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The SIXTH ORIENTAL MONARCHY ; or the Geography, History, 
and Antiquities of Parthia. Collected and Illastratea from Ancient and 
Modern Sources. By G. JUwuirsoN, MA. With Maps and Illustrations. 
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*-- -J 

Oft TIti 


\wmi iimfMdtn/mm AAVtEJn «w moukss sovrcbs 



>f u m* iiifwii vf tiKf^aii 





411 rIfWi r*Mrn^ 






ipfetis the Ancient HUtoiy of the Burt^ 
to wfaidh the ftutbor Im^ ikvotcd hia umm atUmtlcm 
dtfing the hil dgfateoi jearsi, II is a secjud to bis 
\i pubtblMHl ui 1B73 ; ami carnm down tlit- 
of W«gtcm Am torn the thirtt century of our 
mm to tlie midtBe of tlie sereoth. So &r lUi the pre- 
msA imier ib aware, tio £urDi>e&n author hm pneiioii^ly 
tnitad Uib period fnjui tW Orietitnl Btiuid-tKHiUt in 
wmy Work asfiiriQg to he mom thiut a mere itkeU^h or 
OTtfiiiff, Very many nich skctcho* Imve bwii imb- 
l>',»''l ; hut ill* V liavr Ikh?!! s<-anty in tlie extreme, and 
!*.• i/r»-i!« r nnnilxT of tht in have been based on tlie 
k •}':!:} of a !*inj:le rhisi^ of writers. It hjis been the 
; r — !;• author's aim t(» comlfine the varions claxscvs of 
u.-*.»n!K-» whirh are now ac4-es>ible to the historiral 
»• - ;■ !.!. ;ui«l to ^ivr llieir due weight to eaeli of them. 
T'i* lii -»iip* of M. C. MiiUer, t)f the Ablx? Gregoire 
K.^\^r.ij\ ff.iru!M-<I, and <>f M. J. St. Martin have 
• •fi^-'l !o \v^ the ston/^ of anritMit Armenian literature, 
*hi :i w. n- |in'viou?»ly a >eaK-<l volume to all but a 
^ :^\\ .!.!-» of Mudrnt--. Thr early Arab historians 
!^\. \m^'Vi tmn'»!ate<l or analysed by Kosi'jjiarten, Zoten- 
'*T^^% M Juh-s Mold, and others. The eoinape of the 



Sassanians has been elaborately — abnost exhaustively — 
treated by Mordtmann and Thomas. Mr. Fergusson 
has applied his acute and practised powers to the 
elucidation of the Sassanian architecture. By com- 
bining the results thus obtained with the old soiurces 
of information — the classical, especially the Byzantine, 
writers — ^it has become possible to compose a history 
of the Sassanian Empire which is at once consecutive, 
and not absolutely meagre. How the author has per- 
formed his task, he must leave it to the pubhc to 
judge ; he will only venture to say that he has spared 
no laboiu-, but has gone carefully through the entire 
series of the Byzantine writers who treat of the time, 
besides availing himself of the various modem works 
to which reference has been made above. If he has 
been sometimes obliged to draw conclusions from his 
authorities other than those drawn by Gibbon, and 
has deemed it right, in the interests of historic truth, 
to express occasionally his dissent from that writer's 
views, he must not be thought blind to the many and 
great excellencies which render the ' Decline and 
Fall ' one of the best, if not the best, of our histories. 
The mistakes of a writer less eminent and less popular 
might have been left unnoticed without ill results. 
Those of an historian generally regarded as an autho- 
rity from whom there is no appeal could not be so 
lightly treated. 

The author begs to acknowledge his great obliga- 
tions, especially, to the following living writers: M. 
Patkanian, M. Jules Mohl, Dr. Haug, Herr Spiegel, 



Wlrnfi^rhmann, Heir MordtTnann, Canon Tm- 
Mr. Jiuous Ft5CgU£suf]^ ami Mr. £. Thomas, Ho 
m ftbo Iai|rul}' bdioMai lo dm work^ of M. Tender and 
of iDL Flimdio and Coate for the iUuf^trntions, which 
be hM been flble to give, of Sessaniim iiculpture and 
vdsSimAuxt. The photographic: iUuftnitioti^ of the 
aevljHliaeGiverecl pakct* at Ma-ihita aro due to the 
Sieniitjr of Mr. IL C. JuhuMin (the omataur o^ttki who 
pemad Cknoii Tristram in \m exploration of the 
of Moob '), who, with Ouion Trirftnuu » kind con- 
t, htf mlloiied tbisin to apiie^r in the present volume. 
ilhtstimticHiii nro chiefly derired from 
but one or two hevt* been borrowed from 
For his fronfiipiece tlie author h in- 
to Ui trotbert Sit Ihniry Bewlinson, who has 
te to be taken ftom on origmal drawing in 
Mi poneMoa, which i$ helieved to l>c a truthful tts 
;»!\-*<riUi:ioii (»f the great Sassiinian Imildiiig. 

♦ i^rttm RT : December ] ^7 5, 




CflAPrElt L 

Om AMcite. WwmmAmwm ifcm If t^ htm, AUmitd 

I* ^m Mka^ of tMr nwn. Tbvir R^^ »t im Itdd 1ft 

FiMvr nf tivtr ra«it«. (lj>ilo«l Clun^ of FtMef aa 

' t&0 tuMUTtctleiti of Arlru«nui . 1 

OmmtX Ouameimt ol lti« Cotivtr^ mid 


( iiAiTii: III. 

• .-- ' \r!»\-:i'«I. S:.iri« * t'lJ (»f him. M'^t ])r"bnhlo Account 
/^ , I^^^.:.!. lUr.k. %r>*\ r*p iJtA/'-. Ili*(' 'nt***! witli ArtabanuA. 

l."** 'A *• w.-.i rh .-: - i r.f ArtUHuin. < '•nl»-'«t with Ah-xmnder 

-v,p-,-.. >„ -.1 War Willi ( ;i-.«r- 4 nn«l (V.n'jiH'Hi nf Armenia. 

K' .' -• l>f rr:.* Int'niiil A'loiiii •trillion nn>\ < i<»v**mmmit. 
Vr*. < '».'•• InftrT.|tin« .... 


< IIAITli: IV. 

*>%'% ' \?iAifn'-t I. h::d \rc<^f^i' n <»f Sapor I. War o( Sapor 
» v^ V» -r'^ !!.• t,nt War with Koido. Invasion of Mr»<ipr>- 
u-r: • ^ :4I < k r ijn^titifi < f .\rjti K:h. i'\{x>liti(in of ( inrdian 
•.. • •• jA»t- 11** f^rT b% II .m«' 'f hf»r lo»i Trml*»ry. ]*pacn 
m^'^ U*»'0 K/uc aiul I'rr^jt. Ob-curo IiJler\al. S^xood 




War with Home. Mesopotamia again inraded, a.d. 258. Valerian 
lakes the Command in the East. Struggle between him and 
Sapor. Defeat and Capture of Valerian, a.d. 260. Sapor invests 
Miriades with the Purple. He takes Syria and Southern Cappa- 
docia, but is shortly afterwards attacked by Odenathus. Successes 
of Odenathus. Treatment of Valerian. Further Successes of 
Odenathus. Period of Tranquillity. Great Works of Sapor. His 
Sculptures. His Dyke. His Inscriptions. His Coins. His Re- 
ligion. Religious Condition of the East in his Time. Rise into 
Notice of Manes. His Rejection by Sapor. Sapor's Death. His 
Character ••...... 7-i 


Short Reign of Hormisdas L His Dealings with Manes. Accession 
of Varahran I. He puts Manes to Death. Persecutes the Mani- 
chteans and the Christians. His Relations with Zenobia. He is 
threatened by Aurelian. His Death. Reign of Varahran H. His 
Tyrannical Conduct His Conquest of Seistan, and War with 
India. IDs War with the Roman Emperors Carus and Diocletian. 
His Loss of Armenia. His Death. Short Reign of Varahran HI. 101 


Civil War of Narses and his Brother Hormisdas. Narses victorious. 
He attacks and expels Tiridates. War declared against him by 
Diocletian. First Campaign of Galerius, a.d. 297. Second Cam- 
paign, A.D. 298. Defeat suffered by Narses. Negotiations. Con- 
ditions of Peace. Abdication and Death of Narses . .116 


Reign of Hormisdas II. His Disposition. General Character of his 
Reign. His Taste for Building. His new Court of Justice. His 
Marriage with a Princess of Cabul. Story of his Son Hormisdas. 
Death of Hormisdas H., and Imprisonment of his Son Hormisdas. 
Interregnum. Crown assigned to Sapor H. before his birth. 
Long Reign of Sapor. First Period of his Reign, from a.d. 309 
to A.D. 837. Persia plundered by the Arabs and the Turks. Vic- 
tories of Sapor over the Arabs. Persecution of the Christians. 
Escape of Hormisdas. Feelings and Conduct of Sapor • • 138 


flift S«f# nT SuihbL OhM^tun luU^ 

id llrtot^ry of Arinmlt bf iIm 

of yiakU^ lu FiUtifi^. QmI 

r a ShMk. Sipor oUml »ft^ hy ii 

i and AmmpiMnm hf AtMoe«i>f llaa Vtsd^m of a 
Cbiniclvr and Umm nf ftifura i^Mlvm Wwi* 

ha dalraliiai tn no»« tli<} War. Ilia 

I to Ifai of Anbnlnoiu Otmi Iufwoa 

tafAaud*. a^or'a amvf^H. Qiffa and Cqi- 

AttMk n VifU fiak, Affmrifa 

Ha altodo Boabda, bui (yii^ Caai. 

llttMiitfC«natettli«t . . ler 


^ ILitBC Hla lti«atiitji« In Invm^m 

F't*-a. H.» \'i. wi tnd Moiiv«»^, Hit Proct'i*<lin;."». l*n>po§Al.^ of 
^*fi r r- • t*^ nih«r Hiubaaftien. U»*l«li«>n«» «'f Julian with 
\rcr..A. ^!r« :./th of hU Army. Ili^ Iijva.*it>n of Me^jp-itamia. 
\\.» l^r>^ f Mairh. Si#%r»' of lVri»nKor ; of Mno^Tiinalchn. lUttle 
' 12j^ T.irn: Furthrr PrvT*»j*« of Julian checked br his innlu- 
. T V :nt*-»t <*tr«ipbon. IIl« Ketrt-at, Ilis lk*ath. Ketreat 
' !:a^#»lli Jovian. Sa|w.r «tT.r* Teniw of IVac*'. IVat^ made 
tT J mar-. lu ('♦•ndilioo*. Krtl.^lioo!* on the IVace and on ibf 
T 'rz.iTAU c i4 lb« S«C"iid IVriM of Stnitr.:b* Inlwet-n Koine and 
l'--^ ........ 



Av. aSt i Aro^nU during th<- War b«lwt»«n Sapor and Julian. 
•^*:.€• Trr^'bTv t'wanii ApM^rt-t, Sajx»r cjoquem Armenia. 
\\' «!iar*,i I^na, drp<«(-t Sauri>mac<*«, and trU up a new Kio^f. 
i:-«^*x'.r» a-,j ra|,turo of Art<v**niwA. I^itficultic* uf Sapor. 
!•»-* c f Ife^ra ^•^tw^^'o ibe lJ.»niaTj and rrruan rr«lend«T». 
l-*-»»*- i n »^.i!j«^ brtwr<?Q Kome and IVrmia. IVace made 
wi!A \airf.«. Ikra'.b of S«|>jr. liuCoini 






Short Reigns of Artaxerxes II. and Sapor III. Obscurity of their 
History. Their Relations with Armenia. Monument of Sapor 
III. at Takht-i-Bostan. Coins of Artaxerxes U. and Sapor lU. 
Reign of Varahran IV. His Signets. His Dealings with Armenia. 
His Death . . ... . . . 264 


Accession of Isdigerd I. Peaceful Character of his Reign. His 
alleged Guardianship of Theodosius II. His Leaning towards 
Christianity, and consequent Unpopularity with his Subjects. His 
Change of View and Persecution of the Christians. His Relations 
with Armenia. His Coins. His Personal Character. His Death 2G1I 


Intemnl Troubles on tlie D^ath of Isdigerd I. Accession of Varah- 
ran V. His Persecution of the Christians. His War with 
Rome. His Relations with Armenia from a.d. 422 to a.d. 428. 
His Wars with the Scythic Tribes on his Eastern Frontier. His 
Strange Death. His Coins. His Character . . . 282 


Reign of Isdigierd II. His War with Rome. His Nine Years' 
War with the Ephthalites. His Policy towards Armenia. His 
Second Ephthalite War. His Character. His Coins . .301 


Right of Succession disputed between the two Sons of Isdigerd IL, 
Perozes (or Firuz) and Ilormisdas. Civil War for two years. 
Success of Perozes, through aid given him by the Ephthalites. 
Great Famine. Perozes declares War against the Ephthalites, 
and makes an Expedition into their Country. His 111 Success. 
Conditions of Peace granted him. Armenian Revolt and War. 
Perozes, after some years, resumes the Ephthalite War. His 
Attack fails, and he is shun in Battle. Summary of his Character. 
Coins of Ilormisdas HI. and Perozes. Vase of Perozes . . Cll 



enAFTEn xvtl 

m «f Um m T^luli. Hk Bthtjiatii^ip to PtToi^ rw» 

arii»B«fdt«iatWBiaporti»AaMiiiiM FUg^tof 
DvlhiiflilatiUiCbinelir. Ooiaiaiaibtd 



■ mA iaifii f JMpiii I It dft Ow 
■§■ TifcMi linfiwAl Kate 


Bnku iAd 8ipor« HIi 

of Muilik. lib 

Kofattt «ikipti tilt Kew B«li^(m, 

RtTott ijf Armenw 

KpM |iiU>. OfBMd Babrilkn is 

oTKAMl Aapt i>r HuAdu Sluirt 

Bk OoIm « • . . . 330 


IMm cf KaM. FTk Ctuipi* cvf Attitude towvnji th^ Ful* 
« ^*rt !' MaxdAi. IIu CAUse of Qumrel with Rome. First 
K-t=.Az. Wat of Kobttd. iVare made a.d. WVi. Komo fortifiea 
I-^TKi kzi rbeod<«i('p« li*. CompUint made by Penda. Nego- 
tjki. c.* f Kobad with JujitixL l*ropoted Adoption of Chotroea by 
\i^ ^:>f. Ictrmal Troublea in IVnua. Second Koman War of 
k Ui, l:.. .:.'4^3I. l>«ath of Kobad. Ilia Character. Ilia 



-f^^^Br :; z4 (*h^«r«« I. ( Anuahirwan ). Conspiracy to dethrone 
1.JB. rraiimi. Ortiera] 4S'Terity of bit Ooreninient. He coodudea 
I'rmcm vi'.h llott^, 4.D. 'Vt3. Terns of the Peace. Caoaes which led 
•• jti Ksptcr^. Firrt U<ii]ian War of Cbnun**, A.n, &IO-/>44. 
*-«pv^ 1 K ^taa War, a.h, M'.^-.ViT. F.ast^m Warn. Conqueat of 
\r%£fta frhi Supp^iwd < 'aupai^m in India. War with the 
Tt-»iK lUfrit f IVrAnnenia. Third Human War, a.d. />7 2- 570. 
I»»%ih ^ CVjaft^r. ....... 






Administration of Persia under Chosroes I. Fourfold Division of 
the Empire. Careful Surveillance of those entrusted with Power. 
Severe Punishment of Abuse of Trust. New System of Taxation 
introduced. Correction of Abuses connected with the Military 
Service. Encouragement of Agriculture and Marriage. Belief 
of Poverty. Care for Travellers. Encouragement of Learning. 
Practice of Toleration within certain Limits. Domestic Life of 
Chosroes. His Wives. Bevolt and Death of his Son, Nnshizad. 
Coins of Chosroes. Estimate of his Character . . . 438 


Accession of Hormisdas IV. His good Government in the Earlier 
Portion of his Reign. Invasion of Persia by the Romans under 
Maurice. Defeats of Adarman and Tam-chosro. Campaign of 
Johannes. Campaigns of Philippicus and Heraclius. Tyranny of 
Hormisdas. He is attacked by the Arabs, i^hazars, and Turks. 
Bahram defeats the Turks. His Attack on Lazica. He suffers a 
Defeat. Disgrace of Bahram. Dethronement of Hormisdas IV. 
and Elevation of Chosroes II. Character of Hormisdas. Coins of 
Hormisdas ........ 459 


Accession of Chosroes H. (Eberwiz). Bahram rejects his Terms. 
Contest between Chosroes and Bahram. Flight of Chosroes. 
Short Reign of Bahram (Varahran VL). Campaign of a.d. 691. 
Recoyery of the Throne by Chosroes, Coins of Bahram . . 475 


Second Reign of Chosroes H. (Eberwiz). His Rule at first unpopu- 
lar. His Treatment of his Uncles, Bindoes -and Bostam. His 
vindictive Proceedings against Bahram. His supposed Leaning 
towards Christianity. His Wives, Shirin and Kurdeyeh. His 
Early Wars. His Relations vriih the Emperor Maurice. His 
Attitude towards Phocas. Great War of Chosroes v<dth Phocas, 
A.B. 603-610. War continued with Heraclius. Immense Suc- 
cesses of Chosroes, a.d. 611-620. Aggressive taken by Heraclius, 
A.D. 622. His Campaigns in Persian Territory, a.d. 622-628. 
Murder of Chosroes. His Character. His Coins . . . 493 



of MSflwi. Oirtm if 0^- 

^ fl^diiM m4 Undm of 

^if^*^ l«difwl MmUw an Amy •» 



f th#» S xwmiUd*. Iu ihigin. lu PecuUaritiM. 
AT*- fUn. Airbrd Kotimz^ce Ilalli. IK)mM retting oa 

>'^Af of ApcjtmrntJ, (►roani'^nUtion : Hxl«*rinr, 

H F'.lKii^r*. <'>n:ic.~«. S!riri<r-<^^ur*<^, and i»hall«»w arcbf^l Ite- 
^1 M» i ^I'.h IMw^T* b^tw^»*-n th*»m ; Int«-ri'»r,bT PilUn», Mipport- 
j^^ Trw-ti-rw llAr*. T hj ll>>rw»T« ftnd FjiI»*» Windiwa, likt* lb« 
I'-'^v wU^ **pr<-.m^n I*4U« •"• At SfrbititAn, ikt Mruuibad, at 
• ''^ -t, •. a! MA.»^ita. KUbfirat*- Iv^onti n At tb»« la«t-nani(yl 
iVfcrf^ I«^ r»ti n rlt^whrpr. \r\h <>f T«kht-i-Il*»tan. Siuu 
••r ir — -*!*Ar». S::*»^ariiAn lUt^rrl). fi«. K«timAt*» of tb»'ir Artiitic 
'» fc-v* »V-' *. < fth*- K!npl 'Tt:.'nl It ibr Sa^»»aiii*n* ••{ lUtan- 
•-::/« Vrt-#0 * trty r%J Summanr ..... m71» 




Eeligion of the later Persians, Dualism of the extremest kind. Ideas 
entertained with respect to Ormazd and Ahriman. Eepresenta- 
tions of them. Ormazd the special Guardian of the Kings. Lesser 
Deities subject to Ormazd: Mithra, Serosh, Vayu, Airyanam, 
Vitraha, &c. The six Amshashpands : Bahman, Ardibehesht, Shah- 
ravar, Isfend-armat, Khordad, and Amerdat. Religion, how far 
Idolatrous. Worship of Anaitis. Chief Evil Spirits subject to 
Ahriman : Akomano, Indra, Qaurva, Naonhaitya, Taric, and Zaric 
Position of Man between the two Worlds of Good and Evil. His 
Duties: Worship, Agriculture, Purity. Nature 'of the Worship. 
Hymns, Invocations, the Homa Ceremony, Sacrifice. Agriculture 
a Part of Religion. Purity required: 1, Moral; 2, LegaL Nature 
of each. Man^s future iSrospects. Position of the Magi under 
the Sassanians : their Organisation, Dress, &c. The Fire-Temples 
and Altars. The Barsom. The Khraf9thraghna. Magnificence 
of the Sassanian Court : the Throne-room, tiie Seraglio, the At- 
tendants, the Ministers. Multitude of Palaces. Dress of the 
Monarch : 1, in Peace ; 2, in War. Favourite Pastimes of the 
Kings. Hunting. Maintenance of Paradises. Stag and Boar 
Hunts. Music. Hawking. Games. Character of the Perdan 
Warfare under the Sassanians. Sassanian Chariots. The Ele- 
phant Corps. The Cavalry. The Archers. The ordinary Infantry. 
Officers. Standards. Tactics. Private Life of the later Per- 
sians. Agricultural Employment of the Men. Non-seclusion of 
the Women. General Freedom from Oppression of all Classes 
except the highest ....... 621 

Royal House of the Sassanians ..... 657 

Listof Authors and Editions quoted in the Notes . .659 

Indsx ........ 666 




\ Cf^dm to thm 
mm) . 
& rtkrim A^ I wig I to CrfMM (dl«r Uttdlni 

• ri»^!^l.«*f rrpm^nling .Sip>r II. and Sapir III 

k/>r Ki-f Portrn .... 

* } tirn^ TTMunfnUli 3n «f P&Iac*' at Firuraba*i 

k/i/f flaiidiQ) 

• v-^ksv^iUti n f,{ VaImcv at Ma^bita (fr lu a ph »t'>- 

*•.*!>- ,{ >my. T I. ( altrr T* xicr» 

; J li**-r*!^f T'-piv^rnlin/ tb** \ictorT of Sajv.r I. ore 
^ L'naa ( *ftrr T'-xi'-f » 

I'.tA-r.'li'f / Sap-r I. rrpn*«rntio^ tnbul«-b*^arrp« 
- fc'vf flAndiii > 

4 Ikk-r'l.'/ f \ arabran IV. fjrrfrntinpa batlI''-««r»T# 
d*^': J flier f .... 

:ifc*-r'w-'f 'f urkvrtain datr n-prenenlin/ a battlo' 
tt't^ ( a/*.» r f^.aA<iun I 

y lJi^~f».;*f / rhmr---* I. irpr««rnlin^* bitn a* rrcriv 
i^.* uU-vaU (torn \h€ llfUiMtiM t after l-laodio » 








17. Bas-relief of Chosroea n. under arch at Takht-i-Bos- 

tan (after Flandin) . . To face page QIS 

18. Bas-relief of stag-hunt, at same place (after Flandin) „ 614 

19. Bas-reliefofboar-hunt, at same place (after Flandin) „ 616 

20. Bas-relief representing: the embroidery of the royal 

robes (after Flandin) . . . . „ 639 


21. Ancient Persians, from a 

bas-relief at Persepolis 
(after Ker Porter) . 25 

22. Earlier coins of Artaxer- 

xesL . . .03 

23. Later coins of Artaxer- 

xesL . . .67 

24. Coins of Sapor I. . -94 

25. Head of Sapor L, from a 

gem (after Mordtmann) 100 

26. CoinofHormisdasL . 103 

27. Coin of Varahran I. . 105 

28. Coin of Varahran H. . 108 

29. Coin of Varahran III. . 116 

30. Head of Narses, from a 

bas-relief (after Flandin) 118 

31. Coins of Narses . . 137 

32. Head of Hormisdas II., 

from a gem (after Mordt- 
mann) . . .138 

33. Coin of Hormisdas H. 

(after Thomas) . . 138 

34. Coins of Sapor H. . 263 
36. Coin of Artaxerxes IL . 262 

36. Coins of Sapor HI. . 263 

37. Portrait of Varahran IV., 

from a seal (after 
Thomas) . . 265 

38. Later seal of Varahran IV. 

(after Tbomas) . . 265 

39. Coin of Varahran IV. . 266 

40. Coin of Isdigerd L . 278 

41. Coin of Varahran V. . 299 

42. Coin of Isdigerd IL . 310 

43. Doubtful coin of Hormis- 

das III. . . 328 

44. Coin of Perozes . . 329 

45. Coin of Balas . . 338 

46. CoinofZamasp . . 348 

47. Coin of Kobad I. . . 378 

48. Coin of Chosroes I. . 453 

49. Another coin of Chos- 

roes I. . . . 454 

50. Coin of Hormisdas IV. . 474 

61. Preregnal coin of Varahran 

VI. (after Thomas) . 491 

62. Late coin of Varahran VI. 492 
53. Coins of Chosroes II. (Par- 

wiz) . . .531 

64. Coin of Kobad H. (Siroes) 540 
66. Coin of Artaxerxes III. . 640 
56. Coin of Isdigerd IH. . 677 



cifthm si 
(alltr WUm* 





iCiOtfTMm) COS 
imv of HmUm 

nf If Mfctti 

^t.^> . .aw 

^ arch < af'^r HaDdiD • . M^ 


Gi|(luli (ftjtor 


HajiiIIo} . . mi 

OIX OtimnLl lUvr nf arch nt 
TAkliUi^Bo«tMi (oAiiT 
Hurfiii) . . WJ 

Jd ^Mifiiin wifiilcifVictoiy 

(sftcrFUndif)). , <m 

tht 43IIVII Is ArtonoM 
tCilWKtrnifIn) . 80i3 

71 tliwl-4i«ffl<ifwiuiiliii>ir» 

74 8iildli*Biiil« «l Ousrala 
t, I^QOi ft IwftftRif 

(tlWrT^ititr) , . 640 

7tf. BftM^inn cfiviot, fMiu • 

7r.. iVreiAJi ^'UArvlj*maii, from 
A bus-rvlit'f (after rinn- 
din) . . . UW 


%ttrlttri«aii 1^ had fwM «««r • Mtfnn fo 

I jnnipfy, tj. Ill, p. fr#, 

Whi:5 the ^Tiiil Empire of ilie Persians, foimdcMl l)y 
Crni^^ under the attack of Alexander the 
On-mU iIk* dominant race of Wi^^lem Asia did not feel 
ilMeK mi the fir^t ri'<hiced lo an intoIenil)le condition. 
It wa» the bx'nevolrrit (k»>iLMi of Alexander to fuse into 
^loe lh«» two h-adin;/ jH-opK^ of KurojK* an<i A^m, and 
U# e^tahli^h Inm^iif at ihe head of a Tern) Ht»lli»nic 
Soit^, the capital of which was lo have In^en Hal»ylon.* 
ILvl ihi^ ifUtk l>een c:irrn"<i out, the I*ep*ians would, it 
t« rvhltiit, have l«»*»t hut little hy tlieir suhjupition. 

* IW. <m tikit fkrnnt, Iluh^>p ll'4. which ar«* itir<>ni]*I* t«-ly nirt 
TkiHw^iTt »io»^II^tj! i>ni%/k«. }> Mr (Jr t**. //iff ..f i,tmr, vol. 
JhA ^ Orwrv 1/4. iu. pp I'.'l- \ J pp. :V«l'-:S(i4) 




Placed on a par with the Greeks, united with them in 
marriage bonds,^ and equally favoured by their common 
ruler, they could scarcely have uttered a murmur, or 
have been seriously discontented with their position. 
But when the successors of the great Macedonian, 
unable to rise to the height of his grand conception, 
took lower ground, and, giving up the idea of a fusion, 
fell back upon the ordinary status, and proceeded to 
«iact the ordinary role, of conquerors, the feelings of 
the late lords of Asia, the countrymen of Cyrus and 
Darius, must have undergone a complete change. It 
had been the intention of Alexander to conciliate and 
elevate the leading Asiatics by uniting them with the 
Macedonians and the Greeks, by promoting social 
intercourse between the two classes of his subjects and 
encouraging them to intermarry, by opening his court 
to Asiatics, by educating them in Greek ideas and in 
Greek schools, by promoting them to high employ- 
ments, and making them feel that they were as much 
valued and as well cared for as the people of the con- 
quering race: it was the plan of the Seleucidse to 
govern wholly by means of European officials, Greek 
or Macedonian, and to regard and treat the entire 
mass of their Asiatic subjects as mere slaves.^ Alex- 
ander had placed Persian satraps over most of the 
provinces, attaching to them Greek or Macedonian 
commandants as checks.^ Seleucus divided his empire 
into seventy-two satrapies ; but among his satraps not 
one was an Asiatic — all were either Macedonians or 
Greeks. Asiatics, indeed, formed the bulk of his stand- 
ing anny, and so far were admitted to employment ; 


Arrian, Exp. Ah TJi. 4. 

' Compare the Author's Sixth 
Mmtarchi/f p. 36. 

» Arrian, iii. 16, 22, 23 j tI. 27, 
29, &c. 


[Ch. I. 

needs the strictest superintendence and supervision. 
There is no reason to believe that any sufficient watch 
was kept over their satraps by the Seleucid kings, or 
even any system of checks established, such as the 
AchaBmenidse had, at least in theory, set up and main- 
tained.^ The Greco-Macedonian governors of pro- 
vinces seem to have been left to themselves almost 
entirely, and to have been only controlled in the exer- 
cise of their authority by their own notions of what 
was right or expedient. Under these circumstanc-es, 
abuses were sure to creep in ; and it is not improbable 
that gross outrages were sometimes perpetrated by 
those in power — outrages calculated to make the blood 
of a nation boil, and to produce a keen longing for 
vengeance. We have no direct evidence that the Per- 
sians of the time did actually suffer from such a misuse 
of satrapial authority; but it is imlikely that they 
entirely escaped the miseries which are incidental to 
the system in question. Public opinion ascribed the 
grossest acts of tyranny and oppression to some of the 
Seleucid satraps ; ^ probably the Persians were not 
exempt from the common lot of the subject races. 

Moreover, the Seleucid monarchs themselves were 
occasionally guilty of acts of tyranny, which must have 
intensified the dislike wherewith they were regarded 
by their Asiatic subjects. The reckless conduct of 
Antiochus Epiphanes towards the Jews is well known ; 
but it is not perhaps generally recognised that in- 
tolerance and impious cupidity formed a portion of the 
system on which he governed. There seems, however, 

1 See XeE. Cyrop, viii. 0, §§ 3- 
10; and compure the Authors 
HerodUus, yo\. ii. pp. 462-3, 2nd 
ed., and his Ancient Monarchies^ 

vol. iii. p. 424, 2nd ed. 

' A man, Fr. 1; Zoaini. i. 18; 
Syncell. p. 284, 1^. Compare the 
Author's Sixth Monarchy^ p. 43. 


%mt Of THE rAATHlAXK, 

to be good rmton to beliere Umt, having exhausted his 
OfM i u y by hk wtum md his extruv«gsnc<»j Epiphani^ 
fctnicd A gCDeml derign of n^crtutiog it by mean* of 
tbe phnider of hii subjectai The temples of tbe AaiAtJcs 
hsd kithtflo been for the most part R«s{>ected by tboir 
" oooqucfois,^ juid Imgi^ riures of the precious* 

aoettmulntcd m tbem. Epiplmties aaw iu 
huanid the meoua of rehenog hiis own neeesaitics, 
ddermtDcid t4i idze and conlb^^ate tfiem* fioddes 
the Temple of Jehovah nt Jemaalem, ho 
a jtiuniey into the loath-eaateni portion of lik 
tn^ire, ibout EC 105, for tlie express ptirjKise of con- 
ducimg in pttwii the coUectioti of the amzred trcamires* 
h mm wbile he wii cngnged in thin unp>pular work 
tiMl m ipint of dinftettoii *ihowed iin^lf ; the FaM look 
no lem th&n the West ; und in Vam^ or upon its 
tb« ftvmriGtoua monarch wu foiiDed to retire 
tbe opponiioit which hiji ill-Judg^ mefiffurc§liftd 
fiTfvi'iikrfi find tn nllow one of thp drmmiil U.*iii(i]i^ tn 
t— u> iiiin.' Wluii lit* S4K»n afUTwards ^icke^cd aiul 
«:•-:, :'.•• Ilati\l'^ of thin part of A>ia S4iw in his death a 
j\. i.":.' Tit ujx'ii hiin f«»r his attcmpt^^d sarriK'gr.' 

I: '^a- Within twi-nty vi-ars of this unfortnnatr 
a!!. !!.;/. Uiiii ih«' dominion of the Sfh*nci(ht» over Persia 
Avi :;!• a«i):i.rnl countrirs ^-aini* to an rnd. The Tar- 
• ^'1 K:nj»jr»/ had f«»r nearly a eenturj* bei*n j/radually 
III [Kiwer and extemUn^ itM»lf at the e.\|)ensi* 
>yr'»Ma« 1 l«>iiian ; ami, about B.C. Ui.'i, an 
:.• j»nn« e. Milhridate^ I., eonuueneed a series of 
— :• I'^uari^ the We>t, which tenninatinl (al>c»ut 

A in. 

'..♦ ^ •«»:''•«» rt I A mAA. Ti. I't*, •>!►. %\ 14. ApptAii, .Syr. p. 101, C. 
i .ti I. /:, S li. 4c). Uul » TuUb. l.«.c. 


B.C. 150) in the transference from the Syro-Macedonian 
to the Parthian rule of Media Magna, Susiana, Persia, 
Babylonia, and Assyria Proper. It would seem that 
the Persians offered no resistance to the progress of 
the new conqueror.^ The Seleucidas had not tried to 
conciliate their attachment, and it was impossible that 
they should dislike the rupture of ties which had only 
galled hitherto. Perhaps their feehng, in prospect of 
the change, was one of simple indifference. Perhaps 
it was not ^vithout some stir of satisfaction and com- 
placency that they saw the pride of the hated 
Eiiropeans abased, and a race, which, however much 
it might differ from their own, was at least Asiatic, 
installed in power. The Parthian system, moreover, 
was one which allowed greater liberty to the subject 
races than the Macedonian, as it had been understood 
and carried out by the Seleucidae ; and so far, some 
real gain was to be expected from the change. Eeh- 
gious motives must also have conspired to make the 
Persians sympathise with the new power, rather than 
with that which for centuries had despised their faith, 
and had recently insulted it. 

The treatment of the Persians by their Parthian 
lords seems, on the whole, to have been marked by 
moderation. Mithridates indeed, the original con- 
queror, is accused of having aUenated his new subjects 
by the harshness of his rule ; ^ and in the struggle 
which occurred between him and the Seleucid king, 
Demetrius II., Persians, as well as Elymaeans and Bac- 
trians, are said to have fought on the side of the 
Syro-Macedonian.^ But this is the only occasion in 

^ Compare the Author's Sixth i ' Justin, xxxvi. 1, § 3. 
Monarchy, p. 77. ) » Ibid. § 4, and xxxviii. 9, § 2. 


imam fKUTMExt op tiie risiistAxs, 

Itebiu liittofjrt between Ibc subfuiasioii of Pema md 
imall under Ajtoi^ac«0^ ifhem tbef« is anv 
f of the Penkos it^jjardipg their mastait mtii 
Id geneml tlicj show lbetEtiidve« aub- 
md CQQtaited with thdr posiUoti, which was 
the wholO) II le^ kkioiiu! o»e than thoy 
oceu|ij^ under Uie Sebucidie. 
It wwapdnciple of the PartliiiiJi govemment;iI aptem 
to afluw ibii iubjtict praplts, to a bu^ uxUmU to govern 
tfamteiitt. ThuK praplai genefuUyt ft^d notably the 
Periiaiifl, wtsre mled by native ldng^' who auooeeded 
to ibi thnme by hwedttaiy right, had the full power of 
dMlb,' ind nil^d very much a4 ittey pleaied^ 
qg Af lb«y paid rcgnhirly the tribute impoied 
them by tha ' IQng of KingSi* and ient Mm a 
t^mtibMtemiit^mt wbea be waa aboul to engage in 
fipiditkT* Saeh a lyaican implies that the 
peoples have the etyoyment of ihvlr own 
Itvi ami inititutioiis, are exempt from troublesome 
lau-rtVn-fi- 1*, and poaieis a iort of scmi-hulepcndence- 
(.^« liLiJ nations, having once aiisumed this position, are 
u#a:iiiy • r>ntented with it, and rarely make any effort 
Vj U tter themMflves, It would i^eem that, thus far at 
AL\ rat*-, the Teriians could not complain of the Par- 
ih^^ri rule, but must luive been fairly satisfied with 
ihtitT o^udititio. 

Ajruii, the Greco- Macedonians had tolerate<l, but 

liv^ had nul viewed with much res|)ect, the religion 

w!.. I'i ihey iuul found establLnhed in Persia. Alex- 

xTji'T, indt-i-^l, with the enhghtened curiosity which 

: xrmi-t* TL^.nJ him, had made inquiries concerning the 

^ •*« r-«<«%' • f ^9m^t^ mw^ * Tabari, CArMMifw, t« a. ii. p. o. 






tenets of the Magi, and endeavoured to collect in one 
the writings of Zoroaster.^ But the later monarchs, and 
still more their subjects, had held the system in con- 
tempt, and, as we have seen, Epiphanes had openly 
insulted the religious feelings of his Asiatic subjects. 
The Parthians, on the other hand, began at any rate 
-Nvith a treatment of the Persian religion which was 
respectful and gratifying. Though perhaps at no time 
very sincere Zoroastrians, they had conformed to the 
State religion under the Achaemenian kings ; and when 
the period came that they had themselves to establish 
a system of government, they gave to the Magian 
hierarchy a distinct and important place in their go- 
vernmental machinery. The council, which advised 
the monarch, and which helped to elect and (if need 
were) depose him, was composed of two elements — 
the Sophi^ or wise men, who were civilians ; and the 
Magi^ or priests of the Zoroastrian religion.^ The Magi 
had thus an important political status in Parthia during 
the early period of the Empire ; but they seem gra- 
dually to have declined in favour, and ultimately to 
have fallen into disrepute.^ The Zoroastrian creed was, 
little by little, superseded among the Parthians by a 
complex idolatry, which, beginning with an image- 
worship of the Sun and Moon, proceeded to an asso- 
ciation with those deities of the deceased kings of the 
nation, and finally added to both a worship of ances- 
tral idols, which formed the most cherished posses- 
sion of each family, and practically monopolised the 
religious sentiment.* All the old Zoroastrian practices 

* HaviDg obtained the writings, 
Alexander is said to have burned 
them ; but the whole character of 
his policy makes this incredible. 

2 Strabo, xi. 9, § 8. 

' Agathias, ii. 26. 

* See the Author's Sixth Mon- 

archy, p. iJ09. 

Ck. l] their gradual degeneracy. 11 

ficient to call forth different feelings. There can be no 
doubt that the Parthians, whether they were actually 
Turanians or no,^ were, in comparison with the Per- 
aans, unpolished and uncivilised. They showed their 
own sense of this inferiority by an affectation of Per- 
sian manners.' But this affectation was not very suc- 
cessfid* It is evident that in art, in architecture, in 
manners, in habits of life, the Parthian race reached 
only a low standard ; they stood to their Hellenic and 
Iranian subjects in much the same relation that the 
Turks of the present day stand to the modem Greeks ; 
they made themselves respected by their strength and 
their talent for organisation ; but in all that adorns and 
beautifies hfe they were deficient.^ The Persians must, 
during the whole time of their subjection to Parthia, 
have been sensible of a feeling of shame at the want of 
refinement and of a high type of civihsation in their 

Again, the later sovereigns of the Arsacid dynasty 
were for the most part of weak and contemptible 
character. From the time of Volagases I. to that of 
Artabanus IV., the last king, the mihtary reputation of 
Parthia had declined. Foreign enemies ravaged the 
territories of Parthian vassal kings, and retired, when 
they chose, unpunished.* Provinces revolted and esta- 
blished their independence.* Rome was entreated to 
lend assistance to lier distressed and afflicted rival, and 
met the entreaties with a refusal.* In the wars which 
^till from time to time were waged between the two 
empires, Parthia was almost uniformly worsted. Three 

* Si?*», on thw» point, the Author's * See the Author's Sidth Monat' 
^rfA Monarchy, pp. U>-20. chy, pp. 291-1\ 

» Julian, Omt. ii. p. 03. * Ibid. pp. 280 and 293. 

» Seethe Author's Sicth ^fof^ar' , ^ Ibid. p. 292. 
<Av. pp. 390-7 and 420-430. 



[Ch. I. 

times her capital was occupied/ and once her monarch's 
sunmier palace was burned/^ Province after province 
had to be ceded to Eome.^ The golden throne which 
symbolised her glory and magnificence was carried 
off.* Meanwhile feuds raged between the different 
branches of the Arsacid family ; civil wars were fre- 
quent ; two or three monarchs at a time claimed the 
throne, or actually ruled in different portions of the 
Empire.^ It is not surprising that imder these circum- 
stances the bonds were loosened between Parthia and 
her vassal kingdoms, or that the Persian tributary 
monarchs began to despise their suzerains, and to con- 
template without alarm the prospect of a rebellion 
which should place them in an independent position. 

While the general weakness of the Arsacid monarchs 
was thus a cause naturally leading to a renunciation 
of their allegiance on the part of the Persians, a special 
influence upon the decision taken by Artaxerxes is 
probably to be assigned to one, in particular, of the 
results of that weakness. When provinces long subject 
to Parthian rule revolted, and revolted successfully, as 
seems to have been the case with Hyrcania, and par- 
tially with Bactria,* Persia could scarcely for very 
shame continue submissive. Of all the races subject 
to Parthia, the Persians were the one which had held 
the most brilliant position in the past, and which re- 
tained the liveliest remembrance of its ancient glories. 
This is evidenced not only by the grand claims which 
Artaxerxes put forward in his early negotiations with 

1 By Trajan a.d. 116; by Avi- 
diu8 Cassius a.d. 166; and by 
Sept. Severus a.d. 198. 

^ Dio Cassius, Ixxi. 2. 

' See tbe Author's Sixth Monar' 
chyj pp. 329 and 346. 

* Ibid. p. 312. 

* Ibid. pp. 284-^, 296-7, 318, 


• See Mos. 
ii. 65 and 68. 

Chor. Hist, Armen, 


calamities and indignities in consequence of his foUy.^ 
When the Parthian monarch atoned for his indiscre- 
tion, and wiped out the memory of his disgraces by 
the brilhant victory of Nisibis and the glorious peace 
which he made with Macrinus, Artaxerxes may have 
found that he had gone too far to recede ; or, undazzled 
by the splendour of these successes, he may still have 
judged that lie might with prudence persevere in his 
enterprise. Artabanus had suffered great losses in his 
two campaigns against Eome, and especially in the 
three days' battle of Nisibis. He was at variance with 
several princes of his family, one of whom certainly 
maintained himself during his whole reign with the 
state and title of * King of Parthia.' * Though he had 
fought well at Nisibis, he had not given any indica- 
tions of remarkable military talent. Artaxerxes, liaving 
taken the measure of his antagonist during the course ' 
of the Roman war, having estimated his resources and 
formed a decided opinion on the relative strength of 
Persia and Parthia, deliberately resolved, a few years 
after the Roman war had come to an end,® to revolt 
and accept the consequences. He was no doubt con- 
vinced that his nation would throw itself enthusias- 
tically into the struggle, and he beUeved that he could 
conduct it to a successful issue. He felt himself the 
champion of a depressed, if not an oppressed,* nation- 
ality, and had faith in his power to raise it into a lofty 
position. Iran, at any rate, should no longer, he re- 

' See the Author's Sirth Monar' * Ap:athanjrelu8, the Armenian 

c/*y, pp. 364-0. historian, makes Artaxerxes tax 

'^ Ibid. pp. 348-00O. Artabanus and the I'arthians gene- 

' The Koman war terminated rally with cruelty and oppression 

A.D. 217. The first revolt of Ar- ' (ii. § 6) ; but he ffices no instances 

taxerxes probablv occurred ab. a.d. of either. 




Situation and Size of Persia. General Character of the Country and 
Climate, Chief Products. Characteristics of the Persian People^ physical 
and moral. Differences observable in the Race at diferent periods. 

'H Htpaif itrri toKK^i fihy Iv rp trapaXit^ . . . 7to\h 8i fitl(uy iv rf fuaoytdi^ 

Strabo, XV. 3, S 1, 

Persia Proper was a tract of country lying on the 
Gulf to which it has given name, and extending about 
450 miles from north-west to south-east, with an 
average breadth of about 250 miles. Its entire area 
may be estimated at about a hundred thousand square 
miles. It was thus larger than Great Britain, about 
the size of Italy, and rather less than half the size of 
France.^ The boundaries were, on the west, Elymais 
or Susiana (which, however, was sometimes reckoned 
a part of Persia) ; ^ on the north. Media ; on the east, 
Carmania ; ^ and on the south, the sea. It is nearly 
represented in modem times by the two Persian pro- 
vinces of Farsistan and Laristan, the former of which 
retains, but slightly changed, the ancient appellation. 
The Hindyan or Tab (ancient Oroatis) seems towards 

* Tlie area of France was esti- 
mated in 18C8 at 213,324 square 
miles. It is now not much over 
200,000 sq. miles. That of Great 
Britain is about 90,000 sq. miles ; 
that of Italy, without the islands, 
under 100,000. 

— 'Susiana hns almost become a 
paH of Persia ' (xv. 3, § 2). 

^ Carmania was in ancient times 
reckoned a part of Persia (Herod. 
i. 126); but the later classical 
writers CStrabo, Arrian) and the 
Persian authorities for the Sassanian 

' Strabo says : S^'^^^v Sk n Kni i) j period make it a distinct country. 



[Ch. n. 

climate or character of the country has undergone 
any important alteration between the time of Near- 
chus or Strabo and the present day. At present it 
is certain that the tract in question answers but 
very incompletely to the description which those 
writers give of it. Three regions may indeed be dis- 
tinguished, though the natives seem now to speak of 
only two ; ^ but none of them corresponds at all ex- 
actly to the accounts of the Greeks. The coast tract 
is represented with the nearest approach to con-ectness. 
This is, in fact, a region of arid plain, often impregnated 
with salt^ ill- watered, with a poor soil, consisting either 
of sand or clay, and productive of little besides dates 
and a few other fruits.^ A modern historian^ says of 
it that 'it bears a greater resemblance in soil and 
climate to Arabia than to the rest of Persia.' It is 
very hot and unhealthy, and can at no time have sup- 
ported more than a sparse and scanty population. 
Above this, towards the north, is the best and most 
fertile portion of the territory. A mountain tract,* the 
continuation of Zagros, succeeds to the flat and sandy 
coast region, occupying the greater portion of Persia 
Proper. It is about two hundred miles in width, and 
consists of an alternation of mountain, plain, and nar- 
row valley, curiously intermixed, and hitherto mapped 
very imperfectly.^ In places this district answers fully 

^ The natives speak of a yhermsir 
or 'warm district,' and a serdsir or 
* cold region * (Kinneir's Persian 
Empire J pp. 64, 200; Pottinger, 
TravelSf p. 221 ; Geograph. Journal^ 
vol. xxvii. p. 184^. The 'warm 
region ' is known also as the Defh- 
tikan, or * low country.* 

' See Pottinger, Travels, p. 54; 
Fraser, Khoramn^ p. 71; Kinneir. 
pp. 64, 70, 81, 201. 

' Malcolm, History of Persia^ 
vol. i. p. 2. 

* It IS curious that Strabo should 
characterise the middle region as 
'flat* (jrk^ivri). His authority, 
Nearchus, did not make this mis- 

* Contributions towards a map 
of Persia Proper have been made 
by Mr. Abbott, General Monteith, 
the Baron de Bode, and others (see 


10 iht i lr grrip ti n ii of Kearchm, bdag 'richly fertile, 
petoraqna, tud ramantie dmo^i bejrond imngiQation, 
lordj wooded delb* groen mooutaiii sides, and 
cuited for ihe prodactiati of almost auy 
*^ Bsi ii b only to the smaller moiety of tbo 
dMt foeh A diarada* attacbt^ : more than half 
th» ■ooplain tmct U iienle and b4irr@a ; ^ the supply 
of irater ii dmui everywhere aeuuty ; the rivers are 
aot much volume ; mauy of L^iem, atler 
end ill the mmd, or iu ^mdl saH hike^f, 
ftidv wikk ike fuperiluuus water k evapofaUHl. Much 
of tbt omntfj if abiotutely without itreams, and would 
Ik aaiDlHlakible wen- it not for the kanats or tartt^m^ 
^^^mbtsmmmu dmntieU made by art for the con* 
tiyipca of ipfing water to be U5ed in irrigiition, 
1W SMXl dcaoiale porlioo of the mounlaiit tract m 
Hwdii tbe north and north-eailv wbera it ailjoina 
ipob tlie third rugion, which is the wont of the throe. 
T^ m a fiortkm of the high table-Iimd of Imfi, the 
kT»-at <:i-^rt whirh stretches from the eastern skirts of 
Z^^T-r* i«» ihi- Ilainoon, the HelnieiKl, and the river of 
>>.f./^wiir. Il L** a dry and hanl phiin, intersected at 
;:-•• riiil* by naige5» of rocky hills/ with a climate ex- 
:-. :n* ly hot in summer and extremely cold in winter, 
ir :aj*ibie of cultivation, excepting so far as water can 
im- ^ifDVi-ye*! Ijy IfifuiO*, which is, of course, only a 
v\-»rt 'ii^ance. The fox, the jackal, the antelope, and 
:x.- Wii'i asA pfSM-ss this sterile and desolate tract. 

f»iiL lui.. iiT., Tul. i. pp. 4*'>0, 47'Ji MoritT, IMrtt 

V w 6cir. r«f«n«Ilf towanU ihr Juumsd^ %•»!. xxr. pp. 2U-7tf, r(»l. 

••»-. fcsri mA^ik-^^M- ' xxxxi. pp. Ul^l^4. 

•*•• li^ Aalh -f'* .'IjMtMii • Fnurr^A'A^Tiijap, p.7l>; Muri«rr. 

jr«Mrr4iM^ tvL ui. p -*:. */od ^ /Vir Jomrnry, p. 150. 

* "SM kiMTtr. /VrM« Emp%r€, « KeT TulUl, TuL L pp. 4:K>-I<;.t. 



[Ch. n. 

where * all is dry and cheerless/ ^ and verdure is 
almost unknown. 

Perhaps the two most pecuUar districts of Persia are 
the lake basins of Neyriz and Deriah-i-Nemek. The 
rivers given off from the northern side of the great moun- 
tain chain between the twenty-ninth and thirty-first 
parallels, being unable to penetrate the moimtains, flow 
eastward towards the desert ; and their waters gradually 
collect into two streams, which end in two lakes, the 
Deriah-i-Nemek and that of Neyriz, or Lake Bakh- 
tigan.^ The basin of Lake Neyriz lies towards the 
north. Here the famous ' Bendamir ' * and the Pulwar 
or Kur-ab, flowing respectively from the north-east 
and the north, unite in one near the ruins of the 
ancient Persepolis, and, after fertilising the plain of 
Merdasht,* run eastward down a rich vale for a dis- 
tance of some forty miles into the salt lake which swal- 
lows them up. This lake, when full, has a length of 
fifty or sixty miles, with a breadth of from three to 
six.^ In summer, however, it is often quite dry,^ the 
water of the Bendamir being expended in irrigation 
before reaching its natural terminus. The valley and 
plain of the Bendamir, and its tributaries, are among 
the most fertile portions of Persia, as well as among 
those of most historic interest.^ 

* Ker Porter, vol. i. p. 462. 

« Called also Lake Kheir. The 
name Bakhtigan, which maintains 
its place in our maps, is said to be 
at present unknown to the natives 
(Abbott, in Geograph. Jownal, vol. 
XXV. p. 71). 

' Moore, Lalla Hookh, * Veiled 
Prophet,' p. 77; 'Fire- Worship- 
pers,*!). 232 ; &c. 

* Ker Porter, 7Vai»fo,vol.i. p. 683. 
^ Abbott, in Geograph, Journal^ 

vol. XXV. pp. 72-75. 

• Kinneir, Persian Empire^ p. 60. 

^ The ancient capital, Pasargadee, 
was situated in the valley of the 
Pulwar (or Cyrus), a tributary of 
the Benaamir. Persepolis, which 
superseded Pasargadse, was at the 
opening of the Pulwar into the 
Bendamir vallev. Remains of 
Cyrus, Darius, Aerxes, and other 
Acheemenian kings abound in the^e 
two vales. 



[Ch. n. 

com/ and to have produced good dates and a few 
other fruits.* The mountain region was, as we have 
seen,^ celebrated for its excellent pastures, for its 
abundant finite, and especially for its grapes. Within 
the mountains, on the high plateau, assafetida (sil- 
phium) was found,* and probably some other medicinal 
herbs.^ Corn, no doubt, could be grown largely in the 
plains and valleys of the mountain tract, as well as on 
the plateau, so far as the kanats carried the water. 
There must have been, on the whole, a deficiency of 
timber, though the palms of the Jow tract, and the 
oaks, planes, chenars or sycomores, poplars, and 
willows^ of the mountain regions sufficed for the 
wants of the natives. Not much fiiel was required, 
and stone was the general material used for building. 
Among the fiiiits for which Persia was famous are 
especially noted the peach,^ the walnut, and the 
citron.® The walnut bore among the Eomans the 
appellation of ' royal.' ^ 

Persia, like Media, was a good nursery for horses.*^ 
Fine grazing grounds existed in many parts of the 
mountain region, and for horses of the Arab breed 
even the Deshtistan was not unsuited.^^ Camels were 
reared in some places,^^ and sheep and goats were 

^ Arrian, Hist, Itid, xxxvii. 2, 
xxxviii. 9. 

* Ibid, xxxviii. 6 ; Strab. xv. 3, 

' Supra, p. 19. 

* Plin. B, N. xix. 3. 

^ Ibid. xxiv. 17, xxvii. 13. 

• See Anctent Monarchies, vol. 
iii. p. 140, note *^ 

7 Plin. XV. 13 and 14. The word 
' peach ' is corrupted from the Latin 
persica, (Compare Germ. Pfirsche, 
Russ. persikief and French peche,) 

• PUn. H, N. xii. 3. 

^ Ibid. iv. 22. 

*o Arrian, Hist. Ind. xl. 4. Com- 

?are Herod, i. 136; Nic. Damasc. 
r. 66 ; Strab. xv. 3, § 18. The 
statement of Xenophon, that an- 
ciently a horse was a rarity in 
Persia Proper {Cyrop, i. 3, § 3), is 
one of the many to be found in the 
work known as the CyroDadiOy on 
which no dependence can oe placed. 

^^ Kinneir, Persian Empire, p. 41 ; 
Fraser, Kftorasan, p. 72. 

** Strab. XV. 3, § 1 : irpbc toIq 

Cm. a] piom^cTs. 2S 

* Homecl cattle were probably not so abun- 
fkat^ m the dmmcter of the country is not favour- 
abb (or Ihem.* Otme existed in hrgat quantities,* 
die Ifekti ttbounding with wnter*fr>wl/ such m ducks, 
ImL faovNi* nipe, &e, ; and tJie wooded portions of 
the motnilBiii tmel gtvtog 9hettw to the stag^ the 
srfld goes,, the wild bnur, the hiin^ the pheaaant, and 
die bietbeoclL* Fiah were hIso plentiful Whales 
nstod tlie Pernaii Gulf, and wtfre aomctime!i t^tranded 
^Km tbe iliorei^ where tbei? curciiiQS fiiniished a mine 
id veehh to the inhabiuuiti.^ Dolphim aWundec], as 
v«U «i neny fmaUer kinds ; and ^hell-fith, jHirticularly 
eyilBim , cooM ilwmyi be obtaincnl without difliculty/ 
Tbm mm% too, were atpeUe of furnish tng fresh- water 
m good quantity/ though we cannot mif if this 
noe of iiipply wu utiliied in antiquity. 
Hie ausenJ traa«res of Persia were dirlj numer- 
SI Good mlt WIS yieldecl by the lakes of tlie middle 
and was also obtatoable upon the plateau, 
F'4!'j!i;r!i nnd naphtha were prmluceil by sources in the 
i* * • •ujitnv' The inuuiitairis cont4iiiied most of the 
:!' > -tani mi-uds and a n-rtain number of vakial)le 
;;•':.• * Tht- {Ksirls of the Gulf acquired early a great 

• \rrjk£.. Hut. Jnd. xiiriL 10; ' Ibid, xxxix. T). 

W'T < . l.^J ' OijM'lrv, /rufr^i, V«il. i. pp. 1*«5|. 

• H 'Ti^ fmtil-* arip, h'lweTT. X\^y Ac. 

ii**-B.t. o^ wn'Kjf U>«» dnm*n»tic • I*lin. //. .V. ▼!. 2.'1 

•i- =.*-• ( V*riA IVrp»^, k>ith by *** A* tbf iritis, aiipecie« of ^x•k- 

lif't f u» L iL f . » aod NicuU* of rrrftUl < IMin. //. S. zxxtiL 0, iuh 

1 %£n.fc»'TA. > r #>» ! ^n » ; ihf itttstjf, % white itnne which 

• Vrrvfein. //i^ /m^ iL 4: (a^f* had a plriimuit (idour (ib. xxxvii. 
».*««^^,«« ' 10 »; ih»» mi/Aror, a gnu nf lumiv 

• 4»-w«/ ,lf«««rrA«r«, tuL iii. hu«*« nbid. ) ; ibi* iM/j/N/rrn^, whirU 
^ I «* rr^iubl«-<i ir<»rv (ibuii; and lh»i 

• ht*i pT^ 1 41 1? tktiymrtiitkg t^tr rrm/r, which wa« in 

• N.'i.— a ftp. .ViT. //»j#. Ind. MM^cial fAVour amou^ the natitci* •>f 
iii^. 4. tn4» routitrr (ibid. ) 



[Ch. H. 

reputation, and a regular fishery was established for 
them before the time of Alexander.^ 

But the most celebrated of all the products of Persia 
were its men. The * scant and rugged country ' gave 
birth, as Cyrus the Great is said to have observed,^ to 
a race brave, hardy, and enduring, calculated not only 
to hold its own against aggressors, but to extend its 
sway and exercise dominion over the Western Asiatics 
generally. The Aryan family is the one which, of all the 
races of mankind, is the most self-asserting, and has 
the greatest strength, physical, moral, and intellectual. 
The Iranian branch of it, whereto the Persians be- 
longed, is not perhaps so giflbed as some others ; but 
it has qualities which place it above most of those by 
which Western Asia was anciently peopled. In the 
primitive times, from Cyrus the Great to Darius Hys- 
taspis, the Persians seem to have been rude mountain- 
eers, probably not very unhke the modem Kurds and 
Lurs, who inhabit portions of the same chain which 
forms the heart of the Persian country. Their phy- 
siognomy was handsome.^ A high straight forehead, a 
long shghtly aquiUne nose, a short and curved upper 
lip, a well-rounded chin, characterised the Persian. 
The expression of his face was grave and noble. He 
had abundant hair, which he wore very artificially 

* Arrian, Hist Ind. xxxviii. 8. 
The account of pearl-fishing given 
by Isidore (see Miiller^s Geograpki 
MmoreSj vol. i. pp. 254, 266) is 
probably a description of the Persian 
practice, with wnich, as a native of 
Charax Spasini^on the Persian Gulf, 
he is likely to have been familiar. 
The pearls were obtained wholly 
by means of divers. 
" 8 Herod, ix. 122. 

' Dr. Prichard says of the 
Persian physiognomy^ as repre- 

sented in the ancient sculptures: 
'The outline of the countenance 
is not strictly Grecian, for it is 

Seculiar ; but it is noble and 
ignified ; and if the expression is 
not full of life and genius, it is 
intellectual and indicative of re- 
flection. The shape of the head is 
entirely Indo-European, and has 
nothing that recalls the Tartar or 
Mongolian.' (Natural History of 
Man, p. 173.) 

Qb n.] rarsiCAi. oiaiuctbbistics op Persians. 



AboTC and roojid the brow it was made 
to itand mway from the fiioe m short crisp curLi ; on 
Ifce top f]f the betd it was worn smooth ; at tho back 
ef thft liflftd it WM again tmitied into carli, which 
MhMrad web other in wverul raws jrora the level of 
the faiclieail to the nape of the neck The moustiiche 
mwM ahrap culuvnt€d« and cunred in a gcDUe sweep. 
A baafd and whkkeni were wom, the furmer some* 
tiaa loqg and pendetit, like tlie Aj«yrian« but more 
iIIb dntflring around the diin in ihort close cnrls, 
Tht figon wifl weU^fanned, but »omowhat stout ; the 
dignified and iimple« 

It ttrmk % lAA-r^UW *t Perwpolit). 


Simplicity of manners prevailed during this period* 
At the court there was some luxury ; but the bulk of 
the nation, Uving in their mountain territory, and 
attached to agriculture and hunting, maintained the 
habits of their ancestors, and were a somewhat rude 
though not a coarse people. The dress commonly 
worn was a close-fitting shirt or tunic of leather,^ 
descending to the knee, and with sleeves that reached 
down to the wrist. Eound the tunic was worn a belt 
or sash, which was tied in front. The head was pro- 
tected by a loose felt cap,'^ and the feet by a sort of 
high shoe or low boot. The ordinary diet was bread 
and cress-seed,^ while the sole beverage was water.* 
In the higher ranks, of course, a different style of living 
prevailed ; the elegant and flowiiTg ' Median robe * was 
worn ;^ flesh of various kinds was eaten ;^ much wine 
was consumed ;^ and meals were extended to a great 
length.® The Persians, however, maintained during 
this period a general hardihood and bravery which 
made them the most dreaded adversaries of the Greeks,® 
and enabled them to maintain an unquestioned do- 
minion over the other native races of Western Asia. 

As time went on, and their monarchs became less 
warlike, and wealth accumulated, and national spirit 
decayed, the Persian character by degrees deteriorated, 
and sank, even under the Achaeraenian kings, to a level 
not much superior to that of the ordinary Asiatic. 

» Herod, i. 71. 

' Ibid. vii. 61 : Trfpi Ty<ri ce^aXycri 
•Ixov friXovc airayfaf. 

* Xen. Cyrop, i. 2, §§ 8 and 11. 

* Herod, i. 71 ; Xen. Cyrop, I 2, 
§8; Strab. XV. 3, § 18. 

* Herod, i, 135; Xen. Cyrop. 
viii. 1, § 40. 

« Herod, i. 133 ; Heradid. 
Cuman. ap. Athen. JDeipn, iv. p. 
145, F. 

' Herod. 1. s. c; Xen. Cyrop 
viii. 8, § 10. 

^ Xen. Cyrop, viii, 8, § 9, 

» Herod, vi. 112, ix. 62, 71. 


anfjifoiikU of Alexatid(!r were pretty 
npost m piT with the race§ which ia Hindustan 
yielded lo tJie Britiiib pawer; ibef ocoraoiiatlj 
with giUanCiy,^ but they were dcfidciit in reso- 
eDdamnce^ in all the elements of eolid 
; ftiid they were quite unable to «tand their 
; the vigour and thmh of the Macedoniiutft 
tli0 Greekf • Whether phpicnUy they wem vmy 
B the ioltlten of Cynm may be doubted, but 
hid fidlen far bekm* the und^il slandtin] ; 
their idf-respert, their loire of country, their nttacb- 
to ihcir iiNJmrch had diminished ; no one flhowecl 
derolinn to the nia*e fr>r which he fought ; 
iti * the enipin? wholly a>lliiptted ; and 
the Fnrirat wfaiQJtted^ apporentty without much reluc* 
tiBOttp to the Hd)ei]o*l[ju!efloQimn yoke. 

Km omoriii md ft half of nerritudo could not 
mmk impfOM or demo the cbamrter of the people. 
TWir hitt from power, thdr 1o^ of wealth and of 
•'. t:.::!''*!! <li«l in<li*iMl ailvanlajre them in one way: it 
;.-: :t!i i'lvl to that contitiually advancing: sloth and 
: .\ ury whi.-li hin\ sq)]HMl tin* virtue of the nation, 
•i-pr\ juj 11 of eniTj/y, emhiranre, an<l ahnost cvltv 
n*j-..y t-xt t lli-nrc. It ( tlie lVi>ians hack upon 
tvi- ;,Tounil whence lliey had j*[)nni<r, and whence, 
Ar.'ji .-^Uk*-, tljey pro<-<*tMle<l to derive fresh vijjour an<l 
V u. f Trt- In their ••^•ant and ni»5;^a'd ' falherhuid, the 
>^.>j. of ( yni'* on( e more rei^ovi'H'^l to a j^reat e.\ti»nt 
• .r arx i«rit [iniwi-?<<* an<l luirdih<MHl — their liabits Ih»- 
a : •• •.riiphtif^l, ihi-ir old palrioti'^in revive<l, their 
•• * :•':•- • irvvvr jjreater. Hut wlnle adversitv thus in 

A» 9i ti^ iifuufUM <AfTijio. enir^**nirr)t at thtf> (tnuiim* wm. 
if \^i l'*i. oMii^)«rmtnrlT •p«akin)r, utn{ii|xir- 


THE SEVE^^:H monarchy. 

[Ch. n. 

some respects proved its ' sweet uses ' upon them, there 
were other respects in which submission to the yoke 
of the Greeks, and still more to that of the Parthians, 
seems to have altered them for the worse rather than 
for the better. There is a coarseness and rudeness 
about the Sassanian Persians which we do not observe 
in Achsemenian times. The physique of the nation is 
not indeed much altered. Nearly the same counte- 
nance meets us in the sculptures of Artaxerxes, the son 
of Babek, of Sapor, and of their successors,^ with which 
we are familiar from the bas-reliefe of Darius Hystaspis 
and Xerxes. There is the same straight forehead, the 
same aquiline nose, the same well-shaped mouth, the 
same abimdant hair. The form is, however, coarser 
and cliunsier ; the expression is less refined ; and the 
general effect produced is that the people have, even 
physically, deteriorated. The mental and aesthetic 
standard seems still more to have sunk. There is no 
evidence that the Persians of Sassanian times possessed 
the governmental and administrative ability of Darius 
Hystaspis or Artaxerxes Ochus. Their art, though 
remarkable, considering the almost entire disappear- 
ance of art from Western Asia imder the Parthians,^ 
is, compared with that of Achaemenian times, rude 
and grotesque. In architecture, indeed, they are 
not without merit, though even here the extent to 
which they were indebted to the Parthians, which 
cannot be exactly determined, must lessen our estima- 
tion of them ; but their mimetic art, while not wanting 
in spirit, is remarkably coarse and unrefined. As a 
later chapter will be devoted to this subject, no more 

' Seethe woodcuts on pp. 66, 67, 
94, &c ; and compare them with the 
Achffimenian countenances on p. 25. 

' See the Author's Sicth Mon- 
archy, pp. 371-397. 


Med bt Mid upon U h^re. It is stifficient for our 
pnMBi {Rupoie lo note chat the iinpres9ioti which 
we obcaiii ^im the monumCDtal remains of the Sta- 
MMtt Feniuii Moordi with what k to t>e galh^^ 
of them Iroiii the Moouny of the Romans and the 
The gpmt Aiktk tevolutioti <if the year A.D. 
A re^iviil of the Imnie imttonfiltty from ttie 
alAte inld which h hnil «utik for more than 
in Inmdrcd yMw ; Imji tlie tevwd k not full or com- 
The P^sMUfl of the Sttssuninn kitigdom are not 
to thoM of ihe time between Cfru» the Gr^t 
iDd Dbrim Codoniaantii ; Ibey have ruder munnen^, 
m giuiPiir tMte, Im aip4u:ity (or government fmd orgs- 
BMtiim ; tbejr have, in fiict, been coAr»eneil by centurifea 
«r Tftiar rale; ihey Are vigoroiti^ Active^ energetic, 
pfmi4 br&Te ; but in oTiliMtioQ and reOnemeni they 
ife md tmok nuidi above their FarthiAn prudeo^eors* 
Wjiigni Am puned, perhaps ^imeibing, but it did 
wit pm Moch« bvm the f<nbftitution of the FerMiu 
f^pT ih#- Parthiaa** a** the dominant i)o\ver. The change 
I* th«- U'a.'^t marked amon^ the revoUitions which the 
¥jl< umUn^ent between the accession of Cynis and 
•h<* r<)f)qui^i» of Timour. liut it is a change, on the 
w!i^»if, for the Ix'iier. It i?* a<vH>!ni)anied by a revival 
</ ar, by improvement** in anhitecture ; it inaugurates 
2 r»jpous revohilion which h:is advantages. Al>ove 
X.I, :! MVi"* th«* Eiv^X fnnn ?*lagnation. It is one among 
tr-ar.T **{ ih*i^ !<ahitar)' sht^ks wliicli, in the iM)litical 
X* ::. !» ;•* natural world, are netMli'd from time t4> time 
• •vt:.uiatf action and prevent torjH)r atid apathy. 




[Ch. m. 


Heign of Artaxerxes L Stories told of him. Most probable accotmt of 
his Descentf Rank^ and Parentage, His Contest with Artabanus, First 
War with Chosroes of Armenia, Contest with Alexander Severus, Second 
War with Chosroes and Conquest of Armenia, Religious Reforms, In" 
temal Administration and Government, Art. Coinage, Inscriptions, 

*Oy (sc. 'Aprdfiayov) *ApTa^4p^r}s iaroicrtlyaSf tltpffcus r^v ^X^^ hvtm^ffaro • rd 
Tff y^iryi&yra (Byri fidpfiapa x^^P^^^^^^y paiUts ff8i} ical rij '?o»pcdo»v apx? 
4irt$o6\twrty. — Hbbodian. vi. 2, ad Jin, 

Around the cradle of an Oriental sovereign who founds 
a dynasty there cluster commonly a number of tra- 
ditions, which have, more or less, a mythical character. 
The tales told of Cyrus the Great, which even Hero- 
dotus set aside as incredible,^ have their parallels in 
narratives that were current within one or two cen- 
turies ^ with respect to the founder of the Second Per- 
sian Empire, which would not have disgraced the 
mythologers of Achaemenian times. Artaxerxes, ac- 
cording to some,^ was the son of a common soldier 
who had an illicit connection with the wife of a Persian 
cobbler* and astrologer, a certain Babek or Papak, an 
inhabitant of the Cadusian country* and a man of the 

» Herod, i. 95 and 214. 

^ Agathangelus, the earliest of 
those Armenian historians whose 
works have come down to us, was 
the secretary of Tiridates the Great 
(of Armenia), and lived conse- 
quently in the earlier half of the 
fourth century, or about a hundred 
years later than Artaxerxes. Moses 
of Chorend wrote a century later 
(ab. A.D. 440). Agathias is still 

later ; he did not write tiU about 
A.D. 680. 

* Agathias, ii. p. 05, 

* Gibbon calls Babek a ' tanner ' 
{Decline and Fallf ch. viii. vol. i. 
p. 331), and De Sacy a 'currier' 
(cojTogeur : M4moire sur les Inscrip^ 
turns de Nakhsh-i-Rustam, p. 33, 
note 49). But Agathias, their 
authority, has (w;roro/iof. 

* So Agathias, ii. p. 66, C. 


c^ Hi] LcaK5M oofsnEmus^ mm AWtkxmxEs l SI 

ftpifc, knowing by his art that the mh 

Mttin a lofty pi^iiion, voluularily nHivd 

lU m hmbud to the &vc]uril€ of fortune, ajid bred 

sp M hb own tliG iiMe of thtt illegitimate eamrncrce« 

^Afiv when he ittaiiied to manhood^ ju^tiGed Papak*a 

favighl by tucQ BM fi iUy revolting from Aimbantia 

and citabliihiDg ttie new Beraan monamby. Otiiem* 

mid tlhat tbe founder of the new kingdom mm a 

I^ftbiaa aatnp^ the mn of a noble, and thut, having 

revolt* he look the tlnfil plunge in cou- 

of a piopbecj uttered by Artabaaus, w!io 

wdl ildlled in mi^^ art^« and »w in tbe staia 

ibat tbe Farthkn empira was ibraateued witli de§truc- 

im. Aftidianu!*, on a eertain oocasiua, when hu ccim- 

numifated this pnij^«tic knowliBdge to bis wife, wan 

oiifffaeard by one of ber attc^ntknta, a noble Antmel 

Aftaducta, alnsady aObtiaHl to Aftaxenea and 

m bis secret ooimaeU. Ai lier tn^tigatkiD be 

bii fibuiSt raised the atandard of revolt, and 

.>.n tlic ^u<ves^ful L*i}ue of his enterprise made her 

:..• 'iu^-^n. Miraeulou:i ciR-uinsUinces were freely in- 

•»-r»ovi'n with ihe^e namitives,' and a re::jult wik? 

>r'*iu«til wliich >ta;jf:ereil llie faith even of such a 

«n'^ r jj* Mi»MS of Chori-ne, who, desiring to confine 

} ir^Hslf to what wai* strictly true and cert4iin, could 

i'.-: lio more to say of Arliixerxes' birth and origin 

'rjxn thai he was the son of a certain Siisan, and a 

.••it.*.*- of I*takr, or rersejH»lis. 

!!•*••»•♦. ^$m a#f|iof«r.^. cIujni, iitqiiv OCuli albtiyilK*, ••t 

V^:x>A«. 1 • ' f dtnnarytn Ar« Vkodiimtm ptrfiiic- 

' \^TML-Ar^^».u». i. t» tumr, <^tl*»n»t|U«« quif MH|UUritiir. 

' *.^ %l «•-• t'f Cborrn^ i IliMi. ii« iii|H* iJ*' ^tuppMMi ArtA»iru tti«-ntr, 

t<"«.#tk. u *' . »b'» d*<iiDe» t'» • t « itnlr.dr \«*«iinA tiia^i tiUir i»b Yi- 

•*^,«"*: i^*^^ (ftb^r*, rrnuirkinir : tul mi r^^'jut'DtiA, Ace ' ('otii|Mirv tb<* 

i .:«nt «» raC Ub«lM r«rmmroi< 'rmrv*. •t'>rv of llrftwad and tbt» worm, 

> will » I c«f»eliBiA, d« jikIkio, rt Tr iit*-ti 111 tb<> Jlf<M(fvMi/-4i/- /ViranJlA 

ifv mk >%flMw •rt*, d« yrrfv cuo- < Jymrmmi A mi ^ t^ m for l»ll, p. 501 ). 



[Ch. m. 

Even, however, the two facts thus selected as be- 
yond criticism by Moses are far from being entitled 
to implicit credence. Artaxerxes, the son of Sasan 
according to Agathangelus and Moses,^ is the son of 
Papak (or Babek) in his own ^ and his son's inscrip- 
tions. The Persian writers generally take the same 
view, and declare that Sasan was a remoter ancestor 
of Artaxerxes, the acknowledged founder of the family, 
and not Artaxerxes' father.^ In the extant records 
of the new Persian kingdom, the coins and the inscrip- 
tions, neither Sasan nor the gentilitial term derived 

* Agatbanj^lus, i. § 3; Mos. 
Chor. Hid, Armen, ii. 64, 66, &c. 

> Pe Sacy, Mimoire, &c, p. 30; 
Thomas, in As, Society's Journal^ 
New Series, vol. iii. p. 269 ; Spiegel, 
Qratmnatik der HuzvareschSprache, 
p. 172 ; Haug, Old Pahlavi-Pazand 
Glossary f p. 6. The inscription of 
Artaxerxes is confirmed by those of 
his son, Sapor, who calls Papak 
(Babek) his grandfather (De Sacy, 
p. 31 ; Thomas, in Journal of the 
Asiatic Society, New Series, vol. iii. 
pp. 301, 314; Haug, GU^ssary, p. 
46). There are also coins of Arta^ 
xerxes which have his head on the 
obverse, with the legend Artahshetr^ 
and on the other side the head of 
his father, with the legend Mazddisn 
bay Papak, 'the Ormazd-worship- 
ping divine JPapak.' (See Mordt- 
mann's article in the Zeitschrift 
der deutschen morgenldndischen Ge- 
seUschaft, vol. viii. p. 29 ; compare 
Thomas in Num, Chron. for 1872, 
p. 48.) 

* See Malcolm, Hist, of Persia, I 

89j^ Thomas in Num, Chron,, 

ies, No. xlv p. 47. The 

variety, however, of the Persian 


^ew Series, No. xlv p. 47. 
', of the I 
accounts is almost infinite. The 
Lehtarikh makes Artaxerxes the 
son of Sasan, and calls Babek his 
maternal grandfather (D'Herbelot, 
Bihl, Orient, tom. i. p. 376). The 

Tarikh-Kozideh and Bina-Kiti agree 
on the latter point, but make Sasan 
the other (paternal) grandfather 
(ibid.). The Zeenut-al^Tuarikh 
has two Sasans, one of whom is 
the father and the other the grand- 
father of Babek. Ma9oudi gives 
two genealogies of Artaxerxes, 
each containing three Sasans, and 
one of them two, the other three 
Babeks (I^airies d'Or, tom. ii. p. 
161) :— 


„ I 




„ I 











Babek (Shah) Babek 



HL] flU rAB£5TAtie XKU BiltTliriJ^CE. 


fion ik Sumdm^ has any place ; anil thoi^h it would 
be mall 10 questioti on tliia uccouut the em- 
of the lerni Saamidse by the dyuajiy,' yet 
ve tnj regtid it as really ' ccrUuti ' Umf the fatlier of 
Aitmmenom mu . tmmed^ not Sa^ii, but Paimk ; and 
that, if the tann BuMniau wts in rimlity a {intrnnymiet 
ilw derived, like die lerm ';Acbemenian/ ^ fnim aocne 
pragmtilor^ wbom the* roynl furnily of the neiv 
btfieted to lia% bti«!fi dtdr Ihundar. 
lie aaliTe eountiy of Aittxarxeft is abo raiiuusiy 
* by die iiutlioritiia, Ag^iidmiigeluii c^lln tiim mi 
J md nmkce the Ajqrrkm pUiy an imfMirtauL 
pm% so Ui i^elljot]/ Agsithiiyi myn ifaAt hi? wa<) (Mint 
b the OriiMlin ctiuatn*,* or the low tnurt ^uUi-we^t 
of tlie CiMpiiTi, wUch lielooged to Mi^din rathej* tlma 
10 Ajmk or Penitt. Bio Gbmim ^ and Hcrodtau/ die 
f of AfflixaWi, call him a Pifman ; aod 
be DO reamiahle doubt thjit they arc correct 
Agathangeltta allowi die prtxtnininiindy 

V •Hi <• » A'lnpt*-! fn-in 
?»t« :i :!# iif lArstior*, it pAA***! 

-' '-»!.• IVrwjATj F^rnjuiv fr>tn 
• • \-*-Airrtr« V|r>.-m'»n. »• 

- • - • M Jt:* ■ ,:.•• fi • ^ \»Hr^ f rrit 

•.*-,#'.-# 1 : 1 f'p -r«». iT I. 

.«.' *- . ftixl I^ fttl.. 
.' a.1^*.^^ fmk.4 S»<»^K4 p ''7'.' t I*. 

fifth dj'pn-f. (Coinpart; II^-nKl, i. 

rjr.; iii. 7r,; vii ii.) 

* I *« t k an i an { Mmnt . A tint » y m*- f. . r 
\*^M\ p. li**<i n.itt'i that,' 
tonatirp lVi>iAn account-, tli*- lir-! 
SaaAan w«i a N»n nf Arta\T\«*»» 
I>(>n^manut. Tht* Sa^Mgininn kiny* 
iin<iMMht»*<lly rlainHnl t«» (IvtimmI 
(r>ni th*< Acha*tn«'tii(lH* ; hut it !<« 
Trnr uiilik»'ly lh»l th»'y OMuhi r»*ally 
trao» lh«*ir d'-f^rrnl. n<»r ha« Siuian 
thr form of an oM iVroinn nnun* 

* »« f»/V »«ir»H«n r»/, -iTti «,» '^- 
(i. S .1i. 

» S*M« '^ 5 :» and ^. 

• Sa/^aii. anrunlinir t'» Ak'«'lii»*. 
wail tm%*-)hn); thnu^^h t)c- < 4«<iu- 
• »an r«»urjtrv « /i.i ^»/v K.i.'. • •• t ^»- 
jw.»,.i', I w h»n hr f« 11 in >»i!)» l'/<h« k 
wh<» \\\>'*\ tbt-n* (II. |i «l*» I 

» I ho Taaa Uii .1. 

• llrnxiiaa, ti. l». 



[Ch. m. 

Persian character of his revolt, and Agathias is ap- 
parently unaware that the Cadusian country was no 
part of Persia. The statement that he was a native of 
Persepolis {Istakr) is first found in Moses of Choren^.^ 
It may be true, but it is uncertain ; for it may have 
grown out of the earher statement of Agathangelus, 
that he held the government of the province of 
Istakr.^ We can only aflSrm with confidence that 
the founder of the new Persian monarchy was a 
genuine Persian, without attempting to determine posi- 
tively what Persian city or province had the honour 
of producing him.^ 

A more interesting question, and one which will be 
found perhaps to admit of a more definite answer, is 
that of the rank and station in which Artaxerxes was 
born. We have seen ^ that Agathias (writing ab. a.d. 
580) called him the supposititious son of a cobbler. 
Others^ spoke of him as the child of a shepherd; 
while some said that his father was ' an inferior officer 
in the service of the government.'^ But on the 
other hand, in the inscriptions which Artaxerxes him- 
self set up in the neighbourhood of PersepoUs,^ he 

» Jffitt, Annen. ii. 66. The 
statement is repeated by Eutychius 
(vol. i. p. 367) : ' Anno imperii 
(Commodi) decimo exorti Persce 
Babelem, Amidum, et Fersiam occu- 
parunt, duce nempe Ardashiro^ filio 
Babeci filii Sasani, Estochrista.^ 

^ OiroQ 6 ' Aprantpaq rr^q ru/v 
Sraxpt^i*^*' TrurpiHoq aarpatrtj^i 
ifirripxif (i. 9). 

' Tabari says he was a native of 
a dtv called Tirouz^, which was 
in the government of Istakr. 
{Chronique, ii. p. 67.) 

^ Supra, p. 30. 

« See WHerbelot, BibUothkque 
Orientale, torn. i. p. 376, ad voc. 


• Malcolm, History of Persia, 
vol. i. p. 89. Tabari calls him 
* Governor of Darab-gird.' ( Chro^ 
nique, torn. ii. p. 68.) 

^ These inscriptions were first 
copied by Carsten Niebuhr, the 
father of the historian of Rome, 
and are given in his VoyageSy tom. 
ii. pi. xxvii. They may be fomid 
also in Cbardin, Voyages en Perse, 
tom. ii. pi. Ixxiii. ; De Sacy, 
M4moirey pi, i. ; Ker Porter, 
Travels, vol. i. pi. 23 ; and Flandin, 
Voyage en Perse, tom. iv, pi. 180. 
Papak is called malka in the 
Persian, and fiaaiKki}Q in the Greek 

c^OL} iA,n or ms rAmiiMO, tapae. 


ET* l^pak, the title of ' King/ Agafh-i 
him u 'aoble'- ami ^natrnp of the 
pOfmiiiCQt ; ' ' while Herodiun mem» uy 
of him IS ^ king of the FerifJiLas/ bf/or^ his 
orar Artttbuias.' On the whole, it is 
indft protttble ihat^ like CTnui, he was the 
ber^^litirr mciaafrh of the subjeet kingdom of Persiat 
had alir»y» its own primxM noder the PadliiaiM/ 
tlifti thuB he nAtiinilly aitd without effort ficx)k the 
of tlie rerult when drcumiftaiices induced 
10 rebel and neek to ettabliah ita ibds- 
Thm acoriea Cold of hb httmble ctriguit 
OMitndiciory and improbable, are to be 
witli tbom wbidi made Cjmia the «on of a 
of modemle mnk/ and thu foater-child of a 
L* There ia always in tbe East a tend^iqr 
and enggeratioii ; and when a grenl 
btmx a comparatively humble pofi* 
1, ih^ hnifiilftT am! nbsriirih* nf hi* fint c^iTiclitioii 

IT- i!it«ri»i!Mil, !o rniiki* the rontni.^t more ?trikin<f 
l.t»«^-Ti 1j> <»ripnal low estate and his ulliinalc 
•^•^•l*'ir an^l diu'iiily. 

pj. rip um*tin<fs of the >iru^'^'Ie between Arta- 
x»ri»-« :iml Artal«inu> are briefly >keleheil by Dio 
<\**;^*' an<l Ajrathan^'eluN* wliile they are relateil 
r T' .il larpt- l»y tlie rrr>ian wriur?*.' It i» probable 
!Vi*. ih»» roiii«-*i «»<uMi|)i«'<l a ?pa<H» <»f four or five 

:V|. n-!e V 

' 1>|0 ('*!«. \x\x. 3. 

%•••»» : VI, n^'!e '. • AK^thiui*'* iii*. i. {{ ^-^ The 

» M*^*:iAr '1 '.* rArr» liAttl'Hi ar»* wittirMani to hr 

• — rmi. i» :5. 5 J4 . Nil Tb^f. U'th wnUT« 

•4 • Tbr iVrniAn •<T«»unU will 1h» 

Jl»^»l : HC In an tnarrip- f«»ui>'l r«>ndrn«*Hl in MalcoWo. J/%tf. 

. •• f * tr-** L# rmili t»»i falhrr a< I*rma, fol. i. pn llO-l»i'. 'fhrir 

•.a^«Ni i^« pr/wrrful kinp ' *uU»ohtj b but liigLt 
< 1^1 11^*1 1 ■ wmamrkm i. 


years. At first, we are told/ Artabanus neglected to 
arouse himself, and took no steps towards crushing the 
rebellion, which was hmited to an assertion of the 
independence of Persia Proper, or the province of 
Pars. After a time the revolted vassal, finding himself 
unmolested, was induced to raise his thoughts higher, 
and commenced a career of conquest. Turning his 
arms eastward, he attacked Kerman (Carmania), and 
easily succeeded in reducing that scantily-peopled 
tract under his dominion.^ He then proceeded to 
menace the north, and, making war in that quarter, 
overran and attached to his kingdom some of the 
outlying provinces of Media. Housed by these ag- 
gressions, the Parthian monarch at length took the 
field, collected an army consisting in part of Parthians, 
in part of the Persians who continued faithful to him,* 
against his vassal, and, invading Persia, soon brought 
his adversary to a battle. A long and bloody contest 
followed, both sides sufiering great losses ; but victory 
finally declared itself in favour of Artaxerxes, through 
the desertion to him, during the engagement, of a por- 
tion of his enemy's forces.* A second conflict ensued 
within a short period, in which the insurgents were 
even more completely successful ; the carnage on the 
side of the Parthians was great, the loss of the Persians 
small ; and the great king fled precipitately from the 
field. Still the resources of Parthia were equal to a 
third trial of arms. After a brief pause, Artabanus 

* Malcolm, p. 91. 1 ' So Agathanp:elu8 : unrXi^tTo 

' Ibid. I.8.C. ; Tabari, ii. p. 70. 'ApTnfiuvrig fiird JldpOwv, tx*»*v Kai 

Thomas (Num. Chron, No. xlv., ovk 6\iyov q Ilk pa uQ^^ii KiKotviiivti- 

New Senes, p. 54) assigns the roraj ry rCtv d^otpvXwv (3ov\y (i. 

earliest coins of Artaxerxes to the § 8). 

period when be was Kinc* of Fare l * Ibid. 1.8.«. 

only, or perhaps of Fare and Eerman. | 

Ck. OL] ^nPHll WnH AETABAXCS* 37 


to n><luee his revohod Tassal ; and a 
it tauk pluce in the pbun of Honnuz/ 
vfcidi Wfts A i>artioti of the Jeffiid valley, in the 
eofimtij between Bebabon and Shuster, 
ftfter ft dt-^it*mte cxrofiiei^ the PartliiAo monarch 
A tliinl and Agnal ddbat; his umy wag 
; tad he UiQielf loit hii life in the oombai. 
Aaeofding to locne, hii» dt'ath was the result of a hand- 
to-haad oonflkt with his gnsat anlagoniit,' who^ pro- 
icwfiog lo f j^ drew him on, and then pierced his heart 
«ilb an mmm. 

The victory of Uarmoz give to Aftaxenes the 
€if llie list ; but it did not §ecure him ihis 
It ooeCt or wiiboat ftirther struiigle. Artabarius 
h»d Idl som;* tod bath in Bactria and Armuniii 
mm powerful bmocfaeA of the AiBacid family/ 
omld not fee imiooved the dnwnfall of tlidr 
b Fbrthia, ChaaniiB^ the Armenian mutiardi^ 
M prmre #*f enn?i'lenibk* aWIity, and U «iid to have 
••' :. *- : uj»-.!i lii.- thruiiL* by ArUil)a!iu>, whose brother 
L' Aa... a. . ..r<lin;^' U) •muik* writiTji.^ At any nitc he wa^ 
a:. \r-u» .'I : an<l ht* f«Il kieiily llie diiiiinution of Iiis 
^ ..\i! i» iH » iiiVolvtMl in the Iran^^fiT t4) an alien race 
. • V . -»v« r.i;jii!y wielded for live renluries by the 
'. -• ♦ !.'Liri> ♦•f the lip«i ArNiO's. IK* had s<*l his forces in 

*» 4 ^m; 4* liii. •> and * Mrtaphnuitufi, quottnl br M. 

Ki% xj^^",^ .tr . alike ti »i#» ihf I^ni:l«»ii» in hi*»*iliti«»n ofA^tliAn- 

Ml*'.- •ti-.-w*'^-*' **. ti^! fcii** n> ;r»-l-m. iHiMi'htni in lh»« /Vuym. y/irf. 

-. ^1* «!*• / i, •^•<i.!» Wr ax*. ii>- /rV. of .M'»n», i' .Mull»*r, Vi»l. t. 

,< ' •: • :.-,» I'rfiAr^ «n!*T» f »r i»ar» *.*'«!»». |». \\'\ : Mttijmr/^tl- 

••' :'.'"■' ' '.•.• I Ia-ti f II r- frtrottlh, !•(•.. TnlMin, li, |). 7.{. 

/ -w * . > >I P--» ai^ t» !. • Ay^atharik'. rnf. J 1> : //urf. 

'. -m.-w %., •rf^'^^-1 '-;• <3 thr I"- mt. lU^. liruUit \. J i» ; M(t«. ( 'hnffn. 
i^ y ^11^ mi frr«Trii4 placr« //kW. Ariurn. il. (l'»-4il*. 

• U-'^ at .V«4* r*W u»-a/ V> ii^ * A^iithan;: liitl i. 5 ^* <<Jr»'««k 

*. k "^^ tk^ Jjmrm^ Ammtwf^t* (« f irr«ioni. I*rvC<»p. />r .hMtf. Jup* 

.*i. f. 'j.'l. i tmutm. lii. 1. 



[Ch. in. 

motion, while the contest between Artabanus and Arta- 
xerxes was still in progress, in the hope of aflfording sub- 
stantial help to his relative.^ But the march of events 
was too rapid for him ; and, ere he could strike a 
blow, he found that the time for effectual action had 
gone by, that Artabanus was no more, and that the 
dominion of Artaxerxes was established over most of the 
countries which had previously formed portions of the 
Parthian Empire. Still, he resolved to continue the 
struggle ; he was on friendly terms with Eome,^ and 
might count on an imperial contingent ; he had some 
hope that the Bactrian Arsacida^ would join him ; ^ at 
the worst, he regarded Ms own power as firmly fixed 
and as sufficient to enable him to maintain an equal 
contest with the new monarchy. Accordingly he 
took the Parthian Arsacids under his protection, and 
gave them a refuge in the Armenian territory.* At 
the same time he negotiated with both Balkh and Rome, 
made arrangements with the barbarians upon his 
northern firontier to lend him aid,^ and, having col- 
lected a large army, invaded the new kingdom on the 
north-west,^ and gained certain not unimportant suc- 
cesses. According to the Armenian historians, Arta- 
xerxes lost Assyria and the adjacent regions ; Bactria 
wavered ; and, after the struggle had continued for a 
year or two, the founder of the second Persian empire 
was obliged to fly ignominiously to India ! " But this 

ii. 68; Agathang. 

^ Mo8. Chor 


« Mo8. Chor. ii, 69, 
Herodian, vi. 5. 

* Mo8. Chor. I.8.C. 

* Die Cass. I.8.C. 

* According to Agathangelus (ii. 
§ 1), Chosroes called in the aid of 
the Albanians, the Iberians^ the 

Lepones, the Silvani, the Caspians, 
and the Huns (!). He was also 
helped by the Saracens (ii. § 4). 

* Agathang. ii. § 2 ; Mos. Chor. 
ii. 69. 

' So Moses (Hist. Ann, ii. 70, 
ad Jin.). Agathangelus, however, 
the earlier writer, makes no such 
extreme assertion. According to 



[Ch. m. 

millions of our money,^ he may naturally have thought 
that a facile triumph was open to his arms in tins direc- 
tion. Alexander Sevenis, the occupant of the imperial 
throne, was a young man of a weak character, con- 
trolled in a great measure by his mother, Juha Mamaea, 
and as yet quite undistinguished as a general. The 
Eoman forces in the East were known to be hcentious 
and insubordinate ;^ corrupted by the softness of the 
climate and the seductions of Oriental manners, they 
disregarded the restraints of discipUne, indulged in the 
vices which at once enervate the frame and lower the 
moral character, had scant respect for their leaders, 
and seemed a defence which it would be easy to 
overpower and sweep away. Artaxerxes, like other 
founders of great empires, entertained lofty views of 
his abilities and his destinies ; the monarchy which he 
had built up in the space of some five or six years was 
far from contenting him; well read in the ancient 
history of his nation, he sighed after the glorious days 
of Cyrus the Great and Darius Hystaspis, when all 
Western Asia from the shores of the uEgean to the 
Indian desert, and portions of Europe and Africa, had 
acknowledged the sway of the Persian king. The 
territories which these princes had ruled he regarded 
as his own by right of inheritance ; and we are told 
that he not only entertained, but boldly published, these 
views. ^ His emissaries everywhere declared that their 
master claimed the dominion of Asia as far as the 
j^gean Sea and the Propontis. It was his duty and 
his mission to recover to the Persians their pristine 

* See the Author's Sixth Mon- 
archy, p. 360. 

^ They hod recently murdered 
their general, Flavius Heracleon 

(Dio Cass. Ixxx. 4). 

' Herodian, vi. 2; 
Ixxz. 3. 

Dio Cass. 



WiKmATioxs wrra romi:, 



Wlmt C^rru« had coinjuered, what the Persiaii 
Ittd hdd frcim Uial lime until the dcfmt of 
CbdoDMnnus by Alescaiidar^ uma hia by indefeasible 
iyhl» mod be ww tbotit to take pos^c^on of ie. 

ihese linave wonk a mere brtitum futmen, 
ly vitb the [mtling forth of such lofty 
Uie troop of tlie Persian oiooarcb ctckis^ 
ud ^iread themsek^^ over tlie enlire 
tgyyiiiM of MGMputaniia,^ which was nipklly 
sod oflerad icaitdy auy rctiistauce. StvenLM 
Iwncil wi the fluoe moment the dematida of }^n ac! ver- 
mrr ftfid the )om of ona of his betl proTiiices. Be 
hotfd tliit kii itroog posl0 upoo the Euphrates, the old 
ritiifWfiet of tlie efttpim in thii quarter, were bmg 
cstftckdi* aBd that Syria daity expected tlie paaiag^ of 
The crisb wu otie requiring prompt 
but the wmIc imd ioaperioncefl yoatl] was 
to meet it wiih diplonucy^ and, inatead of 
as %fmj to the Eaat^ de^tpatrJied amiMiiiadors 
:i\:il with a letter. ' Artaxerxcjs/ lie said, 
'^^j\\ lo roiiiiiir hiinx.'lf to hiri <mii territories and 
:. •: --^ k :*» revoIulioiiis4» A^ia ; it wa.s unsafe, on the 
•:r» :-:/:}i «»f men- un>uh>tanlial h<»|>e,'*, to commence a 
jT'-u! war. Kvenone ?h<)uld Ix* content Nsith kee[)ing 
»rji: U-!'»n;:til i4i him. Artiixerxi-?^ would find war 
w vv K. .!ji<- a \i'V\ <lifliTent thinjj^ from the con- 
•'••• Hi which lu- had Uvn hitherto enpi^'eil with 
ur-i-ir u* nir<-* hk«- hi- own. He >hould call to mind 
- . • -. , 1^**-* of Au|/\L»'tUH and Trajan, and the troj)hie.** 
i.T.-r: *''I fr«»m the ICa>t by Lucius Verus and by 

H«r^«lA=^ \ t.r f'otnMr^ I^AXnpridiut < \'tt. Al. Set. { M): ' Terrmn 
-ii-niai' •!» is^Kirm liU bvluji mrrptmuj* 




[Ch. m. 

The counsels of moderation have rarely much effect 
in restraining princely ambition. Artaxerxes replied 
by an embassy in which he ostentatiously displayed the 
wealth and magnificence of Persia ; ^ but, so far from 
making any deduction from his original demands, he 
now distinctly formulated them, and required their 
immediate acceptance. ' Artaxerxes, the Great King,' 
he said, ' ordered ^ the Eomans and their ruler to take 
their departure forthwith from Syria and the rest of 
Western Asia, and to allow the Persians to exercise 
dominion over Ionia and Caria and the other countries 
within the -^Egean and the Euxine, since these coun- 
tries belonged to Persia by right of inheritance.' * A 
Koman emperor had seldom received such a message ; 
and Alexander, mild and gentle as he was by nature, 
seems to have had his equanimity disturbed by the 
insolence of the mandate. Disregarding the sacredness 
of the ambassadorial character, he stripped the envoys 
of their splendid apparel, treated them as prisoners of 
war, and settled them as agricultural colonists in 
Phrygia. If we may beheve Herodian, he even took 
credit to himself for sparing their lives, which he 
regarded as justly forfeit to the offended majesty of 
the empire. 

Meantime the angry prince, convinced at last against 
his wiU that negotiations with such an enemy were 
futile, collected an army and began his march towards 
the East. Taking troops from the various provinces 

* I' our hundred youths, selected 
from the tallest and most beautiful 
of the Persians, dressed in rich 
apparel, and with golden ornaments, 
mounted moreover on fine steeds, 
and armed with bows, carried the 
message of the Persian monarch to 
Rome (Herodian, \i, 4). 

K^p^fjg afpiaraaOai ^PuffiaiovQ n Kai rbv 
dpxovra aiirutv "^vpiag re arratrriQ 
'A mac " rrjs Evpdjiry dvriKfifiBvtis. 


' Kti'ot yap avrci Ufpaaiv irpoyovucd 
KTofiara. (Ibid.) 


CbiDUgk whicb be p^meAJ he condaeted to Antinch, in 
ihe autaiiiii of a.d. 331,' a coaddemble force, wMeh 
tiigtiiwt4M] by the legions of the Eiutt and by 
dimwii fnun Egj^pt ■ aud other quarters, Arta- 
^ im his part, \k'm uui idle. AcciirdUig lo Severus 
tlio army broughi inla ihe field by the 
Pimaii tootiareh cotjaktixl o( otie hiuidrud and twouty 
tfaciUHafid tuiiiled lioiBettieti^ i>f eightei.^] hundred 
i^thed chariou, and uf seven hun<lred trained ele- 
phaiiii* beanug oo their bnckn towem til]i3d with 
otii0i; ami though thU pretended ho!fl han been 
mlf cihanctehied at one * the like of whkh b not to 

htstoty, and baa icarcely been 

DiBflDcev'* yet, allotring much far 

we may atOl aaU^ oomdude that great 

ban made on the Pe^rian sde, that rlieir 

of the llirec arma mantiooed, and that 

of each were large beyond ordinary 

' r>x-:t!!T frr»Tn IIlTria, whtri* IW-nhAilaii), 1,400 (Solomon), And 

• «. 4 :i.. U«t \r»>\** ♦•\ou 1\0(K) rharioin ( Ahab, accord- 

• •-- kiwai. ttAti n***! \> «1» f»ijd ifjj:^ to ili»« Hlmk (>U«link), vel in 
!i' '•- «L:irf f tbr I^wjuU-. Ut«T timvn only wry mo<ierHte 

' I ..'f*- i» »»n.- liiil.- (1 .uht M j ihiiuImtw wfTf bn)U^ht into thf 

• •»- •!*.•. rf. r r,. I »j:t. I Mlnw ti«*ld. X»n«»j)h«>n r<*ckonH ih«« 

• - -* /' /.' ^ i I Dp 244 -'4«»>. charioti* ot an Oriental anny at 
1- « ! ^-:.;a.-t.t mak»-« S<-v«'ni» .**X) i()/nrp. ri. 1, § 2>^ j; and th«« 
%.— « ' -. \ .*. r 'i iw . %ran» Ut#-r — l artual nuniU^r eniplnyiHi at Arb»da 
» • - - />*• ' <<«»•• dm trtHnrnte wan nnJY *J0() ( Airiaii, /"-'i/*. .4/. iii. 
-^^ • -: J J. ll.-i,. 11; g/Curt, iv. IJ; hi.Kl. Sic. 

* Mt •!^*-'.. ti 4. •«/• A«. xviL •%•'<>. Th«» Araarid nionarrhn 

• "^-^ :^* •!•►-" b -f >«%»-ruii in do not MN'in to hav»« ii««h1 rharint.t 
•;* "s-^^t^ ta L.» return frmi lb«« at all in warfrir** (.SufA Mumnrchy^ 
}j^'^ r^r^^\^i If l-a«*pndiu» I ^ rf. p. 40i» ». Nuthinjf ran widl b«« 

iii'rr nnlikrly than that Artnx»*rxt'« 
•houM. fkithin mx yram of hi<4 
r-«tabli«hno*t)t an ' ^'^n-at kin^/ 
haT»' r.'llii!«-<l a fon" "f 1,'MW) war 
t hanotA. 

< Ml th»« impr»hahility <»f llw 
••*»rn hundnnl rl«*phanti*,' wc lh«' 
cEollrnt not*' «»f (iibbon. 

V • 

t ''' 

• % f* IkrcJtn^ ttnd FtiU. 

^ . )< .'^t K Tbr n-irii- 


•.:,' f ♦.*-•; t . arwl .f th- 

» • ' » 

a.— -«:•' .A.U impr hftKlr- 

,' *, 

tfw' u* /*- ai.o»-iit pi n "d 

"' \Mm r 4«t T^ We t.tA in»l«J;<"*^ 


y mimkn^ l^^^f ) ( >buhak, 





[Ch. m. 

precedent. The two adversaries were thus not ill 
matched ; each brought the flower of his troops to the 
conflict; each commanded the army, on which his 
dependence was placed, in person ; each looked to 
obtain from the contest not only an increase of 
military glory, but substantial fruits of victory in the 
shape of plunder or territory. 

It might have been expected that the Persian 
monarch, after the high tone which he had taken, 
would have maintained an aggressive attitude, have 
crossed the Euphrates, and spread the hordes at his 
disposal over Syria, Cappadocia, and Asia Minor. But 
it seems to be certain that he did not do so, and that 
the initiative was taken by the other side. Probably 
the Persian arms, as inefficient in sieges as the 
Parthian,^ were unable to overcome the resistance 
ofiered by the Eoman forts upon the great river ; and 
Artaxerxes was too good a general to throw his forces 
into the heart of an enemy's country without having 
first secured a safe retreat. The Euphrates was there- 
fore crossed by his adversary^ in the spring of a.d. 
232 ; the Eoman province of Mesopotamia was easily 
recovered;^ and arrangements were made by which 
it was hoped to deal the new monarchy a heavy blow, 
if not actually to crush and conquer it.* 

* On the Parthian incapacity, 
see the Author's Sixth Monarchy, 
p. 406, note *. The early Persians 
had shown no such weakness 
(Ancient Monarchies^ vol. iv. p. 
130) ; but the warfare of the later 
Persians far more resembles that of 
the Parthians than the more scien- 
tific method of their own ancestors. 

* Herodian, vi 5. Compare 
Lampridius, § 55. 

' ' Terras interamnanas ... re- 

cepimus.' (Sever, ap. Lampiid. 
§ 56.) The series of Mesopotamian 
coins shows this boast to have been 
true. (See Mionnet, M^daUles, tom. 
V. pp. 593-637; Supplement, tom. 
viiL pp. 391-416.) 

* Whatever judgment we form 
of the result of the campaign, it 
seems to me uncritical to set aside 
the minute details of Herodian with 
respect to Alexander's plans and 
intentions. The fact that Lam- 


ql iel} rtAXB or aleiaxpse SEvsErs. 45 

AkxmQcler divided hit troopa into tlirce bodia}. One 
dmioii wm to irt towanls the north, to take advun- 
Uft of the tnendlj cliifpoailaon of Chosro^, king 
of ArBMiii, ftiid, travemng hin itfong motintairi ter- 
lilaij, t0 diTWt lU attack upon Media, intu which 
AimmuM gai'e a ready eotrmooe Another wil^ to take 
m aoollMni Une/ and to threaten Persia Pnifier frcim 
ifac Bmbf tiiei about the junction i>f tlie Euphmtes 
miik tbo Hgm, a portion of the Bal^1i>man territory. 
Hit tlitrd m^ main divtsian, whiiii wm u> be com- 
MMided fa^ the em|iercir in petson, wat to act on a 
betWMQ the other two, which would 
it 10 the very heart of Uie enemy s territijiy, 
«h1 af tlhe flue time allow of iu giving eflectaiix< sup- 
pari to cither of the two otbv difiiioM if thi^ should 
it. The plan of openition9 appeaiv to have been 
ted, and should perhtips be as* 
nlherio the frietidi whom the youthful eu)[>cror 
* than to hb own unntA^isted wbdom. But 
•-! 'l«-i:jiitil plaii*^ may Ix* fruMralod by iinskilful- 
•r l;!ii!<l!ty in th<» i*xifCiilion ; and it was hcTc% if 
r„iV :ni*t tin* author who alone gives us any 
..♦^1 .1 ."untof ihf <ainpai;/n,*'' tlial the weakness 

rt^ptH^lirf iicrountM of Al»xiindfr*«» 
lVr«»iiin riitn|tfki^'ri hit-* l<int: formM 
A •uhjtTt <»f <ii*j)iii.- with historical 
entire. Atiiofjj^ ini!)«»rtiuil iiAm<*4 
<»n ••ith«'r i»i<lo nr** <iii»K»n iind Ni«»- 
huhr for l|.r.HiiiMi. IVkhrl, IV^ 
fr« Itnrn-AV. nixl h*< ( *h«inpairny 
{"T hi» itiipuyrMr. Th«' main p<>int<i 
in ftk\"'iT f ll-r'^iiftn art-, tir«l, hi*» 
1« iiu' a!«Miiiv •rary ; •«M-»n«ny, 
iiM »:• U'-ral iM'»if«rati >ii iiri<l i'*>t^\ 
•- n»" . ari'l ihmlN. th" !nirnit«!j« •• 
a;, i . irt Mii»«!/irjtian!\ <»f hi« aicoiifit. 
whirh •lau-l« ill »lp»nir contrail with 
^h- ynju** )*>>%»*• •*{ .\hxiiudvT Wuw 
M*!f atii hi* bi<»frT«|*hi'r. It i« 

• ^'^siyUif\x 



'. ali li-» firtail 

• ' f thr war 

^ ^ir'J.:i flr« .1 

.UiU . 

ri.- U 

I w < fiaCi j^*«rni 

r. 11. p. 


•: ^ Txrl-^itr 



i h.1* t fT 

f lUf 


-'\ i tf ' -r-Uth 


. t»ut 

-Vt* r'.o-^.'W 

• h.w. 



}.:. r.j 


-.' ft -z. .Lft* - 

' • * • 

,v , 

. » ',tt 

- • , . • 

• . P 

"•■' '. 

Ai . ' . ' 

•» .A^it • ' r^ 

A \a\.\_ 

T of 

•r- i I^9|rr>. 

\X* Ui 




[Ch. m. 

of Alexander's character showed itself. The northern 
army successfully traversed Armenia, and, invading 
Media, proved itself in numerous small actions superior 
to the Persian force opposed to it, and was able to 
plunder and ravage the entire country at its pleasure. 
The southern division crossed Mesopotamia in safety, 
and threatened to invade Persia Proper.^ Had Alexander 
with the third and main division kept faith with the 
two secondary armies, had he marched briskly and 
combined his movements with theirs, the triumph of 
the Eoman arms would have been assured. But, either 
from personal timidity or from an amiable regard for 
the anxieties of his mother Mamaea, he hung back 
while his right and left wings made their advance, and so 

sought to discredit Herodian by 
imputing to him a prejudice against 
Alexander ; but, on tlie whole, his 
account of that prince is not an un- 
flattering portrait Again, it is said 
(J)e Champagny, ii. p. 121) to be 
inconceiyable that, if Herodian*s 
account of the campaign had been 
true, the general result of the con- 
test should have been so absolutely 
without injury to Rome as he him- 
self admits it to have been. Cer- 
tainly there is a difficulty here; but 
it is not insuperable. We, with 
our W^estem notions, should have 
expected Artaxerxes to have fol- 
lowed up his successes in a.b. 232 
by a great invasion of the Eoman 
territory in a.d. 233. But we find 
him absolutely passive. This appears 
strange until we reflect that an 
Eastern army after a victory de- 
mands a time for rest and enjoy- 
ment; that it has almost of necessity 
to be disbanded, and can only be 
collected again after a considerable 
interval. Eastern kings, moreover, 
are often lazy or capricious. Orodes 
did not follow up his victory over 
Crassus by any serious attack on 

the Koman territory until two years 
had passed (Sirth Monarchy y pp. 
177-8). And a similar neglect of 
favourable opportunities is observ- 
able throughout Oriental histoiy. 

It may be added that there is at 
least one expression in Lampridius 
which betrays the truth that he 
endeavours to conceal. The uni- 
versal cry of the Romans who ac- 
companied Alexander's triumphal 
procession from the Capitol to the 
Palace was, Lampridius tells us 
(§ 67), this — ' Rome is Baved, since 
Alexander is safe,* Safetv is only 
a subject of congratulation after 
imminent danger. 

^ There is some difficulty in 
understanding Herodian here, since 
his geographical ideas are confused 
(Gibbon, ch. viii. note 51). He 
speaks of the second army as threat- 
ening both Parthia and Persia. 
The real Parthia, between the 
Caspian and Bactria, cannot, it 
seems to me, be intended. I sus- 
pect that he means by Parthia the 
tract about Ctesiphon, recently the 
head-quarters of Parthian power. 

€^ in.3 fAanm of the iSHk 47 

iUowei the eoemj to ooQecninito their ettorU on these 
tvo Inltfed boAei. Hie tnn^ in Medk, favoured by 
tb^ rugffed clyireetcr of the countfj, W£i3 abk* to maio^ 
isia il0 grottDd wilhout modi iliiBcijIty ; but tlmt which 
kttd mA^mnmA by the line of the Euphmte^ aud Ti^jrin, 
^id wldicb WM ^H mairhing thrtiugh the boundless 
of tbe gftmt ftlluvhmt, fotmd itaelf luddeuly 
by ft odimdeao host, eomnmnded by ArtftUixes 
iQOtSad, tbongh it ftniggled galkiitly, was over- 
ud Btte^ dtiftroyed by the urrowti of the 
laiibtc Pcrsuui bowinea. HerodiAn myn, no doubt 
vitb waam exuf^yi^rmuoii, thfit this wm the pisateit 
rahmity wltich had cnri*r be&lkm ttie Rotnanit.^ It 
wrtonlycftiuiol oompttre with Chutnie, with the diisiiter 
of Vrnw^ or erai with the mmiliir defeat of Otmsinu iii 
ft wm waf cfitfwit ragioQ. But it w^ (if rightly repre- 
«Med by Bendiiii) a terrible blow. It abm)Uitety 
tecrnbed tiieeftsipftign. A Cicsar or a Tmjan might 
Ibm rvCnercd mch a loie. An AlexAtidcr Severn^ 
mx. n«»i hkriy even to make an attempt to do so. 
Aln-aily Wi-uk«-n<-<l in b^nly by the heat of the climate 
xTil ilie unwoni4Kl fatifTur?* of war,' he wan utterly 
pf-trati-*! in spirit by the intelligence when it reached 
f.irii The ?ignid wa.^ at once given for retreat. 
^^l*r^ w#re •^•nt t^) xhv rorp^ darmee which occujiied 
M'-iia to «'V:uniate it«* conquej«t9 and to retire forth- 
th uf«r»n the Kuplmite?*. The»e order^i were exe<uted, 
^.\ wit)! diffictilty. Winter had already !*el in 
fr>-j;jh-Kjt the lii;/h n'tfion** ; and in its retreat the 
j-'.^y of M»"«lia MifTen-*! great lo>?*e'* through the 
'. -rn«-Ti<-T of the cliinate, ^o that thoM* who reached 




[Ch. nL 

Syria were but a small proportion of the original 
force. Alexander himself, and the army which he led, 
experienced less difficulty ; but disease dogged the 
steps of this division, and when its columns reached 
Antioch, it was found to be greatly reduced in numbers 
by sickness, though it had never confronted an enemy. 
The three armies of Severus suffered not indeed equally, 
but still in every case considerably, from three distinct 
causes — sickness, severe weather, and marked inferiority 
to the enemy.^ The last-named cause had annihilated 
the southern division ; the northern had succumbed to 
climate ; the main army, led by Severus himself, was 
(comparatively speaking) intact, but even this had 
been decimated by sickness, and was not in a condition 
to carry on the war with vigour. The result of the 
campaign had thus been altogether favourable to the 
Persians,^ but yet it had convinced Artaxerxes that 
Eome was more powerful than he had thought. It 
had shown him that in imagining the time had arrived 
when they might be easily driven out of Asia, he had 
made a mistake. The imperial power had proved 
itself strong enough to penetrate deeply within his 
territory, to ravage some of his best provinces, and to 
threaten his capital.® The grand ideas Avith which he 
had entered upon the contest had consequently to be 

^ Lampridius thus sums up the 
account of Herodian and his fol- 
lowers : — ' Amisisse ilium (ec. Alex- 
andrum) exercitum dicunt famej 
frigore, ac morbo' (§ 67); but 
Herodian says nothing hhontfamine. 
His words are: ruiv rpiutv fioipuiv 
Tov arpoTov, utv fv(ifi€f rb ttXhotov 
dvropaXnvTi ^latpopciQ avfitpopai^j vbai^tj 
TTo^kfUfty Kpvii, Lampridius seems 
to have read \i/H{t for 9roX«/u</>. 

' The Persians had, however, 

lost a larpre number of their best 
troops. The Romans of the south- 
em army had fought well, and 
their defeat had cost their enemy 
dear. (See Herodian, vi. 6, sub Jin!) 
' Persepolis seems to have now 
become the main Persian capital, 
under the native name of Istakr 
or Stakr. (Agathang. i. § 9, sub Jin.) 
It was threatened when the southern 
army of Severus was expected to 
invade Persia Proper (supra, p. 46). 

OL] MMsmm OP THE boiulv wjjl. 49 

ftnd it had lo be repogtibecl that the 
with Bcime was one in which the two parties 
wmfmmily matched, one m which it wiia not to 
lit mtppomA thai eitlier siide would veiy noon oblaiei 
aqr deddttd pn^oodeninoe. Under these circum- 
maaem llw graad idns were quictlj dropped; iho 
amj vhich had be^i gaihert^ togeibcr to ^lifam 
tkeoi mm allowed to di5{iefw, and was not required 
anr gtirea time to reaaiMmible ; it in not unhlcely 
(a* yietMiKr oG4ijectttrea ^) a [>eaee wm nmdiu 
whether Borne ceded any of her tenitoiy' 
If ita tenm ts exoeodingly doubtful Probably the 
prindplt of the arrangeniimt wa^ a rtHum to 
fim «nltf h§Unm^ or* in other words, the 
by either iide, m the true territoria] linitti 
Borne and Persta, of thciae boandariefl which 
ily bald to divide the imperial pua- 
fi^oB Ibfi donmiotBi of the Amaddft?. 

of the atrt^le wan no doubt disappiiin ting 
:- Ar-axerxt*^ ; but if, on the one hand, it dispelled 
- T,- iIluMon** and pn)ved to hira that the Roman 
^-a:- . tiiuu'^'h viTginiJ to its decline, nevertheless still 
'.^^^^^fm-ii t vi^'our and a life which he had bc»en far 
:r ^.. ariti* ijialin^, on the otiier hand it left him free to 
• lArjiU' his efforts on the reducti(m of Armenia, 
n . * :. ma« PKilly of more importance to him, from Ar- 
:.. -.-1 i»in^ th«- |/ri':ii ^trtinghold of the Arsiu^'id [K)\ver, 
V -•- •hrrj«»minalallii4'hnMntlo the empire of half-a-dozen 
I: ^:>in jimincf^. S> lonjr as Arsacidic maintained 

/^x^Carv* tm A»r»€»t Hutory, th^-rr hariniT been do 1<i«i. The 
> :rT*» rtBtnr <»f lh» Itoman emperor coo- 
\^jm^ BE. 3^1 '^ thAt r<r««t<*n tinuen upon the c<im« of the Mm¥>> 
!•«• .jrf ikAAv yikT\0 <i b^r l-^t^rn p^Utnian ritie* and 0Ute« after the 
> ^. t m , n^ ' Ni^buhr. 1 A^r ) The ripr<litioo of Air xaodtr jiut at bo- 
lt lA favoor of furv. 


themselves in a position of independence and substantial 
power so near the Persian borders, and in a country of 
such extent and such vast natural strength as Armenia, 
there could not but be a danger of reaction, of the 
nations again reverting to the yoke whereto they had 
by long use become accustomed, and of the star of 
the Sasanidfie paling before that of the former masters 
of Asia. It was essential to the consoHdation of the 
new Persian Empire that Armenia should be subju- 
gated, or at any rate that Arsacidae should cease 
to govern it; and the fact that the peace which 
appears to have been made between Eome and Persia, 
A.D. 232, set Artaxerxes at Hberty to direct all his 
endeavours to the estabhshment of such relations 
between his own state and Armenia as he deemed 
required by public policy and necessary for the security 
of his own power, must be regarded as one of para- 
mount importance, and as probably one of the causes 
mainly actuating him in the negotiations and inclining 
him to consent to peace on any fair and equitable 

Consequently, the immediate result of hostilities 
ceasing between Persia and Eome was their renewal 
between Persia and Armenia. The war had indeed, 
in one sense, never ceased ; for Chosroes had been an 
ally of the Eomans during the campaign of Severus,^ 
and had no doubt played a part in the invasion and 
devastation of Media which have been described 
above.^ But, the Eomans having withdrawn, he was 
left wholly dependent on his own resources ; and the 

1 Herodian, vL 5; Mos. Chor. evident that he has been misled 

ii. 69. Moses, it is true, calls the 
Homan emperor, who was the ally 
of Chosroes, Philip (I); but it is 

by a false view of Roman chrono- 
« See p. 46. 



[Ch. m. 

exiles with favour, discussed with them his plans for the 
subjugation of Persia, and, having sheltered them during 
the whole of the autumn and winter, proposed to them 
in the spring that they should accompany him and take 
part in the year's campaign.^ Anak, forced by this pro- 
posal to precipitate his designs, contrived a meeting 
between himself, his brother, and Chosroes, without at- 
tendants, on the pretext of discussing plans of attack, 
and, having thus got the Armenian monarch at a dis- 
advantage, drew sword upon him, together with his 
brother, and easily put him to death. The crime 
which he had undertaken was thus accomphshed ; but 
he did not live to receive the reward promised him for 
it. Armenia rose in arms on learning the foul deed 
wrought upon its king ; the bridges and the few 
practicable outlets by which the capital could be 
quitted were occupied by armed men ; and the mur- 
derers, driven to desperation, lost their lives in an 
attempt to make their escape by swimming the river 
Araxes.* Thus Artaxerxes obtained his object with- 
out having to pay the price that he had agreed upon ; 
his dreaded rival was removed; Armenia lay at his 
mercy ; and he had not to weaken his power at home 
by sharing it with an Arsacid partner. 

The Persian monarch allowed the Armenians no 
time to recover from the blow which he had trea- 
cherously dealt them, ffis armies at once entered 
their territory* and carried everything before them. 
Chosroes seems to have had no son of suflScient age 
to succeed him, and the defence of the country fell 
upon the satraps, or governors of the several provinces. 

^ Agathang. § 14. 
* 'Ev Toif anvoiQ TttpiKVKKuiaavrtQ 
[oi oarpairaC] Toi>Q ^vyadag iv fisay 

rwv ye^vputv tvBiv Kal IvQiVy ^ora" 
fioppvxiovg TrtiroirjKamt', (lb. § 15.) 

» Ibid. c. iii. § 16. 


mpbred the aid of the Roman empc*ror»* 
tad fNsrcd m ooaliogeQl ; but neither wem their 
ovn exjo^om nm was the mlour of iheir allien of 
maj AYmiL Artoxerxes easUj defejited the confederate 
annj, and fmtxd the satraps to take refiige in Boman 
UsniiMf, Armenm submittet] to his armSf and became 
wm neural portion of fai^ empire.* It probably did 
sol greatly troulile him that Art^tTasdesi, one of the 
tiooeed«d in carrying off one of the toioi of 
i boy Damed Tiridate?;!, whom he conveyed 
to Borne, and placed under the protection of the reigti- 

* A 

1^ cniperor. 

SiKfc wtn the ehjef miUtary racooise^ of Artaxenta?, 
1W graaieil of our htatoriaiifl» Gibbon, ventures indeed 
to ao^nn 10 liim, in addhioit, ' tome easy rictorici over 
the w3d Scytluam and tbe ^mioate Indian^.' ^ But 
lk0v ia 00 good authority for ihii staCemont 1 and no 
she vbole il k unlikely that he came into contact with 
^fhfT natron Hi^ minf are not found in Affghani^- 
un . ' :iiv\ il may Im* doubt^Kl whether he ever made 
xr.T .^*t*Tn rxpe^lition. His rei^ni was not long; and 
:! wa* •ufficiently (Kcupitnl by the Roman and Ar- 
r.. !.:an war*, and by the grt^ater^t of all his works, 
:;.• r» K>rm:iiiMn of religion. 

T)i*' nlsgious a«i{>ect of the insurrection which 
•n:.»f»rTe<l th<- hra<Nhip of Western Asia from the 
rini.iaii^ Vt the Persians, from Artabanus to Art^i- 
X' rx#^, ha* Utn aln-ady noticeil ; • but we have now 

H m. Tfc f n To. Afrmthmn- * J^rci^mt and Fali^ cb. Yiii. 

x^ .• ,• » <*^ftt « tlii» p int. (toI. i. n. 24t»i. 

* \r%ULMX4 L%c . Mc*. Chof. * \VilM»o, Ariana Amtttrtui, p. 

•4 .Vs^. Thiw wrilrr nnta* that th«« 

' Ta0fm. Mvnrltair to Mcmv aM«'rtion of <iibbun ia *toinrwhat 

- ri ^t rvttUj, tt if probable. anwarrmnUblr/ 

'.^ UrW rk«4jM.' * S«« aboTv, pp. 8-10. 


to trace, 80 fax as we can, the steps by which the 
religious revolution was accomplished, and the faith of 
Zoroaster, or what was beUeved to be such, esta- 
blished as the reUgion of the State throughout the 
new empire. Artaxerxes, himself (if we may believe 
Agathias ^) a Magus, was resolved from the first that, 
if his efforts to shake off the Parthian yoke succeeded, 
he would use his best endeavours to overthrow the 
Parthian idolatry and instal in its stead the ancestral 
religion of the Persians. This religion consisted of a 
combination of DuaUsm with a quahfied creature- 
worship, and a special reverence for the elements, 
earth, air, water, and fire. Zoroastrianism, in the 
earUest form which is historically known to us,^ 
postulated two independent and contending principles 
— ^a principle of good, Ahura-Mazda, and a principle 
of evil, Angro-Mainyus. These beings, who were 
coetemal and coequal, were engaged in a perpetual 
struggle for supremacy ; and the world was the battle- 
field wherein the strife was carried on. Each had 
called into existence numerous inferior beings, through 
whose agency they waged their interminable conflict. 
Ahura-Mazda (Oromazdes, Ormazd) had created thou- 
sands of angehc beings to perform his will and fight 
on his side against the Evil One ; and Angro-Mainyus 
(Arimanius, Ahriman) had equally on his part called 
into being thousands of malignant spirits to be his 
emissaries in the world, to do his work, and fight his 
battles. The greater of the powers called into being 

' Agath. ii. p. 64. the Author's Ancient Monarchies^ 

^ A critical analysis of the vol. iii. pp. 104-107.^ But we 
Zendavesta into its earlier and I only know the Persian religion 
later portions seems to show that | historically from the time of Darius 
Dualism was a development out ! Hystaspis, when Dualism was cer- 
of an earlier Monotheism. (See | tamly a part of it. 

Ql QLl cnyucrEK or zoso^ytniiA^ffUf. 55 

bf JUtitn-Mitda wem propa objects of the worship of 
wML,^ thai^Lf of C43iime, bn main worebip was to be 
giren to Aburm-Mnzdiu Aiigro*Uainru5 wm not to be 
but to be hated and ftued. With thj^ 
bdiaf had been comfaiiied» at a time not 
tlian thai of Darim Hjataspis, au entirely 
»»' the wonhip of the elementa. Fi«» 
Tt earth, and water were i^ifurded m easeotiaUj holjr, 
%o pollute aay of ihetii was a crijnc. Fire was 
to bo held in hooour; aod it became an 
tial [MTt of ih/c Peman religion to nuiintain per- 
fmmaify ypoQ the gre-altftni the »tered flame, supposed 
to haw been origtnaUjr kituUed from heaven, and to 
&m chat k oenr went out.* Together with thia de^ 
amtal wonbtp waa mtroduced into the rdigjon a 
fw i wiail ii|§ard for an aider of priota called Magtana^ 
who iaierpoiDd themM?l?«i between the deity and 
dw wor^pper,* and ekimed to poiM« propbelJC 
pmrm^^ Tim Magian order wai a pirieal^eaate, and 
#xep i-t-^l vast influcnre, l)eing interually organised 
211. » .1 hirran hy containing many ranks, and claiming 
» •iiij'tity far alx»\flhat of the l>est laymen. 

Aruxf-nct*^ found the Magian order depressed by 
th. •yt«niati<' action of the later Parthian princes,* who 
r^: pni'tically fallen away from the Zoroastrian faith 

' }MmciMl\y Mithm, th^" tun- * Mni6crm,* or umJihs^ * wif» uien ' 

r^ ^fc «^ w^t^hip mmr br tmrc<d (IIau^, ^''^' "•• ^^' »*iirrf«/ Ijon- 

1^-4 * • !b« •AfUnit Imiv titn<«. yv^yt H'rVin^c, and lUlufum of the 

» *^i»* \ik* \M\h*tr\ Amrwni /W«rrj, pp. U4*>-247 ) ; n«»ver Main. 

flm»,^T'kmm, tr.L lu pp. l?5-l*^. A trrm which •<iin* id<*nlifT with 

• •*tT»V. If. .1, {} U aod I'l; Ma^ub ( mo^ or ivM^Atfra ) oocun 
I»» < kriftiK. '^A* Bmyaik. ft. twicr, but twico only, in ih© Z«nd- 
1#' % %■!« Marc iiiii. A: aie^tA. < S«*4* W«it<<r>rmArd, /nlru- 
^/-mi^ti^a a jT, dmctkun to /^tnJar^tta, p. 17.) 

• H^.l I ITf. Strmb. iv 3, » iMno. Fr. n ; Schol. ad SicAndr. 
: : ijii^ M*Tr 1 ..r. Th- 7Vr flia ; (He. Ih iMr. i. 23, 41 ; 

««ftf yr>'«o of ilk* />or««fnAn* VmJ. Max. i. A. 



[Ch. m. 

and become mere idolaters. He found the fire-altars 
in ruins, the sacred flame extinguished/ the most 
essential of the Magian ceremonies and practices dis- 
regarded.^ Everywhere, except perhaps in his own 
province of Persia Proper, he found idolatry esta- 
blished. Temples of the sun abounded, where images 
of Mithra were the object of worship,^ and the 
Mithraic cult was carried out with a variety of impos- 
ing ceremonies. Similar temples to the moon existed 
in many places ; and the images of the Arsacidae were 
associated with those of the sun and moon gods in 
the sanctuaries dedicated to them.* The precepts 
of Zoroaster were forgotten. The sacred compositions 
which bore that sage's name, and had been handed 
down from a remote antiquity, were still indeed pre- 
served, if not in a written form,^ yet in the memory 
of the faithful few who clung to the old creed ; but 
they had ceased to be regarded as binding upon their 
consciences by the great mass of the Western Asiatics. 
Western Asia was a seething-pot, in which were mixed 
up a score of contradictory creeds, old and new, 
rational and irrational, Sabaism, Magism, Zoroastrian- 
ism, Grecian polytheism, teraphim-worship, Judaism, 
Chaldee mysticism, Christianity. Artaxerxes conceived 
it to be his mission to evoke order out of this confusion, 
to establish in lieu of this extreme diversity an abso- 
lute uniformity of religion. 

» Mo8. Chor.ii. 74. 
' Herodian, iv. 30. 
' Mo8. Chor. I.8.C. ; Dio Case. 
Ixxv. 12. 

* Mo8. Chor. I.8.C. 

* * Whether/ says Professor Max 
Miiller, * on the revival of the Per- 
sian religion and literature, 500 
years after Alexander, the works 

of Zoroaster were coUected and 
restored from extant MSS. or from 
oral tradition, must remain uncer- 
tain ; and the dtdurhed date of the 
phonetic system would rather lead us 
to suppose a long-continued ir^uence 
of oral tradition,* (Bunsen^ Phi^ 
hsophy of History, vol. iii. pp. 


Hie ilfpi whkb he took to afldct hb purpose seem 
ta httTC been the following. He put down idolatr}* by 
' deitnic^oii of tlie imigeB^ which he over- 
sod broke to pteees,^ He imbed the Maginn 
h i e tm rehy to i. poatioD of honour and digaitr such as 
tlicy bid ieirady e^foyed cveo under the later 
Ai hMnimiiiii prinect,' seeuiing Ibem in a coudi- 
tam of pectmiary independcnee by ^^igfinientB of 
hadis* and uim by allowinj; their tille Co daim from 
Ijbe Mtbful the Uthe of all their pammmnn} He 
die Mrrud fire to be nekindleil on tlie altars 
h wa# esttinguUhed,* and awgned to certain 
ot pricita the charge of maintaining tlie 6re in 
loeality. He thi«n proceeded to collect the sti|>- 
pffwc p li of Zoroaster into a t^otume, in order 
to m/tMMt m itoiMiftrd of orthodoxy whereto he might 
all to eonfonn. He found tlte Zoroostrianji 
divided into a number of wcl».* Among 
he c«tabl»hed unifonnity by means of a ' genetml 
,' which wii# altcndi'd by XIagi from all partM of 
!h» •tnpirf, and whirh i^eltleil what was to be rej^arded 
»♦ lii* tru«- Z4»nttiJ*trian faith. Acronling to the Oriental 
mr.!*!^, ihi* wa5 effivtiil in the following way : — Forty 
\r. *\.^^n*L **T. arcording to others, eighty thousand Magi 
r-AVin;j a*«Mfnhled, lht*y were successively reiluced by 
't.^iT "wn a« t to four thousjind, to four hundred, to forty, 
Ki^i t'^riaJly to ^vt-n, the most liighly resjKH^teil for 

* V • CWt-f l.a.r *SutaM ... ArUifn#Mi inu»t ha?© MUirtioned 
^ .mt\^ ^X Unn» uDaUchrm, Art*- tb<* «Tnin(rf*ro«*nt 

«**• •.^r^r-^r' J * (JiM^.n, Ikriint and Fall, toI. 

• \mm Vmrr iiiu «; p. ."^TS. * » M.»«. Thor. ii. 74. 

T*u» M W-A2 lAaci* ' m'titi'if)«Kl in * Srvrntr. •rcr>rdinif to th<* 
•\j» fmmm^ m«T h«T» br^n in Ori^'nUl wnt«»r« (are (tibbnn, rol. i. 
^ tk« C3MU anJ^r p. XTJ > , but tbu round numbrr, a 
. b«t ftt ftoj imto , multipU of mtiq, it tiMpicaooA. 




[ch. m. 

their piety and learning. Of these seven there was 
one, a young but holy priest, whom the universal con- 
sent of his brethren recognised as pre-eminent. His 
name was Ard4-Viraf. * Having passed through the 
strictest ablutions, and drunk a powerful opiate, he 
was covered with a white linen and laid to sleep. 
Watched by seven of the nobles, including the king, 
he slept for seven days and nights ; and, on his re- 
awaking, the whole nation listened with beUeving 
wonder to his exposition of the faith of Ormazd, 
which was carefully written down by an attendant 
scribe for the benefit of posterity.' ^ 

The result, however brought about, which must 
always remain doubtful, was the authoritative issue of a 
volume which the learned of Europe have now pos- 
sessed for some quarter of a century,^ and which has 
recently been made accessible to the general reader 
by the labours of Spiegel.® This work, the Zendavesta, 
while it may contain fragments of a very ancient 
literature,* took its present shape in the time of 
Artaxerxes, and was probably then first collected 
from the mouths of the Zoroastrian priests and pub- 
lished by Arda-Viraf. Certain additions may since 
have been made to it ; but we are assured that * their 
number is small,* and that we ' have no reason to doubt 

* 'MilmB^fHtdory of Christianity, 
voL ii. p. 261. (Compare the dis- 
sertation of Bredow, prefixed to 
Syncellus, vol. ii., in the Corpus 
Hist. Byzant. of B. G. Niebuhr, 
Bonn, 1829.) 

' Anquetil Duperron, who, to- 
wards the close of the last centurv, 
professed to translate the ZenJ- 
avesta into French, was incompetent 
to the task, and gave a wrong im- 
pression of the true character of 

the volume. Bumouf first edited 
with correctness a portion of the 
text, which has since been published 
in its entirety by Westergaard 
(1862-1864) and Spiegel (1861- 

s See his Translation of the 
Avesta, Berlin, 1861. 

*■ On thb point the reader may 
consult Haug s Essays on the Sacred 
Language 8fc, of the Farsees, Bom- 
bay, 1862. 


Ci. UL} THE lEXDAVi^TA fT0USlIE0. 59 

tbo text of the Aresto, in the ^yi af ArdS- 
VifiC WW OQ Ike who)# exucUy ibe mhig as at 
pTMenL' ^ Tbe religtous iijnitein or the new Persian 
wamstSkf ii thus oaui]>lef43l}r known to m^ and wUl he 
dttgjbed miaiitdy in ft tater chaptt^r. At present we 
hn« to €Oi»dcr, not what Uie esact laneta uf th^ 
Zatoaiifiaiia mn^ but only the mode in which 
Artaxerxes hnpoied them upon his subjects. 

Hw aaa tfep, after aeti^ii^ the true text of the 
aend fofaiii«, waa to agrw upon iu intarpretatkni^ 
Thm language of the Avesta^ though pure Fen^am' was 
of » aidiaic a type Uiat nunc but the munt learnei] 
ci tbe Magi undeoiood it ; ti) the commoa peoplei 
to ihe ordinary priest^ U wai a dead letter. 
imt to have reoofpaisod the nectfnity of 
tbe Zend text wi^ a trunthilinn and 
tary in the language of his own tiine« the 
BAlm or UuzTarcih, ^ich a tiar^ktioii and com- 
mMstmrr exirt : and thuttgh in pitrt belonging to later 
Si^^ tirne«, they reach back probably in their 
^•ar'.i* r j>i»rtioii?» to the era of Artaxerxc*^, who may 
fiuriy U- rn-ilite<l with the (h^sire to make the siicred 
^■-»k ' un<l«-r'»taruled of tin* people/ 

Further, it wa?» ntH-es-Hiin\ in order to Rcoure {)enna- 
:.«T.: ii!jf<»nnity of belief, to give to the Magian priest- 
f -•:. thr kifjH:rs and inteq)reter> of the 8:uTe<l b<K)k, 
\ • rv • xtt uMve jMiwrp*. The Magian hienirrhy was there- 

' Mai H^ilWr. u> liooavti't Pk^tw , rnn**if<>rfn in«rnpttonii: th^n I'eh- 
• ifA^ »/ 1/ut^.Mry, t ,1. tii. p. 116. IfTi nr If uftArvith, iVrninn in iUtfrW 

* Tw KT^%t» rhArmrt'^r <>f Ui<* ( Max Mull**r, |>. 1 llh, but to a lar»ft* 
/^•.€ «M flr»t pr'f«<d btr iLiuk. rit'^nt >*-nii!ic in H» v^imbuUnr ; 
1^1^ ••»'-« toltnitt#«l bT all ftrb'Ur*. n^xt. Tar*!, which u Huivan*«h 
T^fTui mtd ^^j^-^kni m^r* \wn tkticif tit piintir«l fmm i!« S^nntir in^*- 
tt^**^^ f irifci '4 flpr^rb. Fr»iii />rD<l (iimt*. aixi tinaJlv, tb** Un^'uiiirt' of 
fmaitf. int. Arb»i>ftii> iVruAn, Kirlu^i, which r<»ntinurs t«) bo 
■'f U« Wiipng^i id iW r«ff«uui . apukvn «t th« prr*ptit dmy. 



[ch. m. 

fore associated with the monarch in the government and 
administration of the State. It was declared that the 
altar and the throne were inseparable, and must always 
sustain each other.^ The Magi were made to form the 
great council of the nation.^ While they lent their 
support to the crown, the crown upheld them against 
all impugners, and enforced by pains and penalties 
their decisions. Persecution was adopted and as- 
serted as a principle of action without any disguise. 
By an edict of Artaxerxes, all places of worship were 
closed except the temples of the fire-worshippers.' 
If no violent outbreak of fanaticism followed, it was 
because the various sectaries and schismatics succumbed 
to the decree without resistance. Christian, and Jew, 
and Greek, and Parthian, and Arab allowed their 
sanctuaries to be closed without striking a blow to 
prevent it ; and the non-Zoroastrians of the empire, 
the votaries of foreign religions, were shortly reckoned 
at the insignificant number of 80,000.* 

Of the internal administration and government of 
his extensive empire by Artaxerxes, but Uttle is 
known.* That little seems, however, to show that 
while in general type and character it conformed to 
the usual Oriental model, in its practical working it was 

* See the account given by 
Malcolm, from Persian sources, of 
the dying speech of Artaxerxes 
(History of Persia^ vol. i. p. 96). 
Uompare Ma^oudi, Prairies ^Or, 
voL 11. p. 162. 

' So Milman {Hist, of Christie 
anity^ vol. ii. p. 254), whom I 
venture to follow, though I have 
not found ancient autiionty for the 

• Gibbon, Decline and FaS, vol. 
i. p. 838; Milman, vol. ii. p. 252. 

* Hyde, De Rdigione Persaruniy 
c. 21. 

^ The account which Ma9oudi 
gives of the Court and govern- 
mental system of Artaxerxes 
iPrmries a Or, tom. ii. pp. 158- 
57) is curious and interesting, 
but can scarcely be regarded as 
authentic. Ma^oudi did not write 
till about A.D. 950 ; and the picture 
which he draws represents probably 
the later rather than the earlier 
period of the Sassanian kingdom. 



u to obt&iii the npproval of tbt' bulk of his 
Aftaxerxaa goFenied hiB pmirincea either 
throagh oati^e kiog^i or eliK? ihruugh Persian sii- 
At the same time, lik« Uie AchieiBcniaii. 
he kept the ortned form under his own 
by the appcMtiimenl of ^geneimli' or 'com- 
I * dtitiiici &om the aatnipfi.^ Dii^carding tlie 
imB pfaui of intnurting the military defence of the 
sod the prc»i!r\atiofi of doinestlc order Uy a 
militift, he nuuntained on a war footiug a con* 
force, regukrly paid and drilled. 'There 
tarn be tio poirar,' he reiurited, * without an army, 
wm amy without money, no money without ogncul- 
tuR, iod no ogricultiire without ju^itice'^ To 
stjricC jtiitioe wia Cbcrdbre among hb cluef 
DiHy rtporta were made to him of all 
noi only in hit capital, but in eveiy pro- 
Cif kii va^ onpin* ; and ]m knowledge extended 
to the pmate actions of hb suhjeda.^ It was 
• -iriit-l (l«->irt» that all well-disposed persons should 
an al#^-»lute assurance of security with respect to 

<».»-6c© <Wlm/*^«, but inmr- 

•v5*-=.^ t-^ prnfc<i eicv^t hiniArlf 
*. •tfA.n.^ t^ ut]« of kiii^*.Ab')luhr<l 
• »»r-i .jL'.mrtu^i^ry p/wrr brtwrvn 

tmA /*« fv'L L p. 34<»». AiTAlban- 
i".^ ul^* a* tiiAt be rmlM a 
n .t^-. . Y * all tb* km^v, tb^ nil«?r», 
»->: •i*» A-^rt>rtmi« «i 1-'. •rnl w« 
••- '* ^ M «^ tbat b# «a» willing 
» • *'-%r*.*^ ti>' kifii'lv ijtl»» to 
\ 4^ //Mtf .Ifww^ » 7l • Tbr 

..'.!««? !>• »Mlt>A u^ lb* MlbjcCt 

* kin^r of tb<' raduniAns,* by Jul. 
Capitolinun ( Valer. {6). 

