown up in the channel of a navigable river, it becomes
the property of the Government ; and this law is perfectly just, for it pre-
supposes the drying up of the river — a circumstance of frequent occurrence
in Bengal — and the formation of land on a spot which had not been included
in the Perpetual Settlement, as there was no land existing there at that
time. There is also another law very useful in preventing disputes, which
is to the effect, that lands which are formed by the retiring of rivers from
one bank and their Encroachment on the other, are to belong to the pro-
prietor on to whose lands they form. In the case before us, when the river
was retiring, the Government in the first place took possession of the dry
land, which first appeared as an island ; and then of all the lands successively
emerging from the river, as formations on to the island, the property of
Government. Mr. Lamb, up to the present date, hoping against hope that
justice may be done to him, pays the Perpetual Settlement Revenue for
Chur Doopooriah, though he is not in possession, nor has had for the last
twelve or fourteen years a single bigah of land belonging to this estate.
The Collector receives the rents without a murmur, though we believe the
Commissioner of Revenue has ordered him to strike the very name of the
estate off the books. The case, moreover, was five times decided in Mr.
Lamb's favour by the judges of the Company itself; and only gained by
them when they had succeeded, after a number of years, in packing a
bench. We would refer the curious with regard to this case to our supple-
ment of the 19th of July, 1857.
A European is allowed to hold lands as long as these lands do not excite
the concupiscence of any native ; for, if any native should desire to possess
them, they will certainly be decreed to him by the judges of the East
India Company, who find none so impracticable a.i European owners of
land. — Example : Mr. G. Lamb purchased, at a sale for arrears of revenue,
from the East India Company, an estate, said to comprise within its
boundaries certain specified villages. A native about the same time pur-
chased an adjoining estate. Mr. Lamb, from information gathered from
the collector's books, brought a suit for certain villages in the possession
of the native, as belonging to his estate. The native brought a cross suit
claiming villages of the value of Rs. 1500 a-year against Mr. Lamb. Mr.
Lamb lost his suit. The suit of the native was decreed in his favour,
giving him villages producing Rs. 6000 a-year, instead of Rs. 1500, which
he had sued for. The document on which the Sudcler decreed against Mr.
Lamb was a forgery. It purported to be one of the original papers of the
Decennial Settlement (on which the Perpetual Settlement was founded) of
Zillah Tipperah. Mr. Lamb proved that the whole of that settlement was
made in Arcot rupees, while this paper was summed up in Sicca rupees.
The Sudder Dewany Adawlut,the Supreme Civil Court of Bengal, decided
that the word " Sicca" meant" current," and might apply to any rupee.
They themselves were, at the time of this decision, receiving their salaries
in Sicca rupees of more than 6i per cent, greater value than the Company's
rupee, and would have repudiated with scorn the proposition of being paid
in the Company's rupees.
A European is to be prevented from becoming the possessor of land at
any cost whatever. — Example: While the last-mentioned case was
passing through the courts, Mr. Lamb's opponent got deeply into debt, and
his creditors put up his estate for sale. Mr. Lamb was willing to purchase
peace at any price, and therefore bid a large sum for this estate, which
comprised the disputed lands. Mr. Lamb purchased the estate in his
wife's name, in order to avoid, as he thought, all disputes. Mrs. Lamb, on
370 APPENDIX.
becoming purchaser, sued for possession of the estate, but was nonsuited in
the Superior Court, the Sudder, on the ground that she, as an English or
Scotch woman, could not sue in her own name, but must be joined by her
husband. We have got the best authority for saying that this is not good
English law ; but supposing it were, there was nothing on the record to show
that Mrs. Lamb was either an English or a Scotch woman. She might have
been of any other race, among many of whom — the Armenians, Mussul-
manecs and Hindoos, for instance — married women may possess property
apart from their husbands. The objection was not taken in any of the
pleadings, and we submit that the appellate court had no power to take it
up — but there was an Englishman or Scotchman, well known in their pri-
vate capacities to the judges on the bench to be such, to be prevented from
possessing lands. The case was therefore nonsuited. On this decision being
given, Mr. Lamb brought a fresh suit, joining himself with his wife. The
same objection would not serve now ; but Mr. Lamb lost his case in the
appellate court on account of an alleged irregularity in the sale, an irregu-
larity for which no one was responsible but the court which sold, and there-
fore Mr. Lamb was punished — be it observed, that Mr. Lamb gained every
one of these cases in the courts of first instance. It was only when they
were appealed to the Sudder, when they were taken down to Calcutta,
where Civil Servicism is rampant, where the necessity of keeping the inter-
loper from gaining a footing in the land is fully appreciated— it was only
in Calcutta that he lost them. We could adduce many a case where the
same gentleman, who, unfortunately for himself, had a desire to become a
landed proprietor, and to improve his lands by introducing the culture of
various crops unknown in this part of India, had decree after decree given
against him in the Civil Courts ; many of them so absurd, that they gave
rise to fresh lawsuits in the vain endeavour to have them executed. We
could bring instances of parallel cases, where natives only were concerned,
where decrees were given in their favour, which would have made Mr.
