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SEVENTEEN YEARS AMONG THE
SEA DYAKS OF BORNEO
NEir AND RECENT BOOKS
Cliff Castles and Cave Dwellings
of Europe.
By S. Baring-Gould, M.A., Author
of" Family Names and their Story,"
" The Tragedy of the CjEsars," "Curi-
ous Myths of the Middle Ages," i^c.
With 54 Illustrations and Diagrams.
Demy's vo., i2S. 6d. net.
Seventeen Years Among the Sea
Dyaks of Borneo.
A Record of Intimate Association
with the Natives of the Bornean Jun-
gles. By Edwin H. Gomes, M.A.,
Author of " The Sea Dyaks of Borneo,"
A'C. With an Introduction by the
Rev. John- Perham, formerly Arch-
deacon of Singapore. With 40 Illus-
trations and a Map. Demy 8vo., i6s.
Among the Rajahs and Ryots of
Northern India.
A Civil Servant's Recollections and
Impressions of Thirty-seven Years of
Work and Sport in the Central Pro-
vinces and Bengal. By Sir Andrew
H. L. Fraser,K.C.S.I.,M. A., LL.D.,
Kx-Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal.
With 34 Illustrations and a Map.
Demy 8vo., i8s.
Second Edition.
Fighting the Slave-Hunters in
Central Africa.
K Record of Twenty-six Years of
Travel and Adventure round the
Great Lakes, and of the Overthrow
of Tip-pu-tib, Rumaliza, and other
Great Slave-traders. By Alfred J.
Swans. With 45 Illustrations and a
Map. Demy 8vo.. 1 5s. net.
"This is an extraordinarily fascin-
ating book." — Athenceutn.
Family Names and their Story.
By S. Baring-Gould, M.A. Demy
8vo., 7s. 6d. net.
"This most entertaining of vol-
umes."— Evening Standard.
Third Edition.
Among the Wild Tribes of the
Afghan Frontier.
A Record of Sixteen Years' Close
Intercourse with the Natives of the
Indian Marches. By T. L. Pennell,
M.D., B.Sc, F.R.G.S. With an
Introduction by Lord Roberts, V.C.
With 37 Illustrations and two Maps.
Demy 8vo., t6s. net.
"This interesting and valuable
\itiO\i''— Manchester Guardian.
The Childhood of Man.
A Popular Account of the Lives, Cus-
toms, and Thoughts of the Primitive
Races. By Dr. Leo Fkobenius.
Translated by Prof. A. H. Keane,
LL.D., F.R.G.S. With 415 Illustra-
tions. Demy 8vo., 16s. net.
"The general reader will find
much that is entertaining in ' The
Childhood of Man," while the stu-
dent cannot afford to overlook it."
— Dr. .\. C. Haddon in Tlu .\'atioH.
SEELEY £- CO. LTD.
SEVENTEEN YEARS AMONG
THE SEA DYAKS OF BORNEO
A RECORD OF INTIMATE ASSOCIATION WITH
THE NATIVES OF THE BORNEAN JUNGLES
BY
EDWIN H. GOMES, M.A.
AND AN INTRODUCTION
BY
THE REVEREND JOHN PERHAM
FORMERLY ARCHDEACON OF SINGAPORE
WITH 40 ILLUSTRATIONS & A MAP
LONDON
SEELEY ^ CO. LIMITED
38 Great Russell Street
191 I
-0
o
3:
■T
56
TO
MY WIFE
^ TO WHOSE HELPFUL ENCOURAGEMENT
I OWE MUCH
42.1350
INTRODUCTION
WITH the establishment of Rajah Brooke's govern-
ment in Sarawak, the different races of its native
population gradually became known to English
people, and at length the Dyakland of Borneo has found
a definite place and shape in the English mind, much
as the Zululand of Africa has done. The Sea Dyak soon
appeared in print ; travellers mentioned him, sometimes
only as a simple savage ; men who have spent some
time in the country, like the late Sir Hugh Low and
the late Sir Spenser St. John, described something of
his life ; missionary reports had him in their pages ;
European residents and civil administrators and others
wrote of him in various papers and periodicals. But
most, if not all, of these accounts were unavoidably
brief, partial, and sketchy, for it did not come
within the scope of their purpose to set forth a full and
systematic statement of all things Dyak. Mr. Ling Roth
collected all the notes about Dyaks he could find, from
various sources, and published his harvest of accumula-
tions in two large volumes. It is a monument of in-
dustrious collecting ; but his work is that of the scissors
rather than of the pen, a compilation rather than a
writing ; and in the extracts, being the productions of
various writers at different periods, we see much over-
lapping and repetition, and some confusion ; and, neces-
sarily, such a book was too bulky to obtain a general
circulation. More recently Miss Eda Green has given
viii INTRODUCTION
to English readers a little book about Borneo, wonderful
in its general accuracy, and vivid in its descriptions ;
but it is meant especially for missionary circles and mis-
sionary reading — in fact, it was written expressly for the
Borneo Mission Association, whose objects it has done
much to promote. But it is a book about the Mission
rath or than about the Dyaks, and it does not profess to
give a complete account of the entire field of Sea Dyak
life.
This is Mr. Gomes's object, and he attains it. His book
s not a mere personal narrative of life in Sarawak. We
have in it a very full, systematic, and comprehensive de-
scription of Sea Dyak life — its works, thoughts, sentiments,
superstitions, customs, religion, beliefs, and ideals. Our
attention is not directed to the magnificent beauties of
Bornean tropical scenery and luxuriant flora, nor to the
wonders of the insect life with which the land simply
abounds. ]\Ir. Gomes sees Dyaks, and Dyaks only, in his
mind. The " brown humanity " of the country, not its
natural history, occupies his attention. He knows that
humanity intimately, and writes from the storehouse
which he has accumulated in long years of experience and
observation. And he puts all within manageable compass
and volume. His book is, I believe, the first which
contains a complete picture of Sea Dyak life in all its
phases, yet in moderate dimensions. And from my own
experience of some twenty years in Sarawak, I can
testify to the truthfulness of every page.
Possibly it is sometimes thought that the missionary
is not the best man to write about the people to whom
he appeals ; that he may be easily biassed in one direction
or another, and may think too ill or too well of them,
and may allow his judgment to be overcoloured by his
religious purpose. A little experience among the people
of any race, especially where the language is not well
INTRODUCTION ix
known, may easily result in limited views and imperfect
conceptions. But when his residence has extended over
many years, and he knows the language as well as his
own ; when he has had constant opportunities of ob-
serving their tone and conduct in every relation of life,
and of hearing how they talk and think on every imagin-
able subject, and of seeing how they behave at home as
well as abroad — how they bear themselves, not only to
an occasional white man whom they meet, but also
to each other in social dealings — when he thus lives
in close touch with them at every point, he cannot but
obtain a thorough understanding of the realities of their
lives.
And the Sea Dyaks are generally a very communica-
tive people. They will willingly give information about
every belief and custom, and wUl quietly discuss every
practice and evei»y event, good or bad ; and it needs only
a little patience and sympathy to enable one to get an
insight into the working of their minds, and to realize
the true character of their actions in the struggles, the
comedies, or the tragedies of their lives.
Mr. Gomes is thus able to make the Sea Dyak live
before us in genuine colours. We can see this dusky
son of the jungle in his beliefs and fears, which are many,
in his work and in his play, in his ugly faults and amiable
virtues, in his weaknesses and in his abilities. And I
think that everyone who reads his pages will feel that
henceforth he knows the Sea Dyak of Sarawak better
than he ever knew him before, and will come to the con-
clusion that, in spite of his faults, he is a very likeable
man.
The Sea Dyaks, then, are worth knowing. They con-
stitute a very valuable element in the population of
Sarawak, not only from their numbers, but also from
their force of character. They are active, hardworking,
X INTRODUCTION
industrious, ready to earn an honest penny when they
have the chance ; and in their domestic relations are
amiable and hospitable towards strangers, and when
treated with civility and sympathy, all their good points
come to the surface. They work hard at rice-planting,
which, it is true, is of a very primitive sort, but it is the
best they know, and as good as that practised by their
Mohammedan neighbours, the Malays. If some simple
system of irrigation could be introduced among them,
especially m lowland cultivation, this, their main in-
dustry, would be far more productive than it is, and it
would be a real boon to the country at large. They have
adventured upon the cultivation of other products when
the way has been made clear to them, which is an evidence
of their capacity for progress. They penetrate and
traverse far-off jungles in search of mdiarubber and
gutta-percha to add to their earnings. An increasing
number of them are keen upon book-learning, as Mr.
Gomes points out. They form the Rajah's soldiers and
guards, and are capable of useful service in subordinate
positions as officers. And thus these people, who were
once only known as fighters, pirates, and head-takers,
are now a real influence in the evolution of a better
civilization and a more fruitful era to come in those lands.
The civilizing. Christianizing force no doubt works
slowly ; but there it is, and, comparing present with
past, we can see it. A large influx of white people of
the usual colonist class would doubtless be too strong
for them, and would push them out of the way ; but
with a favourable chance, which they now have, of work-
ing out a salvation for themselves, I think the Sea Dyaks
have a better future before them than Mr. Gomes appears
to anticipate.
It is interesting to watch the process of a gradual
enlightening going on among such a race when brought
INTRODUCTION xi
into contact with higher civilization and better religion.
Mr. Gomes mentions some instances of its expression.
Perhaps I may add an illustrative instance which occurred
in my own experiences, many years ago. One night I
was at anchor with a Dyak crew on the Saribas River,
waiting for the turn of the tide. About 3 a.m. I was
awakened by a frightened cry from one of the crew :
" Antu ! antu !" (A spirit, a spirit!). Thinking myself
lucky at last in a chance of actually seeing one of those
invisible beings whom Dyaks dread so much, I pushed
my head from under the mosquito-curtain, and looked
out, and beheld a comet brightly shining not far above
the horizon. Presently I heard a school-lad say : " That's
not a spirit ; it's only a star with a tail. I have learnt
about it." There was the old superstition and the new
knowledge struggling together, a symbol of what is going
on in other departments of Dyak thought and belief — the
working of that which, it is to be hoped, will issue in a
higher and an improved life for the race. Our Author's
book will evoke a lively interest in such an improvement
in Dyakland, and will inspire a deeper sympathy with
every progressive effort towards it.
In going over Mr. Gomes's pages my thoughts have
often gone back to days, now long past, when he and I
were workers together among the people of whom he
writes so sympathetically, and many a long-forgotten
incident has come back to mind ; and it is a pleasure to
write a simple word of welcome to this product of his
pen, and to express a conviction that his book is just
what was wanted to give the public a clear and adequate
conception of one of the leading races which have been
ruled over by the " Two White Rajahs " of Sarawak.
JOHN PERHAM.
Chard,
December, 1910.
AUTHOR'S NOTE
I WISH to express my thanks to Sir Clement Kinloch-
Cooke, M.P., for allowing me to reproduce my
translations of Sea Dyak legends which appeared
in the Em'pire Review ; to Bishop Hose, under whom
I worked for seventeen years among the Sea Dyaks
of Sarawak, for allowing me to use his excellent article
on " The Contents of a Dyak Medicine-chest "; to the
Rev. John Perham, formerly Archdeacon of Singapore,
with whom I worked in Sarawak for some years, for his
introduction, and also for allowing me to make use of
the scholarly papers which he wrote for the Journal of
the Straits Branch of the Asiatic Society, on Sea Dyak
Religion and Folklore ; and to the Rev. David Steele-
Morris for going through the manuscript and making
many useful suggestions.
I am indebted to His Highness the Rajah of Sarawak
for permission to insert his portrait ; to Dr. Charles Hose
for his great kindness in allowing me to use his excellent
photographs, and also to the Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel in Foreign Parts for lending me one of
their blocks ; to Messrs. Bassano, of Bond Street, and
Messrs. G. R. Lambert and Co., of Singapore, whose
photographs I am kindly permitted to reproduce ; to
Mr. Hewitt, formerly curator of the Sarawak Museum ;
and Mr. Ha Buey Hon, of Kuching, who have also been
so good as to lend me photographs.
To all these, as well as to many unmentioned friends
who have helped me to write this book, I offer my sincere
thanks.
EDWIN H. GOMES.
Uppbe Norwood,
December, 1910.
zu
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
SARAWAK— SIR JAMES BROOKE
PAOB3
Bornean jungles — A picture from the past — Unsettled life —
Sudden attacks — Head- hunting— Pirates — Malay pirates —
Dyak pirates— Sir James Brooke — the Royalist — Rajah
Muda Hassim — Rajah of Sarawak — Suppression of piracy and
head-hunting — Captain Keppel — Visit to England, 1847 —
Introduction of Christian mission — Sir Charles Brooke 21-32
CHAPTER II
THE DYAKS
The word " Dyak " — Other native races in Sarawak — Milanaus
— Kayans — Kinyehs — Cruelty — Ukits — Bukitans — Punans
— Seru — Sea Dyaks — Land Dyaks — The appearance of the Sea
.Dyak — Men's dress — Tattooing — Women's dress — Rawai, or
corset — The teeth — Depiiation — Language - - 33-41
CHAPTER III
MANNER OF LIFE
Dyak village house — Tanju — Ruai — Bilik — Sadau — Human heads
— Valuable jars — Paddy-planting — Men's work — Women's
work — House- building — Boat- building — Kadjangs — Dyak
tools — Bliong — Duku — Weaving — Plaiting mats and basket -
making — Hunting — Traps — Fishing — Spoon-bait — Casting-
net — Twfea-fishing — Crocodile- catching - - 42-60
xiii
xiv CONTENTS
CHAPTER IV
THE DYAK CHARACTER
PAGES
General remarks— Kind to children— Industrious— Frugal— ^^
Honest— Two cases of theft— Curses— Honesty of children— ->■
Truthful — Curious custom — Tugong Bula — Hospitable —
Morals— Desire for children — Divorce — Adultery — Dyak law
concerning adultery — Dyak view of marriage — Unselfishness
—Domestic affection — Example - - - 61-71
CHAPTER V
HEAD-HUNTING
Head-hunting — Women an incentive — Gruesome story — Marriage
of Dyak Chiefs — Legend — Some customs necessitating a
human head — A successful head-hunter not necessarily a hero
— A dastardly crime — War expeditions — The spear token — My
experience at a village in Krian — Dyak war costume — Weapons
— The Sumpit — Poison for darts — Consulting omen" birds-^
War-boats — Camping— War Council — Defences — War alarm —
Ambushes — Decapitation and treatment of head — Return
from a successful expedition — Women dancing — ^Two Christian
Dyak Chiefs — Their views on the matter of head-taking 72-85
CHAPTER VI
SOCIAL LIFE
Social position of the women — Dyak food— Meals — Cooking food in
bamboo — Laws with regard to leaving a Dyak house — Rule
of the headman — A Dyak trial — Power of the headman in old
days — Dyak wealth — Valuable jars — 6usi — Naga — Rusa —
A convenient dream — Trading incident at Sebetan — Land
tenure — Laws about fruit -trees — Slavery — Captives in war
—Slaves for debt . . - . - 86-95
CHAPTER VII
CHILD-BIRTH AND CHILDREN
The couvade among the Dyaks — Harm to the child — Ways of
evading these restrictions — A Christian woman's ideas on the
subject — Witch-doctors and their methods — The waving of
a fowl — Treatment of the mother and child — Infanticide —
CONTENTS XV
PACES
Bathing the child — Ceremony for insuring happiness to the
child — Naming the child— Change of name— Children — Toys
— Smallness of families — Reason - - - 96-104
CHAPTER VIII
MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE
Up-country mission schools — Education — The Saribas Dyaks
eager to learn — School programme — What the boys were
taught — Some schoolboy reminiscences — A youthful Dyak
manang — The story of Buda — The opening of the Krian
Mission and the Saribas Mission - - - 105-119
CHAPTER IX
MARRIAGE
Courtship — Discussion where the married couple are to live — The
fetching of the bride— The wedding ceremony — Mlah Pinang
— Visit of the bride to her mother-in-law — Bride's dress —
Bridegroom— Old bachelors among the Dyaks — Age of
marriage — Monogamy — Prohibitive degrees — Dyak view of
marriage — Conjugal affection— Mischief-making mothers-in-
law — Separation and reconciliation — Divorce — Adultery 120-132
CHAPTER X
BURIAL RITES
Life beyond the grave — Wailings — Rice strewn on the dead man's
chest — The professional waller — Feeding the dead — Carrying
the dead — The grave — Articles buried with the dead — Baiya —
Fire lit at sunset — The iilit, or mourning — Pana, or offering to
the dead — The waller's song — Summing — Periodical Sabak —
Feast in honour of the dead — Gawai Antu — The dead not
forgotten — Other methods of disposing of the dead besides
burial — Dyak ideas of a future life - - - 133-144
CHAPTER XI
TRAVELLING IN SARAWAK
Travelling by boat — Paddles v. oars — Dangers — Tidal bores —
Sand-banks — Langan — Up-river travelling — Poling — Camping
out at night — Travelling on foot — Jungle paths — Scenery —
Wild animals — The Orang-utan — Vegetation - 145-151
xvi CONTENTS
CHAPTER XII
OMENS AND DREAMS
PACKS
Seven omen birds — Other omen animals — Omens sought before
beginning rice-farming — House-building omens — Substitutions
for omens — Good and bad omens in farming — A dead animal
— Means of avoiding bad effects — Omens obeyed at all times
— Bird flying through a house — A drop of blood — Killing an
omen bird or insect — Origin of the system of omens — Augury
—Dreams ------ 152-162
CHAPTER XIII
THE "MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR
Manangs supposed to possess mysterious powers over evil spirits —
Dyak theory of disease — Treatment of disease — Lwpong, or
box of charms — Batu Ilau — Mannng performances — Pagar Api
^Catching the soul — Sixteen different manang ceremonies —
Killing the demon Buyu — Saut — Salampandai — Deceit of
manangs — Story of a schoolboy — Smallpox and cholera — Three
ceremonies of initiation — Different ranks of manangs 163-181
CHAPTER XIV
NATIVE REMEDIES AND DYAK CHARMS
Native remedies — Cupping — Charms — A Dyak medicine-chest —
Smallpox and cholera — My experience at Temudok 182-193
CHAPTER XV
DYAK RELIGION
Certain religious observances — Petara, or gods — Singalang Burong,
the god of war — Pulang Gana, the god of the soil — Salampan-
dai, the maker of men — Mali, or taboo — Spirits — Girgasi, the
chief of evil spirits — ^The dogs of the spirits — Stories —
Customs connected with the belief in spirits — Sacrifices —
Piring and ginselan — The victim of the sacrifice generally
eaten, but not always — Material benefits expected by the
Dyaks by their religious ceremoniea—N ampok, a means of
communicating with spirits — Batu kudi, " stones of wrath "
— Belief in a future life — Conclusion - - 194—208
CONTENTS xvii
CHAPTER XVI
DYAK FEASTS
PACKS
Four classes of feasts — Preparations — Feasts connected with :
1, Head-taking ; 2, Farming ; 3, The dead ; 4, Dreams, etc.
— House-warming — Social feasts - - . 209-219
CHAPTER XVII
SPORTS AND AMUSEMENTS
Dyak games — Football — War Dance — Sword Dance^Dyak music
— Cock-fighting — Tops — " Riding the tidal bore " — Swim-
ming— Trials of strength .... 220-224
CHAPTER XVIII
SONG AND MUSIC
Love of music — Love songs — Boat songs — War songs — Incanta-
tions at Dyak feasts — The song of mourning — musical in-
struments ...... 225-232
CHAPTER XIX
THE DYAK ABROAD
Love of travel — "The innocents abroad" — Gutta-hunting —
Collecting canes — Hunting for edible birds' -nests — Camphor-
working - - - - - . 233-239
CHAPTER XX
SOME PERSONAL EXPERIENCES
The itinerant missionary — Visit to a Dyak house — Reception —
Cooking — Servants — The meal — Teaching the Dyaks —
Christians — Services — Prayer - houses— Offertory — Reception
of the missionary — Dangers of sea travelhng during the
north-east monsoon — My boat swamped — In the jungle —
Losing my way — A Dyak's experience - - 240-251
2
xviii CONTENTS
CHAPTER XXI
DYAK FOLKLORE
PAGES
Sea Dyak stories — Ensera — Kana — The mouse - deer and the
tortoise — Klieng — Kumang — Apai Saloi — The cunning of
the mouse-deer — The mouse-deer and other animals who went
out fishing — The mouse-deer, the deer and the pig — Sea Dyak
proverbs ...... 252-263
CHAPTER XXII
THREE DYAK Li:GENDS
Dyak fairy tales and legends — I. DAifJAi and the Were-Tigee's
Sister — II. The Story of Sitj, who first taught the Dyaks
to observe the omens of birds — III. Pulang Gana, and how
he came to be worshipped as the god of the earth - 264-315
CHAPTER XXIII
SOME CURIOUS CUSTOMS
Trial by ordeal — Diving contests — A diving contest at Krian —
A Dyak superstition — Names — Fruit found by the pathway —
Circumcision — Fishing and hunting superstition — Madness —
Leprosy — Time — Form of greeting - - - 316-323
CHAPTER XXIV
THE FUTURE OF THE SEA DYAK IN SARAWAK
The Sea Dyak — Work — Bad times — Cheerfulness — The view from
within — The Sea Dyak's future — Mission work among them —
Government— Development in the immediate future 324-331
Glossary ....-- 332-337
Index - ..... 338-34a
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PAQB
A Dyak Girl dressed in all her Finery to attend a
Feast Frontispiece
A Sea Dyak with Shield - 22
Sir Charles Brooke, G.C.M.G., the Present Rajah of
Sarawak 30
Three Typical Dyaks 36
Dyak Village House in Course of Construction - - 44
Dyak making a Blowpipe 44
Dyak Girls pounding Rice 46
A Husking Mill 46
Drying Paddy 46
Sea Dyaks making a Canoe 50
Girls Weaving 52
Dyaks returning from Tuba-fishing 56
A Dyak Woman making a Mat with Split Cane - - - 62
Five Dyaks in War Dress, with Spears and Shields - - 74
A Dyak in War Dress 78
Human Heads 78
Dyak Warfare 82
Dyak Houses 88
Dyak Children 102
A Dyak Youth 114
A Dyak Lad 114
A Dyak Wedding 124
Dyak Girl Spinning 128
A Dyak Bride 130
A Dyak Girl 130
A Dyak Cemetery by the River-side 136
A Dyak Dancing the War Dance 136
xix
XX LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PACK
Boat-travelling 146
A Dyak Youth holding a Spear 160
A River Scene 206
Cock-fighting 210
Three Dyak Girls dressed in their Finery to attend a
Feast 212
Cock-fighting - - 222
A Long Dyak Village House 242
A Dyak Woman in Everyday Costume . . . . 268
A Dyak using a Wooden Blowpipe 280
A Dyak Girl 290
Scraping Palm-Leaves for Fibre 290
Dyaks making a Dam for Tuba-fishing .... 296
A Dyak in Gala Costume 326
SEVENTEEN YEARS AMONG
THE SEA DYAKS OF BORNEO
CHAPTER I
SARAWAK— SIR JAMES BROOKE
Bornean jungles — A picture from the past — Unsettled life — Sudden
attacks — Head-hunting — Pirates — Malay pirates — Dyak pirates —
Sir James Brooke — The Royalist — Rajah Muda Hassim — Rajah
of Sarawak — Suppression of piracy and head-hunting — Captain
Keppel — Visit to England, 1847 — Introduction of Christian mission
— Sir Charles Brooke.
THE Bornean jungles are immense tracts of country
covered, by gigantic trees, in the midst of which are
mountains clothed in evergreen foliage, their barren
cliffs buried beneath a network of creepers and ferns. The
striking features are the size of the enormous forest trees
and the closeness of their growth, rather than their loveli-
ness or brilliancy of colour. In the tropical forests few
bright-coloured flowers relieve the monotony of dark green
leaves and dark brown trunks and branches of trees. The
prevailing hue of tropical plants is a sombre green. The
greater and lesser trees are often loaded with trailers and
ferns, among which huge masses of the elk-horn fern are
often conspicuous. But there is little colour to relieve
the monotony of all these sombre hues. Here and there
may be seen some creeper with red berries, and many
bright-coloured orchids hang high overhead. But it is
21
22 SARAWAK— SIR JAMES BROOKE
impossible for the observer to gain a favourable position
for beholding the richest blooms, which often climb far
above him, turning their faces towards the sunlight above
the roof of foliage.
These regions are still inhabited by half-clad men and
women, living quaint lives in their strange houses, observ-
ing weird ceremonies, and cherishing strange superstitions
and curious customs, delighting in games and feasts, and
repeating ancient legends of their gods and heroes. But
in a few years all these things will be forgotten ; for in
Borneo, as elsewhere, civilization is coming — coming
quickly — and all the distinctive Dyak customs will soon
be things of the past. Already the Dyak is mixing with
other races in the towns, and is changing his picturesque
dress for Western costume. He is fast forgetting his old
practices and his old modes of thought.
The tropical forests of Sarawak were much the same
years ago as they are to-day. But the life of the Dyak
is already greatly changed, and his lot improved by the
introduction of just rule, law and order, and respect for
human life. For a moment let us go back to the past, and
try to picture the life of the Sea Dyak as it was some sixty
years ago.
In those days there was constant warfare between the
different tribes, and the Dyaks lived together in large
numbers in their long houses, which had stockades around
them, so that thej^ had some defence against any sudden
attack. Very often the young braves would make an
expedition against some neighbouring tribe, simply because
they wanted to bring home, each man of them, the ghastly
trophy of a human head, and thus gain favour in the eyes of
the Dyak girls. In these expeditions many were killed and
many taken captive, to be the slaves of the conquerors.
SARAWAK— SIR JAMES BROOKE 23
Often in those days a party of Dyaks would suddenly
attack some neighbouring house. Such of the men as
were at home would repel the attack as best they could,
for defeat meant certain death, if not worse. The women
and children — such of them as had not managed to escape
and hide in the jungle — would be crowded together in
the veranda of the Dyak house, and the men, armed
with sword and spear and shield, would form a circle
round them. The large brass gongs {tawak) would be
struck in a peculiar manner, to let the neighbours know
of the attack, and to implore their help. The fight would
continue till one party was defeated. If any came to
the rescue, the attacking party would retreat, pursued
by such of the inmates of the house as dared to follow
them ; but if no help came, the house would be rushed,
the men and women cut down, and the children killed
or taken captive. The heads of the dead would be cut off
amid wild whoops of joy, and carried off in triumph.
I have spoken to Dyaks who have been present at
such scenes, and asked them to describe to me what
happens on such occasions. What they had to say was
horrible enough to listen to, but what must the reality
have been !
Sometimes the victims would be attacked when at
work on their farms, or some solitary farm-hut would
be surrounded at night. In each case the enemy would
meet with little resistance. Thus the Dyaks used to live
in a constant state of fear.
In those days many of the Sea Dyaks joined the Malays
in their piratical attacks upon trading boats. It was the
practice of the Malay pirates and their Dyak allies to
wreck and destroy every vessel that came near their
shores, to murder most of the crew who offered any re-
24 SARAWAK— SIR JAMES BROOKE
sistance, and to make slaves of the rest. The Malay
fleet consisted of a large number of long war-boats, or
prahus, each about ninety or more feet long, and carrying
a brass gun in the bows, the pirates being armed with
swords and spears and muskets. Each boat was paddled
by from sixty to eighty men. These terrible craft
skulked about in the sheltered coves waiting for their
prey, and attacked merchant- vessels making the passage
between China and Singapore. These piratical raids were
often made with the secret sanction of the native rulers,
who obtained a share of the spoil as the price of their
connivance.
The Dyaks of Saribas and Skrang and the Balaus
gladly joined the Malays in these expeditions, not only
for the sake of obtaining booty, but because they could
thus indulge in their favourite pursuit, and gain glory
for themselves by bringing home human heads to decorate
their houses with. The Dyak bangkongs were long boats
capable of holding as many as eighty men. They often
had a flat roof, from which the warriors fought, while
their comrades paddled below.
Both the piracy and the terrible custom of head-
hunting were put down by Sir James Brooke. The
romantic story of how he came to be the first Rajah of
Sarawak may here be briefly recalled.
James Brooke was born on April 29, 1803. His father
was a member of the Civil Service of the East India
Company, and spent a great many years in India. Fol-
lowing in his father's footsteps, he entered the Company's
service, and was sent out to India in 1825. Not long
after his arrival he was put in command of a regiment of
soldiers, and ordered to Burmah, where he took part in
the Burmese War ; and, being dangerously wounded in
SARAWAK— SIR JAMES BROOKE 25
an engagement, was compelled to return home on fur-
lough. For over four years his health prevented him
from rejoining his regiment, and when at last he started,
the voyage out was so protracted, through a shipwreck
and other misfortunes, that his furlough had expired
before he was able to reach his destination. His appoint-
ment consequently lapsed, and he quitted the service
in 1830.
In that same year he made a voyage to China, and was
struck by the natural beauty and fertility of the islands
of the Indian Archipelago, and horrified with the savagery
of the tribes inliabiting them, who were continually at
war with one another, and engaged in a monstrous
system of piracy. He conceived the grand idea of
rescuing them from barbarism, and of extirpating piracy
in the Eastern Archipelago. |
On the death of his father he inherited the sum of
£30,000, and found himself in a position to carry out his
schemes. He bought and equipped a yacht, the Royalist,
and for three years he cruised about, chiefly in the Mediter-
ranean, training his crew of twenty men for the arduous
work that lay before them.ij
On October 27, 1838, he sailed from the Thames on his
great adventure, travelled slowly on the long journey
round the Cape of Good Hope, and arrived in Singapore
in 1839. Here he met a shipwrecked crew, who had
lately come from Borneo. They said they had been
kindly treated by Muda Hassim — a native Rajah in
Borneo — and they asked Mr. James Brooke to take
presents and letters of thanks to him, if he should be
going thither in his yacht. Mr. Brooke had not decided
which of the many islands of the Eastern Archipelago he
would visit, and he was as ready to go to Borneo as to
2G SARAWAK— SIR JAMES BROOKE
an}' other ; so, setting sail, he made his way up the
Sarawak River, and anchored off Kuching on August 15,
1839. The country was nominally under the rule of
the Sultan of Brunei, but his uncle, Rajah Muda Hassim,
was then the greatest power in the island. As he was
favourable to English strangers, Mr. Brooke paid him
the customary homage, and was favourably received, and
given full licence to visit the Dyaks of Lundu. The
Rajah was at this time engaged in war with several fierce
Dyak tribes in the province of Sarawak, who had re-
volted against the Sultan ; but his efforts to quell this
rebellion were ineffectual. The absolute worthlessness of
the native troops under his command, and his own weak-
ness of character, induced him to cling to Mr. Brooke, in
whom he recognized a born leader of men, and he appealed
for his help in putting down the insurgents, and implored
him not to leave him a prey to his enemies. The Rajah
even offered to transfer the government of the province
to Brooke if he would remain and take command. This
offer he felt bound at the time to decline, but it led to
his obtaining a position of authority at Sarawak, useful
for the purposes of trade.
With James Brooke's help the rebellion, which the
Malay forces were too feeble to subdue, was effectually
stayed. The insurgents were defeated in a battle in which
Brooke, with the crew of his yacht and some ]Malay
followers, took part. For his services on this occasion
Muda Hassim conferred on him the title of Rajah of
Sarawak, and this was the first step towards that larger
sovereignty which he afterwards acquired. Some time
elapsed, however, before the Sultan of Brunei could be
induced to confirm the title. Mr. Brooke at once took
vigorous action, making many reforms and introducing
SARAWAK— SIR JAMES BROOKE 27
a system of administration far superior to any that the
native authorities had ever dreamed of ; and in September,
1841, the government of Sarawak and its dependencies
was formally made over to him. In the following year
the Sultan of Brunei confirmed what Rajah Muda Hassim
had done, on the condition that the religion of the
Mohammedans of the country should be respected.
And now Rajah Brooke found himself in a position of
authority which enabled him to bring all his administra-
tive powers into operation. He saw clearly that the
development of commerce would be the most effective
means of civilizing the natives, and to make this possible it
was necessary to suppress the hideous piracy which was
not only a curse to the savage tribes, appealing as it did
to their worst instincts, but a standing danger to both
European and native traders in those seas.
In the suppression of piracy James Brooke found a
vigorous ally in Captain (afterwards Admiral) Keppel,
who, in command of H.M.S. Dido, was summoned from
the China station in 1843 for this service. Various
expeditions were organized and sent out against the
marauders, the story of which has been told by himself.
The pirates were attacked in their strongholds by Captain
Keppel and other commanders of British ships. They
fought desperately, and the slaughter was immense. The
pirate crews found the entrances to the rivers blocked
up by English gunboats, and their retreat cut off. These
strenuous measures soon cleared the seas.
The practice of head-hunting was also dealt with by
Sir James Brooke. He declared it to be a crime punish-
able with death, and by his rigorous treatment of head-
hunting parties he gave the deathblow to this horrible
national custom.
28 SARAWAK— SIR JAINIES BROOKE
After his strenuous life in Sarawak, Sir James Brooke
had a great desire to visit England. Besides other
reasons, the wish to see his relatives and friends, he felt
he could effect more for the inhabitants of Borneo by
a personal interview with Government Ministers in Eng-
land than hj correspondence. He left Sarawak, and
reached England early in October, 1847. There honours
awaited him. He was presented with the freedom of
the City of London ; Oxford University conferred upon
him the degree of LL.D. ; he was graciously received at
Windsor by the Queen and the Prince Consort. The
British Government recognized the work he had done,
and appointed him Governor of Labuan and Commissioner
and Consul-General in Borneo, and made him a K.C.B.
The warrant of investiture was issued by Her Majesty on
May 22, 1848.
The extirpation of piracy was the first step towards
introducing into the country the blessings of a settled
government, with all its civilizing influences. But he
was not satisfied with this, and soon began to take
measures for the establishment of a Christian Mission in
Sarawak. When Sir James Brooke visited England in
1847, he appealed to the Church, and especially to the two
Universities, to come to his aid. Neither of the two
great missionary societies was able at the time to under-
take this new enterprise through lack of funds, and a new
organization, the " Borneo Church Mission," was founded,
which laboured in the island for a few years. Then, in
1854, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in
Foreign Parts was able to take up the work, and has ever
since been responsible for it. The original organization
had, however, done well in the choice of the missionaries
it sent out, the first of whom was the Rev. F. T. McDougall,
SARAWAK— SIR JAMES BROOKE 29
who was consecrated Bishop of Labuan and Sarawak in
1855.
My father, the Rev. W. H. Gomes, B.D., worked under
Bishop McDougall as a missionary among the Dyaks of
Lundu from 1852 to 1867, and I myself have worked,
under Bishop Hose, as a missionary in Sarawak, for seven-
teen years, and have thus gained an intimate knowledge
of the people and of their lives, now so rapidly changing
under Western influence.
Sir James Brooke was a man of the highest personal
character. That a young English officer, with a fortune
of his own, should have been willing to devote his whole
life to improving the condition of the Dyaks was a grand
thing. That he should have been able, by perfectly
legitimate means, to do this in the teeth of much official
and other opposition ; that he should have been able to
put down piracy and head-hunting, with their unspeak-
able accompaniments of misery and cruelty, and to do
it all with the hearty good-will of the people under his
rule, — this was indeed an achievement which might have
seemed hardly possible.
The present Rajah of Sarawak, Sir Charles Brooke, is
a nephew of the first Rajah. He joined his uncle in
1852, when he held the rank of lieutenant in the British
navy. For ten years he played an important part in
the arduous work of punishing rebels and establishing a
sound government. In 1857, when the Chinese in-
surrection broke out, it was his action that led to the
p unishment of the insurgents and the restoration of peace .
In 1863, on the retirement of the first Rajah, he assumed
control of the country, and five years later, on the death
of his predecessor, he became Rajah of Sarawak. Ever
ince he became the responsible ruler of the country.
30 SARAWAK— SIR JAMES BROOKE
Sarawak has advanced steadily, and made great moral
and material progress. To the general public the first
Rajah will always appear the romantic, heroic figure ;
but, while 3'ielding full measure of praise and admiration
to the work of a great man, those who know the country
will, I think, agree with me that the heavier burden of
working steadily and unwearyingly, when the romance
of novelty had worn off, has been borne by his successor.
With talents not less than those of his illustrious uncle
he has carried out, in the face of disappointments and
the most serious obstacles, a policy of regeneration for
which the striking exploits of Sir James Brooke merely
paved the way.
His work is well summarized by himself in an address
to the Kunsil Negri (the Council of the Country) in 1891.
He said he might divide his term of service of thirty-nine
years into three periods of thirteen years each. The first
period had been almost wholly spent in the work of
suppressing head-hunting among the Dyaks. It involved
frequent expeditions against rebellious Dyaks, much hard
travelling by river and by land, and a constant watch
against subtle enemies. The second period had been
divided between occasional expeditions of the same nature
and the establishment of trade and peaceful pursuits,
and the giving and amending of laws as need arose. The
last period had almost entirely been taken up with
attending to the political and social affairs of a settled
and peaceful community. Those present, who had been
young with himself in the early da3''s of his service, had
been of great assistance to him, and had carried through
the work set them, rough and perilous in the extreme,
in mountainous region of jungle, and on treacherous,
rapid-flowing rivers, subject to every kind of exposure ;
Sir Chari.es Brooke, G.C.M.G., the pres!:nt Rajah of Sarawak
SARAWAK-SIR JAMES BROOKE 31
but now these hardships were no more required, and
that was well, for both they and himself were growing
old. The character of his task and theirs was changed :
he and his old comrades, who had faced so many dangers
together on river and in jungle, could now sit down com-
fortably and attend to the political business and the com-
mercial progress of the country.
To these three periods the Rajah has since added a
fourth, and that the longest of all, during which, as occa-
sion served, a great deal has been done to extinguish the
lingering sparks of intertribal hostility. There are occa-
sional outbreaks among the Dyaks of the interior, and
head-hunting still survives where natives think there is a
chance of escaping detection and consequent punishment.
But. happily, these are getting more and more rare,
and do not affect the prosperity or trade of the country.
The method employed by the present Rajah to suppress
head-hunting is best described in his own words :
" As soon as ever one of these parties started, or even
listened to birds of omen preparatory to moving, a party
was immediately despatched by Government to en-
deavour to cut them off, and to fine them heavily on their
return ; or, in the event of their bringing heads, to demand
the delivery up of them, and the payment of a fine into
the bargain. This was the steady and unflinching work
of years, but before many months were over my stock
of heads became numerous, and the fines considerable.
Some refused to pay or follow the directions of the
Government. These were declared enemies, and had
their houses burnt down forthwith, and the people who
followed me to do the work would be the Dyaks of some
other branch-tribe on the same river."
The natives of Sarawak owe much to the Brookes.
32 SARAWAK— SIR JAMES BROOKE
The work, nobly begun by Sir James Brooke, has been
ably carried on by the present Rajah. To use his own
words : " He as founder, and myself as builder, of the
State have been one in our policy throughout, from the
beginning up to the present time ; and now shortly I
have to hand it to my son, and I hope that his poUcy
may not be far removed from that of his predecessors."
CHAPTER II
THE DYAKS
The word " Dyak " — Other native races in Sarawak — Milanaus —
Kayans — Kinyehs — Cruelty — Ukits — Bukitans — Punans — Sent —
Sea Dyaks — Land Dyaks — ^The appearance of the Sea Dyak —
Men's dress — Tattooing — Women's dress — Bawai, or corset — The
teeth — Depilation — Language.
THE derivation of the word " Dyak " is uncertain.
Some think it is derived from daya, which in
the Brunei Malay dialect means " inland," " in-
terior." Others derive it from the Land Dyak word
daya, which means " a man." Whatever may be the
derivation, it is quite incorrect to apply it to all the inland
races of Borneo. There are many tribes, such as the
Kayans, Muruts, Ukits, and Punans, who are not Dyaks
at all, their language, customs, and traditions being quite
different.
Before describing the Dyaks, some mention must be
made of the other native races to be found in Sarawak.
They are the Milanaus, Kayans, Kinyehs, Muruts, Ukits,
Bukitans, Pwnans, and Seru.
The Milanaus are a quiet people who keep very much to
themselves. They are not Mohammedans, although they
dress hke the Malays. They are an important tribe, and
are to be found in large numbers at Matu, Oya, Muka, and
Bintulu. They plant paddy and cultivate sago on a
large scale. They are skilled in working iron, and are
33 3
34 THE DYAKS
excellent boat-builders. Their speech is somewhat similar
to that of the Kayans, and many of their customs are
alike.
The Kayans and Kinyehs, who may be classed together,
are a numerous race inhabiting the upper waters of the
Baram and Rejang Rivers. In many ways they seem to
be a more advanced race than the Sea Byaks. They
build better houses, and are more expert in the manu-
facture of weapons, being able to extract their iron from
the native ore. Their moral character, however, is vin-
dictive and cruel, and they are lacking in that spirit of
hospitahty w^hich is such a great feature of the Sea Dyak
character. A few years ago a party of Dyak gutta-
percha collectors were attacked by the Punans, and many
of them kiUed. Four young Dyaks managed to escape,
and after wandering for many days in the jungle, arrived
destitute and starving at a Kayan house, and asked for
food and shelter. The treatment they received was
horrible in the extreme. The Kayans bound the young
men, and after breaking their arms and legs, handed them
over to the women, who slowly despatched them by
hacking them to pieces with Uttle knives.
The Muruts inhabit the Limbang and Trusan Rivers.
Their language and customs differ entirely from those of
the Sea Dyaks.
The Ukits, Bukltans (name probably derived from
Malay bukit, " a hiU "), and Punans are races which
inhabit the far interior, and lead a wandering life in the
Kayan country. They do not build houses, but only
make temporary shelters for themselves between the
buttresses of large forest trees. They live by hunting,
and are expert in the use of the sumpit, or blow-pipe.
The Seru are a small and fast dying out race. There
THE DYAKS 35
used to be a little village of the Seru near my house in
Kalaka, where some forty of them lived in a long house,
similar to that built by the Dyaks. The men wore the
Dyak dress, but the women were dressed like the Malays,
and wore a long petticoat reaching to the ankles (sarong),
and a long jacket (kabayah). They planted paddy, but
did not depend entirely on this for their livelihood. The
men were great hunters, and would salt and sell the wild
pig they killed. They were a very secluded people, and
kept very much to themselves. They were not Moham-
medans, and did not seem to have any of the religious
rites peculiar to the Dyaks. They told me they believed
in a good Spirit and a bad one, but their religious ideas
were very vague.
Besides the tribes already mentioned, there are two
distinct races of Dyaks in Borneo — the Sea Dyaks and
the Land Dyaks. The former live by the sea and on the
banks of the rivers, though many of them may be found
far inland. The Land Dyaks inhabit the interior of the
country, and are not so numerous or energetic as the Sea
Dyaks. The language and traditions of these two
divisions of the Dyak race are quite distinct.
The Dyaks spoken of in this work are the Sea Dyaks.
Their home is in Sarawak — the country governed by
Rajah Brooke — though they often travel far afield, and
they are to be found in large numbers on the banks of the
rivers of Sarawak — the Batang, Lupar, Saribas, Krian,
and Rejang.
The Dyak is of rather greater stature than that of the
Malay, though he is considerably shorter than the average
European. The men are well-proportioned, but slightly
buQt. Their form suggests activity, speed, and endur-
ance rather than great strength, and these are the quali-
36 THE DYAKS
ties most required by dwellers in the jungle. Their
movements are easy and graceful, and their carriage erect.
The women are generally smaller than the men. They
have neat figures, and are bright, cheerful, and good-
looking in their youth, but they age very soon.
The colour of their skin varies considerably, not so
much between one tribe and another as in different parts
of the country. Generally speaking, those who reside in
the interior of the country, on the banks of the upper
reaches of the rivers, are fairer than those who live nearer
the sea. This may be due to the deeper shade afforded by
old jungle, and the bathing in and drinking of the water
of the clear, gravel-bedded streams. Their colour varies
from a dark bronze to a light brown, with a tinge of
yellow. Their eyes are black or dark brown, clear and
bright, with quick intelligence and good temper. Their
mouths are generally ill-shapen and disfigured by ex-
cessive chewing of sireh and betel-nut, a habit much
indulged in by both men and women.
In dress great alterations have resulted from foreign
influence, and the Dyaks who live near the towns wear
the trousers and coat of civilized races, but the original
style still prevails in the up-country villages.
Love of finery is inherent in the young Dyak. The old
men are often very shabbily dressed, but the young are
more particular. The ordinary male attire consists of a
sirat, or waist-cloth, a labong, or headkerchief , and a tikai
buret, or seat-mat. The waist-cloth is made of the soft
inner bark of a tree, or more frequently of some red or
blue cotton cloth. This is one yard wide, and from eight
to eighteen feet long, and is twisted round and round their
waists, and pulled up tight between the thighs, one end
hanging down in front and the other behind . Sometimes
Three Typicai, Dyaks
The man on the right is using a seat mat made of the skin of an animal. Sometimes these mats
are made of split cane. The Dyak, in his wanderings in the jungle, has often to sit on prickly grass
•or sharp stones, and a seat mat is a useful part of his attire.
THE DYAKS 37
this waist-cloth is woven by the Dyak women, and then the
end that hangs down in front has an elaborate pattern
woven into it. Their head-dress is either a bright-coloured
headkerchief, or else a small cap of woven cane, in which
feathers and other ornaments are often stuck. The
tikai buret, or seat-mat, is made either of the skin of some
animal or of cane matting. Its edges are decorated with
red and white cloth, and with beads or buttons.
Besides these articles of apparel the men sometimes wear
a sleeveless jacket, or klamhi. These are often woven by
the Dyak women, either from yarn spun from cotton of
their own growing or from imported yarn of a finer
texture. More often in the present day they are made
of cloth of European manufacture. The patterns of the
Dyak-woven klamhi are various, but those of a particular
type can only be worn by men who have succeeded in
securing a human head when on the warpath. The lower
edge of this jacket is ornamented with beads, shells, and
buttons, and bordered by a fringe.
In addition to the attire already mentioned, the men
have sometimes a dandong, or shawl, which is thrown
over the shoulders. The ornaments worn on the arms
and legs are brass rings, which vary among the Dyaks of
different districts. Armlets made from sea-shells are very
much in favour among some inland tribes. The young
men generally wear their hair long, cut in a fringe in front,
and either hanging down loose behind, or tucked into
their caps.
Tattooing is practised by most of the Dyaks in a greater
or less degree. It is confined to the male sex, who often
have little patterns tattooed on the forehead, throat-
apple, shoulders, or chest.
The dress of the women consists of a petticoat (kain),
42,1350
38 THE DYAKS
drawn tightly round the waist and reaching to the knee,
and in addition a Mamhi, or jacket, worn when out of
doors. For ornaments the women wear finger-rings,
necklaces, earrings, and bracelets, and often a girdle
formed of silver coins, or of silver or brass chain. Round
the stomach are wound long strips of coloured cane.
Among some tribes a peculiar corset, called the rawai, is
worn by the women. This is made of small brass rings
strung closely together on hoops of rattan, which are
connected with one another inside by a network of cane.
A few of these hoops are made larger so as to hang loose
over the hips. The series that encase the waist, stomach,
and chest fit very close. This corset must be very un-
comfortable, as the wearer can hardly bend the body at
all, especially when it is worn right up to and covering the
breasts, as it is done by some young women who can afford
such extravagance.
The hair is worn long, and tied in a knot at the back of
the head. Some of the women have beautiful raven black
hair of great length. Wavy or curly hair is seldom seen.
The teeth are often blackened, as black teeth are con-
sidered a sign of beauty. The blackening is done by
taking a piece of old cocoanut-shell or of certain woods,
and holding it over a hot fire ilntil a black resinous juice
exudes. This juice is collected, and while still warm the
teeth are coated with it. The front teeth are also fre-
quently filed to a point, and this gives their face a curious
dog-like appearance. Sometimes the teeth are filed con-
cavely in front, or else the front teeth are filed down till
almost level with the gums. Another curious way of
treating the front teeth is to di-ill a hole in the middle of
each tooth, and fix in it a brass stud. I was once present
when this operation was in progress. The man lay down
THE DYAKS 39
with a piece of soft wood between his teeth, and the
" dentist " bored a hole in one of his front teeth. The
agony the patient endured must have been very great,
judging by the look on his face and his occasional bodily
contortions. The next thing was to insert the end of a
pointed brass wire, which was then filed off, leaving a
short piece in the tooth ; a small hammer was used to fix
this in tightly, and, lastly, a little more filing was done to
smooth the surface of the brass stud. I am told the
process is so painful that it is not often a man can bear
to have more than one or two teeth operated on at a time.
The Dyaks do not like beards, and much prefer a
smooth face. In the whole course of my Dyak experience
I have only met with one bearded man. The universal
absence of hair upon the face, on the chest, and under the
arm-pits might lead one to suppose that it was a natural
deficiency. But this is not the case at all, as old men and
chronic invalids, who by reason of age or infirmity have
ceased to care about their personal appearance, have
often chins covered with a bristly growth. The absence of
hair on the face and elsewhere is due to systematic
depilation. The looking-glass and tweezers are often
seen in the hands of the young men, and they devote
every spare moment to the plucking out of stray hairs.
Ka'pu, or quicklime, which is one of the constituents of
betel-nut mixture chewed by the Dyaks, is often rubbed
into the skin to destroy the vitality of the hair-follicles.
Among some tribes it is the fashion for both men and
women to shave the eyebrows and pull out the eyelashes,
and this gives their faces a staring, vacant expression. I
have often tried to convince them of the foolishness of
trying to improve upon nature in this way, and pointed
out that both eyebrows and eyelashes are a protection
40 THE DYAKS
to the eyes from dust and glare. But my remarks have
made little impression on them. Among the Dyaks, as
elsewhere, fashions die hard.
The Sea Dyak language is practically a dialect of Malay
which is spoken more or less over all Polynesia. It is not
nearly so copious as other Malayan languages, but the
Dyaks do not scruple to use Malay words in their conversa-
tion when necessary. The Dyak language is particularly
weak in expressing abstract ideas. What the mind cannot
grasp the tongue is not likely to express. I believe there
is only one word — rindu — to express all the different
varieties of love. On the other hand, the language is rich
in words expressing the common actions of daily life.
There are many words to express the different ways of
carrying anything ; one word for carrying in the hand,
another for carrying on the back, and another for carrying
on the shoulder.
There are several words in Dyak which resemble Malay
words of the same meaning, the difference being that the
Malay suffix an is changed into ai. Thus, the Malay
word makan (to eat) becomes maJcai in Dyak, and
jalan (to walk) becomes jalai. There are some words
exactly the same in both languages, and these are for
the most part simple substantives, such as rumah (house),
laki (husband), hini (wife). Verbs, however, commonly
differ, though expressing simple necessary actions. Thus,
the Malay word for " to drink " is minum, the Dyak word
is ngirwp ; the Malay for " to eat " is makan, and the
Dyak em'pa as well as makai.
It is not surprising that there should be many words in
Dyak not known to the Malays. Though derived from
the same parent tongue, the Dyak language has developed
independently by contact with other races.
THE DYAKS 41
There are many tribes that talk the Sea Dyak language.
The Sabuyaus living on the coast and at Lundu, the
Balaus of the Batang Lupar and elsewhere, the dwellers
on the Skrang and Saribas Rivers, as well as the Kanowit
and Katibas branches of the Rejang River, all speak it>
with slight modifications. There can be no doubt that
all these tribes are descended from the same parent stock.
The difference of dialect between the different tribes is
often a source of great amusement, and I remember well
taking some Saribas boys, who had been some time in my
school at Banting, on a visit to their people. We sat in
the long veranda of the Dyak house, and I noticed that
as they spoke to their relatives and friends there were
shrieks of laughter and great merriment. The reason of
this was that the boys had unconsciously picked up the
Balau dialect during their stay at Banting, and their
manner of speaking amused their Saribas friends ex-
ceedingly.
CHAPTER III
MANNER OF LIFE
Dyak village house — Tanju — Ruai — Bilik — Sadau — Human heads —
Valuable jars — Paddy-planting — Men's work — Women's work —
House- building — Boat-building — Kadjangs—Dyak tools — Bliong
— Duhu — Weaving — Plaiting mats and basket-making— Hunting
— Traps — Fishing — Spoon - bait — Casting-net — Tttfca-fishing —
Crocodile-catching.
AMONG the Dyaks a whole village, consisting of
some twenty or thirty families, or even more, live
together under one roof. This village house is
built on piles made of hard wood, which raise the floor
from six to twelve feet above the ground. The ascent is
made by a notched trunk or log, which serves as a ladder ;
one is fixed at each end of the house. The length of this
house varies according to the number of families inhabiting
it ; but as the rooms occupied by the different families
are built on the same plan and by a combination of
labour, the whole presents a uniform and regular
appearance.
The roof and outside walls arc thatched with the leaves
of the nipa palm, which are first made into attap. These
are made by doubling the leaves over a stick about six
feet long, each leaf overlapping the other, and se^vn down
with split cane or reeds. These attap are arranged in
rows, each attap overlapping the one beneath it, and thus
42
MANNER OF LIFE 43
forming a roof which keeps off the rain and sun, and lasts
for three or four years.
The long Dyak village house is built in a straight line,
and consists of a long uncovered veranda, which is called
the tanju. The paddy is put on the tanju to be dried by
the sun before it is pounded to get rid of its husk and
convert it into rice. Here also the clothes and a variety
of other things are hung out to dry. The family whet-
stone and dye vat are kept under the eaves of the roof,
and the men sharpen their tools and the women do their
dyeing on the tanju. The flooring of this part of the
house is generally made of hilian, or iron-wood, so as to
stand exposure to the weather.
Next to the tanju comes the covered veranda, or ruai.
This also stretches the whole length of the house, and the
floor is made of bamboo, or nibong (a kind of palm), split
into laths and tied down with rattan or cane.
This ruai, or public hall, is generally about twenty feet
wide, and as it stretches the whole length of the house
without any partition, it is a cool and pleasant place, and
is much frequented by men and women for conversation
and indoor pursuits. Here the women often do their
work — the weaving of cloth or the plaiting of mats. Here,
too, the men chop up the firewood, or even make boats,
if not of too great a size. This long niai is a public place
open to all comers, and used as a road by travellers, who
climb up the ladder at one end, walk through the whole
length of the house, and go down the ladder at the other
end. The floor is carpeted with thick and heavy mats,
made of cane interlaced with narrow strips of beaten
bark. Over these are spread other mats of finer texture
for visitors to sit upon.
The length of this covered veranda depends upon the
44 MANNER OF TJFE
number of families living in the house, and these range
from three or four to forty or fifty.
Each family has its own portion of this ruai, and in
each there is a small fireplace, which consists of a slab of
stone, at which the men warm themselves, when they
get up, as they usually do, in the chill of the early morning
before the sun has risen.
Over this fireplace hangs the most valuable ornament
in the eyes of the Dyak, the bunch of human heads.
These are the heads obtained when on the warpath by
various members of the family — dead and living — and are
handed down from father to son as the most precious
heirlooms — more precious, indeed, than the ancient jars
which the Dyaks prize so highly.
The posts in this public covered veranda are often
adorned with the horns of deer and the tusks of wild
boars — trophies of the chase. The empty sheaths of
swords are suspended on these horns or from wooden
hooks, while the naked blades are placed in racks
overhead.
On one side of this long public hall is a row of doors.
Each of these leads into a separate room, or hilik, which
is occupied by a family. The doors open outwards, and
each is closed by means of a heavy weight secured to a
thong fastened to the inside. If the room be unusually
large, it may have two doors for the sake of convenience.
This room serves several purposes. It serves as a
kitchen, and in one corner there is a fireplace where the
food is cooked. This fireplace is set against the wall of
the veranda, and resembles an open cupboard. The
lowest shelf rests on the floor, and is boarded all round
and filled with clay. This forms the fireplace, and is
furnished with a few stones upon which the pots are set
DvAK Making a Blow-pipe
He is seen here shaping the outside of the blow-pipe. The hole is bored while the wood is about
six inches in diameter, and it is then pared down to about two inches.
Dyak Vili.agk House in course of Construction
This picture shows the arrangement of pillars and rafters of a Dyak house. The floor
nearest the earth is divided into the long open veranda and the rooms in which the ditTerent
families live. Above this is the loft, where the paddy is stored away. Part of the roof in the
picture has been covered with palm-leaf thatch.
MANNER OF LIFE 45
for cooking. The shelf immediately above the fireplace
is set apart for smoking fish. The shelves above are filled
with firewood, which is thoroughly dried by the smoke
and ready for use. As the smoke from the wood fire is
not conducted through the roof by any kind of chimney,
it spreads itself through the loft, and blackens the beams
and rafters of the roof.
This room also serves as a dining-room. When the
food is cooked, mats are spread here, and the inmates
squat on the floor to eat their meal. There is no furniture,
the floor serving the double purpose of table and chairs.
This hilik also serves as a bedroom. At night the mats
for sleepmg on are spread out here, and the mosquito-
curtains hung up.
There is no window to let in the air and light, but a
portion of the roof is so constructed that it can be raised
a foot or two, and kept open by means of a stick.
Round the three sides of this room are ranged the
treasured valuables of the Dyaks — old jars, some of which
are of great value, and brass gongs, and guns. Their cups
and plates are hung up in rows flat against the walls.
The flooring is the same as that of the veranda, and is
made of split palm or bamboo tied down with cane.
The floor is swept after a fashion, the refuse falling
through the flooring to the ground underneath. But
the room is stuffy, and not such a pleasant place as the
open veranda. The pigs and poultry occupy the waste
space under the house.
From the hilik there is a ladder which leads to an upper
room, or loft (sadau), where they keep their tools and
store their paddy. If the family be a large one, the
young unmarried girls sleep in this loft, the boys and
young men sleeping outside in the veranda.
46 MANNER OF LIFE
Both men and women are industrious and hard-working.
With regard to the paddy-planting on the hills, the work
is divided between the men and women m the following
manner. The men cut down the jungle where the paddy
is to be planted. When the timber and shrubs have been
burnt, the men and women plant the grain. The roots
of the trees are left m the ground. The men walk in
front, with a long heavy staff in the right hand of each,
and make holes in the ground about a foot apart. The
women walk behind them and throw a few grains of seed
in each hole.
When the paddy has grown a little, the ground has to
be carefully weeded ; this work is done by the women.
When the crop is ripe, both men and women do the
reaping. They walk between the rows of standing grain,
and with a sharp, oddly-shaped little knife they cut off
the heads one by one, and place them in their baskets,
which are tied in front of them. The carrying home of
the paddy thus reaped is mostly done by the men, who
can carry very heavy loads on their backs, though the
women help in this to some extent. The next thing is to
separate the grain from the little tiny stems to which it is
still attached. This is done by the men. The grain is
put on a large square sieve of rattan fixed between four
posts in the veranda of the Dyak house, and the men
tread on it and press it through the sieve. The paddy
that falls through is taken and stored in the loft m large
round bins made of bark.
When rice is wanted for food, the paddy is dried, and
then pounded by the women in wooden mortars, with
pestles live feet long. As a rale two or three women each
use their pestle.i at one mortar, which is cut out of the
trunk of a tree. I have seen as many as six girls using
Dyak Girl's Pouxdixg Rice
After the paddy has been passed through the husking mill it is pounded out in wooden mortars.