* Agatban^r. l.n.c. : :rpn<rrrfXf<r,i. 
^»» f w.iir.ig r..i^ •{<i9i Vi<f;, cm ruiru^o 
^«»C. « '»• <»^<' • r 1^ > .. I f. 

■ S» MaJcolni ( Hist, of Pmia, 
Tol. i. p \^). (iibUm pArapbnmea 
tbua : 'Tbo autboriu of ibi* priuco 
nitXAt be ficf«*nd«*d \y a iiitlitarv 
f 'rci? ; tbat font* can t>nly be luaiii- 
tAinnl by ta\rt; all Uxcii iinj«t, at 
laf t, fall u|f>ii a^rrii-ulturt*; aiii a^ri- 
( Uiturt» roil ij»'\fr tlounsb extt-pi 
undrr ih* pr*t<rcti«in o( jufitirt* antl 
tuoOrratinii ' • />rWin# and FitU^ Tt»l. 
I. p .i4*V,. 

• Malroluj. Jlitiof iWwia, vol i. 
p. W. 



their lives, their property, and their honour.^ At the 
same time he punished crimes with severity, and even 
visited upon entire families the transgression of one of 
their members. It is said to have been one of his 
maxims, that * kings should never use the sword 
where the cane would answer ; ' ^ but, if the Armenian 
historians are to be trusted, in practice he certainly 
did not err on the side of clemency.® 

Artaxerxes was, of course, an absolute monarch, 
having the entire power of life or death, and entitled, 
if he chose, to decide all matters at his own mere will 
and pleasure. But, in practice, he, like most Oriental 
despots, was wont to summon and take the advice 
of counsellors. It is perhaps doubtful whether any 
regular ' Council of State ' existed under him. Such 
an institution had prevailed under the Parthians, where 
the monarchs were elected and might be deposed by 
the Megistanes ;* but there is no evidence that Arta- 
xerxes continued it, or did more than call on each 
occasion for the advice of such persons among his 
subjects as he thought most capable. In matters 
affecting his relations towards foreign powers, he con- 
sulted with the subject kings, the satraps, and the 
generals ; ^ in reUgious affairs he no doubt took 
counsel with the chief Magi.^ The general principles 

* Malcolm, Hist of Persia, vol. i. text. (See Mohra extracts firon^ 
p. 96. There is a remarkable con«enwa the ModJiml-alrTetDarikhf in the 
of authors on the point of Artaxerxes' Journal Asiatique for 1841, p. 502.) 
love of justice. Agatbangelus, the ^ TyKerbelot, Biblioth^que Oriet^ 
Armenian historian, says : i.^n<Ti\n'<T( talcy torn. i. p. 380. 
iraiTa Trparrwi' iinuKtiQ, ivvo^iq. yai- i * See Mos. Chor. iL 70 and 76. 
pu)v Kfti TrnXtTil^^ ^iKaiorarg (§ 9). Eu- * See the Author's Sixth Mon^ 
tychius, the Latin writer, notes of archy, p. 86. 
him : | Quanta fieri potuit cum jus- ! * Agathang. § 12. 
titia inter homines versatus est' I ' This is probably what Dean 
(vol. i. p. 373). The Persian histori- ' 3Iilman meant when he said that 
ans make the assertions given in the ' the Magian hierarchy formed the 

€^ hl] 

QIS *testamext/ 


whkk guided hii ctmduct boch in r^tigioui and oihcT 
■«tl0« ttmy peA^fm bif bi^t gaihereil fkitn tlio wnnb 
of tliat *t€stiiinent/ ar 'ilyiog tpeecb,' which he b 
to have icklresied to hi« sion Sapor. ^ Ke^cr furgi>t,' 
*lbalt 89 A king, jrau are at once the proteetor of 
iod of your coumrr. CnuFidor the altmr «ad 
tlie throcie «i ii^epanible ; they mtu^t al wnp fftistain escfa 
«ilmi A aorcragn without K4igiaii ia s ijinut ; and 
m psople who havn doqo nuiy bo dconiGd the mf>«rc 
ttooflUiiat of all 8iidei]Gi> Bcligioo may exist widiuiit 
m Male; but a ftala catmol exist without religicm; 
and it ii by holy laws that a puUticaJ aatoeiation can 
be bound. Too should bt.^ to your people an 
of pieCy and of virtu^N bul witbtmi prithi or 
^ . ^ . . Bt^member, my sun, that it is 
the proiperity or ad^enity of the ruler which furnia 
ife bapfiMW or miaafy of his subjuctts atvl that the 
1mm of tbe oatioii depends on the confluet of the 
iadNidual who fills the throne. The world is exposed 
•.. « t^ri^Liiit viri^-iiu(Ji*?4 ; learn, tliiTifoiv, to meet the 
:>' w!i« of fortune with cniinij/e and fortitude, and to 
r«^».'»» \i*T *niil«-?* with ino^leration and wisdom. To 

• .in uj» all — may y<»ur admini>tnilion he such as to 
'•r.r.j. at a future day, I ho bK-s-Mnj/s of ihoM.* whom 
<» •: ha.* <oritldtnl to our parental rare upon l>oth your 
':.• :,' ry and min«- ! ' * 

TL» r»- 1* rwi-^'n to Ulii've that Artaxerxes, ^^ome 

• • r t:m«- Ufop' lu!* diath, inve»*tt*<l Sa|M»rwith tlu- 

• •:'!• rii* of «M.\in-iLrntv, and eithrr a^sociattHJ him in 

,— «.r fr -2,'-.! •/ \tm 9*%ir t JiiMtnry %>t\. i. pp. 1».%-J*»l. who in thi* foll»n-« 

. • •!' •.. •#• * !• ;• III. pi:*-'. 
3«« IUkU». UuL of IWma. 

♦.. MmJ' ohn, frmi tru!itWM:tl>y 
r« hi. n mill* rial*. Milnian riv»nl- 
lii*- TVs A* auth^ntir ( Hutaty «.f 



[Ch. m. 

the empire, or wholly ceded to him his own place. 
The Arabian writer, Ma90udi, declares that, sated with 
glory and with power, he withdrew altogether from the 
government, and, making over the administration of 
affairs to his favourite son, devoted himself to religious 
contemplation.^ Tabari knows nothing of the re- 
ligious motive, but relates that towards the close of his 
life Artaxerxes *made Sapor regent, appointed him 
fomially to be his successor, and with his own hands 
placed the crown on his head.' ^ These notices would, 
by themselves, have been of small importance ; but 
force is lent to them by the facts that Artaxerxes is 
found to have placed the efiigy of Sapor on his later 
coins,® and that in one of his bas-reliefs he seems to 
be represented as investing Sapor with the diadem.* 
This tablet, which is at TaMit-i-Bostan, has been 
variously explained,^ and, as it is unaccompanied by 
any inscription, no certain account can be given of it ; 
but, on the whole, the opinion of those most competent 
to judge seems to be that the intention of the artist 
was to represent Artaxerxes (who wears the cap and 
inflated ball) as handing the diadem to Sapor — dis- 
tinguished by the mural crown of his own tablets and 
coins ^ — while Ormazd, marked by his customary 

* Mafoudi, JV'aiii'ca ^Or^ voL ii. 
pp. 169, 160. 

' Tabari, Chronique^ vol. ii. p. 74. 
' See below, p. 67. 

* See Flandin, Voyage en Perse, 
torn. i. pi. 14 ; Ker Porter, Travels, 
vol. ii. pi. 66. 

* Sir R Ker Porter regarded 
the two main figures as Artaxerxes 
and Ormasd, the prostrate figure as 
a symbol of the fallen Aiwicidse, 
and the radiated personage as either 
Zoroaster (!) or 'a personification 

of the Mithratic religion' {Travels, 
vol. ii. p. 193). Flandin also thought 
the radiated figure to be Zoroaster 
( Voyage en Perse, torn. i. p. 442). 
Mr. Thomas takes the view of the 
matter which is followed in the 
text. {Journal of As, Society , New 
Series, vol. iii. p. 267, note 3.) 

* See below, p. 94 ; and compare 
Ker Porter, vol. i. pis. 21 and 28 ; 
Flandin, vol. i. pb. 31 and 33; 
vol. ii. pis. 49 and 63; voL iv. pi. 
186; Texier, pi. 129. 

and further indjcuied hf a halo of gtoiy antmd 
besd^ looki aa« iaiieti0aiiig and approving the 
A prtMmtc figure nnder the feet of che 
kiii0i npmtmSA ather Aitabanus or 
I^rthiati mooaidiy, probablj the &nner ; 
the iimfloirer upon whieh Ormazd fLatids, 
with the nj^ that stream from his head, 
to prc^icnt him under a MiLhraitic 
to the beholder of a mal kteut 
eeo the two grcat objcda of Fenian 

na 0tim of ArtiLX^^i^ prcdenl flra dtflereiit 

^ In th« aafiieal his efhg)' a; ipeaiB oti iho ob* 

btmuha^'d, witii the smpli* leguud ABTaUi^llatft 

(AxtaijeixesX ^^>Q^^u^«B^^ ^^ loG^ oae, saoi 
ianmrnam hbuu, ' Dtvitie Artaxi^ncei^, King ; ' while 
^ Riwia beaia the pm&le of ins fkiher, Papok^ look* 
i&f to the left, with the legeud Baoi rAPaKi MaLKA, 
*DrriM B^iak, Kiiig:' or tail narit PAfuKi iiauu, 
'&'n of I>ivine Pa]mk, King.' Both heads wear the 
'«r:.riar}- Tarthian diadem and tiara ; and the head of 
Ar.Tii' rx«j-j mu<h n^scmblcj* tliat of Volagaaes V., one 
' f :/.c laltr Tarlhian king?*.' The coins of the next 
j»n •: h:ive a hcjid on one side only. This is in 
;*' r-.*. IcMjking to the right, and bears a highly 
■tz^azukuXmI liam, exactly like tlrnt of Mithridates I. of 
i'mTJ ^ the great conqueror. It is usually acc^)m- 
;^..o: i/V the legend MazniSN Baui ABTaUSUalR UaULA 


* TboouM, Amm. Cl 
p. M. 

* Mr. Thoouu rrffmnit thi^ie coiiM 

*« iur« '^«NM*'1«^ <foL TUI. pp. 

y^ i %^i f I ' 1:1. Dpi. 4K>-H. a* tb« tktrd IB urdrr (ibid); but 

«" • %&^ TV>ca*^ la ib« >«- M'Tdtmano u, I tbink. riifbt in 

-r- -^ - <V wiirii fur 1973 (No. mvioir tbem U10 Mcuod dUm 

!.<» ^ «»-44i (iSM<4cJWyt, Tol nil. pp. 31-^). 




[Ch. UI. 

(or MELKAN MaLKA) AiRAN, 1.6. * The Ormazd-worship- 
ping Divine Artaxerxes, King of Iran/ or * King of the 
Kings of Iran/ The reverse of these coins bears a 
fire-altar, with the legend ARTansHaTR nuvazi, a phrase 
of doubtful import.^ In the third period, while the 
reverse remains unchanged, on the obverse the Par- 
thian costume is entirely given up ; and the king takes, 
instead of the Parthian tiara, a low cap surmounted by 
the inflated ball, which thenceforth becomes the almost 
universal badge of a Sassanian monarch. The legend is 


now longer, being commonly MazDiSN Baoi ARTaHSHaTR 


Ormazd-worshipping Divine Artaxerxes, King of the 
Kings of Iran, heaven-descended of (the race of) the 

^ Mr. Thomas renders the phrase 
by * Ardeshir's iire-altar,' comparing 
nuvazi with the Pehlevi naus, which 
has this meaning (Num. Chron. 
1872, p. 51). Mordtmann thinks 
this translation impossible, and 

suggests 'Artaxerxes the chanter' 
(derAnrufende). (Seethe Zeitschrifty 
vol. viii. p. 32. ) l)e Sacy originaUy 
read iezdani tor nuvazi -, but this 
reading is now generally regarded 
as mistaken. 

€fr nil 

0008 or ARTAXKUXE8. 


Oodk' The fourth period te nmrked by the aiiiump- 

tkm of the mimil crown^' which in the sciilptumi of 

Aitucerxest m given only la Onn^, but which waa 

dkemrmtds idopteil by Sapor L and many la tor kio^* 

ID comliiiwtion with the imil, m their uaual head-drefc 

The legoid on tbmn ooiiis nemams u in the third 

pmod, ud the nratw b tikewke onchaagiad. Finally* 

thmn are a few emns of Ajtaxentes, belonging ta the 

iwy dcMe of hb rdgn^ wh4.^re he b rei^resculed with 

the Ikn of tlie third period* looking to tlie right ; 

I wMh in front of him* and looking toward* him, h 

1^ mnA^ profile, that of a boy, in whom numismatists 

^M nofigvuit! hi5 cldert ioEi and iuooewnv Safior.^ 


II I- p-markahlc that with tin* arces^ion of Arta- 
x» rx«-* thin- l** at once a revival of art. Art had >unk 
\u*lrT thi- Tarthian?*, (U-j*[)ite their (trecian K*aiiiri^'s 
:*• Uiv ImwcM ebb which it had known in Wi*>tern Ania 
•iri^ithe arrt-j^-iiiri (»f A.v*luirizir-|>al to the throne of 
A— yn;t (Be. S^^d). Tarthian attempt?* at art were 
!• w MiA far Utwitn, an<l wht-n niad%* wrre unhappy, 
r. -: it» ^av ndiruluu-.* Thf iuin** t»f Artaxerxe?*, eoni- 

*-«r* Ur.^«nrr. Ur^imiUt iir» iH??. p. W, and pU if. No. \'2 , 

* mill A< p4 .V V • I aixl ^*. M*>rdtni«nD. in thr XmtM-krtft, V<>1. 

• i. "^^f II.. \ %/%hrmi» IV , Mil. p :U, aivi pi. 10, No, «. 

■ T^^^^M. n .Vwi^ (V«n. for arrAy, pp. 3ryi.,'tt»7. 




[Ch. m. 

pared with those of the later Parthian monarchs, show 
at once a renaissance.^ The head is well cut; the 
features have individuality and expression ; the epi- 
graph is sufficiently legible. Still more is his sculpture 
calculated to surprise us. Artaxerxes represents him- 
self as receiving the Persian diadem from the hands of 
Ormazd; both he and the god are mounted upon 
chai^ers of a stout breed, which are spiritedly por- 
trayed ; Artabanus lies prostrate under the feet of the 
king's steed, while under those of the deity's we observe 
the form of Ahriman, also prostrate, and indeed seem- 
ingly dead.^ Though the tablet has not really any 
great artistic merit, it is far better than anything that 
remains to us of the Parthians ; it has energy and 
vigour ; the physiognomies are carefully rendered ; and 
the only flagrant fault is a certain over-robustness in 
the figures, which has an efiect that is not altogether 
pleasing. Still, we cannot but see in the new Persian 
art — even at its very beginning — a movement towards 
life after a long period of stagnation ; an evidence of 
that general stir of mind which the downfall of Tatar 
oppression rendered possible; a token that Aryan 
intelligence was beginning to recover and reassert 
itself in all the various fields in which it had formerly 
won its triumphs.* 

^ Longp^rier, MSdaiUes des Sa&- 
Monides, p. 2. 

^ For a representation of tbis 
Nakbsh-i-Rustam tablet, see the 
Chapter on the Art of the Sassa- 

• Besides the bas-relief above 
described, Artaxerxes has left 
either three or four others. One, 
also at Nakhih-i-Rustam, repre- 
sents Ormazd, giving Artaxerxes 
the diadem, on foot (Ker Porter, 

vol. i. pi. 27, No. 2 ; Flandin, 
Voyage en Perse^ pi. 193). Another, 
at Firuzabad, is similar, but shows 
us Artaxerxes accompanied by four 
attendants (Flandin, pi. 44;. A 
third, at Takht-i-Bostan, exhibits 
Artaxerxes handing the diadem to 
his son. Sapor (Ker Porter, pi. 66 ; 
Flandin, pi. 14). The fourth, at 
Salmos, to the west of Lake Uru- 
miyeh, which may have been the 
work of Sapor, represents Arta- 



Tlie ooiiiige of Aitaxofxes, and of the oilier S&ssa- 
■kn motuarefaa. ia baaed^ in part upon Boman, m part 
upoQ Pirt)uaii> modeb. The BoaiAn auretis furoishes 
Am 9pe which U n*produced in the flftminiin gold 
wiai^* vUk the lilv^r coins follow ibe atandaiil long 
tilibtiilMiiil in Western Aiua^ first under thm Seleoddi 
mad thm und^^r the Antacid priocei* Thb standard 
ii bHed tipon the Attic dmchm, which ww adopti-d 
bf AJoBiider uj tha biisb of hk rnouclory Bj^Utm. 
7W coriofii oecurreoee of m completely dilfereiit 
Miadud fcr gold sod iiilver in Peru dtiru^ thift 
fMriod ii aecmifitod for by the dfcumftaneca of the 
tine At whidi the ooina^ took itn timi, Th^ AiBaddv 
had ea^ilogrod no gold 0010%' but had been content 
wiih a m1t(^ eumoi^ ; any gold coin that may have 

m mm atM^g their mibjerts Ibr ptirpom!! of tnide 
ilte eootimmmem of their empire muiit have 

iragn maoey — Bciman, Bactrian, or In^an ; * bnl 
the ijOADlJly had probably for the most port been very 
fmall. But, alxmt ton years before the accession of 
Aruxerxe^, ihert* had been a sudden influx into 
We*!« ni A^ia of Konian p)ld, in ronserjuence of the 
vmi*of the in-aly concluded l)etween Artabanus and 
Ma< rinu-' Hi*. 217), whereby Rome undert4)ok to pay 
it» i'arthia an indemnity of above a million and a half 
vf .^ur money* It is pn>bable that the payment was 

i^r\m 9md *^prir <io tiorwbadl, ' Ibid. p. 14. 
yv^'^TiA/ t^ •ubtntMo nf xhm * IWinAii gold coinf ar* nn*, 
( k«f I'oru^. voL U. but havr b«^n found ( Wibnn, 
' Arutnm Ani%^ma, pp. SIR, 223); 
Mt^mlJ^ dm ' Iivluui are comiD«« (ibid. pp. 347- 
IVWacv, p IV. and aUo 5H(»i. 
y 11 rw mmrwm of Mnrhnua * IHo (^a«uu*, liiTiii. 27. Com- 
««^^ h^mk I'VS Ut lY) nmiaa; part the Autbur't Hurik MommrcKy^ 
\M» gJA oriMi U a« miU 'i'm^ p. aOO. 
aaadlj 130 ptuaa. I 



[Ch. m. 

mostly made in aurei. Artaxerxes thus found current 
in the countries, which he overran and formed into an 
empire, two coinages — a gold and a silver — coming 
from different sources and possessing no common 
measure. It was simpler and easier to retain what 
existed, and what had sufficiently adjusted itself 
through the working of commercial needs, than to 
invent something new ; and hence the anomalous 
character of the New Persian monetary system. 

The remarkable bas-relief of Artaxerxes described 
above/ and figured below in the chapter on the Art of 
the Sassanians, is accompanied by a bilingual inscrip- 
tion,^ or perhaps we should say by two bilingual 
inscriptions, which possess much antiquarian and 
some historic interest. The longer of the two runs 
as follows : — ' Pathkar zani mazdisn bagi Artahshatr^ 
malkan malka Airan^ minuchitri min yaztan^ bari bagi 
Papaki malka ; ' while the Greek version of it is — 


The shorter inscription runs — ^Pathkar zani Ahura- 
mazda bagi^ the Greek being 


> Supra, p. 68. 
^ This inscription, 

which was 

first copied with any accuracy by 
Carsten Niebuhr, will be found in 
his Voyages, torn. ii. pi. 27. It 
is also represented in the work of 
Ker Porter, vol. i. pi. 22, opp. 
p. 648. Though bilingual only, it 

is triliteral ; the Persian transcript 
being ^ven, with only slight differ- 
ences, in the two sets of characters, 
which have been recently distin- 
guished as * ChaldsBO-Pehlevi ' and 
* Sassanian Pehlevi ' (Taylor, in ./bur- 
nal of Asiatic Society^ vol. xii. pp. 
264-266). The latter and simpler 


micEiPTio^B OP aetaxj:exes. 


The ittiCfipcioiii} arc mtert^ctrng^ finii, m proving the oou^ 
■6 of the Greek chatacter and language hj a 

thai waa intciiisdy nattooal and that wi^ed to 
dnt* the Greeks out of Aaia. SecondJy, they ara 
iaimt^lmg as showing the character of the oattire 
k^gtage, and letient, employed bj the PersiaiiSt when 
Aey came mddenty into notice as the iitling people of 
Walam Ana. Thirdly^ th^ have an hiatorie inteiieit 
in wbn ih^ lell m of the idatkniafaip of ArtunrxoB 
1o Babdi (P^pokX ^f ^^ TMik of Babek, aod of the 
fympathief of the Sananianii, I0 this last 

Ihej da iodwd, io themselves, little but coii« 
im the evidoioe of the coion and the general voice 
of aotiqtiity oa Ibe iubject Coupled, however* with 
tlw rcfidb to irtuefa they ara appwdcd, they do more. 
Ikej prove to im thai the Fanniia of the earUe^t Safr- 
timisi were not avi^ie to exhibiting the great 
of thor thecklogy in nculpiuretl forma ; nay, 
they revfial to w the actual forms then conmdered ap- 
{.n»j»ri.ito to Ahura-Miizda (Onnazd)andAngro-main3rus 
< Ahnmaii I ; for we can K-arcely be mistaken in regarding 
L\» [»rr»tnite fifrure under the hm)fe of Ahura-Miizdu's 
<«^^1 a- tin* antagonist spirit of Evil.* Finally, the in- 
- r.j.t.oii-. ^^iMW ihat, from the commenrement of their 
-A. r» liTTity, the SiixHiinian jirinces elmme<l for them- 
•jualilied divinity, iiiisuming the title of bao,- 

••!'••"* a 

rr^-^r^ \rf H. Ii* ?*«<7. ^^*f ^^ 
ikm *c.aLL<1 t» UmiuiAU* the ID- 
arr fA> « • Mtwttmr^ mat Us /iMmp- 
fMM dt \ml^J^iUm£tam, pp. 7(t rt 

U«^s mi^t^Md-*^ ^\y rr^i br Mr. 
1 1, mj^, %zA. m'0< r^otitlv, br 
I*^' Uatua IUo/ 

k«v y rut • drmviBir Alinv* u« 

with imAkfM at the front of Uie 
helmet. The connection of the 
•erprnt or oiAke with Ahrimmn xm 
A well-known feature of Uie Zoro- 
Mtrun rvU/ioQ ( VetuUtUtL i. .i ; 
ITiii. 1-4); lleriKL t. 140; kc), 

* Ba^ \% the t«mi UJHxl for 
* iftid ' thn>u|rhout the Achir- 
menuui inarhptiocu. It i« there 
applied Uith U> (hmaid and the 
inlen<tr driUet. That thi* hag or 




[Ch. IIL 

or ALHA,^ * god,' and taking, in the Greek version of their 
l^ends, the correspondent epithet of 0EOS. 

b4»gi of the early Sassanians repre- 
sents this word is generally agreed 

' ALHA is used as an eauivalent 
term for BAei in the Ghaldeo- 

PeUevi transcript of this and other 
inscriptions of the early Sassan i an 
kin^. It clearly represents the 
Jemsh Elf or £loh»mj and the 

nmais op aipoi h 



Mii* Mtnaim wU liU /Wpfr. if* 

■^ llr £ma m km Tm^. Mi» ml« Nwtim tf MmL 
I ly %»*. m^§ Dm^JL ffm 

VOAmiAA. IT. p. 1S4. B. 

Aetcxkr-IEs appeare to have died in B.C. 240.* He 
W4.» •ucxet^ik-d by hb< K>n, Shahpuhri,* or &ipor, the 
fir>: Suv^anian prince of that name. According to 
thr iVmian hiiturians, the mother of Sapor was a 


ynxk AgmthiMB (it. tM ; p. 

A I aad Kut^^dutM ( toL L p. 

IS. r^viAtf ArlairrxMi a mirn 

f«Ar* ooJy. (Seitf ti>« 

M»far i^l. p. Vri; 

Miitf» Ma^o«di« Uim. U. p. 

1% ^«« tktt \ rmrmuk wrilm 

i^^m i^j. if^Xj-fk^^, or ^Tto 

v««i» ( f^kUAfium, to tiir Jam- 

im^wfm^ iur l^^OS, p 14AKtil<7 

mfiw4m til* tliB« dohnir 

Penk. (See Tabari, C^roMfHf, U. 
p. 76: 'Ardeachir r^^nui quAtone 
■at aprte U mort d'Ardewao : pub 
il mounit, mprM atoir r^^ en four 
quAimnte^uAtre aiml) 

' TbU !• th(* f.irm of the iiAme 
OQ the coini of S«por, and in hia 
inachptioDA. The wacd meana 
• prince •—literally * king '• too * — 
frntn SkaA {conineird form of 
kXska^Mtyn^ * kinir ') and jmkr 
( « Achgnnenian m drm), * mm,* (See 
Moa. ChoML i/uL i4nMfli. IL 74.) 



[Ch. IV. 

daughter of the last PartBiSin king, Artabanus,^ whom 
Artaxerxes had taken to wife after his conquest of her 
father. But the facts known of Sapor throw doubt on 
this story ,^ which has too many parallels in Oriental 
romance to claim impUcit credence.^ Nothing authentic 
has come down to us respecting Sapor during his 
father's lifetime;* but from the moment that he 
moimted the throne, we find him engaged in a series of 
wars, which show him to have been of a most active and 
energetic character. Armenia, which Artaxerxes had 
subjected, attempted (it would seem) to regain its 
independence at the commencement of the new reign ; 
but Sapor. easily crushed the nascent insurrection,^ and 
the Armenians made no further effort to free them- 
selves till several years after his death. Contem- 
poraneously with this revolt in the moimtain region 
of the north, a danger showed itself in the plain 
coimtry of the south, where Manizen,* king of Hatra, 
or El Hadhr, not only declared himself independent, 

* Malcolm, History of Fersiaj 
vol. i.,p. 96, note; D^Herbelot, 
BihKothkque Orientalef torn. i. pp. 
378-9. Some writers are content 
to make her an Arsacid princess 
(Tabari, ii. p. 76). 

^ As Artaxerxes only reigned 
fourteen years after his last victory 
over Artabanus, if he then married 
that king's daughter, and Sapor was 
their son, he (Sapor) could not have 
been more than thirteen at his 
father's death. But the wars in 
which he is at once engaged do not 
suit this age. 

' Compare the stories that Cam- 
byses was the son of Nitetia, a 
daughter of ^Vmasis (Herod, iii. 2); 
that Cyrus was a son of Mandan^, 
daughter of Astyages (ib. i. 108) ; 
and that Alexander the Great was 
the son of Darius Codomannus, the 

last AchsBmenian monarch (Mal- 
colm, vol. i. p. 70). 

^ The tale that his mother was 
condemned to death, but spared by 
the chief vizier because she was 
with child, and that her offspring 
was brought up secretly by the 
minister, who after a time revealed 
the matter to Artaxerxes (Tabari, 
ii. pp. 76-79 ; Malcolm, i. 96, note ; 
D*Herbelot, I.S.C.), deserves no cre- 
dence. Its details are contradic- 

* Malcolm, vol. i. d. 97, note. 

^ Tabari calls this idng Satiroun, 
and places the si^ of Hatra after 
the capture of Valerian {Ckroniqm^ 
ii. pp. 80-82). Satiroun is also 
given as the name of the Hatra 
monarch bv Ma90udi (tom. iv. pp. 

Cm. IV.] msr WAR or bapor with rome, 7& 

ba& MWfuni^ dotninioa OTer the entire tract between 
Am Eiiphr a to and the l^gria, the Jeztreh of the 
Anbian gmgrapliefi* The strength of Hatm wm 
m hod been pmved by Tnijan and Sevems ; ^ 

tliick wmUs find valmat inhabitaiiU would pmbfibly 
defied e%^ry attenijit of the Pejiisan prince to 
woaikji^ himself muter of it l^ fome. He therefore 
CflgJBW iindffid to ftraljtgem. Manizeu had a daughter 
wIk> diefiibed ambitioux viewi. On obUuDing n pro- 
mw from Sapor tlutt if sbci gave liatrn hito his power 
be would make her hk queen^ this unnatuml child 
ttinied tt^ost her &ther, betnire<l him into Sapor*5 
liaii^ and thus brought the war to an end. ^por 
his lotft territorr ; but he cUd not fulfil his 
iMtaiid of mnrrying the trmitroit ba handed 
QTCV to aa «xecailiaiiar, to fwoira the death that 
Am hmA dasarriid ^ tbougli scaiwlf at his handit.' 

Enoomgwl hj bb ittcirmi in these two lesser con- 
tasn. Sapor ncsolved (apfmrently in JLn. 24 P) to 
r»-urn*' tla- IkiM [»n»ject.s of hi.s father, and engage in a war with Uonir. The coiifuMon and troubles 
wf.:. h atllirtiHl the Hainan Knij)ire at this time were 
•\k' h a> might Well give him ho|>e8 of obtaining a 
*U^ : it'll advantage. Alexander, hi** falherV adversar}*, 
r^d U »ri munlereil in A.D. 235 by Maximin,* who 
fr- •Til ill*- roiwliiiun of a Thraj'ian [)eai«int had rijHMi 
lui** the higher rank.** of the anny. The ui)8Uirt had 

<s>* tV Author's fikjiA Mum- (F.R i p. 1^V1). S«por'« Afnrr««Aoiu 

mr-iLf '^^ 1 ! '( axvi •144. r^rtAinl^ j>mco<J»«<i ihi* journ«»T. 

* Ma- va., :.pp ••V-T. Mft^tU'li lUrx tiiiMt ba%«» <»cruiTpd in th«» 
.« > •^i »jjfi T»ljfth m*k«> >ap')r r«rli«*r tifnth* nf a V. 'i4l, or thn 

'r-4.— ^ "JL • ynr^^-mm . bul «AV th«l UUT >mf ..f a U. 'JMK 

• \> *^.f •/•-#f-w*/»l» br i>«il L«r li» • Sr««' (ti^H<>n, Ih^'Un* amd KaU^ 

^%Lx f\f^tmmpm u p. "^ ) «••! I. pp. WC ^( ; I»r ( *bAiiip«|rnT, 

* <r«>C«e.* /mrx^y t" Lb# K««t f'rttr$ c/m .'i»i# .Sb^/r, turn. li. pp. 




ruled like the savage that he was; and, after three 
years of misery, the whole Soman world had risen 
against him. Two emperors had been proclaimed in 
Africa ; ^ on their fall, two others had been elected by 
the Senate ; ^ a third, a mere boy, ^ had been added 
at the demand of the Eoman populace. All the pre- 
tenders except the last had met with violent deaths ; 
and, after the shocks of a year unparalleled since 
A.D. 69, the administration of the greatest kingdom in 
the world was in the hands of a youth of fifteen. 
Sapor, no doubt, thought he saw in this condition of 
things an opportimity that he ought not to miss, and 
rapidly matured his plans lest the favourable moment 
should pass away. 

Crossing the middle Tigris into Mesopotamia, the 
bands of Sapor first attacked the important city of 
Nisibis. Nisibis, at this time a Eoman colony,* was 
strongly situated on the outskirts of the mountain 
range which traverses Northern Mesopotamia between 
the 37th and 38th parallels. The place was well 
fortified and well defended; it offered a prolonged 
resistance ; but at last the walls were breached, and it 
was forced to yield itself.^ The advance was then 
made along the southern flank of the mountains, by 
CarrhsB (Harran) and Edessa to the Euphrates, which 
was probably reached in the neighbourhood of Bireh- 

^ The two Gordians, father and 
BOiiy who were shortly afterwards 
put down by Capelianus (Gibbon, 
vol. i. pp. 218-218). 

^ MaximuB and Balbinus (ibid, 
p. 219). 

* M. Antonius Gordianus, a 
grandson of the elder and a nephew 
of the younger Gordian. He was 
only thirteen years of age when he 
was proclaimed, in a.d. 238 (Hero- 

dian, viii. 8). 

^ See the coins (Mionnet, 
Midailiesy torn. v. pp. 625-628; 
and Supplement, tom. viii. pp. 416, 

* According to Persian authori- 
ties, the wall fdl down in answer 
to the prayers of the besiegers 
(Malcolm^ vol. i. p. 93. Cumpare 
Tabari, Chrmique^ ii. p. 79). 

oi* nr J 

BAK>E nrriDgst steia. 


^ The hofdei tbeti p<}uretl into Syria, and, sprxmding 
llic[iuclvi!s ormt dial rertile region, surprised and touk 
the BwtrapoUA of the Roman Eait, the rich and 
mty of Anlioch,^ But meantime Uie 
hid fihomn a apirit which had not bocn coc- 
pedued from than. Gordiaa, youog as he waa, had 
JIM md marched ihrough Mcesia and 
ifilo Am,' iCOoinpiiLied by a formidable army^ 
Md by al kw4 one good ganaraL lluie^itlieun,' whcise 
datiphier Ourdiati had reccallj married^ though hb hfe 
had hitherlo been thai of a dritian,^ exhibited^ on his 
to the difniity of lYBKlorian prefect, oon- 
miiitiity ^ihty. The arniy, nominally com- 
by Oovdisii, really acted under hb orders. 
With it Timeiitbeua attacked and beat the bands of 
ID a number of a^gi^gaomlip^ raooferad AiH 
iirwaiil the Eupfantatt ratook Cbnhs^ dslwled 
tltt Bmira Booafd] in a pitched battle near Bemiua ^ 
(Baad-Ain), reootered Niiibis« and anoe more jihinted 
the R>man standards on the banks of the Tigris. 
^^ptr lia!iuly evacuated most of hw conquests,^ jind re- 
tuvd tir>t acroos the Euphniles and then across the more 
€ai«tem river ; while the Romans advanced as he re- 
u^emU\i^ placed pirri^>n3 in the various Meso[>otamian 
:^>wii?, ainl even Uireatened the great city of Ctesiphon.' 

I manned by I>e ChamfMipij. !.«.& 
I * * Fn<<|a<«tibus pnrliU pu|niATit 

• limit, Amfmm. Gcrdiani, S 27. 

• lUd. i '^ 

• TW» a^M MfiTcs m MictUieai et Tirit ' ( U%M, Aug. (Sonl.'{ !2((). 
!■ tA* limi^rm AtymiM (whidi U • * Amm. Marc xxiti. 6: ' Apud 
ii£k/mm4 Wj ffibWm and ot^rv). m ' lieMUoam fu«) fu^nitnque Pervaruffl 
Toi^mir^^hj 74jmmm ii ITi. Dot 
MjM'naO mm akr/v ikml \k* tru^ fonn 

.Vwii^ l#< vu p lit*. |N> Cbain- 

ft. ^ jTH. »»«# k 

Jiui H-y CJ.iTd. 5 27. 

* lo the \rXWT which h« WTot« 

in thr S<»iuiU} fn>ai MM(»poUunia, 

(tiinliAQ ftAid : * Nisi bin um|U« prr- 

TrtumuA, f*i, m d\ fsTehot, Ctaai- 





[Ch. IV. 

Gbrdian was confident that his general would gain 
further triumphs, and wrote to the Senate to that 
effect; but either disease or the arts of a rival cut 
short the career of the victor/ and from the time 
of his death the Eomans ceased to be successful. 
The legions had, it would seem, invaded Southern 
Mesopotamia^ when the Prastorian prefect who had 
succeeded Timesitheus brought them intentionally into 
difficulties by his mismanagement of the commissa- 
riat ; ® and at last retreat was determined on. The 
young emperor was approaching the Khabour, and 
had almost reached his own frontier, when the discon- 
tent of the army, fomented by the prefect, Phihp, 
came to a head. Gordian was murdered at a place 
called Zaitha, about twenty miles south of Circesium, 
and was buried where he fell, the soldiers raising a 
tumulus in his honour. His successor, Philip, was glad 
to make peace on any tolerable terms with the Persians ; 
he felt himself insecure upon his throne, and was 
anxious to obtain the Senate's sanction of his usurpa- 
tion. He therefore quitted the East in a.d. 244, having 
concluded a treaty with Sapor, by which Armenia 
seems to have been left to the Persians, while Mesopo- 
tamia returned to its old condition of a Eoman province.* 

» Hist. Aug, Qord. § 28. 

' John of Antioch makes the 
Roman army penetrate to the 
' mouths of the Tigris ' (ci'c ra tov 
TiypriToQ rtTOfJiia, Fr. 147) ; but this 
is very improbable. An advance 
into Southern Mesopotamia is, how- 
ever, distinctly implied in th* posi- 
tion of Gordian's tomb, which was 
some wav south of the Khabour 
(A mm. Marc xxiii. 6). 

» Hid, Aftgwt, Gord. § 29. 

^ De Champagny represents the 
peace made as altogether favourable 
to Rome (tom. li. p. 216), and 

speaks of Armenia as having be' 
come Roman in consequence. But 
this was certainly not so. Armenia 
did not cease to be Persian till the 
third year of Diocletian, a.d. 286 
(Mos. Chor. ii. 79). Some ancient 
writers called the peace * very dis- 
graceful to Rome ' (Zosim. iii. 32 : 
tipfjvtiy ahx^arriv) ; but Niebuhr^S 
conclusion seems to be just, viz. 
that 'Philip concluded a peace with 
the Persians, which was as honour- 
able to the Romans as circum- 
stances would allow' (Lectures on 
Anc, Hist., voL iii. p. 284, E. T.). 

Cm, nr.i icwono fBoraLtt m %xctbia. 79 

The peaee made between Pbllip and Sapor wna 
fciUowed by an iBtcnral of foym?en yairs,^ tluring 
whidi acaroely anytJuiig i« knoun uf the condition of 
?i^mM. We may nupoci thflt truablefl in the Donh- 
mai of his empira occnpied Sapar during tliia jieriod, 
far It the end o( it we find Bacrria, which waa 
oeftainly rabjecl to Perda durinn ihe earlier jcari 
<if tlw mooaidiy/ oeeupying mi indnpeiidiitit pottition, 
aad men atfomhig an attitude uf hosdti^ toward^} the 
Bbmo moiiaidi.^ Buctria bad, from a remotts an* 
liqmij^ daima to pn^-emineuce among the Aryan 
She wij mom than once inclined to revolt 
the Achasnieiudai ; * and during the later Paribian 
riit had enjoytd m inrt of !fcL*mi4ndependence.' 
U wookl SMtD that $he now micceedcd in detaching 
hmmU akogelher from her sotithem neigbbotir, and 
hewMiing a diiunct and separate power. To strengthen 
herpontioo^ ihe entered into relationft with Bome^ 
«yA ^i^dlj welcomed any adhcfionj to her cauae in 
thi« rt-mote rcyion. 

>a[*i»r\H HNond war with Rome wait, like his first, 
{»r'»v .kttl by liiiniielf. After anicliulinf^ his peace* with 
I1iiii[N he had seen ilie lioman world govcnieil suc- 
« «^>ivcly by ^ix weak rniperorsj of whom four had 
'iuA violent deaths, while at the same tiiiu* there had 
'm-^'U a conunuetl series of attacks iij)on the northern 

' Trr^^ A ^ VM tM 4.D. 'J-Vi. * S*.*. th«* Author** Amtnti Mom- 

• H m. C Vif. It «1». 71. A r. orrAut, ml. it. p. .>«♦. 

* '^•• '.h^ tUMt^m^nt in th** //•» * Ibid. t.I. it. p. 4^7 ; II<>ntd. ix. 
•-^-^ Amfmt/M thAt th«> lUrtrUat, llH. 

•.Ti. o^ 't^n, fimtlior-d i" fvonr • Siipm, p. 1*.*. 
• .* ^fr-^r^ tnAtfl^ U' tb»m by ' I'hilip. hrciu*. (tAlliui. .Kitiili- 

•■•5»^ fch^T hu d0U^t V Valrfian, •nu», \"«lrnw», and itallirtiu«, 

mut p^w4 tK#ir trrtirv* »t tbr whom hr ••««M'i»t«*<). iH th«*M< th«» 

C>^«ii / tJ^ lUjmmtm (Jul. Capit. tir«t f<>ur )<rri»h<*d within th<< tpftcv 

Imp $ Ti. of (ire vr«ri (A.D. lMl»-'iM ). 




[Oh. IV. 

fix>ntier8 of the empire by Alemanni, Goths, and 
Franks, who had ravaged at their will a number of the 
finest provinces, and threatened the absolute destruc- 
tion of the great monarchy of the West.^ It was 
natural that the chief kingdom of Weston Asia 
should note these events, and should seek to pro- 
mote its own interests by taking advantage of the 
circumstances of the time. Sapor, in a.d. 258, deter- 
mined on a fresh invasion of the Eoman provinces, and, 
once more entering Mesopotamia, carried all before 
him, became master of Nisibis, Carrhae, and Edessa, 
and, crossing the Euphrates, surprised Antioch, which 
was wrapped in the enjoyment of theatrical and other 
representations, and only knew its fate on the exclama- 
tion of a couple of actors ' that the Persians were in 
possession of the town.' ^ The aged emperor, Valerian, 
hastened to the protection of his more eastern 
territories, and at first gained some successes, retak- 
ing Antioch, and making that city his head-quarters 
during his stay in the East.® But, after this, the tide 
tiuTied. Valerian entrusted the whole conduct of the 
war to Macrianus, his Prastorian prefect, whose talents 
he admired, and of whose fidelity he did not enter- 
tain a suspicion.* Macrianus, however, aspured to the 

^ Gibbon, DeeUne and FaU, toL 
L pp. 2QS-S2Q ; Niebuhr, JLectures 
on Ancient HUtory, vol. iii pp. 
290-294, R T. 

' Amm. Marc, xziii. 5. Some 
place this capture later, as (Hbbon 
(voL i. p. 328) and Clinton (JP. -R. 
vol. i. p. 288} ; but it seems to me 
that the capture of the city by a 
sudden suqirise (as related by 
Ammianus) is to be distinguished 
from the capture of which the in- 
habitants hMi due notice (mentioned 
by the anonymous author of the 

Td luriL Mittvay jFV*. SmL Or* ToL 
iv. p. 192\ and that the former 
preceded tne other. The fact that 
Ammianus refers the surprise to 
the rei(^ of Gallienus is not con* 
elusive against this view, since 
Gtdlienus was associated in the 
empire as early as a.d. 253. 

s Zosim. i. 32-^34. A coin of 
Valerian, assigned to this year, haa 
the legend ' VICT. PARTHICA' 
(Clinton, F. -R. i. p. 282). 

^ See the letter of Valerian to 
the Senate, written from Meaopo- 

mumtb WAB or ^iKiR wmi roitr. 

mpiitt, wd iatraUuruiUy brought VaJerian into dtffi- 
oilties,^ in Qm bop& of dii^gractng or removing Itim. 
Hit tactici were lUcciMfiiL Hie Boinan annj m 
HeiopolizEiMi WW betrAjred intci a situatitm wheoee 
tnipe WW tmpcMnUe^ and wberi! iu capitulaUoQ wa^ 
4nlr a qoeitioQ nf lime. A bold attempt made to 
feice a wmy through the mmaf^ line» Mled utterly «' 
after whkh fiuniJM and penflanca began to do their 
work In vain SA tba aged aiipcn>r send «Hivoys 
to ftopom a peace» and offer to pitrcbaae escape by 
tlie p^fmnni of an immanae atim in gold.* Sapor, 
eoa&ifiit of victory, rofiiaad Ae overturn^ and, waiting 
prtiwtlly dU hia adrcnaT^ waa at the lut gasp, invited 
kiDi to a ooofiereaoe^ and then treaclieiiHisly seized 
hm pesaoo.* Hie army «ii]Teitdered or dispenied,^ 
Mftrnanns* the PiMonan prdect^ ihortly aBum^d the 
mJ» id mperor, and aian^hed againat Gallii^^miii, Uia 
ioii aad oolleague of Valerian, who had been left to 
JMirt a&ifa ia the We^t But anotlior rival utarted up 
m the East. Sapor conceived the idea of complicating 
t!i^ Ruman affainj by himself putting forward a prc- 
u Liitrr ; and an ol>M:ure citizen of Antioch^ a certain 

ami f t ^mr ra d in Ui<* lliMorta 

f*arj^« c >««chpu, b*Uum Penucunj 
^*«««, Mmmanft totam n*fnpubli* 
'Ma 'Yv^dadi qtAvi4^fli a part« militari. 
I«j» ^4jm adriia, liU nibi devoCua, 

> i#.flr. .4«9M^. Val«^ian S ^ 
' \ ^*jm »«t a Sapnn» rvi^r^ IVrM- 
rwm.. itfB iSftrt« nyrfitm mn timcu, 
'm^xiium brllM-arutn 
imiarmt, tru> iv« a4v<rr«i (ijrtaAa, in aa 
0mm: r<m 4a4artuft. aU iM«r vigi>r 
^^ i««rs^4.^<^ Militan*, quia oap^ 
f»ear. a«45«aia vaWra p4ait/ I 

Jordan and FTMenhardt, r«*j«ct thi^i 
paa«Mre (<sl. of IWVl, p. 70). 

• Kutrtjp. ii. 7. 

■ JVtrua ralric. Fr. J» ; Z<>wm. i. 

* Zositn. U.C. Ziinaraa (lii. 23) 
baa a diff<*rrDt aceimnt. According 
to hiio. Valerian wa« Ptrnplj cap* 
turod a« ha thc>d to earmpr. 

' (fibbno Ppf^a of the whole 
annir lauDf^ d^wn lU anna (toL I. 
p. 3^ ) ; but tbe pnaitino cif Marh- 
antu at th«> brad of a c*noiidrrablf» 
form, rx|ir»"<»lT Mud to br the rrni- 
I naot of tb« \'»l innT, iiapliea the 
aara(>«» of a certain Dun bar ( //uT. 
Amf, iialhen. SI). 




[Ch. IV. 

Miriades or Cyriades,^ a refiigee in his camp, was 
invested with the purple, and assumed the title of 
CsBsar.^ ^ 

The blow struck at Edessa laid the whole of Eoman 
Asia open to attack, and the Persian monarch was not 
slow to seize the occasion. His troops crossed the 
Euphrates in force, and, marching on Antioch, once 
more captured that unfortunate town, from which the 
more prudent citizens had withdrawn, but where the 
bulk of the people, not displeased at the turn of 
affairs, remained and welcomed the conqueror.* 
Miriades was installed in power, while Sapor himself, 
at the head of his irresistible squadrons, pressed for- 
ward, biursting * like a mountain torrent ' * into Cilicia, 
and thence into Cappadocia. Tarsus, the birthplace of 
St. Paul, at once a famous seat of learning and a great 
emporium of commerce, fell ; Cilicia Campestris was 
overrun ; and the passes of Taurus, deserted or weakly 
defended by the Eomans, came into Sapor's hands. 
Penetrating through them and entering the champaign 
country beyond, his bands soon formed the siege of 

^ The Miriades (Mariades) of 
Malala (zii. p. 295) can scarcely be 
a different person from the Cyriades 
of the Hikoria Augusta^ Triginta 
Tyranni, § 2. Whether he was 
brought forward as a pretender be- 
fore the death of Valerian or after 
is perhaps doubtful (De Champagny, 
Cisars du Sme Siicle, torn. ii. p. 4d6). 
But on the whole Gibbon's nexus 
of the events has the greatest pro- 

' The setting up of Miriades as 
emperor is thought to be repre- 
sented on more than one of Sapor's 
bas-reliefs. A tablet on a large 
scale at Darabgerd (Flandin, pi. 
33) seems to exhibit the Pexsian 

king on horseback, with Valerian 
prostrate beneath his charger's feet, 
m the act of designating Miriades 
as monarch to the assembled Ro- 
mans ; Sapor's guards stand behind 
him with their hands upon their 
sword-hilts, while in front of him 
the Roman soldiers accept their 
new ruler with acclamations. He 
himself raises his right arm as he 
takes an oath of fidelity to his 

' See the fragment of the anony- 
mous continuator of Dio^s Roman 
History, in the .FV. Bist, Or, vol. 
iv. p. 192. 

^ The simile is lised by Niebnhr 
(Licturei, vol. iii. p. 2QA, E. T.). 

csi^rvo uroft i^pvadbs ^ia ui^oe. SS 

ManiCTi, the greatest dtj of these parta, 

tUf time to have CDtitainecl a populatioa 

<if ftmr hundred tlioumtul muIs. Demmthenes, the 

gsrenMjr of CbaofeA* ddeiided it bravely, aud, had 

imce oqIj been iiaed af^tmt lam, might have pre- 

fmiled ; but Sspor fbuud fnaoda withm tiie woll^^ aad 

bf ibeir help made himiielf mnittf of tho place^ vrluJe 

iln bold defimkr mu ob%ed m oont^t him^lf with 

ci^iii^ bf mUmg hk wtjr tlirou^ the vietarioiu 

boit.^ All Im Hiiior mm wmmeA open to the 

eomiiierur; md it u difficult to umlentand whj he 

did not at auy rate aUem pt a permanent occupattcm of 

tba Immta^ which be bad 00 caaily oveffuii. But 

oertaiti that be eDtertaiiicd 00 such idm.^ 

and plunder^ revetige and gain, not 

odoqiMgtii ware bb objede ; and henoe his 

efWfwbare marked by ruin and eatnage, 

lovTit, mvagf^l fields, and heaps of dimiL 

have no doabt been exaggerated; bat 

-^hf'U \%« h«-ar tfiat he filUil the ravines and valleys of 

< a:';»;i«l«H i;i with (ieji(i InKlies, and so hn] his aivalrj' 

ju T ^* th* ni ;*'* that he (le]M»puhite<l Antimh, killing or 

arrriiik' ofl inlu ?»laver\' almost the whole population ; 

'J :i: ?!«• ^utlrn-^l hi.** prisoiuTH in many Ciises to jXTish 

• '.uu'ji-r, ano liiat he dnne them to water once a 

j;. iik«- U-jt-t'*.* Wf may Ije sure that the j^ise in 

Ti .^ h \u' •»howf<l hunM»lf ti> the Ui>n)ans wjts that of a 

r* r« ii» '^^ •^•our;:e — an avenger ImmiI on spreading the 

' 'T r '»! hi* nain«*~ not of one who really sought to 

ar^'»- ili«- limits <»f his empire. 

iKinnj/ the wholr roun^» of this [)lundering expedi- 

' -N- />«m. 1 ?T W>i.. and i * Afr«thU#, it. 24; p. 2^, K 
^ '.^mmr:,t «tf OiUm (f oL L ^ i * ZoMT. Ux. 

• S 


tion, until the retreat began, we hear but of one check 
that the bands of Sapor received. It had been 
determined to attack Emesa (now Hems), one of the 
most important of the Syrian towns, where the temple 
of Venus was known to contain a vast treasure. The 
invaders approached, scarcely expecting to be resisted ; 
but the high priest of the temple, having collected a 
large body of peasants, appeared, in his sacerdotal 
robes, at the head of a fanatic multitude armed with 
sKngs, and succeeded in beating off the assailants.^ 
Emesa, its temple, audits treasure, escaped the rapacity 
of the Persians ; and an example of resistance was set, 
which was not perhaps without important conse- 

For it seems certain that the return of Sapor across 
the Euphrates was not effected without considerable 
loss and diifficulty. On his advance into Syria he had 
received an embassy from a certain Odenathus, a 
Syrian or Arab chief, who occupied a position of semi- 
independence at Palmyra, which, through the advan- 
tages of its situation, had lately become a flourishing 
commercial town. Odenathus sent a long train of 
camels laden with gifts, consisting in part of rare and 
precious merchandise, to the Persian monarch, begging 
him to accept them, and claiming his favourable regard 
on the ground rfiat he had hitherto refrained from all 
acts of hostility against the Persians. It appears that 
Sapor took offence at the tone of the communication, 
which was not suflSciently humble to please him. 
Tearing the letter to fragments and trampling it 
beneath his feet, he exclaimed — ' Who is this Odena- 
thus, and of what country, that he ventures thus to 

1 Johann. Maial. Chrtynographia, xii. p. 296. 

^ W^ S4Pfm 4ITAC££D ST ODfiNATHlXS. 85 

tm lord? Lei him now, if ba would lighten 
bii pmuibjueiit, come liore and fall profitmie liefare 
1M witli hii hands tied behind hi^ hock Should iia 
rdii«Q, lei him he well assured (hat I will destroy him* 
•di. hii race, and hU lAnd/ At the mme lime he 
mAcroA hia mnmjntM to ca«l Ibe oosUy preaeuiJi of ifae 
l^lmtn^^0« prinoc into the Eophivto.' 

Tlu9 anognni and ofiisoiivo behaviour Daturally 
teraed the wilUng friend into an enemy.' OdenathuSp 
htxudelf foroed into a bostOe porition, took 
I and witched his opporHmjly, So bog as Sopor 
lo adfuoe, ho kept aloot As soon, how- 
r, at the retreat commisoDod^ luid the Fenian artnf , 
ibered with ila ^loil and capitvas proceeded to 
ita waj baek abwly and painfully to the 
IdflDBthlii^ who had collected a hirgu foree« 
in pait frooi lim Bjnm nOapa/ ta part from tlit* wild 
lEibo of Anbia,* made hk appearance in the field. 
Wb ti^f and agile hornemcn hoverc-d flbi>iit the 
Ivr»i:in h«»*!, cut off thfir stnigglcrs, made prize of 
n-u^ h of llieir >|xnl, and even aiplured a jKjrtion of 
rv- •^•niifho of the Great Kiiig.^ The hani^ssed tnK)j)s 
m.r« ;jI:a<1 when they luid phieed the Eu[)hrate8 Ije- 
:w.^ f, ifiern^M Ive^ and their pursuer, and congratuhited 
^^ }i '^lier on tlieir e»c:i|)e.* So much had tliey 
•^5irf^l, and r^) htlle did they feel ecjual to furtlier 

•%«» ilbm (rh^mfnU of IVter the Sarmrrn* * bjr rmropiui (BeU. 
»ir .'.-«• :a thx> Frafw%€nta Iftst. /Wi. ii .%). ami John of MaUla 

(lu p *.^'7) 

* //if/. Au^fuM. \'al«*nan, { 7. 
((*oiuparr, hciwrTfr, lh«» Ufa of 
Odrnathu*. wbrr** th« rapturv of 
ihr coijculiinc* u rrfrirvJ lo a later 
datr. ) 

• I'et I'alhc. Vf. n. 

y j>f. t 1 

»T. p 1««7. 

• //^ 



S :. <Jal. 

^a > : » 

<id«mL S 1 

'«. Agatb 

. • kr 

• -wiL 


f /n 


M.T ^Tm. 


MH»<i Ti^\. 

' Oi^imifc— n 





[Ch. IV. 

conflicts, that on their march through Mesopotamia 
they consented to purchase the neutrality of the 
people of Edessa by making over to them all the 
coined money that they had carried off in their Syrian 
raid.^ After this it would seem that the retreat 
was unmolested, and Sapor succeeded in conveying the 
greater part of his army, together with his illustrious 
prisoner, to his own country. 

With regard to the treatment that Valerian received 
at the hands of his conqueror, it is difficult to form a 
decided opinion. The writers nearest to the time 
speak vaguely and moderately, merely telling us that 
he grew old in his captivity,^ and was kept in the 
condition of a slave.* It is reserved for authors of 
the next generation * to inform us that he was exposed 
to the constant gaze of the multitude, fettered, but 
clad in the imperial purple ; ^ and that Sapor, when- 
ever he mounted on horseback, placed his foot upon 
his prisoner's neck.^ Some add that, when the un- 

1 Pet. Patric. Fr. 11. 

• Historia Augusta, Valer. § 7: 
* Valeriano apud Persas consenes- 
cente.' MacriaD. § 12 : ' Infelicis- 
simo^ quod senex apud Persas con- 

' Ibid.Gallien. § 1 : * Erat ingeus 
omnibus moBror, quod imperator 
Romanus in Perside serviliter tene- 

* The stories of the extreme ill- 
treatment of Valerian start with 
Lactantius, or the author of the 
treatise De Marte Persecutoruniy 
whoever he may be. This author 
wrote between a.d. 312 and 316 
(Smithes Diet, of Biography, ad voc. 
Caecilius), or above fifty years after 
the capture of Valerian. He asserts 
positively (c. s.) the use of Valerian 
as a footstool by Sapor, and the 
hanging of his skin in a temple, 
where it was often seen by Roman 

ambassadors. Lactantius is fol- 
lowed by Eusebius of Csesarea, ex- 
cepting with regard to the employ- 
ment of Valerian as a footstool ; and 
then the tales are repeated by Au- 
relius Victor {De Ccusaribus, c. 83), 
by his epitomator (Ejn't c. 32), by 
Orosius (viii. 22), and by Petruii 
Patricius (Fr. 13). On the whole it 
seems to me that the preservation 
of the skin is probably true (Euseb. 
Vit. Constant, iv. il ; Orat. Cow 
stant, xxiv. 2 ; Lactant De M, P, 
c. 5) ; but that the employment of 
the captive emperor as a stool from 
which Sapor mounted his horse is 
a rhetorical invention of Lactantius, 
fifty years after the time, from 
whom alone later writers received it. 

* Euseb. Orat. Constant, xxiv 2. 

* Lactant. l.s.c. ; Victor, EpU. 
32 ; Oros. vii. 22. 


■k IT,] TEEATIfCTr OP V414mUK Bf SAPOS, 87 

bippr eapiivi! dial, ibaul the jrimr a,d, 285 or 266, 
b iMjdj was flayed, and tho skin iiiikted and hung 
Qp to view in otie of the moit friequenl4Kl templtss of 
where it wajf w$tm by Romaii cnvo}-i on thoir 
to the QrMt Kiogfi court.* 
Ji » aspQsiblii Id deiiy that Orieotal barbaram may 
OowaiTably have gone to thi^e leugthi ; aad it is in 
frvpor oT the truth of the details tliat Uoman canity 
wuuJd ojirtiraUy have been opponcd to iheir inrention. 
Butt tm ihe other baud, we hiiVQ to n^meinber that in 
ibe Eaat the penoo of a kiiig is gootimlly niigarded as 
aod that aetf-iolisfesi rt^traian tht* conqueritig 
frmn djabonouriog nnu of hb own dnm. We 
to giTO dm H eight to the (act that the 
flMtMntici are filenl with reipoct to any itich 
ttieii, and ihal they are first rekled half a centUfy 
ifttf lh« lioie wh«n ibey ans Mid to Imve oommd. 
Uvdtf lll«e iaronin<tancif!> the sDupticiitii of OibbOD 
wkh ra^Msel to them* i* perhapi more worthy of 
i^»inrii. ndaiioii than the r«uly faith of a recent French 

It tii'.is Ih; added that Oriental nionarchs, when thev 
•n- rniel, du nut show themselves ashamed of their 
rri«lii«-^, but usually relate them openly in their 
iri*« n[>tjw!L% or represent them in their ba.H-reliefj4.* 
Ttw r» iniun^ amrilieii on goo*l grounds to »Sa{H)r do 
D«x, h'iwever, contain anytliing contirmator)* of the 

• liViAnt I tLr. ; Eo*rb. I-IlC. ; HuiTaH, MonumfnU of Stnet^, 
Kt%ik M p. \x\, \. *}od ffnt^ pU. 4^> and 47); ami 

' Jtmitmt mmd FmU. %^A.\^ %^\, compare tbr Itehutuo InarriDtion 

' Ikr < a«fli(.^rnj, r^tmt, kc. (<mL ii. par. 13 and 14; aA. iii. 

tea. it ^ l^i'. )Mir. N) aiid th«* Saaaatiian n*li<*f 

• "^-w !*• t«»<rpU«f* of SArr«>o d«>«cnb(Hl bj Malcnlin \,it%tt. «/ 
U '.&A. i# ■■■■■wa/ d0 .Vaww.p;«. <t. /Vtm, Tol. l. p. iM). 

I i\ X^Ji ■ft4 Ajakm^^Moi-pai 



[Ch. rv^ 

stories which we are considering. Valerian is repre- 
sented on them in a humble attitude/ but not 
fettered,^ and never in the posture of extreme degra- 
dation commonly associated with his name. He bends 
his knee, as no doubt he would be required to do, on 
being brought into the Great King's presence; but 
otherwise he does not appear to be subjected to any 
indignity. It seems thus to be on the whole most 
probable that the Koman emperor was not more 
severely treated than the generaUty of captive princes, 
and that Sapor has been unjustly taxed 'with abusing 
the rights of conquest.^ 

The hostile feeling of Odenathus against Sapor did 
not cease with the retreat of the latter across the 
Euphrates. The Palmyrene prince was bent on taking 
advantage of the general confusion of the times to 
carve out for himself a considerable kingdom, of 
which Palmyra should be the capital. Sy^ia and 
Palestine on the one hand, Mesopotamia on the other, 
were the provinces that lay most conveniently near to 
him, and that he especially coveted. But Mesopotamia 
had remained in the possession of the Persians as the 
prize of their victory over Valerian, and could only be 
obtained by wresting it from the hands into which it 
had fallen. Odenathus did not shrink fit)m this contest. 
It has been with some reason conjectured* that Sapor 
must have been at this time occupied with troubles which 

1 See Flandin,^l8. 33, 49, 63, 
&c 'y Texier, pi. 129, &c. 

^ It has been said that there ia 
one exception (Thomas in Aa. Soc, 
Jatimalf vol. iii. N. S. p. 304). 
But the figure referred to repre- 
sents, I believe, Miriades. (See 
the cut, o]pp. p. 91.) 

* Tabari is the only Oriental 

writer who reports that Valerian 
was used cruelly; but his state- 
ment that Sapor cut ofT bis pri- 
soner's nose and th^i set him at 
liberty (Chronuiue^ torn. ii. p. 80) 
can scarcely be thought worthy of 

^ Niebuhr, Lectures on Ancient 
HUAoi-y, vol. ilL p. 296. 

Imd brriketi out on tbe m$t0m tide of \m empire. At 
Afij nte, H appcan ihat Odeoolliui, afler a short eon- 
mlh Macruttiud aoii his bod, Quietus/ turned hm 
oDce more, nlxiut a.d« 263, ag&iiiat the Ffirakni^ 
the Euphrates into Maaopotamio, took Oarrhii 
and Nimbia, deftrAied Sapor and some of \m mm in a 
batik/ and drov^e the entire Peraau host in CQufuBion 
to tfae gates of Ctcmphon. lie oiren returned to form 
ilia m^ of that ciij ; ' but it wm not long before 
rdief aiTtTed ; fnini aU tlie proviuc4» flookinl 
for the defeoca of the Wesjtera capital ; 
were fought, in some of which 
ddbated ; ^ aud ut last Im found him* 
idf tnTolred in difficttttia& tiirough hi^ tgnonnce of tlie 
looalttifsii^ aad m thought il beat to redre. Apjiaretitty 
lib Rtnat wad utidifturbed ; he SQCoeedod in carrying 
af Ui boo^ aod hia pnaoom, amcng whom msK 
wewmwl mtnpBf^ and he nftaiuid piiiecs»aii of Me^opo* 
tamia, which continued to form a part of the Palmf- 
r» n** kiiii^'iioin uiilil lln* capture of Zi'iiobia by Aurelian 

i K u. irT.i). 

1 fj« Mica-?v**4-?* of (Kltiiathus in a.d. 2C3 wiTe fol- 
i*»w»ii l.y a {xTuxl of coinpanitive tranquillity. That 
a.iiihin'»Uii priiicv K-vin** to havi* lx*i*n content with 
Tuunu' trMin the Ti^^ri** to the Meditorranexui, and witli 

Ifml. Am^mtt. <f%lliro. } 3; c^ v<tp<iaTi)<r.i^«M>t) : but thu it 

V^*^*5.« ^11, AO ei*4r>:rniti«>n. (Sot? hii Ckrono- 

•2^ ^A'^f . { Aufvlian prrMrnM in • JIt*i. Aut/uM, <ftllie>n. J 10: 

!ji.t t^.i^«#> oi&piUtioo (//TiMib. ' Furrunt l*>nt(ii H r^tria prvlit.* 

: 1' * lb. ' IxH-cirum difllculutibiu in 

' lu.: i$tllt0-n ) 10: * Ad aliens ^olo imprrmUjr optimut labo- 

* '.^^yit cVxD Tartb^^ruiu multi> rabaL' 

'utJimm tlmiht. /ymim. L p. :fl< : ' Of tbr*<? h«i •«*nt ftrimv toCSalli- 

*■-: '••. .<•.«.. »9mwi€^f0if. fouji, wboui tbut weak mooAri'b 

^7tJor^:«t Mikw buB tttccMd lo 1«^1 iH triuispb (J/m^ Au^p^. 

lAX-mt t^ city (tftffc^iiry v»VMi». \jk.(,). 



[Ch. n^ 

the titles of * Augustus/ which he received from the 
Roman emperor, Gallienus/ and *king of kings/ 
which he assumed upon his coins.^ He did not press 
ftirther upon Sapor ; nor did the Roman emperor make 
any serious attempt to recover his father's person or 
revenge his defeat upon the Persians. An expedition 
which he sent out to the East, professedly with this 
object, in the year a.d. 267, failed utterly, its com- 
mander, HeracUanus, being completely defeated by 
Zenobia, the widow and successor of Odenathus.® 
Odenathus himself was murdered by a kinsman three 
or four years after his great successes ; and, though 
Zenobia ruled his kingdom almost with a man's 
vigom:,* the removal of his powerful adversary must 
have been felt as a relief by the Persian monarch. It 
is evident, too, that from the time of the accession of 
Zenobia, the relations between Rome and Palmyra had 
become unfriendly ; * the old empire grew jealous 
of the new kingdom which had sprung up upon its 
borders ; and the effect of this jealousy, while it lasted, 
was to secure Persia from any attack on the part of 

It appears that Sapor, reheved from any further 
necessity of defending his empire in arms^ employed 
the remaining years of his Ufe in the construction of 
great works, and especially in the erection and 
ornamentation of a new capital. The ruins of 
Shahpur, which still exist near Kazerun, in the 

* * Odenathum, participato im- 
perio, Augustum vocavit' (Hist, 
Aug. GallieD. § 12). 

* See De Champagny, CitarB, &c. 
torn. iii. p. 45. 

3 Hut. Aug. Gallien. 5 13. 

* * Zenobia Palmyrenis et orien- 

talibus plerisque viriliter imperante* 
ibid. (Compare the letter of Aure- 
lian to the Senate^ preserved in the 
Hist. August., Tnginta Tyranni, 
Zenob. § 30.) 

* See above, note •; and com- 
pare Hist. Aug. Claud. § 4. 










provtaoe of Fki*,' comiin'inonile the nnmo, and afford 
KHSic indintioti of iba gmtideur, of tba ieeoiid Per- 
mm moiiMch- Beside* remami of builcfiogs^ thuy 
omnpfi ie a Dumlnfr of htui^reliofs and rock ini)cri|)^ 
tioDft^ mme of which were beyond a doubt eet up byJ 
Bipor I*' In one of the moit remarkable the Ber-^ 
Mn mommih U rq>reiieiit4!d on bomeback, weanug tht' 
erown ukuaI upon lik eoina^ and hoUUog by Lhu hand 
a timickcd figure^ probably Miriaden, whom ht' bi 
protroting to the captured Bomans m their fiovereign. 
fmvmmn fo cb hnii hnmage ii the kne^^img liguR' of a 
cUeftjun, probably Valerian, behind whom are anangedl 
in a double line leirenteen persons, rupresenlmg ap- 
paf«&Uy llie diflkreot oorps of the Roman army. AU i 
thai? pemmB ire on foot, white in contmit with them] 
an? arrai^ed behind Sapor tan guaidi on bonebnckf] 
who repre^mt his frmMbte eataby,' Another h&B- 
l^Msf ai the Mme plai3e * girae ui a general new of 
tht* triumph nf l?ip»ir mi hif rrtisnt tt% Perfiti with 
i.> ill i-tnou«4 ]»riMiiirr. lien* iifiy-Hoveii jruards are 
nrij.-i iH-liind him, while in trout are tliirty-tliree 
rr.!»i:. iH-anr*, havin;/ with them an eleplmiit and a 
.♦ ir."' In lh<* mitrt* i?* a {/roup of neven ligure?*, 

• ••T-:.n*niL' >:i{Hir, who is on lioi>el)ack in lii^ usual 

• -M;rn«*; VaKrian, who \n undtT the horM»*H feet; 
M.rai'--. who stan<l> l»y S4ijK>rV side: thrive principal 

Mhi'- !m. I/iti of J\rr9%a. ml. \, of tho chi»«f furun* \n lh<» head up<»n 

} •• T'i.«-f. I^^'-npfum lU r At'- SijK r'n r«»in«, «n<! In tb«» fl^r« d«»- 

•-^••# 4^ id /rrtf.Xr jip II fc.V ?! 1^ ; rliirtMl bv nu in*< ription to L«» Sji|Hir 

: • : 4« • IM. na/ilm. ' "y^vc *i \«k)i*h-i-lUj«h ( Ktr l*ort«T, 

.- ;-.< • r:. I |.j -Ji-lM/j/l*. J.!. •>.. 

t'- •'« » S^« MKli.lm. ^ol. i. oj.p. ti 

' I:.' fc •;»!.•** ml **hAhp'.jr »rf *.».V> . Trxi.r. pi. U*^ ; HjiiJ»iin, pi. 

K.»t W »U&ti*^«^b]i Lb« r»-«rtnbUor«* * Triier. pi 147 ; Mandin, pi. 'Vt. 



tribute-bearers in front of the main figure; and a 
Victory which floats in the sky. 

Another important work, assigned by tradition to 
Sapor I., is the great dyke at Shuster. This is a dam 
across the river Karun, formed of cut stones, cemented 
by Jime, and fastened together by clamps of iron ; it 
is twenty feet broad, and no less than twelve hundred 
feet in length. The whole is a solid mass excepting in 
the centre, where two small arches have been con- 
structed for the purpose of allowing a part of the 
stream to flow in its natural bed. The greater por- 
tion of the water is directed eastward into a canal 
cut for it ; and the town of Shuster is thus defended on 
both sides by a water barrier, whereby the position 
becomes one of great strength.^ Tradition says that 
Sapor used his power over Valerian to obtain Eoman 
engineers for this work ; ^ and the great dam is still 
known as the Bund-i-Kaisar,® or ' dam of C»sar,' to 
the inhabitants of the neighbouring country. 

Besides his works at Shahpur and Shuster. Sapor 
set up memorials of himself at Haji-abad, Nakhsh-i- 
Ki\jab, and Nakhsh-i-Eustam, near PersepoUs, at 
Darabgerd in South-eastern Persia, and elsewhere ; 
nn^t of which still exist and have been described by 
various travellers.** At Xakhsh-i-Eustam, Valerian is 
seen making his submission in one tablet,^ while 

* S^ the. Janmai of the GfOffra- I p, 129 : Ker Porter, TVare/*, toI. L 
pkimi -SooiWy, toL ii. pp. 73-4: pp. 540-575; Malcolm, Mi^, of 
vol. xvi. pp. 27--8 ; Loftus, Chal- JVnw, voL i. p. 254 : Flandin, 
^i^ttl <mW SusiaHa, p. 296. Voyaj^ «i Per9e, torn: iL pp. 97- 

* Tabari, Chrvmque^ torn. iL p. SO. 135, .tc ; T^^iier, Description de 

* l^oftus, p. 21>9. Compare Geo- fArmemey &c, torn. iL pp. 22t>- 
<7rti/»A, Jtmmak, vol. ix. p. 75; voL 231, Jkc 

xvL D. 28, * Ker Porter, vol. L pL 21 ; 

* iMiebuhr, C, Voya^Sy torn. iL Twiier, pL 129. 

uotlicr cxhibiti the glories of Sapor*« court.' The 
fculfi^jm ftre in iome instAiicei aocompaiiiiad by in- 
tmptiotii. One of these is, like those of Artaxerxes» 
faflJDgod, Onek and Pereka. The Greek iTntcripikni 
mils M fbDotra : — 





It! Feman tntucript ii rmd %hm t — * Paikkar {f) zani 
mmdign bag Shakpukri^ mattmi mutkn Ainm tT AnifW^ i 
mimmhiiri min yor^iii, hari moidim b&^ Afi^fusketr 
MOofi maUui Jmirt, minudtitn min ydiftm, napi 
tag pigtpaM mnOkmf^ In the main^ Sapor, tt will be 
•*'tu, fallow!* tlu* {)hra^*8 of lu?^ father Artaxerxes ; 
!u: ho rhiim- a \vi<ler doininion. ArtaxiTxes is Ci)ii- 
:# r/i t<» nile over Ariana (or Iniii) ouly ; his son culls 
K tii»'4 If Inpl lioth of (he Arians and tlie non-Arians, or 
• t' Iran and Tunm. We may (•(►n<-hule from this as 
;.r"Uil>»e ihiil he held some Seylhie trilK»s under his 
•-wjy. {»r«»Uil»ly in Si-j/estan, or S^isUm, tlie rountry 

T#i*irr. j;I 13P. h«ir«»o-<le#rrijd«Hl, of th«» mcf> of 
' <««« T L <»*• \n Jtmrmnl t^ A». tbr fT'^i*. M>n r>f the Oniiiad-wor- 
*.-vr#y :. N. S p, .**>! ; AAd rnn>- •bipptn.* «!itin»« Art««(?ri«*fi, kin^ of 
: • • ; *» '••».^. Jn^-yif^tf-mM df St»k' the kitu''* "f Aria, hf J^T^•lJ-^l••- 
•• 4« A: «j^«aa. p^ -U Aixl 1<>^'* . ■cend'-il, of th« ni«** of th«* ^ixW. 
*••; •**'^. ^ '»->»•-*«.•* A. p. !•*♦. Tbr |rrmxi<lM»u of tbt* <Imiu«* )*iipAk, th.« 
•• -;*i* c. sjkj b» tb«A rrtxi^red - kin/.* S-f Hiu^» on thr llAJiHibvd 
7>.^ ji :j^ r^prwr.UiiioQ of tbr Inm:npti<m, wbich comm«*nc«« in 
'»"x-*j*l-« :««&;^pi&^ dititM* S«^»<»r. einrtlT lb** »«nir wit. (f>W />iA- 
« -/ V k.A^ An«B ftftd soO'AnAa, iar*- /iaiiW fiiamary, pp. 4h-oI.) 




[Ch. IV. 

south and east of the Hamoon, or lake in which the 
Helmend is swallowed up. Scythians had been settled 
in these parts, and in portions of Afghanistan and 
India, since the great invasion of the Yue-chi,^ about 
B.C. 200 ; and it is not unlikely that some of them may 
have passed under the Persian rule during the reign of 
Sapor, but we have no particulars of these conquests. 
Sapor's coins resemble those of Artaxerxes in 
general type,^ but may be distinguished from them, 

oonrs OF sapor i. 

first, by the head-dress, which is either a cap termina- 
ting in the head of an eagle, or else a mural crown 
surmounted by an inflated ball ; and, secondly, by the 
emblem on the reverse, which is almost always a fire- 
altar between two supporters,^ The ordinary legend on 

^ Compare the Author's Sixth 
Monarchyy p. 115. 

^ See Longp^rier, MidaULe* det 
Sassanides, pi. 8 and pp. 13-18. 

• A few coins of Sapor I. have, 
on the reverse, a fire-altar without 
supporters^ like the coins of his 

cow OF SAPOR I. 


nis ooMs. 

the txiuis b ^Masdim (fag ShahpuAri^ malkan maiJta 
Airam^ minuchitri mm yoidan ' on the obverse; ind 
yo the revcjw ^ Sha&pt^n numiV ' 

It ii[i[»ean from tbete kgead«, mmI from the inierip- 
UOQ ttbuve givea, that Sapor wt«, like his falbir, n 
mloua ZaixMUf^iaii. Ilk ftutb vrns expo»od to can* 
wienble triaL Neva* wm there a time of gtmlm 
KfipOM fameiit IB the Sail, or a criiia which vmn 
Aosk meu% befi^ in anceitral creodi. The absurd 
idolatij which batl geoemlly pn^vaijed through Wettera 
Alia far Iwo tbotimnct yearn^^a Qlllu^^willtd]!p which 
g^ve thm ttBctkui of rvligioti to the ^titication of 
iMA'i towoiC propeusitii^s^^wai ibidcim iu ilB fuuudiitioit ; 
and everywhere men were Mriviog aAi^r acjFmulhiflg 

nobler, and truer tlum Imd ftitisfiod pnevioui 
far twenty centurka. The »tiddeij ivvivi- 

ef Zoraastiianiinit aft^fr it had been depnawd 
and almoil foigetlai for 0Te buiidri*d yearii ww om 
wmuh of tbia ilir of men*! mindi, Amcftber n^eult waa 
•}»•• rapi«l |»n>jrres?* of Christianity, which in the course 
• .f th.- :ljir»l ivuiury ovn>[>read hirge portions of the 
Ha*!, lit^tiiii^ itM'lf willi ^aeat firmnejis in Armenia, and 
oi>tainin;! a hold to horae extent on Babylonia, IJactria, 
Ah i ji« ri »{»«» rvi'u on In<lia.^ Judaism, also, which had 
H'fiij had a f< Kiting in Mesiij>otiunia, and which after 
lis*' time of Hadrian may be rejzanhd as having its 
f •n^i <|uarters at Babylon— Judai>ni itself, usually so 
.n.iji *\iil»l«., at this time showetl sjfrrw of life and 
cr.ixi;^% taking M>melhing like a new fonn in the 
•• h— J^ wherein was compiled the vaM and strange 
A ':k known us 'the liabylonian Talmud/ * 

Dm mMs 

vol. i. p^ t¥V, 9i mn. 
• Milauui. Ihtlmrf 
vol ii. p. 4r^ 

tf (i^ Jewt, 



[Ch. IV. 

Amid the strife and jar of so many conflicting 
systems, each having a root in the past, and each able 
to appeal with more or less of force to noble examples 
of virtue and constancy among its professors in the 
present, we cannot be surprised that in some minds the 
idea grew up that, while all the systems possessed 
some truth, no one of them was perfect or indeed 
much superior to its fellows. Eclectic or syncretic 
views are always congenial to some intellects ; and in 
times when reUgious thought is deeply stirred, and 
antagonistic creeds are brought into direct collision, 
the amiable feeUng of a desire for peace comes in to 
strengthen the inclination for reconciling opponents by 
means of a fiision, and producing harmony by a 
happy combination of discords. It was in Persia, and 
in the reign of Sapor, that one of the most remark- 
able of these well-meaning attempts at fusion and 
reconcilation that the whole of history can show was 
made, and with results which ought to be a lasting 
warning to the apostles of comprehension. A certain 
Mani (or Manes, as the ecclesiastical writers call him ^), 
bom in Persia about a.d. 240,^ grew to manhood 
under Sapor, exposed to the various reUgious influences 
of which we have spoken. With a mind free from 
prejudice and open to conviction, he studied the 
various systems of belief which he found estabhshed 
in Western Asia — the Cabalism of the Babylonian 
Jews, the Dualism of the Magi, the mysterious doc- 
trines of the Christians, and even the Buddhism of 
India.* At first he inclined to Christianity, and is said 

* Kouth, ReliquuB Sacra y vol. iv. 
pp. 147, 163, &c.; Augustin. Be 
iva^. Boniy p. 615; CoTitr. Faust, 
passim ; Epiphan. Adv, Hcares. Izvi. 

« Burton, Eccles, Hist, of First 
Three Centuries^ voL ii j). 408. 

• Epiphan. Adv, Hares, Ixvi. 
§§ 1-^4. Compare Milman, Histary 

te w.} BSLmtom anfi-^BJBS of maxgs. 97 

to limire ticeii idmilted to priert'g orders and to have 
■MiklifTftd to ft coogregaUoi) ; ^ but after a tima he 
Aoii^t tliot he saw his waj to the fortnatioQ uf a 
arm creed* which should cumbme all that was bt^i in 
thif tieti^aua ipieaiji which he wsia acquaiaUxI with^ 
«sid omit wEiat wu vupcrflugii^ or objectkmftble. He 
•dopced tb« Pujiiutm of Ibe Zonmslivm^ tho nio4£m^ 
ps]rcho939 of India, the ungiGlisiQ ud domooisiii of the 
TklBiud, and the Tritiitariatiiim of the Oo«pd of Chrirt, 
Cbiii HiiDiietf he identified with Mlthra^ and gave 
Wm his dwelljtig in the mm. He aamned to be 
tlv Pamclete pnamUed bjr ClirUt, who aliould gtiide 
into all truths and claimed tliat his *£rtaug/ 
book iUustated bj pictaires of liia own 
pmwtn^ ibooJd ai^enede the New TestamenL' Such 
Doi likely to be tolerated by the 
ily; and Manes had uot put them 
long when he wai ex{»etled from the 
dmrch ' and fureed to carry hie teaehinf; ekewhere. 
I'l;'!* r th'---^* cin*uin>Uiiiccs he is said to have addressed 
hiiii-^ il to S;i[H»r, who w:ls at first inchiied to show him 
•'plu* l.iVour ; * but when he found out what tlie dix;- 


/ t K'Mt^inU^, Tol. li. pp. •-?'>'.♦, l?t JO, plnnation of th«» inicripli'»M in the 
I'-.r. t:. p -VK* ; Milman, p. 

tmI, iii., Nfw Nrif*, pp. .'l.l**-l». ) 

Another intrrpr«U«r. h«>mi.T. r, with 

» \l •♦.•.•. fp *-M^?71. »t Iffut <-<iualci*iiu«i t'»«tt.'uti.»n,l)r. 

• J'-.'* • . 1^ 4H» Miulin llauK', tindii no ^•f♦•n•l»»'^ at 

• \ •• r:.r./ t. tti- inl*Tpn'Uli.»n mil Vt Jr#u« or ta rvli^'iai tii tho 
' "^^ ^-'^r, "^ac^ r Ha* l«*fl a r»*- rrci>nl, whtrh (ifmnlx**. aorirvlintf 

*- -^ •• 't, •u^i'-i'-ntlv in<!ir*t#-« i4» hitn, Saj»< t^ •h»'»t in >: ^f nti ar- 

: . »: ^'^ r. a! n^ litii* m hi» Ijfr- riw fr tu if»#« llaji-^ha^l tav»» at a 

./ » r:»<^-» .' n, ti.T' 1 <*hn«tianitt tar/»'t pla^^^l wjihoui »t, and bia 

V' *• •= ^» f ♦ S th«' naiur <.f faimn* to hit thf mark, lh'«i»r«' pr- 

^> -' - • • :-- Ha i-A^A«i iii^np- r« •♦<lifi/ t.. ifi\«' a !i.\«i»<-«l a^oiunt 

•, ^- -j^r.^'l bt !h« r|iith»l .-flh- f»»il ir«-. whi.b »• i«*«'riUM! ti» 

•;^- Iv f : *.->4 tii*^ ••.»t-ni*Til that th»- rti«!ifu»' <»f an tn u%Ut tnrv'»*t 

M« 2^f^-'s.-.f tr up-h: 1 <} U» Ihr at !h»» ■p.-l wb<*re tbf arr>w frll. 

ymy^ 4 ILA wofld.' {pm bi« fi- {^Hd JWan-I^uand (Jkmawy, pp. 





[Ch. IV. 

trines of the new teacher actually were, his feelings 
underwent a change, and Manes, proscribed, or at any 
rate threatened with penalties, had to retire into a 
foreign country.^ 

The Zoroastrian faith was thus maintained in its 
purity by the Persian monarch, who did not allow 
himself to be imposed upon by the specious eloquence 
of the new teacher, but ultimately rejected the strange 
amalgamation that was offered to his acceptance. It 
is scarcely to be regretted that he so determined. 
Though the morality of the Manichees was pure,^ and 
though their religion is regarded by some as a sort of 
Christianity, there were but few points in which it was an 
improvement on Zoroastrianism. Its Dualism was pro- 
nounced and decided ; its Trinitarianism was question- 
able ; its teaching with respect to Christ destroyed the 
doctrines of the incarnation and atonement ; its ' Ertang ' 
was a poor substitute for Holy Scripture. Even its 
morality, being deeply penetrated with asceticism, was 
of a wrong type and inferior to that preached by 
Zoroaster. Had the creed of Manes been accepted by 
the Persian monarch, the progress of real Christianity 
in the East would, it is probable, have been impeded 
rather than forwarded — the general currency of the 
debased amalgam would have checked the introduction 
of the pure metal. 

It must have been shortly after his rejection of the 

45-65.) It seems to result from 
the extreme diflference between the 
interpretations of these two scho- 
larS) that the langruage of the early 
Sassanian inscriptions is as yet 
too imperfectly known to allow of 
any conclusions being drawn from 
• them, excepting where they are ac- 
companied by a Greek transcript. 
Mafoudi says that, on the first « 

preaching of Manes, Sapor ' abjured 
the doctrine of the Magi to em- 
brace that of the new teacher,* but 
that he afterwards returned to the 
worship of his ancestors (tom. ii. 
p. 164). 

* Burton, l.s.c. ; Milman, p. 263. 

• Augustin. Contr. Fortunat. ad 
init J Contr, Faust, v. 1, 


tcftchiiig of Mjmm that Sftpor died, having ragned 
tbirtjr-oati jrmn, from A.D. 240 to a.d, 27 L lie wm 
aodoubUMllj ooc* of the most reomrkable pritices of the 
neriea. In mUitary talent iiideed, he may 
hare equalled bii &th€r ; for iliough he deft^att'd 
Vakmti, he hjitl to ocmfiM him^f inferior to Oduna* 
th& Bui in general goTcrnmotiial abili^ lia k among 
tkt fareiDOit of tho Noo-F^fdatt monarchal and may 
oonpare fcTonrably with almoil any prince of the 
wmm. He bnfSed OdeimihuA, when he wan not able 
lo defeat himt by placing him!it4f behind widb, and by 
hriagiog into play thoae odvanliige^ which naiumlly 
biloog^ io thu poiition of a munardi uluuiked in lib 
ova ootmcty.^ He maintained, if he did nut per- 
aumtly advance, ibe power of Feraa in the west ; 
wUk in the caA it in prcibable that ho ooosiderably 
ihe bottnda ol hii dominion.^ In the bternal 
of bi9 empire, be united works of uie- 
» ^ with the conilruction of memorials which bad 
• rJy u -utiriirntiil and u-*»lhctic value. Hf w:i.s a liberal 
:m:: -fi -'f art, aud i^ ihoiij/ht not to have eoiiliiied his 
:ir: uij*- lo the rfi('oiini;jenH'Hl of iialivtMaliMil.* On 
:». • :!j.i-t of he ilid not MilTrr hiiUM-lf to be 
> r:.'..i'.« rit!y N-^l away by the entlni'^ia.»ini of a y<>un;j 
\:, \ !-'M ?'r»-^tliinkir. H«* (K-eidr^l to maintain tlu' 
r- !.j .^- -y*!«in that had <le-ecn<le<l to liini from hi'i 
i:>«t-%.r*. an«l turipMl a deaf t*ar to [KT^uii'^ion** that 

**^ h>* tr. p. *•'». \hr .yf'Miftfu.'-^tl'ltt'.tukh in th»» 

* '•..r*, p <;. Jimmnl A'uttufur r 1 *^l 1. p. /il ] k 

» Iv-*.!-. !h- w fk« '»( u«#-rul. • l^.f.-j^n.r think* tliiit thf» 

-••• *.*fc.*t met. ♦ i ti>*-l I j». '.»".'i. hiin<l "H If- • k »rti«!* !• to l>»« r»T«n:- 

••«,. •-••Alt h«tr ' 'n^lfri ••-1 nj»-^l Ml tlj** Imh U Ai)ii rtiibi* III* 

• t« ,••»! ♦/rvl,-» Y Ihifui. whirh up- n ♦«ri^ >/*»«<u»i4ii r«»in« i .1//- 

■ 2 






[Ch. IV. 

would have led him to revolutionise the religious 
opinion of the East without 
placing it upon a satisfac- 
tory footing. The Orientals add 
to these commendable features 
of character, that he was a man 
of remarkable beauty,^ of great 
personal courage, and of a noble 
and princely liberality. Accord- 
ing to them, *he only desired 
wealth that he might use it for 
good and great purposes.' ^ 


(from a gem). 

* Tabari, Chroniquej torn. ii. p. 
81 ; Ma90udi, Prairies d Or, torn. ii. 
p, 160, torn. iv. p. 83; Mirkhond, 
Jfuftoire des Sassanides, pp. 285-7. 
The portrait on the gem above 

given tends to confirm the testi- 

« Ml 

alcolm, History of Persiaj 
vol. i. p. 99. 

BEiaX OP lloauiSDAS I, 


Jlii Mmmm iriih Btm^ihm, Ih m iMrmimml If 
ffU ikmtk ^0igm 1/ fV^afwn //, Mi* Tyrmmumi Om~ 
4«E. ifii i\mfmrM ^ Undm, m4 It'mr wiUk Indm. IHm t|W 

Tbs in! nd ieoond kin^ of the Neo-Fennaii Empire 
were SMEQ of mark and reoown. Tbeir musommm 
far wT^al gewfutium wen, ojmpmmiiw^y wpmimg^ 
mad iQfigni&mnt The firrt bunt of vi^^^aur lusd 
bieh eunutiotilf attemli ib« advet^t to {lower 
•f n !i«'W rare in \]\r Eii**l, (»r xhv rerovcry of itn foniUT 
].*••• ii by an (»M «»iu*, had |>a»cil away, and wa.s 
v^^».t-l«<i. :!•* H» ntu-n haj)[Hii>, by reaction and ex- 
;-a .V '!i. li.r nionaicIi.N lxc<nnin|j luxurious and inert, 
»♦..• t^i- jH-<,]>U» willinjjly acrpiie^'ed in a jxiliey <»1* 
Ti\.«fi tlif j.nnriplr wa?j ' l{i-?*t and be thankful/ It 
• • ';.--i \'> ket'ji nialten^ in thi*^ quiexvnt 8tate, that the 
k.u'j* wfio nile<l (hiring this jK'ri<Kl had, in almost 
»%• ry i!i*ianr« , -hort reign.**, four in(>niu*eh» coming to 
!/• thr«»!.r- and dying wiihin the hpace of a little more 
!.vin tH. f/y 4»ne yean*.* The flr^t (if the^e four wilm 
H- rT:..*'la%-», IIi^nniMla.*, or Honnu//lhe son of Saj)or, 

' s.« A/«tk:jM. ir. p. ]m , Ku- (T OmuMUtrA, '(riven bj Omuud.' 

f %»t^ t L I p^ .V^-l. .V*7, .'ll«r». Thu !• hni roativctcd into llnr- 

* 1i« .'.^ i>cm iM liurmimUim niiMU*, tod Umo bj Uie Utcr I'cr- 



[Ch. V. 

who succeeded his father in a.d. 271. His reign lasted 
no more than a year and ten days,^ and was dis- 
tinguished by only a single event of any importance. 
Mani, who had fled from Sapor, ventured to return to 
Persia on the accession of his son,^ and was received 
with respect and favour. Whether Hormisdas was 
inclined to accept his religious teaching or no, we are 
not told ; but at any rate he treated him kindly, 
allowed him to propagate his doctrines, and even 
assigned him as his residence a castle named Arabion. 
From this place Mani proceeded to spread his views 
among the Christians of Mesopotamia, and in a short 
time succeeded in founding the sect which, under tlie 
name of Manichaeans or Manichees, gave so much 
trouble to the Church for several centuries. Hormisdas, 
who, according to some,* founded the city of Eam- 
Hormuz in Eastern Persia, died in a.d. 272, and was 
succeeded by his son or brother,* Vararanes or Varah- 
ran.^ He left no inscriptions, and it is doubted whether 
we possess any of his coins.^ 

sianfi into Hormuz. The form of 
the name on the coins of Hormisdas 
IL is Auhrmazdu 

^ Agath. L8.C Compare Tabari, 
ii. p. S ; Ma^oudiy iL p. 166. 

^ So Milman (History of Christie 
aniiy, voL ii. p. 272) ; but Malcolm 
plaoas his return to Persia under 
Varaheran I. (Hid. of Persia^ vol. i. 

LlOl). So Mirkhond (Histoire 
Sasianidea, p. 296). 

' Ma^oudi, tom. ii. p. 166 ; Mal- 
colm, Hitt, of Persiaj vol. i. p. 100 ; 
Mirkhond, JSistoire des Sasianides, 
p. 293. 

^ Ma^uditellsus(tom.ii.p.238) 
that, according to Abu Obeidah, 
Varahran was the son of Sapor 
and brother of flormisdas; but all 
other authorities, so far as I know, 
make him the «on of Hormisdas. 

* The orthography of the name 
upon the coins is Varahran (Long- 
p^rier, MSdaiUes, p. 20). This 
the Greeks expressed by Ovapavri^y 
or OvapapdvfiQ, The later Persians 
corrupted the name into Bahram. 
That the Achsmenian Persians had 
some similar contracted form of the 
word appears horn the name Pha- 
rondates, or PA«rendates. (See Sir 
H. Rawlinson's remarks on this 
name in the Author's Herodotus^ 
vol. iii. p. 452, 2nd ed.) 

^ Mr. Thomas does not allow 
that any of the extant coins belong 
to Hormisdas the First (see iVtim. 
Chron, for 1872, p. 105). Mordt- 
mann (^Zeitschrift^ vol. viii. pp. 37-9 ; 
voL XIX. pp. 423, 478) regards as 
his the coins having the lion-crested 
cap with a flower rising from the 

Ck. v.] 



Varahran L, whose reign lasted three years only/ 
from A.D. 272 to 275, is declared by the native his- 
torians to have been a mild and amiable prince ; ^ but 
the little that is positively known of him does not 
bear out this testimony. It seems certain that he put 
Mani to death, and probable that he enticed him to 
leave the shelter of his castle by artifice,® thus showing 
himself not only harsh but treacherous towards the 
unfortunate heresiarch. If it be true that he caused 
him to be flayed aUve,* we can scarcely exonerate him 
from the charge of actual cruelty, imless indeed we 
r^ard the punishment as an ordinary mode of execu- 
tion in Persia.^ Perhaps, however, in this case, as in 
other similar ones, there is no suflBdent evidence that 
the process of flaying took place until the culprit was 
dead,^ the real object of the excoriation being, not the 

•ommit. These coinB, bowever^ 
miitt, irom the Indian emblems on 
•ome of them fThomas, I.8.C.), be- 
long to Honniadas II. As the por- 
triiiu on these coins and on those 
with the eagle cap are wholly dif- 
l«»rent, I suspect that the latter 
may be coins of the Jirtt Hormis- 


The ^m regarded by Mordtmann 
as bearinir the name and head of 
the first Hormisdas (ZeiUchriftf vol. 
xriii. p. 7 ; pi. L fig. 5) must be 
assigned to the second nrince of the 
name, from the resemblance of the 

head to the portraita on the lion 

^ Agath. It. p. 134, D: rfnoiv 
trtffi fiiffiXivoaQ, So Ma^oudi (li. p. 
167). Eutych. vol. i. p. 384 : < Tres 
annos cum tribus mensibus regna- 

^ Malcolm, History of Persiay 
l.s.c. ; Tabari, tom. ii. p. 89 ; Mir- 
khond, Histoire des StusanideSf 1.8.c. 

» So Milman (Hist, of Christi- 
anityj vol ii. p. 272). Compare 
Ma90udi, tom. ii. p. 167. 

^ Milman, Ls.c.; Mirkhond, p. 
29C ; Suidas ad voc. &c. 

* Besides Valerian (who, accord- 
ing to some, was flayed alive) and 
Manes, we hear of a certain Na- 
choragan being flayed alive by 
Chosroes ^Agath. iv. p. 132, D). 
Some of tne ecclesiastical writers 
call flaying alive ' the Persian 
punishment ' (Theodoret, Adv. Ha- 
reses, i. 26; Cyrill. Catech. y'li.). 
It is also mentioned as a Persian 
custom by Faustus (Bibl, Hist, iv. 

' In early dmes the Aduemenian 



[Ch. V. 

infliction of pain, but the preservation of a memorial 
which could be used as a warning and a terror to 
others. The skin of Mani, stuffed with straw, was 
no doubt suspended for some time after his execution 
over one of the gates of the great city of Shahpur ; ^ 
and it is possible that this fact may have been the sole 
ground of the belief (which, it is to be remembered, 
was not imiversal ^) that he actually suffered death by 

The death of the leader was followed by the per- 
secution of his disciples. Mani had organised a 
hierarchy, consisting of twelve apostles, seventy-two 
bishops, and a numerous priesthood ; ^ and his sect was 
widely established at the time of his execution. 
Varahran handed over these unfortunates, or at any 
rate such of them as he was able to seize, to the tender 
mercies of the Magians, who put to death great num- 
bers of Manichaeans. Many Christians at the same 
time perished, either because they were confounded 
with the followers of Mani, or because the spirit of 
persecution, once let loose, could not be restrained, 
but passed on from -victims of one class to those of 
another, the Magian priesthood seizing the opportunity 
of devoting all heretics to a common destruction. 

Perdans flared men after killing 
them (Hero^ t. 26, v^d^ac avihipk). 
The same was the practice of the 
European Scythians (ibid. iv. 64). 
It may be suspected that the flaying 
process which is represented in the 
Assyrian sculptures was performed 
on dead foodies (Ancient Mtmar- 
chiesj YoL L p. 244, 2nd edition^. 
Malcolm cautiously says of Mam : 
' Mani and almost all hu disciples 
were put to death bj order of ^- 
haram ; and the skm of the im- 
postor was hung up ; ' which does 
not imply flaying aUm (see JSUi, 

of Persia^ voL i. p. 101). 

1 Malcolm, 1.8.c ; Mirkhond, I.8.C.; 
Tabari, tom. ii. p. 90. 

• Burton says : * Manes was put 
to death, either hy crucifUion or by 
excoriation ' (Ledures an the First 
Three Centuries^ vol. ii. p. 410), 
which shows that two accounts 
were known to him. Eutychius 
gives a different account from 
either of these. According to him, 
Varahran ' cut Manes asunder * 
(* Manem prehensum medium divisit 
Bahram,' vol. i. p. 301). 

' Milman, vol. ii. p. 273. 

Cm. V:] WXm Of VARAIIRiiX I 


Thu9 unhapjj^ io bis domestic admmitfctmtion, 
Tttimhnu] wms not much more fortunate ia tiis warsi, 
Zenobia, tbe queeo of the East* held for som^ Ume 
to ihe poUcy of her iltustnous hustiand, matataiiiit^ a 
poatjon toimical alike to Borne and Penia fturo the 
dealh of Odeuathitd in a*d, 267 to Aurelian s espedi* 
tiofi tgaiBit ber iti am, 272. When, however, in this 
r« Aurt'U&n marrhed to attiu^ her with the fult 
of tbe empire, ?he reeogniti?d the ncee;*^ity of 
allitig to ber aid other trooptt bei^idcs her own* It 
wit al this time that nho made overttirod to tlie Per- 
which were &vourablr n^ceivi**! ; * and, in the 
A,D, 273, Femin tHKip are meationed utnmg 
with whom Aurelian oontended ia the vicinity of 
Bitmyra.* But the suerouia sent wens inconsiderable^ 
and were easily oveqiawere<l by the arta or arms of 
tbe CT a pcra r> The younf^ king had not the courage to 
throw hJmielf boIiUy into the war, Uc allow^ Zenobk 
10 be ddealed and rcduoed to ex* 
tn?mitii3 wiiht<yl tnnkinp anyihiiig 
hkif an t^aroiM i>r iletermined t ffurt 
to mvv b«'r. lie rootinued Iht ally, ,^ 
indifC'^l, y^ the end, and probably VJ 

affertt! her an a^^jhim at hi§ court, 

:f -?j« w» n* rinniK'IliMl lo (luil her 

' <»IJC «»r VAIlAllliAX I. 

.i« ;»r« •.♦ Fitid fnun nuiliTrin;^' by iIk» <'a|»tinv of tlu* 
. * rt^ifja!*- pri!M< s-i ju^t as >lif rrarlii-il iho hank'* 

Ir. •!• ai'l whirh hi* Inil Ztiiohia, Vanihnm, whili' 
• K-k! •!'•[»•* I'xi litiU* to nfliM-i in any dfj/nn* iIk* i^>ut' 

it I' * * |»y«itf«;, \ '.'7 /Vr#rtJ l/rr frntUrH, n\ui\i\niB e«t 

' />rt^4*A, cum fu/rfrt camrli*, 




[Ch. V. 

of the struggle, had done quite enough to provoke 
Eome and draw down upon him the vengeance of the 
Empire. It seems that he quite realised the position in 
which circumstances had placed him. Feehng that he 
had thrown out a challenge to Rome, and yet shrink- 
ing from the impending conflict, he sent an embassy 
to the conqueror, deprecating his anger and seeking to 
propitiate him by rare and costly gifts. Among these 
were a purple robe ^ from Cashmere, or some other 
remote province of India, of so brilUant a hue that the 
ordinary purple of the imperial robes could not com- 
pare with it, and a chariot like to those in which the 
Persian monarch was himself wont to be carried.^ 
Aurelian accepted these gifts ; and it would seem to 
follow that he condoned Varahran's conduct, and 
granted him terms of peace. Hence, in the triumph 
which Aurelian celebrated at Rome in the year a.d. 
274, no Persian captives appeared in the procession, 
but Persian envoys ^ were exhibited instead, who bore 
with them the presents wherewith their master had 
appeased the anger of the emperor. 

A fiill year, however, had not elapsed from the 
time of the triumph when the master of the Roman 
world thought fit to change his poHcy, and, suddenly 
declaring war against the Persians,* commenced his 
march towards the East. We are not told that he 

* * Hoc munua [«c, pallium breve 
purpureum lanestre, ad ^uod cum 
matronaB atque ipse Aurelian us jun- 
gerent purpuras suos, cineris specie 
decolorari videbantur cceterse di- 
vini comparatione fulporisj rex 
Fersarum ab India mtenoribus 
sumptum Aureliano dedisse perhi- 
betur, scribenS) " Sume purpuram, 
qualis apud nos est."' (Vopisc 
Aurel. § 29.) 

2 Ibid. § 33: 'Currua regii 

tres fuerunt . . . unus Odenad 
argento« auro, gemmis operosus at- 
oue distinctus; alter, qt4em rex 
Fersarum Aureliano dono dedit,^ De 
Champagny has represented this as 
a chariot which the Persian king 
had given to Odenathus (Clears 
du 3°« Si^cky tom. iiL p. 119). 

' Vopisc. I.8.C. 

* Ibid. § 35: 'Persis . . . hel- 
ium indixit [Aurelianus].' 


dbcovenjd, or even woghi to discover, miy tr&h 
gEoand of compkiat Uis tuleata were best nnittd 
for employmeul in iba fieldi and ho rti^Lrded it as 
tSfwdient to ^exercM die reetles^f umi[ier of Uie 
Ic^kmi in some fofmga war/^ Thus it wa^ dedmhle 
to find or make au eucmy ; ami Uie Persiiins pn^^ntid 
tlieiitaelYis as the foe which eould be att&eked mofil con- 
wmmttlf* There wm no doubt a genenJ daiire to 
^bre th« meniory of Valerian » disaster by mme con* 
adc^able bucccsb ; and wtir with Peraift was therefore 
likdj to Ik* {Kipular al once with the Senate, with the 
armTt and nith the mixed multitude which wasdigni* 
fied with the title of ' the Roman people.* 

AttitJian, therefor^^ aet out for Feniia at the bead of 
a oitincniua, but itiU a tuanageable* force.' He pro- 
thrai^b Bljricum and Maisodook towards Hy- 
and had ahiioil neacbod tbt ^rattii, when a 
amtffincy^ fomenled by one of bb iecFetaric§« cut ahcirl 
hb eaner^ and tared the Peraon em|iire from inradoa 
Aunli:i!i w:f» iiiunlrnMl in tlu' spring of A. I). 275, at 
( Wrj'.;»!irunurn, a Muall staliun brtwci'ii IJeraolwi (Pe- 
ri:.! i i>) antl Ih/aiiliiim.^ The adversiir}' with whom 
i.. i.:i 1 h«»j>v4l i4» coiitciid, Vanihran, cannot have »ur- 
\i'.''! i.:iji l«»iiL', .-iiKC he dird (of diM.»aso iu< it would 
-»!!ii .:i th«- eoiiPM- of the year, leaving his erown to 
a \«*r.j --.n who Imre the siine name with himself, 
aii 1 i- kii«»wn in hi-ton* :t*« Varahran the Sntuid.* 

\\iral»ran II. i«» ^ai<l to havr nded at first tyrannitiilly,^ 

• -*• if,K\0 u, Itfritns amd h'aU, Tarthrv et Pindar}, when* w© tiod 
1 I I p >.'. that it Wit* IH l^imaD milcw frmi 

• ' rtr«4- rT<*«m > iv'tju* quain II«*r»f(-l«« ( iVTinthtu), aod 47 frv>m 
:-V^-&'.; eirmto-* «\ j>nc. A^rti. WMnnXwxm. 

S V. '• Ai:«th. iv. p. Ml. (\ Kuttih. 

• MasiAi o«^. q i» r«t int^r i. p •^'^7 . Mirkbtiod, p. l*)*? ; Ta^ah, 

ii*r%r4«AA rl }*%l4U±tiv;m « \ • 'pUC. 11. p. \^^. 

, » \ Jt tt# «>iArt •itii«U>in. * Malcolm, //uf. ofjWmn^ toI. i. 

•N9 //.Mr. .4«<««M. (pL 1&3, cd. p. l(fJ, Mukhood, y/utfuirt dt$ 




[Ch. V. 

and to have greatly disgusted all his piincipal nobles, 
who went so &r as to form a ccHi^iracy against him, 
and intended to put him to death. The chief of the 
Magians, however, interposed, and, having effectually 
alarmed the king, brought him to acknowledge him- 
self wrong and to promise an entire change of con- 
duct.^ The nobles upon this returned to their alle- 
giance; and Varahran, during Uie remainder of his 
reign, is said to have been distinguished for wisdom 
and moderation, and to have rendered himself popular 
with every class of his subjects. 

It appears that this prince was not without military 
ambition. He engaged in a war with the Segestani^ 
(or Sacastani), the inhabitants of Segestan or Seistan, a 
people of Scythic origin,* and after a time reduced 
them to subjection.* He then became involved in a 
quarrel with some of the natives of Afghanistan, who 
were at this time r^arded as * Indians.' A long and 

SasMnideSf pp. 297-8. Ma^oudi 
says that he abandoned himself to 
pleasure and idleness, passed his 
time in hunting and other amuse- 
ments, gave tbe management of 
the empire to unworthy favourites, 
and allowed hundreds of towns and 
Tillages to fall into ruin (tom. ii. 
pp. 108-173). It is perhaps a sign 
of his soft and pleasure-loTing tern- 


perament that he alone of the 
Sassanian kings places the effigy 
of his wife upon his coins. This 
emplacement implies association in 
the kingdom. 

* Is the bas-relief at Nakhsh-i- 
Rufitam, represented by Ker Porter 
(vol. i. pi. 24), intended to com- 
memorate this scene P It * consbts 
of a king* (wearing the peculiar 
headdress of Varahran II.) ' stand- 
ing in a niche or rostrum, as if 
delivering a harangue ' (ibid. vol. i. 
p. 667). See the cut opposite. 

» Agath. iv. p. 135, A. 

' Sacarstan is 'the country of 
the Saka ' (SacsB or ScTths). It 
receiyed th^ name probably at the 
time of the great mTasion of the 
Yue-ChL (^e the Author's Sixth 
Monarchy J p. 117.) 

* The subjection of the Segestani 
b perhaps the subject of the basF- 

Cm. v4 BEiojr OF rAJiAimAy n. 100 

liustillorf oonttN^ followed without dulmitc result, wliich 
w«a Doi oondudcd by tbe jeiir a.d. 283, whea be found 
btm^^lf suddenly enguged in hostilitiefl ou ibo Dp[K»iite 
«de of the empire.^ 

Borne, in the latter ptrt of the third century, bad 
cxpenenced one of thorn raieticMii wltieb niitrk her 
bter iMtory, nnd which olaue enabled her t^ complete 
Ih^ {iredartiiied terra of twdve cetituriui. lietween 
die y«i» AJB, 274 and 382, uudur AufieUdti, Tacriujn, 
Pktyboft, and CttnUi At ihowed herself auee mare vety 
daddedly the finK tnilitiuy |iawer in tbe wcirldt drove 
tbe bftfbarifiiii oa aU mdm, ud even ventun^l txi 
to ui wgffrmmim poliey. Aurdnin, m we have 
•e^i, WM cm Uie fKiint of invading Pema wlicn a do- 
comfkwcy bnnight \m reign and life to an end. 
bm mocsesort acareely obtntned md^ a firm 
boU ttpoii llie tlmilt M to feel that he could with any 
p nAaeB pffofeike a war. But Ph>bu9« the nejct em- 
ptfor, Kvived tlie ptojcct of a Penun expedition/ and 
wi.uM pn^UiMy liavr U\l llio Iloman nnnies into Me- 
*«•;•• •UriiLi, \i:n\ not hi?« rnrciT hrm rut uhort by the 
r» v«.it «»rth»' l«-jioii> in Illyria (a. I). 282). Caruj*, who 
)* li U*«*n hi** prntorian |)reiV*<*t, and who became ein- 
j* r'»r at Ij> 'iiath, adhtTi'tl sti^adily to his [K)hcy. It 
w I- the fir-l a<'l of his rvi^^n to inarch the forces of the 
♦ !ij;..r»- to the extn^me vnsU and to comnu'iice in 
' a:u'< tiif u;ir which had so long Ix^en threatened. 
I> i • y the Kn)|Mror in |MT.Hi>n, the h*gion8 once more 

- -f r* " f» ♦* R t^i Kt KlwidiD (pi. a IVniian etiil>**^ with thr 


;- ^ %r f.^wtlf^*!* << \ arahr«n 11. w^nin. hoWfTcr, he ' miu!f* |>f>«r<« 

i ' ^ i.%. 4 tb- !*• r-uui f rrv-* with lh.« IVndaoi * (ibid. ( \H), 

• ••• >»Ai*:*-l r. •h'- fr cj'i'i^f lint A littl*' l>rf<»r« hu death, in 

I * wii-n l^roi . r **r«J ihf A.i*. *.'■*•', w«< h«*Ar uf hi* mcHlitJitJDK 

I .,».-Y«<^ t«fibUvn. « 1 11 p. *V*i • rorvxAD eipeditioQ (ibid. S ^>- 



[Ch. V.' 

crossed the Euphrates. Mesopotamia was rapidly over- 
run, since the Persians (we are told) were at variance 
among themselves, and a civil war was raging.^ The 
bulk of their forces, moreover, were engaged on the 
opposite side of the empire in a struggle with the 
Indians,^ probably those of Affghanistan. Under these 
circumstances, no effectual resistance was possible; 
and, if we may believe the Eoman writers, not only 
was the Eoman province of Mesopotamia recovered, 
but the entire tract between the rivers as far south as 
the latitude of Baghdad was ravaged, and even the two 
great cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon were taken with- 
out the slightest difficulty.^ Persia Proper seemed to 
he open to the invader, and Cams was preparing to 
penetrate still fiirther to the east, when again an oppor- 
tune death checked the progress of the Roman arms, 
and perhaps saved the Persian monarchy from destruc- 
tion. Cams had announced his intention of continuing 
his march; some discontent had shown itself; and an 
oracle had been quoted which declared that a Eoman 
emperor would never proceed victoriously beyond 
Ctesiphon. Cams was not convinced, but he fell sick, 
and his projects were delayed ; he was still in his camp 
near Ctesiphon, when a terrible thunderstorm broke 
over the ground occupied by the Eoman army. A 
weird darkness was spread around, amid which flash 
followed flash at brief intervals, and peal upon* peal 
terrified the superstitious soldiery. Suddenly, after the 
most violent clap of all, the cry arose that the Emperor 
was dead."* Some said that his tent had been stmck by 

1 Vopisc. Car, § 8. 

' Gibbon, I.8.C. 

* Vopisc. I.8.C. ; Eutrop. ix. 18 ,• 
Aurel. Vict C<w. xxxyiii. Com- 
pare Mob. Ghor. Hitt, Arm, ii. 76. 

* See the letter of the secretary, 
Julius Calpurnius, preserved by 
Vopiscus (I.S.C.), and translated by 
Gibbon (DecUne and Fall, toI. ii. 
pp. 66-6). 

Ci.T.1 wxn OP Tjuuim^a n. with CARtu ill 

li^itidiig, ani] that his death was owing to thli cause ; 
ci^ieri bellevecl that he had ^mp]^ happened lo mo- 
ctunb to hb malady at the exact moment of the kit 
thunderclap; a ihird theory mm that hm attc^flaiite 
kmd taken advantafi^e of tho gtetiera] coofumoti to ajiaan^ 
Mate him^ and that he merely added another to the 
loi^ Ibt of Bnman emperom murdered by those who 
lioped lo profit by their removal. It b not likely ilial 
the problem of what really causeil tlie death of Oarus 
Will CTW be lolveii.' Ttuit be died very late in a-D. 
tfS, or within the linit ffirtnight of A.0, 284, b ecrtain ;' 
mild it b no les eertain that hb death waa moat fortu- 
for Perm, dure it brought the war to an end 
it had mched a point at which any further m- 
rould hare ben diiailroujf, and gave the Per* 
a bmtUiig-ipaM durmg which they mighty at 
ImM parttally, recover from their proiUntaoa. 

rpnn the death of Carui^ the Romana at once deter^ 
mtnad oo tetraai. It waa generally believed that 
Th«- iin[Mriai t«nt htn\ ix»eii *«tni<*k i)y hjrhtniiig; and it 
wa- « i»rHlu<i<il that thedcTiHioii of the j/(x1h a;/aiiist the 
furthir a'iv:iii<cM»f i1k» iiivadint: anny had 1xh»u thereby 
u!.rii>!akal)ly (h*< lantl* The anny considered that it 
! .1 i *i«»tj«- eiiou^'h, and was anxious to return home; 
•'.♦ fit 1>1«- Mj^ves-Mir of Cant**, his sm Nuinerian, if he 
^^,*M-**<il the will, wa,H at any nitt' without the |K)Wer to 

f»;bb« •r^m* U» brU<»r^ that iii. p. Wl, rrnte '. 
r^r-^t «^ kiWM br li|fh tiling' * It wa«i an old UornAn tuper* 

■ V. Y .V^! Nirbuhr w«%»-ni •titi<iri that * pUr«-« or prrvnna 

t^'w^T. ';/httiin»* hxA % Mm %00iti%U"ti •trviik with li*rhtninff wrr»» lun- 

/^ *mr*9, 1 i ii; p .Hi.'*. H. v.). jruUrly drT.u***! t«» toe wrath »»f 

I •• < V«J2.piV^'5 •^'^ *hat lh#« wholr KmVrn ' ((«lbb<ill, Tol. I. p, 41.'Ji. 

'- *ri#f .• thr ui^i m imp^n<*tnibl«* Thrrr m%M aU) a mptoria] brlirf 

• i.*!'-^ 1 4 tmr* ikm '•* St* it, liUn. that * wh« n lh«» pmtorium wa« 

; !-•• ■trurk. it forvUnliHl ihr d»-»trijrti"n 

•**• < <:5'/<i. /*/^ Tol I p .TJ4 ; ..f th** aroiT il*elf* «\»fbuhr, 

1.^ . V cy^rr \*m i. bAapvnr. tum. Lfrture; %uL lii. p. «IOo, }-« I.). 



[Oh. V. 

resist the wishes of the troops ; and the result was that 
the legions quitted the East without further fighting,^ 
and without securing, by the conclusion of formal 
terms of peace, any permanent advantage from their 

A pause of two years now occurred, during which 
Varahran had the opportunity of strengthening his 
position while Eome was occupied by civil wars and 
distracted between the claims of pretenders.^ No great 
use seems, however, to have been made of this interval 
When, in a.d. 286, the celebrated Diocletian deter- 
mined to resume the war with Persia, and, embracing 
the cause of Tiridates, son of Chosroes, directed his 
ejQTorts to the establishment of that prince, as a Eoman 
feudatory, on his father's throne, Varahran found him- 
self once more overmatched, and could offer no effec- 
tual resistance. Armenia had now been a province of 
Persia for the space of twenty-six (or perhaps forty- 
six) years ;^ but it had in no degree been conciliated 
or united with the rest of the empire. The people had 
been distrusted and oppressed; the nobles had been 
deprived of employment; a heavy tribute had been 
laid on the land ; and a religious revolution had been 

^ When Numerian ia credited 
with Persian Tictories (Nemes. 
Cyneget. 71-2), it b on the notion 
that, having been associated by 
Cams, he had part in the successes 
of A.D. 283. That Numerian re- 
treated upon the death of his father 
•without tempting fortune any fur- 
ther, is clear from Aur. Vict. Cte«. 
xxxviiL, and Vopiscua, Numer, § 

' During this interval Numerian 
was killed, Diocletian invested 
with the purple, Carinus defeated 
and slain, and Maximian associated. 

(Gibbon, vol. ii. pp. 60-66.) 

' Moses of CnorSn^ makes the 
subjection of Armenia to Persia 
last twenty-six years {Hist. Arm. 
ii. 74, suhfin,). But if he is riffht 
in making Artaxerxes the king 
who reduced Armenia, and in stat- 
ing that Tiridates regained the 
throne in the third year of Diocletian 
(^ii. 79), the duration of the sub- 
jection must have been, at least, 
forty-six years, since Artaxerxes 
died in a.d. 241, and the third of 
Diocletian was a.d. 286. 


wkHmtly cflbcteiL' It is not suqiri&uig that when 
tiiiiliii^, sttppcnteil by & Boman coj^s <f utoiA** ap- 
pcued upoQ llie (kmliefi, the whole populadon received 
biiit with trao^rtfe of loyaltr and joy. All thu nohlm 
flcieked to hb tiaDdard, aud at otice ackQOwl(!tl|^ him 
far thistr long.* The people everj'where welcomed liim 
with aodmatioiia. A tuitivo princre of the Amadd 
djr&uty wnied the stiAhigt^ of nil; and the nation 
itadf with enthimMk xeal into a !^truggle which 
viewed ai a war of independence. It was for- 
IfOtim that Tiridal«i waa in fact only a pnppet in the 
df the Boman irnipcnyr, and that, whatever the 
of the oonu^, ArmL-ma would nenrnui at ita 
m Am had been at itii commeneemenL, a depcn* 
dm upsm a foreign power. 

llie iuooQit of Ttridala at the fint was audi la 
ttighi have been expected from the forces arrayed in 
hai bi^otir* He defeated two Femian armies in the 
Qipai field, drove oat the jiarriionB which held the more 
inip^irt.'int of tin* fortifu*d towns, and Ixvanie undis- 
;. .!•'! ni:f»l**r of Anni*nia.* Ht* evm erosM»<l tlic* l>or- 

• :. ' %*!.:• h M^-paralcil Annenia fn>ni iVrsia, and ;ianied 
•.jT.ui vi.^^rn'^on admilltHl ri*r>ian ^Tounti.^ Acconl- 
luj t" thr nalivi* wriUT>, his pergonal fXploit.s wore 

• \T 1 .rdiiuiry ; ho difi*ale<l singly a corps of j^iant^, 
.ifi i r-'Ul<d on foot a lar;/i* dfta<'hnu*nt monnlid on 
• ;. j/r..iiit* !• Thr narrativf is hori*, no doubt, lingod 

W K < Wf li 77. rbor lie. 

M «r«» thi« f««tiir«> •»( th# * h!«)wi«l]? in AmtHa. (Ag»- 

. :\ - **#^»«vtr . T%.^'4'i|*. M- rh'-r ii '\*, ad Jin) 

M m < L r ti 7l> tiM «Y Tin<{atr« ii«( >, avutda 

\f ft&A^tfs^. U&. S si • M*** tbc«r itu|»r\ib%ble dcUlU. 




[Ch. V. 

with exaggeration ; but the general result is correctly 
stated. Tiridates, within a year of his invasion, was 
complete master of the entire Armenian highland, and 
was in a position to carry his arms beyond his own 

Such seems to have been the position of things, when 
Varahran IE. suddenly died, after a reign of seventeen 
years,^ a.d. 292. He is generally said to have left 
behind him two sons,^ Varahran and Narsehi, or Narses, 
of whom the elder, Varahran, was proclaimed king. 
This prince was of an amiable temper, but apparently 
of a weakly constitution. He was with difficulty per- 
suaded to accept the throne,^ and anticipated fi-om the 
first an early demise.'* No events are assigned to his 
short reign, which (according to the best authorities) 
did not exceed the length of four months.^ It is evi- 

* Agathiae, iv. p. 134, D ; Eu- 
tych. Tol. i. p. 887. Mirkhond 
agrees {Histoire des Sassanides, p. 
299), but notes that his authorities 
Taried. Malcolm says that some 
of the native writers allow him 
only thirteen years {History of 
Persia^ vol. i. p. 103, note). Ta- 
bari gives him no more than four ! 
(ChrorUque, ii. p. 90). 

' Tabari says (^l.e.c.) that Varah- 
ran n. had no son, but was suc- 
ceeded by his brother Narses. 
Narses himself says that he was 
the son of Sapor and grandson of 
Artaxerxes. It is thought that he 
may have omitted his immediate 
ancestors as persons of small ac- 
count (Thomas in Num, Chron. for 
1872, p. 113) ; but such omission 
is very unusual. 

' Mirkhond, p. 300. A bas- 
relief at Nakhsn-i-Rustam seems 
to represent him aa receiving the 
crown from his mother. (Ker Por- 
ter, pL 19.) 

* The inaugural address of Va- 
rahran ILL is reported as follows : 
' I ascend this throne by right, as 
the issue of your kings; but the 
sole end which I propose to myself 
in ruling is to obtain for the people 
who shall be subject to me a 
happy and quiet life. I place all 
my trust in the goodness of God, 
through whose help all things may 
end happily. If God preserves my 
life, I will conduct myself towards 
you in such a way that all who hear 
me spoken of will load me with 
blessings. IfyOn the cotUrary, the 
angel ofdeatn comes and carries me 
atoay^ I hope that God will not 
forsake you or suflFer you to perish.' 
(Mirkhond, Hist, des Sassanides, 


* Agathias, l.s.c. ; Eutych. vol. i. 
p. 395. So also Firdusi in the 
Shahrmameh, Some Oriental writers, 
however, gave him a reign of nine 
years. (Mirkhond, I.8.C.) 

QltT.l EEIG5 OF TAR^iinUK HL 115 

d^tl tlmt he must have been poytw]es» to oifer aoy 
cfleetUAl opposition to Tindatai, whose fortes eootinuoil 
to rmirage, jear after year, the north- 
wettero provinceif of the Pemtan em^ 
pire.* Had Tmdjitia bccu a pritme of 
ml militaiy talent^ it could acarcely 
hftve beai dtflktilt for him to obtain 
MiU greater adrauliigi^. But be wag 
OQitfeEit with annual raidst which 
left the rabitantial power of remia untouched He 
allowed the occamm of the throne V being occupied by ii 
wmk and inraltd prince to slip by; The ooti9c?querieas 
of tliif ne^^eiice will appear in the next chapieft Ber^ 
wm^ pemuttad to ciotpe ferious attack in her time of 
wcaloiaM, wai able shortly to tAkc' the olmme and to 
make the Armeuku prince rc^gret hia iodoleitee or want 
of ambation. The mn of Cboaroila became u 8et!ond 
Itsne a fiigittTe; and once more the Romant were 
edad in to lettle the aflktm of the East, We have 
IX »w to tnirc* xhr rin*umstanre*< of this stniggle, and 
:. . -1j«»w hnw Honu* uikKt able leaders surri'eded 
iri r« %• rrjiri;/ th<' dt-ft-at and captivity of Valenan, and 
lu iiitii' tiiiL', in Imt turn, a ;/rirV(>u.s humiliation ujioii 
}.♦ r udv« r-ary. 

* Afrmtbao^'. iv '/, .V'» and ^7. 

I 'i 



[Ch. VI. 


Civil War of Narses and his Brother Hormisdas, Norses victonous. 
He attacks and expels Tiridates, War declared against him by Dio' 
cletian. First Campaign of Oalerius, a.d. 297. Second Campaign, 
A.D. 298. Defeat suffered by Norses. Negotiations. Condition of 
Peace, Abdication and Death of Norses, 

ZoKARAS, xii. 31. 

It appears that on the death of Varahran III., pro- 
bably without issue, there was a contention for the 
crown between two brothers,^ Narses and Hormisdas.^ 
We are not informed which of them was the elder, 
nor on what grounds they respectively rested their 
claims ; but it seems that Narses was from the first 
preferred by the Persians, and that his rival relied 
mainly for success on the arms of foreign barbarians. 

^ The relationship of Narses 
to his predecessor is exceedingly 
douhtful. He himself declares in 
an inscription that he was the son 
of Sapor and the grandson of 
Artaxerxes (see above, p. 114, 
note ') ; and hb statement is con- 
firmed by the Arabian writer, Abu 
Obeidah (Ma9oudi, torn. ii. p. 238), 
and by the Armenian historian, 
Sepeos. (See the Journal Asiatique 
for 1866, p. 149.^ Tabari, how- 
ever, makes him tne son of Varah- 
ran 1. (Chronique, tom. iL p. 90.) 
So Ma^oudi Ttom. ii. p. 174). 
Affathias avoids the question of 
relationship. Mirkhond (p. 301) 
and the Persian writers generally 

say that he was the son of Varah- 
ran n. For my own part, I should 
incline to accept his own statement, 
and to suppose that, Varahran III. 
having died without issue, the 
crown reverted to his great-great- 
uncle, a man of years and ex- 
perience, who, however, was not 
allowed to enjoy the throne with- 
out a struggle with another prince 
of the royal house, a certain Hor- 

^ This passage of history rests 
entirely on a single sentence in a 
Latin writer of ncertain date, the 
author of the 'Panegyric' quoted 
by Gibbon (Decline and FcJl, voL 
iil p. 81, note "). 

Cm vt} ixxamos or kabses. 117 

WontATil in eocouoten wlierein Done but Persians 
fim^l GD either side, Uormbdas mminoned to hk aid 
tlie bofdes of the nurth *— -Gelli from ihe shores of the 
Cbfpiaiif Scgrtha from the Osnn or the r^oiu beyond, 
ftnd BiBpiaM» tww first tnentioucd by a ckisica] writer. 
But the periknii attempt to settle a domestic struggle 
by the swords of foreigners was not destined on this 
OKMon U> {>ni«iper. Bonniiiltyt failed in his undmvour 
to dbtatn llie limine ; and, aa we hi^^ no niore of hiin^ 
wc may regard it m probable that he wiui defeated atul 
4am. At any rate Haiwa wim, \rithin a year or two 
of his acoesaoo, m firmly settled in his kingdom, tlitit 
he was able to turn his tbmightii to the external ufiUir^ 
of the empiiie,and to engage in a great war. AJl dati- 
(sr from internal dtiKirder must haTe bocQ pretty 
oviuilj reoiGrrad bafora Naraes couhl venture to 
m be did, the atrongcrt of esddting msliuiry 

tided tlie throne in A.D. 292 or 293. It 
wa*^ at l«':f*t iv* ('urly as A.D. 200 tliat he challeiifrtHl 
Il"iiif to ail eiiroiiiitiT hv atlackin;j in forre the vassiil 
!].or*:ir« li whom htr anus had e^tabh-shcnl in AriiuMiia.'- 
Tirvi it*-* ha<K it is rvideiit, (loiiu much ti) provoke l\w 
u:U' k l»y hi^ <oiiHUint raids into Persian lerritor}',^ 

■ I*M4 lVr»*» i]»*umque rr>>r»*ni till lh#» ninth crntun* A.i>. If, 

^.i* .'.. ••w t .• .1 Ku»*i«. ri (irlU*, howeTrr. thrv an* iniende*! in Kick. 

p»t.! f:«'»f «»Mi.i-.' (/'cm^y. I'rt. iixTiii. *.*, a.'mii. 1 (a* (f«Mieniu« 

^ i: lb* *trlU arr w^ll idrntj- miui IVan StAnl* y aiyur ). ihey may 

1«: f^f «»itk»<i th.» inbabttant* br mrmni al*c> in tbr prv«(<nt pa»- 

f *'t.i^MXi tb* <»-.»• '( raxlier aap*. 

wr.lMr% Ih*- S«r> a- < >«f»« » arr * Sc« (*hnti>n, /'. /?. Tul. i. p. 

.•^* .1'#-;:t **<y.L«- \U*'y mar 'MO, wherr it ui pp»>rd that the 

:»w <iw»,i <i iLf Oiu«. or p**- ^rtt ratupai^ <>f (ialrriui waa a« 

. • ^ .-. V*^.?.*!. ••-*;. Th«» ICuMi r«flT a# A l». lie If •»>. tbi* mo?r- 

.«. . ti ih' r :-AJii'^. im> • lku»- n*riiiii which i'P»%nkr<l It tnu»t haTr 

..•. • t.: It u..»X br aiimittrd Ullrti. at tbr Utc«t, in A.D. lIMt. 

'%.m' wr L»%9 *b»rw.«^ Do Di«'ntMfi ' * ivr abuTi*. p. IK*. 

f 'i^m It l^ cia«McaJ wnt»ff« ' 




[Ch. VL 

which were sometimes carried even to the south of 
Ctesiphon.^ He was probably surprised by the sudden 

HBAD ov KAB8BS (after Flandin). 

march and vigorous assault of an enemy whom he had 
learned to despise; and, feeling himself unable to orga- 
nise an effectual resistance, he had recourse to flight, 
gave up Armenia to the Persians,^ and for a second 
time placed himself under the protection of the Eoman 
emperor. The monarch who held this proud position 
was still Diocletian, the greatest emperor that had 
occupied the Boman throne since Trajan, and the 
prince to whom Tiridates was indebted for his restora- 
tion to his kingdom. It was impossible that Diocletian 
should submit to the aflfront put upon him without an 

^ Mo8. Chor. ii 79, ad Jin. : 
'Etiam ultra Cteuphontem iacur- 
Bionee fecit/ 

' Amm. Marc, xxiii. 5. Com- 
pare the treatise De Morte Perse- 
cutontm, § 9. 

Oil ti] wab or 5abs&s wmi home. 119 

eflbft to avenge it. Hit own pow4^ rested, to 

m gre&t meustine^ on im mitttajy |)raitjgo; and the 
mpuniihed in§cili!Dre of a foreigB king woub! Imve 
cDclangerwi on auibority not very fimily cmui- 
Tbe ptisiUoEi of Diodt^tiaa compelled him to 
dedanD wmrigaini^ Narse»^ in the jenr A.P. 296, and to 
addreai himAc4f to a «iruggle of whidi he ia not likely 
to have mbiaooceived the impciitance. It might Imve 
bem cxpociisd that he winild luive undertakeu the con- 
duct ijf tl)e war in pen^cto ; but the internal condiuon 
of tlt« empire wia far from fati^fnctory, and the chkf of 
iIm Slaie feetm to have felt t]mt he could aoi cohto* 
wiealij quit hif dotnimuw to engage in war beyood 
kit borderi. He therefore oommitied the tiiak of re* 
ttwtatifig liridjitiiii and punti»tiing Natives to bk fiivouiiie 
nd aao*iti-)jiw, GaleriuB/ wlule be himself took up a 
pQgtekm withiu the liiniu of tbo eiis{iire/ which at unce 
raaUeil htm lo oveimwe hin domet^c advemimst and 
III ioppcirt and amatmmm ht» lieutenant, 

Tlw fir«t attc»mpb* of Galerius were unfortunate. 
r*uiniii«'ii<^l ••luicitiily from the I)anulx» to the Eu- 
jifir.iN--, aiii plarc'd at the head of an anny compoik^'d 
<l.i» tly mI* ilh' levi<»s of A>ia, ill-di^cipliiieil, and un- 
a '.;*t.!r«d w.tli thtir ronnnandiT, he had lo meet an 
.1 :%♦:*. «ry of whom he knew little or nothing, in a 
r»v "ti tije ehiirart4T of whieh was advern^* to his own 
tro^'ji* an<i f.ivoiiniMe to th<>?*e of the enemy. Nan*e^ 
f. I : rivad*-*! the lioinan province of MeM»[K>tiimiit, had 
;-:..:r.i!Ml t«> the Khalnmr, and wan threatening to 
«r'— Ui* Kuphrait-s into Syria.* (lalerius had no 

V.fl Virt. r V««r 5 .Tl* ; Vu? l«.r.); then at .\ntioch 

A rA/ 1 . '1 <l^r»«nt- /V MiTt^ l>tttrr. Vkc). 

• Vr^-m M%rr. iim .% . Z^mAi. * 1^ tiint. /V MitrU JVrarruti>r 

.%< *.«alrf. II ?4 . kr, ^ \* , Aurrl. Vict»r. /Ar CtfmrUms. 

' > .r«t At AkiftftdnA tAurtl. S ^'* iCuDATM mAkr§ him actuAll} 




[Ch. VI. 

choice but to encounter him on the ground which he 
had chosen. Now, though Western Mesopotamia is ill- 
described as ' a smooth and barren surface of sandy 
desert, without a hillock, without a tree, and without a 
spring of fresh water,' ^ it is undoubtedly an open 
country, possessing numerous plains, where, in a battle, 
the advantage of numbers is likely to be felt, and 
where there is abundant room for the evolutions of 
cavalry. The Persians, Uke their predecessors the 
Parthians, were especially strong in horse; and the 
host which Narses had brought into the field greatly 
outnumbered the troops which Diocletian had placed 
at the disposal of Galerius. Yet Galerius took the 
offensive. Fighting under the eye of a somewhat stern 
master, he was scarcely free to choose his plan of 
campaign. Diocletian expected him to drive the Per- 
sians from Mesopotamia,^ and he was therefore bound 
to make the attempt. He accordingly sought out his 
adversary in this region, and engaged him in three 
great battles.^ The first and second appear to have 
been indecisive ; but in the third the Eoman gene- 
ral suffered a complete defeat.* The catastrophe of 
Crassus was repeated almost upon the same battle- 
field, and probably almost by the same means.^ But, 

inyade Syria (rov Hapaov Tchvi* 

TovTov rort rriv Svpiav Xfji^opror, 

xii. 31). 

* See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, 
ch. xiii. (vol. ii. p. 82). On the real 
character of the region Bee the Au- 
thor's Sixth Monarchy, pp. 162, 163. 

* Victor expresses tne commis- 
sion of Galerius as follows : * Pro- 
vincia credita Maximiano Csesari, 
uti relictisfinihus in Mesopotamiam 
jproffrederetury ad arcendos rersarum 
impetus.' (l.s.c.) 

' Oros. vii. 25: * Cum duobus 

jam prseliis adversus Narseum con- 
flixisset, tertio inter Callinicum et 
Carras conprressus et victus, amissis 
copiis, ad IMocletianum refugrit. 

* Aurel. Vict Cas. § 39 ; Zonar. 
l.s.c. ; Eutrop. ix. 24 ; Julian. 
Paneg. Cotistant. p. 18, A. 

* Gibbon's description of the 
battle (1.8. c.) is wholly imaginary, 
no classical writer having left us 
any account of it. He transfers 
to the conflict between Galerius 
and Narses all that Plutarch and 
Dio relate of Crassus and Surenas. 

Cm.Tt] UfS TfCTOET ill III " "^^^M 12! 

pMiOPi%, Otkrioi wauH more fortunate tbao his prede- 
etmat. He cittped from ibc <^»age, and, recnmiiig 
the Eufilmitas rtjoiticd hb father^m-law iu Byria. A 
eoojcctia^ not altogether (If-*titnti! of probability/ 
makm Ttridiiltt shajre h^Ah ilw rahimity and the good 
Ibrtune of the Boman Oiesar. like GaleritiB^ bo escaped 
firifB the baltlt^fietd, and reacht^I t!it' bonks of the 
Eupliralea. But his hoiBO, win h h^irl n^ceived a 
wtitind, ooald not be inifAed i*- jr- die river In 
tlw emagency the Annenian pnace diBinounted, and^ 
flTEDed 05 He wii5t p1uti^<d into the 9tn!^ni. Tlie rivi!r 
HM both wide and dwp ; llie eurreni was rapid ; but 
ihfthttrdy ailventun^, inured to dangifr and accuftomud 
In nwy athk'tlc esad«,fwtm wtob and retiched the 

ThWi viiile tlM tank and file perished ignomimotialy, 
ilie two penmiuigea of moft iniporUiuce on the Bamia 
Mm were oiTed. 6aleriy» hostcnod towaidii Antjoch, 
10 rrjotn hit eolk*gue and i^overeiffn. The latter 
^-ame out to inert him, but, instead of confrratulatinfr 
t'Ain «•!! Ill"* i-M-ap^s assumed the air of an oflended nias- 
:• r. .iri«l. (leilinwi;j to s|x-ak to him or to stop his chariot, 
!'»r««-i the ('a*«<ir to lolluw him on f<H)t for nearly 
a in 1«- Uton* he would con(h»s<-end to receive his 
f*xpLun:it:«»n«» and a|)ohH^nes for defejit.' The disgra(*e 
\»:f k**' fily tVIt, and wils ultimately revenged u[M»n the 
]'r,u*i' wliM luui rontrived it. l>ut, at the time, its main 

T\,* it •<mrr*>lT an allowahle modr ftoun^l hifttonml critiritm. 

li. Lr»_-.«/»rr.r)ir l'» th:i <>rc»*i'n " Kutf'p. 1 *.«•. ; Aiiim. \lw. 

c. *i*«':>'» rrimir^ of TindaU^ xir. 11. Th" ' nJil^ alnjo«t ' of 

• ' M •*•• o^ < h rrn« . (u>d AttA4 h«-<l AmtiiiAiiuii bi't •iu<^ * iN«\rnil aiil<*«* 

•-• t rs. '^ • drf^At of f ttrus bt lh#» in rulmpiu*, Kmiun {^ m'^n, and 

.? .-»«t Li*«</ruUi d -^ ixH p^T- lrA^i>«.« ' in TllI«*ni(»Ot {Iltst. dra 

1*^ ll^.»€9tA Xhm UmiU of A I'.'mf'frnartf u. p. 37). 




[Ch. VI. 

effect doubtless was to awake in the young Caesar 
the strongest desire of retrieving his honour, and 
wiping out the memory of his great reverse by a 
yet more signal victory. Galerius did not cease 
through the winter of a.d. 297 to importune his father- 
in-law for an opportunity of redeeming the past and 
recovering his lost laurels. 

The emperor, having sufficiently indulged his resent- 
ment, acceded to the wishes of his favourite. Gulerius 
was continued in his command. A new army was 
collected during the winter, to replace that which had 
been lost; and the greatest care was taken that its 
material should be of good quality, and that it should 
be employed where it had the best chance of success. 
The veterans of Illyria and Moesia constituted the 
flower of the force now enrolled ;^ and it was further 
strengthened by the addition of a body of Gothic auxi- 
haries.^ It was determined, moreover, that the attack 
should this time be made on the side of Armenia, 
where it was felt that the Eomans would have the 
double advantage of a friendly country, and of one far 
more favourable for the movements of infantry than 
for those of an army whose strength lay in its horse.^ 
The number of the troops employed was still small. 
Galerius entered Armenia at the head of only 25,000 
men ;^ but they were a picked force, and they might 
be augmented, almost to any extent, by the national 
militia of the Armenians. He was now, moreover, as 
cautious as he had previously been rash ; he advanced 
slowly, feehng his way; he even personally made 

^ Oro8. I.8.C. : ' Per Ulyricum et 
McBsiam undique copias contraxit.' 

^ Jornandes, De Gothorum rebus 
gestis, c. 21. 

