SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL
F. G. FLEAY, M.A.,
i^th Wrangler', \qth Classic; wid Moral Scientist I
$th Natural Scientist, 1852-3.
HEAD MASTER OF SICIPTON GRAMMAR SCHOOL,
FORMERLY SCHOLAR OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
MAC MILL AN AND CO.
1876.
\The Right of Translation and Reproduction is Reserved.}
PR
'2ns
LONDON :
R. CLAY, SONS, AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS,
BREAD STREET HILL.
0
TO
ALFRED TENNYSON,
WHO, HAD HE NOT ELECTED TO BE THE GREATEST POET
OF HIS TIME,
MIGHT EASILY HAVE BECOME ITS GREATEST CRITIC,
Chrs gook,
IN CONFIDENCE OF HIS SYMPATHY
WITH ITS INTENTION,
HOWEVER HE MAY DIFFER FROM SOME OF ITS OPINIONS,
(WITH PERMISSION,)
BY FREDERICK GARD FLEAY.
CONTENTS.
i
PART I.
MANUAL OF REFERENCE.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
Shakespeare's Life i
CHAPTER II.
Contemporary Allusions to Shakespeare , . 12
CHAPTER III.
On the Plays of Shakespeare 22
Chronological Table 22
Love's Labour 's Lost 24
Comedy of Errors 24
Midsummer Night's Dream 25
Richard II 26
Edward III . 27
Two Gentlemen of Verona 28
Richard III 30
I Henry VI 31
viii CONTENTS.
PAGE .
John 31
Romeo and Juliet 32
Merchant of Venice 34
1 Henry IV 35
2 Henry IV 35
Merry Wives of Windsor 3^
Henry V 37
Much Ado about Nothing 37
Julius Caesar 3§
As You Like It 39
Twelfth Night ' . 4°
Hamlet 41
Taming of the Shrew 41
2 and 3 Henry VI 42
Titus Andronicus 44
Sejanus 45
Measure for Measure 45
All's Well that Ends Well 46
Othello 47
Lear 47
Macbeth 48
Timon of Athens 49
Troylus and Cre>sida 49
Pericles qi
Anthony and Cleopatra ^ I
Coriolanus r2
Two Noble Kinsmen r2
Cymbeline C2
Tempest ' _ 54
Winter's Tale * -.
Henry VIII 55
Spurious Plays . , c6
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
PAGE
On various Questions connected with Shakespeare's Plays . 56
What Plays are Genuine ? 58
What Plays were not Entirely Written at one Date ? . . . 60
Early Editions 61
Relative Values of Quartos and Folios 61
Entries at Stationers' Hall 64
CHAPTER V.
Pronunciation and Metre 65
Pronunciation 66
Metre 69
Distinguishing Metrical Tests 71
CHAPTER VI.
How Plays were Presented 73
CHAPTER VII.
On the Early Theatrical Companies 76
Chronological Table 81
CHAPTER VIII.
On the Theatres, 1576— 1642 82
Chronological Table §5
CONTENTS*
CHAPTER IX.
PAGE
On Contemporary Dramatic Authors 86
Chronological Table 87
Lilly 88
Peele 83
Greene 88
Marlowe 88
Chapman 89
Jonson 89
Dekker 9°
Heywood 9°
Middleton 9^
Marston 92
Webster 92
Beaumont and Fletcher 93
Rowley 94
Massinger . 95
Ford , 95
Shirley 96
Randolph , 97
Brome 97
Glapthorne 97
Dodsley's Plays, &c 98
Daniel 109
Alexander . 109
Cartwright '. . . • . 109
Suckling 109
Davenant 109
CHAPTER X.
Miscellaneous Chronological Table 101
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XI.
PAGE
List of Desirable Books 104
CHAPTER XII.
Tests of Chronology and Authorship 106
CHAPTER XIII.
On Emendation no
Canons no
Causes of Error in
CHAPTER XIV.
On the Actors 113
Table of King's Company 114
Prince's 116
Queen's 117
Revel's "7
Other Companies 118
PART II.
ORIGINAL INVESTIGA TIONS.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
Metrical Tests applied :—i. Shakespeare 12 1
Table of Dates, as assigned by Drake, Chalmers, Malone,
Delius, and Fleay 13°
Metrical Tables 135
CHAPTER II.
On the Quarto Editions 139
Tabular View of Quartos 142
CHAPTER III.
Metrical Tests applied : — ii. Beaumont and Fletcher, Massinger 151
on •• Henry VIII." 171
On '-Two Noble Kinsmen" . 172
CHAPTER IV.
On "The Taming of the Shrew" 175
CHAPTER V.
On "Timon of Athens"— i, (1874) jgy
I97
CONTENTS. xiii
CHAPTER VI.
PAGE
On "Pericles" 209
CHAPTER VII.
On "All's Well that Ends Well" 224
CHAPTER VIII.
On "Twelfth Night" . 227
CHAPTER IX.
On " Troylus and Cressida " 232
Canons on Metrical Tests 239
CHAPTER X.
On "Macbeth" 245
Table of Length of Shakespeare's Plays 259
Table of Rhyme Tags 260
CHAPTER XI.
On " Julius Caesar " 262
Note on "Two Gentlemen of Verou a" 270
CHAPTER XII.
Personal Satire Common on the Old English Stage ("Wily
Beguiled.") 272
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIII.
PAf;E
Annals of the Stage, 1584-95 .......... 280
"Fair Emm" ............... 281
" London Prodigal" .............. 283
Greene's "Mottoes" ............. 285
Dates of Greene's Plays ............ 286
Dates of Marlowe's Plays ............ 295
Story of the Stage .............. 297
CHAPTER XIV
On "Ed ward III." .
CHAPTER XV.
Extracts reprinted from the Athen&um —
Is Action Shakespeare? . -,Oy
Shakespeare's Arms -, l j
List of Managers of Companies and Masters of Schools,
in the time of Elizabeth .I2
INTRODUCTION.
THE object of this little Treatise is to place within the
reach of the student of Shakespeare such information as is
essential for him to possess, but is at present unattainable
unless he purchases many costly books. Hence arises its
peculiar construction. The contents of Part I. are strictly
limited to such matters as I have found necessary in my
own experience for a critical investigation of difficult or
disputed questions as to the chronological succession of
Shakespeare's plays in order of composition, their relation
to the contemporary drama, his manner and method of work,
and the subsequent higher problems which bear reference
to the development of his artistic faculty. This is as much,
I think, as ought to be attempted in so small a compass,
as will be more clearly seen on perusing the following
summary of Contents: —
In Chapter I. I give a condensed, but I hope not incom
plete life of Shakespeare, incorporating Mr. Halliwell's late
discoveries, correcting the time-honoured errors as to the
shares in Blackfriars Theatre, the date of Shakespeare's
first appearance, and the like, but not entering into any
x v i INTR OD UC TION.
discussion as to uncertain or conjectural matters. The
sources of information for this Chapter are exhausted in
Mr. Halliwell's Life of Shakespeare, and his later Illustra
tions, Mr. S. Neil's biography is also a most useful com
pendium.
In Chapter II., I give collected the principal references
to our author made in contemporary writings, and along
with them a few allusions to his work from contemporary
plays not hitherto pointed out, which serve to limit some
disputed dates as to the production of Shakespeare's own
dramas. I need hardly say that Dr. Ingleby's Century of
Praise is the storehouse for contemporary references.
In Chapter III. is contained a summary of the prin
cipal grounds on which the authenticity, origin, date, &c.
of each play are to be decided. I have, while incorporating
the results of my own investigations into this summary, taken
care to state other views however opposed to those I think
the true ones. In this part of the book there is much that
is new : and, even if the new matter be not approved of, it
will be of some advantage to have a condensed summary
ready to hand, and arranged in approximate chronological
order. The usual arrangement of printing such matter as
prefatory to each separate play, with the plays themselves
in the order of the First Folio, causes great difficulty of
reference and prevents any general survey of the evidence
as a whole. Hence, we find in some well-known chrono
logical arrangements Shakespeare described as writing four
plays in some years, and none in others — even for years
together. The works I have found most useful for this
Chapter are the Variorum Shakspeare of 1821 ; the
1NTR OD UC TION. x vii
writings of G. Chalmers and N. Drake ; the modern editions
of Dyce and Staunton ; and separate works too numerous
to mention.
In Chapter IV., I have given a summary of my own
views on the genuineness of the plays that pass under
Shakespeare's name, the relative value of the early Folios
and Quartos, some tables (useful I hope) of the plays
divided into Acts and Scenes, and extracts from the books
at Stationers' Hall giving the dates of entry of Shake
speare's works. My chief object in this chapter has been
condensation and eaSe of reference ; the matter is of course
to l?e found in many places ; for the opinions expressed,
however, I am solely responsible.
Chapter V. gives summaries of results of late inves
tigation as to pronunciation, metre, and metrical tests.
Mr. Ellis's Early English Pronunciation, Mr. Sweet's
History of English Sounds, Dr. Abbott's Shakespearian
Grammar, S. Walker's Criticisms, are laid under con
tribution for the two former of these three topics ; but only
for the sake of pointing out how far my own investiga
tions agree or disagree with these high authorities. It
does not enter into my plan to discuss these matters in
this book.
Chapter VI. embodies in a plain, though inartistic nar
rative, details of the manner in which plays were pre
sented : had I known before this was in print that Philarete
Chasles had written a similar chapter, I would have
cancelled my own in favour of a translation of his more
elaborate relation.
Chapter VII. is one of the most important chapters
b
xviii INTRODUCTION.
in the book. It gives for the first time an attempt to
import order and consistency into the fragmentary notices of
theatrical history from 1575 to 1642. In it several important
errors are corrected for the first time, and by its aid the
dates of many plays of Shakespeare's contemporaries can
be for the first time fixed.
Chapter VIII. is a continuation of the same subject ; but
with the matter arranged under the head of theatrical build
ings instead of companies of actors. The two chronological
tables accompanying these chapters have cost me more
labour than all the rest of the work ; and I find them of the
greatest usefulness when making chronological investiga
tions. For Chapters VII., VIII., IX., Collier's Annals
of the Stage, and Malone's Variorum Shakspeare, are
the great authorities ; but I have got at many results
from a tabulation of the companies, theatres, printers,
publishers (with their addresses), mentioned on the title-
pages of published plays. Collation of these frequently
leads to unexpected discoveries as to dates of pro
duction.
In Chapter IX., I have given lists of nearly all the plays
likely to be met with by the student of the Elizabethan
drama, with tabulations of companies, theatres, and dates
of publication ; adding in another column dates of pro
duction, as nearly as they can be ascertained. Of course,
this last column must be to some extent conjectural, but
whenever I have not placed a (?) it must be understood
that I give the date on external evidence, although I am
not able to adduce such evidence for so many plays in a
handbook of this kind. As in many of my results I differ
INTRODUCTION. xix
much from previous investigators — even from the most care
ful of all of them, Dyce, I mention this lest it should be
supposed that these dates were assigned on internal evi
dence. There must, of course, be some errors in so exten
sive a list — not, I trust, many. The principal authority for
this list is Halliwell's Dictionary of Old Plays, it was, how
ever collated with the title-pages of the plays themselves
before going to press.
Chapter X. gives a chronological list of miscellaneous
matters not incorporable elsewhere, derived from Collier's
Annals of the Stage.
Chapter XL gives a list of books which form a nucleus
of a Shakespearian library.
Chapter XII. enumerates the tests which serve to deter
mine chronological order of writing.
Chapter XIII. lays down some canons as to emending
corruptions of the text : for these three chapters I am solely
responsible.
Chapter XIV. which concludes Part I. supplies to some
extent a desideratum pointed out by Mr. R. Simpson by
giving lists of actors taken from various sources for different
companies at sundry dates. The value of these for inves
tigation may be judged from the fact that they have enabled
me to discover errors in Dyce and other accurate critics.
The whole of this Part will, I trust, serve as a useful com
panion and supplement to Professor Ward's admirable
History of Dramatic Literature, as well as a text-book for
younger students, and a hand-book of reference for older
ones. My aim has been to produce a useful, not a showy
book. I can say it is the outcome of years of study, and
xx INTRODUCTION.
has involved more labour than I should easily get credit
for.
I have one omission to explain. I have been urged on
very high authority to give an aesthetic estimate (either of
my own, or compiled from Schlegel, Hazlitt, and the host
of other great critics who have treated the Elizabethan
dramas generally) of the relative merits of the minor authors.
I avoid, however, all aesthetic criticism in such a work for
the same reason as Mr. Wright in the best edited play
I know {King Lear, Clarendon Press edition) avoids aesthetic
notes. "Esthetic notes," he says, "have been deliberately
omitted because one main object of these editions is to
induce those for whose use they are expressly designed to
read and study Shakespeare himself, and not to become
familiar with opinions about him. Perhaps, too, it is because
I cannot help experiencing a certain feeling of resentment
when I read such notes, that I am unwilling to intrude upon
others what I should myself regard as impertinent. They
are in reality too personal and subjective, and turn the com
mentator into a show-man. With such sign-post criticisms
I have no sympathy."
With regard to Part II. of this book, I have only to say
that much of it was added at the suggestion of Mr. J. R.
Green, who pointed out that references abounded in Part I.
to papers inaccessible to any but the members of the New
Shakspere Society. These papers have, however, been con-
densed, corrected, freed from some mistakes of my own,
and some of the printer's, cleared of interpolations and
INTRODUCTION. xxi
alterations, and generally reduced to the condition in which
they would have been issued at first, had I not had to write
them under great pressure from other work (no paper having
had more than two evenings occupied in writing it), or had
I had the opportunity of correcting them before proofs of
them had been circulated without being submitted to me
at all. All additions of any importance are inclosed in
[brackets]. In addition to these reprinted papers I have
given three chapters, which I could not insert in Part I.
without introducing into it an element which I desired it
to be free from as far as possible, — the subjective element.
Yet the interpretation of plays which contain historical facts
disguised under satirical allegories is too important to be
omitted even in a small manual. That many more such
plays exist than have ever been suspected is the chief point
I wish to show in these chapters ; hence my choice of plays
which are not generally known as my typical examples, in
preference to those in which Jonson, Dekker, Marston, &c.
displayed their mutual animosity. This latter series, how
ever, has never yet been rightly interpreted.
I have said nothing on the poems of Shakespeare ; what
I believe to be the true interpretation of the Sonnets I have
given elsewhere (Macmillaris Magazine, March 1875), an(i
this article as well as others written by me in the same
periodical, are too easy of access to justify my reprinting
them, even in a condensed form, in this Treatise.
I have to express my great regret that Professor Ward's
admirable History of Dramatic Literature did not appear
xxii INTRODUCTION.
in time for me to avail myself of its guidance in Part I.
Chapter III. It would have saved me much trouble. I
have also to express my grateful thanks to friends who have
assisted me by help or encouragement, in many ways;
especially to Mr. S. Neil, Mr. Halliwell, Dr. Abbott, The
Poet Laureate, and Professors Delius, Dowden, Ingram, and
Ward. To Mr. P. A. Daniel I am yet more indebted for
his ready and kindly aid in referring for me to books to
which, in this small town, I have no means of access. By -
his assistance many details have been given which must
otherwise have been omitted. Of course, I am also a con
siderable debtor to the published writings of the above-
mentioned gentlemen. I shall feel very thankful for any
corrections or suggestions, public or private ; for errors
must exist in so complicated a subject, however carefully
treated. All assistance of any kind shall be acknowledged
in due course. I ought, however, to anticipate some cor
rections that will no doubt be offered as to my dates, by
stating that, whenever possible, I have adopted the modern
epoch for the commencement of the year, I January ; thus,
a date which in Henslow's diary appears as February, 1591,
I have written February, 1592. It would have perhaps been
better to have written 1591-2, but I have used this notation
for cases where it is doubtful in which year an event took
place. I should also state that in many instances I may
seem to assert too positively : the fact is that there are so
many points on which nothing more than strong probability
is attainable, that the constant iteration of possibly, pro
bably, it seems to me, I venture to think, and the like,
becomes so tiresome, both to writer and reader, that I have
INTRODUCTION. xxiii
preferred to risk the accusation of over-confidence in my
own reasoning, to that of producing lassitude by perpetual
repetitions of my inability to give positive statements where
it is palpable that nothing more than great likelihood can
be attained.
F. G. FLEAY.
SKIPTON,
January ', 1876.
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
PART I.
CHAPTER I.
'SHAKESPEARE'S LIFE.
JOHN SHAKESPEARE of Stratford was a resident in Henley Street
in that town as early as 1552. In 1556 we find him buying copy
holds of two houses and gardens (one in Greenlnll Street) ; suing
and being sued; dealing in gloves and barley. In 1557 he was a
burgess, a member of the four-year-old corporation of Stratford,
chosen by the court-leet as borough ale-taster ; and married, or close
on being so, to Mary, youngest daughter of Robert Arden of Willme-
cote, in the parish of Aston Cauntlow, where she inherited "land in
Willmecote called Asbies." John Shakespeare had also property in
Snitterfield from his father. Their first daughter, Joan, was baptized
15 September, 1558, in which year John was one of the four con
stables at Stratford; in 1559 he became an assessor or fixer of
fines under the borough bye-laws. He was in 1561 a municipal
chamberlain, and in 1564 a member of the common-hall. At this
time he had lost not only his daughter Joan, but a second, Margaret.
Next to them succeeded on 23 (?) April, 1564, William, son of
John Shakespeare, so baptized at Stratford on Ar-" 5.
2 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Having escaped the danger of the plague which was then ravaging
Stratford, the then prosperous family in Henley Street was probably
looking forward to a tranquil future. The head of it was of conse-
(juence in the borough ; he could even afford to allow the chamber
to be pretty largely in his debt, and to pay considerable rates for the
relief of the poor. He was in this same year appointed to make up
the chamberlain's accounts ; and in the next, 1565, was elected one
of the fourteen aldermen. In 1566 his second son, Gilbert, was born ;
in 1568 he was made high bailiff; and in 1571 chief alderman, which
entitled him to be henceforth called "Magister," or Mr. ; in 1575 he
bought two freehold houses in Henley Street. Up to this date then,
to the year in which Queen Elizabeth visited Kenilsvorth Castle,
which is but thirteen miles from Stratford, John Shakespeare is a
prosperous gentleman. William may have been during this time a
happy schoolboy at Stratford Grammar School, under Curate Hunt
or Thomas Jenkins, enjoying his holidays and witnessing the perfor
mances of the various companies of " travelling" playsrs who visited
Stratford, and even perhaps the festivities provided by Leicester for
the reception of Majesty itself.
15ut«how things begin to change. In 1577 Mr. John Shakespeare
becomes irregular in his attendance at corporation meetings ; and
half his borough taxes are remitted him ; in 1578 the land called
Asbies is mortgaged to Edmund Lambert for 4O/. , on condition of
reversion if repaid before Michaelmas, 1580. John Shakespeare
is also excused from a tax of qd. a week for the relief of the poor.
Snittcrfield may have been sold ; certainly Edmund Lambert was
security for a debt of 5/. due from Mr. John Shakespeare to Mr.
Roger Sadler ; and in 1579 we find a levy on him for "pikemen,
billmen, and archers" unpaid and unaccounted for, reversing the
state of accounts we have seen in 1564. But much remains unex
plained at this period, from the fact that the registry of the Court of
Record at Stratford is wanting from 1569 to 1585. We may, how
ever, fairly take it for granted that William Shakespeare left school
about 1578, and then entered on some occupation, what, it is
difficult to say. Probably that of a lawyer's clerk is on the whole
most likely, in spite of the entire absence of his signature as witness
to any known deeds, &c., of thai date.
SHAKESPEARE A T STRA TFORD. 3
It may be well to give here a list of the family of John Shake
speare : —
Joan born 1558 died in infancy (?).
Margaret „ 1562 „ 1563.
WILLIAM , 1564 ,, 1 6 16, married 1582.
Gilbert ,, 1566 ,, before 1612.
Joan „ 1569 „ after 1600.
Anne ,, 1571 „ 1579-
Richard ,, 1573 „ 1612.
Edmund ,, 1580 „ 1607.
Anne Hathaway . . ,, 1556 ,, 1623 William's wife.
Family of William Shakespeare : —
Susanna born 1583 died 1649, married 1607.
Hamnet ,, 1585 ,, 1596.
Judith „ 1585 ,, 1662, married 1615.
Family of Richard Shakespeare : —
John born (?) 1 530 died 1 60 1, married 1557.
Henry „ ,, 1596.
Mary Arden ....,, % ,, 1608 (John's wife).
For further information see Variorum Shakespeare, edition 1821,
vol. ii. p. 610, &c.
Premising that I omit the mythical story of Shakespeare's deer-
stealing, we now come to one of the most important events of his
life — his marriage with Anne Hathaway. The marriage bond in the
Worcester registry is of date 28 Nov. 1582 ; in it Fulk Sandells and
John Richardson, farmers, of Stratford, become bound in 4O/. that
" William Shagspere, one thone partie, and Anne Hathwey, of
Stratford, in the dioces of Worcester, maiden, may lawfully solem
nize marriage together, with once asking of the bannes." On May
26, 1583 (six months after), Susanna, their daughter, was baptized.
As to the interpretation to be given to these dates, critics differ. It
was certainly frequent at that time to regard betrothal as morally the
same thing as marriage, and to act accordingly ; yet on the whole I
incline to De Quincey's view, that Anne (over twenty-five years old)
1—2
4 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
had entrapped Shakespeare, so much her junior (seven years), into a
closer connexion with her than he at first intended, and then obtained
from his honour rather than his love an expiatory marriage to atone
for the consequences of the connexion. On 2 Feb. 1585 Hamnet and
Judith were baptized, his twin children and his last, which is notice
able in regard of the romantic theories that have been put out as
to this period of his life.
At this time, 1586, distraint is levied on John Shakespeare; no
effects. A writ is then issued against his person three times ; he is
deprived of his alderman's gown for not "coming to the halls of
long time ; " and in 1587 he produced a writ of habeas corpus, so that
he considered himself illegally imprisoned. The imprisonment may
have been for debt to Nicholas Lane, to whom he had been surety
for his brother Henry. In all probability his fortunes were falling
rapidly.
In this same year come to Stratford Burbage's company of
players, called the Queen's Company, and receive higher pay than any
of the many companies who preceded them. Then or earlier began
Shakespeare's London life as a player and dramatist ; then certainly
ceases his private isolation ; it is no longer the life of a citizen of
Stratford that we have to consider, but that of the poet, the cosmo
politan, everybody's Shakespeare.
SHAKESPEARE IN LONDON.
AT the time of Shakespeare's early dramatic career, the principal
companies of players with whom we are concerned were Lord
Strange's, the Earl of Sussex's, the Earl of Pembroke's, the Admiral's
(Lord Nottingham's), the Lord Chamberlain's, the Children of the
Chapel, and the Children of Paul's. The dramatic writers -were
Greene, Peele, Marlowe, Lilly, Nash, Lodge, Chettle, Munday, and
others. Some of the works of Greene, Peele, Lodge, and Marlowe,
were in 1592 produced at the Rose Theatre, where Lord Strange's
company were then playing. If, as I believe, Shakespeare was at
tins time associated with this company, he would, if not before, then
become acquainted with the greatest of his forerunners. The allu-
SHAKESPEARE IN LONDON. 5
sion made to him in Greene's Groatsworth of Wit has been conclu
sively shown by Mr. Simpson to refer to him as an actor only j and
as it is palpable, that, if Greene had known him as an author, he
would have referred to him also in that capacity, we may fairly assign
as the date of his beginning to write alone 1591 ; it cannot have
well been later, and if earlier Greene would have known it in 1592.
John Shakespeare we find in 1591 still in possession of a house in
Henley Street, Stratford; in 1591 and in the next year as one of
four "credible men" making inventory of goods of one Ralph Shaw,
wooldriver, and Henry Field, tanner. At this time Shakespeare
was writing his early plays of the rhyming period.
In 1593 the theatres were closed on account of the plague, and
Shakespeare found leisure to publish the first piece of his invention,
the Venus and Adonis, which he dedicated to his patron Lord
Southampton. This was followed by a new poem, also dedicated to
him, the Rape of Lucrece, in 1594. Meanwhile, death had been
busy with the band of dramatists ; not only had " Learning deceast
in beggary " been exemplified in the end of the repentant Greene,
who was at enmity with Shakespeare, but his friends Marlowe and
Peele had by 1596 also died, the one in a drunken quarrel, the other
of a shameful disease. No wonder that he felt disgusted with
the theatre. In that year he probably wrote his great poem to Lord
Southampton (Sonnets i — 126), in which he expresses himself bitterly
as to the position occupied by an actor, especially a travelling or
strolling actor. During this time he had also been occupied in re
touching, adding to, re-writing plays by other men. Edward III.
and I Henry VI.; and I have no doubt Richard III. and Romeo and
J-aliet, are rifaccimenti made by him between 1593 and 1596. These
plays in their original form were written by Marlowe and Peele,
separately or conjointly, except I Henry VI., which seems to show
Lodge's work in part of it. With them there is no trace of any
quarrel on Shakespeare's part. His enemies were Greene and Nash
and Lilly. The last of these belonged to rival theatres, which em
bittered the quarrel. Lilly wrote only for the youths who went under
the names of Children of the Chapel and Children of St. Paul's.
These "children," as we may see in. Hamlet, were Shakespeare's
particular detestation ; with Nash also, the bitter pamphleteer, he
had no sympathy ; but Marlowe he refers to kindly in As You Like
6 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
It, ill 5, "Dead shepherd! Now I find thy saw of might," and
Peele seems to have followed him to the Lord Chamberlain's Com
pany For in that company (whether he joined it along with Lord
Strange's company in 1594 or belonged to it earlier) we find Shake-
speare fixed in our earliest theatrical notice of him as acting before
Queen Elizabeth at Greenwich in December of that year. In 1595
appeared the strange book Locrine, a lamentable tragedy "newly set
forth, overseen and corrected by W. S." This clever play, which is
a new edition of an old work by Charles Tilney and George Peele
(1586), contains many lines taken from Greene, and alludes in many
places to those plays of his which he produced in 1585-6 in rivalry
with Marlowe. It was probably edited by Shakespeare on or just
before Peele's death, and one year before the production of Romeo
and "jidid.
In 1596 his only son Hamnet died. Shakespeare's feelings as a
father can be seen in King John, iii. 4, which was probably written
during his son's illness or very shortly after his decease. In this
year also Romeo and Juliet was produced at the Curtain Theatre in
Shoreditch ; a grant of arms to John Shakespeare was applied for at
the Heralds' College ; his uncle Henry died (to be followed in a few
weeks by Margaret his wife) ; all events which must have in some
instances greatly affected the mind of Shakespeare, in others pre
pared him for a more settled life with more definite aims ; in all
made him ready for the great change in style and purpose which is
shown in the historic and comic plays of his Second Period.
Immediately after the commencement of this, in 1597, begins the
publishing of Shakespeare's plays, without his name on the title
page ; it was, however, inserted in 1598, and in no case (except the
noticeable one of Romeo and Juliet} was it omitted thereafter. The
application for arms is also granted in this year, and William Shake
speare, gentleman, has 6o/. to purchase of William Underbill one
messuage, two barns, two gardens, two orchards with appurtenances,
in Stratford-on-Avon. This is the celebrated New Place formerly
called the Great House, built by Sir Hugh Clopton, in Henry
VIII. 's time. John Shakespeare and wife also have money (? from
son William) to file a bill in Chancery in the old Asbies matter,
to recover that estate from John Lambert, son of Edmund Lam
bert, the mortgagee of nineteen years back. They had tendered,
SHAKESPEARE IN LONDON. 7
they allege, the money in release duty ; yet the estate is with
held.
The year 1598 is for the critic memorable. In that year Francis
Meres published his Palladis Tamia, or Wits Treasury. In it
M^res mentions by name twelve plays, the Venus and Adonis,
Lucrece, and Sonnets, and so gives us a most valuable landmark for
our chronology. He also shows the estimation in which Shakespeare
was held as a dramatist before his name had been affixed to any
published play. Nine times is he noticed in this work, oftener than
any other ; he is praised for Lyricks, Elegies, Comedies, Tragedies,
and Knowledge of the English Tongue ; and in influence in other
matters he was advancing as rapidly as in favour with the critics.
Early in this same year Abraham Sturley wrote from Stratford to
Richard Quiney (father of Thomas Quiney, the future husband of
Susanna Shakespeare) respecting a solicitation to Burleigh, the Lord
Treasurer, on behalf of Stratford for exemption from subsidies and
taxes, and a grant of money out of 30,0007. set aside by Parliament
for relieving decayed towns, in consideration of great fires in Strat
ford in 1594 and 1595. The passage is worth quoting : " It seemeth
that our countryman, Mr. Shakespeare, is willing to disburse some
money upon some odd yard land or other at Shottery, or near about
us. He thinketh it a very fit pattern to move him to deal in the
matter of our tithes. By the instructions you can give him thereof
and by the friends he can make therefore, we think it a fair mark for
him to shoot at, and not impossible to hit. It obtained would
advance him indeed, and would do us much good." Other matters
indicate an advance in wealth. He is the third largest holder of
corn and malt in his ward, having ten quarters ; he is lending Richard
Quiney, or at any rate deemed capable of lending, 3O/. ; he is selling
stone to the corporation ; he is making friends too ; he is playing
in Jonson's Every Man in His Humour. Jonson has joined the
Chamberlain's company, and altered into pure English the semi-
Italian plot of this play as written at first. Possibly Shakespeare
suggested this. At the end of this year the Theatre was pulled
down, and in 1599 the building of the Globe Theatre was commenced
with the old materials. At this new house in Bankside the rest of
Shakespeare's plays were produced ; that is in all probability all his
dramas that are not included in Meres' list. The theatre at Black-
8 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
friars, erected not more than three years earlier, was let out to the
Children of the Chapel, and remained in their occupation till 1601,
and in that of other children's companies till 1612, to Shakespeare's
great annoyance.
In the year 1600 the Fortune Theatre was built by Alleyn for the
Admiral's company. In this year ninety extracts from Shakespeare
appear in England's Parnassus ; quotations from him also occur in
tinzlind's Helicon and in Bel-vederet or the Garden of the Muses.
Piratical publishers also begin to prefix his name to plays not his.
All this shows his rapidly increasing fame.
In 1601 his name is attached to a poem in Lovers Martyr or Rosa
linds Complaint, by Robert Chester : and, which is much more im
portant, his father dies : he was buried on the 8th September.
Again we find a division in his works, as shown in style, metre, and
dramatic power, coincident with the death of those related to him.
He ceases now to write Histories, and almost abandons Comedy.
Tragedy of the deepest kind is the subject of his culminating art.
In his Third Period, Shakespeare advances in worldly prosperity
as well as in art and reputation. In May 1602 he purchases, for
32O/., 107 acres of arable land in Old Stratford parish from William
Combe of Warwick, and John Combe of Old Stratford : the inden
ture, in his brother's absence, is sealed and delivered to Gilbert
Shakespeare ; in the same year in September, Walter Getley, by
his attorney Thomas Tibbottes, at a Court Baron of the Manor of
Rowington, surrenders to him and his heirs a house in Walker's
Street or Dead Lane near New Place, possession being reserved to
the Lady of the Manor, till suit and service had been done by him
for the same. At Michaelmas in the same year he bought from
Hercules Underhill for 6o/. one messuage, two orchards, two gardens,
two barns, £c. The document of this purchase is in the Chapter
House, Westminster. He evidently is looking forward to settling
at Stratford, and perhaps to founding a family there.
In 1603, the year of the Queen's death, Sir John Davies compli
ments him in his Microcosnics. We find him also acting in Ben
Jonson's Sejanus, of which he probably shared the authorship (in its
firs', form). The play, however, was condemned. It is not likely
that any play jointly composed by men of such entirely different
manners could amalgamate sufficiently to succeed. It did succeed
SHAKESPEARE IN LONDON. 9
afterwards when Jonson recast the whole. At the end of the same
year (December) James I. was entertained at the seat of William
Earl of Pembroke, a patron of Shakespeare's, at Walton near
Salisbury, by the company to which Shakespeare belonged. It is
supposed that Massinger, whose father was a retainer of Pembroke's,
on that occasion chose the dramatic career as his business for life.
In 1604 Shakespeare brought an action against Philip Rogers in
the Court at Stratford for i/. 15^. 6J. for malt. A sharp man of
business this poet of ours, and looks after details himself ; he is by
no means the ideal artist of the vulgar. In 1605 he bought of
Ralph Hubande a thirty-one years' remainder of a ninety-two years'
lease of the tithes of Stratford, Old Stratford, Bishopton, and
Welcombe for 44O/. Prosperity thickens ; and the gentle poet is
loved as well as prosperous. Augustine Phillips, his co-partner in
the profits of the house and fellow-actor, leaves him a 30^. gold
piece as token of esteem ; nay, there is a credible tradition that
James I. wrote him an autograph letter at this time.
In 1606 we find he is still in possession of the house in Walker
Street, but as he did not fill up the form for the Survey of Rowingtou
Manor (i Aug.), he was probably absent from Stratford.
In 1607 John Davies of Hereford compliments him in the Scourge
of Folly ; and his daughter Susanna marries Dr. John Hall, a
Stratford leech (June 5) ; but his good fortune is once more inter
rupted by that which cannot be evaded, Death. On 31 December,
1607, his youngest brother, Edmund, a player, is buried at St.
Saviour's, Southwark, aged twenty-seven ; on 9 September, 1608,
his mother, Mary, is buried at Stratford. Again bereavement, but if
we can judge from his works, a softening one ; from this time he
writes no more cynical tragedies ; he takes a healthier if not so
grand a view of human life ; he returns to history and comedy ; but
it is Roman and not Chronicle history ; and the comedy turns entirely
on the rejoining of parents and children after long separation. His
last period shows the most human feeling, if not the most perfect
art.
In the beginning of his Fourth Period, on October 16, 1608,
Shakespeare was sponsor for William Walker, to whom in his will
he leaves 2OJ. In 1609 we find him again looking after his business
carefully. On 15 March he instituted a process for 61. debt and
io SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
24*. costs against John Addenbrooke, and as he could not be found
he pursued his surety, Thomas Horneby, on 7 June. In 1611 his
name appears as a donor towards costs of a bill in Parliament tor
better repair of highways and amending defects in the former
statutes ; in the same year a fine was levied on the property he
purchased in May 1602 and on twenty acres additional; in 1612,
February 4, Richard Shakespeare, his only surviving brother, was
buried ; and now, having no surviving male relative, all hope of con
tinuing the name and family is gone, and he finally quits his work
after twenty years' hard exertion, having produced an average of two
plays each year : about ten in each of his four periods, which curiously
enough are each of about five years' duration.
In March 1613 he bought a house near Blackfriars Theatre, abutting
on a street leading to Puddle Wharf against the King's Majesty's
Wardrobe, for I2O/., paying So/, and mortgaging the house for the
balance. This house he let to John Robinson for ten years. In the
same year the draft of a bill in Chancery, endorsed Lane, Greene,
and Shakespeare complainants, intended to be presented to Lord
Chancellor Ellesmere, shows that on the moiety of tithes purchased
by Shakespeare in 1605 too large a proportion of the reserved rent
fell on the share of the complainants. His annual income from these
tithes was I2O/.
In 1613 the Globe Theatre, and probably many of his MSS., was
burnt down. This theatre was rebuilt the same year. In 1614
fifty-four houses were burnt in Stratford, and the town was agitated
respecting the inclosure of certain common lands, which was opposed
by the corporation. On 5 September his name occurs as one of the
ancient freeholders to be compensated. On 8 October he and
Thomas Greene, gent., enter into covenant regarding compensation
for inclosure intended by William Replingham. Thomas Greene was-
clerk to the corporation, and being sent to London on this business,
says, on 17 November:— "My cousin Shakespeare coming yesterday
to town I went to see him, and he and Mr. Hall say they think there
will be nothing done at all." On 23 December a hall of the corpora
tion was held, and letters with nearly all the corporation's signatures
were written to Mr. Manyring and Mr. Shakespeare, and Greene
subjoins that he also writ to his cousin Shakespeare copies of all
ihe acts and a note of the inconveniences that would happen.
SHAKESPEA R&S DEA Tff. 1 1
He holds the confidence of the public and of his relatives to the
last.
In 1614 his name is on the jury list in a copy of the customs of
the manor of Rowington ; he had property in fee from that manor.
In the same year John Combe leaves him 5/. in his will. There is
also a notice in the Stratford Chamberlain's accounts of a quart
of sack and a quart of claret given to a preacher at New Place,
cost 2od.
In 1616 Judith, his daughter, was married to Thomas Quiney,
vintner, Stratford (February 10) ; on 25 March he made his will ;
on his fifty-third birthday he died, and was buried two days after in
Trinity Church, Stratford, where the bust, made from a cast taken
after death still exists, though, through Malone's want of taste, the
hazel eyes, the auburn hair and beard, the scarlet doublet, black
tabard, green and crimson cushion, and gilt tassels were all white
washed.1 His wife survived him seven years.
Five years' poverty, twenty years' hard work, three years' rest in
bereavement, then the final rest in the grave. Such was Shake
speare's life after leaving his home in 1585-6 ; such is the life of
most true men. La vie c'est le travail, said Poisson. Without the
work he may have been happier ; but who would not accept his lot
with all its troubles ? Loved by his fellows, his relatives, and friends,
respected by his citizens, favoured by two sovereigns, he sank into
an honoured grave to become the favourite of his countrymen, and
the idol of all that care for literature or art. A myriad- minded man,
as all great men are, more or less : but more than this, a true-hearted,
loving, catholic soul, one to whom nothing in God's universe is
strange, nothing despicable ; the nearest approach to perfect of all
the mighty geniuses our little island has produced.
I append in illustration of the preceding statements extracts from
contemporaries alluding to Shakespeare personally, or to passages in
his plays chronologically important. These will form the subject of
the next chapter.
1 The whitewash is now removed and the colours restored.
CHAPTER II.
PASSAGES SUPPOSED TO ALLUDE TO SHAKESPEARE,
EXTRACTED FROM CONTEMPORARY WRITINGS.
"It is a common practice nowadays among a sort of shifting
companions that run through every art and thrive by none, to leave
the trade of noverint whereto they were born, and busy themselves
•with the endeavours of art, that could scarce Latinise their neck-
verse if they should have need."— NASH, Preface to Greenes
Menaphon, 1589.
"New found songs and sonnets which every red-nose fiddler hath
at his finger's end ; . . . . make poetry an occupation, lying is their
living, and fables are their movables .... think knowledge a
burden, tapping it before they have half tunned it, venting it before
they have filled it, in whom the saying of the orator is verified :
Ante ad dicendum quam ad cognoscendum veniunt. They come to
speak before they come to know. They contemn arts as unprofit
able, contenting themselves with a little country-grammar know
ledge." — NASH, Anatomy of Absurdity, 1590.
" With the first and second leaf he plays very prettily, and in
ordinary terms of extenuating verdits Piers Penniless for a grammar-
school wit ; says his margin is as deeply learned as Fauste precor
gelida." — NASH, Piers Penniless, 1592.
"Alas, poor Latinless authors For my part I do
challenge no praise of learning to myself, yet have I worn a gown
in the University, and so hath caret tempus non habet moribus ; but
this I dare presume, that if any Mecenas bind me to him by his
SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS TO SHAKESPEARE. 13
bounty, or extend some sound liberality to me worth the speaking
of, I will do him as much honor as any poet of my beardless years
shall in England." — NASH, Piers Penniless, 1592.
" Our pleasant Willy ah is dead of late," &c.
SPENSER, Tears of the Muses, 1590,
refers probably to Lilly, who "wrote no play after 1589," says Malone.
' ' An upstart crow beautified in our feathers that, with his
'Tiger's heart wrapt in a player's hide,'
supposes he is as well able to bombast out a blank verse as the best
of you, and being an absolute Johannes Factotum, is in his own
conceit the only Shake-scene in a country." — GREENED Groatsworth.
of Wit, 1592.
"About three months since died Mr, Robert Greene, leaving
many papers in sundry booksellers' hands, among others his Groats-
worth, of Wit, in which a letter written to divers playwriters is
offensively by one or two of them taken ; and because on the dead
they cannot be avenged, they wilfully forge in their conceits a living
author ; and after tossing it to and fro, no remedy but it must needs
light on me With neither of them that take offence was I
acquainted, and with one of them (Marlowe ?) I care not if I never
be. The other (Shakespeare ?) whom at that time I did not so
much spare as since I wish I had .... that I did not I am as
sorry as if the original fault had been my fault ; because myself have
seen his demeanor no less civil than excellent in the quality he
professes. Besides, divers of worship have reported his uprightness
of dealing, which argues his honesty ; and his facetious grace in
writing, that approves his wit I protest it was all Gieene's,
and not mine nor Master Nash's, as some have unjustly affirmed." —
CHETTLE, KindHarfs Dream, 1592.
"Shakespeare paints poor Lucreece' rape."
Willobie, his Avisa, 1594.
" And there though last not least is Action,
A gentler shepherd may no where he found
Whose muse full of high thought's invention,
Doth like himself heroically sound."
SPENSER, Colin Clout 's come Home again, 1595.
14 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
But this more likely means Drayton (Rowland), author of
I logical Epistles and Idea (t5ea = amoj/). — See extracts from
Athena:um in Part ii.
Kempe. — " Why here's our fellow Shakespeare puts them all down,
ay, and Ben Jonson too. O that Ben Jonson is a pestilent fellow ;
he brought up Horace giving the poets a pill ; but our fellow Shake
speare hath given him a purge that made him bewray his credit.
Burbage. — "He is a shrewd fellow, indeed."
Return from Parnassus, 1602 (?).
" The sweet witty soul of Ovid lives in mellifluous and honey-
tongued Shakespeare. Witness his Venus and Adonis, his Lucreece,
his sugared Sonnets among his private friends. Shakespeare among
the English is the most excellent in both kinds for the stage. For
Comedy, witness his Gentlemen of Verona, his Errors, his Love's
Labour's Lost, his Love's Labour's Won, his Midsummer's Night's
Dream, and his Merchant of Venice ; for Tragedy, his Richard the 2,
Richard the 3, Henry the 4, King John, Titus Andronicus, and his
Romeo and Juliet.
"The Muses would speak with Shakespeare's fine-filed phrase if
they would speak English," &c., &c.— MERES, Palladis Tamia,
1598.
" And Shakespeare, thou whose honey-flowing vein
Pleasing the world thy praises doth obtain,
Whose Venus and whose Lucreece, sweet and chaste,
Thy name in Fame's immortal book hath placed," &c.
R. BARNEFIELD, Poems and Divers Persons, 1598.
" Ad Gulielmum Shakespeare.
" Honey-tongued Shakespeare, when I saw thine issue
I swore Apollo got them and none other :
Their rosy-tainted features clothed in tissue
Some heaven-born goddess said to be their mother :
Rose cheekt Adonis, with his amber tresses,
Fair firehot Venus, charming him to love her,
Chaste Lucretia, virgin-like her dresses,
Proud, lust-stung Tarquin seekbg still to prove her;
SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS TO SHAKESPEARE. 15
Romeo, Richard, more whose names I know not,
Their sugar'd tongues and power-attractive beauty,
Say they are saints, although that saints they show not,
For thousands vows to them subjective duty ;
They burn in love thy children, Shakespeare, het them,
Go woo thy Muse ! More nymphish brood beget them ! "
WEEVER, Epigrams, 1596.
" Players, I love ye and your quality,
As ye are men that pastime not abused,
And some I love, for painting poesy, (W. S. R. B.)
And say fell Fortune cannot be excused
That hath for better uses you refused.
Wit, courage, good shape, good parts, and all good
As long as all these goods are no worse used,
And though the stage doth stain pure gentle blood,
Yet generous ye are in mind and mood."
SIR JOHN DAVIES, Microcosmos, 1603.
" Nor doth the silver-tongued Melicert
Drop from his honey'd Muse one sable tear
To mourn her death that graced his desert
And to his lines open'd her royal ear.
Shepherd, remember our Elizabeth,
And sing her rape done by that Tarquin, Death ! "
HENRY CHETTLE, England's Mourning
Garment, 1603.
" There shalt thou learn to be frugal (for players were never so
thrifty as they are now about London) ; and to feed upon all men,
to let none feed upon thee, to make thy hand a stranger to thy
pocket, thy heart slow to perform thy tongue's promise ; and when
thou feelest thy purse well lined, buy thee some place of lordship in
the country, that, growing weary of playing, thy money may then
bring thee to dignity and reputation ; then thou needest care for no
man ; no, not for them that before made thee proud with speaking
their words on the stage. Sir, I thank you (quoih the player) for
this good counsel. I promise you I will make use of it, for I have
heard, indeed, of some that have gone to London very meanly, and
16 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
have come in time to be exceeding wealthy." — Raisers Ghost,
1605-6.
" You poets all, brave Shakespeare,
Jonson, Greene,
Bestow your time to write
For England's Queen."
A Mournful Ditty, &c., 1603.
" To our English Terence, Mr. Will Shakespeare.
" Some say, good Will, which I in sport do sing,
Hadst thou not play'd some kingly parts in sport
Thou hadst been a companion for a king,
And been a king among the meaner sort.
Some others rail ; but rail as they think fit,
Thou hast no railing but a reigning wit ;
And honesty thou sowst which they do reap,
So to increase their stock which they do keep."
JOHN DAVIES, Scourge of Folly, 1607.
" That full and heightened style of Master Chapman, the laboured
and understanding works of Master Jonson, the no less worthy
composures of the both worthily excellent Master Beaumont and
Master Fletcher ; and lastly (without wrong last to be named), the
right happy and copious industry of Master Shakespeare, Master
Dekker, and Master Hey wood."— JOHN WEBSTER, Dedication to
the White Devil, 1612.
" To Master Wm. Shakespeare.
" Shakespeare, that nimble Mercury, thy brain,
Lulls many hundred Argus' eyes asleep :
So fit for all thou fashionest thy vein,
At th' horse-foot fountain thou hast drunk full deep.
Virtue's or vice's theme to thce all one is :
Who loves chaste life, there's Lucreece for a teacher ;
Who lists read lust, there's Venus and Adonis,
True model of a most lascivious lecher ;
Besides, in plays thy wit winds like Meander,
Whence needy new composers borrow more
SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS TO SHAKESPEARE. 17
Than Terence doth from Plautus or Menander,
But to praise thee aright I want thy store.
Then let thine own work thine own worth upraise.
And help t' adorn thee with deserved days."
THOMAS FREEMAN, Rub and a Great
Cast, 1614.
" To him that impt my fame with Clio's quill,
Whose magic rais'd me from Oblivion's den,
That writ my story on the Muses' hill,
And with my actions dignified his pen ;
He that from Helicon sends many a rill,
Whose nectar'd veins are drunk by thirsty men,
Crown'd be his style with fame, his head with bays,
And none detract but gratulate his praise.
Yet if his scenes have not engrost all grace,
The much famed actor could extend on stage,
If Time or Memory have left a place
For me to fill t' enform this ignorant age ;
In that intent I show my horrid face,
Imprest with fear and characters of rage,
Nor acts nor chronicles could e'er contain
The hell-deep reaches of my soundless brain."
C. B., The Ghost of Richard III., 1614.
"A hall, a hall!
Room for the spheres, the orbs celestiall
Will dance Kempe's jig. They'll revel with neat jumps ;
A worthy poet hath put on their pumps.
0 wit's quick travers, but sance ceds slow,
Good faith, 'tis hard for nimble Curio.
Ye gracious orbs, keep the old measuring,
All's spoild if once ye fall to caperir.g.
Luscus, what's playd to-day? Faith, now I know ;
1 set thy lips abroach, from whence cloth flow
Nought but pure Juliet and Romeo.
Say who acts best, Drusus or Roscio ?
,8 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Now I have him that ne'er of aught did speak
But when of plays or players he did treat.
H'ath made a commonplace-book out of plays,
And speaks in print, at least whate'er he says
Is warranted by Curtain plaudities.
If ere you heard him courting Lesbia's eyes,
Say, Courteous Sir, speaks he not movingly
From out some new pathetic tragedy ?
He writes, he rails, he jests, he courts, what not,
Ami all from out his huge long-scraped stock
Of well-penn'd plays."
. MARSTON, Scourge of Villany,
Satire x., 1598.
" A man, a man, a kingdom for a man."
From the same, Satire vii.
Compare with the foregoing Romeo and Juliet : —
" Earth -treading stars that make dark heaven light."
i. 2, 25.
" A hall, a hall, give room and foot it, girls."
i. 5, 24 (not in first quarto).
" You have dancing shoes with nimble soles ....
Mer. Soar with them above a common bound."
i. 4, 12.
" Two of the fairest stars in all the heavens,
Having some business, do entreat her eyes
To twinkle in their spheres till they return."
ii. 2, 14.
and ii. 4, 60,' &c., for "wit's quick traverse."
The following parallels are from contemporary plays : —
"Now to the next tap-house, there drink down this, and by the
operation of the third pot, quarrel again." — Ram Alley, ii. 2.
" He enters the confines of a tavern .... and by the operation
of the second cup draws him on the drawer." — Romeo and Juliet
in. J, 6.
SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS TO SHAKESPEARE. 19
" Dash, we must bear some brain."
Ram Alley, ii. 4.
"Well I do bear a brain."
Romeo and Juliet ', i. 3.
" Is there no trust, no honesty in men ?"
Ram Alley, ii. 4.
"There's no trust, no faith, no honesty in men."
Romeo and Juliet, iii. 2, 88.
" He stirreth not, he moveth not, he waggeth not."
Ram Alley, iv. 2.
*' He heareth not, he stirreth not, he moveth not."
Romeo and Juliet t ii. 2, 16.
" But why speak I of shame to thee, whose face
Is steel'd with custom'd sin, whose thoughts want grace.
The custom of thy sin so lulls thy sense,
Women ne'er blush though ne'er so foul th' offence,
To break thy vow to me, and straight to wed
A doaiing stinkard."
Ram Alley, v. 3.
Imitated from Hamlet, iii. 4, 161 ; i. 4, 48 :—
" That monster custom, who all sense doth eat
Of habit's devil," &c. (not in Folio.)
" What a falling off was there I
From me, whose love was of that dignity
That it went hand in hand even with the vow
I made to her in marriage, and to decline
Upon a wretch."
This shows that at the date of the acting of Ram Alley (published
1611) the quarto form (Q 2) of Hamlet was acted : the alterations in
the folio must be of subsequent date ; the play is one continuous
parody of Shakespeare ; contains allusions to Othello (" Villain, slave,
thou hast wrong'd my wife ! "), to Much Ado About Nothing, Measure
2 — 2
20 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
for Measure, All's Well that Ends Well, and other plays. It was
acted by the Revells Children between 1607 and 1611, probably
not so near the later date, when it was published, as the former.
The Dumb Knight, by Lewis Machin and Gervase Markham,
acted by the Revells Children, and published 1608, in addition to
indirect allusions to and parodies on Lear, Merry Wives of Windsor,
Othello, Macbeth, as well as earlier plays, contains this passage : —
*' A book that never an orator's clerk in this kingdom but is be
holden unto ; it is called Maids' Philosophy, or Venus and Adonis."
If the character of Alphonso is imitated from lachimo, Cymbdine
cannot be later than 1608 ; but I think this not likely.
Another play filled with allusions to Shakespeare is the Puritan,
by W. S., 1607, acted by the Paul's Children ; for instance :—
" Instead of a jester we'll have the ghost in a white sheet set at
the upper end of the table."
Macbeth was the first of Shakespeare's plays that had no jester
Act iv. Sc. 3 is distinctly imitated from Pericles, iii. 2, which fixes
the date oi that play as not later than 1607. Compare also
Richard III., i. 2, 33.
" Pyeboard. Let me entreat the corpse to be set down.
Sheriff. Bearers, set down the coffin. This were wonderful and
worthy Stowe's Chronicle.
Pye. I pray bestow the freedom of the air upon our wholesome
art. Mass ! His cheeks begin to receive natural warmth. Q,
he stirs, he stirs again ; look, gentlemen ! he recovers, he starts, he
rises.
Sher. O, O defend us ! out, alas !
Pye. Nay ; pray be still ; you'll make him more giddy else.
He knows nobody yet.
Oath. Zounds, where am I ? Covered with snow ! I marvel.
Pye. Nay ; I knew he would swear the first thing, &c. &c."
In comparing Pericles, note that Thaisa says, " O, dear Diana '
Where am I?" on awaking.
Locrine, 1595, edited by. W. S., is a remarkable play ; it contains
allusions to, parodies on lines in, or the lines themselves borrowed
SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS TO SHAKESPEARE. 21
from, the plays of Peele, Greene, and Marlowe ; the so-called plays of
Shakespeare, Titus Andronicus, Henry VI., and Richard III. ;
Kyd's Jeronimo and other old dramas. But in no instance can I
trace any allusion to any undoubted play of Shakespeare. The
wooing of Eshild, Act iv. Sc. I, seems to be imitated from Richard
III., i. 2. and
" Methinks I see both armies in the field,"
echoes .
" I think there be six Richmonds in the field."
If this be so, Richard III, cannot have been written later than 1595,
which agrees with the date I give to it.
Here we must leave this subject, not from deficiency of material,
but because a fuller exposition of the question would require a
volume, and is unfit for an elementary treatise. We next proceed
to consider Shakespeare's plays individually as regards — I, their
authenticity ; 2, the origin of their plots ; 3, the date of their pro
duction ; 4, miscellaneous observations which do not fall under the
above headings. Throughout the next chapter the numbers I, 2, 3,
4, refer to the headings now enumerated.
I take the plays in their chronological order as nearly as it can be
ascertained ; this being the natural order for study or investigation
of any writer whose development we care to become acquainted
with ; and therefore I prefix a table of the time-succession of
Shakespeare's works. The reasons for the order will be found
under the heads of each play.
CHAPTER III.
ON THE PLAYS OF SHAKESPEARE.
Approximate Chronological Table of the prediction of Shakespeare's
Works.
1588 — Venus and Adonis.
1589 — Taming of a Shrew (part).
Corambis Hamlet (part)
i. 1591 — Love's Labour's Lost (revised 1597).
Love's Labour's Won.
ii. 1592 — Comedy of Errors.
iii. Midsummer Night's Dream (revised 1599).
1593 — Lucrece.
iv. Richard II. (revised 1597).
v. 1594— Edward III. (part).
Troilus and Cressida and Twelfth Night (begun).
vi- 1595— Two Gentlemen of Verona (completed),
vii. Richard III. (quarto),
viii. ? Scene in I Henry VI.
ix. John.
x. 1596— Romeo and Juliet (first revision),
xi. Merchant of Venice.
Sonnets.
1597— Romeo and Juliet (finished).
Love's Labour's Lost (revised).
ON THE PLA YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 23
xii. I Henry IV.
xiii. 1598—2 Henry IV.
xiv. Merry Wives of Windsor (first draught).
xv- Z599 — Henry V.
xvi. Much Ado About Nothing.
xvii. 1600 — Julius Csesar.
xviii. As You Like It.
xix. 1 60 1 — Twelfth Night.
xx. Hamlet (first draught).
xxi. 1602 — Taming of the Shrew (part).
xxii. ? Sejanus (part).
Richard III. (folio).
xxiii. 1603 — Measure for Measure.
Hamlet (complete)
xxiv. 1 604 —All's Well that Ends Well (re-written),
xxv. Othello.
xxvi. 1605— Lear.
Merry Wives of Windsor (complete).
xxvii. 1606 — Macbeth,
xxviii. Timon (part).
xxix. 1607 — Troilus and Cressida (finished).
xxx. Pericles (part).
xxxi. 1608 — Antony and Cleopatra.
Cymbeline (begun).
xxxii. 1609 — Coriolanus.
xxxiii. Two Noble Kinsmen (part),
xxxiv. 1610 — Cymbeline (finished).
xxxv. Tempest.
xxxvi. 1611 — Winter's Tale,
xxxvii, Henry VIII, (part).
24 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
I. — LOVE'S LABOUR'S LOST.
1. Certainly Shakespeare's.
2. Origin unknown.
3. Dated by Drake and Delius (rightly) 1591 ; Chalmers, 1592 ;
Malone, 1594. It was printed in 1598, as "presented before her
highness [Queen Elizabeth] last Christmas (1597), and newly cor
rected and augmented." Among the added parts are probably, i. 2,
171—192; iii. i, 166—207; iv. 3, 1—25; v. 2, 575—59°; 726—
833 ; 847 — 879 ; and the corrected parts, i. I, I — 48 ; ii. I, 1—177;
iv. i, i — 12; iv. 3, 290—380; v. 2, i — 40. The conceit of A-jax
and ajakes being perhaps taken from Harrington's Metamorphosis
of Ajax, 1596 (cf. v. 2, 579), and "the first and second cause,
passado, duello," &c., alluding to Saviolo's Treatise of Honour and
Honourable Quarrels, 1595 (cf. i. 2, 184).
4. Berowne and Rosaline, in this play are first sketches of Benedick
and Bettris in Much Ado About Nothing. There was a companion
play called Love's Labour's Won, mentioned by Meres, but not
extant. This is generally, and no doubt rightly, considered to have
been the nucleus of All's Well that Ends Well. Mr. Brae inclines to
Much Ado About Nothing : I think as good a case as his could be
made out for Twelfth Night or for several other plays of Shake
speare's. The title is alluded to in Two Gentlemen of Verona, Act.
i. Sc. i, 6.
II.— COMEDY OF ERRORS.
1. Undoubtedly Shakespeare's (though all the doggrel lines are
suspected by Ritson).
2. Taken from the Mtncechmi of Plautus ; in great part of the
plot. There is a translation of this comedy by W[illiam] W[arner],
1595. From the last line of the prologue to this, "Much pleasant
irror ere they meet together," Shakespeare may have taken his title ;
ON THE PLA YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 25
but the foundation of the play was probably not this translation, but
" The Historic of Error shewn at Hampton Court on New Yere's
daie at night (1576-7), enacted by the Children of Pawles." Yet
Warner's play was entered at Stationers' Hall 10 June, 1594, and
the printer's advertisement states it had been circulated for some time
in MS.
3. Assigned by Drake, Chalmers, and Delius to 1591, by Malone
to 1592. I agree with Malone. The only note of time is
"Ant. S. In what part of her body stands France?
" Drom. S. In her forehead, arm'd and reverted, making war
against her hair. "
The heir of France was Henri IV. ; the war about his succession
began August 1589. Henri became a Roman Catholic 25 July,
1593, and was crowned February 1594. This limits the date.
4. In this play, as in the preceding, the unity of time is observed ;
and the action is confined to one town. The plot is so improbable
as to distinctly mark the play as one of the first group, of plays of
fancy. It is seldom acted, the extreme difficulty of obtaining two pairs
of actors sufficiently like to realize the " errors " enough for modern
taste being insurmountable. Nor is it in any sense one of Shake
speare's best plays. It is more like Midsummer Nighfs Dream
than any other in the fantastic tangle of events on which the plot is
founded. The opening scenes also are very similar in their motives.
For the likeness of the twins compare Viola and Sebastian in Twelfth.
Night. It is noticeable that in this the first play in which Shakespeare
treats of jealousy it is the woman who is jealous.
III. —MIDSUMMER NIGHT'S DREAM.
1. Undoubted.
2. Hints for the framework of Theseus and Hippolyta were
probably received from Chaucer's Knight's Tale; for the interlude
of Thisbe from Chaucer's Thisbe of Babylon ; for the fairies from
popular tales of Robin Goodfellow ; but Oberon from Greene's
James IV.
26 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
3. Dated by Drake, 1593; Chalmers, 1598; Malone, 1594;
Delius later than 1594 ; I should place it in 1592.
Oberon and Titania were introduced in a dramatic entertainment
before Queen Elizabeth in 1591. Act v. I, 52, "The thrice three
muses mourning for the death of learning, late deceased in beggary,"
alludes to the Tears of the Muses by Spenser, published in 1591, or
possibly to the death of Greene in 1592, or to both.
4. This play is full of young poetry, fanciful and lively ; the story
is very poor, and there is little development of character in any of
the personages except Bottom and his company. The unity of time
is not so strictly kept as in the Comedy of Errors ; the time occupied
is two days and a half. It is very like the Errors in its embroilments
and its framework. For the name compare Winter's Tale, if it be
taken in the sense of a "summer's story" (Sonnet 98); but the
allusions to the name in the play itself (iv. I, end ; Epilogue, &c. )
do not confirm this interpretation. Similar allusions are found in
Comedy of Errors, v. i, 388 ; Measure for Measure, v. I, 416 ; All's
Well that Ends Well, iv. 4, 35 ; v. I, 24.
IV.— RICHARD II.
1. Certainly Shakespeare's.
2. Founded on Holinshed's Chronicle.
3. Dated 1596 by Drake, Chalmers, and Delius; 1593 by
Malone (rightly).
4. There was an earlier play (called Henry IV.) in which Richard
was deposed and killed on the stage. It was performed at a public
theatre, at the request of Sir Gilly Merick and other followers of
Lord Essex, the afternoon before his insurrection. Merick gave forty
shillings extra to Phillips to play it, as the play was old and would
not draw. In Shakespeare's play the deposition scene was not
printed till 1608. It was probably not acted, and suppressed in the
edition of 1597 because the Pope had published a bull against
Elizabeth in 1596 exhorting rebellion. In 1599 Hay ward was
ON THE PL A YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 27
censured in the Star Chamber, and imprisoned for publishing his
History of the First Year of Henry IV., which is simply the deposi
tion of Richard II.
The time comprised in the play is two years, 1398-1400. It was
Shakespeare's earliest historical play, and rightly called a tragedy
in the title of the old quarto. So was Richard III.; but not
Heury IV., Henry V., or John.
It is less suited to the stage than the other histories.
V.— EDWARD III.
1. Supposed by Collier, Ulrici, and others, to be entirely Shake
speare's. In my opinion only the love story, Act i. Sc. 2, Act. ii.,
is his. Mr. Tennyson tells me, however, that he can trace the
master's hand throughout the play at intervals. See my paper from
the Academy, 25 April, 1874, in Part II.
2. Founded on Holinshed, and the Shakespeare-part on the
Palace of Pleasure.
3. Published in 1596 as having been " played sundry times about
the city of London." Written probably a year or two before this.
4. Unlike Shakespeare's undoubted historical plays in containing
a love story and involving the principal personage in unhistorical
adventures. In these and other respects it is like Peele's Edward I.;
but the flow of metre is not like Peele. Did Shakespeare finish
and correct this play as he did Richard III. ? The metre is like
that of this play as corrected. Or is it by Lodge ?
VI. — Two GENTLEMEN OF VERONA.
I. Mr. Upton and Sir Thomas Hanmer have supposed this play
to be spurious. Mr. Halliwell (Phillipps) and I at one time sus
pected a second author to have written part of it ; we have both
withdrawn this opinion, which was founded on the ground of
numerous expressions not found elsewhere in Shakespeare. They
are, however, Shakespearian in manner.
28 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
2. The greater part of this play is taken from the Story of the
Shepherdess Filismena in the Diana of Montemayor. Bartholomew
Young published a translation of the Diana; his dedication is dated
November 1598. It had been previously translated by Thomas
Wilson in 1595-6 ; and parts by Edward Fasten and Sir Philip
Sidney. Young's was the only one published, and was probably
completed as early as 1582-3. The ending of the play is, however,
taken from Apollonius and Sylla, a novel by Bandello, extant
(untranslated) in 1554. The original of the Diana dates 1560.
There is an English translation of Apollonius and Sylla in Riche, his
farewell to militaire profession 1606. This and Felix and Felismena
are reprinted in Collier's Shakespeare 's Library. The encomium on
solitude (v. 4) and Valentine's consenting to head the robbers, are
taken from P. Sidney's Arcadia, B. i. Chap. 6, where Pyrocles acts
iix a similar way (published 1590).
3. This play is assigned by Malone to 1591, by Delius to an
earlier date still ; by Chalmers and Drake to 1595. I assign the
two first acts to the beginning of 1593, the three last to 1595. The
external evidence is very slight.
" Some to the wars to try their fortunes there ;
Some, to discover islands far away," (Act i. Sc. 3,)
may refer to the following circumstances : —
In 1595 Sir W. Raleigh undertook a voyage to Trinidado, whence
he made an expedition up the Oronoque to discover Guiana. Sir
Humphrey Gilbert had made a similar voyage in 1594. A second
invasion by the Spaniards was expected in 1595. Soldiers were
levied, fleets were equipped, troops were sent to aid Henri IV. of
France in consequence.
Speed says,
"Like one that had the pestilence," (Act ii. Sc. I.)
There was a great plague in London in 1593, and 11,000 died there.
But this kind of evidence has little value ; Essex had been joined
by many volunteers when he went to France hi 1591. There was a
plague in 1583.
Marlowe's Hero arid Leander was entered at Stationers' Hall 18
September, 1593. Marlowe was buried on i June, the same year.
ON THE PL A YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 29
There is an allusion to that story in Act i. Sc. I, probably from
Marlowe's poem, which may have circulated in MS. some time
before. This is, however, not likely. Shakespeare alludes to the
same story in other plays, of which the earliest is Romeo and Juliet
(probably 1596), Act iii. Sc. I. The allusion to "Merops' son" is
likely to be taken from the old play of King John (1591),
"As sometimes Phaeton
Mistrusting silly Merops for his sire."
This play Shakespeare certainly read before 1596, as his own King
John^ founded on it cannot be placed later than that year. Mr.
Boaden (who has been followed by many later critics) observed that
the germs of other plays are contained in this comedy.
4. This play, whether from being an early work, as some think,
or from being an attempt at an entirely new kind of comedy, that of
social life as distinguished from that of mere fancy, as illustrated in
the three preceding plays ; or from having been produced at a period
of depression (compare Sonnet 29, &c.), as I think, is certainly one
of the weakest and least satisfactory of all Shakespeare's plays. It
is less poetic than any other, though some lines are eminently beau
tiful and quotable. It is more careless, not only in sending Valentine
to Milan by sea, but also in twice having Verona in the text where
Milan is required. There is also a strange confusion between duke
and emperor, similar to confusions which I notice elsewhere. It is
unnatural in some of its incidents ; in Silvia's giving Proteus her
picture, though she rejects his suit ; in Valentine's surrendering
Silvia to the perjured Proteus ; in Proteus's threat to employ force
to Silvia. It has many weak versions of incidents and situations
that are much better rendered in other plays. For instance, com
pare the character of Valentine with that of Mercutio in Romeo
and Juliet ; of Launce with Lancelot Gobbo, and of Lucetta with
Nerissa in the Merchant of Venice ; the incidents of the rope ladder
and the banishment of the principal character with those in Romeo
and Juhet.
This inferiority must not, however, be taken as absolute evidence
as to relative date, since it often happens in plays known to be later
than those in which the better version occurs. Compare, for
3o SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
example, the Constable in Measure for Measure with Dogberry in
Much Ado About Nothing.
It is to be noted that this is the earliest comedy and, except
Richard II., the earliest play in which the unity of time is altogether
neglected in defiance of Sir Philip Sidney. That of place had also
been given up in Richard II.
The plots of many of these early plays are built up of the same
or very similar materials. The following table may be useful as
showing the characters to be compared in some of them, and in the
tales from which this play is taken : —
Romeo and
Two
Felix
Afiol.
Twelfth
Juliet.
All's Well.
Gentlemen.
and Fel.
and Sylla.
Night.
—
—
Sebastian.
Valeric.
Silvio.
Cesario.
Rosaline.
Helena.
Julia.
Felismena.
Sylla.
Viola.
Juliet.
Diana.
Silvia.
Celia.
Juliana.
Olivia.
Romeo.
Bertram.
Proteus.
Don Felix.
Apollonius.
Count.
Mercutio.
—
Valentine.
Silvio.
Sebastian.
Some of the weaknesses of the play arise from an exaggerated
carrying out of the main idea, which is certainly that of friendship ;
first broken then restored ; the corresponding play is the Merchant
of Venice. Antonio is the contrast to Proteus ; Launce and Lucetta
are clearly germs of Launcelot and Nerissa.
VII.— RICHARD III.
I. Halliwell thinks that the turbulent character of this play as
we now have it is due to an older one. I have no doubt that it was
originally written by G. Peele, left unfinished by him, completed
and partly corrected by Shakespeare as we have it in the Quartos,
and that Shakespeare afterwards altered it into the shape in which
it was printed in the Folio. No other hypothesis can, I think,
account for its similarity to much of Henry VI. which is not
Shakespearian, and also for the unparalleled differences between the
Folio and Quarto. (See my essay in Macmillan's Magazine for
November, 1875, on Henry VI.)
2. Founded on Holinshed's Chronicle and a preceding play on
the same subject produced by the Queen's Company in 1594.
ON THE PL A YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 31
3. Date of first production probably 1595.
4. Period involved, eight years : 1477-85. This, like the Taming
of the Shrew, has always been a favourite acting piece.