Here are two girls at work. Each has her right foot in the upper part of the morta
any grains of paddy that may be likely to fall out.
le mortar to kick back
A Husking Mill (A'lsar)
After the paddy is dried and before it is
pounded, it is generally passed through a
husking mill made in two parts— the lower half
having a stem in the middle which fits into the
upper part, which is hollow. The paddy is put
into a cavity in the upper half, and a man or
woman seizes the handles and works the upper
half to the right and left alternately. The
paddy drips through on to the mat on which this
husking mill is placed.
Drying Paddy
Before it is possible to rid the paddy of its husk
and convert it into rice, it has to be dried in the
sun. Here a woman is seen spreading out the
paddy on a mat with her hands. She is on
the outside veranda of the Dyak house {tanju).
The long pole over her head is used by her to
drive away the fowls and birds who may come
to eat the paddy put out to dry.
MANNER OF LIFE 47
their pestles in quick succession at one mortar. In this
way the grain is freed from husk, and is made ready for
food.
Each family farms its own piece of land. Much of
such work as cutting down the jungle and plantmg is done
by a combination of labour, several families agreeing to
work for each other in turn. By this means all the
planting on the land belonging to a particular family is
done in one day, and all the grain ripens at the same
time.
When the Dyaks wish to abandon an old habitation in
favour of a new one, a general meeting of the inhabitants
is held to consider the matter, and the desirability of
building a new house is fully discussed. Sometimes it
happens that some families do not agree with the wishes
of the majority, and these families split off and join
another house. If a move be decided on, a few experi-
enced men are deputed to choose a site, and to report on
its adaptability. There are several matters to be taken
into account. The site must be for preference on rising
ground, and be near a good supply of water. There must
also be some jungle near, where the inmates can get their
firewood, and there must be large tracts of land not far
away where they can plant their paddy.
When the new house has to be built on the low-lying,
marshy ground in the lower reaches of the river, the
choice is not difficult. All that is necessary is to choose
a part of the river where the current is not very strong.
But in the hill country it is not easy to find a site where
the ground is fairly level, and can accommodate a large
house of thiity or forty families.
Before building on the chosen site the omen birds are
consulted. If the omens be favourable, all the men and
48 MANNER OF LIFE
lads turn out immediately with axes and choppers to cut
down the trees of the jungle, which are then left to dry.
Another meeting is then held to decide who is to be the
tuai, or headman, of the new house, and to settle the size
and the sequence of the rooms. The next move is to
appoint a time for all the people to meet at the site of
the new village. The ground is then cleared. All the
timber is carried off, as it is considered unfortunate to
burn it. The ground is measured out for the different
rooms belonging to the different families, and pegs are
put in where the posts have to stand. A piece of bamboo
is then stuck in the ground, filled with water and covered
with leaves. A spear and a shield are placed beside it,
and the whole is surrounded by a wooden rail. The rail
is to prevent the bamboo from being upset by wild
animals, and the weapons are to warn strangers not to
touch it. A few people remain to keep watch, and to
make a great deal of noise with brass gongs and drums to
frighten away the evil spirits. If in the early morning
they find there is much evaporation, the place is con-
sidered unhealthy, and is abandoned. If all be well, the
building of the house is begun. Each famil}'- must kill a
fowl or a pig before the holes for the posts can be dug,
and the blood must be smeared on the sharpened ends and
sprinkled on the posts to propitiate Pulang Gana, the
tutelary deity of the earth. They begin by making the
holes for the headman's quarters, and then work simul-
taneously to left and right of it. The posts, of which
there are a great number, are about twelve inches or less
in diameter, and are of bilian or other hard wood so as not
to rot in the earth. A hole four feet deep is made to
receive each post. They must be planted carefully and
firmly, for if one were to give way subsequently it would
MANNER OF LIFE 49
be regarded as foreboding evil, and the house would have
to be abandoned and a new house built.
All the men combine to labour collectively until the
skeleton of the house is complete, and then every family
turns its attention to its own apartments. During the
building of the house, there is a great deal of striking of
gongs and other noisy instruments to prevent any birds
of ill omen bemg heard. I have sometimes argued with
the Dyaks that if the warnings of the birds are to be
trusted, then why make so much noise to prevent hearing
them ? The Dyak's reply to this was that as long as they
did not hear the warning, the spirits would not be dis-
pleased at their not regarding it ; so to spare themselves the
trouble of choosing another site and building another house,
they make so much noise as to drown the cries of any birds.
When the building is sufficiently advanced to receive
the inmates, they pack up their possessions and convey
them to the house, halting on the way till they have
heard some favourable omen, after which they proceed
joyfully. Their belongings must not be moved into the
house before themselves, but must be taken with them
when they move into the new house.
House-building is considered the work of the men, and
another important work the men have to do is the making
of boats. These are of all sizes, from the dug-out canoe
twelve feet long to the long war-boat eighty to ninety feet
in length.
The ordinary boats of the Dyaks are cut out of a single
log. Some of my schoolboys, under the guidance of the
native schoolmaster, once made a small canoe for their
own use, so I saw the whole process. A tree having a
round straight stem was felled, and the desired length of
trunk cut off. The outside was then shaped with the
4
50 MANNER OF LIFE
adze to take the desired form of a canoe. Then the inside
was hollowed out. The next thing to do was to widen
the inside of this canoe. This was done by filling the
boat with water and making a fire under it, and by fasten-
ing weights to each side. When the shell had been
sufficiently opened out, thwarts were placed inside, about
two feet from each other, to prevent the wood shrinking
when the wood dried. The stem and stern of the canoe
are alike, both being pointed and curved, and rising out
of the water. The only tool used for the making of
a boat of this kind is the Dyak axe or adze (bliong).
This is the usual type of Dyak boat, and the method of
making a smaller or larger canoe is exactly the same.
Even a war-boat, ninety feet long, is made from the trunk
of one tree. In the longer boats planks or gunwales are
stitched on the sides, and the seams are caulked so as to
render the boat watertight. These boats are covered with
awnings called kadjangs, which make a very good covering,
as they are at once watertight, very light, easOy adjusted,
and so flexible that if necessary each section can be rolled
up and stored in the bottom of the boat. These kadjangs
are made of the young leaves of the nipa palm. The
leaves are sewn together with split cane, each alternate
leaf overlapping its neighbour on either side, until a
piece about six and a half feet square is made. This
section is made to bend in the middle crosswise, so
that it can be doubled and rolled up, or partly opened,
and made to serve as a roof. Sometimes kadjangs are
made from the leaves of the Pandanus palm.
To propel these boats the Dyaks use paddles about
three feet or more in length. The paddle used by the
steersman is larger than those used by the others, and the
women use much smaller paddles than the men. These
4J T3
_- 3
"rt 1)
S S
-Y~^m
MANNER OF LIFE 51
dug-out boats draw very little water, and are easily
handled, and may be propelled at a good pace.
In shallow streams and in the rapids up-river, the
Dyaks use small canoes, which they propel with poles,
standing up in the boat to do so.
The principal tools the Dyaks have for their work are
the duku and bliong. The duku is a short, thick sword,
or, rather, chopping-knife, about two feet in length. The
blade is either curved like a Turkish scimitar, or else quite
straight. The handle is beautifully carved, and is made
of hard wood or of horn. The duku is used in war as well
as for more peaceful purposes. In the jungle it is indis-
pensable, as without it the Dyak would not be able to go
through the thick undergrowth which he is often obliged
to penetrate. It is, moreover, used for all purposes
where a knife or chisel is used, and is a warrior's blade
as well as a woodman's hatchet.
The bliong is the axe the Dyaks use, and is a most ex-
cellent tool. They forge it of European steel, which they
procure in bars. In shape it is like a small spade, about
two and a half inches wide, with a square shank. This
is set in a thin handle of hard wood, at the end of which
there is a woven pocket of cane to receive it. The lower
end of this handle has a piece of light wood fixed to it
to form a firm grip for the hand. The bliong can be
fixed in the handle at any angle, and is therefore used as
an axe or adze. With it the natives make their boats,
and cut planks and do much of their carpentering work.
The Dyak can cut down a great forest tree with a bliong
in a very short time.
While the work of the men is to build houses and to
make boats, the work of the women is to weave cloth
and make mats.
52 MANNER OF LIFE
The clotli which the women weave is of two kinds,
striped and figured. The former is made by employing
successively tlu-eads of different colours in stretching the
web. This is simple enough. The other pattern is
produced by a more elaborate process. Undyed white
thread is used, and the web stretched. The woman
sketches on this the pattern which she wishes to appear
on the cloth, and carefully notes the different colours for
the different parts. If, for example, she wishes the
pattern to be of three colours — blue, red, and white —
she takes up the threads of the web in little rolls of about
twenty threads, and carefully wraps a quantity of
vegetable fibre tightly round those parts which are
intended to be red or white, leaving exposed those parts
which are intended to be blue. After she has in this
manner treated the whole web, she immerses it in a blue
dye made from indigo, which the Dyaks plant themselves.
The dye takes hold of the exposed portions of the threads,
but is prevented by the vegetable fibre from colouring the
other parts. Thus the blue portion of the pattern is
dyed. After it has been dried, the vegetable fibre is
cut off, and the blue parts tied up, and only the portion
to be dj^ed red exposed, and the web put into a red dye.
In this way the red part of the pattern is obtained. By
a similar method all the colours needed are produced.
The weft is of one colour, generally light brown.
Dyak weaving is a very slow process. The woman sits
on the floor, and the threads of the weft are put through
one by one. The cloth they make is particularly strong
and serviceable. The women seem to blend the colours
they use in a pleasing mamier, though there is a great
sameness in the designs.
Mats are made either with split cane or from the outer
MANNER OF LIFE 53
bark of reeds. The women are very clever at plaiting,
and some of their mats have beautiful designs.
They also make baskets of different sizes and shapes,
some of which have coloured designs worked into them.
Hunting is with the Dyaks an occasional pursuit. They
live upon a vegetable rather than upon an animal diet.
But in a Dyak house there are generally to be found one
or two men who go out hunting for wild pig or deer on
any days when they are free from their usual farm work.
The Dyak dogs are small and tawny in colour, and
sagacious and clever in the jungle.
Native hunting with good dogs is easy work. The
master loiters about, and the dogs beat the jungle for
themselves. When they have found a scent, they give
tongue, and soon run the animal to bay. The master
knows from the peculiar bark of the dogs if they are
keeping some animal at bay, and follows them and spears
the game. The boars are fierce and dangerous when
wounded, and turn furiously on the hunter, who often has
to climb a tree to escape from their tusks. The dogs are
very useful, and by attacking the hind legs of the animal
keep making it turn round.
Deer are more easily run down than pigs, because they
have not the strength to go any great distance, especially
in the hot weather.
A favourite way of catching deer is to send a man to
follow the spoor of a deer, and to find out where it lies
to rest during the heat of the day. Then large nets
made of fine cane are hung around, and the deer is driven
into these by a large number of men, women, and boys
making a noise. When the deer is caught in the net, he
is soon killed.
A variety of traps are made by the Dyaks to catch
54 MANNER OF I.IFE
birds and wild animals. One of these traps (peti) set
for killing wild pig is a dangerous contrivance by which
many Dyaks have lost their lives. It consists of a spring
formed by a stick being tied to the end of a post and
pulled apart from it. The end of this stick is armed with
a sharp bamboo spear. I have known of several men
being killed by this trap, and in Sarawak this particular
trap is forbidden by the Government to be set.
The Sea Dyaks are very expert with the rod and line,
and with them fishing is a favourite occupation. They
begin fishing at an early age. For bait they use worms
or certain berries. Their hooks are made of brass wire.
Another method of fishing is by wooden floats (pelam-
pong), generally cut in the form of a duck. Each has a
baited hook fastened to it, and is set swimming down
the stream. The owner of these floats drifts slowly in
his canoe after them, watching, till the peculiar motions
of any of these ducks shows that a fish has been hooked.
The achar is a spoon-bait. A piece of mother-of-pearl
shell or some white metal is cut in the form of a triangle.
At the apex the line is attached, and at the base are
fastened two or three hooks by a couple of inches of line.
This appliance is generally used with a rod from the bows,
and another man in the stern paddles the boat along.
The Dyaks also have many varieties of fish-traps,
which they set in the streams and rivers. Most of these
are made of split bamboo.
They also have nets of various kinds ; the most popular
is the jala, or circular casting-net, loaded with leaden or
iron weights in the circumference, and with a spread
sometimes of twenty feet. Great skill is shown by the
Dyak in throwing this net over a shoal of fish which he
has sighted. He casts the net in such a manner that all
MANNER OF LIFE 55
the outer edge touches the water almost simultaneously.
The weights cause it to sink and close together, encompas-
sing the fish, and the net is drawn up by a rope attached
to its centre, the other end of which is tied to the fisher-
man's left wrist. The thrower of this net often stands
on the bow of a small canoe, and shows great skill in
balancing himself. The jala is used both in fresh and
salt water, and can be thrown either from the bank of a
river or by a man wading into the sea.
But the most favourite mode of fishing among the
Dyaks is with the tuba root (Cocculus indicus). Some-
times this is done on a small scale in some little stream.
Sometimes, however, the people of several Dyak houses
arrange to have a tuba-^shmg. The men, women, and
children of these houses, accompanied by their friends,
go to some river which has been previously decided upon.
A fence made by planting stakes closely together is
erected from bank to bank. In the middle of this there
is an opening leading into a square enclosure made in
the same fashion, into which the fish enter when trying
to escape from the tuba into fresh water. The canoes
then proceed several hours' journey up the river, until
they get to some place decided on beforehand. Here
they stop for the night in small booths erected on the
banks of the river. The small boats are cleared of every-
thing in them so as to be ready for use the next day.
All the people bring with them fishmg-spears and
hand-nets. The spears are of various kinds — some have
only one barbed point, while others have two or three.
The shaft of the spear is made of a straight piece of bamboo
about six feet long. The spear is so made that, when a
fish is speared the head of the weapon comes out o£ the
socket m the bamboo ; but as it is tied on to the shaft,
56 MANNER OF LIFE
it is impossible for the fish to escape. Even when the
fisherman throws his spear at the fish, there is little
chance of the fish escaping, because the bamboo bears it
to the surface, and it is easy for the men to pick up the
bamboo shaft and thus secure the fish.
Most of the people brmg with them some tuha root,
made up into small close bundles, the thickness of a man's
wrist, and about six inches long. Early the next morn-
ing some of the canoes are filled with water, and the root
is beaten and dipped into it. For an hour or so fifty
or more clubs beat a lively tattoo on the root bundles, as
they are held to the sides of the boats. The tuba is
dipped into the water in the boat, and wrung out from
time to time. This gives the water a white, frothy
appearance like soap-suds. The Dj^aks, armed with
fish-spears and hand-nets, wait in readiness in their canoes.
At a given signal the poisoned liquid is baled out into the
stream, and the canoes, after a short pause, begin to drift
slowly down the current. The fish are stupefied by the
tuba, and as they rise struggling to the surface, are speared
b}^ the Dyaks. The large fish are thus secured amid
much excitement, several canoes sometimes making for
the same spot where a large fish is seen. The women and
children join m the sport, and scoop up the smaller fish
with hand-nets. The tuha does not affect the flesh of the
fish, which can be cooked and eaten.
This form of fisliing, when carried out on a large scale,
is always a great event among the Dyaks, because besides
the large amount of fish secured on these occasions, there
is always a great deal of fun and excitement, and it is
looked upon as a pleasant sort of picnic.
For superstitious reasons the Dj^aks do not interfere
with the crocodile until he has shown some sign of his
OS
lu - rt 1-
2 2-S-2 2
MANNER OF LIFE 57
man-eating propensity. If the crocodile will live at peace
with him, the Dyak has no wish to start a quarrel. If,
however, the crocodUe breaks the truce and kills someone,
then the Dyaks set to work to find the culprit, and keep
OE catching and kUling crocodiles untU they find him.
The Dyaks generally wear brass ornaments, and by
cutting open a dead crocodile they can easily find out if
he is the creature they wish to punish. Sometimes as
many as ten crocodiles are killed before they manage to
destroy the animal they want.
There are some men whose business it is to catch
crocodiles, and who earn their livmg by that means ;
and whenever a human being has fallen a victim to one
of these brutes, a professional crocodile catcher is asked
to help to destroy the murderer. The majority of natives
wUl not interfere with the reptiles, or take any part in
their capture, probably fearing that if they did anythmg
of the kind, they themselves may some time or other
suffer for it by being attacked by a crocodile.
The ordinary way of catching a crocodile is as follows.
A piece of hard wood about an inch in diameter and
about ten inches long, is sharpened to a point at each
end. A length of plaited bark of the haru tree, about
eight feet long, is tied to a shallow notch in the middle
of this piece of wood, and a single cane or rattan, forty
or fifty feet long, is tied to the end of the bark rope, and
forms a long line. The most irresistible bait is the carcase
of a monkey, though often the body of a dog or a snake
is used. The more overpowering the stench, the greater
is the probability of its being taken, as the crocodile will
only swallow putrifying flesh. When a crocodile has
fresh meat, he carries it away and hides it in some safe
place until it decomposes. This bait is securely lashed
58 MANNER OF LIFE
to the wooden bar, and one of the pouited ends is tied
back with a few turns of cotton to the bark rope, bringing
the bar and rope into the same straight line.
The next thing is to suspend the bait from the bough
of a tree overhangmg the part of the river known to be
the haunt of the animals. The bait is hung a few feet
above the high-water level, and the rattan line is left
Ij^ing on the ground, and the end of the rattan is planted
in the soil.
Several similar lines are set in different parts of the
river, and there left for days, untU one of the baits is
taken by a crocodile. Attracted either by the smell or
sight of the bait, some animal raises itself from the water
and snaps at the hangmg bundle, the slack line offering
no resistance until the bait has been swallowed and the
brute begins to make off. Then the planted end of the
Ime holds sufficiently to snap the slight thread binding
the pointed stick to the bark rope. The stick thus
returns to its original position, at right angles to the line,
and becomes jammed across the crocodile's stomach, the
two sharpened points fixing themselves into the flesh.
Next morning the trappers search for the missing traps,
and seldom fail to find the coils of floating rotan, or cane,
on the surface of some deep pool at no great distance
from the place where they were set. A firm but gentle
pull soon brings the crocodile to the surface, and if he be
a big one, he is brought ashore, though smaller specimens
are put directly into the boat, and made fast there.
Sometimes the cotton holding the bar to the line fails
to snap. In that case the crocodile, becoming suspicious
of the long line attached to what he has swallowed,
manages to disgorge the bait and unopened hook in the
jungle, where it is sometimes found. But should the
MANNER OF I.TFE 59
cotton snap and the bar fix itself in the animal's inside,
nothing can save the brute.
The formidable teeth of the crocodile are not able to
bite through the rope attached to the bait, because the
haru fibres of which the rope is made get between his
pomted teeth, and this bark rope holds no matter how
much the fibres get separated.
Professional crocodile catchers are supposed to possess
some wonderful power over the animals which enables
them to land them and handle them without trouble.
I have seen a man land a large crocodile on the bank by
simply pulling gently at the Ime. But this is not sur-
prising, as from the crocodile's point of view there is
nothing else to do but follow, when every pull, however
gentle, causes considerable pain.
The rest of the proceeding is more remarkable. The
animal is addressed in eulogistic language and beguiled,
so the natives say, into offering no resistance. He is
called a " rajah amongst animals," and he is told that he
has come on a friendly visit, and must behave accordingly.
First the trapper ties up its jaws — not a very dif&cult
thing to do. The next thing he does appears to me not
very safe. Still speaking as before in high-flown language,
he tells the crocodile that he has brought rings for his
fingers, and he binds the hind-legs fast behind the beast's
back, so taking away from him his grip on the ground,
and consequently his ability to use his tail. When one
remembers what a sudden swing of the muscular tail
means, one cannot help admirmg the man who coolly
approaches a large crocodile for the purpose of tying his
hind-legs. Finally the fore-legs are tied in the same way
over the animal's back. A stout pole is passed under the
bound legs, and the animal is carried away. He is taken
60 MANNER OF LIFE
to the nearest Government station, the reward is claimed,
and he is afterwards cut open, and the contents of his
stomach examined.
Though the animal is spoken to in such flattering terms
before he is secured, the moment his arms and legs are
bound across his back and he is powerless for evil, they
howl at him and deride him for his stupidity.
The professional crocodile catchers are generally Malays,
who are sent for whenever their services are required.
But there are Dyaks who have given up their old super-
stitious dread of the animal, and are expert crocodile
catchers.
CHAPTER IV
THE DYAK CHARACTER
General remarks — Kind to children — Industrious — Frugal — Honest —
Two cases of theft — Curses — Honesty of children — Truthful —
Curious custom — Tugong Bula — Hospitable — Morals — Desire for
children — Divorce — Adultery — Dyak law concerning adultery —
Dyak view of marriage — Unselfishness — Domestic affection —
Example.
THE Dyaks are seen at their best in their own jungle
homes, in the midst of their natural surroundings.
The man who has only met the hangers-on of the
towns has little idea of their true character. To one who
knows them well, who has lived among them, and seen
them at their work and at their play, there is something
very attractive about the Dyaks. They are very human,
and in many points are very like children, with the child's
openness in telling his thoughts and showing his feelings,
with the child's want of restraint in gratifying his wishes,
the child's alternate moods of selfishness and affection,
obedience and obstinacy, restlessness and repose. Like
children, they live in the present, and take little thought
for the future. Like children, they love passionately
those who are kind to them, and trust absolutely those
whom they recognize as their superiors.
They are cheerful, merry, and pleasure-loving. Fine
dress is a passion, and the love, in both men and women,
for bright colours is very marked, and yet somehow the
61
62 THE DYAK CHARACTER
brilliant colours that are seen at a Dyak feast are not at
all displeasing. They are fond of song ; the boatman
sings as he paddles along. They are fond of games, and a
Dyak feast is the occasion for playing many games, and
for friendly trials of strength. They are fond of dancing,
and the two Dyak dances — the Sword Dance and the
War Dance — are always watched with interest by those
present.
They are, like most Orientals, apathetic, and have no
desire to rise above their present condition. But they are
truthful and honest, and are faithful to those who have
been kind to them ; and these qualities cover a multi-
tude of deficiencies, and are rather unusual in Eastern
races.
They are kind and affectionate to children, and in all
the many years I lived in Borneo I did not meet a single
instance of cruelty to children. They are considerate to
the aged, and parents who are past work are generally
kindly treated by their children and grandchildren. They
are most hospitable to strangers, and offer them food and
shelter. And yet these are the people who some sixty
years ago were dreaded pirates and terrible head-hunters !
Their improvement under a kind and just Government has
been wonderful.
The Dyaks are industrious and hard-working, and in the
busy times of paddy-planting they work from early in the
morning till dusk, only stopping for a meal at midday.
The division of labour between the men and the women
is a very reasonable one, and the women have no more
than their fair share of work. The men do the timber-
felling, wood-cutting, clearing the land, house and boat
building, carrying burdens, and the heavier work gener-
ally. The women help in the lighter part of the farm
THE DYAK CHARACTER 63
work, husk and pound the rice they eat, cook, weave,
make mats and baskets, fetch the water for their daily
use from the well or river, and attend to the children.
The Dyak is frugal. He does not as a rule seek to
accumulate wealth, but he is careful of whatever he may
earn. He plants each year what he supposes will produce
sufficient rice to supply his own needs — a portion of this
is for family consumption, a portion for barter for such
simple luxuries as tobacco, salt fish, cloth, etc., and a
third portion for hospitality. If he happen to have an
exceptionally good harvest, he may sell some paddy, and
the money thus obtained is not lavishly squandered, but
saved with the object of investing in gongs or other
brassware, old jars, etc., which do not decrease in value
with age. On such occasions as feasts nearly all the
food and drink used are home products or begged from
friends. A Dyak drinks water as a rule, but if he takes
alcohol in any form, it is a home-brewed rice spirit (tuak).
To spend money upon anything which he can make for
himself, or for which he can make a substitute, is, in his
opinion, needless waste.
The Dyak in his jungle home is remarkably honest.
Families are often away from their homes for weeks at
a time, living in little huts on their farms, and though no
one is left in charge of their rooms, things are seldom
stolen. Sometimes Dyaks become demoralized by asso-
ciating with other races in the towns, but a case of theft
among the Dyaks in their native wilds is indeed rare.
I have not been able to discover any enactment of tradi-
tional law which fixes the punishment for theft. It has
not been necessary to deal with the subject at all. In
my missionary travels in Borneo I have often left by
mistake in a Dyak house some small thing like a soap-
64 THE DYAK CHARACTER
box, or a handkerchief, or a knife — things I know the
Dyaks love — but it has alwaj'S been returned to me.
With an experience of nearly twenty years in Borneo,
during which I came into contact with thousands of the
people, I have known of only two instances of theft
among the Dyaks. One was a theft of rice. The woman
who lost the rice most solemnly and publicly cursed the
thief, whoever it might be. The next night the rice was
secretly left at her door. The other was a theft of mone3^
In this case, too, the thief was cursed. The greater part
of the mone}'' was afterwards found returned to the box
from which it had been abstracted. Both these incidents
show the great dread the Dyak has of a curse. Even an
undeserved curse is considered a terrible thing, and,
accordmg to Dyak law, to curse a person for no reason at
all is a fineable offence.
A Dyak curse is a terrible thing to listen to. I have
only once heard a Dyak curse, and I am sure I do not
want to do so again. I was travelling in the Saribas
district, and at that time many of the Dyaks there had
gone in for cofiEee-planting ; indeed, several of them had
started coffee plantations on a small scale. A woman told
me that someone had over and over again stolen the
ripe coffee-berries from her plantation. Not only were
the ripe berries stolen, but the thief had carelessly picked
many of the young berries and thrown them on the
ground, and many of the branches of the plants had been
broken off. In the evening, when I was seated in the
public part of the house with many Dyak men and women
round me, we happened to talk about coffee-planting.
The woman was present, and told us of her experiences,
and how her coffee had been stolen by some thief, who,
she thought, must be one of the inmates of the house.
THE DYAK CHARACTER 65
Then she solemnly cursed the thief. She began in a calm
voice, but worked herself up into a frenzy. We all listened
horror-struck, and no one interrupted her. She began by
saying what had happened, and how these thefts had gone
on for some time. She had said nothing before, hoping
that the thief would mend his ways ; but the matter had
gone on long enough, and she was gomg to curse the
thief, as nothing, she felt sure, would make him give up
his evil ways. She called on all the spmts of the waters
and the hills and the air to listen to her words and to aid
her. She began quietly, but became more excited as she
went on. She said something of this kind : —
" If the thief be a man, may he be unfortunate in all he
undertakes ! May he suffer from a disease that does not
kill him, but makes him helpless — always in pain — and a
burden to others. May his wife be unfaithful to him, and
his children become as lazy and dishonest as he is himself.
If he go out on the war-path, may he be killed, and his head
smoked over the enemy's fire. If he be boating, may his
boat be swamped and may he be drowned. If he be out
fishing, may an alligator kill him suddenly, and may his
relatives never find his body. If he be cutting down a
tree in the jungle, may the tree fall on him and crush him
to death. May the gods curse his farm so that he may
have no crops, and have nothing to eat, and when he begs
for food, may he be refused, and die of starvation.
" If the thief be a woman, may she be childless, or if
she happen to be with child let her be disappointed, and
let her child be still-born, or, better still, let her die in
childbirth. May her husband be untrue to her, and
despise her and ill-treat her. May her children all desert
her if she live to grow old. May she suffer from such
diseases as are peculiar to women, and may her eyesight
GO THE DYAK CHARACTER
grow dim as the years go on, and may there be no one to
help her or lead her about when she is blind."
I have only given the substance of what she said ; but I
shall never forget the silence and the awed faces of those
who heard her. I left the house early next morning, so I
do not know what was the result of her curse — whether
the thief confessed or not.
The children are just as honest as their elders. A
missionary used to visit certain stations once a quarter.
At one of the stations he had a small native hut built for
his accommodation. On one occasion some small Dyak
bo^s came to him with three cents (less than one penny
in value), which they said they wished to return to him.
They had picked them up under the floor of his hut.
They thought they had fallen through the open floor,
and belonged to the missionary, and, as a matter of
course, they wished to return the money to the owner.
I have never had occasion to punish any of the schoolboys
living in my house for theft. They had access to every-
thing there was, but, though they had no scruples about
asking for things, they never stole anything.
The Dyaks are also very truthful. So disgraceful
indeed do the Dyaks consider the deceiving of others
by an untruth that such conduct is handed down to
posterity by a curious custom. They heap up a pile of
the branches of trees in memory of the man who has
uttered a great lie, so that future generations may know
of his wickedness and take warning from it. The persons
deceived start the tugong hula — " the liar's mound " — by
heaping up a large number of branches in some con-
spicuous spot by the side of the path from one village
to another. Every passer-by contributes to it, and at the
same time curses the man in memory of whom it is.
THE DYAK CHARACTER 67
The Dyaks consider the adding to any tugong hula they
may pass a sacred duty, the omission of which will meet
with supernatural punishment, and so, however pressed
for time a Dyak may be, he stops to throw on the pile
some branches or twigs.
A few branches, a few dry twigs and leaves — that is
what the tugong bula is at first. But day by day it
increases in size. Every passer-by adds something to it,
and in a few years' time it becomes an imposing memorial
of one who was a liar. Once started, there seems to be
no means of destroying a tugong hula. There used to be
one by the side of the path between Seratok and Sebetan .
As the branches and twigs that composed it often came
over the path, on a hot day in the dry weather I have
more than once applied a match to it and burnt it down.
In a very short time a new heap of branches and twigs
was piled on the ashes of the old tugong hula.
It has often been remarked by Dyaks that any other
punishment would, if a man had his choice, be much pre-
ferred to having a tugong hula put up in his memory.
Other punishments are soon forgotten, but this remains
as a testimony to a man's untruthfulness for succeeding
generations to witness, and is a standing disgrace to his
children's children. Believing, as the Dyaks do, in the
efficacy of curses, it is easy to understand how a Dyak
would dread the accumulation of curses which would
necessarily accompany the formation of a tugong
hula.
The Dyaks are very hospitable. They are always
ready to receive and entertam strangers. A man travel-
ling on foot through the Dyak country need never trouble
about food. He would be fed at the Dyak houses he
passed on his journey, as part of their crops is reserved
68 THE DYAK CHARACTER
to feed visitors. When the family meal is ready, visitors
are invited to partake of it. If many visitors come to a
house at the same time, some have their meal with one
family and some with another.
The morals of the Dyak from an Eastern point of view
are good. There is no law to punish immorality between
unmarried people. The parents do not seem to be strict,
and it is considered no disgrace for a girl to be on terms
of intimacy with the youths of her fancy until she has
made her final choice. It is supposed that every young
Dyak woman will eventually marry, so her duty is
plainl}^ to choose a husband in her youth from among the
many men she knows. And yet, for all this, I should say
that promiscuous immorality is unknown. It is true that
very often a girl is with child before her marriage, but
from the Dyak point of view this is no disgrace if the
father acknowledges the child and marries the woman.
The greatest desire of the Dyak is to become a parent,
to be known as father or mother of So-and-so. They
drop then' own names after the birth of a child. A young
couple in love have no opportunities of private meetings
exceptmg at night, and the only place is the loft where
the young lady sleeps. The suitor pays his visit, there-
fore, when the rest of the family are asleep, and she gets
up from her bed and receives him. Two or three hours
may be spent in her company before he leaves her, or if
he should be one whom she is not willing to accept as a
husband, she soon gives him his dismissal. If acceptable,
the young man may be admitted to such close intimacy
as though they were already married. The reason is to
ascertain the certainty of progeny. On his departure he
leaves with the young lady some ornament or article of
his attire, as a pledge of his sincerity and good faith. On
1
J
THE DYAK CHARACTER 69
the first signs of pregnancy the marriage ceremony takes
place, and they are man and wife.
Divorce is very uncommon after the birth of a child,
but where there are no children, for such reasons as in-
compatibility of temper or idleness, divorce is obtainable
by either husband or wife by paying a small fine. The
women as a rule are faithful to their husbands, especially
when they have children, and adultery is very uncommon
when there is a family.
The Dyak law respecting adultery is peculiar and
worthy of notice. If a woman commit adultery with a
married man, his wife may make a complaint to the head-
man of the house, and receive a fine from the guilty
woman ; or, if she prefer it, she may waylay the guilty
woman and thrash her ; but if she do so, she must forgo
one-half of the fine otherwise due to her. In the eyes of
the Dysbk the woman is alone to blame in a case like this.
" She knew," they say, " the man has a wife of his own ;
she had no business to entice him away from her." If a
married man commits adultery with an unmarried woman
the procedure is similar. The wife of the man may
punish the girl, but no one punishes the man. The whole
blame, according to Dyak ideas, falls on the woman for
tempting the man.
If a married man commits adultery with a married
woman, the husband of the woman is allowed to strike
him with a club or otherwise maltreat him, while the
v/ife of the adulterer has the right to treat the adulteress
in the same wa3^ The innocent husband supposes the
one most to be blamed is not his wife, but her tempter,
and vice versa. This striking must not, however, take
place in a house ; it must be done in the open. The club
used must not be of hard wood. Very often this striking
70 THE DYAK CHAKACTER
is merely a means of publishing the fact that adultery
has been committed, and no one is much hurt, but I
have known cases where the man has been very badly
wounded. No striking can take place after the matter
has been talked about or confessed, and if one knew for
certain of a case of adultery, one could easily stop this
maltreatment of each other by talking about it publicly.
The case is then settled by fining the guilty parties.
Where both parties are married, and no divorce follows,
the fining is no punishment, because each party pays to
the other.
The Dyak view of the marriage state, especially where
there are children, is by no means a low one. Though
an Oriental people living in a tropical climate, their own
traditional law allows a man to have only one wife. If,
as sometimes is the case, a couple continue to live
together after one of them has committed adultery, it is
due to the fact that there are little children whom they
do not want to part with, and not because they think
lightly of the crime of adultery.
The Dyaks are very unselfish, and show a great deal of
consideration for each other. They live together under
one roof in large communities. Though each family has
a separate room, all the rooms are usually connected one
with another by little windows in the partition walls.
This communal life accounts for the good-nature and
amiability of the Dyaks. The happiness and comfort, to
say nothing of the safety, of the community in times past,
depend largely on their getting on well one with another.
Therefore, as a natural result, there has grown up a great
deal of unselfish regard for each other among the inmates
of the Dyak village house.
Domestic affection between the different members of
THE DYAK CHARACTER 71
one family is very great. Especially is this the case
between parents and children. An old father or mother
need never work unless they like. Their children will
provide for them.
Parents will risk their lives for their children. At
Semulong, near Banting, a man and his son, a youth about
twenty years old, were returning from their farm, and
had just arrived at the landing-place. The father stepped
out of the canoe, washed his feet on the river-bank, and
then turned to speak to his son in the boat. But the
son had disappeared. The father at once guessed that
a crocodile had taken him, though he had heard no noise.
He shouted for help from the village house, and at once
jumped into the water. He dived, and felt his hand
strike the crocodile. Drawing his short sword (duku),
he attacked the animal. He managed to drive the point
of his sword into the animal, when the beast let go his
son. The father brought him at once to the nearest
mission-station, where he was treated, but after ten days
died of tetanus. The inner part of the thigh and knee
of one leg was torn away, so as to expose the ragged ends
of sinews under the knee.
CHAPTER V
HEAD-HUNTING
Head-hunting — Women an incentive — Gruesome story — Marriage of
Dyak Chiefs — Legend — Some customs necessitating a human head
— A successful head-hunter not necessarily a hero — A dastardly
crime — War expeditions — The spear token — My experience at
a village in Krian — Dyak war-costume — Weapons — The Svmpit —
Poison for darts — Consulting omen birds — War-boats — Camping —
War Council — Defences — War alarm — Ambushes — Decapitation
and treatment of head — Return from a successful expedition —
Women dancing — Two Christian Dyak Chiefs — Their views on the
matter of head-taking.
WARFARE is an important element among all
savage races, and the Dyaks are no exception to
the rule. But it would be wrong to suppose that
they are naturally abnormally bloodthirsty because head-
hunting was such a regular practice with them. Mere
love of fighting is not the only reason for the terrible
custom of head-hunting which at one time prevailed to
such a great extent among the Dyaks, but which at
present, under the rule of Rajah Brooke, is fast dying out.
There are many other causes. Theft committed by one
tribe against another, revenge for the murder of some of
their friends, and a thousand other mmor pretexts, are
often the origin of an expedition of one tribe against
another. The Dyaks are faithful, hospitable, just, and
honest to their friends, and, being so, it naturally follows
that they avenge any act of injustice or cruelty to them,
72
HE A D-HUNTING 7'?
and they are consequently bloodthirsty and revengeful
against their enemies, and willing to undergo fatigue,
hunger, want of sleep, and other privations when on the
war-path. I have often been told by Dyaks that the
reason why the young men are so anxious to bring home
a human head is because the women have so decided a
preference for a man who has been able to give proof of
his bravery by killing one of the enemy.
The desire to appear brave in the eyes of his lady-love
sometimes leads a young man to mean and cowardly
crimes. The following gruesome incident actually took
place many years ago. A young man in the Batang
Lupar started by himself to seek for a head from a
neighbouring tribe. In a few days he came back with
the desired prize. His relatives asked him how it was
he was able to get to the enemy's country and back in
such a short time. He replied gravely that the spirits
of the woods had assisted him. About a month after-
wards a headless trunk was discovered near one of their
farms. It was found to be the body of his victim, an
old woman of his own tribe, not very distantly related
to himself !
In the old days no Dyak Chief of any standing could
be married unless he had been successful in procuring
the head of an enemy. (See also Chapter XXII.) For
this reason it was usual to make an expedition into the
enemy's country before the marriage-feast of any great
Chief could be held. The head brought home need not
be that of a man ; the head of a woman or a child would
serve the purpose quite as well.
There is a legend related among the Dyaks as a reason
for this custom. Once upon a time a young man loved
a maiden, but she refused to marry him until he had
74 HEADHUNTING
brought to her some proof of what he was able to do.
He went out Imnting and killed a deer, and brought it
to her, but still she would have nothing to say to him.
He went again into the jungle, and, to show his courage,
fought and killed a mias (orang-utan), and brought it
home as a proof of his courage ; but still she turned away
from him. Then, in anger and disappointment, he rushed
out and killed the first man he saw, and, throwing the
victim's head at the maiden's feet, he blamed her for
the crime she had led him to commit. To his surprise,
she smiled on him, and said to him that at last he had
brought her a worthy gift, and she was ready to marry
him.
It is sometimes stated that, according to ancient
custom, no Dyak could marry without having first pro-
cured a human head as a token of his valour. This is
not true. It was only in cases of the great men — their
Chiefs — that such a thing was necessary. A little con-
sideration will show how impossible it was for every man
who married to be the owner of the head of some human
victim.
There were certain ancient customs which necessitated
the possession of a human head. When any person died
the relatives went into mourning. They put away their
ornaments and finery, which were tied together in bundles.
At the feast in honour of the dead — Begawai Anfu — these
were all undone, and the women and men put on their
finery again. Some man cut the string with which they
were tied up. Before he could do such a thing, it used
to be necessary that a human head be brought into the
house, and it was usual for the man who had obtained
that head to take a leading part in the ceremonies and
cut open the bundles.
y- ?,
HEAD-HUNTING 75
Again, it was customary in some tribes to bring home
a head as an offering to the spirits when a new village
was to be built.
Both these customs are no longer observed. At
the feast in honour of the dead — Begawai Anfu —
the headman of the house generally cuts open the
bundles of finerj^ that have been put away, and at
the building of a new house the killing of a pig is
supposed to be sufficient to satisfy the demands of the
spirits.
It is presumed that a man who has secured a human
head must necessarily be brave. But this need not be
the case at all, for, as has been said, the head of a woman
or child will serve the purpose. And these heads need
not be obtained in open warfare. Very often the head
of an enemy is taken while he is asleep. Nor is it
necessary that a man should kill his victim with his
own hand. Frequently many of his friends assist him in
killing some unfortunate man whom they have waylaid,
and then he comes home with the head, and poses as a
hero !
It was customary in the old days to announce an
expedition that one tribe intended to take against
another at one of their feasts, when the village was
thronged with guests from far and near. Some great
Chief would advance his reason for the intended attack.
Either some of his people had been slain, and revenge was
called for, or else they wished to put off their mourning,
and for that required a human head taken in war.
Perhaps the reason was that they intended to build a
new village house, and so required some human heads
to use as offerings to the spirit of the land ; or possibly
he himself wished to marry, and wanted a head as a
76 HEAD-HFNTING
proof of his valour in the eyes of his lady-love. Among
the crowd who listened to him there were sure to be
many who were willing to follow him on the war-path.
The women would help him by urging their husbands, or
lovers, or brothers, to go. Out of the crowd of eager
followers the Chief would choose a certain number to
form a Council of War. These would discuss the whole
matter, and it would be decided when the party was to
start for the enemy's country. Details would also be
discussed — how much food each man was to take with
him, by what route they were to go. The time of the
year generally chosen would be just after the planting
season, because that would give the men a clear three
months before the harvest. The weeding of the paddy-
fields between the planting season and the harvest is
work that is usually done by the women.
The next thing to do would be to send the War Spear
round to the neighbouring villages, to let all know when
the expedition was to take place, and where it was to
start from. A man would bring this spear to a long
Dyak house, deliver his message, and return, leaving
the spear to be carried on by one of the men in that house
to the next village, and so on. At once the men in the
house would get their war-boats ready. They would
begin making figure-heads for the bows of their boats,
and paint the side planks in various patterns. They
would furbish up their arms, and sharpen their weapons,
and decorate their helmets and war- jackets. The Dyaks
generally wear their best when going out to fight. I
asked a Dyak once why this was done, because, as I
pointed out to him, most of the finery they put on inter-
fered with the free action of their limbs. His answer
was that if they were well dressed, in case of their death,
HEAD-HUNTING 77
the enemy who saw the bodies would know that they were
not slaves, but free men of some standing.
In the present day, under the rule of Rajah Brooke,
no Sea Dyaks may go out on a fighting expedition unless
called out for that purpose by the Government. I re-
member not long ago that there were some rebels in the
upper reaches of the Batang Lupar River, who had been
guilty of man}^ murders, and would not submit to the
Government. After trying milder measures without any
effect, it was decided to take a force into their country,
and the Government sent round the War Spear to let the
people of the different villages know they were to be ready
to go on expedition at a certain date. I happened to be
in a Dyak village in the Krian. It was evening, and I
was seated on a mat in the open veranda of the house,
and round me were seated a crowd of men and women,
whom I was trying to teach. A man arrived at the
house with a spear decorated with red cloth. At first
no one noticed him. He spoke to a man near the top of
the ladder of the house. The man came up to the middle
of the house, where I was seated, and said somethmg
which I did not quite catch. At once the whole crowd
got up and left me. They listened eagerly to what the
man who brought the spear had to say. I was not left
long in doubt of what it all meant. The message the man
brought was short and to the point : " You are to be ready
with your war-boats, and be at Simanggang at the next
full moon. There is to be an expedition up the river."
It is difficult for me to describe the change that came
over the crowd. The headman of the house at once
asked a youth to carry on the spear to the next house
with the same message. The men at once discussed the
question of war-boats, and it was decided there and then
78 HEAD-HUNTING
that they should begin making a new war-boat the next
day. The women were just as excited about the expedi-
tion as the men, and there was a general turnmg out of
war-caps and war-jackets which had long been put away.
The costume a Dyak wears when going on the war-
path consists of a basket-work cap decorated with feathers
and sometimes with human hair, a sleeveless skin jacket,
or in place of it a sleeveless quilted cotton jacket, and the
usual Dyak costume of the waist-cloth (sirat). For
weapons they have a sword, or duku. This may be of
foreign or of their own make. It is a dangerous weapon
at close quarters, and is what they use to cut off the head
of a fallen enemy. They also have a spear, consisting
of a long wooden shaft of some hard wood with a steel
spear-head, which is tied on to the shaft with rattan.
Sometimes the shaft of the spear is the sumpit, or blow-
pipe. For defensive purposes the Dyak has a large
wooden shield about three feet long, which, with its
handle, is hollowed out of a single block of wood. It is
held in the left hand well advanced before the body, and
meant not so much to receive the spear-point as to divert
it by a twist of the hand. It is often painted in bright
colours, with some elaborate design or fantastic pattern,
and often decorated with human hair.
The sumpit, or blowpipe, is a long wooden tube about
eight feet long. The smoothness and straightness of
the bore is remarkable. The hole is drilled with an iron
rod, one end of which is chisel-pomted, through a log of
hard wood, which is afterwards pared down, and rounded
till it is about an inch in diameter.
The dart used with the sumpit is usually made of a
thin splinter of the wood of the nibong palm, stuck into
a round piece of very light wood, so as to afford a surface
A Dyak in War Dress
Holding up his shield in readiness to receive the attack of the
enemy. He is holding his sword in his right hand. The shield
is decorated with human hair.
Hu.MAN Heads
The heads of slain enemies are smoked and preserved and looked upon as valuable
possessions. The above is a bunch of old heads as they appear hanging from the
.rafters of a Dyak house.
HEAD- HUNTING 79
for the breath to act upon. These darts are sharpened
to a fine pomt, and are carried in neatly carved bamboo
quivers.
The poison that is used for these dai-ts is obtained from
the epoh tree (upas). Incisions are made in the tree, and
the gutta which exudes is collected and cooked over
a slow fire on a leaf until it assumes the consistency of
soft wax. It is a potent and deadly poison. Some
Dyaks say that the most deadly poison is made of a
mixture of the gum from the epoh tree and that from some
creeper.
A dart is put in at one end, and the sumpit is lifted to
the mouth, and with the breath the dart is driven out.
Up to twenty-five yards they shoot with accuracy, but
though the darts can be sent fifty yards or more, at any
distance greater than twenty-five yards their aim is
uncertain.
Before starting on a war expedition, the Dyaks consult
the omen birds. The headman of the village, with the
help of a few chosen friends, builds a little hut at a con-
venient distance from the Dyak house, and stays there,
listening to the voices of the birds. If the first omens
he hears are unfavourable, he continues living there until
he hears some bird of good omen. When this happens,
the men get ready their war-boats and start for the
appointed meeting-place.
The war-boat is generally made in the same way as
the Dyak dug-outs in ordinary use, out of the trunk of
one large tree, only it is very much larger and longer,
and able to hold sixty men or more. They paint this
boat with a pattern of red and white — the red is an ochre
and the white is lime. It is propelled with paddles, and
the steering is done with one or two greatly developed
80 HEAD-HUNTING
fixed paddles, which the steersman works with his foot
if he happens to be standing up.
Sometimes the war-boat is built of planks in the
folloA\ing manner. First they make a long lunas, or keel
plank, of hard wood the whole length of the boat. This
has two ledges on each side on its upper surface, each
about an inch from the edge of the keel. Then several
planks are made, all of which are also the entire length
of the boat. Each plank has an inside ledge on its upper
edge, its lower edge being quite plain. When the Dyaks
have made as manj' planks as are necessary, they put
them together in the followmg manner. The keel plank
is put in position, then the first side-planks are brought
and placed with their lower or plam edges upon the two
ledges of the keel planks. The ledge of the first side-plank
receives in turn the next plank, and so on, till they have
enough planks, generally four or five, on each side. The
ledges and the planks next to them are bored, and firm
rattan lashings are passed from one to the other. The
seams are caulked up so as to render the boat watertight.
In the construction of a boat of this kind no nails or bolts
are emploj^ed — nothing but planks ingeniously fastened
together with cane or rattan. These lashings are not
very durable, as the rattans soon get rotten. But this
is of little consequence, as the boat is only used for war
expeditions, and on her return the lashings are cut, and
the separated planks are stored in the Dyak house.
When she is again requued, the planks are got out and
the boat reconstructed as before.
This kind of war-boat is not often seen nowadays.
It is clumsy, and does not travel very fast. In the
whole of m}'^ experience I have only seen one boat of this
kind in course of construction.
HEAD-HUNTING 81
Dyak war-boats hold from thirty to a hundred men.
When filled with dusky warriors with naked arms and
legs just visible beneath the palm-leaf awning, paddling
with a regular, vigorous stroke, with their Chief standing
in the stern working the rudder with hand or foot, they
form a grand sight.
When all the boats have arrived, a start is made for
the enemy's country. The line of advance is most
irregular. There are wide gaps between the boats, some
lagging behind to cook or fish, and others, deterred by
bad dreams or unpropitious omens, waiting a day or two
before moving on.
When the landing-place of the enemy is reached, a
camp is formed, and temporary huts are built lining the
river bank. The warriors lie down to rest side by side.
Their spears are stuck in the ground near them, and their
shields and swords are by their side, so that they can
spring to their feet in a moment, ready for battle. The
boats are hauled ashore and hidden in the brushwood,
to be used again on the return journey.
A War Council is held and the route decided upon, and
the best way to attack the enemy discussed. On a given
day the march commences, each shouldering his pack con-
taining a cooking-pot, rice, etc. The pace is more or
less rapid as long as they are far from the enemy, but
slackens when they come nearer. The leaders proceed
warily, as the enemy may be in ambush by the way.
The Dyaks who are expecting an attack defend their
houses with a strong palisading of hard wood, strengthened
by bamboo stakes fixed between the perpendicular posts,
with the sharpened points projecting in all directions,
presenting an impassable barrier of spikes to the invader.
The whole is tied firmly together with rattan or creepers.
6
82 HEAD-HUNTING
This fence is about six feet high, and surrounds the whole
vUlage. Two gates are made in it, but when these are
closed, thej^ present the same appearance as the rest of
the palisading.
The landmg-places and approach to the village are all
protected with sharpened spikes of bamboo or hard wood.
Their valuables — their jars and brass gongs, etc. — they
conceal in the jungle.
If they feel confident that they are able to repel the
attack of the enemy they keep the women and children
at home. If there is any doubt about the matter, they
too are hidden away in the forest, and when resistance
becomes hopeless, they are rejoined by their relatives
at some fixed rendezvous.
The moment the enemy appears, the gongs are struck
in a peculiar maimer, three strokes following each other
very rapidly, a short pause, and then three strokes again,
and so on. When the neighbours hear this, they recog-
nize the signal, and know that their friends have been
attacked, and they hurry to their help.
A favourite stratagem of defence in the lower reaches
of the river is to entice the leading boats of the enemy into
an ambush on shore. There are sure to be some boats
of the attacking party far in advance of the others, as
they are anxious to be foremost in the fight. The de-
fenders choose a convenient spot, and a strong party is
placed in ambush among the trees. One or two men
stroll upon the shingly bank to lure the enemy. As the
warriors from the attacking boats leap ashore, the men
in ambush spring from their hiding-place. They throw
large stones at them, and break their wooden shields.
They engage with swords and spears m a short and
desperate conflict. As the main body comes round the
HEAD-HUNTING 88
bond of the river, whooping and _yelling, they plunge into
the jungle with the heads that they have obtained, and
are soon safely far away.
The Dyaks do not attack a village or group of villagers,
if their approach has been discovered and the people are
on the defensive. Under these circumstances they con-
tent themselves with cutting off stragglers, or hide near
the waterside for people who are going to bathe or on
their way to examine their fish- traps. These they attack
unawares, cut down, take their heads, and flee into the
jungle before the alarm can be given.
In fighting the Dyak warriors gather round their Chiefs,
and defend them bravely. Relatives often congregate
together and help to defend each other. When one of
them is killed, rather than allow the enemy to take his
head, they decapitate him themselves, and bring his head
back. When possible, they carry their dead and wounded
away with them, but more often they only take their heads,
and bury the bodies.
The Sea Dyaks, after having severed the head at the
neck, scoop out the brains with a bit of bamboo either
through the nostrils or by the occipital hole, cover the
eyes with leaves, and hang the head up to dry in the smoke
of a wood fire. They cut off the hair to ornament their
sword-hilts and sheaths, as well as their shields.
Though cannibalism is not practised by the Dyaks,
yet I have heard that sometimes a man who has taken
a head eats a small piece from the cheek, in the hope of
acquiring the bravery and virtues of the man killed.
A Dyak in the Saribas district told me he attempted to
eat a little of the brain of an enemy he had killed, but
was unable to do so. Deep in the mind of the primitive
man of every country lies the idea that he can acquire
84 HEAD-HUNTING
the attributes of another by eating his flesh or drinking
his blood. The Dacota Indian, I am told, eats the heart
of his slain enemy, and the New Zealander his eyes. It
would appear that the Dyaks have the same idea.
On the return from a war expedition, if the people of
any particular boat have been fortunate enough to secure
a human head, word is sent up to the Dyak village house
of this fact, as soon as the boat reaches the landing-stage.
The men remain in the boat, and wait there till all the
women-folk from the house come to it, dressed in their
best. Generally only the men dance, and the arrival of
a boat bearing the ghastly trophy of a human head is
the only occasion when the women dance. The excite-
ment is great, and there are continual shouts of triumph
as the women, singing a monotonous chant, surround the
hero who has killed the enemy and lead him to the house.
He is seated in a place of honour, and the head is put on
a brass tray before him, and all crowd round him to hear
his account of the battle, and how he succeeded in killing
one of their foes and bringing home his head.
From all that has been said, it will be seen how the
Dyaks value the heads taken in war. They hang them
over the fireplaces in the long open veranda of their
houses, they make offerings to them, and they believe
that the souls of those whom they have slain will be their
slaves in the other world. I look upon it as a remarkable
fact worthy of record that two great Dyak Chiefs who
became Christians — one the Orang Kaya of Padih,
Saribas, and the other, Tarang of Krian — should have
taken such a decided step as to refuse to treasure their
enemies' heads any more. They were both men of
position, with a great reputation for bravery. The Orang
Kaya buried all the heads he possessed, and gave out
HEAD-HUNTING 85
that none of his followers in a war expedition should bring
back heads. Two of his grandchildren were at my
school in Temudok for some years. A son of Tarang,
Tujoh by name, worked as my catechist in Krian for
some years. I asked him what his father did with the
old heads he possessed when he refused to keep them
himself. He told me that he did not think his father
acted wisely in that matter. His relatives begged for
the heads, and he gave them to them, and they did just
what his father did not wish — made a feast in honour of
these heads, and treasured them !
While so many Dyak Christians are most unwilling
to give up their old heathen customs, these two Christian
Dyak Chiefs happily took up the right attitude in such
an important matter in the eyes of the Dyaks as head-
taking.
CHAPTER VI
SOCIAL LIFE
Social position of the women — Dyak food — Meals — Cooking food in
bamboo — Law with regard to leaving a Dyak house — Rule of the
headman — A Dyak trial — Power of the headman in old days —
Dj'ak wealth — Valuable jars — Gusi — Naga — Busa — A convenient
dream — Trading incident at Sebetan — Land tenure — Laws about
fruit-trees — Slavery — Captives in war — Slaves for debt.
THE Dyak woman does not hold, as in most Eastern
countries, an inferior and humiliating position. As
has already been stated, the women do no more than
a fair share of the work : they cook, make garments and
mats, help in the lighter part of farm work, and husk
and pound the grain. The men do the timber-felling,
wood-cutting, clearing of the land, house and boat
building, and all the heavier work.
When the Dyaks meet together to discuss any matter
such as the advisability of migratmg to a new house, the
women are allowed to take part m the discussion.
Generally the men sit round in a circle, and behind them
are the women and children. And it is no unusual
thing to hear a woman express an opinion, and her
remarks are listened to with deference by the men.
The Dyak women have no reason to complain of their
lot. Their wants are few and easily satisfied. They may
have sometimes a little more than their fair share of
work, but this is always the case where the men spend
86
SOCIAL LIFE 87
much time on the war-path, and as the women keep the
men up to the mark m this respect, and often will not
marry a man who has not been successful in war, they
are scarcely to be pitied if extra work fall to their lot
during the time the men are away fighting.
The women are earlier risers than the men, and retire
to bed earlier. They generally go to the river as soon as
they wake, carrying their water-gourds with them. They
have a bath, fill their gourds with water, and return to
the house to cook the morning meal.
The principal article of food is rice, which is cooked in
brass or iron pots. When the rice is ready, it is put out
on plates. They eat with their rice either vegetables or
fish. Sometimes they have the flesh of wild pig or
venison, but that is not usual. A favourite method of
cooking is to put the proper quantity of fish or vegetables
or meat with sufficient water and a little salt into a newly-
cut bamboo. The mouth is then stopped up with leaves,
and the bamboo is placed over the fire, resting on a stone
at an angle of 45 degrees or more. By the time the
bamboo is thoroughly charred the contents are suffi.ciently
cooked, and it is taken from the fire and. emptied out into
a plate. Sometimes rice is cooked in bamboos, and when
it is ready to be eaten, the bamboo is split and torn off
in strips, when the rice is found well cooked inside — a stiff
mass moulded in the form of the bamboo.
When the food is ready and put out in plates, the men
are asked to come into the room and eat. Sometimes the
women eat with the men ; but if there are too many to
eat comfortably at one sitting, the men have their meal
first, and the women eat with the children after the men
have done .
The Dyaks all sit on the floor, which also serves as
88 SOCIAL LIFE
their table. They have their rice on plates, or sometimes
upon clean leaves. They eat with their fingers, dipping
the hand when necessary into the common stock of salt,
or common dish of meat or vegetables. They eat with
their right hand, compressing the rice into portions of
convenient size.
Nearly every animal is eaten by the Dyaks ; fish,
venison, and pork are eaten by all, but many tribes eat
monkeys, snakes, and even crocodiles.
When breakfast is over, they clean the crockery and
put it away. The mats are swept and taken up, and the
refuse thrown through the open floor for the pigs and
poultry under the house to eat.
Each long Dyak village house has its headman, who
generally occupies a room in the middle of the house.
He is called the tuai rumah — " the old man or chief of the
house " — and he settles all disputes among the inmates,
and decides the amount of the fine the guUty party has
to pay. Great deference is paid to him, and as a general
rule his people abide by his decisions. But his power is
only one of persuasion, and depends upon his personal
ability and sense of justice. He cannot in any way
coerce his people into obedience. Upon the prestige and
conduct of this tuai rumah depends the number of families
a Dyak house contains. If he be a man of strong personal
character, clear-headed, and upright in his dealings, many
will settle under him. If he be otherwise, he will quickly
lose the families living in his house. They will migrate to
other houses where the headman is one they admire and
respect.
There arc certain laws among the Dyaks with regard to
a family leaving a house. If a new house is to be built,
any families of the former inmates may refuse to make
SOCIAL LIFE 89
their home in the new house, and may join some other
village or decide to build a house for themselves. If a
family wish to leave a house at any other time, they
must not only leave the posts, roof, and flooring of their
part of the house, but they must undertake to keep these
in repair until such a time as the house is pulled down
and a new one built.
The Sea Dyak admmistration of law among themselves
by the headman of the house has its advantages. Dis-
putes are settled at once and on the spot. Unfortunately
sometimes prejudice and the ties of relationship impede
the carrying out of justice, but more often the Chiefs are
peculiarly alive to the advantage of a just administration,
which never fails to secure the aid and support of the
majority of the people.
I have often been present when some small dispute was
settled by the headman of a Dyak house. Both parties
and their friends sat on mats in a circle before the Chief.
Each party had their say ; the headman asked a few
questions. Then he pronounced judgment somewhat
after this fashion. He began by saying that as the dis-
putants were living in the same house — " brothers and
sisters " so to speak — it was not necessary to inflict a
heavy punishment ; all that was needed was to impose a
small fine to show which was in the wrong, and one party
must pay the other a fine of so many cups or so many
plates as the case required.
Whenever I have been present, the fine was cheerfully
paid. The punishment, in fact, was very slight. Though
the Government recognize this method of settling disputes
among themselves, still, if Dyaks are discontented with the
decision of their headmen, they can always bring their
case for trial before the Government officer of the district.