» Aurel. Victor, Ctss, § 39 : ' Per 
Armeniam in hostes contendit, quae 
sola, seu facilior, yincendi via est* 

* Festus, § 26. 


rerooaiiftHificj^a^ oLtximpomed by ontj one or two 
botmwo, ttudt uti4er the slieller of a ilag of truce^ 
explorad tlie posilioa of hii adveiBaij.^ Narses found 
him»*ff o%en»atched alike in art and in force. He 
ttOowed himielf to be mirpri^ in hi.s canip by hxs 
miemj^^ and suffered a defeat by which he 
than loil all tlie fhilta of his former victory. 
lloal of bis army was destroyed ; he himself received 
a womid/ and with difficulty escaped by a haity lUgbt. 
Oali^us piinitied^ and, though be did not snored in 
Iftki^g tiii ii]0tiait:h himself, made prize of bin wives, 
Ui iBtGiii and a number of \m children/ beiades 
e^tnring bis military ches^t He obo tuok many of 
dm vtoA illu^riuus Persians prisoneti.^ How far he 
loOcwed b^ Oyiog adverwry is uncertain ;^ but it 19 
gea p oe^ probahb that he proceeded much south wiutl 
of tte Anoenian froaiier. He ba«l lo n^nstate Tin- 
daks in bb dominion!!, to recover Eutfteni Me9N>po* 
tamta, and to hy his laurels at the feel uf bii eoUeague 
and III i^tiT. It ^Honis probabli* that having driven 
NarM- lV'»ni Annrnia, and li-ft Tiridatcs there to ad- 
ii^in.-i* r llu- (/ovi-rnnienL, hi* lia>tcncd to njoin Diocle- 
iLari Infort* att4 inplinji any further ciuhiuoIs. 

Tl«' rrp-ian monarch, on his .side, having recovered 
iz^'::. }.> Wound," which <H)uld have l>een l)Ut >hght, set 

>«?>*«. /?*y. pL li», A. ('<»fn- • Zonanwi make« him pursue 

^» («a(uiu l.Ac. atxl Kutnipiu*, Niii><*a 'into the inn<*r parU of 

ii -'* iN'rtia' (u»^pi r^^ tt/or«p<H ni«*«»«- 

* } m^r^A, I •.f. rotnnm* Amm. *X K and Kutmpiuj n^^aki of 
War- iiu. 4 ' Sub Ma&iniiano N«nN«« an b«*tA]iin^ bimM*lf to the 
< 9ti^*^ -«b!4k> rr-^i* VrrtikTum di* rvui(»t»*0t •(•litudr^ uf bis kin^om 
T9^ (ix. 'J'n. nut it mar be quiw- 

* A earw. tu •'^1 tionini wbetbrr the defeated tnon- 

* lUi <' 'OifMir* (Uitrtip. ix. arrh «*vrr H*<^ further than Media, 
*• <*r«L tr; •.*/. wh»Tt« wr tind him whrn an am- 

* «fCi« i* <)'aaaiplunmaa iVr- \m»t^tu\'*r in •««nt t** hiui br l>iucl(*« 
aftr.«. a ^AiittiD' Or\«. titm ( IVt. Patric. Fr. 14).' 
.A^ / ^ Zooarma, La.c 




[Ch. VL 

himself to collect another army, but at the same time 
sent an ambassador to the camp of Galerius, requesting 
to know the terms on which Eome would consent to 
make peace. A writer of good authority ^ has left us 
an account of the interview which followed between 
the envoy of the Persian monarch and the victorious 
Roman. Apharban (so was the envoy named) opened 
the negotiations with the following speech '^ : — 

* The whole human race knows,' he said, ' that the 
Eoman and Persian kingdoms resemble two great lumi- 
naries, and that, like a man's two eyes, they ought 
mutually to adorn and illustrate each other, and not in 
the extremity of their wrath to seek rather each other's 
destruction. So to act is not to act manfully, but is 
indicative rather of levity and weakness ; for it is to 
suppose that our inferiors can never be of any service 
to us, and that therefore we had better get rid of them. 
Narses, more6ver, ought not to be accounted a weaker 
prince than other Persian kings ; thou hast indeed con- 
quered him, but then thou surpassest all other monarchs ; 
and thus Narses has of course been worsted by thee, 
though he is no whit inferior in merit to the best of his 
ancestors. The orders which my master has given me 
are to entrust all the rights of Persia to the clemency 
of Eome ; and I therefore do not even bring with me 
any conditions of peace, since it is for the emperor to 
determine everything. I have only to pray, on my 

* Petrus Patriciufl. Although 
this author did not write till to- 
wards the close of the sixth cen- 
tury, he is generally allowed by 
historical critics to be among the 
best authorities even for the events 
of three centuries previously. (See 
Gibbon, Decline and FaU, ch. xiii. 
vol. ii. p. 84, note '*; C. Miiller, 
JFV. Hist. Or. vol. iv. pp. 181-4 j 

Niebuhr, Preface to the Bonn 
edition of the Excerpta de Leffo^ 

^ I have been content to translate 
Patricius. Gibbon, by recasting 
the entire oration and changing 
the position of aU its parts, pro- 
duces a fine result ; but I have not 
felt at liberty to work up the 
I ancient materials after his fashion. 

Ol rtj nBSlMM MMBimr to OALEBttS. 125 

■^i bchftlf, for the tostontioii of liii wired and m^a 
diildnai ; if be Fiscclv^ tfaem ftl jcnir haads, hu will be 
Cor ercr boboldmi to fom and will be bettur pleased 
tbftn if be mc&9€fei tbem by fi>rce uf armn. Evea qow 
my maater eammtsuffirieutly Uuuik you fur cba kind 
treaimeiil which he hears yuu ha%^ irouchsafed them, m 
diai JOQ have oflervd them no insult^ but havx* behavtHl 
iopwmrdtf them aa thuitgh on the pcnnt of giriug tht^m 
hmzk to tlidr kith and kin. Ue seen hereui tliat you 
bear in mind the changes of furtync nud the imtabillty 
of all biinian affiura,' 

At tJita point 6aleriu9, who had lislened with impa- 
liaiaa to the long hamnguift buM in with a niuvemeni 
of Mlger ibal ebciok his whole fnyne— * What F iKi tlie 
FloiaaH dare to mmind lu of the vici-^jtitudi^ of fcmane^ 
m ibot^ Wf! amid fofgei how ihetf betuive when vii!- 
lorj inctinoa to timmt U it not their wont to punh 
dmr adrantage to the uttermoRtand prat^aji heti\ilyia 
nay ba on the unforturuite?^ How charmingly tbry 
•liow.^1 tlie nuKlcratioii that becorni*** a victor in Vale- 
r.^ii • tiiur! Tiny vaiKiui.HhcMl Iiiin l»y fraud; they kc|)t 
fj!n .1 [»n-»iHr to mlvaintMl old a;je; tluy let Iiiiii diu in 
'li-:.«. ."ur : and lluii, wIh-ii In* \va> (K»ad, llh*y strippi^d 
< :: i 1- •kill, and with dialMiIicai inj/tMiuity niadi* of a 
j». !i»ii.ii>l«- human Ixnly an iin[Hri>hal>Ii' nionunicnl of 

.r *hain«v* Vrnly, it* \vi' follow ihi** cnvcjy's advice, 
jr, ! I""k to iIh- rhanjjt*?* of human all'airs, wi* .shall not 
!• iijiv.^l l«» flf* mriK y, i)ut to aiijirr, wIhm wr con^^idiT 
:•• j*,i-l « oiidin t of ihi' rfP»ians. It pity Im* ?*hown 
•.•'in, if th« :r rf<jur>t/» Im* ;jranliMl, it will not !h» for 
^; a! tii«y iuivr ur;joL l>ul U*c;iU'm' it in a princiiilc of 

N 'jf •Jk* •^*--'.r>»' b*T^ if aiT •■• a h r«-hl<n k ; iio<l rrmark th»l 
c^ ««» r. *^> U%Urm. >r \* thf* rtii> Tb*<t)4yii)^ la (lifttinrtl^ made tub- 
y^ f :;d«c: i \ A«cr.AXi \ij bit capt<>r »^jurut to hu (i«c«A#». 





[Ch. VI. 

action with us — a principle handed down to us from 
our ancestors — "-to spare the humble and chastise the 
proud." ' Apharban, therefore, was dismissed with no 
definite answer to his question, what terms of peace 
Eome would require ; but he was told to assure his 
master that Eome's clemency equalled her valour, and 
that it would not be long before he would receive a 
Eoman envoy authorised to signify the Imperial plea- 
sure, and to conclude a treaty with him. 

Having held this interview with Apharban, Galerius 
hastened to meet and consult his colleague.^ Diocle- 
tian had remained in Syria, at the head of an army of 
observation,^ while Galerius penetrated into Armenia 
and engaged the forces of Persia. When he heard of 
his son-in-law's great victory, he crossed the Euphrates, 
and advancing through Western Mesopotamia, from 
which the Persians probably retired, took up his resi- 
dence at Nisibis,^ now the chief town of these parts. It 
is perhaps true that his object was ' to moderate, by 
his presence and counsels, the pride of Galerius.' * That 
prince was bold to rashness, and nourished an excessive 
ambition. He is said to have at this time entertained 
a design of grasping at the conquest of the East, and to 
have even proposed to himself to reduce the Persian 
Empire into the form of a Eoman province.^ But the 
views of Diocletian were humbler and more prudent. 
He held to the opinion of Augustus and Hadrian, that 

' Gibbon (l.s.c.) has incorrectly 
placed the embassy of Apharban 
after the meeting ot Galerius with 
Diocletian at Nisibis, and has made 
both monarchs present at the inter- 
view. De Champagny has seen 
the true order of the events (CSsara 
du 3»« Sihcle, tom. iil pp. 304-6). 

* Eutrop. ix. 26 J Julian, Oral, 

L p. 18, A. 
» Pet. Patric. Fr. 14. 

* Gibbon, ch. xiii. (vol. ii. p. 84). 

* Aurel. Vict l.s.c. : *Ad^o vic- 
tor [Galerius erat], ut, ni Valerius, 
cujus nutu omnia gerebantur, in- 
certum qua causa, abnuisset, Ro- 
mani fasces in provinciam novam 

caYL] mut ooHficrrs to peace. 127 

did cmi Qced any enlargement of her Itirrilnry, 
mid Uml the abMirpdcm of the East was ei[K}ckUy un- 

ible. When he and his soti^ln-law mft and inter- 
idw» at Ifusibii^ the viewa u( the elder rnler 
Mtnmlly prevAited ; and it waa reiohad to offer to the 
Fenutii tolentble iermn of peare. A civilian of import- 
ance,^ Scoriuii Frobitflv was selected for the delicate ofBee 
of enToTt and wm eentt with a Inib of atlendanta, into 
Hir^lia, where Kar»e« had fixed his hcad-quartem. We 
are toU timi the Fenmn monarch received him with all 
bddoan hut, uodi*r pretence of alkiwing him to rest and 
I tiimadf after his long joiiroeT, deferred hia audi- 

fimn day to day; while he emjiioytHl the time thua 
in csoUecting from vanoiia qiiaitera such a num* 
ber of detachments and garrtiiom as might ocmtflituta a 
nipectable army. He had no intention of rcnewitig the 
wmr, but he knew the weight which military prepniutbn 
enr lendi la the rvpiTeientalitini of diplomacy* Accord- 
kfly^ it waa not until he hod br>iu|jht tinder the notice 
of >i<'iiriu- a fop-** of no inconsidcniMe j^izo that he at 
Lt-t :i'i!iiiti4il hiin to an iiitrnitw. The Roman anibas^- 
*.i'i«»r wa- intni<hi«*i'<l into an iinur chainlxT of the 
n y:il jwilair in Mtdiiu,^ when* he f(»nnd only the kinir 
a: 'i {]\i*f' «»iher>- A|)harl)an, the envoy M'nt toOalerius, 
Ar« iia[*- 1*-*, th«* raplain of the ^'uard, and liarsii!H»i>*us, 
:!' . 'j'^M'TiiitT «»f a province on the Armenian frontier.' 
II* w:i- a*k«-<l to unfold the jjartieulan* of his messiige, 
.1!. i viv what \v« re the tenn-* oil which Home would 
: -ik. jMa«iv Sicoriu** roniphe<l. 'I'he ern|)en)rsj, he 

r*l-n ;*• •' •r , rail* him j»ru<li*. which rannol br idpfitififtl. 

• ^.f.-* • 4 #.-,, a WijrX o( * I'AtnritM calU him *ir)>rm<»r 
^^r^'^j / -uu "f Stiuiufii.' (tibUm uifntit)*** 

* I. . ( . »V. ••..*»» ia«i^( art . Stiinuni with Srnia, a tniA*t rtuti 
'% Vmtnr i*c I Tb* paUcf of \I >unt Armrmt ( ylnvam. <##<iyrftpA. 




[Ch. VL 

said, required five things : — (i.) The cession to Eome 
of five provinces beyond the river Tigris, which are 
given by one writer ^ as Intilene, Sophene, Arzanene, 
Carduene, and Zabdicene ; by another ^ as Arzanene, 
Moxoene, Zabdicene, Eehimene, and Corduene ; (ii.) 
the recognition of the Tigris as the general boundary 
between the two empires; (iii.) the extension o/ Arme- 
nia to the fortress of Zintha, in Media ; (iv.) the relin- 
quishment by Persia to Eome of her protectorate over 
Iberia, including the right of giving investiture to the 
Iberian kings; and (v.) the recognition of Nisibis as 
the place at which alone commercial dealings could 
take place between the two nations. 

It would seem that the Persians were surprised at 
the moderation of these demands. Their exact value 
and force will require some discussion ; but at any rate 
it is clear that, under the circumstances, they were not 
felt to be excessive. Narses did not dispute any of 
them except the last ; and it seems to have been rather 
because he did not wish it to be said that he had 
yielded everything, than because the condition was really 
veiy onerous, that he made objection in this instance.^ 
Sicorius was fortunately at liberty to yield the point. 
He at once withdrew the fifth article of the treaty, and, 
the other four being accepted, a formal peace was con- 
cluded between the two nations. 

To understand the real character of the peace now 
made, and to appreciate properly the relations thereby 
established between Eome and Persia, it will be neces- 
sary to examine at some length the several conditions 

* Patricius, 1.8.C 

* Ammianus Marcellinus, xxv. 7. 
Gibbon has strangely intermixed 
the statements of the two writers, 
ascribing the mention of Intilene 

to AmmionuSy and that of Rehi- 
mene to Patricius (vol. ii. p. 87, 
note '•), which is the reverse of 
the truth. 
» Pet Patric. Fr. 14. 

THE coyoinoxB of the peacb. 

of iliij treaty^ uid to »ee exactly what wiis imported bj 
each erf them. IliOTe is jcarcely oue out of the whob 
number ihat carritss iu meaniog plfiiulj upou it;» face ; 
and oil the mom important very variauH iuii-Tfiretiitioiii 
\mr^ beea put, !»o tlmt a diMruasion and ^.*ttletiiuut of 
aome rmher iutricau? poinu b here necessary. 

ft J) TbeiB b a ooasklenible iHflerence of opiujod lui to 
the ire pnmncQi cedod to Home by the ftmt artide of 
the treaty^ aa to tlidr pomtioti and extent, and come- 
^loilly aa to their tmportAntre. By iome they are put 
on the right,^ by olbcrB on the left, luiiik of the Tigris; 
wliila of thoto n'ho amgn them llii'^ latter pmitba 
•one pbM Ibem in a duster about the sourcci of the 
itvtf,^ while othcn extend them very murb further to 
the aouthward.* Of the five proriueeA three only can 
be otftatnly imii3ed,iinee ibe autlioritiei differ a^ to the 
two otberiw^ Tbeae three are Anomeni^ Conlyenc, and 
Zabdioene, which occur in tltat order in Patricius. If 
we can det^mine the position of these three, that of 
t!.«- o!!i.r- will follow, at \ri\<\ within cortain limits. 

N"W Ar/:iinih* wa- crrUiiniy on the Irl't hunk »)rthc 
1 jr.- It a«lj«»in«il Armenia,^ and is rLMxjnahly idcn- 
!.'••! with ilu- nio<Krn (hstrict of KluT/.an, wliirh lies 
U'A.ri Lik»- Van an<l iIh' ri;^'ris, to the west of the 
I'/..* r:v.r* All th<* n»»licc.s of Arzanriic' >uit thb* 

hi K-z. Nfar fi» :. of i,ll»- % .1 iii p. :ni. H. r . ami Mr 

». r* H%y ■%'* u* }'*n^rrttrt. X>'Ui. Jam • in S:int}»'« Ihi. of <#V>- 

.t ; 4^' ikXi 1 »f ni -il wnt«'r« */royKi^, nl mh\ ('••KMI.xn. 
»-•.•'• • • «..».Ufi It WM ar*r i*^l • S»f «b.»t«'. i» I !*•*. n« »?»••• and '. 
\*. \* !».' jr > r> «*• Wf-fv r«ll«''l * Mf*uafi(icr rniU««*L Vt. 'Mi, p. 

r 't. •* •" 'M.' » }•** AM**- then «• r^ -'»7. 

* • 'w /v »wri« ' • S<v» Ijin«nl't .Vi*wrrA «iii</ 
' i k- • .»• ,%.'•:% j»;Ai "• th« m lin^ryUm, p. .*C». aj)<l r '(iiiMiro tbo 

• . t •^ > /.a* !'.!*• 4:il iNKitS iiiAp of Arin.-nm. A*«>na, and 
4 \" "..A I I fttmrt ^m I** SutU, Kunit^tan at th«» ••nd of th*» U>«»k 

p^ jfc',, r*.tr I ^ I h«» m(»«l imjMirtaiit an* Ka- 

* V» <«^tb>^ t »l li. p. 07 ; Nir- tr»^. Tu 7 , Prucop. i>* //#i/. /W*. 




[Ch. YL 

locality : and the name ^^ Kherzan * may be r^aided as 
representing the ancient appellation.^ 

Zabdicene was a little south, and a little east of this 
position. It was the tract about a town known as 
Bezabda (perhaps a corruption of Beit-Zabda), which 
had been anciently called Phcenica.' This town is 
almost certainly represented by the modem Fynyk,' 
on the left bank of the Tigris, a little above Jezireh 
The province whereof it was the capital may perhaps 
have adjoined Arzanene, reaching as far north as the 
Bitlis river. 

If these two tracts are rightly placed, Cordyene 
must also be sought on the left bank of the Tigris. 
The word is no doubt the ancient representative of the 
modem Kurdistan, and means a coimtry in which 
Kurds dwelt. Now Kurds seem to have been at one 
time the chief inhabitants of the Mons Masius, the 
modem Jebel Karajah Dagh and Jebel Tur, which was 
thence called Cordyene, Gtordyene, or the Gordisean 
mountain chain.* But there was another and a more 
important Cordyene on the opposite side of the river. 
The tract to this day known as Kurdistan, the high 
mountain region south and south-east of Lake Van 
between Persia and Mesopotamia, was in the possession 
of Kurds from before the time of Xenophon, and was 
known as the country of the Carduchi, as Cardyene, 
and as Cordyene.^ This tract, which was contiguous to 

i. 8 ; 2>e jEdific. iii. 2 ; Menand. 
Protect Fr. 55, 57, and 60j Jo- 
(lann. Epiphan. Fr. 1, § 3 ; Armen, 
Owyr. J 08. 

^ It is remarkable that the ap- 
pellation has changed so little in 
the course of centuries. The Af^ 
svrian monarchs call the country 

* Amm. Marc. xx. 7. 

• Layardy Nineveh and Babylon, 
p. 53. 

• Strab. xi. 12, § 4, xvi. 1, § 24; 
Plutarch, Zutm/^. 26; &c. 

* Xen. Anab, iv. 1, §§ 2-5 ; Strab. 
xvL 1, § 8; Arrian, Exp. Alex, 
iii. 7; Plin. H. N, vi. 16; Ptol. v 


Arzanene and Zabdicene, if we have rightly placed 
those r^ons, must ahnost certainly have been the Cor- 
dyene of the treaty, which, if it corresponded at all 
nearly in extent with the modem Kurdistan, must have 
been by far the largest and most important of the five 

The two remaining tracts, whatever their names,^ 
mast imdoubtedly have lain on the same side of the 
Tigris with these three. As they are otherwise un- 
known to us (for Sophene, which had long been Boman, 
cannot have been one of them), it is impossible that 
they should have been of much importance. No doubt 
they helped to round off the Boman dominion in this 
quarter; but the great value of the entire cession lay in 
the acquisition of the large and fruitful * province of 
Cordyene, inhabited by a brave and hardy population, 
and afterwards the seat of fifteen fortresses,' which 
brought the Boman dominion to the very edge of 
Adiabene, made them masters of the passes into Media, 
and laid the whole of Southern Mesopotamia open to 
their incursions. It is probable that the hold of Persia 
on the territoiy had never been strong ; and in relin- 
quishing it she may have imagined that she gave up no 
very great advantage ; but in the hands of Kome Kur- 
distan became a standing menace to the Persian power, 
and we shall find that on the first opportunity the false 

» The 'SopheDe' of pAtricius 
mnv HMfely be pet a^ide, Mnce it 
bfi<i long boen Uoinan. His ' In- 
tilene * !K)iiie would chan^^e into 
In^lene, a district mentioned an 
• Ivinjr beyond Mew»potamia * bjr 
Kpiphaniufl (De Hare*. Ix. vol. i. 
p. «>r>, ed Valea.). The • Kehi- 
mene * of Ammiantis is confirmed 
by Zosimun, who mentions *Ke- 
DieDians' among the tribea ceded 

X 2 

by Jovian (iii. 31). The * Moxoene ' 
of Ammianus doea not eWwhere 
occur. la it the modern ' district 
of Mokus' (Layard, 3Vii. and Bab, 
p. 417, note)? Zosiuius has in 
Its place * Zalene/ a name of which 
I can make nothinff. 

' *Cv>rdueniB, vberis regrioni.^ et 
noatnc.* (Amm. Marc. xxv. 7. > 

' Ibid. Compare Zoeim. iii. •11. 


step now taken was retrieved, Cordyene with its ad- 
ioining districts was pertinaciously demanded of the 
Romans/ was grudgingly surrendered, and was then 
firmly reattached to the Sassanian dominions. 

(ii.) The Tigris is said by Patricius and Festus ^ to 
have been made the boundary of the two empires. 
Gibbon here boldly substitutes the Western Khabour, 
and maintains that ' the Roman frontier traversed, but 
never followed, the course of the Tigris.'^ He appears 
not to be able to understand how the Tigris could be 
the frontier, when five provinces across the Tigris were 
Roman. But the intention of the article probably was, 
first, to mark the complete cession to Rome of Eastern 
as well as Western Mesopotamia, and, secondly, to esta- 
blish the Tigris as the line separating the empires 
below the point down to which the Romans held both 
banks. Cordyene may not have touched the Tigris at 
all, or may have touched it only about the 37th parallel. 
From this point southwards, as far as Mosul, or Nim- 
rud, or possibly Kileh Sherghat, the Tigris was pro- 
bably now recognised as the dividing line between 
the empires. By the letter of the treaty the whole 
Euphrates valley might indeed have been claimed by 
Rome ; but practically she did not push her occupation 
of Mesopotamia below Circesium. The real frontier 
irom this point was the Mesopotamian desert, which 
extends from Kerkesiyeh to Nimrud, a distance of 150 
miles. Above this, it was the Tigris, as far probably 
as Feshapoor; after which it followed the line, whatever 

further condition that*) quinque 
gentium trans Tigridem consti- 
tutarum ditionem assequeremur.' 
' * Pace" facta, Mesopotamia est i (Festua, § 14.) 

restituta ; et super ripam Tigridis | • Decline and Fall, ch. xiii. (voL 

litnea est con/innatus, ut Q with the , ii. p. 87, note ^^). 

^ A mm. Marc, l.s.c. : 'Petebat 
rex obittimUtus sua dudum a Maxi- 
miano erepta.' 


E3rrE5ino?r of arhksia. 


it WHS, whirth dividod Cardjrene ^om A.<tifjTk and 

(tii.) The e]rtea*nnn of Armenia to the fortre^e cif 
Ziatlia, in Hedia, eK?em^ to hnve imported nmeh more 
tfaan would at fir«t ?§ight a]>pear from the word^ Gib- 
bon inter}irclii it m implying the ceamm o( all Medk 
AtnipAleiiet^ which ocrudnly appmri a Httle litter to be 
iQ thi? poiwisiion of the Armenkti monan^h^ llridatei.' 
A large aildjiicm Ui iho Armenian liirriiarj' out uf the 
Midian is doubUcaa intended; but it is i^uite impanible 
to determine definltclj ibe oxtiint or exnci chanietifr uf 
the rt««<m.' 

(iv.) The fuurth article of the treaty ia fuHietenUy 
inu-llipiblu. 8ti long as Arnienia bud been a fief uf 
the PenMii empire, it nalunilly belonjjted to Pemii to 
eii»iie iofltteiioe on*r the neighliouritig IlxTk, which 
cofPCPpiifidetl ck^ely to the modem Georgiii, interven- 
ing between Amietiia and the Omeani. Now^ wbim 
Ammm had become « depetideiicy of Rome, the pnv 
teetomt'' hith<'nii e,^?^^^! by tin* 8H<^nii:iri prin*!*?! 
ji.f'M'il ii:itiirally to ilu- f'a'siiN; and with the pn»tiH*to- 
r:it* u;i* lx»uii(l up llir riL'lil <>f |jrantiiiL' invr'-tilurc to 
!}*• k.ujlfUi, wlnr« hy llir protrftiiiij powrr was sfcurrd 
.ij I f.-t th.' r-tal»li>linuiit oil thr throiu'of an iintViendly 
j-i r-n lUria wa>n<»t Iktm*!!' a »»tatr of nuK'h >trrn;^'tli; 
hi! !.♦ r |H»w« r ofoiH/ninL' (»r >luittin;/ tlu' pa>sc»s of the 
( au .i*u- jiiM' \\rr roii'^nlrrahlr iin|H»rtance, >in('e l)y 
!>.» u iini-^iofi <,f ihr Tatar honlr**, which were always 
r* I'iv to jj-'ur UI from tlir phiin** of iht* North, sh(» rouhl 
• *<: irfiiv « h.ihijf th«* whole fatr of allairs in Norlh- 


t« Ml ju. p .'Vi/»», nml tliMt thr 
M « « h f >: '*^l •u/ni«-fi*ali«'n «•• ifj the •idr i»f 

W» f»ja . rlf MKT with In» \I*di«. 




[Cbt. VI. 

Western Asia, and inflict a terrible revenge on any- 
enemy that had provoked her. It is true that she 
might also bring suffering on her friends, or even on 
herself, for the hordes, once admitted, were apt to 
make little distinction between friend and foe ; but pru- 
dential considerations did not always prevail over the 
promptings of passion, and there had been occasions 
when, in spite of them, the gates had been thrown open 
and the barbarians invited to enter. ^ It was well for 
Eome to have it in her power to check this peril. Her 
own strength and the tranquillity of her eastern pro- 
vinces were confirmed and secured by the right which 
she (practically) obtained of nominating the Iberian 

(y.) The fifth article of the treaty, having been re- 
jected by Narses and then withdrawn by Sicorius, need 
not detain us long. By limiting the commercial inter- 
course of the two nations to a single city, and that a 
city within their own dominions, the Eomans would 
have obtained enormous commercial advantages. While 
their own merchants remained quietly at home, the 
foreign merchants would have had the trouble and 
expense of bringing their commodities to market a dis- 
tance of sixty miles from the Persian frontier and of 
above a hundred from any considerable town ; ^ they 
would of course have been liable to market dues, which 
would have fallen wholly into Roman hands ; and they 
would further have been chargeable with any duty, pro- 
tective or even prohibitive, which Rome chose to im- 

1 Tacit. Ann, vi. 33: 'Iberi, 
locorum potentes, Caspia via Sar- 
matam in Armenios raptim efFun- 
dunt.' Compare Dio Cass. Ixix. 15. 

'^ Nineveh, which was now once 
more a place of importance (see Tac. 
Ann. zii. 13 ; Amm. Marc, xviii. 7, 


ad tnit. ; Lajard, A^wi. and Bab, 
590-1), and which was nearer 
isibis than any other Persian 
town of consequence, lay at the 
distance of nearly 120 miles. Ar- 
be'a was nearly 60 miles further 


pote. Il b m>l suqirbitig Umt Narses here tfmile a 
tftaiid, uiid imbtcd on commerce bdng left to flow in 
the broader channck wlricb it had formed for ttjidf in 
the coune ofagcfi.' 

Botne thus lenninatad her first period of Mniggle 
with the Dcwlf revived mouATchy of Pertfia by a great 
vktoiy and a gnaii diplomatic ffuocess. If Nar^^e^ a^- 
gudod the tarnB — and by IAb conduct he would 00001 
to have done mi — oa moderate uiidL*r tlie circtaiiitanoia»* 
tntr oQiidt»oQ mtiit be that the disaater which lie had 
nIRered wm wartime, uiid ttiat ht* knew the »irv»gth of 
Porna to bL% fur the iin]L% exlmusied. Forced to rcUti- 
qtibh his ffiuenuiity o^er Armenia and Iberia, he «w 
Qiom ootmtriea Dot mer^y wrested from himfleir, but 
plaoed tmder the protei'taml^ and io made to minl-rter 
10 the ttrength, of hi^ rival Nor ww tfait all. Uume 
hmi pndtiaUy beim advatidng acroM Menpotamiii and 
woridng her way firom the Euphratea to the Tigrit* 
Nataei had to adoiowledge^ iu 1^ many worU ^Vit the 
Ti^»Ti«*, aixl not the EuphnUej*, was to Im? riHranliHl as 
l;«r Triif Inmri'lary, and that iiothin;.' CMnscqiKMitly wa-J 
:i» i^ < .iiiHj.i, 1,^1 a> rtr>iaii Ixyond tlu' more i-astiiii 

• '! t!.'- t\v(» ri\ti^. Kwu tliiK (MiH-osioii was imt iIr* 
Li-: .»r :iif w..r-t. Narv-s had linally to >uhinit to j»r..» 
?.!• • :!ij)in' di-iiu-mlKTrd, a portion <►!' Mrdia altarhcd 
t'. Arn.fiu.i, and li\f provinrr>, nevrr hitherto in <U>- 
j'Ut' . t"rn lr'»ni IN r^ia and ad(h'd to tlu* dominion of 
I:"'..* II^- liad to allow Home to r-laMi-h lier-i'lf in 
I :' • -'i ihi- Itt't hank of the Tijjri**, and ^^j to lay <»pen 

• • «: :i**,iu!t«» a jjKMt portion of hi^ northern lM'>i(h*H 

•k *\r Trrn'r >r!w».ti K.n.** f « r Pftrthmn rulf h^\ mad** Im 
•.• ' i't^L % •-• II-: jAii. IV I". let!- «lifrrr» n- f ifi the rt»unK- •! 
• • : - ii. jAT^ !h* \ .!h r ■ .SjrA tLri;int»r <!' thr" triktTir. 



[Ch. yi. 

all his western frontier. He had to see her brought to 
the very edge of the Iranic plateau, and within a fort- 
night's march of Persia Proper. The ambition to rival 
his ancestor Sapor, if really entertained,^ was severely 
ptmished ; and the defeated prince must have felt that 
he. had been most ill-advised in making the venture. 

Narses did not long continue on the throne after the 
conclusion of this disgraceful, though, it may be, neces- 
sary, treaty. It was made in a.d. 297. He abdicated 
in A.D. 301. It may have been disgust at his ill-success, 
it may have been mere weariness of absolute power, 
which caused him to descend from his high position 
and retire into private life.^ He was so fortunate as to 
have a son of full age in whose favour he could resign, 
so that there was no difficulty about the succession. 
His ministers seem to have thought it necessary to offer 
some opposition to his project ; ® but their resistance 
was feeble, perhaps because they hoped that a young 
prince would be more entirely guided by their counsels. 
Narses was allowed to complete his act of self-renuncia- 
tion, and, after crowning his son Hormisdas with his 
own hand, to spend the remainder of his days in retire- 
ment. According to the native writers, his main object 
was to contemplate death and prepare himself for it. 
In his youth he had evinced some levity of character, 
and had been noted for his devotion to games and to 
the chase ; * in his middle age he laid aside these pur- 

1 Lactant De MoriePersec, § 0: 
' Concitatus domesticis exemplis 
avi 8ui Saporis, ad occupandum 
Orientem magnis coplia [T^arsea] 

^ The abdication of Narses rests 
wholly upon the authority of the 
Oriental writers. (See Mirkhond, 
hutoire des Sasaanidus, p. 302; 

Malcolm, History of Persia, vol* i. 
p. 104.) It is accepted, however, 
as a fact by most moderns. (See 
Malcolm, l.s.c. ; Plate in Smith's 
Diet, of BuHfraphy, vol. iii. p. 717, 

' Mirkhond, l.s.c. 

* He is said to have been sur- 
named Nakhdjirkanf or ^ Hunter of 




MlUt itDfl, appljin^ hinmelf nciivdy to tMiMtieaii was a 
good adniifibtniton m well m a bmve soldier. Bat al 
lart il seanecl to htm thnl tbt^ only life worth liiing was 
tl^ ooQletiipkUve^ anil ihitt the hiippiiHM of the hunU^r 
and the ptatcsnniin loutt yidd to thai of the philow- 
pber. Il u dautvtrul tiow long he mirdTed hb resigtm- 
lion of the thron^^* but iolerably a_*riain thai ho did not 
uutlfve his ftoo ood ffuccisior, wbu reigned le»s itian 
dght yisAT*. 

b adoTD^ witji boms, i 

r^,:^T I \.iin . htmI il w<i(i« ni»«-ii:l>t 
: tK- '.h-r •♦Arm »nt« «.f ihf 
r-AtJi*" mntrr» •> t" hit prr«iil»-<- 

' I'r. rUtr- •«!• h»" di«'<i in th»« 
^r^r :> •! h«- •JMii,A!»il. I,u! I know 
V % •• Tjr> ( r iKj I hut he 

fif hi« ^nn'p cl»-iith, M*rmi to follow 
from thf tiitfu ultv th<-n felt «b<uit 
th»* Mi«( ♦•»»i»i«»n IVrhapA it in nioni 
prohfthli" thnl hf cii»-<i in a.I>. .'ttMJ, 
•incr th«' Anii#*niiin(» n-jrard him m 
ku}.' »JI» t.» thi« dntv. ( S«*f» l*«t- 
knronn in th»- Journal Ai'iotufiie for 
Ihm;. p. I.VK , 




[Ch. \TI. 


Reiffn of HormUdas II. His Disposition. Oeneral Character of his 
Beign. His Taste for Budding. His new Court of Justice, His Mar^ 
riage with a Princess of Cahul. Story of his Son Homiisdas. Death 
of Hormisdas Il.y and Imprisonment of his Son Hormisdas. Inter- 
regnum. Crotcn assigned to Sttpor II, before his Birth. Long Reign of 
Sapor, First Period of his Beign, from A.D. 309 to a.d. 387. Persia 
plundered by the Arabs and the Turks. Victories of Sapor over the 
Arabs, Persecution of the Christians. Escape of Honnisdas. Feelings 
and Conduct of Sapor. 

' Kegnum in Persas obtinuit Hormoz, Narsis filius.' — Eutych. vol. i. p. 396. 

Hormisdas n., who became king on the abdication of 
his father, Narses, had, Hke his father, a short reign. 
He ascended the throne a.d. 301 ; he died a.d. 309, 
not quite eight years later. ^ To this period historians 
assign scarcely any events. The personal appearance 


HORMISDAS n. (from a 

" See Clinton, F. B. voL ii. p. 
260. Agathias declares that both 
Narses and Hormifidas reigned 

exactly seven years and five months 
(p. 135, A). So Majoudi, ii. p. 174. 

nman op noRinsuAS n. 


of BormlNliLs if wu tnaj jutlge by a gum, was plesaiog ; 
lie 11 nid, bowcrer, ta bave beea of a harsh temper 
bf nature^ but to have t^outroUed Im evil iuelinaliona 
after be becaroe ktog* and ia (m^ to have iheo oeglceted 
nutliiiig that eould ooutribute lo the welfare of liis mb- 
Jeeta,^ He eDgagod m qo wars ; mid his reigu wulb tiiiii 
one of tbcise quiet and udereniful intcTvaU whicii, fur* 
tuahitig no inatenalfl for hi^ittiry, indiaiti* thereby the 
bapfiinMi of a imtiott.' We are told that hc> bad a 
^Txmg taate for buUdtng,' and couJd never see a enim* 
tiGsg edifice without instantly tatting la worit to natore 
ik BttiMd towns and vilkge% m oommon throughout 
the Ewt in all ifea» oeaaed 10 be a^^n in Pcma while 
ht fiOed ihe throue. An army of maiau« alwap fol- 
him in hii frtHjuinjt jouruttp tlunoughout bb 
^ and rvpalretl dilapidiitetl homestiiads and cot- 
with tm much <3uv ami diltgence as iHlifiiM^ of a 
pobtic charani^. Aoeordbg to some wriu^ri he 
Ibnad^ •eveml ealirely new towtiA in KliuaiitiiM or 
Sii-i 111:1/ %vliil»\ arconlini: to otlnT^/*^ lie built the iin- 
]i-.r!.i! * « i:y o! Ilorimi/, nr (a^ it i> >(>incti!iK's ('uIKhI) 
K-t! 1 ll'»riini/, in tlic province of Kfrmaii, which is .still 

ll uri-hiic' p!a» f. Otln-r aiithoiitirs^ iLM-riU* this city, 
i...v.Mr. to ihf lir-*! IhjriniMla-*, tlic son <»!' Saj>ur 1. 
.i:j i jnin<i'*on «»t Artax« rxc*. 

AiLMfi'^' tlif iiH-ans ^Icvi-M-d l»y Ilonnisdas II. for 
•- V' T.u'^ tin- coinli!ion <»i hi^ [M'oplf, the nio>t rcinark- 
.•'. \\ i* lii^ r*tal>li-liinrnt of a nrw Court of Ju-ticc. 

A»U»yw<^«r '/rv»/«ir. t>Ui. lU. p. , tiul. of J'rf»**l, Vol. 1. p. lU). 




[Ch. VIL 

In the East the oppression of the weak by the power- 
ful is the most inveterate and universal of all evils, and 
the one that well-intentioned monarchs have to be most 
careftd in checking and repressing. Hormisdas, in his 
anxiety to root out this evil, is said to have set up a 
court expressly for the hearing of causes where com- 
plaint was made by the poor of wrongs done to them 
by the rich.^ The duty of the judges was at once to 
punish the oppressors, and to see that ample reparation 
was made to those whom they had wronged. To in- 
crease the authority of the court, and to secure the im- 
partiaUty of its sentences, the monarch made a point of 
often presiding over it himself, of hearing the causes, 
and pronouncing the judgments in person. The most 
powerful nobles were thus made to feel that, if they 
offended, they would be likely to receive adequate 
punishment ; and the weakest and poorest of the 
people were encouraged to come forward and make 
complaint if they had suffered injury. 

Among his other wives, Hormisdas, we are told, mar- 
ried a daughter of the king of Cabul.^ It was natural 
that, after the conquest of Seistan ® by Varahran 11., 
about A.D. 280, the Persian monarchs should establish 
relations with the chieftains ruling in Affghanistan. 
That country seems, from the first to the fourth century 
of our era, to have been under the government of princes 
of Scythian descent and of considerable wealth and 
power.* Kadphises, Kanerki, Kenorano, Ooerki, Bara- 
oro, had the main seat of their empire in the region 
about Cabul and Jellalabad ; but from this centre they 
exercised an extensive sway, which at times probably 

' DUerbelot, I.8.C. 
» Mirkhond, p. 304; V^ilson, 
Ariana Antiqua, p. 386, note ^. 

• See above, p. 108. 

* See Wilson, Ariana Antiquay 
pp. 347-381. 

Ot tit] 



reftched Citulahar on the one hand, and the Ptinjab 
legion <m the olber. Their lai^c gold oainugc pmves 
tliem to havp l)een monardis of |^eftt weftltli, while thdr 
uae of the Greek Letters and Imgimgt iiidtcaU:^ u cer* 
Ula amoiml of civilLiatiotL The marriage of HonuiMlaa 
with a priiK!e» of Cabul implit^ that the hmtilc rela- 
tioiia flxiiting uuder Vumhrau IL had hoQU BupcrBml^l 
hf fricodlj one».' ruraiiin aggn^icm had ciftiied to be 
feai^ The reigniog Indo^SirjtUia tnotuurch fell tio 
relurtaiici! lo giTO hk djuighbir in marriage to hii 
Wcitera neiglibiurt and ft'tit her Id his court (we an» 
lold) with a wardrobu and omaineuU of ihe utiuo»i 
ButgnifioefiM and coatltiien' 

Horroiirha II. ajipisars to Imve luid a son, of ihe 
viine name with himself, who attained to manhood 
whila hii bthcr was «till reigniag.* This priucCt who 
WM generally rc-gardcdt and who, of cmwm^ viewed 
hinnelft m the heir apjMrent, wiyi no fiivourite witli the 
Bmaa nobJei, wbinn he liod jicThafi!! o0emled by an 
JDrlinitioii towanl** tlir Iiti»ratim» and rivilisiition of the 
<»:•'• k' * It ihu-t lia\i* htrii u|)<»ii ]»n'\ iou»< coiiMillalioii 
A'i i ur* * MJtht that tin' rhtili- IkkIv of tin- rhirf iiu*n 
r-'i.' 1 to \.iii ilh'ir -|»it** by in-ulliu^' llic priiuv in 

' n.#- - ;!i« of n •riui«iA« II H't th»» r Mirt *>( (' »n«'antitM» in th»» 

. >• . .'•<!!» "h 'W •i.'Ti* of III Inn \*'AT i i» .'{-■i, to ll>irfni«4l«4 II. 

• .'% . • »T. tK* p %. r*-« of %..tii- rt^Xn .in th»" •uth-«htv <»f /.•»*iruuji, 

ww •>. 'f.^ Ir»'.i*ii <l»-j!\ **.\« «i) 1 frun wh>»iii all th«« <l**taiU h««n« 

* • J'*,i I ri ffiA^ in AW"*. f'Kru. i:i\rfj jir»« «Irn»«»«l. ( Sf«« /<miiiii. 

i*' y II' M in iK- • 'in* of K««l- trnt-n hr Z-»ni*nui < liii. «») is dif- 

;; .'#1 r « hi '.♦h.f^ m- .l»-ri»- * Ih*' Utt^T n^rt of th*» •tonr in 

k I • »'. *i:jir *.%«»»« f Af"*i ^ 1. / -iiuu* iui|'l<"« that h«' h««l thin 

1 , •"••••.* !'• r.«!ju«ti 'Ti. II »wr ••rr<ii*i\r •iirb 

#»*,.A-# ; «i| -,. ir-'M tfio h»«t»r^ «»f \ oU'tiim iu 

' I • r- •!. "•hip »f !h*» * rnr.-*- lucitu* i .Inn. Ii. -*>. 
li r-&.».^, wb*^ VM,k rrfufTr at 


the most open and public way at the table of his father. 
The king was keeping his birthday, which was always, 
in Persia, the greatest festival of the year,^ and so the 
most public occasion possible. All the nobles of the 
realm were invited to the banquet ; and all came and 
took their several places. The prince was absent at the 
first, but shortly arrived, bringing with him, as the 
excuse for his late appearance, a quantity of game, 
the produce of the morning's chase. Such an entrance 
must have created some disturbance and have drawn 
general attention ; but the nobles, who were bound 
by etiquette to rise from their seats, remained firmly 
fixed in them, and took not the slightest notice of the 
prince's arrival.^ This behaviour was an indignity 
which naturally aroused his resentment. In the heat 
of the moment he exclaimed aloud that ' those who had 
insulted him should one day suffer for it — their fate 
should be the fate of Marsyas.' At first the threat was 
not understood ; but one chieftain, more learned than 
his fellows, explained to the rest that, according to tlie 
Greek myth, Marsyas was flayed alive. Now flaying 
alive was a punishment not unknown to tlie Persian 
law ; ^ and the nobles, fearing that the prince really 
entertained the intention which he had expressed, 
became thoroughly alienated from him, and made up 
their minds that they would not allow him to reign. 
During his father's lifetime, they could, of course, do 
nothing ; but they laid up the dread threat in their 
memory, and patiently waited for the moment when 
the throne would become vacant, and their enemy 
would assert his right to it. 

^ Herod, i. 133. Compare ix. 
^ Compare Mordecai's treatment 

of Haman (Esther iii, 2, v. 9). 
' See above, p. 103. 

Cm ra] nuxn ar noE^iisBAs ii, 143 

Apparently, iheir patience was not vc?y tevcrely 
Used. Hormiscka H died wiltiiti a few j'eara; aud 
Frioee llomijmliiis m the oaly mu whom bt* bad left 
bdund hun^' tlicitight to «iiGoeed m a ma£r«ir of cxiume. 
But the Qi>b]e$ Tv&a in iomrroctii^Ei, mzed his pt^twn^ 
and threw him into a dangeoa, intending that he should 
tvnuijn there for the rat of hia life* They ihemsdvea 
touk the directiou of iiflTaiM* nncl fuHling tbat^ though 
Kbg Ilormiidiii hud Icfl behind him no other wn, yiA 
one of hit wtroi wai pregnant, they proeliumed the 
tmborti iiifiint kii^t And e%*en %Hih the utmofit cert^ 
MCMiy proceeded to croi^-n the rmhryo by min] lending 
tbi itiyml diadem over the womb of the mtHher.' A 
real inlem^mn must have folkmed ; but it did not 
mend beyond a few months. The pragnant widow of 
Hnrmiidai fortunately gave birth to a boy. ami the 
diflhruliifa of the anoaeMOii wm« thereby ended. All 
diflKi aoquieaced in the rule of the infimt monan^ who 
fcerirod the name cif ^por^- whether simply to marie 
th«- f.vt that lie wiis lH*Iirvc<l to Ih» llu» late kingV jmmi," 
• »r m tljr liojn- that ho woiiM rival the glories of the fir>l 
S.ij»«'r, 1- lUH-trtain. 

rii»* nii/n of' Sa|>or II. i^ intimated variously, at GO, 
T<», 71, aii'i 12 vi-iii^;* but the balance of authorilv is 

* *N'm*' writer* /ire him an"lh#T * Kinj?*« •->n/ m Hm IxN-n alrriulj 
» r.. tL*« ArtAiTi*^ who •u»'«^'<ir«i noti^l !••»«• p. 7.'J. n«»tt« * \. 

>«f» r 11. Hi? A !• imj»f«»«bl«» t*» • Abulphan^riui* in on«« pl«rt* hjm 

^•*p: lhi« Tir«r. .*v^ Uiow, rh »iit%-niii» )«ar» ( ji. <^/»l. in aijoth'T 

li < p t*h«M«^rnir. A(nithiiui(p. r(/», D) 

• \.-»!KiAji IT p. IVi. Mirkh'»n.l, i»n I rh«»fic« ( p. 7j hart* •evrntv. 
'• »i\ ♦». T«(«n. I'^m. ii. p. *.»! ; >ir J hn \I»l«*<»lni. foll.iwini: t »ri- 
\|*>> Iii, Iff^'Ty './ IWtM. ^ol i. riiul •iith»nti«*s (riv*^ M*«'rntT-<>n«* 
y 1«»'. l»ibU>', •ijtf;'«^t4 th«t \.'»- • //i»f o/" /Vrtw, Tol. i. p Ihh. 
*Aift# .bta.f>**l ?b«« Ki»t'»rT fr-m Ui«- Kul%rhi'i« i\ol, i. p. 47*5 1, Mir- 
}'*m.^a rhr*fi;r>« < />^Wm# «tj»</ kh 'n^l < //i^. </rj .VaMtfitiiJlM, p. .'UtiU, 
/«-*'. ♦'h i»iu f *l. u p .*t«J7. T«tiAn I <Vi'iiiyi[>r. Unu. ii. n. U>l K 
sr <> ^* an! M»^..tidi (torn. ii. p, l..>» mj 




[Cn. VII. 

in favour of seventy. He was born in the course of the 
year a.d. 309, and he seems to have died in the year 
after the Roman emperor Valens/ or a.d. 379. He 
thus reigned nearly three-quarters of a century, being 
contemporary with the Eoman emperors, Galerius, 
Constantine, Constantius and Constans, Julian, Jovian, 
Valentinian I., Valens, Gratian, and Valentinian II. 

This long reign is best divided into periods. The 
first period of it extended ft*om a.d. 309 to a.d. 337, or 
a space of twenty-eight years. This was the time an- 
terior to Sapor's wars with the Romans. It included the 
sixteen years of his minority ^ and a space of twelve 
years during which he waged successful wars with the 
Arabs. The minority of Sapor was a period of severe 
trial to Persia. On every side the bordering nations 
endeavoured to take advantage of the weakness incident 
to the rule of a minor, and attacked and ravaged the 
empire at their pleasure.® The Arabs were especially 
aggressive, and made continual raids into Babylonia, 
Khuzistan, and the adjoining regions, which desolated 
these provinces and carried the horrors of war into the 
very heart of the empire. The tribes of Beni-Ayar 
and Abdul-Kais, which dwelt on the southern shores 
of the Persian Gulf, took the lead in these incursions, 
and, though not attempting any permanent conquests, 
inflicted terrible sufferings on the inhabitants of the 
tracts which they invaded. At the same time a Meso- 
potamian chieftain, called Tayer or Thair,^ made an 

^ Abulpharagius, p. 90. 

^ Mirkhond makea Sapor begin 
to exercise some of the offices of 
government at eight years (p. 307), 
but admits that he did not un- 
dertake the direction of military 
expeditions tiU he was sixteen 

(ibid.). So Tabari (torn. ii. p. 93). 

* Mirkhond, l.i*.c. ; Tabari, vol. ii. 
pp. 91-2 ; Malcolm, vol. i. p. 106. 

* D'Herbelot, Biblioth^que Oruni^ 
tale^ tom. v. p. 143 ; Gibbon, De- 
cline and FaUy ch. xviii. (voL ii. p. 
367). These writers make Thair 


ftttnek upm Ctesiphon, kwik Uio city by Morm, and mp- 
tnred i fUter tir autil uf Uie IVmmn mormrch. Tlie 
DobbB, who, during Sapor s minority, guidt<d t!iL* helm of 
the State, wert? quJI^ incomjieteal lo make bead ngaiuf^ 
th&e numeroufl ctiemies. For sixteen yeam the ina* 
raiKling hauih hud the adi^Afitage, ami Perda fotiod her- 
felf ci>QlinufiJly wenker, inure im[ioveri9bed, and less 
able to recu%*ur hemelC The young princ!e is said to 
}mw ihown extnicmlinary di^^retion and inCelHgence.^ 
He dili^*ntly tmined himself in all manly exerdiieSf and 
prqiind both hbi mind and IxmIv for tlie imp(}rtaut 
duttet of bis itaticin. Hut bis fender ymr* forbade hb 
m yet taking the fioM ; and il ii not unlikely that hii 
miniattfrv praloug^ the poriod of hb tuteiagB, in order 
10 retain, to t\w biie»t pi38»b[e moment, the power 
whereto ihey \md lii!0>me aoeuAtomecL At any mte^ il 
«M not tiU he iroj dxteen, a later age than Oriental 
idHi require^' thu 8apor*i minority ceased — ^thut ho 

of hi* army, u>ok the entire direction oi anairs, civil ana 

in;i;!.irv. luln hi?* <»wn hands.' 

V refill tlii'^ iiioiiHiii ihr fortunes of Per>ia Ix^gan to 
r\^', ( *>\iii'Ul at lir^^t to nuit and chastLse the inaniud- 
::ij \:\u*U on hi** own t«Trilory, ?a|>or, after a lime, 
j:* \ i^.Id«r,and vtMiluHMl to take tlie oflen^^ive. Having 
o»;i.-:« i a thet of ronsidrnibh* •*ize/ he plariij \i\^ 
:r'«i»jf^ Mil IxKinl, and conveyetl them lo the city of 

t'^ **;r J MalriJm NiT« K«< wm a aimI iiiin"nt)4M luuAltT c<iin«« to an 

. / H^^^>iAmtm < f ol. i. p. luT, //iirf. ./ /VriM, Tol. I. pp. 4liU, fjOlt, 

' M.rihtM. p. :>ri7. Taban. • MirkhonH. I •c ; Taliwn. p. RT . 

I «» .: };f» '.r; .^. ! M«^»w.ii, p. i.<;. 

* } vift^^n i» ^•'ft^niHT r»^»wJ«<J * MirkhunJ, p. 30H ; Tabari, p. 





[Ch. vn. 

El-Katif, an important place on the south coast of the 
Persian Gulf, where he disembarked and proceeded to 
carry fire and sword through the adjacent region. 
Either on this occasion, or more probably in a long 
series of expeditions, he ravaged the whole district of 
the Hejer, gaining numerous victories over the tribes 
of the Temanites, the Beni-Waiel, the Abdul-Kais, and 
others, which had taken a leading part in the invasion 
of Persia. His military genius and his valour were 
everywhere conspicuous ; but unfortunately these excel- 
lent qualities were unaccompanied by the humanity 
which has been the crowning virtue of many a con- 
queror. Sapor, exasperated by the sufferings of his 
countrymen during so many years, thought that he 
could not too severely punish those who had inflicted 
them. He put to the sword the greater part of every 
tribe that he conquered ; and, when his soldiers were 
weary of slaying, he made them pierce the shoulders of 
their prisoners, and insert in the wound a string or 
thong by which to drag them into captivity.^ The bar- 
barity of the age and nation approved these atrocities ; 
and the monarch who had commanded them was, in 
consequence, saluted as Dhoulactaf^ or ' Lord of the 
Shoulders,' by an admiring people.^ 

Cruelties almost as great, but of a different character, 
were at the same time sanctioned by Sapor in regard 
to one class of his own subjects — viz., those who had 

^ This 18 Mirkhond's account. 
Other authorities say that he dis- 
located (Malcolm, vol. i. p. 107; 
Macoudi, vol. ii. p. 177) or broke 
(D'Herbelot, Bibl Orient, torn. v. 
p. 141) the shoulders of his prison- 
ers, to disqualify them for military 

* Gibbon, foUowinflr an apocry- 
phal tale related by D*Herbelot, but 

not adopted by him, frives the 
name as Dhovlacnaf^ and translates 
St * Protector of the Nation ' (vol. ii. 

E. 367). The best authorities are, 
owever, all ajrreed that the real 
epithet was Dhoulodaf, not Dhoti' 
lacnqf. (See D'Herbelot, l.s.c. ; 
Mirkhond, p. 308 ; Tabari, torn. ii. 
p. 01 ; Malcolm, vol. i. p. 107, 
note ; Ma90udi, torn. ii. p. 176.) 


iMcte profefsaofi of Cbrtstianity* The Zoroastrian zeal 
of Utb king WHS grunti and he reganled it m incumbent 
on him to rhei^k t)ie advuncc which Cliriatiamcjr witu 
DOW making in hb tcmtones* He is^utnl severe edidft 
■gtiiM the Christiiitts iooii after attatiiing hb majority ; ' 
atxl when tJief sought the protectioQ of the Komau 
einpefor, he {lutibhed their disloyalty by Impoiiiig 
upon ihein a fresh tox^ the weight of which was Ofh 
pUGMTC. Wheti SytDMiu ArrJibiitbop of Seleuda, oom- 
{dained of tliis adililiooAl burden in an oflbttdTe nmu- 
neTni Sapor retaliated by eto^in^ the C1irii(tkn chim4it*sv 
eoofiflatttog the eodesiasLiail pniperty, and putiitig the 
coeaplatiittiit to dmth. AccnujitA of tbt^fte aneriticA 
readied Coostantine, ibe Bomau ompeitin who had 
iteenlly efnbmonl the new religion (whieh, in ipite of 
oonsCAut penectilion, hud iiniduully overs]irt*ud tlie em- 
pui?)t and hid a»uint«d the cliamcler of a sort of gene- 
ral prolector of the Christiaiis throoghout the world.' 
U*- n^nimi-* ' i' "^ ^ but * * 

Sn{>-»r liad fonniH] thi» resolution to renew tlie contcj^t 

^ X n..ri. Jiist. Unties, ii. M, W-tpiik t'v\ in jw.nj** of i> b...t 

• rv^ri* u\ \n lulom'il and jllwimt.-.l 

• Ii •lu nt. //ij^. '/<« HmjwrrurM, h\ t|j> < I*m of nH*n. on wli.»*.- I.. - 

• n. t J -•*»•'»: • ( ■ n^iAUiin mi hulf I wril«« t«« you- I n»« au lli- 
••.»::»• . Mri,'- !•• pr'>!»-« t»iir ^'»- Chri-tinn* n thinj nK^t n«:r' «n)»l*' 
: • '*. s ! .u« l«-« •rr^jl'UM lit? to ni\ >»i»l»«*«. All pro«j»i ritv th»'n 
J..,. I t.r:»i ' \^ v»ur«. and all pr<»*j»«rjtv l>»« 

* I i»-hii«<rt/ (\'utiam{. Mmpt. lh*Mr*— iiin\ >>oth H»uri»lj nlik»- ' 
it :• . • -^j i . ai* 1 I hr.«l rrt ( i. i'*» I Thu^ will t.-.j niakf (i.-l :h- 
, w r.., !. rn»« "f a !••!!» r w nttrn l*aih»-r. tl»»' f^»rd of aJl. j»r j'lti. .!• 
> 1 < f..t*riiiiw to >«j>"'r at thu and fru'tjllv towartln vti I li»'«-« 

• : - i-'i fat 'it of ti«r ( hn»tiaii». jw r««'rj« tlnti, i*>»'ink' that vmi nr*' 
ir • ft y^ryp ^ I't'-l'irt, n. asd *»KT««t. I • • iiitn»'nd !•• >on I j,n? 
; 4»-.«^t \m^\ ..\*\- ir. !•:»-•!. rh»» ih. in int • > ■ ;r hiitid. •*f intf tlm? n i 
.-k'-r .«:•. i» »• Ar. - ^r.! ^f hi« «:•• »• <■•».•} r-i w« f ■ r \'M,r |'i«t*. 

• y . . ^« ]''. \ .• Ari<i f.rl- I^.\«' !h«iu >«nh that lo\.- nh; U 

-.• \ • " f : . ;r»,' |*'r*;'»i. Uti!« ^ 'ir kn -wn t«'fi« % .'l*-!,* •■ 

» , .. » .' t i '• !L*- . a**- "1 I if !( •> 1 (.»fif,.r \> th . 

>•.•:•• ' Kr..! •• •. rur.t a« • • ar I .. \ ifM If an iiijni< n-um^u' 

. »• ^ i rxr, iti)a«:snr th**n Un«:,!.' 

: « ««../:«lrvi I aoi lo brar that 

L i 




[Ch. \TI. 

terminated so unfavourably forty years earlier by his 
grandfather. He made the emperor's interference with 
Persian afiairs, and encouragement of his Christian sub- 
jects in their perversity, a ground of complaint, and 
began to threaten hostilities.^ Some negotiations, which 
are not very clearly narrated,^ followed. Both sides, 
apparently, had determined on war, but both wished to 
gain time. It is uncertain what would have been the 
result had Constantine lived. But the death of that 
monarch in the early summer of a.d. 337, on his way 
t© the eastern frontier, dispelled the last chance ot 
jpeace, by relieving Sapor from the wholesome fear which 
ibad hitherto restrained his ambition. The miUtary 
fame of Constantine was great, and naturally inspired 
neepect ; his power was firmly fixed, and he was w^ithout 
ooaaapetitor or rival. By his removal the whole face of 
affars was changed; and Sapor, who had almost brought 
Mmself to venture on a rupture with Eome during Con- 
stantine's life, no longer hesitated on receiving news of 
his death, but at once commenced hostihties.' 

It is probable that among the motives which deter- 
mined the somewhat wavering conduct of Sapor at this 
juni^ture* was a reasonable fear of the internal troubles 
which it seemed to be in the power of the Eomans to 
excite among the Persians, if from friends they became 

* Libaniu8| Orat, iii. pp. 118, 
120; AureL Vict. De Vcesaribw, 

• Compare Liban. 1.8.c. with Fes- 
tu8 (§ 26) and Euseb. Vit, Con- 
stpnt. iv. 8. 

' Some writers make the hos- 
tilities commence in the lifetime of 
Constantine. (See Eutrop. z. 8 ; 
Chronic. Pasch. p. 286, C.) But 
Ammianus, who is almost a con- 
temporary, assigns the outbreak to 

the reign of Constantius (xxv. 4). 

* Sapor is said to have sent a 
friendly embassy to Constantine in 
A.D. 333 (Euseb. Vit, Const, iv. 8 ; 
Liban. Or. iii. p. 118). In a.d. 
337 he suddenly threatened war, 
and demancled the restoration of 
the five provinces ceded by Narses 
(Liban. Or. iii. p. 120). Having 
received a refusal, he sent another 
embassy, about Easter, to express 
his desire for peace (Euseb. iv. 57). 


enemies. H«%^tig tatted hb own military <m|Mieity in 
bb Arab wttfn, And formed an tirmy on who^e coumge, 
endunuiee, nnd attachment he could rely, he was not 
iftimi of moajijnng hb strength with that of Ilome in 
tli6 open field ; but he toay well have dreaded die arta 
wliidi tJic Imperm) Stale wa^ in the habit of em- 
pksjiiigt^ Id supplement her miUtary tsbortcoimngs, in 
wmn with her neighbours ITiere was now at the 
court of CoujUkntinople a Perman rcfi^ec of such rank 
and imporlaoce that Constantane had, as il were, a pre- 
tender ready made to lib hand, and could reckon on 
cnstting dimfnsion among Uie Pernan? whenever he 
plettaed« by mmp\y prticlaiming himself this [jcr^n s 
ally and patrcm. Prince IIorMbdas, tlie elder brother 
of Sftpir, and rightful king of Penna, had, afWr a long 
jiaprbonuierit,' €0iilri?ed, by the hv\p of hb wife, to 
tacipe fn>ui hb dttnfeoti,' and had tied to tlie court of 
GonsUtitiue m mtly m am. 323. He had been reeeiired 
hf the emperor with eveiy mark of honour and dbtinc- 
ti'»ii, Ihi'l Imtii Lnvcii a inaiiitenance suitiKl to his rank, 
liiA 1 :i'l riijoyitl <ii1ht favours.* Siipor nuii4t have felt 
liiih-* if •i«ij»ly a;i;/ricvtHl \fy the uiuhie attention paid 
Tm i.> n\:il ; and tlioiijjh he pretended to nuike light of 
I'i*' 111 i!'« r, and ivrn gcntTou>ly sent IIorini.*«l:u$ the 
%%il.- to wiioni hi«* r-MjiiH* wjw du(%* he <'4innot but have 
I- 1 ri \in« .i*v at thr |x>e»M>?*ion, l)y the Itouian em|RTor, 
of hi* l»r«»tht*r'** [HTMjn. In wcij^diin;/ the rriUM^ij* for and 
ijiiffl war, Im* canntil hut havr a>*»i;^nH*d con.Hidrrable 
j!hj»«jrun< •• to ilu'* iinuin>t;mce. It did not ultimately 

• <-* ih^ \ i*h r* S4tth \fim' t«^n >rar« in otofioemrot before 
«.' i* p;» - >►. - •*. 'J'^\. kr. b<* mtu\t* hi* n«CAp(*. 

• If Jvr. • II rni m\hM «A4i A ti-o * Z«»»iai. ii. *J7. 

■' II .*mk*>i*« II ftX'l thrown ioU> * Ibid. li. '27, tnijim. i aodiii. I'l, 
• '.» Q ft* kit (5r«th (ftr« abovf, mJ fim. 
y I 4' , b« mtft*t b«i« p«MrU fuur- ^ SuidftA ftd fuC ^«#«i«c. 



prevent him from challengiDg Eome to the combat ; 
but it may help to account for the hesitation, the 
delay, and the fluctuations of purpose, which we re- 
mark in his conduct during the four or five years ^ 
which immediately preceded the death of Constantine. 

^ From A.D. 333 to a.d. 337. 



fc»r, 4*». Saj^Wl Kfif aM^ 1/ A'^mIm. (M«mrt in^fmti. 
Am flrtit /¥£»«Mr 4i»</ ^iwt^r<W III raM U^ TJW awpp ^ Jft j iW 

bl fit fv. 

Toi dottth of ObmtfttitinE! wu rollowed bj tlio divrstoa 
of tbu Battuin world among hb mm. The imt t*to[Jtfie 
with wbich Safior hiul alm^wt tamk' up bbi mind to wq- 
tnd WIS partitaof)^ out into Utmi! mixlemt^MlMd 
kifii?flmm.* In pluw of tin* hiu^ hni\ e and i xruTtairrH 
« iiiiHior, a raw youlh,*^ who had given no signH of 
-.;*•: -.r ahility, had the govcrninent of the Koman 
;.:.»\ ;'ir."» of the V^i<, of Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, 
M.— .;» .taiiiia, and K)/y|*^- Ma-^ler of one-lhinl of the 

♦ :ti;.::.- «'ii!y,and of the least warhke portion,' ConsUm- 
t ;- w I- a i'iK' whom the Persian monarch might well 

• :♦-;!-, and whorn he might exjRvt to defeat without 
i!iu !i M:!lirulty. MopNAer, there wits nmch in the cir- 
« .::i-iaii< '-^ oi the lime that seeinetl to promiiM* succe^M 

' \* r.rti \hf partition w«4 into I In wm born in Auintft, 4.0. SI 7. 

^« k.r«ri cut. ^Mit th** (lortnnMnt ('<>n*Untinf* dirU Mat 1*1\ A.D. •H.*t7. 

i I*ft.:r.«'.i^« tityi I I*nnit«hAiJu« * I'ho DAtiTM of tiie voluptuout 

*#f- • - r* %b^.f*»-l into thiM« of Y'ji^l wrff n««»rr a niAtrh for th(»*«« 

t^ • <!• < * »t>»tA;jt)nr. of ihr hftnir \Vr«t. UomAfi l^iriiina 

' < e;*uz.ti^« wAtf t>ot quit« nn^ruttril lu .\*ui Minor, Sirria, and 





[Ch. vni. 

to the Persian arms in a struggle with Eome. The 
removal of Constantine had been followed by an out- 
burst of licentiousness and violence among the Eoman 
soldiery in the capital ; ^ and throughout the East the 
army had cast off the restraints of disciphne, and given 
indications of a turbulent and seditious spirit.^ The 
condition of Armenia was also such as to encourage 
Sapor in his ambitious projects. Tiridates, though a 
persecutor of the Christians in the early part of his 
reign, had been converted by Gregory tlie Illuminator,^ 
and had then enforced Christianity on his subjects by 
fire and sword. A sanguinary . conflict had followed. 
A large portion of the Armenians, firmly attached to 
the old national idolatry, had resisted determinedly.'* 
Nobles^ priests, and people had fought desperately in 
defence of their temples, images, and altars ; and, though 
the persistent will of the king overbore all opposition, 
yet the result was the formation of a discontented fac- 
tion, which rose up from time to time against its rulers, 
and was constantly tempted to ally itself with any 
foreign power fi^om which it could hope the re-esta- 
blishment of the old religion. Armenia had also, after 
the death of Tiridates (in a.d. 314), fallen under the 
government of weak princes.^ Persia had recovered 
from it the portion of Media Atropatene ceded by the 
treaty between Galerius and Narses.^ Sapor, therefore, 
had nothing to fear on this side ; and he might reason- 
ably expect to find friends among the Armenians them- 

^ Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ch. 
xviii. (vol. ii. pp. 98-100). 
2 Ibid. p. m. 

• M08. Chor. JSist. Annen, ii. 
77; Agathangelufl, §§ 110-132. 

* See Milman, liiit. of CArt>- 
tianitt/f vol. ii. p. 268, and the 
authorities there cited. 

* Chosroes II., who wa« placed 
on the throne by Home in a.d. 
316, and Tiranus, his son, who 
succeeded Chosroes in a.b. 325. 

* This distinctly appears from 
Faustus, iii. 20. The cession seems 
to have been made by Chosroes II. 
(Mob. Chor. iii. 8). 


iclTcs, fbould ifae general ]>o«itlaa of his affiiins allow 
him to make an eflbrt to cKtim<l Pendon influuuco dqco 
looti* over the Armeniitii bigblatKL 

The btmb of Sipor txiwsiil the Kninaii front ie-r soun 
iftsTt if not t'Tcu before,^ the death of ConstiLritJae ; aud 
ifter an internal of forty yaaiB the two great powers of 
Uav world were once mure eugiijj;ed in a bloody eontlicL 
OoiiitiintiuA, having ]i4iid the bi^t hDaDim lo his futlier*!! 
ROttifift,^ hii^icned to the eastern &onti«r, %vhere lie 
fbuod tile Boinan arDiy weiik in uumber^t badly annc<l 
ami badly provided^ ill-diipoied towanU himself^ and 
almoit roady to mutiny.* It was ueee^wry, before any* 
llitng eouM be done lo ra$bi liie advance of 8a|iorf tliat 
tbe iftfubordiiiatioii of the troops nhouJd be checked, 
tbftr wanti njppUed, and tbdr goodwill condliaied. 
CoMlMiliili ^ipliefl himself to cffe<:t t\um? chmigvA.^ 
llMBwIiik Sapor aet tlie Ambti and Arnieniiinji in mi> 
tioa« indudng the Pagan party among the latter to rke 
in toMrrectioti, deliver tboir king, Timniyi, into bk 
jH.wer,* and iiiakc inrursions into the lionian territory, 
ulii!r tlu* lalltr infi*>t4'<l with their armed bantU ihi* 
;.r«»\nHt-» of M«-*npotainia and Syria. ^ He Inrnv^If was 
♦ "litirit, durin;/ the lir>t year of the war, A.n. 337, with 
in-i»nitf Mici r>vr*, and aj)iK»ared to the Honian!* to 
a\'»:d lathrr than Mfk a pitched battle." Con-lantius 

* S-^ ftl^ivr, p. I4H, note •; arxl //o*-/,*m;Hrr, Vol. i. pp. 4(M\ et »e<jrj. 
cv rx.&«f l^L«n. (^mt til iK 117, li • Juluin. Orai. i. p. ;i7. 

* l.ib«n. Ihmt. 111. p. \'j], II. * 'Dm rr ti)U»t br MUUi* foiiDti*- 

* JuiiAO. Orml. i. pp. .'Li mtni '.U\. tiofi for lh«* tUtrti'mU «*f I«il»«tiiua 

* 1^4 pp, liV ''IK. Aru<iO|r other ami Juluo, iIjaI S«p<>r at tiinl 
;mpr> tro>4>>fifa introducrd b% Con- A^oidrd a cotillirt, t*%ro though 
•'A.nt;4* at this iiixi** yim» ih«* thrv an* conlairifHl in panr^r^rica. 
-'^-.ipmrftt »f a pr>rti<« of tht* < Srr I.ibai). p. iTJ, \: i»«v •'<*oiv 
I: u.a.*i ravalri aft^-r tlr fa*hlon $'$>0'ft9n rt.«v nf«^««*"(, tnt'tftJr 

f * t* IVrMAA r«^«'|>A/orfi, <>r D>ailr>(l ai|j< (•<! r*|»- /•(•(i» ' cm %> r^r * * pt*>¥ 

L ^^^mt^t^ j < (i«*^r'>t «>• « 1^ ' c^A «^ 'wr voXi^vr 

' Ib^i pp. .t^ and 37. f*oltipan* , »9 tym^rt]^ iV rr>M f¥ Wt»\tftmp 

M Man^a t aidiiKiCM to Ije IWau, /tft^^r^ f.'.^ Julian. Ormt. i. p. 




[Ch. vm. 

was able, under these circumstances, not only to main- 
tain his ground, but to gain certain advantages. He 
restored the direction of affairs in Armenia to the 
Eoman party,^ detached some of the Mesopotamian 
Arabs from the side of his adversary, and attached them 
to his own,^ and even built forts in the Persian terri- 
tory on the further side of the Tigris.^ But the gains 
made were slight ; and in the ensuing year (a.d. 338) 
Sapor took the field in greater force than before, and 
addressed himself to an important enterprise. He 
aimed, it is evident, from the first, at the recovery of 
Mesopotamia, and at thrusting back the Romans from 
the Tigris to the Euphrates. He found it easy to over- 
run the open country, to ravage the crops, drive off the 
cattle, and burn the villages and homesteads. But the 
region could not be regarded as conquered, it could 
not be permanently held, unless the strongly fortified 
posts which commanded it, and which were in the hands 
of Rome, could be captured.'* Of all these the most 
important was Nisibis. This ancient town, known to 
the Assyrians as Nazibina,^ was, at any rate from the 
time of LucuUus,^ the most important city of Mesopota- 
mia. It was situated at the distance of about sixty 
miles from the Tigris, at the edge of the Mons Masius, 
in a broad and fertile plain, watered by one of the 
afiluents^ of the river Khabour, or Aborrhas. The 

C9: Twv no\€fiiiav ovSti^ troXftritrev 
afivvai Tg Xi*fp^ vopOoVfikvy' ncH'Ta 
dk nofi y'lfta^ fjytTo TCLKunav dyaOa' 
Twv fikv ovck iig xctpa^ Ifvai Tokfiwtf 


^ Julian. Oraf, i. p. 37. 
« Ibid. p. 38. 
» Ibid. p. 39. 

* This 18 weU urged by Gibbon 

{Decline and Faii^ vol. ii. p. 372). 

^ See the Assyrian Canan, pas- 

sim ; and compare Ancient Monar- 
chieSf vol. i. p. 268. 

« Plutarch, LuculL § 32. 

^ This river, now called the 
JentJeTf anciently the Mygdonius 
(river of GozanP), joins the main 
stream of the Khabour in lat. 
36** 20', near the volcanic hill of 
Koukab. (Lavard, Xin. and Bab, 
pp. 309, 322, &c) 

€■- vin.] niLST siBUB or nisihis, 155 

BomftDif After their oeeupnliou of MesopuCamia, Iiml 
imiied it to the nmk of a ccilotiy ; ' utul its defeneen, 
which wefe of greiit strength, hnil id ways lie<![i niaiii* 
taiiKtl by the etii|ii'roni in a slate of etltneaey. SajMjf 
rcgiLtUttl it ji« the key of the Itontaii jxisiitioti iti the 
ttmci between the riveni,^ and, m early lu A.D* S38, 
aoiight to make hitniielf mitAter of it* 

Tlie finrt i]^)e of Xijfibb by «Sn]>* »r lii§t(^, we are totdt 
fixty-three dayi.^ Few {mriicuhii^ of it have vome 
down to Hi. Sapor had aitac ked llie city, appiicntly, 
m tlm ahmco of CoitMiintiitSt^ who had been caltod olT 
ia Fannonia to bold a oimferenee with his brothers. It 
wa» defeiidc^l, doi oaly by Ub garuMn and tnhabjtaaif, 
but liy the prayerft and exbortaiions of its btfibop,' St 
J«iM», wbo^ if he did not work nditidcs far the delive- 
faaoe of his cuuntrymem at nny rate vusUiim^ and 
anisali^ their rerirtanee. The riviill wai ttiat the 
badli of Sapor w«re rejielled with lom^ and he wus 
fcrred* after wasting two months before the walb* to 
mi-* llif ^'u^^v and own liimsi'lf bafflod/ 

At:* r tljL**, for >onu» y*»ars iIk» rrrsian warwith Koinr 
Li; jui-lu'd. It i*^ difficult to rxtnict (nm\ the l)rii*t' 
*!-i*t riHiit-s of cpilorniM i>/ and ihi* Ioom* invcH*tivi's or 
;^ iiu ^'vrir?* of i»nilon*,^ tho read oirruinslanci*?* (►f llu» 

.\« arprAf* fmm the c**in» of ' * Ckrom. PawA.^, 1?87, n; Tbr<>- 

%•:*:• . \|i'»orM»l, I^fTiptum dti pbfti)«^, p. 1?H, 1». 

J/r<<-T».iV«. ti.m. t. pp. »$*.».'»-'• L I * Si Tiilnnuot. tnm. ir. p. .TU». 

* I.'.;» »• ^«i'ltnt frvitn thr per- ' • TbfNKlorri. n. 'M). 'Ihf uiirn- 

•.t*.»r. * "f hi* Atu< k*. AninimnuA r\r- am-rittrtl hr thit WTil«T l«» St. 

•'••• iitt f* I : * ( 'oDBt«)j«t orbt-tu J«nir« HM* jufttfr riiliculfHi b? (tib- 

K i'. iittonrtn piituiAM* trmD»in* U-n (tol. ii p. .^71*, n«»tr ** i. 

!'.-• i,» M»i h»^ cititAn \ur. Ni»i- * (Kron. l\i^ck. I.».c. ; liivrtkOini. 

'K !t*^ da!*- • f tb*" fir»t •ieire Z-^nara*. 
' Ni.;>i«. »*• IiJ«*tii fit //ij^. #^i • Ibf l»r»t And M«»iid »pr<>rhe« 

/ -^ i-^r^f. !/ai 1% p. «<•>* . Clio- of Julian aiM tbf tbinl of l.ibaniu* 

*. ' / ii fful I. p. .*%•{. belong U> tb« UUcr c1«m ; tb<« 




[Ch. vm. 

struggle ; but apparently the general condition of 
things was this. The Persians were constantly victo- 
rious in the open field ; Constantius was again and again 
defeated ; ^ but no permanent gain was effected by 
these successes. A weakness inherited by the Persians 
from the Parthians ^ — an inability to conduct sieges to 
a prosperous issue — showed itself; and their failures 
against the fortified posts which Eome had taken care 
to establish in the disputed regions were continual. 
Up to the close of a.d. 340, Sapor had made no impor- 
tant gam, had struck no decisive blow, but stood nearly 
in the same position which he had occupied at the ' 
commencement of the conflict. 

But the year a.d. 341 saw a change. Sapor, after 
obtaining possession of tlie person of Tiranus, had 
sought to make himself master of Armenia, and had 
even attempted to set up one of his own relatives as 
king.^ But the indomitable spirit of the inhabitants, 
and their firm attachment to their Arsacid princes, 
caused his attempts to fail of any good result, and 
tended on the whole to throw Armenia into the arms 
of liome. Sapor, after a while, became convinced of 
the folly of his proceedings, and resolved on the adop- 
tion of a wholly new policy. He would relinquish the 
idea of conquering, and would endeavour instead to con- 
ciliate the Armenians, in the hope of obtaining from 

Epistle of Julian to the Athenian 
Senate and People, and the .tenth 
oration of Libanius, belon? (so far 
as Constantius is concerned) to the 
former. The later writings of these 
two authors to a great extent in- 
Talidate the earlier. 

* Nine times, according to Festus 
a 27); frequently, according to 
JButropius (x. 10); whenever he 
engaged the Persians, according to 

Ammianus (xx. 11, ad Jin,) and 
Socrates (Hid, JSccles, ii. 25). 

* See tne Author's Sixth Mon- 
archy^ p. 406. 

• Mos. Chor. Hid, Armen. iii, 
10 ; Faustus, iii. 21. The Persian 
prince seems to have been named 
Karses. Moses calls him Sapor's 
brother 'y but this is very impro- 


thdr gmtituile wliiu he h»d been unable to extort from 
their fifmni, Tiranuji ntw lAtU Uving; and ^ajKM*, wo 
are tcildf ofli^^ to rcpltee him u[>nn the Aruieiiiaa 
throne ; ^ bat, ti he hud been blifnled by hn captors, 
iod ai Orietitiil nottotut did tiot allow a penon thus 
mutilated to exoidse ropA [kmur^^ Tirana^ deciined 
the oiar made him, and mijDfg^^led the mibsutiition of 
tm ioii« AiM«i, who was, hkt* hirni^^f, a priM>niT in 
PaWL Sapor readily connented ; ami the yoimg prince* 
lekaaed from captivitjTt returned to hU country, and 
waa initjilled as kiuft by the BersaiH,* with the gckod> 
will of the natives^ who weroaatiafied »o 1i>ng m iliey 
emiU feel thiit tliey bad at their hi^d a tiii>nareh (if the 
aneieiil atock. This arrang^imeiitt of course, pUoetl 
on tlie l*i'rriftn fide, ami gave Sapcir fur many 
a powerful ally in hit a^uggle witli Hotne/ 
Thui Sapor had, by tlie yoar a*d, 341^ made a ^eiy 
ooMderable gmio. He had pbeed a friendly mvefeign 
on iht^ Anuemtiri ihi ' M , ' ' ]m to \m cause 
by <inth5, and hnd thereby established his influence, 
not <.!ily over Ariiuiiia itsi-lf, but over the whole tract 
whirh lay between Ariueiiia and the Caucasus. But he 
wie* far from roiiteul with the>e suecessi'S. It was still 
}i> trr«-al ol^jiii to (lri\e the Houiaus from M(^o|K>la- 
ii*ia; aiiJ with thai ol)je<'t in view it rontnuuMl to Ik* his 
fip»t wi-h to obtain |H>HM\s?»ion of Ni^il)i?*. A(*<*onlin^ly, 
liaviri'^' «M-itl«d Arujenian aflairs to his likinj:, he made, 
:ri \ n. .'U»'». a s«-<-ond attack on th*- j/real city of Northern, aj/ain inve?<tin<^ it with a larp» Ixxly of 

• r%u«(u». 1 • r. • Fnuvtuii, iv. 1. 

» ll'f^*' tb*- j.mrtir* <»f Klindinir * ^^ tHr frirmUr rrUt inn* which 

%t^* r t^*mr r»i«tMr< nj«.fi Xh^\T •<> •U^»*i*tr<l at thl« tlln«» 1»rtwern 

fm^i r. wkiKh th«- S^«h* of lVr«iA lVr*i« AJ^il Annrnim, nh* Kauttut, 

r*f»%t\j ptjr*u««(l till wiibin th« it. 1<V. 
yr**»^X crftlufT. 




[Ch. vm. 

troops, and this tirae pressing the siege during the space 
of nearly three months.^ Again, however, the strength of 
the walls and the endurance of the garrison baflSed him. 
Sapor was once more obliged to withdraw from before 
the place, having suffered greater loss than those whom 
he had assailed, and forfeited much of the prestige 
which he had acquired by his many victories. 

It was, perhaps, on account of the repulse from Nisi- 
bis, and in the hope of recovering his lost laurels, that 
Sapor, in the next year but one, a.d. 348. made an un- 
usual effort. Calling out the entire military force of 
the empire, and augmenting it by large bodies of allies 
and mercenaries,^ the Persian king, towards the middle 
of summer, crossed the Tigris by three bridges,® and 
with a numerous and well-appointed army invaded Cen- 
tral Mesopotamia, probably from Adiabene, or the region 
near and a little south of Nineveh. Constantius, with 
the Koman army, was posted on and about the Sinjar 
range of hills, in the vicinity of the town of Singara, which 
is represented by the modern village of Sinjar."* The 
Eoman emperor did not venture to dispute the passage 
of the river, or to meet his adversary in the broad plain 
which intervenes between the Tigris and the mountain 
range, but clung to the skirts of the hills, and com- 
manded his troops to remain wholly on the defensive.^ 

^ Jerome savs: * Sapor tribtis meti" 
sihus obsedit Nisibin ; * but Theo- 
phanes gives the exact duration of 
the siege as seventy-eight days 
(p.31, D). 

' Liban. Orat. iii. p. 129, A, B. 

» Ibid. p. 130, A. 

* On the position of Sinjar and 
the character of the surrounding 
country, see Layard {Nin, and Bah, 
pp. 24e-249). 

* Liban. p. 129, D. This writer 
pretends that it was not through 

fear of meeting the enemy in the 
open that Constantius held back, 
but because he wanted to dmw his 
adversary on and prevent him from 
recrossing the Tigris without fight- 
ing. Perhaps it is most probable 
that the passage of the river took 
Constantius by surprise, that he 
was too weak to prevent it, and 
was obliged to remain on the de- 
fensive until his troops could be 

C?i, \TIt] 



Sapor WM Uius enablifl to choo«^? h)i paiilion^ to 
bliib m fortifted camp «t nconveoient tlistftnce (rDin ihu 
mutmj^ nnd to occupy tbe biUi la ili viciniiy — some 
poftioo of the &bjsr m^jei^wilii hia orebem. It 
k imccitfliii whether^ in miikiug tlieso dispoiitioiii, 
be wu merely piwiding for liis own safety, or wbeUier 
be wai lityitif^ a trap ittto whirb he hope'l to enti€i> iho 
Botnan anny.^ IV'rhaps hif minrl was v^iiJe enough lo 
etnbrBce bolb eomtngi^jide!!. At any mle, having thus 
eUabliihod a paint d appin in his rear, he ad%anccd 
IfoUly and t haUenged ihe ligionito an enrotiriter. The 
dlftlkngt* was at onee iecepted, and the battle com- 
nenced aboui midday ; ' bai iiow the Ptfr^ms haraif 
jtitft erased fworda with the eueniy, almot t immediately 
bqpui to gira ground, and retreating hazily drew their 
•direnafw alongt MOom tlie thir^t)^ jiliiiu, to tlio viciiiiiy 
of tbdr funitii'd camp, when* a ^rung body uf liome 
ami the flower of the P^win are hem were (loiited. 
Th*? hone chiir^etl, but the lt*gitimir\ ^ -ily defettlml 
them,* :in<l vh\U^\ with their i*ti(res?* burst into the 
• Mijij.. (i< -^iHtr tlir wainin^^** ot* thrir KmiUt, who strove 
v.i'.h'V !'» rli«i k tht'ir anl«Mir and to iiKhico ihdn lo put 
. :1 !:..• r«'n.[»l» t;on i.t* thi-ir \irtiny till thr UfXt (hiy.** 
A -II. ill (i« til' ImH-iil loiiiul within thi» rampart^ was 
\> -r. :•• thr >wor«l; and thi* Mjlvht-r^^ >caltrri'<l th«-nisrlvt*s 

..V,.>-U'J thr tfllt-, -oliK" in (jUf^l uf lMM)ty, oIIjiT^ only 
.i:..\i' u- for ^•ine ini'an*^ of (jiun^hin;/ their rajjinj^ 

' 1 . .r :• T'^pff^r t« th«» »ntirf ' Uii p. l.:l. 1». mxl p. \:i'J, \. 

• •'1- . ' T- »t.' »• A ylxu <*r»^tMijv r. .rh !♦ iTi' rjarx. w«« «!»• !• I<l, •t»)»|M«l 
». ''a' :. p. 1 '•. *' . Johan. ••»«lr < u! <f thr y^my "f th«- li.»r»»*- 

".' ' '•:«.'>. r. ,»T S thr tlj^'ljt riifin w )i" Ur** (l<mii up' I) hill). mikI 

• • r I'?-;*? • A* « :••. l^Ainr. nul \\\*\\ •truik hitit. A/» hr pA%Mti, Willi 

• ' ..• X ' n »! 'h*- «:? p »• » iinr»* n « !uK. 

; '• ' ' ; *< i r". .'.' yfhut K pp. • Jiiiitn (h^, \. pp. 4'J .'I ; 

4. 14 \a\^i p. lU). 1>. 
» I.'o^t '/rr^ .ii J. I'M, A. 




[Ch. vm 

thii-st.^ Meantime the sun had gone down, and the 
shades of night fell rapidly. Bearding the battle as 
over, and the victory as assured, the Komans gave 
themselves up to sleep or feasting. But now Sapor saw 
his opportunity — the opportunity for which he had 
perhaps planned and waited. His light troops on the 
adjacent hills commanded the camp, and, advancing on 
every side, surrounded it. They were fresh and eager 
for the fray; they fought in the security afforded by the 
darkness ; while the fires of the camp showed them 
their enemies, worn out with fatigue, sleepy, or drunken.* 
The result, as might have been expected, was a terrible 
carnage.* The Persians ovenvhelmed the legionaries 
with showers of darts and arrows ; flight, under the cir- 
cumstances, was impossible ; and the Koman soldiers 
mostly perished where they stood. They took, how- 
ever, ere they died, an atrocious revenge. Sapor's 
son had been made prisoner in the course of the day ; 
in their desperation the legionaries turned their fury 
against this innocent youth ; they beat him with whips, 
wounded him with the points of their weapons, and 
finally rushed upon him and killed him with a hundred 

^ Liban. p. 132, B ; Julian, p. 44. 
The latter writer appears to ascribe 
the Koman disaster mainly to 
the troops exposingr themselves as 
they drank at the Persian cisterns 
(Xarroic O^oroc ti'dor ivTvxovTtCf Tt)v 
KaWitrtiv vtKnv hHBupav), 

^ The Roman writers touch 
lightly the condition of the Roman 
troops when the Persians fell upon 
them. I follow probability when 
I describe them as 'sleepy or 

' See Amm. Marc, xviii. 6: 
* Apud Singarara . . . acerrime 
nocturna concertatione pugnatum 

est, nostrorum copiis ingenti strage 
confossis.' Compare Hieronym. 
anno 2304; and Liban. Orat, iii. 
p. 132, C. Even Julian admits 
that the battle was commonly re- 
garded as the greatest victory 
gained by the Persians during the 
war {Orat i. p. 41). 

^ Liban. p. 133, D : 'RxcToov 
[ol Ufpaai] rbv rov liaaiXk^ naUay 
rbv r^c "PX^C oiaSoxoVf iZfi»ypiit*i*^»'f 
Kai fiatTTiyovfitvoVf Kai KtvrovfitvoVy 
Km twcoov vffripov KaraKotrrofitvot; 

Tillemont has seen that this treat- 
ment could not have b^en possible 
till the troops were half-maddened 


Cm. vul] 

TUtHD BtEOe OP NlilBtS. 


Tlie hiStle of Bingara^ though thus disastraus In the 
BomaoAf liad not ajiy gt^oal effect in determitung the 
oouiw or iame of the war* Sapor did oot take nd\mu^ 
ti^ of hii idrton' In attack the n^t of the Uoumii 
IbffOQft m Hesopoiartiitit or even to attempt tlie siege of 
ooj larfft? tovra.^ Perhaps he had Kally BufleixM) largif 
loMJOi ill tlie curlier part of the day ; ' |>erfaapi ho wim 
loQ tnurb affected hy the mii^eniblc daitli tif \m mn to 
care, till timi! Itad dulled the eilge of hb grit.»f, for niiti* 
tajy gloryl At any tate^ we hear of his undertiiking 
no ftirther entcTpmc till the aecond year wAm tbe bal- 
tk*/ AM, 350, whcni he itiade Ills tMrd and most desjie- 
nte attempt U> eapture Xi^bb, 

Tha rise of a ci%il war in the Weit, and the departure 
of CoKMMitim for Eumjic with the flower of bis Iroopa 
eariy in the year,^ no doubt enooonigf^ the Foretan 
nooarch to make one more eflbft agaiimt the place 
wUdi had twiro nL*pulMd him with ignominy * He col* 
leettd a ntimerous native nrmy, and stren^hencd il hf 
ihe ulilitirin of a \m\y »if Indian alliL-*/ wh*i Impiighr a 
hirjr lnK»i) uf flfplKints into the licld.® With this 
f n-**- 1m* rp i?w<l iht» Tiirris in the rtxrly summer, and, 
aftrr ukin;^ Mvcnil forlilif^l |)<)sis, marched norlhwanU 

«.ih 'i'-tjiAir find fun' { HnitHrt 
' •%» n.uch wf n»ii\ •rrrpt from 

!W b«»!<l i JullAii I (hut. 1. p. A't) 
^zui luWr.lua ( (Prtit ill. p l.'U. A ). 

U«L.sD«-ri 'f AfnttJiAOUS wh-. ••v« 
«;«.r > \L%X Lh«' IVrsaAA* iiiMif* no 
»«r .f tlj-.r tirt..ry at Sin^rani . 

KAt'iAMit >f l^^i^iiiu*. that th«* 
« iu ^ l'*T«aan arnit t!«-«l in di*- 
*-i#* if m ••.r.-arm ar.-l ha^tjlv 
f*«T ••-a^: tfc^ Fi/nt -p I -I. I»». 

* i ^\ ^T» raaxntair^* that Ui^h 
■i.i«« •^Amtx^ c^uaUj iO tb« Wltl«* 

(p. 41). 

• C^mpiirr lh#» pnof of (>r(xi«*i« 
on thr <ifath of racorua (SuiA 
Mtmarihy, p. lU'i). 

• J'TMu** ••tat«mrnt that Aniida 
• and iW'xaUlr wrn* taken br Sapur 

th«»rtl% aftrr th«* batU<* of Sin|fmra 
an««^ apfiarrntlr from aume con* 
fu«i<tii J».t«f«<»n th«» erenta 4if tho 
\t^T K IK .ir.»aiid th'iM of A. II. .VjII. 
' (iihb-m. Jkcism^ imd FuU^ 
Vol. n. p :C7. 

• Julian. </r«rf i. p. i-^. 
' P'ul. n. p ll.V 

• IbiJ. p llO. 



[ch. vni. 

und invested Nisibis. The Eoman commander in the 
place was the Comit Lucilianus, afterwards the father- 
in-law of Jovian, a man of resource and determination. 
He is said to have taken the best advantage of every 
favourable turn of fortune in the course of the siege, 
and to have prolonged the resistance by various subtle 
stratagems.^ But the real animating spirit of the defence 
was once more the bishop, St. James, who roused the 
enthusiasm of the inhabitants to the highest pitch by 
his exhortations, guided them by his counsels, and was 
thought to work miracles for them by his prayers/^ 
Sapor tried at first the ordinary methods of attack ; he 
battered the walls with his rams, and sapped them with 
mines. But finding that by these means he made no 
satisfactory progress, he had recourse shortly to wholly 
novel proceedings. The river Mygdonius (now the Je- 
rujer), swollen by the melting of the snows in the Mons 
Masius, had overflowed its banks and covered with an 
inundation the plain in which Nisibis stands. Sapor 
saw that the forces of nature might be employed to 
advance his ends, and so embanked the lower part of 
the plain that the water could not run off, but formed 
a deep lake round the town, gradually creeping up the 
walls till it had almost reached the battlements.^ Having 
thus created an artificial sea, the energetic monarch 
rapidly collected, or constructed,^ a fleet of vessels, and, 
placing his mihtary engines on board, launched the ships 
upon the waters, and so attacked the walls of the city 

1 Zosimus, iii. 8. 

« Theodoret, ii. 30. 

• Julian. Orat, ii. p. 115: 'O 
Tlap9vaiwy IBaaiXi\>c .... iirirnxiZ^v 
T7}v k6\ V xbniamvj tlra ti'c ravra 
cixofiivoQ Tov Mvyioviovy Xifiviyv 
dircpaivtro rh ntpi rf dnrti ;^wpioV| 
Kai wawip vfiaov iv avry Kvviixt r))v 

ndXtv^ fiucpbv VTrcpf^otWoiv Kni i»Tfp- 
^mvoftfvwhf Tiov iwaX^Kav. Compare 
Oral, i. p. 49. 

* Compare Trajan's construction 
of a Heet in this same region in the 
winter of a.d. 115-110. {SLvth 
Monarchy y p. 310.) 

c«, TUL] 



«l gntt tdmUige, But the defemlcri reiiitcd ftoutly^ 
letuog the eogaum on fire mih torcbet, and either 
lifting tbt* fdupi from the water by meati!} of cmuetig or 
ebe ahatUfriug them with the hi^ tiGnen which they 
ocmkl divchaigc from their iHitistm^ 8tti!, therefore, 
no iiii{ir€aioii wm nude ; but At lust an utifor^neini eir* 
canMMnoe brotight the be«4!§^l into the greatest, perils 
a&rl ftlimiiit gavi! Ntnbii into the ^Mmy*! liAQds. The 
inundi^ioii, confined by the mnnndi of the Per^ium, 
which prevented it from ninning off, i>rc*fiiefl with con- 
ttniaaUy increaiing force agaimct the dtfenoes nl tbedtyi 
till at taat the widl, in one {lart, proved loo weak to 
wiihalaiifl the Ireuietidouit weight whkh bore upon 
it, md gare way ffuddenly for the ipaoe of a buiidreil 
and fiAy feel.' Wliat further damiige waa don^ la the 
town we know not ; but a breach waa opened ihrot^ 
vlikfa the Femana at once made raady to pour into die 
pboe, tt|$arding it as bnpoiitble thai 90 huge a gap 
aboaM be eithin- repainnl m cfleclually defentkd. Sajior 
took up hi* piisitian on an artifiniil etiuiii*iicf\ wjiile hia 
tP»<»ir. ni^ln-d to the a>siull.' First <»f all inan-hed th(» 
h«-a\y ravalry, aii«»iii|»;inir<l l)y tliu hor>i*-anluTs; next 
«-aiii»- thf c'lrphaiil^, iM-ariri;/ iron lowers u|M)n ihrir 
in. k*, liiA in t-arh tuwrr a iiuiiiIht of l)owiiu»ii ; iiitcr- 
Tiaxtil with tin* ilrj>haiil> wun* a rrrtiiin amount of 
hravyanni'l f.M»t.* It wa** a ^tran^^' roluriui witii 
whi» h lo a I)rc:i4 h ; ami its ioiii|xi^iiion does not 

ntirniiy thrr«t«»nii iW'htliid fr^^m 
thf wwrll n( ih«* Kuphmtr*, which 


• tbrt>u^h th<« 

! ?.»«•• J' l'r»t «<! Jtilmn t<» •tut** 

• •! '.h.- tmtit»'49 dio )>iifYin/ lh*-«^ 
t 1, -»••-' f.»^ ••-'^#'« «rj/hiri,' nv»r*' SukUwnrh ('•n«l. Mr. I^iftuwinvf^ 

• *i> f.«» h'.tdft.i-w* 54rh' • wrr»» A jT-mphir »n^»unt «•( th« n»k nin 
• •->•! ^^ 'h*- •♦.:;»• tj^rhnr nmti in Mnv \'*i\h ('htthLttt and Smsmtta^ 

} j^, •% . .: •> !• - Hi! JuiiJkn* |>j» 7 ** ' 

M 3 



[Ch. vm. 

say much for Persian siege tactics, which were always 
poor and ineffective,^ and which now, as usually, resulted 
in fidlure. The horses became quickly entangled in the 
ooze and mud which the waters had left behind them 
as they subsided ; the elephants were even less able to 
overcome these difficulties, and as soon as they received 
a wound Bank down — never to rise again — in the 
swamp,* Sapor hastily gave orders for the assailing 
column to retreat and seek the friendly shelter of the 
Persian camp, while he essayed to maintain his advan- 
tage in a different way. His light archers were ordered 
to the front, and, being formed into divisions which 
were to act as reliefs, received orders to prevent the 
restoration of the ruined wall by directing an incessant 
storm of arrows into the gap made by the waters. But 
the firmness and activity of the garrison and inhabitants 
defeated this well-imagined proceeding. While the 
heavy-armed troops stood in the gap receiving the flights 
of arrows and defending themselves as they best could, 
the unarmed multitude raised a new wall in their rear, 
which, by the morning of the next day, was six feet in 
height.^ This last proof of his enemies' resolution and 
resource seems to have finally convinced Sapor of the 
hopelessness of his enterprise. Though he still con- 
tinued the siege for a while, he made no other grand 
attack, and at length drew off liis forces, having lost 
twenty thousand men before the walls,* and wasted 
a hundred days, or more than three months.^ 

^ See above, p. 156. The weak- 
ness here spoken of did not extend 
to the cmcient Persians, who were 
fairly successful in their sieges 
(Ancient Monarchies, toI. iv. p. 

^ Ammianus tells us that, either 
now or at some other time in the 

siege, the Persians suffered much 
by the elephants turning against 
their own side and trampling the 
footmen under their feet (xxv. 1). 
3 Julian, p. 122. 

* Zonaras, xiii. 

* Chron. Pasch, n. 290, A. Julian 
exaggerates when ne says the time 



PcrfiajB he woolci not have tloparted m woiit bat 
wuutd hjive tttmetl the sic^e iuto n blockade, tuid en« 
df!iiviittr»l to !itiirve the gofrisim iota submiiisiart, hail 
not iJunnirig udi»g» refichi**! him from hisnonha*a»t€ni 
Ihinlier. Then, m now^ the low thit mm\y ivgton ms^ 
af the Cs^isaii wai m the possessio!i of nonijidic h'jnles, 
whom whole life wis wpmt hi wur aud plunder. The 
OxQi might bt' noniuially the bimtnUiry of the empire 
IQ thif quarter ; but the uixuiida were rt'tdly dominitut 
ciKr the entire disierl to the foot of the Uyroiiniaa and 
Fknbiai] hilU.' Petty plmnlenng ftinip into the fertile 
ffgioo MUth and m^i of the desert were no duiibt ooti* 
ilaiit, and were not greatly reganled ; but from time to 
time ioiiie tribe or chieftain bolder than the rest made 

• deeper inroad and a more iitiUiitied attaek than 
Moal, ipreadiiig OQUtaniiliQii araundt wd ternfytng 
tbe court for ha mkHj* Sued an attack nemti to have 
oeettTTtHl towards the autumn of A.n, .150* The in- 
fadlni? horde ii Mud to have oonasted of MaaaageUB ; ^ 
!»ut w»- rail lianlly W ini^itaktn in n»*5:inlin<; thoin as, in 
tJi«' main, mI* Tatar or Turkoinaii 1)I<mk1, akin to the 
I'^Ih-v'* aii'l Milirr Turanian trilKs wliidi >lill inhabit the 
•ari'iv •»ti|»j«-. Sa|H»r roii>i(lrnMl tht' rri^is such as tore- 
*, AT'- 111- «.\vn pn-4-nrf; and lhn<, whilr civil war t«uni- 
ni'ii'-l «»n«- of tlh- two rivaN fn»ni Me>o|H»tiunia to the 
fir W.-t, wh.p' hr lia*l to *^»nl*n<l with the self-stylcil 

• rr:[»r«»r*, MaLMimiiu?* an<l Vetninio, the other was 
. u!.^! .4\say to \\\r txtrrnir Iui>i to n'iH»l a Tatar inva- 
•I'fi A ia« it trutr wa** thus t-»tal»h>he(l Ix'tween the 

Ixit in th< ir habiU tb«>y arr. evrn 

•• n. .|fi47M4i Amtufua, lr> >ni th«« tir»t, •rurrrlv \n be dtnUD* 

i:i;-h»^l fr. Ill xhf YntMi <ir Tur»- 

*/»•. i;.i r. Tbr ontfinal nmn ii n!. • Ht Sapor'* titD«» tb«»r 

mtmr\»^T • { xhf M«j»A«:*'tjr bA<l i>r ^ftblT intrnmied Urgvljr 

r '• 

f - 

.• '^rt^pc ti ubtful 

Tbo toBj 



great belligerents* — a truce which lasted for seven or 
eight years. The unfortunate Mesopotamians, harassed 
by constant war for above twenty years, had now a 
breathing-space during which to recover from the ruin 
and desolation that had overwhelmed them. Kome 
and Persia for a time suspended their conflict. Eivalry, 
indeed, did not cease ; but it was transferred from the 
battle-field to the cabinet, and the Koman emperor 
sought and found in diplomatic triumphs a compensa- 
tion for the ill-success which had attended his efibrts 
in the field. 

* Julian. Orat, L p. 51 ; Orat, ii. i rovrov, cat ovre opKwv ovrt ovvBtiKiHv 
p. 123. (a/ct ir/uof ^fia^* tipiivriv U \ idktiatv' dyavf di oiKOi fiiviai'f c.r.X.) 






bf Armtm ^ikt iXmiim ^m Jhmmm 

Hit K^rwmf I^iFmmmi^ dtemmMmmns ttndtr 
a« War. //m IVvptf^JMiM. iJU^r. 

If taenti to hnvc been tooQ after tlie close of Sapor i 
im war with Caattantiui Umt evunU took [iliM^ in 
Annenk which oom luurv re|ilAeed that oountiy undtT 
R'nnnn infltUTin*. Apwh^, the f^on of Timrui^ lind 

Uvii, a- wf liavi* M'iMi,^ ei?lal)lisl]t'<l as monarch, by 
>.i[»«»r. in ihr yiar A.l>. 341, uikUt the notion that, in 
r« turn l'«»r thr fa\«)iir >h<)wn him, he would ailminister 
AniH liui in ihr rti>ian inlort*?*!. But ^Tatitude is an 
uii-at.- iia*-:- lor the frii*iid>hii>f* of moniux'hs. Arsjices, 
hi:» T :i iinir, lH-;/aii l<» chafe aj^ain^t the obligations under 
ul.i ii >a|Hir had laid him, and to wish, l)y taking inde- 
!*• !id« III a4iu»n, to >how hiniM'lf a real king, and not a 
Ii*. n- Itiidat4»ry. He wjis alx), jKrhajjs, tiretl of aiding 
>i;»«»r i« \i\^ Homan war, an<l may have* found tlial he 
•» ;*:I« rt-'l iiiurr than he gaine<l by having Uonie for an 
i!i« in\ At aiiv nite, in the inter\al 'In^tween A.D. 351 

Tl« ^Iiaacv of A 


Au<i bv Mi«ctt of Cburvo^. Tb« 



[Ch. IX. 

and 359, probably while Sapor was engaged in the far 
East,^ Arsaces sent envoys to Constantinople with a re- 
quest to Constantius that he would give him in marriage 
a member of the Imperial house.^ Constantius was 
charmed with the application made to him, and at once 
accepted the proposal. He selected for the proffered 
honour a certain Olympias, the daughter of Ablabius, a 
Praetorian prefect, and lately the betrothed bride of his 
own brother, Constans; and sent her to Armenia,* where 
Arsaces welcomed her, and made her (as it would seem) 
his chief wife, provoking thereby the jealousy and 
aversion of his previous sultana, a native Armenian, 
named Pharandzem.* The engagement thus entered 
into led on, naturally, to the conclusion of a formal 
alliance between Eome and Armenia — an alliance which 
Sapor made fruitless efforts to disturb,^ and which con- 
tinued imimpaired down to the time (a.d. 359) when 
hostilities once more broke out between Eome and 

Of Sapor's Eastern wars we have no detailed account. 
They seem to have occupied him from a.d. 350 to a.d. 

former places it in the reign of 
Valens, a.d. 864-379 (BibiioMque, 
jv. 6), the latter in that of Valen- 
tinian L, a.d. 364-376 (Hist Armen, 
iii. 21). But it is clear from Am- 
mianus (xx. 11), whose authority 
exceeds that of all the Armenian 
historians united, that the alliance 
was made with Constantius. It 
could not have been earlier than 
A.D. 351, since Constans did not 
die till A.D. 860 ; and it could not 
have been later than a.d. 359, since 
it is spoken of as existing in that 
year (Amm. Marc. xvii. 14). 

^ That is between a.d. 360 and 

" Faustus, iv. 15. 

' Amm. Marc. xx. 11 ; Athanaa. 
Ep. ad Solitar. p. 866; Mos. Chor. 
iii. 21. 

* Pharandzem was the daughter 
of a certain Antor, prince of Siunia, 
and was lirst married to Gnel or 
Knel, a nephew of Arsaces, whom 
he put to death. Her jealousy 
impelled her to contrive the mur- 
der of Olympias, who is said to have 
been killed by poison introduced 
into the sacred elements at the 
Eucharist. (See Faustus, Iac. ; 
Mos. Chor. iii. 23, 24.) 

* Amm. Marc. xx. 11 : 'Audie- 
bat scepius eum tentatum arege Per- 
sarum fallaciis, et minis, et doli^.' 
Compare Faustus, iv. 16, 20. 


E,yrrEi5' WAra or furon n. 


SB7« ftni] to have beetit on the whole, succesRfitl. They 
B urem CfTtiiitilf lenDinatetl by a pence iu tlie b^t-oiunod 
ji»r* — n peace nf which it nitL^t have been acimdilioii 
Uuit bij hite eaeuiies nhould leuil him mA in ilie iLrug^ 
^ which he ww aboul to renew with £ome. Who 
tlM0 eamsoBB eucily were, aud what exact n^giott 

• tbejr inhabited, in dmiUfiil. They outnpridDd certiiiidy 
the Chiunites and Geluni, probably tha Eu&eni and the 
TcrtK.* The Oiiuniteti are iliuttghc to have been Hitrng- 
B m or Hutiti ; ' and tlie Euffeni are probably the U-mun, 
libfi«at early m b.c, 20U, nrc foumi among the nomadic 
Iwrtlei pn-ssing towanh* the Oxtw.* The Vertas aro 
wholly unknown. The Gchtni fihcnild, by thdr namoi 
be the inhabitanbi of Ohiknt 4ir the coast Um&t mtith- 
wwHL of the CL«f|>ian ; btit thin loaility K*eiTUi too remote 
bom the proliable veatn of the Ctiionitcs and Eiiacdi to 
be the one intended. The general »ceuo of the wars 
WBi imflnubtodly eait of the Owptan, either in the 
Chm raglott, w "ttll further easiwij< on the confiucft 
of lodiii and Stythia.* The rt^i^ult of tlio wtir*. tlmij'prh 
u »! a <onfjiii-»t, wan an rxlun^ioij of rer>i;m intluvnce 
ami jH»\v« r. Tp»ij1iI«"M)Iiu* fiimiii*?* wiTc converted into 
fn« ri'l«» an«l allit-?*. Tin- h*>^ of a predominating' intlueuce 
**\*r Arinrnia wa«* ilni** ron»|M'nsile<l, or more than 
< oTuj,, ii-,il«^l, within a iVw year>, by a gain of a simihir 
kind m another quarter. 

' Kmrr.. Nftrr. i^n .1, ' 1 • Ilt-x th.* KtiM'ni and (tfUni '»nr«» earh 
l*'r** ;n c^- ?irjr.i:« »,tri» a«ll*i»r <\\i. 1', and \%ii. •'» i. It in n«»l 

^' ! iin rx'.'i.mTutii. jmujun niiu <li*!inrtly ptk\*\ that th«* KuM*ni or 
i -.> '^..rit •-! <»• !«n •, •!:>!) I urn a« • r- 
n-r. • *•-! ••.■f;hi», yitTti'Tr' i<t«» 

\rr!if hml fouifht airaitiftt S«j>.ir. 


• n.i!. p :ft a. Comiar** th« 

f*;-^!*^^^ Ariia. Mart it:. t« . A'ith' r* ^i i f-N .l/*fi«rf Ay, p. I |.*>. 

.1 '^ lit 1. J. Xc 

>o ( /ArWtM# !!»</ /a//, 

tVi \»f!«- twK^ Jill. J and .'u , Yol. u. p, i**^, ool© ^j. 



[Oh. el 

Whil^ Sapor was thus engaged in the far East, he 
received letters from the officer whom he had left in 
charge of his western frontier/ informing him that the 
Eomans were anxious to exchange the precarious truce 
which Mesopotamia had been allowed to enjoy during 
the last five or six yea^p for a more settled and formal 
peace. Two great Koman officials, Cassianus, duke of 
Mesopotamia, and Musonianus, PraBtorian prefect, under- 
standing that Sapor was entangled in a bloody and 
difficult war at the eastern extremity of his empire, and 
knowing that Constantius was fully occupied with the 
troubles caused by the inroads of the barbarians into 
the more western of the Eoman provinces, had thought 
that the time was favourable for terminating the provi- 
sional state of afiairs in the Mesopotamian region by an 
actual treaty.^ They had accordingly opened negotia- 
tions with Tamsapor, satrap of Adiabene, and suggested 
to him that he should sound his master on the subject 
of making peace with Rome. Tamsapor appears to have 
misunderstood the character of these overtures, or to 
have' misrepresented them to Sapor ; in his despatch he 
made Constantius himself the mover in the matter, and 
spoke of him as humbly supplicating the great king to 
grant him conditions.^ It happened that the message 
reached Sapor just as he had come to terms with his 
eastern enemies, and had succeeded in inducing them 
to become his allies. He was naturally elated at his 
success, and regarded the Eoman overture as a simple 
acknowledgment of weakness. Accordingly he answered 
in the most haughty style. His letter, which was con- 
veyed to the Roman emperor at Sirmium by an am- 

* Amm. Marc. xviL 6. 

' Ibid. xvi. 8. 

' Ibid. : * Tamsapor . . 

, refert ad 

regem, quod aceirimis bellis Con- 
stantius implicatus pacem postulat 
precatiyam.* Compare xvii. 5. 




* Sftpoft king of kingi, brother of the sua and idooq, 
mil coat(Miiiaii of ibe Man, msidB salutatiou la hi.^ bm* 
llier, Ocmiliiiliiii Cmmr. It glfldft me to see Uiat thou 
«it It IttAl returned to the right way, and art ready to 
do whal is just and fiur, hawig learned bj experienct 
Ifcal inonliDale gn^ u ofttimes puiiyied by dofeaiand 
dttiiter. Am tiien tJie voice of truili uught to speak 
wish aQ o|mmefii« and the mon^ illuntriutLi of mankind 
ihoiild ioaka their words mirror their thiinghta, I will 
tvii^T derlan* lo thee what 1 pixipdiet not rurgolUrig 
thai 1 have often mud the same tliiogB before. Your 
own authon arts witnt» that the entire tract within the 
river Slryman and the bordeiv of Mao^on was once 
lieM fagr my anoevtotv ; tf I nnjuired you to leilore all 
tyi, il woold aol iO become nie (excuK^ the bomtX in* 
aaniiicii as I excel in virtue and in tlie vplimdour of my 
achievesnents tiic whole Uiie of our ancient nionardia. 
But If* nxMleratiun deli|rhLs me, and has always been the 
rul«' of my roiuhiei — wherefore from my youth up I 
h:iv«' \\Ai\ no <Mva-ion to re|)i»iit of any aetioii — I will 
\k' rontent I*) riteive Me>4»|M>iamia and Annenia, which 
u;i«» tV.iu<lulriitly extorted from my firaiulfatlier. We 
r«p*ianN hav«* never aduiilted the prinei|)le, which you 
pr«"Iaim with !*ueh eflVonlerv, that >ucxv*vs in war i.** 
.ilHay** jjlorioUN whether il Ik» the fruit of couraj/e or 
tr.' k»n*. In ronrlu>ion, if you will take the advice of 
i n» wlio ^|N*ak«« for your L'«HMl,f«ierifirc a nmall tract of 
\*mu,r\\ one alway.n in di>pute and causing continual 
M.^-i^ii.-l, in ord«r that you may rule the remainder 
^n un iy riiy-irian-H, rememlnr, often cut and Inirn, 



[Ch. li. 

and even amputate portions of the body, that the pa- 
tient may have the healthy use of what is left to him ; 
and there are animals which, understanding why the 
hunters chase them, deprive themselves of the thing 
coveted, to hve thenceforth without fear. I warn you, 
that, if my ambassador returns in vain, I will take the 
field against you, so soon as the winter is past, with all 
my forces, confiding in my good fortune and in the 
fairness of the conditions which I have now offered.* 

It must have been a severe blow to Imperial pride 
to receive such a letter; and the sense of insult can 
scarcely have been much mitigated by the fact that the 
missive was enveloped in a silken covering,^ or by the 
circumstance that the bearer, Narses, endeavoured by 
his conciliating manners to atone for his master's rude- 
ness.^ Constantius replied, however, in a dignified and 
calm tone.^ * The Koman emperor,' he said, ' victorious 
by land and sea, saluted his brother. King Sapor. His 
lieutenant in Mesopotamia had meant well in opening a 
negotiation with a Persian governor ; but he had acted 
without orders, and could not bind his master. Never- 
theless, he (Constantius) would not disclaim what had 
been done, since he did not object to a peace, provided 
it were fair and honourable. But to ask the master of 
the whole Eoman world to surrender territories which 
he had successfully defended when he ruled only over 
the provinces of the East was plainly indecent and 
absurd. He must add that the employment of threats 
was fiitile, and too common an artifice ; more especially 
as the Persians themselves must know that Eome always 

^ Themistius, Orat iv. in laudem 
Cimstantiu p. o7, B. 

« Pet. Patric. 1.8.C 
' Amm. Marc. L8.C. 

I have 

somewhat abbreviated the reply of 
Constantius, but have endeavoured 
to preserve all the points which 
are of any im{K)rtaoce. 


ERrii¥ or co3rtrAXTtc?it. 


ikfvudod hefBtilf wheu attacked^ and Uiat, if occiHtoti- 
atlj bIi«! wm mnf\niiAied in a balUe, yet nbL* nuver IHili'd 
to bave tlie ad vantage in Uie ovent of eveiy wnr/ 
Tbrne eni^op were uritni«fvd mth iht* di;*livery of llib 
Hfply* — ^Fnjiifier, a count of the einpirif ; Spi?i:i4itnst a 
tfiburit' and notary; and Eustalhius, at) nnitor und [ilii- 
lo»0{il]er, a pupil of the cekbrntal XeoPUtoiiUt, Jam^ 
blicbu&»' and a friend of St, Basil/ Conatantiiu vrai 
moA unx¥)U3 for jicuoe, aa a danftenMU war threiilencd 
with the Aleuuium, one of the ino§t powerfid trilie« uf 
GCTOiany** He teemt to have Jioped that, if the un- 
adonii3d kugtjtige ui the two statesuiiiii fuilt!d to move 
Sapor, be might Ix^ won ovi^ by the pemuajitve elo- 
qiiraee of the profesiior cif rhetoiic. 

Bat Sapor wiw Ijcnt on war. He barl eottcluded ar- 
tmngemeDts with tlie natives m kmg hb udvetmiies in 
ibe Eaat, by whk*h they had pleilgtHi themseKe^lo join 
bb ttandard with all their fort^en in the eniiuing (tjiring.* 
H« wai wt41 awari' o( the [MMitir^n of Cotuitanijits in the 
W«-»t, of the intt-rnal corruption of h\< rourt, and of 
lilt- jM-nU (oii^tantly thn'altMiiiiir him from external 
rn«riii«-^. A Roman otli«-ial of im|>orlancr, bearing the 
oti« »• iionountl namr t»t' Antoninu**, had riM-ently taken 
Ti'Ui'ji' With him fn»m the ehiiin> of pretended eriHlit4>r>, 
ai.d hid U-en HTrivrd into high favour on aec^ount of 
th'- ni!*««nn;itiMn wliirh he wa*» ahle to et»mmunieate 
w;ih r*-'!**'* t lo i)ie <h-|H»^iiion of the lioinan forei»?< and 
•!;♦ «'»r!«hti«»n ol" ihf ir magazim-**/' Thin inthvidual, en- 
r.'/:.I»-«l l«v thr r'»yal authonty,and given a phi<*t» at the 
r ' t,il»i»\ 'Miu*-'! gn-al intlut-nrr ovrr hi** new maMer, 

\ - »;. r»' J^i-'.U. 4 J- J', \ 1^^Uh4 itmi /'.i//. >.il. U. |»|i, 41-- 

Y^ ' ' '•• Amii) Mtrr. x\ii o. and xviii. 4. 

• -^-^ lA« k;fti>4^ -f tbr WAT in * lluj. i\Ui. o. 



[Ch. IX. 

whom he stimulated by alternately reproaching him with 
his backwardness in the past, and putting before him the 
prospect of easy triumphs over Rome in the future. He 
pointed out that the emperor, with the bulk of his troops 
and treasures, was detained in the regions adjoining the 
Danube, and that the East was left almost undefended ; 
he magnified the services which he was himself com- 
petent to render ; ^ he exhorted Sapor to bestir himself, 
and to put confidence in his good fortune. He recom- 
mended that the old plan of sitting down before walled 
towns should be given up, and that the Persian monarch, 
leaving the strongholds of Mesopotamia in his rear, 
should press forward to the Euphrates,*^ pour his troops 
across it, and overrun the rich province of Syria, which 
he would find unguarded, and which had not been in- 
vaded by an enemy for nearly a century. The views of 
Antoninus were adopted ; .but, in practice, they were 
overruled by the exigencies of the situation. A Koman 
army occupied Mesopotamia, and advanced to the banks 
of the Tigris. When the Persians in full force crossed 
the river, accompanied by Chionite and Albanian allies,' 
they found a considerable body of troops prepared to 
resist them. Their opponents did not, indeed, offer 
battle, but they laid waste the country as the Persians 
took possession of it ; they destroyed the forage, evacu- 
ated the indefensible towns * (which fell, of course, into 
the enemy's hands), and fortified the line of the Eu- 
phrates with castles, military engines, and palisades.^ 
Still the programme of Antoninus would probably have 
been carried out, had not the swell of the Euphrates 

* * Ipse quoque in multis ac ne- 
cessariis operam suam fidenter pro- 
mittens.' (Amm. Marc, xviii. 5^ 

* Ibid. xviiL 6. 

' Ibid. Ammianus himself wit- 
nessed the passage of the river. 

* Carrhae alone is expressly men- 

* Amm. Marc, xviii. 7. 

Qv. DL] UBMAt ISVABloa OP aAPOR. lift 

ociH^defl the ftvemgf, nml riQuckred it impo«mblc5 for 
the Femiim troops to ford the river at the uiiiial point 
of paflaage mio SjfriiL Oa disocmariiig this obsUelai 
AnkkninLia iug}re§tcd tluii, by a marrJi to the ncirthH'niit 
tlmogh a fertile ODtrntlji the Up[ier Eupbmti^ might 
be reached, and easily atwed, befoit* its watem had 
aUaiDed any consideinble voluma Sapor agrifetl to 
ttdupi thia fuggesUoiL Hi5 marchetl from Zeogma 
acrcM the Metis Ma^itd towimls the Upper Eupfaratea, 
dafaattd ^ Bamaiis id an important batUe near Amida,^ 
took, by a loidden a»ault, two cafden whbh defended 
tlia lowii,' tuicl then aoitieirhat luu^dly mnl^ed that he 
wonfi) attack the plaee, wfalel} he did not iDiagine ca- 
pable of tnoJcing much nwtiuice, 

Ainida, now Diarbekr, was litoated on tho riglit 
bank of the U|i{ier Tigrifl, in a fertile plain, tuul WM 
mabed wlou^ iJie whole of ita eastern ^de by a iend* 
dfcnkr bend of the river.' It had been a ptai^ of 
coiMdoatile itn[iortanoe from a very ancient dalef^ and 
had HH-rntly Ihhti much stn»nj/thfiK»<l by Gmstantiu.s 
uho \\in\ inadi* it an aPH^niil for militury engines, and 
ha«l n'[)airc(l it'^ lowers and wall.**.'* The lowii contained 
within it a copious fountain of water, which was liable, 
howtviT, to ari|uirr a <iiH;igriH-al»lc (kIuuf in the suin- 
ni«T-linir. Svrn Unions, of the in^KliTatc stn*ngth to 
which K'trion'* had l)ecn rtHhicctl by Const^mlinc,*^ de- 
fi-nd^-^l it ; and the j/arrison inchiih'd also a body of 

* \mm. ^Imrr. win. **. • It i^ ..ftm mrntioncd in th^ 

* \^.\ ni;i. l'». .\««%n«n in*<-nj)lMn«. i .imrtmi 

* • V U'rr^ •ii«?rmJi. (rrniniUto V"nanMtr9. %>*l. li. pp. 'M*t, .'171, 
Tv^!»« D**"*!'! ••jblmtur nhnl. cVr > It* prrf*H-t Appear* Ml rptin Tin 
iti*i '.* Tfi** t»Un irM'-n ^r the in the \**)nAn ('anon frrqumUr. 

• .I'f Nj. K-j». r ir» Ki« I'^ya'/r en Afiuii. Maff. l.^.r. 

.I'^'-w " !> m n j! tl^sn i .h 'W* * Ih* I'tTi ^n of < '.mstantini* ci>n* 
tt- • ^^->1 i-nr rirari). I b- m -iem tain#>! I.^iHI tn I,.Vm mm. 
t wn. tk vtirr. M n»l wa#b«d bf S*-<rfi |«-|f) -n* w»uM tbervfcirp givr 
l^ nirf. 'a iorvr ul (n»m f«,UUU to \*,iMJO, 



[Ch. is. 

horse-archers, composed chiefly or entirely of noble 
foreigners.^ Sapor hoped in the first instance to terrify 
it into submission by his mere appearance, and boldly 
rode up to the gates with a small body of his followers, 
expecting that they would be opened to him. But the 
defenders were more courageous than he had imagined. 
They received him with a shower of darts and arrows, 
that were directed specially against his person, which 
was conspicuous from its ornaments ; and they aimed 
their weapons so well that one of them passed through 
a portion of his dress and was nearly wounding him.^ 
Persuaded by his followers. Sapor upon this withdrew, 
and committed the further prosecution of the attack to 
Grumbates, the king of the Cbionites, who assaulted 
the walls on the next day with a body of picked troops, 
but was repulsed with great loss, his only son, a youth 
of great promise, being killed at his side by a dart from 
a haluta} The death of this prince spread dismay 
through the camp, and was followed by a general 
mourning; but it now became a point of honour to take 
the town which had so injured one of the great king's 
royal allies ; and Grumbates was promisal that Amida 
should become the funeral pile of his lost darling.* 

The town was now regularly invested. Each nation 
was assigned its place. The Chionites, burning with the 
desire to avenge their late defeat, were on the east ; 
the Vertae on the south ; the Albanians, warriors from 
the Caspian region, on the north ; the Segestans,^ who 

* Amm. Marc. xviiL 9, sub Jin, 
^ * Parte indumenti tra^ulsa ictu 
discissa' (ib. xix. 1). I do not 
know why Gibbon speaks of the 
dart as ' prlancing against the royal 
tiara' (Dedine and FaU^ voL ii. p. 
' Amm. Marc. xix. 1. 

* Ibid. xix. 2 : ' Agitata summa 
consiliorum placuerat, bwjfto urbis 
subversaef^xpiare perempti juvenis 

^ Inhabitants of Sei^tan^ pro- 
bably of Scythic origin. (See 
above, p. 108.) 

Ob. IX.] 

iittfi or AHii>A. 




wcrv reelcoDcd ihe bmvcst duldiers of ^U^ and who 
brought into the field a large l>odjr of elephnnis, hc4il 
iht w«iL A continuoufl line o( FemaJli^ fi^e mnks 
deep, rarrouiKlcd ibe eaUrn dij^ and aupi)orti^l die 
atmlijuy detodiiiieata. l!be ootire bedqgitig {inny \tm 
eituuted at n hundred thQUwiid Dicn ; ' the liedcgad, 
indiiding the uitaniR^d multitude, were uuder 30,0W.* 
After tilt* ptiuse of an etitirt! day, the fint general 
■tuirk wiis made. Gruriilmtcs gave the signal for the 
iMiitlt Ijjr hurling a bloody spear into the space before 
tJbe wallst after the faflhi€)u of a Botnan fftialin.^ A clouii 
of dartJi and arroWB from e%'efy tfide followed the %hl 
of this menpoQ, and did aeraro damage to the bcmged* 
who wen al ibe fame time galletl with dbehaigei 
froei Bonitti mHitanr engine^ taken by the Peniana 
b tome aaptnrc of Singara* ind now emplnjed agiinit 
their ft>nner ownen> Still a Tigoroua resistance cxm* 
tinned to be made, and the beofgen, in thetr exposed 
poilioiif . PuflVred even more tlitin the garrisnn i m that 
aftiT tw.> <la\> the attempt to rarry the city by general 
:»*A:iiiIt \v;i«* alMUidoiHMl, and the slow pnxvss of a regu- 
lar *i« u'«- w:i- adoptc**!. Tn*i»(hes were <>jH*neil at the 
;>ual 'ii^tarue fn»in the walls, along wliirh the tn>ops 
a'i\:iijr«.i under the <over of Inmlles tovvanK the ditch, 
whirh tiny pn^^eeiUnl to till up in place**. Mounds 
Hrn- llit ri lhn»wii up ag:iin»»t the walN : and inovtahlf 
lowt-r^ wiTi' con«»tnieii*<l and brought into play, guarded 

' \rr.T MxT^. x'lx «•. tarn i'lf.ftim ►A^i^ruini- nu\ p»itn» 

• Itivl 1. 1 'J, #•*'. fill Til** PI »»'riqu»» wi<*''f « t»fiJ»-« rr«t fitm/tf' 

l*»fi» m^ •>. ir. J. 17'.. n-tr *!; • l\n<\. 1 • r. It !• n-t rl«»mr 

v.o ':.^T *■ ; .»*T« Ar,«i !!'.• urn^'^Ti)***! whrn thi» rmitii.f txk pl»».»-: hut 

r. ..•.•..*• «»r r^-'k m».1 at •.•<».'■■». i! rmn ■rarclt i»i%x.- \h*u m tlii« 



[Ch. TK. 

externally with iron, and each moiintrng a balista} It 
was unpossible long to withstand these various weapons 
of attack. The hopes of the besieged lay, primarily, in 
their receiving reUef from without by the advance of 
an army capable of engaging their assailants and ha- 
rassing them or driving them off ; secondarily, in suc- 
cessful sallies, by means of which they might destroy 
the enemy's works and induce him to retire from 
before the place. 

There existed, in the neighbourhood of Amida, the 
elements of a reheving army, under the command of 
the new prefect of the East, Sabinianus. Had this officer 
possessed an energetic and enterprising character, he 
might, without much difficulty, have collected a force 
of light and active soldiers, which might have himg 
upon the rear of the Persians, intercepted their convoys, 
cut off their stragglers, and have even made an occa- 
sional dash upon their lines. Such was the course of 
conduct recommended by Ursicinus, the second in 
command, whom Sabinianus had recently superseded ; 
but the latter was jealous of his subordinate, and had 
orders from the Byzantine court to keep him unem- 
ployed.^ He was himself old and rich, alike disinclined 
to and unfit for military enterprise ;* he therefore abso- 
lutely rejected the advice of Ursicinus, and determined 
on making no effort. He had positive orders, he said, 
from the court to keep on the defensive, and not en- 
danger his troops by engaging them in hazardous ad- 
ventures. Amida must protect itself, or at any rate not 
look to him for succour. Ursicinus chafed terribly, it 
is said, against this decision,* but was forced to submit 

* Amm. Marc. xix. 5, ad init, 
2 Ibid. xix. 3. 
5 Ibid, xviii. 6. 

* * Visebatur ut leo maimitudine 
corporis et torvitate tembilis. in- 
clusos inter retia catulos penculo 

Ca^UL] LVAcnox OF MiiKuxirs. 17!J 

to it, Hb mesietigerf conreyeti iht* dif^piriting intelU'^ 
gence to tlie devoid city, wbicb leanH^l thereby thai it 
mtM rtJy wholly upon its tiwa escerlioiiftt 

Noibiog now remained but to oi^pmao sallies on a 
large Miale and atlack the hmeg^n* ii-orksL Such ui* 
taapla werti innde from time to time with mrm fuoceea ; 
and cm otie oceaaicm two Gaulish legimts, banished U^ 
tlK Eift for their adh^cnce to ibtcanso of 3lagnenttii5^ 
paatrated, by nighty into the bMrt of the be^iegiug 
camp, and hniiight the {leiKva of the monarcfa initi 
Thb pifril was however, escaped ; the legion 
repuli^l with tbe Ions of a sijctb of their nma* 
; ' and notliing wtti giuoed by tbe andadota laitar-^ 
priie beyood a truce of three days^ during which eacb 
^de nKKiroed iu dead^ and sotight to repair ita tosica. 

Tbe &fe uf the doomcHl city <irow on. Pc^stilenise wai 
added to tht* oiiamifiea w hicb tlie beiicged bud to en- 
dure.' Deeertion and treaizheiy were arrayed against: 
tbem* One of itie natives uf Amida, going over to thn 
Prr- ;i!i-. inf«»n!M-(l xhrin thai nn tlic southern >i(lo of thi* 
< .:v :i lifjltM ti-il -taina^r lr<l up tVoiii thi* maiyin nf 
:.'.• 1 i^'ii^ thr«»iiL'h uinl< r;.M«»uinl rtn-ridois in ^nf of llu- 
i»r.!i' .:».ii iM*ti«»ii*; ami uii<Kr lii^ ;/iii(hini't* M'Vi*n!v 
.»: : . - ••!* '!i«' rt-r^iaii 'j\lal«l, l»irk('<l inrii, a>o*inltil llir 
at (l«a«l ••riii^'hl, •Mrii|)itHl iUv t«»wrr, airl 
I v.v^iMiii'j !»r<»k«' «li-i»lay«Ml fn»m it a x-arlrt llaL', an 
:i t'» XLrii ri.iiiinviiuu a portion (»t* thr wall 
•.ik« ii 1 !:•■ Tt r*ian*» \v«rr u]M»ii tlir i!t it, an«l an 
:.! i-.i.i'.t wa^ inaiif. Uiil tin- L'aiii-^ou, l»y rXtra- 
..irv • :!ort*, *a\' » 'i««l .11 i»' a;.luriii;: \\\r towc-r 

• •■ I. •. . 1.'.. .:.•..(.-• ;■! \.,^\.\\ nU , ,* J 'A>K (lljil. 

« . : • . » '. I. L .» \:;aiJ ix •• ' 

Vi .• II -J /»^ • 1' i I. \.\. 1. 

% 1 

.1. -. : • ;-*a''»* 



before any support reached its occupants ; and then, 
directing their artillery and missiles against the assailing 
columns, inflicted on them tremendous losses, and soon 
compelled them to return hastily to the shelter of their 
camp. The Vertaj, who maintained the siege on the 
south side of the city, were the chief suflferers in this 
abortive attempt.^ 

Sapor had now spent seventy days before the place, 
and had made no perceptible impression. Autumn was 
already far advanced,' and the season for military ope- 
rations would soon be over. It was necessary, therefore, 
cither to take the city speedily or to give up the si^ 
and retire. Under these circumstances Sapor resolved 
on a last eflbrt. He had constructed towers of such a 
height that they overtopped the wall, and poured their 
discharges on the defenders from a superior elevation. 
He had brought his mounds in places to a level with 
the ramparts, and had compelled the garrison to raise 
countermounds within the walls for their protection. 
He now determined on pressing the assault day after 
day, until he either carried the town or found all his 
resources exhausted. His artillery, his foot, and his 
elephants were all employed in turn or together ; he 
allowed the garrison no rest.^ Not content with di- 
recting the operations, he liiraself took part in the 
supreme struggle, exposing his own person freely to 
the enemy's weapons, and losing many of his attend- 
ants.* After the contest had lasted three continuous 
days from morn to night, fortune at last favoured him. 
One of the inner mounds, raised by the besieged behind 
their wall, suddenly gave way, involving its defenders 

* Amm. Marc. xix. 5, ad Jin, I data/ Clbid. xix. 7.) 

* Ibid. xix. 9, ad init. \ ^ Ibid, sub Jin, 

* * Nulla quies certaminibus 

Cb-OL] fall of AMIBA. 181 

in ite fall, and at the same time filling up the entire 
space between the wall and the mound rsdsed outside 
by the Persians. A way into the town was thus laid 
open/ and the besiegers instantly occupied it. It was 
in vain that the flower of the garrison threw itself 
across the path of the entering columns— nothing could 
withstand the ardoiur of the Persian troops. In a little 
time all resistance was at an end ; those who could 
quitted the dty and fled — the remainder, whatever 
their sex, age, or calling, whether armed or unarmed, 
were slaughtered like sheep by the conquerors.^ 

Thus fell Amida after a si^e of seventy-three days.* 
Sapor, who on other occasions showed himself not defi* 
dent in demency,^ was exasperated by the prolonged 
resistance and the losses which he had sustained in the 
course of it. Thirty thousand of his best soldiers had 
fisdlen ; ^ the son of his chief ally had peished ; ® he 
himself had been brought into imminent danger. Suck 
audadty on the part of a petty town seemed no doubt 
to him to deserve a severe retribution. The place was 
therefore given over to the infuriated soldiery, who 
were allowed to slay and plunder at their pleasure. Of 
the captives taken, all belonging to the five provinces 
across the Tigris, claimed as his own by Sapor, though 

> Gibbon says ' a large breach ' dabantur.' (A mm. Marc 1.8.c) 
waa made by the batteriDg-ram ' | ' ibid. xix. 0, sub fin, 
(Decime and FaU, toI. ii. p. 409J ; i ^ As when, on the capture of 
but he haa apparently confuted the one of the fortified posts outside 
capture of Singara, related by Am- Amida, he sent the wife of Crau- 
mianns(xx.6), with that of Amida, ' gasius unharmed to her husband, 
which is eipressly ascribed to the and at the same time ordered a 
spontaneous crumbling of a mound number of Christian virgins, found 
io bk. lix. ch. TiiL {* diu laborata among the captives, to be protected 
moles iUa nostrorum, velut terras from insult and allowed the free 
quodam tremore quassatA, procu- • exercise of their religion. (Ihid. 
buit*). xlx. 10, tub JSn,) 

* * PBCorum ritu armati et im- ' * Ibid. xix. 0. 
belles line sexus discrimine tmci- * See above, p. 176. 



[Ch. IX. 

Ceded to Eome by his grandfather, were massacred in 
cold blood. The Count ^Elian, and the commanders of 
the legions who had conducted the gallant defence, 
were barbarously crucified. Many other Romans of 
high rank w«re subjected to the indignity of being 
manacled, and were dragged into Persia as slaves 
rather than as prisoners.^ 

The campaign of a.d. 359 terminated with this dearly 
bought victory. The seaston was too far advanced for 
any fresh enterprise of importance; and Sapor was 
probably glad to give his army a rest after the toils 
and perils of the last three months. Accordingly he 
retired across the Tigris, without leaving (so far as 
appears) any garrisons in Mesopotamia, and began pre- 
parations for the campaign of a.d. 360. Stores of all 
kinds were accumulated during the winter ; and, when 
the spring came, the indefatigable monarch once more 
invaded the enemy's country, pouring into Mesopotamia 
an army even more numerous and better appointed 
than that which he had led against Amida in the pre- 
ceding year.^ His first object now was to capture Sin- 
gara, a town of some consequence, which was, however, 
defended by only two Eoman legions and a certain 
number of native soldiers. After a vain attempt to 
persuade the garrison to a surrender, the attack was 
made in the usual way, chiefly by scahng parties with 
ladders, and by battering parties which shook the walls 
with the ram. The defenders kept the scalers at bay 
by a constant discharge of stones and darts from their 

^ Amm. Marc. xix. 9, stib init, 
' Gibbon conjectures that Sapor's 
allies now deserted him (l.s.c), 
and says * the spirit as well as the 
strength of the army with which 
he took the field was no longer 

e(jual to the unbounded views of 
his ambition ; ' but Ammianus tells 
us that he crossed the Tigris in 
A.D. 360 *armis mttJiiplicatis et 
viribus * (xx. 6, ad init.). 

Cfc DEJ CArrtniE op srccs.uli I8f 

artiileryt arraws from their boin, and laukn bullets * 
from thc^ir slings, Tbt-y met the a»atiltA of iha mm by 
ittampu to fire the wooden coreriug which proleetoi 
il aod thoee who worket! it* For ^me dajs these 
fiflbrtfl sufficed ; but after a while the besiegers found a 
weak point in the defences of the place — a tower so 
recently built that the mortar in which the stonea were 
Isid was f till niniitt, aod which coiiaeqaeiitfy crumbled 
rapidly before the blows of a ffbcn^ and heary batter* 
jjag-iam^ and in a short time feU to the ground. The 
Pemans poured in through the gnp, and were at once 
SMteti oif the entire town* whkh omied to raisi after 
the oitastropbe. Thb easy victory allowed Sapor to 
exhibit the tietter side of his character ; he forbade this 
further iherhhng of blood« aod onlered that as many as 
poanble of the gani»oii aud citijceus should be talceii 
alive. Reviving a favourite poUcy of Oriental rukrs 
from very n'mote tlmea,' 1r* tmniijHirted theee ca{itive!i 
to the extreme eastern parts of his empire,* where they 
rni;jht !)<• of tlu; «jnnit«*>t s<Tvice to liiin in (lofeiuliufr hi'^ 
froiiti.-r :iL':iin'*t llu* S-yllii:ui^ and Indian**. 

h i^ not n-ally f<urj)ri>in^', ihonL'li the historian of 
thr war n^'Jird.H it as n«'cdin«/ explanation,* that no 
a*N ni]»l wa** made to relieve ^^in;iaia by the Honian*^. 
Tiif *u^re wa** **h()rt ; the place was (Considered Mronjj ; 
ih«- nean-^t jH»int held by a powerful Roman force was 
Ni-i!»>, whirh was at least sixty miles di>tant from Sin- 
^'ini The nei;ihlH»urh<MMl of .^jn^jani wa?', moreover. 

••».•..'- !'• ( >♦-« Amm. Marr. * * .\«1 r^^\ 'W* iVrmidi* ultima* 

II ♦ » •untii»|-«rt«ij.* < Amm. Marc. l^.c. ) 

• "v.-- Jnri^mf %ffnnrr\tf», \.A. li. I hf mri< tj« * fiirihr«t * from Me*.- 

;- •'. ir*, 1... '•--. ^'•l xn vy. j> tAiuiA w -uM U* th<j«<* o( th«« 

; » :•% ti'» « ii« . 'mrii'-n l'» th«» * ^**«- ih** rt-niiirk* of AromiAOu* 

Vm^ ' t:.«. \u- iUbi! •t)i«ri». iin«l at the ^ i <«<> y>t hk 11. rh. 0. 