VIII. — I HENRY VI.
1. Condemned by nearly all critics ; and assigned in various
divisions to Marlowe, Greene, &c. I have little doubt that Marlowe
wrote i. I, i. 3, iii. I, iv. I, v. I ; Lodge wrote i. 2 — 6, ii. I — 3,
iii. 2, 3, [? iv. 2 — 7, v. 2] ; Shakespeare wrote ii. 4, and perhaps
ii. 5 ; and possibly he in his very early time, but more likely Lodge,
wrote iv. 2 — 7 and v. 2. Some fourth and unknown hand certainly
wrote iv. 4, v. I, v. 5, which are quite different from the rest of the
play.
2. Founded on Holinshed ; but not following him so closely as
the histories by Shakespeare do.
3. Certainly before 1592, when it was acted by L. Strange 's men
at the Rose. The Chamberlain's Company had it before 1599. See
Epilogue to Henry V.
4. This play is independent of 2 Henry VI. and 3 Henry VI. It
was tacked to them by the writer of the last scene after 1600. It
probably passed to the Chamberlain's Company when L. Strange's
men joined them in 1594.
IX.— JOHN.
1. Certainly Shakespeare's.
2. Founded on The Troublesome Raigne of John, King of England,
with the Discoverie of King Richard Cordelioris base Son, vulgarly
named the Bastard Fawconbridge ; also the Death of King Jo fin at
Swinstead Abbey. 1591. Falsely attributed to Shakespeare in title-
page of 1622 and to W. Sh. in that of 1611.
32 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
3. Hamnet. Shakespeare's only son, died in August 1596. Con
stance's lament for Arthur's loss (Act iii. Sc. 4) would appear to be
written soon before this event.
" A braver choice of dauntless spirits
Than now the English bottoms have waft o'er,
Did never float upon the swelling tide
To do offense and scathe to Christendom," (Act ii. Sc. I,)
was probably suggested by the great fleet then preparing to be sent
against Spain in 1596. It sailed on 3 June, the great armada was
destroyed, Cadiz sacked, and the fleet returned by 8 August, four
days before Hamnet died.
The Spanish Tragedy, Solyman and Perseda, and Captain Thomas
Stukely are quoted or alluded to ; but they do not help to fix the
date, which Drake arid Chalmers place in 1598. Mai one and
Delius in 1596. I prefer 1595.
4. The action extends through the whole of John's reign from
1199 to 1216. It is the first historical play, properly so called,
among Shakespeare's works.
X. — ROMEO AND JULIET.
1. Boswell has conjectured that in the first Quarto (1597) there
are embodied remains of an older play on which Shakespeare
founded his. I believe that G. Peele wrote the early play about
T593 J that Shakespeare in 1596 corrected this up to the point
where there is a change of type in Q i (to end of Act ii. Sc. 3), and
in 1597 completed his corrections as in Q 2.
2. Luigi da Porto's novel, Hysteria di dui notili Amanti (Venice,
1535), followed by Bandello's novel (Lucca, 1554), was the origin of
Boisteau's. From Boisteau, Painter took his Rhomeo and Julietta
(Palace of Pleasure, 1567), and Arthur Brooke his poem of The
Tragical History of Romeus and Juliet, containing a Rare Example
of True Constancie, &c. (1562, 2nd Edition, 1587). Shakespeaie
copied the poem, using the novel occasionally, as is clear from the
following table : —
ON THE PLAYS OF SHAKESPEARE. 33
fiovd. Play. Poem.
Name of prince. Signer Escala. Eskales. Escalus.
Romeo's family. Montesches. Mountagues. Montagues.
Friar's messenger. Anselmo. John. John.
Act i. Sc. 2, 1. 68-75. Omitted. Given. Given.
Capulet's residence. Villa Franca. Freetown. Freetown! .
Romeo's name. Rhomeo. Romeo. j ^meo(once).
Juliet's sleep. 40 hours. 42 hours. omitted.
3. Dated by Chalmers, 1592 ; Drake, 1593 (rightly for George
Peele's share) ; Delius, 1591 ; Malone, 1596 (rightly for Shakespeare's
corrected edition). Malone's argument is this : — Shakespeare, Bur-
bage, and others, "the Lord Chamberlain's men," on the death of
Henry Lord Hunsdon the Lord Chamberlain (22 July, 1596), were
protected and sanctioned by George Lord Hunsdon. In August
1596 William Brooke, Lord Cobham, was appointed Chamberlain,
who died 5 March, 1596-7 ; on 17 April George Lord Hunsdon
succeeded him. The company could therefore only be called Lord
Hunsdon's men (as they are in title-page of Quarto, 1597,) between
July 1596 and April 1597. [But this only shows that the piece
was produced in that interval, not that the original play was then
written.]
In Act iii. Sc. I, Q I, the " first and second causes " are mentioned :
that passage (not the whole play) was therefore written after
Saviolo's Book on Honour and Honourable Quarrels had been
published (1594) ; see LovJs Laboiir's Lost, Act i. Sc. 2. This fixes
the earliest date for the play, say some critics ; but Peele may have
known this book in the original language.
There are passages in Act v. very like some in Daniel's Complaint
of Rosamond (entered February 1591-2).
The comedy of Doctor Doddipcll, which appeared, Malone says,
before 1596, imitates (?) this play ; compare Act iii. Sc. 2, line 22,
&c., Q2, with
" The glorious parts of fair Lucilia,
Take them and join them in the heavenly spheres,
And fix them there as an eternal light
For lovers to adore and wonder at."
3
34 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
In v. 2, 9, Q I, the practice of sealing up the doors of plague-
infected houses is alluded to. This may refer to the plague of 1593.
In Act i. Sc. 3, line 23, Q I, the nurse's speech probably
alludes to the earthquake in 1580 as Juliet's weaning day ; and as
Juliet is nearly fourteen years old, this brings us to 1593. The
nurse's miscalculation, that fourteen less one makes eleven, adds
to the humour of the passage.
Weever's Epigrams (published before 1595) allude to this play.
Seepage 15.
4. This is certainly Shakespeare's earliest tragedy. It was prob
ably meant as a companion to Troylus and Cressida, ihe love-story
in which is, I think, of the date 1594. Faithful Juliet is the con
trast to faithless Cressid. The only other instances of similar
titles of paired names are Benedick and Betteris {Much Ado About
Nothing} and Antony and Cleopatra. The play was acted at the
Curtain Theatre ; it is rather to be classed with the other early ones
as a love play than with the great tragedies, which form a group by
themselves. Mercutio is like Valentine (Two Gentlemen of Verona)
before he meets with Silvia. Romeo in his inconstancy is like
Proteus ; also like the Count in Twelfth Night. The time occupied
in the play is five*days.
XL— MERCHANT OF VENICE.
1. Undoubted.
2. The main plot is from the Pecorene of San Giovanni Fiorentino ;
Fourth day, first novel, Gianetta (1378). The casket story from
an old translation of the Gesta Romanorum (1577). Both stories
are condensed in the Variorum Shakspeare (1821). Gosson (1579)
mentions The Jew shown at the Bull, representing the greediness of
worldly choosers (casket- scene) " and the bloody minds of usurers "
(Shylock).
3. Malone identifies this play with The Venesyan Comedy,
acted at the Rose, 1594. But Shakespeare's plays were not at any
date acted there. Drake and Chalmers date it, nearly rightly, 1597.
I prefer 1596.
ON THE PLA YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 35
XIL— i HENRY IV.
1. Undoubtedly Shakespeare's.
2. Founded on Holinshecl's Chronicle, and The Famous Victories
tf King Henry the Fifth, containing the honourable Battle of
Agincourt, 1594. ,
3. Entered 25 February, 1597-8. Written in 1596 (Drake), or
more probably 1597 (the general opinion).
4. The period comprised in this play is about ten months, from
14 September, 1402 (Holyrood Day), to 21 July, 140*3 (Eve of
St. Mary Magdalen). In this and the succeeding plays Shakespeare
reaches his highest point in comedy in the character of Falstaff.
Prose appears here for the first time as an essential part of the
drama in his historical plays.
XIII.— 2 HENRY IV.
1. Certainly Shakespeare's.
2. Same as preceding.
3. Dated by Drake, 1596; Chalmers, 1597; Malone, 1598, I
think rightly.
In Act iv. 4, 1 1 8, Clarence says: —
" The incessant care and labour of his mind
Hath wrought the mure, that should confine it in,
So thin, that life looks through and will break out."
In Daniel's Civil Warres, 1. iii. st. 116 (entered October 1594,
published 1 595, ) we find : —
" Wearing the wall so thin that now the mind
Might well look thorough and his frailty find."
In Act v. :—
"Not Amurath an Amurath succeeds,"
alludes to Mahomet's strangling his brothers on his succeeding to
his father, Amurath III., in February 1596.
3-2
36 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Pistol's distic1*, "Si fortuna me tormenta," &c., appeared in
Wits, Fits, and Fancies, entered at Stationers' Hall in 1595.
Justice Shallow is alluded to by name in Every Man in His
Humour, acted 1598, hence the date is fixed to 1596, 1597, or 159&
4. The period comprised is nine years, 1403—1412.
XIV.— MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR.
1. Certainly Shakespeare's.
2. Founded on The Lovers of Pisa, a tale in Tarleton's News out
of Purgatorie (1589) ; printed in the Variorum Shakspeare (1821).
3. Said to have been written at the desire of Queen Elizabeth, to
show Falstaff in love. Certainly written after Henry IV. ; possibly
after Henry V. This play does not form one of the Henry IV. and
V. series, and consistency with them is not to be looked for in it.
Malone and Drake date it 1601. I prefer 1598 for the first sketch,
as in Q i. The revised form of it, Q 2, is said to have been
written about 1605, because "king" is substituted for " council " in
Act i. i, 113. "These knights will hack," iii. i, 79, is supposed
to allude to the 237 knights made by James I. before May 1603.
So " When the court lay at Windsor," Act ii. Sc. 2, 1. 63, means
probably July 1603 : it was held usually at Greenwich in the summer.
"Coach after coach," Act ii. Sc. 2, 1. 66, could not be much before
1605, when coaches came into general use (Howe's Continuation
of Stow Js Chronicle]. "Outrun on Cotsale," Act i. Sc. I, 1. 92,
alludes to the Cotswold games instituted by Robert Dover about
1603.
4. The surreptitious copy of the first form of this play was the
only one published before the First Folio, the MS. of the improved
form being in the hands of the proprietors of the Globe Theatre.
The title Sir, given to priests, is a translation of Dominus ; it was
restrained to Sir Knight, Sir Priest, Sir Graduate, and Sir Esquire.
See A Decacordon of Ten Quodlibeticall Questions, &c., 1602.
ON THE PLA YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 37
XV.— HENRY V.
1. Undoubted.
2. Same as Henry IV.
3. Written while 1 he Earl of Essex was in Ireland (see Act. v. ,
Chorus,) between April and September 1599, as promised in Epi
logue of 2 Henry IV.
The allusion in the prologue to Every Man in His Httmour is of
no use to fix the date, not being written till 1601.
4. The early Quartos of this play are not first sketches, but surrep
titious copies grossly mutilated. The period comprised is from the
first to the eighth year of Henry V. The allusions to Oldcastle
(i Henry IV., i. 2, 48, 2 Henry IV., Epilogue,) refer not to the
play of Sir John Oldcastle, wrongly attributed to Shakespeare, but
to the character who takes Falstaff 's place in the worthless old play
of The Famous Victories. The French scene, Act iii. Sc. 4, is
quite exceptional. I hope it is not Shakespeare's, and believe it to
be Lodge's.
XVI. — MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING.
1. Certainly Shakespeare's.
2. Taken indirectly from a novel of Belleforest's after Bandello.
There is a similar story in Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, Book v. , and
in the Geneura of Turbervil.
3. Written in 1599 or 1600.
4. The characters of Benedick and Betteris are founded on those
of Berowne and Rosaline in LovJs Labour's Lost. The old tale.
" It is Not So," is given in the Variorum Shakspeare, 1821.
3S SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
XVII.— JULIUS CESAR.
1. Hitherto undoubted. I have, however, given reasons for
supposing that Jonson either revised the play or superintended its
revision, Antony is throughout it spelled without an h, as Jonson
spells it. Shakespeare elsewhere always uses the h. There are
phrases, such as "bear me hard," "I will come home to you (to
your house)," " quality and kind," &c., which are used by Jonson,
not elsewhere by Shakespeare. The play is singularly free from
the words of Shakespeare's coinage that abound in his other plays ;
it is shorter than the average of plays of similar character by 1,000
lines ; the metre shows clear traces of having been abridged like the
surreptitious copies of Romeo and Juliet and Hamlet. The passage
quoted by Jonson as ridiculous, " Caesar did never wrong but with
just cause," does not occur in it, but has been altered into " Know
Caesar doth not wrong, nor without cause will he be satisfied"
(see Jonson's Discoveries]. Compare the Induction to the Staple of
News, "Cry you mercy ! You never did wrong but with just cause."
2. Founded on North's translation of PlutarcKs Lives of Julius
Caesar, Marcus Brutus, and Marcus Antonius.
3. Assigned by Drake, Chalmers, and Malone to 1607 ; by
Halliwell to 1600-1 ; by Delius to a time before 1604. 1 think it
was produced in 1600, again in 1607, and in the abridged form we
now have it after 1613.
Malone argues for 1607 being the date of original production on
the ground that Lord Sterling's play was written then or not long
before ; and he " would not have been daring enough to enter the
lists with Shakespeare." The inference is stretched too far ; it is
only fair to conclude from the printing of Sterling's Julius Catsar,
and also of the second edition of the Tragedy of Ca-sar and Pompey,
or Casals Revenge, in 1607, that a production or revival of Shake
speare's piece took place that year. A much stronger argument
would have been the probability that all the Roman plays were
produced in successive years, like the groups of the great tragedies,
or the historical plays. The internal evidence for an early date is,
ON THE PLA YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 39
however, overwhelming (especially in metre), and Mr. Halliwell has
found an allusion to this play of the date of 1601.
4. Shakespeare makes Caesar be killed in the Capitol, though
Plutarch expressly says in Pompey's portico ; he was probably con
tinuing the tradition of the earlier poems and plays. Compare
Hamlet, iii. 2, 108, &c. (also inQ i), and Chaucer. The quarrelling
scene in The Maid's Tragedy (? 1609) is imitated from that between
Brutus and Cassius. This confirms the guess that the play was
represented in 1607. It was called also Ccesar's Tragedy (1613),
probably in its altered form. Gosson mentions a History of Ccesar
and Pompey in 1579. The time included in the play is nearly three
years. The real hero of the tragedy is Marcus Brutus. The treat
ment is more like that in Henry IV. and V. than that of the other
Roman plays, and forms a connecting link between the histories
and tragedies. See Part II. on this play.
XVIII.— As You LIKE IT.
I. Undoubted.
2. Founded on Lodge's novel of Rosalynd, or Euphues* Golden
Legacy (1590). The characters of Jaques, Touchstone, and Audrey
are entirely Shakespeare's. For Lodge's novel, see Collier's Shake
speare's Library.
3. " Staied," in the Stationers' books, 4 August (year not given,
but either 1600, 1601, or 1602, and almost certainly 1600), along
with Henry V., which was entered again 14 August and published
in the same year ; Muck Ado About Nothing, which was entered
23 August and published the same year j and Every Man in His
Humour, published 1601.
Rosalind says : —
" I will weep like Diana in the fountain." — iv. I, 145.
Stowe mentions this image of Diana as set up in 1 598 and decayed
in 1603. The date of the play is fixed then between 1598 and 1600.
Malone says 1599.
4o SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
A line of Marlowe's Hero and Leander is quoted (iii. 5, 83) ; this
poem was published 1598.
4. Shakespeare played Adam in this play ; he continued to act
till 1603, when he played in Sejanus ; he also acted the Ghost in
Hamlet, &c.
XIX.— TWELFTH NIGHT.
t. Undoubted.
2. See under the Two Gentlemen of Verona for the story of Viola ;
that of Malvolio is Shakespeare's own.
3. Used to be dated as one of the last of Shakespeare's plays on
the ground of allusions to "undertakers." Dekker's Westward Ho !
Sir Robert Shirley coming as ambassador from the Sophy ; and the
internal evidence of perfection of style, &c. It is now certain that
it was produced before February 1602 ; and there are clear indica
tions in the metre that some parts of the Viola stoiy were written
much earlier — about 1594. I date the completion 1601. The
early parts are, I think, traceable all through the verse scenes,
specially in Act iii. Sc. I, and Act v. Sc. I.
4. The Count in this play is called Duke in Act i. Sc. 2 and Sc. 4,
just as the Emperor is called Duke in Two Gentlemen of Verona
and the King is called Duke in Lovers Labour's Lost. The second
name of the play, What You Will, is a strange one ; it is very like
that of As You Like It. Mr. Staunton's conjecture that Shakespeare
not having named these plays answered hurriedly to the inquiring
manager, " Call it what you will ; name it as you like it," is the most
plausible explanation of their origin. Marston took the name What
You Will for a play of his own in 1607. The name Twelfth Night
was probably that of the date of the first production of the
play.
ON THE PLA YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 41
XX. — HAMLET.
I. Undoubted.
2. Founded on an older play now lost ; and on the HystoHe of
Haniblett (black letter ; date of earliest edition unknown), which
was translated from one of Belleforest's novels. He took it from
"Saxo Grammaticus."
3. Dated byMalone, 1600 ; Chalmers, 1598 ; Drake, 1597 (revised
1600); Delius (more rightly), 1602. Steevens mentions a reference
to Hamlet in Gabriel Harvey's handwriting as made in 1598, which
may have been written any time before 1620 ; and the reference to
the inhibition of the players (Act ii. Sc. 2, 1. 346) is not necessarily
to be applied to the first order of the Privy Council for the restraint
of the immoderate use of playhouses (made 22 June, 1600), for this
order proved ineffectual ; but rather to their second order, made
31 December, 1601. The Fortune and the Globe were allowed to
remain opera ; the others were closed owing to the personal allusions
indulged in by some of the companies. The play was probably
revised in 1603.
4. The allusion in Nash's epistle to "whole Hamlets or handfuls
of tragical speeches " must allude to the old play now lost ; and so
must Lodge's allusion to the Ghost that cried, " Hamlet, revenge !
so miserably." Shakespeare's play was entered 26 July, 1602. I
should place the first draft in 1601, the complete play in 1603.
I have little doubt that the early Hamlet of 1589 was written by
Shakespeare and Marlowe in conjunction ; and that portions of it
can be traced in the First Quarto as " Corambis " Hamlet.
XXI.— TAMING OF THE SHREW.
I. Declared spurious by Dr. Warburton. Dr. Farmer assigned
only the Induction and the character of Petruchio to Shake-
42 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
speare, with occasional touches elsewhere. Mr. Collier advocated
the same opinion. I assign to the second writer the following
parts:— L I, i. 2;iL I, except 1. 168—326; iii. I, iii. 2, 129—150;
iv. 2, iv. 4; v. I, and perhaps, v. 2, 176 — 189. This second hand
was probably T. Lodge. It is observable that in all these parts
there is scarcely a trace of the old play The Taminge of a Shrewe ;
while in the other parts, plot and even language is freely borrowed ;
exactly in the way in which Shakespeare revised his first drafts of
The Merry Wives of Windsor and Hamlet. See Part II.
2. Founded on the play mentioned above and on the Supposes of
Gascoigne "englished " from Ariosto, 1566.
3. Dated by Drake and Delius, 1594 ; Chalmers, 1599; Malone,
1596 ; Collier, I think rightly, 1601-2.
The play is not mentioned in Meres' list (1598). The line,
" This is the way to kill a wife with kindness,"
seems to allude to Heywood's play, A Woman Killed with Kindness,
the date of which is 1602. The play of Patient Grissel by Dekker,
Chettle, and Haughton, was brought out in 1599 ; this play of
Shakespeare's is clearly a rival piece, in opposition to which again
came out Dekker's Medicine for a Curst Wife (July 1602).
4. The old play, The Taming of a Shrew, was probably written
by Marlowe and Shakespeare in conjunction in 1589. Shakespeare
certainly wrote much, if not all the prose in it. This early drama,
along with the old Hamlet, 2 and 3 Henry VI. , and Titus Andro*
nicus, almost certainly came into the possession of the Chamber
lain's company in 1600. They previously belonged to the Earl of
Pembroke's.
2 AND 3 HENRY VI.
I. The Quarto editions have always been regarded as earlier
works than the Folio. They are quoted under the names of : The
Contention and The True Tragedy. The full titles are The first
part of the Contention betwixt the two famous Houses of York and
Lancaster and The True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York. The
theories that have been held as to the authorship are— I, Malone's,
ON THE PLA YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 43
that Marlowe, Greene, &c., wrote The Whole Contention (that is, both
Quartos), and that Shakespeare enlarged and completed them into 2
and 3 Henry VI. ; 2, Knight's, that Shakespeare was author of both
Quartos and Folio; 3, Grant White's, that Shakespeare, Marlowe,
and Greene, wrote the Quartos from which Shakespeare transferred
his own work to the Folio, the additions also being his ; Hudson,
Steevens, Johnson, Hazlitt, Ulrici, and the Germans generally, hold
the Shakespearian authorship of the Quartos in more or less entirety.
Other critics (except myself) hold the additions to be his. I believe
the whole of 2 and 3 Henry VI. to be by Peele and Marlowe : the
latter writing Act iii. Sc. 3 and Act iv. Sc. I of 2 Henry VI. and
Acts ii. v. of 3 Henry VI. and Peele, the rest.
N.B.— 3 Henry VI. iv. 8 should form part of Act v.— The
grounds of my view, sesthetic, artistic, and metrical, are given in
a paper by me in Macmillan 's Magazine (Nov. 1875). Of course
Shakespeare revised (though he did not write) these plays about 1601.
2. Founded on Hall's Chronicle; not Holinshed's ; but follows
him loosely. See the blunders as to the side espoused by Lady
Grey's husband ; the marriage of the Prince of Wales to Warwick's
eldest daughter, &c., &c.
3. Written not later than 1592. See the quotation of "A tiger's
heart wrapt in a player's hide," in Greene's Groatsworth of Wit.
4. The Quarto editions are merely piratical versions taken down in
shorthand (in my opinion) at a theatrical representation. There is
scarcely anything in the Quartos not in the Folio ; and what little
there is seems to be introduced for the groundlings. Malone's
numbers are altogether deceptive, from the manner in which they
are evolved. The plays were written for Pembroke's company, and
the earliest notice of them in connexion with the King's is on the
title-page of The Whole Contention in 1619, three years after Shake
speare's death. There are in the Quartos, and in the parts peculiar
to the Folio, many classical allusions, similes, and expressions in
the styles of Marlowe and Peele. Malone's dissertation is the store
from which most of the modern arguments concerning author
ship have been taken.
44 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
TITUS ANDRONICUS.
1. In 1687 there was a tradition reported by Ravenscroft that
this play was only touched by Shakespeare. Theobald, Johnson,
Farmer, Stevens, Drake, Singer, Dyce, Hallam, H. Coleridge,
W. S. Walker, reject it entirely. Malone, Ingleby, Staunton, think
it was touched up by him. Capel, Collier, Knight, Gervinus,
Ulrici, and many Germans, think it to be Shakespeare's ; R. G.
White, that it is a joint work of Greene, Marlowe, and Shakespeare !
The fact that it was acted by the companies of Sussex, Pembroke,
and Derby, and printed as so acted before it came into the posses
sion of the Chamberlain's company, is far more important than the
mention of it in Meres, or the reception of it in the Folio. It was
not published with Shakespeare's name as author in his lifetime.
Halliwell thinks Shakespeare's play ( ? Titus and Vespasian) is lost,
and was the one entered by J. Danter in 1594. I hold this play to
be Marlowe's. See my paper mMacmillan's Magazine (Nov. 1875).
2. May have been founded on a ballad. The story was known to
Painter, who alludes to it in his Palace of Pleasure.
3. Probably 1590. See Jonson's allusion to it in Bartholomew
Fair (1614) as some 25 or 30 years old. He couples it with Kyd's
Jcronimo. Certainly written before 1592, when it was acted at the
Rose.
4. A stilted, disagreeable play with a few fair touches. It has
many classical allusions in it ; many coincidences in the use of words
and phrases with Marlowe's work, and with Henry VI. ; in style
and metre it is exactly what a play of Marlowe's would be if,
corrected by Shakespeare as he corrected Richard III. of Peele's.
A play called Titus and Vespasian was also acted at the Rose,
which appears from a German translation to have treated of the
same story as Titus Andronicus (see Cohn, Shakespeare in Germany}.
In this form of the play Vespasian is a friend of Titus. It is very
likely a remnant of the form into which Shakespeare cast his play,
with or without the aid of Marlowe. Our present play is not Shake
speare's ; it is built on the Marlowe blank-verse system, which
Shakespeare in his early work opposed : and did not belong to
Shakespeare's company till 1600.
ON THE PLA YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 45
XXIL— SEJANUS.(?)
1. Jonson tells us that in the first form of this play as acted on the
public stage " a second pen had good share ; in place of which I
have rather chosen to put weaker and no doubt less pleasing of
mine own than to defraud so happy a genius of his right by my
loathed usurpation." This second pen was usually, until lately,
supposed with good reason to be Shakespeare's. Most critics
now reject this hypothesis : but no other likely name has been
advanced in his place,1 unless we admit Dr. Nicholson's view that
Sheppard was the " second pen." I cannot think so.
2. Founded on Tacitus, Suetonius, Seneca, &c.
3. Produced in 1603.
4. As the early form of the play is lost, the question of author
ship is of little importance.
XXIII. — MEASURE FOR MEASURE.
1. Undoubted.
2. Founded on Whetstone's Promos and Cassandra, 1578, printed
in Six Old Plays on which Shakespeare founded, &c. Nichols, 1779.
3. Generally and rightly dated 1603. It apologises for King
James3 ungracious entry into England.
" I'll privily away. I love the people,
But do not like to stage me to their eyes.
Though it do well, I do not relish well
Their loud applause and aves vehement."
Act i. Sc. i.
" The general subject to a well-wisht king,
Quit their own part, and in obsequious fondness
Crowd to his presence, where their untaught love
Must needs appear offense."
Act ii. Sc. 4.
1 Beaumont did not begin to write till 1606, nor Fletcher till 1607, as far as we
know. Chapman and Marston wrote commendatory verses on the play. Surely
none of these can have been the second hand.
46 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
James had issued a proclamation forbidding the people to resort
to him.
" What with the war, what with the sweat .... Heaven grant us
peace ! " — Act i. Sc. 2.
The war with Spain still existed in 1603 : but James had shown
he meant to end it, as he did on 19 August 1604. In 1603 there
was a plague, which carried off more than 30,000 in London.
The list of prisoners, Act iv. Sc. 3, contains four stabbers ; the
roaring boys, bravados, roysters, &c., were so outrageous in 1603
that the statute of Stabbing was passed in the first half of 1604.
4. This play is the central one for the metre of the third period ;
it has more lines with extra syllables before a pause in the middle of
a line than any other. It is freer in rhythm than any play in the
first and second periods.
XXIV.— ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS WELL.
1. Undoubted.
2. The main plot is founded on Painter's Giletta of Narbonne,
in the Palace of Pleasure Vol. i. The comic part with Parolles, &c.,
is Shakespeare's.
3. Dated by Malone and Chalmers, 1606 ; by Drake and Delius,
1598 ; I assign it to 1604, as near to Measure for Measure as possible.
It contains some parts of very early work (1591-2), perhaps remains
of Love's Labour's Won, namely, the rhymed parts of— i. I, 230 —
244, i- 3. 133—142 ; ii. i, 130—214, ii. 3, 80—210, ii. 3, 130—
150 ; iii. 4 ; sonnet, and end of scene.
4. The scene Act iii. Sc. 5, should be compared with Two
Gentlemen of Verona (Act iv. Sc. 2) ; the device by which Bertram
is deceived into meeting Helen, his wife, with that in Measure for
Measure,
ON THE PLA YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 47
XXV.— OTHELLO.
1. Undoubted.
2. Founded on a novel by Giraldi Cinthio (Decade iii. Novel 3).
3. Date earlier than November 1604. This used to be looked
on as one of the latest of Shakespeare's plays.
4. The names Othello and lago occur in Reynolds' God's Revenge
against Adultery. The date of the action is 1570. Mustapha, the
general of Solymus II. attacked Cyprus in May in that year. The
Turkish fleet first sailed towards Cyprus, then went to Rhodes, met
another squadron, and resumed its course for Cyprus ; which was
taken in 1571. The accounts of the cannibals and " men whose
heads do grow beneath their shoulders " are taken from Sir Walter
Raleigh's narrative of the Discovery of Guiana (1600); he says, "I am
resolved they are true." For the passion of jealousy compare
Othello with Troylus, Leontes, Ford, and Posthumus.
XX VI. —LEAR.
1. Undoubted.
2. Founded on Holinshed's Chronicle and The True Chronicle
History of King Leir and his three Daughters, Gonorill, Ragan, and
Cordelia (entered 1594, printed 1605). This is contained in
Steevens' reprint of the Quarto editions of Shakespeare ; also in Six
Old Plays, &c. The episode of Gloster and his sons is taken from
the story of the blind king of Paphlagonia in Sidney's Arcadia, re
printed in the Variorum Shakspeare, 1821. It also often alludes to
Harsnet's Declaration of Egregious Popish Impostures, 1603.
3. The date must lie between 1603 and 1606. The play was
entered November 1607 as having been played in December 1606.
It was probably produced early in 1605, as the old play was then
reprinted and entered 8th May, "as lately acted," in order to
deceive the public.
48 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
" I smell the blood of a British man " (Act iii. Sc. 6 end),
stands
"I smell the blood of an English man,"
in Nash's pamphlets, 1596. England and Scotland were united in
name and James proclaimed king of Great Britain, 24 October,
1604.
4 Compare Hamlet and Ophelia with Lear, for the phenomena
of madness.
XXVIL-MACBETH.
1. Messrs. Clark and Wright reject as Middleton's — i. I, i. 2, i.
3, 1-37 ; ii. 3 (Porter's speech) ; iii. 5 ; iv. 3, 140—159 ; v. 2, v. 8 last
forty lines, besides many rhyming tags : I reject also (but not, in
all, forty lines) various other rhyming tags : but retain i. 2 ; ii. 3 ;
v. 2. I must refer to my essay on the subject in Part II., the reasons
cannot be condensed here.
2. Founded on Holinshed's Chronicle, and Reginald Scot's
Discovery of Witchcraft.
3. Dated almost without exception 1606 (Middleton's revision
being much later). In Act ii. Sc. 3. " The expectation of plenty."
Wheat was lower in Windsor market in 1606 than for thirteen years
afterwards, also lower than the year before. So were barley and
malt. The " equivocators " in the same year must mean the Jesuits,
specially Garnet their superior, who was tried for gunpowder treason
on 28 March, 1606 (see Malone). Again the " stealing out of a French
hose " implies that they were at that time short and strait. Now in
1606, in Anthony Nixon's Black Year we find that tailors took more
than enough for the new fashion's sake. In 1605 King James at
Oxford was addressed by three students of St. John's College in
Latin verses founded on the weird-sisters' predictions to Macbeth.
It is not likely they would choose this subject after Shakespeare
had treated it. Middleton's Witch was certainly produced after
1613. There are two passages from Plutarch's life of Antony
alluded to in this play. "The insane root that takes the reason
ON THE PLA YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 49
prisoner," Act i. Sc. 3, 1. 84, and "My genius is rebuked as it is said
Mark Anthony's was by Caesar," Act iii. Sc. I, 1. 57. Shakespeare
was then probably reading for Anthony and Cleopatra, which was
produced before May 1608.
4. For treatment of Ghost compare Hamlet; for Witches in Act iv.
Sc. 2, compare Middleton's Witch, the Witch of Edmonton by
Ford, Dekker, and Rowley (Witch-part by Ford), and Jonson's
Masque of Queens and The Sad Shepherd.
XXVIII.— TIMON OF ATHENS.
1. By two authors. Shakespeare undoubtedly wrote i. I (verse
part); ii. i, ii. 2 (verse part); iii. 6 (verse part); iv. I, iv. 3 ; v. I, y.
2, v. 4. Cyril Tourneur I think (Delius says Wilkins) wrote the
rest. Shakespeare's part was certainly written first, though C.
Knight denies this.
2. Founded on a passage in Plutarch's Life of Antonius^ and the
23th novel in vol. I of Painter's Palace of Pleasuie ; also on Lucian's
Dialogues.
3. Evidently to be dated between the great tragedies (which it
closely resembles in tone), VS^L Anthony and Cleopatra^ reading for
which Shakespeare met with the story. I assign it therefore to
1606, a year before the other plays left unfinished by Shakespeare,
Pericles and Troylus and Cressida. Delius says 1608, others 1610.
The date of the completion of the play is doubtful ; it may have
been 1608, or 1623, when the Folio was printed.
XXIX. — TROYLUS AND CRESSIDA.
1. Nearly the whole of the fifth Act has been suspected as
spurious, so has the Prologue.
2. Founded on Chaucer's Troilus and Crcseide for the love
story ; Caxton's Troy Book for the story of Hector and Ajax; Ther-
sites, Patroclus, &c., are taken from Chapman's Homer.
4
-^ SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
3. 1 have tried to show that these three portions were written at
different dates about 1594, 1595, and 1607. The whole play was
printed in 1608 as never having been acted. Thersites is referred
to in Cymbeline — •
" Thersites' body is as good as Ajax
When neither are alive." — Act iv. Sc. 2, I. 252.
This scene in Cymbeline I assign to 1607-8, \vhich agrees with my
date tor Troylus ; which Malone places in 1602, on account of an
entry in the Stationers' books, referring, not to the play of 1599 by
JJekker and Chettle, but to one acted by the Chamberlain's men ;
and there is a reference to the story of Troylus and Cressida in the
comedy of Histriomastix, which seems to imply ^that Shakespeare
had written some play on this subject before Elizabeth's death : she
is spoken of as alive in the last Act.
"• Troy. Come Cressirla, my cresset light,
Thy face doth shine both day and night.
Behold, behold thy garter blue
Thy knight his valiant elbow wears,
That when he SHAKES his furious SPEARE,
The foe, in shivering fearful sort
May lay him down in death to snort.
Cress. O Knight, with valour in thy face
Here take my skreene, wear it for grace ;
Within thy helmet put the same,
Therewith to make thy enemies lame."
Tliis surely refers to the changing of sleeve and glove in the
play in direct connexion with Shakespeare's name. Was the play
by him. not containing the Thersites and Achilles part, exhibited
soon after 1595? Troylus is referred to in Much Ado about Nothing
0599) as the first employer of Pandars. I cannot hesitate on this
matter. Shakespeare's play in its firtt form was exhibited before
*599> probably in 1597.
4. The love part of this play is a pendant to Romeo and Juliet ;
T^ndarus should be compared with the Nurse.
ON THE PL A YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 51
XXX.— PERICLES.
f. First two Acts and Gower throughout unquestionably by
Wilkins, who founded a novel on this play afterwards. The brothel
scenes in Act iv. Sc. 5 and 6 by Rowley, I think ; S. Walker says
by Dekker, who did not write for the King's Company. Acts iii.,
iv., v., with these omissions, by Shakespeare. The play put
together by Wilkins.
2. Founded on a novel by T. Twine, The Patterne of Painful
Adventures, &>c.y that befell unto Prince Appolonius, the Lady
Lucina his wife, and Tharsia his daughter, &c., re-published in
1607, entered in 1576. Gower tells the story in Confessio Amantis
1554. The play follows this version sometimes. The Gesta
Romanorum story (nearly the same) does not seem to have been
used.
3. Certainly before 2 May, 1 608, when it was entered; probably
before the re-publishing of Twine's novel in 1607. I should date
1607. Delius tells me that he prefers 1608.
4. The Shakespeare part should be carefully compared with the
corresponding stories in Cynbeline and Winters Tale, especially the
latter, in which the same extraordinary lapse of time is permitted be
tween the Acts. This play and Rowley's New Wonder, and Marston's
Insatiate Countess, are probably the three most incorrectly printed
plays in the language. The beginning of the Shakespeare part,
Act iii. Sc. I, should be compared with the opening of The Tempest.
Restorations to life after apparent death occur in Romeo and Juliet,
Muck Ado about Nothing, Cymbdine, and Winter's Tale.
XXXI. — ANTHONY AND CLEOPATRA.
1. Undoubted.
2. Founded on Plutarch's Life of Marcus Antonius*
3. Dated unanimously early in 1608.
4—2
52 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
XXXIL— CORIOLANUS.
1. Undoubted.
2. Founded on Plutarch's Life of Coriolanus.
3. Usually dated 1609-10; I prefer 1609. Menenius' fable (Act
i. Sc. l) is taken from Camden's Remaines (1605), and not from
North's Plutarch. TLe play must have been written before 1612
for this reason ; Mr. Halliwell has found that in every edition of
North's Plutarch up to 1603 "unfortunately" is printed for "unfor
tunate " in the passage corresponding to Act v. Sc. I, 1. 98. This
is an evident misprint, as it spoils the meaning. Shakespeare cor
rected it, and wrote "unfortunate," which was adopted in the 1612
edition of North's Plutarch. As to Shakespeare's own copy being
the one in the Greenock library dated 1612, if it was so he must
have used another. He did not write Julius Ccesar after that date.
XXXIII.— THE Two NOBLE KINSMEN.
1. Written by Shakespeare and Fletcher as stated in the Quarto
of 1634. Shakespeare's part consists of Act i.j Act iii. Sc. I, 2 ;
Act v. Sc. I, 3, 4.
2. Founded on the Knights Tale of Chaucer.
3. The date of Shakespeare's share I fix from internal evidence
as 1609 ; that of Fletcher's completion of the play is probably the
same as that of his finishing Henry VIII. 1613.
XXXIV.— CYMBELINE.
1. The wretched vision in Act vi. Sc. 4 cannot be Shakespeare's;
the rest of the scene is also doubtful.
2. Dated by Drake, 1605 ; Chalmers, 1606; Malone, 1609;
Delms, 1610. Some scenes are probably earlier, about 1607-8 ; for
ON THE PLA YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 53
the rest, Delius is probably right, or nearly so. The name Leonatus
is from Sidney's Arcadia, which Shakespeare used for his Lear.
The story of Cymbeline in Holinshed is near that of Lear and that
of Macbeth ; and the story of Hay and his sons staying his country
men in a lane in a battle against the Danes is near that of Macbeth
in Holinshed's Chronicle of Scotland. Shakespeare, therefore, pro
bably wrote Lear, Macbeth, and Cymbeline nearly at the same time.
There is also an allusion to Cleopatra's sailing on the Cydnus to
meet Anthony ; he had therefore been reading for the play of
Anthony and Cleopatra. The character of Imogen is distinctly imi
tated in the Euphrasia of Beaumont's Philaster (dated by Dyce
1608, possibly 1610-11). Compare also :
" I hear the tread of people ; I am hurt :
The gods take part against me, could this boor
Have hurt me thus else ? "
Philaster iv. I.
with
" I have bely'd a lady,
The princess of this country ; and the air of 't
Revengingly enfeebles me ; or could this carle,
A very drudge of Nature's, have subdued me
In my profession ? "
Cymbeline iv. 2.
I date the play as completed 1609-10, after Coriolanus, Lear,
Macbeth, and Anthony and Cleopatra.
3. Founded on Holinshed's Chronicles and a novel of Boccaccio
(Day II, Novel 9). The story is also found in Westward for
Smelts (1603). The scenes containing the story of Bellario and
Imogen's flight I assign to an earlier date than the rest of the play ;
the whole of the scenes with lachimo are certainly of the later date
(1609-10 ?).
4. The date of the commencement of the play is A.D. 16,
Cymbeline's 24th year of reigning, Augustus' 42nd.
54
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
XXXV.— THE TEMPEST.
1. The masque in Act iv. Sc. I has been considered by the Cam
bridge editors an insertion, like the vision in Cymbeline.
2, 3. The pamphlet describing the tempest of July 1609, which
dispersed the fleet of Sir George Somers and Sir Thomas Gates, in
which the Admiral-ship was wrecked on the island of Bermuda, was
published in December 1609, or January 1609-10. The narrative of
Jourdan, in which "the Bermudas" is called the Isle of Devils, is
dated 13 October, 1610. The True Declaration of the Councill of
Virginia was also published in 1610. Shakespeare's play was
produced either late in 1610 or early in 1611. There can be no
doubt of the play having been founded on these narratives. (See
Malone's essay in Variorum Shakspeare, 1621.)
4. This is one of the plays that observes the unity of time. Mr.
Staunton conjectured that one of the characters at least (the Duke
of Milan's son, Act i. Sc. 2, 1. 438) is lost. He thought that
each player had a property in his own part, and that sometimes all
the parts could not be bought up by the publishers. The play is
certainly very short, only 2,068 lines, the average being 3,000 ; and
it is strange that this character of the Duke's son is not brought on
the stage. Perhaps Francisco is what is left of him. The pronun
ciation of Stephano (pronounced Stephano in the Merchant of
Venice 1596) was probably learned from Ben Jonson's Every Man
in His Humour (1598), in which Shakespeare acted. Compare
with this in Cymbeline, Act iv. Sc. 2, the proparoxyton pronuncia
tion of Posthumus.
XXXVI.— WINTER'S TALE.
1. Undoubted.
2. Founded on Greene's Dorastus and Fawnia (1588).
3. Dated 1610-11. Mentioned in Sir Henry Herbert's Office
Book as an olde playe called Winters Tale, formerly allowed of by
02V THE PL A YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 55
Sir George Bucke, who took possession of the office of Master of
the Revels in August 1610.
4. To be compared with Pericles and Cymbeline for the stories of
Perdita and Marina and Imogen ; with Henry VIII. for the queen's
trial. Said to be sneered at by Jonson in the Induction to his
Bartholomew fair, 1614, along with The Tempest.
*' If there be never a servant-monster (Caliban) in the Fair who can
help it, nor a nest of anticks ? (The twelve Satyrs : Winter's Tale, iv. 4.
352.) He is loth to make Nature afraid in his plays, like those that
beget Tales, Tempests, and such like drolleries. " In his conversations
with Drummond of Hawthornden (1619), he said that Shakespeare
wanted art and sometimes sense ; for in one of his plays he brought
in a number of men saying they had suffered shipwreck in Bohemia,
where is no sea near by 100 miles.
XXXVII.— HENRY VIII.
1. This play was written by Shakespeare and Fletcher jointly ;
Shakespeare's part is Act i. Sc. I, 2 ; Act ii. Sc. 3, 4 ; Act iii. Sc.
2 ; Act v. Sc. I. (See Mr. Spedding's essay, Gentleman's Magazine,
Aug. 1850.)
2. Founded on Holinshed's, Chronicle, Cavendish's Life of Wot sey,
and Fox.
3. Date 1613. In Act v. Sc. 5, 1. 51, we read :
" Wherever the bright sun of heaven shall shine,
His honour and the greatness of his name
Shall be, and make new nations.
A State lottery was set up expressly for the establishment of English
Colonies in Virginia in 1612. Rowley's Henry VIII. and the drama
of Lord Cromwell were reprinted in 1613 with the usual fraudulent
intentions. Sir Henry Wotton says in his letters, that the Globe
was burnt down on 30 June O. S., St. Peter's day 1613, while a new
piece named All is True was performing ; this piece from his minute
description was certainly Henry VIII. Yet Shakespeare's part
may have been written earlier than Fletcher's, say in 1611.
56 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
4. In 1613 the titles of many of Shakespeare's plays were changed.
I Henry IV. was called Hotspur; and Henry IV. (or Merry Wives
of Windsor 1], Sir John Falstaff ; Much Ado About Nothing,
Benedick and Beatrix ; Julius Ccssar, Cesar's Tragedy. In both
plays completed by Fletcher, Shakespeare introduces and completely
sketches all the principal characters. For the vision in Act iv. Sc.
2, compare Pericles, Act v. Sc. 2 ; and Cymbeline, Act v. Sc. 4.
None of these are Shakespeare's work. The time involved in the
play is twelve years, 1521-33. Historically Katherine survived the
birth of Elizabeth three years.
SPURIOUS PLAYS.
Other plays have been assigned to Shakespeare without reason
able ground ; for instance : —
1. The London Prodigal, printed in 1605 by T. Creede for
N. Butter ; acted at the Globe.
2. The Yorkshire Tragedy, printed in 1608 by T. Pavier ; acted
at the Globe.
3. Sir John Oldcastle, printed in 1600, entered on the Stationers'
books by T. Pavier, acted by the Admiral's Company.
All these three had Shakespeare's name in full on the title-page ;
all were printed for piratical booksellers. N. Butter was the pub
lisher of the shamefully garbled Quarto of King Lear. Sir John
Oldcastle was written in 1599 by Munday, Dray ton, Wilson, and
Hathway.
4. Lord Cromwell, printed in 1602, entered on the Stationers'
books by W. Cotton, acted by the Queen's Company.
5. The Puritan^ published by G. Eld in 1607, acted by the
Children of Paul's.
6. Locrine, "newly set forth, overseen, and corrected by W. S.,"
printed by T. Creede, 1595.
These latter three have W. S. on the title-page. The relation of
Lccrine to Shakespeare has never been fully worked out. It is
ON THE PL A YS OF SHAKESPEARE. 57
worth investigation. The whole six were printed along with Pericles
in the Third Folio as additions to the collection in the First Folio.
7. The Birth of Merlin was printed by T. Johnson in 1662
for Francis Kirkham and Henry Marsh, as by Shakespeare and
Rowley ; "several times acted."
8. The Troublesome Reign of King John was published by S.
Clarke in 1591, and again by J. Holme (printed by V. S[immes]) in
1611. It was acted by the Queen's Company. " By W. Sh." was
inserted on the title-page in 1611.
9. The Merry Devil of Edmonton was published by J. Hirst and
T. Archer in 1608. Acted at the Globe. The author, T.B., was
probably Tony Brewer.
10. Fair Em. was published in 1631. Acted by Lord Strange's
Company before 1591, in which year it was criticised by Greene.
11. Mucedorus was published in 1598; acted at the Globe;
probably written by Lodge.
12. Arden of Feversham was printed in 1592.
None of these plays can be Shakespeare's. In addition to the
decisive internal evidence, note, with regard to Nos. 3, 4, 5, 8, that
no company except the Chamberlain's (afterwards the King's) and
possibly Lord Strange's ever acted any play of Shakespeare's.
Yet many German critics and one or two English believe in the
authenticity of many of these dramas. Mr. Simpson has in the
press a volume of various other plays in which he thinks Shake
speare may have been concerned.
[Note on Richard II. — Since p. 26 was in type Mr. Hales has
shown reason for identifying the play of Henry IV. performed for
Sir Gilly Merrick with Shakespeare's Richard II. I find this con
firmed by Camden's account of the trial. Another play called
Richard II., mentioned by Forman in his Diary, I identify with The
Life and Death of Jack Straw, mentioned in a subsequent chapter.]
CHAPTER IV.
ON VARIOUS QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH
SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS.
(A.) — What plays published in Shakespeare's name are genuine?
1. There are some plays included in all editions of his works
which he probably never wrote a line of, namely : —
1. Titus Andronicus.
2. 2 Henry VI.
3. 3 Henry VI.
The first of these is by Marlowe, the other two by Peele and
Marlowe jointly. The division of their work is given under the
heading of each play.
The original editing of I Henry VL was probably Marlowe's.
Shakespeare having added ii. 4 and (?) 5 about 1596 without re
touching the rest.
Many persons, however, still believe that Shakespeare wrote large
portions of these plays ; they have never succeeded in separating
his work.
2. There are plays finished by Shakespeare and rewritten by
him, viz. :—
1. Romeo and Juliet.
2. Richard III.
3. Taming of the Shrew,
WHA T PL A YS A RE GENUINE ? 59
The two first of these in the Quarto editions show us Peele's work
after Shakespeare's first corrections, the Folios after his rewriting ;
he probably corrected them after Peele's death. In the Taming of
the Shrew his share is confined to the Petruchio story ; the rest of
the play is most likely by T. Lodge.
3. There are plays left unfinished by Shakespeare and completed
by others, viz. : —
1. Timon.
2. Pericles.
3. Troylus and Cressida,
His share of Timon was confined to the story of Timon himself;
Cyril Tourneur probably writing the rest. Of Pericles he wrote the
story of Marina ; Rowley (?) wrote the brothel scenes, and Wilkins
the rest ; Wilkins being also the plotter and editor. Of Troylus
and Cressida the part not Shakespeare's is confined to the last Act.
This is probably taken from the old play by Dekker and Chettle ;
acted in 1599.
4. There are plays which are joint productions of Shakespeare
and Fletcher, namely : —
1. Two Noble Kinsmen.
2. Henry VIII.
He also possibly helped Ben Jonson in his first draft of Sejanus.
5. There are plays to which Shakespeare contributed isolated
scenes : —
1. I Henry VI. (as noticed above).
2. Ed-ward III. (Act i. 2 ; ii. all).
6. Some of Shakespeare's plays have been greatly abridged foi
theatrical purposes, namely : —
1. Tempest.
2. Julius Casar.
7. One has not only been abridged, but interpolated :—
I. Macbeth.
60 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
8. Similar interpolations may be found in Cymbeline, and possibly
in The Tempest, Henry V. (French scene), and Merry Wives, Q I
(Fairies).
Of these results those concerning the Two Noble Kinsmen (Hick-
son and Spalding, after Weber), Henry VIII. (Spedding), Troylus
and Cressida (Dyce and Fleay), Timon of Athens (Fleay), Pericles
(Fleay), Taming of the Shrew (Fleay), are granted by all the best
critics ; those concerning Macbeth (Clark, Wright, and Fleay),
Tempest (Staunton), Romeo and Juliet (Fleay), Richard III. (Fleay),
Henry VI. (Fleay), Edward III. (Fleay), Julius Ccesar (Fleay), are
yet disputed.
N. B. The names in parentheses in the above indicate not the first
proposers of the theory of combined authorship in each case, but
the first critics who brought the several theories to distinct tests by
separating the Shakespearian portions from the second writers.
The theory of double authorship in Timon has been previously
advanced by Knight and Delius ; in the Taming of the Shrew by
Collier ; in Pericles by Delius and Tennyson (forty years since he
tells me) ; not to mention earlier statements for the most part very
indefinite. For details, see the notices under the heading of each
play.
Besides this question of authenticity it may be well here to notice
a question which involves similar critical investigation. There are
certain plays that were not entirely written at one date.
1. AlFs Well that Ends Well was probably a recast of Love's
Labour's Won. Traces of the early work may be found in it. (See
p. 46.)
2. Troylus and Cressida was certainly written at three dates : —
1. The Troylus love story.
2. The Hector story.
3. The Achilles story.
The last of these dates about 1608. The two earlier of these written
about 1593-6, probably constituted the play entered in 1602 on the
Stationers' books by J. Roberts, as acted by the Chamberlain's men.
3. The verse part of Twelfth Night (in my opinion) was first
written about 1594 and recast 1601, when the rest of the play was
added.
EARL Y EDITIONS. 6 1
4. We know that the Merry Wives of Windsor and Hamlet were
thus written, since we have the first drafts (imperfectly) in the
first quartos, j
5. Love's Labour 's Lost certainly, and Midsummer Nighfs Dream
and Richard II. probably, were recast previously to publication.
(B.}—The Early Editions of Shakespeare's works : —
Besides the Folio of 1623, the first collected edition of the plays,
there were a number of separate plays published in quarto before
that date. In the table in Part II. will be found the printers' and
publishers' names of every one of these editions anterior to 1623.
The later copies are of no critical value. The symbols, Q I, Q 2,
&c., are those used in Clark and Wright's excellent "Cambridge
Shakespeare ; " a * indicates all the editions published without
Shakespeare's name on the title-page ; a t that the printers of the
Folio used that edition to print from.
The Folio editions were published in 1623 (F i), 1632 (F 2), 1664
(F 3), 1685 (F 4).
(C.) — On the Relative Value of the Quarto and Folio Texts of
Shakespeare : —
The following results are derived from a careful examination of
the Quarto and Folio editions, aided by but not dependent on the
collations in the " Cambridge Shakespeare" : —
i. The Cambridge editors are quite right in stating that the fol
lowing plays in the Folio are printed from the Quarto texts, and
therefore the earliest complete Quarto must be looked to in each
case as being the highest authority :—
1. Richard II.
2. I Henry IV.
3. Love's Labour 's Lost.
4. Much Ado about Nothing.
5. Romeo and Juliet.
6. Titus Andronicus.
62 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
2. I also agree with them that the Fisher Quarto of Midsummer
Night's Dream gives better readings than the Roberts, which was
used by the Folio editors. But for the Merchant of Venice the
Heyes Quarto used for the Folio seems to me better than the Roberts
Quarto.
3. In no other case did the Folio editors use the Quarto texts,
which were undoubtedly, as they state in their preface, all surrep
titious.
4. All omissions of passages in the Folio texts may be reduced to
two classes : one of accidental omissions of words or lines in print
ing, the other of intentional cancelling of long passages for purposes
of stage representation. The passages found in the Folio but not
in the Quarto, on the other hand, are generally such as would not
be so omitted.
5- The Quarto Lear abounds with errors of ear, and was clearly
surreptitiously taken down by notes at the theatre. Henry V., the
Contention, and the True Tragedy were similarly though still more
clumsily stolen.
6. Romeo and Juliet, Q I, the Merry Wives of Windsor, Q I, and
Hamlet, Q i, though surreptitious and abridged, still represent the
earliest forms of these plays ; they were all rewritten afterwards, but
they are very valuable to the Shakespeare student, as showing his
manner of work, as well as sometimes preserving lines or expressions
which we would not willingly lose. Richard III. in some respects
belongs to this class. One other Quarto, which might be thought to
be analogous (Henry V. ), is merely an imperfect piratical issue, and
utterly worthless. The Contention and the True Tragedy, on which
Henry VI. has been supposed to be founded, are in like manner
merely piratical issues grossly imperfect, by the same publisher,
T. Pavier, possibly touched up by his partner, H. Chettle.
7- Hamlet, Q 2, and Othello, Q 2, were not derived from sources
independent of their first quartos, but were formed by corrections
being made in copies of Q i at subsequent representations. The
same thing is true for the Whole Contention of 1619, which does not
give an intermediate stage of composition between the Quartos and
EARLY EDITIONS. 63
Folios as has been supposed. This conclusion, which is quite certain,
is most important. So Hamlet and Othello, Q 2, are founded on
Q I, with corrections from the Folio.
8. The Troylus and Cressida Quarto has been printed from a
written transcript of a copy belonging to the theatre, hastily and
not quite accurately made.
9. The Richard III. Quarto represents Shakespeare's first cor-
rection of an earlier play ; so does the First Quarto of Romeo and
Juliet.
10. The Quartos of 2 Henry IV. and Othdlo are useful for cor
rection of many readings : they are transcripts of the stage copies
as first used, obtained in somewhat the same way as the Troylus
and Cressida.
From all this it results that in every instance except the first two
groups, eight plays in all, our text must be founded on the Folio of
1623. But for these eight the Quarto readings are generally better.
As, however, even in these, the Folio spelling and punctuation agrees
more nearly with the rest of the plays in the Folio, it is preferable
to correct the Folio te::t from the Quarto for a revised edition than
conversely. For a scholar's text the Folio with the Quarto variations
noted (and introduced where desirable), is the one thing needful.
Booth's wonderfully accurate repi'int of this edition, or Chatlo and
Windus's photographic reproduction, if interleaved, will enable any
student to make such an edition for himself without great labour.
In any case he had better use the Folio as the foundation of all his
work. No published edition except Knight's has done this, and he
has gone too far by rejecting the Quarto readings even in the eight
plays mentioned.
(D.) — On the division into Acts and Scenes of Shakespeare* s
Plays:—
There is no authority for this division for any play (except OtheUn,
Q I, 1622) anterior to the Folio edition of 1623. And in that edition
not all are divided. The exceptions are :—
64 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
1. Plays printed from Quarto editions : —
Lovers Labour's Lost.
Midsummer Nights Dream.
Merchant of Venice. \ Divided into Acts only.
Much Ado about Nothing.
Titus Andronicus.
Romeo and Juliet. Not divided at all.
2. Plays probably produced between 1606 and 1609 : —
Timon. \
Troylus and Cressida. \ Not divided at all.
Anthony and Cleopatra.
Coriolanus. ^
Julius Casar. / Divided into Acts only,
Pericles. J
3. Plays produced before 1604.
Comedy of Errors.
Affs WM tltat Ends mil. Divided into Acts on]y_
Taming of the Shrew.
Htnry V. }
2 Henry VI. \ Not diyided ftt all
3 Henry VI. /
The other eighteen plays in the Folio (just half) are divided into
Acts and Scenes.
Lists of the Dramatis Persona (Actors' Names) are given only in
seven plays : —
Two Gentlemen of Verona.
Measure for Measure.
Timon.
Pericles.
Henry V.
Tempest.
Winter's Tale.
(E.)— Dates of Entries at Stationers' Hall :—
Venus and Adonis. 1593 April 18.
Titus Andronicus. *594 February 6.
EARLY EDITIONS.
First Contention.
Taming of a Shrew.
Lucreece.
Locrine.
Edward III.
Romeo and Juliet (ballad ?)
Richard II.
Richard III.
1 Henry IV.
Merchant of Venice.
As You Like it.
Henry V.
Much Ado about Nothing.
Henry V.
Much Ado about Nothing.
2 Henry IV.
Midsummer Nighf s Dream.
Merchant of Venice.
Merry Wives of Windsor.
Henry VI. First and Second
Parts ; (2 and 3 Henry VJ. }
Titus Andronicus.
Hamlet.
Troylus and Cressida.
Romeo and Juliet
Love's Labour's Lost.
Taming of a Shrew.
Hamlet.
Taming of a Shrew.
Romeo and Juliet.
Love's Labour's Lost.
Lear.
Pericles.
Anthony and Cleopatra.
Troylus and Cressida.
Sonnets.
Othello.
First Folio.
1594 March 12.
„ May 2.
„ May 9.
,, July 20.
1595 December I.
1596 August 6.
1597 August 29.
,, October 20.
1598 February 25.
,, July 22.
August 4. [("To be
1600 stayed") Note at be
ginning of Register. \
„ August 14.
,, August 23.
„ October 8.
,, October 28.
1602 January 18.
,, April 19.
„ July 26.
1603 February 7.
1607 January 22.
,, November 19.
,, November 26.
1608 May 20.
1609 January 28.
,, May 20.
1621 October 21.
1623 November 8.
CHAPTER V.
PRONUNCIATION AND METRE.
TABLE of Vowel Pronunciation, extracted from Mr. A. J. Eilis's
large work on the subject : —
Spelling. Pronunciation*
a long as a in father.
( as a in mare.
( rarely as c in eve.
i ,, as i in tmie (Scotch).
I as o in vu/mo (Italian).
( rarely as oo in pool,
u „ as u in fl/2te (French).
a short as a in chatte (French).
f ,, as <? in md:.
z »» as i in nver.
I as o in homme (French),
rarely as ou in poule (French),
or u in p«ll.
j as ou in poule (French).
( or u in pwll.
( as «y /
<?z
( rarely as a in mare.
as ey in th<?j/.
or a in m(7re.
rarely as ay!
PRONUNCIATION AND METRE. 67
Spelling. Pronunciation,
ee
ie medial
ie final } ( as i in t/me (Scotch).
y ,, j[ ( or as z' in r/ver.
as e in rve.
or # in m<7re.
oi ,, as eu in n^w (N. German).
au ,, as a#; in rtzmi.
«/ ,, as .£W in £ui'opa, (Italian).
00 ,, as oo in p#01.
as oiv in kn^w (occasional English).
or as Dutch 0#.
as a in m«re.
rarely as e in £>ve.
very rarely as a in chrttte (French).
occasionally as <? in nut.
These conclusions are no doubt nearly accurate as to the normal
pronunciation of Shakespeare's time. I have found, however, by
an independent investigation, that great laxity prevailed from 1580
to 1630, and that scarcely any vowel sound was determinate in
popular use. The statements given below embrace the varieties of
sound allowed by the poets and dramatists of that period. I have
not attempted to give them accurately ; indeed, the nature of the
case would not permit it ; but I have given the nearest sounds now
in use to those which formed the limiting pronunciations in each
case. Mr. Ellis' s table will supply some corrections necessary to
those who desire more exact information.
1. I believe the short vowels were sounded nearly as in bill, dell,
ran, doll, pull, at the present time ; o occasionally taking the sound
of *; d that of o ; £that of d; and /that of /.
2. The long vowels were sounded nearly as in time, marc, father,
Rome, pool.
1 sometimes taking the sound of ee in feel,
e ,, ,, ,, <?in<?ve.
a ,, ,, ,, au in daunt,
d ,, ,, ,, oo in p<wl.
5-2
68 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
So far I difter little from Mr. Ellis; but in the diphthongal
spellings I venture to assert that in many of them the pronunciation
was not fixed, but varied from that of one of the component signs
to that of the other. Thus : —
ai varied between a in m^re, and i in /sland.
ei „ ,, ei in d^zgn, and i in z'sland.
oi ,, ,, oy in ]oy, and i in z'sland.
ui ,, ,, u in rale, and i in /sland.
ou ,, ,, o in no, and u in rule,
eo ,, ,, e in eve, and o in no.
e in ^ve, and a in mare ; ea was sometimes
also shortened.
As to the sounds of au, eu, oo, ie medial, ie and y final, they
were, I think, respectively those of aw in awn, eu in £urope, oo
in pool, e in eve, * in tz'me (or y in easily), which are nearly the
same as those given by Mr. Ellis. The reasons for these state
ments are too lengthy to be here given, even in a condensed
form. I may say, however, that they depend partly on the nature
of the rhymes (supposed generally to be imperfect) that were
admitted by the Elizabethan writers, and partly on variations in the
spelling of words that were of common recurrence.
There are some other laws of pronunciation which have been not
at all or imperfectly recognised. At the risk of infringing on the
office of the grammarian it may be well to give them here : —
1. Laws of Contraction. — S. Walker has noticed that where two
syllables end in s with a short vowel between them, the latter
syllable may be omitted ; thus horses is often contracted into horse* ;
this if into this1. But he has not noticed that the law extends to all
dentals thus : let it may be contracted into let' ; committed into
commit' ; proceeded into proceed\ &c. &c.
2. It has often been observed that heaven, even, and the like, are
frequently one syllable ; and that in some cases, as sennight for
seven-night, the v is not pronounced ; but it has not been noticed that
any word containing v between two vowels may omit the v in pro
nunciation, so that driven becomes drfen; love, lc?e; corsive,
corsie, &c. The same omission takes place sometimes for other
letters, as id en for taken.
PRONUNCIA TION AND METRE. 69
3. Laws of Resolution. — The separation of final -tion, -ston, &c.,
into two syllables, ti-on, si-on, is well known : not so the following.
4. Any two consecutive consonants, whether initial or medial,
may be separated by a slight sound corresponding to the Hebrew
Shwa, and so give rise to an extra syllable. Thus we have
G'ratiano, kinsman, lor'd, pronounced nearly as Geratiano, kinis-
man, lorttd, &c.
5. Any syllable involving a w or y sound in it may be resolved
into two ; no matter whether the sound be diphthongal or the -w or
y be consonantal. Thus twelve becomes too-ehe ; ay becomes ah-ee;
sweet becomes soo-eet ; boy becomes baw-ee ; &c. &c.
6. The pronunciation of vocal r, in fi-er (fire), su-er-ly (surely), is
well known.
For other questions of contraction, accent, resolution, £c., see
Abbott's Shakespearian Grammar.
METRE.
The following canons as to Shakespeare's metre are derived either
from Sidney Walker's excellent criticisms or from my own personal
observation : —
1. Shakespeare admits, in addition to the regular 5 -foot blank
verse line, the Alexandrine, short lines of I, 2, or 3 feet, and
rhyming lines of 4 or 5 feet.
2. He does not admit blank lines of 4 feet (Walker),
3. Nor does he admit lines in blank verse deficient by an initial
syllable (Walker).
4. Wherever there is an appearance of a 4-foot line, it is either
made up of two shorter lines (3 + 1,2 + 2), or it is corrupt. Thus : —
" What I shall think is good.
The princess."
" Stands for my bounty.
But who comes here ? "
are according to Shakespeare's usual manner.
70 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
"To let these hands obey my blood,"
is corrupt either by omission or misarrangement. (Fleay.)
5. Shakespeare admits an extra syllable before a pause either in
the middle or at the end of a line. In fact, he treats any line con
taining a full stop or even a colon as if it were two lines
(Walker). Thus:—
' ' Have sure more lack of rea.5wz.
What would you say ? "
" Forerunning more requito/.
You make my bonds still greater."
The end of a line always counts as a pause whether stopt or not.
6. Shakespeare's metre varies at different periods of his life to an
extent unknown to any other writer ; for instance : —
a. Doggrel lines abound in his earliest comedies. Love's Labour's
Lost has 194 ; the Com-.dy of Errors, 109 ; Two Gentlemen of
}rerona, 1 8 ; Merchant of Venice, 4. They never occur after this.
b. Alternately rhyming lines abound in his early plays, but
gradually decrease, and at the end of his second period are for ever
thrown aside.
c. The use of rhyme couplets diminishes gradually from a pro
portion of two rhyme lines to one of blank verse, down to an absolute
absence of rhyme.
d. Alexandrines, which are absent in his earliest plays, increase
gradually, though irregularly, until his latest.
e. Alexandrines not only increase in frequency, but assume a
freer form, having pauses in the later plays after the 2nd, 7th, 8th,
or loth syllable, like Spenser's, instead of being confined to the
French form with pause in the middle, as in his first and second
periods.
f. Lines with an extra syllable before a pause are most frequent in
his third period.
g. On adopting the use of lines with weak or unemphatic
endings (with, of, you, and, &c., for final words), he gave up in
some measure the lines mentioned in/
PRONUNC1A TION AND METRE. 71
//. Lines with extra end-syllable, or female lines, as they are often
called, increase in frequency from none to 726.
/. Lines of less than 5 measures are more abundant in the later
plays ; but how far this is due to omissions and alterations for stage
purposes we cannot tell.
j. The use of weak-ending hues increases regularly throughout
the fourth period of these plays.
k. On the combined use of these facts as foundations, it is possible
to construct a scheme of chronology for the plays which shall not
contradict any external evidence, and shall be in accordance with
critical dicta derived from higher considerations. Such a scheme
is given in Part II. with the numerical data on which it is founded.
As these peculiarities of metre have been applied not only to the
determining the chronological succession of our author's works, but
also to the distinguishing his work from that of others, it may be
well here to note the characteristics of a few authors sufficiently to
ensure the recognition of their work.
Fletcher can be at once distinguished by the number of female
lines, in which he exceeds every other English author. His lines
are usually "stopt," and often end in an extra emphatic syllable.
Thus :—
" And stand upon as strong and honest guards too."
Massinger is known instantly by his numerous weak endings, in
which he indulges beyond any other writer; his lines are usually not
stopt ; he avoids lines of less than 5 feet.
Neither of these writers admits prose.
Jonson is known by jolting rough tri-syllabic feet where there is
no pause.
" Best put yourself in your case again and keep."
He avoids lines of less than 5 feet, and is singularly regular in his
metre.
Ford has many female lines, but avoids short lines, which dis
tinguishes him from Fletcher. The chronological order of his plays
exactly agrees with the proportions of rhymes and female lines in
them.
72 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Chapman can be known by his use of such rhymes as garland,
hand; palace, face ; by his frequent elision of v between two vowels,
as in do' en, gfen, &c., and his regular verse not admitting lines
of less than 5 feet, except in a very few instances.
Peek uses rhymes (like Chapman) such as garland, hand, &c.,
and indulges in tri-syllabic feet like Jonson, but to a much greater
extent.
Beaumont is distinguished from Fletcher by admitting prose, not
using the extra emphatic syllable, allowing rhymes in the middle of
his blank verse, and frequent unstopped lines.
Marlowe is distinguished from Pede by his not using the Chapman
rhymes nor the tri-syllabic feet of Jonson ; from Greene by his
frequent omissions of the initial syllable in his blank verse. It is
very doubtful if any prose in his plays, as published, is of his writing.
Greene is distinguished by his regular see-saw unmelodious rhythm
and his abundance of stopped lines. He never acquired any pro
ficiency in his handling of blank verse.
Lodge is remarkable for the similarity of his metrical style to that
of the earliest plays of Shakespeare. He belongs to the rhyming
school as opposed to the blank verse school of which Marlowe was
the founder.
Tourneur uses lines of irregular length to an extent unknown in
other authors.
Similar marks or tests can be given for every author who is not a
mere imitator ; but my object here is to illustrate not exhaust this
subject, merely with regard to the authors who have been sup
posed to have written portions of plays commonly attributed to'
Shakespeare.
CHAPTER VI.
ON THE MANNER IN WHICH PLAYS WERE
PRESENTED.