90 SOCIAL LIFE
But this is seldom done. The fine imposed by the head-
man is so small compared to that which would have to be
paid if the case were tried elsewhere that the guilty party
generally prefers to pay it cheerfully rather than appeal
to the Government.
If the dispute be between the inmates of one house and
those of another, then the headmen of both houses have
to be present at the trial. When matters are at
all complicated, headmen from other houses are also
asked to be present and help in the administration of
justice.
I learn from conversations with the older Dyaks that
in bygone days the power of the headman was much
greater than it is now. Then he used to impose much
heavier fines and take part of them himself for his trouble,
and no Dyak dared to murmur against the decision of his
Chief. In those days there was no court of appeal. The
only means of protesting was to leave the house and build
on to another, and in the old days such a thmg was not so
easily done as at present. The Dyak houses were much
longer and built much farther apart, and to join another
house meant moving to a district very far away and
cutting off all connection with relatives and friends.
Wealth among the Dyaks is not so much the accumula-
tion of money as the possession of brass gongs, guns, and
valuable jars. Money is not used except by the inhabi-
tants of the towns. The up-country Dyaks procure what
they need by a system of barter, and in most of the
shopping done in the Chinese bazaars near the Dyak
villages no money passes hands at all. Silver coins are
used by the Dyaks for making belts and bangles, and are
often attached to the edge of the petticoats worn by the
women at feasts and on other special occasions, and are
SOCIAL LIFE 91
esteemed only as ornaments. Brass ware of all kinds is
much valued, especially old brass guns and gongs.
The valuable jars (tajau) which the Dyaks prize so
highly are in appearance much like the earthen water-
pots that are manufactured in large numbers by the
Chinese, and which cost from five to ten shillings. But
closer examination shows certain differences. The Dyaks
are prepared to pay exorbitant prices for a really old jar,
and they venerate it and make offerings to it. The best
known of these sacred jars are the Gusi, the Naga, and
the Rusa. The first is the most valuable of the three.
It is of a greenish colour, about eighteen inches high, and
is much sought after. A good one would cost £80 or
more. The Naga is about two feet high, and is called
by that name because it is ornamented with Chinese figures
of dragons, or naga. It is worth from eight to ten
pounds. The Rusa is covered with the representation
of some kind of deer {rusa), and is worth about four pounds.
These prices, except the first, may not seem very great to
our ideas, but when one remembers how poor the Dyaks
are, they are very large amounts for them to pay for such
fragile things as earthenware jars.
The Gusi is always kept wrapped in cloth and treated
with the greatest respect. People crawl in its presence,
and touch it with the greatest care. At certain feasts
a jar of this kind is brought out, and offerings are made to
it. Besides being the abode of a spirit, it is supposed
to possess marvellous qualities — one of them being that if
anything be placed in it overnight, the quantity will
increase before morning ; another, that food kept in a jar
of this kind has peculiar medicinal virtues.
When any of these sacred jars are bought, before
brmging it into the room where it is to be kept an offering
92 SOCIAL LIFE
is alwaj^s made to it. A chicken is killed and the blood
smeared on the jar.
It is not laiown for certain where these jars originally
came from. One theory is that many years ago a colony
of Chinese settled in Borneo for a short period, and made
these jars and then left the country.
These old jars have been imitated by the Chinese, and
many modern jars are very like the originals. A very
profitable business is done by Malay traders, who, for
one genuine old jar in their possession, have six or more
modern jars. The Dyaks are very cautious about paying
a large price for a doubtful article, but for all that they are
often taken in.
I was at a Dyak house in Saribas, and was shown a jar
which a Malay trader had brought for sale. A Dyak had
decided to buy it, the price had been agreed upon, and
the trader was to come on the following day to receive it
in brass guns, gongs, and money. The Dyaks, on examin-
ing the jar more closely, came to the conclusion that it
was a modern imitation. When the trader came, he was
told that the Dj^ak had had a bad dream about the jar,
and so was not prepared to buy it. In talking to an old
Dyak about it, I was told that to say one had a bad dream
was the usual way of refusing to buy a jar which seemed
of doubtful value.
An amusing incident happened at Sebetan in Krian
when I was there. A Malay trader, whom we will call
" A," came to a D3^ak house with a jar to sell. " A " was
well known, as he lived in his coffee plantation on the
bank of the Krian River. The Dyaks examined the jar
and saw many defects in it, and said so. The next day
another Malay trader, whom we will call " B," arrived
with a jar to sell, but no one in the house seemed inclined
SOCIAI. LIFE 03
to buy it. " A " and " B " seemed to be quite strangers
to one another. " A " examined the jar " B " had
brought, and then said : " My jar is not a good one ; I
admit that. But this is a genuine old jar, and worth the
eighty dollars he asks for it. I have not got much money
with me ; but if anyone here will lend me the money, I am
quite prepared to pay eighty dollars for it." As " A "
was well known, the headman of the house lent him the
sum of money he required to enable him to buy the jar.
The money was paid to " B," who went off. Then " A "
began to boast about his bargain ; he dwelt on all the
good points of the jar, and told the Dyaks that they were
very foolish to have let such a chance slip. He praised
the jar so much that the headman of the house said he
would buy it from him for the same price as he paid for
it. " A " said he did not want to part with it, as it was
a genume old jar, and honestly worth much more than he
gave for it. After some discussion " A " agreed to sell it
to the Dyak for one hundred dollars, and so he made a
profit of twenty dollars in a very short time.
It was found out afterwards that " B " was living with
" A " during his stay in Krian ! The jar was considered
by experts to be a modern imitation and comparatively
worthless. When " A " was spoken to about the matter,
he persisted in saying that in his opinion the jar was a
genuine old one, but that he might be mistaken.
With regard to land, it has been the immemorial custom
of the Dyaks that when a person fells the virgin forest he
acquires by that act a perpetual title to the land. He may
sell it, lend it, let it, or leave it to his successor. The rent
he is supposed to demand for a piece of land large enough
to be farmed by one man is one dollar. If, however, he
is not paid in money, he may claim a game-cock, or two
94 SOCIAL LIFE
plates. As a gamecock or two plates cost about a quarter
of a dollar, it is dearer to pay for the vise of land with
money. Land disputes are very common among Dyaks.
As they often leave a particular district, and then return
again after many years, it is not surprising that complica-
tions arise.
Fruit-trees are owaicd by the people who plant them.
The different families m a Dj^ak house plant fruit-trees
near their part of the house. When they leave the spot
and build a new habitation elsewhere, they each still
claim ownership of the trees they planted. The rule with
regard to fruit-trees is that anyone may take the ripe
fruit that has fallen, but only the owner or someone
deputed by him may climb the tree. Banting Hill, where
I lived for some years, was covered with fruit-trees (durian),
and at night during the fruit season crowds of men and
boys would watch for the falling of the ripe fruit. They
would each have a torch made of the bark of some tree,
and they would sit and wait with the torch smouldering
by their side. As soon as a ripe durian fruit was heard to
fall, they would wave their torches in the air to make
them flare up into a flame, and they would rush to the spot,
and the person who found the fruit would take possession
of it.
Slavery exists among the Dyaks, but not to any great
extent. There are two classes of slaves — captives in war,
and slaves for debt.
The Sea Dyaks when on the warpath spare neither man,
women, nor children, but it occasionall}^ happens that
when they are able to do so, they carry little children back
with them as captives. There are not many slaves to be
met with among the Sea D^'aks, and these do not seem
to be hardly treated. The slaves are not distinguishable
SOCIAL LIFE 95
from their masters and mistresses, and they live all
together and fare precisely the same, very often eating the
same food at the same time from the same dish. In many
cases children who have been taken captive become so
endeared to their masters that they are adopted, and inter-
marry with the sons and daughters of the other inhabi-
tants of the village.
The ceremony of adoption is usually performed at a
great feast, so that the matter may be made as public as
possible. The owner of the slave announces to the
assembled guests that he has freed him and adopted him
as his brother. He then presents to him a spear, with
which he is told to slay the man who dares in future to call
him a slave.
The old Dyak law concerning debts was that if a man
borrowed paddy or rice from another, he must pay double
that amount at the next harvest. If therefore a debtor
bad a succession of bad harvests, his debt would become
so great that he could not ever hope to pay it off. If he
paid part of his debt, then the following year he would be
expected to pay double the amount still due. In process
of time his debt would become so great that he and his
family would have to become slaves in payment of it.
According to old Dyak laws people who were careless
enough to set a house on fire rendered themselves liable
to become the slaves of those who were burnt out. The
damage done by their carelessness would be too great for
them to compensate, so they would become slaves for debt.
Sir James Brooke made a law that after a certain
number of years all slaves for debt were to be set free,
so at present there are not any, except those who have
grown old in the service of their masters, and do not wish
for their freedom.
CHAPTER VII
CHILD-BIRTH AND CHILDREN
The Couvade amonn; the Dyaks — Harm to the child — Ways of
evading these restrictions — Punishment for vnolating these
restrictions — A Christian woman's ideas on the subject —
Witch doctors and their methods — The waving of a fowl — Treat-
ment of the mother and child — Infanticide — Bathing the child —
Ceremony for insuring happiness to the child — Naming the child —
Change of name — Children — Toys — Smallness of families —
Reason,
AS the Sea Dyaks look upon child-birth as a very
ordinary event, there are not many ceremonies
connected with it, though there are many rules
and restrictions which have to be observed by the
parents before the child is born.
The Couvade is in existence among the Sea Dyaks,
and there are many superstitions which impede and
harass those who are about to become parents.
When it is known that a woman is enceinte, the follow-
ing restrictions, binding on both husband and wife, come
into force, and have to be observed until the child has
cut its first teeth. The parents may not cut creepers
that hang over the water or over the path, lest the mother
should suffer from haemorrhage after dehvery. They
may not cut anything in the shape of cloth, cotton, etc.,
nor lay hold of the handle of a knife or chopper, nor bind
up anything into a parcel ; nor may they dam a stream
to set up a fish-trap, or plait the rattan for fixing the adze,
96
CHILD-BIRTH AND CHILDREN 97
They must under no circumstances tie up anything with
a string, or drive a nail into a board. Neither parent
may eat anything while in the act of walking. If the
neighbour in the next room should hand anything through
the small window in the partition wall, the hand that
receives it must not be passed through the window, so
as to be on the other side in the next room, but must be
kept on its own side of the wall. The man may not nail
up a wall or fasten together the planks of a boat. Nor
must he plant a post in the earth, nor dig a trench. Plait-
ing a basket or mat-work must not be done by the woman.
It is unfortunate if the cord of the water-gourd, used by
the women, break when carrying water, but in case of
such an accident, evil consequences may be averted if
the woman step astride over the gourd or other vessel
three times backwards and forwards. To do any of these
forbidden things would hinder the wife's parturition.
There are many prohibitions which, if disregarded by
the parents, would result in some harm to the child. They
must not pour out oil, lest the child should suffer from
inflammation of the ears ; or fix the sword (duku) in its
hilt, lest the child be deaf ; or break an egg, lest the child
be bhnd ; or plant a banana-tree, lest the head of the
child should be abnormally large ; or kill any animal,
lest the child be deformed or its nose bleed ; or scrape the
shell of a cocoanut, lest the child's hair should not grow.
It is also forbidden to eat anything in a mosquito curtain,
lest the child should be stiU-born ; to carry stones, lest the
child should be paralyzed ; to bend into a circle any piece
of wood, lest the child should not prosper.
There are a great many other matters of a similar
sort forbidden, but in the case of nearly all their re-
strictions, there are ways by which they can be circum •
7
98 CHILD-BIRTH AND CHILDREN
vented, and no evil effects follow. For instance, the
mother may do basket-work and make mats, provided
some other woman begin the work for her, and the man
may dig trenches or erect a hut provided the hands
of others are first laid to it. A man may not kill an
animal yet, if he does kill anything, and runs away and
then returns a few minutes afterwards, and makes some
remark hke this aloud, "I wonder who killed this animal ?"
he has nothing to fear.
These carious restrictions are more or less similar
among the different tribes. It is probable that they are
founded on some theory of sympathy. Man, woman,
and unborn or newborn babe are all hnked together by
some unseen bond, and, accordingly, the wrong action of
one may result in harm to the others.
The whole period of a woman's pregnancy is passed in
fear lest the spirits {antu) should do harm to her or her
unborn babe. If the mother has a bad dream or hears
a bird of ill omen, at once a fowl is sacrificed to propitiate
the spirits.
Should the husband wiHuUy violate any of the re-
strictions, the wife's relations immediately bring him to
justice, and, according to Dyak law, he has to pay a
fine.
Some years ago Bishop Hose, accompanied by a
missionary, visited Ginsurai, one of the villages in the
Saribas. The Christians there had built for themselves
a small chapel, where services were held. In the evening,
when the Dyaks were sitting together in the ruai of the
Dyak house talking to the Bishop and his companion,
the question arose as to whether the attending of pubUc
worship should be included among the many restrictions
imposed upon a pregnant woman. The wife of the headman
CHILD-BIRTH AND CHILDREN 99
in the house was a great invalid, and she gave her opinion
on the matter. " I think," she said, " a woman in that
state should be allowed to come to public worship. It
is just the time she needs it most. You men have so
much to engage your attention, and go out to your work.
I am an invahd, and am left at home ill. I often go by
myself into our little chapel and say the Lord's Prayer,
and I find it is a great consolation to me. A pregnant
woman, who is perhaps feeling iU and low-spirited, ought
to be allowed to join in pubhc prayers." Not so very
long after she spoke in this way this woman, Manja's
wife, died. Let us hope that there are many others in
Borneo who, Hke herself, have learnt to rely on a Higher
Power in time of need.
When the time of dehvery is near, and the woman is
in travail, two or three older women come in and attend
to her.
Should any difficulty occur in the delivery of the child
the manangs, or witch-doctors, are called in. One takes
charge of the proceedings in the lying-in room, while the
others remain outside in the ruai, or common veranda.
The manang inside the room winds a loop of cloth around
the woman above the womb. One of the manangs outside
wraps his body around in the same manner, but first
places within the folds of a cloth a large stone. A long
incantation is then sung by the manangs outside, while
the one within the room strives to force the child down-
ward, and so hasten delivery. If he succeed in doing
this, he draws down upon it the loop of cloth, and twists
it tightly around the mother's body, so as to prevent the
upward return of the child. A shout from him proclaims
his success to his companions outside, and the manang
who is personating the mother moves the loop of cloth
100 CHILD-BIRTH AND CHILDREN
which contains the stone and encircles his body a stage
downwards, in imitation of what has been done to the
mother in the room. So the matter proceeds until the
child is born, or until all concerned become assured of
the fruitlessness of their efforts.
Fortunately for Dyak mothers, difficulties of this sort
seldom occur. Dehvery is generally very easy. The
mother may often be seen sitting up with her back to
the fire haK an hour after her child is born, looking none
the worse for what she has gone through, and before a
week she will probably be back at her work as usual.
As soon as the child is born, a signal is given either
by beating a bamboo with a stick or by striking a brass
gong to announce the event. Then a fowl is waved
over the heads of all present, including the infant and
his mother. The fowl is killed and the blood smeared
on the foreheads of those present. It is afterwards
cooked and eaten by the parents of the child and any
friends that may be present.
The mother has a poultice of ground ginger placed on
her abdomen, and is bandaged and made to sit up with
her back to the fire, and she is given an unlimited amount
of ginger-tea to drink. Her poultice is changed once a
day. The infant is washed, and a compound of betel-nut
and pepper leaf, which has been chewed in the mouth,
is placed on its stomach, and a binder tied round it. It
is then made to he on the spathe of a betel-nut palm, a
cloth is put round it, and a Dyak sheet hung over it.
Until a civiUzed Government interfered to prevent
such atrocious murders, there used to be a custom among
the Dyaks that, if the mother died in giving birth to her
child, the babe should pay the penalty and be buried
Avith the mother. The reasons given by them for this
CHILD-BIRTH AND CHILDREN 101
cruel act being, that it was the cause of the mother's
death, and that there was no one to nurse and care for it.
No woman would dare to suckle such an orphan, lest it
should bring misfortune upon her own children. There-
fore the poor child was very often placed alive in the coffin
with the dead mother, and both were buried together.
This was the old Dyak custom, but it is a long time since
it has been carried out. I have myself known many cases
among the Dyaks when, the mother having died in child-
birth, the orphan has been adopted and brought up by
some friend or relative.
During the first three days the child receives its bath
in a wooden vessel in the house, but on the fourth day it
is taken to the river. Some ceremonies attend [its first
bath in the river. An old man of some standing, who
has been successful in all he has undertaken, is asked to
bathe the child. He wades into the river holding the
child in his arms. A fowl is killed on the bank, a wing
is cut off, and if the child be a boy, this wing is stuck upon
a spear, and if a girl, it is fixed to the shuttle used to pass
between the threads in weaving, and this is erected on
the bank, and the blood allowed to drop into the stream
as an offering to propitiate the spirits supposed to inhabit
the waters, and to insure that, at any rate, no accident
by water shall happen to the child. The remainder of
the fowl is taken back to the house, cooked and eaten.
At some period after the child's birth — it may be
within a few weeks, or it may be deferred for years — a
ceremony is gone through in which the gods are invoked
to grant the child health and wealth, and success in all
his undertakings. The ceremony is generally postponed
for some years if the parents are poor, in order to enable
them to save a Httle to pay for the entertainment of their
102 CHILD-BIRTH AND CHILDREN
friends and relations on the occasion. Where the parents
are better off, the ceremony is held a few weeks after the
birth of the child. Several witch-doctors are asked to
take part in this performance. A portion of the long
open veranda of the Dyak house is screened off by large,
hand-woven Dyak sheets (puah), and within these the
mother sits with her child in her arms. The medicine
men walk round and round, singing some incantation.
Generally there is a leader, who sings by himself for a
few minutes ; then he pauses, and turns round to his
followers, and they all sing in chorus. Then the leader
sings by himself again, and so on. They all walk round,
first turning their feet to the right and stamping on the
floor, then pausing a moment and turning their feet to
the left, still stamping. This ceremony begins in the
evening, and goes on for several hours. When it is over,
food is brought out to the assembled guests, and all par-
take of the provided feast.
The proceedings differ very much according to the
wealth and standing of the parents. Among the poor it
is a very quiet affair — two or three witch-doctors attend,
and only the near relatives of the child are present.
On the other hand, among those who are rich, this cere-
mony is made the occasion of holding a great feast, and
inviting people from all parts to attend. Pigs and fowls
are killed for food. Jars of tuak (a spirit obtained from
rice) are brought forth for the guests to drink, and all are
invited to rejoice with the parents.
The naming of the child is not made the occasion for
any ceremonies, and it is not unusual to meet children of
seven or eight years old who have not yet received a
name. They are known by some pet name, or are called
endun (little girl), or igat, or anggat (little boy).
A Dyak Girl Dressed in all her Finery to Attend a Feast
She has in her hair a comb decorated with silver filigree work. Round her neck is a necklace of
beads. The rings round her body are made of hoops of cane, round which little brass rings are
arranged close together so that none of the cane is visible. These hoops are worn next to the body
above the waist, and over the petticoat below. The silver coins fastened to this brass corset, and
worn as belts round it, are the silver coins of the country. The petticoat is a broad strip of clolh,
sewn together at the ends and having an opening at the top and bottom. It is fastened at the
waist with a piece of string.
CHILD-BIRTH AND CHILDREN 103
Even when a name is given to a child, it is often changed
for some reason or other. The Dyaks have a great ob-
jection to uttering the name of a dead person, so if the
namesake of a child dies, at once a new name is chosen.
Again, if a child is liable to frequent attacks of illness,
it is no uncommon thing for parents to change the name
two or three times in the course of a year. The reason
for this is that all sickness and death is supposed to be
caused by evil spirits, who are put off the scent by this
means. When they come to take the child's soul away,
they do not hear his old name uttered any more, and so
they conclude he no longer exists, and return without him !
The Dyaks are very fond of children, and treat them
very kindly. They rarely, if ever, punish them. The
children have a great deal of hberty, but are not often
unruly, disobedient, or disrespectful. They are, as a rule,
very fond of their parents, and when they grow older, do
as they are told from a desire to please them.
The girls Uke to help their mothers in the work of the
house, and become useful at an early age. The boys
also begin to work early, and are often seen accompanying
their fathers when they work on their farms. A boy is
very proud when he has succeeded in making his first
dug-out canoe, which he sometimes does at fifteen. He
can at this age join a party working in the jungle and
collecting gutta-percha, canes, and other jungle produce,
and he receives an equal share with the adult members
of the party. The boys generally bring back what money
they earn in this way, and give it to their parents.
Dyak children have not many toys. Little girls are
sometimes seen with rudely carved wooden doUs, and
little boys play with models of boats. The boys are fond
of spinning-tops, which they make for themselves.
104 CHILD-BIRTH AND CHILDREN
Though the Dyaks marry young, they do not have
large famihes. It is not often that one meets a family
of over three or four children, and I have only known
of one case where a woman had seven children. The
conditions are favourable, one would think, to a rapid
increase of population. They have plenty of good plain
food, and the chmate is healthy. There are none of
the principal checks to population mentioned by Malthus
among savage nations — starvation, disease, war, infanti-
cide, or immorality. What, then, is the cause of the
small number of births ? Climate and race may have
something to do with it, but I think the main cause of
it is the infertility of the women. This is no doubt brought
about by the hard work they do, and the heavy loads they
often carry. A Dyak woman sometimes spends the whole
day in the field, and carries home at night a heavy load,
often walking for several miles over hilly paths. In
addition to this, she has to pound the rice, a work which
strains every muscle of the body. I have often been told
by Dyak women that the hardest work they have to do
is this rice-pounding. This kind of hard labour begins
at an early age, and never ceases until the woman is too
old or too weak to work. Need we wonder, then, at the
limited number of her children ?
CHAPTER VIII
MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE
Up-country mission schools — Education — The Saribas Dyaks eager to
learn — School programme — What the boys were taught — Some
schoolboy reminiscences — A youthful Dyak manang — The story
of Buda — The opening of the Krian Mission and the Saribas
Mission.
IN this chapter I want to say something about the
little school of Dyak boys I had in the up-country
mission station in my charge. My school was a very
small one. The largest number of boarders I ever had
was sixteen. It would seem hardly necessary to devote
a whole chapter to it, but the up-country school is an
important factor for good, and deserves encouragement.
I should like to see more of these schools in different
parts of the country. I feel sure that it does a Dyak boy
a great deal of good to be a few years in one of these small
schools under the personal supervision of the missionary
in charge. Here he would do much manual work, just as
he would do in his own home, and he would at the same
time be taught moral truths as well as general knowledge.
When he returns to his Dyak home, he is sure to influence
his people for good. The object of education is to build
up character. The way to improve the Dyaks is not to
educate a certain number of them to earn their living
elsewhere, but to take some young people from the Dyak
village, improve them by implantmg in their minds right
105
106 MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE
ideas, and then send them back to live with their own
people the ordinary work-a-day life of the Dyak. I
agree with those who say that to place Dyak boys in one
of the larger schools in Kuching for any length of time
will make a return to their old surroundings distasteful
to them, and unfit them for the ordinary life and occupa-
tions of their people. And therefore I thmk that only
those who show a special aptitude to become teachers
should be sent on to the school at the capital to be taught
to read and write English. A certain number of clerks
are needed, but that number is very limited, and to pro-
duce a large number of Dyak clerks for whom there is not
sufficient work is surely a mistake. There are some who
advocate technical education for the Dyak. No doubt
he would with training make an excellent carpenter or
smith, but again he would find difficulty in getting work.
He would never be able to compete with the Chmese
artisan into whose hands all the skilled labour has
fallen.
The main object of my school m the jungle was to
teach Dyak boys for a few years, and then send them
back to their own people. Unfortunately, I had not the
means to carry this out to any great extent.
A few of my schoolboys, after being with me for some
time, were sent on to the larger school at Kuching to be
taught English. These were the boys who one hoped
would in after years become teachers and catechists.
There is so Uttle Dyak literature that it is necessary that
a person learn English so as to be able to educate himself
by reading English books. But the majority of my boys
stayed with me for two, three, or four years, and then
returned to their Dyak homes. In my school there was
manual work as well as lessons to do. They lived plainly,
MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE 107
cooking their own food and doing most of their own work.
They were cut away from all the superstitious customs of
their people, and received a certain amount of moral and
religious training. After three or four years of such school
life they were ready to return to their old surroundings,
taking with them the lessons they had learnt.
For the present, at any rate, there is no need for the
Dyak to take up new industries. What he wants is to be
taught to do the work he has to do more thoroughly, and
to be released from the bondage of superstition and the
constant fear of evil spirits in which he lives. The problem
of his future will work itself out by a natural process.
When the present sources of supply fail him, necessity
will force him to take up new industries.
My schoolboys came from different Dyak villages, but
the majority of them were boys from Saribas. The Dyaks
of that district are more anxious to improve themselves
than other Dyak races. The following incident will show
how keen they are to learn to read. A party of Saribas
Dyaks going on a gutta-hunting expedition asked for a
copy of the first Dyak reading-book, because one of them
could read, and thought he would teach the others in the
evenings when they were not at work. And this is
indeed what did happen, and when the party returned
most of them were able to read. The Saribas women are
just as keen as the men, and many of them have been
taught to read by some Dyak friend. I have myself
noticed, when holding services for the Christians in some
villages in Saribas, how many of those present were able
to use the Dyak Prayer-Book and follow the service and
read the responses.
A Dyak schoolmaster, who had taught in Banting for
many years, afterwards worked as the Government clerk
108 MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE
at Betong in Saribas. He told me that he was struck
by the number of Dyak men and women m Saribas
who could write, and how they often wrote letters to
their friends who were away, and received letters from
them.
The school programme for the day was as follows :
5.45 a.m. — The two boys whose turn it was to cook, and
the two boys whose turn it was to sweep out the school-
room and the lower room of the Mission House, would get
up and begin their duties.
6.30 a.m. — A gong would be struck telling the boys
to come to breakfast. They would all go to the kitchen
and have their meal, consisting of rice with a little salt
fish or vegetables.
7 a.m. — The boys would be told what manual work
they had to do : either they would weed the paths, or cut
the grass, or work at their different vegetable gardens.
Sometimes the}" would go out into the jungle to get fire-
wood. At Temudok, where the soil was good, the school-
boys had excellent vegetable gardens.
8.30 a.m. — A gong would be struck to let them know
they were to stop working and have a bath, after which,
at 8.45 a.m., there would be a short service.
9-11 a.m. — Morning school.
12 noon. — Midday meal.
2-4 p.m. — Afternoon school.
5 ji.m. — Evensong, to which some of the Dyaks from the
village would come.
6 p.m. — Evening meal.
7-8 p.m. — Preparation for next day's lessons.
9 p.m,. — Two or three short praj^ers and one verse of a
children's evening hymn, after which the boys would go
to bed.
MY SCHOOL m THE JUNGLE 109
On Saturdays there was no school. The boys did their
washing on that day, and often went into the jungle for
firewood, but they had most of the day for play.
The children were taught to read and write Dyak, and a
little arithmetic. They were also taught the elements of
the Christian religion. They were always encouraged to
ask the schoolmaster or myself any questions they liked.
I have learned from conversations I had with my boys
what were the special points in Christianity that needed
explanation to Dyaks. Living with me as thej'^ did, I got
to know my boys very well, and through them I learnt
to know their parents and friends. They did not have
many lessons to learn ; there was plenty of time for play
and work. It was not so much what they learnt from
books that did the boys good, as their being separated for
a time from the customs and superstitions of the Dyaks.
We have had many instances of families becoming
Christian through some children of theirs coming to
school.
Most of the boys in the school were Christians, but all,
whether Christians or not, attended the services and were
taught about God. Some of the bigger heathen boys,
after being in the school some time, have asked to be
baptized.
The following schoolboy reminiscences may be of in-
terest to my readers : — •
When I was visiting the different villages in the
Saribas River and teaching the people in the evening in
the public hall of the Dyak house, very often some boys
would say they would like to jom my school. Then I
would speak to their parents, and if they agreed to it these
boys would go back with me on my return to the Mission
House and attend my school.
no MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE
I must relate an incident which occurred when I was
stationed at Temudok on the Krian River. I paid my
usual quarterly visit to Saribas, and when I was at
Stambak a boy named Usat, about twelve years old, said
he would like to attend my school. In the evening, when
we were seated on mats in the public part of the house,
the headman, who was a great warrior, and had a very
gruff manner, said to me : —
" I hear you are thinking of taking Usat to your school.
His brother is here, but he is a fool and cannot speak, so I
will speak for him. I should not advise you to take Usat.
He is a bad boy, and never obeys his elders. Why, one
day he took a knife and wanted to attack me ! Of course,
if you wish to take a boy of that kind with you, you can,
but I have warned you."
Usat was himself present and heard all this, but said
nothing. I said to him : "If you come with me to
school you must do what you are told ; I don't want dis-
obedient boys." He made no reply.
Later on in the evening, when I was returning to my
boat, I heard a pattering of feet behind me on the log
which formed the path. Turning round, I saw it was
Usat, who had followed me, and wanted to say something
to me.
" If you take me with you," he said, " I will do as I am
told."
I liked his looks, as he seemed bright and intelligent,
so I told him I would call for him in about ten days'
time, when I had visited the other Saribas villages, and
was on my way back to Temudok, and if his parents
consented to his going to school, he could accompany
me.
He was waiting for me on my return from up-river, and
MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE 111
I took him in my boat to Temudok, where he soon made
friends with the other boys. He was full of fun and
mischief, but very frank and open, and we all liked him
very much.
After he had been with me about three weeks, four
Dyaks came overland from Stambak. They said they
had been sent by Usat's parents and friends, who felt
certain that the boy must have given a great deal of
trouble, and that I was anxious to get rid of him, and so
they had come to fetch him home. I told them the boy
was happy enough, and that I did not want to send him
back, so they returned without him. I do not know
what they said about the boy, but, anyhow, he was
allowed to stay at my school for over two years, when
his parents wished him to return to help them in their
work.
A little boy from Seblak, a branch of the Krian River,
came to me at Temudok, and asked to be admitted into
my school. There were no Christians in the village where he
lived, but his brother, who was in the Government employ
at Kabong as a fortman, had heard of my school. Belawan
was not a particularly sharp boy, but he was very strong
for his age and a very good wrestler. Nothing gave him
greater pleasure than to wrestle and beat a boy older
than himself. He stayed at my school a little over two
years. I have never done any missionary work on the
Seblak River, but I am glad Belawan came to my school,
because I learnt from him what absurd ideas the people
at Seblak had of the missionary and the Mission House.
One thing he said was that there was a general idea
among some of the people that I had a roomful of antu
(evil spirits) in the Mission House, and he said that was
one reason why for a long time he hesitated about joining
112 MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE
the school at Temudok ! Seblak is rather out of the
usual beat, and the Dyaks there do not come into contact
with missionaries, and I was not at all surprised that the
people of that district should have absurd ideas. I hope
later on, when missionary work is begun in Seblak, the
fact that Belawan stayed for two years in my house will
have helped to pave the way for a kind reception of the
missionary.
I was once returning to Temudok from a visit to the
Saribas River, and as usual had in my boat a few Dyak
schoolboys who had been on a visit to their friends at
Saribas. We had had a tiring day, and my boat got to
Kabong — the mouth of the Krian River — at about 7 p.m.
The boatmen had not had their evening meal, and every-
body was tired and hungry. I was going to spend the
night at the Fort, so the men and boys carried from the
boat such things as I might require. When everything
I needed had been brought to the Fort, one of the school-
boys, Saran, said to me : —
" There is a Malay boy on the beach who says he would
like to fight me. If you give me leave, I should be glad
to fight him."
" What do you want to fight for at this hour ?" I said.
" You are all tired and hungry. The best thing for you to
do is to have your dinner."
" The Malay boy was very cheek}^" Saran went on to
say ; " he shook his fist at me, and said I was afraid of him.
I should like to give him a thrashing."
"Very well," I said; "go and fight him if you like,
but don't come back whining to me and say you are
hurt."
About half an hour afterwards Saran returned very
pleased with himself. It seems that when the Malay boy
MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE 113
saw Saran meant business, he took to his heels, and my
schoolboy had the pleasure of chasing him to the
Malay village. Though he did not have his fight, he
had the pleasure of feeling he had defeated the enemy.
I mention this little incident to show how very much
like other boys the Dyaks are, and how my schoolboy
was ready for a fight even though he was tired and
hungry.
When stationed at Temudok, I used to visit the Chris-
tians on the Budu River — a branch of the Krian River —
and I had there a httle native-built hut, where I used to
live for a week or so. The boys and girls there were very
anxious to learn, so I got some slates for them. In the
evenings there used to be about a dozen boys and girls in
my room learning to read and write. It was amusing to
see what they did when they wanted a slate pencil. They
would go to the shingly bed of the river a few yards away,
and pick up a long thin bit of slate, and rub it against
some other stone till it was the right shape to be used a
a pencil.
One day I went with my Catechist, Tujoh, and two
schoolboys, who had accompanied me from my Mission
School at Temudok, overland to a long Dyak house
higher up the Budu River. A boy about fourteen years
old was pointed out to me there, and I was told that he
was a manang, or witch-doctor. I had never seen any-
body as young as that acting as a manang, and knowing
what a great deal of deceit is practised by the Dyak
witch-doctor, there was to me something very sad in the
thought of this young boy doing such work. I was also
curious to know what led him to become a manang, so
I spoke to him, and told him that if he cared to pay a
visit to Temudok, or to come to school there, he would be
114 MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE
welcome. After some little discussion, his parents
allowed him to come with me on a visit, and later on the
boy, whose name was Ambu, was allowed to attend my
school. I found out from him that he understood very
little of the doings of the witch-doctors. There were very
few manangs near his village, and there was a difficulty
in getting more than two or three to take part in their
ceremonies over the sick, so Ambu was persuaded to join
them and walk round when incantations were made.
While the other Dyak doctors were well paid, Ambu
received some trifle for his part in the proceedings. Ambu
stayed with me nearly a year, and then returned to his
people. I had a long talk with liim before he went back
about the work of the matiaiigs. I said that my advice
to him was not to have anything to do with their cere-
monies for the next few years. If, when he was old
enough to judge for himself, he still wished to be a
manang, he could do so, but in the meantime he had better
follow the advice of one who was older than himself, and
knew something of the deceit of the manangs. I lost
sight of Ambu soon after his return to his people, because
the house was broken up, and the inmates moved to some
distant part.
I conclude this rambling chapter with the romantic
but true story of how one of the most influential native
Catechists became a Christian through seeing the mis-
sionary teaching some boys in an up-country IVIission
School.
Buda was the youngest of the warrior sons of the old
Orang Kaya Pemancha, the famous pirate and war-
leader of the Saribas Dj'^aks in the old lawless days.
One of his brothers, Haji, was killed fighting against the
Government forces sent to punish the rebels and restore
MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE 115
order in the Saribas. Loiyo and Nanang, two other
brothers, were at one time followers of Rentap, who held
out so long against the Sarawak Government, and made
Sadok Mountain, between the Saribas and the Skrang
Rivers, his headquarters. The Dyaks often relate with
keen interest the story of those ancient days when
Rentap's stronghold, high up on Sadok Mountain, with
precipitous approaches on every side, was considered
impregnable. Many an expedition did the Government
lead against Rentap, but to no purpose. Rentap, who
was called by his followers the " Inland Rajah," and was
the leader of the opposition to the rule of the Rajah of
Sarawak, was supported by a large force of disaffected
Saribas and Skrang Dyaks, and was not to be easily
beaten.
In 1861, however, Rentap was losing his popularity,
and a great many of his followers had deserted him. They
could not endure the violence and wiKulness of their
leader, and they saw that the Dyaks who had submitted
to Rajah Brooke's Government were happy and flourish-
ing. Moreover, Rentap had offended their Dyak pre-
judices. He had discarded his old wife, and married one
of the girls he had taken captive, and called her " the
Ranee of Sadok." This was contrary to aU Dyak custom,
and was greatly resented by his followers. In that year
Loiyo and Nanang, two of Rentap's leading warriors,
and their adherents, made their submission to Rajah
Brooke. They had to give security to the amount of
forty valuable jars (worth about £500), which were to be
retained for three years, and then returned to their owners
should they remain loyal.
The next expedition led by the Government succeeded
in defeating Rentap. When he found that his stronghold
116 MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE
was no longer tenable, he fled with such of his followers
as were able, down the opposite side of the mountain.
Deserted by most of his followers, he retired to the
Entabai branch of the Kanowit River, and died there some
years after.
Buda and his brother Unting, the two other sons of
the Orang Kaya Pemancha, did their share of fighting
during these troubled times, and took part in many a
bold deed, to the annoyance of the Government. Unting
married and settled at Saribas, and I knew him well.
Buda married into a family at Sebetan, and made his
home there.
I have told the history of Buda and his brothers in
order to give some idea of the kind of reputation his
family had among the Dyaks. At the time of Buda's
visit to Banting, the Rev. W. R. Mesney (afterwards
Archdeacon of Sarawak) was living at Banting with the
Rev. Walter Chambers, who became afterwards Bishop of
Labuan and Sarawak. Let me give the account of what
happened in i\Ir. Mesney's own words : —
" Buda had started from his home to visit different
places — helelang, as the Dyaks call it. He had with him
a couple of favourite fighting-cocks, and these he matched
against the cocks of the houses he came to in his wander-
ings. In this way he came down the Batang Lupar, and
reached Banting, where he knew that a distant connection
of his family hved, and for that house he shaped his
course. He made himself known to these friends, who
welcomed him, and were proud of a visit from the son of
the Orang Kaya Pemancha. He put his fighting-cocks
into one of the kurongs (baskets) under the lantai (flooring)
of the house, and made his pets safe, and then, as it was
just the time for the women to begin their rice-pounding,
MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE 117
he dressed himself up, and marched off, and found his
way up the hill to the Mission House.
" I was just then there alone. Mr. Chambers was gone
to visit some of the out-stations on the Batang Lupar.
I was teaching half a dozen small fry at the table, which
stood in what corresponded to the veranda in the old
Mission House at Banting. I was not paying any atten-
tion to the door, nor troubling about who came in, as at
that time of the day many young fellows, who were on
the hill for any purpose, were in the habit of coming in
and watching the boys learning. I was busy with a couple
of the youngsters, when I noticed the others all press up
close together, and begin whispering and signalling as
Dyaks can, and showing unmistakable signs of uneasi-
ness. When I saw this, I looked up to see the cause of
it, and there, standing by one of the posts of the house,
was a strange man, very unlike a Balau in dress and
appearance, with his hand on the handle of his Hang
(sword) ; in fact, behaving in quite a different way to the
ordinary Dyak visitor. The boys did not like his manner
at all, I could see, and I heard them whisper " munsoh "
(enemy) to each other.
" I asked the man to sit down, but this he decHned to
do, for he continued standing there with his eyes fixed on
us and his hand on the handle of his sword, from the
sheath of which a large bunch of charms was suspended.
I kept my eye on the man, and at the same time went on
teaching. He continued to watch us for some minutes,
and the boys got more and more uncomfortable. When
at last the man actually came up to the table and picked
up a piece of paper, I thought the boys would have all
bolted. However, after looking at the paper for a few
minutes, he made some remark, and I again asked him
118 MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE
to sit down. This time he did what I asked him to do,
and sat down on the floor just where he had been standing.
I asked him the usual questions, " Ari ni nuan?'' (" From
where have you come ?") and so on. He soon made some
remark about the paper he had picked up, and we talked
to each other. In the midst of our conversation, he
suddenly got up and went to the door, where he proceeded
to take off his sword and the great bunch of charms that
he was wearing at his waist, and placed them very care-
fully down on the floor just outside the door, as he could
not find anything to hang them up to. He came back,
and this time took his seat on the form at the table. I
went on for a short time longer teaching the boys, and
then began talking to my visitor. He was very much
interested, and said that he should hke to hear more ;
might he come again when the boys were being taught ?
After he had gone, I heard who he was, and what he had
come to Banting for.
" The next day he made his appearance again, and sat
and hstened while the boys had their lesson. The reading
was the attraction to him, and he said that he would Kke
to be able to read ; might he stay at Banting, and come up
to the Mission House for lessons ? And so it came about
that when Mr. Chambers returned, he walked into the
Mission House, and found me with the redoubtable Buda,
seated and quietly learning his ABC! Mr. Chambers,
of course, knew the man well by reputation, and he took
me aside, and asked me if I knew his character, and
what he had done in the past. I could only say that I
had gathered from the behaviour of other people that he was
well-known, but that I had had no cause to complain of his
behaviour during the few days he had been at Banting
and coming to the Mission House. When Mr. Chambers
MY SCHOOL IN THE JUNGLE 119
found the man was amenable, he was glad to have him
at Banting, and Buda devoted himself to learning, and
was quite a pattern scholar."
From this account it will be seen that Buda was first
induced to take lessons by seeing Dyak boys being taught
at an up-country Mission School. After a short stay
in Banting he went back to his home, but returned to
Banting again for more instruction. He was baptized, and
afterwards worked as Catechist. He accompanied Mr.
Chambers to his home in Sebetan, where he had already
taught many of the Dyaks, and thus the Krian and Sebetan
Mission was started. For many years Buda worked as
Catechist at Sebetan under Mr. Perham, afterwards
Archdeacon of Singapore.
When returning from one of his visits to Sebetan,
Mr. Chambers persuaded Buda to come back to Banting
and bring his wife and child with him, so that she might
get more instruction. While at Banting on that occasion,
Buda proposed to Mr. Mesney that he should go with
him to the Saribas, and see whether they could not
influence some of his relatives there in the Gospel message.
Mr. Chambers hesitated for some time, because the
Balaus of Banting distrusted the Saribas Dyaks, who
used to be their enemies. But at last he said that, if
Mr. Mesney was bold enough to visit the Saribas Dyaks,
and could get men to accompany him, he might do so.
There was some difficulty in getting the men, but this was
overcome, and Mr. Mesney, accompanied by Buda and
some Banting Dyaks, paid a visit to Saribas. That was
the beginning of the Saribas Mission, which at the present
time is the most successful and encouraging of all the
missions in Sarawak.
CHAPTER IX
MARRIAGE
Courtship — Discussion where the married couple are to live — The
fetching of the bride — The wedding ceremony — Mlah Pinang —
Visit of bride to her mother-in-law — Bride's dress — Bridegroom
—Old bachelors among the Dyaks— Age of marriage— Monogamy
— Prohibitive degrees — Dyak view of marriage — Conjugal affec-
tion— Mischief -making mothers-in-law — Separation and recon-
ciliation— Divorce — Adultery.
THE mode of courtship among the Dyaks is peculiar.
No courting goes on by day, but at night, when all
is quiet, a young lover creeps to the side of the
curtain of his lady-love, and awakes her. The girls sleep
apart from their parents — sometimes in the same room,
but more often in the loft. He presents her with a roll
of sireh leaf, in which is wrapped the betel-nut ingre-
dients the Dyaks love to chew.
If, when awakened, the girl accepts the betel-nut roll
which the young man presents her, and puts it in her
mouth, it is a sign that his visit is acceptable, and that
he may stay and speak to her. If, on the other hand,
she says, " Please blow up the fire," or " Be good enough to
light the lamp " (which is usually a bamboo fiUed with
resin), it shows that she will have nothing to say to
him, and he recognizes the usual form of dismissal and
goes away.
If the lover's visit be acceptable to her, they chew
120
MARRIAGE 121
sireh and betel-nut, a plentiful supply of which the man
brings with him, and make arrangements about the
future.
This nocturnal visiting goes on for some v/eeks. If the
parents of the girl think the match a suitable one, the
young people are permitted to see each other very often.
On the other hand, if the young man does not find favour
with them, they soon let him know that his visits are not
desired. They do not allow their daughter to see him
alone, and the matter goes no farther.
This nightly courtship is, in fact, the only way a man
and woman can become acquainted with each other, for
such a thing as privacy during the day is quite unknown
in a Dyak house. If the girl be pleased with her lover,
he remains with her until close upon daybreak, when he
leaves with her some article as a pledge of his honour,
such as a bead necklace, or ring, or a headkerchief, or
anything else which he may have about him. This act
of leaving some gift with the girl is considered as a
betrothal between the two parties, and the man who
refuses to marry the girl after doing so is considered
guilty of breach of promise of marriage, and Uable, accord-
ing to Dyak law, to a fine.
I have often spoken to older Dyaks about the matter,
and have been told by them that these nocturnal visits
very seldom result in immorahty. The girl who is not
careful how she behaves very soon gets a bad name among
the young men, and all her chances of securing a husband
are lost. And it is a fact that, considering the population,
there are not many illegitimate children among the
Dyaks.
When the young couple have decided the question of
the future to their mutual satisfaction, the next step in
122 MARRIAGE
the proceedings is for the man to make known his wishes
to his own parents, and then a visit is paid by the man's
relatives and friends to the girl's parents to request
formally the hand of their daughter in marriage. This
consent is seldom refused, because as a rule the parents
of the girl approve of her choice, or they would not have
allowed her to receive visits from the man.
There is a great deal of discussion, sometimes lasting
for days, as to where the married couple are to Uve after
the wedding ceremony. The wife does not always leave
her home to go and live with her husband. As often as
not the man takes up his abode in the house of his wife's
relations. Many matters are taken into consideration in
deciding where they are to live. If the daughter be an
only child, her parents generally make it a condition of
marriage, that the son-in-law should come and live with
them, and work for them, but where the girl has many
brothers and sisters, and the man has not, she is allowed
to go and live in his house. Then, again, the question of
social standing comes in, and if a girl marries beneath
her she refuses to go to the house of her husband, and
expects him to come to her.
When everything has been satisfactorily arranged, and
the consent of the girl's parents has been obtained, a day
is fixed for the marriage ceremony.
The day before the wedding is spent by the bridegroom
in obtaining a plentiful supply of betel-nut, sireJi leaf
(a species of pepper) lime, gambler, etc. — all necessary
concomitants for the guests to chew during the pro-
ceedings connected with the marriage ceremony.
The wedding may take place either at the house of the
bride, or else at that of the bridegroom. Generally it is
held in the house in which the newly married couple do
MARRIAGE 123
not intend to reside ; that is, if it be decided that tne
newly married wife should settle in her husband's house,
then the wedding will take place at her home. If, on the
other hand, the relatives decide that the husband is to
live in the home of his wife, then the wedding takes place
at the house of his parents.
The principal part of the ceremony among the Sea
Dyaks is the fetching of the bride from her father's to
the bridegroom's house. The women-folk of his village
set out in a boat, gaily decorated with an awning of parti-
coloured sheets, and with streamers and flags flying, to
an accompaniment of gongs and drums, and musical
instruments, to fetch the bride to her future husband's
house.
When the other party arrive at the landing-stage of
the house at which the wedding is to take place, they
walk up to the house — a gaily-dressed crowd — and sit
down in the open veranda, to talk over the future prospects
of the young couple, chewing betel-nut and sir eh all the
time. A portion of these chewing ingredients are care-
fully set aside to be used later on. The Byak, with his
great love for divination, cannot allow such an occasion
to pass without making some attempt to penetrate into
the secrets of the future.
The company sit down in the long common room of
the Dyak house, and then are brought forward the betel-
nut, sir eh, etc., specially set aside for the ceremony. A
betel-nut is split into seven pieces by a man supposed to
be lucky in matrimonial matters, and these, together with
the other ingredients of the betel-nut mixture, are all
put in a little basket, which is bound together with red
cloth and laid for a short time upon the open platform
adjoining the house.
124 MARRIAGE
The master of the ceremonies, who splits the betel-nut,
generally an older man of some standing, then makes to
the assembled guests the declaration that if either party
should desert the other without sufficient reason, the
offending party shall be fined to such an amount as has
been already agreed upon.
The basket containing the split pieces of betel-nut is
then brought in and uncovered, and the contents exam-
ined to ascertain the will of the gods. Should the pieces
of betel-nut by some mystic power increase in number,
the marriage will be an unusually happy one ; but should
they decrease it is a bad omen, and the marriage must
be postponed, or relinquished altogether. But as a
matter of fact, they neither increase nor decrease, and
this is interpreted to mean that the wedding is one upon
which the spirits have pronounced neither a good nor a
bad verdict.
This action gives the name to the marriage ceremony.
The Dyaks call marriage Mlah Pinang — " splitting the
betel-nut."
The contents of the little basket used to discover the
will of the higher powers are chewed just as other pinang
and sir eh, and the marriage ceremony is over ; the young
couple are lawfully man and wife.
The married couple stay for three days in the house
which is to be their future home. On the fourth day a
visit is paid, lasting for three days, to the family with
whom the alliance has been made. Then the young
couple return to settle down in their new home.
On the occasion of the first visit of the bride to the
house of her husband, she must not enter her mother-in-
law's room, but must be led in either by that much
dreaded relative herself, or by some woman deputed by
MARRIAGE 125
her to perform that office. The bride, therefore, goes into
the room of some female friend living in the house, and
there awaits the coming of her mother-in-law ; the husband
meanwhile sits down on a mat in the open veranda
outside his mother's room.
The lady, having ascertained the whereabouts of her
daughter-m-law, goes and fetches her, and brings her
into the room. She bids her sit down on a mat spread
for the purpose. Then she goes out to her son in the
veranda, and leads him in, and tells him to sit by his
wife's side. When they are seated side by side, the
mother waves a live fowl over her son and daughter-in-
law with a hastily muttered invocation for future health
and prosperity.
The respect that Dyaks are required to pay to the
father-in-law and mother-in-law is far greater than they
have to pay to their own parents.
It is considered a terrible crime for a man to mention
the names of his wife's parents, and he dare not disobey
their commands. A young man marrying an only child
and living with her parents has generally a hard time of
it, because he has to give way in everything to the wishes
of his wife's parents. In the same way a girl who marries
an only son, and lives with his parents, has often an
unhappy time, being continually ordered about and
scolded by her mother-m-law. I have known cases where
husband and wife have separated simply because the
mother-in-law has made the life of the wife unbear-
able.
For the wedding, and for the subsequent visit which
the bride pays to her husband's home, she decks herself
out in all the finery she possesses or can borrow from her
friends. Her wedding-dress consists of a short petticoat
126 MARRIAGE
of Dyak woven cloth which reaches to her knees. Along
the bottom edge of this there are sewed several rows of
tinsel and of silver coins, below which probably hang some
rows of hawk-bells, which make a tinkling sound as she
moves. Round her waist are several coils of brass or
silver chain, and two or three belts made of dollars or
other silver coins linked together.
From her hips upwards, as far as her armpits, she wears
a corset formed by threading upon split cane a great
number of small brass rings, arranged so closely together
as completely to hide the cane. To this corset may be
fixed two or three bands of silver coins. Her armlets of
brass or silver extend as far up as her elbow. As many
rings as she possesses are on her fingers, and she wears
necklaces of small beads, worked in very beautiful
patterns, and finished off with a tassel of beads, or else a
large number of big silver or brass buttons strung to-
gether round her neck. Her ears are decorated with
filigreed studs of silver gilt, with a setting of scarlet cloth
behind the filigree work to show them off.
In her hair is a towering comb of sUver filigree work,
to which are attached a number of silver spangles, which
glitter with every movement of her head. She wears her
hair m a knot into which are stuck a number of large brass
hair-pins decorated with beads and little tags of red and
yellow and white cloth. She possesses a bright-coloured
jacket of Dyak woven cloth ; but she does not wear it ;
it is slung over her right shoulder.
After this detailed description of the bride's dress, it is
disappointmg to learn that the bridegroom takes no
special pains to ornament his person. The men wear a
great deal of finery when they attend a feast, or when
they go out on the warpath, but on the occasion of his
MARRIAGE 127
wedding the bridegroom takes no extra trouble about his
apparel.
I have been present at a Dyak wedding more than once,
and what struck me most was the perfunctory manner in
which everything was done. No one seemed to listen
much to what the Master of Ceremonies had to say ; all
sat round talking and laughing as the mood suited them.
The examining of the basket containing the pieces of split
betel-nut was not awaited with any anxiety. Everything
seemed to be done because it was the custom , and for no
other reason.
Nearly every Sea Dyak is married, and it is very
unusual to meet a bachelor above the age of twenty-five.
The exception to this is among the Skrang Dyaks, among
whom one often sees an unmarried man over forty years
of age. The expression Bujang Skrang — " a Skrang
bachelor " — means an old bachelor.
A man rarely marries a woman who has an illegitimate
child. But children are very much desired, and the
Dyaks have a great horror of being childless. Intercourse
often takes place between those who have been betrothed,
but not formally married, simply to ascertain if the
marriage will be fruitful. At the first signs of the desired
result the marriage ceremony takes place.
Both sexes marry at an early age. The young men
marry when about eighteen to twenty years of age, and
the girls at sixteen or seventeen, though sometimes
marriage is postponed till later. They frequently separate
by mutual consent, and nothing is thought of it if the
couple be chUdless ; but it is very seldom that anything of
the kind occurs if there are children.
Among the Dyaks no man has more than one wife.
Polygamy is considered very displeasing to the gods, and
128 MARRIAGE
if a man does take to himself two wives, the other people
of the village compel him to give one up, and sacrifices
are offered to the gods and spirits to avert any evil effects
upon the community for the crime.
The Dyaks are very particular as to their prohibitive
degrees, and are opposed to the marriage of relatives.
The prohibitive degrees are much the same as among
Christians.
The Dyak men view marriage as an arrangement for
the mutual convenience of both parties in order to obtain
children. Though there is often a great deal of love
between husband and wife, still, when the marriage is
childless, the Dyak idea is that the proper thing to do is
to separate. I have known many childless couples who
have continued to live together, and have perhaps
adopted a child ; but they have done so in spite of all that
has been said to them and in opposition to the wishes of
their friends. I have often heard Dj^^aks say : " When
you plant a fruit-tree you expect it to bear fruit, and when
you marry j^ou expect your wife to bear children."
The Dyak women generally regard marriage as a means
of obtaining a man to work for them. A woman will often
separate from her husband simply because he is lazy,
and will not do his fair share of the work. There is a
certain division of labour among Dyaks, and there are
some kinds of work which it is usual for the man to do,
and other work which falls to the share of the woman.
It is no unusual thing to hear a woman who wishes to be
divorced from a lazy husband say : " I married because
I wanted a man to work for me ; but if I have to do the
man's work as well as my own, as I have to with a husband
like mine, I might just as well be unmarried."
It must not be supposed from what has been said that
MARRIAGE 129
conjugal affection is rare among the Dyaks. On the con-
trary, a great deal of it exists, and the men very often
love their wives and think a great deal of their opinion.
They will not decide upon any important course of action
without consulting them. Where there are children, the
husbands very often help their wives in doing more than
their share of the man's work, and I have often seen the
men nursing and fondling their naked babies when the
mothers were busy.
Dyaks who have come in contact with civilization, and
who have been to school themselves, see the advantages
of being educated, and I know of a Dyak in Saribas who
married a young wife and sent her to the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts Girls' School in
the capital of Sarawak (Kuching) for two years to be taught
before she came to live with him in his Dyak home.
As has been mentioned before, the parents of a woman
often tyrannize over a son-in-law who takes up his
abode with them. If the woman herself side with her
parents, it is often very unpleasant for the husband. I
remember talking over this matter with some Dyaks at
Sebetan, and telling them that I thought, as a general
rule, it was better for husband and wife to settle between
themselves any differences they might have, without
interference from others, and I mentioned certain cases
of divorce which, I said, I felt sure would not have come
about except for the interference of the mothers-in-law,
who behaved foolishly and caused mischief. Then I
turned round to one of the men present, and said : —
" You have lived for many years with your wife's
relatives, and you seem to be happy enough. You are
one of the few who have had no differences with the
relatives of their wives, and live happily in spite of
9
130 MARRIAGE
your mother-in-law's presence in your house. Is it
not so ?"
" Yes," he said, " we do get on very well now, but it was
not always so. When I was first married, her parents
were always taking her side against me, and the result
was that I was ordered about so much, and found fault
with so often, that I was beginning to get sick of it.
However, matters soon came to a climax. One day my
wife was pounding paddy, and, turning to me, she said :
' This lesong (wooden mortar) is not a nice one ; will you
make me another ?" I said I would, and I went to the
jungle, cut down a tree, and made a new wooden mortar,
and carried it home. She did not like it. It was, in her
opinion, no better than the other."
(I may mention here that the Dyak women like a
mortar that makes a great deal of noise when paddy is
pounded in it to rid it of the husk. Probably the only
fault to be found with the mortar was that it did
not make enough noise when in use to satisfy his
wife.)
" I was told," the man continued, " to make another
lesong for my wife. This I obediently did, but I did not
succeed in pleasing her with my second attempt any
better than I did with my first. I was told to go into
the jungle and make her a third mortar. This I refused
to do. I said that evidently I could not make a wooden
mortar to her satisfaction, and the best thmg to do was
for us to get someone else to make one, and pay him for it.
She was very angry at my refusal, and said that when she
married she did not expect to have to buy things which
other husbands made for their wives.
"In all this," he said, " my wife was backed up by
her mother, who, in many ways, had been making mis-
-^other-in-law returned to her house, and a few
jS after she and my wife came to fetch me. I went
back with them, and ever since I have had no serious
trouble either with my wife or mother-in-law."
I have already said that until children are born a
Dyak husband and wife often separate from each other
for very trivial reasons. After the birth of children there
is seldom a divorce except for adultery, and even then
very often the friends and relatives try hard — sometimes
successfully — ^to persuade the husband and wife to live
together again for the sake of the children. This lax view
that Dyaks have of the marriage tie causes them very often
to marry without any serious consideration. Where
divorce is easy it naturally follows that marriage ceases
to be a serious matter, which ought not to be " taken in
not make enough noise when in use to s.
wife.)
" I was told," the man continued, " to make another
lesong for my wife. This I obediently did, but I did not
succeed in pleasing her with my second attempt any
better than I did with my first. I was told to go into
the jungle and make her a third mortar. This I refused
to do. I said that evidently I could not make a wooden
mortar to her satisfaction, and the best thing to do was
for us to get someone else to make one, and pay him for it.
She was very angry at my refusal, and said that when she
married she did not expect to have to buy things which
other husbands made for their wives.
" In all this," he said, " my wife was backed up by
her mother, who, in many ways, had been making mis-
MARRIAGE 131
chief, and was often criticizing my work. I said little,
but when she called me the ' dead body of a man ' (bangkai
orang) it was more than I could stand, and when she
went on to say that I might just as well return to my
people if I was not going to work, I packed up my clothes
and returned to my parents.
" After a few days my mother-in-law came to the house
of my parents to ask me to return with her. I refused to
do so, because, I said, I was not sure what sort of recep-
tion I should get from my wife. She said that she had
been sent by my wife, and that I need not fear that there
would be any unpleasantness. Still I refused to return,
and I told my mother-in-law that I would not return
unless my wife came herseK to ask me."
(I may remark that it is a very unusual thing for a man
to speak in this way to his mother-in-law. She is treated
with so much respect that it is very seldom a Dyak dares
to oppose her wishes.)
" My mother-in-law returned to her house, and a few
days after she and my wife came to fetch me. I went
back with them, and ever smce I have had no serious
trouble either with my wife or mother-in-law."
I have already said that until children are born a
Dyak husband and wife often separate from each other
for very trivial reasons. After the birth of children there
is seldom a divorce except for adultery, and even then
very often the friends and relatives try hard — sometimes
successfully — to persuade the husband and wife to live
together again for the sake of the children. This lax view
that Dyaks have of the marriage tie causes them very often
to marry without any serious consideration. Where
divorce is easy it naturally follows that marriage ceases
to be a serious matter, which ought not to be " taken in
182 MARRIAGE
hand unadvisedly, lightly, or wantonly," as the marriage
service has it.