Lamb's fortune had the same law — we shall not desecrate the name of
justice by applying it to any of the dicta of the Sudder — been dealt out to
him. But the interloper was there. He was to be put down. If he had
not been put down, he might have had the presumption to grow cotton ;
and by supplying Liverpool with that material, to have made the English
people take as great an interest in, and become as well acquainted with, the
affairs of India as they are with those of America.
However long a European may have been in possession of land, every
means to the endangering of the salvation of the judges themselves is to be
used to oust him from possession, and to give it to a native, with which class
the Civil Service believed, till lately perhaps, they could do anything. This
is an error on the part of the Court Service. Since Reg. II. of 1819, and
the Public Works Loan, the native believes that there are no depths so low
to which the Company Bahadoor cannot descend, so long as they have
power on their side. The Englishman confesses that the Government is
" awful dodgy," but cannot believe that the men whom he knows well, and
knows to be tolerably honest in their private transactions, could be guilty
of the rascalities which have been committed under the aforesaid regulation.
But we are running away from our subject, which is that, however long a
European may have possessed land, he must be ousted somehow or another.
— Example : Messrs. Lamb and Wise, two gentlemen settled in the Dacca
district, learned from their attorneys that an estate was to be sold by the
collector, at the instance of the owner's creditors. They agreed to bid for
the estate, and to purchase it together. The estate was put up for sale, and
they bought it. Though many objections were raised to the manner in
which the sale was made, &c., by the late proprietors, at the time of and im-
THE GAGGING ACT. 371
mediately after the sale, they were all overruled by the courts. Messrs.
Lamb and Wise were put in possession, and continued in possession for
eleven years eleven months and odd days. If the twelve years had passed,
their title would have been secured by prescription. But before the twelve
years had expired a suit was brought to upset the sale, on the ground that
the law prescribed that notice of sale should be affixed in ten places. It
had been so in nine, but there was a doubt with regard to the tenth, whether
the place where it was affixed was situated on certain lands or not. The
case came on in the local courts, and was decided in favour of Messrs. Lamb
and Wise. It was appealed to the Sudder, where it was, as a matter of
course, decided against the interlopers by two judges out of three — decided,
we have almost the highest legal authority in India for saying, against the
common-sense interpretation of the law. But what can be expected from
judges who have absolutely no legal training, and who consider the inter-
loper as a being who has no right to be in India !
Such are a few — we solemnly affirm a very few — of the instances we can
give to Mr. Ewart of the tenures on which lands are allowed to be held by
Europeans in India. Were we to unfold a half — one third of what we
know, we should be scorned as unjust traducers of the Civil Service of the
Honourable the East India Company. Fortunately we can prove every
word we have said from the decisions of the Sudder Dewany Adawlut — Lord
Canning must have wondered why his proclamations were so little believed.
It is long — as the evidence of every independent man will prove — since the
assertions of the Government of this country have been believed by its
subjects.
THE BENGAL HURKARU SUPPRESSED.
The Hurfcaru, the oldest journal in India, was suppressed on the 18th of
September, on account of the appearance, in different issues of the paper, of
the following three articles : —
From the BENGAL HURKARU.
" The steamer which arrived on the 10th instant brought us the Times of
6th August, which contains a leader beginning, 'There are some acts of
atrocity so abominable that they will not even bear narration ;' and ending,
' Let it be known that England will support the officers who may be charged
with the duty of suppressing this mutiny, and of inflicting condign punish-
ment upon the bloodthirsty mutineers, however terrible may be the measures*
which they may see fit to adopt.'