WE shall be able to conceive the nature of our early theatrical per
formances most readily if we give details for the earliest house
known, and then mention such alterations as were introduced in
later theatres in due course. Let us imagine, then, what would be
our mode of proceeding if we were visiting the Curtain in 1596 to see
the performance of Romeo and Juliet. Having ascertained from the
displaying of the flag on the pole on the theatre roof that exhibitions
were going on, we should, if we had come from any distance, first
look out for some one to care for our horses while we were in the
theatre ; for the Curtain stood well out of the town in Shoreditch
Fields. If one of the traditional Shakespeare boys could be pro
cured, we should of course give him the preference. The next
point to determine would be which part of the house we should go
to. The Pit, or " ground," was the cheapest place (i^.); but stand
ing in the Pit is not comfortable, especially as the whole central part
of the theatre is open to the sky; neither are the "groundlings"
the best society for appreciating such a play as this. The twopenny
Galleries, on the other hand, are not well placed for seeing the
actors, Shall we then try the " Rooms " or Boxes ? — the cost will be
3</. at least if we do. We should prefer if we could to go on the stage
itself and take a "stool" as they do in the new private house, along
with the "gallants," even at a cost of another 6d. or is., according
to the convenience of the place we can obtain. Having taken our
place, let us look round before the curtains are drawn aside ; the
"musics" are collecting themselves in their usual station over the
74 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
"room" nearest the stage; the critics and wits are "drinking
tobacco," or discussing the author, or getting their "tables" ready
to make notes ; an emissary of Pavier or some other pirate of the
time is arranging his paper to take down as much of the play in
shorthand us he can, with a view to surreptitious publication ; the
rushes are strewn upon the stage ; the inner curtain which covers
the balcony where Juliet is to speak "aloft," and where the "scroyles
of Angiers" flouted King John last year, is carefully drawn ; the
"flourishes" are sounded by the trumpets; the front curtains
separate, and the play commences. As the stage is hung with black
we know that a tragedy is to be performed, and that man in a long
black cloak is of course the Prologue. The board on which the name
of the scene is written tells us that the plot is laid in Verona ; and
the erection over the trap, which we can see from our place in the
rooms, hints that a "tomb" will be required in the fifth Act. It is
hard to follow the changes of scene ; we cannot help wishing that
some of those mechanical devices so lavishly expended on Court
pageants could be introduced here. Why should not the stage be
more real? Would it lower the character of the plays by appealing
too much to the groundlings behind the pales there ? We have plenty
of time to think on such matters while the trumpets, cornets, organs,
viols, hautboys, or recorders are playing between the Acts. Another
thought that will haunt us is how much will the poet get for this
play? Will the profits of his "second day" be large? Twenty
nobles (6/. 13^. 4^.) seems a small sum for such a noble piece of
work. But perhaps he will publish it himself and get something
out of the sale of copies. I am ready for one with my sixpence,
for I like the play. He gets something, however, as an, actor,
probably more than as a poet. He has shares, too, I am told, in
the theatre; and when they perform at Court the Queen gives i8/
or 20/. for each performance. Perhaps he'll be rich yet if he's
prudent. But the curtain is drawn ; the play is over, shall I stay
for the jig? I think I will. I don't care much for the clown's dancing
and singing, but Kempe 's a clever fellow ; I'll see him for once,
and "throw up a theme or two for him to extemporize on." But
it's past three already ; the play must have lasted more than
two hours ; a long performance to-day. I shall have to switch
and spur to get home as I appointed.
MANNER OF PRESENTING PL A VS. 75
Such would be as near as I can judge a description of our earliest
theatre. I add further details for the others. The Bull, Curtain, and
Globe were public theatres. The Cockpit, Whirefriars, and Biack-
fiiars were "private houses." The Globe was round; the Curtain
was square. l At the Bull, Fortune, and Theater, the lowest price
for the "ground" was zd. ; at the Globe, Blackfriars, Phcenix, and
Hope, it was 6d., the "rooms" being is., and places on the stage
an additional 6d. or is. The time of commencing performances
grew gradually later ; in 1609 it was 2 P.M.; in 1632, 3 P.M. Two
Dr three new plays were produced each year at a house, consequently
Shakespeare must have nearly sufficed for the requirements of the
Globe. The lists I have given of the plays of other authors will
enable the student in great measure to reconstruct the history of
other houses. The poet was allowed the profit of either the second
or third night ; poets were often admitted gratis. An office fee for
licensing new plays of 6s. 8d. had to be paid to the Master of the
Revels. At the private houses the performance was usually by
candlelight. The common statement that the Globe was a summer
theatre only, does not apply to Shakespeare's theatre, but to the
re-erection after the fire of 1613.
1 The Fortune as built in 1599 was square ; as rebuilt after the fire of 1621 it
•was round The confusion of one of these erections with the other has been a
prolific source of error.
CHAPTER VII.
ON THE EARLIEST ENGLISH THEATRICAL
COMPANIES.
(From the Athenaum, July, 1875.)
OUR stage historians have repeatedly asserted that as many as
fifteen distinct companies of actors existed in the time of Elizabeth,
independently of the companies of " children." I have found that
a closer investigation shows that more than six companies of men
and four of children never existed in London at one time ; and that
these can all be traced down to three companies of men and two of
children. The obscurity of the history of these times does not arise
from the paucity of our material, as our great critic, Mr. Halliwell,
has recently complained, but from want of sufficiently minute in
vestigation on the one hand, and the existence of different com
panies, in successive times, under the same name, on the other. I
have been much gratified by finding that Mr. Halliwell's investiga
tions, unrivalled for comprehensive research, have confirmed the
only point in what I shall have to say that needed confirmation.
The companies enumerated by Chalmers, in his " Farther
Account of the English Stage," are : of adults,— Lord R. Dudley's,
Sir R. Lane's, Lord Clinton's, the Earl of Warwick's, the Lord
Chamberlain's, the Earl of Sussex's, Lord Howard's, the Earl of
Essex's, Lord Strange's, the Earl of Darby's, the Queen's, the Lord
Admiral's, the Earl of Hertford's, the Earl of Pembroke's, and the
Earl of Worcester's : and of boys— the Children of Paul's, of the
Chapel, of Westminster, and of Windsor. He is also careful to tell
EARLIEST THEATRICAL COMPANIES. 77
us that Shakespeare was admitted into the Chamberlain's company,
started in 1575 ; that whether W. Elderton and R. Mountcaster
were then the leaders of it is uncertain ; that Lord Strange's com-
pany of tumblers began to play at the Rose in 1592 ; and other
matters which I have found to be unfounded. I will treat of these
companies in groups.
Group I.— Lord Darby's company of 1580-2 were in all prob
ability the same company as his son Lord Strange's of 1592-3.
These must be carefully distinguished from Lord Strange's group
of tumblers of 1580-2, who were not the players at the Rose ; and
from the later company, also called Lord Darby's, formed under
Brown in 1600.
Lord Hunsdon's company of 1582 took the name of Lord Cham
berlain's on his accession to that office in 1585, and retained it till
his death in 1596. In the few months of Lord Brooke's chamber-
lainship (during which, as Malone proved, Romeo and Juliet was
produced at the Curtain Theatre) they passed to his son, just as Lord
Darby's did to his son Lord Strange, and were then called Lord
Hunsdon's. On this second Lord Hunsdon being made Chamber
lain, in 1597, they again took the title of the Chamberlain's servants,
and retained it till King James's accession in 1603, when they
became the King's company.
Into this company, Lord Strange's (which, and not the Lord
Chamberlain's, was very probably the company in which Shake-
speai-e made his first appearance) was absorbed in 1594. Mr.
Halliwell has given evidence of this union in his latest work.
The houses generally used by this group were the Theatre, the
Curtain, and the Cross Keys (in winter only), until they removed to
the new Globe in 1599.
We must now recur to an earlier time. From 1574 to 1582 a
company played under the names indifferently of the Earl of Sussex's
or the Lord Chamberlain's servants. These have been confused by
all the writers I have seen with the later Lord Chamberlain's men,
yet nothing is more certain than that my statement is right ; the
evidence is positive. After the appointment of Lord Hunsdon as
Chamberlain, they were called only by the name of the Earl of
Sussex till 1594.
78 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
From 1594 to 1597 the Earl of Pembroke too, had a body of
players, perhaps the same as Lord Seymour's (the Earl of Hertford's)
of 1592.
These were almost certainly united with the Sussex company to
form the second Earl of Darby's company (under Brown), about
1599-
The Earl of Pembroke's company was incorporated into the
Lord Chamberlain's in 1600; but probably not directly, but passing
through an intermediate stage as the company of the Earl of
Darby.
Group 2. — Lord Philip Howard, Earl of Arundel, had a company
from 1574 to 1580, which afterwards passed to Lord Charles
Howard, and was called indifferently the Lord Admiral's or the
Earl of Nottingham's servants.
In 1603 they became the Prince's servants.
This company played first at the Theatre and Curtain ; then (with
Henslow) at the Rose ; finally at the Fortune (built in 1600), where
they remained permanently till 1622.
Group 3. — In 1562 Lord R. Dudley had a company of players,
called afterwards the Earl of Leicester's (1565-1582), on his acces
sion to that title.
In 1564, J. Dudley, Earl of Warwick, had a company, which was
afterwards united with Sir R. Lane's (1571-3) about 1574. It
retained the title of the Earl of Warwick's till 1582.
In 1 582, out of the Earl of Warwick's and the Earl of Leicester's
the Queen's company was formed, which continued till 1594.
This company may have been absorbed into the Earl of Worces
ter's, which became the Queen's (Queen Anne's) in 1603, after a
year or two, during which they kept the designation of the Earl of
Worcester's men. They played chiefly at the Red Bull and the
Curtain. If the above be true— and there are not more than a very
few conjectural points in it, and those of the slightest possible im
portance ; all the rest is proven by statements in our records hitherto
overlooked— then the history of all the adult companies is traced
down to the three that we know existed at the accession of James
the First.
Now let us look to the children.
EARLIEST THE A TRICAL COMPANIES. 79
Group i. — Consists of only the Children of Paul's, established
1563, who played at their own house till 1591, and also from 1601
to 1605.
Group 2. — The Chapel Children, established 1565, gradually ab
sorbed the Children of Westminster (1567-1575) and the Children of
Windsor (1571-1577). They acted at Blackfriars from 1596 to 1601,
and about 1605 they took the name of Children of the Revels. In
1612 they removed to Whitefriar^, and were ultimately formed by
Beeston into the Company of the Revels.
One chief point to note here is the singular blunder that has con
fused Elderton and Mountcaster with managers of the Chamberlain's
company, besides confusing that company (Sussex's) with Lord Huns-
don's. Elderton and Mountcaster were masters of " boys. " Elderton
is expressly stated to be master of the Westminster boys, and Mount-
caster of Merchant Taylors'. The erection of these into separate
companies is purely imaginary. The Earl of Oxford's company were
also boys. I have, of course, not given here the mass of material
from which these results have been obtained. Slender as they may
seem when thus abstracted from their foundations, they are the out
come of many hours' labour, it having been necessary in order to
obtain them to tabulate every entry of whatever kind for every play
mentioned in our dramatic literature up to 1603 in three separate
forms.
At the accession of James I. (1603) there were then four com
panies. The King's (formerly the Chamberlain's), the Queen's
(formerly the Earl of Worcester's), the Prince's (formerly the
Admiral's), and the Children of Paul's. This last was succeeded by
the Revels Children in 1605, who in turn were incorporated with
Queen Anne's about 1613, to form1 the company of the Revels.
Lady Elizabeth had also a company of actors from about 1612 on
wards, or even earlier.
In 1622, great changes took place in all these companies, and a
new one (the Palsgrave's) was formed. It lasted, however, only to
1624. After 1625, the companies in existence were the Queen's
(Henrietta's), the Bull, the Fortune, and the King's, which out
lasted all changes till 1642. In 1629 a new Company of Revels
is started, which becomes the Prince's on the birth of Charles II.
80 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
This company must not be confused with the former Princes'
(Henry's and Charles I.) any more than the two Chamberlain's
companies above noticed, or Queen Henrietta's with Queen Anne's
or Queen Elizabeth's. The new Prince's company had not one
actor in common with the old one. In 1637 another company
(Beeston's boys) was established, and in 1640, under the same
manager, the " King's-and-Queen's " was incorporated. This con
cludes our enumeration of changes till 1642, when the theatres
were closed.
It will be found easy to follow these complicated alterations, if
constant reference be made to the chronological tables of theatres
and companies at the end of this chapter. They have been care
fully compiled, and although they are contradictory to many re
ceived notions, may be depended on as accurately giving all
information at present attainable.
In the annexed Table the top line gives dates at intervals of two
years ; a line, thus , indicates the period during which the com
pany whose name is over it is known to have existed ; changes of
name are indicated by printing the names in succession over a line
broken at the date of change, thus Chamb. King's ; union of two
companies to form a third, by a brace, thus — :"' ^unsden ! Lord
Chamberlain ; absoiption of a company into another by an arrow,
Chamberlain
~ Pembroke^"
If from the small scale of the Table any date appear doubtful
refer to pp. 76-80.
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CHAPTER VIII.
ACCOUNT OF THE THEATRES FROM 1576 TO 1642.
THE earliest theatres of which we have record were — the Curtain
(1576), the Theater (1576), and the private room belonging to the
Children of Paul's (1574). The two former theatres were both
public, and occupied by various companies, the Queen's, the
Admiral's, Lord Strange's, the Earl of Sussex's, the Earl of Pem
broke's, &c., of whose occupancy we have no precise records. The
Queen's Company (under Tarleton) also acted at the Red Bull.
Henslow opened the Rose theatre in 1592, where the following
companies played successively : —
Lord Strange's, beginning 19 February, 1592.
Earl Sussex's, 27 December, 1593.
Sussex's and the Queen's, 2 April, 1594.
Admiral's, 14 May, 1594.
Admiral's and Chamberlain's, 3 June, 1594.
Admiral's, 27 October, 1596.
In 1596 Blackfriars was adapted for theatrical purposes by J.
])urbage, and let out to the Children of the Chapel, who occupied
it till 1601. They were then possibly succeeded by the Children of
Paul's, who had been suspended in 1591, and who, in 1605, gave
place in like manner to the Children of the Revels.
Meanwhile, in 1599, J. Burbage pulled down the Theater, where
the Chamberlain's company had settled about 1595-6, and built
the Globe. To this new building that company moved in 1599-
1600, and occupied it till 1642, except during the short time of its
THEA TRES FROM 1576 TO 1642. 83
rebuilding after the fire of 1613. They took possession of the Black-
friars theatre in 1613, and used it as well as the Globe till 1642.
In 1600, Alleyn built the Fortune theatre, to which the Admiral's
company moved from the Rose and continued there until 1621,
when the Fortune was burnt down. In that year the same company
(then called the Prince's) left the Fortune for the Curtain, where
they remained two or three years, the new company (the Palsgrave's)
taking their place at the Fortune in 1622, on its rebuilding. This
company died out in 1624 ; and the Company occupying this house
was called the Fortune company simply : it remained there till 1640,
when it exchanged with the Prince's (Charles II.) and went to the
Bull.
When the Children of the Revels were turned out of Blackfriars
in 1612 they went to Whitefriars, and remained there till 1613. In
that year they ceased to exist as a children's company, and the com
pany of the Revels was formed out of them and the Queen's com
pany (formerly the Earl of Worcester's), who had occupied the Red
Bull and the Curtain since 1599. The Revels company occupied the
same two houses from 1613 to 1622, when the Prince's came there.
As the Prince became King in 1625, this company ceased to exist,
and the Curtain was abandoned. The Bull was still kept in action,
(the company playing there being simply called the Bull Company)
till 1637, when the Salisbury Court company (Prince's or Revels)
came to the Bull and played there as the Prince's company till 1640,
when they exchanged with the Fortune.
The Curtain theatre followed the Red Bull in all its changes.
In 1619, the Cockpit (Phoenix), which had been destroyed, was
rebuilt and occupied by the company of the Lady Elizabeth (after
wards Queen of Bohemia) which had previously performed some
time at the Swan : this company lasted till 1624. In 1625, the
Queen's (Henrietta's) actors set up at this house. In 1637, William
Beeston's boys succeeded the Queen's, who went to Salisbury Court,
where the Prince's (Charles II.) or Revels company had acted pre
viously. They had at first been called the Revels Company, but on
the birth of Charles (1630) took the name of the Prince's. Salis
bury Court was built in Whitefriars in 1629. In 1640, Beeston's
boys were formed, with new recruits, into the King-and-Queen's
company.
6-2
84 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
We have now gone through the history of the principal theatres
in detail : omitting nothing but a few occasional changes of a very
temporary kind (probably only for a night or two). The facts here
stated differ in many details from those in any previously published
account of our theatres ; but for every statement made I have
positive evidence which I hope some day to give in full. It would
be out of place in so small a work to enter into minute particulars.
In the annexed Table the names of the principal theatres are
given in the left-hand column : dates (at intervals of two years) are
printed along the top line : the line under these dates
opposite the name of a theatre shows the years during which per
formances were exhibited in it : wherever dates can be ascertained
the companies who occupied the theatre are printed over the line.
Thus, the Red Bull was successively occupied by the Queen's com-
pany (Elizabeth's) ; the Earl of Worcester's (afterwards Queen
Anne's) ; then by the Revels company : then by the Prince's, &c. ;
this is plain at a glance. In like manner we can see that the Revels
Children on leaving Blackfriars went to Whitefriars, and were after
wards incorporated with the Queen's into the Revels company, &c.,
&c. If from the small scale of the table any doubt as to a date
arises, reference should be made to pp. 82-84.
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CHAPTER IX.
ON THE DRAMATIC AUTHORS CONTEMPORARY
WITH SHAKESPEARE.
IT does not come within the scope of this book to treat of any
author except Shakespeare critically. It is however indispens
able for the accurate determination of the chronological arrangement
of his plays, and for the understanding of his relations to his con
temporaries, that Tables of their plays arranged in order of time
should be accessible. Such Tables have never hitherto been formed.
I annex therefore lists of the plays of all the dramatists whose works
have been republished in a collected form, and a list of plays of
other authors contained in Dodsley (Hazlitt's edition) &c., with
dates of publication (and production, where possible), and notices of
the theatre and company to which each play belonged. The dates
of production will be found to differ largely from those hitherto
assigned in many instances, but never without reasons grounded on
external evidence and confirmed by internal. This evidence I hope
to give in a future work. For information concerning plays now
lost or not republished in modern times, Halliwell's Dictionary of
Old Plays will supply all necessary information. With a few ex
ceptions (for which special reasons exist) only published plays are
noticed here.
In the annexed Table a dotted line indicates the period of
the author's life ; a line not broken that of his working
career.
H
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Phoe.,Sal.Ct.&BllJrs.
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Prince's & Rev.
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King's, 5 Revels
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:
: J
.'Z.
I.— LILLY :
. -. ~. — ......
ramorphosis -. ~ ~ ~ Chapel. Paul's ~. ~. ...
3. Gunpasix ... ... -. -. Cnapel, Paul's ~.
4. Sappho and Phao ...... ~. «. ... Chapei, Paul's ~.
*. Galathea ~. ».. .........
y 6, Eodyxnioo ~. «. ... ~. ~ ~. Paul's ~. ^.
.:os «. — ... ^. ~. ~. ~ P m M ^. x^>»
8. Mother Bombie ». ... Paul's ^- ... . 159^
9. TMakTsMctamorphosk ... ... ~ Paul's ^. ...
Tbese (except 9) u^re all produced before 1589 (MabneX
TI.— PKELE (GEORGE), born 1552, began work 1584, died
1596-7:-
XamttfPlay^zHdAmitor) €«*&*?. . , ,i >.-.'.-.
1. Arraignment of Paris ......... Chapel .~ «. «. 1584
2. David and Bethsabe ... ^. ...
3. Locrine (Tibey) «.«.«.«.!», Strange's «. w 1595 1586
4. Battle of Akaaar^. _ .. _ - - i»i 158?
5. Edward I. _. M _. w ... —
-- i*K 1589
hn (Troublesome Reign) Queen's ^. _ ^ ^
Pembroke's ^. ~ 1594
9. ? Edward III. (Shakespeare) _ ? L. Sttange's ^. «. il
..hard 1 1 1. (Shakespeare) ... Chamberlain's ^ ^. vS
, Mneo and Juliet (Shakespeare) Hunsdon's ...... 1597 135^6
III.— GREENE (ROBERT), bora 1561, began wort i;S;, died
' :~
i. Alphonsus ...... _ «. _ -...__ ... I599
a- O ....... ,586
^n ... ^ w ,588
.........
dass for London (with\n ,
LCK.. .......... .. ~. 1594
PHER), bora 1564, began work 15$$,
C«*t«*y. /W. Writ**.
i. Tamburlaine !.«.«.«.«. Admiral's «. ^
a. Tamburlaine II. ^ ^ ... Admiral ^
3- Faust ............ w ... AdmiraV-
4- Jew of Malta ...........
* MM»»»flfI«toia ......... Mmmfs ......... n. j
6. ! Taming of a Shrc
--: ..... ' .
'•rPORA RY A I 'THORS.
XameefPlay. , r -,
7. ? Titus Andronl. ... ^'fJJS-**"'1*''**'
8. fz & 3 Hrnry VI. (Pcele) ... Pembr, ;
9. Edward II. ... Pembroke's ~. i5s>S
xo. Dido (Nash) Chapel .- ... ~. ... 1594
V. — SHAKESPEARE (WILLIAM). See Chapter iii.
VI.— CHAPMAN (GEORGE), bora 1557, began work 1597, died
1634:—
X<MM*tfPl*r(*m4AMA»l Ctmfmny. Tktmtre. />«*. Writ.
i. Blind Beggar of Alexandria _ Admiral's... Rose... «. 1598 1598
a. Humorous Day's Mirth _ -. Admiral's -. Rose ~ ... 1^99 1599
3- Boayd-Amhois-. ~ -. - PauTs- - - _ «. 1607 1602-4
4. Eastward Ho aonsoB,Marston).{H^e^_} Bladttnars.. 1605 1605
5- AH Fools __-.-.- [Revels] - Bkckfiiars.. 1605 1605
6. Gentleman Usher -. - ^ 1606 -
•^m • ^fc^vw J HCT .MjJ> \ •*• «_j* • _^_^- _r ^*-
<x VWITC ••• «H *M ^ ^^?t j f mcirirtiLr? . * rtoo xooo
» i"^^r°-*iacsr ""n f»^«-~ « ^»
xi. Mayday ~ ~ „ _ „ ! [Revels] < BbdkfriaR.. x6ix 1611
xa. Widows' Tears -.-.-.
iv Kev^i;- -: lossy d A-:-. .> ...
Kicg's «. Bfackfrius. 1654 —
!. Alphonsnsof Germanyt -.
For the S****M*H0£*
VIL— JONSON (BENJAMIN), boni 1574, began work 1596, died
1637 :-
H*mrifPl*7(*mJA*tk*^. Cimf**?. Tt^hr, Pwt. Writ.
• x. Eray Man in his HuoKMtr -. Chambln's Globe - 1601, i€r6 1598
«. Erery Man cot of his Humour {^g^ } Blacktnars - i6cx> 1599
*C«isAte«d ---- ChOdm. « Bbddmrs- 1609 ,599
5- Cynthia's RereJs _ _ _ Gbapel - Hacktmrs -. xtioo 1600
7- SejanosCSWkrspeare)! I OiamWs GJobe -. -. 1605 1603
&. Eastward Ho^GhaptMuwMarstM) Revels -. Blacifiiars -. 1605 1605
: dates are those of!
endenoe of Charnan s writing
^:h,K:-,->A.:,:v:^^
by tke Kia^s QMBMy aJtBUdt&iars. May 5. i^3<5.
-:,, !.,.•-.:,> ..:. ^ . ..^_ :,,...: :....:: c =:_.
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Name of Play (2nd A uthor. )
Company.
Theatre.
Pub.
Writ.
9. Volpone
King's
Globe
1605
1605
10. Epiccene
King's ...
Globe
1609
1609
ii. Catiline
[King's ...
Globe]
1611
1611
12. Alchemist
King's
Globe
1612
1612
13. Bartholomew Fair
L. Eliz. ...
Hope
1614
1614
14. Devil is an Ass • ... ... ...
a
1641
1616
15. Staple of News (entered 1626)..
_
—
1631
1625
King's ... [
Blkfrs.1...
1631
1629
17. Magnetic Lady
1640
1632
1 8. Sad Shepherd \ fl . , ,
19. Mortimer's Fall/unfinished "
t -
- '" "'•
1640
1640
1637
VIII.— DEKKER (THOMAS)
, born 1575,
began work
1598, died
1641 :—
Name of Play (znd Author).
Company.
Theatre.
Pub.
Writ.
i. Old Fortunatus
Admiral's ...
Rose
1600
150
2. Patient Grissell (Haughton,
Chettle)
{•Admiral's ...
Rose 28 Mar.
1600
1597
3. Satiromastix
/Chamber- \
Uain's,Paul'sj
[Globe]
1602
1602
4. Westward Ho (Webster)
1607
1602—4
5. Northward Ho (Webster) ...
Paul's
—
1607
1602—4
6. Sir Thomas Wyatt (Webster)...
Queen's
[Bull]
1607
1603-4
7. Honest Whore I. (Middleton)..
Prince's
Fortune
1604
1604
8. Roaring Girl (Middleton)
Prince's
Fortune
1611
?i6o6
9. Whore of Babylon
Prince's
Fortune
1607
1607
10. Honest Whore II
[Prince's ...
Fortune]
1630
1608
n. If it be not good, &c
Queen's
Bull
1612
1612
12. Match me in London .» ...
[Queen's] ...
Bull
—
—
[Queen's] ...
Phoenix
1631
—
13. Guy of Warwick (Day)
_
_
1619
—
^14. Virgin Martyr (Massinger) ...
Revels
Bull
—
11614
>,/i5. Witch of Edmonton (Ford) ...
Prince's
Cockpit
1658
1623-4
. 16. Sun's Darling (Ford)
17. Wonder of a Kingdom
Their Maj...
Cockpit
1657
1636
1624
18. Shoemaker's Holiday (Wilson).
Admiral's ...
Rose
1600
—
IX.— HEYWOOD (THOMAS)
, born 1582,
began work
1599, died
1640:—
Name of Play (znd Author).
Company.
Theatre.
Pub.
Writ.
i, 2. Edward IV
Darby's
1600
3. Woman Killed with Kindness. (Queen's, i6o7){seg^slow>s} 1607 1602
4. Four Prentices of London ... [Queen's] ... Bull .' 1615 ? 1604
5. Fair Maid of Exchange — _ l6o? _
6. 7. If you Know not Me, &c. ... _ Cockpit 1632. 1606 -
CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS.
Name of Play (znd A uthor).
8. Rape of Lucreece
Company.
Queen's
Theatre. ,
... Bull 1638
... Bull
Pub.
... 1608
... 1611
... 1613
1613
1632
... 1637
Writ.
10. Silver Age
12, 13. Iron Age ~ —
14. Royal King and Loyal Subject. Queen's
15,16. Fair Maid of West Queen's
17. Life of Duchess of Suffolk ...
18. English Traveller —
19. Maidenhead well Lost —
20. Love's Mistress Queen's
21. Amphrisa •—
22. Love's Masterpiece —
23. Wise Woman of Hogsdon ... —
24, Fortune by Land & Sea (Rowley) Queen's
Cockpit
Cockpit
... Cockpit
... Globe ...
1631
... 1634
... 1636
... 1637
... 1640
... 1638
- 1655
... 1634
26. Challenge for Beauty
[King's] ... Globe & Blkfs. 1636 —
X. — MIDDLETON (THOMAS), born 1574, began work 1599, died
1 624 : —
I
Name of Play (znd Author).
Mayor of Quinborough )
Company.
Admiral's
Theatre.
... Rose
Pub.
1661
Writ.
JS97
i.
2.
Old Law (part)
Blurt Master Constable
Paul's ...
Paul's
—
1656
1602"
1599
1
4-
5-
6.
7-
8.
9-
10.
ii.
T2.
13-
I4.
15-
16.
*7-
18.
Michaelmas Term
Mad World, my Masters
Trick to Catch the Old One ...
Honest Whore (Dekker)
Your Five Gallants
Mayor of Quinborough
Family of Love
Chaste Maid in Cheapside ...
Roaring Girl (Dekker)
Fair Quarrel (Rowley)
World Tost at Tennis (Rowley)
Changeling (Rowley)
Spanish Gipsy (Rowley)
Widow (Jonson, Fletcher)
More Dissemblers besides)
Women .-
Paul's ...
Paul's ...
Paul's ...
Prince's
[Revels]
Revels
Lady Eliz.
Prince's
Prince's
Prince's
[Prince's]
[Prince's]
King's
King's
... Blackfriars ...
... Fortune
... Blackfriars entd
? Blackfriars..
... [Blackfriars]..
... Swan
... Fortune
... [Fortune] ...
— ... entd.
( Drury Lane "J
'"< (1623) Salsb. [
"•( Ct.(i63i-3)j
... Blackfriars ...
... Blackfriars ...
1608
1604
. 1608,
1661
1608.
1630
1611
16171
1620'
1653
1657
1
; 1601-4
1604
[1605-8
?i6o6
1611-15
1611-15
1615-16
fold in
Kfioo
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
92
Name of Play (?nd Author}. Company. Theatre.
19. Anything for Quiet Life ...... King's ... Blackfriars ...
Pub. Writ.
i662\
's7
20. No Wit : no Help, Kc
.. ~
IU57\ -
/ IDI7-23
21. Women'beware Women ... .
— —
l657|
22. Witch •
,. King's ... Blackfriars ...
MS.)
23. Game at Chess •
,. [King's] ... Globe
[1625] 1624
XL— MARSTON QOHN),
born 1575, began work
1602, died
1624 :— •
Name of Play (znd Author).
Company. Theatre.
Pub. Writ.
x. 2. Antonio and Mellida ... «
,. Paul's —
1602 —
3. Malcontent (cf. Webster)
.. Admiral's ... Rose
1604 —
4. Eastward Ho (Jonson, Chapman) [^^.'J Blackfriars -
1605 —
5. Dutch Courtisan
,.. {^Jds5' } [Blackfriars]..
1605 —
6. Fawn
- {^evd?.'..} [Blackfriars]..
1606* —
7. Sophonisba
... [Revels] ... Blackfriars ...
1606 —
8 What you Will
Revels ... [Blackfriars]..
1607 —
9. Insatiate Countess (Barksted)
... [Revels] ... Whitefriars ...
1613 —
XII. —WEBSTER QOHN),
born ?I582, began work
1602, died
1652 :—
Name of Play (?nd Author).
Company. Theatre.
Pub. Writ.
i. Malcontent (additions to)
.. King's ... Globe
1604 1604
a. Northward Ho (Dekker)... .
.. Paul's —
1607 1602-4
3. Westward Ho (Dekker) ... .
.. Paul's —
1607 1602-4
4. Sir T. Wyatt (Dekker) ... .
.. Queen's ... [Bull]
1607 1603-4
. 5. White Devil
,.. Queen's ...j [Bull]
1612 1611
— (Phoenix
1631 —
6. Duchess of Main ... ~
... King's ... Globe & Blkfs
. 1623 1616
7. Devil's Law Case
... Queen's ... —
1623 1622!
8. Appius and Virginia
... (Cockpit 1639)' —
1654 —
9. Cure for Cuckold (Rowley) \
xo. Thracian Wonder (Rowley) i
[probably only begun by f
Webster] I
1651 —
1651 —
* Fawn was acted also at Paul's before 1606.
t This is Dyce's date ; I date the play between 1608-15 > rather earlier than
later.
CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS. 93
XIII.— FLETCHER, born 1576 ) { 1625.
XIV.-BEAUMONT, born 1586 | beSan work l6°7» died { I6i6.
Title. Author. Date.
1. Woman Hater Beaumont (E.) 1607
2. Faithful Shepherdess Fletcher (F.) before 1610
3. Four Plays in One B. and F
4. Wit at Several Weapons ... do.
5. Thierry and Theodoret do.
6. Maid's Tragedy do. before 1611
> 7. Philaster do. „ 1611
8. King and No King do. 1611
v g. Knight of Burning Pestle ... clo. 1611
10. Cupid's Revenge do. 1612
u. Scornful Lady ... - ... do. 1609-12
12. Coxcomb F 1612
13. Captain do 1613
u, 14. Henry VIII F. and Shakespeare ... 1613
15. Two Noble Kinsmen do. ? 1613
16. Honest Man's Fortune ... B. and F 1613
17. Masque B 1613
18. Wit without Money F before 1619
19. Bonduca do „ 1619
, 20. Valentinian do ,, 1619
h 21. Knight of Malta F. and Middleton (Md.) ,, 1619
22. Queen of Corinth do. 1616-19
23. Mad Lover F before 1619
24. Loyal Subject do 1618
25. Humorous Lieutenant ... do before 1620
26. Woman's Prize do after 1619
27. Chanqes do „ 1619
28. M. Thomas do „ 1619
, 29. Double Marriage do ,, 1619
30. Women Pleased .... do „ 1619
31. Island Princess do at Court 1621
^2. Pilgrim do ,, 1621
33. Wild Goose Chase do „ 1621
••',4. Custom of the Country ... do 1621
1 35. False One F. and Massinger (M.) after 1618
•- 56. Little French Lawyer do. „ 1619
37. Very Woman (Woman's Plot) do. 1621
altered byMassinger probably 1634
38, Laws of Candy do. after 1619
. 39. Beggar's Bush do. at Court 1622
40. Prophetess do. licensed 14 May, 1622
41. Sea Voyage do. ,, 22 June, 1622
42. Spanish Curate do. ,, 24 Oct. 1622
43. Lover's Progress do. before 1623
44. Love's Cure F., M., Rowley (R.) after 1622
94 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Title. Author. Date.
45. Maid in the Mill F. and Rowley (R.) licensed 29 Oct. 1623
46. Wife for a Month F „ 27 May, 1624
47. Rule a Wife, &c do „ 19 Oct. 1624
48. Bloody Brother F. and ? after 1623
49. Elder Brother F. and M „ 1625
50. Fair Maid of the Inn F. M. R licensed 22 June, 1626
51. Noble Gentleman F. and? „ 3 Feb. 1626
52. Nice Valor F. and ? after 1624
53. Night Walker F. and Shirley ... „ 1625
54. Love's Pilgrimage do. ... ,, 1625
Whether Fletcher wrote any part of The Widow (by Middleton
and Jonson, about 1615) is very doubtful. He certainly had no
share in the Faithful Friends, which I assign to Beaumont alone,
date 1606. All these plays were produced by the King's company
except No. i, by Paul's Children; 9, 10, n, by Revels Children;
53 by the Cockpit company.
XV.— TOURNEUR (CYRIL). See page 99.
XVI.— ROWLEY (WILLIAM), bora 1591 (?), began work 1607,
died 1627 :—
Name of Play (znd A uthor). Company.
Theatre. Pub.
Written.
i. Travels of Three Brothers)
(Day, Wilkins) [
Curtain ... lost
1607
2. Match at Midnight ... Revels ...
[Bull] ... 1633
before 1622
3. Fair Quarrel (Middleton) Prince's ...
— 1617
» 1623
4. World Lost at Tennis)^ •
(Middleton) JPnnces...
— entd. 1620
,, 1623
5. Old Law (Middleton) ... —
{ Salisbury \ ,- ,
Ct. 1631-3 }I656 -
»» 1623
6. SpanishGipsy(Middleton) — \
f Drury ) ,
i Lane, 1623) l653 -
„ 1623
7. Changeling (Middleton) — j
/ Salisbury \ ,
\ Ct. 1631-3 ) l653
„ 1623
8. Witch of Edmonton (Ford) -r, .
andDekker) jPnnces...
Cockpit ... 1658
1623-4
9. All's Lost by Lust {SuSSl}
Phoenix ... 1633
1623
10. Maid in the Mill(Fletcher) King's ...
Blackfriars. —
1623
ii. New Wonder [King's] ...
Blackfriars] 1632
1624-6
12. Cure for Cuckold *\rv > -i
(Webster) {[King's] ...
1651
1624-6
13 ThracianWonder(Webster)[King's] ...
~~ 1651 ...
1624-6
14. Birth of Merlin (? Shake- lrl,. . ,
speare)... HKings]...
— 1662
1624-6
CONTEMPORAR Y A UTHORS.
95
XVIL— MASSINGER (PHILIP), born 1584, began work 1613,
died 1640 : —
Name of Play (znd Author). Company. Theatre. Pub.
1. Virgin Martyr (Dekker) Revels ... Bull ...... 1622
2. Fatal Dowry (Field) ... King's ... Blackfriars 1632
3-13. Eleven Plays with Fletcher (see under Fletcher).
14. Unnatural Combat ... King's ... Globe ... 1639
15. Duke of Milan ...... King's.. Blackfriars 1623
16. New Way to pay Old Debts — Phoenix ... 1633
King's
17. Maid of Honour
18. Bondman
iq. Renegado'
20. Parliament of Love
21. Roman Actor
22. Great Duke of Florence Queen's...
23- Picture ............ King's...
24. Believe as you list ...... . —
25. City Madam ......... King's...
26. Guardian ............ King's ...
27. Bashful Lover ...... King's ...
28. Old Law (revised from
' } Phoenix •" l632
Written.
... ? 1613
? 1614
before 1622
„ 1622
„ 1622
» l622
Cockpit ... 1624 licensed Dec. 1623
} Drury Lane 6Mar. 1630 i7Apl. 1624
Cockpit ... 29june,i66o 3 June, 1624
1629 ... n Oct. 1626
1636 ... 5 July, 1627
** ~ 8June>l629
sent back u Jan. 1631
*58 "< 25May,i632
1655 ... 31 Oct. 1633
1655 ... 9 May, 1636
Blackfriars
Phoenix ...
Blackfriars
Blackfriars
Rowley and Middleton)
J Salisbury 1
after 1629"*
asury ,• * aer 129
House / l6s6 "' I ? 1637 /
XVIII. — FORD (JOHN), born 1586, began work 1621, died
1639 :—
Name of Play (2nd Author).
1. "Tis Pity she's a Whore ...
2. Love's Sacrifice .........
4. Sun's Darling (Dekker)
5. Lover's Melancholy
6. Broken Heart
7. Perkin Warbeck
8. Fancies Chaste and Noble
9. Ladies' Trial
Company.
Theatre.
Pub.
Written.
Queen's [1633]
Phoenix ...
1^33
?l621
Queen's [1633]
Phoenix ...
1633
?l622
Prince's
Cockpit ...
1658
1623-4
(TheirMaj.i657>
Cockpit ...
l657
1624
King's
/Globe and)
\Blackfriarsj
1629
1628
King's ... ...
Blackfriars
l633
1633
Queen's
Phoenix ...
l634
1634
Queen's
Phoenix ...
1638
i637
Their Majesties
Drury Lane
1639
1638
96
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
XIX.— SHIRLEY (JAMES), born 1595, began work 1625, died
1666:—
Name of Play (znd Author).
Company. Theatre.
Pub.
Written.
i. Constant Maid
— Nursery
1640
11624
2. (Love Will Find Out the)
— Hatton Garden
1661
__
Way; ? T. B.) j
3. Humorous Courtiers
— Drury Lane ...
1640
?i624
4. Arcadia
— Phoenix
1640
?i624
5. Bird in Cage
— Phoenix
1633
?l624
6 Wedding
— Phoenix
1629
before 1625
7. School of Compliments!
(Love Tricks) J
— Drury Lane ...
1631
/ .licensed
\ 10 Feb. 1625
8. Maid's Revenge
— Drury Lane ...
1639
9 Feb. 1626
9. Brothers
— Blackfriars ...
1652
4 Nov. 1626
10. Witty Fair One
— Drury Lane ...
1633
3 Oct. 1628
1 1 . Faithful (Grateful) Servant
— —
lost
3 Nov. 1629
12. Traitor (Rivers)
— —
1635
4 May, 1631
13. Duke
— —
lost
7 May, 1631
14. Love's Cruelty
Drury Lane ...
1640
Nov. 1631
15. Changes
Revels SalisburyCourt
1632
10 Jan. 1632
1 6. Hyde Park
— Drury Lane ...
1637
20 Apr. 1632
17. Ball (Chapman)
— Drury Lane ...
1639
16 Nov. 1632
18. Beauties
— —
lost
21 Jan. 1633
19. Young Admiral
— Drury Lane ...
1637
3 July, 1633
20. Gamester
— Drury Lane ...
*637
ii Nov. 1633
TT Yarn nip
— Drury Lane •••
16^7
2A Tune i63A
22. Opportunity
— . Drury Lane ...
ivJO/
1640
•^ J u*lc> AUO^
29 Nov. 1634
23. Coronation
HerMaj. Drury Lane ...
1640
6 Feb. 1635
24. Chabot (Chapman)
— ' Drury Lane ...
1639
29 Apr. 1635
25. Lady of Pleasure
— Drury Lane ...
l637
15 Oct. 1635
26. Duke's Mistress
— Drury Lane ...
1638
1 8 Jan. 1636
27. Royal Master , ...
— Dublin
1638
23 Apr. 1638
28. St. Patrick for Ireland ...
— —
1640
'1624
29. Gentleman of Venice
— SalisburyCourt
1655
30 Oct. 1639
30. Look to the Lady
— —
lost
10 Mar. 1639
31. St. Albans (entered 14)
Feb. 1639) 1
lost
32. Rosania (Doubtful Heir)
— —
1652
i June, 1640
33. Politic Father (Politician)
— SalisburyCourt
1655
26 May, 1641
34. Cardinal
— Blackfriars ...
1652
25 Nov. 1641
35. Sisters
— Blackfriars ...
1652
26 Apr. 1642
36. Court Secret
— Blackfriars ...
1653
—
37. Imposture
— Blackfriars ...
1652
—
38. Honoria and Mammon\
(from Masque of Honor 1
and Riches, 1633) [seej
— —
1659
—
also under Fletcher] .„)
CONTEMPORAR Y A UTHORS. 9 7
XX.— RANDOLPH (THOMAS)r born 1605, died 1639 : —
Name of Play. Written.
1. Conceited Pedlar before 1630
2. Aristippus ,, 1630
3. Jealous Lovers ,, 1632
4. Amyntns ... .. „ 1638
5. Muses Looking Glass „ 1638
6. Hey for Honesty —
XXL — BROME (RICHARD) : —
Name of Play (-2nd Author).
1. Fault in Friendship (Jonsonjuu.
2. Late Lancashire Witches (Hey
wood)
3. Northern Lass
4. Sparagus Garden ,
5. Antipodes (for Cockpit) ... .,
6. Novella
7. City Wit ,
8. Damoiselle
9. Court Beggars
to. Mad Couple Well Matched .
11. Queen's Exchange ,
12. Weeding of Covent Garden .,
13. New Academy ,
14. Lovesick Court
15. English Moor
16. Queen and Concubine
17. Jovial Crew (Merry Beggars)..
Company. THeatre. Pub.
Curtain —
Globe ...
Globe and
:} -
( Globe and \
\ Blackfriars I
Revels SalisburyCourt
Queen's SalisburyCourt
— Blackfriars ...
Written.
I entered
[2 Oct. 1623
— —
1653
King's Cockpit
165$
— Cockpit (1639)
1653
— —
1657
— _
1658
— —
1658
— —
1638
Queen's —
1659
— —
1659
— Cockpit
1652
1634 —
1632 —
1640 before 1635
1640 „ 1.638
1653 .1632
1632
1641
XXII.— GLAPTHORNE (HENRY) :—
Name of Play. Company.
1. Hollander (written 1635) —
2. Argalus and Parthenia —
3. Ladies' Privilege —
4. Wit in a Constable
5. Alb. Wallenstein King's ...
? Parricide (Revenge for Honor) Prince's ...
probably altered from Chapman.
The dates of writing given in the last column of these tables are only approxi
mations in many instances : but where a month and day are given a definite entry
is refeired to and an inferior limit of time is thus fixed.
Theatre. PublisJied.
Cockpit 1640
Drury Lane ... 1639
Drury Lane ... • 1640
Cockpit 1639
Globe 1639
( entered
*" 1 27 May, 1624
[Bull]
9s SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
XXIII. — List of Plays which are not included in the foregoing,
but which have been republished (most of them in the new edition
of Dodsley) : —
Name of Play.
Author.
Company. Theatre.
Pub.
Writ.
i. Royster Doyster ...
( Nicholas 1
1 Udall /
— ' —
1566
1550
2. Ferrex and Porrex
/ Norton, \
1 Sackville J
— _
1565
1562
3. Appius and Virginia
R. B
— —
1575
1563
4. Damon and Pythias
Rich. Ed wards
— —
1571
1565
5. Gammer Gurton's)
Needle }
S[**"J
1575
1566
6. Cambyses
Th. Preston
— —
^570
1569
7. Promos and Cassan-1
dra J
G. Whetstone
__ _
1578
-
8. Sir Clyomon
—
Queen's ... —
1599
? 1582
y. Three Ladies oft
London )
R. Wilson ...
[Queen's] —
1584
1584
10. Locrine
( Tylney \
land Peele*
f (edited ~|
|_byW.S.)J
L.Strange's —
1595
1586
n. Marius and Sylla
T. Lodge ...
Admiral's
1594
1586-8
12. Three Lords and)
Ladies of London)
R. Wilson ...
[Queen's]
1590
1588
13. Jeronimo
T. Kyd ...
—
1605
)
34. Spanish Tragedy ...
T. Kyd ...
— —
[i594]
before
15. Soliman and Perseda
?T. Kyd ...
_ _
J 1589
1 6. Taming of a Shrew
—
Pembroke's - -
1594
1589
17. Sir T. More
—
_
i3. Troublesome Reign I
of King John .../
[G. Peele] ...
Queen's ... —
i59i
159°
19. Fair Emm
—
L.Strange's —
1631
1590
20. London Prodigal ...
-
L.Strange's {(I^gS'j
> 1605
I591
21. King Leir
—
Queen's ...
1605
1592
22. Two Angry Women
H. Porter ...
Admiral's
1599
? 1592
23. Summer's Last Will
T.Nash „
Chapel ...
1600
1592
24. Arden of Feversham
—
L. Strange's —
1592
1592
25. Grim the Collier ...
J. T M
— —
[1662]
fafter)
(1590 t
26. Look about You ...
[A. Munday]
Admiral's —
1600
? 1592
27. Downfall of Robinl
Hood )
A. Munday
Admiral's —
1601
28.Death of Robin Hood
J A. Munday\
IH. Chettle)
Admiral's —
1601
?I593
29. Richard III
—
Queen's ...
1594
1593
30. Knack to Know a)
Knave j
[? T. Lodge]
Alleyn's... (QJLord,
I Strange s
]}i594
1593
CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS.
99
Name of Play.
Author.
Company.
Theatre.
Pub.
Writ.
31. Mucedorus
[T. Lodge]
{Kivgs ...
Globe ...
ISQ8
1613
1594
1010
32. George a Green ...
—
Sussex's ...
—
1599
1594
33. How a Man may, '
|j. Cooke ...
Worcester's
i-
1602
?I597
34- Englishmen for MyJ
W.Haughton
Admiral's
—
1616
1598
fMunday, \
Drayton, 1
| Wilson, 1
35. Sir John Oldcastle
(Hathaway)
Admiral's
—
1600
1599
[iscribed to")
Shake
speare J
36. Timon ... ... ...
—
—
University
—
7i6oo
37. Return fromParnassus — —
(S.John's\
\Camb. )
1606
1602
38. Hoffmann
H. Chettle
Admiral's
xPhi?3nix'}
1631
1602
39. Cromwell ... ...
—
Chamberlain
—
1602
—
40. Lingua ~
—
—
—
1607
1602
41. Wiry Beguiled ~.
—
—
—
1606
1603
42. Yorkshire Tragedy
—
—
—
1605
43. Puritan
—
Paul's ...
—
1607
—
44. Dumb Knight
l&MSr}
j King's 1
\ Revels f
BIackfriars
1608
1607
45. Miseries of enforcedl
[ G. Wilkins
King's -.
Globe ...
1607
1607
46' Mem7nSnVil ?f. ^"j
\ T. B
King's ...
Globe _
1608
1607
47. Revenger's Tragedy
C. Tourneur
King's ...
Globe ...
1607
1607
48. Atheist's Tragedy
C Tourneur
King's ...
Globe ...
1611
?i6o9
49. Ram Alley
L. Barry ...
{Si?}
BIackfriars
1611
,Tri
1611
51. Woman's aWeather-
cock
N. Field ...
(Queen's \
I Revels /
Whiles
3i»J
1617
*!!!
52. Amends for Ladies
N. Field ...
{£""£&}
BIackfriars
1618
1613
53. Albumazar
J.Tomkis...
-
{-Camb7}
1614
1613
54' H°Pear£U..L°.~ *!!!
[ R. Tailor ...
Apprentices Whitefriars
1614
1613
55- Heir '
T. May ...
Revels ...
—
1633
1630
56. Old Couple
T. May ...
—
—
1658
—
57. Revenge for Honour
? Glapthorne
Prince's ...
—
1654
1624
58. City Nightcap
R.Davenport
Queen's ...
Phoenix ...
1661
1624
59. Microcosmus ... ... T. Nabbes —
60. Ordinary ... ... W. Cartwright —
l6s7
— 1651
7—2
ICO
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Name of Play.
A uthor.
Company.
Theatre.
Pub.
Writ.
61.
London Chanticleers
_
—
—
1659
1636
62.
Shepherd's Holiday
Rutter
Queen's ...
—
1635
—
63-
Fuimus Troes
J. Fisher ...
-
(Magdalen!
\ Oxon. J
1633
1633
64.
Lost Lady
W. Barclay
—
—
1639
—
65-
City Match
J. M[ayne]
King's ...
Blackfriars
1639
1639
66.
Queen of Arragou
W.Habington
—
—
1640
—
67.
Antiquary
S. Marmion
Queen's ...
Cockpit ...
1641
—
63.
Rebellion
T. Rawlins
Revels ...
—
1640
—
69.
Andromana
J. G
—
—
1660
—
70.
Parson's Wedding
T. Killigrew
—
—
1664
—
71.
Five Wise Men and 1
I
all the rest Fools]
\
72.
Sophy
Sir J. Denham
King's ...
Blackfriars
1641
—
The following are of inferior importance, and a simple enumera
tion of them will suffice for our purpose : —
DANIEL (SAMUEL), born 1562, died 1619 ; wrote Philotas (printed
1605), Cleopatra (printed 1594), Queen's Arcadia (presented 1605),
Hymen's Triumph (acted 1614), Vision of Twelve Goddesses (1604),
and Tetkys' Festival (1611).
ALEXANDER (WILLIAM, Earl of Stirling), born 1580, died 1640);
wrote four "Monarchicke" tragedies ; Darius (printed 1603), Crcesus
(1604), Julius CcBsar (1604), and The Alexandrian Tragedy (1605).
CARTWRIGHT (WILLIAM), born 1611-15, died I(H3 J wrote The
Royal Slave (acted 1636), The Lady Errant (printed 1651), The
Siege (printed 1651), besides The Ordinary already mentioned.
SUCKLING (Sm JOHN), born 1608, died 1641-2 ; wrote The
Goblins, Aglaura, Brennoralt (all printed 1646), and The Sad One
(1658).
DAVENANT (SiR WILLIAM), born 1606, died 1669 ; wrote before
1642; Albovine (printed 1629), Cruel Brother (1630), Just Italian
(1630), Platonic Lovers (1636), Wits (1636), Love and Honor
(licensed 1634, printed 1649), News from Plymouth (licensed 1635),
Unfortunate Lovers (licensed 1638, printed 1643), Fair' Favorite
(licensed 1638), and Distresses, or Spanish Lows (licensed 1639).
He also wrote other plays after 1656.
CHAPTER X.
A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF MISCELLANEOUS
MATTERS PERTAINING TO THE THEATRE,
FROM 1558 TO 1642.
1558. Queen Elizabeth's accession.
1561. T. Beyer made Master of the Revels.
1566. Still's Gammer Gurton's Needle produced.
1574. The Earl of Leicester's players licensed. Burbage, Perkin,
Langham, Johnson, R. Wilson, &c.
Plays performed on Sundays cut of prayer time.
1576. The Theater and the Curtain built in Shoreditch.
1578. The Privy Council limited plays in the City to the companies
of the Chapel Children, Paul's Children, Earl of Warwick,
Earl of Leicester, and Earl of Essex.
1579. 24th July, E. Tilney made Master of the Revels.
1580. Plays on Sundays abolished. Newington Butts built.
1581. Whitefriars built. Pulled down soon after by the Queen's
order, as well as the Cross Keys, Bull, Bell and Savage,
and Paul's.
1583. The Queen's company selected.
1585. The Rose and the Hope opened.
1588. Paris Garden opened.
1589. A Commission of Censure appointed. '
1591. No plays allowed on Thursdays because of bear-baiting being
interfered with by them. Interdict on Paul's Children
imposed after 1591.
1592. Dr. Rainolds and Dr. Gager hold forth at Oxford on the
unlawfulness of stage plays.
102 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
1593. The Queen's company dispersed.
1594. Lord Strange's company absorbed into the Chamberlain's.
1595. Swan opened.
1596. Blackfriars building adapted for a theatre. Chapel Children
put in by Burbage.
1599. The Fortune built by Alleyn for the Admiral's company.
1600. The Globe built by Burbage.
1601. The interdict on Paul's Children removed before 1601.
All theatres ordered to be shut except the Fortune and the
Globe.
1603. King James I. succeeds to the throne. He licenses Shakespeare,
Burbage, Philipps, Hemings, Condell, &c., who usually
play at the Globe.
No plays allowed, except at Court and in private, on
Sundays.
The King takes the Chamberlain's company for his own ;
the Queen the Earl of Worcester's ; the Prince the
Admiral's.
1604. Prince's company at the Fortune (not the Curtain).
Blackfriars bought by the Globe company.
1605. Children of the Revels at Blackfriars (formerly the Chapel
Children).
First moveable scenes at Christ Church.
1607. T. Coryat at Venice.
Plays in Lent forbidden early in this reign.
1 6 ro. November 7. Sir G. Buck Master of the Revels.
1612. Lady Elizabeth's company join the Revels, separating next
year (Collier).
Revels Children at Whitefriars.
1613. J- Taylor head of Queen Elizabeth's company at the Hope.
Globe burnt.
Swan and Rose shut up before 1613.
Lady Elizabeth becomes Queen of Bohemia.
1614. Globe rebuilt. Hope burnt down.
1616. Dispensation granted for playing in Lent, except Wednesdays
and Fridays. The Red Bull and Fortune have tumblers at
this season.
1617. The Cockpit (nuper erectum} pulled down.
M ISC ELL A NE 0 US MA TTERS. 1 03
1619. Queen Anne's death.
Cockpit rebuilt.
The Queen's Revels company become. the King's.
The united Four Companies formed.
1621. December 15. The Fortune burnt.
Sir J. Astley Master of the Revels
1622. The Revels company at the Red Bull formed from Queen
Anne's, which was licensed to bring up children for the
Revels.
Sir Henry Herbert Master of the Revels.
The Red Bull not one of the Four Companies.
1625. King Charles married, and succeeds to the throne.
Prince's servants at the Curtain for last time.
1627. Red Bull company forbidden to play Shakespeare.
1629. Women on stage at Blackfriars.
Whitefriars rebuilt as Salisbury Court.
A French company performs at Blackfriars, the Bull, and the
Fortune.
1630. Playhouses shut from April to November on account of the
plague.
1633. Histriomastix published.
Prynne's ears cut off.
1634. Henrietta Maria at Blackfriars.
1635. French players at the Cockpit
1636. First scenery used in a private performance of Love's Mistress,
at Denmark House.
Theatres shut on account of the plague.
William Beeston ordered to make a boys' company at the
Cockpit (King and Queen's).
1639. Poets receive second day's money taken at door.
1640. The Prince's company go to the Fortune ; the Fortune
company to the Bull.
Beeston dies ; Davenant succeeds him.
1642. Theatres shut. War breaks out.
NOTE. — Stage plays were suppressed definitely in 1647, and the
first scenery on the stage was introduced in 1662.
CHAPTER XI.
A LIST OF BOOKS MOST DESIRABLE FOR A STUDENT
OF SHAKESPEARE TO POSSESS.
1. The reprint of the Folio edition of 1623, now sold by
Glaisher, Holborn ; or the reproduction by photolithography pub
lished by Chatto and Windus.
2. The Globe edition (Macmillan), for reference, the lines being
numbered.
3. The Variorum edition of 1821. 20 vols. This is the store
house of all important facts concerning Shakespeare from which
the main part of modern editions is derived.
4. Mrs. Ct>wden Clarke's Concordance to the plays.
5. Mrs. Furness's Concordance to the Poems.
6. Schmidt's Shakespeare Lexicon, 2 vols. (Williams and
Norgate. )
7. Clark and Wright's Cambridge edition, for the Collations.
9 vols. (out of print). (Macmillan.)
8. Dr. Abbott's Shakespearian Grammar. (Macmillan.)
9. S. Walker's Criticisms, 4 vols. (A. R. Smith.)
10. S. Neil's Shakespeare : a Biography. (Houlston and Wright.)
The large modern editions by Knight, Staunton, Dyce, and
Halliwell are all useful for reference; but for anyone -with limited
means, after getting Nos. i, 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, which are almost in
dispensable, a better investment is to procure copies of the old
dramatists, viz. : —
(a) Beaumont and Fletcher, by Dyce, 2 vols. (Phillips and
Sampson, Boston, 1854), if possible : if not, then that by Darley,
2 vols. (Routledge and Co.).
(b) Massinger, by Cunningham. (Chatto and Windus.)
LIST OF BOOKS. 105
(r) Ben Jonson, by Cunningham, 3 vols. (Chatto and Windus.)
(d) Webster, by Dyce. (Routledge.)
(e) Marlowe ditto (ditto).
(/) Greene and Peele (ditto).
(g) Chapman's works, 3 vols. (Chatto and Windus.)
(h) Marston (A. R. Smith), 3 vols.
(f) Lilly (ditto) 2 vols.
(/) Randolph (Kerslake).
(k) Brome, 3 vois. ; Uekker, 4 vols. ; Heywood, 6 vols. ; Glap-
thorne, 2 vols. ; Chapman, 3 vols. ; are published in Pearson's
reprints. Middleton and Shirley, by Dyce, are out of print.
A more useful expenditure than these editions de luxe would
•Up .
(/) Dodsley's Old Plays, by W. C. Hazlitt, 14 vols.
(m) The best selection for those who do not care to have the
minor dramatists complete, is the Ancient British Drama
by Sir W. Scott, 3 vols.
Other important works are : —
U. Halliwell's Dictionary of Old Plays.
12. Halliwell's Dictionary of Archaic words, 2 vols. (very useful).
13. W. C. Hazlitt's Handbook to Early English Literature.
14. W. C. Hazlitt's edition of Collier's Shakespeare Library,
6 vols.
15. Arber's reprints of Old English Literature are very useful
and cheap.
16. Professor Ward's History of Dramatic Literature, 2 vols.
(Macmillan), is very valuable.
Books about Shakespeare, called aesthetic, are best eschewed
entirely until a distinct opinion has been formed from independent
study. Among the best of these are Gervinus ; Ulrici ; Dowden ;
Hazlitt. Schlegel is useful, but not trustworthy. The publications
of the (older) Shakspeare Society are valuable. So will be the
Quarto reprints of the New Shakspere Society, a cheap edition of
which is promised for non-subscribers in the prospectus. It is im
possible to give anything like full information on this subject in
this Manual. Hence I omit from the list given above such books
as Cotgrave, Florio, Minsheu, and many other old dictionaries,
with other books equally desirable but not necessary.
CHAPTER XII.
ON THE TESTS BY WHICH CHRONOLOGY AND
AUTHORSHIP CAN BE DETERMINED.
THESE tests are made up of two distinct classes, External and
Internal. The External tests divide into :—
1. Direct. — These consist of, definite and positive statements made
by authorities whose veracity and ability can be depended on.
2. Indirect. — These consist of deductions made from direct state
ments : for instance, from the facts that certain actors were engaged
in representing a play, one or more of whom joined or left the
company for which it was written at a given date ; or, that the play
was produced at a theatre of known name at which the company to
whom the play belonged only acted at a certain time ; and the like.
The former of these is the only kind of direct evidence that has
hitherto been successfully used. The latter is that which has been
of the greatest service to me in correcting erroneous statements
hitherto admitted as accurate, and in determining the dates of plays
not previously chronologically placed.
Of Internal evidences there are several kinds, namely :—
3. Allusive. — It is not uncommon for a play to contain allusions
to other plays, or to political, theatrical, or other public matters
whose dates are known from other sources. This evidence is usually
more valuable by way of confirmation than of positive determina
tion. It must be carefully watched and not strained too far, not
only because such allusions are ^often imagined to exist without
CHRONOLOGY AND A UTHORSHIP. 107
sufficient grounds, but also because the custom of altering and
rewriting plays was extremely prevalent in the Elizabethan era.
4. Aesthetic. — Under this head I include all evidences (usually-
separated into several branches) that depend on the taste or capacity
of the critic who uses them, such as the estimate hetforms of the power
of the writer in forming a plot or in distinguishing his characters,
or the knowledge he displays of human nature, or the general poetic
merit of the work examined. Of course the verdict of a great critic
based on the result of an attentive reading is of value, even when
no grounds are alleged ; but the lamentable mistakes that all critics
of this kind have fallen into should make us very careful in doing
anything more than making their decisions the ground for further
investigation. No evidence based on impressions should be allowed
to overweigh one definite fact, any more than evidence to character
is allowed to overweigh positive evidence of events or actions in
a court of law.
5. Language. — So far as mere "style" is concerned, this in some
measure falls under the last head, and is liable to the same objections
as are there adduced. The practice of the old dramatists of
writing plays in which one man furnished the plot and another
wrote the dialogue, has led to great error in determinations based on
this ground. But so far as the use of peculiar phrases, unusual
words, and above all of idiotisms or specially individual grammatical
forms, is concerned, the test is of high value, and has not been at all
sufficiently attended to. Among such forms, not only the use of
particular affixes, prepositions, inflexions, £c. must be included, but
also inversions and other peculiarities in the formation and arrange
ment of sentences.
6. Metre. — This is the most valuable of all internal tests, because
in it, and in it only, can quantitative results be obtained. This has
been completely overlooked by some, who seem to think that
results may be grounded on the number of times that an author
uses a certain form of expression, such as "for to go," for in
stance. This would be absurd. It is impossible to determine the
number of times that such an expression might have been intro
duced in a play of (say) 3,000 lines, and therefore it is impossible
io8 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
to say how often he has preferred this mode of expression to
any other. But in a play of 3,000 lines of verse every line must
have a masculine or feminine termination ; hence, the number of
feminine terminations gives us a quantitative, test. In like manner
every line must rhyme or not rhyme with the line next to it ; every
line must have a definite number of beats or measures ; rhyming
passages must be heroic, or alternate, or follow some other definite
system : in all these cases we can get quantitative positive results.
And it is certain that these results do, when properly used, give
true and important consequences. On the, other hand, such tests as
the so-called weak-ending test, the pause test, &c., which partly
depend on the aesthetic sense of the critic and are consequently
indefinite as to quantity, can only be depended on as affording a
basis for subsequent investigation. The great need for any critic
who attempts to use these tests is to have had a thorough training in
the Natural Sciences, especially in Mineralogy, classificatory
Botany, and above all, in Chemical Analysis. The methods of all
these sciences are applicable to this kind of criticism, which, indeed,
can scarcely be understood without them.
As to their history, it will suffice here to say that Malone used
them as qualitative tests only ; that Mr. Spedding applied the
female ending test to the play of Henry VIII. quantitatively ; that
Professor Hertzberg counted the female endings in some of the
plays of Shakespeare but failed in obtaining any satisfactoiy results
from them ; that I reduced the theory of such tests to a system,
established the canons for their use, assigned special distinctive tests
to each of the Elizabethan dramatists and worked out the results
for the whole of their plays. I have also applied the same kind of
tests to some of the Greek dramatists and obtained satisfactory
results for JEschylus and Sophocles ; while in the case of Homer, I
find that language tests are conclusive as to the existence of an
Achilleis completed afterwards by the author of the Odyssey into
the present form of the Iliad. My results (independently worked
out) on this author agree in most points with those of Professor
Geddes ; but Books XIII.— XV., XVII. do not form part of my
Achilleis.
I have been thus explicit on this kind of test, because it is not as
yet at all generally^understood, and because I attach to it the highest
CHRONOLOGY AND AUTHORSHIP. 109
importance. As in the Second Part. of this book several instances
of its application occur, I need give no further detail here ; but
I must specially notice the extremely careful manner in which the
weak-ending test has been applied to Shakespeare by Professor
Ingram. Although I do not agree with him as to its value in chro-
nologising the plays of the Fourth Period (for the reasons given
above), yet to him is due the pointing out its perfection as a dis
criminating test between the plays of the Third Period and the
Fourth when used as a class test ; and his steady, careful work, and
entirely courteous treatment of those who differ from him, make his
Essay a model to be imitated by critics on this subject.
CHAPTER XIII.
ON EMENDATION OF THE TEXT.
THE text of Shakespeare has been made to so great an extent the
pretext for ingenious persons to display their cleverness by rewriting,
altering, inserting, omitting, and otherwise tampering with the old
editions, and on the other hand the old copies are in many places
so undoubtedly incorrect, that it seems desirable to attempt to lay
down here a few general principles as to the limits within which it
is permissible to propose any alteration of the text as originally pub
lished ; at present the general system of editors seems to be to alter
not only everything they do not understand, but also everything
that they think could be written better. The following canons
would exclude two-thirds of the emendations that have been
proposed.
I. That no emendation however plausible can be admitted, un
less either the passage as it stands is inexplicably absurd, or in
direct violation of the author's metrical system. Thus the well-
known passage, "his nose was as sharp as a pen and a table of
green fields," was absolute nonsense and required emendation ; and
the lines
"They say she hath abjured the sight
And company of men. O that I served that lady ! "
are so palpably unmetrical that they could not have been so written
by Shakespeare. Hence the readings "a' babbled" "company
and sight " were rightly proposed by Theobald and Steevens, and
adopted by all the best editors. On the other hand, there are
hundreds of instances in which Pope and Steevens- endeavoured to
reduce Shakespeare's free metre to regular Iambic five-foot lines ;
and numerous alterations by such critics as Warburton, who
ON EMENDATION OF THE TEXT. in
evidently thought he could improve his author, are absolutely
unjustifiable.
2. No emendation can be admitted unless the mode in which
the reading of the old editions originated from it can be clearly
Explained. This point seems almost entirely disregarded by
editors.
3. The character of the copy under consideration, as shown by
the known or admitted errors in other parts of it, must be taken into
account. Thus an emendation which would be easily admissible in
the Quarto Edition of Lear, could not be allowed in a play of Ben
Jonson's, if it depended for its justification on similarity of sound
with the printed edition. The former being a surreptitious copy
carelessly printed, the latter seen through the press by the author
himself.
4. The most usual errors arise from these causes : —
a. Errors in Writing: — Every one who writes much and thinks
rapidly knows how often he omits or repeats words in his writing ;
these errors are usually corrected in modern times in subsequent re
vision by the author, or by the reader for the press. In older
times dramatic authors were often careless in this matter, and
readers for the press did not exist.
b. Errors in Reading: — These arise from the setter-up of the type
not being clever in deciphering MSS., or from want of clearness in
the author's handwriting ; both fruitful causes of error. In the case
of Shakespeare, every instance of certain emendation ought to be
tabulated and the cause of the corruption assigned.
c. Errors of Hearing: — These occur when "copy" has been
taken down from dictation : sometimes an author dictates his work
originally, — but more frequent cases arise from the production of
surreptitious editions derived from notes taken in shorthand at the
theatre or from recitations of actors in private.
d. Errors of Printing : — These arise from the type being sorted
into wrong compartments of the compositor's case, or from the
compositor dipping his hand into the wrong compartment to take
out a type, or from his eye being caught by a wrong word (especially
where the same word occurs twice or oftener near together) ; these
causes give rise to such misprints as b for c (compartments for
iii SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
these letters being in close proximity) ; to such errors as r, c, t; a,
e; C, G ; &c., being substituted for each other (similarity of type
leading to wrong sorting) ; to omissions and repetitions from the
eye catching the first of two like words, or conversely, and so on.
e. Errors of Correction : — These are caused either by the author's
not clearly pointing out to the printer alterations in "copy," whether
made on MS. or on a previous edition, or by the printer not under
standing the directions given to him. This kind of error has scarcely
been noticed heretofore.