I remember one day holding a service at a little chapel
in a village in Saribas, and giving an address on marriage,
and trying to explain to my small congregation of Dyaks
the Christian view of it. I said that marriage ought to
be a life-long tie, that the Dyak custom of husband and
wife separating for any trivial cause was a bad one, and that
Christians, when married, should live together " for
better for worse " till death parted them. An old Dyak
present interrupted me by asking : " What if one of them
commits adultery ?"
I went on to say that adultery was the only reason
which Christ said justified a divorce.
I mention this little incident because I think it shows
in an indirect way that deep down in the Dyak heart there
is a feeling that adultery is a terrible crime, far worse
than any other, and that where there has been adultery
it is impossible for husband and wife to live happily
together.
CHAPTER X
BURIAL RITES
Life beyond the grave — Wailings — Rice strewn on the dead man's
chest — The professional wailer — Feeding the dead — Carrying the
dead— The grave — Articles buried with the dead — Baiya — Fire
lit at sunset — The ulit, or mourning — Pana, or offering to the dead
— The waUer's song — Sumpinj — Periodical Sahah — Feast in
honour of the dead — Gawai Antu — The dead not forgotten — Other
methods of disposing of the dead besides burial — Dyak ideas of a
future life.
DEATH for the Dyak does not mean the end of all.
He has a belief in a life beyond the grave — a
life different indeed from his existence in the
flesh, with all its cares and anxieties, a life with little of
the spiritual about it, but still, for all that, life, and not
annihilation. The soul survives burial, and in Hades
(Sahayan) Hves anew much the same life as he does on
earth, building houses and sowing and planting as do his
friends and relatives in this world. He is able to watch
those on earth, and can help them when required, and
so his aid is often asked for in time of need. And in the
Sea Dyak burial rites there are seen glimpses of a belief
in the communion between those on earth and those
who have crossed the River of Death, such as we would
expect to find only among people of a higher civilization
and a higher education.
From that distant unknown land of Death the spirits
133
134 BURIAL RITES
of the dead relatives and friends of the dying man come
in a long boat, so the Dyaks say, to take his soul away.
For a long time there is a struggle between those on earth
trying to keep him back and the unseen spirits urging
him to join them. Over and over again when the man
loses consciousness there are distracted cries from those
around of " Pulai ! Pulai /" — " Come back ! Come
back !"
The witch-doctors, who are often called in, try by their
incantations to frighten away the spirits.
Immediately the breath has left the body, the female
relatives begin loud and melancholy waihngs. They wash
the corpse and get it ready for burial. All the able-
bodied men of the village turn out to help the bereaved
family, as in a hot climate the burial has to take place
within twenty-four hours.
Bice is strewn on the dead man's chest. This is a
propitiation to the gods for any wrong he may have done
while ahve. According to Dyak ideas, death is the
punishment for some sin, and for that sin some sacrifice
must be made, or the hving may also suffer for it. By
sin is meant either the doing of any of the thousand and
one things which a Dyak considers forbidden by the gods,
or the disregarding of the warnings of birds or dreams.
While this sin-offering is being made, others collect his
belongings — his clothes, his implements of work, his
shield, his spear — all of which are to be buried with him,
and which he is supposed to make use of in the other
world. The corpse is dressed in its best garments, and is
borne into the great open veranda or common hall {ruai),
and covered with a Dyak sheet. Here he is surrounded
by the friends and relatives, to be mourned over. Some-
times a professional waller sits on a swing near the head
BURIAL RITES 133
of the corpse and sings her song of mourning. She calls
upon the different parts of the house, beginning at the
roof -ridge and proceeding downwards, and blames them
for not keeping back the soul of the dead man. Then in
highly figurative language she speaks of the journey to
Hades, and asks the spirits to guide his soul in the right
direction, so that he may not lose his way.
While the body is laid out in the pubUc part of the
house none may step over the corpse. There is no special
reason against this except the general belief that if such
a thing were done the dead man would not Uve happily
in Hades, but would continually visit his former home
and trouble the Hving.
At sunset a fire is Ht by the side of the corpse. All
through the long hours of the night the sad watchers sit
around, and the loud sustained cry of the professional
waller mingles with the sobs and spasmodic utterances of
those who feel most the loss of the dead man.
Early on the following morning food is given him to
strengthen him for that long journey to Hades, and a Httle
cotton-wool is placed as a pillow for his head. The food is
given to the dead in a curious manner. Rice is dashed into
his mouth, and the earthen cooking-pot is then broken
in pieces — it may not be used for the Hving, having once
been used for the dead. The pillow of cotton-wool is
about the size of a pigeon's egg, and, as far as can be
gathered from the Dyaks, it in some way insures the
comfort of the dead man in the other world.
Then the body, wrapped in mats and covered over with
a light framework of wood, is carried on the shoulders
of four men. As they descend the ladder ashes from the
fire burnt near the corpse are thrown after them by the
people who are left in the house. This is done in order
186 BURIAL RITES
that the dead man may not know his way back to the
house, and may thus be unable to trouble his friends after-
wards. The women are not permitted to accompany the
body to its burial, so they raise a dismal wail as the body
is carried away from the house.
The body is either taken by boat or carried on foot to
the jungle, where a tree is to be cut down for the coffin.
When the spot is reached a halt is made, A fowl is killed,
and the blood is collected in a cup and mixed with a httle
water. Each person present is touched with the blood,
to propitiate the gods of the infernal world and to secure
immunity from any evil consequences to the persons en-
gaged in the funeral rites. They now set to work to make
the coffin. A tree is felled, and the required length cut
off. This is split in two, and each half is hollowed out.
The corpse is then placed in this rude coffin, the two
parts of which are now firmly lashed together with
cane.
The crowd then proceed either on foot or by boat to
the place of burial. The burial-ground, or pendam, is
generally on the side of a hill. The trees are not cut
down, and there is nothing to distinguish the pendam
from ordinary jungle. The Dyaks regard a cemetery
with superstitious terror as the abode of spirits, and never
go to it except to bury their dead, and when they do this
thoy do not stay longer than they can help, but hurry
away lest they should meet some spirit from the other
world. The consequence is that the place is wild and
uncared for. The graves, being shallow and not fenced
round, are often dug up by wild pigs or bears, and bones
and skulls strew the ground.
When they reach the spot where the grave is to be,
some rice is scattered on the ground. This rice is the
BURIAL RITES 137
price paid to Pulang Gana, the spirit who owns the land,
for the grave. Then a fowl is killed, and the blood
sprinkled on the ground. These offerings are made to
prevent the spirits from hurting any of those who take
part in digging the grave.
The graves are rarely more than three feet deep. The
Dyaks dare not step into the grave to deepen it, because,
according to their superstitious ideas, anyone who does
such a thing will die a violent death. They use no spade
or hoe to turn up the earth, but cut the soil with their
choppers, and throw up the mould with their hands.
They dig into it as far as their arms will reach and no
farther.
The corpse is lowered into the grave hurriedly, and all
present shout. They cry to the dead man, but why they
do so or what advantage is gained by doing so is not clear.
The reason why the body is hurriedly buried is the fear
lest the cry of some sacred bird may be heard, and the
burial of the man become unpropitious ; the less time
they take in putting the corpse into the grave the less
chance there is of this.
With the corpse are put for use in the next world
various articles of clothing, personal ornaments, weapons
of warfare, implements for farm work, and even instru-
ments of music, according to the sex and natural pro-
clivities of the dead. Some of these things belonged to
the departed ; others are given by friends as tokens of
affection. Rice, tobacco, and betel-nut are also cast into
the grave, as these things may be needed in the other
world. It used to be the custom to place money, gold
and silver ornaments, and brass utensils in the grave,
but these articles were so often stolen that, nowadays, it
is the practice to break in pieces all the utensils placed
138 BURIAL RITES
in the grave. Jars and brass gongs are not buried with
the corpse, but placed on the grave. When all this has
been done, the grave is fenced round, and food and drink
are placed in the enclosure, and at either end something
is put to indicate the sex and favourite occupation of the
deceased. If the grave be that of a warrior, it is roofed
and decorated with streamers, and such of his weapons
as are not buried with him are hung about, and the ground
around is paHsaded and spiked. The grave of the hunter
is distinguished by his blow-pipe and quiver, together with
the trophies of the chase — stags' antlers and boars' tusks.
Some article of feminine attire or work — spindles or
petticoats, or waist-rings or water-gourds — indicate the
graves of women. The graves of the rich have valuable
jars or gongs, which are secured in their places by
having a stake driven through them and thus rendered
worthless.
A hghted torch is always carried to a funeral, and when
the body is buried it is extinguished at the grave.
The articles which are buried with the dead person or
put upon the grave are called haiya. They are for the use
of the spirit in the other world. The Dyaks argue that
though the articles placed on the grave remain there, still
the spirit of these articles are of use to the soul in Hades,
and so their gifts are not wasted.
Those of the mourners who leave the grave last plant
sharpened stakes in the ground, so that the spirit of the
dead man may not follow them back to the Byak house,
the stakes planted in the ground being supposed to prevent
his return.
At sunset on the day of death, a fire is ht at the landing-
place on the bank of the river near the house of the dead
man. This fire is kept burning all night. For three or
BURIAL RITES 139
four evenings after death they light a fire either at the
landing-place or somewhere outside the house. This is for
the use of the departed, for in Hades fire is not to be
procured without paying for it, and if the dead find any
difficulty about obtaining fire, they can come and fetch
it from the fire ht by their earthly friends. This idea
does not seem consistent with the many things done to
prevent the soul of the dead man finding his way back to
his earthly home.
When there is a death among the Dyaks, none of the
inmates of the house do any farm work on the day of the
funeral. In the case of the death of a Chief, they refrain
from work for three days or even more.
When anyone dies, the ulit, or mourning, has to be ob-
served by the immediate relatives of the deceased, and
continues until the feast in honour of the dead [Gawai
Antu) is held. All the finery and bright articles of
apparel belonging to the relatives are tied up in a bundle
and put away. At the Gawai Antu the string which
binds this bundle together is cut by the headman of the
house, and they may use their bright garments again.
The mourning {ulit) includes many other restrictions
beside the prohibition of ornaments and bright-coloured
clothing. There must be no striking of gongs or drums
or dancing or merrymaking in the house. In the old days
the mourning could not end until one of the relatives
managed to secm'e a human head.
On the third day an observance called Pana is made.
A plate containing rice and other eatables, as well as a
Dyak chopper, an axe, and a cup, are taken by several of
the neighbours to the room of the dead person. They
go to tell the mourners to weep no more, and to give the
dead man food. They enter the room, and one of them
140 BURIAL RITES
— generally an old man of some standing — pushes open
the window with the chopper, and the offering of food
is thrown out for the benefit of the dead man and his
spirit companions. Up to this time the near relatives of
the dead man Hve in strict seclusion in their room, but
after it they may come out to the public part of the house
and return to their usual occupations. But the ulit, or
mourning, is still observed, and does not come to an end
till the feast in honour of the dead {Gaivai Antu) is
held.
Among tribes where professional wallers exist it is not
enough to throw the offering of food out of the window
at the back of the house. The waller must help to send
that food to Hades. She sings her incantation and calls
upon the adjutant bird to convey the articles of food
and the tears and sobs of the relatives to the other world.
The bird, so sings the waller, speeds on its way, and
arrives at the Country of the Dead. There the spirits are
supposed to see the visitant, and inquire where it comes
from and what is the object of its journey. " Do you
come to look at the widows ? We have thirty-and-one ;
but only one is handsome. Do you come to seek after
maidens ? We have thirty-and-three ; but only one is
beautiful." "No," says the bird, "we have many
widows and maidens in the land of the hving ; and they
are all beautiful and admired of men." They ask as they
see what it carries : " What is that you have brought with
you so securely covered up ?" "Bring a vessel, and I
will pour the contents of my burden into it." A large
vessel is brought, the crowd stand expectant around, and
the bird pours out the offering of food, and lo ! the eatables,
as well as the tears and sobs of the Hving which accompany
them, have become gold and silver and precious stones
BURIAL RITES 141
wondrously beautiful. Btit the inhabitants of Hades
cannot understand what it all means, and quarrel among
themselves. Then an old learned woman, who has lived
in Hades very many years, speaks. She bids them be
silent and listen to her, and she explains that the bird has
come from the land of the hving with presents for them
from their earthly friends.
Until thjis Pana is made, the Dyaks say the soul of the
dead man is unsettled. It has not quite left this world,
and Hades will not receive it or give it food and drink.
But after this observance it is received and welcomed as a
regular denizen of the spirit world.
There is another observance called Summing, which is
sometimes carried out at a varying period after death.
The Dyaks bring the symbols and trophies of a head-
hunting raid and place them in the middle of the public
hall of the house. The waller sings her incantation, and
procures the services of the Spirit of the Winds to convey
them to the dead, whose abode, until now full of discom-
fort and darkness, becomes at sight of these trophies
filled with Ught. The spirits rejoice at the thought that
their relatives have revenged upon others their own
death.
This observance, according to ancient custom, could
not be held until the head of an enemy had been obtained.
It brings out the darker and fiercer side of the Dyak
nature. They would fight with Death if they could, and
rescue their dead friends from his clutches. But as they
cannot do this, they rejoice in taking vengeance upon the
living and kiUing someone, so that their relatives in Hades
may have the satisfaction of saying : " My death has been
avenged. A life has been paid for my Hfe." In these
days, when the Dyaks live under a strong and just
142 BURIAL RITES
Government, it is very seldom that this observance can
be carried out according to ancient custom ; now they
have either to dispense with the newly-procured human
head or omit the observance altogether.
The dead man is not forgotten. Periodical mournings
{sdbak) at intervals of two or three months are held in his
memory, and the professional waller calls on the dead
man and weeps over him. The relatives work themselves
up into a frenzy of sorrow on these occasions, and many
of them are often seen weeping sadly. The Dyaks beUeve
that the dead hear their cries, and that a bond of sympathy
unites them with those on earth,
A year or two after the death the Gmvai Antu is held.
This feast is held in honour of all those that have died
since the last Gawai Antu was held. SmaU, curiously-
shaped baskets, supposed to represent the dififerent imple-
ments a man or woman uses in work when alive, are made
and placed on the different graves. Thus they furnish
the dead with the means of Uvehhood in Hades. This
feast ends all mourning for the dead, and after it has been
held there are no more periodical mournings.
But even after aU mourning has ceased the Dyak still
beUeves that his dead friends and relatives Uve and visit
the earth. Before going forth on an expedition against
the enemy, the dead are invoked, and are begged to help
their friends on earth, so that they may be successful
against their foes. In times of peril and of need the dead
are called upon ; and on the hilltops or in the sohtudes
of the jungle a man often goes by himself and spends the
night in the hope that the spirit of some dead relative
may visit him, and in a dream teU him of some charm by
means of which ^he may overcome difficulties and become
rich and great .
BURIAL RITES 148
Burial is the usual, but not the only, mode of disposing
of the dead. Maimngs, or witch-doctors, are never buried,
but their coffins are hung up in the cemetery. Among
some tribes a young child dying before he has any teeth
is put in a jar instead of a coffin, and this is tied to the
branch of some tree in the burial-ground.
The Dyak beUeves in a future life, but it is simply a
prolongation of the present state of things in a new
sphere. Even the journey from this world to the land
of spirits is much Uke the journey from one part of the
country to another. The traveller must be provided with
food and money for his journey, which may take a longer
or a shorter time, dependent to a great extent on the
liberaUty of his friends here on earth and to the kindness
of those whose houses he passes in his journey to the
spirit world.
If the dead man has been able while in this terrestrial
sphere to provide for himself assistance in the world of
spirits, then his life in the other world wiU be an easy
one. The spirits of the enemies whose heads he has taken
become his slaves in the other world, and the man who
has succeeded in killing many enemies Uves in Hades a
life of ease.
I have given the general belief among the Sea Dyaks
about the future existence. But occasionally other con-
ceptions are met with. The idea of metempsychosis is
not unknown, and I have met a Dyak who treated a snake
with the greatest kindness, because he said it had been
revealed to him in a dream that the spirit of his grand-
father dwelt in that snake.
Some Dyaks speak of a series of spirit worlds through
which their souls must pass before they become finally
extinct. Some Dyaks say they have to die three times ;
144 BURIAL RITES
others say seven times ; but all seem to agree in the
idea that after these successive dyings they practically
cease to exist, and are absorbed into air and fog.
They do not believe in an endless life, because per-
haps they lack the mental capacity to conceive of such
a thing.
CHAPTER XI
TRAVELLING IN SARAWAK
Travelling by boat — Paddles v. oars — Dangers — Tidal bores — Sand-
banks— Langan — Up-river travelling — Poling — Camping out at
night — Travelling on foot — Jungle paths — Scenery — Wild animals
— The Orang-utan — Vegetation.
MOST of the Sea Dyaks live on the banks of the
rivers, so that travelling is usually done by boat .
The lower reaches of the river have very swift tides,
against which it is impossible to row or paddle ; so,
when travelling up-river, the flood-tide is taken advantage
of, and the boat either anchors or is tied to the bank
durmg the ebb, and vice versa. Some of the boats used
by the Dyaks are roomy and well built. The Bala vis are
very good boat-buUders, and their boats are very well
made and swift.
The question is sometimes raised as to whether oars or
paddles propel a boat best. If the number of boatmen
be taken into consideration, then oars certainly drive a
boat along much faster than paddles. Four oars would
be sufficient for a boat thirty or forty feet long, but for a
boat of that length at least twenty paddles would be
needed to make it travel at any pace.
The Dyaks sit in their boats on a rough matting made
of split bamboo tied together with cane. For shelter
against the sun and rain they have an awning made of
145 10
146 TRAVELLING IN SARAWAK
palm-leaves {kadjang). This is tied on to a rough frame-
work of wood fixed on the boat, and is an excellent pro-
tection against the weather.
There are many dangers to be guarded against when
travelling by boat in Borneo. Many rivers have a large
tidal bore during the spring-tides, and if the boat be in
some narrow part of the river when it meets the tidal
bore it is likely to be swamped. The safest course is to
wait for the tidal bore in some broad part of the river,
where it is not at all dangerous.
There are also many sand-banks, and though Dyak
boats draw little water, still these have to be guarded
agamst when the tide is very swift. I have known cases
where a boat has struck against a sand-bank and been
rolled over and over by the swift tide, and lives lost.
In certain parts of the lower reaches of the large
Bornean rivers, where large sand-banks are to be found,
the swift incommg spring-tide makes, soon after it has
covered the sand-bank, a peculiar dangerous motion of
the water, called by the natives langan. We all know
the bubbling appearance of boiling water in an open pot,
and if we picture to ourselves that kind of thing on a very
large scale, it will give a good idea of what the langan is
like. It does not last long in any particular part of the
river, because, as soon as the water has risen and is deeper,
the langan disappears. It is most dangerous. The
peculiar motion of the water is so irregular and uncertain
that small boats are easily swamped, and many lives have
been lost owing to this langan. The part of the Batang
Lupar near the village of Rawan is particularly dangerous
from this cause. I have known of many cases of a Dyak
boat being swamped by the langan there, and not a single
person being saved. Though the Dyaks are good swim-
TRAVELLING IN SARAWAK 147
mers, the boat is roiled over by the swift current, and
they have no chance of saving themselves. When I have
had to travel past Rawan during the spring-tides when
there is most danger, if the tide has only just made, I have
thought it wisest not to run any risks, and have told my
boatmen to fasten the boat to the bank, and wait for ten
minutes, and not to proceed till there was no danger of
being swamped by the terrible langan.
In the rapids up the rivers travelling is done in a " dug-
out," because that draws little water. The boat has a
long cane or creeper tied to the bows, and when it has
to be pulled over the rapids some of the men drag at this,
while the others remain in the boat and work with their
poles or small paddles. The skill with which the Dyaks
pole the boat along, as they stand up in it, is beautiful to
see. With a skilful turn of the pole they will guide the
boat past some huge boulder which it seems impossible
to avoid. The sensation to one sitting in a boat going
over the rapids, either up or down stream, is not particu-
larly pleasant. The boat is bumped and jerked about,
and the water often splashes in. At times the boat will
be propelled by poles ; then, when the water is too shallow,
the men jump out and walk by the side, pulling the boat
along. When they get to deeper water, they jump in
again.
The Dyaks are most excellent companions when
travelling has to be done. They are hard-working and
good-tempered, and most resourceful. When one is
travelling in small "' dug-outs " in the upper reaches of
the river, it often happens that he has to spend some
nights on the journey. If any Dyak house be near, the
travellers make for it, knowing well that the hospitable
mmates will gladly give them shelter. But sometimes
148 TRAVELLING IN SARAWAK
they have to camp out on the river-bank. It is quite
remarkable how well the Dyaks manage under such cir-
cumstances. I have always admired the way in which
in a very short time wood and creepers are got from the
jungle, and a little hut put up for me on a cleared spot
on the river-bank. The creepers are used for tying the
wood together ; the kadjang from the boat is fastened
up for the roof of the little hut ; a flooring, two or three
feet off the ground, is made of laths of wood tied together
with creepers ; my small cork boat mattress and curtain
are fixed up ; and in about an hour's time I am safely
lodged for the night. The Dyaks themselves are very
hardy. They will wrap themselves up in their puah, or
sheet, and sleep in the open air, sometimes on mats ; but
if there are no mats, they will make for themselves a bed
of leaves on the ground, and think it no great hardship
to sleep on this.
When travelling has to be done on foot, one has to
walk on a Dyak jungle path, which consists of the trunks
of the giants of the forest placed m a line. No attempt
is made to hew the round trunks into an even upper
surface, so one must walk carefully lest he slip off ; for
in some parts the bark on these tree-trunks is rotten,
and in others there is a growth of wet slippery moss.
Over the jungle streams there are Dyak bridges made,
like the path, of the trunk of a tree, sometimes with a
light hand-rail tied to it, sometimes not.
I have often travelled on foot through the jungle,
accompanied by Dyaks carrying my baggage. We have
walked in single file on these trunks of trees, and have
listened to the weird jungle sounds — the creaking of
giant trees, the strange cries of insects, or birds, or
monkeys. And sometimes in the gathering darkness,
TRAVELLING IN SARAWAK 149
when the storm-clouds have hurried overhead and the
winds shrieked through the tree-tops in fierce discord,
ruthlessly twanging the harp-strings of Nature, I have
understood why it is that the Dyaks believe that the lone
forests are inhabited by the spirits of the wind and the
rivers, of the mountains and the trees.
No one can adequately realize the Equatorial Bornean
jungle until he sees it in all its wonder — the heated steamy
stillness broken by weird sounds, the colossal trees, the
birds with brilliant plumage, and the infinite variety of
monkeys among the branches, sitting, hanging by hands
or tails, leaping, grimacing, jabbering, as they see the
strange sight of human beings invading their domains.
What are the wild animals that the traveller is likely
to meet as he walks through the jungle ? The animal
life of Borneo is akin to that of Sumatra or Java, but
with certain differences. Borneo is free from tigers, and
this is fortunate, for travelling through the forests would
be dangerous indeed if tigers were likely to be encoun-
tered. The only wild animals to be met with are the
small and comparatively harmless tree-tiger, and the
small brown honey-bear, but neither of them is much
feared. There are, of course, ferocious crocodiles in the
rivers, and many varieties of snakes, varying in size from
the python downwards. But the cobra, so much dreaded
in India, is not met with in Borneo, and death from a
snake-bite is very rare. The elephant and the rhinoceros
seem to be confined to the north end of the island. There
is the great man-like ape — the orang-utan, or maias, as it
is called by the Dyaks. It is only found in a limited area,
in the territory between the Batang Lupar and the
Rejang Rivers. As a rule, this animal does not exceed
the height of four feet two inches, though there are
150 TRAVELLING IN SARAWAK
stories told of its attaining a far greater size. The
height, however, gives a poor idea of the animal's bulk
and strength. The body is as large as that of an average
man, but the legs are extremely short. Its arms are of
great length, and measure over seven feet in spread.
The whole body is covered with long red hair. It rarely
attacks man, but when provoked is very ferocious, and
as its strength is very great, it is a foe not to be despised.
There are numerous wild boars in the jungle, but they
never attack the traveller, and are not a source of danger.
The vegetation of Borneo is rich and varied. By the
seashore and at the mouths of the rivers there grows the
nifa palm, "the tree of a thousand uses." The young
leaves are used for makmg kadjangs, the awnings with
which Dyak boats are covered. The old leaves are made
into attap for the roofs and walls of their houses. From
the blossom a sweet drink is obtained, and this is con-
verted into sugar. From the ashes of the burnt stump
of this palm salt is obtained. As one travels up a Bornean
river the nipa palms become less and less plentiful, and
one finds the banks covered with mangroves. These
trees thrive on the muddy banks. A network of roots
grows out of the stem several feet above the soil, and
keeps them firm. At night these mangroves are lit up
by myriads of fireflies. The missionary stationed at
Banting many years ago had all the mangrove- trees,
except one on each side of his landing-place, cut down,
and on the darkest night there was no difficulty in know-
ing where his boat was to stop. These two trees, covered
with fireflies, were not to be mistaken in the surrounding
darkness.
In Borneo there are many varieties of palms. There is
the nibong palm, the trunk of which is often used for the
TRAVELLING IN SARAWAK 151
posts of native houses. When split up, it is used for the
fiooring. There is the sago palm, from the pith of the
trunk of which sago is obtained. There are the cocoanut
and betel-nut palms, and lastly a useful climbing palm — ■
the cane, or rotan — which is exported in great quantities
and used for the seats of chairs.
There are many kinds of useful woods to be found in
the Bornean jungles. There is the hilian, or iron-wood,
which Ls so valuable for building purposes, as it is practi-
cally indestructible. It will not rot in earth or water,
and it Ls the only wood that the white ants cannot destroy.
There are also many other hard woods used for the
building of houses and the making of keels for boats.
The ebony-tree is to be found in Borneo. The ebony
is the heart of the tree, the rest of the wood being of a
light colour.
The camphor-tree is also found, as well as various trees
which produce gutta and rubber of different sorts.
There are many fruit-trees, but the fruit most loved by
the Dyaks is the durian. This grows on a large tree, and
is about the size of a man's head. When ripe, it is easily
split open, and in it are pods in which are rows of seeds
covered with a sweet pulp.
CHAPTER XII
OMENS AND DREAMS
Seven omen birds — Other omen animals — Omens sought before
beginning rice -farming — House-building omens — Substitutions for
omens — Good and bad omens in farming — A dead animal — Means
of avoiding bad effects — Omens obeyed at all times — Bird flying
through a house — A drop of blood — Killing an omen bird or insect
— Origin of the system of omens — Augury — Dreams.
THE Dyak is conscious of his ignorance of the
natural laws which govern the world in which he
Uves. He longs for some guidance in his pre-
carious farming, in his work in the lonely depths of the
jungle, in his boating over the dangerous rapids or
treacherous tides of the swift rivers. He is aware that
injury or death may suddenly confront him from many
an unexpected source. He knows that Nature has voices,
many and varied, and he is convinced that if he could
only understand those voices aright, he would know when
to advance and when to recede. He feeLs the need of
guidance, and he has devised for himself a system of
omens.
Like the ancient Romans, who took auguries from the
flight or notes of certain birds — the raven, the owl, the
magpie, the eagle, and the vulture — the Dyak has his
sacred birds, whose flight or calls are supposed to intimate
to him the will of unseen powers. They are seven in
number, and their native names are : Katwpong, Beragai,
152
OMENS AND DREAMS 153
Kutoh, Emhuas, NendaJc, Papau, and Bejamponc. They
are beautiful in plumage, but, like most tropical birds,
they have httle song, and their calls are shrill and piercing.
They are supposed to be manifestations of the seven
spirit sons of the great god Singalang Burong (see the
" Story of Siu," p. 278).
The system, as carried out by the Dyaks, is most
elaborate and comphcated, and the younger men have
constantly to ask the older ones how to act in unexpected
combinations of apparently contradictory omens. The
law and observance of omens occupy a greater share of
the thoughts of the Dyak than any other part of his
rehgion. '
It is not only to the cry of birds that the Dyaks pay
heed. There are certain animals — the deer, the arma-
dillo, the lizard, the bat, the pjrthon, the cobra, even the
rat, as well as certain insects — which all may give omens
under special circumstances. But these other creatures
are subordinate to the birds, from which alone augury is
sought at the beginning of any important undertaking.
Some idea of the method in which the Dyaks carry out
their system of omens may be gathered from what is done
at the commencement of the yearly rice-farming. Some
man who has the reputation of being fortunate, and has
had large paddy crops, will be the augur, and undertake
to obtain omens for a large area of land on which he and
others intend to plant. The Dyaks begin clearing the
ground of jungle and high grass when the Pleiades appear
at a certain height above the horizon at sunset. Some
little time before this the augur sets about his work.
He will have to hear the cry of the nendah, the katiipong,
and the heragai, all on his left. If these cries come from
birds on his right, they are not propitious. The cries of
154 OMENS AND DREAMS
the other sacred birds must sound on his right. He goes
forth in the early morning, and wanders about the jungle
till the cry of the nendak is heard on his left. He will
then break off a twig of anything growing near, and take
it home and put it in a safe place. But it may happen
that some other omen bird or animal is first to be seen
or heard. In that case he must give the matter up,
return, and try his chance another day. Thus, some-
times several days pass before he has obtained his first
omen. When he has heard the nendak, he will then listen
for the katwpong and the other birds in the necessary order.
There is always the habiUty of delays caused by the wrong
birds being heard, and it may possibly be a month or more
before he obtains all those augural predictions, which will
give him confidence that his farming for the year will be
successful. When the augur has collected a twig for each
bird he has heard, he takes these to the land selected for
farming, buries them in the ground, and with a short form
of address to the birds and to Pulang Gana — the god of
the Earth — clears a small portion of the ground of grass
or jungle, and then returns home. The magic virtues of
the birds have been conveyed to the land, and the
work of clearing it for planting may be begun at any
time.
The sacred birds can be bad omens as well as good.
If heard on the wrong side, or in the wrong order, the
matter in hand must be postponed or altogether aban-
doned, unless a subsequent conjunction of good omens
occurs, which in the judgment of old experts more than
counterbalances the bad omens.
I have mentioned the omens necessary before planting
the seed. In a similar manner, before beginning to build
a house, or starting on a war expedition, or undertaking
OMENS AND DREAMS 155
any new line of action, certain omens are required if good
fortune is to attend them and the Fates be propitious.
For house-building, the cries of the same birds are
required, and in the same order as before planting the
seed. But for a Avar expedition, birds heard on the right
hand are best, except in the case of the nendak, which
may be heard either on the right or on the left hand side.
There are, I believe, certain substitutions for this
tedious process of seeking the omens of birds. It is said
that for farming, if a piece of gold be hidden in the
ground, the hearing of the proper omen birds may be
dispensed with. If a fowl be sacrificed, and the blood
made to drop in a hole in the earth in which the fowl is
afterwards buried, it is said the gods will be satisfied,
and a good harvest ensue. And on the occasion of a war
expedition, if an offering is made with beating of gongs
and drums on starting from the house, it is said that no
cries of birds need be obeyed afterwards. But none of
these methods are ever used, the Dyaks preferring to
submit to the tedious procedure of listening to the cries
of the birds.
It is in regard to farming that the practice is most con-
spicuous. And if any of these omen birds are heard or seen
by the Dyak on his way to his work on his paddy land, it
foretells either good or evil to himseK or to his farm — if
good, then all is well, and he goes on his way rejoicing ;
if evil, he will at once turn back and wait for the following
day before going to his work again. The nendak foretells
good, whether heard on the right hand or the left ; so
does the katwpong ; but the papau is of evil omen, and,
if heard, the man must at once beat a retreat. A beragai
heard occasionally does not matter, but if heard fre-
quently, no work must be done for one day. The embiias
156 OMENS AND DREAMS
heard on the right hand is very bad, and in order to
insure a good harvest, the unlucky man must not work
on his farm for five days. The cry of the heragai acts as
an antidote, and destroys the bad effects of the cries of
birds of bad omen. For instance, the k^dok and katupong
are both birds of bad omen, but if after hearing them the
cry of a heragai is heard, no evil effects need be dreaded.
If the cry of a deer, a gazelle, or a mouse-deer be heard,
or if a rat crosses the path of a man on his way to his
farm, a day's rest is necessary, or he will either cut
himself, or become ill, or suffer by failure of his crop.
When a remarkably good omen is heard — one which
foretells a plentiful harvest — the man must go to his
farm at once, and do some trifling work there, and then
return, and in this way clench the foreshadowed luck
and at the same time reverence the spirit who promises
it. Should a deer, a gazelle, or a mouse-deer come out of
the jungle to the farm when a man is at work there, it is
an exceptionally good omen. It means that customers
wiU come to buy the paddy, and that therefore the crop
wiU be very good in order that there may be paddy to
seU. They honour this omen by resting from work for
three days.
But the worst of aU omens is to find anywhere on the
farm the dead body of any animal, especially if it be
that of any animal included in the omen list. It infuses
a deadly poison into the whole crop, and one or other of
the owner's family wiU certainly die within the year.
When such a terrible thing happens, the omen is tested
by kiUing a pig, and divining from the appearance of its
Hver directly after death. If the hver be pronounced to
be of good omen, then all is weU, but if not, then aU the
rice grown on that ground must be sold or given away.
OMENS AND DREAMS 157
Other people may eat it, for the omen affects only those
who own the crops.
A way of escaping from the bad effects of omens is
sometimes resorted to. Certain men, who by some
pecuMar magic influence are credited with possessing in
themselves some occult power which can overcome bad
omens, are able by eating some little thing of the produce
of the farm to turn away the evil prognostication and
render it ineffectual. Something grown on the farm — a
Httle Indian corn or a few cucumber-shoots — is taken to
the man. For a small consideration he eats it raw. By
this means he appropriates to himself the evil omen,
which can do him no harm, and thus delivers the owner
of the farm from any possible evil in the future.
The Dyak pays heed to these ominous creatures not
only in his farming, but in all his journeyings and in any
kind of work he may be engaged in. If he be going to
visit a friend, the cry of a bird of ill omen will send him
back. If he be engaged in carrying beams from the
jungle for his house, and hear a kutok, or bejampong, or
an embuas, he wiU at once throw down the piece of timber,
and it will be left there for a day or two, or perhaps
abandoned altogether. If at night the inhabitants of a
long Dyak house hear an owl make a peculiar noise called
sabut, they will all hastily leave the house in the early
morning, and remain away, Uving in temporary sheds,
for some weeks, and return to the house only when they
hear a nendak or beragai cry on their left. There are
many omens which make a place unfit for habitation —
for example, a beragai flying over the house or an arma-
diUo crawling up into it.
So great is the Dyak beUef in omens that a man will
sometimes abandon a nearly finished boat simply because
158 OMENS AND DREAMS
a bird of ill omen flies across its bows. The labour of
weeks will thus be wasted. I have myself seen wooden
beams and posts left half finished in the jungle, and have
learned on inquiry that some bird of ill omen was heard
while the man was at work on them, and so they had
to be abandoned.
If a katupong flies in at one end of the house and flies
out at the other, it is a bad omen, and the house is often
abandoned. On one of my visits to Sebetan there was
great excitement at the Dyak house near mine because
on the previous night a katupong had flown through the
house. Opinions were divided. Some thought the house
ought to be abandoned ; others said that if sacrifices were
offered, there was no need to desert the house. My opinion
was asked. At that time of the "year the Dyak house was
very empty, as most of the famifies, if not aU, would be
living on their farms, and I said : " You have fruit-trees
growing thickly all round your houses, and as you leave
your houses empty, I am not surprised at any bird flying
through the house." My matter-of-fact ideas were not
much approved. As usual in doubtful cases, they sacri-
ficed a pig and examined its Hver, Luckily, the omen
was good, so they continued to live in the house ; other-
wise, they would have had to leave that house and build
another.
To see a drop of blood on a mat or on the floor of a
Dyak house is considered a bad omen, which sometimes
necessitates the abandoning of the house altogether. I
remember hearing a woman of this same house in Sebetan
relate that, after she and the children had had their
evening meal, she was putting away the plates on the
rack in the wall, when she saw a drop of fresh blood on
the mat. The Dyaks considered it a most terrible thing
OMENS AND DREAMS 159
to happen. I was asked what 1 thought about it. I
said that probably one of the children had a cut finger,
and the blood was from that. The mother was positive
the blood was not that of any of her children. I said
that perhaps there was a wounded rat in the roof, and
the blood was from it. I could see that the Dyaks con-
sidered me very ignorant. They told me that they were
sure the blood must be that of some spirit who chose that
method of showing his displeasure. It was useless for
me to argue that if the spirit was invisible, his blood must
be invisible, too.
To kill one of these omen creatures, be it bird or
insect, is a crime which will certainly be punished by
sickness or death. But this sacredness of hfe, it may be
noticed, does not apply to the deer, the gazelle, the mouse-
deer, the armadillo, and the iquana, all of which they
freely kill for food. Rats also are killed, as they are
great pests. It would seem that physical requirements
are stronger than rehgious theory.
This is the merest outline of the practice of interpreting
omens among the Dyaks, but it will give some idea of the
tediousness of the process. And the intricacies of the
subject are great. The different combinations of these
voices of Nature are endless, and it is difficult to know
in each special case whether the spirits intend to foretell
good or bad fortune. It is not an unusual thing to see
old men, industrious and sensible in ordinary matters of
hfe, sitting down for hours discussing the probable effect
on their destiny of some special combination of omens.
The full Byak explanation of the origin of this system
of Ustening to the cries of certain birds is contained in
the " Story of Siu " (see p. 278).
Another story teUs how some Dyaks in the Batang
160 OMENS AND DREAMS
Lupar made a great feast, and invited many guests.
When everything was ready, and the arrival of the guests
expected, the sound of a great company of people was
heard near the village. The hosts, thinking they were
the invited friends, went to meet them, but to their sur-
prise found they were all utter strangers. However, they
received them with due honour, and entertained them in
a manner suitable to the occasion. When the time of
departure came, they asked the strange visitors who they
were, and from whence they came. Their Chief replied :
" I am Singalang Burong, and these are my sons-in-law
and their friends. When you hear the voices of the fol-
lowing birds [giving their names] you must pay heed to
them. They are our deputies in this lower world."
And then the Dyaks understood that they had been en-
tertaining guests from the Spirit World, who rewarded
their hospitality by giving them the guidance of the
omen system.
A favourite way of auguring good or evil among the
Dyaks is the old classical method of examining the
entrails of some animal offered in sacrifice. A pig is
killed, and the heart and liver taken out and placed upon
leaves. These organs are handed round to the old men
present, who closely examine them, and pronounce them
to augur either good or evil. This method of augury is
often resorted to when the interpretation ot the cries of
birds is doubtful.
A study of the subject of omens and augury shows the
need the Dyak feels, in common with all mankind, of
some guidance from higher and unseen powers. What
is the principle which underlies this system of omens ?
There is no doubt a morbid anxiety to know the secrets
of the future. But that is not all. Surely in addition to
A Dyak Youth Holding a Spear
He is wearing the usual waislclolh and has also a sleeveless war-jacket made of skin
covered with hair.
OMENS AND DREAMS 161
this there is the hidden conviction that the gods have
some way of revealing their wishes to mankind, and that
obedience to the will of the higher powers is the only way
to insure success and happiness.
The Dyaks place impUcit confidence in dreams. Their
theory is that during sleep the soul can hear, see, and
understand, and so what is dreamt is really what the
soul sees. When anyone dreams of a distant land, they
beUeve that his soul has paid a flying visit to that land.
They interpret their dreams literally. The appearance
of deceased relatives in dreams is to the Dyaks a proof
that the souls live in Sabayan, and as in the dreams they
seem to wear the same dress and to be engaged in the
same occupations as when they Hved in this world, it is
difficult to persuade the Dyaks that the Hfe in the other
world can be different from that in this.
In dreams, also, the gods and spirits are supposed to
bring charms to human beings. The story is often told
of how a man falls asleep, and dreams that a spirit came
to him and gave certain charms, and lo ! when he awakes,
he finds them in his hands. Or else he is told in his
dream to go to a certain spot at a certain time, and take
some stone which will have some mysterious influence
for good over his fortunes. Very often these magic
charms, or pengaroh, as they are called by the Dyaks,
are nothing more than ordinary black pebbles, but the
possession of them is supposed to endow the owner with
exceptional powers.
No doubt Dyaks often concoct dreams out of their
waking thoughts to suit their own interests, and many a
man falsely declares he has received the gift of a charm
from some spirit in order to appear of importance before
others.
11
162 OMENS AND DREAMS
To conclude, dreams are looked upon by the Dyaks as
the means the gods and spirits use to convey their com-
mands or to warn men of coming danger. Houses are
often deserted, and farming land on which much labour
has been spent abandoned, on account of dreams. Newly-
married couples often separate from the same cause. It
is no unusual thing for a man or a woman to dream that
the spirits are hungry and need food. In that case the
inmates of the Dyak house organize a feast, and offerings
are made to the hungry spirits.
Sometimes dreams are made an excuse for evil deeds.
A woman who had been guilty of adultery said she was
only carrying out the command of the gods conveyed to
her in a dream, and that if she disobeyed she would
probably become mad !
\
CHAPTER XIII
THE "MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR
Manangs supposed to possess mysterious powers over evil spirits —
Dyak theory of disease — Treatment of disease — Lwpong, or box
of charms — Batu Ilau — Manang performances — Pagar Api —
Catching the soul — Sixteen different manang ceremonies — Killing
the demon Buyu — Saut — Salampandai — Deceit of manangs —
Story of a schoolboy — Smallpox and cholera — Three ceremonies of
initiation — Different ranks of manangs.
AMONG the lower races of mankind there is always
to be found the witch-doctor, who claims to have
mysterious powers, and to be able to hold com-
munication with the spirit- world. Where there is
ignorance as to the cause of disease, and the effects that
different medicines have on the human body, magical
ceremonies and pretensions to supernatural powers are
allowed full sway. Fear and anxiety in cases of illness
make men eager to believe in any suggested remedy,
however absurd it may be. The Dyaks are no excep-
tion to the rule. They have their manangs, or witch-
doctors.
The peculiar attribute of the manang is the possession
of mysterious powers over the spirits, rather than any
special knowledge of medicines. There is often some
small idea of the use of certain simple herbal remedies,
but it is not on this knowledge that his importance
depends. The great function of the manang is to defeat
163
164 "MANANG; or WITCH-DOCTOR
and drive away the malignant spirits which cause sickness
and death. All maladies are supposed to be inflicted by
the passing or the touch of demons, who are enemies to
mankind. The Dyak description of most diseases is
pansa utai, literally " something passed him." A spirit
passed him and struck him. In accordance with this idea
of disease, the only person who can cure the sick man
is the one who can cope with the unseen evil spirit. The
manang claims to be able to do this. He can charm or
persuade or kUl the evU spirit and rescue the departing
soul from his cruel clutches. When called in to attend
a patient, he, in company with other medicine-men, goes
through a performance called Pelian. There are different
varieties of this ceremony, according to the disease and
the amount of the fees paid.
Manangs are generally called to their profession by a
revelation made to them in dreams by some spirit. Each
manang, therefore, claims to have a familiar spirit, whom
he can call to his aid when necessary. When a person
receives a call from the spirit, he bids adieu for a whUe
to his relatives, abandons his former occupations, and
attaches himself to some other experienced manang, who,
for a consideration, will take him in hand and instruct
him in the incantations, a knowledge of which is necessary
for his calling.
The manang looks upon a sick person as in the power
of an evU spirit. As long as that spirit remains in posses-
sion, the patient cannot recover. He bids it depart. If
it be obstinate and will not go, he summons his own
familiar spirit to his aid. If the evil spirit still refuse to
go, then the 7nanang admits his inability to deal with
the case alone, and several other vianangs are called to
his aid.
"MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR 165
Whether the patient live or die, the manang is rewarded
for his trouble. He makes sure of this before he under-
takes a case, as he is put to considerable inconvenience
by being fetched away from his own home and his own
work. He takes up his abode with the patient, and has
his meals with the family, and in other ways makes himself
at home. If a cure be effected, he receives a present in
addition to his regular fee. Herbal remedies are often
administered internally or applied outwardly by him, but,
in addition to these, spells are muttered and incantations
made to exorcize the evil spirit that is tormenting the
man.
Every manang consults his familiar spirit as to what is
best to be done for the case. When a person complains
of pain in his body, the familiar is said to suggest that
some mischievous spirit has put somethmg into him to
cause the pain. The manang will then manipulate the
part, and pretend to draw something out — a small piece
of wood or a stone, or whatever it may chance to be — and
exhibit it as the cause of the pain in the body. This he has
by his magical power been able to remove from the body
without even leaving a mark on the skin !
The 7na7hang always possesses a lupong, or medicine-
box (see p. 184), generally made of the bark of a tree, and
this is filled with charms consisting of scraps of wood or
bark, curiously twisted roots, pebbles, and fragments of
quartz. These medicinal charms are either inherited, or
have been revealed by the spirits in dreams to their
owners. One important and necessary charm is the
Batu Ilau, ("stone of light") — a bit of quartz cr3^stal
which every m,anang possesses.
The 7nanang never carries his own box of charms ; the
people who fetch him must carry it for him. He arrives
l(>f) 'MANANG, OR WITCIinOCTOR
at the house of the sick man generally at sunset, for he
never performs in daylight, unless the case is very serious
and he is paid extra for doing so. It is difficult and
dangerous work, he says, to have any dealings with the
spirits in the daytime. Sitting down by the patient,
after some inquiries, ho produces out of his medicine-box
a boar's tusk or pebble, or some other charm, and gently
strokes the body with it. If there be several medicine-
men called in, the leader undertakes the preliminary
examination, tlie rest giving their assent.
The manang now produces his Batu Ilau (" stone of
light "), and gravely looks into it to diagnose the charac-
ter of the disease, and to see where the soul is, and to
discover what is the proper ceremony necessary for the
case in question. Where there is serious illness the witch-
doctor affirms that the spirit of the afflicted person has
already left the body and is on its way to the next
world, but that ho may be able to overtake it and bring
it back, and restore it to the [jerson to whom it belongs.
He pretends to converse with the spirit that troubles the
sick man, repeating aloud the answers that the spirit is
supposed to make.
There are many different ceremonies resorted to in
cases of illness, but the following is what is common to all
manang performances.
In the public hall of the Dyak house a long-handled
spear is fixed blade upwards, with a few leaves tied round
it, and at its foot are placed the medicine-boxes of all the
witch-doctors who take part in the ceremony. This is
called the Pagar Api ("fence of fire "). Why it is called
by this curious name is not clear. The nuitiaags all squat
on the floor, and the leader begms a long monotonous
drawl, the rest either singing hi concert or joining in the
"MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR 167
choruses or singing antiphoually with him. After a
tiresome period of this dull drawling, they stand up and
march with slow and solemn step in single file round the
Pagar A pi. The monotonous chant sometimes slackens,
sometimes quickens, as they march round and round the
whole niglit through, with only one interval for food m the
middle of the night. The patient simply lies on his mat
and listens.
Most of what is chanted is unmtelligible, and consists of
meanmgless sounds, it bemg supposed that what is not
understood by man is mtolligible to the sphits. But
some parts of it, though expressed in very prolix and
ornate language, can be understood by the careful
listener.
The witch-doctors call upon the sickness to be off to
the ends of the earth, and return to the unseen regions
from whence it came. They invoke the aid of spirits and
of ancient worthies and unworthies down to then* own imme-
diate ancestors, and spm the mvocation out to a sufficient
length to last till early mornmg. Then comes the climax
to which all this has been leadmg — the truant soul has
to be caught and brought back again to the body of the
sick man.
If the patient be m a dangerous state they pretend his
soul has escaped far away. Perhaps they give out that
it has escaped to the river, and they will wave about a
garment or a piece of woven cloth to imitate the action
of throwmg a castuig net to enclose it as a fish is caught.
Or else they say that it has escaped into the jungle, and
they wUl rush out of the house to secure it there. Or
perhaps they say that it has been carried over the sea
to unknown lands, and they all sit down and imitate
the action of paddlmg a boat to follow it. But this is
168 "MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR
only done in special cases, and I have often been told
by Dj^aks who have been present at a particular matmng
performance : " The man was very ill indeed. His
samengat (soul) had gone so far away that the manangs
had great difficulty in findmg it. They paddled over the
sea, they threw a net into the water, and did many
other things before they ultimately succeeded in catch-
ing it."
Generally the next thing they do is to move faster and
faster, till they rush round the Pagar Api as hard as
they can, stni singing their incantation. One of their
number suddenly falls to the floor and remains motionless.
The others sit down round him. The motionless manang
is covered over with a blanket, and all wait while his spirit
is supposed to hurry away to the other world to find
the wandering soul and bring it back. Presently he
revives, and looks vacantly round like a man just waking
out of sleep. Then he raises his right hand, clenched as
if holdmg something. That hand contains the soul, and
he proceeds to the patient and solemnly returns it to the
body of the sick man through the crown of his head,
muttering at the same time more words of incantation.
This " catching of the soul " {nangkap samengat) is the
great end to which all that has preceded leads up. One
function remains to complete the cure. A live fowl must
be waved over the jDatient, and as he does so, the leader
smgs a special invocation of great length. The animal is
afterwards killed as an offering to the spirits, and eaten by
the manangs.
I have given a general account of all Pelian or manang
performances. There are different kinds of ceremonies,
according to the advice of the manang or the fee the
patient is prepared to pay. In the following list are the
"MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR 169
names of the principal Pelian. If a patient fail to recover
after one kind of ceremony, the manangs often recom-
mend another and more expensive one.
1. Betepas (" sweeping ") : At the time of the birth of
each individual, a plant is supposed to grow up in the
other world. If this plant continues to grow well, then
the man enjoys good and robust health ; if it droops, the
man's health suffers. When a man, therefore, has bad
dreams or feels slightly unwell for a few days, his plant
in Hades is said to be in a bad condition, and the manang
is called to weed and sweep around it, and by doing so
improve the condition of the plant, and consequently
the health of the man. This is the first and cheapest
function of the manang. In this he does not " catch the
soul," as is done in the other ceremonies. All he does
is to mutter some incantation and wave a fowl over the
person.
2. Berenchah ("making an assault"): The door be-
tween the private room and the public veranda is thrown
open, and the manangs march backwards and forwards
between room and veranda. Each manang carries two
swords, one in each hand, and he beats these against each
other, and they rush at the patient as if to attack him.
This is supposed to be making an assault against the evil
spirits and scattering them on all sides.
3. Berua ("swinging") : A swing is hung up outside
the door of the sick person's room. The manang sits
in this swing, with the double object of catching the
man's soul, i£ it leave his body, and also of frighten-
ing any evil spirit that may come near to hurt the
man.
4. Betanam pentik (" planting a pentik ") : A pentik
is a roughly carved wooden representation of a man.
170 "MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR
The manang rushes through the house three times with
this figure, and then plants it in the ground at the foot
of the ladder of the house, and near it is put a winnowing-
basket, a cooking-pot, and the piece of wood used in
weaving to press the threads together. The figure is
planted in the ground in the evening. If it remain till
the morning in an upright position, recovery is certain ;
but if it be inclined either to the right or left, it is an omen
of death.
5. Bepancha (" making a pancha ") : A pancha is a
swing erected on the tanju, or open-air platform, of the
house. In this swing the manang sits, and by the move-
ment of his feet " kicks away " the disease. While seated
in this swing he " catches the soul " of the patient.
6. Ngelemhayan {" taking a long sight ") : A number
of planks are laid about in the public veranda, and the
manning 8 walk upon them, chanting their incantations.
Then one of their number pretends to swoon, and is
supposed to sail over rivers and seas to find the soul and
bring it back.
7. Bebayak ("making a hayak, or iguana"): Some
cooked rice is moulded into the shape of an iguana,
and is covered over with cloths. This figure is supposed
to eat up the evil spirits which cause the disease.
8. Nemuai- Ka Sabayan ("making a journey to
Hades ") : The manangs, with hats on their heads, march
up and down the house singing their incantations. While
their bodies are doing this, their souls are supposed to
speed away to Hades and bring back all manner of
medicinal charms and talismans, as well as the wandering
soul of the sick man .
9. Betiang garong (" making a post for departed
souls "j : A piece of bamboo is hung up to the roof -ridge.
"MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR 171
and an offering is put on the ridge. A swing is erected
up there for the manang, and he makes his incantations
and " catches the soul."
10. Begiling lantai (" rolled up in the flooring ") : In
this ceremony, when the manang feigns to swoon, his
body is rolled up in part of the flooring, and certain
miniature articles are put by his side, just as a dead
man's possessions are put by his bod}^ and the manang
is taken out of the house as if to be buried.
11. Beburong raia ("making or acting the adjutant
bird ") : The manang s walk up and down the house
seven times, imitating the actions of the adjutant bird.
The}^ are covered with native sheets, put over their
bodies like cloaks, and they pretend to personate the bird.
12. Behaju hesi (" wearing an iron coat ") : Each
manang fastens two choppers on his back and two in
front, and carries one m each hand. Thus equipped,
they walk round and " catch the soul."
13. Beba7idong Api ("displaying fire"): The patient
is laid out in the public part of the house, and several
small fires are made round him. The manang s pretend
to dissect his body, and fan the flames towards him to
drive away the sickness.
14. Betiti tendai (" walking on the fendai ") : The
tendai is the bar on which cotton is placed when being
spun. This bar is oiled and placed in the middle of the
pubHc veranda, and the manang, armed with a chopper
in each hand, walks on it in order to " catch the soul "
of the patient.
15. Beremaung (" acting the tiger ") : In the middle
of each family's portion of the pubUc veranda is placed a
wooden mortar, and the manang prowls round them to
" catch the soul " of the patient.
172 " MANANG, " OR WITCH-DOCTOR
16. Betukup rarong (" to split open the coffin ") : A
manang is put in a coffin, and by his side are put miniature
articles, supposed to represent the utensils used in daily
life. The other manang s walk round, and attempt to
" catch the soul " of the sick man. When they have
succeeded in doing this, the coffin is spUt open and the
manang gets out.
These are the different kinds of manang ceremonies
known, but only the first four are in common use. The
others are rarely resorted to nowadays.
In addition to these must be mentioned the Munoh
Antu, or Bepantap Buyu (" kilhng the demon," or
" wounding Buyu "). Buyu is the name of the evil
spirit who brings many diseases and causes miscarriage
in women. When there is some unusual or obstinate
disease, or when a woman has had miscarriage, the
manangs declare that Buyu is the cause of the trouble,
and must be killed. A large number of witch-doctors
are called together, and the feat is performed in this way :
The patient is taken out of the room, and laid on the
common veranda, and covered with a net. In the room
is placed an offering of food, and the manangs walk in
procession up and down the whole length of the house,
chanting their incantations, and inviting the evil spirit
to come to his victim, and also to partake of the sump-
tuous repast that is prepared for him. This occupies
some time, for the spirit may be far away, on a journey,
or fishing, or hunting. AU Ughts are extinguished, and
in the darkness the manangs walk up and down the public
hall of the Dyak house. At intervals one of them peeps
in at the door to see if the spirit has arrived. In due
time the demon comes, and then the manangs themselves
enter the darkened room. Presently sounds of scuffling,
"MANANG," OR A¥ITCH-DOCTOR 173
of clashing of weapons, and of shouting are heard by the
Dyaks outside. Soon after the door is thrown open, and
the demon said to be dead. He was cheated into coming
to torment his prey, and instead of a weak and helpless
victim he met the crafty and mighty manangs, who have
done what ordinary mortals cannot do — attacked and
killed him. As a proof of the reality of the deed lights
are brought in, and the manangs point to spots of blood
on the floor, and occasionally to the corpse itself in the
shape of a dead monkey or snake, which they say was
the form the spirit took for the occasion. The trick is a
very simple one. Some time in the day the manangs
procure blood from a fowl or some other animal, or it
may be from their own bodies, mix it with water in a
bamboo to prevent congealing, smuggle it into the room,
and scatter it on the floor in the dark. This can safely
be done, as no one but the manangs themselves are in
the room. Neither lights nor outsiders are admitted, on
the plea that under such circumstances the demon could
not be enticed to enter. The trick has often been detected
and the performers openly accused of imposture ;
consequently, it is not now practised so often as in
former times. When this victory over the spirit is won,
the Pelian goes on in the usual way till the morning
hours.
In addition to these Pelian, there is another manarig
ceremony which is often performed, and known by the
name of Saut. A feast is always given in the house where
this ceremony takes place, so it is the occasii-n of the
gathering of friends from many different Dyak houses.
The reasons for having this ceremony are various. If
they have had a series of bad harvests, or if one or more
people in the house are ill, or if they wish the future of
174 "MANANG,' OR WITCH-DOCTOR
one child or many to be bright and prosperous, then the
manangs are called in to perform the Saut.
The principal god or deity invoked in this ceremony is
Selampandai, the god who fashions mankind out of clay
by hammering them out on an anvil. As in other per-
formances of the manangs, there is a Pagar Ajyi put up in
the open veranda. The ceremony begins at dusk, when
three offerings of food are made. The first is to the gods
of the women, and this is thrown out of the window of
the room to the ground ; the second offering is made to
the gods of the men, and is thrown out to the ground
from the unroofed veranda in front of the house ; the
third offering is to Selampandai, and this is put in the
loft over the Pagar A pi.
Areca-nut blossoms are placed ready for use on a little
shelf, and three plates of rice are put near them as offer-
ings to the spirits. A large valuable jar {tajau) filled with
native spirit {tuaJc) is placed in the public veranda of the
house. If there be a sick man to be cured, he sits on a
brass gong (chanang) by the Pagar Api. The manangs
march up and down singing their incantations. After
doing this for some time, each of them takes a bunch of
areca-blossom in his hands, and they strike each other
with these until the blossoms are broken and strew the
ground. Then the manangs walk slowly round the jar,
bowing to it at each step. After this they join hands,
and rush round the jar as fast as they can go, until they
are quite exhausted.
During this the guests who have been invited to the
feast are seated about eating and drinking, or chatting to
each other. Later on in the evening, when the manangs
have completed their ceremony, the tuak in the jar is
handed round in cups for the guests to drink. As usual
"MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR 175
at feasts, when a cup of spirit is given to a man, he drinks
the contents and keeps the cup, and it is no unusual thing
to see a man returning from a feast with twenty or thirty
cups in his possession.
There is a good deal of deceit and humbug and a little
clumsy sleight-of-hand on the part of the manang, and
an unlimited amount of faith on the part of the patient.
The manang must be conscious of his own deceit, but he
believes that his incantations do good, and I have often
known cases of manangs having these ceremonies for
members of their own family who are ill. But as a rule
a manang is not a truthful man at all. He is not above
telling any number of Hes to increase his importance.
He always pretends to have had previous knowledge of
what is going to happen, and often says, when he is called
in to a case, that he knew some time previously that his
patient would be ill and come to him for help.
There can be no doubt that the average Dyak knows
that there is a great deal of deceit connected with the
manang^ s profession, but he also knows he must submit to
that deceit if he wishes to have his help, and he beheves
that in some way the incantations and remarkable actions
of the manangs help to scare away the evil spirit which
is the cause of the disease.
I remember that one of my schoolboys was on a visit
to his relatives in Saribas. His sister was ill, and his
parents sent for the matiangs to cure her. The boy pro-
tested. He said they were Christians, and ought not to
make incantations to the spirits. But no notice was taken
of what he said. The manang went through the usual
farce of " catching the soul " and restoring it to the girl.