[Ch. DC. 

ill supplied with water ; and a relieving army would 
probably bave soon found itself in difficulties. Singara, 
on the verge of the desert, was always perilously situa- 
ted. Eome valued it as an outpost from which her 
enemy might be watched, and which might advertise 
her of a sudden danger, but could not venture to under- 
take its defence in case of an attack in force, and was 
prepared to hear of its capture with equanimity. 

From Singara, Sapor directed his march almost due 
northwards, and, leaving Nisibis unassailed upon his 
left, proceeded to attack the strong fort known indif- 
ferently as Phoenica or Bezabde.^ This was a position 
on the east bank of the Tigris, near the point where 
that river quits the moimtains and debouches upon the 
plain ; ^ though not on the site,' it may be considered the 
representative of the modern Jezireh, which commands 
the passes from the low coimtry into the Kurdish moun- 
tains. Bezabde was the chief city of the province, 
called after it Zabdicene, one of the five ceded by Narses 
and greatly coveted by his grandson. It was much 
valued by Eome, was fortified in places with a double 
wall, and was guarded by three legions and a large 
body of Kurdish archers.* Sapor, having reconnoitred 
the place, and, with his usual hardihood, exposed him- 
self to danger in doing so, sent a flag of truce to demand 
a surrender, joining with the messengers some prisoners 
of high rank taken at Singara, lest tlie enemy should 
open fire upon his envoys. The device was successful ; 
but the garrison proved staunch, and determined on 

^ Amm. Marc. xx. 7. Compare 
ch. 11. 

^ See above, p. 130. 

' Some geographers identify Be- 
zabde with Jezireh (Diet, of Gk, 
and Roman Geography, sub voc. 

Bezabda) ; but the name Fynyk is 
almost certain evidence of the real 
site. Fjnyk is about ten miles 
from Jeiireh to the north-west. 
* Amm. Marc. xx. 7. 

fALt OP fiiUBM. 18S 

wiltting to the Ib^l Ooce more all Uie knowti tewnroe* 
of attack Aod defence were brought itiU> play; ud 
ftfter a Umg iitg^c, or which the most im}>ortai3i iucident 
nw AH ittc*mpt miicle by Uje bU^hop of the placo to iti- 
dtm Sipur Us witiidmw,^ the waU mm at last breached, 
tJbe ci^ takct^ ami its defend<^9 indkcritnioately um&- 
tticred^ BegardiDg the positioa as one of RrHi-rate im* 
portance, SapoTt who liatl ckitnqred Sngua, carefully 
repoinKl the defmo^ of Ikzabde, piofiaioiied it abun* 
daotjy, and garnioiied it with muw of his best troops. 
He wai well awam that the Bomaus would feel keeiJy 
the loH of fo iEti[K>itiiut a \>mu and ej^pected that it 
would not be lung before tliey miiile an effort to re* 
eorer po«e«ati of it. 
The winter wa» now approadting, but the Permit 
:h utill kept the field. The captura of B«Gabde 
Allowed by that of many other liw impQitttit 
ilfviiigbold^' wbldi offered little reaiJitanee. At hit, 
lowanla the doae of the year, an attack woji made 
upon a plan* <alli'(l Mrta, Kiid to have been a fortrei-'s 
•f ;jnat >ireiij:th, and by some inixlenuj* identified 
%v;tli Tekrit, an iinjH)rtaiit <ity uj)un the Tigris between 
M »*ul and Ha^dulad. Here the careiT of the (*onqueror 
^\a- ai l;L>t arre-^tiHl. IVrsiuusion and force pruveil alike 
i4!ia\ailin;/ Xo induce or compel a surrender ; and, after 

' < hn»*i»n»* U'^i* antiatr* rxirr ( Ihci. of (ik. nmd H, <»e«yrif^y, 

•^ t«44' .'r^tibu* (MiUnutiat r! nutu, ad kk*. HlltTtlA). It u ilitficult, 

k- \ajm.Aiiu» iif!rr»anl« rail* buwrwr, U> tuppoM Uiat * (t'^itioii 

L.a ' '}';«o pjiii.' Arxi Ml}* tUat ao low down the Ti^rU hf^ Trkrit 

i.« L;*#r r««; n br>u^ht cfi him an waa hrld bj the Hoinan«. I am 

.' .•• •i»p)(i'n '*( cuHu«4<« with ftltuiMit incliord to tUApett that th«* 

\L» rt>rc.i <!«r ) \ irtA «*f Atnmiaoui i« Itir uo the 

* * !r.t»fr«-pti« Aiii«rA«1«*l]u ^ih<^ Kuphrstet ( UL .i7* .j', lonjr. 
r>^.» \i.ixj Marr 1 1 7. m»/' /in. t .'-•«. 'it, and that, whrn h« »prak« 

* V. I» \dmJI* t,»'^0pJktf Am- ..f it iL» Mtunt^d in ihr rvniotr*! 
>«-«•#. Uvui II p JUl •, (fibU*n part of Me«(*pot«iiiiai, be meaat the 
/*«...«« «««/ /Wi, Y..{. li. p 4lo. part moal trmoic/rom JWtm, 

- •• •. a^^J Mr i: n. Jaii.r« 



[Ch. ix: 

wasting the small remainder of the year, and suffering 
considerable loss, the Persian monarch reluctantly gave 
up the siege, and returned to his own country.^ 

Meanwhile the movements of the Eoman emperor 
had been slow and uncertain. Distracted between a 
jealous fear of his cousin Juhan's proceedings in the 
West, and a desire of checking the advance of his rival 
Sapor in the East, he had left Constantinople in the 
early spring,^ but had journeyed leisurely through Cap- 
padocia and Armenia Minor to Samosata, whence, after 
crossing the Euphrates, he had proceeded to Edessa, 
and there fixed himself.^ While in Cappadocia, he had 
summoned to his presence Arsaces, the tributary king 
of Armenia, had reminded him of his engagements, and 
had endeavoured to quicken his gratitude by bestowing 
on him hberal presents.'* At Edessa he employed him- 
self during the whole of the summer in collecting troops 
and stores ; nor was it till the autumnal equinox was 
past^ that he took the field, and, after weeping over the 
smoking ruins of Amida, marched to Bezabde, and, 
when the defenders rejected his overtures of peace, 
formed the siege of the place. Sapor was, we must 
suppose, now engaged before Virta, and it is probable 
that he thought Bezabde strong enough to defend itself. 
At any rate, he made no effort to afford it any rehef ; 
and the Eoman emperor was allowed to employ all the 
resources at his disposal in reiterated assaults upon the 
walls. The defence, however, proved stronger than 
the attack. Time after time the bold salhes of the be- 

* Amm. Marc. xx. 7, ad Jin, 

« Ibid. XX. 8. 

' We find him at Caesarea Mn- 
zaca about the middle of the year 
(ib. XX. 9), then at Melitina (Mala' 
tiyeh), Lacotina, and Samosata 

(ib. XX. 11) ; finally at Edessa 

* loid. XX. 11, admit. 

* * Po8t eqiiinoctium egreditur 
autumnale.' (Ibid.) 


Aeged dejitmyed ihe Boman works. Ac kst the utiny 
jTiiffnn iet in, and the low grctind outride the towu 
became m glutiDoua oud adhcrive mardL^ It Ktm no 
loiiger {lOfs^ible to coiuinue the Megc : nnd the disap- 
poimed emjierxir n^lut tantly drew off hia trooptf re- 
eniied the Euplirate^, aud retired inco winter quarten 
ai Antioel). 

The mccemm of Sapor in ihe campnigna of A.». SAfl 
and 360^ hb caplturs of Amida^Singanu and Bembde, 
topltiar with the unfortunale bme of .the expoditioo 
made hf CoPitaptioi igiinst the kiit-mitncd ]ihicet had 
a tf^ndency to ibalce the fidelity of thi" Buman vaaaal- 
kiogt, Aiwoo' of Armenia^ and Meribanes of Iberia. 
CdMCaiitiiiirtlierefore. during the winler of iun, 360-1, 
wfajcli he paired at Anitocb, ieat mnmnnm to tlie 
aourta of these mouorch*, and endeavoured to iecare 
their ideliiy by loadit^ them with ^i&ily present!.* 
Wm poUe^ aeeniA to have been «o fur «uec<»fti} that no 
revolt of ihme kinfzdoEni took pbic-e ; th«^ did not m 
y* t <l«^trt ilif 1Jmiii:iii«< or iiiiikt* tluir submission to 
>i>.r. Tluir niMnarcli'* KH'in to luivr simply \vat(*hi*<l 
« \. 11%, pn-pand i<» <lrrlan' tlicmsclvfs distinctly on lht» 
w.nn.n.: >u\\- m) HM»n a** lortunr slioiiM incline iinmi-*- 
t.ik iMy to on«' ^r tin* other combatant. Meanwhile 
!!i»y niaintaiiuil the fiction of a nominal dej>emlence 

• .\««i lu.« jr!.>-r.J«u» It* inmin- Ainnii«nu« r«lU the kin^r c«^ntem- 
' r\i • ..w. u! lull i;-'»^»'» ••• |*«rtrT with th** Ul«T yr«r» of C«»n- 
.Air% |»^r ra« irji'tj*^* | i: v"i»- •t«ntiu», .\r»Ar»»« ( ii. 11; xii. *l>. 

Smm ^l«n" 11 1 1 t 111'. 
' \'^rliD*M >l — • f ch Kr*'. • Amm Mtn*. xii. <V 
I •»• .» ^K* •:;)'. k :.,• »! t: »• ! tiir * Fn'i«tij* tTi«kr« AnMU*<*« X^'X^A 

' ••.*• ivifc»i -; *-i Jj'.:.*!. ( //irf. mu\ t >«t»' r III • fi#» t»f hi* attju-k* 

.1' "i u; 1 '» . mn i \r*». .r« 1 \rl- .»n Ni«jU« <m J'i^J, and diM'Urrt 

• r.ftv 'i- 1 c t •uf^'-^l hitn tal ifTr-r thai hf c«mipl4*t«-lr drf«ftt«Hl a Ur/<* 

*:.' ^r**.ii • ( J'<«tAn(Ui. 17 But It'tman A?tuv in tb« taimeduito 



[Ch. IX. 

It might have been expected that the year a.d. 361 
would have been a turnmg-point in the war, and that, 
if Eome did not by a great effort asseit herself and re- 
cover her prestige, the advance of Persia would have 
been marked and rapid. But the actual course of 
events was far different. Hesitation and diffidence cha- 
racterise the movements of both parties to the contest, 
and the year is signalised by no important enterprise 
on the part of either monarch. Constantius reoccupied- 
Edessa,^ and had (we are told) ^ some thoughts of re- 
newing the siege of Bezabde ; actually, however, he 
did not advance further, but contented himself with 
sending a part of his army to watch Sapor, giving them 
strict orders not to risk an engagement.^ Sapor, on his 
side, began the year with demonstrations which were 
taken to mean that he was about to pass the Euphra- 
tes ; * but in reality he never even brought his troops 
across the Tigris, or once set foot in Mesopotamia. 
After wasting weeks or months in a futile display of 
his armed strength upon the eastern bank of the river, 
and violently alarming the officers sent by Constantius to 
observe his movements,^ he suddenly, towards autumn, 
withdrew his troops, having attempted nothing, and 
quietly returned to his capital I 

It is by no means difficult to understand the motives 
which actuated Constantius. He was, month after 
month, receiving intelligence from the West of steps 
taken by Julian which amounted to open rebellion, and 
challenged him to engage in civil war.^ So long as 
Sapor threatened invasion, he did not like to quit Me- 

Ticinity of the place. But the 
entire silence of Ainmianus renders 
his narrative incredible. 

^ Amm. Marc. zxi. 7, ad fm, 

» Ibid. xxi. 13. 

» Ibid. 

* Ibid. xxi. 7, ad init. 

* Ibid. xxi. 13. 

• See Gibbon (Decline and Fall, 
vol. iii. pp. 102-118). 

Cm OE.] i^eAcrro^r of uku Dt aj^. 3(iL ISO 

M^tAmk^ lest hi^ might appear to have sacrificed tlie 
iniaMts of bb ooanirj to hb own private qtuirreb; but 
be mast have been anxious to retum to ihe teat of em- 
pire (wm the fir^t momefit that inteUijrence reached 
hull of Julians n^isumplion of the imperiji) nmne and 
dlgnily ; and when Sapor*9 retreat wa^ annouueed he 
naturaUr made all baite to reneh hi^ capital, Mean- 
wliile the tlesirc of keeping hi^ army intact cnu;^ him 
to mfraiti from any inovetnetit whicli involved the 
•Gghbcit ri«k of bringing on a battk, andt in fact, 
reduced him to inaction. So mudi b readily intelligible* 
But what at thiit f itne iiitfabeld 8a{>or, when he had m 
giand an opp>rt unity of maldug an trnpri^ion npcm 
Borne — ^wliat ptfinilrsed ht» arm when it might hskvti 
itrtick with Mch effect — tt h far fromoaFy to undentaod* 
though perhapi not impoMble to cc»|)eettire. Tbe bk- 
lorian of the war a^ril>e» hb abstfoeoee to a refigioui 
motivie, Iclting m that tbe auguries were not favourable 
for ibe Peroaoi otM^ing the Tigrii.* But there U no 
othrr evidence that the Pen^innn of this period were 
the "^liivi-i of any ^u^h MiiM.*i>tiiion a** that noted by 
AiKriii.iir.i'-, imr any probability thai a monarch ot 
>a;»<»r*^ nf eharaetir would have sufiered lii.s raili- 
iar\* i»'»Iiey to U* affirti'd by omen**. We must there- 
{•'T» a^i-rilK* the eondue: of the Per>ian kinj; to some 
r.iu*-* n«»t n-eordrd by the hi?*torian ->onie failure ot 
).«.ilth.«»r ^»ine |Kril horn internal or external enemies 
uii.t h ralle^l hi?n awav from the M-ene of his recent 

\c.-r >[»•♦ t\5 ] t: * r«r- <li»in«!i<»M !)int l.y m**iint of th«» 

»,-» ' f "^.'7 n i . th*- ^Atjf < iiAt»- hut i'M li ' • \h*'T ««crii«i<«n do ^r 
trf N .!.»• r r .'•■•u %^1 \: :«ri* !inl it f»'*n •iti i tlmt th«'ir miliUiM 



exploits, just at the time when his continued presence 
there was most important. Once before in liis lifetime, 
an invasion of his eastern provinces had required his 
immediate presence^ and allowed Iiis adversary to quit 
ifefcopotamia and march against Magnentius,* It is not 
improbable that a fresh attack of the same or some 
other barbarians now again hajjpened opportunely for 
the Eomans, calling Sapor away, and thus enabling 
Constimtius to turn his back upon the East, and set out 
for Europe in order to meet Julian. 

The meeting, however, was not destined to take 
phce. On his way from Antioch to Constantinople^ 
the unfortuuate Cons tan tius, anxious and perhaps over- 
fatigued, fell sick at Mopsucrene, in Cilicia, and died 
therej after a short illness," towards the close of a.d* 
361, Julian the Apostate succeeded peacefully to the 
empire whereto he waa about to assert his right by 
force of arms ; and Sapor found that the war which he 
had provoked with Konie, in reliance upon his adver^ 
sary's weakness and incapacity, had to be carried on 
wdth a prince of far greater natural jDOwers and of 
much superior military training. 

^ See above, p. 105. 

^ Amm. Marc. xxi. 16 ; Aurel. 
Vict. £pit, § 42. Some writers 
substitute Mopsueetia for Mopsu- 

crene (Mos. Chor. iii. 12 ; Joliann. 
Mai. ii. p. 14; Patkanian in the 
Journal Asiatique for 1800, p. 151). 





Mm I wwf mtd J/oliran. //tf /^vcWinfi. /VoywM^ ^ ^i^mr fv>^ 
>Hip^ Ofy|#r ^i»ii«iiMe«. jmiftw^ ^Mia$ wM Armmim, jfcfwptf 
y Ait Hniy, ilk Immmm 4 .Ifn^iihiiKu /fi« Urn ^ Mm^. 

AM^ i«i £A# r«>MHi^Mi ^lAf AttHMl AnW ^fmt^fk krmf« 

Ml Sana •« uriib Ifn^ii? 

^*-Ama. Tier. J^. | O. 

Thi praice Oil whom the gov emmeut of tlu! Romto 
oofitn^ mit) ocKwequiautly Uie d- ' ' T\ T-iau 

war, (lrvc»Ive<l by the death of Constantius, was in the 

ll-\vi r of li> ;ii:r/ ]>n»ud, Mir-ronfulciit, and lull of 
ii:' :^'v. IK- had Ikiii eiij^UL'vil for a |HTi<Ml «)f four 
vtai- * HI a -tiiiL'jl*- with iIk- rudo and warliki* tril>c-suf 
<»•:!.. my, !ia 1 Iivd thr wli^lc <-ountry Wi>t of the 
K; .:.• n-'Ui !!•• piv-eiHi* of tli«'-i- tfrrihle warriors, and 
K I i « vt!i r.iMir 1 iln- and >word far into the wild and 
•a'.iu''' di-'M' t- oil ihf ri^dit hank of the river, and t'oni- 
jH il.-il the Al« iiiaiiin and other jwiwerful (ternian tnlK-* 
!•» \uak^ :h« i: M*inni-*ion to ihr inajr^^ty uf iJonie. Per- 

• :..i!!v hra\<, ^y ti nijMi*anirht r^-tle^H, and inspire*! 

J ..r, w . *( :•; i:. \t.' \h\\'X •!. 1 < litil.n, /*. Ji, t ol i p. :\M\.\ 
■ K ' * ':* w.i: » :• :'.il. tii;\ v(a» * 1 » in 4 I« '-i*; t<« .i-M* (liib- 

• ' — ' r- .,r, :•- • .."^ a! !.!• mnf^ 1-*. J^sUnt a»*i FuU^ io|. U, H|» 
.. - i'. 4: >'" *•-- IiIImjj ril, lU- rjl ) 



[Ch. X. 

with an ardent desire to rival or eclipse the glorious 
deeds of those heroes of former times who had made 
themselves a name in history, he viewed the disturbed 
condition of the East at the time of his accession, not 
as a trouble, not as a drawback upon the deUghts 
of empire, but as a happy circumstance, a fortunate 
opportunity for distinguishing himself by some great 
achievement. Of all the Greeks, Alexander appeared 
to him the most illustrious ; ^ of all his predecessors on 
the imperial throne, Trajan and Marcus AureUus were 
those whom he most wished to emulate.^ But all these 
princes had either led or sent ^ expeditions into the far 
East, and had aimed at uniting in one the fairest pro- 
vinces of Europe and Asia. Julian appears, from the 
first moment that he found himself peaceably esta- 
bUshed upon the throne,* to have resolved on under- 
taking in person a great expedition against Sapor, with 
the object of avenging upon Persia the ravages and 
defeats of the last si^y years, or at any rate of ob- - 
taining such successes as might justify his assuming 
the title of ' Persicus.' * Whether he really entertained 
any hope of rivalling Alexander, or supposed it possible 
that he should effect 'the final conquest of Persia,'^ 
may be doubted. Acquainted, as he must have been,'' 

' See his Camres^ passim, But 
compare the Ch'ot, ad TTiemist.y 
where the palm is assigned to 
Socrates over Aleiander (Op, p. 

^ This appears from the position 
assigned to these tv9io emperors in 
the * Csesnrs.' 

' The expedition of L. Verus 
Ca.b. 162-164) was sent out by M. 
Aurelius. (See the Author's i^ivth 
Monarchy, p. 826.) 

* Ammianus tells us that soon 
after his arrival at Constantinople, 
on being asked to lead an expe- 

dition against the Goths, Julian 
replied * hostes qurerere se rae- 
liores ' (xxii. 7) — an egression 
which clearly points at the Persians. 

* Ammianus says * Parthicus ' 
(xxii. 12). But Julian himself 
would scarcely have made this 

• See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, 
vol. iii. p. 181. 

^ Compare the Ctpsaresj p. 824, 
0, where Alexander is made to ob- 
serve that the Romans, in a war of 
300 years, had not subdued the 
single province of Mesopotamia. 

c«. XJ} nz rnefARF3 to invade i'ehsu* 19S 

with tbo aidre oouiw of Banmn warfare iu tiivm paru 
b%sm tiw mtftek of Cmsmis to the lai^t dofott of hk own 
ioiiiiedial^ predeceiKir, he can f>cain*ely bjive regarded 
the mbjugpiUoii of Pema us on eaqr ttiAttcr, or hiite 
ezpeded to do mmh inosv than strike terror into the 
* bnrbiiriiui^ * of the Eait^ or perh&fis obtain fnim tliem 
llir cai^ioa of aiiother provinoe. The ienmble of&eer, 
wha^ aiWf accompiuiptig htm in hb esrpodition, wrote 
ibc liktory of the catiijiaigii, rugiirdt*fl hi^ actuating 
imitjTfai MM ilic delight that he took in war, and the 
dewv of a nt!W tttle.^ Dinfident in hin own nulitary 
lalenlv in hin tniiniogt ti^td in hb power to iiii|iire en* 
thunaMD in an army, be no doubt looked to tmp Uurelf 
wficieiit to jtiilify him in making hifl attack ; but the 
wild fdieaiea aeeribod to him, the amquM of ihe Soft- 
Mniaa UngdonLi and the fiuhjugiitiou of FlyrcuniA and 
India*' are igmeDla (probably) uf the imuginutiou uf 
hj9 htfttoriaoi. 

Jtdian eota5rvd OuiManttnoftle on the 1 1th of Deeetu- 
Ut. a.i». .'1^1 1 ; he quitteil it towanls the end of May,* 
A.i» i!*;U, afli-r n^idiii)/ thcrr It^*^ than six months. 
Ihinri;.' this |HTio<l, iiotwilh'^taiKHii;/ the various iui|K>r- 
Uih! matlrrs in whirh he wits eiijiaged, the purifying of 
lii«- fourt, tlie dej>n's«*ion of the Cliristians, the restora- 
!i'.n AUi\ n vivifhalion of raganisui, he found time t4) 
f »nii ]»Ian.n and m;dve preiKiration-- for his intendetl 
♦if^urn i x|>e<hii'»n, in whirh he wjts anxious to engage 
:i^ ^«>n :l^ jM>«*^ihIe. Having <lesignate<l fi»r the war 

\'r :i.:»r.'i« nit* • *!*r»»l>n!ur drhAt'iiiu. !.'». 

\^ hi^'., ,''.ur.. .lr*« -Irn • )»nui«% » (iihUm, lU%Um0 and Fail^ toI. 

', •! .rx*j«!j»n» ■ ?M liiu •• ••»mni»- iii. p. 'J"4». 

!•• •! ;.•».;• «J.-;n, 'ju-i .... * X\\\r\\n*u\, Ilui. dt* Emn^rtnr*^ 




[Ch. X. 

such troops as could be spared from the West, he com- 
mitted them and their officers to the charge of two 
generals, carefully chosen, Victor, a Eoman of distinc- 
tion, and the Persian refugee, Prince Hormisdas,^ who 
conducted the legions without difficulty to Antioch. 
There Julian himself arrived in June or July ,2 after 
having made a stately progress through Asia Minor ; 
and it would seem that he would at once have marched 
against the enemy, had not his counsellors strongly 
urged the necessity of a short delay ,^ during which the 
European troops might be rested, and adequate prepa- 
rations made for the intended invasion. It was espe- 
cially necessary to provide stores and ships,* since the 
new emperor had resolved not to content himself with 
an ordinary campaign upon the frontier, but rather to 
imitate the examples of Trajan and Severus, who had 
carried the Eoman eagles to the extreme south of 
Mesopotamia.^ Ships, accordingly, were collected, and 
probably built,^ during the winter of a.d. 362-3 ; pro- 
\dsions were laid in ; warhke stores, military engines, 
and the like accumulated ; while the impatient monarch, 
galled by the wit and raillery of the gay Antiochenes,' 
chafed at his compelled inaction, and longed to exchange 
the war of words in which he was engaged with his 

> See Zosimus, iii. 11 ; and, on 
the subject of Prince Ilormisdas, 
compare above, p. 140. 

' Gibbon places his amTal in 
August {Decline and Folly vol. iii. 
p. 181) ; but Tilleniont argues 
strongly in favour of July {Uid, 
des EmpereurSy torn. iv. p. 297, 
note vi. upon the reign of Julian). 
Clinton shows that he was certainly 
ut Antioch before August 1 (F, li, 
vol. i. p. 448). lie concludes, as 
most probable, that he arrived at 
Antioch ^ about Midsummer.' 

^ Amm. Marc. xxii. 12. 

* Zosim. iii. 12, ad mit., and 13. 

* See the Author's Sivth Mon^ 
arch/, pp. 311-4 and 339-344. 

^ Both Trajan and Severus had 
had to build ships. (Dio Cass. 
Lxviii. 20 ; Ixxv. 9.) It seems 
scarcely possible that Julian should 
have collected the number that he 
did (at least 1,100) without build- 
ing. (See Zosim. iii. 13; and 
Amm. Marc, xxiii. 3, ad^fin.) 

^ Amm. Marc. xxii. 14; Zosim. 
iii. 11 J Libanius, Orat. x. p. 307, B. 

fhi. X.] 



tttlgecU fi>r the ruder contests of anus wherewilli mc 
had niMile turn more fiimiluir. 

It musl have been during tite cmijcrof^ stay nt An- 
tioch that he itTdved an euibfi^^y from the court r>f 
Bsiwu Gommbwaiicd to »uuud Ids jurrimuian>^ with 
Rgwd hi Che eonetiuioQ of a peace. Sa{Kir bad NM^rw 
with aotae djiquiet, the 9oeplre of the Kaman world 
— iinMHJ by ati cniteqiming and {xnirageoui youth, 
tatmd to watfiiru and anibttiuuii of miUtJiry glniy. U» 
waa probably very well infbraied at to tbe geiioniL 
oondittun of the Eommi Slate ^ luid the (K*niamil chium^ 
ler of tta admrn^nilor ; ntid the tidioga which he m- 
eemd onnooiiii^ the intentions and prepftimtkina of the 
new prince were audi as causetl him aome apprcheti- 
aiao, if not actti&I nkmi. Under these €ircuniBtanc4i?v 
h» aeal an embaftiy with orerture^ the exact natwe of 
which b HOC known^ but whiehf n i« probable, look fur 
their bam the uxi^ng territorial Itmito of the twu 
eotmlriea, Al least, we hear of no oder of surreniier or 
Mj!nii!*-i<»n <Mi S:i]Mir'«^ |»:irt ; and wi? i*an s^^ircely Min- 
!»-►- :! it. h;i(l •*u«li ollt r- bmi uiadr, ihu Uoinan writers 
u<'.*''i !i.i\«- pi--.-.l iliiiii M\i'v 111 ^^ilt-nrc. It i^ not mh*- 
;.r.* ij lii.'it .liihan Itut no fav<»unil>K* 4-ar to the cnvnv-, 
il t::.-- . \sin- tiuir iu>tni(iioii«* ; hut it would havr Ihtii 
!»-tt. r f"r lii* r« initalmn had hi* nplird to thnu with 
h -* ••! Iiaujhiiu**^" and niiU-nr«*!*. A<'cordin«x to mn- 
:::\r ii»- ton- up U ton- thtir farr?* ila* aiilo;:raph 
• •! t!i«ir nia-^t^r ; whilr, atT*»r(hn:/ to anotht-r,''* Im* 



:*!i a • ••ntrnipMiou- -inilr, that * thrrr \va«v 

p. .:;.:: 1 

' •.! '...),% ;. 1 " 1 • : ■ :' . ur^**, t->! t: »«• . liMt 

,)■•.,... .' 

• r.\ '., ••..- «. !ii>\ UiLXr tijill hi* 

. . • * 

» \-Jm-..'. '. • u. -.:•<. ^^ • ft! H* l.kf «« !lj.»t r.'\ 

: ., ... i J •: - .! ' - -i-.i ;/..:. /...*. ai, 11'. 
'jj. M.^ -<ii. u. 

o i 



[Ch. X.- 

no occasion for an exchange of thought between him 
and the Persian king by messengers, since he intended 
very shortly to treat with him in person.' Having re- 
ceived this rebuff, the envoys of Sapor took their de- 
parture, and conveyed to their sovereign the inteUigence 
that he must prepare himself to resist a serious invasion. 
About the same time various offers of assistance 
reached the Boman emperor from the independent or 
semi-independent princes and chieftains of the regions 
adjacent to Mesopotamia.^ Such overtures were sure 
to be made by the heads of the plimdering desert 
tribes to any powerful invader, since it would be hoped 
that a share in the booty might be obtained without 
much participation in the danger. We are told that 
Julian promptly rejected these offers, grandly saying 
that it was for Eome rather to' give aid to her aUies 
than to receive assistance firom them.^ It appears, how- 
ever, that at least two exceptions were made to the 
general principle thus magniloquently asserted. Julian 
had taken into his service, ere he quitted Europe, a 
strong body of Gothic auxiliaries ;^ and, while at An- 
tioch, he sent to the Saracens, reminding them of their 
promise to lend him troops, and calling upon them to 
fulfil it.* If the advance on Persia was to be made by 
the line of the Euphrates, an alliance with these agile 
sons of the desert was of first-rate importance, since 
the assistance which they could render as friends was 
considerable, and the injury which they could inflict as 
enemies was almost beyond calculation. It is among 

* Amm. Marc xxii. 2, ad init 
' Ibid. : * Principe respondente, 
Nequaquam decere adventiciis ad- 
jumentis rem vindicari Komanam, 
cujus opibus foveri conveDiat ami- 
cos et socios, si auxilium eos ade- 

gerit necessitas implorare.' 

' Ibid, xxiii. 2 ; Zosim. iii. 25. 

Tabari calls these auxiliaries Kha- 

zars (vol. ii. pp. 05-97). 

* Amm. ^larc. xxiii. 5, ad init. ; 

Juliaii, Ep. ad Lihan. p. 401, D. 

Cb. JL] 



Ae fiiului of Julian ia this campaign that he did not mi 
more store hf the Samceo alliaace» and make grcattT 
eflcirts to maiDtatn il ; wc shall fitid Uiat after a while 
be alhiwcd the bmve nomadii to become disaJTei^ted^ 
and to idirJmnga their friendiihip witli him forhr«tiliiy.' 
Unt! he taken moie aire to attach them a>rdiaUy tci tho 
fide of Ucioiet it 19 quite po^ibte thut his e^qK^ditiim 
might \mve had a prospcrcius inpuu* 

Their wa^ another ally^ whose serrioes JuBaii ro- 
pided hiinfclf as entitled not to request* but to com- 
maud. Aiweeii ktitg of Aimenia, tliough placed oa 
his thnmc by Sapor, hiid (as we have »^en) tma*«fi'rred 
hm aliegtanee to ConstautiuSf and voluntarily Uik^n up 
tbe fomtkm of a Boman feudatory.' Conitantius had 
of hte fitipected htn fidelity ; but Anttcoi had not m 
jtet« by any orert aet, JMtafieil theie ttii^cbits, and 
JiiBan ieema to have regarded htm as an Munsd friend 
and ally. Early in a.1), 3AS he nddnsseed a letter to 
the Armenian monarch, requiring him to levy a con- 
•i«l« nil»!«- fnrcr, and hold liiniM'lf in n^adincss loexecutt* 
-u«li ordtr> a> In* wnuld rireivt* within a ^horl tiinr.*'* 
Tlif <yU\ addn->, and i)uq)ort of this letter wcir 
« luailv di-la'^trtul to Ar-^ires, whoM* j>ride wa** out- 
r.i^'«^!, and wIjom* irulolrncr was distnrlnHl, by the rail 
•ht«H ^nddrnly inadr njM»n liini. Hi.s own de^^iri* wa-^ 
j.p»l»aMy U> ninain nrnlral ; lit* felt no interest in tin- 
*tandnj:j «|u:inel iM-twrm his two | powerful nii;ihl)our'»; 
!j» w.lh und« r t»l>liL'aii«nis to both <»f them ; and it waN 
l-r hi- advanla;jr tliat they «*ho\d«l remain eveidy 
I'lLm*' «! \Vf eannot :u'ieri!>e to hnn anv eanie!*t ndi- 

* -.jr», r- 1»>. . j»j». nr>!vir, «jm» trrwlrrr, quid «|r- 

• Amni Sl«r> iiJii. *-* 'S.luni U rvt ur^-'-rr, pmprrr ctynilurua.* 
A.*«i*Lrauiocu«rm!,An&<*oi» nr|rvis, 




[Ch. X* 

gious feeling ; ^ but, as one who kept up the profession 
of Christianity, he could not but regard with aversion 
the Apostate, who had given no obscure intimation of 
his intention to use his power to the utmost in order 
to sweep the Christian religion from the face of the 
earth. The disinclination of their monarch to subserve 
the designs of Julian was shared, or rather surpassed, 
by his people, the more educated portion oi whom were 
strongly attached to the new faith and worship.'^ If the 
great historian of Armenia is right in stating that Julian 
at this time offered an open insult to the Armenian 
reUgion,* we must pronounce him strangely imprudent. 
The alliance of Armenia was always of the utmost im- 
portance to Eome in any attack upon the East. Juhan 
seems to have gone out of his way to create offence in 
this quarter,* where his interests required that he should 
exercise all his powers of conciliation. 

The forces which the emperor regarded as at his dis- 
posal, and with which he expected to take the field, 
were the following. His own troops amounted to 
83,000 or (according to another account) to 95,000 
men.^ They consisted chiefly of Eoman legionaries, 
horse and foot, but included a strong body of Gothic 

^ According to the Armenian 
historians, Arsaces was cruel and 
profligate. He nut to death, with- 
out reason, his relations and eatraps, 
persecuted the ecclesiastics wno 
reproved him, and established an 
asylum for criminals. (Mos. Chor. 
iii. 20-32; Faustus, iv. 13-50.) 

'^ Faustus, iii. 13. 

' Mos. Chor. iii. 13. Moses 
says that Julian required the Ar- 
menian monarch to hang up in the 
chancel of the metropolitan church 
a portrait, which he sent him, of 
himself, containing also 'repre- 
sentations of deyik' — t.e. of the 

heathen gods. It was pointed out 
by the Armenian patriai'ch that 
this was an insult to Christianity 
(iii. 14). 

* The letter ascribed to Julian 
on this occasion (Fabric. Bihliothec. 
Grcpc, vol. vii. p. 86) may not be 
genuine, although it is accepted by 
ot. Martin (Notes on Le Beau, 
vol. iii. p. 37). But, even apart 
from this, the insolent tone of 
Julian towards the Armenian king 
is sufficiently apparent. 

* Zosimus is the only writer who 
gives an estimate of the whole 
force, which he makes to consist 

Cm. X.i HE UAttniEs TUBoron fl^^pRAifiA. I0D 

muuliaiiei. Anneuiii vrm ocpeeted to funnel a con- 
tiderablc forcc^ pmlmbly not least tliim 20,0(10 men;* 
mnd the light honte of the SAmcenji won Id* it wai 
tbmight, be tc»k^nib}j nunieroua. Altttgether, an army 
offflborc a hundred thousan^l men was about to be 
launched on the devoted Femk, whirh was believed 
uoHkelf to offer any effect ua]« if even any feriooAi 

The impatienee of Julian scarcely allowed him to 
await the cooduiloix of tht* winter. With the fir^t 
bf^atfa of spring he put \m frirct» in molion/ and, quit- 
tii^.&iiiiQclitOUudied with nil ^eed to the Euphntfes^ 
riMiif^ liinliU tnd then HiemiiolLs he croMed the 
hirer by a bridgi* of boats in the Ticinity of that phiofti 
and prooceded by Batntn to tlie important eity of 
OuTka^' once the home of Abmhtuih* Here lie hjdted 
for a few dayt and finally fixed his phtnp. It wai 
by this time well known to the Boman^ that there 
two, and t*t> only, eonrenient roads whereby 

S»iitlnrii M(-io])o!aniia wa«< to 1h» rcachcHl, ono nlon;/ 
!!i«* liiif of th«' Mnii«< Ma*«iu'* to tlu» Ti;rris, and then 
al'-rii: the banks of that stn^ain, tin* otlitT down tho 

'( !-''*«) tak.n with him br » Armenia fumi^hi-d 7/KX) fv»i 

Julinn, ftn<i <M**> h(»n»«» to Antony (Pint. 

I •*(••! dr!ji4 hrtl t.» net undiT .int'ft. 5 :\7 ). It wiui ralniUtiMl 

l*n<op;u*, that th«» h<»r»#« !nii:ht li«%«« hr«n 

T •.*: - '.'lO incTt«iui*Ni to 1«»,(MI0 (ibiii. $ .'iOj. 
•* z ris'T. rm;«r« th*» nunil>rr of thf • Julian left Ant»«»t h on .Mnrrh ."», 

f r^* rcl-r pf.<~. .|.iii« t». * aKiut v i». .'i«'w'V ( S«^ Ammiiinu*. niii. *.*: 

/..•ii //t»f. />./<« M. It, tkud • I'.Tti<» N<»nA« Marti«« |»rt»f»tliu.*l 
A :iA/. -• !» .V'.<»<» (luii. :\). " An»m. Marc, ixiii. 1?, .'t. Z^-^^i- 

I •^'. .» ••i« 3Miii {(krnf. X. p. nni« niak(*« him ti^it M4l«*««« fn»m 

'.).'. J hn f MalaU l«l.<i<»M|>. lUtnir iit. I'.M; but tho r«prri»ion 

.".'•• . If w«> a<l(l th^ :jiHr*) uf u»r<l br AmmianuN (*Trnil (mrm 

Ai.m.anj« !> th* r-'<ii» «bo ar- pnftmt (^airha* ' ) omtriMlirtA tbia. 
< t;«' r,i JA.Kn. nf ,-f| a t^'tal • Th«» itlmtitr oi ('arrhji^ with 

./ •••,•••». whirh }• <M*.U.n'» e#ti- th«* Ilaran of ( trnrsit i« allowptl bj 

s:.«v I l^itmt mmd /u/7. vol. ill. aUii'^at all critic*. 



[Ch. X. 

valley of the Euphrates to the great alluvial plain on the 
lower course of the rivers. Julian had, perhaps, hitherto 
doubted which line he should follow in person.^ The 
first had been preferred by Alexander and by Trajan, 
the second by the younger Cyrus, by Avidius Cassius, 
and by Severus. Both lines were fairly practicable; 
but that of the Tigris was circuitous, and its free em- 
ployment was only possible under the condition of Ar- 
menia being certainly friendly. If Julian had cause to 
suspect, as it is probable that he had, the fidelity of the 
Armenians, he may have felt that there was one line 
only which he could with prudence pursue. He might 
send a subsidiary forc^ by the doubtful route, which 
could advance to his aid if matters went favourably, or 
remain on the defensive if they assumed a threatening 
aspect ; but his own grand attack must be by the other. 
Accordingly he divided his forces. Committing a body 
of troops, which is variously estimated at fi:om 18,000 to 
30,000,^ into the hands of Procopius, a connection of his 
own, and Sebastian, Duke of Egypt, with orders that they 
should proceed by way of the Mons Masius to Armenia, 
and, uniting themselves with the forces of Arsaces, 
invade Northern Media, ravage it, and then join him 
before Ctesiphou by the line of the Tigris,^ he reserved 
for himself and for his main army the shorter and more 
open route down the valley of the Euphrates, Leaving 
Carrhae on the 26th of March, after about a week's 

^ Ammianus says that he had 
carefully proyisioned the line of 
the Ti^s in order to make the 
Persians think that it was the line 
which he intended to follow (xxiii< 
3) ; but it is perhaps as probable 
that he wished to be able to pursue 
the Tigris line if circumstances 
proved favourable. 

« Zosimus says 18,000 (iii. 12) ; 
Soiomen (vi. 1) and Libanius (Orat. 
Funebr. p. 312, A) say 20,000 ; 
Ammianus says 30,000 (l.s«c.). 

• See Amm. Marc, l.s.c. Zosi- 
mus regards the force as left merely 
for the protection of Konian Meso- 

itof, he murched ftotithward* at the head of 65,000 men, 
1^ Dtvima ftud along the course of the Belik, lu CSuUi- 
nicui or Kicephorium, near the juQction of the Belik with 
the Euphmles, Here the Sanieen chiefs came mid iniide 
their fubuiis^iou, and were gniciously reoiified bj the 
emperor, to whom tliey pTt*ieiited a crown of poldJ 
At the sime time the ^eet made tn appe&mticc^ num- 
bering at least 1,100 veieeb,^ of whkb fifty won! ihip 
of war. fifty prejiared to manre aa pontoons, imd the n^^ 
nmmng tliousmd tnm^porta bden with pumaioits^ 
WMpooit and military engines, 

from Callirisruji the emperor miirchcil along the 
ooune of tlie Euphrates to Circiwium,or Cirrei^ium,* at 
the junction of the Khal)our wilh the £uphmtc9, or* 
rifing at thit ptaec early in Apri].^ Thus far he had 
hem miinJiIng through hia own dnminitm^, smd had 
iiid no hofttiliiy to diMd. Biing now &b«)ut tu enter the 
mmmfu country, he made ammgementa fi>r the mardi 
whirh mem to haire been exU^emely judicboi. The 
cavaln* was placeil under the command of ArinlhaMij* 
and rrin<c Ilorniisda**, and was jitalioned at the extreme 
I«ft, with order?* to advance on a line pandlel with the 
;jrn«TaI eo\ir<<* of tlie riviT. Somepickcxl legions under 
til*- eoniniand of Nevitta fonuLnJ the right wing, and, 
r»-*tnjL' on llie luiph rates, niaintaine<l communication 
with tlir lleit. Julian, wilh the main jiart of his tnK>ps, 
'Mrupii-*! the space intenni-iliate l)etween thesi* two 
• xtr« in«'s, marching in a Iimmh* column whi<'h from front 
to rt-ar covrred a distanci' of aln^ve nine mile*i. A fly- 

* A mm. Matt. 1 nr. and it that fpTeo hj 3^i«mtM; but 

* TKi* la th«> r»t)mAt«* of Am* AmmiAiiu* Km * (*irraiQum ' (iiiii. 
rz..iLt. .• '/^'BittiXf tiimkr* th«* num> o i . anil mn th«* Nubian (*<*i>frrmphv. 
tm-f r r^idrr%Jb\% rinrcd 1,16<I Oil. * * l*nncipio mriuu ApnliB.' 
11 ( Amm. Marc Lt.c.> 

' ( irrrmtim m tb« ordinary form, 




ing corps of fifteen hundred men acted as an avant- 
gudrd under Count Lucilianus, and explored the 
countiy in advance, feehng on all sides for the enemy. 
The rear was covered by a detachment under Secundi- 
nus, Duke of Osrhoene, Dagalaiphus, and Victor.^ 

Having made his dispositions, and crossed the broad 
stream of the Khabour, on the 7th of AprQ, by a bridge 
of boats, which he immediately broke up,^ Juhan con- 
tinued his advance along the course of the Euphrates, 
supported by his fleet, which was not allowed either to 
outstrip or to lag behind the army.^ The first halt was 
at Zaitha,* famous as the scene of the murder of Gor- 
dian, whose tomb was in its vicinity.^ Here Julian en- 
couraged his soldiers by an eloquent speech,^ in which 
he recounted the past successes of the Eoman arms, and 
promised them an easy victory over their present 
adversary. He then, in a two days' march, reached 
Dura,^ a ruined city, destitute of inhabitants, on the 
banks of the river ; from which a march of four days 
more brought him to Anathan,^ the modern Anah, a 
strong fortress on an island in the mid-stream, which 

* Amm. Marc. xxiv. 1. Com- 
pare Zosim. iii. 14. 

' Amm. Marc, xxiii. 6 1 * Pontem 
avelli jussit, ne cui militum ab a^- 
minibus propriis revertendi fiducia 
reman ere t.* 

' * Classis, licet per flumen fere- 
batur assidiiis flexibus tortuosum, 
nee residere, nee prfeciirrere sine- 
batur.' (Ibid. xxvi. I.) 

* Called Zautba oy Zosimus 
(iii. 14), perhapa tbe Asicha of 
Isidore {Mans, Parth, J 1). 

^ Zosimus places tbe tomb at 
Dura, two days' march from Zaitha 
(Amm. Marc. xxiv. 1) ; but Am- 
mianus, who accompanied the army, 
can scarcely have been mistaken m 
the fact that the tomb was at any 

rate distinctly visible from Zaitha. 

^ Gibbon supposes the speech to 
have been made as soon as the 
Khabour was crossed {Decline and 
FaUj vol. iii. p. 191); but Am- 
mianus makes Zaitha the scene of 
it. In the course of it Julian used 
the expression: *Gordianus, cujus 
monumentum nunc vidimus ' (Amm. 
Marc, xxiii. 6). 

' ^Emenso itinere bidui civita- 
tem venimus Duram * (ib. xxiv. 1). 

* * Dierum (juatuor itinere levi 
peracto.' (Ibid.) Anathan was 
known to the Assyrians as Anat, 
to the Greeks of Augustus's time 
as Anatho (see Isid. Char. Mans, 
Parth, § 1). It is perhaps the 
' Hena ' of Isaiah (xxxvii. 13). 

Cm. XI 

mmnmmnn ar AXAttiAir. 


beM by a Pontifin ganiiOD. An attempt to fur- 
priie the placu by a nigbt nttjiok having failiKl, Jultau 
iuid recourae to pcnmasjon, oufl by the repreHintaiicita 
of Priiiee ITorniimkii iiiduec.*i] ib* defcnder» to ^urretidur 
the fori aod place t]K*mj»elvetf al hU mercy} h wa^ 
perhaps, to §aU ibc Aiiliuclienos witli aii liitlieaiioii of 
his irtctarioua progrtta that be aeni hb priaanvr^ under 
QBMft itilo Syria, and wUlal tla'tn in the ti'rritory of 
Chalcbf at no grunt d Stance from the city of lii^ aver- 
itoQ. Ud witling further to w^eakoi bts anny by de- 
taArhing a garrbcm to hold bis eoniiucst, bc^ oommttted 
Anathan to die flames befort* proceeding furtltcr down 

About dght miles below Anatlian, another ijiland ami 
■aolher furtreia wn^ held by the enemy. Thiluilia ii 
deacsribed aa itruoger thin Aunlbiin, afid indeed aa 
■Imciat impregnable.* Julian felt tliai he aiuld mil 
attack it with any hope i^ succcm, and therefore otiee 
more flijbmitted to use pmwamiaiL But the gnrHMn, 
ft- liirj tlirTiiSi-lviS S4»ru re, rejected his overtures ; tliey 
\w»ui 1 wail, they Kiid, and see which party was suj)erior 
ill tlj«- a[»j)rnarhing cunllict, and would th(Mi alta(*h 
tii. in-4lvi-> to the victors. Meanwhih', if iniinoh'Steil 
I'V Uii' invader, tliey woiild not interfere with his 
a-ivinr,-, hut wnuM maintain a nrutral altitude. Juhan 
i. ei to tlitrrniinf wlutlar he would act in the >jMnt of 
a!i AI« x.ihdi r,* and, njiTtinir with disilnin all conipn>- 
nj •* . '»n»[Ml l»y f'»ne of arm** an entire suhniis^ion, or 
uhith* r he wuuld take lt»wer ;/round, ac^cept the offer 
i!*a'i«- to him, and Ik* content to h*jive in his n*ar a cer- 

\mm Matt iii». 1 . / iii. l/» : ' 4**»-t^»' < \%p^'n*tf, 
1 * W ^m * >«. ArnAn, Ilty, AUj. ir. *Jl, 

Kmm' M*rr. I • r 'X, '2\ kc 



tain number of unconquered fortresses. He decided 
that prudence required him to take the latter course, 
and left Thilutha unassailed. It is not surprising that, 
having admitted the assumption of a neutral position 
by one town, he was forced to extend the permission to 
others,^ and so to allow the Euphrates route to remain, 
practically, in the hands of the Persians. 

A five days' march firom Thilutha brought the army 
to a point opposite Diacira, or Hit,' a town of ancient 
repute,' and one which happened to be well provided 
with stores and provisions. Though the place lay on 
the right bank of the river, it was stiU exposed to 
attack, as the fleet could convey any number of troops 
from one shore to the other. Being considered un- 
tenable, it was deserted by the male inhabitants, who, 
however, left some of their women behind them. We 
obtain an unpleasant idea of the state of discipUne which 
the philosophic emperor allowed to prevail, when we 
find that his soldiers, * without remorse and without 
punishment, massacred these defenceless persons.'* 
The historian of the war records this act without any 
appearance of shame, as if it were a usual occurrence, 
and no more important than the burning of the plun- 
dered city which followed.* 

From Hit the army pursued its march, through 

^ Ammianus mentions only one 
other, Achaiachala; but Zosimufi 

speaks of erf pa <lf>ovpta (1^.C.). 

' This site is certainly identified 
by the mention of bitumen springs 
in its neighbourhood (Zosim. iii. 16 ; 
Amm. Marc. xxiv. 2). There are 
no bitumen springs in this part of 
Mesopotamia except those of Hit. 

* Hit is thought to be mentioned 

Thothmes HI. about B.C. 1450. 
It is probably the Ahava of Ezra 
(viii. l6, 21). 

* The words used are Gibbon's 
(Decline and Fall, vol. iii. p. 193}. 
The fact is recorded both by Zosi- 
mus and Ammianus. 

* * Qua ' (t. e. Diacira) * incensa, 
csesisque mulieribus paucis qure 
repertfiB sunt, Ozogardana occu- 

under the name of a hiero- ' pavimus' (Amm. Marc. xxiv. 2). 
glyphical inscription set up by I 

Sittm and Mt!gia,^ to Zanigaitlia or Ozogattlftim, when 
tbe memory of Tmjaii a expedition slU] Uugercd^ a o&p* 
tarn pedestal or pulpit of ibooa being kouwa to tbo 
aft *TnajaD'ft tribimaj/ Up lo iliis time noihinji 
liaid been aoen or heard of any Persian oppDmng anity ;' 
one matt only on tlic Boman side, io hr as we himr, 
bad been killed.* Ko ^siemulic method of dieckitig the 
adviific^ hutl been ackvpted ; tii^ t*oni was erarywfaere 
fbyud itauding ; forage was plentiful ; and there were 
muffmnm of grain in the towns. No diffietilties had 
debyed the invadom but mcb ai Nituiie bad sukTiiotcd 
to thwart them, a^ whvii a viciteiit »Vjnn on one aam^ 
rion ihattered the teiit5^ and au another u nudden ftw^ 
of the Enphimtei wri*cked some of the eont tmnsporla, 
and interrupted Ujc right wing'j^ Une of inarch.^ But 
thi» pk^Mnt cotiditiijo of thin^ wtui not to continue. 
At IJii the rulUtiii Aasjrian plain had ocmte to an ewl, 
and the invidin}| anny had ent<!itKl upon the low alln- 
Yiiiiii of Bttbyhmia,* it ri'gion of |Lfreat fertility, inlerw 
•Mit«*<l by nuiii«roiis canal**, wliicli in .Home places were 
iarrittl ihc I'liiirc (li>laii<v fr<»in llic one river li> the 

• ttijrr/' 1 lie cliauL'e in llie cliaract^T of the country 
eiK-^niniiic^l llir l\T>ians to inak** a <*hange in their tac- 

' Th»-«»^ pl*rt-« ar** niilr tu<*n- •»««'<Hii, . Tn »c rut- r^>u'«i»*ni'«(- rir^»« 

1. 1—1 h> / >«niiii« < jn. I'm. rti^» -i v.>Xi^in», i.r.x. (I.d.c.). 

• *f\U[j>>ii\ui\Hi'^ ih" I. iilrmry t»f ' .S«t« Anitu. Marc xxir. 1, ati 

lh.«. wh'H hf •*%• in ihr ni'rt»l fin. 

jr*->^r%i T«A), * Ihtf^ntj the march * \\rn\. ('.imn*n« Iab«D. (hat, 

•.^♦' -ir*!.**. or lVr*iA:i jrint-nil. Fntirhr p. .'ll.l. p. 

* 1 Ma.;* II •! »«Ar<^ in<^M(t#i//y * <ii)»Uiti, r»ll'iwin|( lIpMdotut 
I »*T"1 r iin»l th»« amiT . fT»Tv li I'.'Ji, cjdU thi« tmrt AanTria 
»!.'*Wl'f ^'M iril«-.'r«jif»-^i , ri«*rT ' I^iimr ttn*i Fail, t«»|. ui. pp. WW- 
'l*-'^ tim^fi! w*» •!!*< krd,* .Vr. Ml'*, but, AtrtrtW •i^^iri^. it m 
tl^vtn* ojM^ /.mV, t'l, m. J.. l',»4 > •►nlr th«^ up}>«T, rMlin^, mliirbtlr 
J;.* /, ^.f:iu« fttr t.*'lv t>"tr« th« ••l«'t«t«xl plmm to wbK'h that naiUfi 
ft*^«^% •- f %/iV i'rrfiAii «nui up to brl>n^«. Th«< alluvial plain i« 
i»..# J. .r.t 4^d»».4r(«^ »■ u .in<».v»n pr »j»rriT lUbvl«iQta. 

' •.•• '^r '•♦ ♦fM* ••♦•'••<'. -*#»*rrv\ • Amm. \I«A.\ HIT. 2; Zusitti. 

..'«» »««'•. ^ •« ll<«i#wr •«'*• X |«^ li lii. 1<1, oW M4l, 




[Ch. X. 

tics. Hitherto they had been absolutely passive ; now 
at last they showed themselves, and commenced the 
active system of perpetual harassing warfare in which 
they were adepts. A surena, or general of the first 
rank/ appeared in the field, at the head of a strong 
body of Persian horse, and accompanied by a sheikh of 
the Saracenic Arabs,^ known as MaUk (or ' King ' ) Eo- 
dosaces. Eetreating as Julian advanced, but continu- 
ally delaying his progress, hanging on the skirts of his 
army, cutting ofi* his stragglers, and threatening every 
unsupported detachment, this active force changed all 
the conditions of the march, rendering it slow and pain- 
ful, and sometimes stopping it altogether. We are told 
that on one occasion Prince Hormisdas narrowly escaped 
falUng into the surena's hands.^ On another, the Per- 
sian force, having allowed the Eoman vanguard to 
proceed unmolested, suddenly showed itself on the 
southern bank of one of the great canals connecting 
the Euphrates with the Tigris, and forbade the passage 
of JuUan's main army.* It was only after a day and a 
night's delay that the emperor, by detaching troops ■ 
under Victor to make a long circuit, cross the canal far 
to the east, recall Lucilianus with the vanguard, and 
then attack the surena's troops in the rear, was able to 

' It has been argued by some 
that Surena is not a name of office, 
but a Persian family appellation. 
(St. Martin, Notes oti Le BeaUy toI. 
iii. p. 79 ; l*atkanian in the Journal 
Asiatique for 1866, p. 130.) There 
was certainly a family called Suren- 
Pahlav at the close of the Parthian 
and beginning of the Neo-Persian 
period (Mos, Chor. ii. 65, 67). 
but we tind the word surena in 
the classical writers before the 
time when the Suren-Pahlav family 

is said to have originated. (See 
the historians of Crassus, passim,) 

^ Gibbon calls him * the re- 
nowned emir of the tribe of Gas- 
san * (vol. iii. p. 194). But it is 
questionable whether this tribe 
had settlements on the Euphrates. 
Moreover, the tribe name in Am- 
mianus is not Gassan, but Assart. 

^ Zosimus, iii. 15 j Amm. Marc, 
xxiv. 2. • 

* Zosim. iii. 16. 




oreroome the resistaiice in Im fronts and canytiis army 
Acroas the cutting* 

Haniig m tim way effected tlie pa»age« Julian eod- 
tinacd hk march along the Eti{ihmt@i, and in a abort 
came to ihe city of Periijubor ' (Firuz-Shapur)* tho 
imporlant Uiat he hml yet reached, and reckoned 
nol much inferior to Cl€Stphon.' As the inhabitimts 
ftisadily refoied «U accommodatioa, and insnlttKl Hor* 
miithuv who wai tent to treat with Uicm, by the 
reproach that he was a deserter and a traitor, Am 
ecQpcrar dcftermined to form the iii^ of tlie phicc atul 
ne if he ooold not oompel il to a i^urR-udcr. SttimUHl 
beiwiiui the Euphmtei and one of tht* iiumcrciuD canabi 
derived from it, and further protected by u trtHieli 
dnwn icroMi fnim tlie outal to the river, Fertnalmr 
occupied a iiort of L^ihuid, while at the mme time it was 
eompletely mirrounded with a double walL The dlap 
del, which lay towank the nortli, and overhung the 
Eophnttt, vai catpedaUy utrciog ; and the garriioii WW 
hr.ivf, miTiHToiis iuv\ full (»f coiifultMirc. Thr wall>, 
l.o\srv. i\ r.nn|)<»-«*<l ill ])art of hrirk laid in hitumon, 
>v, r- !.'»! <»f iimcli -^tn-nL'tli : '* ami tin* Koinan soklicrs 
f uiri iittlr ditrKuhy in >liaitirini: witli tho ram one <»f 
!'..• ' 'III' r lowf-rs, and v» inakiii;: an fntrancr into tlu* 
;»;.i« •• r»ul tin* hmI »»tniL"-rlf Un\y boi/an. Thr l)ravt' 
d« !.!;!• r- n inatrd into ill** ritad^l, whiclj wa"^ of iin- 
;»'-::. J li« iL'l.t, and fr«»ni tlii^ vaiitiiL'i'-Lrround jralK'd the 


•! .f!. 

\ ::-•,'.;.%? .1% ( 1 ».r. i, '/.ml- • Airtni^nu^ tpt^iilii of thi« 

• : :..* I • p • Bvlitirii j:.n«r«« nihil 

• ••«' tutiu-r TJ^tAlK Hut th»* lipotMiT 

' t\«- TnUpjlt! liiJijU^t.r liituiiifi), 
i^ u I rraKr tk jT'KhI irmrut. 


Bomans in the town with an incessant shower of arrows, 
darts, and stones. The ordinary catapults and balistie 
of the Bomans were no match for such a storm de- 
scending from such a height ; and it was plainly neces- 
sary, if the place was to be taken, to have recourse to 
some other device. Julian, therefore, who was never 
sparing of his own person, took the resolution, on the 
second day of the siege, of attempting to burst open one 
of the gates. Accompanied by a small band, who 
formed a roof over his head with their shields, and by 
a few sappers with their tools, he approached the gate- 
tower, and made his men commence their operations. 
The doors, however, were found to be protected with 
iron, and the fastenings to be so strong that no imme^ 
diate impression could be made ; while the alarmed 
garrison, concentrating its attention on the threatened 
spot, kept up a furious discharge of missiles on their 
daring assailants. Prudence counselled retreat from the 
dangerous position which had been taken up ; and the 
emperor, though he felt acutely the shame of having 
failed/ retired. But his mind, fertile in resource, soon 
formed a new plan. He remembered that Demetrius 
Poliorcetes had acquired his surname by the invention 
and use of the ' HelepoUs,' a moveable tower of vast 
height, which placed the assailants on a level with the 
defenders even of the loftiest ramparts. He at once 
ordered the construction of such a machine ; and, the 
ability of his engineers being equal to the task, it rapidly 
grew before his eyes. The garrison saw its growth with 
feelings very opposite to those of their assailant; they 
felt that they could not resist the new creation, and 
anticipated its employment by a surrender.^ Julian 

* ' Evasit . . . verecundo rubore i ' So Ammianus. Zosimus speaks 
suffuBus.' (Ajnin* Marc. L8.c.) I of the terrible engine having been 


igreed to spare their Ihrn^ and allowed tham to with« 
dniw and join their countryineo, each nuin tiiklng wuh 
him ft f pure garmeot and a c^taui sum of money. The 
otber aloret contiiine«l within the walb fell to the con- 
querors, who found thera to comprise a vaat qmuitity 
of Cora, anus, and other valuables. Julian diiitributcHl 
arooog hii trooftt whatever wan likely to be ^ervieeitble; 
the remainder, of which he could uiake no iu»e, was 
dtber burned or thniwn into the Euphratca. 

The latitude of Ctesiphon wa^s now nearly R'Aclied, 
but Julian ntill continued to dissoend the Euphratei, 
while Cfae Pendan cavalry made Dceasional ilasbea upon 
hii tftended line, and .lometimeA caused a him iiensible 
lom^ At length he came to the point whore the 
Nahr-Malcha« or ' Btiyal river,' the chief of tlie canab 
connecting the Euphmie!! with the Ttgria, branched off 
from the mora we8i4L^m itn^m, and ran nearly due eaat 
to the vidnily of the capiiaL The canal wait nangable 
by his ihipa, and he tliereforc at this point quitted the 
Euplinitt*^, and <lirei^te<l his march eastwanl along the 
coups_» of the cutting, following in the footsteps of Scve- 
ru*, and no doubt exinrling, like him, to capture exisily 
the sjnat nu*tr»»|M^)litan city. Hut his advance across the 
L»M k of land whi<*li here *H'[)anit<*s the Tigris from the 
Kuphr.ito ' wa> [Kiinful and dilficult, since the enemy 
l:i*'l the country under water, and at every favourable 
j^-unt di'^jJUlMl hi** [)n>gre^s. Julian, however, still pressed 
f'.rwar'l, and advancitl, though slowly. Hy felling the 
ptjn- whu h j/rew abundantly in this region, and fonn- 
ii.ii With ih«in nift-* fUp|)ortc»<l by inllated skins, he wjuj 

'. i> I>- m>rr than about \!» miUi a littl« 

A- 'n*i, ;u 11# . Amm. Marc, b^l »w llabTloo ; io lb«» Utitud* of 
1 t.f 1 CtetipboQ It U about 3U miUa. 





[Ch. X. 

able to pass the inundated district, and to approach 
within about eleven miles of Ctesiphon. Here his further 
march was obstructed by a fortress, built (as it would 
seem) to defend the capital, and fortified with especial 
care. Ammianus calls this place Maogamalcha,^ while 
Zosimus gives it the name of Besuchis;^ but both 
agree that it was a large town, commanded by a strong 
citadel, and held by a brave and numerous garrison. 
Julian might perhaps have left it unassailed, as he had 
left already several towns upon his line of march ; but 
a daring attempt made against himself by a portion of 
the garrison caused him to feel his honour concerned in 
taking the place ; and the result was that he once more 
arrested his steps, and, sitting down before the walls, 
commenced a formal siege. All the usual arts of attack 
and defence were employed on either side for several 
days, the chief novel feature in the warfare being 
the use by the besieged of blazing balls of bitumen,* 
which they shot from their lofty towers against the be- 
siegers' works and persons. Julian, however, met this 
novelty by a device on his side which was uncommon ; 
he continued openly to assault the walls and gates with 
his battering rams, but he secretly gave orders that the 
chief efforts of his men should be directed to the for- 
. mation of a mine,* which should be carried under both 
the walls that defended the place, and enable him to 
introduce suddenly a body of troops into the very heart 
of the city. His orders were successfully executed ; 
and while a general attack upon the defences occupied 
tlie attention of the besieged, three corps ^ introduced 

^ Amm. Marc. zxiv. 4. 

« Zosim. iii. 20j p. 163. 

* Ibid. p. 154 : Oi iv rtf ^povpi^i 
vro\iopKovfAii/oi • . . dn<pa\Tni (iufKov^; 
mmfpiMffiivovi; yKoiriKov* 

« Liban. Orat. Funebr. p. 317, D ; 

Amm. Marc. xxiv. 4; Zosim. iii. 
21 ; p. 166. 

* The Mattiarii, the Laccinariiy 
and the Victores. (Zosim. iii. 22 ; 
p. 166.) 


tbrotigti the mtue suddcnljr sliowod tiusmfdirei in the 
t4iWTi itself^ and renderiM] further rciistAnoc Itapelej^ 
MAogamalchfi, which a little befure had boastizd of 
being inipRgmble, ond hiid kuglied to ecom the Titti 
is&irta of tha emperor^' middeiily found itself Imken by 
Mmilt and undergoing (he extreiuities of mt^k luid pil- 
lage* JuLiiiii inade no dTorts to prevent m generm] mas* 
aawe,* and the entire populutior^ without diBiinction of 
l^fe or sex^ secmi lo have lieen jmt to the nward.* The 
QommAndAiit of the fortress, tltcmgh ho whb at finDt 
iparad, sufTered defllh shortly after on a frivoloiLH 
diij]g!e.^ Even a miiicmble renvnant, whu'b hmi con- 
emM itnelf in wvesi and rellars waa huntetl out, amake 
and fire being u»ed to force lh« fiigitive^ from their 
hidiug-pUcci^ or ebe auM them to pcrifth in the dark- 
tome dena by snflbcaticKi.* Thus there wm no actre- 
B^ of iavage wurfkre which wob not uted, the fourth 
e^itmy ant iripa ting some of llie honors which have 
mort dbgnoed the nineteentli.* 

N<»thiiiu' now hut the river Tigris intonened IwtwiMii and the great city of CtcMphon, wliieh wjis 
plainly the >jHfial object of the exp<»<lition. Ctesiphuii, 
nid«-e<l, waj* not to Tt-rsia what it had l)een to Paiihia ; 
hill ^till it ini^'lit fairly be looked ujMm a^ a prize of 

* LibiU). p. .'Jir, II. /'••im. l.ft.r, urtx' »<«>•< (Z^mmri. iiL 2l' ; p. \!'p7 ). 

• Thr S..phi«t of Antitich en- * NabtlAtr* waa •ccuacHi of b*\- 
d«^trHir» t-» •I'f^-fid bu hrro fri>m injc defrndwl Manfrmtnalcba tu thf 
ti>^ chmry^ *>( rru«*ItT br tAiiof? ljt«t, aftrr bating prooii<»«*d to tur- 
tb^ f^Mirrv «rith dt»'*^jr^li«*nrr Ui rrndrr it. W** limd •!•() C4ll<-d 
tb^2f ir**o*rml"» 'rder* « </r. Fmnehr ll<>nni*4!««i • tniiUtr. F«»r tb«*»<» 
J 'i*. <*». bjt tb«» nafTttti\f4i of rrimrt {^ \ hr wm buni<*d AltT« ! 
\tr.aixanut A£d /•••imiM octndict lAmns. Mar. \x\\. A.) 

k.ft. » Ibid. xxir. 4. mA/ii. 

» • Sir,» ttrtu* diarriutr>«* vrl • Tb«» »iiuiUr iiiMuurM adnptf^l 

»'«u«. '^u.i-f.ii )mpa*tii» r*>p<>nt, by \lAr»bal lluifr«ud AtrmJn»t tb** 

u ^'•*Mlr•^i^yJBaWyalpH(7.\lBal. Anib« of Alirrn« •t»iii«* thtrtr jrar* 

Marr. l.s.r > r.*^ ir |«*#r «»y A|rt> vrfr grurinllj rrpfoWted. 

f 9 


considerable importance. Of Parthia it had been the 
main, in later times perhaps the sole, capital ; to Per- 
sia it was a secondary rather than a primary city, the 
ordinary residence of the court being Istakr, or Perse- 
polis. Still the Persian kings seem occasionally to have 
resided at Ctesiphon ; and among the secondary cities 
of the empire it undoubtedly held a high rank. In the 
neighbourhood were various royal hunting-seats, sur- 
rounded by shady gardens, and adorned with paintings 
or bas-relieft ; ^ while near tiiem were parks, or * para- 
dises,' containing the game kept for the prince's sport, 
which included lions, wild boars, and bears of remark- 
able fierceness.' As Julian advanced, these pleasaunces 
fell, one after another, into his hands, and were de- 
livered over to the rude soldiery, who trampled the 
flowers and shrubs under foot, destroyed the wild 
beasts, and burned the residences. No serious re- 
sistance was as yet made by any Persian force to the 
progress of the Bomans, who pressed steadily forward, 
occasionally losing a few men or a few baggage ani- 
mals,' but drawing daily nearer to the great city, and 
on their way spreading ruin and desolation over a most 
fertile district, from which they drew abundant supplies 
as they passed through it, while they left it behind them 
blackened, wasted, and almost without inhabitant. The 
Persians seem to have had orders not to make, as yet, 
any firm stand. One of the sons of Sapor was now at 
their head, but no change of tactics occurred. As 
Julian drew near, this prince indeed quitted the shelter 

* Ammianus speaks of ' pictures' 
(^ diveraorium opacum et amoenum, 
gentiles picturas per omnes »dium 
partes ostendens, xxiv. 6). But 
the wall decoration of the Sas- 
saoians was ordinarily effected by 


' * Ur^os (ut sunt Persici) ultra 
omnem rabiem sievientes/ ( Amm. 
Marc, xjdv, 6, sub init.) 

s Zosim. xxiii. 24 ; Amm. Marc. 


of Ctemphon, and tnade a recoiutiksaiicc in forci! ; but 
wheQ he fell in with the Boman advanced guard undi^r 
Ticior, and aaw ica strength, he declined an engagement, 
and retired without coming to blows. ' 

Julian had now reached the western suburb of Cte- 
ri^ioiit which had lost its okl name of Seleucia and was 
lenown as Cochd** The capture of thb place would, 
perliapa, not have been difficult ; but, m the broad and 
cleep iln^im of the Tigris flowed between it aud the 
main tcm^n, little would have been gained b^ the occu- 
Julian felt that, to uttmric Ctesiphon Mrith sue* 
he mufitp hkc Trajan and Severua, transport Im 
atmy to the left bank of the Tigni^ and delivf?r hia 
aaaaaU upoo the defeucet that laj lK*yond tliat river 
For the lofe trani{>ort of kb anny he trusted lo Ida 
fleiHt which he ha4 thwdbns citiiGd to enter the Nohr- 
Uakha, and to aooompanf haa troopa thus far. But at 
Codtii he fcmnd that the Xahr-Malcha, instead of join* 
ing the Tigria, aa he had expected, above Cteftiphon, 
mn into ii at 8<»me distance below.* To have pursued 
lhi*» liiu* with bolli lKi*l and army would have carried 
hiin i<H» fur into the enemy '•< counlr}', have endangereil 
111- coniniunieation-, and esjKxially have cut him off 
fn»ni the Armenian anny under Pnx'opius and Seban- 
lian, with whieh he was at this time lookinf; to effi^ct a 
junction. To have M»nt llie lleet into the Tigris Ik'Iow 
C'^xh*-, while the army ixrupied the ri;/ht bank of the 
river aU'Vi- it, would, in the fir>t plaee, have si^jwniteil 

* Amm. Majt. xiit. i. a J Jim. ' Lihaniuii ffifM Ui« bMt AcrottSit 

* *^" Amn.urc* (Kti«. '» *. /^mj- of JuIiahs dilficultT with rvvpcct 
mu« rail* th'' •uburb /^<hai»* (lii. Vt hi* Sr^t mad hit m<ide of Bt^t- 
1'*. u Or/itiAllf r.<h»i aivJ >olrucia lO^ IL {Orttt. ymmthr. p. .'UW, U, 
hmt\ b'rtj fii«ilr*rt t"wr.» lArriao. autl p, '^'JO, A, H. > (tibUio hat, 
Yt •• . but It w uM •rrm that 1 think, n^fhtij •pprrhaoiM hiB 
ihrj h*d, bi ihu tim^, fr^iWB into meaiuii^. 




[Gk. X. 

the two, and would further have been useless, unless 
the fleet could force its way against the strong current 
through the whole length of the hostile city. In this 
diflBculty Julian's book-knowledge was found of service. 
He had studied with care the campaigns of his prede- 
cessors in these regions, and recollected that one of 
them ^ at any rate had made a cutting fix)m the Nahr- 
Malcha, by which he had brought his fleet into the 
Tigris above Ctesiphon. K this work could be dis- 
covered, it might, he thought, in all probability be 
restored. Some of the coimtry people were therefore 
seized, and, inquiry being made of them, the line of the 
canal was pointed out, and the place shown at which it 
had been derived from the Nahr-Malcha. Here the 
Persians had erected a strong dam, with sluices, by 
means of which a portion of the water could occasion- 
ally be turned into the Eoman cutting.* Julian had 
the cutting cleared out, and the dam torn down ; where- 
upon the main portion of the stream rushed at once into 
the old channel, which rapidly filled, and was found to 
be navigable by the Eoman vessels. The fleet was thus 
brought into the Tigris above Coche; and the army ad- 
vancing with it encamped upon the right bank of the 

The Persians now for the first time appeared in 
force.^ As Julian drew near the great stream, he per- 
ceived that his passage of it would not be unopposed. 

^ Gibbon supposes Trajan to be 
meant {Decline and Foul toI. iii. 
p. 202); and so Zosimus (iii. 24). 
Ammianus mentions both Trajan 
and Severus (xxiv. 6, ad mit.); 
but it seems clear from Dio that 
the former monarch at any rate 
conveyed his ships from the Eu- 
phrates to the Tig^s, by means of 
roUerS; across the land. (Dio Cass. 

Ixviii. 28.) 

* The * catarraettt ' of Ammianus 
(' avulsis catarractis undarum ma^- 
nitudine classissecura . . . inalveum 
electa est Ti^dis * 1. s. c), are 
clearly sluices, which can only have 
had this object. 

' The troops under Kodosaces 
and the Surena (supra, p. 206) had 
been a mere detachment; consisting 




Abog the leH bank, which was at thbi point naturally 
biglier thjiti the righti und which was further crowned 
by a wall buttl cirifrinally to fence in one of thi* myal 
parka,^ couM be seen the dense maaaea of the encmy'» 
bone and foot, alrelching away to right and left, the 
former encased in gl f tiering armour,' the latter pro* 
tocted by huge wattled shields.* Behind tlie<e troopa 
wwe diitwniiblc the vast farms of elephant*, la4>king 
(fliya the htsturian) like moving mountaiuSf* and re- 
garded by the legtonariea with extreme dread. Julian 
felt tluit he could not ai*k htn army to crasa the stream 
o|>enty in tlie face uf a foe thus adi^antageouily |)o«ted« 
lie therefore waited tlie appniach of night. When dark- 
ncM had cioaed in, he made hU disponttionA ; divided hli 
flcit intci portiMUj^ ; cmlmrke^l a number of hta troopa; 
iod, deapte the diMuasionii of hbt officexv^^ gav« the 
atgnal for the paaage to rommence. Five iMpai aadi 
of them conveying eighty saltlier\ led the way, and 
IMched the o[tpi»ite ahure without aceidenL Here, 
hnwin* r, thf rnnny nn*iv<Nj thi ni ^^^^1^ ^ *,hiiqi fire of 
huniiri;/ <lart«», and the two for(Mno?<t were soon in 
flain«*^.* At tlu» (uninous sijrht the re?*t of the tleet 
wav( rc^l, and inij/hl have refuHcnl U) proceed further, 

r?,!irrlT < >( h PM*. and had befn 

ll>>aiAn«. n< t t" < ni;»i:<* tb*-ni. 

' i^^imuA, 111. l*/i : I»rr •rrivt^xt^ 
»|4>^r <r»w,««rrrt( t-^tiKmftpmr, tut i\$$a 
•■».>«wr f«»'<t •mftwmftmtitt^v" 

* 'Tum^jp »2r oi«frrtjr, ut laminU 
r «|^?ati f • rp rum (l«>taft •plrtxlofv 
yrw^t'r.* ^ rrr.l •«vuraaiit«« obtutua.' 

AtlitJ. VI ATT ii»» . ♦'• > 
' • « t.'r* M taut;* "KhmirVi ft 
€ .T^*». --l**- trlta IIOilD* rt COnia 

cr«iiJ fr^tAHlmm deiuitM aa ouoi- 

motf^bant.* (Ibid.) 

* '(frmdicntium collium tpaci^.* 
( Ibiti. l.a.c. ) Compare l^ibaniua, p. 

l\'Ji)f H: kariix^r rii¥ »|#fr . . . 

* Ammianiu mit* thrj all op- 
I p<«r>d him (* dttce* comtanh prrcmtm 
I Urn pr*hitM*rr trntabact*). Ijba- 
' Diut •pralm of oo« in particular aa 
I rrm<iti«traUtkj( (p. 321, A : i^ y I 

* C\>D)|tar« '/A^xm, iii. 26 with 
Amm. Marc hit. (X 



[Ch. X. 

had not Julian, with admirable presence of mind, ex- 
claimed aloud — ' Our men have crossed and are masters 
of the bank — ^that fire is the signal which I bade them 
make if they were victorious.' Thus encouraged, the 
crews plied their oars with vigour, and impelled the 
remaining vessels rapidly across the stream. At the 
same time, some of the soldiers who had not been put 
on board, impatient to assist their comrades, plunged 
into the stream, and swam across supported by their 
shields.^ Though a stout resistance was offered by the 
Persians, it was found impossible to withstand the im- 
petuosity of the Koman attack. Not only were the 
half-burned vessels saved, the flames extinguished, and 
the men on board rescued from their perilous position, 
but everywhere the Roman troops made good their 
landing, fought their way up the bank against a storm 
of missile weapons, and drew up in good order upon 
its summit. A pause probably now occurred, as the 
armies could not see each other in the darkness ; 
but,' at dawn of day,^ Julian, having made a fresh ar- 
rangement of his troops, led them against the dense 
array of the enemy, and engaged in a hand-to-hand 
combat, which lasted from morning to midday, when 
it was terminated by the flight of the Persians. Their 
leaders, Tigranes, Narseus, and the Surena,' are said * to 

^ Ammianus alone (I.8.C.) men- 
tions this fact, which he compares 
with the swimming of the Knone 
by Sertorius. 
*' Ammianus makes the battle 
begin with the dawn and last all 
the day. Zosimus says it lasted 
from midnight to midday. We 
mav best reconcile the two by sup- 
posing that the passage of the 
Tigris and the landing were at 
midnight — that then there was a 

pause — that the battle recommenced 
at dawn — that at midday the Per- 
sians were beaten and took to 
flight — and that then the pursuit 
lasted almost to nightfall. 

' The names are uncertain. In- 
stead of Tigranes and Narseus, 
Zosimus has ri^axes and Anareus. 
Some MSS. of Ammianus have 

* Zosim. iii, 25 : Tijg ^vyr^c 

at* 3L] UEPK-^T or TOT FERSIAKi 217 

hflve been the Erst to quit Uie field and lake refuge 
within the dcfeooes of Cteapboa, The example thug 
#et WW univermUy followed; and the entire Peman 
anay, abimdaamg its camp and baggage^ rushed in the 
wUdaiit eoolamm across tlie plain to the neanest of the 
dif gate«i closdj {Mimued by itd actire foe up to ihe 
wiy fiiol of the ym\h. The Bomiin writer* aawjrt thai 
OtaspboQ might have been erttere<l and taken, had not 
Ae geoernl, Victor, who was wounded bj a dart irom 
a fataputt, recalled his men «i ihey were about to runh 
in throt^ tbe open gateway.^ Il U perhaps doubtful 
whether mooai would really have crowned such auda- 
city. At any rate, the opportunity pa»ed— ihe run- 
aways entered the town — the giit^} cloiod upon them ; 
and Q^pbon wai iafir tmlMB it were reduced by the 
Dp^atiQiifl otf a regular «fi. 

Bui the fmita of ihe victoiy wen $iill oomidcnible. 
Hie entire Pi^rfian anny coUecied hitherto far the 
daiuoe et Qlm^bon liad be«n defeated by one-third of 
the Roman force under Juhan.' The vanquished had 
left l!,'i(M) men dead upon the field, while the viclorsi 
liad loM no more than seventy-five.' A rich sjK)il had 
fallen into the hand^ of the Homans, who found in the 
.iliiindoiHHJ camp couc1k*8 and U4l)Ies of mjLHsive f*ilver, 
and on the Inxlie?* of the j*lain, l>olh men and horM.% a 
profusion of p»ld and silver ornaments, l)i*^ides trappin^rs 
and apparel of jrreiil ma;/nifieen<'e.* A welcome !*upply 
i*( pr^M'.ion!* wjLsalv) funiUhe<l hy the huuls and houses 

' Amm. Marr. nit. i\ , Hufua, • Th«*«r luv xhf number* of ZnAJ. 

^ /*. Ijlmniu«, Or. /Vfii^r. p. .TA*. A. inu« (III. *J't, §mh Jim t, AtutDianuii 

* Hi*- iWt «M formrxi in ihrr^ ^irrrr^ tut to ihr rmuaoft, but tnAiiM 

diti*. <•. ani '.nlr ••t>r h»<lrriM«Ml. th<* K<>maij 1<im onlv M»\«'OtT (l.K.r. ). 

Ih» r»«t f1 \hf annr fk*M«^ th«* lutianiut nu*e« thr l«i»« cm (b« 

ntrj r. xh^ «l*ir aft^r tbr baltlr IVrwwj Mclr loC>,(IUiJ(r>r*r. ," 

•a.4 ih^ day ftlitwin^ iZoftim. tii. p. a.".*, A). 
:.•»>. ♦ Lmm. Luc. 



[Ch. X. 

in the neighbourhood of Ctesiphon ; and the troops 
passed from a state of privation to one of extreme abun- 
dance, so that it was feared lest they might suffer from 


Affairs had now reached a point when it was neces- 
sary to form a definite resolution as to what should be 
the further aim and course of the expedition. Hitherto 
all had indicated an intention on the part of Julian to 
occupy Ctesiphon, and thence dictate a peace. His 
long march, his toilsome canal-cutting, his orders to his 
second army,^ his crossing of the Tigris, his engage- 
ment with the Persians in the plain before Ctesiphon, 
were the natural steps conducting to such a result, and 
are explicable on one hypothesis and one hypothesis 
only. He must up to this time have designed to make 
himself master of the great city, which had been the 
goal of so many previous invasions, and had always 
fallen whenever Eome attacked it. But, having over- 
come all the obstacles in his path, and having it in his 
power at once to commence the siege, a sudden doubt 
appears to have assailed him as to the practicability of 
the undertaking. It can scarcely be supposed that the 
city was really stronger now than it had been under 
the Parthians ; ^ much less can it be argued that Juhan's 
army was insuflScient for the investment of such a place. 
It was probably the most powerful army with which 
the Eomans had as yet invaded Southern Mesopotamia ; 

^ EunapiuSy p. 68, ed. Niebuhr. 

» Supra, p. 200. 

' Ammianus speaks of Ctesiphon 
as ' situ ipso inexpugnabilis ' (xziv. 
7, ad init,) ; but it occupied a piece 
of alluTial plaiu; and had oeen 
taken three times by the Romans. 
Gibbon says : ' It is not ea^ for us 
to conceive by what arts of fortifi- 

cation a city thrice besieged and 
taken by the predecssors of Julian 
could be rendered impregnable 
against an array of 60,000 Romans ' 
(Decline and FaU, vol. iii. p. 206). 
I should doubt if any special pains 
had been taken by the Persians to 
strengthen the defences. 


ud it wu nmpljr provided with all the appurtenanoes 
of wmr. If Juliiii did uoi venture to tittempt what 
Tnyon nod Avidius Oismua aiid Septimius Severuf 
had whieviid without difficulty, it mudt havi? been 
tteciiiTC Urn drciamst&tioes undi^r whicli he would htive 
had to make the attiick were diScrent from those uuder 
which they hiid ventured and succeeded. And the 
moil momontous ont_^ — wha this. They 
and captitFt'd the pbice after defeating iha 
grc8li»l farco ihml Partbia could bring bto the fidd 
agatn^ them. JuUan found bimaclf in front uf Ctesi- 
pbon before he had cwwicd 9Wordd mih tlie PorBian 
king, or m mueh as ael e^ oa tlie gmnd arniy which 
Sapor wai known to have oollected. To have laldown 
befcn Ciesiphon under luch drcuiMlaiiees would have 
to ejcptj^ hirojielf to gnat peril; while he wat 
upon tlie itege, he might at aof tnno have been 
attacked by a relieving army under the Orettt Kiug^ 
have been placed between two firtf . and cuujpelled to 
eripiL'** at fxtreino (lisa(Ivantn<ii\* II was a considera- 
tion of thin <l:iii«rtT lliat iin|H'll<»(l the c^>uncil of war, 
whtTrt'* lie siil)initicMl the (pic^lion, to pronounce the 
•»!• J.* of C'i«»Hi[)hoii t<K) hn/anlous an (>|)eralion, and to 
tii-^-tnule thr <Mn[>4Tor from attemptintr it. 

Hut, if the riiy were not to 1m» l)esiepe<I, %vhnt course 
rttxM with any pni<lenei* Ik» adopted? It would liave 
l>»-»-n nuulne^'* to leavi» C't^'siphon unassiiiliMi, and to 
\tT>'^% for\%-anl aj:ain«*t Su^a and Perse[H>li8. It would 
h:iv«- lufii fuiilr to remain eneain|HHl U^fore the walls 
without roinineneinj^ a niepe. Tlie lietits of summer 

' That it w%» tk«» fMkT «»f AtUrk #t imp'trtunum noM<#tifiaiii id air- 
Ir'm S*pr»r'« mrmr whirh riUMxl jrrrdi, qo'id rt ri?iUt ntu ip*o in- 

br AmmiafiuA r Itatn r«t to M*n« mMm0mdm muit^tmdm* ftrwimtu rvx 
u««tiAai <)«iunuMUa, UciniM aiadai •fort erwdtimtmr,* Lm^c) 



[Ch. X. 

had arrived/ and the malaria of autumn was not far 
off. The stores brought by the fleet were exhausted ; ^ 
and there was a great risk in the army's depending 
wholly for its subsistence on the supplies that it might 
be able to obtain from the enemy's country. Juhan 
and his advisers must have seen at a glance that if the 
Eomans were not to attack Ctesiphon, they must re- 
treat. And accordingly retreat seems to have been at 
once determined on. As a first step, the whole fleet, 
except some dozen vessels,^ was burned, since twelve 
was a sufficient number to serve as pontoons, and it 
was not worth the army's while to encumber itself with 
the remainder. They could only have been tracked 
up the strong stream of the Tigris by devoting to the 
work some 20,000 men ; * thus greatly weakening the 
strength of the armed force, and at the same time ham- 
pering its movements. Juhan, in sacrificing his ships, 
suffered simply a pecuniary loss — they could not pos- 
sibly have been of any further service to him in the 

Eetreat being resolved upon, it only remained to 
determine what route should be followed, and on what 
portion of the Eoman territory the march should be 
directed. The soldiers clamoured for a return by the 
way whereby they had come ; ^ but many valid objec- 
tions to this course presented themselves to their com- 
manders. The country along the line of the Euphrates 
had been exhausted of its stores by the troops in their 

^ It was already the month of 
June (Clinton, F. R, vol. i. p. 466). 

^ Libanius confesses the want of 
provisions {Orat Ftmehr, p. 820, 
0). Ammianas does not distinctly 
mention it ; but his narrative shows 
that, from the time of the passage 
of the Tigris, Julian's army de- 

pended mainly on the food which 
It took from the enemy. (Amm. 
Marc xxiv. 7.) 

' Twenty-two, according to Zosi- 
mus (iii. 26) ; but Ammianus twice 
gives the number as twelve. 

* Amm. Marc xxiv. 7. 

* Ibid. xxiv. 8. 


tdTAnre; tho foittge Imd beou 0(Mii9umed» the towns 
aafl vilkgei desolftted, Thert would be ndtber food 
nor flheller for the men along this route ; the seaaoii 
WAS abo liflfiii table for it, since the EuphraU?^ was in 
full flood, mid the moi^ atmosphere would be fturc to 
breed swarmft of flies and roo^uitoei. Julian mw tijii 
by far the be»t line of retreat was along the Tigris, 
which hod bigfaer banks than ihe Euphroiesi which was 
aa kmgvr in flood,^ and which mn Lbruugh a tmct that 
wm ii^hly prodttct JTe ajid that had for many years not 
been visitfid by an enemy. The anny» thcrefam, was 
onknd to cv^ninient^ Its retreat tbioogh the i3oiintr)' 
lying on the left bank of the 'Kgris, and to spread itM»lf 
mv the fertile region, in the ho[>e of ubtiiining ample 
mpiiliea. The march was underrtood to be directotl oti 
Qiniy«iie (KurdistimX a pro^inra now in tlie t^oaiei-^ 
of Bcime, a rich traet^ and not more than about 250 
distant from Cteatpbon.' 
Before, howerer, the retreat commenced, white 
Julian an«l hi** virtoriou** army were j*till enoaniped in 
•»ii:hl of l't«->i|)ht)n, ihe lVi>ian kin^% ac^conliiig to some 
wiitrp^/ Mill an emlxLvy pro|)o^iiig tonns of peace. 
.Iul::iii*"» '•urrt^x'ic's are reprt'>i*iilc<l as having driven 8ap(jr 
i4» <l«-|).iir — 'the pride of hi;* royalty was huniblcHl in 
th«' «lu'*t ; he tcMik hi?* repa-^ts on the pn>un(l ; and the 
VH'ief aiul anxiety i»f his mind were exprL*jvso<l by the 

■ (iiW^.n "Ter^tatf* lb«» cm^ \n •wt-ll b^fon* the end of 

wh'O hr ••*• • rb«» Tijrn* ovrr- M»rrh. ( S<*<* tb«* Author't ^'iiiorfif 

t! «• iM M^in k. tb^ Hupbr»lr« m Ai'marrKtrs, TmI. i. p. lU. ) 

y»iy /»*. tn^ ami FaJi, Tm| iii. p. • Tbi« !• allMwim: (%>rdT(»fl<» to 

*.'»^ a !•• •• . Tbr Tu'o* ri'«nl cl.»r« hatct •itrndM •••utbvaHt' aa far 

::^i*-^l bryin in Mftirb, bul It i« a« tb«« p'UUt wbrn» tbe Clr^atcr 

/'^••»«! :r. Ma» . an 1 th#» n«er(inlv Z«b ioiif* (r^m lb«» tnountaioft. 

fv- -vt' !'• r.A'ifm] Irtrl «b>»ut tb^ ' Ijb«niii». Omt. Fttn^ipr. p. .mi, 

rt..i'..' fJunr Ih- lupbrat*** i» A. H; p ^.V, I» . Socrmtt*. Iltst. 

in f^.l f*. ••! ff?n tb«» mi<l<ll# of l^xles, lu, '.*l. 
JtUM t> tb« mi44i« of July, but 



[Ch. X. 

disorder of his hair/ ^ He would, it is suggested, have 
been willing ' to purchase, with one half of his kingdom, 
the safety of the remainder, and would have gladly 
subscribed himself, in a treaty of peace, the faithful and 
dependent ally of the Roman conqueror.' ^ Such are 
the pleasing fictions wherewith the rhetorician of Anti- 
och, faithful to the memory of his friend and master, 
consoled himself and his readers after Juhan's death. 
It is difficult to decide whether there underUes them 
any substratum of truth. Neither Ammianus nor 
Zosimus makes the slightest allusion to any negotia- 
tions at all at this period ; and it is thus open to doubt 
whether the entire story told by Libanuis is not the 
product of his imagination. But at any rate it is quite 
impossible that the Persian king can have made any 
abject ofiers of submission, or have been in a state of 
mind at all akin to despair. His great army, collected 
from all quarters,® was intact ; he had not yet con- 
descended to take the field in person ; he had lost no 
important town, and his adversary had tacitly confessed 
his inabiUty to form the siege of a city which was far 
from being the greatest in the empire. If Sapor, there- 
fore, really made at this time overtures of peace, it must 
have been either with the intention of amusing Julian, 
and increasing his difficulties by delaying his retreat, or 
because he thought that Julian's consciousness of his 
difficulties would induce him to ofier terms which he 
might accept. 

The retreat commenced on June 16.'* Scarcely were 


^ Gibbon, Decline and Folly toI. 
p. 206. 

« Ibid. 

' Tabari says it was gathered 
from all parts of Irak, Persia, and 
Kborassan (Chronique, vol. ii. p. 97). 

Gibbon tells us that Hhe satraps, 
ae far as tlie confines of India and 
Scythiaj had been ordered to as- 
semble their Hroops * (vol. iii. p. 
^ Arnm. Marc xxiv. 8. Some 


JUtlAH 15 DirnCTLTII®, 


Uie troapd 9Ci in motiont when un otninouv d0iid of dm% 
appeared cm the «outhero horizonf whidi grew bugger 
■t the day iid%^nced ; andf Uioygb 9omo soggested ihat 
the fippf^ranc^* was produced by a herd of wild nmeMf 
and uthem ventured the coajectum that it wa& cauR'd 1^ 
the approach of a body of Julianas Saraoenio alUos, the 
aBii>eror himself wad not deeeivedf but, underftanditig 
that the Bnauhadwt out io ptmuit^ he called iu hii 
amggkri, mi^ed hii troopi, ood pitched hi« camp in 
a itnmg poeationJ Bay-dawn ibowod lhat he had 
jndlgtd irightt for the earliest ray» of the sun were re- 
flaelid from the pcitiahcd breastpktes aud cuimmes of 
liw Fleraiam, who liad drawn up at no great di^itiirrce 
dmig tbe night' A eombat follow^ in whicii the 
Bnian and Saracenic borae attieked the KoEnntui 
t^pjTOiisly, and cipecially threataottl the lioggnge^ but 
wtn repulsed by the firouies and valour of the iCotuan 
ibot Julian was able to eoutiiiuo hui retreut af^er a 
whife« but found himself eurroundal by enemica, some 
of whom, ki'fpinj/ in mlvancv of his trcH)j>s, or hanging 
ujMin lii«* thinks (lf>troytd the corn and forage that liis 
nun >^i nuirh ntinlrd ; while others, pressing u\Hm Ins 
rt-iir, rutardt-d his march, and caused him from lime to 

vntrn. hB Tillrmont {Hut. <irf 
/rrMrirrncrff. tofD. iv. p. /V4-'t > lind 
<»itN n « J^^tnr and rail, vol. iii. 
p J»»» . intrrpo*** at thi«p'>int an 
»ifi«^iti tQ (>o tb«f p«rt of Julian 
ir.1 lb* inl^n< r j»r«»tin<>sinf lVr«ia, 
m\\h !h«- i'\jyc\ of I2i«^tllj^ Sajxif 
ar>i f' rrxnj: \um V* an rn<:a«:<»nirDt, 
«b>r:* th^v o->n«iii'>r t> bair br<*n 
fr.i»'fmt«^l br tb* trrArbrnr of bia 
$\xA'^ N<| doubt ibrrr arr ID 
|j^j*r.ia». <«f»'V"r^ "f NaiianifO, 
mt0*4 •** looirfi, •*jit«>ai'^r)t* <ifi whi» b 
•urb a %krw UUI1 b* ba<Mmi and wr 
raA»^ but MJp|ki*» •noi* fouoda- 

Uctt i^ xJb^ atoVj kA Um Ufibtixwf 


Kuidt*v— but tbe pUin DAirativr* 
of Amrniantia ana /^Mitnua, and 
con^deration* of lime, i>iycludr 
th«* (Mwaibilitr t»f anvtbin^ im- 
iirtjuit bafinir b(*rn undrrtaken 
liftwf^n ibe battle of tbo 'Vx^nt 
and tbc C(imm*n)c«in«nt of tb« !>• 
trraL Sinit* raida into tba rich 
muntrT on ritber aide uf tbe 
lh?a]«*\i, vitb tbe object of obtAio. 
inv pn>Ti>i<»na, aeeni to bare brro 
all that Julian hnUIj att«npted in 
tbi* thort int«*rTal. 
' A mm Marr. L«.c. 

■ lUd. XKT. 1. 



[Cbt. X. 

time no inconsiderable losses.^ The retreat under these 
circumstances was slow ; the army had to be rested 
and recruited when it fell in with any accumulation of 
provisions; and the average progress made seems to 
have been not much more than ten miles a day.^ This 
tardy advance allowed the more slow-moving portion of 
the Persian army to close in upon the retiring Eomans ; 
and Julian soon found himself closely followed by dense 
masses of the enemy's troops, by the heavy cavalry 
clad in steel panopUes, and armed with long spears, by 
large bodies of archers, and even by a powerful corps 
of elephants.^ This grand army was under the com- 
mand of a general whom the Eoman writers call Me- 
ranes,* and of two sons of Sapor. It pressed heavily 
upon the Eoman rearguard ; and Julian, after a httle 
while, found it necessary to stop his march, confront 
his pursuers, and oflfer them battle. The oflTer was ac- 
cepted, and an engagement took place in a tract called 
Maranga.^ The enemy advanced in two lines — the first 
composed of the mailed horsemen and the archers inter- 
mixed, the second of the elephants. JuHan prepared 
his army to receive the attack by disposing it in the form 
of a crescent, with the centre drawn back considerably ; 
but as the Persians advanced into the hollow space, he 
suddenly led his troops forward at speed, allowing the 

^ ZofiimuSy iii. 26-7; Amm. 
Marc. I.8.C. ; Greg. Naz. p. 154, B. 

* The distance from Ctesiphon 
to Samarah, a little south of which 
Julian died, is, by the shortest 
route upon the eastern side of the 
Tigris, about 100 miles. The route 
followed was probably somewhat 
longer; and the marcn appears to 
have occupied exactly ten days. 

' Amm. Marc xxv. 1. 

^ Ibid. Some suppose Meranes 

not to be a name, but Clike Surena) 
a title. See Dr. W. Smith's note 
in hiA edition of Gibbon's Decline 
and Fally vol. iii. p. 210, and com- 
pare Procop. De BelL Pers, i. 13 ; 
p. 62. 

* * Cum ad tractum Maranga no- 
minatum omnis venisset exerci- 
tus.' (Amm. Marc. 1.8.0.) Zosimus 
the chauges * tract called Maranga ' 
into a 'village called Mardnsa' 
(iii. 28). 


^tX.] KMThE OP MJIEAX6A. 225 

ftfcberfi ftcarcely dmc to di3»elmt]ge thdr arrows befom 
he tfiigigod thuin anil tlie hmwe iti close cottibiit. A 
loog And hinody struggle fallow^ ; bul tbe PofBiAra 
wsTfj uimotmiomvtl tn liand-to-haad Itghtittg utid tltn* 
tiked it ; th^ grtidtml^ gaire gruuiidt auU at liu»t hrxike 
op Aod fledt coveriEig their retrmt, however, with the 
dooli of orraws wliich they knew well how to <llfl- 
chftige Bs they reiinnl. Hie wuight of their umm^ lod 
tlieiccy bntof the suuutiurBun, prrmted the Bamnm 
from ourying the purmiii very far. Jdiati nscnllod 
them quickly to the proiection o( the camp, nnd nut* 
pmdetl his murrh for fome d«yi ' whUe the woundwl 
had tlieir hurts Alteudal Uk 

The Benaan troopi^ having tfiiflered heavily in tho 
banlt, ouuk no atti!tnpt to Btortti the Roman iminp. 
Tbey were mntent to Bprmd themm^vm cm aU aidissi to 
dartray or carry off all the fomge and provimifl, and 
m mke the eoiinCi^, through whirh tlie Boman iinny 
mm ritire, a desert Jtdtau'fl foreei were alruady nuP^ 
ferin;/ «Mvrnly from "irarrity of food ; and the general 
\%:ini wu'* !)ut very J*lif:htly relieved by a distribution 
of ill*- *i«»n*s fH*t ajwirt for the oflicers and for the 
m«-niUp» of tin* iin[Hrial household. Under these cir- 
fniin*ian< N^ it i*^ Hot j*ur[>ri*«iiij; that Julian's firmness 

• leMTt^-*! Iiiin, and that he In^n to jhve way to melan- 
« ho!v f«»r« iMxlifH^'**, an<l in »4»e visions and omens which 
|p.n«'ii«lMl <lisi-l<T and death. In the nileiH'e of his 
t» lit, ;i- h«- ^linlit^l a favourite philosopher during the 

• i«'a«i ••!* !i!v'ht, he ihoughl hi* siw llie (lenius of the 
>*ai«\ \\v\i \eilinl head and rornuo»pia, stealing away 
thr"i];.'h thf haiipn)/s >lo\vly and Nidly.^ Sjoii afU»r-«i-, \*>\.iu li<- liii<l ja*»t \nmi' forth into the o|)en air 

/'»>/«v niutii* dr«tir>*t«*. dum ^u > r}ui»'|u<^ fulorri qi€>dttiif vrl 
f^ t.^i 'AoiOi. \lArc. xjLf. i, md tnti ) * Ibid. 



[Ch. X. 

to perform averting sacrifices, the fall of a shooting star 
seemed to him a direct threat from Mars, with whom 
he had recently quarrelled.^ The soothsayers were con- 
sulted, and counselled abstinence from all military move- 
ment ; but the exigencies of the situation caused their 
advice to be for once contemned. It was only by 
change of place that there was any chance of obtaining 
supplies of food; and ultimate extrication from the 
perils that surrounded the army depended on a steady 
persistence in retreat. 

At dawn of day,^ therefore, on the memorable 26th of 
June, A.D. 363, the tents were struck, and the Roman 
army continued its march across the wasted plain, 
having the Tigris at some Httle distance on its left, and 
some low hills upon its right.* The enemy did not 
anywhere appear ; and the troops advanced for a time 
without encountering opposition. But, as they drew 
near the skirts of the hills, not far from Samarah, 
suddenly an attack was made upon them. The rear- 
guard found itself violently assailed ; and when JuUan 
hastened to its relief, news came that the van was also 
engaged with the enemy, and was already in difficulties. 
The active commander now hurried towards the front, 
and had accomplished half the distance, when the main 
Persian attack was delivered upon his right centre,^ 
and to his dismay he found himself entangled amid 

^ Amm. Marc xxiv. 6, ad Jin. 
On account of unpropitious omens 
Julian had sworn that he would 
never sacrifice to Mars again. 

* * Exorto jam die.* (Ibid. xxv. 
• 2, ad Jin.) 

' Ammianus calls them ' lofty 
hills * (* celsos colles ') j but there 
are* none such in the vicinity of 

* AmmianuB is confused on this 

point; in one place making it the 
right, in another the left wing that 
suffered (xxv. 3: ^sinistro comu 
inclinato . . . exercitus comu 
dextero defatigato *). I conceive 
that the entire attack was made 
from a line of low hills, perhaps 
the embankment of an old canal, 
on Julian's right, and that it was 
therefore on this side that his 
army suffered its main losses. 

Cb. X.] nxTTLB or samajuu. DtATH or JtnjA^. 227 

the miiiBai of hm%\y horac! and eli^phiiQlii, wliidi hud 
llirowii hb C44ujiiU!f into conftutoii. The su^imiess o( 
the ^iemy'« ap^ieuritJKM! had proveDtt^l lum frotn duii- 
nfaig hii complete armour ; Aitd m he fought withoul n 
fareiAt{ikte, itnd wiih the aid of ht^ light-iirtiie<l tixiopi 
raitored the diiy^ falliug on llic foe fitna behind and 
ftUikiiig the bidis and bought of the hcir»es and ele* 
phaoc^ the javelm of a horwtnan, iiDi^r gntdng ibe 
ttesb of his luiiit fixed il^Jf in hb right dde, pene- 
tnting Uiruugb the ribs to the liven' Jutittiit grasping 
the haul u( Uje weapon^ atlefijpced lo draw it forth, but 
ia Tiin — the sluiqi steel cut hi» fingerv, and the [lain 
aad low iif bhH>d caused him to (iiU Glinting from bit 
ffieed. liis gumdiit who bod eluMsd an^und him, imn^ 
fully Tttlsed him up, and conveyed him to tlie oinip, 
wbentiie wigeuoa «l otice deehircd the wciufid martaL 
Hit Bid Hem ipraad npidlj among th« aoldiefj, and 
wrved tlum lo deff[>entlc effortM — if they m%m Uim 
their gCMi«L| be tliuuliU ihej* determined, lie avenged. 
J^tnkiii;: tluir nhirlds witli their ?<pi»ars,* they ever}-- 
uhirc ru>lH«l ii|mih tin* iiieiny with iiKTedible ardour, 
<anl<*«» >\luili('r lliry livt-il or (litnl, ami only .vekinj^ 
to intlu t ihf |jn ali'^l j>oH>iblo Ions on lh(*5*e oj)|M»?ied li> 
xhiiu. Hut tin* iVrMau", who had rejrardinl ihc day as 
tin ir*, n-'i^ii-^l »»lriiiuou»ly, and niainUiined the fight 
with ol>*iiu;i' y till rvrning cloxnl in and darkneji^s put 
a •top to llu' rn;/:i;jt*inrnt. The Ionm*?* were hirge on 
l^i'lh Mtlo ; ihi* Itoinan ri;ihl win«: had ?*ufl*ertHl gn*ally ; 

' Iab*Aiu«, fPrat. Funehr. pn. n.»t <l»-«lt \t\ «»t... nf the rn«lllT, b«l 

.'Vii-'l . Amtti. M«rr. iit. .'1. It bv • CLnvtian of JulUo't amiv 

u runout what •ItfTrrvnt »<c<uDti ( Or«r. ymm^>r. p. .Ti4). Hut tliiis 

arv /ii»ii I'f JuiiAXi • WMund. /'>«i- i« • tii«nilr*t ralumof. 
mat att^*, ***|f.f •• i I? •• (in. '.*!*» . * Atuiii. Mftn. l.».r. : ' llaBfA* ad 

A4/«iiu« \i<t<'r. ' r*mi*t p^rruti- bcuIm c • >brrr pan ». mile* mi tinJu-^ 

tur ' ( A^'. 4-1 1. I^ibamu* tii <in« tarn . . . luiob 
^W« d«vU/«« thai ihm biuw wm 

« 3 


its commander, Anatolius, master of the offices, was 
among the slain, and the prefect Sallust was with dif- 
ficulty saved by an attendant.^ The Persians, too, lost 
their generals Meranes and Nohodares ; and with them 
no fewer than fifty satraps and great nobles are said to 
have perished.' The rank and file no doubt sufiered 
in proportion ; and the Bomans were perhaps justified 
in cUuming that the balance of advantage upon the day 
rested with them. 

But such advantage as they could reasonably assert 
was far more than counterbalanced by the loss of their 
commander, who died in his tent towards midnight on 
the day of the battle.* Whatever we may think of the 
general character of Julian, or of the degree of his 
intellectual capacity, there can be no question as to his 
excellence as a soldier, or his ability as a commander 
in the field. If the expedition which he had led into 
Persia was to some extent rash — ^if his preparations for 
it'had been insufficient, and his conduct of it not wholly 
&ultless — if consequently he had brought the anny of 
the East into a situation of great peril and difficulty — 
yet candour requires us to acknowledge that of all the 
men collected in the Koman camp he was the fittest to 
have extricated the army from its embarrassments, and 
have conducted it, without serious disaster or loss of 
honour, into a position of safety. No one, like Julian, 
possessed the confidence of the troops ; no one so com- 
bined experience in command with the personal activity 
and vigour that was needed under the circumstances. 
When the leaders met to consult about the appointment 
of a successor to the dead prince, it was at once appa- 

* Zosim. iii. 29-30 ; Amm. Marc. { ' Mty^t wktiq //'(t/;c apKKx.ig 
XXV. 8. dfriOavtv, (Zos. iii. 29.) 

* Amm. Marc. 1.8.c I 


C^. X] JOVUH MA0f: EMPKtOR. 229 

rent how irrepambla was tbdr IcM, The prefect Sal- 

luftl, who»e superior rank and length nf service pomied 

him out for [immoUnn lo the vacant post» exotaed 

htmaelf oa ocrauot of his age and infinnitieft.^ The 

geoenk of tbe accoDd grade — Arintha^ua, Vktor^ Ne- 

viUa, Dagaliijphuf — tiad each their jmrif among the 

aoldiifraf but weru uoaeeeptablu to the onny genurtdly. 

Kane could daim any f^upt'rior merit which might 

dearly |dai!e him above the rest ; and a discord that 

might have led to op<?n fitrife aecmed impending, when 

m oaml voioe pronounced the name of Jovian, and, 

wamp applaon foUowiog the fi^ggvaition, the riv^I gexm- 

imi^ aii{uiaieed ia the choioe; and tht« hitheno in^* 

oi&cant offioiff waa raddenly inveatod witJi tba purple 

tad Mluted aa * Augustua* and * Emperor' * Had there 

hecm any one realty fit to tmke the oommand, ^uch an 

apfjiiintmeut cxmtd not have been mado ; but. In the 

i*videiit dearth of warlike geniuN it wat thought beat 

tliat ooe whfjde mak waa dvil rather than militury' 

*houM Ik* preiVrrcxl, lor ihe avoidance of jealousies and 

< MfiiiiiiiMiiH. A cl<sirt4.T airriitl the iu*ws to Sapor, who 

w;k- now ii4>i vtTV far distant, and iIcmtiIkhI tJie new 

inijH for to him a.s cfliiuinalc and ^lolhful.* A frcj^li 

ini[»ulM- w;lh ^'ivrn t4) the pursuit by the intelligence 

tha^ rijiiveVitl ; the army enpiged in disputing the 

Koinan retrial wxH reinfoned by a .strong Ixxly of 

lavalr}'; and Sajjor himHi'lf i)rex«*e<l forward with all 

h.ftf, ri-^»lviil t*) hurl hi.-* main force on the rear of the 

litri-aliij;^ cohiinn''.^ 

' \mm Marr. iit. .V llou^hoM. Ilu miliunr rm&k wm 

* lU'l i • r. /-••imu* /:Tr« !>«» |»rrhA)Hi that of thbuu«. (8^« 
t&#*juU. itul imyh ••%• that thr /utiAim*, mi. p. 11* : lt*iii<iri( «•( r*!*- 
I •^t>ri. Kv ri tT, ri^ lU r. f,«« lit rlc^ t«'(i .n ^ , •»,•,.!, r»M<«ic*'«rai, ft-ri ^iXi«^« 

* J 'vukn WA« ' t:r»t of th^ (1 'tur*- * - iD^rtrtn H moUem.* < Amm. 
iu», ut CoopUulicf of ihm Hoytd Marc. L4.C. $mbjlm,) * ibkL 



[Oh. X. 

It was with reluctance that Jovian, on the day of 
his elevation to the supreme power (June 27, a.d. 363), 
quitted the protection of the camp,^ and proceeded to 
conduct his anny over the open plain, where the Persians 
were now collected in great force, prepared to dispute 
the ground with him inch by inch. Their horse and 
elephants again fell upon the right wing of the Romans, 
where the Jovians and Herculians were now posted, and, 
throwing those renowned corps *^ into disorder, pressed 
on, driving them across the plain in headlong flight 
and slaying vast numbers of them. The corps would 
probably have been annihilated, had they not in their 
flight reached a hill occupied by the baggage train, 
which gallantly came to their aid, and, attacking the 
horse and elephants from higher ground, gained a 
signal success.^ The elephants, wounded by the jave- 
lins hurled down upon them from above, and maddened 
with the pain, turned upon their own side, and, roaring 
frightfully,^^ carried confusion among the ranks of the 
horse, which broke up and fled. Many of the frantic 
animals were killed by their own riders or by the Per- 
sians on whom they were trampling, while others suc- 
cumbed to the blows dealt them by the enemy. There 
was a frightful carnage, ending in the repulse of the Per- 
sians and the resumption of the Eoman march. Shortly 
before night fell, Jovian and his army reached Samarah,* 
then a fort of no great size upon the Tigris,^ and. 

* Amm. Marc. xxv. 6, ad init 
' The * Jovians ' and * Herculians ' 
had been instituted by Diocletian, 
and received their names from the 
titles * Jovius ' and * Herculius * 
assumed by that emperor and his 
son-in-law, Galerius. 

' Zosimus (iii. 30) is here fuller 
and more exact than Auimlanus. 
His narrative has all the appearance 

of truth. 

* ^\tTa ^pv\i}(i}xov, (Zosim. l.s.c.) 

* Amm. Marc. xxv. 6 : * Prope 
confinia noctis, cum ad castellum 
Sumet*e nomine citis passibus ten- 
deremus.' Zosimus seems to intend 
the same place by his :£(>taa t6 
oporpK.i', which, however, he makes 
the Romans pass early in the daj. 

^ Samarah became a flourishing 

Ci^ 3L] DiFricTLTiRa or THE mM.%s urtokat, 231 

eA'^amping in its vidnity, paB$eil the boam of pest 

The retreat now conHiiiied for four days lUotig the 
riglit bunk of the Tigra,' tlie progrei^ tniide cucli ctuy 
bebg fmiill,^ ^iice tbe enemy inre^mnlly obftrut^tecl the 
marrh, previDf^ on the coluinn§ as they riitirLn)^ tiut 
wh«fi th4!y Btftppecl (Imwhjg oft^ nnd dcelining nn 6ii- 
gftgement at doie qimrter*. On one oooukni they 
wma ittftcketl the Boinim muip,Hml, iifter tJiauUing the 
IcgicMis with their criei« forcetl their way tliruugh titti 
pntomn gitte, and hud nearly penetratetl to tlie raynl 
trnl, when they were met nnd defeated liy tlie legion- 
ariea-* The Sumcenw! Anib^ wtne e«jiecJaUy tnmble- 
aQme. OS^otled liy the refni^il of Julian to continue their 
iubodic^/ they had tmniferm] Ifaeir ierncen wboUy 
to the other itkle, and punned the Bomatii with a ho§- 
tihty that wum fiharpi*!iL*d by indignAtion nnd re»eni- 
menL It was with diflieulty that the BomAU amiy« al 
the doie of the foiuth day, reoArhcNl Dunt, a small pkce 
ujnn flie Tij^ri*. ntwujt eiL'ht*M*n inili-* nmih f»f Sa* 
inar.ili/' H*Te a iirw i(lt»a srized tlie sohliers. A?* the 
r«r^i;in forcrs Wiiv inn?^'K»<l cliifllv on the left l)ank of 

ir ! in.p' rlnnl ritr un«Jrr th<» f*>r h tim«», but, findinir that bU 

7'.' -•li <''»lir)h "f thin lin»'. Al- h«u»!«-<l, »T(.pp«Mi tb<? ctutoiuanr 

M rA«^!ii-ltil(jih, niA4lr it hU pAvnirnt. Tbt'SararrDtotnipUiiieJ, 

.!aI It i« n 'W*< luort* whfrru|H)n be rrplied tbat be bad 

^r^\ t . ir;»i/Tijrjr«n«'«*. no m^rf jr^ld, but plenlT of tt<^«l, 

/^«im. III. •>> ; Hm'<'4<c fif*'i»,n At lh«'ir wrricr. 

T^ «' 

riM-ff ran be no doubt o{ tbe 

A« !>urm ijhtr\ i« but ri^'htrrn idrfitity <»f I>un» (^rrp.>) witb ibe 

IT. li*^ »^ \»- >«ixi«mh, \hr M\frii|r«* in •^I'-ni Pur, » ►null plart* tm tbe 

jr VT»*« jv-r .jut n»»»«! h«\r >»*.•!» |ji:n« b»tWfN*n Irkrit ami Satua- 

uvi#^f ? »r ^.y*. Vtnmtaniio ^'ix*-* rmh. ( Kirb, A'wri/M^mi. ?nl. ii. cb. 

th' ;••! *»» • nmrrh *• thirtv xxni. . l^Yanl. .Viw^rrA «md lUiky* 

••**-•. r ; "Ir n* rr thsn thr»^' /*■••. y 4«a». • It wa» a tnwn of 

■:..'• i\f •" M^iijr ini]te nau(>t* ib tbr war* of 

» \u.Tii M»r-. I«r. thr •umM#i>n of Alexaixier(rul^b. 

* Jul.«o bad AuUidu^d thrni t. 4** aod o« i. 



[Ch. X. 

the Tigris, and might find it diflScult to transfer them- 
selves to the other side, it seemed to the legionaries 
that they would escape half their difficulties if they 
could themselves cross the river, and place it between 
them and their foes. They had also a notion that on 
the west side of the stream the Roman frontier was not 
far distant, but might be reached by forced marches in 
a few days.^ They therefore begged Jovian to allow 
them to swim the stream. It was in vain that he and 
his officers opposed the project ; mutinous cries arose ; 
and, to avoid worse evils, he was compelled to consent 
that five hundred Gauls and Sarmatians, known to be 
expert swimmers, should make the attempt. It suc- 
ceeded beyond his hopes. The corps crossed at night, 
surprised the Persians who held the opposite bank, and 
established 'themselves in a safe position before the 
dawn of day. By this bold exploit the passage of the 
other troops, many of whom could not swim, was ren- 
dered feasible, and Jovian proceeded to collect timber, 
brushwood, and skins for the formation of large rafts 
on which he might transport the rest of his army.^ 

These movements were seen with no small disquie- 
tude by the Persian king. The army which he had 
regarded as almost a certain prey seemed about to 
escape him. He knew that his troops could not pass 
the Tigris by swimming ; he had, it is probable, brought 
with him no boats, and the country about Dura could 
not supply many ; to follow the Eomans, if they crossed 
the stream, he must construct a bridge, and the con- 

^ Amm. Marc. xxv. 6: 'Fama 
circumlata, lines baud procul limi- 
turn esse nostrorum.' 

^ Ibid. Rafts of tbis description 
bad been used on tbe Mesopotamian 
rivers from very early times. Tbey 

are represented frequently in tbe 
Assyrian sculptures. (See Layard, 
Motiuments of Nineveh, Second 
Series, pi. 13 ; Nineveh and Baby- 
lon, p. 231 J &c.) 

Vnosn COMUBKCfi. 





ftmctioi] of i brklgu woa^ to such umkilful cngtnoert u 
tfae Peraiuiii a work of time* Befor(3 it won fimsht*d 
the legion.^ tnighl be bujoiid bb rt-ocbt iui<J m Uiu 
cunpulgri WTHikl und, and hu would bavo gAmed no 
ndvafiuige fruni iu Under thaie circutnaUtnoia he de- 
lertntui«d to open negotiatjuris witb the Brimtiis, and lo 
tee if he ocmld not esctnct fnim their femv tame im- 
poftiuii amsemom. They wertf itiU ta % positioo of 
great peril, mu&a thejr eould not escpect to cmburk and 
owi the Hream without tufleriog trumendmu lom 6tHn 
the enemy before whom they would be flying. And 
it WHS uncertaiti what perik tlury might not eneouutef 
lieyond tiic river in travenring the two hundred mUrn 
that «tiU skeparaicd them from Bomiui tenitorj-,* The 
Sttiacente alliat of Feraia wem in force uu the further 
ttde of the itrcam ; ' and a portion of Stipor*A army 
nyjri^ be ocmveyed acroei in time to hung on the rear 
of the Icgioaji and add krgely to their diSicultJcs. At 
any rau\ it wa» worth while to make overtures ind tee 
what an^wiT wuUid Ix* returUL**!. It lli«* iik'U i>f liego- 
lialiiiL' Wire rnlortaiiietl at all, something would Ik* 
L'aintMl ; lor larh a(ldili<»nal day of Miflrring and pri- 
\aii«»ii diiniiii-lMtl the Koiiian >truijzth, and liroujrhi 
ii«-arrr \\\r inoiiRMit of abHoluic and o>in|>k*tf cxhau?*- 
tiofi .M«>n*ovi*r, a l)riil;ir niiL'Iil In* at oiuv ronnnenrcnl 
:it -^Jinr littli* di-^tanri/*^ and niij/lit U* pu>hc»il fijrwanl. 



' T"h#' ditunr*" from |»iir t* Sin- 
i!. :•. *« th** rn»w !li«»#, A(>*ut 

kt#. « aid r»i»* ibr ili*t«rH«< !-• 

' 1 fcktft ;• Ti t •!«t'il h\ \\ir> mil- 
<ili»«. but, aftrr \h<p !!*'•**• w»« 

•trurtin/ in onlfr t* pur»U4* J<»\iAii 
fttxl br»'iik thr trmit of th«* trratv. 
(>«•«* Alum. M«n\ xxt. H. ) Aw 
S«|fc.r, It wuk»'»l «*n<Mi^h. ran 
•<i«rt»l* hm\t* br^n f<w>li«h rtiouirh, 
t.» . ..ijtMiipUt** br^akinir th«* f«»nr 
Milt ii}il«^'«Miu« trt^ty wbirh he hud 
jij«t r 'H- li<ln<l. I •u»|ie>«*t that th«» 
br.'lfcr" WAt Uytin whilf* tht* ne^^- 
tuli<»na mrtf 10 |M>ii|(rrM, to b(* 

m*d4r. wt hea/ uf a bn<^ wbidi lurU if thej faiUd. 


SO that, if the negotiations failed, there should be no 
great delay in following the Eomans across the river. 

Such were probably the considerations^ which led 
Sapor to send as envoys to the Roman camp at Dura 
the Surena and another great noble, who announced 
that they came to offer terms of peace.^ The great 
king, they said, having respect to the mutability of 
human affairs, was desirous of dealing mercifully with 
the Romans, and would allow the escape of the rem- 
nant which was left of their army, if the Caesar and 
his advisers accepted the conditions that he required.' 
These conditions would be explained to any envoys 
whom Jovian might empower to discuss them with the 
Persian plenipotentiaries. The Roman emperor and 
his council gladly caught at the offer ; and two officers 
of high rank, the general Arinthasus and the prefect 
Sallust, were at once appointed to confer with Sapor's 
envoys, and ascertain the terms on which peace would 
be granted. They proved to be such as Roman pride 
felt to be almost intolerable; and ereat efforts were 
made to induce Sapor to be content with less. The 
negotiations lasted for four days ; ^ but the Persian 
monarch was inexorable ; each day diminished his 
adversary's strength and bettered his own position ; 

^ I have priven the considerations 
which, it seems to me^ must have 
weighed with Sapor. Ammianus 
represents him as impelled to desire 

circumstance whicli principally 
moved him : * Suj)er omnia hebe- 
tarunt ejus anxiam mentem . . . 
quingenti viri transgressi tumidum 

peace: 1, by the losses that he had I fiumen incolumes,' kc. (Amm 

sustained; 2, bv fear of what the Marc. xxv. 7.) 

Roman army might do if driven to ! ^ Ibid, l.s.c. ; Zosim. iii. 31 

desperation ; and 3, by a general 
dread of the Roman power and a 
special fear of the army of Meso- 
potamia under Procopius. He ad- 
mits, however, that the successful 
passage of the river by the oOO 
Gauls and Sarmatians was the I 

' ' Humanorumrespectureliquias 
exercitua rodire einere clemen- 
tissimum regem. qua3 jubet si im- 
pleverit cum primalibus Cfesar.' 
(Amm. Marc, l.s.c.) 

* Ibid. I.8.C. 

Ov.1.] nit TEBIfB OF rSJlCE. SS6 

then! m'us tio remian why he ^houlU mnke any eonem- 
ikitt Et nil ; jiml he ieettnt, in fact, U> have yie!ck*c) nothing 
of ha ariginitl Uemnncln, except paiutJi of i>itieh exceeiU 
isgfy flight moment that to imtst on them would have 
been folly.* 

The followuig were the tenns of patfe to which 
JoTtfln eofisenieil. Fim^ the fire pmnitetti ewt of the 
Tigriii. wbtrJi had been eaded to Borne by Niinis, the 
gmndfiiUier of Sapor, after hb defeat by Galcriiti,^ wen* 
10 be giTen back to Punia* with thdr forlifiimtiom» 
tbeir inhabstimtA, and all that Uiey eontaineil of valuo. 
The Bomam in the temti>ry were, however* lo bt? 
allriwef] to witliilmw and join their iMiunlrynien. Se- 
cxiodly, ihrw places in Eaatem Mi»i»[»oUimia» Mdbii^ 
fifa^tnu and a fort called *ll)i3 Camp of the Moon,* 
w^ru 10 be farrenden^cl, but with the condition that 
only the Bocuina, but tim mliabitiiuto geuerallyt 
t retire ere Uie Pciwuia took poneiaioiit and carry 
with tbein tucb of their eAeli u were movable,' The 
«!iiT!-inl«T of thi'^v j»lare<^ luvessarily involved that of 
ihf roiiutiT whirh thi'V rommMfKliNl, and ran s<*am»ly 
i!n:»!y Ir-** than th<' withdniwal of Honu* from any claim 
l-» <!oiniiiioii ovtT tlh* ri^jion !M*twri»n the Tijins and 
t!..- Kh:it><»ur.* Tliinlly. all coniuHtion lR»tween Ar- :tn<i lJ«»!ni* wa-* to he broken off; Ap*aees wa*< 
t«» 1m- !»•!! to \\\^ own rr^ouree^; and in any <niarrel 
!»i'u»«-!j liini and rei**»ia l{o!n<* \v;ih pre^'hided from 
I«!i ill:;/ liim aid. ( >n th<*se r.»n<litionH a [K^aee was 

Tb*' < (s >n<^^\'ir • m*Hr • Thi* i* n »t diftinrtlT f»tiit«*d •« 

w-'Tv tfi,. j-rTi..M...n of with<iniw«l • crvliti n, hut •ppt'An fn>iii what 

jT'fi t'» •" tb»' ii)))Abit«nt« of t» r» Ui*^l *»f th«» iu-tiiiil r«iirujiti<ia 

S.» ti* ar. i •^in/nm. «n«i th»* nil »w- ( Amrn. \I«rr. \\\. 1»». 
%fi. •^ f ft •-.Tj.uar n.'ht t-» Ki^riian * <»r...-,ii« mm^% tli*. mti'i th«»n»r<»rf» 

c;!i»«-i« ! .-«!#-l ;n M>T p«rt "f xhf mAy • Ni»ibin >«p|>ttlutn. W pmritrtn 

r»^r.j l*-m! 'r^r%. mtp^rfrts .Mr^^pfmJttmtm^ I'erWji C«HI* 

» ?Nrr ftb.*-. pp. r.n»-l.TJ. cw-Mit' {^xw. 'M i. 



concluded for thirty years ; ^ oaths to observe it faith- 
fully were interchanged ; and hostages were given and 
.received on either side, to be retained until the stipu- 
lations of the treaty were executed. 

The Eoman historian who exclaims that it would 
have been better to have fought ten battles than to 
have conceded a single one of these shameful terms,^ 
commands the sympathy of every reader, who cannot 
fail to recognise in his utterance the natural feeling of 
a patriot. And it is possible that Julian, had he Uved, 
would have rejected so inglorious a peace, and have 
preferred to run all risks rather than sign it. But in 
that case there is every reason to believe that the army 
would have been absolutely destroyed, and a few strag- 
glers only have returned to tell the tale of disaster.* 
The alternative which Ammianus suggests — ^that Jovian, 
instead of negotiating, should have pushed on to Cor- 
dyene, which he might have reached in four days — ^is 
absurd ; * for Cordyene was at least a hundred and fifty 
miles distant from Dura, and, at the rate of retreat 
which Jovian had found possible (four and a half miles 
a day), would have been reached in three days over a 
month ! The judgment of Eutropius, who, hke Am- 
mianus, shared in the expedition, is probably correct — 
that the peace, though disgraceful, was necessary.^ 
Unless Jovian was prepared to risk not only his own 

^ Amm. Marc xxv. 7, ad Jin. ; and FaU, vol. iii. p. 219). 
Zosim. iii. 31. | ^ Gibbon admits as much in a 

* * Cumpugnari decies expediret, ! note (note "°), but in his text re- 
ne honim quidquam dederetur.' produces the absurdity of Ammia- 
(Amm. Marc xxv. 7.) 

^ This point is well argued by 

Tillemont {Hid, des EtnpereurSj 
torn. iv. p. 683). It is slurred 
over by Giobon, who blames Jovian, 


* Eutrop. Breviar, x. 17, § 0: 
' Pacem fecit necessariam auidem, 
sed ignobilem.' Compare Orosius, 
vii. 31 : * FcBdus, etsi parum putaret 

but leaves it doubtful what he ' dignum. satis tamen necessarium, 
would have had him do {DecUne \ pepigit. 


life, by I the lives of all his soldiers, it was cs^nital that 
be should came to terms ; and tlie be§t terms that hu 
eoitld obtaiii were ihoae which he hai been blamed for 

H h cstnlitablc lo both panics that the peace, once 
madep wad laithfitItT observevU all it^ iilipiilations being 
liOQeftly and ffpeerlily executed- Tlie Bomam wen* 
■llowcd to pOJis the rirer without molestation from 
Sapor s army,* and, though they suffered noniewliat from 
tlie Samceot when landl^ oti tlie other side/ wen« un- 
pntMeil in their retreat,* and were perhaps m-en, at 
fint, mp{^ad to some extent mth provbians.^ After* 
wmt^, Qo doQbt, thef endured for 9ome dap great 
priv^jons ; but a coavoj with stones was allowcil to ad* 
TBuce from Roman Mcao|K>iamia into Peniin territory,* 
wUdi met Ibe fiuniihcHl aoldiiai at a Persian military 
posit called Vr or Adur/ and mliered their moAt pnsia* 
iag msGmtitimk On the Roman nide, tlie ceded pn^ 
tiaoes and lownn were quietly surrendered ; ofleiii on 
tlie |»:irt uf thr inhabitants to hold their own against 
ihf rrr-i:in«* without Uoman aid were refuscnl ; " the 
H.»!ii:in trtH»pH were withdrawn from the fortresjies ; 
anl tiir Annenian** were told that they must henceforth 

' \'iin..«nu«uT«pHiriillrjl#H*-n>)*»i p. 1 77 j And Tbeo<loTM«t (ir. 2; p. 
•.b- |**»%.'* ixxx. **i It* diffirtil- •J»U. Ii» htkxr tmiv w«>iirht. 
tv>^ •'a ti-4 th«t, bftil tht* iVntian* * Amm. Marr. xxt. 8. Tli« im* 

k»^n ».-!;'.••. It W',uld bate brro p>rtJiiit Words MVmirutii rafftrllum' 

IB r» -*•'.- na\e not tr«*n«nillT U^rn noticr<l. 

* \r:*' :a';'i« Mivt *• Safarvni* A n'Mirr of <tibb<m Would ^uppoM^ 
• *» /vrM# • jr i«)Muitur .' but it i« * tbe ra*iJr (»f I'r'tn i*r « K/iman 
r '. '-•►*• 't-at iberr w^-rr frnWy p-**!. 

1'.^ i»r„,i^, , fj the n*rbl bank ••( • Tbr MSS. rtrr betwi»<»n 'lul I'r 

M.'r ri' ' rv»mit)r iVrtirum Trnrn* r«*trllut]i ' 

• / • I. .a .1.1 . Anim. MAr*. and * Adur n«>iiiinr iVr^iruiii r. 
. • ' ra^t." Animi«nu- txiinninnlf imiitt 

•«♦►». n dr •.;.-<• thi« • f V ir.'l, • »<i * a/t. r • irnio* 
r.'.?' • K .? it ••^ni* t'« II*** tb«l ' Affim. Marc. XIT. 0; i^ottm. lit 

tt' »!*!«'z:.«ciU *4 Ku&DtM 111. 1 , Xt, m$h fim. 




rely upon themselves, and not look to Eome for help or 
protection. Thus Jovian, though strongly urged to fol- 
low ancient precedent,^ and refuse to fulfil the engage- 
ments contracted under the pressure of imminent peril, 
stood firm, and honourably performed all the conditions 
of the treaty. 

The second period of struggle between Eome and 
Persia had thus a termination exactly the reverse of 
the first. Eome ended the first period by a great vic- 
tory and a great diplomatic success.^ At the close of 
the second she had to relinquish all her gains, and to 
draw back even behind the line which she occupied 
when hostilities first broke out. Nisibis, the great 
stronghold of Eastern Mesopotamia, had been in her 
possession ever since the time of Verus.^ Eepeatedly 
attacked by Parthia and Persia, it had never fallen, and 
had come to be regarded as the bulwark of the Eoman 
power in the East, and as carrying with it the dominion 
of Western Asia.* A fatal blow was dealt to Eoman 
prestige when a city held for near two hundred years, 
and one honoured with the name of 'colony,' was 
wrested fi:om the empire and occupied by the most 
powerful of its adversaries. Not only Amida and 

* The reproach addressed by the 
Parthian cnief to Crassus, * You 
Komans are not very apt to re- 
member your engagements ' (Plut. 
Crass, § 31), was well deserved, 
and is echoed by the general voice 
of history. It is saddening to tind 
a modem writer and an Enylishmnn 
approving the ordinary Roman 
practice, and suggesting tLat Jovian 
ought to have 'redeemed his 
pusillanimous behaviour by a splenr 
did act of patriotic perfidy ' (Gib- 
bon, Decline and Fall, voL ilL p. 

' See above, p. 135. 

' Zosimus maintains (ill 32) 
that Rome never gave up Nisibis 
from the time of its capture by 
LucuUus (B.C. 08). And it may 
be true that she never relinquished 
it by treaty. But Nisibis and 
Mesopotamia generally were Par- 
thian until the great expedition of 
Avidiiis Cassius (a.d. 105). 

* * Constabat orbem Eoum in 
ditionem potuisse trHUsire Persidis, 
nisi haec civitas habili situ et 
moenium magnitudine restitisset' 
(Amm. Marc xxv. 8.) 


Qirrhn*^ but AnUoc^h itaelC trembled at a Ici^ wlueli 
wm fell la lay open the wbcila cflAiera fiionUer lo 
attack,' and which seemetl oniinuus of furlher retn> 
grewicN]. AJ though the fear gcnemlly felt {imvcHl to be 
graundlaafl, and the Itnuian poMmmM in tJje Eiu^ 
wen not^ for 200 yeans iiirthc r curtuiled hy the Peraianst 
|«l Botnao influence in Wi-3§teni Ada from tim lime 
itttKlfly doduiiMl^ and Pi^fma came lo be rc;garded as 
the fim pcjwur in thease rcj^ooa. Much cruUit b du^ to 
Sapor IL for bb entire cotiduet of Uie war with Ckiu* 
ataataiift, Julian^ and Jovian. He knew when to attack 
and when to remain upon the ilert*ij«ivi% when to pre^ 
OQ the eueiuy iind whuii to hiiUl iiiuinelf m reserve and 
let the enemy follow his own device** He rightly con- 
ooved fpLHii the fir»l the impwtaiice of Nteibb, aud 
fttcitulely {lerKbteU in his deleimiiiatioa lo a^squire pu^ 
wtmmm of it, until at lait he moeeeded. Wbm« in BX. 
SS7, he diollengixl BuTue to a trial of itrengtli, he might 
have 9ermed niah and [iraiumptuom. But t}ie event 
jt}tfli(i#4l him. Ill 11 war whk'li !a?ttn! twenty ^i^v^:i 
y»ar'», he fMu;jlii iiuiiuroijH piu'lu-il l>jiiik\s with the 
li*'!!!.!!)**, and \va> ncvtr nucc iK'tVatf<l. He |)n)Ved 
hiiii-M If jjreally >u|>eriMr a;* a j^eneral t<» C<»nstaiitiu5> and 
JoMan, antl nut nne<iual U> Julian. Hy a combination 
of c«»ura^'e, jHrMVenince, and pn^mptnex**, he l)rou^dit 
iho eutin* (•ontr^l to a favourable i.'*>ue, and restored 
iVr^ia, in \.u. o^».'>, to a hijzher |H»>ition than lliat from 
uhph *1h- had defended two ^'riK-nitiomj earlier. If 
h«^ <loiii- nothing' up'rethan ha.** already come under 
I'ur no!;ri-, hr Would «»till have amply (h-M-ninl that epi- 
thet of •(irt-Jil' which, by the f/meral <-on>enl of hi5*io- 
r.anv ha- tK.-en a^*lJ/netl to him. He was undoubtedly 

' Lmm. iii. :U,«U mW . Jv>baiui Ant Ft, 181. 



[Ca. X. 

among the greatest of the Sassanian monarchs^ and 
may properly be placed above all his predecessors, and 
above all but one^ of those who sxicceeded him. 

^ Choafoea AjkUAbtrwAD, who ii;i|riied iiQm JL.jy, 531 to A. D. 5F9. 




APFMUS OP .\Kin:xiA. 



lit W4lf 

Mm^nMf i 

^J^mmim 4mm$ Urn ifW Mvmi «^ir mA ^mam. m^m^t 

md j^ Mf» a mm JCiiif. BmMmmm mMt 
tf Ar%i§mwmtL jijllidliit ^ i^p*r, iMwmm «/ /Imi 
lfc# JE4KPM mi i^rmm ^mm4fm Hmmmt ^ JhtimiM 

Mm CWml 

ill* flapoc, 

Amm. M^ae. sirii II. 

T8I 9urri^8ful i»iue of 8i{Mf^i war with Jiilinfi and 
Joma rissulted m m» nQmA dcgroe 5*ifm the iiUittide 
whidi was **«""**^ bjr AniMsitia noon after Julian com- 
m*n>r(»<1 hh Tnsujtimi. We hnv<^ ^* on thrtt th<* tinjMmjr, 

whrii hr Ml out u\Hm liis ex|HHliti<)ii, re^'anled Arme- 
nia :i> ail ally, anil in Winning lii;^ plans jilaced ron«*i(ler- 
a!>lf «lr[H-n(K-nce on iIk' conlin;ii*nt which he expected 
from Ap<14«-«s the Anneniaji monarch.* It wiw his in- 
tention to attack Ctc*>iphon with two separate annies, 
a* tin;/ u|H»n two converging line*. Wliile he liiniMjlf 
ailvantt-^l witii hin main force by way of the F)uphraU*» 
vulKy anil the Nahr-Malcha, he hail arranged that hia 
Iwm ;/t rjrraU, rpKopiuH aiul S-lm>lian, should unite 
tK» ir tr«»o[>^ witli thoM*of the Annmian king, uml, after 
ni\a;/in;/ a fertile <li?*lrict of Meilia, nuike their way to- 
wari* th«* trri-at city, through As'^yria and Adial)ene,* 
li. puj ihf Irft bank of the Tigris. It wa-* a bitter di;*- 

■ .Si« aboT«, p 3U) 

• ZoaiiD. iT. 4. 



[Ch. XL 

appointment to him when, on nearing Ctesiphon, he 
could see no signs and hear no tidings of the northern 
army, from which he had looked for effectual aid at 
this crisis of the campaign.^ We have now to consider 
how this failure came about, what circumstances induced 
that hesitation and delay on the part of Sebastian and 
Procopius which had at any rate a large share in 
frustrating Julian's plans and causing the ill-success of 
his expedition. 

It appears that the Roman generals, in pursuance of 
the orders given them, marched across Northern Meso- 
potamia to the Armenian borders, and were there joined 
by an Armenian contingent which Arsaces sent to their 
assistance.^ The allies marched together into Media, 
and carried fire and sword through the fruitful district 
known as Chihacomus, or * the district of the Thousand 
Villages.' ^ They might easily have advanced further ; 
but the Armenians suddenly and without warning drew 
off and fell back towards their own country. According 
to Moses of Chor^n^, their general, Zurajus, was actu- 
ated by a religious motive ; it seemed to him monstrous 
that Armenia, a Christian country, should embrace the 
cause of an apostate, and he was prepared to risk 
offending his own sovereign rather than lend help to 
one whom he regarded as the enemy of his faith."* The 
Eoman generals, thus deserted by their allies, differed 
as to the proper course to pursue. While one was still 
desirous of descending the course of the Tigris, and 
making at least an attempt to effect a junction with 
Julian, the other forbade his soldiers to join in the 

' Amm. Marc. xxiv. 7, ad Jin, 
^ Mo8. Chor. Hist, Artnm, iii. 16 ; 

Amm. Marc. xxv. 7. 
' This was part 

of Julianas 

original plan. (See Amm. Marc 
xxiii. 3.) That it was executed ap- 
pears from the same writer (xxv. 7), 
^ Mos. Chor. iii. 15. 


mirch, ancl in^ted on falling back and re-oitenng 
MesDpotaiiiiii.^ As usual ia such cuei, the dificronce 
of opiniou resulted in a policy of inactiotL The attempt 
to join Juliu) was given up; and the mn^ond army, firoDi 
wUdi ha hid hoped m much, pUyed uo further pu$ 
in lim eampoigii of a.0. S8S. 