/. Errors of partial Alteration: — These arise from an author's
writing a second part of a sentence on a plan different from that on
which he originally began it, and forgetting to alter the first part
to correspond. These occur most often through the exigences of
rhyme. They were pointed out by me in the Provincial Magazine,
article "Shelley," 1857.
g. The players often inserted oaths, obscene jests, &c., at their
will : sometimes these got into the text, especially in surreptitious
copies.
h. Errors of Accident /—These cannot be classified. Under this
head I should place accidental destruction of part of MSS. from any
cause ; obliteration of words or lines ; falling out of a type ; and all
the numerous conceivable occasions of error which, occurring only
rarely, are not deserving of special notice.
5. The errors resulting from these causes are—
A. Errors of omission.
B. „ ,, insertion.
C. „ ,, transposition.
-D. „ „ substitution.
E. „ ,, corruption.
&• ,, „ repetition.
It would be inconsistent with our plan to go into this question in
greater detail : but any error not falling under one of the heads in
(5), not traceable to one of the causes in (4), not corrigible in
accordance with (i) (2) (3), ought not to be assumed to exist. The
curse of modem editing is unnecessary emendation.
CHAPTER XIV.
ON THE ACTORS OF THE ELIZABETHAN PLAYS.
IT is not part of our scheme to give details of the lives of these men.
The Variorum Shakspeare and Collier's History of Dramatic
Literature are the great storehouses of facts on that subject, and
they are easily accessible ; but as hitherto tabulated lists of the
several companies arranged in chronological order have never been
published, such lists are here appended. They are of the highest
value for determining dates in many instances, and have been far too
much neglected for that purpose. The tables here given are derived
— the first nine from the old editions of such plays as have lists of
actors prefixed, and from the Varioritm Shakspeare^ vol. ii. ; the
last four from the (old) Shakspearian Society papers vols. i. and iv.
The arrangement of the tables is self-explanatory.
i. Chamberlain's (King's) Company 1594 — 1619
ii. King's „ 1619 — 1642
iii. Prince's „ 1598—1615
iv. Queen's (Revels) „ 1622 — 1639
v. Revels Children „ 1609 — 1613.
The rest are single lists, requiring no parallel columns. Of course
the sign — opposite an actor's name and under the title of a play,
&c., indicates his forming one of the company of that date. The
Roman numerals in the last column indicate that the actor's name
to which they are opposite will be found also in the table indicated
by the numeral. All the actors given in the Folio Shakespeare list
are indicated by their having the date of their death or a (?) in a
special column in Table I.
8
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
§
6
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(Chamberlain's. )
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Belt, T
Goodall, T
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Allen, Edw
_
?
.
XI.
Duke, Jno.
JL
Beeston, Chr. ...
vi. x.
Sinkler
Bryan, Geo
Pope, Thos
Phillips, Aug....
Kempe, Wil
-
v
"
—
—
_
_
1598
1603
1605
1606
Armui, Rob
Sly, Wil
_
__
1612
Cook, Alex
Shakespeare, W.
Cowley, Ric
Burbage, Ric....
_
—
-
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=
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16x4
1616
1619
v.
Hemings, Jno...
Condell, Hen....
—
9
-
-
-
-
-
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1619
1630
Gough, Rob
1 f
Ostler, Wil
^
viii.
Tooley, Nic
Pallant, Ric
[
-
-
-
-
1623
Lowin, Jno
Underwood, Jno
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1658
Eccleston, Wil. .
Rice, Jho
Robinson, Ric...
Pollard, Tho
—
-
—
—
—
1624
1629
1629
'1650
viii.
. v.
Sharp, Ric
Thomson, Jno...
Field, Nat
Holcome, Tho. .
-
-
1641
v., viii.
Benfield, Rob...
Taylor, Jos
Gilburn, Sam....
-
-
—
'1650
1653
v.
v., vi., xii.
Cross, Sam
Shank, Jno
' 1600
1650
iii.
ACTORS OF THE ELIZABETHAN PLAYS. 115
;
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Tooley, Ric —
Lowin, Jno —
_ _
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i.
Eccleston, Wil. . —
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Underwood, Jno —
- _
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i.
Rice, Jno
—
i.
Pollard, Tho
—
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Sharp, Ric —
—
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Thomson, Jno—
Robinson, Ric..
—
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Holcome, Tho... —
Benfield Rob
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-
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i.
Shank, Jno
_
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Birch, Geo
_ —
_
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Home, Jas
—
Rowley, Wil
—
iii., xii.
Penn, Wil
—
_
_
—
—
V.
Swanston.Eliard
_
—
—
—
vi.
H amerton, Step.
—
Trigg.Wil
—
—
Gough, Alex
—
Honeyman, Jno.
—
—
—
Pallant, Ric
Patrick, Wil. ....
_
_
Greville, Curtis..
vii.
Smith, Ant
Vernon, Geo
Hobbes, Tho. ...
_
_
_
Baxter, Ric
? viii.
Horton, Edw ..
Clerk. Hugh.....
iv.
Bird, Theo. (=
—
iv.
T. Bourne....
Allen, Wil
—
£~a
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SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
in 1— PRINCE'S (Admiral's.)
1
1 Tamar Cham.
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Holiday, 1600. ]
1603 ? List.
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Table
Heywood, Tho
Hearne, Tho
Munday, Ant
Spencer, Gab
__
—
Will, (boy)
Rowley, Tho
~~
_
XI.
Brown, Edw
Gill's boy
-
XI.
, _
George
—
.
_
±J -nYS
? viii.
v
Wilson
__
9
Shaw Rob
9
vii.
Singer, John
Allen Ric
—
—
—
v.
Shank Jno
j,
vii.
Stratford Wil
Pryone, Ric. (? = R. Pryce)
Colbrand Edw
—
Parr Wil
Cartwright Wil
j
vii.
, Wil. (Bird)
Rowley, Wil
—
11, Xll.
ACTORS OF THE ELIZABETHAN PLAYS. 117
1
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(Children.)
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Worth, Ellis
ix.
Cook, Alex
Basse, Tho
Cumber, Jno....
Blaney, Jno
Robins[on], Wil
-
—
V.
V.
Cary, Gilb
Atawell, Hugh.
Smith John
Barksted. Wil...
-
-
Perkins, Ric
_^
Penn Wi
••
Sumner, Jno. ...
_
~
Allen, Rich
iii.
Bowyer, Mich..
Reynolds, Wil..
—
—
—
Blaney, Jno
Field, Nat
—
IV.
i.
Allen, Wil
Benfield Rob...
Shakerly, Edw.
Rogers, Edw....
_
Taylor, Jos
Read, Emm
-
—
''•'
Bourne, Theo...
Basse, Tho
iv.
Sherlock, Wil...
•
Turner, Ant
Wilbraham.Wil.
~
~
—
-
-
vi.
Young, Jno
Dobson, Jno
Clerk Hugh....
Pass, Jno
Read, Tim
—
Axel, Rob
Goat
Hatfield, Geo...
Fenn, Ezek
1
T&ckscn •*•••*• ft
~
ii3 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
vi. — PHCENIX COMPANY, 1622.
Lady Elizabeth's.
Beeston, Christopher (Queen's 1624; see i., x.)
More, Joseph
Swanston, Hilliard (see ii.)
Cane, Andrew (see vii., ix.)
Greville, Curtis (see vii.)
Sherlock, William (see iv.)
Turner, Anthony (see iv.)
Taylor, Joseph (see ii.)
Blagrave (King's, 1629).
The two last names are not in the list of 1622 ; I take them from
M alone.
vii. — FORTUNE COMPANY, 1622,
Palsgrave's.
Grace, Francis (see iii.)
Massey, Charles (see iii. )
Price, Richard (see iii.)
Fowler, Richard (see ix. )
Cane, Andrew (see vi., ix.)
Greville, Curtis (see ii., vi. )
VIIL— CYNTHIA'S REVELS, 1600 ; AND POETASTER, 1601.
Chapel Children.
Field, Nathaniel (see i.)
Pavy, Salathiel (died young)
Day, Thomas
Underwood, John (see ii.)
Baxter, Robert (1600 only ; see ii.)
Frost, John (1600 only)
Ostler, William (see i. )
Martin, John (?see iii.)
ACTORS OF THE ELIZABETHAN PLA VS. ' 119
ix. — HOLLAND'S LEAGUER, 1633.
Prince Charles' (II.) Company.
Brown, William
Worth, Ellis (see iv.)
Keyne, Andrew (see vi. , vii. )
Smith, Matthew
Sneller, James
Gradwell, Henry
Bond, Thomas
Fowler, Richard (see vii.)
May, Edward
Huyt, Robert
Stafford, Robert
Godwin, Richard
Wright, John
Touch, Richard
Saville, Arthur
Mannery, Samuel
x. — QUEEN'S COMPANY, 609.'
Greene, Thomas
Beeston, Christopher (see i., vi.)
Heywood, Thomas
Pallant, Richard (see i.)
Swinnerton, Thomas
Duke, John
Hault, James
Beeston, Robert
xi. — WORCESTER'S COMPANY, 1586.
Browne, Robert (see iii. }
Tunstall, James
Allen, Edward (see i.)
120 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Harrison William
Cooke, Thomas
Johns, Richard
Browne, Edward (see iii.)
Andrews, Richard.
xii.— SERVANTS OF THE DUKE OF YORK AND ROTHSAY.
(Afterwards Charles I.) 1610.
Garland, John
Rowley, William (see ii., iii.)
Hobbes, Thomas
Dawes, Robert
Taylor, Joseph (see i., vi.)
Newton, John
Reason, Gilbert.
XIIL — CURTAIN COMPANY, 1582.
Wilkinson, Thomas
Wilkins, Thomas
Medley, Robert
Hicks, Richard
Lanman, Henry
Manne, Robert
Dowle, Isaac, 1580
Stoddard, Thomas, 1582
Ainsworth, John (died) 1582
Bent, Richard, 1583
Tarleton, Richard (died) 1588
] Humphrey (died) 1592
Burbage, Cuthbert, 1597
Cowley, Richard, 1597
Burbage, Richard (died) 1619
Wilkins, George, (died) 1613.
PART II.
CHAPTER I.
ON METRICAL TESTS AS APPLIED TO DRAMATIC
POETRY.
PART I. — SHAKESPEARE.
(Read before the New Shakspere Society, March 13, 1874.)
THIS subject has scarcely at all, and never sytematically, been hither
to worked out. The portion of the dramatic literature of England
to which I have directed my attention in this respect has been that
which is usually called the Elizabethan period, and comprises the
following authors : Greene, Peele, Marlowe, Ben Jonson, Beaumont
and Fletcher, Webster, Chapman, Massinger, Ford, Marston, and
Shakespeare, in their entire works ; and portions of Dekker, Middle-
ton, Rowley, Heywood, and others. My first two papers are de
signed to gather together the results I have arrived at with regard
to some of the greatest of these, viz. Massinger, Beaumont, Fletcher,
and especially Shakespeare. But before entering into details it may
be advisable, as . the subject is new to so many, to endeavour to
clearly point out the nature of these tests and their object. First,
then, as to their nature. Malone and others had long ago been
struck by the difference of style in Shakespeare's plays produced at
different periods, and had in a vague sort of way used one of
these tests at any rate as an indication of chronological arrange
ment. I allude to the frequency of rhyming lines. Bathurst has
122 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
since also indicated a metrical test for the same purpose, viz. the
unstopped line. But the vague manner in which the rhyme test
has been used may be shown by one example : Hallam in his
Literature of Europe says, " Were I to judge by interns 1
evidence, I should be inclined to place this play" (i.e., Romeo
and Juliet} "before the Midsummer Night's Dream:" and then
alleges, among other reasons as a justification of this inference,
"the great frequency of rhymes" in Romeo and Juliet. Now, in
fact, there are, as will be seen on reference to the table, p. 16,
nearly twice as many rhymes in Midsummer Nights Dream : so
that the argument actually tells the other way. I cannot speak
definitely as to the stopped-line test, not having worked it out ; but
Bathurst's arrangement is evidently based only on the general
impression derived from reading the plays, — which in the case of
plays that were not written all at one time, or in one style, is sure
to be deceptive, — and to be founded chiefly on the last acts.
Beyond this I know of nothing that has been done of a similar
kind, except that in his examination of Henry VIII. Mr. Spedding
tabulated the number of double endings in that play.1 This, how
ever, is the great step we have to take ; our analysis, which has
hitherto been qualitative, must become quantitative ; we must cease
to be empirical, and become scientific : in criticism as in other
matters, the test that decides between science and empiricism is
this : ' ' Can you say, not only of what kind, but how much ? If
you cannot weLjh, measure, number your results, however you may
be convinced yourself, you must not hope to convince others, or
claim the position of an investigator ; you are merely a guesser, a
propounder of hypotheses."
But is not metre too delicate a thing to be put in the balance
or crucible in this way? Is it possible so to examine the outer
form in which genius has clothed itself, as to obtain any definite
results? Do not the great men of any particular time resemble
each other? Do not the lesser men imitate them? Can we
always distinguish a poet from his imitators ? and is not any trick
of melody easily acquired and reproduced ? There is something
in these objections, but not much. We can always distinguish the
1 Professor Ingram has since done an admirable paper on Shakespeare's weak
endings (September 1875).
METRICAL TESTS. 123
great men from each other by sufficient care ; and imitators, who
have no style of their own, seldom survive their own time to trouble
us. If they do, their intrinsic worthlessness shows up in some way
or other, as we shall see in the course of these inquiries.
In order to show, however, the kind of work before us more
distinctly, I have taken a piece of Dryden's " All for Love" (10
lines), and rewritten it, as far as metre (and metre only) is con
cerned, in the styles of Fletcher, Beaumont, Massinger, Greene, and
Rowley. The original runs thus : —
" I know thy meaning.
But I have lost my reason, have disgraced
The name of soldier with inglorious ease :
In the full vintage of my flowing honors
Sat still and saw it prest by other hands :
Fortune came smiling to my youth and wooed it,
And purple greatness met my ripen'd years.
When first I came to empire, I was borne
On tides of people crowding to my triumphs ;
The wish of nations and the willing world
Received me as its pledge of future peace."
Fletchers Metre.
' ' I know thy meaning :
But I have lost my reason, and have disgraced me :
Inglorious ease has shamed my name of soldier.
In the full vintage of my flowing honors
I saw it prest by others hands and sat still :
Fortune came smiling to my youth and wooed it,
My ripend years were clothed in purple greatness :
When I first came to empire I was borne forth
On tides of people crowding to my triumphs,
The wish of nations and the willing world
As a dear pledge of its future peace received me. " r
1 "What should I do there then? You are brave captains,
Most valiant men : go up yourselves : use virtue :
See what will come on't : pray the gentleman
To come down and be taken ? Ye all know him :
I think ye've felt him too : there ye shall find him.
I24 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Beaumonfs.
" I understand ; but now my reason 's lost :
My soldier's name by ease of little boast
I have disgraced ; yea, while my honor flowed
In vintage of the fullest, sat and saw
It prest by other hands : then to my youth
Came Fortune, wooing smilingly, and with
Th' imperial purple met my ripened years :
When first I came to empire, on full tide
Of populous crowds to triumph I did ride,
The wish of nations : all men willingly
Received me as a pledge of peace to be. " '
But Beaumont's style is often more like Mas?inger's.
Massinger's.
" I know thy meaning, but have lost my sense,
And have disgraced the name of soldier with
Inglorious ease ; in the full vintage of
My flowing honors I sat still, and saw
It prest by other hands : and smiling Fortune
Came to my youth and wooed it. Purple greatness
Met my ripe years. When first I came to empire,
On tides of crowding people I was borne
To triumph. Yet the wish of nations and
His sword by his side: plumes of a pound weight by him,
Will make your chops ake : you'll find it a more labour
To win him living than climbing of a crdw's nest. "
FLETCHER, Bonduca. v. 2.
1 " Insatiate Julius, when his victories
Had run o'er half the world, had he met her,
There he had stopt the legend of his deeds,
Laid by his arms, been overcome himself,
And let her vanquish th' other half : and fame
Made beauteous Dorigen the greater name.
Shall I thus fall? I will not : no, my tears
Cast in my heart shall quench these lawless fires ;
He conquers best, conquers his lewd desires."
BUAUMONT, Triumph of Honor, Sc. 2.
METRICAL TESTS. 125
The willing world received me as its pledge
Of future peace." *
Greene's.
" I know thy sense : but with inglorious ease
I've shamed my soldier 's name ; my reason's fled.
Erewhile my honor flow'd in vintage full :
I sat and saw it prest by other hands :
Then Fortune came, and smiling wooed my youth :
And purple greatness met my ripen'd years.
And I was borne, when first I came to reign, ;
Triumphant on the tides of peopled crowds ;
The wish of many a race ; and the glad world
Received me as its pledge of future peace." *
Rowley's (at his worst, doing job-work).
" I know thy meaning, but have lost reason :
I have disgraced the name of soldier
With inglorious ease : in the full vintage
Of flowing honors, I sat still and saw
It prest by other hands. Smiling Fortune
1 " To all posterity may that act be crowned
With a deserved applause, or branded with
The mark of infamy! stay yet— ere I take
This seat of justice or engage myself
To fight for you abroad or to reform
Your state at home, swear all upon my sword,
And call the gods of Sicily to witness
The oath you take, that whatsoe'er I shall
Propound for safety of your commonwealth,
Not circumscribed or bound in, shall by you
Be willing!,, obeyed."
MASSINGER, Bondtnan, i. 3.
2 " Fair queen of love, thou mistress of delight,
Thou gladsome lamp, that wait'st on Phrebe's train,
Spreading thy kindness through the jarring orbs,
That in their union praise thy lasting powers :
Thou that hast stayed the fiery Phlegon's course,
And made the coachman of the glorious wain
To droop in view of Daphne's excellence,
Fair pride of morn, sweet beauty of the even,
Witness Orlando's faith unto his love ! "
GRKENE, 0;-/<j ;.-,/,>.
126 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Came to my youth and wooed it, and purple
Greatness met my ripen'd years. When at first
I came to empire, I was borne on tides
Of people crowding unto my triumphs ;
The wish of nations and the willing world
Received me as its pledge of future peace. " *
This hardly seems metre at all : but it has its own law ; and passages
like the above have passed with some editors as Fletcher's.
These examples are sufficient to show what variety of styles may
exist in blank verse, and what I shall prove do exist in the authors
named. Moreover, these differences can be tabulated ; the number
of lines with double endings ; the number of rhyming lines ; the
number of lines with more or less than five measures can be stated.
But to what purpose ? If we learn nothing further from these
tables, they are useless. There are two ends to be served by such
lists. If an author has distinctly progressed in the manipulation of
his art, if he has different manners of work in different periods of
his life, such tables are very valuable for determining the chrono
logical order of his productions. This is the main use which the
Director of our New Shakspere Society anticipated from the
application of metrical tests, and the table I have formed for
Shakespeare's plays will, I have no doubt, be useful for this purpose.
But the far more important end from my point of view will be the
determination of the genuineness of the works traditionally assigned
to a writer. These metrical tests made me suspect the genuineness
of the Taming of the Shrew, parts of Timon, Pericles, and Henry
VIII., when I was not aware that they had ever been suspected ; I
hope the evidence I have gathered on these, and on Henry VI. ,
will be some furtherance to the objects of our Society. These,
however, must be treated in separate papers ; — this one will, I fear,
be too long as it is j — and so must the examination of Fletcher and
« "Ant. But is it possible that two faces
Should be so twinn'd in form, complexion,
Figure, aspect, that neither wen nor mole,
The table of the brow, the eyes lustre,
The lips cherry, neither the blush nor smile
Should give the one distinction from the other?
Does Nature work in moulds?
Mart. Altogether!
ROWLEY, Maid a' Mill, ii. 2.
METRICAL TESTS. 127
Massinger, which I regard as far the most valuable result of my
work. I will only say here that I have discoverd distinctive tests
of their manners; that some of the plays have been quite wrongly
assigned by every editor ; that Massinger's hand is distinct in about
nine of Fletcher's plays ; and that if the results of the examination of
Shakespeare's text be unsatisfatory to any one (as I doubt not they
will be to some, the problem is so very complicated), at any rate
let them suspend their judgment as to the value of metrical tests
generally, till they see how simply that easier problem of Fletcher's
authorship is disposed of by them. I was of opinion myself that
this question should have been discussed first ; but our Director over
ruled me, partly, no doubt, to get the Shakespeare table in print as
a guide for future workers in the same track.
I must now ask you to refer to the table constantly, so as to
verify the following conclusions. I suppose that no one will doubt
on other than metrical grounds, that Love's Labour 's Lost is one of
the earliest, and Winter's Tale one of the .latest, of Shakespeare's
comedies. Let us, then, for simplicity begin by comparing these
two. In Love's Labour 's Lost we find more than 1,000 rhyming
lines in the dialogue ; in Winter's Tale none. In Love's Labour's
Lost only seven lines with double endings ; in Winter's Tale 639.
I \\ Love's Labour's Lost few incomplete lines; in Winter's Tale many.
In Love's Labour 's Lost one Alexandrine ; in Winter s Tale 16. In
general terms, then, we may expect to find, that in Shakespeare's
development he gradually dropped the rhymed dialogue, adopted
double endings, Alexandrines, and broken lines ; and this is undoubt
edly true. On reference to the table, however, you will see that a
chronology founded on any of the last three tests would lead to the
strangest results, e.g. the double endings would place Richard III.
very late indeed, and John very early ; the two parts of Henry IV.
would be widely separated. The Alexandrine test would make
Measure for Measure the latest of the comedies ; the test by broken
lines would make Lear far the latest of all the plays ; the rhyme
test — and the rhyme test only of all that I have as yet applied
— is of use per se for determining the chronological arrangement
of Shakespeare's works. It is, however, worth while to print
the table in extenso, as it will be valuable for reference for many
other purposes, as we shall see in the questions of the genuineness
128 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
of disputed plays. In using it, however, we have another important
consideration to allow for. We know from the title-pages to the
Quartos that Shakespeare was in the habit of making additions to his
works, and we have strong reason to believe that in some instances,
viz. in the Merry Wives of Windsor, Romeo and Juliet, and Hamlet,
we are in possession of early sketches of these plays, or at any rate
of the acting versions of these early sketches. We also find that in
Lear, Hamlet, and Richard III., we have two versions, one of
which differs much from the other in quantity ; and in these as well
as in Othello, 2 Henry IV., and Troylus and Cressida, there are many
various readings that affect such a table. Now my table is made
from the Globe edition, as being the most convenient portable one
with numbered lines ; but any conclusions drawn from it will be
subject to some discount on account of these variations. The chro
nological scheme, then, that I shall propose, is only provisional,
and to serve as a basis for more accurate investigation of each play,
based on all its editions. Such an investigation I am making as to
Romeo and Juliet, and the results will, I hope, be given in the edition
to be edited for our Society by Mr. P. A. Daniel. We must also
consider, when we have Quartos, the relative accuracy of the printers,
and I may refer you to my table of these editions as useful on this
point. The following, then, are the results, as I interpret them, to
be drawn from my metrical table as to the succession of Shakespeare's
plays :—
1. Henry VI. and Titus Andronicus are not Shakespeare's in the
main bulk ; they are productions of what I may call the Lodge, Peele,
and Marlowe School. I shall not go into the evidence here, as I
shall give it in full in separate papers.
2. Henry VIII. and The Two Noble Kinsmen are partly
Fletcher's, as has been shown by others.
3. The Taming of the Shrew, Pericles, and Timon of Athens are
also only partly Shakespeare's : these plays I shall also discuss
separately.1 The plays fall distinctly into four periods : —
i Since writing this I have investigated Romeo and Juliet, and Richard I II.,
and found reason to believe that they are founded on earlier plays by George
Peele.
METRICAL TESTS. 129
I. The Rhyming period, including Love's Labour 's Lost, Mid
summer Night's Dream, Comedy of Errors, Romeo and Juliet, and
Richard II.
II. The History period, including Two Gentlemen of Verona,
Merchant of Venice, Twelfth. Night, As You like It, Taming of
the Shrew, Merry Wives of Windsor, Much Ado about Nothing,
Richard III , John, Henry IV., Henry V., and Julius Ccssar.
III. The Tragedy period, including Macbeth, Hamlet, Othello,
Lear, Timon, Troylus and Cressida (which was partly written much
earlier), Measure for Measure, and probably AWs Well that Ends
Well, which is certainly a revision of an earlier play, probably
Love's Labour 's Won.
IV. The Fual period, including Pericles, Cymbeline, Coriolanus,
Anthony and Cleopatra, Henry VIII. , Two Noble Kinsmen, The
Tempest, and Winters Tale.
I3o SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
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METRICAL TESTS. 131
I give above, in parallel columns, the scheme proposed, and those
of Delius, Malone, Drake, and Chalmers. I quote these three
latter from Allibone. Before remarking on the scheme, I desire to
add that it is by no means final : I have myself several other tests
in course of application, and I have no doubt other workers in the
same field will find additional ones, now that the subject is venti
lated. As a provisional scheme, however, 1 place some confidence
in it, for this reason : that, although it is based solely on the metrical
table, it in no instance contradicts any external evidence. It also
distributes the work much more equally than the other schemes ;
never requiring more than two plays to be written in one year.
Remarks on the Position of certain Plays in this List : —
First Period. — These five plays are distinctly marked off as a
separate class by the vast preponderance of rhyming lines. Love's
Labour 's Lost has more than 1000, Midsummer Nighfs Dream 850,
Romeo and Juliet 650, Richard II. 530, and Comedy of Errors
(though a very short play) 380, which is equivalent to 6co in a play of
ordinary length. Now, no other of Shakespeare's plays reaches to
the number of 200 rhyming lines ; and as the battle between rhymed
and unrhymed compositions was fierce at this time, I feel that there
is no dcubt that Shakespeare joined the advocates of rhyme at first,
and gradually learned to feel the superi >rity of blank verse ; at any
rate, the difference between these Five Plays of the first period, as
to amount of rhyme, is too great, in my opinion, to admit any
other play, however inferior, to be ranked with them. I know how
strongly some think that the Two Gentlemen of Verona must have
preceded Midsummer Nighfs Drram, because this latter is so
beautiful a "work." I do not say a "play ;" for I agree with N.
Drake and others in the view that the Tiuo Gentlemen is superior as
an acting piece, however inferior as a poem. I must, for want of
space, refer to Drake's Treatise for a full statement of his arguments.
J''or myself, I find it impossible to believe that the Two Gentlemen
was not written some two years before as the Merchant of Venice >
which is so like it in metrical handling ; and equally impossible to
regard the Midsummer Nighfs Dream as a production of any but
the earliest period, when fancy was strong, and the sense of the
prose realities of life comparatively weak. Note also that the three
9-2
I32 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
comedies in this first period all observe the unity of time, no action
extending to the second day, and that they are all similar in their
nature, turning on the solution, as it were, of an embroilment pro
duced under circumstances barely or only hypothetically possible.
The almost total absence of Alexandrines in Romeo and Juliet, and
their absolute absence in the three comedies (the one instance in
Lome's Labour 's Lost I think is corrupt), is another very striking
difference from all the other plays. In Richard 11,, however, these
Alexandrines are admitted, and this is therefore the play in which
this, the frst sign of the Second Period, begins to show itself. In
other respects this play is, to my thinking, far removed from John
or Henry IV, It bears something of the same relation to Mar
lowe's Edward II. that the Two Gentlemen of Verona does to the
Taming of a Shrew, or Richard III. to Henry VI. Shakespeare in
it seems not to move with the same freedom that he does in his later
plavs, and the whole work has an artificial air. Another point that
distinctly separates the earlier from the later historic plays is. the
absence of prose : Richard II. and John have none, Richard III.
only one bit, but that reads like, and I believe is, a portion of
Peek's work ; and of these earlier plays Richard III, is the only
one that is absolutely devoid of Comedy. This also marks its
position.
Second Period. — The positions I have given to the plays in this
period so nearly coincide with those generally assigned (except as to
the Two Gentleman of Verona, which has already been noticed) that
no special remarks seem needed. One general characteristic of
the period is the diminution of the number of rhyming lines, which -
number about 100 to 200 in this period for a full play. Much Ado
and Merry Wives have a smaller number, but are almost entirely in
prose, being quite exceptional in this respect. Also the number of
short lines is considerably increased, though not nearly so much as
in the next period. Alexandrines are admitted from 5 to 20 in a
play (but in Richard II. there are 33?) ; the number of feminine
endings increases, but not in any regular progression , and doggerel
lines, stanzas, sonnets, and alternate rhymes (which abound in the
earliest plays) gradually die out : there are not many in any plays
of this period.
METRICAL TESTS. 133
Third Period. — In this a few words may be needed on the
position I have assigned to Macbeth. I agree with Clark and
Wright that this play has been much altered since its first composi
tion, and has now many interpolations in it; in Act iv. Scene
3 — the passage on the touching for the evil — the marks of
interpolation are palpable ; 1. 159 follows metrically on 1. 139,
" 'Tis hard to reconcile — See who comes here"
making a perfect line : the Doctor (unknown elsewhere in the play)
is dragged in for the express purpose of introducing the subject ; and
"Comes the king forth, I pray you," 1. 140, is inconsistent with
"Come, go we to the king," 1. 236.
In this Third Period the metre is much freer ; prose and verse are
intermingled in the same scene ; tri-syllabic feet abound ; short lines
are very abundant ; double endings very greatly multiplied ; Alex
andrines not composed of two lines of six syllables are introduced ;
ihe Alexandrines with regular caesura increase greatly ; the number
of rhyming lines gradually falls off. The plays are difficult to test,
as to metre, in this period ; partly from the similarity of style in the
great plays, partly from the great variations in the Quarto and Folio
texts. I am, however, applying further tests, which I hope will be
decisive.
Fourth Period. — In this the rhymes fall off rapidly, and in the
Comedies actually disappear ; the metre becomes more regular and
less impassioned,1 and the general impression left by these later
works is, that they were produced at greater leisure, and more care
fully polished. The dates given by metrical considerations agree
too nearly with those assigned on external evidence to need com
ment.
And here I think I may fairly point out how singular the coinci
dence of the order here given is with that assigned by the best
English critics on external evidence. This order was first made
out from the rhyme-test only ; and, except in the instances of plays
which are not undoubtedly authentic or written at two different
periods, I have not changed the relative position of one since I first
1 Professor Ingram has since shown that " weak endings" are the characteristic
rest of the Fourth Period.
i;>4 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
sent this list to Messrs. Claik and Wright in 1870. At that time I
had not read any treatise on the external evidences, and was not
even aware that any attempt had been made to classify the plays
into periods. I own this with some shame ; but claim, at the same
time, some additional confidence in the results of the rhythmical
tests. It may seem to some ludicrous to speak even of the
application of mathematics to such a subject ; but it will be seen
from the table that the plays assigned to the period ending in 1598
by the rhyme test, exactly agree with those in Meres 's list (setting
aside questions of genuineness). Now, the doctrine of chances
gives us as the odds against these 10 plays being selected out of
the 30 which are undoubtedly more or less Shakespeare's, more than
20 m llions to one : in exact numbers, one chance only out of
20,030,010 would hit on this exact selection of plays. To a mind
accustomed to the exact sciences, this fact alone is conclusive as
to the immense value of the rhyme test.
I might go into detail concerning the reasons for the position of
each particular play ; but I think it better to consider all special
matter separately. The table itself is subjoined. It is only
necessary here to add a caution as to the amount of subjectivity
to be expected in such a table as this ; there must be some until
the laws of metre are more definitely laid down than they are at
present. (I.) As to the rhymes, it is sometimes doubtful if a rhyme
is intentional or accidental. In such cases the rhyme is counted in
this table. (II.) It is sometimes doubtful if one line of six feet, or
two lines, one of five feet, and one of one, be intended. In the
following table the line is, if possible, reckoned as divided. (III.)
In some instances, lines of four feet in the Globe Edition can be
avoided by re-arranging the line* without altering the reading ; this
has been sparingly done in Pericles, and in cases where the arrange,
ment of the lines is made by modern editors without authority in
the original texts. (IV.) All Alexandrines proper with caesura at the
end of the third foot are counted in the six-measure lines, and not
as two lines of three measures, except where, as in The Two
Gentlemen of Verona and Kichard III., lines of six syllables are
repeated many times together. In the larger tables from which
this one is abridged, all peculiarities are noted for each scene ;
perhaps when our text is settled, it may be worth while to print such
METRICAL TESTS.
135
tables in full for each play. The four last lines in the table are
from the imperfect editons in the first Quartos.
With regard to the position of the Taming of the Shrew as
assigned by me, as also indeed for Timon, Pericles, and Heriry VI.,
I must ask for absolute forbearance, until my special papers on these
plays are read. I hope the first-mentioned of these plays especially
will not appear so misplaced as it must do now after the paper
devoted to it has been studied.
N.B. The columns headed Alternates, Sonnets, and Doggerel are
included in the totals summed in the column headed Rhymes, 5
measures, which gives the number of all rhyming lines not shorter
than the ordinary blank-verse line.
METRICAL TABLE OF SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS.
Play.
k
r
1
c
rt
3
Rhymes, 1
5 Measures.
li
in
bt
j
If
Alternates.
Sonnets.
Doggerel.
u
i
2 Measures |
3 Measures. |
| 4 Measures. |
6 Measures.
I—PLAYS OF FIRST (RHYMING) PERIOD.
Love's L. Lost...
2789)1086
579
1028! 54
32
9|236
71 194
4(12
13
-1 i
Midsum. N. D...
2251
441
878
73i 138
63
29158
—
— 5
3
Com. of Errors-
1770
240
1150
137 64
—
109
3 8
9
_ _
Rom, and Juliet..
Richard II
3002
2644
405
2III
2TO7
5371 —
-
»8 62
148! 12
28
10 20
n|i7
16
26
?2> 6
II. -HISTORIES OF SECOND PERIOD.
Richard III (3599
King John 12553
i Henry IV 13170
2 Henry IV 3437
?55
1464
1860
3374
2403
1622
1417
170
ISO
84
74
7
— 1 570
— 54
- 60
15 203
12
4
[Pi
t«!6
41.]
20
T
16
3
39
9
17
13
4
16
7
23
4
16
16
2.
Henry V
,,20
tf
16*78
g
Julius Caesar
jJ-tV *-jj*-
2440 165
2241
34 -
369 -1 1-
-
14
X3
3i
55
4
6
Z3
16
III.-COMEDIES OF SECOND PERIOD.
Two Gent. ofV..
Merchant of Ven.
Twelfth Night...
2705
2684
409
673
1741
1510
1896
763
116
93
I2O
— 15 203
34 ! 9 297
— 6o| 152
16
4
-
18 8|is
4 ! 8:16
— 8 21
32
22
23
8 5
2 I4
5, 10
As you Like it...
Merry Wives
Much Ado, &c...
2904 1 68 1
3018 2703
2823 2106
925
227
643
40
130
18
97 211
19 32
16 129
10
[Pi?
22
tol 3
2
1033
M
I
4
5
3
4
136
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Play.
I"i
3w
IV.— COMEDIES OF THIRD PERIOD.
All's Well |298i|i4S3l"34| 280! 2 ',12 223] 8 I 14 I — I 7'sij 31)
Measure for M... 128091113411574! 73' 22 I 6 338: — I — | — 11029; 66)
V.— TRAGEDIES OF THIRD PERIOD.
Troylus & Cres...
Macbeth
Hamlet
Othello
King Lear
3423 11862025! 196! — 16, 441! — | — | —
1993 15811588
3924 1208 2490
3324! 54i|2672
3298. 903:2238;
6211-
43
x8x29 — | 399; — I — I — 8;28 43 8 18
8x — 6o| 508 [86 I. in play] 20 53 5511147
86| — ;zs! 6461 — I — I — xo,66| 71113:73
74! — '83' 567! — I — I — |i8 341116:22150
VI.— PLAYS OF FOURTH PERIOD.
Cymbeline
Ccriolanus
Anthony and C..
Tempest
Winter's Tale....
5448! 638:2585! 107] —
3392 8292521) 49 —
3964 25527611 42
2068 458 1458' -
2750! 844,1825
726 [84 Lin vision]
708
013
[54!. masq.]
[32 1. chor.]
8'is] 3ili8]42
333 ?6|t942
14 38 84 31 16
2 16 47 5 ii
8,141 I9;I3 ID
VII.— PLAYS IN WHICH SHAKESPEARE WAS NOT SOLE
AUTHOR.
Taming of hhrew 12671! 5i6'i97i
Henry VIII '9754 ? 67:2613
Two Noble Kins. 2734 1792468
169 15
x6 —
54 —
-I 26o!.-.l.-| 49
. in Prol.
121195
331079
Epilogue].
Pericles 2386 4181436; 225 89 > — 120 [2?2.1.Gower]
TimonofA ^2358, 5961560, 184 18 ; — 257, — | — | —
4(18
2 1C,
9I£
1741.
15,26
22 23i 5
18 332
46:17 5
592618
543037
VIII.-FIRST SKETCHES IN EARLY QUARTOS.
Rom. and Juliet. 2066! 26111451
Hamlet |2o68| 5091462
Merry Wives '[13951207 ~ °
Henry V
Titus Andron. .
1 Henry VI
2 Henry VI
3 Henry VI
Contention
True Tragedy ...
— I— I 92 j 28 ] — | — 7I26| 30 2 1 !92
43 I— I 209 [36 1. in play] i^5\ 763730
METRICAL TESTS.
137
POSTSCRIPT TO PAPER I.
Table of Ratios of rhyme-lines in rhyme-scenes to blank-verse lines
in each play : — (First approximation.)
COMEDIES.
Love's Labour 's Lost
Mid. Night's Dream
Comedy of Errors
j 1st Plot of 1 2th Night
\ 2 Gent, of Ver.
Merchant of Venice
( Much Ado, &c.
( Merry Wives (Quarto)
/As You Like It
Compln. of 1 2th Night. Prose.
Com. of Tarn, of the Shrew 20
HISTORIES AND TRAGEDIES.
First Period.
•6
I
Richard II.
4
3
Romeo and Juliet
4'3
Second
Period.
7'5
1st Plot of Troy 1. & Cres.
3-4
II
2nd do. do.
13-6
Richard III,
*
16
John
16
21
ii Henry IV.
19
2 Henry IV.
19
19
Henry V.
19
Julius Caesar
*
Third Period.
Measure for Measure 22
All's Well, &c. (rewrit. ) 22
Merry Wives (Folio) 22
Hamlet
Othello
Lear
Macbeth ?
Part of Timon
about 30
30
30
*
t>
33
Compln. of Troyl. & Cres. 54^5
Fourth Period.
Cymbeline about 30 I Coriolanus 60
Part of Pericles 32 j Anthony and Cleopatra 66
138 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
COMEDIES. HISTORIES AND TRAGEDIES.
Fifth Period.
( Tempest 729 j Part of Two 1^. Kinsmen 281
| Winter's Tale infinity { Part of Henry VIII. infinity.
The above table is corrected up to the date of my present in
vestigations (Sept. 1875) from one published in The Academy by me
(March 28, 1874).
My reasons for all alterations will be given in my special paper on
each play. They are based chiefly on a more scientific application of
the rhyme-test, aided by the "weak-ending test, the middle syllable test,
and above all by the ccesura test, which is next in importance to the
rhyme-test ; and has helped me much in making a different division of
the plays in some instances. Cymbeline, however, was misplaced
through another cause, a numerical blunder; which I have now cor
rected. As these investigations extend, this table will require further
correction.
CHAPTER II.
ON THE QUARTO EDITIONS OF SHAKESPEARE'S
WORKS.
A LIST of these has long been wanted, drawn up in such a way as
to afford ready reference to students in search of such information as
can be obtained from the title-pages of the various volumes. These
have often been reprinted ; but such a table as is annexed will give
readier access to the inquirer, and also, from the manner of its
arrangement, supply information that would otherwise require many
separate documents.
F,xplanalio)i of the Table. — In the extreme left-hand and right-
hand columns are placed the dates of publication, and in the hori
zontal lines between these the names of the works published in those
years, as well as the names of the printers and publishers ; and the
symbols (Q I, Q2, &c. ) by which the Cambridge editors refer to
each edition. The works are divided into four groups, partly with
a view to avoid the straggling arrangement which would be neces
sary \\ere no such division adopted ; partly with regard to certain
peculiarities in each group, which will presently be pointed out in
the Notes. The first of these groups contains poems only, viz. Venus
and Adonh, Lucrcece., and the Passionate Pilgrim, The second group
contains the Sonnets, Richard 77, Richard III., 1st and 2nd Henry
1 V. , and Much Ado about Nothing. The third group contains three
plays originally published in imperfect editions, Romeo and Juliet,
Hamlet, and The Merry Wives of Windsor ; three plays that differ
much from the Folios, viz. Troylus and Cressida, Lear, and Othtilo ;
two plays, of which two editions each were published originally in
I4o SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
the same year, viz. Midsummer Nights Dream and the Merchant of
Venice ; and Shakespeare's probably earliest play, Love's Labour's
Lost. In the fourth group are placed plays more or less spurious,
viz., the Quarto Romeo and Juliet, The Contention of the Houses of
York and Lancaster, The True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York,
Henry V. (as first issued), Pericles, and Titus Andronicus. The
abbreviations used for the titles of these plays, &c., are given on
p. 144, and it is hoped will require no further explanation. One or
two other signs may however require it, e.g. "Q_4f. Q3," in the
second column for each group, means " the fourth edition published
in quarto, which edition is considered by the Cambridge editors to
have been printed from the third ; x " *Q, means "an edition without
Shakespeare's name on the title page ;" +Q, means "the edition from
which, in the opinion of the Cambridge editors, the Folio was
printed ; " J. R[oberts] means that J. R. is printed on the title-page,
and that J. R. is ascertained from the entries in the Stationers'
books or other reliable evidence to mean J. Roberts. There is no
thing else in the table that requires explanation. Nor is it necessary
to point out in detail its use for showing at a glance the successive
editions of each work, the dates at which the copyright of each
changed hands, the number of works published in each year, the
date of the maximum number of publications (1598 — 1600), the
sudden appearance of Shakespeare's name on all his authentic works
in 1598 (except the edition of Romeo and Juliet in 1609), &c. But
in the Notes will be found some additional particulars which are of
interest.
* The Ven. & Ad. *Q 4 is the Isham copy found at Lamport by Mr. Charles
Edmonds, and edited by him. It was not discovered till after the Cambridge
Shakespeare was published, and consequently all our notation will have to be
altered in a future edition. The 1630 Ven. and Ad. (now in the Bodleian) with
title-page, was formerly in the Ashmole Museum, but I have not seen it.
According to Edmonds it was "printed by J. H., and are to be sold by Francis
Coules. He adds that it is different from our Q 10, which is in the Bodleian
without title, but catalogued with date 1630.— W. ALDIS WRIGHT.
Mr. Wright has consequently altered the notation in the table to that to be
auopted in the next edition of the Cambridge Shakespeare.— F. G. F.
QUARTO EDITIONS OF SHAKESPEARE.
141
TABULAR VIEW OF THE QUARTO EDITIONS OF
SHAKESPEARE'S WORKS,
FROM 1593 TO 1630 A.D.
Supplementary List of Quartos from 1630 to 1652, which
not conveniently be put in the Table, pp. 142-3.
•iROUP. NAME OF PLAY.
EDITION.
PRINTER.
PUBLISHER.
f 1631 Love'sLabour'sLost
IllJ ? Hamlet
V 1631 Taming of Shrew
Q2 from Fi
Q5 from Q4
Qi from Fi
w. s.
do.
do.
J. Smethwicke
do.
do.
f 1632 i Henry TV.
IlJ 1634 Richard II.
I „ Richard III.
Q7 fromQ6
Q5 from F2
Q8 from Q;
J. Norton
do.
do.
W. Sheares .
IV. 1635 Pericles
tQ6
T. Cotes
I. 1636 Venus and Adonis
*Qi3
J. H.
F. Coules.
j 1637 Hamlet
III. C „ Romeo and Juliet
Q6 from Qs
Qs from Q4
R. Young
do.
J. Smethwicke
do.
I ,, MerchantofVenice
Q3 from Q2
M. P.
L. Heyes
II. 1639 i Henry IV.
Q8 from Q/
J. Norton
H. Perry
III. 1652 MerchantofVenice
Q4 from Q3
W. Leake
142
SHAKESPEARE MA.VCAL.
GROUP I.— POEMS.
GROUP II.
v! Name
Name
S S Of EDITION'
PRINTER.
PUBLISHER.
of
EDITION
PRINTER.
PUBLISHER.
£| Aork.
Play-
— i
1593 V A.
*Qto. i
R. Field
see Note
1594
do
Luc
*Q2f.Qi
*Qi
do.
do.
do.
J. Harrison
1595
1596
V. A.
*Q3f.Q2
do.
da
1597
R.IT.
*QtO. I
V. Simmes
A. Wise
H. Ill
*Qi
do.
do.
1598
Luc-
*Q2f.Qi
P. S[hort]
do.
1H-IV
R. II-
*Qi
Q2 f. Qi
P. S[hort]
V. Simmes
do.
do.
1599
P.P.
V- A.
* Qf
forW. Jaggard
W. Leake
do.
R. III.
1H.1V.
Q2 f. Qi
Q2 f. Qi
T. Creede
S. Stafford]
do.
do.
1600
V A-
*Qsf Q4
J. Hfarrison]
J. Harrison
2H.IV
Qi
V. Simmes
A. Wise and 1
W. Aspley 1
,,
Luc-
*Q3^-Q2
do.
do.
••
M.A.
tQi
do.
do.
1602
V- A-
*Q6fQ5
W. Leake
R. Ill-
Q3 f- Q2
T. Creede
A. Wise
1603
1604
1H.IV
Qs f- Q2
V. Simmes
M. Law
160"
R. III.
' ^4. f O^
T. Creede
do.
1607
Luc.
*Q4f.Q3
N. O[kes]
J. Harrison
1608
1H.IV
Q4 f. 03
do.
„
R. II.
Qs *• Q2
W. W[aterson]
do.
1609
Son-
G. Eld.
J. Wright and!
W. Aspley 1
1611
1612
1613
1615
P.P.
Q*
W. Jaggard
R. Ill
1H.IV
R. IL
Qs f Q4
tQ5f-Q4
tQ4f.Q3
T. Creede
W. W[aterson]
M. Law
do.
do.
1616
1617
vLul.
Qs
*Q8
T. S.
R. Jackson
W. B[arret]
1619
1620
do-
*Q9
J. P[arker]
1622
R. III.
Q6f. Q5
T. Purfoot
do.
1604
1627
Inc.
Q6f. Q5
*Qio
J. Bfenson]
J. Wreittoun
R. Jackson
1H.IV
Q6 f. Q5
do.
do.
1629
1630
do.
do.
*Qii?
*Ql2
do.
J.H.
F. Coules.
R. in.
Q7 f- Q6
J Norton
do.
Q UA RTO EDI TIONS OF SHA KESPEA RE. 143
GROUP III.
GROUP IV.
Name
I
Name
v |
of
EDITION! PRINTER.
Pt-BLISHER.
of
EDITION
PRINTER.
PUBLISHER. : fc ?
1 Play.
Play-
= ^
1
"~
i
?T.A.
n. e.
J. Danter
!T593
Con.
*Qto. i
T. Creede
T. Millington 1594
T. T.
*Qi
P. S[hort]
do.J 1 5 <,3
E. J-
*Qiimp.
J. Danter.
entered for f
E. White I5'
: 1597
L.L.
tQ to i
W.W[aterson]
C. Burbie
1598
K.J.
*Q2
T. Creede
do-
»S99
M.D.
tQ2
J. Roberts
Con-
*Q2f Qij V. Simmes
do.
1600
do.
Qi
T. Fisher
T.T.
*Q2f.Q2 W. W[aterson]
do.
n
M. V-
tQa
J. Roberts
L. Heyes
H. V.
*Qiimp.
T. Creede
T. MilHneton
andT Busbie
„
do.
Qi
do.
T. A-
*Qi
J. R[oberts]
E. White
„
M W-
Ham.
Qr. imp.
Qi
T. C[reede]
A. Johnson
N. Lfingl and
J. Trundel!
H. V.
*Q2f.Qi
T. Creede
T. Pavier
1602
1603
do
Q2
J. Roberts]
N. L ing]
1604
do-
Q3 f. Q2
do.
do.
16.35
1607
Lr.
QiQ2
N. Butter
H. V-
*Q3f.Q2
T. P[avier]
i6c8
R.J.
t*Qs f-
O2
J. Smethwickc
Per.
QiQ2
H. Gosson
1609
T. C-
(bis)
Qi
G. Eld.
R. Bonian and
H. Whalley.
Ham-
Q4 f. Q3
J. Smethwick-
do-
Q3f. Q2
S. S[tafford]
1611
7H.J.
Q4 f. Q3
do.
T. A.
t*Q,,}
E. White
,,
1612
1613
1615
1616
1617
M-W.
Q2 f. Qr
A. Johnson
v. C.)
Per- J
Qs f- Q2
Q4 f- Q3
T. Pfavier]
1619
1620
Oth-
Qi
N. 0[kes]
T. Walkley
1624
1629
do-
M.W.
Q3Qr.'F,
A. M.
T. H.
R. Hawkins
R. Meighen
Per-
Q5 (inc.)
J. N[orton]
R. Bfirde]
1630
144
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
ABBREVIATIONS USED FOR NAMES OF PLAYS, &c.,
in pp. 142-3.
V. A.
Luc.
P. P.
R. II.
R. III.
1 H. IV.
2 H. IV.
M. A.
Son.
R. J.
L. L.
M. D.
M. V.
M. W.
Ham.
Oth.
Lr.
T. C.
Con.
T. T.
H. V.
Per.
T. A.
W. C.
imp.
inc.
n. e.
Venus and Adonis.
Lucreece.
Passionate Pilgrim.
Richard II.
Richard III.
First Part of Henry IV.
Second do. do.
Much Ado about Nothing.
Sonnets.
Romeo and Juliet.
Love's Labour 's Lost.
Midsummer Night's Dream.
Merchant of Venice.
Merry Wives of Windsor.
Hamlet.
Othello.
Lear.
Troylus and Cressida.
Contention of York and Lancaster.
True Tragedy of Duke of York.
Henry V.
Pericles.
Titus Andronicus.
Whole Contention of York and Lan
caster including Con. and T. T.
imperfect,
incorrect,
not extant.
; Group I.
Group II.
Group III.
) Group IV.
QUARTO EDITIONS OF SHAKESPEARE. 145
NOTES ON THE TABLE.
Group I. — The edition of Venus and Adonis, 1593, was to be sold
at the White Greyhound, St. Paul's Churchyard, where we find,
from the title-p3.ge of Lucrecce, Q I, that in 1594 J. Harrison was
carrying on his business ; in 1599, however, W. Leake is in pos
session of the Greyhound, and from this date J. Harrison's books
have no address. In 1602 (cf. Venus and Adonis, Q 5), W. Leake
had given up the Greyhound, and had taken a new shop with the
sign of the Holy Ghost (or did he change his sign only?).
W. Jaggard, the printer of the Passionate Pilgrim, was one of the
proprietors of the 1st Folio.
The entries in the Stationers' books give some further information.
On 18 April, 1593, the Venus and Adonis was entered by R. Field,
and was not assigned to J. Harrison till 25 June, 1594, which assign
ment is also entered : the dates of the other entries are by W. Leake,
25 June, 1596; W. Barret, 16 February, 1616; and J. Parker,
8 March, 1619.
Group II, — M. Law evidently became possessor of A. Wise's
copyright about 1594.
W. Aspley, at one time in connection with A. Wise, was one of
the proprietors of the 1st Folio.
Group III. — Arthur Johnson's Merry Wives of Windsor is the
imperfect copy,
Othello and Lear differ much from the 1st Folio, and do not
come from the same source as it does.
J. Roberts, the printer of The Merchant of Venice and Midsummer
Night's Dream, seems to have been given to piracy and invasion of
copyright.
J. Smethwicke was one of the proprietors of the ist Folio.
From the entries in the Stationers' books we can trace some of
the copyrights. On iS January, 1 601-2, the Merry Wives of
146 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Windsor was transferred from T. Busbie to A. Johnson. This T.
Busbie was partner with T. Millington in the spurious copy of
Henry V., and it is probable that the Merry Wives, Q I, was
surreptitious. It had, however, Shakespeare's name on the title-page,
and has remains of an earlier sketch from his hand ; it should
perhaps be placed in the fourth group. On 7 February, 1602-3,
Troylus and Cressida was entered by Mr. Roberts. On 22 January,
1606-7, Nich. Ling entered, with consent of Mr. Busbie, Romeo and
Juliet, Love's Labour's Lost, and The Taming of a Shrew (viz. the
old play entered by P. Short in 1594) ; he did not print the
two former, though he did the latter ; and accordingly, on 19
November, 1607, we find John Smethwicke enters Hamlet (the
imperfect sketch), The Taming- of a Shrew, Romeo and Juliet, and
Love's Labour's Lost, al of which had belonged to Ling. Smeth
wicke also took Ling's house of business, under (the dial of) St.
Dunstan's, Fleet Street. Smethwicke's son sold Romeo and Juliet
to Flesher in 1642.
The Lear, published by N. Butter, was entered on 26 November,
1607, for N. Butter and T. Busbie. We have seen that Busbie had
to do with the spurious Merry Wives ; and the printing of the Lear
is not like that of a genuine copy, though it has much matter not in
the Folios.
In 1619 Lawrence Heyes entered The Merchant of Venice, but
did not print it till 1637.
Group IV. — On igth April, 1602, Millington's copyrights were
sold to Pavier, and among them a Titus Andronicus, which the
Cambridge editors think to be the one entered by J. Banter in 1593.
It cannot be the one published by White, as he issued editions in
1600 and in 161 1 ; i.e. both before and after the transaction between
Millington and Pavier.
All the publications in this fourth group are clearly surrep
titious.
From the Stationers' books we learn that the same E. White
mentioned above entered the spurious King Leir, afterwards pub
lished by J. Wright in 1605. The date of entry is I4th May,
1594. This White also entered the surreptitious ist Quarto of
Romeo and Juliet.
QUARTO EDITIONS OF SHAKESPEARE. 147
There is an interesting entry in 1626, when E. Brewster and R.
Birde acquired J. Pavier's right in "Shakespeare's plays or any of
them." Sir John Oldcastle, Titus and Andronicus, and Hamblet,
are mentioned. And on 8th November, 1630, is entered the assign
ment to Richard Coates, by R. Birde, of Henry V., Sir John Old-
castle, Titus and Andronicus, York and Lancaster, Agincourt,
Hamblet, Pericles, and The Yorkshire Tragedy. Evidently Pavier
was a wholesale dealer in spurious issues.
I add the addresses of some publishers and printers mentioned
in the above table: —
L— R. Field,
Francis Coules
J. Harrison,
W. Leake,
R. Jackson,
J. Benson,
L. Heyes,
II.— A. Wise.
M. Law,
J. Wright,
R. Bonian and
H. Whalley,
V. Simmes,
T. Creede,
Th. Purfoot,
J. Norton.
III.— C. Burbie,
T. Heyes,
T. Walkley,
R. Hawkins,
Anchor, Blackfriars, near Ludgate.
In the Old Bailey without Newgate.
White Greyhound, St. Paul's.
1. Greyhound, St. Paul's.
2. Holy Ghost, St. Paul's.
Conduit, Fleet Street.
St. Dunstan's.
On Fleet Bridge.
Angel, St. Paul's.
Fox, St. Paul's, near St. Augustine's gate.
Christ Church gate.
( Spread Eagle, St. Paul's, over against
< Great North door.
White Swan, near Barnard Castle,
Adling Street.
Catharine Wheel, near Old Swan,
Thames Street.
1. Lucretia, St. Paul's.
2. Within New Rents, Newgate.
3. Opposite St. Sepulchre's, &c.
Queen's Arms.
Near the Exchange.
Green Dragon, St. Paul's.
Eagle and Child, Britain's Burse.
Chancery Lane, near Serjeant's Inn.
10—2
i48 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
T. Fisher, White Hart, Fleet Street.
N. Ling, Under St. Dunstan's, Fleet Street.
J. Smethwicke, do. (under the dial).
( Pied Bull, St. Paul's, near St. Austin's
N. Butter, j gate>
( Crown, Fleet Street, between the two
W. Leake (.652), } Temple Rates.
j Middle Temple Gate and St. Dunstan's
R. Meighen, j Churchyard, Fleet Street.
IV.— T. Millington, Under St. Peter's Church, Cornwall,
do. with T. Busbie, Carter Lane, next Powle's Head.
Cat and Parrot, Cornhill, near Ex-
change.
( Gun, near Little North door, St.
E. White, pau].s
Flower de Luce and Crown, St.
A. Johnson,
( Paul's.
H. Gosson, Sun, Paternoster Row.
R. Birde, Bible, Cheapside.
In order finally to point out the importance of ready reference to
such a table as the above, I subjoin a list of the results which it
manifestly leads to as to the work needed at the present time in the
way of reprinting those old texts.
I. — We want texts printed in parallel columns of—
Romeo and Juliet Q 2 \
Hamlet Q2
Merry Wives of Windsor F i and the imPerfect sketches
2 Henry VI. F i ( ^Wlth collations of otlier
3 Henry VL F i editions).
Henry V. F i J
These are needed to give a basis to determine Shakespeare's manner
of work, if the early sketches are from his hand (as I believe the
first three are), and if not, to disprove the genuineness of the sketch
plays.
QUARTO EDITIONS OF SHAKESPEARE. 149
. — We want texts in parallel columns of —
Richard III. Q I
2 Henry IV. Q I
and F I (with collations).
Troylus and Cressida Q I
Lear Q I
Othello Q i and Q 2
Hamlet Q i
to ascertain the relation of the Folio text with that of the previous
editions.
III. — We want texts of the two earliest Quartos in parallel
columns of —
Midsummer Night's Dream,
Merchant of Venice,
to ascertain which edition should have the preference for a revised
text.
IV. — Of— Much Ado about Nothing,
Love's Labour's Lost,
Richard II.
I Henry IV.
we want single-text reprints of Q i, as being preferable to F i, which
was printed from the Quartos in these plays. Pericles, Q i, and
Two Noble Kinsmen, Q i, would also be desirable reprints. It is
clearly useless to reprint the Folio for plays where it is merely
copied from the Quartos.
It should be noticed that of the eight plays which the proprietors
of the Folio printed from the Quartos, three, viz. Lovers Labour's
Lost, Romeo and Juliet, and Much Ado about Nothing, had become
their property ; so that (setting Titus Andronicus aside as spurious)
they had only to get permission to print four ; viz. Richard II. ,
I Henry IV., Midsummer Nighfs Dream, and. Merchant of Venice;
and even of these four we have no positive evidence that they did
not buy up three; as there are no reprints after 1623 for the
previous proprietors of the Quartos (except Merchant of Venice,
1637?)
150 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
As I have spoken above of reprints needed in parallel columns,
I may here mention as a cognate matter the need of reprints of the
passages from North's Plutarch, Holinshed's Chronicle, &c. , parallel
to revised texts of the Historical and Roman plays founded on them ;
and of reprints of plots of the old plays of The Taming of a Shrew,
Promos and Cassandra, The troublesome raigne of King John, &c.,
parallel with the plots of the plays founded on them.
I am also strongly of opinion that revised texts of the early
sketches of Romeo and Juliet, Hamlet, The Merry Wives of Windsor,
The Contention, and the True Tragedy, should be printed parallel
with revised texts of the plays in their fuller and later forms. Such
revised texts of the early sketches have never been printed.
[P.S. — When I wrote this paper I was not aware that Romeo and
Juliet had been edited, on the plan proposed in page 148, by
Mommsen ^with a most valuable introduction and collations), and
that an edition of Hamlet on a somewhat similar plan had been
issued in England.— F. G. F. Jan. 1876.]
CHAPTER III.
ON METRICAL TESTS AS APPLIED TO DRAMATIC
POETRY.
PART II. — FLETCHER, BEAUMONT, MASSINGER.
(Read March 27, 1874.)
THE fact that Fletcher was aided in his plays by Massinger has long
been known, and in one or two instances conjectures have been
made that Massinger helped him in specific plays ; but on this
point, as well as on the question of what share Beaumont had in the
plays produced in the joint names of himself and Fletcher, no
definite conclusion has been arrived at. It will be convenient for
future reference if, before entering on our present inquiry, I subjoin
a Table of the plays passing under the names of Beaumont and
Fletcher, with the dates of their production (when known) and the
authors to whom I assign them, pointing out the instances in which
I differ from Mr. Dyce in this respect.
GROUP I.— PLAYS PRODUCED BEFORE BEAUMONT'S DEATH.
Date.
Name of Play.
Authors
(F. G. Fleay).
Authors (Dyce).
B
F
F
?
?
?
Before 1611
Fo ir Plays in one
Wit at several Weapons
Thierry and Theodoret...
Maid's Tragedy
Philaster
B. and F
B. and F
B. and F..
B. and F
B and F
B. and F.
B. and F.
B. and F.
B. and F.
B and F
1611
1611
1611-12
?
King and No King
Knight of B. Pestle
Cupid's Revenge
Scornful Lady
B. and F
B. and F
B. and F
B. and F
B and F
B. and F.
B. and F.
B. and F.
B. and F.
B and F
1613
1612
*Captain
B. and F....
B
F. (after Weber).
B
1613
*Honest Man's Fortune
Henry VIII
F. and Anon. ...
F and Shakes
B. and F.
1613
Two Noble Kinsmen
F. and Shakes. .
F. and Shakes.
152 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
GROUP II.— PLAYS BY FLETCHER ONLY (FLEAY).
Date.
Name of Play.
Author according to
Dyce.
After 161
Probably F only
Before 1619 ...
F. (R. and F., Weber)
F (B and F Darley)
M* (II!1^11 '
1618 ...
F
'
F.
F
9
F
9
F
After 1618 ...
F
9
F.
1621 ...
F
F
1621 ...
Wild-Goose Chase
F
1621 ...
1624 ...
Cust»m of Country
Rule a Wife and Have a Wife
Probably F. only.
F
Wife for a Month
F
GROUP III.— PLAYS BY FLETCHER AND ANOTHER AUTHOR.
Date.
Name of Play
Other Autho.-
(Fleay).
Other Author
(Dyce);
After 1618 ...
False One
Massin-er
'Massinger (after
9
l62I ...
*Little French Lawyer...
Do
Do
( Weber).
Beaumont.
(Altered by Mas-
l622 ...
Do
l singer.
1622 ...
Do
Do
l622 ...
Do
Do
l622 ...
Sea Voyage
' Do.
Altered
After 1621 ...
After F.'s death
AfterF.'sdeath
Before 1619 ...
1622 ...
1623 ...
1624?...
*Laws of Candy
*Elder Brother
Lover's Progress
*Knight of Malta
*Queen of Corinth
*Love's Cure
Maid of Mill
* Bloody Brother
?Do
Do
Do
Middleton
Do
Mid. and Row...
Rowley.. ...
Beaumont (perh.)
(No other un-
l donbtedly.
( Massinger (after
\ Weber).
No other.
Rowley.
No other.
Rowley.
1625-6
*Fair Maid of Inn
Nice Valour
?
9
No other.
1625-6
1633 ...
*Noble Gentleman
Night Walker
?
^Shirley (after
I Weber).
After F.'s death
Love's Pilgrimage
Do .
Do
METRICAL TESTS. 153
Tn these Tables B, and F. stand for Beaumont and Fletcher
respectively. I have formed the plays into three groups : the first
of these extends to Beaumont's death ; the second includes all the
plays in which Fletcher's hand alone is perceptible; the third
includes the rest of the plays. It will be seen that I have starred
in the table all the plays as to the authorship of which I hold an
opinion different from Mr. Dyce. This is the case as to three in
the first group ; which are important, and as to which I think him
decidedly wrong. In seven cases in the third group I find traces
of a second author where Dyce does not ; and in four cases I
differ from him as to who the author is ; but in the second group
we agree entirely that it is solely Fletcher's work. It will be
well, then, to begin with these plays, and examine what are their
peculiarities in rhythm. They are distinguished —
(1) By number of double or female endings : these are more
numerous in Fletcher than in any other writer in the language, and
are sufficient of themselves to distinguish his work.
(2) By frequent pauses at the end of the lines : this union of
"the stopped line" with the double ending is peculiar to Fletcher :
Massinger has many double endings, but few stopped lines.
(3) By moderate use of rhymes : this distinguishes him from Beau
mont, who has more rhymes than Fletcher or Massinger, and who
in serious passages has few double endings.
(4) By moderate use of lines of less than five measures : he has
more than Massinger, however.
(5) By using no prose whatever. Massinger also admits none :
there are two little bits in his work ; both, I think, intercalated.
(6) By admitting abundance of tri-syllabic feet, so that his
(Fletcher's) lines have to be felt rather than scanned ; it is
almost impossible to tell when Alexndrines are intended.
I now give a Table of the rhythmical pecularities of this group;
and a similar Table of Massinger's plays in which he worked alone ;
these are rightly given in the editions, with one exception ; viz. A
Very Woman, which is, as Dyce conjectured, an alteration of
Fletcher's A Right Woman, which was previously supposed to be lost.
154
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Name of Play.
No. of Double
Endings.
Rhyming
Lines.
Alexan
drines.
T- C 1
Lines of :
less than
5 Measures
Custom of Country
I7S6
1500
14
42
5
5°
8
20
1947
38
10
26
Mad Lover
1507
2266
8
20
21
26
29
?6
5
27
Humorous Lieutenant ...
Women Pleased
Woman's Prize
2193
1823
1678
1236
12
12
22
18
5
5
8
20
7
57
29
Island Princess
2059
1845
12
18
6
6
29
18
Wild-Goose Chase
Monsieur Thomas
Wit Without Money ..._
Rule a Wife &c
1949
1800
1543
6
2
6
3
5
50
24
28
21
I
Average
1777
16-3
10 '6
25 '5
N.B. — The Chances is a very short play, about four-fifths of an
average one ; and the Laws of Candy is so corrupt as to be un
countable with accuracy.
TABLE OF MASSINGER'S PLAYS.
Name of Play.
No. of Double
Endings.
Rhyming
Lines.
»
Alexan
drines.
Lines of
less than
sMeasures
Unnatural Combat
Duke of Milan
934
1146
1085
10
34
I
2
2
6
Parliament of Love
si
14
7
5
Great Duke of Florence.
Maid of Honour
1006
10
22
i
3
4
°5
Emperor of East
A New Way, &c
City Madam
1058
1228
1081
8
20
6
g
2
6
2
3
Bashful Lover
4
Believe as You List
Q2S
12
4
3
3
Average
1059
i6'8
2 '5
2 '3
METRICAL TESTS. 155
On comparing these Tables, it is evident that, as to the author
ship of a play, it would not be safe to conclude to which of these
two authors it belonged, on the evidence of the number of rhymes ;
but that the double endings would be conclusive. Fletcher's range
is from 15°° to 2000, in round numbers, with an average of 1775 '•>
while Massinger's ranges from 900 to 1200, with an average of 1000.
A play, having between 1200 and 1500 double endings and divisible
into parts of distinctly different styles, would probably be a joint
production of Massinger's and Fletcher's, especially if the part con
taining the greater proportion of female endings had also the larger
share of short lines and Alexandrines. Now examine the fol
lowing Table of the plays which I assign to Fletcher and Massinger
jointly.
I56
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
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METRICAL TESTS. 157
It is evident at once that all the metrical conditions required are
fulfilled by the division here made. In every instance the propor
tion of double endings is that which would be expected from the
tables previously made for Fletcher and Massinger. There is the
same irregularity as to the number of rhymes ; the same excess of
Alexandrines and short lines on the part of Fletcher, to a similarly
varying amount. Now let us turn to evidence of a different cha
racter. We all know Sir Aston Cockayne's lines addressed to
Charles Cotton concerning Beaumont : — •
" His own renown no such addition needs
To have a fame sprung from another's deeds,
And my good friend, old Philip Massinger,
With Fletcher writ in some that we see there. "
In another poem he says,
" For Beaumont, of those many, writ in few,
And Massinger in other few. "
And in a third place, speaking of Fletcher- and Massinger, Sir
Aston says :—
" Plays did they write together, were great friends."
If these plays which I have selected, and which do fulfil the
necessary metrical requirements, are not the plays in question, are
we to look for them among those which do not fulfil the require
ments? But again. Although these tests are satisfied by the
division, the division was not made by means of these tests ,: the
weak- ending test was the one I selected for this purpose. Massinger
often ends his lines with words that cannot be grammatically separated
from the next line ; articles, prepositions, auxiliaries, &c., am, be,
of, in, the, this, &c. Fletcher uses tne stopped line, usually. On
this ground I made the separation : I then made tables of the Acts
and Scenes in which each character app'ears, to see if the manner of
work and the apportionment of it between the authors could be
traced ; and having found my first judgment invariably confirmed,
I then applied the tabular test. As yet I have found all the tests
give the same result. It would not be possible to give all the in
vestigations in one paper : but for an example I will take the play of
I5S SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
the Little French Lawyer, the first on our list. A simple reading of
the text shows the existence of two authors, from the frequent
changes of style and treatment : a marking of the unstopped lines
makes the division exactly as I give it in the table : and an examin
ation of the plot shows that, ot the three stories contained in this
play, namely, that of La Writ, and that of Annabella, were
assigned to Fletcher ; the third, that, of Lamira, being given to
Massinger.