The boy looked on, and when it was over said to him :
" You are a fraud. You know you cannot ' catch the
176 "MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR
soul,' and you only pretend to do so, and get paid
for it."
The manang was no doubt disgusted at being thus
reproved by a little boy, and replied :
" I am able to catch the soul and restore it. I will
catch your soul if you like."
" Do so," said the boy. " I would like you very much
to do it."
The foohsh manarig pretended to faint ; then he woke
up in the orthodox manner with one hand clenched, and
when he opened it, lo and behold ! there was something
there which he declared was the boy's soul.
The boy sat and looked on while all this went on.
" Here is your soul," the manang said, " which I have
succeeded in catching after much trouble. Let me
restore it to you, so that you may be in good health."
" Call that my soul ?" said the boy. " I make a
present of it to you. I do not want it. You can keep it.
I have a soul which you cannot touch."
The manang was puzzled. He had never known such
a thing as anyone daring to refuse to have his own soul.
He spoke to the parents, and said that something terrible
would happen to the boy if he persisted in not having his
soul returned to his body. The parents wished the boy
to do what the manang desired, but he was determined,
and did what all Dyak boys do when they are disobedient
— ran oflP into the jungle, where he knew he would not
easily be found.
When this boy came back to my school, he told me all
about it, and later on, when he and I went to his people,
they spoke about it. As the boy was in very good health,
they all had a laugh at the manang^s expense. If,
however, anything had happened to the boy, no
"MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR 177
doubt the manang would have made much capital out
of it.
I have sometimes argued with a manang that if the
soul has already left the body of the patient when he is
called in, then the man ought to be dead. The answer
to this is that a man has more than one soul. It is only
when 0,11 his souls leave the body that the man dies.
Some Dyaks assert that a man has three souls, and others
seven. Their ideas on this matter do not agree.
Though the manang is supposed to be able to defeat
the evil spirits which cause disease, there are some
diseases which are too terrible for even his mystical
powers. The epidemic scourges of cholera and smallpox
are said to be caused by the direct influence of evil spirits.
Smallpox is said to be caused by the King of Evil Spirits,
because it is such a terrible disease. The name by which
it is known among the Dyaks is Sakit Rajah (the sick-
ness of, or caused by, the Kang of Evil Spirits). But
the manangs will not go near a case of either. Probably
a consciousness of their own powerlessness, combined with
a fear of infection, has made them assert that those
diseases do not come within reach of their powers. Other
means, such as propitiatory sacrifices and offerings, must
be resorted to.
To qualify a man to take part in this mixed system of
symbohsm and deceit, a form of initiative ceremony is
gone through by other witch-doctors, in the course of
which he is supposed to learn the secrets of his mystic
calling. The aspirant to the office of manang must first
commit to memory a certain amount of Dyak traditional
lore, to enable him to take part in the incantations in
company with other witch-doctors. But in addition to
this, before he can accomplish the more important parts,
12
178 "MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR
such as pretending to catch the soul of a sick man, he
must be pubhcly initiated by one or more of the following
ceremonies :
1. The first is called Besudi, which means "feeling,"
or " touching." The aspirant sits m the veranda of the
Byak house, and a number of witch-doctors walk round
him singing incantations the whole night. The ceremony
performed over him is the same as that done for a sick
man (Pelian). This is supposed to endow him with the
power to touch and feel the maladies of the body, and
apply the requisite cure. It admits to the lowest grade,
called manang mata (unripe manang), and is obtain-
able for the lowest fees.
2. If a manang v.ishes to attain a higher grade, he goes
through a second ceremony, which is caUed Bekliti, or
" opening." A whole night's incantation is again gone
through by the other mana^igs, and in the early morning
the great function of initiation is carried out. The witch-
doctors lead the aspirant into an apartment curtained oflf
from pubhc gaze by large sheets of native woven cloth.
There they assert they cut his head open, and take out
his brains and wash and restore them. This is to give
him a clear mind to penetrate into the mysteries of
disease and to circumvent the wiles of the unseen spirits.
They insert gold-dust into his eyes to give him keenness
and strength of sight, so that he may be able to see the
soul wherever it may have wandered. They plant barbed
hooks in the tips of his fmgers to enable him to seize the
strugghng soul and hold it fast, and, lastly, they pierce
his heart with an arro\\' to make him tender-hearted and
fuU of sympathy with the sick and suffering. Needless
to say, none of these things are done. A few symbohc
actions representing them are all that are gone through.
"MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR 179
A cocoanut is placed on the head of the man and spht
open instead of the head, and so on. After this second
ceremony the man is a fully-qualified manang — a manang
inansau (a ripe manang) — competent to practise all
parts of his deceitful craft.
3. There is, however, a third and highest grade, which
is attainable only by ambitious candidates who are rich
enough to make the necessary outlay. They may become
manang bangun, 'manang enjun {manangs waved upon,
inanangs trampled upon). As in other cases, this in-
volves a whole night's ceremony, in which many of the
older witch-doctors take part. They begin by walking
round and round the aspirant to this high honour, and
wave over him bunches of betel-nut blossom. This is
the hangu7i (the waving upon). Then in the middle
of the veranda a large jar is placed having a short ladder
fastened on each side and connected at the top. At
various intervals during the night the manangs, leading
the new candidate, march him up one ladder and down
the other, but what this is supposed to symboUze is not
clear. As a finish to this play at mysteries, the man
lays himself flat on the floor and the others walk over
him and trample upon him. In some mysterious way
this action is supposed to impart to him the supernatural
power they themselves possess. This is the enjun,
the " trampling upon." The fees necessary to obtain
this highest grade among witch-doctors are high, and
therefore few are able to afford it. One who has been
through this ceremony wiU often be heard to boast that
he is no ordinary spirit-controller or soul-catcher, but
something far superior — a manang bangmi, manang
enjun.^'
There is a yet higher grade which some matiangs attain
180 "MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR
to — that is, when he becomes a 7nanang hali. Bali
means " changed," and a 'manang hali is one who is
supposed to have changed his sex, and become a woman.
Sometimes a male manang assumes female attire. He
does this, it is said, because he has had a supernatural
command conveyed to him in dreams on three separate
occasions. To disregard such a command would mean
death. He prepares a feast, and sacrifices a pig or two
to avert evil consequences to the tribe, and then assumes
female costume. Thenceforth he is treated hke a woman,
and occupies himself in female pursuits. His chief aim
in hfe is to copy female manners and habits as accurately
as possible.
A manang hali is paid much higher fees than an
ordinary manang, and is often called in when others have
been unable to effect a cure. I do not think there is ever
a case of a young man becoming a manang bali. Gener-
ally it is an old and childless man who uses this means of
earning a livehhood.
The only occasion on which I have met a manang hali
was in the upper part of the Krian River. He seemed a
poor sort of creature, and appeared to me to be looked
down upon by the Dyaks, though they were glad enough
to ask his help in cases of illness. He had a " husband,"
a lazy good-for-nothing, who lived on the earnings of the
manang bali.
Women as well as men may become manangs, though
it is not usual to meet many such nowadays. I have
only come across one woman manang, and that was at
Temudok, though I have heard of several others in
different parts of the country.
The fact that the manang claims to be able to hold
communion with the spirit -world would lead one to
"MANANG," OR WITCH-DOCTOR 181
suppose that he is the priest of the Dyak system of wor-
ship. But in practice the manang is more a doctor than
a priest. His aid is always called in case of illness, but
not necessarily at the great religious functions of the
Dyaks — the sacrifice of propitiation to Pulang Gana, the
god of the earth, or the sacrificial feast to Singalang
Burong, the god of war. Generally, other Dyaks are the
officiating ministers on these occasions, the only re-
quisite qualification being the abihty to chant the invo-
cation and incantations which accompany the offering
and ceremonies. Also at marriages or at burials the
manang is not the officiant, but some old man of standing,
who has a reputation for being fortunate in his under-
takings. A manang may be the officiant, not by virtue
of his office, but for other reasons.
CHAPTER XIV
NATIVE REMEDIES AND DYAK
CHARMS
Native remedies — Cupping — Charms — A Dyak medicine- chest —
Smallpox and cholera — My experience at Temudok.
AS has already been shown in the precedmg chapter,
the Dyak looks to the inanang, or witch-doctor,
to help him in all cases of illness, AU sickness is
caused by some evil spirit, and the manang alone has
power over these unseen enemies, and he uses incantations
to appease or frighten these demons away.
But though in all cases of serious illness the manang
is called in, yet the treatment of every disease is not
left in his hands. Dyaks use some things as outward
applications, and certain herbal remedies are given
internally in the case of illness, I have seen Dyaks
boil some bitter bark in water and drink this liquid
when they have fever. Certain oils are also used
as liniments. The betel-nut and pepper-leaf [sireh)
mixture is used as an outward application for many
complaints. Some man — generally one who is successful
in what he undertakes — ^is asked to chew some of this
hot mixture in his mouth. Having done this, he leans
over and squirts the red saliva over the affected part, and
rubs it in with his fingers, Dyaks with a headache wUl be
seen with their foreheads smeared over with it. Newly-
182
NATIVE REMEDIES AND CHARMS 183
born babes have their stomachs and chests covered with
daily applications of the same thing b}^ their mothers.
Ground ginger is also used as a poultice, especially in
the case of women who have given birth to a child ; and
the water in which pieces of ginger have been boiled is
drunk by people suffering from ague, as well as by lymg-in
women.
The Dyaks are very fond of blood-letting whenever
there is pain in any part of the body or limb, and they
have a method of " cupping " which is rather ingenious.
The part from which the blood is to be drawn has in-
cisions made in it with a small knife. The " cupping-
glass " is a young wet bamboo which has a knot at one
end, but is open at the other. This is heated at the fire,
and then placed firmly over the incisions made in the
flesh. Cold water is then poured on the bamboo, and it
draws out the blood. The heat fills the bamboo with
steam from its dampness. The cold water condenses
this steam, and makes the bamboo an excellent " cupping-
glass."
As the Dyak believes that all sickness is caused by the
spirits, it is not surprising that his faith in medicines is
small, and that he knows of few remedies, and depends
for his cures either on the mysterious ceremonies of the
witch-doctors or on charms which have been made
known by the spirits to the fortunate owners by means
of dreams. These charms are generally pebbles, roots,
leaves, feathers, or bits of wood. The pebbles and roots
are rubbed on the body, or else put in water and the
water applied. The leaves, bits of wood, feathers,
etc., are burnt, and the ashes rubbed on the affected
part.
Though the manang depends upon his power over
184 NATIVE REMEDIES
spirits to cure diseases, still he calls to his aid his numer-
ous charms, which he claims to have received from the
spirits. These valued treasures are carried in his lupong,
or medicine-chest.
The following excellent description of " The Contents
of a Dyak Mediciae-chest," by Bishop Hose, under whom
I worked for many years as a missionary to the Dyaks,
is reproduced here by his kmd permission. The place and
the people mentioned in it are all well known to me, as
the village of Kundong is in the Saribas District, which
was in my charge for many years : —
" A few days ago I was in the upper part of the Saribas
River, the home of the race once celebrated throughout
Malaya for daring deeds of piracy. My companion was
the Rev. WUliam Howell, the joint author with Mr. D.
J. S. BaUey of " A Dictionary of the Sea Dyak Language,"
and an authority on all subjects connected with the
religious and other customs of that people. We had
ascended the Padih, an affluent of the main river, to the
village of Kundong, where we were going to spend the
night in the Dysuk house of which Brok is the tuai, or
headman. The house is of moderate length — about
twenty doors — and as usual the apartments of the tuai
are near the middle of the building. There we were
hospitably installed on the ruai, or undivided hall (some-
times described as a veranda), which extends throughout
the whole length of a Sea Dyak house and occupies
about half of its area. The good mats were brought down
from the sadau, or loft, and spread for us — the rare luxury
of a chair was provided for me — and there we talked,
and taught, and answered questions, and dispensed
medicines, while the inhabitants of the other- rooms
gathered round us, as well as the occupants of our host's
AND DYAK CHARMS 185
private quarters. There also we ate, and there we slept
when the kindly people would at last consent to our going
to bed.
"The majority of the 'rooms' — i.e., separate tene-
ments— in this house are inhabited by Christians of long
standing, but there are a few who have not yet come in.
Amongst them is a manang, or doctor of magic, named
Dasu, who has a large practice in the neighbourhood.
I was anxious to interview him in order to get some in-
formation that I wanted for the purpose of comparing
the original spiritual beliefs of the Borneans with those
that underlie the Mohammedanism of the Malays of the
Peninsula. I was also desirous of ascertaining how far
the methods of the Dyak manang, when undertaking to
cure diseases, resembled those of the pawang and bomor,
his Malay confreres.
" At our invitation Dr. Dasu came out of his room
readily enough, and sat down with us to chat and smoke
a cigarette. He talked freely and intelligently about
such matters of general interest as happened to be broached,
especially the late expedition against the turbulent people
of the Ulu Ai, and the terrible epidemic of cholera which
was just passing away. But as soon as we began to give
the conversation a professional turn, and speak of the
practice of medicine by the native doctors of the Saribas,
he put on a look of impenetrable reserve, and could
hardly be persuaded to speak at all. There is reason to
believe that this was chiefly owing to the presence of
Mr. Howell. He has succeeded in winning the confidence
and affectionate regard of Dyaks to an unusual degree,
but he is unpopular among the man^an^s. His teaching
has led people to think for themselves, and wherever he
goes the business and the gains of the village doctor show
186 NATIVE REINIEDIES
a tendency to decrease. Moreover, several of the fraternity
have submitted to his influence, abandoned their tricks,
and taken to honest farming. It is known, too, that
some of these have surrendered their whole stock of
charms to my friend, and have also made dangerous
revelations, whereby the profession has been much dis-
credited.
" So Dr. Dasu was only with great difficulty induced
to impart to us his Imowledge. He told me, after more
confidential relations had grown up between us, that he
suspected me of an intention, by some means or other, to
get possession of his precious materia medica, and so
deprive him of his means of living. However, his fears
were removed by repeated assurances that it was infor-
mation only that I wanted, and that I was consulting him
just because I preferred to get it direct from a professor
of repute rather than trust to reports received from
white men. At length we persuaded him to be gently
catechized. I got some precise answers to my questions
respecting certain articles of Dyak belief which had been
variously defined by different investigators, and about
which my ideas had been a good deal confused. But those
matters are not the subject of this note. It is the conclud-
ing incident of the rather prolonged interview that I
propose to describe.
" We had talked to one another so pleasantly and frankly
that I thought I might ask Dasu as a great favour to
show me his lupong, or medicine-chest, and the charms
of power which it contained. It was quite evident that
this aroused his suspicions again, and he retired within
himself as before. But the principal people of the house,
who were sitting by us, urged him to consent, and, as old
acquaintances of mine, assured him of my good faith. So
AND DYAK CHARMS 187
he was at last persuaded, and went to his own room to
fetch the treasure.
" As I have said, the good mats of the household, as is
usual when it is intended to show respect to a visitor, had
been taken down for our accommodation from the place
where they are stored. But we now saw that the most
valued of them all had been held in reserve. This, which
was made of fine and very flexible rotan, the latest
triumph of the skill and industry of our courteous hostess,
Ipah, Brok's wife, was now handed down and spread in
front of us for the reception of the great man and the
mysterious implements of his profession. After some con-
siderable delay, probably intended to excite our curiosity
the more, he appeared, and sat down on the mat pre-
pared for him, a subdued murmur of applause and
satisfaction greeting him as he took his seat.
" A maimng's lupong, or case for holding his charms,
may be almost anything. Sometimes it is a box, some-
times a basket, sometimes a bag. In this instance it was
an open-mouthed basket made of thin shavings of bamboo
hung round the neck of the owner by a strip of bark.
" Before beginning the exhibition, Dasu made a little
formal speech, in which, with much show of humility, he
spoke in depreciation of his own powers and knowledge
and of his collection of remedial charms, as compared with
those of other members of the profession elsewhere.
These remarks were of course received with complimentary
expressions of dissent from the audience ; and then at last
the contents of the basket were displayed before us.
They were tied up together in a cloth bag, the most
highly -prized being further enclosed in special receptacles of
their own, such as a second cloth covering, a little bamboo
box with a lid, or a match-box. They were ceremoni-
188 NATIVE REMEDIES
ously brought out, and placed side by side on the mat
of honour. I was then invited to handle and examine
them, and the name and use of each were told me without
any fresh indication of unwillingness. This is a list of
them :
"1. Batu binfung, or star-stone. A small, transparent
stone rounded by the action of water till it was almost
spherical, with a rather rough surface. The manang
looked upon it as his badge of authority, and told the
following story of the way he became possessed of it.
Many years ago, in the interval between harvest and the
next seed-time, he was working as a cooly in Upper
Sarawak. There he had a dream in which he was visited
by the being whom he looked upon as his guardian spirit.
As in all cases when this spirit has had any communica-
tion to make to him, it appeared in the form of a tortoise.
It told him that he must forthwith put himself under
instruction in order to be qualified for the office
of a manang ; and that if he neglected this command all
the spirits would be angry, and death or madness would
be the penalty. When he awoke he found the batii
bintang by his side, and had no doubt it was the gift of
the spirit. Accordingly, he did as he was bidden without
loss of time. He acquired the professional knowledge
and the stock-in-trade which were necessary, and was
at last duly initiated with all the proper rites and cere-
monies.
"2. Batu Jcraf ikan sembilan, or the petrified section of
the Sembilan fish. This was a curious object which I could
not quite make out. It was oblong in shape, about two
inches long, one inch broad, and half an inch thick in the
middle, but getting suddenly thinner towards the two
edges till it became not more than one-sixteenth of an inch.
AND DYAK CHARMS 189
The thick part was hollow, having a large, oval-shaped
perforation going through it. It resembled a section from
the middle of a large winged seed, but heavy for its size,
and feeling like a stone. I could not of course test this by
cutting or scraping. When used it is soaked for a time
in water ; the water is then given to the sick man to
drink, or is rubbed gently upon the part of his body which
is affected.
" 3. Batu lintar, or thunderbolt. A small, dark-
coloured stone, about an inch and a half long and a quarter
of an inch thick at the base, tapering to a sixteenth of an inch
at the point, curved, and rather like a very small rhino-
ceros horn, and highly polished. It was probably the same
kind of stone as that of which the stone implements found
in the Malay Peninsula are made, which is also called
batu lintar. It is pressed firmly against the body wherever
pain is felt.
" 4. Batu nitar, another name for thunderbolt. A
minute, four-sided crystal, half an inch long and about
two lines thick. A charm to be used only m extreme cases.
It is dipped m water and then shaken over the patient.
If he starts when the drops of water fall upon his body he
will recover, otherwise he will die.
" 5. Batu krang jiranau, or petrified root-stock of
jiranau (a zingiberad ?). They told us this is the Dyak
name of a kind of wild ginger. The word is curiously
near to jerangau, or jeringu, which Ridley says is Acorus
calamus, 'a plant much used by native medicine-men'
(Wilkinson, ' Malay-EngUsh Dictionary '). The thing so
called was possibly part of the backbone of some animal,
bent double and the two ends tied together, each vertebra
brown and shining after long use. A charm for dysentery
and indigestion, and also for consumption. It is dipped
190 NATIVE REMEDIES
in oil and rubbed on the patient's body in a downward
direction.
" 6. Batii ilau, or sparkling stone, also called batu kras,
or the hard stone. A six-sided crystal, two inches long
and three-quarters of an inch thick. One end appeared
to have been formerly stuck into some sort of handle, as
it was covered with malan, or lac. This is the indis-
pensable sight-stone to be looked into for a view of that
which is future, or distant, or otherwise invisible to the
ordinary eyes. It is specially used by matmngs for dis-
covering where the soul of the sick man, wandering away
from the body, is conceahng itself, or for detecting the
particular demon who is causing the illness.
" There were also, jumbled up together at the bottom
of the bag, a number of tusks of wild boar, pebbles, and
other rubbish, but these were pronounced to be utai
ngajja — things of no importance. One article that we
hoped to find was absent. Dasu said he should be glad
indeed to have it, but it had never come in his way. It
is the batu burung endan, or pehcan stone. He explained
to us that this is a stone which has the magical power of
securing the presence and co-operation of a spirit who
dweUs in the form of the endan {Pelicanus nialaccensis).
When the maTiang is seeking to enter Sabayan, the spirit-
world, in search of the errant soul of a sick man, this
demon can insure to him a swift and unimpeded passage
thither and back again.
" While Dasu was teUing us the story of his vision of
the tortoise spirit who gave him the batu hintang, I
watched his face carefully for any sign that he beheved
or did not believe his account. I could not be sure, but
I am inclined to think he did not. He seemed reUeved
when we had finished our examination of his possessions,
AND DYAK CHARMS 191
and he could pack them all up and carry them off to the
security of his own dweUing.
" Several similar collections of charms have at different
times been given to me, obtained from manangs who have
become Christians, but it was particularly interesting to
me to have a set actually in use exhibited and explained
by their owner."
The Dyak medicine-man, either by means of medicines,
or by the use of charms, or by his incantations, is sup-
posed to be able to cure all diseases. But, as I have said,
the two terrible epidemics of cholera and smallpox are
beyond his powers. No witch-doctor will approach any
case of these, however well he may be paid.
So great is the fear of the Byaks for either of these
diseases that, when a man falls ill of cholera, all his
friends desert the house in which he is, and he is left to
manage for himself. In the case of smallpox those who
have already had the disease may stop and nurse their
friends, but the others all leave the house and build for
themselves shelters in the jungle. Very often people die
of smallpox or cholera simply because they are too
ill to cook food, and have no one to attend to their
wants.
When there is smallpox or cholera in the country, the
Dyaks plant by the path leading to the house a post
with a cross-bar attached to it. This is to show others
that they may not come up to the house. To disregard
such a signpost is punishable according to Dyak law.
When I was stationed at Temudok, very early one
morning, I heard someone caUing out from the landing-
stage by the river-bank. I got out of bed, and went to
the veranda and shouted out to the man that he was
to come to the house if he had anything to say to me.
192 NATIVE REMEDIES
He came half-way up the hill, and then said that he was
afraid to come any nearer. There were two men dead
of smallpox in his boat, and many others ill. Some of
the Byaks in the boat were Christians whom I knew,
some were not. We had a conversation as to what it
was best to do under the circumstances. The first thing
was to bury the two dead bodies. I had many planks,
as the carpenters were still at work at the Mission House,
and two coffins were soon made, the dead bodies placed
in them and buried.
But what was to be done with those in the boat who
were ill ? I could not have them at the Mission House ,
because the schoolboys hved there, and also one room
was used for services which the Christian Dyaks in
Temudok attended. I remembered there was a small
Dyak house a little way up-river which had been deserted
not long before, and I told the Dyaks to take the sick to
that house, and I promised to supply them with food and
anything else they might require. Three of the crew were
well, but there were eight who had smallpox.
I sent a message up-river to the friends and relatives of
these men, and asked them to come themselves or send
others to nurse them. I was very much disappointed to
find that only two women came in reply to my request.
The Dyaks are so afraid of smallpox that even those who
had already had smallpox, and need not have feared infec-
tion, were not allowed by those who lived with them to
nurse a suffering relative.
I shall never forget the first time I went to see these
smallpox patients. They lay in a row in the open veranda
of the Dyak house — a miserable sight. Plates of rice had
been placed by them which they were not able to eat.
I had the place swept and cleaned, and the food taken
AND DYAK CHARMS 193
away. I took them some condensed milk and sugar, as
well as other food.
Two of their number died ; the others recovered.
Before they returned to their homes they came to me.
I had them disinfected, burnt up their clothes and mats,
etc., and gave them each a piece of cloth for clothing.
I am glad to say they did not take the infection to their
houses.
13
CHAPTER XV
DYAK RELIGION
Certain religious observances — Petara, or gods — Singalang Burong,
the god of war— Pulang Gana, the god of the soil — Salampandai,
the maker of men — Mali, or taboo — Spirits — Girgasi, the chief
of evil spirits — The dogs of the spirits — Stories — Customs con-
nected with the belief in spirits — Sacrifices — Firing and ginsdan
— The victim of the sacrifice generally eaten, but not always —
Material benefits expected by the Dyaks by their religious cere-
monies— Nampok, a means of communicating with spirits — Batn
hudi, " stones of wrath " — Belief in a future life — Conclusion.
THE Dyaks have no special forms of worship, nor
do they build temples in honour of their gods,
and yet they certainly have a rehgion of their
own. They beheve in certain gods and spirits, who are
supposed to rule over different departments of hfe, and
they have certain rehgious observances which may be
classed as follows :
1. The kiUing and eating of fowls and pigs offered in
sacrifice, of which a portion is set aside for the gods.
2. The propitiation of gods and spirits by offerings of
food.
3. The use of omens and augury.
4. The singing of long incantations to the gods and
spirits on certain occasions.
The Dyaks have only one word, Petara, to denote the
deity, and there is no Uterature to appeal to in order to
explain this word. We have to depend upon what the
194
DYAK RELIGION 195
Dyaks can tell us themselves, and also upon what we can
gather from the different pengap — long incantations made
on such semi-sacred occasions as the offering of sacrifices
at feasts. These pengap are handed down from genera-
tion to generation by word of mouth. Some Dyaks have
good memories, and are able to learn and repeat them.
The general idea is that there are many Petara, but the
whole subject is one upon which Dyaks have very hazy
ideas. They cannot give a connected and lucid account
of their belief. They all admit, however, that the Petara
are supernatural beings, who are invisible and have
superior powers.
But their conception of gods is a very low one, and this
is not to be wondered at, because, as is well known, the
grosser the nature of a people, the grosser will be their
conception of a deity or of deities. We can hardly expect
a high and spiritual conception of gods from Dyaks in
their present intellectual condition. Their Petara are
most human-hke beings. They are represented as de-
lighting in a " feast of rice, and pork, and venison, cakes
and drink," just as the Dyaks themselves do ; and yet
they are the beings who can bestow the highest blessings
the Dyaks can desire !
Although the conception of Petara is not an exalted
one, yet he is a good being, and no evil is attributed to
him. He is always on the side of justice and right. The
ordeal of diving is an appeal to Petara to help the innocent
and overthrow the guilty. He is supposed to be angry
at acts of wickedness, and I have often heard a Dyak say
that he dare not commit some particular crime, because
he fears the displeasure and punishment of Petara. He
may be able to hide his wickedness from the eyes of man,
but not from the Petara. ^
196 DYAK RELIGION
There are a large number of gods mentioned by name
in the Dyak incantations, but the following are the most
important deities :
Singalang Burong takes the highest position in honour
and dignity, and is the ruler of the spirit- world. He
stands at the head of the Byak pedigree, and they trace
their descent from him, for he is believed to have once
Uved on earth as a man. It is doubtful what the word
Simjalang means, but Burong means " bird," and prob-
ably Singalang Burong means " bird chief." The Dyaks
are great observers of omens, as is noticed in Chapter XII.,
and among their omens the cries and flight of certain birds
are most important. All these birds are supposed to be
manifestations of the spirit sons-in-law of Singalang
Burong, who is himself manifested in the white and brown
hawk which is known by his name.
Singalang Burong is also the god of war, and the
guardian spirit of brave men. He delights in fighting,
and head-taking is his glory. When Dyaks have ob-
tained a human head, they make a great feast in his
honour and invoke his presence. He is the only god
ever represented by the Dyaks in a material form. It is
a carved, highly-coloured bird of grotesque shape. This
figure is erected on the top of a pole thirty feet or more
in height, with its beak pointing in the direction of the
enemy's country, so that he may " peck at the eyes of
the enemy."
Next in importance to Singalang Burong is Pulang
Gana. He is the tutelary deity of the soil, and presides
over the rice-farming. He is an important power in Dyak
behef, and to him offerings are made and incantations
are sung at the Gawai Batu, the "Stone Feast," which
takes place before the farming operations begin, and also
DYAK RELIGION 197
at the Gawai Benih, the " Festival of the Seed," just before
the planting of the paddy. Upon his good-wiU, accord-
ing to Dyak beHef, is supposed to depend their supply of
the staff of life. His history is given in a myth handed
down from ancient times (see p. 300).
Salampandai is the maker of men. He hammers them
into shape out of clay, and forms the bodies of children
to be born into the world. There is an insect which
makes at night the curious noise — hink-a-cUnk, kink-a-
clink. When the Dyaks hear this, they say it is Salam-
pandai at his work. The story goes that he was com-
manded by the gods to make a man, and he made one of
stone ; but it could not speak, and so was rejected. He
set to work again and made one of iron ; but neither
could that speak, so the gods refused it. The third time
he made one of clay,* and this had the power of speech.
The gods, Petara, were pleased, and said : " The man
you have made will do well. Let him be the ancestor of
the human race, and you must make others Mke him."
And so Salampandai began forming human beings, and
is forming them now at his anvil, using his tools in unseen
regions. There he hammers them out, and when each
child is formed it is brought to the Petara, who asks :
"What would you Uke to handle and use?" If it
answer, " A sword," the gods pronounce it a male ; but
if it answer, " Cotton and the spinning-wheel," it is
pronounced a female. Thus they are born as boys or
girls, according to their own wishes.
There is a word which is often used by the Dyaks —
mali. It is difficult to find an exact Enghsh equivalent
* " And the Lord God formed man of the dust of the ground "
(Gen. ii. 7). In this respect Dyak tradition corresponds with the
Biblical account.
198 DYAK RELIGION
to the word. We may say it means " sacred," or " for-
bidden," or " taboo," but none of these seems to me to
convey the full force of the word mali. To the Dyak
mind, to do anything mali is to incur the displeasure of
the gods and spirits, and that means not only misfortune
in this world, but for all time. Even the children seem
to dread the word, and the Uttle boy, who is wilful and
disobedient, will at once drop what he has in his hand if
he is told it is mali for him to touch it. There are many
things which the Dyaks say it is mali to do. Often they
can give no reason for it except that it has always been
so from ages past.
Most races of mankind believe in the existence of a
class of beings intermediate between deity and humanity.
The Dyak is no exception, and he beUeves that innumer-
able spirits, or antu, inhabit the forests, the rivers, the
earth, and the heavens ; but whereas among other races
the spirits seem to act as mediators between the gods
and mankind, this is not the case among the Dyaks,
because they believe that their gods are actually present
in answer to invocations and sacrifices, and that they
visit these human regions and partake of the food given
them. With the Dyaks the distinction between spirits —
antu — and gods — Petara — is very vague. There are both
good and evil spirits. The former assist man, the latter
do him injury. Of the gods no evil is predicated, and
so it comes to pass that the good spirits are closely
identified with their gods.
Any imusual noise or motion in the jungle, anything
which suggests to the mind some invisible operation, is
at once attributed by the Dyak to the presence of some
spirit, unseen by human eyes, but full of mighty power.
Though generally invisible, these spirits sometimes vouch-
DYAK RELIGION 199
safe to mankind a revelation of themselves. The form
they assume in these manifestations is not anything very
supernatural, but either a commonplace human form, or
else some animal — a bird, or a monkey — ^such as is often
seen in the forests. There is, however, the chief of evil
spirits, Girgasi by name, who, when seen, takes the form
of a giant about three times the size of a man, is covered
with rough shaggy hair, and has eyes as big as saucers,
and huge glittering teeth.
There are innumerable stories told by the Dyaks of
their meeting with spirits in the jungle, and sometimes
speaking to them. Such stories generally relate how the
man who sees the spirit rushes to catch him by the leg —
he cannot reach higher — in order to get some charms from
him, but he is generally foiled in his attempt, as the spirit
suddenly vanishes. But some men, it is believed, do
obtain these much coveted gifts. If a Dyak gets a good
harvest of paddy, it is attributed to some magic charm he
has received from some kindly spirit. Also, if he be suc-
cessful on the warpath, he is credited by his fellows with
the succour of some mysterious being from the spirit-
world.
The spirits rove about the jungle and hunt for wild
beasts, as the Dyaks do themselves. Girgasi, already
mentioned, is specially addicted to the chase, and is often
to be met with hunting in the forest, and when seen
assumes a formidable appearance. There are Certain
animals which roam about in packs in the jungle, and are
called by the Dyaks pasan. These are supposed to be
the dogs that accompany the spirits when they are out
hunting, and they attack those whom the spirits wish to
kill. I have never seen one of these animals, but to judge
from the description of them, they seem to be a kind of
200 DYAK RELIGION
small jackal. The}^ will follow and bark at men, and
from their supposed connection with the spirits are greatly
feared by the Dyaks, who generally run away from them
as fast as they can.
A Dyak in Banting solemnly told me that one day when
out hunting he met a spirit in human form sitting upon
a fallen tree. Nothing daunted, he went up and sat upon
the same tree, and entered into conversation with him,
and asked him for some charm. The spirit gave him some
magic medicine, which would give his dogs pluck to attack
any wild pig or deer so long as he retained possession of it.
Having given him this, the spirit advised the man to
return quickly, for his dogs, he said, would be back soon,
and might do him harm. This advice he willingly fol-
lowed, and hurried away as fast as he could.
There are some wonderful stories related about meeting
the demon Girgasi. It is said that a man once saw this
terrible spirit returning from the hunt, carrying on his
back a captured Dyak whom he recognized. Strange to
relate, the man died the same day on which he was seen
carried by the spirit !
The spirits are said to build their invisible habitations
in trees, and many trees are considered sacred as being
the abode of one or more spirits, and to cut down one of
these trees would provoke the spirits' vengeance. The
wild fig-tree {kara) is often supposed to be inhabited by
spirits. It is said that one way of testing whether the
Jcara tree is the abode of spirits or not is to strike an axe
into it at sunset, and leave it fixed in the trunk of the
tree during the night. If the axe be found next morning
in the same position, no spirit is there ; if it has fallen to
the ground, he is there and has displaced the axe !
The tops of the hills are favourite haunts for spirits.
DYAK RELIGION 201
When Dyaks fell the jungle of the larger hills, they always
leave a clump of trees at the summit as a refuge for the
spirits. To leave them quite homeless would be to court
certain disaster from them. According to Dyak belief
the evil spirits far outnumber the good ones.
There are many strange customs connected with the
Dyak belief in spirits. As all illnesses are caused by the
spirits, it is necessary that these be propitiated. When
there is any great epidemic in the country — when cholera
or smallpox is killing its hundreds on all sides — one often
notices little offerings of food hung on the walls and from
the ceiling, animals killed in sacrifice, and blood splashed
on the posts of the houses. When one asks why all this
is done, they say they do it in the hope that when the
evil spirit, who is thirsting for human lives, comes along
and sees the offerings they have made and the animals
killed in sacrifice, he will be satisfied with these things,
and not take the lives of any of the people living in the
Dyak village house.
As a matter of fact, this offering of sacrifices to the evil
spirits is a frequently recurrmg feature in Dyak life. The
gods are good, and will not injure them, and so the Dyaks
worship them at their own convenience, when they wish
to obtain any special favour from them. But the evil
spirits are always ready to do them harm, and to take the
lives of victims, and therefore sacrifices must constantly
be made to the spirits, who will accept sacrificial food as
a substitute for the lives of human beings.
From what has been said it will be seen that the spirits
are to the Dyaks not mere apparitions which come and go
without any special object, but have definite power, and
can either bestow favours or cause sickness and death.
Therefore they rule the conduct of the Dyak, and receive
202 DYAK RELIGION
religious homage. They are, indeed, a constituent and
important part of D^-ak religion.
The sacrifices offered by the Dyaks are of two kinds —
firing and ginselan.
The piring is an offering composed of rice cooked in
bamboos, cakes, eggs, sweet potatoes, plantains, or other
fruit, and sometimes small live chickens. If the offering
be made m the house these things are put on a brass dish
(tabak). If the occasion of the sacrifice requires that it
be offered elsewhere, a little platform is constructed, con-
sisting of pieces of wood tied together with cane, and fixed
on four sticks stuck in the ground. This is the para
piring (the altar of sacrifice), and the offering is laid on
it. It is covered with a rough roof of palm-leaf, and
looks like a miniature native house, and is decorated with
white flags. It is the most flimsy thing imaginable, and
soon tumbles to pieces. The god or spirit is supposed to
come and eat the good thmgs provided, and go away con-
tented. It is no use arguing with the Dyak that he can
see for himself that his offering is eaten up by fowls, or
pigs, or boys, who are full of mischief, and have no fear of
spirits. The Dyak says the spirits eat the soul or spirit
of the food ; what is left on the altar is only its outer husk,
not its true essence.
I remember when I was staying at Temudok the Dyaks
put up a little shed, with offerings of food, at the landing-
place on the bank of the river. There was an epidemic of
cholera at the time, and the spirits of disease were sup-
posed to eat these offerings and go away contented.
Among the offerings was a little live chicken, that was tied
to the para piring, but which managed to get loose.
Some of the schoolboys staying with me asked if they
might catch the chicken, which was running about in the
DYAK RELIGION 203
grass, and rear it. I did not like to allow them to do this,
because I thought the Dyaks would resent the boys
interfering with their sacrifice. But my Dyak catechist
told me that the Dyaks had done their duty in making the
offerings, and what happened afterwards to the things
offered did not matter. So the boys caught the chicken
and reared it. I spoke to the Dyaks about it afterwards,
and they did not seem to mind their " altar of sacrifice "
being robbed of its offering !
In the ginselan there is always some animal slain, and
the blood of the victim is used. The person on whose
behalf the offering is made is sprinkled or touched with
the blood to atone for any wrong he may have done,
and the house or farm upon which the blessing of the gods
is desired is also sprmkled with the blood.
This kind of sacrifice is very often offered on behalf of
farms, and no Dyak thinks his paddy will come to
maturity without some application of blood. The fowl
is waved in the air over the farm, then it is killed, and the
blood sprinkled over the growing paddy.
When there is an epidemic, the ginselan is often offered
to the spirits of disease, and blood is sprinkled on
the posts of the house and on the ladder leading up
to it.
On most occasions the victim of the sacrifice, be it pig
or fowl, is afterwards eaten. But if the sacrifice be to
Pulang Gana at the commencement of the farming, the
pig and other offerings are conveyed with the beating of
gongs to the land prepared for receiving the seed. The
pig is killed, its liver and gall examined for divination,
the body and other offerings put in the ground, and some
tuak (native spirit) poured upon them ; a long invocation
is then made to Pulang Gana, the god of the land. If a
204 DYAK RELIGION
fowl be sacrificed for adultery, its body is thrown away
in the jungle.
For all ordinary sacrifices a fowl suffices, but on great
occasions a pig, being the largest animal the Dyak
domesticates, is killed.
Anyone may offer these sacrifices. There does not
seem to be among the Dyaks any priestly order whose
duty it is to officiate at religious ceremonies. Any man
who has been fortunate in life, or knows the form of address
to be used to the deities on these occasions, may perform
the sacrificial function.
All that the Dyak hopes to get by his religious cere-
monies is material benefits — good crops of paddy, the
heads of his enemies, skill m craft, health, and prosperity.
Even when there is some idea of the propitiation for sin, as
in the slaying of a victim after an act of adultery, the idea
of the Dyak is not so much the cleansing of the offender
as the appeasing of the anger of the gods, because in their
anger the gods may destroy their crops or otherwise give
them trouble. There is no idea of seeking for pardon for
the offenders. It is merely a compensation for wrong
done, and a bargam with the gods to protect theh material
interests.
The longing to communicate with the supernatural is
common to all races of mankind. The Dyak has a special
means of bringing this about ; he has a custom which is
called nmn'pok. To namjwk is to sleep on the top of some
mountain, or other lonely place, in the hope of meeting
some good spirit from the unseen world. A cemetery is
a favourite place to nampok in, because the Dyaks think
there is great probability of meeting spirits in such places.
The undertaking requires considerable pluck. The man
must be quite alone, and he must let no one know of his
DYAK RELIGION 205
whereabouts. The spirit he meets may take any form ;
he may come in human form and treat him kindly, or he
may assume a hideous form and attack him.
A man nampohs for one of two reasons. Either he is
fired with great ambition to shine in deeds of strength and
bravery, and to attain the position of a Chief, and hopes
to receive some charm (pengaroh) from the spirits, or he
is suffering from some obstinate disease, and hopes to be
told by some kindly spirit what he must do in order to
be cured. It can easily be understood how the desire
would in many cases bring about its own fulfilment. The
unusual surroundings, the expected arrival of some super-
natural being, the earnest wish actmg upon a credulous
and superstitious imagination in the solemn solitude of
the jungle — all would help to make the man dream of
some spirit or mythical hero.
The Dyak has no temple erected in honour of some god
to which, like the ancients of the Western World, he can
make a pilgrimage. He has no altar before which he can
spend the night in order to receive revelations in dreams,
but he goes instead to the lonely mountain-top, or the
cemetery where so many heroes of the past have been
buried, and makes his offering and lies to rest beside it.
The circumstances are different, but the spirit and
the object in both cases are the same. The story
often told of a miraculous cure is also similar in each
case.
There are certain rocks in different parts of Borneo
which are called by the Dyaks batu kudi (stones caused
by the wrath of the gods). A story is related in con-
nection with each. The following are some of these
mythical stories : —
1. In the bed of the Sesang River there is a rock
206 DYAK RELIGION
which is only visible at the lowest of the ebb-tide. It is
called Batu Kudi Sabar. The story goes that in olden
days the inmates of a Dj^ak house tied to a dog's tail a
piece of wood, which they set alight. They all laughed
at the sight as the dog ran off in fright, dragging after
him the burnmg torch. Suddenly there was darkness,
and a great storm came on. There were thunder and
lightning, and torrents of rain, and the house and its
inmates were turned into this large rock. A family con-
sisting of three persons managed to escape. They did
not join in the laughter at the dog, but ran out of the
house and hid in a clump of bamboo. They saw all that
happened, and told the tale.
2. On the bank of the Krian River just above Temudok
is a large rock called Batu Kudi Siap. It is said that the
people in a long Dyak house held a feast to which many
invited guests came. An old woman who was living alone
in a farm-hut, and had not been asked to the feast, dressed
up a cat m finery, " like a young damsel going to a feast,"
tied a piece of wood to her tail, and, placing her before
the people, said : " Here is a girl come to you to ask for a
light." The people laughed at the cat. Instantly there
were darkness and a terrible storm, and the house and all
the inmates were turned to stone. A similar tale is told
of the Batu Kudi at Selanjan.
3. There are Batu Kudi in the Grenjang River, as well
as in the Undup and Batang Ai Rivers, of which the fol-
lowing tale is told : Two girls were standing in the water
catching fish with a fishing-basket {pemansai). A small
emplasi fish jumped out of the basket, and hit the breast
of one of the girls. She laughed, and said : " Even my
lover would not dare to touch my breast as you do."
Her companion also laughed at the fish. There was a
A KivER Scenic
The illustration shows same naiive huts by a river which flows throjgh a cocoanut plantation.
DYAK RELIGION 207
storm, accompanied by lightning and thunder, and both
girls were turned into rocks.
4. In the Saribas River there is a Batu Kudi, of which
the following tale is told : Some men and boys were
watching a monkey crossing the river on a creeper which
hung low down over the water. The tail of the animal
touched the water, and one of them laughed, and said :
" The end of his waist-cloth (sirat) is wet ; why was he so
foolish as not to tie it round his waist ?" At this remark
all laughed, and a terrible storm came on, and they were
turned to stone.
There is a similarity about all these stories. In each
some animal is made fun of and laughed at by human
beings. This incurs the displeasure of the gods, whose
anger is shown in the same way — a terrible storm, thunder
and lightning, and the turning of the offenders into stone.
There are, however, other Batu Kudi of which different
stories are told, but these are not so common. For
instance, in the Skrang River there are two large black
boulders which are said to be a brother and sister who
were guilty of the crime of incest ; and in the Sebuyau
River there is a collection of rocks said to be the inhabi-
tants of a whole village, who were guilty of a serious
breach of the law of hospitahty, and refused to give food
and shelter to some travellers.
The moral of these mythical tales is good. All sin is
displeasing to the gods, and will meet with deserved
punishment, but specially are they angry when they see
human beings ill-treat and ridicule dumb animals.
These Batu Kudi are not worshipped. Offerings of
food are sometimes seen hanging near them, but these are
not made to the " stones of wrath," but to the gods of
whose displeasure they are the testimony.
208 DYAK RELIGION
The Sea Dyak belief in a future life has already been
mentioned in the chapter on Burial Rites. But it is no
gloomy Tartarus, nor is it a happy Elysium, that Hes
before him. It is simply a prolongation of the present
state of things in a new sphere. The dead are supposed
to build houses, make paddy farms, and go through all
the drudgery of a labouring hfe in that other world. This
future life does not, in the mind of the Dyak, mean im-
mortality. Death is still the final and inevitable destiny
of man. He may hve many hves in different spheres —
he may die as often as seven times — but in the end he
becomes annihilated, and absorbed into air, or earth, or
certain jungle plants.
To sum up, the Sea Dyak worships his gods. There are
good spirits ready to help him, and evil spirits eager to
harm him. He has omens and divination and dreams to
encourage or warn him. The traditions of his ancestors,
handed down by word of mouth from generation to genera-
tion, are his authority for his behefs. He makes sacrifices
to the gods and spirits, and invokes their help in long
incantations. He beheves he has a soul which after
death will Hve in another world a future hfe differing httle
from his existence in the flesh.
CHAPTER XVI
DYAK FEASTS
Four classes of feasts — Preparations — Feasts connected with: 1, Head-
taking ; 2, Farming ; 3, The dead ; 4, Dreams, etc. — House-
warming — Social feasts.
T
'^HE Dyak religious feasts may be divided into the
four following classes :
Those connected with —
1. Head-taking.
2. Farming.
3. The dead.
4. Dreams, etc.
Though the Dyak feasts differ in their aims, there is a
great deal which seems to be common to them all. The
social character of all these feasts seems to be of more
importance than the religious aspect, and the feasting of
the guests has more consideration than the making of
offerings to the spirits or gods. In none of these feasts
does there seem to be any real, reverential, rehgious
worship. It is true food is offered to the spirits, but this
is done as the mere observance of an ancient custom,
without any approach to rehgious reverence. There are
also long incantations made to the higher powers by men
selected for that purpose, who have good memories and
can recite in a monotonous chant the special hymns of
209 U
210 DYAK FEASTS
great length connected with each feast. But the guests
do not share in it as an act of rehgious worship. They
are generally sittmg round, talking and laughing and
eating. While these incantations are sung, topics of
common interest are discussed and plans formed, and
in all these feasts sociabihty, friendship, and the par-
taking of food and drink seem to take a more prominent
place than any rehgious worship.
The preparations for all these feasts are much ahke.
They extend over a length of time, and consist for the
most part in the procuring of food for the guests. The
young men go to their friends, far and near, and obtain
from them presents of pigs or fowls for the feast, and as
cock-fighting is loved by the Dyaks, they at the same
time procure as many fighting-cocks as possible. The
women busy themselves with pounding out an extra
amount of rice, both for the consumption of the guests
and also for the making of tuak, or native spirit.
A httle before the date fixed for the feast a great tuba
fishing takes place, by which means a great amount of
fish is generally obtained, salted, and kept for consumption
at the feast. The men go out into the jungle to hunt for
pig and deer.
The special characteristics and rehgious aspect of the
different feasts must now be noticed.
1. Feasts connected with Head-Taking. — All these
are given in honour of Singalang Burong. He is supposed
to be the ruler of the spirit-world and the god of war.
These feasts are not held so frequently as those comiected
with farming, but when any of them take place a great
deal is made of the event.
1. Gawai Burong (the "Bird Feast"), or Gawai Ten-
yalaiig (the " Hornbill Feast "), or Gawai Pala (the " Head
DYAK FEASTS 211
Feast "). This feast, which is known by different names,
is the most important of Dyak feasts, and lasts three
days, whereas other feasts last only one day. In this feast
food is given to the human heads taken in war. In the
old days, it was only held on the return from a successful
war expedition, when the heads of the enemy were brought
home in triumph. But in the present day, this feast is
organized when the people of the Dyak house get a good
harvest and wish to have it.
Among the preparations for this feast is the making of
the tenyalang, a carved wooden figure of the rhinoceros
hornbill. Some men carrying offerings, and others beat-
ing drums and playing musical instruments, go to the
jungle and select a suitable tree. At the foot of it the
offerings are placed, and some fowls are killed and the
blood sprinkled on the ground to propitiate the spirits.
The tree is feUed, and a portion of it, which is to be carved,
is taken to the Dyak house, where it is received with much
rejoicing.
This wood is given to the men who are to carve it into
the desired shape, and each man has the necessary tools
given him. When he has finished his work, he keeps these
tools, and, in addition, receives some other payment.
The number of carved birds differs according to the
number of the people in the house who are of importance,
and have taken heads in warfare.
The tenyalang are not an exact copy of the hornbill,
but are elaborately and fantastically carved and gor-
geously painted in many bright colours.
Some men go into the jungle and cut down belian trees
to make poles on which the figures of the rhinoceros horn-
bill are to be set up. These are of different lengths, ac-
cording to the rank of the person who intends to use it,
212 DYAK FEASTS
the man of greatest importance having the longest
pole.
The first day of the feast is spent in completing the
carving and the colouring of these tenyalang and making
other final preparations. The guests are entertained with
food and drink. As Dyak hosts are considered niggardly
if there is no drunkenness at a feast, the young men are
encouraged to drink as much as possible. The Dyak girls,
who do not drink themselves, serve out the tuak, or native
spirit. They hand a cup of liquor to a man and shout,
" Weh ! Weh /" as he drinks it. When he has finished
it, he puts the cup down by his side to take home with
him when the feast is over. Another full cup is handed
to him in the same manner, and he goes on drinking until
he is unable to do so any longer. A group of young men
seated in the public hail of the Dyak house surrounded
by gaily-dressed girls serving them with drink is not a
pleasant sight. The noise and confusion are great, as
many are drunk. Plates containing cakes and other
delicacies, as well as rice cooked in bamboos, are handed
round to the men, women, and children at short intervals.
A rather pretty ceremony takes place on the first day
of the feast. A number of women dressed in their best
garments and wearing all the jewellery and ornaments
they possess, walk in single file, holding in their hands
plates of yellow rice and paddy. They are led by a Dyak
dancer in full war-dress, armed with sword and shield, and
dancing to the accompaniment of musical instruments.
The women sprinkle the paddy and yellow rice on the
assembled guests as they walk slowly the length of the
whole house.
On the second day of the feast the painted figures of
the rhinoceros hornbill are first of all timanged, or sung to
Three Dyak Giri.s drkssru in their Finery to Attend a Feast
1 he girls on the ri^ht and left wear collars worked with beads and coloured threads. They are al
wearing ear pendants and belts made of silver coins.
DYAK FEASTS 218
in a monotonous manner. This is looked upon as a kind
of consecration of them. They are now ready to be fixed
on the top of the poles which are planted in a row. Sacri-
fices are made to Singalang Burong, whom these figures
are supposed to represent. Balls of rice are thrown up
to these carved tenyalang, and the blood of pigs and fowls
is shed in honour of the great Singalang Burong, the
god of war and the inspirer of bravery. When seen, this
god takes, as I have said, the form of the white and brown
hawk so common in Borneo. Why the figure made to
represent him is that of the rhinoceros hornbill, and not
that of the hawk, is an inconsistency for which the Dyaks
have no explanation.
Some human heads are placed in large brass dishes in
the pubHc hall of the Dyak house, and to these offerings
of food and drink are made. Some of this food is stuffed
into the mouths of these heads, and the rest is placed
before them.
There are also certain erections called fandong put up
at regular intervals in the long pubMc veranda, and to
these are hung war charms and swords and spears, etc.
The men who are to make the incantations walk up and
down, going round the pandong and the heads in the
brass dishes, singing the particular pengap, or incantation,
which is used at this feast. There are generally two
principal singers, each of whom is followed by five or six
others. The leaders sing in turn a few hnes, and the
rest join in the chorus at the end of each verse. The
leaders are dressed gaily, and have, in addition to their
Dyak dress, a long coat reaching to the ground. They
all hold long walking-sticks in their hands and stamp their
feet as they walk along.
This song of the head feast takes the form of a story
214 DYAK FEASTS
setting forth how the mythical hero Klieng held a head
feast on his return from the warpath, and invited the
god of war, Singalang Burong, to attend it. It describes
at great length all that happened on that occasion. The
singing of this song takes up the whole night. It begins
before 8 p.m., and lasts till next morning. Except for a
short interval for rest in the middle of the night, the
performers are marching and singing aU the time.
On the third day the people go out on the tanju, or open-
air platform, in front of the Dyak house. They take with
them offerings of food and drink and a hve pig. The
mats are spread out, and the guests sit down, and food
is handed round to them. The men of rank and those
who have distinguished themselves in battle sit together,
and the oldest of these is asked to make the offering to
Singalang Burong. The drums are struck in a particular
manner called pepat ; the pig is killed as a sacrifice, and
the liver examined to find out whether good or bad
fortune is in store for them. The people shout together
(manjong) at short intervals until a hawk is seen flying
in the heavens. That hawk is Singalang Burong, who
has taken that form to manifest himself to them. He
has accepted their offerings and has heard their cry. The
ceremony is over, and the crowd return into the house.
The guests go back to their homes after feasting and
drinking Hberally for three days and nights.
(2) Gawai Ijoh (the " Ijok Feast ") : The ijoTc is the
gamuti palm from which the native drink tuah is ob-
tained. When a man has held the hornbiU feast several
times, and has been successful against the enemy, this
feast sometimes takes place. The special characteristic
of this feast is that a long pole is set up, and at the top of
it a jar of native spirit (tuak) is placed. Incantations
DYAK FEASTS 215
and offerings are made to Singalang Burong as in the
former feast.
(3) Oawai Gajah (the "Elephant Feast ") : This feast
can only be held by a war leader who has been particularly
successful against the enemy, and has succeeded in obtain-
ing a large number of heads. It is of so great importance
that the Dyaks say that, after this feast has been held,
no other need be held in honour of any new heads that
may be brought into the house. It is very rarely observed
in modern times. The last was held some fifteen years
ago by Kinching, a Skrang Dyak living in the Undiip.
Offerings and incantations are made to Singalang Burong
as in the Tenyalang feast. The wooden figure of an
elephant is placed on the top of a long pole planted in the
ground, and to this figure offerings are made.
2. The three principal Feasts connected with
Farming are the Gaivai Batu, the Gawai Benih, and the
Gaivai Nyimpan Padi.
(1) Gawai Batu (the "Stone Feast ") : This feast takes
place before the farming operations begin, and is in
honour of Pulang Gana, the god of the land, who fives
in the bowels of the earth, and has power to make the
land fruitful or unfruitful. In this feast invocations are
made to this god, and he is asked to give them a good
harvest. The whetstones and farming implements are
placed in a heap in the veranda of the Dyak house, and
offerings are made to the whetstones with a request that
they may sharpen their tools and thus hghten their
labours. After the feast is over the whetstones are taken
to the different farms, and the work of cutting down the
jungle for planting begins.
(2) Gawai Benih (the " Seed Feast ") : This feast is held
just before sowing. The seed is placed in baskets in the
216 DYAK FEASTS
public part of the Dyak house, and Pulang Gana is asked
to bless it and make it fruitful.
(3) Gawai Nyimpan Padi (the "Feast of Storing the
Paddy ") : This is held after the reaping and winnowing
are over and the paddy is ready to be stored in the paddy-
bins in the loft of the Dyak house. It is only held when
the harvest is a particularly good one. A blessing is asked
upon the paddy, that it may last a long time, and may not
decrease in any mysterious way. Friends who are in-
vited to the feast help to carry and store away the paddy.
3. The great Feast connected with the Dead is
the Gawai Antu (the " Spirit Feast '') : No definite period
is fixed for the celebration of it, and it may be held one
or more years after the death of the person. All those
that have died since the last time the feast \^ as held, and
have not yet been honoured by this festival for the dead,
are remembered at the same tim^e, so that the number
of departed spirits commemorated by this feast is great,
especially if it is many years since the last time the
feast was held.
The preparation is carried on for many weeks. Food
and drink and other things are procured. Distant friends
are visited and asked to help the feast with gifts of food
or money. When all is ready, the whole neighbourhood
for miles around is invited to it. It is an opportunity
for a friendly social gathering, and it is a formal laying
aside of mourning, but in addition, it is a refigious cere-
mony, and means the doing of certain things necessary for
the final weUbeing of the dead in the other world.
The dead are invoked and invited to be present at this
feast. But how are they to come from Hades ? Send a
boat for them, says the Dyak, and so he sends what he
calls a himpang. A piece of bamboo in which rice hag
DYAK FEASTS 217
been cooked is make into a tiny boat and sent to Hades.
Actually it is thrown away beneath the house, but spirit-
ually, through the incantation of the waller, it is carried to
the unseen realm to fetch their dead relatives and friends.
Great is the joy of the spirits when they see this boat,
which by the time of its arrival has grown into a large
war-boat. They are ready to start as soon as the final
summons comes.
The preparations for the feast go on. The hard wood
memorial monuments for the graves are got ready by
the men. The day before the feast, the women weave,
with finely-spht bamboo, small imitations of various
articles of personal and domestic use, and these are hung
over the graves — that is to say, given to the dead for
their use in the other world. If it be a man for whom the
feast is made, a bamboo gun, a shield, a war-cap, and
such things are woven ; if a woman, a loom, a fish-
basket, a winnowing fan, etc. ; if a child, toys of various
kinds.
An offering of food is put outside the house for the
dead visitors who may be too hungry to wait for the
food in the house.
The living guests arrive during the day, but the feast-
ing does not begin till the evening. Before the feasting
comes the formal putting off of mourning. The nearest
male relative of the dead person in whose honour the
feast is held comes dressed in an old waist-cloth or
trousers. These are slit through by some Chief, and the
man assumes a better garment. In the case of female
relatives the rotan rings round the waist are cut through
and set aside, and they resume the use of their personal
ornaments and jewellery. The bundles containing the
finery, that were put away at the death of their relative,
218 DYAK FEASTS
are brought forth, and the string tying them cut through.
As the feast is in honour of several who have died since
the feast was last held, this kind of thing goes on in
several of the rooms at the same time.
The professional wailer sings her song of mourning
(see p. 228), beginning in the evening. The journey
from Hades is so long that the dead do not arrive till
early dawn. And then occurs an action in which the
dead and living are supposed to join. A portion of tuah
(rice spirit) has been reserved in a bamboo as the peculiar
portion of the dead. It is now drunk by some old man
renowned for bravery, who is not afraid of so near a
contact with the spirits of the dead. This " drinking
of the bamboo," as it is called, is an important part of
the festival, and is greeted with shouts of joy.
The morning after the feast, the last duty to the dead
is performed. The ironwood monuments, the bamboo
imitation articles, and food of all kinds are arranged upon
the different graves. Having received these gifts, the
dead relinquish all claim upon the living, and depend on
their own resources. But before the Gawai Antu they
are supposed to come to the house and take their share
of the food and drink.
According to ancient custom, this feast could not be
held until a new human head had been procured, but this
ghastly ornament to the festival has now generally to be
dispensed with.
4. A superstitious people hke the Dyaks, living in
constant dread of unseen powers, naturally hold a feast
whenever anything unusual takes place. As the gods
and spirits are supposed to communicate their wishes to
human beings by means of dreams, it naturally follows
that if a man dreams that some spirit is hungry and
DYAK FEASTS 219
asks for food, at once a feast is held, and offerings made
to that spirit. As the omens of birds are observed and
obeyed by the Dyaks, and the special omen birds are
looked upon as sons-in-law and messengers of the great
god Singalang Burong, when a bird of ill omen comes
into a Dyak house, the Dyaks hold a feast and make
offerings to the gods and spirits. When a man has re-
covered from a long and dangerous illness, very often
a feast is held to thank the spirit of disease for leaving
them, and to beg him to stay away a long time. Also
when a valuable jar (tajau) is brought into a house a feast
is often made in its honour.