" The article in the Times from which the above quotations are made
should be re-published by Government, circulated to all civil and military
authorities in substitution of Cecil Beadon's proclamation, dated 31st
July, published in your paper of 2nd instant ; and the article from the
Times should be read also to every regiment in India, instead of Sir James
Outram's order about the 10th regiment. Little did the Times know of
Indian officials when he wrote * Nothing more injudicious than Mr.
Colvin's proclamation can be conceived.'
" What will the Thunderer say when he sees Cecil Beadon's proclama-
tion, and Sir James Outram's order from Dinapore ? and that the latter has
since that order been reappointed Commissioner in Oude, besides com-
manding the Dinapore and Cawnpore divisions, thus superseding Havelock
and Neill? The latter is unquestionably the man who ought to have
« been appointed Chief Commissioner in Oude, for the energy he has dis-
played from the time he confined the railway people here, to the time he
hanged the Brahmins at Cawnpore.
372 APPENDIX.
" 'J'he imbeciles are not all out of England yet, however ; the board of
control has Vernon Smith, and the war department has Lord Panmure.
"Witness the answer of the latter, through his organ in the Commons, to
Colonel North's question on the 5th August, ' Why it was that the
Government were only sending 140 men to reinforce the artillery in India,
when the number required to bring that force up to its war complement
was 223 ?' Answer by Sir John Ilamsden, ' vide Times of 6th August' : —
44 * .Sir J. Ilamsden said that the artillery force was put under orders
for India, the same as the other troops, in compliance with a requisition
of the East India Company ; and the total force of artillery which they
had asked for would be made up by the particular number which had been
sent' (hear! hear:).
" That is, the artillery force was rendered inefficient before its de-
parture for India, by reducing it even under the war complement required
in Europe, that certain figures sent in by the East India Company might
correspond with other figures in the estimates prepared at the war
department !
" With such a specimen of the way things are conducted in that
department, can any one be surprised that we meet with disasters, from
the ruinous effects of which to the nation nothing saves us but the devoted
courage of our soldiers and sailors? — yet these are the men whose feelings
are being trifled with by old women in India.
" The cavalry horses in the Crimea were starved because Sir Charles
Trevelyan, at his desk in London, thought he could there form a more
correct estimate of the forage required than the commissary-general on
the spot could do— and now we are to have the artillery sent out in tin
inefficient state because Vernon Smith and tJie chair think that the war
complement, which experienced artillery officers have laid down us
necessary in Europe, is too large for a fine climate like India, where they
no doubt suppose ready-made artillerymen grow in the Eose Gardens!"
From the BENGAL HURKARU.
THE FRIEND OF II1NDOSTAN AND THE STATE-GRINDER.
AFTER GEORGE CANNING.
•
(The F. of H. represented by the Chairman of the Court of Directors, and the
8. Cf. by a noble lord.)
F. OF H.
Needy State-grinder, whither are you going ?
You're quite gone astray, your wheel is out of order.
There's a row blowing up — your actions are all rotten,
So are your speeches !
Weary State-grinder, little do those rascals
Who with their holdings hunt down all their rulers
Think what hard work 'tis, crying all day, " Eed tape,
Red tape for ever !"
Tell me, State-grinder, how came you hi this plight ?
Did the Supreme Court lay its hands upon you H
Was it the chief, or editor of journal,
Or some low planter ?
Was it some judge, for acting without Queen's law ?
Rancorous chief, for keeping down his service ?
Editor vicious, crying up the people,
Brought you in this fix ?
THS GAGGING ACT. 373
(Have you not read the minute of Sir Thomas ?)
Sparks of resentment smoulder in my headpiece, x
Beady to blow up as soon as you have told your
Most wretched story.
S. G.
Story ! God bless you ! I have none to tell, sir,
Only one day, I, talking in the council,
Gagged the free press, and then made that J. P. Grant
Gen'ral Obstructor !
Campbell was sent out, for to take me into
His command ; they took me before the Commons ;
Public opinion then put me in the
Pound as a donkey !