Nor does our evidence end here : on looking into the text we find
that in every place where Dinant's name occurs in the scenes
assigned to Fletcher, it is pronounced Dinant, paroxyton : but in the
Massinger scenes it is oxyton, Dinant. The fact being settled,
then, that there are two authors, and one of these Fletcher, and it
being quite evident (as we shall presently see) that Beaumont was
not one, — Beaumont introduces prose scenes, eschews double
endings, and rhymes abundantly, — our choice probably lies between
Massinger, Middleton, and Rowley, as being the only playwrights
known to have worked with Fletcher. But the phenomena are
exactly the same for eight plays in our list, and nearly so for the
two marked with a (?), and the dates of three of these are about
1622 ; this gives another argument against Beaumont, who died
in 1615-16; and conclusively disposes of Rowley, whose style is
utterly unlike the writer's we are in search of, and who had not
the poetical faculty shown in the Massinger part of these eight
(or ten ?) plays. And besides this, three of these plays have already
been conjecturally assigned to Massinger, as part author, by Dyce
(in two instances following Weber), who has also given us his
opinion that A Very Woman is a rifacimento of A Right Woman
by Fletcher, which it certainly is. It is strange that, having got
so far on the right track, Dyce did not anticipate our restoring
all eight (or ten ?) of these plays to Fletcher and Massinger ; and
still more strange, that Seward and Weber should single out the
character of La Writ, who never speaks a line that is not pure
Fletcher in every way, as being the unassisted work of Beau
mont.
There is another point of external evidence yet to notice : five
(or seven ?) of these plays were produced, three of them certainly in
1622 ; two of them probably very near that elate. The other three
METRICAL TESTS. 259
were not produced till after Fletcher's death. Now, 1622 and
1623 are just the dates in which no play of Fletcher's (unassisted)
is on our list ; and after the notice of the Virgin Martyr, October
1620, in the book of Sir George Buck, Master of the Revels, there
is no entry as to Massinger till December 1623, when the Bondman
was produced. This may be regarded as finally settling this
question.
With regard to the other subdivisions of the third group, as
only four of the ten plays contained in them were produced in
Fletcher's lifetime, they are far less interesting, and do not give aid
in examining the method of the poet's work. I give a Table of
their Rhythm, however, for the sake of completing our scheme ;
and for the same reason add a Table of the plays in which Massinger
worked with other authors.
Note.— R. stands for Rowley in this table, and Md. for Middle-
ton.
[I ought also to state that the lines of demarcation are much more
definite in this and the preceding Tables than in that which em
braces the works on which Beaumont and Fletcher wrought together ;
for these two friends and these only, as far as I can discover,
habitually aided each other, not only by writing scenes separately
in each play, but also by writing portions of scenes, speeches, or
even lines, in the same scenes, jointly ; for instance, Act ii. Sc. 2, in
the Maid's Tragedy, tabulated as Fletcher's, unquestionably con
tains some of Beaumont's writing, though much more of his co
adjutor's. Fletcher's hand can also frequently be traced in Beau
mont's prose-scenes, though he never introduces prose himself.
~F. G. F. Jan. 1876.]
i6o
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
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METRICAL TESTS. 161
The work in the Bloody Brother is curiously arranged. Fletcher
wrote all the parts connected with the poisoning attempted by La
Torch, — namely, ii. I, 2; iii. 2; and the parts- involving Edith, —
namely, iii. 2 ; v. 2 ; and the impassioned speeches of Edith in
iii. I ; v. I ; the rest is not his. The Maid in the Mill is noticeable
as being one of the plays containing prose in which Fletcher had a
share that were produced after Beaumont's death and during Fletcher's
lifetime. Fletcher's part was the story of Ismenia, arid Rowley's
that of Florimel, at the outset ; but they soon changed the parts,
and after changing kept them distinct to the end. I cannot agree
with Dyce in assigning Rollo and The Queen of Corinth partly to
Rowley ; they seem much more like Middletonr and are far removed
from Rowley's style.
We have now left for consideration only the group of plays
produced before Beaumont's death. The dates of most of these are
known ; but some we cannot determine from external evidence. I
have assigned conjectural dates to them, for reasons which will
appear. Before examining these, it is necessary to determine the
general characteristics of Beaumont's metre. This has been hitherto
regarded as an insoluble problem. The habit, of which we are
traditionally and rightly informed, which Beaumont and Fletcher
had contracted, namely, that of writing together in the same scene,
seems to forbid any analysis being applied which can separate the
two authors' work. This separation can, however, be made, to
some extent. We know from our second group (of Fletcher's un
doubted plays) what his characteristics are — no prose ; many double
endings ; pauses at the end of lines. If we find any work in which
these characteristics are entirely absent, that work will probably not
be Fletcher's. Now, there is a work called Four Plays in One,
that is evidently by two authors. The first two of these short plays
are in every respect different from the other two. The latter two
are in Fletcher's usual style. In 7 pages we find 673 double end
ings ; 5 rhymes ; 4 incomplete lines In the former two plays, in
1 8 pages there are only 172 double endings ; 85 rhymes ; 13 incom
plete lines, and a considerable amount of prose ; the lines also are
in Shakespeare's later manner, ending on particles, &c., so as to run
on continuously with the succeeding line. These must be by
Beaumont. We have then, here, the characteristics of his style
II
1 62 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
unmixed with Fletcher's, which gives us the key we require. We
can now separate their work.
It may seem strange that, since Weber had rightly apportioned
these plays to our authors, characteristics so salient should never
have led any critic to assign the other plays rightly. This, I think,
may be explained. There is an inveterate habit among editors to
read their authors too much in the order in which the old editions
were printed. I can, in many recent issues of great value, trace the
mischief and inaccuracy'that is still produced by this cause, and in
none more than in Dyce's " Beaumont and Fletcher."
The Woman Hater was first published in Quarto, and was un
doubtedly the earliest of these plays that has reached us. Therefore
Dyce studies it first ; finds it to be almost or entirely by one author ;
finds, moreover, that it was first published in the name of Fletcher
only, and concludes that it was mainly by him. Hence he gets a fal?e
notion of Fletcher's style that invalidates all his conclusions as far
as this first group is concerned. I doubt not that other editors have
been similarly influenced ; and for myself, I can say that the accept
ance of this conclusion of Dyce's kept me two years from seeing the
proper starting-point, namely, the plays written by Fletcher alone
after Beaumont's death. As to the title-page of the Wo>nan Hater,
it does not stand alone. The first play published in the names of
Beaumont and Fletcher jointly was The Scornful Lady, in 1616; but
Cupid's Revenge was, published in 1615 in Fletcher's name singly.
The Woman Hater (1607), Knight of the Burning Pestle (1613),
Maid's Tragedy (1619, 1622), and Thierry and Theodoret (1621),
were published without authors' names. In 1648, Thierry and
Theodoret and The Woman Hater were published in Fletcher's name
singly ; in 1649 both of them in the joint names of Beaumont and
Fletcher, as Cupid* s Revenge had already been in 1630. Now, that
Cupid's Revenge and Thierry and Theodoret were joint works, all the
editors admit. This one play, The Woman Hater, is treated
differently by them ; in opposition, I think, to the external evidence,
and certainly to the internal. I must, however, before giving my
theory on this group, call your attention to the following Table, which
is similar to those already under our notice for the other groups.
METRICAL TESTS.
163
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1 64 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
I have still to make a few remarks as to the points where I differ
from Dyce. As to the authorship of the Captain, the difference is
not important, as that play certainly is two-thirds Fletcher. Had
Dyce not been misled by the Woman Hater in which Fletcher had
no share, and had he been aware that Fletcher wrote no prose, he
would not have made any mistake. The play of the Honest Man's
Fortune is partly by Fletcher ; but that the other part is Beaumont's
I am not sure : it reads to me differently from his other works.
Still I have not entirely examined this play, and prefer to leave the
question open : it may be Beaumont's ; at any rate, only one act is
Fletcher's.
Before concluding this paper I must again' repeat that it is only
preliminary. The matters I believe to be absolutely fixed in it by
the application of metrical tests are, the part authorship of Massinger
in the plays given in the table above ; the relative amount of Beau
mont's work ; and the classification of these plays. If on these
points I have not produced conviction, the fault lies in the narrow
limits which I feel it right to impose on a first work of this kind ; or
more probably in defective manner of exposition. I am certain that
no one can go through the detailed evidence in the way I have done
aad remain unconvinced. To produce conviction in others who
can have set before them only part of the mass of statistics on this
subject, is veiy difficult. In my next paper I hope to produce all
the evidence in full as to one or two plays that have passed under
Shakespeare's name. To do this for all the plays I have considered
would require many volumes ; but I hope the sample will be a fair
one, and that my work will be judged from it.
TABLE OF QUARTO EDITIONS.
(FOR REFERENCE.)
Woman Hater, 1607 (n.n.) ; 1648 (F.) ; 1649 (B. and F.).
Faithful Shepherdess, no date (F.) ; 1629 (F.) ; 1634 (F.), &c.
Knight of Burning Pestle, 1613 (n.n.) ; 1635 (B. and F.).
Masque, no date (n.n.) ; ascribed to B. in Folio.
PASSAGES FOR ILLUSTRATION. 165
Cupid's Revenge, 1615 (F.) ; 1630 (B. and F.) ; 1635.
Scornful Lady, 1616 (B. and F.) ; 1625 ; 1630; 1635 ; 1639, &c.
Maid's Tragedy, 1619 (n.n.) ; 1622 (n.n.) ; 1630 (B. andF.) ; 1638 ;
1641, &c.
King and No King, 1619 (B. and F.) ; 1625 ; 1631 ; 1639, &c.
Philaster, 1620 (B. and F.) ; 1622 ; 1628 ; 1634; 1639, &c.
Thierry and Theodoret, 1621 (n. n.) ; 1648 (F.) ; 1649 (B. & F.).
Wit without Money, 1639 (B. and F.), &c.
Monsieur Thomas, 1639 (F.).
Rule a Wife, &c., 1640 (F.).
Elder Brother, 1637 (F.).
Bloody Brother, 1639 (by B. J. F.) ; 1640 (F.).
Night Walker, 1640 (F.).
Two Noble Kinsmen, 1634 (F. and Shakespeare).
None of these were printed in the first Folio 1647, but all were in
the second, 1679.
PASSAGES FOR ILLUSTRATION.
Evadne. " Alas, Amintor, thinkst thou I forbear
To sleep with thee because I have put on
A maiden's strictness ? Look upon these .cheeks,
And thou shalt find the hot and rising blood
Unapt for such a vow ! No ! in this heart
There dwells as much desire and as much will
To put wish'd act in practice as e'er yet
Was known to woman : and they have been shown
Both. But it was the folly of thy youth
To think this beauty, to what land soe'er
It shall be call'd, shall stoop to any second.
I do enjoy the best, and in that height
Have sworn to stand or die. You guess the man. "
Maid's Tragedy, Act ii. Sc. i. (BEAUMONT.)
!66 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Evadne. " No, I do not !
I do appear the same, the same Evadne
Drest in the shames I lived in, the same monster.
But these are names of honour to what I am :
I do present myself the foulest creature,
Most poisonous, dangerous, and despised of men,
Lerna e'er bred or Nilus. I am hell
Till you, my dear lord, shoot your light into me,
The beams of your forgiveness : I am soul-sick,
And wither with the fear of one condemn'd,
Till I have got your pardon."
Maid's Tragedy, Act iv. Sc. i. (FLETCHER.)
Cler< mont. " They are both brave fellows,
Tried and approved : and I am proud to encounter
With men from whom no honour can be lost.
They will play up to a man and set him off.
Whene'er I go to the field, Heaven keep me from
The meeting of an unflesh'd youth or coward.
The first to get a name comes on too hot ;
The coward is so swift in giving ground,
There is no overtaking him without
A hunting nag, well-breath'd too."
Little French Lawyer, Act i. Sc. 2. (MASSINGER.)
Cleremont. ' " Colour'd with smooth excuses. Was't a
friend's part,
A gentleman's, a man's that wears a sword
And stands upon the point of reputation,
To hide his head then when his honour call'd him,
Call'd him aloud and led him to his fortune ?
To halt and slip the collar ? By my life
I would have given my life I'd never known thee !
Thou hast eaten canker-like into my judgment
With this disgrace, thy whole life cannot heal again."
Little French La^vyer, Act ii. Sc. 3. (FLETCHER.)
PASS A GES FOR ILL USTRA T1GN. 1 67
Antonio. " Give me that face
And I am satisfied, upon whose shoulders
So e'er it grows. Juno, deliver us
Out of this amazement ! beseech you, goddess,
Tell us of our friends ! How does Ismeria?
And how does Isabella? Both in good health
I hope as you yourself are."
Maid in the Mill, Act iv. Sc. i. (Row LEY.)
Antonio. " Oh 'tis a spark of beauty !
And where they appear so excellent in little
They will but flame in great. Extension spoils 'em.
Marline, learn this ! the narrower that our eyes
Keep way unto our object, still the sweeter
That comes unto us ; great bodies are like great countries,
Discovering still, toil and no pleasure finds 'em."
Maid in the Mill, Act i. Sc. 2. (FLETCHER.)
Sophia. " Alas, my son, nor Fate nor Heaven itself
Can or would wrest my whole care of your good
To any least secureness in your ill !
What I urge issues from my curious fear,
Lest you should make your means to scope your snare :
Doubt of sincereness is the only mean
Not to incense it, but corrupt it clean."
Rollo, Act iii. Sc. i. (? MIDDLETON.)
Sophia. " Oh my blest boys, the honour of my years,
Of all my cares the bounteous rewarders !
Oh let me thus embrace you, thus for ever
\Vithin a mother's love lock up your friendship !
And my sweet sons once more with mutual twinings
As one chaste bed begot you, make one body !
Blessings from Heaven in thousand showers fall on you ! "
Rollo, Act ii. Sc. 3. (FLETCHER.)
168 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Philippo. "Appeal to Reason :
She will reprieve you from the power of grief
Which rules but in her absence : hear me say
A sovereign message from her, which in duty
And love to your own safety you ought hear.
Why do you strive so? Whither would you fly ?
You cannot wrest yourself away from care :
You may from counsel : you may shift your place
But not your person : and another clime
Makes you no other."
LavJs Pilgrimage, Act v. Sc. 4. (SHIRLEY.)
Philippo. " For my sister
I do believe you : and so near blood has made us,
With the dear love I ever bore your virtues,
That I will be a brother to your griefs too.
Be comforted 'tis no dishonour, sister,
To love nor to love him you do : he's a gentleman
Of as sweet hopes as years : as many promises
As there be growing truths and great ones.
Theodosia. Oh, sir ! "
Love's Pilgrimage, Act. i. Sc. 2. (FLETCHER.)
Dorothea. " Be nigh me still, then !
In golden letters I'll set down that day
That gave thee to me. Little did I hope
To meet such worlds of comfort in thyself,
This little pretty body : when I coming
Forth of the temple heard my beggar boy,
My sweet-faced godly beggar-boy, crave an alm=;,
Which with glad hand I gave, with lucky hand !
And when I took thee home, my most chaste bosom
The thought was filled with no hot wanton fire,
But with a holy flame mounting still higher
On wings of cherubims than it did before."
Virgin Martyr. Act ii. Sc. I. (DEKKLR.)
PA SSA GES FOR ILL USTRA TION. 1 69
Dorothea. " Even thy malice serves
To me but as a ladder to mount up
To such a height of happiness, where I shall
Look clown with scorn on thee and on the world :
When circled with true pleasures placed above
The reach of death or time 'twill be my glory
To think at what an easy price I bought it.
There's a perpetual spring, perpetual youth :
No joint-benumbing cold or scorching heat.
Famine nor age have any being there.
Forget for shame your Tempe ! Bury in
Oblivion your feign'd Hesperian orchards ! "
Virgin Martyr, Act. iv. Sc. 3. (MASSINGER. )
Charalois. " And though this country, like a viperous
mother
Not only hath eat up ungratefully
All means of thee her son, but last thyself,
Leaving thy heir so poor and indigent
He cannot raise thee a poor monument
Such as a flatterer or a usurer hath :
Thy worth in every honest breast builds one,
Making their friendly hearts thy funeral stone."
Fatal Dowry, Act ii. Sc. I. (FIELD.)
Charalois. " I but attended
Your lordship's pleasure. For the fact as of
The former, I confess it, but with what
Base wrongs I was unwillingly drawn to it,
To my few words there are some other proofs
To witness this for truth. When I was married,
For then I must begin, the slain Novall
Was to my wife in way of our French courtship
A most devoted sen-ant."
Fatal Dowry, Act v. Sc. 2. (MASSINGER.)
1 70 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Simonides. " By my troth, Sir
I partly do believe it : conceive, Sir,
You have indirectly answered my question.
I did not doubt the fundamental ground
Of law in general for the most solid :
But this particular law that me concerns,
Now at the present, if that be firm and strong
And powerful, and forcible, and permanent,
I am a young man that has an old father.
Act i. Sc. I. (ROWLEY.)
Simonides. " Know then, Cleanthes, there is none can be
A good son and bad subject ; for if princes
Be called the people's fathers, then the subjects
Are all his sons, and he that flouts the prince
Doth disobey his father : there you're gone.
I say again, this act of thine expresses
A double disobedience ; as our princes
Are fathers, so they are our sovereigns too,
And he that doth rebel 'gainst sovereignty
Doth commit treason in the height of degree.
And now thou art quite gone."
Old Law, Actv. Sc. i. (MIDDLETON.)
The above passages have been taken at random from the authors
quoted under the following limitations : —
1. For every pair of authors that wrote together in the plays
considered in this paper, two corresponding quotations are given.
2. These pairs of quotations are in each instance taken from the
same play and from speeches of the same personage : in order to
insure more accurate comparison. They are also as near as may be
of the same length.
METRICAL TESTS. ;7i
POSTSCRIPT I.— ON " HENRY VIII."
In order to determine the question of the date of the Shakespeare
part of this play, so as to settle the difference between Mr. Speclding
and Professor Elze, I have subjected the Shakespeare and Fletcher
portions to metrical tests : with the following results : —
Shakespeare. Fletcher.
Total number of lines 1146 1467
Number of rhyme lines ...... 6 10
,, ,, short lines 19 27
,, „ Alexandrines 23 8
,, ,, double endings 380 863
Proportion of double endings to blank verse 1:3 1:17
It is manifest that Mr. Spedding is right, and Professor Elze
wrong. The rhyme-test here, as always, is decisive ; in the Shake
speare part there are only six rhyme lines, and these rhymes all three
accidental. The date of the Shakespeare work is thus determined
as the very latest — as late, at least, as the Tempest and Winter's
Tale, as Mr. Spedding says. All the other metrical peculiarities
agree with this.
It will also be seen in my paper on Beaumont, Fletcher, and
M&ssinger, that Fletcher did not work in conjunction with other
authors than Beaumont till 1613. The only exception apparent is
Tfie Two Noble Kinsmen ; but although the Shal< espeare part of this
play was earlier than 1613 there is no reason to believe that the
Fletcher part is. This gives another instance of the consistency
obtained in all our theories by careful application of the rhyme-
test.
[Is it not a probable conjecture that Shakespeare originally wrote
a complete play; that part of the MS. was burnt in the Globe fire
of 1613 ; that Fletcher was employed to re- write this part ; that in
doing this he used such material as he recollected from his hearing
of Shakespeare's play? This would account for the superiority of
his work here over that elsewhere. — F. G. F. Jan. 1876.]
1 73 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
POSTSCRIPT II.
ON "THE TWO NOBLE KINSMEN."
This play has been already so conclusively shown to be a ioint
production of Shakespeare and Fletcher, and the portion written
by each author has been so accurately assigned, that I should not
have thought it necessary to re-open the question, were it not that
every instance in which the results of critical examinations based on
different grounds can be obtained, is valuable, not only as to the
immediate end in view, but also as a test of the worth and power of
the methods employed. So in this instance ; if the examination as
to authorship based on considerations of an aesthetic nature, coincides
with that based on metrical criticism, we shall have not only an
enormously strong addition to the evidence of Fletcher's share in
this work, but also a remarkable example of the value of metrical
tests in determining authorship. It is for the latter reason that I
now proceed to give the results of metrical examination of this play
of The Two Noble Kinsmen. I may add that having had to work
in a small country village, with no library within reach, and my
whole critical apparatus consisting of the Folio reprint, Mrs. Clarke's
"Concordance," Dyce's "Beaumont and Fletcher," and Sidney
Walker's Notes, my results were obtained quite independently of
previous investigators, whose essays I had never seen.
To come to the point, then : In this play there are two prose
scenes, Act ii. Sc. la ; Act iv. Sc. 3. Both these belong to the
underplot. In my paper on Fletcher I have shown that Fletcher
never wrote prose in any of his plays. I should therefore assign
these to Shakespeare. Mr. Hickson has given strong reasons for
the same course, on other considerations.
Looking next to the number of rhymes, we find no aid as to dis
criminating these authors. Except in the masque, there are only
five in the whole play : two in the parts we assign to Shakespeare ;
three in the Fletcher parts. Not only does this agree with Fletcher's
usual practice, but it enables us to say with confidence that Shake-
METRICAL TESTS.
173
speare's part of this play was written as late as 1610 A.D. : as only
in The Tempest and Winter's Tale do we find that he had given up
rhymes to anything like such an extent : even in the Roman plays
we find twenty rhymes in a play.
From the number of Alexandrines, we obtain no aid whatever.
There are three in the Shakespeare parts, six in the Fletcher.
From the number of lines of one, two, or three measures, we also
obtain no aid : there are forty-one in the Shakespeare parts, twenty-
seven in the Fletcher. But the number of double endings and of
incomplete lines of four measures, which are the most important
metrical means of distinguishing between these writers, will require
tabulation in extenso.
TABLE (SHAKESPEARE).
. Act.
Scene.
No. of
Lines.
Double
Endings.
Lines of
4 feet.
Proportion of
lines with
Double Endings*
I. .
I
20Q
51
I in 4-1
2.
116
37
—
I 3'I
3-
100
37
—
I 27
4-
49
12
—
I 41
5-
6
—
—
III. .
122
36
—
i 3 '4
2.
38
9
—
i 4-2
V. .
I.
173
50
i 3'5
3-
46
42
i 3'5
4-
147
47
I
i 31
Total .
—
1124
321
I
i in3'5
t
This Table contains all the scenes assigned to Shakespeare, except
the two prose scenes which are certainly his. I no\v give a similar
Table for the other parts.
174
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
TABLE (FLETCHER).
Act.
Scene.
No. of
Lines.
Double
Endings.
Lines of
4 feet.
Proportion of |
lines with
Double Endings.
II. .
lb.
275
I58
I
in 17
2.
82
33
3
2'2
3-
33
18
2
1-8
4-
64
45
I
I'4
5-
39
23
—
17
III. .
3-
53
32
—
1-6
4
20
ii
—
1-9
5-
107
51
2
2'I
6.
308
192
3
1-6
IV. .
i.
15°
61
4
2-5
2.
156
73
2
2'0
V. .
2.
III
64
I
17
Total .
-
I39S
771
19
i in i'8
It will be seen that the metrical evidence confirms the results of
the higher criticism in the strongest manner. The average number
of double endings in the Shakespeare parts is exactly that of the
latter part of his career (4th period, time of Winter's Tale) • the
number in the Fletcher part exactly agrees with that deduced
in my paper on Fletcher from all his undoubted works. In one
scene only (Act iv. Sc. I) does his average fall as low as 2 -5 ;
and in this scene there is, I think, some Shakespeare material (not
much) used by him in the jailer's speeches. Moreover, the imper
fect four-measure lines occur in the Fletcher parts in the proportion
of 15 to I in the Shakespeare parts. There is, therefore, not only
the strongest confirmation of the conclusions of the best critics as to
this play, but also the firmest ground for confidence in our metrical
arguments. In every case when examination careful enough for
firm conclusions has been previously given, our results are found in
agreement with them ; while, at the same time, we have in the ex
amination of metres an instrument far more powerful, because more
exact and more, scientific, than any other that has ever been brought
to bear on subjects of this nature.
CHAPTER IV.
ON '"THE TAMING OF THE SHREW.
(Read April 24, 1874.)
THERE is something in the first aspect of this play so different
from the generality of Shakespeare's work as to have long since
excited suspicion as to its authorship. Mr. Hallam, for instance,
quotes, apparently with approval, Mr. Collier's opinion that Shake
speare had nothing to do with any of the scenes in which Katherine
and Petruchio are not introduced. In support of this opinion many
general considerations may be urged ; e.g. : —
1. It does not occur in Meres's list ; and, as Meres mentions
every undoubted play that is at all likely to have been written by
Shakespeare before 1598, and even includes Titus Andronicus,
which has been given up by many critics whose opinions are 6f
importance on these questions, it is very unlikely that he should
have omitted this one, and this only.
2. This is the only instance of a play w;th an Induction, so as
to form a play within a play, in all Shakespeare's work ; and this
Induction is most clumsily managed : there is no provision for
getting Sly off the stage. Shakespeare could never have been
guilty of this blunder, especially as the old play, The Taming of
a Shrew, winds up satisfactorily in this respect.
3. There is no other comedv of Shakespeare's, except the Merry
Wives, in which there is not a Duke or King ; and in which all the
176 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
characters are taken from the middle classes. The tone of this
work is quite sui generis in this respect.
4. As Hazlitt remarks : "This is almost the only one of Shake
speare's comedies which has a regular plot and downright moral."
I would rather omit the "almost," and add that no work of
Shakespeare's is so narrow in feeling, so restricted in purpose, so
unpleasing in general tone.
5. This play was made a special object of ridicule by Fletcher
in his Woman'1 s Prize, or the Tamer Tamed ; the date of this latter
play is uncertain, but it lies between 1616 and 1621, probably nearer
the former date than the latter. Now, would Fletcher have chosen
for ridicule a work by his friend, whom he admired and respected,
and that, too, within three or four years at most of his friend's
death, not long after he had been remodelling Henry VIII.., and
working wirh him in The Two Noble Kinsmen ? But we have
much stronger arguments than these general ones ; to which we
now pass on.
I. — Argument from Metrical peculiarities.
The irregular lines in this play fall into several well-defined
classes.
1. There are lines deficient by a whole measure or foot.
Examples : —
i. i, 51. I pray you, sir, is it your will.
ii. I, 259. Go, fool, and whom thou keeps':, command.
ii. i, 300. I'll see thee hang'd on Sunday first,
iii. 2, 185. Hark, hark, I hear the minstrels play,
iii. 2, 233. My household stuff, my field, my barn,
iv. i, 164. 'Tis burnt, and so is all the meat,
iv. 4, 46. The match is made, and all is done.
v. 2, 66. Let's each one send unto his wife.
2. There are lines deficient by a syllable in some part of the line
marked A in the following examples: —
i. i, 14. Vincentio's son brought up in Florence *
2. 190. No ; sayV me so A friend ? \Vhatcountryman?
OJV THE TAMING OF THE SHREW. 177
i. 2, 251. Sir, let me be so bold as ask A you.
ii. I, 73. Beccare ! you are marvellous A forward,
iii. 2, 168. What said the wench when A he rose again?
iv. i, 124. Where be these knaves ? What no man at A door.
iv- 3> 3°- Why, then, the mustard A without the beef,
iv. 3, 62. Lay forth the gown ! What news with you, Sir A ?
iv- 4> 33- No worse than I A upon some agreement,
iv. 4, 34. Me shall you find ready and willing A .
iv. 4, 55. Then at my lodging, an it like you A .
3. There are lines in which one syllable constitutes the first
measure.
Examples : — •
i. I. 48. Gentlemen, importune me no farther,
i. i, 73. Well said, master ! Mum, and gaze your fill.
i. i, 74. Gentlemen, that I may soon make good.
i. i, 90. Gentlemen, content ye ! I'm resolved.
i. 2, 1 60. O this learning, what a thing it is !
i. 2, 161. O this woodcock, what an ass it is !
i. 2, 198. Will he woo her? Ay, or I will (He, F.) hang her.
i, 2, 247. What ! this gent'man will out-talk us all.
ii. i, 109. Sirrah, lead these gent'men to my daughters.
If the Globe arrangement be taken, the line is still worse, viz.; —
To my daughters and tell them both.
ii. I, 202. No such jade as you, if me you mean,
iii. 2, 89. Come, where be these gallants? Who's at home?
iii. 2, 92. Were it better I should rush in thus ?
[Lines 130 and 132 have both been plausibly emended. I therefore
do not quote them.]
iv. I, 150. Out, you rogue ! You pluck my foot awry,
iv. I, 163. What's this? Mutton? Ay. Who brought it ? I.
iv. 2, 1 20. Go with me to clothe you as becomes you.
iv. 4, 2. Ay, what else, and but I be deceived,
iv. 4, 71. Come, Sir, we will better it in Pisa.
v. 2, 38. How likes Gremio these quick .witted folks ?
12
178 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
v. 2, 40. Head and butt : a hasty-witted body.
v. 2, 93. Not quoted ; pronounced " wor'se" (r vocal).
Ind. 2, 1 14. Madam wife, they say that I have dream'd.
4. There are lines of six measures, with the first measure
monosyllabic.
Examples : —
iv. i, 153. Where's my spaniel, Troilus ? Sirrha, get you hence !
iv. 2, 4. Sir, to satisfy you in whal I have said.
iv. 2, n. Quick proceeders, marry ! Now tell me, I pray,
iv- 2> 33- Never to marry with her, though she would entreat.
(ist foot 2 syll. but no caesura.)
i. 2, 194. O Sir, such a life, with such a wife, were strange.
5. The doggerel lines are chiefly of four measures in each line.
Examples : —
i. i, 68. Hush, master, here's some good pastime toward !
The wench is stark mad or wonderful fro ward,
i. 2, ii. Villain, I say, knock me at the gate ;
And rap me well, or I'll knock your knave's pate.
i. 2, 16. Faith, sirrha, an you'll not knock I'll ring it,
I'll try^ how you can sol fa and sing it.
The doggerel in Love's Labour's Lost, Comedy of Errors, &c., has
either five or six measures in each line; and lines like these of
four measures occur nowhere else in Shakespeare.
6. There are many rhymes of one or two measures in each line
introduced in the midst of the dialogue.
Examples : —
i. I, 79. Put ginger in the eye,
An she knew why.
iii. I, 83. Nay, by S. Jamy,
I hold you a penny,
A horse and a mon
Is more than one,
And yet not many.
ON THE TAMING OF THE SHREW. 179
iv. I, 6. Little pot,
And soon hot.
iv. 4, IOI. And so may you, Sir;
And so adieu, Sir !
These peculiarities of metre are enough of themselves to show
that the greater part of this play is not Shakespeare's. On the
lines that are deficient by a syllable or a measure I do not lay great
stress, since similar instances occur, though in much smaller number
and in corrupted passages only, in Shakespeare's undoubted plays.
But when we find over 20 lines in which the first measure consists
of one syllable; and, on looking into the other plays, find that 12
instances at most can be alleged from the whole of them, and that
these 12 are in every instance explicable on other principles, then
the fact that the metrical scheme of this play differs entirely from
the Shakespearian, becomes manifest. In fact, the average of such
lines in Shakespeare is (if none of them be corrupt, which is
extremely unlikely) less than one in two plays.
The peculiar anapaestic doggerel lines with four measures, and
the frequent occurrence of short rhymes in proverbial or quasi-
proverbial sayings in the dialogue, confirm the conclusion reached
above. Still more does the occurrence of lines of six measures, the
first one being monosyllabic : not one instance of such a line can
be adduced from the undoubted plays.
The frequent contraction of the word "Gentlemen" into " Gent'-
men " in this play is also noticeable ; it occurs,
i. 2, 219. Gent'men, God save you ! If I may be bold,
ii. I, 47. I am a gent'man of Verona, Sir.
ii. I, 328. Faith, gent'men, now I play a merchant's part,
ii. i, 343. Content you, gent'men : I'll compound this strife,
iii. I, 185. Gent'men and friends, I thank you for your pains.
i. 2, 247. What ! this gent'man will out-talk us all.
ii. I, 109. Sirrah, lead these gent'men to my daughters !
II.— Argument from the use of Latin quotations and classical
allusions.
Latin quotations are introduced in Henry VI., Titus Andronicus,
the first two acts of Pcricles> the parts of Timon which I have
12—2
i8o SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
shown elsewhere not to be Shakespeare's, and in this play. In the
whole 34 of Shakespeare's undoubted plays, only one Latin quotation
occurs, namely, that in Love's Labour's Lost, Fauste precor, &c.
There are 18 in the spurious plays.
The manner of introducing classical allusions is not Shakespearian.
Compare
i. I, 173. " I saw sweet beauty in her face,
Such as the daughter of Agenor had,
That made great Jove to humble him," £c.
with
M. V., iii. 2, 244. " We are the Jasons, we have won the fleece."
as fair typical instances.
So,
i. i, 159. " as secret and as dear
As Anna to the Queen of Carthage was. "
This manner of introducing such comparisons is found in Henry
VI., 3rd part, often ; but never in Shakespeare's undoubted plays.
For example, Henry VI., (3) v. 2, 19 : —
" As Ulysses and stout Diomede,
With slight and manhood stole to Rhesus tents,
And brought from thence the fatal Thracian steed,
So we," &c.
N.B. "Lying'st knave in Christendom," Induction, 2, 25, is
taken from 2 Henry VI., ii. i.
But the most remarkable and conclusive phenomenon has yet to
be noticed : all the above peculiarities — the lines with monosyllabic
initial measures, the classical allusions, the doggerel rhymes, — all
alike disappear in certain portions of the play, notably in the last
scenes of the 4th and 5th acts, and in portions of previous scenes,
e.g. of iv. 3 ; ii. r. But these parts of the play are those in which
Katherine and Petruchio are on the stage together : they are just
the parts which any critical reader would pick out as far superior to
the rest; they are, in fact, the very salt of the whole. I feel
ON THE TAMING OF THE SHREW. 181
justified therefore in concluding that the only characters in this play
which have Shakespeare's handiwork in them are the two principal
ones, Katherine and Petruchio ; and that to quote mis play in proof
or illustration of any peculiarities of Shakespeare's metrical system,
or otherwise, is decidedly unsafe. Dr. Abbott, for instance, seems
to have formed some erroneous notions of the metrical system of
Shakespeare, from relying too much on the douotful plays, if one
may judge by the number of times he quote? them to support his
theories.1 It also follows that the early date assigned to this play,
chiefly founded on its inferiority, need not be, and, as 1 think, is
not accurate. In fact, nothing is more dangerous than assigning
dates to authors' works by their supposed excellence of execution,
or the contrary. Nothing is more safe than a conclusion founded
on the manner of work, where the author shows development of
style in his productions ; nothing less sure than inferences from the
matter, or the relative value of it.
Thus far, then, our work has been destructive ; but I feel bound
to give a theory (at any rate) plausible as to the composition of the
play. Now, first I would notice, that although it is certainly in
ferior to Shakespeare's comedies of the Second Period, the inferiority
does not consist in immaturity, but in comparative want of genius.
It is the work of a second-rate author at his best, not of our greatest
author in his youth. Any one who reads it without a preconceived
notion that it is Shakespeare's, will, I am certain, agree as to this
point. Now, remembering how this notion of inferiority being
necessarily associated with early date has led critics astray, inducing
them to group Titus Andronicus, Pericles, and Two Gentlemen of
Verona, as productions of the same period, although three plays
more different in style, in handling, and in metre could not be
found, I will not say in Shakespeare, but in all the Elizabethan
drama ; remembering this, let us throw aside all prejudice, and look
into the metre of the scenes that I believe are Shakespeare's, espe
cially the last in the play. We shall find that the percentage of
double endings in these scenes, the number of rhymes, and the general
tone of the rhythm as to caesura and stopped lines, coincide with
1 Since I wrote the above, my attention has been called to the fallowing words
in Dr. Abbott's Shakespearian Grammar, Par. 505 : "the frequent recurrence of
these lines in the Taming of the Shrew will not escape notice," recognising the
difference between this play and Shakespeare's geueril style.
1 82 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL,
the plays at the end of the Second Period, with As You Like It and
Muck Ado about Nothing: and point to a date of 1602. Now, in
the Taming of the Shrew there is a line
" This is the way to kill a wife with kindness,"
which distinctly refers to Heywood's play of A Woman Killed with
Kindness, which dates 1602. I would therefore assign the Taming
of the Shrew to 1602, and explain its form in some such way as this.
It was written by some one x on the model of the older play, and
generally in a satisfactory manner ; but the ending being found un
satisfactory, Shakespeare was desired to furnish some alterations,
which he did ; but the playwright who interwove these in the drama
cut out the ending of the play as it stood, together with the end of
the Induction, not noticing that Sly was then left undisposed of;
and the ending in Shakespeare's scene was so satisfactory, that it
was not found advisable to meddle with it afterwards. This will
explain the absence from Meres's list, and all the other phenomena
which appear at first so inexplicable. I might adduce other argu
ments to confirm the above ; for instance, the extreme unlikelihood
that Fletcher should in 1618, or thereabouts, choose a play to
ridicule that had been published at least twenty-five years, if the
ordinary theory is correct ; or the much stronger argument, that if
there is any truth in metrical tests, there is no place whatever in
which this play can be introduced into any scheme of development
of Shakespeare's metrical system. The number of rhymes would
place it at the end of the First Period, after Midsummer Night's
Dream and Romeo and Jidiet ; but its other metrical peculiarities,
as noticed above, would not fit into any part of the plays of any
period.
I may add that if this theory be the right one — and I feel rather
confident it is — it brings the date of the play just to the time when
Shakespeare's mind was busied in re-organizing his Twelfth Night,
and other works, previously to his turning his attention from Comedy
to Tragedy, to which he devoted all his energy up to the last year
of his dramatic life.
[i In my opinion, Thomas Lodge.— F. G. F., Jan. 1876.]
ON THE TAMING OF THE SHREW. 183
In order finally to impress on the memory the differences of style
in the Shakespeare parts of this play and in the other portions,
compare the following passages, the most characteristic I can find in
the play : — •
'• Fie, fie, unknit that threat'ning unkinde brow,
And dart not scornfull glances from those eies,
To wound thy Lord, thy King, thy Governour.
It blots thy beautie as frosts doe bite the mead,
Confounds thy fame, as whirlewinds shake faire budds,
And in no sence is meete or amiable.
A woman mou'd is like a fountaine troubled,
Muddie, ill-seeming, thicke, bereft of beautie,
And while it is so, none so dry or thirstie,
Will daigne to sip, or touch one drop of it."
Act v. Sc. i. (SHAKESPEARE.)
" Tranio, since for the great desire I had
To see faire Padua, nurserie of Arts,
I am arriu'd from fruitfull Lombardie,
The pleasant garden of great Italy,
And by my father's loue and leaue am arm'd
With his good will and thy good companie,
My trustie seruant, well approu'd in all,
Here let us breath and haply institute
A course of learning and ingenious studies."
Act i. Sc. i. (Not SHAKESPEARE.)
" Oh, monstrous arrogance :
Thou lyest, thou thred, thou thimble,
Thou yard, three-quarter, half-yard, quarter, naile,
Thou Flea, thou Nit, thou winter cricket thou :
Brau'd in mine owne house with a skeine of thred :
Away, thou rag, thou quantitie, thou remnant,
Or I shall so bemete thee with thy yard
As thou shalt think on prating while thou liu'st."
Act iv. Sc. 3. (? SHAKESPEARE.)
184 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
" Hor. Sir, a word ere you go.
Are you a sutor to the Maid you talke of, yea or no?
Tra. And if I be, Sir, is it any offence ?
Gre. No : if without more words you will get you hence.
Tra. Why. Sir, I pray, are not the streets as free
For me as for you ?
Gre. But so is not she.
Tra. For what reason, I beseech you ?
Gre. For this, Sir, if you'll know,
That she's the choise loue of Signior Gremio. "
Act i. Sc. 2. (Not SHAKESPEARE.)
" For 'tis the minde that makes the bodie rich,
And as the sunne breakes through the darkest clouds,
So honor peereth in the meanest habit.
What, is the Jay more precious than the Larke,
Because his feathers are more beautifull ?
Or is the Adder better than the Eele,
Because his painted skin contents the eye ?
Oh no, good Kate ; neither art thou the worse
For this poore furniture and meane array. "
Act iv. Sc. 3. (Not SHAKESPEARE.)
" Be she as foul as was Florentius loue,
As old as Sibell, and as curst and shrow'd
As Socrates' Zentippe, or a worse ;
She moues me not, or not remoues at least
Affections edge me in. Were she as rough
As are the swelling Adriaticke seas,
I come to wiue it wealthily in Padua.
If wealthily, then happily in Padua."
Act i. Sc. 2. (Not SHAKESPEARE.)
" Such dutie as the subject owes the Prince,
E'en such a woman oweth to her husband :
And when she is froward, peeuish, sullen, soure,
And not obedient to his honest will,
ON THE TAMING OF THE SHREW.
185
What is she but a foul, unbending Rebell,
And gracelesse Traitor to her louing Lord?
I am ashamed that women are so simple
To offer warre when they should kneele for peace,
Or seek for rule, supremacie, and sway,
When they are bound to serue, loue, and obay."
Act v. Sc. 2. (SHAKESPEARE.)
[P. S. The lists formerly given in this paper of peculiar words were
only preliminary to my edition of Henry VI. ; in which the whole
question of "once-used" words will be thoroughly discussed, and
the method of using them in discriminating authorship laid down in
detail]
Hereupon follows my division of The Taming of the Shrew into
Shakespearian and non- Shakespearian portions, with the results of
the rhyme-test as applied to each. Nothing more is, I think,
needful to confirm Dr. Farmer's theory as to the authorship, and
Mr. Collier's as to the date, of this play.
METRICAL TABLE.
SHAKESPEARE.
Total
Lines.
Verse
Lines.
Rhyme
Lines.
Ratio of
Rhyme to Verse.
ii. I, 168—326....
iii. 2, a. c
iv. I, ..
I56
233
224
156
I87
I O2
2
6
£
17
V,
198
159
6
26-5
5» •
78
78
TQ'C
V. 2, I — I75
175
175
10
\r\
Total
1064
857
35
24
i86
S2-IA KESPEA RE MANUAL.
SECOND AUTHOR.
Total
Lines.'
Verse
Lines.
Rhyme
Lines.
Ratio of
Rhyme to Verse.
i I ....
2O
227
18
12-6
2
282
2^0
CI
5
ii i a. c.
All
247
14
I7-6
iii. I. ...
02
74
12
6-1
2, 129—150 ...
iv. 2. .
21
1 2O
21
1 2O
2
8
10-5
1C
4
IOQ
70
6
I VI
V I
I ^s
•2-2
18
1-8
2, 176 — 189....
14
14
H
i
Total
1449
IC65
143
7 '4
The Induction (not Shakespeare's) is rhymeless, evidently with
intention, just as the play in Hamlet is rhymed : to distinguish the
play within the play. The rhyme-ratio of rhyme to verse, I to 24 ;
that is, of rhyme to blank, i to 23 ; places this play in 1602 :
exactly where I anticipated it would come, for other reasons : it
comes at the extreme end of the Second Period along with Twelfth
Night and As You Like It. (See my paper on Twelfth Night.)
The difference of the ratios in the Shakespeare and other parts of
the play (7*4 and 24) is so great as to distinctly show the value of
the rhyme-test in determining authorship when properly used.
[P.S. Since this paper was written, I have seen reason to enlarge
the hypothesis I proposed in it to the following purport : — The
original Taming of a Shrew was written by Shakespeare and
Marlowe in conjunction for L. Pembroke's company ; Shakespeare
writing the prose scenes and Marlowe the verse. In 1600 The
Whole Contention, Hamlet, Titus Andronicus, and The Taming of
a Shrew, became the property of the Chamberlain's men, all having
formerly belonged to Pembroke's. Shakespeare re-wrote his own
part of the Taming of a Shrew, and Lodge re-wrote Marlowe's ;
hence our present play The learning of the Shrew. Shakespeare also
re-wrote Hamlet (perhaps his own part only at first, Lodge helping
him by re-writing Marlowe's for the first Quarto) ; he also touched
(slightly) the other plays. All this was done in 1601-2. See my
paper on Henry VI., " Macmillan's Magazine," Nov. 1875. —
F. G. F., Jan. 1876.]
CHAPTER V.
ON "TIMON OF ATHENS."
PART i. (1874,)
(Read May 8, 1874.)
SYMPSON, Knight, and others have held that this play is not
entirely the work of Shakespeare : but they have, so far as I know,
all proceeded on the hypothesis that Shakespeare took up an older
work of an inferior writer, and founded on it our present play, by
retouching, rewriting, and interpolating new scenes. The object
of the present paper is to show that the nucleus, the original and
only valuable part of the play, is Shakespeare's ; and that it was
completed for the stage by a second and inferior hand.
Before going into details as to metre, &c., I will examine the
scenes of the play in order : In Act i. Sc. I, I find nothing that
we can reject except the prose parts, 1. 186 — 248, and 1. 266 — 283.
The former of these is exactly in the same style as other prose talk
with Apemantus. which we shall presently see must be rejected :
it is bald, cut up, and utterly unlike the speeches of the same
personages in the other parts of the same scene ; and above all,
it has nothing to do with the plot, and does not advance the
story a step : the latter bit is clearly parenthetical : after Timon
has said, " Let us in ! " one of the rest who entered with Alcibiades
says, "Come, shall we in? and taste L. Timon's bountie?" and
after a little conversation, he and his friend, another of the rest, go
in together. So I think Shakespeare arranged it : his alterer
!S8 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
empties the stage of all but Apemantus, who stays in order to
" drop after all discontentedly like himself" in the next scene : but
as there was a bit of Shakespeare to be used up (and we shall see
that he could not afford to lose a line, for reasons to be given
hereafter), the alterer brings in two extra Lords to talk to Apemantus,
so that, after all, Apemantus has no opportunity of leaving the stage
discontentedly like himself. This is too clumsy for Shakespeare,
whether doing his own work, or vamping another man's. The
prose therefore in this scene I reject : the verse, which all hangs
together, I retain : it is Shakespeare's certainly ; for instance —
" All those which were his fellowes but of late,
Some better than his valew, on the moment
Follow his strides, his Lobbies fill with tendance,
Raine Sacrificiall whisperings in his eaer,
Make Sacred euen his styrrop, and through him
Drinke the free Ayre."
Act i. Sc. 2, on the other hand, has not a trace of Shakespeare
in it. Yentigius (who is called Ventidius in the Shakespeare part
of the play) offers to repay the 5 talents advanced by Timon, and
tells of the death of his father. This is certainly not known to
the author of the last part of Act ii. Sc. 2, where the information
as to Ventidius's father is given again, but no allusion is made to
Ventidius's offer. Timoti quotes hackneyed Latin : the whole
scene is inferior, and leaves the story unadvanced, and it contains
the first mention of Lords Lucius and Lucullus, of whom, with
their worthy colleague Sempronius, there is no notice in the
original part of the play. The steward also, or at any rate some
one who talks very like the steward of the second author's scenes,
is here called Flavius, and here only. But in Act ii. Sc. 2, Flavius
is given by Shakespeare as the name of one of Timon's servants
who is not the steward. As to the poor humour, poorer metre,
and wretched general style of this scene, I need say nothing : it
is manifest on a mere cursory reading, but I give a specimen of
\\\t poetry, the best I can find.
" He commands vs to pro wide, and giue great gnifts,
and all out of an empty Coffer :
ON TIMON OF ATHENS. 189
Nor will he know his Purse, or yeeld me this,
To shew him what a Begger his heart is,
Being of no power to make his wishes good.
His promises flye so beyond his state,
That what he speaks is all in debt ; he owis for every word ;
He is so kind that he now pays interest for 't,
His Land's put to their Bookes."
However fine this may be, it is certainly not in the style of
Shakespeare, or of the preceding scene.
But in Act ii. Sc. I we come on the genuine play again : —
"For I dofeare,
When every Feather stickes in his own wing,
Lord Timon will be left a naked gull,
Which flashes now a Phoenk."
There is the true ring in this.
Act ii. Sc. 2 is also genuine, except the prose part, 1. 46 — 131,
and 195 — 204. When Timon has demanded an explanation of
the steward, and the steward has desired the duns to cease their
importunity till after dinner, he adds to them, "Pray you walk
neere ! Fie speak with you anon ; " and straightway gives the
explanation desired : but the playwright who improved the drama
wanted Apemantus to talk nonsense to the Page and Fool of a
harlot (unknown in the rest of the piece) : so he makes the steward
say, " Pray draw neere ! " and go out with Timon, apparently to
have out their explanation. Caphis and Co. do not draw neere,
but stop to talk to Apemantus. When we've had enough of that,
in come Timon and the steward, who again says, " Pray you walk
neere," which the creditors do this time, and Timon and the
steward go on with their talk as if they had never left the stage
to say anything outside. This prose part must be accepted or
rejected along with the prose in Act i. Sc. I.
The other smaller bit is also evidently an insertion. Timon is
going to try his friends : he calls for Flavius and Servilius, his
servants ; they come ; he says he will despatch them severally :
accordingly, he tells one to go to Sempronius the other to Ventidius.
But the second author, having already in a previous scene intro-
igo SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
duced Lords Lucius and Lucullus by name, now adds Sempronius
to them, increases the number of servants to three, sends them off
to these three Lords, and leaves the messages to the Senators and
Ventidius for the steward.
Note also that he sends to each of these friends for 50 talents a
piece : but I do not enter on the question of the moneys in this part
of my paper. It is sufficient here to mention that the verse part of
the scene is pure Shakespeare. No one else could have written it.
The " drunken spilth of wine," the "one cloud of Winter showres,
These flyes are coucht," the "halfe-caps and cold mouing nods,
They froze me into silence, '"' bear the lawful stamp of his mintage.
But next come three short scenes in which we find the three
servants, -Flaminius, Servilius, and Anonymus, applying to Lords
Lucius, Lucullus, and Sempronius, in detail ; but the most dramatic
situation of all, the application of the steward (Flavins, according
.to this writer) to Ventigius, is not given, only alluded to. In these
scenes there is not a spark of Shakespeare's poetry, not a vestige
of his style ; and they are inseparably tied up with the prose
bit in Act ii. Sc. 2, which we have just rejected. As a specimen
of style, take the following, arranged to show the monotony of
the pauses : —
" Why, this is the worlds soule ;
And iust of the same peece
Is euery Flatterers sport.
Who can call him his Friend,
That dips in the same dish ? "
And in Act iii. Sc. 4, where the creditors again dun Timon, there
is no trace of Shakespeare. Timon gets in a vulgar passion ; he
bids to a banquet the three apocryphal Lords, Lucius, Lucullus,
and Sempronius ; the rest of the scene is taken up with the talk
of the creditors' servants, who can rhyme much more easily than
the best educated personages in the Shakespeare part of the play,
and are thus far poetic, if not dramatic. I need give no specimen
of their speeches : they speak the same dialect, and use the same
rhetoric, as all the characters of the second author ; any speech
of any one might be spoken by any other, so far as the language
and form of expression are concerned. It will suffice to give a
ON TIMON OF ATHENS. 191
bit from the Alcibiades of the next scene, which is one wholly by
the vamper : —
" Why do fond men expose themselues to Battell
And not endure all threats ? Sleepe vpon 't,
And let the Foes quietly cut their Throats
Without repugnancy ? If there be
Such Valour in the bearing, what make wee abroad ? "
I am tired of reiterating that these scenes by author the second add
nothing to the progress of the play.
But I must notice the difference in the enumeration of the
servants here and in Act ii. Sc. 2. In the earlier scene the only
ones present are Caphis and the servants of Isidore and Varro ; in
the latter there are Lucius, Titus, Hortensis, Philotus, and Varro's
two men (unnecessary doubling, a sure sign of inferiority) ; and it
is expressly stated in the stage direction that all Timon's creditors
are present. This scene cannot have emanated from the same hand
as the former ; but the former agrees with other portions of the
Shakespeare part of the play, the latter scene does not. Compare,
for instance, Act ii. Sc. I. "To Varro and to Isidore," and a little
further on, " Caphis hoa !" which exhausts the Shakespearian list.
But to pass on.
In Act iii. Sc. 6 Timon's speech is certainly Shakespeare's ;
for example : —
"This is Timons last.
[He] Who stucke and spangled you with Flatteries,
Washes it off, and sprinkles in your faces
Your reeking viilany."
An inferior author would not have thought of the flattery Timon
had used to his false friends, but of their adulations to him, and
would have written
" Spangled with your flatteries."
But the rest of the scene is certainly not Shakespeare's. It is a
muddle. There seem to be two Lords on the stage at first (taken
from the two in Act i. Sc. i), whom Timon calls " gentlemen loth ":
the other Lords who speak after must be part of his "attendants" ;
I92 SPIAKESPEARE MANUAL.
there are senators who don't speak at all. Timon throws warm
water at them, which apparently freezes before it reaches them,
so that they feel it on their bones, and are pelted with stones,
like the guests in the old Timon play, which Shakespeare, I feel
sure, never read.
From this point onward I shall notice only the added portions.
The Shakespeare parts are not only his, but his of his best style ; so
distinctively his that any one with ears as good as an ordinary
schoolboy's will recognise them at once. In Act iv. Sc. 2 the
soliloquy of Flavius, lines 29 — 50, is not Shakespeare's. It is in
the rhythm of the second playwright, and is inseparably connected
with Act iv. Sc. 3, 1. 463 — 543, which is certainly an added part.
I am ashamed to say that I rejected most carelessly the whole of
this scene in my original paper in 1868. My present opinion Mr.
Tennyson has confirmed.
The next piece to be omitted is Act iv. Sc. 3, 1. 292 — 362,
which is written in the same chopt-up prose as the Apemantus-
parts which we have omitted before ; it also interferes with the
sense. Timon says, " Gold sleeps here, and does no hired harm ;
here is the truest use for gold." Apemantus answers, "Thou art
the cap of all the fools alive." But our cobbling playwright makes
him answer, "Where liest o' nights, - Timon ?" and we are ex
pected by the supporters of Mr. Knight's theory — or other similar
theories— to believe that in this, and the many other instances
pointed out above, Shakespeare, working up an old play, has left
all these gross and clumsy sutures unclosed ! But above all, in
this bit Apemantus tells Timon — "Yonder comes a poet and a
painter." They talk for 60 lines, and then enter — Banditti ! more
talk with Banditti 63 lines, and then enter — Steward ! more talk
(80 lines), and then at last enter "poet and painter!" To avoid
this, modern editors make the curtain fall when the steward goes
out j but this makes matters worse ; the poet and painter must be
then "coming yonder," not only while that interminable talk goes
on, but while the curtain is down : imagine this to be Shakespeare's
arrangement ! But suppose the curtain does not fall ? Then the
poet and painter enter as the steward goes out : and one of the first
things they tell us is that "Vw said he gave unto his steward a
mighty sum." No, as the play stands, the curtain must fall in the
ON TIMON OF A TURNS. 193
middle of a scene, and the poet and painter wait yonder all the
while. This point alone settles the question of the present
arrangement being Shakespeare's.
But cut out the prose parts in these scenes, or this scene rather,
and all is right. Omit 1. 292—362 ; 1. 398—413 ; 1. 453— 543 ;
and Act v. Sc. I, 1. I — 57- ^n this scene we also omit the talk
with the steward, which is aesthetically contrary to the whole drift
of the play. Had Timon been convinced that there was one "just
and comfortable man," he would have ceased to be misanthropes,
and would not have concluded his interview with —
" Ne'er see thou man, and let me ne'er see thee.*
In style also it agrees with our botcher.
" O you Gods !
Is yon'd despis'd and ruinous man my Lord ?
Full of decay and fayling ? Oh Monument
And wonder of good deeds euilly bestow'd !
What an alteration of Honor has desp'rate want made ? "
This, and the like all through ! Enough.
But I must warn the reader in comparing these passages with
Shakespeare to take them as they stand in the Folio, before they
have been Poped and Theobalded and Walkered, into somewhat of
a pseudo-Shakespearian form. The only other bit I would reject
is, Act v. Sc. "3, where the Soldier who can't read, reads an
Epitaph which is not written, and gives us the most useless and
superfluous information of his own afterwards. Thus much then
for the division I make of the play between the writers. I spare
the reader any comment of mine on the unity of the Shakespeare
work so separated ; it is printed by itself in The New Shakspere
Society's Transactions : if he wants to feel the dislocated corduroy
road one has to travel over in reading the other writer's work by
itself, it is a slight task to mark his work in any edition of the
play as generally printed, and read it separately.
But I have only done one part of my work. I have next to
show how this curious treatment of a play of Shakespeare's came
to be adopted. His share of the play was written undoubtedly about
I94 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
1606. Delius places it with Pericles rightly. The rhyme test
places it there also. But I believe that Timon differs from other
plays in not being finished in Shakespeare's lifetime at all, though I
do not advance this as certain, but as probable only. The play is
printed in the Folio next to Romeo and Juliet, and is paged 80, 81,
82, and then 81, 82 over again; then 83, &c., to 98; then follow
a leaf unpaged, with the actors' names printed on one side, and
Julius Casar. Now the play of Troylus and Cressida, which is
not mentioned at all in the Index (' Catalogue') of the Folio, is
paged 79 and 80 in its 2nd and 3rd pages, and was evidently
intended at first to follow in its proper place as the pendant or
comparison play to Romeo and Juliet. But as this play was
originally called " The History of Troylus and Cressida" (so in
the Quarto Edition), and as there is really nothing tragical in the
main bulk of it, it was doubted if it could be put with the Tragedies,
so the editors of the Folio compromised the matter by putting it
between the Histories and Tragedies, and not putting it at all in
the Catalogue, though they still retained their first title for it as
*' The Tragedie of Troylus and Cressida." This space, then, of pp.
80—108, which would have just held the Troylus and Cressida,
being left unfilled, it became necessary to fill it. But if, as I con
jecture, some of* the following plays from Julius Ccssarto Cymbeline
were already in type, and had been printed off, there was nothing
to fall back on but Pericles and the unfinished Timon. I have
given reasons in my paper on Pericles for believing that the editors
would not have considered it respectful to Shakespeare's memory
to publish the Pericles ; they therefore took the incomplete Timon,
put it into a playwright's hands, and told him to make it up to 30
pages. Hence the enormous amount of padding and bombast in
his part of the work : hence the printing of prose cut up into
short lines as if it were verse, which is a very common characteristic
of spurious or otherwise irregular editions : hence the Dumas
style of dialogue so frequent in the Apemantus parts : hence the
hurry that left uncorrected so many contradictions, and unfilled so
many omissions. The hypothesis is bold even to impudence ; but
it accounts for the phenomena, and no other can I find that will.
Having, then, laid down as certain the division of the play, and
the assignment of the nucleus to Shakespeare ; and, as probable,
ON TIMON OF ATHENS, 195
the manner in which the play came to be so composed, we come
to the more difficult question still — Who was the second author ?
The ratio of rhyme to blank verse, the irregularities of length (lines
with four accents and initial monosyllabic feet), number of double
endings, &c., agree with only one play of all that I have analysed
(over 200), viz. The Revenger's Tragedy. But I am doubtful as to
pressing this argument very strongly, unless we give up (as I am
quite ready to do) the notion of the play being finished in 1623,
as The Revenger's Tragedy was written in 1607. The evidence of
general style, however, appears to me strongly to confirm the con
jecture that Cyril Tourneur was the second author. If we could
find out the date of his death, it might help to determine the
question as to when his part was written : but, so far as I know,
there is no reason whatever why he should not have written it in
either 1608 or in 1623.
This bit seems to me exactly in the metre of Shakespeare's
recaster : —
"In the morning
When they are up and drest, and their mask on,
Who can perceive this save that eternal eye,
That sees thro' flesh and all Well, if any thing be damn'd,
It will be twelve o'clock at night, that twelve will never 'scape."
Revenger's Tragedy, p. 322 (Dodsley's edition).
Tourneur quotes Latin too : —
" Curae leves loquuntur, majores stupent."
He writes in the Dumas dialogue : —
" Duke. My teeth are eaten out.
Vind. Had'st any left ?
Hip. I think but few.
Vind. Then those that did eat are eaten.
Duke. O my tongue !" &c. (p. 354.)
Sometimes there is a whole page like this.
Here again is a bit in the style of metre we want : —
*' 'Tis well he died ; he was a witch.
And now, my lord, since we arc in for ever,
13—2
ig6 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
The work was ours which else might have been slipt,
And, if we list, we could have nobles dipt,
And go for less than beggars : but we hate
To bleed so cowardly : we have enough,
I' faith we're well, our mother turn'd, our sister true,
We die after a nest of dukes, adieu." (P. 384.)
But with less than extracting the whole play, I cannot expect
to produce conviction on this point ; and I have already taken as
much space as can be afforded now. I subjoin the numerical data
for the metrical examination of The Revenger's Tragedy as near as I
can count them in such a badly printed edition as we yet have.
Total No. of lines, over 2400.
No. of rhyming lines exactly 460.
double endings „ 443.
Alexandrines ,, 22.
Deficient and short lines about 125.
For the data of the metre of Timon, and other arguments derived
from the sums mentioned (50 talents, &c. ), and similar statistical
matters, I refer to Part II. of this paper, which contains nothing
opposed to my present views except that I have transferred since
three prose bits from and one verse bit to, Shakespeare. This
Part II. is reprinted as it stood in 1869, for reasons given in the
note on its first page. The additional matter given in this Part I.
formed part of my first essay on the subject, which was remodelled
into the present form of Part II. at the request of Mr. P. A.
Daniel in 1868.
I have only to add that the essential part of this paper is the
proof that the Shakespeare part of this play was written before the
other part : the theory how this came to be done is accessory and
unimportant. If any one likes to believe as I did in 1869 that the
unfinished play of Shakespeare was given to another theatre poet to
finish in 1607, he is welcome to his belief : he avoids some diffi
culties and incurs others. But that Knight's theory as held by
Delius, &c., is untenable, I hold to be proven : the un- Shakespearian
parts were certainly the latest written.
ON TIMON OF ATHENS. 197
ON "TIMON OF ATHENS."1
PART ii. (1869.) [Reprinted verbatim.}
(Read May 8, 1874.)
THIS question is so intricate, and involves considerations of so
many kinds, that I shall, for the purpose of nuking the argument
clear, pursue a somewhat irregular course in its arrangement. 1
shall first submit to the reader, in a tabular form, the results that I
have arrived at after a careful and prolonged investigation of the
question. This Table is grounded on an examination of every line
of the play, one by one, as regards the metre ; on a specific analysis
of the plot with regard to the bearing of each scene or portion of a
scene on every other ; and on a minute examination of the Folio of
1623 with regard to the printing and spelling of proper names, stage
directions, &c., which have been altered by modern editors, without
authority and on (I think) insufficient grounds. The first portion of
the subjoined table shows in parallel columns the parts of the play
which I believe to be undoubtedly Shakespeare's, and those which I
assign to a second author : the other portion gives a metrical analysis
of the lines assigned to each.
It will be observed that I have divided the Scenes into five dis
tinct portions, other than the Act-and-Scene division ; and have
marked these A, B, C D, E, F. This arrangement I believe to be
that which Shakespeare intended for his Act-divisions ; but, at pre
sent, I wish it to be regarded only as a convenient arrangement for
purposes of reference in this discussion.
1 This paper was written in 1868 by Mr. Fleay, and sent in 1869 to Mr. W. G.
Clark, of Trinity College, Cambridge, the senior of the joint-editors of the Cam
bridge Shakspere. In his rooms it remained till yesterday, when his friend,
Mr. W. Aldis Wright, took it out and posted it to me. It reached me this
morning, Wednesday, April 8, 1874, and I post it at once to Mr. Childs, to print
for The New Shakspere Society's Transactions. This course is taken because
Mr. Fleay heard in 1870 that a German critic had published a paper for the
German Shakspere Society, in which he took a similar view of Timon to that
which Mr. Fleay had before taken. The German critic's views may, after all, be
very different from those expressed in the present paper ; but Mr. Fleay wishes,
in any case, to avoid the charge of plagiarism. — F. J. FURNIVALL.
I98 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
SHAKESPEARE. UNKNOWN.
Act.
Scene.
Line.
i
Act. i
i
Scene.
Line.
A
I.
z
1-293
A
L
2
1-257
B
II.
i
3
i-35
i-i93
205-242
B
II.
III.
2
2
3
4
194-204
1-66
1-94
1-42
1-119
Dc
III.
IV.
6
i
1-131
1-41
C
B
IV.
5
2
1-117
1-50
E
V.
3
I
1-291
353-398
4M-453
50-118
E
v-
3
1
292-362
399-413
454.543
1-50
F
3
4
119-231
1-17
1-85
F
1 .
3
I-IO
METRICAL TABLE.
|
i
J i 1
Prose.
Blank.
So
i
Prose.
Blank
3 : E
bo ^
1
&
JJ 1 .e
I. i
*58
208
25
2
I. 2
64
126
21
36
II. i
31
2
2
II. 2
ii
2
*8s
133
8
6
III. I
49
ii
3
2
IIT. 6
*in
12
2
6
2
58
3°
2
4
IV. i
33
2
6
3
8
*9
9
6
IV. 3
339
28
2
4
18
78
12
8
V. i
2
162
14
I
6
2
Ut
14
4
3°
10
4
77
4
4
v 1
!l i "
9
18
254
1009
86
36
V • I
3
4° !
| 5
i
4
4
•
339
441 75 j 122
* But see Part I.— F. G. FLKAY.
ON T1MON OF A THENS. 199
It will conduce to ease of comprehension, if we begin with the
latter divisions ; as the difficulties in the end of the play are easier
to examine than the early ones. We commence, therefore, with F.
In F, there is only one passage at all doubtful ; the rest coheres,
is in one style ; and that style is certainly Shakespeare's. The
doubtful piece is Act v. Sc. 3. The objections are :
F.— I. Lines 3, 4,
" Timon is dead, who hath out-lived his span :
Some beast read this ! There does not live a man,"
must be — in spite of the alteration of read into reared, as proposed
by Warburton — intended for Timon's epitaph. In this case we
have a soldier, who "cannot read" (1. 6), first reading, and then
taking, in wax, an inscription, which, in Sc. 4, turns out to be quite
different.
F.— 2. The " Soldier " of this scene is the " Messenger " of Sc. 4.
This would be of little importance, but as it is (as we shall see) only
one instance of several in this play of a like kind, the cumulative
weight of the whole becomes considerable.
F. — 3. The last four lines, telling us that Alcibiades ("our cap
tain"), an aged interpreter, young in days, makes the fall of Athens
the mark of his ambition, which fact we knew scenes ago, cannot be
Shakespeare's.
E. — From Act iv. Sc. 3 to Act v. Sc. I, 1. 118, must be in one
scene. There is no possibility of a break in the Acts, unless a very
awkward one at "Exit Alcibiades" (as arranged by modern editors);
for, as the text stands, Apemantus (iv. 3, 1. 356) sees the poet and
painter coming ; and the curtain cannot be allowed to fall without
their presenting themselves. In the Folio there is no division into
Acts or Scenes. I imagine the inordinate length of the scene, and
the extreme shortness of Act v., are the chief reasons for the modern
division. In this division (£) the omissions fall into two sections :
(1) The Steward part. (" Flavins" is an altei-ation of the editors.)
(2) The prose portions with Apemantus, Banditti, and Poet and
Painter.
-oo SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
(i) I leave till I treat of D« (2) includes : —
iv. 3, I. 292, "where liest," &c., to iv. 3, 1. 362, " Apemantus."
iv. 3, 1. 399, "where should," &c., to iv. 3, 1. 413, " know him."
iv. 3, 1. 454, "Has almost," &c., to iv. 3, 1. 463, "true."
v. i, 1. i, "As I." to v. 3, 1. 50, "the turn."
Now these are by no means to be objected to as prose: there is
plenty of prose in the Shakespeare part of this play : though not, I
think, prose so utterly different in feeling from all the rest of the
scene, as in this instance. The objections are :
E. — 1. iv. 3, 292, &c., is parenthetical. " Where liest o' nights ? "
is no answer to "here it [gold] sleeps and does no hired harm." But
f ' thou art the cap of all the fools alive " fits well.
E. — 2. 1. 356. A poet and painter are announced as in sight ;
they do not come in for nearly 200 lines ; but Banditti and Flavius,
who apparently are not in sight, come first.
E. — 3- Timon's long prose speech, 1. 329 — 349, is utterly unlike
any other speech of his in the play, and bears strong marks of in
ferior writing.
E.— 4. The Banditti have heard it "noised" that Timon has gold :
not from Apemantus, who has only left the stage one line since ;
therefore, from Alcibiades or the women. Apemantus threatens to
spread the rumour, and does not ; the women do not threaten, and
do spread the rumour. This is very clumsy.