In addition to all these feasts, there is the Gaivai
Mandi Rumah. This is a kind of house-warming, and is
held when the Dyaks go into a new house. Offerings are
made to the gods and spirits, and a blessing is asked upon
the new house, so that those who hve in it may have good
crops, good health, and live happily together.
The Dyaks also sometimes hold feasts which are social
gatherings for eating and drinking, and have no con-
nection with any religious idea. Tliese are called Mahai
di riiai (" eating in the hall "), or MaJcai rami (" eating
joyfully in large numbers ").
CHAPTER XVII
SPORTS AND AMUSEMENTS
D3^ak games — Football — War Dance — Sword Dance — Dyak music —
Cock-fighting — Tops — " Riding the tidal bore " — Swimming —
Trials of strength.
AT certain times of the year the Dyaks are very
busy at their farms, and go to work early in the
morning, and do not return till late at night.
But they have their slack times, when there is not so
much work to be done, and then they have plenty of
opportunity to indulge in games.
They do not seem to have a large variety of pastimes.
The following are those most popular among them.
Football is played by the Dyaks m a curious manner.
The players stand in a circle about four yards from each
other, the size of this circle varying according to the
number of the players. The ball is kicked in the air by
the player to whom it falls nearest. This kicking is done
in a curious manner with the sole of the foot. A party
of good players will keep a ball in the air for several
minutes, each player kicking it upwards just as it is
about to fall, or as it bounds upwards from the ground.
The ball itself is a light hollow one of rattan open-work,
and is about the size of a croquet-ball.
The Dyaks are fond of dancing, and at their feasts and
220
SPORTS AND AMUSEMENTS 221
on other occasions when many are met together, they will
keep it up for hours to the thumping of drums and the
beating of brass gongs. They have a musical instrument
of bamboo, like the pan-pipe (engkrurai), to which they
sometimes dance ; but the usual music on such occasions
is a row of small brass gongs (engkrumong), placed on the
ground, and beaten with two sticks, also large brass gongs,
and a variety of drums.
The two popular dances are the Sword Dance and the
War Dance, both of which are danced by the men. It is
very rarely that the women dance. I am told that they
only do so when a fighting-party have been successful,
and return with a human head which has been taken in
war. Then the women, dressed up in all their finery,
go to the landing-stage where the war-boat is, and as the
head is taken to the house the women dance around it
singing a monotonous chant.
The Mencha, or Sword Dance, is danced in the foUowuig
manner : Two swords, or in their place two sticks, are
placed on the mat, and the two dancers commence from
the opposite ends, turnmg the body, clapping the hands,
and extending the arms, lifting their feet and planting
them down in grotesque but not ungraceful attitudes.
For a few minutes they posture and move in leisurely
manner round and round about ; then they seize the
swords, and pass and repass each other, now cutting,
now crossing swords, retiring and advancing. Sometimes
one kneels as though to defend himself from the attacks
of his adversary. The main idea of this Sword Dance
seems to be the posturing in different attitudes, and not
so much the skill displayed in fencing. Those are con-
sidered the best dancers who, according to Dyak ideas,
are the most graceful in their movements. I have often
222 SPORTS AND AMUSEMENTS
watched a Dyak Sword Dance where neither has touched
the other with his sword, the movements having been so
leisurely that there has been plenty of time to ward off
each attack.
The dance seems quite in keeping with the Dyak sur-
roundings, and the whole effect of it is very striking.
The long veranda of the Dyak house dimly lighted up by
damar torches ; the pretty silver tones of the small row
of brass enkrumong struck by two sticks in fast measure ;
the deep tones of the large brass gongs ; the numerous
noisy drums ; the crowd of spectators standing, sitting,
or kneeling ; the screams of encouragement to the dancers ;
the evolutions of the two performers — all help to form a
weird and striking scene.
The Ajat, or War Dance, is danced by one man. He is
generally fully armed with sword, and spear, and shield.
He acts in pantomime what is done when on the war-
path. The dancer begins by imitating the creeping
through the jungle in cautious manner, looking to the
right and to the left, before and behind, for the foe. The
lurking enemy is suddenly discovered, and after some
rapid attack and defence a sudden plunge is made upon
him, and he lies dead on the ground. The taking of the
head of this invisible enemy in pantomime now follows.
A great deal of liberty is allowed the dancer, and the
dances are very varied. Sometimes the dance ends with
the defeat and death of the dancer. The last agonies of
the dying man are too closely and painfully depicted to
be altogether pleasant to watch.
The musical instruments which accompany the War
Dance are much the same as those used for the Sword
Dance. There are the engkrumong, or row of little brass
gongs, the large gongs, and a variety of drums. But the
SPORTS AND AMUSEMENTS 223
music is in different time, the music for the War Dance
being quicker than that for the Sword Dance.
Cock-fighting is a very favourite amusement of the
Dyaks, and is mdulged in to a great extent at all their
feasts. In fact, one of the preparations for a feast is for
the inmates of the house to go round to theh friends and
beg for as many fighting-cocks as they can. The cocks
have artificial steel spurs, which are very sharp.
Spinning tops is a favourite amusement, not only of the
children, but also of grown-up men. They generally
divide themselves into two sides. One side spin their
tops, and the other party, standmg at a given distance,
aim at the spinning tops with their tops. Great skUl is
shown in the manner in which a man often hits a top,
driving it far away, and leaves his top spinning in its
place.
The Dyaks are very much at home on the water, and
a favourite amusement of the Dyaks at Banting was to
" ride the tidal bore." During the spring-tides, when
there was a tidal bore, they would paddle down the river
some distance, and wait for the turn of the tide. When
the bore came, they would get just in front of it, and the
great wave would send the boats up-river at a good pace
without any paddlmg on their part. Of course, a great
many boats were often swamped, but that only added to
the fun. When I was stationed at Banting, the school-
boys often asked to be allowed to " ride the bore."
The Sea Dyaks seem to acquire naturally the art of
swimming. They are taken to the water regularly from
infancy, and dipped and floated on the water, and at an
early age they are able to swim. They swim hand over
hand. They never take " a header " in diving, but jump
in feet foremost.
224 SPORTS AND AMUSEMENTS
The Dyaks are fond of wrestling, and many of them
are good wrestlers. At a Dyak feast very often the
young men have friendly wrestling matches. They have
also other trials of strength. Two j'oimg men sit on the
ground opposite each other, feet placed against feet, and
a stout stick is grasped by both their hands. Each then
tries to throw himself back, so as to raise his adversary
from the ground either b}^ main strength or sudden effort.
Another trial of strength is to put two fingers of one
opponent against two fingers of another, the elbows being
placed upon a table or log ; then each party tries to
force the other's fingers backward. Or else two stand
up face to face, and each grasps the two first fingers of
his opponent, holding his arm up, so that their hands
are the same level as their faces, and they each try by
main force to lower the arm of the other.
The Dyaks are very fond of jumping, and at Banting,
in the cool of the evening, the young men, returning with
me from Evening Prayer in church, would often try the
long-jump or high-jump near the Mission House.
Thej^ also play a game called galaiigaiig, not unlike
prisoners' base. The players divide themselves into
parties, and one party is set to watch certain lines
which the other part}' cross. If anyone is touched
as he crosses a line, his side loses, and has to do the
watching.
The evening amusements are listening to some story,
either set to verse and sung, or simply told in prose,
and the asking each other riddles. These riddles are
generally rhyming verses.
CHAPTER XVIII
SONG AND MUSIC
Love of music — Love songs — Boat songs — War songs — Incantations
at Dyak feasts — ^The song of mourning — Musical instruments.
^T^HE Dyaks are very fond of singing, and it is no
I unusual thing to hear some solitary boatman
singing as he paddles along. Weird beyond words,
and yet possessing a quaint rhythm, are most of the songs
of the Dyak. They give vent to their feelings in their
own way, which is very different from ours, but their
plaintive songs are not unpleasant, and show a certain
amount of poetical feeling.
The pelandai, or love song, seems to be very popular
among the young men. In it the native singer pours
forth his feelings, his sorrows and disappointments, his
hopes and his fears. The music is to our ideas monot-
onous, and it is not always easy to understand the
meaning of what is sung, as mai- archaic expressions are
used, and the singer sometimes calls his love by one name ,
sometimes by another ; at one time she is spoken of as a
bird, and then, in the next line perhaps, the name of some
animal is applied to her. A similar song sung by the
women is called bedungai.
They have their boat songs, with which the crew of a
long Dyak boat often enliven the time. The leader sings
a verse, and the others join in the chorus, keeping time
225 15
226 SONG AND MUSIC
with the strokes of the paddle or oar. The leader often
improvises his subject as he sings, and introduces any
little incident that has taken place, or little experience
they have gone through, much to the amusement of his
companions.
In their war songs the singer chants in a low monot-
onous voice the deeds of heroes in the olden days, and
how they won and brought home human heads to lay at
the feet of their brides. These war songs are often
accompanied by the excited whoops and yells of the
listeners.
There is the hernong, usuallj^ sung by two singers, who
take it in turns to sing a verse, and then the chorus is
sung bj^ both. This, as well as the pelandai, or love song,
may often be heard in the evening m the long Dyak
house.
Then there is the kana, in which some legend or fairj'^-
tale is sung by someone versed in ancient lore, as he
sits on a swing in the dimly-lit veranda of the Dyak
house.
Singing also forms part of all their sacred rites. At all
their ceremonial feasts connected with warfare, farming,
or the dead, the incantations, or pengap, as they are
called, are in the form of Dyak verse, and sung. These
songs differ considerabl}^ from the ordinary language of
the Dyak, and a person, who can understand and speak
Dyak, may yet find the pengap most unintelligible.
Native metaphor and most excessive verbosity, together
with the use of many archaic expressions, the meanings
of which have long been forgotten, as well as the introduc-
tion of many coined words, which mean nothing, and are
simply dragged in because they rhyme with the words pre-
ceding— all these things are quite certain to mystify an
SONG AND MUSIC 227
uninstructed hearer. Another reason why it is so difficult
to understand the pengap is that the language used is
that of many generations back. The pengap, being learnt
by heart, and handed down with verbal accuracy from
one generation to another, is in the language of the past,
whereas the ordinary spoken language of the Dyak is
continually changing and developing new forms. There
are a great deal of alliteration in the pengap, a certain
peculiar rhythm and a string of rhyming words.
The presence of invisible beings is very strongly believed
by the Dyak, and he is persuaded that spirits both good
and bad are always round him. As a form of invocation
to these spirits, and in all the ceremonial feasts of the
Dyaks, as well as on other important occasions, the
pengap are sung, sometimes by one man seated on a
swing, sometimes by a number of men, who walk up and
down the long veranda, dressed in flowing robes, with a
long staff in the right hand of each. From what has been
said it will be easily understood that there are a great
number of different pengap suited to different occasions.
In each incantation some special spirit or deity is more
specially invoked.
At the Dyak Head Feast, Singalang Burong — the Mars
of Dyak mythology — is specially invoked to be present
in the pengap which is sung. In the feasts coimected
with farming, Pulang Gana, the god of the soil, is in-
voked, and asked to drive from their farms all rats and
birds and insects that may hurt the paddy. And at the
feasts given in honour of the dead all the spirits of dead
relatives and friends, as well as those of mythical heroes,
are invited to partake of the good things provided. Then,
again, when the manangs, or Dyak witch-doctors, are
called in to cure a sick man, they often walk round and
228 SONG AND MUSIC
round the sick man, and chant a pengap, invoking Salam-
pandai, the Great Spirit-Doctor, to come to their aid, and
make their charms efficacious in bringing about the cure
of the sick man.
Some of the Dyak pengap are of great length, and the
singing of them occupies the whole night. The singer
or singers begin soon after 8 p.m., and go on till early
dawn, only resting for about half an hour, two or three
times during the whole night.
The song of mourning is among some tribes sung by
a professional waller, generally a woman, who is paid to
lament the lost, and by her presence and incantation to
assist and guide the soul in its journey to Hades (Sabayan).
Her song is begun on the evening of the death, and lasts
the whole night. The sum of it is this : — She blames
the different parts of the house for allowing the soul to
depart, and she calls upon bird, beast, and fish to go to
Hades with a message, but in vain, for they are unable
to undertake the journey. Then in despair she calls upon
the Spirit of the Winds to go. At first the spirit is
reluctant, but at the earnest request of the waller, who
calls his wife to her aid, he at length consents to do her
bidding. His journey through forests and plains, hills
and valleys, across rivers and the sea, is minutely de-
scribed till night comes on, and, tired and hungry, he
stops to rest for the night. He climbs a high tree to
see which is the proper road — on all sides there are roads :
the ways of the dead are very numerous — but all is dim,
misty, and uncertain. In his perplexity, he changes his
human form, and metamorphoses himself into a rushing
wind. He soon makes his presence in Hades known by
a furious tempest, which sweeps aU before it, and rouses
the sleeping inhabitants. Startled, they ask each other
SONG AND MUSIC 229
what is the meaning of this great commotion. The Spirit
of the Wind answers that their presence is wanted in the
land of the living. They must go and fetch a certain
man and his belongings who wishes to come to Hades, but
does not know the way, and needs someone to guide him.
The dead rejoice at the summons. In a moment they
collect together, get into a long boat, and paddle hurriedly
through Limban, the Dyak Styx. When they arrive at
the landing-place, the dead make an eager rush for the
house, and enter the room of the dead man. The de-
parted soul cries out in anguish at bemg thus suddenly
and violently carried off, but long before the ghostly party
have reached their abode in Hades, he becomes reconciled
to his fate. Such in brief outline is the song of the waller.
By her song she has helped to convey the soul to its new
home. Without her aid the soul would be lost, and
remain suspended in mid -air and find no rest.
The songs and incantations of the Dyaks are not set to
any particular melody. They are sung to a kind of chant,
and long sentences are often repeated on one note. But
they have several distinct settings for the different songs
and incantations, and these seem to suit the subject.
The song of mourning, for instance, sounds very sad and
pathetic even to one who does not understand the
language .
The musical instruments of the Dyaks are of a more or
less primitive type, but when played together, the result is
not unpleasing. Those employed as an accompaniment
to the Sword Dance or the War Dance are brass gongs of
different sizes and a variety of drums. First there is the
deep-sounding brass tawak, the sound of which travels a
great distance, and which, when struck in a peculiar
manner, is the danger signal in times of war. Next in
230 SONG AND MUSIC
order of importance comes the smaller brass gong which
is called the chanang, and lastly the enghrumong of eight
small brass gongs of different sizes arranged in order in a
long open box. The player of the engkrumong has a stick
in each hand, and strikes these different gongs in quick
succession.
They have numerous drums of different shapes and
sizes. They are made of different kinds of wood, with
deer-skin or monkey-skin tightly stretched over one or
both ends.
The effect of all these instruments of percussion played
together is inspiring, and not at all displeasing. There is
no harsh discordant clanging, as is so often the case in the
music of primitive races. There are different ways of
striking the drums and other instruments, and each of
these ways has a distinctive name. The rhythm of the
music of the Sword Dance differs entirely from that of
the War Dance, and for each of these dances there are
various different arrangements for the musical instru-
ments.
Among their wind instruments is the engkrurai, which
is constructed of a number of bamboo tubes fixed in an
empty gourd, the long stem of which forms the mouth-
piece. All the notes can be sounded together, and com-
binations of notes or single notes can be produced from it
by shutting or opening finger-holes placed laterally at the
lower end of the bamboo tubes. There are generally
seven bamboo tubes, six of them arranged in a circle
round a larger and longer central one. All seven are
furnished with a reed at the base, where they are inserted
into the gourd. Holes are cut in the six outer pipes for
fingering. The central pipe is an open or drone-pipe, the
tone of which is intensified by fixing a loose cap of bamboo
SONG AND MUSIC 231
on the upper end. It is played by blowing air into the
neck of the gourd, or by drawing in the breath, according
to the effect desired. The volume of sound is not great,
and the music produced is not unlike that of the Scotch
bagpipes played very softly and very badly.
They have a flute, or rather flageolet (ensuling), made
of bamboo, with a plug at the mouth-hole. It is blown at
the end, and there are three or four finger-holes, so that
different notes can be produced.
Another musical instrument is the serunai, or one-
stringed fiddle. The body is half a gourd-shell, the
mouth of which is covered up with a circular piece of soft
wood, which is thin and close-fitting, the seams being
cemented with wax. To this is fixed the stock, an arm
about two feet long made of hard wood. The bow is a
bent cane, and the string of the bow a split rattan about
a foot in length. The string of this instrument is of the
same material, and there is a peg at the end of the stock
by which the string can be tightened. There is a movable
bridge on the belly of the instrument for the string to
rest upon. The body is sometimes made of half a cocoa-
nut-sheU instead of a gourd. The string has to be wetted
before it will sound, and then it gives forth a monotonous,
mournful, dismal sound when the bow is rubbed
against it.
The Dyaks also have a four-stringed zither. The
strings are made of split cane, and are stretched over a
wooden box of soft wood. This instrument varies in
shape and size, and is called the engkratong.
The blikan is a rude guitar made of soft wood, with
two strings of rattan and two pegs for tightening them.
The strings are pressed with the tips of the fingers of the
left hand to modify the tone, and the fingers of the right
282 SONG AND MUSIC
hand brush the strings. This instrument is about three
feet long from end to end.
From all that has been said, it will be seen that their
musical instruments, though various, are very primitive,
and that, though the Dyak is fond of music, his ideas on
the subject are very crude.
CHAPTER XIX
THE DYAK ABROAD
Love of travel — ■" The innocents abroad " — Gutta-hunting — Collecting
canes — Hunting for edible birds'-nests — Camphor-working.
THE Dyak is fond of travel, and, like other people,
loves to visit foreign countries and to return and
relate his adventures to his stay-at-home friends.
He is always at home in the jungle, and in whatever
country he may be collecting jungle produce, he is in his
element. But this is by no means the case when he is
in any foreign town. I have sometimes seen Dyaks in
Singapore walking aimlessly about, quite out of touch
with their surroundings. I think they are looked upon
as fair game by the Chinese shopkeepers in Singapore,
who have no scruples in taking advantage of their inno-
cence, as the following incident will show.
Some years ago I took some Dyaks from Banting on a
visit to Singapore. I told them not to wander too far
away from the house by themselves, as they might lose
their way, and advised them to let me send someone with
them when they wanted to buy anything, because they
had no idea of the price of things, and would probably
be swindled by the Chinese shopkeepers. For the first
few days they were very careful to do as I told them,
but afterwards, they considered themselves experienced
travellers who could well manage to buy things for
233
234 THE DYAK ABROAD
themselves. One day they came to me and said they
had met such a nice Chinese shopkeeper, from whom one
of them had bought a silk jacket. He was such a
pleasant man, and his things were so cheap, that they
had quite made up their minds to visit his shop again.
I asked to see the silk jacket they had bought. It was
brought to me carefully wrapped up in Chinese brown
paper, and the parcel, being opened, was found to contain
a cotton jacket ! When the purchase was made, the
" very pleasant shopkeeper " kindly bundled it up for
them, and this was the result. I told them that they
had been taken in, and that there was no help for it,
and that they must always be on their guard against the
Chinese shopkeeper. But my words were wasted. They
were quite positive that there was some mistake. It was
quite absurd to imagine that such a nice Chinaman would
think of swindHng them. All that had to be done was
to go back to the shop and explain matters, and every-
thing would be put right. They did go back to the shop,
and returned with long faces. The nice Chinaman said
he did not remember selling them a silk jacket ; they
must have mistaken the shop. Was there anything he
could sell them ? Needless to say, they bought nothing
more from that shop, and returned " sadder and wiser
men."
Gutta-hunting is a favourite method of the Dyaks for
earning money. A party of them go to the Malay Penin-
sula, or Sumatra, or Java, and stay away for months or
even years, and do not return until they have accumu-
lated some hundreds of dollars. Before starting for such
a journey they have to consult the omen birds, and if
these are favourable, they start off \vith a httle money
for their expenses, taking with them the few tools neces-
THE DYAK ABROAD 235
sary for their work. They go to some town, and from it
they make journeys into the surrounding jungle, return-
ing after intervals of a month or more to sell the
gutta they have succeeded in obtaining, and to buy
provisions.
The way in which the Dyak works gutta is this : — He
wanders in the jungle till he finds a gutta-tree. He cuts
it down, and rings it neatly all along the trunk and
branches at intervals of a foot or two with a kind of
hollow chisel that he brings with him for the purpose.
Under each ring he puts a leaf made into a cup to catch
the milk-white sap which slowly exudes. Into each of
these he puts a Httle scraped bark of the tree. Then he
collects all the sap, and boils it until the gutta is pre-
cipitated at the bottom of the pot like a mass of dough.
This is taken out while it is still soft, placed upon a
board, and kneaded vigorously with the hands, and
afterwards trodden with the bare feet. When it is
almost too stiff to work, it is flattened out carefully, and
then rolled into a wedge-shaped mass. A hole is punched
through the thin end, through which a string is put to
carry it, and it is ready for sale. This crude gutta has a
mottled or marbled light brown appearance, which is
given to it by the scraped bark which is mixed with it.
The juice of the wild fig-tree (Ficus) or of the different
species of bread-fruit trees (Artocarpus) is sometimes used
to adulterate it.
Sometimes, instead of working gutta, the Dyaks earn
money by collecting canes, or rotan. A journey is made
by a party of them to some jungle region where canes
abound, and they collect the various marketable species
of the genus Calamus. These canes are creeping plants
the stems of which are covered with a hard flinty bark.
236 THE DYAK ABROAD
The leaves are very thorny, and cUng to the trees and
branches around. The older part of the cane has no
leaves. It is very tough and strong, and in size about
one-quarter of an inch in diameter. It is easily spUt,
and used for the seats of chairs, etc.
Sometimes the Dyaks join others in the collection of
edible birds'-nests for the Chinese market. This is a
great industry in those parts of Borneo where there are
large hmestone caves, in which these nests are found.
The caves are farmed out by Government, and whatever
is obtained over the amount paid to Government is the
profit of the workers. In Upper Sarawak certain tribes
possess caves in which edible birds'-nests are found, and
they divide the nests with the Government,
Sometimes Dyaks who wish to earn a little extra money
go and help these tribes in collecting birds'-nests, and get
a share of the profits, or more often they go to small caves
which belong to no one in particular and coUect birds'-
nests for themselves, and then give a share of what they
find to the Government.
Some of the caves in which edible birds'-nests are found
are very large. At the entrance the visitor is met by
thousands of bats and swallows. The latter resemble the
common swallow in appearance, but are only haK as large.
These small swallows make the edible nests. Inside, the
cave is often Hke an immense amphitheatre roofed hke a
dome, the middle of which is over a thousand feet high.
Thousands of nests are seen cUnging to the piUar-Uke
rocky sides and roof. The most flimsy-looking stages of
bamboos tied together with cane are the simple means
employed by the natives to collect the nests from the
seemingly most inaccessible positions.
Though there are rifts in the sides through which come
THE DYAK ABROAD 237
rays of light, still in parts the cave is so dark that lamps
and torches have to be used.
The Dyaks cHmb up the bamboo scaffolding, carrjang
with them long cane ladders. These are fixed against the
sides. Two men work on each ladder, which often hangs
high up in the air. One carries a hght four-pronged spear
about fifteen feet long, and near the prongs a hghted
candle is fixed. Holding on to the ladder with one hand,
he manages the spear with the other, and transfixes the
nest. A shght push detaches it from the rock, and the
spear is then held within reach of the second man, who
detaches the nest and puts it into a basket tied to his
waist.
The natives say that there are two species of swalloAVS
that inhabit these caves. Those that take up their abode
near the entrance of the cave build nests which are of no
value. These birds often attack the other and smaller
species which make the edible nests. The natives often
destroy the nests of the larger swallows, so as to lessen
their number.
The best quahty nests are very translucent, and of a
pale yellow colour, and mixed with very few feathers.
These are nests that have been freshly made. If the
nests are not removed, the birds make use of them again,
so that by age and accession of dirt they become quite
useless. The old nests are of no value, and the natives
destroy them, so that the birds may build new ones in
their place.
The nests are collected four times a year. The natives
say that the birds will lay four times a year if their nests
are collected often, but if there are only two collections,
then the birds only lay twice in the year. The best time
for collecting nests is when the eggs are just laid. One
238 THE DYAK ABROAD
would imagine that there would be a danger of over-
collecting, and that the number of birds would diminish ;
but the natives say there is no danger of this, as the birds
carry on their breeding in nooks and crannies inaccessible
to the collectors.
Another jungle industry is the hunting for camphor.
The kind the Dyaks obtain is known as " hard camphor,"
and is found in crystals in the hollow trunk of a tree.
It is much more valuable than ordinary camphor.
Before going out to collect camphor, the Dyaks hve in
little huts in the jungle, and Hsten to the omens of birds,
just as they would do before going out gutta-hunting.
If the omens be favourable, then they start off, being
careful not to use in conversation certain words which
are considered " taboo," or mali. It is forbidden to use
the word " camphor," or to mention the names of the
implements used in working it, or of any races, such as
the Chinese, Malays, or Europeans, because these will
have something to do with the seUing of the camphor
later on. If the spirits who own the camphor know what
the men are after, or that their property is hkely to be
taken away and sold to distant lands, they wiU carefuUy
hide it, and the camphor workers wiU never be able to
find it ; so the Dyaks have to use other expressions to
express the articles whose names must not be mentioned.
" Camphor " becomes " the thing that smells," and
so on.
The Dyaks, as weU as the Malays, beUeve that to be
careless and to make use of any forbidden word is sure to
result in failure to find camphor. Even if a tree con-
taining camphor is felled, they say that the crystallized
camphor wiU become hquid, and therefore useless.
When a camphor-tree is found in the jungle it is chipped
THE DYAK ABROAD 239
with an axe between two buttresses, and the wood smelt.
If the wood smells very strongly of camphor, then it is
likely that the trunk is hollow, and there is crystalUzed
camphor-gum inside it. They tap the trunk to find out
how far up this hollow extends. The tree is cut down at
this place, and the stump remains standing. The wood
is then spht down on each side. There is a good deal of
uncertainty in the finding of camphor. If lucky, the
workers may find the whole of the hollow trunk from four
to seven feet deep full of crystallized camphor. On the
other hand, the hole in the wood may be quite empty,
except for a httle hquid gum at the bottom, which is
useless. This crystaUized camphor fetches a good price
in the Chinese market. The Chinese value it very highly
for medicinal purposes, and as much as fifty dollars or
more is given for a katty — a pound and a quarter — of it.
CHAPTER XX
SOME PERSONAL EXPERIENCES
The itinerant missionarj' — Visit to a Dyak house — Reception —
Cooking — Servants — The meal — Teaching the Dyaks — Christians
— Services — Prayer - houses — Offertory — Reception of the
missionary — Dangers of sea travelUng during the north - east
monsoon — My boat swamped — In the jungle — Losing my way —
A Pyak's experience.
AS the long Dyak village houses are often built at
great distances from each other, the missionary
who wishes to do effective work among the Dyaks
must travel from house to house. Only by visiting
distant villages, and living with the Dyaks as their guest,
can the missionary learn to understand the people, and
know their real iimer life.
Let me try and describe a visit to some Dyak house,
which no missionary has visited before, and where there
is hope of breaking new ground. After travelling by
boat or on foot I come to the house, and at the foot of the
ladder leading up to it, one of my Dyak companions shouts
out, " Jadi rumah .^" ("Is the house tabooed ?" — that is
to say: "May we walk up?") The usual answer is
" Jadi,^^ which implies that there is no reason against our
entering the house. We climb up the ladder leading to
the common hall and walk to the middle of the house,
where the headman and the more important inhabitants
240
SOME PERSONAL EXPERIENCES 241
have their rooms. {Some mmate spreads out mats for us,
and we are asked to sit down.
If I arrive at the house early in the day, most of the
men will probably be out, and only women and children
at home. These crowd round, standing at a respectful
distance, and the wife or daughter of the headman asks
us what we have come for, and invites us to stay in the
house. She also clears away their own cooking from the
fireplace, and my servant is asked to do whatever cooking
is needed for the Tuan in their room.
The cooking is generally a simple matter. The dinner
generally consists of one course. My servant buys from
the Dyaks a fowl — it would be libel to call it a " chicken "!
— and cooks it, or else he falls back on tinned food, of
which I always had a supply.
During all the years I worked in Borneo I always had a
Dyak servant, and I was fortunate in having for many
years an excellent native named Ah Choy. He was born
at Banting, and attended the Mission School there, and
then went on to the school at Kuching. I joined the
Mission Staff soon after he left school, and he worked for
me as my general factotum — cook, housekeeper, boatman,
personal attendant, etc. — for ten years or more. He was,
what is unusual among the Dyaks, a good cook, and, in
addition to this, was an excellent servant in many ways.
He understood about boats, and I found his advice in
all matters connected with travelling very trustworthy.
He had a good idea of carpentering, and was able himself
to fit up many little conveniences m my boat. Besides all
this he was able to help me ui my missionary work, as he
was a Christian and a communicant himself. I think
that if a Missionary visits native houses to teach the
Dyaks, and has as his attendant a " heathen Chuiee " or
X6
242 SOME PERSONAL EXPERIENCES
a " scoffing iviohammedan, " it must be a hindrance to his
work. Ah Choy left me to work for his mother, who was
a widow, but even after he had left my service he often
accompanied me on my missionary travels as one of the
boatmen, and I was always very glad to have him with
me. He died, while quite a young man, durmg an epidemic
of cholera.
When my dinner is ready my servant tells me, and I
go into the room to eat it. A mat is spread for me, and
I sit cross-legged upon it. A few of the women of the
house sometimes stay in the room while I have my meal,
but never a crowd, and one is able to have one's food in
comfort.
After the evenmg meal I come out into the common
hall, where the mats are spread and the people gathered
together. The evening is the usual time for any dis-
cussion, as the men are all back from their outdoor work
then. I sit down on a mat, and both men and women
are seated in a semicircle before me, and I try to teach
them. Very simple things at first — telling them how
God created the world, and made all things good, and
how man of his own wickedness brought sin mto the
world — very simple things of this kind, and these said
over and over again, because it takes them time to take
in new ideas. After two or three evenings spent in this
way I leave the house, but visit it again after an interval
of some weeks or months.
In the nature of the Dyak there has grown up a crop
of rank suf)erstitions which he cannot overcome easUy.
He has his gods, but his conception of a God is quite
different to that of the Christian. Innumerable hostile
spirits he believes are around him, and these have to be
dealt with, propitiated or outwitted. Though he has
SOME PERSONAL EXPERIENCES 243
many ceremonies the Dyak has little religious spirit.
The ceremonial rites which he practises — sacrifices, in-
cantations, observance of omens — are magic charms to
procure material benefits. Hence he has a difficulty in
conceiving a spiritual religion. In the conversations one
has in the Dyak house it is very usual to be asked such a
question as this : " What material advantage shall I get
if I become a Christian ? Shall I get better paddy-crops
and become rich ? Shall I have better health ?" Another
question which is often asked the Missionary is : " Must
we give up our old customs ?" " Yes," says the Mis-
sionary, " such of them as are founded upon falsehood
or derogatory to the true God." Dreams are often dis-
cussed, and numerous examples are brought forward of
dreams which have come true. The Missionary acknow-
ledges that God has spoken in ancient days to men in
dreams, but maintains that the necessity for doing so no
longer exists.
Endless questions lead to endless explanations, and
often the Missionary feels at the end of it all that little
has been gained. But unpromising as the soil apparently
is, the good seed does germinate. On the next visit the
Missionary makes to that same house, he will probably
find that some of his hearers have thought over what he
has said, and are willing to learn more. And after a few
visits some of the Dyaks are willing to put themselves
under instruction, and these are taught by the native
Catechist m charge of the district, and also by the Mis-
sionary when he pays his visits. When they are suffi-
ciently taught and wish to become Christians, they are
baptized, and if they live good consistent Christian lives,
and have been further instructed, later on they are brought
to the Bishop to be confirmed.
244 SOME PERSONAL EXPERIENCES
Happily the Gospel message, though profound in truth,
is very simple in form. A plain narration of the life of
Jesus Christ always produces a deep impression upon the
Dyak. It is quite a new revelation to him, the Incar-
nation of the Son of God, bringing him totally new
thoughts and ideas of God.
A great help to the work of the Missionary is the
example of some man who has bravely emancipated
himself from the burdensome traditions of his forefathers,
and puts his whole trust in God. There are many such
living in the Saribas district, and they were a great help
to the Mission work there. That a Dyak can succeed in
his labours, or even exist for any length of time without
the observance of bird omens, or paying heed to dreams,
or continually making sacrifices to gods and spirits, is to
Dyaks in general such a remarkable thing that it rouses
their minds to consider what Christianity means. To
give up heathen practices, and to pay no heed to the
omens of birds, is but a small part of the Christian religion,
but it sets men thinking. It is a mark of freedom from
the slavery of tyrannous superstition, and clears the
ground for the foundation of a real Christian belief and
trust m God.
But it may be asked : " How are services provided for
these Dyak Christians who live so far away from the
Church and the Mission House ?" Well, we do the best
we can for them. By the side of each Dyak house where
there are Christians we build a small prayer-house. It is
a very plain and simple building, and is the same in
material and style as their own houses. The Christian
Dyaks build it themselves. They go out into the jungle
and get whatever is necessary for it. It is an oblong
structure, raised a few feet off the ground on posts of
SOME PERSONAL EXPERIENCES 245
wood. The walls and the roof are of palm-leaf thatch,
work which the natives can do themselves ; the flooring
is of laths of wood fastened down with cane or creepers.
And there are no seats in the building — no forms or chairs
— everyone sits on the floor, on which mats are spread.
At one end we have a little table, which the natives
make themselves, and that we use as an altar when we
have a celebration of the Holy Communion. Altogether
it is as primitive a house of worship as it is possible
to imagine, but it is enough for necessary purposes,
and is the best that can be done under the circum-
stances. The building does not last long, but is easily
rebuilt where there is a will to do so. To build per-
manent churches would in most cases be useless waste,
for the Dyaks are constantly moving their village houses
to new sites.
The services held in these little prayer-houses are very
reverent. The offertory at the celebration of Holy Com-
munion is worth}^ of remark. At our up-country churches
and prayer-houses, we receive in kind as well as in money.
Dyaks very seldom have money, but they have rice, and
that is the " kind " in which the offertory is made. The
rice is brought in little baskets or cups, and emptied into
a large basket. Sometimes eggs or fruit are given.
The Missionary gives an equivalent in money for the
rice, etc., collected, and that money is given to the
man who has charge of the offertory. This " church-
warden " is some Christian living in the Dyak house
near.
The Missionary has a very large district in his charge,
and travelling is so difficult that he cannot very often
visit the different houses where there are Christians ; and
the native teacher has also a large ground to cover, and
246 SOME PERSONAL EXPERIENCES
cannot very often hold services at the different prayer-
houses. So if we can find some man in the house who is
a good Christian, and has been to school and can read,
we ask him, in the absence of the Missionary and of the
native teacher, to conduct services. On the Sunday
morning in many Dyak houses, when neither the Mis-
sionary nor the native teacher is there, one of themselves —
some young man — will collect the Christians together, and
they will go to the little prayer-house, and he will read
the prayers, and they will offer up their petitions and
thanksgivings to God. In many Dyak houses, however,
though there are Christians, there is no one whom we can
ask to read the prayers. They have to go without
their services, sometimes for long intervals, until such
time as the native teacher or the Missionary can visit
them.
Visiting the houses where there are Christians, and
holding services in the little prayer-houses built by
themselves, is pleasant and interesting work. The Dyaks
are told beforehand when the Missionary is coming, and
they look forward to his visit, and as many as are able
leave their farm-huts where they may be staying so as to
be at the house to welcome him. The Dyaks are
civil, natural in manner, kindly disposed, and cheerful.
They are also very intelligent, and I have had many
interesting conversations on my Missionary visits. Ques-
tions are often asked by the Dyaks showing that they
have thought over something that has been said on a
former visit ; and in the Saribas district, where so many
Dyaks had learnt to read, it was no unusual thing
to be asked to explain some particular passage in the
Gospels, the Dyak translation of which many of them
had.
SOME PERSONAL EXPERIENCES 247
Travelling by river is safe enough except where there
are sandbanks, and there a little extra care is necessary.
But during the north-east monsoon — October to March —
the sea is generally very rough, and travelling by sea in
the kind of boat the Missionary uses is sometimes
dangerous. He has to use a boat that draws very little
water, because of the sand banks in the rivers, and such a
boat is not suitable for the sea. I am thankful to say
that during all the years I was in Borneo my boat was
only swamped once. We have had mahy narrow escapes —
the boat full of water over and over again, and two men
baling out the water as fast as possible while the others
were rowing. The boat I used in my travels was made of
light wood, and the only part of it that was made of
harder wood was the keel. Even if it were full of water,
it would still float, and we could often row through
the waves without anything worse than a thorough
wetting.
On the occasion when my boat was swamped I was
returning from the capital, Kuching, where I had been
Acting-Chaplain for some months, to my up-country
station at Temudok on the Krian River. It was during
the north-east monsoon, and the sea was very rough.
After leaving the Kuching River we put in at Sampun, a
little stream near. There we stayed seven days. Early
every morning we put out to sea, but it was impossible
to row through the waves, and we had to put back. Then
we ran short of food ; we had no rice for the men. At the
next flood-tide I told my boatmen to row up the Sampun
stream, as I felt certain I should be able to buy rice from
some people livuig there. After two hours' rowing we
came to the hut of a Chinaman. He said he had only
three gantangs of rice. (A gantang is a dry measure, and
248 SOME PERSONAL EXPERIENCES
equal to about three-quarters of a peck.) I asked him
to sell me all the rice he had. He was quite willing to do
so, and said that if I would wait a day, he would have
some paddy pounded, and be able to supply me with more
rice. I said what he had would be sufficient, and I told
my boatmen that whatever the weather was next day, we
must put out to sea.
Very early next morning we started. The sea was very
rough, and to escape the breakers we went farther and
farther away from land. I had my excellent servant, Ah
Choy, with me, and he was steering, and I had a very
good crew of Dyak boatmen. After some time Ah Choy
said to me :
" We are very far out, and can hardly see the land.
Had we not better get nearer shore ?"
The men were rowing as well as they could, but they
were getting very tired, and we were making very little
progress.
I told Ah Choy to bring the boat nearer shore, but as
soon as we got into shallower water the waves were so
great that it was evident the boat could not live through
them.
I asked Ah Choy to steer the boat straight for the
shore, and I told the men to row as hard as they
could, and as soon as they felt their oars touch bottom
to jump out and pull the boat up the shore as fast as
they could. They did exactly as I wished. The boat
was dragged ashore, but several large waves beat
into it, and everything was soaked. It had one or
two hard bumps on the sand, and was split from end
to end.
We were not far from Kabong, a village at the mouth
of the Krian River, and I, accompanied by one of my
SOME PEUSONAL EXPERIENCES 249
boatmen, walked along the beach to the Government Fort
there. 'The clerk in charge, Ah Fook Cheyne, kindly
supplied me with food and with sleeping things for
the night. I sent some Malays to look after my
boat, which they managed to bring to Kabong the
next day.
Whenever I have had to travel on foot I have always
had with me Dyaks who knew the country, so there has
been no danger of my losing my way. But it is remark-
able how easily one can get lost in the jungle. I have
sometimes gone off the path for no great distance, and
have had some difficulty in finding my way back. At
Banting one afternoon I was accompanied by two school-
boys, and we went into the lowland jungle near the
Mission Hill after some wood-pigeon. We followed the
birds from one wild fig-tree to another, and managed to
shoot a few, and then we tried to find our way back.
After wandering about for some twenty minutes we came
to a spot where a tree had been cut down, and a length of
the trunk used evidently for a Dyak coffin. As someone
had been buried a few days ago in the cemetery round the
church, we guessed we could not be far from Banting Hill,
on which the Mission House and Church stood. We tried
to follow what we thought was the track made b}^ the
people who had cut the tree down, but after wandering
about for over half an hour, we found ourselves in the
same spot again.
We could see the sun through the trees, and one of the
boys with me said :
" When we sit on the seat on the brow of the hill facing
the river we see the sun setting in front of us, so if we walk
in the direction of the sun we are sure to come to some
part of Banting Hill."
250 SOME PERSONAL EXPERIENCES
It seemed a sensible suggestion. We had been walking
in the opposite direction. We turned round and walked
back, and sure enough we got to the fruit-trees on Banting
Hill, and had no difficulty in finding our way to the
Mission House.
One day when I was at Sebetan I left the path which
ran along the side of the river. I had with me three Dyak
schoolboys, and we wandered about and could not find
our way out of the jungle. One of the boys said, when
we came to a small jungle-stream :
"If we follow this stream it will lead us to the
river."
We did so, and soon found the path by the
river.
It will be noticed that on both these occasions I was
with Dyak boys who helped me to find my way. I have
noticed that older Dyaks seem to have a good idea of
locality, and generally know in what direction the path
they have left lies.
It is, however, not an unknown thing for Dyaks to be
lost in the jungle. A Dyak friend of mine in Sebetan told
me that on one occasion he had been in the jungle all day
collecting canes, and in the evening when he wanted to
return he could not find his way out. He climbed up a
tree in the hope of seeing the smoke of some Dyak house
or farm hut, but saw no such thing. As it was growing
dark, and there was no likelihood of his finding his
way till next morning, he prepared to spend the
night where he was. He climbed up a tree, and
made himself as comfortable as possible among the
branches, took off his waist-cloth, and tied himself to
the tree, that he might not slip off when asleep, and
spent an uncomfortable night up there. Next morning
SOME PERSONAL EXPERIENCES 251
he had no difficulty in finding his way back to his
house.
The wonder to me is that Dyaks so seldom get lost in
the jungle. When they are hunting wild pig they must
often wander far from the path, and yet somehow they
manage to find their way out of the jungle without any
difficulty.
CHAPTER XXI
DYAK FOLKLORE
Sea Dyak stories — Ensera — Kana — The mouse-deer and the tortoise —
Klieng — Kumang — Apai Saloi — The cunning of the mouse-deer —
The mouse-deer and other animals who went out fishing — The
mouse- deer, the deer, and the pig — Sea Dyak proverbs.
THE Sea Dyaks possess many stories, legends, and
fables handed down by tradition from ancient
times. All these have been transmitted by word
of mouth from generation to generation, as the Dyaks
have no written language of their own. These tales may
be roughly divided in two classes — those that are plainly
told, and called ensera ; and those that are set in a peculiar
rhythmical measure, and sung to a monotonous chant,
and called kaifm.
Among the former are a large number of stories corre-
sponding to the adventures of Brer Rabbit, or our own
tales illustrating the cunning of the fox. In the Dyak
stories the mouse-deer and the tortoise — two of the
smallest animals they know — are generally represented
either acting in concert or individually, and their cunning
is always more than a match against the strength of all
other animals. The Dyaks also have many legends
which give an account of the origin and reason for some
of their religious beliefs and customs. These are no
doubt purely Dyak, but the many tales related nowadays
262
DYAK FOLKLORE 2.53
about Hajahs and their adventures are probably derived
from Malay sources in more recent times.
The exploits of the mythical heroes of the Dyaks are
also related. The greatest hero is Klieng, who is not a
god, but supposed to belong to this world of ours. He is
not now visible to human eyes, but his help is often
invoked in times of war, and offerings of food are often
made to him. Tradition says that he had no father or
mother, but was found in the knot of a tree by Ngelai,
who brought him up as his brother. As he grew up, he
developed a restless spirit, and would not apply himself
to the regular Dyak pursuits. He was wayward and
capricious, and would disappear for long periods, often
being given up for dead by his sorrowing friends. Then
he would suddenly reappear in his own home, to the
surprise and joy of his friends. He is represented as
handsome and brave, and always successful in expeditions
against his enemies. He had a wonderful power of meta-
morphosis, and, when necessary, could transform himseK
into an animal or anything else. On one occasion he is
said to have changed himseK into the fragment of a
broken water-gourd, and Avas carried by Ngelai in his
basket to the battle. The enemy were too powerful for
them, and Ngelai and his friends were being defeated, when
the basket was placed on the ground, and KUeng revealed
himself in his true character of a great warrior, and in a
very short time routed the enemy.
KUeng married Kumang, the Dyak Venus, Many
stories concerning them are set to native song. These
kana are sometimes sung by some Dyak singer, who lies
on a mat or sits on a swing in the dim hght of the covered
veranda of the long Dyak house. His audience sit or he
around and hsten to him, very often till the small hours
254^ DYAK FOLKLORE
of the morning. The incidents in a story thus sung are
not many, but the Dyaks dehght in verbosity and amphfi-
cation, and use a dozen similes where one would do, and
love to repeat over and over again the description of the
various characters in different words, with the double
object of showing their command of language and to
lengthen the story.
They have many amusing tales told of Apai Saloi (the
father of Saloi) — the Simple Simon of the Dyaks. He is
represented as doing the most foolish things, and always
outwitted by his enemy, Apai Samumang (the father of
Samumang), who does not hesitate to take advantage of
his stupidity. The following will give an idea of the kind
of story related of Apai Saloi : — One day he was paddUng
in his boat in the river, and his axe-head fell into the
water. He made a notch in the side of the boat to mark
the spot where the axe-head dropped into the water, and
paddled home. " There will be plenty of time," he said,
" for me to look for it to-morrow morning." He reached
the landing-stage of his house, and pulled his boat up the
bank. The next day he went to the boat and looked for
his lost axe-head underneath the part of the boat where
he saw the notch he had made the day before. He was
very much surprised at not finding his lost axe-head !
But what seems to give the Dyaks most pleasure are
tales about animals, especially those in which the cunning
of the mouse-deer {ahal plandok) is displayed. The fol-
lowing are well known among them, and I have myself
often heard these related, with variations, by the Dyaks
themselves. Very often, in traveUing by boat in Borneo,
one has to wait for the turn of the tide, and the Dyak
boatmen on these occasions often relate some of their
old stories to each other to while away the time.
DYAK FOLKLORE 255
The Story of the Mouse-Deer and other Animals
who went out fishing.
Once upon a time the Mouse-Deer, accompanied by
many other animals, went on a fishing expedition. All
day long they fished, and in the evening returned to the
little hut that they had put up by the river-side, salted
the fish that they had caught, and stored it up in their
jars. They noticed that somehow or other their fish dis-
appeared day by day, and the animals held a council to
decide what it was best to do. After some discussion the
Deer said he would stay behind while the others went out
to fish, so that he might catch the thief.
" I shaU be able to master him, whoever he is," said
the Deer. "If he refuses to do what I wish, I shall soon
punish him with my sharp horns."
So the others went out fishing, leaving the Deer at
home. Soon he heard the tramp of someone coming to
the foot of the steps leading up into the hut, calling
out :
" Is anyone at home ?"
" I am here," said the Deer. Looking out, he saw a
great Giant, and his heart failed him. He wished he had
asked one of his companions to stay at home with
him.
" I smeU some fish," said the Giant. " I want some,
and I must have it. I am hungry. Let me have what I
want."
" It does not belong to me," said the Deer in great fear.
" It belongs to the Pig, the Bear, the Tiger, and the
Mouse-Deer. They would punish me severely if I gave
any of it to you."
" Don't talk to me in that way. If you do not let
256 DYAK FOLKLORE
me have what I want, I will eat you up," said the
Giant.
The Deer was too much awed by his visitor to attack
the Giant, so he let him eat the fish and take some away
with him.
When his companions returned, the Deer gave them
his account of the Giant's visit. They blamed him for
his cowardice, and the Wild Boar said he would keep
watch the next day.
" If the Giant comes," said he, "I will gore him with
my tusks and trample him underfoot."
But he fared no better than the Deer, for when he saw
the Giant, who threatened to kill him if he refused to give
him some fish, he was afraid, and let him take as much
as he wanted.
Great was the disgust of the others to find on their
return that their fish had again been stolen.
" Let me watch," said the Bear. " No Giant shall
frighten me. I will hug him in my arms and scratch
him with my sharp claws."
So Bruin was left in charge the next day, while the
others went out to fish.
Soon he heard the Giant, who came to the foot of the
steps and shouted : " Hullo ! who's there ?"
" I am," said the Bear. " Who are you, and what
do you want ?"
" I can smell some nice fish, and I am hungry, and
want some."
" I cannot let you have any," said the Bear. " It does
not belong to me."
" Let me have some at once," said the Giant in a voice
of thunder, " before I kiU and eat you."
The Bear was too much frightened to interfere while
DYAK FOLKLORE 257
the Giant ransacked the jars. When he had had enough,
he bade the Bear " Good-bye " and went off.
On the return of the other animals, the Tiger said he
would put a stop to this state of things. He would stay
at home the next day and keep watch. It would have
to be a very strong Giant indeed that would dare to
fight him.
The Giant paid his visit as before, and when he found
the Tiger at home, he said that he was hungry, and asked
for some fish. At first the Tiger refused to give any to
him, but when he saw his formidable enemy he was
afraid, and let him have as much as he wanted.
On their return again the animals found their fish had
been stolen.
Then the Mouse-Deer spoke. " I see," he said, " that
it is no use depending on you others. You boast, but
when the time comes for action, you have no courage. I
will stay at home and secure this Giant that you speak of."
When his companions had gone away the next morn-
ing, the Mouse-Deer put a bandage round his forehead
and lay down.
Soon came the Giant, and shouted : " WTio's there V
" Only me," said the Mouse-Deer, groaning with pain.
" Come up, whoever you may be."
The Giant cHmbed up the rickety steps, and saw the
Mouse-Deer lying with his head bandaged.
" What is the matter with you ?" asked the Giant.
" I have a headache," was the answer.
" Whatever has given you the headache ?" asked the
Giant.
" Can't you guess ?" said the Mouse-Deer. " It is the
smell of this fish in these jars. It is so strong it is enough
to make anyone iU. Don't you feel ill yourseK ?"
17
258 DYAK FOLKLORE
" I think I do," said the Giant. " Cannot you give me
some medicine ?"
" I have no medicine with me," said the Mouse-Deer,
" but I can bandage you, as I have done myself, and it
is sure to do you good."
" Thank you," said the Giant. "It is good of you to
take the trouble to cure me."
So the Giant lay down as he was bid, while the Mouse-
Deer bandaged his head, and fastened the ends of the
bandage to pegs which he drove in the ground under the
open flooring of the hut.
" Don't you feel a little pain in your ankles ?" anxiously
suggested the Mouse-Deer.
" I think I do," said the fooMsh Giant. " Suppose you
bandage them, too."
So the Mouse-Deer, chuckling to himself, bandaged
his ankles, and made them fast to the floor of the
hut.
" Do you not feel the pain in your legs ?" asked the
Mouse-Deer.
" I think I do," was the fooHsh Giant's reply.
So the Mouse-Deer bandaged his legs and made
them secure, so that the Giant was quite unable to
move.
By this time the Giant began to feel uneasy, and trying
to get up, and finding himself securely boimd, he struggled
and roared in pain and anger.
The Uttle Mouse-Deer sat before him and laughed, and
said :
" You were a match for the Deer, the Pig, the Bear,
and the Tiger, but j^ou are defeated by me. Don't make
so much noise, or I shall drive a peg through your temples
and kill you."
DYAK FOLKLORE 259
Just then the others returned from their fishing. Great
was their joy to find their enemy securely bound. With
cries of triumph they fell upon the Giant and killed
him, and praised the Mouse-Deer for his cleverness in
securing him.
The Story of the Mouse-Deer, the Deer and
THE Pig.
A Mouse-Deer wandering in the jungle fell into a pit.
He could not get out, so he waited patiently for some
passer-by. Presently a Pig passed by the mouth of the
pit. The Mouse-Deer called out to him, and he looked
in and asked the Mouse-Deer what he was doing
there.
" Don't you know what is going to happen ? The sky
is going to fall down, and everybody will be crushed to
dust unless he takes shelter in a pit. If you want to save
your hfe you had better jump in."
The Pig jumped into the pit, and the Mouse-Deer got
on his back, but he found he was not high enough to
enable him to leap out.
Next a Deer came along, and, seeing the two animals
in the pit, asked them what they were doing there.
The Mouse-Deer replied : " The sky is going to fall,
and everyone will be crushed unless he hides in some
hole. Jump in if you want to save your life.'"
The Deer sprang in, and the Mouse-Deer made him
stand on the back of the Pig ; then he himself got on the
back of the Deer and jumped out of the pit, leaving the
other two to their fate.
The Deer and the Pig were very angry at being tricked
in this way by such a small animal as the Mu use-Deer.
260 DYAK FOLKLORE
They scratched the side of the pit until it sloped, and
enabled them to get out ; then they followed the trail of
the Mouse-Deer, and soon overtook him.
The Mouse-Deer saw them coming, and climbed up a
tree, from the boughs of which a large beehive was
hanging.
" Come down," said the Pig and Deer angrily. " You
have deceived us, and we mean to kill you."
"Deceived you V said the Mouse-Deer. "When did
I deceive you, or do anything to deserve death ?"
" Didn't you tell us that the sky was going to fall,
and that if we did not hide ourselves in a pit we should
be killed T
" Oh yes," was the reply. " What I said was perfectly
true, only I persuaded the King to postpone the disaster."
" You need not try to put us off with any more lies.
You must come down, for we mean to have your blood."
" I cannot," said the Mouse-Deer, " because the King
has asked me to watch his gong," pointing to the bee's-
nest.
" Is that the King's gong ?" said the Deer. " I should
like to strike it to hear what it sounds like."
" So you may," said the Mouse-Deer, " only let me get
down and go to some distance before you do so, as the
noise would deafen me."
So the Mouse-Deer sprang down and ran away. The
Deer took a long stick and struck the bee's-nest, and the
bees flew out angrily and stung him to death.
The Pig, seeing what had happened, pursued the Mouse-
Deer, determined to avenge the death of his friend. He
found his enemy taking refuge on a tree round the trunk
of which was a large python curled.
" Come down," said the Pig, " and I will kill you."
DYAK FOLKLORE 261
" I cannot come down to-day. I am set here to watch
the King's girdle. Look at it," he said, pointing to the
Python. " Is it not pretty ? I have never seen such a
handsome waist-belt before."
" It is beautiful," said the Pig. " How I should like
to wear it for one day !"
" So you may," said the Mouse-Deer, " but be careful,
and do not spoil it."
So the fooUsh Pig entangled himself in the folds of the
Python, who soon crushed him to death and ate him for
his dinner, and the clever Mouse-Deer escaped, having
outwitted his enemies.
Sea Dyak Proverbs.
King Solomon, we are told, " spake three thousand
proverbs," and many of these, as well as proverbs of an
older date, have been handed down to us in a more or
less authentic form. A translation of them into EngUsh
is to be found in a well-known book. King Solomon was
perhaps the first to make a collection of proverbs, but long
before his time proverbs were in common use. It would
seem that in every age and in every cUme the existence
of language is accompanied by the existence of proverbs.
The Sea Dyaks have their proverbs, and these remind
us of the hnes : —
" Turn, turn thy wheel ! The human race,
Of every tongue, of every place,
Caucasian, Coptic, or Malay,
All that inhabit this great earth,
Whatever be their rank or worth,
Are kindred and allied by birth,
And made of the same clay."
It is impossible to imagine two nationalities so far
removed from each other in every respect as the English
262 DYAK FOLKLORE
and the Dyak, and yet, when we come to consider their
proverbs, we find that they join hands and stand on
common ground. Allowing for difference in environ-
ment, and consequent difference of similes, the ideas
expressed in many Dyak proverbs is precisely similar to
that of some well known among the EngUsh.
The three following examples, taken from among many
others, which are often used by the Dyaks of the present
day, will illustrate what I mean : —
Eemaung di rumah, rawong di tanah ("A tiger in the
house, [but] a frog in the field "). A hon in council, but
a lamb in action.
Kasih ka imhok, enda kasih ka manok ("To show kind-
ness to the wild pigeon, [but] not to show kindness to the
domestic fowl "). Charity begins at home.
Lari ka ribut nemu ujan, lari ka sungkup nemu
pendam (" Running from the hurricane, he encounters
the rain ; running from a tombstone, he finds himself
in a graveyard"). Out of the frying-pan into the
fire.
Necessarily, a great deal in human life changes as the
years roll on. Science grows, knowledge increases,
society makes its way to new forms of organization, and
the outward fashions of life pass away, and new ones take
their place. All this is obvious and inevitable. And so
there mubt of necessity be many points of difference
between primitive races and races high up in the scale of
civihzation. Yet in human life there are certain things
which are always the same. Underneath what is variable
in man there is that which never changes. Now and
again we catch ghmpses of this as we read some ancient
author, and find that across the gap of ages hved one
who, thousands of years ago, in some respects, at least,
DYAK FOLKLORE 263
thought as we think and felt as we feel. The radical
fundamental thoughts and passions of mankind all over
the world, in every age, are much the same ; and so,
after consideration, it ought not to be a matter of sur-
prise to find that some of the Sea Dyak proverbs convey
precisely the same ideas as the proverbs of the English.
CHAPTER XXII
THREE DYAK LEGENDS
Dyak fairy-tales and legends — I. Danjai and the Were-Tiger's
Sister — II. The Story of Siu, who first taught the Dyaks to
observe the omens of birds— III. Pulang Gana, and how he came
to be worshipped as the god of the earth.
THERE are many fairy-tales and legends known to
the Sea Dyaks of the present day. As they have
no written language, these have been handed down
by word of mouth from generation to generation from
ancient times. These tales and legends may be divided
into two classes : —
1. Those purely fabulous, and related as such, which
are simply meant to interest and amuse, and in these
respects resemble the fairy-tales famUiar to us all.
2. And those believed to be perfectly true, and to
record events which have actually taken place, which
are the traditions respecting their gods and preternatural
beings. These form, in fact, the mjrthology of the Dyaks.
To this latter class belong the many and varied adven-
tures of Klie7ig, the great warrior hero of ancient times,
and his wife Kumang, the Dyak Venus, as well as the
traditions relating to the gods believed in by the Dyaks
of the present day. To these must be added certain
stories which give a reason for some of the curious
customs observed by the Dyaks. The three myths which
264
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 265
follow belong to this latter class. The Dyak legends are
fast beuig forgotten, and I had the greatest difficulty in
obtaining the few here preserved.
Danjai and the Were-Tiger's Sister.
Once upon a time there lived a great Chief named
Danjai. He was the head of one of the longest Dyak
houses that were ever built. It was situated on a hUl
in the midst of a large plantation of fruit trees. Danjai
was said to be very rich indeed. He possessed much
farming land, many fruit trees, many tapang trees,
where the wild bees made their abode, and from which
the sweet honey is obtained, and in his room there were
many valuable jars of various kinds, and also a large
number of brass vessels ; for the Dyaks convert their
wealth into jars and brass ware to hand down to posterity.
Every year he obtained a plentiful harvest of paddy,*
much more than he and his family could consume, and
he had always much paddy for sale, so much so that the
news of his wealth travelled to distant lands, and many
from afar off would come and buy paddy from him.
Danjai also possessed many slaves, who were ready to
help him in his work.
All the people in his house had a very high opinion of
his judgment, and were ready to obey his decisions,
whenever he settled any of their disputes. So great
indeed was his reputation for wisdom that men from
distant villages would often consult him and ask his
advice when in any difficulty. He had also great fame
as a brave warrior, and during expeditions against the
* Rice in the husk.