We are told ' thai Julian hmrd of the ddbetkm of 
the Aroienianj while he woa itill on }m way lo Otes^ 
|ihciii« and atumudiately sent a Icturr ui Araaeca, OOOK 
plaioing of hb gcncnd's conducii and thrcatauing to 
end m beayy retribulion ou hia rotura from tho Ber^ 
Ma waivtf the ofTence of Zura»ti» were not vUied at onoe 
with eoodigu pujmhmcnu ArMoeswaagvmttyalaniMl 
at the meaaogt- ; and^ though be made no eflbrl to aup- 
pty the abortcomio^ of his officer by leadiog or tending 
froth troopi to Julian s nwrirtanoe, yei he hastened to 
Aoqait himself of cctaiplidty in the misoociduct of 
Zuncui by executing him, together with hii whole 
family.' Having' Uim, as he iuppuaied. secured himself 
ajminM Julian^ anger, lie took no further steps, but in- 
^iulffitl hi:* love c)f euM? and hi.s distiisle for the Roman 
alhanre by renmining wholly pjutoive during the rest of 
llie vt'ar. 

iiiii though the attitude Uiken l>y Armenia was thus, 
on llie whnk\ favourable to the Persians, and undoubt- 
«-<lIy coniributetl lo S^ipor's surr'e^s, he was himself S4) 
far from Nitinfieil witli the conduct of Arsaces that he 
re?*<»lveil at <»n<v to invade his country and endeavour 
to j»tnp him of his chavu. As llome had by the recent 
trctity rclinqinaheti her proieci*>rate over Annenia, and 
Ujund hen<lf not to interfere in any quarrel between 

' l4b*a Ore/. Fmu^. p. .'Ml, I), piu* Aixl SrUulinD. 
TW« f m iiir* »• "twrurt, but myprmn ' Mn*. Cher. l^C 
w rwimt U» t^ Itunfm mnd»t i*roco> * lUd. 




[Ch. XL 

the Armenians and the Persians, an opportunity was 
afforded for bringing Armenia into subjection which 
an ambitious monarch like Sapor was not hkely to let 
slip. He had only to consider whether he would em- 
ploy art or violence, or whether he would rather pre- 
fer a judicious admixture of the two. Adopting the 
last-named course as the most prudent, he proceeded 
to intrigue with a portion of the Armenian satraps, 
while he made armed incursions on the territories of 
others, and so harassed the country that after a while 
the satraps generally went over to his side, and repre- 
sented to Arsaces that no course was open to him but 
to make his submission. Having brought matters to 
this point, Sapor had only further to persuade Arsaces 
to surrender himself, in order to obtain the province 
which he coveted, almost without striking a blow. He 
therefore addressed Arsaces a letter, which, according 
to the only writer who professes to give its terms,^ was 
expressed as follows : — 

* Sapor, the offspring of Ormazd, comrade of the sun, 
king of kings, sends greeting to his dear brother, Arsa- 
ces, king of Armenia, whom he holds in affectionate 
remembrance. It has come to our knowledge that 
thou hast approved thyself our faithful friend, since not 
only didst thou decline to invade Persia with Csesar, 
but when he took a contingent from thee thou didst 
send messengers and withdraw it.^ Moreover, we have 
not forgotten how thou actedst at the first, when thou 
didst prevent him from passing through thy territories, 
as he wished. Our soldiers, indeed, who quitted their 

* Mo8. Chor. ill. 17. Moses makes 
the letter to be addressed to Tiranus; 
but be ceased to reign a.d. 341. 

^ Some think that this is the 
true account of the matter — that 

Arsaces ordered his general to with- 
draw the troops, but, that he might 
not be compromised, made him pre- 
tend to act on his own authority. 

Cb. XL] 


poft, floughk to €wit on Uiee the blume due to ttieirowti 
cPWAnlke. But we Imve not Iktenecl Co thctn : their 
kflder we puniihed with de^th, and to thj mlm^ I 
hy lUihm, we hnve <Ione no hurt. Arraoge 
then wi ihui thou maye^ oomo to im with all 
tfpMdiiiid confult with m eofi(x*mi»g our commoti ad- 
mntagt. Then thou etmt return home.' 

AnioVtOiiracdTing ihbi mk^ve, wluilOTer fiutpidoni 
be umj imre felt, taw no opttrm? open to him but to 
weepi the bipitatiuti. He oocordingty quitted Amieim 
jiod miule bis way to ihe court of ^por, whuiv he was 
imoiedtatolj adzed and blinded.^ Ue was ihuo fetttfred 
with chain* of silvisr, according to a common [iractiix' 
of the Benians with prtsoiKn of dkttnetion,* and was 
pboed in itriet eDofinemeat in a pbce nUed *the 
Chatk of Oblivion/ > 

But the naio?al of their bead did not at once pro- 
duce the anfaainon of the people, A natiunul purty 
declared itwlf under Fliarandzeni, the wife, a^Hl Bab 
n.r ran), thr ^m of Ai>a(*c»?<, who threw themsdves 
iiitM thf ^troiij/ furtive-- <»f Artojjinissji (Anlaker*), and 
th« n- "llrP'l to Sa|H»r a tlt-ttTiniiuul ivsi.^^Umci*.^ Sajx»r 
r..iijiiutt«'<l ihf >u^^i' of this phirc to two riiupidf Ar- 
iiu hi m-, ( yhn «-> ami ArtalmiUKs, wliiK* at tlit* niiih* liiiU' 
h»- j»r«H r(^«h<l Ui v\U'in\ \i\> inJliuMuv la^yond the limits 
ot AniH rua into the ii«iirhl)ourinL' count r)* of IlnTia, 
u!..i i» wa- rli»><ly ronijetlod with Anneiiia, and for the 
hi^'t j»:irl t*.illo\ve<l It** fMrluiu***. 

' Kaitn MkTx'. iwu. 1-. Thv tiuru.' (Aiiiiu. Marc 1. •.(*.) \1<»m-«. 

Mr •:. t VI -^m Mil M) . miA »!••* 

* M* (h'.r iii. X» . Fau-Iu*. 
i\ M . iV-tj. //. /' I. :». p. 'Jl». 

• >!.••. ( h r \.:c. . Ainm. Marr. 
xxru. \'J . haiutut, i\. oft. 



[Cff. XL 

Iberia was at this time under the government of 
a king bearing the name of Sauroraaces, who had 
received his investiture from Bome, and was conse- 
f]ucntly likely to uphold Roman interests. Sapor im^ided 
Iberia, tlrove Sauroraaces from his kingdom, and set up 
a new moimrch in the person of a certain Aspacures, on 
whose brow he placed the coveted diadem^ He then 
withdrew to his own country > leaving the complete sub- 
jection of Armenia to be accomplished by his officers, 
Cylaces and Artabannea, or, as the Armenian historians 
call them, Zig and Garen.^ 

Cylaces and Artabannes commenced the siege of Ar- 
togerassa, and for a time pressed it with ngour, while 
they strongly urged the garrison to make their sub- 
mission. But, having entered within the walls to ne- 
gotiate, they were won over by the opposite side, and 
joined in planning a treacherous attack on the besieging 
force, which was surprised at night and compelled to 
retire. Para took advantage of their retreat to quit 
the town and throw himself on the protection of Valens, 
the Eoman emperor, who permitted him to reside in 
regal state at Neocaesarea. Shortly afterwards, however, 
by the advice of Cylaces and Artabannes, he returned 
into Armenia, and was accepted by the patriotic party 
as their king, Rome secretly countenancing his proceed- 
ings.^ Under these circumstances the Persian monarch 
once more took the field, and, entering Armenia at the 
head of a large army, drove Para, with his counsellors 
Cylaces and Artabannes, to the mountains, renewed the 
siege of Artogerassa, and forced it to submit, captured 
the queen Pharandzera, together with the treasure of 

* Amm. I^iarc. xxvii. 12. 

' Fauatus, iv. 55. 

' *Fer Terentium ducem Para 

reducitur in Armeniam.' (Amm. 
Marc. I.8.C. Compare Faustus, v. 1.) 

/ ami fintUlj induced Farm to come to termiit 
ud to send him the heads of the two oreh-tniUorB. 
The resbtunce of Armenia would probably now bavi* 
ceii^ bad Borne been conlent to see her old enemj 
w wgpmdkcAt or felt ber bands abeolulelf tied by tbe 
terms of the treaty of Dura. 

But the fueces of Sapor thus Gir only brought bim 
into greater difBcuttios« Tho Armeiiianii aad IberiatLSi 
wba desired above all things liberty and imlepemlencei 
w«re always espednlly hoMlle to the power &om which 
they fell that they had for the time being most to fear* 
Am Christian natiom, they had also at this period an 
additional gnjuud of sympaUiy with Eomei and of 
avenioa from the FersianSf who wer« «t oooe beatheiis 
and intolenuit.^ Tlie patriotic party in both cwmtries 
wma ihtis violendy upposed to the establish inent of 
Sapor's authority over tliem, aud cared little fur the 
artifices by which be sought to mike it appear thjit 
ihcy still enjoyed freedom and auConomy. Alnive all, 
H'unr, King nile<l by inonarchs* who had had no hand 
in in:ikiiig tlic di-^iznu'cful jK»ace of a.D. 363, and wlio 
K:nl nn >lrniig fi'iluig of honour or relijiious obligation 
in iIk' niullrr of irtMlif!!! irith //</;7><//*Ai/m, was preparing 
litr-M-Ifto Jly in the face of her engagements, and, re- 
'jui'luig Iht own inlercM as her highest hiw, to inter- 
I. i» rlTtt tually in onkr to clieek the progrex^ of rer>ia 
in Nortli-Wf^itrn A.-ia. 

l{«>in«\ tir«»t njHti inlerfrrenct* was in Il)eria. Iberia 
h.i'l jnrhap!? n(»t !>< en exprev^ly named in the treaty. 

* Amm. \Urr. iiTii. \'J . F«u»- Valrtitiniftn had b»^o •Ivct**! hU 
t««. It '*•' . \|.«. Cbor. in. U' %\xcrw-mmtr, and bjul AMUirutrd his 

• •***- aK'Tr, p. 147 bn>th«>r Val^na in th»» ^tnpim. 

t»i i.'^i ill A.i>. .'iiV4. a/tfr a r»t^ goTrmtumt of ti»«rm»Uro pf\>Ttoc«aw 
J littU mon than vi^'bt mimtha. 




[Ch. XI. 

and support might consequently be given to the ex- 
pelled Sauromaces without any clear infraction of its 
conditions. The duke Terentius was ordered, therefore, 
towards the close of a.d. 370, to enter Iberia with twelve 
legions and replace upon his throne the old Eoman 
feudatory.^ Accordingly he invaded the country from 
Lazica, which bordered it upon the north, and found 
no difficulty in conquering it as far as the river Cyrus. 
On the Cyrus, however, he was met by Aspacures, the 
king of Sapor's choice, who made proposals for an 
accommodation. Representing himself as really well- 
inclined to Eome, and only prevented from declaring 
himself by the fact that Sapor held his son as a hostage, 
he asked Terentius' consent to a division of Iberia be- 
tween himself and his rival, the tract north of the Cyrus 
being assigned to the Eoman claimant, and that south 
of the river remaining under his own government. 
Terentius, to escape further trouble, consented to the 
arrangement ; and the double kingdom was established. 
The northern and western portions of Iberia were made 
over to Sauromaces ; the southern and eastern continued 
to be ruled by Aspacures. 

When the Persian king received intelligence of these 
transactions, he was greatly excited.^ To him it ap- 
peared clear that by the spirit, if not by the letter, of the 
treaty of Dura, Rome had relinquished Iberia equally 
with Armenia;^ and he complained bitterly of the 
division which had been made of the Iberian territory, 

' Amm. Marc, xxvii. 12 : * Sau- 
romaces, pulsus . . . Hiberisa reg- 
no, cum duodecim legionibus et 
Terentio remittitur.' 

* 'His percitus Sapor, pati se 
indigna damans/ &c. (Ibid. l.s.c.) 

* Sapor seems to have considered 
that, in a certain sense, Iberia was 

included in Armenia. When Rome 
replaced Sauromaces upon the Ibe- 
rian throne, he complained that 
' the Annefiias were assisted against 
the text of the treaty.* (Ibid. 
I.S.C.) Rome, no doubt, contested 
this interpretation. 


Cs. XL] W.iB B£TWEe!f BAPOU JL5D TALE58, 341 

Qd only without hiis consent, but without hin know- 
ledge. Hg was no doubt aware that Booio hml not 
really confined her mterforeiioe m tho mgion with 
wludb fhe had somo excuBe for intenni'dfUing^ but itad 
■bnmfyiecretly mterrened in Annu'nm« and whs iniond* 
mg liuther intenrenticnL The count Arintliii!U» had 
betsi ii!nt witJi on army to the Armenlito frontier about 
the same time that Tenaitiitsi hail iu^ded Iberiii, and 
bid receivt^ poiitiv^ iosMietions to help the Armenians 
if Sftpor iii o l eit c d them. It ww in vain tbnt the Per- 
mmu monarch ft]^]oaled to the UsnoM of the trenty of 
Burn — Itome di.'^miised \m ombiLafiadarB with contciapt, 
and mode no change in her line of jtroi^unL Upon 
iJdi Sapor «w that war was imavoidable ; imd aceurd* 
tngly be wastifd no mora time in embaaMo, but em- 
ployed him«elf during the nititer, which had now Ih^hi, 
is eoUccttng m brge a force m he couldt in port from 
lua alhea, in pan from his own gubjcctA, rcsotvitig ici 
take tbfl ftdd in the fpring, and lo do hia boH to puninh 
lloiiir fnr lur faithl(»s*«iu-?<.H.* 

i;-»iiif ..n luT part ina<li» rt-ady lo ri»>i!st tlie iiiva^sioii 
wh:* ii ^\\r kiirw to Ik* iiii|K'ii(liii;j. A jM)werfiil army 
w:i- •-* !;i to jjuanl tlie R'i>l inidiT count Trajan, ami 
Wi'i'iii.iir, tx-kni)/ of tlio Ak-inainii ; * but m> much 
r» -ai! I«»r I he ttnii** of ilie riMviil treaty w:t?* >till felt, 

• •: j.r« t« ii'lrtj, that the jjeiieral** ri*ceiveil order?* to Ih» 
«.irr!iii iiMt to ioiiuiierice h(Htililie**, but to Wait till an 

i!ta« k wa*« ma<lr <>ii them. They were not kept long in 

• xj*-* t it:'»n. A- "MHUi a.** winter wa** over, J^ajKir crov*i»tl 
!h* tf'iitirr ( \ n. .'J7 1 ) with a lar^'e force of native 
ra^alry an«l areht p*, ••upporte^l by numerous nuxilianc*%* 
:r, ! utt.i' kill t!ir KoinauH near a place ailleil Vaga- 

• Aa.t^. Mut 11111. l:\ aJJin, * lUd. Uil. I. * Ilud. 



[Ch. XL 

banta. The Boman commander gave his troops the 
order to retire ; and accordingly they fell back under a 
shower of Persian arrows, until, several having been 
wounded, they felt that they could with a good face de- 
clare that the rupture of the peace was the act of the 
Persians. The retreat was then exchanged for an ad- 
vance, and after a brief engagement the Romans were 
victorious, and inflicted a severe loss upon their adver- 
saries.^ But the success was not followed by results of 
any importance. Neither side seems to have been 
anxious for another general encounter ; and the season 
for hostilities was occupied by a sort of guerilla war- 
fare, in which the advantage rested alternately with 
the Persians and the Eomans.^ At length, when the 
summer was ended, the commanders on either side 
entered into negotiations; and a truce was made which 
allowed Sapor to retire to Ctesiphon, and the Roman 
emperor, who was now personally directing the war, to 
go into winter quarters at Antioch.* 

After this the war languished for two or three years> 
Valens was wholly deficient in military genius, and was 
quite content if he could maintain a certain amount of 
Roman influence in Armenia and Iberia, while at the 
same time he protected the Roman fi'ontier against Per- 
sian invasion. Sapor was advanced in years, and might 
naturally desire repose, having been almost constantly 
engaged in military expeditions since he reached the 
age of sixteen. Negotiations seem to have alternated 

* See Amm. Marc. xxx. 2 : * Sa- 
por vero, post suorum pristiDam 

' * Tentatis alijuotiea le vibuaprse- 
liis, yarioque flnitis eventu.' (Ibid, 
xxix. ].) 

' Ibid. Compare Zosim. iv. 13. 

* Into this interval fell the death 
of Para, whom the Persians en- 
trapped and murdered (Amm. 
Marc. XXX. 1 ; Faustus, v. 32). 

rEAC£ MADS: Its TEfiMS. 

wnh boetiUliia ^ during the inteiral between a.[i. 371 
and A75 ; but they resulted in nothitig, until, in thb IftH- 
Qftmed jrear, a peace was nmde,' which gaire tran- 
qmUitT In the East duiiug the retnoiuder of the reigu 
of Sapor. 

ll^e tenrn upon which thii peace was co&eluded are 
ohicuiiL It h {lerhap most pmbable tltal the two 
cotitiaediig powera agreed Uj abstain from further in- 
lerfcnrtiee with Iberia and Armenia, and tu Imve tliom 
eountma to lt>Uow iheir own inelinatiDos. Aimeuia 
aeem by the native aceounU iu ha^^e gra^taled Cowarda 
Borne under the^^ cipotmiUiioe^' and Ibsm is likelj 
to hate falluwed her exumple. The tie of Chriitiauity 
attached these eouutries to the great power of tha 
Wait ; and, except under eouipulsionf Xh^y were noC 
WkAf «t thia Umc to tolerate the yoke of Penia for a 
4igr* Wbfsi Joviau withdrew the Boman protection 
from tlieni, they were fureed for a while to sulmiit to 
llm power which they disliked ; but no iooner did bia 
*M*«t"-'MirH r«v«rM» liis jx>liry, and sliow themselves 
r»i'ly to uphold the Anneiiiaii'* and Il)erians against 
IN r-i;i, than they naturally revcTlc<l to llie Uonian side, 
an! fanird an important support totlie empire against 
r« Ka^!«rn rival. 

Thr •hath <if SijMir followed the peace of A.D. 370 

within a ftw yrars. He died^ A.n. 371) or 380, after 

h:r»inL' niijnrd Mvenly years. It is curiouii that, 

. li'li'iL'li |H>^v>»»ing the rn>wn for so long a term, and 

• !*!'Vi:iu' a more hrillianl reign tlian any prtH't^ling 

Vn:m Marr. in 'J. 

• / «i:ij JT. '.M, #»A tmkt. Cotn- 
y%"^ \tuin Marr \x\i 7. 

• M ^ ( h f m H) . KauttuA. t 

« C UrUti pUcr« bii dtatik to AD 

Mn» </'. A. rol I. p, .Vi6): but 
raUaiiiAO tJimrmJ Amattftt^ for 
\**»^\, p. 'J.'Vli and ThMtnat ( «VirMi. 
(Krrm. for K'J, p. Ut) pnsfer th« 

dtU- A.D. :WJ. 



[Ch. XI. 

monarch, he neither left behind him any inscriptions, nor 
any sculptured memorials. The only material evidences 
that we possess of his reign are his coins, which are 
exceedingly numerous. According to Mordtmann,^ 
they may be divided into three classes, corresponding 
to three periods in his life. The earliest have on the 
reverse the fire-altar, with two priests, or guards, looking 
towards the altar, and with the flame rising from the 
altar in the usual way. The head on the obverse is 
archaic in type, and very much resembles that of 
Sapor I. The crown has attached to it, in many cases, 
that * cheek-piece ' which is otherwise confined to the 
first three monarchs of the line. These coins are the 
best from an artistic point of view ; they greatly re- 
semble those of the first Sapor^ but are distinguishable 
from them, first, by the guards looking towards the altar 
instead of away from it ; and, secondly, by a greater 
profusion of pearls about the king's person. The coins 
of the second period lack the ' cheek-piece,' and have 
on the reverse the fire-altar without supporters ; they 
are inferior as works of art to those of the first period, 
but much superior to those of the third. These last, 
which exhibit a marked degeneracy,^ are especially dis- 
tinguished by having a human head in the middle of the 
flames that rise from the altar. Otherwise they much 
resemble in their emblems the early coins, only differ- 
ing from them in being artistically inferior. The ordi- 
nary legends upon the coins are in no respect remark-- 
able ; ^ but occasionally we find the monarch taking 

* ZeiUchrift d, detUsches tnorgeiV' 
land. Gesellschafty vol. viii. pp. 46-7. 

' M. Longpdrier agrees with 
Mordtmann on this point. (See 
his Midailles des SassanideSj p. 42.) 

' They are commonly either 
' Mazdisn hag Shapuhri nialkan 
tncUka/ or * Mazdisn bap Shapuhri 
malkan malka Airan ve Aniran.^ 



Short Reigns of Artaxerxes IL and Sapor IIL ObscurUy of their His* 
tory. Their Heiations unth Armenia, Monument of Sapor III, at 
Takht-i-Bostan. Coins of Artaxerxes IL and Sapor IIL Reign of 
VarahranlV, Sis Signets, His Dealings with Armenia, Sis Death, 

'Apra^^p irri V ' 2afii»p, vt6s ^Apra^iip, Ihii ^ * Olte^fapdrris ini la, 

Stkcxllits, Chronographia, p. 860, G. 

The glorious reign of Sapor II., which carried the New 
Persian Empire to the highest point whereto it had yet 
attained, is followed by a time which offers to that re- 
markable reign a most complete contrast. Sapor 
had occupied the Persian throne for a space ap- 
proaching nearly to three-quarters of a century ; the 
reigns of his next three successors amounted to no 
more than twenty years in the aggregate.^ Sapor had 
been engaged in perpetual, wars, had spread the terror 
of the Persian arms on all sides, and ruled more glori- 
ously than any of his predecessors. The kings who 
followed him were pacific and unenterprising; they 
were almost unknown to their neighbours,* and are 
among the least distinguished of the Sassanian monarchs. 
More especially does this character attach to the two 

' See the passage of Syncellus ' Faustus does not mention anv 
at the head ot the chapter. Aga- , Persian king by name after Sapor 11. 
thias agrees (iv. 26^, as do Tabari The Roman writers do not seem 
{Chrom^uej vol. ii. pp. 102-^), ' even to know the name of the 
Mafoudi {Prairies d^Or, vol. ii. pp. • prince who sent the embassy of 
189-190) and the ModjnielHil- ' a.d. 3S4. (See Oros. vii. 34 ; 
Tetoarikh. (See the Journal Asia- \ Pacat Poneg, xxii, J 4 ; Socrat. 
tique for 1841, p. 513.) I H. £, v. 12 ; &c.) 



immediiUe Buece»oi^ of Sapor IL, m. Artax€f%£» II. 
ftad 8i|ior ni Tbey reigni^ r^p^lively four and five 
fmj3 ; ^ and iheir annala during tJui period Are almoit 
m bknk. Artaxencct IL, wha lit eoUed by some tbe 
bnitbcf of Sapor II., w&s mure probtibly his aon*' He 
mceecded hk fatber in jud. S79, luid died at Ctenpbou^ 
in x.n. S88. He left a diameter far kindness and 
iintabifity behind him, imd ia kno\nrn to the feniaiia 
19 NiJtouJknr^'^ or ' the Betieikent,* and to the Arabe aa 
Al /^>iwt4* * A« Virtuoui/ According to the ^Mo^j" 
mel^-Tewarikh/ he took no taxes irom his sulgee^ 
during the four jeiii of Ui reign, and thereby tecured 
to httnielf ihdr aflsetioQ and gmtiludo. He seems to 
hare received overtures from the Armenians soon after 
his mxaeBmoti?^ and for a time to have been aeknowle'lged 
by the turbident mauniaineer« as thatr sovenngn. After 
the murdtf of Bob, or I'am, tht^ Bomuu had iet up« as 
kiug uvef Armenia^ a certain Vamxt^d (niaroadales), a 

' AH the Autboritir* aiti^n four 
TrAT* to ArtAifTirii II., exct*pl the 
'Misdjm^l^' TnranJiK which g\\9M 
• f'-'ur or tite. or lwelt« ' {Jimm, 
AMaf. f .r IMI. p. Al.'J). Some of 
th» ArorfiiAn wnt4»ri jrire Smpor 
III DO mofo than two ymi% {Vmt' 
kA&iATi lo the Jtmrn. Ammt. fur iHM, 

* Aruirrrmi* madetobt^SADor't 
br thv-r bt A^thiM (.t. I'Ci, Mir- 
kh od < //u/. 1^ .S«MaiiM<r«. p. 3lH |, 
T»t*n ( < 4rt^«y«r. li. p. 102 I, M*- 
^' tjdi » /Vatrw* i/'/r, il p. !«!» ». and 
16* M'^r^i^'TtrartU ip AM) 
TK«' AnuroiAO wnt'-r* a1od4* luakv' 
iim ^•p'r • ►m. < S*^ Mfm. C'hor. 
UL >M« arxi coCDpArv ratkanian in 
y<^w^ ^«. for iNOtl. p. KW> I Th« 
ka«u>r7 f vh« mM^ io which 
*^p f II b#>r*aH> ktnir ( »uprA, p. 
)i.:>, aod th« irrvAt l^o^th of hu 
rrtf &. Miki It wry inpruhahle that 

he WM tuccfedfd hj a brother. Add 
to thi« that the cotnt of Artaxerxe* 
II. b<*ar the head of • voungUh man. 

* Modjmi^^-TfK^rikJk, l^c, 

* Ibid, 

* Mirk hood, IHM, dm Smsmnide^ 
p. 817, note. Malcolm hai, bj mis- 
take, transferred thrM qualitiea to 
hia aucc«»«aor ( lliM. of iWmm, vol. i. 

* The Armrnian iTDchronUmf 
are exrecKlingly doubtful ; but, on 
the whole, it peemt U) me that the 
eipuMoo of Varaftad hy Maouel 
mu«t have happened about 6te Tearv 
after the death of l*anL If' that 
e%rot ticcurrrd, aa Ammianua 
ixxx. It plarea it, in a.». 374, 
the retolutioo tifeet#d by Manuel 
I Kau«ta», V. 37 ) must brl«jn|r to the 
near k.h, 37tt, which U the Yeiar of 
ArtAxerxee* accMMoo, pcoba^ljr. 


member of the Arsacid family, but no near relation of 
the recent monarchs, assigning at the same time the 
real direction of afiairs to an Armenian noble named 
Moushegh, who belonged to the illustrious family of the 
Mamigonians.^ Moushegh ruled Armenia with vigour, 
but was suspected of maintaining over-friendly relations 
with the Eoman emperor, Valens, and of designing to 
undermine and supplant his master. Varaztad, after a 
while, having been worked on by his counsellors, grew 
suspicious of him, and caused him to be executed at a 
banquet.^ This treachery roused the indignation of 
Moushegh's brother Manuel, who raised a rebellion 
against Varaztad, defeated him in open fight, and drove 
him from his kingdom.^ Manuel then brought forward 
the princess Zermanducht, widow of the late king Para, 
together with her two young sons, Arsaces and Valar- 
saces, and, surrounding all three with royal pomp, gave 
to the two princes the name of king, while he took care 
to retain in his own hands the real government of 
the country. Under these circumstances he naturally 
dreaded the hostihty of the Eoman emperor, who was 
not likely to see with patience a monarch, whom he 
had set upon the throne, deprived of his kingdom by 
a subject. To maintain the position which he had 
assumed, it was necessary that he should contract some 
important alliance ; and the aUiance always open to 
Armenia when she had quarrelled with Eome was 
with the Persians. It seems to have been soon after 
Artaxerxes 11. succeeded his father, that Manuel sent 
an embassy to him, with letters and rich gifts, ofiering, 
in return for his protection, to acknowledge him as 
lord-paramount of Armenia, and promising him un- 

* Fauatus, v. 34. » Ibid. c. 86. » Ibid. c. 87. 


•liakable fidelity,' The otkr wus, of coune* rcceked 
with extrtme SQlisfactioii ; wd tenna were ii^eedily 
iiniinged. Anneoia whb to pajr a fixed tribute^ Ui re* 
omtf} a gnrnAOQ of ten UiQtasimd Pemiaus and to pm- 
Tide adoqufltely fur their »up[)ort^ to allow a Ftimun 
wtnip to divide with Manud the actiuil govemmimt of 
tbfi cottntiyt and to fuminh him with all thmt wii tie^ 
mmmrf for hi* ooutt tmd table. Oti the other hend, 
Axmc& ami Valanacet* together (apparently) with 
th«tr mother^ Zermandurht^ were to be alJnwed the 
rc^ral title and honoum ; Armenia wan to be protected in 
Giae of invtMon ; and Manuel widi to be maintiiined in 
bk dttot dSpnrapit or genemtisiiQio of the Annenmn 
forcd.' Wfi caimDl ny with certainty how long thli 
a mngci iicnt rematned unditttirbei ; moit pralMbly^ 
however^ it did not continoc m force more than a 
few y«aj^* It WM m«j0t liliely while Artaxerxefl niill 
mkd Penia, tliat the rupture deambod by Fim^tuA 
ooeurred.* A oertatn Meroujan, an Ajineniim noble, 
j<-alou!» of the fHiwer and pn>5pcrity of Manuel, per- 
-ua«k-<l hiin that the Pen*ian conunandiint in Armenia 
wa« alx>ut to }<*i7.c hi.H person, and either to send him a 
priviiitT In Artaxerxe?^, or elM? to put him to death. 
Mauutl, who was m) crtnlulou?* as to beUeve the infor- 
Tiuitioii, ih«>u;/ht it necessary for his own aifety to an- 
i:< i[<it</ the de^ijm?* of \i\^ enemii'^, and, faUing ujKm the 
trii ihou>anil PeP*iaiL«* with the whole of the Annenian 

= > •'wta«, r. .V* rh<irvDf». iii. 40), the rwrolt of 

* I^i 1 1 • r. MaoQrl. tb« joint mfin <if Anme^ 

• Th«. ^•••^h "{ Vu% I 4 i». ^7i) and VAjArMK^««(<>o«}r«xar,Mo«.Cbor. 
•r ! !K* r. twluM'-n of th* Ifwity iii. 41 i, and thvftiU n4jn) <>f ArMC^-« 
w:r*i l:'>ir>«> (« i>. fl*^!) art* twti fr»oi bis br'tb«r*t (l<«tb to tbo 
tx'-i ^m\t-m kn •«!) {>*«ttiti*lT frrjcn TMiniti«>o of AmieoU (fire JmtLt% 
!t.* I: <nha wntrriL Inti» th* t«^ M ^ <*hor. iii. M\). 

y0^'% l»rt««v^ Ih^m rtrntA mutft * I.r brtwerO A.D. STO Aod A D 

U., '.h*- rtiUf* T^tfn nf VftTmitiMl ^Kl 


army, succeeded in putting them all to the sword, except 
their commander, whom he allowed to escape.^ War 
followed between Persia and Armenia with varied suc- 
cess, but on the whole Manuel had the advantage ; he 
repulsed several Persian invasions, and maintained the 
independence and integrity of Armenia till his death, 
without calling in the aid of Rome.^ When, however, 
Manuel died, about a.d. 383, Armenian affairs fell into 
confusion ; the Eomans were summoned to give help to 
one party, the Persians to render assistance to the 
other ; ^ Armenia became once more the battle-ground 
between the two great powers, and it seemed as if the 
old contest, fraught with so many calamities, was to be 
at once renewed. But the circumstances of the time 
were such that neither Eome nor Persia now desired to 
reopen the contest. Persia was in the hands of weak 
and unwarhke sovereigns, and was perhaps already 
threatened by Scythic hordes upon the east.'* Eome 
was in the agonies of a struggle with the ever-increas- 
ing power of the Goths ; and though, in the course of 
the years a.d. 379-382, the Great Theodosius had esta- 
blished peace in the tract under his rule, and dehvered 
the central provinces of Macedonia and Thrace from the 
intolerable ravages of the barbaric invaders,^ yet the 
deUverance had been effected at the cost of introducing 
large bodies of Goths into the heart of the empire,® 
while still along the northern frontier lay a threatening 
cloud, from which devastation and ruin might at any 

> Faustua, v. 38. 

2 Ibid. V. 39-43. 

' Ibid. vi. 1. Compare Mos. 
Chor. iii. 42. 

* Faustus, y, 37. The * Kou- 
sbaDs * of this paMage are probably | iii. pp. 346-350. 
Scythe or Tatars of the Oxianian i « Ibid. pp. 362-5< 

or Transozianian country. (See 
M. Vivien St. Martin's essay, en- 
titled Les Huns BUmcs ou Eph' 
thaUtes, pp. 4S-62.) 
* Gibbon, Declme and Fatt, vol. 


ttme burst forth anil oveniprcad the provbced upon the 
Lower Danube. Thus both the Boinau anperor and 
the PeniAQ kiog werws well diipoiod tovard^ pace. 
An arnutgcroeot was cotiMK}Uotitly miide, aud in a.d. 
S844 five JCATB after he had a^%>ndcd the thmtie. Then- 
donuft gave audience in Cattstantiuopte' to enroysfmrn 
tbe court of PenrpolUi and concluded with them a 
treaty whereby matters in ArmtTjui were placed on a 
fooling which lair I j Mtisfied bath fidu^ and the trau- 
quillity of tbe Eait was aMored*^ The high contnicling 
poweii agreed that Annaiia should be [MUlilioned bt»- 
tween tliem. After detaching ft^omtbe kingduni varioun 
DuUpng diftrictfi, which could be couveuieiitly ab^irbed 
mto their own lerritoriia, thry divided the re^i of the 
country into two unequal jiortians. The amaller of 
tfaae, which comprised the more weitem dbtrirt^, wm 
placed under the protection of Uome, aud wa.-*! root- 
aifted by Theododua to the Araacca who had been 
made ku:^ by Manuel, the ton of the unfortunate Bab, 
or rani,:m<l the L'niii(l**on of the An^ttces contenn>omr}' 
with Julian. The lar^'cr pi»rlii)n, which con.Mi^led of 
lh«- rrjuniH lyiii;j towunls the east, paj»j*e<l under the 
*u/«nuiity of I\T>ia, and w:ts confided by SaiH)r III., 
who had MU'i ii'<letl Artaxerxe!* II., to an Ar?^icid, 
ri:iin«-<l ('h<>?*p»f«*, a Christian, who wjw ^nven the titlr 

• •f k;n;/.and ri-<iive<l in marria;.'!' at the same time one 
of <ttji<»r'«» ••i-'ti p*. Such were the tenn? on which Uonu* 
aiid Trp^^a l>P»u;;hl ihiir contention rr!<|Kr ting Armenia 

' S»« tlH> flr^'Hti^ o( Iiiatiut Uttrr writrr it •(imrwhat the fuUrr 

ftM VlarrrlhnuA, axxi rompftfv atxl mtrv riart <>f th«* two. |*n>. 

# 4<.« /W«rA p IHH, I); .*<.<nit roptu»(/Ar.f'i/./iiitf«ii»'mi. liu 1» bM 
// / 1 I'J . i>r'^. Ml lU , Aod quit** * difVfnpiit account of tKr 
i*^ a* / a«<y it;; A '». tuftttrr ; but. a* h^ wntr« k ovoturr 

* IK' i#rti.« of th« tr«atT arv and ■ half aftrr Fau*tu*. w« oaD- 
^tvr» «tth ut^'^MiAj arriifYl bj M'««« D<t arcrpt bis Darratite a^rainst 
> I a. i'J , axwd i'au^tiu (Ti. 1>. Th« that ot Uit militt writer. 



[Ch. xn. 

to a conclusion. Friendly relations were in this way 
established between the two crowns, which continued 
undisturbed for the long space of thirty- six years (a.d. 

Sapor III. appears to have succeeded his brother 
Artaxerxes in a.d. 383, the year before the conclusion 
of the treaty. It is uncertain whether Artaxerxes 
vacated the throne by death, or was deposed in conse- 
quence of cruelties whereof he was guilty towards the 
priests and nobles. Tabari and Ma9oudi, who relate 
his deposition,* are authors on whom much reUance 
cannot be placed; and the cruelties reported accord 
but ill with the epithets of ' the Beneficent ' and ' the 
Virtuous,' assigned to this monarch by others.* Per- 
haps it is most probable that he held the throne till his 
death, according to the statements of Agathias and 
Eutychius.* Of Sapor IH., his brother and successor, 
two facts only are recorded — ^his conclusion of the treaty 
with the Eomans in B.C. 384, and his war with the 
Arabs of the tribe of Yad,^ which must have followed 
shortly afterwards. It must have been in consequence 
of his contest with the latter, whom he attacked in their 
own country, that he received from his countrymen the 
appellation of ' the Warlike,' ^ an appellation better 
deserved by either of the other raonarchs who had 
borne the same name. 

Sapor m. left behind him a sculptured memorial, 

' Orosius, writing in a.d. 417, 
says: *Ictum tunc loftdus est, quo 
uni versus Oriens usque ad nunc 
tranquillissime fruitur/ (l.s.c.) 
The peace lasted only three years 
longer, (feee Clinton, JP. i?. vol. i. 
p. 596.) 

2 Tabari, Chronimie, ii. p. 102; 
Ma90udi, Prairies dOr, ii. p. 189. 

* See above, p. 265. 

* Agath. iv. 26, ad intt. ; Eutych. 
vol, i. p. 399: *Regnavit post ip- 
sum in Persas filius ipsius Ardshir 
Saporis filius annos quatuor; dein 
morttius est.^ 

* Mftcoudi, vol. ii. p. 189. 

* Mirkhond, Histoire dea Sa»' 
sanidegf p. 319. 

wliich m itill to be seen in the vkini^ of Kernumsbah. 
It coonrts of two rmy eixuilar figures, Icx^kirig towanli 
endi olher, aud standuig in au arched fruioa On 
miha fide of the figures arc tiuicriptiotis in the Old 
Behle^i dmmcter, whereby we are emibled to identify 
ihi' indtvitluaJa rejitt^'DtcBd with the netrand aitd the 
third Sftfior-* The iiw^ritittomi nin thiw: — * Ihiihkili 
MJii miudiMn nAaAia Shnhpii/m, ntaiinn matht Ailan 
mAfuiant fnimtrhitli min yiKdnn^ Iniri mazdimi fihiihitt 
A^Arma^di^ umlkan mnlLi Allan i*t AnUan^ minurJiiili 
mm yizdaft, napi i^hakin Narnhghi imi/ivfii maUm ;*^ 
und * Ptttklrli tnasdimiMhaMa ShahpuAri^ matkam fPkalifi 
Ailan tne Anilitn^ minwhidi min ytizdan^ tktri mmdign 
Bkahia SAoApuAri^ mnlhMn umlhi Ailnn m vtnt/mt, 
minuekiiU min tftuJan^ napi shaAia AuArmazdi^ imtl- 
torn maUai* Th^ are, it will be teeti, ideiitictil io 
fiinii, with the excepliofi tlmt the munei id the rigltt- 
hand inscriptiiia are ' Sapor, Uofundiu^ Xaneit* wlitle 
cboie in the Ufft-hand cme an ^ Sapor, Soport Hot- 
ini^^ht^.' It \\:is Ih'cii Mijjposed' that the right-hand 
li^'un- wa** tri-rti-d by Saj)<>r II., and the other after- 
ward- a«l(k*d by Sa|H)r III. ; l>ut the unity of the whole 

' !»*• **»rir r***(i I'arakrtm fur 
\XdtKf'mkn \a th»- Thinl line i>( thr 

ii^l»^i that ih*- n^'ht-haixl ti^rr 
mtts tbft! •*( \ armhriui I V. i Mrttut^rt, 
p ^^*U Mac* wra*Ti h^Tr rMpiini 

tht« mi*<Ai^ •MAlr..lDl, //u/. iff 

J'rr9%M, t<4 » p. '.'•'*■■*. C'liijt.<j, /'. tt. 

t 1 ii D .'«l^ D-*fr *, VtkXVmnxhn 

* •^»^ I b ti.ft* in ih" Jimmal of 
1 1 ;i y »4 I I h«» nH«rnn|r I* — 

b«*i»A-Niir«ViKi«d ol tll« r«Cr of U»« 

(ftMlA, »*.n (*f tb« OnuAid worvbijp- 
ping kin^lv IIorroUMlAii, kioff nf too 
Ltnw'^ uf fnin and Tuimo. h«iTi*n- 
(IfMivmlrd of th«* r»c^ ot th« irxii, 
^mntimin of th« kinirlj NarMv, kin|( 
of king^ik* Tb« other iDAcription i« 
tdrotical ricrpt in tb<- nmuiw, and 
th^ (>miM»i<o of tb« tccood word, 
Mwj. * thi*.* 

' Si Ibotua* in the nurobrr of 
ihr Ju^tmaJ uf the H. Amt9ite •SonWy, 
quotrtl •b'lw (p. S44)). K«r rortfY 
ftMTibrd th» rnpction of the rounu« 
njrn! to Varmhrmn IV. ( 7Varr/«, 
%ol n p. h<*i. But tb* ooIt b«M« 
<»f tbu u tbr Itical tradition, a Trr^r 
intrcurv foundatiuo. 


sculpture, and its inclusion under a single arch, seem 
to indicate that it was set up by a single sovereign, and 
was the fruit of a single conception. K this be so, we 
must necessarily ascribe it to the later of the two mo- 
narchs commemorated, i.e. to Sapor III., who must be 
supposed to have possessed more than usual filial piety, 
since the commemoration of their predecessors upon 
the throne is very rare among the Sassanians. 

The taste of the monument is questionable. An 
elaborate finish of all the details of the costume com- 
pensates but ill for a clumsiness of contour and a want 
of contrast and variety, which indicate a low condition 
of art, and compare unfavourably with the earlier per- 
formances of the Neo-Persian sculptors. It may be 
doubted whether, among all the reliefs of the Sassa- 
nians, there is one which is so entirely devoid of artistic 
merit as this coarse and dull production. 

The coins of Sapor HI. and his predecessor, Arta- 
xerxes 11., have little about them that is remarkable. 
Those of Artaxerxes bear a head which is surmounted 
with the usual inflated ball, and has the diadem, but is 
without a crown — a deficiency in which some see an 
indication that the prince thus represented was regent 
rather than monarch of Persia.^ The legends upon the 
coins are, however, in the usual style 
of royal epigraphs, running com- 
monly ^ — ' Mazdisn bag Artahshetri 
malkan malka Airan ve Aniran^ 
or ' the Ormazd-worshipping divine 
Artaxerxes, king of the kings of Iran 
and Turan.' They are easily dis- 
tinguishable from those of Arta- 


* Mordtmann in the Zeittchri/tf vol. viii. p. 61. ^ Ibid, pp. 61-2, 

Cff* JUL] COf KS or AfttAXEEXBd It, AXD $JJH>E IIL 263 


mesrxm L, both by the profilet wMch is for Ii» m&rkefl^ 
and by the fire-dtor on the tefmm^ which htm a]irajB 
two ffupporteri, looking towarda the altar. The caSm 
<if Sipar in. prcaetit dome uniutual tjpai. On »Dme 
of them ibe king has hk hair bound with a simpte dia^ 
dem« without crown or cap of anr kiod^ On others 
ho imrs a Mp of a verj peculiar elm* 
racier, which has been compared to 
a birtUa^ but is reallj oltogetber 
mi gmtrU^ The cap is surmotuited 
by the onlinary inlhoed ball, is oma^ 
aented with jeweK and is bound 
raiitKl ai boUom witli the usual dia- 
dtm.' Hie ligend upon the obvene 
of SapoiKs ooina is of ihe eustmitary 
cbaractcff ; bul tha roveiw bears 
tamally, beddea the mme of the king, 
ilia word oftir, which tms been sup- 
posed to stand for Aturia or Ajefjrna ;^ this crphnatiotv 
however, \rs ver}' doubtful.* 

The coins of l)oih kings exhibit marks of decline, 
e>[H-<Mally on the reven^.*, where the dniHing of the 
fi;/ure^ that support the altiU" is very inferior to that 
w}ji« h we obM*r\e on the coins of the kings from 
•Sijxir I. tii i>iiiH>r II. The character! on botli obverse 

mmm m tAt<aB lu. 

mmtif*. pi. 7, ti|r. 4. 

tiji u- '.*.*. 

' f-nifi-'n-f. pi. 7, fi|(. o , Mordt- 
t&ar.r.. yy. .'»*.* 7. 

• M nitoiA&D. p •VJ. Tb« '4d 
|Vr*iAXi naiD** for Am^ha wft# 
Alburm, wtkrorr pri>b«blT Uie 

«^!r»tfc. iti. 1. S *.'. Htepb Hrt- 

^ The tenn ofiir, nr ofain*, it found 
oecAMotudlT 10 combiiuiticio with 
d«<idrd nint-marliA, d<*o«>tin|{ 

rl«rr», M Buhm^ 'Tb* IV>ft»,' i.#. 
'tr«tph<in (MordtmAOo in tbo 
/^Mrkitft, N.*, lOH and 134 >; 
AV, for' Kinnaa (ibid. Na 114); 
and Ak, which 
.\fpAdjui or \» 
tLsA 144). .V'od Uii«« pUcM art 

i» pMbAblj for 

ii(Nt«. iof,nu. 



[Gh. xn. 

and reverse are also carelessly rendered, and can only 
with much difficulty be deciphered. 

Sapor in, died a.d. 388, after reigning a little more 
than five years.^ He was a man of simple tastes,* and 
is said to have been fond of exchanging the magnifi- 
cence and dreary etiquette of the court for the free- 
dom and ease of a Ufe imder tents. On an occasion 
when he was thus enjoying himself, it happened that 
one of those violent hurricanes, to which Persia is sub- 
ject, arose, and, falling in full force on the royal en- 
campment, blew down the tent wherein he was sitting. 
It happened unfortunately that the main tent-pole struck 
him, as it fell, in a vital part, and Sapor' died from the 
blow.^ Such at least was the account given by those 
who had accx)mpanied him, and generally believed by 
his subjects. There were not, however, wanting per- 
sons to whisper that the story was untrue — that the 
real cause of the catastrophe which had overtaken the 
unhappy monarch was a conspiracy of his nobles, or 
his guards, who had overthrown his tent purposely, 
and murdered him ere he could escape from them. 

The successor of Sapor HE. was Varahran IV., whom 
some authorities call his brother and others his son.* 
This prince is known to the oriental writers as ' Varah- 
ran Kerman-shah,' or ^ Varahran, king of Carmania.' 
Agathias tells us^ that during the lifetime of his 
father he was established as governor over Kerman 

* Rve years, according to Aga- 
thias (iv. 26) and Miikhond (p. 
319); four years and five months, 
according to Eutychius (vol. i. 
p. 472), Tabari (vol ii. p. 102), 
and Ma^oudi (vol. ii. p. 189). 

' Mirkhond (p. 320): 'Schapour 
i^taitunroid'une simpbcit6 extreme.' 

' So Mafoudi (Ls.c). Tabari 
assigns his death to a revolt of his 
troops; Mirkhond to accident^ or 
to a conspiracy among his cnief 

officers (p. 319). 

* Varahran is made the son of 
Sapor III. by Agathias (Ls.c), the 
son of Sapor if. and brother of 
Sapor in. oy Tabari and Mirkhond. 
Eutychius and Ma^oudi leave the 
point doubtful. Patkanian {Journal 
Asiatique for 1866, p. 168), follow- 
ing Armenian authorities, mentions 
both >iews, but inclines to believe 
him Sapor III.*s brother. 

» Agathias, iv. 26; p. 186, C. 





or Cftniianiaf ftnd thus obtaioed the appellation which 
poiioadauiljr adher^ to him. A cunoiis relic of 
HQtiquity^ fortuimtcly preserved to modem times amid 
■o mueii thai has been loat, ootifmiis tliis Btatemenu 
It b the w^ of TaiBhran Wfi^re hi^ aseendud the 
Fersiaa throne, and conUdnit^ beddta bb portndt^ 

r)oauiiniiiy rut, an inscription, which is read as fol- 

low-* :^ — ' Vanthnni Kmaan malkd^ hurl mazdi^fti biUf 

Shtihjfultri mulkttn imilka Aintii ve 

Aninin^ luinurhitri in in yazdan^' or 

• Viirahraii, kiii;i of Kcnnan, son 

of thr < >rniaz(l-\vor>hipj)int: divine 

Saj>or, km;/ of the kinj:** of Inin 

an«i Turan, lu*:ivt*n-<lf!*i*en(ltHl of 

the* rar«- of ilie ^mN/ Another jhmiI, 

U Io!i::hj;^' to hiin probably after 

It ha«l Uromi' inoiian'h of IVr- 

•la, < oiji;4in.«» hi** fiilI-K'n|jth jx»r- 

L4Tmil aiLlL 

<''«'i;p«f»> Ta^Min. V 1 11. )i lut . and « hicb »till br«r« th«» apprlUtion 

yXiJki.Ti, y .i.'«>. axxl thr .1/.*//- < MaJo.lm. //uT. of /W««, \o\. i. 

M^~«<'. Try* riiA iJi>-rw. A*. I •• 4 I . p. 1) 'J . Krf ToTlrr, rrWfW#, Tol. ii. 

p 'il.'* VftfmiirmA, w« aiv t<>Id, p. lt«i|. 

^v« \i\M tukmm iii Krnnan •hah U) ' T^uouM b J i t w n a t tf Jt. ^jl 

* titro mhick k9 buUt b MMik, Smt^, Ntw Smm, voL UL p. 960. 


trait,^ and exhibits hira as trampling under foot a pro* 
strate figure, supposed to represent a Eoman,^ by which 
it would appear that he claimed to have gained vic- 
tories or advantages over Eome. It is not altogether 
easy to understand how this could have been. Not 
only do the Eoman writers mention no war between 
the Eomans and Persians at this time, but they ex- 
pressly declare that the East remained in profound re- 
pose during the entire reign of Varahran, and that 
Bome and Persia continued to be friends.^ The diffi- 
culty may, however, be perhaps explained by a con- 
sideration of the condition of afiairs in Armenia at this 
time ; for in Armenia Eome and Persia had still con- 
flicting interests, and, without having recourse to arms, 
triumphs might be obtained in this quarter by the one 
over the other. 

On the division of Armenia between Arsaces and 
Chosroes, a really good understanding had been esta- 
blished, which had lasted for about six years. Arsaces 
had died two years after he became a Eoman feuda- 
tory ;* and, at his death, Eome had absorbed his terri- 
tories into her empire, and placed the new province 
under the government of a count.^ No objection to 
the arrangement had been made by Persia, and the 

* This seal is without inscription, I ' Thomas in It. As, Soc, J, p, 
but is identified by the headdress, ' 352. 

which is the same as that upon 
Varahran's coins 

' Oros. vii. 34. Compare Mos. 
Choren. Hist, Arm, iii. 61 : * Pax 
fuit inter Veramum (qui Cermanus 
appellatus est) et Arcadium.' 

* Mos. Chor. iii. 46. 

* Ibid. ; and compare Procop. De 
JEW. Justinian, iii. 1 ; p. 53, B : To 
Xoiirov 6 'Putfiaiutv fiafriktix dpxovra 
rotf 'Apfxfv'ioic atl KaBitrrrif opTtva. 
TTori Kai onriviica av avrif ftov\ofiiv(p 
iUi* KOutiTCL Tt T^c'ApuiviaQlKoXovv 

COIN OF YABAHRAli IV. , i » , » • • 

Cn* XH.} HIS I-EACEflTL Tail*Kr£t OrSE BOMB. 207 

wbale of ArmeQia bftd raowncd for four years tranqtul 
and wiihoui diiittirbanoe. But, about a.d. 300, Cboi^ 
raKe booiiiia dittadsfied with \m position, and entered 
mto rdmions mth Rome which greatly duipleaaod the 
Annenitn monarch** Chosrofe obtaioor] from ThcM>- 
di)»im lib own appciintmcEil to the Armeuian eountihi[i, 
tod thus 9u<^cexHli'd in uniting both Koman and Persian 
Armenia under hl^ government. Elated with tliii mie- 
he prrx^eetied further to venture on fldniinistrttlve 
which tjvnehed, accurding to Pt-r^ian views, on 
the rights of the lord pammount.^ ^nally^ when Va- 
mkran addnaeed la him a remonstrance, he refdieil in 
insulting term\ and, renonndng liw aulborityt placed 
the whole Anneuiaii kingdom under tlie mmmuitj and 
protectioa of Borne.' War between the two great 
powen mttit now have »eem^ imminent, and could 
indeed oidjr have been avoided by great moderatiou 
and lelf^rertraint on the one ode or the other Under 
thcae ctrcuntflfaneei it wis Borne that drew tjack. 
TluMxl.wiiis (IcM lineil to rcnxuve the submission which 
('h<r.nwH teiKKrcMl, and refujH.Hl to lift a finger in his 
<l«fiiK«'. Thr 11 1 1 fortunate priiu^e wjis forre<l to give 
hitn'Mlf up to VarahnuK who r<)n««igne<l liim to the 
Ta^tK- of i >!)livion, and plac**<i Wis Imither, Varahran- 
SajHir. ujHui the Ann^nian llinme.* Thene event*^ !KH?m 
to 1kiv(' fallrn into the yejir a.D. 391, the thinl year of 
Varaliran,^ who may well have fflt proud of them, and 

' M «. C'hor iii. 40 TbU writrr " Thr Annrniao p«triAfrh. A»- 
^»!I« tKr Koman rnjprn.r of th# pur»rr« (A*b(»u^^r) b«vin|r dird, 
lie- \rrM^\m», and th^ iVriUn , (*h<MnK« appoiotrd hi* •uccr—of 
a,, r.fcfrh S«j».r . >»ut. »f b^ !• rifiht with«>ut cofuulting Vamhrmn. 
in *«-..'T.if if !*» «*h«'«r--« A Trim of ' • >(•«. Chof. ill. fiO. 
»t*. %^«rt'*'It i:;i Vn, thrr must * Wnd. 

kft«- h^ti. M fvpi>>«i^ud in tb« * If the * fiT« jMOV * c>f rhosrort 
f*'!!. Tbr"r«iu« th« (irrat and arr r«»utited fmin th# diTifticiQ of 
\ arabrui IV. Ajin«fiia, A.D. StM, hit rtrolt aod 




[Ch. XIL 

have thought that they fonned a triumph over Eome 
which deserved to be commemorated. 

The character of Varahran IV. is represented va- 
riously by the native authorities. According to some 
of them, his temper was mild, and his conduct irre- 
proachable.^ Others say that he was a hard man, and 
so neglected the duties of his station that he would not 
even read the petitions or complaints which were ad- 
dressed to him.^ It would seem that there must have 
been some ground for these latter representations, 
since it is generally agreed® that the cause of his death 
was a revolt of his troops, who surrounded him and 
shot at him with arrows. One shaft, better directed 
than the rest, struck him in a vital part, and he fell 
and instantly expired. Thus perished, in a.d. 399, the 
third son of the Great Sapor, after a reign of eleven 

deposition would fall into the year 
A.D. 389. the year after the acces- 
sion of Varahran. But it is more 
probable that they date from the 
commencement of his sole reign, 
which was two years later, a.d. 386. 
^ Mirkhond, Hist des Sasstmides, 

p. 320. 

2 ModjmeJrol'Tewarikhj as trans- 
lated by M. Mohl in the Journal 
Asiatique for 1841, p. 513. 

» Tabari, vol. ii. p. 103; Mir- 
khond, I.S.C. ; Malcolm, Hist, of 
Persia f voL i. p. 113. 

Cm. xnt] Aonanosr or iiDfoeiiD l 


wSA kk a^t^. m§ Okmm ^ ^'^ mi 

wri ?•••€•• ■#■!) i|^|l 

Tak^uiea^ IV. WW wooeoded (jli>. 300) by bb 
Iidilec^t' or Itdi|fetd I,^ whom tlie soldkns Utough 
thcf hiul murdered lim fiither/ permitted Co ttioeiid 1^ 
throne withcmt difficulty. He b mid, ui lib aoreimi, 
to have bome a good chitmct^r for prtidMce and mo- 
di^sticio/ A chanelir which he mught to confirm by 
xhv utteninro on various ocra««ions of high-sounding 
m<» jkiitimonb.* The genenil tenor of hiu reign wa** 

* Tb<» tiMttit' upon hU c«»in« U 
!>iul M •n'^TT. 1 hf (trrrk wriUTi 
fail him * I«ili|rrnii</ th«« Annr- 
niAii ' VaiifrM.' KutTrhiu* (Vol. i. 
^ 'Vi* . Tol. li. p. 7lM UM« the form 

* M rdtniAon int»rpi»Utrt mdrr 
Wnkhmii IV. • m^fiarrh whom he 
f aIU ' iMJi^rU I.' to whom he »•- 
«,*r« • m/n of • ?«Mir «»frr A 
J. rti'ti of |Vr«i« ( /0tt»rhrt/f, rn\. 
t.:. j> »V', I Thu prif>rr he mftkr« 

• i' '«^«^ hy hit ftufi. iMii^rd II. 

• •. !• tK«- ' I«rll^*ft! I.' of ft!l 
•hv-r wrVf* I fm:if>"t fin«l anT 

to* .Tt r.ik*<^ f 'f thi« ifitrrpiiU- 
t- <^. < Th* riumisntfttjc ••tmrno 
4". p^hapt. fth'W that an U- 
<fi^^^. dittiDct (rum the three 

known Per*ian mnluuThl^ once 
reijrnni in S«*utan ; hut ther* in 
nothing tu Hi the time of thi« 
irijrn. > 

• That VAjuhmn IV. wiu the 
father of I*di)renl i« nMerted hr 
Kutychiut (tol. i. n, A4^^, TftbAri 
(ii. n. KUi), Ahu (iheidah (quoted 
bt MA^>udi, vol. ii. p. *^iH), s^p^># 
(p. 'Ji)), aoid other*. I^aiAre de 
I'arbe makee him the bn^er r4 
Iftdiicerd ( p. .*t.t ). Aff«thiat ( i r. *2i\ ) 
i« anihitru«>uft. Mirkhond (p. it2\ ) 
and Tahftri (Lft.c) meotioo both 

« Mirkhcmd. l^r. ; TahaH. Ur. 

' S<»frrml «»f the«0 afe iriven hr 
Mirkh md (pp. S21<:f). 1/ aatheo- 
tk. the? Would bt mnarhAbU ■• 



[ch. xm. 

peaceful ; ^ and we may conclude therefore that he was 
of an unwarlike temper, since the circumstances of the 
time were such as would naturally have induced a 
prince of any military capacity to resume hostilities 
against the Eomans. After the arrangement made 
with Korae by Sapor III. in A.D* 384, a terrible series 
of calamities had befallen the empire.^ Invasions of 
Ostrogoths and Franks signalised the years a.d. 386 
and 388 ; in A.D. 387 the revolt of Maximus seriously 
endangered the western moiety of the Eoman state; 
in the same year occurred an outburst of sedition at 
Antioch, which was followed shortly by the more dange- 
rous sedition, and the terrible massacre of Thessalonica ; 
Argobastes and Eugenius headed a rebellion in a.d. 392 ; 
Gildo the Moor detached Africa from the empire in 
A.D. 386, and maintained a separate dominion on the 
southern shores of the Mediterranean for twelve years, 
from A.D. 386 to 398 ; in a.d. 395 the Gothic war- 
riors within and without the Eoman frontier took arms, • 
and under the redoubtable Alaric threatened at once the 
East and the West, ravaged Greece, captured Corinth, 
Argos, and Sparta, and from the coasts of the Adriatic 
already marked for their prey the smiling fields of Italy. 
The rulers of the East and West, Arcadius and Hono- 
rius, were alike weak and unenterprising ; and further, 
they were not even on good terms, nor was either hkely 
to trouble himself very greatly about attacks upon the 
territories of the other. Isdigerd might have crossed 

indicating a consciousnens that 
there lay in his disposition the 
germs of evil, which the possession 
of supreme power would be likely 
to develope. 

ynviv iv 'Pktfiaioif Tov iravra yooi'ov 

(Procop.2>e^e//.Per«. i. 2). Oviiva 

viitfTort Kara. *Ftafiattitv t)oaro noXtftov 
, . • dWcL fiifiivijKfv innti ivt-nv^ ri 

uv Kai fioiji'ato^ (Afirath. iv. 26 ; p. 
1S7, B). 

^ See Tillemont, Hist des Em- 
ppreursy tom. v. pp. 104-6, 211-221 ; 
Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. iii. 
pp. 361-402 J vol. iv. pp. 23-31. 

Cm. 3UI1] coyBmoy or muz at this period. 271 

the EuphralGStind o^efruo or conquait^d theAsktic pro* 
vinces of theEufiem Empire^ without causmg Hooaiiis 
A pug« or tndiidng him to stir from Mikn. It b true 
that Weiitfni Bomc pos«<!ssccl at t\m time the run? Iren- 
iore of a ai|mble genentJ ; but Btilicho was looked upon 
with fear and nvcnuoa bj the emperor of tlie Eitst,^ and 
wmt monofw fuUy oonipied with the defence of hii 
own mitft4fT*i territories^ Had bdigerd, cm ft9Ci*udtug 
the throne in a.D, 399 , unsheatlieil the iword and re- 
turned the bold desigus of his graudlathert Sapor IL, he 
oouJd fioareelj have met with any afoiout or prolonged 
nutaiiw. lie would have founc) the East goirmied 
pnetieaDy by the eunuch Eutropiuis a plundef^r and 
oppwOTi uniYenvdly hated ami feared ; * he would 
have had o[»poeiecl to him nothing but distmcted couoseb 
and diiorganiaed forcei i Amm Mtiior wan in p oaa c ai oti 
of the Ofttitngothst who, under tlie leadcrthip of IMbi* 
^ki wen* ravaging and dcatrojlng &r and wide ; * the 
armios of the Slate were eommanded by OainaSt tbe 
GoUuund Ix*<>, the wool -comber, of whom the one was in- 
(x>miM U-iit, and the other unfaithful; * there was nothing, 
upjMirently, that could have prevented liira from over- 
ruiuiinjr Konuui Armenia, MeiK)jK>Uunia, and Syria, or 
even from extending his ravage?*, or his dominion, to 
the >liore5 of the Ji+rean. But the opportunity was 
either not rH-vn, or was not reganleil iw having any 
attnirtioiiH. Isdigerd remained tnmquil and at rest 
within the walLn of his C4ipiud. Assuming as his special 
litlf tlie rhanu'teristic epithet* of ' Kiunashtras,' * the 

TiU»» cU i"m. t. ji lit. J. iQ th«» T«»ar. 

» <fiU*^. % '\. IT pp. l4<>-tV • <*ilb..n. t. !. IT. pp. 144-U. 
TW* (i#«:b >f >Uitr<>piu« <]ccun><l * Ibid. p. l4iV 
ta U^ mmr TMtr with th<» •rc»*«ioa * S<« .Vlordtmaao in tb« JBril- 

ai Udi|«rd (C Uot'O, /: 3L v^l u $ckn/t, vgL viii. pp^ 04-7. TW« 




[Ch. XHL 

most quiet/ or * the most firm,' he justified his assump- 
tion of it by a complete abstinence from all military 

When Isdigerd had reigned peaceably for the space 
of nine years, he is said to have received a compliment 
of an imusual character. Arcadius, the emperor of the 
East, finding his end approaching, and anxious to secure 
a protector for his son Theodosius, a boy of tender age, 
instead of committing him to the charge of his uncle 
Honorius, or selecting a guardian for him from among 
his own subjects, by a formal testamentary act, we are 
told,^ placed his child imder the protection of the Per- 
sian monarch. He accompanied the appointment by 
a solemn appeal to the magnanimity of Isdigerd, whom 
he exhorted at some length to defend with all his 
force, and guide with his best wisdom, the young king 
and his kingdom.^ According to one writer,^ he fur- 
ther appended to this trust a valuable legacy — no less 
than a thousand pounds weight of pure gold, which he 
begged his Persian brother to accept as a token of his 
goodwill. When Arcadius died, and the testament was 
opened, information of its contents was sent to Isdigerd, 
who at once accepted the charge assigned to him, and 
addressed a letter to the Senate of Constantinople,* in 
which he declared his determination to punish any at- 
tempt against his ward with the extremest severity. 
Unable to watch, over his charge in person, he selected 
for his guide and instructor a learned eunuch of his 

title 'Ramaahtras' is wholly new 
when Isdigerd takes it. Mordt- 
mann regards it as a superlative 
form, equivalent to * Quietissiraus.* 
* Procop. De Bell, Pers. i. 2; 
Agath. iv. 26 ; p. 136, C, D ; Theo- 
phan. Chronograph, p. 69, A, B. 

OtoSotritf Tf)v fiaaiKtiav aUkvu n Kni 
vpovoiq. irday (Tvi'SiaaoiCaaSai, 
cop. l.S.C.) 

3 pAHnot 


Cedrenus, p. 3S4, C. 
* Theophan. p. 69, B. 




courts bj' name Antiochos, ajid s^it him to Canitantt- 
nople,^ where for ^evoni! yoio be mu the youug princc^A 
cofistant compujiiodi. £%xhi oA^er \m death or expulsioQ/ 
which look pla^ m oonscquenee of the Ititnguoif of 
Puldic!riii, Theodonius't elder lister, the Penum mo* 
narch continued fiiithful to bk etigagementnw During 
the whole of \m mgn be not only n*iiiainecl at peace 
with the RomAtts, but avoided every art that they could 
have resided ^ m the least tkgree uuMendly.' 

Sodi ii the tianutive which hm aime down to un 00 
the authority of faiatoriJinai the earliest of whom wrote 
ft ematxaf and a half after Areadittsi a death/ Modem 
c ritidap h«i m gemnl« n^eeied the entin? itory, on 
thii aooomiUngaidhig the ^eneeof the earlier ^Titein 
ii oiitweighmg the positiTe itatementj of the later onus.^ 
It ihouJd^ however, be borne in muid« first, thai the 
cartier writeta are few in tiuml>er,* and that their hi»- 
lorie* are very meagre atid ftcnuty ; •econdly, that the 
Ihet, if (icl It were, was one tKit very palauible to 
Clirifftiam ; and thirdly, iiiaU m the rcsultn, »«> fiir oa 
I^>^u• wiu* concenied, were negative, the event might 
not havf M.'eine<l t4^) Ik* one of much im[)ortance, or that 
re<}uinti uoiiie. The chanicter of lYocopius, with 

> Thr..^h«n. p <». n Compare lM4iim0 mmJ FaU, toL it. p. 10(1; 

( r*lr»nu«. p. .'iti, A. Smitb'i J>icf. of Gk. and Horn. 

* Thr phrm*e u«e<l bt TbcophancMi Bump-apky^ rol lil p. U>lW. Ar. 
%tA i MrrtkxxM {•€w*^^9 >«>«r«»-) is * Th<*T cnottat of I'bilucUiririuA 
ambi/u u*. • S** Tb^'pbAXi. p. 70, (ILC. Vlft), S«icrmU» (»b. a.d. 440), 
I* < V'lr^oui, p. X%\ V ) Siiom«*o (ab. a.D. 446), TbtHxlotvt 

* A«:«th 1 jlt. : <»»^«*ti wriri tab. AH. 4«'iO), aod Trutper (abu 

f.-a.., if.-^'w r. » »!•*», •♦- k.h. 4**»); all of wbom atv mcU- 

• k » . » 4 •.If <« r ' M » a ^ dp I ftuutical writ4•n^ rmtb«*r tbao writen 

. .«. of rifil butorr. i^otimu* U to 

* Pr -^ piu* wn>t#abi»ut A.D V*.i. bnrf in bu n<»Uc«« of xh* Etut^m 
A/&!L;c« a/irr k.i* '*!**, Tb«o* i-jiipirp, tbat bU aileDcv m to tb« 
(L%i:,'« afvr i i> "^I. will (*f AroadiuA caxmot bt r»l^afd«d 

Tii>tb 4it, //utf. df9 Km m rwntr%, m uf mucb 0(lCliW|tt«OC«. 

t'Oi. 11 p^ 1. aod DuU; UlbW»ci, 



[Gh. xnL 

whom the story originates, should also be taken into 
consideration, and the special credit allowed him by 
Agathias for careful and diligent research.^ It may be 
added that, one of the main points of the narrative — 
the position of Antiochus at Constantinople during the 
early years of Theodosius — ^is corroborated by the 
testimony of a contemporary, the bishop Synesius,* who 
speaks of a man of thi^ name, recently in the service of 
a Persian^^ as all-powerful with the Eastern emperor. 
It has been supposed by one writer^ that the whole 
story grew out of this fact ; but the basis scarcely seems 
to be sufficient ; and it is perhaps most probable that 
Arcadius did really by his will commend his son to the 
kind consideration of the Persian monarch, and that 
that monarch in consequence sent him an adviser, 
though the formal character of the testamentary act, 
and the power and position of Antiochus at the court 
of Constantinople, may have been overstated. Theo- 
dosius no doubt owed his quiet possession of the throne 
rather to the good disposition towards him of his own 
subjects than to the protection of a foreigner; and 
Isdigerd refrained from all attack on the territories of 
the young prince, rather by reason of his own pacific 
temper than in consequence of the will of Arcadius. 

The fidendly relations established, under whatever 
circumstances, between Isdigerd and the Eoman empire 
of the East, seem to have inclined the Persian monarch, 
during a portion of his reign, to take the Christians into 
his favour, and even to have induced him to contem- 
plate seeking admission into the Church by the door oi 

^ Agathias speaka of him as 
(i>C irXtltrra fittiaatiKoruj Ka\ naaaVj 
iiif ittrth'j leropiav dvaXiidfitvov, 

* Synes. JBp. 110. 

* l!he Persiaa to whoee ntiie 

Antiochus had helonged is called 
Narses. (Synes. l.s.c.) This was 
the name of the favourite minister 
of IfKiieerd (Tabari, vol. ii« p. 104). 
^ Tillemont, 1.8.c« 


twptkm.^ Antiochus, hiit nspres-enfative at iba court uf 
Arcftdius, openly wrote in fevour of tbe persecuted sect ;' 
and llie €*ocoiirageinetit received from ihb high qoar- 
Urr rapidly incTeiuM.'d Ihe niimber of profi^'^ing Q»Ti*- 
tiaiis ij3 the Persian tenilories.* The iiectarie% though 
oppraMd, had long beea allowed to have their biikapii 
and Imlji^rd is aaid to have UfrtejM^d with approval to 
tlie taiehing of two of them, Marutha^ biihop of Meso* 
potamiji, and Al)djiM^, hbhop of Ct<»iphoti> Convinced 
of the truth of Chrbtianity, but unhappily an alien from 
itc iffirit, be eomtnenced a pcniecuttoii of the MagMm 
and their unjni \mwt}r(u\ adlieresitai^ wluch eauied him 
to be held in diHcstation by hii nilgectA, and htm helped 
to attach to hii oaim the qAhata of * Al-Rhajiha; ' the 
Hanh; and *A1-Alhim; Hhe Wkked/* But the per^ 
aecQiaan did not oootinuc long. The excfmin PsaX 
of Abddbi aJltf a while [irovuked a reaction ; and hAU 
g^erdt d^ertiog the cause which he had for a ttme 
wpoiMed, threw hiiDielf (with all the zeal of one who, 
aftiT iM-arly cinhnicin^' truth, relap8t»s into error) into 
i\u' ann> of ilu* <i|)]H»iio piirty. Alxlaas had venturtnl 
to Imrn (l«>wii the ^Tcat Kire-Teniple of Clc*Jiiphon, and 
)uiil tlirn refiw*<l to re-build it." Ixligerd authoriscil the 
M:4;.nan liKTarrhy lo rt'taliati^* by a genonil dej<truction 
of thf Oiri'^tian rhurcht*s throujrhout the Persian d«>- 
niunon*, an<l by ihu arrcM and punUhnient of all iho^r 

»;». *•• ttt---* . 

* Th^'pbAi) pi 01*, C . Crdrrou*, * T«b«n« Tol.ii. n. 104; lU^udi, 
P \A, P Vol It. p. n«; Mirkb<4id, p. ^\ . 

* » " t*» ^ .• n»*^..'. u ^i^m'uf \lAltt>lm. Hut, of iWwm, vol. i. p. 
• •„ «Tl>^'pb l.t.r. ) 11.1. 

* ILmI p. 71. a. ^ rbvophAA. p. 71, B ; Tbvodorrl. 

T S 



[ch. xm. 

who acknowledged themselves to believe the Gospel.' 
A fearful slaughter of the Christians in Persia followed 
during five years ; ^ some, eager for the earthly glory 
and the heavenly rewards of martyrdom, were forward 
to proclaim themselves members of the obnoxious sect; 
others, less courageous or less inclined to self-assertion, 
sought rather to conceal their creed ; but these latter 
were carefully sought out, both in the towns and in the 
country districts,® and when convicted were relentlessly 
put to death. Nor was mere death regarded as enough. 
The victims were subjected, besides, to cruel sufferings 
of various kinds,* and the greater number of them 
expired under torture.* Thus Isdigerd alternately op- 
pressed the two rehgious professions, to one or other of 
which belonged the great mass of his subjects; and, 
having in this way given both parties reason to hate 
him, earned and acquired a unanimity of execration 
which has but seldom been the lot of persecuting 

At the same time that Isdigerd allowed this violent 
persecution of the Christians in his own kingdom of 
Persia, he also sanctioned an attempt to extirpate 
Christianity in the dependent country of Armenia. 
Varahran-Sapor, the successor of Chosroes, had ruled 
that territory quietly and peaceably for twenty-one 
years.^ He died a.d. 412, leaving behind him a single 
son, Artases, who was at his father's death aged no 

* Cyrill. Monach. in the Analeda 
Chreecat p. 20 ; Theophan. I.8.C. ; 
Cedrenus, p. 33C, C ; Theodoret, v. 

^ Theophan. L8.c. 

' Oi Mdyoc card iroXiif Kai xu>paQ 
l7rifit\un: iOiioivov roig XapBdvovra^, 
(Theophan. 1.8.C.) BovXSfitvoi oi Mayoi 
ndprai; (}tjptv9ai tovq XpiOTiavovi, 

(Cyrill. Monach. l.s.c.) 

^ Theae are described, with much 
detail, by Theodoret {H, E. t. 39) ; 
but the modern reader will be glad 
to be spared all particulars. 

* nXiiffrot Kai iv avral^; raic /3o- 

cdvoi^di'ypftiTicav, (Theophan. L8.C.) 
^ Mo8. Chor. iii. 65, cui mit. 

Cm. XUt] niB ATtEUn TO COXVfiSt ARMEKU. 377 

more than Urn jean.' Under these Gwumftftiicaii 
I<jiAr, the Metitipolitan of Antienia, proceeded to ibe 
cotirt of Destpboa, aod peUdoned Iddig^rd to replace 
on the Armentan throne the prince who bad been 
dipOM^i iwei3ty-oDe yeafi earUcr^ and who was itiU a 
pafiaooer on parole * m the * Cmtie of Oblivion Wv^k^ 
Choiroe^ Ldigerd acceded to the reque^ ; and 
ChcMra^ iii*ad rdeaacd from eoofijieiiieDt and restored 
to ifac throne from which he had been ex}ielled by 
Vandinui l\\ in A.n. 39 1« Ui!t however^ survivixl hb 
devaiaon onlf a yisar. Upon Um deeea^e, A.D. 413^ Isdi- 
gerd idected for the viceTophip* not an Aisiidd, ocib 
«f«o an Annc^tan, but hii own mm^ Sapor^ whom bo 
imed n[ii>n the reluctant ptovimiali* oonipdlmg them 
to adiiii3wledgi! him ai monarch (a^n. 413-414)* Sapor 
tnftlnicted to ingmtiat^.* bim'ii4f with tlie Armenian 
by invidng tbem to rbit him, by feaiting them, 
ihem pa*!?€ntj, holding frieodly convemf wiUj 
them, huntinjf with them ; and wai bidden to une aueb 
;ntliu inr a-' lir iiiij^ht obtain to convert the chiefs from 
C'hriJttiuiiity to ZoroiLHtriani?*in. The yoiiuj/ prince ai>- 
jM-ar^ to have done hin In^t ; hut the AnnenianH were 
oli-tiiiuti-, rr^i«»t4'(l hi?* l)huMh>hnieiitN and reniaineil 
rhn*tjaiin 111 Hpiie of all hi** effort-. He reigneil^ fnnu 
\.l». 414 to 4 IS, at the end of whu'h time, learning that 
hi- I.ithrr had fallen into ill health Jie <juitted Armenia 
and rrturiitd to ilu* Tertian court, in onler to ptvss hU 
i 1.4im* to thr '•^l<•r^►?^M^ln. I>4li|jipl die<l f^KHi aflem'anl*** 
(A i» 41!» or rjO); and ^^aj^o^ made an attempt to JHfize 
ihf thr«»!M-; l>u! there wa«* another pretender whojH* 

M «. rh »r 111 v.. ,$J tnif. Inli^rd in a o. IJ*) ( >'. /if. Tol. i. 

» 'la .A^i*;; . <»;i\i.Tii« librm p. iV.«»l . t^ •! ii. p. '>U > : MordtmAnn 

cj^l.'iim t'ti* ImIut — ll,;ti. i.ft.c, IQ thr •Atnr yr^ [ X^scAn/t^ toI. 

( \%Li«*.. fi • trmntUli n I. tin. p. <V4 k TbomM in A.l*. 417 

• H ^ Ch"f III. K^\, mj mU, « .VwiH, C'krom, Nuc llriL, Ntw 




[Ch. xm. 

partisans had more strength, and the viceroy of Arme- 
nia was treacherously assassinated in the palace of his 
father.^ Armenia remained for three years in a state 
of anarchy ; and it was not till Varahran V. had been 
for some time established upon the Persian throne that 
Artases was made viceroy, under the name of Artasiris 
or Artaxerxes.^ 

The coins of Isdigerd L are not remarkable as works 
of art ; but they possess some features of interest. They 
are numerous, and appear to have been issued from 
various mints,® but all bear a head of the same type. 
It is that of a middle-aged man, with a short beard 
and hair gathered behind the head in 
a cluster of curls. The distinguishing 
mark is the head-dress, which has the 
usual inflated ball above 2i fragment of 
the old mural crown, and further bears 
a crescent in front. The reverse has 
com OP isDioKED I. ^^^ ^g^^j fire-altar with supporters, 

and is for the most part very rudely executed."* The 
ordinary legend is, on the obverse, Mazdim bag ra- 
mashtras Izdikerti^ malkan malka Airan, or ' the Or- 
mazd-worshipping divine most peaceful Isdigerd, king 
of the kings of Iran ; ' and on the reverse, Ramashtras 
Jzdikertij * the most peaceful Isdigerd.' In some cases, 
there is a second name, associated with that of the 
monarch, on the reverse, a name which reads either ' Ar- 
dashatri ' ( Artaxerxes) ^ or, * Varahran.' ® It has been 

» Mo8. Chor. iii. 66. 

« Ibid.iiL68, ai;?>i. 

* Mordtmann gives as mint- 
marks of Isdigerd I. (hb Isdigerd 
II.) Assyria, Ctesiphon, Isjpahan, 
and Herat {Zeitschnft, toI. viii. pp. 

^ See LoDgp^rier, Midailles des 

Sassanides, pi. vii., Nos. 2 and 3 

i wrongly ascribed to Artaxerxes 
I.) ; Mordtmann in the ZeitBchrift, 
Tol. riii. pi. vii., No. 17. 

* Mordtmann, Zeitschrift, vol. viiL 
p. 64, No. 132 J vol. xii. p. 11, No. 
« Ibid. vol. viii. p. 67, No. 139. 

Ol mL] ciiAE.%ctEni or 1^0110^0 h 279 

ccmjecturcd timu where the name of * AiUkxerxm * 
ocaarit the reference b to the fotiader of the etDptus ; ^ 
whUe it 13 Ailmitted that the ^TarmhniD ' iuteiided is 
ttliootl oeftainly Ixligenl's mn ami fucceasor/ Yaruhnui 
T,, the *Biliram-Our* of tlie tnuilifni Pcnbuu. Perhupt 
a man nsMOaabte iicixMuit of the matter wottld be that 
IscUgi^rd had origiimU}' a mu Artaxerxes, whom he in* 
tended to make \m maaemor^ but that tfaij won dicfc) or 
o^ded hiiu^ ami Umt than he gave hja place to 

The character of lad^erd m %*arioujly represented. 
Aocoidu^ to the Oricntjil writem, he hiid bj oaiune an 
exaodknt dfaipoiition^ ami at Uie time of hu moo&dxm 
WW generoltj regarded as eminently mge^ prudent* and 
TUtaonai but his conduct aAcr he became king diiap- 
pdnted all tbe hope^ that had been entmauicd of hun. 
Be waa vk/ksiU oiiel, and pleaffure-ioekiiv ; he broke 
^ taws hunmu and divine ; be plundered the rich^ ill- 
umsi the poort deapiiied learnings lefl thoae who did 
hiin a M^nice unrewardoil, su^j)ecte<l everybody.* He 
waiidiTiHl continually alxmt his vast empire, not to 
iK-iH'tit hii ?*ul)jfcl>, hut to make them all suffer equally.* 
In ( uriou** contrast with thesi* accouuts is the picture 
<in;wn of him l>y the Western authors, who celebrate 
Ills ni.i;jnanimity and his virtue,^ his jKniceful temj)er, 
hi** f.utliful ^'uanlianship of Tlu*odosius, and even his 
exmiphir)' picty.^ A modern writer' luw suggested 

• Mirkh*ori. H%stmrt lU* Sn^ X» >•#. <i{*<ir. 

• mm/##. ly. .{-'1 -'. Taliah, ('Art>- • lli^^phftn. C%rtmo^mpk, f^ 7\, 

• I*K&n, i« 1. u p. VJ4. mt,iti^ >«>otcr. 

' Irwp. Jh ILU. JWk L 2: ' Maloi^m, //mC ^ /Vm«, ?oL t. 

lr*^t^i|(, • llt«p#«rv »W#iX«»^ . . . pp. 114<-^ 


that he was m fact a wise and tolerant prince, whose 
very mildness and indulgence offended the bigots of 
his own country, and caused them to represent his 
character in the most odious hght, and do their utmost 
to blacken his memory. But this can scarcely be 
accepted as the true explanation of the discrepancy. It 
appears from the ecclesiastical historians ^ that, what- 
ever other good qualities Isdigerd may have possessed, 
tolerance at any rate was not among his virtues. In- 
duced at one time by Christian bishops almost to em- 
brace Christianity, he violently persecuted the profes- 
sors of the old Persian religion. Alarmed at a later 
period by the excessive zeal of his Christian preceptors, 
and probably fearful of provoking rebeUion among his 
Zoroastrian subjects, he turned round upon his late 
friends, and treated them with a cruelty even exceeding 
that previously exhibited towards their adversaries. It 
was probably this twofold persecution that, offending 
both professions, attached to Isdigerd in his own country 
the character of a harsh and bad monarch. Foreigners, 
who did not suffer from his caprices or his violence, 
might deem him magnanimous and a model of virtue. 
His own subjects with reason detested his rule, and 
branded his memory with the well-deserved epithet of 
Al'Athim^ ' the Wicked.' 

A curious tale is told as to the death of Isdigerd. He 
was still in the full vigour of manhood when one day 
a horse of rare beauty, without bridle or caparison, 
came of its own accord and stopped before the gate of 
his palace. The news was told to the king, who gave 
orders that the strange steed should be saddled and 
bridled, and prepared to mount it. But the animal 

^ Socrat. H, E, yii. 8 ; Cedrenus, | Monach. Vit, Euthym, in the 
p. 336, C J Theophan. 1.8.0. ; OyriU. I Analecta Graca, p. 20. 






ri^m?d aoc] kidccd^ and woald not illow anyone ta 
come lusar, till the king biauelf approached^ when the 
cirattire totally chang^ its mood, appeared gifiif le and 
dodle^ fftood jierfectly stdl, ami altawud both saddle 
and bridle to be put on. The tTupjier* however, needed 
•ome arningement^ and iKligerd in lull eonfidem^e pnv* 
eeaded to coiispleie hk ta^tk, when tuddenly the hon«c 
lathed out with cine of hii Und li^ and dealt the nn- 
fcxrlunate prince a Mow wMch killed htm on the spot. 
The amnial then tact off at upeed, di^enitmrraMeil ttadf 
oftti acx^utretnentjs and galloping away waa newr 
ieaii uy mon^^ The tnodera himoriiin of Fcmti com* 
pgaaei tha tale into a single phrase,* and telb tin that 
* USigeTA <Ued from the kick of a borve : ' but the Pirw 
nam of the tune regaftled the oectirrencc aa an anamr 
In thmr pnyeia, and saw in the wild steed an angel 




[Ch. XIV. 


Internal Troubles on the Death of Isdigerd I. Accession of Varahran V, 
His Persectftion of the Christians, His War with Rome, His Itela^ 
tiwis with Armenia from a.d. 422 to a.d. 428. His Wars with the 
Scyihic Tribes on his Eastern Frontier, His Strange Death, His 
Coins, His Character, 

*E»el 'Iff9ty4phi% vo<rrj<ras 4^ hjSp^otv If^dyurro, hrijXBfv is *P»futUtp rifv T^r 
Oifapapdvris 6 Uipff&v fiatriXths (rrpar^ fAtydk^. — Pbocop. De Bell. Pets, i. 2. 

It would seem that at the death of Isdigerd there was 
some diflSculty as to the succession. Varahran, whom 
he had designated as his heir/ appears to have been 
absent from the capital at the time ; while another son, 
Sapor, who had held the Armenian throne from a.d. 
414 to 418, was present at the seat of government, and 
bent on pushing his claims.^ Varahran, if we may be- 
heve the Oriental writers, who are here unanimous,' 
had been educated among the Arab tribes dependent 
on Persia, who now occupied the greater portion of 
Mesopotamia. His training had made him an Arab 
rather than a Persian ; and he was believed to have in- 
herited the violence, the pride, and the cruelty of his 
father.* His countrymen were therefore resolved that 
they would not allow him to be king. Neither were 
they inclined to admit the claims of Sapor, whose 
government of Armenia had not been particularly suc- 

1 See above, p. 279. 

2 Mos. Chor. iii. 66. 

» Tabftri, Tol. ii. pp. 106-112; 
Ma^oudi, voL ii. pi 191; Mir- 

khond, pp. 323-8; Modjmel-al- 
Tetoarikn (in Joum, Asiatique for 
1841, p. 616). 
* Tabari, p. 113. 



ce^ful,^ and whosD ncent desertion of Kb proper post for 
thie idranoeiikeiit of his own privHie intermu was a crim^ 
against hU eountry which dcsa*red punbhrnciil rather 
tliati reward. Arniema had ai^tuatlj r^vt)ltiHl u aooQ 
as he quit 1 1'd it, had diiveti out thii Fcraan garriiocii* 
aod was a prey to mpttie and disorder. Wo cannot be 
ittrpriiod thatttmdo* these drcunuitances, Sapi>r*s machi^ 
nalions and hopes were abruptly termioaieiJ^ moa after 
tua fathers dirmiM^, hy his own inurdiir. The nobler 
and cfakf Hagi took afiairs mto their own hands.* In- 
stiid of teiidkg for Vanihran, or awaiting his arrival^ 
they select^ fw king a ilesrenfknt n( Artaxerxai L 
only r&aMdj related tolsdjgenl— a princv of tlie name 
of ClKiiroBi~fliid formally pboed hiin upon the thmneu 
But Tarahnn was not willing to Cfde \m rightJ. 
Harmg pemaadid thit Aiabtt to enibruce hit cau«»e^ he 
iitan:h«d trpon Clefipboii at the bead of a large force, 
and by same means or other, mimt probably by the 
terror of his arms/ pnsvaUed upon Chu«roiS ^^e noblea^ 
and the Magi, to huhinit to him. The iKH>ple readily 

' M *. rhor. iii. W. lie hiui 
f«;I-d rtiht-r l'» ronrilUte or nver- 
• w. th** irr**al AniirtiiAii cbiff*, 

» Wnd. 111. r4\. 

* TibAn. l.«.r. ; Mirkhnnd. p. 'W>. 

• In ihii part -^f lh»« hi»t. •nr 
(aKI*- h*A rt»pUr»^i (met. ArronliiiiT 
In Jmhmn axil oth»T«. \ iimhr»ii 
mad^ rv* u*' f^ hi« Amb in-'ps 
but ^ifi^rXfd hi« pijq»'^««» b% prr- 
»tim>iiti^ ihr nobl«^ And rhall«*nk'in|f 
t'h»*rm^ V* A irul nf a i»fnin^ 
f LarATtt-f • I>ri tbr iVf^iaxi rniwn/ 
b' •a;!. '\t^ J larr-1 l>rtwr«*n two 
b irvri li«'tia, rbaiO'-d <»o«. on rilbrr 
•ii* f It. Aod Iri that f>nm of ut 
wri . dar^« t<» appr*arb the liun« 
af>i ukr tbr rruwn b»» arkiiow- 
ir»l,-r<l aa kin^.* Tb«» pr'p(w«l 
f ia^g^ Iba DoU«a aimI M^ ; aod 

wbat Varabmn bad aufr)r««t4Nl waa 
d<'n«*. ChiMkntc^ waa a^krd if bo 
would uiakr tb<* attt* uipt Hr»t, but dr- 
rlintMi. \'arabran tbfH took A club, 
aitd. apprt>arbiD^ tb« liotu, jutiiprd 
(>D thf liark of nor. aeatcKl bini*rlC 
aiui, whrti tbr otb<>r wa^ about to 
•pnn^' on bim, witb two blow* 
dfi^hrd out tbr brain* of b(»tb ! Il« 
tb**n toi>k tb<» cntwD. and waa ac- 
knowltsi^rd kintr, Cb*iarora Mtig 
tbr hr*l to Awear all«»gianc*«*. (Sri 
Taburi, rol. li. pp. 1 17->* ; Ma^mdi, 
tm). li. n. fii.j; Mirkbond, pp. 
:t'IU-l ; xc.) Wm ma? Mrbapa 

o»nt ludr witb aafrtv fn»in toe* Prr- 
•lan mrc- tint* tbat tbrrt* waa no 
actual rnil war, but tbat Varmknui 
Mtablubed bimtrlf witbottt bATinf 
to bgbt. 



[Ch. XIV. 

acquiesced in the change of masters ; Chosroes descended 
into a private station, and Varahran, son of Isdigerd, 
became king. 

Varahran seems to have ascended the throne in 
A.D. 420.^ He at once threw himself into the hands of 
the priestly party, and, resuming the persecution of the 
Christians which his father had carried on during his 
later years, showed himself, to one moiety of his sub- 
jects at any rate, as bloody and cruel as the late 
monarch.^ Tortures of various descriptions were em- 
ployed ; ^ and so grievous was the pressure put upon 
the followers of Christ, that in a short time large num- 
bers of the persecuted sect quitted the country, and 
placed themselves under the protection of the Eomans. 
Varahran had to consider whether he would quietly 
allow the escape of these criminals, or would seek to 
enforce his will upon them at the risk of a rupture 
with Eome. He preferred the bolder line of conduct. 
His ambassadors were instructed to require the surren- 
der of the refugees at the court of Constantinople ; * and 
when Theodosius, to his honour, indignantly rejected 
the demand, they had orders to protest against the em- 
peror's decision, and to threaten him with their master's 

It happened that at the time there were some other 
outstanding disputes, which caused the relations of the 
two empires to be less amicable than was to be desired. 
The Persians had recently begun to work their gold 

* The date of a.d. 417, which 
Patkanian (Joum. As. 1866, p. 161) 
and Thomaa (Num, Chron, 1872, 
p. 45) obtain from the Armenian 
writers, is less probable. It con- 
tradicts Abulpbarafnus (p. 91), 
Afl^athias (iv. 26), Theophanes (p. 
73; D), and others. See Clinton, 

F, It. vol. i. p. 646. 

« Socrat JS. E. viL 18; Theo- 
doret, H, E. v. 39. 

' Socrates speaks of nmopiaQ cat 
<Trpi/3Xac HifxrirdQ ^latpopovi, 
Theodoret is painfully diffuse on the 

* Socrat H, E. 1.8.0. 

Cm. Xir.] WAR RENKirKD WITH ROMK. 286 

miii^ and bad hired experiem^ pef^om from the 
Bggiiiiis, whose gemots thejr found so valu&bk thut 
when the periud of the hiring was expired, Uil'JT would 
mft auffer Uie mioara lo quit Persia and ruturn to their 
homei. ThejT are dbo waid tu have ill-u&ed the Botniiu 
iMrchtQU who tjiidt?d in the Peraao territories, and to 
hftTO KMally robbed ifaem of their memhundtse*^ 

IhmB Ciiiiei of complmtit were uat* hawever* it 
would w&mHf brought farword by the Boiiuim, who 
OQiatiitiiod iljemselves with Amply rcfuftiog ibe demand 
for the cxtnditioii of the Ghrislmo fugitives^ and re* 
fmiiied froni niakbg any couDter-cbitm. But their 
moderatian was not appredaled ; and the PermaD ino- 
nireh, an loinung lluit Borne would not restore th« 
rdugeat, dodired the peace lo be at an end, and im- 
rotdkldy made prepamtioitii for war. The Boniiiiu 
had, boweteTt ut»^iaied bb dedjion, and took the 
field m foro! before the Peniani were r^dy. The 
emnmond wasentruitcd to a general bearing tlie strange 
namt* of Anlalnirius* who maroheil hi** troops through 
AriiH-niu into tln» fertile province of Arzanene, • and 
lh»n* <l<fralt'<l NarseV the le-ader whom Varahran had 
•^•nt a|jain?*t him. PnKrcodinji to phinder Arzanene, 
Anbhiirius siKldrnly heanl that hU adversarj' was 
aU»ut to fntiT thi» U4)man pnmncc* of Me?wij)otamia, 
which w:lh dcimdcnl of troops ^^"d scenied to invite 

• Scrtt. //. /.'. I i.r lADe * (p. 74, A), whi^cv* w« in«T 
' Tui* la tb« fir*t tbAt u b«ard eoociude that the diotrict intendf^ 

r/ ArxlAl.^na*. 11«* wa* of AUniAn w%» that called An«m*n«> br Am- 

^'-«c»fiT. and wa« aA-rwanU em- niianui {xxr. 7 », which baii breri 

1 1 yf'i \" {»ut down the pretroder, alrradr identitied with the oi'^leni 

J L^r^r.rt « 'Nirr. %u. 'J4 , OItoi- KKgrutn. I Sre ab<»Tr. p. lin». | 
t •: f fci. \'\"\. ltM»<4ker. p, f\»7 . • Ihe Datue u |rireii a* Arw« 

T'i i ♦*• f/ // A* in 1 J». whom (Arwtu»» hr Thf^>phane« ( 

b» Oi^^i' |ri*'r,^f « 4 D. A*!*^). Id but a* Nar*«« (NarMru«i bv S>- 

k > l.'T h** WM ountul. cnite«w Tabah aat* that Narw»« 

* Th* i' rtti uti^ bir .SirrmtM it waa a bmtber o( Varabrao ( CArt^ 
Asajc&« . but Tb«opiuuM« baa ' Ar- Mfti#, toI. iL pp. 110 aad 126). 




[Oh. XrV. 

attack. Hastily concluding his raid, he passed from 
Arzanene into the threatened district, and was in time 
to prevent the invasion intended by Narses, who, when 
he found his designs forestalled, threw himself into the 
fortress of Nisibis, and there stood on the defensive. 
Ardaburius did not feel himself strong enough to invest 
the town ; and for some time the two adversaries re- 
maiued inactive, each watching the other. It was 
during this interval that (if we may credit Socrates) 
the Persian general sent a challenge to the Eoman, 
invitmg him to fix time and glace for a trial of strength 
between the two armies. Ardaburius prudently de- 
clined the overture, remarking that the Elomans were 
not accustomed to fight battles when their enemies 
vdshed, but when it suited themselves. Soon afterwards 
he found himself able to illustrate his meaning by his 
actions. Having carefiiUy abstained from attacking 
Nisibis while his strength seemed to him insufficient, he 
suddenly, upon receiving large reinforcements from 
Theodosius, changed his tactics, and, invading Per- 
sian Mesopotamia, marched upon the stronghold held 
by Narses, and formally commenced its siege. 

Hitherto Varahran, confident in his troops or his 
good fortune, had left the entire conduct of the miUtary 
operations to his general; but the danger of Nisibis— 
that dearly won and highly prized possession ^ — seri- 
ously alarmed him, and made )iim resolve to take the 
field in person with all his forces. Enlisting on his side 
the services of his friends the Arabs, under their great 
sheikh, Al-Amundarus (Moundsir), ^ and collecting to- 

* See above, pp. 235- 2da 

' Moundsir was at tlie head of 

the Mesopotamia]! or Saracenic 

Arabs at this time, according to 

the Oriental writers (Tabari, toL iL 

pp. 110-116; Mirkhond, p. 328, 
who gives the name as Mondar, a 
form easily traceable in AUArmm' 

Ck. XIV.] 8I£a£3 or SlSmiB A5B TEEODQSIOFOLIS. 337 

getlier a sCrotig body of elephants,^ be adtratioed to the 
relkf of the bel^gaened Cowq, Ardabunas drew ofl 
cm his approach, burned hb mege artlUerj, and redrcil 
from before th€ plaiee* Nisibii was preserved ; but bqou 
aAerwarda a diwler is said to liave befidleti the Arab% 
who, beUeving thetHBelres about to be attacked by the 
Soman fort!c^ were aeiied with a sudden puuct and, 
fusfaing in ht}adloi^ fi|gfat to the Euphrates (t), threw 
theEiisiflvi:^ hi to ill waie»i,tmcumbcn!d with tlieir clothes 
and arms, and there perished to the number of a 
himdrud Uiousand.' 

The remaiaing da^uniMAnrt?^ of the war are not re- 
lated by our audiuritie^ ia dimnological sequence. But 
as it is certain that tlie war lasted ooly two years*^ 
and as tlie eveuts above oarmled certainly btfloug to 
tlie Mrlier portbn of it, and ^eem iuflicieot for one 
miiiprigBi iw ttay perhapt be jusiified in ai^agniug to 
the second year, A.n. 421, the other details record^]— 
m., the fkge of Xbeodosiopoli^ the combat between 
AriH)b*m(lus and Ardazanes, the jiccond victory of Arda- 
l)uriu«*, and the destruction of the remnant of the Arab*^ 
by Vitianus. 

The<Klo!*io[K)lis was a city built by the reijrninjr 
ein|>en)r, Theodosius II., in the ll4)nian portion of 
Annenia, near the jwjurces of the Euphrates.* It w;is 
deft*n<le<l by stmng walls, lofty towers, and a deep 
<lit4 h.^ lliddeu clmnnels conducted an unfailing sup- 

' Sorrmt //. E. r\L !«, mbj$m. II. K rii. l(i-20. 

• Thi« uJe it MaUni »^>ih br * Mot. Chor. iii. fiO. 

S<r»u^ (Lrr ) %jA bj TbrapbaoM * Tbf* MiUiaritY of Mom* m to 

I p^ 74. III. It must luiv« bad •'»iii<» tb« ■tirnfrUi of Tb^odnaiooolia 

f^an<lati/o . but DO doubt the Iom ( Ili^t. Arm, La c) U prrfi>rmbl«» to 

M iTTv^tir vxa^irrratrd. tbat of Prticopiiia, wbo wn>U* a C9i»- 

■ *>*^ tb* rkr^mtcU n( MartM>lU- tunr latrr. lV>ci»piua make* tbr 

&«•. p. \\*. aDdci»ait)«rpTb^>pbaiM^ pUc« cio«> of amall account in the 

(pp. 74-6 1, wbo, bowcTvr. mak** time of Tb«odoiittt (/>r ^fid Jm^ 

t&«war U0ltkrM7«n,ftod8ocnt fiiiuM. Ui. 6). 



ply of water into the heart of the place, and the public 
granaries were large and generally well stocked with 
provisions.^ This town, recently built for the defence 
of the Koman Armenia, was (it would seem) attacked 
in A.D. 421 by Varahran in person.^ He besieged it 
for above thirty days, and employed against it all the 
means of capture which were known to the military art 
of the period. But the defence was ably conducted by 
the bishop of the city, a certain Eunomius, who was 
resolved that, if he could prevent it, an infidel and per- 
secuting monarch should never lord it over his see. 
Eunomius not merely animated the defenders, but took 
part personally in the defence, and even on one occa- 
sion discharged a stone from a balista with his own 
hand, and killed a prince who had not confined himself 
to his mihtary duties, but had insulted the faith of the 
besieged. The death of this officer is said to have in- 
duced Varahran to retire, and not further molest Theo- 

While the fortified towns on either side thus main- 
tained themselves against the attacks made on them, 
Theodosius, we are told,* gave an independent command 
to the patrician, Procopius, and sent him at the head 
of a body of troops to oppose Varahran. The armies 
met, and were on the point of engaging when the 
Persian monarch made a proposition to decide the war, 
not by a general battle, but by a single combat. Pro- 
copius assented ; and a warrior was selected on either 
side, the Persians choosing for their champion a certain 
Ardazanes, and the Romans *Areobindus the Goth,' 
count of the * FoederatL' In the conflict which followed 
the Persian charged his adversary with his spear, but 

1 Mo8. Chor. iii. 69. I » Ibid. 

» Theodoret, H. E, y. 87. | * Johann. Malal. xiv. p. 26, A. 


tbe tiimbte Goth avoided the thrust bj Icnotng to one 
iide, ofWr which he entangled Anla^ines in a net^ and 
then despatched him with his awoid^^ The result was 
necepted by Vamhran a« densive of the war, and he 
diaifted froni arij further hosulities. Areobinditu' re^ 
oeiTCd Uie thanks fif ilie emperor for luj vielury « and 
twelve year* kter ww rewarded with the coiOTil»hip. 

But nieaiiwhile, in other portioiw of the wide field 
over which tlui war was raging, Rome bud obuuued 
additional soeoeaiai. Anbhuriui, who probably itill 
cotntnjttidcd in MenopotainiA^ had drawn the Peraaii 
force opposed to htm into an anibuscadat and hiid de- 
ttroyod it, tcigether wtli iti* neven generals." \1tknUB, 
an officer of whom nothing more b knuwii« had exterroi- 
nmted the remnant of tbe Arabfl who wgi« not drowned 
in the Btaphntea,^ The war had gone everywhere ngainut 
the Peniana t lad it ii not improbable thai Vamhraa, 
before the dose of jl0* 421, pmpOMd tortnfl of pcuco.^ 

Peaec* however, via not acttmlly nmde till Urn n^tt 
yoar. Fairly in a.d. 422, a Roman envoy, by name 
Maxiinu'*, apiHMiod in the camp of Varahnin,^ and, 
wln-n i.ikt'ii into tin* j)n*s<*nrc» of the f^Toal king, stated 
that h«' w:i> empowiTtnl hy the Uonian generals to enter 
into n«^r«»tialioii*4, hut had had no eoniiininieation with 
lh«- iJoMian einjxror, who dwelt so far ofT that h<? had 
no! ii.-tMl of the war, and was <o j>owerful that, if he 
kn« \v .»!' it. h«* would n*gJ>nl it as a matter of small ao 
« ouut. It is not likely that Varahnin was much im- 

J f All. M«I«I '•fAx ; hut th** oitii- * lohn of MaUla makr* Vaimh- 

b«» i» r rT.t rj*^l •!•<» bt S'<rm!»*« ran }ir< •}»•««• peiir»* imrnrdrntrlT after 

I //. /. -ill l-*, otifin. K th»« •jr>i:li» rornbnt. Th<sMi<irf>t 

• •*-*-?*• i».i., MarrrlliD. C'hro- mmkf |>^a<f» foll.iw fnmi lb« rv- 
M^t'*. J'. '.' t pul»«« Mjtfrrr<<l al Tb«Hid<iaaop)U«, 

• ,">*rni- 1 • r. • Socrat %ii. 3U. 





[Ch. XIV. 

pressed by these falsehoods ; but he was tired of the 
war ; he had found that Eome could hold her own, and 
that he was not hkely to gain anything by prolonging 
it ; and he was in difficulties as to provisions,^ whereof 
his supply had run short. He was therefore well in- 
chned to entertain Maximus's proposals favourably. 
The corps of the * Immortals,' however, which was in 
his camp, took a different view, and entreated to be 
allowed an opportunity of attacking the Eomans un- 
awares, while they beheved negotiations to be going on, 
considering that under such circumstances they would 
be certain of victory. Varahran, according to the So- 
man writer who is here our sole authority,* consented. 
The Immortals made their attack, and the Eomans 
were at fii'st in some danger; but the unexpected 
arrival of a reinforcement saved them, and the Immor- 
tals were defeated and cut off to a man. After tliis, 
Varahran made peace with Eome through the instru- 
mentahty of Maximus,^ consenting, it would seem, not 
merely that Eome should harbour the Persian Christ- 
ians, if she pleased, but also that all persecution of 
Christians shoidd henceforth cease thi'oughout his own 

The formal conclusion of peace was accompanied, 
and perhaps helped forward, by the well-judging charity 
of an admu'able prelate. Acacius, bishop of Amida, 
pitying the condition of the Persian prisoners whom the 
Eomans had captured during their raid into Arzanene, 

> Socrat. Tii. 20. 

' Socrates. The destruction of 
the ' Immortals' is mentioned also 
by Theopbaiies (p. 74, B), but 
vas^uely and without any details. 

' The actual negotiator was, ac- 
, cording to Socrates, Mazimus only. 

Others mention, m concerned in the 
negotiations, Helion, Anatolius, and 
Procopius. (See Theophan. p. 75, 
B; Cedren. p. 341, D; Sidon. 
Apollin. Paneg, Anthem. 1. 76.) 

* Theophan. 1.8.0. j Socrat H, E. 
vii. 21. 

CB.XIV.] mmvcf or Biantir acaciuil 


and w«n! driggitig ciff mto iliivmj, uitapoflal lo mve 
them ; mid, aspbyiog for the pufpone all the goUl ud 
ftilver plate that be euukl fiml in the churchen of hia 
diooeiet rmmomed as many as setm iAi^umtnd capdves, 
Mtppljed thdr tmmeiljato wants with the tttmnst teu- 
demise, anil ient them tci Vanihruu/ who ean icansely 
have fiiilod to be unpresoLHl by an act ao unu^uiil in 
andist ttmci. Our sodpUail hintnrmn itnnarks^ with 
more apparent iinceiity than nmial^ that ihU act won 
calinjkti.>d Mo mftirni the Persian king of the tnia 
^ifit of the reUgion which hi? pfT9i?cutecl/ and that the 
wmam of the doer might well ' have diguiRed the tmitiily 
catendar/ ' T1r**c* reraiirks are just ; iind it it certainly 
to hm ngretted that^ lunong the many utiknawn or 
doubtful nmnm of canoniaetl Chriftians to whbh the 
Cbur^h has given her sanetiofv there ii nci me»liciii 
wmdiB of And us of Amida* 

Tirahmn wiu prrhap the moredtspoaed tocoodudo 
}m wiir with Rotne fmm the Iroabled oonditjoii c^P hm 
own |x)rtion of Arinciiia, which imi>t»nitivt'ly roqiiire<l 
hi** attention. Sinrc the withdniwal from that ivjjion 
of hi- l)roth('r SajMjr* in A.I). 41S or 410, the country 
hinl li:nl no kiriL'. It had faUen into a ?>liite of conij)lete 
nnanhy and wnt«lHHlnf*vH ; no tiixcs were collcct^nl ; the 
pr,id"» \\*U' not sife; the strong rol)l>cHl and o|)pres«*oil 
th«' wi:ik at thrir j)lra«iire.* Inuic, the Armenian 
jkitnarch, an«l the cither l)i-hof>*<, had (jnittinl their sees 
and lake?i nfirje in Roman Annenia,^ where they were 

' *^*-r»t- 1 • r trm nnnot ab rrrtiifp rmrxitk fii^rit, 

* <»;KU<f). lie- fff ami /W/, t -l. rt llii»rTr •|>i»liiil*, ftil^i ut T«N-t|- 

:» |« l*',7 tralift rriri« Hrhmvnt. rl plrbia 

• VI «• Ch' r. »:i •'•*» ' KirKmt tjt "iiiMiMm rpriim nnlo p*'rturb«rrtur.* 
r-g" r>--*'rm, pr'j-t'-r ttiniultu-** (W Si«t«n*« tr«n*Ution- 1 

mU^'A" taf lmUfit!Mim« trmp'ra, prr * Ibid. iii. «^7. 





received fevourably by the prefect of the East, Anato- 
lius, who no doubt hoped by their aid to win over to 
his master the Persian division of the country. Varah- 
ran's attack on Theodosiopolis had been a counter 
movement, and had been designed to make the Romans 
tremble for their own possessions, and throw them back 
on the defensive. But the attack had failed ; and on 
its failure the complete loss of Armenia probably seemed 
imminent. Varahran therefore hastened to make peace 
with Rome, and, having so done, proceeded to give 
his attention to Armenia, with the view of placing 
matters there on a satisfactory footing. Convinced that 
he could not retain Armenia unless with the good-will 
of the nobles,^ and believing them to be deeply attached 
to the royal stock of the Arsacids, he brought forward 
a prince of that noble house, named Artases, a son of 
Varahran-Sapor, and, investing him with the ensigns of 
royalty, made him take the illustrious name of Arta- 
xerxes, and delivered into his hands the entire govern- 
ment of the country. These proceedings are assigned 
to the year a.d. 422,^ the year of the peace with Rome, 
and must have followed very shortly after the signature 
of the treaty. 

It might have been expected that this arrangement 
would have satisfied the nobles of Armenia, and have 
given that unhappy country a prolonged period of re- 
pose. But the personal character of Artaxerxes was, 
unfortunately, bad ; the Armenian nobles were, perhaps, 
capricious ; and after a trial of six years it was resolved 
that the rule of the Arsacid monarch could not be en- 

i Mos. Chor. iii. 58: ' Rex Per- 
sarum Veranius, sine satrapis Ar- 
meniis regionem earn se tenere non 
posse intelligenS; de pace egerat.' 

^ See St. Martin, M^moires sur 
VArmSnie, vol. i. p. 410 ; Notes to 
Le Beau's Bas-JEtnpiref vol. vi. p. 32. 


<liir«d» and that Vnrahmn fthould be requestted ta mnke 
Anoaiia ii pnn ipce of Im empire^ luid tx> place it under 
the government of a Persian satmp.^ The moremeut 
wns TC9i<ited with fill his farce by Inac, the patriarrh^ 
who admitti^l the profligacy of Artaxencf^and deplored 
it, but held thjit the rule of a Christian, howcvur hkx he 
might be, was to bo preferred to that of a heatlien, how* 
Cfer vinuoiM*' The nobltft, howei*er» were determined j 
md the opposition of Imxkc had no other remih than to 
mvolf e him in the &dl of his soi^emgn. Appcd wns 
atade lo tlie I^er»imt Idng ; ^ and Vamhnui^ in iolemn 
stale, hc-ard the clmrgt'ii made against Artaxenea by 
his 5ubjectot iMid lUtentJ to his reply to them. At lb* 
end bo gare his decinoa. Artoxorxes was prcmouTJced 
to hairo forft^ited \m erown, and was depoeid ; hb pro- 
perty was ooofiacaled, and hi:i pc^rson oommitteil to 
Mfe etntody. The monarcby was declared to be at an 
end ; and FerHrmenia wis delivered into the bands of 
a Brndan governor.^ Tlie patrian'h Isaae was at the 
sMiiu* liiiir (l(;jnnU'(l from his ofTice and deUiimil in 
Trr^i:! A^ a |in^)n(T. It wit^ not till .some years later 
that hr w:t*» n'I«ax*(l, allowed to ri'lurn into Armenia, 
and to pMiinr, under certain restrictions, Ills episcopal 

The nin liniri;/ rin-ninstanccs of the roign of Yarah- 

' M -, ('h-T iii. <Vt. writ In Mbandon ror fth«^p to tbo 

• 7 h» rr j.h ■ f !•*•/* !n th*» n<»)»l<»« rm/«' «»f (IfTounnjr woUr* ; and you 

:• n : lil r» n.l.-rv.niT <»jbU'n : 'Hur wouM ^*»m r««p«'nt T<>ur nuU i»i- 

kr,r »• t.-. n.u. h Mdcijrtrd t<> lirrn- rh*ntf»* <»f thn intimiiti*^ of a bf^- 

ti ■'*• i.It-a-jff . hut hr ha* U'fTi lift! r fir th»« ■iw^out rir1u«Ni of a 

t Tj. II :• a I \'-T >t W'.fiirn . p. I»B» ) 

) ii h«- «! --• n r ail r^ th- Iirv .»r • M.»«. ('h'»r. jii. <l|. 

t^''.'rn''r« II- ij.»\ .!.«*-nr th»» * Ibid. I h«' name of tbe fint 

r^ J ? •. h <f,.»». hut hr 1* jT-'TTTi'T. aryN»nling lo M (>•««, wat 

If. .ft ! .tih!#'.! r^!h Iir, and hi« Vjrinhrr-Sajxtr. 

<a-?h »• p'lr^ ihoo/h bi« mar>n«-r« * Ibid. in. (VS. 

ar« tU^ntioua. I will Drv«r OfO- 



[Ch. XIV. 

ran V. come to us wholly through the Oriental writers, 
amid whose exaggerations and fables it is very difficult 
to discern the truth. There can, however, be httle 
doubt that it was during the reign of this prince that 
those terrible struggles commenced between the Persians 
and their neighbours upon the north-east which con- 
tinued, from the early part of the fifth till the middle 
of the sixth century, to endanger the very exist- 
ence of the empire. Various names are given to the 
people with whom Persia waged her wars during this 
period. They are called Turks,^ Huns,* sometimes even 
Chinese ; ^ but these terms seem to be used in a 
vague way, as ' Scythian ' was by the ancients ; and 
the special ethnic designation of the people appears to 
be quite a different name from any of them. It is a 
name the Persian form of which is Hdithal or Hdi- 
atheleh^^ the Armenian Hephtkagli^ and the Greek 
' Ephthalites,' or sometimes ' Nephthahtes.' ^ Different 
conjectures have been formed as to its origin; but none 
of them can be regarded as more than an ingenious 
theory.^ AU that we know of the Ephthalites is, that 

* Tabari, vol. ii. p. 119 ; Ma^oudi, 
YoL XL p. 190 ; Mirkhond, b. 335 \ 
Modfmel-al'Teioarikhy p. 616. 

^Procop. D« BeU, Pers. i. 8; 
CosmaA Indicopleust. Id Montfau- 
con's CoUecUo nova Pairunif torn. ii. 
pp. 337-9 ; Abulpliarag. Chrwiicm, 
torn. ii. p. 77 ; Elis^e, p. 12. 

' MirKhond caUs the invader ' the 
Khacan of China' (p. 334), though 
he epeaks of the army as composed 
of Turks. 

* Mirkhond, p. 343 ; Mod/mel-^- 
Teicarikh, p. 617; Tabari, vol. ii. 
p. 128. 

* Mos. Chor. Geogr, Armen. § 92. 
I take this form from M. Vivien 
St Martin, to whose little work on 
the Ephthalites (Les Hum Blancs 

ou EphthaiiteSf Paris, 1840) I own 
myself much indebted. Wbiston's 
translation gives the word as Heph- 

* Both readings occur in the 
MSS. of Procopius. (See the note 
of Dindorf in the edition of Nie- 
buhr, p. 16.^ Theophanes has 
N«of?aXIrai Only {Chronograph, pp. 
105-6). Nic^PaXtrtu is also the form 
used by Agathias (iv. 27). Menan- 
der Protector has 'E^f^aXirai (Frs. 9 
and 18). 

^ M. Vivien St. Martin seeks to 
identify the Ephthalites with the 
Yue-chi, one form of whose name he 
believes to have been Yi-ta, or IV- 
tha {Les Huns Blancs, pp. 37-69). 
Others, e.g, Deguignes, have seen 

they were eatablbhinl ia force, daring the fifth nm\ 
mxth eeti tunes of our em, in the repott** ensl of the 
Coipkn^ especially in thrwe lieyonc! the Oxiw rirer, unci 
that they wen? penemlly rvgarded a** belwigiag to the 
a^ythic or I*lnno-Turkic popubtini], which» at any 
mia from &.c. :^00, hiul become power ^l in thiU region* 
Tb^ were callei! 'White Huns' by wwne of the Greeks;* 
but H tuiirlmitti'd thiit they were quite db tine tftt>ni the 
Hunt who iuvttded Euroiie under AttU* ;* tind it may 
be dmibted wbetbcr the term ' Huu * is more Appro 
prmle to them thmi thstt of Turk or eren of Chtneie. 
Tbe dascniptton uf tlieir phyiitml chiinieter und hjtbiti 
left ut by PnK:o{ttuN who wrolii when they were ai 
the height of their power, h decidedly advenM! to the 
fiew tlmt tbey were retdly Huns. They wen* a light- 
complesdonc^l mee, m-herem the llun?* were decidedly 
fwirt;' they were not ill-looking, wherDfiji the Uum 
were hideouH ; they were jin tigncuHitnd |ieop)e, while 
the Hun* m^ere nomiiil'*; they had good laws, md were 
tnlrnil^ly W(»II riviliM^l, Init the Huns were savapes. It 
1- pp»h;il»li» iliat thcv lH»l<)nj:e<l to the Thiln^tic or Tur- 
kish •'tiMk, whirli ha*i always been in advance of the 
Kiiirih , and \u\< >h«>wn a greater aptitude for |K>liticaI 

\Vf an* toM th:it the war of Vanihran V. with this 
jMoj.I.- <Nnn!n«iHV(l with an inva'-ion of his kin;j(lon) by 
thrir Kh;ir!in, or Khan/ who eros^c^l thr Oxus with an 

in th- w.>r»l Fphthilitf * r »"»t * * Khun * i« thr m«*(irrn coo- 

/'i^,/,»hirh t\i'-\ Tr^Ari a«»*<jtii^m- tr«<tr<l finn nf th«* W(»rd which U 

!«".! ! • I (irk f'Uti«l in th«* niiddU? mr* m KMoffom 

' A« I'f --^jpiu* •l>.r.). Tho.»- <»r ('Jtiuyan. aixl in thr iVnuan and 

^'!.%r«~« ( p l'v*», ( I, And < -Mtuft* Arahir wnirr* n* Kk^tkam or Kk«t- 

*.»' rtttt. It* ohiHnAl r«»t is pn»^i*blT 

* \'r . 'f» 1 ic. thf Kkitk. ynUu'h intent ' KiDjf * in 

» J -T.*-. !••<•, /># ff\/A*'^m rtltu anrimt >u*ianiiin. in Kthi<vpic ( Tir- 



[Ch. XIV, 

army of 25,000 (or, according to others, of 250,000) 
men,^ and carried fire and sword into some of the most 
fertile provinces of Persia. The rich oasis, known as 
Mem or Merv, the ancient Margiana, is especially men- 
tioned as overrun by his troops,^ which are said by 
some to have crossed the Elburz range into Khorassan 
and to have proceeded westward as far as Eei, or 
Khages.* When news of the invasion reached the Per- 
sian court, the alarm felt was great ; Varahran was 
pressed to assemble his forces at once and encounter 
the unknown enemy ; he, however, professed complete 
indifference, said that the Almighty would preserve the 
empire, and that, for his own part, he was going to 
hunt in Azerbijan,* or Media Atropatene. During his 
absence the government could be conducted by Narses, 
his brother. All Persia was now thrown into conster- 
nation ; Varahran was believed to have lost his senses ; 
and it was thought that the only prudent course was to 
despatch an embassy to the Khacan, and make an ar- 
rangement with him by which Persia should acknow- 
ledge his suzerainty and consent to pay him a tribute.^ 
Ambassadors accordingly were sent ; and the invaders, 
satisfied with the offer of submission, remained in the 
position which they had taken up, waiting for the tri- 
bute, and keeping slack guard, since they considered 
that they had nothing to fear. Varahran, however, 
was all the while preparing to fall upon them unawares. 
He had started for Azerbijan with a small body of 

* The moderate estimate of 25,000 
18 found in Mirkhond (p. 834) and 
in the Rozut-ul-Suffa (Malcolm, vol. 
i. p. 117). Tabari (vol. ii. p. 119) 
and the Zeenut-aUTewarikk have 

» Mirkhond, pp. 334 and 336. 

* Ibid. |). 334. Compare Ma- 
90udi, vol. ii. p. 190. 

* Tabari, vol. ii. p. 119 ; Modj^ 
mel-al- Teioarikhj p. 51G ; Mirkhond, 
p. 334. 

* Tabari, Is.c. ; Mirkhond, p. 335. 

picked wurriorH ; ^ he had drawn ^mc further strength 
from Anneiila ; ^ lie jimceeded along the mountuin line 
lluwigh Taberis^tiiu, llyrcaiiia^ and 'Sh^i (Nishapur)/ 
jnimJitiig only by uightt and carefuUy miu**kttj^ his 
moi^ement^. In this way he reached the neighbour* 
liood of Herv unob§erved. He tlien planned and ace* 
oited a night attack on the iuvndiug amiy which was 
0Quiph't4?1y i*ua!e*sful. Attacking his udver^arie* s^ud- 
denly and in the dark — iitamnug tliem, moreover, with 
fltrmnge noiiei/ and at the itime time ttpoauhing them 
with the utmcjftt vigt>ur^ — he put to flight the entirts 
Tiitar army. The Khan himself was killetl ;' and tht! 
flying ho^t wa.f punnied to the bonks of the Oxus. The 
whole of the ounp equipage fd) into the hands of the 
rktom ; and KhAtouii, the wife of the great Klian, waa 
taken.* The plunder was of enormoui ¥iilue, and ochU" 
prLH*d the mytd erowu with itii ricli ieti^ of pearii.' 

After this suc5c<m» Varahra0| to complete his vkAoiy, 
mn one of his generals acroaa the Oxits oi tlie bead of 
a l:ip/«' forrc, ftii<l fallirijr UjK»n th(» Tatars in their own 
ri.uiiliy (Ktrateil thriii a sc^coiid time witli j^ival 
>lau;ili!cr.** TIk* I'luiny then prayeil for peace, which 
wx-* |jraiit<(i thi'iii bv the vietorious Varahraii, who at 

• Tftbari fnak'-* th#» numb»'r onlv TVirnn'AA, p. T)!?). 

^■> .v>I II }K UIM; but Mir- * M«v .udi. voL ii. p. IW ; Mir- 

kh ^Ci 1 p^^** *b»' n»'»rv pr»babU* kbond. p .TJ7. 

t.'uf f :.«B«i. J, :iyt), • TAlwiri. vol. ii. p. IJl. 

• M.r'fch ►!!«!. ;.. .;.;.>. ' .\r»M»nlink' to TMlMri (p. I'JO), 

• Ib»-1. p .'►>». th«» rrown wa* on)ftm<*ntril with 

• lh»- n ■;••• wn.* tiiA^ir, we arr •# rm/ t\oHJnintU of ^><*jirU. C'oiu- 
t- I'J. ly tiilin.' !>••• dru^ »»kin« of {mtv tht* pi-arl omiitn«-ntatii>n of the 

frQ with {>. l/bit*. aiii atla^hin/ Saj%^mjii» rr>wn* upon tbt» coins, 

!L»^fn \'> th*- ii«-rk« *>( th« h<»r»f, f »|H-.mllr th»*» of Saix»r 1 1. 

whi' h, a* lh»-T t hAfv'fwi. ina<J»« tlir * Tnl»an, l.".r. ; .l/ur/frnr/-<i/- 7V- 

• :.'?••• r*!!> I MirihhMui. !.• r. ; tcttrtkM, p. ."iir. Th«» Ullfr work 

.M«*'»'lm. \ 1. I. y. 11* . > 'iiif riprv^^iv ralU thi» an invn^ion of 

lulx. #:• tnhA- \ Vrahnin ratih a the r..untrv of Heyatheiak (i.e. of 

motb^r "f «il<l \m-%miM Axyl Irt th**m the Kphlhalitc4 N 




[Ch. XIV. 

the same time erected a column to mark the boundary 
of liis empire in this quarter,^ and appointing his 
brother Narses governor of Khorassan, ordered him to 
fix his residence at Balkh, and to prevent the Tatars 
from making incursions across the Oxus.^ It appears 
that these precautions were successful, for we hear 
nothing of any further hostilities in this quarter during 
the remainder of Varahran's reign. 

The adventures of Varahran in India, and the en- 
largement of his dominions in that direction by the act 
of the Indian king, who is said to have voluntarily 
ceded to him Mekran and Scinde in return for his ser- 
vices against the Emperor of China,^ cannot be re- 
garded as historical. Scarcely more so is the story that 
Persia had no musicians in his day, for which reason he 
apphed to the Indian monarch, and obtained from him 
twelve thousand performers, who became the ancestors 
of the Lurs.f 

After a reign which is variously estimated at nine- 
teen, twenty, twenty-one, and twenty-three years,^ Va- 
rahran died by a death which would have been thought 
incredible, had not a repetition of the disaster, on the 
traditional site, been witnessed by an English traveller 
in comparatively recent times. The Persian writers 
state that Varahran was engaged in the hunt of the 
wild ass, when his horse came suddenly upon a deep 

* Modfrnel-al'Teicarikhj p. 617 ; 
Tabari, vol. ii. p. 120 j Mirkhond, 
p. 337. 

* Tabari, l.s.c. 

' Ibid. vol. ii. pp. 124-6. Com- 
pare Manendi, vol. li. p. 191 ; Modj- 
mel-al'Tewarikhf p. 610 ; Mirkhond, 
pp. 337-340. 

* ModjmeUal-Tetoarihhy p. 616. 

* Eutycbius (vol. i. p. 80) says 
eighteen years and eleven months ; 

the Modjmel'alrTewarikh mentions 
nineteen years, but prefers twenty- 
three (p. 614) ; Agathias (iv. 27), 
Theophanes (p. 71, D), and Abul- 
pharagius (p. 91) say twenty ; Pat- 
kanian (Journ. Afiatiqtie for 1866, 
p. 1(U^ prefers tweuty-one; Ma- 
90udi (vol. ii. p. 100) 'and Tabari 
(vol. ii. p. 126) agree with the 
Modjmd-al' Tetaarikh in giving the 
number as twenty-three. 

Ce- XrW] DEATH or VABAItRAN X. — MIM «l5fa 


podt or spring of water, unci eitli^r plunged into it, or 
ibrew tun rider into iL, with tii4« result tfiAt Vambniti 
mnk and ne%*c*r reappeared.^ Tlic iujiposcd bcuw of 
the tnddent m a valley between lipaban and BKim;c. 
Here, in IKK), an English mldter lost tiiit life through 
baihiDg in the i^rittg tmditioniillf declared to bo that 
which provecl fatal to Varahmn.^ The eoirtcJdfncG haa 
caused the gctieml acceptance of a tak which would 
probably hare bwn otlienrae regarded m altijgethtir 
romantic and mytluiml 

The ocana of Vonihran V, art- ehiefly rt^markable for 
ihftr rude aod oouiw workmamhipand far thu numlmrof 
the mint* from which Uicy wigre iaiwed. The mint-murkji 
include Cttistphou, Ecbataui, Ispahan, Arbek, lAnlari, 
BTdiavond, Afl^rrin, Cbu2)»taQ, Media, and Kerman, 
or Dinnaniii/ Tlie onlinary lc*j|encl i-^, ii\Km tlie obvewe, 
Masdhmba^ Vamhran malia^orMu^im Img VarukniH 
fwtf mnUsa, afid on tho revijn*, *Vaimhrun/ together 
with a mtnt-nmrk. The head-dre^ hits the mural crown 
in front ;in<l Inliiiid, but iiitiT|M>>c»s Ik'Iwcimi tht^se two 
<l.ta. h«M| iVa^nncnts a crrsiviil and a circK*, eniblein<, 
no <loiil)!, of ilir sun and ni(M)n - . 

;j hK riir n»V(Ts<* »»li()\vs till* \\^\\\\\ 
li:»* alt:;r, witli ;jiiard»», or atlrndanl*-, 
>vat' Innj it. Tin* kinL'> hrad ap- 
jH-ar- in llif llaint- ii[)«»n the allar. 

ArrordinL' l«» thi* Oriental writc*i>, 
\ar.i! V. \va*« oni* of the \h*^\ of 
the Sa*'»anian |»rine(-.. He earefldly 
a iniirii*t< r.^l ju*»tife ainoii;: his nunienui'* snbjtrti*, re- 
njt!»-<l arrears of taxation, j5ave |H'nMons to men of 

OiiX or TAhAMfeAV T. 

» Tabfcn p. l.'*^. Mirkb<»oJ, p. tc»1 i p. iJl. note. 
->*' • M'Hiniwnn, in th« Zr%Uckr%ft^ 

* M4l->'liD. lluAttry of I*9f9m^ TuL \\\i, pp. lV*-70. 



[Ch. XIV. 

science and letters, encouraged agriculture, and was 
extremely liberal in the relief of poverty and distress.^ 
His faults were, that he was over-generous and over- 
fond of amusement, especially of the chase. The nick- 
name of ' Bahram-Gur,' by which he is known to the 
Orientals, marks this last-named predilection, transferring 
to him, as it does, the name of the animal which was 
the especial object of his pursuit.^ But he was almost 
equally fond of dancing and of games.^ Still it does 
not appear that his inclination for amusements ren- 
dered him neglectful of public affairs, or at all interfered 
with his administration of the State. Persia is said to 
have been in a most flourishing condition during his 
reign.* He may not have gained all the successes that 
are ascribed to him ; but he was undoubtedly an active 
prince, brave, energetic, and clear-sighted. He judi- 
ciously brought the Eoman war to a close when a new 
and formidable enemy appeared on his north-eastern 
frontier ; he wisely got rid of the Armenian difficulty, 
which had been a stumbhng-block in the way of his 
predecessors for two hundred years; he inflicted a 
check on the aggi'essive Tatars, which indisposed them 
to renew hostilities with Persia for a quarter of a cen- 
tury. It would seem that he did not much appreciate 
art ; ^ but he encouraged learning, and did his best to 
advance science.^ 

' ModJmel-al-Teioartkh, p. 516; 
Tabari, vol. ii. p. 118; Mirkhond, 
pp. 332-3; Ma9oudi, vol. ii. p. 100. 

^ The wild ass is called oy the 
Persians gur or t/our, Eutvchius, 
in speaking of Varahran V., writw 
the word Jaur (vol. ii, pp. 80 and 

* Mirkhond, p. 334. 

* Ibid. p. 333 ; Tabari, p. 118. 

* The sculptures which Ker 
Porter assigned to this prince 
(Travels, vol. i. pp. 533-640) have 
nothing that really connects them 
with him. In none of theu is the 
head-dress of the king that which 
appears on the coins of Varahran V. 

* Mirkhond, p. 332. 

Cit XVJ 


U^^MIfW //. m$ War m^ B^^. liu Mms Vmt' War 

TfiA «Qeces8or of Vamltran V. wii;9 his son, Ifcligenl the 
Secoodt who asceaded tXm Pet^ian throne without op- 
position m the leor a.d. 440J HU firtt Kt was lo 
declare war agmiiii*! fiome. The Ronmn forces were, it 
would stM*in^ OKicetitrttted in the vicinity of Msibk;* 
and IsdiiTfnl umy hire feared tliai they would make 
an atbkck upon the pktoo. He therefore at]tici)mlecl 
thiin, aii'l iiivadtMl the ein|)ire with an army com poseil 
in |)art of \\\^ own suhjerK but in part als^) of tr(K)|w 
fr«»ni till* »»iirroun<linL' nations. Saracens, T/Jini, Isau- 
riaii-, aii'l Iliinn (Kplithalitcji? ) serve<l undrr his stand- 
nnl : ^ and a >ud(h'n incursion w;is made into the Roman 
t«'rrit«»iy, f'»r which llie imperial oHici»rs were wholly 
unpn p.ipd. A considrral)le imprc>>ion would pro- 
IniMv liavf In-^/n jinx hice<l, had not the weather provetl 
• \«« «-^i;iJL:Iy unpro|)ilious. Storms of' niin and hail 
hin<i« K-tl the ad\aneeot' the iVrsian tnnips, and aUoweil 

• <**. i l;r,t.»TJ. /• //. tnl. I. p. 

.1 ill Ai/- Ari'f. \ .1. *IJI 

y '" WXk*t.i*f\ i J mm A'***- 
ft,i«<', '. •^*'». p l»'»7 » »n i Ii it". 
hut a ( aip*n*i>ti uf M*n:rlliou« 

(p. *.*•*» I with \l<*i^« i»r ChorrDrf 
I in. C.7. ad tmtt i •h'Wt (*linU>n tu 

• M -• i'hnr. \ Kc. 

* M«Mllw)Ut. Ckrxm, l».c. 



[Ch. XV, 

the Eoraan generals a breathing space, during which 
they collected an arniy.^ But the Emperor Theodosius 
was anxious that the flames of war should not be re- 
lighted in this quarter ; and his instructions to the 
prefect of the East, the Count Anatolius,^ were such as 
speedily led to the conclusion, first of a truce for a year, 
and then of a lasting treaty. Anatolius repaired as 
ambassador to the Persian camp, on foot and alone, so 
as to place himself completely in Isdigerd's power — ^an 
act which so impressed the latter tliat (we are told) he 
at once agreed to make peace on the terms which Ana- 
tolius suggested.^ The exact nature of these terms is 
not recorded ; but they contained at least one unusual 
condition. The Eomans and Persians agreed that 
neither party should construct any new fortified post 
in the vicinity of the other's territory — a loose phrase 
which was likely to be variously interpreted, and might 
easily lead to serious complications. 

It is difficult to understand this sudden conclusion of 
peace by a young prince, evidently anxious to reap 
laurels, who in the first year of his reign had, at the 
head of a large anny, invaded the dominions of a neigh- 
bour. The Eoman account, that he invaded, that he 
was practically unopposed, and that then, out of polite- 
ness towards the prefect of the East, he voluntarily 
retired within his own frontier, ' having done nothing 
disagreeable,' ^ is as improbable a narrative as we often 
meet with, even in the pages of the Byzantine historians. 

' Theodoret, H, E, v. 37. The 
invasion is wrongly assigned by this 
writer to the reign of \ arahran V., 
which was just ended. 

* Procop. De Bell Pers, i. 2. 
Anatolius is also mentioned as con- 
cluding the peace by Marcellinus 


' I^rocop. 1. 8. c : T^v €ipi/v»/v 
Ivvt-xuiprifftv ourwc &(Tvtp 'AfaruAco^ 
irpoQ aurov txpt^^n; 

* 'E.\a(y« Si omiv d^api, (Procop. 


Sotnelhiiig has crklenlJy been kept bacL If Ldigord 
rctuniedi us Procapiui dacian^, wiibout effecting any- 
tiling* hti mtiM hiive bae& l^eealled by thu^ ticcunx^ncc uf 
tlDuliIis lu some utber pert of hm C!rn|iirL'*' Uut it b, 
perhApsit as likely limi he rutirod, fdtuply buaiuac hu 
hftj elTecLetl the obji^trt with wlisch he enirage^l in the 
wir. It WW a Gonstmni pracUre of the tloiiititis to ad- 
their frontier by building *jirong tawnn oo or 
a debutabte bcirder, winch nttnicted t4> thetn the 
aobitiiMuo uf the neiglibauring di^ricU Tlw n?eeut 
building of Theodosiapolia * in the eait4?m piut of Bo* 
man Antieniii luid been an instance o( this praeliee. It 
watt [lerhaps beini; piir»ued elsewhero alou|; the Per- 
nui border^ and the ktiTBMQ of bdigi^rd nuiy hiire 
been btcniled to cheek it. If ici« the provim of the 
te^eaiy recorded by Pnicopiufl would have alTordod him 
tbe aacurity which he required, luid have a^ndered it 
ttn n CMMJai ry for him to continue the war any longer, 

£& arma afamtly aflcrwarda found employment in 
aiiotlitT qiiai"liT. Tlh' Tatars of t!u» Traiisoxianian 
rrL'ioiiH Wiiv once nioff trouhlcsonu* ; and in order to 
rhct k «»r ])rf\eiil the incursions which they were always 
ready to make, if tlicy were uinnoh*ste(l, Isdijjerd unchT- 
t<»ok a loni: war on hi" north -t*a>tern frontier, which he 
CMinhit t**il with a roolution and |)er?<*verance not very 
< oniinoii in the luist. Iii-avin<: his vizier, Mihr Narses, 
to repre-^ lit him at the seat of ^^)vernmeiit, he irans- 
Kriiil h.-* own n-^i<h'nce to Nishapur,* in the moun- 
tini rtji 'n Uiween the Persian and Khuresmian 
<!i-^ rt-, and from that convenient |H>^t of ohservaticMi 
• iin-i l»il the mihtary o|K-rali<»ns ajraiiist his active 

^ / mfmrfmr* 

'm tit »u*p'rU i Jiiti. * V mtk Bn:mn in ih^ Jimmai .4 mn:» 
r$, t m %\ pp, ai^40). tufuf (jt IhOn, p|]k 104-4). 


enemies, making a campaign against them regularly 
every year from a.d. 443 to 4.51. In the year last 
mentioned he crossed the Oxus, and, attacking ihe 
Ephthalites in their own territory, obtained a complete 
success, driving the monarch from the cultivated por- 
tion of the country, and forcing him to take refuge in 
the desert.^ So complete was his victory that he seems 
to have been satisfied with the result, and, regarding the 
war as terminated, to have thought the time was come 
for taking in hand an arduous task, long contemplated, 
but not hitherto actually attempted. 

This was no less a matter than the forcible conver- 
sion of Armenia to the faith of Zoroaster. It has been 
already noted ^ that the religious differences which— 
from the time when the Armenians, anticipating Con- 
stantine, adopted as the rehgion of their state and 
nation the Christian faith (ab. a.d. 300) — separated the 
Armenians from the Persians, were a cause of weak- 
ness to the latter, more especially in their contests with 
Eome. Armenia was always, naturally, upon the 
Roman side, since a religious sympathy united it with 
the court of Constantinople, and an exactly opposite 
feeling tended to detach it from the court of Ctesiphon. 
The alienation would have been, comparatively speak- 
ing, unimportant, after the division of Armenia be- 
tween the two powers, had that division been regarded 
by either party as final, or as precluding the formation 
of designs upon the territory which each had agreed 
should be held by the other. But there never yet had 
been a time when such designs had ceased to be enter- 
tained ; and in the war which Isdigerd had waged with 
Theodosius at the beginning of his reign, Eoman in- 

* Patkanian in the Journal Adatique for 1806, p. 164. 
» Supra, p. 261. 

Uigaei in Persannetua had forced him to send an arniy 
into tbiit coiiDtr^.^ The Pen^uuif^ felt, and felt with 
I, that so long a^ Armeaim remained OiriMtiim and 
hidd to the fiLith of Zofooater, the relntiona of 
tbfi two countries could never be really friendly : Per* 
Ml would a]way!( have a traitor in her own ramp; 
ami in any time of diBicultj — espediUIy in any ^f-^ 
ficulty with Rome — ^mi^t took to §m llus portion of 
her t<?rritory go ovpj to the enemy. We camint be 
gttrpri^ed if Perm&n »taU!^meu were anxious to tenni* 
nAle ao unsatiifactory a Mate of things and ca«t about 
for a meftm whereby Armenia might be won over, 
and made a red friend imtead of a concealed enemy. 

Tlie mmna whicb sogigqited iudf tu bdigenl as tho 
nrnple^l and miM naiuml, wia, as abnra ol«efTeil, ibc 
raoveroon of the Anneniaiift to the Zoraatmti religiciQ. 
In tkm early part of fats reign, he entertabied a hope of 
dbotsig hb purpc^e by [leniuiidiun, and fM?nt hi» vizier, 
Khr-Narwi, into the coqntiy, with orden to Uio all 
|h>smI)I(' |M-:iroful mejins — jrifts, hlaiidisliments promises, 
thn*:!!?*, niiiovftl of maiijwint rhiefs — to induce Arme- 
nia lo (on?H'nt to a change of religion.* Mihr-Narses 
did III** \n^\. but faiU^l J*ijrnally. He rarried off the 
chiff- of the Christian [rnrty, not only from Armenia, 
but frMin IlH»ria and Albania, telhnjr them that Ijnlicjerd 
n-qiiirinl ihi-ir M'nire?* a|rainsl the Tatiirs, and fon'eil 
thfni with their followers to t^ike part in the Jlastern 
war.* Ht» eomniitteil Annenia to the ejin* of the Mar- 
{H'avi*, V:e».l^^a native prinre who was well inclined to the 

* Th" rntr»Drt» of th#» amir i« KoniAn iothini«««. 
t^A'A ht M'w^ «»f i'h'^trtt^ {lift. • St. MArtiD, l*frhn^ck§4 mw 

Armt^ ill y^\ \V» rmn •rmrrrlj r.irm^wtf, tiiin. I. p. liJ^. 
b» HiitUUrQ in r*-|rmniiD|r iu eo- * Ibid, p, IVJii, 
UmArv M rv^uinNi on MTOuot of 




[Ch. XV. 

Persian cause, and gave him instructions to bring about 
the change of reUgion by a poUcy of conciliation. But 
the Armenians were obstinate. Neither threats, nor 
promises, nor persuasions had any effect. It was in 
vain that a manifesto was issued, painting the religion 
of Zoroaster in the brightest colours, and requiring all 
persons to conform to it. It was to no purpose that 
arrests were made, and punishments threatened. The 
Armenians declined to yield either to argument or to 
menace ; and no progress at all was made in the direc- 
tion of the desired conversion. 