E. — 5- In v. I, which is certainly a continuation of the same scene,
the poet and painter have not only heard the rumour, but they know
exactly all Timon's visitors: Alcibiades, the women, the "soldiers,"
and the steward who has just left the stage ; they only know "'tis
said," however, so they did not see him go. We avoid Scylla, cer
tainly, by allowing the curtain to fall at the end of iv. 3. But
Charybdis is then inevitable. The poet and painter must have been
coming, and in sight, all through Sc. 3, from 1. 356 to the end, and
U'hile the curtain is down.
E. — 6. Phrynia and Timandra are called Phry;«V<rand Timan</>//0.
This is one among several instances, tending to show that the second
author worked on a badly-written MS. of Shakespeare's portion.
ON TIMON OF ATHENS. 201
E- — 7. The whole style of these parts is mean and poor; reading
E without them, and then any of these portions, the discrepancy is
at once manifest. Note specially the couplets in v. I, 43 — 49, which
are thoroughly unlike Shakespeare.
Next, take the two Steward bits, iv. 2, and iv. 3, 463 to end. I
shall mark the objections to these, D.
D- — I. The style of these, and especially the metre, is utterly
unlike anything in the other plays of Shakespeare. It is marked by
great irregularity, many passages refusing to be orthodox, even under
torture ; it abounds in rhymes, in emphatic and unemphatic passages
alike ; the rhymes are often preceded by incomplete lines ; one of
the rhyming lines is frequently imperfect or Alexandrine. This
style was introduced by Webster, and followed by Tourneur, who
are the chief masters therein. It has some considerable power in
these authors' own class of subjects — the horrible — as in the Dutchess
of Malfy, or The Revenger's Tragedy ; but is utterly unsuitable here.
Where the Steward enters in the genuine parts, viz. ii. 2, and v. I,
the style is very different.
D-— 2. iv. 3, 476. Has for he has.
Exactly the same reasoning applies to C (iii. 5).
C- D , I reject on internal evidence of style and metre ; see the
Metrical Table, and also the general considerations at the end of this
essay.
Our next batch B (ii. I — iii. 5) is the most difficult of all.
B- — i. In the genuine parts of the play,
£ s. d.
i. I, 95 ) Ventidius borrows 5 talents I 1218 in o
ii. 2, 235-8 1 Same amount is "instant due" \
i. I, 141 Lucilius's dowry is 3 talents 722 5 o
ii. I, 1-3 Timon owes 25,000 (pieces?) 4062 10 o(?)
ii. 2, 208 Proposes to borrow 1000 talents (?) 245,750 o o
iii. 6, 23 Has asked of a Lord 1000 pieces 162 10 o(?)
In the other parts,
ii. 2, 201 i Timon sends to Lords for 50 talents 12,187 10 o
iii. I, 19 ( N.B. There 3 sums of this amount,
iii. 2 ; 13, 26, 41. " So many " talents are mentioned.
202 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
£ s. a.
ill 2, 43 $$oo talents (?) 1,340,625 o o
or if we read 50, 500 121,875 o o
iii. 4, 28 Due to Varro, 3000 crowns 487 10 o
iii. 4,29,96 Due to Lucius, 5000 crowns 812 10 o
iii. 4, 94 Due to Titus, 50 talents 12,187 10 o
iii. I, 46 Lucullus offers Flaminius 3 solidares.
The Attic talent is 243/. 15^. od.', the largest silver coin in Greece
was the tetradrachm (y. 3</.) ; I have taken this for the " crowns "
and "pieces." The value of silver (Greek standard coinage) has, of
course, much diminished ; but 15 talents was reckoned a fair fortune
for the elder Demosthenes to leave his son ; — the sum of 150 talents,
for which Timon sends to the Lords, viz. 36,562^ los. od., is, of
course, absurd : still more so is the simultaneous application of the
creditors for such discrepant sums (iii. 4, 30). Five thousand crowns
(8oo/.) is said to be "much deep" yet another creditor demands
)2,ooo/. If it be said the sums are indefinite, and not Greek
money at all, I answer that this may be true for the second writer,
but not for Shakespeare ; for he clearly drew part of his account
from Lucian, who distinctly mentions all the Greek moneys — the
drachma, the mina, and the talent.
The "so many" talents of iii. 2, and the "fifty-five hundred"
in the same scene, look like the work of a man who had some mis
givings as to his previous amount of 50 talents ; but was finally too
hurried to remember to alter it. Note, in iii. 2, no amount is given.
The thousand talents (more than a quarter of a million sterling)
in ii. 2, is in any case absurd. I would read 1000 pieces, believing
talents to have come in after the second writer had inserted ii. 2, 201,
to make the amount demanded of the senators larger than that from
a private lord. The senators, however, are mere usurers. Timon
owes two of them 9000 in ii. i, and usury is an accusation brought
against them by Alcibiades in iii. 5, 108. Neither does the "joint
and corporate voice " mean that they acted as the senate; but simply
that they were unanimous in refusing Timon's request, viz. of 1000
pieces each ; as we learn from iii. 6, 23. With this emendation, all
in the genuine parts is clear, and the amounts are reasonable ; in the
other parts we have a mass of inconsistency.
ON TIMON OF ATHENS. 203
B- — 2. The only creditors of Timon in the Shakespeare part of the
play, are, Caphis's master, Varro, and Isidore. In the other parts
they are Varro, Lucius, Titus, Hortensius, and Philotus.
B. — 3- The lords Lucullus, Lucius, and Sempronius occur in L 2,
ii. 2 (rejected part), iii. I, 2, 3, and 4, but never in the genuine
parts. They are not the same as the lords in i. 2 (who seem to be
meant for the same as those in i. i), but I imagine are intended to
be three of the lords in iii. 5 (Ventidius being the other), seeing
that they and " Ullorxa " (? Ventidius)1 have been bidden by Timon,
iii. 4, 112 ; and that they, as well as the lords in iii. 6, have
been asked for loans. But this is incompatible with the suppo
sition of these parts and iii. 6 being by one writer. He would
certainly have given the names in iii. 6 as well as in all the other
scenes.
B, — 4. Ventidius in i. I, and ii. 2, is spelled Ventidius or Ven-
tiddius ; in ii. I, and iii. 3, Ventigius or Ventidgius. I think this
points to the same conclusion as E 6.
B. — 5. The servants of the dunning scene, ii. 2, agree with the
names of the masters in ii. i ; but not with those of iii, 4. See
B2.
B. — 6. Flaminius and Servilius, Timon's servants, occur only in
connection with Lucius and Co. ; never in the Shakespeare parts,
where the servants are all anonymous — just as the senators, lords,
or friends are.
B. — 7. Great poverty of invention is shown in iii. 2, 38—41, which
repeats iii. I, 16 — 21.
B. — 8. In ii. 2, 20, the writer knows the Greek days for paying
debts, the yovp.rii'ia, and surely he would know the Greek money
too.
B. — 9. In ii. 2, there is a servant called Flavius, who talks very
like the steward in iii. 4, iv. 2, and iv. 3, though not so like the
steward of ii. 2 and v. I. He has however been identified with the
steward by the modern editors, and perhaps by the second writer ;
but if so, it must have been an afterthought, as in ii. 2, 194, he
1 [I have since tried to show that Ullorxa is a misprint for " all luxors," Tour-
neur's favourite expression. — F. G. F., January, 1876.]
204 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
is summoned by Timon " Within there ! Flavins! Servilius !" The
editors, against all metre, but determined to perform the impossible
feat of making the play, as it stands, self- consistent, alter Flavius to
Flaminius. I feel sure that the third servant in iii. 3, was originally
meant to be Flavius. The stage direction in ii. 2, is "Enter 3 Ser
vants." I fancy the original reading was " Within there ! Flavius,
Servilius, Flaminius ! " but after the second writer had altered the
Steward into Flavius, he struck out the name in iii. 3, and meant
to do so in ii. 2, but, in his hurry, struck out the wrong name. He
seems very fond of the number three ; he has 3 strangers, 3 lords,
twice 3 creditors, &c.
A- I reject i. 2, on the same grounds as iii. 5, iv. 2, &c. See
D i also.
A. — I. The hack Latin quotation, "Ira furor brevis est," is not
at all in Shakespeare's style. We find similar ones in Henry VI.,
Taming of the Shrew, Titus Andronicus ; but where in Shake
speare ?
A- — 2. Ventidius offers to return the 5 talents lent by Timon
(i. 2, I — 8) in consequence of coming into his inheritance ; yet in
the end of ii. 2, Timon tells us this latter fact over again, without
any allusion to Ventidius's offer in i. 2. This is not like Shake
speare's work.
A- — 3« Apemantus, sometimes misprinted Apermantus in other
scenes, is so all through this one ; this again looks as if the MS. of
Shakespeare was badly written : it quite deceives the second writer,
and occasionally the printer.
I have now given a number of reasons why each of the passages
in the second column of our table is not by Shakespeare. Let us
next cqnsider some points which affect the whole play.
I. The play is, in its present state, unique among Shakespeare's
for its languid, wearisome want of action. This renders it one of the
least read of all his works. But this fault is due entirely to the pas
sages which I assign to the second writer, not one of which adds
anything to the development of the plot, for they are in every
ON TIMON- OF A THE MS. 205
instance mere expansions of facts mentioned in the genuine parts of
the play. Thus the germ of —
i. 2 is in i. i, 270, &c.,
of iii. I — 3 ,, ii. 2, 192,
of iii. 4 „ ii. 2,
of iii. 5 ,, iii. 6, 6 1,
and the added parts of iv. and v. are merely padding to fill out the
deficiency in quantity. The Shakespeare part is complete in itself,
and never flags at all.
II. The whole of the brief account in Plutarch is contained in
the Shakespeare parts ; which also have the two allusions to Lucian's
dialogue, viz. the beating out the Poet and Painter, and "Plutus
the god of gold is his steward," i. I, 287.
III. The rhythm of the two portions of the play differs in every
respect. The Shakespeare parts are in his third style (like Lear},
with great freedom in the rhythm, some 4 and 6 syllable lines, some
Alexandrines with proper caesuras, and rhymes where the emphasis
is great, at the end of scenes, and occasionally of speeches in other
places. The other parts have irregularities, both in defect and ex
cess, of every possible kind. There are lines of 8 and 9 syllables,
Alexandrines without csesura, imperfect lines in rhyming couplets,
broken lines preceding rhymes, and other peculiarities, not one of
all which is admitted in Shakespeare's rhythmical system, i. 2, end,
is one of many instances of intolerably bad rhythm : —
I'll lock thy heaven from thee.
O that men's ears should be
To counsel deaf, but not to flattery !
One point in the metre may appear clearer if expressed statistically.
In the Shakespeare parts the proportion of blank verse to rhyme is as
280 to 10 ; in the other parts as 36 to 10 ; in other words, there are
proportionally 8 times as many rhymes in the latter as in the former.
IV. If, as I suppose, the second writer worked on an unfinished
play of Shakespeare's, his additions ought to be more or less frag
mentary, and Shakespeare's should contain the main plot. If, as
some have conjectured, the converse was the case, we ought to have
2o6 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
converse results. Now our first column appears to me to contain the
complete story, and to have been intended by Shakespeare to be read
as follows : —
I. Act. Timon's prosperity, i. I of present play.
II. ,, Debts and Duns, ii. I 2, of present play.
III. „ Farewell to Athens, iii. 6, iv. I, of present play.
IV. „ Cave life, iv, 3 (part), v. I (i— 118), of present play.
V. ,, Death and indirect revenge through Alcibiades, V. I
(119 — 231) ;' v. 2 ; v. 4 ; of present play.
In I. I have already pointed out on what portions of the genuine
work the other is founded ; the fragmentary nature of the spurious
work can only be appreciated on continuous reading.
V. In the Cambridge edition the following notice is given : —
" Timon of Athens was printed for the first time in Folio, 1623."
It "occupies 21 pages, from 80 to 98 inclusive, 81 and 82 being
numbered twice over. After 98 the next page is filled with the
actors' names, and the following page is blank. The next page,
the first of Julius Ccesar, is numbered 109, and instead of beginning,
as it should, signature ii., the signature is kk. From this it may be
inferred that for some reason the printing of Julius Casar was com
menced before that of Timon was finished. It may be that the MS.
of Timon was imperfect, and that the printing was stayed till it
could be completed by some playwright, engaged for the purpose.
This would account for the manifest imperfections at the close of the
play. But it is difficult to conceive how the printer came to mis
calculate so widely the space required to be left.
*.' The well-known carelessness of the printers of the Folio, in
respect of metre, will not suffice to account for the deficiencies of
Timon. The original play, on which Shakespeare worked, must
have been written, for the most part, either in prose or in very
irregular verse." — CAMBRIDGE EDITORS.
On this I have to observe, that if there is, in supposing the
printer miscalculated the space to be left, a difficulty on my hypo
thesis, the difficulty is certainly not lessened by supposing that the
whole of the play was in the printer's hands from the first. In no
ON TIMON OF A THENS.
207
other instance do the printers give a whole leaf to the actors' names ;
in only one other do they give a whole page ; and they never insert
the actors' names at all, except for the purpose of filling a blank
space.1 This looks as if the writer or printer were hard up for mate
rial ; which is confirmed by the way in which the prose is printed
(in the second writer's part only), as irregular verse ; so as to fill a
third more space than it would otherwise.
I append a List of the Actors for reference : —
IN SHAKESPEARE'S PART. SECOND WRITER.
2 Timon. Lucius.
* Apemantus. Lucullus.
* Alcibiades. Sempronius.
* Ventidius. Flaminius.
* Steward. Flavius.
3 Poet. Servilius.
3 Painter. 3 Strangers.
3 Thieves. Titus.
Jeweller. Hortensius.
Merchant. Philotus.
Athenian. Cupid.
Lucilius. Amazons.
Caphis. Soldier.
Varro's servant.
Isidore's servant.
4 Lords,
'Page.
< Fool.
Phyrnia.
Timandra.
Messenger.
N.B. — The leaf with the actors' names in the Folio is not paged,
so as to hide the fact of 10 pages being missed.
1 But see Part I.— F G. FLEAY.
2 These are common to both Shakespeare and the second writer.
3 These have been touched up by the second writer.
4 But see Part I.— F. G. Fi.KAV.
208 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
VI. Finally. On any one who really cares to form a well-
grounded opinion as to this question, I would urge this practical
test :— Read the parts of the play in our first column by themselves,
and the other parts by themselves ; and see whether the flavour left
by them is the same in both cases. I abstain from any comparison
of passages here, because any one who really is interested in the
matter can easily make them for himself ; and, moreover, I know by
experience, that if I put passages side by side to compare the
rhythm, some readers will immediately fancy it is the relative
excellence of the quotations which is in question. And herein lies
one of the greatest hindrances to the advance of criticism in this
country. People look at a handwriting, and say, " This is not
Smith's ; he writes better than that." They read a play, and say,
"This must be Shakespeare's, it is so good." The expert knows
that men write sometimes well and sometimes badly; but that in the
handwriting and the poem, alike, there is a character or style which
cannot deceive. In this case I address myself to the expert, and
have no doubt, whatever, of the verdict.
CHAPTER VI.
ON "PERICLES."
(Read May 8, 1874.)
WITH regard to the authorship of this play, we may, I think, take
it at once for granted, that the first two Acts are not by Shakespeare.
It has been so long admitted by all critics of note that this is the
case, that it cannot be worth while to go over the evidence again
in detail. In order, however, to • extinguish any lingering doubt, I
give the metrical evidence ; which will, at the same time, show how
much more easily and certainly this result would have been arrived
at had this method of investigation been earlier adopted. The play
consists of verse scenes, prose scenes, and the Gower chorus. Con
sidering at present only the first of these three parts, we shall find
so marked a difference between the first two, and last three, Acts,
as to render it astonishing that they could ever have been supposed
to be the work of one author.
COMPARATIVE TABLE.
Acts i., ii. Acts iii., iv., v.
Total No. of lines ... 835 827
No. of rhyme lines . . . 195 '4
No. of double endings . . 72 106
No. of Alexandrines . . . 5 13
No. of short lines ... 71 9^
No. of rhymes not dialogue 8 16
The differences in the other items are striking, and of themselves
conclusive: but the difference of the numbers of rhymes, the
14
210 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
proportion being 14 in the one part to I in the other, is such as the
most careless critic ought to have long since noticed. With regard
to this main question, then, there can be no doubt : the three last
Acts alone can be Shakespeare's ; the other part is by some one of a
very different school. But we have minor questions of some interest
to settle. The first of these is, Who wrote the scenes in the brothel,
Activ., Sc. 2, 5, 6? I say decidedly, not Shakespeare; for these
reasons : These scenes are totally unlike Shakespeare's in feeling on
such matters. He would not have indulged in the morbid anatomy
of such loathsome characters ; he would have covered the ulcerous
sores with a film of humour, if it were a necessary part of his moral
surgery to treat them at all — and, above all, he would not have
married Marina to a man whose acquaintance she had first made in
a public brothel, to which his motives of resort were not recommend
atory, however involuntary her sojourn there may have been. A
still stronger argument is the omission of any allusion in the after-
scenes to these three. In one place, indeed, there seems to be a
contradiction of them. The after-account of Marina, which is
amply sufficient without the prose scenes for dramatic purposes, is
given thus : —
" We haue a maid in Metiline
She with her fellow maides [is] now upon
The leauie shelter that abutts against
The Island's side."— Act v. Sc. i.
I cannot reconcile this with
" Proclaim that I can sing, weave, so we, and dance,
And [I] will undertake all these to teach." — Act iv. Sc. 6.
Nor with
" Pupils lacks she none of nobler race,
Who pour their bounty on her : and her gain
She gives the cursed bawd" — Act v., Gower.
But if these scenes are not Shakespeare's (and repeated examina
tion only strengthens my conviction that they are not), the clumsy
Gower chorus is not his either. And this brings us to the only
hypothesis that explains all the difficulties of this play. The usual
ON PERICLES. 211
hypothesis has been that Shakespeare finished a play begun by some
one else : that is, that he deliberately chose a story of incest,
which, having no tragic horror in it, would have been rejected by
Ford or Massinger ; and grafted on to this a filthy story, which,
being void of humour, would even have been rejected by Fletcher.
This arises from the fallacy which I noted in a previous paper,
caused by the inveterate habit of beginning criticism from the first
pages of a book, instead of from the easiest and most central stand
point. The theory which I propose as certain, is this : — Shakespeare
wrote the story of Marina, in the last three acts, minus the prose
scenes and the Gower. This gives a perfect artistic and organic
whole : and, in my opinion, ought to be printed as such in every
edition of Shakespeare : the whole play, as it stands, might be
printed in collections for the curious, and there only. But this
story was not enough for filling the necessary five acts from which
Shakespeare never deviated ; he therefore left it unfinished : and
used the arrangement of much of the later part in the end of
Winter's Tale, which should be carefully compared with this play.
The unfinished play was put into the hands of another of the "poets"
attached to the same theatre, and the greater part of the present
play was the result ; this poet having used the whole story as given
in Gower and elsewhere.
It is somewhat confirmatory of this theory that the play was not
admitted into the first Folio ; nor published before 1623, except in
Quarto, first by Gosson, then by Pavier, whose dealings in scarcely
anything but surreptitious editions are so conspicuous. It is difficult
to understand how such poetry as is contained in the Shakespeare
part of this play could have been neglected, had there not been some
reason for the editors of the Folio to leave it out of their edition ;
either some tradition of Shakespeare's disgust at the way in which
his work had been completed, or some strong feeling that its publi
cation in their authorized edition would be no credit to its author.
One thing is certain, that it was absolutely neglected by Shakespeare
himself : no play of his, however carelessly printed, has its text in
so wretched a condition ; nor has the way in which modern editors
have arranged its verse — which is for the most part printed as prose
in the old editions — been much more creditable to them than the
disarrangement of it was to the older editors.
J4— 2
212 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
In confirmation for the general conclusions arrived at above, I
may add a few isolated considerations. In the list of the actors'
names, Boult, Bawd, and Pander are omitted : now these, and these
only, are the additional characters introduced in the brothel scenes
in the fourth act. This looks very much as if these scenes had been
an after-thought added when the rest of the play had been already
arranged. Couple with this the fact that the Gower parts in Acts
iv., v., in which these scenes are alluded to, are in lines of five
measures, and not of four, as those in the earlier acts are : observe,
also, that these scenes, though far from reaching to Shakespeare's
excellence, are certainly superior to anything in the first two acts, so
far as mere literature is concerned, and it will be almost certain that
three authors were concerned in this play. The first author wrote
the first two acts, and arranged the whole so as to incorporate the
Shakespeare part. The second wrote the five-measure Gower parts
and the brothel-scenes in Acts iv., v., in order to lengthen out the
play to the legitimate five acts. Even as it stands the play is far
shorter than any play of Shakespeare's ; and it was probably in
order to make up for the want of poetic invention that the long
dumb-show performances were introduced into the Gower parts. It
is scarcely possible to test the prose in the same way as we can the
verse in these scenes ; but even the little verse we have of the second
writer's will, I think, be enough to confirm my theory. Not that
the prose in Act iv. is like that in Acts i., ii. ; but that the
differences are not, by any test I have yet devised, capable of
tabulation. I give specimens of the verse, for comparison.
I. — Shakespeare. His first piece in the play: —
" Thou God of this great vast, rebuke these surges^
Which wash both heauen and hell ; and thou that hast
Upon the windes commaund, bind them in Brasse,
Hauing [rejcall'd them from the deep. O still
Thy deafning, dreadmll thunders : gently quench
Thy nimble sulphirous flashes." — Act iii. Sc. I.
II. — Author of brothel scenes: —
" Neither of these are so bad as thou art,
Since they do better thee in their command ;
ON PERICLES. 213
Thou hold'st a place for which the painedst fiend
In hell would not in reputation change :
Thou art the damned doorkeeper to every
Cusherel that comes enquiring for his Tib :
To the cholerick fisting of every rogue
Thy ear is liable : thy food is such
As hath been belcht on by infectious lungs." — Act iv. Sc. 6.
III. — Arranger of whole piece: —
" Yet cease your ire, you angry Stars of heaven,
Wind, Rain, and Thunder : Remember earthly man
Is but a substance that must yield to you :
And I, (as fits my nature, ) do obey you.
Alas, the Seas hath cast me on the Rocks,
Washt me from shore to shore, and left my breath
Nothing to think on but ensuing death :
Let it suffice the greatnesse of your powers
To have bereft a Prince of all his fortunes,
And having thrown him from your wat'ry grave,
Here to have death in peace is all he'll crave." — Act ii. Sc. I.
These three styles are about as different as any can be ; but
still further to distinguish the non-Shakespearian writers, let us
compare their rhyming-verse.
I. — Writer of brothel scenes : —
" And Pericles, in sorrow all-devourd,
With sighes shot through, and biggest teares o'reshow'r'd,
Leaves Tharsus and again imbarks, he sweares
Never to wash his face nor cut his haires,
He puts on Sackcloth and to Sea he beares,
A tempest which his mortall Vessell teares.
And yet he rides it out. Now take we our way
To the Epitaph for Marina writ by Dionizia,
The fairest, sweetest, and best lies here,
Who withered in her spring of year :
She was of Tyrus the King's Daughter,
On whom foule death hath made this slaughter :
2i4 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Marina was she call'd, and at her birth
Thetis, being proud, swallow'd some part of th' earth :
Therefore the earth, fearing to be o'reflow'd
Hath Thetis birth-childe on the heav'ns bestow'd,
Wherefore she does & swears she'll never stint,
Make raging Battry vpon shores of flint." — Gczver, Act iv.
Before, however, comparing this with passages from Acts i. and
ii., consider the monstrous theory which all the best critics, except
Sidney Walker, have hitherto held.1 Delius, for instance, in his
preface to his translation of Pericles (in Bodenstedt's edition), says
that "the original Composer of this Drama, later on withdrew in
favour of his co-worker Shakespeare — so to say, allowing himself
to be eclipsed." Imagine Shakespeare in his best period allowing
this stuff to stand in a play over which he had the full control ! It
is impossible. Shakespeare certainly never had any management
or arrangement of the play : he only contributed the Marina story,
which ] have tried to separate and restore to him. Read that by
itself : then turn to any of the ether portions, and see how you like
the flavour ! But to return to our comparison. Take from Act ii.,
Gower, this bit ; note its affected and obsolete form, and see whether
it is by the same hand as the last-quoted bit, which is almost modern
in form and. arrangement : —
" By many a dearne and painfull pearch
Of Pericles, the carefull search,
By the four opposing Coignes,
Which the world together joynes,
Is made With all due diligence,
That horse and saile, and high expence,
Can steed the quest. At last from Tyre,
Fame answering the most strange enquire,
To th' Court of King Simonides,
Are Letters brought, the tenour these."
1 Walker held the theory of three authors, and rightly divided the play ; but
was certainly wrong in fixing on Dekker as the third man. I did not know this
when I wrote the text.
ON PERICLES, 215
And with the Epitaph compare
The Riddle (Act i. Sc. i).
" I am no Viper, yet I feed
On mother's flesh which did me breed :
I sought a husband, in which labour
I found that kindnesse in a father.
Hee's father, sonne, and husbande mild,
I Mother, Wife, and yet his child.
How they may be, and yet in two,
As you will live, resolve it you. "
Surely, we may conclude that there were three authors. But who
were they ?
The original manager and supervisor of the whole work was, as
Delius says, George Wilkins : he made the play as far as he wrote
it, from Twine's novel : he calls it " a poore infant of my braine ; "
he plumes himself on the arrangement of the Gower choruses as his
own invention. In this, Delius is undoubtedly right ; and to his
preface I refer for further information on the matter. In confirm
ation, however, of this theory, I give an analysis of the metre of
the only play of G. Wilkins which we possess — The Miseries of In-
forced Marriage, — which will be found to coincide very closely with
that of Acts i., ii., of Pericles given above, and which is more like
it than that of any other play among the hundreds I have tabulated.
There are in that play 526 rhyming lines, 155 double endings, 15
Alexandrines, 102 short lines, 14 rhyming lines of less than five
measures, and a good deal of prose, which, seeing that the play is
about three times the length of the first two acts of Pericles, gives a
marvellously close agreement in percentage.
The second author was, I think, unquestionably W. Rowley. I
have not just now access to complete plays of this author in verse,
but comparison of the prose with that of A Match at Midnight, and
of the verse with that of the plays he wrote in conjunction with
Fletcher and Massinger, assures me absolutely of the truth of this
conjecture. Indeed, if I had complete plays of his in verse here,
the quantity of verse in the Pericles by Rowley is too small to build
a tabulation on. One peculiarity of his woik, however, gives us a
T.
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PERICLES. 217
it Excepting the two passages fbttowmg, I can find no portions
.:•'-.-:'.-• ,'.rz:-'.-. -^ : . ; - ;t ; :_' v.-r r. -.- il
" A gentleman of Tyre, his name Pericles, Ms education been in
------- :.-.!-.-.. I: •.:..-..-: -r:.-. .-.-:.---.:.-: •-.:. I. --:.-."•/-•-
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and men, and after shipwreck thrown upon that shore." (p. 32.)
Compare Act iL Sc. 3, L 81, Sue.
"Poor inch of nature!
Tlxra art as ruddy welcome to the world
As ever princess1 babe was,
And hast as chiding a nativity,
As fire, air, earth, and water can afford thee." (p. 44.)
Compare Act Hi. Sc. I, L 31, &c.
Mr. Collier says, "though it would be easy to maffipty proofs, 1
shall pursue this point no farther." He quotes every syllable m
•V.:M.- ::" iis -.Jr.-:'.:-. : .:. 1 v.t:; : -:;-.-r- ::.-.: :__- :: :. : : -
only samples of a large stock kept behind in reserve. So, in his
endeavour to show that Edward I1L is emtirdy written by Shake-
srt-re. lr _-:v^ i :'--.-.- :~: ---.-. _-_-. --:_:- --',-_-__:-. LI :V:~ "r
small portion (2| scenes) that Shakespeare did really write in that
-:; .-.-. -.. ir.i :r.tr. :ell= u= : i; :r.e~ :::!•= - ".i- i: r.-.i "•:-.-:•.-: -7 - : -:
he (Mr. CoDier) might "quote die whole Quarto," that "the three
Ii-: i::i irt ill :.-;_;:-: - i± :-- -I-.iI.;f=:tir.i- t-t:r/ ".i
Tigoor,r <Scc. &c. In the saiae way Mr. Collier qootes from Wiiins.
"Ifi as you say, my lord, yon are the gorernor, let not yonr andioritf,
which should teach yon to rule others, be the means to make you
:. . - _' ' . : r. _.":..: . : : r . " .- : . : 7 '.'. ~ ". _ " i ~ . t ; ~. ~ . - _~ - : : -
y iti:t-:. ".I -: r ::yi : ; .: '.I;-: ;, It: -:: 7:— L;t :- r
your birth a bastard: If it were thrown upon yon by
good that opinion was the cause to make you. great,1
seven lines which continue in the same style, and adds, "If these
thoughts and this language be not the thoughts and the language of
Shakespeare, I am much mistaken, and I have read him to fittte
purpose.11 I should be sorry to say Mr. Caffier had read Shakespeare
to little purpose, as he (above most critics) has done for us excellent
service ; but I reckon this view of Wilkins s novel as one of the
2i8 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
The fact is, that Wilkins in his novel and in his play (Miseries
of Inforced Marriage] has many blank-verse lines in the midst of
his prose, and not lines only, but passages. I here give some from
his novel : —
1. " He did not well so to abuse himself,
To waste. his body there with pining sorrow." (p. 19.)
2. " That this their city, who not two summers younger
Did so excel in pomp and bore a state
Whom all her neighbours envied for her greatness." (p. 21.)
3. " Before help came, up came the fish expected,
But proved indeed to be a rusty armour." (p. 28.)
4. " Begging this armour of the fishermen,
And telling them, that with it he could show
The virtue he had learn' d in arms, and tried
His chivalry for their princess Thaisa." (p. 29.)
5. " Vengeance, with a deadly arrow, drawn
From forth the quiver of his wrath,
Prepared by lightning, and shot on by thunder,
Hit, and struck dead
These proud incestuous creatures where they sat,
Leaving their faces blasted, and their bodies
Such a contemptful object on the earth
That all
Those eyes but now with reverence lookt upon them,
All hands that served them, and all knees adored them,
Scorn'd now to touch them, loath'd now to look upon them,
And disdained now to give them burial." (p. 33.)
6. " Ay, traitor,
That thus disguised art stolen into my court
With witchcraft of thy actions to bewitch
The yielding spirit of my tender child.
Which name of traitor being again redoubled
Pericles then instead of humbleness
Seemed not to forget his ancient courage." (p. 38).
ON PERICLES. 219
7. " Equals to equals, good to good is joined,
This not being so, the barrin of your mind
In rashness kindled must again be quenched
Or purchase our displeasure." (p. 40.)
8. "I have read of some Egyptians
Who after four hours' death (if man may call it so)
Have raised impoverish! bodies like to this
Unto their former health." (p. 48.)
9. " First what offence her ignorance had done
(For wittingly she knew she could do noi^e)
Either to him that came to murder her
Or her that hired him." (p. 57.)
10. " Lady, for such your virtues are, a far
More worthy style your beauty challenges.
I hither came with thoughts intemperate,
Foul and deform'd the which your pains
So well hath laved that they are now white,
Continue still to all so, and for my part
Who hither came but to have paid the price,
A piece of gold for your virginity,
Now give you twenty to relieve your honesty.
It shall become you still
To be even as you are a piece of goodness,
The best wrought up that ever Nature made,
And if that any shall enforce you ill
If you but send for me I am your friend." (p. 66.)
n. " But sorrows' pipes will burst have they not rest." (p. 71.)
These passages occur in all parts of the story, and quotations can
be multiplied of them: but these already given would be too nume
rous, were it not that I wished to show that they not only occur in
the parts of the novel corresponding to the Wilkins, Rowley, and
Shakespeare parts of the play indiscriminately, but also in passages
of pure narrative, as well as in the speeches of the characters. In
fact they are inseparable from Wilkins's style, and very often his
220 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
prose is in better iambic rhythm than his verse is. This entirely
upsets Mr. Collier's argument on the passage,
" His blood was yet untainted, but with the heat
Got by the wrong the king had offered him,
And that he boldly durst, and did defy himself,
His subjects, and the proudest danger that
Either tyranny or treason could inflict upon her."
As to which Mr. Collier says,
" Would the above have got so readily into blank verse if it had
not in fact been so originally written, and recited by the actor when
Pericles was first performed ? "
I should not indeed have thought it necessary to have noticed
these views of Mr. Collier's, were it not that both Mommsen and
Delius have been misled by them : which is surprising, as both of
them have excellent ears for rhythm.
There are, however, other more important points in this Wilkins
novel that demand our attention ; for instance, the difference in his
treatment of the rhyming documents in the play. The riddle which
occurs in the part he wrote himself he quotes in exactly the same
form : but the inscription on Thaisa's coffin he alters thus : —
' ' If ere it hap this chest be driven
On any shore or coast or haven,
I, Pericles, the prince of Tyre
(That, losing her, lost all desire),
Intreat you give her burying,
Since she was daughter to a king,
This gold I give you as a fee ;
The gods requite your charity ! "
As he has put in his novel the four lines of undoubted Shakespeare
quoted above, — "Thou art as rudely welcome, " &c. , — he must have
had Shakespeare's work before him when he wrote the novel, and
this inscription must therefore have been altered to show how
much better he could do it himself. I do not think his attempt a
ON PERICLES. 221
success. In like manner he has altered Rowley's epitaph on Marina
into
" The fairest, sweetest, and most best, lies here,
Who wither'd in her spring of year.
In Nature's garden, though by growth a bud,
She was the chiefest flower, she was good. "
Had he written this himself originally, he would have done it, as
he has all the rhymes in his part that are not dialogue, in octo
syllabics.
But his crowning achievement is the song he quotes from Twine,
given to Marina, and which Delius — if I understand him rightly —
takes to be the same that Shakespeare intends her to sing : —
" Among the harlots foul I walk,
Yet harlot none am I ;
The Rose among the thorns doth grow,
And is not hurt thereby :
The thief that stole me sure I think
Is slain before this time ;
A Bawd me bought, yet am I not
Denied by fleshly crime.
Nothing were pleasanter to me,
Than parents mine to know ;
I am the issue of a king,
My blood from kings doth flow.
In time the Heavens may mend my state,
And send a better day ;
For sorrow adds unto our griefs,
But helps not any way.
Shew gladness in your countenance,
Cast up your cheerful eyes,
That God remains that once of nought
Created earth and skies."
The treatment, then, of these lyrics strongly confirms our con
clusion as to the share WilkinsJiad in writing the play, and so does
the exact similarity of the style of his verse-prose to that of the
222 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
prosaic verse of the drama : that he should have expanded and
given more detail in the prose work is only natural ; as, for instance,
in giving Thaisa's letter to her father in full : there is not, however,
the slightest pretext for foisting any of the novel into the play. On
the contrary, some of the alterations are essentially undramatic. For
example, the following passage, which Delius praises, is very inferior
to the treatment in the play (Act ii. Sc. 2, end) : "But Cerimon, who
best knew that now, with anything to discomfort her, might breed
a relapse which would be unrecoverable, intreated her to be cheer'd ;
for her Lord was well, and that anon when the time was more
fitting, and that her decayed spirits were repaired, he would gladly
speak with her. " Is Thaisa a petulant baby, then, to be coaxed and
petted into reason? And again : in Act v. Sc. I, Pericles, accord
ing to Wilkins, strikes Marina on the face ! His Marina certainly
deserves any punishment for her detestable song ; but Shakespeare's
Pericles is a gentleman and a father.
A much more important matter, however, is, that when Pericles
in the novel, in obedience to Diana, tells the story of his life, he
gives all the events that happened at Antioch and Pentapolis in full,
the riddle and the tournament, and all the rest of it. None of this
occurs in the play : Shakespeare carefully confines Pericles's speech
to the events that concerned his sole subject, the life of Marina. A
stronger argument that his work was not founded on Wilkins's play,
but done previously and independently, one cannot well have : and
in like manner afterwards in the same scene in the novel, Thaisa
aludes to Pericles having been her schoolmaster; Shakespeare has
not this allusion : and finally, the novel ends with Pericles burning
the Bawd, Marina rewarding the Pander, Pericles rewarding the
fisherman, stoning Cleomenes and Dion, and succeeding to the
kingdom of Antioch, all of which is foreign to the Shakespeare play.
In fact, the shifts that critics who hold the common opinions as to
this play are reduced to, are strong arguments in favour of my views.
Delius, for instance, is obliged to make such assumptions as these :
I. That the abundance of material compelled the author of the play
to introduce Gower and the dumb-show business : — the fact being,
that the play is an unusually short one, and that there was abundance
of space for all that Wilkins wanted to introduce : his poverty of
invention was the only drawback to his doing so. 2. That in Act v.
ON PERICLES. 223
Sc. 3, some of Wilkins's work is retained and patched up by Shake
speare : why, he could have re-written it with half the trouble of
cobbling up Wilkins. 3. That in the Epilogue and five-foot Cower
part, Shakespeare imitated Wilkins ! The author of Lear imitated
the author of the Miseries of Injorced Marriage! It is true he
couldn't keep up the imitation, and the real Shakespeare shows in
the dialogue. 4. Finally, that the Gower in Act v. is like Prospers
Epilogue : and that Wilkins wrote the parts of Timon that are not
Shakespeare's. 1 say nothing in reply to this : I can only admire,
and conclude with one little piece of lower criticism, that the
author of "she was rather a deserving bed-fellow for a prince,
than a play- fellow for so rascally an assembly" (p. 62 in the
novel), was probably author also of the first chorus in the play,
" To seek her as a bed-fellow,
In marriage pleasures play-fellow."
CHAPTER VII.
ON "ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS WELL."
WHETHER this be the same play as Love's Labours Won is
doubtful : that it has a better title to be considered so than any
other extant play of Shakespeare is certain, and has been abun
dantly shown by others. I confess that I feel little interest in the
question, as it cannot from any data at present in our possession
be settled satisfactorily. All that we are here concerned with is the
demonstrable fact that it contains portions written at a much earlier
date than the completed work. At the time of its completion
Shakespeare had introduced the free manner of his third period —
that of the Tragedies ; was using many Alexandrines and short
lines ; was indulging freely in double endings ; and in the greater
part of this play was comparatively sparing in the use of rhymes.
There are however portions of the play which are quite in his earliest
style; i.e. in the continuous rhyming manner of Lovers Labour's
Lost, and in a few instances we find also alternate rhymes and even
stanzas. These parts are indubitably of a much less matured time ;
and indicate that the play is founded on an earlier draft. I now
proceed to give a list of these portions.
I. — Act i. Sc. I, last 14 lines in rhyme, forming a speech of
Helen's, perfectly appropriate to her position and feeling at the
moment, but in no way connected with or necessitated by the
context.
II, — Act i. Sc. 3, 1. 134 — 142 ; an eight-line stanza, spoken by
the Countess ; pure youthful poetry, not dramatic j not required in
the scene or connected with the context.
ON ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS WELL. 225
TIT. — Act ii. Sc. I. 1. 132 — end ; 71 lines in continuous rhyme,
quite different in general tone from the rest of the play, but forming
an essential part of the action.
IV. — Act. ii. Sc. 3, 1. 78 — in, contains 20 lines in rhyme
exactly like III., with some prose bits of Lafeu's introduced at a
later date in the completed play.
V. — Same scene, 1. 131 — 151, in rhyme ; 20 lines exactly of the'
same character as the preceding.
VI. — Act iii. Sc. 4. Helen's letter in form of sonnet. This
sort of composition does not quite die out till the end of Shake
speare's Second Period, but it is very rare in that period and never
appears in the Third; I assign this therefore to the early play.
VII. — Act iv. Sc. 3. The same remarks apply to Parolles'
letter.
VIII. — Act v. Sc. 3. 1. 60 — 72, a rhyming passage of the
same character as III. IV. V. So lines 291 — 294; 301 — 304;
314 — 319 ; 325 — 340, indicate by frequent rhymes that they are
debris of former play used in the rebuilding.
To my mind this metrical evidence of itself is conclusive ; but if
any one doubts let him read the passages tabulated above and notice
the total difference of manner and feeling in them from the rest of
the play; the way in which the sense is concluded in each couplet,
often in each line ; the grammatical structure of the sentences ; and
I think that his poetic feeling will convince him if his judgment on
the evidence dp not.
I need only notice further that, of the above passages, I. II. VI.
VII. are clearly poetic bits retained in the complete play for the
sake of their poetic worth ; III. IV. V. VIII., the dramatic bits are
almost entirely from the speeches of Helen and the King ; whose
characters appear to have been more completely conceived in the
original play than the minor personages, and to have required less
alteration.
There are no doubt many other boulders from the old strata
226 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
imbedded in the later deposits, e.g. the end of Act iv. Sc. 2, &c. ;
but only in a special consideraion of this play would it be possible
to trace out every line of this character. Enough has, I hope, been
given to show the truth of our main proposition, and I now leave
the further prosecution of the question to those who are investigating
the problem, What was the original form of Lavfs Labour 'j Won ?
or if needful to some future paper of my own.
CHAPTER VIII.
ON "TWELFTH NIGHT.'
IN order to examine into the question of the date of Twelfth Night
it is first necessary to consider the structure of the plot. There
are two distinct plots in it, as in Troylus and Cressida there are
three. In Shakespeare's usual practice, where there are two plots
in a play, as in Lear, they are, even when derived from distinct
sources, so interwoven that it is impossible to disentangle one of
them and present it separately. But this is not the case in the two
plays mentioned above. Just as the story of Troylus' love is
separable from that of Ajax's pride and Achilles' wrath, so is the
story of Viola, the Duke and Olivia, separable from that of Malvolio,
Sir Toby and Maria. Wherever this is the case, one of three
conclusions must be drawn : either the play has been written at
two periods (as I think is the case here); or by two authors,
which is not the case here ; or it is an inferior piece of
work, which is also not the case here. The characters that belong
to what I consider the early part of the play are, the Duke,
Sebastian, Antonio, Viola, Olivia, Curio, Valentine, and the
Captain. The part of the play in which they enter is I. i. ii. iv. v.
(part) ; II. i. ii. iv. ; III. i. (part), iii. iv. (part) ; IV. i. (part), iii.;
V. i. This can be cut out so as to make a play of itself entirely
independent of the other characters, which is the infallible sign of
priority of composition.
This part of the play is full of the young, fresh, clear poetry of
Shakespeare's early time, the time of Midsummer Nighfs Dream,
his first period. The other part is that of the man of the
world, the satirist ; kindly and good humoured, but still the satirist.
15—2
228 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
All this latter part is added by Shakespeare himself; it i* from the
same mint as Falstaff and his companions, the same as Pistol and
Parolles. For the play of All's Well that Ends Well in like
manner divides into two parts. The part taken from the novel is
early, and perhaps contains in it all that remains of Love's Labour 's
Won. The characters of the Countess, Parolles, and the Clown,
are Shakespeare's additions, like Sir Toby Belch, Sir Andrew
Aguecheek, Fabian, Maria, Feste, and Malvolio ; and as I have
stated in the examination of that play, they are additions of a later
time. In both these plays, too, the early part has been revised ;
and All's Well has been nearly rewritten, so that the old play has
been broken up, and only pieces of it can be recognised as boulders
embedded in the later strata ; in Twelfth Night, the stratification
has not been disturbed ; only the surface has been denuded and
scratched a Lttle, and some new material has been deposited here
and there.
The first indication I have found of this date is in II. iv.
" Now, good Cesario, but that piece of song,
That old and antique song, &c.
Come, but one verse ; "
where Viula was evidently intended to be the singer : (compare I.
ii, 56 :
" Thou shall present me as a euntichio him :
It may be worth thy pains : for 2 can sing
And speak to him in many sorts of music.}"
This is from the first draft ; but in the revised play Curio makes
the strange answer (in prose, as all, or nearly all, the latter work is
in this drama), "He is not here that should sing it;" and the
Duke says, " Who was it ?" forgetting the singer he had heard the
night before. He afterwards points out the special character of the
song (1. 44 — 48) to Cesario, who had also heard it, and who had
just been asked to sing it ; all this I think could not have been
written at one time.
But external proof as to the date of this play we unfortunately
have none, except as to its final completion and production before
1602 ; and its character in style is not pronounced enough to fix the
date of any portion. I feel certain myself that the prose part is of
ON TWELP TH NIGH T. 22g
the same time as As You Like It and Much Ado about Nothing: and
that the verse part is a revision of earlier work done quite at the
beginning of the Second Period ; but for this I rely rather on the
many subtle undefinable links between it and the other plays of that
date than on such broad facts as we have here room for. The com
munity of origin with The Two Gentlemen of Verona pointed out by
Karl Simrock in 1833 is, however, a strong ground for presump
tion, and we shall find that the metrical evidence gives important
confirmation.
We have next to assign some plausible theory why just at this
period, 1594-5, Shakespeare should have written nothing but un
finished fragments of plays if my theory be true, and that too in so
many instances : Troylus and Cressida, The Two Getit/c/nen, Twelfth
Night, being all begun and left unfinished at this date, just at the
end of his First Period, after which a great and important change
takes place in his style. Exactly the same thing takes place at
the end of his Third Period, when he begins and leaves unfinished
the plays of Pericles and Timon ; at the end of his Fourth Period,
when he begins and leaves unfinished The Two Nolle Kinsmen and
Henry VIII. At the end of his Second Period, it is true, we
have not a like phenomenon, no plays having been begun and left
unfinished at that time ; but on the other hand, the plays of Twelfth
Night, The Taming of the Shrew, and All's Well that Ends Wdl
were either revised or completed in 1601-2.
There are periods in all organic growth when secretion is lessened
for a time, and all the forces of the organism are busy in assimila
tion : there are also periods when assimilation ceases for a time,
and all the forces are occupied in laying up new stores for future
development. Such periods I hold these dividing epochs in Shake
speare's style to have been. From his external life we are, as it
seems to me, able to connect these epochs with some of those great joys
and sorrows which leave their permanent marks on men for good or
evil. Hallam has noticed the cynical turn of his mind during his
Third Period ; others have conjectured that the plays of the Fourth
Period were produced in rest and retirement ; and I think in
passing from the First to the Second Period we may see a
change from the dreams of youth to the sad realities of the world.
The sorrows of Love 's Labour 's Lost, Midsummer Night's Dream,
230 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
and The Comedy of Errors are unreal, and excite no deep feeling in
us ; even Romeo and Juliet'*- and Richard II., though they move our
pity, do so only because in them passion is disappointed or calamity
rashly incurred. We are sorry for the events, and wish they had
been otherwise ; but Math the actors in the dramas we have no deep
individual sympathy such as we feel at the very beginning of the
Second Period with the passionate agony of Constance, the Christian
resignation of Antonio, or the logical though extreme vengeance
of Shylock. We have passed from the youthful hnd of dreams, from
the youthful impulses of passion, from the youthful view of history
as a spectacle or a romance, to a world in which men and women
have duties to perform and tasks to accomplish. Romeo and Julkt
are severed by remorseless fate, but Portia and Bassanio by the
stern call of duty ; Richard II. suffers for making a mistake in
banishing Bolingbroke, but John for his crimes towards his nephew
raid his country. Between these periods come the unfinished plays
in which the first unfaithfulness in friendship (Proteus), the first
infidelity in woman (Cressida), the first uncomplaining submission to
unknown and therefore unrequited love (Viola), are to be found in
Shakespeare's plays. And just at this period there are in his out
ward life enough of sorrows yet visible to us to account for this.
In 1593 Marlowe, with whom he had certainly been closely con
nected, was taken away by death ; in 1595 Hamnet, his only son,
was most likely sickening, to die in the early part of the next year.
Henceforth his method of work changed, his poetry is mingled with
prose to an extent previously -unknown ; the jingle of rhyme is for
the most part abandoned for the sterner cadence of a rhymeless
rhythm ; a change of style is initiated which ceased not till the end of
work came with the night in which no man can work. During this
anxious time no wonder that he could finish nothing. He could
publish the already finished Lucreece ; but the realities of life would
allow no completeness to the fevered incoherent creations of the
fancy. After his son had been taken away from him, then he could
buckle himself to the work before him, and do it with his might.
It may be that without this sorrow we should have had no Cordelia.
In the same way I connect the ends of his Second and Third
* But this play I now think is founded on one by George Ptele. (Sept. 1875.)
ON TWELFTH NIGHT. 231
Periods with the deaths of his father and of his youngest brother,
Edmund, the actor.
But if I say all that I wish to say on this subject this paper will
be interminable. I must come to the metrical tests, and see if they
confirm or refute my theory. I much regret that in these early
plays we have to depend on the rhyme-test almost alone ; the
weak-ending test, by which I separated all Massinger's work from
Fletcher's, and which I have used for all the Third and Fourth
Periods for Shakespeare, is inapplicable to his first two periods, and
the caesura-test is not yet worked out. I have no doubt that nearly
all the peculiarities of the secondary dramatists can ultimately be
traced to Shakespeare, and their rank may almost be assigned by
the peculiarity of metre that each assimilated from his storehouse :
that, for instance, Jonson's use of the extra- middle syllable at a
pause, Fletcher's double-ending, and Massinger's weak-ending, were
all adopted from Shakespeare's later time ; while Dekker's, Tour-
neur's, and Webster's rhymes are all reproductions of his early
system though in a comparatively awkward and mistaken manner.
Will some one volunteer to count the caesuras ? I have done one
man's share of counting.
The part of Twelfth Night that contains the Viola story compre
hends nearly all the verse part; and as there is none of the Malvolio
and Aguecheek part in verse except 17 lines of V. i. 280 — 323, we
may take the rhyme-ratio of the whole play (minus these 17 lines)
or 112 : 876 — 17, or 112 : 859, or I : 7-5, as that required for our
purpose. But it is impossible in those cases when an author has
partly rewritten his early sketch, as is clearly the case in these two
plays, to ascertain what part of the early work has been cancelled ;
and therefore we must not press the rhyme-ratio too strictly. This
will apply still more to All's Well that Ends Well. In Troylus and
Cressida, on the other hand, the old work was almost untouched, and
we can draw more exact conclusions. In the present plays I am
quite content to find that the results I arrive at from totally different
reasoning are entirely confirmed by the rhyme-test : and on all
grounds alike I conclude that the original draft of the story of Viola
was made about the date of 1594-
CHAPTER IX.
ON "TROYLUS AND CRESSIDA.
THIS play of Troylus and Cressida differs from all others of which
I have as yet made special analyses, in having been composed at
three distinct periods: begun in 1594-6; continued shortly after ;
finished about 1606-7. And here I desire again to repeat that I
by no means wish my inferences as to any date to be regarded as
final until each play has been separately studied : my table is only
a first approximation, which will aid in obtaining a second and I
hope a truer one. I also wish that any use of exact dates may not
be looked on as meant to serve any further purposes than distinct
ness and brevity : thus, when I say this play was begun in 1594,
£c., what I mean is this, that it was begun at the end of Shake
speare's First Period, as I arrange his plays, after Richard II.
and before The Merchant of Venice; that it was continued a year or
two later ; that it was finished after the great Tragedies and before
the Roman plays : but I by no means pretend that any play, or
group of plays, may not be slipped up or down in the scale a year
or two, provided the relative order be retained.
This being premised, I proceed with the exposition of my theory
as to this play. I hold, then, that there are three plots interwoven,
each of which is distinct in manner of treatment, and was composed
at a different time from the other two. There is first the story of
Troylus and Cressida which was earliest written, on the basis of
Chaucer's poem : next comes the story of the challenge of Hector to
Ajax, their combat, and the slaying of Hector by Achilles, on the
ON TROYLUS AND CRESSIDA. 233
basis of Caxton's Three Destructions of Troy: and finally, the story
of Ulysses' stratagem to induce Achilles to return to the battle-field
by setting up Ajax as his rival, which was written after the publica
tion of Chapman's Homer, from whom Thersites, a chief character
in this part, was taken. If this theory be true, the Troylus story
ought to split off tolerably clean from the other two, and unless in
passages interpolated at the same time as the after-additions were
made, not to contain any allusions to them : the second story in like
manner should contain no allusions to the third ; but it may or may
not to the first. Let us examine the play as to its arrangements.
The passages containing the Troylus story are : —
Act. Scene. Line.
I. I, 1-107. (Troylus and Pandarus.)
I. 2, 1-321. (Pandarus and Cressid. )
III. i, 1-160. (Pandarus, Paris, and Helen.)
III. 2, all. (Pandarus, Troylus, and Cressid.)
III. 3, 1-33. (Calchas, Agamemnon.)
IV. I, all. (^Eneas, Paris, Diomed.)
IV. 2, all. (Troylus, Cressid, Pandarus, ^neas.)
IV. 3, all. (Paris, Troylus.)
IV. 4, 1-141. (Pandarus. Cressid, Troylus, Diomed.)
IV. 5, 12-53. (Cressid, Diomed, Grecian Generals.)
*V. 2, ? (Cressid, Diomed, Troylus, Ulysses.)
V. 3, 97-115 (Troylus, Pandarus.)
In no part of this story is there the slightest overlapping of the
other stories, except in the asterised scene where Ulysses enters,
and in IV. v. 277-293; V. i. 89-93; v- iv- 20-24; V. v. 1-5;
V. vi. I -ii; which bits also involve Ulysses, Diomed, and
Troylus.
We shall treat of these presently : but putting them aside for a
moment, I would ask any one who wishes to analyse the play to
examine this story by itself, and see whether he thinks it written in
Shakespeare's best style. I will give the metrical evidence in tables
for all three parts at the end of this paper : but, apart from all
statistics, is there not something about such a passage as this quite
inconsistent with the hitherto usually-received theory of the play
234 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
— that it belongs (except a doubtful passage or two at the end)
altogether to Shakespeare's Third or Fourth Period ?
" Tell me, Apollo, for thy Daphne's love
What Cressid is, what Pandar, and what we ?
Her bed is India, there she lies a peavl ;
Between our Ilium, and where she resides,
Let it be called the wild and wandering flood ;
Ourself the merchant ; and this sailing Pandar
Our doubtful hope, our convoy, and our bark." — Act i. Sc. I.
Is it not written just in the same mode as —
" In one little body
Thou counterfeitst a bark, a sea, a wind :
For still thy eyes which I may call the sea
Do ebb and flow with tears ; the bark thy body is
Sailing in this salt flood ; the winds, thy sighs," &c.
Romeo and Juliet. Act iii. Sc. 5?
or the passage in Richard 77. , Actv. Sc. 5, which is too well known
to need quoting at length, beginning,
" For now hath Time made me his numb'ring clock."
or,
" her sunny locks
Hang on her temples like a golden fleece j
Which makes her seat of Belmont Colchos' strand,
And many Jasons come in quest of her."
Merchant of Venice ; Act i. Sc. 2.
This is not the style of the later plays ; nor is
" Buried this sigh in wrinkle of a smile." — I. I, 38 ;
nor the prose of Pandarus's speeches : but I need not multiply
quotations, the book is in everyone's hands.
For my own part, I cannot read this Troylus part without
being reminded — in its conceits, its dirty jokes, the peculiar turn
of its comparisons, the flow of its metre, the unstayed youthful-
ness of its ideas, and the sensuous passionateness of its love — of
the companion play of Romeo and Juliet. For whatever may be
ON TROYLUS AND CRESS W A. 235
thought of the other plays of Shakespeare that I would class together
as twin productions of his genius, I hold that nothing can be more
certain than that the two plays of Friendship which contain the
stories of faithful Antonio and faithless Proteus were meant as
pendants to each other ; and that the two plays of youthful pission,
with the stories of "True and Faithful Juliet" and "False and
Faithless Cressid," were also meant as pendants. Try the experi
ment ; prepare your ear by reading straight off a couple of Acts of
Borneo and Juliet, and then read this Troylus story without a word
of the other parts of the play, as far as Act iv. Sc. 4, and I
confidently await the verdict.
But we must pass on to the second story, that of Hector. This
is contained in the following parts : —
Act. Scene. Line.
I. I, 108-119. (./Eneas and Troylus.)
I. 3, 213-309. (./Eneas and Agamemnon.)
II. 2, all. (Priam, Hector, Troylus, Paris, Helenus,
Cassandra. )
III. i, 161-172. (Paris, Helen.)
IV. 4, 142-150. (Paris, ^Eneas.)
IV. 5, 1. 1 1. (Grecian Generals.)
IV. 5, 54-276. (Hector, ./Eneas, Greeks, &c.)
*V. i, all. (except Thersites and Patroclus part.)
V. 3, 1-97. (Hector, Andromache, Cassandra, Priam,
Troylus.)
V. 5, i — end of play — (Troylus's last speech, &c.)
(But Sc. 7, 8, 9, and perhaps Epilogue, probably spurious.)1
1 The spurious part of the last Act is probably dtbris from Dekker and Chettle's
Troylus and Cressida, written in 1592, and reproduced in a revised form as
Agamemnon in 1599. If anY one doubts that such an amalgamation of plays by
different authors could take place let him refer to The Tragedy of Ccesar and
Pornpey, by Chapman, Act ii. Scene i, which is clearly not a piece of the play,
but the remains of an old play of the same title acted in 1594 at the Rose. It
alludes to the Knack to Know a Knave, published in the same year, 1594, and
acted two years earlier. There are other instances of this : I hope the French
scene in Henry ^. between Alice and Katharine is one of them. At any rate,
no play should be edited without careful consideration of all evidence obtainable
as to other plays on the same subject. The play entered in the Stationers' books
in 1602 for publication was probably Shakespeare's, not including the Achilles'
story ; it could not have been Dekker and Chettle's, as they did not write for
the Chamberlain's company. It may have been, however, partly made up from
their play in the catastrophe, as the Quarto Hamlet was from the early Hamlet of
1588-9. Editors have been misled in this matter by not noticing that the 1602
entry was of a play belonging to the Chamberlain's men.
236 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
This part of the play, which contains everything connected with
the war, with Hector's challenge to Ajax, with his combat with him,
with his final encounter with Achilles, and his death, was, in my
opinion, added to the early sketch of Troylus' loves (which was not
enough to make a five-act play), not long after the writing of the
first part.
The style of this second part is more advanced than the first ;
but not so much so as many of the Second Period plays. It reminds
us most of The Merchant of Venice or JoJin. It also in parts has an
echo of Marlowe, just as we might expect, if I am right as to its
date of composition. See my edition of Henry VI. l
For instance : —
" Is she worth keeping? why she is a pearl
Whose price hath launched aboz>e a thousand ships
And turned crowrfd kings to merchants.
If you'll avouch 'twas wisdom Paris went,
As you must needs, for you all cried * Go, go : '
If you'il confess he brought some noble prize,
As you must needs, for you all clapt your hands,
And cried 'Inestimable,' why do you now
The issue of your proper wisdoms rate?" &c. — Act ii. Sc. 2.
Compare with the first three of these lines Marlowe, Faust —
" Was this the face that launched a thousand ships
And burnt the topless towers of Ilium ? "
I must also notice that, according to Theobald, the Margarelon
of Act v. Sc. 5 and Act v. Sc. 7, with the Sagitfary of Act v.
Sc. 5, are derived from Caxton's Three Destructions of Troy: accord
ing to Malone, the Knights, Act iv. Sc. 5, 1. 158, are from the
same source. All these references are from the Hector story : which
confirms my opinion that that is an integral and separable part of
the play. I have not seen the above-named story-book, nor
Lydgate's poem on this subject : Lad I had an opportunity of doing
so, I should probably have had something to add to what I have
here stated : as it is, I must be content at present to give the
evidence derivable from the materials at my command. I cannot
* Unfortunately still in MS. (Sept. 1875).
ON TROYLUS AND CRESSIDA. 237
omit, however, one little confirmation of my theory that lies on
the surface. In Act i. Sc. 2, Hector goes to the field and fighis.
In Act i. Sc. 3, after this, we find him " grown rusty in the lor.g-
continued truce." Surely these passages were not written at the
same period.
Of course this Hector part will not read as complete in itself as
the Troylus story does, inasmuch as it had to be fitted on to it : it
is, however, wonderfully near completeness, taking all circumstances
into account.
The third story is contained in
Act. Scene. Lire.
I. 3, i -2 1 2. (Ulysses, Nestor, Agamemnon.)
I- 3. 3IO-392- (Ulysses, Nestor.)
II. I, all. (Ajax, Thersites, Achilles, Patroclus.)
II. 3, all. ( Ditto ditto and Greek Generals.)
III. 3, 34-316. (Ulysses, Achilles, Thersites, Patroclus, &c.)
IV. 5, 277-293. (Ulysses, Troylus.)
V. i, all. (Thersites and Patroclus.)
V. 2, all. ( Ditto ditto. )
V. 4, all. (Thersites, &c.)
In this part, and this only, we have the style of Shakespeare's
third-fourth manner in metre ; in word-coining ; in metaphor, in
development of character. I need not dwell on this, it is the
extreme palpability of this fact that has caused all this play to be
usually assigned to the date of 1608, or thereabouts : what has not
been seen is, that these characters do not run through the whole
play, but only this Achilles and Thersites part. I must, however, say
a few words on the alterations Shakespeare must have made, if he
wrote this play in the way I say he did.
It will have been noticed that I asterised some parts of the
Troylus story. This is the reason. These parts are in their present
shape evidently remodelled in the last revision. Ulysses's speeches
are clearly in the latest manner. The scene between Diomed and
Cressida, however, if Troylus, Ulysses, and Thersites are cut out,
falls into regular metre rather more than the scene as it stands does :
and is in the earliest style. I think it is part of the first Troylus
sketch : I am sure that Cressida's rhymed soliloquy is. Readers of
238 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Chaucer will remember, that Troylus in his version discovers
Cressida's faithlessness by finding a brooch in a cloak he wins from
Diomed in battle. I believe that Shakespeare followed Chaucer,
as his only authority, in his first sketch, and so did not take Troylus
to the Greek tents at all : this scene being given between Diomed
and Cressida only to show that Troylus's suspicion from the brooch
was a true one. But finding afterwards how easily he could make
him see instead of susptct by sending him with Hector to the Greek
tents, he cut out the fighting scene and the brooch, and put in the
additions to this scene. So we explain all the difficulty under this
head. The other asterised bits are all of the Third Period, put in to
match the new version of this scene. There are other little links too
minute to note here, which I should point out in editing the play.
But there is one point noticed by the 'Cambridge Editors that so
strongly confirms my theory, that I must give it in full It will be
seen from the tables given above that the Troylus story ends at Act
v. Sc. 3, the Hector story at the end of the present play : while the
final additions as to Ajax, Ulysses, &c., are all inserted in the
previously existing parts, and do not reach to the end ; either as we
have it now, or as it existed in either of the two earlier stages. Now
Shakespeare would not in all probability write even so incomplete
a sketch as the Troylus story without contriving an end for it and
writing this end. This is the practice of all great writers, as far
as we can trace their manner of work : and we find it exemplified
in Twelfth Night, the only other play of Shakespeare composed in
the same way as this one, at two distinct periods : the end there is
clearly of the early work. We ought, therefore, to find some trace
of the first ending of the Troylus story, if anywhere, at the close of
Act v. Sc. 3. Of course Shakespeare may have obliterated it, but
if he has not, it can be only looked for where the love story is
closed. Now exactly at that point we read in the Folio three
lines,
" Pan. Why but hear you ?
Troy. Hence, brother lackey, ignomy and shame,
Pursue thy life and live aye with thy name ; "
which three lines are evidently meant for the original end of the
play, as they occur again just before Pandarus's final epilogue. The
ON TROYLUS AND CRESSIDA. 239
occurrence of these lines in both these places cannot be explained
by supposing a second author for the last scenes : for Act v. Sc. 5,
and Act v. Sc. 10, which occur after the first insertions of them in
Act v. Sc. 3, are undoubtedly Shakespeare's, although the piece
from the entrance of " one in sumptuous armour " (Act v. Sc. 6), to
the end of Act v. Sc. 9, is of dubious authenticity, and perhaps the
Pandar epilogue. I do not, however, discuss this question here.
It is of more importance to our present subject to see if the metrical
tests will bear out our previous conclusions. And before giving
statistics, I must observe that the use of these tests seems to be
misunderstood even by those who have used them as supporting
their views ; or are using them to obtain conclusions on disputed
points. I lay down, therefore, some canons of method relating to
them.
I. — No conclusion can be drawn from an insufficient number of
instances. This number varies with the test. A dozen instances of
weak-ending in a page of ordinary 8vo. would stamp a play at once
as Massinger's ; but to any conclusion drawn from less than 1,000
lines as to number of rhymes or double -end ings I should attach
very little value.
II. — Tables of ratios must not be used without considering the
positive amounts of the numbers from which the idtios are calculated :
thus, in comparing The Tempest with Winter s Tale, the ratios of
rhymes to blank verse lines come out as I : 729 and I : infinity
respectively. This looks like an enormous difference, but it means
only that there is one rhyming couplet in The Tempest and none in
Winter's Tale. No conclusion could be based on such a ground.
Again, in The Merry Wives of Windsor the addition of one rhyme
would alter the proportion from I : 22 to I : 20, so that if anyone
unacquainted with Shakespeare's metre were to count
" Fear you not that ! Go, get us properties
And tricking for our fairies,"
as a rhyme, he would displace the position of the play considerably
hi the table. It is clear that, in plays chiefly prose, conclusions
cannot be drawn from these tests in cases where the numbers are
close together.
240 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
III. — Cases where the author adopts a manner or metre quite
contrary to his usual custom cannot be determined by them. Thus
Fletcher's Faithful Shepherdess can no more be compared with his
other plays than Beauiront's Masque can with his : nor can Ben
Jonson's Masques or even his Sad Shepherd be included in any
argument as to his general metrical peculiarities. Midsummer
Night's Dream, on the other hand, which is not different in any
respect of handling from Shakespeare's other early plays, cannot be
so excepied.
IV. — No conclusion can be drawn from any peculiarity of style
that was consciously or deliberately adopted by an author, so far as
the chronology of his works is concerned : thus, no result could be
gathered from the number of lines with double-endings in Fletcher,
as he clearly from the very first chose this manner of style. That
he chose it is clear from its entire absence in the Faith fttl Shepherdess,
although never missing for a moment in the succeeding plays, as far
as they are Fletcher's.
On the other hand, this kind of peculiarity is the most valuable
for determining authorship. Hence the extreme ease of separating
the Fletcher parts of Henry VIII. and The Two Noble Kinsmen :
the Wilkins or Tourneur parts of 7imon, the Wilkins parts of
Pencles. Hence also the enormous difficulty of separating the dif
ferent authors in the three parts of Henry VI. That this problem
can be solved I hope to show ; but I say confidently that, though
I believe I have fully solved it, yet any attempt at solution by
metrical tests alone, as far as such methods are yet published, must
utterly fail. In fact, all the men after Shakespeare clearly adopted
deliberately what I may call a metrical humour : Fletcher, his
double-endings ; Massinger, his weak ones, and his full-complement
lines ; Dekker, his numerous rhymes scattered in the dialogue ;
Middleton, his triple endings, such as—
" As wild and merry as the heart of innocence"
(\vhich must be carefully distinguished from Alexandrines) ; and so
on for the rest. But the earlier men, Marlowe, Greene, Peele, &c.,
who formed the first blank-verse school, all wrote in the same hard,
inflexible monotone, that deterred Shakespeare from at first giving
ON TROYLUS AND C RE SSI DA. 241
up rhyme, which he dropped only when, and in exact proportion as,
his blank-verse became freer, less subject to such arbitrary rules
as Puttenham's, and consequently more dramatic. That he did
this unconsciously I am certain : for whenever a piece of his old
work was good enough in other respects, he never altered it for
metrical reasons in his subsequent revises : hence the possibility
of such a paper as this present, in which we shall presently see
that one can recognise his early work by the glitter of the early
rhymes.
This same principle compels us to exclude from calculations for
determining the date of Shakespeare's plays all such cases as the
inner play in Hamlet, the masque in The Tempest, the fairy scene in
The Merry Wives (which is really an inserted play as much as the
Hamlet one), for in all these the different rhyming treatment was
clearly adopted deliberately beforehand, in order to differentiate this
part of the work from the rest ; it did not grow up in the author's
mind spontaneously, while Ihe actual writing was going on, as an
emphatic rhyme in the middle or even at the end of a scene did :
it was a preconceived limitation, not an unforeseen development.
Similar remarks apply to Pistol's iambics, which are an essential
part of his original conception.
V. — The test chosen must be suited to the special author or special
case treated of. Thus the weak-ending test is infallible for separating
Fletcher's work from Massinger's. It is only of use in Shakespeare
for the later periods of his plays. The number of rhymes will
separate Dekker from late Shakespeare ; but the manner of their
introduction would have to be noted in separating Dekker from
early Shakespeare. To use rhymes as a test in any of Ben Jonson's
work would be a waste of labour, while his triple endings, the one
characteristic which distinguishes him from all dramatists but
Middleton, should be carefully worked out in any question concern-
ing his metre.