266 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
enemy, he was the leader of the men of his own village
and of many villages around, for all liked to follow such
a brave man as Danjai, who was sure to lead them to
victory. Over the fireplace in his veranda he had, hanging
together in a bunch, the dried heads of the enemies whom
he himself had killed.
Now this man Danjai had a very pretty wife whom he
had recently married, but the marriage feast had not
been held, because he had not yet obtained a human
head from the enemy as a token of his love for her : for
this girl was of good birth and a Chief's daughter, and
wanted the whole world to know, when they attended her
marriage feast, what a brave man her husband was.
One day Danjai said to his young wife : " I will hold a
meeting of the Chiefs around, and tell them that we must
aU get our war-boats ready, as I intend leading an expe-
dition against the enemy. I should like to bring you
a human head as a token of my love, so that you may not
be ashamed of your husband. And as soon as I return,
we will have the wedding feast." Though his wife was
sorry that her husband intended leaving her, stiU she
did not oppose his wishes, for she wished him to come
back covered with glory. So a council of war was held,
and Danjai told the assembled Chiefs what he intended
to do, and it was decided that all should begin at once
making war-boats, which were to be ready in two months'
time.
Assisted by his slaves and followers, Danjai had been at
work at his boat for several weeks, and it was nearly
finished. It was a beautiful boat made out of the trunk
of one large tree, and Danjai was proud of his work.
He was so anxious to finish his boat that one day he
started very early in the morning, before his breakfast
THREE DYAK LEGENDS •2(>7
was ready, and he asked his wife to bring his food to
him later on to the part of the jungle where he was
working at his boat.
Accordingly, Mrs. Danjai cooked the food and ate her
own breakfast. Then she made up a small bundle of rice
and also put together some fish and salt, and placed all
in a little basket to take to her husband. She had never
been out in the jungle by herself before, but she was not
afraid, for her husband had told her the way, and she
could hear the sound of his adze as he worked at his boat
not very far off. She hung her basket over her left
shoulder, and, holding her small knife in her right hand,
went cheerfully on. Presently she came to the stump
of a tree on which was placed a bunch of ripe sibau fruit.
They looked so tempting that she could not help eating
some of them, and as they were very nice, she put what
remained in her basket, saying to herself : " Perhaps
Danjai forgot to take these with him and left them here.
I will take them to him myself ; he will no doubt be glad
to eat these ripe fruits after his hard work."
Now there was in this land a Were-Tiger, that was
much feared by all who lived around. He had the
appearance of a man, but at times would transform
himself into a tiger, and then he would attack human
beings and carry off their heads as trophies to his own
house. But he never attacked any unless they had first
done wrong by taking something which belonged to him.
So this Were-Tiger would leave tempting fruit by the
side of jungle paths, and on the stumps of trees, in the
hope that some tired traveller would take and eat them.
And if anyone ate such fruit, then he or she was doomed
to be killed by him that same day. But all knew about
him, and though he placed many tempting baits in all
268 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
parts of the jungle, no one touched his fruit, for all feared
the fate which awaited them if they did any such things.
But Danjai's wife knew nothing about the Were-Tiger.
No one had told her of him, and she had never been out
before in the jungle by herself, and she had never been
warned not to touch any fruit she might find lying
about.
" Oh, Danjai," she said, as soon as she met her hus-
band, " I am afraid I am rather late. You must be
very tired and hungry, working the whole morning at
your boat without having had anything to eat. Never
mind ! Here is your breakfast at last." And she handed
the basket which contained his food to her husband.
Now Danjai was really very hungry, so he was glad to
see his food had arrived. He thanked his wife, and at
once began to empty the basket.
The first thing he saw was the ripe sihau fruit at the
top, and he asked his wife where she got them from. She
told him she had found them on the stump of a tree by
the wayside, and she said she thought they had been left
there by him. She added with a smile that they were
very good, as she had eaten some herself.
Then Danjai, brave man though he was, turned pale
with fear and anxiety .
" We must not linger here a moment," he said to his
wife. " Hungry though I am, I will not eat my food
here. We must both hurry home at once. You have
taken and eaten fruit belonging to the Were-Tiger, so
much feared by all. It is said that whoever touches his
fruit will surely die a terrible death : and you are the first
person I know who has done so ."
Danjai hurriedly gathered together all his tools and
told those that were with him of his trouble, and they all
A DvAK Woman ix Everyday Costume
She is wearing a necklace of small silver current coins, fastened together with silver links. The
bangles are hollow, and of silver or brass, made separately, but worn several together on each wrist.
The two favourite colours for petticoats are blue and red. The red petticoat, as in the picture, has
often a design in white worked or woven into it.
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 269
started and walked silently back. Danjai was wondering
how he was to avert the fate which awaited his young
wife. She was silent, because she saw her husband was
troubled, and she was sorry that she had caused him
grief.
As soon as they arrived at the house, Danjai sent for
all the men round about and told them what had hap-
pened, how his wife had taken and eaten the fruit of the
Were-Tiger. He begged them all to help to shield her,
for the Were-Tiger was sure to have his revenge, and
come and take the head of his wife.
So they all prepared themselves for the tiger's visit
by sharpening their knives and spears. Some men placed
themselves on the roof of the house, others in the veranda.
The ladder leading up to the house was also guarded,
and so were all parts of the house by which he was likely
to force an entrance. As for Danjai's wife, they hid her
beneath some mats and sheets in the room, and twelve
brave men stood round her with their swords drawn,
ready to save her life even at the cost of their own.
Just before dark they heard the roar of the tiger in the
distance. Though still a long way off, the sound was
very terrible to hear, and the men all grasped their
swords and spears firmly, for they knew the tiger would
soon be upon them.
Once more the tiger's roar sounded, nearer and clearer,
and then they heard him crash through the leaf-thatch
roof and fall into the room. There was a great commo-
tion among the men, but though all tried to kill the
animal, none could see him. Soon after they heard a
roar of triumph from the tiger outside the house. They
lifted up the mats and sheets which covered Danjai's
wife, and there they saw her headless body ! The Were-
270 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
Tiger had succeeded in his attack, and had carried off the
head of his victim !
Loud was the weeping and great the lamentation over
her dead body. She was so young to die ! And what
death could be more terrible than hers whose head had
been carried away by her murderer ! All in the house
mourned her loss for seven days, and during that time
the house was very quiet, as all lived in their separate
rooms, and did not come out into the common veranda
to do work or to talk to each other.
The death of his wife grieved Danjai very much. But
though his grief was great, his desire for revenge was
greater still.
Very early on the morning of the next day Danjai
started after the tiger. The drops of blood which had
fallen could plainly be seen on the ground, and he had
no difficulty in finding out in what direction the tiger
had gone. On and on he tracked the blood till he came
to a cave at the foot of a high mountain. The sides of
the cave were splashed with blood, so Danjai walked
boldly in, determined to revenge the death of his wife.
It was not very dark in the cave. In the distance he
could see an opening, and he hurried towards it.
He came out on the other side of the mountain, and
saw a large plantation of sugar-cane and plantain-trees.
Beyond this he saw a long Dyak house.
" This," he said to himself, " is surely the abode of the
Were-Tiger, and soon I shall have an opportunity of
revenging the death of my wife."
He planted two sticks one across the other in the ground
to mark the opening in the mountain, so that he might
not miss his way on his return, and then he boldly walked
towards the house.
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 271
He followed a path through the sugar-cane plantation
— still tracking the drops of blood upon the ground —
until he came to the ladder leading up to the house. He
was so anxious to attack his wife's murderer that he did
not pause to ask — as is the usual Dyak custom — whether
he might walk up or not, but went straight on into the
house. Men sitting in the veranda asked him, as he
passed them, where he was going and what he wanted,
but he did not answer them. His heart was heavy
within him, thinking of his dead wife, and wondering if
he would be able to accomplish his task, and whether
he would succeed in leavmg the house as easily as he
came in. But he was determined to avenge his wife's
murder, and he would not shrink from any difficulties in
the way.
He stopped at the room of the headman of the house,
and a girl asked him to sit down, and spread a mat for
him. He did so, and the girl went into the room to
fetch the brass vessel containmg the betel-nut ingredients
which the Dyaks love to chew. As he sat down, he saw
drops of blood on the fireplace, and, looking up, he noticed
a fresh head, still dripping with blood, among the other
skulls hanging there. He recognized it at a glance — it
was the head of his loved wife !
The girl came out with the brass vessel of betel-nut,
and said : " Help yourself, Danjai. We did not expect
you to visit us so soon. Please excuse me for a while ;
I have to attend to the cooking. But you will not be
alone, for my brother will soon be back. He has only
gone to the plantation to fetch some sugar-cane."
So Danjai sat on the mat by himself, thinking what he
was to do next, and what he was to say to his wife's
murderer when he came in. Soon the Were-Tiger
272 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
arrived, carrying on his shoulder a bundle of sugar-
cane.
" I am very pleased to see you, Danjai," he said.
" Would you like some sugar-cane ? If so, help your-
self."
Danjai was so sad thinking of his wife that he did not
notice how curious it was that they should know his
name when they had never seen him before. He did not
feel at all inclined to eat sugar-cane, but lest his host
should think he had come to kill, and to put him off
his guard, he pretended to eat a little. He heard the
Were-Tiger say to his sister in the room that she was to
be sure to have enough food cooked, as Danjai would eat
with them that evening. Then he left them and went to
the river to bathe.
The sister came out of the room, and spoke to Danjai,
who was stUl sitting in the veranda, and asked him to
come into the room, as she had something to say to
him.
" Yes, Danjai," she said to him in a kind tone of voice,
" I know of your trouble and I am sorry for jou. How-
ever, if you follow my advice, all will be well. You must
be careful, for my brother is easUy put out, and has no
scruples about killing any who displease him. Our own
people here hate him, for he is so merciless ; but no one
dares attack htm, for all fear him greatly. Now listen
attentively to what I have to say. When I put out the
plates of rice in the room presently, do not take the one
he tells you to have : take any of the others, for the one
he wishes you to have is sure to contain some poison.
Later on, when you retire to rest, do not spend the night
on the mat spread out for you, but sleep somewhere else,
and put the wooden mortar for pounding paddy on the
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 273
mat in your stead ; and so again on the second night,
place the wooden mill for husking the paddy on your
mat ; and on the third night a roll of the coarse matting
used for treading paddy. If his three attempts to kill
you are unsuccessful, then he will be in your power, and
will do what you command. But even then there ia still
danger, and you must not do anything rash, but ask my
advice again later on. But go outside now into the
veranda, for I think I hear my brother returning from
his bath. I must make haste and put out the food for you
all to eat."
Soon the Were-Tiger came in, and, sitting on the mat
by Danjai. asked him the news and how matters were in
his country. Danjai answered little, for he was very
sad ; besides, his host always laughed at him whenever
he spoke. The fact was that he was amused at the idea
of the man whose wife he had killed sitting in his
veranda and talking to him in a friendly way.
The sister came out of the room and asked them in to
have their meal. All happened as she said it would.
Danjai remembered her advice, and did not take the
plate of rice his host offered him. But he was too sad
to eat much.
In the evening Danjai and the Were-Tiger sat by
a fire in the veranda. Over this fire hung several
human heads. The tears came into Danjai 's eyes as
he sat there and saw the head of his dear wife being
scorched by the fire. He felt inclined there and then to
grasp his sword and attack her murderer ; but he re-
strained himself, remembering the advice of the Tiger's
sister.
The Were-Tiger said to him with a nasty laugh : " What
is troubling you that you should weep ?"
18
274 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
" I am not troubled about anything," said Danjai ; '' but
the smoke of the fire is too much for my eyes, and it makes
them water and feel sore."
" If so," said his host, " let us put out the fire and retire
to rest, as it is very late."
Two mats were spread out for them, one on each side
of the fireplace, and they lay down to sleep. But Danjai
kept awake, and when his companion was asleep, he rose
and placed the wooden mortar for pounding paddy on
his mat, and covered it over with a sheet ; and he himself
retired to a safe place, as he was advised to do by the
Tiger's sister. He watched to see what would happen,
and he was not disappointed. Not long after, he saw
the Were-Tiger wake up and fetch a sword, and walk
up to the place where he was supposed to be asleep.
With the sword he made two or three vicious cuts at the
wooden mortar, and said :
" Now, Danjai, this will settle you. You will not think
of revenging 3'^ourself on me any more."
Then Danjai cried out from where he was : " What is
the matter ? What are you doing ?"
" Oh, Danjai ! Is that you ?" said his host. " I did
not mean to hurt you. I had a bad dream, and I some-
times walk in my sleep. How lucky it is you were not
lying on the mat ! I should have certainlj^ killed you,
and I should never have forgiven myself for doing so.
Please understand I meant no harm to you, and let us
lie down to rest again."
On the two following nights the Were-Tiger attempted
to kill Danjai, but failed each time, because, following
the advice given him, Danjai placed first the wooden mill
for husking the paddy on his mat, and next a roll of
coarse mattmg used for treading paddy. His host
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 275
made the same excuse for his strange behaviour each
time.
On the morning of the fourth day, after the Were-Tiger
had left tlie house to see whether any fish had been caught
in his fish-trap, his sister asked Danjai to come into the
room, as she had something to say to him before he left
to return home.
" Now, Danjai," she said, " as I told you before, since
my brother has not been able to kill you these three days,
he is in your power. After breakfast ask him to accom-
pany you and show you the way back to your country.
When you have both come to the farther end of the
sugar-cane plantation, beg him to sit down for a little
while, and say you would like to eat some sugar-cane
before you leave him and go on your journey alone.
When he gives you the sugar-cane, ask him to lend you
his sword, giving as an excuse that yours is not sharp
enough for peeling the sugar-cane, or that it is stuck
fast in its sheath and cannot be drawn. When he hands
you his sword, you must attack him with it and kill him.
My brother is invulnerable to any other sword but his
own. When you have killed him, cut off his head and
bring it to me, and I wUl give you your wife's head in
exchange for it."
A few minutes after this conversation the Were-Tiger
returned with a basket full of fish. Some of these were
soon cooked, and they sat down to breakfast.
Soon after they had eaten, Danjai told his host that
he must be returning to his own country, and asked him
to accompany him and show him his way back. So they
started together and walked through the sugar-cane
plantation.
Just as they came near the end of it, Danjai begged his
276 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
companion to stop. He said he would like to have some
sugar-cane before going on.
" I am sorry I did not offer you any," said the Were-
Tiger ; " it was very forgetful of me. Never mind, I will
at once cut down some sugar-cane for us."
When he had brought the sugar-cane and had finished
peeling the piece he wanted for himself, Danjai said to
him :
'' Please lend me your sword, for mine is stuck fast in
its sheath, and I camiot draw it out."
The Were-Tiger, suspecting nothing, handed the sword
to him, and Danjai began peeling his sugar-cane.
Just then the Were-Tiger turned round to look at his
house, and Danjai, seizing his opportunity, gave him a
blow with the sword and killed him. Then he cut off
the head and carried it back with him to the house he
had just left.
When he came near, he saw the sister watching for
his return, and standing at the top of the ladder leading
up to the house. He followed her into the house, and
gave her the head of her brother.
" You ought to be quite satisfied now, Danjai," she
said, " for you have taken your revenge for the death of
your wife. I want you to promise me certain things before
you go. First of all, you must not let an^^body know
that you have killed my brother. Next, on your return,
you must go on the warpath and bring back to me the
head of a woman, to enable me to put away the mourning
of myself and my relatives for the death of my brother.
And then I hope you wUl take me with you as your wife.
And I give j^ou now some locks of my hair, to be used as
a charm to make you invisible to the enemy, when you are
on the warpath. Lastly, I advise you and your people
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 277
never to eat or to take away any fruit you may find
lying about in the jungle, on the stump of a tree, or on a
rock, without knowing for certain who put it there and
to whom it belongs, or making sure that it has fallen
from some tree near. This must be remembered from
generation to generation. Whoever disobeys this advice
will be punished by death. You may now have the
head of your wife to take back to your country."
As she finished speaking, she handed him his wife's
head, and Danjai started off at once, for he was anxious
to get back.
He reached his house late that same evening. All his
friends were glad to see him come back safe and sound.
They had given up all hope of seeing him again. They
were also pleased to see he had been successful in bringing
back the head of his dead wife.
Soon after Danjai's return from the Were-Tiger's
country, he gathered all his followers together and told
them that he intended going on the warpath. As soon
as they were able to get everything ready, they started
for the enem3^'s country. They were very successful, and
succeeded in taking many heads ; but Danjai, protected
as he was by the charm which he had received from the
Were-Tiger's sister, was more successful than the others.
They returned with much rejoicuig, and a great feast
was held in honour of their victory. The human heads
were placed on a costly dish, and the women carried
them into the house with dancing and singing.
A few days after, Danjai started to fulfil his promise to
the Were-Tiger's sister. He brought her back with him
as his wife, and they lived very happily together for
many years.
This story explains why the Dyaks, even at the present
278 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
day, dare not eat any fruit they may find lying on the
stump of a tree, or on a rock in the jungle. They fear
that evil will happen to them as it did to Danjai's wife.
TI.
The Story of Siu, who first Taught the Dyaks to
Plant Paddy and to Observe the Omens
OF Birds.
Many thousands of years ago, before the paddy-plant
was known, the Dyaks lived on tapioca, yams, potatoes,
and such fruit as they could procure. It was not till Siu
taught them how to plant paddy that such a thing as rice
was known. The story of how he came to learn of the
existence of this important article of food, and how he
and his son Seragunting introduced it among their people,
is set forth in the following pages.
Siu was the son of a great Dyak Chief. His father
died when he was quite a child, and at the time this story
begins he lived with his mother, and was the head of a
long Dyak house in which lived some three hundred
families. He was strong and active, and handsome in
appearance, and there was no one in the countr}^ round
equal to hmi either in strength or comeliness. When
ready to go on the warpath, he was the admiration of all
the Dyak damsels. On these occasions he appeared in
a many-coloured waist-cloth, twelve fathoms in length,
wound round and round his body. On his head he wore
a plaited rattan band, in which were stuck some long
feathers of the hornbill. His coat was woven of threads
cf bright colours. On each well-shaped arm was an
armlet of ivory. To his belt were fastened his sword and
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 279
the many charms and amulets that he possessed. With
his spear in his right hand and his shield on his left arm ,
he presented a splendid type of a Dyak warrior. But it
is not of Siu's bravery nor of his deeds of valour against
the enemy that this tale relates. It tells only of an ad-
venture which ended in his discovery of paddy.
He proposed to the young men of his house that they
should take their blowpipes with them and go into the
jungle to shoot birds. So one morning they all started
early. Each man had with him his bundle of food for
the day, and each went a different way, as they wished
to see, on returning in the evening, who would be the
most successful of them all.
Siu went towards a mountain not far from his house,
and wandered about the whole morning in the jungle,
but, strange to say, he did not see any bird, nor did he
meet with anj^ animal. Everything was very quiet and
still. Worn out with fatigue, he sat down to rest under
a large tree, and, feeling hungry, he ate some of the food
he had brought with him. It was now long past midday,
and he had not been able to kill a single bird ! Surely
none of the others could be so unfortunate as he ! Deter-
mined not to be beaten by the others, after a short rest
he started again, and wandered on in quest of birds.
The sun had gone half-way down in the western heaven,
and Siu was begmning to lose heart, when suddenly he
heard not far off the sound of birds. Hurrymg in that
direction, he came to a wild fig-tree covered with ripe
fruit, which a large number of birds were busy eating.
Never before had he seen such a sight ! On this one
tree the whole feathered population of the forest seemed
to have assembled together ! Looking more carefully,
he was surprised to see that the different kinds of birds
280 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
were not all intermingled together as is usually the case,
but each species was apart from the others. He saw a
large flock of wild pigeons on one branch, and next to
them were the parrots, all feeding together, but keeping
distinct from them. Upon the same tree there were
hornbills, woodpeckers, wild pigeons, and all the different
kinds of birds he had ever seen.
Siu hid himself under the thick leaves of a shrub
growing near, very much pleased at his luck, and, taking
a poisoned dart, he placed it in his blow-pipe, and shot
it out. He had aimed at one bird in a particular flock,
and hit it. But that bird was not the only one that fell
dead at his feet. To his astonishment, he saw that many
of the other birds near it were killed also. Again he
shot out a dart, and again the same thing happened. In
a very short time Siu had killed as many birds as he could
carry. As the little basket in which he had brought his
food was too small to hold them all, he set to work and
made a coarse basket with the bark of a pendok tree
growing near. Then he put his load on his back and
started to return home, glad that he had been so
successful.
He tried to return the same way bj^ which he had
come, but as he had not taken the precaution to cut
marks in the trees he passed, he very soon found himself
in difficulties. He wandered about, sometimes passing
by some large tree which he seemed to remember seeing
in the morning. He climbed up a steep hill and went
several mUes through a large forest, but did not find the
jungle path which he had followed early in the day.
It was beginning to grow dusk and the sun had nearly
set.
" I must hurry on," said Siu to himself, " in the hope
A Dyak using a Wooden Blow-pipe
He is seated on the ground wiih his blow-pipe held in position to his mouth. He is just in the act
of blowing out one of his poisoned darts, some of which are lying on ihe ground in front of him. Tc
his waist is fastened the bamboo receptacle in which the darts are kept.
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 281
of finding some house where I can get food and shelter.
Once it is dark I shall be forced to spend the night in the
jungle."
Coming to a part of the jungle which had lately been
a garden, he thought there must be a path from it
leading to some house, so he began to walk round it.
Soon he found an old disused path, which he fol-
lowed. By this time it was quite dark, and Siu made
haste to reach the Dyak house which he felt sure
was not very far off. He came to a well, and near at
hand he saw the lights and heard the usual sounds of
a Dyak house. He was glad to think that he would
not have to spend the night in the jungle, but would be
able to get food and shelter at the house. He stopped
to have a bath, and hid the birds he was carrying and
his blow-pipe and quiver in the brushwood near the well,
hoping to take them with him when he started to return
the next morning.
As he approached the house, he could hear the voices
of the people there. When he came to the bottom of the
ladder leading up to the house, he shouted : " Oh, you
people in the house, will you allow a stranger to walk
up ?" At once there was dead silence in the house. No
one answered. Again Siu asked the same question, and
after a pause a voice answered, " Yes ; come up !"
He walked up into the house. To his surprise he saw
no one in the open veranda in front of the different rooms.
That part of a Dyak house, usually so crowded, was quite
empty. Nor did he hear the voices of people talking in
any of the rooms. All was silent. Even the person who
answered him was not there to receive him.
He saw a dim light in the veranda further on, in the
middle of the house, and walked towards it, wondering
282 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
the while what could have happened to all the people in
the house, for not long before he had heard many voices.
" This seems to be a strange house," he said to him-
self. " When I was bathing, and when I walked up to
the house, it seemed to be well inhabited, but now that I
come in, I see no one and hear no voice."
When Siu reached the light he sat down on a mat.
Presently he heard a woman's voice in the room sa}^ :
" Sit down, Siu ; I will bring out the pinang* and sireh'f
to you."
Siu was very pleased to hear a human voice. Soon a
young and remarkably beautiful girl came out of the room
with the chewing mgredients, which she placed before
him.
" Here you are at last, Siu," she said ; " I expected you
would come earlier. How is it you are so late ?"
Siu explained that he had stopped at the well to have a
bath, as he was hot and tired.
" You must be very hungry," said the girl ; " wait a
moment while I prepare some food. After you have
eaten, we can have our talk together."
When Siu was left to himself, he wondered what it all
meant. Here was a long Dyak house, built for more than
a hundred families to live in, and yet it seemed quite
deserted. The only person in it appeared to be the
beautiful girl who was cooking his food for him. Again,
he was surprised that she knew his name and expected
him that day.
" Come in, Siu," said the voice from the room ; " your
food is ready."
* Pinang, betel-nut.
t Sireh, a kind of pepjer-leaf which the Dyaks are fond of eating
with betel-nut.
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 283
Sill was very hungry, and went in at once, and sat down
to eat his dinner.
When they had done eating, she cleared away the plates
and put things back into their places and tidied the room .
Then she spread out a new mat for liim. and brouglir out
the pinang and sireh. and bade him be seated, as she
wished to have a chat with him.
Siu had many questions to ask. and as soon as they
were both seated, he began : —
" Wliy are you all alone in this house ? This is a long
house, and many families must live in it. Where are the
others ? Why is everything so silent now ? I am sure I
heard voices before I entered the house ; but now I hear
no sound.'
*' Do not let ns talk about this house or the people in it
for the present. I would much rather talk of other
matters. Tell me of your own people, and what news you
bring from yom* eoimtry."
" There is no news to give you." Siu replied. " We
have been rather badly oS for food, as our potatoes
and yams did not turn out so well this year as we
hoped.'"
" Tell me what made you come in this direction, and
how it was you found out this house."'
" While I was hunting in the jungle to-day I lost my
way. After wandering about a long time, I found a path
which I followed and came to this house. It was kind
of you to take me in and give me food. If I had not
found this house. I a". ould have been lost in the jungle.
To-morrow morning you must show me the way to my
country, and also I must beg of you some food for
my journey back. My mother is sure to be anxious
about me. She is left all alone now that I am away.
284 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
My father died a long time ago, and I am her only
son."
" Do not go away as soon as to-morrow morning. Stay
here a few days at any rate."
At first Siu would not consent, but she spoke so nicely
to him that she succeeded in persuading him to stay there
at least a week. Then he went out to the veranda, and
she brought out a mat for him to sleep on and a sheet to
cover himself with. As Siu was very tired, he soon fell
sound asleep, and did not wake up till late on the follow-
ing morning.
He saw some little children playing about the next day,
but he did not see any grown-up people. He went into
the room to have his morning meal, but saw no one there,
except the girl he had seen the evening before. He felt
very much inclined to ask her again where the people of
the house were, but he did not do so, as she did not seem
inclined to speak about them.
Now though Siu knew it not, this was the house of the
great Singalang Burong, the Ruler of the Spirit-World.
He was able to metamorphose himself and his followers
into any form. When going forth on an expedition
against the enemy, he would transform himself and his
followers into birds, so that they might travel more
quickly. Over the high trees of the jungle, over the
broad rivers, sometimes even across the sea, Singalang
Burong and his flock would fly. There was no trouble
about food, for in the forests there were always some wild
trees in fruit, and, while assuming the form of birds, they
lived on the food of birds. In his own house and among
his own people, Singalang Burong appeared as a man.
He had eight daughters, and the girl who was cooking
food for Siu was the youngest of them.
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 285
The reason why the people of the house were so quiet,
and did not make their appearance, was because they
were all in mourning for many of their relatives who had
been killed some time back. Only the women and chil-
dren were at home, because that same morning all the
men had gone forth to make a raid upon some neighbour-
ing tribe, so that they might bring home some human
heads to enable them to end their mourning. For it was
the custom that the people of a house continued to be in
mourning for dead relatives until one or more human
heads were brought to the house. Then a feast was held,
and all mourning was at an end.
After Siu had been in the house seven days, he thought
he ought to think of returning to his own people. By
this time he was very much in love with the girl who had
been so kind to him, and he wished above all things
to marry her, and take her back with him to his own
country.
" I have been here a whole week," he said to her, " and
though you have not told me your name, still I seem to
know you very well. I have a request to make, and I
hope you will not be angry at what I say."
" Speak on ; I promise I will not be angry whatever you
may say."
" I have learnt to love you very much," said Siu, " and
I would like to marry you if you will consent, so that I
shall not leave you, but take you with me, when I return
to my own land. Also I wish you to tell me your name,
and why this house is so silent, and where all the people
belonging to it are."
" I will consent to marry you, for I also love you. But
you must first promise me certain things. In the first
place, you must not tell your people of this house, and
286 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
what you have seen here. Then also you must promise
faithfully never to hurt a bird or even to hold one in
your hands. If ever you break this promise, then we
cease to be man and wife. And, of course, you must
never kill a bird, because, if you do so, I shall not only
leave you, but revenge myself on you. Do you promise
these things ?"
"Yes," said Siu ; "I promise not to speak of what I
have seen here until you give me leave to do so. And as
you do not wish it, I wiU never touch or handle a bird,
and certainly never kill one."
" Now that you have promised what I wish, I will tell
you about myself and the people of this house," said the
maiden. " My name is Endu-Sudan-Galinggam-Tinchin-
Mas (the girl Sudan painted like a gold ring), but my
people call me by my pet names, Bunsu Burong (the
youngest of the bird family), and Bunsu Katupong (the
youngest of the Katujwng family). This house, as you
noticed, seems very empty. The reason is that a month
ago many of our people were killed by some of the people
of your house, and we are all still in mourning for them.
As you know, when our relatives have lately died, we stay
silent in our rooms, and do not come out to receive
visitors or to entertain them. Why are your people so
cruel to us ? They often kill our men when they go out
fishing or hunting. On the morning of the day on which
you arrived, all the men of this house went on the war-
path, so as to obtain the heads of some of the enemy to
enable us to put away our mourning. With us as with
you, it is necessary that one or more human heads be
brought into the house before the inmates can give up
sorrowing for their dead relatives and friends. You see
us now in the form of human bemgs, but all the people
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 287
in this house are able to transform themselves into birds.
My father, Singalang Burong, is the head of this house.
I am the youngest of eight sisters ; we have no brother
alive. Our only brother died not long ago, and we are
stUl in mourning for him, and that is the reason why my
sisters did not come out to greet you."
Siu heard with surprise all she had to say. He said to
himself that it was lucky he did not bring up to the house
the basket of birds which he had killed in the jungle, and
that he had hidden them with his blow-pipe and quiver
containing poisoned darts m the brushwood near the
well. He determined to say nothing about the matter,
as probably some of her friends or relations were among
the birds that were killed by him.
So Siu married Bunsu Burong, and continued to live in
the house for several weeks.
One day he said to his wife : " I have been here a long
time. My people must surely be wondering where I am,
and whether I am stUl alive. My mother, too, must be
very anxious about me. I should like to return to my
people, and I want you to accompany me. My mother
and my friends are sure to welcome you as my wife."
" Oh yes, I will gladly accompany you back to your
home. But you must remember and say nothing of the
things you have seen in this house. When shall we
start ?"
" We can start early to-morrow morning, soon after
breakfast," answered Siu.
Thej^ started early the next day, taking with them food
enough for four days, as they expected the journey would
last as long as that. Siu's wife seemed to know the way,
and after journeying for three days, they came to the
stream near the house, and they stopped to have a bath.
288 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
Some of the children of the house saw them there, and
ran up to the house, and said : " Siu has come back, and
with him is a beautiful woman, who seems to be his wife."
Some of the older people checked the children, saying :
" It carmot be Siu ; he has been dead for a long time.
Don't mention his name, for if his mother hears you talk
of him, it will make her very unhappy."
But the children persisted in saying that it was indeed
Siu that they had seen. Just then Siu and his wife
appeared and walked up to the house.
Siu said to his wife : " The door before which I hang up
my sword is the door of my room. Walk straight in.
You will find my mother there, and she will be sure to
gladly welcome you as her daughter-in-law."
When they came into the house, all the mmates rushed
out to meet them, and to congratulate Siu on his safe
return. They asked him many questions : where had
he been living all this time ? how he came to be married ?
and what was the name of his wife's country ? But Siu
answered little, as he remembered the promise he had
made to his wife, that he would not speak of what he had
seen in her house.
When they reached the door of his room, Siu hung up
his sword, and his wife went into the room. But she did
not see his mother, as she was ill, and was lying in her
mosquito-curtain. Then Siu followed his wife into the
room, and called out : " Mother, where are you ? Here
is your son Siu come back !"
But his mother made no answer, so he opened her
curtain, and saw her lying down, covered up with a
blanket. She had been so troubled at the thought that
her son was dead, that she had refused to eat, and had
become quite ill.
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 289
She would not believe that her son had really returned
alive, and she said : " Do not try to deceive me ; my son
Siu is dead."
" I am indeed your son Siu, and I have comeback alive
and well !"
" No,"' she replied, " my son Siu is dead. Leave me
alone ; I have not long to live. Let me die in peace, and
follow my son to the grave."
Siu then went to the box in which his clothes were
kept and put on the thmgs that his mother had often
seen him wear. Then he went to her again, and said :
" Even if you do not believe that I am your son, at any
rate you might turn round and look at me, to make sure
that I am not your son."
Then she looked at him, and saw that it was indeed
her son. She was so pleased at his return that she soon
recovered from her illness, which was really caused by her
sorrow and refusal to eat. Siu told his mother of his
marriage, and she welcomed his wife with joy.
The women all crowded round Siu's wife, and asked her
what her name was. She answered : " Endu-Sudan-
Oalinggam-TiTichin-Mas " (The girl Sudan painted like a
gold ring). They looked at her in surprise ; they had
never heard of such a name before.
" Where do you come from ?" they asked. " What is
the name of your country ?"
" Nanga Niga Behurong Bebali nyadi Tehuyong Ma-
hong " (The mouth of the hidden Niga stream changed
into an empty shell),* was the reply.
They were astonished at her answer. They had never
heard of such a country. They asked her of her people,
* The Dyaks are fond of rhyming names, which often have no
special meaning.
19
290 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
but she would not say anything more of herself or speak
about her people.
Everybod}'' admired the great beauty of Siu's wife.
No more questions were asked of her, as she seemed un-
willing to answer. Her parentage remained a mystery.
In process of time Siu's wife bore him a son whom they
named Seragunting. He was a fine child, and as befitted
the grandson of Singalang Burong, he grew big and
strong in a miraculously short time, and when he was
three years old, he was taller and stronger than others
four times his age.
One day, as Seragunting was playmg with the other
boys, a man brought up some birds which he had caught
in a trap. As he walked through the house he passed
Siu, who was sitting in the open veranda. Siu, forgetting
the promise he had made to his wife, asked him to show
him the birds, and he took one in his hands and stroked
it. His wife was sitting not far off, and saw him hold the
bird, and was very much vexed that he had broken his
promise to her.
She got up and returned to her room. Siu came in and
noticed that she was troubled, and asked her what was
wrong. She said that she was only tired.
She said to herself : " My husband has broken his word
to me. He has done the thing he promised me he would
never do. I told him he was never to hold a bird in his
hands, and that if he did such a thing, I would leave him.
I cannot stay here in this house any longer. I must
return to the house of my father, Singalang Burong."
She took the water-vessels in her hands, and went out
as if to fetch water. But when she came to the well, she
placed the water-vessels on the ground and disappeared
in the jungle.
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 291
In the meantime Seragunting, tired with his play, came
back in search of his mother. She was very fond indeed
of him, and he expected her to come to him as soon as
he called out to her. But he was disappointed. No one
answered his call, and when he looked in the room she
was not there. He asked his father where his mother
was, and he told him that she had just gone to the well
to fetch water, and would soon be back.
But hour after hour passed, and she did not return to
the house. So Seragunting began to be anxious, and asked
his father to accompany him to the well to look for her.
At first his father refused to do so, but when he saw his
son crying for his mother, he went with him to the well.
They found the water- vessels there, but saw no signs of
her.
" Your mother is not here, Seragunting," said Siu.
" Perhaps she has gone to the garden to get some vege-
tables for our dinner. Let us go back to the house. If
your mother is not back early to-morrow morning, we will
go and look for her." So they both returned to the house,
taking back with them the water-gourds which Siu's wife
had left at the well.
Early the next morning Seragunting and his father
went in search of her. They took with them only a little
food, as they expected to find her not very far off. But
they wandered the whole day, and saw no signs of her.
They spent the night under a large tree in the jungle.
Early the next morning they v/erc surprised to find a
small bundle of food, wrapped up in leaves, near Sera-
gunting. This food was evidently meant for him alone,
as it was not enough for two, but he gave some of it to his
father, who ate sparingly of it, so that his son might not
be hungry. They wandered on for several days, and
292 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
every night the same strange thing occurred — a bundle of
food was left near Seragunting. Siu suggested to his son
that they should return ; but Seragunting, who during the
journey had grown up into a strong lad, with a will of his
own, would not consent to do so, as he was determined to
find his mother.
They wandered on for several days, deeper and deeper
into the jungle, but could find no signs of her whom they
sought. At last they came to the sea-shore. Here they
rested for some days, in the hope that some boat might
pass. Still, as before, each morning a bundle of food
was found by Seragunting. If it were not for this food,
they woiild have long ago died of starvation. On this
they managed to live, waiting hopefully to see some boat
appear to take them on their journey.
One day as Seragunting was watching, he heard the
sound of paddles, and saw in the distance several long
boats approaching. He hailed the first, and asked the
men in it to take him and his father with them. The
boat made for the shore, but the man in the bows recog-
nized the two wanderers, and shouted out : " It is Siu and
his son Seragunting ; do not let them come into the boat."
The boat went on and left them to their fate. The same
thing happened in the case of each of the other boats.
As soon as Siu and his son were recognized, no one would
help them.
Now these were the boats of the sons-in-law of Singalang
Burong : Katupong, Beragai, Bejampong, Papau, Nendak,
Kutok, and Embuas. They were not pleased at their
sister-in-law marrying a mere mortal like Siu, and so
refused to help him and his son.
The next day Seragunting saw what seemed to be a dark
cloud come towards him over the sea. As it came nearer,
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 293
it took the form of a gigantic spider, carrying some food
and clothes.
" Do not be afraid," said the Spider ; " I have come to
help you and your father. I have brought you food and
clothing. When you have eaten and changed your
clothes I will take you across the water to the land on the
other side. My name is Emplawa Jawa (the Spider of
Java). I know your history, and I will lead you to your
mother whom you seek."
After they had eaten and put on the new clothes
brought them, the spider told them to go with him across
the sea. They were not to be afraid, but to follow his
track, not turning to the right hand nor to the left. They
obeyed his words. Strange to say, the water became as
hard as a sandbank under their feet. For a long time
they were out of sight of land, but towards evening they
approached the opposite shore, and saw a landing-place
where there were a large number of boats. Not far off
were several houses, and one longer and more imposing
than any of the others. To this house the Spider directed
Seragunting, telling him that he would find his mother
there. The Spider then left them. As it was late, they
did not go up to the house that evening, but spent the
night in one of the boats at the landing-place. Among
the boats were those belonging to the sons-in-law of
Singalang Burong, which had passed Siu and his son as
they waited on the sea-shore for some boat to take them
across the sea.
When Seragunting and his father woke up next morning,
they saw that the road leading up to the house had sharp-
ened pieces of bamboo planted close together to prevent
their walking up to it. As they were wondering what
they were to do next, a fly came to Seragunting, and said :
294 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
" Do not be afraid to walk up. Tread on the spikes
that I alight on ; they will not hurt you. When you come
to the house you will find swords with blades turned
upwards fastened to the ladder. Tread on the blades
that I alight on, and walk boldly up into the house."
They did as the fly advised them, and were not hurt.
The bamboo spikes crumbled under their feet, and the
sword-blades they trod on were blunt and harmless.
The people of the house took no notice of them, and
they sat down in the veranda of the house. Then the fly
came to Seraguntmg, and whispered to him : "You must
now follow me into the room. Your mother is there,
lying in her mosquito curtain. I will point out to you
which it is, and you must wake her up and tell her who
you are. She will be very pleased to see you. Then
when 3"ou come out into the veranda and see the sons-in-
law of Singalang Burong, you must greet them as your
uncles. They will disown j^ou, and pretend that you are
no relation of theirs. But do not be afraid. You will
be victorious in the end."
Seragunting followed the fl}'^ into the room, and went
to the curtain on which it alighted. He called out to his
mother, and she awoke and saw with joy her son. She
embraced him, and he said to her :
" How is it you went away and left us ? We missed
you so much, and were so sorry to lose you, that my father
and I have been travelling for many days and nights in
search of you. Now our troubles are over, for I have
found you."
" My dear son," she said as she caressed him, " though
I left you I did not forget you. It was I who placed the
food by you every night. I left your father because he
broke the promise he made to me. But j^ou are my own
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 295
son, and I have been wishing to see you ever since I left
your house. It was I who sent the Spider to help you
and show you your way here. My love for you is as
great as it ever was. We will go out now into the veranda,
and I will introduce you to your uncles and aunts, and to
your grandfather. They may not welcome you, because
they were opposed to my marriage to your father. But
do not fear them. We will be more than a match for
them aU."
Then she spoke to her husband Siu, whom she was glad
to meet again. All three then went out into the veranda,
which was now full of people. Seragunting called the
sons-in-law of Singalang Burong his uncles, but they
refused to acknowledge him as their nephew.
They proposed several ordeals to prove the truth of his
words, that he was indeed the grandson of Singalang
Burong. In all of these Seragunting came off victorious.
As the men and boys were spinning their tops, they
asked Seragunting to join them. He had no top of his
own, so he asked his mother for one. She took an egg and
uttered some mysterious words over it, and immediately
it became a top. This she gave to her son, who went and
joined the others in the game. Whenever Seragunting
aimed at a top, he always hit it and smashed it. None of
the others were a match for him. In a short time all
the tops, except that of Seragunting, were broken in
pieces.
Then they suggested a wrestling match. Seragunting
was quite ready to try a fall with any of them, old or
young. Some of their best wrestlers came forward. The
first two were overthrown by him so easily, that the others
saw it was no use their attempting to wrestle with
Seragunting.
296 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
As a last trial they proposed that all should go out
hunting. Here they hoped to be more fortunate. All the
sons-in-law of Singalang Burong took their good hunting
dogs with them, confident of success. Seragunting was
told that he could have any of the other dogs left in the
house. There he saw a few old dogs, weak and useless
for hunting. With these he was expected to compete
against the others, and if he were not successful, both he
and his father were to be killed ! Seragunting consented
even to such an unfair ordeal as that. He called to him
an old sickly -looking dog and gently stroked it. At once
it became young and strong ! While the others went
forth into the jungle with a pack of hounds, Seragunting
was only accompanied by one dog. In the evening
Katupong, Beragai, Bejampong, and the others all re-
turned unsuccessful. Soon after Seragunting's dog ap-
peared, chasing a huge boar, which made a stand at the
foot of the ladder of the house. Seragunting asked the
others to kill the beast if they dared. The spears cast
at it glided off and left the beast unharmed. Some of
those who were rash enough to go near the animal had a
close escape from being torn in pieces by its tusks.
Seraguntung, armed with nothing better than a little
knife belonging to his mother, walked up to the infuriated
animal and stabbed it in a vital part, and .it fell down
dead at his feet.
After these marvellous feats, all were compelled to
admit that Seragunting was a true grandson of the great
Singalang Burong. They all acknowledged him as such,
and he was taken to his grandfather, who was pleased to
see the lad, and promised to help him throughout his
life.
But Siu was unhappy in his new home. He could not
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 297
help thinking of his mother, whom he had left alone, and
he was anxious to return to his own people. He begged
his wife to accompany him back to his old home, but she
refused to do so. It was decided that Siu and his son
should stay in the house of Singalang Burong till they had
obtained such knowledge as would be useful to them in
the future, and that then they were to return to the lower
world, bringing with them the secrets they had learnt
from those wiser and more powerful than themselves.
All the people of the house were now most kind to Siu
and his son, and were most anxious to teach them all
they could. They were taken on a war expedition
against the enemy, so that they might learn the science
and art of Dyak warfare. They were taught how to set
traps to catch deer and wild pig. They were shown the
different methods of catching fish, and learnt to make
the different kinds of fish-trap used by the Dyaks of the
present day. They remained in Singalang Burong 's
house that whole year so that they might have a complete
and practical knowledge of the different stages of paddy-
growing.
When the year was ended, Seragunting's mother took
him and Siu to see her father, Singalang Burong, so that
they might receive from him his advice, as well as such
charms as he might wish to give them before they left
to return to the lower world of mortals.
Singalang Burong was sitting in his chair of state, and
received them most kindly. He bade them be seated on
the mat at his feet, as he had many things to say to them.
Then he explamed to Siu and his son who he was, and the
worship due to him, and they learnt also about the
observance of omens, both good and bad.
" I am the Ruler of the Spirit-World," said Singalang
298 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
Burong, " and have the power to make men successful
in all they undertake. At all times if you wish for my
help, you must call upon me and make offerings to me.
Especially must this be done before you go to fight against
the enem}^ for I am the God of War, and help those who
pay me due respect.
" You have learnt here how to plant paddy. I will
give you some padd}^ to take away with you, and when
you get back to your own countrj^, you can teach men
how to cultivate it. You will find rice a much more
strengthening article of food than the yams and potatoes
you used to live upon, and you wUl become a strong and
hardy race.
" And to help you in 3'our daily work, my sons-in-law
will always tell you whether that you do is right or
wrong. In every work that you undertake you must
pay heed to the voices of the sacred birds — Katupong,
Beragai, Bejampong, Papau, Nendak, Kutok, and Emhuas.
These birds, named after my sons-in-law, represent them,
and are the means by which I make known my wishes to
mankind. When you hear them, remember it is myself
speaking through my sons-in-law for encouragement or
for warning. Whatever work you may be engaged in, —
farm-work, house-building, fishmg, or hunting — wherever
you may be you must always do as these birds direct.
Whenever you have a feast, you must make an offering to
me, and j^ou must call upon my sons-in-law to come and
partake of the feast. If you do not do these things, some
evil is sure to happen to you. I am willing to help you
and to give you prosperit}^ but I expect due respect to
be paid to me, and will not allow my commands to be
disobeyed."
Then Singalang Burong presented them with many
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 299
charms to take away with them. They were of various
kinds. Some had the power to make the owner brave
and fortunate in war. Others were to preserve him in
good health, or to make him successful in his paddy-
planting, and cause him to have good harvests.
Siu and Seragunting then bade their friends farewell
and started to return. As soon as they had descended
the ladder of the house of Singalang Burong, they were
swiftly transported through the air by some mysterious
power, and in a moment they found themselves at the
bathing-place of their own house.
Their friends crowded round them, glad to see them
back safe and well. They were taken with much rejoicing
to the house. Friends and neighbours were told of their
return, and a great meeting was held that evening. All
gathered round the two adventurers, who told them of
their strange experiences in the far country of the Spirit
Birds. The charms received from Singalang Burong
were handed round for general admiration. The new
seed, paddy, was produced, and the good qualities of rice
as an article of food explained. The people congregated
there had never seen paddy before, but all determined
to be guided by Siu and Seragunting, and to plant it in
future. The different names of the sacred birds were
told to the assembled people, and all were warned to pay
due respect to their cries.
And so, according to the ancient legend, ended the old
primitive life of the Dyak, when he lived upon such poor
food as the fruits of the jungle, and any yams and potatoes
he happened to plant near his house ; the old blind exist-
ence, in which there was nothing to guide him ; and then
began his new life, in which he advanced forward a step,
and learnt to have regularly, year by year, his seed-time
300 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
and harvest, and to know that there were unseen powers
ruling the universe, whose will might be learnt by man-
kind, and obedience to whom would bring success and
happiness.
III.
Pulang-Gana, and how He came to be Worshipped
AS THE God of the Earth.
Long, long ago, though the Dyaks knew of paddy, and
planted it every year, yet they had very poor crops,
because they did not know wliat god owned the land,
and as they did not offer him sacrifices he did nothing
to help them. In those days there lived together seven
brothers and their only sister. The brothers' names were
Bui-Nasi, Belang-Pinggang, Bejit-Manai, Bunga-Jawa,
Litan-Dai, Kenyawang, and Pulang-Gana, and the
sister's Puchong-Kempat. They lived on a hill by the
side of a broad river. On all sides were wide plains, and
beyond them high hills rose in the distance. Most of
these plains were covered with thick jungle, and only a
few clearings where paddy had been planted could be
seen.
Not far from the house the brothers had a garden in
which they planted potatoes, yams, sugar-cane, and
tapioca ; but a porcupine would often come at night and
do much damage to the garden. They bade their youngest
brother, Pulang-Gana, keep watch, directing him to drive
away the animal or kill it if he could. But all his efforts
were vain. When he was awake the animal did not come,
but as soon as he fell asleep the porcupine would creep in
quietly and eat up the potatoes and yams. The elder
brothers were not kind to Pulang-Gana. They would not
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 301
keep watch themselves, but whenever they saw fresh
damage done they not only scolded their younger brother,
but beat him with sticks.
" He is only lazy," they said, " and deserves a thrash-
ing. He does nothing but sleep, and is too lazy to wake
up at night and drive the porcupine away !"
Poor Pulang-Gana ! His was a hard lot indeed !
He determined to keep careful watch one night, and,
whatever it cost him, to kill the porcupine, so that his
brothers might have no more cause for blaming him.
That night he did not sleep at all. The porcupine came
just before dawn, when all was still. Pulang-Gana was
awake, and went after it, determined to kill it. The
animal ran away, and Pulang-Gana followed. The moon
was shining brightly, and he had no difficulty in seeing
in what direction the animal went. Every now and then
the porcupine stopped, but as soon as Pulang-Gana came
up it started off again, and he was not able to kill it ; so
the animal went on, and Pulang-Gana followed, deter-
mined not to give up the chase until he had effected his
purpose.
The sun was beginning to rise in the east, and still
Pulang-Gana pursued the porcupine.
" Sooner or later," he said to himself, " I must catch
it up. The animal is already tired. I will not return
home till I have killed it."
The porcupine now came to the foot of a rocky moun-
tain. Pulang-Gana, thinking the chase would soon be
over, hurried on, but before he could reach the animal it
had escaped through an opening in the solid rock. The
cave into which it had disappeared was large enough for
a man to stand upright in, and Pulang-Gana said to
himself : —
302 THREE DYAK T.EGENDS
" Now I have you. Wait till I have a light to show
me where you are, and then I will come in and kill
you."
He collected some dry branches, and tied them together
for a torch. He found a piece of dry soft wood, and also
a short stick of some hard wood, the point of which he
sharpened. With the palms of his hands he worked the
small stick and drilled a hole in the soft wood. Soon it
began to smoke, and with the aid of some dry twigs he
blew the fire into a blaze ; then he lighted his torch, and
hurried into the cave after the porcupine.
He saw the animal a little distance ahead of him, and
followed it leisurely. There was no need for haste, as he
would be able to kill it easily enough when he drove it
to the end of the cave, and it had no means of escape.
The cave seemed to extend a great wa}^ into the moun-
tain. After a few hours' walking Pulang-Gana was sur-
prised to come to an opening in the rock, through which
the porcupine had evidently escaped. Outside the sun
was shining brightly. Pulang-Gana went through this
opening, but, though he looked m all directions, he could
see no signs of the porcupine.
He was uncertain what he ought to do next. The
porcupine had escaped, and there was no chance of his
being able to kill it. He did not feel inclined to return
to his brothers, because they were all unkind to him.
On the other hand, he did not know if this new country
in which he found himself was inhabited ; and, if inhabited,
whether the people would treat him kindly. Looking
around, he saw smoke arising some distance off, and
guessed that it was a Dyak house. As he was hungry,
he decided to make for it, hoping the inmates would be
kind to him and give him food.
THREE DYAK LEGENDS :j()3
As Pulang-Gana came nearer, he saw the house was a
very long one, inhabited by about one hundred families.
He stopped at the bottom of the ladder leading up to the
house, and, following the Dyak custom, asked in a loud
voice if he might walk up.
" Yes ; come up, Pulang-Gana," said a voice in reply.
" We have been expecting you for some time, and will
be glad to see you."
He was surprised that his name should be known in
this strange country in which he had never been before.
He walked up, and in the long open hall stretching the
whole length of the house he saw an old man and a young
and beautiful girl.
" Spread out a mat, my daughter," the old man said,
" that Pulang-Gana may sit and rest after his long journey,
and you can prepare some food for him. No doubt he is
hungry as well as tired."
She spread out a mat for Pulang-Gana, and then went
into the room to get ready a meal for their visitor. Soon
after she opened the door of the room and asked him to
come in and eat.
The old man, who seemed kind and hospitable, said to
him : —
"Go in and have some food. You must be hungry
after your long journey. When you have eaten and
rested we can have a talk together. I have long wished
to meet you and to ask you about yourself and your
brothers, and how affairs are in your country."
Pulang-Gana went into the room, and found a nice
meal awaiting him. Bemg very hungry, he did full
justice to it.
That evening, as they sat by the fire, the old man asked
him about his people, and if they had good crops of paddy
304 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
in his country. Pulang-Gana answered that, though his
brothers possessed the largest paddy-fields in the country,
he never remembered their having a really good harvest.
The paddy they obtained was not sufficient to last them
the whole year, and they had to fall back on potatoes
and sago for food. The old man seemed interested in
what his guest said of himself, so Pulang-Gana went on
and told him of all his circumstances, — how he lived with
his six brothers and only sister, and how unkind his
brothers were to him. He also told the old man about
the porcupine which did such damage to their garden, and
how often he had been scolded and beaten by his brothers
for not being able to drive away or kill the animal. He
gave an account of his adventures that morning, and how,
determined to kill the porcupine, he had followed it
through the underground passage under the mountain,
and had found himself in this strange country.
" I have heard your story," said the old man, " and
think you are much to be pitied. Your brothers seem
to have been very unkind and to have treated you very
badly. I would like you to stay with me here, and not
return to them. I have no son, and would like you to
marry my daughter and live with us. I am getting old,
and am not so strong as I used to be, and will be glad of
your help."
" I should like to stay with you very much, for you
seem so kind, and are so different to my brothers, and I
should like to marry your daughter and spend the rest of
my life here. But there is no one to look after our
garden, and the porcupine will do much damage to it.
My brothers are sure to be angry with me for leaving
them, and when they see their garden destroyed through
my neglect they are sure to hunt for me, and when they
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 305
find me tliey will probably kill me. No ; much as I would
like to stay, I am afraid I cannot. I must start to return
to-morrow. It would have been different if I had suc-
ceeded in killing the porcupme ; then it would not matter
so much if I stayed away some time."
" You need not trouble yourself about the animal that
attacks the vegetables planted in your garden. I can
prevent its coming again. That porcupine is not really
an animal. One of our slaves here, named Indai-Antok-
Genok, is commanded by me to transform herself into a
porcupine, and pay visits to that garden. I shall tell her
to do so no more, and your brothers' garden will be safe
enough without you to watch it. You must remain here
with us. There is nothing for you to fear. If you do
not return, your brothers will think that some accident
has happened to you, and that you are dead. As they
are all so unkind to you, you may be sure they will not
trouble to look for you."
" Well, if that be the case, I will gladly live with you.
I was not happy with my brothers, and I am sure I shall
be happy here."
So it was decided that Pulang-Gana should remain in
the house of the old man. Some months afterwards he
married the daughter, and they lived happily as husband
and wife. His wife's father and mother were kind to him,
and so were the other people in the house, and Pulang-
Gana was very glad he decided to cast in his lot with
them.
Now, this old man who treated Pulang-Gana so kindly
was no ordinary mortal. His name was Rajah Shua,
and he ruled the spirits who lived in the underground
caves of the earth. His wife was quite as powerful as he.
She was a goddess, and had power over the animals of the
20
306 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
forest, all of which obeyed her. She was known as Sere-
gendah. The daughter that married Pulang-Gana was
called Trentom-Tanah-Tumboh, and sometimes Setang-
goi-Tanggoi-Buioh.
In process of time Pulang-Gana 's wife gave birth to a
gkl, who was very much admired by all, and greatly loved
by her parents.
When the child was a few years old, she came one day
to her father and mother and asked what property they
intended to leave her. The mother showed her the
valuable jars and brassware that she possessed, all of
which were to belong to her child. Then the little girl
asked her father what he had to give her. Pulang-Gana
had no property to leave to his daughter. Years ago he
had come by chance to this house of Rajah Shua, bringing
nothing witii him, and unless his brothers gave him a
share of their father's property, he would have nothing
to leave his daughter. So he told her to be content with
what her mother gave her. She would be very rich
without anything from him. But she was not satisfied
with this reply, and cried because her father said he had
nothing to give her.
When Pulang-Gana saw how sad his child was he said
to his father-in-law that he would like to pay a visit to
his brothers, and ask them for his share of the property,
that he might have something to give his daughter.
Rajah Shua told him he might go to them, but warned
him that probably he would not have a kind reception,
and advised him not to be away long, but to return as
soon as possible.
Pulang-Gana started on his journey to his old home,
wondering how his brothers would receive him after his
long absence. He had no difficulty in finding his way,
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 307
as his father-in-law gave him very definite instructions
about his journey. He found that his brothers had built
a new house not far from the site of the old one in which
he had lived with them years ago. The house seemed
very quiet, and he learnt that nearly all the people were
away on a tuha-^shing expedition. Only his sister-in-
law, the wife of his brother Belang-Pinggang, was at
home.
She was very much surprised to see him, and said they
had given him up for dead long ago. She told him that
the others were away fishing, and that his brother Bui-
Nasi, herself, and a little boy were the only members of
the family left at home. He would find his brother and the
little boy working at the forge making some implements
for their work.
Pulang-Gana said he would go to his brother, and he
left the house and walked in the direction where he
guessed the forge was from the sound of hammering he
heard.
" Oh ! is that you, Pulang-Gana ?" said Bui-Nasi, as
soon as he saw him. " Where have you been all these
years ? We thought that you had met with some
accident, and had died long ago."
Pulang-Gana said little about himself to his brother.
He told him how he had lost his way in the jungle years
ago, and when he arrived at last at a house the people
there persuaded him to stay with them, and he said that
he was now married and had a daughter.
"Have you come with your wife to stay with us ?"
asked Bui-Nasi.
" No," was the answer ; " I have only come on a short
visit by myself to ask for my share of the property left
us by our father."
308 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
" You have nothing whatever to expect. You left us
years ago of your own will, and have been away all this
time, and now you have the impudence to come and ask
for your share of the property. I advise you to say
nothing of this to the others. They will be very vexed
with you if you do."
" I do not ask for much," said Pulang-Gana. " I will
be satisfied with little. But my daughter asked me what
I had to give her, so I came here to beg for something,
and I should be sorry to return empty-handed."
" You shall not return empty-handed," said Bui-Nasi
in scorn. " Here is somethmg for you to take back with
you. It is all that you will get from us, I can tell you."
With these words he threw Pulang-Gana a clod of earth
which he saw lying near. " Now go away, and do not
let us see your face again."
Pulang-Gana put the lump of earth in his bag, and
with a heavy heart started to return to his house. So
this was the way his brothers treated him ! There was
nothmg to expect from them !
When he arrived at his house, all the family gathered
round him. They had heard that he had gone to ask his
brothers for his share of the property, and they were
anxious to see what he brought back. His little daughter
rushed up eagerly to him and said : —
" Father, what have you brought back for me from
my uncles ? Let me see the nice things they gave
you."
Then Pulang-Gana said sadly : " I received no share of
the property from your uncles. They would have nothing
to do with me, and drove me away."
"But did you get nothing at all from them ?" asked
his father-in-law.
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 309
" Yes," said Pulang-Gana ; " my brother Bui-Nasi did
give me something, but I am ashamed to tell you what
it is. Here it is." And he took out from his bag the
lump of earth his brother had given him, and handed it
to his father-m-law.
When Rajah Shua saw what Pulang-Gana had received
from his brothers, he said joyfully : — •
" They have given you the most valuable gift it is
possible to imagine. You are now a person of great
importance. The earth is yours. Whoever wishes to
plant on it must first make offerings and sacrifices to
you, and pray to you to give him a good harvest. It is
in your power to make the earth fruitful or barren, and
to give mankind a good or a bad harvest as you
will."
A few months after, the brothers of Pulang-Gana, at
the advice of Bui-Nasi, decided on the site where they
were to plant paddy that year. It was a large forest
some distance away from their house. First they cut
do^vn the smaller trees, and then they felled the large
trees, and when all this work was done they rested for
some weeks, waiting for the sun to dry up the timber, so
that it might be set on fire and the land be ready for
planting on.