I should be glad to drink your honour's health in
A small pension, if you will kindly give it ;
But for my part I never more will meddle
With Hindostan, sir.
F. OP H.
I give thee pension ! I will see thee d — d first —
Man whom we trusted, like so many asses ; —
Taunted and jeered at, made no end of fun of —
Impotent failure !
(Kicks Ike State-grinder, overturns his wheel, and exit in a transport of official
agony and lost hopes.)
From the BENGAL- HURKARU.
All India is eagerly watching the progress of public opinion at home, the
eventual declaration of which will decide the future policy of the Govern-
ment. Our rulers are being put upon their trial, while a jury composed
of many millions are weighing the evidence, preparatory to laying their
heads together for the consideration of the verdict.
There are many good, honest, simple people in Calcutta, who are both
surprised and disappointed that popular indignation has not boiled up to a
higher pitch. They are astounded at finding that Lord Canning has not been
already ordered home in irons, and that Mr. Beadon has not been sentenced
to be tarred and feathered and ridden upon a rail, previously to being
placed in some extremely uncovenanted appointment, under a native supe-
rior. We are very far from saying that these proceedings would not be
appropriate in the cases in question, but we would say to our enthusiastic
friends : — My dear sirs, you are too impatient. All in good time. Public
opinion is not a mere dramatic performance, got up to make the Overland
papers exciting, for your pleasure. It is a real earnest process, which takes
time for its development, which must be expected to " drag" — in dramatic
language — now and then ; which will not always produce startling effects
at the most desirable moment ; which keeps one waiting a long time be-
tween the acts, with nothing but " apples and oranges and a bill of the
play " to fall back upon ; but for all that there can be no rational doubt
that the conclusion will find virtue triumphant, and that the villains of the
piece will meet with their just doom. But — we would add to our enthu-
siastic friends — what more can you expect? What more would you have
at the present moment ? Have you not heard through private letters that
the windows of the directors' town houses are by no means safe, and that
any one of the Honourable Court showing himself at Bath or Cheltenham,
or elsewhere where Anglo-Indianism most abides, would meet with a recep-
tion from the mob compared to which that of Marshal Haynau by the
brewers was courteous and flattering ? Do you not know that the Duke of
374 APPENDIX.
Cambridge was heard to say that he should soon have the Indian army
under his command ? Are you not aware that the mode of communication
adopted by the Government of the Crown towards the Government of the
Court, at home, has already become savage and dictatorial to an extent that
six months ago would have aroused Leadenskull-street to a fury of resis-
tance ? Do you not see that the comparative satisfaction which has been
manifested at the mode of meeting the mutinies has been founded upon
want of knowledge of the real facts of the case ? Is it not obvious to the
stupidest fellow among you that, where our rulers have been praised, they
have been praised for doing what they have left undone, or for not doing
that which they have done most thoroughly and completely ? If her
Majesty's Government approve eventually of the conduct of these gentle-
men, they will have to do so not merely at the cost of their consistency —
which they will care no more about than any other Government — but at
the cost of their offices, which they will not be disposed to part witli for
such an incidental consideration as Mr. Halliday, or such a matter of
detail as Mr. Beadon — to say nothing of one or two others of the same
stamp, and a higher functionary whom they have dragged into the same
boat.
We ask the sanguine persons to whom we have addressed the above,
what more they would have for the present ? To us it seems that Parlia-
ment and the public at home have made immense progress towards a
proper view of the question. In the House of Lords, the Earl of Ellen-
borough and the Marquis of Clanricarde have 'addressed themselves to it
with profound knowledge and sagacity. In the Commons, Mr. Disraeli
has made one of the most masterly and statesmanlike speeches that he
has ever made in his life ; and the question has been met by all who
took part in its discussion with a high appreciation of its importance.
The press has done its work well, and has been steadily drifting in the
right direction, to a position which the Times has taken up with a decision
and energy which sufficiently show that the voice of the country is on
the same side. Throughout the discussion, both in Parliament and the
press, it is to the honour of all engaged in it that no party feeling has
been shown, however much may have been felt in some quarters. The
utmost consideration has been manifested for the local government under
the difficult circumstances in which they were placed, and no signs of
any personal prejudice have been made apparent. Even the Press and
the Examiner, the two mo<t systematic opponents of the Company's
Government, have handled Lord Canning as tenderly as if he was a baby,
and have let Messrs. Beadon and Halliday alone with a magnanimity which
is almost beyond belief, and suggests the suspicion that those usually well-
informed journals have not yet acquainted themselves with the fact that
there are such persons in existence.