VI. — Metrical tests should, unless in special cases, not be used in
the initiatory stages of investigation. The chemist will understand
me at once when I say they are to be used as characteristic and not
as class tests. All questions as to authorship, date, &c., should be
16
242 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
approximately determined on other grounds, and then the metrical
test should be applied to each portion to see if the separation of
unlike parts is complete. Thus in dividing The Witch of Edmonton
amongst its three authors, I first exairined the plots and separated
the scenes belonging to each; then I looked to the treatment of
character, the style, and what are called the aesthetic tests : I found
these agree with the former division ; then applied my metrical tests
to each portion, and found my conclusions in all respects confirmed
and finally approved. But in dividing The Maid in the Mill between
Fletcher and Rowley, after separating the plots, I found the metrical
tests distinctly contradicting the division for the first Act : I had to
try back, and make a new hypothesis of change of work between
the contributors, and then all agreed with the metrical tests — and
the work was done. So, again, in Shakespeare, I put forth in the
year 1874 a chronological table of Shakespeare's plays. This was
founded on such knowledge as I then had of other evidences as con
firmed by my test of proportion of rhymes in verse scenes to number
of blank- verse lines ; since that time I have seen occasion, as this
chapter shows, to change the place of Troylus and Cressida by assign
ing it to three periods instead of two. This division is not based on
metrical grounds : I only use the metre to confirm my conclusions ;
but if the metre were to contradict my conclusions drawn from other
grounds, I should throw up the whole theory and try again. So I
have found occasion to transfer the place of Cymbeline from before
Lear, Hamlet, and Othello, to after them ; and to leave a much
greater margin for the date of Macbeth : but in neither case do the
metrical tests contradict these changes, for the proportions for the
first-named plays are so close, I : 30, and I : 31, that I cannot
attach importance to them, and the place of Macbeth must
stand undetermined by me till we come to the chapter on that
subject.
These tests are infallible when used with due precaution, but
useless otherwise. The chemist will understand me again when I
say that disturbing elements must be eliminated before characteristic
tests are applied ; and that specific results are not to be expected
from tests not characteristic. I may some day make a tabular
scheme of my tests drawn up in the same form as chemical tables
for the laboratory, as a guide for future inquirers in these matters.
OAT TROYLUS 'AND CRESS1DA. 243
VII. — Tests must be applied singly, but interpreted jointly.
Descriptions of all peculiarities of any author or any work, given
together, are comparatively useless. The dividing tests must first be
carefully determined for each case, and used one at a time. If they
give the same results, then the characteristic tests should be applied
one by one till all have been tried ; and if any one fails, the whole
analysis must be repeated on a different arrangement. In fact,
whatever is true of chemical testing is true mutatis mutandis in this
kind of testing also.
VIII. — Mathematical deductions from the doctrine of chances
and inferences from one set of numerical results to another are
most valuable, and to be applied whenever possible. For instance,
Dr. Abbott's deduction from Mr. Simpson's numerical statement, that
2,700 words in Shakespeare occur in Uvo plays each and in no others
— to the effect that four words only are to be expected as peculiar to
any given pair of plays — is most valuable as well as ingenious. I
found it of the greatest use in dividing Henry VI.
IX. — The accuracy of our present texts must be considered.
Some of Fletcher's plays are in such a mutilated and incorrect state
that it is impossible to determine how many Alexandrines, &c., aie
in them. A great part of The Scornful Lady, printed as prose even
in Mr. Dyce's edition, is distinctly verse. Much Snakespeare verse
in Pericles is printed as prose in the early editions. It is clear that
any tabulations, or deductions of numerical character in such cases
as these, depend entirely for their value, in the first place, on the
editor's arrangement of the text. Thus, any exact critical conclu
sions from stopped lines or weak-endings derived from the received
rext in Pericles, I assert meo fericu 'o to be worthless.
X. — We must adopt every scientific method from other sciences
applicable to our ends. From the mineralogist we must learn by
long study to recognise a chip of rock at once from its general
appearance ; from the chemist, to apply systematic tabulated tests to
confirm our conclusions ; from both, to use varied tests — tests as to
form, as for crystals, — tests as to material, as for compounds ; from
the botanist we must learn to classif}', not in an empirical way, but
16-2
244
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
by essential characters arranged in due subordination ; finally, from
the biologist we must learn to take into account, not only the state
of any writer's mind at some one epoch, but to trace its organic
growth from beginning to end of his period of work : remembering
that we have often only fossils, and even fragments of fossils, to work
from, when our object is to restore the whole living animal. When
these things are done systematically and thoroughly, then, and then
only, may we expect to have a criticism that shall be free from
shallow notions taken up to please individual eccentricities : a criti
cism that shall differ from what now too often goes under that name,
as much as the notions on the determining causes of the relations
between wages and capital differ in the mind of a Stuart Mill and
that of a Trades- Union delegate.
METRICAL TABLE.1
(I)
Troylus Story.
72
607
I :8'4
(2)
Hector Story.
58
798
I : 13-6
(3)
Ajax Story.
16
873
i : 54'5
Rhyme lines.
Verse lines.
Ratio.
If, then, our rhyme-test is true,
(1) was written between first and second periods, nearer the first
than the second ;
(2) between first and second periods, nearer the second than the
first;
(3) between third and fourth periods, nearer the fourth than the
third.2
But these are exactly our conclusions from aesthetic and other
grounds. The rhyme-test gives reliable results as usual when used
as a characteristic test.
1 This division in no way contradicts that published by me in The Academy.
It only carries the analysis a step further. I first separated the Troylus story ;
this separation I published in that paper. I now separate the Hector story.
The arguments that prove one prove the other.
2 No ; nearer the third than the fourth. See Professor Ingram's excellent
paper (Sept. 1875).
CHAPTER X.
ON "MACBETH."
WERE it not that I have the high authority of the Cambridge
editors to countenance me in my main theory of this play, I should
almost fear to produce it : the popular idea that this is not only one
of the most powerful, but also one of the most perfect works of
Shakespeare, must necessarily raise so strong a prejudice in the
minds of my readers against so bold a hypothesis as I shall have to
lay before them, that it will be in most cases difficult even to obtain
a hearing, much more a candid consideration of it. And if difficult,
as I know by several years' experience it is, to get a hearing for
their hypothesis as they present it, it will be far more so when pushed
to the greater extent that appears to me inevitable. The general
statement is this : Macbeth in its present state is an altered copy of
the original drama, and the alterations were made by Middleton.
I commence by a condensed statement of the arguments of Messrs
Clark and Wright.
1. The stage directions in III. v. 33, Sing within, Come away,
Come away, &*c.; and IV. i. 43, Musicke and a Song, Black Spirits,
Jb-Y., refer to two songs given in full in Middleton's Witch.
2. The Witch and Macbeth have points of resemblance, (a) As
Hecate says of Sebastian, "I know he loves me not," so Hecate says
of Macbeth, " He loves for his own ends, not for you." (b) In the
Witch, "For the maid-servants and the girls o' th' house, I spiced
them lately with a drowsy posset : " in Macbeth, " I have drugged
246 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
their pos?ets." (<r) In the Witch, Hcc., "Come, my sweet sisfers,
Jet the air strike our tune : " in Macbdh, " I'll charm the air to give
a sound." (d) In the Witch, " The innocence of sleep :" in Macbeth,
"The innocent sleep." (e) In the Witch, "There's no such
thing : " in Macbeth the same words. (/) In the Witch, "I'll rip
thee down from neck to navel : " in Macbeth, " He unseamed him
from the nave to the chaps." And, they add, there are other
passages.
3. The witches in the two plays are strongly alike, though Hecate
in one is a spirit,1 and in the other an old woman.
4. There are parts of Macbeth not in Shakespeare's manner :
namely —
(a} I. ii. Slovenly in metre, bombastic ; 1. 52, 53, not consistent
with I. iii. 72, 73, 112, &c. Shakespeare would not send a severely
wounded soldier with news of victory.
I. iii. I — 37. Not in Shakespeare's style.
II. i. 61. " Words to the heat of deeds too cold breath gives."
Too feeble for Shakespeare.
II. iii. Porter's part. "Low, written for the mob by another
hand."— Coleridge.1
III. v. Not in Shakespeare's manner.
IV. i. I — 38. Masterly, but doubtful : falls off in 1. 39 — 47.
III. v. 13. " Loves for his own ends.'* But Macbeth hates
them : calls them " secret, black, and midnight hags."
III. v. 125 — 152. Cannot be Shakespeare's.
IV. iii. 140 — 159. Interpolation : probably before a Court-repre
sentation.
V. ii. Doubtful.
V. v. 47—50. Weak tag : unskilful imitation.
V. viii. 32. " Before my body I throw my war-like shield." In
terpolation.
* I do not agree with this,
ON MACBETH. 247
V. viii. last 40 lines. Two hands clearly. Double-stride direc
tion. " Fiend-like queen " dispels the pity excited for Lady Mac
beth :x " by self and violent hands " raises the veil dropped over her
fate with Shakespeare's fine tact.
III. ii. 54, 55. Interpolation.
Play probably interpolated after Shakespeare's withdrawal from
theatre [not earlier than 1613].
Their opinion as to I. i. is doubtful. They also decline giving
opinion as to date of the Witch.
The above is, I hope, a fair abstract of their views : what I shall
try to do is to carry them out still farther, and to support them with
new arguments.
[Here followed in the first issue of this chapter a discussion on the
Porter's speech in Act ii. Sc. 3. As this rough and incorrect draft
was never intended for publication, I have -withdrawn it. There was
in it one blunder which even now I wish to set right.
The singular words "everlasting bonfire" have been misunder
stood by the commentators. A bonfire at that date is invariably
given in the Latin Dictionaries as equivalent to pyra or rogus; it was
the fire for consuming the human body after death : and the hell-fire
differed from the earth-fire only in being everlasting. This use of a
word so remarkably descriptive in a double meaning (for it also
meant feu de joie: see Cotgrave) is intensely Shakespearian.3 I do
not however say that this speech is unaltered Shakespeare : I only
leave out all discussion of it as not bearing on my main argument,
and coming into unnecessary collision with opinions worthy of great
respect even if one differs from them.]3
Taking, then, for granted that one of the two plays, the Witch
and Macbeth, was copied from the other in certain parts, it is im
portant to consider if there is any evidence which was the earlier.
Some external evidence that we have favours the view that the Witch
was. Middleton says in his dedication, " Witches are ipso facto by
the law condemned : and that only, I think, hath made her lie so
1 I do not agree with this.
2 Compare also All's Well that Ends Well, iv. 5, "They'll be for the flowery
way that leads to the broad gate and the great fire."
3 This passage between brackets was inserted in September 1874.
248 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
long in an imprisoned obscurity." It seems from this at first sight as
if the play had been written long before the dedication, and the dedi
cation had been written soon after — (in King James the First's first
year, 1603) — the laws against witches had been confirmed. But the
words will bear another interpretation, and we cannot build on this.
Malone gave up this opinion in favour of the other, that Macbeth
was the earlier : nor do I see how the coincidences of expression
pointed out by Clark and Wright are to be explained otherwise, as
several of these occur in parts undoubtedly Shakespeare's : and he
would not imitate Middleton. In this view the Cambridge editors
coincide. This point being, then, probably determined, the question
arises, Could Middleton have altered this play after 1613, and yet
have written the Witch after that? Certainly; for he continued
writing till 1624 ; and there is good reason to believe that all his
plays written for the King's company date between 1615 and
1624.
I next pass to the consideration of the nature of these witches.
In Holinshed we find that " Macbeth and Banquo were met by iij
women in straunge and ferly apparell resembling creatures of an
elder world : " that they vanished : that at first by Macbeth and
Banquo " they were reputed but some vayne fantasticall illusion,"
but afterwards the common opinion was that they were "eyther the
weird sisters that is ye Goddesses of destinie, or else some Nimphes
or Feiries endewed with knowledge of prophesie by their Nicroman-
ticall science." (Act ii. Sc. 2.) But in the part corresponding to
IV. i. Macbeth is warned by " certain wysardes " to take heed of
Macduff : but he does not kill him, because " a certain witch whom
he had in great trust " had given him the two other equivocal predic
tions. Now it is to me incredible that Shakespeare, who in the
parts of the play not rejected by the Cambridge editors never uses
the word, or alludes to witches in any way, should have degraded
"ye Goddesses of destinie " to three old women, who are called \>y
Paddock and Grimalkin (their incubi or familiars), sail in sieves, kill
swine, serve Hecate, and deal in all the common charms, illusions,
and incantations of vulgar witches. The three who "look not like the
inhabitants o' th* Earth and yet are on't ;" they who "can look into
the seeds of Time and say which grain will grow; " they .who "seem
corporal," but "melt into the air" like " bubbles of the Earth : "
ON MACBETH. 249
the " weyvvard sisters" who "make themselves air" and have "more
than mortal knowledge " are not beings of this stamp. Were it for
this reason only, Act I. Sc. i, Sc. iii 1. 1—37, and III. v. (in which
the servants of Hecate are identified with the three beings who meet
Macbeth in I. ii.) must be rejected. Shakespeare may have raised
the wizard and witches of the latter parts of Holinshed into the
weird sisters of the former parts ; but the converse process is impos
sible. I shall recur to this, but want first to dispose of Hecate.
The Hecate of III. v. and IV. i. occurs nowhere else in Shakespeare.
Even in this play the "pale Hecate" whose " offerings witchcraft
celebrates," the "black Hecate who summons the beetle to ring
night's yawning peal," is the classical Hecate, the mistress of the
lower world, arbiter of departed souls, patroness of magic, the three
fold dreadful Goddess : so she is in Midsummer Night's Dream, in
Lear, in Hamlet. "Triple Hecate's team," "The mysteries of
Hecate and the night," "with Hecate's ban thrice blasted," are the
phrases we meet with there : in this play she is a common witch, as
in Middleton's play (not a spirit, as the Cambridge editors say) ; the
chief witch : who sails in the air indeed ; all witches do that : but a
witch ; rightly described in the stage direction : Enter Hecate and
the other three "witches.
I must here in parenthesis ask how the usual theory can be made
consistent with this stage direction ? The three witches are already
on the stage ; the other three must mean the weird sisters who
appear in I. iii. to Macbeth in the Shakespeare part of the play,
and are identified with the Middleton witches in I. iii. 32. They
are quite distinct from the Shakespeare witches of IV. i. The
attempts made to evade the evidence of this stage direction as being
a blunder should be supported by instances of similar blunders :
instances where characters already on the stage are described as
entering : omissions of such directions are easy to understand : their
insertion without cause is unexplained, and I think inexplicable.
Then this un- Shakespearian Hecate does not use Shakespearian lan
guage : there is not a line in her part that is not in Middleton's worst
style : her metre is a jumble of tens and eights (iambic, not trochaic
like Shakespeare's short lines) like some of the Gower choruses in
Pei-icles, a sure sign of inferior work ; and what is of most import
ance, she is not of the least use in the play in any way : the only
250 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
effect she produces is, that the three fate-goddesses who in the introduc
tion of the play were already brought down to ordinary witches, are
lowered still further to witches of an inferior grade with a mistress
who " contrives their charms " and is jealous if any " trafficking "
goes on in which she does not bear her part. She and her songs,
and the speech in IV. i. 125 — 132, which is certainly hers, although
all the editors assign it to First Witch, are all alike not only of the
earth earthy, but of the mud muddy. They are the sediment of
Middleton's puddle, not the sparkling foam of the living waters
of Shakespeare.
Thus far, then, my results coincide with the Cambridge editors':
I reject I. i. and I. iii. I — 37 ; III. v. and IV. i. 39—44. But now
we must face the real difficulty. What are the witches of IV. i. ?
are they the "weird sisters," fairies, nymphs, or goddesses? or are
they ordinary witches or wizards, as we should expect from the nar
rative in Holinshed, and entirely distinct from the three mysterious
beings in I. iii.? I hold the latter view. In order to support it, it
will be necessary to show that they are not weird sisters in the higher
sense : to give a hypothesis as to how they got confused with them :
to try to present some idea of Shakespeare's intentions regarding
them. Now Act IV. Sc. i. I — 47 is admittecj by all critics to be
greatly superior to the corresponding passage h\I. iii. I — 37. Clark
and Wright hold it to be Shakespeare, except the Hecate bit. I
agree with them ; but then I cannot identify these witches with the
Nornse of I. iii. 38 — 80. The witches in Act IV. are just like
Middleton's witches, only superior in quality. They are clearly
the originals from whom his imitations were taken. Their charms
are of the sort popularly believed in. Their powers are to untie the
winds, lodge corn, create storms, raise spirits, but of themselves
they have not the prophetic knowledge of the weird sisters, the all-
knowers of Past, Present, Future ; they must get their knowledge
from their masters, or call them up to communicate it themselves.
Nor do they call themselves weird sisters, although the three in I. iii.
(early rejected part) do so ; their knowledge is from the pricking of
their thumbs ; they are submissive to the great King who calls them
Jilthy hags, secret, black, and midnight hags ; the oracles their
masters are ambiguous, delusive : those of the weird sisters were
pithy, inevitable ; the witches are of the middle ages, a growth of
Oti MACBETH.
251
the popular superstitions ; the Nornse are of the old Aryan mytho
logy, and worthy of their parentage. But however strongly I may
feel this difference between the supernatural beings of I. iii. (latter
part) and IV. i. ; — and I think that anyone who can read these two
scenes divested of old associations and prejudice will agree with me ;
— however sure I may feel that Shakespeare could not have given up
the "destiny goddesses" of his authority for this play so as to lower
them to the wizards and witches of Macbeth's later time, there is a
great stumbling-block in our way. In III. iv. 133, and IV. i. 136,
Macbeth calls the witches of IV. i. " the weird sisters." It is true
that he has called them filthy hags, that he describes them as riding
on the air, that he is surprised that Lennox did not see them pass by
him, that they may have1 left the stage in the ordinary way, while
Macbeth was in a reverie : that he never alludes to them afterwards
as he so often does to the real "weird sisters," but only mentions
" the spirits " or "the fiend." All this is true ; but if my theory be
true also, those two passages must be explained. This is a real
difficulty, and I cannot satisfactorily solve it at present. III. iv. 133
I think is an insertion of Middleton's, and in IV. i. 136 the original
reading may have been, Saw you the sister witches? or something like
this : but I don't think the text has here been tampered with : I can
only conjecture that Shakespeare made a slip, or intended Macbeth,
who was thinking of the original prophecy, to make one. I do not
think the difficulty weighty enough to support the common view of
itself, but I admit its importance.
I next pass to a matter of an entirely different nature. The Cam
bridge editors have pointed out some instances of rhyming tags so
weak in this play that they cannot admit them as Shakespeare's
work. I desire to add to the number of such exceptionable
rhymes. For instance, I. iv. 48 — 53. Macbeth has " humbly taken
his leave," and been dismissed by the king. While going out he
soliloquizes thus : —
" The Prince of Cumberland ! That is a step
On which I must fall down, or else o'er-leap :
For in my way it lies. Stars, hide your fires !
Let not light see my black and deep desires :
» I feel certain on this point. The stage direction, vanish with HECATE, is
Middleton's.
252 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
The eye wink at the hand : yet let that be
Which the eye fears, when it is done, to see."
During this, Banquo has been praising him to Duncan in words not
reported to us. Then Duncan goes on, "True, worthy Banquo,"
&rc. This is not like Shakespeare : but is just such an attempt at
being like Shakespeare as I should expect Middleton to write.
Note specially the weakness of the italicized words, and of the
next line. The play has evidently been cut down at this point
In II. iii. end :
" there's warrant in that theft
Which steals itself, when there's no mercy left."
This is too weak and thin for Shakespeare to emphasize, and the
ending of II. iv. is worse :
" Ross. Well, I will thither.
Macd. Well, may you see things well done them ! Adieu !
Lest our old robes sit easier than our new.
Ross. Farewell, father.
Old M. God's benison go with you, and with those
That would make good of bad, and friends of foes."
Delete both couplets, which are bad, especially the last.
IV. i. end :
" No boasting like a fool ;
This deed I'll do before this purpose cool,"
is wretched. See how the passage reads without it :
"give to the edge of the sword
His wife, his babes, and all unfortunate souls
That trace him in his line. But no more sights !
Where are these gentlemen?"
In V. i. end :
" Doctor. So, good-night :
My mind she has mated, and amazed my sight.
I think, but dare not speak."
Omit second line of couplet.
ON MACBETH. 253
In V. ii. the invitation "to pour in our country's purge as many
drops of us as are needed to dew the sovereign flower and kill the
weeds " is unlike Shakespeare.
V. iii. end, after Macbeth's emphatic declaration :
" I will not be afraid of death and bane,
Till Birnam forest come to Dunsinane,"
the Doctor's washy sentiment,
" Were I from Dunsinane away and clear,
Profit again should hardly draw me here,"
is surely out of place. Why should our sympathy with Macbeth be
interrupted by the Doctor's private sentiments ?
V. iv, end :
"The time approaches,
That will with due decision make us know
What we shall say we have, and what we owe :
Thoughts speculative their unsure hopes relate ;
But certain issue strokes must arbitrate."
cannot surely be Shakespeare's.
V. vi. end :
" Make all our trumpets speak; give them all breath^
Those clamorous harbingers of blood and death."
This tautology cannot be Shakespeare's ; besides, the whole senti
ment is too weak for the situation.
In a few of these I may have missed some inner aesthetic
meaning which is too deep for my comprehension ; but the number
of them is far too great for me to be wrong in all. I conclude
therefore that Middleton altered the endings of many scenes by
inserting rhyming tags : whether he cut anything out remains to
be seen.
The next point I notice is, that the account of young Siward's
death and the unnatural patriotism of his father, which is derived
254 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
from Holinshed's history of England, and not of Scotland like the
rest of the play, is a bit of padding put in by Shakespeare after
finishing the whole tragedy ; this shows great haste in its composi
tion : to my mind the story is not nearly so well told as in Henry of
Huntingdon, and spoils the denouement, which would be decidedly
better if the first whom Macbeth combated turned out to be the
fated warrior not born of woman. But this leads us to a much larger
and more important point : the number of characters in this play
who only appear for a scene or two and then are heard of no more.
In the 27 scenes (20 in Folio, 28 in modern editions) there are
only 8 in which new characters are not introduced ; a phe
nomenon unexampled in all the dramas I have read. Some of
these — Fleance, Donalbain, MacdufPs wife, the Scotch Doctor —
are real aids to the story ; but others are not as it now stands.
For example : —
The severely-wounded captain in I. ii., who mangles his metre so
painfully, I surrender at once to the Cambridge editors as Middle-
ton's. In all probability, however, this scene replaces one of Shake-
spe?ve's; one of whose lines, at least,
" The multiplying villanies of nature,'*
seems to be still left in it as it now stands. In this scene Ross
comes in afterwards, and is sent to Macbeth to greet him with his
new title ; he says, "7'11 see it done." Lennox also is present, not
Angus. Ross and Angus take the message to Macbeth in I. iii.
where Angus speaks 10 lines, and then disappears till V. ii. ;
he there has 7 lines to repeat ; so that he has 17 in all. He is
not of the slightest use in the play. Lennox could have done his
work better in I. iii. on account of his after connection with
Macbeth : V. ii. is not wanted at all. I think, therefore, that
Middleton has cut down Angus's part in the original play by
omitting scenes in which he appeared.
This shows that the play has been greatly abridged for acting
purposes.
Hecate we have already discussed.
The Cambridge editors have pointed out the double stage-
direction, Exeunt fighting; and Enter fighting, Macbeth d;aiL
(Compare the double-ending of Troylus and Cressida.)
ON MACBETH. 255
We have yet to consider III. iv. 130— to end. The metre of
" And betimes I will to the weird sisters ; "
the poverty of thought in
" For mine own good
All causes shall give way : I am in blood
Stept in so far, that, should I wade no more,
Returning were as tedious as go o'er :
Strange things I have in head that will to hand,
Which must be acted ere they will be scann'd ; "
the putting this long tag in Macbeth's mouth when he is so be
wildered that he answers Lady Macbeth's —
" You lack the season of all natures, sleep " —
by
11 Come, we'll to sleep,"
are all marks of inferior work, and make me sure that this part has
been worked over by Middleton.
There is a passage in IV. i. that has been worked over in a similar
way. After the speech of the third apparition Macbeth says,
" That will never be.
Who can impress the forest, bid the tree
Unfix his earth-bound root ? Sweet bodements, good !
Rebellious dead, rise never till the wood
Of Birnam rise, and our high-placed Macbeth
Shall live the lease of nature, pay his breath
To time and mortal custom."
" Our high-placed Macbeth " cannot be said by Macbeth himself: it
must be part of a speech of a witch. " Sweet bodements ! " looks
also like Middleton, and the whole bit is, in my opinion, a fragment
of HtcatJs inserted by him. " Rebellious dead " seems to me an
allusion to Banquo's ghost, misplaced by Middleton. If we read
*' Rebellion's head " it seems a mistaken interpretation of the armed-
head apparition : in any case, it is not Shakespeare. And I have no
doubt a minute examination may detect still more traces of Middle-
ton : but in an essay of this kind more detail would be wearisome.
255 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Enough is given for my purpose to make it likely that Middleton
was a recaster of the play, not a joint author.
Before giving my theory as to this play, and the metrical confir
mations of it, I had better perhaps add a Table of the parts I do
believe to be Shakespeare's.
SHAKESPEARE. MIDDLETON. x
I. i. (Witches).
I. ii. (altered)
iii. i — 37. (Witches),
iii. 38—146.
iv. • rhyme-tag.
v.
vi.
vii.
II. i. rhyme-tag,
ii.
iii. * rhyme-tag,
iv. * rhyme-tag.
III. i.
ii. rhyme-tag.
iii.
iv. bit at end.
III. v. (Hecate),
vi.
IV. i. Hecate and * 6-line bit and *tag.
ii.
iii. 140—158 (touching for evil).
V. i. * one line.
ii. (altered) rhyme-tag,
iii. * rhyme-tag,
iv. * rhyme-tag. ,
v. rhyme-tag,
vi. * rhyme-tag,
vii. * rhyme-tag. —(1. 12 & 13).
viii. (altered)
1 The part assigned by me to Middleton, but not by the Cambridge editors, is
not 30 lines in all ; I have asterised it in the table.— F. G. F.
ON MACBETH. 257
This is an instance in which such editions as I have given in the
Transactions of the New Shakspere Society of Marina (Pericles)
and Timon would be worthless. Middleton certainly did not con
fine himself to adding to Shakespeare's work : he also re-modelled,
re-wrote, and made large excisions. We ought to have an edition
of this play in two types : the presumed alterations, and additions of
Middleton's being in a smaller type than the rest, so that the better
and more important portion might be read by itself.
I now give my theory as to the composition of the play. It was
written by Shakespeare during his Third period : I think after Hamlet
and Lear (see M alone) ; so that its date was probably 1606.
Metrical evidence is of no use in determining the date : as we can
not tell how Middleton altered the play, or how much he omitted, except
that the weak-ending test is not opposed to Malone's date. At
some time after this, Middleton revised and abridged it : I agree
with the Cambridge editors in saying not earlier than 1613. There
is a decisive argument that he did so after he wrote the Witch,
namely, that he borrows the songs from the latter play, and repeats
himself a good deal. It is to me very likely that he should repeat
himself in Macbeth, and somewhat improve on his original concep
tion, as he has done in the corresponding passages : and yet be
unable to do a couple of new songs, or to avoid the monotony of
introducing Hecate in both plays (Hecate being a witch in both, re
member). I can quite understand a third-rate man, who in all his
work shows reminiscences of others, and repetitions of Shakespeare,
being unable to vary such conceptions as he had formed on the
subject. I believe that Middleton, having found the groundlings
more taken with the witches, and the cauldron, and the visions in
IV. i. than with the grander art displayed in the Fate goddesses of
I. iii., determined to amalgamate these, and to give us plenty of them.
Hence the witches call themselves weird sisters in the lyric part
of I. iii.: hence the speech of Macbeth, "I will to-morrow to the
weird sisters," &c. I believe also the extra fighting in the last
scenes was inserted for the same reason. But finding that the magic
and the singing and the fighting made the play too long— for a play
of that kind cannot be endured to the length of an ordinary tragedy
of Shakespeare's— he cut out large portions of the psychological
Shakespeare work, in which, as far as quantity is concerned, this
17
258 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
play is very deficient compared with the three other masterpieces of
world-poetry, and left us the torso we now have. That the taste of
the mob is of the nature I assign to it, is evident enough from the
way this play is put on the stage now. I am not play-goer enough
to say how often it has been represented in my time without still
further additions from Middleton's lyrics and Locke's music, but I
think it cannot be very often. To hide the excisions, Middleton put
on tags at the places where he made the scenes end : and to my think
ing, if any one will compare the endings of the scenes where Shake
speare has left them without tags with those where I have tried to
show that Middleton put them in, he will find that there is a great
difference in the completeness of the scenes. Or try another
experiment : cut off the tags from the scenes where Shakespeare
put them and those where Middleton put them ; a similarly
decisive result will be felt. It is impossible to show this in a
paper : if I were doing an edition of the play with the oppor
tunity of summing up the aesthetic of each scene at the end of it as
I went on, I am certain I could make it manifest : not to mention
many smaller details I cannot stay to discuss here, such as the
stage direction in IV. i. about Banquo's carrying the glass. But
I must stay to protest against the modern way of altering and
inserting stage directions ad libitum ; it has thrown back our criti
cism twenty years. I could not myself stir in this matter till I
obtained reprints of Folio and Quartos, which I could not for many
years, for reasons I need not dwell on here. I do not think we
should do well in issuing mere reprints only, but no alteration even
in popular editions should be made without being marked by brackets
or italics, or some warning that there is an alteration : unless in
correction of mere printers' errors, or in arranging the lines, or
in punctuation.
We now come to the metrical evidence. From the nature of the
interpolations in the rhymes, &c., our usual tests are not attainable.
Fortunately there are others that are. I give first, then,
ON MACBETH.
259
TABLE OF SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS ARRANGED ACCORDING TO
THEIR LENGTH.
Anthony and Cleopatra,
Hamlet,
Richard III.,
Cymbeline,
2 Henry IV.,
Troylus and Cressida,
Coriolanus,
Othello,
Henry V.,
Lear,
i Henry IV.,
2 Henry VI.,
Merry Wives,
Romeo and Juliet,
All's Well, &c.,
As You Like It,
3 Henry VI.,
Much Ado, &c.,
Measure for Measure,
Love's Labour's Lost,
3964
3924
3599
3448
3437
3423
3392
3324
3320
3298
3170
3032
3018
3002
2981
2904
2904
2823
2809
2789
Winter's Tale,
( Henry VIII.,
( Two Noble Kinsmen,
Merchant of Venice,
I Henry VI.,
Twelfth Night,
Taming of Shrew,
Richard II.,
King John,
2758
2754
2734
2705
2693
2684
2671
2644
2553
Titus Andronicus,
2525
*Julius Caesar,
*Pericles,
*Timon,
Mid. Night's Dream,
*Tempest,
Two Gent, of Verona,
*Macbeth,
Comedy of Errors,
2440
2^86
2358
2217
2068
2060
1993
1770
Average,
Average to the? dark line,
2857-5
3000
From this table we see that all the last eight plays fall into two
classes. One class consists of three early plays which were pro
duced before Shakespeare had learnt his work as a playwright,
however much he excelled already as a poet. The other is composed
of five plays, four of which were finished or altered by some other
poet, as I have myself tried to show, and Mr. Staunton has satisfac
torily accounted for the fifth (The Tempest]. It cannot be accident
that five plays1 thus altered should fall among the eight shortest of
the total series of 38.
The chance of such an event is I in 8962 J : there must be a cause.
One possible cause is assignable. We know from comparing the
Quartos and Folio of Lear, Hamlet, Othello, Richard HI., &c., that
1 The two plays finished by Fletcher do not fall under this category.
are of Fletcher's average length.
17-2
They
26o SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
the acting plays were often shorter than the written ones : we know
also that many of Shakespeare's plays as we have them could not
well be performed in the customary tzvo hours (see Prologues to
Henry VIII., and Romeo and Juliet} : we know also that in modern
times his plays are invariably shortened for representation. What
then more likely than that Macbeth and Julius Ccssar should have
been shortened on account of their prolixity, and that the alterer
should have overshot his mark ? This is, however, merely conjec
ture : whatever the cause, the fact remains the same : the guess is
merely offered till a better be proposed or further evidence obtained.
Next I give
TABLE OF RHYME-TAGS IN SHAKESPEARE.
No. Scenes No. Scenes No. tag
in play. with tags. rhymes.
Love's Labour's Lost, 948
Mids. Night's Dream, (cannot be calculated : whole scenes rhyme).
Comedy of Errors, II 9 19
Romeo and Juliet, 24 12 29
Richard II., 19 13 28
Two Gent, of Verona, a. 10 4 7
£.10 I i
Troylus and Cressida, 24 15 27
Twelfth Night, 18 12 26
Richard III., 25 II 13
Merchant of Venice, 20 13 19
John, 1 6 fi 14
1 Henry IV., 19 9 12
2 Henry IV., 19 8 12
Henry V., 23 13 14
Much Ado, 17 3 13
Merry Wives, 23 3 3
As You Like It, 22 8 16
Taming of Shrew, 12 8 16
All's Well, 23 14 22
Measure for Measure, 17 7 10
Hamlet, 20 14 15
Othello, 15 8
ON MACBETH. 2^
No. Scenes No. Scenes No. tag
in play. with tags. rhymes
Lear, 26 9 I3
Macbeth, 28 21 33
Cymbeline, 27 n r6
Pericles, a. 98
" *• II 4 4
Timon, a. 766
» *• 10 8 12
Coriolanus, 29 2 4
Julius Caesar, 1 8 4 5
Anthony and Cleopatra, 42 4 5
Two Noble Kinsmen, a. n i j
>» >> ^ II I i
Tempest, 9 I i
Winter's Tale, 15 o o
Hen. VIII. (all Fletcher's tags), 17 4 5
Titus Andronicus, 14 3 3
1 Henry VI., 27 13 14
2 Henry VI., 24 8 '9
3 Henry VI., 28 10 14
On the other uses to be made of this table this is not the place to
dwell : I wish only to call attention to the fact that in this play more
scenes end with tags than in any other play in Shakespeare : that
the number of tag-rhymes is also greater than in any other play, in
cluding his very earliest. In other words, that at a time when he
had given up the use of rhyme in great measure (for all critics admit
this for his Third period), in that part of the play where the super
natural is not introduced, he has on the common theory used more
than twice as many tag-rhymes as he has used in any play subsequent
to The Merchant of Venice : and these for the most part, as Clark
and Wright have so justly pointed out, of the baldest and most feeble
description. If the difference were small, it might be explained per
haps from the nature of the play ; but such a difference is only
explicable on the hypothesis of a second writer : the conclusion we
have reached on other grounds.
CHAPTER XL
ON "JULIUS C^SAR."
MY theory as to this play is so unlike anything hitherto advanced
that I shall begin by stating it ; so that the startled reader may
have it in his power to shut the book at once, if the hypothesis
seems to him too absurd to be entertained. I believe that this
play as we have it is an abridgment of Shakespeare's play, made by
Ben Jonson. I will first give a number of reasons for my belief that
the common theory cannot be true, and then enter into details as to
my own.
1. The name Anthony is a very favourite one with Shakespeare :
it occurs in Much Ado about Nothing, Love's Labour 's Lost, Macbeth,
Henry V,, Richard III., Romeo and Juliet, and Anthony and Cleo
patra : in all tjiese seven plays it is always spelt Anthony, or
Anthonie, with an h ; but in this play invariably Antony or
Antonie, without one. So Ben Jonson always rejects the h ; see
Catiline, especially, passim.
2. The number of participles in -ed, with the final syllable pro
nounced, is out of all proportion to the other plays, especially the
latter ones. I have not had time to count them, but it is clear
on merely reading the play. Examples : plunged, vexed, trans
formed.
3. I. ii. "To-morrow, if you please to speak with me
I will come home to you : or if you will
Come home to me, and I will wait for you,"
ON JULIUS C^ESAR. 263
Home = to thy house, chez toi : never used by Shakespeare where
the subject of the sentence is in the first person ; but Jonson,
Catiline, Ill.i. :
" I'll come home to you. Crassus would not have you
To speak to him fore Quintus Catulus."
4. II. iii. " Quality and kind " not found elsewhere in Shakespeare.
He has "quality and brain," "quality and name," not "kind."
Jonson, Every Man in his Humour, II. i. :
" Spirits of our kind and quality."
5. The phrase "bear me hard," occurs three times in this play ;
in I. ii.; II. i.; III. i., not elsewhere in Shakespeare. But Jonson,
Catiline, IV. v. :
" Ay, though he bear me hard,
I yet must do him right."
Bear hard occurs in I Henry IV., and hard forbear in Othello, but
in a different sense from that in this place.
6. The number of short lines in this play, where no pause is re
quired, is very great, and seems to point to the fact that it has been
greatly abridged for the purpose of representation. Example :
II. i. "He says he does, being then most flattered.
Let me work !
For I can give his humour the true bent."
II. i. " Since Cassius first had whet me against Caesar
I have not slept.
Between the acting of a dreadful thing," &c.
II. i. " And by-and-by thy bosom shall partake
The secrets of my heart.
All my engagements I will construe to thee," &c.
III. i. " Thy master is a wise and vaKant Roman,
I never thought him worse.
Tell him so please him come unto this place," &c.
264 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
III. ii. "Cassius, go you into the other street
And part the numbers.
Those that will hear me speak let 'em stay here ! "
These are exactly like the metrical forms assumed in the surrepti
tious issues of the first Quartos of Hamlet and Romeo and Juliet,
but extremely unlike Shakespeare's manner in his complete works.
I have intentionally taken the instances from the middle of con
tinuous speeches ; but the imperfection more usually occurs at the
end of a speech, as excisions are more frequently made from ends
of speeches than from the middle of them.
7. Mr. R. Simpson has noticed that this play bears the same
relation to the tragedies that The Two Gentlemen of Verona does to
the comedies as to "once-used" words (once-used in his sense).
This is just what would happen if Jonson edited the play. For his
dislike to " strange words " and his satire on Marston for inventing
them, see Act V. Sc. I of The Poetaster, where Crispinus vomits his
linguistic inventions after the emetic administered by Horace.
8. Shakespeare and Jonson probably worked together on Sejanus
in 1602-3. He having helped Jonson then in a historical play,
what more likely than that Jonson should be chosen to remodel
Shakespeare's Ccesar, if it needed to be reproduced in a shorter
form than he gave it originally ? And for such reproduction (after
Shakespeare's death, between 1616 and 1623), to what author
would such work of abridgment have been entrusted except Shake
speare's critical friend Jonson ? Fletcher would have enlarged, not
shortened.
9. We know that rival theatres and rival publishers in the Eliza
bethan times frequently brought out plays on the same subject close
on each other's heels. Thus the old play of Leir was republished
when Shakespeare's Lear was produced : The Danish Tragedy and
Hoffmaris Tragedy -were run in opposition to Hamlet: The Taming
of the Shrew was a rival piece to Patient Grissel, The Woman
Killed with Kindness, and probably Dekker's Medicine for a
Curst Wife : Grissel, and the Woman Killed having come out first,
the Shrew being then set up in rivalry, and the last-named piece being a
ON JULIUS C^ESAR. 265
retaliation for this opposition. But this practice is too well known
to require illustration. Is it not, then, highly probable that this
play, produced about 1601 originally, should be revived in 1607, the
date of L. Stirling's Julius Ccesar and of "Cesar's Revenge, or the
Tragedy of Cesar and Pompey" called in the running title '* The
Tragedy of Julius Cesar" or if it were produced in 1607, as
Mai one believes it was, that the other play was then published
in rivalry to it ? In any case, I think it likely that some production or
reproduction was at that date, and another after Shakespeare's
death with Jonson's alterations.
10. There is a strange feeling about the general style of this play ;
which is not the style of Jonson : but just what one would fancy
Shakespeare would become with an infusion of Jonson. I do not give
passages here ; as I look on the printing of long extracts from books
in every one's hands, except for cases for comparison, as useless
and wasteful. I prefer relying on the taste and judgment of those
who will take the trouble to read the play and judge for them
selves.
11. There is a quarrelling scene in the Maid's Tragedy imitated
from the celebrated one between Brutus and Cassius; just in the same
way as Philaster is imitated from Cymbeline. The Maid's Tragedy
was probably produced in 1608-9, the 7ear before Philaster. It is
therefore not improbable that Julius Ctesar was reproduced a year
or two before 1609, or at any rate some three years earlier than Cym-
beline, that is, in 1607, just as Shakespeare's Fourth period began.
12. Act I. Sc. 2. " Chew upon this ; " no such expression else
where in Shakespeare. Compare the use of ' ' work upon that now"
passim in Eastward Ho, of which Jonson was one of the authors.
13. Act II. Sc. I. " Scorning the base degrees
By which he did ascend."
The word degrees never used by Shakespeare, as meaning "stairs,"
but always of " steps," metaphorical ; as we use "gradually " now.
But in Sejanus we have :
" Whom when he says lie spread on the degrees."
266 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
14. "And turn pre-ordinance and first decree
Into the lane of children," (Act III. Sc. I.)
where lane means narrow conceits. Compare Staple of News :
" A narrow-minded man ! my thoughts do dwell
All in a lane."
I do not know an instance of such a usage in any other author.
15. V. v. " His life was gentle, and the elements
So mixt in him that Nature might stand up
And say to all the world, ' This was a man.' "
Compare Cynthia's Revels, II. iii. " A creature of a most perfect
and divine temper : one in whom the humours and elements are
peaceably met without emulation of precedency " (acted in 1600).
Surely Shakespeare did not deliberately copy Jonson : but if he
wrote before him, Julius Ccesar must come before 1601 into the
time of the historical plays.1
16. Jonson was 'in the habit of altering plays, e.g. he altered and
adapted Jeronymo by Kyd ; and his share of work in The Widow,
Eastward Ho, and other plays, \vas evidently of the supervising and
trimming kind, as the main execution of nearly every scene is
clearly traceable to the other writers.
We now come to an important argument :
In a celebrated passage in the Discoveries of Ben Jonson, we
read : "I remember, the players have often mentioned it as an
honour to Shakespeare, that in his writing (whatsoever he penned)
he never blotted out a line. My answer hath been, Would he had
blotted a thousand. Which they thought a malevolent speech. I
had not told posterity this but for their ignorance who chose that
circumstance to commend their friend by, wherein he most faulted,
and to justify mine own candour : for I loved the man and do
honour his memory on this side idolatry as much as any. He was,
1 This agrees with the date of allusion discovered by Mr. Halliwell ; but the
paucity of rhymes, number of short lines, and brevity of the play are conclusive
as to its not having been produced in its present state at that date. It has been
abridged by some one for theatrical representation : if not by Jonson, then by
some one else. — F. G. F.
ON JULIUS CAESAR. 267
indeed, honest, and of an open and free nature j had an excellent
phantasy, brave notions, and gentle expressions : wherein he flowed
with that facility, that sometimes it was necessary he should be
stopped : Sufflaminandus erat, as Augustus said of Haterius. His
wit was in his own power, would the rule of it had been so too.
Many times he fell into those things, could not escape laughter : as
when he said in the person of Caesar, one speaking to him, ' Caesar,
thou dost me wrong.' He replied, 'Caesar did never wrong, but
with just cause,' and such like; which were ridiculous. But he
redeemed his vices with his virtues. There was even more in him
to be praised than to be pardoned."
It is clear from this passage (i) that a line in Julius C<zsar, as it
originally stood, has been altered from its first form as quoted by
Jonson into (" Caesar, thou dost me wrong," being omitted !)
"Know, Caesar doth not wrong, nor without cause
Will he be satisfied."
(2) That this alteration had been made in the acting copy, pub
lished in Folio in 1623 ; though Jonson's statement of its being an
alteration was not published till after his death in 1637.
(3) That Jonson gives this as one of " many " instances. We
cannot now find these in Shakespeare's works : but it is a fair
inference that other similar corrections have been made.
(4) These alterations were not commonly known : * such an
opportunity for what our forefathers called "merry jests" would
never have been lost : we should have had traces of them in con
temporary writing.
We have, then, a play in which one error at least (perhaps many)
has been corrected ; and an author to whom this correction (or
these corrections) was privately known : a play in which there is a
deficiency of some thousand lines as compared with the others of
the same class by the same author ; and a critic who desired that the
author in his writing had blotted a thousand : a play remarkable
for speeches ending on the second or third beat of an incomplete
Yet the distinct allusion in The Staple of News (Induction), " Cry you
cy, you never did wrong but with
to this alteration at any rate was wel
mercy, you never did wrong but with just cause," shows that in 1625 an allusion
to this alteration at any rate was well understood.— F. G. F.
268 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
line, and one known alteration, with others to be presumed, which
introduces this peculiarity contrary to the author's usual manner : a
play with various peculiar phrases and usages of words ; and the
same critic-authoi in whose works these peculiar words and phrases
are found. Add to these considerations the spelling of Antony, the
use of words in -ed, the small number of once-used words, and the
probability that these two writers had worked together in Sejanus^
and I think there is a case made out that the play of Julius Caesar
as we have it was corrected by Ben Jonson : whether it had been
produced by Shakespeare in 1600 in a different form or not. If
it had, all questions of early allusion are accounted for : and it
would be written by him as a continuation of the series of Histories
immediately after Henry V., to which play the general style of
Julius C&sar seems to me more like than to any other work of
Shakespeare : also the pronunciation of the final -eds would be
accounted for, as this is more frequent in Henry IV. and V. than
in any other plays next to Ccesar.
It is fair also to consider what would probably have been Ben
Jonson's conduct supposing he had revised this play. Would he
have made any allusion to it such as that in The Staple of News
quoted in the note on the preceding page ? We may judge of this
by a parallel instance. We know that he made alterations in Kyd's
Hieronymo is Mad again, or Spanish Tragedy. Accordingly, in
the Induction to Cynthia? s Revels Jonson alludes indirectly to the
alterations he had made. Another, he says, swears down all that
sit about him " that the old Hiei'onymo, as it was first acted, was the
only, best, and judiciously penned play of Europe." This is just
such an indirect allusion as I have pointed out to the passage in
Julius Ccesar in The Staple of News ; and so far agrees with what
may be expected on my theory.
Again, the speech of Polonius (Hamlet, iii. 2), "I did enact
Julius Caesar : I was killed in the Capitol : Brutus killed me,"
seems to me to allude to Shakespeare's play : "played once in the
University," it may be : but if so, by a regular company, not by the
students. But if this allusion is to Shakespeare's play, it distinctly
points to an acting of Caesar's part by an inferior player ; which
would give us a reason for the ill success of the piece at its first
production. Hamlet's speech, "It was a brute part of him to kill
ON JULIUS CAESAR. 269
so capital a calf there. Be the flayers ready ? " so strongly con
trasts Polonius with the good actors, that he must, I think, be
referring to some actual performer. May not the play that was
" caviare to the general, that pleased not the million " allude to the
same failure ? It can hardly refer to Sejanus acted in 1603, as it
occurs in the first draft of Hamlet, which was acted probably in
1602, and printed certainly in 1603.
Of course, as I hold the alterations in this play, like those in
Macbeth, to have taken place principally at the ends of speeches,
and specially at the ends of scenes, the proportion of rhymes has
been too seriously interfered with for our tables to be of any use by
way of comparison with other plays of Shakespeare. The increased
number of tags in the Middleton part of Macbeth put in to hide the
alterations, and the diminished number of rhymes in Julius Ccesar
caused by Jonson's abbreviations, alike interfere with the direct ap
plication of the rhyme-test. But to it indirectly I owe the fact of my
attention being called to the very unusual characteristics of both
these plays.
It may be well here to say a few words on the relation of
metrical tests to " higher " criticism. If the peculiarities of a writer
are regarded as matters of chance or arbitrary choice, it is absurd
to take them as a basis of investigation : but they are not so : in
every writer there are tricks of style and of metre which unknown
to himself pervade all his work : the skill of the critic lies, first in
selecting those which are really characteristic, and establishing their
existence by adequate proof : then in tracing their gradual develop
ment or decay : and finally in showing their connection with each
other and with the higher mental characters out of which they
spring, and to which they are inseparably attached. The first part
of this task I have approximately accomplished for Shakespeare ;
the latter, and far more difficult one, I have also attempted and shall
publish in due course. I only here desire to record that I have not
worked mechanically in this matter : and that I have studied the
psychology of Shakespeare quite as diligently, and I hope as
accurately, as I have the statistical phenomena which are its out
come and indication. As yet I have given only a diagnosis for
individual authors and for individual plays, so as to classify and
270 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
form a basis for higher investigations. The anatomy of each, and
the comparative physiology of dramatic authors as a class, have yet
to be given, and then the crowning work, the life history of our
greatest men, as shown in their writings, their dynamical psychology,
will become possible, which (with all deference to the meta
physical critics who have wasted their great acumen by beginning at
the wrong end) it has not yet been and could not yet be.
NOTE ON "TWO GENTLEMEN OF VERONA."
[No result of my investigations appears to have been so unfavour
ably received as the date I have assigned to The Two Gentlemen of
Verona. Professor Ward, for instance (a most judicious and accurate
critic), expresses himself strongly adverse to it. Yet on carefully
examining his own views he seems substantially to agree with me.
I as well as he believe that The Two Gentlemen was anterior to our
present versions of Love' s Labour' s Lost, Midsummer Night' s Dream,
and Richard II. — that is to say, to the revised, emended, altered,
augmented versions published by Shakespeare ; just as I believe
King John, as we have it, to have been anterior to the revised
Richard II. But in speaking of the dates of production of plays,
I speak of their original performance, not their subsequent alteration
for the press or for a second run at the theatres. No one, as far as
I know, when discussing the date of The Merry Wives of Windsor
ever speaks of the Folio version (probably made 1605), but of the
first sketch as in the Quarto (probably made 1598). There is little
doubt that all Shakespeare's plays were amended in this way. We
know it to be true of a large proportion of them.
It may be well, however, in order to clear up this point, to show
here the relation that his alterations bear to the Quarto editions,
All Quartos (with the possible exception of Quarto I of Romeo and
Juliet} issued up to the date of 1600 were authorized, and in my
opinion superintended, by Shakespeare himself. All after 1600 were
unquestionably surreptitious. The dividing point is found in the
entry of August 4, where As You Like //, Henry V., and Much Ado
NOTE ON TWO GENTLEMEN OF VERONA. 271
about Nothing, appear without name of enterer. At the beginning
of the register is a rough note that these three plays were " to be
stayed ; " As You Like It was apparently stayed accordingly. Henry
V. appeared afterwards in a surreptitious edition of Pavier's ; but
Much Ado was allowed and published by the firm who had hitherto
published all the other authorized Quartos of the histories. For
what reason they did not also publish the other comedies does not
appear. But this we know : that excepting the surreptitious Henry
V. every play printed in Quarto before 1600 was admitted as an
authentic copy by the Folio editors. For even in the case of Richard
///., whoever made the Folio alterations made them on a copy of
the third Quarto, and in all other cases they used this Quarto as
copy to reprint from. In every case then of Quartos issued up to
1600 we may depend on having Shakespeare's authorized version of
the play. Now it is very singular that the list of such authorized
Quartos coincides in extent of time precisely with Meres' list of plays
up to 1 598, if we admit Mr. Brae's identification of Much Ado with
Love's Labour's Won; and had The Comedy of Error s,1 The Two
Gentlemen of Verona* and King John* been edited, the two lists
would have been identical, play for play. But as these were not
re-written, we must expect them to appear immature and out of
chronological position when compared with the other plays that had
the advantage of adaptation in accordance with Shakespeare's more
matured experience.
F. G. FLEAY, January I, 1876.]
« These three plays, it will be observed, fall among the last nine in the Table,
P- *59-
CHAPTER XII,
PERSONAL SATIRE COMMON ON THE OLD
ENGLISH STAGE.
IT has long been known that in certain instances, such as the
quarrel between Jonson, Marston, and Dekker, the Elizabethan
playwrights represented individual characters on the stage under
fictitious names. Thus Jonson in his Poetaster ridiculed Marston as
Crispinus and Dekker as Demetrius ; Marston in his What You
Will indicated himself by Lampatho Doria, and Jonson byQuadratus ;
Dekker in his Satiromastix retaliated on Jonson under the character
of Horace. But the extent to which this " taxing of private parties "
was carried has never yet been fully recognised. It has always
been supposed that such instances as are mentioned above are
exceptional : that the absence of private satire is as marked as that
of political allusions ; that just as any hint, however slight, to the
effect that the government of the country was mismanaged was
instantly repressed, and the players of the obnoxious drama silenced,
so abuse directed towards individuals was, either by the authority of
the Chamberlain or the influence of public opinion, generally
banished from the stage. I am however prepared to show that in
various plays the characters of private persons were attacked, their
works ridiculed, incidents of their career, true, or supposed to be so,
held up for animadversion, and personalities generally indulged in
that could hardly be rivalled on the Athenian stage or in the
lowest class of modern newspapers.
Among these plays one is conspicuous ; and as it has lately been
introduced into Dodsley's Collection, and has been prolific in errors
PERSONAL SATIRE. 273
through the prevalent habit of taking Malone's dicta as proven
without further investigation, it specially commends itself to our
notice. This play is called Wily Beguiled. Its plot is very simple.
The hand of Lelia the heroine, daughter of Gripe the usurer, is
sought by three suitors, Sophos a scholar, Churms a lawyer, and
Peter Plodall a farmer's son. The last of these is favoured by
Gripe because he has land and is rich ; the scholar is forbidden
his house on account of his poverty : and the lawyer seeks to further
his own ends while pretending to assist Gripe in his. Fortunatus,
Lelia's brother, who has been away in the wars, returns in the nick
of time to frustrate Churm's plans and procure the marriage of
Sophos with Lelia. Peter Plodall is discomfited as well as
Churms, and his hireling Robin Goodfellow, who has attempted to
frighten Sophos in a devil's accoutrements, comes in for a good
thrashing. There is also an underplot, in which a match takes place
between Peg Pudding the daughter of Lelia's nurse, and Will Cricket
the son of one of old PlodalFs tenants. I will now try to show that
these characters have all special satirical significations, and that
under this plot events then recent are figured and caricatured. First
then, who is Churms the " Wily " lawyer who is " Beguiled" in this
play? He describes himself thus. "I have been at Cambridge a
scholar, at Cales a soldier, and now in the country a lawyer, and the
next degree shall be a coney catcher." This at once points to Thomas
Lodge, who after taking his degree served in the army, travelled, and
became a member of Gray's Inn. But on looking into the Prologue
all uncertainty is removed : for in it " Prologue " having ascertained
from the placard on the curtain that the play to be performed is
Spectrum, " a looking-glass," which he characterises as a history
" Of base conceits and damned roguery,
The very sink of hell-bred villany,"
bids a "Juggler" tell the players' fiery poet that "before I have done
with him I'll make him do penance on a stage in a calf-skin." The
Juggler then "conveys" Spectrum away, and Wily Beguiled stands
in its place. Prologue then says,
" Go to that barm-froth poet and to him say,
He quite hath lost the title of his play ;
18
274 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
His calf-skin jests from hence are quite exiled :
Thus once you see that Wily is Beguiled"
This identifies Wily with the author of The Looking Glass for
London which was chiefly written by Lodge, Robert Greene having
also a hand in it, and at the same time prepares us to find in Wily
Beguiled a mirror held up if not to Nature, yet to the theatrical events
of the time. The "calf-skin jests" allude to the I4th scene of the
Looking Glass, where " a man in devil's attire " is beaten by Adam :
a wretched scene. This is parodied in the beating of Robin in our
play, while he is in like manner dressed in calf-skin to represent a
fiend.
Having then identified the knavish lawyer with Lodge, we naturally
expect to find other dramatic authors among the characters. Some
of these are easy to identify : for example, this passage,
"For Sophos let him wear the willow garland,
And. play the melancholy malcontent,
And pluck his hat down in his sullen eyes,"
at once shows that Sophos is Marston the author of the Malcontent :
the very name Robin Goodfellow identifies that character with
Henry Chettle, whose play under that title was produced in 1602.
Fortunatus in like manner is Dekker, the author of Old Fortunatus,
1595. The Dutch cobbler mentioned in the play I shall show by
and by to be Michael Drayton : Tom Shoemaker, " who was
constable of the town," is I think Thomas Middleton ; the gentleman-
usher similarly alluded to must of course be Chapman ; and youn^
Plodall the low-born peasant, the slow lout, is I fear Ben Jonson,
whose tardiness in producing the promised Apology for the Poetaster
is also alluded to in the words " as long as Hunks with the great
head has been about to show his little wit in the second part of his
paltry poetry."
Next as to the female characters. I have ascertained by induction
from several plays of this class, that when a lover indicates a dramatic
author, his mistress signifies the company of players for whom he
writes, her father is the manager of the company, and marriage
signifies his binding himself to write for them. Lelia in this
instance must be the Prince's (or Admiral's if before 1602) company
PERSONAL SA TIRE. 275
acting at the Fortune : this is confirmed by such allusions as when
the Nurse says of Lelia's favour to Sophos,
" Sir', you may see that Fortune is your friend."
Old Gripe will consequently be Henslow (or Alleyn) the manager.
Before proceeding further in the identification of these characters,
it will be necessary to ascertain the date of the play. Now, whether
I am right or not in my interpretation of the plot, some of the
allusions are certain, and fix a limit of date before which the play
could not have been written. Old Fortunatus was written in 1595,
published in 1600 ; The Shoemaker's Holiday, in which the character
of the " Dutch cobbler" occurs, was produced in 1600 ; the Poetaster
was acted in 1601, printed in 1602 \Robin Goodfellow was written in
1602 ; the Gentleman Usher was printed in 1606, probably written in
1602 ; and the additions to the Malcontent as acted by the King's
company were published in 1604 and acted probably in 1603 ; for in
the Introduction there is distinct allusion to the reproduction of
Jeronymo by the Admiral's company in 1601-2. I fix the date of
Wily Beguiled then in 1602-3 > f°r as it treats of the engagement of
Marston by the Admiral's or Prince s company, it must have been
anterior to the production of his Malcontent by the King's ; and it
must have been subsequent to the dates of the plays just mentioned
that were produced in 1602. The most likely date is the establish
ment of the Prince's company in 1603. Jonson, who is ridiculed in
the play, finally left the Admiral's company in the latter part of 1602,
and his Sejanus was produced at the King's in 1603.
Now we can explain the underplot. As old Plodall must be the
manager of the Globe company (Burbage), his tenants will be the
occupiers of the Blackfriars theatre — viz. the Children of the Chapc-l
who rented that theatre of him till 1601-2 : they were then turned
out, and the house afterwards let at a higher rent, probably to the
Children of the Revels. But this is just the story of the play. Old
Cricket (the manager of the Chapel Children) is turned out by old
Plodall, and Will Cricket marries Gripe's nurse's daughter. This I
take to mean that on the dissolution of the company of the Children
of the Chapel, Will is engaged by the Children of Paul's (Peg
Pudding). This latter company's manager may well be called
the Nurse. Chapman, Dekker, Webster, Marston, Middleton, all
18-2
276 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
tried their prentice hands at it, and sometimes simultaneously at
the Admiral's before finally settling down to other companies. I do
not, however, find Will Cricket himself so easy to identify : the most
likely person is John Lyly : he wrote for the Chapel Children and
for the Paul's Children in 1600-1 ; he is (I think unquestionably),
called "Willy" by Spenser; and in the play we have "I Peg
Pudding promise thee, William Cricket, that I'll hold thee for mine
own sweet lilly. " Again, Cricket's dancing is praised, and in Lyly's
Maid's Metamorphosis Cricket is one of the fairies who come in
dancing. Names of characters in their works can be more often
taken to indicate authors in these plays, and especially in this one,
than any other means of identification.
On the whole, then, the general meaning of the play is
clear. It is a celebration of the good luck of the Fortune
company in getting Marston to write the Malcontent for them ;
a high eulogy on Dekker, who had just returned from the
wars (on the stage) against the mighty potentate Ben Jonson : a
general abuse of the Globe company, its manager and its writers,
especially Jonson and Lodge ; an exposure of the knavery of Lodge
(real or pretended), and of the bullying propensities of Jonson and
his hireling Chettle : x a caricature of the style and plot of Lodge's
Looking Glass and other plays. (Note by the way that Chettle died
in May 1603, which confirms our limit of date.) Under the guise of
a love story nearly every dramatist of importance at that time is
either introduced as a character or alluded to in the dialogue. To
this, however, there is one important exception. There is no mention
of William Shakespeare. But if he is not mentioned, the whole
play is almost a continuous parody of his writings. Old Capulet is
the model on which Gripe has been pourtrayed. The Nurse is
closely imitated from the Nurse of Juliet. In the I5th scene there
is a dialogue between Lelia and Sophos taken from that between
Lorenzo and Jessica in The Merchant of Venice, Act. v. Sc. i. and
Gripe's grief for the loss of his daughter and his money is imitated
from Shylock's. There are also less strongly marked allusions to other
plays, but not to any that I can trace published later than 1600. I
have found in plays of this nature that Shakespeare is very seldom
! Chettle assisted Jonson in two plays, Hot Anger soon Cold, and Robert II*
King of Scotland,
PERSONAL SATIRE. 277
introduced on the stage ; only his plays, and not he himself, are
generally alluded to. I believe the reason of this to be that he
scarcely ever, if at all, alluded to others, or introduced them as person
ages in his own plays.
In several plays of this satirical description produced by the
Admiral's company, or in early years by Lord Strange's, a recog
nised system of allegorical language was used. Thus a servant often
meant an actor; a marriageable young lady indicated a theatrical
company ; the father of the said lady represented the company's
manager ; her suitors were poets who were seeking engagements
to write for the company ; brothers were other poets already in
connection with the theatre ; marriage was the agreement or hiring
of the poet to produce plays ; and so on. The converse however
is not always true. These engagements and characters are not
always represented by the same symbols : for instance, a poet is not
always a suitor or brother — he is sometimes a cobbler; an actor is occa
sionally a juggler instead of a servant ; and the like. It may be worth
while to explain the term "cobbler," as an instance of the mode in
which this symbolical language arose. One name, or rather synonym,
for a mender of old shoes was "translator;" the same word
** translator " is also used for an adapter or patcher, or piratical
reproducer of other men's plays: hence " cobbler " easily suggests this
latter character and is used for it
It would be inconsistent with my plan to give here a detailed
examination of more than one play : but on account of their connection
with the quarrel between Jonson and Dekker and Marston, of which
Wily Beguiled is a sequel, it may be not out of place to mention that
Dekker's Shoemaker's Holiday and Old Fortunatus also belong to the
series of attacks to which Jonson was (as he tells us) subject for
three years before he made any retaliation. In the former of these
two plays Hans, the Dutch shoemaker, otherwise Sir Rowland Lacy
in disguise, is almost certainly Michael Drayton, whose nom de
plume 'w 'as Rowland, who was in the latter years of Queen Elizabeth
one of the poets attached to the Admiral's company, for which he
and others wrote the play of Sir John Oldcastle to be run in opposi
tion to Shakespeare's Henry IV. Dodger in this same play is
Thomas Lodge, and the other characters can also be identified.
Dekker distinctly points out to us in Old Fortunatus, that the
scene which is laid in Cyprus is intended to treat of theatrical affairs,
278 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
and that the dramatis persona are actors, poets, &c., disguised
under fictitious names, by speaking in his own character of "other
Cyprists, my poor countrymen." Accordingly, an examination of
the play shows us that Fortunatus is Christopher Marlowe : his two
sons, Ampedo the good son and Andolucio the bad one, are George
Peele and Thomas Lodge: Shaddow the servant is Shakespeare, who
in 1 595, the date of this play, had not yet printed any of his works,
had not probably produced anything greater than his Richard II.,
and had not corrected his Loz'es Labour's Lost or Midsummer
Nighfs Dream into their present shape, which no doubt is far
superior to that of their earliest production. He was certainly then,
if not as Dekker represents him, merely a shadow of his predecessors,
yet nothing more than a shadow of what he afterwards was to
become.
" No, no ; I am but shadow of myself.
You are deceived : my substance is not here :
For what you see is but the smallest part
And least proportion of humanity. "
I Henry VI.
The " wishing cap," which enables Fortunatus (Marlowe) to trans
port himself to any place, is the power of imagination ; the
magic purse, which produces ten pieces whenever the hand is put in
it, shows the payments made for the writing a new play, namely ten
marks, or 6/. 13^. ^d. With this clue to the meaning of the play
the allusions to Lyly, Falstaff, Lodge, &c., as Endymion, the
wandering knight, the French doctor, &c., grow clear, and the
double meaning of the whole plot becomes manifest.
These plays then, along with Jonson's Cynthia's Revels z.n& Poetaster,
Marston's What you Will, Dekker's Satiromastix, and others that
might be used to increase the list, may be taken as fair samples of the
satirical and personally abusive comedies of the Elizabethan time. I
say samples, because it is plain that the practice of thus assailing indi
viduals on the stage must have been very common for several reasons.
In the first place, we have a large number of such plays still in
existence. I am prepared to show that between 1589 and 1607
there are still remaining at least a dozen of this personal character.
Moreover, we must allow for the transient and ephemeral character
PERSONAL SATIRE. 279
of such productions. Unless they were remarkable for the great
ability displayed in them, or were particularly interesting from the
nature of the persons attacked, they would be unlikely to survive a
very few years. Consequently we have probably now in existence a
much smaller proportion of such plays than of those of deeper and
more universal interest.
Another reason for believing them abundant is the great
anxiety shown by playwrights to defend themselves against the
imputation that they ever attack anybody. Prologues, Addresses
to the Reader, statements in the body of the dramas themselves,
are continually pressed into the author's service to show that he
is free from blame, whatever strange constructions Hydra-headed
Envy may put upon his work. Qui s'excuse j accuse. In every
instance of an apology of this kind being prefixed to a play, 1
have found that careful examination shows that invidious accusations
are made against some person or persons in the work itself.
If then we can ascertain from these " Envy-plays " (I call them
envy plays because Envy is invariably assigned in their Prologues,
&c, as the cause of their production) a series of chronologically
arranged facts determining the dates at which authors began or
ceased to write for specific theatrical companies, we shall be able to
settle many disputed points as to the dates of production of their
works, to supply many gaps in their biographies, to throw additional
light on their personal characters, to add in some respects to our
knowledge of their manners and customs, and above all to ascertain
more accurately than from Commendatory Verses or Dedications, the
popular estimate that was formed of our greatest men by their
contemporaries, and the amount of influence exercised by them.
One little link in this chain I have endeavoured to supply in this
chapter. Many more such links I am ready to weld on to it.
The one chosen to be here put forth as sample is selected merely
because it is the easiest to detach, and being connected with well-
known other links in the Jonson quarrel, is one not difficult to
recognise as like to them in structure and purpose. Wily Beguiled
is not however, in subject matter, one of the most important of the
Envy plays : which fact perhaps accounts for its allegory never
having been suspected, in spite of its grossly personal character being
manifest on the surface in its allusion to Jonson as "Hunks with
the big head. "
CHAPTER XIII.
ON THE ANNALS OF THE STAGE FROM
1584 TO 1595.
[I WISH to specially acknowledge the great advantage that I have
derived from Mr. R. Simpson's papers in writing this chapter.
Although I differ from most of his conclusions, it is not too much
to say that but for his previous work I should not have been able to
make this investigation. — F. G. F.]
The theatrical companies known to have been regularly acting in
London from 1584 to 1589 are — I, The Lord Admiral's; 2, The
Queen's ; 3, The Lord Strange's ; 4, The Children of the Chapel ;
5, The Children of Paul's. Neither of the Chamberlain's companies,
that is, the Earl of Sussex's (1576-1582) and the later one of the
same name, that is, Lord Hunsdon's (1594-1603), have been traced
in the period we are at first concerned with (1584-1589). But in 1589
two companies, 6, The Earl of Sussex's ; 7, The Earl of Pembroke's,
began to attract their share of public attention. These dates are
important in our inquiry. The writers of plays who are chiefly
remarkable were — I, George Peele, who began to write at least as
early as 1584, and died in 1596-7; 2, Robert Greene, who died in
1592, and who, as I shall try to show, began to write about 1585 ;
3, Christopher Marlowe, whose active career began with Greene's,
and lasted only one year longer ; 4, Thomas Nash, who came to
London in 1589 ; 5, Thomas Lodge, who wrote with Greene about
1589 ; 6, Thomas Kyd, whose Jtronymo dates at latest 1588 ; 7,
"William Shakespeare. These dates are also important to us.
ON THE ANNALS OF THE STAGE. 28i
Having laid down then these data for reference, let us proceed at
once to examine the plays of The London Prodigal and Fair Emm.