One day Pulang-Gana 's father-in-law said to him : " I
hear that your brothers have been busy cutting down the
trees where they intend to plant paddy this year. As
they gave you the earth some time ago to be your share
of the property, it is only right that they should ask
leave from you before planting on it. Since they have
not done so, you must stop them from planting paddy
there."
" How can I prevent them planting paddy where
310 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
they like ?" said Pulang-Gana in dismay. " Is it
likely that they will take any notice of anything I
say ?"
" Yes," said his father-in-law, Rajah Shua ; " they will
have to listen to what you say, for I will be on your side,
and will help you. I am the god that rules the spirits
that live in the underground caves of the earth, and my
wife Seregendah has power over the animals and the
spirits which inhabit the forests. As your brothers have
treated you so unkindly, and have given you no share of
the property, and have simply given you a clod of earth
to take back with you, my wife and I will punish them
and reward you by giving you power over everything
that grows on the earth. Before the land is planted,
offerings must be made to you, and invocations must
be sung to yourself, and myself, and my wife Sere-
gendah. Unless these things be done, the ground will
not be fruitful.
" As your brothers have not done anythmg of the kind,
you must teach them a lesson, and prevent them from
going on with their work. This evening at dusk you
must go to the newlj' cleared forest and cry aloud :
' Come here, all you who are the servants of Seregendah
and Rajah Shua,,' and name all the wild beasts of the
forest. They will come to you in large numbers. Then
you must ask them, as well as the invisible spirits, who
will be present too, to help you to put up all the trees
that have been cut down."
Pulang-Gana did as his father-in-law advised him.
He went at dusk to the part of the jungle where his
brothers had been cutting down the trees, and called to
the animals in the name of Rajah Shua and of Seregendah,
and they came in large numbers and helped him to put
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 311
up all the trees that had been felled, and the forest
appeared just as it had been before any of the trees had
been cut down.
The next day Bui-Nasi went early in the morning to
see if the fish-traps he had set in the stream had caught
any fish, and as he was near the part of the forest where
the trees had been cut down by his brothers and himself
not long before, he went on to see how things were
getting on, and if the felled jungle was dry enough to
be burnt.
To his great surprise he found all the trees standing,
and no signs of the clearing that had been made. He
hurried home and told his brothers what he had seen,
and they all returned, accompanied by their friends and
followers, and found that what Bui-Nasi had told them
was perfectly true. They were all very much sur-
prised, as they had never known such a thing happen
before.
" I wonder if this is really the part of the forest which
we cleared a few weeks ago," said one of the brothers.
" Perhaps we have mistaken the spot."
" No," said Bui-Nasi in reply ; " there is no mistake.
Here are the whetstones on which we sharpened our axes
and hatchets ; and here, too, is where we did our cooking
for our midday meal."
They held a consultation as to what was to be
done.
" This is very strange," said Bui-Nasi. " Some enemy,
who is helped by powerful spirits, is determined not to
let us plant paddy here. Let us try and find out who
has made the trees that we have cut down stand upright
as before. My advice is that we cut down the jungle
anew, and that some of us remain and keep watch
312 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
here all night. Perhaps we may be able to catch the
culprit."
So the brothers and all their friends and followers set
to work, and before the day was ended they had cleared
afresh a large stretch of jungle.
Twelve men, with Bui-Nasi at their head, were set to
watch, and the others returned home, discussing among
themselves what had taken place.
Those that were left by the clearing had not long to
wait. Soon after dusk they saw a man come, and,
standing on the trunk of a large felled tree, call aloud to
the animals of the forest and the mvisible spirits around
in the name of Rajah Shua and Seregendah to come to
his help. The twelve men crept up cautiously behind
him and seized him.
" We have you now," they said as they held him fast.
"It is you who have caused us all the trouble of having
to cut down this jungle for the second time. Now we
intend to kill you, and j'^ou will not be able to play your
tricks on us any more."
It was too dark to see who it was, and Bui-Nasi said :
*' Let us have a light and see what he is lil^e. I am sure
he must be as ugly as he is troublesome."
One of them fetched a light, and to their great surprise
they saw their prisoner was Pulang-Gana !
" So it is you, Pulang-Gana !" said his brother in anger.
" You are up to j^our old tricks again. You were too
lazy to work before, and would not keep watch over our
garden, and you left us without telling us where you were
gomg. And now, after several 3^ears' absence, you come
back and disturb us in our work, and by some means
or other set up the trees we have had the trouble of
cutting down. Though I am your brother, I have
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 313
no pity for you. As long as you are alive you will give
us trouble, so we intend to kill you and be well rid of
you."
He expected Pulang-Gana to be afraid of him, and to
plead for his life. But things were very much changed
from the old days, when Pulang-Gana was the despised
youngest brother, beaten and scolded by the others.
Now he was the son-in-law of the gods, and had Rajah
Shua and Seregendah to help him, and he was not at all
afraid of his brothers, because he knew well they could
do him no harm.
He shook off those that held him, and told them to
listen to what he had to say. His manner and bearing
were very different from that of one who feared them.
They stood around him in awe, for they instinctively felt
that Pulang-Gana was not to be trifled with, and from
what had already taken place they knew that he was
aided by powerful spirits.
Then Pulang-Gana spoke : —
" I have good reason for doing what I did. You have
no right to cut down this jungle or to plant on this land.
You have not asked my leave to do so, and have not
paid me the price of the land. Not long ago, you, Bui-
Nasi, gave me a clod of earth as my share of the property
of our father, and so I have now the right of preventing
any from planting on the earth. It is no use you attempt-
ing to kill me. Though you are many in numbers, it is
impossible for you to kill me, because I am now the god
of the earth, and am assisted by Rajah Shua and Sere-
gendah, whose power you know."
There was silence for a short time, and then Bui-Nasi
said : —
" No doubt what you say is true, for no one without
314 THREE DYAK LEGENDS
supernatural aid could have made the trees that were cut
down stand upright and grow. What do you wish us
to do, and how are we to obtain your leave to plant on
the land ?"
Pulang-Gana told them to gather all the people together
the next day, and he would tell them what they
must do in order to insure their getting good crops of
paddy
That same night messengers were sent in all directions
to tell the people in the neighbouring villages to come
together the next day, in order that they might learn
from Pulang-Gana what they were to do before cutting
down the jungle and planting paddy.
The next morning a very large crowd gathered together,
and Pulang-Gana said to them :
" You must always remember that I am the god of
the earth, and before cutting down the jungle for planting
you must make invocations to me, as well as to Rajah
Shua and Seregendah, and you must ask me for permis-
sion to plant on the piece of land you have chosen. You
must also kill some animal — a pig or a fowl — and offer it
as a sacrifice to me, and in addition to this some offering
of food — rice, or eggs, or potatoes, or fruit^ — must be
made. Then, lastly, you must remember to bury some
small offering in the ground. That is the rent you pay
me for the use of the land, for all the land belongs to me,
and I expect rent to be paid by all who use it.
" And if anything goes wrong in your paddy-fields
and the crops are poor, or, being good, are attacked by
insects or wild animals, then you must call upon Rajah
Shua and Seregendah and mj'self to come to j^our aid,
and we will help you."
Then for the first time did the new ceremonies come
THREE DYAK LEGENDS 315
nto force, and, aided by the higher powers, men were
able to obtain much better crops than they had done
before. And this is why no Dyak dares to plant paddy
without first burying some small gift in the earth, and
also making invocations and offerings to Pulang-Gana,
Rajah Shua, and Seregendah.
CHAPTER XXIII
SOME CURIOUS CUSTOMS
Trial by ordeal — Diving contests — A diving contest in Krian — A
Dyak superstition — Names — Fruit found by the pathway — Cir-
cumcision— Fishing and hunting superstition — Madness — Leprosy
— Time — Form of greeting.
THE practice of referring disputed questions to
supernatural decision is not unknown to the
Dyaks. They have the trial by ordeal, and
believe that the gods are sure to help the innocent and
punish the guilty. I have heard of several different
methods, which are seldom resorted to nowadays. The
only ordeal that I have frequently seen among the Dyaks
is the Ordeal by Diving. When there is a dispute
between two parties in which it is impossible to get any
reliable evidence, or where one of the parties is not
satisfied with the decision of the headman of the Dyak
house, the Diving Ordeal is often resorted to.
Several preliminar}^ meetmgs are held by the repre-
sentatives of both parties to determine the time and
place of the match. It is also decided what property
each party should stake. This has to be paid by the loser
to the victor. The various articles staked are brought
out of the room, and placed in the public hall of the
house in which each litigant lives, and there they are
covered up and secured.
The Dyaks look upon a Diving Ordeal as a sacred
316
SOME CURIOUS CUSTOMS 317
rite, and for several days and nights before the contest
they gather their friends together, and make offerings
and sing incantations to the spirits, and beg of them to
vindicate the just and cause their representative to \vm.
Each party chooses a champion. There are many pro-
fessional divers who for a trifling sum are willing to
undergo the painful contest.
On the evening of the day previous to that on which
the diving match is to take place each champion is fed
with seven compressed balls of cooked rice. Then each
is made to lie down on a fine mat, and is covered with
the best T)y8hk woven sheet they have ; an incantation is
made over him, and the spirit inhabitants of the waters
are invoked to come to the aid of the man whose cause is
just.
Early the next morning the champions are roused from
their sleep, and dressed each in a fine new waist-cloth.
The articles staked are brought down from the houses
and placed upon the bank. A large crowd of men,
women, and children join the procession of the two
champions and their friends and supporters to the scene
of the contest at the riverside. As soon as the place is
reached, fires are lit and mats are spread for the divers
to sit on and warm themselves. While they sit by
their respective fires, the necessary arrangements are
made.
Each party provides a roughly-constructed wooden grat-
ing to be placed in the bed of the river for his champion
to stand on in the water. These are placed within a few
yards of each other, where the water is deep enough to
reach the waist, and near each a pole is thrust firmly in
the mud for the man to hold on to when he is diving.
The two men are led out into the river, and each stands
318 SOME CURIOUS CUSTOMS
on his own grating grasping his pole. At a given signal
they plunge their heads simultaneously into the water.
Immediately the spectators shout aloud at the top of
their voices, over and over again, " Lobon — lohon,'"' and
continue doing so during the whole contest. What these
mysterious words mean, I have never been able to dis-
cover. When at length one of the champions shows signs
of yielding, by his movements in the water and the
shaking of the pole he is holding to, the excitement
becomes very great. ''Lobon — lobon,'''' is shouted louder
and more rapidly than before. The shouts become
deafening. The struggles of the poor victim who is fast
becommg asphyxiated are painful to witness. The
champions are generally plucky, and seldom come out of
the water of their own will. They stay under water until
the loser drops senseless, and is dragged ashore apparently
lifeless by his companions. The friends of his opponent,
raising a loud shout of triumph, hurry to the bank, and
seize and carrj'^ off the stakes. The vanquished one,
quite unconscious, is carried by his friends to the fire.
In a few minutes he recovers, opens his eyes and gazes
wildly around, and in a short time is able to walk slowly
home. Next day he is probably in high fever from the
effects of his dive. When both champions succumb at the
same time, the one who first regains his senses is held to
be the winner.
I have timed several diving contests, and where the
divers are good they keep under water between three and
four minutes.
Among some tribes of Dyaks, the champion is paid his
fee whether he wins or loses. They say it is not the fault
of the diver, but because his side is in the wrong, that he
is beaten. Among other tribes, however, no fee is given
SOME CURIOUS CUSTOMS 319
to the losing champion, so he comes oil very poorly
indeed.
There are certain cases where diving seems to be the
only means of a satisfactory decision. Take the case of
the ownership of a durian tree. The tree probably does
not bear fruit till fifteen years after it has been planted.
Up to that time no one pays any attention to it. When
the tree begins to bear fruit two or three lay claim to it.
The man who originally planted it is probably dead, and
no one knows for certain whom the tree belongs to. In
a case like this, no amount of discussion can lead to a
satisfactory decision, whereas a diving contest settles the
matter to the satisfaction of all parties.
The Dyaks have great faith in the Diving Ordeal, and
believe that the gods will always maintain right by making
the man who is in the wrong be the loser. In fact, if a
Dyak refuses the challenge of a Diving Ordeal, it is equiva-
lent to his admitting that he is in the wrong.
Among the Dyaks of the Batang Lupar diving contests
are frequent. Champions are poorly paid for diving, and
the losing diver receives nothing at all. Little or nothing
is staked, and there is not much attached to the winning
or losing of a case except the property in dispute. If the
divmg contest be about a fruit-tree, the winner becomes
the owner of the tree, and the loser is not allowed to make
any further claim. In the villages on the Krian River,
however, the ordeal by diving is rarely resorted to, and
when a diving contest does take place, the stakes are
very high indeed.
A remarkable dispute was decided in Krian many years
ago. I was told of it by the son of the man who won the
case. A girl put out in the sun a petticoat she had woven.
It was stolen. Some months after she saw a girl wearing
320 SOME CURIOUS CUSTOMS
it, and recognized it as her petticoat. She accused the
girl of stealing it. The girl declared it was her own, and
denied the theft. Both girls belonged to good families.
It was decided to resort to the ordeal by divmg. The
stakes were very high. It was agreed that the losing
party should give to the other eight valuable jars.
Each party chose a good champion, and the fee paid
him was very high. On the day of the contest a very
large crowd from far and near came together to witness it.
The losing party paid to the victors the eight valuable
jars as promised, and were reduced to poverty by doing so.
The Dyaks have a curious superstition that if food is
offered to a man, and he refuses it, and goes away without
at least touching it, some misfortune is sure to befall him.
It is said that he is sure to be either attacked by a crocodile,
or bitten by a snake, or suffer from the attack of some
animal.
When Dyaks have been asked to stay and have a meal,
if they do not feel inclined to do so, I have often noticed
them touch the food before going away. They say it
would be puni not to do so. I have never been able to
discover the reason for this curious superstition, but
innumerable tales are told of those who have disregarded
it, and have paid the penalty by being attacked by some
animal .
A curious custom prevails among the Dyaks with
regard to names. Parents are no longer known by their
names, but as the father or mother of So-and-so. For
instance, if the child is born, and named Janting, the
father would no longer be known by his own name, but
would be called Apai Janting (the father of Janting)
and the mother Indai Janting (the mother of Janting).
The names of children are often changed because the
SOME CURIOUS CUSTOMS 321
Dyaks have a great dislike of mentioning the name of
anyone who is dead. So when a man dies, it is usual for
his namesakes in his village to have new names given
them.
It is considered a terrible crime to mention the name
of the father-in-law or mother-in-law. Though a Dyak
does not speak of his father and mother by name, still if
he were asked their names, he would give them. But if a
man were asked the name of his father-in-law or mother-
in-law, he would not tell it, but ask some other person
present to do so.
The Dyaks will eat fruit that has fallen from any tree,
but if they find fruit by the path, they will never touch it.
The reason for this is given in the Dyak legend, " Danjai
and the Were-Tiger's Sister " (p. 265).
I remember once walking with some Dyaks, and a man
carrying a load of fruit passed us. Farther on we saw
some fruit which had evidently dropped from his load,
but none of the Dyaks would eat it.
Circumcision is practised among certain Dyak tribes.
It is not a religious ceremony, and is not accompanied
with the offering of sacrifices or the singing of incanta-
tions. All I have been able to learn from such tribes as
practise it, is that it has been the custom from ancient
days, and so they do it. The cuttmg of the foreskin is not
done with a knife, but with a piece of sharpened bamboo.
The custom is by no means universal among the Sea
Dyaks.
When going out fishing or huntuig it is considered most
unfortunate to mention the name of any fish or bird, or
to talk of any animal which it is hoped to secure. One
evening I was out shooting wild pig, and was sitting in a
dug-out, which was paddled up a stream by three Dyaks.
21
822 SOME CURIOUS CUSTOMS
I said in fun : " There will be plenty of room to put a pig
here behind me if we manage to shoot one." The Dj^aks
all looked horrified, and I was told that saying such a
thing as that meant with them the certainty of failure.
As it happened, we succeeded in killing a wild pig, and
brought it back that evening in the boat. There was
much discussion among the people in the Dyak house, and
they were surprised at our success after what I had
said.
Madness is looked upon by the Dyaks as possession by
some evil spirit. All they can do for it is to call the witch-
doctors in to sing their incantations, and exorcise the
evil spirit. If no good result follows, and the man is
still a violent lunatic, a large wooden cage {bubong) is
made, and the man is kept in it. This is only done in
the case of dangerous and violent madmen. Harmless
lunatics and idiots are allowed their freedom.
Leprosy is not unknown among the Dyaks, and occa-
sionally cases of it are met with. There used to be a
village in the Krian where there were several suffering
from leprosy. When the disease is so far advanced as
to make it unsafe to let them live with others in the
long Dyak house, a separate little hut is put up for them
at some distance away. I remember seeing a poor woman
who lived by herself in this way. The people from the
house would often go and see her, and take her food and
water, but sometimes she would be left for days. She
told me that once her fire went out, and as no one came
to see her for two days, she was unable to cook any food,
and bad to live as best she could during that time. It
must have been a lonely, unhappy life she led, and one can
imagine such an one longing for death to end her troubles.
The Dyaks mark the time by the position of the sun.
SOME CURIOUS CUSTOMS 823
A man will tell you at what hour you may expect him by
saying something of this kind, " I shall come to-morrow
when the sun is there," pointing to the part of the sky
where the sun will be.
The usual form of greeting when Dyaks meet is, " Kini
ka nuan?"" {"Where are you going?"), or, '' Ari n*
nuan .?" (" Where have you come from ?").
CHAPTER XXIV
THE FUTURE OF THE SEA DYAK IN
SARAWAK
The Sea Dyak — Work — Bad times — Cheerfulness — The view from
within — The Sea Dyak's future — Mission work among them —
Government — Development in the immediate future.
THERE are occasions when one who has lived among
a people like the Dyaks, and has learnt to know
and to love them, looks forward into the coming
years and tries to picture what is in store for them.
Those who have read the preceding pages will be able
to form some idea of the Dyaks as they are, and know
their manner of life, and to a certain extent, I hope,
their modes of thought. In this chapter I shall say
something of the probable future of the Sea Dyak in
Sarawak. Let me first recall some features of the home
life of the average Dyak at the present day.
He marries at an early age, and lives in a long Dyak
village house with his wife and children. His wife since
her marriage has grown into a tired-looking, untidy woman^
very different from the bright merry girl of ten years ago.
How can she help it ? She has four children to look after,
and the youngest is still an infant, who needs a great deal
of her attention. She has to fetch the water required,
and do the cooking for the family. She has to attend to
the drying and pounding of the paddy, and convert it
324
THE FUTURE OF THE SEA DYAK 325
into the rice for their daily food. In addition to all
this, there is the worry and commotion connected with
having to move the household for some months each
year to the little hut put up in their paddy-farm some
little distance away.
The Sea Dyak has year after year to grow as much
paddy as possible. He rises on work-days early in the
morning, partakes of his frugal meal of rice and salt, or
rice and salt fish, varied, if he be very lucky, by a piece
of wild pig's flesh or venison, which he has received as a
gift or bought from some hunting friend. His wife
bundles up for him his midday meal in the spathe of the
Penang palm, and be goes off to his work, returning home
late in the evening.
There are days when he does not go to work on his
paddy-farm, but spends his time in getting firewood or
mending things in his room, or in sitting about in the
common veranda chatting with his friends.
When the paddy has grown a little, and the time for
weeding draws near, the family remove to the little hut
put up in the paddy-field. In the weeding the Sea
Dyak is helped by his wife, the younger children being
left in charge of the elder for the greater part of the day,
while their parents are at work. When the weeding has
been done, the family return to the long Dyak house for
a month or so ; then they go back to their hut to watch
the ripening paddy and guard it against attacks of birds
and beasts.
Paddy-planting is the chief occupation of every Sea
Dyak, but he has plenty of time for other things, and his
life is not quite so monotonous as may be supposed. The
actual work of paddy-planting, and things connected with
it, such as the building of farm-huts and the getting
326 THE FUTURE OF THE
ready of farming implements, takes up seven or perhaps
eight months of the year. The Sea Dyak has, therefore,
a certain amount of time durmg which he can visit his
friends, make boats, or hunt for jungle produce.
On certain occasions the Sea Dyaks muster in great
force. At a feast a large number of them appear dressed
in such finery as they possess, and they eat more than is
good for them, and drink enough bad Dyak tuak (spirit)
to make them very sick and to give them a bad head-
ache for the next few days. At a large tuba - fishing
crowds of them congregate with their hand-nets and fish-
spears, and a pleasant sort of picnic is spent, attended,
if they are fortunate, with the procuring of much
fish.
The Sea Dyak has his bad times. When he has had a
bad crop, he has to think of some means of raising money
— not for luxuries in dress and food, but for the plain
necessaries of rice and salt upon which many Dyaks have
to live for several months in the year. On these occasions
he will work for some Chinaman at the nearest bazaar
for a low wage, or sell firewood to them for whatever
they will give. If he possess such things, he sells some
old brass gun or gong to buy food for his family. If he
be reduced to borrowing paddy from his neighbours, he
will have to pay back the following year double the
amount he has received.
Below the class of industrious workers whom I have
tried to depict, there is a lower stratum consisting of the
failures. These are the lazy Dyaks, the poor workers,
who have never by any possible chance enough paddy at
the harvest to last them through the year ; who live per-
petually in an atmosphere of debt ; who eke out their
livelihood by selling wild-ferns and bamboo-shoots for the
A Dyak in Gala Costume
He has a fringed headkerchief, in which are fixed feathers of llie rliinoceros hornbill, and other
birds. His ears are decorated with lead pendants. Round his neck are necklaces of beads, and bra<s
or silver button^. He has shell bracelets and brass and cane rings on his arms, and a large number of
palm fibre rings on his wrists. Round his waist is a belt of i-ilver coins, and his sword is fastened lo
his side. He is wearing the Dyak waistcloth arid has a saro/ig- on his right shoulder. 1 his is the
usual dress worn by a Dyak at a feast.
SEA DYAK IN SARAWAK 327
trifling payment in paddy that people will give for such
things ; who live a hugger-mugger life, depending a good
deal on the charity of their neighbours. Of this class I
say nothing. It is not numerous, and does not come
within the scope of this chapter. Another class which
t pass over consists of the few rich men, whose wealth
is continually increasing, who sell paddy year after year,
and, when there is more work than they can conveniently
do, can always afford to get extra labour by paying for
it. The class I am dealing with is neither rich nor poor,
and is to be met with in large numbers in any Dyak com-
munity.
The Dyak is cheerful and contented with his life. i^Ii
his lot is a hard and uneventful one, he is ignorant of
any other, and is quite satisfied with it. He knows little
of the outside world. He reads no books or newspapers.
The scope of his conversation is limited to matters of
farming or of boat-building, varied perhaps by some local
Dyak scandal, or some experience he may have gone
through when, in his younger days, before he settled down
as a sober married man, he went out gutta-hunting in
distant lands. He has no wish to improve himself. His
father and grandfather lived in long Dyak houses, and
what was good enough for them is good enough for him.
Why should he worry himself about building better
houses, or farming in some new and improved way ?
He will not meddle with matters that are too high for
him ; and yet, notwithstanding this calm and even exist-
ence that he leads from childhood to the grave, those
who are most interested in the Sea Dyak must feel that
his life is not what it ought to be, that it shows few signs
of progress, and is too stagnant to be healthy.
They do not suppose him to be a " fortuitous aggrega-
328 THE FUTURE OF THE
tion of atoms that will shortly be dispersed throughout
space." They believe that there is something Divine in
him holding those fleeting atoms together, and making
them one, and that he is journeying through a world of
tragic meaning to the significance of which he seems to
be for ever blind. They long to see him brought under
the elevating and purifying influence of Christianity.
It may be asked : What are the Missions, Church of
England and Roman Catholic, doing to elevate the Sea
Dyak ? I believe they are doing the best they can, but
there are many things to contend against. First, there
is the natural inability of the Dyak to keep his attention
fixed upon one subject for any length of time, and so it
is difficult to prevent the conversation from drifting into
some commonplace topic when one is talking about serious
matters. Then, agaia, when are they to be taught ?
They usually come home from their work late in the
evening, and then they are tired, and take no interest in
anything, being greatly in need of rest. It is at all times
difficult to have a quiet conversation in a Dyak house.
The common veranda is suitable for many things, but it
is far too noisy to be convenient for teaching. They are
often away from their homes for months, and the Mis-
sionary, who generally has a large field to cover, finds he
cannot visit many villages in his parish more than once
n three months. How much of such teaching is likely
to be remembered ? Of course, things are better where
the Church and Mission House are. There regular
services are held, and these the Sea Dyak has the oppor-
tunity of attending. He can also come up to the Mission
House and talk over matters with the Missionary in
charge, or the Schoolmaster, or the Catechist. But the
number of Mission Houses with resident Missionaries
SEA DYAK IN SARAWAK 329
among the large and scattered population of Sea Dyaks
in Sarawak is but small.
The up-country Mission Schools, which the Government
liberally support, admit boys at an early age, when they
are most susceptible to the reception of new ideas. Here
they are away from Dyak surroundings, and live with
the Missionary and Schoolmaster. One naturally hopes
that each of these boys returning to his family will be
an example to them, leading them into the right way,
and no doubt the old schoolboys have an influence for
good, in more ways than one, on the homes to which they
return. There are, indeed, among the Christian Sea
Dyaks of Sarawak some striking examples of an intelli-
gent reception of the truth, and of a faith which is a living
personal force governing their lives. But, unhappily,
these cases are few as compared with the bulk of the
population, and the people live such an unsettled life
that missionary effort, as it exists in Sarawak at the
present time, can but touch a small proportion of them,
and, unless greatly reinforced, cannot affect, to any very
considerable extent, the future of the Sea Dyak.
The Government, by maintaining discipline in the
different districts, by punishing crime and regulating
trade, is no doubt instilling into the mind of the people
important principles of law and order, and it has sup-
pressed the atrocious crimes of piracy and head-hunting.
The importation of Hakka Chmese to show the Dyaks
how paddy ought to be planted is an important move
in the right direction, and will conduce to their pros-
perity if only they can be persuaded to submit to instruc-
tion. But the future of the Sea Dyak even as regards
material well-being is somewhat doubtful. There are
those who say that he is slowly, but none the less surely.
330 THE FUTURE OF THE
improving, and that he will at no very distant time
reach the stage of progress to which most of the Malays
in the country have attained ; that his means of earning
a livelihood then will not be confined to paddy-planting
and occasionally working jungle produce, but that he
will work sago, and also engage in fishing and boat-
building on a large scale. Others, however, mutter dark
things concerning the Sea Dyak's primitive methods of
farming and his unwillingness to give them up, and they
paint a dismal picture of villages crowded in the distant
future by half-starved men and women, living on worn-
out land which will not bear abundant crops, as in the
old days, a weakly and sickly race, debilitated by insuffi-
ciency of food.
Whatever may be the ultimate fate of the Sea Dyak,
that events will move on certain lines in the immediate
future seems to be fairly probable. The Sea Dyak will
go on living in the same kind of house as his ancestors
had — much the same kind of life year after year. He
will go on farming in his jiresent primitive way till the
soil around is worn out ; then he will ask leave of the
Government, as has been done in many cases lately, to
remove to some new and uncultivated country, and to
be allowed to cut down the jungle on the hills there.
Enormous tracts of lowland jungle exist in the lower
reaches of the rivers on whose banks the Sea Dj^aks live ;
but though they are industrious enough to plant their
paddy on swampy soil which was cleared of jungle
generations ago, they do not seem to care to cut down
lowland jungle and prepare such land for planting. No
doubt the reason is that it is harder work, and that after
the trees are felled, it is six or seven years before the roots
have rotted, and the soil has settled, and the land is fit
SEA DYAK IN SARAWAK 331
for planting paddy on. What the Sea Dyaks like is to
be allowed to remove to some country with plenty of
wooded hills. They prefer planting paddy on the hills
to clearing the lowland jungle, and waiting till the
swampy land is fit for planting. The old sequence of
events will repeat itself. The new land, rich virgin soil
at first, will, under his devastating hand, soon become
exhausted and worn out. It does not take long to im-
poverish land if no attempt is made to enrich it.
That these melancholy forebodings may never be ful-
filled must be the earnest wish of all who have in some
way or other come into contact with the Sea Dyak — a
warm-hearted, hospitable, cheery figure, satisfied with
little, living in the present, with no thought of the future,
quite content if he have food to eat and tobacco to smoke,
and yet, for this very reason, because he is so satisfied
with his lot, most unwilling to admit new ideas, seemingly
for ever unconscious of the significance of his life, and
ignorant of the infinite possibilities for good or evil
which exist in him.
GLOSSARY OF DYAK WORDS AND
PHRASES
WHICH OCCUR IN THE FOREGOING PAGES
A
Achax, a spoon-bait.
Akal plandok, the cunning of the plandok or mouse -deer.
Anggat, a term of endearment used in addressing a boy.
Antu, a spirit ; the dead.
Ari ni nuan ? " Prom whence are you (come) ?" A form of greeting.
Attap, a leaf roof made from the leaves of the nipa palm.
B
Baiya, goods put aside upon the owner's death and placed upon or
within his grave.
Banghong, a Dyak boat.
Baru, a tree with fibrous bark.
Batu, a stone.
Batu bintang, star stone."
Batu ilau, " stone of light."
Batu krang jiranau, the petrified section of jiranau (Zingeberad ?).
Batu krat ikan sembilan, the petrified section of the sembilan fish.
Batu kudi, " stones of wrath."
Batu lintar, thunderbolt.
Batu nitar, thunderbolt.
Bebaju besi, " wearing an iron coat." Name of a manang ceremony.
Bebandong api, " displaying fire." Name of a manang ceremony.
Bebayak, making a hayak or iguana. Name of a manang ceremony.
Bebuiong raia, " making or acting the adjutant bird." Name of a
m,anang ceremony.
Begiling lantai, " rolled up in the flooring." Name of a manang
ceremony.
Bekliti, opening. One of the ceremonies of initiation of a manang, or
witch-doctor.
Belelang, to wander about ; to visit a far country.
Benih, seed.
Bepancha, " making a pancha, or swing." Name of a manang ceremony.
Beremaung, " acting the tiger." Name of a manang ceremony.
Berencha, " making an assault." Name of a manang ceremony.
332
MAP OF NORTHERN BORNEO
.-^
m
GLOSSARY 333
Berua, " swinging." Name of ca manang ceremony.
Besi, iron.
Besudi, " feeling or touching." One of the ceremonies of initiation of
manang, or witch-doctor.
Betanam pentik, " planting a pentik, or wooden representation of a
man." Name of a mana?ig' ceremony.
"^etepas, " sweeping." Name of a manang ceremony.
Betiang garong, "making a post for souls." Name of a manang
ceremony.
Betiti tendai, " walking on the tendai, or bar on which cotton is placed
in weaving." Name of a manang ceremony.
Betukup rarong, " to split open the cofifin." Name of a manang
ceremony.
Bilian, iron-wood ; the only wood which the white ants do not attack.
Bilik, a room.
Bliong, a Dyak tool, which can be used both as an adze and an axe.
Bubong, a cage.
C
Chanang, a brass gong, smaller than the tawak.
Dandong, a shawl ; a sarong, or long skirt.
Duku, a chopper ; a sword.
Durian, a fruit very much liked by the Dyaks.
E
Embuas, name of an omen bird.
Endun, a term of endearment appHed to girls.
Engkratong, a musical instrument resembling a guitar.
Engkrumong, a set of eight small brass gongs, each sounding a different
note, arranged in a frame.
Engkrurai, a musical instrument made of bamboo tubes fixed in a
gourd. ^
Ensera, a fairy tale. ^
Ensuling, a flageolet.
G
Galanggang, a game, not unlike prisoner's base, played by the Dyaks.
Gawai Antu, the ' ' Spirit Feast ' ' ; feast in honour of the dead.
Gawai Batu, the " Stone Feast," held before farming operations begin.
Gawai Benih, the " Seed Feast," held just before sowing the seed.
Gawai Burong, the " Bird Feast," held in honour of human heads
taken in war.
Gawai Gajah, the " Elephant Feast " ; the greatest of all feasts con-
nected with head-himting.
Gawai Ijok, the " Ijok Feast." The ijok is the gamuti palm from
which a native drink {tuak) is obtained. This feast is connected
with head-himting.
334 GLOSSARY
Grawai Mandi Rumah, a feast given when a new house is built ; the
house -warming.
Gawai Nyimpan Padi, the " Feast of Storing the Paddy," held after
the reaping and winnowing are over, when the paddy is ready to
be stored.
Grawai Pala, " the Head Feast." Another name for Gawai Burong.
Grawai Tenyalang, " the Horn-bill Feast." Another name for Gawai
Burong.
Ginselan, a sacrifice in which some animal is slain and the blood used.
Gusi, the name of an old jar of great value, and looked upon as sacred.
Igat, a term of endearment applied to boys.
Sang, a curiously carved sword.
Ipoh, a tree (ArUiaris toxicaria) the sap of which is poisonous, and used
to poison the darts of the blow-pipe.
Jadi rumah ? " Is the house free from taboo ?" — i.e., May we walk up
into the house ? The usual question asked before entering a
Dyak house.
Jala, a casting-net.
E
Kabayah, a long jacket worn by Malay women.
Kadjang, a covering made of the young leaves of the nipa palm, etc.,
sewn together with split cane. This is used as awnings for boats,
or for the roof of temporary huts.
Kain, a woman's petticoat.
Kana, a fairy tale set to verse and sung.
Eapu, lime.
Easih ka imbok enda kasih ka manok, " To show kindness to the
wild pigeon, but not to the domestic fowl " (Dyak proverb).
Kati, IJ pounds.
Katupong, an omen bird.
Kini ka nuan ? " Where are you going ?" A form of greeting.
Klambi, a sleeveless jacket ; a coat.
Kutok, an omen bird.
L
Labong, a headkerchief.
Langan waves in tidal rivers which are caused at flood-tide by the
strong current rushing over the shallows.
Lantai, bamboo, or palms, etc., split into laths, and tied together for
the llooring of a house, or to sit upon in boats.
Lari ka ribut nemu ujan, lari ka sungkup nemu pendam, " Running
from the hurricane, he encounters the rain ; running from a tomb-
stone, he finds himself in a graveyard " (Dyak proverb).
GLOSSARY 335
Lesong, a wooden mortar used for pounding rice, etc.
Limban, the Dyak Styx ; the river in Hades.
Lobon-lobon, the words shouted by those watching a diving ordeal.
The meaning is uncertain.
Lumpang, a piece of bamboo in which rice has been cooked ; used
at the feast for the dead as a boat to fetch the spirits from Hades.
Lunas, the keel of a boat.
Lupong, a Dyak medicine -chest.
M
Maias, the orang-utan {Simla salyrus).
Makai di ruai, literally " eating in the pubhc hall of a Dyak house."
Name of a social feast.
Makai rami, literally "eating joyfully in large numbers." Name of
a social feast.
Mali, forbidden ; tabooed.
Manang, a witch-doctor.
Manang bali, a witch-doctor who has changed his sex and become a
woman.
Manang bangun, a witch-doctor who has been " waved upon " — i.e.,
who has been through the " waving upon " ceremony.
Manang enjun, a witch-doctor who has been " trodden upon " — i.e.,
who has been through the " trodden upon " ceremony.
Manang mansau, literally " a ripe manang " — i.e, one who is a
fully qualified manang.
Manang matak, literally " an unripe manang " — i.e., one who has
not been fully initiated into the mysteries of the manang'' s
profession.
Manjong, to shout all together.
Mencha, the Sword Dance.
Mlah pinang, literally " to spUt the betel-nut." To perform the
marriage ceremony by sphtting the betel-nut.
N
Naga, a dragon. A valuable old jar with the figure of a dragon on it.
Nampok, to spend the night at a solitary place in order to obtain some
charms from the spirits.
Nemuai ka Sabayan, " making a journey to Hades." Name of a
manang ceremony.
Nendak, an omen bird.
Ngelembayan, " taking a long sight." Name of a manaw^ 'ceremony.
Nibong, a thorny palm (Oncosperm,a tigillaria).
Nipa, a palm wtuch grows by the sea and at the mouths of rivers (Nipa
fructicaris).
0
Orang-utan, the maias {Simla satyrus).
336 GLOSSARY
P
Padi, rice in the husk.
Pagar api, literally " a fence of fire." A spear fixed blade upwards,
with leaves tied to it, round which the manangs walk when taking
part in their ceremonies.
Pana, an offering of food given to the dead by the friends of those who
are in mourning.
Pandong, a kind of altar erected in different parts of the veranda of
the Dyak house during the Bird Feast.
Papau, an omen bird.
Para piring, the altar of sacrifice.
Pelampong, a wooden float, generally cut in the form of a duck, to
which baited hooks are fastened.
Pelandai, a love -song.
Pelian, a manang ceremony to restore the health of a sick person.
Pendam, a burial-ground.
Pendok, a tree with fibrous bark.
Pengap, an incantation.
Pengaroh, a charm.
Petara, gods.
Peti, a spring trap set to kill wild pig.
Pinang, the betel-nut ; the areca-nut.
Piring, an offering of food.
Plandok, the mouse -deer.
Puni, a pecuhar Dyak superstition that, if food is offered to a man and
he goes away without at least touching it, some misfortune is
sure to befall him. It is said that he is sure to be attacked by a
crocodile, or bitten by a snake, or suffer from the attack of some
other animal.
R
Rawai, a Dyak woman's corset, mada of tLay brass rings strung close
together on hoops of cane.
Rarong, a coffin.
Remaung di rumah rawong di tanah, " A tiger in the house, but a frog
in the field " (Dyak proverb).
Rotan, cane ; rattan.
Ruai, the public veranda of a Dyak house.
Rusa, a deer. A valuable old jar with the figure of a deer on it.
s
Sabayan, Hades.
Sadau, the loft of a Dyak house.
Sakit Rajah, " the disease caused by the King (of evil spirits) " —
small-pox.
Sarong, a long petticoat worn by Malay men and women.
Saut, the name of a manang ceremony.
Serumai, a one -stringed fiddle.
Sirat, a waist-cloth ; the usual male attire of the Dyak.
GLOSSARY 337
Sireh, a vine of the pepper tribe ; its leaves are chewed with lime,
gambier, and betel-nut.
Sumping, a Dyak observance held after the death of relatives.
Sumpit, a blow-pipe.
T
Tabak, a brass dish.
Tajau, a valuable jar.
Tanju, the uncovered veranda of a Dyak house, where paddy and
other things are put out to dry in the sun.
Tawak, a large brass gong.
Tendai, the bar on which cotton is placed in weaving.
Tenyalang, the rhinoceros hornbill {Buceros rhinoceros).
Tikai buret, a seat-mat.
Timam?, to sing to in a monotonous manner.
Tuai rumah, the headman or chief of a Dyak house.
Tuak, native spirit.
Tuan, gentleman ; master ; sir. The term of respect usually applied
to Englishmen.
Tuba, the name applied to a poison from the root of a shrub {Derris
alleptica), or of a creeper. The poisonous bark of a tree. There
are several kinds of tuba used for i2t6a- fishing.
Tugong bula, " the Uar's mound." A pile of branches and twigs heaped
up in memory of a man who has told a great lie.
u
Ulit, mourning.
•22
INDEX
A
Abroad, the Dyak, 333
Achar, 54
Adultery, 69, 132
Affection, domestic, 70
Ah Choy, 241, 248
Ah Took Cheyne, 249
A] at, 222
Amusements, sports and, 220
Apai Saloi, 254
Armadillo, 153
Articles buried with the dead
Attap, 42, 150
Augury, 161
Axe, Dyak, 50, 51
B
Bad times, 326
Bailey, D. J. S., 184
Baiya, 138
Basket-making, 53
Bat, 153
Batu hintang, 188
ilau, 165, 166, 190
kraiig jiranau, 189
krat ikan sttnbilau, 188
kudi, 205
lintar, 189
nitar, 189
Beards, 39
Bebaju best, 171
Bebandong api, 171
Bebayak, 170
Beburong rata, 171
Bedungai, 225
Begiling lantai, 171
Bejampong, 153
Bejit-Manai, 300
Bekliti, 178
Bdang-Pinggang, 300
Bepancha, 170
Bepantap Buyu, 172
138
338
Beragai, 152
Beremaung, 171
Berenchah, 169
Bermong, 226
Besudi, 178
Betanam pentik, 169
Betel-nut, 151
Betepas, 169
Betiang garong, 170
£eij;Yi tendai, 171
Bilian trees, 151, 211
Blikan, 231
Bliong, 50, 51
Blood, a drop of, 159
Blood-letting, 183
Blow-pij)e, 34, 78, 279
Boat-building, 49
Boat songs, 225
swamped, 247
travelling, 145
war, 79
Bore, tidal, 146
Bomean jungles, 21
Boys, Dyak, 103, 105, 107
Brooke, Sir James, 21, 24
Rajah, 26
Brooke, Sir Charles, 29
Rajah, 29
Bui Nasi, 300
Bukitans, 34
Bunja Jawa, 300
Bunsu Burong, 286
Katupong, 286
Burial-ground, 136
Burial rites, 133
Buyu, 172
Camphor-tree, 151, 238
Camphor-working, 238
Cane ladders, 237
Captain Keppel, 27
INDEX
339
Captives, 94
Caves, edible birds'-nest, 236
Ceremonies, 243
manang, 166, 169
Chambers, Bishop, 116, 118
Chanang, 230
Change of name, 103
Character, the Dyak, 61, 327
Childbirth and children, 96
Child-naming, 102
Children, kindness to, 62
Christian Dyak chiefs, 84
Mission, introduction of, 28
Circumcision, 322
Cock-fighting, 210, 223
Cocoanut palm, 151
Coffin, 136
Collecting edible birds'-nests, 236
Contents of a Dyak medicine-chest,
184
Cooking, 87, 241
Courtship, 120
Couvade, 96
Crocodile, 149
-catching, 56
Customs, some curious, 316
D
Dance, sword, 221, 229
war, 222, 229
Dancing women, 84
Danjai and the Were-Tiger's sister,
265
Darts, poisoned, 79
Dasu, Dr., 185
Debt, slaves for, 95
Debts, 95
Decapitation, 83
Deer, 153
Depilation, 39
" Dictionary of the Sea Dyak Lan-
guage," 184
Dido, H.M.S., 27
Dispute in Krian, 319
Diving ordeal, 316
Divorce, 69
Domestic affection, 70
Dreams, 161
omens and, 152
Dress, men's, 36, 78
war, 78
women's, 37
Drinking, 212
Drums. 229
Durian, 151, 319
"Dyak," the word, 33
charms and native remedies,
182
chiefs. Christian, 84
marriage of, 73
feasts, 209
folklore, 252
headman or chief, rule of, 88
medicine-chest, contents of, 184
religion, 194
trial, 89
village house, 42, 184
wealth, 90
Dyaks, the, 33
E
Ebony-tree, 151
Education, 105
Embuas, 153
Emplawa Jawa, 293
Engkratonq, 231
Engkrumoni, 230
Engkrurai, 230
Ensera, 252
Ensuling, 231
Expedition, head-hunting, 75
Experiences, some personal, 240
F
Fables, 252
Failures, 326
Families, smallness of, 104
Farming, rice, 325
Father-in-law, 125
Feast the bird, 210
in uonour of the dead, 142, 21 6
Feasts connected with farming, 215
head-taking, 210
Dyak, 209
social, 219
Feeding the dead, 135
Fines, 89
Fireplace, 44
Fishing, 54
tuba, 55
Fish-traps, 297
Folklore, Dyak, 252
Food, 87
Football, 221
Forests, tropical, 21
Form of greeting, 323
Frugality, 63
Fruit-trees, 94
340
INDEX
Future existence, belief in, 133, 143,
of the Sea Dyak in Sarawak,
the, 324
G
Oalangqanq, 224
Games, 220
Gawai Antu, 142
Batu, 215
Benih, 215
Gajah. 215
Ijok, 214
Mandi JRumah, 219
Nyimpan Padi, 216,
Pnla, 210
Tenyalang, 210
Ginsrlaii, 203
Girnnsi, 199
Girls, Dyak, 103
God of the earth : Pidang (^lana, and
how he came to be worshipped as
the, 300
Gods, 195
Gomes, B.D., the Rev. W. H., 29
Gongs, 229
Grades of manan^jS, 178
Graves, 136, 138
Greeting, form of, 323
Gusi, 91
Gutta-trees, 151
Gutta-working, 235
Habitations of spirits, 210
Head-hunting, 23, 72
expedition, 75
legend of, 73
Head-taking, feasts connected with,
210
Headman, 265
power of, 90
rule of, 88
Heroes, mythical, 253
Honesty, 63
Honey-bear, 149
Hombill, 211
Hose, D.D., Bishop, 98
Hospitality, 67
House-building, 47
House, Dyak village, 42
Howell, Rev. W., 184
Human heads, 213
necessary for wedding
feast, 266
Hunting, 53, 296
Incantations, 195, 213, 226, 229
Infanticide, 100
Initiation of manangs, 178
Introduction of Christian missions,
28
Invisible spirits, 227
Invocations, 195, 213, 226, 228
Jcda, 54
Jars, old, 45, 90
Jumping, 224
Jungle, Bornean, 149
lost in the, 249
Jungle-path, 148
K
Kahayah, 35
Kabong, 249
Kadjanqs, 50, 146, 148, 150
Kana, 226, 252, 253
Katupong, 152
Kayans, 34
Keppel, Captain, afterwards Ad-
miral, 27
Kinyehs, 34
Klie7jg, 253
Krian, dispute in, 319
Mission, 119
Kumcmq, 253
Kunsil Negri, 30
Kutok, 153
Langan, 146
Legend of head-hunting, 73
Legends, 252
three Dyak, 264
Leprosy, 322
Life beyond the grave, 133, 143
of the Dyak, 324
Limhan, 229
Lizard, 153
Lobon lohon, 318
Love-song, 225
Lumpa7ig, 216
Lupong, 165, 187
M
Madness, 322
Maias, 74, 149
Mali, 197
INDEX
341
Manang, or witch-doctor, the, 163
ceremonies, 166, 169
Manangs, 99, 182, 227
not buried, 143
Marriage, 120
- Dyak view of, 128
Mat-making, 52
Meals, Dyak, 87
Medicine-chest, Dyak, 165
the contents of a Dyak 184
Mencha, 221
Mesney, the Rev. W. R., 116
Metamorphosis, 287
Milanaus, 33
Missionary, the itinerant, 240
Missions among the Dyaks, 328
introduction of Christian, 28
Mission schools, 329
Mlah pinang, 124
Morals, Dyak, 68, 121
Mother-in-law, 125, 131
Mouse-deer and other animals who
went out fishing, the story of the,
255
Mouse-deer, the deer, and the pi<r,
the story of the, 259 °'
Mourning, 139, 285
putting off, 217
song of, 228
Muruts, 34
Music, song and, 225
Musical instruments, 222, 229
Mythical heroes, 253
Mythology, Dyak, 264
N
Naga, 91
Name, change of, 103
Naming the child, 102
Native remedies and Dyak charms,
182
Nemuai Ka Selayan, 170
Nendak, 153
Nets, 54
Ngelai, 253
Ngelembayan, 170
Nibong palm, 150
Nipa palm, 150
North-east monsoon, 247
O
Oars, 145
Offertory, 245
Omen birds, 47, 152, 234, 238, 298
animals, 153
Omens and dreams, 152
of birds, the story of Siu, who
first taught the Dyaks to
plant paddy and to observe
the, 278
Orang-Vtan, 74, 149
Ordeal, diving, 316
trial by, 316
Paddles, 50, 79, 145
Paddy, 278
planting, 297, 325
Paqar Apt, 166, 168, 174
Palms, 150
Pana, 139, 141
Pandong, 213
Papau, 153
Past, a picture from the, 22
Pdandai, 225
Pdian, 164, 168, 169
Pendam, 136
Pengap, 195, 213, 228, 326
Perham, the Rev. J., 119
Personal experiences, some, 240
Petara, 194, 197
Pinang, 282
Mlah, 124
Pirates, 23
Piring, 202
Planting paddy, 297, 325
Prayer-houses, 244
Preparations for diving ordeals, 317
for ftasts, 210
Proverbs, Dyak, 261
Pulang Gana, 137
how he came to be wor-
shipped as the god of the
earth, 300
Punans, 34
Puni, 320
Python, 149, 153
Questions, 243
Q
R
Rajah Brooke, 26, 29
Muda Hassi'tn, 25
Shu a, 305
Rapids, 147
Rat, 153
Religion, Dyak, 194
342
INDEX
R-^tan. 151. 235
Royalist, the yacht, 25
Rule of the Dyak headman or
chief, 88
Rusa, 91
S
Sahah, 142
Sabayan, 228
Sacrifices, 202
Sago palm, 151
Salampandri, 174, 197, 228
Sampun, 247
Sand-banks, Hf5
Saribas Mission, 119
Sarong, 35
Saut, 173
Schoolboy reminiscences, 119, 175,
249
School in the jimgle, my, 105
programme, 108
Sea Dyak in Sarawak, the future of
the, 324
Seragunting, 278, 290
Sereqendah, 306
Sent, 34
Serunai, 231
Services, 244, 245
S'lva, Rajah, 305
Siw/alang Burong, 160, 196, 227,
284
Singapore, 233
Singing, 225
SireJi, 282
Siu, the story of, 278
Slavery, 94
Slaves, adoption of, 95
for debt, 95
Smallness of families, 104
Smallpox, 191
Social life, 86
position of the women, 86
Some curious customs, 316
personal experiences, 240
Song and music, 225
of mourning, 140, 228
of the head feast, 213
the wailers', 140, 228
Songs, 229
Soul, the, 177
Spears, fishing, 55
Spinning-tops, 223
Spirit of the Winds, 228
Spirits, 183, 189, 227, 242
Sports and amusements, 220
Stones of wrath, 205
Stoi'ies, Sra Dyak, 252
Story of Buda, 114
Story of the mouse-deer and other
animals who went out fishing,
the, 255
Story of the mouse-deer, the deer,
and the pig, the, 259
Story of Siu, who first taught the
Dyaks to plant paddy and to
observe the omens of birds, the,
278
Snivj)inrf, 141
Sunipit, or blow-pipe, 34, 78, 279
Superstitions of the Dyaks, 242
Swallows, 236
Swimming, 223
Tajau, 91
Tattooing, 37
Tawnh, 229
Teaching the Dyaks, 242
Teeth, 38
Temudok, 247
Tenyalang, 211
Tidal bore, 146
Time, 322
Tops, spinning, 103, 295
Toys, 103
Traps, 53
Travel, love of, 233
Travelling, 145, 247
in Sarawak, 145
Trial, a Dyak, 89
by ordeal, 316
Tropical forests, 21
Truthfulness, 66
Tuba, 56
fishing, 56, 210
Tugong hula, 67
Tujoh, catechist, 113
U
Vkits, 34
Ulit, 139
Unselfishness, 70
Village house, Dyak, 42
Visit to a Dyak house, 240, 246
W
Wailers, professional. 140, 218. 228
Wnilers' song, 140
INDEX
343
War boat, 79, 266
War costume, 78
council, 76, 81
songs, 225
spear, 76
Warfare, Dyak, 72, 297
Wealth, Dyak, 90
Weaving, 52
Wedding, Dyak, 122
Were-Tiger, 267
Were-Tiger's sister, Danjai and the,
265
Winds, Spirit of the, 228, 229
Women, social position of, 86
Women's work, 46, 51, 62
Work, men's, 46, 325
women's, 46, 62, 324
Wrestling, 224, 295
THE END
BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD
A Catalogue of Books for Young
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Sunday Echoes .
Wonder Library, The
12
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9
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Heroes of Missionary Enterprise. By Rev. Claud
Field, M.A.
Heroes of Pioneering. By Rev. Edgar Sanderson, M.A.,
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page Illustrations. Extra crown 8vo, 5s.
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Westward Ho ! With Illustrations. Extra crown 8vo, 2s. ^
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Westward Ho I
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CHARLESV/ORTH, Miss.
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The Sequel to Ministering
Children.
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ing-Glass.
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Lion-Hearted.
Missionary Heroines in many
Lands.
LAMBERT, Rev. J. G.
Missionary Heroes of N. <5r^ S.
America.
LAMBERT, Rev. J. G.—Contmued
Missionary Heroes in Asia.
Missionary Heroes in Oceania.
Missionary Heroes in Africa.
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Agathos <St^ The Rocky Island.
ALCOTT, L. M.
Little Women. Good Wives.
BERTHE, T. E.
The Wild Man of the Woods.
SEELEY, E.
The World before the Flood.
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Fairy Tales and Stories.
GRIMM, The Brothers.
Fairy Tales and Stories.
COOLIDGE, SUSAN.
What Katy did at Home
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E. Winchester.
The Captain of the Wight. By
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Robinson Crusoe. By Daniel Defoe.
Patriot &' Hero. By Prof. A. J.
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The Vicar of Wakefield. By Oliver
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The Romance of Piracy. By E. Keble Chatterton, B.A.
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The Romance of Submarine Engineering. By Thomas
W. CORBIN.
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the growth and achievements of all kinds of Aerial Craft. By Charles C.
Turner,
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evolution. By E. Keble Chatterton. With Thirty-three Illustrations.
The Romance of Modern Astronomy. By Hector Mac-
pherson, Jun. With Twenty-four Illustrations.
The Romance of Modern Chemistry. By J. C. Philip,
D.Sc. , Assistant Professor of Chemistry, South Kensington.
The Romance of Modern Manufacture. By C, R.
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The Romance of Early British Life. From the Earliest
Times to the Coming of the Danes. By Prof. G. F. Scott Elliot, M.A.,
B.Sc. With 30 Illustrations.
The Romance of Modern Geology. By E. S. Grew,
M.A. (Oxon.).
The Romance of Bird Life. By John Lea, M.A.
The Romance of Modern Photography. Its Discovery
and its Application. By C. R. Gibson, A.I.E.E. With 63 Illustrations.
The Romance of Modern Sieges- By the Rev, E.
Gilliat. With 24 Illustrations.
The Romance of Savage Life. By Professor G. F. Scott
Elliot, M.A., B.Sc, &~r. With 45 Illustrations.
The Romance of the World's Fisheries. By Sidney
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The Romance of Animal Arts 6^ Crafts. By H. Coupin,
D.Sc, and J. Lea, M.A. With 24 Illustrations,
" Extremely fascinating."— Liverpool Courier.
The Romance of Early Exploration. By A. Williams,
B.A., F.R.G.S. With 16 Illustrations.
" We cannot imagine a book that a boy would appreciate more than this." —
Daily Telegraph,
The Romance of Missionary Heroism. By John C.
Lambert, B.A., D.D, With 39 Illustrations.
" About 350 pages of the most thrilling missionary lives ever collected in one
volume." — Methodist Times.
The Romance of Plant Life. By Prof. G. F. Scott Elliot,
B.A. (Cantab.), B.Sc. (Edin.). With 34 Illustrations.
" Besides being entertaining, instructive and educative." — Liverpool Courier.
The Romance of Polar Exploration. By G. Firth
ScoTT. With 24 Illustrations. "Thrillingly interesting."— Liverpool Courier.
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The Romance of Insect Life. By Edmund Selous.
The Romance of Modern Mechanism. By A. Williams.
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The Romance of Modern Electricity. By C. R. Gibson,
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The Romance of the Animal World. By Edmund Selous.
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The Romance of Modern Exploration. By A. Williams.
" A mine of information and stirring incident." — Scotsman.
The Romance of Modern Invention. By A. Williams.
Revised Edition.
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The Romance of Modern Engineering. By A.Williams.
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Ben Hur. Gen. Lew Wallace.
Westward Ho ! Kingsley.
John Halifax. By Mrs. Craik.
Robinson Crusoe. Defoe.
Little Women and Good Wives.
The H istory of H enry Esmond.
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The Swiss Family Robinson.
Grimm's Fairy Tales.
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Don Quixote. By Cervantes.
Gulliver's Travels. Swift.
The Days of Bruce.
Tom Brown's Schooldays.
Tales from Shakespeare. Lamb.
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The Arabian Nights' Entertain-
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Ministering Children.
Ministering Children. A Sequel.
The Dog Crusoe. Ballantyne,
Masterman Ready. Marryat.
What Katy did at Home and at
School. By Susan Coolidge.
The Old Gateway. E. Marshall.
Millicent Legh. E. Marshall.
Vicar of Wakefield.
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The World before the Flood. Stories from the Best Book.
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To Mars via the Moon. An Astronomical Story. With
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Adrift in a Great City. Illus-
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WHITHAM, G. I.
The Last of the White Coats. A Story of Cavaliers and
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THE WONDER LIBRARY
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The Wonders of Modern Manufacture. By C. R.
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The Wonders of Savage Life. By Professor G. F. Scott
Eluot, M.A., B.Sc.
The Wonders of Astronomy. By Hector Macpherson,
Junr., M.A.
The Wonders of Invention. By A. Williams, B.A.
Revised and brought up to date by T. W. Corbin.
The Wonders of Modern Chemistry. By James C.
Philip, D.Sc.
The Wonders of Electricity. By Charles R. Gibson,
F.R.S.E,
The Wonders of Animal Ingenuity. By H. Coupin, D.Sc,
and JouN Lea, M.A.
The Wonders of Mechanical Ingenuity. By Archibald
Williams, B.A., F.R.G.S.
The Wonders of Asiatic Exploration. By Archibald
Williams, B.A., F.R.G.S,
The Wonders of the Plant World. By G. F. Scott
Elliot, M.A., B.Sc, F.L.S., <5r»c.
The Wonders of Modern Railways. By Archibald
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The Wonders of the Insect World. By E. Selous.
The Wonders of Modern Engineering. By Archibald
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The Wonders of Bird Life. By John Lea, M.A.
WRIGHT, SIDNEY.
The Romance of the World's Fisheries. With many
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Adventures among Trappers and Hunters. With Sixteen
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16
A Catalogue of Books on Art
History, and General Literature
Published by Seeley, Service ^ Co
Ltd. 38 Great Russell St. London
Some of the Contents
Crown Library, The .
Elzevir Library, The .
Events of Our Own Times Series
Illuminated Series, The
Miniature Library of Devotion, The
Miniature Portfolio Monographs, The
Missions, The Library of .
New Art Library, The
Portfolio Monographs
Science of To-Day Series, The .
Seeley 's Illustrated Pocket Library
Seeley 's Standard Library .
Story Series, The
" Things Seen " Series, The
4
5
6
8
9
9
10
1 1
1 1
14
14
15
15
16
The Publishers will be pleased to post their complete Catalogue
or their Illustrated Miniature Catalogue on receipt
of a post-card
CATALOGUE OF BOOKS
Arranged alphabetically under the names of
Authors and Series
ABBOTT, Rev. E. A., D.D.
How to Parse, An English Grammar. Fcap. 8yo, 3s. 6d.
How to Tell the Parts of Speech. An Introduction to English
Grammar. Fcap. 8vo, as.
How to Write Clearly. Rulesand Exercises on English Composition. is.6d.
Latin Gate, The. A First Latin Translation Book. Crown Svo, 3s. 6d.
Via Latina. A First Latin Grammar. Crown Svo, 3s. 6d.
ABBOTT, Rev. E. A., and Sir J. R. SEELEY.
English Lessons for English People. Crown Svo, 4s. 6d.
ADY, Mrs. See Cartwright, Julia.
A KEMPIS, THOMAS.
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