In the meantime, the accused are awaiting the verdict which is to de-
cide their official fate, in a highly characteristic manner, such as we see
described in the London police reports as " treating the charge with the
utmost levity," or " evincing a hardened indifference to the situation in
which they were placed, that was painful to behold." But among these
it is only just to remark that the most elevated personage stands out in
honourable relief. His grand calmness under the ordeal is comparable to
nothing but the demeanour of Miss Madeleine Smith, in similarly trying
circumstances, which elicited the wonder and admiration of the rapt
people of Glasgow. Let us hope that the omen is a good one, and, for
the sake of an illustrious name, and as good intentions as have ever
paved India or any other place, that the charges which have been
brought against the individual in question will be " not proven."
THE GAGGING ACT. 375
THE ACT IMPROVED UPON IN PEGU.
To the PROPRIETOR OF THE RANGOON CHRONICLE AND PEGU
GAZETTE PRESS.
Rangoon.
Sir, — I am permitted by the Commissioner of Pegu and Governor-
General's agent to inform you, that in the event of your wishing to publish
any articles concerning the affairs connected with the rebellion in Bengal
in your journal, you are, before doing so, to submit them to me for ap-
proval. Without such previous submission, you are not to publish such
accounts or articles, whether original or extracted : this will be an especial
condition of the ad interim protection being continued to you.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient Servant,
GEO. DANGERFIELD,
Officiating Magistrate of Rangoon.
Rangoon Magistrate's Office, the oth August, 1857.
The proprietor appealed to the Commissioner, and received the following
reply :—
To R. GODFREE, ESQ., Proprietor of the RANGOON CHRONICLE PRESS.
Rangoon.
Sir, — I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter to the
address of the Commissioner and Governor-General's agent for Pegu, for-
warding a letter from the magistrate of Rangoon, herewith returned.
In granting an ad interim for protection in publishing the Rangoon
Chronicle, pending the receipt of orders from the Supreme Government on
your application for a license, the Commissioner and Governor-General's
agent has assumed a power not strictly vested in him by the law, and has
in a measure, and for a time, made himself responsible for what is pub-
lished in that paper ; but he refuses to accept the responsibility unless
upon such conditions as will, he trusts, justify him in having incurred it
with the Government he has the honour to serve.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
HORACE A. BROWNE,
Extra- Assistant to the Commissioner of Pegu.
Rangoon Commissioner's Office, 7th August, 1857.
THE FIRST ATTACK ON THE LONDON JOURNALS.
The following letter has been addressed by the Magistrate of Poona to
the Government of Bombay : —
Judicial Department, Bombay Castle, 23rd of September, 1857.
Sir, — In the Times newspaper of last Thursday, the editor stated that
a detachment of the 2nd Bombay Light Cavalry had mutinied at Deesa,
and had been destroyed by her Majesty's 83rd Regiment at that station ;
and in last Monday's paper there is an article extracted from the English
paper, the Press, the publication of which is calculated to have a very per-
nicious effect at the present time.
I am therefore desired by the Right Honourable the Governor in Council
to request that you will be good enough to warn the editors of English and
376 APPENDIX.
native newspapers within your jurisdiction against republishing the articles
in question.
I have, &c.,
(Signed) H. L. ANDERSON,
To the Magistrate of Poona. Secretary to Government.
MADRAS A STEP IN ADVANCE.
No. 1106.
met from the, MINUTES or CONSULTATION.
Public Department, dated 10th August, 1857.
The attention of the Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council
has been drawn to an article in th< Enmiticr newspaper of the Gth inst.,
copying a false statement from the Ilurkaru, regarding a supposed inten-
tion to remove the Government agent at Cliepauk, and reflecting on that
officer's official conduct.
Government resolve to notify to the proprietors of that newspaper that
this is a violation of the terms on which they hold their license, and that
their license will be withdrawn on the appearance of any similar article.
(True Copy.) E. MALTBY,
Acting Chief Secretary.