In the latter of these plays two stories are combined. Firstly,
William the Conqueror accompanied by the Marquis Lubeck, a
Danish knight, visits Denmark under the name of Robert of Windsor,
having appointed two co-regents to manage his kingdom during his
absence. His intention at nrst is to woo Blanche, the daughter of
the Danish king ; but he falls in love with Mariana, a captive from
Sweden, who is betrothed to Lubeck. He endeavours to carry her
off ; but Blanche is substituted for her, masked and disguised, and
he fails in his attempt to deprive the Marquis of his bride. Sweno's
invasion of England (which is the only historical fact in the play) is
attributed to his anger at the loss of his daughter. William in the
last act suddenly, and without explanation, becomes "the Duke
of Saxon." All this is admirably explained by Mr. Simpson.
William the Conqueror is William Kempe the actor, who with a
troop of comedians visited the Danish Court in 1586 ; (three of these,
by the bye, were afterwards actors in Shakespeare's plays in the
Chamberlain's company, namely, Kempe, Brian, and Pope !) Kempe
and one other, left Denmark in the autumn ; but five of the company
went to Saxony. The allegory is transparent enough ; it is certain
that William here is not the historical Conqueror ; he is king over a
troop of players, at first in England, afterwards in Saxony. But I
cannot further than this agree with Mr. Simpson ; his interpretation
of Fair Emm as the Manchester public seems to me peculiarly
unhappy. Kempe was the head of the Queen's company, and in
1587, the year after he left England, we find J. Dutton and J.
Lanham acting as managers of that company : surely these are the
two regents left in authority by the conquering Gullielmo. They
have nothing to do with Manchester, nor indeed with the public.
Fair Emm is the company of the Queen's players, with whom, as
we shall see, the poets are seeking connection. We must not look
for exact consistency in an allegory of this kind. But before ex
plaining the second plot of the play, I would draw attention to
the way in which this " marriage " of an author to a company or
manager to his troop illustrates the allegory of the "marriage" of
an author to his patron as exemplified in Shakespeare's Sonnets.
Lubeck is pleading William's passion to Mariana.
282 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
"Mar. But Lubeck now regards not Mariana.
Lub. Even as my life, so love I Mariana.
Mar. Why do you post me to another then?
Lub. He is my friend, and I do love the man.
Mar. Then will Duke William rob me of my love.
Lub. No ; as his life Mariana he doth love.
Mar. Speak for yourself, my lord ; let him alone.
Ltib. So do I, madam ; for he and I are one.
Mar. Then loving you I do content you both.
Lub. In loving him you shall content us both."
Compare with this Shakespeare's 42nd Sonnet, which seems to
give many critics so much difficulty to explain allegorically.
" If I lose thee my loss is my love's gain ;
And losing her my friend hath found that loss ;
Both find each other, and I lose both twain ;
And both for my sake lay on me this cross.
But here's the joy : my friend and I are one.
Sweet flattery: then she loves but me alone."
Surely these two extracts will bear a similar interpretation. And
nothing can be more certain than Mr. Simpson's explanation of the
former of the two.
We must now consider the second plot. In this Fair Emm is
wooed by three suitors, Manville, Vallingford, and Mounteney ; by
pretending blindness and deafness she hopes to drive away the two
latter and be married to Manville her betrothed. Vallingford, how
ever, is not deceived, and on her hearing of Manville's falseness in
carrying on a second flirtation with Elinor of Chester, ultimately
wins Fair Emm. There is also a scene of coarse levity between her
and Trotter, a serving-man, of whom more hereafter. Mr. Simpson
has rightly stated that Manville is Greene ; but he is certainly wrong
in identifying Vallingford with Shakespeare. Camden says that
Wallingford is Gualt-hen, "The old rampire or fort." But an old
fort is a Peel, and under this name that of George Peele is as cer
tainly indicated as it is under that of Pyeboard in The Puritan.
The remaining suitor, Mounteney, is Marley or Marlowe. Fair
Emm is some theatre with which these rival poets sought to be
ON THE ANNALS OF THE STAGE. 283
connected during Kempe's absence. But the only theatrical com-
pany that Greene ever was connected with, as far as we know, was
the Queen's, for which he wrote Orlando, Friar Bacon and Friar
Bungay, and James the Fourth. These were all written before
1589. But in 1589 Kempe had returned to England and joined
Lord Strange's company, with Pope, Brian, &c. In 1589 at latest,
then, we must look for the dissolution of Greene's connection with
the Queen's company, and the formation of a new engagement
between it and George Peek. We shall see ultimately how exactly
these dates coincide with what we know from other sources.
But there is another play, The London Prodigal, which is un
doubtedly by the same hand as Fair Emm. It contains a line which
occurs also in the latter play,
" Pardon, dear father, my follies that are past,"
and is exactly of the same tone through out in metre, style, and general
handling. In it the allegory is still clearer. Flowerdale, Oliver,
and Sir Arthur Greenshield are suitors for the hand of Luce Spur-
cock ; Flowerdale obtains her by a trick ; Oliver, to whom she had
been betrothed, is discarded, as well as Sir Arthur whom she really
prefers. Her sister Frances, who is determined to have a husband
named Tom, marries Tom Civet ; her eldest sister Delia refuses all
offers and remains unmarried. There is a scene between Daffodil
and Luce exactly similar to, though still plainer than, that between
Trotter and Emm in the former play. Flowerdale after his marriage
with Luce ill-uses her, robs Delia, the eldest sister, and after a short
career of debauchery is brought to express a repentance, evidently
insincere, at the close of the play.
In this case there is no difficulty in deciphering the personages.
Flowerdale's life combines the facts of Greene's public acts in con
nection with the theatre, and of his private ones in forsaking his wife
and living in open adultery with a common prostitute ; his trickery,
his gambling, and his other vices are unsparingly exposed. Oliver^
"the Devonshire man," is certainly George Peele, who came from
that county. Under the odoriferous agnomen of Tom Civet we can
easily recognise Tom Kyd. Daffodil clearly means Lyly, and thus
identifies the Trotter of the other play. Luce is the Queen's com-
pany; Delia, the eldest sister, is the Admiral's; and the foolish
284 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Frances that of the Chapel Children. These Children, by the bye,
had been incorporated longer than the Admiral's company ; but this
slight discrepancy is of no consequence in so loose an allegory, and
may not even be a discrepancy at all ; as their existence may be
dated by the author from the time of their having a fixed place for
their performances. Sir Arthur Greenshield, "the military officer,"
is Marlowe, of whom Lieutenant-Colonel Cunningham says, "His
familiarity with military terms and his fondness for using them are
most remarkable ; and I make no doubt myself that he was trailing
a pike or managing a charger with the English force a few months
after that strange engine for the brunt of war, the fiery keel, had
been hurled against Antwerp bridge." So much for the characters.
The plot tells the story of a rivalship between Marlowe, Greene,
and Peele for the office of poet to the Queen's theatre ; of Greene's
success ; of his subsequent forsaking of his engagement and defraud
ing the Admiral's theatre [Defence of Cony- Catching, 1592 :
" Master R. G., would it not make you blush if you sold Orlando
Furioso to the Queen's players for 20 nobles, and when they were
in the country sold the same play to Lord Admiral's men for as
much more? Was not this plain cony-catching, M. G. ?"]. It tells
also of Kyd's engagement with the Chapel Children, for whom he
wrote Jeronymo f of a half-serious proposition of Lyly to engage
with the Queen's company ; of the determination of the Admiral's
not to employ a regular poet at all, but to accept the best plays
they could get from anyone. Another character in this play is easily
identified, namely, Weathercock, that is, Thomas Lodge. He was
an actor, a play-writer of tragedy and comedy, a writer of prose
tracts, a student of Lincoln's Inn, a soldier (!) in the expeditions of
Clarke and Cavendish ; a translator from Greek and Latin, a novelist,
and finally, a physician. Rightly is he called Weathercock. He
has, however, little to do with the plot. He is an early suitor of
Delia's, but rejected by her ; he makes no proposal to any other lady
in this play. Here, then, we have the account of Greene's original
engagement with the Queen's company ; in Fair Emm that of his
rupture and the engagement of George Peele in his stead.
We now turn to Greene's prose works for further information.
As dates are all-important in this part of our investigation, I must
say a few words on their chronology, which has never yet been
ON THE ANNALS OF THE STAGE. 285
entirely settled. From 1587 onwards Greene adopted the fashion
of placing on his title-pages or elsewhere in his books a motto ;
which motto having once discarded, he did not again make use of.
Thus he prefixed successively in
15870. Ea habentur optima quse et jucunda honesta et utilia.
1587^-15890. Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci.
1589^-15900. Omne tulit punctum.
1590^-15910. Sero sed serio.
1591^-15920. Nascimur pro patria.
1592^. Mallem non esse quam non prodesse patria.
,, Felicem fuisse infaustum.1
Any apparent exception to this rule occurs only in books issued
or reprinted after Greene's death.
Let us see if from these prose writings we can fix the date of Fair
Emm and the London Prodigal. The latter play referring to
Flowerdale (Greene) has the line
"If e'er his heart doth turn, 'tis ne'er too late"
a distinct allusion to Greene's Never Too Late, published in 15900
(earlier part of the year 1590), with the motto Omne tulit punctum.
Hence this play cannot be earlier than 1590^. Mr. Simpson has
pointed out that in Greene's Farewell to Folly (1591^, motto Sero sed
serio} Fair Emm is railed at as containing "blasphemous rhetoric,
abusing of Scripture," &c. Hence that play cannot be later than
15910. I have no doubt that the plays were produced at these
dates respectively.
Now we are able to settle very nearly the dates of Greene's plays ;
hitherto a desideratum in dramatic history : James IV. is fixed in
1589^-15900 by its motto Omne tulit punctum ; Friar Bacon in
1588(5-15890, by its motto Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci ;
The Looking Glass for London has been assigned to 1589 by Mr.
Simpson ; and the only two remaining plays extant, Orlando and
1 Mr. Simpson appears to have been misled by the date often erroneously
given to Menaphon as 1587, when he says : " In this year 1587, Greene adopted
a fresh motto or posy. His old one was OMNE TULIT PUNCTUM." Greene
certainly does not use this motto till 1588, and Mr. Petherham has shown that
the date of Menaphon is 1589, not 1587.
286 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Alphonsus, must have been, from their immaturity and metrical
peculiarities, written before these : one other, The History of Job, is
lost. Hence we get our table : —
Alphonsus . .
1585
Orlando . .
1586 >|
Friar Bacon .
1587-8
For the Queen's
James IV. . .
1589 J
Company.
Looking Glass
1589-90
These dates are confirmed by the following facts: — The London
Prodigal, which was written in 1590, speaks of Greene's engagement
?.s having been broken, but yet open to renewal. Fair Emm fixes
the date of the original engagement in 1586, the year of Kempe's
visiting Denmark ; and that of George Peele's engagement as
settled in 1591 early in the year. Greene never wrote for the
Queen's players after 1589. Again, the play of Locrine, written by
Charles Tilney in 1586 (he was executed in September 1586) with
the help of George Peele, or edited and finished by Peele after
Tilney's death, contains quotations from Orlando as well as from
Alphonsus. Hence, as Bernhardt has shown, 1586 is the latest
date for Orlando. The lines in Locrine coincident with those in
Peele's Farewell to Sir John Norris, &c. (1589), only show that he
repeated himself ; a common trick with him, as Dyce has proved in
his notice of Alcazar.
I now come to Greene's prose writings.1 In 1587^, in his intro
ductory epistle to Penelope's Web, he complains that his "toys at the
Theatre in Rome (London) had been passed over with silence," and
that "mislike was perhaps shrouded in such patience." In 1588,
in his Introduction to Perimedes the Blacksmith, he writes : " I keep
my old course still to palter up something in prose, using mine old
posy still, Omne tulit punctum; although lately two gentlemen-poets
made two madmen of Rome beat it out of their paper bucklers,
and had it in derision for that I could not make my verses fit upon
the stage in tragical buskins, every word filling the mouth like the
fa-burden of Bow-bell, daring God out of heaven with that atheist
1 For several of these references I am indebted to Mr. Simpson, who however
interprets them very differently.
OAT THE ANNALS OF THE STAGE. 287
Tamburlane, or blaspheming with the Mad Priest of the Sun. But
let me rather openly pocket up the ass at Diogenes' hand than
wantonly set out such impious instances of intolerable poetry. Such
mad and scoffing poets that have poetical spirits as bred of Merlin's
race, if there be any in England that set the end of scholarism in
an English blank verse, I think either it is the humour of a novice
that tickles them with self-love, or too much frequenting the hot
house (to use the German proverb) hath sweat out all the greatest
part of their wits." The two gentlemen of Rome are the two authors
of Locrine, who derided Greene's mottos by prefixing a Latin motto
in his style to each of the dumb-shows in that mock-heroic play
presented by Ate at the beginning of each of its five acts ; the
madmen of Rome are of course the actors who acted Phineus and
Perseus in the combat in the second of these dumb-shows ; all of
which are parodies of the similar performances as presented by
Venus at the beginnings of the acts of Greene's Alphonsus. The
allusion to Marlowe's Tamberlane (1585) our earliest play in good
blank- verse, is palpable ; not so that to The Priest of the Sun. The
only play known which contains such a character is The Looking
Glass for London, and it occurs in the part written by Greene him
self. This would incline one to place that play earlier than Perimedes^
were it not that Greene in other instances, as we shall see, was in
the habit of firstly abusing other people's writings and then copying
them ; a practice not altogether obsolete. The play he speaks of
is probably lost. His last sentence alludes to Peele's well-known
profligacy, which ultimately caused his death ; and to Marlowe's
innovation in discarding rhyme, which he had himself so miserably
failed to imitate in that most stilted and topsy-turvy-sentenced play
Alphonsus of Arragon. He calls it the humour of a novice, because
in his next play, James IV., he meant to recur to the use of rhyme ;
as he accordingly did. After 1589 he wrote no plays. The Looking
Glass was the play in which "young Juvenall (Lodge) lastly with
him writ a comedy." This intention of abandoning the stage was
probably caused by his being replaced by Peele in this year with
the Queen's company, as we have seen above. It is distinctly
announced in his Mcnaphon written in that year.
And now, after this long but necessary introduction, we come to
the notices of Shakespeare. I must just recapitulate the state of
288 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
stage matters in 1589. Greene had retired from the stage; so had
Lyly (as shown by Malone in vol. ii. of the Variorum Shakespeare) •
Nash is just arriving in London ; Kempe has taken a post as
manager for Lord Strange's players ; this company ( just attracting
notice) and that of the Admiral's are prohibited from playing for a
brief space, in consequence of the license they had indulged in ;
Marlowe (as I shall prove) is in consequence leaving the Admiral's
company to join that of Sussex or that of Pembroke ; Lodge goes
abroad ; and what Shakespeare is doing I hope to show. A most
eventful year for the drama ; probably the most important of any
except 1585.
In order to understand the relations of these poets to each other,
it is necessary to bear in mind that the anti-Martinist writers were
Greene, Nash, Lyly, and Kempe ; of these Nash and Kempe are, so
to say, new-comers ; Greene and Lyly are quondam poets, but these
four form a distinct clique of their own : there has not been a more
fertile error than that common classification of Greene, Peele, and
Marlowe in one group, and Shakespeare in another ; their relative
merit as poets has blinded critics as to their private relations. Neither
Peele, Marlowe, nor Lodge belong to the same group as Greene ;
they are all addressed by him as " quondam acquaintance " in the
well-known passage of The Groatsworth of Wit (1592). Greene had
quarrelled with Marlowe and Peele before 1589 ; perhaps also with
Lodge, for the date of The Looking Glass may be earlier than that
usually assigned to it ; and from this date we shall find that there is
no friendship between him and Shakespeare. So far from Shake
speare's being on such terms with him as to write plays in conjunc
tion with him, we shall find distinct indications that this anti-
Martinist set assumed also the most hostile attitude towards the band
of friends which included Shakespeare, Marlowe, Peele, and Lodge.
I have indicated some grounds for this opinion in my paper on
Shakespeare's Sonnets. I now proceed to give others from Greene's
writings.
The key to the position lies in the old play of The Taming of a
Shrew. No sound critic can read this play without seeing that the
scenes corresponding to Act iv. Sc. I, 3, in the The Taming of the
Shrew, are by the same author as the same parts of the later play.
But Shakespeare undoubtedly wrote these later scenes. Hence he
ON THE ANNALS OF THE STAGE. 289
wrote the earlier ones. The verse part of the early play is by
Marlowe. It contains many lines taken after his custom (for he
shared this habit with Peele, witness his using the celebrated line,
" Make me immortal with a kiss" in two separate. plays) from his
other writings. It bears manifest marks of his work, but not his
best work. It is hurried and careless. Now this play contains a
line, " Icy hair that grows on Boreas' chin," which is distinctly
alluded to in Greene's Mendphon (1589), which has "White as the
hairs that grow on Father Boreas' chin," and cannot therefore be
later than that year ; probably is not far in date from it. But in
1589 Marlowe was leaving the Admiral's company for the Earl of
Pembroke's ; and The Taming of a Shrew belonged to the Earl of
Pembroke's company. It could not then be written before 1589,
while Marlowe belonged to the Admiral's. We have here then a
fixed date at which Shakespeare was writing ; not an important play
certainly ; only a few prose scenes of humorous comedy, composed
to oblige a friend who could write the serious parts, but had not a
particle of humour in him ; not important in itself, but very impor
tant to us as giving us the earliest specimen extant of our great poet's
comic powers. But in the same year, 1589, and in another part of
the same volume, we find an allusion to another play. In Nash's
preface to Menaphon is an attack, too well known to quote, on those
who leave the trade of novtrint to which they were born, and will
afford you whole Hamlets or handfuls of tragical speeches. In the
record of the performances at the Rose under Henslow these two
plays, Hamlet and The Taming of a Shrew, occur side by side. Is
it possible to avoid the inference that Shakespeare (in conjunction
with Marlowe or alone) wrote this play also, from which the tirst
Quarto of Hamlet, as we know it, was botched up with the help of
pirated notes taken at the theatre by that arch- thief T. Pavier ?
Surely we have here the strongest presumptive evidence that Shake
speare wrote his first attempts at Tragedy as well as Comedy under
the tuition of his friend and predecessor Marlowe. The further
history of these plays confirms this suggestion. The plays that wo
know of as having belonged to the Earl of Pembroke's company are
TUus Andronicus, 3 Henry VI. (The True Tragedy], The Taming
of a Shrew, Edward II., and probably the early Hamlet. We know
that all these became the property of the Chamberlain's Company,
19
2<>o SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
with the possible but improbable exception of Edward II. If, as
is most likely, they all changed hands at the same time, the date of
the change can be fixed. For at some time in 1600 The True
Tragedy was in the possession of the Earl of Pembroke's men,
being printed with their name on the title-page in that year. Had
the Chamberlain's men acquired it their name would certainly have
been inserted, as it was in the next edition. But at one time in the
same year, 1600, Titus Andronicus was in their possession, and their
name printed on the title-page, although on turning the leaf we find
only the names of the players of Sussex, Pembroke, and Darby.
The transfer took place then in 1600, and accordingly, if my metrical
tests be true, in 1601 we find Shakespeare re-writing Hamlet and
The Taming of a Shrew, as I stated in my papers of 1874, then
knowing nothing of this external evidence. Again, the first fruit
of Shakespeare's invention is expressly stated by him to have been
his Venus and Adonis, which there is independent evidence for
believing to have been written in 1588, and this evidence is confirmed
by Greene's writing what he calls " Sonnets " on that subject in his
Perirnedes that same year in evident imitation of the metre and style
of Shakespeare, after his usual fashion. Shakespeare having begun
to write was not the man to give it up ; but the necessities of Fortune
luckily drove him to writing for the stage ; and from the date of his
writing for the stage, if not earlier, begins the enmity of Greene,
who t>aw in him a dangerous rival with whom he dared not com
pete ; and of Nash, whose natural spite sought for a vent anywhere
on anybody ; and of Lyly (our pleasant Willy dead of late), who
felt that for his style of Comedy there was no chance of resurrection.
The master had come ; the apprentice hands might give over working,
only the makers possessed of genius akin to his own felt no jealousy,
and worked in unison with him. Lodge, Peele, and Marlowe held
by him to the last as great minds always do. It is only the plagiarist,
the word-vendor, and the satirist, who carp at the creation which
they have neither the power to parallel nor the wit to understand.
To retum to Greene's prose works. Mr. Simpson has collected
the passages referring to players in several of his works. We
shall understand them best by taking them in inverse chronological
order. In The Groatsworth of Wit, 1592, Shakespeare (for there is
no doubt of his being meant in the well-known passage in which he
ON THE ANNALS OF THE STAGE. 291
is called a Shake-scene) is described as "an upstart crow beautified
with our feathers." Mr. Simpson has wrongly identified with Shake-
scene the Roscius in Never Too Late, 1590, who is asked by Tully
(Greene), " Art thou proud with ^Esop's crow being prankt with the
glory of other's feathers?" and rightly with one of "The upstart
reformers of arts" in Nash's Introduction to Menaphon. These
upstarts and Roscius again occur in The Groatsworth of Wit.
Roscius is the author of The Moral of Man's Wit and The Dialogue
of Dives; acts in Delfrigus and The King of the Fairies ; and " for
seven years has been absolute master of the puppets." The
" bombasting of bragging blank verse" is also alluded to in Nash's
introduction to Menaphon, where it clearly applies to Shakespeare
(an "idiot art-master," or self-instructed gradeless student), and in
The Groatsworth of Wit, where it also applies to him ; and in
Perimedes, where it refers to the authors of Locrine. Mr. Simpson
has also tried to show that the "vain-glorious tragedian" Roscius
(Kempe), in Nash's introduction to Menaphon, is the same person
as Doron (Lodge) 1 in the novel itself ; and consequently the same
as Mullidor (Muiey d'or = Golde, Lodge's nom de plume} in Never
Too Late (1590). The sum of these discoveries of Mr. Simpson's is
that Shakespeare is distinctly introduced into various works of
Greene's, all dating from 1589 to 1592. He has, however, as far as
I can see, quite failed to discover any allusion to him by Greene as
a writer 2 anterior to Menaphon. And this is just what I should
have expected. Up to 1589 Greene had his hands full in quarrelling
with Marlowe and Peele ; it was not until Shakespeare began to
write as well as act that he turned his attacks on the novus homo,
and began to exclaim against uneducated upstarts and pilfering
pirates. This was, no doubt, part of Nash's plan of the campaign,
as was also the new tone assumed by both Greene and Nash towards
Peele and Marlowe. Before Nash's appearance as an auxiliary,
Greene attacked both these poets; afterwards "rare wits/' "atlas
of poetry," "primus verborum artijex" are among the phrases
applied to them by this ingenuous brace of satirists.
Bearing in mind then that "mad actor "is probably a name for
i Roscius is Kempe and Doron Lodge ; Mr. Simpson thinks they both mean
Shakespeare. Note th.it the plays acted by Roscius are not tragedies but
* liut Shakespeare may be one of the '' madmen " actors in PtrtMeJtS.
IQ — 2
292 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Shakespeare, let us see if can find in this series of romances any traces
of historical fact concerning him and his fellows, Kempe and Burbage.
One fact is patent; the player who had been seven years the interpre
ter of the puppets in Never Too Late is certainly meant for Kempe ;
but date Greene's introduction to him when you will, he could not
have been seven years previously to that in London ; in fact, seven
years is the extreme time we can give Greene between his leaving
his living (in 1585 at the earliest, the date of residing on it being
1584) and his writing this treatise in 1592. And there can be little
doubt that this period of time is so to be interpreted ; it is frequent
in old plays and novels also, thus to confuse the real writer with his
fictitious hero, and real events with the imaginary ones of the poem.
I believe then that this passage fixes the date of Greene's arrival in
London in 1585. I do not think we are to look for any works of
Shakespeare's as indicated by the list, Delfngus, King of Fairies,
Moral of Man 's Wit, and Dialogue of Dives {Devil and Dives).
These are rather to be sought for in Greene's own works. The
player is accused by him, as I interpret the passage, of endeavouring
to purloin other men's writings.1 At any rate The King of Fairies
occurs in Greene's James IV., and the dialogue of the Devil and
Dives is likely to be the scene where the evil angel tempts the usurer
in The Looking- Glass for London. But on the other hand I hazard
a conjecture that since the hatred of the actors, which Greene so
often shows, is focussed and intensified in his hatred of Shakespeare,
so that we can hardly separate the two in his later writings, we
may believe it not unlikely that one of the "paper bucklerd mad
men," who raised his wrath in acting Locrine, was Shakespeare
himself. And this is the more likely seeing that in Fair Emm and
The London Prodigal, one of which was certainly written for Lord
Strange's men and the other probably, some part would almost
inevitably be assigned to Shakespeare.
It may be interesting to the reader to see the kind of verse that
this malignant writer puts in the mouth of the characters under
whose names he hides his representations of a friend of the world's
great poet, Lodge. In his Menaphon there is an eclogue called
" Doron's joined with Carmela's," part of which is here subjoined.
1 Lord Strange's Company seem to have acted plays belonging to the Queen's
men, as well as others belonging to the Admiral, in 1592.
ON THE ANNALS OF THE STAGE. 293
DORON.
" Sit down, Carmela ; here are cobs for kings ;
Sloes black as jet, or like my Christmas shoes ;
Sweet cider which my leathern bottle brings ;
Sit down, Carmela ; let me kiss thy toes."
CARMELA.
" Ah, Doron, ah, my heart ; thou art as white
As is my mother's calf or brinded cow.
Thine eyes are like the slow-worms in the night ;
Thine hairs resemble thickets of the snow.
The lines within thy face are deep and clear,
Like to the furrows of my father's wain ;
The sweat upon thy face doth oft appear
Like to my mother's fat and kitchen gain.
Ah, leave my toe and kiss my lips, my love," &c., &c.
This is about a quarter of the eclogue, of which the reader probably
desires no more.
There are other specimens of Doron's verse ; for instance, his
jig ;
" Through the shrubs as I can crack
For my lambs, little ones,
'Mongst many pretty ones,
Nymphs, I mean, whose hair was black
As the crow ;
Like tfie snow
Her face and brows shined I ween ;
I saw a little one,
A bonny pretty one,
As bright, as buxom, and as sheen
As was she
On her knee
That lulled the god," &c., &c.
I cannot help here digressing to observe that in Midsummer Night V
Dream, Act v. Sc. I, the true reading of
" These lily lips,
This cherry nose,
These yellow cowslip cheeks," &c.
294 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
can be recovered from this passage ; for lips undoubtedly read brows.
I believe that this play in several places alludes to Greene and his
writings ; in fact, Oberon The King of the Fairies seems to be taken
from Greene's James IV.
Doron's only other poetical production is his Description of
Samcla ; a short sample will suffice ; —
" Like to Diana in her summer weed
Girt with a crimson robe of brightest dye
Goes fair Samela.
Whiter than be the flocks that straggling feed,
When washt by Arethusa faint they He,
1^ fair Samela.
As fair Aurora in her morning grey,
Deckt with the ruddy glister of her love
Is fair Samela.
Like lovely Thetis in a calmed day,
Whereas her brightness Neptune's fancy move
Shines fair Samela," &c., &c.
Such was the poetry of Lodge according to Greene. S. Walker
and Dyce, if one may judge by their emendations, have taken these
rhymes as seriously meant for good writing. But that they are in
tended for burlesque will be evident if we compare them with
Greene's other verses in the same work ; for instance, with Sephestids
exquisite song, of which I subjoin one verse : —
" Weep not, my wanton ! smile upon my knee ;
When thou art old, there's grief enough for thee,
Mother's wag, pretty boy,
Father's sorrow, father's joy,
When thy father first did see
Such a boy by him and me,
He was glad, I was woe ;
Fortune changed made him so ;
When he left his pretty boy,
Last his sorrow, first his joy."
ON THE AXNALS OF THE STAGE. 295
If we refer to Greene's Never Too Late, the burlesque is still
more palpable ; here is Mullidor's Madrigal : —
" Dildido, dildido, O love, O love,
I feel thy rage rumble below and above.
In summer time I saw a face,
Trop belle pour moi, /ie/as, helas !
Like to a stoned horse was her pace,
Trop belle pour moi ; voila man trepas.
Was ever T young man so dismay'd ?
Her eyes like wax torches did make me afraid.
Thy beauty, my love, exceedeth supposes ;
Thy hair is a nettle for the nicest roses.
Mon Dieu, aide moi!
That I with the primrose of my fresh wit
May tumble her tyranny under my feet.
He done, je serai un jeune roi. "
This is enough, I think, to show the animus of the writer. From
the unpleasing contemplation of such a captious and perverse ill-
feeling, let us turn to the more genial task of examining what
Marlowe and Peele were doing during these years. Marlowe, we
know, wrote the following works, and almost certainly in the order
that has been universally assigned to them, which agrees exactly
with that determined by metrical tests.
Probable Certain
Dates. Dates.
1585. I. Tamberlane, part i. before 1587.
1586. 2. Tamberlane, part ii before 1587.
1587. 3. Faustus.
1588. 4. Jew of Malta.
1589. 5. Massacre of Paris (1589^).
1592. 9. Edward II 0592-3)-
1593. 10. Dido (left unfinished) (1593)-
In addition to these it is highly probable that he wrote
1589. 6. Taming of a Shrew (with Shakespeare).
1590. 7. Andronicus about 1 590.
1591. 8. Henry VI. (with Peele} before 1592.
1 i.e. yeoman.
2Q6 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
If we suppose that he wrote one play a year the chronology of
his works will exactly correspond with that we have assigned to
Greene's ; beginning with Tamberlane in 1585, and ending with
Dido in the order of the prefixed figures. The wretched condition
of the text of The Massacre of Paris will also be now explicable.
For as I have stated above, the company for which Marlowe wrote
his first plays was the Admiral's ; for it he wrote all the first five
in the above list (with the possible, not probable, exception of The
Jew of Malta] ; but The Massacre of Paris, which was certainly the
last play he wrote before joining the companies of Sussex and
Pembroke, must have been produced after the death of Henri III.
(August 1589), since this incident forms part of the plot, and it is
most probable from the nature of the play that it was produced
almost directly after this event ; but the Admiral's company was
under prohibition in 1589. x This play if interrupted by the prohibi
tion would remain incomplete (it has but three acts), and after
Marlowe had broken with that company he would not care to
complete it. As, however, we have here not to discuss Marlowe's
works, but only to show that the chronology we assign to his plays is
consistent with that we have given to Greene's we pass on to Peele.
Peele in 1584 produced his Arraignment of Parts- for the children
of the Queen's chapel. In subsequent years he wrote various plays
for some company not mentioned, which I suspect to have been
Lord Strange's, as no other poet is mentioned in connexion with
those players, and each of the other companies then playing in
London had its own poet attached to it. In 1586 he perhaps aided
C. Tylney in Locrine, but more likely in 1587 he edited and finished
that play which ridiculed Greene's early works. In 1588-9 or there
abouts he probably wrote Alcazar for the Admiral's company ; in
1590, after Greene's retirement, as we have seen reason to believe
above, he was engaged by the Queen's company, and wrote for
them The Old Wives' Tale, and probably The Troublesome Reign of
King John in the following year. After this his share in plays
assigned to Shakespeare {Richard III,, Romeo and Juliet, Henry VI,)
has been discussed by me elsewhere. He may also have written
part of Edward III, / certainly not Sir Clyamon and Sir Clamydes,
nor the older Leir, both of which have been inconsiderately assigned
1 Note that 1589 ends at Easter 1590.
ON THE ANNALS OF THE STAGE. 297
to him. We have no difficulty then in adjusting the chronology
of his works as well as Marlowe's to our general scheme. The Old
Wives' 7 ale is the play that has for us in the present subject the
greatest interest. In Greene's James IV., the King of the Fairies,
who acts as presenter along with Bohan, a Scot, has called up for
his amusement two boys of Bohan's, who dance jigs for him, &c.
In the play itself, which is supposed to be enacted for Oberori's
delectation, these boys are actual Dramatis Persona, and one of
them has to be rescued from hanging by the intervention in the play
of Oberon, for whom the play is being performed. This gross
confusion is ridiculed by Peele in his fairy tale, where he shows
Greene how a folkstory ought to be told, and how such a confusion
can be legitimately introduced. His old woman begins to tell the
tale, and while she is telling it, the personages of the narration
come in and continue the story — exactly as we often experience in
dreams — when we cannot distinguish between the book we are read
ing and the vision we are seeing. Peek's drama is a real Midsummer
Night's Dream. His intention in this exquisite production to
ridicule Greene is unmistakable.
All things then cohere and agree with our main theory as to
Shakespeare's life during- this period (1585-1594). I have diligently
examined every source of information within my reach and have
concealed nothing. As, however, in so large a mass of detail it
has been impossible for me to avoid some confusion in exposition
from having to mingle arguments and facts, I will here sum up in
a concise narrative the theatrical history of these ten years ; in this
narrative it must be understood that hypothesis and proven fact are
mingled ; the grounds of the hypothetical part being given above.
In all other portions of the chapter theoretical statements are care
fully distinguished from authorized history, however strong the
evidence may be in their favour. We come then to
THE STORY OF THE STAGE (1585-1594).
In the year 1585 William Shakespeare, pressed by the needs of
fortune and an increasing family, attained his majority. Under the
patronage of some great man, probably, who was passionately at
tached to the stage, as were at that time many noblemen, some of
whom even acted as amateurs gratuitously in theatrical pieces, he
298 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
came to London in 1585-6 and joined the company of Ferdinando
Lord Strange. At this time John Lyly was well known as a writer of
comedies, courtly in style, patronized by the Queen, but introducing
in his dramas many political and personal allusions, which had at
least once got him into trouble. George Peele was also well known
by his Pastoral of The Arraignment of Paris, which was in like
manner distinguished by palpable personalities. Both these writers
had been employed by boys' companies ; the latter by the Children
of the Chapel, the former by the Children of Paul's as well. But in
this year appeared a drama which was the first of a series which were
to replace the old comedies in prose or doggrel, and the old pastorals
in rhyme. Marlowe then produced his Tamberlane, the first English
tragedy worthy of the name. In it he modulated blank-verse, not
in the stiff formal manner of Surrey's Virgil, or Sackville and
Norton's Ferrex and Perrex, but in a comparatively free and flowing
rhythm such as the necessities of stage-dialogue require. In the
Prologue to this play he says : —
" From jigging veins of rhyming mother wits,
And such conceits as clownage keeps in pay
We'll lead you to the stately tent of war."
This new vein was successfully struck, miner after miner tried it,
there was a rush to the gold diggings. The first arrival was Robert
Greene, who wrote his Alphonsus of Aragon in direct rivalry with
Tamberlane, for Lord Strange's (?) company ; it was a dead failure.
Not so the second part of Tamberlane, written in 1586, like the first
by Marlowe for the Admiral's company. In this year W. Kempe,
one of "the jigging vein," left England for Denrnark, leaving the
Queen's company under the management of Button and Lanham.
They naturally sought for a play-writer who would supply them with
tragedies of the new kind. Greene and Peele both offered for the
office, and Greene was chosen, and wrote his Orlando Furioso.
Peele, who was known for the older kind of drama, the Pastoral,
and who had also written a Scriptural play, David and Bathsheba,
perhaps even an historical one, Edward I., was rejected, and joined
Lord Strange's (?) company.
In 1587 Marlowe wrote his masterpiece, Doctor Faustus ; Greene
ridiculed the conjuror in his best play, Friar Bacon ; Peele, on the
ON THE ANNALS OF THE STAGE. 299
other hand, in conjunction with Charles Tilney, had elaborated in
1586, his mock-heroic travesty of Locrine in ridicule of Greene's
tragedies of the two preceding seasons. In this play Shakespeare,
or some other actors of the same company with him, acted ; and
excited Greene's wrath by the way in which his mottos, or Latin posies,
his "presenters," &c. were held up to public derision. Kyd mean
while was emulating Marlowe in his Jeronimo, and Lyly was going
on his old road unmoved as yet by the new theatrical heresies.
But in 1588, while Marlowe was initiating a new kind of comedy
in his Jew of Malta, the precursor of the Merchant of Venice of
eight years after, Greene's indignation burst out. He saw that he
could neither rival nor ridicule successfully Marlowe's tragic or comic
power ; he determined to employ prose satire as his vehicle. In
his Perimedes he attacked the actors in and writers of Locrine, and
introduced the personal characters of Peele and Marlowe into his
attack, accusing one of debauchery, the other of blasphemy. At
the same time finding his failure as Marlowe's competitor to be
complete, he attempted competition with Peele in a historical piece,
James IV. Peele was not so easily to be outdone ; he firstly took
his revenge on Greene's old tragedies by another mock heroic
(entirely his own this time), The Battle of Alcazar, which he wrote
anonymously for the Admiral's men ; and in the following year,
1589, ridiculed James IV., as we have seen already. In 15891$
Marlowe began his Massacre of Paris for the Admiral's company,
but did not finish it ; that company as well as Lord Strange's being
closed by authority for the licenses they had used in taxing public
characters. That they had taken great liberties is manifest from
what we have seen as to the plays Locrine and Alcazar. The latter
play had ridiculed Kyd as well as Greene. In consequence of this
Shakespeare and Marlowe, thrown for a while out of employment,
wrote in conjunction Hamlet and The Taming of a Shrew for the
Earl of Pembroke's company, Greene, who had called Thomas
Lodge to his aid, wrote in 1588-9 The Looking- Glass for London,
and still finding his dramatic success unsatisfactory, determined to
leave the stage altogether and betake himself to Prose Romance, in
which he was supreme. Lyly followed suit, and along with Nash,
who had just come to London, formed a band of satirical
pamphleteers, who were from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century
300 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
unsurpassed for abusive sarcasm and shameless impudence. Greene
was further incited to this course by the preference given to Peele in
this year by the Queen's Company, for whom he wrote The Old Wives'
Tale, a delicate, carefully- chiselled satire on his James IV. Shake
speare up to his time had been unknown as a dramatic author ;
he was known as a poet probably among his friends, for he had
written his Venus and Adonis in 1588. He published nothing till
1 593 . He was as far as the stage is concerned looked on merely as an
actor. But now comes a great change. His career begins, and al
though he did not originate any one kind of dramatic composition,
it soon became evident that he would be a formidable rival in all.
In 1590 Marlowe wrote Titus Andronicus for the Earl of Sussex's
men ; Shakespeare for Lord Strange's probably a play (now lost) on
the same subject, and Peele The Troublesome Reign of King John
for the Queen's. But Lord Strange's men, in spite of their late
prohibition, are producing the two plays in which Greene's competi
tions with Peele for the favour of the Queen's company are delineated,
namely, Fair Emm and The London Prodigal. Here personal satire
on the stage reaches its climax. Greene is attacked, as he richly
deserved, in his personal character as well as through his published
writings ; his aspersions on Marlowe and Peele are doubly redoubled
on himself. His title to his recent prose work, " Never Too Late," is
thrown back at him with a "Physician, heal thyself" kind of de
nunciation. Greene, in a passion, next year complains of Fair Emm
in his Farewell to Folly, vilifies its author, and of all charges for
Greene the profligate ex-parson to make, says it contains abusing
of Scripture. He is as scurrilous against him though not as clever
as his coadjutor Nash had shown himself in his preface to Menaphon
(1599) in his abuse of Shakespeare. Greene also has attacked Lodge
as a rustic, half-educated, strutting tragedian, under the characters
of Mullidor in Never Too Late (1590), and Doron in Menaphon
(1589). Nash has accused Shakespeare of being a runaway lawyer,
a shifting companion, a would-be tragedian, a botcher of blank
verse, a taffaty fool decked with poet's feathers, and all the terms of
vituperation which could be found in an age, when that art had only
been partially cultivated. Meanwhile Shakespeare was quietly doing
his work, making money and gaining respect from every one by
taking no part in all this controversy.
ON THE ANNALS OF THE STAGE. 301
In 1591 set in a rage for historical plays; Marlowe and Peele
united their forces to produce The Contention of York and Lancaster
and The True Tragedy of the Duke of York, for the Earl of Pem
broke's company ; in 1593 Shakespeare and Lodge (?) wrote Edivaid
III.; in the same year Marlowe's Echvard II. was acted ; in 1594
Peele began Richard III., afterwards finished and elaborated by
Shakespeare ; some years before this I Henry VI. was written by
Marlowe and Lodge, and during the same period (1590-1594) the
old play of Ldr and The True Tragedy of Richard III. were written
by unknown writers for the Queen's players. But Greene did not
allow this new turn of public favour to grow up unassailed. In his
Groatsworth of Wit (1^2} he endeavoured to detach the men he
had so bitterly inveighed against from the novus homo, whom he
hated still more. With the insincerity usually to be found in men of
unbridled tongue and unrestrained passions, he put himself forward
as their quondam acquaintance, and on the ground of old friendship
endeavoured to injure their new and real friend in their estimation :
and failed. The details are familiar and need no repetition. Notice,
however, how in this work the motive of his jealousy shows up.
It is the fact that the player's "properties" are worth 2OO/. that
excites the wrath of this graceless spendthrift ; it was the vain hope
to do likewise that took him from his former sphere to play-writing.
Hence the abuse of Shakespeare for leaving his previous profession.
The old, old story. And this is the last we have to do with Robert
Greene. He died the same year ; he had sought to separate friends,
and no friend stayed by him ; no one by him but the poor outcast
he had consorted with and her husband, who saved him from starv
ing in the street. Next year died Marlowe in a brawl ; his un
finished play Dido was completed by Nash for the Chapel Children
in 1594. Three years after died Peele, diseased and unreformed.
Shakespeare, the only one of these great rivals (for they were great),
then only was beginning to show his strength. They had all pre
ceded him in order of development ; all to the outward view had
excelled him ; but the forest oak had withstood the frost, outbraved
the lightning, and survived the canker that had killed the more
symmetrical rapidly developed tropical palms; he and he only
attained to the fulfilment of his natural powers.
Not that he was idle, however, during these years between 1590
302 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
and 1596 ;l he had written Love's Labour's Won (?), Lovers Labour's
Lost (afterwards enlarged in 1597), Midsummer Night's Dream
(probably also enlarged afterwards), The Comedy of Errors, and
Richard IT, Besides this he had re-written The Two Gentlemen of
Verona and King John, and finished, corrected, and partly re-written
Richard III. and Romeo and Juliet. Of these early works of
Shakespeare nothing is so noticeable here as this. During the time
his friends were alive he wrote in his own way ; he ignored Marlowe's
system of rejecting rhyme, and Peek's mixture of comedy in his
torical plays. But when he can no longer be a rival to them, when
they have left the scene of competition and he can no longer hurt
them even in supposition by adopting their methods, he drops his
rhymes, his doggrel, his purely tragical histories unmixed with prose,
and writes his Merchant of Venice to rival The Jew of Maha ; and
his Henry IV. to rival Edward I. From this time to the end of
his career he uses the plots of his predecessors, their prose stories,
their characters, their metre, but he fuses all that he takes from
them into such a homogeneous mass that the alloy is transmuted into
the truest virgin gold. No such alchemist as Shakespeare is known
in the annals of any literature.
Such is a sketch of the history of these missing portions of the
annals of the stage as far as we can at present make out. No doubt
some details are erroneously stated, some sequences wrongly inferred.
But the advantage to a student of a working hypo hesis is very great.
It gives definiteness to the grouping of a mass of details otherwise
indistinguishable ; it forms a basis for future research ; it relieves
the monotony of what would otherwise be a sandy expanse of life
less desert. And the hypothesis here presented has this advantage :
that it is not based on or limited by the facts that we know concern
ing Shakespeare himself. Every detail known of his dramatic
contemporaries has been ransacked ; none have been knowingly
neglected ; and thus for the first time a consistent narrative (if not
exactly true in every minutia) has been evolved.
1 In 1594 Lord Strange's men were incorporated with the Chamberlain's, to
which company Shakespeare henceforth belongs.
CHAPTER XIV.
ON "EDWARD THE THIRD.'
THIS play consists of two parts— one, which forms the main bulk
of the play, relates to the foreign wars of King Edward ; the other,
which consists of two scenes and part of a third, contains a narrative
of an attempted seduction of the Countess of Salisbury by the same
monarch. These parts are distinctly different in general style and
poetic power; so much so, that none but the dullest of prosaic
readers could fail to note the differences ; they are also clearly
separated by metrical characteristics of the most pronounced kind.
They are equally distinguished by the use or disuse of special words ;
and the personages common to the two portions of the play — for
example, the Black Prince — have different characters in those por
tions, and are unequally developed. In my opinion, the episode is
by Shakespeare ; the main part of the play not. I will first con
sider the episode. From the entrance of the king in Act i. Sc. 2 to
the end of Act ii. Sc. 2, this play is not taken from the chronicles
of Holinshed, but from Painter's Palace of Pleasure. This is the
part from which Mr. Collier has happened to select all his quotations
given in the Athenceum to prove that the drama is Shakespeare's
from end to end ; that it is no doubtful play ; that the three last acts
are all conducted with true Shakespearian energy and vigour. To
give the reader a fair chance of judging on this point, I give passages
from both parts of the play.
•
*' Edw. When she would talk of peace, methinks her tongue
Commanded war to prison ; when of war,
304 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
It waken'd Cassar from his Roman grave
To hear war beautified by her discourse.
Wisdom is foolishness but in her tongue ;
Beauty a slander but in her fair face :
There is no summer but in her cheerful looks,
No frosty winter, but in her disdain."
Act ii. Sc. i. (Quoted by MR. COLLIER.)
" John. At sea we are as puissant as the force
Of Agamemnon in the haven of Troy :
By land with Xerxes we compare of strength,
Whose soldiers drank up rivers in their thirst :
Then, Bayard-like, blind overweening Ned,
To reach at our imperial diadem,
Is either to be swallow'd of the waves,
Or hackt apieces when thou com'st ashore."
Act iii. Sc. i. (Not SHAKESPEARE'S.)
" Count. For where the golden ore doth buried lye,
The ground undeckt with nature's tapestry,
Seems barren, sere, unfertile, fruitless, dry,
And where the upper turf of earth doth boast
His pied perfumes and party-coloured cost,
Delve there, and find this issue and their pride
To spring from ordure and corruption's side. "
Act i. Sc. 2. (SHAKESPEARE'S.)
" Cit. The sun, dread lords, that in the western fall,
Beholds us now low brought through misery,
Did in the orient purple of the morn
Salute our coming forth, when we were known ;
Or may our portion be with damned fiends. "
Act v. Sc. i. (Not SHAKESPEARE'S.)
I might fill pages with passages like these, but these, I think, are
enough ; the difference is felt at once. The second and fourth are
totally unlike Shakespeare ; the first and third are just what he
might have written between Richard II. and John. In the episode
we also find expressions such as hugy, venture, muster men, -via,
ON EDWARD THE THIRD. 305
imperator, encouch, which are either of frequent occurrence in
Shakespeare, or have the true ring of his coinage in them. We
find, moreover, two new characters introduced (Derby and Audley),
who appear indeed in the after parts of the play, but developed
after a totally different fashion from the masterly sketch of their
first appearance ; and above all, we find one character, Lodowick,
the king's poet-secretary, introduced in the episode only, who in a
play entirely from Shakespeare's hand would certainly not have
dropped out of sight so early, but have been utilised to the very end.
The delicious pedantry of the man, whose attempt at verse consists
of the two lines,
" More fair and chaste than is the queen of shades,
More bold in constancy than Judith was ; "
who talks in inversions :
'? Of what condition or estate she is,
'Twere requisite that I should know, my Lord ; "
who tells the king, when inquiring for the above poem,
" I have not to a period brought her praise, "
is worthy, if not of the author of Polonius' advice to his son, at
least of the author of the scene of Pandarus' love-song.
But it will be objected, Why do you give us these vague unscientific
statements? Where be your rhyme-tests and double endings?
Where your un- Shakespearian words that can be counted and
tabulated ? They are all at hand, good reader. Here they are.
In the episode, the proportion of rhyme-lines to verse-lines is one
to seven ; in the other parts of the play, one to twenty ; in the
episode, the proportion of lines with double endings to verse-lines
is one to ten ; in the rest of the play it is one to twenty-five. These
differences are far too great to allow the play to have been all written
by one author at one period ; and if the play be Shakespeare's work
throughout, it would be necessary to suppose that the worst part of
the play was written in his later time, with Lear and Othdlo ; or, if
I may not be allowed to presume so far on the results of my appli
cations of metrical tests (though to the development of Shakespeare's
work they are, I am certain, our surest guide), then I appeal to a
different kind of evidence altogether.
20
306 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
In the main part of this play there are many words used that
never occur in undoubted Shakespearian, plays, however often certain
of them may be found in Marlowe and other early dramatists.
For instance, bonny, which occurs in I Henry VI. and 3 Henry VI. ,
but is unknown in Shakespeare, occurs in Act i. Sc. 2 three times,
and bonnier in Act iii. Sc. I. So the strange verb to patronage
occurs in Act iii. Sc. 3, and in I Henry VI., never in Shakespeare ;
horizon (Act v. Sc. i), Ave Caesar (Act i. Sc. i), whinyard (Act i.
Sc. 20.), Bayard (Act iii. Sc. i), Nemesis (Act iii. Sc. i), martialist
(Act iii. Sc. 3), plate, in the Spanish sense of silver (Act i. Sc. 2,
Act iv. Sc. 4), solitariness (Act iii. Sc. 2), quadrant (Act v. Sc. i),
ure (Act i. Sc. i), are all words unknown to Shakespeare's vocabu
lary. Battle- ray occurs in Act iii. Sc. 3, and Act iv. Sc. 3 ;
Shakespeare does not even admit the common form 'ray for array,
while 'rayed is found in the part of The Taming of the Shrew not
Shakespeare's. Burgonet, another word in this play, occurs only
once in Shakespeare in a very late play, Antony and Cleopatra,
while it is found in 2 Henry VI. three times. So the anomalous
word expulsed, which we find in 2 Henry VI. , but not in Shake
speare, will be seen in Act iii. Sc. 2 of this play of Edward III. ;
and in Act v. Sc. I the unusual verb to quittance, as in I Henry VI.,
but not in Shakespeare. Cataline in The True Tragedy of the Duke
of York has been replaced by Machiavel in 3 Henry VI., but remains
undethroned in Act iii. Sc. I of our play.
But I must not enlarge on this ; I must return to our play. I
recommend anyone who has been deluded by Capell, or his German
copiers, or his English reproducers at third hand, into the belief
that this work is all Shakespeare's, to read from the entrance of the
King in Act i. Sc. 2, to the end of Act ii. by itself, and judge if
that part be Shakespeare's, as I say it is ; then to stop awhile, and
read all the rest of the play by itself, noting the monotonous thud
of the antique stop-line and the un-Shakespearian words I have
given above, and judge if any part of that be Shakespeare's. If he
say yes, he is not one I should care to argue the point with, for to
such a one even the scientific metrical test would be of no avail for
his enlightenment. He might even agree with Mr. Collier in say
ing, " I might quote the whole quarto, for it is all his."
CHAPTER XV.
EXTRACTS REPRINTED FROM THE "ATHEN^UM."
To the first of the subjoined letters on Action I have only to add that
Marcus Antoninus uses atnov in the sense in which the Elizabethans
used tSe'a, namely, that of "form without matter; exemplar." The
other letter requires no comment.
Is AETION SHAKESPEARE?
The passage in Spenser's Colin Clouts Come Home Again,
" And there though last not least is Action ;
A gentler shepherd may nowhere be. fonTtd '.
Whose Muse like his high thought's invention
Doth like himself heroically sound,"
was supposed to allude to Shakespeare by Malone, on the grounds,
I, that Shakespeare was called gentle; 2, that his Muse was full of
high thought's invention ; 3, that the name Shake-spear sounds
heroically. Mr. Hales has added a fourth argument. "The name
was adopted for its own intrinsic significance, as Spenser interpreted
it. He has in his mind the Greek der6s ; and, seeing in the rising
Shakespeare a poet whose imagination was to soar aloft, he styled
him The Eaglet" To this another argument may be added: the
Falcon in Shakespeare's arms might be alluded to as the Eaglet, for
eagles were ranked as a species of the genus Falcon or Hawk in
Shakespeare's time. Thus, in the translation of Forney's Universe
in Epitome, by A. Lovell, we find Eagle, Falcon, and Marlin grouped
together under the head of Birds for Hawking ; and in Ryder's
308 SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
Latin Dictionary, Eagle, Falcon, and Merlin expressly called Hawks;
and under Falco, Hawk and Falcon are given as synonymous. On
the other hand, Todd, and, after him, Mr. Minto, have asserted that
Action is Drayton. In support of his claim it has been urged that
Drayton's assumed poetical name, Rowland, sounds more heroically
than Shakespeare, and that Lodge, in 1596, a year after Colin Clout
was published, mentions Drayton but not Shakespeare, which would
be strange if Spenser had already mentioned Shakespeare but not
Drayton : to this I add, that in Drayton's Sonnets, published in
1594, he calls one an allusion to the Eaglet : it begins —
"When like an eaglet I first found my love."
As these pastoral names were often taken from the writings of the
poet alluded to, Action may easily have originated from this sonnet.
Again, there is no reason why, in 1595, Drayton should not have
written and circulated in MS. one or more of England's Heroicall
Epistles, published in 1598, which would account for his "heroically
sounding Muse." But all this depends on the assumption that Colin
Clout was written in 1594-5. If, as Prof. Moiiey thinks (and I
agree with him), the main part of it was written in 1591, and this
verse was part of that early portion, then we have a third claimant,
Marlow ; for his name was written Marlen or Marlin oftener than
Marlow ; he is called Marlin in Beard's Theatre of God's Judg
ments (1597) ; he was entered at college under this same name in
1580 ; he took his degree as Marly n in 1583 ; and is mentioned as
Marlyn as late as Latham's Falconry (1618). By the way, the
mention of this book reminds me that Lady Juliana Berners expressly
calls the Eagle a kind of Hawk. Now that Marlyn and Eaglet
were considered as synonymous, there is proof in an allusion in
Petow's Hero and Leander (a continuation of Maiiow's). He says
of Marlow : —
" Oh had that king of poets breathed longer,
Then had fair beauty's forts been much more stronger ;
His golden pen had closed her so about
No bastard eaglet 's quill the world throughout
Had been of force to mar what he had made."
EXTRA C TS FR OM THE " A THEN& UM." 309
Here Marlyn the true eaglet is distinctly contrasted with the false
one ; so that whether Action is Mario w or not, Marlin is certainly
an eaglet. That he was a " gentle shepherd " is shown in the quo
tation by Dycefrom the New Metamorphosis, by J. M. (1660), where
he is called "kind Kit Mario w." That Marlin recalling the great
Arthurian enchanter "sounds heroically" is clear enough, and we
know how his verse was estimated as far as his plays are concerned
by the allusions to his "sounding lines." It may be said that
Spenser must have cut out this notice on publishing in 1595, because
Marlow was dead : but we do not always do all we ought ; and
Spenser may have remembered to alter his verses on Ferdinand
Lord Derby, the poet's patron, and forgotten^ to do so for the
humbler Marlow. I have, I think, fairly stated above the views
that can be held on Mr. Hales's hypothesis, that Action means
eaglet, and shown that it does not follow that Action must mean
Shakespeare. I am bound now to give my own view. I believe
that Action is not derived from deros, but from crfnos, as Malone
suggested in a note. For the line, —
" And then, though last, not least is Action,"
requires us to read ^Etion in three syllables, and not Action in four.
I know some scansionists may deny this ; but no poet will. And
again, who has ever seen the word Action anywhere else in English
literature? Is the obscure Greek painter mentioned in English
except in classical dictionaries? Or has any author used it for
"eaglet"? M\\ant on the other hand, was so common a word in
Elizabethan Latin, that it is given in the Latin dictionaries for
schoolboys. In Ryder's Dictionary, I find 'VEtion afnov et setia
setiorum, causa principium et origo — an original!, beginning, or caused
It is much more likely, then, that Malone's derivation is right, than
that the ingenious conjecture made by Mr. Hales is. But what can
JEtion mean as a poet's name? Is any work of Shakespeare or
Drayton called alTiovt I think there is. Drayton's pastoral name
for his mistress is Idea, toe'a; Idea est eorum qua natura fiunt
exemplar aternum. So Drayton calls his mistress the example or
pattern from whom all other women derive their excellence by par
ticipating in hers. As Cooper's Thesaurus has it, under Idea,
" Pattern of all other sort or kind, as of one seal proceedeth many
3io SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
prints." But Drayton was not content with a mere allusion. Of the
three works he had published before 1595, one was called Idea, and
another Idea's Mirrour. What, then, more natural than to indicate
Drayton by yEtion, the synonym for Idea? I conclude that the
interpretation of Todd and the derivation of Malone are the correct
ones, and that the only point they did not see was that yEtion meant
"The original, the exemplar, the first, though here the last men
tioned ; the formal cause" So Giles Fletcher uses Idea in Christ 's
Victory and Triumph, st. xxxix. —
"In midst of this city celestial,
Where the eternal temple should have rose,
Light'ned th' Idea beatifical,
End and beginning of each thing that grows"
Carew uses the word "cause" just in the same way : —
" Ask me no more where Jove bestows,
When June is past, the fading rose,
For in your beauty's orient deep
These flowers, as in their causes, sleep."
If anyone objects to my supposition that the Heroicall Epistles were
in circulation as early as 1595, I would refer him to Dray ton's
Address to the Reader. " Seeing these Epistles are now to the
world made public," &c., which distinctly implies that they had
been written, and were known to have been written for some time ;
and again, in the Catalogue of the Heroical Loves, he says, —
" Their several loves since I before have shown,
Now give me leave at last to sing my own. "
This implies that the Heroicall Epistles were written before his love
poems to Idea, for in no other poems does he "sing his own loves."
But Idea and Idea's Mirrour were published in 1593 and 1594.
EXTRA CTS FROM THE ' ' A THENCE UM. " 311
SHAKESPEARE'S ARMS.
So far as I am aware, no attempt has hitherto been made to
explain the charges in Shakespeare's arms. Yet from the presence
of " spear " in them, it is evident at a glance that they belong to the
class of armcs parlantes, canting or punning arms. In the original
instrument in the College of Heralds they are thus blazoned : — " In
a field of gould upon a bend sables a speare, the poynt upward,
headed argent, and for his crest or cognizance a falcon with his
wings displayed, standing on a wrethe of his coullers supporting a
speare armed hedded or stieled sylver fyxed uppon a helmet with
mantell and tassels." Here is the spear plain enough; but where
is the shake ? In the words I have italicized, I think. For how
could the name, or rather this part of the name, be expressed in
the charge ? There is no means of representing shake but by some
thing shaking ; and no inorganic thing can be so drawn ; nor
among living creatures can I find anything that can represent shaking
excepting a bird shaking its wings previously to flying, which can
heraldically be expressed. The connection between shaking and
"with wings displayed" maybe gathered from the following con
siderations. Lady Juliana Berners, in her work on Hawking,
especially warns her readers never to say of a falcon that " she
shakes," but always to say " she rouses." And in accordance with
this, a bird shaking its wings in preparation to fly, that is to say,
"with wings displayed," was often blazoned in the heraldic books
as rousant. If we refer to the old dictionaries we find this con
firmed ; for instance, in Ryder's Latin Dictionary, to rouse is trans
lated corusco ; and in referring to corusco, we find "Corusco wcfAAw
KpaSatvu vibro, oculorum aciem perstringo. To shine, glisten, or
lighten. To brandish, c. gladium vel hastam, Virg. to brandish
or shake." So that the very word used by our ancestors in Latin
to express the shaking of a spear was also used by them for the
displaying the wings in heraldry. It is, therefore, to me certain
that "Garter and Clarencieulx " in granting John Shakespeare his
arms gave him a canting bearing, a kind which is rightly said in
the Penny Cyclopedia to have been one of the most frequent as well
as the most ancient descriptions of charges, and as worthy of respect
312
SHAKESPEARE MANUAL.
as any other. The representation of Shake in Shakespeare (not
Shakspere) by a rousing falcon is confirmed by the arms of Crispinus
or Cri-spinas in the Poetaster, "a face crying in. chief and beneath
it a bloody toe between three thorns pungent." Marston, as well
as Crispinus, is here indicated. Mars is red or bloody (compare
Mars ochre) and toen is toes : together forming Marston. Both puns
are equally ,bad. So again in Every Man out of his Humour
Sogliardo's arms, "On a chief argent between two ann'lets sable, a
boar's head proper," indicate Burbage (Boar-badge) ; badge
being a ring, garland, or annulet.
The following list of managers, &c., will be useful for reference : —
Company. Managers, &c.
Sir R. Lane's ... Laurence Button (1573).
Sir R. Dudley's ... James Burbage, John Perkyn, John Lan-
ham, William Johnson, Robert Wilson
(1574).
Earl Warwick's ... Laurence Dutton, John Button (1576).
Earl Barby's ... Robert Brown (1579).
Queen's ... ... John Button, John Lanham (1590).
Chamberlain's ... John Heminges, Thomas Pope (1597) ;
Heminges alone (1600).
Admiral's... ... Robert Shaw, Thomas Bownton, Philip
Henslow, William Allen (1598).
Children. Masters.
Paul's Sebastian Westcott (to 1586) ; Thomas Giles
(to 1600) ; Edward Piers.
Chapel Richard Bowyer (to 1572) : John Honnys
(to ?) ; William Hunnis.
Westminster ... John Taylor (to 1579), William Elderton.
Windsor ... ... Richard Ferret.
Merchant Taylors' . . v Richard Mountcaster.
THE END.
February, 1876.
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SCIENCE. 15
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SCIENCE. I7
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Nature herself For this purpose a series of simple experiments (to be
^rmfdbythe teacher^ has been devised leading uP to the W****
of each Science. Thus the power of observation in the pupils will be
LakLd and strengthened. Each Manual is copiously Mustrated, and
^ndld are lists of all the necessary apparatus, with prices, ana
Melons astohL they may be obtained. Professor Huxley's introdu^
By H. E. ROSCOE, Professor of
Manchester. With numerous IHus-
20 EDUCATIONAL BOOKS.
PRIMER OF PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY. By ARCHIBALD
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MISCELLANEO US. 21
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22 EDUCATIONAL BOOKS.
Hales.— LONGER ENGLISH POEMS, with Notes, Philological
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Helfenstein (James). — A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR
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MISCELLANEOUS. 23
"By many degrees the most useful Dictionary that the student can
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nearer to a history of the English language than anything that we have
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24 EDUCATIONAL BOOKS.
Reading Books.— Adapted to the English and Scotch Codes for
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HISTORY. 25
Trench (Archbishop). —Works by R. C. TRENCH, D.D.,
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HOUSEHOLD BOOK OF ENGLISH POETRY. Selected and
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A COMPENDIOUS GERMAN GRAMMAR. Crown 8vo. 6s.
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HISTORY.
Freeman (Edward A.)— OLD -ENGLISH HISTORY.
By EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L., late Fellow of Trinity
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Extra fcap. 8vo. half-bound. 6s.
" I have, I hope," the author says, "shown that it is perfectly easy to
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26 EDUCATIONAL BOOKS.
and such improvements as suggested themselves have been introduced.
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Thirty-fourth Thousand.
" Stands alone as the one general history of the country, for the sake of
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3s-
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HISTORY. 27
Historical Course for Schools — continued.
information on art, architecture, and social politics, in -which the writer's
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TIMES.
.
V. HISTORY OF GERMANY. By J. SIME, M.A. i8mo. 3*.
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VI. HISTORY OF AMERICA. By JOHN A. DOYLE. With Maps.
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The following will shortly be issued : —
FRANCE. By CHARLOTTE M. YONGE.
GREECE. By J, ANNAN BRYCE, B.A.
History Primers.— Edited by JOHN RICHARD GREEN. Author
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ROME. By the Rev. M. Creighton, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of
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MASTER.
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EUROPE. By E. A. FREEMAN, D.C.L., LL.D.
ENGLAND. By J. R. GREEN, M.A.
FRANCE. By CHARLOTTE M. YONGE.
GEOGRAPHY. By GEORGE GROVE, D.C.L.
Michelet.-A SUMMARY OF MODERN HISTORY.
lated from the French of M. Michelet, and continued to the Present
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" mirezlad to see one of the ablest and most useful summaries of
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lation is excellent— STANDARD.
Yonge (Charlotte M.)-A PARALLEL HISTORY 0
FRANCE AND ENGLAND : consisting of Outlines and Dates.
If CHARLOTTE M. YONGE, Author of "The Heir of Redclvffe,
r,nent little book. "-EDUCATIONAL TIMES.
28 EDUCATIONAL BOOKS.
Yonge (Charlotte M.) — continued.
CAMEOS FROM ENGLISH HISTORY. From Rollo to Edward
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EUROPEAN HISTORY. Narrated in a Series of Historical Selec
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DIVINITY.
\* For other Works by these Authors, see THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE.
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DIVINITY. 29
Arnold.— ISAIAH XL.-LXVI. With the Shorter Prophecies
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For this edition Professor Stubbs has carefully revised both text and
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manual for the student of ecclesiastical history in the Middle Ages, we
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A HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH DURING THE
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A SHILLING BOOK OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY,
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cloth. New Edition.
A SHILLING BOOK OF NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY,
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cloth. New Edition.
r These works have been carefully abridged from the author's larger
30 EDUCATIONAL BOOKS.
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CLASS-BOOK OF THE CATECHISM OF THE CHURCH OF
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A FIRST CLASS-BOOK OF THE CATECHISM OF THE
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Ramsay. — THE CATECHISER'S MANUAL; or, the church
Catechism Illustrated and Explained, for the use of Clergymen,
Schoolmasters, and Teachers. By the Rev. ARTHUR RAMSAY,
M.A. Second Edition. i8mo. is. 6et.
DIVINITY. 31
Simpson. — AN EPITOME OF THE HISTORY OF THE
CHRISTIAN CHURCH. By WILLIAM SIMPSON, M.A.
Fifth Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 3*. 6d.
Swainson.— A HANDBOOK to BUTLER'S ANALOGY. By
C. A. SWAINSON, D.D., Canon of Chichester. Crown 8vo.
is. 6d.
Trench.— SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By
R. CHENEVIX TRENCH, D.D., Archbishop of Dublin. New
Edition, enlarged. 8vo. cloth. \2s.
WestCOtt.— Works by BROOKE FOSS WESTCOTT, B.D.,
Canon of Peterborough.
A GENERAL SURVEY OF THE HISTORY OF THE
CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT DURING THE
FIRST FOUR CENTURIES. Fourth Edition. With Preface
on " Supernatural Religion." Crown 8vo. IDJ. 6d.
* " Theological students, and not they only, hit the general public, owe a
deep debt of gratitude to Mr. Westcott for bringing this subject fairly
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logical, work it is at once perfectly J air and impartial, and imbued with
a thoroughly religious spirit', and as a manual it exhibits, in a lucid
form and in a narrow compass, the results of extensive research and
accurate thought. We cordially recommend it. " — SATURDAY REVIEW.
INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE FOUR GOSPELS.
Fifth Edition. Crown 8vo. IQJ. 6d.
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he unites what are not always lobe found in union with these qualities, the
no less valuable faculties of lucid arrangement and graceful and facile ex
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THE BIBLE IN THE CHURCH. A Popular Account of the
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1 Canon' is true history in its highest sense" — LITERARY CHURCHMAN.
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Wilson.— THE BIBLE STUDENT'S GUIDE to the more Correct
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by reference to the Original Hebrew. By WILLIAM WILSON,
D D., Canon of Winchester, late Fellow of Queen's College,
Oxford. Second Edition, carefully Revised. 4to. cloth. 25*.
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32 . EDUCATIONAL BOOKS.
Yonge (Charlotte M.)— SCRIPTURE READINGS FOR
SCHOOLS AND FAMILIES. By CHARLOTTE M. YONGE,
Author of "The Heir of Redclyffe." FIRST SERIES. Genesis
to Deuteronomy. Globe 8vo. is. 6d. With Comments. Second
Edition. 3*. 6d.
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8vo. is. 6d. With Comments, 3-r. 6d.
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8vo. is. 6d. With Comments, 3-y. 6d.
Actual need has led the author to endeavour to prepare a reading book con -
venient jor study with children, containing the very words of the Bible, with
only a few expedient omissions, and arranged in Lessons of such length as by
experience she has found to suit with children's ordinary power of accurate
attentive interest. The verse form has been retained, because of its con
venience for children reading in class, and as more resembling their Bibles ;
but the poetical portions have been given in their lines. When Psalms or
portions from the Prophets illustrate or fall in with the narrative they are
given in their chronological sequence. The Scripture portion, with a very
few notes explanatory of mere words, is bound up apart, to be used by
children, while the same is also supplied with a brief comment, the purpose
of which is either to assist the teacher in explaining the lesson, or to be
used by more advanced young people to whom it may not be possible to give
access to the authorities whence it has been taken. Professor Huxley, at a
meeting of the London School Board, particularly mentioned the selection
made by Miss Yonge as an example of how selections might be made from
the Bible for School Reading. See TIMES, March 30, 1871.
LONDON: R. CLAY. SONS, AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS.
CT PR
2895
F55
Fleay, Frederick Gard
Shakespeare manual
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