In the year a.d. 450, the patriarch Joseph, by the 
general desire of the Armenians, held a great assembly, 
at which it was carried by acclamation, that the Arme- 
nians were Christians, and would continue such, what- 
ever it might cost them. If it was hoped by this to 
induce Isdigerd to lay aside his proselytising schemes, 
the hope was a delusion. Isdigerd retahated by sum- 
moning to his presence the principal chiefs, viz., Vasag, 
the Margrave ; ^ the Sparapet^ or commander-in-chief, 
Vartan, the Mamigonian ; Vazten, prince of Iberia ; 
Vatch^, king of Albania, &c.; and having got them into 
his power, threatened them with immediate death, un- 
less they at once renounced Christianity and made 
profession of Zoroastrianism. The chiefs, not having 
the spirit of martyrs, unhappily yielded, and declared 
themselves converts ; whereupon Isdigerd sent them 
back to their respective countries, with orders to force 
everywhere on their fellow-countrymen a similar 
change of religion. 

Upon this, the Armenians and Iberians broke out in 

* The Ajmenian term is Man- 
pan. 'Protector of the Border/ 
'with which Patkanian well com- 

pares * Margraye ' (Joum, Asiaiigue, 
1866; p. 114). 



Open revok. Vartati^ the UamigoniaQ, repenting of 
bb yemkin!gi» abjnnK] \m new creed, returned the prcN 
fcaston of Cbrifftlaniiy, and made Iiia pmce wiUi Jwepk, 
the patriarch.^ He then called the per>ple to aniiti and 
in a ffaart time cullected a farte of ti biiudred Choraaod 
wen. Three annies w^^ formed, to act aepamlelf 
under diflerent genefali. One watehed Aserbijati, or 
Media Alropatencs wliem^e it wils e^pect4xl that thi^ir 
main af tiu!k wuuJd be made by the Feouans ; anotlirTt 
under Vartaiit proceeded to ttte relief of Albaaiit, when* 
proceedings were going on iimikr to those which had 
driireii Annenia into rebellion ; the third, under Vaaag, 
cioeupifid a oeutnU position in Armenia, and vfm in- 
tended to move whCTever dan|;^r ihould thn»ten,* An 
altempt wiis at the Auna time made to induce the 
Boroan t!niperor, Marafam, to efpotue the cauie of 
file rebels, and aend tnopi to their aadataiic!e ; but this 
atl«mpt WMM unmccacaifitl Marv^ian had bnl rvH^ently 
•ieended the throne,' and waa^ perhnpt, tcarcely fiJtod 
in his s<at. lit* was advanceil in years, and naturally 
uneIll<T|)ri•iiIl^^ Moreover, the {xwilion of affain* in 
Wi->i(rn Kur(»[K» was s*uch, that Marcian might expoirt 
al any moment to be attiicked by an overwhelming 
ton «• ii{ northern barbarians, cruel, warlike, and un- 
••[lanng. Attila wjis in A.n. 4.'')i al the height of his 
jx.wrr ; hi* had not yet lM*en wop^tt^l at Chaloas ;* and 
the tiTrible Huns, whom he led, might in a few months 
di-r-troy the Western, and be re:idy to fall ujxni the 

♦ -^t. Martjn. UirhrrrK^, p. :\'2i. * The Uttle of Cbalims wa« 
' lbi«i p :\\>\ foatfht 10 tbr autumo of a.d. 4«M 

* Mm/ b*^*in«» einprr..r in i eiint«>tt. /*. i7. ^<»1. i. p 04:^). On 
A'i.'ti.t. A !• V^y Ihr apjihration ihr j»«»wrr «»f Attil* At thu !im«», 
t ' U.\n i'>T Aid y^mM m»<ir, »rc«>r(imfr »«''* <«ibb<io ( /Ar<Vm# «im/ /'liV, 
1. **! Martin, t<«wArti* ih** rod of M'L IT. pp. '.*3I-tV). 

4 V i*VK or VAX If in ak Ut\. 

I 2 


Eastern empire. Armenia, consequently, was left to her 
own resources, and had to combat the Persians single- 
handed. Even so, she might probably have succeeded, 
have maintained her Christianity, or even recovered her 
independence, had her people been of one mind, and 
had no defection from the national cause manifested 
itself. But Vasag, the Marzpan, had always been half- 
hearted in the quarrel ; and, now that the crisis was 
come, he determined on going wholly over to the 
Persians. He was able to carry with him the army 
which he commanded ; and thus Armenia was divided 
against itself: and the chance of victory was well-nigh 
lost before the struggle had begun. When the Per- 
sians took the field, they found half Armenia ranged 
upon their side ; and, though a long and bloody con- 
test followed, the end was certain from the beginning. 
After much desultory warfare, a great battle was fought 
in the sixteenth year of Isdigerd (a.d. 455 or 456), be- 
tween the Christian Armenians on the one side, and 
the Persians, with their Armenian abettors, on the other. 
The Persians were victorious ; Vartan, and his brother, 
Hemaiag, were among the slain ; and the patriotic 
party found that no further resistance was possible.^ 
The patriarch, Joseph, and the other bishops, were 
seized, carried ofi* to Persia, and martyred. Zoroastri- 
anism was enforced upon the Armenian nation. All 
accepted it, except a few, who either took refuge in 
the dominions of Eome, or fled to the mountain fast- 
nesses of Kurdistan.^ 

The resistance of Armenia was scarcely overborne, 
when war once more broke out in the East, and Isdi- 
gerd was forced to turn his attention to the defence of 

* St. Martin, Recherches but fArm^ie, vol. i. p. 327. * ftid. 


Ok. XV.] aWOro war WrtU the EFIlTIIALltll. 800 

(us frontier against the aggramve Epht haliteit wbOi afttf 
remaining quiet for tbriK! or four jear^* bftd agtiii flown 
to flitD&i had croawsd the Oxtu», and inradixl Khomssin 
in force.^ On hts fimt advance^ the Pendan mooarcli 
was to &r tnicoeietful, that the inTading hordes ^eem to 
hmvB T^dred^ and left Persia to itself ; but when bdi- 
gefd^ hiiTjiig resolved to Ft'tmliatc% led liis own foreoa 
iuto the Ephthalite countiy, they touk heart, rcnaled 
him, and, hn%ing tempted him into an ambnm^e, iuc- 
eecded in inflicting upon Idm a nerere defeat. Ij»li- 
gcrd waft foreed to retire hiiitily within hi^ own liordi^ 
and to ieftve the honoufa of victory to hb fttmilaiita^ 
wboK triumph nia^tt have encoungod them to continue 
jwr after jt^r their dettticttve iimada into the north- 
ea^em provinces of the etupire. 

It wiu» not long after the defoit whii*h he suffered in 
llus quartiT, that Indigerd's reign came to an end. Hi« 
dkd A.O. 457, after having bdd the throne for seven- 
l*«i or (amKnling to imtne) fur mm>leen yean,* He 
\va> a prinn* <>! roiiMderahle alnlily, dotennmation, and 
r<)iira;ji'. That his subjeel^ called him ' the Clement '' 
i^ at fir>t >i)/ht Mir|)ri>ing, Miu-e elenieiicy is certainly 
not the virtue thai any nuKlern writer would think of 
a«»>4Miatii»^' with his name. Ihit we may assume from 
the apphc atinii of the* term, that, where religious con- 
-nhrationH <li<l not come into phiy, he was fair and 
i<piil4il)K-, nnld-lempi'riHl, and di?*incHncHl to harsh 
puni'^hmentH. I'li fortunately, exi)erience tells us that 

' pAtkAniAD. 10 th«* Juwnui; .^Md- ( /'. Ji. Tol. i. p. MO); tbilt oi 

tmf^ fnr \*^'0\, p. h'/*. Ma^tudi br PatkanUn (p. 107) and 

* Tab^m « lot. II. p. \'J7 ) HiTt h«» Tboniiu {S'ttm, (%nm. New S«ne«, 

rri/r.-i r»/hi«^n %rmr«, Ma^oudi No. ilr. p. 4«'»i. All modern* 

( « 1 It p. l'«-'o niDrt««'n , A>r«tbiM ^^rrr that o<* dird A.D. 4^7. 

«i« '.'7 J •rtrnij^n. Tbr •uU'iDent " S> Taban, Lax. 
o( Af aUiuM i» prvfrrrcd bj Cliotuo 




[Ch. XV. 

natural mildness is no security against the acceptance 
of a bigot's creed ; and, when a poUcy of persecution 
has once been adopted, a Trajan or a Valerian will be 
as unsparing as a Maximin or a Galerius. Isdigerd 
was a bitter and successful persecutor of Christianity, 
which he — for a time at any rate — stamped out, both 
from his own proper dominions, and from the newly- 
acquired province of Armenia. He would have pre- 
ferred less violent means; but, when they failed, he felt 
no scruples in employing the extremest and severest 
coercion. He was determined on imiformity ; and uni- 
formity he secured, but at the cost of crushing a peo- 
ple, and so alienating them as to make it certain that 
they would, on the first convenient occasion, throw ofi* 
the Persian yoke altogether. 

The coins of Isdigerd II. nearly resemble those of 
his father, Varahran V., difiering only 
in the legend, and in the fact that the 
mural crown of Isdigerd is complete.^ 
The legend is remarkably short, being 
either Masdisn kadi Yezdikerti^ or 
merely Kadi Yezdikerti — i.e. ' the Or- 
mazd- worshipping great Isdigerd ; ' or 
' Isdigerd the Great/ The coins are not very numerous, 
and have three mint-marks only, which are interpreted 
to mean ' Khuzistan,' ' Ctesiphon,' and ' Nehavend.' ^ 


^ See MordtmaDn in the Zeit- 
schriftf voL viii. pp. 70-1. Long- 
p^rier has mistakenly assigned to 
Isdigerd I. two coins (PL yiii.; Nos. 

3 and 4) which really belong to 
Isdifferd II. 
' Mordtmann, l.s.c. 

Os^XVt] ACCSSStO!? OP llOEMlgPAS lU. Si I 


^vmn, iknm^ md 0nm kirn % C4# EpkMitmk Ortmt Fom 
JV f i ^ dr rii m B IW mfmnM ik^ SpktAMM^ ami m^k*9 ««i En m fiiim 
Mt iMr Ommtrjf, Hi* iH mmm$* Omdokm ^ i\mt$ groM Aim. 

wf m 0mmdm. CWm «/ Mm mm iu IJL mid I'^nmm Vmm ^ 

On the dcAtli of Iddigcrd IL (a.d. 457), I'm Uiroue mia 
Kind by hb younger Hon/ llurmbd^, who uppeui to 

have <)\vc<l his t»levation, in a great measure, to the 
partiality of his father. That inonan-h, preferring hi** 
V'Kiii^'fr ?M)ii alxivf his elder, had made the latter gover- 
nor of ihr distant S.*istan, and had thus removed him 
far fr»»in ihf court, while he retained Ilormisdas al>out 
hi"* own |K*r>4)n.- The advantage thus secured to Ilor- 
nu'^las i'tiabknl him when his father died to make him- 
s*lf king ; an<l IVro/ATi was forced, we are told, to fly the 

* "Xhr AnD««uu) hiftUmana make thrir vi<*w. 

|{ >nxiuidM \hr eWrf, and lVr»»i«^ » YAbah, l.i.c, Mirkhood Mjt 

tb# voun^rr Hio ( r«LkftiiiAn in th« that ladiirvrd rvyarded lIonniadAA 

Jamrmmi .imatmpt^ for 1^3iKp, 1(K»); &• brttfr qualifiMl to |rOT«ni UlAO 

brji Ta^k^n ii'krxmtfit^, vol. u. p. iVruie*, Mnr« b« bad mort tmmmU 

\'J7 1. MirkU'fid 1 p. .UJ), and the tirmt, m<id<«tT, and Uit«Ui|rp|ic«, 

IVrviAA wn!#>ni ^n^r^lly, decUrv wherva* in favour of I'«rt>i«« w«r«> 

tK^ T^-ten^ ut b««« br<^ Um* cam*. («!? bU a^ and bU adTaotagat of 

Tbcf inv« d«taiU wbicb Mppurt perKio (p^ «Ui-<d). 



[Ch. XVL 

country, and place himself under the protection of the 
Ephthalite monarch, who ruled in the valley of the 
Oxus, over Bactria, Tokaristan, Badakshan, and other 
neighbouring districts.^ This king, who bore the name 
of Eliush-newaz,*^ received him fevourably, and though 
at first, out of fear for the power of Persia, he declined 
to lend him troops, was induced after a while to adopt 
a bolder poUcy; Hormisdas, despite his epithet of 
Ferzan^ ' the Wise,' * was soon at variance with his 
subjects, many of whom gathered about Perozes at the 
court which he was allowed to maintain in Taleqan, 
one of the Ephthalite cities. Supported by this body of 
refugees, and by an Ephthalite contingent,* Perozes ven- 
tured to advance against his brother. His army, which 
was commanded by a certain Eaham, or Eam, a noble 
of the Mihran family, attacked the forces of Hormisdas, 
defeated them, and made Hormisdas himself a prisoner.^ 
The troops of the defeated monarch, convinced by the 
logic of success, deserted their late leader's cause, and 
went over in a body to the conqueror. Perozes, after 
somewhat more than two years of exile, was acknow- 
ledged as king by the whole Persian people, and, quit- 
ting Taleqan, estabhshed himself at Ctesiphon, or Al 
Modain, which had now become the main seat of go- 
vernment. It is uncertain what became of Hormisdas. 
According to the Armenian writers,^ Eaham, after de- 
feating him, caused him to be put to death ; but the 
native historian, Mirkhond, declares that, on the con- 

» Tabari, vol. ii. p. 137. ^ 

' The Greeks shortened the name 
into Cunchas (Koyyx^i)' ^® Pris- 
cus Panites, Fr. 33. 

' So explained by Mirkhond (p. 

* Amounting, according to Mir- 
khond to no fewer than 30,0Q0 men 


^ Patkanian in the Journal Ada^ 
tique for 1866, p. 168. 

• Eli«6e, p. l63 ; Moyse de Ka- 
ghank, i. 10. These writers are 
supported by Tabari, who says 
bnefly, * Firouz combattit son fr^re 
Hormouz, etietua' (p. 128). 



31 a 

Inryt Ferraes forgave him for hfi%ing disputed the suc- 
fsenmi, and amiably spared bis life.^ 

The civil war between llie two broth€fPi, ibort at it 
HWi had lasted lotig euougb bo cost Peraia a proviaee. 
Tilehcv king of Agbouook ( Albania X^ look advantage 
of tlkf time of disturbance to throw olf \m aUiagiano^ 
and mu^ceeilisd in making bimidf independt'tit' It wm 
the fintt object of Peroim^ after etttabtiahii^ bim»t<^If 
upon the throne, lo recover llilfl Viluabte territory*. 
I^ therefore mmie war upon Vatch^^^ though that 
prince waa the son of hb fiislcr, and with the help of 
hk Ephthalite alliea, and of a body of Alani wham he 
took iuui hk aerviee, defeated the rebelhouH Albanians 
and completely iuhjugattKl the revolted oounHy.* 

A time of profpetitj now enaucd PerozcA ruled 
with moderation and justice.^ He diamMed hk ^h- 
thalile allioi wilh pre^niit Uial amply omtenled them,^ 
and lived fur 6ve jeurv in great peace and honour. Uut 
ID tlie sevMtti year^ from tho death of hi* fiithert the 
pn>?i|Mrity of IVn<ia was suddenly and grievously inter- 
ruptiil by a UTribK* droufiht, a ailainity whereto Asia 
iias in all aL'es lK»en subject, and which often pnxluces 
tlu' HHr^t fri^ditful consequences. The crops fail ; the 
tanh Uhoiiu-?* piirchcd and bunit u|) ; smiling districts 
an- rhan;j<<l into wildcrnej*s^i*s ; fountains and brcH)ks 
< iiiM- to llnw ; then the wells have !io water; finally 

• M:rkh fi*!. p. .^14 ' Sr. T«b*ri. The iUtrment U 
' (^ tbr I'lrntitv of Ajrh^tumk ronhrni**<i br the rvmarkAble fact 

w:th MbarjiA, u^ St. Manio't lif^ that biP coinn, wbirb an» ftbuodant 

rA^rk^t Htr r irmmtr, t"ni. i. p. up t<* bi» M»TeQtb TMir, tbeo fail 

I'M. w. 1 t"ni. li. pp •'-> l». rntirrlv for fire Tear1^ tjlrt wbicb 

• ra*.««fij«n. p. !♦><. ihry rr«p|>r«r and are once morv 

• W.yi p I7«i. phntiful. ( Sr«» Tbnmaa in «Vii«N#- 

• Mifkh'-bd, p. .'Vl'*. Tabari, p. mafn- CkrvmnU (iyt It^T.I, foL xiii., 
\jr* No. ol, p. TJi.) 

• MiTkbona, p .144 ; T.Uri, Uc 



[Ch. XVL 

even the great rivers are reduced to threads, and contain 
only the scantiest supply of the life-giving fluid in their 
channels. Famine under these circumstances of neces- 
sity sets in ; the poor die by hundreds ; even the rich 
have a difliculty in sustaining life by means of food 
imported from a distance. We are told ^ that the 
drought in the reign of Perozes was such that at last 
there was not a drop of water either in the Tigris or 
the Oxus; all the sources and fountains, all the streams 
and brooks failed; vegetation altogether ceased; the 
beasts of the field and the fowls of the air perished ; 
nowhere through the whole empire was a bird to be 
seen ; the wild animals, even the reptiles, disappeared 
altogether. The dreadful calamity lasted for seven 
years,^ and imder ordinary circumstances the bulk of 
the population would have been swept off ; but such 
were the wisdom and the beneficence of the Persian 
monarch, that during the entire duration of the scourge 
not a single person, or, according to another account, 
but one person,^ perished of hunger. Perozes began by 
issuing general orders that the rich should come to the 
relief of their poorer brethren ; he required the governors 
of towns, and the head-men of villages, to see that food 
was supplied to those in need, and threatened that for 
each poor man in a town or village who died of want, 
he would put a rich man to death. At the end of two 
years, finding that the drought continued, he declined 
to take any revenue from his subjects, remitting taxes 
of all kinds, whether they were money imposts or con- 
tributions in kind. In the fourth year, not content 

* Tabari, Chrontque, ii. p. 130. 
' Ibid. Compare Mirkhond, p. 
' Tabari says in one place that 

no one died of want during the 
famine (ii. p. 130) ; but in another, 
admits that one died (ib. p. 129). 
So Mirkhond, p. 346. 


fiGEAT fjjiiKz IS nmvL 


with th€»e n]eai^ure«» lie went further; opened the tm^ 
•ury door» ttnd made di^iLrihiiuoiuf of money frum \m 
own storei to thofie itt need. At the jwine time he im* 
ported com from Greece, from Imliii, from the vallejr 
of tlie 0xu9« and from Abyiwinia, obtiunmg by tltenc 
mmm wch umple mippUeA that be wm able to fuminh 
an adeqtmte iuatenance to nil hm subject* The result 
was that not only did the fiuniiie cause no mortiility 
among the poorer elites, but no one was even drivfsn 
to quit the wuotty in order to eiciipe tbe prc^saure of 
the cahunity. 

Such id the account which is given by the Orii^lal 
authors of the terrible famine whieh they aicribo io 
ibe fAfly pari of the reign of IVruzen. U ii difficulty 
hoirever, to suppose thai the tnatier hits not been very 
tnueh e^aggeiuieti, mwoB we fmd thiiL, as early ad A.n. 
4D44k,when the fammeiliouhl have been at its height, 
I^m^A had entered U{M:»n a great war ntnl was hotly 
m^fl&i in it, bit ambaisadotv at the iame time being 
sent to the fm*ek court, not to ask supplier of food, 
Init to n*quest a subsidy on account of hisinilitary ojhj- 
nitions- The i»iu*niy which had provoked his hostility 
\sit< the |K)Wcrful nntion of tlic Kphthalites, by whose 
aid hi' liad so ri^N'nlly obtained the Persian crown. 
At< onlintr to a contenijMiniry (tri»ek authority, more 
w«>rtliy of trust than nio^t writers of his ajreand nation,* 
tin- on;/in of ilif war was a refund on the part of the 

» S-^ TaUn. ii pp VJ*,*, I'U). 

* • hi '.Uf •K^^n•^n^^ «»f |*ri«cu« to 
th# i*rn#rml run of ({]ri4iitin«* hi*- 
^ riA/**. t*^ th^ rrmarkt <»f Ni«*b»ihr 
jn Ki» foilr* tj-m of th- MwAntin<* 

'/p'.imut 'rointutD apquiont tt%i hu- 

Mipirntia, niilH vrl optinxirum pott- 
bii)>rnila*. rlr^nuu qiMqu* et trr- 
ui>i)t> Mitiii puro UMift, Uud^fn atqu«i 
iflonAtii quum apud OMKtm turn 
int«*r p<wtrnM tnrrito adrptiu ^mX ; 
cut rtiAiii A V«l«Hiiort ((ibbooo.num- 
miiitms Uudari cooti|ht.' C im- 
|»arv Smith** JHci, of b^mfrmpk^^ 
\mX, tii. p. 6.H1. 




[Ch. XVI. 

Ephthalites to make certain customary payments, which 
the Persians viewed in the light of a tribute.^ Perozes 
determined to enforce his just rights, and marched his 
troops against the defaulters with this object. But in 
his first operations he was unsuccessful, and after a 
time he thought it best to conclude the war, and con- 
tent himself with taking a secret revenge upon his 
enemy, by means of an occult insult. He proposed to 
Khush-new&z to conclude a treaty of peace, and to 
strengthen the compact by adding to it a matrimonial 
alliance. Khush-new&z should take to wife one of his 
daughters, and thus unite the interests of the two 
reigning families. The proposal was accepted by the 
Ephthalite monarch ; and he readily espoused the 
young lady who was sent to his court apparelled as 
became a daughter of Persia. In a little time, however, 
he found that he had been tricked : Perozes had not 
sent him his daughter, but one of his female slaves ; * 
and the royal race of the Ephthalite kings had been 
disgraced by a matrimonial union with a person of 
servile condition. Khush-new&z was justly indignant ; 
but dissembled his feeUngs, and resolved to repay guile 
with guile. He wrote to Perozes that it was his inten- 
tion to make war upon a neighbouring tribe, and that 
he wanted officers of experience to conduct the military 
operations. The Persian monarch, suspecting nothing, 
complied with the request, and sent three hundred of 
his chief oflBcers to Khush-newaz, who immediately 
seized them, put some to death, and, mutilating the re- 
mainder, commanded them to return to their sovereign, 
and inform him that the king of the Ephthalites now 

1 Priscus Panites, Fr. 30. 
' Compare with this trick the 
somewhat similar one said to have 

been played off by Amasis upon 
Cambyses (Herod, lii. 1). 

Qs, T^L] nmt EFiiTHALrrE KxrEDiTro3T or perozis. 317 

felt that he bad sufficiently avengetl the trick of which 
be bitd been the victim.* On r&ceiving tbb measoge, 
Peroscs renewed the war^ advunccd towards the Eph* 
llaHle country, iind fixed hb head^qiiarten$ in Uyrc&« 
nk, al the city of Gurgan.* Be was aceompanted by a 
Gnek of the name of EuscbiuiK' on amhoi^dor from 
the Emperor Zcnoi who took back to ConatantinopJe 
the foUowing arcotmt of the rampalgn. 

Whuti Puroze^, ba% iitg bvaded tlie EphthaHte terri- 
lory* feU in with the army of the enemy* the latter pn^- 
tended la be nized with a panie^ ami at once look to 
fligbk The retreat was dtnscted ttpoo a portjofi of the 
taotiptain region^ where a broad and good raad led inia 
a fpatiion plaia, cmrrotindad on all eidesi by wtxided 
hilK ffteep and in placei precipitoui. Here the inaai 
of the Epht halite troop9 waa eunningly conoealod amid 
the fuboge uf tlie woods, wfaik a imall number f«Mm- 
iog visible, led the Peruana bio the ml-ik-mc, the 
wfadje army unsuipcctingly entefing, and only learning 
thtnr ' ^vht-n ih«*v ^aw r • ^ ^ - t i , 

eiitrnnl hliH-kiil up l)y the troops from the hills. The 
cirti«'«T'n tlirii a|)pn*heiukHl llie tnie state of the rase, and 
|R*n riviil that tliey had bet»n cleverly entnipped ; but 
iiMiH of thrin, it would seem, dareil to inform the 
iii'»n:ipli tlial he had lKH.»n diTeived by a stratagem. 
ApplHMiiori was made to Eus<*bius, whose ambassadorial 
rhara* trr would j)rot4H!t liiiu from an outbreak, atid he 
wa-* ri*<pu*^titl to let IVrozes know how he was situated, 

• IVi*-u« ranit#«, Fr. X\. not far fn>iii A«t«rmbad. 

» I «i:.-.l (»nr)r> by 1*1 ucu»n-f^.) ■ So IVKv^piuA, JUU, An. i, X 

arvl I'riif'piu* (If^ JVrK i. 4 1. VritcuM txutkm Um patririAO Coa- 

Itf .1 I vmiaii Vmrktmrn ajxl th# »Untiu« am b a<MWii«*r fn^m /4>tio to 

i*rr«>A 11? rranit arv taruinti of th« lVrutr« tf^rtrf tht« prriod (Fr».ai. 

Mii* V . ii >oto4> mm* «>f <tunrio •'{-. ftod 'X\) : prjwbl? Ku^ebiut 

•till •>ii*l in tb^ v«IlrT of tbr (tur- • ucc ##<i»d him. 



[Ch. XVI. 

and exhort him to endeavour to extricate himself by 
counsel rather than by a desperate act. Eusebius upon 
this employed the Oriental method of apologue, relating 
to Perozes how a Hon in pursuit of a goat got himself 
into difficulties, from which all his strength could not 
enable him to make his escape. Perozes apprehended 
his meaning, understood the situation, and, desisting 
from the pursuit, prepared to give battle where he 
stood. But the Ephthalite monarch had no wish to 
push matters to extremities. Instead of falling on the 
Persians from every side, he sent an embassy to Perozes 
and offered to release him from his perilous situation, 
and allow him to return with all his troops to Persia, if 
he would swear a perpetual peace with the Ephthahtes 
and do homage to himself as his lord and master, by 
prostration. Perozes felt that he had no choice but to 
accept these terms, hard as he might think them. In- 
structed by the Magi, he made the required prostration 
at the moment of sunrise, with his face turned to the 
east, and thought thus to escape the humiliation of 
abasing himself before a mortal by the mental reserva- 
tion that the intention of his act was to adore the great 
Persian divinity. He then swore to the peace, and was 
allowed to return with his army intact into Persia.^ 

It seems to have been soon after the conclusion of 
this disgraceful treaty^ that serious troubles once more 

* Such is the account ^ven by 
Procopius (1. 8. c). The Persian 
writers, Tabari (vol. ii. pp. 132- 
136) and Mirkhond (pn. 348, 349), 
substitute a story in which the old 
myth of Zopyrus (HeroH. iii. 164- 
168) is reproduced with little alte- 
ration from the traditions of a thou- 
sand years earlier. According to 
this tale, Perozes was guided to his 
destruction in the desert of Merv 

by an Ephthalite chief, who muti- 
lated himself in order to deceive 
the Persians and secure the suc- 
cess of his own sovereign. 

« The first Ephthalite war of 
Perozes cannot have terminated 
earlier than a.d. 469, since in a.d. 
468 we hear of the Persians as 
still having the advantage in the 
strugarle (Priscus, Fr. 41). The 
troubles in Armenia^ which led to 


broke ffit ID Armeuiii. Perozc^ followiog oul the 
policy of his father^ bdig^,^ ineoaeaiitly peiMcated 
ibo Cbrisltai^ of hm tmnhem provinoea^ ei^xKiiaUy liiciito 
of Amionia^ Georgia, ami Albtmia.' So levere wen* \m 
iiicaatire?> lliat TiL*^t nuiiibejre c»f the Armenmns qui tied 
thmr couatiy» and placing tlieEuscdvai under the protec* 
tJOQ of the Greek Emperor^ becaune hk eubjecUi and 
entered into hLi m^rviee.^ Aniu-tiia ww gdforned hj 
Femaii ufficiub, unci bj apo^tiite natj^ei who Uvaled 
tlmr Chiiitian feUowH^ountrymen irith extfenie rude- 
narn^ ioaoleoce, and injiiitioe. Their uflbrtA w^t^ {«^pe- 
dillf dirL^tiHl a^nit the few noble fiunUios who still 
eliiog to tlie faitli of Chrbt^ and hftd not ^cia@u to ex- 
palliate themMslveft. Among thtsie the most important 
vaa that of the Ibumgoojaiia, long celebntted in Ar* 
menian hintiwy,* and at this lime rwkoned diief jimong 
thi^ nolnlity. Tim renegade .nought to diMTUfliL thia 
fiuailjr with the Fendann; and Vahan, son of UeniAiag^ 
ill bead, found himself compelled to vm%^ once and 
a<:ain, the court of IVrsia, in order to niei»t the charges 
of hLs enemies aiul counteract the effect of their ailum- 
nit-*. Su(re»ful in viiulicating hini>elf, and received 
into hi^'h favour by iVrozes, he allowetl the sunshine of 
[inr^jKrily to extort from him what he had guarded 
linnly atramst all the blasts of |)erse^'Ution — to ple^uH? 
hi-* Mivenij^ni, he formally ahjurtnl the Christian faith, 
and j)rol\-> himsi»lf a dis^ijile of Zoroaster.^ The 

th«> rrtolc in i.n. 4^1 ( louaiv p. C». Tb<* fiodos luul b^inin •Ten 

ViiT^-^. Ik df WtKimU Mamuf^tH^m, t*arli<*r io hi* rri|n>» before i.e. 44W| 

p !'»', mu«l h«v*» oimni»'n<**^l i rri*<'ui, Kr. .'U I. 
•rt^-fmJ jr^f pr»»ri<»u«lT — pmtMiblT * Sim* FaufttuA, iv. 2. 11, LV ike. 
• Uut »'r. ir.'i ' * , /4*nob dr (»lAir, p. .'Li7 ; M<«i. (*bor. 

' >-r •h.f^. pp .'i^k'.-.'VON II f»|, <»■ Su Manin. HtrkfrrAf 

* r*!k«rii*n. in ihr Jimrmal AmO' mr CArtn^m, tol. ii. p. *S\^ StC* 

tHfm* ( r I'^'^y p ir.'i. r nipaiv above, pp. SAll, ar.ti, ac. 
' Ij^iAn l*arbc, I'm ^ I'mkam, » IjkMMn Tarb^ ^ 8. 


triumph of the anti-Christian party seemed now gecured ; 
but exactly at this point a reaction set in. Vahan 
became a prey to remorse, returned secretly to his old 
creed,^ and longed for an opportunity of wiping out the 
shame of his apostasy by perilling his life for the 
Christian cause. The opportunity was not long in pre- 
senting itself. In A.D. 481 Perozes suffered a defeat at 
the hand of the barbarous Koushans, who held at this 
time the low Caspian tract extending from Asterabad 
to Derbend. Iberia at once revolted, slew its Zoroas- 
trian king, Vazken, and placed a Christian, Vakhtang, 
upon the throne. The Persian governor of Armenia, 
having received orders to quell the Iberian rebellion, 
marched with all the troops that he could muster into 
the northern province, and left the Armenians free to 
follow their own devices. A rising immediately took 
place. Vahan at first endeavoured to check the move- 
ment, being doubtful of the power of Armenia to cope 
wifh Persia, and feeling sure that the aid of the Greek 
emperor could not be counted on. But the popular 
enthusiasm overleaped all resistance ; everyivhere the 
Christian party rushed to arms, and swore to free itself; 
the Persians with their adherents fled the country; 
Artaxata, the capital, was besieged and taken; the 
Christians were completely victorious, and, having made 
themselves masters of all Persarmenia, proceeded to 
establish a national government, placing at their head 
as king, Sahag, the Bagratide, and appointing Vahan, 
the Mamigonian, to be Sparapet^ or ' Commander-in- 
Chief.' 2 

Intelligence of these events recalled the Persian go- 
vernor, Ader-Veshnasp, from Iberia. Keturning into 

' Lazare Parbe, p. 9. * Ibid. pp. 10-14. 

Ctt.X\X] ASMEKIA!? KETOLf A50 WAR. 321 

hm pronnea al the befld of an nrmj of no gn^ nze« 
composed of ALrapaienbus, )Iefle§. m>d Cadusiafis, Im 
ma encountarod by Vas«g> a brother of Vahan, on tbe 
river Amxeii^ with a aiuaU force, and was complotdf 
de^t£<d and skiu.^ 

ThiM euded the campaign of A.D* 4SL In A.0. 482^ 
the Fermiajis made a vigorotifl attempt to rt^cover thetr 
lost gPMind by fionding two anuit^ one under Ader^ 
NaiM^h agmiQit Armenia, and the other under Mihran* 
tnlo Iberiiu Vmhan met the army of Ader-Neraeh in 
tbe phm of Ardax, eogiged it, and defeated it i^r a 
iharfi !4ruggle, in which the king, SobiKi partirularly 
distinguished him^'lf. Mill ran wai oppond by Vakh- 
tang, the Iberim king, who, howcirer, fDQn found him- 
lelf overmatched, aiKl wat (qkgA to apply to Annaoia 
fur ai^ii^tanoG. The Anneniani came to bi^ aid in full 
force ; but tbeir gmyiswmif was ill nswarded* Vakhtang 
phutitl to make bis paut! with Fenia by trejidien^ualy 
betraying bia idliea into their enemies' handa; and the 
Anmiiiaiis, foned to fight at tremendous disadvantage, 
ftufl'ertnl a j*evere defeat. Sahag, the king, and Vasag, 
ituv of the brothers of Vahan, were lilain ; Vahan hitn- 
M'\{ «-Ma|M^^l, but at the head of only a few followers, 
with wlioui he tivil to the highland di.««trict of Daik, on 
the U»rdep^ of Itome and Iberia. Ilere he waa * hunted 
n{>on the mountains' by Mihran, and would pn)bably 
havr Ui'ii forretl to sucx^unib lx»!ore the year was out, 
had not the* lVr>ian gi^ncral suddenly recc-iveii a »um- 
iiioij** from hi-i ?M)verti;/n, who neeiletl his aid against 
tijr Kou-haiiH of the low Caj«j)ian rt»gion. Mihran, 
r«>in[Hllinl to olxy tins call, liad to evacuate Anuenia, 

* \.AMMTw> Pftrb*. pp. ]r» and 1(1 •upp/^M^.l forc^ of Uie word, tat 

• < «uj*M» tb^ • Mvrmii«« ' of aU>%e, p. --4, DoU *. 



and Vahan in a few weeks recovered possession of the 
whole country.^ 

The year a.d. 483 now arrived, and another despe- 
rate attempt was made to crush the Armenian revolt. 
Early in the spring a Persian army invaded Armenia, 
under a general called Hazaravougd. Vahan allowed 
himself to be surprised, to be shut up in the city of 
Dovin, and to' be there besieged. After a while he 
made his escape, and renewed the guerilla warfare in 
which he was an adept; but the Persians recovered 
most of the country, and he was himself, on more than 
one occasion, driven across the border and obliged to 
seek refuge in Koman Armenia, whither his adversary 
had no right to follow him. Even here, however, he 
was not safe. Hazaravougd, at the risk of a rupture 
with Kome, pursued his flying foe across the frontier ; * 
and Vahan was for some time in the greatest danger. But 
the Persian system of constantly changing the commands 
of their chief officers saved him. Hazaravougd received 
orders from the court to deliver up Armenia to a newly 
appointed governor, named Sapor ,^ and to direct his 
own eflforts to the recovery of Iberia, which was still in 
insurrection. In this latter enterprise he was success- 
fill ; Iberia submitted to him ; and Vakhtang fled to 
Colchis. But in Armenia the substitution of Sapor for 
Hazaravougd led to disaster. After a vain attempt to 
procure the assassination of Vahan by two of his officers, 
whose wives were Eoman prisoners. Sapor moved 
against him with a strong body of troops ; * but the 

* Lazare Parbe, pp. 18-28. 
« Ibid. p. 31. 
» Ibid. p. 32. 

* This expression muRt be under- 
stood relatively. Nothing is more 
remarkable in Lazare Parbe's ac- | dreds 1 
count of this war than the amaU- 

ness of the numbers which he re- 
presents as engaged on either side. 
Persian armies rarely exceed 6.000 
men. Armenian are still smaller, 
and are generally counted by hun- 


W Km 


brave MAtnigotiiitti, falliDg upon hii eisailaot unawarei, 
ilefeatetl him with greal loe, ioc] dispetved his arm}%^ 
A mmoA batlle wad fought with a eiiMlor reaule ; and 
the FemiQ force, being dc*moraliMMl, hiul to naretit ; 
while Vahaii» laking the ofieii^ive^ e»tablkhiil himsdf in 
iJviTin^ and onoe more raUicHl to \m »ide tbo grt^ai mmm 
of tbu natkm.^ Aflairs wiera in ibii sLate, when stid* 
d^j thi?fv anivitl fmni thi: cant tnl4!ntge!ice of thi> 
mosl syptvim; iinportanoei which finxluct^ a pause in 
the Araieniau ccinflicl and Idl to tH« placing of Amus* 
niau aflaim on a new foudng. 

I'erosees luicU frain ttie condittticin of hif trenty with the* 
Ephthalitti uiormmh (uh a.I>, '170),bci*u lonuenUHl with 
the fefdiiig Ihat he had tufiVred degradation and dia- 
gtttca' He* tiad, perha[i$« plunged into the Amieniati 
atid other wan * in t1i€ ho]ie of clrownmg the recotlet.'- 
tkm of liLi fthunie, in lii« own toind as well ui in tha 
ininib of odiefn. But fuitune had not greatly i^miU^l 
on him in th^fe i^trugglcs ; and any ercdtt that lie ob* 
t^iirietl fn>m them was ciuite inj^ufiicient to produce for- 
pifuliK'^s of hir* grciit disiuster. Ueiire, as time went 
on, hi* Ixvanie !uore and more anxious to wipe out the 
UHinory <'f the jkl**! by a preat and M^ial victor}' over 
his conrjurrors. He tlierefore after Miine years* deter- 
niintnl to rniew the war. It was in vain that the chief 
MmIkiI (»p[H*s<nl hinisi'If to this intention;* it was in 
vain tlhit lii'^ other counseUors soiijilit to dissuade him. 

* Ijuat^ r«rbe, pw Sli. •haaii U witpc— fd to bj IjOMn 

* Ibid. p. .'-i. Vhrhr «p, |(h. 

kh'f^l. j»pL:Ui*-.Vil); MaU>.>liD. y/»^ }i^. JW$. \. 4). Tli#» llr»t war 

UMy wf JWmn, %>A i. jk I*-*!*. m^W to h«re UrmtnaU^d ftbi^ut 

* Wax* «if IVniftr* with thr a.U 470. ti>« MNtrKl to h«t«> rom- 
Sft^^run. Armtin, aod <Hhrrm, an* mror^^ lo a.D. PiL vS«« I^AiAft 
itvdicatM by Tnai-u* l*Atiitr« (Vr. l*arb«*, l.» r. » 

ur> A fTMl «a/ viUi Ui« Kou- I * Taban, I^jlc 

f a 




[Ch. XVL 

that his general, Bahrain, declared against the infrac- 
tion of the treaty,^ and that the soldiers showed them- 
belves reluctant to fight. Perozes had resolved, and 
was not to be turned from his resolution. He collected 
from all parts of the empire a veteran force,* amounting, 
it is said,^ to 100,000 men, and 500 elephants, placed 
the direction of affairs at the court in the hands of 
Balas (Palash), his son or brother,* and then marched 
upon the north-eastern frontier, with the determination 
to attack and defeat the EpbthaUtes or perish in the 
attempt. According to some Oriental writers,^ he en- 
deavoured to escape the charge of having falsified his 
engagements by a curious subterfuge. The exact terms 
of his oath to Khush-newaz, the Ephthalite king, had 
been that he would never march his forces past a cer- 
tain pillar which that monarch had erected to mark 
the boundary line between the Persian and Ephthalite 
dominions. Perozes persuaded himself that he would 
sufficiently observe his engagement if he kept its letter; 
and accordingly he lowered the pillar, and placed it 
upon a number of cars, which w^re attached together 
and drawn by a train of fifty elephants, in front of his 
army. Thus, however deeply he invaded the Ephtha- 
lite country, he never ' passed beyond * the pillar which 
he had sworn not to pass. In his own judgment he 
kept his vow, but not in that of his natural advisers. 
It is satisfactory to find that the Zoroastrian priesthood, 
speaking by the mouth of the chief Mobed, disclaimed 
and exposed the fallacy of this wretched casuistry.^ 

^ Patkanian, from the Armeniftn 
authorities, Journal Astattquej 1866, 


' Une ai-m^ n^errie.* (Mir- 
khond in De Sack's tranfllation, p. 

» Tabftri, p. 13a 

* On the true relation of Balaa 
to Perozes, see below, p. 381. 

* Art Tabari, p. 139. 
^ Ibid. 


The Ephthaljtc moaardi, on leanuog the iniention 
of Percizes^ prepared lo meet hm attack by fitratagetiu 
He hid taken tip hk poedtioo in the plain near Ifailkhi 
and bad there e$tabttsilied hia caoap^ recked lo await 
the coming of tbu enemy. Duiiug the intorval he 
pnx^eeded to dig a dwp and broad trench ' in front of 
hid whole posttbn, luaving only a spttoeof some twenty 
ur thirty yards, mid way in the work, uotouehed. Baving 
excavated the trench, he caused it U> lie filled with 
watert* and covered carefully with boughs of treen, 
neA% and cartk, so as to he undiiitinguisiiable fmm 
lim gmeiml suriaee uf tJie plain on which he was en- 
ramped. On the arrival of the TenQmis in hb front, 
he &nt of all held a pitrk^ with Peroses^ in which, 
after reproaching htm with liia ingnititudc ami breach 
of fatiK he concludcvl by oQbhng to renew the peace. 
PeroBefl sromfully refused ; whereupon tlie Eplithalite 
firimi! hung cm tlie point of a knee the broken treaty/ 
and, parmiUng it in (W>nt of thePenian troopSi exhorted 
llii-m to avoid the vengeance which wa.H sure to fall on 
ih*' |MTJun«<l by dr^ening their d(K)nicil monarch. Ujx»n 
till*, half llie anny, we are told/ retired ; and Khu>h- 
?H\v:i/ jipK-eciled to effect the de?*lnietion of llie renmin- 
(Ur hy ineanM of the j)lan whirh he had so carefully pre- 
j»:in-<l iR'fon'hand. He N.*nt a |>ortion of his tnK)jw 
utn»-«» tlu» <lit4li, with onlen* to cliallenge the IVr?*ian» 
to an eni^M^Tinent, and, when the fij^'ht lK*gan, to lly 
lia>iily, and, returning within the diteh by the sound 

T^e«->r »C«0«.' tv ft CI it^*x * Mirkhnnd, p. .'WiO; TabAri, ii. 

.)rt«^r. (Pntrrip. //./*. i. -1.) p. l-ll. IVcopiua AUtr*, tn»t«-ttd 

7A^<«n •«}• It ««• tiiVea ir^l dr«>p of thi*, that tti« mtJf hy mhich 

a/.4 thiMt muif i\"\. II. p. I.'n»». rrnfi*«« ha*! •WMrn, wft# nutpriMlf^ 

* *^' IftlAn I l.A.r. K Nriibrf I'rt*- fn>m th«* ritrrtue p^>iut of tb« it»TAl 

r |.iu« L .r Mirkbufkil mrotvJDt tbU >tAD(Urd. 

t0 If wv 



[Ch. XVL 

passage, unite themselves with the main army. The 
entire Persian host, as he expected, pursued the fugi- 
tives, and coming unawares upon the concealed trench 
plunged into it, was inextricably entangled, and easily 
destroyed. Perozes himself, several of his sons,^ and 
most of his army, perished. Firuz-docht, his daughter, 
the chief Mobed, and great numbers of the rank and 
file were made prisoners. A vast booty was taken.^ 
Khush-newaz did not tarnish the glory of his victory 
by any cruelties ; he treated the captives tenderly, and 
caused search to be made for the body of Perozes, 
which was found and honourably interred. 

Thus perished Perozes, after a reign of (probably) 
twenty-six years.^ He was imdoubtedly a brave prince, 
and entitled to the epithet of AlMerdaneh^ ' the Coura- 
geous,' which he received from his subjects.* But 
his bravery, unfortunately, verged upon rashness,^ and 
was unaccompanied (so far as appears) by any other 
military quahty. Perozes had neither the sagacity to 
form a good plan of campaign, nor the ability to 
conduct a. batde. In all the wars wherein he was per- 

' Thirty, according to Procopius, 
i. 4 (p. 19). 

* A magnificent pearl which 
Perozes wore as an earring, and an 
amulet which he carried as a brace- 
let, are particularly mentioned 
(Procop. i. 4; pp. 21-24 j Tabari, 
ii.*p. 142). 

' Tabari (1.8.c.) makes the exact 
length of his reign twentv-six years 
and five months. Mirkkond says 
twenty-six years (p. 361) ; Euty- 
chius (vol. i. p. 100 ; vol ii. n. 127) 
twenty-seven ; Ma90udi (vol. ii. p. 
196) twenty-nine j Agathias (iv. 
27) twentv-four. The * twenty- 
four years of Agathias have per- 
haps come from a wri^r who 
assigned the first two years after 

the death of Isdigerd IL to Hormis- 
das. The true chronology appears 
to be the following : — iMligerd II. 
died early in a.d. 467, Both 
Perozes and Hormisdas claimed 
the throne and reckoned themselves 
kings from this time. Hormisdas 
succumbed in a.d. 469. Perozes 
was killed late in a.d. 483, twentv- 
six years and five months after the 
death of his father, twenty -four 
years after the death (or dethrone* 
ment) of Hormisdas. 

^ Mirkhond, p. 361 ; Malcolm, 
History of Persia^ vol. i. p. 130. 

* Compare Agathias (l.s.c.):— 
avrip ToXfitiTia^ fikt* dyav Km ^iXo- 
-rroXffio^ — and again nkeov r/v aifVif 
Tov jiovXtvufAtvov Tif t)pa<fvyoi * 

OB.XVL] DEATO OF mnoim — mn cnAB^^CTEE, 327 

Bonally 6Dgage<l lie wm unioocenful, and the oolj tri^ 
umphs which gilded Km arma were gained by his g^no- 
nla. In hift ciiril admini^limtion, on iJie oontraiy, be 
obtamed a chArarter for bumatiiij and justice;^ and, if 
the Oriented iicc<:»unu of hm {iroeeudingi during tbe 
great &mine' are to be regarded as irustwonby, we 
must admit tbat hU wiadutn and benevolcnee were 
such as are ni>L Cdtninniily fgtind in those who bear 
rule in the 1-jB.^t, lib* euoduct towards Kltttsb-newiiz 
has generally been rcgiirded as the gf^eat blot upon hb 
good feme ;* and it b cvrtainly impossible to justify the 
paltry caaui^try by which he endmyoured to i^condki 
hb actions with bij words at the time of hb second in-* 
vasion. But hb penfamt hovtility tiiwaids ttie Eph- 
thaUtes b far from inejccumble, and its motive may 
have been [iMriotie rather than per^'jual. He probably 
felt that thi- Ephtlialite power was amonji ihoaie from 
which Penis hiid moit to fear, aud that it wmdd hwn 
been weak la him to allow gnititude for a tiiuur con- 
ferriHl u|M)n hiin?K?lf to tie his hands in a matter where 
tlie intrn^sts of his country were \ntally concerned. The 
K[)hi halite?* continued for nearly a century more to be 
niiioiig the most dangerous of her neighbours to Per- 
sia ; and it was only by frequent attacks Xi\)im them in 
th« ir own homes that Persia could reasonably hoj>e to 
wanl off their ravages from her territory. 

Ii iH doubtful whether we {WHsi^fis any coins of Hor- 
nii«Mlas III., the brother and pn*<leci»?«or of Perozes, 
'Ih**^- which arc a5isigne<l to him by Mordtmann* bear 
a name which has no resiemblance to his ; and those 

* Tabah, ii. p. \2^; Mirkb<3fMl, I • Znisrkn/t, Tol nit. p. 71; 
p- •'U'^ ' ?i>L 111. p. l:;. Tb« OAine oa Um< 

' .H^ ab>7T9, pp. !11i-6. I coiM i» trmd m I'^odad-VArdA, 

• UikkfAm, tJl i pp^ 120-130; CbufUr-VardA, or CkaUr-Vafda. 
Otbbjt^ vut V. p. S5. 



[Ch. XVI. 

bearing the name of Earn, which Mr. Taylor considers 
to be coins of Hormisdas,^ cannot have been issued 
under his authority, since Earn was the guardian and 
general, not of Hormisdas, but of his brother.^ Perhaps 
the remarkable specimen figured 
by M. Longp^rier in his valuable 
work,^ which shows a bull's head 
in place of the usual inflated ball, 
may really belong to this prince. 
The legend upon it is read without 
any doubt as Auhrimazd^ or * Hor- 
misdas ; ' and in general charac- 
ter it is certainly Sassanian,* and of 
about this period. 
The coins of Perozes are undoubted, and are very 
numerous. They are distinguished generally by the 
addition to the ordinary crown of two wings, one in 
front of the crown, and the other behind it,^ and bear 
the legend. Kadi Piruzi^^ or Mazdun Kadi Piruzi^ i.e. 
*King Perozes,' or *the Ormazd- worshipping king 
Perozes.' The earring of the monarch is a triple pen- 
dant.^ On the reverse, besides the usual fire-altar and 
supporters, we see on either side of the altar-flame a 

com OF HORXISDAfl in, 


* Num. Chron, for 1873, No. 
61 (New Series), pp. 225-7. 

» See above, p. 312. Mr. Thomas 
speaks of Htim (or Kaham) as ^the 
paternally nominated guardian and 
administrator' of Hormisdas ('p. 
226). But the authors whom ne 
quotes, Elis^e and Moyse de Ka- 
ghank, state exactly the reverse — 
that he governed for Perozes, de- 
feated Hormisdas, and put him to 

* MidaUUs de$ Sassnnidef, pi. ix. 
%. 1. 

^ Mordtmann denies this (ZHU 
ichrift, vol. yiii. p. 71), but) as it 

appears to me, without sufficient 

* These wings, which were now 
first introduced, became the dis- 
tinguishing feature of the later 
coinage from Chosroes II. down- 
wards, and passed to the Arabs. 
Some coins of Perozes are without 
the win^ (see Mordtmann in the 
Zeitschrtft, vol. viii. No. 179 ; Long- 
p^rier, MSdaUleSf pi. ix. fig. 2). 

' Mordtmann, Zeitschnft, vol. 
viii. pn. 93 et teqq. On the meaning 
of kaaif compare Thomas in Nuni, 
Chron, for 1873, np. 229-230. 

^ Longp^rierj M^daUks^ p, 62. 




0iar aod a crcaoeat The legend hero b M — pn>Wbly 

fur maikat *kiiig*«-or else AWi, together miih a 

mmt-mark. The ntlali ttmoed am 

numerous^ comprisitig (ficconltng to 

M<jrdtmajia} ^ Fet«e[iuliSf Ispahan, 

Rltages, Nehavend, I>anil>gheid^ Za- 

drmcartat Nina, BehUtun, ChuiMan, 

MedMt Kerman, and Ascerhijtin ; or 

(ifioadiiig to Mr Tbomai)' Per* 

iepolia, Bafiht, Nebavend, Borab- 

gberd^ BaLza, Modaln, Men% Shi2, 

Iftnt Kanuan, Ycsd^ and fifteen 

othmn. The geneiml chancier uf 

the coinage m rmle and coarse, the 

reverse of the ootoi aho wing eipedal 

^gnt of degradatioD. 

Beside^ his culnd«one other inemorial of Uie reign of 
Pereses baa escapeil the ravages of ttme* This is a 
eup or vase, of aniiqne and elegant farm^ engmvod 
with a huntiiig-jk'encs which has boon thus describetl 
\>y a recent wriUT : — ^Thl^ cujs which coined fnim 
lJuH>ia, has a diameter of ihirty-one centimetre^*, and is 
^hape<l like a ewer without handles. At the lK)ttom 
tlM-n* >Uuh1h out in relief the fi^rure of a monarch on 
lior'M^lKic k, pur>uin«: at full sjkihI various wihl animals; 
Ufore him lly a wild boar and wild sow, to^'elher with 
tluir youn;j, an ibex, an antelojK*, and a buffalo. Two 
oiIht l><Mirs, an ilx'X, a l)uffali\ and an antelojK? are 
strewn on the j:n)und, pierceil with arrows. . . . The 

* /#«i/«rAri<f, \f,\. fill, ppw 7.'U7^; murh of lh« dirermitT ic iIm» «bov» 
t- I. xii p. I'.'. h»l«. Th^ K^Drml lfod«»nrv to ri- 

* .V«m ('Kr\m, f'*r 1»»7.1, p i*i».'l. trod nior*» and moiw widf'W thi» 
"D.^* %hLmi*t«l f'jrtn of du>«( *>( pnnripU n( licm\ minU, m» Um«» 
tK» mint-m«fkB rmdrr* tb^ir attn- wrnt <«n, U, bowvrcr, quite b^jood 
t^U^jo BK»r« uT 1m0 doubt/ul ; b«Ac« di«pttt€. 



king has an aquiline nose, an eye which is very wide 
open, a short beard, horizontal moustaches of consider- 
able length, the hair gathered behind the head in quite 
a small knot, and the ear ornamented with a double 
pendant, pear-shaped ; the head of the monarch sup- 
ports a crown, which is mural at the side and back, 
while it bears a crescent in front; two wings surmount- 
ing a globe within a crescent form the upper part 
of the head-dress. ... On his right the king 
carries a short dagger and a quiver full of arrows, on 
his left a sword. . . . Firuz, who has the finger-guard 
of an archer on his right hand, is represented in the act 
of bending a large bow made of horn.* ^ There would 
seem to be no doubt that the work thus described is 
rightly assigned to Perozes. 

See the Annates de Vlmtitut Arohiologi^ for 1843, toI. xt. p, 105. 



imHUkUmimlf^iA* Armmmm. m^ki ^ MAM 9» A$ ^^ 

Pootcft wa* ttiooeedeil by a prince wham the Qreda 
n&U BiiIj&a, the Ambs and lati>r Perfiani Fkhuli, but 
whoie real mtme mppim^ to have been TtlAkha>h^ or 
TobifBiei. DiObrnt aceotmts tire gnrra of his relaticm- 
Mp to lib predeocifor* the name writeri utmtiinioiisl^r 
n*|»rr^«ntiiij/ hini as the son of Peroze^ and brother of 
Kol»;t«l,* \\'\\\\r the Greeks' and the contemporary Anne- 
uvAu^ * (li^elare wiili one voi<-e that he was Kobad*8 
urirl«- and IVro/.e?*' brother. It seems on the whole 
ni«-t proUible that the (inN*ks and Armenians are 
n^'ht ; ' and we may suppo*ie that Perozes, having no s<m 
wiioiii \\{* <-ould trn>t to t^ike hi^< phiee* when he quitted 

1U» I* M I»n/p''nt*r'*mMiing ' 144; Mirkhnnd. jk .Vil. So Ma- 
• f th«* Ir^nd u>>u the oiin wbicti ^»u(li, ml n y. UiTi. 
K- Aj»-nb^ li> lUiftA iMtMimiUm, p. * AfathiAii. iv. 27; p. 137, I); 
*•' M lUrtholomvi •ub»Untiidi¥ . Tb^opban. ('krxmo^fmpk, p. lUl, A. 
•«rT«^ «ith tiiro M^'HtmAOo dtl- * V%\)ktkn\mu xn xhr JtmnuU Amn* 
Ut^ < /jf%i§rkrtff, fol. «iii. p. 71 J. It tt^ue for I'^lil, p. 177. 
i« «-T.-'r«i.« A!i'i«c«l. bi'Wwtrr. iKaI * <'oinpAf« Malcolm, JiiMory vf 
M." r-Afi.*-. w(iAt«-«rr lU natnr rntii, IVr-a, t<iL i. p. l.'U, Dot*; i'al- 
f.-pf*.^^:.!.*! thr .14 ranbuo Vol- kauiAn « i ■.r. i, A:c 
^»«u "f \ '1a^%m«. * 'lb«* <flr«^k« make bim fstber of 

' Tftban, toL ti. pp. 13H, 14i, i « duidcimua faiuil/ ol gTuws-up 




his capital in order to take the management of the 
EphthaHte war, put the regency and the guardianship of 
his children into the hands of his brother, Vol&khesh, 
who thus, not unnaturally, became king when it was 
found that Perozes had fallen. 

The first efforts of the new monarch were of neces- 
sity directed towards an arrangement with the Ephtha- 
lites, whose signal victory over Perozes had laid the 
north-eastern jfrontier of Persia open to their attack. 
Balas, we are told,^ employed on this service the arras 
and arts of an officer named Sukhra or Sufrai', who was 
at the time governor of Seistan. Sukhra collected an 
imposing force, and conducted it to the Ephthalite 
border, where he alarmed Khush-newaz by a display 
of his own skill with the bow.^ He then entered into 
negotiations and obtained the release of Firuz-docht, 
of the Grand Mobed, and of the other important pri- 
soners, together with the restoration of a large portion 
of the captured booty, but was probably compelled to 
accept on the part of his sovereign some humiliating 
conditions. Procopius informs us that, in consequence 
of the defeat of Perozes, Persia became subject to the 
Ephthahtes and paid them tribute for two years ;^ and 
this is so probable a result, and one so likely to have 
been concealed by the native writers, that his authority 
must be regarded as outweighing the silence of Mir- 
khond and Tabari. Balas, we must suppose, consented 
to become an Ephthalite tributary, rather than renew 
the war which had proved fatal to his brother. If he 

sons, whom he took with him to 
the Ephthalite war (Procop. B.P, 
i. 4; p. 11, A), and who perished 
there (ihid. p. 12, C); out the 
existence of thene persons is un- 
known to the native historians. 

1 Tabari, vol. ii. p. 142; Mir- 
khond, p. 351. 

« Tabari, vol. il. p. 143. 

' Procop. BeU, Pers, i. 4, ad Jin, 
Compare Theophanes, Chrmtograpk, 
p. 106, A; CedrenuR, p. 355, D. 

c«. xxn] PAaricATioK or aemesia. S3S 

aecL*pCed thb position, we oin well utxlen^lund that 
Khuih-newaz would gmut him the dmall conces»iaoi 
of wtiirh the Peiviaii wrilen bottal; while othorwL^e 
the rtcstomllon of the boo^ and the prboocn without 
A bttUe 19 c)U]t4! ineoticeii^able. 

Secure, io h>ng as he fuliiUed hi*! engagemetiUit from 
any mcilestaiioii in this quarter, Balaa was able to lurti 
hli ani'tjiion to the north -westLTn fKirtioB of hU domi* 
fituBi, a till addri!^ hitti^ulf to tlie diflicult la»k of pad- 
fjitig Armenia, and bringing to an end the troubles 
whii'h had nnw far Mfveral jfars afnictt*d that unhtip[Tj 
pm^ince. His first ftep wa** to nnniinale us Marzpao, 
or governor, of Armenia, a Per^iiiu who bore the name 
of Nikhor, a man eminent for juttice and niodenitioci** 
Nikbort insCaid of attaddng Tahan, who held almost 
the whole of the cotintrTt *inoe the Penian troops had 
been withdrawn on llic newt of tlie death of Peroiea*' 
proposed to the Amienian [mtre that they shouUl 
Jmeam amicably the terms upon which hk nation 
would be content to end the war and resume its old 
{Hi^ition of depi»ndeni'e upon Persia. Vahan expre^Jsed 
his willinpTies!^ to tonninate the struggle by an arrange- 
iiiriit, and 9U«:gi»sled the following as the terms on 
whicli Ik» and his adherents would Ix* willing to lay 
down tluMr ann.«4 : — 

(1 ) The existing fm»-altap< should be destmyed, and 
no t»ther* should Ik* enn'tcKl in Annenia. 

(If) The Annenians should U* allowwl the full and 
frtf txrrriH' of the Christian rehgion, and no Arme- 
nian** -^liould Ik? in future tempted nr bribed to declare 
thfUiMlvcs disciples of Zoroa«*t»?r. 

» \juArm Parbr. jfc. .>. all thrir firtrt to Cte«pbafi (ik p. 

brm U/th r««|uiiW u* uuuvli wttk . 



[ch. xvn. 

(3) If converts were nevertheless made from Chris- 
tianity to Zoroastrianism, places should not be given to 

(4) The Persian king should in person, and not by 
deputy, administer the affairs of Armenia.^ Nikhor 
expressed himself favourable to the acceptance of these 
terms; and, after an exchange of hostages, Vahan 
visited his camp and made arrangements with him for 
the solemn ratification of peace on the aforesaid condi- 
tions. An edict of toleration was issued, and it was 
formally declared that * every one should be at liberty to 
adhere to his own religion, and that no one should be 
driven 'to apostatise.*^ Upon these terms peace was 
concluded between Vahan and Nikhor,® and it was 
only necessary that the Persian monarch should ratify 
the terms for them to become formally binding. 

While matters were in this state, and the consent of 
Balas to the terms agreed upon had not yet been 
positively signified, an important revolution took place 
at the court of Persia. Zareh, a son of Perozes, 
preferred a claim to the crown, and was supported 
in his attempt by a considerable section of the 
people.^ A civil war followed ; and among the officers 
employed to suppress it was Nikhor, the governor of 
Armenia. On his appointment he suggested to Vahan 
that it would lend great force to the Armenian claims, 
if under the existing circumstances the Armenians 
would fiirnish effective aid to Balas, and so enable 
him to suppress the rebellion. Vahan saw the im- 

* See Lazare Parbe, pp. 88-89. 

^ Patkanian (Jowtifu Anatique, 
1866. p. 176). 
' Lazare Parbe, p. 89. 

* The revolt of Zareh, and his 
relationship to Perozes, rest wBolly 

on the testimony of the Armenian 
writers, who, however, can hardlj 
have been mistaken in the matter. 
(See Lazare Parbe, p. 42 ; and com* 
pare Patkanian, ut supra, p. 175.) 



portance af the CQUJunctuff!, and imm^iatelj !(cut to 
Kikhor B aid a powerful body of cavaliy under the 
comrnand of his own nephew^ Qr^ory. Zan^!) wia 
defealedi mainly in consfKjuence of the greiii vsdottr 
and eaoelleil conduct of the Annenian contingent. !Ie 
lid to the mountains^ btit was purmied, and waB veiy 
ibortly aftarwards mado prinnier and nUm.^ 

Soon after thi?, Kohadt ton of Ptroztis, regartling the 
cxowii ii rigfalfully hb, pot forwaid a dmn to it, but, 
oiceting with do sut:cesSt waa compelled to quit Persia 
and thfow hitimdf u[>oq the kind protection of the 
Epbthalil4»,* who were alwnys glad to count omoiqj 
their refugees a rciBUin prcii,*tider» The EphtbaUtMi 
however, made oo immediate stir— it would aoem thai 
ao kmg aa Bahti paid hk tnbuta they were ooateot^ 
aod felt DO inchnaUoii to diaiurb what seemed to them 
m aatirfackjry arraitgroiait* 

The denth of Zareh acid the flight of Kobad lefi 
Bilai at Ubcriy to r^ume the work which their rebel* 
h(»n?» Imd intemiptiHl — the complete pacification of 
Anni-ma. Knowing how much de|)onded Ujxjn Vahan, 
he Miuununcd him to his court, re<;eiveil him with the 
hij^'ht'^'t honour*, li>li*ned attentively to his represen- 
tation'., and linally agreed to the terms which Vahan 
had fonnuhiteil.' At the »ame time he replaced Niklior 
by a governor named Antegan, u worthy MU'cesM)r, 
* mild, prudent, and eijuiuible ;' * and, to nhow his 
(c»ntidenre in the Mamigonian prince, apiK>inte<I him 
t«) the high (»lfi<H? of Commander-in-Chief, or * S|«irapet.' 
Tlii«» arnmgement did not, however, last long. Antegan, 
after ruling Annenia for a few months, represented to 

• lamn. toL li. p. 146; Mir^ « l.*iArv PaJrW, p. 44. 
Uood. p. a^. ■ 



[ch. xvn. 

his royal master that it would be the wisest course to 
entrust Vahan with the government/ that the same 
head which had conceived the terms of the pacification 
might watch over and ensure their execution. Ante- 
gan's recommendation approved itself to the Persian 
monarch, who proceeded to recall his self-denying 
councillor, and to install Vahan in the vacant oflSce. 
The post of Sparapet was assigned to Vart, Vahan's 
brother. Christianity was then formally re-established 
as the State religion of Armenia ; the fire-altars were 
destroyed; the churches reclaimed and purified; the 
hierarchy restored to its former position and powers. 
A reconversion of almost the whole nation to the 
Christian faith was the immediate result ; the apostate 
Armenians recanted their errors, and abjured Zoroas- 
trianism ; Armenia, and with it Iberia, were pacified ;^ 
and the two provinces which had been so long a cause 
of weakness to Persia grew rapidly into main sources 
of her strength and prosperity. 

The new arrangement had not been long completed 
when Balas died (a.d. 487). It is agreed on all hands 
that he held the throne for no more than four years,^ and 
generally allowed that he died peaceably by a natural 
death.* He was a wise and just prince,* mild in his temper,* 

* Lflzare Parbe, p. 46. 
2 Ibid. p. 46. 

» Ajrathias, iv. 27 ; p. 138, A ; 
Entvch. ii. p. 127; Svncellus, p. 
;5G0rD; Tabari, vol. li. p. 144; 
Mirkhondy p. 352 ; Ma90udi, vol. ii. 
p. 195; Lazare Parbe, p. 46; Pat- 
Kanian, p. 176, &c. The four yearn 
were probably not complete, balas 
ascending the throne in a.d. 484, 
and dying before the termination of 
A.D. 487. 

* There is not the same universal 
flfrreement here. Tabari (p. 144), 
Mirkhond (p. d52)| Eutychius 

(Ls.c), and Agathias (1.8.c\ speak 
of Balas as dying a natural death. 
Lazare Parbe makes him dethroned 
bv his subjects as too peaceful (p. 
4(5). Procopius (B. P. i. 6 and 6) 
and others (Theophan. p. 106, A ; 
CedrenuS; p. 866, U) confound Balas 
with Zamaspee, and sav that he 
was dethroned and blinded by 

* Mirkhond, p, 
p. 144. 

® Agathias, iv, 
rpovov^ Kui TJinoi, 

351 ; Tabari, ii. 
27 : Ufi^oQ rowfc* 


Cb. xvtt} ousAcrcE or UAum* 887 

flveiK Co militarf enterprises,' and inelitied to expect 
better results from pacific arrangements than from wars 
and expeditions, Si intcrual adminlsLnition of the 
empire ^lvq gmesral iitiAetioa to hU subjt'cU; he 
prot^rted and relieved the poor, extended eukivayon, 
and puntflhed govaniors who allowed atij nicn in their 
prorinoe to fall inu> indigence.' His pnidenee and 
moderatioii are ^pcciattjr eunnpictioua in his imu^e* 
ntent of the Annenian difficulty, whereby he healed a 
ehtunio lore that hail long dnuned the rt*9Ciun:ei of hii 
country. Hii fubniissjun to [my tribute to the Eph* 
thalit4a! inay be thought to indieale a want of cimnigi! 
or of patnotifoi ; but there are time» wlien the ptir- 
rliaie of a peace b a necewty ; and it ii not dear that 
Bahta was minded to biair the obligation impoaed on 
htm a momenl longer than wa* necessary. The writeni 
who reconl the (act that PcrMUi jtubmitted for a time to 
pay a tribute limit the interval during which the olili- 
gatioti held to a ctiuple of y»r9.' It would ieem, 
therefun*, that Rala.^, who rtM}rneil four years, must, a 
ye:ir at U'ast before his demise, have shaken off the 
Kphthalite yoke and cwiseil to make any acknowledg- 
ment of dependence. Probably it was owing to the 
new attitude iLH?*umed by him, that the Ephthalites, 
at'ier refu-inj/ to give Kobad any material supi)ort for 
the *pa«-e of three yean*, adopted a new [K)licy in the 
yi-ar of Ikdas' death (a.d. 487), and lent the pretender 
a force* with which he was about to attack his uncle 
wIhii newft reacheil him that attack was needles!*, since 
lUhm wu^ (lead and hi«t own claim to the succession 

M«r* pr«>t)tr«i u» tUit rHautrr. * A* Tabari (ii. p. 140) ftod 

* TaUn, Uc. . MiAbuod, p. !tfirkbao<i (l^c) r»Uu. 



[Ch. xvn. 

undisputed. Balas nominated no successor upon his 
death-bed, thus giving in his last moments an additional 
proof of that moderation and love of peace which had 
characterised his reign. 

Coins, which possess several points of interest, are 
assigned to Balas by the best authorities.^ They bear 
on the obverse the head of the king with the usual 
mural crown surmounted by a crescent and inflated 
ball. The beard is short and curled. The hair falls 
behind the head, also in curls. 
The earring, wherewith the ear 
is ornamented, has a double 
pendant. Flames issue from the 
left shoulder^ an exceptional pe- 
culiarity in the Sassanian series, 
but one which is found also 
among the Indo-Scythian kings 
with whom Balas was so closely 
connected. The full legend upon 
the coins appears to be Hur 
Kadi Valakdshi, * Volagases, the 
Fire King.' The reverse ex- 
hibits the usual fire-altar, but 
with the king's head in the 
flames, and with the star and crescent on either side, 
as introduced by Perozes. It bears commonly the 
legend, Valakdshi, with a mint-mark. The mints em- 
ployed are those of Iran, Kerman, Ispahan, Nisa, 
Ledan, Shiz, Zadracarta, and one or two others. 


^ Jjongi^^neT.MSdttiUesdesSasM'lThomM, Num. Chron. 1873, pp. 
nides, p. 05, and pi. ix. Qg, 6 j I 228-9. 



Firm Mm0m tifJUmL Bm Fkwmrkm^ ^^f^^ ««' Sk/mr. itit 

Wmr. mm, T0mkm§, md I^flmmi ^Mmdtk HU €tmm fo Mi- 
rmsmhtm i^«^r^ JMW adfaftfj Hb Krw MJ i fiv n^ mmd mUtmpit l» 
lapMi it tmiJkf Armm*am§^ M^f^ ^ Afmmm mrndtt Vrnkmrn^ i 

iUiwt§ niplfii lrrar«9 iUf, vii «i*adM ^<^i»*t, IM rk fiaiiri.- 

Wei3 Kobtd fleti to tlta %litHaUtai on ihe fiiiliire of 
Im AtWinpt to ieiie the crown, he wns rt5cciviHl, we 
•re toici,' with opi5ti inM ; but no material ftitl wai 
pren to hiiu for the «piice of three jnc&ni, Howefw, 

in the fourth year of his exile, a change came over the 
Kphthalile p<»ru v, and he returned to his capital at the 
head of an army, with which Khash-ncwaz had funiij*hed 
hiiii. The chan;/c \s reaMHiably connected with the 
wiihholdinjj of hi** tribute by Uahw;' and it is difficult 
to >u|>[K>N.» that Kobad, when he acceptetl Ephthahte 
aid, <li<l not pUnlj/i* himH*lf to resume the Milx>nhnate 
jHi^ition which h\> uncle had lx*en content to hold for 
two ycar?<. It M^^*m?* certain tluit he wa** accomjmnied 
to lii** rapitid by an Kphthalitc conlinjrcnt,' which he 
n* hly nwanUil U^fon* diMni5**in^r it. Owing hi?* throne 
to ihr aid thu?» afforded liim, he can !»carcely have re- 
fu-MMl to inak«* the tX|HMte<l aeknowledgment. Distinct 

» TaUn, tol a p. li«J. Mirkht>nd. p. a.V.». » 8«« «boTe, p. S37. 
* r»hmn, 1 t.c 

1 i 


evidence on the point is wanting ; but there can be 
Httle doubt that for some years Kobad held the Persian 
throne on the condition of paying tribute to Khush- 
newaz, and recognising him as his lord paramount. 

During the early portion of his first reign, which 
extended from a.d. 487 to 498, we are told that he 
entrusted the entire administration of affairs to Sukhra, 
or Sufrai,^ who had been the chief minister of his 
uncle. Sufra'i's son, Zer-Mihr, had faithfully adhered 
to him throughout the whole period of his exile ; ^ and 
Kobad did not regard it as a crime that the father had 
opposed his ambition, and thrown the weight of his 
authority into the scale against him. He recognised 
fidelity as a quality that deserved reward, and was 
sufficiently magnanimous to forgive an opposition that 
had sprung from a virtuous motive, and, moreover, had 
not succeeded. Sufra'i accordingly governed Persia 
for some years ; the army obeyed him, and the civil 
administration was completely in his hands. Under 
these circumstances it is not surprising that Kobad after 
a while grew jealous of his subordinate, and was anxious 
to strip him of the quasi-regal authority which he exer- 
cised and assert his own right to direct affairs. But, 
alone, he felt unequal to such a task. He therefore 
called in the assistance of an officer who bore the name 
of Sapor, and hud a command in the district of Ehages.* 
Sapor undertook to rid his sovereign of the incubus 
whereof he complained, and, with the tacit sanction of 
the monarch, he contrived to fasten a quarrel on 
Sufra'i, which he pushed to such an extremity that, at 
the end of it, he dragged the minister from the royal 

* Sufrw i« the form used by the ' Tabftri, vol. ii. pp. 145-6 ; 
Perftians, Sukhra that employed Mirkhond, p. 852. 
by the Arabs (Mirkhond, p. 36S). | » Tabari, p. 147. 

Cir, XVltL) mBAU*B WAR WITII TIllv RirAZAlA. 34 1 

apartment to a prison, hiid him beAvil; iraned, and m 
ft few days caused him to be put lo death* Sapcir, 
upon tliia, took the place jux^viou^ly occupied by 
SufntJ ; he was reoogni^KKl at otM^t' at Prime MiiiUter, 
ami Sipebbed, or 0Dt]imander-in*€hief of the troa|B,^ 
Kobad, content to have vindioited his roja) power by 
the removal of Sufrait combed to the vccoml favourite 
fti much as he had allowed to the fini, and once more 
mflbrod the management of aJTain lo pan wholly inui 
ibe iMDda of s nit^ci^ 

The only war in which Fk?raa aecms to liave been 
enjfiged during ihe first njign uf Kt^hail was otiu with 
the Kha^ar^ This impirtont [leople^ nuw bi^ird of fur 
the fint itme in Peivjan hutory, appcura lo hate occu* 
pied, in tlie mgn of Kobad^ ihe fleppi* country between 
the Wulga ami the Don,^ whence tliey maile raiila 
through the paaiea of the Ciiucaius into the fertile 
pitmncea of Iberia, Albania, and Anneutii, Whether 
they were Turki, at ia igeiienilly bt^teved,^ or Cireaa* 
MaiiMi-** li:is Ik^oii iiipniouJy arj^utnl by a li\ing writer,* 
i< (loijlitful : Imt wi* nmnot 1k» mistaken in regiinlinj; 
thrm ;iH at this tiint* a race* of lierrcand terrible barba- 
rian-, nornadii* in tlu-ir habits ruthless in their wan*, 
«nul and unriviiix^d in their cu**t()!n8, a fearful cun*e to 
tlir re^'ioiiH which they overnin and desolated. We 
^UaW meet with them apiin, more than onee, in the 
later liL*»torj\ and i*hall have lo tnicc to their hostility 

» T*Un. p \V^. } » Thcopb. Ckrtm, p. lilWI, C. 

r09j€a tr ilist. Arah. : Aod rutuDATe I \«;a*-'»x «*»"»ii«iZ"*^ir, Prirliard, 
M Martin • .NntM to tht^ lUt^ \ Pkytc^ //M'pry of JftfnXiW, ?ol. 
Hm^rr of I^ liran. loiu. iL p. ' iv. p. .Ti'i; Siiiith**No(<>«oo(}ibboQ'a 
n'» . Tb**^hM>r*, f'MrifmiyrmfJ,. p. I Jhritme mmd fW/, Tol. T. ft. 407 ; kc, 
:-•-. n. /^j«i. It^ JtmtB^ktn mHi\ « S<^ a paprr bj Mr. II. II. 
W«# Smkhat^^mimt, pp. 7J] - 74.' ; I llowortii to tbe /^AiiWoyitfW JottfiW 
NeumAfio. Jh0 lolktr dt$ mtdUtkm (or lo70, Tol ti. pp. leCt-lUi. 
•., pUU, Ac I 



some of the worst disasters that befel the Persian arms. 
On this occasion it is remarkable that they were re- 
pulsed with apparent ease. Kobad marched against 
their Khan in person, at the head of a hundred thousand 
men, defeated him in a battle, destroyed the greater 
portion of his army, and returned to his capital with an 
enormous booty.^ To check their incursions, he is 
said to have built on the Armenian frontier a town 
called Amid,* by which we are probably to understand, 
not the ancient Amida (or Diarbekr), but a second 
city of the name, further to the east and also further to 
the north, on the border line which separated Armenia 
from Iberia. 

The triumphant return of Kobad from his Khazar 
war might have seemed likely to secure him a long 
and prosperous reign; but at the moment when fortune 
appeared most to smile upon him, an insidious evil, 
which had been gradually but secretly sapping the 
vitals of his empire, made itself appai*ent, and, drawing 
the monarch within the sphere of its influence, involved 
him speedily in diflSculties which led to the loss of his 
crown. Mazdak, a native of Persepolis,' or, according to 
others, of Nishapur, in Khorassan,^ and an Archimagus, 
or High Priest of the Zoroastrian religion, announced 
himself, early in the reign of Kobad, as a reformer of 
Zoroastrianism, and began to make proselytes to the 
new doctrines which he declared himself commissioned 
to unfold. All men, he said, were, by God's providence, 
born equal — none brought into the world any property, 
or any natural right to possess more than another. 

> Tabari, vol. ii. p. 148. 

3 Il>id. 

» So Mirkhond (p. 863), who is 
followed by Malcolm {Hist, of Per-' 
$ia, Tol. i. p. 132). 

* Tabari, vol. ii. p. 148; Modjtnd-^ 
td-Tetoarikhy quoted by St. Martin 
iD his notes to Le Beau, vol. vii. n. 

A!m Tuestsa or iozoae. 343 

pFO[]<!rty and marrij^ were mere bunma iiivcmtloQa, 
coatiur; to the witl of Ood, whicli recjuin^d iin cM]im) 
divktoQ of the good Uui^of tbm world utuoiig nlU and 
forfattde the Apfiro|iftat]on of partictuljir women by indi- 
Ttdual men. In oomuiuuiiic'fl based tt[xitt projierty nod 
tiuirmgu^ meti migbt lawfully irindicate tbctr tmtural 
nghlB by mkittg thdr fair afajire of the good tluogs 
wrougfully appropriuted by tbeir fellows. Adulkiiif, 
ineiM, tbeilt were not refttly crimei, but nooeanry itepi 
towank rc-catatilbbing the kwi of nature in ffuch »o- 
detia.^ To tbe^ commnniitio vkwi, which aeum to 
bsve been Lbe wigiiuil a^mrahiiionii of bin own mind« 
the M a^ao rdbrmv added teneta borrowed faim tlie 
Bmhmitti or from aome other Oricntid a^'eticft, «uch 
ftfl the lacrerlneMi of anima! life, tbc neccieUy of ab- 
auuni^g fmm animal food, olbi!r than milk, che^e, or 
eigpi the pfopricty uf dimplicity in apparel^ and the 
Med of ab&lemiooHnoid and dcvoUan*' Be thni pre* 
•eutt^ the ppectacle of on t^rithusiaat who pfeacbad m 
d«K:trine of hixiiy and sclf-iniiulgcnce, not from any 
ba-c i>v solfi>h motive, but simply from a conviction of 
iiH initli.* We learn without surprise that the doctrines 
of the new tejicher were embniceil with nnlour by 
lar^'e ( la>>es among the Persians by the young of all 
ru!ik>, by the lovers of pleasure, by the great bulk of 
the lower orders.* IJut it natunilly moves our wonder 

' F .f ih« Irncbinjr of MaicUk. m^ IVniu. ?o1. rii. p|>. 321?-'W«). 
T*b«n, tol. n. pp. 14^-1». Mir- ■ S^ e«pc«tjJly Mirkbood, p. 

j» l.>. l(. Trope h^. Irr». L •'* ; ■ Cooiparr th« om* of Kudoio*, 

Tbt^'phan. f'krtmtmfrrtpk. p. U*s A; tbr prrdt«cr«#*if of Kptcuru*, *0 rr- 

( V^rrnu*. Hut, i i,mf»mJ. p. .O). (*. purtrd hy ArUtotU ( OM. Sie, x, S, 

Am'«tur m^^l^fu wntrrt iib«> bmrr $1). 

Xr^^XrA r.f tb«> Mibj-Hl art* 4iibb.>a • TabaH, toI. it p. 140: * C#tt« 

I /Ar«/ii»« obm/ /VfZ/. %i4 «. pp. lr«l-2), ditrtnnr plut aui j»uD«« fvfu, am 

MAirolm ( lii^ of /Vr*Mi, \o{. I. p. d^bAUcbr« et 4 U popttlact.' 
\M\, aod >L Mamn (NoU« to \j§ 




that among the proselytes to the new religion was the 
king. Kobad, who had nothing to gain from embracing 
a creed which levelled him with his subjects, and was 
scarcely compatible with the continuance of monarchi- 
cal rule, must have been sincere in his profession ; and 
we inquire with interest, what were the circumstances 
which enabled Mazdak to attach to his cause so impor- 
tant and so unHkely a convert. 

The explanation wherewith we are furnished by our 
authorities is, that Mazdak claimed to authenticate his 
mission by the possession and exhibition of miraculous 
powers. In order to impose on the weak mind of 
Kobad, he arranged and carried into act an elaborate 
and clever imposture.^ He excavated a cave below the 
fire-altar, on which he was in the habit of offering, and 
contrived to pass a tube from the cavern to the upper 
surface of the altar, where the sacred flame was main- 
tained perpetually. Having then placed a confederate 
in the cavern, he invited the attendance of Kobad, and 
in his presence appeared to hold converse with the fire 
itself, which the Persians viewed as the symbol and 
embodiment of divinity. The king accepted the miracle 
as an absolute proof of the divine authority of the new 
teacher, and became thenceforth his zealous adherent 
and follower. 

It may be readily imagined that the conversion of 
the monarch to such a creed was, under a despotic go- 
vernment, the prelude to disorders which soon became 
intolerable. Not content with establishing community 
of property and of women among themselves, the 
sectaries claimed the right to plunder the rich at their 
pleasure, and to carry off for the gratification of their 

^ Mirkhond, p. 354. 


own {laMom the itimntei of tlic moat Hlturtriouf 
birciiif.' Ill vmn ditl die Mobeds declare iliat tlit* new 
rcJigioti WHS Gibef wim muiLHtrouj^ ought tiot to be tole^ 
rated for an hour. The fotluweiB of Mazihik had the 
mpliort or the motuirch, HtuI ihift proteirtioii tvecuri'tl 
ihein complete irapiimty, Ettc'h day tliey grew bolder 
and more numenimr. Fema bcciyne too tuirmw a field 
for their ambition, and thi*y bidirted on s]ireading their 
doctnnai into the DeighlHmring cauntriai. We find 
of the acceptance of their viewn in the dbtant 
bS^ and the htiftorianfl of Armenia relate tliat in 
thai unhappy amntry they §o prvaed their religion 
upon tlie {miple thai ab Ini^urrectioii broke out,' and 
Bena wii in danger of loiing, by intoleraiioa, ooe of 
her mogl valued de{ienclttides. Vaban^ tbe Hamtgo- 
nian, who had boon Mipersedetl in hb ofiiee by a fii^ 
llbizpaii, Ijenl nu fnrdng the AniienknA to idopt rlie 
oew creeds once mom put htmmdf forwurd m hU 
oountiy i cliampiont t<^i>k amiji in defence of the Chris- 
tian faith, and endeavoured to induce the Greek 
eni|Kn»r, AnaMa>iu>, lo accept the sovereignly of Pers- 
aniKiiia, to;ji*tluT willi the duty of protecting it agaiiJ>t 
it> late ina>tfn*. Fear of the cou.Hoquencej*, if he pn>- 
v<»kt<l thi' lH»>iiliiy of Persia, cauikil Anastasiu!* to 
hi^ilatc ; and things might have gone hardly with the 
uiifMriuiiati* Annenian?*/ Iiad not ufTairs in Per>ia it^lf 
coint* alx»ut thi> time to a crisis. 

The Molutls and the principal nobles had in vain 

» TaUri. vol. ii. p. 14U; Mir- rjrmemie, toL i. pp, .12^9; 
kh .r.d. p :v%4. UiATv PaiU, ri0 it IflAflH, p. 

• >r* M. MArtiD'i Note* to I^ 47. 

lUau • //««- /.m/ivrr. «ol Tii. p. :V> , * \» it WM, Knbttd nUt^d bU 

•r^i rt m^arv <frM-niu«. /Ar /iMrrt/rf. etf-p* in Annrota, rtcmlM th« 

/'A<r«*«v~<#r«rr«i in Cyrmuird mmpmr pnwUti«ili|r MATtpAll. and rpio« 

rtfmrrrm, llaiU, IfC'/i ^tAtrdVahao in Ui« ofliot. (LaiAffV 

* ^t UMtiin, JUrktrrJUt mar rarU, pi 4^) 



protested against the spread of the new religion and 
the patronage lent it ty the Court. At length appeal 
was made to the chief Mobed, and he was requested to 
devise a remedy for the existing evils, which were 
generally felt to have passed the limits of endurance. 
The chief Mobed decided that, under the circumstances 
of the time, no remedy could be effectual but the depo- 
sition of the head of the State, through whose culpable 
connivance the disorders had attained their height.^ 
His decision was received with general acquiescence. 
The Persian nobles agreed with absolute unanimity to 
depose Kobad, and to place upon the throne another 
member of the royal house. Their choice fell upon 
Zamasp,^ a brother of Kobad, who was noted for his 
love of justice and for the mildness of his disposi- 
tion.^ The necessary arrangements having been made, 
they broke out into universal insurrection, arrested 
Kobad, and committed him to safe custody in the 
' Castle of Oblivion,' * proclaimed Zamasp, and crowned 
him king with all the usual formalities. 

An attempt was then made to deal the new religion 
a fatal blow by the seizure and execution of the he- 
resiarch, Mazdak. But here the counter-revolution 
failed. Mazdak was seized indeed and imprisoned; but 
his followers rose at once, broke open his prison doors, 
and set him at liberty. The government felt itself too 
weak to insist on its intended policy of coercion. 

^ Tabari, toL ii. p. 149. 

2 A^thias (iv. 28 ; p. 138, C) 
calls him Zamasphes, and so Theo- 
phanes (Chronograph, p. 117, C; 
p. 119, B). But Syncellus has the 
more correct Zamaspes (p. 360, D). 
Zamasp is the form upon the coins 
(Mordtmnnn in the Zeifschrifty vol. 
viii. p. 78). Ma90udi (vol. ii. p. 
195), Mirkhond (p. 365), and Tabari 

(vol. ii. p. 140), have Djamasp; 
Eutychiufl,corruptlv, Ramasph(voL 
ii. p. 176). 

* So Agathias : ^rp^crijroc n cat 
diKnionvi^rj^ afjitrra <txfiv SoKOvyra 
(I.S.C.). Tabari, however, notes 
that he did not administer justice 
satisfactorily (p. 151). 

* Procop. Bell, Pers, i. 5 j p. 16, 
B ; Agathias, l.s.c. 



Muzdiik was aUowed to Ike in relirement uamolested* 
and to itierettse the ouiuber of bb dbdples. 

The reign uf Zatnasp appears to huvc lasted from a*D. 
49S to A*t». 501, or between two nml three yeiirs** He 
unm urged by the army to put Kobud to daith,^ but 
hfsitmled to adopt so extff me a course, and jireferred 
retaiuing hii rival as a primuer. The * Cudtle of ObU* 
fkm * waa it^ard^ aa a pluce of aafe custody i but the 
«9i-kiiig eo^trivid in a thurt diae to put a dieat ou his 
guards ^ and effect hi« escape horn cualinenienL Like 
other daitnanti of the Peraati throne/ ho at once took 
refuge with the Ephthalitoi, and thought tu |»eniuiule 
ibii Great Khan to eiubmea his eau^ie and place an 
army at hij di^Mnal* Tlje Khan showed himftdf more 
than ordinarUy ociraplalsajit He can (»»ixx!ly have 
ijmpalhisKHl with the religioikji leanings of hbsupplsatit; 
but he remembered that he had placed him upon An 
thraaot and had found htm a foithiul feudatory and a 
quJei neighbour. Ue therefore received him with 

* ZiuuMp if AMi^^d tiro ve«r» 
ooJt bv MA^uili(?ol. ii. p. h*^), 
hr I*r«<«»j>»u«, who, howevrr, cull* 
him IMiL^m ( //. /'. i. 7 ), and br ni«>«t 
ii( tbr Arm^DiAii wriUTi ( ]*AtkanUn 
m tb" JnmrmtU Amait^w for iNltt, 
p 17* I . but f^ftfr TtstfR b? AfTAtbiiu 
• p 1.2». A >. Tbr.ipbanr* (p 117,1'), 
>«nr«*iiu« il.».c. I, aud m»iii« <»f tbr 
Annrtiian*, Tb*» coia* bare a 
ty>U'^ "f tb*» lAuti rtynal yrmr 
( M ^rd^mann in tbr /rt/«v Ari/V » vul. 
iii p 1 i » 

» T*Un. %ol. ii. n. IfiO. rrt>- 
r« piu* t*>li« UA that «b«n tbr fau **( 
K «b»l «M hriuj «!rbatrd, anolfirrr 
n4UiM<i < f u«Ana^tad«<« drv« out th«* 
k&ii* «l!b wbM-h br wa«arcu«tumrd 
t • rut bi« UAil*. itnd. »bo«intr it to 
lb' »*«rii]bir^i rbi' f*. rtclAimcd — 
' \ ^ a*^ b 'W »ii^ll tbu kaifr U ; 
^rt It i» bt|r rtx>u|b tu accxjinphab 

a detnl which a little while hence 
not twrntr thounand amied men 
will bv abf« to matia^ce.' ( i^Wil /Vrt. 
i. o ; p. \*\ \\), IIi4 mrfininir waa 
undrr»toud, but the ad?ic« implied 
wait not adopted. 

' The »ton- i« told with certmin 
\anation«; Lut all the acntunUi 
a^Tvr in attributiu)? tb«* rucape of 
tbr king to the aMittanre lent hmi 
b? his wife. Arconitnir to aome, 
•be cban^Hl rlt»the« witii him, and 
tf«>k bia |Uar# in the pn«>»n ( l*r>- 

rt.p. ilrdJ. JWs. i. tl; p. IH. II »; 

atHxinling to i>ther», the carried him 
out uf the pn«i)n cocir««led IQ a 
buiHllt* of bedclothes aod co%erleta 
iMirkb.»nd. p. :iU\; Tabah, toL ii. 
p. l.M 1. 

• S^ aU.fe. p. 312. Othe? 
inttancre wiU occur in Uie later 



[Ch. xvm. 

every mark of honour, betrothed him to one of his own 
daughters,^ and lent him an army of 30,000 men.^ V/ith 
this force Kobad returned to Persia, and offered battle 
to Zamasp. Zamasp declined the conflict. He had 
not succeeded in making himself populai^ with his sub- 
jects, and knew that a large party desired the return of 
his brother.® It is probable that he. did not greatly 
desire a throne. At any rate, when his brother 
reached the neighbourhood of the capital, at the head 
of the 30,000 Ephthalites and of a strong body of 
Persian adherents, Zamasp determined upon submis- 
sion. He vacated the throne 
in favour of Kobad, without 
risking the chance of a battle, 
and descended voluntarily into a 
private station.* Different stories 
are told of his treatment by the 
restored monarch. According 
to Procopius,^ he was blinded 
after a cruel method long esta- 
blished among the Persians ; but 
Mirkhond declares that he was 
pardoned, and even received from 
his brother marked signs of af- 
fection and favour.^ 

The coins of Zamasp have the 
usual inflated ball and mural crown, but with a crescent 


* Procop. Bell. Tera, i. 6 ; p. 18, 
D ; Agsthias, iv. 28 ; p. 188, 1). 

2 Mirkhond, p. 366: Tabari, vol. 
ii. p. 161. 
' Tabari, I.8.C. 

* Agathias, It. 28; p. 139, A: 
6 7jafiaanf\Q Uufv dvitrrti rov (taxov 
Kai fuBih'ai fioXXov tyvut r^v /3a<rt- 


* Bell, Pers. i. 6 ; p. 19, B. 

® Histoire des SasMnides, p. 367 : 
'Kobad pardonna a son frere et 
disBipa toutes ses craintes en lui 
prodigruant les marquee de ea ten- 
dresse * (De Sacy's translHtion). 



JO plaoe of iho front limb of ihc ciHiwn.^ The ends of 
the dtfliiem appear over the two aboulders* On cither 
aide of the head there is a &Uir, nnd over cithor shoulder 
a creicenL Outride the oucircling ring, or ' pearl 
border/ we bw» almost for tlie first lime^' tliree ftors 
with cTBioenta* The reverse bears the t^sital fire-altaTf 
with a vtiir mnd ere^oent on ciilier eide of the Dome, 
Xbe kgeod h extremely briefs being dther ZaiHOup or 
B&g Zama*p^ ie. ' Zamiipe^' ur ^ the divine Zauji^ea,' 

gjiiiiikH f^^ TO-Tli Mtirdt4iMfk& 
fa tli« /jntM^hnft^ vol Tilt. tt. 70} 
til ^ 13, 
^ •» * ^M of Killed, du««l b hU 

an pvffliAp NttHkr tliaa tliMV of 

X\p Xhn^vm tUi« mhi* |«ir (JUVv 

aurt of A» liltt Mill 
adtfptvd If lll» AnkL 



TCh. XIX. 


Second Reign of Kobad, His Change of Attitude towards the Followers of 
Matdak, His Cause of Quarrel with Rome, First Roman War of 
Kobad, Peace made a.d, 605. Rotne fortifies Daras tmd Theodo- 
siopoUs, Complaint made by Persia, Negotiations of Kobad with 
Justin : Proposed Adoption of Chosroes by the latter. Interned Troubles 
m Persia, SecoJid Roman War of Kobad, a.d. 624-^31. Death of 
Kobad, His Character. His Coins. 

Kafidiris 6 Xltp6Cov, r&v UcfrtriK&v trpayfidTwy KpaHivas, itoXKohi fikv Kork 
'PwfAalwy ToKifiovs 8i^yff7Ke, iroXX^ 8i Korik fiapfidpMV r&y upocoMoiyrtov 
$<mia€ TfH^irata, icai xp6vov obB4va irop^Kc rapaxtus rt koI Kiy^uyots iyKoXiv- 
9o^fi(vos, — AoATHiAs, iv. 27 ; p. 138, B. 

The second reign of Kobad covered a period of thirty- 
years/ extending from a.d. 501 to a.d. 531.^ He was 
contemporary, during this space, with the Eoman empe- 
rors Anastasius, Justin, and Justinian, with Theodoric, 
king of Italy, with Cassiodorus, Symmachus, Boethius, 
Procopius, and Belisarius. The Oriental writers tell us 
but little of this portion of his history. Their silence, 
however, is fortunately compensated by the unusual 
copiousness of the Byzantines, who deliver, at consider- 
able length, the entire series of transactions in which 
Kobad was engaged with the Constantinopolitan em- 
perors, and furnish some interesting notices of other 

^ So Agathins, in direct terms 
(iv. 28). Eutychius (vol. ii. pp. 
131, 170), Ma^oudi (vol. ii. p. 195), 
Mirkhond (p. 368), and Tabari 
(vol. ii. p. 151) make his two reigns, 
together with that of Zamasp, 
cover forty-three jears. This num* 

ber involves a second reign of 
twenty-nine or thirty years, since 
the nrst reign of Kobad lasted 
eleven years, and that of Zamasp 
between two and three years. 

* See Clinton, F, R, voL i. pp. 
716 and 752. 


mutters wliicb oecupicct him. Ftooopius especi&llj, 
the emioeiit rhi^t^jHciao and secretmy uf Belisarius, who 
wii boro about the time of Kobad's nitoratioii to the 
Peniaa tluvme,^ woA becune eeo'etar; to the ^n*eat 
goiustml fimr jmn befora Kobid's deaifa,' is ample in 
liii dalaib of the chief occuireneei, mad deserveaf a coil- 
fidence which the Bywntiues caii mrely claim, from 
hmtif^ at oncse a cnotempoimry und a man of rt'morkablQ 
intelligrace. ^Bh factii* as Gibbon well obacrves,' 'are 
collected from the perioniJ c^penenct! and free cntiver- 
aatioQ of a soldier, a statesman, and a traveller ; hijf 
itjrle continually aapirca^ and often attaitis, to the merit 
of itrengtb and elegance ; hb reflectiotia, mora espe- 
dalty in the spcecfaca, which he too fraqiienlly inaeitai 
contJitn a rich fund of political knowledge; and the 
htitoruin, excited by the generow ambition of pleaiing 
and instructing poaterity, appaiv to di^dnin the prrju« 
dicea of the people an<l the flattery of courta** 

The Sm qiiGstioQ which Kobad had !o decide, wben^ 
by the voluntary ces^sion of hi»j l)n>thcr, Zamasp, he 
reiiiounlcHl his throne, was the attitude which he should 
a^jiume towanls Mazdak and hi? foUowers. By openly 
favouring! the new religion and encouraging the disor- 
<ler?* nf it> vot^irie**, he had ^H) disgusteil the more |)ower- 
lul <Ia>!ieH of liiM subjet*t8 tiiat lie had lost his crown 
and Inen f«»rceil to Ix'come a fugitive in a foreign 
rounir}*. He wjus not pre|)an*cl to aflront Uiis danger a 
M?r<»rid liint*. Slill, his attarhinenl to the new doctrine 
Ma«» n«»t ^l)aken ; he held the views projH>undiHl to be 
true, a!id wa** iiol iL»»hanied to confers himself an un- 
waNrruiu' aclluriiil of the eonununislic pmphel.* lie 

• Sp« Smith's iHti of (ik. mnd l)trt. of GL tmd Rami. Ifityr. Kp.c. 
/f.^. h^mrmfJkf, toL in! p 'VCt. * /W»M «W Fmii, toL t. p. ia 

* CUnUio, /'. IL ToL i. pi 745 ; * Tabari« foL ii. pi 161. 



[Ch. XIX. 

contrived, however, to reconcile his belief with his in- 
terests by separating the individual from the king. 
As a man, he held the views of Mazdak; but, as a king, 
he let it be known that he did not intend to maintain 
or support the sectaries in any extreme or violent mea- 
sures. The result was that the new doctrine languished ; 
Mazdak escaped persecution and continued to propa- 
gate his views ; but, practically, the progress of the 
new opinions was checked ; they had ceased to com- 
mand royal advocacy, and had consequently ceased to 
endanger the State ; they still fermented among the 
masses, and might cause trouble in the future ; but for 
the present they were the harmless speculations of a 
certain number of enthusiasts who did not ventvu*e any 
more to carry their theories into practice. 

Kobad had not enjoyed the throne for more than a 
year before his relations with the great empire on his 
western frontier became troubled, and, after some futile 
negotiations, hostilities once more broke out. It appears 
that among the terms of the peace concluded in a.d. 
442 between Isdigerd 11. and the younger Theodosius,^ 
the Komans had undertaken to pay annually a certain 
sum of money as a contribution towards the expenses 
of a fortified post which the two powers undertook to 
maintain in the pass of Derbend,^ between the last spurs 
of the Caucasus and the Caspian. This fortress, known 
as Juroipach or Biraparach,^ commanded the usual 

' The main authority for the 
statements in the text is Johannes 
Lydus (De Magistral, iiL 61-5d\ an 
earlier and eyen more painstatcing 
writer than Procopius. He lived 
from A.D. 401 to about a.d. 653, 
Procopius from about a.d. 600 to 
A.D. 6o0. He is confirmed in the 
matter by Priscus Panites, who 
wrote about B.C. 470. 

* So Gibbon, DecUm and Fall, 
voL V. p. 87. It is perhaps not 
quite clear whether the Perbend 
pass or that of Mozdok is intended 
oy Lvdus. 

' Juroipach is the form used by 
Priscus (Fre. 31 and 37); Bira- 
parach that given by Lydus (iiL 
o2). The initial element is plainly 
the Bir or Vera, which was the 

ct xir] 



paasifpe bjr which the honlis of the north were acciis- 
lomed lo baue fhun their vast arid st€pp€9 upau ilie 
rich and populot^ regioQi of the south for tlie pur- 
pow of plumlering rmJd^, if not of actual cooquesbi. 
Tbetr iQcuruous llinrntened ahnosi equally Bonmu and 
Femaii tenitoiy,^ atul it wiyi full Umt the two mttioiisf 
wen! alike iiitereirtcil iu preireutiug tliem. The on- 
giual agrt5CHii(Mit wu thai both partie» i^liould coiitributt! 
equully, alike to th« btulding and to the luaititiiimng of 
the fortrm ; but tlie Romans wtsre no t}ceu|n@d in other 
wars that the eniire burden actually fell upon the 
Fenuos, These latter, as wn^ nntuml, tnadi' from time 
to time demandft upoii the Bomani for the payuiont of 
tbeir abare of the expcoaeii ; ' but it Bceim that those 
efi»rtA were ineffectual, and the debt acaimuktcd. It 
mi under these cirmmrtaiirm that Kohadt finding 
liinMlf in waat of monegr to reiAurd adequately hit 
E^tholite alHea,' aent an cmbasiy lo AiiaatiLsiua, ibe 
Batnan emporort witli a jjorvraptory demand for a 
remitumce. The reply of Anast4iaius was a refusal. 
Acoonliiig U) one authority^ he declined absolutely to 
make any payment ; according to another,* he expressed 
hU willingnesj* U) lend his Persian brother a sum of 
money c»n receiving the customary acknowledgment^ 

cofniiK>n I*«r*Un word for * c»»tle,* 
•od «hirh |>rr>bably pMird frfim 
PrrnAxi into Hebrew, becoming 


* *vv th^ d^fDaod mad* na L«o 
tn 4 u 4»V4 J l*n»ru«. Yt. 31 », n^- 
y^x^X m 4.D 4*>i I Kr. .'17). «>n« 

tAvm^ot •4Hrtn» to bftT* b^rii in*d« 
7 Tb«->dj*;u« 11. (CC Lvdu«» 


Ih M^^mi, iii. 53, wber» I eoo- 
c«i?r tkat we ought to rtad p%mpm9 
(or fittZor^ . ) 

* The stAtetDent of IVicn^iaa to 
tbU rffrcl ( ML /Vrt. i. T^mimdi.) 
U quite ciimpAtible witb the ac- 
count giv^'O b? I.Tdo«i,«od eipUiat 
why tiie demand waa praaiad jnac 
at tbi« time. 

* rn«r»piu«. La c. 

* The^iphanet, Chnmcfrmpk. p. 
124, C. 



but refused an advance on any other terms. Such a 
response was a simple repudiation of obhgations volun- 
tarily contracted, and could scarcely fail to rouse the 
indignation of the Persian monarch. If he learned fur- 
ther that the real cause of the refusal was a desire to 
embroil' Persia with the Ephthalites, and to advance 
the interests of Eome by leading her enemies to waste 
each other's strength in an internecine conflict,^ he 
may have admired the cunning of his rival, but can 
scarcely have felt the more amicably disposed towards 

The natural result followed. Kobad at once de- 
clared war. The two empires had now been uninter- 
ruptedly at peace for sixty, and, with the exception of 
a single campaign (that of a.d. 441), for eighty years. 
They had ceased to feel that respect for each other's 
arms and valour which experience gives, and which is 
the best preservative against wanton hostilities. Kobad 
was confident in his strength, since he was able to bring 
into the field, besides the entire force of Persia, a large 
Ephthalite contingent, and also a number of Arabs. 
Anastasius, perhaps, scarcely thought that Persia would 
go to war on account of a pecuniary claim which she 
had allowed to be disregarded for above half a century. 
The resolve of Kobad evidently took him by surprise ; 
but he had gone too far to recede. The Koman pride 
would not allow him to yield to a display of force what 
he had refused when demanded peacefully; and he was 
thus compelled to maintain by arms the position which 
he had assumed without anticipating its consequences. 

The war began by a sudden inroad of the host of 

^ These grounds are stated by Procopius as determining the con- 
duct of Anastasius. 

Ck. XOL] 10B,iI> EE31E0E3 .IMfBA. SA5 

P^m iuld Bomao Artnenia,^ where ThcodoaiopoUs 
w«$ dtiU the diief ft(rong]iold and the main support of 
the Boman pnirer*' UofMnepanKl for reiistanciv this 
city was ffurrendercd afWr a short wge by its com- 
mitndaut, Co»«lan^ne^ after which the griealer part of 
Anneoia was OTemm and ravaged.* From Armeniji 
Kohad conductod hb annj into Northem Maaopota* 
miat and formed the ^i^?ge of Aniida iibout the com* 
menocRierit of the winter* The great strength of 
Amida hai been already noliced in tbi§ volume,* 
Kobad Itmuil it ungamaoned, luid only protectad by a 
fftnatl forci^ cinUmed in iu oelghbourhooti, under the 
philuisopher, Alypius.* But the re^ludon of the towna- 
mes, and particularly of the monlu, wna great ; and 
a moii ilf^nfiQiii nBfftAnee mot all his dTortii to take 
the ptfloa. At finft hii bope waa to cflent a bn^iich in 
the dehoom fay mcani of die ram ; but the bi^t^iad 
impbyed tba custcimary mtmm of d^troytng hk 
ecigbGa« and^ when tbeie failed^ the itrengtb and 
thicknc»sM of the wall?* was found to be such that no 
seriou** impression could be made on them by the 
Persian Ixiltcrinp tniin. It waii necessary to have 
recourse to Kune other deuce; and Kobiul proceeded 
to erect a mound in the immeiliate neighbourhood of 
the wall, with a view of dominating the town, driving 
the defenders fn>m the lMittleraenl.% and then taking 
the place by i»5calade. He ralMftl an immense work ; 
hut It wa«* undennincnl by the enemy, and at last fell 
in with a l«rril)le cnf*h, involving hundrinhi in its ruin.' 
It i?» Miid that after this failure Koliud de?<[mireil of »uc- 

• iVrr^ ^ /• i. : ; pi 20. A ; • IVwfk. B. P, Ux. 

Tb«»<pb*A. CkrtmtJ^apk. 1 •.r. * Ibid. 

' C»n th^ VundmU'ttx had •trroirtii ^ Sttprm« p. 175. 

r4 Tb^^' «»"tioUt, M« abovr, M». * Tb«>apbmfi. p. 11>4, D. 

3<-^. ! M'imi^iM/WiLL7;pL31,a 

A A S 



[Ch. XIX. 

cess, and determined to draw off his army ; but the 
taunts and insults of the besieged, or confidence in the 
prophecies of the Magi, who saw an omen of victoiy in 
the grossest of all the insults, caused him to change 
his intention and still continue the siege. His perseve- 
rance was soon afterwards rewarded. A soldier dis- 
covered in the wall the outlet of a drain or sewer im- 
perfectly blocked up with rubble, and, removing this 
during the night, found himself able to pass through 
the wall into the town. He communicated his dis- 
covery to Kobad, who took his measures accordingly. 
Sending, the next night, a few picked men through the 
drain, to seize the nearest tower, which happened to be 
slackly guarded by some sleepy monks, who the day 
before had been keeping festival,^ he brought the bulk 
of his troops with scaling ladders to the adjoining por- 
tion of the wall, and by his presence, exhortations, and 
threats,^ compelled them to force their way into the 
place. The inhabitants resisted strenuously, but were 
overpowered by numbers, and the carnage in the 
streets was great. At last an aged priest, shocked at 
the indiscriminate massacre, made bold to address the 
monarch himself and tell him that it was no kingly 
act to slaughter captives. ' Why, then, did you elect 
to fight ? ' said the angry prince. 'It was God's doing,' 
replied the priest, astutely; 'He willed that thou 
shouldest owe thy conquest of Amida, not to our 
weakness, but to thy own valour.' The flattery pleased 
Kobad, and induced him to stop the effusion of blood; * 

» Procop. B, P. p. 21, D. In 
later times the monks were accused 
of treacherously surrendering their 
trust (Theophan. ChronograpK p. 
12o, A ; Marcellin. Chronic, p. 48) ; 
but Procopius imputes to them no 
worse crime than remissness. 

* According to Procopius, he 
drew his sciiuetar, and threatened 
with instant death eveiy soldier 
who hesitated to mount the scaling 

» Procop. p. 22, C. 


rXLh or All IDA. 


but tbe iack wa^ itDowed to cotitinue ; the whole town 
wifl pillaged ; ' and the bulk of the inhabitantJi wdro 
carried off as »kvcft** 

The sic^e of Amida h^U^ eighty dap,' and the year 
AJ>. fiOS had c*>niineuci'd before it wm oven* AuaHii' 
iiij», on lear&iog the dunger or his frontier town, imme* 
diAt^ dai{iilehed to its aid a considerable fon?e, whic*h 
he placed uoder four cmnmanderB^ — Areobiodui, the 
gnmdKm of the Ouihie ofBcer of tlie minu name who 
diftinguiahed himself in tjie Fetviaa war of TbeodoMUs ;^ 
G^ler, mptaiii of tlie tmpcml gusurd ; IHitncius, the 
Fhrygmi; ud Hypoliiu^ one of his own nepheiro. The 
cimy, eoOeetmly, is said to hi?e hwn more iitimatHia 
than any thai Boine had ever brought into llie field 
■gaittfl the Fenians ; ^ but it was woikened by the dl* 
vided oomiiuifid, and it was mon*over broken up into 
detaehmimtfl which acted indepundentlj uf t*ach other. 
Its advent also wu tardy. Nut only did it anive too 
late to Mve Atttida, but it in no way int<^en*d with 
the after-m<)vement.»» of Kobad, wlio, leaving a smull 
franivm to inaiiitiiin hi.s new conquest, c*arried off the 
w}i<»lc of bis ri<'h Ux>ty to hb* city of Nisibis, and 
I»lai*e<l thf bulk of hi?* tnM)p!* in u flood position ujK)n 
]ii^ own fn>nlicr/ When ArcK)binduM, at the head of 

^< •#! vi>« t» «(•< c<.t* ottM>9^t tat vkv^rott 

tkfwrmta^im rrU««rd a Uiyr tiunibrr 

» Ibd p TJ, IV Thr<»ph»«i-« 
rmlU thr Umr 'tiirr*' mofilh*.' whuh 

•p^^AJi* « ( tbr titv A« takrn * in thv 
fifth OM^tb,' wLirh u clr*r))r in- 

* .*Nr« ClmtiMx, y. JiL tol L p. 718. 

• pMoop. n. I\ I. P ; n, n A. 
Crlrr, who arntrd on llie wcrti^ 
th« Utr«t of ih«* lour. !• oiniU4Hi 
from the lint of cooimAiidrrt hy 
•nmr mritenk (Jobaon. Lvduf, Ih 
Ma^. iii. M ; Majt^IIio. (^tom. p. 
4^. Johann MaIaI. ivi. p. lU.B.) 

• Sef* abof f. pp. •>K-J». 

' lV*tip, // /'. L H; p. S3, C: 

mi 'I (••rtpor cvi n«^««V l*w^«<*^ 

• Thtopban. ^VuvompA. pi l:?/»y 
H ; Truci^ ir. /'. p. :«, ll. 



[Ch. XE?. 

the first division, reached Amida and heard that the 
Persians had fallen back, he declined the comparatively 
inglorious work of a siege, and pressed forward, anxious 
to carry the war into Persian territory. He seems 
actually to have crossed the border and invaded the 
district of Arzanene,^ when news reached him that 
Kobad was marching upon him with all his troops, 
whereupon he instantly fled, and threw himself into 
Constantia, leaving his camp and stores to be taken by 
the enemy. Meanwhile another division of the Eoman 
army, under Patricius and Hypatius, had followed in 
the steps of Areobindus, and meeting with the advance- 
guard of Kobad, which consisted of eight hundred 
Ephthalites, had destroyed it almost to a man.* Igno- 
rant, however, of the near presence of the main Per- 
sian army, this body of troops allowed itself soon after- 
wards to be surprised on the banks of a stream, while 
some of the men were bathing and others were taking 
their breakfast, and was completely cut to pieces by 
Kobad, scarcely any but the generals escaping.^ 

Thus far success had been wholly on the side of the 
Persians ; and if circumstances had permitted Kobad to 
remain at the seat of war and continue to direct the 
operations of his troops in person, there is every reason 
to believe that he would have gained still greater ad- 
vantages. The Eoman generals were incompetent; 
they were at variance among themselves ; and they 
were unable to control the troops under their command. 
The soldiers were insubordinate, without confidence in 
their officers, and inclined to grumble at such an un- 
wonted hardship as a campaign prolonged into the 

* The phrase used by Procopius 
is larparovtSivirnvro iv X^P'V '^P' 
^a/icvwv (p. 24, A). I suspect 

that Arzanene is here intended. 
2 Procop. B. P. p. 24, B. 
» Ibid. p. 24, D. 



winter.^ Thuji all the condiuoiii of the war were m 
fiiTotir of Pemk. But, uororttiujiteljr for KoImc]^ tl 
happenet] tltat, at the momt!iit whea hb proiiptfct^ w^cre 
tbfi fiiiratst,* a tbuiger iu aiujltier quarter ckmnnclect }m 
{tfiptetice, aod required him to leave tbo coaduct of tJio 
B^Moaii war to othera. Aji Epblhaliii} mvasbn called 
him to tlio defence of his north -eaitoni fnmtii^r before 
the ytistT am. &0S waa over/ and from Uib Uroe the 
upemtjuna m Mesopotamia wcm directed* not hj the 
kiDg in perMJtit but by hU geoerak. A change b at 
oQce appanmt. In, bOi^ Celer invaded Amnene, 
defirofiad a number of fi:irta, and ravaged the wbok 
profiooe with tire nud siwonL^ Thence nsardiing ecratli- 
ward, be tiinrnteaed Nbibij, which 19 aaid to have been 
within a little of yielding itaelt* Towards winter 
Ftatririui and HyjNitius took hcfort, and, eoHecUtLg 
an army, cunimeuced the iiege of Aniidii, which ihey 
aUemplcd lo itorm on aeirenU oceaMaona* but wiiltout 
aucc^a.^ After a while they turned the dego into a 
bl<K»k:uh% entrapiKHl the commaiuler of the Persian 
pirri-M*n, Oloiie^, l)y a stratiigt»rn/ and rwluced the do- 
ft n<lcr> c»f the place to such distress that it would have 
Utij iiiip<>s>il)le U) hold out much longer. It seems to 
have Ihiu when matters were at this [)oint,' that an 

• IVM^ip. B. P. 10; p. *2'\ II ! 

• Th«*<ipbAn«-« Xe\U u« that, aftrr I 
CAptann^ Amida, Kobiki w*Dt out ' 
pluodf-rin^ ^ip«*diu<>Da which r»- 
«Airrd all Mrw»p(jtAinU ms far aa 
Syria \ Ckrvntt^/rapA, p. TJlt. li I. 
)>i'*«iNi «M thrr«t«»n«^ I PrrKxip. 
// /* u \\ . i> 1-i). It) ; CuonimnUa 

• utm:tt|rii < ibid. ). 

• iv-op /r. /». i H; p. 04^ I). 

Tb**'phan»^ •p'^* '>f th4* itMadrn 
a^ ' I a<iu«.an« aixi other*' ( Cknm, p. 
Ur.H' lUit IV ^^-piiuralU them 

* liua*/ vLkJi u hu unii&Ary Dame 

(or th<» ?!pbtbalitff«. 

• Thrupban. C%rvm, p 127, A ; 
IVi«>.p. //. /'. p. 2>\ A ; MmfwUiiL 
Ckrtm. p. 4\K 

• Tbf*«tpbaiL !.a^, 

• IVx^>p. n. P. p. IV,. a 

' The capttirt* of Olooea ia n^ 
latrd at leofTtb hr lYocopitta {B, P, 
i. t»; pp. *i.V4))'; alluacd to hj 
Tbr«'pbaiM« ( ( Aran. d. Vl^\ B). 

• tr»iiil*nr«»piuf aiiiCMWtahnttId 
bavf* c«>oclu>led tb«t the aurrrtidvr 
of Amida aod tb« coiirlaiioa of lli« 
avTea jmov' pMc« wvrt t«o atp** 



[Ch. XTX. 

ambassador of high rank^ arrived from Kobad, em- 
powered to conclude a peace, and instructed to declare 
his master's wiUingness to surrender all his conquests, 
including Amida, on the payment of a considerable 
sum of money. The Koman generals, regarding Amida 
as impr^nable, and not aware of the exhaustion of 
its stores, gladly consented. They handed over to 
the Persians a thousand pounds' weight of gold, and 
received in exchange the captured city and territory.* 
A treaty was signed by which the contracting powers 
undertook to remain at peace and respect each other's 
dominions for the space of seven years.* No definite 
arrangement seems to have been made with respect to 
the yearly payment on account of the fortress, Birapa- 
rach, the demand for which had occasioned the war. 
This claim remained in abeyance, to be pressed or neg- 
lected, as Persia might consider her interests to require. 
The Ephthalite war, which compelled Kobad to make 
peace with Anastasius, appears to have occupied him 
uninterruptedly for ten years.* During its continuance 
Kome took advantage of her rival's difficulties to con- 
tinue the system (introduced under the younger Theo- 
dosius^) of augmenting her own power, and crippling 
that of Persia, by establishing strongly fortified posts 

rate transactions. (See the JBell, 
Pers. i. 9 ; p. 27.^ But Theophanes 
distinctly regaras the two matters 
as parts of a single arrangement 
(Chron. p. 127, B,C); and proba- 
bility is on his side. 

' Frocopius gives 'Aspebedes' 
as the name of the ambassador. 
But Aspebedes is clearly the modem 
JSspebadf a title of office, corre- 
sponding to the Armenian Spara- 
pet (ot Spahapet\ * commander-in- 
chiet.' (See Patkanian in the 
Journal Asiatique for 1866, p. 114) 
The ambassador's sister was married 

to Kobad, and was the mother of 
Chosroes. (Procop. B, P. i. 11 : 
p. 30, A.) 

« Procop. B. P. i. 9j p. 25, C. 

» Ibid. p. 27, D. 

^ See the expression of Procopius 

(Ls.C.) : TOV iT/OUi* Ovi'vovg troXifinv 

fjujKvvofikpovy and compare p. 29, 
B, D, whence it appears that Ko- 
bad complained of the conduct of 
the Romans as soon as his war 
with the Huns was ended, and 
that almost immediately afterwards 
Anastasius died. 
* See above, pp. 287 and 303. 

c«. xvQ toMi roimrfES dabm^ 361 

upon her border iti the immediate vicinity of Fc'rsifin 
territory. Not eanteot with reitoring Theodoffiopoliit 
iod pfmtly ftrengthcniDg it^ defences,^ AnadtJiiim 
emsled an entirely new fortress at I>ams,' on the 
MJUthcra nkirts of the Moiu Misiusi within twelve milei 
of Kifibif , at tho edge of the gre&t Hesopotauiinn plain. 
Thb plnce wba not i mere fort, but a city i it contained 
eburcihe^ botha^ porticoes, largo gramuics, aod ex ten* 
«ve i^iftem.^.* It cunttituled a sbindJQg menace to 
Penaa ;* and ita erection was in direct violation of the 
troity matle by Theodosiua with iMiigerd IL,* which 
wm reganled as slill in forre by Ixith nations. 

We cmnnot be fiurprbed that Kobad* when hi* Eph- 
thalite war ww over* made formal complaint at Con* 
ibuitinuple (ab. i.n. 517) of the infmction of the treaty ,* 
Anaataaiui wm mnable to deny the charge. He endea* 
voored al fiiit to meet it by a mi^ctun? of bltvter with 
profeaooDi of friend^ip i but when thb method did 
not appear effectual, be had recourie to an argument 
wheret.if the Feniiiii?* on r * * ^ \^t%\ 

llie forre. Hy the expenditure of a large sum of 
inoiuy hi* citlier comiptiil the ambassadors of Kobad, 
<»r made tliein honestly doubt whetlier the sum paid 
W(»ul<l not Nitij^fy their master." 

In \.u. olS, Anastasius die<K and the imperial au- 
tliority wjiM ii>j«uine<l by the Captain of the Guanl, 
tlic * Ihirian jMntHjuit,* • Justin. With him Kobad very 
*h<»rtly entered into negotiations. He had not, it is 

' rmcN'p. //. /'. i. 10; p. 1% V. and TlHKxl<Ma.>polU, iririix*«^r« 

' lbi<l p. *."«(. A ; Jobann. MaIaI. ^y atf^* ^tc. r^ n*^«^) im«^ 

ivi p 41. r . J(»h^D. I.tdua, Jm >«>•»•»' «>f». (B. P. I 10, mJjtm.) 

Mmtftstrat m. i7,iuijlm^ ; lbr<«pban. * S<« aboTe, p. 5U9. 

p I *.".•. A. • Vmct*f. B, P. p. SO, B. 

* J'>haan. MaUl. L«.c. , KT«fnii«, ^ Ittd p. *Jin C. 

// K m : : • inbb.«, lM4m0 md FmU, toL 

* Trvjci'piuA wrli Mjt oi Darms t. p. 90. 



[Ch. XIX, 

clear, accepted the pecuniary sacrifice of Anastasius as 
a complete satisfaction. He felt that he had many 
grounds of quarrel with the Eomans. There was the 
old matter of the annual payment due on account 
of the fortress of Biraparach ; there was the recent 
strengthening of Theodosiopohs, and building of Daras ; 
there was moreover an interference of Kome at this 
time in the region about the Caucasus which was very 
galling to Persia and was naturally resented by her 
monarch. One of the first proceedings of Justin after 
he ascended the throne was to send an embassy with 
rich gifts to the court of a certain Hunnic chief of 
these parts, called Ziligdes or Zilgibis,^ and to conclude 
a treaty with him by which the Hun bound himself to 
assist the Eomans against the Persians. Soon afterwards 
a Lazic prince, named Tzath, whose country was a Per- 
sian dependency, instead of seeking inauguration fi-om 
Kobad, proceeded on the death of his father ^ to the 
court of Constantinople, and expressed his wish to be- 
come a Christian, and to hold his crown as one of Eome's 
vassal monarchs. Justin gave this person a warm 
welcome, had him baptized, married him to a Eoman 
lady of rank, and sent him back to Lazica adorned 
with a diadem and robes that sufficiently indicated his 
dependent position.^ The friendly relations estabhshed 
between Eome and Persia by the treaty of a.d. 505 
were, under these circumstances, greatly disturbed, and 
on both sides it would seem that war was expected to 

' Zilgibis is the form used by 
J. Malalas {Chronogr, xvii. p. 4b, 
C. D) ; Ziligdes that found in 
Theophanes (CArcm. p. 143, A). 

' So the contemporaxy, J. Ma- 
lalas (xvii. p. 47, C, l5). Theo- 
phanes makes Tzath receive his 
crown from Kobad and then desert 

to the Romans ("p. 144, B). The 
Paschal Chronicle follows J. Ma- 
lalas (vol. i. p. 332, A). 

' The figure of Justin was em- 
broidered upon Tzath's robes. His 
diadem was of Roman fashion. 
(See J. Malal. p. 47, D, E.) 

cn. xixo ituxos pftorasAL made bv eoud. W^ 

break ottt*^ Bal neither Jxxstin nor Kobad was dasiroua 
of II niptura Both were advunoed in years^ and botli 
had domestic troubles to occupy them, Kobad wu I 
at thk tiiue esfpecmlly anxious about the mtccession* 
Hti Lad four som,' Kajtoes, Zaioea, FbLboiuaraas, and 
duMTD^ of whom KiAses mm tlie ddcsl. This prieice« 
llOW«?er, did not pleiuie him. His aFtietiaai were &xed 
oa his fourth ton, Cbosroys, and he had no object more 
at heart than to iecure the crown for thb {avourite 
ciiiUL The Homan writers tell us* that iiiiteiMl of ^ 
reaentifig thu proceedings of Justin in the yean A.n. 
520-A22, Kobod made the strange prapoaiil to him 
alMJUt this lifOQ that b« aboutd ailopt Chofroi^ in order 
that thai prinoe miglit have the aid of the Bomans 
against liis eountryniem, if hk right of naoeeaikni fthould 
be disputed. It ta» uo doubt, diffieuh to belioire that i 
such a propositioQ should have been made; but the 
drcmnslantial manner in which Proeoptust writing not 
forty yiaaiB afkeft rotates the matter^ rendcfs it atmosi 
iiniM>>^il)If for us to rcgect the »loTy as a pure fabrica- 
tion. TluTe must have been some foundation for it. 
In ihi* iieguiialions between Justin and Kobad during 
lli«» tarly years of the former, the idea of Rome pledging 
lirPH^'lf to ^knowledge Chosroi's as his fatlier's succes- 
M»r must have been brought forward. The proposal, 
whatever its exact tenns, led however to no n^sult. 
iJoiiif dttlined to do as Kobad desired;* and thus 

* 'ni«>r>phAxi !». 14.3, A. cmlled AD old mfto ill A.D. 60d hj 

* JuAtin WM su[tr-«i|rbt at bu J. Lrdut ( 7 V Mt^yuirmt, iii. 63). 
AT. c-Mj'to (4.D. />1M), mad Would, * S> Ui« It4»m*ii writeri ( IYlico|>. 
c^>c««»<;|urctJT U* •r%eot^-two in //. /*. t. 11 ; p^ 91), A; oooMTMi 
A c. ItTJ If Kob*d WM •iirht?- with Tbeopluui. itrom. j^ 14&, C). 
t«*> ftt bi* d«nitb to AD. &Sl, M Tabah ^lUru bim fM mim (CV»- 
Joko i< MaIaU d«lArt« (iriii. m^w^. fol. ii p. 14>4). 

p '.Ml. IM. b« wuttid U MTtotT- * I'mtip^//. /'.i. 11; pp.aa-aS; 
xhT^ in AD. r*Ti. 1 Miipvct Uiat Tb«opbAa. i%rom. pi 14S, C. D. 

' Tb« poaad ol tk« ntwml b 

b« wat tmllj oUcr, man b« u 



[Ch. XEL 

another ground of estrangement was added to those 
which had previously made the renewal of the Eoman 
war a mere question of time. 

It is probable that the rupture would have occurred 
earher than it did had not Persia about the year a.d. 
523 become once more the scene of religious discord 
and conspiracy. The followers of Mazdak had been 
hitherto protected by Kobad, and had Uved in peace and 
multiphed throughout all the provinces of the empire.^ 
Content with the toleration which they enjoyed, they 
had for above twenty years created no disturbance, 
and their name had almost disappeared from the re- 
cords of history. But as time went on they began to 
feel that their position was insecure.* Their happiness, 
their very safety, depended upon a single life ; and as 
Kobad advanced in years they grew to dread more 
and more the prospect which his death would open. 
Among his sons there was but one who had embraced 
their doctrine ; and this prince, Phthasuarsas, had but 
little chance of being chosen to be his father's successor. 
Kaoses enjoyed the claim of natural right ; Chosroes 
was his father s favourite ; Zames had the respect and 
good wishes of the great mass of the people ;® Phtha- 
suarsas was disliked by the Magi,* and, if the choice lay 
with them, was certain to be passed over. The sec- 
taries therefore determined not to wait the natural 
course of events, but to shape them to their own 

said to have been, that, as Justin 
bad no natural son, a son by adop- 
tion might have claimed to be his 
heir, and therefore to inherit from 
him the Roman Empire I 

* See above, p. 352. 

^ The only ancient writer who 
gives this history at length, Theo- 
phanes, calls the sectaries 'Mani- 

but there can be little 
doubt that the Mazdakites are in- 
tended. (See Dr. Plate's article on 
the SASSA17IDJB in Smith's Diet, of 
Gk. and Rom, Biography^ vol. iii. 
p. 719.) 

8 Procop. B, P, i. 11 ; p. 30, A. 

^ As a Mazdakite (Theophan. 
Chrm, p. 145, C). 

purpoeca. They promised Phtfiasaonsab to obtain by 
ibeir pmyeri hb fiither's abdicaiion and hb owq up* 
pobuncDt to succeed him, and asked htm to pledge 
hinucir to c8tAbli5b their religion as that of tbe Stater 
when he bocamo king. The prince cotun^nled ; and 
the Mazdakiles proceeded to arnmgo iheir plaos, when^ 
unfartunatety far tbcm^ Kobad diseoiri!redf or sospeetedi 
that a 9t heme wan on foot to deprive him of his cruwiL 
Wtiether the d^jigns of the eecUiries were really irea- 
iooable or Qot b uncertain ; bat whatever they were, 
an oriental monarrii was oot Ukely to view them with 
favour. In the Eiisi it 19 an ofi^w even to lipeeulate on 
the death of tlie king ; and Kobad mw in the intrigue 
wlijch bad been msi on foot a eriminiil and dangerous 
oooapiracy. He determined at otice to crush the 
morement. luvitiug thm Maidakitei to a aolemn as- 
amsbly, at which he wia to confw tba niyal dignity on 
Fhthasuarnas, he caumMl his army to surround ibe un* 
arm<^l multitude and maaiacre tha c»itit« number,^ 

Relieve<l from this jx^ril, Kobad would at once have 
declartnl war against Justin, and have marched an 
anny into Roman lerrilor}% liad not troubles broken 
out in Ilx?ria, which made it necessary for him to 
stand on the defeni*ive.' Adopting the intolerant policy 
so fre^juenily pursueil, and generally with such ill re- 
•*ultj*, by the IVr^ian kings, Kobad had commanded 
Gurgtnc?', the IlK'rian monarch, to renounce Chris- 
Uanily and profess the ZoroitHtrian religion. Especially 
he had reijuinnl that the IlK'rian custom of burying 
tin- chad should be relinquisheil, and that the Persian 
jmu'iice of t'XjKwin;/ a>q)«kcs to be devoured by dogs 



[Oh. XrX. 

and birds of prey^ should supersede the Christian rite 
of sepulture. Gurgenes was too deeply attached to his 
faith to entertain these propositions for a moment. He 
at once shook off the Persian yoke, and, declaring himself 
a vassal of Eome, obtained a promise from Justin that 
he would never desert the Iberian cause. Eome, how- 
ever, was not prepared to send her own armies into this 
distant and inhospitable region ; her hope was to obtain 
aid from the Tatars of the Crimea,^ and to play off these 
barbarians against the forces wherewith Kobad might 
be expected shortly to vindicate his authority. An 
attempt to engage the Crimeans generally in this ser- 
vice was made, but it was not successful. A small 
force was enrolled and sent to the assistance of 
Gurgenes. But now the Persians took the field in 
strength. A large army was sent into Iberia by Kobad, 
under a general named Boes. Gurgenes saw resistance 
to be impossible. He therefore fled the country, and 
threw himself into Lazica, where the difficult nature of 
the ground, the favour of the natives, and the assist- 
ance of the Romans enabled him to maintain himself. 
Iberia, however, was lost, and passed once more under 
the Persians, who even penetrated into Lazic territory 
and occupied some forts which commanded the passes 
between Lazica and Iberia.^ 

Rome, on her part, endeavoured to retaliate (a.d. 
526) by invading Persarmenia and Mesopotamia. The 
campaign is remarkable as that in which the greatest 
general of the age, the renowned and unfortunate 
Belisarius, first held a command and thus commenced 

» See Herod, i. 140 ; Strab. xv. 
3, § 20 ; Agathifts, ii. p. 60. Com- 
pare Vendidddj Farg. v. to Farff. viii. 

^ These people are called * Huns ' 
by the Byzantines (Procop. B, P, 

i. 12 ; p. 33, D ; Joh. Malal. xviiL 
p. 66, A), who however use the 
term too vaguely for us to be sure 
that real Huns are intended. 
» Procop. B. P. p. 34, C. 


the woric of leaniiiig by e3tp<*rience the doltes of a 
luiliUuy leAfler* Qitherto a mere ganrdsmmi^ luid 
ttil] qmU: A yuulli/ tmmmelleil inoreOTerby aB^dxriation 
with li eollengiie, he did QOt on this ocra'^ion reafi nny 
laiir^b. A PendoB force under two geneniL% Nar&cs 
and AnUiuit defended PemnneDift, and, ei]4i:aging the 
Botimii^ under Sittiia and Bi'lisariita^ fuccecdcn) in do* 
feating them. At the mine time^ Licelarius, a TlimciAij 
in the £oumn service, niude an incursion into the tract 
about Khabiii but grew alanned without caciae and 
beat a f]ieedy retreat. Hereupon Justin leaiUed htm 
u iDCoinpeleat^ and tiie further conduct of the m*ar in 
Maapoimnh wm entrusted Ui JkMmxim, who took up 
hk head-quarten at Daras, 

The year a.d, 627 ieems to have been one in which 
nothing of importanw wia attempte^l on i*ith(?r ^ide. 
At (^oMtantioc^k tbe Emperor Justin had fallen into 
iU beahh^ and^ after aiMoctating hii nephew JiL«finian 
on the lit of April, had departed this life on the bt of 
Aupust* About the same time* Kobad found his 
Mrength insufficient for active warfare, and put the 
command of his armies into the hands of his sons. 
The •*tnijrj:le continued in I^zica, but with no decisive 
^c^uh.* At I)aras, Ik»lisarius, apparently, stood on the 
defen!<ive. It was not till AD. 528 had set in that 
lie n-^umiil operations in the o|>en field, and prepared 
onrf more to measure his strength against that of Persia. 

Ii<-Ii«%iirius was stirred fn)m hli repose by an order 
from ciiurt. Desirous of carrj'ing further the policy of 

> Pmrop. H P p. .%4. D Cknm. limAmU, tqL I n. S^IA. 

* riinUm. /' R. voL t. p. 74^. and TKfrypbMiM, p. 140, ^ TIm 

* So* Job. MaUL Ckrvmo^mfJL lUmmo |r«ii«fmU ^lUUTplltd tktoottg 
IV 111. p. nil, li UirmvlTf*, And fiii«Uj the liomAD 

* To Ui« l^uc wmr of tbU Unopa wert wiUidimwa ttom tk% 
fmn'*\ •^m to brlaojr tb« noticpt cuunUj. 

in Jok^mm. MaUL iTtiL p. 165, C ; • 




[Ch. XIX, 

gaining ground by means of fortified posts/ Justinian, 
who had recently restored and sttengthened the fron- 
tier city of Martyropolis,^ on the Nyraphius, sent in- 
structions to Belisarius, early in a.d. 528, to the effect 
that he was to build a new fort at a place called 
Mindon, on the Persian border, a little to the left of 
Nisibis.^ The work was commenced, but the Persians 
would not allow it to proceed. An army which num- 
bered 30,000 men, commanded by Xerxes,* son of 
Kobad, and Perozes, the Mihran,^ attacked the Koman 
workmen; and when BeUsarius, reinforced by fresh 
troops from Syria and Phoenicia, ventured an engage- 
ment, he was completely defeated and forced to seek 
safety in flight. The attempted fortification was, upon 
this, razed to the ground ; and the Mihran returned, 
with numerous prisoners of importance, into Persia.^ 

It is creditable to Justinian that he did not allow 
the ill-success of his lieutenant to lead to his recall or 
disgrace. On the contrary, he chose exactly the time 
of his greatest depression to give him the title of 
* General of the East.' ^ Belisarius upon this assembled 
at Daras an imposing force, composed of Eomans and 
aUies, the latter being chiefly Massagetae. The entire 
number amounted to 25,000 men ; ® and with this army 
he would probably have assumed the offensive, had not 
the Persian general of the last campaign, Perozes the 
Mihran,^ again appeared in the field, at the head of 

1 See above, p. 860. 

3 Joh. Malal. xyiii p. 64, B. 

» Procop. B. P. i. 13 ; p. 36, B. 
For the position of Martyropolis, 
see ibid. i. 21 ; p. 62, C. 

* John of Malftla supplies here 
many facts not noted by Frocopius, 
but quite consistent with his narra- 
tive {Chronograph, xviii. p. 60, 

^ Johann. Malal. xviii. p. 60, C ; 
Procop. B. P, i. 13; p. 36, C, D. 
« Procop. B, P. p. 36, D. 
^ Ibid. 

• Ibid. p. 37, A. 

• The name Perozes is given by 
Procopius only (B. P. p. 36, C). 
The title Mihran is given, as if a 
proper namCy by John of Mafala 
(Chronograph, xviiL p. 60, C). 



40,000 Feivtaiuw' and dediuxHl liis bteutioti of btmeg- 
tag atid Uikirtg Ditru^. Witli the inaulenco of iin 
Orientiil lie aent a iii€9«ige lo Bclmritia, requiring liiiu 
to htiv€* lib baUi |iru{iaruil ftjr Uie tncimjw^ as after 
titktiig Uie tuwu he wuuld nuci) Uuil kitiil uf refn^li* 
tmmL^ h^lmrim consented liiimcdf, in reply* with 
dnwing aul hk troops in front of Dtros iJi m poritioii 
ain^iiUy prepared befurdiand, where b< itli his eeuire and 
bii Ontiloi wotdd be protocl«d by i deep ditcli, ouulde 
of which tltere wtiuld Im! room lo ad for his ctavaliy. 
p€fVM&e»t having recDiinuUriHl the jiofition, hesitated to 
altadi il without a greater adrantJige of uumben*, and 
icttt hastily to NHfain for 10,000 tnant soltljcn, whUe he 
allowed the day to ^mm witiKnit anytlting more sfterioiiA 
than a demom^lnilion of hiji cavalry againi^t the RomoD 
k(U and aooMi inflgpEificaiit fliogW oomboli*.' 

The nejcl mmniog hia rejaforoeoieiit arrived ;^ and 
aft^T ariciio eiccbaogo of misnges with B^'lii^ritis* 

• i"rx*<'p, ft, /-. p, o7, A. 

* S»-«- thr nArrmtne of Pf\>cupiu« 
<// /• pj. .57 -.. 

• l*rN..p. i 14. <K/tMi/. 