From the. MADRAS EXAMINER, quoted from the HURKARU.
The Madras Government, we understand, lias recommended to the
Supreme Government the immediate removal of Dr. Balfour from the Go-
vernment agency at Chepauk, for alleged acts of oppression.
(B.)
ADDITION TO CHAPTEK X.
THEN commenced that series of marches and battles to
which the annals of warfare afford no parallel. A hand-
ful of English soldiers, defying equally sun and sickness
and the sword, forced their way to Cawnpore, and there,
resting for a few days to gather up women's tresses
dabbled in blood, and distribute them as charms against
mercy or fear, pushed on to the gates of Lucknow ; twice
returning baffled, but neither broken nor dispirited, and
at last winning their way to their captive countrymen.
Those men, brought up amidst snow and ice, fought in
the solar blaze as if they had been nurtured on the sands
of Africa. They had no more rest than a swimming out
at sea ; no chance of life, except by struggling per-
petually ; the day's march usually ended with a general
action. The bivouac was almost invariably on a field of
battle. Cholera and dysentery raged in their ranks, but
the majority had no leisure to spare for being sick or
weary. They had time only to fight and die.
For well nigh six months the garrison of Lucknow
were held in siege by an army variously estimated at
from fifty to a hundred thousand men. At the end of
June, Sir Henry Lawrence calculated that they could only
hold out for three weeks from that date, and in no quarter
of India would man's life or woman's honour, in the
capital of Oude, been thought worth an hour's purchase
in the month of August. Yet the bulk of the defenders
lived, as men have been known to survive on a plank on
the ocean, with patient sharks always following in their
wake. It was not so much a siege as a hand-to-hand
fight, perpetually renewed. The foes met face to face
above and below ground. The muzzles of the guns nearly
touched each other. A few sandbags, planks, and old
378 APPENDIX.
boxes were in some places the sole fortifications, the
effort at defence appearing as hopeless as if Hollanders
should try to repair a breach in their dykes with a few
handfuls of tow. Had England still been in spiritual
alliance with the Pope, masses would have been
offered up in every cathedral for the souls of the garrison
of Lucknow. The world has only known, since the
stoiy of their endurance has been published, the power
of heroism and the tenacity of human existence. That
narrative of strife and suffering has dispelled for ever the
illusion as to the identity of race in the case of the Euro-
pean and Asiatic. It shows that Englishmen are beings
made of a superior clay, gifted with the power and instinct
of mastery over the dusky tribes of the East. On an
occasion where the faculties and force of all concerned
were brought into play and tested to the uttermost, the
Hindoo never rose to the level of his opportunities,
whilst our countrymen moulded events to their own
advantage, and converted mischance into triumph. Their
example has assured Europe that civilization has not im-
paired the courage or the strength of men and women in
these days, and it has tunght the people of Asia, that if
they would obtain the redress of wrongs, or satisfy a thirst
for vengeance, it is impossible to accomplish either end by
rising in arms against us. We hope that henceforth our
rule may be such as to foster in the native mind a love of
English domination ; but if the remainder of the nine-
teenth century passes away without the occurrence of an-
other Indian insurrection, the historian will not fail to
attribute the happy result, in a great measure, to the
effect of the resistless raids of Havelock, the genius of
Sir Colin Campbell, and the superhuman fortitude and
bravery of Inglis and the rest of the garrison of Lucknow.
THE END.
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npUEKEY. By THE ROVING ENGLISHMAN. Being Sketches
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LANDS OF THE SLAVE AND THE FKEE ; or,
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IHE BRIDLE ROADS OF SPAIN. By — CALEY,
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TTNPROTECTED FEMALES IN NORWAY- or T:
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!ti??» J^fli. ~.~°UrS' tem)r8' and "Uoyments of the fjelds and fiords of
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T IPE IN CHINA. By Rev. W. C. MILNE, M.A., ,
'. many /ears Missionary among the Chinese. With original Ma
of Ningpo Shangai, China Proper, Inland Trip fromNingpo to Cantc
from Sketches by the Author.
«' Next to Mr. Fortune we should feel inclined to place Mr. Milne- like B
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sZctoto?* SpC g e '"•••••^ ^d having some actual purpose, can do/
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