* Thr r<lio*inj: ymvT*' lh«» Ifltrr» 
whuh |i&M*^l Utw«'rn thf two 
l«>»i«T«. if W(* IllAV truAt ]*n<M>piuA. 
iVliMUiuft mvtW ' It u Adiuitt«Ml 
by all Xh"^ wb«> hare* rvpo tbo 
•tuAlU-*! •iiarv* of wumIoui. that 
p»-Arr u ft ^'-mi which rxoU all 
oti»»-r« \Vh«-r» f«in\ if a niftii b«» • 
d»*turb^r Mf prft«r, b« will c«um» 
^ti\ n >\ <*filT to iiri^bbtHinntr n*- 
ti'<o«. but %I*i> hi hi* uwo kilii and 
kin Arnl be Irulir u ibr t*^t 
^'fK-rml wK'» {)ri%r« bimftrlf r«|iAbU 
fti bnn^ntr iw'ft*** ^ul <*( war. Ilul 
thou, wbrn II !»•• ftXMi lVr»ift yKrrt* 
« n lb* Jjr^t •»( trniU.dtd»t ft'frr iijxm 

u« ft wftf f"r whicb tbrfr wftA no ma- 
•i fi. tinr* irtif n^jj^xtiv*" k>n/« wrr*» 
prftctmU/ dupuMd tuwftixb rarb 

otbf r, and am o a — a q ur^ oaa oone and 
wcp' ftt no ^Tt^ftt diiitaxice,i*tnpowert?<l 
to nnnmnl*' <)urdifrert*nr<*a — ambaft- 
ftadort, I Miy, who will «Ti*n dow 
arran^ temui of p(*ac« between ua, 
if no inftuniiountable impiMliment 
ahMi from tbia invai^ion. I prmy 
tbtH*, withdraw thy force inatantly 
tDU» IVrtian territiiry, and be not 
an obata4'l<f to the pru«pentjr of 
thr rountry, l«»ftl pcradTrnturr thy 
r<»untr>mtn nhall raat on tbee the 
blame of wbftt thry may benWirr 
•ufffT.' IVmi«« rrplird : * I would 
ba^e don<* tbat wbirb it rrqut^tipd 
of mr, ronTincrd by what tbou 
badst wnltrn. if I 'bad not b^ 
tboiiirht myM-lf that tlie letter < 

from Uomanft, who are al war* rettdy 
to t>r»miM*, but little iocfined to 
prrtorm tbrir pn»miftr«, evro wben 
they bavfi tw.irn to tbrm. It it 
on arrount 4»f tbe df^reita wbirh 
you bate practiaad upoo m ibal 




[Ch. XIX. 

which led to no result, he commenced active opera- 
tions. Placing his infantry in the centre, and his horse 
upon either wing, as the Eomans had hkewise done, 
and arranging his infantry so that one half should fix)m 
time to time relieve the other,^ he assaulted the 
Eoman Une with a storm of darts and arrows. The 
Eomans repUed with their missile weapons ; but the 
Persians had the advantage of numbers; they were 
protected by huge wattled shields ; and they were more 
accustomed to this style of warfare than their adversa- 
ries. Still the Eomans held out ; but it was a relief to 
them when the missile weapons were exhausted on 
both sides, and a closer fight began along the whole 
line with swords and spears. After a while the Eoman 
left was in difficulties. Here the Cadiseni (Cadusians?) 
under Pituazes routed their opponents, and were pur- 
suing them hastily when the Massagetic horse, com- 
manded by Sunicas and Aigan, and three hundred 
Heruli under a chief called Pharas, charged them on 
their right flank, and at once threw them into disorder. 

we hare been compelled to tnke up 
arms; therefore, my Roman friends, 
you uiay be sure that you will have 
to meet the Persians in battle. 
Our resolution is taken either to 
compel you to do us justice, or 
else to nold our present position 
till death or old age disable us.^ 
Belisarius made the following re- 
joinder: — *It is wrong, most ex- 
cellent Mirrbanes, to indulge in 
vain boasting, and wrong, more- 
over, to tax one's neighbours with 
crimes to which they are strangers. 
We said with truth that Rutinus 
was near at hand, and had brought 
with him terms of peace — you 
yourself will not be able to deny 
this much longer. If, however, 
you are bent on fighting, we shall 
meet yea confidenUy in the belief 

that God is on our side. We have 
conciliated His favour by the fair- 
ness of our proceedings, while your 
arrogance and rejection of the con- 
ditions of peace which we offered 
must have offended Him. To mark 
the justice of our cause, we shall 
attach to our standards, ere we 
engage, the documents which we 
have exchanged recently.' Perozes 
answered to this : * We too believe 
that we have not begun this war 
without the sanction of our own 
gods; under their protection we 
shall attack you; and we trust 
that their aid will enable us to 
take Daras to-morrow. Have my 
bath and my breakfast in readiness 
for me within the walls.' (See 
Procop. B, P. i. 14 ; pp. 38-9.^ 
* Procop. p. 40, D, 


Cn. XIX.] IU1TLK or niMAS, S71 

Three UioiLianti fell, utul the iwl wera driven back upon 
iheir nuun body» which rtill coiitinutHl to fight bravely. 
The Bofima» did not \)mh their advtititAgt^t but weris 
wtiiiiifHl tn rroecupy the groutid from whleli they hud 
b«?eii driven,* 

Setreely wm the battle rtf-e^itiiblUhed in thbi cjujirLer 
when the Rcimurui found ilM^mifielvea in fftill greater 
diffictilUefl u|KHi their right. Here I'iTozei had deter- 
mined to deliver hiji mnin attnck. The ixirpi of Jm- 
mcrtalu^ which be hjid kepi in reserve^ and siteh titiops 
1^ he could ffpare from his eentrci wcro Mcn^y iiii»ed 
upon hi.i oMn left,' and chai^getl ihe Boman right wilh 
mch fury that it waj broken atod began a hasty retreat. 
The Per^tiani punued in a long column^ and were 
emrrying all before than, when once tncrni an impetuous 
flank dtaigt of tlie liartmHan cavalr}% whirb now fnrmeil 
an impoilanl element in tlie Kotmui annt<^, changcil 
the face of tftiiinv and indeed deridi^il the fortune of 
the day. The Peman eotumn wa« firtunily cat in two 
by the Ma^-^^aL'itir li<»n**»; thr)se who had advanced the 
fiirtlu?*i wrrt* roinpletfly s<»|)arati*<l from their friends 
and wvrr at oikc siirnnuultMl and >laiii. Among them 
wa^ tin* ?*tandard-lH»anT of Jfciri'**inaiH*^, who eoui- 
mandtHl ihr lVr*»ian left. Thr fall of i\m man in- 
rn :iMil tin- tr<*n«*nil confusion. In vain did the Pen^ian 
roluiiuu rlM< kt-d in it?* advanre, attempt an onlerly 
n tr«-ai. llir iJoinans ji^suiIUmI it in front and on botli 
llaiik*, and a lt*rriM<* carna;ii» rn«»ut'<l. Tin? (Townini» 
ih^a-^trr \v:i«* ilu» drath of Haromani's, who wa.H !*lain l)y 
Siinira*', th«* ^^4^^foth ; wlKn*ii|M»n t!u» whol(» Per- 
sian army brokt- and ih^\ without ofliTing any further 
r«-M«»tan« !• n« n* frll .')JMM>, inrludinir numlxTJ of the 

» Prw^. B, P. p. II. M, i\ \K • IW. ^ a, A. 




[Ch. XIX. 

* Immortals.' The slaughter would have been still 
greater, had not Belisarius and his lieutenant, Hermo- 
genes, with wise caution restrained the Roman troops 
and recalled them quickly from the pursuit of the 
enemy, content with the success which they had 
achieved. It was so long since a Eoman army had 
defeated a Persian one in the open field, that the vic- 
tory had an extraordinary value, and it would have 
been foolish to risk a reverse in the attempt to give it 
greater completeness.^ 

While these events took place in Mesopotamia, the 
Persian arms were also unsuccessful in the Armenian 
highlands, whither Kobad had sent a second army to 
act offensively against Rome, under the conduct of a 
certain Mermeroes. The Roman commanders in this 
region were Sittas, the former colleague of Belisarius,^ 
and Dorotheus, a general of experience. Their troops 
did not amount to more than half the number of the 
enemy,' yet they contrived to inflict on the Persians 
two defeats, one in their own territory, the other in 
Roman Armenia. The superiority thus exhibited by the 
Romans encouraged desertions to their side ; and in 
some instances the deserters were able to carry over 
with them to their new friends small portions of 
Persian territory.'^ 

In the year a.d. 531, after a vain attempt at nego- 
tiating terms of peace with Rome,^ the Persians made an 

' Ixavov avTolQ KarntaivEro rijv 
vUrjv dKp{u<f>vtj oiaautcriKrOai* fioKjiov 
yap xP^^o^ 'Putfiaiuv ry fidxv iKeivy 
Ty if^knq, ritrarfOrfrav Wkpaai, (Procop. 
B. P. i. 14, sub Jin.) 

a See above, p. 367. 

'The Persians are estimated at 
30.000, the Romans at less than 
half that number (Procop. i. 15; 
p. 43, D). 

* A fort named Bolon, not far 

from Tbeodosiopolis, and a district 
called Pharangium, which lay be- 
tween Persarmenia and Tzania, and 
had gold mines in it, are the gains 
mentioned (ibid. p. 44, C ; p. 45, D). 
* Ibid. pp. 46-7. Kobad re- 
quired that either Daras should be 
evacuated and destroyed, or that 
the trouble and expense of defend- 
ing the pass of Derbend should be 
shared between the two nationfli 

eflbrl to rwdvcr tbelr laurels by canyitig the war into 
A MW quarter and L*flbetii»g a new combiiiatioTL AIe* 
mJifiilanis, tlietkh of the Bamwriic Ambst, had long been 
n bitter enemy of tl»e Romfiiifl, imd from his mh nttreol 
lit the cli!f>ert had bet!n aa!U!<tomefl for fifty yenrit to 
mngtc, elmiM at hh will, tJie eturtem provtrtcx*! of 
the eosptiu* Two years previously he hutl mrriefl 
fint tfid 9WOftl through tbe regiotiif of Up|KT Byna, 
Had buruLKl the siilnirtn of Chulcii,' aiul thretit4^nefl 
the Ilomau capital of the Eai^t, the rkb asd luj^iiriom 
AnLiocfa. He owed* it would seem, aomo aon of 
aUegkncc to Pervta^* although pvudiotlly bo wm iti- 
ikpcudent, and mmU im taqicdiunm when and where 
Im fieased. Iluwifrer^ in a o. hiU^ he put liim-^4f 
al the di^wsal of rerriat propoied a juini expedition, 
and rnggi^tefl a new plan of camfiaign. 'Uasopo- 
tamiii and Ui^hm'n^* he fnUl, ' on which the Peniant 
wefv MemlOfneil to make their attacks^ eutitd better 
rcKft Uwan titan almost any other part of the Roman 
trrritory. In tluM* provin<vs wwv llic* *itron}^i»i«t of 
thr Hoinan riti*-*, fortifuil acconlinj: to thi» latcj^t niles 
of an, ami plentifully r^iippliiMl with eviTy appliance 
of <1« f«ii^i\r warfan*. Tln*re, t<H), wrrr the lH*>t and 
lna\«-( of tlif IJoinaii tnH)p>, and an army more 
iiunMP'iiH than iJonir had fvcr employed a^niinst iVr- 
^!:^ UfMri'. It would 1m' niost ptrilou-H l*» ri>k an 
«-n< ouiit'T on ihi-i ^Tound. Ixt lVn*ia, liowovtT, in- 
\a«h* thr cnuntn* lKy(»n<l tin* Kuphratc!*, and ^llc 
w.»uid lind hut few nh'^taclr^ In thai n*gion tliere 
w< r«- no ^lr«»nL: fi»rtre^M-*, nor wan there any anny 

' Vr^^y It V I 17. p •'«<>. \K «1».' ». »'Ut prr.UMr m^n« •C'hml- 

ar^l y M. A . J 'f»«r.n. M»Ul. toil. ri». wnr** ibrrr wa* do M'hAlcwIon' 

p ft». H . Ihr* pbao. %oL I. p. jn .•**r.ic 
].;i 1» • Vrx^p. D. I\ p. TiO. A; p. 

' 1 bfH pb4i;4^ Mft * CbAicnloO * 01, U. 



[Ch. XIX. 

worth mention. Antioch itself, the richest and most 
populous city of the Eoman East, was without a gar- 
rison, and, if it were suddenly assaulted, could pro- 
bably be taken. The incursion might be made, An- 
tioch sacked, and the booty caiTied off into Persian 
territory before the Eomans in Mesopotamia received 
intelligence of what was happening/ Kobad listened 
with approval, and determined to adopt the bold 
course suggested to him. He levied a force of 15,000 
cavalry,^ and, placing it under tlie command of a 
general named Azarethes,^ desired him to take Ala- 
mandarus for his guide and make a joint expedition 
with him across the Euphrates. It was understood 
that the great object of the expedition was the capture 
of Antioch. 

The aUied army crossed the Euphrates below Cir- 
cesium,® and ascended the right bank of the river till 
they neared the latitude of Antioch, when they struck 
westward and reached Gabbula * (the modern Jabul), 
on the north shore of the salt lake now known as the 
Sabakhah.^ Here they learned to their surprise that 
the movement, which they had intended to be wholly 

* Procop. B, P, i. 18, ad init, 

' So Procopius (I.8.C.). John of 
Malala calls him Exarath (xviii. 
p. 69, B). 

' John of Malala speaks of the 
Persian anny as passing ha row 
Ktpifijm.n', which in classical Greek 
would mean * through Circesium ; ' 
but his language is so impure that 
we may understand hira to mean 
* passing by it,* on the other side of 
the Euphrates. So the Latin trans- 
lator renders the passage * Circesium 

* Procop. B, P. p. 62, C; Jo- 
hann. Mai. l.s.c. It is curious that 
Procopius speaks of the country in- 
vaded as Commagene, Commagene 

was properly the small tract at the 
extreme N.£. of Syria, having Sa- 
mosata for its capital, and not ex- 
tending further south than lat 37^. 
The tract invaded by Azarethes 
was evidently Chalybo'nitis, all the 
towns that are mentioned (Hiera- 
polis, Batnse, Barbalissus, Gabbula, 
&c.) lying in that region. The 
line of the Persian march is g^ven 
best b^ J. Malalas, who names 
successively Circesium, Callinicus, 
and Gabbula, and places Roman 
troops in Hierapolis and Barba- 

^ See the Author's Ancimt M<m^ 
archies, vol. ii. p. 466, 2nd edition. 

Oi. xrx} mc raRgiAXs ixtade erBU. ^H 

unknown to the Bomiiiifl«liad come lo the enm of Beliaa- 
ritm»^ who hfld at once quitusi Dums, and proceaded bj 
forced mnrclies lo the defcneo of Syria, iolo which he 
bid tlirowii hitnaelf with ati anuy of 20/)(>0 mciu' 
Bcmiini, Imatiruinit, LycaOnkua,* and Aiuba^ Hii 
troopt were already iniaqKMied betweai the Beraana 
and ihmr long^lVir prey, Beli^anuii having fixed his 
hi!ad-{]tmiter» at Cliideii»/ luUf a degree to the west 
r>r Oabbuta, and twenty- fi^e mUea nenfer to Antioch. 
7hm bfuilked of Iheir purpose, and d^pairing of any 
grmler sucoes9 thaw they iiad alrDiuly aehicreij^ tho] 
allia» becaune auxiuui to return to Pcn^ia wiili ihd' 
plunder of tbe S^rriau towns mA villagei which they 
liad tadud on their advance Beliiariui waa quite 
cocit4!!at that Uiey i^bould carry off their flpa0, and J 
wutild have eonsitlercd it a mtflident rietorj' l« have' 
fnifltrmted tlie ciacpi^tlition widiout striking a blow.* 
Bui bit army waa othcrwiae mindal ; they were eager 
for battle and hoped doubtlets toitrip the flying foe of 
hi* ri<*h b)«>ty. ISoI^jiriiS'* wri< * ^ ♦ f ,\ , . :. ^ 
\u^ lHtt«r jini;/inrnt, lo inihil^'c their desire!^ and allow 
:m itij tJcMnrnt, wliirh w:lh foujrht on the l)ank9 of 
tin- luipliniit-^, iiciirly oj)|>4i>iio Calliniciif«.* Ilrre the 
rM!i«lu' t of {\u* Itoinan tr(K>|)?t in action com'j^iionded but 
lil to tlnir anxiity for a coiiflitn. The infantry indee<l 
*!.nm1 firin, nolwith'*t:iiHlin^ that they fou^'ht fasting;" 
hut tlir Saraeenir Anil>**, of whom a [>ortion were on 

' h »p{w»«r« fr«m J.»hn «»f MaUIa T1»r \mtXrr plAr»*« li«*liMinuA at lUr- 

! ;•! tb*- rtp^liti-'narv f«trrv wmi baJiMiuft, thirty luiJr* mui of (iab* 

*-«-'! a* It fiAAkr^ (ailtniru*, and buU. 
ti^! lotr !.».•*• nn^ wAJi at t*tHy c*io- * I*rt**»p. p. A.i, A. 
irt«-l t» lU-liMDu* Ai l»Ar%%. * Ibt<l. (NimpArv Ja MaUl. xriii. 

' Pr. p // /'. J VJ, H p. :n. r. 

» Ihil p v.. r. ' Th** bAttU WAA f.»ujfht upoo 

• *»> . I';<«^^»}'tu« ( p. '"ii.*. r I. wkow» FjutT Ktr, mhrn tiie (*hri«tiAiiA 

A -jrb >rttv oQ •n'h A |»>iint fnu*t tw of th«* Aiith r^otury CAAt«id tiU 

pfrfrrrrd to tiiAt of J. MaIaUa. a/Wr u^htiAll (IVuoop. pw 63, B). 



the Eoman side, and the Isaurian and Lycaonian horse, 
who had been among the most eager for the fray, 
oflfered scarcely any resistance ; and, the right wing of 
the Eomans being left exposed by their flight, Belisa- 
rius was compelled to make his troops turn their faces 
to the enemy, and their backs to the Euphrates, and in 
this position, where defeat would have been ruin, to meet 
and resist all the assaults of the foe until the shades 
of evening fell, and he was able to transport his troops 
in boats across the river. The honours of victory rested 
with the Persians, but they had gained no substantial 
advantage ; and when Azarethes returned to his master 
he was not unjustly reproached with having sacrificed 
many lives for no appreciable result.^ The raid inta 
Syria had failed of its chief object ; and Belisarius, 
though defeated, had returned, with the main strength 
of his army intact, into Mesopotamia. 

The battle of Callinicus was fought on Easter Eve, 
April 19. Azarethes probably reached Ctesiphon and 
made his report to Kobad towards the end of the 
month. Dissatisfied with what Azarethes had achieved, 
and feehng that the season was not too far advanced 
for a second campaign, Kobad despatched an army, 
under three chiefs, into Mesopotamia, where Sittas was 
now the principal commander on the Eoman side, as 
Belisarius had been hastily summoned to Byzantium in 
order to be employed against the Vandals in Afi-ica. 
This force found no one to resist it in the open field, 
and was therefore able to invade Sophene and lay 
siege to the Eoman fortress of Martyropolis.^ Marty- 
ropolis was ill provisioned, and its walls were out of 
repair. The Persians must soon have taken it, had not 

* Procop. p. 56, D. 

' Ibid. p. 62, C. Compare Jo. Malal. xviii. p. 73, A, B. 

€a. XKJ nZXTU or E0BAI>— III» cnAltltTEK, 

4i I 

Sit tun c'OQirivixI lo aprcftd re{K»rtft of a diL'crttoQ which 
ibc Uuns were ahtmt to nultc! m Bomjui allien Ft^ar 
of being caugbl bciwoeii iwo fires pamlypKl the Per- 
mn GoniQiander? ; and brfcire cveaii uodecehrcHl theni, 
oewB Arrived in the annp that Kc^jod was dcud, and 
I^Al a new prince s&t qpun the throne. Uttder the^ ^ 
einrumsliinraav Chonamiiges, the chief of the PemAn 
mm ummJem, yielded to Fepri-M^ntntiatif inmU* by BittaSi 
thai piiuce would now probably be made bc^tween 
the contending [K)wer5» and withdn&w his Army into 
Penttiu territory.* 

Kobttd had. in (ni% been letzed with pamlyitj^^ <m 
the 8th of ^'plember,^ aisdt Af^er an iUnesA whic h 
buted only five diiysi luid expta^d. Before dying, he 
hAd raiiiiDunk!Atefl to htn chief mininter, Mcbodesi, hk 
eAniest i\*mm that CboRTolii ihould Mioeefd him upon 
the thmoi^ and, Ading uiider the Advice of Uebodes^ liad 
form Ally left the citurn lo him by a will duly cieenlod.* 
He ii Mid by a cotitemponry l4i have been dghly-two 
vrars oM at In** dratfi/ an i\*iv verj- M»l(lc»m nttiiineil by 
an Orimtal monarch. His l«»nt: life wa?« more than 
ii-ually rvtiitful, and \\v rannot Ih» (li*nie<l the praise of 
a« ii\it\\ ]MrM*veian4i% fertility of reMUirce, and grnenU 
iiulitary iMpuiiy. Mul he was eniel and fiekh» ; lie 
• li*j/ra<*iil Ills iiiiiii**ters and his <jenerals on insufheient 
;.'r'»und«<; hi* allowiNl hini»M*If, from ronsideralions of 
|<y, to smoilier hi?« rehj^Moiis convietionH; nn<l lie 
n-k**il suhjtMiin;: Tep^ia to ilie horrors of a civil war, 
\i\ ordir to ^jratify a favomiii^m \vhi*h, however jn^^li- 
!i» d l»y tlir rvenf, S4ems to liave re^tc'd on no W(»rthy 
in..?iv«- riiM-pH*'* wan preftrnHJ on a«'r(»unt of \m 
Im :iutv, and Ui :iu«M» lie wa** the son of KoUid's besl- 

• Tro'p 1^ (It, n, \liikhoDd, p. VAi. • Jo. MaUI Uc. 



[Ch. XIX. 

loved wife/ rather than for any good qualities; and 
inherited the kingdom, not so much because he had 
shown any capacity to govern as because he was 
his father's darling. 

The coins of Kobad are, as might be expected from 
the length of his reign, very numerous. In their gene- 
ral appearance they resemble those of Zamasp, but do 
not exhibit quite so many stars and crescents. The 
legend on the obverse is either * Kavdt ' or * Kavdt 
afzui^ i.e. ' Kobad,' or ' May Kobad be increased.' ^ 
The reverse shows the regnal year, wliich ranges from 
eleven to forty-three,® together with a mint-mark. 
The mint-marks, wliich are nearly forty in number, 
comprise almost all those of Perozes, together witii 
about thirteen others.^ 


» Procop. i. 11 ; p. 30, A ; Mir- 
khond, p. .-^52. 

* See Mordtmann in the Zeit- 
schift, vol. viii. pp. 78-83 ; vol. xii. 
pp. 13-19; and Thomas in the 
Numismatic Chronicle for 1873, pp. 
230-232. Both authorities aprree 
aa to the meaning of afzui or afzu, 
(See Zeitschr. viii. p. 79 j ^^um, 
Chron. p. 231, note «».) 

* Kobad, it is evident, counted 
to his reign the two years during 

which Zamasp was king, as well as 
those during which he actually 
reigned. His two reigns Cll + 30) 
comprised really but forty-one 
years. Forty -threey however, is 
the number usually assigned to 
him. (See Tabari, vol. ii. p. 161 ; 
Mirkhond, p. 358 ; Jo. Malal. xviii. 
p. 73, D ; Eutych. vol. ii. p. 176.) 

* Mordtmann in the Zeitschrift, 
vol. viii. pp. 78-83 ; Thomas * in 
Num. Chron, for 1873, p. 232. 

Co. XX.] AOCBSBIOir OP €B0tB0lB L 879 


9f Choan»$ L {Anm Mno m n ). Comtfirmeff to Mhrm^ km 
ermsked. G mwml Urmntjf of Ui$ Ooomwmtmi. Ho t o moh a im Bmoo 
with Rome^ k.^ 633. Tvrmo of tko iWcv. Cmm wkkk U io Hi 
Umptmro. FSni Homom Wmt tf Ckmroio^ A.n. 64(MM4. Soeomi 
Homm Wor, A.D. 640-667. Eodtrm Wtan. CWnfMMtf </ Arokm 
Fefis. S mp fo md Cmmpmgm m Imdim. Wmt wiA tko TMbu JKwaK 
ofJWtormmm. TAird Romom Wmr, A.9. 67%4^71k Ikotk t/ (%omroo$. 

VxVt «■> v^v^X* vA«<#i« Ws ol |i^yMTa.^AoAniuito iv. 2tf ; p. 140, A. 

The accession of Chosroes was not altogether undiB- 
puunl. Kuu!»e9, the eldest of the sons of Kobad, re- 
pinliti^r himself as entitled to the crown by right of 
l»irth, iisMiined the in^i^ia of niyalty on the deatli of 

III"* fatln r, ami rluiiniMl to 1m* a<-kiiowK'djietl as nio- 
iiaitli.' I5ijt MiUnlt*^, tin* npaiid Vizier, int4*q)o?HHl 
\M'!i tIm* a*^'*«itioii of a nMi^titutintial axifHii, tliat no 

• •:.• ii.i'l tli«* r:;jlit of takiii;^' tlit* rri>ian <To\va until it 
\v.i- a-*:;jinil ti» hitn l>y tlif a»finl>ly of tlie noM**?!.*'' 
K I'-**, ulio tlionjhi In* niii/hl rount on tlu' <jfo(Mlwill 

• it tii»' hm!>!i... aitjiiii-s;«'«l ; an<l, tlir a>M*nil)ly Uin;^ 
< ..i.\« !i*''L li> <'l:iini'» wrn* -ul»iniil«'<l to it. IIiTru|Hin 
M.:-ii.-- |.iii'i;jiit tMrwanl tlu* formal totamont of 
K-i- .'!, \\lii''!i lie 1i:m1 iiitlirrto ron4'iMl«*<i. and, ^«ul>- 
Il..:^^_' It I'l tin- n<»!il«*^, t'xlioriitl tlifui to a4*t'«*|>t ilh 
>..!./ ti.« l»ia\«- |»rin«' df*i«^Miali-«l by a liravi* and Mir- 

. • --:... !,4:h« r Hi^ rIiK|iH-n<'»»and authority pri-vaiKiI ; 

' lUvL #!«#•»» •««••« ^^tftti i %Kk^ ^Hhr Ul^wr rw» A«yi|iwr. 



[Ch. XX. 

the claims of Kaoses and of at least one other son of 
Kobad ^ were set aside ; and, in accordance with his 
father's will, Chosroes was proclaimed lawful monarch 
of Persia. 

But a party among the nobles were dissatisfied with 
the decision to which the majority had come. They 
dreaded the restlessness,^ and probably feared the 
cruelty, of Chosroes. It might have been expected 
that they would have espoused the cause of the dis- 
appointed Kaoses, which had a solid basis of legality 
to rest upon ; but, apparently, the personal character 
of Kaoses was unsatisfactory, or, at any rate, there was 
another prince whose quaUties concihated more regard 
and aroused more enthusiasm. Zames, the second son 
of Kobad, had distinguished himself repeatedly in the 
field,^ and was the idol of a considerable section of the 
nation, who had long desired that he should govern 
them. Unfortunately, however, he possessed a dis- 
qualification fatal in the eyes of Orientals ; he had, by 
disease or mischance, lost one of his eyes, and this 
physical blemish made it impossible that he should 
occupy the Persian throne.* Under these circum- 
stances an ingenious plan was hit upon. In order to 
combine respect for law and usage with the practical 
advantage of being governed by the man of their 
choice, the discontented nobles conceived the idea of 
conferring the crown on a son of Zames, a boy named 
after his grandfather Kobad, on whose behalf Zanies 
would naturally be regent.^ Zames readily came into 

^ Zames (see p. 364). It is un- 
certain what had become of Phtha- 

2 Procop. B, P. i. 23 ; p. 66, B. 
X< (Tftoif^ 6 Kafiddov dranT.'-Q Tt ift^ rifv 
Cidvoinv Kai vnortptov irpayfiaTtov 
ttroTTof ipaarriQ* 

> Ibid. p. 30, A. 

* Ibid. ' ErifJOCtfaXfiov q nWy Tiri 
XwjSy ixofievov ov ff/iif UipnrtiQ /jn- 
ffiXia KaOiaraaQai, Compare Herod. 
iii. 73. 

* Procop. i. 23 ; p. 66, C. 


tlio (ilol ; »4ircml of hb Unilher?, anil, what m man 
!Hiiiii|ri% ChuffToyft' niatemtil uiwile, the Aiqicbed, mp' 
Itdtteil him ; the coniiiiracy leemcd nearly mr^ of utio 
fWtfi wiieQ, by mnme iacida^ it wai dbcovorefl^ tiuil 
Ihe oocupaat of the thratie tuok praaipt and cflbclual 
tnc^tsura to cruifa tL Zuioca, KaciisoSf aiul all tbo uiUit 
iDiii of Kobad wi-ro iebcd by unler of Chonrc*^ iiml, 
kfgeih^r wiiA their miirr male o^ifprintj^ wtTe con- 
dianiiii^ to dmth.^ The Aspt'bed, aud the uther uoblei^ 
fcmiid Uj h4i%*e been nwrnrnfy lo tlic cooipinwy, were, 
at the same time, esccuUscL Ouu prtiice alone, tho in- 
tisDikd [luppfi-kirig, Kobad, cst^yied, ihrou^j^h the cum- 
paMQQ of (he Ptinfiari who hud cluirge of liiiu, and, 
lifter pawDg many years to eonoealmrat, beciunc a 
nAlgw al tbe Court of Coiutiiutmople. where he wai 
loiKUy treated by Jui^tiniaa.' 

in^en Cho^rot^ hud by iheie mearis ^leeural hltiinetf 
agaiut the claims of pr^tejideri, he prucocded to em- 
ploy equal tmerity ia reprcMiug the dimrdem^ piiniiih- 
inj/ tlir criiiies, and coni|x*llin«r the ahjivt submission of 
111- Mil»it-it.-. The herc^iarch Mazdak, who hjul escaped 
iln- [)« TMrutiun inslilule<J in liis later years by Kobiid, 
and the he<:l of the Mazdakites, which, despile that 
|MTM'riiii«)n, wjLs still stronj5 and vi«jorous, were the 
lir.-l to ex[>eri«n('e the o[)pre?wive weijrht of his resent- 
intiil : and the eorp<4*s of a hundred tliousand martyrs 
liUi krniu;: ujMin ^ibU'tH [)n)vc»<l the detertniimtion of 
ihr nrw monarch to make hin will law, wluitever the 
CMfi«s-<|iirii('«>.* In a ^inuhlr spirit, the )i(*?<itation of 
Mrl>ip»l.'H i.> olx'V inHtaiiLanctni'^ly an order M*nl )iim by 
:1jc kin;/ wa> puul'^hed (^pitally, and witli circum- 

• lU«i. p|» 07-5. fol II. p, loU. 


the claims of Ivaoses and of at least one oil. 
Kobad ^ were set aside ; and, in accordance 
father s will, Cliosroes was proclaimed lawful 
of Persia. 

But a party among the nobles were dissali.v 
tlie decision to which the majority had coii; 
dreaded the restlessness,*^^ and probably i«. 
cruelty, of Chosroes. It might have beoi. 
that they would have espoused the cause i 
appointed Kaoses, whicth had a solid basi< 
to rest upon; but, apparently, the persona 
of Kaoses was unsatisfactory, or, at any rat< . 
another prince whose (jualities conciliatc^l n. 
and aroused more enthusiasm. Zames, the 
of Kobad, had distinguished himself repoM: 
field,^ and was the idol of a considerable >» 
nation, who had lont{ desired that he sli 
them. Unfortunately, however, lie po-> 
qualification fatal in the eyes of Orientals : 
disease or mischance, lost erne of his ey 
physical blemish made it impossible thii! 
occupy the Persian throne."* Under tin 
stances an ingenious plan was hit upon, 
combine respect for law and usage with r 
advantage of being governed by the m: 
choice, the discontented nobles conceived 
conferring the crown on a son of Zames, a. 
after his grandfather Kobad, on whose !)«■ 
would naturally be regent.'^ Zames readil^ 

* Zames (see p. 804). Jt is un- 
certain what had becoiue of Ththa- 

' opuJ9. P. i. 23; p. 60, B. 

3 ibi.i. p. m, A. 

* Ibid. KTtfjuctfii 
XbifSy k\6iifvov ou it' 
(TtXfii KaOiaraaOat, ( 
iii. 7.3. 

* Procop. i. 23; ; 

^ ihe Roman head-qiiartfirs 

f<i be fixed ai DimUintift; 

jth and the av^le of Boloa, 

tnkeii from Pemo, were lo be 

[lart WMi to surttfodor the 
<! in Ludim; (4) Rome and 
; neiidfl aatl tiUic^ ami were 

rrr|uirecl with ftuppliesi of 
\M5 ujniiiniittfl the thirty 

' M^* in A.P. 64)2 by the 
win Imiught to s dole 

y Jiiidiiiaa in the year 

^uiwtituta dose nfluliofii 

urodilary enmity whic*h 

f bb boujie, be probably 

»ir remnrkiible resmlts 

' ihci barhamn tmgU' 

'h tttid on the wesl 

iiiplnyment^and thnltbe 

^tn {^ and Wdtcfii Am 

It in these cirpc!irta- 

iian no 9i3fMii5r found 

o directed Uie whole 

:i4 in tlie re^ou of 

wi « dow& ycAii (a.0. 

lit gnenl^ Belimrtua. 

Vandals in the rrgmi 

Ai^naA thu Moon,* and 

itf of ibe Oitnigotbi ia 




[Ch. XX. 

stances of peculiar harshness,^ by the stern prince, who 
did not allow gratitude for old benefits to afiect the 
judgments which he passed on recent offences. Nor 
did signal services in the field avail to save Chanaranges, 
the nobleman who preserved the young Kobad, from his 
master's vengeance. The conqueror of twelve nations, 
betrayed by an unworthy son. was treacherously en- 
trapped and put to death on account of a single humane 
act which had in no way harmed or endangered the 
jealous monarch.^ 

The fame of Chosroes rests especially on his military 
exploits and successes. On first ascending the throne, 
he seems, however, to have distrusted his capacity for 
war ; and it was with much readiness that he accepted 
the overtures for peace made by Justinian, who was 
anxious to bring the Eastern war to a close, in order 
that he might employ the talents of Belisarius in the 
reduction of Africa and Italy. A truce was made be- 
tween Persia and Rome* early in a.d. 532; and the 
truce was followed after a short interval by a treaty — 
known as ' the endless peace ' * — whereby Rome and 
Persia made up their differences and arranged to b^ 
friends on the following conditions : — (1) Rome was 
to pay over to Persia the sum of eleven thousand 
pounds of gold, or about half a million of our money, 
as her contribution towards the maintenance of the 
Caucasian defences, the actual defence being under- 
taken by Persia ; (2) Daras was to remain a fortified 

* Mebodes was 'commanded to 
repair to the iron tripod which 
stood before the gate of the palace, 
where it was death to relieve or 
approach the victim, and languished 
there severed days before hh sentence 
was pronounced by the son of 
KobacL' (See Gibboii| Decline and 

Fally vol. V. p. 183 ; and compare 
Procop. i. 23 ; p. 08, D.) 

2 Procop. p. 68, B. 

» J. Mfttal. xviii. p. 213, ad init. 

vfiv, (Procop. B, p. I 22 ; p. 66, D. 
Compare ii. 3 ; p. 94, B, D j i. GM. 
iv. 14; p. 607,B.) 


Ci: XX*} fum MAPfi wrru itomt 

{xmt, Imt WM not to be nmde the Itoman hend^quiirtcfrB 
in MeaopotmniA, nrhirh were Co be fi:sed At OmsiCJintia ; 
(3) the flistiict of Phfiraiigitim njitl cho €sl<\q *ctf Bolarit 
which B/inie hftd recently taken from Purlin, were to be 
mtortd, ami Pursui on hor part vrm to mirreitder ibe 
forta which ihi! had copliired in Ladai ; (4) Borne and 
Perm wen! to lio eternal friends ami alhai^ and wen 
to aid each oUicr whi-uever reqiiin?d wtlb supplies of 
smi and money^ Thus was tA^nninuted tlie tiuHf 
]r«ini' war, which » iHimmencing In A-»* 502 by the 
attack cif Kntiad on Anaatoaiu^' was brought to a dote 
in jk.D. 5S2, and ntttfied by Ju»tinku in the year 

Whm C1h]OT)& eonwnled to ralietitute cloee rdationi 
of aoiity with Borne for the hereditary enmity which 
hmi bei'u the noniud palkj of lib bocue, be probably 
exiM'«'ted that no ver)' ^t^ktng or remarkable raiiitt 
would follow. He ftupp«)secl that the burbiinan neigh- 
bonm of the empire cm the north and on the imt 
wouM '/w'r hrr anus >u(ricient i'inpli»ynient,ftiul that the 
IwilaiiCf of ]Mi\ViTiii F^isitTU KurojK' and Western A^ia 
wouKl niuain inurh as lK»fore. Hut in these ex[Kvta- 
ii«>ii*» lie was (lisipiHiiiiled. Justinian no .H<H>iier found 
Ins «'a>t<Tii front it-r siiure than he direoted the whole 
fone of ilie trnpire ui>on his eneuiii^s in the regions of 
iIm* wt-^t, an<l in the eoiinH* of half a dozen yi*t\rs (a.D. 
hlV.l^y.Vj}^ l>y the aid of his great genenil, IWisiiriiw, 
h*' d«-^troyM| the kini'doin of the Vandals in the n^gion 
al)«nit Cartliag»* and Tunis/ sulwluetl tlie M<H>rs,* nnd 
hr^uu'ht to ii.n l;i>l ga-p the |Kjwer of the ()stn>goths in 

' y "f thr t^rm* <»f th© p«*«r«» 

•r«». I » Marcrllin. Chnm. p. 04. 

MxV. IV--. p // /• i *.♦.»; pp. OiS-O. fol. T. pp. lUl-lU. 
' S^ ^>^m, p.a^ 1 » Ibid, ppi liUl^. 


Italy.^ The territorial extent of his kingdom was 
nearly doubled by these victories ; his resources were 
vastly increased ; the prestige of his arms was enor- 
mously raised ; veteran armies had been formed which 
despised danger, and only desired to be led against 
fresh enemies; and officers had been trained capable 
of conducting operations of every kind, and confident, 
under all circumstances, of success. It must have been 
with feelings of dissatisfaction and alarm not easily to 
be dissembled that the Great King heard of his brother's 
long series of victories and conquests,'^ each step in 
which constituted a fresh danger to Persia by aggran- 
dising the power whom she had chiefly to fear. At 
first his annoyance found a vent in insolent demands 
for a share of the Eoman spoils, which Justinian 
thought it prudent to humour ; ^ but, as time went on, 
and the tide of victory flowed more and more strongly 
in one direction, he became less and less able to con- 
tain himself, and more and more determined to re- 
nounce his treaty with Eome and renew the old 
struggle for supremacy. His own inclination, a suf- 
ficiently strong motive in itself, was seconded and 
intensified by applications made to him from without 
on the part of those who had especial reasons for 
dreading the advance of Rome, and for expecting to 
be among her next victims. Witiges, the Ostrogoth 
king of Italy, and Bassaces, an Armenian chief, were 
the most important of these apphcants. Embassies from 
these opposite quarters * reached Chosroes in the same 

* Gibbon, 2>ec/mfi o^irf JPa//, vol. V. mask of facetiousness ; but it can 
pp. 132-164. scarcely have been the less ofFen- 

« See Procop. B, P. i. 26, ad 
init : ii. 1, 2, &c. 

' Ibid. i. 26; p. 79, C, D. Chos- 
roes cloaked his insolence under a 

sive on that account. 

* Ibid. ii. 2 J pp. 89-90; iL 3j 
pp. 93-4. 

1^ XX*] UI3SE8 LEADtNa TO A mT^UR. S8S 

jimTt 4.0. 530, imtl tir|red him for hk own iocurily to 
c]45€ki€ war agiinfll JuBtioiau bdbre it was too lata. 
* Justiiiiuti/ thfs amt)aand)Oca said, * aim^d at uiii?erad 
empire, lib n^pimtioTis had for a while beuit kept in 
cbcc'k hy Votma^ and bj Benia olotie^ the »ole [>ower 
in tJie world that be fiaared. &nee the "tfudltati 
peace ** waa toade, he luid felt himself free to giva full 
wmA to his ombilioua greetlt had commeiwed a comw 
of aggremuu upon all the oihur eonterauniMii tiatiuw, 
and had iprcsul war mid confusion act all m^dm* He 
had deftfoyed tlie kingdom of the Vatidal» in Afnea, 
ooaquered llie Moorit dcxreived tbn Ocjths of Italy by 
prafeMODs of friendship, aiitl thon fidieu ufHm ibimi 
with all hi5 forces, violated tlie rightii of Arminta and 
driven it to rebellion, enslaved the Txani ami the tiud, 
•eta&ed the Oieek city of Boapomi, and the '' late of 
Balma'' on the ahorci of the Bed Soi, ioHcitod Urn 
alliance of barharoua Huns and Ethiof^nA, itHven to 
aow diaeord between the Feffiiiui monarch and hii 

self ec]ually grai^ping and restless. What would be the 
r()n»*equence if Persia continued to hold aloof? Simply 
tiiat all the other nations would in turn be destroyed, 
and !«he would find herself face to face with their 
destroyer, and would enjoy the poor satisfaction of 
l)eiiig devoured last. But did she fear to be re- 
pHNirhed with breaking the treaty and forfeiting her 
pli*<l^H-d wonl? It4>me had already broken it by her 
intrifnies with the Huns, the Ethiopians, and the 
iSarareiw ; and Persia would therefore be free from 

* Tbo allu»i<ici berv wMto cvruia At Ui« ioflCafAtinn of Chomom^ had 

tr^nt^fWfthM brtw9#n Jtutiiiiaa and ctnnmntewd botUlitiikt ■^•iast oaa 

AlAixiuo<l«ni«, Um ah#ikh oC tl^ of Uie Iloman TiMal4dafii, ftbottl 

Saacviu dvpMdMit oQ Vtrum, wbo, a.d. 638 (i^roeo^ B. P. U. 1). 




[Ch. XX. 

reproach if she treated the peace as no longer existing. 
The treaty-breaker is not he who first draws the sword, 
but he who sets the example of seeking the other's 
hurt. Or did Persia fear the result of declaring war ? 
Such fear was unreasonable, for Eome had neither 
troops nor generals to oppose to a sudden Persian 
attack. Sittas was dead ; ^ Belisarius and the best of 
the Roman forces were in Italy. K Justinian recalled 
Belisarius, it was not certain that he would obey ; and, 
in the worst case, it would be in favour of Persia that 
the Goths of Italy, and the Armenians who for cen- 
turies had been subjects of Eome, were now ready to 
make common cause with her.' Thus urged, the 
Persian king determined on openly declaring war and 
making an attack in force on the eastern provinces of 
the empire. 

The scene of contest in the wars between Eome and 
Persia had been usually either Mesopotamia or Armenia. 
On rare occasions only had the traditional policy been 
departed from, and attempts made to penetrate into the 
richer parts of the Koman East, and to inflict serious 
injury on the empire by carrying fire and sword into 
peaceful and settled provinces. Kobad, however, had 
in his later years ventured to introduce a new system, 
and had sent troops across the Euphrates into Syria ^ 
in the hope of ravaging that fertile region and capturing 
its wealthy metropolis, Antioch . This example Chosroes 
now determined to follow. Crossing the great stream 
in the lower portion of its course, he led Ins troops up 
its right bank, past Circesium, Zenobia,® and Callinicus, 

1 He had been killed by the 
rebels in Armenia. (Procop. B, P. 
ii. 8 ; p. 92, C.) 

« See above, p. 374. 

* Zenobia was in the Arabian 

desert, to the west of the Eu- 
phrates; the other towns men- 
tioned were on the opposite, or 
Roman, side. 


Cb. tt] ^■■viKn^is sf aiA. 387 

to Suron,' a Rcnnflo town on the wesi mde of the riven 
Ai Ihui mall pbco vcnturod la ni^t bim^ Cliositx^s, 
hml upon U^fying the other towns into tiubmia'don, 
f«oliriKl to lake a sigiial revenge. ITiough the garrison, 
after losng their eciminaodant, made overture^} for a 
ffurrender, he tnsbled on enUTiiig fombljr atone of the 
gato, and tb^i, upon the strvngth of this violent en- 
tnnoei prooieded to treat tlie city at one taken by 
atoruH pilli^^ the houiei, nuuMoed a laige {jortion 
of the ixih]ibit4iQ(% eiiita?ed the of hen, and in eon- 
dtiiioa Mt the plaoe oe fire and burned it to the ground.^ 
It was perhflpi in a fit of remonte, though posi^ibly only 
untler the influc-tif*e of greed*' tliai shortly afterwiirds he 
allowed the neighbouring bbfaop of Seigiopoliji to mn- 
mm thesHj unfortunate captives, twelve thoaniind in 
number, for the modest ram of two hundred pounds of 

From Surdn the invading anny ailranccd to Hi^rapo- 
Iti,* wtlhout cncouolering the enemy, who did not dare 

to r '^ ' - * '" "^ ■ - **''-\ '■'■- ■ -hi 

tlh* prutcvtion of walk and strongholds. The defences 
of HifnqHjlis were in tolerable order; its garrison was 
fairly >tron}: ; and the Great King therefore prudently 
n-^»lviHl to allow the citizens to ransom themselves and 
their rity at a moderate price. Two thousand pounds 
of >ilv<r wa*< the amount fixetl u|>on ; and this sum was 
l>ai<l without any complaint by the llierapolites. Flun- 
<iir, not roiH|iie?»t, was already distinctly set before the 
inva<l(r*M iniiid 115 his aim; ami it is said that he even 
ofTiTi-^l at this pi»ri<Kl to evaitmte the Roman territory 

' li.hUm turn* Sun'»n into Ihirm ; in AffmtliUM, ISwfmi, p. 9, A. 
but Ihjm WA. <«i tb«* Tiirm. HahWi * l*rceo^ B. P.\liifp. 9^9. 
•pl«^«r« tk» tk Hcnmn town tm Ui« ' * Un a«r4lo«r»ff •I'«r»A»^^ir 
K ut>hnit#«. Dot rmlx ia iVvnp, B. P. r»f « v<^»«r ( ibid, n, 99, C). 
II /i. but aW> mi. U, p. M, B, uid • Ibid. iL 6; p^ 109, a 

c S 


altogether upon receiving a thousand pounds of gold.^ 
But the Eomans were not yet brought so low as to 
purchase a peace ; it was thought that Antioch and the 
other important towns might successfuUy defy the 
Persian arms, and hoped that Justinian would soon 
send into the field an army strong enough to cope with 
that of his adversary. The terms, therefore, which 
Chosroes offered by the mouth of Megas, bishop of 
Berhoea, were rejected ; the Antiochenes were exhorted 
to remain firm ; Ephraim, the bishop, was denounced 
to the authorities for counseUing submission ; and it 
was determined to make no pacific arrangement, but 
to allow Chosroes to do his worst.^ The Persian, on 
his side, was not slack or remiss. No sooner had he 
received the ransom of Hierapolis than he advanced 
upon Berhoea (now Aleppo), which he reached in four 
days.* Observing that the defences were weak, he 
here demanded twice the ransom that he had accepted 
from the Hierapolites, and was only induced to forego 
the claim by the tears and entreaties of the good bishop, 
who convinced him at length that the Berhoeans could 
not pay so large a sum, and induced him to accept the 
half of it. A few more days' march brought him from 
Aleppo to the outskirts of Antioch ; and after an inter- 
val of nearly three centuries * the ' Queen of the East,' 
the richest and most magnificent of Oriental cities, was 
once more invested by Persian troops and threatened 
by a Sassanian monarch. 

A great calamity had fallen upon Antioch only four- 
teen years previously. The entire town had been ruined 
by a succession of terrible earthquakes, which com- 
menced in October, A.D. 525, and terminated in August 

» Procop. B. P. ii. 6; p. 102, C. I * Ibid. ii. 7 ; p. 102, D. 
» Ibid. p. 103, D. I * See above, p. 80. 

c«-30L] cojmmaK or aktioch. 389 

of the eiiffuiitg year.* All for a time wa.^ havoc and 
tlinanler. A Imntklip had <*overGfl a jiortioii of th« 
dtj/ and in the remainder almost every house waa 
avertlimwn. Btti the libemti^ of Justimao/ the spirit 
of the inhabiliiitt«t ttod tbe iflbiti of the goreraor/ had 
effacec] thcae ^Hiteii ; and the dlj, when f he Peraam 
appeAred before ii, wai in mmi pcspeets grander and 
mora magnificrni than crer* The dcfen<!es wcw, how- 
crcr* it would *eem, imjierfocL The dudel esiicciany* 
wliieh waa on the high grcmnd mmxii of tlio city, had 
been con^Lrucied with fimaU attcnUon to the rulisA of 
engineenog on, and waa dominate by a height at a 
little distance, which o^glit to ha?« been ioclndied 
within the waUs.* Nor wma thk defican^ oompeuKtod 
by any ttrength in the garriMJD, or any weight of an- 
thority or taktii among those with whom mted the 
eommand, Ju^tiniau imd odgitiaUy mmt hb ni^ihew, 
Oerrtiftnus, t<i (*oaduc*t the defemse of the Syrian aqiital/ 
whili? BuxGB, an officer who had piined iome rt*pute in 
the Annenian war/ waa entrusted with the general 
protection of the Eiist until Belisarius should arrive 
fn»in Italy ; • but Oermanus, after a brief stay, with- 
(Inw from Antioch into Cilicia^^and Buzes disappeared 
without anyone knowing whither he liad betaken hiro- 
N'lf.^^ Antioch was left almost without a garrison ; and 

' J MiOal. i^ti-P- 14.*!; Pmcopw Tb« d^hei wm ohmmd by Ocr- 
li /' li. U. p. 122, C; Tbaopbaii. | maotw oo hi* wrtTal, And pUoa 
rkrxmoyrmjtk. p. U7, V ; KTAfrio^ mmrm propoMd bj him for rtai«dj- 
// E. IV. r», 0. HmfosUin. CVm. , iof it; but it wm tboufbt tm- 
p *U. I pra4««t to oaU ftttaatiaa to tb« 

* J I.Tditf, /V MmfittMi til 64. I w«*k poist, And to noibiif wim 
Thi« frftturv ba« oot hmn cooiidooIj | 

• Wd, p. 101, A. 
' Ibid. u. 3} p M 

• Ibid, il ; p IC 

• Ibid. U. 7; p. 10 

^ a^n . . . i» 

* I'rocup. B, P,\Lt\f, 101» & 1 (v« v«r* yic irr7)|«M» Urt rtf ndv 

* Ih^'lbAD. p ir>l. V. Jairtio ' Ibid. li. 3; p. as, C, D. 

had aU' »uUmbM Iatv^It to tW * Ibid, il (S ; p 100, E 

rr«t..niu >n i ibtd. p. 148, A, B). * Ibid. U. 7; p. 103, D. 

J LyduA, \^e. ^ a»#;fc . . . dvM»r ifx*^' ** 


had not Theoctistus and Molatzes, two oflScers who 
commanded in the Lebanon, come to the rescue and 
brought with them a body of six thousand disciplined 
troops,^ it is scarcely possible that any resistance should 
have been made. As it was, the resistance was brief 
and ineffectual. Chosroes at once discerned the weak 
point in the defences, and, having given a general order 
tx) the less trusty of his troops to make attacks upon the 
lower town in various places, himself with the flower of 
the army undertook the assault upon the citadel. Here 
the commanding position so unaccountably left outside 
the walls, enabled the Persians to engage the defen- 
ders almost on a level, and their superior skill in the 
use of missile weapons soon brought the garrison into 
difficulties. The assailants, however, might perhaps 
still have been repulsed, had not an unlucky accident 
supervened, which, creating a panic, put it in the power 
of the Persians by a bold movement to enter the place. 
The Eomans, cramped for room upon the walls, had 
extemporised some wooden stages between the towers, 
which they hung outside by means of ropes. It hap- 
pened that, in the crush and tumult, one of these stages 
gave way ; the ropes broke, and the beams fell with a 
crash to the earth, carrying with them a number of the 
defenders. The noise made by the fall was great, and 
produced a general impression that the wall itself had 
been broken down ; the towers and battlements were at 
once deserted ; the Eoman soldiers rushed to the gates 
and began to quit the town ; while the Persians took 
advantage of the panic to advance their scaling ladders, 
to mount the walls, and to make themselves masters of 

iv 'ItpairoXti 'Pw/iaiwv ovrt 6 rwv j (Procop. B, P, ii. 6 ; p. 101, A) 
ir«Xi^ifi»y OTparb^ fiaBw loxvaiv. I ^ Ibid. ii. 8 ; p. 105^ C. 

Cm. 3QL] WAlh OF AXTIDCiI« S91 

the citiidel^ Thus ABtJocb was takea. The prudence 
of Chcurotii was abown ia \m quietly allowing the 
anned force to withdmw ; hid resokc to tjanipie down 
ill rmitaDce ap[M'art?d in \m »kiight4ir of this Antio- 
diew yntttb, who with a nobte n^klemioii eanttnyiil 
the oooflict after the floldicrs bad 0ed ; bis wiab to in- 
ipiro terror far aad wide mode bim deliver the entire 
cily« with few excepticmA^ to the ikmed;' while his 
avarice twwed him U> pluudur the clmrrhe2*, and to 
daim aa bia own the worJca of mrU the marble^ bmnsua* 
tabletai and ptdurea, with which the Queen af the 
Ei>man Eait waa at this time abundantly pnmcl(><l But, 
wlulu thua gratifying hi^ most powerful [ms^ionis he 
did not loae eight of the opporttmity tooondude on ad* 
vmntagemta peaoa. Jaitinian'a ambaMidora hml loi^ 
been prraaing Jum to came to ti^ma with tlieir nubster. 
Be now ooOMnlad to dedarB Ihii conditioni on which 
he waa readj to make peac^ and witbdriw hia army. 
Booft nmft pay bimt aa an indemnity for the oost of 
the war, tti ' - ^^ ' , ' * '\ .nd 

niuj*t also contract to make a further payment of five 
hundrtnl |x>unds of gold annually^ not as a tribute, but 
iLH a fair cDiitHbution towards the expense of maintain- 
ing' tin* C'lL-^pian Gates and keeping out the Huns.' If 
h(»HUi^n'?4 were given him, he would consent to abatain 
from further at'ts of hostility while Justinian was con- 
-ulii'^i on UiesH? proposals, and would even begin at once 
Uj withclraw his anny. The ambossadoni readily agreed 
to thcM* terms, and it was understood that a truce 

* Tbr aiUi«<dml WM afmnd oa •Uodiair •• fnnBtair t^ rt<<d>DCt 
th« irr HAnd Ui*t tb« tichm fooad ia | of Jimiakn't imhi— winii (Ibid. 
It miirhi hm cuoAa#f«d lU nmmtm. \ il 10; p. 111. B). 
Th^ chunh U 8l Jaliaa tad | • Ibid. ^ Hi; D. 



[Ch. XX 

would be observed until Justinian's answer should be 
delivered to Chosroes. 

But the Great King, in thus formulating the terms 
on which he would be content to make peace, did not 
intend to tie his own hands, or to allow the Syrian cities 
before which he had not yet appeared to be quit of 
him without the payment of ransom. After visiting 
Seleucia, the port of Antioch at the mouth of the Orontes, 
bathing in the blue waters of the Mediterranean, and 
offering sacrifice to the (setting?) sim upon the shore,^ 
he announced his intention of proceeding to Apameia, a 
city on the middle Orontes, which was celebrated for 
its wealth, and particularly for its possession of a frag- 
ment of the 'true cross,* enshrined in a case which 
the pious zQal of the faithful had enriched with gold 
and jewels of extraordinary value.^ Eeceived peace- 
fully into the city by the submissive inhabitants, instead 
of fixing their ransom at a definite sum, he demanded 
and obtained all the valuables of the sacred treasury,^ 
including the precious relic which the Apamaeans re- 
garded as the most important of their possessions. As, 
however, it was the case, and not its contents, that he 
coveted, while he carried off the former, he readily re- 
stored the latter to the prayers of the bishop and in- 

» Procop. B. P. ii. 11 ; p. 113, A. 
So, fourteen centuries earlier, the 
peat ABshur-izir-pal, on first reach- 
ing the Mediterranean, 'erected 
altars and offered sacrifices to the 
gods of Assyria.' (Ancient Monar- 
chies, vol. ii. p. 89, 2nd ed.) 

> Procop. i. P. ii. 11; p. 114, 
A, B. Gibbon gives the impression 
that the sacred relic itself was 
adorned with gold and gems (De- 
cline and FaUf vol. v. p. 190) ; but 

Procopius distinctly states that the 
adornment was confined to the 
case (f^^cr/v) containing it 

' This is probably the meaning 
of Procopius {B. P. ii. 11 ; p. 116, 
A), since he makes Chosroes pro- 
pose the terms to the bishop ; but 
otherwise he might be understood 
as speaking of all the valuables 
within the town. 

* Ibid. p. 116, C. 


From Apameia Chosroes retumeil to Antioch, and 
aftor witnessing? the gamcj* of the amphitheatre and »e- 
curiiifr victory to the vr<'^;* champion betuiuse Justinian 
preferre<l tlie A/we',' he w»t out at laiJt on his return to 
I Vn*ia, takinjr am* to visit, ujHm his way to the Kuphni- 
trs, thf city of dialcis/ the only iinj)ortant place in 
Nortiiern Syria that had hitherto eM^ajH'd him. The 
Chaicitlians were rccjuireil not only to nmsom them- 
selves hy a Mini of money, hut to pve up to Chosrt)i»s the 
liMUian >oi(liiTs who f:arris4»ned their town. Uya |kt- 
jiiry that may well l>e forjfiven them, they avoich^l the 
nn»rr ini|HHtant conression, but they had to sitisfy the 
avariee nf flu* coiKjueror by the payment of two hun- 
dn-*l piiunds of ^M)ld. The Persian hor«t then (*ontinu4*d 
It-* luanli. and reaching' the Kuphnites at Obluuie, in 
tilt' ij«i^'ijlM»urh<MMl of Ifcirbalissus,* cn)ssi»d by a bridfre 
t»r 1mi:in in three days. Th** object of Chosnn'sin thu» 
i!:a!i;/i!iLr lii> return line of march was to continue in 
Koih.tii Mi«^»|Mitninia thec4»urs<* which he hadndopte<l in 
>'. •:! -.'. • •' • •■••li«lii'*i«Hi mI the !ru«r /.*'. In ilu'li-jM' 
' - «:- . !'\ link!'. J e:n li iinjMHtant « jty !;ili-o|ii it*.<ll*. 
I .—■..* < "r.-Vi:.' Ill,*' aiid i>.il:i«» \\«re l•«•^».i\^•lv 
' « '. . ■.: : ;»':i ' i..i*»»'d !li«-:r •» il« ty by a «-"hM'il»utii»!i. 

\ ■•'•.. 1 '•— . .:..:i'«/ till- ]»p •««■«' i:i;L''' 1m t.»Ir h:!!:!-* 

■.. •■ •'. ■•'.■!. .\'.*:.'»!iL'ii < fj"*!'*'*. l"'t"i'- !.<■ <|iiitT»'l 

i ■.':;:•. \' : .1 r- inru.-i: ut.-iii i:.iiii .lii-tini.m 

• •' • •• •n." :t:! ii.-j'--! urii !'.•■ ii-'ir-tii en\"\- 

< . l> 

• .! 

;. /;.::} w 

i! • !■:.:.'. I. II«:, II. 

I-.' y II'.. ]• 

I • . 1 ■• \ l: 

n ' ;; .. ■ I 


resolved upon its siege. The city was defended by two 
walls, an outer one of moderate strength, and an inner 
one sixty feet high, with towers at intervals, whose 
height was a hundred feet. Chosroes, having invested 
the place, endeavoured to penetrate within the defences 
by means of a mine ; but, his design having been be- 
trayed, the Romans met him with a counter-mine, and 
completely foiled his enterprise. Unwilling to spend 
any more time on the siege, the Persian monarch upon 
this desisted from his attempt, and accepted the contri- 
bution of a thousand pounds of silver as a sufficient re- 
demption for the great fortress.^ 

Such is the account of the matter given to us by 
Procopius, who is our only extant authority for the 
details of this war. But the account is violently im- 
probable. It represents Chosroes as openly flying in 
the face of a treaty the moment that he had concluded 
it, and as departing in a single instance from the gene- 
ral tenor of his proceedings in all other cases. In view 
of the great improbabiUty of suoh a course of action, it 
is perhaps allowable to suppose that Procopius has been 
for once carried away by partisanship, and that the real 
difierence between the case of Daras and the other 
towns consisted in this, that Daras alone refused to pay 
its ransom, and Chosroes had, in consequence, to resort 
to hostiUties in order to enforce it. 

Still, no doubt, the whole conduct of Chosroes in en- 
forcing ransoms from the towns after the conclusion of 
the truce was open to serious question, and Justinian 
was quite justified in treating his proceedings as a vio- 
lation of his recent engagements. It is not unlikely 
that, even without any such excuse, he would shortly 

1 Procop. B, P. iL 13 J p. 121, D. 

€m IX] US rnilM ' AKTIOCII 0!r TOE 1TQS18.' 89S 

hmn iCMwed tlie struggle, Bitkce the return of BeIL«iarius 
in triuniph from the Italian war bad placed at bb ser- 
vice for emptojtnent in the East a general from whose 
nbilitii^ ijiucli wis niilunillj expectttd* Aj it wm^ 
Jusiiuiiia wua abb, on retviviiig inrcUigeaoe of the fines 
levied oo Apameia^ Cbolcis, Edana, Constantina, atid 
Dantii, and of tlics bontile aeu oonitnitted tt^nuii§t the 
taat-iuinicd place^ with grtiii i«how of rcaaon and justice, 
to ftjnounct-' the rvcently concluded peoi*e, and to thn»w 
on the ill faith of Choaroiii the blame of the rupture.^ 

The Pemian princH! aeems to have paid but little heed 
Id tlie denundatk>n. He paannl the wintiia' in building 
and beauiifyipg a Feman Antiocb ^ in the niighbour- 
hood of Ctcaipboo^ asagidng it as a realdence to hts 
SjfTtan capCiftfi, for whose umt he coimtructed public 
batlu ud a ipidoiis liifipodrome, where the entertaiii- 
mmiM bn^iar to them from tlieir jouth were n5pm- 
duccd by Syrian ar^sla,' The new city was «empc 
from the junsdictton of Persian Atiaps, and was made 
dircc tly de|>endent upon the king, who suppUed it 
with roni gratuitously, and allowed it to become an 
inviolable a««ylum for all such Greek slaves as should 
uike >lii*lter in it, and be acknowleilged as their kins- 
int^ri by any of the inhubitants. A model of Greek ci- 
viIi<iatioii wtis thu!« brought into close contact with the 
r<*r>i]ui eourt, which could amuse itself with the con- 
tne^iH, if it did not learn much from the comparison, of 
KupiiMiin and Asiatic manners and modes of thought. 

Tin- cttm|>aign of a.d. 540 was followed by one of a 

> Vr ^cr^B PtL M; p. 121, D. ; Miaiiif Uial Um mum girm lo il 
* II r- tb« (»n<«ul AreaooU WM KumU (Roai«), and ibat il 

ar* in »ntir« ArrufU with tkm wm ao eSACt ecfj of Um tOVB 

itrr^k Miribood <^ Mfi) Aod ap« tb* OrooU*. 

T^Un (II p 100» rvUto At UfifU * IVmp. B. P.iL U; f. ltS» 

th« ojotuuctioo ui iku new Aoti* A^ B. 

ocb ui iW TkiBity of Al Uod^kn, i 



[Ch. XX. 

very diflferent character in a.d. 541. An unexpected offer 
suddenly made to the Persia^i king drew him from his 
capital, together with the bulk of his troops, to one of 
the remotest portions of the Persian territory, and 
allowed the Komans, instead of standing on their de- 
fence, to assume an aggressive attitude in Mesopotamia, 
and even to retaliate the invasion which the year before 
Chosroes had conducted into the heart of their empire. 
The hostile operations of a.d. 541 had thus two dis- 
tinct and far-distant scenes ; in the one set the Persians, 
in the other the Eomans, took the offensive ; the two 
wars, for such they in reahty were, scarcely affected 
one another ; and it will therefore be convenient to 
keep the accounts of them distinct and separate. To 
commence with 

I. The Lazic War. — ^Lazica had been a dependency 
of Eome from the time when Tzath, upon his conversion 
to Christianity, professed himself the vassal of Justin,^ 
and received the insignia of royalty from his new patron 
(a.d. 522). The terms of the connection had been at 
the first honourable to the weaker nation, which paid no 
tribute, admitted no Eoman garrison, and was troubled 
by no Eoman governor.* As time went on, however, 
the Eomans gradually encroached upon the rights of 
their dependants; they seized and fortified a strong 
post, called Petra, upon the coast,^ appointed a com- 
mandant who claimed an authority as great as that of 
the Lazic king, and established a commercial monopoly 
which pressed with great severity upon the poorer classes 
of the Lazi.* Under these circumstances, the nation 

1 See above, p. 362. 
» Procop. B, P. ii. 16 : p. 123, D. 
» Ibid. D. 124,8. 
^ The liazi imported ealt, corn, 
and other necessaries from abroad 

(ib. p. 123, D); the Roman go- 
vernor under Justinian, John Tzi- 
bus, required that these commodities 
should be purchased from none but 
himself(ib. p. 124,C). 

ChLXX) A€am FB^moTouAn or ljjlwa. 397 

determitiecl oo revolt ; ftjtd in lhi< winter of a.d. MO-L 
Imc mmh$Mmiom visik*cl ibe ccinrt of Fema, exposed 
the grieTanooa of iheir cuiintryn)<*n, and bf!«QUght Cbos- 
nUk to Moept thdr imbtnission, iin<l e^t4?n(] U> them tbe 
protaotioo of I115 govern nuniL^ The iiruvirice was dis- 
lantf and pOflseMned ft'W attraetianii ; whatevDr the tsdm 
told cif iiB andcnt wealth, or gkiriea, or tmde^* in the 
timii of ChoarD&i it wai poor and nnprodijctive, 
depcfndifDt on ita neigh buur§ for onstie of iha nece^ 
»rieft and all iho oonvetiicnceA of life,* onfl capa- 
ble of cj^rting nothbg but tiinbor* alairefli and sktmu^ 
U miffht have beun expccled^ under such drcumntjiQioea^ 
that the burden of the profixioraie would have been 
n^iiied ; but there was an advantagi^, apjmrent or real, 
in the petition of thi5 couotiyt discovered hy the aaga- 
dtjr uf Choaroiii ot aoggatcd to him hy the inien^ffted 
imI of the wvQ^* whodi maila ita pmnmmn R^em to 
the Peman king a mntler of the highest importanoi, 
and induced him to accept the offer made him without 
a tn^Ti. '^ ^' : T . - - ^ * f ' -. > 

the iiiodom Mingrelia and Imeritia, bordered upon the 
HIark S*a, which the Pentian dominions did not as yet 
tourh. Once in podscasion of this tract, Chosrods con- 
ceived that he might Uunch a fleet upon the Euxine, 

' Tmcop. B. P. il l/S; pp. Ii4-a ! 8tnib. O^ogrm^ xJ. 9, { 17 : IV 
* Tho Aririfuiatic ni;Ui implkt I trocL Fr. 7^ and V\ul H, X rl 
tbf r%r\y ioiportAf»r9 of CokbU, 17.) 
either M A friM-prodociDf, or * 8m ooto \ ^ SOU. 
piiMjblv m^rrly m a ir<4d-«'ipurtiBf * IVorop. B. r. ii. 16 ; pi 1S3,D| 
r»«intfT. Th«* »torT of il}<> l-^rTptiMi and ii. 17 ; p. 1^, R 
(N.l..nv' M-tlM Ui«ff« by 8M0Crui * So PmcopiiM (B. P. U. 15; p. 
<llrp.l 11 l(ia^%)U ofM oo wliirli ISA.D). OibbaoMp|KiM« Um idtA 
It w.iulrl hm uorriueal to pUm i to Imit* ofifisAtod wttk ClMMfokt 
mu h rvluAo* llyt th«>r» i« mIia- | < Ikrhm^ mmd FmH^ ToL T. p. 100). 
fft^t' nr rvul'-nc^ of ih« tnMliii« Tl»«t Ui« liotnuM took tk« mom 
inip»'n«Ac« uf (*olchU from Um Tt«w of \Jkm impoiUuica of LaikA 
Turth to lb* fir«t cmtoiy %.c ia •• ClMMrp«i» appcani frm 
Ui« Ut«f cliical vfilaca. (Saa (iful. IL 18) p. M, A). 


command its commerce, threaten or ravage its shores, 
and even sail against Constantinople and besiege the 
Eoman emperor in his capital. The Persian king, 
therefore, acceded to the request of the envoys, and, 
pretending to be called into Iberia by a threatened in- 
vasion of the Huns,^ led a large army to the Lazic 
border, was conducted into the heart of the country by 
the envoys, received the submission of Gubazes, the 
king, and then, pressing on to the coast, formed the 
siege of Petra, where the Eoman forces were collected.^ 
Petra offered a stout resistance, and repulsed more than 
one Persian assault; but it was impossible for the small 
garrison to cope with the numbers, the engineering 
skill, and the ardour of the assailants. After the loss 
of their commandant, Johannes, and the fall of one of 
the principal towers, the soldiers capitulated ; Petra was 
made over to the Persians, who restored and strength- 
ened its defences, and Lazica became for the time a 
Persian province. 

n. The War in Mesopotamia. — Belisarius, on 
reaching the eastern frontier, fixed his head-quarters at 
Daras,^ and, finding that the Persians had no intention 
of invading Syria or Eoman Mesopotamia, resolved to 
lead his troops into the enemy's territory. As his forces 
were weak in numbers, ill-armed, and ill-supplied, he 
could scarcely hope to accomplish any great enterprise; 
but it was important to recover the Eoman prestige 
after the occurrences of the preceding year, and to show 
that Eome was willing to encounter in the open field 
any force that the Persians could bring against her. 
He therefore crossed the frontier and advanced in the 
direction ofNisibis,* less with the intention of attacking 

1 Procop. B, P. ii. 16, ad fin, I » Ibid. ii. 16 ; p. 126, D. 
> Ibid. u. 17 ; pp. 128-9. | * Ibid. ii. 18, ad init. 

tbe lawn than of (lisUnctly oflering tmitte to ihe troopi 
cnllfx^ted wilhm it Ub srht'me succeeded; a smiill 
force^ which he ihr^w out in itdvance, drew the enemy 
from the walk ; luul their ]iur?mit of thi^ detad>iiiont 
brought them into €ontaci with th<^ main army of Ileli* 
iujuik wbieb ivptibed them and iient them flying into 
the lown.^ Having thus established hid su{ierbrity in 
the fidd^ the Boman general, though bo could tiot 
atlnck Ni.%ibi!i with any prospoct of «y€eeao, wm able to 
ado[it other ofiensive meaflores. He advaiiced to per- 
ma Ik day'i moiK^ beyond Kifibim, and cnpiunKl the 
fort o( 8i«iurau6n.' Eight huridnnl PerBiau cavalry of 
the fint chua were miide priscmen*, and R*nt hy IMisa* 
rius to Bynntiumt whtiice they were dcsputchcil by 
JuMtiniaii to Italy, where they served againit the Goths . 
Arethaa, the chief of the Sanceni who fought on the 
side of Eotm?« was aeot itill furtJier in advance. The 
orderi given him were to crom the Tigri» into Aaiyria, 
and bqrin to ravage it, bul to icttim within a nhort 
tiiTif to tlie camj), and bring a report of the strength 
of the PiTsiaii!* beyond the river. If the re{>ort was 
favounil>K% lk*Iisariu8 intended to quit Mesopotamia, and 
Uikr t\w whole Itoman force with him into Assjrria. 
Hi- plan.**, however, were frustrateil by the selfish Arab, 
wlif», wishing to obtain the whole Assyrian spoil for 
hnn*M-!f, (liHfiii.Hsed his itoman troops, pnxxjeded to 
pluiKicr the nth province on his own account, and sent 
Ikli>;inu5 no mtelligence of what he was doing. After 
waitinrf at Sisauranon till the tu^ats of summer had deci- 
ii)at<'<l hi?^ army, the itoman general was compelled to 
nirt-ai l»y the discontent of the soldiery and the repre- 
viiUitiuiiM of hbi principal offiix'rs. lie withdrew his 

rmpfL^. /'.iLlB^^iai-S. • IkULiLlO^i^ML 



[Ch. XX. 

forces within the Eoman frontier without molestation 
from the enemy, and was shortly afterwards sum- 
moned to Constantinople to confer on the state of 
affairs with the emperor.^ 

The military operations of the next year (a.d. 542) 
were comparatively unimportant. Chosroes collected 
a large army, and, repeating the movement of a.d. 540, 
made his appearance in Commagene early in the 
year,* intending to press forward through Sjma into 
Palestine,^ and hoping to make himself master of the 
sacred treasures which he knew to be accumulated in 
the Holy City of Jerusalem. He found the provincial 
commanders, Buzes and Justus, despondent and unen- 
terprising, disinchned to meet him in the field, and con- 
tent to remain shut up within the walls of Hierapolis. 
Had these been his only opponents, the^campaign would 
probably have proved a success ; but, at the first news 
of his invasion, Justinian despatched BeUsarius to the 
East for the second time, and this able general, by his 
arts or by his reputation, succeeded in arresting the 
steps of Chosroes and frustrating his expedition. Beli- 
sarius took up his head-quarters at Europus, on the 
Euphrates, a httle to the south of Zeugma, and, spread- 
ing his troops on both banks of the river, appeared 
both to protect the Eoman province and to threaten 
the return of the enemy. Chosroes having sent an 
emissary to the Eoman camp under the pretence of 
negotiating, but really to act the part of a spy,* was 
so impressed (if we may believe Procopius) by the 

1 Procop. B, P. ii. 19, adfiii, 
* "A/m t\pi apxofiihtft Xoapoin 6 
KafidSov rb rpirov orpaTif fiiydXtft ig 
yfjp T^v ' Pwfiaiuiv ittkfiaWi, (Ibid. ii. 
20| ad init,) And a litUe later: 
iirci dk ic Ti)v Kopayriviuv x^P^^ ^ 

XJo9p6nQ d^iKtro, Commagene was 

now the name given to Upper 
Syria generally. (See note * on 
p. 874.) 

' Theophan. Chronograph, p. 186, 
A ; Cedrenus, Hist, Compmd, p. 
372, B. 

* Procop. B, P. ii. 21, ad mit. 

OB. XX.] untBAT or CHomota. 401 

aocountB which he received of the abilitjr of the gene* 
ral and the warlike qualities of his soldiers, ths^ he 
gave up the idea of advandng further, and was ocmtent 
to retire through Boman Mesopotamia into his own 
territories. He is said even to have made a convention, 
that he would commit no hostile act as he passed 
through the Boman province ; but if so, he did not 
keep the engagement. The city of Oallinicus lay in his 
way ; its defences were undergoing repairs, and there 
was actually a gap in one place where the old wall had 
been pulled down and the new one had not yet been 
built. The Pendan king could not reast the temptation 
of seizing thisi easy prey ; he entered the undefended 
town, enslaved all whom he fi>und in it, and then raxed 
the place to the ground.^ 

."^uch b the account which the Byzantine historian 
pives of the third campaign of Chosroes against the 
K4>man% and of the motive and manner of his retreat. 
Without taxing him with falsehood, we may suspect 
t!i:it. fi»r th4» u'lorifiration of his favourite hero, he has 
k«|»t a jHirtioiiof ihe tnith. The retreat of Chos- 
r<--^ iiiiiy \tr u^MTilxnl with much |)n»baliiHty to the 
.i'Imiim t* of aiHithi'i' ilaiipT, nion* fonnidahle than Ik*li- 
«:i:iu«, Nvliii li fxactly at tiiis tini«* math* its ap|ieanin(*e 
III tli*' (MuiMry wh<i'i-t«» h«* wan haM^nin^. It wa.H in 
t;.^ -num. r -'t \ i» .M'J thai TIIK PLAcilK l>n>ke out 
;i' r* i .«ui!n.' aiiii ^pn-uil from (hat (vntre rapidly into 
t:..- !— t «»! ivjy|»t ami nlmt into riili*!«tine. Clu>snM*s 
i:j y u« ;l* ln-italiMl t«i roiifmnt tliiji t4*rrible foe. 
II* i:i ifii ultimat«'ly (-M-a|>«' it ; hut hv nii}:ht hope to 
i. • - '. i:i'i It WMiiM rjfarly liavr Ui^n thr hri^ht of iro- 
; • ; '. :*• •• !'» Ii.ivi* rarrird out hi'^ iiiti*ntion nf invading 

» :•:. J. /; /•. u 21. •-^/n. • Sr^(*luih«,/*.iLtoLL|i.77S. 

D D 



[Ch. XX. 

Palestine when the plague was known to be raging 

The fourth year of the Eoman war (a.d. 543) opened 
with a movement of the Persian troops towards the 
Armenian frontier/ consequent upon the desertion of 
the Persian cause by the Eoman Armenians in the 
course of the winter.^ Chosroes in person once more 
led the attack, and proceeded as far as Azerbijan ; but, 
the pestilence breaking out in his army, he hastily re- 
treated,* after some futile attempts at negotiation with 
the Eoman officers opposed to him. Belisarius had 
this year been sent to Italy, and the Eoman army of 
the East, amounting to thirty thousand men,* was com- 
manded by as many as fifteen generals, almost of equal 
rank, among whom there was little concert or agree- 
ment. Induced to take the ofiensive by the retirement 
of the Persian king, these incapable officers invaded 
Persarmenia with all their troops, and proceeded to 
plunder its rich plains and fertile valleys. Encounter- 
ing suddenly and unexpectedly the Persian general, 
Nabedes, who, with a small force, was strongly posted 
at a village called Anglon,^ they were compelled to 
engage at disadvantage ; their troops, entangled in diffi- 
cult ground, found themselves attacked in their rear by 
an ambush ; Narses, the bravest of them, fell ; and, a 
general panic seizing the entire multitude, they fled in 
the extremest disorder, casting away their arras, and 
pressing their horses till they sank and expired.^ The 
Persians pursued, but with caution, and the carnage 
was not so great as might have been expected ; but vast 

» Ppocop. B. R ii. 24, ad init 
2 Ibid. li. 21, ad Jin. 
» Ibid. ii. 24; p. 148, C. 

* Ibid. p. 149, A. 

* Qibbmi speakR of ^tbe camp 

of Dubis '(Decline and Fall, vol. v. 
p. 193) ; but Anglon was 120 stades 
(fourteen miles) from Dubis (Pro- 
cop, ii. 26 ; p. 149, D). 
« Procop. p. 151, C. 

Qtimben of tlie dbarmotl fugitiTus were overtaken and 
jnade prisoiieri by ihc enemy ; an4 the aniif, animalf^, 
tod camp equiptnoni which fell into ihe handi* of the 
PerikrL% amply a^urpcnrnteO nil pr^vioui loMsfti and left 
Fersamientii the rk^her for the innotuL 

The mvages of the peidtence havitig eetaed, Chosro^ 
in the folloiring year (AM, M4), again miinrhed wasl^ 
wanl in ptT^m, and laid wge to the dty of Edei^' 
It would a^u thai he had now reiolired Bot to be 
euotent with plundering mida, but to attempt at any 
rate the pennatieut eouquoil of 9oine portion of the 
Rc^mun U^rritary, Edistw ami Daitts were the twu 
towuii uu which the Sooian ponnmon of Westteni 
Menpelamta at this time mainly tlepe^inl Ait the 
paMng of Xiiribti^ in AM. MS^ from Iloman into I'er* 
nan haoda,* had given to FerHia a aecure hold oa the 
Mitmi portion of the ootmtry lietweeit the riTei, ao 
the occupation of Edewi and Dam, could it ban been 
efTectefli would have imrricd with it domimon over the 
niorr wourn n'^iont^. The iioman irontier would m 
tlii"^ way liavf l)cfii thrown l>ju:k to ihe Euphratrs. 
CliosHH^ imi>t Ik» underHtood a^s aiming at this grand 
n-'ul! in the sii-gt* whic-li he ^y |)ertinaciounIy pressed, 
and wliirh K/Io^^mi ><) gallantly re!*i>*le(l, during the j*uni- 
nirr ot* A n. 544. Tlie elalxirat*? aoc^tjunt which Proc'o- 
|»iu«* *^\\i^ of the ^i^'gl•• may l>e due to a sen^w of its 
ini|Hirtanre. f1i<>*4r(M^ irietl, not force only, but every 
art known to the engineering science of the period ; he 
re|MMteti his asNiultn day after clay; he allowed the 
drtViidir> no re|H»!se ; yet he was compelled at but to 
<»wn hnnM'If UililiHl by the \^our of the small Roman 
{::irn>4»n ami the .«4pirit of the native inhabitanta^ to 

» Prt^.|v. // /• ii M ; |i. Ifii. A. » I'rocap. ^. P, IL 35-7. 

' Srr above, pL *i^A. i 

a »S 


burn his works, and to return home. The five hundred 
pounds of gold ^ which he extorted at last from Marti- 
nus, the commandant of the place, may have been a 
salve to his wounded pride ; but it was a poor set-off 
against the loss of men, of stores, and of prestige, 
which he had inciured by his enterprise. 

It was, perhaps, his repulse from the walls of Edessa 
that induced Chosroes, in a.d. 545, seriously to entertain 
the proposals for an arrangement which were made to 
him by the ambassadors of Justinian. Throughout the 
war there had been continual negotiations ; but hitherto 
the Persian king had trifled with his antagonist, and 
had amused himself with discussing terms of accommo- 
dation without any serious purpose. Now at last, after 
five years of incessant hostiUties, in which he had gained 
much glory but little profit, he seems to have desired 
a breathing-space. Justinian's envoys visited him at 
Ctesiphon,^ and set forth their master's desire to con- 
clude a regular peace. Chosroes professed to think 
that the way for a final arrangement would be best 
prepared by the conclusion, in the first instance, of a 
truce. He proposed, in heu of a peace, a cessation of 
hostihties for five years, during the course of which 
the causes of quarrel between the two nations might 
be considered, and a good understanding established. 
It shows the weakness of the Empire, that Justinian 
not only accepted this proposal, but was content to pay 
for the boon granted him. Chosroes received as the 
price of the five years' truce the services of a Greek 
physician and two thousand pounds of gold.^ 

The five years' truce seems to have been observed 
with better faith by the Persian than by the Koman 

> Procop. B, P. p. 159, B. I » Ibid. p. 160, A. Comparo 

» Ibid. iL 28; p. 169, D. I Marcellin. Chron. p. 74. 


monarch. Alamundarus indeed, though a Fenian vas- 
sal, regarded himself as entitled, despite the truce, to 
pursue his quarrel with hb natural enemy, Arethas,^ 
who acknowledged the suzerainty of Borne ; but 
Chosroes is not even accused of instigating hb proceed- 
ings ; and the war between the vassab was carried on 
without dragging either of the two lords-paramount 
into its vortex. Thus fiur, then, neither side had any 
cause of complaint against the other. If we were 
bound to accept the Roman story of a project fimned by 
Chosroes for the surprise and seizure of Daras,' we 
should have to admit that circumstances rather than 
Ills own will saved the Persian monarch from the guilt 
(»f being the first to break the agreement. But the 
t4ile told by Procopius is improbable ;* and the Boman 
l>elief of it can have rested at best only upon suspcion. 
Chosroi^, it b allowed, committed no hostile act ; and 
it may well be doubted whether he really entertained 
the cli»>i}ni u«v*ril)ed to him. At any rate, the design 
WA^ in»t i'X«tutr<l, n«»r i-Vfii atttMnpti**! ; and the j>eim* 
\\:t- tlm** iii»l hnikrn on his jKirt. It was reMTVed lor 
1;.-i:m' III llir fourth war ot' the lrii<T (A.I). .'>4I>) ex- 
jii« --ly t«» hn-.ik it> pruvi'iiuij'i by a«'rc»jitin}: the I*:i/i 
iM'o alliaii<'c' and M-ntlin^ them a ImhIv of eight thou- 
•*.ini nun tn h<l]i thnii a^^ain^t the rrrsian**.^ 

\riv .-Mui aftrr thrir Mlbmi^MnIl to Tei^ia, the l^izi 

IV •♦ ;■ // /• 11 'J^ , |'|». l«10-l. ailmit a Ur.'r IVniAii fiifr*. The 

- I' . 1 J } l*'l '.'. ltiniBii«, »ii«|MM-tin): th** dmi|ni« n** 

' I u*- '.'%,• i*. xt.mi Di »r«« pn»- fuM^l t.i riH-riVf* ni'>n< than twenty 

f. > .-.• • -ft an Amt*AMaii<tr to of th«* tVai into thr town. It i« 

.•*...«:. »j.>»M to |iftM iliri>Ui;h r«i'i«*(it that hrrv tb^ b«M« ui fm»i 

i»%-\*. ,'*\' titn • train of Ut\ '\% thr armal of a IVrviaa am* 

I a'-: -.!.'r«. «iwi <>rlrr* that lMi«w«J<ir a*, ihr cat^* of IIatbi with 

!.. •« •. :. •.'.< *\\ t.r»* Ijir b ''a*^* a tinfn of unuaoal aiir. TIm rr»t 

.^ w'.. fi \\.*"\ •!• pt, and thrn, in la nit-rp K luan i<ir rathrr Or«rk) 

<:.;-ii.ri «at vuiv* t<» auPinrifm. 

f .« a, »L uM <j<-ii thr gatM and * Ibid. ii. Sl»; p. 10*% D. 



[Ch. XXt 

had repentod of their rash and hasty action. They 
found that they had gained nothing, while in some re- 
spects they had lost, by their change of masters. The 
general system of the Persian administration was as 
arbitrary and oppressive as the Eoman. If the com- 
mercial monopoly, whereof they so bitterly com- 
plained, had been swept away, commerce itself had 
gone with it, and they could neither find a market for 
their own products, nor obtain the commodities which 
they required.^ The Persian manners and customs 
introduced into their countiy, if not imposed upon 
themselves, were detestable to the Lazi, who were 
zealous and devout Christians, and possessed by the 
spirit of intolerance.^ Chosroiis, after holding the ter- 
ritory for a few years, became convinced that Persia 
could not retain it unless the disaffected population 
were removed and replaced by faithful subjects. He 
designed therefore, we are told, to deport the entire 
Lazic nation, and to plant the territory with colonies 
of Persians and others, on whose fidehty he could place 
full reliance.^ As a preUminary step, he suggested to 
his lieutenant in Lazica that he should contrive the 
assassination of Gubazes, the Lazic king, in whom he 
saw an obstacle to his project. Phabrizus, however, 
failed in his attempt to execute this commission ;* and 
his failure naturally produced the immediate revolt of 
the province, which threw itself once more into the 

1 Procop. B. P. ii. 29; p. 161, 
B. Salt, wine, and corn are espe- 
cially mentioned among the com- 
modities required. Yet at present 
Mingrelia, though wretchedly cul- 
tivated, produces maize, millet, and 
barley in abundance (Haxthausen, 
Tramcaucasia^ p. 19) ; the trees are 
everywhere festooned with yines, 

which grow naturally (ib. p. 18). 
and * yield a very tolerable wine ' 
(p. 31); while salt is one of the 
main products of the neighbouring 

Georgia (ib. p. 81). 
' Procop. r.8.c. 

» Ibid. p. 100, C, and p. 16 
* Ibid. u. 29; p. 163, C, D, 

161, C. 


arms uf Koim\ and, despite the existing treaty with the 
l\T>ian'«. was lakrii hy Justinian under liis jirotection. 

Thr Ijii'/Ac war, which nminienced in ('onse<|uenco 
«»fthi>art (»f Ju>tiniairs, cnntinued ahnost without in- 
TtTinisr-inii for ninr yrars IVoni .\.n. h4\) to .joT. Its 
di'taiU an* n'latfd al L'rt*at U*ii;ilh by rnn'opius and 
AL'athia^* who vifw tin* >trii;/L'l<.* as one* which vitally 
ruiin-rnrd ihf iniiTt'^t'* <»f th<-ir rountrv. A<Tordniir to 
llniii, rliiiHiiM''* w:i»* U-nt uj)«»n holihnji Lizit'a in or(k*r 
t" «-fMi'<trurt at till* nioiith of tlie I'ha.Ms a peat naval 
^ratim and aiMMial, from wtiicli h\> th*(*ts ini;iht issue 
!•• t «»niiii:ind thr ('i»nnneire or ravaj^e the >hori*s t>f the 
iJiai-K S-a.'- Tlirn* i> no doiiht that thtr nmntry was 
t iiiiinij'ly litl<-d lor surh u |iurj)«»><*. The soil i> fi»r 
Tin ni'»*i iKirt rirhlv frrtilc ;^ the hills art? evervwh**!-*' 
.••\f ii'i with (i>ii>l> <if nol)|r inT>;* tlie llion (rhaM**) 
i- <|i • ji aii<l lipiad ti»wards it> mouth ;' and then* are 
'•:!j«r -luaiUH aNi» \\hi«*h an* iiavi;jal)h'.*^ If (.*ho>nK'> 
i iiti'[t.i:!<i I the iiit'iitioiiH a^4'iilH-'l to him, and had 
• ■.«■.".■.•.• *■*•'..' :.■ 'M • •!* • ::!i:»«r lor "liiji Imildiii'j ' 
..' !'• • : ; ■ ■ '■• 1 !.*..:.• .1- I .1! .\ a- \ I». .'» r.', \\f iaiiiii»l 
•■ ' ■ .- : .1* •:.' ;:*l.':i;i- a-^M..-'! I 'V l*"riji\ •»!• at 
■ • • •-.-■• :/ I :!■ : > :■ • 111 ' •; I ; i- •"^i **.« ^ii « •! li;r L.i/:c 

....: v. ;- ••;••:.• ! i'V .i:i .il'ai .•. ujh.h lin- 

■ ' /. • • ! : : • -i* i. III. i I ! i\ •■ 

:• ..• •.•■:.-..■•.:»... I- . .1... . . ... 

\ r - . ' .■ %» . .:. .•- ..\. .. : . 

- I. ■ " . » • : * I- ... : • t- 


i : i /i /' .. •• /.• *,. .1 :• 
! ■ 1.. : '■• K . '1 



[Ch. XX. 

centre of the Persian power, Petra. This place, which 
was strongly situated on a craggy rock projecting into 
the sea, had been carefully fortified by Justinian^ be- 
fore Lazica passed into the possession of Chosroes, 
and had since received important additions to its de- 
fences at the hands of the Persians.^ It was suflS- 
ciently provisioned,^ and was defended by a body of 
fifteen hundred men.'* Dagisthaeus, the Eoman com- 
mander, besieged it with his entire force of eight thou- 
sand men, and succeeded by his constant attacks in 
reducing the garrison to Uttle more than a fourth of its 
original number. Baffled in one attempt to effect a 
breach by means of a mine, he had contrived to con- 
struct another, and might have withdrawn his props, 
destroyed the wall, and entered the place, had he not 
conceived the idea of bargaining with the emperor for 
a specific reward in case he effected the capture.^ 
Whilst he waited for his messenger to bring a reply, 
the Persian general, Mermeroes, forced the passes 
from Iberia into Lazica, and descended the valley of 
the Phasis with an army of 30,000 men.^ Dagisthajus 
in alarm withdrew, and Petra was reheved and re- 
victualled. The walls were, repaired hastily with sand- 
bags,*^ and the fiu'ther defence was entrusted to a fresh 
garrison of 3,000 picked soldiers.^ Mermeroes then. 

1 Procop. B, P. li. 17; p. 128, C. 

2 Procop. B. Goth, iv. 12 ; p. 509, 
B. Among the most remarkable 
of these was a conduit, with three 
channels placed one under the other, 
which continued to supply the 
town with water after the upper 
and middle courses had been ob- 

s Procop. B, P. ii. 29 ; p. 164, 
A. Gibbon {Decline ana Fall, 
vol. V. p. 201) confuses the original 

victualling of Petra with its re- 
victunllina: (see below, p. 410). 
The great supplies found when the 
Romans took the place (Procop. 
B, G, p. 699, A) must be ascribed 
to the revictualling. 

* Procop. B. P. p. 166, D. 

* Ibid. 11. 29 ; p. 166, B. 

* Ibid. ii. 80; p. 166, D. 
' Ibid. p. 168, A. 

» Ibid. p. 169, B. 

Oft XT] m uMxo WJK 409 

finding it difficult to obtain suppli^ for his luge arm j» 
retired into Pcrsarmenia, leaving only five thousand 
Persians in the country besides the garrison of Petra. 
This small force was soon afterwards surprised by the 
combined Romans and Lazi, who completely defeated 
it, destroying or making prisoners almost the entire 

In the ensuing year, a.d, 650, the Persians took the 
field under a fresh general, Chorianes,* who brought 
with him a considerable army, composed of Persians 
and Alans. The allied Bomans and Lazi, under Dagi- 
stho^us and Oubazes, gave battle to this new foe on Uie 
bank.** of the Ilippis (the Tschenikal?) ; and though the 
Liizi, wlio had insisted on taking the load and fighting 
!«i*|)araa*ly, were at the first encounter routed by the 
Persian horve, yet in the end Roman diKipline and 
}«tublM>nine5s triumphed. Their solid line of footmen, 
brLHtliiig with npcam, offered an impervious barrier to 
the niviilry of the enemy, which did not dare to 
rhar;jr, hut had rnMnirM* to volleys of mk^h's. Tht» 
li<*niati<* ri'<«|N»ii(h.*<l witii tht* shim* ; ami the* l>attle niff(*<l 
i*v a \\\\\\r III! s-mnthin;: hkt* cvm It-nns, the sii|K»ric)r 
raiK'iitv of the Anialirs U'iii*/ foiiijt«Tliiilaiice<l hv tlie 
Ih 1'. r protiH-titiii wliifh thrir >hirhl'* jzavr in the Kuro- 
|H :iii«, until at ia<«t, l>y a stroke of firtuius Home ol>- 
i;i:rM<l tlj«' vi«ii»ry. A thaiMM- urmw kiUnl (^horiam-s, 
aiii 1j> army iu*t^mtly fh^l. Tlirn* wa> a ^hol1 Mrujrjrh* 
..* !!'!• r« r^iau ramp : hut thr Uomaiin and I^t/i rap- 
: .:. i It. M»H«t of the iVrsiaii"* wm- \n*n* put to the 
• v r ! : \]ir tVw \\h*» e^ajH**! cpiiltiMl I^izieu and ri'tunieti 
t" ':.' ;r «»\\ii r»»untry.* 

>' .11 atNtwanU bai/i-tlKeu** \va«» MiiM-pt-iUMl by 

V: . {.. //. /'. a :W. pp. I«»- ■ I'r^p. //. UUK it. 1. 

i:-. »ibid.u.«*. 


Bessas/ and the siege of Petra was recommenced. The 
strength of the place had been considerably increased 
since the former attack upon it. A new wall of great 
height and solidity had been built upon a framework 
of wood in the place which Dagisthaius had so nearly 
breached ; the Roman mines had been filled up with 
gravel ;^ arms, offensive and defensive, had been col- 
lected in extraordinary abundance ; a stock of flour 
and of salted meat had been laid in sufficient to sup- 
port the garrison of 3,000 men for five years ; and a 
store of vinegar, and of the pulse from which it was 
made, had likewise been accumulated.^ The Eoman 
general began by attempting to repeat the device of 
Ills predecessor, attacking the defences in the same 
place and by the same means ; but, just as his mine 
was completed, the new wall with its framework of 
wood sank quietly into the excavation, without suffer- 
ing any disturbance of its parts, while enough of it still 
remained above the surface to offer an effectual bar to 
the assailants.'* It seemed hopeless to recommence the 
mine in this place, and elsewhere the nature of the 
ground made mining impossible ; some other mode of 
attack had therefore to be adopted, or the siege must 
have been abandoned. Eome generally took towns by 
the battering-ram ; but the engines in use were of such 
heavy construction that they could not be dragged up 
an ascent like that upon which Petra stood. Bessas 
was in extreme perplexity, when some Hunnic alUes, 
who happened to be in his camp, suggested a mode of 
constructing a ram, as effective as the ordinary one, 
which should nevertheless be so light that it could be 
carried on the shoulders of forty men.^ Three such 

* Procop. B, G. iv. 9, ad init. i * Ibid. iv. 11 ; p. 592, C. 
*.Ibid. IV. 11 ; p. 693, B. * The chief difference in the con- 

^ Ibid, iv, 12 ; p. 599, A. | struction seems to have been, that, 


machines were quickly made ; and mider their blows 
the wall would soon have given way, had not the 
defenders employed against them the terrible agency 
of fire, showering upon them from the walls lighted 
casks of sulphur, bitumen, and naphtha, which last was 
known to the Greeks of Colchb as 'Medea's oil/^ 
Uncertain of succeeding in this attack, the Boman 
genernl gallantly led a scaling party to another portion 
of the walls, and, mounting at the head of his men, 
attempted to make good his footing on the battle* 
ments.' Thrown headlong to the ground, but unde- 
tcrreil by his full, he was about to repeat his attempti 
when he found it needless. Almost simultaneously, 
his tro<>|M had in two other places penetrated into the 
town. One bund had obtained an entrance by scaling 
the ntcks in a pbce supposed tu be inaccessible;* a 
$«i*«*on<l owed its suoccss to a combination of accidents. 
Fir^t, it hud luipfiened that a pap had shown itself in 
tht' pircH* of the wall which sank into the lloman mine, 
:i!nl a \ii»lriit '•trii;/;jlr had rn*'in'<l Ix-twceii the assiiilants 
aii'l <lttrnilrr> at thi> phire.* Then, while this fi^'ht 
u.i^ *j>''\U'j •»!!, the lire whieh lln' rer>ian- were u>'\u*i 
:\'j iWi^l thi- Ki»in:iii iKittt'riiiL' -ran)> had b<*eii by a >hit't 
• •t \\ih«l hlowii l)ai'k ii|N»ii thfiiiM'lve?*, and the w«MM|t*n 
-^tiiittiuf tVoni whieh tin*}' tMiiu'ht had Inm-ii i«£iiit4*<l« 
aii'l III A ^\\i*r\ time t-iilirely eoiiMiiiird, t*»i:*'ther with 
:t- Mjnia'i-. At ^i•Jht ot* ihf eoiilhiL'ratiori, th«' iVr- 
'I i!:- \\li» -!« in the jjap ha«l l«»-l hnirt, and had 
li^'iv.i :i;i- Uiitnan iPNip** ii» iMrei- their way thnuijrh 

-r ■«• •■■■ f»l;f.«ri .n»*rjr« wrr** ' (hiil. p. .Vi.*, A. 

• • .. 1 l-«ii.*. f; tb** nrw ' Tbrftr w.*r»- Aniiffiian muuri* 

• r f :,:•.! r -N t.^ I Vif(b«-r. * l*»H. p. .Vl»l. A. 



[Ch. XX. 

it into Petra. Thus fell the great Lazic fortress, after a 
resistance which is among the most memorable in his- 
tory. Of the three thousand defenders, seven hundred 
had been killed in the siege ; one thousand and seventy 
were destroyed in the last assault. Only seven hundred 
and thirty were made prisoners ; and of these no fewer 
than seven hundred and twelve were found to be 
wounded. The remaining five hundred threw them- 
selves into the citadel, and there resisted to the last 
extremity, refusing all terms of capitulation, and main- 
taining themselves against an overwhelming force, until 
at last by sword and fire they perished to a man.^ 

The siege of Petra was prolonged far into the winter, 
and the year a.d. 551 had begun ere the resistance 
ceased.^ Could the gallant defenders have maintained 
themselves for a few more weeks, they might not im- 
probably have triumphed. Mermeroes, the Persian 
commander of two years previously,* took the field 
with the commencement of spring, and, at the head of 
a large body of cavalry, supported by eight elephants,* 
began his march to the coast, hoping to relieve the 
beleaguered garrison. Unfortunately he was too late. 
On his march he heard of the capture of Petra, and of 
its complete destruction by Bessas,^ who feared lest the 
Persians should again occupy the dangerous post. Mer- 
meroes had no difficulty in establishing Persian rule 
through almost the whole of Lazica. The Romans did 
not dare to meet him in the field.^ Archa^opolis, in- 

> Procop. B, G. iv. 12 ; pp. 597-8. 

2 Clinton, F, IL voL i. p. 702. 

' See above, p. 408. 

* Procop. B, Q, iv. 18; p. COl, 
A. The writer justly admires the 
Persian skill and industry in mak- 
ing the wild and mountainous 

Lazica practicable, not only for 
cavalry, but for the ponderous 

* 'O Bfffffac Tov n^Tprtf vfoiSo^ov 
ic iSatboc KneiiXev. (Ibid. p. 599, D.) 

« Ibid. p. 602, D. Compare iv. 
16 ; p. 611, C. 


<li*r'l, ifpul-i'il his :iii:irk:^ l)ut no (»ilii»r iin|H»rlant. 
|il:u'«' ill \\\r ruuvr t'oiintty n*in:iiiHMl sul)j<M't l«» tlur 
I'.iiiliip*. (iiihazf'i :i!m1 hi'* tollowvi'i \un\ tn liitli* llu'iii- 
-'•'l\i'^ ill th*' H'ti'-'ir^ itf tlif innuntniiis.' <iiiiU't«Ti!i'i 
lii^ •!•.„, j,^ •hiitly 'Ml till* upper i*lia>is, alMiiit Kiilais' 
aii'l i!- !n;«jlil»"UrljM.>il, Mi*rnn'pM*H ^tn'n;jiliriHMl his 
]i**\\ •»:) :\ii- «'»iiiitry I>y huilthnLT (^*vl< nr rn-fiviiiiz 
lii'i' -'ilMiii^^i'Mi, ami rvt-ii ix1«'Iii1im1 \\\r Wv^'uiw dnini* 
ii:-.:! i».v«.inl I-:i/i«:i im.i Sryiniiia ami Siiauia.* Sfill 
!!• •::.«■. \\v.\i \\i'V ti«ii:il t«iia<*i!y, iii:iii)taiiuMl a hold upon 
ri!*;i.!i T:;i ■•- ; aifl < iiihazi*'*. tliithfill In \i\^ allit-n t'Vrti 
ii •..■ i \Mi-niiiy i»l' ilii-ir <!<-]in''.-:Mii, iiiaiiii:iiii('(| a \iuv- 
i..'.\ -Aiu. aii'i liiij*'-'! i!i;ii ^•»iin' (lay r«»rtiinr woiiM n-.i'-i' 
t . !V' «'U Jiiiri."' 

M.' . .\\i:;N*. a? l»y/:iii!iiJ!ri. fn-Ii n«-j«»ti:iiii in^i win* 

i*. • ■„:i— . ;iii'l f.ojM - wrvi- iiilrrtaiiu'd i.|' an arraiiu'i'- 

V • :;! i»y ul.ii !i all ti.c •lll"«:»n' f^ In twrni tin* two 

' ; .\\.:^ \\'-ii!'i Im- -a!l*!":h'l«»iily ailiu-tiMJ. I^lj- 

. - !.fi :•:•••*• i:!!-'! i..* !in*!' I- a! lln- l!v/:iuTinf 
- . •.•■■: :-■ •■ V ...•:'.«• ^.V!: ^1-iI 

I -. . .! .-• ■ ■ ■.■..•;. ii...... •!.,., ..•;.- 

'■ I 

I « I. 

,' " . i". 



[Ch. XX. 

lingness of Chosroes to conclude on these terras a fresh 
truce for five years, to take effect from the delivery of 
the money. With regard to the extent of country 
whereto the truce should apply, he agreed to an ex- 
press limitation of its range — the settled provinces of 
both empires should be protected by it, but Lazica and 
the country of the Saracens should be excluded from 
its operation.^ Justinian consented to these terms, 
despite the opposition of many of his subjects, who 
thought that Eome degraded herself by her repeated 
payments of money to Persia, and accepted a position 
little better than that of a Persian tributary/^ 

Thus the peace of a.d. 551 did nothing towards 
ending the Lazic war, which, after languishing through 
the whole of a.d. 552, burst out again with renewed 
vigour in the spring of a.d. 553. Mermeroes in that 
year advanced from Kuta'is against Telephis,^ a strong 
fort in the possession of Eome, expelled the command- 
ant, Martinus, by a stratagem, pressed forward against 
the combined Eoman forces, which fled before him 
from OUaria,* and finally drove them to the coast and 
cooped them up in ^ the Island,'^ a small tract near 
the mouth of the Phasis between that stream and the 
Doconus. On his return, he was able to reinforce a 
garrison which he had estabUshed at Onoguris in the 
immediate neighbourhood of Archoeopolis, as a means 
of annoying and weakening that important station.^ 
He may naturally have hoped in one or two more 

* Compare Procop. 1.8.c. with 
Agath. ii. 18. The latter writer 
says: 'OXiytp ifinpooBiv iKtxnoiav 
intTToifiVTo ['Pw^aioi Kai Uiftaai^f i<ft' 
if fUPToi ov rcXdoranif dytiv iiprjftji'f 
piidk &ari iravToQi tCjv Kivivvtav 
'truravoOmf d\K' ooov fiovov dvd ti/v 
tMf cat rd r^( 'Ap/Atviag opia iKareptp 

yhii itnriio'aiy dft^i Sk rifv KoXxi^o. 
yijp rov noXifiot' iia'*.(pnv, 

^ Procop. B, G. iv. 15; pp. 

• Agathias, ii. 19 ; p. 56, D. 

* Ibid. ii. 20 ; p. 58, B. 

* Ibid. ii. 21 ; p. 59, A. 

• Ibid. ii. 22 J p. 60, A. 

Cm. XZ.] THB LAZIC WJkB OdmHUtt. 415 

campaigns to have driven the last Soman out of the 
country and to have attached Lazica permanently to 
the empire of the great king. 

Unluckily, however, for Persia, the &tigues which 
the gallant veteran had undergone in the campaign of 
A.D. 553 proved more than his ageil frame could en- 
dure, and he had scarcely reached KutaYs when he 
was seized with a fatal malady, to which he succumbed 
in the course of the winter.^ Chosroes appointed as 
his successor a certain Nachoragan, who is said to have 
U'en a general of repute,* but who proved himself 
({uitc unoqiml to the position which he was called upon 
to till, and in the course of two years ruined the Per- 
sian cause in Lazica. The fiiilure was the more signal 
from tlic fact that exactly at the time of his appoint- 
ment circumstances occurred which seriously shook 
the l^>man influence over the Lazi, and opened a pro* 
!«|Mrt to Persia transcending aught that she could rca** 
^^>^ahly have ho|K*d. This was nothing less than a 
iipt^t «MTiMU*» fjujirn*! lM*twiH*n O uIki/cs the I^izir kiii};, 
ai)<l ^*m\i' «>f thr principal Koinaii ronniia!i(!rrs — ii 

• jiiarii'l whirh iiivolviil rnnsr(pi(*iu*r*i fatal to Uitli 
j».ii!i«'-. (fiiliazf^, <h-;/ii>ti*<l with ilu* iirj^lijji'iirr or 
.If :i|i:irity <»f tin* Koiiiaii ('liit't*<«. had inathM'oiiiplaint n( 
til' III !•! .Iw^tiniaii :^ tln-y had rrtaliatttl liy arcMiMiij; 
h:iii i>r iiitMlitatiii;.' (K'MTtioii, and had ohuiiiunl thr 
I iiilH r'T" riiii-M-nt to hi** arn»-l, and to tin* um* i)f 
\;"l.iiri- if hr iitlrri-il n*%i«4taiir<v* Arnn^l with thin 
n» i!ida*«'. th« V citiitrivtMl in a litth* tinn* to fast4*n u 

• |'i:trr* I ii|Hiii hiiii : and, M'hrn In* doliiutl ti> i\o a*« 
ti.« y rf.piirtd, thry dn-w tln-ir *wonls u|M>n him and 

* «• .«f »«,» «i • » ■«•«■ fit ' iiiti. p. r.t, ii. 

. ••«. -i'v». ilbi«l. iiL '•* . p. * lUti. III. 3; p. 7*V 


slew him.^ The Lazic nation was, naturally enough, 
alienated by this outrage, and manifested an inclination 
to throw itself absolutely into the arms of Persia.* 
The llomans, dispirited at the attitude of their allies, 
and at variance among themselves, could for some 
months after Gubazes' death have offered but little 
resistance to an enterprising enemy. So demoralised 
were they that an army of 50,000 is said to have fled 
in dismay when attacked by a force of Persians less 
than a twelfth of their number,^ and to have allowed 
their camp to be captured and plundered. Diuing 
this critical time Nachoragan remained inactive in 
Iberia, and contented himself with sending messengers 
into Lazica to announce his near approach and to ani- 
mate and encourage his party.* The result was such 
as might have been expected. The Lazi, finding that 
Persia made no effort to take advantage of their abs- 
tention, and that Konie despite of it maintained pos- 
session of the greater portion of their country, came to 
the conclusion that it would be unwise to desert their 
natural allies on account of a single outrage, however 
monstrous, and agreed to renew their close alliance 
with Eome on condition that the murderers of Gubazes 
should be punished, and his brother, Tzathes, appointed 
king in his place.^ Justinian readily gave his con- 
sent ;® and the year a.d. 555 saw the quarrel ended, 
and the Lazi once more heartily in accord with their 
Eoman protectors. 

It was when affairs were in this state, and he had 
exactly missed his opportunity, that Nachoragan took 
the field, and, advancing from Iberia into the region 

> A th. iii. 4 ; p. 76, B. 
• . iii. 0-11. 

iiLS; p.80,D. 

* Ibid. iii. 6 ; p. 78, B. 
» Ibid. iii. 14; p. 89, C. 
« Ibid. iii. 15 j pp. 90-1. 

Ctt. xxj ATTKMrr 05 phasis. 417 

ftbout KuUib with no army amoutiting to 60,000 
ment' umde preparations for carrjrhig on the war with 
yigour. He was opposed by Mmtinus^ Ju§tin, and 
Babttfl, tha two farmer of whom with the bulk of the 
Bomiii forcii occupied the region ou the lower Phasb, 
Imowti oa Uhe Idand,* while BsAmM held the mora 
central pcmtton of Ardieopulii.^ Nachomgan, after 
lamg ttbout 2,000 of his beit troapo iti the virginity of 
thii kst-Qamod place,* riseolf id lo chaileu^'e the Itotiutnj 
to ft decdiira imcounter by attackitig the imfiortani 
poAl of Fhim at tlie moulh of th« river. With some 
itklll he suaooeded in {>a^iii^ the Boniau eiimp on the 
yan4 iiod m iitabUiihitig liiiudelf iu ihi; plain directly 
south dt Vimm before the Bomaii genenUs gnmmd hh 
piupote.* Tbcft howe^-er, were abb by a quick 
movement to throw thetnsdves tntt> the town, and tbA 
gtnggle became one lieiween fairly balanecn} forott, 
and was conducted with great obftiQacy* The town 
was defended oo the touth by on outer palisade, a 
broad ditcli protecteii by sharp stakes and full of 
watcT, and an inner bulwark of considerable height 
but coiisiriirie<l wholly of wood.* The Phasic guarded 
it oil tlie north ; and here a Itoman fleet was stationed 
whirli Itiii ib* aid lo the defenders at the two extremi- 
ii«- of tlirir linf. The yanls of the ships were manned 
Willi •Mi|(Iiii>, mid boats were hung from them contain- 
im: -lin^Tp*, arrhen*, and even workers of catapult^ who 
(lelivin-<l lluir wwij)ons from an elevation exceeding 
thai of ilir ii»wiT>.* Hut Nachoragau had the advan- 
ta;;f of mimlHTs ; his men soon jiucri»cded in filling up 

' A/m!h III l'». ^ mtt. ; 17; p. j * Ibid. iii. 20. 

\>'2.r, ! ' Ibid. iii. Jl ; P.M, D. 

• Ibti. III. H. p.m, C. I Mbid. |i. U7, A, a 

• lUJ. I 

B B 



[Ch. XX. 

part of the ditch ; ^ and the wooden bulwark could 
scarcely have long resisted his attacks, if the contest 
had continued to be wholly one of brute strength. 
But the Eoman commander, Martinus, finding himself 
inferior in force, brought finesse and stratagem to his 
aid. Pretending to receive intelligence of the sudden 
arrival of a fi:esh Eoman army from Byzantium, he 
contrived that the report should reach Nachoragan 
and thereby cause him to divide his troops, and send 
half of them to meet the supposed reinforcements.^ 
Then, when the Persian general nevertheless renewed 
his assault, Martinus sent secretly 5,000 men under 
Justin to a short distance from Phasis ; * and this de- 
tachment, appearing suddenly when the contest was 
going on at the wall, was naturally taken for the 
newly arrived army, and caused a general panic. The 
Persians, one and all, took to flight ; a general sally 
was made by the Eomans in Phasis ; a rout and a 
carnage followed, which completely disheartened the 
Persian leader, and led him to give up his enterprise.'* 
Having lost nearly one-fourth of his army,^ Nachora- 
gan drew off to Kuta'is, and shortly afterwards, leaving 
the command of the Persians in Lazica to Vaphrizes, 
retired to winter quarters in Iberia.® 

The failure of Nachoragan, following closely upon 
the decision of the Lazi to maintain their alHance with 
Kome in spite of the murder of Gubazes, seems to have 
convinced the Persian monarch that, in endeavouring 

1 AgRth. iii. 23, ad miL 

a Ibid. iii. 24. 

* Agathias makes Justin lead 
these troops out of the city of his 
own accoiti, and without any mili- 
tary purpose ; but it seems almost 
certain Uiat what he ascribes to 
accident was the result of design. 

* Agath. iii. 26-27. 

* Two thousand near Archaeopo- 
lis (supra, p. 417), ten thousand in 
the battle before Phasis (A^rath. 
iii 27, ad/mX and two thousand 
more on the day following (ib. iiL 

* Ibid, ill 28, adJSn, 

(hL zx.] srapuiBiov or RosnumB. 419 

to annex Lazica, he had engaged in a hopdeas enter* 
prise, and that it would be the most prudent and judi- 
cious course to yield to the inevitable, and gradually 
withdraw from a position which was untenable. Having 
meted out to Nachoragan the punishment usually as- 
signe<l to unsuccessful commanders in Persia,^ he sent 
an ambassador to Byzantium ' in the spring of a.d. 556, 
and commenced negotiations which he intended to be 
serious. Diplomacy seems to have been as averse in 
the days of Cbosroi^ as in our own to an undignified 
rapidity of proceeding. Hence, though there could be 
little to debute where both parties were substantially 
at one, the nc^tiations begun in May A.D. 556 were 
not concluded till after the commencement of the fol- 
lowing year.* A complete suspension of hostilities was 
then agreed upon, to extend to Lazica no less than to 
the other dominions of the two monarchs.* In Lazica 
each party was to keep what it possessed, territoiy, 
ritic-:<« and castk*s.^ As this joint occupation was 
H an-ily Miilalilc for a {M*nn:iiK*iit arrangement, it wiw 
pptvidtil that thr two iK'lIigrri'ntH hhould, during the 
r«»iiiiiiuaiu'c* of till* iriK'ts pHM'tttl to wttli* the teniLH 
MI) which a iaHting |M-ti(V might In* (*stal>lishcHl/ 

All int«r\.il i»( tivr y«'ars i'hi|»*»t*tl Ix-fore the happy 
It *iih. I'l.r which U»lh jmrtit*^ had fXpn'>5Mfl thruiwdvc*!* 
ati\i<iu<*. wa<» a<H*ninpH?»h«Ml/ It i^ un<*(*rtnin how 
('i..r.nN-' w:u» «M-4U|»iinl (luring this |M'ri(Nl; but th^re 

- A/ith 1% JX \irmth)«i »r«>nia ThmitliMi. Ckromo^rmiA, V44. 1. p. 

• • ., : M- that N*<-hiir««ran «m \\^'», It. 

t! % w. rt • r but hm il •r* AMt * >«*«* (*lint<«, F. a. yaI. i. p. MH. 

A. * ...:\ ••w<rt ti . Aiid «•- hatr al- * AtTvtb. lY. .'«»; |i. 141. 1>. 

r.«u.'. «- •i(rtt.).p l>il I. that * llii'l. p. 111'. A. 

:• ««• ••• v.\m:.^' "f vTHu-.nmU mft^ * Hud. (*>>itip«rv MniAttd. IVo- 

,i**i*% «Liii liM cu»t*'n*mry in tr>rt. Kr. \\,«tdmtt. 

|rr..% ' >^ OlDliiQ, >•. a. vol. I pp. 

• J M*:*!. ifui. pL ^^, A . **V2'X 




[Ch. XX. 

are some grounds for believing that he was engaged 
in the series of Oriental wars ^ whereof we shall have 
to speak presently. Success appears to have crowned 
his arms wherever he directed them ; but he remained 
undazzled by his victories, and still retained the spirit 
of moderation which had led him in a.d. 557 to con- 
clude the general truce. He was even prepared, after five 
years of consideration, to go further in the line of 
pacific policy on which he had then entered, and, in 
order to secure the continuance of his good relations 
with Rome, was wiUing to rehnquish all claim to the 
sovereignty of Lazica. Under these circumstances, 
ambassadors of the highest rank, representing the two 
powers, met on the frontier between Daras and Nisibis, 
proclaimed the power and explained the motives of 
their respective sovereigns, and after a lengthy con- 
ference formulated a treaty of peace. The terms, which 
are given at length by a writer of the succeeding gene- 
ration,^ may be briefly expressed as follows: ^ — (1) The 
Persians were to withdraw from Lazica, to give up all 
claim to it, and to hand over its possession to the 
Romans ; (2) they were in return to receive from Rome 
an annual sum of 30,000 pieces of gold, the amount 
due for the first seven years being paid in advance ; ^ 
(3) the Christians in Persia were guaranteed the full 
and free exercise of their rehgion, but were forbidden 
to make converts from the disciples of Zoroaster ; 

^ According to Menander (Fr. 
11, pp. 209-210), the ambassador 
of Cnosroes spoke of him in the 
negotiations of a.d. 662 as haying 
already reduced to subjection ten 
nations, and crushed the power of 
the Ephthalites. These wars could 
scarcely have been carried on simul- 
taneously with the war with Rome. 

' Menander wrote under the Em- 


peror Maurice, who reigned from 
A.D. 582 to A.D. 602. 

» See Menand. Prot. Fr. 11 j 
208 and 212-3. 

* There was a further provision 
that, at the end of the seven years, 
a second payment in advance should 
be made, but only for three years. 
Afterwards the payments were to 
be annual (ibid. p. 209). 


(4) commercial intercoune was to be aDowed between 
the two empires, but the merchants were restricted to 
the use of certain roads and certain emporia; (5) di- 
plomatic intercourse was to be wholly free, and the 
goods of ambassadors were to be exempt from duty ; 
(6) Daras was to continue a fortified town, but no new 
fortresses were to be built upon the frontier by either 
nation, and Daras itself was not to be made the head- 
quarters of the Prefect of the East, or to be held by 
an unnecessarily large garrison ; (7) all disputes arising 
between the two nations were to be determined by 
rourUi of arbitration ; (8) the allies of the two nations 
were to be included in the treaty, and to participate in 
its benefits and obligations ; (9) Persia was to under- 
take the sole chaige of maintaining the Caspian Gates 
against the lluns and Alans ; (10) the peace was made 
for a {>eriod of fifty years. 

It lias been held that by this treaty Justinian con- 
K*nteil tu lxx*tiuie a tributary of the Persian Empire ; ' 
and iiii(luiil)ttMily it wjis |Kih?«il)lc* for Orii*ntal vanity to 
npn'x'iit \\ir arraii^'i*tm*nt uuulc in this iight.^ But 
thi' iiiillioii aiul a half, whirii Ibime uiKli*rt<M)k to |Hiy 
111 till- i«»urM' of the next fifty yran*, might well bt- 

\ir\v«il liv iIm- KotnaiiM as an ouliav fi»r which tlirv 

•• • ■ 

riMHivMl an ample* rHuni in tlit* ri*>tfion to thi'tn of th«* 
Tt-r^ian part tif Ijizira, and in thr UTniination of their 
«»l>!:;.MTHin to rontrilnite tiiwanl;* the* niuinteiiancH.* of 
the ('a**pian Hati*^. If tlu*ri* wum any ri*»l dangi*r of 
ili.i-M- rt-»iilL«* foliuwing fn»m the IVi>iun iMru|iution of 

> (t.U. !i Nitt. * Th«> •mAlliM-M ;UUi. 
• ft.' • <:ii r«-%«^l*«l thr di*p'rai«> of * T*\mn •pr«k« of lltnnm M pAY- 

m frt'*,'* 1!. :r«'-*i deformity' iDir Irlmt** Ui rht«fi«^ U Vtwmr, 

. /*f iM anJ /'u.'i, f 'L % p. 'JlhVf ; t.<l. ii. n. llll i. Si ftbo Aott- 

hi. I \^-A r. h* •}»•*• "f * tkf annuAl ll*iiiffth lVin««Ah, qiaoicd bj Mir- 

rri'-to.'* «;.; (i «&• F""'^!^ (lla|ruLM<d khulHl 1 p. M7 ), 
tv iLc Ummv ^4 prOMiJO ' (lb. pL 



[Ch. XX. 

Lazica which both nations anticipated,^ the sum must 
be considered to have been one of the best investments 
ever made by a State. Even if we beheve the dangers 
apprehended to have been visionaiy, yet it cannot be 
viewed as an exorbitant price to have paid for a con- 
siderable tract of fertile country, a number of strong 
fortresses, and the redemption of an obKgation which 
could not with honour be disowned. 

To Chosroes the advantage secured by the treaty 
was similar to that which Rome had obtained ^ by the 
peace of a.d. 532. Being no longer under any neces- 
sity of employing his forces against the Komans in the 
north-west, he found himself free to act with greatly 
increased effect against his enemies in the east and in 
the south. Already, in the interval between the con- 
clusion of the general truce and of the fifty years' 
peace, he had, as it seems, invaded the territories of 
the Ephthahtes,* and, with the help of the Great IGian 
of the Turks, inflicted upon this people, so long one of 
Persia's most formidable enemies, a severe defeat. 
According to Tabari, he actually slew the Ephthalite 
monarch, ravaged his territory, and pillaged his trea- 
sures.* About the same time he had also had a war 
with the Khazars, had overrun their country, wasted 
it with fire and sword, and massacred thousands of the 
inhabitants.^ He now entertained designs against 
Arabia and perhaps India, countries on which he could 
not hope to make an impression without earnest and 
concentrated effort. It was doubtless with the view of 

> See above, pp. 897-8 and 407. 

» See p. 383. 

' That the Ephthalite war pre- 
ceded A.D. 662 appears from Me- 
nand. Prot Fr. 11; p. 210. It is 
not likely to have been begun 

while the war with Home con- 

* Tabari, Chronique^ vol. ii. p. 

» Ibid. p. 161. 


extending his influence into these quarters that the Per- 
sian monarch evacuated Lazica, ainl bound his countiy 
to maintain peace with Bome for the next half-century. 
The position of afiairs in Arabia was at the time 
abnormal and interesting. For the most part that 
vast but sterile r^on has been the home of afanost 
countless tribes, hving independently of one another, 
each under its own sheikh or chief, in wild and unre- 
strained freedom.^ Native princes have seldom ob- 
tained any widely extended dominion over the scat* 
tered |K>pulation ; and foreign powers have still more 
rarely exercised authority for any considerable period 
over the freedom-loving descendants of Ishmael. But 
towards the beginning of the sixth century of otur era 
the Abyiuinians of Axum, a Christian people, ' raised ' 
fur ' above the ordinary level of African barbarism ' * 
by their religion and by their constant intercourse 
with Home, succeeded in attaching to their empire a 
hir^e |M>rtion of the Uappy Arabia, and ruled it at first 
frnm iliiir Afrii-aii nipital, but afterwunl.s by nieatts of 
a \H<n»y, wIiom* de|K*iidenre iUi the Xe«rus of Aby?*- 
»»inia wa'' little more than iiomiiial. Aliniha, an Ahvs- 
••mi 111 nt* hi;/h rank,' U'lnj; (h'puteil by the Nejzus to 
r«- «-i,ilMi-li the authority of AI)y'*Mnia over the Yemen 
wijt'ii It \va»» >hak«n by a {^reai revoh, made him?H*lf 
ni.L-!i r <»!* the r4mnlry, jl-^miuumI i\\r rri>\vn, i'slabli>h«Hl 
Al»y-»^inian- in all the ehiff ritie^, built numeruu.H 

' fh- n*inark«M<* fuitilm**nt of * <fihKin ralU AKraha 'th«* Alare 

tK* ;r J 'i*. \ :ri(«fn. tv) iL'iar^r- <>f A K<>niAn iii<*n'hAnt tif Adulia* 

!^: V • t .n««li<l«I«<tl bv tli«* (Hf«i- ii^Um^ amti /a//. Vtil. ▼. p. 9^»; 

•f 'I... : ti.:m II if fopi^nirr* in liut thu <hi«-ntal writprt unani- 

\.'«'.« ! .r:r.p' th** •)«<-•• "f I.OHi ni'iu»)T r»*prp«*tit bim •• mi Abv^ 

t. «•• .<«.«. xi,0. p-rimrk* -4 Kan •itiiAii ••( hiifh rank. (Sr«* Jobannarn, 

^l :...:. I. *<Ti.;!b't < tit.Uri. %.4 V. iitti. }V»ffMJMr. p. Ul I Tftbafi 

; ''-I r. ■' * . iii«k«'« bun • nirmlM-r <»f tb<* r<T«l 

' ••'*'.'.. /v. »•«■# iiW /'ihV, «.>l T. imiuily i t hrvmt^mf, «ul. ii. p. 1^ ). 



[Ch. XX. 

churches, especially one of great beauty at Sana/ and 
at his death left the kingdom to his eldest son, Yaksoum.^ 
An important Christian state was thus established in 
the Great Peninsula ; and it was natural that Justinian 
should see with satisfaction, and Chosroes with some 
alarm, the growth of a power in this quarter which was 
sure to side with Rome and against Persia, if their 
rivalry should extend into these parts. Justinian had 
hailed with pleasure the original Abyssinian conquest, 
and had entered into amicable relations with both the 
Axumites and their colonists in the Yemen.^ Chosroes 
now resolved upon a counter movement. He would 
employ the quiet secured to him by the peace of a.d. 
562 in a great attack upon the Abyssinian power in 
Arabia. He would drive the audacious Africans from 
the soil of Asia, and would earn the eternal gratitude 
of the numerous tribes of the desert. He would extend 
Persian influence to the shores of the Arabian Gulf, and 
so confront the Romans along the whole line of their 
eastern boundary. He would destroy the point d'appui 
which Rome had acquired in South-western Asia, and 
so at once diminish her power and augment the strength 
and glory of Persia. 

The interference of Chosroes in the afiairs of a country 
so distant as Western Arabia involved considerable 
difficulties; but his expedition was facilitated by an ap- 
plication which he received from a native of the dis- 
trict in question. Saif, the son of Dsu-Yezm, descended 
from the race of the old Homerite kings whom the 
Abyssinians had conquered, grew up at the court of 
Abraha in the belief that that prince, who had married 

» Tabari, vol. ii. p. 188. 

" Ibid. p. 202. Yaksoum was 
sacceeded oy his younger brother, 

» Procop. B. P. i. 19, 20 ; Jo. 
Malal. Ckronograpk, xviii. pp. 57, 
67, 6«. 

Ca. xz.] RBSLur izpuoiTioir 10 Tm mm, 425 

his mother, was not his step-fisUher, but his fiEither.^ Un- 
deceived by an insult which Masrouq, the true son of 
Abraha and successor of Yaksoum, offered him,* Sa!f 
became a refugee at the coiut of Choaroifs, and im- 
portuned the Oreat King to embrace his quarrel and 
reinstate him on the throne of his fathers* He repre- 
sented the Ilomerite population of Yemen as groaning 
under the yoke of their oppressors and only waiting for 
nn opportunity to rise in revolt and shake it off. A few 
thousand Persian troops, enough to form the nucleus of 
an army, would suffice ; they might be sent by sea to 
the port of Aden, near the mouth of the Arabian Oulf^ 
where the Uomerites would join them in large numbers; 
tlie combined forces might Uien engage in combat with 
the Aby.ssinians, and destroy them or drive them from 
the land. Chosroes took the advice tendered him, so 
fur at any rate as to make his expedition by sea. His 
!ihi|M were assembled in the Persian Oulf ; a certain 
nuinlKT of Persian troops * were embarked on board 
thrill : aiitj thf flotilla pnNH*t*<lt*<l, un<ler the ronduc't of 
Sait'« rn>t t<i tin* mouth of thi* (iulf, and then aloni; the 
•••►iiflurii roaM of Anibiii to Aden.* Kin'ouni^ixl by 
lh«ir iirfMiur, ihi» lIonu*ri(<**4 roM» a^niinnt their fort'ijjn 
Mj,],irH^.irH ; u war f«»llowinl, of which the purtimlar^ 
liaw Im^ii <li>li;^'un*tl by nuiianrc;* hut the rw*ult is 

' Talari, C^rtmttpte, mA. ii. p n--< with Saif 7/i<M). 
J".: « Tiil«n. p. IMI. 

' P'.'l. p '.*<^ Mii*rMiq rtirvMf * T«lNin niaki** tb«* I*ef«iftiit 

>n.i .t/./ Atf <.a/V'. >*if kn*** bv •'•<■». th«» ll«imfntMi /«.(MIO. Mm- 

!;.:• that \.*' f 'uhl n •! U* th«* •'*n ri'ii'i ftpn<l« lO,(Hlil niro «K«iiiH 

■ f t* • •iftM.' fft*h«-r With M*iir«>t|r|. ih«*iii. wh'i arw df^fraU^l. If* thro 

t' 1 : r< • 1 hi« iii->thrr t*i trll hiDj l«'ft<l* R«r«i!i«t th«*m an athit of 

'"i'.u IfiMHi), «h«» arr n|-jallT uiUuc- 

■ <»:..% M.-ht hiiritlrv«i. MN-tinlinir rr««fiil. ||- htmaflf it £tU«Hl by 

!- I*r«':'^ 4 II b 'JJOi, h(it Uii« th«* mninuui'l'-r of tbr IVr^iiao CiiQ* 

;* :-..;- t.«r.«* itih-KuUili*. ft« tin.'rtit. Th** •urrrM i»f lh« I'rf- 

i* *• * ^^ Ih:j-k).ftilikati i it%n^. Ptan* !■ aUhbuUd U* ih^tt Uh* <if 

)*»■*. % I Hi |i •'•7.'. KT t. mail** tb«> bi»«, an mrm pfviioiuijr iui» 

ihr buiuhrr U men Mot b« rbua- kauva ta Ymim! 



[Ch. XX. 

undoubted — the Abyssinian strangers were driven from 
the soil of Arabia ; the native race recovered its supre- 
macy ; and Saif, the descendant of the old Homerite 
kings, was established, as the vassal or viceroy of Chos- 
roes, on the throne of his ancestors.^ This arrangement, 
however, was not lasting. Saif, after a short reign, was 
murdered by his body-guard ;^ and Chosroes then con- 
ferred the government of Yemen upon a Persian officer, 
who seems to have borne the usual title of Marzpan,^ 
and to have been in no way distinguished above 
other rulers of provinces. Thus the Homerites in the 
end gained nothing by their revolt but a change of 
masters. They may, however, have regarded the 
change as one worth making, since it gave them the 
mild sway of a tolerant heathen in lieu of the perse- 
cuting rule of Christian bigots. 

According to some writers,* Chosroes also, in his 
later years, sent an expedition by sea against some por- 
tion of Hindustan, and received a cession of territory 
from an Indian monarch. But the country of the 
monarch is too remote for belief, and the ceded pro- 
vinces seem to have belonged to Persia previously.^ It is 
therefore, perhaps, most probable that friendly inter- 
course has been exaggerated into conquest, and the 
reception of presents from an Indian potentate^ meta- 
morphosed into the gain of territory. Some authorities 

' StMsTtiJif Notes to Le Bos, vol. 
X. p. 78 j Tabariy ChrorUque, vol. ii. 
p. 216. 

2 Tabari, voL ii. p. 218. . 

* Tabari (1.8.c.) makes Wahraz 
succeed Saif, and gives him ' a son 
called Merzeban.' No one can fail 
to recognise in this pretended name 
the favourite Persian title, 

* Tabari, p. 221 ; Mirkhond, p. 

^ Serendib (Ceylon) is said to 
have been the residence of the 
monarch. The provinces ceded are 
declared to have been those which 
were previously ceded to Bahram- 
gur ! (Tabari, vol. ii. p. 221.) 

' On the Indian embassy, see 
Mirkhond, p. 375 ; Ma90udi, vol. ii. 
p. 202 ; Gibbon, Decline and FaU, 
vol. V. p. 206. 


do QDl amgn lo Chrwroi^ anj Indmii domimnn ; ' and 
it is at least doubtful whether he mide aay expcfliUon 
in thi<t directicm. 

A wir, however, iippeani certainly lo have ocrupbd 
OboiroSi aljout ihi'^ period on his iiorth-casteni &i>riiti!r. 
TbeTiurfcft had rocetitly bwn odrancing in airengtl) and 
drawing ifccarer lo the f!onfinca of Pema, They had 
uiended their dominion over the great Ei»hiljaliie 
kin^omt partly by force of ann*,* partly through iho 
tnackrry of Katutphui, an Ephlhalite duefiain ; ' they 
had rucciired the mibmittion of the Sogdiana, and pro^ 
bably of other tribes of the Tranaoxianuui region^ pre- 
viously held in subjectionby the Ephthalttes; and they 
ajf]iirL*d to be acknowledged aa a grtiiat [lower^ the aoeond^ 
if not the first* in ihta part of Aaia. It was perhaps 
nlfaw with the view of pieklng a quarrel than in the 
hope of any valuable patrific result, that, about the dote 
of A.l>*567t DixabuU tlieTurkiah Khati« tciitambawNloii 
to Cboiro^^ with propoaati for the ailabljahment of free 
roniinen'ial intercourse between the Turks and Persians, 
and even for the conclusion of a treaty of friendship 
and alliance l)etween the two nations. Chosroes sus- 
|H^-ie<l the motive for the overture, but was afraid 
ojH'nly to reject it. He desired to discourage intercourse 
Inawifii hiH own nation and the Turks, but coidd devise 
no U'tler nuxle of eflecting his puqKise than by burn- 
ing' the Turkuth merchandise offered to him after he 


* In th«* divUioa nf bU eBipir» SSA. 

a^rib<^ to CbnamM, tb« moit * Ihid. p. 2S5: 'O Kir«^fac i 

f>Ai>trnj of bi« pMTioo*^ *PP**^ ^ Kf^Xir^ . . . I«i nrv « c r«9 ««t* 

U'ti ^i'U ^> thr«e ' Tabal Mid r«.c r.W«M<. Conpar* Pr. 10. 

/Ab!r«ur« ' (liLC.i, but wttbovl * Ibid. Fr. IS; A«opb«L CV»- 

m^Mii r«^*« momrmfA. n. ^07, D ; CliaUm, F. J2. 

' McfiAiKL Pmitct. ¥r. IS; pi Yti L pi ^ 



[Ch. XX. 

had bought it, and by poisoning the ambassadors and 
giving out that they had fallen victims to the climate. 
His conduct exasperated the Turkish Khan, and created 
a deep and bitter hostility between the Turks and Per- 
sians.^ It was at once resolved to send an embassy to 
Constantinople and offer to the Greek emperor the 
friendship which Chosroes had scorned. The embassy 
reached the Byzantine court early in a.d. 568, and was 
graciously received by Justin, the nephew of Justinian, 
who had succeeded his uncle on the imperial throne 
between three and four years previously. A treaty of 
alliance was made between the two nations ; and a 
Eoman embassy, empowered to ratify it, visited the 
Turkish court in the Altai mountains^ during the 
course of the next year (a.d. 569), and drew closer the 
bonds of friendship between the high contracting 

But meanwhile Dizabul, confident in his own strength, 
had determined on an expedition into Persia. The 
Eoman ambassador, Zemarchus, accompanied him on 
a portion of his march,* and witnessed his insulting treat- 
ment of a Persian envoy, sent by Chosroes to meet him 
and deprecate his attack. Beyond this point exact in- 
formation fails us ; but we may suspect that this is the 
expedition commemorated by Mirkhond,* wherein the 
Great Klan, having invaded the Persian territory in 
force, made himself master of Shash, Ferghana, Samar- 

* 'EvOtv TOiyapovv 17 dvafi'fvna 
fjp^aTo Uip'Jtatv Tt Kai TovpKuv, (Me- 
nand. Prot 1.8.c.) 

^ So Clinton understands the 
words of Menander (Fr. 20 : iv opu 
Tivi Xtyofikvip 'Errdy, wf dv ilnot 
Xpv<rovt' opoQ "EXXtfv avtift). And 
certainly the explanation of the 
name points in this direction. 
Otherwise the name itself might 

seem to point to the modem Ak 
Tagh (or Ak Tai), the 'White 
Mountains' directly north of Sa- 
markand. With this location 
would, I think, agree best the 
return march of the ambassadors 
as described in Fr. 21. 

» Menand. Protect. Fr. 20. 

^ Histoire des Sassanides, p. 365. 

(hL ZX.] TU TUKE8 DfTllIB PBtlA. 429 

kand, Bokhara, Ecsh, and Ncsf, but, hearing that Hor- 
miadas, son of Chosroes, was advancing against him at 
the head of a numerous army, suddenly fled, evacuating 
all the country that he had occupied, and retiring to 
the most distant portion of Turkestan. At any rate the 
expedition cannot have had any great success; for 
shortly afterwards (a.d. 571) we find Turkish ambaa- 
sadurs once more visiting the Byzantine court,^ and 
entreating Justin to renounce the fifty years* peace and 
unite with them in a grand attack upon the common 
enemy, which, if assaulted simultaneously on either 
side, nufihi (they argued) be almost certainly crushed. 
JuHtiii gave the ambassadors no definite reply, but re- 
newed the alliance with Dizabul, and took seriously 
into consideration the question whether he should not 
yield to the representations made to him, and renew 
the war which Justinian had terminated nine years pre- 

There were many circumstances which urged him 
iMwanlr* :i nijitiire. The payments to \k* made under 
thr fifty y<-:n>* |H*are had in hb* eyes the ap|K*aran(*e of 
a inliu!*- n'ii<lrn*<l l)y Home to Persia, whieh wa% he 
tlp»!iL'lit. an intoh-rahle disf^nuv.* A sulMdy, not very 
(li-^^iiiiilar. wliii-h .luMinian had allowed the Sanie«*nio 
Ar:i!»- un«!tr rfr>iaii rule, he ha*l alre:idy flij*oontiniUHl;' 
ah'l h^^tihti**!* haii, in eoniM*<|iii'n«'«*, alrrady <*ommenr4*il 
1m t\\»iu tli*' Trp^ian and the Human Sanirens.* The 
Hii..i^*..» of ('hi»'»pn-H in Wi-^itTn Arabia had at om^e 
j.i ••.*«k«-l hi'' iiMl'»n*y, and M'<-iiriiI to l{nm<% in that 
• iuartiT, afi imiwirtant ally in the i^nnit (liriMJan kin^;- 

y y . • ^ -11 ,: . •» riiiii(«r«* Tb«^']>h«lftct. Sim. iii. W, 

- If- J.'.*!; I kftmfm/rtifJk p J***, «•!* /I* 

\ •• I - • .. ^ •»t«i» 'ff* f^^»-n*, * M<*nani1 |V»I. Kr I'l. 
#.-... .r:».. .#<^.» .;•«• fMi»7«.- ' « Ibid. Vt. 17, W/n. 



[Ch. XX. 

dom of Abyssinia. The Turks of Central Asia had 
sought his friendship and offered to combine their 
attacks with his, if he would consent to go to war.^ 
Moreover, there was once more discontent and even re- 
belhon in Armenia, where the proselytising zeal of the 
Persian governors had again driven the natives to take 
up arms and raise the standard of independence.^ Above 
all, the Great King, who had warred with such success 
for twenty years against his uncle, was now in advanced 
age,^ knd seemed to have given signs of feebleness, 
inasmuch as in his recent expeditions he had individu- 
ally taken no part, but had entrusted the command 
of his troops to others.* Under these circumstances, 
Justin, in the year a.d. 572, determined to renounce 
the peace made ten years earher with the Persians, 
and to recommence the old struggle. Accordingly 
he at once dismissed the Persian envoy, Sebocthes, with 
contempt, refused wholly to make the stipulated pay- 
ment, proclaimed his intention of receiving the Arme- 
nian insurgents under his protection, and bade Chosroes 
lay a finger on them at his peril.^ He then appointed 

^ The weight of the various 
causes of war is differently esti- 
mated by different writers. Menan- 
der considers the invitation of the 
Turks to have been the chief cause 
(Fr. 32). Theophylact puts in the 
loreg^und the Arabian expedition 
and the injuries of the Abyssinians 
or Homentes (iiL 9). So Theo- 
phanes (Chronoffraph, j. 206, D). 
Evagrius, Johannes Itficlar., and 
others give the preference to the 
state of affairs in Armenia. (See 
EvacT. Hist, Eod, v. 7.) 

' St. Martin, M^moires mr PAr- 
minie, voL ii. p. 331 ; Menand. 
Protect Fr. 36 a j Evagr. H, E, 
V. 7. The leader of the insurrec- 
tion was Yartan, the Mamigonian, 

the eon of Vart. (See above, 
p. 336.) 

* Eightv years old, according to 
Gibbon {hecline and Fall, vol. v. 
p. 366^; but I do not know his 
authontj^. Menander Protector 
uses the inexact phrase, «iV irtx'>Tov 
yripa^; €A»/X,iicwc (Fr. 36). He had 
been on the throne above forty 

* The Arabian expedition to 
Saif ; the Turkish war to his eldest 
son, Hormifldas. (See above, pp. 
425, 429.) 

* Menand. Protect. Fr. 36 : 'E^i| 
Sif «C ii fTnpatitiTi CaKTvXov eVa, 
KivrjOiifTiTaif xai wg iq ryv UipaCtv 
iXdixot^ • 



Mnrcijm to the prefecture of the Eiit/ and ga?G him 
the eooduei af the war which wa« now iacvitfibb. 

Ko iootief did the Femaii inoaafch find his kingdom 
#enouiily nieiuiecHl thari^ despite hb advonct'd itge^ ha 
imuiedmtety took the field in persou. Giving th*i ctitn- 
maod of n flyiog oplumn of 6,000 men to Adurtrum,^ a 
^Ifu] genend, he mirebed )iim§elf igaiiwt the Itamtuta, 
who utider MiLtviutt ' hud defeiited a Feraan force, ttnd 
were beiii^ng Nt-ibii,^ foreed Uiem to miji^ the nl^ge, 
■ml, prefting furwnrd as thc^y retired, compelled them 
to ieck flheltcr within the w&tk of Dftnui/ which be 
prooradid to inTaft with hi^f main armj. Heaawhilt 
Adttntan, at the bead of the troop entrusted to him^ 
croaitd the Euphniteff near Circouum, and, having 
entered Syria, carried fire and Jiword for and Hide f jrer 
thai fertile prariDoe** fiiapilaed fronk Antioch, whert.% 
however, bt fauitil the nbttibi of the town, be mvuded 
CcdiSflyTia, took and deitfojrod Ajiainaa, and then, re- 
cnnsttig tbfi gjtml river, ngoined Cboaroite beftire I)anu. 
The renowned fortreas made a brave defence. For 
nlx>ve five months it resisted,^ without obtaining any 
rtlicf, the entire force of Chosroes, who is said* to have 

bhvlArt. Simocmtt iii. 

8; TImo. 
10; Job. 


Vtiiphan. S ^j^ Tb<N>phaii. Bvt. { 4. 
Tb*« other 

' Th^jpbaoM ( (' 
yr^pk. fk 20H. A) aod ZnoanM 
< vol. it. p. 71, V) wf%m$\y cmJl kia 


* Jo Kpiph. { 4 ; Th«ophjUrt 
Sim. III. I0. 

* T)ir KofiuuM wvn» delifbud 
with anv ffUHMD of ■a c c t t, aod Um 
httttU (if Smrirmthofi is C9l«brmt«d 
bv th** wboU rboHM of li?««itJa« 
wntrr*. Tb* iCi'iiiAiM claiOMd to 
b«t.. kiUM Lliii uf iIm mm^y, 
wbiU tbrir owD lam waa MfMt 
(TbcopbAO. Iljt. S ^) 

* The iiefB WM eoiBiiiMead bj 
M ArriAn ; bat, aa it made no prc^ 

ha waa ahortlj aaporaadad 
b? Ararsoa (Ja Epiph. { 4 ; Tbao- 
phvUct. Him ill 11). 

< Efa^. H. B. T. 9. A portion 
of th« Roaiaa am? taama to ba?« 
thruwv Itaalf into Mardio (HaiiliK 
Of MiM>/«i). (8m Ja Epipb. {5; 

• Jo'Eppb. « 4 ; ETairr. H. K 
?.9, 10; TWopb?lael« Uc. 

^ Ef^rr- H. E. r. 10: wi^rrw^^ 
««. riK^ >., ^jrr«. Tbwpbjla^ mj% 





besieged it with 40,000 horse and 100,000 foot. At 
last, on the approach of winter, it could no longer hold 
out ; enclosed within hues of drcumvallation, and de- 
prived of water by the diversion of its streams into new 
channels,^ it found itself reduced to extremity, and 
forced to submit towards the close of a.d. 573. Thus 
the great Eoman fortress in these parts was lost in the 
first year of the renewed war ; and Justin, alaimed at his 
own temerity, and recognising his weakness, felt it ne- 
cessary to retire from the conduct of afiairs, and de- 
liver the reins of empire to stronger hands. He chose 
as his coadjutor and successor the Count Tiberius, a 
Thracian by birth, who had long stood high in his con- 
fidence ; and this prince, in conjunction with the Em- 
press Sophia, now took the direction of the war.^ 

The first need was to obtain a breathing-space. The 
Persian king having given an opening for negotiations,^ 
advantage was taken of it by the joint rulers* to send 
an envoy, furnished with an autograph letter from the 
empress, and well provided with the best persuasives 
of peace, who was to suggest an armistice for a year, 
during which a satisfactory arrangement of the whole 
quarrel might be agreed upon. Tiberius thought that 
within this space he might collect an army sufficiently 
powerful to re-establish the superiority of the Eoman 

* Theophylact Sim. iii. 11. Com- 
pare Evagr. H» JB. v. 10, and Jo. 
Epiph. § 6, where, however, the 
text is mutilated. Theophanes of 
Byzantium (1.8.c.) ascribes the loss 
of Daraa to the Homans being at 
variance among themselves. 

« Evagr. j£ E. v. 11 j Theo- 
phylact, I.S.C. ; &c. 

' By sending an embassy im- 
mediately upon the capture of 
Daras (Menand. Protect Fr. 37\ \jm.). 

^ It is not quite clear whetner I 

the embassy of Zacharias preceded 
or followed the nomination of Ti- 
berius as CsBsar. If Clinton is 
right in saying that the nomination 
was not made until the December 
of A.D. 674 (F. H, vol. i. p. 834). 
there must have been an interval 

during which the Empress Sophia 
had the sole direction of affairs. 
Tiberius, however, was her coun- 
sellor (Menand. Prot Fr. 37, sub 


arms in the east; Chosroes believed himself strong 
enough to defeat any force tliat Rome could now bring 
into the field.* A truce for a year was therefore con- 
cluded, at the cost to Ilome of 45,000 aurei ; * and im- 
mense eflbrts were at once made by Tiberius to levy 
tnM>ps from his more dii^tant provinces, or hire them 
fn)m the lands b(»yond his borders. An anny of 
ir)(),()(lO men wa.s it is siud, collected from the banks 
of the Danube and the Rhine, from Scythia, Pannonia, 
Ma«>ia, Illyriruin, and Isauria ; • a genend of repute, 
Ju'-tiiiiati, the jmhi of Germainis, was selecttxl to com- 
mand xhvxn ; and the whole fonre was concentrated 
u|H)n tin* i-sLMt.-ni fnmtier ; * but, after idl these prepa- 
ration.'^, the Ca*sar*H heart (inM him, and, insti'ad of 
iitlrring hatllr to the en«'my, TilH.'rius ^^»nt a sec*ond 
rnilKL->y lo ilie Tertian head-quart4*rs, early in A.D. 575, 
and b«-^»UL'ht an extension of tlu* truce.* The Itomans 
dt-^in**! a ?«hort term of pi'ace only, but wi«*he<l for a 
•j»'iM*nil -u«»jM'ti?»ioti of hf»^ti)ities U'tweeii llie nations; 
•'.- 1*1 r-.:i:n :i'i\«»i;i?.Ml a I.hii^mt iiittTVal, Init iii-^i-lecl 
t'. i' •":.•■ :r .• •■ -!i'»u!'l not vxti-ri'I (o ArinrTiia/* 'I'ln* dis- 

:• .• •.•!■. ;•■*; r.ll tin' aiiiii^th-i- lor a vrar li;nl run 

• ■ . .i, i *i.- r«r*; I'l* ha'i r«-iJiut"| lio-^tilili-- and 
• ' ■ I*' : i ' '•'.-• .'.'■: I." !••■!'..:. ! '.I' I J.. ".a' J* w ■ •iil-i 'jw*' 

• '. ■ - ■-■ • •■ I* •■ • \ ii 1 I. ! i-- '. .- 

• ^: .■ 1 1*: • \7 .:••. I ,^:t. 

• . • ■• v.- - M ■ I-. . • !>. ■'• v.i l'» 


r r 



[Ch. XX. 

peace for three years, but that Armenia should be 
exempt from its operation.^ Borne was to pay to Per- 
sia, during the continuance of the truce, the sum of 
30,000 aurei annually.* 

No sooner was the peace concluded than Chosroes 
put himself at the head of his army, and, entering Ar- 
menia Proper, proceeded to crush the revolt, and to 
re-establish the Persian authority throughout the entire 
region.^ No resistance was offered to him ; and he was 
able, before the close of the year, to carry his arms into 
the Koman territory of Armenia Minor, and even to 
threaten Cappadocia. Here Justinian opposed his pro- 
gress ; and in a partial engagement, Kurs (or Ciutsus), a 
leader of Scythians in the Koman service, obtained an 
advantage over the Persian rear-guard, captured the 
camp and the baggage, but did not succeed in doing 
any serious damage.* Chosroes soon afterwards re- 
venged himself by surprising and destroying a Koman 
camp during the night ; he then took and burnt the 
city of MeUtene (Malatiyeh); after which, as winter was 
approaching, he retired across the Euphrates, and re- 
turned into his own country. Hereupon Justinian seems 
to have invaded Persian Armenia, and to have enriched 
his troops with its plunder ; according to some writers, 
he even penetrated as far as the Caspian Sea, and em- 
barked upon its waters ; ^ he continued on Persian soil 

» Evagr. H, E, v. 12 j Theo- 
phylact. Sim. I.8.C. ^ 

^ Again we are indebted to Me- 
nander for this confession (Fr. 40). 
The other Byzantine writers care- 
fully conceal the fact that Rome 
had on each occasion to pay for 
peace. Gibbon omits to notice it. 

• Menand. Prot. Fr. 41 j Evagr. 
H. E, V. 14. 

^ The account of EyaffriusrLs.a) 
is moderate and probaole. Theo- 

phylact (iiL 14) and Theophanea 
(p. 212, B, C) have greatly ex- 
aggerated the importance of the 
victory. All three writers absurdly 
state that| in consequence of his 
danger on this occasion, Chosroes 
issued an edict that no Persian 
king should henceforth go out to 
battle 1 

» Theophylact, iii. 15 : Theo- 
phan. p. 212, C. Evagrius does 
not indulge in this flourish. 

n:EJiiA5B vicTORimm ik aemisii. 43d 

during ibe whole of the winlcri and U was not lUI the 
qmng came Uml he re-^nUrnrd EDmon territory' 

The (wnpaigii or a.d* 676 b wmewbatobecure. The 
Boroatw §eem to huve giutuMl certain adrantages in 
Northern Armeaia and Iberiiu* while CliOinji% oti hm 
part carried tlio war once moa* into Armenbi Minor, 
and kid siege to Tbeodo«iopoUft which, haweveri be 
w&i uruible to take/ Negotialiaui were upon this i^ 
itimcHlf atid had progre»Nxl fiii'ourably to a certatn 
piiinU whtm newi arrived of a greut diiasUir to the 
Uocnan anns in Araietiia, which changtid the fiice of 
oflatn and cmuicd tJie Teraiui ti€gciUjiti>nf to braak 
up the oonfereoee. Tamc^bofirti, a p4*nqan general^ had 
eonipleCcIj defeated the Boman iinny umler Jiutinian.* 
AdDOoia bod tTtiimed to ita oUegiance. Then «oeaied 
flygry reMon to beliet'c that more was to be gatncd by 
antiM than by diplomacy, and that, when ttie Uirve 
ycatv* pucG had ntn out, the Great King might renew 
the grai'ml war with a pro»poct of obtaining iinfKirtaiit 

Tlicre are no military event« which can be referred 
to iIk* ymr A.I). 577. The Romans and Pemians amiUMnl 
rarh otlier with aUernatc embassies during ita counM.% 
aiitl witli nep)tiations that were not intended to have 
any result.* Thetwomonarchs made vast pre[)arations ; 
and with tin* ?*pring of A.D. 578 hostilities recommenced. 
C'h<»^r(H-s l^ accuscnl of having aiitici[wted the expira- 
tion of tlie truce by a |)eriod of forty days ;* but it is 

>i, • Tli«pbyliirt,liLI5; ^«.C; 

41 mm! MriMiid. I*mt Fr. 47 ; Et^r. JST. JL 

* Ktairr // K. r. 14. «*>i. 

4'J I V. It*, md mti. 

• Tluit rbotft«« MTTu^ OS tkk I » MtMML I'rot Vn. 47 mi bd 
mrjp^ lo prrmi i« diMiDcU? d^cUfW i * lUd. Fr. fiO. Ccmmn At^ 
by HmmmdM (Fr. 41>. > p^jlacl, UL 16; p^ 88, if . 




[Oh. XX. 

more probable that he and the Bomans estimated the 
date of its expiration differently. However this was, 
it is certain that his generals, Mebodes and Sapoes, 
took the field in early spring with 20,000 horse,^ and 
entering the Eoman Armenia laid waste the coimtry, 
at the same time threatening Constantina and Theodo- 
siopoUs.^ Simultaneously Tamchosro,^ quitting Persar- 
menia, marched westward and plundered the coimtry 
about Amida (Diarbekr). The Eoman commander 
Maurice, who had succeeded Justinian, possessed con- 
siderable military abihty. On this occasion, instead of 
following the ordinary plan of simply standing on the 
defensive and endeavouring to repulse the invaders, he 
took the bolder course of making a counter movement. 
Entering Persarmenia, which he found denuded of 
troops, he carried all before him, destroying the forts, 
and plundering the country.* Though the summer 
heats brought on him an attack of fever, he continued 
without pause his destructive march; invaded and 
occupied Arzanene, with its stronghold, Aphumon, 
carried off the population to the number of 10,090, 
and, pressing forwards from Arzanene into Eastern 
Mesopotamia, took Singara, and carried fire and sword 
over the entire region as far as the Tigris. He even ven- 
tured to throw a body of skirmishers across the river 
into Cordyen^ (Kurdistan) ; and these ravagers, who 
were commanded by Kurs, the Scythian, spread devas- 
tation over a district where no Eoman soldier had set 

' Twelve thousand of the twenty 
were native Persians ; the rest con- 
sisted of Saracens and Iberians. 
(Menand. Prot. l.s.c.) 

* Theopbylact, l.s.c. 

« Menand. Prot Fr. 62 ; Theo- 
pbylact, L8.C. 

* Our knowledge of this cam- 
paign is derived almost wholly 
from Theopbylact (iii. 15, 16), 
whose account seems worthy of 
acceptance. Some confirmation is 
furnished by Menander (Fr. 55 ; 
p. 257) and Agathias (iv. 29). 

Cs. J%} DEATH OP CUOSBQgil I. 48f 

foot mme its ciMton by Joviau,^ Agatljias tells \m that 
Chosroei wiis at Uie time enjoy iiig liit summtT triUtggia- 
tura in the Kurdkli kiUi^ and mw fram bis n^itlence 
the Bmoke of the hamleUt which the Raman trtKjpti had 
fired,* He hasiily fled from the danger, ami j^hiit him- 
idf up withia the waHn of Cuaaphon^ where be wan 
won ftftenrards idzisd witb the illnefui which brought 
hit life to a close. 

Meanwhile Kurm, tmeomciora probably of the prtate 
that had been so near hb giiap, recrooied ^ Tigris 
with }m booty and fej<iitied Maurice, who on the 
npproodi of wmler withdrew into Roman territory, 
cwfiiiaiing all hk eoaqngata aioepting A rsajiene.' The 
dull tixM of winter waa, w nmal, frpuni in negotiaticvoii} 
and it was tbi>ught that a peace might have been 
condudcd had Cfaoaoiii Bmd^ Tiberiua waa aiutiouft 
in recover Thim, and waa willing to withdnw ibe 
Roman fcirees wholly from rermrmenia and Iberia^ 
and to purrwider Arxanene and Aphumim, if Panis 
wiTc restored lo him.' iie wouia proDaoiy nave oeen 
content even to pay in addition a sum of money.'* 
ChiwHH^ might perhaps have accepted these terms; 
but while the envojrs empowered to propose them 
wrrr on their way ti) his court, early ^ in the year a.d. 
'>7'J, iho aptl monarch died in his [lalace at Ctesiphon 
aficT a reign of forty- eight year*.* 

' Airmthuu, iv. 211. It U eunam n. H4, Uu In lUrck (UIIbUm, 

that bv Aiioe lif tie Ut«r wht«n is /'. it. tuL L n. (M2). 

thi* •ut«'m«ot r»fM«t«a. * So AgmtViM (Lce.L MtrirlMwd 

' Tbr.»pbTlact, 111 IfV (p.3(CKAiHlTaUrt(ToLlLp.m>. 

• llroAn<f. Prvt Kr. U>, md md, Tb* mimet dvaliaa ol kk rJ^ga wm 

' Ibiil. Vt. M. furtj-«rT«o fwi 9md iU Moatks 

« Ibat mxch a pajmeot bad W«i ( luatjcli. toL iL p^i. 170, 189), 

r«ctriDpUt«l bj bulb uutM« ap- Iroai Sept. ▲.». 531 to lUitb a^Sl 

pr«ni (run Fr. 47 (pL :t51>. 679. 



[Ch. XXI. 


Adminutratton of Persia under Chosroes L Fourfold Divmon of the 
Empire, Careful Surveilkmoe of those entrusted with Power, Severe 
IhtnishmerU of Abuse of Trust, New System of Taxation introduced. 
Correction of Abuses connected toith the Military Service, Encourage^ 
ment of AgricuUurs and Marriage, Relief of Poverty. Care for 
Travellers, Encouragement of Learning. Practice of Toleration within 
certain Limits. Dotnestic Life of Chosroes. His Wives. EevoU and 
Death of his Son, Nushizad. Coins of Chosroes. Estimate of his Cha» 

"£70^6 rhy Mpa fitl(oya Otlriy rStv ^XXevr fiapfidpuy. — Aoathias, ii. 28. 

A GENERAL consensus of the Oriental writers ^ marks 
the reign of the first Chosroes as a period not only of 
great miUtary activity, but also of improved domestic 
administration. Chosroes found the empire in a dis- 
ordered and ill-regulated condition, taxation arranged 
on a bad system, the people oppressed by unjust and 
tyrannical governors, the mihtary service a prey to the 
most scandalous abuses, reHgious fanaticism rampant, 
class at variance with class, extortion and wrong 
winked at, crime unpunished, agriculture languishing, 
and the masses throughout almost the whole of the 
country sullen and discontented. It was his resolve from 
the first ^ to carry out a series of reforms — to secure 
the administration of even-handed justice, to put the 

* See especially TabRri, vol. ii. 
>p. 160, 222-232 ; Mirkhond, pp. 
.i(52-4; Ma^oudi, Prairies d'Or, 
torn. ii. pp. 204-5 ; and Asseman, 


Bibliothecay torn. iii. pp. 404-410. 

^ Mirkhond makes him express 
his intentions in his very first 
speech to his nobles (p. 362). 

Ol. XJX] A&H1K1STE.iTI0X 0K CnOSROftd I. 4S9 

finaacts oo a better footing, to enaourage ngriculttjre^ 
id rdieve the poor and the dbtraMed, to root out tbe 
i^Qiei thai dcttroyed the eiTieieney of the army, and 
to esdae the giiogreno of fanatiebin w]iich wa.^ eiiting . 
bto tha heart of tlie riatioa. Uow he effected the laft- ^ 
named object by hb wholesale destruction of the 
fuDowen of Haidiikf has been already related ;^ but it 
appeared unadviauble to interrupt the mitiUiry hi<^>ry 
of the reign by tximbiniag with it any aoroiuit of the 
numerous other reformi which he aecompliihed It 
»ouiiii9 tberdbre to eoiiiidar them in thU pkcLv mnce 
they ati! c^rtjiitily not the leftAt remarkable among tba j 
many acfaicneinetibi of thus great monardi. I 

Fenta, until the rime of Anu4hinran, had been 1 
divided into a muhitude of proirinoen, the ntrapi or 
gaieroon of which hHd their offi<\* directly under tfaaj 
crown. It w§M difficult for the monarch to exerciw cl 
auficsent snperinteDdam over io lufo a numlier of 
rubn, many of them nmote from the murt, and all 
uniUHl by a common interest. Chosrues conceived the 
plan of funning four great governnienta, and entrust- 
ing' ilu'in to four [K?rsons in whom he had confidence, 
wIhim* duty it should be to watch the conduct of the 
provifirial mitnij>s, to control them, direct them, or 
rriH>rt their mi.H<!onduct to the crown. The four great 
;:oviTiiin<iits were tho!»e of the east, the north, the 
i^)Uth, and the west. The east compriseil Khoraasan, 
Si*^taii, aiiil Kinnaii ; the north, Annenia, Azerbijan, 
(iliihiu, Kouin, and Isfalian ; the south, Fars and 
Aliwaz; thr west, Irak, or Ikibylonia, Assyria, and 

It w;f* not the intention of the monarch, however, 

' Supm, p. »1. • MirklMMKi, p. »L 



[Ch. XXL 

to put a blind trust in his instruments. He made per- 
sonal progresses through his empire from time to 
time, visiting each province in turn and inquiring into 
the condition of the inhabitants.^ He employed con- 
tinually an army of inspectors and spies, who reported 
to him from all quarters the sufferings or complaints of 
the oppressed, and the neglects or misdoings of those 
in authority.^ On the occurrence of any specially sus- 
picious circumstance, he appointed extraordinary com- 
missions of inquiry, which, armed with all the power 
of the crown, proceeded to the suspected quarter, took 
evidence, and made a carefiil report of whatever 
wrongs or malpractices they discovered.^ 

When guilt was brought home to incriminated per- 
sons or parties, the punishment with which they were 
visited was swift and signal. We have seen how harsh 
were the sentences passed by Chosroes upon those 
whose offences attacked his own person or dignity.* 
An equal severity appears in his judgments, where 
there was no question of his own wrongs, but only of 
the interests of his subjects.^ On one occasion he is 
said to have executed no fewer than eighty collectors 
of taxes on the report of a commission charging them 
with extortion.^ 

Among the principal reforms which Chosroes is said 
to have introduced was his fresh arrangement of the 
taxation. Hitherto all lands had paid to the state 
a certain proportion of their produce, a proportion 

1 Gibbon, Dedine and FaS, vol. v. 
p. 184. 

* Mirkbond (p. 381) mentions 
ibis among bis principles of go- 
vernment. It "was an old practice 
of Persian monarcbs. (See AncieiU 
Monarchies, vol ill. p. 213.) 

» See Mirkbond, pp. 381-2. 

* Supra, pp. 381-2. 

* Menand. Prot. Fr. 46; Mir- 
kbond, pp. 863, 379 J Tabari, p. 
226; &c. 

* Mirkbond, p. 382. 


which varied, according to the estimated richness of the 
soil, from a ti^nth to one-half.^ The efloct was to dis- 
coumgr all improved cultivation, since it wa^i quite 
[x>ssible that the whole profit of any increased outlay 
mi^^lit t»e absorlnxl by the i^Uite, an<l also to cramp and 
check the liberty of the cultivators in various ways, 
since the [>roduce could not be touched until the 
revenue (»tlicial made his appearance and carried off 
the share of the crop which he had a right to take.^ 
Chtwrot^ resolvetl t*) substitute a land-tax for the pro- 
|H»rtioriatc [mymcnts in kind, and thus at once to set 
iln' cultivator at HIktIv with res[)ect to harvc*sting his 
('ri>|iH and to allow him the entire adviuitiigc of any 
an;/in('iitiHl ppMluction which might be sifcurcd by 
bf tti-r iiriIkmIs of fanning his land. His t^ix consisted in 
part (»f a nioiiry payment, in [uirt of a |myment in 
kiii'i ; but iNitii payments wen* fixc<l and invariable, 
ra'h n)«-a<«urr of ground bring niti-d in the king's 
b«Hik'< :it uiji' ilirhnn and one nieit^^ure of the ppKluce.' 
1 :.< .'"Ai:--! Lt'iil, ;iii«! Iiri'l I\ Iul' TuIImw at tht- time, 
w- •• • \' !!.;i' : * ;i!i«l tliii- '!..■ -. iji iMi- iiiVn|\r«L ln»l "lie 
-.'•.• \ i! ■:.• . !•:.• ;i r-< '.!i ir.L' (ammal) ••iir\ey,' aipl an 
.1' ■ . ; !• ^\<\ ri •!! "l" A\\ •■u!«»: -, \Mili till' <|uai»ii!y 
■:.= : .■•!•: « '.i'l'.-iri-'H !.• !•! l»v i ;h h. an«l iIm- ii.itiin' 
' • • I. ■:• ••! fi'-;.- •■• :••■ ji'i'iMi liv iImiii I lie 
-'.'':. \\ I- ■:.•■": I:. .' ii t •.:i:;'!:r.i*ii -n. arj»l ij:av lj.i\f 

T.i"- ! '»i*'. !. 1 iln;... J' L':' J. "I ii'- •itrKfu 
.. .-■ ;: i- i K M |:,r} .-r .1.. 

. ■ : ' K ■ \\ ^!■ ■■ .• 1 .i* 'r ::• •-"» • ■ ?•• - i.'-iii- -. 

.«!.•■ -.:,•■.!.. .-! l! •. K:. r .^Itnii 

U ^.' : \ " ' J u ...I. |. ..•.,..* r r I-".-. 

• ; .. "\. ■• 1 :. !'. A.. I. ..'. f ■■ 

• * r- ! :-. . . r !--: ; .1- 

■ ; .• .r • I »■ .:. ; .VJ 

■•.... . Ir. . -J. 



[Ch. XXI. 

pressed somewhat hardly upon the poorer and less 
productive soils ; but it was an immense improvement 
upon the previously existing practice, which had all 
the disadvantages of the modern tithe system, aggra- 
vated by the high rates exacted ^ and by the certainty 
that, in any disputed case, the subject would have had 
a poor chance of establishing his right against the 
crown. It is not surprising that the CaUphs, when they 
conquered Persia, maintained unaltered the land system 
of Chosroes ^ which they foimd established, regarding 
it as, if not perfect, at any rate not readily admitting of 
much improvement. 

Besides the tax upon arable lands, of which we have 
hitherto spoken, Chosroes introduced into Persia vari- 
ous other imposts. The fruit trees were everywhere 
counted, and a small payment required for each.® The 
personalty of the citizens was valued, and a graduated 
property-tax established, which, however, in the case 
of the most opulent, did not exceed the moderate sum 
of forty-eight dirhems * (about twenty-seven shillings). 
A poll-tax was required of Jews and Christians,^ 
whereof we do not know the amoimt. From all these 
burdens liberal exemptions were made on account of 
age and sex; no female paid anything;^ and males 

* On lands where the cultivator 
was the owner, half the produce 
might be paid, as it was by the 
helot to his Spartan master. (^See 
the Author's Jlerodotus^ vol. iii. p. 
279.) But where the cultivator 
had also to pay a rent, such a tax 
would have been cruelly oppres- 
sive. Perhaps Tabari is right in 
making the nigh est rate paid to 
the state one-tifth. (See above, 
p. 441, note *.) 

« Tabari, ii. p. 226. 

• Ibid. p. 223. Ma^oudi gives 
the following as the rate of pay- 

ment: *Four palms of Fars^ 1 
dirhem ; six common palms, the 
same ; six olives, the same ; each 
vine, 8 dirhems.' (Prairies (TOr, 
ii.p. 204.) 

* Tabari, 1.8.c. 

* Mirkhond, Histoire des Stu- 
smiidesy p. 372 ; Tabari, l.s.c. 

* This appears not to have been 
the case under the former system ; 
for the cultivator whose wrongs 
called forth the compassion of Ko- 
bad was a woman (Tabari, ii. p. 

Os. XXI] ABMT EKFoaiL 443 

abore fifty yeftn of igt* or uoder twi!uty were nbo ftm 
of chmigt!. Due mjiice wim giren to cmt^h indiiriduiil 
of ihe ifum for which he wtw liablct by the pubUcmtiofL 
iu em^h {irovincet town^ and vUliige, of a las tabli^ 
ici wlik^h isitdi dtbeti or itlieii cxnild iee iigaiiiiit his 
natne the ammttit about to ho daittieil of hai], with 
the groutut upnu which it was regarded m due,^ Pay- 
meiit bail lo bf* made by iii»taimenL% three times mxk 
fiAT, at the eod of eirery fmur monthi.' 

In oitlL*r to pmveut the unfair extortioQ^ which in 
rho aneient worki was alwap* with ruiOD or witliout, 
charged upon eoUeel^jn of revoBuc^ CbciaroUa, by the 
advioe of the Qraod Hobedt atilhorbed the Hagian 
pfiesti everywhere lo QEerciie a miper%iM>ii over iht 
reroiTeni of t&xes^ and to himler them from exacliiig 
CKiru tiian their due.' The pnt^U were ooly too ttappy 
tu diai'barge; thb |io}j(uLir function ; and e3Ct43ition milfi 
have boirome mre unikr a iptem whii:h oompruud w 
clBe iect a MiliBguaitL 

Another chaiijze ascribed to Chosroes is a reform of 
xhr a<hiniii?*tralion of the army. Under the system pre- 
viously fxi>tiiijr, Cliosroi^ found that the resources of 
tlu* Hiate \Vi»re lavi«»hly wastcil, and the result was a 
mil i tan* fi)rce iiicfiicieiit ami Imdly accoutred. No se- 
runiy wan taken that the soldiers possessed their proper 
4H|ui|>TiH'iit5 or could dis(*liar^e the duties appn)priate 
to thtir w»veml frmdt'!*. Persons c^me before the pay- 
in:t*it4T, claiming' the wage!« of a cavalry soldier* who 
iMi-.'M^HMnl no l»orH4\ and had never even learned to ride, 
S»nu\ who iii\M themselve^i soldiers, had no know- 
It nl^'r of the U.Hi* of any weafion at all ; others claimed 
for hijihi-r jjnidc?* of the M?r\ice tlmn those whereto 



[Ch. XXI. 

they really belonged ; those who drew the pay of cui- 
rassiers were destitute of a coat of mail ; those who 
professed themselves archers were utterly incompetent 
to draw the bow. The established rates of pay varied 
between a hundred dirhems a year and four thousand, 
and persons entitled to the lowest rate often received 
an amount not much short of the highest.^ The evil 
was not only that the treasury was robbed by un- 
fair claims and unfounded pretences, but that artifice 
and false seeming were encouraged, whUe at the same 
time the army was brought into such a condition that 
no dependence could be placed upon it. K the num- 
ber who actually served corresponded to that upon 
the rolls, which is uncertam,'"^ at any rate all the superior 
arms of the service fell below their nominal strength, 
and the lower grades were crowded with men who 
were only soldiers in name. 

As a remedy against these evils, Chosroes appointed 
a single pajnuaster-general, and insisted on his carefully 
inspecting and reviewing each body of troops before 
he allowed it to draw its pay.^ Each man was to 
appear before him fully equipped and to show his pro- 
ficiency with his weapon or weapons ; horse soldiers 
were to bring their horses, and to exhibit their mastery 
over the animals by putting them through their paces, 
mounting and dismounting, and performing the other 
usual exercises. K any clumsiness were noted, or any 
deficiency in the equipment, the pay was to be with- 
held until the defect observed had been made good. 
Special care was to be taken that no one drew the pay 

1 Tabari, ii. p. 227. 

' Charging the treaAury with 
the payment of a larger number of 
troops than actually maintained is 
one of the commonest modes of 

cheating the government in the 
East. It is not, however, noted 
among the abuses observed by 
» Tabari, ii. p. 229. 


of a da» superior to tint whcmto be rcaU j bdonged — 
of an fttrher, for inilaiioe^ when he wm io truth a ODtn* 
moQ siitclier, or of a trociper when he sensed not lA 
the hoiie» tiut ia the foot, 

A eariijus ao^srdoCa b retiUed in coaaeetkxn with 
them niUiuuT it^forms. Wlien Babek, lh« ucw pAy- 
mastcTt was about to hokl hU first review, he ueued an 
order that all jiei^ofM belt >ri}ri tig to tlte army tlieii pre- 
■ent in tht* capital should npfK^air befon^ hiin on a cer- 
tain day. The troo|j(t came ; but bab<^k dbmui^ietl 
them, rni the ground that • certain pcnon whofte pre- 
m^nce wan indtipeniahle had not made his appouance* 
AAotim day was appointed, with the rntue rmilt, 
ascepe ttal Babck on thii oecawii plattily iiitiniated 
that it wai ihe king whom he escpocted to attend. 
Upon this Cbosmi'n, when a third iummofis wai tasoed^ 
tixik cans to be present^ and came fully equipped, « ba 
thoi^hl^ for batUe, Bitt the mtteal eye of the raview* 
i^ oArer detoeM an omianon, which he refused to 
()verl<K)k — the king had neglected to bring with him 
twt) extra bow-strings. Chosroi^ was required to go 
hack to his palace and remedy the defect, after which 
h<* WRM hIIowchI to pass muster, and then summoned to 
ro<NMvo Ills pjiy. Ital)ek aflected to consider seriously 
wlijii iho jKiy of the rommander-in-chief ought to be, 
and d«n'id«Hl that it ought to excee<l that of any other 
prpi«>n in tho annv. He then, in the sight of all, pre- 
<M-nt4il th<' kint; with four thmiMind and one dirhems, 
uIikIi Chmnn's reieivtMl and riirrie<l home.* Thus two 
in){»<irtant prinriple?^ were thought to be established — 
iliai no (MiH-t of iv|uipment whatsoever should be 
M\trl«»«.ktil ill any ofTuer, however high his rank, and 




that none should draw fix)m the treasury a larger 
amount of pay than 4,000 dirhems (112/. of our 

The encoiuagement of agricultiu-e was an essential 
element in the system of Zoroaster ; ^ and Chosroes, in 
devoting his attention to it, was at once performing a 
religious duty and increasing the resources of the 
state. It was his earnest desire to bring into cultiva- 
tion all the soil which was capable of it ; and with this 
object he not only issued edicts commanding the recla- 
mation of waste lands, but advanced from the treasury 
the price of the necessary seed-corn, implements, and 
beasts to all poor persons willing to carry out his 
orders.^ Other poor persons, especially the infirm and 
those disabled by bodily defect, were reUeved from 
his privy purse ; mendicancy was forbidden, and idle- 
ness made an offence.^ The lands forfeited by the fol- 
lowers of Mazdak were distributed to necessitous culti- 
vators.* The water system was carefully attended to ; 
river and torrent courses were cleared of obstructions 
and straightened ; ^ the superfluous water of the rainy 
season was stored, and meted out with a wise economy 
to those who tilled the soil, in the spring and summer.^ 

The prosperity of a country depends in part upon 
the laborious industry of the inhabitants, in part upon 
their numbers. Chosroes regarded Persia as insuffi- 
ciently peopled, and made efforts to increase the popu- 
lation by encouraging and indeed compelling marriage.^ 
All marriageable females were required to provide 
themselves with husbands ; if they neglected this duty, 

* See the Author's Ancient Man- 
archies^ vol. ii. pp. 337-8. 
« Tabari, ii. p. 160. 
» Ibid. 
« Mirkbond,p.d6d; Tabari|L8.c 

» Mirkhond, p. 364. 

• Gibbon, Decline and FaU^ voLv. 

p. 184. 
' Tabari, ii. p. 160, 


tlii» poveniinent inti'rfercd, and united them to un- 
nmrrii'd men of thfir own rlass. The pill was gilt to 
llii'se lattt-r by ihc advanrr of a sufficient dowry fnwn the 
public treasun", antl by the pro>i)e<*t tliat, if children re- 
sulted froii) the union, tlufir education and establishment 
ill lite wi»uld I)e und(*rtakt*n by the state. Another 
nn-thod of iiien*a'*in}: the j>opulutinii, adopte<l by Chos- 
pM-s to a « irtain extent, was the settlement within his 
i»wii territuries <»f the captive** whom he carried oil' 
fpnii f<ireii:ii <*ountries in the coui>e of his miliuiry ex- 
pi'ditinii^. Tlie most notori«>us instance of this jM»hcy 
wa'^ thi* <irrek ^ettlement, known its Humia (Koine), 
r"»tabh-he«l by ('hti«*nHH* after hi*» capture of Anti(M-h 
I \.l». .Mt*). in the iH-ar vicinity i»f ('t«*>ipln>n.' 

Orinital inMiianh"*, in many re>pects civiliM'd ainl 
I ii!iL'l.:«!i««l, ha\c i»t"tcn >hown a narrow an<l unw<»rthy 
]«aMni»y nf;:iiers. C'hn>r«M's had a mind which 
-..i!«i| aUi\i' till'* |Miiy prejudice. lie encouraj»ei| tlu» 
\.-!- ••!' a!l t""ni„'iiti-, exci'ptiii^ imly the barl)arous 
'I" :.-.'•:• i :.'\ :•■...•,• 1 ^iir III ar iii*., and «an-t"ully 
;■: ■ .' : : -: l'.' :!' -.i'. "x N"! ••nly \\« m- tin- im;!.;* 
I :. • - r • ;.' .'. •■• II.'-' |M :!• • t •ml* r lijii»ijL'li«'Ut 

- • ■■ :■■' •-,''•' .1* ••» !.i . .i.j*«' p HI iii'i .1;. »ii, Imt Mil 
• ■ • - .i:. '.''.' •).•■ ' :. • ! !:ii'^ **\ i"h!i- i/'^ard 
'.' .■.:.: _'i:m-'I = * m.iiiitaifj' -i U*v \\n* 
.:•" ■• - ■.;•!'' 'Ii.- - iti 'v '»I 'r.iv- l!i I- ^ 

• • .• w . I !• 1-1 ? ■ 1? •• 'i .'.. \m ;wrwti 

: • . . .».. •■ ^• : V. !■.,.- .„ 

•■• ' • !?. .^-lA nil- 

• .1 : . •<.■ M. • : It : I :. 1- 
. .. M • r. 1. :■ •-! 

* ,-. • ■' .«•!.',■»!•.■■ !::iii- .ii 

•. . .* : •■ ... M:.v! : i-r .!. : I-; 



[Oh. XXL 

The result was that the court of Chosroes was visited 
by numbers of Europeans, who were hospitably treated, 
and invited, or even pressed, to prolong their visits. 

To the proofs of wisdom and enlightenment here 
enumerated Chosroes added another, which is more 
surprising than any of them. He studied philosophy, 
and was a patron of science and learning. Very early 
in his reign he gave a refuge at his court to a body of 
seven Greek sages whom a persecuting edict, issued by 
Justinian, had induced to quit their country and take 
up their abode on Persian soil.^ Among the refugees 
was the erudite Damascius, whose work De Principiis 
is well known, and has recently been found to exhibit 
an intimate acquaintance with some of the most obscure 
of the Oriental rehgions.^ Another of the exiles was 
the eclectic philosopher Simplicius, *the most acute 
and judicious of the interpreters of Aristotle.' ^ Chosroes 
gave the band of philosophers a hospitable reception, 
entertained them at his table, and was unwilling that 
they should leave his court.* They found him ac- 
quainted with the writings of Aristotle and Plato, whose 
works he had caused to be translated into the Persian 
tongue.^ If he was not able to enter very deeply into 
the dialectical and metaphysical subtleties which cha- 
racterise alike the Platonic Dialogues and the Aristote- 

^ Agathias, ii. 30. The names 
of the seven were Damascius of 
Syria, Simplicius of Cilicia, Eu- 
lamius of rhrygia, Priscianus of 
Lydia, Hermeias and Diogenes of 
Phoenicia, and Isidorus of Gaza. 

' See the Essav of Sir IL Raw- 
linson ' On the Religion of the 
Babylonians and Assyrians/ con- 
tained in the Author's Herodotus, 
vol. i. p. 484, &c. 

' Mathiee, Manual of Gk. and 
Homan Literature, p. 201, E. T. 

* Agath. ii. 30, 31. 

» Ibid. ii. 28. The translations 
made by the Arabian conquerors of 
Spain are parallel, and lend a cer- 
tiun support to the statements of 
Agathias. Still it may be doubted 
whether the Persian translation 
extended to all the works of 
both philosophers. Plato's Timaeus, 
Pheedo, Gorgias, and Parmenides 
are, however, expressly mentioned 
among the treatises read by Chos- 
roes in a Persian dress. 

Cb. zzl] wgoomMBEMEn or iMamn. 449 

lian treatifles, at any rate he was zeady to disdUB with 
them such questions as the origin of the worlds its de- 
structibility or indestructibility, and the derivation of 
all things from one First Cause or from more.^ Later 
in his rdgUt another Greek, a sophist named Uranius, 
acquired his especial &vourt' became his instructor in 
the learning of his country, and was presented I7 him 
with a large sum of money. Further, ChosroSs main- 
tained at his court, for the space of a year, the Greek 
physician, Tribunus, and offered him any reward that 
he pleased at his departure.* He also instituted at 
Ciondi-Sttpor, in the vicinity of Susa, a sort of medical 
M*hool, which became by degrees a universi^, wheran 
philumphy, rhetoric, and poetry were also studied.^ 
Nor was it Greek learning alone which attracted his 
notice and his patronage. Under his fiostering care 
the hi»tory and jurisprudence of his native Persia were 
made dpecial objects of study ; the hiws and maxims of 
the first Artaxerxes, the founder of the monarchy, 
wrrr raII<Ml forth from the oliwurity which had rested 
on tlM'tn tor ap*?*, were repuhlinhed and declau-e<l to l)e 
.'itithoritative ; ^ wliile at the Mime time the annals of 
thi* tiiiiiiarrhy wen* roHectisl and armii)j<*<l^ and a 
'Sii.ih n:itihh,' or *lt«M)k of the Kinp<,' c«>m{MMied, which 
it in |»nilKil»l«* f(»rmeil the |]ii.Hi«9 of the ^rreat work of 
Firil.iu*>i/ Kvuii the diMant Liml of Ilinduiitan wan 

S^ AiTAiKiM, ti. 11>. W>fik : • Ibid. iL *Jli, .12. 

^. ' *\ iM-*Y •'»^»*rmrm >f»«#tM( ft p. M\ It 

« .. #. **^ w,^. Mm, •• r«^i r. •«» ^ « AwrlDAO, BM Or, TOI. W. pp. 

-»• .1* '»*w» rt^'tfi' r*^«fi«». Thm * Tabari. ii. p. lOOi 

frf. nrtir*> !• t/i • mclfiPrmc* brtVfvn * So fftbbi^i {Jhriimt m»d FmU^ 

ihr Ma«'i ftrM trmniua. but «• vol. v. p» 1"C*. mtto **|. Otb#r« 

•imiW MippiMP Uiat 
iSiM .iMi T.« t'- k pUflp bHwwa tb« , Kiii|r«' wm rnipo«»d bv <ird»r i>f 

n.«« i»,.r\j ruirttMle tbut •tmiW tuppiMP Uiat tb* uri^iiial * BtwJi <i| 



{Ch. XXI. 

explored in the search after varied knowledge, and 
contributed to the learning and civilisation of the time 
the fables of Bidpai ^ and the game of chess.^ 

Though a fierce persecutor of the deluded followers 
of Mazdak,^ Chosroes admitted and practised, to some 
extent, the principles of toleration. On becoming king, 
he laid it down as a rule of his government that the 
actions of men alone, and not their thoughts, were sub- 
ject to his authority.* He was therefore bound not to 
persecute opinion; and we may suppose that in his 
proceedings against the Mazdakites he intended to 
punish their crimes rather than their tenets. Towards 
the Chriistians, who aboimded in his empire,^ he cer- 
tainly showed himself, upon the whole, mild and mode- 
rate. He married a Christian wife, and allowed her to 
retain her religion.^ When one of his sons became a 
Christian, the only punishment which he inflicted on 
him was to confine him to the palace.^ He augmented 
the number of the Christians in his dominions by the 
colonies which he brought in firom abroad. He allowed 
to his Christian subjects the free exercise of their reli- 
gion, permitted them to build churches, elect bishops, 
and conduct services at their pleasiu-e, and even suffered 
them to bury their dead,® though such pollution of the 

Firdausi, published by the Oriental 
Translation Fund, Preface, p. xi. ; 
and compare Bunsen, Philosophy of 
History, vol. iii. p. 120.) 

' On the fables of Bidpai or 
Pilpay, see Gibbon, l.s.c., with the 
note of Dean Milman. 

3 Mirkhond, p. 376; Ma9oudi, 
vol. ii. p. 203. D'Herbelot speaks 
of the introduction of another 
game, which he calls a kind of 
draughts or trictrac. (Bibliothique 
OrmUale, voL iv. p. 486.) 

' Supra, p. 381. 

* Mirkhond, p. 360. 

* See Meoand. Prot. Fr. 36; 
and compare Asseman, Bibl. Or. 
vol. i. p. 205; vol. ii. p. 410; &c. 

• Mirkhond, p. 367. Was this 
wife the Euphemia whom, accord- 
ing to Procopius (B. P. ii. 6), he 
carried off from Suron and married? 

f Ibid. p. 868. 

• Menand. Prot Fr. 11 ; p. 213. 
It must be admitted, however, that 
this toleration was not the free act 
of Chosroes, but a concession which 
he made in a treaty. 

C& XXL] lOtKIATIOV. 451 

earth was accounted sacrileKioiu by the Zoroastrianfl. 
No unworthy compliances with the established cuh 
were required of them. Proselytism, however, was not 
allowed; and all Christian sects were peihaps not 
viewed with equal favour. Chnsroes, at any rate, is 
accused of |K>rsecuting the Catholics and the Monophy- 
aitea, and cx>m|)elling them to join the Nestorians, who 
formed the predommant sect in his dominions.^ Con- 
formity, however, m things outward, is compatible with a 
wide diversity of opinion ; and Chosroes, while hedisliki-d 
differeiH*!^ of pra<*tice, seems certainly to have encou- 
raged, at least in his earlier years, a freedom of disirus- 
siou in religious matters which must have tended to 
shake the hereditary fiiith of his subjects.* He also 
gave on one oiiiision a very remarkable indii*atioii of 
liberal and tolerant views. When he made hb first 
peace with Bome,' the article on which he insisted the 
most was one whereby the free professioD of their 
known opinions and t4*nets in their own countiy was 
MMiin^l to tin* !*4'v«'ii rm^'ian sigrs who had found at 
his roiirt, in llnir hour of nittK a n-fugt* from |M»nkiMi- 

In his 4lornc%ti«* n'lation.H (*ho«*nN*s w:ls nnfortnnHti'. 
W nil liiH t hi* f wifi-, in<l«M*<I, tin* danglilrr of tin* (Jn-al «»f thi' Turk**, hr jmi-him t«» liav«» livtHl alway?« on 

• %• ' 1!« lit trnn> ; and it wa«t liis lovr fiir Ikt wliirh in* 

• i •• •-<l hini to •M*I«M't the Min whuni ^hi* hatl Uim** him 
l-»r lii^ Mii»i-M»r on iUv thn>n(*. Hut the wift- who 

!:•-•.•.! -t Afi \*M-mwi, HM. diirtriDf* with xhf Nr«t«.nan pri- 
or % I ). 'J**.' \**rftiftn tiini- tiiAlf, Mar-^l^, M rvlfttfiii bv lUr^ 
m, f '.. . I.-* tKft! Kt-n* .i|-it M mi*- h«-bnMi« ( AMrmaa, H. O. Vol. iii. 

im^ •. : '.i.r t%is ^i t ibiii. «<0 ill I 'v.,. rtint<>n, /' H toL i. p. 

y v-:- :.v. 

• A.d- .. :: ■.-•. »/4ii. ••om- • A^tb ii 31. 

• « 9 




stood next in his favour displeased him by her persis- 
tent refusal to renounce the religion of Christ and adopt 
that of her husband in its stead ; ^ and the quarrel be- 
tween them must have been aggravated by the conduct 
of their child, Nushizad, who, when he came to years 
of discretion, deliberately preferred the faith of his 
mother to that of his father and of the nation.* With 
this choice Chosroes was naturally offended ; but he 
restrained his anger within moderate limits, and was 
content to punish the young pruice by forbidding him 
to quit the precincts of the pahice.^ Unhappy results 
followed. Nushizad in his confinement heard a rumour 
that his father, who had started for the Syrian war, was 
struck with sickness, was ^ not likely to recover, was 
dead. It seemed to him a golden opportunity, of which 
he would be foolish not to make the most. He ac- 
cordingly quitted his prison, 8i)read the report of his 
father's death, seized the sUite treasure, and scattered 
it with a liberal hand among the troops left in the 
c^apital, summoned the Christians throughout the em- 
pire to his aid, assumed the title and state of king, was 
acknowledged by the whole of the southern province, 
and thought himself strong enough to take the offensive 
and attempt the subjugation of Irak.^ Here, however, 
he was met by Phabrizus^ (Finiz?), one of his fathers 
generals, who completely defeated his army in a pitched 
battle. According to one account, Nushizad fell in the 

1 Mirkhond, pp. 367-S. 

2 Ibid. p. 368. 

' So Mu>khoiid, I.8.C. Procopius 
(BeU. Goth. iv. lO^) says that Cho8- 
roes exiled Nushizad Twhom he 
calls Anotozad) to a place called 
Belapaton in Vazaine (Ahwaz or 

* Such is Mirkhond*s account. 

That of Procopius is not very 
different, except that he omits all 
mention of the Christianity of 
Nushizad, and of his special appeal 
to the Christians of the empire. 

* See above, p. 406. The Per- 
sian writers call this general Ram- 

Cm, XXL} 



tluck of tlie fightt mortally wnundccl bj a chiiuco 
arrow*' Acetotling ta ariotbt-r, he wa-? nimle prbotH*r, 
atid canried to CIiostim's, wbut inffti<«u} of piinishing him 
with dmih^ divtrciyefl hb ho|ie5 of fvigEiini; by inflit^ting 
OQ him a i rui?l dia%itiaiietil,' 

The cobs of OnovoBi ve vwy numcrmis, and offvt 
ooe or IWD Dovel tmd curbuv typei* Tlic mmt nmitirk- 
able bav'ft on the ohmnm the bead of tiw king, ftnf- 
Kfitiiig the full fiin%iuid ftutmoiuited by ii muml riown 
wtth li low cn]}.' The Luiini i^ v\im^ tmd the hair 
ananged in miMM» €m etthw tide. That! are two jitam 
abora ihc trown, and two erdw^imta, one orer c4ther 
pboukli% with a ^tm mitl rriwMit on lb<t drvm m fnitii 
of each «hoiilder. The king wcrnn a neekUi^v front 
which hang ihiw {H^nilnnta. On tbe trverae Ihcao rointf 
}mte a full- length fi^rtii^ of the kmg, i<anding to the 
front, with hin two handt resting on the hilt of hts 
^nigbt iiwottU and it4 point plained between hia feeL 
Hie onwn worn rmembles that on the obirerw ; and 
tin TV b a fitiir aud cfiBacent on either aide of the htaiK 

O'iJi ow cuo^malm I. 

Thf I«^^»« n<l on thf ohvfrm? is KhujJtidi afzun^ * May 
C'li«»^p»»'» in<niL«H* ; * thf revenn* hjus on the leA, KhuM- 

> Mirkh >fvl.p :C1 . niUrbrU, rot. IL 1*1 Ivtii. Na 10); b^ LcMif- 

%.>i iv p i-** p^rirr \M44miBm i^ Smmmmidm^ 

' Vtr* y. 11. IT. 10; p. IT 1. Nti. 4); mmI by HtftlMiloaMvi 

.M«». !». ( t\0iUtium, ta. Iloftt, PL axiT. No, 

' r in* t»f tbu t«p<> kuT« UvB i&). TIm cairniiriair la tb« teit 



[Ch. XXL 

ludi^ with the regnal year ; on the right, a longer l^end 
which has not yet been satisfactorily interpreted.^ 

The more ordinaiy type on the coins of Chosroes I. 
is one differing but little from those of his father, 
Kobad, and his son, Hormazd IV. The obverse has 
the king's head in profile, and the reverse the usual 
fire-altar and supporters. The distinguishing mark of 
these coins is, in addition to the legend, that they have 
three simple crescents in the margin of the obverse, in- 
stead of three crescents with stars. 

com OF CH0SB0E8 Z. 

A relic of Chosroes has corae down to us, which is of 
great beauty. This is a cup composed of a number of 
small disks of coloiu-ed gla^s, united by a gold setting, 
and having at the bottom a crystal, engraved with a 
figiu-e of the monarch. As late as 1638 it was believed 
that the disks of glass were jacynths, garnets, and 
emeralds, while the stone which forms the base w^as 
thought to be a white sapphire. The original owner 
of so rare a drinking-vessel could (it was supposed) 
only be Solomon ; ^ and the figiu'e at the bottom was 
accordingly supposed to represent the Jewish king. 
Archasologists are now agreed that the engraving on 
the gem, which exactly resembles the figure upon the 

^ Mr. Thomas declines the task 
of interpreting (Num, Chron, for 
1873, p. 234). 

* See the account of Dom Ger- 

main Millet quoted by M. Long- 
p^rier in the Annales'de VImtitut 
Arch4ologique for 1843, vol. xv. p. 

Cn. XXI.] rilARACTRR OF rilOSROES I. 453 

|Mi'iili:ir roiiis alxivt' d<'s<TilH»(l, n^pr<*st*nt.s ChoHToi^ 
Anii>hir\V!in, siiid is «»f his a«:«».* Thrrt* is no .suiririt'iit 
ri':i*«oi) to (Iwliht but that the ('Up its(*If is oiu* out of 
\vhi<'h hv was arrustMuift! to drink. 

It i> thr ;:n*at ;iltirv of Annshirwan that thi' title 
whirh hi> >nl»i«*«'t> i.'J»vr him* was 'thi* JrsT.* Af- 
r.»pliiiL' !i» KurM|M*an. an«l r«»]MM-i;illy ii> UHHlfrn idiiw, 
tlii^ |»rai«^f wouM mmmu to ha\f U-rn un<lrs«TViMl ; and 
\\i\i^ ihi- !/rr:iT lii>iorian tif tin* lU'/antim* |NTi(Ml has 
i:tiT Mrii|»I«M| til diM-hiir iliat in hi> i-xifPial jMihry 
CImi-ph-h wa> aituatiil l»y uhti' aiuMtion* and tliat ' in 
I i-* •l'»iM«-*«!i<' adiniiiiHtnition hrd'-xrvi-d the ap|N*lIntion 
• •r :i Tyi;inf.' ' riidoiihirdly th<- puiii^hujfiits whirh lit* 
]•:?!:• f.'l wtir liir th*' nn»>l [lart -i\ir«* ; hut thry wiTt* 
I"' iMpii. :"iu^, iiwr uiiiloriM. i»iir without rrfi-rmfi* to 
?••■ •!:. ti-r oi" ih»- «»triiii"«v rii»i!in«j a;j:iin'*t hi> «-i*«>wn 
1. 1- !> jM r*.. )ii, whi-ii th«- *iiii«*j»ini!in> wrn' of full airr, 
:•. iH.,!; t!i|i- 1 iirr«''j»orii!iiiif with tin* rnmiy, \ itilation 
..' ••. * iri< • 'V iif Mm- hip !m. iiU'l th«* ppi-^i'lytisin whirli 
\'. - «•• • \ !-. '. : ;. •: 'A :». liA"., h.- Iiii!i>Im «i wifh 
' 1'. •.■'.■.• • . •■'••! W «- :t 'Mi f.- X'i'iTli, hf 
• ' • • ' •■•" • .1 ' ; -!: .".t« MP ::' ; ■ u lit n t hl■ 
: .: ■•'■■ -■ -fi." ' •: • ■ •■.:'.iji- ?«» a 
■•.'■.■ - ■ \ ■ . I ■• ' jii . ■•■.;n • tp»:ii hj** 
I '• ■ ■ - . • . .■ ■ ■ ■.!■;"! • - . ;. !ii« :;.\ T«i 
';■■■•- ■.. ' ■ ■ .'. ' '. i' . \\ !.t »i : .- ' t\\\\ 

I • 


'. I 

r- 1 ■ •-.• 

.i\ W I-' . 



[Ch. XXL 

interests were at stake, he steadily refused to make use 
of his unlimited power for the oppression of individuals.^ 
It is unlikely that Anushirwan was distinguished as 
* the Just ' without a reason ; and we may safely con- 
clude from his acknowledged title that his subjects 
found his rule more fair and equitable than that of any 
previous monarch. 

That the administration of Chosroes was wise, and 
that Persia prospered imder his government, is gene- 
rally admitted. His vigilance, his activity, his care for 
the poor, his efforts to prevent or check oppression, are 
notorious, and cannot be gainsaid. Nor can it be 
doubted that he was brave, hardy, temperate, prudent, 
and liberal. Whether he possessed the softer virtues, 
compassion, kindliness, a tender and loving heart, is 
perhaps open to question. He seems, however, to have 
been a good husband and a good father, not easily 
offended, and not over-severe when offence was given 
him.2 His early severities * against his brothers and 
their followers may be regarded as caused by the 

pearing before the king, he re- 
turned to the palace, and, resum- 
ing his old duties, waited on the 
guests at the royal table. While 
thus employed, he took an oppor- 
tunity of secreting a plate of solid 
gold about his person, after which, 
quitting the guest-chamber, he dis- 
appeared altogether. Chosroes, 
w^ho had seen the whole transac- 
tion, took no notice, and, when 
the plate was missed, merely said : 
*The man who took it will not 
bring it back, and the man who 
saw him will not tell.' A year 
later, the attendant appeared once 
more on the same day ; whereupon 
the king called him aside and said : 
' Is the first plate all gone that you 
have come again to get another P * 

The culprit owned his guilt and 
implored forgiveness, which he ob- 
tained. Chosroes not only par- 
doned him, but took him back 
into his service. (Mirkhond, pp. 

^ Chosroes was told that one 
of his subjects surpassed him in 
wealth ; and he replied that he 
saw no harm in the circumstance 
(Mirkhond, p. 884). He wished 
to clear a space before his palace ; 
but an old lady who owned one of 
the houses which occupied the 
ground would not part with her 
property. Chosroes cleared the 
rest of the space, and allow ed her 
house to stand (ibid. p. 383). 

2 Mirkhond, pp. 3C8-370. 

* See above, p. 381. 

Ol ZZL] CBABACmt w cboouOb l 457 

advice of others, and periiaps as jiutified by state 
policy. In his later life, when he was his own masteri 
he was content to chastise rebellion more mildly. 

IntellcctuaUyi there is no reason to believe that 
Chosroes rose very high above the ordinary Oriental 
level. The Persians, and even numy Greeks, in his 
own day, exalted him above measure, as capable of 
apprehending the most subtle arguments and the 
dei'i)est prublems of philosc^y ; ^ but the estimate of 
ApithiauH * is probably more just, and this reduces him 
to a HUindanl about which there if nothmg surprising. 
It is to his credit that although engaged in almost per- 
jietual ware, and burdened moreover with the admini- 
M nit ion of a mighty empire, he had a mind large 
(*nou{;h to entertain the consideration also of mtellec- 
tuid problems, and to enjoy and take part in their dis- 
ruiufion ; but it could scarcely be expected that, with 
his nunu*ruiis othc*r employments, he should really 
jMMiiul to their utnioHt de|)ths the profundities of Greek 
tlHMi;:lit,or uiulri>tamltlu* f*|n*culativr difrh*ultit*swhirh 
**«-;»;initi-(i tilt* \arioit.H *M'h<M)].H om* fnuii uiiothtT. No 
<!oul»t hi** knfiwl<*<l«:i* wa«4 Mi|N'iiit*ial« and tin^n* may 
li.iM* )m«ij o>t4-iitatioii in tlit* luinidr Mhi<'h \\v nnult* of 
:! ; ^ l»i.t wi* imi^l not ilciiy him the |»nii?«<* of a (|uii*k 
:i« ti\i- iittillttt, ami a Multh «»f \ifw nin*ly found in an 

I: u.i-i ntit, liowi*\ir, in thr fu'M of ^iKTuhitiw 
ri.«iM:.»l.T. Imt in that i»f pnntiral rflim, tliat (1i(»f<nMH4 
i)..«li\ *::-fini.'ui*»h«-<| hiniM-ll* ;um1 ^'aint^il iii?* fhoii'i-*t 
' s .r* !- 1 hf rx«i*II«-n«** of lii- (lomi-Mir athniniMni- 
• •.!! L.i- U» n alrra'ly notiriNl. Hut, jfn-at wn lu* 

\.%'> ... 1 

/*.ii\ vl V. p Ki: •Thti •tadiiv 

1» ' .. -.' 

•'<i ft «*f < h WIIW04 wrrr twlrotalioat ainl 

t ::.j«:r « 

lituii, /viiW m»J •u|«rhiMl.' 



[Ch. XXI. 

was in peace, he was greater in war. Engaged for 
nearly fifty years in almost uninterrupted contests, he 
triumphed in every quarter, and scarcely experienced a 
reverse. Victorious over the Eomans, the Abyssinians, 
the Ephthalites, and the Turks, he extended the hmits 
of his empire on all sides, pacified the discontented 
Armenia, crushed internal revolt, frustrated the most 
threatening combinations, and established Persia in a 
position which she had scarcely occupied since the days 
of Darius Hystaspis. Personally engaged in above a 
score of fights, by the admission of his enemies he was 
never defeated but once ; ^ and there are circumstances 
which make it probable that this single check was of 
slight importance,^ The one real faihu-e that can be 
laid to his charge was in another quarter, and involved 
no military, but only a political blunder. In recoiling 
from the difficulties of the Lazic war,^ Chosroes had 
not to deplore any disgrace to his arms, but simply to 
acknowledge that he had misimderstood the temper of 
the Lazic people. In depreciation of his military talents 
it may be said that he was never opposed to any great 
general. With Belisarius it would certainly seem that 
he never actually crossed swords ; but Justinian and 
Maurice (afterwards emperor), to whom he was opposed 
in his later years, were no contemptible antagonists. It 
may fiuther be remarked that the collapse of Persia 
in her struggle with Eome,* as soon as Chosroes was in 
his grave, is a tolerably decisive indication that she 
owed her long career of victory imder his guidance to 
his possession of uncommon military ability. 

* The only defeat celebrated by 
the Byzantine authors is that near 
Meliten^ in a.d. 575. (See above^ 
p. 434.) 

^ Evagrius, who is the writer 
nearest to the time, regards the 

check as slight, and as compensated 
for soon afterwards by a victory 
{Hist Eccl V. 14). 

» Supra, p. 420. 

* Infra, pp. 462-6. 

Ov. ZXa] A0CE8BI09 OF HOBMISDiA IT. 459 


AcfMaim of lianmmUu JV. Bi§ pood Ooomrm m Mt im tkt EmUtt J^t^ 
tim of Aw Xtipm, Imrmmm of Ftrwim ly U# X o m mm wmUr Mmmo§. 
IhfmU of Aimrmnm mmd Tmm chotr o, Cm mfm ip^ cf Jn kwm nm , Omm^ 
pmiffns of I%ikgipint§ mmd UtrmtUm. TyrMuiy ^ UwmiMnu Ht k 
mttarkfd fty Mr ArmU, Omura, md T\trk§. Smkrmm d^&t» tk§ 
Tftrks. Hu Atimrk m Lmtm. Ho mgon m IkfmL Ditgrm m 9f 
BoMrmm. IkiKromt w mU ^ HrnmUdoM JK mmd Ehmiim of dmnM 
11, CAmraHor of llonmtdmt, OwJM of Hnrmitdm. 

H^Opt^t OOT§OTfO^0!TO lUOO, MBM||M' ffj^S^TII^^IMIlW OfftOfOOO ItOO M9I% OOOftm 

rf x«A««^*^v* Hv ooir^oo Hi ^w iTfira tmo ^f4mmo ^ood^roffo * ^ yif 
tAoth Tt Mi) TM wKdmoi h^fk t koSftorot, ^TwhiPHTLiCT. SiMoCATr. iii. 19. 

At the di'uth of Cbosroi^ the cruwn wan anumed with- 
out dispute or difBcdty by his son, Honnazdi who is 
known to the Greek and Liitin writers as Uonnisdas 
IV. Honna/d wju* thr rldr>l, or |MTha|«* the only, ^M>n 
|M»riii- III (Im^inn*"* l»y lh«*'rurki?»h prin****?*?*, Fakini/ wht>, 
tpirii till- tiMH* tit* hrr niarria</(\ had held tile phu-e of 
«*:iIt.iii.i, or prin4'i|i;il wifi*. IIi.« ilhiMri(»U!< dt'.H4*ent on 
Ih»!1i -1,1..,^ a'Ii|i*il to thr ixpn--'* ap|M>intnient of hi?« 
ti-inT. • au«Mil hitii to Ih» iini\i-p«jilly arrrptitl us kinjf ; 
aii'l ut il«i not hr;tr that <'V<ii hi*« half -hnithrp*, M'Vrnil 
ot wli'iiii Wi-n* ol<|rr than hin)<M*lf,* put forwanl any 
I l.iini** III «i|»|H><«ition to hi**, or rau^^nl jiini any an.\i«*ty 
• •r till .:•]•• Ill- «-oiiinii*ni*«tl hi«« hm^mi amid tin* univ«T- 
*(! ;»! r.iii!** ami :i« • l.iriiatioii«« of In** .Huhj****!**, whom hi* 
«!• i:j'.r*'l liy d«*-iariii^' that In* Wouhi folhiw in all 
t!i:i.j«» !rji «•!••;»'• ot li^ fatlii r« wh«ifN» wiMlom mt mut'h 

' ihi* nam- i% »*n^o bv M«^iu4i ttoL il p. Sll>. 



[Ch. XXIL 

exceeded his own, would pursue his policy, maintain 
his officers in power, and endeavour in all respects to 
govern as he had governed.^ When the mobeds at- 
tempted to persuade him to confine his favour to Zoro- 
astrians and persecute such of his subjects as were Jews 
or Christians, he rejected their advice with the remark ^ 
that, as in an extensive territory there were sure to be 
varieties of soil, so it was fitting that a great empire 
should embrace men of various opinions and manners. 
In his progresses from one part of his empire to another 
he allowed of no injury being done to the lands or 
gardens along the route, and punished severely all who 
infringed his orders.^ According to some,* his good 
dispositions lasted only during the time that he enjoyed 
the counsel and support of Abu-zurd-mihir, one of the 
best advisers of his father; but when this venerated 
sage was compelled by the infirmities of age to quit his 
court, he fell under other influences, and soon dege- 
nerated into the cruel tyrant which, according to all 
the authorities,^ he showed himself in his later years. 

Meanwhile, however, he was engaged in important 
wars, particularly with the Eoman emperors Tiberius 
and Maurice, who, now that the great Chosroes was 
dead, pressed upon Persia with augmented force, in the 
confident hope of recovering their lost laurels. On the 
first intelUgence of the great king's death, Tiberius had 
endeavoured to negotiate a peace with his successor, 
and had ofiered to relinquish all claim on Armenia, and 
to exchange Arzanenewith its strong fortress, Aphumon, 

* Mirkhond, p. 388. 
2 Tabari, ii. p. 248. 
» Ibid. p. 247. 

* Malcolm, History of Per/tiay 
vol. i. p. 151 ; Gibbon, Decitne and 
Fall, vol. V. p. 867. Neither in 
Tabari, Mirkhond, nor Ma9oudi is 

there nny mention of Abu-zurd- 
mihir in connection with Hormisdas. 
* See Tabari, ii. pp. 273-4; Mir- 
khond, p. 388; Ma9oudi, ii. p. 211 ; 
Theophylact. Simocatt. iii. 10; 
D'Herbelot, BibL Or, vol. iii. p. 
222; &c. 

€0- XXIL} PlttSU LKrADKD Ut MAOttirK. 4G1 

fur Diir;i3 ; but HorntiJHlafl had ati^utely rejiK'kMl lib 
[iroposiljt, decliinMl tluil he would aarnnidur not lung, 
mid tle<dine(I to itiiike pmc^ oil nny othur t^nnii ihan 
the iwitfiipliofi by Itome of bor old siyiitem of fviyirig 
An mmttiU Mibsidy,' Th« wiir ix>n^HjuenUy fxmtiuued; 
tiud 3iLiijnc*i% who still held the t^artimand, pmoeededt 
in the unmtnet of a,D. &79, to take the ofTfjiiMve Aud 
inviuk the Pennan tt*rntOTj. He sent it topt'v lutro^ Ow 
Ttgra imder BomAniJA, ThvoAmiv^ ind MAftin, whii^h 
fuvagod Kufdiitsai ind pi-Ttiiipft piitictrafted bito Medbi,' 
nowbcre aicoimtcriiig any krgi! budy of the enemy^ 
but atrryiiig nil bdun.* them iiud dc^tmying the han^fl 
at their pIcAstire. In ihi! nt!Xt yi*iir, a.0. 580, he funnad 
m moK ain bilious pnjje«*t. Uiivbg gtuned overt as be 
ihuiigbt, AlamundartiB, the leader uf the &imi:ieQt dc* 
pendt^nt nn IVniu, Anil iXiIliN*i<nl a fleii to oaiij hk 
tftcni, he maniiod fhitii Circesium down the coiifie 
of thi3 Kuphmlj^ mieadtng to rarry the war into 
Southern Mev^potamia,* ami perhafMi h«)ptng to mplure 
f't#^!phfin. He ex[n^l*»*l Ut take th** lV^n<mns un- 
awan'.M, and may not unnaturally have looked to gain an 
iin|Mirtant ftuniHiji; but, unhappily for his phuLS Ala- 
imiiidaniH jmAiHl tniu'herouji. The Persian king was 
iiifoniHil of \m ••m*niy*9 man^h, and steeps were at onee 
takiM Ui n»ncliT it aUirtive. Adarman waa sent, at the 
h<ad uf a largi* anny, into Roman Mesofiotamia, where 
lir iliniit4»netl tlie im|iortant city of GiUinicus in Mau- 
n»r .M niir. That grneral dannl advance no further. 
Oil th«* contniry, he frit (x>n»traineil to fall liaek, togive 
u|» lii.H «H'h<*!nt% bum his tle<*t, and return hastily within 
tht' Koman frontier. On his arrival, he engaged Adar- 


* t b«^»f»b^Url. SimocstL uL 17. I ^wfjtr^ y^p i»-i##—. 


Ibtd. ; Xtd r^c i>^gii» f9 Kmw^ \ 




[Ch. XXTT. 

man near the city which he was attacking, defeated 
him, and drove him back into Persia.^ 

In the ensuing spring, after another vain attempt at 
negotiation,^ the offensive was taken by the Persians, 
who, early in a.d. 581, crossed the frontier under 
Tamchosro, and attacked the Eoman dty of Constan- 
tia, or Constantina.^ Maurice hastened to its relief; 
and a great battle was fought in the immediate vicinity 
of the city, wherein the Persians were completely de- 
feated, and their commander lost his life.* Further ad- 
vantages might have been gained ; but the prospect of 
the succession drew Maurice to Constantinople, where 
Tiberius, stricken with a mortal disease, received him 
with open arms, gave his daughter and the state into 
his care, and, dying soon after, left him the legacy of 
the empire, which he administered with success for 
above twenty years.^ 

On quitting the East, Maurice devolved his command 
upon an officer who bore the very common name of 
Johannes, but was distinguished fiuther by the epithet 
of Mustacon, on account of his abundant moustache.^ 
This seems to have been a bad appointment. Musta- 
con was unequal to the position. He gave the Per- 
sians battle at the conjunction of the Nymphius with 
the Tigris, but was defeated with considerable loss, 
partly through the misconduct of one of his captains. 
He then laid siege to Arbas,^ a strong fort on the Per- 

* Theophylact Simocatt. iiL 17, 
ad fin, Tnis is probably the victory 
of Maurice over Adarman whereof 
Evagrius speaks somewhat vaguely 
in his Hist, Hccles. v. 20. 

' See the prolix account given 
by Menander Protector, Fr. 60. 

• Theophylact. Simocatt. iii. 18, 
ad inii.'y Menander Prot Fr. 60, 

* Evagr. H. JE. v. 20; Theo- 
phylact Simocatt l.s.c. 

* Gibbon, D§clme and FaU, 
voL V. p. 346. 

* Theophyl. Sim. i. 9 : Tov 
'liMMiwfiVf ^irtp irrwvvfiov to riig 
vmpf^ac x'^vvi/c KaraKn^ov, Com- 
pare Theophan. Chronograph, p, 

-14, B, 'lutdtvtjv TOP yinvnrdKMva. 

» Theophyl. Sim. i. 12, ad imt. 

c&zxiL]cAMPAiQ58or MURAOOM AVDFmupnoro. 408 

tian side of the Nymphiiis, while the main body of the 
Peraians were attacking AphumOn in the neighbouring 
district of Arzanenc. The garrison of Arbas made sig- 
nals of distress, which speedily brought the Persian 
army to their aid; a second batde was fought at Arbas, 
and Miistaoon was again defeated, and forced to reUre 
across Uic Nymphius into Boman territory.^ His inca- 
pacity was now rendered so clearly evident, that Mau- 
rice recalled him, and gave the command of the army 
of the East to a new general, Philippicus, his brother- 

The first and second campaigns of Philippicus, in the 
years a.d. 584 and 585, were of the most common- 
place character. lie avcnded any general engagement, 
and (*unteiited himself with plundering inroads into the 
Persian territory on either side of the Upper Tigris, 
oa*aHionally suffering considerably from want of water 
and pn)viMons.* The Permans on their part undertook 
no (»|K*nition.H of im|iortanc?e until late in a.d. 586, 
\\\u\i riiili|i|>iru!4 hail fal](*n Mik. They then made 
utt(in|>us i]|M»ii M(»n4N*artinn luul ^Ll^ty^)|M)hs which 
\v«n' !iii«<ihTi'SHfuK n-MiItin^r only in the lmrnin<! i»f a 
rliup h an<l a njonitMrrj" nrar lUv latter town.* Neither 
Milf M«ni«il 4*a|KiI»Ii' ot* making any ?«erinUH ini|irt*?«^i(>n 
ii|HiM thf nihil ; an«l early tht* nt\t yitir m-^otiatimis 
Will- ii-.uiiHtl,*' whirji, howfvrr^ ri*«*ult«nl in niuhin^. 

In \ii^ thinl « ainiKii^Mi rinh|ipit*u<« ailoptml u UiIiKt 
iiiK- lit pnN*««tliii;;. (*4iniiii«'n« 111^ hy an invaMim tif 
Li<*t«iii .M«*^t|»«itanii:i, h«' nitt an<l ili'tratiil tin* l'<*r>uin<* 
\u .1 ;ji<'.it l).tttli- mar SiLirlit»ii/ iiavin^ tii>t n»U2«rtl tiie 
I t.i:..i«-:a<*in i»t hi-* tri*i»|r« by i-arniiiji nUnv^ their ranks 


;»i»:a ! *•» •: I. \'2, 

• IM. 1 II 


• 1 M. ik/i.U. 

* n.i4. L 1ft. 

i . 

: ^Jjim. 

• Ibid. tt. S, mAjU. 



[Ch. XXJL 

a miraculous picture of our Lord/ which no human 
hand had painted. Hanging on the rear of the fugi- 
tives, he pursued them to Daras, which decUned to re- 
ceive within its walls an army that had so disgraced 
itself.* The Persian commander withdrew his troops 
further inland ; and Philippicus, believing that he had 
now no enemy to fear, proceeded to invade Arzanene, 
to besiege the stronghold of Chlomardn,* and at the 
same time to throw forward troops into the more east- 
em parts of the country. He expected them to be un- 
opposed ; but the Persian general, having rallied his 
force and augmented it by fresh recruits, had returned 
towards the frontier, and, hearing of the danger of Ar- 
zanene, had flown to its defence. Philippicus was taken 
by surprise, compelled to raise the siege of Chlomaron, 
and to fall back in disorder. The Persians pressed on 
his retreat, crossed the Nymphius after him, and did 
not desist from the pursuit until the imperial general 
threw himself with his shattered army into the strong 
fortress of Amida.* Disgusted and discredited by his 
ill-success, Philippicus gave over the active prosecution 
of the war to Heraclius, and, remaining at head-quarters, 
contented himself with a general supervision. 

Heraclius, on receiving his appointment, is said to 
have at once assumed the offensive, and to have led an 
army, consisting chiefly or entirely of infantry,^ into 
Persian territory, which devastated the country on both 
sides of the Tigris, and rejoined Philippicus, without 
having suffered any disaster, before the winter. Philip- 
picus was encouraged by the success of his lieutenant 

* Theophan. Chronograph, p. 216, 
Theophylnct. Sim. ii. 3. 

» Theophylact. Sim 
» Ibid, c 7. 

ii. 6. 

* Ibid. c. 9, mbjin. 

' 'O 6' 'HpdK\n»<: r6 bvXiriKOV 

SinraEa^', r.r.\, (Theophyl. Sim. ii. 
10, ad itiiL) 


to continue him in command for another year ; but, 
through prudence or jealousy, he was induced to 
entrust a portion only of the troops to his care, while 
he assigned to others the supreme authority over no 
less than one-third of the Boman army. The result 
was, as might have been expected, inglorious for Bome. 
During a.d. 587 the two divisions acted separately in 
diflbrent quarters ; and, at the end of the year, neither 
could boast of any greater success than the reduction, 
in each case» of a single fortress.' Philippicus, however, 
seems U} have been satisfied ; and at the approach of 
winter he withdrew from the East altogether, leaving 
Ileruclius as his representative, and returned to Con- 

During the earlier porUon of the year a.d. 588 the 
mutinous temper of the Boman army rendered it im- 
{Kx^ible that any military operations should be under- 
taken.' Encouraged by the disoiganisation of their 
en<*mi4*<«, the Persians eroMcd the frontier, and threat- 
t!hvl roii^tantina, whirh wan liowfver Jiave<l by fler- 
:n:inii<* ' Ijit<r in the ye:ir« tin* mutinous ?4pirit having 
l»MU ijihH«il, a i-<>unt«T-fX|)eiUtit>n was niade by the 
l!«»** into Ar/anfn«*. lien* tht* Persian pMienil, 
M iiii/.i-*, uu'i ih«'in,anil dmve ihfni from tht* pnivinee; 
i. i!. t'lllowiii'^ up hi** MiiTtrv* t4Mi anlently, he reivivwl 
.1 • iiiii'Irt*' «li-fr:it n<*ar Martvn»iMili4, ami l<w(t hi;* life in 
ti.« luttlr. Hi* h«-ail WiL«» rut olF by the cirUwii c'on- 
'j ..!..:-•*, :ii»il 'H'lit li^ a tri»phv to Maiiriee.* 

I .»• r.iiM|»;ii^'n iif A l> .%S1I wiLH o|>i*ne(l by a brilliant 
-•: .k« ♦»!! ifM- jKirt nf till* lVr>uin% w)u>« through the 
{:* A ii. ry «»t a n-rtain Silta.*, a jH'tty officer in the 

Ir.' jK%: ^.m. u. I- • Ihi.l r. a 

I'. .1 1 ■: « iu<i. ill. .V 

11 u 



[Oh. XXn. 

Eoman army, made themselves masters of Martyropolis.^ 
It was in vain that Philippicus twice besieged the place ; 
he was unable to make any impression upon it, and 
after a time desisted from the attempt. On the second 
occasion the garrison was strongly reinforced by the 
Persians under Mebodes and Aphraates, who, after de- 
feating Philippicus in a pitched battle, threw a large 
body of troops into the town. Philippicus was upon 
this deprived of his office, and replaced by Comentio- 
lus, with Heraclius as second in command.* The new 
leaders, instead of engaging in the tedious work of a 
siege, determined on re-establishing the Eoman prestige 
by a bold counter-attack. They invaded the Persian 
territory in force, ravaged the country about Nisibis, 
and brought Aphraates to a pitched battle at Sisar- 
ban6n, near that city. Victory seemed at first to in- 
cline to the Persians ; Comentiolus was defeated and 
fled ; but HeracUus restored the battle, and ended by 
defeating the whole Persian army, and driving it fix)m 
the field, with the loss of its commander, who was 
slain in the thick of the fight.^ The next day the Per- 
sian camp was taken, and a rich booty fell into the 
hands of the conquerors,* besides a number of stand- 
ards. The remnant of the defeated army found a 
refuge within the walls of Nisibis. Later in the year 
Comentiolus recovered to some extent his tarnished 
laurels by the siege and capture of Arbas,^ whose 
strong situation in the immediate vicinity of Martyro- 

* Theophylact. SImocalt. iil 5. 
Compare £yagr. H, E, vi. 14. 

9 Theophan. p. 221, A j Theo- 
phylact. Sim. iii. 6. 

• Theophylact. Sim. 1.8. c. Me- 
bodes had been previously killed in 
the battle with Philippicusi near 


Kai rat Xt^oroWr/rovf ^wvac, <2f ok 
fiapyapirat roTf fiapiidpoiQ Xrr^irpt'- 

vovni, (Theophylact. Sim. l.s.c.) 

» Evagr. H. E. vi. 15 Theo- 
phylact. Sim. iv. 2, ad init. 

c& xxu.] iKviaoir or pmaiA bt m tubis. 467 

polis rendered the position of the Persian garrison in 
that city insecure, if not absolutely untenable. 

Such was the condition of affiurs in the western pro- 
vinces of the Persian Empire^ when a sudden danger 
arose in the east, which had strange and most import- 
ant consequences. According to the Oriental writers, 
UormisMlas had from a just monarch gradually become 
a tyrant ; under the plea of protecting the poor had 
grievou:iIy oppressed the rich ; through jealousy or fear 
had put to death no fewer than thirteen thousand of 
the upper classes,^ and had thus completely alienated 
all the more powerful part of the nation. Aware of 
his unpopularity, the surrounding tribes and peoples 
coinment-ed a series of aggressions, plundered the fron- 
tier pronnccs, defeated the detachments sent against 
them under commanders who were disaflected, and 
ever}'where brought the empire into the greatest 
danger. The Arabs' crossed the Euphrates and spread 
thenm*lves over Mesopotamia; the Khazars invaded 
Ani)«i)ia ami Azerbijun ; nuiiour Hiiid that the Greek 
<'in|Miiir had taken the field and Wiis advancing on 
tlii* '•nit- of Syria, at the head i»f S(MKM) men;* alKive 
all. It \v;iH (|iiiir <*ertain that the (tn*ut Khan of the 
Tuik* h:id put hi** hordi*^ in nioiiim, had jmniietl the 
< »\u«> with a (*oiintl<*<*H h<n*t/ (»ci'U{)ietl Ikilkh uml Herat, 
;iri i ua** thn-almiM^' l*» [N»netrate into the very heart of 
rir-^ia. The jnTd«Mi?* tlianu'ler iif llie c'rims u« |>erha|M 

' Mirkh<>n«l. p .Vv« . TaUn, li. th«> nunUr to Kin.nna Fn^m th« 

I .I". M«^ u<ii. ii p. I'll. lltuatUM* wntrr« it wimld tr^m 

* I U" tn**^* t*i Kabun adI tkat tbrrv wm no truth ia tbw 
Mm'A fi<<-rl.ri»* t'* Ma^-nadi iii. ruiRfNir. 

) .'!:'. < -iiiiuftiitird bv Kl-Abb«i * Tbr** bundr*^ tbimkftad mrD, 

t>..- t.«^t«-.l ui'l \iDr-«'I-.\f«Ab •rrairditijr tii Tftban Ip. 24^); 

• i n.p«rr' M:rkh ii'i. p .>4». miA 4iiHiai. a.-r- rdiliir to Mafviudi 

UUn. .: ; Ji:* I <Ur I. nikrr mn}JitJLUir 4UU,tUI, 

* «• . Mtfkh >n.l 'lar i aimI M». arr 'r>iiii,r tn Mirkkuod. 
{ u^il • 1 • r . Imimn • !.• r \ r«i«ni 

■ ■ S 



[Ch. xxn. 

exaggerated ; ^ but there can be little doubt that the 
advance of the Turks constituted a real danger. Hor- 
misdas, however, (iid not even now quit the capital, or 
adventure his own person. He selected from among 
his generals a certain Varahran or Bahram,^ a leader of 
great courage and experience, who had distinguished 
himself in the wars of Anushirwan,* and, placing all the 
resources of the empire at his disposal, assigned to him 
the entire conduct of the Turkish struggle. Bahram is 
said to have contented himself with a small force of 
picked men,* veterans between forty and fifty years of 
age,^ to have marched with them upon Balkh, con- 
tended with the Great Khan in several partial engage- 
ments,^ and at last entirely defeated him in a great 
battle, wherein the Khan lost his life.^ This victory 
was soon followed by another over the IChan's son, 
who was made prisoner and sent to Hormisdas.® An 
enormous booty was at the same time despatched to 
the court ; ^ and Bahram himself was about to return, 
when he received his master's orders to carry his arms 
into another quarter. 

^ The Romans seem certainly to 
have made no great effort at this 
period ; and the Khazar attack is 
doubtful. Neither the Armenians 
nor the Byzantines notice it. 

Gibbon ex aerates the peril 
still more by imagining a corre- 
spondence between the Turkish and 
Koman courts, and an intention on 
the part of the two armies to effect 
a junction (Decline atui Fall, yol. y. 
pp. 368-370). Neither the Oriental 
nor the Byzantine writers know 
of any such concert or correspond- 

" Varahran is the form upon the 
coins (Mordtmann in the Zettachrift, 
viii. np. 110-1), Bahram that used 
by the Orientals, both Persians 
and Arabs. Theophylact has ^' 

pt)ft and sometimes l^aodftrir, 

• Theophylact Sim. iii. 18 j 
Tabari, ii. p. 252. 

* The ' twelve thousand * of Mir- 
khond (p. 894), Tabari (p. 25G), 
and Macoudi (p. 213) seems very 
improbably small ; but their state- 
ment that quality rather than 
number was considered, may be 

* Mirkhond, l.s.c. 
« Ibid. 

' Tabari, ii. p. 262; Macoudi. ii. 
p. 213. 

« Tabari, ii. pp. 264-5; Mir- 
khond, p. 304 ; Macoudi, ii. p. 213. 

• According to some writers, the 
booty was conveyed on the backs 
of 260,000 camels I (Mirkhond, 



It 18 supposed by some that, while the Turkish 
hordes were menacing Persia upon the north-east, a 
fioman army, intended to act in concert with them,^ 
was sent by Maurice into Albania, which proceeded to 
threaten the common enemy in the north-west. But 
the Byzantine writers know of no alliance at this time 
between the Romans and Turics ; nor do they tell of 
any offensive movement undertaken by Bome in aid of 
the Turkish invasion, or even simultaneously with it. 
According to them, the war in this quarter, which cer- 
tainly broke out in A.D. 589, was provoked by Hor- 
miadas himself, who, immediately after hb Turkirii 
vi(*:<irios«, !4ent Bahram with an army to invade Colchis 
aimI Siuinia,' or in other words to resume the Lazic war, 
fn>tn which Anushirwan had desisted* twenty-seven years 
]>ri*\iuu.Hly. Bahram found the pro\nnce unguarded, 
and was able to ravage it at his will ; but a Boman 
fon'c mnm gathered to its defence, and, after some ma- 
iKPuvre^, a pitcht'd Inttle wa^i fought on the Araxes, in 
whioh i\\v rcT>ijiii jjentTal ?*uffenHl a ilt'fi*at.* The mi- 
litan' P'^'ultH of thi* c-hiH^k wm* in^ignifu-aiit ; but it Ii-^l 
r«* :iti iiiitTiial n-volutinii. HtinniMhti had gn»wn jva- 
l*\i^ «»f Iuh t(M) HiirrcsHfuI lic-ut<*iiant, and wilm jrlad <if an 
• »i»|H»rtuniiy to in.sull him.* No MMiucr did he hear of than hi*f(i*nl ofi'a meH!HMi^(*r ti> the ramp 
uiH.ii thi* Araxc?*, who d(*privi*i| ihc general of hin roui- 
in.iiiil. aii<l pr«MiU4il to him, on thi* |Kirt of hi.n master. 

p. :vi> /%r ./ ffi amd Ham. «icuittin|r •!! m-iiM of Ikkran ■ 

//i.yr.r/iAy. •. « . ' MirftlCICt, V«U. <Wf««t 'ifl tb« Am%r«, u^A^t xhm 

' I f.<- \ bi I«.-t ^tin. ui «1 ; TIh^o- Thr- |>kti«« t, n «t furtuiMlrtT, mi|»- 

I 'i*' /*\r .^ .,f ..;.A {• l*-.'!. II i lit** th- farU wbu'h afv tn^Al 

' *- yt%, \ l.^> l<v tiake thnr arrtrtihU intrUiflbW. 

* I ?■• - J M lAi-t. >ia. iti r. rn^^m. (S«« Ibe fMilfw abutc citf«l. ) 
' 1at«/s u. p. I'VU. MtfkbuQd, 



[Ch. xxn. 

a distaff, some cotton, and a complete set of women's 
garments.^ Stung to madness by the undeserved in- 
sult, Bahram retorted with a letter, wherein he -ad- 
dressed Hormisdas, not as the son, but as the daughter 
of Chosroes.^ Shortly afterwards, upon the arrival of 
a second messenger from the court, with orders to 
bring the recalcitrant commander home in chains, 
Bahram openly revolted, caused the envoy to be 
trampled upon by an elephant,* and either by simply 
putting before the soldiers his services and his wrongs,^ 
or by misrepresenting to them the intentions of Hor- 
misdas towards themselves, induced his whole army 
with one accord to embrace his cause. 

The news of the great general's revolt was received 
with acclamations by the provinces. The army of 
Mesopotamia, collected at Nisibis, made common cause 
with that of Albania : and the united force, advancing 
on the capital by way of Assyria, took up a position 
upon the Upper Zab river .^ Hormisdas sent a general, 
Pherochanes, to meet and engage the rebels ; but the 
emissaries of Bahram seduced his troops from their alle- 
giance ; Pherochanes was murdered ; ® and the insurgent 
army, augmented by the force sent to oppose it, drew 
daily nearer to Ctesiphon. Meanwhile Hormisdas, dis- 
tracted between hate and fear, suspecting every one. 

* Theophylact mentions the de- 
privation and the female garments 
(iii. 8). Tabari (l.s.c.) and Mir- 
khond (L»».c.) testify to the distaff. 
Gibbon from his own imaprination 
adds a spinninj^-wheel {Decline and 
FaU, Tol. T. p. 370). 

2 Theophylact (I.8.C.); Theo- 
phan. Chronograph, p. 222, A. 
> Theophylact. Sim.iii.8.««*^. 

* So 'the Orientals (Tabari, ii. 
pp. 26G-7j Mirkhond, p. 895). 

The Byzantines say that Bahram 
pretended to have received intelli- 
gence that Hormisdas was about 
to diminish the soldiers' pav, and 
to punish them for havinsr allowed 
themselves to be defeated on the 
Araxes (Theophylact. Sim. iii. 18, 
ad fia, ; Theopban. ChronoorapK 
p. 222, B). 

* Theophylact. Sim. iv. 2. 

« Ibid. iv. 3. 

c^ xxtt} DEfwrnoK or hoeuisdas. 

tnrittfig tm cuia, eonfiaed himself within the walls of 
the enpital, where be oonttDued to exercbe Uie seTcritioi 
which bad lost him the affectionit of hts subjoota. Ac- 
eorcling \jc^ iome« b« iu^iecied his aoa, CboHrot^^ of coU 
Iwmm with Uie eDomj, uid drove him into bAnlifament,^ 
imprttotung $X the nme time hm own brutbei9-in-law« 
BindoSi and Bostomt' who would be likely, he thoaght, 
to give tbdr ftupfMirt u^t their nephuw. Thi*»e vinlent 
meaiatres pix^tipitiiu.'d the eviU which he feared ; a 
gtmerml revolt broke out in the pabice ; Bo«tam and 
Hindoo relmed from prison, put themselvai at the 
head of the makxmieaXMf aodf nishiiig into the presence- 
rimmber, dn^ed the tyniQi from his throne, itrippul 
hiai of the diadem, and eommitt^x) him to the dungvon 
fmm which tbqr had themndroi eaoaped. Tlie Hyzautiue 
htfftorinn^ believed' ihaL. after this^ IIoninKlaa waipei^ 
mttted tu plaid bisouiae before an aiMfDbty of Fermn 
nobleai ta gbrify hii own retgu* vituperate hb ctdeit 
ion, C^iosrotfi^ and expreai his willingnos to nbdieal« 
ifi favfuir of another son, who had never oflended him. 
They i$up|K>«xl that this ill-judged oration had sealed 
the fate of the youth recommended and of his mother, 
who were cut to pieces before the fallen monarch's 

> Tb* uU Uimt lUhnun, in ord«r \ oth^r hand, xh^n ■!• eoiat of 
Ui »•>« j«>alou*T bvtwMO lIormMda* ^ Dahrmm, iimmkI in hk own nnoM, 
and hit »« C'hocrnM, iaracd coiai which mmj w«ll h* Uiom UmI 1m 
tniA tK0 Mmmft mmd trnfMrmrmtitm tf \ put into ctrcnlntion Wort 1m !>•• 
rA# lmtt0r, that llniiiii«U« tn ooo- I aun« kinf. (8«« Tboouui in JVV 
•^]U4>noi* *u»pi^t«^l Cbocroiiik, nnd miammiie i % rm nM for 1S7S, Yol. IL 

\Um\ to r-iCap* dflAth th« JtHUIff pp. l'*iB>:MO.) 

bnrxv b«a to b«uk« himMlf to ' MirkhcuMl mnkct bodi Um 

r«xi:«lim«itit, bvioir t^>UI uoly bj Um broihvn tuSer inpriaoooMOt (n. 

( »n<-citAJ wnt«n, aod aAMipportad 9M). 80 Mn^cNidt (iL p. 91ft) 

hj anv ki»</wn farta, armfrwlj d*- nnd Tnbnri (iL p. SOOk TWo« 

fti^rt»«<>ur •mrptAnrvL Tb«rt nr« phtlnrt (iv. S) and TWopbaaf* 

n > o4D«of Tb^MTM II. aolik«UM (p.' £»,!>) rvpriMil Biadoit m tii« 

r^t, .If pfv#««tinjr M17 apprMnoc* ooU mfhfwt, 

<i b«Tin^ Uro iMord uod«f nb- * 8r# TWonb jlnet Sfan. It. 3-6 ; 

o^rnuU amioMtnncML On Um TkaopbnA. CWk fi. SS8» A, E 



[Ch. xxn. 

eyes, while at the same time the rage of the assembly 
was vented in part upon Hormisdas himself, v;ho was 
blinded, to make his restoration impossible. But a 
judicious critic will doubt the likelihood of rebels, com- 
mitted as were Bindoes and Bostam, consenting to 
allow such an appeal as is described by Theophylact ; 
and a perusal of the speeches assigned to the occasion 
will certainly not diminish his scepticism.^ The proba- 
bility would seem to be that Hormisdas was blinded as 
soon as conamitted to prison, and that shortly afterwards 
he suffered the general fate of deposed sovereigns, being 
assassinated in his place of confinement.^ 

The deposition of Hormisdas was followed almost 
immediately by the proclamation of his eldest son, 
Chosroes, the prince known in history as * Eberwiz ' or 
' Parviz,' the last great Persian monarch. The rebels at 
Ctesiphon had perhaps acted from first to last with his 
cognisance : at any rate, they calculated on his pardon- 
ing proceedings which had given him actual possession 
of a throne whereto, without their aid, he might never 
have succeeded. They accordingly declared him king 
of Persia without binding him by conditions, and with- 
out negotiating with Bahrain, who was still in arms 
and at no great distance. 

Before passing to the consideration of the eventful 
reign with which we shall now have to occupy our- 
selves, a glance at the personal character of the deceased 
monarch will perhaps be expected by the reader. Hor- 
muzd is prcnounced by the concurrent voice of the 

' Dean Milman weU observes, in 
the notes appended to Smith's 
Gibbon (vol. v. p. STD, that the 
orations in Theophylact ' read 
rather like those of a Grecian so- 
phist than of an Eastern assembly.' 

3 The assassination is ascribed 

to Bindoes and Bostam by the 
Orientals (Tabari, ii. n. 279 ; Mir- 
khond, p. 396 ; Ma90uai, ii. p. 219), 
to Chosroes II. by the Byzantine 
writers (Theophylact. Sim. iv. 7 
Theophan. p. 223, C). 

c». xxiL] ooiKs or IIOSUIS0AS m 47S 

Qreeka and the Orientob one of the worBi priucas that 
ever ruled over Persui.* The fair promise of his esirly 
yms ras ijuickly cloudeii over ; ami during the greater 
portiau of hiA reign he waa a jailom and caprictDUii 
tyrant^ mflueoced by unwarihy fiirouritc^, and ittlmu- 
latent to ever^incr^fling teveritiesi by hb fearB. Emi* 
nence of whataoever kind rouBed htii mucpicionai ; anil 
imoQg hb victima wcfe included ^ bemde^ the noble and 
the great, a hirge iiuml^ier of philostiphen and men of 
scietice.' lib irt^ttneiit uf Ikliram wa» at once a folly 
and a dime — an act of black ingralitude, and a m^b 
iCipi wbeneof he had out oounted ibe cotneiiiieiioea. 
To \m other viets ht aikled thnsc of iodolcneeflnd effe- 
utinary. From the lime tliut he litHmme king, tiuthing 
ootild df«g him fn>m the suft life of the [lalacG ; in no 
singie inatanee did be take the field, either ogain^ his 
togntry'i enemiea or hi» own. MiJ^mble uj was hit 
ead, we eaa icansely deem him worthy of our pity, 
ttnee thert^ oerer lived a man whfjae tniiAirtiines wens 
more tally brought on him by his own conduct 

The roin.M of HormiadaB IV. are in no respect re- 
markable. The head seems mcKlelled on that of Chos- 
nt^^, Iii.M father, but is younger. The field of the coin 
within the IxmliT is somewhat unduly crowded with 
!*tap* ami cn*?«i-ents. Stars and eri'scents also occur out- 
?*i<le the lK>nler, replacing the simple crescenta of Choa- 
dnS* and reproduring the combined stars and crescenta 
*»f Ziiniasp* The legend on the obverse is Auhramazdi 
'i/:uJ^ or sometimes AuAramazi afzun\ * on the reverse 

' S^ Tb^ipkjUrt. Sim. tiL 10; • 8m abar*, p. 464. 

Y.^%^ // /: Ti. 1(1; n^opkaa. « Svprm, n. 34^ 

f Ar.^yr«pA p. t?:», B; Tabtfi^ » Tluit u to mj, « IIonakdM, 

a p :..\. MtrklMd, p. 34S; M*. bcw — (U ki«V or « IlomlsdaA» 

V..uJi. 11 p.:fll (mjImW)! 



[Cf. xxn. 

are commonly found, besides the usual fire-altar and 
supporters, a regnal year and a mint-mark. TKe regnal 
years range irom one to thirteen ; ^ the number of the 
mint-marks is about thirty.*^ 


^ Thomas in the Numismatic 
Chronicle for 1878, p. 236. 
^ Mordtmazm in the Zeitschrift, 

vol. viii. pp. 100-110: vol. xii. 
pp. 27-32. 



Aeetmiom of C%Ptroi$ IL ( Jglw w U ). Bmkrmm r^j$tU hU T^rw^ Cm* 
tMl Utwtm Glotrwi mtd Bmkrmm. FUgU of CkomrtOo, SkoH M&i^m 
€f Bohnm (Vmtmkrmm VL). Cmmfmgm tf jl^ Wl. J U m ow p ^Qm 
Tkrom hp Ckatroio, Cmmo tf Boknam. 

'C>««itfT6ny [W lUpom'] ^am\im X mp4w ^ • . . ma0 •$ WifO0tn iuworpmrHu 
f^k rim i^' mktU.^EwMam. Bki. Wutm, vi. 17. 

The {XMition of Choeroes II. on his acoeflBion was one 
(>f great difDculty. Whether actually guiky of parri- 
ciile or not,^ he was at any rate sus|iected by the 
f?reator ]mrt of his subjects of complicity in his father's 
nmnler. A rebel, who was the greatest Persian gene- 
nil of the time, at the head of a veteran army, stood 
arr:iy<-<I apiin**t lii*^ autluirity. lit' had no e>tahlished 
rh;ini4-trr to tall Imrk ujHUMio imrit.M to plead, nothing 
in fart t«» ur«!f on \\\^ In-half luit that he was the vldej*t 
r-'-n «»r Iiin falh«T, the Ir^'iliiiiate repreJK*ntativt' of the 
aiH-iiMit liih* of th(* Sa>««iiiii<he. A ri-volution had plared 
liiiii mi tilt* throiu* in a ha^^ty and im*gidur manner; 
iiMr in it rKar that he had V(*nttire<l on tlu* u*»uul for- 
mality itf a-kin;! ihr ^'oiimmiI of the ^t-nrnd av»i»m!»Iy of 
:[.«• n«ilii«-» li» ill** rfirt»nation.' Thu-* peril?* Mirnmnditl 
i.:in •»{* i\rry ^idi*; l»iit the ui<r»i pri->Mn^ danger of alK 

' ( »;i \).r> (i<.u)>t. »'^ ftUiie. p. th« 4!i«*nlrrlT ADtl Ictw-bom ' (#ii|'« 

ir.\ ;. *« '.* '••» «« f»*.r •«• «■{•••(. >wi irtKvv ^^ 

' \\i%\ K«> h^l r •* (i<«r lit I ir m r^v r»«<- m'm9*m*it^^^ c *« 

»*«*)<•* !r rii lt<r •tAtrri.< nl nf |I«1|- i'i« •<• •'•-t***.. • r"***-*-*! i. HibtNWB 

rmii. I! f.-a. ) 177 <. tb*t ' ih«* n<ibl« ••^ui* !•» •uppcMp that tku i» a 

a. t T'*^ <-:«>•;•» it. \ Dii |art in nj*-rf Hirt.hral diHiruh t/itrliM 

tL- 1 19, «iacli «M t-«ni«l hj mtd /WT, vol. v. p. *Stt^ 



[Ch. xxm. 

that which required to be immediately met and con- 
fronted, was the threatening attitude of Bahram, who 
had advanced from Adiaben^ to Holwan/ and occupied 
a strong position not a hundred and fifty miles from 
the capital. Unless Bahram could be conciliated or 
defeated, the young king could not hope to maintain 
himself in power, or feel that he had any firm grasp of 
the sceptre. 

Under these circumstances, he took the resolution to 
try first the method of conciliation. There seemed to 
be a fair opening for such a course. It was not he, 
but his father, who had given the offence which drove 
Bahram into rebeUion, and almost forced him to vindi- 
cate his manhood by challenging his detractor to a 
trial of strength. Bahram could have no personal 
ground of quarrel with him. Indeed that general had 
at the first, if we may believe the Oriental writers,^ 
proclaimed Chosroes as king, and given out that he 
took up arms in order to place him upon the throne. 
It was thpught, moreover, that the rebel might feel 
himself sufficiently avenged by the death of his enemy, 
and might be favourably disposed towards those who had 
first bhnded Hormisdas and then despatched him by the 
bowstring.^ Chosroes therefore composed a letter in 
which he invited Bahram to his court, and offered him 
the second place in the kingdom, if he would come in 
and make his submission. The message was accom- 
panied by rich presents, and by an offer that if the 
terms proposed were accepted they should be confirmed 
by oath.* 

» Tabari, ii. p. 276. 

» Ibid. p. 268 J Ma^oudi, ii. p. 

* Mirkhond, p. 896; Tabari, ii. 
p. 279. The beating to death with 

clubs seems to be a clumsy in- 
vention of the Byzantine writers 
(Theophylact. Sim. iv. 7j Tbeo- 
phan. p. 223, C). 
^ Theophylact. Sim. L8.C. 


The reply of Bahrain was as follows: — ^* Bahrain, 
friend of the gods, conqueror, illustrious, enemy of 
tyrants, satrap of satraps, general of the Persian host, 
wue, apt for command, god-fearing, without reproach, 
noble, fortunate, successful, venerable, thrifty, provi- 
dent, gentle, humane, to Chosroes the son of Hormisdas 
(i«cnd9 greeting). I have received the letter which you 
wrote with such little wisdom, but have rejected the 
pressent^s which you sent with such excessive boldness. 
It had been betUT that you should have abstained from 
sendinjr cither, more especially con^dering the irrcgu- 
hirity of your appointment, and the fact that the noble 
and ri*7«[)ectable took no part in the vote, whicli was 
oirried by the disorderly and low-bom. If then it is 
your wish to escape your father's &te, strip off the 
diadem which you have assumed and deposit it in some 
holy place, quit the pahice, and restore to their prisons 
the criininaLH whom you have set at liberty/ and whom 
you had no right to release until they had undergone 
trial f«»r tln'ir rriiin'^. ^^^u•n v«m have doiu* all this 
1 .•in«* hilhrr, and I will jrive you tlu' f!ovtTunu*nt of a 
j»p»\i!i«'r. lit- wrll adviMil, and !»o fart'Wrll. KI*h% Ih* 
>nn- v«»u will iM-ri^h like your fathrr.* Si in«Milent a 
nu^-^ivi- miu'lit wrll liavi* pnivoknl tin* youn^ primv io 
'- '111* lia*ty ai'l «»r ^niu* unworthy sli«>w t)f t4*ni|N*r. It 
1* !•• ihf «nilit iif riii»-nw!* tiial he n-^^traint^^l him- 
<•«!!, uihI «'v<ii inailt* an(»tlh*r attnnpt to ti*nninat4* the 
• jii.t:r»l liy a r«i'i»n«ilialion. Wiiijf •>triviii}; to ouUlo 
i'*.i:.::t'n in tiir «;iaii<li'ur of hi*» titles.' lit* Mill addreiwHil 

tr.* V :r. ntrr t' {••in*- an ma*trr«. pnnrv^ of p^mv. uii.iur 

in jr> ». t. (hat, Li« father. *4 mftiikiiHl. in lb«> Miffat «if gi^l* a 

:.f « »• fa miUl m. 1 < I*>iu*-Dt virtuou* Mxl iiniu *nml luaii, ia tb« 

1;«|* .«:*.. R. Mirbt of m^ A BKMC B«lllf«»t |rud. 




him as his friend. He complimented him on his cou- 
rage, and felicitated him on his excellent health. * There 
were certain expressions,' he said, ' in the letter that he 
had received, which he was sure did not speak his 
friend's real feelings. The amanuensis had evidently 
drunk more wine than he ought, and, being half asleep 
when he wrote, had put down things that were foolish 
and indeed monstrous. But he was not distiu'bed by 
them. He must dedine, however, to send back to 
their prisons those whom he had released, since favours 
granted by royalty- could not with propriety be with- 
drawn ; and he must protest that in the ceremony of 
his coronation all due formalities had been observed. 
As for stripping himself of his diadem, he was so far 
from contemplating it, that he looked forward rather to 
extending his dominion over new worlds. As Bahram 
had invited him, he would certainly pay him a visit ; 
but he would be obliged to come as a king, and if 
his persuasions did not produce submission he would 
have to compel it by force of arms. He hoped that 
Bahram would be wise in time, and would consent to 
be his friend and helper.' 

This second overture produced no reply ; and it be- 
came tolerably evident that the quarrel could only be 
decided by the arbitrament of battle. Chosroes accord- 
ingly put himself at the head of such troops as he could 
collect,^ and marched against his antagonist, whom he 
found encamped on the Holwan river.^ The place was 

rising with the sun and furnishing 
to the night her eyes (the stars ?), 
of illustnous ancestry, a king averse 
to war, beneficent, hirer of the 

fenii, and custodian of the Persian 
ingdom' (Theophylact Sim. iv. 
8). The thoroughly Oriental cha- 

racter of this exordium seems to 
indicate that the letter is genuine. 

* Theophylact Sim. iv. 9. 

' Compare Tabari, ii. p. 276, 
with Macoudi, ii. p. 215 and Theo- 
phylact. Sim. p. 102, C. 


favourable for an engagement ; but ChosroSs had no 
confidence in his soldiers. He sought a personal mter- 
view with Bahram, and renewed his offers of pardon 
and fiivour ; but the conference only led to mutual re- 
criminations,^ and at its close both mdes appealed to 
arms. Diuing six days the two armies merely skir- 
mished, since Chosroes bent all his efforts towards 
avoiding a general engagement ; but on the seventh 
day Ikhram surprised him by an attack after night had 
fallen,' threw his troops into confusion, and then, by a 
skilful appeal to their feelings, induced them to desert 
their leader and come over to his side ChosroSs was 
Airced to fly. He fell back on Ctesiphon ; * but de- 
^Iwirin}; of making a successful defence, with the few 
troopH that remained fiiithful to him, against the over- 
whelming force which Bahram had at his disposal, he 
resolved to evacuate the capiul, to quit Perua, and to 
throw himself on the generosity of some one of hb 
noifrhbours. It is said that his choice was long unde- 
tiTiniixHl lM*twi*on the Turks the Arabst, the Khazani 
of ihf ( aiirjt«i:ui n*jrion, and ihe Hoiuuilh.* Ar4*(mling 
tt) MMiif wnton*, iiftiT IfaNniif! Cu*9<i|»hon, with hi.H wives* 
aii'i rhildn-ti, hi*« two unch-^ anil uii t*!4<H>rt of tliirty 
iii«ii«-' h«' Iniil )ii*« niiiM on hi?« hopH.*V iiin'k,ttiid left it to 
thf* iii**tin('t of thr aiiiinal Xu (Irteriiiiiit* in what direc- 
ts »!i hv •»lniulil lK^\* Thi* MiptriouM lH»:t-t to<)k the 
w.iy to the Kuphratr**; and C'h«»HnM'H, finding hini!H-lf 

<i#tAiU Th«Nipb«i«rt iiT !•• •p««'4i Thf^tphflftTt il«r.), tb* Armba hw 
ni >r** tf«>o^raJlT, but quit^ U* lb# Tabftn 4l.a.r. ». Tbf* Kb«iar» wrr«> 
•«;ti- •-rf'-*-! I if o.r *"•••* .I'V- * ib«* gri^at piiwvr fif %hm (*mnrmnmn 

'-•• .-. ) I • Si Tb^tphTUet 4A. 104. \\. 

' Ff.** pKv'.fct Sm p IfYt, A. I Tab^n g\rr^ tb# Dvomr m tro 

* UtAn. 11 (.. *.':««. Mirkb«4Kl. ; III p iTl*! 
|. :•• rhr..pb«l«rt Sim. iv in • Tbf^ipbfbrt. Sia. m. 103, C; 

' It* TurbA,'tb« Cmcanw, Mi4 . IVopbaa. pi. TO^ D. 



[Ch. xvin. 

on its banks, crossed the river, and, following up its 
course,^ reached with much difficulty the well-known 
Eoman station of Circesium.^ He was not unmolested 
in his retreat. Bahram no sooner heard of his flight 
than he sent off a body of 4,000 horse, with orders to 
pursue and capture the fugitive.® They would have 
succeeded, had not Bindoes devoted himself on behalf 
of his nephew, and, by tricking the officer in command,* 
enabled Chosroes to place such a distance between 
himself and his pursuers that the chase had to be 
given up, and the detachment to return, with no more 
valuable capture than Bindoes, to Ctesiphon. 

Chosroes was received with all honour by Probus, 
the governor of Circesium,^ who the next day commu- 
nicated intelligence of what had happened to Comen- 
tiolus. Prefect of the East, then resident at Hierapolis. 
At the same time he sent to Comentiolus a letter which 
Chosroes had addressed to Maurice, imploring his aid 
against his enemies. Comentiolus approved what had 
been done, despatched a courier to bear the royal mis- 
sive to Constantinople, and shortly afterwards, by the 
direction of the court, invited the illustrious refugee to 
remove to Hierapolis,^ and there take up his abode, till 
his cause should be determined by the emperor. Mean- 
while, at Constantinople, after the letter of Chosroes had 

^ He 18 said to have passed 
Aboreo and Anotho (Theophylact, 
p. 103, D> The latter is evidently 
Anatho or Anat Is the former 

' To reach Circesium, he must 
have recrossed the Euphrates. This^ 
however, is hot mentioned. 

» Tabari, ii. o. 280. Compare 
Mirkhond (p. 396) and Theophy- 
lact (iv. 12, mb init). 

* Mirkhond, p. 397; Tabari, ii. 
p. 281. 

* Theophylact. Sim. iv. 10; Theo- 
phan. I.S.C. 

• The Orientals carry Chosroes 
to Edessa (Ma^oudi, ii. p. 219) or 
Antioch (Tabari, ii. p. 289). and 
then to Constantinople (Mirkhond, 
p. 398; Tabari, ii. p. 291). But 
the Greeks, who must know best, 
declare that he proceeded no further 
than Hierapolis (Theophylact. Sim. 
iv. 12 and 14; Evn><r. 'H, E, vi. 
19; Theophan. p. 224, A). 

C& ZXnL] M AUBICB P80nCI3 OHO8ROI3. 481 

been read, a serious debate arose as to what was fittert to 
be done.^ While some urged with much show of reason 
that it was for the interest of the empire that the civil 
war should be prolonged^ that Persia should be allowed 
to waste her strength and exhaust her resources in the 
contest, at the end of which it would be easy to conquer 
her, there were others whose views were less selfish or 
more fur-si«rhtcd. The prospect of uniting the East 
and Wi'Mt into a single monarchy, which had been 
brought t4> ttie test of experiment by Alexander and 
had f:iiU*d, did not present itself in a very tempting 
li|;)it to these minck They doubted the ability of the 
deoliniii}^ empire to sway at once the sceptre of Eun>|>e 
and of A.HJa. They feared that if the appeal of Chosroi^ 
Were rejct:ted, the Esist would simply fall into anarchy, 
and the way would fierhafis be pre[iared for some 
n(*w |K)wer to rise up, more formidable than the king- 
(loin of the SamuiidoB. The inclination of Maurice, 
who lik(Ml to think himstelf magnanimous,' coincided 
wirli till' vifw-* of ih«*M» iktshi?* : thfir eouiisfl.i were 
:i.-.-,.]i?,..l; ;ni,l ilic rrply wa^ in:uh» to('h«»roi.^, thai the 
ll->m.i!i »'!n|MTor arrrptt'^l hitn a** his gu(*?it and ^i//j,' 
lilt i> rt'Mik hi<* ()uarr«'K and wimiM aid him with all the 
t'. :•••"• «.t* tin* «'in|iin* to ntMiviT hi** lhri»nt?. At the 
-.iin*- iiriif .M;iiin«*i- M»nt hiui !«»nir nia^fiiiliriMit pn^ik-nt*/ 

- 1 «)**ri. I' |i *.**■>; Ma^'>u<li, ii. than an inUlli/fOt *ppMH-iaU>iQ uf 

|i I«* 1 h** MA^nin*'* ATttiallr U'itnan itit«*r«-«U. 

.- t ii.At U >-•• .'Athrnil fr<iin tlif* ' K%ft/r. l.«.'\ rb<«Mtv had ap* 

r> I . • • ! f>.-(i> o.tiU'tir.| in th«* pralfil t<i him a* hi« * f«thcr.* 

M- 'f i \'l%r i < h i«r»-«i rh<^>|ihf- I rhf'jihjiart Sini. it. 11. tm^JIm I 

lu' *• . iT I :. ' « Mirkhifi't <p. :fi»^» ana M»> 

' 1 r.<- - iiiJi.'- •t:imit« ' of Maiih«*«* r »uili 111. |i. TJ^U mumrmU* tb^ia. 

I* y .\ f r««ri hv th<* lUiantm* K«a«'nu« omUnU himarlf with a 

mr-.i'-T* •• •;-(-. «;;% tti-lrnrvNl bv ir-nffml •t«trni*nt, but a4d« that 

K » ! i' t *..>«r«ri« rb<»^«M tb^ rfii(>r<*M Mifit at tb«* aani* tina 

• I*.'- ;i*.\l»t. S.m p 1<C, (*. p prr»rnu for rhiMrva' witea, tmd 

1!.. \. K««4r a K vi. 17 i. tb# Imperial rbildm pivvau fur 

M «lrru« viU •cmiotlj •«« la it murt Cbutfuaa' ebtldna. 

1 1 



[Ch. xxnii 

and releasing the Persian prisoners in confinement at 
Constantinople/ bade tliem accompany the envoys of 
Chosroes and resume the service of their master. Soon 
afterwards more substantial tokens of the Imperial 
friendship made their appearance. An army of 70,00Q 
men ^ arrived under Narses ; and a subsidy was advanced 
by the Imperial treasury, amounting (according to one 
writer) ^ to above two millions sterling. 

But this valuable support to his cause was no free 
gift of a generous fiiend ; on the contrary, it had to be 
purchased by great sacrifices. Chosroes had perhaps 
at first hoped that aid would be given him gratuitously, 
and had even regarded the cession of a single city as 
one that he might avoid making."* But he learnt 
by degrees that nothing was to be got from Eome with- 
out paying for it ; and it was only by ceding Persar- 
menia and Eastern Mesopotamia, with its strong towns 
of Martyropolis and Daras,^ that he obtained the men 
and money that were requisite. 

Meanwhile Bahram, having occupied Ctesiphon, had 
proclaimed himself king,® and sent out messengers on 
all sides to acquaint the provinces with the change of 
rulers. The news was received without enthusiasm, 
but with a general acquiescence ; and, had Maurice re- 

^ Theophylact. Sim. iv. 14. 

2 Tabari, ii. p. 291. Ma90udi 
makes the numoer 100,000 (ii. p. 
220). Mirkhond mentions both 
reports without deciding between 
them (p. 399), The Byzantines 
glive no estimate of the number. 

' Ma^oudi, Ls.c. 

* On reachirg Hierapolis, Chos- 
roes was at once asked to order 
the surrender of Martyropolis. He 
pretended to do so, but secretly 
^ave directions that it should be de- 
fended to the last extremity (Theo- 

phylact. Sim. iv. 12, 13). 

* Ibid. iv. 13; p. 110, B. It 
has been thought by some that 
Nisi bis also was ceded (Smith in 
Notes to Gibbon, vol. v. p. 395). 
But the authority of the Armenian 
writers is scarcely sufficient to es- 
tablish such a fact against the 
silence of the Byzantines, who 
would scarcely have failed to notice 
80 important a gain. 

« Theophylact Sim. iv. 12 j Ma- 
9oudi,.ii. p. 219. 


joek^d tlic Appliaitinn of Cboirot^ it ii prob&bte lliat 
the usurper mighi Imv^ enjoyed a long and quite reign^ 
Ai 9oon^ howevE>r, as il came to he known thai the 
Grvek enipemr Imd c^pt>uAc<l the ctiwe of hb mal, 
Bah mm found himself in difficulties: conflpimcy ar«e 
in hii own eourt, and Iiad to be f uppfoaed by execu- 
tions ;' mntumri wens beard in »me of ihe moi% dis- 
Ijint pr^tvmeet ; Annciiia openly revolted lUid declared 
fur Chosrtk^ ;^ and it toon appeared that in plnraa ihe 
fidelity of the Peiiian troopa waa duubtfitL Tlib wai 
eapeojiUy the cmo In Mewpotaniia,* which would hrive 
to b@ir the bnint tif the attack when the Bomaoa ad- 
nnoecl Ktihmin therefore thuiight it neoeeeary, though 
H wa« now the de|>tl] of witileft to strengthen hin htild 
on the wnvering province, and *ient out two delaeb- 
metilii, under ooointanclerv utKui whom he amid rely, to 
oc(*upy resftectiYdy Anatbo and Xi^ibtts the two 
ftrongbolda of greateil tmtiortanoe in the fUffpected 
rfgion* Itir-ailurijf puoceeiled in entt»ring ami ocru- 
]>viii^' Afiathi).* ZHdc^^prates wn» less fortunate; before 
lir rrachttl the neigh Inmrhocxl of XlHibis, the garrison 
wliirh luM lliat pliice had dcjicrtcd the cause of the 
u<iir|»<r and given in its adhesion to Chosroes ; and, 
\\'\\i'U \\v appn>aehed to reconnoitre, he was made the 
vjriiin of a j*initagi!n and killed by an officer named 
K«>-a*»/* Mir-aduri?* did not long sur\ive him; the 
triN.jiH whirli lie luul intHKluciil into Anatho caught 
tilt* < (intaL'i<»ri ot revolt^ rose up agxiinst him, slew him, 
and "Hia his head l4) ClKHinR*».* 

' TftUn. 11. pti, ^<V-4; Tb«>- ) * TiMKiplijlAeL Sia. It. 16; ^ 

ph<l*rt. •*»tii If. 14 I 1I.% A. 

^'^\ I p 11:'. I*atk«iii«n in iIm * lliia. 

Jimrn^ Amaiyf^ f of l^Ot. pL IIKI. i * Ibid. T. i. 

I I % 



[Ch. xxnr. 

The spring was now approaching,^ and the time for 
military operations on a grand scale drew near. Chos- 
roes, besides his supporters in Mesopotamia, Eoman and 
Persian, had a second army in Azerbijan, raised by his 
uncles Bindoes and Bostam,^ which was strengthened 
by an Armenian contingent.* The plan of campaign 
involved the co-operation of these two forces. With 
this object Chosroes proceeded, early in the spring, from 
Hierapolis to Constantina,* from Constantina to Daras,^ 
and thence by way of Ammodion ^ to the Tigris, across 
which he sent a detachment, probably in the neighbour- 
hood of Mosul. This force fell in with Bryzacius, who 
commanded in these parts for Bahram, and surprising 
him in the first watch of the night, defeated his army 
and took Bryzacius himself prisoner. The sequel, 
which Theophylact appears to relate from the informa- 
tion of an eye-witness, furnishes a remarkable evidence 
of the barbarity of the times. Those who captured 
Bryzacius cut off his nose and his ears, and in this 
condition sent him to Chosroes. The Persian prince 
was overjoyed at the success, which no doubt he 
accepted as a good omen ; he at once led his whole 
army across the river, and having encamped for the 
night at a place called Dinabadon, entertained the 
chief Persian and Eoman nobles at a banquet. When 
the festivity was at its height, the unfortunate prisoner 

^ The date of Zadesprates' death 
18 fixed to February a.d. 691 by 
the letter of Chosroes preserved ih 
Evagrius, which mentions that the 
head of Zadesprates was brought in 
on the 9th of that month (Evagr. 
H. E. vi. 21). 

' Bindoee had fled to Azerbijan 
from Ctesiphon, having been set free 
by the conspirators whose attempt 
failed (supra; p. 483, note ^). He 

had been joined by 20,000 Persiana 
from the capital (Tabari, ii. p. 
286 ; compare Theophylact. Sim. 
iv. 16, ad mil,), Bostam was sent 
into Azerbijan by Chosroes. (Ibid, 
iv. 12, adjin.) 

» Theophylact. Sim. V. 9; p. 131, 
C ; Patkanian, l.s.c. 

* Theophylact. iv. 16. 

» Ibid. V. 3. 

« Ibid. V. 4. 


was bmtifrtit in loiuled with fetters, and was tntttle 
ffl^art of by the guests for a titiic^ ftfter whtdit at u mg* 
nal ihim the kiiig^ the gUiinLf ptungetl their ertt^'onb 
into hb body, and desptttdietl Initi in the fight of ibo 
feii0leni. Having nmit*ml hin giiimtM with tJib deleet- 
iibte inter] udt^ the aimAble monarch concluded the 
whole by anointing them with {lerfumed ointmenti 
crowmng them with flowen* iikI bidding them <1rink 
to hii iueeess in the war. *TTje guoiti,* Mji Theo- 
pbylact, 'returoecl to their tentii, ddigbled with the? 
cooapletenefti of their cotertainmentv and UM their 
JHeodi hciw handiioioely they had been traated^ but 
tbe crown of all {titey mdd) wm the qitAode i»f 

QioaQm neict day advamrcHl arjno» the Greater 
Zah, and, oiler nuux^hing (bur daya« reacheil Alex- 
andrians,' a postioQ probably not far from Arbcla, 
after which, in two days UHjre, he arrived at Chna*- 
thaa,* which was a di^trirt tip»>n the Zab Asfid, nr 
Ix^MT Zjib river, llere he found himself in the im- 
mtHliate vicinity of liiihmm, who had taken up his 
jH»!*itiun on I ho Ix*sjkt Zab, with the intention probably 
of blixkin^ the route up its valley/ by which he 
4X|Hvt4'<l that tlie Armenian army would endeavour to 
vttWx a junciion with the army of Chosroes. Here 
the two fonc?* watched each other for some dajrs, and 
van< »u.H nuitia*uvres were executed, which it is impossible 
to follow, Mnct* Tht«ophylact, our only authority, is not 
a i^tnnl military hiittorian. The result, however, is 
nrtam. liahram was out-manceuvred by Cho8rol% 

* S> lW>pliYUrt (▼. 7,mAjlm,). « H«« Amntmt ifiiifrliii^ vol L 
Tb<<>pbMM« cJl# Ui# plM« Ales* pi. 563, Sod •ditioo. 



[Ch. xxin. 

and his Eoman allies; the fords of the Zab were 
seized ; and, after five days of marching and counter- 
marching, the longed-for junction took place.^ Chos- 
roes had the satisfaction of embracing his uncles Bindoes 
and Bostam, and of securing such a reinforcement as 
gave him a great superiority in numbers over his an- 

About the same time he received intelligence of 
another most important success. Before quitting Daras, 
he had despatched Mebodes, at the head of a small 
body of Romans,^ to create a diversion on the Meso- 
potamian side of the Tigris by a demonstration from 
Singara against Seleucia and Ctesiphon. He can hardly 
have expected to do more than distract his enemy and 
perhaps make him divide his forces. Bahram, however, 
was either indifferent as to the fate of the capital, or 
determined not to weaken the small army, which was 
all that he could muster, and on which his whole de- 
pendence was placed. He left Seleucia and Ctesiphon 
to their fate. Mebodes and his small force marched 
southward without meeting an enemy, obtained posses- 
sion of Seleucia without a blow after the withdrawal of 
the garrison, received the uncoi\ditional surrender of 
Ctesiphon, made themselves masters of the royal palace 
and treasures, proclaimed Chosroes king, and sent to him 
in his camp the most precious emblems of the Persian 
sovereignty.* Thus, before engaging with his anta- 
gonist, Chosroes recovered his capital and found his 

> Theophylact. Sim. v. 9. 

' AccordiDg to Theophylact 
(I.8.C.) the forces of Cnosroes 
amounted to 60,000, those of Bah- 
ram to 40,000. The number on 
the side of Chosroes is less than we 
should have expected ; but pro- 
bably strong Roman garrisons had 

been left in Martjropolis and Daras, 
aod more troops may have accom- 
panied Mebodes than is stated. 

' Two thousand, according to 
Theophylact (v. 4) ; but the num- 
ber is improbably small. 

* Ibid. y. 7. 


authority once more recognised in the seat of govern- 

The great contest had« however, to be decided, not 
by the loss and gain of dties, nor by the fickle mood of 
a popuhice, but by trial of arms in the open field. 
Bahram was not of a temper to surrender his sove- 
reignty unless compelled by defeat. He was one of 
the greatest generals of the age,^ and, though com- 
pelliHl to figlit under every diradvantage, greatly out- 
numlMfred by the enemy, and with troofis tliat were to a 
lan^'c fxtent <lisafle(led, he was bent cm resisting to the 
utuKist, and doing his best to maintain his own rights. 
Hf Mvms t«) have fought two pitched battles with the 
comhiniHl Uonians and Peniians,' and not to have suc- 
oumlKMl until treachery and desc^rtion disheartened him 
and mined li» cause. The first battle was in the plain 
(*(uuitry of Adiabene, at the f(N>t of the Zagros range. 
H«-re the op|NK%ing aimies were drawn out in the open 
fi«*ld« vnrh dividiMl into a centn* and two wiiigM. In 
tin* :iriiiy of (lio^nM's the Hmnans were in the uiidilie, 
<>ii thf ii;jht t)u* ri*r>ian.s and tin* Ariiu*niaiiH oii the 
!. It. N;ii^«*'*, tt»i.'*llu'r with ('ho^r«i«*^, hcM the erntrul 
;»'»-i?!t»ii : Hahiain w:ls dipMily u|)|n>?mm1 U) llit'rn. 
Wlnn li.r rniilliit Im-;^':iii iho Ki>ii):i!im ('har;iiHl with 
'-\i*\\ ih r- «?H»s«» that ItahramV n-ntn-at micv ^'avt* way : 
III- wa.-* «'liliu'««l t'» u lna:l to {hi* fiHit of tlir hilK s^nd 
t.iK«- »ij» a |H»Mt:-ni oil thfir *li»|»«*. Ilrn* iht* Honian«i 
r« ::i- d !*• arta«k Iniu ; ainl ('ht»*r«M'<i >rrv iiii|irud«'titly 
• •:!• M I !h»- I*« r*iaii- who fMii;;hl «ni hi- Mch* tt» advan«v 
].:* :•.*• it-^ lilt. Thry wiTf nimlM.-*!, and thrown int«i 

= "•-. •*. ^^ j> 4*'.'' in*r tb* AmtriiUnt. TlieophAnr* 

* 1' .«•* I'aM.*- •111? u mro« p ;^.'li rtiiifuw* tU* rir<*uiu*t«ii€r« 

I. '.. ; (i M»>;-i!i • ii. p. LV.'s <*l ttar twu ru^mtptntruX*. Th<^»- 

Jki'ft.-i )'{« Ji*l fti afij th«* pb«Uft al 'Or distuictlf iptct k^iib 



[Ch. xxm. 

complete confusion ; and the battle would infallibly have 
been lost, had not Narses come to their aid, and with 
his steady and solid battalions protected theiy retreat 
and restored the fight. Yet the day terminated with a 
feeling on both sides that Bahram had on the whole 
had the advantage in the engagement; the king de 
facto congratulated himself; the king de jure had to 
bear the insulting pity of his allies, and the reproaches 
of his own countrymen for occasioning them such a 

But though Bahram might feel that the glory of 
the day was his, he was not elated by his success, nor 
rendered blind to the diflSculties of his position. Fight- 
ing with his back to the mountains, he was hable, if 
he suffered defeat, to be entangled in their defiles and 
lose his entire force. Moreover, now that Ctesiphon 
was no longer his, he had neither .resources nor point 
d'appui in the low country, and by falling back he 
would at once be approaching nearer to the main 
source of his own supplies, which was the country 
about Eei,^ south of the Caspian, and drawing his 
enemies to a greater distance from the sources of 
theirs. He may even have thought there was a chance 
of his being unpursued if he retired, since the Eomans 
might not like to venture into the mountain region, 
and Chosroes might be impatient to make a triumphal 
entry into his capital. Accordingly, the use which 
Bahram made of his victory was quietly to evacuate 
his camp, to leave the low plain region, rapidly pass 
the mountains, and take up his quarters in the fertile 

^ Tbeophylact Sim. y. 9, ad fin, 

• According to Tabari (ii. If62) 

Bahram was bom at Rei, of a noble 

family. He was Marzpan of Hei 

when chosen general against the 

Turks (ibid, and compare Ma9oudi, 
ii. p. 213). Hei was the place 
whence he issued his coins (Tabari, 
ii. f). 268^, and whence he marched 
against Chosroes. 


Upland Ix-yoml iliem, llie (list riot wlierc the Lesacr Zab 
rises, MHiih of I^ke Uniiniycli. 

It* \\v had h(>|H.Hl that hi.s eiu*init«s would not |)un<uc 
hinu liidirani was diMi|»|xunted. Chosroi^ liinisflf, and 
th«* wht>If of the inixtKl army which suppnrte<I his 
(*auM*, MM»n f4»IIuwi*<l on his f«Miist4*|>s, and prt»ssinj; for- 
ward to { anzara,' or Shiz,* ni*ar whii'li he had pitehinl 
Ills ramp, oHrn^d him battle fur the Mrond time, iiah- 
nim <K'«'lint'<l the otliT, and retn*ate<l to a |K)s»ition on 
thr Malaralhii^, where, howrwr, after a short time, he 
wu'^ fMin-d to 4-niiK* to an eii}/a«rt'mtMit. \lr had rv- 
rri\(d, it wnuld MM-m, H rrintop'tMHeut of elrphantd 
l"n»in i!ii- pn»viiirc"» Ixirderin^^ «>n India,' and hnprd fi»r 
^iiMic advanta^n* tVoni the empjuynu'nt of this new arm. 
Ill- li:id jwiliap- auizmmtetl his tnn*-s,* thoujrh it must 
1m- i!Mul»it-<l whrther \iv rnilly on this <H'ra>i«»n out- 
iniii;iNr«-d his anta;.'«»nist. At any UiU\ tin* time 
M-t mill to h:t\r rnnii* wlu'ii la* must abide tlu* is:<Uif ot 
li;- MpiH ;d til ;irni>, ami st-euir or lt»^e iiis <H)\vn by a 
'■..:■!' :i.i i :l'-:t. i >!;. i- iimrr :!.•• a!!iiu-*< wtir diawn up 
.:. '.'It. .:>:m.' ! l.'":.*-;** :ii,d «'!mi- nmie the Kjuli-fi 
: • . ■' . • **;i!. !.-:.• •! . i !.M:iI ]m.-.!i..ii.'' i In- riiLML''liHlit 
' • . i:. .1 ■: -J :i.i- \vi.«If l:n«'. ;iiii mijiimii-'i i"i ;i \\«* 
.. • ■.: :;..i:i-.''! I'-u.!. r.iii.i.iiii :!n ti -ti«!iL'tl.«-iH d lii^ 

• , - jr •.^' ■. t! . r. . • I i.\ l.i»..f. 1%'. P ■".•■■! 

1 -'*.■:.■ « r . I. .• :'..• ;■.'■ • • 1 K r: *; -. I*, ••.rtii-. 

■ .*; •:.■ • .:■ ■ • «• 1 \ r ...•:.. ■:.• at '.••.mi i ,; j,ji. 

I * ■ . \ . *: **:. I :.. j '.%:•■! **.ni » 1«» f .., 

w ' I .» ' . ^ •!:.'. 'If!:. !'• tlirlj**! ti!!..* th«* 

■ • . ^ : M I: • ^ • .• I'."*;. ■ii.ri.fcnlt I-.II-. Lit f hifcii 

'.' -. •!/ >. 1 -^ «\ • • '.; • -1 a < • I 'ral j •;•. -fj 

^ I * r . .•..;... ?|\V'.' •'•• •■.!•. i#'iif 

' ^ ■ ■ ^.:. ; '..-;.!• V ■ I- Kif, % .. :ii ji l«4l, -.'i.J 



[Ch. XXTTT. 

left, and transferring himself to this part of the field, 
made an impression on the Eoman right. But Narses 
brought up supports to their aid, and checked the re- 
treat, which had already begun, and which might soon 
have become general. Hereupon Bahram suddenly 
fell upon the Eoman centre and endeavoured to break 
it and drive it from the field ; but Narses was again a 
match for him, and met his assault without flinching, 
after which, charging in his turn, he threw the Persian 
centre into confusion. Seeing this, the wings also broke, 
and a general flight began,^ whereupon 6,000 of Bah- 
ram's troops deserted, and, drawing aside, allowed them- 
selves to be captured.*^ The retreat then became a rout. 
Bahram himself fled with 4,000 men.^ His camp, with 
all its rich furniture, and his wives and children, were 
taken.* The elephant corps still held out and fought 
valiantly ; but it was surrounded and forced to sur- 
render.^ The battle was utterly lost ; and the unfor- 
tunate chief, feeling that all hope was gone, gave the 
reins to his horse and fled for his life. Chosroes sent 
ten thousand men in pursuit,^ under Bostam, his uncle ; 
and this detachment overtook the fugitives, but was 
repulsed^ and returned. Bahram continued his flight, 
and, passing through Eei and Damaghan,^ reached the 
Oxus and placed himself under the protection of the 
Turks. Chosroes, having dismissed his Eoman allies, 

1 Theophan. p. 224, C. 'O Nap«^c 

<pa\ayya ' tovtov dk ytvoixivov xai ai 
XoiTrai row Bapuft, i^aBivqnov (ftuXayyi^, 
ieai yivirai rov rvpdvvov fityaXtj (j.vyi'i, 

Compare'Theophylact. Sim. p. 133, 

' Theophylact Ls.c. : Theophan. 
p. 224, D. 

» Tabari, ii. p. 296. 

* Theophylact. Sim. v. 11, admit, 

« Ibid. 

® Eight huodred, according to 
Tabari (1.8.c.) j but the ten thousand 
of Theophylact (p. 134, B) id more 

7 So Tabari (l.s.c). Theophy- 
lact says nothing of the repulse. 

» Tabari, ii. p. 297. 

cs. xxmj 

corns OP haiuum. 


nMBtefod Gtcdphosi aftar a ymi^s Abtenei!, aod for tlie 
•eamd timo took bis jdibM ttpoii ihe tlirano of bis 

Tbc coins of Bahrttm ponsoss a {lecttUar mleitsiL 
Wbite there is no numismiilif? eviiiunce wliieb confinns 
ifae sUiteitieiil ibal he at ruck iiioni^ m the name of 
the yotuiger ChiMro^ tliisn! are ejrtiuil tkrm typci 
of hii ooiii% t«ro of which appcftir to belong to tbe lime 
liefore he i^ated bim*€?If upon the throne, whUe od&^ 
the liiil — belongs to the period of hii aiHiial mvo- 
reigntjT.^ In hia pre-rt^gtial coiti^ he copied tl»e do* 
Tices of the UmI Bovemfn of hia naitie who had ruled 
ovcrPcmui.' Heado]]tcd ihc mural crrowu in a de* 
eided form, omitted the ftani iind (rc^tcvmta, and p)ace<l 
hb own bend amid the fiamci of the finndtar. Hia 
legends were mther Vmmkmn Chub^ ' Babnun of the 
or Vtirithran^ mattan malka^ mazdim^ hnffi^ 
nklri^ rBiihrtim, king of kiugit Omiajsd-warship- 
pmg« divine, potcefuL' 

ftAftIT COtH nw rkMAUMAIi T1. 

* Sr«» Thoma* in Um \mtms t mtt h e * dry wood ; * aod th^r 
( kr.muU !..r l-r.t. ppL I'^tM*. I M/'tbat it WM appUrd to kia oa 

* \ Aim! nm \ Sr«> abufr. p. tfW. | AccoaDt ot a cvrtatn Arjimm ia bit 

* Tbi* u tb«» n-ti(lrnn)( ff Mr. < App«>Armnr9. ( So« Malrulm, //Mr«r|f 
n><*n>*«, and iB*i>tuff'«bai unrvrtAlJi. • •/ /Vr»i4i,Tol.i. p. ll'0,wbotfmaAbilM 

< i.ubtn. «hirb. •rrt>r\lin|r ti> tb« ; it br * tb^ »tirk*hli«/ and eooipm 

< 'r *^n«ml«. «(M tb« ftctiMJ epitbH ! I>'ll«rbi*lot, BM. Olr. %oL iiL p. 40^ 
••! tiiit mi^Arrb^ u mmI to mmwi ] mi foe. OtocBUi.) 


The later coins follow closely the type of his prede- 
cessor, Hormisdas IV., differing only in the legend, 
which is, on the obverse, Varahr&n afzun^ or ' Varah- 
ran, (may he be) greater;' and on the reverse the 
regnal year, with a mint-mark. The regnal year is 
uniformly * one ;' the mint-miarks are Zadracarta, Iran, 
and Nihach, an unknown locality. 





Second JReipn of Chosroei 11, (^enciz). His Rule at firU Unpopular, 
His Treatment of ?us Uncles^ Bindoes and Boslam, His vindictive 
Proceedings against Bahram, His supposed Leaning towards Chris^ 
tianity. His Wives, Shirin and Kttrdiyeh, His early Wars, His 
Relations ici/h the Emperor Maurice. His Attitude towards Phocas, 
Great War of Chosroes with Phocas^ a.d. 603-610, War continued 
with Heraclius. Immense Successes of ChosroeSf A.D. 611-620. Ag^ 
gressive taketi by Heradius^ A.D. 622. His Campaigns in Persian 
Territory, A.D. 622-628. Murder of Chosroes, His Character, His 

* Regnum er^6 occupavit Cesra, filial Hormozi, qui Aperwiz cognominatos est, 
annos triginta novem.* — EuTTcmus, Annales^ toI. ii. p. 207. 

The second reign of Chosroes II., who is commonly 
known* as Chosroes Eberwiz or Parwiz^ lasted little 
short of thirty-seven years* — from the summer of a.d. 
591 to the February of a.d. 628. Externally con- 
sidered, it is the most remarkable reign in the entire 
Sassanian series, embracing as it does the extremes of 
elevation and depression. Never at any other time did 
the Neo-Persian kingdom extend itself so far, or so 
distinguish itself by mihtary achievements, as in the 
twenty years intervening between a.d. 602 and a.d. 

* Various explanations are fri^en 
of this title. Mirkhond (p. 401) 
explains it as either * powerful 
king,' or else * victorious.' Gibbon 
says * the epithet of Parviz alludes 
to the charms ' of Chosroes (De- 
cline and Fall, vol. v. p. 876). 

^ See Clinton, F, R. vol ii. pp. 
IW and 169. Writers who regard 
Chosroes as having one reign only, 

which they date from his father*8 
death (September, a.d. 6JX)), give 
him commonly